The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-02-13 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 90.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 13, 1807.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction.
On Friday 13th instant, at the Office of the Subscribers will be sold for the benefit of the creditors of Mr. George Greenhow: All his Stock in trade.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Trustees for the creditors of G. Greenhow. Feb. 6.
LAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed by the late James Taylor of the county of New-Kent, and state of Virginia, dec'd.
THOMAS JORDAN, Trustee. Feb. 6.
NOTICE.
THE creditors of Henry McClatchy, are requested to lodge their claims properly authenticated with either of the subscribers on or before the first of next month.
THOS. GILLAT, } Trustees. ALLAN POLLOCK. Feb. 6.
JOHN ALCOCK,
INFORMS the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, that he has moved to the City of Richmond, where he has opened a complete assortment of Merchandise.
Cattle Fles of every description, Till Locks, brads and iron, Wood Screws of every size, 3d. 4d. & 6d. wrought Springs, 10d. & 20d. wrought Nails, 2d. & 3d. fine drawn Clouts, Saddler's Tacks of every size, Brass Nails, Straining & Girt Webb, Plated Bridle Bits afforded, Do. stirrup Irons do. Brass mounted steel blade Squares, Brass and iron chamber door Locks of every size, Stock Locks of all sizes, Looking and Ladies dressing Glasses, Plated Moulding, Silver mounted Whips of every size, Carpenters & Joiners Tools of every description.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a decree of the Worshipful Court of Hustings for the City of Richmond—the subscribers will expose to sale, on the twenty-eighth day of February next, on the premises, for Cash, the HOUSE & LOT, in said City, formerly the residence of Jas. Rind, dec. and for some time occupied by Jedediah Allen.
DRUGS & MEDICINES.
WILLIAM WEST has purchased the flock of DRUGS & MEDICINES, belonging to the firm of Dr. Daniel Wilson & Co. at their Store on Main-street, Shockoe-Hill, where he intends to carry on the business of an Apothecary.
FITZWHYLSONN & POTTER,
Have just received a large supply of the very best English writing Paper, consisting of— Super Royal, Royal, Medium, Folio & Quarto Post. They have on hand a general assortment of PAPER of American Manufacture; BLANK BOOKS and STATIONARY; a collection of PRINTED BOOKS and MUSIC, to which, additions will constantly be made; and a handsome variety of PAPER HANGINGS for rooms.
TO be sold to the highest bidder on the premises on Tuesday the 10th of February next, agreeably to the will of Lyne Stuckelford, dec'd.
THREE hundred and seventy acres of LAND, lying in the upper part of Mathews County, pleasantly situated on the Piankatank River, commanding an extensive view of the Chesapeake, and affording the finest Fish and Oysters in abundance.
Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser on giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date which shall be remitted on punctual payment.
WM. CHAMBERLAYNE, Exr's. N. B. Any person wishing to view the above, will apply to Mr. Spark, residing on the Land. Dec. 10.
THE RICHMOND ACADEMY.
FOR Female Education, will be opened in the house lately occupied by James Penn, Esq. on Monday the 2d day of February, 1807, under the superintendence of Mrs. Anna Byrd, who will herself teach such Pupils as shall be entrusted to her care to read and write English grammatically, together with Arithmetic and Needle-work.
January 29. The Trustees.
A GOOD BARGAIN.
FOR SALE. THAT well known TRACT OF LAND, THE SABLING GROVE, thirteen miles below the town of Abingdon, in Washington county, Virginia, containing one thousand six hundred acres, and including the plantation whereon the late general Evan Shelby lived.
ISAAC SHELBY. Lincoln County (K.) Nov. 28. 1st/10/M.
GIVE ATTENTION.
THE subscriber offers for sale a truly valuable TRACT OF LAND, containing by estimation 1783 ACRES, (700 of which, as he supposes, are in woods) lying in the fork of Nottoway river, and in the county of Nottoway, 4 miles from the Court-house, and within 3 miles of one of the best manufacturing Mills in the state of Virginia.
GRIFIN LAMKIN. December 11. 6t/10/M.
THE subscriber has on hand, now for private sale, which they will sell on low terms, for approved endorsed notes, at 90 and 180 days:
1500 Bushels Liverpool Stowed Salt; 500 Sacks Salt, containing 4 bushels; Twilled Sacking; 50 Hhds. Sugar, a part of which, of prime quality; 20 Barrels Do. do. 20 Hhds. Prime Antigua Rum, 3d proof. 30 Hhds. Windward Island, do. 10 Pipes best Cognac Brandy 4th proof. 15 Casks Imperial and 50 casks Young Hyslop Teas; Hyslop, Skin, Souchong and old Hyslop Teas; A few kegs Prime Nutmegs; 100 Barrels Apple Brandy, greater part of which old of Wight; 10 Pipes Holland Gin; Lisbon Wine of superior quality, in Hhds. Pipes and gr. Casks. 50 Hhds. Prime Molasses; 50 Bags Coffee; 600 Weedling Hoes.
AND a very general assortment of DRY GOODS.
The Public Sales are regularly twice twice a week, every Monday and Thursday. PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctioneers. N. B. A Light neat Chariot and Harness, on long credit. ALSO, To be hired a Negro Man, who is a good Cook January 20. law 4w.
JAMES WORRALL,
HAS lately received a general and carefully assorted flock of Drugs, Medicines, Paints, Patent Medicines, &c. which he offers for sale, at the first corner store, above the Eagle Tavern, lately occupied by Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson.
Physicians favouring him with their prescriptions, and country Merchants with their orders, may depend on their being executed punctually and with dispatch.
N. B. He has lately received from Dr. Solomon's agent, at New-York, a fresh supply of those invaluable medicines, the Balm of Gilead and Anti Impetigo. November 28. owtf.
FOR SALE,
THE TRACT OF LAND whereon I now live, containing by a late survey three hundred and fifty four acres lying on the Brook near the Brook Bridge and within six miles of the city of Richmond, will be offered for sale on the 16th day of next month on the premises.
The terms are one thousand dollars cash and one half of the balance on the first day of October next, and the residue on the first day of October 1808. This Land lies well and abounds in Cedar, but as it is supposed those who are inclined to purchase, will be desirous of viewing the Land, it is deemed unnecessary to say any thing as to the advantages of situation and soil. January 1. DABNEY WILLIAMSON. owtf.
THE LAND whereon I now reside, containing 530 acres is still for sale by private contract and immediate possession given if required.
Dec. 27. JOHN KELSO. lawtf.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
MONDAY, Jan. 26.
DEBATE
On the Bill from the Senate for suspending the writ of HABEAS CORPUS.
(CONCLUDED.)
MR. BIDWELL said, although he was not satisfied of the necessity of passing this bill, he was not prepared to reject it, in its present stage. As it had received the sanction of the Senate, he was disposed to treat it as a subject worthy of discussion and deliberation, by referring it in the usual course, to a committee of the whole House.
Before the passing of any bill of this nature, the House ought to have satisfactory proof that a rebellion in fact existed (for there was no pretence of an invasion) and that the public safety required a suspension of the privilege of Habeas Corpus. By the terms of the constitution, both of these pre-requisites must concur, to authorise the measure. The first enquiry would naturally turn upon the existence of a rebellion. On that point he had no doubt. To constitute a rebellion, in the sense of the constitution, he did not think it necessary that a battle should have been fought, or even a single gun fired. If troops were enlisted, assembled, organized and armed for the purpose of effecting a treasonable object, it amounted to actual rebellion. Such was the existing state of things. The public notoriety of the fact was, perhaps, sufficient evidence, for the legislature to act upon, if necessary; but they had also the official statement of the President to that effect. He had, therefore, no doubt of the existence of a rebellion, and that, too, of a more wanton and malignant character, than any insurrection which had heretofore been raised against our government; for it had not been occasioned by any grievances, real or imaginary, but must have originated in motives of personal ambition or some more unwholesome passion.
An exciting rebellion, however, even of this aggravated description, was not alone sufficient to justify a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus. To bring it within constitutional justification, it must be required by the public safety. That was a matter of opinion, rather than of fact. He was convinced that the proposed suspension was not requisite for the purpose of suppressing the conspiracy; for, by the vigilance and energy of our executive government, seconded and supported by the exertions of particular states and territories and the army, this deep-laid conspiracy was already in a good measure suppressed, and he trusted the means now in operation would complete the suppression. A suspension of the Habeas Corpus could not be necessary, except for the detection and conviction of the conspirators. A thorough investigation ought undoubtedly to be made. If any persons, concerned in the conspiracy, were arrested in situations which precluded an immediate production of such evidence, as would warrant their confinement, justice would require that they should be detained until the proper evidence could be procured; but in the mean time they might be discharged by virtue of a Habeas Corpus; for, though he agreed with the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nelson) in the importance and utility of this writ, he could not subscribe to the doctrine which he understood that gentleman to maintain, that it would entitle a person to a discharge only for causes of irregularity in the arrest. Want of legal evidence to shew, by oath or affirmation, probable cause for detention, would be ground of discharge. In ordinary cases, indeed, the release and escape of a guilty person, for such want of evidence, was esteemed a smaller evil, than a denial of the common privilege. If it were so, in respect to this conspiracy, there was, in his opinion, no good reason for passing this bill. That was a point, which appeared to him worthy of some deliberation.
It had been mentioned, in the debate, that in the whole history of our government, notwithstanding two insurrections, the Habeas Corpus had, in no instance, been suspended. It was true. But an instance had been cited from one of the states. During the insurrection in Massachusetts, there was such a suspension, in pursuance of a constitutional provision; and it was generally acknowledged to have been a necessary and salutary measure. He had never understood that it was abused, or that it was considered by the people of that state a dangerous example. It was justified by the occasion. But it did not, therefore, follow that a similar suspension would be justifiable on this occasion. That must depend on the present state and circumstances of the nation. Although a rebellion existed, he was not satisfied that the public safety required so strong and severe a measure. But, as it was an important question, on which the House had not yet taken time to deliberate, he was willing that the bill should go, according to the usual course of proceeding, to a committee of the whole; and therefore, he should not give his vote for rejecting it in the present stage.
MR. J. RANDOLPH. I shall give my vote in a very different manner from the gentleman who has just sat down. I was extremely happy to witness the very prompt and decided opposition this measure received in the House, and from the quarter whence that op-
position originated; and I subscribe with great pleasure to the sound constitutional doctrine, which the gentleman from Pennsylvania advanced this morning before our doors were opened. We are now told that to reject this bill at its first reading, will be to depart from the usual course of proceeding in this House, and an attempt is made to enlist the feelings of members to far at least as to permit the bill to progress one step farther, that we may avoid violating that decorum which ought to be observed between the two Houses. I do not, however, consider the subject in this light. I conceive, on the contrary, it is as competent to us to reject the bill on its first as on any other reading. I well recollected that about eight years ago an important bill was smuggled through the House by this fashionable mode of proceeding. Gentlemen were allured from their honest opinions and finally by finesse and management the bill was carried through the House. I understand that this course is pursued by the other branch of the legislature in bills carried from this House; and I believe it will be found that with regard to the passage of bills between the two Houses, the course of procedure on the part of this House is more liberal than that pursued in the other. For I do not recollect a single instance in which the veto of a single member can stop the passage of a bill in this House received from the other branch of the legislature. I, therefore, feel no scruples on this score. I think it just as well to say, that we will permit this bill to pass to a second or third reading, as to say that though we are opposed to the principle contained in a resolution which may originate in this House, we will nevertheless permit a committee to bring in a bill to carry it into effect, because we may destroy the bill at its last stage. This appears to me to be a strange course of reasoning. It is like permitting yourselves to be bound in chains that you may be loosed again, or going into prison that you may afterwards come on. Gentlemen talk of the propriety of discussing this subject, but when a subject is so clear that every man has made up his mind upon it, where is the need of discussion? If it is not so clear, will any gentleman say that the discussion now had, in which every member has a right to speak twice, which is once more in my opinion than is necessary, will not be sufficient to develop all the merits and demerits of the bill? Will gentlemen undertake to say, if every member shall give the matter, or as it may be, crude suggestions of his mind, that the subject will not be sufficiently discussed, and lead to the formation of a correct judgment? I believe it will. And therefore on this ground, a bill may as well be decided in its present stage as before a committee of the whole.
Some gentlemen to whom I have listened with considerable gratification, tell us that out of respect to the other branch, we ought not at this time to reject the bill. I, however, feel no such respect on this occasion, and shall express none. On the contrary, I am free to declare, that when a measure tending to impose a burden on the people, or to detract from the privileges of the citizen, comes from that quarter, I shall always view it with jealousy. The inequality of the representation in that branch, the long tenure of office, and the custom to which they are so familiar of conducting their proceedings in conclave. (The House will recollect how long it was after the adoption of the constitution before the public could get admission even into their two-penny gallery)—renders all their proceedings, touching the public business, or the liberties of the people, highly suspicious. And to say the truth, I am not at all surprised that they did close their doors on this occasion, that they might not be under the inspection of the public eye, while they were passing the bill on the table. I say so, because I am willing to abide by the good old principle, of judging all men by myself, and if I had introduced such a bill, I should have been glad my name did not appear on the journals, that the public might not know to whom they were indebted for such a precedent.
I have another objection to the bill, besides that of the quarter from which it originated, or the manner in which it has been presented to the House. It appears to my mind like an oblique attempt to cover a certain departure from an established law of the land, and a certain violation of the constitution of the U. S. which we are told have been committed in this country: Sir, recollect that Congress met on the first of December—that the President had information of the inept stage of this conspiracy about the last of September—that the proclamation issued before Congress met, and yet that no suggestion either from the Executive, or from either branch of the legislature has been transpired, touching the propriety of suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus until this violation has taken place. I will never agree in this way to cover up such a violation, by a proceeding highly dangerous to the liberty of the country, or to agree that this invaluable privilege shall be suspended, because it has been already violated, & suspended too, after the cause, if any there was, for it has ceased to exist. No, I will to be true to those principles which I have constantly maintained and God willing, ever will maintain so long as I have a seat on this floor, or have life. It has heretofore been the glory of those with whom I have acted, that in our battles we have combated for the principles of the constitution and the laws of our country in the persons of those in which they have been attempted to be violated, however infamous and contemptible. When those principles were prostrated under the sedition law, what did we say? That the character of the man accused could not change the laws of the land, or impair his rights—that he would support the constitutional rights of the citizen, in the person of the meanest reptile, as well as in the persons of those who occupy the highest stations in society. We have done so—let us continue to do so, regardless of popular clamor or odium, and we shall still continue to find ourselves on true ground. We never enquired what kind of a man Callender was—we said such is the law and the constitution—let justice take its course. I could quote other examples equally strong; but in deference to the feelings of the House I shall desist from doing it.
I beg pardon for detaining the House so long. I will however, endeavour to express the remaining ideas I have to offer in a few words. There is another consideration which renders this bill highly objectionable. I consider the case as now at issue, whether the U. S. is under a military or civil government, or in other words, whether the military government is subject to the civil power, or the civil authority
to the military. I conceive that a case has occurred, in which the military has not only usurped the civil authority, but in which it has usurped nothing short of omnipotent power; and I consider this bill as calculated to give a sanction and smoothing over to this usurpation; and on this ground I cannot assent to it. Suppose this bill either to pass or not to pass, what has been the practice under the constitution? By the expression under the constitution, I do not mean conformably to it. Men have been taken up by a military tribunal, and have been transported contrary to law. I say transported, for if a man can be transported from the district where the offence with which he is charged was committed, he may also be deported to Cayenne, or transported to Botany Bay. And even you yourself, (addressing the Speaker) if such acts be sanctioned by this bill, in your passage from this House to your lodgings, may be arrested, put on board a vessel, and carried whithersoever the military authority may choose. To this I will never give my consent. It has been very well remarked by my colleague, that this is not the first case in which an insurrection has occurred in the U. S. but that it is the first case, in which an attempt has been made to suspend the precious privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus. I put it to any man, whether now that we have received information of the extent of this conspiracy, and when we find that Cataline, Cethegus and Lentulus have not as many brother conspirators as themselves, this conspiracy is equal to that in Pennsylvania in 1794 or 1795? In physical force it is not comparable to it, however in intellectual talent it may be. I conceive then that according to the constitution of the U. S. there is but one case in which the writ of Habeas Corpus can be suspended, and I should not go into this view of the subject, if it had not been insisted by all those who have preceded me in the debate. My view of the subject is this—that this privilege can only be suspended in cases, in which, not merely the public safety requires it, but that the case of the public safety requiring it, must be united with actual invasion or actual rebellion. Now with whatever epithets gentlemen may dignify this conspiracy, I am not even of the opinion of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. R. Nelson)—I think it nothing more or less than an intrigue—and I am happy that I can declare on the honor, not of a soldier, but of a citizen, that I believe it to be a foreign intrigue, availing itself of domestic materials for answering its purposes, and poor indeed must be the soil of this, or of any other state of society which would not furnish such materials.
A gentleman from Massachusetts has stated to the House that the organization and administration of the government at this time forbids the apprehension of any abuse being made of the powers delegated under this law. Surely, Sir, the gentleman could not mean to urge this as any thing new. He must have known, if he had consulted history, as doubtless he has, that the king de facto and the administration de facto was always above suspicion—that there never was a proposition brought forward, that did not find a majority ready to say—there is surely no danger of any improper use of this power in our time, for we are all honorable men, and we would not delegate it, if an improper use could be made of it; and that if we reject a measure, we ought not to do it so much on account of ourselves, as on account of those who come after us. And what will those who come after us say of us? They will follow our example, and declare that the character of their forefathers was above every doubt and every suspicion. Now, for myself I beg leave to be permitted to disclaim every argument of this kind. I do not indeed consider it fair to introduce such an argument. Let us take up the question on its own merits and demerits, without any allusion or reference to our own virtues or the degeneracy of posterity. For myself I have no hesitation in saying, that I will not grant this power at any time, except under the most imperious necessity; and I say this without any disrespect to this honorable body, or to any of the public functionaries. Take man as he is, and in his best estate, you find him an animal prone to abuse and to corruption. There does not exist a single constitution or law in the world, that does not enforce this salutary truth.
I shall consider this bill, if it passes, as establishing a new era in the government. When I was a boy I recollect to have consulted such chronological tables as I could get access to. I recollect to have read that at a certain time monarchy was abolished in Rome—a little while after the first dictator was named—then the second dictator—and I believe, as in a case of apoplexy, the scarcely got over the third fit. I believe a suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus might have here the same effect as the establishment of the first dictatorship at Rome. In what situation would it place yourselves and the citizens of this country? It would leave them at the mercy, not merely of a justice of the peace, but at the mercy of every subaltern officer of the army and navy. I believe it would comport as much with the safety and interest of this confederacy to give us power to fend these people off, as to put this power in their hands. I believe we should be as trust-worthy as they. And let me ask what compensation to an innocent man, to a man of honor and feeling, to a man of character, who should be tied neck and heels and sent off to New Orleans, and who should ultimately be proved to be innocent, I ask what compensation it would be to him to bring an action of damages?—Against whom? A man without visible property—and what action? An action on the most mercenary principle, to be indemnified in his fame, by dollars, dimes and cents. The injury would be irreparable. At present all stand under the law. If any one offend, let him be brought under it. But in this way, to put a man in an oyster boat or skipper, and transport him to a distance from the place of his arrest, and then say he shall have a remedy, in case of his innocence, against an inferior officer, is absurd. If we pass such a bill, which God forbid, it should contain a large appropriation, and government should be obliged to make good the injured party—to afford him redress. I say they should grant a large appropriation, for it is not for men with epaulets and gold buttons to make reparation. If the bill passes, we are told it will be but temporary. Why, the sedition law was but temporary; and I think, Sir, (alluding to the Speaker) you were one of those who aided its passage much against your will, by being present at the altar when it was more than once re-enacted. As to its three months continuance, I consider that as one of the most of

jectionable features of the bill—As a bait to the trap—as the entering wedge. It is made re- citable to the interests and feelings of this House to pass it for three months, do you think we will then feel the same lively repugnance to it that we now do? No—it has been truly said that no man became perfectly wicked at once—and it may be affirmed with equal truth, that a nation is never enslaved at once. Men must be initiated by degrees and their relig- iousness must be gradually overcome. Let me state a case. 'Tis proposed to extend the time of service of the executive magistrate from four to five or eight years, or for life. If it be pro- longed for a term, do you believe we shall stop at its expiration? No—Once extended for life, he will then claim the power to choose his suc- cessor, and the hereditary principle will follow. This is the old trick. Let me however tell gentlemen that old birds are not to be caught by chaff, though unfortunately for them, the mass of mankind does not consist of old birds. Pass one other law, and I would quit the country. A twin brother to this same bill was in- troduced into the British parliament in 1794, and that bill to prevent seditious assemblies, was brought forward for about as good reasons as this. According to it, if four or five persons assembled and refused, on the notice of a magi- strate to disperse, they were considered guilty of sedition and were dispersed by force. These two bills form a complete tyranny, and tyranny of the most odious kind, because established un- der the mask of liberty. Was the tyranny of Robespierre less intolerable, oppressive or odious because inflicted in the name of the people, than a like tyranny in Turkey under the grand seignior and his muftis? Take one other thing along with you. These two fatal wounds in- flicted on the liberties of the English nation, were inflicted by the man who came forward in the character of a reformer; by the man who came forward as the advocate of a parliamen- tary reform, from which circumstance he ac- quired that popularity which enabled him to in- flict those deadly wounds on the liberty of his country.
Having said so much with regard to the prin- ciple, permit me to add one word on the details of the bill. There is a departure in it from the known, accustomed and received language of the constitution in the use of the word authori- ty —the words are "warrant or authority"—the expression is in my opinion too lax. Perhaps we may be told that the bill may be amended on the third reading. But my objection to the principle contained in it is such, that I will not consent to carry it to a third reading that, which under no amendment can be rendered palatable to my taste. Mr. Randolph concluded by ob- serving that he had so far exhausted himself, that he was unable to go on.
Mr. SMILIE. I shall not detain the House long by the remarks which I propose to make on this subject. I shall wave all observations on the mode of proceeding on this occasion, whether we shall reject the bill on its first, or suffer it to go to a second reading. The question is now put, and I am called upon to give my vote either in the affirmative or negative. I therefore feel under a necessity to put my ne- gative upon it. I consider this one of the most important subjects upon which we have ever been called to act. It is a question which is neither more nor less than whether we shall ex- ercise the only power with which we are cloth- ed, to repeal an important part of the constitu- tion. It is in this case only that we have power to repeal that instrument. A suspension of the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus is in all respects equivalent to repealing that essential part of the constitution which secures that principle which has been properly called in the country where it originated, the palladium of personal liberty. If we recur to England, we shall find that the writ of Habeas Corpus in that country has been frequently suspended. But under what circumstances? We find it was suspend- ed in the year 1715, but what was the situation of the country at that time? It was invaded by the son of James II.—there was a rebellion within the kingdom and an army was organiz- ed. The same happened in the year 1745—on this occasion it was found necessary to suspend it. In latter times, when the government had grown more corrupt, we have seen it suspended for an infinitely less cause.
We have taken from the statute book of this country this most valuable part of our constitu- tion. The convention who framed that in- strument, believing that there might be cases, when it would be necessary to vest a discretionary power in the executive, have constituted the legislature the judges of this necessity; and the only question now to be determined is, does this necessity exist? There must either be in the country a rebellion or an invasion before such an act can be passed. I really doubt whe- ther either of these exist. I really doubt whe- ther a single law of the U. S. has been as yet vi- olated. I will not say this is the fact; but I do not know any thing to prove the contrary. But supposing that a rebellion does exist—we are then left at liberty to decide whether it is such an one as to endanger the peace of society, to such a degree that no ordinary remedy will answer. If an ordinary remedy will not, it may be our duty to apply an extraordinary one. What is this mighty business? What is the opinion of the executive as to its danger? Does he consider it dangerous? It is a little remarkable that in every instance under the Bri- tish government, the proposition of such a mea- sure originated with the executive—while here, without any intimation of danger from the executive, we propose on our own suggestion to suspend one of the most valu- able privileges that is secured to the citizen. Let us attend to the communication of the President on this subject. He states that ac- cording to his information the persons concerned in the conspiracy depend on receiv- ing two kinds of aid—foreign aid and aid de- rived from their own country. After giving his opinion of the foreign aid expected, he says— "On the whole, the fugitives from the Ohio, with their associates from Cumberland, or any other place in that quarter, cannot threaten se- curity to the city of New Orleans."
The President declares that in his opinion there is no danger to be apprehended. With regard to foreign force, he states his reasons for thinking there is no danger. As the flag is in the hands of every gentleman, there can be no necessity for me to read it. But he explicit- ly declares, from the state of our relations with other nations, there can be no danger from that quarter. This being the deliberate opinion of the executive magistrate, who is more deeply responsible on this occasion than any other member of the government, is it not most ex- traordinary that we should attempt to take steps which can only be justified in the last resort. Are gentlemen aware of the danger of this pro- ceeding? This is the first attempt ever made un- der this government to suspend this law—if we suspend it when the executive tells us there is no danger, on what occasion may it not be sus- pended? Let us suppose that it shall be sus- pended on this occasion—what will be its effect? Parties will probably forever continue to exist in this country. Let us suppose a predom- inant party to conjure up a plot to avenge themselves—do not gentlemen see that the
personal liberty of all their enemies would be endangered. I mention this to forewarn gen- tlemen of the dangerous ground before them. I do not say that our country may not at some future day be in such a situation as to justify such a suspension. But I have never yet seen her in such a situation; and at this moment I think it does not exist. When we see the great body of the people so firmly attached to their government ought we to be thus alarmed on be- holding a few desperate and unprincipled men attempting to stir up an insurrection? There is another consideration which will induce me to give my hearty negative to this bill. If for- eign nations see that we are obliged under such circumstances, to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus, will it not show that the constitution is incapable of supporting itself, without the ap- plication of the most dangerous and extraor- dinary remedies.
Mr. DANA. I understand that the question is, whether the bill shall be rejected on its first reading, without passing through the ordinary forms of proceeding. In such cases the ordinary question is, is there any thing in the bill proper for the House to deliberate upon? If they are of opinion, that it can be modified in such a way as to ensure its passage, it ought to go to a committee of the whole. This was my opinion when the motion was first made to reject the bill. I was disposed to vote against the question, although the bill went to repeal the constitu- tion. I have been accustomed to view the pri- vilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus, as the most glorious invention of man. I was notwithstand- ing however, from a respect to the other branch of the legislature, disposed to investigate the subject, to examine whether there was any ne- cessity for it. As, on the one hand, I was in- clined to believe that the judgment of the Sen- ate had, on this occasion, been tinged by a strong abhorrence of rebellion, so I was willing on the other, to take time to guard myself against an equally strong feeling of abhorrence of dicta- tors. But on one principle I cannot agree to consider this bill as a proper subject of investi- gation for one moment. I perceive on further examination of the bill, that the Senate have provided for its suspension, in cases where per- sons have been already arrested. Had it been confined to future arrests, I might have agreed to deliberate on it, but viewing it in the light of an ex post facto law, I must give it my instan- taneous negative. There is another principle which appears to me highly objectionable. It authorizes the arrest of persons, not merely by the President, or other high officers, but by any person acting under him. I imagine this to be wholly without precedent. If treason were marching to force us from our seats, I would not agree to do this. I would not agree thus to destroy the fundamental principles of the con- stitution, or to commit such an act either of des- potism or pusillanimity. Under this view of the subject I am disposed to reject the bill, as containing a proposition on which I cannot deli- berate.
The yeas and nays were then taken on the question "shall the bill be rejected"—Yeas 119; Nays 19—as follows:
YEAS. Messrs. Alston, junior, Anderson, Bard, Bar- ker, Bassett, Bedinger, Betton, Bibb, Bishop, Blake, junior, Blount, Broom, Brown, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, G. W. Campbell, J. Camp- bell, Chittenden, Claiborne, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clinton, junior, Conrad, Cook, Covington, Dana, Darby, Davenport, junior, Dawson, Dwight, Early, Elliot, Ellis, Elmer, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Garnett, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Gray, Gregg, Halsey, Hamilton, Hastings, Holland, Homes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Lamber, Lewis, junior, Livingston, Lloyd, Lyon, Mac Farland, Ma- gruder, Marion, McCrery, Meriwether, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, J. Morrow, Moseley, J. Nelson, R. Nelson, Newton, jun. Pitkin, junior, Porter, Pugh, Quincy, J. Ran- dolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, (Penn.) Rhea, (Tenn.) Russell, Saily, Sommons, Schuneman, Seaver, Sloan, Snelk, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Stanton, Stedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tallmadge, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Wadsworth, J. Whitehill, R. White- hill, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Winston, and Wynns.
NAYS. Messrs. Alexander, Archer, Bidwell, Chand- ler, Cutts, Earle, Green, Helms, Masters, Mum- ford, Olin, Sanford, Southard, Thomas, Var- num; Verplanck, Walton, Wickes, and N. Williams.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WEDNESDAY, Feb. 4.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams. Resolved, That the Speaker address a letter to the executive of the state of South-Carolina, stating the death of General Levi Caley, in order that measures may be taken to supply the vacancy occa- sioned thereby in the representation from that state.
On motion of Mr. J. Randolph the petition of John Potter, and other persons, presented the last session, was referred to the committee of the whole on a re- port of the committee of public lands on similar claims.
The Speaker laid before the House a report from the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Dan. S. Dexter. Referred to a select committee.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the navy, stating the compensa- tions of the clerks employed in the navy depart- ment. Mr. J. Clay, from the committee appointed on the petition of Eleazar Spalding, presented a bill to provide for the payment of certain expen- ces incurred in the impeachment of Samuel Chafee. Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. G. W. Campbell from the committee to whom was referred the bill from the Senate, entitled An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts, in the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, reported their agree- ment to the same with sundry amendments. Referred to a committee of the whole on Fri- day.
Mr. Early, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, presented a bill respecting leases made under the authority of the United States and for other purposes, which was referred to the committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Early from the same committee, made a report on the petition of sundry inhabitants and merchants of Stonington in Connecticut, and Pawtucket in Rhode- Island, unfavorable to the prayer of the petitions. Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Varnum in the chair—on the bill from the Senate for the relief of Seth Harding. Messrs. Van Cortlandt, Mumford, Elmer, Smilie, Conrad and Jackson, supported the bill; Mr. Quincy suggested some difficulty with regard to the fund from which it was proposed to derive re- lief. The committee then rose and reported the bill, which was read a third time, and passed, without a di- vision. A message was received from the Senate stating that they had passed a bill respecting the administration of justice in the district of Columbia, and a bill for the relief of the sufferers by fire in the town of Port- mouth.
The House took into consideration the report of the committee of the whole on the report of a select committee, on the subject of fortifying our ports and harbors. When this subject was previously before the House, a motion of General Van Cortlandt was depending to authorize the President to man and equip such gun boats and other armed vessels of the U. S. as he may deem expedient. On this amendment a long debate ensued, involving the discussion at large of the policy of protecting our ports and harbors. Mr. Sturges advocated the amendment. Mr. D. R. Williams opposed it. Mr. Elliot spoke in favor of strong measures of de- fence. Mr. Lloyd declared himself against both the resolu- tion, and moved to postpone the further considera- tion of the report till Monday week. This motion was advocated by Messrs. Lloyd, Gregg, Smilie, and Fisk—and opposed by Messrs. Thomas, Lyon, Mumford, Elliot, Van Cortlandt, Masters and Van Rensselaer—when the question was taken by yeas and nays, on the postpone- ment. Yeas 40—Nays 76. The House then adjourned.
THURSDAY, Feb. 5.
Mr. Lewis from the committee to whom was re- ferred the message of the President relative to the public buildings in the city of Washington, presented a bill making appropriations for finishing the south- wing of the capital, and for other purposes; which was referred to a committee of the whole to-mor- row.
Mr. Early, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred the amend- ments of the Senate to the bill for surveying the coasts of the United States, reported their agreement to the same, in which the House concurred—Ayes 58.
The amendments extend the survey to the Gulf of Mexico, and appropriate 50,000 dollars for the same.
The House resumed the consideration of the un- finished business of yesterday, being the report of a com- mittee on fortifying our ports and harbors.
The question was taken on the amendment offered by Mr. Van Cortlandt, which was disagreed to— Ayes 51—Nays 54.
The question then recurred on filling the blank in the 2nd resolution with "250,000" dollars for build- ing 50 gun-boats.
Mr. Mumford spoke against agreeing to this amend- ment, and expressed a hope that part of the sum would be applied to fortifications.
Mr. Smilie concurred in opinion with Mr. Mum- ford, and said if the amendment were not agreed to, he would then move to fill the blank with 150,000 dollars, and be in favor of applying the remaining 100,000 dollars to the protection of New-York.
Messrs Thomas and Cook spoke to the same effect, when the amendment was disagreed to—Ayes 4.
The amendment, authorizing the President to arm and equip as many of the gun boats as in his opinion the public service may require, was likewise disagreed to—Ayes 34.
Mr. Thomas then moved to fill the blank with "150,000".
This motion was supported by Messrs. Stanton, Thomas, Smilie and Fisk; and opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph, Elmer and Holland.
Mr. Gregg suggested the propriety of postponing the further consideration of the subject to gain infor- mation.
With this view Mr. Early moved a postponement to Monday week. This motion was negatived— Ayes 49—Nays 58.
Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Alston and Smilie spoke in favor of appropriating 150,000 dollars for the building of gun boats; and Mr. Elliot against it.
Mr. Early moved a postponement to this day week.
This motion was advocated by Messrs. Early, and Chandler; and opposed by Messrs. Lloyd, Mum- ford, Elmer, Tallmadge, Stanton, Fisk and Dwight.
This motion was likewise disagreed to—Ayes 49— Nays 56.
Mr. Eppes then moved a postponement to Monday week.
This motion was generally acquiesced in, and car- ried—Ayes 69—after a continuation of the debate on the main subject, in which Messrs. Eppes, Cook, Thomas, Mumford, Varnum and Smilie took part.
A committee was appointed to bring in a bill to carry into effect the objects of the first resolution.
On motion of Mr. Early the House adopted the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be re- quested to cause to be laid before this House such information as may be in the possession of the execu- tive department tending to show the efficacy of gun boats in the protection and defence of ports and har- bors, and particularly a list of such of the principal ports and harbours as may be defended or essentially assisted in being defended by gun boats, together with the number necessary for each.
Mr. Stanton offered the following resolution. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of making provision by law to authorize the President of the U. S. to cause to be erected in suitable places on the margin of the ocean at his discretion, not exceeding arsenals and docks for the accommodation and speedy repairing of public armed ships and vessels that may be rendered unfit for service by gales of wind, or in action with the enemies of the U. S. and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The question was immediately taken without de- bate, and the resolution disagreed to.
FRIDAY, Feb. 6. The following message was received from the President of the U. S.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. The government of France having examined into the claim of Mr. de Beaumarchais, against the U. States, and considering it as just and le- gal, has instructed its minister here to make re- presentations on the subject to the government of the U. S. I now lay his memoir thereon be- fore the legislature, the only authority compe- tent to a final decision on the same.
TH: JEFFERSON. The message and accompanying documents were referred to the committee of Claims.
A message was likewise received from the Pres- ident, transmitting a copy of the laws of Lou- isiana, which were referred to a select commit- tee.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill relative to issuing debentures.
A debate ensued on several amendments of- fered, when the question was put on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading.
On this question a debate arose, which was continued without a decision until the adjourn- ment of the House.
SATURDAY, Feb. 7. Mr. Lattimore offered the following resolu- tion, which was agreed to.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of establishing and maintaining an institution at Naichez, for the relief of sick and disabled boatmen, out of such funds as may be constituted by a tax upon persons employ- ed in the navigation of the Mississippi, and that said committee have leave to report by bill or o- therwise.
Mr. Thomas from the committee to whom was referred the resolution agreed to by the House on the subject of fortifications, presented a bill for fortifying the ports and harbors of the U. S., which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Lyon offered the following resolution, which was agreed to:
Resolved, That the committee of Ways and Means be instructed to enquire into the expedi- ency of retaining a greater proportion of the du- ties on articles, the growth or manufacture of foreign countries, which may be re-exported. Mr. Broom offered the following resolution: Resolved, That it is expedient to make fur- ther provision by law for securing the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus to persons in custo- dy, under or by colour of the authority of the U. States, which was ordered to lie on the ta- ble.
Mr. Varnum offered the following resoluti- on:
Resolved, That it is expedient, in addition to sums otherwise appropriated to fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States to appropriate a sum not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars to enable the President of the United States to cause the port and harbour of New-York to be better fortified and defend- ed.
After a short debate, this resolution was or- dered to lie on the table.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the governor and judges of the Michigan territory, representing that in obedience to an act of Congress they have laid out a town, a plan of which they submit, and that they have made progress in the adjustment in the titles to lands, and the distribution of the donations contemplated by the said act.
A bill was received from the Senate entitled an act confirming claims to land in the district of Vincennes, which was referred to the com- mittee on public lands.
A bill was likewise received from the Senate, entitled an act to reduce the expenses attending the administration of justice in the district of Columbia, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Tuesday.
The amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill for the relief of William Hearn, were agreed to.
The House resumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the issuing debentures in certain cases.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to recommit the bill. This motion, after debate, was lost.
The question was then put on engrossing the bill for a third reading, and the yeas and nays, after debate, taken, which were Yeas 53—Nays 55. The Speaker declaring himself in the ne- gative, the question and the bill were lost.
SENATE UNITED STATES. February 5.
A debate of considerable interest occurred on the following resolution:
Resolved, That _____ acres of land be granted to the Chesapeake and Delaware canal company, upon their giving bond, conditioned to transfer to the United States, a number of the shares of the capital stock of said company, at the rate of two hundred dollars a share, equal to the proceeds of the sales of the land granted to them; and conditioned to sell the said land within _____ years, and to furnish to the se- cretary of the treasury a true account of the sales.
Messrs. Bayard and Pickering supported the resolution; Mr. Adams opposed it; and Messrs. Giles and Baldwin suggested doubts respecting it.
When the question was taken, and the resolu- tion agreed to—Ayes 20—Nays 6.
Europe. LONDON, Nov. 21.
It is calculated, that not less than three millions of foreign property have been vested in our funds with- in the last ten days.
November 24. GENERAL MOREAU.—Some of our cotemporaries have expressed doubts of the arrival of this celebrated commander in London. We can assure the public, that he was not only in town for many days, but that it was at the pressing instance of government that he came to England. He was conveyed from Lisbon in one of his majesty's vessels. The greatest care was taken to prevent his arrival from being known. He passed for an Italian, and had no communications at all, while here, but with his majesty's ministers. He had several conferences with Lord Grenville and Lord Howick, and passed a few days in the country with the Earl of Moira. It is clearly the wish of our govern- ment, that he should be placed at the head of the Ruskin in the Rus- sian forces; but whether the measure has been sanc- tioned by the Emperor Alexander we cannot undertake to say. Gen. Moreau is eager to oppose himself to his great rival in military fame, and a formal commu- nication of his wish has been sent to Petersburg. The latest intelligence received from him since he left En- gland, was dated Hamburg, where he was to remain but one day. [Extraordinary and untrue—Gen. Moreau is at present in New-York.]
The contents of the French and Dutch papers, which we communicated yesterday, have gone very near to fill the deficiency of the disastrous intelligence we have been in the habit of receiving from the conti- nent since the commencement of the campaign. The capitulation of prince Hohenlohe, the surrender of Mag- deburg, Cultrin and Stettin, in the latter of which 6,000 men and 160 pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the enemy; the capture of Anklam with its garrison of 4,000 men; the great probability of the approaching reduction of the only remaining corps of Prussia, under the duke of Weimar and general Blü- cher; and the advance of the enemy towards the fur- ther bank of the Oder, and even into the heart of Po- land;—all these circumstances concur to prove that no hope of resistance to the French armies now remains, except in a prompt and mighty exertion of the power and resources of the Russian empire. We fear, on the one hand, that the Emperor of Russia, unapprized, and unapprehensive of the total ruin that has over- whelmed the power of Prussia, may have content- ed himself with sending forward in the first instance, a force sufficient, in conjunction with the Prussians (now, alas! annihilated) to balance or overpower that of the enemy. On the other hand, as this force must have been understood, from the outset, to have been expected, at the utmost, only to keep the French at Bay until the arrival of the Russians, some are still inclined to entertain the hope that the em- peror Alexander will have felt the necessity of sending forward a force in itself sufficient to meet that of the enemy. Some accounts state that actually upon their march as amounting to 250,000; but that the advanced guard, under prince Bagration, had not advanced beyond Breslau at the end of October; and we have no doubt that Bonaparte will now use his efforts to beat them in detail; though we deem it very unlikely that he will be able to push his conquests to the Rus- sian capital.
With respect to England, Bonaparte as we yester- day observed, renews his declaration against making peace till we shall be obliged to renounce the scheme of disturbing the continent, and the tyranny of the seas. "As to the disturbance of the continent," we know of no scheme which Britain can be said to have had for that purpose, except the disposition to aid, to the utmost of her power, the resistance of indepen- dent nations to all attempts at the violation of their rights; or to any other of the continent which France can mean to establish, except it be the peace of unconditional submission to her own will. How France will be able to compel us to renounce this disposition, or to establish a peace on the continent, we know not, unless it be by the annihilation of every germ of liberty and independence with which we could form an association. To reduce our means, or to limit our disposition to assist the exertion of the
spirit of independence, is, we trust, beyond the power of the tyrant. To compel us to renounce what he calls the tyranny of the seas, is a gaffeade that does not deserve any serious notice. Our maritime power, will, we trust, be always equally stable and just; and at present we see not the smallest room to question either its justice or its ability.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 3. Extract of a letter from Trinidad, dated December 30, received by a mercantile house in this city.
"Bonaparte had overrun nearly the whole country, but his late defeats by the combined armies of Ruffia and Prussia near Polen, will, I trust, give him a turn to his affairs as may procure to him a passage to Siberia. He is said to have lost in the three battles, three days successively, 60,000 men killed, wounded and prisoners. In short he was completely routed. Orders were issued for searching the conscripts from every part of France. Great commotions it is said, prevailed at Paris; this we have from Martinique, where the news had also arrived express. This will change the face of all Europe."
From Bell's London Weekly Messenger.
Almost all the kingdoms of Europe are en- croached. There is not one of them—not even which can support the contest. It is lament- able to say it, but, from some cause or other, there is scarcely a sovereign in Europe, who is re- spected or respected by his subjects. With the exception of England, there is not an army nor a people on the continent who will not willingly de- fend their country from the invader. In this state of things, what can save them? Prussia is gone —Russia will perhaps follow. Let England look to herself and not diffuse her strength in expeditions to Buenos Ayres and South-Ameri- ca. England may yet save herself, but we are grieved to say, she cannot now save Europe.
We learn from Spain, that great armaments were making in that kingdom; and that 150,0- 000 were to be raised. This is doubtless one of the ramifications of Bonaparte's immense plans.
Arrived at Portsmouth, (Eng.) the Racehorse sloop, capt. Forbes from Guernsey. She has four tons of silver on board, in 127,000 dollars, which was saved out of the American shipwreck

The ship Asia, arrived at Providence the 25th January, from Amsterdam, left the Texel, the 28th Nov. A report reached that place, a day or two previous to the Asia's sailing, that War was declared between Denmark and England. The captain says that in consequence, two or three Danish ships, that were lying at the Texel, ready for sea, went back to Nieu Dieppe.
West-Indies.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 6.
CURRACOA TAKEN.
Captain M'Cullen who arrived last night in 23 days from the City of St. Domingo informs, that the pilot-boat Schooner Fair Play, formerly of New-York, had a few days previous to his departure, failed for Curacoo, but returned in 3 days with information, that that place was actually in possession of the British.
The news of the unsettled state of affairs among the Blacks in the late Haytian Empire, had reached the City of St. Domingo; and it was believed there, that Gen. Ferrand would soon try his strength with Christophe or Pétion, or both. Sanguine hopes were entertained of his succeeding.
N. Y. Gaz.
PHILADELPHIA, February 3.
By the Ann, arrived at New-Castle, we learn that a civil war rages in the devoted empire of Hayti:—The rival chiefs are Christophe and Pétion. Several bloody affairs had taken place. It is stated that in the election for President, Christophe had 60 out of 75 votes; and that Pétion, though in so weak a minority, had raised the standard of revolt, and was determined to contest by arms. Christophe's pretensions to office—Business, of course, was in a most unsettled situation. Affirmations, plunders, &c. were frequent—The plantations were entirely neglected.
NEW-YORK, February 5.
By Capt. Harris, from Port de Paix we learn, that a bloody battle took place, about the first of January, near Port-au-Prince, between General Christophe and General Pétion, in which the former was victorious. General Pétion had armed several vessels, and had formed a little place between Gonâives and Port de Paix, and was daily expected at the latter place.
Merc. Adv.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 6.
Captain M'Cullen, of the brig Thetis from St. Domingo, informs us, that on the second of January the Danish Sch. Fairplay returned there from Curacoo, where she had been to carry arms, with the intelligence that Curacoo was in possession of the British.
From the Halifax Royal Gazette of January 13.
The Brig Adventure, Capt. Hills, has just arrived from Nevis, after a passage of 30 days. Capt. Hills, brought no papers, but confirms the news of the arrival of 15,000 Troops at Barbadoes, and the arrival of a Packet from England, with the intelligence of the defeat of the French army by the Prussians and Russians. Capt. H. further states, that about 100 sail of Vessels of War and Transports, with Troops on board had assembled at Dominica, and were hourly expected to go against Martinique.
Domestic.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 2.
From the Albany Register extraordinary, Jan. 27. 1807.
A nefarious libel, under the signature of Marcus, having been recently printed at Poughkeepsie, and industriously circulated in the northern parts of the state, with the view of wounding my feelings, and exciting unjust prejudices against me; I have directed prosecutions to be immediately instituted against the author and publishers, and I pledge myself to my friends, that a judicial investigation will demonstrate the folly, the falsehood and the malice of the charges exhibited against me.
DE WITT CLINTON.
Albany, 26th Jan. 1807.
NEW-YORK, February 9.
Last night the Editors of the New-York Gazette received the following interesting news from N. Orleans, by the brig Neptune.
That on the 6th ult. general Wilkinson received a letter from Burr, who was at Natchez, requesting to know if the general would suffer him to PASS New-Orleans. The general stuck his determination to oppose Burr's passage on the coffee-house books, and at the same time requested the Merchants to order the vessels down to Plaquemine, to prevent Burr from using them to aid in his plans. The general's Note on the coffee-house books threw the city into confusion.
The force which Burr had with him was not accurately known—but it was said his advanced guard under Adair consisted of 200 cavalry, and Burr was at the head of 600 troops, all arrived at the Natchez. All the gun boats, two ketches, and the Schooner Revenge, had failed up the river under the command of commodore Shaw.
The militia and volunteers were all put under arms the 6th ult. and were on duty when the Neptune failed.
Mr. Ogden was in confinement at Fort St. Philip. Alexander had been sent on to Washington. Edward Livingston was at large—he was believed to be innocent.
Lieut. Small, of the U. States army, and a Mr. Henderson, who had lately resigned his commission in the army, had been arrested as participants in Burr's conspiracy.
Mr. Lucket of Louisville, Burr's principal agent for the purchase of provision, has been arrested, his provisions stopped, and he obliged to find security for his good deportment towards the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 6.
We stop the Press to insert the following highly interesting letter just received:
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.
(Communicated for the REGISTER.)
"BALTIMORE, Feb. 4.
"General Smith has this day received positive information from Washington, that the treaty between this country and England has been signed. Mr. Munroe will be the bearer of the same, and may be very soon expected out—The India trade is placed on the same footing as it was under Jay's treaty; and to the West-Indies, on that of the most favoured nation. Importers of produce from enemies countries will be allowed to export in another vessel, after the duties have been secured and the property stored for one month.—What relates to the seamen, it seems, is not included in the treaty, but agreed on in an appendix; I am inclined to believe that England will not resort to a general blockade of the ports on the continent, now that they have come to a proper understanding with this country—at least I
should suppose our negotiators would not have conceded what they have done, if they had not been pretty certain that our trade to Europe would be left unmolested."
BALTIMORE, February 5.
We have now the satisfaction of contradicting the article in our paper of yesterday, relative to our negotiations with Britain. We are informed that they have been brought to a just and happy conclusion: that a copy of the treaty is now before congress; that it is admitted in one of the articles, that our flag shall protect a seamen sailing under it, excepting deserters from the service of Great Britain; and that we shall have a free and uninterrupted intercourse with all nations. By the Washington mail of to-day we expect further information. Telegraph.
Legislature of Pennsylvania.
The day before yesterday, (January 27) while the clerk was reading the journal of the preceding day, in which he had mentioned that the governor had returned to the house certain bills which he had approved and signed, Leib interrupted him and said that the bills would appear upon examination not to be signed but STAMPED with a fac simile.—He said this was not a signing according to the constitution; that things had arrived at a crisis, and that in a few days he would offer a resolution for the appointment of a committee to enquire into the official conduct of Thomas M'Kean.
Aurora.
In the House of Representatives of the Pennsylvania Legislature, on Friday, January 30th, Dr. Leib, agreeably to notice given a few days ago, offered a resolution to the following effect: "That a committee be appointed to enquire into the official conduct of Thomas M'Kean, governor of this commonwealth, and to report their opinion whether he has so acted in his executive capacity as to require the constitutional interposition of this House, and that they be authorised to send for persons and papers." On the question whether the resolution should be laid upon the table, it was determined in the affirmative by the casting vote of the speaker. Ib.
WASHINGTON, February 7.
Mr. Lee yesterday moved the Supreme Court of the United States, for writs of habeas corpus in the cases of Messrs. Alexander, Bollman & Swartwout. The court assigned this day for the consideration of the motion. The argument, we understand, will, in the first instance, be directed to the solution of the abstract question, whether the Supreme Court has, in any case, power to issue a writ of habeas corpus. Nat. Int.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 9.
No argument has been yet had, or decision made in the Supreme Court on the motion of Mr. Lee for writs of Habeas Corpus in the cases of Messrs. Bollman, Swartwout and Alexander; owing, it is said, to the indisposition of Mr. Lee.
WASHINGTON, February 9.
On Friday last Mr. ALEXANDER was brought before Judge Ducket, by the officer who had him in charge from General Wilkinson. The officer produced a letter from the Secretary of War, addressed to him, directing him to take Mr. Alexander before one of the Judges of the Circuit Court. Judge Ducket certified on the back of the letter, that the direction of the Secretary had been complied with, and that no evidence had been adduced that seemed to require any proceeding on his part. This officer considered as a discharge, and of course released Mr. Alexander.
The House of Assembly of New-York have chosen Andrew M'Cord, their speaker, by a majority of eleven.
They have likewise chosen Messrs. Thomas, Burt, Savage and Nicholas, to compose the council of appointment, all of whom as well as Mr. M'Cord, are friends to the administration of governor Lewis.
GEORGETOWN (P.) Feb. 4.
On Monday the supreme court of the U. S. met at the capitol in the city of Washington. All the judges are in the city—but judges Chase and Cushing, we understand, are indisposed. Mr. Alexander, sent from Orleans by general Wilkinson, under military arrest, is now at the marine barracks in the city. It is expected the counsel who appeared for Dr. Bollman and Mr. Swartwout, will move the supreme court this day for a writ of Habeas Corpus in his behalf.
NORFOLK, February 5.
The British ships of war Bellona, capt. Douglas, and Triumph, capt. Hardy, of 74 guns each, and the Mermaid frigate, which have been at anchor in Hampton Roads for some time, sailed early on Tuesday morning in great haste, in consequence of information received of a pilot being put on board an 80 gun French ship on Saturday last. It is generally supposed it must be admiral Villeneuve's ship the Foudroyant from the Havanna. If so there is very little chance of the British coming up with her, as she is considered the fastest sailer in the French navy. Herald.
Extract of a letter, dated Louisville January 9, 1807.
"We received information last evening, on which I think we can rely, that Col. Burr's party was to make their rendezvous at the Iron Works on the 2d of this month, and there is no doubt now left but his intentions are the Spanish settlements at and in the neighborhood of Baton Rouge on the Mississippi, and that if his intentions ever had been a conquest of Mexico, the exertions of our government have for the present diverted him to a secondary object."
NOTICE.
By virtue of three Deeds of Trust, executed to the undersigned, by William Cocke, of the county of Goochland, (and of record, in the court of that county,) for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due to John Shelton and Son, and fundry other debts due to John L. Barris, & Co. will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goochland (Court House) on Saturday the 14th day of March next:
A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said Cocke, now in the occupancy of George Underwood; lying in the county of Goochland, adjoining the lands of John Markham, John Lewis, Lewis Powers, and others; containing between three and four hundred acres, as expressed in said several Deeds of Trust.
FREDERICK HARRIS, Trustee. WILLIAM MILLER, Trustee. February 13. (tdf.)
THE subscribers to the DANCING ASSEMBLIES, are requested to meet at the Bell Tavern, on Friday evening, the 13th inst. at 6 o'clock, for the purpose of appointing managers, &c. &c. February 18. (1c.)
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 13th FEBRUARY.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO WILLIAM DANIEL, ESQ.
SIR.
Your talents and your patriotism have heretofore stood high in my estimation, and that I have not been alone in this opinion, the distinguished office, emanating from the affections of the people, which you now fill, is conclusive evidence. I am not one of those violent partisans who is so fond of denunciation, and so tenacious of his own opinions as not to hear any reasoning that may be offered against them, on the contrary, I admit the fallibility of myself, in common with mankind, and if my understanding has generated opinions erroneous in themselves, and injurious to you, it will give me pleasure to retract them whenever I am convinced of error.
In all the points I shall make in the observations which may follow, I shall endeavour to use plain and perspicuous language, and if the words employed for this purpose, should sometimes be a little burthensome to you, I can only explain by saying, that this is one of the consequences which will sometimes flow from a conflict of opinions—I do not intend to charge you with any wicked design in the part you have lately taken in the Senate, upon the resolution sent up from the House of Delegates, but I shall endeavour to show that your language upon that occasion has not only been unfortunate for yourself, but injurious to your representatives, whose conduct in the minority of Congress, you have so zealously advocated and calculated to endanger the public good. The opinions which I shall here advance may be deemed erroneous, but they are such as I honestly entertain, and such as I small honestly express.
The resolution sent up from the House of Delegates is in these words—"Resolved, That the Legislature of Virginia continue to view with the highest approbation, the firm, just, and liberal policy, which characterises the conduct of the government of the United States towards foreign nations," and to this resolution you gave your negative vote. Whatever may be the opinions of many republicans in Virginia about the introduction of this resolution before the General Assembly, I believe the number to be very small who will sanction the fate it met in the Senate—I am astonished, sir, at the obstinacy with which you assert and maintain an opinion, that this resolution was introduced solely for the purpose of censuring the minority in Congress, when the friends of the resolution, (with an exception of, I believe, one) declare in the face of the nation, that such was not their object. You must have but little respect for the veracity of these gentlemen, or you must have an unfortunate desire to bring the government & minority again into public discussion. If you support your opinion from the first cause, you surely have departed widely from the established rules of decorum; if from the last, your motives deserve the frowns of the people. What, sir, was the situation of our country when you addressed the chair of the Senate? Our relations with foreign powers exhibited a cloud of darkness and uncertainty which ought not only to be lamented and regretted by the people of America, but which ought to inspire them with but one sentiment for the support of their country; but, sir, this was not all; our internal situation ought to have drawn your attention at the time you were indulging your eloquence in the Senate chamber.
It was well known to you that a conspiracy was planning in the Western States, which had for its object the most fatal consequences, and which could only be effected by withdrawing the affections of the people from the administration—this, sir, was our situation, menaced with war from abroad, and internal commotions at home, it became more than ever necessary that we should become united by a thousand ligamentary ties, and rally round the administration, even if we knew that that administration had committed some errors, which upon this occasion I am far from admitting.
Under these circumstances you ought to have weighed the consequences which might follow, from the doctrine which you supported; you might have kept your eye upon the imperfections which you saw in the administration, but your lips ought to have been sealed upon the subject until the public mind was tranquillized. You delivered your opinions at a time when, according to your own maxim, you ought to have looked over the few errors, you discovered for the many advantages you enjoyed; and if you did not choose to "sing praises when your heart and your tongue were not attuned to the subject," you might have prevented your notes from sounding at all, which would certainly have been the best policy under the exciting state of the nation.
It is in vain, sir, for you to declare that you are the friend of Mr. R***** and also of the administration; the declaration exhibits a soliloquy which cannot be supported, and when you make it, you must either suppose an incompetency in the people to understand you, and thereby preserve both the friendship of them and the administration, or your intellect must be more superficial than I have heretofore supposed.
In vain, sir, may you attempt to divert the attention of the people into a wide range of argument about France, Spain and England, the battles of Marengo, Austerlitz and Jena; those things may gratify your own inclination to them to the people how handsomely you can argue upon certain subjects, but when the people give to you all the credit you deserve upon that score, they will exclaim with one voice that your ingenuity or imagination could not manufacture matter enough for you to go upon out of the resolution before you, but you laid that aside to shift for itself, and immediately conceived yourself to be Mr. R***** standing upon the floor of Congress and debating upon our British and Spanish relations—This, sir, was an unfortunate mistake for you, and also that you may calculate upon being the successor of Mr. R***** at some time or other, you are yet in the Virginia Legislature, and your travelling, at this time, over the ground taken by the minority in Congress, at the last session, is a thing not warranted by the constitution of Virginia, and ought not to be approved by your constituents.
In spite of all your argument the people must and will see that this is the pivot upon which the whole question turns. Are we to support Mr. R***** or are we to support the administration, and he who supports the one, is undoubtedly an enemy to the other? But I believe, sir, that Mr. R***** himself is sensible that the general voice is against him, and his course since the last meeting of Congress is evidence of his conviction; if he is sensible of having committed an error, it is a laudable thing in him to correct it, by observing a different course of conduct, and by this means he will again be referred to the affections of the Republicans,
who have never ceased to denounce him, and who very recently complained of the stand he made against the administration in the last Congress—They are willing to impute his conduct to the most favourable motives, and Mr. R***** possesses too much penetration not to see that your eulogiums upon him in the Senate, are admirably calculated to do him an injury, by reviving the discussion of a subject which he wishes to be forgotten.
But, sir, the republicans ought to view the part you have taken with a much more rigid eye than the conduct of Mr. R*****. The latter gentleman has rendered to his country many important services, and unfortunately possesses a temper which at particular moments may carry him much further than he would go after proper deliberation upon the subject; in addition to this, he did not know what impression his conduct (in the last Congress) would leave upon the public mind; these are circumstances, which in some measure ought to mitigate the offence—But, sir, you have nothing of this sort to offer in extenuation; you have been deliberating upon the conduct of Mr. R. for 12 months, you have heard the public voice every where exclaims against him, and you have seen that since the meeting of the present Congress, Mr. R. himself seems to be anxious to heal the wounds inflicted upon the republican cause at the last, & yet with those facts before you, you have leaped out of your own legislative limits, and brought again into public view not only the conduct and views of the minority in Congress, which you well knew had produced an unfortunate schism in the republicans; but you have gone into a minute examination of the conduct of the administration of the general government, during the last session of Congress, and at the very time that you are doing this, you complain to the senate, that the house of delegates have transcended the limits of their power, by introducing a simple resolution approving the conduct of the general government.—You wish to confine the House of Delegates strictly within their own limits, but you take upon yourself the liberty of not only inquiring into the views and conduct of the general government, but you have peeped into many of the European Cabinets—How you can explain this illiberality towards the House of Delegates, and answer for your own assumption of power, I confess I am at a loss to know.
But, sir, had the subject which you discovered so much anxiety to touch, been calculated to tranquillize the republican minds of America, or could any benefit whatever result from its discussion, you might have been somewhat pardonable in seizing upon it; but when you had seen the unfortunate effects produced to the cause of republicanism immediately after Mr. R***** had constitutionally occupied the ground, in argument, which you now do; I cannot imagine to myself what can be your motives when you unconstitutionally drag the same subject before the senate of Virginia for discussion.
* Denied.
(To be concluded in our next.)
DIED—On Friday last, COL. JOHN HARVIE, at Belvidere, near this city.
COMMUNICATION.
ON THE LATE JOHN HARVIE, ESQ. This gentleman cannot be said to have completed that period of years, which a constitution, naturally strong, and habits free from excess, seemed to promise. For the purposes, however, of private virtue and public utility, his time was not too short, nor were the proofs which he gave of both, few in number, or limited to a narrow sphere.
Early in manhood, he entered into the profession of the law; in the exercise of which his talents and integrity secured universal confidence, and extensive success. Happy in temper and generous in heart, he required no particular excitement, to fulfil every social relation. At home: we beheld in him the affectionate husband, the tender parent, and the indulgent master, who clothed, fed, and visited in sickness, those, whom fate had subjected to his power. Under his hospitable roof, the stranger and the distressed found repose and consolation.—Abroad: his manners were affable and polite; and he was distinguished by a hatred of calumny, and a readiness to support the victims of persecution. In all situations, and at all times, he adhered with readfastness and warmth to those, whom he placed in the catalogue of his friends.
The death of Col. Harvie adds another name of veneration to the register of departed revolutionary patriots. Into the first state-constitution, he brought with him the zeal of his constituents from a frontier district; and animated the public councils by assurances of their devotion to the sacred cause. He was one of the bold asserters of American Independence; when almost every thing, but the unconquerable spirit of liberty, was wanting for its establishment. In the formation of our government, which contains the best means of political happiness, as long as we are virtuous, he cordially and ably assisted. From the labours of state-legislation he was removed to a seat in Congress, during a season of gloom and tempest; when to the honor of our country, the American foul rose in energy, proportionate to the pressure of danger. He was deemed by that respectable body worthy of a mission to the American army, upon subjects critical and momentous. Upon his return to the Virginia assembly, he was elected to organise and conduct the land-office in its infancy; the funds of which he carried into the treasury with the most scrupulous fidelity, and the duties of which he discharged, without a murmur of dissatisfaction from any individual who demanded his services. He resigned this station from a nicety of feeling, which banished all regard to emolument. After his retirement, he became occasionally a member of the legislature; and in private and public debate, he never failed to manifest the whig-gift of 1776, without violating his attachment to order and stability; or to temper an affectionate admiration of the federal constitution, with hostility to funding systems, sedition acts, and standing armies.
His loss religion forbids us to lament; but nature and friendship force us to feel.
Burr's Conspiracy.—It has been asserted by monarchic minions, that republican governments are adapted to small territories only; and that monarchies alone are endowed with energy; and that it is this quality which fits them for large countries. But what says the experience of the times?—Mr. J. Randolph may degrade Burr's project into an intrigue; but it was an intrigue of the most dangerous sort. It was executed by a man of the most astonishing genius; penetrating, acquainted with man, daring, desperate and ambitious; by a man who was once encircled with splendid honours; and whose pecuniary means were adequate to his wants.—No! it was not a mere intrigue. It was a conspiracy of the most dangerous nature. It was planned by an American Cataline; & some Sallust will hereafter record it. And what says experience? This conspiracy, set on foot in a part of the country, the most remote from the heart of the government, is quashed in a moment. It is nip-ped in its very bud; without bloodshed, and without
destruction. Perhaps there was not even a single overt-act.—And yet shall it be contended, that a government thus vigilant, thus cautious, and thus collected, is not a strong government; and that it is not adapted to as large a country as our own? Away with such absurdities! Away with the contemptible dreams of Montezuma and his besotted English constitution!—Thomas Jefferson perfectly right when he says in his inaugural speech: "I believe this the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern."
Burr's conspiracy has produced these two good effects:
1st. It has called forth the strongest proofs of the attachment of the Western people to the Union of the states;—and 2nd. The exhibition this very spirit will discourage all future Burr's from attempting a separation of these states. The Western people at large are attached to the Union; and even many of those who are engaged with Burr may be presumed unfriendly to a dissolution. That was not directly presented before them; and it is not unfair to presume, that many would have engaged in an attack upon Mexico, or looting Barron's grant, whose hearts would have floundered at aiming a blow against the union of their Country.—When future conspirators see this almost perfect unanimity, will they dare to act in the very face of it? Will they presume to attempt a separation of the West from the East; when the West itself is almost to a man opposed to it? Thanks to A. Burr whose villainy has provoked the exhibition of so much virtue!!!
COMMUNICATION.
NATIONAL ANNIVERSARIES.
The anniversary of Mr. JEFFERSON's election is usually celebrated on the 4th of March; but this was the day of his installation. To celebrate the 4th of March, is to celebrate the election of those who preceded Mr. Jefferson, and all those who hereafter shall succeed him, as President of the United States. The real day of Mr. JEFFERSON's election was on the 17th of February 1801.—Quere, then, is not this the proper day to commemorate?
William Nals, the centinel charged with the murder of John McCredie, Esq. was tried before the examining Justices Court of this city on Tuesday last, and sent on to further trial.
RICHMOND THEATRE.
MR. WILMOT'S BENEFIT.
On Saturday Evening, February 14th, will be presented, (not performed here this season,) SHAKESPEARE's celebrated TRAGEDY, of—
HAMLET,
PRINCE OF DENMARK.
HAMLET, (BY A YOUNG GENTLEMEN OF RICHMOND,) BEING HIS FIRST APPEARANCE ON ANY STAGE.
To which will be added, the much admired Farce of THE PRISONER AT LARGE, OR, THE HUMORS OF KILLARNY.
ATTENTION!!!
THE Members of the RICHMOND LIGHT INFANTRY BATTALION, are requested to attend a meeting at Fletcher's Tavern, on Saturday evening next, at 6 o'clock, P. M. without uniform.
By order of the Captain, EDMUND TAYLOR, jr. Serg't.
Those Gentlemen wishing to become members will please apply to the Capt. previous to the meeting, Feb. 13.
VOLUNTEERS!!!
To nominate to Executive appointment a suitable person as ENSIGN, (a vacancy having occurred in the company,) the SHOCKOE VOLUNTEERS are requested to meet, TO-MORROW evening, at the Washington tavern, at 6 o'clock, P. M. By order of the Captain, JOS. HODGSON, Serg't.
On the same evening, members will be balloted for, by previous application to the Captain. Feb. 13, 1807.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the eleventh March, will be sold on the premises,
THAT VALUABLE LOT, on Shockoe Hill, commencing in front at Mr. Pickett's corner, and extending to within 30 feet of the fourth west corner on the creek street. It has on it a well built Brick Office, and is situated within a convenient distance of the Capitol. The front being about 120 feet will be divided into three Lots, should it suit purchasers.—Terms made known on day of sale.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. February 13. (tdf.)
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 4th of March, will be sold on the premises,
SEVEN ACRES OF LAND, adjoining the south side of the ground attached to the poor house. There are on them a good Dwelling House of wood, with three rooms, a Kitchen and other convenient out-houses.—Terms, one fourth cash, one fourth on the 25th June, one fourth on the 25th September, and the other fourth at Christmas. A deed of trust to secure the payment will be required.
TAYLOR & BROWN, v. m. February 13. (tdf.)
Sales at Auction.
THE Subscriber having determined to confine his attention solely to the manufacturing of Burr Mill Stones, will sell at Public Auction, at his store on Tuesday the 17th inst. without reserve; all his STOCK IN TRADE, consisting of a general assortment of DRY GOODS & GROCERIES.—On all sums above 50 dols. ninety days credit will be allowed the purchasers, giving endorers to be approved of by Messrs. Taylor & Brown, who will conduct the sale. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. February 13. (tdf.)
FOR SALE—OR RENT, MY TENEMENT in Manchester, pleasantly situated on the hill, which overlooks the Falls Plantation, and containing suitable accommodations for a family—At any time when I may be out of town, application may be made to Mr. Henry L. Bibb. JAMES HENDERSON. January 22. (navt.)
Printing.
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

TWENTY-SECOND BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
The Grand Duke of Berg arrived on the 27th at Halleberg, with a division of dragoons. Informed that the enemy was in force at Bortzenberg, he struck off to Wignausdorf. He had barely arrived there, when he perceived that the brigade of the enemy's cavalry had struck to the left, with the intention of cutting off Gen. Milhaud. To free, charge, and drive the King's Gendarmes into the lakes, was the affair of a moment. This regiment feeling that all was over with it, asked to capitulate. The Prince, at all times generous, granted their request. Five hundred men alighted and delivered up their horses. The officers returned home on their parole. Four flags of colors, belonging to the guards, all of gold, where the trophies of the petty engagement of Wignausdorf.
Prince Hohenlohe, with the wrecks of the battle of Jena, attempted to reach Stettin. He had been obliged to change his route, because the Grand Duke of Berg was at Tempelburg before him. He wished to open out from Boitzenburg to Haffenberg, but he was deceived in his movement. The Grand Duke of Berg imagined that the enemy would endeavor to reach Prenzlau; the conjecture was well founded. The first posts of our hussars arrived at Prenzlau at the same time as the enemy, but were under the necessity of falling back, on the 20th in the morning, before the superior forces under Prince Hohenlohe. At night, the Grand Duke of Berg arrived at Prenzlau, and at ten saw the enemy's army in full march. Without losing time in vain motions, the Prince ordered Gen. Lefalle to charge in the suburbs of Prenzlau, and sent to support him Generals Grouchy and Beaumont, with their six pieces of light artillery. Our troops might have entered the town pell-mell with the enemy, but the Prince preferred sending him a summons by Gen. Bellard. The gates of the town were already burst open. Deprived of all hope, Prince Hohenlohe, one of the principal firebrands of this impious war, capitulated, and defied before the French army with sixteen thousand infantry, almost all guards or grenadiers, six regiments of cavalry, forty-five flags of colors, and sixty four pieces of cannon. All the King of Prussia's guards who had escaped from the battle of Jena, have fallen into our power. We are in possession of all the flags of colors belonging to the King's horse and foot guards—Prince Hohenlohe, the commander in chief, after the wound of the Duke of Brunswick, a Prince of Mecklenburg Schwerin, and several Generals, are our prisoners.
"But nothing is done, while there remains any thing to be done," wrote the Emperor to the Grand Duke of Berg. "You have outstripped a column of eight thousand men commanded by Gen. Blucher; let me soon learn that they have experienced the same lot."
Prince Augustus Ferdinand, brother to Louis, killed at Saalfeldt, and son of Prince Ferdinand, brother of the Great Frederick, has been taken in arms by our dragoons.
Our posts have entered Frankfurt on the Oder, the King of Prussia has gone further. He has not 15,000 men left; and for such a result, we have scarcely met with any loss.
Yesterday, before going to review the corps of Marshal Davoust, the emperor paid a visit to the Dowager Princess Henry, and Prince and Princess Ferdinand, who have always been remarked for the distinguished manner in which they have received the French.
In the palace which the Emperor inhabits at Berlin lodges the King of Prussia's sister, the Electoral Princess of Hesse Cassel. This Princess is in Childbed. The emperor has ordered his Grand Marshal of the Palace to take care that he be not disturbed with the noise and bustle of the head quarters.
TWENTY-THIRD BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
On the 29th an enemy's corps of 6000 men capitulated to General Milhaud, at Paflewka. This gives us 2000 horses more, with their faddies, harnesses, and hangers. There are besides, more than 6000 horses, which the Emperor has at Spandau, after having mounted all his cavalry.
The States of the Duke of Brunswick are taken possession of, and it is believed that the Duke has fled to England. All his troops are disarmed.
TWENTY-FOURTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
Stettin is in our possession—while the left wing of the Grand Duke of Berg's corps, commanded by Gen. Milhaud, forced a Prussian column of 6000 men to capitulate at Paflewka, the right wing, commanded by General Lefalle, summoned the town of Stettin to surrender, which it did on a capitulation, the terms of which are subjoined.
We found in it one hundred and sixty pieces of cannon, and considerable magazines, with a garrison consisting of 6000 fine troops, and a number of Generals, who were made prisoners of war.
Of the whole of that great army, one hundred and eighty thousand strong, not a man has crossed the Oder. They were all either taken or killed, except those who still wander between the Elbe and the Oder;—but who within four days will be made prisoners of war. It is unnecessary to dwell on the importance of the reduction of Stettin, which is one of the first commercial towns of Prussia & which secures to the army an excellent line of operation.
As soon as the columns commanded by the Duke of Weimar, and General Blucher, which are cut off on the right and on the left, and pursued on the rear, shall surrender, the army will take a few days rest.
Nothing has yet transpired of the Russians. We long much to see one hundred thousand of them arrive, but the reports of their march, we are afraid, are mere gasconade; they dare not meet us.
At Fuld and Brunswick the arms of the Prince of Orange and the Duke have been removed. Neither of these Princes will reign again.
The English would make no peace—they shall make it, but France will include more coasts & states in her federative system.
TWENTY-FIFTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
Field Marshal Davoust, having invested and summoned Custrin, a principal fortress of Prussia Proper, that place has surrendered and 4000 prisoners have been made there. The officers return home on their parole, but the privates are to be sent to France. This fortress, which was well provided, is situated in the middle of a marsh, and possessed a considerable magazine. It is one of the most important conquests of the Grand Army, and gives us the command of all the places on the Oder.
General Becker had an action with Gen. Borefort's brigade of dragoons on a plain in the front of the little town of Ankum. The enemy, both cavalry and infantry, were thrown in complete confusion, and our troops forced their way along with the Prussians into the town, which was compelled to capitulate. The number of prisoners taken in this place was four thousand.
Our troops have already advanced into Poland—Prince Jerome, with an army formed of the Bavarian and Wirtemberg troops, proceeded to Silesia. His majesty has appointed General Clarke Governor of Berlin and of all Prussia, and has already laid down the principles according to which the internal Government of the country is to be administered.
TWENTY-SIXTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
Berlin, Oct. 31. The Brigade of light cavalry and dragoons, under General Rivaud, forced 7000 infantry and five regiments of cavalry to lay down their arms on the 29th of October, near Paflewka.
TWENTY-SEVENTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
Berlin, Nov. 6. At Stettin, we found a considerable quantity of English merchandise, and in that great entrepot of
the Oder, were also found 500 pieces of cannon, and a great quantity of provisions.
Marshal Lannes is at Stettin—Davoust at Frankfurt—Prince Jerome in Silesia.
The Duke of Weimar has quitted his command, in order to return to his own territories.—A General very little known was his successor.
The Prince of Hesse Cassel, M aj or General in the service of Prussia, and his son, as General in the same service, have withdrawn from it. The Prince, in answer to the Note which was transmitted to him, demanded permission to march at the head of his own troops, along with those of France, against our enemies. Marshal Mortier replied, that he had no orders respecting such a proposition; but that the Prince having armed, after the declaration he had made through his Minister, M. De Malsburg, at Paris, the least farther armament on his part would be considered as an act of hostility, as the Prussians had violated his territories, but, on the contrary, were received with pomp therein by the Hereditary Prince; and that from the period of the Hessian territories being evacuated by the French, until the battle of Jena, there were naught but armaments going forward at Bussel; and that, in point of fact, the Hereditary Prince was very desirous of marching at the head of Prussian troops, and to insult the French by all sorts of provocation.
He will pay for his frenzied conduct by the loss of his dominions. There is not a Principality in all Germany that has been so uniformly the enemy of France.
[Here followed some low about of the House of Hesse the British Government, &c.]
TWENTY-EIGHTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
General Savary, at the head of 500 of the first regiment of hussars, and of the 7th chasseurs, has defeated the Prussian General Hufdunne, whom he made a prisoner, together with two brigades of hussars, two battalions of grenadiers, and several pieces of cannon, near Wismar, on the Baltic.
TWENTY-NINTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
Berlin, Nov. 9. His majesty has ordered a contribution of 150 millions, to be levied in the dominions of Prussia and those of her allies.
After the capitulation of the Prince of Hohenlohe, Gen. Blucher, who was marching the same route, changed the direction of his progress, and endeavored to join the column of the Duke of Weimar, which had previously joined that of Prince Frederick of Brunswick Oels, son of the Duke of Brunswick. The three corps were then commanded by Blucher; some small corps afterwards joined them. For many days the division endeavored to escape by those routes which were as yet left open by the French troops; but the combined movements of the Grand Duke of Berg, Marshal Soult and the prince of Ponte Corvo, effectually frustrated the design. At one time the enemy attempted to throw themselves into Anklam, and afterwards into Rostock. Checked in these endeavors, they tried to return towards Lubeck.
On the 4th of November, they took a position. The prince de Ponte Corvo cut off the rear guard, but could not make much impression upon the main body, as he had no more than 6000 cavalry, while the enemy were very strong in that respect. The Prussians however lost 7 pieces of cannon, and about 1000 men.
But on the evening of the 4th, the Grand Duke of Berg, who was advancing on the right, arrived with his cavalry against the enemy, whose ultimate object seemed, as yet, uncertain. They lay, from the night of the 5th, to that of the 6th, at Schoenberg, whence the Marshal retired at two o'clock in the morning. The prince advanced to Schlupup, upon the Trave, and came up with a corps of 1600 Swedes, who, at length thought proper to retire from Lauenburg, in order to embark upon the Trave. A few discharges from our cannon, however, disabled the vessels intended for their embarkation. The Swedes, after a show of resistance, laid down their arms. A convoy of 300 vessels, which Gen. Savary had traced to Wismar, was attacked in the river by the column under the Prince de Ponte Corvo, and captured.
In the mean time the enemy fortified themselves in Lubeck. Marshal Soult advanced with such rapidity, that he arrived at the gate of Mullen as soon as the Prince was before that of Trave. The Grand Duke of Berg, with his cavalry, was between these posts. The enemy endeavored, hastily, to strengthen the old walls of Lubeck, and placed some guns on the batteries, hoping, by these means, to gain at least a day upon us, but he was mistaken, as the reconnoitering and attack were almost at the same moment.
Gen. Drouet, at the head of the 27th light infantry, and the 94th and 95th of the line, carried the batteries with that coolness and intrepidity which peculiarly distinguish the French troops! The gates were speedily forced, the batteries silenced, the enemy put to flight, and the corps of the Prince de Ponte Corvo entered by the gate of the Trave. The chasseurs, Cuirassiers, the dragoons of the Po, and the 26th light infantry composing the advanced guard of General Legrand, which had not, as yet been engaged, and who were impatient to attack the enemy, advanced with the rapidity of lightning! Redoubts, batteries, ditches, all were cleared, and the corps of Marshal Soult entered the town at the gate of Mullen. In vain did the enemy attempt to defend the place, in the streets, the squares, &c. they were driven back every where, and those places were covered with the dead! The two divisions of the French troops, which had entered at different gates, joined about the middle of the town.—Scarcely had the Grand Duke entered the place than the enemy were put to flight.—He pursued them—4000 prisoners, 60 pieces of cannon, several Generals and a great number of officers killed or taken. Such were the results of this brilliant Victory.
Before day break, on the 7th, the cavalry were mounted, and the Grand Duke of Berg surrounded the enemy near Schwartau, with the brigade of Lefalle and the division of cuirassiers of Hault Poult. General Blucher, Prince Frederick of B. O. and the other Generals, then came forward to the victors, and desired to capitulate. The troops were desirous before the French army. These two days works destroyed the last corps which remained of the Prussian army; besides the remainder of the artillery, we have taken a number of standards, and 16000 prisoners, of whom 4000 are cavalry.
The city of Lubeck has suffered considerably—taken by assault, its streets, its squares, have been scenes of carnage—These calamities are attributable to those who drew the perils of war towards her walls.
Mecklenburg has been equally ravaged by French and Prussian armies. A great number of troops traversing it in various directions, of necessity subsisted at the expense of the country. This State is in close alliance with Prussia, and will in some measure prove an example to those Princes of Germany, who seek for alliance with a far distant Power, which is perfectly safe from a participation in those evils it draws upon them, and which makes no effort to support those who are attached to it by the nearest ties of blood, or by the closest diplomatic relations.
Dery, an Aid-de-Camp of the Grand Duke, obliged a corps to capitulate which escorted a considerable quantity of baggage, and had got beyond the Peene. Some of the regiments of cavalry have gained, in specie and booty, to the amount of several hundred thousand crowns.
Marshal Ney, who was charged with the siege of Magdeburg, bombarded that town. A number of houses were burned, which caused the inhabitants to murmur greatly; upon which the commandant desired to capitulate. A great number of cannon were found in the fortress; extensive magazines; 15000 men drafted from more than 70 battalions, and the military chiefs of several regiments.
During these important operations, several corps of our army arrived on the Vistula. The Warsaw mail brought several letters from Russia, which of course were intercepted. From these we perceive that the fabrications of the English journals meet with much credit in Russia.
The plan of the movements and that of the march of the Russian army have fallen into our hands. From this, it is evident, that nothing can be more ridiculous than the plan of operations of the Russians, except their vain hopes of success!
Gen. Leprange has been declared Governor of Cassel, and the territories of Hesse.
Marshal Mortier, with the troops under his command, is on his march for Hanover, and for Hamburg.
Mainz, Nov. 15. An order of the day of the grand army makes known, that 58,200 great coasts are to be distributed to 1st, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th corps, and to the 28th light infantry regiment, of which the city of Frankfurt on the Oder must supply 6000, Berlin 10000, Stettin 4000; 12,000 are to be taken from the magazines at Holland and Berlin, and 27,000 from those found in Leipzig.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed on the 24th day of May, 1806; whereby David Ross conveyed to us, a tract of land called Coles, in the county of Goochland, containing by a then late survey, 1510 acres; also, another tract a small distance from that called Coles, containing 200 acres, more or less, it being the same land, that the said Ross purchased from John Hughes and wife, and also the tract of land called Mount Prospect, the greater part of which lies in Fluvanna, containing by estimation 1800 acres, except 225 acres heretofore sold by the said Ross, out of the said tract, to Samuel Pettit, to raise the sum of eleven thousand and four hundred dollars, with interest thereon from the 18 January, 1807, together with all charges and expenses of sale; and in pursuance of a requisition made in writing, under the provisions of the said deed; we shall on the 21st day of March next, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell for ready money, all and singular, the land and estates above mentioned, at which time and place, conveyances will be made to the purchasers. A more particular description of the above property, may be seen by tracing the references contained in the said deed now of record, in the general court, under an acknowledgment of the fame in court, on the 12th June, 1806.
THOMAS NORVELL, W. ALLEN, Wm. C. WILLIAMS. (tf)
A GREAT BARGAIN.
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND in Hanover county, whereon I now live, lying on Crump's creek, containing about 500 acres, and within 15 miles of the city of Richmond; upwards of 200 acres of which are uncleared, and is good wheat and corn land; there is on this tract some very good Meadow Land—Has on it a good dwelling house, barn and other out houses, in good repair, with young orchards of peach, apple, and cherry;—Also another tract in said county, adjoining Brood Neck, about one-half of which is wood land—Also 180 odd acres lying in said county, in the neighborhood of Joseph Croft, within three miles of a good saw mill, and well stocked with oak and pine timber. There are fifty buffalo of wheat sown on the tract first mentioned. A further description of these lands is thought unnecessary, as any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will wish to view them. One-third of the purchase money will be required in cash, and twelve months credit will be given for the other two-thirds. A deed of Trust upon the land will be required to secure the payment of the other two-thirds.
WM. SIMS. oawsw tf.
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a Trust Deed executed to us by Mrs. Margaret West, we shall on Saturday the 28th inst. expose to sale by public auction to the highest bidder, for ready money, upon the premises: All the remaining part of that Tract, piece or parcel of Ground, heretofore undivided of, fide, lying and being in the city of Richmond, and which is commonly called and known by the name of Queeney's Academy ground: or so much thereof, as may be sufficient to pay and satisfy two installments of 1000 dols. each, due to Mr. Yeatmans Smith of the city of Richmond, and the cost and charges of executing this trust.
SAMUEL MCRAE, } Trustees GEORGE FISHER, } (tdf.)
Feb. 10.
WANTING, 3 men to act as turnkeys at the Penitentiary,
who can come well recommended for their sobriety, &c.
MARTIN MIMS, Keeper of the Penitentiary. (St.)
February 10.
SLAVES FOR HIRE.
SEVERAL Female House Servants of good character. One excellent Cook and Washer—and sundry boys and girls for hire till Christmas next, by JAS. SMITH.
Who offers three chests of fresh Imperial Tea at a low price. Feb. 10. 2w.
THE meeting of the Subscribers to the Tappahannock JOCKEY CLUB,
in consequence of bad weather, is unavoidably postponed, until Tuesday the 17th February, when it is hoped they will generally attend to form the rules and regulations for the said Club.
ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH. Tappahannock, Feb. 8. 2w.
FEMALE EDUCATION.
THE Subscriber intends to open SCHOOL, on the first day of March, 1807, in the house now occupied by the Rev'd. Mr. Cowling, near the Methodist Meeting-house, in the city of Richmond, where the following branches of Education will be taught, viz: Reading, Writing, Plain-work, Marking and Embroidery.—Also, Drawing and Painting. M. HODGSON. January 31. oaw 3t.
TO RENT,
A CONVENIENT HOUSE for a small family.—Also, a house in which there are two rooms well calculated for an office. For terms, apply to ALEXANDER QUARRIER. January 31. tf.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd.
of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28, 1806. tf.
FOR SALE,
THE HOUSE & LOT occupied by Messrs Robert Neilson & Co. opposite to Messrs. Gilliat & Kirby's. The situation of this property is equal to any in Richmond for business, and possesses every accommodation for a family. Enquire of— THOS. NORVELL. Jan. 15. tf.
REMOVAL.
THE Subscribers have removed their COMPTING HOUSE, from the Main-Street to one of David Bullock's Brick Buildings, at the lower end of the Balcon, between the Tenements occupied by C. and T. Saunders, and Norvell, Watt and Bullock—where they continue their purchases of wheat as usual.—They also keep for sale a regular supply of Flour, Corn Meal, Hominy and Bran. THOMAS & AMOS LADD. 19 Mo. 3d, 1806. ep tf.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, UNDER THE FIRM OF LESUEUR & SAUNDERS,
Inform their friends and the public, that they will continue the COMMISSION business, lately done by C. & T. Saunders. They promise the strictest attention to the interests of those who may favor them with consignments. They are now receiving a general and extensive assortment of GROCERIES, which will be offered for sale, Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms and usual credit, in the store lately occupied by Messrs. William M c Kenzie & Co. opposite the Venice Office of Messrs. Proffer & Mance—among which are the following articles:
JOHN L. LESUEUR, C. H. SAUNDERS. October 10.0.
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP.
THE COPARTNERSHIP of C. and T. Saunders, is dissolved by mutual consent. All debts due by the concern will be adjusted and paid by Lesueur and Saunders, who are alone authorized to settle all claims due to and by the concern. C. H. SAUNDERS, TARLTON SAUNDERS. Nov. 22. LESUEUR, & SAUNDERS. tf.
BELL TAVERN!!
THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has taken the house in Manchester, formerly called the Rising-Sun-Tavern, and occupied by Mrs. Leath, and having furnished himself with good Beds and the best of Liquors, Grain, &c. he flatters himself from paying particular attention, he will be able to give general satisfaction. ROBERT McTYRE. N. B. A Waggen and six Mules, a good Riding-Horse, and a Jack of good flock—for sale. Manchester, Dec. R. M. tf.
TO RENT,
For three or five years, THAT valuable TAN-YARD, of the late Mr. Jacob Bockius, and now occupied by the subscriber, situated on the Main-Street of this city, between the capitol and basin of the canal; its conveniences are superior to any other in this place.
A large Carrying-Shop, Cellar and drying lofts, a spacious Bark-House, two Bark-Mills and Houses, a Beam House & every other requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3000 hides a year, exclusive of skins.
Also, on the same Tenement, a convenient Dwelling House, Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable and Garden. The renter may be accommodated, with about one hundred cords of excellent Spanish and Black Oak Bark, now in the Bark-house, at a fair price. Proposals for the above will be received in all this and next month; and if not disposed of, within this time, it will be offered at public auction on the premises the 15th of March next.
Bond with approved security will be required and possession given on the first of April next, of the bark-house, bark mills, beam house, limes, pools, bates, handlers and part of the vats. And the dwelling-house and residue of the tenement on the first of May next.
The reason assigned for offering the foregoing property for rent, is the ill state of health of the subscriber, to pay that attention the business requires. MARCUS ELGAN. taw 15m. Jan. 15.
JUST RECEIVED,
A FRESH Assortment of Claret Wines, Champagne, Moufoux by the box, Burgundy, Sautern, Vin de Grave, Lafitte, Muscat of Frontignac Wine Bitters—and also, a fresh supply of Olives, Capers, Anchovies, Cayenne Pepper, Mustard, Prunes, Raisins by the box, Almonds and Filberts. All kind of West-India Sweetmeats; all kind of Confectionery—and different articles of Perfumery—For Sale by ALEXANDER PLAINVILLE. Richmond, Oct. 17. (2aw6m)
JAMES STRATTEN,
Taylor and Habit Maker, from PHILADELPHIA. Begs leave to inform the gentlemen and ladies of Richmond and the country, that he intends carrying on the above business in all its various branches, being well acquainted with the newest fashions, he hopes from punctuality and assiduity to business, to deserve a little of their patronage, as nothing shall be wanting on his part to render satisfaction to customers; and for neat workmanship, he pledges himself to have it done in the neatest manner.
JAMES STRATTEN, N. B. His residence is on the Main-Street Richmond, next door to David Logans. Oct. 17. 2awtf.
TO RENT,
A CONVENIENT HOUSE for a small family.—Also, a house in which there are two rooms well calculated for an office. For terms, apply to ALEXANDER QUARRIER. January 31. tf.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd.
of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28, 1806. tf.
FOR SALE,
THE HOUSE & LOT occupied by Messrs Robert Neilson & Co. opposite to Messrs. Gilliat & Kirby's. The situation of this property is equal to any in Richmond for business, and possesses every accommodation for a family. Enquire of— THOS. NORVELL. Jan. 15. tf.
REMOVAL.
THE Subscribers have removed their COMPTING HOUSE, from the Main-Street to one of David Bullock's Brick Buildings, at the lower end of the Balcon, between the Tenements occupied by C. and T. Saunders, and Norvell, Watt and Bullock—where they continue their purchases of wheat as usual.—They also keep for sale a regular supply of Flour, Corn Meal, Hominy and Bran. THOMAS & AMOS LADD. 19 Mo. 3d, 1806. ep tf.
FOR SALE,
THE HOUSE & LOT occupied by Messrs Robert Neilson & Co. opposite to Messrs. Gilliat & Kirby's. The situation of this property is equal to any in Richmond for business, and possesses every accommodation for a family. Enquire of— THOS. NORVELL. Jan. 15. tf.
REMOVAL.
THE Subscribers have removed their COMPTING HOUSE, from the Main-Street to one of David Bullock's Brick Buildings, at the lower end of the Balcon, between the Tenements occupied by C. and T. Saunders, and Norvell, Watt and Bullock—where they continue their purchases of wheat as usual.—They also keep for sale a regular supply of Flour, Corn Meal, Hominy and Bran. THOMAS & AMOS LADD. 19 Mo. 3d, 1806. ep tf.
FOR SALE,
THE HOUSE & LOT occupied by Messrs Robert Neilson & Co. opposite to Messrs. Gilliat & Kirby's. The situation of this property is equal to any in Richmond for business, and possesses every accommodation for a family. Enquire of— THOS. NORVELL. Jan. 15. tf.
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and
PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality; FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [epf.]
FARMER'S HOTEL.
A. S. BROCKENBROUGH, having purchased the houses of Dr.