The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-08-18 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, AUGUST 18, 1809.
[No. 29.]
Published by Thomas Ritchie, nearly opposite the Globe Tavern, Richmond, Virginia.
CONDITIONS. —Five dollars a year, to be paid annually in advance. Those who desire to be considered as annual subscribers, must hereafter designate it at the time of subscribing, otherwise their papers will be discontinued at the expiration of the first year. No paper can be stopped until all arrears have been paid off—Good acceptances, in Richmond only, will be received in payment. The same rule as to Advertisements.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE:
The 5th Volume of the ENQUIRER, complete, bound in boards.
VIRGINIA DEBATES, in the Convention, bound in calf, sheep and boards.
BURR'S TRIAL, for Treason and for a Misdemeanor, in boards—By D. Robertson.
LETTERS on the Subject of THE CATHOLICS—By Peter Pymley—from the 11th London Edition.
BLANKS, for Lawyers, Clerks, Sheriffs, Constables, Merchants, &c. &c. which will also be printed according to any form exhibited, at the shortest notice.
NOTICE. —In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber, there will be offered for sale, the 7th day of Sept. next, on a credit of six months, a small tract or parcel of LAND, lying on the Buckingham Road, about four miles above Powhatan court-house: Also, one negro man named BOB, the property of Archibald Conway, to satisfy a debt due to Major John Archer of Amelia.
HENRY ANDERSON, Trustee. Powhatan, August 15. Sw
TO THE PUBLIC. —Notice is hereby given, that at King William superior court, a petition will be made for the discontinuance of a Road leading from the West-Point road, through the estate of Robert Slaughter, and that of James Ruffin, dec'd. to Ruffin's Old Ferry. August 4. St
BOARDING-HOUSE, to be opened in Williamsburg. The Subscriber, being about to remove to Williamsburg, informs the public that she intends to keep in that city, a
BOARDING HOUSE, and house of PRIVATE ENTERTAINMENT, which will be opened on the 20th day of September next. Her house is large and commodious, and situated nearly in the centre of the town—She will have an entirely new set of Servants, & hopes, by the strictest attention and exertions to please, to give satisfaction to those who may favor her with their company. Her intention is to accommodate Boys, Girls, Students of William & Mary College, grown Gentlemen, or Ladies, with board and lodging, or board only, by the day, month, or quarter of a year, on reasonable terms. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, August 1. 1205
FOR SALE, in the town of Cartersville, upon James River, Lots No. 6 and 24, being the same formerly owned by Messrs. Deaves—on the first is a good dwelling HOUSE, store and other improvements, and on the last, a good lumber house. A credit of one, two, and three years will be given: Bonds with approved security, to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid, will be required—For further particulars, apply to Messrs. John & Ex Cunningham, at Cartersville, who will show the premises, or to
JAMES & JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, July 28. 6w
VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscriber wishes to dispose of that valuable tract of LAND called FOR LEWIS, lying in the Counties of Botetourt and Montgomery, and containing about 2,600 acres. They also wish to sell 3,180 acres of Land lying in the County of Fluvanna, on the south side of the Rivanna river, extending from Col. Cary's line, down the river, to within about a mile of Columbia.
This last mentioned Land, being in five distinct tracts, will be sold separately or together, as may best suit any person desirous of purchasing. One-fourth of the amount being paid in hand, any reasonable credit will be given for the balance.
GIBSON & JEFFERSON. Richmond, July 28. ff
THE Subscribers for the Book of FORMS of LEGAL PROCESS and JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS, proposed to be published by me, are informed that the work is in Press, and it is expected, from the progress which has been made in the printing thereof, that the Book will be ready for delivery by the ensuing fall terms of the Superior Courts of Law. I here take the liberty of suggesting to those who wish to own this Book, and have not subscribed therefor, the advantage of doing so as early as possible, and complying with the terms of subscription heretofore published, as a very small number of copies will be printed, which will be delivered (if there be occasion to do so,) according to the dates of subscriptions.
J. ROBINSON. Richmond, July 28. ff
FOR SALE. —By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Pleasant Youngusband, in his life time, and recorded in the General Court:—Will be sold, on the first day of next month (September,) at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, four hundred and ninety-three acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, being the tract of Land whereon Francis Lewis, dec'd. resided until his death, which Land was devised to said Youngusband, by Moses Davis and wife. The deed was executed to the subscribers, to secure to Frederick Harris, the payment of two thousand eight hundred and sixty dollars, with interest from the first of March, 1802. It is mentioned in the deed, that the sale was to be made for ready money, but the deed is dated on the 22d March, 1802, therefore subject to the act of the 1st session of Assembly of Virginia, entitled "An act concerning executions & for other purposes."
DAVID BULLOCK, THOS. NORVELL, Trustees. August 3. tis
GEORGE WATT has just received, and offers FOR SALE, Sicily, Madeira, and Sherry WINE, by the Hhd. and Qt. cask, Green Coffee, Orleans Sugar by the Hhd.; German Plantation Sables by the piece or case, half pint Glass Tumblers in cases of 1000 each, and New York Soap & Candles.
ON HAND, Madeira Wine, Orleans and Muscovado Sugars, Green Coffee, Molasses, Prime Pork, Liverpool and Stone Ware, Suncheng, Hyson, Sain, and Gunpowder Tea, Spanish Segars, Raisins, Almonds, Nutmegs, Windsor Glass, Men & Women's Shoes, which he will dispose of by wholesale on reasonable terms. July 22. ff
COLUMBIAN MILLS. —The subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he will purchase WHEAT delivered at the Columbian Mills, or he will receive wheat there to be manufactured on very moderate and advantageous terms to the holders of this article—viz. for every 340 pounds of good merchantable wheat, he will engage to deliver one barrel of good superfine flour, or he will receive wheat at six shillings and six pence per bushel of 60 pounds and deliver superfine flour at six dollars twelve cents, with a small proportion of fine flour at five dollars sixty two cents per barrel; all to be inspected and delivered in good order at the mill. The flour made at this mill has always been held in high repute, and it is the intention of the present proprietor to sustain its character.
The Corn Mill is in complete order—every attention will be paid to the customers sending their Corn there to be ground on toll at the usual rate.
Good fresh Meal for sale in small or large quantities at very moderate prices for cash. Apply to Mr. Samuel Leech on the premises or to JOHN GRANBURY, Norfolk Cash given for Corn delivered at the mill. July 18. ff
PASSAGE FOR LONDON.
THE SHIP PATRIOT GROENING, Mathias Probst, Master; Will sail for London, on or about the 15th of next month, and can accommodate eight or ten Passengers; she is a remarkably strong and well built ship, of about 300 tons, almost new, and has a roomy and elegant Cabin. Her cargo being engaged, apply for Passage only, to the Master on board, or to
NEUMEYER & VON KAPFF. Norfolk, July 28. 1m
NOTICE. —All persons indebted to the late mercantile concerns of T. & W. Friend; Joseph and W. Friend & Co. or Jos. & W. Friend—are hereby notified that James Robertson, jr. attorney at law, Amelia, is alone authorised to receive money and grant discharges, and those who have claims against either of the above mentioned firms, are requested to make them known to the said Robertson, in order that provision may be made for payment.
THOMAS BRANCH, Exec'r of Wm. FRIEND, who was surviving partner of J. & Wm. F. & Co. and Thomas and Wm. Friend. EDWARD FRIEND, adm'r. of JOS. FRIEND, Dec'd. July 25. 1m
** THE Subscriber solicits payment as speedily as possible, from all those who are indebted to the firms above mentioned, as the situation of the business, will not admit of longer indulgence than has already been given. The books, accounts, &c. which were lately in the possession of C. F. Bates, Esq. are now in my possession. J. ROBERTSON, jr. 1m
WILL BE SOLD, on the 28th day of August next, at Cumberland court-house, (being Cumberland court day,) agreeably to an Act of Assembly, passed on the thirty-first day of January last, entitled an act concerning executions and for other purposes; by virtue of a deed of trust, made to us by David Compland, & legally recorded in the county court of Buckingham, for the purposes in the said deed of trust mentioned, one certain tract or parcel of LAND, it being a part of the tract on which the said David now resides, containing one hundred and fifty acres, binding on the lines of George Anderson and Charles Wheeler, jr. beginning at Wilson's, and running to the north of his house, to his back line, as expressed in said deed of trust Being only interested as trustees for the benefit of others, we will only convey the title we have by virtue of said deed of trust.
SAMUEL ANDERSON, } Trustees JAMES WILSON, } July 25. 4w
LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscribers, attorneys in fact for Col. John Simon Farley, and his sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Morson, residents in Great-Britain, offer for sale their remaining proportion of that valuable
TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Rockingham and state of North Carolina, called the Sauratown Estate. This land lying contiguous to one of the branches of Roanoke River, and in the midst of a wealthy country, is represented to be of great fertility, and to unite so many advantages as to be well worth the attention of the purchasers; it contains from 10 to 12,000 acres, and will be sold in one whole, or in distinct parcels, at the option of those who may wish to buy; for which purpose it has been laid off in separate lots. A plot of the land is left in the possession of Wm. Edward Broadnax, esq. of Brunswick county, Virginia, who has purchased a part of it, and to whom, for more correct information as to its quality, situation and other advantages, purchasers are referred, as well as to Mr. Ira Ellis, who lives on the spot. Mr. Broadnax will also make known the terms of sale, and any contract entered into with him for the purchase of the above land, or any part thereof, will be obligatory on ourselves, and our principals. G. K. TAYLOR, JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, Va. July 28. 6w
NOTICE. —The creditors of the estate of John J. Wyatt, deceased, are hereby requested to send their respective accounts or claims for settlement, and those indebted to make payment to the subscribers without delay. HENRY TOMPKINS, } Adm'rs. D. J. BURE. July 18. 1w6w
By virtue of a deed of trust, from Richard S. Young to the subscribers, bearing date the 27th day of April, 1803, and recorded in the General Court, for securing a certain debt, therein mentioned: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the 29th September, next, before the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, (or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to satisfy said debt, with interest and costs,) the following valuable PROPERTY, viz. Lot No. 1, with the wharf attached thereto; No. 5, a water lot; No. 9, a lot with the yellow house, back of wharf No. 1; No. 13, back of water lot No. 5; No. 16, part of lot No. 178, in the plan of the city of Richmond, and No. 21, bought of the Executors of Francis Lewis, and on Bloody-Run street. The same being the said Richard Young's part of property, situated at Rocketts, which he held jointly with Pickett, Pollard and Johnston, & assigned to him by deed of partition, executed by the parties, on the 17th March last.
The said sale will be made agreeably to the directions in such cases, of the act of Assembly, passed the 31st day of January, 1802, entitled "An act concerning executions and for other purposes." EDWARD JOHNSTON, JOHN FOX, Trustees. August 11. tds
STAGES FOR SALE. —Will be sold to the highest bidder, at this place, on Friday, the 13th of next month, (September,) the line of STAGES, between Richmond and Fredericksburg. The terms will be one-fourth of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale: the balance in six, nine and twelve months. On the same day, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, several very valuable STUD HORSES, among which are, Archduke and Speculator.—The purchasers to give bond with approved securities, to
JOHN HOOMES, Dec'd. Bowling Green, August 11. 9t
JACOB JOHNSON, BOOKSELLER, near the Market-bridge, Richmond, has just imported, from London, via Philadelphia; Reeves' Water Colors, in boxes, of 1, 2, 3 and 4 rows, hair pencils, &c. &c. Pewter, lead, glass and wedge wood Ink-Stands, Pen-Knives, well assorted, one, two, three and four blades. Scissors at various prices, from 25 cents to ten dollars—some with silver, and others gold handles. Lead Pencils, fine Dutch Wax, Quills, &c. &c.
J. Johnson has lately published: The Life and Works of Dr. Franklin, written by himself, price 75 Life of Washington, written for the use of young lads, 1 00 Walker's Dictionary abridged, Politic Learning, being an epitome of the arts and sciences, with plates, 62 Ferguson's Astronomy for young ladies and gentlemen, with plates, 1 00 Newtonian Philosophy explained, a new edition improved by R. Patterson, Professor in the University of Pennsylvania, 62 Smelt's Horace, 2 vols. 2 00 Emily Bible, 4to with 20 plates, 7 00 Goldsmith's Geography, with an Atlas, 75 Ainsworth's Latin Dictionary, 4 50 Schwenk's Greek Lexicon, 3 50 Biography for boys, by Mrs. Pilkington, 37
J. Johnson has just received: Conversations on Chemistry, a new edition in which is given an account of the Mineral Waters of the U. States, price 1 50 This is the best edition of the work for sale, and is 75 cents below the price of others. Barton's Works of St. Pierre, 3 vols 9 00 Burke's Works, 4 vols. 12 00 Female Biography, 3 vols. 7 50 Literary Magazine, 8 vols. 24 00 Melvin on Population, 2 vols. 5 00 He has constantly for sale, a general assortment of Books, in the different departments of Literature, more particularly School-Books and Works of Amusement for children. The latter are executed with a neatness, not attempted by any other publisher in the United States, at terms the most moderate.
In press and will be published in a few weeks: Guthrie's Geographical Grammar, with 25 maps, 2 vols. Goldsmith's account of the customs and manners of nations, 2 volumes, with fifty engravings. Parent's Assistant, by Mr. Pilkington. * * The highest price given for clean linen & cotton Rags. 8 mo. 11. 3t
NOTICE is hereby given, to all whom it may concern—That a PETITION will be presented, by a majority of the Overseers of the Poor, and many other inhabitants of the county of Middlesex, to the next General Assembly of Virginia, praying a law to pass, authorising the sale of a certain tract of land, therein described, lying in the said county; which tract of land was given by one Alexander Frazier, for the benefit of a Free School, or for the education of Poor Children. August 11. 3t
IN CHANCERY. —In Powhatan county court, July 21, 1809. Brown, Rives & Co. vs. against Samuel H. Owen and Joseph Mayo, executor of David Owen, dec'd. Def's.
The defendant Samuel H. Owen, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: On motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel: It is ordered, That the defendant, Samuel H. Owen, do appear here on the first day of October next, to answer the plaintiff's bill, & that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, in one of the Richmond news-papers, for two months successively, and posted at the door of the court-house of this county. A Copy. Teste, JAS. POINDEXTER, c. c. August 1. 2m
EUROPE.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
LONDON, June 1, 1809.
AUSTRIA, SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
The Report of the Committee of Supply and the vote of credit was brought up. On the question that the Resolutions be agreed to.
MR. WHITBREAD rose. He felt himself under a difficulty as to a form in this case. In one part of the vote he could agree, in the other he could not; and he saw no way of extricating himself but by a step which he had taken once before, and which he must now again resort to, if he found any person of the same opinion with himself, namely, by proposing an Address to His Majesty on the Message, which should be expressive of the opinion he entertained on the subject. He agreed that it was right, that Ministers should be vested with a power to assist Spain and Portugal, though he doubted much, from appearances, and from the exaggerated statements both of our Commanders and Ministers, that the contest would terminate in the subjugation of the one country, and in the other being wrested out of our hands. He did not wish, however, that Ministers should have no power to afford to those countries such assistance as they thought proper—while there was life there was hope. The Peninsula was engaged in a glorious cause, and after the share we had taken in it, he could not say that we ought, till the very last moment, to abandon men who were fighting for what was as dear as liberty to itself. He could not agree with a Member of Administration in another place, that the cause was as hopeless as ever, but still he did not wish it to be abandoned. He understood a Right Hon. Friend of his, not now present, was to have said something on the
present question as to Austria. If the struggle in which she was now engaged, was not forced upon her by France, she seemed to have chosen an improper time for it. It appeared that it had been entered into without any concert or advice of this Government; that every thing had been in the language of coldness; that they had even dissuaded her from the contest. The events themselves which had occurred, showed that the Austrian government had gone to war not with any correct calculation either of their own or of their enemies' strength. The French Emperor was already, as he had been in the year 1805, in possession of the Austrian capital. We had, indeed, heard of resistance, but was it from the people of Vienna? No—it was by the Archduke Maximilian, with a body of troops, by whom even some of the inhabitants of the city were destroyed.—We had formerly seen, in Oporto, the troops of the enemy received with the same congratulations as it was said lately to have opened its gates to our army. Seeing what he had seen, he had no hopes of the contest, and whether Austria was forced into the measure or not, it was ill-advised, and, to his conception, must end in her ruin. He was not of a niggardly spirit, but still he must protest against any subsidy being granted to her from this country. His motives for so doing had been mis-stated. He had even been libelled by a paper under the controul of Ministers, as being friendly to France. (Calls of Order.) He maintained he was not out of order. If any gentleman asserted the contrary, let his words be taken down. He maintained that the paper which libelled him was known to be under the controul of the Treasury. He hoped and sincerely wished that things might turn out better than he imagined; but with his eyes open, and seeing the progress of events, it was impossible for him not to calculate on the subjugation of Austria to the will of the conqueror, and the consequent reduction of the Peninsula. What would then remain for us but to carry on the struggle in a situation so much the worse? Were we not called on, therefore, to husband our own resources? We had come under no pledge to Austria; and not being in a condition to afford her any effectual aid, unless she had great resources within herself—not having it in our power to afford her such succour as would enable her to retrieve her affairs—he felt himself bound to make a stand, and to protest against the granting of any subsidies after the large grants and loans which had formerly been made to her. Whatever motives might be attributed to him, he was conscious that his principles and feelings were as truly national as that of any person in that House, and yet he could not consent to the vote of a single shilling to the Emperor of Austria. He said that in the year 1805, Russia and England seduced Austria to break her faith with France. It appeared from a State Paper laid on the table of that House, that there was a concert by the three to deceive France; that they expected they would have been able to succeed up to a certain time, but that it had been discovered somewhat earlier. By the treachery, as was said of the Austrian Generals, the effect of that breach was to put France in possession of Vienna. The Treaty of Tilsit followed, and from that period the Emperor of Russia had been joined to France in the closest terms. What had we now to expect from the present contest? After the rapidity of the movement of the last month, could we expect that the assistance which we would be able to dole out, could do any good, or could even prolong the contest? Another thing to which he must object was, the fact of Austria having taken upon herself to draw bills on this country, and that we should agree to pay them. This was a thing utterly unprecedented, and although he might be willing to vote as much money as would cover the amount, he would never agree to the form of the advance. As to the merits of the contest, he should suppose, for argument's sake, that the good faith was all against France. This, however, was remarkable, that France, throughout the whole of the contest, was the attacked, not the attacker. In the revolutionary war, France was attacked.—It enabled her to extend her territories; and was continued with the object of driving her again within her old limits. He did not say France was in the right. He had never said so. Yet he was not persuaded that Austria was not to blame. Her territory, even her capital had been restored to her; and he could not find himself prepared to say that she was correct in forgetting these, supposing them to be only nominal obligations. That France might have it in view, at some convenient season, to swallow up Austria, it was not in his power to deny, as ambition was a growing quality. He could not think, however, that the present was exactly the time he would choose. It might have been a moment convenient for Austria, but could hardly have been so selected by Bonaparte. If there was any one thing which proved more than another the blindness of human nature, it was to be seen in the appointment of the ambassador sent by this government to Spain. If there was a person who had ever acted the same part in another quarter of the globe, which Bonaparte was now acting in Spain, it was the Noble Marquis who was now sent to Spain to espouse the cause of justice. He knew it would be said, that what the noble Marquis had done proceeded from an ardent zeal for the public service: while Bonaparte, on the other hand, acted at the instigation of the devil. He, however, was one of those who thought that they were of the same nature, and that the selection was one of the most unhappy which could have been made. If the Spaniards knew any thing of the history of that part of the world to which he alluded, they must know that the Marquis Wellesley, was one, who impelled by an ardent zeal for the public service, would have seized on Spain as Bonaparte has done. The Hon. gentleman then proceeded to state, that although gentlemen on the other side were displeased with popular meetings, and with the uproar and clamour arising from drinking toasts with three times three, the Right Hon. Secretary had so far unbended as to attend one of those meetings, and to make a speech there. Probably, however, the London Tavern was not of the same description with the Crown and Anchor; or he might be in a mistake as to the right hon. gentleman. It
might be some other person of the same name. The gentleman whoever he was, however, was called upon by a gentleman of the name of Inglis, to explain three toasts, and in doing so he delivered all the bearings and opinions of government, and even anticipated what the house would do on the present occasion. The Reporter of the Speech, he (Mr. Whitbread) was certain, should be prosecuted if the statement was not correct. Here Mr. Whitbread proceeded to read the Report of a Speech of Mr. Canning's at the celebration of Mr. Pitt's birthday. He found that they did not agree, and of course he could not expect him to concur in the Address to his Majesty, which he should have to propose. Mr. Whitbread thought the most dangerous of all misrepresentations were those by which the public expectation was improperly raised. In this situation was the information furnished as to the defeat of Marshal Soult's army. He was convinced none but the rear of it had ever been engaged. He concluded by moving an Address to his Majesty, expressing the satisfaction of the House, that there was no subsidy granted to the Emperor of Austria, and that any farther grant to him would be improper.
SHERIFF'S COURT, May 12.
Crim. Con.—The Hon. H. Wellesley v. the Right Hon. Lord Paget.
Yesterday there was an inquisition of damages in this case, as the defendant had suffered judgment to go against him by default.
Mr. Garrow stated the case on the part of the Plaintiff. He conceived that it was the most distressing case of this description which ever fell within his experience. In September, 1805, the marriage took place between the plaintiff (who is brother to the Marquis Wellesley,) and Lady Charlotte Cadogan. Equal in rank and situation in life, and attached as the parties were to each other, there was every reason to expect as much happiness as the matrimonial state affords. He would prove by the most respectable witnesses, that they were an uncommonly happy couple until the affections of Lady Charlotte Wellesley had been seduced by Lord Paget. They had a family of four children, for whom both parents shewed equal fondness, and nothing seemed wanting to the happiness of the plaintiff, until his domestic peace was forever destroyed by the act of the defendant. He could not conceive, that many circumstances could be stated in extenuation of the criminality of the defendant. He could not plead the infirmity of youth overcome by uncommon beauty; he had a most estimable wife, to whom his affections and tenderness ought to have been exclusively confined, and by whom he had a family of eight children. In some circumstances, there was a ray of hope left to the ruined female, that the seducer might afterwards be her husband; but in this case there was no occasion for the new standing order of the House of Lords to prevent such union; for Lord Paget was a married man, and consequently could not be her husband.
The first witness was the Rev. Mr. Sloane, a relative of the Cadogan family. He had been in the habit of great intimacy with the plaintiff and Lady Charlotte during the whole time of marriage. Their conduct was mutually kind, tender and affectionate. He begged leave to state in one instance, which made a great impression on him. If ever a party was made for Lady Charlotte to go to the Opera, or of any assembly, public or private, she always went home first to see if her husband was at home, in which case she staid with him; and it was only when her husband was at the House of Commons, or engaged in business, that she partook of these amusements.
Lord George Seymour, the Dean of Windsor and Mr. Sydenham, also proved the domestic happiness in which the plaintiff and Lady Charlotte formerly lived.
Mr. Garrow said, that although he could bring a host of witnesses to the same point, he thought it would be wasting the time of the jury to do it.
Mr. Dallas then addressed the jury on behalf of the defendant. He had been positively instructed to abstain from every observation tending to justify, or to mitigate in any degree, the criminality of the defendant in a moral point of view. He should therefore not attempt to soften down or shade away the criminality; and on the subject of damages he would say, that Lord Paget would not be solicitous about the mitigation of damages which a jury could reasonably give, would really be a compensation to the wounded feelings and happiness of the plaintiff. In the point of compensation to Mr. Wellesley, many circumstances which aggravated the offence of Lord Paget, were in no degree applicable; for instance, the strong ground of aggravation was, that Lord Paget was a married man, and had eight children. What was this, however, to the compensation of Mr. Wellesley? When a husband loses his wife, is it to him of any consequence whether the seducer is a married or a single man; whether he has eight children, or whether he has no children, or whether the wife that has been been unfaithful to him may marry her seducer or not? The real circumstances of the case were these: there had been an intimacy between the defendant and Lady Charlotte from their earliest years. An innocent intimacy was in time matured into friendship, and soon assumed another form. Both parties slumbered equally at what they conceived the inevitable consequence of this strong attachment, and resolved to struggle as much as possible against it. At first they resolved to avoid meeting each other, but from the circles in which they moved in life, this was impossible. Lady Charlotte conceived herself highly impressed with religious feelings and flew to religion to protect her honor. This was a vain attempt. That which our Poet had put in the mouth of Eloisa, Lady Charlotte experienced. In vain she addressed her prayers to Heaven, Lord Paget was always in her thoughts, and the master of her affections. Lord Paget, on the other hand, who had chosen the honorable profession of arms, in order to avoid the temptation which he felt he had no force to resist.

thought for and obtained an appointment on foreign service. He could not banish the idea of Lady Charlotte from his heart; and those who knew him on foreign service state, that upon every occasion he appeared to court danger and to seek for death. Unfortunately for him, he did not meet it; for if he had met it there, he would have fallen on the bed of honor, and the tears of his country would have bedewed his grave. But now Lord Paget, who a few months ago possessed of every thing in which happiness is supposed to consist, who was the theme and admiration of every British soldier, was ruined both in private esteem and in his public reputation, and had nothing now to hope, but to be permitted to pass the remainder of his days in oblivion. It had been truly observed by some writer, that if we could look into each other's hearts, there would be no such thing as envy in the world. If those who admired Lord Paget, while he was gaining honor for his country in Spain, could have seen how this fatal passion wound like a snake about his breast, and threatened to blast his honor and peace, they would not have envied Lord Paget, however illustrious they saw him in rank or in military renown. He was sure that there were some generous minds, that could feel pity for the situation into which Lord Paget had fallen. Soon after his return from Spain, Lady Charlotte eloped from her husband, and asked his protection. This protection, most unfortunately for himself, he granted. He hoped the jury would weigh all those things in their discretion.
One of the jurymen asked at what the damages were laid in the declaration, and was answered at £ 20,000. The jury then, in a few minutes, brought in their verdict for the plaintiff— Damages, £ 20,000.
Correspondence, relating to Lord Paget and Lady Charlotte Wellesley.
When this unfortunate connection was publicly announced, Colonel Cadogan wrote to Lord P. a letter, of which the following is a copy:
COOK'S HOTEL, Doverstreet, March 28. "MY LORD,
"I hereby request you to name a time and place where I may meet you, to obtain satisfaction for the injury done myself and my whole family by your conduct to my sister.
"I have to add, that the time must be as early as possible, and the place not in the immediate neighborhood of London, as it is by concealment alone I am able to evade the Police.
"H. CADOGAN.
LORD PAGET'S ANSWER.
"March 30.
"SIR,
"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 28th instant. I have nothing to say in justification of my conduct towards your sister; but that it has been produced by an attachment perfectly unrequited. She has lost the world upon my account, and the only atonement I can make is to devote myself, not to her happiness, (which with her feeling of mind is, under the circumstances, impossible) but to endeavor, by every means in my power, to alleviate her sufferings. I feel, therefore, that my life is hers, not my own. It distresses me beyond all description to refuse you that satisfaction which I am most ready to admit you have a right to demand; but upon the most mature reflection I have determined upon the propriety of this line of conduct.
"My cause is bad indeed; but my motive for acting thus, is good; nor was I without hopes that you would have made allowances for this my very particular situation, and thereby have largely added to the extreme kindness you have already shown to your sister upon this affliction occasion.
"I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
"PAGET."
"P. S. On referring to the date of your letter, it becomes necessary to assure you that I have only this moment received it."
COL. CADOGAN TO M. SLOANE, ESQ. HIS INTENDED SECOND.
"LONDON, April 2, 1809.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"I have availed myself of the very first moment in my power to relieve you from the anxiety you have for some days past been feeling on my account, by assuring you that all communication between Lord Paget and myself has ceased.
"And in order that what has passed may not be misrepresented, I herewith enclose copies of the only letters that have been exchanged, and I have to request that you will show them, together with this letter, to any of my friends, or of your own acquaintance, that might wish to read them.
"When my sister, after a separation of a very few days, returned to Lord Paget, and when I was convinced, by a variety of circumstances, that the fear of my resentment had no further effect in deterring her from that connection, I could no longer restrain the impulse of my feelings, and immediately demanded that satisfaction from Lord Paget, which the laws of my country do not afford, but which I had a right to ask and he was equally bound to give me for the injury he had done myself and my whole family. This satisfaction, however, Lord Paget thought proper to deny me, alleging, as his letter expressed it, "that his life is not his own, but my sister's," and thus making the very injury for which I demanded satisfaction his excuse for not meeting me. It is not unknown to you, that I have by concealment alone been able for some time to evade the Police, who, having anticipated the step I was likely to take, are still continuing in pursuit of me.
"Under these circumstances, it would ill become me to apply to the conduct of Lord Paget the expressions that my feelings at this moment dictate; and I shall therefore leave it to you and others to determine whether the line he has thought proper to adopt on this occasion, is or is not the most honorable. I remain, my dear sir, your's most sincerely,
"W. CADOGAN."
"To H. Sloane, Esq."
After this correspondence Lord Paget and Lady Charlotte retired to a village in Devonshire, where another letter arrived from the Colonel, it is said, on the same subject as his former; and his Lordship being still determined not to meet him, the fugitives forsook their retreat at a moment's notice.
A late letter of Lady Charlotte Wellesley to Mr. J. Arbuthnot.
"It would be the height of ingratitude were I not to try to convey my thanks to
Henry Wellesley for his most kind and generous offer to take home a wretch, who has so much injured him. I dare not write to him myself; but I implore it of you to say every thing which gratitude and feeling can suggest, to express my sense of the kindness of his conduct. His note was forwarded to me this morning; but, degraded and unprincipled as I must appear in the eyes of every body, believe me I am not lost to all sense of honor, which would forbid my returning to a husband I have quitted, to children I have abandoned. Indeed, indeed, my dear Mr. Arbuthnot, if you knew all, you would pity more than blame me. Could you tell all the resistance that has been made to this criminal, most atrocious attachment, could you know what are my sufferings at this moment, you would feel for me. Henry has not deserved this of me. We have had some differences, and he may perhaps sometimes have been a little too harsh to me; but I can with truth assert—and I wish you to publish it to the world, that in essential, and indeed in trifling subjects—he has ever been kind to me in the greatest degree; nor has the person who may be supposed to have attempted to lower him in my estimation, about my dear, dear children, I must say one word. Do you think I dare hope, by any remote or indirect means, to hear something of them? You know how much I love them! You are aware of their merits, and what I must feel at having quitted them; but I have the satisfaction, the inexpressible comfort of knowing they will be taken care of by their father, though their mother has abandoned them. My dear little Henry and Charles—Oh! God bless you!—I wrote every thing to my brother last night.
"Tuesday morning, 7 o'clock."
"Since writing the enclosed, I have come to town, and if it is not repugnant to your feelings, I think I should like to have one interview with you, but not if you object to it in any way. The bearer can bring you to me instantly, if you will see me; but if not, ask no questions."
Henry Wellesley wrote to her in answer to this letter to Arbuthnot:
"That for the sake of her welfare, and that of her children, he would consent to receive her again, provided she would return and break off all correspondence or connection with the person she was then with, but that she must return instantly, for the next day would be too late." She has set off with Lord Paget for the Isle of Man.
The result of this unfortunate affair has been, that Lord Paget returns to the bosom of his family. He is to live with Lady Paget, and has left town with her ladyship for Beaconsfield in Staffordshire. He has purchased a house for Lady Charlotte Wellesley, in which she now resides, and has made a settlement upon her—while Mr. Wellesley is eagerly proceeding to obtain a divorce.
Duel between Lord Paget and Captain Cadogan.
In order to prevent the appearance in the papers of any misstatement respecting the duel which took place this morning between Lord Paget and Captain Cadogan, we, the respective friends of the parties, feel it incumbent on us to submit the following as the correct statement of the event as it occurred. In consequence of a challenge having been received by Lord Paget from Captain Cadogan, and every attempt to prevent a meeting having failed, the parties, attended by their respective friends, Captain Cadogan by Captain M'Kenzie, of the navy, Lord Paget by Lieut. Colonel Vivian, of the 7th light dragoons, met as agreed, at 7 o'clock on Wimbledon Common. The ground having been taken at twelve paces distance, they were directed to fire together. Captain Cadogan fired, Lord Paget's pistol flashed—this having been decided to go for a fire, a question arose, whether Lord Paget had taken aim, as if intending to hit his antagonist. Both the seconds being clearly of opinion that such was not his intention (although the degree of obliquity he gave the direction of the pistol was such as to have been discovered only by particular observation,) Captain M'Kenzie stated to Captain Cadogan, that as it appeared to be Lord Paget's intention not to fire at him, he could not admit of the affair proceeding any further. Lieut. Col. Vivian then asked Captain Cadogan, whether he had not himself observed that Lord Paget had not aimed at him—to which he replied in the affirmative. Captain M'Kenzie then declared his determination not to remain any longer in the field, to witness any further act of hostility on the part of Captain Cadogan. Captain C. replied, of course his conduct must be decided by his second; declaring at the same time, that he had come prepared for the fall of one of the parties. On Capt. M'Kenzie and Lieut. Col. Vivian making it known to Lord Paget, that as he evidently did not intend to fire at Captain Cadogan, the affair could go no further—Lord P. replied, "as such is your determination, I have no hesitation in saying, that nothing could ever have induced me to add to the injuries I have already done the family, by firing at the brother of Lady Charlotte Wellesley." The parties then left the ground. (Signed) R. H. VIVIAN. GEO. CHAS. M'KENZIE.
May 30.
Official Details. —The following, from a London paper of the 18th of June, are the Austrian official details of the battles of the 21st and 22nd of May, (published by the Arch Duke Charles) which were promised in the Preliminary Report already given.
BRIESENLE, May 23.
The French army, commanded by the emperor Napoleon in person, has been totally beaten on the 21st and 22nd of this month, at Aspern and Essling, by the Austrian army, commanded by the Archduke Charles. Several days before the two sanguinary ones; the French army had prepared a grand attack, by movements and demonstrations upon a line six or eight leagues opposite Vienna, above and below that city. The Archduke, who on the 16th and 17th of May had collected and concentrated the columns of his army in a line parallel with the left bank, was eager only to second the ardor of his troops to come in contact with the enemy, and to take their revenge for the battles of the 19th, and 20th, 21st and 22nd of April. The opportunity was afforded them on the 20th.
The emperor Napoleon evinced a determination to pass the Danube by a bridge, whose right was upon Lobau, an island of the Danube, two leagues long and three-fourths wide. It is below Vienna, and a league and a half distant by the right bank, and three leagues by the left; the Danube making an arm, whose angles both inside and outside, served for a support to the development of the French army. The Archduke did not attempt to oppose the passage. The French troops who had already debouched, and who took part in the battle of the 21st, chiefly consisted of three divisions, generals Legrand, St. Cyr's and Molitor's, and a strong body of cavalry.
It was thought at first, by the movements of the French army, that it wished to push its line upon the village of Aspern on its left and on the village of Essling, a little more advanced, on its right.
The two armies began the battle about 4 P. M. on the 21st—and after the most obstinate resistance, the French army was dislodged and driven back to the Danube, with the exception of the extremity of the wood on the bank, where they continued to maintain themselves. The firing had lasted without interruption till 11 at night, and night alone prevented us from clearing the banks of the Danube.
On the 22nd, at 4 P. M. the attack recommenced. In the mean time the emperor Napoleon had brought all his army both upon the Lobau & in front of the Danube, and it resumed the same line as on the preceding day—His force was on that day 80,000. Besides the French corps, he had brought over part of the Bavarian, and the Baden and Hesse Darmstadt contingents. A part of his guards and all his cuirassiers and heavy cavalry were in the field.
The emperor Napoleon had proceeded to the left bank of the Danube, and directed all the movements of his army. At first the latter had some advantage, & ordered his cavalry to charge and support the infantry, which had reinforced itself in Essling, and had again taken post in Aspern; but the repeated charges of the cavalry could not pierce our centre. Here Prince John de Lichtenstein commanded, to whom the victory is in a great measure to be attributed.
The Austrian infantry, who, on this brilliant day, performed prodigies of valor, formed quickly en masse, and sustained all the shocks of the cavalry without suffering themselves to be penetrated. The admirable fire of our artillery soon thinned the ranks of the cavalry. In fine, our reserve of grenadiers was put in motion to retake Aspern for the last time, which, in the space of 24 hours, had been taken and re-taken 10 times; and to carry Essling, where every house had, as it were, been taken by storm.
The stoutest resistance was at a large building at Essling, which had been a magazine for corn, and which by its thickness was proof against bullets, and the fire of the artillery. All the French who were in Aspern and Essling, perished either in the attack or in the flames that consumed entirely these two places. The streets as well as the road that communicates from one to the other were choked with cuirassiers, their arms, and horses. Our infantry had at length made itself masters of these two principal posts, and overthrew every thing that was opposed to it. The enemy therefore, perceiving that his communication with the Danube was threatened, hastened his retreat. At 4 in the afternoon he recrossed to the Lobau, leaving on the field of battle a great number of dead & wounded, cannon, an infinity of cuirassiers and muskets. Since the night of the 22nd, our army has encamped on the field of battle, which extends along the Danube. The greater part of the prisoners we have made are cavalry and light infantry.—General Durosel, First Equerry, and governor of the pages of the emperor Napoleon, doing the duty of one of his aid-de-camps, in the battle, was taken on the 22nd at 5 in the morning, at the moment that he had taken an order for the French Cavalry to advance; he was immediately surrounded by the dragoons of the regiment of Riess. General Fouler, First Equerry of the Empress, was wounded and taken on the twenty-first.
General de Roder, in the service of the King of Wurtemberg, was taken on the 21st, at Hsador, by the second battalion of the Landwehr of Vienna.—The three generals have been sent to Brunn. Among the wounded who are in our hands, and who were taken on the second day, there are a great number of officers of the cuirassiers, several of whom are of the East Major—they are of the regiments of the army who have most suffered on the 21st and 22nd, and from the report of the prisoners, they are reduced below a third of their number.
All our attacks have been conducted and executed with that brilliant valor, and that cool intrepidity which laughs at danger, and triumphs over every obstacle. From the general to the private, every body done more than his duty, and there was as many brave men as there was combatants.
Our loss is great, both in killed and wounded. That of the enemy, if we may judge from the field of battle, must have been immense.
A motion, by Sir F. Burdett, respecting parliamentary reform, was negatived in the House of Commons June 15—yeas 15, nays 74.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
FROM THE BOSTON CENTINEL.
On Tuesday the schooner Enterprize, Capt. Vinal, arrived here in a short passage from Belfast, in Ireland. We have been favored with a file of Belfast papers to the 2d July, which contain London intelligence to the 28th June, seven days later.
The Duke of Brunswick continued to carry on an active predatory war in Saxony; and the Archduke Charles had dispatched some 8 or 10,000 men of his army into Saxony under Gen. Amende, who had captured Dresden, Wurtzburg and Leipzig.—Three thousand Saxons had been surrounded by them and taken prisoners.
Sixty thousand men of the Hungarian insurrection were on the march to reinforce the Archduke Charles.
After Marshal LeFebvre left the Tyrol, to reinforce the French grand army, the Tyrolese rose and massacred the French detachments.
The French conscription in Holland was violently opposed.
Prussia is to remain neutral.
A great number of French privateers had been laid up, and the crews sent to the Danube.
Some hundreds of the French who had escaped the massacre of the Spaniards in the re-capture of St. Andero, by flying on board the British ships, had arrived in England.
A great expedition was fitting out of England. From 35,000 to 40,000 men were to be employed, and commanded by the Earl of Chatham, Gen. Hope, &c. Sir Home Popham was to command the naval force.
Lord Grenville Leveson Gower is appointed British Secretary of war, vice Lord Murray.
Letters from Holland stated, that several English and American vessels had been condemned in Riga.
The English stocks continued rising.—June 26th, three per cents. were at 69 3/4.
Capt. Vinal informs, that much anxiety existed in the minds of Americans at Ireland, for the fate of the numerous vessels bound to the north of Europe. That the Danes were capturing every thing in the Baltic they could find; and that insurance on American vessels from England and Ireland was at forty guineas, to return nineteen, in case of sailing with a British convoy.
The English papers contain many reports which time has contradicted, and which we have not room to particularize.
Captain Taylor arrived at Boston on Tuesday from Cadiz, in 43 days, mentioning, that the French army, of about 23,000 men, was about 150 miles from Cadiz, [in Estremadura, no doubt,] but that the inhabitants en-
tained no fears of their nearer approach. Barcelona still remained in the possession of the Frencn. Captain T. brought no papers.
FROM CADIZ, June 23, 1809.
"Our political situation is growing better every day. The French army is retiring from Estremadura. The English and Spanish armies are advancing in pursuit of it; and we now daily expect an engagement, the result of which we doubt not will be favorable to the arms of Spain."
Extract of a letter from Boston, to the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser, dated August 9th.
"The Irish papers, received yesterday, make mention of a new and severe decree of the Emperor of Russia, avowedly intended to prevent the British from benefiting by Russian commerce, but in its operation calculated to be oppressive on the American trade. If we may credit these papers, the troops of the Duke of Brunswick and a detached corps of Austrians, have been very successful in Saxony and Franconia; and the greatest alarm prevails. Indeed nothing but ubiquity in Napoleon could completely control the extensive territory of which he is directly or indirectly the master.
"There have been some slight disturbances at Belfast among the master weavers; but they were settled. A reduction of wages was the cause.
"Some speculators in London have, for fifty per cent. insured that Bonaparte would not occupy Vienna on the first of July. They will assuredly lose, as he was there on the 30th of June.
"The Flower , reported to have sailed from England for Philadelphia, is said to have returned about the 20th of June from a cruise.
"The Swedish Constitution is completed. It is said to give to the new King the power of making war and concluding peace."
DOMESTIC.
NEW YORK, August 11.
EXTRACT—DATED
"WASHINGTON CITY, August 8, 1809.
CABINET COUNCIL.
"The president has this day had a cabinet council. No decision has transpired; Indeed, probably none has been had. Two of the prominent points in their immediate view are doubtless, the REVOCATION OF THE PRESIDENT'S LATE PROCLAMATION, AND AN EARLY CALL OF CONGRESS.
"It may afford matter for some speculation to the society of political doctors, what would be the state of things upon such revocation. Would we be reinstated in statu quo ante , or not? I mean as to any subsequent operation or revival of the Non-Intercourse Law , for, in the most interesting and important respect, we can not be restored. At all events whatever may be the legal effects of the revocation, I think it highly probable that it will take place VERY SOON.
"The impression is here pretty strong, that Mr. Jackson's tardiness has been in part if not principally, produced by the desire of the English ministry to learn the event of the general engagement between the French (and perhaps the Russians) and the Austrians, which was expected some time in June. If that event be decisive, its effects will doubtless be the more important to us as well as to the victors: We know how cabinets are influenced by causes of this nature—the English certainly not the least so.—Some even suspect that the Russians are playing a double game between the French and Austrians; but I confess I see no ground for the suspicion, as yet.
"The basis which Mr. Erskine takes is, that if the object of the ministry was, as they professed, RECONCILIATION, &c. he has accomplished their object by the only practicable means: "That to have submitted his instructions IN EXTENSO to our Cabinet, would have been, he was well advised, at once cutting off the negotiation; and altho' he had the power, he was not ordered ED thus to submit them. That as to the expressed conditions, if the Non-Intercourse continued with respect to France, &c. there could of course be no colonial trade with the colonies; and the English with out a formal cession, would in fact, exercise the right of enforcing our Non-Intercourse law ; inasmuch as the captured (by the English) infractors of our laws would apply with an ill grace to their own government for relief; and our government would be very reluctant and cautious in interposing at all." In fine he co. tends, that "the PROXY of the ministry was substantially, tho' not formally, executed; if they were sincere in their professions of AMITY, &c. &c. &c."
"I snatch a moment from other important engagements to give you the above hasty sketch. It appears to be supposed, that the last dispatches from the continent by Mr. Gelston, are not of quite so dark a complexion as those which preceded them by Coles."
From the National Intelligencer.
Whether the agreement made by Mr. Erskine with our government be in any or what degree binding on the British government, has occasioned much discussion. The solution of this point certainly depends on the powers vested in Mr. Erskine. If those powers were such as Mr. Erskine most unequivocally alleged them to be, the agreement would have been absolutely binding in all its parts. In his correspondence with Mr. Smith he declares every step taken to have been in consequence of full power from the king of England; power, not to form the articles of an ordinary treaty, subject to the confirmation or rejection of each sovereign that was a party to it; but an agreement absolute, unconditional, final, and to take effect, in both countries at the time, and particularly in the United States before any measure taken by England should be known here. On this point the writers on the laws of nations use a language altogether unambiguous.
Vattel says;—"Sovereigns treat with each other by their proxies, who are invested with sufficient power, and who are commonly called plenipotentiaries. We here apply all the rules of the law of nature, to things that are done by commission. The rights of the proxy are expressed in the instructions that are given him; he ought not to deviate from them; but every thing he promises within the terms of his commission and the extent of his powers, binds his constituent."
Again—"But to refuse with honor to ratify what has been concluded on, by virtue of a full power, it is necessary that the sovereign should have strong and solid reasons, and that he shew in particular, that his minister had deviated from his instructions."
Martens says —"The treaty must have been contracted in the name and by the authority of the sovereign power.—Any thing that has been promised by the chief, or his agent beyond the limits of the authority with which the state has entrusted him, is at most, no more than a simple promise (sponsio) which only obliges the person who promises, to use his endeavors to procure its ratification, without binding the state, which of course, may refuse its ratification. On the contrary, every thing that has been stipulated by an agent in conformity to his full powers, ought to become obligatory for the state from the moment of signing, without even waiting for the ratification. However, not to expose a state to the errors of a single person, it is now become a general maxim that public conventions (but not a simple military arrangement in time of war) do not become obligatory till ratified. The motive of this custom clearly proves that the ratification can never be refused with justice, except when he who is charged with the negotiations, keeping within compass with respect to his public full powers, has gone beyond his secret instructions, and consequently has rendered himself liable to punishment."
The binding force then of the agreement on Great Britain must depend on the instructions given to Mr. Erskine. If those instructions did not authorise the course pursued by him, it instantly became the duty of the British government to do every thing in its power to prove that no such authority was given, "to shew in particular," in the language of Vattel, "that its minister had deviated from his instructions." Has this been done? A solitary dispatch of old date, has been published. Other instructions are referred to on its face. Various letters must have passed between Mr. Erskine and his government. These documents essential to a clear understanding of the subject, and to the shewing, to the satisfaction of our government, that Mr. Erskine really deviated from his instructions, are all suppressed.—We repeat the question, why are they withheld, but, because, if published, they would give the whole affair a different complexion from that attempted to be stamped upon it by the note of the 23d of January? Under circumstances so extraordinary as those involved in the agreement, a government, anxious to avoid imputations unfavorable to its reputation, would not have hesitated to make a frank and full disclosure of every thing. The objection to this arising from a pending negotiation is altogether lame, as the injury from such a disclosure would be infinitely less than the continuance of the obscurity. Besides if a negotiation be still pending, what serious inconvenience could be suffered by England, by such a disclosure? It could only expose the terms which she was disposed to come to, under particular circumstances. If those circumstances are altered, the obligation to comply with them no longer exists, and if they remain the same, an honest government would not hesitate to comply with them.
But, should it be admitted that the stipulations entered into by Mr. Erskine were totally unauthorised, inasmuch as he was possessed of the full powers of a minister of the highest standing, and as the American government had a right to consider him as acting strictly in obedience to the views of his government, there can be no doubt but that government on disavowing his act was bound to indemnify those who had reposed their confidence in it. "A nation," says a writer on this head "is bound in honor, and by the principles of justice and the duty of self respect, to see that those governments who treat with her accredited agents, shall sustain no detriment by their mistakes or misconduct." This is so obvious, that we find it admitted even by Mr. Canning himself on the face of the order of the 24th of May. Let us examine whether this indemnity has been made.
By the agreement with Mr. Erskine all the British orders were stipulated to be revoked, so as, in the language of the act of Congress authorizing a renewal of commerce, "to cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States." Thus revoked, the trade of America was free to any destination, except to ports actually blockaded. Every other restriction upon it was dependent upon our own laws, which of course we might enforce or relax at pleasure. By the order of May 24th, American vessels sailing from the United States to Holland, between the 19th of April and the 20th of July, are permitted to pursue their voyage. American vessels sailing from the United States, during the same period, for any other permitted ports (under the orders of April, we presume,) which shall have changed their destination and are proceeding to Holland, shall not be molested, unless informed of this order and warned not to proceed. American vessels clearing after the 9th of June for Holland from ports, permitted by the orders of April 26th, shall not be molested, unless advised of this order, or during the periods fixed for constructive notice by the previous orders. American vessels may clear out from Holland to any ports not declared to be under the restriction of blockade between the 9th of June and the 1st of July.
From these provisions, it appears that the time, no less than the degree, of the suspension of the order of April, is extremely limited and narrow. To extend an adequate indemnity to our merchants, it was essential to have been liberal in both these respects.
With regard to time, as the order, disavowing the arrangements, only reached this country on the 21st July, and must have taken a considerable time to be known throughout the United States, even taking the widest latitude allowed; a large number of vessels must have cleared out in violation of it, and thereby subjected themselves to capture and condemnation. Another description of vessels are allowed the periods fixed for constructive notice by the order of 11th of November, thus subjecting to like capture and condemnation all those which shall not have completed their voyages within the narrow limits assigned. While all vessels, clearing from permitted ports for Holland, are restricted to the 1st of July. This liberal indulgence applies to the trade between the ports of Britain and Holland!
It requires no great mercantile knowledge to estimate the immensity of the loss that will be incurred by our merchants from these unjust and narrow limitations in point of time. The greater part of our property embarked was destined in the first instance to England on which, as soon as it gets there, she violently shuts the door, gains a monopoly, creates a glut, and brings down the prices as actually ascertained in some important articles, above one hundred per cent.—Such goods as are shipped to Holland, are obliged to be carried off with the greatest haste, in-

stand of being exported as a favorable market offered, & thus exposed to all the risks and dangers of precipitation—vessels bound from Holland to permitted ports are exposed to still narrower periods, and in many cases, advice being given them of the new order, is sufficient to stop their voyage, on the pain of capture and condemnation. Can any thing exhibit a livelier mockery of justice? Every place to which our vessels are permitted to go from the limited time allowed becomes a trap to the unsuspecting confidence of our citizens; and just in proportion to our loss, is the gain of Great-Britain. As well might a highway-man offer to indemnify the victim of his robbery, by returning to him a portion of his spoils. Had a solid indemnity been intended, such a time would have been allowed as would have enabled our merchants to carry into full effect their adventures. For this purpose a year would scarcely have been adequate.
But the degree in which the orders in council have been suspended, independent of the limitations of time, still more forcibly proves the hollowness of the indemnity offered. The order of April 27, more injurious to our commerce than the preceding orders, is reinstated with only a few exceptions. The trade with Holland is tolerated under conditions which connected with the subsequent events, make it mockery—for we learn that the ports of that kingdom are declared to be under strict blockade, and all intercourse consequently inhibited, unless, indeed, with British licenses;—thus, annihilating our resources for the sale of our goods on the continent, at the very moment their own subjects are licensed to play the part of smugglers, and in this ignominious character to build up their fortunes on our ruin.
With the exception of Holland, which, from the blockade of its ports, is a perfect nullity, the order of April is enforced—an order, which we have in preceding articles shown to be more rigorous, more invasive of neutral commerce than even the orders of January and November 1807.—So far from our trade experiencing a temporary relief from the arrangements of Mr. Erskine, and the indemnifying order of May 24th, the dangers to which it is now exposed are greater than those which sprung from the celebrated orders of November, which produced our non intercourse law, which was solely removed on the stipulation to annul them. Such are the tender mercies of the British government!
It is not, however, on account of the depressed price of our exports, occasioned by this iniquitous order, that we have the greatest reason to complain. It may be assumed as generally correct, that our importations are equal to our exports. This order confines almost all our importations to the British market, and altogether destroys those circuitous voyages, which, it is well known have proved the greatest sources of our gains. If it be computed that our exports amount to fifty millions, by being limited to the British market, an immense demand will be created for her goods, which will have the inevitable effect of raising their prices, and of producing a correspondent loss, to this country. We shall thus be losers in every way, as well from the diminished value of our exports, as from the augmented value of British fabrics, which if we compute at twenty per cent. will saddle us with a loss of at least twenty millions, a sum double the amount of our annual commercial profits. With what color of truth, then can it be contended that the order of May indemnifies us?
We have, as yet, abstained from the consideration still more important than any touched upon. The disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement and the iniquitous refusal to indemnify us for our confidence in it, does not merely affect the commercial capital afloat, but it likewise affects the whole internal commerce of the United States—every sale that has been made of the products of the soil or the soil itself. Such was the universal confidence and animation inspired by that event, that our produce rose, our property rose, new directions were given to our wealth and the labour of our citizens under the liveliest expectation of remuneration and profit. The order of May, by its instantaneous operation, by its cruel operation indeed, in many cases, before it was known, blasts all these hopes, and in one fatal moment destroys the property and comfort of thousands, annihilates millions at a blow, and scatters the remaining wealth with the fickleness of fortune.
From the National Intelligencer.
TO THE EDITORS.
It gives me pleasure, gentlemen, to find that a writer in your paper has commenced a review and vindication of the administration of Mr. Jefferson. His enemies are anxious to disturb his repose in retirement, to produce a collision between him and the president, and a political separation between their friends. The opposition have no other remaining hope of regaining their former power. Among other attacks on Mr. Jefferson, he is represented as guilty of gross inconsistency and departure from principle, "in pardoning Callender and others suffering under the sedition act, and in instigating the commencement and prosecution of certain indictments for sedition at common law in Connecticut."
It is a fact, that he was informed of the commencement of these prosecutions by the writer of this article.
It is a fact, that he disapproved of them openly; though he wished not to interfere with any portion of the judiciary department, unless impelled by strong necessity.
It is a fact, that when he saw there was a determination to press the prosecutions, he did interfere, and direct their dismissal.
It is a fact, that in consequence of his directions, the district attorney entered a nolle prosequi.
It is also a fact, that parson Backus, whose character as a gentleman of science and learning, and whose standing in society are well known, declared to a friend of Mr. Jefferson, that he never used the expressions charged in the indictment, or any of similar import; and for the truth of this declaration he pledged his reputation. He further remarked, that he could produce more than 100 of his parishioners who had heard the discourse, and who on oath would declare, that they did not hear him express any ideas similar to those charged upon him in the indictment—that he should hold himself in contempt if he were capable of using such language in the pulpit; and that if he had used it, he ought to be punished, by being sent to a mad house, not a prison. He concluded by requesting Mr. Jefferson's friend to communicate to him these declarations, to present his compliments to Mr. Jefferson, and to assure him, that while he did not admire him as a politician, he held his character in high respect as a person who had rendered many important services to his country, as the friend of science and as a man.
The writer pledges himself to make good the truth of these allegations in court or country. VERITAS.
French Letters. There follows one of the two letters, which were said in an Extract from the Aurora, published in this paper of the 11th Inst. to have been issued at Paris, and put into circulation through the sea-ports—to have been now co-considered as part of the machinery of espionage, and fraud carried on by the British government, "their design, to create suspicion and resentment, and plunge us into a war with France." They are written perhaps by such pensioned scoundrels, as Charles James Stuart, alias George Francis Stuart, alias Count Stuart, author of the Revolutionary Plutarch &c. &c.—the secret British spy, whose letter from New-York to Gen. Duncan in London has lately been ushered into the world—the spy, whom British gold has corrupted & British industry commissioned to skulk in the U. S. and shoot his poisoned arrows from the dark. To this spy, has been ascribed the late infamous "Memoirs of Thomas Jefferson."
The N. York Evening Post, however, that first re-published these French letters in this country, ascribes them to the agents of the French Bureau. The 1st of them is written on the partial suspension of our embargo; the 2d, on the issuing of the British Orders, of 26th April. They are founded on a gross perversion of facts—but are penned with much art and ability.
Letters to Monsieur Le Comte de *** on the repeal of the Embargo law by the Congress of the United States.
Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.
PARIS, May 10, 1809. You enquire of me, Monsieur Le Comte, what is my opinion relative to the raising of the embargo which has existed for upwards of a year in the ports of the United States?
In reply to you, I hesitate not to assert, that that measure is one of the most important and artful manoeuvres ever practiced by the British cabinet.—This I shall readily demonstrate to you.
The closing of the Sound and of Trieste becoming daily more inevitable, the commerce of England was at length on the point of being cut off from all communication with the continent, toto diviso orbem Britannos. The vast prohibitory system, so wisely conceived by the genius which governs France, was about to be completely executed. Over-sighted with the merchandizes of the two Indies, without any possible outlet, her manufactures driven from the immense market of the American as well as from that of the European continent, England for once was on the verge of receiving the reward of her insatiable avarice, and of sinking under the weight of her ill acquired riches.*
What was she to do to extricate herself from that critical situation, to transport to all the places in the world which her own vessels cannot approach, those vast collections of merchandizes of every description continually accumulating upon the banks of the Thames?
The assistance of a people by nature adventurous, active, ambitious, possessing an immense number of merchant ships, able to navigate at a small expence, exploring every thirst of gold; that assistance she has just obtained by the raising of the American embargo.
We learn by the last letters from America, that the measure has been destroyed, if I may say so, by open force, by the Federal party; that is to say, by the English party. It is well known that at least two thirds of the American commerce is carried on with English capital, and on account of English men.
From whence it follows that the renewed immense extension of the pretended American commerce, must in the end, turn to the advantage of this same English commerce, which a moment ago was on the verge of ruin.
Who then can be the dupe of that pretended impartiality which congress affects to be desirous of preserving in its act for raising the embargo? The meanest shop-boy in London would not be imposed upon by that clumsy artifice.
The congress addresses the same demands to France and to England.
It requires both powers to respect its flag, which threatens to shut its ports against that one which shall violate its neutrality, and even to declare war against it. But this time especially, when France is or is about to be deprived of her last possessions in the West Indies, the American people well knew that they have no longer any thing to fear from her in any respect, and that by keeping at a distance from our shores in Europe we cannot molest their vessels; whilst England, mistress of the seas, a neighbor of the United States, can wound them sensibly in every quarter. It was then necessary, in order to seem neutral, to find a way to satisfy England, without appearing to submit to her tyrannical pretensions; and behold what has been devised and already put in practice, according to authentic accounts.
At the departure of the dispatch vessel, Mentor, from New-York, more than 100 vessels were already lading or departed for Holland, where they well knew they would not be received, and where they had not the intention to go. Several have already arrived in England, notwithstanding the prohibition of Congress and the bonds which have been required. On approaching the English coast, they cause themselves to be captured by the first English vessel they meet—they then prove that their cargo is English property—they are released with documents to prove their capture, which exempts them from the penalties incurred—they pay in England the duties fixed by the orders in council, and may then go whither they think fit.
But as these secret subterfuges would not be sufficient for all the operations of commerce in general, they have found another method to favor them in the greatest possible extent.
American vessels go (and many are already on the way,) to the Island of Madeira, which will shortly become a vast entrepot; there they deposit their goods, the English with bringing thither theirs, and an immense exchange of the merchandizes of the two worlds will take place. The same thing will be done at St. Bartholomews, and at all the other pretended neutral places. The English manufactures will be accompanied by certificates of Swedish or German origin, and may, without obstacle, enter the American continent.
From these different entrepots, the Americans will inundate the Americas with English productions; they will fill with them all the ports of Europe, into which they may be permitted to enter. And thus behold the English monopoly re-established in all its rights, in all its advantages, able to defray for one hundred years more, the expences of a war which it alone supports, and which it has so much interest to prolong. And with
* See on this subject, the last speech in Parliament of Mr. Whitbread. He ingeniously confesses, that should France give to her system of prohibition, all the extension of which it is susceptible, England would shortly be in the greatest embarrassment.
but the raising of the embargo, how would England have been able long to subsist her colonies and her conquests? How would the unhappy Island of St. Domingo have been able to feed the fury of the parties who incessantly? How, in short, without the numerous supplies of every kind which are about to be carried to them, would the revolted provinces in the south of Spain have long resisted the force employed to reduce them to submission?
Thus, sir, upon whatever side we look upon the question, the raising of the embargo is one of the greatest victories which England ever gained in behalf of her commerce; one of the most destructive measures to the system adopted by the moderation of the European continent, which was at length on the point of gathering the fruits of so many privations and sacrifices, and which is, perhaps, about to lose them forever.
To console us for a resolution so disastrous to us, the United States are pleased to offer us the entry into their ports, of some wines and brandy.—What compensation!
It would, at present, require twenty cargoes of those articles to pay for a single one of colonial produce, and all the gold of France would quickly flow in torrents, as at the time, not long since, when the Americans arrived by hundreds in our ports.
Who knows not that they give a marked preference to the wines of Madeira, of Spain and Portugal, as being more spirituous; to the brandies of Catalonia, as being cheaper; and that not content with consuming them themselves, they will carry them to the north of Europe, to the great prejudice of our own, which have already found there by land a very active export?
They will sell us tobacco—but will it suit us to suffer a new branch of agriculture to perish, which is daily making amongst us the greatest progress, and which frees us from an enormous tribute to foreigners?
Cottons—but cannot the Levant furnish us with a sufficient quantity, and receive in exchange the products of our rich manufactures?
Sugars and Coffees—whence can they now obtain them, if it be not from the possessions of England or her conquests? And will they impudently bring us the produce of our own colonies, which have become the prey of our enemies? That would be too much. Besides, what need have we of those too expensive superfluities, the consumption of which does so much injury to the products of our own agriculture? If our Sybarites cannot absolutely do without them, will our privateers suffer them to want?
We might, sir, add many other reflections to those which I have just made—but let us confine ourselves to this one. The Americans tolerated by us, as neutrals, will do still greater injury with respect to the exportation of our corn. They can carry theirs to much better advantage to all the countries that consume ours.—Their corn, at the same and even at a higher price, will always be preferred by the English. They will carry it to Spain, to Portugal and will deprive us also of the last market which yet remained to the Southern provinces.
All that we have hitherto said applies not only to France, but to all the countries subject to her control.
We may then draw the just and disagreeable conclusion, That all maritime and colonial commerce allowed or tolerated upon the continent of Europe, will always turn to the advantage of the English nation, and will furnish it with means to prolong the war;
That the Americans are becoming their most powerful auxiliaries in that commerce, and that the veil under which they pretend to disguise it, will give it a new energy;
That it is in the highest degree the interest of France and her allies to destroy by all possible methods, this odious commerce between a nation who stiles herself our friend, and the eternal enemy of our repose and prosperity.
(Signed) D. C.
P. S. I had just finished my letter, when I learned from an authentic source, that every thing is amicably and definitively arranged between England and the U. States; and as it is said in the London papers of the 29th of April, to mutual satisfaction.
This frank and open proceeding of the United States, is at least more decent than those which they had at first adopted. They are now under an engagement with England not to come to France nor to Holland, nor to Italy, and to take from them even the inclination to do so (admire the precaution,) a new order of council of the 29th of April last, puts all those places in a state of rigorous blockade. All the ports of the U. S. are now open, as formerly, to the English commerce. This is well—it remains to be known whether these fortunate arrangements will not be deranged, whether he who can cause what he declares to be executed, will suffer all the countries which surround France to be inundated with English merchandise, which would be fraudulently introduced into the interior of his empire; whether the frontiers of Germany & Switzerland will no be shut as rigorously as those of Holland, against every thing proceeding from the pretended American commerce; whether all the allies will not make common cause with us for the absolute exclusion of a too suspicious flag; whether the precautions will not be redoubled and carried to the last excess of severity; whether in short we must not learn to relinquish altogether some factitious enjoyments in order to prevent one or two millions of men from perishing victims of English monopoly and of the cupidity of their accomplices. D. C.
PHILADELPHIA, August 9.
Yesterday arrived here ship Two Friends, Armstrong, from St. Bartholomews. Capt. A. informs that there were three British Cruisers off St. Bartholomews, who boarded every American vessel on coming in and even boarded them while at anchor—the ill treatment the Americans experience from them is incredible, while it is believed that all our differences with G. B. are settled. American vessels are boarded under the batteries of a neutral port, and sometimes receive, before they can heave too, from 20 to 40 musket shots, thereby injuring the vessel and endangering the lives of the crew, calling them a damned set of Yankee rascals; and threatening to tie up the captains, and give them six dozen. The governor has ordered out the militia and the militia of the Island to put a stop to the depredations of the British, who even land on the Island and steal off sheep, &c. Vessels arriving there with coffee except from Hayti, are certain to be captured. Several Americans have been impressed in the harbor, but released through the intervention of the American consul. Daily arrivals from the Windward Islands with
flour, &c. Flour $6, Beef 10, Pork 13, Codfish 30 cents per cwt. Soap, &c. dull.
WASHINGTON, August 14.
The Secretary of the Navy has left this place for Charleston.
General Turrreau, the French minister, left this place for Baltimore, on Friday.
Extract of a letter, dated Fort Osage, near the Fire Prairie, Missouri, July 11.
"On the 8th inst. the SAINT LOUIS MRSOURI Fur Company, arrived at this post, on their passage to the Rocky Mountains, and this day their boats to the number of ten got under way for their destination. This company consists of an incorporated body of merchants, who have associated together for the purpose of carrying on the Indian trade, Trafficking and Hunting on the head waters of the Missouri, and have organized a body of Militia of 140 upwards in number, under the command of major Chouteau, for the purpose of conveying the Mandan Chief to his nation, and are under the orders of the Governor of the Territory of Louisiana until this service is performed; after which they proceed on their original destination and pursuits."
"This detachment appear to be well armed and equipped, and leave this in perfect good order and high spirits, and have no doubt but that they will be quite competent to pass (or chase should it be found necessary,) any tribe of hostile Indians (if any such they should meet with) on the Missouri."
"P. S. This post is situated on the Missouri river 350 miles above Saint Louis, and is central to the Osages, Kansas, Ottas, Missouris, Loways, and Pawnees nations of Indians. Those nations of Indians are quite peaceable and friendly disposed, except the Kansas, who at times commit depredations on the other tribes. The U. States have erected a trading house here for their accommodation."
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, AUGUST 18, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
One of the greatest embarrassments, in our foreign relations, has been, that we were entangled by both the belligerents—both France and Great Britain have transgressed our neutral rights—the great difference between them; how much earlier and how much more atrocious have been the aggressions of England, it is unnecessary now to point out.
Great Britain has taken her turn—she was the first to profit by the provisions of the act of 1st March—she began with promises, and has ended in perfidy.—From the character of her ministry and the terms which they have laid down, nothing more is to be expected from them.
I am sick of negotiating—and re negotiating with such men. Either they take such a ground as is altogether inadmissible—or they snap the most solemn engagements that are formed.—I am almost disposed to wish, that the government of the United States would boldly assume at once the sentiment, which Russia avowed to the Court of Vienna. "We will hold no negotiations with England, so long as the present ministry remains in power." They should be put under the ban of the civilized world. We shall never make an adjustment with England, so long as Canning, Melville & Co. rule her destinies.
It is now the turn of France—I have the strongest reasons to hope, that some adjustment will be made with her—Unless Bonaparte is blind to his interests—Mr. Hauterive will pledge to our minister, that the French decrees will be shorn of all but their municipal effect.
In that case, the hands of the U. S. will be at liberty. If England does not rescind her Orders, the hands and the hearts of every honest American will be against her. We shall have but one belligerent to encounter—and all our force and all our exertions will be urged against England.—Let her beware!!
The two following articles are from the Aurora and the United States Gazette of Philadelphia. These speak for themselves. Does even Bronson then admit that "Mr. Erskine must have had other instructions besides those published?" Will not British agents confess that his testimony on this point deserves no little weight? He is a full-blooded Federalist—and has pushed his attachment to Great Britain as far as the best of them. But on this occasion he is one of the very few Federal Editors that have not espoused the cause of Canning and of perfidy.—He is moreover the protege of Pinneas Bond, the British consul of Philadelphia—true as the Genie of Aladdin's lamp, "he obeys him as his slave, and the slave of all those that have the lamp in their hands; he and the other slaves of the lamp"—& it is the Niece of Mr. Bond, that Mr. Erskine has espoused.
No. 1.—The president of the United States was to leave Washington for his residence in Orange county yesterday, (Friday) the Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury, were to remain two or three days; the secretary of the navy goes to S. Carolina, & the secretary at war, for Boston.
The members of the executive government have had several conferences with the ministers of the belligerents, during their recent meeting at Washington.
Mr. Erskine, we can now say with full & perfect confidence, was, as we were the first to predict, sacrificed by the perfidy of his own government; and whenever it comes before the British people, (for to talk of parliament would be ridiculous!) it will be found that Mr. Erskine acted with fidelity to his country and to his instructions, which do him honor as a man, and credit as a minister.
We can further undertake to state positively, that not only have Mr. Erskine's authorised engagements been broken with perfidy; but such falsehood has been employed by Mr. Canning in open parliament, and in the documents published, as would disgrace a mountebank at Bartholomew fair.
Messrs. Madison, Smith & Gallatin, have been made by Mr. Canning, to say not only what they never said to Mr. Erskine; but what even Mr. Erskine never accused them of; Mr. Canning did require of Mr. Erskine to make such propositions, but knowing with what indignation feelings they would have been spurned at, he never did offer or suggest them to the secretary of state, nor to any other member of the government; and further, we can say with the same confidence, that Mr. Erskine was not directed to exhibit his instructions to our government; he was left at liberty to exhibit them if he
chose; but he knew full well that they contained matter so offensive from their falsehood; so offensive from their insolence; so insulting from their manner and matter, that their exhibition would at once close discussion.
We can still further say, that the article published as the instructions, is not only imperfect, by mutilation; but imperfect as being separate from other instructions. Aurora.
No. II.—Mr. Canning and Mr. Erskine.
We have seen in the public prints various conjectures respecting what has taken place between these two gentlemen, and between the latter and our government; but none that were in any way satisfactory—in fact the whole business must be inexplicable to every body but themselves.
Mr. Erskine must have had other instructions beside those published; at least about the attack on the Chesapeake, & I hope that business is done with. Mr. Canning states that Mr. Erskine had informed him, our heads of departments had expressed so much anxiety for a settlement of our differences, that they were willing to agree to three articles, which he, Mr. Canning, had detailed in his letter. Now this is impossible, at least on the two last: hence the only conclusion on which can at present be drawn is, that the strong language, in which Mr. Erskine represented the good disposition of our government, may have induced Mr. Canning to dictate those articles in one of his letters, by way of essay towards the basis of a treaty, but unquestionably the minister's instructions must have been much more detailed than any thing we have seen.
There is encouragement to be derived from the temper which has been discovered by both governments, in the arrangements they have made, in consequence of what had taken place.—U. S. Gaz.
Let the American Reader, weigh well the following Resolution of a British Peer, and a Ministerial Partizan!—With such men, what possible adjustment can be formed by the United States!
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
AMERICA. MAY 1.
The Earl of Selkirk rose, in pursuance of notice, and entered into a detail of the circumstances relative to the affair of the Chesapeake, & the subsequent trials, at Halifax, of some of our seamen for mutiny and desertion, for the purpose of showing that there was every reason to believe that the American government must have known that British seamen had been entered on board the Chesapeake, and refused to be delivered up, particularly as no enquiry had been instituted into the conduct of its officers upon that occasion. It was, therefore, in his opinion, improper in Ministers, to make an unqualified reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake; they ought to have demanded satisfaction from the American Government for its conduct in refusing to deliver up seamen from our service; and it was because he believed that ministers were, upon that occasion, disposed to make improper sacrifices to the injury of our maritime rights, that he took it upon him to bring forward the subject. His lordship dwelt some time on the importance of our maritime rights, and the necessity of maintaining them to the utmost extent; and concluded by moving an humble address to his majesty, stating the opinion of the House, that no arrangement ought to be made for the adjustment of the differences between this country and America, without a reparation being demanded FROM THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, for the conduct of its officers in harbouring and refusing to deliver up seamen from the British Naval Service.
A Petersburg paper enquires—"Will French ships of War be admitted into our ports, since those of England are Excluded?"—But the fact is, that British ships are not excluded. The interdiction on ships of war is contained in the first and second sections of the Act of March 1st, 1809. But these are not among the sections, which are continued in force, by the 1st section of the act of June 28th.—They have therefore expired & much as we regret the omission, British armed vessels may still find admission & asylum in our ports.
The Boston Federal Prints are the scribes in the U. S. for giving correct extracts from Foreign Papers.—None are made, but such as suit their own palate & even they are so mutilated, as to be nothing but Scraps. This paper is a true specimen of it. Extracts from papers seven days later, are compressed into only 1-4th of a column.
DIED, in King & Queen, on the 4th inst. Mr. RICHARD POLLARD, aged 53 years. His children have to deplore the loss of an affectionate parent—his neighbors a worthy friend, and society an honest man.
DIED, at his seat at Lebanon, on the 7th inst. his Excellency JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Esq. Governor of the state of Connecticut, aged 69.
WANTED to hire, for one or two months, a hand that has been accustomed to work in the field. For further information, apply to the printer. August 18.
THE subscriber will sell the HOUSE & LOT at present occupied by himself; and also an unfinished House, with an half acre of Land, attached to it, near his residence.
If not previously disposed of by private contract, this property will be sold, at public auction, upon the premises, on the fourteenth day of September, ensuing. The improvements on the Lot, occupied by the subscriber, are plain, neat, comfortable and in good repair.
If required, some time will be given for a part of the purchase money.
The situation of this property is eligible, both as it regards health and a good neighborhood. SAM'L. GREENHOW. August 18. 114Sep
ON Wednesday, December 27, 1809.—At the late dwelling-house of Nathaniel Lancaster, dec'd, about ten miles above the courthouse, in Prince Edward county, on Appomattox river: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of the deceased, a valuable stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs and Sheep, the plantation Utensils, household and kitchen Furniture, too tedious to mention.
Also: Nine valuable NEGROES; also, the crop of Corn, Wheat, Oats and Fodder. A credit of twelve month will be given the purchasers, on their giving bond, with approved security.
All those who have legal claims against the estate of the deceased, will be pleased to exhibit them duly authenticated, on or before the day of sale, to enable the administrators to make provision for their payment. All those who are indebted to the estate, will see the necessity of immediate payment, as it must be evident no indulgence can be given.
JOHN LANCASTER, ROBERT LANCASTER, Admrs. August 18.

POLITICAL.
AMERICAN PRINCIPLES.
A REVIEW OF WORKS OF FISHER AMES; COMPILED BY A NUMBER OF HIS FRIENDS. By JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
No. IV. Subserviency to Britain—Abhorrence of France—and Contempt for the American people. Such are the three foundation stones, upon which the political system of Mr. Ames, in his last days was erected.
For this purpose, some extracts from this publication have been given in former papers. And as partial quotations of single sentences are not of themselves a sufficient foundation from which the principles of a writer can be inferred, a view has also been taken of the general character and tendency of those writings of Mr. Ames, which are now published for the first time.
1. "The progress of party has given to Virginia a preponderance, that perhaps was not foreseen. Certainly, since the late amendment in the article for the choice of President and Vice-President, there is no existing provision of any efficacy to counteract it."—p. 385.
2. "If states were neither able nor inclined to obstruct the federal union, much indeed might be hoped from such a confederation. But Virginia, Pennsylvania and New-York are of an extent sufficient to form potent monarchies, and, of course, are too powerful, as well as too proud, to be subjects of the federal laws."
3. "Here let American readers own history. Here let even Virginia learn, how perils and how ruin will be the consummation of her schemes."—p. 387.
4. "The great state of Virginia has fomented a licentious spirit among her neighbours."—p. 388.
5. "What shall we denominate the oligarchy that sways the authority of Virginia?"—p. 399.
6. "Virginia has never been more federal than it was, when from considerations of policy, and perhaps, in the hope of future success from its intrigues, it adopted the new constitution; for it has never desisted from obstructing its measures, and urging every scheme that would reduce it back again to the imbecility of the old confederation."
7. "The straggling settlements of the southern part of the Union, which now is the governing part, have been formed by emigrants from almost every nation of Europe. Safe in their solitudes, from the annoyance of enemies and of government, it is infinitely more probable, that they will sink into barbarism than rise to the dignity of national sentiment and character."
8. "Are not the wandering Tartars, or Indian hunters, at least, as susceptible of patriotism as these stragglers in our western forests, and infinitely fonder of glory? It is difficult to conceive of a country, which from the manner of its settlement, or the manifest tendencies of its politics, is more destitute or more incapable of being inspired with political virtue."—p. 414.
berment would, from its origin, breed war and despotism at a single birth. When Burr and Burrhead were attempting a project of disunion, to be effected by a division of the Western States, they circulated, in conversations and news-papers, the same excitement among them to jealousy and envy against their Atlantic sisters, as we find in these extracts against the stragglers of the forests.
Mr. Ames, to the last hour of his life, appears to have taken a pride in considering himself as a disciple of the Washington school of American politics. I will not repeat here the words of that great man, in which he cautions his countrymen against all such addresses to their local prejudices and reciprocal jealousies.
It is in the nature of confederated republics, that every member of the association should endeavor to raise as high as possible its own weight and influence over the whole. It would be absurd to complain of this disposition, because it is inherent in the nature of men.
It is also a great error to reason upon the hypothesis, that the State of Virginia, as such, has a steady, uniform, premeditated system of policy, hostile to the general government, which she constantly pursues under all the changes of her own administration.
The state policy of Virginia, like that of Massachusetts and of every other State in the union, fluctuates according to the issue of her annual elections.
* We cannot suffer this remark to pass by without observing, that the intelligent Reviewer seems not to have shown his usual accuracy of discrimination in this instance. There is no real point of contact between the proceedings of the Legislature of Virginia in '98 and that of Massachusetts in 1808.
ways partly federal and partly republican. At the second presidential election, the vote of Virginia, like that of the other states, was unanimous for Washington.
The same distortion of objects from their real character is apparent in the second extract above quoted.
Why was the odium of a measure, presented under such an invidious description, confined to Virginia? Pennsylvania & New-York? Why was not Massachusetts included in the number?
The reflections in the two last of these extracts upon the southern and western sections of the Union, are not only flagrant examples of that spirit against which we were so earnestly admonished by the paternal voice of Washington;
Excepting against it the more earnestly, because it is one of the most pernicious and fatal errors for the people of any one part of this union to admit into their minds such sentiments against the rest—because, not only the publication of this volume but a multitude of newspaper essays, party resolutions, and incendiary pamphlets, within the last year have shown a systematic attempt to disseminate among the people of New-England this groundless jealousy and hatred of the southern and western people.
(To be continued.)
THE OWL AND PARROT.
BY PETER PINDER.
An Owl fell deep 'nately in love, poor soul! Sighing and hooting in his lonely hole— A Parrot, the dear object of his wishes, Who in her cage enjoy'd the leaves and fishes.
Pay what have we to eat, my dear," quoth Poll, "Nothing! by all my wisdom," answer'd Owl! "I never thought of that, as I'm a sinner, But Poll, on something I shall put my pats, What say'st thou, deary, to a dish of rats?"
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the firm of Gilliat and Kirby, by bond or open account, are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances, on or before the first day of September next, as suits will be instituted against all those who are delinquent at that time.
VIRGINIA HONES—may be had at E. Hallam's, Archibald Hughes, Prosser and Moure's, and several other places in this city, and at John F. Robertson's and Miles Botts', in Manchester, at from 1s. 6d. to 3s.
BATCHEE PAPER MILLS.—Those who wish to encourage the manufactures of their own state are informed, that they can be supplied with Paper Manufactured in Petersburg, in any quantities.
PRICES AS FOLLOWS: Fine Letter Paper Vellum, $4 75; Do. do. Laid, 4 50; Pools Cap No. 1, 4 37 1/2; Do. do. No. 2, 3 37 1/2; Do. do. No. 3, 3 12 1/2; Folio Post Vellum, 9 50; Do. Laid, 9; Fine Printing Medium, 5 50; Do. do. 4 50; Excellent Wrapping Paper, 1 12 1/2.
EAGLE TAVERN.—All claims against the concern of Selden & Smithers, lately carried on at the Eagle Tavern, are by agreement, to be settled by James S. Smithers.
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the concern of Turner & Smithers, are desired to call on Robert Turner for settlement, & those indebted to said concern, are desired to pay to Robert Turner only.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the subscriber, living in Halifax county, Virginia, on the evening of the last day of April last; a negro man named NED, about forty years old, is about six feet high, of a dark color, but cannot be said to be a black; has a remarkable long hand and foot, with a large scar on his chin; has a down look frequently when spoken to, and when going from you, seems to stoop in his shoulders; carried with him a thick kind of drab great coat, also, a Virginia Cloth mixed coat, and a pair of blue striped overalls, and wore a felt hat, with other coarse clothes.
NED took with him a negro woman and child, (Peg & child Linsay) the woman is about twenty two years old, and the child about a year old. The woman is about five feet high, and about a middle size for that height, and a black color, has lost some of her teeth, which she shows whenever she attempts to laugh, has rather a kind of clattering in her speech. Some of the clothes taken with her, were a blue grounded caftan habit, and Virginia cloth, which she had on when she went away. Whoever brings them to me, or confines them in jail, so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward.
IN CHANCERY.—In Louisa County Court, April 10th 1809. George Pottie and Charles Thomson, administrators of John Hawkins dec. Pliffs, against William Meriwether and Robert Dickenson Defts. The defendant William Meriwether not having entered his appearance and given security, according to an act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by their attorney: It is ordered and decreed, That the said defendant Meriwether do appear here on the second Monday in July next, and file his answer to the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the court house of this county, on some court day, and published in some one of the newspapers printed in the City of Richmond for eight weeks successively.
A Copy. JOHN POINDEXTER, C.L.C.
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE.—Having again embarked in public life, as a publican at the Eagle Tavern, which necessarily employs all my time; I shall proceed to sell, on the 25th day of Sept. next, several valuable brood MARES, COLTS & FILLIES, of the first stock in Virginia; about thirty head of Sheep, a part thereof of the improved Barbary & Merino breed—also, a young bull of superior breed, 2 mules, waggon and gear, two carts and a variety of plantation Utensils; likewise some articles of household Furniture. The stock of Horses and Sheep are well worthy the attention of any gentleman, being inferior to none in the state.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the subscriber, two NEGROES to wit Burrell Gates and Long; Burrell Gates is about thirty years of age, five feet eight inches high, rather slender made, who I proportioned except he has a very large foot; he was purchased of Mr. Wilkinson (Chesterfield,) and has a wife at Mr. John Spear's in the same county.
HENNING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS. LEWIS ADAMS has just received fresh supplies of BOOKS from Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, which with those on hand, and others daily expected, he flatters himself makes his assortment more valuable and extensive than any other collection in Richmond, all of which he would cheerfully exchange for cash at the regular prices.
THE SUBSCRIBER, offers for sale, that elegant and valuable Estate, called WILTON, lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state; the offices are commodious; the Garden and yard are handsomely laid out.
For terms apply to the Subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan WILLIAM RANDOLPH.
COMMITTED to the Jail of the county of Middlesex, the 6th of June last, a negro man, who calls himself HENRY FOX and says he was born free and raised in the town of Norfolk; He is about thirty years of age, five feet seven or eight inches high, well proportioned, of very dark complexion, and marked in his face, very thick with pits of the small-pox, had on when taken up, a light coloured mixed Virginia Cloth Coat, a striped Virginia Cloth Waistcoat, and blue nankeen pantaloons, but has with him, a number of other clothes.
AN ELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE.—The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided. This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighbourhood.
The different business concerns heretofore existing in this state, under the firms of Buchanan and Pollok at Petersburg, Robert and Allen Pollok at Richmond, and Pollok and Tredway & Co. at Manchester, are this day dissolved by mutual consent.
The partner resident at each place, is charged with the collection of the debts due to the concern hitherto under his arrangement, and we earnestly request those indebted to come forward and make satisfactory arrangements for the discharge of their debts.
The subscriber having purchased the stock of Goods on hand at this place, will continue business in his own name, and for his own account, at the former residence of Buchanan and Pollok. ROBERT POLLOK. Petersburg, July 18.
The subscribers have renewed their connection in business, and mean to prosecute it in this place under the firm of Pollok and Tredway. ROBERT POLLOK, THOMAS TREDWAY. Manchester, July 18.
THE subscriber, residing in Richmond, having bought of Benjamin B. Bernard, a Patent Right to the state of Virginia, excepting five counties, Cumberland, Amelia, &c. which patent Bernard obtained from the President of the U. States, according to form, and which is for a new and useful Machine, fitted for threshing out many kinds of small grain, and universally patented after by the farmers in this state.