The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-06 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1808.
[No. 63.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
A LIST OF LETTERS, REMAINING IN THE POST-OFFICE, ON THE 30TH DAY OF NOVEMBER, WHICH HAVE NOT BEEN ADVERTISED.
 —John Alcock, Saml. G. Adams, Jones Allen, John Amble, James Alderson, Wm. Aylett, Thomas C. Alexander.  —Thomas Bowles, Richard Bagnall, Adam Bandy, Nathaniel Briggs, Martin Baker, Charles Braxton, John D. Brown, Capt. J. B. Bunby, Miss A. T. Bangura, Ann Bowen, John B. Durrell.  —Mrs. Eliza Curtis, Richard Carter, William Compton, Samuel Calvert, Capt. Richard Curd, Edward Colston, Wm. Cooke, Christopher Clark, Curtis Carter, Robt. Craig, Tucker Coles, Micajah Clark, James Conway, Richard Carter, H. J. Crawford, Herbert Chavis, Samuel Campbell, Abraham Cowley, R. W. Christian, Henry Crawley, E. J. Clapton, Thomas Clark, William Crawford, Robert B. Comber, James B. Carter, Miss Jane S. Craig, Miss Eliza B. Cooke.  —John Doyle, Miss Eliza Dunn, Nicholas Daw, Stephen Dillard, Miss Mary Doyle, Robert Douthat.  —Peter Elliott, John Everras, Mrs. Phila Elliott, David Ellis.  —James Fore, Robert B. Fontain, Mrs. Ann Fontain, Azel Fitch, Mr. Forester, Alexander Fraser.  —Robert Gaines, Gen. J. Guerrant, Jr. Wm. Gray, James Gray, Mrs. Goodwin, Benj. Griffith, Archimedes Gaines, Isaac Gilmore, Chas. Gill, John Gray.  —Henry G. Heth, Wm. Hart, Peter Heiffer, Capt. John Haynes, J. F. Hollingsworth, Ann Hubbard, Daniel P. Harwood, Mrs. S. Humphreys, Dr. Hawkins, Robert S. Hollens, Alexander Harrison, John Heath, James Horsley, Harry Heth, Mrs. M. Hyland, Charles Horwell, James Hooper, Wm. Huslett, John Hook.  —Ambrose Jenkins, Robt. Johnston, Nicholas Jones, Willis Jones, Jekky Jones, Jos. Jones, Cornelius Johnson.  —John Kennedy, John Ketton.  —Miss Keziah Lewis, Louis Lannay, John Ladd, Miss Nancy Lewis, Jedediah Leeds, Simon Lugan, Gen. H. Lee, Col. Armstead Long.  —Mrs. Frances Martyn, Thomas Marshall, Wm. Mann, Thomas Matthias, Dr. Robert Mayo, Smith Mead, Miss P. Maglin, Jonathan Moore, Wm. McElliot, Peter Mansfield, Wm. Moore, Littleton T. Morgan, Francis F. F. Michie, Jr. Joseph Minton, John Moss, Mr. Martin, Captain John Moss.  —George Newton, Richd. Nailor, John New, Wm. Nelson, Wm. T. Nivison, Wm. O. Nash, Miss Catherine L. Nash, Joel Neale, Jas. Neale.  —Henry Priddy, Mrs. Sarah Priddy, John Purse, Capt. E. Pearson, John Pearson, Mrs. Lucy Price, John Pointer, Capt. J. Peasants, Joseph Price, Samuel Parsons, Isaac Paul, James Price, Mrs. Page, Major John Price, Edmund Pendleton.  —Miss Eliza Royster, Wm. Randolph, David Robertson, Wm. Ross, Jr. Wm. Rawleigh, Capt. Wm. Reed, Thomas Robertson, John H. Robertson, George Robertson, Almer Robertson.  —Philip Shulton, Miss A. P. Smith, John Southgate, Mrs. Mary Sowers, Edward Sullivan, Reubin Sheppard, Nath. Selden, Robt. Smith, James Stewart, Joseph M. Street, Mrs. Ann Sylvan, Miss Lucy Scott, John P. Shields, Col. Miles Selden.  —George K. Taylor, Caleb Tait, Dr. F. Terrell, Wm. R. Taylor, John Taliaferro, Jas. Terrell, Archibald Toney, Mitchell Tait, Samuel Tompkins, L. Tyler, Judge Tyler.  —James Vaughan, Thomas Vowell, Miss Mary Vernon, John Vaughan, Mrs. S. Vandaele, Mrs. R. Vannet, Wm. Vantassell.  —Francis Wicker, John L. West, George T. Webb, John West, Wm. W. Weymouth, John Woody, Mrs. Eliza Wanton, John Wanton, Hugh Wylie, Miss F. Williams, Kilby Wren, Dubney Williamson, Samuel J. Winston, William Woody, Jr., Miss Ann B. Wylde, Wm. Walker, Miss M. Winston, John D. Watkins.  —Levi Yale, Mrs. Jane Young, Jas. Young.  —Charles Zehner. 
WILLIAM FOUSHEE, Post-Master.
EDUCATION. —The Subscribers, living in the county of Louisa, at a place called the Roundabout, about 60 miles from Richmond, having employed a Mr. John Duke, to instruct a small number of pupils, including their own children, propose taking a few boarders, to complete his school. Mr. Duke has in his possession, satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications.—He teaches the Greek, Latin & English Languages, together with Geography, Reading, writing and Arithmetic. The price for board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be $30, to be paid at the expiration of the term, to commence on the first Monday in January, and expire on the first of December next.
JOHN POINDETER, FRANCIS JOHNSON. [aw4w]
THE SUBSCRIBERS, having commenced the BOOT-MAKING business, in the house lately occupied by David Ross opposite to Mr. Noll McCall's, offer their services to the public and do assure those that favor them with their custom, that their work shall be done in the neatest manner. They have also, on hand, a general assortment of SHOES, of all descriptions. Also they make and sell the real Egyptian VARNISH, for cleaning Boots or Shoes, that will preserve the Leather, &c.
SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. [aw3w]
THE GRAND LODGE OF VIRGINIA, will meet, in the Masonic Hall , in this city, at 6 o'clock in the evening of the second Monday in December next. November 25. [ep4w]
WILLIAMSBURG, November 30th, 1808. No Male Patients can, until further notice, be admitted into the LUNATIC HOSPITAL, as the cells are all full.
By order of the Court of Directors, WILLIAM RUSSELL, Clerk. [aw1w]
JUST received, and for sale, 70 Fkins BUTTER, of prime quality. 20 Tierces of WILS-RET—Also, 3 Tons Bar IRON, by BENJAMIN WOLFE. [3]
GLOBE TAVERN. —The Subscriber has excellent accommodations for tidy Mem-bers of Assembly, and at a moderate price: he hopes from his ardent attention to give satisfac-tion. JAMES BROOKS. [aw3w]
JOHN STAPLES, of Buckingham County will be a Candidate before the General As-sembly for the appointment of Register of the Land Office. December 2. [ep3w]
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. TUESDAY, Nov. 29.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
Mr. Pope. —Mr. President—I rise with more than ordinary diffidence to address you on the interesting question under con-sideration. When I consider the present state of our country embarrassed with difficulties, menaced with dangers by foreign nations, our ships captured and burnt by one power, captured, condemned and confiscated by the other, a storm gathering in the East, which threatens to burst upon us with rebellion and disunion, the honor, independence and best interest of the American people deeply in-volved in the course to be pursued, I am se-riously impressed with the immense respon-sibility which devolves upon me, as one of their representatives at this awful crisis. The want of some documents which I had expected would before this have been furnish-ed us, and of a more intimate acquaintance with the commercial world, renders me un-able to do justice to all the topics which ge-ntlemen have introduced in the wide range they have taken; although I shall not at-tempt to explore the whole ground, I will endeavor with the best lights I possess to no-tice such of the arguments of the gentlemen in opposition as seem to demand attention.
On the 4th of July, 1776, the people of these states declared themselves free and in-dependent, and this declaration they sealed with their blood. Their independence was soon after recognized by different powers of Europe, and finally by Great-Britain her-self. By this memorable and glorious event, which released them from the shackles of the British government, and gave them in-dependence, they became entitled to all the rights and privileges on the high seas which could be rightfully claimed by any other na-tion; and these rights, I presume, it will not be pretended they have either abandoned or forfeited. The high seas have been hitherto considered the common highway of nations, designed by the God of Nature, for the com-mon use of mankind, and over which no power could rightfully claim exclusive dominion. I shall not waste the time of the Senate to enquire whether France or Great-Britain has been the first aggressor on our neutral rights, or from which we have received the most injuries and indignities, because such an en-quiry appears to me at this time unimpor-tant. I am willing to view both nations with an equal eye as common enemies. Nor do I deem it necessary to retrospect injuries and insults of an ancient date, but shall confine myself to a period and circumstances more intimately connected with the present crisis. In 1805 the British government asserted that this country was not entitled to carry on trade with her enemy in time of war, not permit-ting her in time of peace. Under color of this new principle, a number of American ves-sels were captured by British cruizers and condemned in the British courts of admir-alty. This conduct of the British government alarmed the whole commercial interest of this country, and memorials were sent to the President from the different commercial towns in the United States, protesting in strong and spirited language against this ne-vel principle, and calling upon our govern-ment to resist by negotiation it, as well as the imprisonment of our seamen. I beg leave to read a part of the memorial from New-Haven, in the state of Connecticut. Mr. Pope read as follows:
"That your memorialists have observed with no common degree of surprise and soli-citude, the numerous embarrassments which the commerce of the U. States has suffered, during the present war in Europe and the Indies; arising from the adoption of new principles by the admiralty courts of G. Bri-tain, as well as from the depredations commit-ted on our unprotected trade by lawless free-booters, and the unwarrantable impressment of our seamen. Your memorialists will not attempt to discuss at large the principle, which they understand, has been adopted by the admiralty courts of Great-Britain, in re-cent decisions respecting the rights of neu-tral nations; it is sufficient for them to ob-serve, that in their opinion, the principle as-sumed by Great-Britain, of considering all the trade of a neutral nation as unlawful, which the same nation cannot carry on in time of peace, to be new & unwarrantable; a prin-ciple not authorized by the maxims of sound justice, which have long been received and respected by nations, as laws by which their mutual intercourse ought to be regulated."
The people of Boston, in their memorial, after reasoning with great ability and pers-picuity to prove that this new principle as-sumed by the British courts of admiralty was an alarming infringement of neutral rights, so-licit the government on account of the im-portance of the subject to send a special mis-sion to London. Here Mr. Pope read from the Boston memorial as follows:
"But whatever may have been the motives for the proceedings on the part of Great Bri-tain, the effect is notorious. From her re-cent conduct great losses have been sustain-tained; our commerce has been checked and embarrassed, and large quantities of pro-duce are now remaining locked up in this country, which were purchased for foreign markets; because our merchants cannot send it abroad, without taking it on themselves which prudence would not justify, or without paying such rates for insurance as the trade of the country cannot afford."
Thus circumstanced, the merchants of Boston have thought it their duty respect-fully to make known their complaints to their government. Believing the citizens of the United States desirous of cultivating relations of amity with the whole human race; and particularly connected as they are with G. Britain, by habits of constant intercourse and by mutual wants, they cannot but hope, that like dispositions are entertained by the Bri-tish nation towards this country, and if mea-sures were speedily taken for the amicable discussion, by negotiation, of our complaints, that a sense of her own interest, and a res-pect for the rights of others, would induce her to depart from her present measures, and to conduct towards us with justice and lib-erality.
"Under the persuasion, and without mea-ning in the smallest degree to derogate from the talents or attention of the American mi-nister at the court of London, the subscribers, with deference & humility beg leave to sug-gest, whether, when so important national in-terests are at stake, a special mission would not carry with it great influence, and be ve-ry instrumental in the accomplishment of our reasonable wishes."
This earnest & fervent call on the govern-ment by the commercial interest was prompt-ly obeyed by the administration. The course pointed out by the memorialists was pursued—a special mission was immediately sent—this new principle as well as other violati-ons of our maritime rights were resisted with energy and ability and every effort made to obtain a redress of injuries, and to place our commerce upon a just & honorable basis, as the documents communicated to Congress during the last and present session. I shall pass over the different decrees and orders of the two belligerents from 1805, until the fall of 1807. I will pass over the affair of the Chesapeake which called forth such a burst of indignation thro'out this country. In December, 1807, during the last session of Congress, the President was officially informed, that Bonaparte had yet reminded to extend his decree of Berlin to American com-merce, and although not officially notified, had every reason to believe that the French decree had been or would be retaliated by the British orders of council. The President, then warned of the dangers which threaten-ed our commerce on the high seas, communi-cated the subject to Congress by a confiden-tial message, recommending an embargo, to secure our vessels and seamen from capture. His advice was attended to, the measure was adopted. I expected, or at least hoped at that time, that this measure, besides se-curing our property, by its pressure on the belligerents, aided by a conciliatory course on the part of our government, would have induced an amicable adjustment of our dif-ferences with both or one of the belligerents, and thereby averted the calamities of war, that if it failed to produce this effect, it would at least afford us time to prepare to meet what if inevitable—that our administration has used every honorable means during the existence of this measure to settle our differ-ences amicably with the belligerents, cannot be doubted by any one who has read the do-cuments accompanying his recent message.
After the administration had pursued the course marked out by the commercial peo-ple, whose organs the gentlemen in the op-position appear to be on this occasion, after resisting the unjust pretensions of France and Great-Britain—and the govern-ment had laid an embargo and brought the nation to the eve of war for the maintenance of our maritime rights.—What do we hear—we are told by a part of these same people, to the astonishment of all Amer-ica, by solemn resolutions, which are alrea-dy before the public, called the Essex resolu-tions, that we have no cause of war against Great-Britain, and all her aggressions, if not justified, are excused; and our govern-ment is gravely told to disgrace itself by re-ceding from the ground it has taken. The gentleman from Connecticut, whose object seems to be rather to prove this measure wrong at first than what ought now to be done; tells us that the French decree of Berlin was not sufficient to justify this measure at the time it was adopted, because France had no naval force to give it effect on the high seas. If the Berlin decree was not sufficient to jus-tify our embargo, upon what principle can it be pretended that it is justified or even palia-ted the British orders in council? Although at the time the embargo was laid we had every reason to believe that the orders had been issued, and which turned out to be the fact, yet, I will admit for the sake of argument, that the Berlin decree, was not a sufficient ground for the embargo. Will gentlemen contend that the Berlin decree, British orders of council, & the French decree o Milan, all which were in force at that time, if then of-ficially known to our government, would not have been a sufficient cause for the embargo; and if they admit that the whole combined, would have justified the measure, at the same time that they deny it to have been wise, they are constrained to acknowledge that it was at least fortunate. If the dangers to which our commerce was then exposed ren-dered the measure proper, how can gentle-men seriously contend that while those dan-gers continue it ought to be removed, with-out proposing some more efficient measure as a substitute.
We are told however, that the avowed object of this measure was to secure our pro-erty and seamen from capture, and that it was represented to the two belligerents as a measure of precaution, not as a measure of coercion or hostility. It is in its nature a precautionary measure, and it was the duty of the President to represent it in that light to foreign governments, and whatever incon-veniences may result to them from it, they cannot by the law of nations consider it as a measure of hostility. Ye the gentleman from Connecticut tells us triumphantly that it has not only failed to produce any effect upon foreign nations, but that it never will operate as a measure of coercion. If the gentleman does not think this measure the best that can be devised, and that some o-ther would better suit the present state of things, it is certainly his duty to propose it, and not to press a negative proposition calcu-lated merely to censure, to find fault. I sin-cerely lament that this measure has not been productive of all the good effects anticipa-ted. But, sir, although it has not, owing to numerous evasions and violations, together with other causes, induced foreign powers to discontinue their depredations and restric-tions upon our commerce; it does not neces-sarily follow, that if persevered in and pro-perly executed, it would not produce this ef-fect. It is some consolation to the friends of this measure that it has been productive of some good. It has prevented a large port-ion of our property from falling into the hands of the belligerents, it has preserved peace and afforded us time to prepare for war, if this sad alternative must be resorted to. The gentleman from Connecticut and the gentle-man from Massachusetts do not appear to agree as to the effects of this measure. The
gentleman from Connecticut contends that it had no effect, while the gentleman from Mas-sachusetts informs us that it had a very con-siderable effect on Great-Britain in May or June last. If it has at any time had an ef-fect upon either of the belligerents, it proves at least that its advocates did not mis-calculate as much as the gentleman from Connecticut would induce the world to be-lieve. The gentlemen have cited a French expose, to prove that the embargo is approv-ed by that government; this document I have never seen, and cannot therefore com-ment on it; and the gentleman might have proved by Mr. Canning's letter, that Great-Britain is not dissatisfied with it, if the sin-cerity of such declarations is to be confided in.
The gentlemen have not explained their object in referring this document; was it to prove that it did not operate on France, but did upon Great-Britain, or that it had no effect upon either. If it was their design to prove by this document that France is re-duced to bear the inconveniences of this measure herself, on account of its more se-vere pressure, upon her enemy, which may be the fact—it establishes the very reverse of what the gentlemen contended for. They have endeavored to prove that it has had no effect, nor will have any upon either. We have been told that we have been commanded by one power to make war upon the o-ther—that it has been the policy of both bel-lerigents to draw us into the contest, is evi-dent; and if our embargo has enabled us to resist their dictatorial mandates or insidious policy, it is fortunate for this country. It has been said that we had as well give up our ships to the enemy as let them rot in our harbors. I think very differently, I would rather have them sink in the ocean than give them up to enrich our enemies. There is something of principle concerned in this. [Mr. Lloyd said he had not expres-sed this idea; he had said that it affected the national wealth no more that the vessels should be lost at sea, than that they should rot at the wharves.] Mr. P. said he con-sidered the present interest between us and the belligerents, not merely as a question of profit and loss. There was something of principle, honor, and independence at stake; and he was not disposed to calculate how much money would be gained by succum-bing to a foreign power. This is not the question with Congress or the nation. After the manner of the gentleman from Con-necticut, who was fond of illustrating his i-deas by very familiar examples, I will sup-pose that gentleman was in the habit of deal-ing largely with two merchants, A. and B. and that intercourse between them was mu-tually advantageous—these merchants sud-denly quarrel—A. tells him he shall not trade with B. and that if he attempts it he will stop by force, and rob him of what he may be found carrying to B. B. tells him he shall not trade with A. under similar pains and penalties, unless he will first go to B. and purchase of him a licence to deal with A. What would the gentleman do? I presume he would either chastise both for their insolence and injustice, or if that was not convenient, he would tell them I will have no intercourse with either of you—He would certainly resist their insolence and injustice by force; discontinue all intercourse with them, or submit to their terms. Would the gentleman in such a case calculate whe-ther it would be his interest to submit to the disgraceful conditions of B. who happen-ed to be the stronger of the two, than bear the inconveniences resulting from a non-in-tercourse? Would the gentleman submit to disgraceful conditions for the pounds, shil-lings and pence, he would make by a renew-al of intercourse with them? I presume he would not. Great-Britain and France, in de-fiance of all law, justice and right, have by their decrees and orders, interdicted our trade to a very great extent. Great-Britain however will permit us to trade, provided we will agree to pay her for the privilege. Now, sir, it appears to me that we must re-sist her decrees and orders by war, non-in-tercourse, or we must submit. Are we to be told that honor and independence are out of the question, and that we ought to sub-mit to disgraceful conditions for the sake of trade, because we shall make money by it—Surely not.
However the gentleman from Connecticut and myself may differ in other respects, I concur with him in opinion, that we have nothing to hope from the friendship or jus-tice of the belligerents, and that the most efficient means of coercing them is by op-erating on their interest. If then his position be correct that our only means of bringing Great-Britain to terms is to effect her in-terest, and if it is true, as is generally be-lieved, that our commerce is very advanta-geous to Great-Britain, shall we not by sus-pending that commerce operate on her in-terest, and will not her interest induce her to do us justice, in order to renew it? The gentleman from Connecticut has told us that our embargo with the aid of a non-im-portation act, would produce no effect, be-cause the West India planters can convert their sugar plantations into cornfields, and that therefore they could not be starved.—Does the gentleman suppose any man of common sense ever believed that this sys-tem of starving, as it has been called, would destroy the belligerents? No, sir; it was expected to operate upon their interest; the only way in which the gentleman tells us they can be coerced. If, as the gentleman supposes, the West India planters will be compelled by our embargo to employ their capital and land in the culture of corn, in order to subsist, will they not be materially injured by it? Will not the shipping inter-est engaged in carrying West India pro-duce to Europe be injured, and will not the consumers in the mother country be injur-ed by a rise in the prices of West India pro-duce, independent of the injury to the gov-ernment on the score of revenue? If it had been the interest of the sugar planters to employ any portion of their capital in rais-ing corn, it is wonderful they have never before made the discovery. The gentleman from Connecticut has also informed us that these islands can be supplied from other countries. If other countries can supply the West Indies with those articles which they have heretofore received from the United
States, I would thank the gentleman to in-form us why those other countries have not rivalled us in this market; for it is not a new one; it has been known for a great length of time. Those countries from which these islands can be supplied must have been, I presume, employed heretofore in more lu-crative pursuits; and according to a posi-tion advanced by the gentleman himself, on the subject of manufactures, those other countries could not be induced to abandon suddenly their present pursuits, in order to supply the West India market. If Great-Britain can procure these supplies elsewhere it cannot be her interest to do so, because it is not presumable that she can procure them on as good terms as from the United States.
(Mr. Pope's Speech to be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Nov. 29, 1808.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of claims, reported a bill providing for the payment of pensions at the City of Washington. Read a first and second time, made the order of the day for to-morrow, & ordered to be printed.
The reading of the petition for the repeal of the embargo laws (presented by Mr. Gard-ner) the completion of which was yester-day postponed by an adjournment of the house was finished; and the said petition was re-ferred to the committee of the whole house to whom was referred Mr. Chittenden's resolu-tion for pealing the embargo.
On motion of Mr. Sloan, the house went into committee of the whole on the report in part of the committee to whom was refer-red that part of the president's message, of the 8th November, 1808, which respects our foreign relations: Mr. Storer in the chair.
Mr. Willis Alston, jr. said the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) had yester-day taken so wide a range that he should not pretend to follow, nor did he believe that any one could follow him through all the mazes of his eccentric course. It would be impossible for that gentleman, or for any other person to reconcile the inconsistencies he had uttered; nor was it necessary to attempt a formal ex-posure of them; for the strange contradic-tions which his speech involved, were quite sufficient to destroy the weight of his argu-ments. He would take the gentleman up at the point at which he had left off. The gen-tleman had said it was not for him to de-scribe the path which at this period was pro-pher to be pursued, but it was clear and lu-minous. It is certainly singular (said Mr. Alston) that if the course be so extremely plain, such a variety of opinions should ex-ist concerning it. Has any individual, any set of men precisely ascertained it? Yes, in-deed, a few (and he hoped they were but few) persons in the state of Massachusetts had found out a way; they had found out a way, which was submission to Great-Bri-tain and war with France. The gentleman had, to be sure, said he would resist; but how would he resist? Resist Great-Britain on the ocean! Resist her on an element where she was omnipotent! This was ex-actly similar to the doctrine of certain indi-viduals in Massachusetts, and sufficiently developed the views of those who advocated it. It was idle to suppose we could contend with Great-Britain on the seas, and the true interpretation was to resist France & coa-lesce with the British; such is the only in-ference to be drawn from the gentleman's ar the gentleman's ar-guments.
The gentleman had told us of his disposi-tion to resist, and spoke of the payment of tribute as a thing not likely to happen.—Merchants will not go to France, because they will go to contribution, and therefore, will not pay the duties imposed by the British. Merchants (said Mr. A.) will not be controlled by their interests; and whilst they can find their way to the conti-nent of Europe, which, in defiance of the de-crees of France, they had been enabled to do, they will pursue the trade if it be lu-crative, let it be subjected to what tribute it may. Raise the embargo, and if there is no other channel for trade than through British ports, merchants would pursue that to whom he adverted was the representa-tive of a commercial state, he would have given a commercial view of the subject; that he would have pointed out some ports; to which, in case of raising the embargo, we might trade; but this he had not done; pre-ferring to dwell upon vague and indefinite views of the subject, telling us of some su-perior, controlling power, of a voice louder than that of Congress? Had he adverted to that? After having opposed the embar-go in its origin, and endeavored to arrest it at every turn, members now rise and say that it cannot be enforced! that the people will seek their customary trade notwith-standing the prohibitions of the law! What a picture was this to hold out to foreign na-tions!
The gentleman (said Mr. A.) has called upon a colleague of mine, and cautioned him against invoking the spirit of '76, and had read passages from the declaration of inde-pendence explanatory of the reasons for our resisting Great-Britain at that period.—What were we to infer from the introduc-tion of such allusions at this time? It appear-ed like an intimation that as we had resis-ted British aggression then, that we would now succumb. It could hardly be viewed in any other light.
We had been told that the voice of the coun-try was against the embargo. This was a singular assertion. The result of the meeting at Salem (a place in the gentleman's vicinity) and the speech of Mr. Gray, a merchant of intelligence, and of great eminence, had ex-pressed a diff. rent sentiment; and Mr. A. was astonished that the gentleman should say that the whole country was in favor of a re-peal.
Mr. Alston called the attention of gentle-men to the printed memorials which had been just laid on their desks, and which had been presented at a former session. They were from the leading merchants of the coun-try; and what doctrine did they advocate? They complained of the interruption of our carrying trade and the violations practiced upon our neutral commerce. In conformity to their solicitations, government had pur-

and the measures... suggested; and new gentlemen... to turn about & retrace our steps. No, sir, this nation never will submit. A minister extraordinary had been required to be sent to G. Britain; this had been done, and negotiation had been exhausted. He hoped the house was not now prepared to retrocede.
If the embargo, (said Mr. A.) were at this time a question before the house, I would offer some reasons in favor of its continuance. It might hereafter become a question, and I should be willing to take it off whenever he was persuaded the nation would reap more advantages from its abrogation than its existence.
Mr. Bacon said he had on a former occasion refrained from troubling the house with any observations concerning the embargo, because he had considered that the subject was in abler hands than his. At such a crisis as this, he conceived that there ought to be more of action and less of declamation; more of decision and less of discussion. He still considered the subject in abler hands, and he still considered that action and decision would be preferable to argument and discussion, and he thought that those who amused this house and the people with long speeches would not best have subserved the interests of the nation. But although he condemned the prevailing fashion, he considered himself in some measure excused for his present intrusion upon the patience of the committee inasmuch as he had yesterday been particularly alluded to by his colleague, (Mr. Quincy,) and because he felt it to be his duty to endeavor to rescue the committee who made the report from the imputation attempted to be cast upon them for the sentiments which it contained. The speech of his colleague was evidently prepared with great care and deliberation—the arguments selected with skill and arranged with art; and was in truth, such a speech, as ought not to be answered, if he might use the phrase ore tenus . Indeed, although he had taken pretty copious notes, he did not feel himself sufficiently prepared, from want of time for reflection, to unravel and expose it. His colleague had said the first resolution should have his sanction, because it contained a specific pledge that new measures should be pursued: why then did he attack that resolution? If his object was answered by it, why did he not let it pass without opposition? The gentleman refuted his own argument, and on this point he answered himself. He could only account for his conduct on the supposition that he thought the game in full view, and could not be satisfied unless he were in at the death, and assisted to demolish so odious a monster as the embargo—or, perhaps he had treasured up in his memory the choicest arguments against that measure, had his speech ripe and ready for utterance, and could not bear the idea that the house and the nation should lose the benefit of it. To use the language of the day, the gentleman had taken the embargo off its feet; he had assailed it before its time. But the reason alleged by his colleague for going so largely into the question was, that the report which preceded the resolution recommended the continuance of the embargo. This was totally a mistake. The report made no specific recommendation of the embargo. It had been drawn with special care to leave that point open. Mr. B. might be mistaken in his understanding of the language of the report, but he would read a paragraph, from which a determinate judgment might be formed. (Here Mr. Bacon read as follows:)
"It appears unnecessary to pursue any farther the examination of propositions, which the difficult situation of the United States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more inadmissible, or impracticable as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it is between a continued suspension of commerce and a war with both England and France—but the choice must ultimately be made between the two, and it is important that we should be prepared for either the one or the other."
Was the gentleman authorized from this language to say, that the embargo is recommended in the report? The report applies to either alternative; and therefore his reason utterly fails him. As, therefore, the embargo was not recommended in the report, and was not before the house, his colleague in making his long speech had leaped before he came to the hedge—his observations did not apply. Mr. Bacon did not wonder that the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Lyon,) had strayed in his speech yesterday from the subject; he was not a professional man, but his colleague was schooled in nice distinctions, was acquainted with the whole art of special pleadings, was a man of divisions and subdivisions, who made war upon verbs and adverbs. The gentleman had told us that the report contained principles loathsome to the nation: Mr. Bacon presumed the gentleman meant loathsome to himself: He should be sorry if his colleague spoke for the nation; but he had not pointed out what part of the report was loathsome; he had not put his finger upon any particular passage that was so. Was it this passage, said Mr. B. (Here Mr. Bacon read as follows:)
"For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country, or against his country?"
Was not the part of the report which was loathsome and disagreeable to the nation? Mr. B. hoped not. As the gentleman had made no specific reference, it was not for him to divine what portion of the report he adverted to; his colleague had been cautious to confine himself to general allegations, and although he had at the commencement of his speech inveighed against abstract legislation, as the resort of the weak or the ignorant, the gentleman himself had recourse to that very mode, and to avoid detection, dealt only in general denunciation.
Mr. Bacon was glad to hear, however, from that quarter, the acknowledgement that the orders of Great Britain are an infraction of our rights. He hoped all the clamor of a contrary tendency would now be put down under the high authority of his colleague. His colleague had said also, that he is averse to submission; yet in the true newspaper style, proves that the embargo is submission. But how is the fact? Take the gentleman on his own grounds and he proves the reverse. He tells you that by your embargo you co-operate with France to compress Great Britain. Well, sir, is not that, then, resistance to the British? If we impress her, do not we resist her? He has also said that the embargo co-operates with Great Britain to the injury of France: Here, again, sir, he admits that we resist France, because if it co-operates with Great Britain to the injury of France, it is very evident that we resist her. Does not the gentleman himself prove the correctness of these conclusions? Has he not fully substantiated
what he so laboriously attempted to controvert? The mode of our resistance, may, indeed, square with the policy of each of the belligerents in some degree; but this was unavoidable; for let you adopt what measure you will against either of the belligerents it will, necessarily, coincide in some respect with the views of the other.
The gentleman seemed to be impressed with the notion that there was only one mode of resistance, and that unless we had recourse to the sword there was no resistance in the case. Mr. Bacon referred to the several species of animals, each of which had its respective mode of defence and assault. Because, said he, Great Britain makes war with cannon and France with the bayonet, is there to be no other kind of resistance? In the capture of fortresses, some are taken by storm, some by siege and by cutting off supplies. Why may we not, therefore, pursue the latter mode, and by withholding necessary supplies of life from our enemy, induce him to do us justice?
The gentleman had taken upon himself to answer for Massachusetts. I am (said Mr. B.) astonished! I protest, sir, against his authority in that respect as regards Massachusetts, much more as it relates to N. E. at large. It is true that in that quarter it is the general wish that the embargo might be removed; it is also my ardent wish that it should be raised if it can be done consistently with the maintenance of our rights. Whether it were better to raise it at the present moment or not is a question which no candid, considerate man in Massachusetts has decided; they rely on government—they know government has no interest in continuing the embargo, and that the moment it can be taken off with safety and propriety it will be done. He did not mean to say the embargo was a popular measure in New England; but that the idea did not prevail that it ought to be taken off at all events. Whatever might be the result, he was confident the people of New England would acquiesce and cheerfully carry all suitable measures into effect. The gentleman had spoken of the great enchanter, and had asserted that the members of the house (not to use precisely his own expression) are a parcel of bellamites. I recollect (said Mr. B.) something in Holy Writ, where it had been said to a reverend personage that too much learning had made him mad, but the madness was on the other side. Does the gentleman mean to insinuate that this house is guided by an improper influence; that it is under a spurious control? Such insinuations ought not to be made. The clamour that the ocean was about to be abandoned ought to be hushed—the alarm ought no more to go forth. Mr. Bacon was sorry to see such representations sanctioned by any gentleman who had the honor of a seat on that floor.
With respect to the tragical effects of the embargo and the allusion which his colleague had made to his travels through Massachusetts, I can tell him (said Mr. Bacon) that I have once or twice travelled from the sea-board to the extreme Western frontier, and am enabled to say that the picture drawn by the gentleman is overcharged. He had not seen the cities deserted, nor the grass growing in the streets, nor the inhabitants starving. He had indeed seen industry at a stand, he had seen ships laying at the wharves; but he had found the merchants not complaining at the sacrifice, but rather in general approving the policy of the embargo. He had conversed with merchants and seen their representations in print on the subject, and his colleague had doubtless seen them too—On the great subject which at present agitated the nation, there was as much unanimity as could be expected: public opinion was not entirely unanimous; but certainly as much so as it had ever been on any question of similar moment.
Mr. Bacon did not pretend to say there did not exist much embarrassment among all classes. The fact was too broad to be denied; the wound too deep to be overlooked. But in representing the case, there had been much deception, much delusion. The calamities of our present situation were compared with a situation of profound peace, when the commerce of the U. States had a free scope. This was altogether un candid. Will any gentleman say, that if any other mode had been pursued towards the belligerents evils equally oppressive would not have accrued? The true comparison lies between the present system of government and a course of actual war, and not between the embargo and peace. Will any one say that the loss and suffering has been as great under the embargo as they would have been during a similar period of war?
The gentleman says imperatively that the embargo must be repealed. And what are the reasons? Extraordinary, indeed! because it cannot be enforced; because the violators cannot be rendered odious much longer. If such an argument was to influence this house, Mr. Bacon believed it would be for the first time. That dissatisfaction prevailed, Mr. Bacon did not pretend to deny; but was it to be wondered at? Was it strange there should be dissatisfaction, when such uncommon pains were taken to excite it? To goad an opposition to the government, not only by anonymous paragraphs, but by honorable gentlemen of this house! Opinions were circulated that the people of the south were hostile to commerce, and thought it not worth pursuing. Honorable gentlemen returning from this house, had by their personal observations, corroborated such sentiments. He was sorry such was the fact; but it could not be denied. Was it singular that dissatisfaction should prevail when such ideas were inculcated from places of authority? A newspaper had yesterday fallen into his hands, which contained an extract of a letter from Washington city, which was enough to stir the people up to resistance; even to the shedding of blood. The paper he alluded to was the Repository , and parts of the extracts he would read. (Having read them, he went on.)
Well, gentlemen talk of uneasiness under the embargo laws! And yet such pains are taken to create it. Surely it is not then strange that some dissatisfaction should exist.
The gentleman had said there was a superior influence and that we could not control nature. He ought to have been more explicit. Such language was mysterious, and ought not to be thrown out without an exposition of the specific meaning. Surely in such a case there could be no extraneous control which could influence the determinations of this house, or by which in the proper regulation of national affairs it could be rightfully checked.
It is, said that you cannot shortly render infractions of the law odious. And wherefore? Because the temptation was too strong. Indeed! Mr. B. from what he understood of ethics, had always considered that virtue was not virtue before it was tried; neither was patriotism really such until it was tested. What made a thief, if it were not temp-
tation? And would it be said the thief was not viewed as a worthless outcast because the thing he had stolen had tempted him to the deed? The gentleman had said that patriotism did not work in this way; that it would to be sure, shed its blood for the welfare of the country, but when you touched the pocket it rebelled. Really! Was not the patriotism of merchants? He hoped not. He thought it a label on their character. Genuine patriotism, he believed, would give up its property, as well as blood for the vindication of national rights.
It was surprising (Mr. Bacon observed) that his colleague should at this time controvert the constitutionality of the embargo. Whatever others might have said, from that gentleman he had expected silence on that point after a solemn decision had been given in favor of its constitutionality by a judicial tribunal, inasmuch as gentlemen of his known sentiments had generally contended for the infallibility of judicial determinations. But, said the gentleman, the decision of the judiciary is one thing—the popular decision another. This was quite extraordinary. Does my colleague (said Mr. B.) appeal from the judiciary to the people! He had heard of a similar appeal in the case of a foreign minister, but he had not expected his colleague would follow the example.
Mr. Bacon controverted the assertion of his colleague respecting the difference between the spirit of '76 and that of the present day, and in support of the consentaneusness of the temper of the two periods read several extracts from certain patriotic regulations agreed upon in '74 and '75. And, as the sword was said to have been relied on in '76, he hoped, the sword, when necessary, would be resorted to again. With respect to the question, so far from its being put out of view, it ought to be placed in the front. Mr. Bacon adverted to the practice of forged or stimulated papers to prove the practice of trading to the continent of Europe in defiance of the French decrees; and observed that if the embargo were raised the merchants of this country would carry on similar trade, and consequently pay the same tribute to G. Britain; for if the temptation were so strong in this country as to induce our citizens to violate positive laws as the gentleman had said, the temptation would be equally strong after their arrival in British ports to contravene by illicit practices the decrees of Bonaparte.
Alluding to the remarks of Mr. Quincy that the gentlemen of the majority were wringing their hands, not knowing what to do although the course was so plain, Mr. B. said the gentleman had really exhibited more than his usual modesty; that there had been occasions on which he had not been so diffident. If the way were so plain, it would be kind in the gentleman to point it out; and had he ought not, from a principle of pride, and because it would aid the government, to withhold the revelation of it.
But, said Mr. B. I can hardly give the gentleman full credit for his professions of diffidence. I view his observations as being made with great skill, and much cunning animalversion had been manifested by him in keeping his plan behind the curtain. But at all events the gentleman ought to come out, and it was desirable that he should be ferreted from his lurking hole. If there is a grand specific, we ought to know it; and I now call upon him said Mr. B. in the name of the nation, to come out with his project.
Mr. Sloan engaged the house with a variety of remarks. He justified the president in his conduct towards the belligerents; and dwelt upon the miseries of the embargo. [The formal manner in which Mr. Sloan divided and proposed his argument excited some laughter; he arranged it under several heads, and said he would close with some miscellaneous observations.] He observed that the inhabitants of Philadelphia had particularly expressed to him the miseries they endured from the embargo; crying out whenever they saw him, "What's to be done with the embargo? For God's sake Mr. Sloan, do something for us." Mr. Sloan said he could not be otherwise than affected by these applications.
Mr. Smith said he just rose to express his feeling at the fatherly regard the gentleman, (Mr. Sloan) had manifested for the people of Pennsylvania. He had expected, however, that he would have furnished the house with an account of the state of the people in his own district. It was a little strange that the city of Philadelphia which had two representatives on the floor, should have chosen the gentleman from New Jersey as the organ for communicating their complaints to the house. From them there had been no complaint. Indeed, said Mr. Smith, there has been no petition or remonstrance from the state of Pennsylvania respecting the embargo. Perhaps the reason the gentleman from New Jersey was applied to was, the great weight which it was known he had in the house! But with respect to Pennsylvania the government might be easy.
He pledged himself that that state would support government in all constitutional and necessary measures.
Mr. Rhea, (of Tennessee) made a very patriotic speech. He said the present was an enquiry which concerned ourselves alone, and it was not worth the trouble of ascertaining the particular dispositions of Great Britain and France on the occasion. The resolution under consideration was worthy of adoption by Americans, and he hoped every gentleman would respond to it.
Mr. Rhea took a rational view of our present situation, vindicated the report of the committee, out of which he said the resolution naturally grew, declared his determination to resist foreign aggression, and advocated the question before the house as being consentaneous to national honor and feeling.
The committee rose, reported progress, & had leave to sit again.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30, 1808. Mr. Burwell moved the following resolutions, which were agreed to, and ordered to be printed:
Resolved, That the Committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the entry of any vessel into the United States from any port or place to which a vessel of the U. States is not admitted by permanent regulation of the government owning such port or place, or by treaty.
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the masters, commanders, and owners of vessels of the United States from receiving British licences and of enforcing the return of all vessels of the United States now without the same.
Mr. Burwell gave notice, at the same time, that he should introduce a provision to exclude from the vessels of the United States all foreign seamen.
The House then went into committee of the whole, on the report in part of the committee of nine, respecting our foreign relations; Mr. Sloan in the chair.
Mr. Johnson (of Kentucky) in a very nervous
speech of considerable length, advocated the resolution, and portrayed in glowing colors the wrongs of the United States. The resolution, he had hoped, would have passed unanimously; and it was important, inasmuch as the proposition contained a met the sanction of the representatives from every quarter of the union, and he believed it would meet the sanction of the people.
It was time (Mr. Johnson said,) that a line of distinction should be drawn between the friends of our republican institutions and their enemies, and that at a crisis like the present there should be no neutrals. Mr. J. concurred the question ought to be thoroughly discussed, because, although there might be no difference of sentiment in the house there was some contrariety of opinion among the people, and liberal and candid discussion would serve to put an end to it, and introduce a spirit of unanimity in the country. He alluded to the libelous publications which issued from the press, urging the citizens to resist the laws; and declared that those who attempted to stir up treason, those miscreants who set the laws at nought, ought to be frowned upon indignantly.
Mr. Johnson took a copious view of the conduct of Great Britain towards this country, both as it respects her behaviour in Europe, on our sea-board and interior frontier; the vacillating policy she had adopted towards us, and the cunning and contumely which she had, as her interests demanded, played on us upon our ministers from time to time.
Speaking of the Chesapeake, and alluding to Mr. Quincy's saying the liberty of New England was a sea nymph; yes, sir, said Mr. J. our goddess of liberty is born of the ocean; at the murder of our citizens she came angry and raging from the deep, and kindled throughout the land a flame of horrible indignation and resentment. Mr. Johnson discarded all local feelings; whatever portion of the union was attacked, Kentucky felt it with keen sensibility and was ready to do her duty. It is not, sir, (said he,) the case of an individual, but of the seventeen states. It does not interest the present generation alone but posterity also. What has we to dread? Why should we, like the Athenians, go about enquiring is Philip dead? Let us act with unanimity and fear nothing.
Mr. Clifton would vote for the resolution, but not as the gentleman from Massachusetts had said as a pledge for a change of measures. It would vote for it because it was correct in itself. He was not of opinion with some gentlemen, that a suspension of commerce was submission to foreign edicts; it was resistance, because it was a refusal to trade under the terms prescribed. Mr. Clifton said a sentiment which he had uttered some time since had been mistaken by the gentleman from Massachusetts. The observation he had made was predicated upon the naked proposition of the gentleman from Vermont to repeal the embargo without substituting any other measure. Mr. Clifton did not mean that there might not be a time when the repeal of the embargo and a resort to other efficient measures would be necessary; but he certainly would not vote for a repeal without a very safe and effectual substitute. He expressed his decided approbation of the embargo, and said he wished the present policy strengthened instead of being weakened.
Mr. Clifton was followed by messrs. Randolph, Troup, Masters and Lyon, whose observations we shall notice hereafter, want of room excluding them to day.
The following message was received from the president of the United States, by Mr. Coles, and read by the speaker: the proclamation alluded to therein has already been published in the newspapers. It was ordered to be printed for the use of the house.
To the H. R. of the U. S. According to the request of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of the 25th instant, I now lay before them a copy of my proclamation of the 19th April last.
TH: JEFFERSON. Nov. 30.
THURSDAY, December 1. FOREIGN RELATIONS. The house again in committee of the whole; the first resolution under consideration in the following words:
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France.
The question was taken on the resolution and CARRIED NEM. CON.
The second resolution having been read in the following words:
Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States;—and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the resolution, taking the question on each clause of it separately.
The question was taken on the first clause, ending with the words "U.S."—CARRIED without opposition.
The second clause was AGREED TO by the committee, EIGHTY-FOUR TO TWENTY-ONE.
The third resolution in the following words, having been read:
Resolved, That measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence.
The resolution was AGREED TO without opposition.
The committee then rose and reported the resolutions to the house.
The first resolution was read, Mr. Dana moved to insert between the words to and the in the third line of the resolution the words "abandon the navigation of the ocean in consequence of the."—Negatived, by yeas and nays, 96 to 23. A discussion rose on a point of order, which occupied the house till 4 o'clock, when they adjourned. [Details hereafter.]
PHILADELPHIA, NOVEMBER 30. TWO DAYS LATER. Arrived this morning, the ship Betsey, capt. Larkins, 37 days from Liverpool. By this arrival, we have received Liverpool papers to the 30th and London Gazettes to the 28th; being but two days later than our former accounts. The columns of these prints are almost exclusively occupied with the affairs of Spain & Portugal; and even on these subjects, contain nothing particularly new or interesting.—With respect to America, we do not notice a single remark.—The following brief extracts are all we have time or room to insert in this day's Gazette.—Further extracts in our next.
LONDON, Sept. 27.—It is with pleasure we see that success has not abated the caution of the Spaniards, and that they are pro-
ceeding with prudence equal to their patriotism. It is supposed that, as soon as they had collected a sufficient force they would fall upon the French and risk an immediate and general battle. This does not appear to be their intention. The French have no idea of descending from the Ebro to Madrid; the Patriots are therefore not obliged to station their main force between the enemy and the capital; they are occupied in watching and harassing the enemy's flank.
When Palafox advanced against the left flank of the French, Mincey with a strong detachment wished to bring him to battle, and thus to carry that system into execution which the French have often found so advantageous to them, viz. the system of beating their enemies in detail. Had Mincey been able to have cut up Palafox's division, the enemy would have been able to have borne with more pressure against Blake, who hovered on their right flank. But Palafox, as cautious as he is brave, saw Mincey's intention, and dented it; he drew off his troops, and fell back upon Saragossa.
Meanwhile Blake made a menacing movement upon the enemy's right, and Mincey was immediately recalled to the main body. The intelligence received by Government yesterday stated that Blake, instead of pursuing his course to the Ebro, as seemed to be his original purpose, has directed his march into Biscay and Guipuscoa; he will there cut off the enemy's retreat through those provinces, and perhaps may be able to throw a powerful detachment between the Pyrenean frontiers and Pampluna. The only route by which the enemy can retreat from the Ebro, is by the road that leads through Pampluna to their own frontier.—That they will sustain themselves on the Ebro if they can, there is no doubt—but the season is coming on when troops will with difficulty be able to pass the Pyrenees to reinforce them.
Supplies of provisions will not be easily obtained—the country all around them is barren, and on each flank and in front there will be a hostile army. Perhaps they will court a general battle, in the hope being able to beat troops not yet accustomed to military habits, and of thereby throwing discouragement among the Spaniards. The Spaniards however, may have determined not to risk a general battle, but to wait and see whether scarcity and sickness may not effect more against the enemy than the sword.
The Russian admiral in the Baltic is said to have rejected the terms offered him by Sir James Saumarez, and the Swedish admiral. He hopes to sustain himself in his present position. The island of East Raga or Rogen, commands the entrance or anchorage of the harbor, and it is strongly fortified. It was said that the Swedes had determined to send a strong military force to attack it. But it is possible that five ships may render such an attack unnecessary. Sir James had determined to send several in as soon as the wind was favorable. The enemy have struck yards and topmasts, and they may do considerable execution in a squadron already panic struck, and not manned by officers and men, possessed of great naval science or skill.
We are again positively assured, on authority on which we can rely, that an order was sent out for the recall of gens. Sir H. D'Hypple, Sir Harry Barrard, and Sir Arthur Wellesley, immediately after the receipt of the official dispatches containing the particulars of the late Convention.
Letters to the 10th inst. have been received from Hamburg. They state that since the late message of the emperor of the French to his Council of State, Austria has redoubled her exertions to increase her military force.
COURT OF VICE ADMIRALTY. Nassau, Oct. 15, 1808. Before the honorable and War-hipful Henry Moreton Dyer, Esq. Judge and Commissary of the said Court.
Rose, Furlong, master.—Mr. Kerr prayed that the claim by him given (in behalf of American Citizens) be admitted and the said ship and her cargo restored as claimed.
Mr. Wyllys, King's advocate, consented to the restitution of the cargo, but prayed the claim to be rejected as regarding the ship and contended for condemnation.
His honor the Judge having heard the said claim and proofs read, and the arguments of advocates and proctors, on both sides thereon, admitted the said claim, and therein pronounced the said goods, to have belonged as claimed, and by interlocutory decree directed the same or the proceeds thereof to be restored to the claimant for the use of the owners and proprietors thereof; and by further interlocutory, directed further proof to be made with respect to the ship.
NEW-YORK, November 28. The Bremen ship, which was to have sailed this morning from Philadelphia for Cowes, is seized by the Collector, for having taken several skins of butter on board contrary to law.
DUN, in Scotland, JOHN HOME, Esq aged 85 years; author of the Tragedy of DOUGLAS.
CHARLESTON, Nov. 22, 1808. The ship Winifred, arrived last evening from Barracoa, has on board 53 French passengers, (white and black) which captain BONFELL was compelled to take on board by the Spanish government—a cartel, having on board 175 Frenchmen, had sailed a few days before capt. B. for Samana, (St. Domingo) & two or three other vessels bound to the United States, had taken a number on board. All Frenchmen who would not take the oath of allegiance to Ferdinand VIIth, were ordered to leave the island.
Courier. NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. The following particulars of the engagement between the British brig Carnation, & the French brig Palamiere, are communicated by captain Harrison, from Martinique. On the 3d of October, in lat. 21, long. 59, 30, the British brig Carnation, captain Gregory, out 15 days from Barbadoes, with 18 guns and 120 men, was fallen in with by the French brig Palamiere, with sixteen 18 pounders and 85 men, 25 of whom were sick in the hold. An action immediately commenced, which lasted 3 hours, and ended in the capture of the English Brig, she having expended all her ammunition. The Carnation lost her commander (who was killed the third broadside) and 12 men. All the remaining officers, except the gunner and boatswain, and 25 were wounded—the brig sustained very little damage. The French brig had 5 men killed and 12 wounded. The captain was supported all the time in a chair by two others during the whole of the action, and died two days after of the yellow fever. Both vessels arrived at St. Lucie on the 23d of October, the Frenchmen with the loss of both topmasts, and a hull very much wounded.

A letter has been received here, from Rio de Janeiro, of the 15th September, stating that the city of Rio de Janeiro had been given up to plunder by the French army, which they carried so completely into execution that only one house escaped. New-York paper.
WASHINGTON, Nov. 28. It is now pretty well ascertained that the dispatches which Mr. Erskine received on Saturday contain nothing interesting to this government, or likely to change in any respect the state of our foreign relations, or the plan of domestic operations which have their origin in the presidential palace. It is supposed that the communications received by the British minister relates solely to the military expeditions setting out at Halifax. U. S. Gaz. (Fed.)
Mr. W. Pinkney has expressed a desire to return to the U. States from England, and it is supposed that he has obtained permission, and will leave England some time in February next. We question under existing circumstances, if there will be any public agent appointed, other than the U. States commercial agents. Col. Lyman, it is presumed, will act in London, as Mr. Erskine was in Madrid.
In the present state of estrangement, between the United States and Europe, we should not be surprised if Mr. Armstrong were likewise to return home; his health has obliged him to spend much of his time at the Bourbon Springs.
As Mr. Pinkney will return from Europe, in the early part of the year, we should not be surprised to learn, of one of our frigates being captured, instead of the private vessels hitherto sent with dispatches; and thus perform a double service. Aurora.
BRITISH OUTRAGE AND MURDER! By several gentlemen from the Eastward, we learn that a British armed Schooner landed a number of men on an Island near Castine, where a quantity of flour had been deposited, over which a guard had been set by the Collector. The Englishmen fired upon the guard, killed him in the street, took another prisoner, and carried off the flour! Upon information given to the Collector, he employed a vessel and a number of Volunteers, who sailed in pursuit of the Englishmen, found them at anchor in Fox Island, threw fire (so called) The Earl soon instantly cut their cables and crowded all sail; but were soon overhauled, vessel and crew taken, and carried into Castine, where they were under examination on Friday last, when our informant left that place. B. Argus.
Extract to the Editor of the Baltimore Whig.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 1. "The result of this day's proceedings in Congress, I think so interesting to the national character and independence of this country, that I hasten to inform you of it and make no delay for so doing."
"Mr. Binney spoke for some time in a sensible, argumentative manner, in reply to the remarks of Quincy and Randolph on the state of our foreign relations. The question was then put, Shall the first resolution of the committee pass? and it was carried without one dissenting voice. On the second resolution there was some talk, by Dana and Randolph, and the yeas and nays were called for by Dana—The result was, that 96 voted for and 26 against its passage—J. Randolph in the minority. The last resolution passed unanimously. The temper of the house as expressed is, for war."
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 3d of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected, the Board of Directors, at their last meeting, on the 29th ultimo, postponed the sale of SHARES belonging to delinquent subscribers, generally denominated Stock-Holder, which were advertised to be sold on that day: Resolved, That the Shares of delinquent holders which may be reported as such by the treasurer of this Company, on the 7th day of January next, be, on that day sold, at public auction, at the front door of the Swan Tavern in this city. NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, Clk.
december 6. [4 times]
NAP COTTONS & KERSEYS. The Subscriber has received a consignment of Nap Cottons and Kerseys, which he offers at a reduced price, for cash, or in short negotiable notes. ROBERT JOHNSTON.
december 6. [4 times]
LOST. from a waggon that left Richmond the 21st ult. for Louisa—A BOX containing 4 sacks of an octagon form for a China Press. A Reward of five dollars will be given any person delivering them to Frederick Harris of Louisa or to Webster, Poore & Presser, of Richmond. Dec. 6. [4 times]
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, a negro Lad, by the name of HANDEVILLE; he is about 17 years old, of dark complexion, slender make, and walks lame in consequence of having broken his thigh last spring. He has been seen lately in M. Chester, and I have reason to believe has been secreted by his grandmother, an old Gitty, who is well known in that place. Ten dollars and all expenses will be paid to any person who will deliver him to me, or commit him to jail, so that I get him again. W. BOLLING.
december 6. [4 times]
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. &c. For sale, a large supply of Men's and Youth's HATS, of the best quality. Do. do. common do. Men's fine Shoes and Dancing Pumps, Ladies Morocco and Kid Shoes, Philadelphia bottled Porter, by casks or dozen, Do. Draft Beer in casks, by D. J. BURR, 2d door above the Eagle. decembre 6. [4 times]
IN Henrico County Court, November 8, 1808. Wm. Taylor, Jr. Complainant against Price and McCutchen & Hugh Chambers Defendants . The defendants, Price and McCutchen, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered , That the said defendants, Price and McCutchen, do appear here on the third day of the next March term, & answer the complainant's bill; and that a copy of this Order be forthwith inserted in some one of the new-papers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the door of the court house of this county. A Copy. Teste, J. B. WHITLOCKE, Clerk. december 6. [4 times]
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 6, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE EASTERN STATES.
NO. II. LIKE the crisis of 1776. "these are the times which try men's souls." The same heroic sacrifices of private good, the same disinterested love of country, the same resolution to brave every thing for the rights and honor of America, are necessary to avert the gathering storms. Success establishes our greatest interests; Submission would have tarnished the honor, and surrendered the dearest rights of the country.
For what did we then contend with the hosts of Britain?—It was for the independence and rights of the United States. It was against the encroachments of an arrogant power, that presumed to tax us against our own consent.—We could have borne the tax of a few Pence on a Pound of Tea. It was not the oppression and weight of that requisition, that goaded these states to resistance.—It was because we had sagacity enough to see these measures "in their remotest consequences." We saw, that if a penny tax on Tea was once submitted to, all our lands, every article of our possessions, might be subjected to the realty of tribute. The very air, which we breathed, might be put under contribution for the benefit of the British Exchequer. It was because too, we had prudence enough to see, that if the principle of taxation was once permitted to make a breach in the constitution, all the means, and insignia of despotism, would enter in the train. Our representative assemblies would have vanished one after the other; & the British governors would have become the Lords of the Land.
For what are we now called upon to struggle with the powers of Europe? It is, that same nation, which had once roused us to opposition & war, has attacked us again. The independence and rights of these states are once more in danger. The same power, which once attempted to enslave us on the land, is now assuming our national sovereignty on the Ocean. That great highway of nations, which Great Britain neither cultivated nor cleared, is to be turned up for her own encroachment. Our flag must pay for the privilege of flying in any direction. Whole branches of trade, which she has hitherto recognized and respected, are now to be left off by one dash of the pen. The whole continent of Europe, with the exception of Sweden, is thrown under a fictitious blockade. Two thirds of our lawful commerce are destroyed by her sovereign direction. All our trade with France, Holland, Russia, and other countries, either in the colonial produce, or in the native productions of these states, is directly shut up; or it is opened on the express condition of paying an Algerine tribute on every bottom and cargo. All American vessels, that shall presume to go directly to or come from these great emporia of our commerce, are subject to capture & condemnation.—Or, they must pass to a British Custom-House and contribute a tax to the British Treasury, and purchase a licence to trade with their natural markets.—
The effect of these encroachments is not to be mistaken. Either a large portion of the profits of our trade would be abandoned without a struggle, or a vast number of our vessels will be swept into the Courts of the British Admiralty; enriching and rewarding the very power that dares to oppress us. The honor of our country likewise will be deeply tarnished. Europe will have reason to reproach us with being so mercenary a people, that the slightest prospect of emolument, the gain of a miserable cent, here or there, is a sufficient inducement for us to forego the most sacred rights. These evils of the present encroachments of G. Britain are infinitely more oppressive to us, than the tax of a few pence on colours or on tea to the heroes of our revolution. But these evils have not yet attained their acme. Submission would only ensure us a more extensive and complicated oppression. No man who is accustomed to the history of British tyranny, will ever believe, that there is mercy enough in the British administration to shield their suffering and submissive victim. There is nothing in the character of Americans which will entitle them to greater respect, than those who have suffered in the Green Fields of Ireland or on the plains of Hindostan. The present aggression of G. Britain then being tolerated, not a vestige of our fertile trade on the ocean can be reasonably expected to escape her insolence. Our ships, our exports, all our native as well as imported productions, all our branches of trade to her own ports or those of her enemy, may fall under her power by the provisions of subsequent orders. All our rights may perish one after the other, under colour of the same frivolous pretences, which she has hitherto employed; until at length no flag might be seen on the ocean, except the proud stripes of Great Britain, or the disgraced pendant of some foreign power, flying under the purchased protection of a British licence.
The pretences which she has urged for her present aggression are just as ridiculous in themselves, as these aggression are destructive of our rights. They show the real motive of this conduct, and the spirit which would thereafter guide the proceedings of G. Britain. These pretences are, that the U. S. have acquiesced in the usurpations of the Berlin decree. Nothing is evidently more hollow or hypocritical. Without even knowing of the intentions of the United States, she enacted her Orders of January 7. Although the French Decree had not been put in force against the neutral rights of the U. States, she enacted her orders of November. And although the President has lately rendered her a proposition, which would have removed even the semblance of an acquiescence in the French Decrees, since their application to the United States, yet has she rejected it with sarcastic contempt. All the late productions of her cabinet display the spirit by which she is moved. The author of the "Hints to Both Parties," has strongly enjoined the policy of retaining her Orders, even though France should repeal her Decrees; and of putting forth all her maritime strength for the acquisition of the supremacy of the Seas. Such is the real object of her late aggression. Her Orders are not so much intended to distress the resources of her enemy, as to accomplish the object, which I have previously explained; to build the prosperity of her own commerce upon the ruins of the rights of neutrals. But Great Britain is not the only power, that has violated our rights, and excites our resentment.—France too employs the same hollow pretences to justify similar aggression upon our rights. Her measures are more ludicrous than destructive. With scarce a single ship on the ocean, France has pre-
med to declare Great Britain in a state of blockade. She takes all our vessels and cargoes that are bound to the ports of her enemy, or that have been visited by their cruisers agreeably to the acknowledged laws of nations. But though the maritime power of France is almost a cypher—though the number of her cruisers is comparatively small—yet is the number of American vessels, that would be taken by her Decrees, too considerable not to require the utmost precaution. Amidst these unexampled aggression on the part of Europe, what course, fellow-citizens, are we to steer? Our rights are deeply invaded, as they were before our glorious revolution. But then we had only one nation to encounter, and gloriously did our fathers sustain the onset. Now, there are two nations that have assaulted and insulted us.—No discriminating mind can make a selection of the enemy, whom we should encounter, upon any principle of justice or with any expectation of uniting the whole nation in the war. And to war against a world, in arms, would be a dangerous experiment. To go into the war with both, on the expectation of inducing one of them to offer us satisfactory terms, might be fatal; because we cannot anticipate these terms. An alliance, offensive and defensive, is against our interests. To be compelled to preserve in an unnatural and execrable war, until the French are forced to surrender to the British, a promontory of Africa or an Island of the East-Indies, would be the worst of all infatuations. If then war cannot now be resorted to—if submission would be the grave of our honor and perhaps of our commercial rights, to what better expedient can we fly, than to the embargo and the non-intercourse system?—
You, Fellow-Countrymen of the East, will suffer by it.—But you have too much virtue, too much resolution, too much of the hereditary spirit of your brave fore-fathers, not to rally round the constituted authorities of your country. (No. three will appear as soon as possible.)
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATIONS!!
We had occasion in our last paper to contradict an assertion, in the Norfolk Ledger , respecting an alleged "mistake" of Mr. Madison.—Since writing that reply, we have seen the same assertions repeated in the New-York Evening Post , in the most gross and abusive terms. It is no longer a mere mistake in Mr. M. which many an honest man may have been supposed to make without any breach of morality. But in the columns of Mr. Coleman's paper, the mistake assumes a more serious aspect. The expressions of "breach of veracity," and "falsehood" meet us at every turn; and the nation is seriously called upon to contemplate "an instance of abandoned profligacy, such as will call down the execration of America, and excite the contempt and abhorrence of Mankind."
Let us pass over the emotions, which such attacks from such men upon such men are calculated to excite in every honest bosom—and come at once to the point.—We join issue with this doughty knight of the Gonze-quill . We pledge ourselves to prove to the satisfaction of every candid mind, that this man has not only shown the grossest ignorance, but what is worse, a direct committal in the most palpable and therefore wilful misrepresentation.
What is the charge? In what, has Mr. Madison been guilty of a "breach of veracity?" Let the accusing criminal speak for himself: "Mr. Mad. in the 10th paragraph of his letter of last March, to Mr. Erskine, makes the following statement. 'I state, sir, an undeniable authority, that the first instance, in which that decree (Imperial decree of 21st Nov.) was put in force against the neutral rights of the U. States was that of the Horizon , an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, but condemned under an exposition of the decree extending to the high seas its operation against neutrals.' Such is the assertion. I said it was not true."—And how does Mr. Coleman prove this point?—The following is extracted from a letter addressed by the highly respectable house of Homburg and Homburg, freres, to one of the first merchants of this city. This letter is addressed from Havre, 13th Sept. 1807, to John B. Murray, of New York, and states, that Capt. Hopkins of the brig Victory "on entering Cherbourg Roads went on board of the French frigate stationed there, to make the usual report to its captain, who demanded if he had not put in at any English port during his passage from America, and read to him the Imperial decree of the 21st November which pronounces confiscation in case of a false declaration—and that on the 9th inst. upwards of 400 bags of Sugar being already on shore, the Custom-House officers went on board, and seized the ship and cargo, because the captain had made a false report." It was not until April 27th, 1808, that on this ground the Victory and cargo were condemned under the Imperial Council of Prizes.
In this respect, therefore, the proof of Mr. Coleman's expression is false. Mr. Madison's expression is, "put in force" but putting in force or executing a decree, are very different things from a mere preliminary seizure of a vessel. But even admitting that Mr. C. is right in this confusion of different expressions—let the seizure of a vessel be supposed to be the same as her condemnation—the seizure of the Victory , though it had happened several days before the condemnation of the Horizon , will not avail him. For this purpose, the seizure of the one ought to have been made on the very same grounds with the condemnation of the other—whereas it was made on principles essentially different. The former was made on the ground, that the Berlin decree of Nov. 21st, had a municipal effect; the latter on the ground, that it extended to the high seas.
Mr. Madison's expression is, that there was no instance, previous to that of the Horizon , in which this decree had been "put in force against the neutral rights of the U. States."—Is Mr. C. so ignorant as to say, that the case of the brig Victory did actually violate the neutral rights of the United States? It has not France, has not every nation a right to pass such laws for the regulation of its own ports, as it thinks proper, consistently with the obligations of treaties; to declare what vessels or what cargoes shall enter its ports; what circumstances shall prevent those vessels from entering its ports; and what penalties, at least as far as the confiscation of the vessel and cargo, shall attend the violation of these laws? If any nation has a right to pass these laws, how can any other nation reproach it with a violation of its own neutral rights?—If France should declare that no American vessel should enter her ports which had touched at an English port, and that it is made a false declaration in this
respect, the vessel and cargo should suffer the penalty of confiscation; who will presume to charge this upon France, as any violation of the neutral rights of the U. S.? It is, when France stretching this power into the high seas, pretends to seize any vessel on those seas, without the limits of her territorial jurisdiction, that she commits an aggression upon the neutral rights of America. The latter however is the principle of the case of the Horizon ; the former is the case of the Victory .
Where then are those proofs of a "breach of veracity" in Mr. Madison's letter? Where, Mr. Coleman's pompous & ridiculous charges against him? They vanish at the slightest touch.—And now what becomes of the accuser? The discriminating reader, who scans these circumstances, will award him the Birch—rather than the Bays. The accuser must exchange places with the accused. And upon William Coleman will recoil, if not the charge of a breach of veracity, at least the misfortune of the most sovereign ignorance.
It would be well for him indeed if he could escape with this sentence only. But a more serious charge awaits him, from which it is just as impossible for him to escape. That charge is, the direct adoption of a gross misrepresentation. "He was aware," says this candid logician, "that the charge [of falsehood] was open to a sort of answer, founded on a pretended distinction between captures on the high seas, and seizures in the ports of France;—and that he had reserved, for a separate paper, a different view of the subject, in which Mr. Madison should have been allowed the advantage here suggested, and thus been permitted to clear his reputation of a breach of veracity at the expence of incurring infinitely deeper guilt. That labour, however has been done for him, in a manner he could not hope to improve by a learned correspondent who had just sent him the communication which he then introduced to the public." He compares his countrymen to read it, and to read it attentively, that they may "behold how treacherously and traitorously (our public ministers) have leagued in the base and flagitious design of sacrificing the rights and interests of their own Country to France." The Communication then follows, under the signature of "AN AMERICAN," who after complimenting Mr. Coleman for his exposure of Mr. Madison's "deviation from truth" by the facts relative to the brig Victory , seems to admit that "a nation, which has not by any act limited its power, may establish and cause to be executed such laws, within its territories, as may be thought expedient." He however, attempts to shew, that the benefit of this principle will not avail the defenders of Mr. Madison; because France, had actually "limited its power," by the 12th Article of the Convention of 1800, made with the United States.
We have more than once refuted this position. We overthrew it in some strictures which we made within a few weeks past on some remarks of Mr. Bronson, the Editor of the "United States Gazette" who had taken this very untenable ground. We carefully probed it, in a series of remarks, published in the Enquirer of December 4th, 1807; in which we established beyond dispute the distinction between the municipal and high-sea effect of the Berlin Decree, & proved that the former was no violation of any one Article of the French Convention. We shall republish these Remarks. They will disprove another position, which "An American" has taken, that the arguments in favour of this distinction had not found its way into the public papers of this country; until Mr. Pinkney's letter, describing his conferences with Mr. Canning on this very subject, had been laid before Congress.
And in what way does "An American" and his squire W. C. establish the inconsistency between the municipal effect of the decree and the 12th article of the convention?—Why, he takes this article, and throws it into the form of distinct propositions, taking care to make one of these propositions at variance with the decree. Let the reader examine this analysis; he will be astonished at the impudent misrepresentation, which is presented of this article of the convention.—The only relevant part of it is this:
The Article. "It shall be lawful for the citizens of either country to sail with their ships and merchandise, (contraband goods always excepted) from any port whatever, to any port of the enemy of the other, and to sail and trade with their ships and merchandise, with perfect security and liberty, from the countries, ports, and places of those who are enemies of both, or of either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever; & to pass not only directly, from the places & ports of the enemy aforesaid, to neutral ports and places, but also from one place, belonging to an enemy, to another place, belonging to an enemy, whether they be or be not under the jurisdiction of the same power, unless such ports or places shall be actually blockaded, besieged, or invested."
Now hear his resolution of this article into Proportions. 1. "That the citizens of the U. States may now sail with their ships, and merchandise, (contraband goods excepted) from any port whatever, to any port of England" (Granted; the municipal part of the decree does not infringe this permission.) 2. "That they may, with perfect liberty and security, sail and trade with their ships and merchandise, from the ports of England not only to any neutral port" (So far granted; with the same comment as above) but 3. "That they may sail with their ships and merchandise, directly from the ports of England to the ports of France, and also from the ports of France to the ports of England except such of them as shall be actually blockaded."—The first part of this proposition, which is the only relevant one of the whole set, in the present dispute, is palpably and directly false. It is a complete misrepresentation of the article, as any honest mind can perceive by comparing the one with the other. This article, merely stipulates for the freedom of trade, from any port whatever, to any port whatever of the enemy—and not from an enemy's port to a French port—the only case in dispute. But it is always true with most of the Federal Editors. It is by such trash & such misrepresentations that they attempt to excite an opposition to the administration by imposing upon the understandings of the people. They are like toads, who breathe and live upon the vapour & foulness of a dagon. Unlike these animals in one respect, they wear not the precious jewels in their head!
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated December 2, to the Editor of the Enquirer. This moment the Senate decided upon
the resolution of Mr. Hillhouse to repeal the Embargo laws, 6 years, 2/3 nos.
AYES —Messrs. Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Pickering and White.
NOES —Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Coddington, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Matthews, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, of New-York, Smith, of Tennessee, Sumpter, Tarsiton, Tiffin and Turner.
The debates on this important question have been the most ingenious & the most able of any which perhaps have been since the adoption of the Constitution. The subject being one in which the interest of the country appeared to be deeply involved, and consequently, the popularity of the individual friends and foes of the resolution, the most efforts were made on both sides not only to preserve their popularity at this important crisis, but also to convince the public mind that the opinion entertained by them of the embargo was the only correct opinion which could be entertained upon the subject.
Mr. Giles's celebrated speech on this subject is to be out on Sunday or Monday next, in the pamphlet form and you shall have a copy of it.
EXTRACT of a letter from a Captain in N. York to his correspondent in this City. "I know several clever fellows, managers of vessels, and good republicans, with large families that have not got a cent to bless themselves with. These are the people the Tories get to infringe on the embargo laws, knowing their distress they offer them handsome perquisites, which they from necessity accept of. I have known three instances of this since the Embargo; but being well assured that distress drove the masters to it, I forbear giving any information of it. Thank God, I am not reduced to that yet."
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
Having formed a quorum yesterday; proceeded to the appointment of a Clerk.—Mr. Wyatt (of Charlotte) nominated Mr. James Pleasants, jun. who was elected without opposition.
Mr. Walker, (of Mecklenburg) then nominated Hugh Nelson, Esq. as speaker, who was appointed without opposition, & conducted by Messrs. Walker & Wyatt to the chair, from which he delivered a short speech appropriate to the occasion.
Henry Moss, Esq. was appointed sergeant at arms.
The former Door-Keepers were appointed, except Henry Southall, jr. in the place of Furner Southall, dec'd.
A writ of Election was ordered for the county of Essex, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Carter Wood, Esq. Also, for the county of Montgomery to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of John McHenry, Esq.
Leave was given to bring in a bill for the county of Amherst, to supply the vacancy occasioned by Mr. Garland's acceptance of the office of Register of the Land-Office.—(Nelson county having been taken off from Amherst since the election.)
The House adjourned till this day twelve o'clock.
The Senate formed a Quorum.—Robert Taylor, Esq. of Orange was re-elected speaker. Theodorus Hansford, Clerk; Mr. Denham, Sergeant at arms; and Mr. Hicks, Door-keeper.
Mr. A. Smith (new member from the district of Wythe &c.) informed the house that he had accepted an appointment in the military department under the U. States, but had not received any commission—under these circumstances, he must leave the Senate to determine whether he was or was not a member. Should it be their opinion that he was not entitled to his seat, he wished a writ for a new election to issue.
On the motion of Mr. Currie, the question was laid over for future decision. The House adjourned till this day at 12 o'clock.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST. —In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or causing the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house.
He deems it unnecessary to say anything concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. Mr. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality for sale. Nov. 29. [1m]
NOTICE. —That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "An act concerning the sale of Property under executions and incumbrances," I shall, on Saturday, the 7th day of January next, upon the premises, expose to sale, by public auction, for ready money, the BRICK TENEMENTS, and the Ground thereto belonging, as now occupied by Messrs. Wooster, Poore & Presser, and John B. Walton, opposite the City Hotel, in this city; or so much thereof, as may be necessary to satisfy D. M. Call, Esq. acting Executor of Robt. Meigs, dec'd. the several sums of money now due, and unpaid under the said deed. SAMUEL MCRAW, Trustee. december 6. [4 times]
THE 20th of November, is the day for the commencement of the LECTURES on LAW, in the College of William & Mary. 3.

DOMESTIC.
LEGISLATIVE PROTEST OF THE MINORITY IN MASSACHUSETTS.
The undersigned, members of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, dissent from the joint Order of the Senate and House of Representatives, passed in Senate, the 13th November, 1808, directing an appointment of Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. States, to be made by both houses in convention.
First—Because the constitution of the United States provides, that each State shall appoint Electors "in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct," thereby referring to the respective State Constitutions, for the forms of legislation; and the constitution of this Commonwealth declares, that no bill or resolve of the Senate and House of Representatives, shall become a law, and have force as such, until it shall have been laid before the Governor for his revision; that it may be approved by him, or returned with his objections; in which case, it does not become a law, unless repassed by two thirds of each house. This is the only mode of legislation authorized by the Constitution.
A legislative direction, being an act of legislation, must, like other laws, be passed in this form. To effect it in any other way, would, in our opinion, be an evasion of the principle of the qualified negative, vested by the Constitution in the Governor, an infringement of his rightful authority, an interruption of the constitutional balance of power, and an outrage upon the People in the person of their elected Chief Magistrate.
Secondly—Because the Order from which we dissent, not only directs the appointment of Electors, but also prescribes the place and time of their meeting, and their proceedings; and even authorises them, in certain cases, to appoint other Electors and give them certificates of their appointment. An act purporting to produce these unequivocal effects of a law, without being laid before the Governor for his revision, is, in our view, clearly unconstitutional and void.
Thirdly—Because it is an unreasonable and dangerous innovation upon the established usage of this Commonwealth; the manner of appointing Electors at all former elections, having been directed by a resolve passed in the usual mode of legislation. It is unreasonable, inasmuch, as the Governor, who represents the People at large, must be supposed to have been intended by his constituents, when they elected him, to have, exercise, and enjoy, the same power in this respect, as all former Governors; and it is dangerous, as a precedent, which, if established, may lead to further evasions and encroachments upon one Department of Government upon another.
Fourthly—Because a choice by the people ought to be preferred, as it best comports with the letter and spirit of the constitution, that each State, shall appoint the Elector, in such manner, as the Legislature thereof shall direct; as there is good reason to believe, this is the sense in which the Constitution was generally understood at the time of its adoption: as it is conformable to the habits of the people of this Commonwealth, and their sentiments indicated on former occasions; as the present Legislature cannot be presumed to have been elected by their constituents with a view to the exercise of this power, there being no previous law for that purpose, and the general usage being different; and as a choice by the people is emphatically required by our State institutions, there being many towns, districts and plantations, whose inhabitants are not, and cannot be represented in the House of Representatives, but who are entitled, in common, with their brethren, to vote in an election by the people.
For these reasons, we dissent from the vote of the Senate, adopting the said Order, and SOLEMNLY PROTEST against any proceedings in pursuance thereof; and request, that this our Dissent and Protest may be entered on the journals of the Senate.
Signed by 17 Members. Boston, November 18. MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
We have no room for the particulars of the two last days proceedings. The subject of the greatest consequence was the following: RESOLUTIONS.
The committee appointed to consider, "Whether it be expedient for this Legislature to adopt any measures with a view to procure a repeal of the laws of the United States, interdicting to the citizens all foreign Commerce, and imposing vexatious embarrassments on the Coasting Trade; to relieve the people of this commonwealth from their present distressed state, and to arrest the progress of that ruin, which threatens to involve all classes of their community," ask leave to report:
That the committee perceive with the most serious regret, that the distresses occasioned by the general laws imposing an embargo have borne with extreme and increasing pressure upon the people, and every day's experience justifies a belief, that a continuance of these laws must soon become intolerable.
As measures of coercion, they are now acknowledged to be altogether impotent. They afford satisfaction to France, and are regarded as ineffectual demonstrations of a hostile disposition by Great-Britain. Upon our own country, their effects are becoming daily and palpably more injurious. The produce of our agriculture, of our forests, and our fisheries is excluded altogether from every foreign market: our merchants and mechanics are deprived of employment; our coasting trade interrupted & harassed by grievous embarrassments; and our foreign trade is becoming diverted into channels from which there is no prospect of its return. The sources of our Revenue are dried up, and government must soon resort to direct taxation. Our sailors are forced to expatriate themselves—Strong temptations are afforded to systematical evasions of the laws, which tend to corrupt the spirit of honorable commerce, and will materially injure the public morals. In fact, the evils which are menaced by a continuance of this policy, are so enormous and deplorable; the suspension of commerce is so contrary to the habits of our people, and so repugnant to their feelings and interests, that they must soon become intolerable, and endanger our domestic peace, and the Union of these states. As the embargo laws have been the cause of the public distress, your committee are of opinion, that no equal permanent or effectual relief can be afforded to the citizens of this commonwealth, but by the repeal of these laws. They persuade themselves that the congress of the United States must be fully impressed with a sense of the total inefficacy of these laws for any valuable purposes, and of their direct tendency to the most serious consequences. Your committee therefore trust that Congress will not fail to repeal them. In this circumstance, your committee are of opinion, that upon this subject, the Legislature should, in its present session, confine itself to a repeated disapprobation of the laws interdicting foreign commerce, and to instructing our senators, and requesting our representatives in Congress, to use their utmost exertions to procure their repeal.
Your Committee might probably have contented themselves with the preceding remark, had not the late message of the President of the United States excited the most serious alarm; which in the present critical state of the country they conceive it a duty to express. They perceive with the most painful regret, that in the estimation of the President of our country is now presented with the only alternative of a continued embargo, or a ruinous war; but they cannot hesitate to express their equal belief that the
wisdom of the Government may yet find means to avoid the necessity of electing between these great public calamities. If, however, this severe necessity exists in regard to Great-Britain, they are led by the Message to presume it results, in a great measure if not entirely, from the determination of the Executive to adhere to the proclamation of July, 1807, interdicting all British ships of war from the waters of the U. States; which has been, and as we infer from the message, is still deemed by the British government a measure so inhospitable and offensive, if not hostile in its character, as to form an insuperable obstacle to amicable adjustment. Upon this delicate and important subject the Committee are far from asserting, that the attack on the frigate Chesapeake did not justify the original issuing of this proclamation, and enforcing it so long as the injury might be presumed to have the sanction of the British government. But as this violation of neutral rights was promptly and explicitly disavowed by the Sovereign of the aggressor, before the remonstrances of the measures of our government could be known; as the right to search our national ships was expressly disclaimed, and a special envoy deputed for the professed object of making to our government a full, satisfactory, and public reparation on the single condition of a previous revocation of this proclamation: your Committee are constrained to declare their opinions, that such a revocation, under such circumstances, would not have involved any dishonorable concession, nor an abandonment of any just right or pretension, but would have been a full, reasonable and magnanimous pledge of the sincerity of the American Govt to restore the accustomed relations of peace and amity between the two countries. The course must have compelled the B. Envoy to have offered that ample and honorable reparation, which would have been deemed by our own nation and by the world, an adequate atonement for the outrage; or have justified, in the event of its refusal, not only the renewal of the proclamation, but the adoption of measures of the most vigorous and hostile description.
But even on the presumption that the course adopted by the government, in refusing to revoke the Proclamation as a preliminary to an adjustment of that controversy be sanctioned by the usages of nations, and the justice of our claims; your committee are still of opinion that a punctilious adherence to diplomatic forms and precedent should not be maintained, at the risk of war, by a nation whose genius and policy are pacific; and which while justly jealous of the national honor and independence, looks principally to the substantial security of the blessings, and regards as insignificant those petty contentions which originate in courtly pride and vanity, frequently terminate in bloody wars. And they therefore think that this Proclamation ought not, in the present situation of Europe and this country, to remain as the only, or even as the principal barrier to the restoration of our amicable relations with the British Nation.
Your Committee therefore ask leave to report the following Resolutions: Resolved, That the Senators of this Commonwealth in Congress be instructed, and the Representatives thereof requested to use their most strenuous exertions to procure an immediate repeal of the various laws imposing an Embargo on the ships and vessels of the United States; as the only equal and effectual means of affording permanent relief to the citizens of this Commonwealth from the aggravated evils which they now experience.
Resolved, That although this Legislature would cheerfully support the government in the prosecution of a just and necessary war, yet they cannot perceive the necessity intimated in the Message of the President to Congress, of continuing the Embargo, or resorting to war; that it is not the policy of the United States to engage in a controversy with any nation, upon points of diplomatic usage, or equivocal rights, provided substantial reparation for injuries can be obtained; and that the revocation of the Proclamation interdicting the British ships of war from our waters ought not in the opinion of the Legislature to be deemed an inadmissable preliminary which should obstruct the adjustment of the controversy between the U. States and G. Britain.
In the House of Representatives, Nov. 15, 1808, Read and corrected—Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. In Senate Nov. 16, 1808. Read and concurred. H. G. OTIS, President.
The Resolutions were carried in the House yeas 236 nays 147. Majority 89. They are now with the Governor, and the Legislature meet this day to receive them with his signature or objections. The court rises to day.
ANSWER OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VERMONT, TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.
[Passed by a Majority of Seventeen.]
Fernit the General Assembly to assure your excellency, that the person, who is invited by the suffrages of a free people, to preside over us as chief magistrate, will always be entitled to our esteem and respect; and while, with you, we are sensible, that no man can expect to retire from public life without censure, we cannot but express our desire, that among the rulers of the earth, your administration may prove the least exceptionable.
We agree with your excellency, and we do not wish to have it concealed, that the civil and political interests of our constituents, have been considerably affected by a late law of the general government. And while, with you, we regret that the character of any of our citizens, should be stained by the conduct of a few avaricious, self-interested and designing men, we still more regret, that neither the conduct of belligerent Europe, from the year 1793 to 1808, by their infringements of neutral commerce, the impressment and murder of our seamen, nor the united patriotism of Americans, could induce a strict observance of a law, on which, depended the honor, independence and tranquility of the American nation; and which was wisely laid without limitation, by which, foreign nations were taught that the repeal of the law depended on the removal of the causes which produced it. We cannot but consider the law alluded to as necessarily inflicting on our country, severe privations, while the measures employed to enforce it, cannot fail to create considerable expense; yet we feel a dignified pleasure, that this, the only practical measure that could have averted the dangers and horrors of a war, with one or more of the contending nations of Europe, has been patiently submitted to, by every well informed and well disposed citizen; and that the great body of our fellow-citizens of this, and the United States, united with us, as well in our consolations and pleasures, as in our unavoidable privations. Under these impressions, we cannot but deeply lament, that among the people of our own country, generally accustomed to honest industry, and blessed with a government, which, as long as prudence and safety dictated, had permitted them freely to vend the fruits of their labor and honest enterprise, for their own comfort and emolument, there should any be found so destitute of patriotism, as to attempt, for the acquisition of wealth, or some more reprehensible object, not only by fraud, but in open defiance of the laws, to defeat their wholesome provisions; or by their treasonable opposition to the government of their choice, deprive their dutiful brethren of life, and expose themselves to an ignominious & untimely death. It is also to be lamented, that such a contempt for the civil authority should be manifested, as to render a resort to military force necessary.
We reciprocate the sentiment, that by the adoption of the late measures, a strong appeal has been made to our patriotism; a principle, which we confidently believe, sufficiently animates the breasts of a great majority of the American people to protect them from foreign invasion, inconvenience, and thereby insure their lasting and permanent interests; and although the prospects of the laborer are in some measure disappointed, we have the pleasing consolation, that if the produce of our soil is prohibited from exportation for a season, it will, in the end, excite to the most useful and honorable enterprise, by diverting much unemployed capital, in the establishment of home manufactures and in the promotion of internal improvements.
We join with you, sir, in the hope that the period is not far distant, when the laws, laying an embargo, may, with prudence and safety, be repealed; but believing that the good people of this state, will cheerfully endure any privations rather than to submit to the impositions of France and England, we shall be the last to urge a repeal, before it can be accomplished, without sacrificing the honor, or essential interest of our country.
Your excellency may rest assured, that our endeavors will be united in enacting just and equal laws, and in our appointments to office, a strict regard will be paid to wisdom and virtue; and while we bestow our favors on the wise and prudent, we shall be careful to withhold them from those, (if any there be) who violate and disregard the constitution and laws of their country.
Conformable to the sentiments of the patriotic commendations, and in concurrence with your recommendation, a careful and vigilant attention shall be paid to the interests of the militia, who, for their fidelity and promptitude in support of the laws will claim our warmest gratitude.
With a faithful observance of those principles of economy, which you have so justly recommended, the subject of the State Banks, and State Prison, together with such other matters, as you have, or may hereafter communicate, shall claim our early and assiduous attention; and we cordially unite in reposing special reliance on the great Parent of Nations, that our joint labors may be directed for the public good, and crowned with success.
IN COUNCIL, November 28, 1808—The Governor and Council, pursuant to the first section of the act of assembly, "to amend an act entitled an act to amend an act entitled an act for appointing Electors to choose a President & Vice-President of the United States," having examined the returns from the Commissioners of the several counties, appointed and commissioned in conformity with the directions of the aforesaid act of Assembly, do hereby advertise and make known, that the names and places of abode of the twenty-four persons having the greatest number of votes throughout the state as Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States for the state of Virginia, are as follows, viz:
Joseph Godwin, Senr. Nansemond, Benjamin Harrison, Prince George, Edward Pegram, Senr. Dinwiddie, Richard Field, Brunswick, Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte, Joseph Eggleston, Amelia, Hugh Nelson, Albemarle, Col. George Penn, Patrick, Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City, Spencer Roane, Hanover, John Roane, King William, Robert Taylor, Orange, Gustavus B. Horner, Fauquier, Robert Nelson, York, Mann Page, Gloucester, Richard Barnes, Richmond County, John T. Brooke, Stafford, Hugh Holmes, Frederick, Osborne Spencer, Hampshire, James Lyon, Shenandoah, Archibald Stuart, Augusta, Andrew Russell, Washington, Gen. John Preston, Montgomery, William McKinley, Ohio.
Attest, D. L. HYLTON, C. C. JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR—At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [H]
DUDLEY CHACE, Speaker.
LAMBERT, ONE OF THE LIVING WONDERS OF THE WORLD, is represented in the celebrated Museum of
WAX-WORK,
Now exhibiting at the Tavern of Mr. Brooks, opposite the Enquirer Printing Office.—This remarkable person is now living in London, aged 36, and weighs upwards of Seven Hundred lb.—It is proved to a demonstration, by persons who have seen the original, that he is represented to the life.
The death of LORD NELSON, surrounded by his Officers in his dying moments, is the greatest master piece ever exhibited.
JASON FAIRBANKS in the act of murdering ELIZA FALES, his Sweet-Heart.—This striking representation calls forth the pity and horror from the human breast. This Museum is comprised of thirty selected Figures, from the first collection in America, which are particularly described in hand-bills. Nov. 25. [Fowt3v]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber will continue his SCHOOL at Mr. Wm. D. Taylor's, in the Forks of Hanover, which will commence the 9th day of January next, where he will teach youth to Read and Write, the English and Latin Languages Grammaticaly, and will also instruct them in Arithmetic and Geography. Mr. Taylor will furnish board for sixteen pupils. The terms of Board and Tuition will be ninety dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly, if Mr. Taylor furnishes board, bed and candles; but where the pupil finds his own bed, washing, mending and candles, a deduction of ten dollars will be made. The terms of tuition alone, will be twenty dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly. Particular attention will be paid to the health and morals of such pupils as may be entrusted to the care and instruction of the Subscriber. HENRY ROBINSON. Nov. 25. [Fowt91]
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to— WINSTON & PRIDDY. Nov. 1. [Fowt6]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us by Miller Waddill, of Prince Edward county, bearing date the 16th May, 1808, for the purpose of securing to Sterling Smith, and to Sterling Smith & Co. sums of money therein expressed: We shall, on Wednesday, the 21st December next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day,) at the Tavern of Sterling Smith, in Jamesstown, proceed to sell, for ready money, the following SLAVES, to wit: LUCE and her children, WINNER and TAYLOR, or as many of them as may be sufficient to discharge the purposes of said deed. JAMES DICK, (Jnr.) TRUSTEES. WILLIAM WHITE, [A4v]
JOSEPH BOYCE, Jr. (at the late Insurance Office from Fire, on the Governor's Hill,) having commenced the BOOK-BINDING business, respectfully solicits the favor of his friends and the public, and begs leave to assure them that any work committed to his care, shall be neatly and faithfully executed. N. B. Merchants Journals and Ledgers, Records, Sheriffs' Books, and Books of all descriptions, ruled and bound to any pattern, on the shortest notice.
Blank and ruled Books, for sale, at Mr. Pritchard's Book-Store, opposite to the Post-Office, where all orders to the above address, will be duly attended to. Nov. 23. [law3v]
MR. WM. E. WEBB, Administrator of Benjamin Edwards, decd. North-Carolina—Since—Please to take notice, that on the second Monday in January next, I shall take the deposition of Mr. Spencer Bell, Jr. of Northumberland county, in Virginia, at the court-house of said county, at the Tavern occupied by Joseph Rogers, at that place, to be used as evidence in the suit depending in chancery in the United States circuit court, held in Richmond for the district of Virginia, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. CHARLES J. LOVE. Nov. 18. [H]
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.—The annual meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Mr. Brooks's Tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next:—Special matters of business, important to the interest of the company, require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that each member as cannot attend in person, will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, CLK. Nov. 8. [Hdm]
JUST received from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATHER, consisting of—Waxed Calf-Skins, Cowhide, Fair-Top, and Cordovan Best Legs, Starting, Roundings, and Skins. For sale, at low price by D. S. LURR. Nov. 18. [law2v]
GORDON, TROOKS & Co. have put a stop to the sale of their GOODS, on the long credits heretofore given; and are desirous to close, as soon as possible, the debts due to them, and the former firm of R. Gordon & Co.—Those indebted to them, who are unable to make immediate payment, are requested to close their accounts by bond. They offer for sale their assortment of DRY GOODS & GROCERIES, for cash, or on short credit to punctual people. Nov. 22. [law1v]
FOR SALE, 387 Hhls. upper Inspected TOBACCO, 1000 lbs. Soot LEATHER, 40 Tierces common WHISKEY, 8 Casks real old rectified Do., 10 Tons country bar IRON, by WM. W. DICKENSON. Nov. 22. [Hm]
NOTICE.—In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digggs, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Brigg-house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1755, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Machael, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1793, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farley or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Petersburg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, place of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGS, Esq. Warrenton, Fauquier, Maryland. GEO: W. KIGGS, George-Town. [Sm]
JUST LANDING from the ship Trident, from Canton via New-York, and for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery Store, between Messrs. Kirby, Drake and Taylor's Store, and Messrs. Gallego, Richard & Co. Fresh Gunpowder Tea in 21 lb. lead canisters. Do. do. Eshing do. in 14 lb. boxes. Do. do. do. single pound. Do. Imperial do. Do. Hyson Gomey, Hyson Chulang & best Hyson, Do. Young Hyson and Hyson Skin, Do. Souchong Patre and common Souchong, all warranted to be very good. Also a few tea and coffee Sets, elegant and high gilt Seive Porcelain, some sparkling Champagne, and Burgundy du Clos de Vaugen, Cleretand Cote Rotie, of the very best quality. AUBIN LAFORCE. Nov. 15. [law6v]
WILLIAM SCOTT begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has commenced the BOOT & SHOE cleaning business, in the little wood House of Col. Bullock, to the left of his brick lumber-houses, and opposite the Basin, where he will be ready to accommodate gentlemen at all hours. He has on hand a quantity of the first quality Liquid Blacking for sale at 6d per bottle, he will also clean Boot-Tops of any color at 3d. per p. Nov. 25. [Fowt5v]
FOR SALE—On the second Wednesday in December next, I shall offer for sale, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, the following high bred BROOD MARES, COLTS & a FILLY, &c. No. 1. DIDO, by the imported horse Shark, out of a full bred Medley mare, eighteen years old. No. 2. FIDGET, by Bell Air, her dam Blueskin—Blueskin was by the much admired imported horse Clockfast, &c. 8 years old. No. 3. ROSINA, by the imported horse Diomed, out of No. 1, three years old. No. 4. TREASURE, by Diomed, out of No. 2, three years old. No. 5. BUZZARD, by the imported horse Buzzard, out of Hebe by Dare Devil—Hebe's dam by Medley, &c. No. 6. BLUEBEARD, a colt dropped last spring, by the famous horse Archduke, out of No. 2. No. 7. WOOD-PECKER, a Colt dropped last spring, by the celebrated Horse Florizel, out of No. 1. Terms of Sale—One half cash, the other in 6 months. E. SMOCK. Nov. 18. [law6v]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Elijah Dickinson to Wm. Lawrence, on the 18th day of February, 1802, and duly recorded in Louisa court, to secure the payment of a sum of money, and interest therein specified, due to Ludlow and Nimrod Bramham: Will be sold, to answer the purposes specified in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Louisa court house, on the 22d day of December next, one negro man TOM, and one negro woman PATTY. The title to these negroes is believed to be good, but as I only act as trustee, I shall convey only such title as is vested in me. WM. G. POINDEXTER, Trustee appointed by decree of Louisa Court, to act instead of Wm. Lawrence, decd. Nov. 18. [law4v]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber intends to continue his SCHOOL the ensuing year, at the Green Springs in Louisa county, where a course of Education, embracing the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages will commence on the 9th of January. This healthy situation, entirely removed from every kind of vice, offers particular advantages to gentlemen who live in town, (too commonly the seats of dissipation,) or to the unhappy parts of the lower country, and wish to have their sons educated without incurring the risk of having their morals corrupted or their health impaired. The subscriber will pay the strictest attention, both to the morals and education of his pupils, which he will be enabled to do at all times, as none will be admitted, except such as live with him in the boarding-house, kept by Col. Morris, exclusively for the accommodation of the boys. The subscriber has in a former publication, produced testimonials of his attention & qualifications as a Tutor, which will, upon application, be enclosed to any person wishing to entrust pupils to his care. The terms will be, for board $28 per annum, (each boarder finding his own bed,) washing and mending $4 and tuition $10—One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. No scholar will be admitted for a shorter term than one year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post Office, Amelie county. FRANCIS T. SLATY. Nov. 4. [law1v]
WANTED as a Tutor in a private family a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic—Apply to the Printer. Nov. 15. [H]
WANTED to rent, a small FARM, in the neighborhood of Richmond, containing from 150 to 200 acres, with a house suitable for a small family. For such a one, will be given a liberal rent. Enquire at this office. Nov. 25. [H]
ON Saturday the 10th day of Dec. next, will be sold, at public auction, the following HOUSES & LOTS to wit: The Tenement lately occupied by Mrs. Byrd, with ground on the cross street opposite to Dr. McClurg's lot, sufficient for a carriage house and stable. The Tenement now occupied by Miss Bennett, adjoining the former. Also, two Brick Tenements on the main street, leading from the turnpike road to the Swan Tavern, & 40 feet of unimproved Ground, lying between said houses and the one occupied by Mrs. Vannett. The terms of sale will be, one-fourth in 6 months, another fourth in 12 months, and the remainder in 2 & 3 years. THOS. NORVELLY. Nov. 18. [H]
N. B. Any person wishing to purchase the above property at private sale, will be pleased to apply to T. N.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, Sept. 14. [H]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber (residing in the county of Hanover, about 30 miles from Richmond,) having employed Mr. Wm. Nelson, Jr. to instruct a small number of boys, including his children, purpose on taking a few boarders, in order to make up the SCHOOL. Mr. Nelson has in his possession the most satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications as a Teacher of the following branches of Education, viz: The Greek and Latin Languages, English Grammar, Mathematics, the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Belles Lettres, Geography with the use of the Globes, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. His price for Board, Tuition, Washing, Fuel, &c is $30, payable quarterly in advance. The School will commence on Monday the 9th of January next, and expire the 1st of December following. WILLIAM FONTAINE. November 23. [H]
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lesser's new Wharf: 23 Crates Earthen Ware, 25 Hhds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens. IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 tierces green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Sugars, 8 bags Rice, Ginger, Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. Nov. 4. [H]
DESERTED—from the service of the United States, on the 8th instn., a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON—30 years of age, 5 feet 11 1/2 inches high, a swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour, blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt; and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES, 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; unknown hair—which spoken to has a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer—He wore a round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DILLARD, Col. 5th U. S. Reg. Infantry. Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [H]
AWAY from the Subscriber, on Saturday, the 8th of this month, 2 NEGROES; a gal, the name of Clancy, fifteen years of age, and a man by the name of Zake, about thirty years of age, bred on each other's B. L. and his left leg much larger than his right, with a few nails on it. A liberal reward shall be given to any person that will deliver them to me, or secure them that I get them again. CHARLES HUDSON. Butcher's Creek, Mecklenburg county, November 15. [law6v]