Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-28 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 223.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single]
Richmond Price Current.
[CORRECTED WEEKLY.]
   CASH. D. C.     Tobacco, - - - - - 4 50   Wheat, - - - - - 1 08   Flour, super-fine, - - - - - 5 00   Flour, fine, - - - - - 5 00   Corn, - - - - - 2 50   Hemp, per ton, - - - - - 230 00   Iron, - - - - - 110 00   Bacon, - - - - - 00 10   Whiskey, - - - - - 00 43  
S P E E C H
Delivered by Mr. Giles in the Senate of the United States, on the 13th day of February, 1809, in support of the following resolution moved by him on the 8th of the same month.
Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with these nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
MR. PRESIDENT.
IN times of great public trial and difficulty, when a proposition deeply affecting the character and the interest of the nation is presented for adoption, an indispensable obligation is imposed upon its author to state the considerations upon which it is founded. Under this impression, I shall now proceed to make as full and as frank a development of my inducements in moving the present resolution, as may consist with the ordinary limits of discussion.
It is a circumstance greatly to be regretted, sir, that as our dangers and difficulties are increasing and pressing upon us, our divisions of opinion respecting the proper course to be pursued in relation to them, appear to be increasing in the same proportion. This probably arises, in a great degree, from the unfortunate state of mind, produced by collisions in argument. Gentlemen are in the habit of bending their whole thoughts upon the discovery not only of arguments for fortifying their own opinions, but for repelling the differing opinions of their friends. If this habit of reflection could be reversed—if each gentleman could prevail upon himself to give full weight to the arguments, to respect more the opinions and motives of his friend, and to doubt more the infallibility of his own, it is scarcely possible to believe, that when an union of interests is admitted by all, but that some point of union in the measures to promote those interests, might be found and agreed upon. And may we not be permitted to hope, sir, when the fatal consequences of divisions are so obvious to all, that the urgency of our difficulties will produce this course of reflection? Amidst all these difficulties, it is fortunate, however, that there is one point in which we are all united. That is resistance to foreign aggression. It is true, no vote upon that point specifically, has yet been taken in this house; but in the other house it has, after much discussion and great deliberation, and the result was as near unanimity as could be expected upon any occasion involving so many considerations. The only points of difference now to be adjusted and compromised, relate to the extent of that resistance, and the mode of its application.
The resolution I have had the honor to submit, is brought forward solely in reference to those points; and is dictated by that spirit of concession and conciliation, which I have taken the liberty of recommending to others, and which, in my judgment, is imperiously demanded by the present critical situation of our affairs.
I am fully sensible, Mr. President, of the high responsibility incurred by moving the present resolution; and I also know, that when nothing is left us but a choice of difficulties, it is much easier to criticise any expedient that may be chosen, than to devise and present a better for consideration. But, sir, it should be recollected, that merely to criticise or find fault, when no expedient is left us altogether free from objection, is the most subordinate office that genius can perform, and at the same time it is the least honorable for the individual, and the most unprofitable to the nation and to the people. I make this observation, not with a view of deterring gentlemen from bringing forward any fair objections to the resolution under consideration, but merely to remind them that I shall consider the task unaccomplished, until they present some substitute better calculated to save the honor and protect the interest of the nation; and when this is done, I will readily pay them the tribute of superior wisdom, and unite
with them with the most fervent devotion. The resolution before you, sir, is no one of my choice, nor the one by which I could wish that my responsibility could be tested. It is the offspring of conciliation and of great concession on my part. I feel, sir, in common with my fellow citizens, a great repugnance to war. I think the dreadful resort, should only be made in a case of self-defence. I protest against war merely for the purposes of conquest, or aggrandizement; but in my opinion, war is amply justified by the existing crisis.
In my judgment, if the public sentiment could be brought to support them, wisdom would dictate the combined measures of embargo, non-intercourse and war. I have no doubt but that their combined influence would be the most efficacious in meeting & subduing the crisis; but, sir, very few gentlemen, I believe, have brought their minds up to this state of energy; and perhaps, in the present state of the public mind, distracted and drawn by the various delusions, as it is, from the resource of our injuries, the experiment might be deemed a rash one; even if it could be obtained. I have however, sir, so much confidence in the good sense and patriotism of the people, and in the efficacy of these measures, that I will briefly state their probable effects for the consideration of the people; and I am the more disposed to do so, because I believe the time is not past, but is fast approaching, when the whole energy of the nation must be called forth to save what we have left of our honor, independence and dearest interests. These would be the obvious effects of the combined influence of the measures suggested. Embargo would deprive our real enemy of many of our productions, which I believe to be indispensable to his prosperity in many respects. Non-intercourse would deprive him of our market for his surplus manufactures, an operation not less injurious to him than the other, whilst war could be made to retort upon him some of the evils of his own injustice. I would present nothing of value to him on the ocean, to whet his cupidity, and stimulate him to a perseverance in the war. I would front him on the ocean with empty destructive ships, brave and hardy defenders of them, and rusty iron guns. If he achieved a conquest, it should be a conquest of hard knocks, whilst there should be nothing of value to gratify his cupidity, or compensate his own losses.
I would at the same time seize upon his colonial possessions upon this continent. If the whole energy of the nation could be brought to act vigorously in this way, I will venture to predict, that within six months Great Britain would be brought to value our friendship as much as she would to deprecate our enmity. But, sir, whilst I would apply the scourge with one hand, with all the severity which the active energy of the whole nation could inflict, I would with sincerity & good faith, hold out the olive branch with the other; my demands should be moderate, and within the limits of justice. And believe me, Mr. President, Great Britain would soon learn how to make a choice. Whilst, sir, you would expose nothing of value to her, she would necessarily present to your spoils a rich commerce, a commerce which the very object of her orders were intended to enlarge, and which she considers as almost indispensable to her national existence. Permit me at the same time to express an opinion that the whole British navy would be very far from affording a competent protection, to this wide spread commerce. With respect to prejudices against the embargo, I would remark, that considering the zeal, ability and artifices, which have been employed to excite them, particularly in one section of the union, it is matter of surprize that the people have submitted to the privations, which have been delusively ascribed to that measure, with no greater discontents than have been manifested by them; and the experiment has rather confirmed, than lessened my opinion of the patriotism of the people; but still perhaps so many prejudices have been excited, as to justify some relaxation in that respect. In that case, however, letters of marque and reprisal, and the invasion of Canada ought, in my judgment, to have been substituted; war would then have been resorted to in a less efficient form, and the people upon the experiment, I have no doubt, would regret the sacrifice; but the house of representatives has thought proper to reject that proposition, and the one now offered seems to be the next best calculated to save the honor and protect the rights & interests of the nation.
I have never relied so much on the coercive effects of the embargo as some gentlemen have done; and I have at all times been of opinion that preparations for more efficient measures should
have been made to come in aid of, or to substitute the embargo, whenever it should be ascertained that it had failed of its coercive objects. I was, notwithstanding, willing at the commencement of the present session to persevere in the system until the events which I anticipated should take place in Spain, and become known in Great Britain, and until the early proceedings of congress should also be known there. It appeared to me that a relaxation on the part of G. Britain, should not be coerced by the influence of these events combined upon their first impression in Great Britain, all hope of a relaxation from the embargo alone would then be at an end, and that no other alternative would be left us but war. My sincere love of peace, and the little remaining hope of avoiding war induced me at that time sternly to set my face against the repeal of the embargo; but I then thought, and still think, that at some period of this session some other measures ought to be resorted to either with or without the embargo. That period is now arrived, submission cannot for a moment be taken into consideration. The decisive course of measures which I conceived were imperiously demanded by the existing circumstances of the country, are still more strongly called for by the contents of Mr. Canning's letter of the 22d of November last, to Mr. Pinkney. This letter I have heard represented as wholly unimportant. I view its contents in a very different light. I deem them highly important. They go to take away my last hope of peace. They go to satisfy my mind, that we have now no alternative, but war. Submission is out of the question. Permit me to read an extract or two from that letter, upon which my opinion is founded. They will be found in pages 13, 14, of the last printed message of the president:
"The purpose of this letter is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear up any misunderstanding which had existed between us in the course of that discussion. I cannot conclude it however, without advertting very shortly to that part of your letter, in which you argue that the failure of France, in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuance of the retaliatory system of G. Britain."
Again, "If the foundation of the retaliating system of Great Britain was, (as we contend it to have been) originally just, that system will be justifiably continued in force, not so long only, as the decrees which produced it are mischievously operative, but until they are unequivocally abandoned, and, if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for such perseverance, that a premature departure from it, while the enemy's original provocation remains unrepealed, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion."
Here we find Mr. Canning, although in a tone somewhat different, not only confirming his rejection of the just and honorable overture made by Mr. Pinkney, for the revocation of the hostile orders, &c. contained in his letter to Mr. Pinkney of the 23d of Sept. preceding, but we find him introducing the subject apparently for the purpose of preventing any similar overture under any circumstances, and expressly declaring that the orders shall continue in force, not only so long as the French decrees shall be mischievously operative, but until they shall be unequivocally abandoned, and leaves a strong inference on my mind, that they are not to be abandoned on any terms; and, I believe, are intended to become the permanent law of the land. If this point were clearly ascertained, surely all America would eagerly unite in the war. But, sir, I shall have occasion, again, in the course of the observations I presume to make, to remark further upon the contents of this letter. Although this resolution is not the one of my choice, and is, as gentlemen must now see, several points below the ground, which in my judgment the best interests of the nation would authorise and require us to take, yet I will state some of the effects, which I presume will flow from it, and which, under all circumstances are the best that can now be obtained. It will put the destructive influence of the orders of council to the test of practical experiment, and thus settle for us the question of peace or war. It will be a resumption of our commerce with all nations except the
belligerents having in force against us, hostile orders or edicts, whilst it will be a continual protest against them. It will manifest our attention to the wishes and interests of our Eastern friends, who will not be satisfied of the destructive effects of the orders in council upon their commerce, by any inferences drawn from the obvious meaning of those orders, but insist upon a practical experiment upon them. Their vessels may be put in motion, and trade to all countries where they can trade without compromising their own and their country's honor. It will demonstrate the necessity of putting the nation in a better state of defence, whilst it will postpone for a time, the resort to war; in my judgment, the ultimate and only reason, now left us against belligerent aggressions. It will leave no chasm in our protest against the belligerent orders and edicts, and thus far save us from the disgrace and submission.
I am bound in charity to presume, Mr. President, that gentlemen must differ essentially with me in opinion respecting the causes of war, or it is not possible, that we should differ so much as to the propriety and necessity of resorting to it. I therefore propose to state with openness and candor the real causes of our sufferings, the real causes of war. These may principally be summed up in the monstrous and extravagant claim set up by Great Britain to the despotism of the ocean. The despotism claimed upon the land by France, although equally reprehensible, is less injurious to us. It is felt, no doubt, with great severity by those nations whose situation has subjected them to its influence—but it has pleased a kind and beneficent Providence to place us beyond the sphere of its destructive influence, whilst the impotency of France upon the ocean, relieves us from any great and serious injuries from her upon that element.
Great Britain has assumed the principle of the conquest of the ocean, and as a reward of that conquest, asserts and maintains the right to carry on herself the commerce of the world, or to prescribe rules for conducting it by other nations, and thus render it subservient to her own views, and her own interests. This claim of exclusive dominion upon the ocean by Great Britain, is hostility against the rights of all other nations upon that element. It is in fact war against all nations having equal rights with herself to navigate the ocean. It compels all other nations either to surrender to Great Britain the monopoly of the commerce of the world, or to submit to such rules as she shall prescribe for conducting it. This extravagant notion was conceived by the British jurists as early as the commencement of the French revolution, and since the destruction of the French fleet at Toulon, the government has made several attempts to introduce it into practice; sometimes with more, sometimes with less restraint or disguise. It is impossible for me to refer to all the instances of this kind; I must, therefore, turn the recollection of the senate generally to the various orders issued since that time restraining neutral commerce in utter contempt of all public law, and acknowledged neutral rights. During the latter part of Mr. Pitt's administration this doctrine had become popular, and it was resolved to put it into practice. It was however deemed proper to prepare the world for the reception of the monstrous pretension: accordingly a pamphlet was written as the precursor of the system proposed to be introduced for the government of the commercial world. I pay but little respect to pamphlets in general, and should not now, but the pamphlet alluded to has always been represented as written under the direction of the then British ministry, and intended to prepare the world for this new system of commercial warfare; and in this point of view it is entitled to the most serious consideration, and the rather, as the course of policy recommended by it, has since been strictly pursued by the British ministry, and they have even extended the system since, beyond the utmost limit prescribed in that work.
The pamphlet alluded to, is entitled "War in Disguise." I beg to call the attention of the senate to two or three short paragraphs therein. They will be found in pages eight and nine.
"Have we then lost the triumphant means of such effectual warfare: or have the ancient fields of victory been neglected?"
"Neither such a misfortune, nor such folly, can be alleged. Never was our maritime superiority more decisive than in the last and present war. We are still the unresisted masters of every sea; and the open intercourse of our enemies with their colonies, was never so completely precluded."
Here the pretension of the unresisted masters of the ocean is explicitly assumed, and it can hardly be necessary to remark, that the whole policy recommended in the book, is founded upon that assumed principle. Again, in pages 183, 184, in considering the prudence of applying the proposed remedy in regard to the colonial trade, I find these expressions:
"The sum of all these opposing considerations seems to be this, we may provoke a quarrel with the neutral powers." I propose, therefore, briefly to consider, first the degree of this danger; and next, whether the evils of such a quarrel, if certain, would be greater than those to which we at present submit.
"It is certain that should his majesty's government think fit to recal the indulgent instruction, that has been so much abused, and revert to the rule of the war of 1756, with such modifications only as can be safely allowed, great clamors would immediately arise in the neutral countries. The neutralizing agents, deprived of a large portion of their fraudulent gains, would exclaim aloud against the measure; and even such merchants as have carried on the colonial trade on their own account, would not be well satisfied to find their field of commerce materially narrowed by the assertion of our belligerent rights."
"The neutral governments therefore, would no doubt complain and remonstrate, "but would they, if firmly, though temperately resisted, push the controversy into a quarrel?" Would they maintain their pretensions to the trade in question, at the expence of a war with Great Britain? I firmly believe they would not."
These passages serve to shew, that the principle was assumed with a full knowledge of its destructive influence to neutral rights.
The next, or the Fox administration, seemed to think there was some hazard and delicacy in making this unprovoked attack upon the rights of all nations, and seemed to entertain some doubts of the practicability of the profligate system: but they were compelled by the infatuated jurists of the day, to make some essay towards carrying it into effect; witness their orders of January 7, 1807, interdicting neutrals from going from one port to another port of their enemy. This extraordinary order too, was issued only 7 days after signing a treaty of amity and commerce with the U. States. But, sir, this partial compliance with the public sentiment could not retain them in office. The little respect they retained for neutral rights, and their timid doubts, were amongst the causes which drove them from office, to make way for an energetic administration. One totally destitute of all respect for public law, for neutral rights. Destitute of all the scruples and obligations of justice. I propose to give a short sketch of the history of this energetic administration:
1st. As its operations have affected other nations;
2dly. As they have affected the United States.
Let us see the consequences which have resulted, and which are likely to result from this energy, originating in folly and in pride. Stimulated to its ends in utter disregard of every principle of justice and of public law, and directed to unattainable objects. Permit me, sir, in this exposition to pay some attention to dates. They will serve to illustrate some of my ideas. The change of ministry took place either in the month of Jan. or of February, 1807. Preparations for executing this lawless system of energy were made with great activity and in the month of August following, they were made to burst upon the head of an unsuspecting and unoffending friend.
In that month, a surrender of the Danish fleet, is demanded. This demand is founded upon a false suggestion. That the Danes had by a secret article in the treaty of Tilsit, agreed to give up their fleet to France, to facilitate the invasion of Great Britain. This suggestion was utterly false and unfounded, and so the ministry were flatly told to their faces in parliament afterwards, by Mr. Hutchinson, at that time minister at the court of St. Petersburg. (Continued on 4th Page.)

Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, Feb. 17.
INDIAN TRADE.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a bill supplemental to an act, entitled, "An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes." [The bill appropriates a further sum for continuing the establishment.]—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. D. R. Williams motion yesterday yet under consideration, viz. to strike out the fourth section of the bill and insert in lieu of it a provision for having a discriminating duty of 50 per cent. on all former duties on goods imported from Great Britain and France.
Mr. Love called for a division of the question, so as to take it first on striking out the section.
Mr. Love offered a number of arguments in opposition to the motion of Mr. Williams. He wished to retaliate the belligerent systems, as much as possible, by repealing drawbacks on goods imported from those countries; for although we cannot lay export duties, the repeal of drawbacks would have the same operation. As a permanent peace system he had no objection to adopt some such provision as that proposed by Mr. Williams; but as a substitute for non-intercourse he could not accept it.
Mr. Taylor next spoke for near an hour in support of Mr. Williams's amendment. He had been decisively in favor of issuing letters of marque and reprisal immediately on a removal of the embargo. He was totally opposed to the present bill. The House had been charged with passing too many supplementary (embargo) laws for the purpose of resisting foreign aggression; this bill Mr. Taylor said might be considered "a supplementary bill for carrying into effect the British orders in council"—or it gave the monopoly of our commerce to the British nation under the name of an interdiction of all commerce with her. This however could not be the object of the amendment under consideration, which he liked better than the bill though he did not pledge himself to vote for either. Mr. T. gave notice in the course of his speech that when this bill came into the house (now in committee) he should move a proposition for immediately issuing letters of marque and reprisal against G. B. in order to enter his vote at least in favor of it.
Mr. Bibb next took the floor. He accorded perfectly with the sentiments expressed by Mr. Taylor. He looked at the bill on the table with humiliation and astonishment; for he considered it as involving a submission to the belligerent edicts. He was in favor of a further continuance of the embargo, at least until June. If the embargo was repealed he was for war; and in that war he had no idea of entering into a triple contest—an idea which he treated as absurd. He was for choosing his enemy and felt no hesitation in saying that he should be for declaring war against that enemy, whom we could reach, and who had injured us most. He thought that the people of the U. States, ought to hurl from their seats in the House, every man who had originally voted for the embargo, and should now vote for a removal of it without any efficient substitute—and he believed they would do it. Although opposed to any half way measure, he preferred the amendment under consideration to the original bill, and should therefore vote for it.
Mr. Troup followed Mr. Bibb, in debate. He declared the sentiments which had fallen from the two gentlemen last up to be in perfect coincidence with his own. He was wholly opposed to the bill, and gave reasons for that opposition. He commented upon Mr. Quincy's project of yesterday. "The gentleman really appears to be gifted, with the spirit of prophesy (said Mr. T.)—an excellent modern prophet. Modern prophets are distinguished from the ancients, sir, only as being instrumental in verifying their own predictions. The gentleman told you some time ago that you could not stand to your embargo—I believe he went so far as to say that you dare not—he threatened you with rebellion if you did. Well, sir, it seems you cannot stand to it. When he was last up (yesterday) he gave you a project: his side to be sure was not so imperious as it usually is; but recollect the embellishment of the "black
cloud" and the "tempest" which accompanied it, and it will become imperative. If he talks much more about his "black cloud," sir, I am afraid you will come into all his measures, repeal all you have done, and make humble application at the footstool of his Britannic majesty for peace." In another part of his observations (Mr. Troup said) "What is your situation now, sir? No man could say it with more regret or more pain than myself, but I do it from a sense of high and indispensable duty—pressed without by a foreign enemy, and with boldness by a domestic faction within, perhaps stimulated by the gold of that enemy, the great legislature of the union is yielding to the pressure of a faction & counteracting every thing even the interest and certainly the wishes of a great majority of the American people—distracting the public mind with a variety of propositions undigested and almost without object." Mr. Troup condemned the proposed non-intercourse system as submission without even money in return for it. He spoke about half an hour.
Mr. D. R. Williams expressed his surprise that no gentleman attempted to defend the bill or oppose his amendment, which he supported. In point of revenue his amendment would secure some, whilst the bill as it stood would destroy three-fourths of the revenue of the U. States, and raise the price of foreign articles to the consumer, without a possibility of carrying it into effect, so as to exclude foreign goods. Although wholly opposed to any thing else than war or embargo, believing any thing else to be submission, he had offered his amendment as the least of the two evils; for he believed that it would embrace at least profitable submission. I am for war (said he)—the people south of Delaware are for war; but you have been humbled into an acknowledgement of the truth of the declaration, that you cannot be kicked into a war, because the eastern people will not follow you." Mr. W. spoke half an hour.
Mr. W. Alston observed that the amendment under consideration proposed a system which would be at least as difficult to execute as a non-intercourse. He was himself in favor of a continuation of the embargo; but as a majority seemed to be disposed partially to repeal it, he was willing to take the non-intercourse system till the next meeting of Congress. He thought it probable that G. B. might retaliate the system of increasing the duties; and that it would be better at once to interdict intercourse.
Mr. Love replied to Mr. Williams. He considered the non-intercourse as having more of resistance in it, by avoiding any connection with those nations which had injured us, than the proposition of the gentleman from South Carolina. It had been objected to the bill that it was a threat. Mr. Love thought no language or measure could be too strong; and he had no objection to the measures being considered in that light. He too had been in favor of war; but as a majority was not in favor of that, he would take the next strongest measures he could get.
Messrs. Milnor, Lyon and Cook also spoke in favor of the amendment offered by Mr. Williams.
Mr. Milnor suggested the repeal of the non-importation act also, as a measure inefficient in itself, being daily evaded. The question was then taken on striking out the 4th section in order to insert Mr. D. R. Williams's amendment; which was negatived 53 to 47. Mr. W's motion of course was negatived.
Some farther progress was made in the bill; when the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
Saturday, Feb. 18.
Mr. D. R. Williams appeared and took his seat. On motion of Mr. Smilie, an order was adopted, that for the remainder of the session the House shall meet at ten o'clock, at which time, on each day a call of the House is to take place.
The bill from the Senate for augmenting the marine corps, was twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. Dana reported "a bill for the benefit of seamen of the United States"—(e. requiring a certain proportion, at least a majority of the seamen on board of registered vessels, to be citizens of the U. S.) Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
A letter was read from T. P. Cope of Philadelphia, enclosing "The History of Slavery," from the convention for the abolition of slavery, the receipt of which the Speaker was desired to acknowledge, 64 to 16.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair on the bill interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
The chairman proceeded in reading the bill.
The 12th section having been read, which provides for a repeal of the embargo, excepting as relates to G. Britain & France.
Mr. Clopton moved to strike it out. He had been and was of opinion that the embargo ought to continue. He considered it a high ground taken by this nation in opposition to British and French orders and decrees. And should the nation descend from the high ground which it had taken, unless those orders and decrees were removed? God forbid, said he, I believe that a large majority of the people would prefer a much longer continuance of the embargo to submission. The objections to the non-intercourse system he considered much stronger than those to the em-
barge in every point of view. The law would be continually evaded by smuggling; and the system must produce a war under circumstances the most disadvantageous to the U. S. If we are to have war, he wished it to be taken with as much advantage as possible. He wished congress to persevere in its measures to convince the nations of Europe that this nation possessed firmness and energy—to falsify the assertions and calculations of Europe on our instability. Mr. Clopton spoke about an hour.
The motion made by Mr. Clopton was negatived, 59 to 35.
Mr. Milnor moved to amend the same section so as to strike out the exception, and making the repeal of the embargo total.
Mr. Varnum supported this motion. If the non-intercourse system was to prevail, he thought it might be made much more intelligible to the revenue officers by repealing the embargo laws, and enacting the non-intercourse as a new system throughout. He spoke in favor of the repeal of the embargo laws, stating the evasions which had taken place, and that these evasions had not been confined to any particular section of the union. He observed that a partial repeal of the embargo would destroy all the coercive effects of the measure, inasmuch as produce would be let out, and would find its way to every quarter of the world. Mr. V. observed that were the amendment agreed to, he should be ready to go with gentlemen in any other practicable measure which they would select for maintaining our rights.
The motion of Mr. Milnor was negatived, 57 to 53.
The question having been put that the committee rise and report the bill—
Mr. Gardener rose in opposition to it. He lamented the situation of the country, which he depicted as gloomy in the extreme. If the measures now contemplated and apparently about to be adopted, were persisted in, the country must be utterly ruined. He conceived that the measures of interdiction could not operate on France, unless to make her rejoice. "There is therefore (said he) in the introduction of words "and France" into our resolutions and statutes a cruel and solemn mockery, for my abhorrence of which I can find no expression." "Words might disguise the substance; but it was right to rise superior to them when it was ascertained that the effect of the system was to support Bonaparte in that system of commercial warfare, by which alone he could ever hope to destroy England, who was at this moment the only barrier betwixt him and the dominion of the whole earth." Mr. G. said that the great cause of complaint now against England was the orders in council. He thought it unfortunate that such was the irritation in this House on the subject that they had never received that serious consideration to which they were entitled. He entered into an examination of the orders in council, which he believed, and went into an argument to prove that G. Britain had the right to issue. He contended that during the existence of the Berlin decree the U. S. could not with honor have traded to France, and thus that the orders in council, only declared that the U. S. should not do that which they could not do, because they could not honorably do it. He did not say that the orders were lawful, or that they were no infringement of our rights as a neutral nation as it might offend the prejudices of the House. "But I may be permitted to say (observed he) that if they were unlawful, I have proved that they are not harmful; that the British orders in council only supplied to that which our sense of honor would lead us to do, their sanction."
In regard to the subject of tribute, Mr. G. said that previous to the British orders we could not trade honorably to France, and therefore this paying tribute for going to a place where we could not go was merely ideal. "If you had got to that pitch (said he) that after such a decree you could trade to France, it would be a disgrace, and you could not be more disgraced by touching at a British port to commence it. I think it perfectly fair in G. Britain that, if you were determined to disgrace your service, she should say that you should first touch at that island." Mr. G. again dwelt at great length on the power of the Gallic emperor, and insinuated that this bill would meet his wishes. He wished to know why in this House there were no expressions of abhorrence of that power which had destroyed all the nations of the earth. "Although I do not believe in French influence (said he) yet there is in this House an animosity to and hatred of G. Britain that makes us go into French measures by repulsion as effectively as it could do by attraction." Considering G. Britain as the only barrier betwixt us and universal dominion, he asked gentlemen "whether it would not be good policy, considering too that we had very little if any cause of quarrel with G. Britain, to preserve the barrier as it was instead of attempting to weaken or destroy it, and overwhelm ourselves in its ruin?" Mr. G. next turned his attention to the bill before the House, which he conceived to be a weak and imbecile measure. He said that it savored more of an expedient to save appearances, to keep the public on tiptoe, than to subserve the essential interests of the nation. Mr. Gardener spoke about two hours.
Mr. Varnum replied to some of the observations of Mr. Gardener, whose sentiments & premises he believed to be erroneous, and therefore his conclusions were incorrect. He spoke of the various proc-
lamations of blockade by Great Britain, preceding the Berlin decree, which were at least as good ground for retaliation by France as the French decree was for retaliation by Great Britain. As to having no cause of quarrel against Great Britain, Mr. V. expressed his astonishment at hearing such sentiments avowed by any gentleman on this floor, and protested against it. He believed it to be the determination of the governments of Europe to press us till we should yet be compelled to take the last resort, however desirous we might be to avoid it.
Mr. Burwell called the attention of Mr. Gardener to a speech which he made a few weeks ago, in which he expressly admitted that the orders in council were not intended to retaliate on France, but under cover of such retaliation, to retaliate on the United States for the non-importation law. He suggested to him that there was an evident inconsistency in his remarks at the two different times. Mr. Burwell entered at some length into a view of the orders and decrees in reply to Mr. Gardener. He regretted to hear in the debates of the House so much of foreign countries and so little of our own. If there was any thing in the world that could give him sincere pleasure, it would be the union of all parties in the great work of resistance to foreign oppression; that all should be American in language and sentiment as well as in name. Divided as the nation now was, it was as feeble as if there was not a man in the country. As long as they legislated on suspicion of one another it was impossible they should prosper. Mr. B. said that the bill now under consideration was not palatable to him, though he liked it better than any of the amendments which had been offered. Mr. B. spoke near an hour.
Mr. Masters commented with some severity on the observations of Mr. Gardener. He rebuked him for his defence of the British orders in council, which he had never expected to have heard attempted to be justified on the floor of congress. Mr. M. was not partial to the bill.
The committee then rose and reported the bill.
The house adjourned without considering the report.
Monday, February 20. INVALID PENSIONS.
On motion of Mr. Himes, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole Mr. Cuts in the chair, on the bill concerning invalid pensioners; which being gone thro', was reported to the house, and ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The house took up the report of the committee of the whole, on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Masters proposed a new section to the bill, declaring that the bill shall be in force till the end of the next session of congress and no longer; and that the embargo shall be repealed at that time. On the suggestion of Mr. Randolph, Mr. M. withdrew his motion for a time; and Mr. Randolph moved to strike out so much of the 12th section of the bill as makes exceptions to the general removal of the embargo.
Mr. Bibb made a motion which superceded Mr. Randolph's, viz. to strike on the whole section, so as to keep on the embargo in its present situation.
Mr. Randolph opposed this motion, and advocated the repeal of the embargo in a speech of about an hour and a half in length embracing the subject of our foreign relations generally. He treated the idea of a partial repeal of an embargo as absurd; he might as well say he would partially pull the house over his head as that he would partially repeal an embargo. After vessels were permitted to go out they would cause their course. He conceived that the embargo must be wholly repealed, and indeed the proposition partially to repeal it evinced the existence of a conviction in the House, that it must be gotten over in some way or other. Mr. R. spoke at large of the disastrous consequences which he conceived to have been produced by the embargo, and which should operate as reasons for its repeal. He considered the embargo system to be one which, like a barrel, derived all its value from its being water tight; if they began to drill holes in its bottom, no matter of what diameter, it would lose any value it might have had. He spoke of the operation of the measure on our revenue and depreciated its effects, if continued, on the treasury; which, when exhausted, must be replenished by excise or land taxes—neither of which would comport with the principles upon which the present administration had come into office. Mr. R. also examined at some length the policy of the additional duty bill which passed the house a few days ago, and which he disapproved.
Mr. Macon replied to some of the arguments of Mr. Randolph and of other gentlemen on the subject of the embargo. He was decidedly of opinion that it ought still farther to be continued. Now was the time for its operation, and he was in favor of continuing it until September, unless it sooner produced an effect. If we went into a war we must in a short time be thrown on the side of one of the belligerents; and he wanted no entangling alliances with either. He said that this nation was now contending for its very existence. He had not, it was true, been in favor of the increasing duties on imports 50 per cent. but that bill in competition with the tax which Britain had laid on our exports (which we ourselves had not a right to lay) and all comparison ceased. The tax laid by Great Britain alone on our exports a-
mounted to more annually (supposing the usual exports) than all the taxes levied in the United States by corporations, parishes, counties, states and the general government all put together. And this he would resist, to the utmost; and because he would resist it, he was opposed to the present bill, as it would at once destroy the effect of the embargo. Mr. Macon spoke about an hour.
Mr. Holland followed on the same side of the question. He had originally voted against the embargo, because he believed it premature; but he was decidedly of opinion, that when it was imposed, some time would be necessary to try its effects as a coercive measure. He believed that the United States generally sacrificed at least enough of their happiness to the commercial interest; but having taken this ground, he wished to maintain it. And although he was not inclined to favor exclusively external commerce, yet in favor of our indisputable rights on the ocean, he would go to war when efforts for peace failed. He was in favor therefore of a further continuance of the embargo, and replied to many arguments against it. He lamented the propensity that existed amongst gentlemen, because they could not obtain a favorite object in life, to set their faces against every thing else. Thus one gentleman in the other branch of the legislature because he had been moved from office some years ago, thought every thing had since gone wrong. One in this house might think the same, because he had not been able to obtain an office; another because he could not move the seat of government, &c. &c. Mr. H. said he firmly believed nevertheless that it was happy for the U. States the one was removed, another disappointed in an office, and that the seat of government was in its old place. The reasons operating with those gentlemen had no effect on him. He was for pursuing a direct course and adhering to the embargo, till its effect was fully tested. Mr. Holland spoke about an hour.
Mr. Winn moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject. Negatived.
On motion of Mr. Taylor the house adjourned about four o'clock, without taking a question.
Tuesday, Feb. 21.
The house was the whole of this day engaged on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
The question on Mr. Bibb's motion for striking out the 12th section of the bill, the effect of which motion would have been to continue the embargo wholly, was (after debate) taken by Yeas and Nays as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. Bard, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Cope, Deane, Desha, Franklin, Holland, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Macon, Marion, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Porter, Rea, (Pen.) Say, Smilie, Stanfield, Taylor, Troup, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, D. R. Williams—39.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Barker, Blake, Boyd, Brown, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Cuts, Dana, Davenport, Darel, Elliott, Ely, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Garnett, Gholson, G. Gholson, Green, Hanes, Heister, Hems, Hoge, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Jones, Kelley, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Moseley, Mumford, Nicholas, Pugh, Quincy, Randolph, Rea, (Te.) Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sawyer, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stedin, Storer, Sturgis, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortland, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Renselaer, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson—34.
A motion to strike out of the same section the words "so much of the"—the effect of which would be wholly to repeal the existing embargo, was (after debate) negatived as follows:—
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Elliott, Ely, Gardner, Gardner, Garnett, Harris, Hoge, Isley, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelley, Key, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Masters, Milnor, Moseley, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, Stedin, Sturgis, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortland, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Renselaer, and D. H. Williams—47.
NAYS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Bassett, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Cuts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Darel, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Hems, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, John G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Lambert, Love, Macon, Marion, M'Creery, Daniel Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea, Rhea, J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanfield, Storer, Swart, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, and N. Wilson—75.
A motion was made by Mr. Gholson to strike out of the same section the words "the 4th day of March" and insert "the 1st day of June" as the day on which the embargo should be partially repealed.
It being past 5 o'clock, and the house having been in session near 8 hours, adjourned without taking a question on Mr. Gholson's motion.
Previous to adjournment the bill from the Senate on this subject was received.
Wednesday, Feb. 22.
Mr. Randolph from the committee appointed to enquire whether any, and what advances of money have been made to Gen. Wilkinson which are not authorised by law, submitted to the house as their report, a number of documents and statements upon the subject of their enquiry, obtained from the war department.
It was proposed to print 5000 copies of the documents.—Negatived.

The usual number was then ordered to be printed.
A message was received from the Senate notifying the passage of a bill, freeing from postage all letters and packets to and from Thomas Jefferson, as also a bill supplemental to the act to amend the charter of Georgetown.
The first mentioned bill was read three successive times and passed without opposition. The last mentioned bill was committed to a committee of the whole house to-morrow.
The speaker laid before the house a letter from the Secretary of the treasury, transmitting a statement of the importations in American and foreign vessels for the year 1807. Ordered to lie on the table.
The bill yesterday received from the senate to interdict commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, France, and their dependencies, and to repeal the embargo, was read and committed to a committee of the whole house this day.
On motion of Mr. Love, The bill of this house, to interdict commercial intercourse with Great Britain, France, and their dependencies, and to repeal the embargo, as amended by the committee of the whole house, was ordered to lie on the table.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the bill from the Senate to interdict commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, &c. and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Basset reported that the committee had made some progress therein.
It was then moved to discharge the committee of the whole house from further consideration of the bill—Negatived.
The committee obtained leave to sit again to-morrow. Adjourned at 5 o'clock.
NEW YORK, Feb. 20.
We have seen a letter from Surinam, to a respectable commercial house in this city, dated January 13th, which quotes flour at 60 dollars per barrel, herrings 20 dollars, salmon 48 dollars, mackerel 6, salt 16, oil 5 dollars per gallon, tobacco 80 cents per pound, rice 24, codfish 20, pitch and tar scarce, and no number to be had. The produce of the island is quoted at the following prices:—molasses 16 cents, sugar 5 dollars per cwt, cotton 62 cents per lb, coffee 28, cocoa scarce.
The high bred imported Horse,
Sir Peter Teazle is a brown bay horse, now in high health and vigor, full sixteen hands high of the most favorite blood for action in all his gaits, substance, bone, constitution, shape, dress and color, no horse can excel him. He never started, paid or received forfeit, being never in training. We only think it necessary further to observe for the information of those gentlemen who may not have an opportunity of seeing this fine horse, but have seen Knowsley, that there is a very striking likeness in their form and general appearance, Sir Peter Teazle surpassing him in the eye, ear and sprightly carriage. The well known superiority and high estimation of his stock, both in England and this country, will, it is presumed, entitle him to a liberal share of the public patronage. It will be seen from his pedigree annexed, that in him is united from his famous sire and dam, the most approved crosses in England—In short, we believe that this horse is as well calculated to produce as valuable stock for any service whatever, as any other horse that has yet stood in this country. His superior size, elegance and blood, justify the assertion. He covered last season in Frederick county, and proved himself a remarkable sure foal getter, as we have certificates in our hands to establish.
William Woods, Geo. M. Woods, Albemarle, Feb. 20, 1809. oaf 8t
PEDIGREE.
Sir Peter Teazle was got by Lord Daby's Old Sir Peter Teazle, unquestionably the best stallion in England, his dam Lucy, by Conductor, S. B. pa. 178, his grandam by Spectator, his great grandam by Bank, his g g grandam by the Devonshire or Flying Children, acknowledged to be the best mare ever trained, his g g grandam by True Blue, his g g g grandam by Cyprus Arabian, out of the Duke of Rutland's Bonny Black, Sir Peter Teazle's sire, was got by Highlander, his dam Papiou, by Snap, English S. B. pa. 237, Highlander, his grandam, was got by Hero, his dam Rachel, see S. B. 261. Conductor was got by Marchem, out of a Snap mare, S. B. pa. 291. Spectator was got by Crab, out of a Partner mare, S. B. pa. 242. Marchem was got by Gato, Sade by the Godolphin Arabian.
Blank Notes
AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, used at this office.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1809.
When we review the temper which directed political discussion during the last year and the little parties which were formed to spread confusion by impeaching the government and abusing the embargo; when we recollect that this measure was the ground of attack, and had almost become a criterion by which we formed our estimate of characters, and when we recollect that most of our elections were influenced by this consideration, we cannot refrain from expressing our utmost surprise at the course which congress is likely to pursue.
The presidential election in fact unequivocally evinced the disposition of the people and their determination to persevere in the embargo system, until our neutral rights should be acknowledged and respected. The luminous and conclusive debates in the early part of the session, had not only satisfied the good sense of the people, but had made many converts of those who were previously opposed. They had in a measure forgotten their privations, and were happy in their own resources. The sacrifice was considered paltry, when compared to the great object it was intended to accomplish. Indignation at foreign wrongs, glowed with unusual fervour, in proportion as the light of our national councils reflected the wisdom and policy of the administration. Home manufactures had acquired a stimulus from the number and ardor of its votaries, the pride of wearing foreign cloth, which was not very inconsiderable, was about to become a subject of reproach, & Americans would soon have delighted in the homespun of their own ingenuity—But how different is the state of things now! That measure which excited so much warm admiration from the great majority of the American people, is virtually to be repealed, notwithstanding the cause of its adoption continues with accumulated force. The people are naturally led to enquire into this no less sudden than wonderful change. They ask if atonements have been made for our violated rights; if the blood of our murdered seamen has received due and honorable expiation; if the flag of the United States, the representative of our neutrality and independence, can wave upon the ocean without injury and insult; if Great Britain has abandoned her arbitrary scheme of re-colonising our commerce?—To these questions we can only reply that we conceive the embargo to be virtually repealed without any efficient substitute. The evident consequences of this self-condemning inconsistency in our national council, will be to resuscitate federalism, to give confidence to tyranny, importance to the minority, exultation to British adherents, encouragement to state rebellion, submission to the court of St. James, national insignificance in the world's eye, and more in all this, the republican party will be confounded in not being able to explain this astonishing inconsistency. After so much parade about our power and importance, our patriotism and our disgust for European luxuries, we absolutely come forward ourselves and admit that we are wanting in both. The mind that has been strong with feelings of defiance and revenge at foreign injustice, and which has been deeply impressed with a belief of the embargo's efficiency, will be apt to lose its tone, and sink into listless indifference. National enthusiasm seems to abate in the same degree of rapidity with which it arose. It is impossible to ascribe this retrograde movement of congress to any other cause than the indications of that little storm in the east. So far from having produced this effect, they ought to have felt the influence of their school-boy maxim, that by sparing the rod they spoil the child. The U. S. have been compared to a great fat animal, and it may be said with equal propriety that the embargo is not only its active but almost its only and exclusive weapon. Even in this point of view, as a young nation we ought at least to have fairly ascertained our strength, because in similar situations hereafter we should feel no doubt in decision and no distrust in patriotism; we should know from experience whether the embargo would bear us through our difficulties or recoil upon ourselves. It succeeded, it would, figuratively speaking, have served us in the hour of danger, as the Palladium of the Trojans or the Vindex of the Romans. But we fear that we have likewise an Antenor and a Paris—a Picking and a Gardener. This great sanction of defence and retaliation which was admired in Washington, but which is condemned in Jefferson, must now be eternally abandoned. It can enter no imagination whatever that the eastern people will ever again submit to a measure which they have violated with impunity, and which they have caused to be repealed by a few threats in terrorem. Yes, they will always hereafter conceive themselves entitled to dictate measures to the general government, and we have reason to fear that foreign powers will look upon our consideration as the apple of Sodom, fair without, but good for nothing within. Hence we may almost calculate upon the loss of our national respect, and that foreign powers will feel but little reluctance in inflicting any injury which their most wanton rapacity may suggest. They will laugh at our embargo, it will in fact become proverbially ridiculous, altho' it has been admired at home and abroad as a measure of the most exquisite wisdom. Under these most awfully and impressive circumstances, the mind is naturally impelled to look for some measures of redemption. It is an enquiry thro' the most complicated tissue of difficulties, but according to our humble apprehension, we are unable to perceive any relief but war. It is true that the calamities of this measure are great and frightful, but they ought to be thrown into forgetfulness, when we recollect that without it, we forfeit our honor, independence and prosperity. Upon this subject, we anticipate the greatest pleasure to our readers in the following extract from the nervous and eloquent speech of Mr. Giles, now publishing in the Argus:
"Mr. President, the love of peace is one of the most amiable passions of the human mind. It is fondly cherished by the American people. But, sir, when it degenerates into a fear of war, it becomes of all passions the most despicable. In its application, it is of all others the most unfortunate and ruinous to a nation. It excites contempt, and invites attack from abroad, whilst at home it dispirits the people, and disqualifies them from exerting the energy they possess. Is there not ground to fear, sir, that Great Britain has mistaken the character of the people and government of the U. S. in that respect? And if so, is it of no importance to undeceive her? And now can this be done? It can only be done by manly, open, direct, and ruinous war!! Let war, then, sir, be openly resorted to and vigorously conducted. Give the people an opportunity of retrieving their character; or at least of proclaiming their true character to the world. It will even be found economical of blood and treasure. It will in the end be favorable to peace itself: for sir, (permit me to borrow an appropriate and emphatic expression from a gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Hillhouse) it will be a war for peace. Yes, sir, as that gentleman expresses it—we must fight for peace. Without war, or for unfortunate events abroad, I am satisfied we can have no peace!!"
It is ridiculously said by the champions of Britain, that if we go to war with her, we go to war with a nation that is not only fighting for self-existence, but the battles of the world. This remark is founded entirely upon the supposition, that if we make war against England, we shall destroy the great barrier against the universal dominion of France. If the friends of Great Britain, or the ministry of that infatuated nation, feel any impression of this cast, there could be no doubt, that instead of attempting to destroy us, she would rather be anxious to court our assistance by just and honest means. But for a moment to admit this idle remark (to be true—that if we make war against Britain, we may possibly remove the impediment to French dominion. Is this any possible reason why the United States should surrender their national existence to Great Britain, merely under the influence of conjecture, that France might afterwards attempt to enslave us? In acting thus, we should, in the vulgar saying, literally give up a certainty for an uncertainty.
We should instantly become slaves to one nation, merely from the idle fear of becoming so to another. It is the most ridiculous and insulting idea that could possibly be advanced, that because Great Britain conceives her prosperity to depend upon a perdurable war with France, and at the same time disparaging in every species of neutral spoliation & injustice, that we should lay down our existence to preserve hers, lest she should be defeated. We trust that no American in heart and sentiment can feel these impressions, because we believe that none can think that any foreign power can subdue us. This argument, as it is dignified by magnum politicianum and British hirelings, we dismiss, as being too odious, and unworthy of serious attention.
As the embargo system must be considered as virtually abandoned, the interesting question recurs, What is now best to be done? We have already declared our opinions in several preceding numbers, and we must confess that the circumstances which daily occur, tend to their confirmation—that immediate war ought to be declared. The discussions of congress will convince the British cabinet, that if they do not rescind their orders of council before May, they may then calculate upon war. We look upon it as the most absurd folly to think for a moment that Great Britain will give way. The advantages which she will derive from the embargo being thus partially removed, will, in our estimation, be equal to a total repeal. The mercantile cupidity of our citizens will neither hesitate to carry on an indirect trade, or to avail themselves of the licence which is granted by the king's instructions to the commanders of his ships of war and privateers, which command them not to intercept any neutral vessel going to any of the ports of the British empire, no matter to whom the property may appear to belong, and from thence may depart either in ballast, or with goods that may be legally exported in such vessel and to proceed to any unblocked port, &c. &c. There can be no doubt but that our commerce will almost entirely be conducted through this medium, and that the wants of Great Britain will be completely relieved. Is it to be presumed then, that when congress holds its session in May, that Great Britain, after this immense influx of property, will be more inclined to retire from her present position, which she has retained under the most awful anticipations of famine? It is impossible to answer in the affirmative. She will of course then calculate upon war at a given time, and will make her preparations accordingly, which she will not only be inclined, but better enabled to do, in consequence of the immense relief which we are about to cast into her lap. The great reason, why war should not now be declared, is that we must take time to make preparations. And in the mean time, a great quantity of our resources will be thrown into her power. As Great Britain must undoubtedly expect war, we ought not to forfeit the perfidy and injustice for which she has been so pre-eminently distinguished. When we know the situation of that country, and the character of her ministry, we cannot forbear from saying, that we should not feel much surprise if she was to seize and detain all the men, shipping and property which may venture within her reach. Independent of this, we know that the most prominent vulnerable point of our enemy, is her North American possessions, which we in plain terms tell her to fortify with all possible strength, for at a certain time, we mean to attack them. Great Britain will not relax or rescind her orders, we take to be granted by every person who has paid much attention to the temper and designs of the British ministry. She will of course then, immediately adopt and execute her plan of doing us most harm. This may be in detaining all the men, shipping and property which may go to that country under the bird-time instructions already mentioned, or she will anticipate our preparations and attack our unprepared seaport towns and lay them under contribution. It would
have been well enough to take time for preparations, if we had not advised our enemy of our intentions after they were made—but by this measure, we not only expose ourselves to every kind of injury, but actually hold out an invitation to inflict them.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
CORUNNA, Nov. 27.
We are still in a state of suspense respecting the situation of gen. Blake and his army. It is, however, ascertained, that he has suffered severely, in consequence of the business & cowardice of many of his officers. Gen. P—, in particular, is accused of having betrayed the trust & confidence reposed in him. He was unfortunately entrusted with the command in the centre of the army, and shortly after the battle commenced, he treacherously made an opening for the French troops to march thro', which they did, to the astonishment of gen. Blake, and the confusion of his men. The discomfiture of the whole army is attributed to this act of treachery. To guard against such conduct, general Blake has superceded several general officers, and others of inferior rank, who have been succeeded by serjeants and corporals of military capacity, tried merit, and experience. The appointment of these men to rank in the army appears to meet with general approbation.
I am afraid the fate of Spain is decided, and that the French will be in possession of Madrid before Christmas. Every erroneous idea are entertained in England respecting the spirit, ardor, and patriotism of the people here. The more I endeavor to inform myself, the less confidence I acquire in the prospect of a successful termination to the contest. Few persons here appear sensible of the danger which awaits them. If Bonaparte should gain another battle, the contest soon will be produced, I am afraid, will be attended with very serious effects. I am persuaded there never were so many of Bonaparte's spies in any place since the commencement of his career, as there are in this town at present. It is filled by foreigners. Many Italians have arrived here since and since sir David Baird's expedition, who are suspected by many, and a number of those persons came from England. There are no vigilant police officers here for the detection of such characters, and it is plain any man may practise the part of a spy with perfect impunity.
This is a very fine populous country; the men are active, robust, and strong; notwithstanding which the recruiting goes on very slowly. There is no stimulus; the men want encouragement to join the armies of their country. The recent accounts are sufficient to dishearten them; for however deplorable their present condition may be, they are unwilling to exchange it for danger, nakedness and starvation.
December 1 An order appeared this day for raising 400,000 men in the different provinces of Spain; but I am sorry to say, the government does not appear to possess sufficient ways and means to provide for a third of the number. Our army has already suffered much for want of provisions up the country.
PRIVATE LETTERS.
Corunna, Dec. 1.
"Advices are this instant received of the defeat of Castanos by the French, and of the total dispersion of his army. He was completely surprised, for he was induced to advance across the Ebro from false information of the weakness of the corps under marshal Moncey, and was drawn into a trap, for Ney fell upon his rear, as soon as the army of Blake was dispersed of, and the result was fatally dreadful.
"No account is arrived of the day or place, when and where the battle was fought, but the fact is too true. And the consequence is that sir John Moore, was instructed to begin his retreat on the 26th ult. from Salamanca back on Portugal, and sir David Baird on Galicia. Here we are in the utmost consternation. The stores are now embarking here, and we are told that the vessels are to be sent round to Vigo, as it is not thought advisable to trust the re-embarkation at this port. There is the utmost reason to apprehend that Gen. Hope, who is arrived at Madrid with the cavalry and artillery belonging to gen. Moore's army, will be cut off. He must be so, if it be true as we hear, that both Moore and Baird are retreating."
"Another letter says—The effects of that wonderful machine which Bonaparte wields with such dexterity, are now beginning to display themselves. He did not begin to act till he had brought 70,000 men under his most accomplished generals, to the reinforcement of his army, but had before been able to keep the patriots at bay. In a fortnight he has done his work. He began by the dispersion of Blake, and we this day learn that he has with equal facility destroyed Castanos. We have now nothing left for it. Sir John Moore is at Salamanca, without horse or artillery. Gen. Hope is at Madrid with horse but without foot; and gen. Baird is at Astorga with his horse, in a condition totally unfit for service. They are dying daily in numbers, and the highways are strewn with their carcasses. Nothing can equal the dismay which prevails here. God knows how our armies will get off! Certainly our artillery must be left behind, for the poor beasts of horse that remain alive are unfit to drag the guns through the execrable roads."
A general meeting of the citizens of Richmond is requested at the Bell Tavern, this evening at 6 o'clock, in order to express their sentiments on the present state of our public affairs, and make arrangements for celebrating the 4th of March.
28th Feb. 1809.
IN COUNCIL, Feb. 21, 1809.
The Lieutenant Governor laid before the board a letter from Samuel Cleman, assistant clerk to the council, stating that the requisites of the advice of council of the 1st of January, 1808, and of the 19th of February of the same year, have not been sufficiently attended to and have failed to produce the contemplated effect, and proposing that the subject of the said advice be reconsidered, and that the result of such reconsideration be published in the Virginia Argus, for the information of all concerned. Whereupon, it is advised, that extracts of the said advice, to wit:
"In Council, January 1, 1808. That no commission will be hereafter issued for the organization of any troop of cavalry
or company of artillery, or of grenadiers, light infantry or rangers of the respective battalions of the several regiments until a muster roll of such troop or company, as the case may be, shall be certified by the commanding officer of the regiment or of the battalion to which such troop or company may be attached or belong. And,
"In Council, February 19, 1809."
"That no commission shall be hereafter issued to fill any vacancy in any troop of cavalry or in any volunteer company discovered, until a certified roll of the said troop or company shall have been received from the commanding officer of the regiment to which the same may be attached or of which it may form a part, showing that the said troop or company contains, at the time when it is proposed to fill such vacancy, at least the smallest number which by law it is directed to contain," be published in the Virginia Argus for two months.
It is further advised, That to enable the Executive completely to carry into effect the fourth section of the act, "respecting the militia of this commonwealth," passed the 29th of January, 1807, the Lieutenant Governor be requested to direct the Adjutant General so to change the form of the regimental and brigade returns, as that the strength and equipments of any troop of cavalry, or company of artillery, light infantry, grenadiers or riflemen attached to, or forming a part of any, regiment of the militia of this commonwealth, appear in such regimental and brigade returns; and that the commanders of such troops and companies be required to make duplicates of the returns required of them by law, to the commanders of the regiments to which they are respectively attached or belong, as the case may be.
Extract from the Minutes, Attest, DANL. L. HYLTOM, Clerk of the Executive
WILL BE SOLD,
By virtue of a decree of the high court of chancery for the Richmond district, on the premises to the highest bidder, on Friday the 24th of March next, and if not sold on that day from badness of the weather, the next day, that well known STAND in Goochland county, on the three chert road, called
Payne's Old Ordinary,
In order to satisfy John Michie the sum of £ 437 17, with interest on £ 256 6 at 5 per cent per annum, from the 9th day of December, 1807, till paid and costs of suit, also any costs and expenses that may attend the sale and further order and decree of said court.
This sale will fall under the operation of the late execution law, and will be made by the commissioners appointed under said decree, to wit:
C. Anthony. T. Drake. B. Bradshaw. S. Rutherford. M. Levy, Jun. John N. Heder.
Or any three of them. February 16, 1809. w3t
The noted & much admired English Horse,
The name and one of the best sons of Sir Peter Teazle, now unquestionably the best stallion in England—imported in 1801 by William Lighfoot, Esq. and now the property of Messrs. Woods of Albemarle.
WILL STAND the ensuing season at our stable in the upper end of Charlotte county, within half a mile of the main road leading from Prince Edward and Charlotte courthouses to Campbell courthouse and the Western country, 17 miles above Charlotte courthouse and 18 below Campbell courthouse, 15 miles north from Cokes and Booker's ferries and 25 miles south of Ben Creek, to cover mares at Twenty Five Dollars the season, which may be discharged by the payment of twenty dollars, if paid by the first day of October next. Mares will be ensured to be in foal for thirty-five dollars—one dollar to the groom will be required with each mare at the time of service. The season will commence on the first of March and expire the first of August. Richmond inspected (to be paid) will be taken in payment at 5 dollars per C. and Petersburg and Lynchburg tobacco at 4 1/2 dollars per C. delivered on or before the first of Oct. 1809. Any gentleman will become payable for three or more mares, a deduction of 15 per cent will be made for each mare with the mares. Notes of hand will be expected in every instance where the money is not sent. It is owing to the peculiar circumstances of the times that the proprietors are induced to cover this extraordinary horse on the above reduced term. This is the last season Knowsley will stand in this part of the country—gentlemen ought therefore to avail themselves of the present opportunity in procuring his valuable stock; being now generally, and we think, justly esteemed the first horse in the state. Any mares that we e put to Knowsley last season and did not prove with foal, shall be ensured this year for the season money. Excellent and extensive pasturage will be furnished gratis. Servants will be boarded at 9s. per week, and mares fed with grain as directed, at the lowest market price. The utmost attention will be paid to mares in every particular, and all possible precaution taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be liable for any which may happen. Those gentlemen who may find it most convenient to send their mares to the care of William Gaines, will be regularly sent to the horse and furnished with excellent pasturage, and grain if required, and the greatest attention paid to them in every instance. Knowsley's pedigree and performances have so often been published that it is deemed unnecessary to insert them at full length. Suffice it to say no horse ever imported into Virginia has ever produced so many colts from the number tried as Knowsley. The following is a statement of the performances of Knowsley's colts in 1806, 1807 and 1808. In 1806 nine of his colts started, 7 of which proved successful in winning eleven prizes. In 1807 we have only heard from five, two of which were winners, the other three run with great credit, and were always second best, bearing several fine horses. In 1808 we have heard of but four of his colts starting, all of which proved successful. It is probable several others have been winners, yet unknown to us.
Martin Hancock. William Gaines. Charlotte county, Feb. 2, 1809. oaf 8t
Just received at this office, Part 2d of vol. 9th—and No. 18 of
Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia.
Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply their for books. Subscription still open.

Upon the refusal of this iniquitous demand, Copenhagen was immediately sacked, and a profligate and indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children ensued. The Danish fleet was forcibly seized, and borne off in triumph. But, sir, with their unhallowed trophies, the British bore off the distrust and detestation of the world; and left behind them the hatred and enmity of Denmark. Do you believe, sir, that the British ministry or the British nation, have gained any solid advantage by this wanton display of energy? Do you believe, sir, that the loss of character and the enmity of Denmark, is compensated for by the booty of the Danish fleet which Great Britain did not want? No, sir; the one might excite in the nation a thoughtless and transitory exultation, but the others are durable losses and stains, which time itself cannot wipe away, so long as history shall remain to record the acts of men and nations.
The next effort to display this energy makes its appearance in Sweden. A nation fighting for its independence against all Europe, and protected from their lawless power more from inaccessibility of the country, its lakes, morasses, &c. than by its resources and arms. Under these circumstances sir J. Moore, a great military chief, is sent to offer to the king of Sweden, the aid of British co-operation, probably the admission of the British fleet into Swedish ports. How was this flattering overture received by that monarch in the depth of his distresses? Sir, he instantly saw the danger of British perfidy, and he ordered the messenger to be confined—to be incarcerated; but fortunately for him, he escaped in disguise and disgrace. For this and other acts, the king of Sweden has been called a madman; but, sir, this act, in my judgment, serves to show that he is a statesman as well as a soldier. The British perfidy towards Denmark, was the cause and the justification of his conduct. He had just seen the British upon a false suggestion, seize upon the fleet of his neighbor, Denmark; and he justly concluded that if he admitted a British fleet into his ports, his fleet would also be seized upon, and borne off whenever the convenience or interest of Great Britain should require it. Here, sir, are seen some of the fruits of the perfidious energy practised upon Denmark. And in the month of July, 1808, sir John Moore returned to London, to give some mysterious and unintelligible account of the disgraceful issue of his perfidious embassy.
About the same time, those generous interposers in the affairs of other nations, sent a fleet and army to Portugal, their friend and ally, to aid the Portuguese in expelling or subduing a French army, then in the bosom of their country. These wretched and devoted people, deserted by a weak and impotent government, left almost without the smallest semblance of internal police, and struggling against a French army in their bosom, hailed with acclamations and joy the arrival of their generous deliverers. And what happens? In the month of September following, a convention for the evacuation of Portugal is made by the British and the French. The Portuguese, the principals in the war, and the allies of Great Britain, not even consulted; and upon taking down the French standard of despotism, the Portuguese with indignation and astonishment, behold unfurled in its stead, the British standard of despotism.
I now find, sir, from the London newspapers by the last accounts from Portugal, that a formidable party has risen up against the regency; or in plain English, against British influence and despotism: for sir, the cause of the regency is the cause of the British; and is not this, the natural consequence of such conduct? Yes, sir, that miserable and devoted people are probably divided in opinion. The one half thinks the despotism of their French oppressors the most intolerable; the other half that the despotism of their generous British deliverers still worse.
Spain is now also receiving the generous interposition of this energetic administration. The tragic scene in this devoted and commiserated country, is not yet closed, or at least not known here. But I should not be at all surprised to hear by the very next intelligence, which shall be wafted from that bloody scene of action, that the generous Britons have run away and left the Spanish patriots in the lurch, and have forcibly borne away the Spanish fleet as a slight reward for the generous aid afforded the patriots. And if such should be the fact, Mr. President, do you not believe it would be justified in this country? Yes, sir, some old rule, or some new rule, or some no rule, would instantly be hunted out for its justification. After so many atrocious acts of Great Britain, affecting the dearest interests of our own country have been justified, there is no act she could perform towards other nations, which would leave her without her advocates here.
(To be continued) LATELY PUBLISHED, And for sale by Samuel P. PLEASANTS, Jr. THE VIRGINIAN ORATOR, BEING A VARIETY OF ORIGINAL AND SELECTED POEMS, ORATIONS AND DRAMATIC SCENES; To improve the American Youth in the ornamental and useful art of Eloquence and Gesture. BY THOMAS E. BIRCH.
Just received from Philadelphia, and for sale at this Office, a few copies of the celebrated Pamphlet, entitled, A VIEW OF THE Rights and Wrongs, Power and Policy OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Earl, Saul, why persecutest thou me? BY CHARLES JARED INGERSOLL.
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN.) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal ly good terms as heretofore. Wax and Fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quar- ter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seat leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes.
Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middlings BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit.
FOR SALE, 1034 Acres of Land, Lying on James River, in Powhatan County, 32 miles above Richmond and 10 below Cartersville, 70 acres of this land is James River low grounds, with a good shad fishery, several apple and peach orchards of choice fruit: 500 acres of this land is uncleared and of good quality; the cleared land is well adapted to corn, wheat and Tobac- co. The present occupant sends to market from this land annually 1500 bushels of wheat. The improvements are superior to any in the county, the payments will be made easy to the purchaser. For further information apply to Chan: H. Saunders. Richmond, Jan. 9, 1809. (w3m)
N. B. I also wish to sell two TRACTS of LAND lying in Buckingham County, one tract containing 238 acres, within five miles of Caira on Buffalo creek adjoining the lands of Enos Bolling and John Hug- gins. The other tract contains 400 acres, adjoining the land of John & Harris Rainey Chastleton, and formerly the property of Mr. Peyton Saunders. I would sell a bargain in these lands, and make the payments easy. Chan: H. Saunders.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. if
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufactory of the Penitenti- ary have been lately REDUCED, consider- ably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. if
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Prison, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. PLEASANTS. May 31, 1808. if
IN COUNCIL, January 20, 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred and ninety Rifles during the present year, be- ing the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
ANY person having in their possession, any Book or Books belonging to the late Pleasant Younghusband, dec. will be very obliging if they will return them or give information to the editor of this paper or the subscriber. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 2d Month 3d, 1809. if
A Miller Wanted. A PERSON possessing the necessary qua- lifications for the above business, will meet with a situation on application to Isaac Webster. February, 1809. if
Cumberland, December Court, 1808. James Morton & Co. Plaintiffs. AGAINST John Lackland Adm'r of Jno. Bibb, dec. and Drury Watson, Defs. In Chan- cery. THIS day came the Plaintiffs by their attorneys and the Defendant Drury, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appear- ing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel aforesaid, it is ordered that the said defendant Drury, do appear here on the 4th Monday in March next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, and that a copy of this order be published in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A Copy—Attest, Miller Woodson, Jr. D. C.
30 Dollars Reward. LOST, a red Morocco Pocket Book near Byrd's Ware house, containing a Tobacco note, No. 725—1620—150— 1470lb. of Byrd's inspection, with 75 dol. in Virginia bank notes, and sundry other papers, bonds, &c.—Whoever will deliver the Pocket Book with its contents, at Capt. Davis's tavern, or at Byrd's Ware- house, shall receive the above reward. JAMES SATTERWHITE. February 10, 1809. (3w)
To Rent, TWO TENEMENTS, One formerly occupied by Mrs. M'Lane, with a good garden, smoke house and sta- ble—possession may be had the 7th March. The other is a small house with a garden —possession may be had immediately.— Both houses are on Shockoe hill. THOMAS ELLIOTT. February 16, 1809.
WILL BE SOLD, ON Friday the 10th March next, on the plantation of the late John Fore, Jun. in Chesterfield county, Twelve Thousand weight of Fodder and Oats, Ten barrels of Corn, five Horses, one Gig and Harness, a few Hogs and all his house hold and kitchen Furniture, consisting of three Feather beds, mahogany Tables, &c. &c. together with the plantation utensils The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. At the same time and place, several valuable Negroes will be hired for this year, amongst which are a very good mill wright,—At the same time, any person who has claims against the estate will make them known, and all persons who are indebted to the estate are requested to come forward and make payment. James Fore, Adm'r. February 15, 1809. N. B. At the same time WILL BE RENTED, one moiety of a valuable GRIST MILL, on Powhite creek.
A Young Man WHO can come well recommended for industry, honesty, and sobriety, that understands the management of Ne- groes, may hear of employment on ap- plication at this office. (U)
14,870 Acres of Land FOR SALE, ON SENECA CREEK, IN THE COUNTY OF PENDLETON. BY virtue of a deed in trust executed by Robert Barklay to Richard Gaines, to secure the pay- ment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the seventeenth day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Rich- mond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land, being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the pur- chaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. January 22d, 1809. tds
NOTICE. By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 13th of June next, at the courthouse of Botetourt county, being court day,
One Tract of Land, Containing 254 acres, more or less, it be- ing the same tract of land deeded to Plea- sant Younghusband by Thomas M'George and Judith his wife, as by indenture bear- ing date the 2d day of July, 1800, on the following terms, to wit: one third cash, one third in twelve months, and the re- maining third in two years. Bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they be- come due, and a deed of trust on the land to secure the two last payments, will be required. ELIZA T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Administratrix. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 2d mo. 17th, 1809. tds
For sale or Rent, AN eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road—known by the name of Hall- sborough; the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Fackler. Richmond. 12 Jan. 1809. if
NOTICE.
THE Rev'd. John Hendren will discon- tinue the presidency of the New-Glas- gow Academy after the present term, which will expire about the middle of April next; the trustees of the said institution are there- fore desirous of engaging with some gen- tleman, to succeed him in that station, af- ter the ensuing vacation, which will ter- minate on the 15th of May next. The branches of science and literature, as heret- ofore notified to the public, will continue to be taught and studied in this school, viz. the Latin and Greek languages, Natural and Moral Philosophy and the Mathematics, or such branches of each as are usually taught in public seminaries of learning. To any gentleman well qualified to preside and teach in such an institution, liberal induce- ments are to be met with. The academy, or principal school-house, is complete, large, and commodious, and the other build- ings and appendages allotted for the sole occupancy of the president, separate and a- part from the former, are now very near- ly finished, and will be found ample and ac- commodating. William S. Crawford, near the premises, for the purposes of dispatch and convenience, is authorized to treat and negotiate with any gentleman upon this subject, and to whom communications are expected to be made preparatory to a fi- nal engagement. It is hoped and presum- ed that no applications will be made, un- less warranted by the most satisfactory attestations of capacity and fitness to fill this appointment, destined alone for the important purposes of virtue, of science, and literature. THE TRUSTEES. Amherst, February 3d, 1809. 4w.
NOTICE. BY virtue of the last will and testament of P.asant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the 6th of March next, at the court house of Henrico county, (being court day) a
Tract of Land. Containing 400 Acres, more or less, situa- ted on White Oak Swamp, adjoining the bridge over the swamp, whereon Thomas Goodman lives, who will show the land to any person wishing to purchase. There is a good mill seat, with a constant stream on said land. The land will be sold for one third cash, one third in 12 months, and the remaining third in two years; bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they are due, and a deed of trust to secure the payments will be required. Eliza T. Younghusband, Adm'r. Samuel P. Parsons, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 1st Mo. 27th, 1809.
To William Price Edrington, Who is not a resident of the state of Virginia. SIR,
TAKE notice, that by virtue of a commission from the Circuit Court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, I shall proceed on the second Monday in March next, between the hours of 8 in the forenoon and 6 in the afternoon, at the office of Clement Biddle, Esq. Notary Public, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, to take the deposition of Daniel Lammot, Jr. to be read in evidence in a suit now depending in said court, wherein we are Plaintiffs and yourself and others Defendants. Should the evidence not be completed the first day, we shall proceed between the same hours of each succeeding day until it is finished. your ob't servant, SMITH, CALHOUN, &c. o. Jan. 26, 1809. 4w
PATENT MEDICINES, FOR SALE At S. Pleasants' Book Store.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more de- liberately and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the ef- ficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by HAN- NAH LEE, no. 56, Maiden-lane, New York. And in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Print- ing-office. The proprietor has lately presented to the public the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molther, and of other distinguished and respectable char- acters. The following cases, of more recent occur- rence, are now respectfully submitted.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCES. THE wife of Mr. Wm. Stillwell, mer- chant, Water street, New-York, had been in a poor state of health for several years past, and was often confined to her cham- ber by indisposition: her symptoms were various, though generally attended with great debility; sometimes they were sup- posed to indicate dropsy, at others a dis- ease of the liver. Having suffered a ve- ry severe attack, without obtaining any relief from her physician, and almost des- pairing of recovery, she was induced to make trial of Hamilton's Worm Destroy- ing Lozenges; having heard of their per- forming cures in several complaints that could not be accounted for. Two doses were taken, which brought away a large worm, nearly half a yard in length, and a great quantity of matter evidently pie- ces of worms, &c. On taking the third or fourth dose, an entire animal shaped like a crab, was expelled: its parts were examined with the aid of a microscope, when the claws, feet, &c. appeared per- fectly formed; different in but few res- pects from the common crab. Mrs. Stillwell began from that time to recover her health;—three months have since e- lapsed, and she has been free from her former complaints, and has acquired a degree of health and strength which for years before she had been a stranger to. She being free to extend the knowledge of a medicine from which so much bene- fit has been received, has authorised Mrs. Lee, the present proprietor, to state these particulars for the good of others. New-York. June 5, 1807. Philadelphia, May 22, 1806. TO H. LEE.
Having in a most singular manner, ex- perienced in my family the astonishing efficacy of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges, prepared by the late Mr. Lee, I feel it my duty to add the following cu- rious case to the list of remarkable cures performed by that celebrated medicine. My daughter at the age of 17 months was taken ill with those symptoms which are supposed to denote worms: after ha- ving tried a number of things which are said to be good in such cases, without any benefit, we had the attendance of a respectable physician; but she still con- tinued to decline in health, and at the end of six months became so weak that she could not walk, nor keep food on her sto- mach, it was so extremely disordered. At this interesting period, one of our cream-Mursei glibbended your Lozen- ges so earnestly, we were induced to send to Mr. Birch's for a box of them; on her taking the third dose, according to the printed directions, there came from her a living animal about three quarters of an inch long and of a most frightful appearance, being very white, with a great number of legs, and something which resembled wings, by which it ap- peared to spring; and which it did re- peatedly, to our great surprise, about the same distance that a small toad can hop on the ground. Its form was altogether unknown to every person who saw it. It lived in water about 18 hours. We after- wards put it in spirits, and it is now in the possession of Dr. Bleight of this city. The child grew better from that day; in
a very short period began to walk again, and is now in perfect health. Yours, &c. WM. BRADLEY, Callowhill street, between 8th and 9th sts.
Any person may be satisfied of the ac- curacy and authenticity of this singular occurrence, by making enquiry in the neighbourhood; many of the neighbours saw the creature alive, and are well ac- quainted with the above particular. W. B. Among the symptoms attending worms, are disagreeable breath, especially in the morning; bad and corrupted gums— itching in the nose and about the seat— convulsions and epileptic fits and some- times privation of speech—starting and grinding of the teeth in sleep—irregular appetite; sometimes loathing food and sometimes voracious; purging, with slimy and foetid stools; Vomiting; Large and hard belly; Pains and sickness at the stomach; Pains in the head and flugis, with lowness of spirits; Slow fever, with small and irregular pulse; A dry cough; Excessive thirst; Sometimes pale and unhealthy countenance, and sometimes the face bloated and flushed. Persons afflicted with any of the above symptoms, should have immediate re- course to
HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES, which have been constantly attended with success in all complaints similar to those above described. A dose of this medicine given occasion- ally during the warm season, will effect- ually prevent the "vomiting and purging of children," a dreadful disorder which annually destroys thousands of the infant for poor citizens. Children generally take this medicine with eagerness; having a pleasing ap- pearance and an agreeable taste. FOR SALE AS ABOVE.
Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard, A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c. AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE. For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Ma- lignant Fevers recommended Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills. The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir, A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obdinate Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approach- ing Consumption. To Parents who may have children afflicted with The Hooping Cough. This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it. The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER, A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eye, whether the effect of natural weakness or of acci- dent, speedily removing inflammations, defluxi- ons of rheum, dullness, itching and films on the eyes; never failing to cure those maladies which frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fe- vers, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of sight.
TO BE RENTED, A LARGE AND COMMODOUS TENEMENT, On Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Wilson. For terms apply to Wm. Munford. Richmond, Feb. 22, 1809. if
Clover Seed.
THE subscriber is in daily expectation of a large quantity of Fresh Clover Seed, which will be disposed of at the lowest market price. Application to be made near the Bason, or at the store of Thomas White. JOHN J. JOHNSON, Flour Inspector. Richmond, Feb. 23d, 1809. 6w.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes. Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808. if
New Law Books. The 8th vol. of East's Reports, and the 5th vol. of Espinasse's Reports are just receiv- ed and for sale by S. Pleasants.
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.
Pamphlets, C R D S, H A N D B I L L S, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE. JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, Mr. Giles' Speeches DELIVERED ON The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to re- peal the Embargo Laws.