The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-04 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
Vol. 4.]
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1808.
[No. 85.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEOS, and 300 of BREVIAR. The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
EDUCATION—The Trustees of the WARRENTON ACADEMY respectfully inform the public that this institution was opened on the 18th instant for the reception of students, under the superintendence of Mr. WILLIAM CRAWFORD, (late one of the professors of William and Mary College;) a gentleman highly recommended, and who has produced from the Right Rev. Bishop Madison the most satisfactory testimonials of his abilities. His literary acquirements and unexceptionable moral character, are so confidently stated by that gentleman, as to justify the trustees in recommending this establishment as well calculated to promote the improvement of youth in the Greek and Latin Classics, Natural and Moral Philosophy, Laws of Nature and Nations, Political Economy, Mathematics, Geography and the use of the Globes, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic.
The healthy situation of Warrenton is well known, and the trustees conscious of the necessity of paying strict attention to the morals and orderly behavior of pupils, have devoted their time during the late vacation to this object, by making arrangements for a regular and close inspection of the Academy in all its operations: Feeling, as many of them do, all the interests of parents, is an additional pledge to the public for the execution of their intentions for promoting the welfare of the institution.
To avoid the ill effects occasioned by students having more money than is sufficient to meet the necessary disbursements during each session, a list of the established expenses of the academy is subjoined.
For the classical and various other branches above mentioned, $20 per annum; 12 in advance for the first session, ending the 1st of July; and 8 for the second, ending the 1st of December.
For English Grammar, &c. $9 for the first and 6 for the second session.
Board for the first session $40, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1—For the second session $35 for board, washing, $4, bed hire $4, candles $1.
By order of the Trustees, J. HALL, President.
R. DAVISON, Secretary. Warrenton, N. C. Jan. 30. [TS&2w]
ENOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete. Consisting of—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuff Boxes, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggs, Watters, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snuffer Trays and Bread Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Furniture, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Ink-stands, water, &c.—Razors, Hones, Strops, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaister, &c.—Guns, horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurs, Fowler Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Pilegers, Dog Collars, switch & chain Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, Ivory, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, ball, globe and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bottle Shades, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen & Boards, Battle Doors, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and optic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, conch-shell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated mounting Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tambouring, netting and knitting Needles, Reaves' Colours, &c.—gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, segar, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Nuts, Epau-lettes, Plumes, Sashes, Stocks, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 21. [H]
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP. The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, JR. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCE-RIES: Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, 15 months do. New Brown and leaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Elder and Young Hesson Teas, Coffee, Cognac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season JAMES BROWN, JR. Jan. 5. [H]
CASH SALES—in pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq. Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, being the same whereon Col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO: HAY, BENJ. HATCHER. January 26. [epids]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [H]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES table with 1st Prize of 10,000 Dollars down to 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening of east worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 300. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. TICKETS at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwilliamson and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. [epf.]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [epf.]
NOTICE.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at public auction, at Matthews court-house, on the second Monday in February next, being court day, upon terms that will then be made known, the TAVERN and other Real Estate of Mr. Henry Respass, dec'd. at the said court-house: Consisting of several improved Lots with about thirty acres of very fertile land attached thereto; at the same time and place will be sold one hundred acres of fertile LAND within one mile of the court-house and adjoining the residence of the late William Buckner, Esq. dec'd. being also a part of the real estate of said Respass. This property is well worth the attention of any gentleman who wishes to settle himself upon a good stand for a tavern and retail store, the situation being considered inferior to but few in Virginia. Will also be sold at private sale, the remainder of the real estate of the said deceased, consisting of about seven hundred & fifty acres of Land, commonly called Cow Neck, lying between the waters of Piankatank River & Queen's Creek, & commands one of the handsomest prospects in Virginia. Titles will be made to the purchasers of the above property by the subscriber, under the last will and testament of the deceased. JOHN D. SARVIS, Esq. Matthews county, (Va.) Jan. 28. [epf.]
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [epf.]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DIRMSDATT. Oct. 23. [H]
LIKENESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.—The subscriber has on hand a few copies of a likeness of the PRESIDENT of the United States engraved by himself, which may be had at his lodgings next door to the office of the Enquirer. St. MEMIN. Richmond, February 2. [3L]
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY about 13 years of age, who is an excellent Painter—A bargain may be had by applying at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Feb. 2. [3L]
FOR SALE—and may be seen at the Eagle Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay Horses, that has ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five and the other six years old. Feb. 2. [H]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD—Ran-away from the subscriber on the 15th of January last, a negro man named BILLY, sometimes calls himself Billy Bryon, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, nearly quite black, between 30 and 35 years old, remarkable for his pleasing manners when spoken to, has 5 large scars across his breast, he has lost off the left hand the finger next to the small one, he was raised in Philip Burt's family of York county, where it is expected he will go. The above reward will be given to secure him in jail so that the owner may get him, or a note directed to John P. Shields in Richmond, from whom he was last purchased. JOHN TONEY. N. B. Billy's wife lives in Richmond with Mr. Myers. Feb. 2. [3L]
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andrives and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A COPY, TH: MUSE, C. M. C. Jan. 14. [2aw8w]
NOTICE.—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Ridgell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walter Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, by the subscribers or one of them, at auction, on Wednesday the 10th of next month, at the Store-House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna: No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior incumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that incumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 127 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Barnersburg, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Payne. No. 4. A tract of 155 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 184 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 88 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hardesty. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the store-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Machunk creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of the tract he bought from William Ballinger. Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third: except for the tract No. 3; for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior incumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold. C. COPLAND, } Trustees. J. PROSSER, } Richmond, 19th Jan. 1808. [2awtds.]
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAILS of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next. 1. From Fredericksburg by Orange C. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Goodland C. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middle-town, Karrisburg, Carlisle and Shippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnells town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh 3 times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p. m. NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. [2aw6w]
ADVERTISEMENT. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (if fair, if not the next fair day,) at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND: one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 205 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James McCall, which was some years ago bought of a Mr. Harry Shackelford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Stills, very little injured, and a large Boiler. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them—those indebted will please to settle theirs as soon as possible—the estate not being in a situation for long indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE. Adm'r with the will annexed. Col. Wm. Nelson. (72awf.)
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NAGS, which they wish to have Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking Nags to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training, are upon the most moderate charges, and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, to take care of them and exercise them; when it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse: where it is not convenient for the owners to send all those necessaries, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES: Grain & Oat for each horse per week £0 12 Fodder do. do. 0 6 Boys board do. do. 0 12 My own attention for each horse per week 0 12 Shoeing per dose when necessary 3s. Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscribers also begs leave to inform the public, that he Nicks and Foxes horses in the most tasteful style and upon reasonable charges. Wm. TICEHURST. Feb. 2. [1aw4w]
VIRGINIA TO WIT.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 21st day of November, 1807. William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants. The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A COPY. ANTY. ROBINSON, C. C. Feb. 2. [1aw8w]
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Friday the 5th day of February next, the tract of LAND in Amherst county on which Cornelius Thomas, late of that county, resided. It lies about four miles from the town of Warm Springs, and contains 2200 acres. Great part of it is tobacco land, equal in quality to any land in that or any other county in this state; some fine meadow land and a plenty of timber; a tolerable mill on a never-failing stream, 80 or 100 acres cleared and in order for cropping. I will sell the whole together or in lots to suit purchasers. My terms are one fourth in cash, and the balance in one, two, and three years. Bonds with approved security, or a deed of trust on the land will be required. REUBEN B. PATTESON, Attorney in fact for Cornelius Thomas. Buckingham, Jan. 9. [1aw8w]
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot at present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. Richmond, Feb. 2. THOS. ELLIOTT. [1aw8w]
THE SUBSCRIBER having purchased the patent-right of erecting, using, &c. (within the greater part of this state southward of the bay) one of the truest, best and most expeditious Nail-Cutting Machines that has ever been introduced into this state, by which much superior nails are made: any person residing within a sufficient distance from this place, who is desirous of purchasing such a machine, may have one at the same price that was given by the subscriber; and for a reasonable consideration may likewise possess an exclusive right of working it within any such district as may be agreed on. Richmond, Dec. 15, 1807. At McCall's Manufactory on the Basin of the Canal, are sold Nails of a superior quality, at the following prices: and where also is to be had, bar and hoop iron, Nail-Rods, &c. &c. WROUGHT NAILS. Spikes, 40, 30 and 20 nails, 12 1/2 per lb. 12 nails, 13 10 do. 14 8 do. 14 1/2 CUT NAILS & BRADS. 24, 20, 12 and 10 heads, 11 per lb. 8 do. 11 1/2 6 nails, 12 1/2 4 do. 13 3 do. 14 [1awf.]
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHEW of Urbanna, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt. JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. [1aw4w]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULAS BATTHURST RANDOLPH. Annsia, Jan. 14. [H]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [1awf.]
TO BE RENTED. On the Main Street, the rooms above the store in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a commodious Dry Cellar and a Kitchen. JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, 21st Jan. 1808. [1aw8w]
EUROPE.
PARIS, November 12. England has within two years sent out four expeditions.
The first was against Constantinople, which was attended with the loss of several ships, the confiscation of all English merchandise, and the expulsion of their commerce from all the trading ports of the Levant. Admiral Duckworth, and his squadron, were happy in being able to find safety in flight.
The second expedition from England was against Egypt. This was still more shameful, more disastrous, more disgraceful. Its army, defeated at Rosetta, surrounded on its march, lost more than 4000 chosen men in killed and made prisoners. In vain did the English break down the dykes, cut the canals, and inundate that unhappy country, in order to secure themselves in Alexandria. On the 23d of September the Pacha arrived from Cairo, defeated them, and obliged them to surrender Alexandria, into which he made his entry on the 24th. It is difficult to find a more humiliating expedition.
The third English expedition was that against Monte Video and Buenos Ayres. Ten thousand English troops failed in their attack upon an undisciplined town. It is true, that the hatred which the Spanish Catholics have for the enemies of their religion, furnished them with new means against them, animated them with new means against them, and the 10,000 whole population with a new ardor, and the 10,000 men were too happy in being permitted to retire. This expedition, which cost the English enormous sums, only served, therefore, to destroy the illusion which had induced them to imagine that it was easy to seize on the Spanish possessions. The Portuguese possessions would not have offered less resistance. Wherever there are Catholics, the intolerant English will find enemies. In this fatal expedition, they lost more than 5000 men.
The fourth expedition has been most notorious. It was that of Copenhagen, the most atrocious expedition of which history can preserve the remembrance; the shame with which it has covered the English government is indelible. Why did the English evacuate Zealand and Copenhagen, when the Danish government would not ratify the capitulation, and the engagement to evacuate no longer existed? Why did the English evacuate, when the Prince Royal refused to receive their knotty when that Prince concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with France, when he only answered their propositions by a recall of the Agent he had at London; in fine, when in his political negotiations he speaks of the English by calling them robbers, a name they have so well merited? Why? Because they are convinced of their weakness and inability by land. The approach of the season when the ice would render the arrival of the Danish troops possible, determined them prudently to take to flight, instead of waiting for the enemy whom they had surprised when unarmed, and whom it would soon be necessary to combat; disgraceful flight, which can never be treated with too much contempt.
After these four expeditions, which so manifestly show the moral and military decline of England, let us speak of the situation into which it has brought Portugal. The Prince Regent of Portugal loses his throne; he looses it, influenced by the intrigues of England; he looses it, because he would not seize the English merchandise, which was at Lisbon. What then does England, that powerful ally! She sees with indifference what passes in Portugal. What will she do when Portugal shall be taken? Will she go and seize upon Brazil? No; if the English make that attempt, the Catholics will drive them out. The fall of the house of Braganza will remain a new proof that the destruction of whomsoever attacks himself to the English is inevitable.
But in the midst of so many disastrous events, what do the English ministers wish? We do not see England wishes only, what all nations wish, peace, and to enjoy, at length, tranquility, under the reign of morality and the laws; but what does the Committee of Oligarchs, which directs the government wish? It has declared perpetual war. These systems of perpetual war will last no longer than those crises, in which wild and extravagant men wish to abrogate the law of nations, and put every thing to the extreme. The Committee of Oligarchs, at London, is animated by the same sentiments as those which animated revolutionary committees—those who direct it are equally atrocious with Murat. What did he more atrocious, than to present to the world the prospect of perpetual war? These directors of government will conclude, as all violent and furious men have concluded; they will become the opprobrium of their own country, and the object of the hatred of all other nations. The refusal of the Emperor Alexander, and the expedition to Copenhagen, sufficiently reveal the sentiments of the English ministers—their system of perpetual war. The first consequence of these events has therefore been to determine the nations of the continent, which were still at peace with England, to break off in future all connection with her. Austria did not hesitate; scarcely had the Emperor Francis II. received certain information of the events at Copenhagen, and the refusal of the English to accept the mediation of Russia, when he declared war against England. Already is the blockade closed on every side. Lord Pembroke, when he left Vienna, to return to London, was forced to embark at Trieste.
The correspondence of England with every part of the Continent is intercepted. There are more than 100,000 English letters, and bills of exchange to the amount of several millions sterling, collected and detained in consequence of the blockade. These measures must press heavily on the English nation, and at length reduce it to a desperate situation. But what does that signify to the violent men who govern that nation? What have they in common with the English people? Happily, on the day when these ministers are to be overthrown, they will become nothing. They may, for some time, continue to act on their maxims, but a catastrophe is inevitable: injustice and extravagance may, for some time, impose on nations; but experience has proved that the duration of these scourges is transitory. Peace, the first of benefits to a nation, ought to be the principal end of all the actions of those who govern. A ministry which professes perpetual war betrays the dearest interest of its country. It has lost its confidence. Its inevitable and near approaching fall will satisfy the interest of the two royal and public morals."—Mexico.

LONDON, Nov. 23.
Of Bonaparte's determination to gratify, by every possible means, the inveterate spirit of malignity and revenge by which he is animated against this country...
FRENCH EMPIRE. (COPY.)
BREMEN, Monday, Oct. 26, 1807. The French Consul at Bremen to his Excellency the Burger-Master, President of the Senate of this City.
"I am eager to inform you, that it is the intention of his majesty the emperor and king, my august sovereign, that all navigation upon the Weser be prohibited."
"It is his majesty's desire, that all vessels, even French, entering the Weser, be stopped, provided they are wholly or partly laden with colonial produce, or any other goods of whatever kind that England can furnish..."
"I am finally ordered to take the most efficacious measures, that the intentions of his majesty be strictly and immediately fulfilled."
"I am now occupied in executing these orders, and hasten to warn you thereof, in order that you may immediately inform the merchants of this city, that they may avoid the inevitable loss to which they will be exposed, if they attempt to render ineffectual the measures taken for the rigid and prompt execution of the orders of my sovereign."
"I avail myself of this opportunity to express to your excellency the homage of my respect. (Signed) "LAGAU."
A gentleman who arrived in a neutral vessel from Lisbon, and who sailed two days after the departure of the Walsingham packet, has brought some additional information respecting the state of affairs in that city. Provisions had then risen to a most enormous price, owing to a very general scarcity, and the unwillingness of the country people to bring any: being to market. Flour in particular was very dear. A proclamation had been circulated and posted on all the churches, allowing the Irish Roman Catholics to remain in Portugal. New batteries were erecting on the banks of the Tagus, and the garrison at fort St. Julien had been reinforced by 1000 men. It is said that one of the ships lately freighted from Oporto to this country, having by some accident been obliged to leave the convoy and return, the cargo was confiscated, and immediately sold, on the ground that it was British property. This vessel was a Portuguese. Some ships laden with butter have, however, been released, as it was found that their cargoes were Portuguese property.
Projected Commercial Revolution. The following outline is furnished by a gentleman who lately came from France, where he enjoyed the privileges of American citizenship, and was in habits of intimacy with some of the persons attached to the government. The plan appears romantic in the extreme, and we may hope will prove impracticable.
"The king of Sweden is to be compelled, on pain of forfeiture of his crown, to join the continental confederation. No more naval stores are to be permitted to come to this country from the North, and we are to have no peace but such a one as shall annihilate our maritime greatness. For this end American ships as well as British are to be excluded from every port of the continent; no produce from either of those countries, nor from the West-Indies, is to be received in any port belonging to France, or in alliance with her. Those countries are to trade with each other, and to exclude the rest of the world; they are to form a grand commercial confederation, extending from the extremes of Europe to Asia, and uniting the frozen regions of Norway and Lapland with the East-Indies. This trade is to be carried on internally, by means of great roads and canals, and round the coasts by small vessels, protected by guns and batteries placed on advantageous situations."
"Gibraltar is to be taken from us, and an army of 60,000 French and Russians are to aid the native princes in driving us out of the continent of India. This being accomplished, the lucrative commerce of the East is in future to flow through Persia, Turkey, Russia, and France, and from thence into the other states of Europe. A canal (as these people pretend) is to be dug for the purpose of connecting the Euphrates with the river Nile, at some place in America, where they are said to be very near each other; by which means the ancient conveyance of merchandise from India, along these rivers into the Black Sea, will be restored, and the Danube and the Don will there receive them, and convey them into the interior of Germany and Russia. The Danube is likewise to be connected in four different places with the Elbe, the Maine, the Neckar, and the Rhine; consequently with the rivers and canals both in the north and south of France. Venice is to recover the commercial splendour she possessed, when the wealth of the east flowed into her port by the canal above-mentioned."
"Napoleon, it is said, has promised the king of Wess phalia, that he will shortly see bales of India goods transported from Bassora to Hamburg, by inland navigation; and the manufactures of Europe are to find their way to Hindostan in the same manner."
"But this is not the road that these potentialities are to take, in order to reach India. The French army are to cross the Danube, and proceed by the Crimea to the Caspian Sea; they will continue to march through the dominions of their allies, the Russians as far as Astrabath; which is a port on the southern extremity of the Caspian sea, in 55 degrees of eastern longitude, and from thence to the N.W. extremity of Hindostan is only 13 degrees, or about 800 miles. Astrabath has been fortified by Russia, and has a fine port, by means of which it can draw provisions from the Don and the Wolga, countries abounding in corn and other necessaries, which in time of peace, are usually shipped in large quantities from Asoph and Kirson to Constantinople. Astrabath is therefore to be their grand depot, and at that place the Russians are, it is said, at present in considerable force."
grand depot, and at that place the Russians are, it is said, at present in considerable force."
DOMESTIC.
WINCHESTER, Jan. 19. Was exhibited a few days ago, by the inventor Mr. RICHARD CULLIN, at the sign of the Buck in this town, a Terrestrial Globe, calculated to show the magneitcal variation, on the different parralleles of latitude, also a ship's course from her port of departure to that of her destination. This machine will soon be taken to the seat of government for inspection, and if found to answer the purpose designed, it will immortalize the name of the inventor.
NORFOLK, Jan. 20. Yesterday his Britannic majesty's ship, Triumph, Sir Thomas Hardy, went to sea, and with an intention as we have understood of quitting this nation. (Ledger)
CHILLICOTHE, January 5. On Tuesday last the contest relative to the election of Colonel Meigs commenced—the members of both Houses being seated in the representative chamber. Mr. Henry Brush was admitted as counsel for Nathaniel Massey, esq. the contestor; and Mr. Charles Hammond, on the part of the governor elect. Those gentlemen, with candor and temper, advanced a variety of arguments. The third speaker, in succession, was Mr. William W. Irvin, a member of the lower House, from the county of Fairfield. This gentleman on the part of the contestor, delivered a concise, but very animated speech which appeared to have considerable weight with several members of the convention, that had been formed of the two Houses, for the purpose of deciding on this contest. The reasons which Mr. Irvin advanced, as influencing his mind on this occasion, were such, in our opinion, does honor to his understanding and heart. A full and fair investigation being had, in the course of which, a number of the members offered arguments in support of their opinions, the question was taken on Wednesday, when it was decided by a majority of four votes, that Return Jonathan Meigs, is not eligible to the office of governor. Of course the duties of this office will devolve on the speaker of the senate, Thomas Kirker, esq. Predominian.
CONGRESS.
WEDNESDAY, January 27. The House took up for consideration the resolution lately offered by Mr. Key for the creation of a standing committee of the House to enquire and report on all concerns relative to the district of Columbia.
Mr. Findley observed that he had long been in favour of appointing a committee of this kind. The citizens of the district of Columbia were not and could not be represented on this floor. He wished to see the business consolidated, so that they might be justly heard.
Mr. Key said his object in this motion had merely been to render more simple to the House the legislating for the district. It would save many committees from being raised, and promote consistency and uniformity in the laws relating to the district.
The resolution was then agreed to without a division, and Messrs. Key, Van Dyke, Love, Holland, Brown Livermore, and Taylor appointed the committee.
Mr. C. W. Campbell moved for the order of the day on the bill from the Senate for encensing the military peace establishment of the U. States.
[This bill contemplates the raising one battalion of riflemen, one battalion of cavalry, one regiment of infantry, and the increasing the number of men in each company now in service to the number of one hundred and twenty.]
Mr. Nelson moved that its further consideration be postponed till the 1st March.
Mr. Chandler wished the gentleman to alter his motion so as to let it lie on the table.
Mr. Nelson. I cannot consent, for this reason. I expect to be absent for some time, and whenever the bills called up, I wish to make some few observations upon it.
Mr. Chandler. I am opposed to taking up the bill at this time, because it will depend upon circumstances whether we ought to act upon it or not. If we have peace with the powers possessing territory adjoining to us, it is unnecessary to add to our peace establishment, it being a subject on which we should be extremely cautious. Circumstances might arise which would render it necessary to add to our peace establishment before the 1st of March.
Mr. W. Alston. The views of both gentlemen would be answered by the bill's being referred to a select committee to examine into the propriety of passing it, which would be precluded by a postponement or by its laying on the table.
The Speaker. The bill has been already referred to a committee of the whole House; and therefore cannot at present be referred to any other committee.
Mr. Nelson. This bill sent down from the Senate contemplates adding a very small number of men to the peace establishment of the U. S. It is a little trifling bill which does not deserve contumacy. On this great continent where there are now so few troops, it is contemplated to make to them an addition of two battalions, and encense the number of men in each company to one hundred and twenty. Such an addition will be but a drop of water in the ocean; the country will not feel the effects of it; it will be doing nothing. It is doing business by halves—a petty miserable measure, of which the U. S. will never feel the benefit. I have another objection. The committee to whom was referred the other day a resolution for encensing our war establishment, are prepared to report a bill to the house for that purpose. If the bill so to be reported shall pass, it will be unnecessary to pass this bill; because we shall be in war, and have no occasion for a peace establishment. It will be better to let this miserable thing lie on the table, or postpone it till we see whether or not we shall pass the war bill. If that does not pass, little as this thing is, and much as I despise the principle of it, gentlemen may take their own way with it; but if the war bill does pass, certainly this should not.
Mr. Desha. The gentleman is mistaken as to the contents of the bill, for there are three instead of two regiments to be raised; and these are essentially necessary whether we have war or not. Take into view the city of New Orleans; threatened without, and we know it is said to be disaffected within, it is an object of the greatest consequence to the U. S. to retain it in safety; and there ought to be troops in its neighborhood, whether in peace or war. I am opposed to postponement, though I should have no objection to its lying on the table.
Mr. Nelson. I should be very sorry if it be indeed necessary to keep a standing army to take care of New Orleans. If the citizens of that city are so depraved as not to be kept in order without a military force among them, I wish I had never heard of them.
Mr. Desha. The gentleman has misunderstood me. I mean that they are so divided, that they may not be united to defend the place sufficiently against a foreign enemy; and advantage will be taken of this circumstance. New Orleans is a very vulnerable point, and of as much consequence perhaps as any part in the U. S. and I
believe it is necessary that there should be a strong garrison kept there at all times.
Mr. Dawson. A few days ago the House unanimously passed a resolution for encensing the military establishment of the U. S. having reference as I had supposed to a war establishment; in pursuance of which I am now prepared to report a bill which, if passed, will render unnecessary the bill for an increase of the peace establishment. I therefore wish this business to lie on the table.
Mr. Mason. I do not believe it necessary to make so large an addition to our present peace establishment, and am willing to postpone the bill. The gentleman from Kentucky has told us of the divisions in Orleans, and that it is necessary for that reason to keep troops there. The transfer of Louisiana was made without the assistance of arms. The difference of opinion there is the same as every where else exists between federalists and republicans; and his observation would apply fully as well to any other place as to New Orleans. For what are these regiments contemplated to be raised? Not for war, but in addition to our peace establishment. There is no necessity for encensing it. I fear that gentlemen, from the very best of motives, will go on to encense our peace establishment, till we have as large a standing army as any other nation. Great objects often arise from small beginnings. If we raise troops, let it be for war; let the peace establishment rest as it is. I shall vote for the motion under consideration, but had rather vote for an indefinite postponement.
Mr. Desha. Although opposed to postponement, I do not know that I am entirely in favor of the bill. The gentleman from North Carolina has told us that he is opposed to encensing the establishment for the purpose of protecting New Orleans, because the people in that country is divided only as we are; into republicans and federalists. A great part of the inhabitants of that country, on the contrary, are attached to monarchical governments; and many of them being yet subjects of Spain, they are attached to that government. They are monarchists, not federalists, or republicans; and by a very natural inference, will attach themselves to foreign governments.
Mr. J. K. Smith. I am opposed to the postponement of the bill, and think it ought to be acted on immediately. We know the situation of the western country, and very lately a rebellion has been attempted under Aaron Burr. If he had not been arrested as he was in his career, his project might certainly have led to the establishment of a separate government from New Orleans; I apprehend as much danger from Aaron Burr at this time as at any time since he first determined on the attempt. Gentlemen say that this provision is too small; if they think so, let them enlarge it, and double it if they apprehend danger. They say also that our present peace establishment is large enough; and that if we have not war, that it ought to be reduced. I am not of that opinion. I shall not be lulled into security; for I think that prudence dictates to us an apprehension of danger; I think we may expect it too, and that we ought to make provision for a stand at first. Even this little force would be of some service; although but 1,500 or 2,000 men, they may be of service. I am desirous to give assurance to the friends of the government at New Orleans, and in the territories adjacent, that they shall be protected, and induce them to have confidence in the general government.
Mr. Troup. No gentleman in the House feels more anxiety on this subject than my self, or is more sincerely desirous of an increase of our military establishment, because no state in the union is more exposed than the state of Georgia. On the western frontier, she has to defend herself against a tribe of savages more numerous than any other: on the southern she is open and exposed to the invasion of a foreign power; on the sea she has to defend a coast of an hundred and sixty miles, lined with a chain of islands and filled with a negro population, liable to become a point of resort and attack to privateers and free-booters—besides many other exposed points. But, until the commander in chief of the army of the U. S. is acquainted of the charge against him and returned to the confidence of the people, I will not give my assent to any increase of our military establishment.
Mr. Clark. Much has been said to day on the subject of the disposition of the people of the territory of Orleans to the U. States. I should hope that the gentleman from Kentucky and Virginia have spoken more from report than from their own knowledge, and that they hold a better opinion of the disposition of the inhabitants of the territory. I should have wished to hear those gentlemen state in what instance the people of that territory, have shown a disposition unfavorable to the U. States.
When the possession of the territory was transferred to the U. States, the people knew and prized the benefits which they would enjoy by an exchange. Since that time what evidence have you of their objection to it? Did not the militia of that territory volunteer their services against the Spanish forces some time ago in motion near them? Then why are they accused of disaffection? It is much better to hope than fear; and certainly not correct to reason from those fears. Although I am of opinion that no district in the union is more attached than that to the general interests of the country, still I am of opinion, considering the peculiar situation of that country, exposed on all sides, that an additional force is necessary there.
In 1806 a force of 2000 men was brought to our very doors before we knew of its being on the way, or even of its being in existence. On the other side of us is the province of West Florida, where there are about 1800 men. When the troops moved from Orleans to repel expected invasion to the westward, we were left as well as I recollect, with but a single company.
I wish the country to be so protected as to guard as well against the incursions of the Indians as against any other hostile attempt; at the same time I will boldly state, that no part of the Union is more attached to the general government, and that nothing to the contrary can be alleged against them.
Mr. Findley. If gentlemen will turn their attention seriously to the situation of our very extensive frontier, and consider how thinly settled it is, not only in the new states and territories, but in a great extent of some of the old states, they will probably think with me that increase of the peace establishment is necessary, both to give security and confidence, especially in this time of alarm. That the alarm is considerable, and danger apparent, I am confident. I last night received information that the assembly of Pennsylvania, now sitting, have a bill before them, for raising a force for the defence of their frontier, and wish to be informed if Congress would propose an adequate force for that purpose before their bill passes into a law. This is a proof that that state is alarmed. The north west counties of that state, on the account of the great amount of military and company land unsettled, is thinly settled, and those settlements at a distance from each other; consequently their militia are not sufficient for their defence. The Indians west of the Lakes have in the former Indian wars usually crossed the Lake Erie in their canoes, and spread a hasty destruction; and before the alarm was spread, retreated to their canoes, and escaped from pursuit. The settlements are now much more extensively exposed.
The state of Pennsylvania is not the only one so exposed; part of the adjoining states are in the same situation. When once the Indians make successful stroke, they triumph in their success, and the neighboring tribes catch the flame and join the destructive depredations. It would be much cheaper to prevent than to repel such outrages; for this I appeal to experience. If the states and territories are obliged to provide for their own defence, they will call on Congress to pay it. The government did so in the late Indian war. Congress appropriated a gross sum, out of which the President paid the
millers called on by the county lieutenant and the engineers ordered by the state the same pay as in the regular troops. The state, however, in order to obtain good men, gave additional pay. It is for the House to consider, if the protection would not be more cheap and effectual by an increase of the permanent establishment than by each state and territory providing for their own protection in their own way, without concert. A comparative small force and expence will prevent the Indians from going to war and inspire the settlers with confidence, to what it would require to carry on an Indian war and restore lost confidence. Certainly the present movements and excitements among the numerous north western tribes give just cause of apprehension and call on us to be prepared without delay. Therefore I shall vote against the postponement of the bill and every other unnecessary delay.
After some further debate, in which Messrs. Lyon, Holland and Nelson took part, (and in which Mr. Lyon stated his belief that our situation is perilous, and that he should vote for every thing which looked like defence) the question on postponement was decided in the negative—67 to 40.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the committee of the whole was discharged from the further consideration of the bill, and it was referred to a select committee.
Mr. Dawson reported a bill authorizing the raising an additional army, and a bill authorizing the President to raise a provisional army. [Both these bills are blank as to the number or amount of force to be raised.]
These bills were twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
THURSDAY, Jan. 28.
The House met. Mr. Southard. The melancholy duty devolves upon me to announce to the House the death of my colleague, Mr. EZRA DARBY, late a member of this House, from New Jersey.
On motion of Mr. Holmes, Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a Representative from the state of New Jersey.
Messrs. Southard, Masters, Porter, Helms, Newbold, and Lambert form the committee.
On motion of Mr. Blount, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will testify their respect for the memory of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a member of their body, by wearing crape on their left arm for one month.
On motion of Mr. Holmes, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will attend the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq. on to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
On motion of Mr. Nicholas, Resolved unanimously, That a message be sent to the Senate to notify them of the death of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a member of this House, and that his funeral will take place to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Helms. In order to give time to make preparations for the last offices to our friend, I move that the House now adjourn. Agreed, nem. con. and the House adjourned at about half past 11 o'clock.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 4, 1808.
TO PHOCION.....No. III.
You say you have attempted to shew to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced mind, that the manner in which Mr. R. has spoken of the comparative resources of the U. States, and of G. Britain was calculated to dispirit the energy of your country and to encense the demands of our enemy. Equally unfortunate (you declare Mr. R.) in the principles which he has supported during this interesting controversy.
In the present state of parties it is not for me to say, whether you will ever be tried by such a tribunal as that to which you tell us, you designed to appeal; but if you should be, I certainly shall not envy you the sentence which they will pass, either on your manner or your principles. When those speeches of Mr. R. which have given rise to so much calumny and misrepresentation shall be read by any unprejudiced person, he will perceive nothing in them but the efforts of a patriot (too ardent perhaps for those who think a man's manner every thing, and his object nothing,) to preserve his country in that state of peace and security which seemed to him to be endangered by the course recommended by his opponents. Whether these efforts were as able as those Phocion could have made, the public must decide, but the object of them I think 'tis impossible either to mistake or condemn.
That we had cause to expect a continuance of peace, we had the authority both of our Executive, and the Minister to whom we had entrusted the negotiation, for believing. In this state of things, I shall submit it to the impartial to decide, whether it was the duty of our representatives to stimulate the nation to war, by exaggerated pictures of her capacity to carry it on, or by fair statements both of our own and of our enemies resources, to demonstrate the incompetency of our means to injure her at that time, to the extent to which she could injure us. The contest between nations of "trying which can do each other the most harm" is at least "an unprofitable one," as even you, sir, I presume will not be prepared to deny—and why a man who thinks at any time that such a contest may honorably be avoided & consequently tries to prevent it, should be charged for so doing, with hostility to his country, I must leave it to you, who know your own motives best to explain. Lest you should accuse me in the usual exercise of your candour with wishing to insinuate, that Mr. R.'s opponents in the debate, on the non-importation act of famous memory, designed to involve their country in war, I disavow any such intention. But it was certainly sufficient to justify Mr. R.'s opposition, if the course which they pursued appeared to him to lead to it. Let us now endeavour to see what principles Mr. R. supported on that occasion, which have so provoked your terrific denunciations. You say "the aggressions of G. Britain naturally divided themselves into two classes, impressment of our seamen, and depredations upon our colonial commerce. On neither of these questions have you (Mr. R.) maintained that dignified and patriotic ground on which the interest of your country ought to repose."
Any one but yourself, sir, would think, that it would be full time enough to say what ground Mr. R. had maintained on those questions, when he had discussed them. Yet strange as it may seem after what you have told us, I undertake to assert that the impressment of our seamen and depredations upon our colonial commerce—class and divide them as you please, have never yet been before Congress as the particular subjects of discussion. 'Tis certainly true, that in the debate on the non-importation act, they were occasionally
say frequently mentioned, as a great and other things were which had nothing to do with the subject properly under deliberation. That was the act itself—and consequently its merits or demerits alone were—or at least ought to have been considered as the sole topic on which the members were bound to discuss. If there are any passages in Mr. R.'s speeches in which he has deviated from that topic, such deviation has been merely in reply to others. He was endeavouring to refute their opinions—not to advance his own. And you might just as well attempt to prove him an ignorant clown, because he has not given as in those speeches, a dissertation on copic sections, or a commentary on the disputes about Philogston, as to accuse him of wanting an inclination to relieve our impressed seamen, or to adopt salutary regulations relative to our colonial commerce, because he neglected to propose means for the attainment of those desirable objects, when nothing but the merits or rather the demerits of the non-importation act, constituted the subject of debate. When the topics above alluded to shall become the subjects of discussion, if Mr. R. shall fail to express correct opinions, or shall deliver such sentiments as the nation disapproves, it will then be time—but certainly not until then, to condemn him for neglect or violation of duty.
With the "reputation of Mr. Madison" or "the invincible axioms of Mr. Jefferson's administration" we have nothing to do in the present question. Suffice it to say, that if Mr. R. or any other representative of the people believed that they saw any material error in the opinions or conduct either of Mr. Madison or Mr. Jefferson, it was the duty of such representatives to endeavour to expose it; if such belief appeared to be unfounded, no injury could possibly result to the parties from expressing it. If on the contrary there were just grounds for censure, inculable mischief might result from concealment. There was once a time when it was held to be orthodox doctrine, to watch all public functionaries and particularly executive ones, with vigilant and suspicious eyes, and great latitude of discussion was not only allowed, but contended for as a right indispensable, in the examination of their conduct. This maxim was applied in all its rigour both to general Washington and Mr. Adams, and admitted by every one calling himself a republican, to be a universal principle applicable at all times, and to all public men without distinction. It was never considered a particular practice adopted by those who disapproved of some things in the conduct of our two former Presidents, merely to effect particular purposes—but a sine qua non of republicanism. Sed tempora mutantur! Things are not as they used to be—that which was once considered an evidence of stern independence—firm—praise worthy principles—is now strange to relate, become a damnable heresy in theory, and an inexcusable, monstrous sin in practice. Can you be so soothed to all recollection of past times, or are you such a dotard as to believe that the party (don't mistake me I mean the old republican party) who achieved the late revolution in our politics, are either entirely extinct, or can have forgotten the most essential principles of their political faith? For the sake of republicanism to which I must still hope Mr. Adams's definition inapplicable, although every commentary on its doctrines was like yours, I should despair—for the sake too of my country, I trust, sir, you are deceived. The party or rather the principles which elected Mr. Jefferson, are yet sufficiently strong among the great body of the people, to prevent a man from being crucified for venturing to doubt the correctness of some public measures which are said to be sanctioned by his opinion.—If a constant and most rigid scrutiny into the political conduct of general Washington, (whose claims to our implicit faith, I hope, I may be permitted without offence to say, were, at least at one time as great as Mr. Jefferson's,) was exercised and approved—if the same rigorous examination into the conduct of Mr. Adams was applauded as necessary and proper upon the purest republican principles, it surely must still be necessary and proper to test the present and indeed every other administration by the same maxims. Or will any of those republicans who used to tell us, and we all said they were right—ours was a government of suspicion—not of confidence—now declare that it is a government of confidence and not of suspicion. It is impossible, unless they are lost to all sense of shame that they can do it, and they must still acknowledge their correct to try every administration by the same invariable standard. Instead of approving or condemning public measures because they may have been suggested by this or that President, they will test not only the measures; but the President themselves by fixed principles from which as long as we say they ought to be the guides of our conduct, there can be no appeal. Instead of thinking as we have ample cause to believe you do, that every man who doubts, when executive opinion, or practice may be the subject of deliberation, is ipso facto damned—they will say that every man who does not permit himself to doubt, and that too, very often, is totally unfit to represent a republican people. But to return from this digression into which your all confiding doctrines have led me.
Your reiterated arguments to prove that Mr. R. has no sympathy for his impressed countrymen are as pitiful as they are false. They all amount to nothing more than this: Mr. R. has omitted in those speeches which have been the eternal theme of your criticism, to discuss subjects other than those alone upon which those speeches were made, and which at the time were the only topics of deliberation. And therefore that he is justly chargeable with every base and unworthy sentiment you may choose to impute to him. Your ontology is of a piece with your logic. You charge Mr. R. with miserable sophism for saying that if we went to war with G. B. it would be a naval war. I should be much gratified to know, sir, what sort of war you would denominate that, which must necessarily be carried on—principally at least on the water. Or how G. B. if she went to war with us, could avoid—separated from us as she is by the Ocean—and having some 800 or 1000 armed vessels—waging, such a war as would be—a naval one? What too could those advocates for the non-importation act mean by endeavouring to shew how we could annoy G. B. by privateering, if they did not contemplate something so much like a naval war, that no other epithet would suit it better? I must leave it to you to reconcile the contradictory accusations which you bring against Mr. R., when in one place, you charge him with being so tame and pacific when "every honest patriot fell indignant," and in a few sentences after with "trying to roue all the blood of Chatham to a controversy" with his own country, and with "making efforts to drag on G. B. into a proclamation of war" against us.
If you can prevail on any person but your-

to think that Mr. Randolph was so desirous to continue at peace with England as to be willing to make any sacrifices to her, and at the same time so anxious "to drag her into a proclamation of war" against that country where his friends—his connections—his all, were at stake. I shall certainly leave such person to the unimpaired enjoyment of his own opinion. With so fair, so liberal, so critical a commentator as yourself, there is no opinion, however contradictory, absurd or odious which might not be deduced from any speech or book that was ever written. And it would be just as easy in your way to prove that the U. States' laws are full of treason and rebellion, and that the Bible itself is replete with blasphemy and atheism, as to demonstrate by fair reasoning that they were written for very different purposes. For instance collate either the laws, or the bible, and you might pick out, in the perusal of very few pages, words enough to constitute when grouped together, such sentences as "kill the President, annul the Constitution, and murder all the native citizens of the U. States." Or you might make the bible say—"curses on all the blessings of providence—there is no God." Amongst the various political crimes with which you charge Mr. Randolph, is the attempt which you say he has made to ridicule a certain pamphlet of Mr. Madison's, which you tell us is "hereafter to form the text book of the laws of neutrals." Far be it from me who knows very little about such matters to undertake to vindicate Mr. Randolph, if he has been guilty of the offence with which you charge him. To say the least of it such conduct was very irreverent. For if this pamphlet which you inform us consists of upwards of 100 pages, the accuracy of which count I am not disposed to question, is to supercede Grotius, Puffendorf, Vattel, and all those other authors who I have understood have written on neutral law, it certainly ought to be considered as an inestimable treasure. There are very few secrets more valuable, and especially in writing books, than that of concentrating Mulum in parvo, and if Mr. Madison has practised it in this pamphlet, it is a species of economy for which he can never be too highly recommended.
And although some fastidious people might be disposed on this occasion to censure you for travelling a little out of the record as the lawyers say, in pronouncing this eulogium on Mr. Madison's Pamphlet of upwards of 100 pages; if you have any possible advantage or reward in prospect for it, I shall be one of the last persons in the world, who would wish to deprive you of its benefits. In your long catalogue of cases in which you undertake to enumerate what would have been war measures, if they had been adopted, I see none in which I incline to question your opinion. But as none such were adopted, or proposed, I confess myself utterly at a loss to understand why they have been introduced, unless it be for the kind purpose; the more friendly, because altogether voluntary, of dispelling our ignorance by your learning. For this unexpected attempt therefore to instruct us in the doctrines of neutrality, you certainly merit, and as far as depends upon myself, shall receive public thanks. The non-importation act, Sir, although a much hacknied topic, and one of which I suspect many of its former friends are heartily tired, is one which you compel me still to make a subject of remarks. You call it "the most energetic measure that was ever adopted by Congress."
How far a measure which either by postponement in the first instance, or by suspension in the second remained a dead letter for nearly two years, is entitled to the character of energetic, I must leave to others to judge. Suffice it to say that those who opposed it, did it on the very principle upon which our administration had so long acted, upon which they were at that very time acting, as far as we could judge from all official communications, and for which they had been so long and so much applauded. I mean the principle of adjusting national differences rather by negotiation than coercion. I must again repeat here an argument which has been repeated more than once, but constantly either misrepresented or passed in silence by Mr. Randolph's enemies. It appears to me unanswerable. At the time when this law was passed, Congress had official authority (and if any one doubts it, let him read the President's message) for believing that our differences with England would in all probability be speedily adjusted. These differences were relative to the impressment of our seamen and our colonial commerce.
The President had sent a minister for the special purpose of adjusting them, who had made the communication which justified the belief, that a final settlement would probably succeed. No man pretended to doubt that the President had given such instructions to this minister as would enable him to conduct his negotiation as it ought to be. The termination of it in some way or other was daily expected, and the opposers of the non-importation act contended that Congress should wait until the issue was known. How it ended, and the causes which produced the failure, are foreign to our present subject. The minority urged also that an interference with the negotiation, at such a time by the passage of such a law, could do no good and might possibly be considered as an evidence of hostility on our part, which certainly could not be desirable, if we really wished peace, as all professed to do.
The right to pass the law, neither Mr. R. nor any one else, ever denied—the impolicy of it, was all that was attempted to be demonstrated. And for this, you and a multitude of other such assailants, have represented him as an apologist of Great-Britain—as one who denied the ex and injustice of her aggressions—as one who felt no sympathy for his impressed countrymen—and as an enemy to his country—attiring impious reproaches against her for cowardice—and neglecting her best interests. Let any impartial man, read the whole of Mr. R.'s speeches on this subject, and not such particular words and sentences as you, sir, and those like you, may choose to select and combine in a particular way, to serve special purposes, and I defy him to find the smallest evidence or want of patriotism. He may find such expressions as these—"Great-Britain is fighting for her existence—is fighting the battles of the World;" but he will also find, what the enemies of Mr. R. have never been pleased to quote—"who thanks her for it?" Is this apologizing for Great-Britain? Is it any thing more than saying that a war, which was at first a war of aggression on her part, against France, has now become a war of self-defence, from which the neutral world may derive benefit, without being indebted to her for it? They may find a statement of great naval power on the part of England, and of comparatively small naval power on our part. And is there any man who has ever denied the fact? They will perceive that he has said little on the subject of impeachment, and colonial commerce.
But were they the topics of discussion, was it not the non-importation act? They may find too, some reproaches against individuals—but with what truth or propriety can they be called reproaches against his country? Whether or not these reproaches were well founded or not, I shall not undertake to say, but those, who choose to satisfy themselves on this subject, must examine and compare the conduct advised by some towards Spain at that time, and the course recommended by the same persons, at the same period towards England. ANTI-PHOCION.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES, DEBATE on the Amendment to the Federal Constitution, respecting the Judiciary.
FRIDAY, Jan. 3. Mr. Gholson (of Brunswick,) spoke to the following effect:
Mr. Chairman—When I reflect on the magnitude and importance of the subject now under the consideration of the committee, nothing but the deepest sense of duty can induce me to address you. The reverence which I have inherited, in common, with the gentleman last up, for the virtue, the patriotism and the illumination of that illustrious Assembly, who projected the system which was destined to unite, strengthen and invigorate the tottering confederacy of the American states; would impress me with great diffidence indeed, in proposing any innovation whatever, of that system; and were I not conscientiously convinced of the expediency of adopting the amendments to the Federal Constitution, which I have had the honor to propose—I should feel insuperable embarrassment in attempting to exert my feeble abilities in their support; inasmuch as the principles they are intended to eradicate, from our political compact, have excited the admiration, and drawn forth the eulogies of many of the most learned statesmen, whom the nation has ever produced: Statesmen, who have ingeniously advocated the doctrine, that the absolute independency of the federal judiciary, forms not only the palladium of our civil liberties, but is necessary to the very existence of the judicial government itself. We have heard the same doctrine reiterated in the present debate. And whilst the resolution on your table has been charged to be the offspring of a daring spirit of innovation, we have been cautioned to pause, before we demolish with parricidal hands, the political monuments of our ancestors. I, Sir, thought I was only obeying the monitory voice of the framers of the constitution, when I had endeavored to institute an enquiry into some of its principles, which, in practice, had proved detrimental to my country. For the constitution, (to the immortal honor of its authors, should it be said,) points out the mode of its own correction. They did not vainly arrogate to themselves the attributes of infallibility. They handed that instrument down to us, as complete as their wisdom could devise. Their language was—make a fair experiment of it, and improve by your experience. Is it remarkable that men unfamiliar with the practical operation of republican institutions should not have made a system of republicanism entirely perfect? I remember a very learned judge of our own state, in his commentary on the federal constitution, has made these excellent observations; "that every newly established government, must be a government of experiment.—The design of a machine may appear correct, the model perfect, and adapted to all the purposes which the original inventor proposed:—Yet a thousand defects may be discovered when the actual application of its powers is made, and many useful improvements, in time, become obvious, to the eyes of a far less skillful mechanic." I agree the constitutional right of introducing new principles into our government, should be exercised with caution and deliberation; but I believe it is fortunate for America, that that right, as it respects the present occasion, does exist.
1st. What connexion subsists between the people and the judges. 2d. The tenure and permanency of the judicial office. 3d. The extent of power exercised by the judiciary; and 4th. The constitutional responsibility of a federal judge.
As to the first object of enquiry, I may be considered bold in asserting, yet I believe the position is completely tenable, that the federal judges are not, except in the case of a mere contingency, either appointed to, or removed from office, by even the indirect representatives of the people; if indeed, by the people, we mean a majority of the people—By the constitution, the President of the United States, nominates to office. The Senate of the United States appoint; and in the case of a judge, they, only can remove. Now, who are the Senate? They are the deputies of the respective state sovereignties. In that body, the smallest state in the union, has the same number of votes as the largest. A million of souls have no more weight than thirty-three thousand. Nine of the smallest states, or about one fifth part of the people of the United States, can elect a judge or any other officer, through the medium of their Senators in Congress. To displace a judge, two-thirds of the Senate must concur in his guilt. The whole number of the Senate consists of thirty-four members. Then, six of the smallest states having two members each, or one seventh part of the people, (for the sixth smallest states, only comprise one seventh of the people) can retain a judge in office during life, no matter how black his crimes, in defiance of six-sevenths of the people!
The judiciary is moreover placed further beyond the influence of any portion of the people than any other department of the government. Between the other branches, and the people themselves, or their immediate representatives, there is a communion of sentiment and feeling. But by what political intercourse, can the sentiments and wishes of the rest of society be infused into that department?
I should, however, be content to submit to the glaring inequality of electoral right, which most manifestly does exist, as to all federal appointments, if the officer appointed, were rendered amenable for his conduct, before some impartial and efficient tribunal. But, Mr. Chairman, the second point which I have undertaken to examine, and on which a great deal has already been said, is more important.—By what tenure does a federal judge hold his office? The correct definition of his tenure of office seems to me to be this, —During good behaviour and during also all
his behaviour which shall not amount to at least a misdemeanor!—By the 1st section of the 3d article of the Constitution of the U. States, it is declared that "the judges of the superior and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour." By the 4th section of the 2d article of the same instrument it is declared that "the President, V. President and all civil officers of the U. States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Now Sir, there are two great principles which may aid us in the elucidation of this question.
The one is, that in the construction or exposition of any writing, it should not be considered in disjointed parts, but the whole ought to be taken together. The other is, that the positive expression of one thing operates the exclusion of another not expressed.—Let us apply these principles to the sections of the constitution which I have referred to.—Had the constitution after enumerating the causes for which a judge should be removed, been silent on the subject, there would have remained no doubt. The mind of the most sceptical would have been satisfied that for no other than treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors, could, because no other was expressed, a judge be removed. And the idea of suspension for any other offence would have been an obvious extension of the application of the section, which I have last mentioned beyond its plain import and meaning. But the other section first recited and which speaks of the term of good behaviour as the duration of office, must also be taken into consideration. What influence has this section on the other? Does it contain any positive express condition of forfeiture not contained in the other section, or does it either contradict or enlarge the other section? It seems to me it does not. For the section concerning good behaviour extends the privilege of the judge, but does not say that for any misbehaviour, he shall be displaced; whilst by the other section it is positively stated for what causes he shall be removed. If the convention had intended a judge should be removed for any lesser offence than a misdemeanor it would have been easy to have said so in express terms. They have made no such provision. It is therefore fairest to presume they intended none. This construction is still further fortified by the last clause of the 3d section of the 1st article of the constitution, which states in substance that judgment in cases of impeachment shall only extend to removal from and disqualification to hold any office under the U. States, but the party concerned shall nevertheless be subject to indictment at law. This is an admission that every impeachable offence is likewise indictable. Now it is well known by gentlemen conversant in the law, that no offence below a misdemeanor is indictable. Hence it can be demonstrated that a misdemeanor is the least offence for which any civil officer of the U. States can be impeached.
This position is moreover corroborated by the caution used in this respect, by all the states which have made the federal constitution their model; and particularly by the state of Pennsylvania. In ascertaining the tenure of the judicial office they have expressly declared by their constitutions that a judge shall be displaced for any misconduct or misbehaviour. The constitution of Pennsylvania upon this subject, is in these words.
"The judge of the supreme court, and of the several courts of common pleas shall hold their offices during good behaviour. But for any reasonable cause, which shall not be sufficient ground of impeachment, the governor or may remove any of them, on the address of two-thirds of each branch of the legislature."
From whence we may infer that the constitution of this state (and it contained many enlightened characters) understood the federal constitution as I have explained it. The case of Chase and Pickering before the Senate of the U. States, have been relied on by gentlemen, in opposition to the doctrine for which I have contended. The latter case is asserted to be in point. The very mode agreed on by the Senate for propounding the question of guilt or innocence, in the trial of Chase, proves that they conceived they were trying him for misdemeanor. The question put to each senator was whether he thought him guilty or not of a high crime or misdemeanor as charged in the impeachment? Pickering's case is equally clear. As well as I recollect, the grounds of his impeachment were, habitual intoxication, and non-feasance of official duty.
Do gentlemen seriously assert that these offences are not misdemeanors? Are they not violatory, (the one by commission, the other by omission) of positive law? They unquestionably are, and come thus within the proper definition of misbehaviour. These admissions, therefore, instead of contravening, tend to confirm the opinion, that a federal judge cannot be constitutionally removed from office, for any offence not amounting in magnitude to at least a misdemeanor.
This, then, being the smallest offence for which a judge is removable; let us examine into its definition, and see whether there are not innumerable other offences, not included within its limits, but for which a judge ought most certainly to be displaced. A misdemeanor is explained by Blackstone, to be "a act committed or omitted in violation of a public law, either forbidding or commanding it." Christian in his notes upon Lord Coke, defines a misdemeanor, as "comprehending all indictable offences, which do not amount to felony." Now, I will refer it to the wisdom of the committee, whether there be not an infinity of causes, of acts, of moral turpitude, and of transgressions of duty, not in direct opposition to any public law, for which any civil officer should be dismissed. I apprehend the affirmative will be readily conceded. But, Sir, where is the power upon earth, that can call a federal judge to account for any one of this class of offences—for corruptions, political intrigues or any other aberrations which can be barely brought within the pale of the law. There is no tribunal, competent to these purposes, known to the constitution. (Mr. Gholson's Speech to be continued.)
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, to his friend in this city, dated Jan. 28.
"A letter has been received from capt. Decatur, announcing a demand by the capt. of the Statura, of three seamen. It appears one of them has resided 20 years, another 15 years in the United States. Both have families. This is considered as a very unfavorable omen, as to the result of the pending negotiation."
We are authorized to state, that Colonel ALEXANDER SMYTH (of Wythe,) is a candidate for the Senatorial District, composed of the counties of Botetourt, Greenbrier,
Monroe, Mason, Kenawha, Montgomery, Giles, Grayson, Tazewell, Wythe, Washington, Russell and Lee.
PHILO-PHOCION has undertaken the task, if necessary, of refuting the unsubstantial sophisms of ANTI-PHOCION.
A letter from Washington, under date of February 1st states, that the report of the negotiation having been broken off, cannot be relied on. "Yet," adds the writer, "something unlike accommodation is brewing."
A CHARITY SERMON, will be preached on Sunday, the 7th of February, at the CAPITOL—by the REV. D. J. D. BLAIR, for the benefit of the School, of the Female Humane Association, of this City. Richmond, February 4.
A CARD.
Tullius has heard with regret, that a part of his essay published in the last Enquirer, has been supposed to cast an indirect reflection on the character of Col. Monroe. If the words admit of such a construction, he can declare with perfect truth, that he never entertained a sentiment derogatory to Col. Monroe's integrity as a man, and fidelity as a public officer. Tullius only intended to say, that the piece signed A. B. which was designed to remove certain supposed imputations on Col. Monroe, could not have produced any effect on the friends of Mr. Madison, because their preference was not founded on any such considerations.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
Began and held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, on Monday the 7th day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and of the Commonwealth the thirty-second.
An ACT, concerning the sale of Property, under Executions and Incumbrances.
[PASSED FEBRUARY 1st, 1808.]
BE it enacted by the General Assembly,
That so much of the act, passed on the tenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety three, entitled "An act, for further continuing and amending the act, entitled, an act for reducing into one, the several acts, concerning executions, and for the relief of insolvent debtors," as directs, that when goods or other estate, taken in execution, cannot be sold for three-fourths of their value, the debtor or debtors, may give bond and security to pay the debt within twelve months, or that the said goods, or other estate, may be sold on two months credit, and every part of the said recited act, as concerns such executions, either in the appointment of commissioners to carry the same into effect, or for the direction of the sheriff or other officer, or the clerk of any court in suing out execution on any such bond, or of any other person whomsoever, and of every matter or thing therein appearing, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be in full force: And all courts, sheriffs and other officers, as well as the parties concerned, are to govern themselves accordingly, anything in any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
Be it further enacted,
That before any commissioners appointed by the decree of any court of chancery, to sell any real or personal estate, or any trustee under any deed of trust, hereafter executed, shall proceed to sell the estate decreed to be sold, or conveyed in trust, the commissioners directed to be appointed by this act, or any three of them, shall value the estate intended to be sold, on the request of the creditor, and if three-fourths at least of the estimated value, shall not be offered by the highest bidder, the estate shall not be then sold, nor shall it be at any time thereafter sold during the continuance of this act, for less than three-fourths of such estimated value: The valuation shall be made and entered in writing, signed by the commissioners or any three of them, and delivered to the commissioners appointed by the courts of chancery, and to the trustees respectively.
The commissioners who may act by virtue of this section, shall be entitled to the sum of one dollar for each day they shall be employed, to be paid by the creditor, to be taxed in the bill of costs.
The provisions of this act, shall not extend to executions, which may issue against any sheriff or other public officer, for delinquencies, or failing to pay money received on executions, nor to executions which may issue against any attorney at law, for money received in behalf of his client or clients. All valuations of property made or to be made by commissioners, shall be according to the ordinary value of property, before the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
The provisions of this act, shall not be construed to extend to any execution issued upon any judgment obtained by any bank established by law. The provisions of this act, shall extend to executions issued by any justice of the peace, mayor or alderman, for all sums exceeding ten dollars, exclusive of costs; and the constable or other officer, taking any bond, by virtue of this act, shall return the same within thirty days, to the clerk's office of the county, in which such execution shall have issued, to be proceeded on as other replevy bonds. And all executions which shall be awarded on forthcoming bonds executed before the commencement of this act, shall be proceeded on as other executions: but the proceedings on all forthcoming bonds executed thereafter, shall be as heretofore.
So much of this act as authorises the appointment of commissioners, shall be in force from and after the passing thereof: And the several county and corporation courts, shall appoint such commissioners at their next February terms, or as soon thereafter, as practicable; and the residue of this act, shall commence and be in force, from and after the first day of March next, and continue in force, until the expiration of thirty days after the discontinuance of the embargo, laid by the Congress of the U. States during the present session. But so much of this, and the above recited act, as authorises and directs the manner of proceeding on replevy bonds, taken by virtue of this act, shall be, and the same is hereby made perpetual.
Last Evening's Mail.
FIVE DAYS LATER.
CHARLESTON, Jan. 26.
Yesterday arrived, the ship Charles Carter, capt. Drysdale, in 48 days from London; and the ship Northern Liberties, capt. Watt, in 40 days from Greenock. By those arrivals we have received London papers to the 10th, and Greenock papers to the 12th ult. inclusive.
The B. government have laid an embargo upon all the Russian vessels in their ports, and ordered their cruisers to detain all such as they should fall in with.
It is generally believed that Sweden will be compelled to join in the anti-Russian coalition.
The temporal authority of the Pope is at most at an end. The French have taken possession of the Castle of St. Angelo, preparatory to the erection of another kingdom in Italy, of which Lucien Bonaparte is to be the head, by the title of king of Latiun.
Gen. SEBASTIANI, the French ambassador to the Porte, has left Constantinople for Paris. The Turkish government, torn by factions and distracted in their councils by the influence of Bonaparte and Alexander, will, most probably, fall a sacrifice to the insidious friendship of the one, and the overwhelming power of the other.
The city of Berlin, as well as the provinces, are in a state of the most complete misery. The inhabitants are threatened with military execution, for not paying the contributions which the French have imposed upon them, and which they are entirely unable to pay. Bonaparte has demanded five millions of dollars from the King of Prussia; and required that eight of the strongest Prussian fortresses should be garrisoned by French troops until the conclusion of the war.
BONAPARTE, it is said, is gone to Italy, for the purpose of meeting all the Kings and Princes, of his own making, at Milan. The Pope, the King and Queen of Naples, the Queen of Etruria, the King of Bavaria, &c. are to be there; but it is not known for what purpose these great personages are to assemble.
The prince of Asturias has been released by the King of Spain, through the interference of Bonaparte, who has presented him with the cordon of the legion of honor. His highness, it is said confessed his guilt to his royal parents, and not only received their pardon, but has been placed at the head of the S. army destined to invade Portugal. If this account be true, the power of the Prince of Peace is completely overturned; Bonaparte has employed him as long as necessary, and will now, probably, sacrifice him, as the surest way of obtaining popularity with the people of Spain. The liberation of the Prince was received with the utmost joy by the people, who drew his carriage through the streets amidst the loudest acclamations.
Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, in the Swiftsure of 74 guns, sailed from Plymouth on the 8th ult. for Halifax. Courier.
On the 13th ult. in lat. 44. 30. long. 14. capt. Drysdale spoke the British government brig Reindeer, one of St. SNEYD SMITH's squadron, who informed him, that the Portuguese fleet, having on board the Royal Family of Portugal, sailed from the Tagus, on the 22d of November, bound to the Brazils. The fleet consisted of 9 of the line, 4 frigates and 2 brigs, accompanied with 4 sail of British line of battle ships. The emigration of the Portuguese Royal Family to South-America will be attended with prodigious advantages to the British. It will open the most extensive market for their manufactures, and will pave the way for the fall of the Spanish power in South-America.
It is said that the meeting of members of congress, in caucus at Washington, have agreed to put in nomination, and recommend for public suffrage:
JAMES MADISON, for president—and
GEORGE CLINTON, for vice president.
The meeting is said to have consisted of 90 members of both houses—33 of whom were for the above ticket.
It is certainly not a period to bicker about men; and if we can only ensure the pursuit of the same system of policy that has been pursued under Jefferson, it is a very subordinate consideration at this moment which is the man. The democracy will not divide—they will support the choice made in the usual manner, since no other or better manner has been provided by the constitution. Aurora.
Extract of a letter from Washington, to the editor of the Baltimore American.
The following facts may be relied on:—A landsman belonging to the Chesapeake, gave information to the consul at Norfolk, that he together with two other men on board that frigate, were British subjects. The consul informed the captain of the Statura, who deemed it his duty, under the proclamation of the king of Great-Britain, to demand those men from capt. Decatur. They were of course refused. On enquiry, it appears that two of those men were residents of Baltimore, and have families in that city—that one has been a resident for fifteen years—the other for twenty years, last past.
FOR SALE.—THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Ch. (Petersville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4. 1808. [Platt]
ADVERTISEMENT.—Will be sold on Saturday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less. It was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews & John Price, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money. The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June, 1795. At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of an order of the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee, is plaintiff, and the said Moseley is defendant; and for the purpose of raising the following sums with interest, viz:—£108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January, 1793—£105 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1794—£101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795—£97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1796—£96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1797—£81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July, 1802, and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit.—The residue of the money decreed to be raised, the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.
THE COMMISSIONERS.
Richmond, Feb. 4. 1808. (3w)
AUCTION OF BOOKS.—A valuable collection of Modern Books in various branches of arts and sciences—Histo—, Theology, Voyages and Travels, &c. &c. Second editions, will be sold on Saturday February 6th, 1808. Catalogues to be delivered previous to the sale at the house of JAMES BROWN, Jr. Feb. 4.

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, JAN. 25.
Mr. Dawson, from the committee to whom the resolution on the subject had been referred, reported a bill authorizing the President to employ an additional number of seamen, in the service of the U. S. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson said, he need not impress upon the House, the necessity of a speedy passage of this bill, as there were many seamen now out of employ, and several gun-boats as yet unnamed; he therefore moved that it be made the order of the day for this day. The motion was seconded by Mr. Newton.—Agreed to nem. con.
A letter was offered from the Secretary of the Navy, & read, stating that the whole number of seamen authorized by law, amounts to 1425; that 1272 are required in addition to the present establishment. The blank in the bill for the number to be employed was then filled with 1272, without a division. The bill was gone through, and the question put that the committee rise and report it. After some discussion on an amendment of Mr. Macon's, which was rejected, Mr. Chandler moved to strike out the words at the end of the bill and insert "and may be continued in service till the end of the next session of Congress if the public exigency may require the same."
Mr. Rhea (T.) called for a division of the question taking it first on striking out. The question being so taken, was negatived. Mr. Taylor asked the chairman of the committee whether there were not in the statute book regulations for the employment of these seamen? He thought the government should be authorized to employ these seamen not only on board gun-boats or other vessels, but to aid in the erection of fortifications, or in other business. He believed, unless some rule were now adopted, that they could only be employed in the line of duty as seamen. In some of the seaport towns the public authorities had employed seamen in other business than the mere service of the sea.
Mr. Dawson said these seamen were intended to be placed in the same situation as other seamen of the U. S. If the gentleman wished to render them liable to do duty other than on board of ships, he might bring in a bill for the purpose of amending the present naval system. The committee then rose and reported the bill as amended.
The question being put on concurring with the report of the committee of the whole for filling the blank with 1272.
Mr. Burwell hoped the House would disagree to the number reported by the committee. He had heard nothing from the chairman of the committee or the gentlemen who had spoken on the subject, to prove to his mind that this number was necessary. The gentleman had talked about giving them employment and subsistence, as they suffered materially from the embargo. Mr. B. said it was the same with every class of citizens, and as the necessity of the case had required the adoption of the measure, it ought to affect all equally. They should not employ these men merely for the sake of employing them, because they could find occupation in various other modes. The gentleman from S. Carolina had mentioned that these men should be employed in throwing up fortifications. Mr. B. said whoever knew the life of a seaman, must know at once that this was not the class of men to be employed in this way. If it were necessary, one million of dollars had been already appropriated, and government would employ such men in the accomplishment of the end as would be the most proper. He could not subscribe to the doctrine that they were to receive this particular class of men, because they might suffer by the embargo. All must suffer, but they not more than others. If the gentleman who had introduced the bill would show that this number of seamen were necessary in addition to the present number, he would vote for the bill; but until the gun-boats were built he saw no reason for employing such an additional number. With respect to the employment of seamen, all the corporations in the different seaport towns had shown a disposition to provide for them, and to ameliorate their condition. He did not believe that in the five or six weeks since the imposition of an embargo, so much distress could prevail among this class of people. He knew from the nature of their habits that they were not generally prudent men; but he thought it hardly possible that they could already suffer so much inconvenience. If they were in this situation, why could they not apply to the various dock-yards for employment? Was it possible that the public agents would not give employment in preference to this class of men? If they did not, they would deserve public reprobation. For these reasons he hoped the House would not agree to the number reported by the committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson said, if his colleague had attended to the report from the Secretary of the Navy, which had been read, he would have spared his observations. The Secretary of the Navy had stated that 30 gun-boats were prepared for service, except that they were not manned, and that 1272 was the precise number of seamen wanting for service. They were wanted for the vessels now prepared for the defence of our ports and harbors. If they were wanted, why should they not be employed? They were told by the proper authority that there were so many deficiencies; let them be procured. Mr. Maxey said he would much rather instead of diminishing the number, increase it to three or four thousand. These men were a valuable class of people; when in employ, exposed to the greatest hardships, forever toiling to and fro, and when out of employ, from the peculiarity of their habits, prevented from acquiring a livelihood any other way. His opinion was, that their situation at this time required that they should be employed. They were a distinct class of citizens, and more than any other subject to the pressure of want during the continuance of the embargo. He could have wished the number to have been larger, though as the question now presented itself, he should vote for concurrence with the number reported by the committee.
Mr. Davis said if he understood the report of the Secretary of the Navy, the estimate of 1272 men was the number supposed to be required for two frigates and the gun-boats. Considering the number of men authorized, he should really doubt if they were competent to take care of the gun-boats or not, if the object now was to save from perishing such a number of seamen, he was much disposed to pass the bill.
The case of these men was different from that of any other in the U. States. The qualities which fitted them for service unfitted them for taking care of themselves; of all men on the earth they were the first that would divide their purses with those in distress: to be provident and saving was not their character: when called to public service they exposed their lives as if of no worth; always ready to give away what little they had earned. It was for these men, said Mr. D. that you professed to have laid the embargo: to secure to them protection. The protection you have secured is the utter deprivation of employment. Those who understood the character of a seaman, need not be told how peculiarly difficult it was for him to employ himself in any other branch of labor. It was true that many of the men employed in merchant vessels could cultivate land; but as it respected the great body of the seamen, it was more difficult for them to procure employment (except on board of a vessel) than any other men. Their very habits at sea were not favourable to habits of industry on shore: he therefore thought their case peculiarly entitled to attention.
If the corporations of our cities had manifested a generous attention to the distresses of these men, he was not disposed for that reason to withdraw from them any means of support which it might be in the power of the House to afford. He thought with an overflowing treasury and so much solicitude as had been displayed for the interests of these men by laying the embargo, that it was but right that the House should provide them employment on the principle of humanity.
Mr. Taylor said the scope of the argument of the gentleman who introduced the bill, and of the gentleman last up, was, that these men were in distress, and therefore should be employed. If they were to be employed, Mr. T. wished it to be for some service. As to their being confined forty or fifty in a boat, and eating up the money of the planters who suffered equally with them, he could not agree to it. Taking it up however as a matter of charity, it was contemplated to employ 1200 seamen. The seamen of the U. S. amounted to between 50 and 60,000. Suppose one half of these to be employed in the fisheries and coasting trade, 25,000 remained; and he wished to know whether they ought to select twelve hundred of them, and leave the other twenty-three or four thousand to that distress which had been depicted. If it were a matter of necessity to support these virtuous people, let gentlemen come forward and drain the treasury to support them. But others suffered as well as sailors; and if they were to support all who were out of employ, they would not leave a cent in the treasury. He would now call the attention of the House to the famous gun-boat bill, this was said by its advocates to contemplate a great superiority of the new establishment over the old; that it would require but very few regulars, the rest being supplied by a naval militia. We blow hot and cold, said Mr. T. We depart from the very principle laid down, on the passage of that bill, and now are going to raise a naval standing army; for whether by sea or land it is a standing army. I say it is not expedient. If the gun-boats were now all ready for service, under the state of things which now exists, I should not be in favor of employing more men than would be sufficient to trim the boats and keep them in order. So that take this measure on principle, it appears to be departing from the principle on which we set out; and if it is meant to be done in charity; it is doing nothing. Therefore, unless gentlemen can show me that such a number of men is necessary for taking care of the boats, having at the same time an eye to a naval militia, I shall vote against the bill on the table.
Mr. Chandler asked for what purpose the bill contemplated these seamen to be raised. The Speaker said, for the service of the U. States. Mr. Chandler said he had understood that to be the case and wished things to be called by their proper names. He thought, as this was the case, that these men were to be raised for the service of the U. S. and not merely for the sake of supporting them, as gentlemen seemed to fancy. This number was declared to be necessary, and was only contemplated to be called into service, if the public exigency required, and not otherwise. Mr. Dawson said he was extremely sorry that he could not express himself to the comprehension of gentlemen. He had indeed mentioned that there were a number of seamen unemployed; he had given it as a reason why that number should now be raised, as when unemployed they could be got without difficulty. He had not considered the bill as contemplated to afford charity to seamen; but if gentlemen would bring forward a motion of that kind, he would go as far as any body. But the present bill contemplated no such thing; the fact was, that the vessels now built were not manned. The simple question was, would they or would they not give the government men sufficient to man these vessels for actual service?
Mr. Quincy was glad that the motives on which the bill was founded had been explained; for really he had not been able before distinctly to ascertain them. As he now understood the object of it was that the vessels now lying in our harbors without men should be immediately manned. Would this be produced by the bill on the table? He thought not. He could not correctly understand the operation of the bill, for it had been read but once or twice, and then the hearing of it was almost precluded by the noise and inattention on which prevailed; but it did appear to him that the President had not any right given to him to employ these men except in case of an exigency yet to arise. The bill did not contemplate the immediate manning of all the vessels; these men were not to be raised unless an exigency should arise. If that exigency did exist the bill should take away the discretion, and express affirmatively that this number should be raised.
Mr. Nicholas said, that upon this subject he owed it to himself to say that he had entertained but one opinion. He had believed that arming the nation and being prepared for war had been the duty of this House and of the other branch of the Legislature ever since they had been convened. Not that I want war, said Mr. N. but that if it comes upon us we may be prepared to meet it. If we want peace, the only way to obtain it, is to show that we are ready for war. Upon this ground I have been anxious to see the nation put in a state of defence. If all the gun-boats were in readiness to receive men, my vote should be given without hesitation to raise a sufficient number of men to man the whole. We are told that the present number is wanted; I will therefore vote for it with the greatest cheerfulness. I wish more could be employed. Whenever the question occurs of relieving those seamen out of employ
and in distress, I will meet it with as much liberality as any gentleman. The only question now is, do the circumstances of the country require that we should raise this number? I believe that the circumstances of the country require that we should not only raise seamen but landsmen. Therefore at present I shall vote for the number asked, and as soon as more boats are ready my vote shall be given for manning them as fast as they can be erected.
After a further desultory debate (in which the Speaker repeatedly reminded gentlemen of the question under consideration) in which Messrs. Lyon, Gardener, Livermore, Fisk, Dana, Rhea (Pen.) Smilie and Tallmadge took a part, and none of whom opposed the bill. Mr. Tallmadge moved that the further consideration of the bill be postponed till to-morrow, that gentlemen might have an opportunity of filling it with a smaller or greater number.
This motion was opposed by Messrs. Dawson, Nelson and Taylor, and supported by Messrs. Desha, Quincy, Blackledge, Cook and Dana; in the course of which, Mr. Nelson wished to see who were desirous of consuming time in this way, who were in favor of arming the nation, and who against it. If the documents before the House were voluminous, if the bill were long, or if there were any difficulty in understanding either, he should be willing to postpone in order to have them printed. But the plain question was, whether would they or would they not employ 1272 seamen? Every hour was of consequence; they could not get employ on board merchant ships at fifteen dollars a month, it would be difficult to procure them for national service. As he said before, he was desirous to see who were willing to arm the nation and who were not, and therefore he called for the yeas and nays on the motion for postponement.
Mr. Dana. Have we an enemy at our doors? Are we now to be called into battle? Is there any thing new which calls upon us particularly at this moment? Shall it be said that those who wish to postpone this bill till to-morrow are not ready to provide for the defence of the country? Mr. D. said, one day could make no difference. Hearing this bill read as well as he could from the peculiar difficulty of distinguishing exactly what was said in this splendid structure, he understood it as providing for the employment of such a number of seamen now out of employ.—In either case it was not an improper exercise of legislative power, and need not be so hastily pushed through the House, there being nothing contained in the bill which forbade the usual course of proceeding.
Mr. Holland moved to adjourn—Negatived, 53, to 43.
Mr. Quincy supported the motion for postponement, contending that they were now legislating in the dark.
The yeas and nays being taken on the motion for postponement, were yeas 51, nays 64.
Mr. Stanfield moved that the House adjourn—Negatived 65 to 49.
The question was then taken on concurrence with the number (1272) reported by the committee of the whole as follows: YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Champion, Chandler, Chittenden, Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Cook, Cutts, Dana, Davy, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Durrell, Elliott, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardener, Gardner, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Love, Lyon, Marion, Masters, McCrery, Milner, J. Montgomery, T. Moore, Jere. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pitkin, Porter, Pugh, Quincy, Rea, (Penn.) Rhea, (Tenn.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Verplanck, Wharton, Wilbour, Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersall, Thomson, Van Horn—108.
NAYS—Messrs. Garnett, Gray, Hoge, Macon, D. Montgomery, Randolph, S. Smith, Stanfield, Taylor, Trigg—10.
Mr. Taylor moved to amend the bill by inserting a clause restricting the continuance of the law for a longer time than till the first day of July next, and no longer.
Mr. T. said as in the course of discussion on the naval militia had been considered as an object likely to be accomplished, and as he considered the bill as now stood as compromising this principle, which had been avowed by many gentlemen in a discussion on a former subject, and as he conceived it necessary to give to the people some pledge that the boats would be manned as expected, he had proposed this limitation. It might be said that the limitation should not be so restricted, that it should extend until the next meeting of Congress; but he would not compromise his principle for a year. Till the 1st of June would be time sufficient in which to organise the marine militia. Although there appeared to be a great majority in favor of this bill, it would, as now stood, compromise the principle on which they had lately acted; if he were but permitted to read the speeches of gentlemen on the gun-boat system, he could satisfactorily prove this. He was desirous, not for himself, for he should vote consistently, but that the body should hold out to the nation the ground on which they acted.
Mr. Nelson wished, upon the subject of consistency that the sins of every man should lie upon his own head. If he gave an inconsistent vote, he should never ask his friend from South Carolina to come forward and account for it; he had no doubt but those who elected him, the superior power, would punish him if he deserved it. A majority of the House had thought proper to vote for the number of 1272; they had thought it necessary as the country was in a dangerous situation, perhaps on the eve of war; they did not know how soon these seamen might be wanted to defend the nation. Did any gentleman suppose, said he, that if we are to have a war, its force will be spent before the first day of July next, at that time we may be in the same situation in which we now find ourselves. I trust no gentleman who is a friend to the measure will vote for the gentleman's motion. I would rather negative the bill altogether than say that a defensive measure shall exist but four or five months. If the gentleman will amend his motion so as to extend the duration of the bill to the end of the next session of Congress, or till the 1st. January instead of July, I will vote for the amendment with all my heart and soul. I have as little disposition
to erect a standing army or large naval force as any gentleman; but as this is a measure of relief to seamen out of employ on the one hand and of defence on the other I shall vote for it. A motion being now made to adjourn was carried—50 to 43.
IN CHANCERY.
At a quarterly court, continued and held for the county of Prince Edward, November the 17th, 1807.
Martha Deshazor, Compt's. against Zachariah Rice, Executor of John Deshazor, dec'd. John Deshazor, Zachariah Rice, guardian of James Deshazor, Martha Deshazor, Susanna Deshazor, Wm. Deshazor, Polly Burgess, lately Polly Deshazor, Elizabeth Paunton, late Elizabeth Deshazor, and John P. Burgess, husband of the said Polly Burgess.
THE defendant William Deshazor, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainant, by her counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendant, William Deshazor, do appear here on the first day of February court next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the Court-House of this county. A Copy. Teste, F. WATKINS, c. e. Dec. 4. (F8w)
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which he will give great bargains: One tract of 1100 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good timber; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land.—One tract on Randsolph creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis.—One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne.—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (F16)
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Wednesday the 10th day of February next, will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland court-house, the tract of LAND whereon Edward Bolling at present resides, lying on James river, in the county of Goochland, about three miles above the court-house, containing by estimation one thousand acres, be the same more or less, or so much of the said tract as shall be sufficient to discharge the following sums of money, the payment whereof has been secured by three several deeds of trust on the said Land, executed by said Bolling as follows, to wit: One executed to Frederick Harris and William Miller, bearing date the 14th day of July, 1806, for the purpose of securing the payment of a sum of money due to John L. Harris & Co. the balance whereof amounting to between two hundred and fifty and two hundred and sixty pounds has been assigned to Charles Smith. One other executed to Charles F. Bates and Wm. Miller, bearing date the 20th day of October, 1806, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of five hundred and ninety pounds with interest thereon from the 1st day of November, 1806: and one other executed to William Miller and Joseph Shleton, on the 22nd day of June, 1807, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of fourteen hundred and sixteen dollars, due the 1st day of November last; all of which deeds have been duly recorded in the county court of Goochland. A sufficiency of the said land will be sold in pursuance of the aforesaid deeds of trust, to satisfy the sums of money aforesaid or the balances remaining due thereof, together with all interest accruing thereon, and the costs attending the drafting and recording said deeds, and of advertising and selling said land, by THE TRUSTEES. Jan. 7. (law4w4)
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Becker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff.—Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants.
The defendant Wm. Weir, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. e. Dec. 19. (law8w4)
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry. The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law4w4)
NOTICE.—If James MOYLAN, who came to this Country from Ireland, in the year 1770, and who taught a School in the Counties of Albemarle and Prince George in 1777 and 1778, will make application to Wm. C. E. D. L., he will receive Intelligency of a Brother with whom he once corresponded.—If application be not made before the rising of the Legislature, it must be made to John O'Connor, near North-West River Bridge, Norfolk County. January 14. (law4w4)
NOTICE to Theodrick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said adms. against said Carter, and on Monday the 24th of the same month at Cumberland court-house, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adms. Jan. 28. (law4w4)
JOHNSON and REAT, Executors & Sivers Smith, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite Col. Mayo's new building; they leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz. An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold do. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, coral, neelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Dirks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies' Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff Boxes, and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases: Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily dispatched. December 4. [epts.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Joo. & Robt. Gamble, jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, HOLLAND GIN, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto. London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto. Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (tf)
NOTICE.—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price; which consists of a large and superb assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper-hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. W. HAIGHT. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [tf]
FOR SALE, 121,600 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the Forks of Great Sandy river; 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river; 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks; 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river; Also, 50,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. (tf)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milk Cows, two Horses, a small Waggon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (ids.)
FRESH TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh. Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company's unkean, with an assortment of Satins, Silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. Jan. 12. (T. & Z. tf)
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807;) Will be sold without reserve, for ready money, on Thursday the 4th February next, the sloop ALEXANDRIA, burthen between 30 and 40 Tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rockets. SAMUEL TURNER, DANIEL BPES, } Trustees. January 14. (ids.)
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg in Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order; so that persons inclined to adopt that method of travelling, (but many of whom have been heretofore deterred on account of part of the line having been out of repair) will in future meet with a certain, speedy, & comfortable conveyance.—From Petersburg to Fayetteville, the proportion of the line for which the subscribers have contracted, the rate of fare will be seven cents per mile, with a privilege to each passenger of 20 lbs. of baggage. Every 150 lbs. of baggage over that privilege will pay as one passenger or in proportion; but while every attention will be paid to the baggage, there will be no responsibility for its loss. WM. GHOLSON & WALLACE. Brimswick, (Va.) Jan. 14. [10c]
TO RENT.—Four Commonious TENEMENTS, near the Academy.—FOR HIRE, Two SAWMILLS. E. J. HARVIE. Jan. 2. [epts.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (under whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his escape, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [epts.]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7, [tf]