The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-16 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1808.
[No. 90.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OFFICE OF THE POST OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807.) Will be sold without reserve for ready money, on Thursday, 3d March, the sloop ALEXANDER burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts.
SAMUEL TURNER, } Trustees. DANIEL EPES, } [tds]
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [law8w]
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goode. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of LAND, in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowatt which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia.
JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. January 23. [law14w]
The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. [law14w]
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, Peter McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiler and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife, Andrew and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbara Minor his wife, Defendants. In pursuance to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH. MUSE, c. m. c. Jan. 14. [2aw8w]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
522 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Buren river.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. Jan. 28. [law14w]
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NAGS, which they wish Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking Nags to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training, are upon the most moderate charges and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, to take care of them and exercise them; when it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse: where it is not convenient for the owners to send all those necessaries, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES:
Grain & litter for each horse per week £ 0 12 Fodder for do. do. 0 6 Boy's board do. do. 0 12 My own attention for each horse per week 0 12 £ 2 2
Physic per dose when necessary 3s. Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscriber also begs leave to inform the public, that he Nicks and Forses horses in the most tasteful style and upon reasonable charges. Wm. TITCHHURST. Feb. 2. [law4w]
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot at present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. THO. ELLIOTT. Richmond, Feb. 2. [law4w]
NOTICE to Theoderick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said adm'rs. against said Carter, and on Monday the 28th of the same month at Cumberland courthouse, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adm'rs. Jan. 28. [law4w]
FOR SALE, fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Moccasin and Copper creeks and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, and on big Fox creek and other branches of New-river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Guion-dot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber Wm. F. BRAXTON. Feb. 12. [tf]
THE SERJEANTS OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the Insurance office. Feb. 12. [law14w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law14w]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DARMSDATT. Oct. 23. [tf]
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 6. Captain Shaler of the ship General Hamilton, who arrived at this port last evening from Amsterdam, left there on the 15th December, and informs, that the Emperor of Austria, had offered to negotiate for a Peace between England and France—that there had not been any seizures of American property or vessels in Amsterdam, and no idea of an embargo.
Extract of a letter from New-Bedford, dated 1st mo. 31.
"This afternoon, arrived ship Niagara, Captain Cross, 43 days from Rotterdam.
"Captain C. confirms the accounts of the capture of our vessels by the Algerines.
"He understood, a short time previous to leaving Rotterdam, that Louis had retired from the government of Holland, on account of ill health, and that Talleyrand had arrived at the Hague to supply his place.
"A more rigorous treatment of neutrals it was expected would result from this change.
"Came passenger in the Niagara, captain Kinsley, late of the ship Alexandria, of Alexandria, lost on the 27th October, on the island of Goree.
"Captain C. informs that the ship Washington, Case, of this port, for whose safety strong apprehensions had been entertained, was at or near Cuxhaven, detained by the French. The Oromimbo, Allen, of this port, was detained at Middlebury—her cargo landed, but vessel not suffered to depart, unless the consignee would become obligated to furnish another vessel to take it out of the country, provided it was finally ordered away."
Capt. Howes, who has arrived at Gloucester from Bordeaux, in 45 days, informs, that American vessels had been embargoed, and their papers kept from them; but that the latter had been restored, and the vessels allowed to depart. Americans are treated in an unfriendly manner; and that the emperor is said to have declared, that the United States should declare for him or against him.
At a late hour last evening, the ship President, captain Eldridge, arrived at this port from Liverpool, which place she left on the 17th of December. By this vessel, the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received a file of London Papers to the 15th December, and Lloyd's Lists and Prices Currents to the 12th. The following are all the articles of importance we find in our papers.
LONDON, December 15.
The intelligence of the week is of more than common interest—American Papers have been received, which contain the Speech of the President of the U. States, upon the meeting of Congress—It is not in the tone of conciliation, or ordinary temperance; it is the speech of a man who seems to think a quarrel unavoidable—and as such, contemplates it as a matter rather of congratulation than as a political misfortune.
If such be the feelings in America before the late Proclamations in our Gazette have reached them—we may easily conjecture how much their resentment will rise upon the sight of these commercial interdictions—If the public mind were even now wavering, these orders would most assuredly fix it: the door will thus be shut upon accommodation, and war must be inevitable.
An article in one of the Hamburg papers states, that the whole of the coast of the Continent, from Dantzic to the extreme point of the South of Portugal, is to be occupied by French troops, and that Gibraltar was to be immediately attacked. The force in march towards Spain and Italy is estimated at one hundred thousand men—Considerable armies of reserve are forming to feed and supply it. All the troops that constituted the grand army upon the Banks of the Niemen, a great part of which have not yet reached the Rhine, are to be divided into two armies, one of which is forming at Boulogne. We may, therefore, soon expect to see the hills of Boulogne once more covered with camps, and hear the cry of invasion from the French shores.
We understand it to be in the contemplation of Government to call upon the governors and directors of the Bank of England, for a voluntary contribution of 500,000l. towards the public service, for the year 1807, or to demand of them, under Parliamentary authority, to demonstrate, by a full disclosure of the state of their accounts, their inability to pay this small portion of tax upon their property, in common with the rest of his Majesty's subject.
Thursday the Bank of England gave notice, that they had agreed to the postponement of the time for the redemption of the Omnium, paid upon at the Bank, and, instead of requiring the ten per cent. in one payment, they had agreed to receive it in two, at stated periods.
A paper of yesterday morning says, that "some days ago proposals were issued by the victualling office for supplying our fleets, &c. on the West-India station with fresh provisions. A number of persons sent in terms, and they waited on Friday on the victualling Board for the purpose of closing their contracts. But they were surprised by a very unexpected question from the commissioners to the following effect:—'From whence do you propose to draw supplies for the execution of your contracts in the event of an American war?' The contractors being wholly unprepared for such a question, and struck by its tendency, required time to answer, and reconsider their proposals. In consequence of this very pregnant interrogatory, any farther consideration upon the subject which gave rise to it has been postponed until Wednesday next."
Maenz, the Austrian Messenger, who was sent to Paris with dispatches is returned to this country with fresh dispatches. He came over in the Lynx sloop of war, which arrived in the Downs on Friday afternoon. In the evening, we understood, he landed at Deal, and after going to the port Admiral, set off for London.
The following is the letter from our Deal correspondent.
DEAL, Dec. 11. "I lost not a moment to inform you that an Austrian Messenger, with dispatches for government, is just arrived in the Downs in the Lynx sloop of war, captain Marshall. A cartel from Holland, under Dutch colours, is also at this instant come to an anchor in our Roads."
November 14. Two Gottenburgh Mails have arrived since our last. The contents of these mails are seldom of much interest; however such as they are, in the present state of the continent, with respect to news, we are glad to receive them. The contents of these are of that nature as to induce us to suppose we shall not be troubled with many more, for it is evident that the emperor of Russia is taking measures to sever from us our only remaining continental ally. The King of Sweden has no force in his dominions to withstand that of Russia, and must in course yield to necessity. A messenger arrived from Sweden last night, which no doubt, brought the intelligence to ministers of the march of the Russian troops towards Swedish Finland—and probably announced to them the reluctant resolution of the Swedish monarch to yield to circumstances. Governed by a juncture more formidable in attacking friends than enemies, Britain has no longer the power to succour the distressed, their hands are now stretched out towards her in vain, and one by one they become the sacrifice of their attachment to us.
The prohibition of Neutral ships to bring their prizes into Danish ports is repealed, with respect to English prizes, as long as the war shall continue.
Price of Stocks at one o'clock—Bank Stock—3 per Cent. Reduced 63—3 per Cent. Con. £4 1-4 3-8—India Stock—Bank Long An.—Omnium—pr.—Consols for Open—
At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 9th of December, 1807, present the King's Most excellent Majesty in Council.
It is this day ordered by his majesty, by & with the advice of his Privy Council, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects be permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports within the dominions of the Emperor of Russia until further order; and his majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo, or stop, be made of all ships and vessels whatsoever, belonging to the subjects of the Emperor of Russia now within, or which shall hereafter come into, any of the ports, harbors, or roads within any part of his Majesty's dominions, together with all persons and effects on board all such ships and vessels; and that the Commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers do detain and bring into port all ships and vessels belonging to the subjects of the Emperor of Russia, or bearing the flag of the Emperor of Russia; but that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board any of the said ships or vessels, so that no damage or embezzlement whatever be sustained; and the Commanders of his Majesty's ships of war and privateers are hereby instructed to detain and bring into port every such ship and vessel accordingly: And the Right honourable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, are to give the necessary directions herein as to them may respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER.
The following copy of a letter from Sir Stephen Shairp, to the Governor of the Russian company, has been sent to Batson's, for the general information of the merchants:
ST. PETERSBURGH, Nov. 11. "I have to communicate to you, that the Seals of Government have been put upon all the warehouses of British merchants, and of British subjects who are foreign guests."
"An embargo likewise laid upon all British shipping in Cronstadt, &c. I have considerable satisfaction in saying, that only the four ships hereinafter mentioned have been seized."
Timely information of that hostile intention was given, and by the great exertion of Mr. Booker, all the others were loaded and dispatched. The ships detained are the Nibe, Betsey, Apollo, and Mary. The Apollo was afterwards liberated."
The Austrian Messenger who sailed from Dover some time since with dispatches from prince Stahremberg to the Austrian Ambassador at Paris, returned on Saturday with an answer; report says, that prince Stahremberg's departure from this country will very shortly take place. The Messenger arrived at Deal on Friday, on board the Lynx sloop,
at which time a cartel from Holland also reached the Downs.
A gentleman of the name of Jones, arrived in town, yesterday, from Verdun, and had a conference with Mr. Canning, at the Foreign-Office, in Downing street, and also with Mr. Pole, the Secretary of the Admiralty. Mr. Jones states that all the American prisoners at that place, who had been taken during the war on board of English vessels, have been set at liberty, and allowed to return home. Among them are several Purseurs, Lieutenants, Warrant Officers, &c. yet they are all discharged, with only the allowance of common seamen. The discharge of these prisoners, clearly shews that Bonaparte is anxious to conciliate America. Indeed, in the present state of things, in relation to England, it is found policy.
GOTTENBURGH MAILS.
RUSSIAN UKASE.
To Count Nicolay Petrovitch Romanzoff.
In consequence of the present political circumstances, which have compelled us to break off all connections with Britain, we order:
I. An Embargo to be laid on all British ships in our harbours, and on all property of the British on board of the same, as soon that at "Change and in the custom-house Pack-houses."
II. Their immovable property, and what does not consist of goods, to be left in their possession as heretofore, but not to be allowed to be sold, mortgaged, or transferred into other hands. Taking such measures merely from our evident mercy to them, we hope they will not, during the existing difference, transgress their duty by actions which might prove prejudicial to Russia, and thus incur our just displeasure, but live in due quietness and tranquility.
III. Concerning the embargo, a committee is to be appointed at this port, of the most respectable Russian merchants, and one member of the College of Commerce; authorizing you to select these men, we leave it to you to form this committee, and to inform us of the same.
IV. Similar committees to be appointed in Riga and Archangel, which are to be dependent on the one here. The selection and appointment of the members of them to be left to the military governors, directing also the civil department, and where no such also, to the civil governors.
V. The charges which may accrue on this occasion to be provided from the revenues of the respective custom-houses, and placed to the account of the sequestered ships & goods.
We are, &c.
(Signed by His Imperial Majesty's hand.) ALEXANDER.
St. Petersburg, Oct. 28, 1807.
COPENHAGEN, Nov. 15.
Since the 8th instant, the Sound has been so blocked up by the English ships, that no vessels can go out or enter Cronenburg to pay toll, without being obliged to come under their guns.
On the 10th, some boats which went out from this harbour, took a large three-masted ship, and brought her into Kallebostrand.
Between the 17th and 20th of October, 56 English ships arrived at Riga; and on the 15th October three were lying at Cronstadt.
GOTTENBURGH, Dec. 7.
Various travellers, chiefly English, have this week arrived from Russia, who all report that a large body of Russian troops are marching to the frontiers of Swedish Finland.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 16, 1808.
TO PHOCION.....No. IV.
Prepossessed, as the public mind has been, by some of your predecessors in calumny against Mr. Randolph, your attempts to injure him might possibly have added something to the general stock, if unfortunately for you the acrimony of your hatred and the blindness of your prejudice, had not rendered you totally regardless of the most obvious matters of fact. You charge Mr. R. in the first paragraph of your fourth letter, with attempting "to persuade Great-Britain that the non-importation act was just cause of war." What ought the public to think of this most barefaced, most gross misrepresentation? Shall a member of the National Legislature be charged with a disposition to induce a foreign nation to go to war with his own country, because in opposing a measure which he believes will injure his country materially, he enumerates those injuries, and amongst them states the probability of its producing war? If this be just reasoning, no member can in future object to any measure either against France, England, or any other country, as one calculated to cause a war between us—without subjecting himself, with equal truth and justice to the imputation of "wishing that country to believe she had just cause of war with us." Yet this is all that Mr. R. did with regard to the non-importation act, and his attempt to prevent the passage of this law, because he conscientiously believed it would injure his own country, you have most rationally, most charitably ascribed to a wish to involve that country in a war. It must be confessed that nothing less false or less injurious, was to be expected in your fourth letter, by any one who had read your three first—but before you could have any rational cause to expect to be believed, it would be necessary to persuade the public that Mr. Randolph was totally regardless of what almost every man takes very good care of—his own interest, or that he was absolutely mad. For none but fools or madmen would willingly risk their all by plunging unnecessarily into war, when it could be avoided.
With respect to the non-importation law, I can only say if any man can see any thing in it, but a disposition to do injury, without the courage to inflict it, he possesses much greater faculties of discernment, than I do. Yet I am far from intending to condemn the motives of those who voted for it.—But whilst I am willing to admit that their motives might have been perfectly pure, I cannot see why Mr. Randolph may not have acted upon principles equally correct, as far as regards intention. In all your remarks on the non-importation act, you speak of it as a law actually in force, which every body knows was not the fact. And how a law which was nothing more than a dead letter could be considered a measure of coercion, must be left to you to shew. By its operation therefore it could do no good; for it had no operation; but as an evidence of a desire without the resolution to use compulsory means of obtaining redress, it appeared to Mr. R. not only totally inefficacious; but absolutely injurious to ourselves alone.
For what purpose you have introduced a history of Mr. Jay's mission and the conduct of the administration at that period, must be known only to yourself, for I am sure no man on earth, however penetrating his sagacity, could discover any sort of application it could have to the present question.
Do you wish the public to infer that Mr. R. approved of that mission, or of the administration of that day? Unfortunately for you the small obstacle of fact opposes any such design. Why too do you enumerate so copiously the corruptions of the British ministry and the extent of her aggressions on us? Is it because you wish and expect the people to believe that Mr. Randolph is inclined either to deny, to palliate or to justify the one or the other? The whole course of his political life is a direct contradiction to any such insinuation. 'Tis certainly true that he has thought it unbecoming in the representatives of a brave and generous nation, such as he believes his own to be; to act the part of braggarts and bullies, by distant abuse against any nation with whom we were likely to be involved in war. But if this is a crime in him, let it be attributed to its proper cause. Let it be said that his notions of the dignity of national department, are not as correct as those of Phocion. But surely it would be the extreme of injustice to say that he did not feel his country's wrongs; because he failed to utter upon all occasions, such abuse against the perpetrators of them, as he, unfortunately for him it seems, thought suited only to Bilinggate.
If I was disposed to give you credit for forty times as much talents as you appear to possess, my faith would not extend to the possibility of your proving that our situation with regard to England has been at all changed for the better by the non-importation act. You ask why it had not produced war with her, if it was a war measure? If it be allowable to answer one question by another, I would ask you if any man of plain common sense, would not rather search for the cause of our present situation among the measures and unparallelled events which have occurred in Europe, and which have changed the situation of Great Britain materially for the worse—than in such a thing as the non-importation act. The "poor imbecile policy which (you say) Mr. Randolph recommended," I can no where find, unless you thus consider his idea of the propriety of waiting the termination of a negotiation which we had every rational ground for expecting daily—that is, if you will admit the authority of the President and his minister to be such. With your usual urbanity you call Mr. R. a great many ill names, for being, as you declare, an advocate of "the forbidding system." Can you have forgotten, sir, how long and how loudly our present administration have been applauded for this very system? Or do you fancy yourself possessed of the faculty of convincing the public that they are bound to condemn Mr. R. and to praise the administration for one and the same thing? The prejudice against Mr. R. must very far exceed even your calculation, if you can succeed in such an attempt.
You declare "that you do not hesitate to express your conscientious conviction—that if the enlightened Fox, had continued to preside over their ministry—if we had not after his death been compelled to negotiate with one of the most corrupt ministry in Europe—if the non-importation act had been permitted to operate in all its virtues with I don't know how many other ifs—why that it would have done a great deal of good. With your conscience, sir, neither I, nor the public, I believe, have anything to do—but in your prophecy as to what might have been the effects of the non-importation act I so far agree with you, as to admit if it had not been for a thousand causes which prevented it from doing any sort of good—why that it might perhaps have been beneficial. What do you mean by "its not being permitted to operate in all its virtues?" Who prevented? Was it not the majority who passed the law and the President, who had the entire management of it, and have you the hardihood to censure them? How Mr. R.'s opposition which you have taken great pains to make us believe was altogether trifling and contemptible, can upon this occasion have been swollen into such consequence by you, as to be said to counteract this wonderful law, seems to say the least of it, somewhat unintelligible.
Mr. R. is charged too with producing hopes in Great Britain of "Division amongst ourselves" by opposing this law. And what would this argument of yours amount to? Why that no member should ever vote in the negative upon any question either of internal or external policy, for fear that the enemies of our country might think us divided. The consequence of such doctrine would inevitably be, that the man who voted first upon any question whether aye or no, must govern all the rest—for it never could be ascertained before a vote was taken, unless indeed, notes were counted, upon every occasion (as I hear they very often are) on which a majority would be found. Your attempt to prove Mr. R. an enemy to his country because he cannot agree with every body as to the most effectual means of promoting her interests is in every respect worthy of so sapient—so candid—so patriotic a gentleman. If you can find one solitary human being to agree with you, I can only say he deserves pity more than any other sentiment.
That the circumstance of Mr. Randolph's "speeches being eulogised in England" should be alleged against him, as a crime against his country is one of the most extraordinary that I have ever yet heard; and if

any thing from you could excite my surprise, it would be the quiescence of absurdity. What if Mr. Randolph's eloquence has extorted applause even from his political enemies, can he be justly condemned for it? If this be the reason or common sense, it would be equally proper to charge an American with being English, Irish or French in his predictions, because he happened to praise the orations of a Mirabeau, a Curran, a Fox, or a Chatham.
You tell Mr. Randolph "that if leisure should permit, and his own conduct furnishes you with topics, you may again" do what? "resume your pen," and then you ask him, "in what an awful situation do you stand?" Awful indeed, it must be allowed, when menaced with such terrors as Phocion's pen. For the sympathy which you have been pleased to express for him, he owes you more thanks than I believe either he, or his friends can easily pay you, and the analogy which you have drawn between his fate and that of Lucius, exhibits so much feeling for the latter gentleman, as to induce a suspicion at least, that you must either be a lineal descendant of that celebrated personage of antiquity—or his twin brother, indisposition and character. I think as highly of "interrogating the Tomb," as you can possibly do. We often derive from them as useful lessons of caution to ourselves, as of admonition to others. They "discourse most eloquently" on a variety of topics, and I have little doubt if you continue to prosecute your interrogatories in this favorite pursuit, you might perchance amongst the tombs of calumniators and slanderers, pick up some warnings which would answer well as well for home consumption, as for gratuitous donations to your friends.
You ask "if Mr. R.'s warmest advocates will pretend to deny that he has abandoned the cause of the administration?" If by the cause of the administration, (which I confess is not a very intelligible phrase to me) you mean the cause of the nation; I deny it. Mr. R. I believe, sir, has always been accustomed to consider that there was a very material difference between these two causes, and although they might often concur—yet, that they were so far from being always identified with each other, that they might often mean things entirely opposite. But I humbly beg pardon, sir, for talking a language upon this occasion, which a man of your political principles will hardly understand.
Mr. Randolph considers himself the representative of the people, who intended, when they elected him, that he should exercise whatever judgment nature had given him, freely upon every measure of national concern, whether it happened to be called a measure of the administration, or of a single member of Congress.
Again, you ask, "if he will please to name a particular measure of the administration on which he has supported during the present Congress?" How those measures which may properly be called measures of the administration are to be distinguished from those which are the measures only of individual members of Congress, I am ignorant. You perhaps think the adept at detecting counterfeit bank notes, may be able to point out some private marks by which they may be known—but until you do, I must work in the dark.
I have been at some pains to make enquiries about this charge, and strange as it may appear to you who have assumed the fact as a proof of hostility to the administration; I will point out Mr. Randolph's conduct in relation to the embargo as an evidence that he has supported at least one very important measure of the administration. If you doubt it, sir, read the proposition which Mr. R. submitted to the House, and which was laid aside by a vote of the House to consider the bill from the Senate laying an embargo. This proposition was exactly conformable to the message of the President, related only to our own vessels, and was an infraction of no existing treaty, as the bill from the Senate virtually is. The bill from the Senate differed from Mr. R.'s proposition materially, & it was this bill which he opposed. The wishes of the administration were never urged but by you, in favor of it, and how Mr. R. or any body else was to know that it was just what they desired must be left to you to point out. Give yourself the trouble, sir, to peruse the new-sheets in which the vote was published, and you will find that this was not made a party question. You will perceive that several members, who were never suspected, much less accused of hostility to the Executive, voted against it, and how Mr. R. can be justly accused of systematic opposition for doing so, and they be allowed to have acted from pure motives (as I have no doubt they did) is, I confess, inconceivable to a person of my dull apprehension. But you will find more, sir, you will see that several members who have been suspected and accused too, of obstinacy in driving against the current , voted in favor of this embargo. I beg to be understood as having no other motive for attempting to vindicate Mr. R. from the imputation of voting against this measure, because it was a measure of the Executive, but my inclination to prove you, as you most unquestionably are mistaken, in point of fact. The mistake any one seems unimportant to you, but whilst the public continue to have an old fashioned prejudice in favor of facts, they are entitled to their communication.
With respect to the offence, which you appear to think so heinous a one, of voting against a measure of the administration, I have been always, unfortunately perhaps for myself, one of those who never could for the life of me, perceive how it could, or rather how it ought to operate either for, or against a man, that he happened to oppose or support any measure whatever, merely because it was said to be a measure of the administration. I have seen enough of life, to know that a fact is more useful to that animal, called a politician, than upon proper occasions to be voluntarily deaf, dumb and blind. Mr. Randolph, most unluckily for him, has not yet acquired this art, and what is still worse, I believe he never can. As long as he thinks that the people wish their representatives to be free agents, and not to pin their faith upon the sleeves of any man, whether he be called King, Monarch, President or any thing else, he will continue to make his own judgment, such as it is, the test of every political measure, from whatever source it may spring.
But to return to your accusations and questions. You ask Mr. R. why "his policy on this subject is so inconsistent with the doctrine he professed in 1803" and to prove this, you quote his own words, which, if they have any meaning, demonstrate exactly the reverse of what you attempt to show. The words are: "If I had done any thing, I would have laid an embargo." What is the
plain, obvious meaning of this declaration? Why, that nothing less than an embargo could produce the effect which the friends of the non-importation act intended that would produce, but that Mr. R. was opposed to either at that time, and thought the correct policy was to await the issue of that negotiation, the termination of which we had good cause daily to expect. Did his "eulogies" as you are pleased to style them, "on the virtues of an embargo," prove any thing more than the manner in which he believed such a measure might operate? They could not possibly be considered as proofs that he wished an embargo at that time, because he expressly declared himself opposed to acting at such a juncture.
You quote him as declaring "if there is any wisdom left amongst us, the first step towards hostility will always be an embargo." And where is his denial of this assertion to be found in his opposition to the present embargo? Have his friends ever urged in its favor that it was "a first step towards hostility?" Have they contended that it was not the contrary supported it as a measure that we had a right to take, without affording to any nation just cause of war? Congress had assembled on the 26th October, they had, may I be permitted to say, contrary to general expectation, taken no measures which looked like a determination to go to war—but seemed resolved to wait, at least, until they heard the overtures of atonement for the affair of the Chesapeake, which a special mission from England had been sent to make. The minister was on his way from Norfolk to Washington—No change had taken place in our affairs with England, since the meeting of Congress, for although, we had heard that a measure of retaliation for the French Decree was about to be taken, no certain information of its adoption had been received. The policy of this delay on the part of our government had met with the acquiescence of the nation, and the time for active operations was expected to be as soon as the proposals of the new British minister were received—provided they should turn out to be such as we could not accede to: If the inconveniences to which we are subjected by the embargo, and which every man must both see and feel—together with the probability that it might have been delayed, at least, somewhat longer, if not avoided, are not sufficient arguments to justify a man for voting against it, without exposing him to the suspicion of hostility to the Executive, then, not only Mr. R. but forty odd other members must incur the imputation.
Your attempt to prove Mr. R. a federalist, wants nothing but the small circumstance of truth to make it of some importance. But so far as it is from being true, that he always voted with them, that I will undertake to assert (and the journals of Congress will prove it) that upon no one occasion since he has been a member, has he ever voted with them, where any one principle was involved on which the federalists and old republicans have been divided. There is another small difficulty, which you will have to surmount, before you can make any advances towards the establishment of this charge, and that is to tell us if Mr. R. is a federalist; how it has happened that his principal censures of the administration, are for their acting in several instances on federal principles ? I hope therefore we shall hear no more of this charge, at least until you account for the fact just stated.
You ask with an air of great triumph "what services his country can expect from Mr. R.'s talents?" and you have throughout the whole of your letters, endeavored to impress a belief upon the public, that Mr. R. neither had done or wished to do any thing for the United States in their present critical situation. If any thing else was wanting to convince the public of your real motives for this unwarrantable attack upon Mr. R. your conduct upon this occasion would place it beyond the possibility of doubt. To demonstrate both the injustice and the falsity of this insinuation, I need go no farther than to call the attention of the public to Mr. Randolph's resolutions for arming the whole body of the militia, and for providing a comfortable subsistence for those old officers and soldiers who have spent both their fortunes and their constitutions in defence of their country. Let those who are still willing to do this persecuted and much injured man justice, read these resolutions and his speeches on the occasion; let them read what he has said on the affair of the Chesapeake; let them, if it be at this time possible, take an impartial view of his whole conduct, and I undertake to pronounce that not a shadow of doubt can rest upon the mind of any rational man, as to his patriotism. To Phocion and his pack I make no such appeal; their rancorous and fiend-like hatred of Mr. Randolph, operates on them as the poison of the rattle snake is said to do on him; it renders them totally blind.
To those who are capable of impartiality on this subject, Mr. R. may sometimes appear to indulge too freely in invective, but if he at the same time supports correct principles, are we to abandon both them and him, because his manner of supporting them appears blameable? The truth is, I believe that there never was a public speaker of ardent feelings, and who consequently took a deep interest in every thing he said, that was not frequently letayed into expressions not strictly proper. But to Phocion and such men 'tis in vain to talk on this subject—with him all Mr. Randolph's zeal is called VIOLENCE ; all his animation, intemperance—his reprehension of individuals, abuse of his own nation. And it would be just as rational to expect them to read the orations of Cicero or Demosthenes, with a different taste from that with which they would peruse Goody-two Shoes or Robinson Crusoe, as it would be to calculate on their reading any thing which Mr. R. could possibly say, with a disposition to see in it, what was really intended.
One word more and I trust I have done with you forever. You tell Mr. R. that he has "left no alternative to the republicans, but to adhere to him or to abandon the administration." If that which was formerly said to be a question between principles , has now become one between men , your acknowledgment of it is the first instance of your candor which I have seen, and I willingly give you credit for it. Thus, Mr. Randolph has often asserted, and I presume when he now has your own authority for it, he is in no danger of contradiction, at least from you—Surely, sir, you have been somewhat inadvertent to let this article of your political creed slip out, unless you imagine that men have so far obtained the ascendency over principles , that a concealment of the fact is no longer necessary. But the dreadful alternative to which you consider the republicans reduced, is one which I suspect you will find difficult to make Mr. R. comprehend. He
will not be able readily to perceive how the absolute necessity of adhering either to himself or to the administration. If they will only adhere to their own principles, he will ask nothing more of them. These will lead them in the contemplation of all public measures to enquire, are they correct; are they republican; not are they recommended by the administration; are they supported or opposed by Mr. Randolph?
ANTI-PHOCION. TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
I write to you, my fellow-citizens of Virginia, for the last time. My next letter will be addressed to the people of the U. States. I am doubtful however whether I shall be heard. The great avenue to the national presence, seems to be closed against those who advocate the cause in which I have engaged. I allude to the Aurora. The editor of that paper, laying aside not only his predilection for Mr. Monroe, so often acknowledged during the last summer, but his hostility to Mr. Madison's election, repeatedly and energetically avowed, appears to be disposed to acquiesce in the nomination made by the caucus at Washington, and content himself with saying that "this is not a time for bickering about a President." Bickering at any time is folly. But the election of a President in the present "Crisis of our external affairs" is a matter of the highest importance, and the discussions which it may produce, if conducted with candor and moderation, deserve not this degrading appellation. The subjugation of the European continent, the probable downfall of Great Britain and the awful consequences, which a catastrophe so terrible must inevitably produce, cannot fail to excite in the mind of every thinking man, the most serious apprehensions, not merely for our welfare, but for our national existence. It is at this moment therefore, peculiarly and emphatically at this moment, the duty of the people of these U. States, to examine attentively the pretensions of the several candidates presented to their view, and actuated by a just and independent spirit, to pronounce that decision which may be most conducive to the public good. In the exercise of a power, which the nation has deemed too important to be confided to its ordinary agents, and has therefore reserved to itself, the people are bound at this most interesting period, by motives as cogent as they are obvious, to lay aside all prejudice, to banish all selfish views, and to disregard all considerations except those which the love of our country shall inspire. They are bound to exert their best judgment in selecting for the high and arduous office of President, him whose qualities and talents are best fitted to conduct us with honor and safety, thro' the dangers and perils which are now approaching; and in thus acting they will set an example of justice, independence and patriotism which will reflect credit on themselves and confer a blessing on the present generation and posterity.
On this subject more will be said hereafter. I return to the caucus at Washington. In reflecting on this point, one consideration well deserving notice immediately occurs. To guard against corruption and intrigue—the constitution declares that "no Senator or Representative" shall be appointed an elector. It was apprehended that those who were compelled for a large portion of each year, to remain at the seat of the general government might under the influence of some bias or motive, incompatible with that purity and independence which an elector ought to possess. Remember, my fellow-citizens, that this is a lesson which is inculcated by the constitution itself. If then Senators and Representatives, who are excluded from the electoral assemblies, will yet undertake to prescribe to these assemblies the duty which they are to perform, to point out to them, the person on whom their votes are to be bestowed, what is the inference, which those who respect this part of our constitution, are authorised to make? I will not go so far as to say, that their assumption of the power of recommending a candidate to the nation, is interdicted by the constitution, and ought to be stigmatised as an unwarrantable encroachment on the rights of the people—but, if there be any wisdom in the constitutional regulation here noticed; it may, without any departure from candor or decency be said, that a nomination by senators or representatives is less entitled to the respectful consideration of the people than a nomination made by any other assemblage of intelligent men collected from the same quarters of the Union. In fact their situation is peculiarly delicate. It is not only so in itself, because they are assembled together within the view of those who aspire to the office, and whose influence therefore cannot exerted may be felt, but it is declared to be so by a solemn constitutional provision.
In this view of the subject the reasons which produce a caucus at Washington, ought to be so obvious and so strong as, to leave no room to question its propriety. In fact a caucus there ought not to be held except in a case of necessity. In the year 1800, the great question, whether we should have a republican administration or not, depended on the preservation of harmony and concert among its advocates throughout the Union. The least division would have been fatal to their cause. A caucus therefore at that period was a measure not only justifiable but necessary, or to speak more correctly, it was justifiable, because it was necessary. Not a murmur against it was heard.
The members of the caucus at Washington, cannot without abandoning all pretensions to consistency, controvert the doctrine which is here advanced. In the resolution introduced by Mr. Giles, and unanimously approved, they expressly state, that "they have been induced to adopt this measure from the necessity of the case." This is plain language and I give those who used it full credit for their candor.
This necessity, however, obvious as it might be in Washington, is not perceived here, and probably will not be visible in parts of the union, yet more remote. The state of things now is believed to be entirely different from what it was in the year 1800. The question which then existed, and upon the issue of which the liberty of the nation and the safety of the constitution depended, is at an end. It is believed to be settled forever. Whatever course may be pursued, whether a president be chosen by the people or by the states in congress, the administration of our affairs will be confined to the hands of a republican. The necessity therefore contemplated by the resolution, cannot be that species of necessity which resulted
from the critical state of the republican party in the year 1800.
The friends of this resolution were well aware, that this declaration however solemnly made, might not be implicitly received. They therefore undertook to explain how this necessity is produced. They are impressed they say, with "a deep conviction of the importance of union among the republicans throughout all parts of the United States in the present crisis of both our external and internal affairs." and they think their plan "the best practice & mode of consulting and respecting the interests and wishes of the whole people of the U. States."
I will not take up your time in making on the singular phraseology of this resolution remarks irrelevant to the present subject: nor will I stop to enquire what is the crisis in our internal affairs, to which it alludes, and about which the people at large are so ill-informed. But admitting union among the republicans to be important, and even necessary, I may be permitted to ask, what is the point on which this union is required? Does the resolution mean, union in attachment to their country? That union exists. Does it mean, in adhering to the great principles for which they have contended against their party formerly in power? On this subject no schism is perceived. It is required that the republican shall be united against traitors at home and enemies abroad? On this point there is, there can be, but one sentiment. Or do the friends of the resolution mean, neither more nor less than this that it is important that the republicans should all be united in favor of the presidential candidte, whom they prefer, and that therefore a caucus was necessary? If such was their meaning, the premises are not admitted to be true, and if they were, the deduction is denied to be logical. A measure cannot be necessary because it is important. The necessity of the case, is the ground on which the vindication of the caucus is deliberately and unreservedly placed; and yet this necessity, in support of which no fact is asserted, is reduced by their own statement to a matter of mere policy and expediency. This incongruity of language, and this confusion of ideas was not expected from the acute and intelligent men who composed that caucus. But in truth they are not to be blamed. The fault lay in the subject; & after they had candidly and explicitly avowed the true principle on which alone they were authorised to assemble, it became impossible to surmount the difficulty which that very principle placed directly in their way.
I will bet say that a caucus even in Washington may not be necessary under circumstances different from those which existed in the year 1800. In the vicissitude of human affairs, cases equally urgent may occur—but in the present instance no facts are stated which bring the principle into operation. If a caucus be necessary now, according to the reasoning which it has adopted, a caucus will be always necessary. We may therefore fairly conclude, that the real object of the "senators and representatives" who attended the meeting, was to elect a president, for the United States, so far as it states that object could be promoted or attained by a promulgation to the people, of their sentiments and opinions. Whether this conduct is perfectly correct, in reference to the clause of the constitution before quoted, is a question which is very respectfully submitted to the iron-will consideration: what effect it shall have must be left to the decision of the people.
The last reason assigned in vindication of the necessity of the caucus, will not, it is presumed, be strenuously maintained even by those who have vacated it. It occupies too much ground. It proves that the caucus in question was necessary, it also proves that a caucus will be always necessary; and the result obviously is, that the very persons, who are constitutionally and wisely forbidden to be electors, will always have it in their power, if not to elect a president, at least to create a very strong current in the public sentiment towards the person whom they may think proper to prefer.
It is readily admitted that a caucus of Senators and Representatives might be justified as a necessary measure, if the real object, was either to secure the election of a Republican Chief Magistrate, or to prevent such a collision as would transfer the election to the states in Congress assembled—but this object, important as it would be, if facts presented it to our view, is not avowed by the meeting at Washington. It is therefore fairly to be presumed, that no apprehension of such a collision was entertained. If such had been the case, it cannot be supposed, that they would have failed to state a consideration so essential in their solemn and deliberate exposition of the motives by which they were governed.
For these reasons I object to the caucus at Washington; and for the reason assigned in a former number, I object to the inference which is deduced from it, as indisputable evidence of the sentiments of the nation at large.
Before I conclude this preliminary discussion, I will devote a few moments to the consideration of two remarks which have been urged against the friends of Mr. Monroe, Virginia, it has been said, discovers in offering two of her citizens to the choice of the people, a haughty and arrogant spirit, offensive to her sister states. The remark itself is not very delicate towards those on whose account it is professed to be made. It implies that they are actuated by a sentiment of illiberal jealousy, disgracing to themselves and injurious to their country. I do not believe it. The same generous and national sentiment which prevails in Virginia must be equally predominant in every quarter of the union. The citizens of this state, as a part of the American people, would feel both pride and joy, in hearing that there were in every other state, not only two, but ten men, all of whom were believed by those who knew them best, to be worthy of the high office, which Mr. Monroe is deemed so eminently qualified to fill.
It has been also said and for aught that I know it may be true, that the federalists in this state mean to vote for Mr. Monroe. From this circumstance, it has been, not positively affirmed, but indirectly insinuated, that a coalition has taken place between them and the republican friends of Mr. Monroe. Ever since the memoranda of administration of lord North and Mr. Fox, this word has had any meaning in the political world. It is always understood to imply a union resulting from a dereliction of principle. Taking the term in this acceptance, the application of it, to the republican supporters of Mr. Monroe, was not expected from any man possessing either intelligence or candor.
Coming from the writer, who has distinguished himself as the advocate of Mr. Madison's election, it could not fail to excite both very great surprise, and very sincere regret—Perhaps however, I do not understand him—if he means only that the federalists in can unite with republicans in voting for Monroe, the remark reflects no discredit on the latter. The federalists, have a right to give their suffrages according to their own discretion. As they cannot have a president from their own party, of the two republicans, whose pretensions are before the public, they must make their choice, or do nothing. It is said that they prefer Mr. Monroe—Why they give him the preference I know not. Let them explain their motives in their own way. But whatever they may be, the friends of Mr. Monroe, will not on their account desert him. They will not abandon the ground, to which their duty to their country calls them, because others who have an equal right, choose to occupy it with them. It is not understood that the caucus at the Bell, expelled the attending federalists from their society, or that the friends of Mr. Madison, manifested any repugnance to the vote of a federal Senator from Massachusetts.
If on the other hand it be meant to be insinuated that the republican friends of Mr. Monroe have entered into any kind of concert, agreement, or compromise, with their political opponents, that they have by words or acts or any character or description, indicated a disposition to abandon, or recede from the principles which they have hitherto advocated and revered, the charge is sneanly, explicitly, unequivocally denied to be true. If any thing like evidence, or any circumstance furnishing even materials for suspicion, can be adduced, let it be stated—let the apostates be named, and let them be held up to the scorn and detestation of mankind. But if no such evidence exists, if no such circumstance can be adduced, if the insinuation resulted from a momentary excess of that zeal, into which men the most moderate are sometimes betrayed, the accuser, of his character is not misunderstood, will need no admonition as to the course which he is bound to pursue. I appeal to himself to say whether he cannot count among the friends of Mr. Monroe's election numbers, whose purity of principle, and faithful and constant devotion to the republican cause, are no less justly than generally acknowledged. Farewell. HORTENSIUS.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
When the tomahawk and scalping knife are lifted up and their savage lords wait only the signal of British emissaries to inundate our extensive frontiers with blood and carnage—When the scymitar of the Barbarian is unsheathed and his ships are traversing the ocean with the avowed design of preying on our defenceless commerce and dragging our free-born citizens into captivity, slavery and chains, in a country where the miseries attendant on these situations will be aggravated by inhumanity and the diseases inseparable, in a burning clime, from these who are accustomed to it—When the unjust pretensions of Spain are unabandoned and only suspended for a time, to be renewed with unprecedented violence so soon as she shall be freed from her present difficulties—When the British government after having continued for years, regardless of our rights as men and our privileges as they had been secured by treaty with herself, to make spoliations on our commerce, to confiscate our vessels and their cargoes on pretences the most unallowable, frivolous and absurd, and to impress our countrymen into a servitude lasting as life and more dreadful than death; have blockaded our ports and insulted the civil magistrates of our country; have attacked our ships and murdered our citizens in time of peace; have broken off negotiation even for ostensible purposes, and will ere long, endeavour to renew the scenes of 1775-6—When it appears that France too may be added to the number of our enemies, When our commerce is shut out from almost every port of Europe, while if any are left open, the restrictions placed upon it are nearly tantamount to a prohibition; When the constituted authorities have deemed an embargo necessary for the preservation of American property—When a traitorous conspiracy has been recently detected in the bosom of our country for the dismemberment of our union, and the establishment (over a part of it) of despotic authority, the authors of which are no yet brought to justice; but are encouraged and supported by another party of men among us, and perhaps even this, have, under British influence, resumed their former views in their fullest extent—When the federalists are impatiently watching for returning power—When every effort will be necessary to dissipate the stormy clouds which surround us on all sides, and which every moment continue to loom more dreadfully upon us—Is this a time to create new divisions and to widen the old? Is this a time to aim the shaft of slander and to triumph in its deadly effects? Is this a time for some to become the leaders of fresh parties, and for others to enlist themselves, in the most rancorous spirit of malignancy under their banners? Is this a time to fight, not for measures, but for men? It had been hoped that in such a crisis as this, the friends of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Madison would not have urged them to a collision, which must terminate in disappointment to one or both of them, and may be productive of the most serious evils to their country. The long and faithful services of these two gentlemen certainly entitle them to our gratitude—that they possess; and it had been asserted and believed that neither would oppose the other at any time; much less at a time like this. The presidency of the U.S. is a reward every way appropriate to the merits of each; yet we cannot confer it at the same time upon both. But the hopes and expectations of those who wish well to their country have been disappointed, and it is determined a controversy shall take place, which is big with disaster and misfortune, and promises, for the following reasons, to be of unexampled rancour; 1. from the great zeal which has also early a period, been displayed on both sides; 2. from the imputations which have already been cast by the one party on the other opposed to them (particularly their leader); 3. from the recriminations which have, and will follow: 4. from the illiberal and pitiful animadversions which have been made on the executive department of the federal government, generally, and on our venerable President peculiarly. He will not be permitted to sink below the horizon in secrecy—the clouds of calumny and slander are already spread around him for the purpose of obscuring his declining lustre. Accusations the most unfounded, assertions the most malicious, and insinuations the most illiberal have been directed concerning him, merely because he is sus-

pected by some to be favorable to Mr. Madison's election. To promote this it seems Mr. Jefferson sent Mr. Monroe first to Paris and afterwards to the court of St. James's; there he detained him unnecessarily a great length of time by embarrassing the negotiation; finally, flung an insurmountable obstacle in the way, when an honorable and advantageous treaty was on the point of being concluded. And in proof of this, the present state of them, is to be called upon after an exposition of the treaty which was returned, and which has never been fairly laid before the public. But such insinuations as these bear too plainly on their front the stamp of malevolence to impose upon any but the most thoughtless and credulous, and the odium which is in vain attempted to be attached to the first man of his country, will return with treble violence upon the heads of his accusers. When, however, a man whose whole life has been devoted to the cause of philanthropy and the service of his country with the greatest success and in the most eminent stations, is thus assailed by the viper tongue of slander, it is no wonder that Mr. Madison should not escape with impunity, or that allegations should be made as like inimical to his fame as a statesman and his integrity as a man. But those who endeavor thus to blast the character of men deservedly dear to their country, to inflame division, at all times most sincerely to be deprecated, and to provoke from some few of the thoughtless part of their opponents, assertions as intemperate and as false as those themselves have fabricated, and think that by so doing they promote the interest of Mr. Monroe, may, when it is too late, discover their error, and sink damned by the voice of the nation into insignificance and contempt.
Much, very much depends upon our conduct at the present time. Another schism, yet in embryo, is about to commence, pregnant with misfortune, which, if it may not be now difficult to stop its progress, if suffered to go on and increase its strength; if cherished into maturity, will soon burst through every opposing barrier and resistless in its course, sweep before it the happiness of our country. Let us not then plunge into those misfortunes from which we have recently escaped. Let us leave opening for federalism, who though apparently benumbed by a few years of torpid inaction, still watching every secret, and wilfully on the slightest prospect of recovering her former influence, spring up with the elasticity of youth, and seize with avidity on every advantage which may be offered her. Already have her votaries taken the alarm; already do they congratulate themselves on their brightening prospects; already do they depict to themselves the time and revel in the anticipation, when we, like the lion and the bear shall be powerless by contention, and they, like the insidious fox, shall bear away the prize. Let us cut off the hopes of quidism, who would doubtless support her sister and share the spoils. Let us with every effort again to establish a foreign influence over our country, and by an immediate coalition completely annihilate the power of placing over us any other man than a man of our choice, or our own impudence, subject ourselves to those whose talents may be unequal to the task of government, or whose principles may militate against our own.
Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe both stand high in the affections of the people and would either of them, were the other out of the question, be elected by a large majority, but I do not believe either of them possessed of sufficient ascendancy to overcome all opposition. Should this opposition terminate in the election of a President less virtuous than either of them, foreign influence may again be realized over our councils; emboldened by our folly, corruption will be let loose; raised by our improvidence and strengthened by our divisions, the genius of aristocracy will spring, like the fabled Phoenix, regenerated from the ashes of Republicanism; and then, farewell to liberty! farewell to happiness! Even now malevolence and rancor seem to be taking place of cool and moderate discussion—the shafts of malevolence are aimed at all who promise to be influential in the election of Mr. Madison, and at many whose opinions are not yet known—the floor of Congress has been the scene of violent invective and personal abuse—but I still remember that when red hot balls are thrown, they may be answered in kind. Let the friends of Mr. Monroe remember, that the charges which have been made against Mr. Madison (particularly that of the Yazoo report) may be followed by others against Mr. Monroe. Let them remember that if Mr. Madison is human and has his faults, Mr. Monroe is so too, and when he is scrutinized with as great a desire to find out his defects as was Mr. Madison, there may be found traits in his character, equally deserving of censure.
But where is the object and where is the consistency of Mr. Monroe's republican friends, in coalescing with federalists? Men whose opinions they have uniformly pronounced to be heterodox? A disappointed faction, who would scruple at no means, however improper, to regain the power they have lost? Does this coalition originate in a change of principles? It is an observation true as a rule, that "birds of a feather flock together." Whatever the reality may be, their conduct certainly exposes them to suspicion of their inconsistency to ridicule. Can it be possible, that those who take the most active part in vilifying men who deservedly possess the confidence of the people, think this to recommend themselves more strongly to those whom they hope to bring into the administration, with a view of taking part in it themselves? Or of being recompensed for their services by places of honor or profit, under that (ideal) administration? Or on the failure of these views, of acquiring popularity by their writing? If so, how miserably are they mistaken? How grievous will be their disappointment? Mr. Monroe has an example before him, of a man whose talents commanded the admiration of all, and whom it would have been heresy to have considered in any other light than that of the purest patriot and firmest republican, yet seduced by the blandishments of the federal party into the most vehement opposition to that very government and those very principles of which he had been the most strenuous supporter. At a moment when his party spirit was roused by what he had conceived to be personal indignity and insult—when perhaps he had dropped insinuations which, though he felt their injustice, he was too proud to retract—this was the time which they choose to entrap him in their insidious snare, and overwhelm and smother him in their caresses; and though they could not engage him as an ally, they succeeded in precipitating him into a war with his former friends, and have thus rendered him an use-
ful auxiliary, if not a willing one. Let Mr. Monroe and every other man beware of federal friendship. It ruins all who possess it. A dreadful fatality has attended all on whom it has been conferred. Like the insidious Syren, it professes but to deceive—it caresses but to destroy. CRANTON.
Having complied with our engagements to our Subscribers, we shall henceforth publish the ENQUIRER only twice a week. The next paper will not therefore appear until Friday.
We are authorised to state, that Andrew Stevenson, Esquire, offers himself as a candidate to represent the city of Richmond in the ensuing Legislature.
We are authorised to state, that R. Lindsay, Esq. declines serving on the committee for the county of Albemarle to support the election of Col. Monroe.
Errata in the 3d. No. of Tullius. For "most monstrous" read "monstrous." For "insidious" read "invidious." For "they cautions" read "they caress."
The number and amount of new arms finished, and old arms repaired, in the ten months, ending with the 30th September, 1807, at the V. Armory. 1435 Muskets [new] with long bayonets, at 11 45 1 16432 18 343 Large horse pistols for carrying a musket carbine, at 7 94 2 723 42 1877 Cavalry swords, at 5 75 7 7354 43 695 Polish'd horse carbines for cavalry s. lined with wood, at 2 98 5 2074 57 273 Set tins for leather scabbards for do. do. at 83 196 38 91 Artillery or grenadier swords, at 4 97 5 492 62 240 Set tins for scabbard for do. at 73 182 50 73 Rifles with long bayonets, bullet moulds & wipers, at 18 79 2 1371 81 330 Old muskets repaired and finished at various pieces, at 1615 69 187 Old brass fitted swords repaired and finished, do. 233 82 5 32,687
It is not true, says the Aurora, that general Dearborn has resigned the office of secretary at war.
[The following article is copied from Major Jackson's Political Register .]
INTERESTING. "We have this morning received a letter from a respectable correspondent, whose information we know to be authentic, stating that Mr. Rose's powers to negotiate are confined to the affair of the Chesapeake —he has informed our government he is authorised to make full and honorable reparation for the aggression of the Leopard —but he refuses to say what this reparation consists of, until the President's proclamation prohibiting British vessels of war to enter our waters, is withdrawn—Notwithstanding this demur, an opinion is expressed, that matters will be accommodated with Great Britain."
Anxious as we are to preserve the relations of peace, we cannot admit of the propriety of complying with Mr. Rose's pecuniary, as such compliance must affect in a material degree, the consistency of our claim to atonement.
Government has received dispatches from Mr. Pinkney, by the ship Pocahontas , arrived at Norfolk.
[The above is extracted from an inveterate federal paper—Grant the facts, and what follows? Is it not true that in every affair of honor (merely considered in that point of view) an apology must be given for the first offence, before the subsequent measures of reparation are to be recalled? A calls B a scoundrel, and B retaliates by calling A a liar, must not A recall his second retort before B is bound to retract his liar? Apply this rule of etiquette to the attack on the Chesapeake , and to the Proclamation of the U. S.]
A paragraph under the head of Petersburg, Nov. 10, says that an Embargo had been laid on all the English vessels, the tall English property had been sequestered, and that Lord Gower had obtained his passports, and was about returning to England.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, February 8. Mr. Mumford presented the memorial of certain Yazoo claimants in the city of New-York, praying a consideration of their claim. Referred to the committee of the whole to whom was referred the memorial from the legislature of Massachusetts on that subject.
Mr. Samuel Smith presented the memorial of a number of inhabitants of the county of Erie, Pennsylvania, praying for an enquiry into the defect in the law or administration of the law for the punishment of treason; which was referred to the committee on that part of the President's message which relates to enterprises against the public peace.
Mr. S. Smith also presented a petition from the inhabitants of the same county, representing their unprotected and dangerous situation in case of a war as apprehended; and praying the attention of Congress to their situation. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Burwell presented the following resolution: Resolved, That the committee on our military and naval establishments be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the President of the United States to procure as soon as practicable a thousand stand of arms.
Mr. Burwell hoped the House would agree to the resolution, that it might go to the committee that they might report a bill. It would be recalled that a colleague of his had a few weeks ago submitted to the House some resolutions for the purpose of arming the whole militia in the United States. This gentleman, said Mr. B. is at this time so much indisposed as to be unable to attend, and possibly the nation may not at this session receive the benefit of any such plan. If, however, the resolution which I offer, shall become the foundation of a law, and the House appropriate a sufficient sum to purchase fifty or an hundred thousand stand of arms, it will not interfere with that object, if it can be accomplished; but, if procured, they might be so disposed as to arm the militia or regular force according to the future determination of the House. It is scarcely necessary to call the attention of the House to the situation of the U. States; every man must be impressed with it; our commerce attacked in every part of the globe, our peace menaced by the most powerful nations in the world. Although there may be in the United States an indisposition to protect commerce at all hazards, yet whenever it is necessary (no man can tell what is to happen in the present state of things, we should therefore prepare for the worst) to pre-
pare for defence against attack on land but one opinion can prevail. I have offered this resolution because the procuring arms will be indispensably necessary to enable us to defend the country. I am one who believes that if this country is possessed of a sufficient number of arms, it is perfectly safe against the world. I for one feel no sort of alarm; I feel indifferent to any combination however extensive or formidable. It is impossible to conquer this country; it would require a corporal and a guard for every man. Let us have arms and I fear not any mischief from combination of any kind against the country. I hope the resolution will be agreed to and referred to the committee I have mentioned.
Mr. Bacon thought this a resolution of considerable importance, which need not be adopted at a moment's warning. He wished further time to consider the subject, and moved that it be referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson said that the committee on our military and naval establishments had made the enquiry contemplated by the resolution. They found that the United States were now in possession of 123,000 stand of arms, and annually manufactured 10,000 in addition. Upon this enquiry they had thought it unnecessary to enquire into the means of procuring an additional supply.
Mr. Marion said it was indifferent to him what course this resolution should take, though he was anxious that the House should come to some determination on the subject. Early in the session a committee had reported a resolution for loaning or selling arms to the several states, which resolution had lain on the table. Several legislatures had since been in session and appropriated money for procuring arms. But as long as these resolutions were pending in this House, and Congress had the subject under consideration, they knew not how to act. If Congress will purchase arms, said Mr. M. it is unnecessary for the states to do it; if Congress will sell them, the states will purchase them. I myself have been applied to by a state authority to know what success they would meet in an attempt to procure arms in the United States. It is impossible to purchase them in the United States; the armories and manufacturers are in contract with the United States or with the states for all that can be manufactured, and it is impossible to procure them except from foreign nations. If this resolution were adopted, the details from the committee might furnish some mode of procuring them. It is desirable that something on this subject may be done, and this course may produce the most speedy decision.
Mr. Ely thought it a truly desirable object that the United States should possess more arms than they do at present. One hundred and thirty thousand were not half the number that the United States ought to possess. He should be willing to adopt the resolution if the gentleman from Virginia or any other would show the means to carry that object into effect, that arms could be procured; but until it could be shown that there were arms in the U. S. which could be purchased, it was unnecessary to trouble the House with a discussion on the subject, as it would have a tendency to prevent the states from arming. Now if the gentleman who proposed the resolution could show where 50,000 stand of arms were to be had, he would adopt any measure for procuring them. He did not think 100,000 stand would be one musket more than the U. States ought to have in addition to their present supply; but he would not be willing to adopt the resolution except it were shown where they could be purchased. The political world was now in such a state that arms could not be procured from foreign nations; he should be glad that some way could be demonstrated. He wished to know before they committed the subject, that the resolution embraced an object within their reach.
Mr. Bacon withdrew his motion for commitment, and moved that it lie on the table.
Mr. Burwell assured the gentleman just now, that he had not introduced the resolution to promote useless discussion. [Mr. Ely explained that he had not meant to express an idea that he had.] It was no part of his object. It appears to me said Mr. B. that nothing can be more evident than that every country which anticipates attack should possess more arms than necessary to arm any particular number of men that are likely to be called out at one time. Let us suppose that by what ever event a part of our arms should be destroyed. Is it not necessary that there should be a certain deposit whence they can be immediately supplied? I presume that there should. As to any particular place where any quantity of arms can now be procured, I cannot designate any. The resolution contemplates vesting a power in the government to purchase them if they can be had. There are no doubt, some few in the sea ports. Government may purchase them. Although we cannot import them at this day, we may in a few weeks or months, in which time the state of things may be so far changed as to put it in the power of the President to procure them. With respect to the number of arms already belonging to the United States, it will be considered that we have an exposed frontier, liable to the attack of nations on our borders, and it is indispensably necessary that the inhabitants on our frontier should be armed. The petition this day presented by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smith) sufficiently evinces that the United States are not amply provided with arms.
Mr. S. Smith, deemed this duty to state that the fears of the petitioners just alluded to were not chimerical; he personally knew their situation, and was anxious that something should be done for their relief.
Mr. Burwell having expressed a consent that it might lie on the table. The resolution was so disposed of, 42 to 34.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. W. Aton moved that the unfinished business of the last sitting. [Mr. Blount's renewal of Mr. Sloan's motion for the removal of the seat of government] be postponed indefinitely. He presumed every gentleman must be convinced that sufficient time had been occupied by it.
After some discussion, the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, Feb. 9.
The unfinished business of yesterday being called up immediately on the meeting of the House, Mr. Sedman called the yeas and nays on considering it, which being taken, there were for considering it 25, against 51.
Mr. M. Clay moved for the order of the day on the bill for classing the militia. Negatived 44 to 38.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. M. Williams, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Cotts in the chair, on the bill making additional compensation to the marshals of the districts of North Carolina and N. Jersey.
After some discussion of the bill, in which Mr. Blackledge and others forcibly represented the peculiar situation of the marshal in the state of N. Carolina, a question was taken on filling the blank for the addition to the salary of that officer, with five hundred dollars and negatived—ayes 29, noes 44.
After some observations from Mr. Southard relative to the situation of the marshal of N. Jersey, the blank for the addition to his salary was filled with 200 dollars, when
The committee rose and reported the bill, which, after some objections by Mr. Withersall, and reply by Messrs. M. Williams, Mason, Newton, and Blackledge, was ordered to a third reading.
Here a message was presented from the P. of the U. S. relative to Algiers.
The message with its enclosures, being read, Mr. Quincy moved that it be referred to a select committee—Agreed. Messrs. Quincy, Fiske, N. Jones, Taylor, Troup, Johnson, and Mumford form the committee.
A number of orders of the day being named, the House went into a committee of the whole, on motion of Mr. Newton, 52 to 23, on the bill supplementary to an act prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise. Mr. Pitkin in the chair.
After some amendments to the detail of the bill the committee rose and reported the bill with amendments. The bill was gone through in the House and ordered to a third reading to-morrow; when the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 10.
Mr. Dawson said it would be remembered that some days ago there was before the House a bill for raising an additional number of seamen. He had since received a letter on the subject from the Secretary of the Navy, which, as he intended to call up the bill to-morrow, he submitted to the House as follows:
Navy Department, 27th January, 1808.
SIR, Your letter of yesterday in relation to the number of seamen at present wanted by government for the service of the United States, has been referred to the President, & I am charged by him to inform you that he does not wish to be empowered to employ more seamen than the number at present authorised by law, viz. 1425, of which 925 were authorised by the act of Congress of 21st of April, 1806, and 500 by the act of 3d March, 1807.
I have the honor to be, Respectfully, Sir, your obt. servant, (Signed) R. SMITH.
Honorable Mr. Dawson, Congress. THOMAS PAINE'S PETITION TO CONGRESS.
Presented on the 4th February, and referred to the committee of claims. To the Hon. the Representatives of the U. States.
The purport of this address is to state a claim I feel myself entitled to make on the United States, leaving to their representatives in Congress to decide on its worth and merits. The case is as follows:
Towards the latter end of the year 1780, the continental money had become so depreciated, a paper dollar not being worth more than a cent, that it seemed next to impossibility to continue the war.
As the United States were then in alliance with France, it became necessary to make France acquainted with our real situation. Therefore drew up a letter to Count Vergennes, stating undigested the true case, concluding with the request whether France could not, either as a subsidy or a loan, supply the United States with a million sterling and continue the supply annually during the war.
I showed this letter to Mr. Marbois, secretary to the French minister. His remark upon it was, that a million sent out of the nation exhausted it more than ten millions spent in it. I then showed it to Relph Isard, member of Congress from South Carolina. He borrowed the letter of me, and said "We will endeavor to do something about it in Congress."
Accordingly Congress appointed colonel J. Laurens, then aid to general Washington, to go to France and make representation of our situation, for the purpose of obtaining assistance. Col. Laurens wished to decline the mission and that Congress would appoint colonel Hamilton, which Congress did not chuse to do.
Col. Laurens then came to state the case to me. He said he was enough acquainted with the military difficulties of the army, but that he was not enough acquainted with political affairs, nor with the resources of the country; but, said he, if you will go with me, I will accept, which I agreed to do, and did so.
We sailed from Boston in the Alliance frigate, capt. Barry, the beginning of February, '81, and arrived at L'Orient the beginning of March. The aid obtained from France was six millions livres as a present, and ten millions as a loan borrowed in Holland on the security of France. We sailed from Brest in the French Resolution Frigate, the first of June and arrived at Boston the 25th August, bringing with us two millions and a half in silver, and conveying a ship and a brig laden with clothing and military stores. The money was transported in 16 ox teams to the national bank at Philadelphia, which enabled the army to march to Yorktown to attack, in conjunction with the French army under Rochambeau, the British army under Cornwallis. As I never had a cent for this service, I feel myself entitled, as the country now is in a state of prosperity, to state the case to Congress.
As to my political works, beginning with the pamphlet Common Sense published the beginning of Jan. '76, which awakened Americans to a declaration of independence, the president and vice president both knew. As they were works done from principle, I cannot dishonor that principle by asking any reward for them. The country has been benefited by them, and I make myself happy in the knowledge of it. It is however proper for me to add, that the mere independence of America were it to have been followed by a system of government modelled after the corrupt system of the English government, it would not have interested me with the unabated ardor it did. It was to bring forward and establish the representative system of government as the work itself will show, that was the leading principle with me in writing that work and all my other works, during the progress of the revolution, and I followed the same principle in writing the Rights of Man in England.
There is a resolve of the old Congress, while they sat at New-York, of a grant to me of three thousand dollars. The resolve is put in handsome language, but it has relation to a matter which it does not express. Eldridge Gerry was c. r. a. of the committee who brought in the resolve. If Congress should judge proper to refer this memorial to a committee, I will inform that committee of its particulars of it.
I have also to state to Congress, that the authority of the old Congress became so reduced towards the close of the war, as to be unable to hold the states together. Congress could do no more than recommend, of which the states took no notice; and when they did it was never uniformly.
After the failure of the five per cent. duty recommended by Congress, to pay the interest of a loan to be borrowed in Holland, I wrote to chancellor Livingston, their minister for foreign affairs, and Robert Morris, minister of finance, and proposed a method for getting over the whole difficulty at once, which was by adding a continental allegiance to Congress, who should be em-
powered to make loans for the union, instead of recommending them. As the method proposed met with their full approbation I held my act in reserve to take the subject up where a correct occasion occurred.
In a conversation afterwards with Govt. Clinton, of New-York, it was suggested that for the purpose of my going fully into the subject, and to prevent any misapprehension of my views or object, it would be best that I received nothing from Congress, but leave it to them individually to make me what acknowledgements they pleased.
The state of New-York made me a present of a farm, which since my t. to America I have found it necessary to sell; and the state of Pennsylvania voted me five hundred pounds the interest. But none of the states to the eastward of New-York, or to the southward of Pennsylvania, have yet made me the least acknowledgment. They had received from me, which they accepted and there the matter ended. THIS STORY WILL NOT TELL WELL IN HISTORY. All the civilized world knows I have been of great service to the United States and have generously given away talents that would have made me a fortune.
Much question whether an instance is to be found, in ancient or modern times, of a man who had no personal interests in the cause he took up, that of Independence and the representative System of Government, and who sought neither place nor office after it was established, that preserved the same undeviating principles as I have done for more than thirty years and that in spite of difficulties, dangers and inconveniences, of which I have had my share.
THOMAS PAINE.
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Friday next, the 19th instant, will be sold WITHOUT RESERVE, at the Vendue Office of the subscriber.
6 Hds. good Sugar, 2 pipes 4th proof Cogniac Brandy, 10 do. real Holland Gin, 6 qt. casks excellent Sherry Wine, 5 Hds. do. do. 18 small chests of the best Imperial Tea (containing about 70 lbs. each) 10 do. do. 14 lb. do. 2 pipes, 3 Hds. Madeira Wine imported from the house of Scott & Co. payable 8th May. 4 casks Purchases under fifty dollars, cash—Negotiable notes with approved endorsers will be required. Feb. 16. JAMES BROWN Jr. (tds)
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday 17th instant, will be sold at Mr. Hough's Cabinet Warehouse, opposite the City Tavern, the entire stock of FURNITURE on hand; consisting of the most elegant Side-boards, Dining Tables, Card do. Sephas, Secret. do. Bedsteads, Mattresses, Easy Chairs, Wash-stands, Butler's Trays, Knife-boxes, Window Boards, &c. &c. Terms of sale, Cash. Darnstadt, Foster & Satchell, Auc'trs. Feb. 16. (17)
THE subscriber has accommodations for six or eight boarders by the year, or moderate terms. ALEXE. QUARRIER. Feb. 16. (opt)
FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Butler Bradburn, to secure the payment of a debt to Wm. Galt, will be exposed to sale at public auction, for ready money, on Wednesday the 2d of March next, at Thomas Wills' in the town of Milton, a well-improved LOT in the said town; it's an advantageous situation for a carriage or wagon maker, there being on the lot a large work shop, a good blacksmith's shop and a well finished dwelling house; acting as a trustee, will only convey the title vested in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Feb. 16. (cp3t)
NOTICE—All persons to whom the estate of the late Major Wm. Dudley, dec'd. of Warwick county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of June next, to bring forward their claims properly substantiated, that provision may be made for payment; and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. SAML. SHIELD, Adm'r. of Wm. Dudley, deceased. York County, Feb. 15, 1808. (law4w)
SECOND NOTICE—Whereas I became indebted to George Madison of the county of King William some time in January last, in the sum of thirty-five pounds and a crown, for which sum I gave said George my note or bond; and whereas Roger Madison made affidavit before Mr. T. R. Evans of said county, that he said Roger, had lost said bond, in consequence of which affidavit accompanied with an order from said George to Reuben Madison of said county, to send him a second bond or note by said Reuben; and I did send a second bond, which second bond Reuben never did deliver to said George; and whereas the said George has found the last bond and now has it in possession, I therefore take this method of publicly demanding the second bond from Reuben Madison according to receipt, and also for all persons from taking a transfer of the first bond from either George or Roger Madison as they are indebted to me; for which debts there are suits now depending and I shall plead this publication in bar against both bonds. JAMES JONES. King & Queen, Feb. 16, 1808. (34)
MESSRS. Nathaniel, Benjamin, and John Shepherd, and John S. Moore—Take Notice, that I shall on Thursday the 10th day of March, 1808, between the hours of eleven in the forenoon and five in the afternoon, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, proceed to take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the injunction pending in the county court of King William, wherein I am plaintiff & you are defendants; and also, that on the 21st day of March, 1808, at the Tavern at King William and court-house, between the same hours, I shall take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the same injunction. GEORGE R. LEIPER, Exor. of Bernard Moore, dec'd. Feb. 18. (law5w4)
JUST PUBLISHED, and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book Store, near the Market Bridge, Part 2 of Vol. 1 of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS. Feb. 16. (law3w)
THE Manchester Republican Blues are requested to appear in uniform on their parade ground on Saturday the 20th inst. precisely at 3 o'clock P. M. By order of the Captain, JAMES HEWLETT, Sergt. February 15.
TO HIRE, for the present year, a likely Female House SERVANT—Enquire at the Office of the Enquirer. Feb. 16. (tf)
By virtue of a deed of trust from John Hendrick to the subscriber, and bearing date the 8th of January, 1807, and of record in Hanover office; Will be sold on Thursday the 18th inst. on the premises, to the highest bidder, for ready money, one hundred acres of LAND, being the same more or less, in Hanover county, being the lower part of the Tract wherein said Hendrick resides, to satisfy the debts in said deed expressed. THOMAS PRICE, Tr. Feb. 16. (24)
TO RENT—The Store now occupied by Messrs. Dodge & Golly—Possession will be given on the 1st March next. For terms apply to M. M. Myers. Richmond, Feb. 16. (tf)

ACTS PASSED AT THE SESSION OF 1807-8.
(Continued.)
84. Concerning William Richardson, as executor of John Collins, deceased.
85. Placing on the list of pensioners several persons therein named.
86. Increasing the number of magistrates within the city of Richmond, and for other purposes therein mentioned.
87. Authorising the courts of Berkeley and Fauquier counties to appropriate certain money therein mentioned.
88. Amending the act entitled, "An act regulating the manner in which certain duties shall be performed by the county & corporation courts."
89. To amend the act, entitled "An act to reduce into one, the several acts concerning mills, mill dams and other obstructions of water courses."
90. Placing William Rice on the list of pensioners.
91. For the defence of the Eastern Frontier of this commonwealth.
The executive are to cause to be mounted on sufficient and proper carriages, all the pieces of artillery belonging to the commonwealth, fit for service, so soon as the consent of Congress shall have been obtained, & if the Executive shall deem it expedient, they shall cause to be raised for the service of the commonwealth, 3 companies of artillery, each company to consist of one captain, one 1st lieutenant, one 2d lieutenant, one 3d lieutenant, four serjeants, four corporals, two musicians, eight serjeants, and sixty-six privates, who shall be entitled to the same pay, rations & clothing as the same are allowed by the United States. Every recruit shall be enlisted for five years unless sooner discharged, and shall receive a bounty of sixteen dollars. The men to be free white citizens, not less than five feet five inches high and between the ages of 18 and forty five, and such as owe allegiance to no foreign power; but no person under twenty one years shall be enlisted without the consent of his father, guardian or master. The compensation for wounds, &c. shall be the same as in like cases allowed by the United States. Every person belonging to the said corps shall take an oath prescribed by this act, and be subject to the articles of war prescribed by Congress. The expenses incurred under this act are to be defrayed out of any money in the treasury; the corps to be employed for the protection of the state, in such manner as the governor shall direct; and in order that the claim of the state may be reimbursed by the general government, the executive are to cause correct accounts with proper vouchers to be kept. [To commence from the passing.]
92. Concerning William Smith.
93. Concerning Sheriffs.
If a sheriff levy an execution on property and a doubt arises whether it belong to the debtor or not, such sheriff may apply to the plaintiff, his attorney or agent for his bond with good security for his bond for indemnification for the sale of the property; and if it be not given before the day of sale, the sheriff shall be justified in delivering up the property to the person from whom it was taken. If such bond and security be given, it shall be returned with the execution to the clerk's office from whence it issued; and any person claiming the property may, in the name of the officer, prosecute a suit on the bond, and recover such damages as a jury may assess, provided that the person claiming the property shall give reasonable notice to the plaintiff, his attorney or agent of his claim so as to enable him to give such bond and security before the day of sale; which notice shall be proved by the affidavit of some disinterested person before the property shall be restored. The party laying claim to the property shall be barred of his right of action against the sheriff unless the obligor in the bond prove insolvent.
94. To amend the act entitled an act to amend the act, to incorporate two companies for the purpose of cutting a canal from Roanoke river to Meherrin river, and another navigable canal from Nansemond river to Bennett's creek, in the state of N. Carolina.
95. To amend the act appointing commissioners to view the way for a navigable canal from Roanoke to Appomattox.
96. For paying the officers of the general assembly for their services during the present session.
97. Appointing an agent to recover and receive certain monies due to this commonwealth in the state of Kentucky.
98. To amend and explain an act entitled an act, to alter the Hustings Court of Norfolk Borough.
99. An act to amend the several acts prescribing the mode of ascertaining the taxable property within the Commonwealth, and for collecting the public revenue and for other purposes.
The commissioners of the revenue now in office, are not, in the present year, to perform the duties required by the 8th section of the act prescribing the mode of ascertaining the taxable property, &c. (See Rev. Code, ch. 83,) but shall commence on the first day of March, 1809, and shall take a list of all the property within their district, liable to taxation, (land excepted) on the last day of February then next preceding. Every Commissioner hereafter appointed shall commence his duties on the first of March, annually, and his lists of taxable property and land shall have relation to the last day of February preceding, and such lists shall hereafter be returned to the persons directed by law, on the 31st of May in every year. Vacancies in the office of commissioner or may be supplied at any stated session of the court. Every sheriff shall proceed to collect in the present year 1808, all taxes imposed by law agreeably to the lists returned by the commissioners in 1807. And the taxes agreeably to lists hereafter to be taken by the commissioners, commencing the first of March 1809, shall be collected in the same year 1809, and in like manner in each year thereafter, the taxes shall be collected the same year in which they are assessed. The sheriffs are to pay the taxes by them collected in each year into the treasury on the first of November, instead of the first of October. No notice is hereafter necessary on motions against sheriffs for failing to pay the taxes: Provided, that if such motion be not made at the term of the general court next after the taxes were payable, such sheriff failing to make payment shall have ten days notice as heretofore. Taxes on ordinary licenses are hereafter to be paid to the clerks of the county or corporation courts, who are to account for and pay them, in every respect, as other taxes collected by them. The county levies shall hereafter be laid at the courts held in May or June, and the sheriffs shall account for and pay them on the first of November instead of the first of October in every year. The overseers of the poor shall hold their annual meeting and assess their poor rates on the fourth Monday in May 1809, and on the same day each succeeding year; and the collector shall account for and pay them on the first of November annually. The clerks of courts shall hereafter deliver their tickets, to the sheriffs or serjeants on or before the first of May in each year, and the sheriffs shall account for and pay them on the first day of November. All acts therein contained shall be construed to dispense with the other duties of the commissioners of the revenue, except so far as herein expressly directed. [To commence from the passing.]
(To be continued.)
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY -
Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES.
Table with 3 columns: Prize number, Amount, Total. Includes prizes of 10,000, 5,000, 1,000, 500, 200, 100, 50, 20, 10 dollars.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.
The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars upwards, to be determined as follows:
Table with 3 columns: Drawing number, Prize amount, Total. Includes prizes of 200, 100, 50, 20, 10 dollars.
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom the drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The number of the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwhylson and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note - The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (eptf.)
VIRGINIA TO WIT - At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 24th day of November, 1807.
William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs - Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants. The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A copy. ANTY ROBINSON, c. Feb. 2. [law88w]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry. The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law88w)
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS) - That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Bockus and now occupied by the subscriber; situated on the main-street of this city between the Capitol and the Basin of the canal. Its conveniences are superior to any other in this place. A large currying shop, cellar and drying loft, a spacious bark house, two bark mills and houses, a beam house and every other requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3,000 hides a year, exclusive of skins: Also, on the same tenement, a convenient dwelling house, kitchen, smoke house, stable and garden. The renter may also be accommodated with some excellent Red-Oak Bark, now in the bark house. Proposals for the above will be received by the subscriber till the 1st of April next, on that day it will be offered at public auction before Messrs. Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Office. Bond with approved security will be required, and possession given of the whole property for rent is the ill state of health of the subscriber to pay that attention the business requires. MARCUS ELCAN. N. B. The said Tan-Yard may be rented for three years longer by applying to the executors of the estate of Mr. Jacob Bockus, dec'd. Richmond, Feb. 9. (law88w)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE -
I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans, running two pair Burr and one pair Co-logne Stones. The situation is equal to any in Virginia, being immediately on navigable water, where vessels may load at the mill door, and in the heart of a wealthy country, where large crops of wheat are made - the stream was never known to fail till the summer (long to be remembered) 1806. At the Mill, which is on Hoskins's creek, and within two miles of the Port of Tappahannock, I have built a bridge over the creek, which affords great convenience to the different neighborhoods, consequently considerable advantages to the Mill. I am confident, with good management, a man well acquainted with the milling business, with the use of little money, may make from 5 to 8000 dollars per annum, clear of every expense. For country custom, it's equal to any in the state, and it is an excellent stand for a Grocery Store.
My Houses and Lots, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square, in the most pleasant part of the town - the improvements are, a comfortable Brick House, with two rooms and a passage below and two rooms and a closet above, a Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, Stable and a Well of good water - all in good order.
My STORE Houses and Lots, on the river bank - one is of brick, two stories high, well finished, with good cellars; there are six fire places in this house, of course at little expense, it may be well fitted for a merchant with a family. The other House is of wood, now used as a grocery store - both from situation have advantages over any other in the place for extensive business of any kind - A large three story Ware-House immediately on the water's edge, where vessels can load with great convenience and despatch - the House is large enough to hold ten thousand bushels of grain.
My FERRY across the Rappahannock at this place, with a convenient water Lot; this ferry brings me about £100 per annum clear of all expenses.
Two unimproved Lots, separated by one street only from my stable; they are very convenient for Clover Lots, &c. Also, two other unimproved Lots adjoining those on the river bank, which afford an extensive view of the river for several miles up and down and a beautiful site for buildings.
A valuable Lot in the Federal City, on which are a three story brick dwelling house, brick smoke house, a good kitchen of wood, &c. all in tolerable repair - This property being near the river, must, in a few years, become very valuable.
A Tract of LAND in the county of Westmoreland, three miles from the court-house, containing one hundred and eighty acres; there are convenient buildings on this, but rather out of repair - the land is considered of good quality and has an excellent mill seat.
A small Tract containing about ninety acres (including 20 acres fine marsh) within a mile from this place, on which is good deal of fine wood - the land is rich. I have sown this fall twenty-five bushels Slaughter's famous bearded wheat.
Also, another Tract adjoining my manufacturing mill containing three hundred acres; this Land is nearly all heavily covered with the best pine, white-oak and hickory timber; near the mill there are two comfortable houses with brick chimneys to suit a small family.
The property in this place is, perhaps, as well calculated to suit a person who wishes to engage largely in the mercantile business as any on Rappahannock river. I will sell a great bargain in the whole or any part of this property on good terms - for one half, great accommodations will be given either by long time or payment in good bonds; the other half must be in cash; any debts I owe will be considered as cash.
Should I not sell the Mill in three months, I should then prefer taking a partner in the Milling Business. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Feb. 9.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR - Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [eptf.]
ADVERTISEMENTS - Will be sold on Saturday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less. It was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews & John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money - The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June, 1795 - At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash - The sale is made by virtue of decree of the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee, is plaintiff, and the said Moseley is defendant; and for the purpose of raising the following sums with interest, viz: - £108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January, 1793 - £105 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1794 - £101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795 - £97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795 - £96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1797 - £81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July, 1802, and 55 dollars 38 cents, the costs of the suit - The residue of the money decreed to be raised, the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.
THE COMMISSIONERS.
Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. (3m)
CASH SALES - In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq. Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile Creek, being the same whereon Col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO: HAY. BENJ. HATCHER. [eptf.]
January 26. [eptf.]
FOR SALE - and may be seen at the Eagle-Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay Horses, that have ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond - one of them five and the other six years old. Feb. 2. [eptf.]
TO RENT - Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury - FOR HIRE, Two SAWMILLS. E. J. HARVE. Jan. 2. [eptf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD -
Ranaway from the last instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [eptf.]
FOR SALE - The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [tf]
THE subscribers having formed a connection on the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's - A general assortment of GROCERIES - among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto. Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder in Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. (tf)
Richmond, Dec. 4.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [tf]
FRESH TEAS - The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. tf)
Jan. 12.
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP, The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, bulk for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Among which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, jr. Jan. 5. [tf]
ENOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete. Consisting of: - Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuff-boxes, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggs, Water, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snufter Trays and Bread Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Knives, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Ink-stanes, wafers, &c. Razors, Horns, Straps, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaister, &c. - Guns, horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurr, Powder Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Phegums, Dog Collars, switch & chair Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, ivory, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, hall, globe and hand Lamps, plates and gilt bottle Slides, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen & Boards, Battle Doors, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and ostic Glasses, Coggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, conchshell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated mounting Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tambooring, netting and knitting Needles, Reaver Colours, &c. - gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, segars, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Notes, Epauletts, Plumes, Sashes, Stocks, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 21. [tf]
MORE CHEAP GOODS - JOHN KING again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [eptf.]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [tf]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULAS BATTHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. [tf]
LANDS FOR SALE - The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good timber, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land - One tract on Rappahannock creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh, and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne. Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. (Ff.)
Powhatan, Dec. 4.
NOTICE - SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz: Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bernet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Bazes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Cheesecloths, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dowlass; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels Laces, ladies silk and cambric hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8w)
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 1807 - Notice is hereby given - That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementing the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred stock as may be subscribed, and for the new six per cent. stock, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans. Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredemed amount of the stock surrendered, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovementioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot. The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid. JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans. NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 - between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 - Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 73 - If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62 - between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 - Being the unredemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 630 dollars of new six. J. P. Com'r. Lns. June 10. (1aw9m)
VIRGINIA - At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff - Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants. The defendant Wm. Weir, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. e. Dec. 19. (1aw8w5)
FOR SALE - THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [law88w]