The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-06 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
EDUCATION—The Trustees of the WARRENTON ACADEMY respectfully inform the public that this institution was opened on the 18th instant for the reception of students, under the superintendence of MR. WILLIAM CRAWFORD, (late one of the professors of William and Mary College) a gentleman highly recommended, and who has produced from the Right Rev. Bishop Madison the most satisfactory testimonials of his abilities. His literary acquirements and unexceptionable moral character, are so confidently stated by that gentleman, as to justify the trustees in recommending this establishment as well calculated to promote the improvement of youth in the Greek and Latin Classics, Natural and Moral Philosophy, Laws of Nature and Nations, Political Economy, Mathematics, Geography and the use of the Globes, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic.
The healthy situation of Warrenton is well known, and the trustees conscious of the necessity of paying strict attention to the morals and orderly behavior of pupils, have devoted their time during the late vacation to this object, by making arrangements for a regular and close inspection of the Academy in all its operations. Feeling, as many of them do, all the interests of parents, is an additional pledge to the public for the execution of their intentions for promoting the welfare of the institution.
To avoid the ill effects occasioned by students having more money than is sufficient to meet the necessary disbursements during each session, a list of the established expenses of the academy is subjoined.
For the classics and various other branches above mentioned, $20 per annum; 12 in advance for the first session, ending the 1st of July; and 8 for the second, ending the 1st of December. For English Grammar, &c. $9 for the first and 6 for the second session.
Board for the first session $40, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1—For the second session $35 for board, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1.
By order of the Trustees, J. HALL, President. R. DAVISON, Secretary. Warrenton, N. C. Jan. 30. [T&S2w]
ENOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete, consisting of:—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuifers, silver plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggins, Waiters, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snuffier Trays and Breads Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Knives, Letter Locks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Inkstands, watches, Sc. Razors, Hones, Strops, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, West Planters, plated and steel Spoons, men's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spoons, Powder Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Coat Screws, Horse Phegums, Dog Collars, switch & chair Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, iron, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, ball, globe and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bottle Sides, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen & Boards, Battle Doors, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and ostic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, conch-shell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated fountain Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tumbling, netting and knitting Needles, Reaves' Colours, &c.—gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, segar, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Nots, Epauletts, Plumes, Snakes, stocks, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 21. [H]
DISSOLUTION OF COPARTNERSHIP. The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was dissolved by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All debts having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorized to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, JR. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the room heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROceries: Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hesson and Young Hesson Teas, Coffee, Cognac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 2 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season JAMES BROWN, JR. Jan. 5. [H]
CASH SALES—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, being the same whereon Col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO. HAY, BENJ. HATCHER. January 26. [eptds]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [H]
ADVERTISEMENT—Will be sold on Saturday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less. It was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews & John Price, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money. The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June, 1795—At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of an order of the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee, is plaintiff, and the said Moseley is defendant; and for the purpose of raising the following sums with interest, viz:—$108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent from the 1st of January, 1793—$105 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1794—$101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795—$97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1796—$96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1797—$81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July, 1802, and 35 dollars 83 cents, the costs of the suit.—The residue of the money decreed to be raised, the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.
THE COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [3w]
AUCTION OF BOOKS.—A valuable collection of Modern Books in various branches of arts and sciences—History, Law, Medical, Theology, Voyages and Travels, &c. chiefly London editions, will be sold on Saturday evening, February 6th, 1808. Catalogues of them will be delivered previous to the sale at the store of JAMES BROWN, JR. V. M. Feb. 4. [H]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY—Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 200 - - - 2,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000. 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cost worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (Patent right included) 100,000. 1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days', each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days', each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days', each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the act. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. TICKETS at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzhughson and Poter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. [eptf]
ADVERTISEMENT. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (if fair, if not the next fair day,) at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND: one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 205 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James Meaux, which was some years ago bought of Mr. Harry Shackelford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Stills, very little injured, and a large Boiler. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them as soon as possible, the estate not being in a situation for long indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE. Adm'r with the will annexed of Col. Wm. Nelson. (7:2awf.)
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange C. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland C. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middlesex town, Kearsley, Carlisle and Shippenburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week.—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnells town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809.
2. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. [2aw6w.]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULS. BATHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. (rh)
EUROPE.
Continuation of Foreign Intelligence, received at Charleston.
The king of Sweden had concluded an armistice with France, to be in force to the 1st of April; and Marshal Brune was to proceed to Helsingburgh, to open negotiations of peace.
The English funds kept up—This was attributed, by some, to an appearance of something like a general peace said to be pending; and there was a rumour on the Exchange, on the 3d of Dec. that the French Emperor had decreed to send an Ambassador to England, with full powers to treat of peace, on what he states to be an honorable basis, which was the instantly restoring the Danish fleet; but this proposition is said to have been peremptorily refused by the British ministry. The British general, Moore, is stationed in the Paris Monitor to have left Sicily with the whole British force that was in that island, and that the fleet was dispersed in a storm in which some of the vessels were lost. A cutter arrived at Falmouth, from off Portugal, had been chased by five sail of the line, which the captain supposed to be French—the English journalists suppose them to have been Sir Sidney Smith's squadron. When this cutter was off the Tagus, she learnt that the Portuguese and Russian fleet then consisted of 21 sail of the line; the former was reported to be in possession of the Spaniards.
The President's Message on opening the present session of Congress, was received in England, on the 3d of Dec. The merchants of London, (says one of the papers) appear not to dread the consequences of the address—on the contrary, they think it strengthens the opinion, that all differences will be ultimately determined by the Senate, the sentiments of two-thirds of whom are supposed (some say known) to be in opposition to those of Mr. Jefferson. The speech had the effect of raising the stocks. (City Gazette.)
A London paper of the 7th Dec. makes the following observations on Mr. JEFFERSON's Message:
Mr. President Jefferson's Message on opening the Congress of the U. States deserves the attention of our readers—In some points there is an evident want of candour in this address. The President alludes to the public acts of our Government respecting the commerce of the two countries, without once glancing at the outrages committed on their trade by the French, though Napoleon's famous decree of blockade had been published before our government adopted any of the acts so disagreeable to the Americans, and though he could not be ignorant that several American vessels had actually been condemned as prizes by the French for having touched at a British port.
His account of the affair of the Chesapeake is equally subject to the charge of ambiguity. He mentions the four seamen taken out of the American ship, whom he styles part of her crew, and he distinctly states it as an additional aggression, that one of these four seamen was put to death. He avoids saying, whether they were, or were not American subjects, and he takes no notice of the proceedings and verdict of the Court Martial; he brings it forward in this way, before he has learned whether the British Government justifies the act of its officer, or disclaims it. His conduct will appear precipitate and his answer harsh, when the King's answer to his remonstrance shall arrive in America.
A prospect of an adjustment of the differences with Spain is held out, because—"tho' no measures have been taken on her part to bring them to a close, yet, under a state of things which may favour reconsideration, an expectation is entertained that they may soon be brought to an issue of some sort."
How different the language which America holds, even to Spain, from that which she has thought proper to adopt in her relations with this country!
And, which is still more singular, her harmony with the other states of Europe is said to have been uninterruptedly. France, then, may seize American ships, and cast her citizens into prison, without destroying the harmony subsisting between the two countries!
It is not a little singular, that the Treaty offered by the late Ministers, and which, it has been affirmed at home, conceded to the Americans the best rights of England, is by the American government characterised as a Treaty—"highly disadvantageous to America, and in which they had stipulated for, and maintained all the principles which had been the cause of those irritations and collisions which so frequently endangered the peace of the two nations."
The American Government continues to preserve a rigid system of economy, which is highly commendable. The President states, that after discharging all the national debt which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the Law, they have a surplus in the treasury of eight millions and a half of dollars!
A member of the American Legation at Paris is arrived in London, and confirms the report we have heard, that Bonaparte demands peremptorily that the American government shall break with England or with France. He leaves them no alternative; and we trust that they will have no difficulty in their choice.
The Editor of the London Traveller, in commenting upon the Russian Declaration, says:—"It is surprising what little sensation the certainty of a rupture with Russia has produced. We have never known any political event which created less; it hardly agitated the public mind as much as the capture of one of our frigates would. To what are we to attribute this, but to a confidence that we are able to defend ourselves "against the world in arms," and that the addition of such an enemy as Russia neither increases our danger, nor calls for any extraordinary exertions."
Several expeditions are fitting out in England with a large number of troops on board, and several squadrons have sailed with sealed orders.
Letters received in England from Holland state, that by a new arrangement between France and Prussia, Berlin is to become the capital of the kingdom of Westphalia, and that his Prussian Majesty is to be indemnified by the cession of Danzic.—Apprehensions were entertained in Holland, that there, as well as in Denmark, any correspondence with Great-Britain would be punished with death.
It has been ascertained that since the rupture between Great-Britain and Denmark, near 400 vessels bearing the Danish flag, have been carried into British ports.
The negotiations between Austria and France have terminated, and the former is to cede the territory of Gortz and Gradisca as far as the Isanz, to the kingdom of Italy, and is to retain the fortress of Brannau.
On the 3d ult. the Common Council of the City of London was unusually numerous, in consequence of the expected motion respecting the expunging of the vote of thanks to Sir Home Popham, for the letters which he addressed to the manufacturing towns of England, after the conquest of Buenos Ayres.—A very animated debate took place, when the resolution for expunging, was put and negatived, 107 to 7.
A gentleman who very recently left Paris, asserts, that a few days previous to his departure from thence, a decree had been ordered to be issued, and was expected to be published in two or three days, directing the immediate seizure of all American ships in the ports of France, and interdicting all future intercourse with the United States in consequence of its refusal to unite in the general confederacy against the commerce of Great-Britain.
The following are said to be the terms of the Treaty agreed upon between France, Austria, and Russia, for the partition of Turkey. France is to receive for her share the provinces bordering on the Adriatic, the Seven Islands, the Morea, and Egypt. Austria is to get Servia, Bosnia, and part of Wallachia. And to the lot of Russia will fall the other part of Wallachia, Bessarabia, Moldavia, and the island of Candia.—The destiny of Constantinople is said not to be fixed.
The Spurknoy Russian frigate, and the Wilhelmina store-ship, lately seized at Portsmouth, had received orders from the Russian ambassador to sail, and were preparing to get under weigh, when the armed boats surrounded them. They are very valuable prizes. The frigate has on board 170,000 ducats, 500,000 dollars, a quantity of plate, and a cargo of copper and naval stores. The store-ship is deeply laden with naval stores. The Spurknoy is a fine large frigate, of 50 guns, thirty 24 pounders on her main deck, and 375 men. The officers and men are sent on board the Puissant.
The honourable Mr. Pierrepont, the British minister at the court of Stockholm, arrived in England, on the 30th November. His return had excited considerable suspicion that the influence of Bonaparte had caused a revolution in Sweden, and that her gallant king would soon be obliged to declare war against England.
Some of the London prints contained accounts that meetings had been held in several counties, for the purpose of petitioning the throne for peace, which have been contradicted under the signatures of the officers of the different towns, where the meetings were said to have been held; and which turned out to be fabrications.
There was a great fall of snow in Ireland, in November last. In the counties of Wexford, Portglenone and Limerick, several lives were lost, and a very considerable number of sheep, bullocks and horses perished under the snow. Many parts of England were likewise visited by this snow storm, and suffered considerable damage. Several persons lost their lives in London, through the inclemency of the weather.
The island of Bourbon, in the Indian O-
cean, has again had its name changed. It was called the island of Bonaparte. This, as well as the Isle of France, has suffered much during the last summer by severe gales and the want of provisions. They depend in a great measure, upon Madagascar, and the Cape of Good Hope, for many of the necessaries of life. Rice sold at $10 per cwt.
The general military commissioners, appointed by the crown Prince of Denmark, for the trial of general PEYMAN, and general WALTERSDORF, for signing the capitulation of Copenhagen, are Prince Frederick, of Hesse, Major General Count Baudissin, and M. Von Binzer.
Admiral SINIAVIN.—The Russian Admiral, Siniafin, now at the Tagus, is of one of the first families in Russia. About the year 1783, being then a youth, he was sent to England, by the Russian court, who obtained permission from the British government for his being admitted a Volunteer in our Navy. He was accordingly, by order of the lords of the Admiralty, received, on board the Beacon, of 50 guns, then destined for the Hattax station, in America, where he served about three years. He was afterwards employed, for nearly the same time, in the Mediterranean, a volunteer midshipman, on board the Pearl Frigate, then commanded by the late Hon. Seymour Finch, brother to the Earl of Aylesford, which ship he quitted at Smyrna, in 1789, in order to render to his own country the benefit of that knowledge and experience he had acquired from us: Russia being then engaged in a war with the Turks, against whom he seemed, by nature, to be a zealous adversary.
During the late war he served, and held the rank of a Post Captain in the Russian Navy, and was one of the fleet that wintered in the Midway; but on that fleet being ordered home, and the Emperor Paul entering into the views of Bonaparte, he retired, and continued in retirement until Russia again made common cause with this country.
Emperor Alexander.—We were positively assured, during the residence of the Emperor Alexander and Bonaparte at Tilsit, previous to the signature of the Treaty, the former was for three days actually in the state of a prisoner to Bonaparte, and that during that alarming interval he was actually induced to sign a paper, binding himself to agree to any secret articles which the former might think proper to send from Paris, in addition to the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit, which have been promulgated, so much to the disgrace of Russia and the surprise of all Europe. We had cogent reasons for concealing this melancholy fact at the time we heard of it; and indeed, if we had not, we were inclined to hope that the Emperor of Russia would reflect on the danger of his situation, if he suffered himself to be drawn too closely into alliance with France and that he would have raised to a sense of his own dignity, which he had so fatally committed when he entered into the degrading Treaty alluded to. Sun.
The Gazette contains his Majesty's Proclamation proroguing the Parliament to the 21st of January, when it is to meet "for the dispatch of divers urgent and important affairs."
Died, at Retford, near Lincoln, (Eng.) Doctor Francis Willis, so justly celebrated for his success in curing insanity.
Died, at London, Abraham Newland, esq. for many years Cashier of the Bank of England.
Died, at Vienna, Prince de Cellerodo Mansfield, aged 76 years. He was archchancellor of the empire when the emperor of Austria abdicated the imperial crown of Germany.
The Duke of Portland, the Right Honourable Spencer Perceval, and the Right Honourable John Foster, the Honourable William Brodrick, the Honourable William Elliot and William Sturges Bourne, Esq. have been appointed commissioners, for executing the office of Treasurer of the Exchequer, in Great Britain.
LONDON, December 5. Sir Robert Wilson, it is said, has brought intelligence to government, which he heard on high authority at Petersburg, that Bonaparte has determined to make immediate preparations for the invasion of this country. Ireland, or Scotland, it is supposed, will be the first object of his attempt.
It is reported, in letters from Petersburg, that Gen. Savary makes it his boast in that capital, that Bonaparte will invade this country with 300,000 men.
Government, we understand, have received intelligence from Lisbon of so late a date as the 17th ult. On the night of the 11th, a Council was suddenly assembled, at which all the Ministers attended. At this meeting it was announced that the Portuguese Ambassador at the Court of Madrid had been ordered to quit that city in 24 hours; that the invasion of Portugal was determined upon; and that the advanced guard of the French army would pass the frontiers on the 11th of November. In consequence of these indications of hostility, it was resolved that all the edicts and proclamations which had been issued against British commerce should be immediately rescinded; and that the Court, whenever the danger became imminent, should embark for the Brazils. The statement is sanctioned by the circumstance of a number of licences having been yesterday issued for the protection of vessels clearing out for the ports of Portugal.
A vessel has arrived from Caen, from whence she sailed on Tuesday last. There were several American vessels at that port under detention, upon suspicion of their having touched at Britain. The masters were very apprehensive that orders would be given for their confiscation. It was reported that Bonaparte had demanded five millions of dollars of his Prussian Majesty, and that eight of the strongest Prussian fortresses should be garrisoned by French troops till the conclusion of the war. The insolence and tyranny of Bonaparte know no bounds. He will not even be at the trouble of assigning a plausible excuse for the destruction of his victims. How is the King of Prussia to raise upwards of a million sterling? There-

venues of the miserable remnant of his former dominions of which he is in possession, would not amount to so much in ten years. The narrow strip of land at the other side of the Niemen, is the only part of his territory where his authority can be said to be fairly established. The rest is as much under the control of France as it was the day the peace of Tilsit was signed. As to occupying the Prussian fortresses, there was no occasion for a formal application for that purpose. There is nothing to prevent the troops of France from marching into them.
December 6.
Advices reached here yesterday from Madeira of the 4th ult. which entirely agree with those previously received, that every exertion was making there by the new Governor, to place the Island in a respectable state of defence, which he found extremely difficult, from the ruinous situation in which the works were. At the date of these advices, it was apprehended by the government, that a British squadron would soon arrive to attack the Island. On the other hand, it was earnestly hoped by the people at large, that a British force would make its appearance, for to this nation only they looked for security and protection. At the time, no doubt, that the Portuguese Packet sailed with the new Governor from Lisbon, it was the intention of the government to attempt a reconciliation with France, by laying an embargo upon British vessels, and seizing their property; but since it has appeared, that Bonaparte will not relax from his determination "that the Prince Regent loses his throne," there is hardly a doubt that he will unite with the people in placing Madeira in the hands of England.
Some difference of opinion on the subject of the late expedition to the Baltic, is reported to prevail in the Cabinet; and it is added, that two of the Secretaries of State, have ceased to hold intercourse with each other, excepting on official subjects. A dislocation of several of the Members of the Cabinet will probably take place previous to the meeting of Parliament. According to the reported arrangement, Lord Chatham will succeed the Duke of Portland at the Treasury, and be replaced at the Ordnance by Lord Milgrave; Mr. Canning to go to the Admiralty, and to be succeeded at the Foreign Office by Lord Wellesley.
December 10.
The squadron under admiral Otway is supposed to be stationed at St. Helen's, under the idea that the Russian squadron may escape from the Tagus. This supposition has been strengthened by the circumstance of none of the ships that compose admiral Otway's squadron being able in their present state to go to sea for more than a week.
Intelligence from Sir Sidney Smith is expected with the greatest anxiety. On the 17th he was a little to the eastward of Lisbon bar; and it is not improbable that he entered the Tagus the next day. The French troops could not reach Lisbon before the end of last month.
An American vessel has been brought into Cows in distress, by an English cruiser. She left Cherburgh on Friday night last. The captain is arrived in town, and has communicated the following interesting particulars:—About three weeks since, he says, an embargo was laid on all vessels in the port of Cherburgh; but on the 20th inst. the order was revoked and notice given that all vessels might obtain their clearances at the custom-house, and proceed on their voyages. Another order, however, for the further detention of all American ships, reached Cherburgh from Paris on the 4th: nor could the vessel which arrived at Cows on Monday, have escaped, had not the captain hastily proceeded on board the moment he heard of the new order, and without books, papers, clothes, &c. which were on shore, effected his escape in the course of the night. A few days previous to the 20th, a French frigate, of 36 guns, provisioned for a voyage of seven months, proceeded from Cherburgh to Brest. There was in the former port a French Corvette, carrying 16 guns, lately returned from a cruise. She had been to sea for some weeks, and during her cruise fell in with the homeward bound East-India fleet. It was this Corvette that boarded the Lord Eldon Indian, in Portland Roads, and was so gallantly repulsed; she was commanded by the nephew of General Morcau, who lost his life at the wheel of the Lord Eldon, by a sabre blow from Captain Young, which severed his head from his body. The American ship Victory had been seized at Cherburgh, on account of the captain having made a false declaration, and not as has been reported for having run on board. It was necessary before his inward clearance could be effected at the Custom House there, that he should prove he had no goods of British manufacture on board; that he had not touched at a British port, and that he had not been detained by a British cruiser. The captain acknowledged his detention for five hours by an English cruiser, and this was deemed sufficient to seal his condemnation.—Such are the statements of the American captain.
According to information received yesterday from Plymouth, through a vessel which has just arrived from St. Andero, the prohibitory decrees of Bonaparte against our commerce are in future to be enforced in the Spanish ports with the utmost rigour.—An order had been received at St. Andero just before this vessel sailed, enjoining that no wool should be exported to any part of the British empire. As wool is the principal article of Spanish produce imported into the United Kingdom, one may infer from this order the total prohibition of any commerce with Spain, as far as the orders of the government can be effective.
Government, we understand, is determined not to suffer any foreign vessel to land a single passenger in this country. A vessel arrived at Yarmouth a day or two ago from a Dutch port with passengers; but they were ordered away immediately, without any of them being suffered to set on shore.
The produce of the English Income Tax for the past year, which was estimated in the Minister's budget at eleven millions and a half, has, it is said, amounted to the enormous sum of fourteen millions, four hundred pounds!
Extract of a letter received at London from Oper- to, dated November 11.
"I have only time to inform you that we are all in the utmost dismay and confusion. An order arrived here on the 9th ult. from Lisbon, directing the immediate arrest of all the remaining British and Irish families and the sequestration of their property. The order was immediately put in execution; detachments of the Police Guard were directed to make diligent search, and most of the British have been secured, examined, and given to understand that they are prisoners of war, although they were allowed to depart on their parole of honor. The British Factory-house has been seized in the name of the Prince Regent, and is in the possession of the Officers of Police. The dwelling houses of Mr. Scarle, Mr. Perry, and others, have been taken possession of in like manner, and they, and the property found therein, seized in the name of the Prince.
"A Portuguese vessel, which had been chartered at a large price, after having been at sea eight days, and after proceeding 90 leagues on her way to England, under convoy of the Lavia frigate returned hither yesterday in a very disabled state; both ship and cargo were immediately seized. The cargo is ordered to be sold for the benefit of the government, and the ship is to be co. fitted in consequence of her having British property on board."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
THURSDAY, JAN. 7.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Mason said he had not intended when he first spoke on this subject, though he might have expressed himself inaccurately, to express an opinion on the guilt of general Wilkinson. His object was to give no opinion on the subject. He had then stated as a reason why the House ought to adopt the resolution, that the observations which had fallen from the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Johnson) would have been sufficient ground for it. He wished to express no opinion on the merits or demerits of this affair.
Mr. Love said his principal object in rising a second time, was to know whether he had understood the precedent, read from the journals of a former session by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) and relied on by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.) For if he had understood the journals right, without intending any disrespect, to either of those gentlemen, he must acknowledge, they did not in this instance, seem to have exercised, the powers of discrimination, which he had supposed their minds to be endowed with: If he had heard distinctly the reading of the journal, it stated that, a resolution had been introduced requesting the President, to enquire into the causes of the defeat, the American arms had sustained under general Sinclair; which was negatived by a large majority—but, that on a motion to refer that enquiry, to a committee of their own body, it was agreed to: The resolution which was adopted, and is said to form the precedent for this, was nothing more, than that a committee should enquire into the causes of this defeat; this said Mr. L. was surely proper, it related to a subject which Congress might properly feel it its duty, and for its own exculpation, to enquire into; it did not contemplate as the original resolution in this case does, an enquiry into the conduct of any military officer, but such an enquiry as would enable Congress itself to shew, that the terrible defeat our armies had suffered, was not attributable to any improper conduct on their part, in withholding the necessary means of victory, or the proper supplies for our army: really said Mr. L. the selection of this precedent seems to be an unfortunate one for those who rely on it, one which he should gladly have adduced for the very opposite purpose for which it had been adduced.
But a contradictory conduct, Mr. L. said had been attributed to those, who professed a willingness to adopt the present resolution, and at the same time contended against the power of acting on the subject; if there was such semblance of contradiction, surely a moment's reflection would satisfy any gentleman it was not in reality so. This subject had been obtruded on the House, how properly would be hereafter judged of, they had so far entertained and acted on it, he was now willing to take such steps as would enable them to get rid of it; but the resolution he advocated the adoption of, was of a nature totally different from the one originally proposed, and contained in it no infraction of the constitutional right of another department of the government: The most that can be said of this is that it may produce an unprofitable waste of our time, and that we ought only to act on it, in order to get clear of a greater evil; the other is of a dangerous kind. Mr. L. said he was astonished at the manner, in which this subject had been treated; instead of an attempt to reply to the objections urged against the original resolution, the House had been occupied in listening to personal invective, and general, undefined, vague charges against a military character, who had not here the power of reply; it would certainly have been more proper, and in every respect more correct, to address the understanding on the subject, introduced to the consideration of Congress, and to have endeavored, at least to answer the argument objected to the right of entertaining it.
Mr. Rowan was opposed to this resolution, not because of the extent of power which it assumed, but because it was short of the power which ought to be exercised on this occasion; nor was he opposed to enquiry, because its effect would be to place a solitary individual against a host, when in fact the host was in his favor. If information was necessary, at all, why confine it? If necessary, why not procure all within their power? By admitting that Daniel Clark should lay on the table the information in his possession, they admitted that it was proper to have information; then why not admit all the information requisite to a clear understanding and fair decision of this question?
Have another objection, (said Mr. R.) to this course of proceeding: this House will have gone into a discussion on the subject of an enquiry; the testimony adduced may not be relevant, and the character of the man will shine the brighter after the discussion—and why? Because testimony will have been collected? No. Because a discussion under color of an enquiry will have taken place without effect. It will serve only as an additional buoy to his character. Make the resolution ample; go into a full enquiry. You have power, exercise it and you shall have my feeble support. But it was said that there was no precedent for this case. How were precedents formed in the first instance? There must first be a case on which to create them. The present case is unprecedented; and I shall not flinch from acting on it because there is not a similar case on record.
Mr. R. contended that it was an incidental power of this House to make an enquiry. Who makes war? This House. Who conducts it by appropriations of blood and treasure? This House. Shall it be said that we have power to make war and to support it, and not to enquire into the loyalty of our commander? It was said that the President only had a right to enquire, and that the President had confidence in him. Mr. R. said there might be a case (he did not mean to say that it now existed) in which a President should conspire with the commander in chief against the government, and as the latter officer was accountable to the President only, whatever confidence they might possess in the President would be unavailing. Suppose a general treasonable; suppose a war was now to break forth, of what avail would be the responsibility of the President in this case, when contrasted with the general evil which might result? Suppose a battle was impending, by which the fate of the nation was to be decided, and the House had a suspicion that the commanding officer was disaffected, or had a disposition to injure the
interest of the country, would they not enquire into the case? Certainly they would; and thus he contended that this power of enquiry was inseparably incident to the great power of making war.
But besides its residing thus in this House, it resulted from the general construction of the constitution. This officer was responsible to the President. The President's responsibility only affected his reputation; while a breach of duty in him might destroy the nation. It might be said that no such imminent danger was now to be apprehended; but gen. W. was commander in chief, the charges were heavy, no less than for receiving money, from a foreign nation with whom the U.S. were at war for aught Mr. R. knew; for no person could say what their actual relation with that power was; a negotiation had been so long pending that its object was almost forgotten. The charge against him is of being a Spanish pensioner. The world knows (though it is a subject worthy of further enquiry) that that power did propose to the people of the western country a dismemberment from the union: that she did offer to furnish $100,000 dollars for arms, and another 100,000 for corrupting the public papers and distributing among the people; and that all who lost commissions from their attachment to her should be indemnified for the loss. It was known that there was a Spanish consul in the little town of Frankfort—Argo. It was also known that sums of money were coming up the river under the care of a person who had been murdered and the money made away with. This money must have been for somebody; whether for Wilkinson or not was uncertain.
When they considered the present critical state of the union, and that this man was commander in chief of the army; when it was known that money had been corruptly received in the western country, and that Wilkinson himself had received money, for what purpose it was not known, but was worthy of being enquired into; when all this was known, suppose the President were to refuse an enquiry, should this matter therefore not be enquired into? Would they after what had been said in the public prints and in the House trust him with the command of our army against Spain? There was to be an enquiry, it was said: but they were not told of what nature it was. If you pass this resolution, said Mr. R. the information before the House will be laid before that tribunal; they will have a colour of evidence, and the result may be easily foretold. I will not express an opinion on the conduct of Gen. W. but I have long been under an impression of his guilt. I do not know the man; I never even saw him; but I live in a part of the country where much doubt prevails of his integrity. I have been present at an enquiry before a branch of the legislature of Kentucky, in which much information came forth. There is no doubt if this enquiry is entered into, it will be found that there are other men enjoying the public confidence, and triumphing in their security, who would be exposed to their country. I am therefore opposed to the passage of this resolution, because it would be adding another shade of doubt to the present obscurity. Something like evidence which might be produced of no effect, would pass upon many for a solemn investigation. Either make the enquiry or leave it with the Executive. I have no idea of stopping between in this manner, relieving the Executive, taking no responsibility upon ourselves, and leaving the friends of this man to turn it to the best use to themselves.
The observations of the gentleman from Pennsylvania were inapplicable. The rights of the man would be respected; and the gentleman's quotation of the right of the habeas corpus would have no other effect than to remind the House that this sacred provision of the constitution had been infringed, and no enquiry made into it. Every one regretted its prostration, and Mr. R. said he regretted that no enquiry had been made into the cause of it. He had no personal motive for wishing the conduct of Wilkinson to be investigated; he did not know him; and he hoped he might come out well; but his love to his country urged him to declare that he wanted an enquiry; the interest of the country required it. It was time that those only should enjoy confidence who really deserved it. The public papers had long resounded these charges from one end of the continent to the other, and no enquiry had been made. A court of enquiry indeed was said to be called; but we all know, said he, what will be the result of an enquiry except we conduct it so as to reach the great point.
He should therefore vote against the resolution, not that he doubted the power of the House, but because it was not such an exercise of that power as they ought to make, and would only operate as a further illusion cast over circumstances into which they ought thoroughly to enquire.
(Debate to be continued.)
SATURDAY, JAN. 30.
Several private petitions were presented. Two messages in writing were received from the President of the U. States by Mr. Coles, his Secretary, enclosing a Treaty of limits between the U. S. of America and the Choctaw tribe of Indians; and a Treaty made between the Ottaway, Chippeway, Wyandott, and Pottawattomie tribes of Indians. These messages, with the treaties, were referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of Claims made a report unfavourable to the petition of Charles Minifie, which was referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Bacon was appointed a member of the same committee to consider the encouragement of learning and promotion of the useful arts.
The Speaker laid before the House a petition of the New England association of inventors and patrons of useful arts, signed by Benjamin Dearborn, President, &c. praying an extension of the time for patents to discoverers or inventors of useful arts. Referred to the last mentioned committee.
Mr. M. D. Williams, from the committee appointed on the 22nd inst. reported a bill for the punishment of certain crimes therein mentioned; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. J. Montgomery, from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry; which was twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
On motion of Mr. Holmes, Resolved, That the Speaker give information to the Executive of the state of New Jersey of the vacancy in this House, occasioned by the death of Ezra Darby, late one of the representatives from that state.
Mr. G. W. Campbell. It has always been my opinion that it is a free government like
ours, every department ought to be responsible for its conduct.
The constitution of the U. States was evidently framed on this principle, and the preservation and security of the rights and liberties of the citizen, and the due execution of the laws will be found to rest, in a great degree, on rendering public agents sufficiently and practically responsible for their conduct to the nation. That this is not the case with the judiciary of the U. States has been proved by experience—your judges once appointed are independent of the executive, the legislature, and the people, and may be said to hold their offices for life. They are removable only on conviction by impeachment of high crimes and misdemeanors, and this mode of proceeding has been found in practice totally inefficient, and not to answer the purpose for which it was intended—that of rendering your judges duly responsible for their conduct. They may therefore be considered, as independent of the rest of the nation, (and they seem to think so themselves) as if this provision in the constitution, relative to impeachment, did not exist. No matter how erroneous their opinions—how dangerous to the public weal—how subversive of the interest of the people—how directly opposed to the laws of your country; yet as it is neither a high crime or misdemeanor to hold such erroneous opinions, which they seem conscientiously to believe, they cannot be removed by impeachment—they are independent of the rest of the nation.
This subject has attracted the attention of the people in most of the States. The legislatures of several states have passed resolutions declaring the necessity of amending the federal constitution, so as to render the judges, in practice as well as in theory, responsible for their conduct. The most numerous branch of the legislature of the state which I have the honor to represent in part, have declared their opinion in favor of such amendment. In order, therefore, to bring this subject before the House, that the sense of the national legislature may be ascertained thereon, I submit the following resolution.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring therein, that the following amendment to the constitution of the U. S. be proposed to the legislatures of the several states, which, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the said states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution.
The judges of both the supreme and inferior courts of the U. States, shall, after the day of—be removed from office by the President of the U. S. on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the same, three fifths of each House concurring in such address.
This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.
The House took up for consideration the amendments by the Senate to the bill making appropriations for the support of government.
An amendment allowing the Attorney-General of the U. States five hundred dollars for contingent expenses being under consideration, after a desultory conversation, was referred to a committee of the whole immediately.—Mr. Pitkin in the chair, and disagreed to by the committee.—Ayes 3.
The committee rose and reported their disagreement. The question being taken on concurrence with the committee of the whole by yeas and nays, there were yeas 101, nays 11.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill to erect a light-house on Point Judith, in the state of Rhode-Island. The blank in the bill for the appropriation being filled with 5000 dollars, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill making appropriations for the support of the navy of the U. States during the year 1808, Mr. Bassett in the Chair. The bill being gone through and the blanks severally filled, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
On motion of Mr. Holmes the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the Chair, on the report of the committee of claims, favorable to the petition of Mary Barclay; which being concurred in by the committee, was reported to the House, and referred to the committee of claims to bring in a bill.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 1.
The Military COURT OF ENQUIRY in the case of Gen. Wilkinson have had two meetings during the past week, without any evidence having been adduced. They meet again this day.
We have received by the last mail from Chillicothe the "Fredonian" of the 12th ult. on the margin of which it is said "Burr and Blennerhasset arrived here last evening."
The legislature of Georgia, at their last session, appropriated 150,000 dollars for the purchase of arms; and directed the State House and suite at Louisville to be reserved for a public arsenal.
CHILICOTHE, Jan. 4.
The House of Representatives of this state have been engaged, for nearly three days, in discussing the following resolution:
Resolved, That the judges of this state are not authorised, by the constitution, to set aside any act of the legislature, by declaring the law unconstitutional, or null and void.
A very animated and argumentative discussion took place on the subject: the resolution was ultimately decided in the affirmative—Yeas 18—Nays 12.
NORFOLK, February 2.
PORTUGAL.—The fate of this Kingdom is at last decided, and it is doomed to add another victim to the insatiable ambition of the destroyer of nations.
Captain Dorman, of the Bremen barque Bremen, arrived here on Saturday last from St. Ubes, which place he left the 30th of November. On the 5th December, captain Dorman fell in with, and was boarded from the Portuguese ship Triunfo Americano, Captain Joaquim Jose Franco, one of the fleet from Lisbon bound to Brazils, from whom captain D. received the important information, that the French troops had entered Portugal, and would probably be in Lisbon by the 6th or 7th of December and that on the 30th of November the Prince, with the royal family, and many of the nobles, embarked and sailed for Brazil. They were met at the mouth
of the Tagus by an English fleet of men of war and transports; the latter probably for the purpose of taking a part of the persons who had embarked in the fleet. All English persons and property had got off by some means; this completely disappointed the French government, who no doubt calculated upon considerable booty. The commander of the English fleet of Lisbon had not been apprised of the part which Russia had taken in the war, or it is probable the Russian fleet at Lisbon would have been compelled to depart also; they, however, remained with their new allies, and whether the English will make any attempt to take them out or not, will depend on the strength of the batteries in the Tagus. The English fleet were off the mouth of that river on the 5th December.
Before captain D. left St. Ubes, public notice had been given to the troops, of the intended departure of the Prince for the Brazils, in which the option of going or remaining in Portugal was given.
While our most fervid sympathy is excited for the misfortunes of these exiles (which we cannot but call illustrious) we are filled with admiration of the noble resolution, so honorably formed, and so happily executed. It is not possible for a patriotic mind to sustain keener anguish than to be compelled to abandon our native country, being first satisfied that we could not defend it, with even a hope of success. History affords no such example, as that which the Prince Regent has furnished; he has proven himself a worthy descendant of his illustrious ancestors, who delivered his country from the yoke of Spain. The Moniteur had decreed the fall of the illustrious house of Braganza, but the awful decree cannot now be executed. So long as the British navy exists, the Prince Regent and his companions, may, and we trust will long defy the power of Napoleon; but let the British navy be destroyed, and the Prince of Portugal would not be singular, in being reduced to the necessity of becoming a slave, or an exile.
Two links of a grand chain of operations, mediated by the Emperor, are broken. The seizure of the Fleet at Copenhagen, and the escape of the Portuguese fleet have lessened the means that were calculated upon to subdue Great Britain by thirty sail of the line, increasing her strength by the same number, for the Prince Regent must now more than ever attach himself to Great Britain.
What will be the ultimate fate of Portugal and Spain, may be foreseen; they will be divided and cut up, so as to make small sovereignties, for some of the imperial family of France, or some of Napoleon's favorites, first annexing such parts of Spain to France as suit the views of Bonaparte.
Ledger.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 6, 1803.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
No. II.
In the preceding number, I endeavored to impress you with the importance of union, among the republicans of this country, in the selection of a candidate for the presidential chair; and to trace out the necessary consequences of a schism on this delicate & interesting subject. I have attempted to demonstrate, that according to the uniform operations of the human heart, as they are unfolded to us in the history of man, a perseverance on the part of Col. Monroe's friends, in the course they have adopted, will ultimately tend to the triumph of our political opponents, and the final overthrow of the republican cause. These are considerations which deserve your most serious reflection, and may touch even the sensibility of Hortensius.
After declaring that many persons, who attended the Bell-Tavern, were influenced by the impression that a majority of the republicans were in favor of Mr. Madison, Hortensius adds, that "this is a principle of action which it is difficult to understand, and still more difficult to justify."—Such a principle amounts to a dereliction of independence, and may obviously lead the community to an act, which in reality the majority do not approve. I have already proved by the unerring evidence of numbers, that a majority of republicans, as far as it can be ascertained at the present time, is decidedly in favor of Mr. Madison. If, therefore, the friends of Mr. Madison, were governed by this belief, they were at least not mistaken in their premises.
But this conduct is regarded by Hortensius as a "dereliction of independence," and he holds it "in utter reprobation." It is an evil attending all languages, that by a little artful colouring, we may give a false complexion to every action. There is often a similitude between truth and error, which may deceive a superficial observer; and there is always some vice lying in the vicinity of a virtue, which can easily assume its shape, and claim its reward. Avarice may be called economy, ferocity may pass for courage, and a wild and eccentric departure from fixed political principles, may be dignified with the lofty appellation of independence.
That I am not one of those, who prefer Mr. Madison, because I believe he is the choice of a majority, I shall be always proud to avow. My predilection is founded on strong and original grounds; and whenever his merits are canvassed, I shall not shrink from a controversy with any man. But when I recollect that I am a member of a community formed of distinct, and independent states, jealous of each other, and tenacious of their own rights; when I feel how essentially the preservation of our union, the first of human blessings, depends on the cultivation of harmony between the different component parts of our empire; when I discern, on the other hand, the fatal tendency of a narrow, local and arrogant policy; I am disposed to hear with respect, and to submit with cheerfulness, to the voice of our sister states, when it does not call on me to make a sacrifice of principle. I am a child of Virginia, it is true; bound to her by the ties of birth, nurture, education and connections; but I am also an American, cherishing the warmest attachment to the remotest corner of our common country.
These are sentiments, which I know, are very seldom heard; and it is for that reason that I am anxious to deliver them. There are politicians among us, and men too, of no inconsiderable note, who feel a haughty and supercilious contempt, for those who have not the felicity to have drawn their first breath in our soil; and stalk with the pride of Castilian noblemen, by men who have equal privileges with themselves. But they have never yet ventured to assert, whatever they may feel, that Virginia has an exclusive right to give a President to the United States. When the present Chief Magistrate shall retire to private life, we shall have had a Virginian in the presidential chair, for sixteen years out of twenty. Will it then be a dereliction of independence in any honorable sense of the word, to leave to the other states the nomination of a candidate, who may be worthy of that high station? If a man shall arise in the eastern, middle, or

southern states, who deserve this mark of public confidence, shall we not acquiesce in the choice? But when our sister states, sitting a noble example of magnanimity, and attracted only by the exalted merits of one of our own citizens, shall again propose to commit the destinies of our country to a Virginian , shall we be the first to declare, that we will not submit to the selection? Or shall we say to them, "we not only require that you should elect one of our own state, but you must take just such a Virginian as we like ?" It is an unfortunate truth, that the Eastern States have already conceived a jealousy of the influence of Virginia in the affairs of the union; and it has been the incessant effort of the federal party, to foment this jealousy, that they might avail themselves of the schism. Our state has been accused of a disposition to monopolize all offices of trust and emolument, and to treat with indignity every other member of the confederation. However highly we may estimate the power of Virginia, it is evident, that she is not in a condition to despise this prejudice. She cannot stand alone against a combination of the other states; and it is equally the dictate of prudence and equity, to refute this calumny, by manifesting a spirit of conciliation towards her neighbors of the North and the South. But this is not the sentiment of the high-minded Hortensius. He "utterly reprobates" the idea, of yielding, not his principles, but his attachments, to save his party from destruction. When all the circumstances of this election are considered, it is a matter of astonishment, that Mr. Madison should have obtained so large a vote in Congress; & it will probably be a very long time before any other Virginia will meet with equal support.
"But a few years ago" says Hortensius, "it seems agreed, that there would have been a majority for Mr. Monroe." Hortensius and his party have already proved themselves so totally ignorant of the state of the public mind, even in the legislature, that very little respect is due to any calculation they may make, as to the sentiments of the people at large, at a period which is long past, and before the question was fully submitted to their consideration. Hortensius seems to build much of his expectation of success, upon the congratulations, addresses, &c. which were presented to Col. Monroe on his return to his native state, and which were the pure emanations of that warm attachment which the people of Virginia feel for his character. But these effusions of feeling were totally unconnected with the Presidential election; and if it had been understood that the authors of them had any ulterior objects in view, there were multitudes who would have abstained from these testimonies of respect and affection, rather than lead Col. Monroe and his supporters, into an error, which might prove injurious to him, and fatal to the republican party.
It is no where expressly said by Hortensius, but it is strongly implied, that he disapproves of conducting an election of this sort, by means of those meetings which have acquired the name of caucuses. But lest I should be charged with misrepresenting him, I will here quote the passages, which, in my judgment, establish this conclusion. "Let every man among the people honestly and firmly declare his real opinion, and we shall then and then only obtain a fair expression of the will of the nation. Perhaps I may be in a minority. When the point is settled, acquiescence will be my duty." These are stated as general propositions, unconnected with any particular objections which are made to the caucuses lately held. Again, "By that constitution (meaning the constitution of the U. States) which we are all bound by the most solemn obligations, as well as by our best interests, to support, the Chief Magistrate of the Union is to be elected by the people." The President of the United States is to be "placed in his high and honorable station, by the suffrages of an independent nation which from numbers, as well as situation, is without the reach of faction or intrigue." Every word of this quotation goes to the "reprobation" of a caucus; because it must be admitted by all, that a caucus is not the nation; and it is strongly insinuated that neither from its numbers nor its situation can it be beyond the reach of faction or intrigue. Hortensius, it is true, proceeds to point out certain defects in these particular caucuses, but these are objections only superadded to the general evils. After these strong hints, what are we to conclude but that Hortensius is an enemy to caucuses; and that, in his subsequent threat "to say a few words about caucuses generally," he intends to denounce them, and show that they are incompatible with that constitutional mode of election, which we are all bound, by the most solemn obligations, to support.
My motive for dwelling thus long on the opinion of Hortensius, is, to show that his practice is inconsistent with his principles; that caucuses are essentially necessary under the present system of elections; and that the caucus held in this city was not only free from the objections of Hortensius, but the very best method of obtaining the fair and uninfluenced sense of the Legislature and the community, that could be devised.
To say that a caucus is either good or evil, in the abstract, is to say nothing. In political affairs, we have only to choose among evils; and the only object of our enquiry, unless we are Utopian politicians, is to obtain the least of evils. If it can be shown, that a Presidential election can be conducted without the intervention of something in the nature of a caucus, then and then only can we pronounce, that caucuses should be exploded.
In our country it will very often happen, as it has happened on the present occasion, that many candidates will be started by the different states, for the office of President. The infinite diversity of human opinions, the unaccountable predilections of the human heart, & those local jealousies to which I have before alluded, will always furnish an abundant supply of competitors.
If the nomination of candidates is left to the people at large, where is the probability that any election will ever take place, by that mode which is the most constitutional, & the most consonant to the principles of our government? It requires no spirit of prophecy to determine, that in nine cases out of ten, the election will be thrown upon Congress; by which the larger states will lose their just weight in the union. This is a momentous consideration for Virginia; and I beg the friends of Col. Monroe to consider, whether they may not impair the consequence of their own state, by the course which they are now pursuing.
It is evident therefore, that the power of recommendation must be vested somewhere. By a power I do not mean that the people are bound to obey such a recommendation; but that they will respect it, because it is indispensable to their own welfare. In what hands
then, can this power be so safely entrusted as in those of their immediate representatives in Congress, to whom is already committed the guardianship of some of the dearest concerns of the people? Call it a caucus or by any name more barbarous; it is still an essential instrument of a Presidential election.
It would seem, at first view, that the necessity of a caucus in any particular state, would no be so urgent as at the seat of general government; inasmuch as the territory is less extensive, and the population less numerous. This would be true, if the election were conducted by districts. But the law passed some years ago, called the general ticket law, has rendered a caucus not only expedient, but absolutely necessary. By that law every voter is compelled, not only to chuse an elector in his own district, but one for every district in the state, and each elector must reside in the district which he represents. Now it is scarcely to be presumed that every voter can have so extensive an acquaintance throughout the state, as to be able to select a proper character in each district prescribed by law. He must then be governed by the information of others. But where can he look for information with so much propriety, as to the Representatives of the people in the General Assembly, collected from all parts of the state, and having an ample opportunity to discuss the merits of every man who may be selected as an elector. If this be the necessary result of the general ticket law, it is our duty to carry it into effect in the best possible manner. Whether this law be expedient or not, is not now the enquiry; but I beg leave to refer Hortensius to the letters of Franklin, where he will find that law very ably defended.
For more than eight years, we have been in the habit of holding caucuses on the eve of a Presidential election. If Hortensius regarded them as destructive of the constitutional mode of election, why has he remained silent until this time? Where was the pen of the indignant Hortensius, when, year after year, he saw a repetition of these unconstitutional meetings, gradually acquiring the force and stability of precedents? Why did he not hear his solemn protest against caucuses, before the late meetings were held in this city? But Hortensius was willing to have a caucus, and his only complaint is, that it was not sufficiently general. It is well known that some of our eminent men of the present day, are indebted for a large portion of their fame, to their patriotic declamations at a caucus.
The present number has been already protracted to so great a length, that I must reserve my answer to the charges of Hortensius against the caucuses at Washington and Richmond, to some future opportunity. But before I conclude, I cannot forbear to make another appeal to the patriotism of the friends of Col. Monroe. What is the real nature of the present contest? It is a question, not about principles , but men . The liberal men on both sides acknowledge the high merits of each of the candidates. They admit that the interests of our country cannot be sacrificed, if they are committed to either. Is it wise, is it patriotic, is it liberal, under these circumstances, to hazard the prospect of disunion, when all our feelings and all our necessities call upon us to stand a firm and united people? Compute the greatest advantage that may be gained, and the inevitable evils that must result, and we shall immediately perceive destructive consequences which will flow from a perseverance in the course which Col. Monroe's friends have marked out for themselves.
Aware, that this conjecture has too much of the complexion of partiality, let us resort to some of the many facts which all federal America has witnessed, admired, and received with thanks. In omitting the notice of ten years utility, several conspicuous displays of Mr. Madison's wisdom are placed among the ordinary acts which other men of good parts might have performed. But ask the most confident in their own talents, whether in the year 1786, when Madison projected a new constitution for the United States, the immense fabric which was afterwards raised, was not too vast for minds familiarized only to the operations of single state-governments? Did it not for some time experience the ridicule of a vision, which too much learning had conjured up? What that celebrated man, John Rutledge of South Carolina, at first said of himself, may surely be said, without disparagement of others, that "government bottomed upon such principles and armed with such authorities, astonished him so much, that he found no foothold for it in his former conceptions. We were driven into independence by the good of tyranny; the federal constitution was a creature of profound research and of the purest choice, which the collision of human affairs would admit. In Virginia, where the repugnance to a diminution of state sovereignty prevailed to an extreme, Mr. Madison originated it; in the convention at Philadelphia, his plastic hand was visible on every occasion; in the convention at Richmond, his reasoning was the chief effectual antagonist to its gigantic enemy; in the closet he reconciled the people by the productions of his pen, and in Congress, he cherished all its republican tendencies.
To travel through the details of his conduct, connected with these large ideas, would form a separate volume abounding in political instruction; but would be needless to those, who have studied the history of their country; and would certainly be neglected by others, to whom investigations of this kind may be inconvenient. Since, however, no scale exists, by which political men can be graduated with mathematical exactness, and to ascertain its extent, an appeal must be made to a certain general feeling of the people; let each man answer to himself a few questions without being deceived by his vanity, or duped by considerations of party.
What man in Virginia, besides Madison, at first conceived the great scheme, on which the history of ancient and modern confederacies shed so dim a light?
Who else, if he did conceive it, possessed the patriotic firmness to encounter the prejudices of Virginia in proposing the preliminary steps? Was not the change of requisitions on the states into a legislation on the individuals of those states almost execrated, when he had the boldness to hint it?
Did it need no other capacity, than what is adequate to the business of a state, to create a plan by which the purse and the sword of United America should be deposited in an assembly of the states, which was believed, under the confederation, to act as ambassadors instead of representatives, participating the feelings of the whole nation?
COMMUNICATION.
TO THE FRIENDS OF JAMES MONROE'S ELECTION.
You have asserted, publicly asserted, that our Minister at the Court of London was prevented by the present administration, from concluding an advantageous and honorable peace with the British Government, during Mr. Fox's ministry. You have insinuated, and some of you even declared, that the negotiation was embarrassed, and that difficulties were thrown in its way, merely to serve particular and sinister purposes—that Mr. Monroe was kept out of the country to injure his popularity—that a colleague was given him to diminish his reputation—and that there were documents in that gentleman's possession to prove, some or all of these facts, which would in due time be exhibited to the public. You have with a mysterious air endeavoured, "spargere voces in vulgum ambiguas," and when questioned as to facts, replied with a significant nod that "we should soon see where the faulted."
It is time that the curtain which conceals these damnable evidences of mal-administration, should be raised. An important crisis is approaching, which calls for all the evidence that individuals may possess, and all the vigilance which the public can exercise. Vague insinuations, indirect charges, and even bold assertions will not be believed, unless proof is adduced to support them. If the administration is culpable, Mr. Madison, I presume, as a constituent member of the cabinet, is also culpable—and when the fact is established, I as one of his friends, will abandon him. Until then, however, notwithstanding the cant I have lately heard against "implicit confidence in our rulers," I must be allowed the opinion, I have entertained for years, and which has by no one act in Mr. M's life, been for a moment shaken.
The friends of Mr. Madison have been willing to pass over the merits or demerits of Mr. Monroe in silence. They have gone farther—for they have liberally bestowed upon that gentleman all the praises he deserved. It was hoped that a similar course would have been adopted by the friends of Mr. Monroe, not because as has been ungenerously insinuated Mr. Mad's friends felt any peculiar sensibility on the subject, but because they were anxious to avoid a discussion of comparative merits, which could have had no other effect than to irritate minds already sufficiently inflamed, and widen a breach already too wide. Since however the gauntlet has been thrown—since an attack has been made on the administration, and on Mr. Madison as a part of it—no delicacy ought hereafter to prevent us from searching after truth, and exposing the conduct of the government, or the conduct of the minister. Let then Mr. Monroe or his friends, say what were the circumstances which did prevent him from concluding an advantageous and honorable peace with the Court of St. James's—Let them, if they can, bring the fault home to the administration.
VIRGINIUS.
Yesterday, the House of Delegates, agreed to appropriate 50,000 $ for the manufacturing of Arms, including officers salaries. And 18,000 $ for the foundery of cannon and boring mill.
Mr. A. S. Hooe (King George) offered the following resolution, which he said he should not have revived, but for a publication which he had that day seen in the News-Paper.
At an important crisis, like the present, when we are threatened with war by the rival powers of Europe, it is of the highest importance that we should have at the head of our army, a man of the most unblemished reputation, who instead of exciting doubts, should inspire confidence—the present commander is not that man. He has been suspected, and with too much cause, of being engaged in treason at home and treachery abroad.
Resolved therefore, That it is the opinion of the General Assembly of Virginia, that Brigadier General James Wilkinson has not the confidence of the people of this Commonwealth and ought not to be retained in the command of the army of U. States.
Mr. Walker moved, that the further consideration of this resolution, be postponed till the 31st of March.
Mr. Strother offered the following resolution, in place of the motion for postponement. Resolved, That at this time it is inexpedient to act on the resolution, relative to gen. James Wilkinson.
Mr. Walker moved to amend Mr. S's resolution by adding the words "and that therefore the further consideration thereof be put off till the 31st of March next."
Mr. Smyth (Wythe) moved to amend the last resolution, by striking out the words "at this time." The Ayes and Noes being called, it was determined in the affirmative, Ayes 71—Nays 65.
Mr. Walker proposed to amend the resolution, by adding the words "as an enquiry has been instituted into the conduct of gen. J. W." Lost.
Mr. Murdaugh moved to amend it by adding after the word "inexperienced" the words "not having the evidence before us."
After some desultory debate Mr. Wooding proposed to lay the resolution with the proposed amendments upon the table.—Carried.
Summary of the debate in our next paper
The following is presumed to have been the extract, so frequently alluded to in the House.
Extract of a letter from a member of the Virginia Legislature to his friend in this city, dated January 25, 1808.
"I observe Mr. Hooe's resolution published in the National Intelligencer, as stated in the Federal paper here, the only one in this city that noticed it. The statement is palpably incorrect. The resolution was thrown out the same day it was presented, by a motion of adjournment, as determined by the Speaker, and does not "remain to be acted on," nor does it appear on our journals; neither were a majority of speakers in favor of it. Many gentlemen, I know, were anxious to speak in opposition to it, when the motion for adjournment was made and carried. It was never introduced afterwards, which it might have been, and which must be conclusive, that the few friends to it (who were generally Federalists and Randolphites) were sensible that it would have been rejected by a large majority; I will venture to say by a majority of at least four fifths of the members."
CIRCULAR.
To the Freeholders in the Senatorial District of Botetourt, Washington, Montgomery, Russel, Greenbrier, Kanawha, Wythe, Lee and Grayson. FELLOW-CITIZENS.
THE electors of your district being called upon to vote at the next election for a member of the Senate, I take this method of declaring myself a candidate for that honorable and very important station.
As I have been bred from my childhood and resided upwards of thirty-two years within the district, have been seven times elected (twice unanimously) and served six sessions in the legislature; it is to be presumed you will be readily enabled to decide on my pretensions.
It is not for me to make professions or promises. It is for you to examine my past conduct and determine.
Your most obedient, ALEXANDER SMYTH.
We are authorized to state, that Dr. Charles Cooke declines serving on the "committee of correspondence, in the county of Amelia, for the purpose of promoting the election of Colonel Monroe."
The following is the reply of Col. Monroe to the Address presented to him by the Senate of Virginia. Richmond, Jan. 19th, 1808.
SIR, The distinguished proofs of confidence and attachment which I have received from my country since my return home, have made an impression on my mind which time cannot remove. For the high sanction which the Senate of my native state has given, in its legislative character, to the sentiments which have been expressed by my fellow-citizens, I beg you to tender to that very respectable body my most grateful acknowledgments.
To merit well of his country, is the first duty of a good citizen—to receive its approbation, his highest reward. Conscious that I have done every thing in my power in the various and very important trusts with which I have been honoured by my government, to vindicate the rights, sustain the honour, and promote the welfare of the United States, I am proud of the sense which is entertained of my services by the Senate of this Commonwealth.
While the representatives of a free people bestow so honourable and grateful a recompense on those who serve them with integrity and zeal, they give an useful example to their successors, and a generous excitement to virtuous action to the public servants.
I beg you to have the goodness to present to my fellow-citizens of the Senate, my best wishes for their personal happiness, and that you will accept the assurance of the high consideration and esteem with which I have the honor to be
Your very obedient servant, JAMES MONROE.
To the address of the Council of State of the 22nd of December last, made through their President to Mr. Monroe, the following answer was returned. Richmond, Jan. 20, 1808.
SIR, For the kind and affectionate welcome to my native country, which the Council of State has given me, after an absence of almost five years, I want language to express the acknowledgement which I feel. Having been long & intimately known to all its members, having served with most of them in the department which they now fill, I am too well acquainted with their distinguished merit not to value as I ought to do, the high proof which they have afforded by their address of the 22nd of December last, of their approbation of my conduct through a long course of public service.
In recurring to the early epochs of our revolution you recall to my mind the glorious events, which announced us to the world as a nation and made us one. The public acts which vindicated that great effort in favour of national independence and personal liberty, and the brilliant achievements of the illustrious men who commanded our forces, left us an example of talents and of virtues, which it will always be our pride to imitate. In those ever memorable transactions I was an youthful and subaltern agent; if indeed I ought not to be considered as having been, in comparison with others, a spectator rather than a party to them. But I was not on that account less ardent in the cause, nor less susceptible of the truth of the great principles on which it was founded.
The generous view which you have taken of my services through the whole of my past life, shews that it was drawn by those who felt for me the strong bias of personal friendship. In your detail of the important trusts which I have held, I see much cause for grateful acknowledgements to my country, for so many and such distinguished proofs of its good opinion and confidence. To my most faithful and laborious services, my country, had the high and just claim of public duty, and I shall be permitted to add, in the proud feeling of conscious rectitude, that in no instance did I fail in any thing which could have been expected from an honest and ardent zeal to promote its welfare.
I cannot conclude this communication without repeating my great indebtedness to the numerous and friendly attention which has been shown me by the Council of State, and requesting you, sir, and your colleagues, to accept the assurance of the high consideration and personal regard with which I have the honor to be, Your most obedient, and very humble servant, JAMES MONROE. The Hon. Alexander M'Rae, President of the Council of State.
We unreservedly declare our fullest confidence in the integrity of the republican majority of Congress. And whatever may be the nomination of that great body, for President and Vice-President of the U. States, we do believe, it will be for the general interest and happiness of the nation. 'Tis true, there is nothing in the constitution in favor of nominating—Yet there is nothing against it. N. Y. Pub. Adv.
COMMUNICATED.
On the 18th ultimo, the day on which he completed his 29th year, departed this life Mr. THOMAS WALKER of the Indian Fields, Charles City county. If we estimate our losses by the degree of good and virtuous men. Society will rarely have to note a greater than in the death of Mr. Walker; unambitious and unassuming, he avoided the political bustle of life, and in retirement was of more real solid benefit to society by the example he set of industry, uprightness and propriety of conduct. Truth and candour marked his words and actions. His loss is unfeignedly deplored by all who knew him, and he has left a void among the circle of his friends and neighbors which can never be completely filled.
SEVENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Stolen on the fourth of the present month, from a rack in the City of Richmond, a chestnut sorrel HORSE & SADDLE. The Horse about five feet two inches high, seven or eight years old, with a star in his forehead, a small notch in one of his nostrils, thin tail, which appears to have been seared with a knife, and carries it one side when rode, short all round, paces, trots and gallops, works well, and is little rubbed by the harness; the saddle pad faced with red, flaps padded and quilted in front, plated stirrup irons, maker's name, Thos. Biddle, on the tree of the saddle. Whoever will deliver the horse and saddle, shall receive twenty dollars, and on conviction of the thief, fifty more. GEO. BLAKEY. Feb. 4. (1w39f)
NOTICE.—To Mr. WILLIAM ROSS, late of the city of Richmond—SIR—Your present residence being unknown to me, I am compelled to resort to this mode of giving you Notice, that I shall on the second Monday in March next, at the court-house of this city, proceed to take the deposition of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in my suit in chancery, now depending in the hustings court for the city of Richmond, against you—that I shall adjourn from day to day for the space of three days, unless the business be sooner accomplished. At which time and place you may attend if you please. I am your obedient servant, MEACON GREEN. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. (1w39f)
TO RENT.—The Store at present occupied by Messrs. Dodge & Cobb—Possession will be given on the 1st March next. For terms apply to M. M. Myers. Richmond, Feb. 9. (1f)
STOLEN from the subscriber on Wednesday night last, at the Washington Tavern, in the city of Richmond, a bright sorrel HORSE, SADDLE & BRIDLE. The Horse is about five feet high, low in flesh, has a star in his forehead, and is branded on the left thigh with the letters P. F. which is the two first letters of the man's name that formerly owned him; the saddle and bridle are nearly new, the saddle has a silver head and cantle. Any person who will deliver the said horse, saddle and bridle or either of them to Francis Branch in Richmond or to the subscriber in Manchester, shall receive a liberal reward and all necessary expenses paid. JOHN BRANCH. Feb. 5. (1f)
NOTICE.—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz.
Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toiletets, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dowles; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Callico, Nankeen, white and colored Marselles and Janes, Cotton Cassimeres, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2w8w)
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land. One tract on Randolph's creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne. Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (1f)
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHEW of Urbanna, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt. JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. (1w4w)
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot appertinent occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. THOS. ELLIOTT. Richmond, Feb. 2. (1w39f)

Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES. DEBATE on the Amendment to the Federal Constitution, respecting the Judiciary.
FRIDAY, Jan. 8.
Mr. Gholson in continuation.
If, Mr. Chairman, we compare the judiciary of the United States, with that of any other government, which recognizes at all the independency of its judiciary, we shall find the former more absolute and possessing a greater degree of permanency, than any other in the world.
In New-Hampshire, New-York, New-Jersey, Maryland, Virginia and Vermont, they are removable for any species of mal-administration, that shall be deemed sufficient.
We will next enquire, as to the extent of powers exercised by the federal judiciary? And here a particular enumeration, is deemed unnecessary.
I believe, sir, I may pronounce without the fear of contradiction, that the judicial branch of no other government of which history furnishes any account—possesses so many transcendent jurisdictions!
Mr. Chairman—from the imperfect view, which I have taken of this subject, these facts must appear most obvious.
Now permit me to ask, sir, where is the responsibility of a judge, occupying such a position, and placed thus beyond the control of the people?
But gentlemen argue, that the judiciary is now amenable—if so, what objection can be urged to the proposed plan of removal?
As to the concentration of power that would be lodged in the legislative by adopting the proposed amendment, there might be some weight in the argument against it, if the legislature were in point of fact equally permanent with the judiciary.
Every objection against it, is predicated upon Aristocratical principles, and goes directly to distrust the people themselves.
I will now, Mr. Chairman, take notice of some observations which have been made by the gentleman from Frederick and the gentleman from Prince William.
posterity. But since gentlemen have spoken so vauntingly of a particular case, let us see what there is in this particular case which should excite the admiration of the committee.
Whether these, with many similar proceedings of the court in the case of A. Barr were warrantable or not is not, my province to determine.
The gentleman from P. William, seems to place peculiar reliance in the judicial, whilst he very much distrusts the representative department.
They are every way connected with them, speak their sentiments, and represent their various interests.
We have heard much Sir, of the overwhelming tendency of legislative and executive influence.
Mr. Chairman, I have thus expressed my crude opinions on this important subject.
This is we believe, the first instance in the United States, in which the substance of this species of motion has been found on the earth, tho'
MISCELLANY.
NEW-HAVEN, December 22.
On Monday the 14th inst. at about break of day or a little after, the weather being moderate, calm, and the atmosphere somewhat cloudy and foggy, a meteor or fire-ball, passing from a northern point displaced over the western part of this state, with a tremendous report.
This is we believe, the first instance in the United States, in which the substance of this species of motion has been found on the earth, tho'
it has been often done in Europe. Fortunately the facts respecting this wonderful phenomenon, are capable of being ascertained, and verified with precision, and an investigation will, we understand, be immediately commenced for the purpose.
We request Gentlemen who may have observed it in distant parts of the state to favour the public with their observations.
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States,"
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not redeemable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed.
The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
Table with 2 columns: Description of stock subscription, Amount. Rows include: Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, 1807, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37. between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62. between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42.
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benjamin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [law3w.]
By virtue of a deed in trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety-four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect; will be sold at Mathews court-house on the second Monday in March next, being court day, at public auction, for ready money, the tract of LAND conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situate lying and being in the county of Mathews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, dec'd, and by him purchased of John Mayes.
BY THE TRUSTEES. Jan. 23. [law3w.]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district of set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren River.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason court-house.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [law3w.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law3w.]
TO BE RENTED. On the Main Street, the rooms above the store in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a commodious Dry Cellar and a Kitchen. JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, 21st Jan. 1808. [law3w.]
ADVERTISEMENT.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at twelve months credit, on the 9th day of February next, at the late dwelling house of Doctor John Smith, dec'd, at King and Queen court-house, all the personal estate of the said dec'd, consisting of several Horses, some Cattle and household and kitchen Furniture.
PATENT MACHINES FOR SHELLING CORN.—The above valuable Machine invented by Paul Pillsbury of Massachusetts, may now be had of the subscribers in Richmond, who are exclusively authorised to vend the same in the state of Virginia.
Richmond, January 23, 1808. [law3w.] Wm. MCKIM, C. TOMPKINS, DERRAUGH & EVANS, ROBERT MCKIM, ALEXR. MCKIM, ROBERT LIDE, SEWALL OSGOOD.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randle Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goodie. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 23rd day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of LAND in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowat which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia.
JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. [law3w.]
The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. Law3w.
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-Smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz.—An elegant assortment of pearl and opal Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold d. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pearl and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy, gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Links, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies' Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Sards and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily despatched. December 4. [ceptf.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf Cognac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto. Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gunpowder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Soap, Candles, Rice, Spanish Indigo, Northern Cheese, Best Spanish Segars, Hibbert's Porter and Brown Stout, English, Swedish and Country Iron, Nail and spike Rod, Pickled Salmon, F. F. Gunpowder in kegs, Raisins, Almonds, Pepper, Ginger, Queens-Ware, &c. &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers. JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (H.)
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. (f.)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milch Cows, two Horses, a small Wagon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds.)
FRESH TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. H.) Jan. 12.
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg to Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order; so that persons inclined to adopt that method of travelling, (but many of whom have been heretofore deterred on account of part of the line having been out of repair) will in future meet with a certain, speedy, & comfortable conveyance.—From Petersburg to Fayetteville, the proportion of the line for which the subscribers have contracted, the rate of fare will be seven cents per mile, with a privilege to each passenger of 20lbs. of baggage. Every 150lbs. of baggage over that privilege will pay as one passenger or in proportion; but while every attention will be paid to the baggage, there will be no responsibility for its loss. WM. GHOLSON & WALLACE. Brunswick, (Va.) Jan. 14. [193]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Reward about the last instant from the service of Mr. William R. Welch (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his escape, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ceptf.]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [H.]
TO RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury.—For Hire: Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVE. Jan. 2. [ceptf.]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR.—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [ceptf.]
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [ceptf.]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality.—For sale by J. DARMSMITT. Oct. 23. [H.]
LIKENESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.—The subscriber has on hand a few copies of a Likeness of the PRESIDENT of the United States engraved by himself, which may be had at his lodgings next door to the office of the Enquirer. SL. MESTIN. Richmond, February 2. [H.]
FOR SALE, a Black Mulatto BOY about 18 years of age, who is an excellent Painter.—A bargain may be had by applying at the Office of the Enquirer. Feb. 2. [H.]
FOR SALE—and may be seen at the Eagle Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay Horses, that have ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five and the other six years old. Feb. 2. [H.]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.—Reward from the subscriber on the 15th of January last, a negro man named BILLY, sometimes calls himself Billy Pym, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, nearly quite black, between 30 and 35 years old, remarkable for his pleasing manners when spoken to, has 5 large scars across his breast, he has lost off the left hand the finger next to the small one, he was raised in Philip Butt's family of York county, where it is supposed he will go. The above reward will be given to secure him in jail so that the owner may get him, or a note directed to John P. Shields in Richmond, from whom he was last purchased. JOHN TONEY. N. B. Billy's wife lives in Richmond with Mr. Mers. Feb. 2. (3.)
NOTICE—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Biddell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walker Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, by the subscribers or one of them, at auction, on Wednesday the 10th of next month, at the Stone House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna.
No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior encumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that encumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 137 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Banner's bridge, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Payne. No. 4. A tract of 153 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 134 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 83 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hanley. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the stone-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Machin's creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of the tract he bought from William Ballinger.
Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third: except for the tract No. 3, for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior encumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold. C. COPLAND, } Trustees. J. PROSSER. Richmond, 10th Jan. 1808. (2awtds.)
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807.
Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andres and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants.
It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. Jan. 14. [2awtds.]