The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-06-16 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16, 1802.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer
OPPOSITE
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Main Street Richmond.
TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO
A constant supply of STATIONARY.
June 24, 1802.
CALL'S REPORTS,
SECOND VOLUME.
District of Virginia, to wit:
BE it remembered, that on the Twenty-Fourth Day of May, in the Twenty-Sixth Year of the Independence of the United States of America, DANIEL CALL of the said District hath deposited in this Office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following to wit: "Reports of cases argued and adjudged, in the Court of Appeals of Virginia, by Daniel Call." In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States intitled, "An Act for encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned."
WILL. MARSHALL, Clerk of the District of Virginia.
*** The above Work will be published in the course of the present Year. Price to Subscribers Four Dollars. Subscriptions received at the Printing Office of Thomas Nicholson.
City of Richmond;
IN COMMON HALL,
May 26, 1802.
DOCTORS Cringan and M'Caw, having rendered their services to inoculate the Poor of this City for the COW POX gratis, Resolved, that the Constables be directed to notify the same to the Poor, in their respective Districts, without delay. If the other Physicians in this City should think proper to inoculate the Poor gratis, and will give information thereof to the Mayor, he will direct the Constables to notify the Poor within their several Districts thereof. And that the Printers in this City be requested to insert this Resolution in their respective Newspapers.
Copy Teste.
ADAM CRAIG. C. C. H. C. R.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS a false report has been in circulation, that during the time I was Constable of this City, I had taken accounts for collection, and had made use of the money. I therefore acquaint all those, who may have claims on me, to come forward before the 10th of June next, and receive payment, as I intend to leave the State about that time; and it is my desire, that Mr. John Taylor, my security to my Bond as Constable, may be exonerated and discharged.
Richmond,
May 20, 1802.
JOHN HARRISON.
N. B. A great number of accounts which were put in my hands for collection, are now in possession of Mr. John Taylor, to whom persons will apply and withdraw the same.
J. H.
Mrs. Booth, and Co.
HAVE JUST RECEIVED,
By the ship Octavo, from London, an
Elegant assortment of
MILLENERY.
LIKEWISE
FASHIONABLE DRESSES,
Of all descriptions, now open for Sale at their house, next door to Mr. ROBERT MITCHELL'S, near the Market.
May 14th. 1802.
WANTED, As an Apprentice,
To the Printing Business,
A Young Man, of good Character and Connections, from the age of 13 to 16.
Apply at this office.
Stone Lime
IN HOGSHEADS AND TIERCES.
Cut Herrings & Shads,
For Sale at Rockets, by
JOHN CRADDOCK.
June 16, 1802.
FROM A VIRGINIAN CORRESPONDENT.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, AGAIN.
THE readers of this paper are desired to recollect that all which has been said, under this head, concerning Pickering, has been intended to rescue his character from the aspersion of having defrauded the public of something towards half a million of dollars. In doing this, it was thought necessary to shew not only his innocence as to the accusation, but that he had forborne to make use of advantages, which had fallen in his way, one of which amounted to 14,558 dollars. By these means, the whole stock of calumny is annihilated. Not one dollar has been embezzled. Not one dollar is deficient. The United States have gained, by his prudence, 14,558 dollars, which fall into the great mass of surplus, that his accusers call republican savings, & then cover themselves with the applause, which they ought to have bestowed on him. This is not the end. A new although feeble battery is erected. They now admit that Mr. Pickering has paid all the money to the account of the United States, but that he has applied some of it to purposes other than those for which the money was received. It is not at present known whether this be the fact, or not; nor is it material to the defence. Let the allegation be allowed, as it is made, and the case will stand as follows.
Mr. Pickering received 200,000 dollars for one purpose, and 200,000 dollars for another. In the execution of these duties, the first sum exceeded the purpose for which it was designated, including 14,558 gained in bills of exchange, by 78,588 dollars. The second fell short as much. The whole money being under his controul, and the interest of the country as much at stake in one case as the other, he has taken the overplus of the one to fill the deficiency of the other. By these means, he has promoted public service, and supported public credit. And it is for this, or something like it, that his character has been attacked with a degree of venom and revenge quite unexampled.*
The writer of this defence is not only unacquainted with Mr. Pickering, but also with the real facts which belong to the case. He has made the foregoing hypothetical statement to elucidate the case, upon the data which are alleged by the accusers themselves; and upon these only.
Pause, reader! for a moment, and carry back your memory to the time, when the newspapers all groaned with abuse against this person. See to what it has come! and behold how now, it is attempted to torture things, the propriety of which is self-evident, into a fresh accusation against him. It would seem that virtue, honor, and truth, were to be chaced from the face of the earth, in order that the opposite qualities may prevail.
Note by the Editors.
* Think of the conspiracy against the political and personal character of Mr. Edmund Randolph, when that gentleman was secretary of state. The actors of this infamous plot, were Hammond, the British ambassador, Oliver Wolcot, and this same Timothy Pickering! Not only was Mr. Randolph positively innocent, but some accidental circumstances, such as the detention of the vessel in which Fanchet was to have failed for France, afforded providential means for establishing a demonstration of his innocence. The degree of venom and revenge with which Mr. Randolph's character was attacked, was quite as unexampled, as that of Pickering, and perhaps much more so.
Mr. Pickering's character, with those who knew him, did not want this aid. His name, and these circumstances, have been necessarily used as powerful engines against the frauds, falsehoods, and designs of men, who will perhaps live to see themselves overwhelmed with disgrace and detestation. They may hear that people whose confidence they have abused, saying with an universal voice, "Go hence, and learn that, sooner or later, truth and justice will prevail. Go, and taste the remorie, which is due to your misdeeds."
POSTSCRIPT BY THE EDITORS.
Censor Smith! Stand forth. You have promised to detect falsehood, and to correct misrepresentation. You are called upon to publish this, and the preceding communications on the same subject, in your Intelligence, precisely as they have appeared. Full liberty is given you to make what comments, or denials, you please. If both go together, the world will be able to form a correct opinion. If you do not this, it will be the height of weakness and effrontery for you to expect that your reputation for candour will in future be worth a cen.
From the NEW YORK HERALD.
The "Narrative of the suppression by Col. Burr, of the History of the administration of John Adams, late President of the United States," &c.
Presuming it will be agreeable to numbers of our readers, to see an analysis of a pamphlet with so interesting a title, we now proceed to make a review of it, in a manner, which we hope and believe, will be thought by all parties impartial.
The Narrative states that—
"Mr. John Wood contracted with Messrs. Barlas and Ward, booksellers in the city of New York, to write a History of the Administration of John Adams, late President of the United States. In conformity with the agreement, the history was written, and an edition of twelve hundred and fifty copies of it printed. As usual, it was advertised for subscription in several newspapers, many subscribers to the work were obtained, and the public were in daily expectation of witnessing its publication. The edition was bound in boards, and ready for sale, early in December last, by the proprietors of it."
A discolored and very extravagant picture of the administration of Mr. Adams is next attempted, and our escape from a war with France during that administration is attributed to the "amicable offices performed by Dr. Logan." After expressing much "regret that the only history written of the administration of Mr. Adams, has been suppressed by a single individual, to promote private views, incompatible with the public welfare," the writer says:
"The period is arrived, when it is no longer necessary to conceal the fact, that the history of the administration of Mr. Adams was suppressed by the Vice President of the United States. What the motives and objects of Mr. Burr were, for the suppression, we are left principally to conjecture, and inference to determine. In such a transaction, however, those who know the Vice President, will readily allow that positive proof of the motives of the suppression is not to be exhibited. There is about his actions a cunning, a sort of legerdemain , which, while it defies conclusive proof, eludes the most acute research. In every thing, therefore, which relates to this gentleman, no higher a species of testimony ought to be expected, than that of a circumstantial or presumptive nature. All the three kinds of proof, indeed, are in their nature, nothing more than comparative, and pursuing degrees of comparison to the extent of their applicability, and no further, it may be truly affirmed, that presumptive proof, of whatever bears relation to Mr. Burr, is as positive, as the most absolute evidence against plain, honest citizens. Habituated to intrigue, and distinguished by the secrecy and celerity of his movements, it is problematical, whether, even his confidential friends could bring home to him a single act of his of moment. It is said, and I believe with truth, that one of his primary political maxims is, never to converse on an important subject in the presence of two men! Nor is it, it is believed, less a maxim with him, to avoid communicating, even to his confidants, his ideas in writing on political
subjects. Oral communication is his element, and even this is regulated by a rule of secrecy so nice, as to forbid his conversing on material affairs in the presence of more than one man! Thus fortified by subtle rules, from which he never departs, it will not be expected that I can so far enter his cabinet of curious secrets as to adduce that sort of testimony concerning the suppression of the history, as will impole conviction on every mind, that it was suppressed with views unfriendly to the administration of Mr. Jefferson."
The following curious little piece may be said to contain the Defence of Mr. Aaron Burr . It is wrote with so much art, and so much feeling, that we cannot help thinking it the production of the Vice President himself. The fact of suppressing Wood's book is, however, tacitly confessed.
FOR THE NEW YORK EVENING POST.
THE few following observations not written by a partisan from party views, are suggested by the hasty perusal of a pamphlet entitled, A narrative of the suppression by Col. Burr of the History of the Administration of John Adams, &c.
An author has an undoubted right to withdraw his book to correct inaccuracies, to qualify and soften harshness, to supply deficiencies, or to retract the whole or any part. The very act of retraction speaks more strongly the author's disapprobation of the sentiments which he has in hurry, or in error written, than his originally abstaining from writing could be. The former is a positive, the latter scarcely a negative proof of his opinion. To acknowledge ourselves wrong, says Swift, is only to say, that we are wiser to day than we were yesterday. It is hard indeed, if a man shall be obliged to hold sentiments which on mature deliberation he wishes to disavow.
A book is not legally published till it is not only printed but sent into the world, and certainly short of that the public have nothing to do with it, they have no right to it, no controul over it; and it was morally as correct to purchase this edition and burn it, or put it to any other use, as for Mr. Judah to purchase the whole edition of this pamphlet at 25 cents, that he may retail it at 37 1-2. Does any one dispute his right to attempt to sell it thus, and make a shilling on each number if the public are fools enough to buy it, or to sell it by wholesale again, or even to sink it in the dock, where it ought to be! I presume not. Whence then this outcry against Mr. Burr for having purchased up the copy right of a book which he deemed libelous on private character?
But sir, one thing I am bold to assert—Whoever the person is that now discloses the work, or any part of it, is guilty either of a perfidious breach of trust, or else he got it by stealth, in which, in case, it will hardly place him in a better situation. On either supposition it is contrary to every rule of moral conduct, and I aver, that if the law cannot reach it, the society which would permit it to pass without marked reprobation, is not one in which justice prevails one degree beyond the letter of the law.
CANDOUR.
From the ALBANY CENTINEL.
Though the laws passed the last meeting of the Legislature are numerous, yet there are some which the people expected from them, and which have been omitted.
The Shoemaker's bill, which two years ago was thought to be an object of sufficient magnitude for which to call the legislature, when the Shoemakers in New-York carried their men at the point of the awl, or by flourishing their knives, has been suffered to sleep in silence.
No law has been passed, establishing a number of more officers, particularly justices of the peace, and dividing those offices where the emoluments are too much for one man. This has been a great disappointment to many who certainly expected favors, and are altogether as deserving as those upon whom they have been bestowed. I wish this in-

may not prove... due at some future election reason can be given why nism was not secured ch a blessed opportunity How easy would it be legislators been pure y law, ity was have been, disposed, every citizen under pain of ing confined in e? There might difficulty in defining is, whether it is such or in Virginia, or in ties of this state, but i countable. A board could established consisting of all fierce republicans, the questions brought be- em.
price of wheat has not been fixed, uch is a great detriment to the far- mers. It is well known, that since the republican administration, wheat has fallen more than one half in value. Did the loss happen only to the federalists, it would be a matter of no moment; but alas, it affects deeply the virtuous republicans. A clause in their favor could have been easily annexed to one of the bills for turnpikes or lotteries, nor would it have been unseemly at the tail of the law against horse racing and bull baiting.
The above neglect is rendered the more inexcusable and the more griev- ous, inasmuch as taxes have not been abolished. If the price of wheat is low- ered, and taxes continued, how are the latter to be paid? The evil is still worse on account of Congress having abolished the taxes on pleasurable carriages, re- fined sugar, distilled spirits, &c. and continued them on bohea tea, brown sugar, coffee, salt &c. In this way, the taxes on the labouring class of people are increased, while their ability to pay is lessened.
But may we not blame the legislature too severely? They were, many of them, raw hands, and may do better next time. As servants of the people, they ought to be called to an account admonished and even chastised, if neces- sary; but, as Solomon says, "a merciful man is merciful to his beast." Be- sides, when a man is chosen a legislator, he immediately becomes wiser than any of his constituents, he stands upon higher ground, and can look farther around him; so that the light of one compar- ed to the light of the others, is that of a lynx to a mole. What ought forever to hush all our complaints, is, that those who now manage our public affairs are decided, disinterested and unspotted re- publicans.
One of the people.
The Recorder.
RICHMOND.
WEDNESDAY, June 16th. The case of Dr. Read of Norfolk.—More about Stoddert, and the Navy Yard, and several other pieces deferred, for want of room.
The double subscription has been received. The letter referred to, by No. 5, and ending with the word private, shall appear in our next.
LAST week's paper contained a fresh ar- ticle from our Virginian Correspondent, in defence of Mr. Stoddert. It is wrote with his usual temperance and decorum, and it wears an aspect of truth. We also gave the Exam- iner's attack upon that gentleman. The pub- lic will judge for themselves. In this day's Recorder, we have inserted, from the same correspondent, something more concerning Pickering. We consider it as our duty, to give, as far as we can, a fair representation upon both sides. We pledge ourselves to give room to any candid communications from persons of opposite politics, in reply to our correspondent's defences of those three aristo- crats, Bayard, Pickering, and Stoddert, which have appeared in our paper. Notwithstand- ing one of the editors is called a Turncoat, and covered with invectives, we mean to shew that the Recorder is open to all parties, and influenced by none.
We should be glad to hear Mr. Samuel H. Smith say something as to the contents of the defence for Stoddert. Our correspondent ap- pears to have carried the war completely into the enemy's country. He has cut out at least six months' work, on this single charge, for
the Intelligencer. Mr. Smith must not for- get that we insist upon an invariable regard to that thundering word TRUTH. As for temperance and decorum, we leave them at his disposal.
In last number, we concluded a short His- tory of the Algerine Tribute. It was wrote about three years ago. Since that time, we have sent a report to congress on this sub- ject by Mr. Wolcott. From this paper it appears that the article quoted from the Amer- ica was chiefly copied out of that report. More absolute authority can neither be sought nor found.
Reader! We could wish you to peruse with attention this interesting narrative. It dis- plays and even demonstrates an utter and equal desertion of principle by all parties! We recommend it as a complete antidote against implicit confidence in any man, or in any set of men. But, if you are determined, in spite of evidence, to believe and admire, do not blame us for having, although without effect, attempted to preserve you from so hideous a pitfall of ignorance and enthusiasm. This is not the language of interest, or of faction. No! It comes from the heart, and, by the eternal laws of moral sympathy, it will assured- ly reach it. If the Recorder shall obtain, and at present it promises fair to obtain, an exten- sive circulation in Virginia, the patriots, upon both sides, at the next election for president will, indeed, meet with a very cool reception from the people. Why did Madison, or Giles, (that fetus of a future candidate for the Gov- ernorship of Virginia,) why did they sit with their hands folded, and their tongues locked, and see their constituents so shamefully rob- bed? For what was it that you gave these people the six dollars per day? What did they mean by swearing to the faithful execution of their duty? Was it not to see that your money was properly managed? And if the fact is quite otherwise, if Mr. Madison, Mr. Jeffer- son, Mr. Giles, and all the rest of the repub- lican corps, sat down, like Jacob's wife, upon the top of such secrets, what were they better than the pillagers, whom they turned out? It is absurd, in opposition to such facts, to ex- patriate upon an amiable private character, or upon inflexible probity, upon unbroken patri- otism, transcendent talents, pure republican principles, an ardent love of country, and all the rest of that vocabulary of jargon. This is the mere croaking of a parrot, or the chat- tering of a magpie, when compared with the History of the Algerine Tribute. Even these eleven hundred thousand dollars are no more than as a spoonful of water in the whirlpool of corruption. The Recorder has already said much. But many queries, perhaps many volumes, yet remain to be compiled. Alas! honest friends, if you are to be stayed, what does it avail whether the scalping knife is held by a West Indian, by a French, by a Yankee, or by a Buckskin depredator? Very little, to be sure, is the difference! Can you wonder if the man, whose tale cuts upon both sides, who, either in jail, or out of jail, tells facts with equal fortitude, can you wonder, we say, that he is equally disliked by all parties?
NOTE. * Vid. the Bible. † I am not, in this phrase, referring to governor Giles.
This day's Recorder contains a continua- tion of Mr. Hay's pamphlet upon the re- covery of debts in the state of Virginia. It shall be concluded in our next.
THE Examiner of Wednesday the 9th current, has an article entitled
INTERESTING FOREIGN NEWS! Very interesting, to be sure! For example, Sir Edward Law succeeds Lord Kenyon. He is to be created a peer, by the title of Baron Kelswick. Dr. Mose, Bishop of Bath, died on Tuesday morning.—Nay more, he died in Grosvenor Street.—Eight years of wages are owing to the crew of the Suffolk of seventy-four guns.—Yesterday, Mr. Pierpoint embarked at Dover for Calais.—Lord Whit- worth's baggage is all packed, and ready to be shipped.—Bread falls for ten pence the four pounds.—The Duke of Kent will take leave of his majesty on Sunday next.—[If he, and his majesty, were both sent to the work- house, does any body here care about them?] Madame Otto was born at Philadelphia.— His majesty has bestowed the title of Baron Ellenborough, in the county of Cumberland, upon Sir Edward Law.—Mr. Erskine will accompany the Prince of Wales to the Man- sion house. The entertainment will be of the most brilliant kind.—[To wit, a great deal of guzzling and drinking.] The India Company received dispatches, last Saturday, from Bengal. The Governor general was on his way to Lucknow.—[Still, vastly interest- ing! It would have been much more to the purpose, if one of these editors had told us that he was on his way to pay his debts, and turn off his Concubines; and if the other could tell us that he was on his way to one of the cells of the Penitentiary.] It was not till eleven in the morning, that Lords Hawkesbury and Pelham arrived. Mr. Pitt was in the country. [He should long since have been in the end of a rope.] Every thing was com-
pletely arranged by eleven at night.—The Prince of Wales expresses, on all occasions, his highest respect for the first Consul.—Her Royal Highness, the Duchess of Cumberland, sister-in-law to the king of England, arrived at Calais, on the 12th of April, at eleven o'clock at night.—Here, for once! The Ex- aminer, even the great Examiner, is mistaken! By an extract of a private letter from Lon- don, which we wrote, and addressed, this morn- ing, to a gentleman in Richmond, it appears that her Royal Highness did not arrive at Calais till the thirteenth of April, at half past four in the afternoon. What careless fellows these Examiners are, to blunder in a matter of such vast importance!
The same newspaper has a great deal more of the same kind of stuff.—The Grand Seig- nior, and his Divan are in a state of considera- ble agitation.—Certain provinces of the Ot- toman empire are now in a state of total an- archy.—The court of Vienna is going to open a negotiation with the Turks for the cession of Bosnia and Servia.—The Turkish empire will be divided among the great powers con- tiguous to it, Russia, Prussia, and Austria.— Thus far the Examiner.
Alexander is hardly seated upon his throne. Austria has been dismembered of many pro- vinces. She was preserved from extinction by the prudence of Buonaparte. After sixteen years of the most unfortunate and destructive wars, this government now lan- guishes in debility and bankruptcy. France, with all her conquests, and her glory, must have time to breathe. Prussia is but a secondary power; and, during the late war, she received a severe squeeze. People talk of the Turks, as if there was nothing more to be said than "Let us march to Constantinople." They do not think of the stupendous mass of bag- gage and artillery, which must be dragged after an army; nor of the rivers, the marshes, the deserts, which are to be crossed in the course of this conquest. After the late Em- press of Russia had beat the Turks in one war, Joseph of Austria joined her in another. His resources were great. His forces had every advantage of numbers, of bravery, and of discipline. His character was obstinate. He lost some hundred thousands of men. He made no progress. Finally, the genius of Baron Laudon interposed, and saved Au- stria from positive disgrace. This is about the best way of telling that story.
But these are matters beyond the reach of the Examiner's information; and he cannot be blamed for floundering, when he finds him- self beyond his depth. We go back, therefore, to his congenial element, the politics of Vir- ginia.
We had reprinted Mr. Hay's pamphlet against the Merchant Tax. Clive attacked it in this paper. The Examiner attacks Clive with great bitterness. The latter has prom- ised to us that Mr. Jones shall have an answer. In the mean time, we shall give him a word or two.
Jones says that the Penitentiary and the Armory have produced extraordinary de- mands on the public funds. He could not have selected a more happy word. The Ar- mory has cost about an hundred thousand dollars. About as much more is wanted to complete it. No mortal can speak, upon this head, within such a trifle as thirty or forty thousand dollars. After the building shall have been completed, the arms could have been purchased much cheaper than they can be made. Thus, without promoting any one practical purpose whatever, two hundred thousand dollars are extirpated. And because the house has been once built, arms, at an ex- travagant charge, must continue to be made, that the fabric may not seem to have been quite useless! The building itself has been so wretchedly patched together, that already has it begun to totter; and buttresses have actually been raised to hinder the walls from tumbling. What is your opinion of a child that requires a pair of crutches, even before it can get out of its cradle? Such is the Richmond Armory. The Penitentiary has been said to display an equal share of economy. These are, no doubt, extraordinary expences; and, in the midst of such doings, it is expected that the assembly will continue to give Mr. Jones, as public printer, a sinecure of three thousand dollars a year.
The Marksmen say that the resources of the state, for the present year, exceed the ex- penditures by a hundred and fifty thousand dollars. We should rejoice to be quite sure of that. In the mean time, it is reported that the treasury contained some time ago, just a French crown; and that, since that time, it is, or lately was, without one four pence half penny! It is fit that our country readers should be made acquainted with these matters. Their delegates, when they come here in De- cember next, will be forwarded to examine these mazes of expending public money.
The Marksmen observe that the Merchant Tax is unimportant as to its amount. It comes to about fifty thousand dollars. It is of great consequence in another respect. No part of the money is lost. The tax is always paid beforehand. Upon most other taxes, there is a great and frequent loss. The ease is this. The state employs the sheriff to collect the taxes; and he again collects them by deputies. These latter get into arrears, and run off, or become insolvent. The sher-
iff petitions the assembly to be discharged of the business. The request is granted. And thus the public money vanishes in the pockets of a parcel of deputy sheriffs.
Jones appears angry because Clive had said that, in a certain case, the state might be forced to borrow money from the federalists. You have seen the piece. No harm was meant. But notice what follows. About three years ago, Meriwether spoke to us in these terms: "There never was such another shabby set, as our Republicans in Richmond! Some time ago, I was on the point of being dif- fressed for four hundred dollars. I went round the whole of them; and at last, I had to borrow the money from a Federalist." The argument was not fair. A man may have abundance of money, without chusing to lend it to Mr. Jones. The federalist must have been a simpleton. There is not a sen- sible man in Richmond that would chuse to lend four hundred dollars upon the firm of the Examiner.
The same Examiner of June 9th, speaks of the Recorder in these terms: "An author who publishes falsehoods, to last but a day, and anticipates at the time, with feelings rendered callous by a long course of villainy, that they will soon be detected. This pa- graphist says Mr. Giles has broken his oath."
Yes! we said so: and we say it again. He swore, upon various occasions, to support and obey the federal constitution. When elected, as a witness, upon the Richmond trial for sedi- tion, Mr. Giles refused to attend. He there- fore broke his oath; and if he chuses to call at this office, for that purpose, he shall be told so, to his face. This gloomy despot also broke his oath, and his trust, at the same time, when he stood by, and saw his constitute plunged in the Algerine business. He has acted thus, upon fifty similar occasions. This is your Governor of Virginia! the being that wants to succeed such a man as JAMES MONROE.
Some weeks since, in one of our letters to the public, it was casually noticed that, thirteen months ago, Skelton Jones had been advertised for an alleged murder. In the Examiner of June 5th, it is declared that "every man in Richmond knows this to be an open shameless lie.—Even to count the false- hoods which appear in this hebdomadal libel, [The Recorder,] is a work of labour. To detect them is needless. No creature breath- ing believes him."
In answer to this consummate piece of ef- frontery, the Recorder of June 9th, republished the advertisement, wherein, the fugitive is, twice over, charged with murder. The Ex- aminer of June 12th comes out, without the smallest notice of the advertisement, or the smallest attempt to vindicate his veracity. This morning, the brothers will very possibly say that the advertisement is a forgery; and it will be another week, before we can contradict them. We therefore take the precaution to ob- serve, in this place, that the original paper may be seen in Mr. Craig's office. What an idea is here exhibited of the modesty and probity of the two brothers! As soon as time permits, a general sweep shall be made over all their late publications versus the CALDONIAN MEN- DICANT, as Jones calls the man, whom he has pigeoned.
REPUBLICAN INCONSISTENCY.
THERE is no fact more incontestible than this, that the republicans, in a variety of their flutates of last winter, have proceeded with the most absolute contradiction, to their own former doctrines and professions. Nor is it without astonishment, that we see the miserable oversights of some federal newsprinters in opposing them. One would almost be tempt- ed to think, that they must have dropt from the moon, since Mr. Jefferson's election, from the utter want of knowledge of previous events, which they seem so frequently to dis- cover. As for consistency, did not Madison, Giles, and, in short, the whole republican brigade, oppose the federal system of the West- ern Frontier? Did they not give it the most determined battle from year to year? Did they not reprobate that admirable statute, by which, if the most respectable farmer in Amer- ica shall cross fifty yards over the Frontier line, in quest of a stolen horse, he may be picked up without ceremony, by the first federal soldier who meets him. He may be carried, perhaps, five or six hundred miles, to stand a trial for this enormous offence! Has any body forgot the communications upon this subject to congress, by governor Jackson, and the assembly of Georgia. And has not this law, with some trifling variations, been renewed, about two months ago, by the re- publicans themselves?
Second. Has it not sometimes been the cry of the present ruling party, when they were upon the other side of the hedge, that all taxes ought to be levied in a manner as vexatious as possible to the people? And when Uriah Tracy attempted to ridicule this doctrine, was he not told by a Virginian member of congress, that public vexation was the way to public frugality? Was he not told that if
* The writer of the above was taking down notes, when this part in congress.

The people had been more harassed in the collection of taxes, they would have been more careful to what extent they had paid them? Was it not upon this principle, that the republicans preferred internal taxes to an impost? There was a great deal of truth and justice in the assertion. And have not the republicans, at the very first out-set, repealed the whole mass of internal taxes, in the most direct opposition to their former doctrine? We are not saying that the repeal of those taxes was wrong. We are only saying, that when two ends of the public conduct of a party strike directly against each other, it is not easy to see how both ends can be right.
Third. The public has seen the manner in which national money was expended upon the Algerine business. But, if it was wrong in one party to squander money, at such a rate, was it not altogether as culpable in the patriots, to connive at the concealment of such dissipation? Look at the two last numbers of the Recorder , where the story has been so fully and so fairly told; and then ask yourselves, where was the difference between the two parties? And whether Mr. Madison would not have been very much in the exercise of his duty, by publishing a series of secrets so important and so disgraceful?
This story would perhaps have remained incognito till the present hour, but for a mere accident. The writer of the present article happened to be looking into one of the statutes of appropriation, where a million of good hard dollars are dispatched at a single dash . It was impossible from the text of the statute, to comprehend what was to be done with the money. For a solution of the problem, he consulted a member of congress, who told him the whole affair, as it now stands, in the Recorder . There was not another writer in America, perhaps, who would have treated both parties with so little ceremony; and it is no wonder, by the bye, that Mr. Giles was not fond of attending as a witness in defence of a man who dealt so very frankly with such dangerous edge-tools. But the History of the Algerine Tribute is only one tale out of forty, of the same kind, which the writer has published, and which reflect equal credit on the wisdom and economy of both parties acting collectively , and unanimously . What is the mighty distinction between the one man who robs your house, and the other who is paid for defending it, and who has deserted his duty? Really, gentlemen, your eyes must be sharper than ours, if you can perceive a very great distinction.
It is queer that, until very lately, almost no person in this state knew any thing about the donation of the North Western Frontier, nor the miserable consequences of that donation, as exemplified in the taxes of Virginia, the depreciation of her paper money, and the frequent disappointment of her old soldiers in the division of the lands. In a country where every man speaks the same language, where an alphabet is in use, where the press is free, it is the most astonishing of prodigies that until lately, this most important of all political frenzies was almost utterly forgotten, or unknown. It was forgot, or unknown that, Mr. Madison was the father of this matchless act of folly. Let his friends deny it, if they can. The citizens of Richmond know well enough that we have an unlucky talent at being correct in our statement of facts . And, therefore, it is likely that, instead of any regular contradiction, much will be said by the marksmen , in the form of general abuse. Be it so.
JUST as this paper was going to press, we got the Republican Watch Tower of June 9th. We therein met with the following paragraph:
"The little band find it difficult to obtain an editor for their Burr paper. We would advise them to send for CALENDER ; he has no scruples of conscience; he is an easy accommodating man; he will write against the administration for money!"
One of the editors of this Watch Tower is one James Cheetham, an Englishman, formerly a hatter. This last circumstance has been often, and most absurdly objected to him, as a matter of reproach. Cheetham is likewise editor in whole, or in part, of another paper entitled the American Citizen . In this case, as in the affair with Jones, we can take the whole assemblage of our readers to witness, that we never gave Cheetham even an atom of provocation. We never meddled either with him, or his Watch Tower , less or more. We did indeed believe his paper to be but a poor one; and we believed himself to be a very worthless character . But as he did not come in our way, we did not wish to go and seek him. Now take notice.
In the Recorder of the 2d of January last, there is reprinted from the Gazette of the United States an advertisement, which, if Cheetham were capable of shame, would have broke his heart. In that piece, Bronson, printer of the Gazette , advertises that two letters, which had been addressed to him from Washington, were intercepted. They bore date the 6th and 7th of December, 1801. They were wrote by a Mr. Richard Peters. They were left at the bar of Stille's hotel in Washington, where letters for the mail are frequently deposited. Mr. Bronson advertises that, at this
time, Cheetham was in the house. He gives reasons for suspecting that Cheetham was the interceptor; and he offers a reward of fifty dollars to any person, "who will so detect the villain, who has broken open, or detained either of them," (the two letters) "as that the culprit may be brought to justice."
Mr. Cheetham has never been able to wipe himself clear of the suspicion of having stolen these letters. It is not recollected that he did so much as attempt to clear himself. In the Aurora of Friday, the 11th of December, a reference was made to them, by Duane. Sometime after, if we are not greatly mistaken, the letters themselves, or extracts from them, were published in the Aurora . Mr. Bronson did not, as he should have done, follow up the business. But Cheetham knows very well that, in his own country, he would most assuredly have swung, for his connection with that rotten affair. And wretches thus trebly blasted, wretches, whose names are steeped in the very dregs of vileness, come forward and strut and prate about their principles!
Once for all! Cheetham may rest in the conviction that Callender will alwise hear with suitable contempt whatever filth may babble from the pen of a breaker up of letters , from the pen of "a villain early completed, beyond the need of common opportunities, or gradual temptations."
† Johnson's Rambler.
(From an ALEXANDRIA PAPER.)
We have perused a publication, printed in New-York, entitled "A Narrative of the Suppression by Aaron Burr of a work entitled the History of the administration of John Adams ." It intimates a design of Mr. Burr, to attempt by uniting with the Federalists, the elevation of General Pinckney to the Presidential chair at the ensuing election, under the expectation of its conducing to render his continuance in his present office more secure, and his succession to the Presidency more probable. It states that Mr. Wood, the author of the suppressed book, was employed by Mr. Burr to negotiate with Messrs. Ward and Barlafs, book-sellers, who had purchased the copy-right, for its suppression--and that 1000 dollars were actually paid by Mr. William P. Van Ness to them for that purpose; that the reason assigned by Mr. Burr to Mr. Wood for his interference, was that the book was inaccurate in some respects, and amongst others that the characters of Dayton and Pinckney were too severely censured, and that of Jefferson too much panegyrised; and that in the transactions relative to the affair, secrecy as far as respected Mr. Burr, was enjoined. Part of the facts are substantiated by the affidavit of Mr. Wood; and the others are supported by the affirmation of the author, with a promise to produce testimony, if necessary.
The Vice President is now on a visit to the Southward. When he returns, he will owe his own character, and to his constituents a full exposition of his conduct in this affair, and a refutation, if in his power, of the serious charges exhibited against him.
NEW INVENTIONS.
A Mr. Jesse Reed, of Randolph, in Massachusetts, invented some time past a method of making wrought nails, of all sizes, from hot rods; for which he obtained a patent from the United States last June. By indefatigable exertions and constant experiment since, he has extended his plan and very much improved upon his principle, by which he can now work into nails from the bar a ton of iron in a day. The nails appear to be excellent for use; and drawn and milled with the grain of the iron, with the advantage of a flat point and will, probably, in time be brought into general use. The public, however, will soon have an opportunity to form an opinion of them.
[A THUNDERING FIB.]
ALEXANDRIA, June 7.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in this town, dated 27th May.
"The Louiiana business, by a late political document which I have seen which is not only official, but from his authority in England, presents a gloomy and menacing aspect towa
the United States. It is a fact that as soon as the St. Domingo and Guadalupe business is arranged, General Bernadotte will proceed to that country with about 150,000 men, artillery and others, amongst which are to be included every Jacobin and refractory man in France, whom Buonaparte is tired of and wants out of his way. To these are to be added all the rebel negroes of the two islands taken in war, or who surrendered. This settlement is to be called a military colony and their commander will immediately solicit the friendship and alliance of Kentucky, Tennessee, and the neighboring countries that are separated from the Atlantic states; the Indians in that quarter have already been invited.
This business will greatly perplex our administration, and will most unquestionably depress our funds, and ultimately in all probability will produce a state of war."
[This is the first time, since, the days of Montezuma, that the world ever heard of an army of an hundred and fifty thousand men , in the West Indies. French Democrats and Rebel negroes will, to be sure, make an excellent colonial compost. The french commander is to solicit the friendship of Kentucky, Tennessee, and the neighbouring countries, that are separated &c. What countries? The north Western Territory, and the Natchez, along with East Florida, are the only adjacent countries, which can be meant, and they are little better than mere deserts.]
The whole letter is wrote in a style of alarm, and was framed with a design of doing mischief . We have not, for some time past, seen a more impertinent fabrication; as we have not seen the Aurora , for these three weeks. The writer does not even say from where this pretended letter came; but merely that it came to Alexandria. Perhaps it was coined at Georgetown. He does not even pretend to give a spark of authority, for what he says.
It is by dirt of this kind that newspapers have come into so much disrepute with men of sense. Yet, after all, they have much more credit than they deserve]
Extract of a letter from Warminster dated June 10th, to a friend in Richmond.
On May 30th, we had a powerful shower of hail and snow here. It measured, in some places, eighteen inches deep. I went through a wheat field, where it was generally ancle deep. It hurt the vegetation much.
Warminster is about 80 miles up James River.
DUBLIN, April 24.
The total amount of the permanent taxes prior to the year 1793, was 12,358,158l. 2s. 11 1-2d. Last year they amounted to 22,403,970l. 2s. 11 1-2d.
The National Debt, on the 1st of February last, amounted to the moderate sum of 5,365,250l. 1s. 0 3-4d.
THE TAXES.
The question has often been by federalists, if all the internal taxes are repealed, how is the Government to be supported? The administration furnished an unequivocal retrenchments of unnecc. the saving already effected product of all more than Thousand Dollars! these things toge
[It is often said that the cans boast a provision of debt for int to
the public debt, one would have thought that Jupiter was once more descending in a shower of gold. After recovering from the first momentary burst of astonishment, we discovered that the principle of the discharge was founded upon the possibility of a loan ; for if money cannot be borrowed, the said seven millions a year never can be paid . Perhaps we are partly mistaken; but there is a shrewd suspicion of our being woefully in the right.
The paragraph which gave rise to these remarks, appears very plainly to decide the question. It seems to say that the revenue is richer than it formerly was by three hundred thousand dollars per annum. And this sum, citizens of Virginia! is to discharge your national debt. Yes! it will, when a sparrow shall peck through a millstone; and not one moment sooner! But indeed, if to deep a statesman as Mr. Madison, who persuaded the Assembly to give away your North Western Territory, if he, we say, thinks otherwise, why, no doubt, you must believe him .]
FOR SALE,
Mount Comfort Farm,
In view of the City, and about one mile from the Capitol, it contains fifty six acres of Land, eight of which are excellent meadow. The whole well enclosed last fall and separated into convenient lots. The houses are, a large two-story Brick Dwelling, with four rooms on a floor, with convenient passages, closets, and parlour, and a large Cellar with two rooms, Kitchen, wash-house, dairy, stables, granary, coach house, and all other houses, which are necessary for a family, and for farming use.
The advantages resulting from a well conducted farm, so contiguous to the City, are so numerous and so well known, that I shall not undertake to describe them. It evidently is one of the most pleasant and healthy situations within the vicinity of Richmond.
Persons wishing to purchase, are invited to view the premises, and for terms, apply at my Office, in this City.
THOMAS WILSON.
Richmond, 15th June, 1802.
(4. w.)
Ruins of Cape Francis 25th
April, 1801.
DEAR SIR,
I AM about to depart from this iniquitous hole, consequently this will be the last letter you will receive from me for some time--then
Ye infernal Gods, who rule the shades below,
Chaos and Phlegethon, the realms of woe,
Grant what I've heard, I may to light expose,
Secrets which earth, and night, and hell enclose ??
My last to you was on the 5th inst. per the brig Favorite , capt. Brown--that morning Mr. Couriee, a venerable and respectable planter, stood upon the Pillory , exposed to the scorching heat of the sun for six hours in the market place; and is imprisoned four months in a dungeon, for demanding (as I was informed) the services of one of his former slaves, which he had recognized in Poin

The real cause of barbarity towards him, is in consequence of a letter which was written to a person of the name of Clemont, who at present acts as Harbour Master; words took place and a challenge ensued, which Clemont refused, but applied to the commander in chief for protection; rather honorable to be sure! however when captain Rogers goes back, I presume from his well known courage, the author of the letter will have to lament his officious rashness, and malicious conduct.---Regarding the latter, the general says, "the name of the ship has given uneasiness to the army."
They are denied pen and ink, and the light of their friends. Capt. D. is in a bad state of health, and probably cannot long sustain so much cruelty. The General's conduct towards these gentlemen is flagitious and insulting, and may be compared to that of a mischievous boy, who tortures and mutilates a wretched animal, and smiles at its agonies; had the subtle Gen. the good fortune to be born in Turkey, with the same education and bent of temper, his name might have been handed down to posterity as a notable Bashaw, and his merits displayed by the number of his tails. I am afraid he aims at greatness of character---this I am afraid he will never attain.
17th Feb. all the ports in the island were declared in a state of blockade, the Cape and Port Republican excepted; the 3d art. declares all warlike stores brought after that period, liable to condemnation. 8th March she was seized, and on the 18th April condemned. A copy of the condemnation I have obtained, which for its modesty, resembles the countenance of its author.
LIBERTY!
EQUALITY!
In the name of the French Government.
ARRETTE.
The ship Hanna, of New York, arrived here with a Cargo of Powder, it is evident she came to supply rebels without the authority of the mother country.
In consequence of and after all the commercial regulations, which prohibit the trade of powder,
The General in Chief orders!
Art. 1st. That the ship Hannah, of New York, is confiscated; the cargo and hull shall be sold, and the fund arising from the sale, shall be lodged in the military chest.
Art. 2. The commissary charged with the sale of the ship Monton, shall proceed to that of the ship Hanna.
Art. 3. Merchandise remaining on board shall be landed; and immediately after, the sale shall be made, by public notice, and shall take place ten days after the publication.
Art. 4. Gen. Ledoyen, President of the commission is charged with the execution of the
STAGE COACHES.
Tristram Shandy remarks that a French Post Chaise has always something about it, that is going wrong . We add, with sorrow, that France is not the only country in the world to which this observation applies.
The Proverb says that Comparisons are odious . It may be so; but they are likewise instructive . The frequent accidents that occur to the Stage Coaches of the United States, the number of axle trees that are broken, and of bruises that are received, make this mode of travelling often both disgusting and dangerous. It may sound harshly; but it would certainly prove advantageous to the public at large, if no man in Virginia were suffered to hire out a Stage Coach, till he had given security to the sheriff of the county, with a serious fine annexed, that his carriage should not break down.
When a planter sends a hogshead of rotten tobacco to the warehouse, the inspectors dispatch it to the dunghill. When a jockey warrants a horse which is not sound, the law provides compensation. For what good reason, then, should not the owner of a stage coach be compelled to give bond for the limbs and lives of his customers? These latter seem to be quite as estimable as the health of a horse, or the soundness of a cask of tobacco. For the most part, such affairs are better conducted in Britain.
Some years ago, the stage coach from London to Norfolk, set out about four in the afternoon; and reached the latter place by six next morning. The distance is an hundred and ten miles; and the rate of travelling almost eight miles an hour.
Last summer, while the sun was rising, a gentleman set out from Richmond in the Coach for Fredericksburg. He got into the latter place just at sunset. Fifteen hours, or thereby, were spent upon the road. The distance is seventy five miles; and the rate of travelling but five miles per hour. This gives a difference of three miles per hour in favor of the London stage coach.
The carriage to Fredericksburg does not, when full, carry more than about fourteen passengers. Their baggage cannot, upon a medium, be supposed to weigh more than twenty five hundred weight. The London stage has inside seats for sixteen passengers; and sometimes more than twenty persons upon the outside, when the inside is not full. The average of passengers, when well packed, is about twenty six, besides the guard and driver. There is always a great deal of baggage. The common weight of the whole cargo cannot fall short of fifty hundred weight. This doubles the freight of the stage to Fredericksburg; and yet the London coach goes eight miles, while that from Richmond goes but five.
Of matters of this kind, it is impossible to compare with rigorous precision. It has been to come as close as the standard of truth. Misrepresentation serves no conceivable purpose of ours. An experience of an extensive readership, assures us that our views will be received with candour with which
and four horses miles of the for the mediate horses hang-
our
REMARKS,
SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA,
(Originally Printed in 1796.*)
UNLESS the debt was large, the land good, and the distance small, it would be advisable to relinquish the debt. In fact, there is no class of creditors, whose situation would lead them to have recourse to the elegit . Planters and farmers have generally as much land as they have hands to cultivate; and if they hire labourers, it is apparent, that they only contract debts to others instead of receiving those due to themselves. As to merchants, it is obvious that they have neither the knowledge nor the leisure, requisite for the management of a plantation, and that they must depend entirely on the chance of procuring a tenant, able as well as willing to pay.
Another insuperable objection to the use of this law, is founded on the necessity of abiding by it forever, after recourse has once been had to it. Let the situation of the debtor be entirely changed, let even nine tenths of the land be recovered by a paramount title, still the party has no resource but in his eligat . In addition to this too, if the term expires before the debt is satisfied, the residue is lost.
This law, if it were carried into operation, would be injurious to debtors. In this part of the country where lands are seldom rented, and never with a view to a permanent mode of living but only for a temporary accommodation, tenancy is the destruction of lands.
This kind of execution is to be conducted by the sheriff and a jury, who are bound on their oaths to ascertain the annual value of the land which is to be delivered to the plaintiff. By what principle are they to be governed? In a great part of the country, and particularly on the South side of James river, lands, as was before observed, are not frequently rented. It must occur to the jury, that there would be a difficulty in procuring tenants. It must also occur to them that a rich man in the neighbourhood, would get his debt out of the profits of the land, sooner than a poor man at a distance: a skillful planter, sooner than a townsmen.---How then could they say that such a piece of land in a given time would pay such a debt? In Britain, where lands are leased out and always in demand the existing rent affords a criterion, by which the sheriff and jury may be safely conducted. But in this country, where the annual value of land depends on the industry and skill with which it is cultivated, and where both would be of little consequence, without a force adequate to the size of the plantation, it is absurd to suppose that the annual value can be ascertained. The thing is impossible.
But there is a point of view still more interesting in which this law deserves to be placed. The 10th section of the 1st article of the constitution of the United States declares, that no state shall have power to pass laws impairing the obligation of contracts. The assembly, however, have passed a law, which obliges a man, rather than lose his debt, to take a thing different from that which was contracted to be delivered. Thus, the debtor is discharged from his contract without performing it, and of course his obligation is not only impaired, but annulled.
I am aware of the objection which may be brought against this reasoning. It will be said, that the state legislature must prescribe the form in which the debt is to be recovered, and that the execution law is no more than part of the form.
That the legislature must establish a mode of administering justice is un-
* Written by Mr. George Hay.
questionable, and that the constitution will not be violated whether proceedings under it are rapid or dilatory, is equally clear. But here more than form is in question. The substance of the contract is materially affected. The law discharges a man who delivers property, when he has agreed to pay money. It cancels the obligation, though it has not been performed. This, it is conceived, is a departure from constitutional doctrine. The legislatures of the several states may indeed mark out the course of the path, which shall lead to the attainment of justice. In some it may be straight, and short, and smooth: in others circuitous and difficult; but in all it must terminate precisely in the same point, a literal performance of contracts.
This idea is submitted with some hesitation. The writer of these remarks has been in the habit of regulating his opinion on constitutional points, by principles which afford little latitude of construction to those in power. He thought the establishment of a bank, the carriage tax, the appointment of the late chief justice, and the ratification of the treaty, unwarranted by the constitution of the United States: but the first has been recognized even by the legislature of this state; the second has been agitated no where but in Virginia; and the third, tho' debated in the newspapers, begins already to be forgotten. With respect to the last, the discussion is at hand, but the event is certain. The enlightened representatives of a free people, cannot betray the sacred trust reposed in them by their constituents; but exerting their wisdom and firmness, they will protect their own powers from executive usurpation, and save their country from that abyss of humiliation and dishonour, which now opens to receive it.
But it has been said that the capias against the body of the debtor will afford complete relief; because, if it be taken, he can be discharged only by surrendering all his property, real as well as personal. This is true, and it amounts to a solemn and deliberate concession on the part of the legislature, of the truth of that principle which deprives a man of liberty, who will not pay his debts, when he possesses means to do so. It is impossible, however, that any doctrine which is so just in itself, and which is so unequivocally admitted, can have less operation in society.
To the proceeding by capias, there are objections of great force. If the capias be returned executed, the creditor must, as in the case of the elegit , depend entirely on this writ. If the debtor escape, he can take out a warrant to apprehend him, but not another execution. Of what consequence then is the law prescribing the terms on which a man under arrest, may be released in a country, where it is almost a proverb that no jail will hold a debtor?
The situation of the places of confinement for debt is well known. In almost every county, when a criminal is arrested, the public is obliged to hire a guard. An escape from them is effected with so much ease, that few men will submit to the indignity of "tweaking."
There are no less than three ways by which this indirect attack upon land may be evaded by the debtor: 1st by continuing in jail---2dly, by escaping from it---and 3dly, by giving security for the bounds. In either event, the creditor gets no satisfaction.
Upon this statement, a few remarks must suggest themselves to every reflecting mind.
The opponents of the Land Bill who urge this argument, seem to forget the dilemma in which it involves them. To prove that lands ought not to be sold by execution, they say, that the capias affords adequate relief, that is, by taking the person of the debtor, you compel him to surrender his land for sale. This, however, is not the fact; but admitting it to be so, how absurd is it to exempt lands from sale in the first instance, merely that they may be reached by the confinement and humiliation of the defendant?
(To be continued.)