The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-01-26 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 26, 1802.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
EDUCATION.
ANNA GOODWIN, begs leave respectfully to return thanks to her friends and a generous public, for the liberal encouragement she has met with during her residence in Richmond, and takes the liberty of informing them, that her SCHOOL will open on Monday, the 15th of February, at the house lately occupied by Mr. Harris, schoolmaster, deceased, where she can accommodate half a dozen young ladies with board, &c. for terms apply as above. Her pupils will be taught the English language grammatically, Writing, Arithmetic, Needle Work, &c. on the following terms, viz. Small children 6 pounds a year, young ladies who engage in all the above named studies, 8 pounds per annum and 2 dollars entrance. Richmond, Jan 26, 1802.
WANTED,
A situation, as an Assistant in a Store, A Person acquainted with plain open Accounts. ***No objection to attend a Bar at a Tavern. Richmond, Dec. 27th.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE THE CONDUCT OF MERIWETHER JONES, IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has rung through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr — Mr. Samuel Coleman , No. 1.— Defence of Timothy Pickering — A little more about republican economy —with a variety of small pieces.
FOR SALE.
By public vendue at STILES Hotel , in the city of Washington, on Thursday the 12th day of January next, at twelve o'clock, the following tract of land.—Situate in Northumberland county, state of Virginia, late the residence and property of PRESLY THORNTON , esq. containing 2,500 acres, lying immediately on the river Potomac—1700 acres of which are the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 heavily timbered; the remainder is very high and extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the culture and corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story Brick Mansion House, and two offices, a large brick stable, valuable barn, corn house, and many other out houses all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situate about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore, and Norfolk. There are two good mill seats for grit, or saw mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which, if sawed up into scantling, will command a price, in the city of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms of sale, will be one third cash, and the residue of the purchase money, in payments which will be made known at the time of sale.
RICHARD PETERS, jun. Dec. 8, 1802.
FOR SALE,
THE HOUSE and LOT, No. 37, on the North Side of the Main Street, near the Court House, at present occupied by Richard Thompson, being virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me, bearing date the 4th day of October, 1802, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money there mentioned, to John Foller, and William Davidson, as securities to Richard Thompson. Will be sold on the premises to the highest bidder, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, on the 25th inst. The above mentioned property for ready money. JOHN WILLIAMSON, Jun. Richmond, Jan. 13th, 1803.
WILLIAM MOFFET,
HOUSE CARPENTER, JOINER, &c. from LONDON, and the CITY of WASHINGTON, offers his service to the public. Please enquire at Mr. Lusk's carpenter shop, near Brad's Warehouse. N.B. Also for sale, at the above shop, a large number of DOORS, SASHES, &c. Richmond, Jan. 19th, 1803.
WANTED,
AS AN APPRENTICE To the Printing Business A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office. Richmond, Jan. 19th, 1803.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named TRAILOR . Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven Inches high. Formerly belonged to the estate of Henry A. and TOLLY, and worked at the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased of a Public Sale, last Spring. Whoever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail until City, will have the above reward by applying to William Fucher. Thomas Moore. October 21th, 1802.
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 2d, 1802.
NOTICE,
In the matter of JOSEPH ANTHONY, BANKRUPT.
THE Subscriber being duly appointed assignee of the estate and effects of Joseph Anthony, bankrupt. All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any person or persons than the subscriber, or to such as shall be duly authorised by him.
RICHARD DENN, assignee. Richmond, Jan. 10th, 1802.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE,
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
United States of America, Fifth Circuit, Virginia District. [December 9, 1802.]
Henry Banks, Plaintiff, AGAINST David Campbell, Wm. M'Whann, administrators of Patrick Carnes, dec'd. John M'Queen, and James Warrington, Defendants.
ON motion of the plaintiff, it is ordered, that one of the commissioners of this court be examine, state, and settle all matters and accounts between the parties in the cause, and make report thereof to the court, stating such matter specially, that either party may require, or he think fit.
A Copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk.
Commissioner's Office,
Richmond, Dec. 20, 1802.
THE parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Tuesday, the 22d. day of February next, for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers, and their accounts ready for examination and settlement.
WM. HAY, M. C. December, 22.
United States of America, Fifth Circuit, Virginia District. December 9, 1802.
IN CHANCERY. Henry Banks, Plaintiff, AGAINST Pheneas Miller, and Catherine his wife, who was widow and executrix of Nathaniel Greene, dec'd. and who reside in the state of Georgia; Edward Rutledge, a citizen of the state of South Carolina; Jeremiah Wadsworth, a citizen of the state of Connecticut, which said Rutledge and Wadsworth, are executors of the said Nathaniel Greene, dec'd. James Warrington, a citizen of the state of South Carolina, who is agent and representative of Harris and Blackford, late merchants of Charleston in South Carolina; Ebenezer John Collett, of the kingdom of Great Britain, surviving partner of Newcomb and Collett; William Burnett, of the state of New Jersey, heir at law and representative of Isacob Burnett, dec'd. John M'Queen, who resides in some part of the kingdom of Spain; David Campbell, and William M'Whann, citizens of the state of South Carolina, or Georgia, administrators, &c. of Patrick Carnes, dec'd. and John Steel, esq. a citizen of the state of Pennsylvania, and comptroller of the treasury of the United States. Defendants.
ON motion of the plaintiff, it is ordered, that one of the commissioners of this court do examine, state, and settle all matters and accounts between the parties in this cause, and make report thereof to the court, stating such matter specially, that either party may require, or he may think fit.
A Copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk.
Commissioner's Office,
Richmond, Dec. 20th, 1802.
THE parties concerned, are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Tuesday, the 22d day of February next for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with copies of the court papers, and their accounts ready for examination and settlement.
WM. HAY, M. C. December 22.
Richmond, (Vir.) Dec. 25, 1802.
The foregoing order relates to circumstances of very great importance, not only to the United States, but to all the parties. It has cost me a great deal of trouble, much expence and personal inconvenience to bring the case even to this state.
Some of the defendants have substituted calumny instead of appluse, abuse instead of thanks, and avaricious cupidity instead of truth and justice.
Many persons who will see this publication, will understand what are the purposes to which the pursuit will be extended, among these there are some who will perceive that their interests or characters will be not only very nearly approached, but endangered, and that they may not hereafter plead surprise, the foregoing order will be published in several other papers, in different places.
The person who was most conspicuous in these transactions, has been long dead. There were, and are, individuals who found it expedient, in order to succeed in their own designs, not only to draw a veil over the timely and important services which he rendered to his country, but also to smother the very re-
collection of them, by falsehood and imputures. He was dear to me. I owe to his memory a vindication, and though it has been long delayed, it has never been forgotten. But the following letter, written to him by general Greene, in the glowing warmth of truth and gratitude, will establish more than could be done at this time, by the publication of a volume, I shall at present be content with the impressions which it cannot fail to make.
Head-Quarters, Dec. 25, 1782.
Dear Sir,
The comfortable condition in which you have put the army from the large supply of blankets and clothing furnished it, claims my particular acknowledgements; for although I expect the public will make you a reasonable compensation, yet as you were the only person who had the will and the means to serve us, our obligation is equally great. I am happy to find that most, if not all our officers, are likely to get supplies of clothing through your agency. Col. Carrington, who is appointed to make the contracts for the subsistence of the southern army, also informs me your house have it in contemplation to engage in this business. Great as all our other obligations are, if you contract for the supplies of the army, this will be greater than all the rest, for the present mode in which we are supplied is truly distressing, both to the people and to the army. The manner of collecting by military parties, renders it distressing to the citizens, and from the uncertain collections, the army is often without any thing to eat. This is hard upon troops who have bled so freely for an oppressed people. I must beg you to hasten your proposals, and I flatter myself you will, from your attachment to the cause, as well as a regard for the army, serve the public on the lowest terms.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
NATH. GREENE.
Mr. John Banks,
This, from a victorious general, to a young man of a warm and sanguine temper, was highly flattering.
It is further added, that J. Banks made the contract—peace ensued—he not only sunk a great deal of money by it, but died before his accounts were settled. General Greene administered upon his affairs, obtained possession of all his papers, besides very valuable landed estates in South Carolina and Georgia, which circumstances, with many others of great importance, are clearly stated upon the bill.
A copy of my bill of complaint and exhibits have been forwarded to the secretary of the treasury, accompanied by a letter which was dated upon the 15th of November, 1801, in which an investigation was requested. This mode was adopted, because it appeared to me that as the interest and honor of the United States were concerned, a direct application to him, was not only proper, but would facilitate the settlement of the action. It is, however, to be presumed, from the silence of Mr. Gallatin, that he thought otherwise. My next application, therefore, must be to Congress. In the mean time, it affords me pleasure, if such aid may be offered by Mr. Gallatin as may be reasonable. This application will be made during the present session, if possible, but at all events, before the end of the next.
HENRY BANKS.
WANTED,
TO hire for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
JAMES LYNCH,
HORSE SHOER, & FARRIER,
TAKES this mode of informing the public that he has removed from his shop near the COURT-HOUSE, to the CROSS-STREET, leading to Mr. COURT'S FERRY, where he intends to carry on every branch of the above business, with Blacksmith Work of every kind.
Richmond, Dec. 22d, 1802.

MR. JOHN CLOPTON,
Member of Congress.
No. VII.
SIR,
IN my last, you were completely overwhelmed in difficulty, concerning the public debt, as I believe that every effort which you may make, will plunge you deeper. I shall turn to another subject, in which I expect you will meet with equal embarrassment.
About the time when you were completing your circular letter, and before it was dispatched to your chosen friends, the committee of investigation, or rather four of the members, had also completed their famous report, relating to many subjects which had been referred to them at the beginning of the session. Every body recollects the case of Mr. Stoddert, the late secretary of the navy, in relation to docks and navy yards, and that this case was greatly misrepresented in the report. The four members of the committee not only accused Mr. Stoddert of misapplication of the public money, but asserted that a small navy yard in Philadelphia, which experience had proved was too small for the building of a single frigate, was sufficient, not only for all the purposes of building six or seven-four gun ships, which were to be built in different parts of the United States, but also, for all the purposes of the navy.
Your circular letter succeeded this report, and although you took no direct notice of it, yet the unqualified approbation and applause which you gave to all the measures of Congress, very clearly proves that the report of the four members met your entire approbation. All this being undeniably true, I cannot foresee how you will reconcile the positive contradictions which are afforded by the last speech of the president to the report, I mean so far as related to the establishment of navy yards, docks, and the preservation of the navy.
Candour obliges me to admit that the president has in this case exemplified a proper political spirit. It is a federal spirit, and I applaud him for it. The measures which he has recommended, are justified by prudence and by policy, and Mr. Jefferson deserves the more credit for them, because they stand in opposition to that far-famed report. A report which was received and sanctioned by the majority of Congress, and has been re-echoed with applause throughout the Union.
It might be sufficient upon this point to say that your opinion was in hostility with that of the president. The zealous partisans of Mr. Jefferson would not fail to condemn you; but I have not arraigned you before a tribunal so partial. No! Mr. Clopton, you have as much right to cherish and promulgate your opinions as Mr. Jefferson, or any other man can possess; all that I propose to shew is, that your communications are not only indefensible, but totally without foundation.
If you have any doubts upon this subject you are requested to read that part of the report which relates to Mr. Stoddert, the late secretary of the navy, and that part of the president's speech which relates to the establishment of docks.
You know, Mr. Clopton, that at this moment, you have not a single excuse to offer for the impositions with which you are accused. Your only hope is, that your constituents may never hear of them, or if they do, that they may be either disbelieved or misunderstood by them. The humility of your situation excites my compassion, and I will, therefore, offer the only two excuses, or subterfuges which exist. First, because it was absolutely necessary to create a prejudice against the last administration, in order to secure the popularity of the present, and there being no accusation which could be supported by truth, falsehood and misrepresentation were resorted to; and Mr. Stoddert's conduct and case were selected as the most safe, because they related to subjects concerning which ninety and nine out of an hundred were totally ignorant, and concerning which, even you, though accustomed to ships from your infancy, pretend to be no less ignorant. The other excuse is, that Mr. Giles, being one of the four members of the committee, who made the report you had such implicit confidence in his patriotism, knowledge, and candour, that you did not investigate the subject. You voted and acted with the party, being well convinced, either that Mr. Stoddert deserved condemnation, or that Mr. Giles, and the other leaders of the party thought his condemnation necessary to insure the success and prevalence of those republican principles concerning which, you express so much heartfelt gratification, and concerning which I propose by and bye to say a few words.
Are you not obliged to Mr. Clopton, for affording you two such excellent excuses? It is true, that many of your constituents will not think that they entitle you to any credit, much less to an acquittal; but perhaps the deluded majority may be satisfied, and that will answer your purpose. If it should happen that you reject these excuses, or either of them, then I shall insist that you offer one for yourself.
The readers ought not to forget, that while I have been plunging Mr. Clopton into this abyss of political destruction, I have also shown that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Giles are opposed to each other, upon the important question of a navy and the means of preserving it. I repeat that I think the president is right, (that is, if the resources of the country are adequate to this plan,) I shall therefore leave the idolaters of Mr. Giles to find excuses for him, if they can, or if they disdain such a humiliating condescension, they may condemn Mr. Jefferson for the presumption of expressing opinions and recommending measures which differ so widely from the opinions of such transcendant talents as those of Mr. Giles.
While the partisans and idolaters of these political luminaries, are endeavouring to reconcile these important contradictions, Mr. Stoddert obtains a complete and glorious triumph. And as I expect that the people at large will take the side of Mr. Jefferson, it will be established by their voice, that the four members of the committee, either were totally ignorant of the subjects concerning which they made their famous report, or that they have, in the most unfeigned and unjustifiable manner calumniated the character and conduct, of a meritorious public servant, whose virtues, abilities, and worth will bloom with undying lustre, when all his accusers will either sink into contempt, or be lost in oblivion.
FEDERALIST.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expence of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty five pounds of Meal, or ninety two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for storage and shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
NOTICE.
THE subscribers hereby give notice, that they are desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour Barrels and Staves, and that they are now ready to contract to furnish Meal, Hominy, Ship Stuff, and Bran, at certain prices for the year; and that for the present quarter ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. of Meal, 3s 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have also still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOS. RUTHERFOORD, & Co.
January 1, 1803. (t. a.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (t. a.) N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from Abs. Burwell, (late of King William County) about two months since, a Negro Man named GODFREY, about 30 years of age, and five feet four inches high has a dent or hole in his right cheek, limps a little in his gait, and is an excellent cook. He has a wife at Mr. J. Guatney's, King William County, in which neighbourhood he is probably harbored. Whoever will deliver him to the subscriber in Richmond shall receive the above reward, with all reasonable expenses for bringing him to me. All masters of vessels are forbidden to harbour and take him out of the country.
LEWIS BURWELL.
Richmond, Jan. 19th. 1803. (3t.)
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JANUARY 2nd 1803.
GEORGE HAY,
No. VI.
WHEN George Hay took so much pains to excite a public indignation against the sedition law; and also against all those who justified its expediency, why was he not candid enough to declare that libellers might be prosecuted as disturbers of the peace, and bound to find securities for their good behaviour? If he then thought such a course legal, he was very uncandid, and disingenuous, in concealing so much important information.
IF the federal lawyers, who were concerned in passing the sedition law, had put the same construction upon the common law of England, concerning libellers, which George Hay puts upon it, is it likely that they would have encountered the trouble and odium of passing a sedition law, or that the late administration would have borne one twentieth part of the severity which appeared in the prints?
WHEN George Hay compiled his writings concerning the liberty of the press, under the signature of Hortensius, was that period as inauspicious to our political affairs as the present, when he considers it right not only to knock a man down for exercising that liberty, but employs his talents as a lawyer to confine the sufferer in jail?
Is it a republican principle, or fear, to come softly behind a man and knock him down with a club? and is it another republican principle to send the victim with all his wounds and bruises into jail, in order to prevent his seeking redress?
IS any man entitled to credit, for his assertions, or denials, who a few days preceding, crept up clandestinely behind a fellow citizen, first knocked him down with a bludgeon, and then attempted to murder him as he lay bleeding, disabled, deprived of fight, and helpless?
Some days ago, we received one of the most stupendous articles of information that ever transpired from the press. This came from Mr. William Rind, editor of the Washington Federalist. It seems, if we understand Mr.
Rind, that a general stoppage had been made of certain Richmond newspapers. In next week's Recorder, we shall print the articles at length. Our present apprehension is, that an hundred and fifty, or perhaps twice that number, of the Recorder, had been violently stopped on their way to the Eastward. Mr. Rind solemnly declares that he could not guess the reason why he did not receive any Richmond newspaper, giving an account of the beginning of Hay's business. There could be no intelligible motive for Mr. Rind's disposition to misrepresent one iota of the circumstances. It is evident that he had not these newspapers. Our subscribers to the eastward are requested to believe, that when they do not regularly receive their papers, the fault does not rest with us. If the republican government of a free country chuses to prompt a coward to knock down an editor from behind his back, you know that constitutions, laws, precedents, and a civilized state of society, are at once put out of the question. Our existence, for the interval, depends upon whether the club of a member of the republican Executive Council of Virginia is heavy enough to knock out the brains of an antagonist. If we could persuade Mr. Coleman of New York to republish this paragraph, he would give America a complete exposure of what have been nicknamed the republican principles of about some twenty or thirty people in the metropolis of the antient dominion. Motives of delicacy will prevent Mr. Coleman from reprinting this paragraph. For my part, if I step into a ditch, I always wish rather to walk out at the opposite side than to turn back again. This was my expression in a letter to the present democratical president of the United States. His answer was, not by a post letter, but by a nameless communication of fifty dollars. More of this in next week's Recorder.
Mr. Bronson's candour will pardon us for the breach of a promise. This breach of veracity was not produced by any reluctance to comply with the inclinations and desires of Mr. Bronson; but when a man has not only got both his arms bruised; when he has got his head gashed; when a democratical bludgeon has gone so very near knocking out one of his eyes, I really do persuade myself that Mr. Bronson will give one credit for a temporary suspension of a piece which, as a man, I felt myself bound to republish. If Mr. Bronson had lost thirty ounces of blood, two or three days ago, he would feel himself disposed to make an apology for an individual in a correspondent situation.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
Henrico County Court.
January 3, 1803.
PRESIDING MAGISTRATES:
Daniel Hylton, Bowler Coke, William Mayo, Richard Adams, Thomas Williamson, Hezekiah Henly, William Randolph.
The court of Henrico County met at 12 o'clock on Monday the 3d. January, when the case of James Thomson Callender came before them.
Mr. George Hay rose, and began his speech against Callender, and in vindication of the step which had been taken in binding over Callender and Pace, by observing that the case which now was brought before the court, was not only of the greatest importance to himself, as an individual, but to the community at large. Upon the decision which they would give, depended the safety or the destruction of character. It remained for them to decide, whether the torrent of calumny and slander, which now deluged in a manner, as well as disgraced the United States, should be stopped, or whether it should be allowed to flow with impunity in the channel of virulence, carrying with it, and overwhelming all that was moral and virtuous. He quoted a sentence from governor McKean's speech, which

recommended to the legislature of Pennsylvania, to take into consideration the present unbounded licentiousness of the press. He said it was advanced by the counsel of Mr. Callender, that the step which had been taken with regard to the editors of the Recorder, was an invasion of the liberty of the press; but he trusted he should prove to the satisfaction of the court, that to protect the freedom of the press, and not to lay any check upon it, was both his zealous desire and most anxious wish. He was actuated upon the present occasion, by motives the most natural and honorable to the human mind, the protection of his own feelings and those of his family. Some people he remarked, were such philosophers, or could conceal their thoughts so well, as to bear, with every symptom of indifference, all the attacks which malice or calumny could attempt against them. He owned this was not his situation; that he both felt and was wounded by the slanders of the Recorder. That he was represented by the unprincipled editor of that paper, as a murderer and an assassin. It published to the world, that he watched for eight days successively, an opportunity for depriving Callender of existence; and it threatened in the future numbers to rip open, and tear asunder both his professional, his public, and his private character. So far from this being correct, he protested his meeting with Callender was entirely the effect of accident; and that he was solely restrained from punishing him as he deserved, with the apprehension that he should have given him a fatal blow. He argued that if ever the statute under which Callender was bound over, should be acted upon, that there could be no case more proper than the present. Callender, Mr. Hay said, was the most unprincipled man in existence; that he was known to the court; known to the numerous audience there present, known, in short, not only to the city of Richmond, but in every corner of the Union where party prevailed, to be an infamous and notorious libeller. That his whole pleasure consisted, and all his days had been devoted for the sole purpose of destroying the good reputation of those against whom he conceived the smallest dislike. This was well known to the court. Three years had not elapsed since he was publicly convicted by a jury, of a most slanderous libel. It was fresh in the memories of most present, the disturbances and discontent that this same libeller had occasioned in Richmond. Callender had then very nearly brought upon the inhabitants of this town a disgrace that would have plunged into misery, many an inoffensive citizen; he had in short excited the inhabitants to a civil war. What the good fortune of the country had then warded off, might yet happen, if he were permitted to pursue without restraint the abandoned course he was lately following. Were the court to pronounce the illegality of the commitment, Mr. Hay predicted that the vengeance of the community would sooner or later overtake the editors of the Recorder; and that they would bitterly lament that their hands had not been tied up from committing those deeds, which would terminate in their personal destruction. He made use of that well known and forcible expression of Cato's son.
None, he said, declaimed more loudly about this supposed invasion of the liberty of the press than the libeller Callender; to make that impression still stronger upon the public, he himself went to jail, and the Recorder came forth clad in deep mourning. May that mourning long continue, said Mr. Hay, and may the editors of the Recorder mourn for ever in sackcloth and ashes for those crimes which they have committed in the malevolence and wantonness of their hearts, and for those interruptions, which they have occasioned to the domestic happiness of families and of individuals. Callender's clamours about the liberty of the press, he said, reminded him of the Italian murderer, who after imbruing his hands in the blood of a neighbour, had sought shelter in one of those sanctuaries which the superstition of the
Roman Catholic religion affords in such cases, but being dragged forth by the enraged relations of the deceased, he was the first to bawl about the horrible crime of sacrilege, and of the daring audacity of those who had violated by their impure steps the sacred shrine of the altar. Mr. Hay said, he should have preferred, had the counsel of Callender confined their reasoning to the laws of the state of Virginia, without resorting to the precedents to be found in the several states of Great-Britain, but since they had gone abroad in search of law to support their cause, he would follow them there; and argue the case upon their own grounds. He then cited the statute 34th. of Edward the 3d, which after the lapse of several centuries, had been again enacted in the British Parliament. This statute expressly authorizes all justices of the peace to bind over those that be not of good fame. The definition of the expression, not of good fame, he said, admitted of great latitude in interpretation, but he should request the attention of the court to the opinion of judge Blackstone on this point. Mr. Hay said, that the authority of Blackstone was the highest that could be produced. The commentaries of that learned lawyer, were not only generally known, but every where respected as the first authority in English law.
They were the first book put into the hands of every student who intended to study the profession of law, as being both the plainest and soundest elements of that science. Blackstone therefore, he said, ought justly to be received in every court of this country, where discussions of this kind took place. The opinion which Blackstone has given on this point is as follows:---"First, he justices are empowered by the statute 34. Edw. III. C. 1. to bind over to the good behaviour towards the king and his people, all them that be not of good fame; wherever they be found; to the intent that the people be not troubled nor endangered, nor the peace diminished; nor merchants and others passing by the highways of the realm, be disturbed, nor put in the peril which may happen by such offenders. Under the general words of this expression, that be not of good fame, it is holden that a man may be bound to his good behaviour for causes of scandal, contra bonos mores as well as contra pacem; as for haunting bawdy houses with women of bad fame; or for keeping such women in his own house; or for words tending to scandalize the government; or in abuse of the officers of justice, especially in the execution of their office. Thus also a justice may bind over all night walkers, cave droppers, such as keep suspicious company, or are reported to be pilferers or robbers; such as sleep in the day, and wake in the night; common drunkards; whoremasters; the putative fathers of bastards; cheats, idle vagabonds and other persons, whose misbehaviour may reasonably bring them within the general words of the statute, as persons not of good fame: an expression, it must be owned, of so great a latitude, as leaves much to be determined by the discretion of the magistrate himself. But, if he commits a man for want of sureties, he must express the cause thereof with convenient certainty, and take care that such cause be a good one." Mr. Hay observed, that from the above words of Blackstone, it was evident that a libeller was a person of bad fame. He next referred to Hawkins's Pleas of the Crown, and to Viner, vol. 15, where it is affirmed, that the author of an obscene book, or of ribaldry, although he cannot be punished by law as a libeller, yet he may be bound over as a person of bad fame. Much more, therefore, argued Mr. Hay, should a writer of libels be obliged to find security for his future behaviour, if the author of an obscene book can be committed unless he produce security. He quoted, also, from Bacon's Abridgement, and from Burn's Justice, to the same purpose. With regard to the latter, he observed that Burn was a very different character from Blackstone, that Burn's own opinions could carry no weight with them, but only in consequence of those authorities which he
produced in his Justice. Burn's Justice, he said, was a book so little known, that it was with difficulty he was able to procure a copy in Richmond; but, that still, notwithstanding, he thought it proper to cite in this instance, as he has quoted the sentiments of others, on the interpretation that ought to be given to the expression not of good fame. Burn, he remarked, always gives his own opinion in express terms, when he does not agree with the authority which he cites, and his silence on this matter was a proof that he himself entertained the same sentiments on the subject.
To be continued TO MR. JOHN CLOPTON, Member of Congress. No. VIII.
SIR, I am now about to approach you more closely than I have before done. If I commit an error, atonement shall be made when I am convinced that I have done so. It has been currently reported, and several times published in newspapers, and can be proved if denied, that at the time when the post-master general was about to deprive Mr. Augustine Davis, of the office of post-master at Richmond, without any cause, and when Mr. Davis's character had been injured by some unknown assassin, whose name Mr. Granger would not disclose; that you, John Clopton, member of Congress for this district, and the immediate representative of Mr. Davis, not only countenanced the intentions of the post-master general, but made an application for the appointment for yourself.
At the time when these things happened, you ought to have been in the daily discharge of your duty as a member of Congress. A duty which you had pretended was sought and received from the love that you bore to republicanism and to the people. A service which you had solemnly promised to perform. And yet at the very time when public anxiety was wound to the highest pitch, you manifested a disposition, nay sought an opportunity to obtain a lucrative office. You forgot your love for the dear people--you forgot your promises--you forgot your duty--nay, you forgot your most solemn engagements; and was willing, not only to have bartered the honorable privilege of representing thirty thousand people in the grand councils of the nation, for the petty gains of a few additional dollars, but you were also willing to have descended from this high and exalted eminence, to have become an humble, submissive, nay a supplicating deputy of Gideon Granger.
In what estimation must a man hold himself, who is capable of such matchless meanness? In what estimation must all the world hold the freeholders of a district, who will tolerate such a base and sordid detraction of their rights and interests? Is it possible that he can ever again assume sufficient effrontery to make hypocritical overtures for the further confidence of the same people, or that they can be weak enough to place reliance in his promises?
If ever there was a case between a representative and his constituents which deserved more public detestation than another, this is surely that case. If the people wish to preserve their respectability and importance in society, they ought not to fail to shew their abhorrence, as well for the act as the actor. They should turn with disgust from a man, who, like Esau of old, could barter away the birth-right of thirty thousand people, for a mess of pottage.
I have heretofore taken pains to avoid personality. This case has brought me so closely in contact with your identity that I fear it will require a nicer casuist than you are to make the distinction. So far as I have transgressed it must be imputed either to unavoidable necessity, or to the feebleness of my capacity. Sooner than to permit you to escape, or sooner than bear the imputation of an unjustifiable deportment, I will prefer to bear the imputation of imbecility or ignorance. And yet I do not see why there should be either apprehension, or apology. In the far-famed and highly applauded resolutions of 1798, which were the joint production of the Madison, Taylors, Giles's, and Nicholas of that day, among other objections to the sedition law, they say "Because it is levelled against that right of freely examining public characters, and measures, and official communications thereon, which has ever been justly deemed the only effectual guardian of every other right."
In these severe and public scourgings, I have had no other motive, nor would I coun-
tenance any other than that which has, or may urge me to shew that you are not entitled to the confidence of the district. And I have a sufficient portion of charity to believe that your own impressions upon the subject, if you will extricate yourself from the delusions of faction, and labyrinths of party spirit, will prompt you to make the acknowledgment with as much plainness as I have urged my complaints against you. But if you do not think proper to descend to the humility of an acknowledgment, you should at least submit in silence and withdraw. If, on the other hand, you feel innocent, or think your conduct justifiable, you should come boldly forward and defend yourself. I will listen with patience, and with candour, and if, in that defence, you be able to satisfy me that I have been mistaken, I will then in my own proper person, and under my own signature if you require it, render to you that act of justice which will be due, such an act as you are now bound to perform to Stocker, and many other illustrious public characters, against whom you have excited public discontent and detestation.
If, on the other hand, you attempt to evade these charges and proceed to obtain the votes of your constituents, or other circular letters, or other means, you need not be surprised if you should be assailed in terms of much greater severity.
To the freeholders and others, who feel an interest in our political prosperity and local happiness I now appeal. I call upon them not only to consider the sentiments which I have communicated, but to combine every other matter of importance which relates either to Mr. Clopton, or to their own rights, and then determine whether the deceptions which I have exposed have proceeded from ignorance or duplicity, from an incorrigible blindness which has plunged him irretrievably into the chaos of party--from the impulses of a petty ambition or pitiful avarice, in any of these cases, the event to you, my readers, to the community and to myself will be the same. My arraignment will be supported, and you will not, you cannot fail to pronounce in terms equally decisive, those awful and impressive words, which we have all read, and which are well understood by Mr. Clopton. MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN.
The authority from which this is taken, Mr. Clopton will not dare to question; notwithstanding his fellow labourers in the political and moral destruction of this country, pretend to treat this and all other scripture authorities with ridicule and contempt.
Yes, Mr. Clopton, you have been weighed and are found wanting, and a single moment of candid reflection, and honest confession will produce an acknowledgment. Your conscience tells you that the denunciation is applicable, that it exactly applies to your case, and you ought to rejoice, or you will escape the punishment of Belshazzar.
In fine, you must know, that you do not possess such talents, and qualifications as ought to be possessed by the representative of thirty thousand people, and every candid man will unite in saying that your talents, such as they are, have been devoted to the ignoble purposes of misrepresentation, faction, ambition, and avarice, and that you have not only broken that commandment which says, thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor , but that, also, which says, thou shalt not covet any thing which belongs to thy neighbor .
Under these impressive circumstances, will it not be more prudent to withdraw in quietness than to urge an injured and deceived people to pronounce, in terms of detestation and vengeance, that awful GO HENCE, which sooner or later you may most surely expect. FEDERALIST.
* Daniel 6, 25. FROM THE NORFOLK HERALD.
The "Commercial Register" made its exit on Tuesday last, with the following address:
"I am under the unpleasant compulsion of making known to the public, that the "COMMERCIAL REGISTER" will be totally suspended after the publication of the present number. I conceive (and every person endowed with rationality will doubtless accord with me in sentiment) that it is the height of folly, the very summit of madness, to remain any longer in an ungrateful employment, by which I daily become deeper and deeper immersed in the vortex of ruin.
These that have paid a year's subscription in advance, shall be respectively reimbursed. To enable me to do this the more readily, and that I may lose as little as possible by this truly destructive adventure, such subscribers as have paid nothing, will discover the propriety of discharging their small accounts on the first application.
All connection between Merivether Jones and myself ceases from this day. W. W. WORSTY.
Norfolk. Jan. 11, 1803.

PERJURY.
WE had, some time ago, occasion to notice, that the Honorable William Branch Giles, had made a small slip in point of memory. We had occasion to notice, that he took four or five oaths to support the Federal constitution. We had occasion to notice, that Mr. Branch Giles found it convenient to break those oaths. We have advertised him, till our types are almost worn out. The particular quantum of moral character, which Mr. Branch Giles may continue to possess, we are not precisely qualified to ascertain. In Europe, perjury is a word synonymous with infamy.
Now, the case of Mr. Giles is not singular. Upon the 14th. day of December last, George Hay was informed, that the Recorder would take notice of him. — "You may take your course Mr. Callender, and I shall take mine." These were the words of George Hay. Three or four days afterwards, this person was sworn in as a member of the Executive Council. Three or four days after his having been sworn in, he committed a breach of the peace. In other words, he committed an act of perjury ; for we do suppose, that there is no republican constitution upon earth, which advises you to knock out a man's brains from behind his back! Either the celebrated republican constitution of Virginia, recommends this procedure , or George Hay must have broke his oath, as an ordinary citizen of Virginia, and as an honorable member of the Executive Council. There cannot be a choice of opinions about the matter; either the man has committed an act of perjury , or he has ceased to exist. We do not exactly perceive the possibility of a plainer position.
In Decr. 1797. William Branch Giles rounded a declaration against a celebrated American character, with this remark: — "I am not," says he, "going to write scoundrel upon my forehead, by disavowing my political conduct, for the last eight years."
Now, George Hay has brought himself exactly into the very same place; at least, this is our melancholy supposition. A citizen of the commonwealth of Virginia tells you that he is going to break your head, four days, afterwards he takes an oath that he will not break your head. Three days after that, he breaks your head. If this does not amount to a complete, an irrevocable definition of perjury; if, to borrow the strong language of Mr. Giles, this man has not wrote scoundrel upon his forehead , we are prepared to acknowledge our unacquaintance with the energies and resources of the English language.
We mentioned some time ago, that a member of the honorable Executive Council knocked down the writer of this paragraph from behind his back. At that time, we did not know, that the said member of the Executive Council came by an express message from the other end of the bridge. Such, it seems, was the case. We are not exactly acquainted with all the amiable curiosities that may exist among our neighbours. We do not wish to expatiate upon so vile a subject; but, if evidence had been given on Monday, the 10th inst. it would have been sworn, that Hay came over the bridge without speaking to a single human being. It would have been sworn that Hay walked in a straight line from some place in the Brick-Row, to Mr. Darmstadter's store. It would have been sworn, that, when he came there, he took a mathematical aim. As soon as the knocking-down business was finished, this member of the Executive Council walked, in a straight line, back again. There is no conceivable circumstance of infamy wanting, in the whole circuit of the transaction; and whether George Hay, or the human being that sent for him, stands exactly in the basest point of degradation, and of villainy, we shall not exactly say.
MR. COLEMAN
The editor of the New-York Herald who is not only a gentleman of classical education but an able lawyer, has
taken up the case of CALLENDER and HAY. More than two columns are republished in the Herald of the 8th. And a continuation is promised. The following paragraphs are taken from that paper; we transplant them with great pleasure, because we expect that the case will be considered with the abilities of a lawyer, the elegance of a scholar and the severity of a critic; before all which George Hay and Co. must ignominiously sink it that has not already happened. Mr. Coleman's remarks shall be copied into this paper as they appear.
Callender:— The three last Recorders contain an interesting account of an affair between Callender and a Mr. G. Hay, who was once his counsel in his trial for sedition. We begin this evening with an extract of Callender's relation of the affair, and shall continue it till it is concluded. A letter received this morning from a respectable correspondent in Virginia, assures us that entire reliance may be placed on the statement as it appears in the Recorder and in the Virginia Gazette.
Freedom of the press —In the last Virginia Gazette, we have received part of the history in detail of the attack made there on the freedom of the press , in the persons of the editors of the Recorder. It is a pity the account should not have been continued unbroken, as we are now under the necessity of waiting a week for the remainder of it before we can with propriety proceed to lay it before the public here. The editor of the Recorder from his prison has himself written a spirited and able address; enlivened with more than his usual pungent humour. This will be given in court, and we trust that we shall also find time to make some remarks on this very extraordinary attempt to destroy the freedom of the American press .
FROM THE EXAMINER.
COMMUNICATION.
WE learn with extreme satisfaction, that the bill for establishing a bank in Richmond, has passed the house of Delegates. The advantages, which arise to a country from the institution of banks, although obvious to all acquainted with mercantile pursuits, are not so well understood by the community at large.
The banking system on a superficial view, appears too closely allied, with monopolies to be acceptable to Americans; but this idea entirely proceeds from the great opposition which these useful establishments are accustomed to meet with in the legislatures of the different states. — If banks were more numerous than they at present are, they would partake much less of the nature of a monopoly, and they would likewise be of more service to the people at large.
No establishment tends so much to improve the face of a country, to promote industry, and to give a spirit to manufactures, as that of a bank. Banks and Insurance Offices may be considered as two of the most useful institutions, in the policy of modern nations.
Few circumstances ever took place which rendered more service to the various manufactures in England than the assistance that was given by Fordyce and co. and no event ever occurred in Scotland which promoted the spirit of agriculture in an equal degree with the Ayr bank; many individuals no doubt were ruined by the failures of these banks, but the face of the country was improved, and a stimulus was given by them to manufactures, which before was unknown. — These are facts well known in England, and to a great part of mercantile men in the United States.
There has never been an instance in any country where a bank was established, in which those who were near to it, did not partake of considerable benefits, and no instance has ever occurred in which the inhabitants of a town or the vicinity have petitioned or complained against the establishment.
When the failure of the Ayr bank is urged as an objection against others, it
is forgotten that the Ayr bank was established by private adventurers, who circulated as many notes as they pleased. In this country the directors are always restricted to a reasonable amount, so that a similar circumstance can not be feared.
There can be no doubt, if the law when finished by the Senate, should be founded upon fair and equal principles, such as will induce the men of money to take shares, that it will be found to be beneficial beyond any calculation.
It is well to remark, that there are some inhabitants of Richmond who take every opportunity of condemning the institution, but when we look a little farther, it is found that they are men who, not only possess large cash capitals but are also in the habit of using this advantage so as to produce very great gains. They know that the establishment of a Bank would deprive them of their present monopoly, and therefore are interested against the final passage of the bill.
PHILADELPHIA January 5th.
Callender, the editor of the Richmond Recorder, has been thrown into Goal, under circumstances the most extraordinary and alarming. As this transaction involves principles of the first consideration, and tends to exhibit, in undisguised colors, the real principles and views of a certain faction in our country, we shall give a detailed account of it in our next.
NEW-YORK, January 12.
The minions of Mr. Jefferson have at last broke Mr. Callender's head, and then thrown him into jail. During the federal administration, or the "reign of terror," there were no such "doings." Though Mr. Callender committed offences against the federalists, yet they did not attack him with a bludgeon , nor send him to jail without a formal trial. The present administration have a more summary way of "procedure," and make a sedition law just as the occasion requires.
FROM THE PROVIDENCE, UNITED STATES CHRONICLE.
Callender takes hold of Paine's letters with much energy and argument. He does not resort to the bad fashion of calling names but sets down his adversary by the force of reason. Some observations on Paine's letters will be found in our two last papers. The length of Callender's observations will not permit us giving them intire. We cannot however refrain from giving the following: — "The retrograde path of oblivion ," is a phrase without meaning. America may be enslaved or disgraced; but she cannot be forgotten. During this period of turning her back , America received an addition of two millions of people. Her commerce, her tonnage, and her wealth, multiplied with a rapidity that the world had never seen before. It was during this period of turning her back that Philadelphia after losing fifteen thousand lives by the pestilence, doubled her population; and that Baltimore, from a dirty village, became a wealthy, populous, and well built city. It was in this path of oblivion , that fifty thousand families cut their way through the bosom of the forest and the bottom of the marsh, and peopled the savage solitudes of the Ohio and the Mississippi."
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST. CALLENDER.
Who can doubt that the mild reign of democracy has begun? If any one can, let him turn his eyes to the ancient dominion, that nursery of republicanism, and behold the advocates of the liberty of the press.
Callender was invited to Virginia, by Gen. Mason, a senator from that state, and lately re-elected by a large majority. He was entertained in the house of Gen. Mason, for many months. He afterwards resorted to Richmond, and was employed by Jones to write for the Examiner. This paper was filled, for several years, with the most violent abuse of the federal administration, and almost every person connected with it. Du-
ing this time likewise, Callender wrote the Prospect before Us. The merits of this publication are too well known to need repetition. This book was particularly patronized by Jefferson, Madison, Mason, Giles, and most of the influential democrats in Virginia. And the most violent, declaratory and abusive pieces of Callender, were applauded, and the author encouraged by the same men. If the least exertion was made to stop this torrent of abuse, either through the medium of a court of justice, or by the individuals injured, an alarm was immediately sounded, that the liberty, of the press was attacked, and freedom would soon be driven from our land. No state in the union was more loud in favor of this licentiousness, than Virginia, and in no part of Virginia was it more patronized than in Richmond. Yet, in this very place, the man who had been invited to the protection of the state, who has been encouraged and supported for years, in publishing the most scandalous and unqualified abuse against Washington, against the constitution, against the federal administration and its friends; who received for all this abuse, pecuniary gratuities, personal attention and public patronage. — Yes, this very man has been treated by those same persons, with a wanton cruelty and shameful partiality, that would have disgraced the revolutionary government of France. — He found himself deceived by those, who from interested motives had supported him. — He undertook to expose their conduct. In so doing he constantly invited them to a judicial investigation of his statement and charges. Before this, even a judicial examination of his writings was called an attack on the liberty of the press. Now when it is invited, it is not only denied, but the person who makes it, is exposed in the capitol of Virginia to assassination. He is secretly assaulted; the first notice he receives of the attack, is by the stroke of a large bludgeon; his life is only preserved by the high crown of his hat; thus unawares disabled from resistance or defence, he is beaten in a most brutal inhuman manner. Does it end here? Is he now left to pursue his remedy at law, and justify his conduct? No! He is dragged before a court of justice; this sanctuary scarcely preserves him from a set of lawless assassins; thus wounded and bruised he is thrown into jail, and security demanded, to prevent even a correct and full statement of his treatment and situation to the public.
The merits or demerits of Callender, have nothing to do in this business. If he has abused the privilege of expressing his opinions, arraign him at the bar of justice, and try him by his peers. If he has broken the laws, let the law punish him. This he has frequently invited. But after he had but just escaped with his life, to cast him into prison and exact security, that he shall not publish his opinions however, just or useful, is a piece of tyranny before unheard of in this country. The sedition law, only subjected those to punishment, who were guilty of false, scandalous, and malicious publications. If the matter published was either true, or if false, was couched in decent language and free from malice the writer was excused. And yet in no part of the United States, were the sedition law and its advocates denounced in more severe and indignant terms of reproach than in Virginia. That law federalists, operated equally upon all, through the medium of a court of justice. But now when these advocates for freedom of speech wish to destroy a formidable opponent, observe with what ease they can break the laws of justice, of honor, and humanity. Citizens of America! this is Virginia republicanism unmasked. These are the men who profess such zeal to your cause, who declares themselves so devotedly attached to your interests, who pretend such a scrupulous regard for your rights. You have heard their professions when seeking for power, observe their actions now they have gained it. Between the illiberality of the former, and the tyranny and oppression of the latter, a wide field is open for contemplation and serious reflection.