Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1800-09-09 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
No. 41 of Vol. VIII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[Whole No. 767]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR.
FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM—PAID IN ADVANCE]
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 6th, 1800.
[12 1/2 CENTS SINGLE.]
From the (FREDERICKSBURG) GENIUS of LIBERTY.
Reflections in reference to the next Election of a President and Congress of the United States.
LYCURGUS—No. X.
IT was lately proposed to consider what characters are likely to procure national happiness.
The presumptuous idea of specifying individuals was never entertained; it is character or principle of which we are in search. A fair contrast, extracted from actual measures or solemn declarations, will exhibit the inimical system in undisguised rivalry, and enable us to decide between them in pursuance of our real opinions; he who rejects such evidence and forms his judgment from occasional professions suggested by an emergency, deserves to be presented with a cap and bells. We will suppose two candidates for public suffrage, (whom for the sake of discrimination, we will call Pericles and Phocion) to have sincerely stated to the public their respective principles, as follows:
PERICLES.
The freedom of the press and of popular discussion, ought to be restrained by sedition laws, applied and enforced by government; because more men write & declaim from personal designs, than to enlighten society. Hence, they will foment commotion, and by exciting visionary hopes in the people, destroy their confidence in the government, and keep them perpetually discontented. It is beneficial therefore to society, that the government should be enabled by fine and imprisonment to compel the people to be contented; to suppress turbulent characters, and to preserve private order and national quiet. By undertaking to judge of subjects, to which they are incompetent, the people are sometimes excited into a state of fury and madness, to destroy innocent men, and even to gratify their rage by unavailing exterminations. Let them not then be permitted to discuss, whatever they are incompetent to judge of correctly, because it begets passion, & that passion mischievous. The peo-
ple are incompetent to judge of the measures of government, and therefore, they ought to be prohibited from discussing them.
nations in blood. Let political writings and discussions, after the successful example of religions, be submitted to the tribunal of public opinion, as most conducive to good order, and as the only means of preserving liberty. The sages who formed our constitution concluded the people competent to judge of political measures, and therefore they took public opinion for the basis of the constitution. To weaken this basis, is to undermine the constitution. The competency of the people to judge will be increased by free discussion, and diminished by the inquisition of a sedition law. One will make their dispositions more congenial to liberty; the other, to slavery.
PERICLES.
A great nation will preserve its honor. If it is insulted it will repair the insult by war, & as it is ever liable to be insulted, it will ever be prepared for war. In every science skill is the best security of success, but without experience or habit mere theory will not produce skill. An occasional state of war, and a standing army, are therefore indispensable to a nation, which intends to preserve its honor. An army is also useful to suppress the ambition of those unruly men with whom society is ever afflicted; it is only by standing armies, that popular commotion, which ambition is ever projecting, can be speedily and effectually crushed. "This event (the raising of our army) is a great point gained by the aristocracy, and a great advance towards the election of one, in case of convulsions and confusion, for monarchy. The general will naturally fall in with the views of the aristocratical body. Adams's defence, pa. 372 and 373.
crush it, if an army is a great point gained by an aristocracy, and a great advance towards monarchy. The way to crush ambition, is not to put weapons in its hands, but to have no aristocracy, to keep all men equally subject to the laws; to avoid armies and oppressive taxes; and to attend earnestly to the improvement of our militia.
PERICLES.
A fleet is indispensably necessary for the protection of commerce and the glory of the nation. Whatever taxes it may cause—whatever patronage it may bestow upon executive power, it is rendered cheap by the national property it begets. Behold the example of our mother country. Begirt by her fleets, she monopolizes the trade of the world. She attacks the most formidable powers without danger at home. She compels by monopolies, all nations to contribute to her expenses. She invades & subdues the most distant countries, for the sake of opening new channels of wealth. She decides the fate of nations, bribes them by their own money to destroy each other, and maintains the balance of Europe. All this is owing to her fleet. And shall we be blind to all these brilliant prospects? Shall we reject the glorious example of our parent, and meanly submit to the scorn and injury of superior maritime power?
PHOCION.
As victory does not always take the side of justice war is a precarious mode of preserving national honor. It is more glorious to convict your adversary by the exhibition of truth, than the ordeal of war. Superior strength may by victory, bestow a momentary gloss on crime—but truth is a gem which reason will continue to brighten. A nation which pursues the phantom honor, along the rugged path of war, will find victory or defeat equally fatal to it. Victory can only be purchased, or defeat repaired by excessive taxes. A successful war exposes a nation to that tendency towards monarchy, possessed by its own army,—an unsuccessful war to the ravages of the enemy. Standing armies, especially victorious armies, are not proper arbiters of the fate of citizens, because they never think or feel like citizens. They are more likely to be instruments in the hands of ambition, than to
system. England will foil America in a rivalry forbidden by nature. But nature proposes a line of conduct for America, which will exalt her over England—peace, agriculture, a free trade with all the world, moderate taxation, & great population, are the true means for our prosperity. Balance these against fleets, armies, war, and heavy taxes.
(The remainder of this number will be given in our n. x.)
From the (New-York) AMERICAN CITIZEN.
AN anonymous pamphlet has lately been published in this city, entitled "Serious considerations on the Election of President, addressed to the citizens of the United States"—the object of which is to raise a hue and cry against Thomas Jefferson, and from religious considerations, impress the minds of the people, that he is not qualified to be the chief magistrate of a free and independent nation.
It is doubtless a subject of importance, and we believe that the evidences which go to substantiate the qualifications of Jefferson to hold this office are indubitable.
It is the common effort, it has been the universal practice of tyrants in all ages and countries, to excite alarms among the people upon the important subject of religion, well knowing that in this great concern, the human heart is more susceptible of strong and violent agitations.
It is remarkable, that although our government is free, it seems not to be entirely free from designs of this kind.
The constitutions of this country are laid upon a broad foundation, supported by the pillars of republican truth, wisdom and liberality of sentiment.
No religious test is required, and every consideration of a religious nature, is justly presumed by the constitution, to be a matter which man must settle with his conscience and his creator.
If it were right and consistent with sound policy, to establish such a liberal principle in the American constitution, it is wrong to attempt to bind to any one sect, the religious opinion of any citizen who may be a candidate for any office under the government.
The president of the United States is sworn to maintain the constitution, and exercise with fidelity, the duties of his office. The constitution does not recognize the individual as belonging specifically or pointedly to any particular denomination, but it lays him under obligation, as a man and a citizen, to preserve with the utmost care, that republican constitution under which he has been elected, and to see that the laws are faithfully executed.
The author of this pamphlet admits that Mr. Jefferson is not disqualified for holding the office of president of the United States by anything contained in the constitution itself, but contends at the same time, that public opinion ought to
disqualify him. What is this but the most pointed condemnation of the constitution, and endeavouring to cause the force of public opinion to annihilate that liberality of sentiment which the wisdom of the country has established in its fundamental law.
The author labours hard to prove the infidelity of Jefferson, and after he has imagined that he has completed the task, he rides triumphantly over the constitutions of the United States, destroys their spirit & principle, raises alarms which have no foundation, and endeavors to frighten the unspotted citizens by the apprehension of dangers which have not, and never can happen, so long as the public agents are bound by the constitution and the law.
The same party who more strenuously contend against the election of Jefferson, were well satisfied with the administration of Washington, and yet it was not by any attachment to any particular sect or party that Washington's conduct was regulated; for in none of the writings of that great man, is anything of this kind to be discovered.
Whenever he spoke of religion, it was in general terms, and no particular sect or denomination received any marked preference from him.
He had great respect for Jefferson, and reposed in him great confidence; he appointed him to the office of secretary of state, & from the writings of both of these great men, it is evident that neither has been attached to any particular species of religion or in exclusion to all others, and there is reason to believe from their writings, that upon this subject, their opinions were the same.
There was, therefore, as much reason to object to Washington on the score of religion, as to Jefferson.
The talents, the integrity and republicanism of the latter, are objects to which the public attention ought to be drawn, and to these the public welfare may be safely confided.
COMMUNICATION.
Of all the stupid productions which have appeared respecting Mr. Jefferson's election, the pamphlet entitled, "Serious Considerations," &c. published in this city, is the most so. It is said to come from a clergyman, and is attributed to the author of the "Signs of the Times." It may be so, for both publications are miserably defective in matter and in style. In point of stupidity the last work, upon the whole, is entitled to a pre-eminence.
The following are the only arguments he urges to establish the utter disqualification of Mr. Jefferson from the office of President.
I. "Because Mr. Jefferson denies that the shells found on the tops of high mountains ought to be considered as a proof of an universal deluge.
II. "Mr. Jefferson believes there are among the Indians a variety of languages radically different; and therefore he thinks America was not peopled from Asia.
III. "Because Mr. Jefferson thinks the blacks inferior to whites in reason and imagination.
IV. "Because he thinks the Bible and testament ought not to be put into the hands of children until their judgments are sufficiently matured for religious enquiries.
V. The next reason is the very opposite to the last—to wit: "Because he recommends the Bible to be put into children's hands as soon as they can understand it."

vulgar, immoral and abandoned wretch Porcupine!
It is indeed true, that several men of worth belong to the episcopal church. Every man who knows the head of the episcopal church of Philadelphia, will pay a tribute to this amiable and benevolent character. His mortification at the conduct of some of those partial speculators in church politics is well known.
This subject covers so large a surface, and has so many ramifications through the United States, that it is impossible to take it up without being diffuse—we shall conclude this time with an article, that will show men of all sects, how superior is the toleration of our happy country over that of the established churches, and our fellow citizens of Delaware and Maryland ought to consider it attentively. The late attempts of Dr. Coker, an English clergyman sent from England in the British packet, and who has since returned to go on a similar mission to Ireland should not be forgotten—it ought to be compared with the constant policy of the British.
FROM THE AMERICAN CITIZEN. Mr. PRINTER, The author of a letter of which this is an extract, is a venerable gentleman near sixty years old.
This man has been an acceptable minister of the Methodist church in Europe for many years. About two years since, he was appointed by the British methodist conference, as a missionary to the island of Bermuda. After being properly ordained, and furnished with honorable letters of recommendation from public and private characters in England; he failed in the British Packet for New-York, and after preaching a few sermons in this city, and staying several days among the people of his own denomination, he sailed for Bermuda, the place of his original destination. On his arrival at Bermuda, he waited on the governor of the island, informed him of his intention, (of preaching) requested his patronage, obtained his approbation and promise of future protection. It appears that his ministerial labours have had a good effect on the public mind and manners—But strange and shameful to relate, a law is enacted purposely to prevent his preaching—a law only descriptive of the depravity of morals, and the despotism of the government under which it exists, and under the operation of which, this aged, pious, zealous and respectable minister of Jesus Christ, now lies confined in a loathsome prison. Americans, adore the bounty of that Providence which hath procured to you the invaluable blessing of civil and religious liberty.
"Bermuda Jail, June 26, 1800."
"My dear Brother, I am now in bonds for preaching the gospel in Bermuda. They have made a law designed to prevent my preaching in this place. I was taken prisoner the 24th June, toge with one of my friends, at whose house I preached. When arrested, we remonstrated, but all in vain—to jail we must go. I thank God for his comfortable presence—he does not leave me in the trying hour. I am unspeakably happy for suffering for his name's sake. Gratitude to God fills my soul, while tears of love overflow my eyes."
The letter of the law under which we suffer is, that no person shall preach, exhort, lecture or speak, or deliver any doctrine on the scriptures, either verbally or in writing, unless ordained according to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England or Scotland!!!
JOHN STEPHENSON.
[We return our thanks to the gentleman who kindly favored us with the following extract of a letter.]
PEACE
Between RIGAUD and TOUSSAINT. Two or three days before our departure from the Cape, news had arrived there of peace having taken place between Toussaint Louverture and Rigaud.
Toussaint's forces, under the command of general Dessalines, having captured Arquin, and got possession of Rigaud's port-manteau and papers, by which they became acquainted with his real situation (which he had hitherto found means to keep concealed from them) they determined on pushing forward, with all possible dispatch, to Aux Cayes, before he could receive any supplies of ammunition and provisions, of which his army was much in want.
Rigaud found himself so closely pursued, and perceiving some unfavorable movements in his own army, and fearing that they might declare openly against him, determined at last, if possible, to accommodate matters with Toussaint. He accordingly sent a deputation to him, to let him know his intentions; they were well received, but Toussaint would agree to no other terms, than that Rigaud should immediately depart from the island; which Rigaud was finally forced to consent to. A certain number of days has been allowed him, by Toussaint, to depart with his family and baggage. He has a brig of 22 guns, in the harbor of Aux Cayes, in which he means to embark.
This city or town has sent a deputation of white inhabitants to general Toussaint, to request him to come in person, and take possession of the place. (dreading the arrival of the army without the commander in chief, as they have always been led to suppose, that the territory in possession of Rigaud was to be given them as fair plunder).—On the 23rd inst. gen. Moïse, commander at the Cape, received official letters from general Toussaint, informing him of these transactions, and that he, Toussaint, was then on his road to Aux Cayes.
The Augusta, brig, the Trumbull and
the Herald, sloops of war, are cruising near the Aux Cayes. It is to be hoped that Rigaud will fall in with some one of them."
BALTIMORE, September 1.
OFFICIAL.
Extracts of two letters from lieutenant John Shaw, of the United States' sloop Enterprise, of 12 guns and 70 men, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated the 10th and 26th July, 1800.
"On the 9th inst. I fell in with the French privateer l'Aigle, of 10 guns and 78 men. She engaged me with much spirit for 15 minutes, when she lowered her colors."
"On the 23rd, I fell in with and captured the French privateer Flambeau, of 12 guns and 98 men. She engaged me for nearly two glasses."
"l'Aigle had 4 men killed, 3 wounded, Flambeau 4 men killed, 29 wounded. The prize 2 wounded in the engagement with the Flambeau."
Extract of a letter from Moses Tryon, Esq. commander of the United States' ship Connecticut, dated St. Pierre's, Martinico, 22d July, 1800, to the Secretary of the Navy.
"Since my last of the 21st ultimo, we have only fallen in with and captured from the French, a French Ketch called Le Chouchon, with a cargo per invoice, which I dispatched this day with the convoy."
Board of Health.
The returns from the physicians on Fell's Point, during the last 24 hours ending this morning at fun-rife, are as follows:
New cases 11 Total number of sick, (including new cases) 123 Ditto at hospital (not included) 15
Interments in the city and precincts, during the last 24 hours ending this morning at fun-rife.
Adults 13 Children 2. 8th month 31st, 1800.
Interments in the city and precincts, during the last 24 hours, ending this morning at fun-rife—Adults 12—Children 1. 9th month 1st, 1800.
STAUNTON, August 26.
DIED—
On Saturday the 16th inst. after a long and painful illness, which he bore with that fortitude always attendant on the Christian, Col. WILLIAM BOWYER, aged 59 years.
NORFOLK, September 4.
DEATHS.
On Sunday morning last, at Williamsburg, JOHN BLAIR, Esq. in the 60th year of his age.
That the pen of panegyric could scarce add to the merits of this most amiable, accomplished, and truly virtuous character, will be felt and acknowledged by his numerous friends and extensive acquaintance. By those who knew him not, some estimate may be formed of his super eminent worth when they are in truth told, that in discharging the arduous duties of a variety of the highest and most important public appointments, as well as in the several relations of private life, he never lost a friend, or found an enemy; and that even Calumny, whose viperous tooth impotently assailed the illustrious Washington, always shrunk from his friend, the unassuming and pious BLAIR. No man, perhaps, ever through life more fully experienced the truth and force of the scriptural benedict: "blessed are the meek for they shall inherit the earth;" or in death better justified the pathetic exclamation of the Diviner of the East; "let me die the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his."
Among the victims of the prevailing disease, none has been more deservedly deplored than Colonel O'WAY BYRD, Collector of the Customs of this port, who died on Tuesday night, after a short illness.
The early part of his life was devoted to his country's service, in the trying moment of the Revolutionary War, when he entered as a volunteer into the army of the United States, and filled a distinguished military character under the immediate patronage of General Lee. In these arduous moments he acquired the peculiar notice of General Washington, who conferred on him the honorable appointment of aid de-camp; and on many occasions during that great man's civil authority and private life, he was regarded by strong marks of his confidence and esteem. He received, without solicitation, an appointment on the Western Expedition, in which he obtained in an eminent degree, the public approbation.
He was elected to the office of Collector in 1797, which he held until his death.
His genuine worth and intrinsic merit are most strongly attested by the universal regret which his death has occasioned.
He was candid and independent in his opinions, correct in his judgment, generous in his temper, warm in his attachments, and honorable in all his deportment. As a public officer he was diligent and faithful; and as a man he was surpassed by none in the exercise of all the philanthropic and social duties.
I WISH TO HIRE.
Twenty Labouring Men,
By the month, for one or two months—I will give twelve dollars per month, and pay the cash as soon as earned.
TOM P. SHEPHERD. Richmond, Sept. 8, 1800.
THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND:
Tuesday, September 9, 1800.
From the Baltimore Federal Gazette of last Wednesday.
The ships Union and Francis and Mary, arrived this day from Liverpool, with dry goods. The former sailed the 6th and the latter the 14th July. The latest London paper brought by these vessels is of the 4th. A letter of the 7th mentions that that day's mail from London brought accounts of a treaty being concluded between the French and Austrians. Another letter of the 14th says nothing on the subject.
From the Philadelphia Supporter.
Mr. Supporter,
In some of the newspapers I read by way of complaint, resolutions on the administration of our government giving the printing of the laws, and other public matters, to one set of printers of newspapers in each state to the exclusion of others, so as to fix and rivet the monopoly of such paper to all the measures of government, and to resist that free and candid enquiry which ought to be pursued in an American paper, but which would jeopardize the salary, if allowed, by those employed by the government. Such complaints may be groundless, or otherwise—no doubt those who administer the government would be reproached with it true or false for they must employ some, and cannot go to the great expense of employing all—But I think the following plan, if adopted, would not only shield the administrators of government from imputation or partiality on this score, but would also produce a considerable saving to the public annually—Let all the public advertising of the United States be given to those publishers who will do it cheapest and best, and let proposals be publicly invited annually in the respective states for the purpose.
It is suggested, whether it would not be a still more unexceptionable plan for the Government to offer a small sum (perhaps less than half the lowest, or one fourth of the highest sum paid at present) to every proprietor of a paper throughout the United States, who should publish the laws of Congress in his paper. This would certainly be the most effectual way of giving publicity to the laws of the Union, the additional expense would be inconsiderable, and it could not be used as a means, as is hinted, by the case at present, of improperly influencing the political complexion of any paper.
MARRIED—
In Cumberland county, on the 6th ult. PEYTON RIDDLE, Esq. merchant, at Buckingham courthouse, to the amiable Miss PATSY WOODSON, of Cumberland.
From the MERCANTILE ADVERTISER.
On the importance of a general and well regulated system of Education.
CITIZENS OF AMERICA. There is no subject more worthy of the attention of a free people than the education of youth. It constitutes the firmest basis of social happiness, and is the direct path to social improvement—Impressed with this idea, we find the greatest attention paid thereto by the most celebrated states of antiquity, Athens, Sparta, Carthage and Rome, rose each in their turn to the meridian of glory, by early impressing on the minds of their citizens the love of country, justice and honor. For this purpose, each according to their different situations, adopted different methods, but all directed to the same end. The first entitled the education of her sons to the greatest philosophers that her soil produced; the second enacted that all children in the state should live in a state of the most perfect equality and receive the same course of education; the third considered all children, born free, as the property of the state, and decreed that each should receive an education suited to his genius, and have an opportunity of cultivating in early life those talents which nature had imparted to him, in order to fit him for future usefulness—And it is well known what care was taken by the Roman republic to prepare their youth for achieving great and glorious actions, by a steady and well directed education.
It is true that the state of society is now widely different; but it is to be feared that human nature remains the same; that under different modifications, we are in the same want of instruction as those of ancient days; and indeed if we consider the improvement society has made, we may justly conclude we are more in want of it than in the first ages, when the sciences only began to be known.
It may be deemed superfluous to recur to past republics to show the utility of an establishment for the improvement of our youth, as every unbiased man sees the expediency of such a measure. Your country only wants this to render it respectable, to render it the happiest in the world. This is the only way by which you will become an enlightened and united people; this is the true method to support and retain that freedom you so dearly earned; and it is by this alone you can expect to make your land a field for the virtues to thrive in, that you
can enlarge the circle of social enjoyment and keep up a spirit of patriotism and justice, so necessary and useful in a republican government.
CALCEDONUS.
New-York, August 26.
We understand that the Governor with the advice of the Council, has appointed the persons herein after named, commissioners to superintend the election of electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, which is to take place in the several counties of this commonwealth, on the first Monday in November next. It is said commissions have been issued and sent by express to the several persons appointed, a separate commission to each commissioner in every county. A precaution which puts the complete execution of the law beyond the possibility of hazard. With some of the persons who have been selected for this important trust we have not the pleasure to be acquainted, but with a very great majority we have, and from our knowledge of the great merit and respectability of character, of these, we are authorized to declare that a more judicious appointment could not have been made.
FOR THE COUNTY OF
Accomack, George Layfield, William Marshall and Wm. Waterfield. Albemarle, Nicholas Lewis, sen. George Dovers and William Clark. Amelia, Maj. Joseph Scott, Thomas Randolph and Abraham Green. Amherst, Samuel Meredith, Landon Cabell and Nelson Crawford. Augusta, John Coulter, William M'Peters, sen. and Samuel Miller. Bath, John Lewis, Jacob Warwick and L. Rhea Williams, senior. Bedford, Christopher Clarke, Charles Clay and Arthur Moseley. Berkeley, William Daake, George Hice and Thomas Rutherford. Botetourt, Martin M'Ferran, John H. Madison and George Skelton. Brooke, John Connell, Robert Colwell and Wm. M'Kennon. Bucksport, Thomas Claiborne, Sterling Rufin and Wythe Harrison. Buckingham, Charles Yancey, William Perkins, sen. and William Davis. Campbell, John Dalbey, Daniel B. Parrow and James Clarke. Cumberland, Samuel Anderson, Randolph Harrison and John Hatcher. Caroline, James Taylor, John T. Woodford and Richard Hawes. Charles City, John Bradley, Collier Harrison and James Walker. Charlotte, Quin Moreton, Bernard Todd and Thomas Spencer. Chesterfield, Isaac Sale, George Markham and William Brown. Culpepper, Philip R. Thompson, John Shankleford and Mortical Barbour. Dinwiddie, Edward Pegram, Joseph Goodwin and John Brown (merchant.) Elizabeth City, Thomas Jones, Geo. Wray and William Armistead. Essex, William Latane, William Brokenbrough and Paul Micon. Fauquier, Hancock Lee, Gussavus B. Horner and Augustine Jennings. Fairfax, John Mois, John C. Hunter and Francis Peyton. Frederick, John Smith, James Singleton and John Peyton. Franklin, Henry Callaway, Samuel Hairston and Samuel Duval. Fluvanna, Samuel Richardson, John Quarles and Allen Bernard. Gloucester, William Hall, Mann Page and Richard Baynham. Goochland, Thomas Miller, William Lee and Isaac W. Pleasants. Grayson, Greenbry G. M'Kinsey, John Elder and Enoch Osborne. Greencastle, Samuel Brown, William H. Cavendish and James Reid. Greenville, Joseph Wilkins, Francis Hill and John Goodwin. Halifax, George Carrington, Berryman Green and George Camp. Hampshire, John Higgins, Francis Murphy and William Armstrong. Hanover, William O. Winston, Nathaniel Pope, jun. and Patke Street. Hardy, Col. Joseph Neville, James Parsons and Abraham Shore. Harrison, John Webster, David Hewes and William Williams. Henrico, Nathaniel Wilkinson, Miles Eden, sen. and Daniel L. Hylton. Henry, John Kidd, John Alexander and Peter Garland. Isle of Wight, John Goodrich, Emanuel Wells and Francis Boykin. James City, John Ambler, Champion Travis and John Goodall, jun. King & Queen, Richard Brooke, John Harkins and William Lyne. Kanawha, Thomas Lewis, William Morris, jun. and Wm. Cincinnan. King George, John Taliaferro, sen. John A. Stuart and Theodosius Hansford. King William, William Penn, William Gregory and James Ruffin. Lancaster, Joseph Carter, jun. Martha Sheyman and Richard Selden. Lee, Benjamin Sharp, Peter Folkerson and John Ewing. Loudoun, John Littlejohn, Charles Denget and Albert Ruffin. Louisa, William O. Callis, Thomas Meriwether and David Watson. Lunenburg, William Taylor, Joseph Yarborough and Sterling Niblett. Madison, Reuben Fry, Abraham Maury and Robert Robuck. Matthews, Hurley Gayle, James Spark and Thomas Brooks.
Mecklenburg, Mark Alexander, Robert Ewing and Wm. T. Telfer. Middlesex, Robert B. Darden, John B. and William George. Monongalia, Major William John, Richard Clapham and David Scott. Monroe, James Alexander, John B. and Alexander Stuart. Montgomery, Daniel Dige, Charles B. and Bird Smith. Nelson, Richard M. B. and Richard Yarborough and Frank G. New Kent, William Chamberlayne, James Sample and Robert Armstrong. Norfolk, Richard E. Lee, Robert D. and James Bennett. Northampton, Caleb Fisher, Matthew C. and John Elliott. Northumberland, Wm. Claughton, Hurst Ope and Thomas Dowling. Nottingham, Francis Fitzgerald, Edward Bland and Cabet Green. Ohio, William M'Kinsey, Henry Smith and Joseph Tomlinson. Orange, James Williams, Robert Taylor, and Calett Conway. Patrick, Joshua Denton, Joseph Scott and John Cern. Pendleton, Robert Davis, John Slatten and Isaac Hinkle. Pittsylvania, Isaac Coles, William Tufford and Joseph Carter. Powhatan, Samuel Pleasants, Richard Crump and William Pope. Prince Edward, Archibald McRoberts, Taylor Woodson and John Kello. Princess Anne, Adam Keeling, Thomas Wilhart, jr. and Joseph White. Prince William, Benjamin Botts, George Grayham and John D. Orr. Prince George, John Shore, Richard Bland and George Ruffin. Richmond, Ezekiel Levi, Vincent Brannan and Griffin Gausford. Randolph, John Hadden, Adam Lee and Matthew Whitman. Rockbridge, John Bowyer, Andrew Reed and John Cantrill. Rockingham, Andrew Shanklin, JohnCarthy, jr. and Reuben Moore. Russell, Simon Cockrell, John M. Eftell and Nathan Elington. Southampton, William Edmunds, James Wilkinson and John Taylor. Spotsylvania, John Minor, Mason Page and David Kerr. Stafford, John Cooke, John T. Brooke and Robert Henning. Surry, Cawfield Seward, Nicholas Foulon and William Boyce. Sullivan, John Mason, sen. John H. Briggs and John Cargill. Shenandoah, Jacob Ricker, Wm. H. Daney and James Allen. Tazewell, Darin Ward, Henry Bowen and Samuel Walker. Warwick, Matthew Willis, William Digges and Wm. Allen. Washington, Francis Paxton, Clifford Wakelam and Robert Preston. Westmoreland, Alexander Parker, Thomas Hungerford and Thomas Dunbar. Wood, Hugh Phelps, Rees Wolfe and Daniel Kincheloe. Wythe, Alexander Smyth, Daniel Shackle and David Sawyers. York, Wm. Nelson, Robert Shield and Wm. Howard. City of Richmond, Wm. Duval, Alexander Quarrier and David Lamb. Borough of Norfolk, Wm. Bland, Thomas Newton and Samuel Coleman. City of Williamsburg, James Southall, Littleton Tazewell and Robert Samuel.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS satisfactory information has been received that some contagious disease exists at Norfolk, which without due precaution may be communicated to other parts of this commonwealth, and it being the duty of the Executive to prevent the spreading of the said disease, by causing the laws made and provided for that purpose to be faithfully executed, I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State to issue this Proclamation, imposing all visits coming from the said port of Norfolk up James river, to perform Quarantine at Jordan's Point, and all other vessels coming from said port to any other port within this commonwealth, to perform Quarantine at the places heretofore designated for such ports respectively, for the term of fifteen days, to be computed from the times they severally sailed from the said port of Norfolk. All captains and masters of vessels sailing from the port of Norfolk, or any other port of this commonwealth, are required to comply with this injunction, otherwise they will expose themselves to the penalties inflicted by the law in case of disobedience. And I do hereby call on the Superintendents of Quarantine at the said several ports, to be vigilant and active in the discharge of their duty, observing that due examination be made of all vessels sailing from their respective ports, to ascertain whence they came, and that they came those coming from Norfolk to be forthwith confined to the station appointed for the port to which they are bound, and also see that the quarantine above imposed be strictly and faithfully performed, in all other respects according to law.
Given under my hand, and under the seal of the Commonwealth, at Richmond, this twenty third day of August, 1800. (L.S.) one thousand eight hundred, and one of the Commonwealth the twenty fifth.
JAMES MONROE.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS a letter was received from Robert Gray, jun. a Captain in the United States Navy, respecting the loss of his vessel the Augusta, and requesting that I would allow him to act as a ruler in the said vessel, I do hereby relinquish all rights to act as a ruler in the said vessel.
William Paterson.
Manchester, Sept. 8th, 1800.