Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-03 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVITH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No 1455.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1808.
[12 1/2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
  Tobacco, $ 3 50 CASH.   WHEAT, new, 0 66 do.   FLOUR, superfine, new, 4 do.   FLOUR, fine, 3 50 do.   CORN, 2 do.   HEMP, clean, (her ton) 150 00 do.   IRON, 120 00 do.   BACON, 10 do.   WHISKEY, 37 do. 
TIMOTHY PICKERING'S LETTER.
(Concluded from the Argus of the 28th ult.)
I write, Sir, with freedom; for the times are too perilous to allow those who are placed in high and responsible situations to be silent or reserved. The peace and safety of our country are suspended on a thread. The course we have seen pursued leads on to war—a war with Great Britain—a war, which, whether disastrous or successful, must bring misery and ruin to the United States: misery by the destruction of our navigation and commerce (perhaps also of our fairest seaport towns and cities) the loss of markets for our produce, the want of foreign goods and manufactures, and the other evils incident to a state of war: and ruin, by the loss of our liberty and independence. For, if with the aid of our arms Great Britain were subdued—from that moment (though flattered perhaps with the name of allies) we should become the Provinces of France .—This is a result so obvious, that I must crave your pardon for noticing it. Some advocates of Executive measures admit it. They acknowledge that the navy of Britain is our shield against the overwhelming power of France.—Why then do they persist in a course of conduct tending to a rupture with Great Britain?—Will it be believed that it is principally, or solely, to procure inviolability to the merchant flag of the U. States? In other words to protect all seamen, British subjects , as well as our citizens on board our merchant vessels? It is a fact that this has been made the greatest obstacle to an amicable settlement with Great Britain. Yet (I repeat) it is perfectly well known that she desires to obtain only her own subjects ; and that American citizens, impressed by mistake, are delivered up on duly authenticated proof. The evil we complain of arises from the impossibility of always distinguishing the persons of two nations who, a few years since, were one people, who exhibit the same manners, speak the same language and possess similar features. But seeing that we seldom hear complaints in the great navigating States , how happens there to be such extreme sympathy for American seamen at Washington ? Especially in gentlemen from the interior States, which have no seamen, or from those Atlantic States , whose native seamen bear a very small proportion to those of New England ? In fact, the causes of complaint are much fewer than are pretended. They rarely occur in the states whose seamen are chiefly natives. The first merchant in the U. S. in answering my late inquiry about British impressments, says, "Since the Chesapeake affair we have had no cause of complaint. I cannot find one single instance where they have taken one man out of a merchant vessel. I have had more than twenty vessels, arrived in that time, without one instance of a man being taken by them. Three Swedes were taken out by a French Frigate . I have made inquiry of all the masters that have arrived in this vicinity, and cannot find any complaints against the British cruisers."  Can gentlemen of known hostility to foreign commerce in our own vessels—who are even willing to annihilate it (and such there are)—can these gentlemen plead the cause of our seamen because they really wish to protect them, can those desire to protect our seamen, who, by laying an unnecessary embargo, expose them by thousands to starve or beg ?—One gentleman has said (and I believe he does not stand alone) that sooner than admit the principle that Great Britain had a right to take her own subjects from our merchant vessels, he would abandon commerce altogether!—To what will every man in New England and of the other navigating States, ascribe such a sentiment? A sentiment which, to prevent the temporary loss of five men, by impress, would reduce fifty thousand to beggary? But for the embargo, thousands depending on the ordinary operations of commerce, would now be employed. Even under the restraints of the orders of the British Government, retaliating the French imperial decree, very large portions of the world remain open to the commerce of the U. S. We may yet pursue our trade with British dominions, in every part of the globe; with Africa, with China, and with the colonies of France, Spain and Holland. And let me ask, whether in the midst of a profound peace, when the powers of Europe possessing colonies, would as formerly, confine the trade with them to their own bottoms, or admit us, as foreigners, only under great limitations, we could enjoy a commerce much more extensive than is practicable at this moment if the embargo were not in the way? Why then should it be continued? Why rather was it ever laid? Can those be legitimate reasons for the embargo which are concealed from Congress, at the moment, when they are required to impose it? Are the reasons to be found in the dispatches from Paris? These have been moved for; and the motion was quashed by the advocates for the embargo. Why are these dispatches withheld by the Executive? Why, when all classes of citizens
anxiously inquire "For what is the embargo laid?" is a satisfactory answer denied? Why is not Congress made acquainted with the actual situation of the U. S. in relation to France? Why, in this dangerous crisis, are Mr. Armstrong's letters to the Secretary of State absolutely withheld, so that a line of them cannot be seen? Did they contain no information of the demands and intentions of the French Emperor? Did the Revenge sail from England to France, and there wait three or four weeks for dispatches of no importance? If so, why, regardless of the public solicitude, are their contents so carefully concealed? If really unimportant, what harm can arise from telling Congress and the Nation officially , that they contain nothing of moment to the safety, the liberty, the honor or the interests of the U. States? On the contrary, are they so closely locked up because they will not bear the light? Would their disclosure rouse the spirit of the people, still slumbering in blind confidence in the executive? Has the French Emperor declared that he will have no neutrals? Has he required that our ports, like those of his vassal states in Europe, be shut against British commerce ? Is the embargo a substitute , a milder form of compliance with that harsh demand, which, if exhibited in its naked and insulting aspect, the American spirit might yet resent? Are we still to be kept profoundly ignorant of the declarations and avowed designs of the French Emperor, although these may strike at our liberty and independence? And, in the mean time, are we, by a thousand irritations, by cherishing prejudices, and by exciting fresh resentments, to be drawn gradually into a war with G. Britain? Why amidst the extreme anxiety of the public mind it is still to be kept on the rack of fearful expectation, by the president's portentous silence respecting his French dispatches? In this concealment there is danger. In this concealment must be wrapt up the real cause of the embargo. On any other supposition it is inexplicable.
I am alarmed, Sir, at this perilous state of things; I cannot repress my suspicions; or forbear thus to exhibit to you the grounds on which they rest. The people are advised to repose implicit confidence in the national government: in that unbounded confidence lies our danger. Armed with that confidence the executive may procure the adoption of measures which may overwhelm us with ruin, as surely as if he had an army at his heels. By false policy, or by inordinate fears, our country may be betrayed and subjugated to France, as surely as by corruption. I trust, Sir, that no one who knows me will charge it to vanity when I say, that I have some knowledge of public men and public affairs; and on that knowledge, and with solemnity, I declare to you, that I have no confidence in the wisdom or correctness of our public measures: that our country is in imminent danger: that it is essential to the public safety that the blind confidence in our rulers should cease; that the state legislatures should know the facts and reasons on which important general laws are founded; and especially that those states whose farms are on the ocean and whose harvests are gathered in every sea, should immediately and seriously consider how to preserve them. In all the branches of government, commercial information is wanting; and in "this desert" called a city, that want cannot be supplied. Nothing but the sense of the commercial states, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin.
Are our thousands of ships and vessels to rot in our harbors? Are our sixty thousand seamen and fishermen to be deprived of employment, and with their families, reduced to want and beggary? Are our hundreds of thousands of farmers to be compelled to suffer their millions in surplus produce to perish on their hands; that the president may make an experiment on our patience and fortitude, and on the towering pride, the boundless ambition, and unyielding perseverance of the Conqueror of Europe? Sir, I have reason to believe that the president contemplates the continuance of the embargo until the French emperor, repeals his decrees violating, as well his treaty with the U. S. as every neutral right; and until Britain thereupon recalls her retaliating orders!—By that time we may have neither ships nor seamen; and that is precisely the point to which some men wish to reduce us.—To see the improvidence of this project (to call it by no harsher name, and without adverting to ulterior views) let us look back to former years.
Notwithstanding the well founded complaints of some individuals, and the murmurs of others; notwithstanding the frequent executive declarations of maritime aggression committed by Great Britain; notwithstanding the outrageous decrees of France and Spain, and the wanton spoliations practised and executed by their cruisers and tribunals, of which we sometimes hear a faint whisper;—the commerce of the U. S. has hitherto prospered beyond all example. Our citizens have accumulated wealth; and the public revenue, annually increasing, has been the president's annual boast.
The facts demonstrate, that although G. Britain, with her thousand ships of war, could have destroyed our commerce, she has really done it no essential injury; and that the other belligerents, heretofore restrained by some regard to national law, and limited by the small number of their cruisers, have not inflicted upon us any deep wound. Yet in this full tide of our success, our commerce is suddenly arrested: an alarm of war is raised: fearful apprehensions are excited; the merchants, in particular, thrown into a state of consternation,
are advised by a voluntary embargo, to keep their vessels at home. And what is the cause of this mighty but mischievous alarm? We know in its whole extent. It was the unauthorised attack of a British naval officer on the American frigate Chesapeake to search for and take some deserters known to have been received on board, who had been often demanded, and as often refused to be delivered up. As was expected by all considerate men, and by the President himself (as I have before observed) the British government, on the first information of the unfortunate event (and without the act of its officer—disclaimed the principle of searching national armed vessels—and declared its readiness to make suitable reparation, as soon as the state of the case should be fully known.
Under such circumstances, who can justify this alarm of war? An alarm which greatly disquieted the public mind, and occasioned an interruption of commerce extremely injurious to our merchants and seafaring citizens.
I will close this long letter by stating all the existing pretences—for there are no causes for a war with G. Britain.
1. The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and exercised for ages—a right claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams, and of Jefferson,—continue to take some of the British seamen found on board of our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from citizens of the U. S. On this point our Government well know that G. Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement that can be devised, which will secure to her service the seamen who are her own subjects; and at the same time exempt ours from impressment.
2. The merchant vessels of France, Spain and Holland, being driven from the ocean, or destroyed, the commerce of those countries with one another, and with their colonies, could no longer be carried on by themselves. Here the vessels of neutral nations came in to their aid, and carried on nearly the whole commerce of those nations. With their seamen thus liberated from the merchant service, those nations, in the present, and preceding wars, were enabled to man their ships of war; and the neutral vessels and seamen supplying their places, became in fact, though not in name, auxiliaries of war. The commerce of those nations, without one armed ship on the sea appropriated for its protection, was intended thus to be secured under neutral flags; while the merchant vessels of G. Britain, with its numerous armed ships to guard them, were exposed to occasional captures. Such a course of things G. Britain has resisted, not in the present only, but in former wars; at least as far back as that of 1756. And she has claimed and maintained a right to impose on this commerce some limits and restraints; because it was a commerce which was denied by those nations to neutrals in time of peace; because it was a commerce of immense value to the subjects of her enemies; and because it filled their treasuries with money to enable them to carry on their wars with G. Britain.
3. The third and only remaining pretence for war with Great Britain, is the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake ; which having been already stated and explained, I will only remark here, that it is not to be believed that the British government, after being defeated as before mentioned, in its endeavors to make reparation in London, for the wrong done by its servant, would have sent hither a special envoy to give honorable satisfaction, but from its sincere desire to close this wound, if our own government would suffer it to be healed.
Permit me now to ask, what man, impartially viewing the subject, will have the boldness to say there exists any cause for plunging the U. S. into a war with G. Britain? Who that respects his reputation as a man of common discernment will say it? Who that regards the interest and welfare of his country will say it? Who then can justify, who can find an excuse for a course of conduct which has brought our country into its present state of alarm, embarrassment and distress? For myself, Sir, I must declare the opinion, that no free country was ever before so causelessly, and so blindly, thrown from the height of prosperity, and plunged into a state of dreadful anxiety and suffering. But from this degraded and wretched situation, it is not yet too late to escape. Let the dispatches from our ministers in France be no longer concealed. Let the president perform the duty required of him by the constitution; by giving to Congress full information of the state of the union in respect to foreign nations. Above all let him unfold our actual situation with France. Let him tell us what are the demands and proposals of her ruler. Had these been honorable to the U. S. would not the president have been eager to disclose them? That they are of an entirely different nature, that they are dishonorable , that they are ruinous to our commercial interests, and dangerous to our liberty and independence , we are left to infer.
I hope, Sir, that the nature and magnitude of the subject will furnish a sufficient apology for the length and style of this letter. Perhaps some may deem it presumptuous thus to question the correctness of the proceedings of our government. A strong sense of duty, and distressing apprehensions of national ruin, have forced the task upon me. To some, the sentiments which, in the sincerity of my heart, I have expressed, may give offence: for often nothing offends so much as TRUTH. Yet do I not desire to offend any man—But when I see
the dangerous extent of Executive influence: when I see the great council of the nation called on to enact laws deeply affecting the interests of all classes of citizens, without adequate information of the reason of that call: when I observe the deceptive glosses with which the mischiefs of the embargo are attempted to be palliated; and posterior events adduced as reasons to justify the measure: when I know that the risks of continuing their commercial pursuits against all known dangers can and will be more accurately calculated by our merchants than by our government: when any new dangers to commerce were impending, of which our merchants were uninformed, but of which the government obtained the knowledge through its minister at Paris, or elsewhere, it was plainly the duty of the executive to make those dangers known to Congress and the nation; and since so made known, the merchants and the seafaring citizens would, for their own interests and safety, have taken due precautions to guard against them: and as it hence appears certain that an embargo was not necessary to the safety of our seamen, our vessels, or our merchandise:—When, Sir, I see and consider these things and their evil tendency; in a word, when I observe a course of proceeding which to me appears calculated to mislead the public mind to public ruin; I cannot be silent. Regardless, therefore, of personal consequences, I have undertaken to communicate these details: with the view to dissipate dangerous illusions; to give to my constituents correct information; and to rouse that vigilant jealousy which is characteristic of REPUBLICANS, and essential to the preservation of their rights, their liberties, and independence.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING. His Excellency James Sullivan, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, April 20.
The house took up the report made yesterday respecting Judge Imler.
Mr. Smith moved that the report be referred to a committee of the whole. His intention was, that it should not be acted on during the present session. He did not think the evidence yet before the house was sufficient to justify an impeachment. It was his wish, however, that the inquiry should be pursued.
Mr. Rowan opposed this motion. He thought the testimony before the house was abundantly sufficient to impeach Judge Imler; and it was important that the malconduct of public functionaries should not only be punished, but punished with dispatch.
Mr. Fisk said it was admitted that all evidence expected to be proved was before the house. He contended that this was not sufficient to justify an impeachment. After a debate of about three hours, the question was then taken by ayes and noes on Mr. Smith's motion to the report to a committee of the whole-house, and it was carried, ayes 48, noes 25. It was made the order of the day for Friday.
The senate have passed another additional supplement to the act laying an embargo! Also, a bill fixing the first Monday in Nov. for the next meeting of congress.
THURSDAY, April 21.
A bill from the senate to alter the time of the next meeting of congress, was read three times and passed by yeas and nays, 61 to 30.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill making an appropriation for the support of an additional military force for the year 1808.
The blanks in the bill were filled to the amount of 986,000 dollars.
The bill being gone through was reported to the house and ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the house went into a committee of the whole on the bill making an additional appropriation for the support of government for the year 1808, and to meet expenses of valuation of houses, lands, &c.
[The first item in the bill is 7000 dollars for contingent expenses of the house of Representatives during the present session.
The second item is 5401 dollars a balance of a former appropriation which had been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, and was now deficient.]
The bill having been gone through was reported to the house and ordered to a third reading.
Mr. Macon offered the following resolution which was adopted without objection:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the treasury be directed to report to his house at the next session of congress, every sum of money drawn from the Treasury and not accounted for on the 30th of June next.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 45 to 28, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill for relinquishing to the corporation of the city of Orleans, the right to the battery in front of the suburbs of St. Mary's.
Some debate ensued on striking out the first section—during which the statement of the case and opinion by counsel in New Orleans was read—The motion for striking out was lost aye 23.
The committee then rose and reported the bill.
Mr. Rowan moved to postpone the report indefinitely. It was extremely hard after the widow claimant had already obtained one decision at the expense of 12,000 dollars that a new trial should be granted, for this was in fact granting a new trial.
Mr. Eppes stated in reply that the land was now in possession of the United States from whom it could not be taken; this law prescribed the only way in which this widow woman, if she had a title, could have it confirmed; for the U
States could not be sued. The gentleman had controverted the right of the United States on the ground that there was no proof of title in the United States. Mr. E. said the property had been always claimed by the Spanish government, and held as public property by Spain; and various instances were upon record in which application had been made by individuals and objected to, 1st because it was public property, and 2nd, because buildings might affect the health of the city. Individual rights were not in question; for he trusted in God that such a body as this would never attempt to try rights between man and man.
The motion to postpone lost—Yeas 29 Nays 58.
Mr. Bibb moved to strike out the 2d section of the bill. [This section provides for an appeal from a final decree on this subject in any court in Orleans to the supreme court of U. States.] He thought it went to establish a principle by which the Yazoo claimants may hereafter bring their claim before the supreme court of the United States. For whenever it came before that court, it was not difficult to foresee how it would be decided.
Much discussion took place on this question.—Mr. Eppes contended that this section itself showed that this was only a particular case of appeal authorized by a special law. How could an appeal be had, except by a special law, passed for that purpose? Or how, if at any time hereafter, the house determined to allow an appeal, could it be prevented, even supposing this bill not to pass? In the present case, there were various reasons to authorise such an appeal. In a case that involved property to the amount of perhaps 1,600,000 dollars, it being the only spot of land, whence the ditches which kept the Mississippi from inundating the property could be constructed—where every cart load of sand constantly removed by the Mississippi was worth 25 cents and the property therefore almost invaluable—in such a case it would be perhaps impossible to expect a fair and impartial trial on the spot. A decision at a distance would promote justice between the individuals and the United States. If he thought that this law could in any shape bring the Yazoo case before the supreme court, he would be the last to support it.—Mr. Bibb contended, that it established a precedent for such an appeal.—Mr. Randolph admitted it as his opinion, that the right was in the United States or in the corporation; if in the United States, he wished to transfer it to the latter. He was willing to give the corporation the right of the U. S. and let them establish it if they could. But he thought this bill squared at Yazooism, it was a precedent which might hereafter be transmissible to a Mississippi court. He had a ways thought, that cases of empires he might say, of hundreds of acres, but of thousands of square miles, were not subjects for judicial decision. He would as soon think of trying, whether the declaration of independence was a lawful act, before a petty jury with appeal to the supreme court.—Mr. Trigg (from Georgia) could not see the danger apprehended by his colleague. What the legislature were disposed to do indirectly, they would not hesitate to do directly. If they would give the Yazoo claimants a right of appeal from the courts of the Mississippi Territory to the supreme court, they would not hesitate to make a donation in fee simple of 30 millions of acres. It was clear as the noon day, that if a legislature were disposed to do one or the other, they would be as corrupt as the Yazoo claimants themselves.—Mr. Bibb persisted in his objection.
A quorum of members not appearing within the bar, the house adjourned 38 to 23.
FRIDAY, April 22.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the house resolved into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bill in addition to the several acts laying an embargo.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved a section, requiring every vessel, required to take out a licence, to be loaded under the immediate inspection of the revenue officers.—He said if any district comprised many ports or places of loading, which the collector could not superintend, it would become the duty of the secretary of the treasury to appoint additional inspectors. Carried, Ayes 55.
A section authorising the collectors of the United States to detain vessels suspected of an intention to violate the embargo, having been reported by the committee of the whole,
Mr. Goldsborough called for the yeas and nays on concurrence with it; which being taken there were yeas 64, nays 25.
FIVE O'CLOCK.
A message from the president of the U. S. was read as follows:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I transmit to both houses of Congress a letter from the envoy of his Britannic majesty at this place to the Secretary of State, on the subject of certain British claims to lands in the territory of Mississippi, relative to which several acts have been heretofore passed by the legislature.
TH: JEFFERSON.
April 22, 1808. After some objection on account of G. B. keeping claims by us of much greater magnitude unsettled;
The message was referred to the committee of Public Lands.
The house then took up the amendments made in committee of the whole, to the bill supplementary to the Embargo law.—The amendment authorising the collectors to take into safe keeping any collection of certain produce which shall be gathered together under suspicious circumstances, was carried, ayes 58, nays 36.
An amendment respecting Indian trade, providing that nothing in these acts shall be construed to prevent transportation by land or inland navigation from the territories of the United States to those of G. Britain, or from the property of subjects of G. Britain and by them purchased of the Indians, or from the territories of Britain into the United States, of property of British subjects imported for the use of the Indians.

This amendment was opposed by Messrs. Rowan, Montgomery and Rhea, and supported by Messrs. Newton, Dana, Eppes and Campbell. Mr. Rowan called for the yeas and nays on it.
The opponents contended that while such great differences existed between this country and G. Britain, it was not well to yield up any commerce to her when she has totally interdicted ours. If it were for the exclusive benefit of the Indians, they would not object to it; but it went to admit G. Britain to pursue in our territories a trade of considerable value, and it certainly was the interest of the U. S. to give a clear preference to the American trader. From very good information it was said, that there is now arrested within the territory of the U. S. peltry to an immense amount, which by this amendment would be taken out. The British trader was more benefitted by this amendment than the Indians could be; for without it, the trade would be diverted in its course from the British to the American trader. In the present situation of affairs, to act a benevolent part to either European power was wrong; whatever part other nations pursue we ought to mete out to them the same.
On the other hand it was said by the friends of the provision, that it was not to yield our commerce to Britain, but to permit trade with unoffending tribes of Indians, and would but deprive Great Britain of a powerful weapon which she might possess in the distress of the savages in consequence of our measures. That various tribes of Indians had become habitually dependent on the British provinces for supplies; and a stoppage of them by the United States would only have an ill effect on their dispositions towards us. That if there were any race of human beings who could not be made to understand an embargo system, it was the native Indians of America; in vain then would it be attempted to convince them of the necessity of cutting them off from their supplies. A rejection of this amendment would be in fact tantamount to a declaration of war against them; and, to save a few thousand dollars value of trade, we should have to spend millions in an Indian war. The amendment was agreed to, 60 to 32.
SATURDAY, April 23. The bill amendatory of the embargo law passed this day by yeas and nays, 70 to 22. The bill from the Senate authorising and requesting the president to equip all the armed vessels of the U. S. was, after debate, postponed indefinitely by yeas and nays, 52 to 45.
MONDAY, April 25. On motion of Mr. Newton, a resolution was adopted, 57 to 14, directing the Secretary of the Treasury to enquire what and report to the next session the emoluments and fees of the collectors, naval officers, and surveyors of the customs, during the last year, whether any addition be necessary thereto. Mr. Quincy from the committee appointed on the message of the president relative to a rupture with one of the Barbary powers, reported a communication from the Secretary of State relative to our affairs with those powers; which was ordered to be printed. Mr. Clark said, it would be recollected by the House, that he had some time since been directed to make a statement in relation to Gen. Wilkinson. He now held in his hand a correspondence with the Spanish government, which he laid upon the table as it went to substantiate the facts contained in that statement. These papers were read, and consist chiefly of memoranda in the hand writing of Philip Noland, and purporting to be instructions from Gen. Wilkinson to Thomas Power, and of answers from Thomas Power. Mr. Randolph moved that they be printed. Mr. Smilie opposed the printing, as if it were indeed testimony, this House was not the tribunal to decide upon it. Mr. Randolph said, it was certain, that from the noise in the House, or some other cause, the papers as read could not be understood. They appeared to embrace a correspondence of Philip Noland, said to be the agent of general W. with Power, and in the course of them there was a recommendation that Gen. W's hand writing should not be used. He presumed that gentlemen felt more interested in these than in the papers every day laid on their tables and printed. Mr. Smilie said, they had had enough of this business of denunciation, and he wished no more of it. He was willing that the papers should be sent to the court of enquiry, but he would go no further. Mr. Randolph called for the yeas and nays on the motion for printing. Mr. Rhea supported the motion for printing. The question was then taken by yeas and nays on printing, and carried, 52 to 30. On motion of Mr. Kelly, the papers this day presented by Mr. Clark, were ordered to be transmitted to the President of the U. S. Mr. Holmes, from the committee of claim made a report on the claim of madame Beaumarchais. The committee thought proper to state by way of report why the claim had not been decided on by the committee this session. The report asks leave for the committee to be discharged from the further consideration of the claim the present session. Agreed. The engrossed bill to supply the deficit in the appropriations for the public buildings, being read the third time. Mr. Randolph called for the Yeas and Nays upon it. Mr. Randolph then opposed the bill at some length, on account of infringing as he called, every principle of the constitution and the law; for if this were to be permitted,
(they might as well open the treasury and dismiss the accounting officers at once. Messrs. Holland, Stanford, and Smilie replied; they conceived that the superintendent, acting under a resolution of the House to prepare the room for the next meeting, had done his duty by preparing it; and was at least justifiable in having acted so. The question was then taken, and the bill was passed, 73 to 8. A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they had agreed to the amendments of this House to the act supplementary to the embargo law, with amendments to them; which were taken up and agreed to. The bill to empower the President of the U. S. to exchange certain sites for fortifications in Portland Maine, went thro' a committee of the whole, Mr. Picken in the chair; and was ordered to a third reading, 67 to 5; and was afterwards read a third time and passed, 64 to 7. While in committee on this bill Mr. Blackledge moved to amend the bill so as to give a general power to exchange sites for fortifications where it shall be judged expedient so to do—Negatived. On motion of Mr. Quincy the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill from the Senate for the relief of Joseph Chase, Jared Gardner, and others; the bill being gone through, Mr. Picken reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading, 58 to 13; and was read a third time and passed accordingly, 58 to 14. On motion of Mr. Morrow the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill amendatory of the act regulating grants of land in the Indiana territory. The bill being gone through and various amendments being made to it, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading, 68 to 7; and was afterwards read and passed, 56 to 17. Mr. J. Montgomery moved that the House go into a committee of the whole on the bill making compensation to Z. M. Pike and his companions—Negatived, Ayes 31. On motion of Mr. Nelson the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Ayes 33, on the bill for the relief of the supernumerary officers and soldiers of the army of the U. S. Mr. Cutts in the chair. Mr. Bibb moved that the committee rise and ask leave to sit again; for he did not believe that three members of the committee had considered the bill, or knew its provisions. Mr. Nelson objected to this motion. Our soldiers at present, he said, were in a worse situation than those of any other nation. In most countries was a provision of this kind; in this country, however, to its disgrace, there was no such provision. Even now they might see poor wretches around the door, reduced to their crutches from hard service. No man of humanity could see it unmoved. These men even now would do good garrison service. They would be capable of giving good instruction and useful information; they would form in fact so many military schools. Mr. N. went into an examination of this subject. There were also, he said, at present officers in the army of the U. S. who by age were incapable of performing a tour of duty. He cited instances of two majors, one of whom lately died, who were totally incapacitated from service, & being both revolutionary soldiers, & guilty of no misconduct, the Executive, altho' authorized so to do, would never be so totally dead to feeling as to dismiss them from service. The one now left was obliged to be drawn about or carried in a blanket from camp to camp; while others younger or more active men, were kept back from service by his occupying the place. Mr. Bibb felt as much commiseration for this class of citizens, as any one could do. It was not to the principle which he objected; but the House were not now prepared to investigate the merits of any bill which needed discussion to explain them and it was therefore he had made the motion. At the next session, he should be willing to meet the gentleman on the subject. Mr. Macon was influenced by the same motives as the gentleman from Georgia. He also thought the bill wanted amendment, which could not well be made now. The committee then rose, Ayes 53, reported progress, and were refused leave to sit again, 41 to 31. On motion of Mr. Morrow, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 37 to 33, Mr. W. Alston in the chair on the bill to ascertain the boundaries of the land districts of Indiana territory, and to continue for a longer time the authority of the commissioners of Kaskaskia. Mr. Nelson moved that the committee rise. Mr. Morrow objected to it as he considered it very important that the bill should pass. It provided for continuing the commissioners of Kaskaskia, who had lately discovered a fraud committed on the property of the U. S. to the amount of 100,000 acres of land, and who were of great advantage to the U. S. Mr. Nelson said the bill was not important in comparison with that which the House just refused to discuss. Mr. N. thought what was sauce for the goose was sauce to the gander, and he hoped his bill would go the way of all bills. Mr. Morrow stated that this bill went to wrest from individuals land the property of the U. S. which they now wrongfully held; and was material to the interests of the U. S.
After some further observations, the committee rose, 45 to 39. Mr. J. Montgomery called for the consideration of the amendments to the bill concerning courts martial. Mr. Lewis moved to postpone the subject indefinitely; for when there was but a bare quorum in the House, it was no proper to act on the bill. Mr. J. Montgomery opposed the motion and Mr. Macon supported it. The motion was agreed to, Ayes 46. The bill for making appropriations to supply the deficit in the appropriation for public buildings, was re-turned from the Senate with amendments. The first amendment allowing 25,000 dollars to carry up the solid work in the interior of the north wing being under consideration. Mr. Stanford moved to strike out that sum and insert 12,500 dollars—Negatived. This amendment of the Senate was then agreed to, 45 to 22. The next amendment for appropriating a sum for drains, bridges, high ways, &c was negatived, 42 to 26. The next amendment of 11,000 dollars for finishing the interior of the south wing, being under consideration. Mr. Stanford said, as they seemed willing to do a part, they had as well agree to the whole, and appropriate 16,000 dollars also for securing the north west angle of the south wing, and moved accordingly. Negatived. The amendment of the senate was then agreed to 52 to 21. Mr. Randolph asked leave of absence for the remainder of the session. It being impossible to keep a quorum, a call of the house was ordered at 6 o'clock, and the House adjourned till 5.
FIVE O'CLOCK. The house met; and postponed indefinitely a number of bills. The bill from the senate to authorize the President under certain contingencies to suspend the non-importation law having been called up, and a motion having been made to postpone it indefinitely. Mr. Newton begged the House to consider one moment before they postponed this bill. They had already passed a law authorizing the President of the U. S. to suspend the operation of the embargo law, in the event of a general peace, or such accommodation to neutrals as should render the commerce of the United States safe. Now in the event of that law being suspended it might also be proper to suspend the repeal or suspension of this law. He hoped to see the time when it should become a permanent regulation; he would not yield to any of the powers of Europe, and he wished to be independent of them. There were many things now imported from Europe, which could as well be made in our country. If they could be as well made, he considered it sound policy to give a preference to our own manufactures, and so far to prohibit theirs as to effect a preference of our own. Whether in this principle I am right or wrong, said he, I am certainly right in this; that at this late period of the session it is impossible to discuss such a question as this; and therefore I wish the motion to prevail. Mr. Burwell said, he would add but a single observation to those of the gentleman just sat down. He was in favor of postponing the bill indefinitely, because he wished it to be understood that we have a right to make all regulations we please respecting our commerce, or trade, or aught else, without consulting the dispositions of any power whatever. He wished it to be understood here and elsewhere; and therefore he was in favor of postponement of this bill. Mr. Marion said he was one of those who originally voted for the non-importation law, and he had never repeated his vote; but he voted for it under a firm persuasion that it would go into operation. It had been afterwards suspended because there was a negotiation pending and a prospect of accommodation; but if it were the determination never to suffer it to go into operation, he had much rather see it repealed. If it were to be kept in suspension, hung up like a rod in terrorem, it would merit ridicule. What cause could there be for suspending it at present? Any negotiation pending? He believed not. If it were the understanding of a majority that the bill should not go into operation, he hoped they would propose a repeal of it. Mr. Newton believed he was as much opposed as his friends from Maryland or Virginia to concede any point to Great Britain or France. He would wear sack-cloth and ashes for the remainder of his life, rather than surrender one atom to either of those powers. But what had produced this law? The violation of our commerce and impressment of our seamen. If any change should cause G. Britain to desist, was there any impropriety in trusting the President with a discretion to say that the operation of the law should cease till the next session of Congress? Certainly not. He wished to see the day with his friend from Maryland, when every man in these walls and in the United States, should be clad in the fabrics of his own country; and he made no doubt when once established that the manufacturers of this country would afford everything necessary for supplies of every kind. But that was not the case yet; and for that reason they had already invested the president with a discretionary power to suspend the embargo law; and he considered it a proper reason for the passage of this law. Mr. Eppes said, it appeared that the question of suspension of the non-importation act, was very different from that of a suspension of the embargo. The former was a measure of coercion to Great Britain, and whether it had that effect or not, he believed at the time that the law was passed, that the only way in which we could operate on that power was by commercial restrictions. And he felt now free to declare, that if ample reparation were made for the outrage on the Chesapeake, if the decrees were withdrawn and every injury redressed, that he would hold on upon the non-importation act so long as the impressment
of our seamen remained. Whenever you take off this, said he, you have nothing to enforce your rights as to impressment, nor as to that system of commercial pillage which has been adopted by Great Britain. We know that the embargo was imposed as a measure of safety. It was to give us time to make preparation to meet the event. If the decrees which produced the embargo are withdrawn, the embargo may be withdrawn with propriety. But let me ask any gentleman whether he believes that any circumstance which produced the non-importation act will be removed? Whether they believe that G. B. will give up her system of impressing seamen? If he does let him look at the course she has adopted. After appointing a minister to negotiate with you, she has issued a proclamation, establishing the right of impressment on its broadest footing. Shortly after it was declared by the king at the opening of parliament to be one of those rights which never could nor ever would be admitted. I was originally in favor of the non-importation law, and I am still so. If gentlemen take into consideration all the circumstances which produced the law, I will venture to say that there is not a man in the house originally in favor of it who can now vote for its suspension. It has never yet been fairly in operation. It is now indeed a law of the land, but its operation is virtually suspended by the embargo. I am in favor of its going into operation, and never will consent to its suspension till its intended effect be fulfilled, or the experiment is made. The question of indefinite postponement was carried, 58 to 29. On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, Resolved, that a joint committee be appointed to wait on the president of the U. S. and inform him of the proposed adjournment of Congress. Messrs. G. W. Campbell and Nicholas were appointed the committee. Mr. Bibb said that notwithstanding the difference of opinion which had taken place occasionally between the members of this house, during the present session, on questions of policy, he was pleased to perceive that no difference of sentiment existed in regard to the injuries done us by foreign nations. He believed that but one spirit animated the people of the U. S.—that they were attached to their country and to their country alone. He wished not only by professions, but by practice to shew foreign nations that we can live without them. He therefore offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the members of the house of Representatives will appear at their next meeting clothed in the manufactures of their own country. This was supported by Messrs. Bibb and Eppes, and opposed by Messrs. Macon and Rhea. When Mr. Bibb said, he had not expected an objection would be made to the resolution; but as it had produced debate, he withdrew it. The house adopted several resolutions making additional compensation to Door-keepers, Assistants, &c. for extra services. Mr. Coles, the Secretary of the president of the U. S. informed the House that the President had no further or other communication to make to them. Mr. Smilie moved that the House do adjourn—Agreed, nem. con. The Speaker (Gen. Varnum)—Permit me gentlemen, to wish you a pleasant journey home, and a happy meeting with your families and friends. This House is adjourned till the first Monday in November next.
NEW-YORK, April 25. From a London Paper of March 23. DECLARATION OF THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA AGAINST SWEDEN. Petersburg, Feb. 24. The following declaration has been published here: "Justly indignant at the violence which England has displayed towards the king of Denmark, the Emperor of Russia, faithful to his character and to his system of unceasing care for the interests of his Empire, notified to the King of Great Britain, that he could not remain insensible of so unjust and unexampled an aggression on a sovereign connected with him by the ties of blood and friendship, and who was the most ancient ally of Russia. His Imperial Majesty informed the King of Sweden of this determination by a note, dated the 24th of September last, presented to the Swedish ambassador. "An article of the treaty concluded in 1783, between the empress Catherine and Gustavus III. and another in the treaty of 1800, between the emperor Paul and the present king of Sweden, contain the reciprocal stipulated agreement to maintain the principle, that the Baltic is a close sea, with the guarantee of its coasting against all acts of hostility, violence, or vexations whatever; and further, to employ for this purpose all the means in the power of the contracting parties. His Imperial Majesty, referring to these treaties, considers himself not merely authorised, but bound, to call upon the king of Sweden for his co-operation against England. "His Swedish Majesty did not disavow the obligation imposed upon him by the treaties referred to, but refused all co-operation until the French troops should be removed from the coast, and the ports of Germany open to English ships. But the question here was the checking of those aggressions which England had commenced, and by which all Europe was disturbed. The Emperor demanded from the king of Sweden a co-operation founded on treaties; but his Swedish Majesty answered by proposing to delay the execution of the treaty to another period, and by troubling himself with the care of opening the Dutch ports for England. In a word, with rendering himself of service to that England, against which measures of defence ought to have been taken. It would be difficult to find a more striking proof of partiality on the part of the king of Sweden towards Great Britain, than this which he has here given. "His Imperial Majesty, on the 16th of Nov. caused a second note to be delivered, in which his Swedish Majesty was informed of the rupture between Russia and England. "This note remained two months unanswered, and the answer which was trans-
mitted on the 9th Jan. to his majesty's ministers, was to the same purport as the former. "The Emperor is however, far from regretting his moderation. He is, on the contrary, well pleased to recollect that he has employed every means that remained to him for bringing back his Swedish majesty to the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of his states; but his Imperial Majesty owes it at least to his people, and to the security of his dominions, which is to a sovereign the highest of all laws, no longer to leave the co-operation of Russia and Sweden a matter of doubt. "Informed that the Cabinet of St. James, endeavoring to terrify Denmark into a concurrence with the interests of England, threatened that Swedish troops should occupy Zealand, and that the possession of Norway should be guaranteed to the King of Sweden; ensured also that his Swedish majesty, while he left the Russian no answer, was secretly negotiating a treaty at London, his Imperial Majesty perceived that the interests of his empire would be very ill secured were he to permit his neighbour the king of Sweden, at the commencement of a war between Russia and England, to disguise his well known sentiments of attachment to the latter power, under the appearance of a pretended neutrality. His Imperial Majesty, therefore, cannot allow the relations of Sweden towards Russia to remain longer in uncertainty. He cannot give his consent to such a neutrality. His Swedish majesty's intention being therefore no longer doubtful, nothing remained for his Imperial majesty but a resort to those measures which Providence, has placed in his hands, for no other purpose except that of giving protection and safety to his dominions; and he has deemed it right to notify this intention to the king of Sweden, and to all Europe. "Having thus acquitted himself of that duty, which the safety of his dominions requires, his Imperial majesty is ready to change the measures he is about to take, to measures of precaution only, if the king of Sweden will, without delay, join Russia and Denmark in shutting the Baltic against England until the conclusion of a maritime peace. He himself invites the king, his brother in law, for the last time, and with all the feelings of real friendship no longer to hesitate in fulfilling his obligations, and in embracing the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of the northern powers. What has Sweden gained since her king attached himself to England? "Nothing could be more painful to his Imperial Majesty than to see a rupture take place between Russia and Sweden. But his Swedish Majesty has it still in his power to prevent this event by, without delay, resolving to adopt that course which alone can preserve strict union between the two states. "Done at St. Petersburg, Feb. 10, 1808."
April 26. By captain Doy, from Falmouth, Jamaica the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received a file of Papers to the 30th of March. Capt. D. informs, that provisions of all kinds were very high and scarce in Jamaica. Flour at Kigston, was 25 dollars per barrel. An embargo was momentarily expected to be laid on all American vessels.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 7. Orders in Council. The order of the day having been read for taking into further consideration the report of the committee on this bill, the question was put "that the bill be engrossed."
Sir J. Newport thought that these orders might produce an edict in America, which would be very injurious to this country. Ireland at present imported four-fifths of its flax seed from America, and the greatest part of its potash. These were articles of the first importance to the linen manufacture of Ireland, which was the staple of that country. It should always be recollected by Parliament, that the staple of Ireland, was originally the woollen manufacture for which she possessed the raw material; but she was forced to give up that manufacture for the benefit of England. It was therefore incumbent upon parliament to take care that she should not be deprived of the linen manufacture by want of the raw materials. It would be dangerous if to the just discontents of the South of Ireland, were added the discontents of all the manufacturers of the North driven out of employment. He was also informed that our silk manufacturers would suffer materially; that there was not at present silk enough in the country to employ them for six weeks; and that probably 60,000 manufacturers would be turned out of employment in a short time. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, there was no reason to suppose that his majesty's ministers were inattentive to the state of the manufactures in Ireland; but it would be recollected, that if Ireland could import no more flax seed from America, the cause was not from those orders of council, but from an embargo laid on exportation in America-unconnected with those orders of council, and antecedent to them. As to silk, we imported it both from India and the Mediterranean; but as to the supply from Italy, to which he supposed the Hon. Baronet alluded, it was not those orders of council which cut off the supply, for the supply had been before cut off by the means taken by the enemy to prevent the exportation of what they conceived would be useful to us. He deprecated any arguments being used in that house which could have no other tendency but to make the enemy and the world believe we were distressed, to mislead our manufacturers in pursuing them that it was the measures of government which deprived them of the raw material, which was only kept from them by the measures adopted by the enemy. The object of these orders of council were to oblige the enemy to relax

Land, Negroes, &c. FOR SALE. PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, deceased, will be sold at public auction, at his late dwelling house, in Hanover county, on Thursday, the 19th day of May next, if fair, if not the next fair day, on 9 months credit, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, carrying interest from the date if not punctually paid.
About Ten Likely Negroes, among them a valuable Blacksmith, Shoemaker, bricklayer, and Cooper.—At the same time and place, on six months credit, for all sums above twenty dollars, for bond and security as above, and cash for all sums of twenty dollars and under, will be sold his HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE , among which is an excellent Eight-Day Clock, two copper stills of 120 gallons each, a Suid Horse, by Lamplighter, called Ready Rhino: a Wagon and Team, two riding and several other Horses and Mules, a single Gig and Harness—And on Monday the 30th day of the same month, if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, will be sold, a valuable TRACT OF LAND , lying in the upper end of Hanover county, commonly called David Anderson's Store, containing 365 and a half acres, more or less, and immediate possession given, for which one third of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale, and one and two years credit will be given for the balance, the purchaser giving a deed of trust on the premises to secure the two last payments, with bonds and approved security, carrying interest from the date, if not punctually paid.—Bond Creditors will find it their interest to attend those sales, that some arrangements may be made for discharging their claims. Those having legal claims against the said estate, will please make them known, and those indebted will please make immediate payment, as no indulgence can be given.
MATHEW TOLER, Adm'r with the Will annexed, Hanover County, April 20, 1808. wtf
The Subscriber Bega leave to inform his friends and the public generally, that he continues to carry on the Painting Business in all its branches, at his shop, on the cross street leading from the main street between Col. and Dr. Adams's, where all kinds of painting and gilding, shall be executed with neatness, punctuality and dispatch, on the lowest terms for cash.
Kilbee Wren. April 20 w3
To Rent, and immediate possession given, A Two Story Brick Tenement, nearly opposite the Methodist Meeting House, Lately the property of George W. Dixon. For terms apply to the subscriber. Samuel White. April 20. 1aw5w
Nicholas Hallam, FEW DOORS ABOVE THE SWAN TAVERN, HAS FOR SALE on equally good terms as sold in Richmond, 360 Wax and fair Calf Skins, } Philadelphia manufacture. } First quality Cossack boot legs } do. do. Long, three quarter } and half, draft, calf } skin and Cordovan, do. } Calf and Cordovan roundings } and binding skins } Bridle leather, &c. &c. } Boots and Shoes. Nails of all kinds. Family Bacon, Butter, Cheese, } Lemons and Apples }
WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. April 12. 1awtf
The Subscriber, Having closed his business at the Tan Yard, HAS REMAINING ON HAND, a large parcel of well finished SLAUGHTER and Spanish Sole Leather, among which a considerable part will answer for Haters, being light, which he offers for sale at reasonable prices on liberal credits, for approved endorsed notes. Marcus Elcan. April 18, 1808. oawtf
THE SUBSCRIBER Being by a power of attorney, duly authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following co-partners formerly of this city, viz Montgomery & Allen; Alexander Montgomery & Co. Montgo- mery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's & Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms, to call and pay their respective bal- ances to him. GEO. WATT. Richmond, 26th March, 1808. 1aw6w
ROBIN REDBREAST. THE imported horse Robin Redbreast, will stand the ensuing season at my stables, 15 miles above Petersburg, to cover mares at 25 dollars the season, which may be dis- charged by the payment of 20 dollars at any time before the first day of October next, and one dollar to the groom. Good and ex- tensive pasture gratis, and the strictest attention paid to mares left in my care, but will not be responsible for accidents or es- capes.
The pedigree and performance of Robin Redbreast, having been so often published, it is deemed unnecessary now to repeat them, suffice it to say, that he was got by Sir Peter Teazle, out of Wren, his half sis- ter, and is of nearer affinity to Sir Peter Teazle, (undoubtedly the best blood in En- gland) than any horse on this continent.— His stock in this country is highly approved of, and run at 2 years old last fall with the greatest credit. THOMAS GOODE. March 19, 1808
N. B The death of old Diomed, which took place on the 10th instant, has prevent- ed my publication sooner. T. G.
GUN POWDER FOR SALE, and SALT PETRE, WANTED. THE Subscribers have become partners in the GUN POWDER WORKS , in the neighborhood of this city, formerly carried on under the firm of Hugh Warden and Sons—the said firm being dissolved by mu- tual consent.
The partners whose firm is hereunto subscribed, will contract for a large quan- tity of Salt Petre, either crude or refined, of the best quality, to be delivered to them in this city, or to Mr. John Lesslie or Mr. Joseph Darnsatt, merchants, who will keep samples of the gun powder made at the works and receive orders for it. Letters addressed to the subscribers in Richmond will be duly answered. They assure the public that their powder has met with general approbation, it is made gazed and clean, equal in quality to imported powder, and they will furnish it in large or small quantities of every description, according to orders which may be sent to them; it will be delivered new from the works, and on such reasonable terms as they hope will procure it a preference to powder from abroad or from other states. As the said works have been establish- ed at considerable expense, and are superi- or in several respects to any in the upper country, so as to make the powder in a more perfect manner, the partners hope they will meet with that encouragement which improvement deserves from a gene- rous people.
JOHN ELLIS and HUGH WARDEN. Richmond, 18th April, 1808. w3m
SALE OF NEGROES. In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to me by John Ogilby of the county of Person, North Carolina, for purposes therein expressed, I shall on the first day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, proceed to sell, at the Red House in Caswell county, (N. C.) to the highest bidder, for ready money, the following SLAVES to wit: James, Davy, Tom, Adam, Bob and Major, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. Wm. S. Archer. March 4th, 1808. wids
** The sale of the above mentioned property is postponed until Thursday the 5th of May. April 7, 1808.
Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808. Nathaniel Journey and Lucy his wife Charles Hundley and Martha his wife and Thomas Estis, Pfifs. AGAINST Anthony Hundley and Mary his wife. Ja- cob Beading and Mildred his wife, William Cockrum and Nancy his wife, Evin Snead and Elizabeth his wife, Carter White, executor of John White and guardian of the orphans of the said John White, Frances White, Sarah Walker and John Estis, administrator of Elisha Estis, Dfifs.
THE defendants Anthony Hundley and Mary his wife, Jacob Beading and Mildred his wife, William Cockrum and Nancy his wife and Sarah Walker, not having entered their appearance ac- cording to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction to the court that they are not inhabitants of this state; on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney—It is ordered, that they appear here on the first day of August court next and enter their appearance; and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively and post- ed at the front door of the court house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, Thomas Read, clk. (8p)
NOTICE.
WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 80 or more prime low grounds, which never is over-flowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready put to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one be- tween this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. tds
NOTICE.
ALL persons to whom the estate of the late Judith Robinson, dec. of Cum- berland county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of October next, to bring forward their claims properly au- thenticated, that provision may be made for payment, and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. A division of said estate among the legatees will be made on the above day. JOHN HATCHER, Ex'r. March 17, 1808. cam 1 Oct.
TO RENT, A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neigh- borhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins. ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15. tf
For Sale or Rent, THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to JASPER ROBBINS, at Mr. JOHN M'EXRAY's. Feb. 24, 1808.
For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs Phebe. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. tf
LAND FOR SALE. —Pursuant to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, will be sold upon the first Monday in January 1809, for cash upon the pre- mises, a tract of land, mentioned in said deed ly- ing upon the waters of Lockhart's and Harris' creeks, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon such plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual. Prince Edward, Oct. 16, 1807. CHARLES WOODSON, JAMES MADISON, Trustees. ** The above sale is postponed till Tues- day the 28th day of June next. April 20, 1808. 10w
Boarding House. Mrs. MOODT, Has taken a large tenement on the Main-Street SHOCKOE-HILL, near Mrs. Braxton's, in a healthy pleasant part of the city. Six or eight gentlemen may be ac- commodated with board upon moderate terms. Richmond, April 21st, 1808. 3
REMOVAL. WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and a few cases Old Claret of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK, & Co. March 8, 1808. (tf)
NOTICE.
THE Subscribers having formed a connection in business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, OFFER FOR SALE, at the Store lately occupied by Mr. Charles F. Macmurdie, the follow- ing articles. 50 hds. N. E. Rum, 25 hds. leaf and lump sugar, 12 bags of pepper 2 ton of bar lead 10 boxes cotton and wool cards, 25 boxes candles 15 boxes N. York chocolate 25 trunks of shoes assorted 50 pieces Stone Lime. HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZER.
ALL PERSONS who are indebted to the Subscriber are requested to make immediate payment. No further indulgence will be given to those whose bonds and accounts have been months. HENRY HOVEY. April 5th, 1808. ep5w
Was committed to the jail of Surry county the 15th of February last, a negro woman named NANCY, who says that she for- merly belonged to Emanuel Robertson of Prin- cess Ann County, Va. and was sold by him to Nathaniel Bowring of Kentucky, and that she made her escape from the said Bowring in the county of Nansemond on her way to Kentucky. Nancy is from eighteen to 20 years old, of a rather a light complexion, four feet ten in- ches high, had on a calico jacket and Virginia cloth petticoat. The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges and take her away, otherwise she will be dealt with as the law directs. Benj. E. Browne, Sheriff. 15th April, 1808. 3w
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or ex- change for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise ly- ing in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland ri- ver, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mas- son, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Masen courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN January 234, 1808. tf
I AM desirous to exchange the following pro- perty, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other im- provements, a good spring of water, and an a- greeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the aca- demy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky— 1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. tf
10 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber in Alber- marle county, near Charlottesville, on Sun- day the 11th of April, A Negro Man, named George, Dark complexion, about thirty-two years old, five feet eleven inches high, stout and well made, took with him a negro cotton coat and overalls, also, a long blue coat, a smooth fur'd hat, nearly new, with a large brim. One of his arms is crooked, but would not be discovered without be- ing closely examined. I have reason to believe he is about Richmond. I will give the above re- ward to any person that will lodge the said ne- gro in jail, so that I get him again, or fifteen dollars if delivered to me in Albemarle, besides what the law allows. Joel Terrell. Albemarle, April 13, 1808. 3w
TO RENT
The House and Lot, AT present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a fam- ily—Possession may be had on the 3d March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan 1808 tf
By Authority.
AN ACT
For the relief of Edward Weld, Sa- muel Beebee, and John Davidson. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Treasury be and he hereby is authorised and directed to pay out of any monies in the trea- sury not otherwise appropriated, to Edward Weld, the sum of one hundred dollars, to Samuel Beebee, the sum of fifty dollars, and to John Davidson, the sum of fifty dollars, together with interest on each of the said sums at the rate of eight per centum per an- num, agreeable to the terms of the loan of five millions of dollars prop- osed under a treaty regulation to an act of Congress, passed on the sixteenth day of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, entitled "An act to enable the President of the United States to borrow for the public ser- vice," being the amount of three cer- tificates issued at the bank of the Uni- ted States, as part of the said loan; one of which being number two hun- dred and twenty seven, issued in the name of the said Edward Weld, for one hundred dollars, and has been since lost by him, not having been fun- ded; one other being number eight hundred and ninety, issued in the name of John Fox, for one hundred dollars, the one moiety of which has been fun- ded, and the other moiety remaining still unfunded, has been regularly as- signed to the said Samuel Beebee; and the remaining one of said certificates being the unfunded moiety of number seventeen hundred and twenty seven, for one hundred dollars issued in the name of George Wallis and regularly assigned to the said John Davidson; upon which certificates all the install- ments have been paid conformably to the terms of the said loan: Provided that the said Edward Weld, shall previous to the said sum being paid to him, give bond with sufficient security to the satisfaction of the Se- cretary of the Treasury, to indemnify the United States against any future claim made on them on account of the said lost certificates. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 11, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
Authorising a detachment from the militia of the United States. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised, at such times as he shall deem necessary, to require of the executives of the seve- ral states and territories to take effect- ual measures to organize, arm, and e- quip, according to law, and hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning, their respective proportions of one hundred thousand militia, offi- cers included, to be appointed by the President of the United States from the latest militia returns in the depart- ment of war, and in cases where such returns have not been made, by such other data as he shall judge equitable. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the executives of the several states and territories may accept, as part of the said detachment, any corps of volun- teers who shall engage to continue in service six months after they arrive at the place of rendezvous. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the detachment of militia and volun- teers aforesaid, shall be officered out of the present militia officers, or others, at the option and discretion of the con- stitutional authority in the respective states and territories, the President apportioning the general officers among the respective states and territories as he may deem proper. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said detachment shall not be compelled to serve a longer time than six months after they arrive at the place of rendezvous, and that during the time of their service, they shall be en- titled to the same pay, rations, and al- lowance for clothing as are established by law for the army of the United States. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to call into actual service, any part or the whole of said detachment, when he shall judge that the exigencies of the United States require it; and, if a part only of said detachment shall be called into actual service, they shall be taken from such part thereof as the Presi- dent of the United States shall deem proper. Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That a sum not exceeding one million of dollars be, and the same is hereby ap-
propriated, out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the pay, subsistence, and support of such part of said detachment as may be called into actual service. Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force for the term of two years from the passing thereof and no longer. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 30, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
Further to prolong the continuance of the Mint at Philadelphia. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the act entitled "An act concerning the Mint," approved March the third, one thousand eight hundred and one, is hereby revived and continued in force and operation for the further term of five years after the fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. April 1, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
Authorising the sale of Public Arms. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to cause to be sold to individual states, and which may wish to purchase any arms now owned by the United States, and which may be parted with without injury to the public: Accounts of such sales shall be laid before Congress, and the money arising therefrom be, and the same is hereby appropriated, under the direction of the President of the United States, to the purchase or manufacture of other arms for the use of the United States: Provided, That such arms be not delivered to any state or their agents until the payment of the pur- chase money be first made into the Treasury of the United States, in money, or in the stock of the United States, at its value as established by an act, intituled, "An act to repeal so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payments for the lands of the United States, and for other purposes relative to the public debt:" Provided also, That this provision shall not ex- tend to any purchase, not exceeding five thousand stand of arms, which shall be made by a state to which the United States, by existing engage- ments are bound to pay a sum of money, equal to the amount of such pur- chase. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. April 2, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
Joseph Marx & Co. Have on hand an assortment of GERMAN OZNAUBURGS, TICKLENBURGS, DOWLASS, and TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece. COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES. SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. Richmond, April 28, 1808. tf
JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE,
No. 4, of THE American Military Library OR, Repository of Modern Tactics; Adapted to the use of the Militia of the U- nited States.—Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manoeuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents.) March 20.
MEMOIRS
OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe: his confinement in the dun- geon of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS. Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Dom- ination in that country; and a few observa- tions on the state of manners &c. in America. For sale at S. P's. Book store.
REMOVAL.
GEORGE WATT, has removed to the main street, next door above the Bell Tower, where he offers for sale the following arti- cles: 20 hds Brown Sugar, 30 hds Molasses, 8 Tasses and 8 barrels best Green Coffee, 20 hds. Anigua Rum, 5 pipes Hoi and Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 hds. and 20 bts Northern Whiskey, 15 gr casks Old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Young Hyson Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin, do. 5 chests Souchong, do. 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, 16th March, 1808. 1aw6w

from a system which they had adopted for the purpose of distressing our manufactures.
Mr. Ponderby thought, that the right honorable gentleman had unfairly imputed motives to his honorable friend, which never could actuate his conduct. Could it be supposed that America was ignorant that Ireland imported flaxseed from that country to the amount of 40 or 50,000 horseheads annually? We must therefore well know that Ireland would feel the loss of such a supply being cut off.
The bill was ordered to be read a third time on Thursday.
THE POPE'S PROTEST AGAINST BONA-PARTE.
Notice of the Secretary of State, Cardinal Casarini.
"His holiness Pius VII. being unable to conform to all the demands made on him by the French government, and to the extent required of him, as it is contrary to his sacred duties, and the dictates of his conscience; and being thus compelled to submit to the disastrous consequences which have been threatened, and to the military occupation of this capital, in case he should not submit to such demands: Yielding, therefore, with all humility of heart, to the inscrutable determinations of the Most High, he placed his cause in the hands of the Almighty; and being unwilling to fail in his essential obligation of guaranteeing the rights of his sovereignty, he has commanded us to protest, and formally protests in his own name, as in that of his successor, against any occupation whatever of his dominions, being desirous that the rights of the holy chair should remain, now and henceforward, uninjured and untouched. As the Vicar on Earth of that God of peace who taught by his divine example humility and patience, he has no doubt but his beloved subjects, who have given him so many proofs of obedience and attachment, will make it their peculiar duty to preserve peace and tranquility, private as well as public, which has holiness exhorts and expressly commands; and that, far from committing any excess, they will rather respect the individuals of a nation, from whom, during this journey and stay in Paris, he received so many flattering testimonies of devotion and regard."
List of Letters
Remaining in the Post Office, Richmond, May 1st, 1808.
(A) William S Austin, Mrs. Anderson, Joseph Arms and, Overton Anderson 5.
(B) Jacob Brown, James Branham, William Burke, Doctor L. Boissard, Wm. Berry, William Brown, Miss E. A. Brend, Thomas Bran, Edward Busbie, Mordicai Barbour, Thomas Booth, George Blakey, Cunningham Burron, C. F. Bates, Miss S. W. Bridges, Daniel Bryan, Munford Beverly, Birch and Small, Stephen Barnes, John Boyd, Simeon Blackmon, Mrs. Mary Brown, Simkins Bryan, Jesse Bowles.
(C) James Campbell, John Clarke, Bowler Cocke, Mrs. C. Carney, Mrs. C. Clarke, John Carter, Mrs. E. Cordis, Walter Chandler, Miss I. Creighton, Miss S. W. Chandler, Henry Clarke, Newberry Chaffee, Mrs. Caroline, Henry Curtis, Miss H. Crayton, John Carter, Richard H. Cox, Peter Crane, Wm. Compton, Miss M. E. Couch, Thomas Cobbs, John Craddock.
(D) Robert Donaldson, R. Daly, Powell C. Dytsow, William Dorn, William Duvall, Henry Doring.
(E) Miss S. W. Ellis, Josiah Ellis, Samuel Ellison, Geo. Eagles, John W. Ellis.
(F) William Fontaine, Peter Fraser, J. Fasbender, Barton Foster, William Fulcher, J. Franklin, James Fisher, Messrs. Geo. Fisher, & Co. Richard H. Frayser, Azel Pitch, A. Fulcher.
(G) Mrs. E. Gatiff, Watson Gentry, Jonathan Gilbert, Everett Guy, William G. Graves, Charles P. Goodall, John E. Galt, John Gilt, Miss E. Gray, Capt. J. Gray.
(H) Miss Nancy Hatcher, William W. Hening, Mrs. Martha Harrison, A. Hall, Stephen A. Hopkins, Miss Heth, Richardson Henly, Miss L. L. Hopkins, Capt. S. Hill, John Hewlett, Capt. Giles L. Homewood.
(I) Mrs. Mary Jennings, Daniel Jackson, Edward Johnstom, Jos. Jackson, Walter F. Jones, Ambrose D. Jenkins, Lightfoot Jamney, Skeeton Jones, Robt. Johnson, Robert Jordan.
(L) Messrs. C. Lewis, & Co. James T. Littlepage, Watkins Leigh, Robert Lilly, Lawrence Lambert.
(M) Alexander M'Rae, Mrs. E. Mosby, Samuel Morgan, William Minen, Alexander M'Gee, Miss C. M'Call, John M'Neil, George Mayo, William H. Mosby, Thomas Mathias, Samuel M'Craw, Ar. chibald M'Call, James M'Kildoe, William M'Cay, James M'Cance, Robert Miller, Sith Mead.
(N) Mrs. Sarah Newman, John Neil, Samuel Norton.
(O) Miss Fanny Omerson, Mrs. Nancy O'Byhee, James Oldham, James Ogilvie, Mrs. O'Reilly.
(P) Miss Sarah Price, Mrs. Mary Phe-poe, William Parker, Miss Jane Prichard, Mercerus Pryor, Isaac Paul, Thos. Pulling, Miss Lucy M'Price, Joseph Purnell, John Poe, John Patterson, Elisha Price, Richard Prichard, Miss Sally Parry, John Pearson, Mrs. Mary B. Patterson.
(R) William Rose, George W. Rabinson, Robert Richardson, Benjamin F. Read, Miss Virginia Ratcliff, Benjamin Ross, Milner Radford, John Reynolds, Ar. chibald Robertson, Luke Richards, Mrs. Sarah Read, Miss Polly Rose.
(S) Mr. Sudson, Nathaniel Selden, Francis Shuffler, Mr. Shanforr, Miss Eliza Moseley, Edmund Swaringer, Dr. Geo. Scherer, James Smith, Geo. Wythe Sweeney, Enoch Sullivan, Geo. Wm. Smith, Daniel Shilling & Co. Pleasant Smith, Andrew Stevenson, Nathaniel Staple, Edward C. Stannard, Capt. N. Smith.
(T) Benjamin Thomas, Philip P. Turpin, Francis Thornton, Benjamin Tate, Mrs. Lucy Taylor, Richardson Taylor.
(W) John Whitlock, John B. Walton, Isaac Webster, Benjamin Williams, Stephen Whimire, James Winfree, Colonel Watts, Dr. Wm. West, Robert Wilkins, Jno. Walker, James Worrall, John P. Williamson, William Walker, Mrs. Mary Watson, John Wilson, John J. Werth.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, MAY 3, 1808.
Congress adjourned on Monday the 25th ult. at night, after being in session six months; during which time they passed sixty eight acts, a list of which will be given in the next Argus.
The bill authorising the President to suspend the Embargo under certain circumstances, has been postponed in the House of Representatives--the vote of the question was ayes 58, noes 29.
Congress are to meet again on the first day of November next--one month earlier than the constitutional day.
Delegates chosen to represent this commonwealth in the next General Assembly.
Perkinson 189. Randolph 166. Jas. Robertson, junr. 158. James P. Cocke 128.
City of Washington, April 23, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT COMPOSED OF THE COUNTIES OF HANOVER, HENRICO, NEW KENT AND CHARLES CITY.
Fellow-Citizens,
THE following communication was prepared with a view of having a considerable number of copies printed and distributed, in the form of circular letters, addressed to individuals, as it has been my practice to do, near the close of every session. But the printers at this place are so occupied, that I have not been able to engage either of them to print any. I, therefore, transmit the manuscript to Richmond, for the purpose of procuring a publication of it, in the form of a general address, to you; believing that, amongst the duties attached to the character of a representative, that of diffusing information relative to public affairs, and the proceedings of the legislature, was never more strongly enjoined, at any period, since I have had the honor of acting in that character.
Critical was the situation of the United States, when congress convened on the 26th day of October last. Our foreign relations had assumed a new and portentous aspect. An era had taken place, more interesting than any, which had marked the annals of our country, since the adoption of the present constitution of government.
It was congenial with the love of peace, ever predominant in the American breast, to prefer an honorable reparation, if the British government should offer such reparation, rather than seek redress by force of arms.
An act was passed appropriating one million of dollars for the purpose of fortifying the ports and harbors--and another for building one hundred and eighty eight gun-boats, in addition to those before provided, so as to make up the whole number, two hundred and fifty seven.
The conduct of the two governments of Great Britain and France, in which system Spain had also taken a part, had become so oppressive to neutral trade, that no longer could it be carried on with any safety.
Vessels trading between the ports of either or of its dependencies and those of its allies, were liable to capture by cruisers of the other. Under these circumstances, an embargo upon American vessels, and prohibition of exports to any foreign country, presented itself as a necessary measure.
From the operation of certain orders issued by the one government, and certain decrees of the other, nearly the whole foreign commerce of the United States, if pursued, must have been exposed to great hazard and, perhaps, ultimate ruin; unless an attempt had been made to protect it, by permitting the owners of American vessels to arm them for defence.
By late orders of the British council, arbitrary violations of our maritime rights are extended to a still greater degree.
By these orders, it is provided that the commerce of the United States, destined to its legal and ordinary markets, shall pass thro' British ports and be there subjected to certain impositions;
so that American vessels, sailing from their own ports, and bound even for any of those ports, to which the British government has not yet pretended to deny the right of neutrals to trade, are required first to make a voyage to some British port, take clearances from British officers, in some instances obtain special licences, and in others pay a tax. By a subsequent decree of the French emperor, any vessel submitting to make such a voyage to England, or paying a tax to the British government, or submitting to a search by an English ship, is rendered liable to capture by French cruisers, and to condemnation, whether it shall, after such submission, enter a port of France or of her allies, or whether it shall be captured by a French cruiser. Thus the U. States were placed in the critical dilemma, of either restraining their commerce by an embargo, or of taking a step calculated to precipitate them into a state of war, with one or both of those belligerent nations. For such, it is believed, would have been almost the inevitable consequence of a permission to arm. In a choice between two such evils, both acknowledged to be great--but that of war, much the greatest--there was but little hesitation; and the bill was passed by a large majority.
The operation of this measure must be felt throughout the union. But as it affects the nations, whose wrongful proceedings towards our neutral commerce have occasioned a resort to it, the consequences must be very important; and it is presumed that, of any measures practicable to the U. States, there was none other so well calculated to induce a change in their measures respecting that commerce. To their colonies in the West Indies, it is expected, great distress will necessarily ensue from want of supplies of provisions from the United States. In the numerous products of the American soil, heretofore imported into the dominions of Great Britain, they have constantly derived a large fund of raw materials, without which their manufactures must languish. These manufactures constitute a vast proportion of the active wealth of that nation; and the suspension of commercial intercourse, consequent on the embargo, must inevitably have a two-fold operation to their detriment. By withholding supplies of those materials, the British artisan is rendered unable to pursue his business to its accustomed extent--and even of all those articles, which may be wrought from the scanty materials within his reach, it will be difficult to find purchasers. This must be a consequence of their seclusion from the American market. The non importation act, now in force, prohibits a very considerable proportion of the articles formerly exported from thence to this country--and amongst those, not comprehended within the prohibitions of that act, it cannot be presumed that many will be exported so long as no returns of American produce are allowed to be shipped.
From the present situation of Great Britain with respect to other powers of Europe, supplies of that produce must have become unusually important to her. At war with nearly all those powers, she is cut off from all intercourse with them; and consequently, the materials and merchandise of any kind, formerly drawn into her dominions from those countries, are no longer attainable by her. It is now, more than ever heretofore, her interest to recover a friendly intercourse with the United States. From hence her naval stores, timber and other materials for ship building, of which she formerly derived large supplies thro' the Baltic, must be obtained, or not at all; except indeed what she can derive from her American colonies and from Sweden, the only nation bordering on that sea, with whom she remains in amity. The amount of these, at the utmost, can bear but a small proportion to her demands. For the attainment of such supplies to the extent of her demands, as well as of raw materials to supply her manufactures, strong must be the inducements to come to a good understanding with the U. States; otherwise her darling establishment, the Navy, must decline--thousands of her subjects must be thrown out of employment, and reduced to the extremity of wretchedness. Such, it is believed, will be the effect of the embargo upon England. Its pressure on France and some of her allies, there is no doubt, will be very considerable; and her dependencies in the West Indies will be distressed by it, perhaps, to a greater degree than those of England in that quarter of the world. While, therefore, the unjust proceedings of those belligerents in relation to our commerce, have induced the legislature to withdraw it from the ocean, as the only means of saving it from destruction, or a disgraceful submission to the arbitrary restrictions and impositions of foreign nations, the measure is, at the same time, considered as the most probable one, by which to avoid a state of war, and procure to our commerce & rights of navigation, upon honorable terms, a better security hereafter. There is reasonable ground to look for this result--and, should it be effected by the embargo, the good, which shall have been thus educed from it, will abundantly more than counter-vail the temporary evil, which had attended it. But if neither a sense of their injustice, nor a regard to their own true interests, should induce the belligerents to a change of conduct towards neutrals, who take no part in their wars; if, for the purpose of doing all possible injury to each other, they shall persist in a course of outrageous aggression on the rights of those neutrals--and rather than relinquish a system so unjust, shall choose to suffer privations and to spread calamity and distress through their own dominions; if the embargo shall be found ineffectual towards inducing them to abandon the measures, from which those vexatious aggressions have proceeded, then the U. States must by such other means, as shall appear most eligible under such circumstances, take the best course they can in support of their own national rights and interests. Undoubtedly the sacrifice consequent on the embargo, is great and general; but it is a sacrifice, which an unparalleled crisis in our affairs has produced, and which, it is hoped, need not be long continued. The patriotism of our fellow-citizens, it is known, will always acquiesce in such a sacrifice, when it is forced by an extraordinary emergency--when the ultimate object in view, is great and important; and there is a consolation in reflecting that the legislature in adopt-
ing this measure, have only to appeal to that patriotism, to find its justification.
The answer of the British government to the representations of the American minister, respecting the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, and the seizure of several seamen on board of it, purported a disavowal of the act, declaring it to have been unauthorized, and professing a willingness to enter into treaty upon the subject; but refusing to connect it with any of the other matters, which were in difference between the two nations. The American minister, not being instructed to separate that case from the others in discussion with the British government, did not feel himself authorised to enter into any arrangements upon that point, distinct from the general subject of impressment. No negotiation, therefore, was entered into between him and the commissioners of the British government, relative to that transaction.
That government determined on the plan of sending an envoy to the U. States. The departure of that envoy from this place, as well as his arrival, it is presumed, has been generally known before this time. It is very questionable, whether there ever did exist any serious intention, in the British government, that the envoy, whom it sent over, should negotiate to effect.
The contrary inference, might be drawn from the demand made of our government by that envoy, which was that the President should revoke his proclamation of the 2d day of July, (issued in consequence of that very atrocious outrage on the Chesapeake,) inhibiting British armed ships from our waters. This was required, as a preliminary step, even before he would submit to the government any proposal of the nature of the reparation intended; altho' the government was willing to receive his proposal, and, if satisfactory arrangements should be the result, the repeal of the proclamation should bear date with the reparation. This accommodation, more liberal and conciliatory than could be justly required, was rejected. No proposal was ever submitted; and the envoy declared his mission at an end. Is there not to be discerned in this conduct, a greater degree of insolence, than of real intention to treat with fairness and sincerity? Surely there is--It was an unwarrantable demand, and could not be acceded to without a prostration of dignity, incompatible with the just rights and appropriate character of an independent nation. But this demand, was made in pursuance of instructions from his government, which had been given before the measure of the embargo was adopted.
The following acts have also been passed this session, viz:--
"An act, authorising a detachment of the militia of the United States."--This act authorises the president to require of the executives of the several states and territories, to take measures to organize, arm and equip according to law, and hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning their respective proportion of one hundred thousand militia. It admits the acceptance of corps of volunteers, as part of the said detachment, who shall engage to continue in service six months after they arrive at the place of rendezvous. The officers, both of the detachment of militia and volunteers, are to be of the present militia officers or others, at the option and discretion of the constitutional authority in the respective states and territories. The detachments are not to be compelled to serve a longer time than six months, after arrival at the place of rendezvous. The president is authorised to call into service any part or the whole of the said detachment, when he shall judge the exigencies of the U. States require it--and if a part only, they shall be taken from such part as the president shall deem proper.
"An act, to raise for a limited time an additional military force."--This act authorises the raising of five regiments of infantry--one regiment of riflemen--one regiment of light artillery and one regiment of light dragoons--to be enlisted for five years unless sooner discharged.
An act has also been passed to the following effect, viz:--"That in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe, in the judgment of the President of the United States, he is authorised, during the recess of congress, to suspend, in whole or in part, the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States and the acts supplementary thereto, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such conditions and security being given, as the public interest and circumstances of the case may appear to require--provided such suspension shall not extend beyond twenty days after the next meeting of congress.
In the foregoing narrative, I have endeavored to exhibit a succinct view of the principal features in our exterior relations, as the nature of them would admit of; and have subjoined a statement of the most prominent measures adopted at the present session of congress.
Whether the state of our affairs be more or less critical at this time, than it was at the commencement of the session, is a question extremely difficult to determine. Our situation with respect to the powers at war, is believed to be such, that, whilst we ought not to relinquish the hope of more favorable events, we should not be much flattered with the prospect--but be prepared for a worse state, lest it should soon arrive. If ultimately forced into a war, the U. States may find a consolation in the midst of it, which will not be due to those against whom they shall be engaged in contest. The justice of their cause, may inspire them with hopes for the smiles of Providence, if to a prudent use of those resources, which it has pleased Him to bestow upon them, they add an humble confidence in his blessings on their exertions. May all of us be animated with hearts rightly disposed towards God, and towards our country; and whatever may be its future destiny, may his kindly hand conduct it to a state of prosperity and happiness!
With sentiments of esteem and respect, I remain, Fellow-Citizens, your obliged and ob't. serv't.
JOHN CLOPTON.
From our latest English accounts (says the Mercantile Advertiser,) Petitions for Peace were in circulation for signatures in all the great manufacturing towns in the kingdom. In Manchester and its vicinity the signatures amounted to upwards of 37,000; and in other places to a much greater number.
Extract of a letter from an American gentleman in London, to the editors of the Boston Chronicle, dated March 12, 1808.
"The bill to carry into effect the orders of council, of the 1st of Nov. last, had its third reading last night, in the house of commons. The debate continued until past six o'clock this morning!! It is to be well received great opposition. However, the ministry will finally carry their point, as they have a majority in both houses. Those orders are put in force, in order to distress the enemy; but in the end it will hurt the trade of this country the most; as most of the great manufacturing towns have petitioned parliament against their being put in force; and the day before yesterday the merchants trading to America had a meeting at the Lamlon tavern, for the purpose of petitioning parliament against the orders. The petition was presented to-day.
"I love my country; and let me beg that you will use all your influence to satisfy the people that the continuation of the embargo will save the liberties of America; and that the orders of council will be repealed if that remains on. This letter goes direct for Liverpool. I have not time to say more."
Worthy Conduct.--Mr. John Adams, late President of the U. States, voted in Massachusetts for Governor Sullivan, the Republican candidate, and assigned his reasons for his vote. He observed that the country, insulted and abused by foreign nations, was in danger, and that this was no time for opposition to the government. The government, said Mr. Adams, should be supported in the correct steps which it has taken. The embargo was an indispensable and wise measure.
(Watch Tower.)
New York, April 22. His Excellency James Bowdoin, late minister at the court of his Catholic majesty, and envoy extraordinary at Paris, his lady and niece, Miss Sarah B. Winthrop, and George Sullivan, Esq., private secretary to Mr. Bowdoin, have arrived at Boston, in the ship Sally from Liverpool.
Death.
Departed this life on the 26th of April last, Dr. ANTHONY TUCKER DIXON, of Charles City, aged 52 years, after a few hours illness; a gentleman of great celebrity in the profession of physic and surgery, which he acquired by upwards of thirty years of extensive practice. The loss of him will be much felt by all those to whom he has so often administered the balm of comfort and relief. To the poor he was liberal in his services, to the rich rather careless in his attentions, and yet more so as to his interest. He possessed a mind always vigorous and lucid, and a constitution strong and robust, which might have procured him a longer life, but which he valued too little to be careful of. He had many eccentricities, many faults, and many agreeable qualities.
** For Laws of Congress see 3d col. 4th page.
Strayed from Fairfield last Saturday,
Two Horses,
one a large Black, upwards of 15 hands high, has a blaze face and two white feet; the other a likely Bay, with a bob tail, about 15 hands high and has lately had a sore back, the mark of which still remains, I will reward any person who will deliver them to me now in Richmond, and during the races, or in Powhatan county, if taken up 8 days hence. I expect they will make up the river on the north side.
Wade Mosby. Richmond, 2d May, 1808.
For Freight or Charter,
The fast sailing Schooner FOUR BROTHERS, Alpheus Burges, Master; burthen sixty five tons. For further particulars enquire of the captain on board at Rockets at Lester's Wharf. May 2d, 1808.
Two Elegant Rooms TO RENT. Enquire of the Printer. May 2, 1808.
For Rent,
AND possession given immediately, the HOUSE and LOT, adjoining the tenement occupied by the Hon. Creed Taylor, and late in the occupancy of Phoebe Blake and Jasen French. Apply to E. W. TRENT. May 2d, 1808.
Advertisement.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has lately received an
Extensive Assortment of
LEATHER,
of the very best quality, which he will have manufactured in the BEST MANNER, to supply his customers, &c. and which he will dispose of on the most reasonable terms that such work can be sold. David Logan. April 27th, 1808.
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has this day published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq., on the trial of AARON BURR, and others.