The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-09-01 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PAGE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1802.
THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE
REVISED CODE,
Now publishing by Messrs. PLEASANTS and PAGE, are respectfully informed, that the printing part of the work will be finished by October. Several professional gentlemen have already sent orders to have their copies interleaved with blank paper, for the purposes of annotation; the charge attending this addition to the book will be moderate, a trifle compared to the convenience. Should any other gentlemen wish to avail themselves of it, a line, post paid, addressed to the subscriber, who is to have the binding of the work, will be thankfully received and punctually attended to.
JOHN PUMFREY.
Richmond, August 12, 1802.
N. B. A general assortment of STATIONARY and BLANK BOOKS, kept constantly on hand.
* * * BOOK-BINDING, in all its various branches, executed in the most approved manner, and with the greatest dispatch.
J. P.
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN AWAY,
From the Subscriber, the 15th instant,
A NEGRO WOMAN,
FANNY,
ABOUT three years old: she is of a middle size, looks quick and short, with a
No doubt but what she may have got a pass, and will endeavour to pass for a free woman. I expect she will endeavour to get to Fredericksburg, or Richmond, where she has been before, and attempted to pass as a free woman. Her dress was a black petticoat, with a white jacket. Took with her sundry other clothes, among which were a striped Virginia cloth petticoat; generally wears a silver ring; wears a neat pair of leather shoes. I rather expect she will endeavour to get on board of some vessel or other, if possible, as she made the attempt once before. I therefore forwarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring of the said negro, or taking her off.
I will give Ten Dollars reward to any person who will bring her to me in Louisa County.
JAMES YOUNG.
Louisa, August 17th, 1802.
WANTED,
FOUR or Five Journeyman Shoemakers, that are good sober workmen. Their wages shall be—Long Boots, 18/—Short do. 15/—Shoes 6/ per pair; and other work in proportion.
D. LOGAN,
Who has on hand, a large and general assortment of BOOTS and SHOES for sale, on reasonable terms for Cash.
Richmond, August 23rd, 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts; which are held in this city.
HENRY BANKS.
Richmond, August 25, 1802.
TO BE SOLD
By virtue of a deed of trust, for cash, on the 20th day of October next, on the premises, a tract of Land, containing two hundred and ninety seven and an half acres, whereon Robert Dabney now resides, (lying in the county of Louisa, on the North Anna River) or so much thereof as will satisfy a debt due James Dabney.
JOHN OVERTON
LANCELOT MINOR } Trustees.
SAMUEL DARNEY }
August 12, 1802.
THIRD NOTICE. IN THE CASE OF MOODY & PRICE, BANKRUPTS.
The Commissioners appointed under the Commission of Bankruptcy awarded and issued, and now in prosecution against Moody and Price, of this City, late Merchants, will attend at the Rising Sun Tavern, on the 4th Day of September next, at the Hour of Nine o'Clock in the Forenoon, at which time and place the said Bankrupts are hereby required to surrender themselves for their final examination. The Creditors who have not yet proved their Debts, may then attend, for the purpose of proving the same; and those Creditors who have proved their Debts, under the said Commission, will then attend to assent or dissent to the allowing of the Bankrupts a Certificate of discharge.
DAVID LAMBERT } Comm's. HENRY BANKS } JOHN DIXON }
Richmond, August 7th, 1802.
FOR SALE, A Capital Young Horse, Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder. Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
FOR SALE, A light, active NEGRO BOY,
About 20 years of age; has been accustomed to wait in the house, and take care of horses; he can drive a carriage; price 350 Dollars cash. For further particulars, enquire of the Printers.
Richmond, Sept. 15
THE PUBLIC PRINTER.
SOME time ago, we stated that Jones had got twelve hundred and fifty dollars for printing a pamphlet for the assembly. We proved that the whole expense of print, paper, and stitching could not come to more than three hundred and seventy-five dollars. A statement in detail, and to this effect, was published in the Recorder.
Jones has never contradicted one word of such a plain story. His silence amounts to a confession that it was correct. Our estimate went upon the notion that the pamphlet contained an hundred and four pages. Of this we had been assured. But a copy of the piece has at length been got hold of; and it contains exactly seventy-two pages. This reduces the real expense to within a small fraction of one third part less. If an hundred and four pages cost three hundred and seventy-five dollars, it follows that seventy-two pages ought not to cost more than two hundred and sixty. Jones himself has, in his Examiner, confessed that he received, for the printing, &c. twelve hundred and fifty dollars. He should have received no more than two hundred and sixty. The public treasury was wronged to the amount of NINE HUNDRED AND NINETY DOLLARS. At fifteen dollars a piece, this money would have paid the merchant tax of sixty-five honest storekeepers, every one of whom has credit to be supported, and property to be lost. Is it reasonable that their pockets, should be thus emptied in order to support the profligacy of a worthless sycophant, as the Alexandria Advertiser and the Winchester Gazette, have justly termed Jones? To put such a question in a serious tone, would be to insult the common sense of the citizens of Virginia.
For this job pamphlet, Jones was paid at the rate of four hundred and eighty per cent. of common wages. He was paid at the rate of forty-eight dollars, for a piece of work, which was worth ten dollars. His friend, Samuel Coleman, is paid for his important services, very much in the same proportion. This sub-clerk to the executive council, this toastmaster of the oath-breaking Giles, this virtuous husband, this brilliant pattern for a young and rising family, this dabbler in impurity, has at one time, said that Callender has forgot him; at another, that he was impatient for a second attack. It shall not be forgot. It is much more than full time that the tree of liberty should be stripped of such pernicious caterpillars as Jones, and as him.
Before we return to the banks of the canal, the four buttresses at the upper end of the armory, and the fifteen thousand dollars for the repair of the dirt, it was thought necessary to mention Duane, Cheetham, and Jones.
The observations are not designed as either a censure, or a covert attack upon the probity, or public spirit of the executive council. With respect to Jones and his twelve hundred and fifty dollars account, the council were completely misled. We beg you not to blame them for any thing but a mistake. This is fair play. As for the governor, he has nothing to say in the matter. It is reported that, for the sake of the independence and dignity of the admirable council, there is even a pleasure taken in contradicting Mr. Monroe. But, passing over such whispers, it is certain that Coleman is overpaid for his trouble by two or three hundred per cent. We are assured that he got into that birth by a compromise, of which, we shall, in due time, explain the particulars.
When Coleman was chosen sub-clerk, every person in Richmond considered that his fortune was established. It was known that Blair, the former clerk to the council, had been turned out of office, with an estate upon his back; an estate acquired by his avarice! What plunder is all this! In Richmond, every body knows what the simple North Western subscribers to the Winchester Gazette do not know. Their delegates, perhaps, can tell them why they suffer such a waste of money without proper examination.
Jones is just now printing the laws of the last session of congress. As soon as he gets through them, the Recorder will publish an account of the proper price of paper, print, and stitching. When the assembly sits down, or perhaps much sooner, we shall be able to tell you what the executive council have paid for the work. The former price used to be ten dollars for an edition of five
than a thousand or twelve hundred dollars beyond the proper price.
Citizens of Virginia! Will ye suffer such things? The printer's salary is two thousand seven hundred dollars a year; and any printing office in Richmond will be very glad to perform the whole duties annexed to that salary for nine hundred dollars.
THE PRESIDENT.
IT is painful for a man of common modesty to speak often to the public of his own concerns. But suppose that a private person shall be attacked, at once, from twenty presses, that he has alike rouzed the rage of faithless friends and implacable enemies, and that the tale of execration shall connect his name with those of some interesting characters. Put the case, also, that premises have been affirmed, and consequences inferred, which are entirely false. Assuredly, in a matter uncommon and harassing like this, the impartial part of the world will pardon a person for speaking a few words of himself. But before proceeding to this point, it seems advisable to take a retrospect of some recent and interesting circumstances.
It is known that one of the editors of this paper was condemned under the sedition act, to pay a fine of two hundred dollars. It is also known that, by this, and some other trials of the same kind, a very general abhorrence was excited against the authors of the law; and that, for these and other enormities, they were deservedly projected from the ladder of the treasury.
It was to be expected that the successor to the federal president, to the father of the sedition act, and the stamp duty, would consider the victims of that statute, as having been sacrificed in his cause.* He would recollect that they had not only promoted the restoration of American liberty, but that they had secured twenty five thousand dollars per annum, for
* Five offenders were tried under the sedition act. In the Recorder of April 3, Duane has been erroneously superadded to this number. He was sufficiently persecuted; but as far as we can recollect, he was never tried under that law. It is only doing justice to the federal citizens of Richmond to say that all the respectable part of them were ashamed of their trial, and their judge. They have since become sensible that this affair was one of the principal causes of the expulsion of their president.
four years certain, to a person who was not beforehand, overburdened with riches.
Towards these people Mr. Jefferson has been solicitous to conceal his effervescence of gratitude; for gratitude, as a human being, it is hardly conceivable but what he must have felt. Historians of the Roman empire expatiate with horror upon the base return which Octavius Cæsar made to the services and the confidence of Cicero. In painting the vices and the crimes of Tiberius, the pencil of Tacitus has exhibited some of his most sublime efforts. One of the darkest shades in that shocking picture has been displayed in that despot's ingratitude to Germanicus, his benefactor, and his rival. In describing the character of Charles the second, even his admirer, the celebrated Hume, has in the very last sentence of his history, been compelled to lament the baseness of his conduct towards men of letters, to the wit of Butler, and the vehemence of Dryden, towards men who had varnished his vices, and supported his throne.
Mr. Jefferson had been indebted for his elevation to comparative opulence to the exertions of a numerous body of republican partisans. As an individual, he had done nothing. It forms one of the topics of Mr. Jefferson's self approbation that, in his whole life, he never wrote a single article for a newspaper. His duty, therefore, was to be thankful to the persons who did for the public, what he could have done so much better. And if the secretary of state, or the citizen in retirement, or the vice president, with a sinecure salary of five thousand dollars a year, chose to flatter himself; if he chose to shut his eyes, while public interest went to ruin, decency required that he should at least have thanked those more adventurous and estimable citizens, who rushed to the defence of the ramparts of liberty, and who did what is almost victorious.
No man questions the republican re-election of New York at the scale, at the last election for president. It is quite as certain that the party were much indebted to this reinforcement to the vigour and vigilance of Aaron Burr. In this point of view the vice president deserved infinite thanks from the republicans; while the systematic and even obsequious indifference of Mr. Jefferson deserved none. His friends affected to represent this dastardly reserve as a species of magnanimity. Granted. But if Burr, and a few other active characters had been just as magnanimous, Mr. Adams would at this day have been president; or the country might have been consumed in the flames of a civil war. Whether is he the most valuable partizan, that, when the bullets are whistling, or the bomb shells bursting, rushes right forward in search of danger; or he who skulks in the casements of the garrison, or behind the baggage of the rear guard, till the assault has been repelled, or the battle has been won; and then crawls from his hiding place to suffer that fame, or that plunder, which the fugitive durst not fight for?
The man who is, himself, divested of all courage, may fear, as an enemy, him that has much of it, but the dastard must likewise despise him, as a fool. To love and hate the same things, says Sallust, that is, indeed is true friendship. Between the man of timidity, therefore, and the man who wants it, between the man who flies from the defence of his country and the man who hastens to defend it, there cannot be formed a sterner bond of union; because, in the contrasted essence of the two men, there grows up an invincible and inextinguishable principle of distrust and repulsion. Here follows a case in point. Fourteen years ago, Madison wrote a book. The subject was interesting. The writer was a man of talents. The publication of his volume would have been of infinite service towards the resistance of federal usurpation and rapine. But either Mr. Madison was dissatisfied with the part which himself and his friends acted in the course of his narrative; or he was afraid of provoking the revenge of the federal party, or perhaps motives of both kinds combined in striking his mind with an impression of fear. The result was that the volume remains in his desk. The vanity of an
† Nero fiddled, while Rome was burning—A note in Junius.
‡ This was an account of the proceedings and debates of the general convention, which framed the federal constitution. In a former paper, some account was given of the circumstances.

pardon of our readers for occupying so much of their time with a person so unworthy of their attention; by advertising you, as you regard any remains of reputation, to observe in future a profound silence upon this unlucky affair; and by proffering to you the homage of my profound pity.
E. BRONSON.
ONE of the ninety nine plagues of a newspaper is that he finds himself often obliged to pay the postage of a letter which, when opened, is not worth half a cent. People should consider that, although nine, or even eighteen pence, is in itself, no great matter, yet that when ten, or twenty of such epistles come in a single week, postage rises to a serious tax. We sometimes get a letter from a person that we never heard of before, and about whom we have no access to know anything, wherein, with a postage of twelve, fifteen, or twenty five cents, he very graciously informs us that he wants the Recorder ; that it must be sent some two, three, or four hundred miles, and that he will embrace the first opportunity of remitting the money. Our terms are TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, to be paid in advance. Every sheet of paper must be brought from Philadelphia; and must be paid for, before hand. We cannot be at the trouble of building a few paper mills; which would be the means of saving immense sums of money to the commonwealth.
THE CREDITORS OF MERIWETHER JONES, the Sheriffs and constables of Richmond and Henrico County, are hereby respectfully informed that he the said Jones will not after the meeting of next Assembly, receive three, four, or five hundred per cent above the common wages of a printer, for performing the public work; or rather for hiring another printer to perform it. Some of the most active members of the last Assembly, and who are to sit in the next one, have pledged themselves that this employment shall be given to the cheapest bidder . There will be no difficulty in finding printers, by the bye Jones is none , to do the business at such a rate, as to save three thousand dollars per annum, or thereby, of public money. Two of the printers of Richmond have already resolved upon making an application to the Assembly. Others will probably join them; and he who bids lowest will of course be preferred.
The Sheriffs, constables, and others aforesaid, are requested to take notice of this resolution in the finances of said Jones. If he was not able to pay his debts before such a catastrophe, he will be still less able to pay them after it. A man ever made a more insolent or worthless use of prosperity than he has done; for there is no man whose bankruptcy will excite or deserve less compassion. That he cannot chuse but break , is very clear. His Examiner is going to ruin. Some time ago, we stated that he put to press fifty two quires of paper. It seems however, that the number had long since fallen back to thirty eight quires. Even this amount is much greater than what his subscribers are in want of. Some weeks ago, one of Mr. Vandevel's clerks observed to the editors of this paper that TWO BUSHELS OF EXAMINERS were then lying in the Post office, which the riders of the mail refused to take out. They gave as a reason that the country people would not pay them for the carriage. This is the contempt in which Jones is held by people whom he calls subscribers . Six thousand dollars, he says, are due him. It is not likely that the trustees for his creditors will ever see fifteen hundred of them. People who do not want his sheet of brown paper do not bid him stop their papers from negligence, or unwillingness to pay up the balance that remains owing Jones.
THE COUNTY OF AMELIA.
SOME weeks ago we said that we did not mean that the people of Amelia were the subjects of William B. Giles. But, if the following circumstance be true, we must retract that opinion.
It is said that the post rider has refused to carry one of our Recorders in his pocket, to that county, for fear that the Gilefites will mob him.
Thus it appears that these republicans are not only bound down to the most servile obedience, but that they are determined to shut their eyes and ears against the plainest truths, and strongest demonstrations.
WHILE this paper was just going to press, we got a fourth letter from Duane. He therein says that I knew something of a person who was detected in stealing mahogany. Duane is undoubtedly erect in the head . Why, in Heaven's name, does he not tell who the thief was ? We cannot recollect ever hearing a syllable of such a story.
From the Philadelphia Gazette
Mr. Reis, Perusing the Aurora of this morning, I observe Duane, speaking of the country of
Oude, in India, takes occasion to mention his having been there. It is false. So far from having been there, he was never permitted to leave Calcutta; while there he was always an object of police vigilance; and previous to his being sent off, he was carried through the town on a pole by four Coolies, for malpractices among the soldiery.
AN EAST-INDIAN
COLLECTOR HETH.
OUR readers will recollect that some remarks were published in the Recorder of April 3d. which related to the sloop Dolphin , and collector Heth. They will also recollect that, in the Recorder of July 14th, we promised an exculpation of the collector. Since the last date, we have been so much employed in repelling the unprovoked attacks, which have been made upon the freedom of the press, and particularly of the Recorder , by the whole tribe of Duane and Cheethams, with many other candidates for the gibbet or correction house, and also in bringing forward matters of novelty, curiosity, political and social importance, that we could not find time to do that justice to colonel Heth, which we now think it our duty to afford.
So far as our first publication had a tendency to inculcate Col. Heth, it may be imputed to the erroneous information which was given to us, by a person who was considered worthy of confidence, and who was, in this part of his narrative, unintentionally mistaken. We are now pleased in the opportunity of assuring our readers that Col. Heth was blameless in this transaction, and we are convinced that any person who will read the documents which Col. Heth has in his possession, will entertain the same opinion.
The removal of this gentleman from the office of collector, has excited much public attention. Every thing which has yet appeared in the papers tends to shew, that he possesses an excellent character; that he was amongst the first who appeared in arms, to oppose the British government; and that his deportment as a military and civil officer, as well as his private life, have been without even reproach or censure.
The silence of the Duane, Cheethams and their disciples, who endeavour to prostrate the character of every federalist, proves that they cannot even fabricate a lie as to Col. Heth.
WE hear that our young MULLATO PRESIDENT begins to give himself a great number of airs of importance in Charlottesville, and the neighbourhood. Jefferson, as we presume, cannot, and Madison shall not , if we can help it, be next president. The republicans must make haste, and look about them.
From the ANTI-DEMOCRAT
Callender prints a paper at Richmond called the Recorder : it is published once a week, and is mostly filled with his own writings. He writes with vehemence, with energy, and often with much argument. He has lately been attacking with much force and propriety, certain measures of the Virginia legislature, and has ably exposed some of their scandalous conduct, to the eyes of the people of that State.
His observations reprinted in this day's Anti-Democrat claim attention. Duane smarts, but cannot reply. Cheetham he has hissed .
Poor Duane is in a miserable pickle. Callender has been pouring hot lead down his throat, and promises still more. Duane gives us a sonorous defence, much like the pipping of a chicken in the egg before hatched. Whatever are Callender's vices, 'tis believed he has ten times as good a heart as Duane; and in handling the pen Duane is a pigmy to him. Callender knows all Duane's devilry, and threatens to expose it. Duane is sensible of this, and wishes most ardently to avoid the contest. Duane has commenced areply; and what, Readers, of all the laughable things in the world, do you imagine Duane says? why, with the utmost gravity, as much as if he were in earnest, he declares to Callender that, "to be a writer for a free people, a man "ought to have a MORAL CHARACTER." Bye and bye, he'll soberly tell us that a jacobin editor MUST NOT LIE .
THE " New-York Evening Post ", discussing the subject of Mr. Jefferson's reported donation to Callender, has stated that the " Citizen and National Egis ", Mr. Jefferson's mouth-pieces, have defended "the act, as encouraging virtuous op-
"position to an iniquitous government, "and as meriting applause, rather than "censure."
The Citizen may answer for itself, while we challenge Mr. Coleman to produce a passage from our remarks on this subject, bearing the least resemblance to that which is ascribed to us. We stated that we had never seen "the Prospect "; that we had no knowledge of its contents, that it had been represented as hostile to the measures of the late government, and that Mr. Jefferson's encouragement of the work, was, therefore, evidence of his hostility to these measures. On this we remarked, that it was well known the political opinions of Mr. Jefferson had long been at variance with those of his predecessor, and that "it was the pride of his political character that this variance had existed, "that it was the pride of his friends, the "pride of every Republican, that this variance had secured to him the confidence and affection of the people." Is this applauding him for giving money to Callender, "to encourage a virtuous opposition, to an iniquitous government?"
Mr. Coleman has now furnished such extracts from "the Prospect ", as convince us that some parts of it were worthy of Callender himself. By this we mean to express, in the strongest terms, our detestation of the foul and infamous slander with which it is discolored. The vile and grovelling abuse of the character of Washington admits of no apology; and, with every American, can excite nothing but disgust, indignation, and abhorrence. The wretch deserved a pillory for his reward. Could we once be persuaded, by unequivocal evidence, that Mr. Jefferson had seen the whole of this polluted " Prospect ," and afterwards extended his patronage to the infernal labors of the miscreant, the pen which has been devoted to his defence should drop from our hands, and our lips should be closed in everlasting silence! Whatever Mr. Coleman may think of our situation and employment, we disdain to become the hiring trumpeters of undeserved praise, or the venal apologists of a depraving miscreant.
We engaged from principle, in support of the present administration; we have persevered from a solemn and conscientious conviction of duty. We shall continue, until we are converted, not by the impetuosity of clamor, but by the energy of reason; we shall retreat from our post, when we are subdued by the majority of truth, and not by the influence of falsehood.
We repeat it again. Give us the evidence that Mr. Jefferson read, and approved, the whole of this detestable work, that after seeing the extent of "the Prospect "; he rewarded the rascal with a hundred dollars, or even a single cent; convince us of these facts, and our defence of the President and his character is at an end! But, how stands the account? We have Callender's word, that the specimen sheets were sent to Mr. Jefferson. Admit it to be true. What is meant by " the specimen sheets !" Do they include the whole work, or do they not necessarily imply a part? Callender knew too well the character of Mr. Jefferson, to dare, with all his brazen impudence, to intrude upon him, his blasphemous slanders against the character of Washington, or a single sentence which is included among the extracts in the Evening Post . The reptile knew, that instead of drawing upon the bounty of Mr. Jefferson he would bring down wrath upon his head, by such an unhallowed offering, and would be spurned with indignation from his presence. He probably kept back, therefore, the haughty ebullitions of his filthy temper, and presented him with some speculative remarks upon government, which he knew were adapted to his political opinions. These were probably the specimen sheets which extorted a hundred dollars, if ever a hundred dollars were received by the ungrateful vagabond? The character of Mr. Jefferson warrants this construction. It comports with the treacherous and deceitful character of Callender, and until we have some stronger
evidence to the contrary than that which is now before the public, our faith will remain firm and unshaken!
ANSWER TO THE AEGIS.
FOR some weeks past, the writer of this article has hardly opened a single newspaper, without finding some personal attack upon himself. The democrats, and aristocrats, are alike zealous. At once have been cast open, all the port-holes of scurrility, falsehood, and execration. From every part of the continent, the artillery of the press thunders upon the devoted " Recorder ." If we had not, within the last three months, got upwards of three hundred new subscribers; if we had not been assured, by respectable men of all parties, and by respectable men, who are of none, that we are pursuing the very best course, for the welfare of the country, it is possible that we might have been somewhat scared by such a terrible tempest of paper-shot. In all other disputes of this kind, an editor was certain of having a posse of editors to support him. But we have got into such a situation, that every printer of both parties has thought it necessary to begin his performances, by declaring that Callender is a rascal! Kiebleu, the celebrated French minister, complained to a Spanish minister, that the Spanish press abounded with libels against him. The answer was:—"The affairs of the king of France are better conducted than those of any other king in Europe; and you may tell his eminence that, if I could manage the business of my master as well as he does the business of his, I should be willing to let a whole library per day be printed against me."
On the same principle, when we see that the circulation of this paper increases much faster than that of any other in its neighbourhood; when we see that, amidst all their scolding, the federalists think proper to quote the Recorder by columns, and by pages; when we see that the Democrats, after all their babbling, attack this paper, without daring to quote it; when we see, after two or three rounds, we invariably pitch them into perfect calamity, stark-naked absurdity, we are resolved, as the saying is to set a bout heart to a scoop bill . It is impossible but that any man must be disgusted at an eternal repetition of his name in the newspapers; especially when that name is constantly made a pretext from which both factions preach all sorts of lies. But still, if it must be so, we are willing, as the proverb says, to take the bit and the buffet . As long as subscribers continue to increase, the printers on each side are welcome to say all that they can say.
The two principal champions upon the federal side of the question, are, Coleman, at New York; and Bronson, at Philadelphia. The Columbian Centinel is a poor stupid thing. The only animation which it ever had, consisted in scurrility; and it seems of late to have lost even that humble species of merit. The Baltimore Federal Gazette has too much of other business to mind, to exert itself a great deal in the range of American politics. The Frederick Town Herald has set sail with a fair wind. The Virginia Gazette has undergone a wonderful improvement, since the promotion of Mr. Vandevel. The Washington Federalist has found a fourth editor. He writes tolerably; but still, the strel of the battle runs upon Coleman and Bronson. Like the two brothers in Homer's Iliad , they sit open the gates of controversy, and challenge their enemies to an equal combat.
Coleman was the first of those two printers who saw the stupidity of scolding at the Recorder , at the very same time when he was referring to its authority. He saw that, though this was neither a federal paper, nor likely to become one, yet that the greater part of our efforts were pointed to the faults of the Jefferson cabinet. He saw that, although we were not to accompany him to the end of his voyage, yet that still we gave him a safe convoy for a considerable part of it. He saw that he was to be more a gainer than a loser, by hoisting

the flag of truce. Accordingly, his stile began by degrees to soften. Epithets of reproach became every day more thinly distributed. Instead of the infamous Callender , or the noted J. T. Callender , an MR. began, occasionally, to be placed before his name. It was hinted, and at last it has been affirmed that he had been mistaken, misled, seduced, or overpowered, by the dexterity of Madison, Jefferson, Giles, and Co. His repentance for the past, and the probability of his reformation for the future were dwelt upon with complacency. At length in his paper of the 21st of August last, MR. Coleman, for we also must learn to be polite, has come out with a sort of vindication of Callender. Of this auspicious vindication every sentence implies, that the said Callender must either have been a knave, or a fool, or both. MR. Coleman could not make a better of it; and there the matter shall for the present rest. We promise that we shall not, for a twentieth time, knock to pieces the character of his friend Hamilton, unless we receive some additional provocation.
Bronson followed the example of Coleman. It was about impossible to forbear quoting some late articles from the Recorder, such as the shocking affair of the two drafts upon Mr. George Jefferson; and the clumsy circumstances which marked the remission of the fine. But when you refer to a writer's authority, it will not answer the purpose to be at the same time telling the public, that he is unworthy of belief. Accordingly, Mr. Bronson has advanced backwards as fast, and as far as possible, in the task of defamation. For what he did not chuse to say himself, he has appealed to the testimony of the present president of the Common Council of Philadelphia. He has republished the deposition of that gentleman, who, in June 1798, made oath in a court of justice, that he had known C. for upwards of four years as a man of good moral character.
The Democrats were as much puzzled as their opponents what to make of the matter. They saw the necessity of defending C's former publications, because these were chiefly wrote upon what is called the republican side . At the same time, it was necessary to declare that he was now a liar and a rascal . To steer the vessel straight through such a dangerous passage, required much more pilotship than they were possessed of. Hence what between defending "The Prospect," and abusing its author, Cheetham, with his faculties at full stretch, made the most ridiculous defence, that ever wetted a sheet of paper. You have seen it in all its amplitude, in the "Recorder" of the 18th of August last. That he has fixed and riveted his hero Jefferson in an act of deliberate perjury, can hardly be doubted by any body, unless you can say, that when a sum of money has been paid to a public officer and a receipt granted for it, this money has not become the property of government. Upon the very same principle, and with exactly the same propriety, Mr. Jefferson might remit all the balances that rest in the hands of the public collectors of the stamp duties, of the excise, of the assessed tax, or the impost. It is entirely possible, that such balances extend to three, six, or ten millions of dollars. The president has only to say "Gentlemen, the balance due upon these taxes has not yet been paid into the treasury. There is a power in me to remit it. The taxes themselves I have always considered as very scandalous and oppressive things. One of the four is expired. Two of them have been repealed by myself, and my friends in Congress. As for impost, it was my printed opinion twenty years ago, that America should give up navigation altogether. It is true, that, in the close of 1798, I gave in a report to Congress, which directly contradicted this anti-mercantile project; and it was upon this report, that my present secretary of state framed his famous resolutions. But both his political life and mine have been a series of inconconsistencies. I have now come back to my old point. I think it
much better that we should give up navigation altogether. The consequence is, that we must give up impost; and you know, that when one is going to do right, the sooner we begin the better. My secretary of the treasury can tell you that this is not the first time of his being a secretary. We all know that he was either at the head or tail of the whiskey mob, and that he acted as penman for these good honest fellows. If your excise balance were actually transmitted to Washington, I do not believe that Albert Gallatin's principles would suffer him to put those wages of iniquity into a chest. You will therefore go back to these poor people. Return their money. Tell them, that, what between republican savings and the sale of North Western lands, we shall very soon have no taxes at all. Tell them, that this is the best kind of government, and trust my word for it, they will believe you. Tell them, that it was but a month ago that I remitted a tax of two hundred dollars, which J. T. Callender had paid to one of the public collectors three months and an half before. This was a tax raised upon seditious writings; and, since I became president, I begin to think it the most commendable tax in the whole budget. But the fellow was troublesome. I had rashly promised to give him back the money, thinking that the remission would be a popular thing. Callender can most unluckily prove this promise; and if I broke it, he threatened to advertise me in all the newspapers between the gulph of St. Lawrence, and the gulph of Mexico. You know also, that, when the devil gets into the people of his country, they are fated, above all mankind for never letting him get out again. So I directed the collector to pay back the money. The vagabond has quarreled, upon my account, with the federal party. The door of reconciliation with that set is bolted against him. As for the republican printers, they are all under my thumb. Thus you see that I have completely jockeyed him. After my generosity in taking 200 dollars of public money, and making him a present of it, if he murmurs one word against my measures, all the world will call him the most ungraceful of wretches. All my pack of editors will open upon him at once, and I have already directed all the seavenger description of my friends in Virginia to treat him with as little attention as possible. Madison cannot forgive him for the freedom of his conversation. He once told the said secretary to his face, that he had no excuse but ignorance for the manner in which he conducted himself in the business of adopting the federal constitution. But what was ten thousand times worse, when the deipemado was in prison, and when he there published a book which affected to defend our party, he explained to the world the notable business of the North Western donation. The world had forgot it; and this was one of their reasons for consenting to believe that Madison was a man of some political sagacity. But, after you read one sixth part of Callender's observations on the subject, it requires not five minutes of reflection to determine that my secretary behaved in that case like a visionary Quixote; and no man in Virginia, that is either rich, or poor, wise or foolish, federal, or anti-federal, and that passes a thought upon the subject, will ever forgive Madison for having put himself at the head of this act of frenzy. I, myself, did also get more than one hard rub in the course of Callender's publications. The pill was gilded, to be sure; but still I felt it in all its bitterness. You see, that such a rascal cannot be trusted by any party. If he went on at this rate when he was in jail, and when, if I had not been elected in place of John Adams, he must have stayed there for life. If, under such circumstances, he could behave, in so wild a manner, what was to be feared when he got loose? So he has got back his money,
and my best wish for him is, to hear that he has died on a dunghill."
Thus far, the speech, or soliloquy of the president. Without much personal acquaintance, but with a great deal of attention, we have studied his feelings and his measures, for upwards of nine years. The above is exactly the picture of the man, for at least so far as the description extends. Cheetham has lately remarked, that the character of Mr. Jefferson approaches as nearly as possible, to that of the Divinity. The same panegyrist proves that if Mr. Jefferson has paid back from the treasury the two hundred dollars to the seditious, he must have committed an act of perjury. Hence, Mr. Jefferson is to be vindicated from a breach of his oath by the following minute and frivolous distinction. The tax, which a public officer has collected from the people, does not become public property, till it has actually been locked up in the chest of the national treasury. Now, it must be observed, that when a collector of impost enters into office, he is obliged to give ample security for the execution of this duty. One part of it is to remit to the treasury all the money which he collects; otherwise himself and his securities are professed. This is the daily practice in all nations. The result of the syllogism is, that government is entitled to prosecute a public officer for the recovery of money which does not belong to it. For if the argument of Cheetham had any meaning, it issues in this absurdity. A citizen of Philadelphia has employed a man at Baltimore to sell a horse for him. The horse has been sold. The money has been uplifted. But as yet it remains in the pocket of his agent. Hence, it does not become his property, until it has actually come into his possession. In the mean time, a third person, we shall suppose him a federal president, says to the seller. "You, sir, have no business with the price of this horse. The cash has not yet come into your treasury; that is to your possession. Hence it follows, that I have a title to give back the price of your horse to the purchaser."
If we understand Cheetham, it is, upon arguments like these, that he has vindicated the president from an imputation of breaking his oath of office. As soon as it was understood at Richmond that Mr. Randolph, the marshal, had been directed to return the fine, he was interdicted by almost the whole mass of legislative abilities in the city. At the head of the phalanx appeared a gentleman of the first eminence, as a practitioner, and who is the old acquaintance and intimate friend of Mr. Jefferson. He affirmed that the president had not the least shadow of a title for returning this money. It appears, that Levi Lincoln, our attorney general, entertained objections of the same nature. On March 25th 1801, the marshal, in a letter to Mr. Lincoln, proposed his doubts. An answer was returned, bearing date the 20th of April. Hence it appears, that Mr. Lincoln took at least a deliberation of twenty three days before he determined this question. The solution was very plain. Lincoln, if he knew Jefferson at all, must have known that the sage of Monticello would much rather see the public pay two hundred dollars from their funds, than pay it from his own. Lincoln also knew, that with an ambiguous political character, and with but a moderate share of abilities, he had been selected as an attorney general, just because he was a native of New-England. It had been foolishly hoped, that the choice of general Dearborne, of Levi Lincoln, and of Gideon Granger, would smother that inveterate abhorrence which a small part of the Yankees entertain for the rest of mankind. The experiment has proved unsuccessful. But, in justice to Lincoln, it must be confessed that he has done his utmost for keeping his place. It requires no depth of penetration to trace the bottom of every corner of this transparent pool. The president would have rejoiced to get out of this difficulty, by hearing that Callender was stiff. Mr. Jefferson wanted to keep his money. Lincoln wanted to keep his place. After a struggle of twenty-three days,
these combined powers decided a question which two men of plain common sense would have resolved in five minutes. A president plays at pitch and toss with his character, for the sake of saving two hundred dollars. At the same time, his committee of investigation wanted to quarrel with Mr. M'Henry, for the rent of a house which he had taken at Washington. Thus, you have both sides, of what is called, republican economy .
We have discussed the stupendous efforts of Mr. Cheetham, for defending the perfectionability of Mr. Jefferson. Time only can determine whether the printer can drag his patron back again from the quagmire of more than suspicion, in which he has involved him. In this catalogue of the president's defenders, the reader might expect to meet with Duane, whom, in the fall of 1797, the writer of this article saved from starving. He did so, by getting Duane forty dollars, for correcting an index to Hume and Smollett's History of England. But before the remission business had broke into notice, Duane had got himself completely embarrassed in a separate dispute with Callender. He has, therefore, been cautious to keep off this ground, unless in some general and Billingsgate allusions.
Of some aquatic animals, the head is almost larger than the body. We far down with a design of writing an answer to the Ægis ; and the introductory matter, like the seven heads of the hydra, overshadows the remainder of the production. But, Mr. Ægis appears to be extremely anxious for a dressing; and, as far as we can possibly find room, he shall not be disappointed.
We pass over some of his sallies of verbal criticism. We consider that he was wrong, and that Mr. Coleman was right; but we have not room to give our reasons. His production divides itself into two parts; and we hardly can tell upon which of them we are most impatient to meet him. One half of his insolent libel attempts to prove, that Callender's Prospect consists of an attack upon the memory of general Washington. The second branch consists of assertions, that Mr. Jefferson did not patronize the publication of that work. As the last of these two positions is by far the most important, we shall put an end to it in the first place; and when that is done, we promise an answer to the other lie, which shall silence any man that is not printing-proof .
The editor of the Ægis , in every sentence which he writes, betrays a profound ignorance of the state and character of the political parties that divide this country. As the reader has already seen his performance at full length, it is useless to be prolix in a quotation. With the utmost bitterness of invective he renounces Mr. Jefferson for ever, if it can be proved that the president patronized the publication of the Prospect. He says, that Callender can only have transmitted to Mr. Jefferson specimen sheets , and that these sheets could not have contained any censure upon the political conduct of general Washington. To address a political writer of such gross ignorance, would be a task more tiresome than to teach an alphabet. Before proceeding with the facts that shall overwhelm him, we beg leave to ask this novice wherein the political existence of Mr. Jefferson can be traced, unless it is as an adversary to the presidential conduct of general Washington. As secretary of state, he left his office, because he was crossed in every thing; and, without an idea of the rudiments of Mr. Jefferson's official history, this being undertaken to vindicate his official progress. When the adoption of the federal constitution was agitated in the convention of Richmond, there was produced a letter from Mr. Jefferson, who was then in France, along with his two daughters, and his woolly-headed concubine. The contents of this letter were commented upon by Mr. Henry and Mr. Madison. At that time, it was distinctly understood that Mr. Jefferson objected to the acceptance of the new federal government. He wished that, out of thirteen states, nine might approve, and four might reject it.
[To be continued in our next.]