The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-02 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, November 21.
EMBARGO.
(Debate continued.)
Mr. Bradley moved the postponement of the further consideration of the subject till to-morrow. A committee had been appointed by the house on this subject, and the present agitation of the subject must paralyse the proceedings of the committee, if not operate against its total dissolution.
Mr. Hilt-house said he had no objection that the subject should be postponed till to-morrow, but the reason the gentleman had given for it was a very extraordinary one, for when an objection had been made to the appointment of this committee, it had been answered that its appointment would not at all interfere with his (Mr. H.'s) resolution; upon which ground no opposition had been made to the appointment of the committee.
Mr. Pohe said it had been his opinion this morning that this resolution should have been referred to that committee, but after what had been said, it was his wish that some commercial gentleman, whose knowledge of commercial subjects would enable him to explore the wide field taken by the gentleman from Connecticut, would have answered him. He had hoped, at this session, after the Presidential election was decided, that all would have been quieted from their political hobbies, that they would have been all Federalists, all Republicans—all Americans. When they saw the ocean swarming with pirates, and commerce almost annihilated, he had hoped that the demon of party spirit would not have reared its head within these walls, but that they would all have mingled opinions and consult the common good. He had heretofore been often charmed with the matter of fact argument of the gentleman from Connecticut; but on this day the gentleman had resorted to arguments from newspapers, and revived all the old story of French influence, in the same breath in which he begged them to discard all party feelings and discuss with candor. The gentleman had gone into a wide field which Mr. P. said he would not now explore, but begged time till to-morrow, when he would endeavor to show to the nation and to the world that the arguments used by the gentleman in favor of his resolution were most weighty against it. If patriotism had departed from the land, if the streams of foreign corruption had flowed so far that the people were ready to rise in opposition to their government, it was indeed time that foreign intercourse should cease. If the spirit of '76 were no more, if the spirit of commercial speculation had surmounted all patriotism—if this was the melancholy situation of the United States, it was time to redeem the people from this degeneracy, to regenerate them, to cause them to be born again of the spirit of '76. But he believed he should be able to show that the proposition of the gentleman from Connecticut hardly merited the respect or serious consideration of this honorable body. Mr. P. said he had expected, that in advocating his resolution, the gentleman would have told the Senate that we should go to war with Great Britain and France; that he would have risen with patriotic indignation and have called for a more efficient measure. But to his surprise, the gentleman had risen, and with the utmost sang froid told them, let your ships go out; all's well; and nothing to be apprehended. Mr. P. said he would not go into the subject this moment; he had but risen to express his feelings on the occasion. He wished the subject postponed the more, because he wished to consult a document just laid on their table, to see how the memorials presented a short time ago from those whose cause the gentleman from Connecticut undertook to advocate, accorded with the sentiments he had this day expressed for them.
Mr. Hilt-house said he should have been much gratified if the gentleman from Kentucky had confined his remarks to argument without making a personal attack on him. Mr. H. said he had arraigned no party, charged none with party views or corruption. He could not see where the gentleman found ground for personality; for Mr. H. said he never did use it himself, nor ever would.
Mr. Lloyd said this was an exceedingly interesting subject, and had been ten days before the House, and put off with as much civility as possible to accommodate gentlemen, he wished that the subject might progress in regular discussion, not expecting however that it would be decided to-day or to-morrow.
Mr. S. Smith said that if the hon. gentleman last up had a design to give a view of the subject such as it deserved, he should be glad to hear him. The gentleman was capable of giving a correct view of the subject, and perhaps had prepared his mind on it. Mr. S. confessed his own negligence in not being prepared; but if the gentleman from Massachusetts would give a commercial view of the subject, he hoped the gentleman from Vermont would withdraw his motion.
Mr. Lloyd said that this was so interesting a subject that he could not be silent on it. Whether he should give that chaste view of the subject of which the gentleman from Maryland was capable, he could not say. If the Senate would indulge him, he would express those ideas which immediately occurred to him on the subject.
Mr. Bradley withdrew his resolution for postponement.
Mr. Lloyd said he considered the subject now under discussion as one of the most important which had occurred since the adoption of the constitution. He considered it as deeply implicating the commerce of our country—a commerce, which had afforded employment to nearly a million and a half of tonnage; which had afforded subsistence to many thousands of citizens; which had furnished to the government a great support; which disposed of an amount of exports equal to 100 millions of dollars, an amount three times as great as was possessed by the greatest commercial nation in the world at the commencement of the present century, an amount of exports equal to that of Great Britain within 15 years of this day—a commerce not to be trifled with, not to be offered up as the victim of fruitless experiment. No doubt it has been much harassed by the conduct of the two belligerents, but in a very different manner by each. Look at one contending as for universal dominion, the other as for her natale solum . One professes reluctance at measures which she takes in retaliation on her enemy; the other treats you cavalierly, undertakes to legislate for you, tells you she considers you at war with her enemy, arrests your property and retains it till she knows whether you will submit to her mandates. No doubt, Mr. L. said, the conduct of the belligerents had caused the embargo; but if it should be found that it was fraught with mischief to ourselves, and productive of no beneficial effects, it ought to be withdrawn.
Mr. Lloyd said he considered the motion as a naked proposition. Subsequent measures might be passed; and he trusted that gentlemen who advocated a repeal of the embargo might not be considered as opposed to measures tending to promote the independence of the nation.
He considered this measure in three points of view:
1. As affording protection to our commerce and navigation. 2. As a coercive measure on France and Great Britain. 3. As to its effects present and future on ourselves.
Mr. Lloyd said as to the 1st point he should make but a few observations. He was not disposed to indulge in retrospections. If the embargo had been a wise & efficient measure he was willing to leave to those who supported it all the credit to which it would entitle them. With regard to the security afforded our seamen, it had produced an effect precisely contrary to that calculated upon; because it was well known that the seamen were daily leaving the country in great numbers. And as to navigation, it was not very material whether our vessels should have been sunk in the ocean or should not at our wharves. In the one case they suffered destruction by a coup-de-grace ; in the other by long protracted torments.
With regard to its effect on foreign nations, what had been its effect on France? The gentleman from Connecticut had told them truly that in his expose the French minister calls it a wise measure; and Mr. L. said he had reason to believe that, in a late conversation between Mr. Livingston and the emperor at Bayonne, the latter approved it and wished its continuance. So long as Great Britain possessed her extreme preponderance of naval force, she would enjoy commerce; and the emperor would sacrifice his share of our commerce, if he could effect the destruction of the much larger and more valuable portion of G. B.
With regard to its effects on G. Britain, what were they? For two months after its adoption it had been a subject of great alarm there. Engaged in an extensive commerce with this country, prosecuted on liberal terms, she had viewed it with alarm; whether considered as a measure of hostility or as a municipal regulation, and having been taught by her political writers that the W. Indies depended on the U. States for support, it had been for two months an object of solicitude. No doubt the ministry had partaken of this feeling. Indeed, so late as June, it had induced our minister to G. Britain to believe, and to make known his belief to this country, that all our differences would be settled. But the evil effects of this measure had been tested; and the British ministers had found that it was a measure which they need not fear. They had found that the W. I. merchants were able to raise supplies for themselves. They had also found an unexampled prosperity of their American colonies, Canada and Nova Scotia; that the usual order of things was reversed; that instead of the American merchant making his fortune by British commerce, the British merchant was making his fortune by American commerce. It was well known that immense quantities of produce had been exported in defiance of the law, which the British merchants, from there being little competition, had bought at a low price; and this process enabled the British merchant, without capital but with extensive credit, to make an immense profit from this trade.
About this time had taken place the revolution in Spain. The British ministry had been too clear-sighted not to see their own advantage, and therefore without any sordid stipulations, had made common cause with her, that, if the Spaniards succeeded, they might get commercial footing in Europe; and whether they succeeded or not, their American colonies would become independent, and rely for protection on the navy of Great Britain. 'Twas then that the embargo had ceased to be a matter of regret. The ministry had conceived correctly that it would not be advantageous to them to have competition, for they knew that the capital and spirit of America would enable her to carry on as extensive a commerce as the British could with Spain and her colonies. Instead of dreading the embargo, they now wished to keep it on. If, instead of having competition in the market, they could keep it to themselves, they certainly would reap a grant of exclusive commercial privileges—This measure would be worth more to them, if kept on 2 or 3 years, than their whole system of navigation laws.
Some gentlemen might argue that Great Britain could be coerced by difficulties among her manufacturers or by a scarcity of harvest. Ever since he had first heard of Great Britain, he had heard of commotions among her manufacturers; but time had dissipated all apprehensions from them. Suppose, however, for the sake of argument, that we should be enabled to bankrupt her principal manufacturers. Why, in less time than we could make bankrupts of five hundred of her principal manufacturers, we should break at least as many principal merchants in our commercial cities. Suppose by these bankruptcies 50,000 workmen should be thrown out of employment. These people would not starve, nor would they instantly become neutrals. No; they would be absorbed in the army and navy; and thus, by putting under their complete control 50,000 of the
most turbulent citizens, said Mr. L. you add in reality to the strength of that nation, and give her the means of extending and supporting her naval dominion.
As to calculations on the harvest, all calculations of this sort must be idle in the extreme. Gentlemen must be very little acquainted with the situation of that country to entertain them for a moment. Mr. L. said that he found by advices from Great Britain that Am. flour after 9 months embargo was selling at 47s. per barrel. By the prohibiting of trade to the continent sugar and molasses had become a mere drug in G. B. The colonial interest alarmed at this had applied to parliament for a bill to substitute sugar & molasses in the place of grain for distilleries, & this insure a double benefit. This had been opposed by the landed interest on the ground that the introduction into the market of so great a quantity of grain as had formerly been used in manufactures, would reduce its price so much that it would not compensate the farmer for his labor. It had obtained however. Thus it might be seen that they would starve Great Britain.
It might possibly be suggested that the raising the embargo would operate no advantage to the United States as respected Spain and Portugal; that this commerce might be considered inconsiderable, and as a trade that would be beautifully prosecuted as respected the different portions of the union. Spain & Portugal were not grain countries, but produced wines, fruits, &c. depending on other countries, amongst which were the United States, for grain. In their present situation they could get it better from the United States, than elsewhere. In Spain and Portugal, as in other Catholic countries, at certain seasons of the year, their religious creed bade them to abstain from the use of flesh, for which they in general substituted fish. This would come from the Northern country and the flour from the middle and Southern portion of the union. It was therefore apparent that no commerce could be prosecuted which would benefit the people of the U. States so equally. And the commerce to those countries consumed about twenty millions of our exports.
The effects of this measure on ourselves gentlemen could best state, as they occurred within the immediate circle of their own knowledge. So far as he had seen, Mr. L. said it was a measure fraught with mischief, breaking down the spirit of the people instead of preserving it, inviting foreign aggression instead of repelling it; bearing hard on the commercial and navigating interest, and exciting opposition which might be attended with disastrous consequences. The human mind was such, that without an absolute conviction of good to result from an oppressive measure, the people would not bear it. You will perceive their disaffection in memorials first, said Mr. L. in public meetings next, in legislative resolutions next until the spark of disaffection is fanned into a flame which may spread wide devastation around, and overturn the liberties of the country. It had not yet come to this pitch and he hoped it would not. He believed that there was one mode of preventing it, and that was by the removal of the embargo. For this as well as many other reasons he felt anxious that the resolution on the table should prevail, and this oppressive measure be removed.
A motion was now made for adjournment and negatived.
Mr. Smith (Md.) said he was not prepared to go as largely into the subject as it merited, having neither documents nor papers before him. He would therefore only take a short view of it in his way, and endeavor to rebut a part of the argument of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and perhaps to notice some of the observations of the gentleman from Connecticut. He perfectly agreed with the latter gentleman that this subject ought to be taken up with coolness, and with temper, and he could have wished that the gentleman from Connecticut would have been candid enough to pursue that course which he had laid down for others. Had he done it? No. In the course of the discussion, the gentleman had charged it upon some one, he knew not whom, that there was a disposition to break down commerce for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins. If this was the disposition of those who had advocated the embargo, Mr. S. said, he was not one to go with them, and perfectly corresponded with the gentleman in saying that such a plan would be extremely injurious; that possibly it could not be enforced in the U. States; and that if it could, merchants would conceive themselves highly aggrieved by it. But the gentleman's idea had no foundation. Mr. S. said he had before seen it in newspapers, but had considered it a mere electioneering trick; that nothing like common sense or reason was meant by it, and no body believed it. The gentleman surely did not throw out this suggestion by way of harmonizing; for nothing could be more calculated to create heat.
The gentleman last up, throughout his argument, had gone upon the ground that it is the embargo which has prevented all our commerce; that, if the embargo were removed, we might pursue it in the same manner as if the commerce of the whole world was open to us. If the gentleman could have shown this, he would have gone with him heart and hand; but it did not appear to him that, were the embargo taken off to-morrow, any commerce of moment could be pursued. Mr. S. said he was not certain that it might not be a wise measure to take off the embargo; but he was certain that some other measure should be taken before they thought of taking that. And he had hoped that gentlemen would have told them what measure should have been taken before they removed the embargo. Not so, however. A naked proposition was before them to take off the embargo; and were that agreed to, and the property of America subject to depredations by both the belligerents, they would be foreclosed from taking any measure at all for its defence. For this reason this resolution should properly have gone originally to the committee on the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles).
Mr. S. said as he was not prepared for a long discussion, he should take but a short view. He would not go back to see which
nation had been the first offender. It was sufficient for him that both were offenders. He was not the apologist of any nation, but, he trusted, a fervent defender of the rights, honor and interest of his own country. By the decrees of France every vessel bound to or from Great Britain, was declared good prize. And still further; if spoken alone by any British vessels, they were condemned in the French prize courts. When a vessel arrived in the ports of France, Mr. S. said, bribery and corruption were made use of in order to effect her condemnation. Every sailor on board was separately examined as to what had happened in the course of the voyage; they were told, you will have one third of the vessel and cargo as your portion of the prize-money, if you will say that your vessel has touched at a British port or has been visited by a British cruiser. Of course then by the decrees of France all American property that floats is subject to condemnation by the French, if it had come in contact with British hands. We are gentlemen willing to submit to this, to raise the embargo and subject our trade to this deprivation? Yes, said the gentleman from Connecticut, who was willing however, that our ships should arm and defend themselves. Mr. S. said that he had hoped the honorable gentleman would have gone further and said not only that he would in this case permit our vessels to defend themselves, but to make good prize of any vessel which should impede the trade admitted by the laws of nations. But the gentleman had stopped short of this.
By the orders in council, now made law, (said Mr. S.) all neutrals—all neutrals, this is a mere word ad captandum , as it is well known there is no neutral commerce but American—all American vessels, then, bound to France or countries in alliance with her, are made good prize in the British courts. When bound to any part of the continent of Europe, or any possessions in Turkey or Asia, they are good prize, Sweden alone excepted . We are then permitted to trade—for it is a permission to trade, since we must acknowledge ourselves indebted to her for any she permits—we are graciously permitted to go to Sweden, to which country our whole exports amount to 56,137 dollars! This petty trade is generously permitted us as a boon, and this boon will be struck off the list of permission, the moment any difference arises between Great Britain and Sweden. I am aware, sir, that gentlemen will say this will require explanation. I will give it to them. Great Britain says you shall not trade to any of the countries I have interdicted till you have my leave; pay me a duty, and then you may go to any port; pay me a tribute and then you shall have my licence to trade to any ports you choose. What is this tribute? Not having the documents before me, I may make an error of a fraction, but in the principle I am correct. On the article of flour, they tell us, you may bring flour to Great Britain from America, and it, and if you re-export it, pay into our treasury two dollars on every barrel. For every barrel of flour which we send to Spain, Portugal or Italy, where the gentleman from Massachusetts has correctly told us much of it is consumed, little of it being used in Great Britain or France, you must pay two dollars besides your freight and insurance. And this tribute is to be paid for a permission to trade. Are gentlemen willing to submit to this?
On the article of wheat exported, you must pay in Great Britain a duty of, I believe, two shillings sterling a bushel, before it can be re-exported. On the important article of cotton, they have charged a duty on its exportation of nine-pence sterling per lb. equal to the whole value of the article itself in Georgia or South Carolina. This is in addition to the usual import duty of two pence in the pound. Thus if we wish to go to the continent, we may go on condition of paying a tribute equal to the value of the cotton, in addition to risk or insurance. It is generally understood that two thirds of the cotton exported by us may be consumed in England when all her manufacturers are in good work. On the remaining third the people of the Southern country are subject to a tribute—on twenty millions of pounds, at the rate of 17 cents per pound. Let this be calculated and it will be seen what tax we must pay for leave to sell that article.
But, says the gentleman from Massachusetts, we may now trade to Spain and Portugal—because Great Britain permits us. [Mr. Lloyd observed that he had not said we could trade there because Great Britain permitted it.] I know the gentleman did not say that (said Mr. S.) but it is my inference. He said we might trade there. I deny it. I beg the gentleman to recollect what passed some time ago between Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. King, and see what reliance can be placed on the promises of British ministers. On a representation made by Mr. King on the subject of the colonial trade, Lord Hawkesbury agreed that provided the vessel carrying produce from the colonies should go to the United States and reload her cargo, that she should not be liable to capture. What was the consequence? One year afterwards private instructions were given to the British cruisers to take such vessels, and every atom of this produce was swept from the ocean. If this is the manner in which ministerial promises have heretofore been fulfilled, what reliance can be placed on them now?
By letters from my correspondent, I learn that three merchants engaged in the American trade had waited on Mr. Canning to see whether American vessels might trade to Spain and Portugal? Yes, Mr. Canning answered, they might trade in the produce of their own country. But the king is authorized to vary these laws and give permission to trade with any country when he pleases. Has he given any such permission to trade with Spain? No. Is then the mere conversation of Mr. Canning a sufficient security? No. Is it any thing like as binding as that formerly officially given to Mr. King, and which was violated? Certainly not. Can this then be a safe trade? No, sir, my informant, who was one of the merchants who waited upon Mr. Canning, says that should France, now warring with Spain, overrun any part of the country, and our vessels afterwards attempt to enter, not having heard of it, they would be good prize. I am not learned in the law, but I will ask this question of those who are. Would not a British
judge in this case be obliged to abide by the law instead of the conversation of Mr. Canning? He certainly would, and would give our minister in this case precisely the answer which the French council of prizes gave. General Armstrong, that the opinion of an individual could not contravene the express stipulations of a positive law.
The gentleman last up told us that American flour was selling at 47 shillings a barrel in England. The gentleman knows that flour carried there and not entered for re-exportation, cannot be removed. Flour in that situation has been lying ten or twelve months in London, could not be exported, and is somewhat injured by age, having been locked up in the stores of England, without a possibility of exporting it; and it is this that sells at that price.
The hon. gentleman last up has said that the exports of the U. S. to Spain and Portugal were 20 millions of dollars. The gentleman's arguments were applied to Spain & Portugal. The exports to Spain and Portugal and all their possessions, including the immense exports to La Vera Cruz, amounted to something near this sum. But let us take the gentleman on his own ground and see what we could carry on of this trade in our domestic product , if the embargo were removed. The whole exports of the United States in the produce of the land the year ending in October, 1807, were 48,699,592 dollars; of which the proportion to Spain was, 1,181,231 dollars; to Portugal 8,293,315 dollars. I agree with the gentleman that if the embargo was off, we might carry on a very lucrative trade with the Spanish colonies and the Brazils, if we had the materials to carry it on. They do not want our flour, but articles which can now no longer be got, goods imported from Germany, and nankeens and cotton goods from India. But these are not the produce of our country, to which the gentleman alluded; and I say that the exports of our domestic produce to the colonies and lands of Spain, Cuba alone excepted, are very small. Great Britain will not let us go to Germany to get German goods, and therefore we cannot carry them as we were accustomed to do. But perhaps we shall be told we may carry British goods. What does the gentleman say as a merchant, to paying double freight, duty and insurance & then competing with Eng. in the sale of her own manufactures? We have done it heretofore because G. Britain was excluded from that trade. Confine the trade then to Spain & Portugal, supposing it to be free, and it will not amount to two and a half millions altogether. We are to say to Great Britain, if you will give us the boon of going to Spain and Portugal, (and perhaps this is but an ignis fatuus to lead us to her prize courts) we will submit to your tribute elsewhere.
The English orders had told us we might trade as usual with the West-India islands; but now, believing, no doubt, that this government has not strength or energy in itself to maintain any system long, what has she done? Proclaimed a blockade on the remaining islands of France, so that we are now confined to British islands alone. We are restricted from trading there by blockade, and what security have we that if the embargo be taken off—for I wish it off; no man suffers more from it in proportion to his capital than I do; but I stand here the representative of the people, and must endeavor to act in such a manner as will best secure their interests; and I pledge myself to join heart and hand with gentlemen to take it off whenever we can have a fair and honorable trade—that from our submitting to these interdictions as a right of Great Britain. She may not close to interdict all trade, she being omnipotent, and sole mistress of the ocean as we were told by the gentleman from Connecticut. I have seen a late English pamphlet called "Hints to both Parties," said to be by a ministerial writer, to this effect; that Great Britain having command over all the seas, could and ought to exclude and monopolize the trade of the world to herself. This pamphlet goes critically into an examination of the subject; says that by a stroke of policy she can cut us off from our extensive trade; that she has the power, and having the power she ought to do it.
Mr. S. concluded by saying that he had not meant to take up so much time of the House; he had meant merely to state his ideas of the situation in which we were placed by the edicts of the two belligerents. He wished to place it in such a point of view that gentlemen might be led to adopt such measures as might best secure the interests of the country. Mr. S. said his own private interests pressed so heavily on his mind, that he could scarcely trust himself to decide. He had therefore submitted these ideas to gentlemen whose feelings were not thus affected, that if they might think it proper with the hon. gentleman to take off the embargo, he might join with them; if not, that some other measure might be adopted which would lead to the security of our peace and honor.
Mr. Pohe said that in the observations which he had made a short time ago, he had no intention to violate the decorum of debate; and if he had discovered warmth on the general subject, he hoped no gentleman would consider his remarks as personally applied to him.
Mr. Lloyd said he rose merely for the purpose of making a single observation. He had stated when up before, that the trade to Spain, Portugal and her colonies took off about twenty millions of dollars. He found by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that the exports to these countries amounted to upwards of seventeen millions, excluding a large portion of the trade.
Mr. Smith said he understood the gentleman to apply his argument to our domestic exports to Spain and Portugal only, and not their dependencies, which the gentleman might however have meant to have included.
The Senate adjourned about half past two o'clock.
(Debate to be continued.)
NOVEMBER 27.
The Senate resumed the consideration of Mr. Hilt-house's resolution.
Mr. Pohe spoke against it for an hour and three quarters.
Mr. White followed in a speech of three quarters of an hour; and

Mr. Moore concluded this day's debate in a speech of half an hour. No question taken.
NOVEMBER 23.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Crawford opposed it in a speech of an hour and a half.
He was followed by Mr. Mitchell in a speech of about the same length, when the House adjourned at about half-past two o'clock, without taking a question.
NOVEMBER 24.
Mr. Hillhouse's resolution still under consideration.
Mr. Giles made a speech against the resolution of three hours and a quarter.
When the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, November 23.
After some petitions of a private nature were presented and referred, and a resolution had been offered by Mr. Nelson, providing for the amelioration of the condition of invalid revolutionary soldiers as well as those of the existing army, which was committed to a select committee to report thereon.
The house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Storer in the chair, on the report in part of the committee of nine, to whom was referred that part of the president's message of the 8th of November, 1808, which respects the foreign relations of the United States. The said report having been read by the clerk, and the chairman having put the first resolution of the same in the following words, to wit:
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of G. Britain and France.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, (the chairman of the committee who made the report) observed that his health had been such as not permitted him to attend particularly to the subject before the committee, and it might interrupt his future attention. He did not, however, intend at this time to enter into the merits of this question. The first resolution, which was under consideration, was too self-evident to require any argument to support it; it might indeed rather require an apology. It was a question which every American had long since determined for himself. He had for his own part, when it was first proposed, thought it superfluous; and like announcing to the world that we were still independent. But some of the gentlemen of the committee had thought it essential to introduce it, in order that there should be some one point on which all should unite, and short of which no one would stop. After a perusal of the documents which had been laid before the house, he presumed no one would hesitate to declare his intentions to resist the manifest aggressions upon our rights. Some variance of opinion might exist as to the mode of resistance; but he confidently believed that none existed as to the general determination to resist. After they had determined on resistance—that they would repel the aggressions, there was a greater probability of arriving at a favorable result. The first resolution had been fixed upon as an axiom in which all would unite, from its being so self-evident. Mr. Campbell made a variety of remarks tending to show that a tame acquiescence in the edicts of the belligerents was a relinquishment of our unalienable rights and a shameful surrender of our independence. The real question he said was, shall we govern ourselves or be subject to the will of others?
Mr. Mumford, though approving of the general spirit of the report, had not assented to all its particular modifications. He hoped we should all unite to promote union in the country. He conceived that the resolution which he had heretofore had the honor to propose was consonant to the instructions which had been given to our ministers in France and Great Britain. He was willing to continue the embargo as it respected both those powers, and would consent to inflict upon those who should trade with either the most severe penalties. For his own part he took American ground. He wished the country to be put in a state of defence, but really he could not see why we should restrict ourselves from trading with powers, who had not violated our rights and who did not act agreeably to the French and English orders and decrees, or declare ourselves at enmity with all the world, and so have no friends at all! He admitted that Great Britain might be supplied with our produce indirectly, if the embargo were even partially repealed; but he did not regard so much the effect upon foreign nations, as he was desirous of relieving his own country. We were to have no loaf at all, it seemed, because other powers took a slice! Mr. Mumford adverted to the magnanimity of the Spanish patriots, who he said, merited a return of good offices from America. They had annulled Bonaparte's decree, and liberated our vessels; and notwithstanding there was reason from the existence of our embargo to expect a prohibition of the payment of debts due to Americans at the Havanna, yet the vessels which had been permitted to go to Havanna for that purpose under executive licences, to the amount of about fifty, had met with success, the Spaniards having been compelled by their government to make payment.
He then spoke of the evils from which the recent revolution in Mexico had saved us, declaring his belief in the probability that had it not occurred, New Orleans at this time would have been in the hands of Napoleon. He mentioned the arrival of a French officer from Italy (it being a fact communicated to him in confidence, but his love of country induced him to mention it, without referring to names) who had travelled through the union with great privacy, and who, after a conference with Gov. Grand Pre, at Baton Rouge, had repaired to the borders of Mexico, and having reached the Spanish lines, put on his suit of regimentals with intention of taking command in that country, but was immediately arrested by the Spanish authorities. These particulars were stated by Mr. Mumford with the view to show the dangers which the United States were subjected to from French machinations, and the advantages which had flowed to us from the Spanish revolution, and that we ought to profit of the markets which that event had opened to us. He quoted the several items from a general statement of the amount of our exportations, tending to show that there were still avenues to trade if we would resort to them; and concluded with a general observation that we were a young nation and ought to be cautious what steps we take in a commercial point of view.
Mr. Quincy, after making some observations on the nature of legislating upon abstract propositions, remarking that they were
too often the resort of weakness or ignorance and so calculated to amuse or delude the people, that he could scarcely admit himself to enter upon the consideration of them, said he did not know but what the resolution before the committee was unexceptionable, and that he should support it, but would give his vote upon grounds very different from what had been assumed in the report. It was a rule of the house, he said, that any member might vote for a resolution, independently of any reasoning which might be contained in a report that preceded it, and he should avail himself of that privilege. The principle upon which he should vote for the resolution was, that it contained a solemn pledge to this nation, not to be mistaken, and not to be redeemed in any other way than by a total abandonment of the present measures of government. Adopt this resolution (said Mr. Q.) and submission to orders and decrees is at an end. The resolution contained two things—an assertion and a pledge? The assertion is, that the orders and decrees are contrary to the rights of the American people; the pledge is, that we will not submit. As to the assertion, can there be any question? The belligerent powers do not pretend to vindicate their encroachments as their own rights; they ground them on necessity; and their ministers here would countersign such a declaration to-morrow. And as to the pledge—what is meant by submission? The neutral submits when he does that thing which the edict commands; and he does not submit when he does not do that thing which is commanded. The pledge, therefore, contained in the resolution, going to an abandonment of the present policy is clear and intelligible.
The French decrees say you shall not trade with G. Britain: the British orders say you shall not trade with France; but our government by the embargo says, you shall not trade with either—This, sir, is being more than we were commanded; it is an act of slavish supererogation; it is abandoning our rights at their beck. The report seemed to imply that there were no other nations, but Great Britain and France, and we co-operate in their schemes of depriving each other of trade. This is not merely kissing the hand that strives to injure you, but it is putting the foot upon your head. If, sir, this view of the case be true in terms, it is also true as it relates to the object to be effected by foreign policy. France attempts by her restrictions to compress Great Britain—And what do you? You do all you can to consolidate yourselves with the continental powers of Europe, and compress Great Britain likewise. Mr. Quincy begged gentlemen to recollect that he took the administration upon its own grounds—upon the presumption that it had dealt impartially between Great Britain & France—Great Britain attempts to prohibit all commerce with France, and therein had two objects; 1st. to produce discontent among the people of continental Europe; and 2dly. to destroy neutral commerce. What effect has the embargo? It is in direct co-operation with the British. Great Britain thereby enjoys the very commerce which you have thus abandoned. Bonaparte, too, is very happy at our proceedings. The interests of these United States had been laid at the footstool of the British monarchy, and if we were colonies we could not do more. Upon the principle that the present policy of this country is an abandonment of our commercial rights, the question hung heavy upon his palate; but viewing it in the light in which he had explained it, he would take it as the harbinger of a new day; as the beginning of new measures.
Mr. Quincy said he would have closed here, if there was not an evident variance between the report and the resolution. The report specifically sanctions the continuance of the embargo. Whenever he touched that subject, it seemed as if he stood upon magical ground—and knew not how to express his wonder. When he came from Massachusetts, the sentiment of a repeal was universal; not so much indeed, that it would be repealed, as that it had already been removed. And in addition, another sentiment was universally prevalent, among men of various political sentiments, which was, that it could not be continued. I arrive here (said Mr. Quincy,) and hear the incantations of the great inchanter—I feel the spell—the scene opens—and I am called upon to forget all my previous recollections—to deny my senses & am informed that the embargo may be continued, & that for an indefinite time: some assert for a period of six months, some for one year; and one gentleman from North Carolina avers that he would rather have an embargo for three years than to go to war. A gentleman from Virginia had uttered a sentiment expressive of his wish that the embargo might never be taken off till the orders and decrees were revoked.—Sir, is this house mad? Are gentlemen touched with that species of insanity which we are told precedes destruction? Mr. Quincy dwelt upon the close dependence which the N. E. states had upon the ocean, and of the terrible consequences which might result from the continuance of an unlimited embargo. He adverted to some observations made by one of his colleagues when the doors were closed, wherein the gentleman had said he had travelled through New England but had not found that the embargo had produced such tragical effects as he had the honor to state. His honorable colleague had travelled, in reality!—from Hudson to Stockbridge—from Boston to Berkshire, perhaps—he had gone from inn to inn! and found West India articles high, and home productions at a reduced price, so that the thing was pretty well equalized! But has he travelled on our sea board? Has he seen our ships rotting, stores abandoned, industry paralyzed? Hope, (said Mr. Quincy) has fled from these places.—He dwelt upon the misfortunes of the merchants, the ruin of the machineries; and observed that his powers were inadequate truly to describe the scene. He said other gentlemen might take their own responsibility; he should take his: the embargo could not be enforced for a material period of time longer: he meant nothing like insurrection, but adverted to a very different state of things. He believed there was an authority superior to that of congress; a controul of nature and the constitution. If this body (said he) should decide that the atmosphere should not exist, that water should not flow, and that heavy bodies should not descend, he believed, notwithstanding the grave authority of so respectable a body, the air would still circulate, the rivers continue to flow, and gravity to maintain its principle. It was absurd, foolish, and impracticable to prevent the people of N. England from descending on the ocean: all their habits, hopes, and interests are there: the situation of the country—500 miles of seacoast; bays, creeks, and rivers—all offer temptations to commerce.
For talk, sir, of twelve additional revenue-carters—multiply them by 10—by 20—and you cannot prevent them from launching on the ocean whilst the public sentiment is against you; and it will be against you if it is not so already. Mr. Quincy proceeded to say that there would shortly not be found juries to convict offenders, nor officers to execute the laws, that this was somewhat the case already, and that in a little time it would be impossible to identify the violators of the embargo with common smugglers. You ought (said he,) to have some regard to the cherishing a love of order and law, and the thing ought not to be strained too far. He spoke of the power to regulate commerce, stating the impropriety of taking it out of the hands of the legislature and vesting it in the hands of twelve men; and also adverted to the jealousies of congress with respect to the continuance of our embargo in Washington's administration, having limited it even when he was chief magistrate. He asserted that such a state of things as the present could never have been contemplated by the framers of the constitution; drew a comparison between the prescriptions of the constitution with regard to a certain species of southern property, and the rights of commerce inherent in the eastern states; spoke of the futility of thinking to starve Great Britain, when out of a consumption of one hundred & fifty millions of bushels of wheat we at no time supplied her with more than seven millions, whilst Africa & the commerce of the Black sea furnished her with supplies, and all South America was open to her navigation; he recurred to the assertion that the embargo saved our resources, and said ten per cent had already been sacrificed, never to be recovered, and which was a dead loss.—As to the embargo bearing equally upon every part of the union, it was a fallacious idea.
He would take for example the two most considerable states of the union: Virginia had a population of about nine hundred thousand souls, and a capital of about six millions of dollars engaged in foreign trade; whilst Massachusetts, with a population of six hundred thousand souls, had a floating capital of thirty millions of dollars! Thus the evils of the embargo must be felt in Massachusetts six times more severely than in Virginia, as, to equalize the burthen it would be necessary for the latter to have 45,000,000 of dollars capital at stake. And in Massachusetts the middling class of people were the most oppressed. Ruin is suspended over them: they do not (said Mr. Q.) believe in your wisdom; nor do they believe that you understand their interests better than they do themselves.
Mr. Quincy adverted to Massachusetts being called the "cradle of liberty." Not, sir, (said he) of an embargo liberty. Her liberty was cradled on the ocean, and is not so much of a mountain as a sea nymph. She came from the great waters, and was found on the sands of the beach spreading her nets. Not, sir, liberty in chains; in fetters? We are asked too, where is the spirit of '76? Aye, sir! where is that spirit? It was a glorious spirit and ought to prevail in the house. It was not a spirit of mere declamation; but was an active, dignified and energetic spirit. There was no such sentiment in all seventy-six as was contained in this report; no proposition for abandoning your rights under pretence of protecting them; the spirit of '76 relied on the sword—there were no such words in seventy-six as embargo, dignified retirement, and who should do each other the most harm. At that time we had an army, a noble army; consisting of the yeomanry of the country, with Washington at its head—We had, sir, an army and a head too. Gentlemen ought not to invoke the spirit of '76. (Here he read extracts from the declaration of independence in point.) If they do, it will not come, or if it does, it will come in the shape of a tormentor. Mr. Q. spoke of the clamor about tribute, observing that no man could be for paying tribute; that in fact there could be no such thing; that as the payment of duty was in consideration of vessels proceeding to French ports, and as going thither was going to confiscation, it was idle to suppose merchants would do so. But he said we had done more than pay tribute; they had asked us to go with them a mile and we had gone two.—They ask for our cloak, and we give them our coat also. Such a course of procedure might answer very well to secure happiness in the other world, but would never secure our independence and honor in this.
Mr. Quincy concluded by saying that gentlemen in the majority were wringing their hands & crying out 'What shall we do?' It was not for him, he said, to advise; but he conceived that our situation now was not much better than war; we were certainly not at peace; we were retiring from the blows; war may result, and gentlemen ought to recollect that the best way to prevent war was not to fear it. Our path he observed, was clear as the milky way, studded with stars, and full of light. The resolution was not to be mistaken; it was a pledge for new measures; and under the impression that we were to be permitted to go on the ocean and support our rights, he should vote for it.
Mr. Dana, after some remarks relative to the inutility of declaring ourselves an independent nation a second time, which the resolution implied, and expressing his wish to make it more specific if it did pass, moved the following amendment. (The amendment is quoted in the resolution so as to shew its connection and bearing.)
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to "abandon the navigation of the ocean in consequence of" the edicts of Great Britain and France.
Mr. Sloan suggested to insert the word 'longer,' so as to read 'longer abandon the navigation,' as he said he conceived we had already abandoned it too long.
Mr. Dana did not accede to the suggestion.
Mr. Bacon opposed the amendment, as it went to change the question.
Mr. Dana said he only wished to make it more specific.
Messrs. Taylor and J. G. Jackson opposed the amendment on the ground that it was necessary to make a clear and explicit declaration to the world, of our determination to resist the aggressions on our rights.
Mr. Jackson said he was willing to adopt the amendment, in a separate resolution, and would be glad to see gentlemen from a certain quarter, pledge themselves in that way. But could not agree to couple it with the resolution under consideration.
Mr. Livermore supported the amendment. Mr. Lyon always preferred acting upon resolutions from which bills might originate, to the adopting abstract propositions; but he should vote for the present, because he thought it asserted what was true.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said the amendment was an evasion of the question. It asserted quite a different thing from the original resolution, and was a dose that could not be swallowed.
Mr. Elliott said in substance, that they only wished to make the dose a little more palatable, it having been originally very insipid. He was not prepared to vote for the first resolution, as it lead, of consequence, to the one which followed it, and with which he did not coincide.
Mr. Dana vindicated briefly his amendment, stating his object to be to render the resolution more specific.
Mr. Pisk said the veil was too flimsy to conceal the object of the amendment; it altered the nature of the resolution essentially.
Mr. Taylor remarked, that the amendment went, by a kind of twist, to declare that we would resist what we had done ourselves, instead of declaring that we would resist foreign aggressions.
Mr. Lyon expressed his hostility to the embargo, said he had prophesied every thing that had happened, and had received a sort of promise that it would now be repealed, from some of its advocates. It had changed the politics of the country. He referred to Rhode-Island, N. Hampshire, &c. and said Vermont was substantially federal, the republican majority in the legislature having been obtained by rotten boroughs, like old Sarum; He dwelt at some length on the subject, and occasioned considerable mirth.
Mr. Bacon called for the reading of the question, as he believed the gentleman (Mr. Lyon) had not understood it.
Mr. Dana's amendment was put and negatived.
Mr. Livermore proposed to introduce the following amendment at the end of the resolution:
"And that an abandonment of the navigation of the ocean is a relinquishment of our rights and submission to the edicts of Great Britain and France"
Mr. Cook was not hostile to such a sentiment, but did not wish it coupled with the resolution.
Mr. Smith said he thought there was little ingenuity in the manner of introducing the amendment and it could deceive nobody.
Mr. Livermore's amendment was rejected.
On motion of Mr. Ely, the committee rose, reported progress and had leave to sit again.
Mr. Elliott reported that the committee appointed for the purpose, had waited on the president; requested a communication to the house of a copy of the proclamation touching opposition to the embargo laws on lake Champlain, and that the president had stated he would comply with the request.
Mr. Gardener presented an anti-embargo petition from sundry inhabitants of the state of New-York. Before the reading was gone through, an adjournment was called for and carried.
The senate have come to no determination with respect to Mr. Hillhouse's resolution to repeal the embargo. General Smith, of Maryland, occupied the senate yesterday for three hours in a very able and luminous speech.
DOMESTIC.
HALIFAX, 29th Oct. 1808.
Messrs. Lang & Turner, As many false rumours have gone abroad respecting the stoppage of the Lord Hobart Packet by the Chesapeake frigate, I shall be much obliged to you to publish the following real account of the whole transaction. I am yours, &c.
ALEX. HAMILTON.
Detention of the British Packet Lord Hobart, by the United States' frigate Chesapeake.
The Lord Hobart sailed from New-York the 11th October, at 5 P. M. The same day a boat from the Chesapeake frigate boarded her off Staten Island with an officer on board; the American officer demanded of captain Hamilton if she had a clearance from the custom-house? Captain H. replied, that being a government ship, he never cleared from any custom-house; the American officer then demanded to see Capt. H's. commission; to which Captain H. replied, that he could not without propriety show his commission to any officer acting under a foreign power; the American officer then said that the ship could not be permitted to pass; upon which Capt. H. answered, that in that case he would come to an anchor, and he immediately ordered the pilot to bring the ship to anchor which was instantly done. Capt. H. then left the ship under the command of the master, and went up in his boat to New-York, and laid the above statement before his Britannic Majesty's Consul, Colonel Barclay; Col. Barclay wrote a letter to the captain or commanding officer of the Chesapeake, regretting the detention and the unprecedented demand that had been made: the officer commanding on board the Chesapeake said that it exceeded his power to give any answer to the remonstrance of Col. Barclay, but that he would immediately forward it to the commander in chief at New-York, and would give Captain H. the earliest information of the result of the instructions he should receive. At 9 A. M. Oct. 13th, a boat came along side from the Chesapeake with an officer; the American officer said that the commodore was satisfied the Lord Hobart was a packet, and that the demand of the commission was waived; but that there was a suspicion a large quantity of specie was secreted on board: Capt. H. replied, that there certainly was specie on board, but he did not believe more than was sufficient for the expenses of the respective owners.
NOTE.
* THE remark made by the officer of the Chesapeake to Capt. Hamilton, was, that information had been lodged on board the Chesapeake, that a considerable sum of specie was on board the Packet—he therefore required of Capt. Hamilton and his passengers, a declaration on their honor, whether there was any such sum of specie on board or not. The reply was, that there was no more specie on board than was sufficient to defray their expenses.
We understand from Halifax that this transaction has been laid before Admiral Warren and Sir George Prevost, who have made their respective reports to the British government.
NEW-YORK, November 22.
A passenger who arrived here in the brig Emeline, from Martinique, via St. Kitts, informs us, that whilst at St. Kitts, the British brig of war Henreux arrived there from a cruise, having about 90 miles to the westward of Guadaloupe fallen in with the brig Juliana, Captain Lee, from St. Vincents for New-York, upset, with all her sails, masts and rigging standing, and boats lashed on the deck, and no person living or dead on board. The captain of the Henreux took out of her 40 puncheons of rum, marked D. with a diamond, and her sails, rigging, cables, anchors, &c. and some clothes, supposed to be the captain's, marked R. L. The officers of the Henreux will give seven-eighths of the property to the right owners, by producing his claim at St. Kitts.
The above brig was fallen in with and captured by 3 French vessels of war, who took out the crew, part of the cargo, and scuttled her. The captain and crew have since arrived in the U. States.
Passed through this city yesterday morning for Washington City, from Halifax, via Boston, John Howe, Esq. bearer of Dispatches to the British Minister, Mr. Erskine.
Mer. Adv.
November 25.
The following letter from Captain Hamilton of the Lord Hobart Packet, we received from Halifax by Mr. Howe. Capt. H's statement has been submitted to the perusal of Commodore Rogers and Decatur, of the navy, who have made the correction which appears in the subjoined note.
The following SEA VESSELS are now in the port of New-York, viz.
 Ships 231  Brigs 130  Schooners 90 
Total 451
The tonnage of the above vessels probably amount to 85,000 tons; and would require to navigate them, at least 4700 seamen.
The U. States frigate Chesapeake is in the sound, 15 miles above this city. Commodore Decatur passed through town yesterday for the Southward.—N. Y. Gaz.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 24.
FEVER AT MARTINIQUE.—Accounts from that island to the 20th October, state that the yellow-fever had commenced its ravages there. A considerable number of Americans have fallen victims to this dreadful disorder, among whom were two men belonging to the ship Bonetta of Salem.
On the night of the 7th inst. the Steam Engine established at Wilmington, N. C. was destroyed by fire. It is said the building was insured for 15,000 dollars by the Charleston branch of the London Phenix company.
FROM WASHINGTON, Nov. 24.
The house adjourned about two o'clock, immediately after the doors were opened.—Mr. Randolph and his motions, it is understood, were in the vocaline , only thirty members joining in this attempt to embarrass the administration.—The subject, it seems, was the propriety of publishing the secret documents, and particularly a letter from Mr. Pinkney, which those who say they know more than every body else, tell us it would be highly improper to divulge. The Senate still are employed upon the embargo. Mr. Giles spoke about three hours and a quarter to-day—his defence of the administration and its measures, is one of the most elaborate, dispassionate, correct and masterly orations ever delivered in Congress. The centing of Hillhouse, the dismembering insinuations of Lloyd, the chattering of White, and the old story bandied about from one to another, respecting French influence, Presidential palaces, Eastern revolts and independence, &c. was most successfully and completely disproved, and the whole ingeniously retorted upon these "friends of order."
The speech will be published in a pamphlet as soon as possible, and will do as much credit to Mr. Giles, as it will evince the inflexible independence and firmness of the American patriot.—Balt. Whig.
The following gentlemen have been chosen Electors for the state of Pennsylvania; they are all decidedly republican:
Charles Thomson, William Montgomery, Thomas Leiper, Michael Leib, Joseph Engle, William Rodman, Archibald Darrall, Jacob Weygant, Joseph Leifester, Gabriel Hiester, junr. George Hartman, Adamson Tannehill, James Cowden, William Wilson, Robert Giffin, Jacob Hostetter, David Fullerton, Peter Kemmell, Joseph Huston and John M'Dowell.
Mr. Cuts is re-elected a representative from the state of Massachusetts by a majority of about 150.
The following are the aggregate votes in the state of Ohio for Electors:
  Repub. Fed.    Massie 5,654 Putnam 1,174  Wood 3,331 Wells 1,057  McCune 3,307 Skenck 1,031  
The republicans were so confident of victory, that they brought out but an inconsiderable portion of their strength.—Nat. Int.
In joint meeting the General Assembly of New-Jersey have re-elected the electors of President and Vice-President lately chosen by the people. Our readers may remember we stated there was a defect in the law under which the election for electors was held; they being chosen before the time allowed by the constitution of the U. States. (Balt. E. Post.)
Antimonial Ore.—Antimony is the only desideratum, which was formerly wanted to enable our Type Manufactories to flourish without foreign aid.—With no common sentiments of pleasure we are informed that the Ore of this valuable metal is discovered in the state of Jersey.
It is said to be a rich mine, and will of course be very productive, as it is used universally by the druggists. Thus the multiplication of Types by this discovery is rendered totally independent of European commerce.
GEORGIA, SAVANNAH, Nov. 15.
The Legislature of this State formed a quorum on the 7th inst. the day assigned by law for its meeting.
This day is concluded on by the House of Representatives, for choosing Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States.
Hugh Blair, T. P. Carnes, B. Talliaferro, J. Hutchinson, and E. Payne, esquires, are appointed managers, to conduct the impeachment against the Fraction-selling Commissioners.
The following is the result of the late election for members of Congress, to repre-

sent this state, in the 11th. Congress of the United States. The four first named gentlemen, compose the present delegation, and was on the 26th ult. declared re-elected by Proclamation of the Governor—viz:—Bibb, 12,806; Troup, 12,532; Cobb, 11,602; Smelt, 8,361; Houston, 6,110; Dooley, 4,838.
By letters from Augusta, Georgia, we learn that Mr. Longstreet, of that place, has invented a steam boat on principles entirely different from that of Mr. Fulton, and which is likely to prove of great utility in the rivers of the southern states. He has already put in motion one of 15 feet in length 4 feet breadth, with a cylinder of 4 inches diameter, and water wheels of 4 feet diameter, which carries 3 persons, and goes with a motion perfectly uniform, at the rate of 3 miles per hour, and can be increased to any size. This small boat has already made several trips up and down the river.
The total votes given, in Pennsylvania for governor, with the exception of those in Erie county, are as follows, For Mr. Snyder 66,954 Mr. Ross 39,947 Mr. Spayd 3, 936 Total 109,837 In Erie the majority only is known, viz. 355 for Mr. Snyder.
A Resolute passed in the Legislature of Massachusetts on the day of adjournment, 18th, and was approved by the Governor, authorising the payment of 400 dollars to the Secretary, for the purpose of paying the Electors.
The Certificates of the Electors, signed by the Governor, we learn, are not in the usual form;—and that he has attached to them the proceedings of the Legislature relative to the manner in which they were chosen.
NORTH-CAROLINA, RALEIGH, Nov. 24. It is now ascertained that Mr. Madison will obtain eleven votes in this State, and Mr. Pinckney three. The Electors are, General Wynn, Gen. Riddick, Gov. Ashe, Col. Taylor, Mr. Plummer, Mr. Toole, Mr. Bayne, Mr. Cleveland, Mr. Love, Mr. Purney, and Judge Locke, for Mr. Madison; and Mr. Gaston, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. McKenzie, for Gen. Pinckney. The Star.
It is yet doubtful whether the Republican candidate is not elected—E. E.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, DECEMBER 2, 1808.
TO THE TOMB OF THE CAPULETS! The following frank and liberal strictures are from the last "Spirit of '76." If the ingenious author has no better way of expressing his gratitude to "the benefactor of his country," he had much better leave the theme to more discriminating minds. We have hitherto thought it best to say nothing as to the ridiculous topic which he has touched. There was little doubt, however, that the "busy body" spirit, or the venom of some of the opposition-prints, would give it circulation. We are not disappointed; And we now avail ourselves of the opportunity of stating a few particulars which, we believe, comprize all the important facts on this subject.
EXTRACT. "THE PRESIDENT'S SECRETARY. [Here follows a short extract of a letter which appeared in the Enquirer of Oct. 28.] "We do not feel ourselves authorised to attack the character of any gentleman:—nay, it is what we shall never do; but we think it correct to state facts, and to investigate the acts of public men with decency. It is said that the above extract was written by Mr. Coles, the private secretary of the President, to his brother of Albemarle county, who was in this place when it was published in the Enquirer. It excited much expectation and speculation.
"The prices current were put up, and tobacco, wheat and corn were becoming very brisk. "Many were taken in, as the report goes. "The President's crop of tobacco being in market, it is said, (and correctly too we believe) sold for seven dollars per cwt.—It has been said by many and believed by some no doubt, that the letter was written within his knowledge and for that and other purposes—to this we say without hesitation, we have no doubt it is false; but we do not perceive upon what ground and with what views such a letter could have been written by Mr. Coles. It was after the Richmond arrived, and before the Hohe , at New-York; and we know of nothing since, that could justify it. Mr. Coles should explain. For it ought, and no doubt will give him pain to hear that any letter of his has been turned to the injury of his fellowmen, and more especially to the injury of the benefactor of his country, Mr. Jefferson."
The best explanation of this letter will be a short history of the circumstances that produced it. We believe that the following history may be relied on.—The brother of Mr. Coles had written him from Albemarle, that the greater part of their crop of wheat was in such a situation from having remained a long time in bulk, that he had resolved to go to Richmond and sell it for whatever it would bring. On the receipt of this letter, Mr. Coles's instant determination was to attempt to dissuade him from making a sale, and his letter was written solely with that view. The facts which it contained, of the price of wheat in England, and of the failure of the crop there, were spoken of generally in the city of Washington, and are said to have been mentioned the evening before by Mr. Madison to a gentleman in his presence. He had seen also in the news-papers, that Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning had lately had several conferences together, and that it had been proposed to take off the embargo as it respected Great Britain, on her rescinding her orders as they related to the U. States. The inference, that most men would have drawn from these facts taken together, was, that our differences would be accommodated. It was presumable that if the crop had failed in England, this of itself would be conclusive, as a supply could, under existing circumstances, only be obtained from us. Knowing nothing of what was passing in the cabinet, as we have the strongest reasons to believe—having had no conversation with the President on the subject of our foreign relations which gave the least intimation of their actual situation, and having never seen any of the dispatches which had either been written or received, Mr. Coles certainly neither possessed nor pretended to communicate any information which any other person might not have obtained. He was writing to a brother, with whom he had long been
accustomed to communicate without reserve, and who probably knew that his speculations had sometimes proven erroneous.—His letter was written for him, & for him only, & it produced on his mind, the effect which was intended. He returned home leaving the price of the crop of wheat to be fixed at a future day. Let this single fact attest the sincerity and purity of his motives! It may not be improper to add, that the first intimation which the President had of his having written such a letter, was obtained from a publication in the Mercantile Advertiser of New York. This publication did not make the smallest reference to any publication in the Enquirer. It was simply an extract of a letter from a gentleman in this city to his correspondent in N. York. How Mr. Coles's name was given to the public, is not the question. The fact is, it did not go from us.
The Norfolk Ledger displays the usual spirit of discrimination, characteristic of its sect. It has asserted, that the Committee of foreign Relations "has followed Mr. Madison in a mistake committed by that gentleman in asserting, that the British Orders in Council were issued before the government of that country had ascertained that the French government intended to enforce the Berlin decree;" for that "certainly Mr. M. in a letter of March 20, 1807, informs Mr. Armstrong, that the French cruisers had acted under that decree, that Spain had passed a similar decree, and was acting upon it."—This ground has also been taken, for want of a better, by the whole host of federal Editors. The learned Coleman glitters in the van; and the chaste association of the "Federal Republican" thunders in the Rear. Some of these worthies have charged Mr. Madison with flagrant contradiction; others less squeamish in their expressions, have not hesitated even to charge him with a flagrant falsehood.
But how stands the case? The allusion of these gentlemen is to the following expressions of Mr. M.'s letter: "There are proofs that the West-India privateers have, under color of the edict, committed depredations which will constitute just claims of redress from their government." Is not the obvious distinction here taken between the cruisers and the government of France? Has Mr. M. made any other assertion in his letter to Mr. Eskine, than that the French government had never enforced its decree, previous to the case of the Horizon ? Where then is the contradiction; where the untruth; where the mistake? It was certainly to have been expected, that the individual cruisers of France, would have been eager to extend the range of their depredations, "under color of these edicts," until their spirit had been collected from the interpretation & execution of the government. But surely the conduct of the French government is not always to be tested by that of its privateers. The friends of the British government should be the last persons on earth to insist upon this identity.
This distinction has even been taken by Mr. Eskine himself in his letter to Mr. Madison of March 12, 1807; when he declares that "his majesty has learnt that the measures announced by this decree, have already, in some instances, been carried into execution by the privateers of the enemy." There is even a doubt, whether Mr. E. himself has not here committed a mistake, by confounding the cases of sequestration in the ports of France with those of capture on the high seas.
If it be said, that cases did occur, even after the spirit of the French government was known, it then remains to be shown, that these were not cases of "vessels which were arrested for having introduced articles of English growth or manufacture, and among them some, which being actually from England, and laden with English colonial produce, had entered with forged papers, as if coming from the U. States." Several cases of this sort did actually occur; but no man will pretend to say, that these were any other than the municipal effect of the French edicts. If cases of any other description did occur, why are they not mentioned by the enemies of the administration? The whole host of federal writings are defied to name a single case of condemnation, before the case of the Horizon .
It is astonishing, that any well-informed man should venture to assert the contrary position. Even the bold author of the British pamphlet , "Hints to both parties" which carries the British doctrine as far as any statesman, and even enforces the propriety of retaining their orders, though the French government should rescind its decrees—even this ministerial Mr. Marriott is obliged to concede the point. He employs this very remarkable expression in his 8th page: "This intercourse (between the U. S. and G. B.) was further interrupted by the measures of the enemy; by the Berlin decree, of Nov. 1806, and the subsequent enforcement of that decree in September last," thus candidly confessing that this decree, was not enforced, as a high-sea regulation, until Sep. 1807.
COMMUNICATION. Will the friends of Mr. Monroe never rest tranquil under their disappointments? These gentlemen are now resorting to the most curious means of consolation. They are attempting to persuade us, that the "election was no criterion of the strength of the Monroe and Madison interest in this state; & that no friend of truth will hazard the assertion." For once, these gentlemen are right in their calculations. It is true that the election is no criterion of the strength of the parties in this state; but in how different a sense is this proposition true, from what these gentlemen are willing to take it! It may be true, that some of the friends of Monroe did not vote at all, because they believed that he had no chance of success; but how many more of Madison's friends did not vote, because they believed there was no possible chance of defeating him! Information from the various quarters of the state clearly establishes this fact. In most of the republican counties, the elections were uncommonly thin. The freeholders were so confident of his success, that they did not think it necessary to attend the election. But the quality of votes is sometimes of as much consequence as their quantity. Who were the great supporters of Col. Monroe? Does not more than one half of them consist of the enemies of the present administration; of federalists, apostates, or Tories? Are not the politics of the majority of those few counties, in which he has obtained a majority, with the exception of Princess Anne, of the federal stamp? Why did he get a majority in Northampton, Accomac, Berkeley and Loudoun? Because they are federal counties. Why did he obtain such few votes in the counties of Rockbridge and Augusta? Because, as consistent politicians, the federalists in those counties voted for the Pinkney ticket.—It is certainly not for Mr. Monroe.
Supplement to the above. Yesterday the Grand Jury for this District reported the following Presentments to the Circuit Court: Present , Chief Justice Marshall, and Mr. Griffin, District Judge.—We understand that the U. S. Attorney for this District is preparing copies of the Indictments to be laid before the Jury, based upon these presentments.—The case to which they allude, was published some weeks since in this paper.
WE the Grand Jury for the 5th Circuit of the U. States, District of Virginia, Present JOHN LYNN, DANIEL HALL, DAVID BARCLAY and JOHN LESLIE, for a violation of the Law laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States, and the acts supplementary thereto;—by carrying the brig Sally & Jenny into the port of Halifax, without the U. States, although cleared out from the port of Richmond, for the port of Boston, on the thirtieth day of June last.—On the evidence of James Gibbon, Ryland Randolph, Jackson Frazier, John Craddock, William Price, Benjamin Hatcher, Robert Graham, Alexander Kerr, John Whittas, Henry L. Biscoe, William Rowlett, Fleming Abbott, and Buddy Dunnington.
FRANCIS PRESTON, Foreman. Yesterday the trial of John Moss, for purloining money from the letters transmitted through the Post-Office at Petersburg,
came on before the U. S. Circuit Court now sitting in this city. After a patient and full hearing of the evidence, and counsel, for and against the prisoner, the Jury retired, and in about ten minutes returned into the court with a verdict of GUILTY.
COMMUNICATIONS. Doubts.—The Committee of Foreign Relations have recommended in their inimitable REPORT, that the vessels as well as the productions of France and Great-Britain should be excluded from the ports of the U. States.—Should not this proposition be extended further? Is it not essential to this non-intercourse system, to apply the same interdiction to every flag , under whose shelter the productions of those countries might be virtually and extensively introduced?—The manufacturers of Birmingham are not more expert in imitating the coins of other countries than the merchants of G. B. are in counterfeiting their flags.—False rupees or doubloons are not more easily produced, than Swedish, Spanish, or Portuguese coupons .
Should not this non-intercourse system be made complete as relates to France and G. Britain? Should it not extend to Diplomacy as well as Commerce? Ought not the P. U. S. to recall Gen. Armstrong from France and Mr. Pinkney from G. Britain? Our consuls might remain with the usual powers of superintending the fate of our vessels, seamen, and prize cases.—One benefit flowing from these arrangements would be, that the respective ministers of those countries would share a similar fate. Their own governments would probably recall them.—These resident ministers, these "privileged spies," of foreign courts, as Voltaire calls them, would therefore no longer exist among us, to organize opposition to our laws and to plot insurrection and dismemberment. The Spies would lack the means of corruption, and even Timothy Pickering himself would be forced to become honest, from the want of temptation. These ideas however, are merely thrown out by way of presenting the subject in new points of view, and thus exciting the curiosity of the inquisitive.
COMMUNICATION. In obedience to the general orders from the Executive of Virginia, the Colonel of the County of Prince Edward caused to be assembled the Militia of said County, in order to obtain the quota, which his Regiment was required to furnish of the United States. The call was obeyed this day with the utmost promptitude and alacrity; and the question being put at the head of the Regiment, whether the quota should be obtained by draft, it was effectually answered by a tender of Volunteers, more than sufficient to meet the demand of the Government. On this occasion, the true American spirit displayed itself, party differences were all forgotten, evincing to the world, that when a great crisis arrives, the American people are ONE.
SEVENTY SIX. The Manchester Republican Blues, commanded by Capt. McKee, have unanimously tendered their services to the General Government, as a part of the quota required of this State by law.
It is said, that Mr. Eskine has received dispatches from his government via Halifax—and that on last Saturday, he was closeted for a considerable time with the President & Secretary of State.
Messrs. Lloyd, Hillhouse, Quincy, &c. are eternally enquiring "what is the use of the Embargo? what good will result from it?"—Why even if it does not operate upon the belligerents; if it does not enable us to prepare better for war—it has the blessed effect of keeping us clear of greater evils. The embargo is certainly an evil—a great evil upon the commercial and agricultural interests of the nation—but what evil, less than it, could be adopted in its place? Is war a less evil than the embargo? Is submission to unexampled aggressions and insults?
The Report of the Legislature of Massachusetts, amidst its other absurdities, has asserted that the previous revocation of our proclamation, "would have compelled the British Envoy to have offered ample and honorable reparation" to the U. S. for the attack on the Chesapeake.—Now, it seems, that the conditions which would have been offered by Mr. Rose, are known to the United States, as well as the terms, which our government would have deemed "ample & honorable reparation." These conditions were published some weeks since by Mr. Bronson, Editor of the "U. S. Gazette," and were probably derived from Mr. Pinckney, the British consul at Philadelphia.—Mr. Rose it seems would have offered a disavowal of the attack—the surrender of the captured seamen—and a pension to the wounded survivors, or families of the murdered.—These terms differ in one important point from those which would have been demanded by our government. These are stated by Mr. Madison in his letter to Mr. Pinkney of April 4, 1808 to be, "the disavowal of the attack on the Chesapeake, an express engagement that the seamen retained shall be immediately restored, and that the guilty officer, experience an exemplary punishment."—According to the Legislature of Massachusetts therefore, their course would have merely subjected us to the ridiculous alternative of "a renewal of the proclamation," immediately after having rescinded it. (This Report in our next.)
The Editor of this paper is desirous of collecting a sort of Museum of the Domestic Manufactures of Virginia , wrought out of Silk, Cotton, Hair, and particularly Wool , with or without the dye. He therefore requests any gentleman to send him, by private opportunities or post paid, such beautiful, ingenious, or useful specimens, as are within his reach—to be accompanied by a description of the expences of preparation, and the estimated value of the manufacture—with such other information as may be necessary for explaining the peculiar qualities of each.—These specimens will be exhibited to the curious, and the information, which they may contain, will be given to the public.
Charity Sermon. The Rev. John Courtney will preach a Sermon at the Baptist Meeting-House on Sunday next for the benefit of the Richmond Female Humane Association.
COMMUNICATION.—MARRIED on Thursday the 1st of inst. month, Mr. THOMAS TODD, of King & Queen, to the amiable Mrs. ELIZA GARNETT, widow of Muscow Gannett, dec'd. and eldest daughter of captain James Pendleton. Surely never yet has been, "So divine, so blest a scene." Cupid has left the starry sphere, "To wave his golden tresses there."
Election of Electors, from Official Returns received by the Executive. Madison Monroe Pinckney Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Returns from 85 counties, 2 boroughs, and this city, in our last, 13870 3308 434 Henry, 161 00 00 Elizabeth City, 69 27 09 Shenandoah, 527 7 00 14627 3342 434 Majority 11285 agt. Monroe. 434 Majority 10851 in fav. of Madison. 7 Counties to be heard from.
A FREEMAN, No. II. in our next. A LIST OF LEADERS, REMAINING IN THE POST-OFFICE, ON THE 30th DAY OF NOVEMBER, WHICH HAVE NOT BEEN ADVERTISED. A—John Alcock, Saml. G. Adams, Jones Allen, John Ambler, James Alderson, Wm. Aylett, Thomas C. Alexander. B—Thomas Bowles, Richard Bagnall, Adam Bain, Nathaniel Briggs, Martin Baker, Charles H. Braxton, John D. Brown, Capt. J. B. Burnby, Miss A. T. Bangs, Ann Bowen, John B. Burrough. C—Miss Eliza Curtis, Richard Carter, William Compson, Samuel Calvert, Capt. Richard Clark, Edward Colston, Wm. Cooke, Christopher Cull, Curtis Carter, Robt. Craig, Tucker Coles, Micajah Clark, James Conway, Richard Carter, H. J. Crawford, Herbert Chavis, Samuel Camp, Bell, Abraham Cowley, R. W. Christian, Henry Crawley, E. J. Clopton, Thomas Clark, William Crawford, Robert B. Comby, James B. Carter, Miss Jane S. Craig, Miss Eliza B. Cooke. D—John Doyle, Miss Eliza Dunn, Nicholas Daw, Stephen Dillard, Miss Mary Doyle, Robert Douthat. E—Peter Elliott, John Everers, Mrs. Phila Elcan, David Ellis. F—James Fore, Robert B. Fontain, Mrs. Ann Fontain, Azel Fitch, Mr. Forester, Alexander Frazier. G—Robert Gaines, Gen. J. Guerrant, Jr. Wm. Gray, James Gray, Mrs. Goodwin, Benj. Griffith, Archimedes Gaines, Isaac Gimore, Chas. Gill, John Gray. H—Henry G. Heth, Wm. Hart, Peter Heiffer, Capt. John Haynes, J. E. Hollingsworth, Ann Hubbard, Daniel P. Harwood, Mrs. S. Humphreys, Dr. Hawkins, Robert S. Hollens, Alexander Harrison, John Heath, James Horsley, Harry Heth, Mrs. M. Hyland, Charles Horwell, James Hooper, Wm. Huslett, John Hook. I—Ambrose Jenkins, Robt. Johnston, Nicholas Jones, Willis Jones, Jekyll Jones, Jos. Jones, Cornelius Johnson. K—John Kennedy, John Ketton. L—Miss Keziah Locus, Louis Lannay, John Ladd, Miss Nancy Lewis, Jedediah Leeds, Simon Logan, Gen. H. Lee, Col. Armstead Long. M—Mrs. Frances Martyn, Thomas Marshall, Wm. Mann, Thomas Matthias, Dr. Robert Mayo, Smith Mead, Miss P. Maclin, Jonathan Moore, Wm. McEllicott, Peter Mansfield, Wm. Moore, Littleton T. Morgan, Francis F. P. Mitchell, Jr. Joseph Minton, John Moss, Mr. Martin, Captain John Moss. N—George Newton, Richard Nailor, John New, Wm. Nelson, Wm. T. Nivison, Wm. O. Nash, Miss Catharine I. Nash, Joel Neale, Jas. Neale. P—Henry Priddy, Mrs. Sarah Priddy, John Purse, Capt. E. Pearson, John Pearson, Mrs. Lucy Price, John Pointer, Capt. J. Pleasants, Joseph Price, Samuel Parsons, Isaac Paul, James Price, Mrs. Page, Major John Price, Edmund Pendleton. R—Miss Eliza Royster, Wm. Randolph, David Robertson, Wm. Ross, Jr. Wm. Rawleigh, Capt. Wm. Reed, Thomas Robertson, John H. Robertson, George Robertson, Abner Robertson. S—Philip Sumiton, Miss A. P. Smith, John Southgate, Mrs. Mary Sowers, Edward Sullivan, Reubin Sheppard, Nath. Selden, Robt. Smith, James Stewart, Joseph M. Street, Mrs. Ann Sydnor, Miss Lucy Scott, John P. Shields, Col. Miles Selden. T—George K. Taylor, Caleb Tait, Dr. F. Terrell, Wm. R. Taylor, John Taliaferro, Jas. Terrell, Archibald Toney, Mitchell Tait, Samuel Tompkins, L. Tyler, Judge Tyler. V—James Vaughan, Thomas Vowell, Miss Mary Vernon, John Vaughan, Mrs. S. Vandise, Mrs. R. Vannet, Wm. Vantassell. W—Francis Wicker, John L. West, George T. Webb, John West, Wm. W. Weymouth, John Woody, Mrs. Eliza Wanton, John Winston, Hugh Wyllie, Miss F. Williams, Kirby Wren, Dabney Williamson, Samuel J. Winston, William Woody, Jr. Miss Ann B. Wyld, Wm. Walker, Miss M. Winston, John D. Watkins. Y—Levi Yale, Mrs. Jane Young, Jas. Young. Z—Charles Zehmer. WILLIAM POUSE, Post-Master. december 2.
EDUCATION.—The Subscribers, living in the county of Louisa, at a place called the Roundabout, about 60 miles from Richmond, having employed a Mr. John Duke, to instruct a small number of pupils, including their own children, propose taking a few boarders, to complete his school. Mr. Duke has in his possession, satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications. He teaches the Greek, Latin & English Languages, together with Geography, Reading, writing and Arithmetic. The price for board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be $80, to be paid at the expiration of the term, to commence on the first Monday in January, and expire on the first of December next.
JOHN POINDEXTER, FRANCIS JOHNSON. december 2.
THE Subscribers, having commenced the BOOT-MAKING business in the house lately occupied by David Ross opposite to Mr. Neil McConie, they offer their services to the public and do assure those that favor them with their custom, that their work shall be done in the neatest manner. They have also on hand, a general assortment of SHOES, of all descriptions. Also they make and sell the real Egyptian VARNISH, for cleaning Boots or Shoes, that will preserve the Leather, &c.
SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLD. december 2.
THE GRAND LODGE OF VIRGINIA, will meet, in the Mason's Hall, in this city, at 6 o'clock in the evening of the second Monday in December next. november 25. [ep4w]
WILLIAMSBURG, november 30th, 1808. No Male Patients can, until further notice, be admitted into the LUNATIC HOSPITAL, as the cells are all full. By order of the Court of Directors, WILLIAM RUSSELL, Clerk. december 2.
JUST received, and for sale, 70 Pirkens BUTTER, of prime quality, 20 Tierses of WHISKEY—Also, 3 Tons bar IRON, by BENJAMIN WOLFE. december 2.
GLOBE TAVERN.—The Subscriber has excellent accommodations for thirty Members of Assembly, and at a moderate price: he hopes from his strict attention to give satisfaction. JAMES BROOKS. Dec. 2.
JOHN STAPLES, of Buckingham County will be a Candidate before the General Assembly for the appointment of Register of the Land Office. december 2.

POLITICAL.
DOCUMENTS.
ACCOMPANYING THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
(CONCLUDED.)
CORRESPONDENCE
BETWEEN
MR. MADISON AND MR. ERSKINE.
Copy of a letter from the hon. David M. Erskine...
Washington, March 12, 1807.
SIR, I am charged, by his majesty, to express to the government of the United States, his majesty's perfect confidence in their good sense and firmness...
His majesty, therefore, with that forbearance and moderation, which have at all times distinguished his conduct, has determined, for the present, to confine himself to the exercise of the power given him by his decided naval superiority...
His majesty feels an entire confidence, that the moderation and justice of this conduct will be duly appreciated by the United States, and has charged me to express to their government, in the strongest terms, the regret he has experienced...
I have the honor to be, With great respect and consideration, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) D. M. ERSKINE.
Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, in reply to the foregoing. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 20, 1807.
SIR, I have laid before the President your letter of the 12th instant, communicating the views of his Britannic majesty, in relation to the French decree of November 21, 1806, and to the principle of retaliation...
The president cannot be insensible, sir, to the friendship and confidence towards the U. States, which are signified by his Britannic majesty in this communication. In making this acknowledgement, however, the President considers it not less incumbent on him, to reserve for a state of things which, it is hoped, will never occur, the right of discussing the legality of any particular measures...
With regard to the particular order issued against the trade of neutrals, from one port to another, of the enemies of Great-Britain, no fair objection can be against it, provided it be founded on, and enforced by actual blockades, as authorized by the law of nations.
If the British order refers for its basis to the principle of retaliation against the French decree, it falls under the observations already made on that subject, and which need not be repeated.
I have the honor to be, With great respect and consideration, Sir, Your most obedient, (Signed) JAMES MADISON. The hon. DAVID M. ERSKINE. From the same to the same. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 20, 1807.
SIR, Further reflection on the tenor and tendency of the order of his Britannic majesty, communicated by your letter of the 12th inst., which was answered by mine of the 20th, induces me to resume that important subject.
From the difficulty of supposing that the order can have for its basis, either a legal blockade impossible to be extended to all the ports described in the order, or a supposed illegality of the trade between those ports, an illegality which has never been applied by the British government or its admiralty courts to an accustomed trade even between ports of the same belligerent nation...
In this view of the order, it demands, on the part of the U. States, the most serious attention, both to its principle and to its operation. With respect to its principle, it will not be conceded, that a retaliation by one nation on its enemy, which is to operate through the interest of a neutral, not an enemy, essentially requires not only that the injury inflicted should be limited by the measure of injury sustained, but that every retaliating step, in such a case, should be preceded by an unreasonable failure of the neutral party, in some mode or other, to put an end to the inequality wrongfully produced.
Were it certain, therefore, that the French decree is to be enforced in the sense in which it is taken, and that, in violation of the treaty between France and the United States, the commerce of the latter will not be exempted, the British order, being peremptory in its import and immediate in its execution, might justly be regarded by the U. States, as a proceeding equally premature & unfriendly.
But, in the uncertainty as to the real meaning of that decree; and whilst a presumption offered itself that the decree, if avowed and executed in an unlawful extent, might not embrace the commerce of the United States, they are bound by justice to their interests, as well as by respect for their rights, to consider the British order as a ground for serious complaint and remonstrance.
Should it prove that the decree had not the meaning ascribed to it, and particularly should the respect of France for her treaties with the United States, except their trade from the operation of the decree, the order of the British government will stand exposed to still severer censure. It will take the character of an original aggression, will furnish to the French government a like ground with that assumed by itself for retaliating measures, and will derive a very unfavorable feature from the consideration, that it was a palpable infraction of a treaty just signed, at the date of the order, to be speedily ratified on the part of the United States.
The necessity of presenting the subject in its true light is strengthened by the operation which the British order will have on a vast proportion of the entire commerce of the United States. Not to dwell on the carrying branch of the commerce between the ports and countries of Europe, and which the immunity given to our flag, in consequence of treaties with the enemies of G. Britain, to British property, and not enjoyed by the property of her enemies, has hitherto been advantageous to Great-Britain; and without enquiring into the effect of an application of the interdiction to the other quarters of the globe, all of which are evidently within the comprehensive terms of the order, it cannot be overlooked, that the character and course of nearly the whole of the American commerce, with the ports of Europe, other than of Great-Britain, will fall under the destructive operation of the order.
These observations, which are made in conformity with the sentiments of the President, cannot fail, sir, to have the weight, with an enlightened and friendly government, to which they are entitled; and the President persuades himself, that the good effect of the truths which they disclose, will be seen in such measures as will remove all ground for dissatisfaction, and demonstrate on that side, the same sincere disposition to cultivate harmony and beneficial intercourse, as is felt and evinced by the United States and their government.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. The hon. DAVID M. ERSKINE. &c. &c. &c.
[Here follows Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. E. of March 25th, 1808, respecting the British Orders of November—already published.]
COLONEL LEAR'S LETTERS OF THE 28th & 31st MARCH, 1808. (Fifth Copy)
SIR, ALGIERS, March 28th, 1808. I have the honor to enclose triplicate of my respects to you of the 4th of January, and duplicate of that of the 9th instant, and the schedule of my account with the United States.
It is with regret I have to inform you that our affairs here wear a different aspect from what they did when I had last the honor of writing to you. On the 16th instant the Dey sent me a message by my drogoman, that I should pay immediately sixteen thousand dollars for 8 of the subjects of this regency, said to have been destroyed on board the American schooner Mary Ann, captured some time since by one of his frigates...
I ordered him to return immediately to the Dey, and say, that I could not pay the money without the order of my government, as it was an affair out of the usual course of our business here, and that I was ready to meet the event. He brought me word that the Dey would see me next day at noon on the subject. He accordingly sent for me at noon on the 25th.
I ordered him to return immediately to the Dey, and say, that I could not pay the money without the order of my government, as it was an affair out of the usual course of our business here, and that I was ready to meet the event. He brought me word that the Dey would see me next day at noon on the subject. He accordingly sent for me at noon on the 25th. When I entered the palace, I met Mr. Urwick the Danish consul, who was descending from an audience of the Dey. He was seized by a Chaux, who carried him through the streets in the most indignant manner to the slave prison, where he was loaded with an enormous chain, the reason assigned, for which was, that he had been called upon for his business presents which he declared he could not make without having time given him, as the vessel containing it, and annuities for the regency had been taken by the English.
On meeting the Dey, he demanded from me immediate payment for the prisoners before mentioned, together with an additional two thousand dollars for the boy said to have been carried in the schooner to Naples. I told him with firmness that I could not pay it without the orders of my government, as it was an extraordinary case; and requested time to write and receive an answer; but was answered, that if it was not paid immediately, I knew what the consequence would be.
I replied, that let the consequence be what it might, I should not pay it. I was then ordered to leave his presence. On descending to the area of the palace, where the Danish consul had been seized, I expected the same compliment which he had met with, and was prepared for it, but finding no one to molest me, I left the palace and returned to my own house, where I supposed the orders would be sent to have me arrested; but the day passed without my hearing any thing more of the matter.
In the evening I met the French and Swedish consuls, (the others being at the gardens) and we agreed to send for the other consuls the following morning, to concert measures for the liberation of the Dane. At noon we met at the Danish consul's house, with our respective drogomans, and proceeded to the palace, where we had an audience with the Dey, who, after some conversation, agreed to release the Danish consul from his chains, at the intercession made for him.
As it is very likely that the cruisers which are now fitting out will have orders to capture American vessels, I have written to our consul in Alicante by this opportunity, which is unexpected, and the only one likely to occur soon, to convey notice to all the consuls of the United States in this sea, to guard our merchant vessels against the evil which may occur. A copy of my letter to him I have the honor to enclose.
In consequence of the barbarous outrage which has been committed on the Danish consul, and threatened to be put in execution against me, the consuls have been brought to reflect on their precarious situation here; and I trust that in a few days there will be a compact entered into among us, that we will use our best endeavors to enforce that article which exists in all the treaties between this regency and Christian powers, securing the person and family of the consul from violence and outrage, in consequence of anything he may do in the exercise of his official functions.
Our respective governments, I trust, will sanction such a measure, and give orders to their consuls accordingly. Notwithstanding all I have stated, it is possible that the Dey may not proceed to extremities towards me, or commit hostilities on our commerce and citizens, until I hear from my government on the subject.
The camp is expected to march in a few days against Tunis, and their cruisers are said to be intended for that quarter; but there is no doubt but some of them will cruise in every part of this sea, and probably go into the Atlantic.
With sentiments of the highest respect and most sincere attachment, I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most faithful and obedient servant, TOBIAS LEAR.
The Honorable JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State of the United States of America, Washington. (Triplicate.)
ALGIERS, March 31, 1808. SIR,
A Copy of what I had the honor of writing to you on the 28th instant, with its enclosures, accompanies this. The vessel which took the aforesaid letter, did not sail until the 29th.
Yesterday I sent my drogoman to the palace, to know of the Dey what were his ultimate intentions, (if he chose to declare them,) respecting the business mentioned in my last; and to request that I might be allowed three months to receive the orders of my government. The answer brought was, that if I paid the money in the course of the day, we should stand as we were before; but if I did not, he should pursue his own measures.
As I was yet uncertain, whether his threats would be put in execution against me personally, or against our commerce, I remained fixed in my first resolution. This morning the two frigates, which had been preparing for some days past, made the signal for sailing; and a formal message was sent to inform me, that they had orders to capture American vessels, (the threats of personal violence to me having had no effect.) I thought it a duty which I owed to my government, and to my country, to prevent, if possible, the calamity which might fall on our citizens and their property; I therefore sent to inform the Dey, that if he should recall his orders from these vessels, before they sailed, and make no renewal of them to these or other vessels, I would pay the money; but that I considered it as a measure forced upon me, and as such should represent it to my government.
The order was recalled, after the frigates had got under way; and the money is to be paid to-morrow, which I shall obtain by bills on John Gavino, Esq. our consul in Gibraltar, to whom I shall give bills on the Secretary of State of the United States, to meet the same.
The frigates have gone out, and the other cruisers will be got ready for sea immediately. A vessel is expected to sail in a few days for Alicante, by which I shall write to our consul, contravening the positive advices for our vessels not to leave the ports in which they may be; but at the same time, directing them to be strictly on their guard.
I have, this day, had an opportunity of writing to Tripoli, (the first which has occurred for more than three months) which I have improved; and by the same route to Tunis, giving information of what has passed. Painful as has been my situation in this affair, I feel conscious of having discharged my duty to my country in the best, and indeed, only manner in my power.
NOTE. As few of our readers have an opportunity of seeing the official pamphlet, published for the use of both Houses of Congress, containing the Message of the President of the U. S. and accompanying Documents, it may not be a miss to lay before them a brief analysis of its contents. These Documents are much more intelligible, when read in a regular series. Those, therefore, who have no other means of reading them but in the detached fragments, in which they follow each other in the Newspapers, would do well to preserve these papers as they come from the Press...
From 1 to 11 inclusive, the President's message: For which, see Enquirer Nov. 11th. 12 to 25 inclusive, extracts of letters from Mr. Madison to General Armstrong, ditto 18th and 22d. 26 to 43 inclusive, copies and extracts of letters from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State. See ditto 22d and 25th. 44 to 62 ditto, extracts and copies of letters from Mr. Madison to Mr. Pinkney. See ditto Nov. 23d. 63 to 86, copies and extracts of letters, from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison, with enclosures. For Mr. Pinkney's last note to Mr. Canning and his Reply, see Enq. Nov. 15. For the rest, see ditto 29th. 87 to 105 ditto, correspondence between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Madison. For Mr. M's last, long and unanswerable letter of March 25th, 1808, see Enq. of 15th inst. For the res. Vide the present paper. 106 to 111 do. Col. Lear's letters to the Secretary of State. Vide present paper.
IN COUNCIL, November 28, 1807. Governor and Council, pursuant to the first section of the act of assembly, "to amend an act intitled an act to amend an act intitled an act for appointing Electors to choose a President & Vice-President of the United States," having examined the returns from the Commissioners of the several counties, appointed and commissioned in conformity with the directions of the aforesaid act of Assembly, do hereby advertise and make known, that the names and places of abode of the twenty-four persons having the greatest number of votes throughout the state as Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States for the state of Virginia, are as follows, viz:
Joseph Godwin, Senr. Nancemond, Benjamin Harrison, Prince George, Edward Pegram, Senr. Dinwiddie, Richard Field, Brunswick, Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte, Joseph Eggleston, Amelia, Hugh Nelson, Albemarle, Col. George Penn, Patrick, Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City, Spencer Roane, Hanover, John Roane, King William, Robert Taylor, Orange, Gustavus H. Hunter, Fauquier, Robert Nelson, York, Mann Page, Gloucester, Richard Barnes, Richmond County, John T. Brooke, Stafford, Hugh Holmes, Frederick, Osborne Spiegell, Hampshire, James Allen, Shenandoah, Archibald Stuart, Augusta, Andrew Russell, Washington, Gen. John Preston, Montgomery, William McKinley, Ohio. Attest, D. L. HYLTOK, C. C.
WILL be sold, on the first Monday, in Dec. next, at being Henrico court day, on six months credit, at the court house of the said county, all the NEGROES belonging to the estate of James White, dec'd, which consists of Women and Children only, in order to make a division among the legatees of the said White. Bond and approved security will be required for the purchase money. ROBERT WHITE, Executor of James White, dec'd. nov. 29. 244
SALE BY AUCTION BY virtue of a deed of trust, from David M. Randolph, to the subscriber, dated the 23th day of October, 1807, and recorded in the District court; made to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Randolph to Jos. Marx & Co. Will be exposed to sale, at auction, on Saturday the 3d day of next month, on the premises, two half acre LOTS OF GROUND, in the city of Richmond, and known in the plan of the city by the numbers 449 and 559. These Lots are between the basin and the river, and fronting the Hay-Market, separated therefrom by street only. They are handsomely situated, and command a fine prospect up and down the river. One of the Lots is a framed dwelling-house, of about 36 by 20 feet. By the tenor of the deed of trust, the sale was to be made for cash, but to enhance the price, J. Marx & Co. have consented to allow a credit of 90 days; the purchaser giving a negotiable note with approved security. If the note with the requisite security is not executed immediately after the Lots are struck out, they will forthwith be set up to sale again. C. COPLAND, Trustee. nov. 29. 244
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber (residing in the county of Hanover, about 30 miles from Richmond,) having employed Mr. Wm. Nelson, Jr. to instruct a small number of boys, including his children, purposed taking a few boarders, in order to make up the SCHOOL. Mr. Nelson has in his possession, the most satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications as a Teacher of the following branches of Education, viz: The Greek and Latin Languages, English Grammar, Mathematics, the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Belles Lettres, Geography with the use of the Globes, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. His price for Board, Tuition, Washing, &c. is £ 30, payable quarterly in advance. The School will commence on Monday the 9th of January next, and expire the 1st of December following. WILLIAM FONTAINE. November 23. (61)
WANTING to rent, a small FARM, in the neighborhood of Richmond, containing from 150 to 200 acres, with a house suitable for a small family. For such a one, will be given a liberal rent. Enquire at this office. nov. 25. 84
ON Saturday the 10th day of Dec. next, will be sold, at public auction, the following HOUSES & LOTS to wit: The Tenement lately occupied by Mrs. Byrd, with ground on the cross street opposite to Dr. McCue's lot, sufficient for a carriage house and stable. The Tenement now occupied by Miss Bennett, adjoining the former.
Also, two Brick Tenements on the main-street, leading, from the turnpike road to the Swan-Tavern, & 49 feet of unimproved Ground, lying between said houses and the one occupied by Mrs. Vannett. The terms of sale will be, one-fourth in 6 months, another fourth in 12 months, and the remainder in 2 & 3 years. THOS. NORVELL. nov. 18. 44
N. B. Any person wishing to purchase the above property at private sale, will be pleased to apply to T. N.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MOHRIS. Sept. 14. (4)
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lester's new Wharf: 23 Crates Earthen Ware, 25 Hds. Mucovado Sugar, 11 Do. Grn. Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens. IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 Tierces green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 5 pipes Gin, 30 boxes Segars, 8 bags Race Ginger, Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young H. son Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. nov. 4. [4]
DESERTED.—From the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON—30 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour; blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt; and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES, 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair—when spoken to has a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer—He wore a way a round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg. Infantry
Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [4]
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Wm. Friend, dec'd. late of Manchester, are hereby required to bring them forward, as early as possible, that arrangements may be made for payment; and all persons indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make payment, as speedily as possible. The situation of the estate being such, as to render it impossible to grant longer indulgence. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, nov. 1. [2m]
FOR SALE, 357 Hds upper Inspected TOBACCO. 1000 lbs. Soa. LEATHER, 40 Tierces common WHISKEY, 8 Casks real old rectified Do. 10 Tons country bar IRON, by WM. W. DICKENSON. nov. 22. [1m]
NOTICE.—In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who when a youth, left Briggs, near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1758, the letters of request, and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farsly or Farelly, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is guessed to be near Petersburg, in Virginia.
The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland.
GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. [3m] His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs. John Warder and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOK. Petersburg, July 5. (4)
Bank of Virginia payable at their Office/Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birchett President thereof or Bearer, C No. 332 9th February 1805, $ 100 D 856 6th July, 100 153 7th February, 100 394 9th, 100 700 6th May, 100 753 7th — 100 788 — — 100 $ 700
COPARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.—In pursuance of the authority given to each partner, by the articles of copartnership, entered into between Asa Dodge and the Subscriber, lately pursuing business in this city, under the firm of Dodge and Cobb, the aforesaid copartnership is hereby declared dissolved. In consequence of the embarrassed situation of the business, the creditors of the said Dodge and Cobb are informed, that all their Goods and effects, including Book Debts, notes, Bills, &c. are conveyed and assigned to Wm. Marshall, Esq and Benjamin Kimball, for the benefit of such creditors, as chose to subscribe to the conditions of the Deed of conveyance in ten days from the date thereof. The deed is in the hands of said Kimball, to whom all who are indebted to said firm, will please pay their balances immediately. GERSHOM COBB. Oct. 25. [4]
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR—At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [4]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at Myers's Auction Store, just received— 4 Bales Kendal Cottons, 3 Bales blue and white mixed Kerseys, 3 Bales Half-Thicks, assorted—white, blue, green and mixed, 2 Bales Welsh Plaids—white and blue, 3 Bales Coating—blue and red, 5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats. And an additional supply of the best Dutch BOLTING CLOTHES. Also, in Store, Prime Mucovado Sugars, in hds. and bbls. Loaf Sugar, Molasses, old Madeira Wine, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct. 11. [4]
A FEW boxes of 18 by 12 Window GLASS, of the first quality for sale.—Enquire at this Office. Oct. 14. [4]
WANTED as a TUTOR in a private family a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic—Apply to the Printer. nov. 15. [4]