The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-09-05 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 55.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The Enquirer will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfulfilled business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States. And those whose lands have been sold in the District of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs.
As most of the abovenmentioned lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me.
JOSEPH SCOTT. Marshal V.D. cp-45.
A WET NURSE.
WANTED to hire or purchase, a Wet Nurse without a child of her own. Enquire of the Printers. August 8.-tf
CASH SALE OF LAND IN ALBEMARLE.
On September 15th, WILL BE SOLD, in Charlottesville, to the highest bidder, for Cash, THE TRACT OF LAND lying on the east side of Rivanna, over against Charlottesville, containing ab. 600 acres, with a new commodious DWELLING HOUSE. Two years of a lease under good restrictions have to run after this. The land is all of the South-West Mountain quality; and though much injured in parts, is in general still very good, and all reclaimable. The sale proceeds from a deed of trust to indemnify against loss as security and bail, which was executed in December, 1802, by William Bache, of Pennsylvania, to THOMAS M. RANDOLPH. July 25. cp155-p
FOR RENT,
FOR A TERM OF YEARS, THE Farm called James Harris, decd. lived about 18 years again in the county of Caroline. It is beautifully situated on Pamunkey River, commands a handsome prospect, and is extremely healthful. The dwelling house is very convenient with six rooms in the Cellar, and very dry. A person may stand in the dwelling house and see the mill, which is about a mile distant. The mill, which has a great deal of custom when going, wants a little repair; the timber for which purpose is already on the spot. There are three springs on the place, the streams of which making into each other, form a rivulet which runs through the plantation. There are several flourishing orchards of earthenware fruits, such as Peaches, Apples, Pears, Damsons, Cherries of different kinds, &c.
As I presume no one will purchase without viewing the premises, I think it useful to give a further description. The terms will be made more particularly known to those that desire to rent, by applying to George Winston, at Caroline Court next.
MARY HARRIS, jr. Sept. 1. eptf.
WANTS EMPLOYMENT,
A YOUNG MAN who writes an excellent hand, and has been accustomed to BOOK-KEEPING for the last nine years. He can come well recommended for his sobriety and attention to business. A letter directed to A. B. and left with the Printer here will be duly attended to. August 29. [eW 45.]
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT a Petition will be presented to the General Assembly, at their next Session, for the sale of the Globe in St. Mary's Parish in Caroline; & the investiture of the interest of the Money, thereby raised, in the present Incumbent, so long as he may continue to act as such in the said Parish. CAROLINE, August 18, 1804. [eW 35.]
LOW FOR CASH, OR ON SHORT CREDIT. Direct from Penington's Manufactory, Philadelphia; LOAF SUGAR, Of an excellent quality, either by the hogshead, barrel, or single loaf. The supply will be regular and large.
ALSO—BAR IRON, by the ton or single piece; IRON CASTINGS of various kinds, by the ton or single piece, among which are a few tons of 50 and 60 lbs. weights. MICAJAH DAVIS. 4th of 7th mo. 1804. [eW 6m.]
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, will at their next monthly meeting proceed to recommend to the Court of Hustings, for the said City, one of their proper persons to be appointed a CONSTABLE of the said City, in the room of Lyleman Wood, who has resigned.
ANDREW STEVENSON, C. C. H. August 25. ept17 Sep
Printing,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE,
HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and York/Hire from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. (1)
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by Jacob Woodson of Hanover county, for the benefit of Giles Terrell, Esq. of the Rev. William Douglass, etc. WILL BE EXPOSED TO SALE To the highest bidder, for ready money at Col. Goodall's Tavern, in the County of Hanover, on Saturday the 10th day of September next, the
TRACT OF LAND,
Whereon the said Woodson now resides, in the upper end of Hanover County, or so much thereof as shall be necessary to satisfy the balance due the said Executor, as also the costs attending the trust, by DAVID BULLOCK, and FREDERICK HARRIS, Trustees. July 31, 1804. (cp 8 Sept.)
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which they may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, 23d of May, 1804. The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY COURT.
BALL vs. JETT's heirs & representatives. BY virtue of a Decree of the Court in this suit, WILL BE SOLD, on the 1st of October next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Elizabeth Jett, decd. to the highest bidder, for ready money, the three following TRACTS or PARCELS OF LAND, (or so much thereof as may be sufficient to raise the sum of two thousand dollars with interest and costs of suit)—to wit, a tract devised to Capt. William Ball by his father, containing by estimation 276 acres, be the same more or less; out of this tract will be excepted an old Mill, with the and thereto adjacent and appertaining. The tract on which the said Jett resided at the time of her death, containing 40 acres, more or less. And one other tract formerly part of the estate of Max'n Haynie, decd. containing 20 acres, more or less.
These tracts lie contiguous to each other, and have been used as one farm; they are situate near the Potomac, about two miles below the courthouse on the main road leading to Fairfields Church, and about the same distance from Coan Warehouses. The quality of this land is not inferior to any in its neighbourhood, and nearly two-thirds of it is well timbered. Its situation affords an abundance of excellent fish, oysters, &c. The dwelling and out houses are suitable for the accommodation of a small family. Mr. Samuel Harding, living near the premises, will show them to any person willing to purchase.
THOMAS D. DOWNING, RICHARD EDWARDS, HEROMEL L. OPIE, PETER C. RICE. July 28. cp-5W
FAIRFIELD RACES.
ON Monday the 1st of October next, will be run for over the FAIRFIELD COURSE, a Sweepstakes for Colts three years old, two mile heats. Seven Cols are entered at two hundred dollars each, and the subscription closed. Weights, agreeably to the rules of the Jockey Club. On Tuesday, the 2nd day of October, the JOCKEY CLUB Purse of 400 Dollars, will be run for, four Mile Heats.
The following day, the Purse of the proprietor of the Course, three Mile Heats.
WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. 6 years old 198 5 years old 118 4 years old 106 3 years old 90 Mares and Geldings allowed three pounds. Richmond, August 18, 1804.
SCOTSVILLE JOCKEY CLUB.
ON the second Thursday in September, will be run for, over the Scotsville course, the JOCKEY CLUB Purse of £. 100—three mile heats. The day after, the Purse of the Proprietor of the Course, of £. 50—two mile heats.
Weights as follows: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six Years Old 128 Five Years do 117 Four Years do 106 Three Years do 90 Mares & Geldings allowed 5 lbs. Wm. ARCHER, Secretary. August 11. ept5w-215
LINE OF WASHINGTON.
THE FIRST VOLUME is ready for Subscribers at the Book Store of Wm. FRICHARD. Richmond, August 18, 1804. eptf.
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, Of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hogshead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 18. eptf
BILLS OF LADING, SHERIFFS' BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP.
BY agreement, the partnership of SHANKS & MRACE will cease on the last day of August. Those to whom the firm stands indebted will please exhibit their accounts, that arrangements may be made for their discharge. The debtors of the firm are desired to make immediate payment, as delinquents will be indiscriminately sued. Those concerned will make application to COLIN MRACE. Manchester, August 15, 1804. SHANKS & MRACE.
THE SUBSCRIBER
EXPECTS this fall a very general assortment of GOODS, and intends to continue business in the house now occupied by Shanks & Mrace. All those who have been heretofore punctual, are solicited to continue their dealings. COLIN MRACE. cp3W
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the foot. B—round the ball. C—round the heel. D—the pitch of ditto. E—round the heel and instep. F—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. H—the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. June 30. eptm.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
5th Circuit, Virginia District, May 30, 1804. John Lloyd and John Hanbury, surviving partners of Hanbury and Lloyd, Plaintiffs: against John Buchanan, Archibald Brice, Robert West and Elizabeth Carter his wife, Max Thornton and Priscilla his wife, Henry Perkin and Anna his wife, Samuel Anderson and Fanny his wife, John M'Kean, Willis M'Kean, and Alexander M'Kean, children and devisees of John M'Kean, deceased, and James Watt, executor of Alexander M'Kean, deceased, who was executor of the said John M'Kean, deceased. Defendants.
ROBERT WEST is appointed guardian to Alexander M'Kean, an infant defendant in this suit; and the costs coming on by reason of the parties to be heard on the bill and amended bills, the answer of the defendants, replications, the will of John M'Kean, and proceedings in a suit at law in this court brought by the complainants against the defendant Watt as executor aforesaid, which judgment was obtained at the December session 1801: WHEREUPON, IT IS DECREED AND ORDERED, That Edmund Randolph, William Mitchell, Robert Pollard and Edmund W. Rootes, or any two or more of them, do expose to sale at public auction, together or separately, the lot and tenement in the proceedings mentioned, now in the occupation of William M'Kean; and the small tenements and ground thereto belonging, which adjoin the tenement conveyed in trust to the defendants Buchanan and Brice—after the time and place of sale shall have been advertised four weeks in one or more of the Richmond newspapers; the terms of sale to be one third in cash, and the remaining two-thirds payable in installments with legal interest from the day of sale, the first installment to be paid twelve months, and the second in two years from the day of sale; the purchasers to give bonds for the said two installments, and in default of payment to be again sold by the said commissioners, or any two of them, for ready money, for the payment of the balances that may be due from the respective purchasers: AND IT IS FURTHER ORDERED, That the said commissioners who may pay out of the proceeds of the sales hereby first directed, pay into the complainants, their agent or attorney, three thousand one hundred and twenty-five dollars, thirty-seven cents, with interest on two thousand two hundred and twenty-five dollars, sixty-five cents, part thereof, at five per cent. from the sixteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and one, the balance appearing to be due the complainants by a statement among the exhibits, and the costs of this suit; and the surplus, if any, after deducting the charges of the sale, to be brought into court, subject to such order as may hereafter be made concerning the same; the monies thus raised by the sale to be applied to the satisfaction of the debt due the complainants: AND IT IS FURTHER ORDERED, That such of the commissioners as may not convey to the purchasers in conformity to the terms of this decree, and that they make report of their proceedings to the court. A Copy—Teste, JAMES BLAGROVE, D. C.
Richmond, August 13th, 1804.
IN pursuance of the foregoing decree, we shall expose to sale at public auction, the Lot, Tenements, Ground & Property therein mentioned, on the 10th day of next month, on the premises, in the city of Richmond. EDMUND RANDOLPH. WILLIAM MITCHELL. ROBERT POLLARD. EDMUND W. ROOTES. ept4w
VIRGINIA, TO WIT:
AT A CHANCERY DISTRICT COURT HELD AT THE FORMER CAPITOL, IN THE CITY OF WILLIAMSBURG, the 12th day of July, 1804.
Garwin Lunsford, Joseph Delaney and Sally his wife, and Zuberiah Delaney Plaintiffs, against
Elisha Carter and Elizabeth his wife, late Elizabeth Lunsford, widow of Lewis Lunsford deceased, Harriet Lunsford, Hiram Lunsford, Maria Lunsford and Darius W. Lunsford, children and co-heirs of the said Lunsford, Defendants.
IT appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that the filing of the order in this cause, on the first day of July last, was not received by the defendants, and that the defendants, in not answering the bill of the plaintiffs, have been returned executed, and failing to answer the same, the Court, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, doth take their bill for confessed, and will proceed at a future day, to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendants on or before the tenth day of the term next after they shall have been served with a copy of this order, show cause to be contrary; the defendants have removed themselves out of this Commonwealth, so that they cannot be served with a copy of the said order, on motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. ept2w ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C.
DOCTOR WILSON,
HAS taken (as a temporary residence) the house lately occupied by Doctor Adams, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARY'S BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecary's Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms. Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to. June 27. [eW 6m.]
VIRGINIA:
AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HELD IN RICHMOND, MARCH THE 26th, 1804. Between JOHN SOMERVILL, Plaintiff, and LUCAS SULLIVAN and WILLIAM BASKERVILLE, Defendants.
THE defendant, Lucas Sullivan, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol, in the said city. A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. July 25. eW2m
THE SUBSCRIBER,
HAVING taken his son Dr. Austin Brockenbrough into partnership, gives notice that his books will be closed on the 10th September, and new ones opened under the firm of John Brockenbrough & Son. Imperious circumstances compel him to urge immediate payment from all those indebted for medical services; and he trusts that those who are indebted on open accounts, and who cannot make immediate payment, will come forward and give their notes for their respective balances. He hopes that proper attention will be paid to this notice, as the situation of his affairs will not admit of longer indulgence. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. Tappahannock, August 17th, '04.
AUSTIN BROCKENBROUGH,
Having imported a general assortment of FRESH MEDICINES, will sell a part of them for the use of private families on very reasonable terms for ready money. eW2w
THE SUBSCRIBER
WANTS to hire two NEGRO FELLOWS by the year, or month, to be employed in the manufacture of Tobacco, for which he will give good wages. He also wishes to employ a man who is well acquainted with the manufacture of Chewing Tobacco, who can come well recommended for his industry. DANL. TRIPLETT. August 22. eW 3w
OUR readers will recollect the fate of the outward bound West-India Fleet, convoyed by the Apollo.—The following particular account of that event, was committed to type on Saturday, when we had no foreign or domestic articles in the office.
INTERESTING NARRATIVE.
We find the following Interesting Narrative of the loss of the Apollo frigate, &c. in one of our late London papers:
Monday, the 26th March, failed from the Cove of Cork, in company with his Majesty's ship Carysfort, and 69 sail of merchant ships, under convoy for the West-Indies: 27th, were out of sight of land, with a fair wind, blowing a strong gale and veering about W. S. W. 28th, 29th, and 30th, weather and course nearly the same; 31st, the wind came more to the westward, but more moderate. Sunday the 1st of April, at noon, observed in lat. 40 51 N. long. per account, 12, 29, W. at 8 o'clock on Sunday evening the wind shifted to the S. W. blowing fresh; course S. S. E. At ten quarter past ten, and the main stay sail fell. At a quarter past ten, the main stay sail fell by the sheet gifting way; called all hands upon deck. At half past ten strong breezes and squally, took in the fore-top sail split, furled it and the main sail. The ship was now under her fore sail, main and mizen stern stay sails; the wind blowing hard, with a heavy sea.
About half past three on Monday morning, the 2d. the ship struck the ground, to the astonishment of every one on board, and by the above reckoning we then conjectured upon an unknown shoal. She continued striking the ground very heavy several times, by which her bottom was materially damaged, and making much water; the chain pumps were rigged with the utmost dispatch, and the men began to pump, but in about ten minutes she beat and drove over the shoal. On endeavouring to steer her, found the rudder carried away—she then got before the wind; the pumps were kept going, but from the quantity of water the ship foundered, there was every probability of her soon foundering, as she was filling and sinking very fast.
After running about five minutes, the ship struck the ground again, with such tremendous shocks, that we were fearful she would instantly go to pieces, and kept striking and driving further on the sands, the sea making breaches completely over her. Cut away the lan-yards of the main and mizen rigging, and the masts fell, with a tremendous crash, over the larboard side; the foremast went immediately after. The ship then fell on her larboard side, with the gunwale under water. The violence with which she struck the ground, and the weight of the guns, those on the quarter-deck tearing away the bulwark, soon made the ship a perfect wreck; only four or five guns could possibly be fired to alarm the convoy, and give notice of danger. On her striking the second time, most pitiful cries were heard every where between decks, many of the men giving themselves up to inevitable death. I was told that I might as well stay below, as there was an equal likelihood of perishing if I got upon deck. I was determined to go, by first attempting to enter my cabin, and was in danger of having my legs broke by the chests floating about, and the bulk heads were giving way; I therefore dived, and endeavoured to get upon deck, which I effected after being several times washed down the hatchway, by the immense volume of water incessantly pouring down.—The ship still beat
ing the ground very heavy, made it necessary to cling fast to some part of the wreck to prevent being washed by the surges, or hurled by the dreadful concussions, overboard; the people holding fast by the larboard bulwark of the quarter deck, and in the main channels, while our good capt, stood naked upon the cabin sky-light grating, holding fast by the stump of the mizen mast, and making use of every floating expression which could have been suggested to encourage men in such a perilous situation. Most of the officers and men were naked, not having time even to flip on a pair of trousers.—Our horrible situation every moment became more dreadful; until day light appearing, about half past four o'clock, discovered to us the land, at about two cables length distance, a long sandy beach, reaching to Cape Mondego, three leagues to the southward of us. On the day light clearing up, we could perceive between 20 and 30 of the convoy ashore, both to the northward and southward, and several of them perfect wrecks.
We were now certain of being on the coast of Portugal, from seeing the above Cape, though, I am sorry to say, no person in the ship had the least idea of being so near that coast. It blowing hard, and a very great swell of sea, or what is generally termed waves running mountain high, there was little prospect of being saved. About 8 o'clock, there being every likelihood of the ship going to pieces, & the after part laying low capt. Dixon ordered every person forward, which it was very difficult to comply with, from the motion of the mainmast working on the larboard gunwale, there being no other way to get forward. Mr. Cook, the boatswain had his thigh broke, in endeavouring to get a boat over the side; of six fine boats not one was saved, being all stove, and washed overboard with the booms, &c. Soon after the people got forward, the ship parted at the gangways. The crew were now obliged to stow themselves in the fore channels, and from thence to the bowsprit end, to the number of 220, for out of 240 persons on board when the ship first struck, I suppose 20 to have previously perished between deck and otherwise. Mr. Lawton, the gunner, the first person who attempted to swim ashore, was drowned; afterwards Lieut. Wilson, Mr. Rance, Surgeon, Mr. McCabe, Surgeon's Mate, Mr. Stanley, Master's Mate, and several men shared the same fate, by reason of the sea breaking in enormous surges over them, though excellent swimmers. About 20 persons had the good fortune to reach the shore upon planks & spars, among whom were Lieut. Harvey, and Mr. Callam, Master's Mate. Monday night our situation was truly horrid, the old men and boys dying thro' hunger and fatigue; also Mr. Proby, and Mr. Hayes, midshipmen. Capt. Dixon remained all this night upon the bowsprit.
Tuesday morning presented us no better prospect of being relieved from the jaws of death; the wind blowing stronger, and the sea much more turbulent. About noon this day, our drooping spirits were somewhat raised by seeing Lieut. Harvey, and Mr. Callam, boiling out a boat from one of the merchant ships to come to the assistance of their distressed shipmates. They several times attempted to launch her through the surf, but being a very heavy boat, and the sea on the beach acting so powerfully against them, they could not possibly effect it, though assisted by nearly 100 men of the merchant sailors, and Portuguese peasants. Several men went upon rafts this day, made from pieces of the wreck, but not one soul reached the shore; the wind having shifted and the current setting out, they were all driven to sea; among whom was our capt. who about three in the afternoon went on the jib-boom with three seamen, anxious to save the remainder of the ship's company, and too fatigued of getting safe on shore, ventured upon the spare, saying, on jumping into the sea—"My lads, I'll save you all." In a few seconds he lost his hold of the spar, which he could not regain; he drifted to sea, and perished. Such was also the fate of the three brave volunteers who chose his fortune.
The loss of our capt. who until now had animated the almost lifeless crew, as well as the noble exertions of Lieut. Harvey and Mr. Callam, to launch the boat, not succeeding; every gleam of hope vanished, and we looked forward for certain death the ensuing night, not only from cold, hunger, and fatigue, but the expectation of the remaining part of the wreck going to pieces every moment. Had not the Apollo been a new and well built ship, that small portion of her could not have so long resisted the waves, and stuck so well together, particularly as all the after part from the chief trees was gone, the larboard bow under water, the fore-castle deck nearly perpendicular, the weight of the guns hanging to the larboard bulwark on the inside; and the bow and the spare anchors on the outside, which it was not prudent to cut away as they afforded resting places to a considerable number of men, there being only the fore channels, and cat head, where it was possible to live in, and about which were stowed upwards of 150 men; it being impracticable to continue any longer in the head, or upon the bowsprit, by reason of the breakers washing completely over those places. The night drawing on, the wind increasing, frequent showers of rain, the sea washed over us, and looking every instant for the forecastle giving way, when we must have all perished together, afforded a speck of hope truly deplorable; the bare recollection of which even now makes me shudder.
The piercing cries of the people this dismal night, at every sea coming over them which happened every two minutes, were pitiful in the extreme; the water running from the head down all over the body, keeping us continually wet. This shocking night, the remaining strength of every person was exerted for his individual safety.—From the crowding so close together, in so narrow a compass, and the want of something to moisten their mouths, several poor wretches were suffocated; which frequently reminded me of the Black Hole, with this only difference, that those poor sufferers were confined by strong walls, we by water; the least movement, without clinging fast, would have launched us into eternity. Some unfortunate wretches drank salt water, several their urine, some chewed leather, myself and several others chewed lead; from which we conceived we found considerable relief, by reason of its drawing saliva, which we swallowed.
In less than an hour after the ship first struck the ground, all the provisions were under water, and the ship a wreck, so that it was impossible to procure any part. After the most painful night that is possible to conceive, on day light appearing, we observed Lieut. Harvey

and Mr. Callan again strove to launch the boat. Several attempts were made without success, a number of men belonging to the merchant ships being much bruised and hurt in assisting-alternate hopes and fears now prevailed over wretched minds; fifteen men got safe on shore this morning on pieces of the wreck. About three in the afternoon of Wednesday the 4th, we had the inexpressible happiness of seeing the boat launched through the surf, by the indefatigable exertions of the above officers, assisted by the masters of the ships, with numbers of Portuguese peasants, who were encouraged by Mr. Whitney, the British consul from Figueira. All the crew then remaining on the wreck were brought safe on shore, praising God for a happy deliverance from a shipwreck which had never had its parallel. As soon as I slept out of the boat, I found several persons whose humanity prompted them to offer me sustenance, though improperly in spirits, which I avoided as much as possible. Our weak state may be conceived, when it is considered we received no nourishment from Sunday to Wednesday afternoon, and continually exposed to the fury of the watery element. After eating and drinking a little, I found myself weaker than before, occasioned, I apprehend, from having been so long without eat. Some men died soon after getting on shore, from imprudently drinking too large a quantity of spirits. All the crew were in a very weak and exhausted state, the greater part being badly bruised and wounded.
About four sail of merchant ships were wrecked at the same time on this dreadful beach. Some ships sunk with all their crews, and almost every ship lost from two to twelve men each; yet the situation of the remainder was not equal to that of the frigates company; as the merchant ships drawing a less draught of water, were mostly driven close on shore, and no person remaining on board them after the first morning. The masters of the merchant ships had tents on the beach, and some provisions they had saved from the wrecks, which they very generously distributed, and gave every assistance to the Apollo's ships company. Thus was lost one of the finest frigates in the British navy with 61 of her crew. The number of souls lost in the merchant ships, was also very considerable. Dead bodies were every day floating ashore, and pieces of wreck covered the beach upwards of ten miles in extent.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
NEW-YORK, August 29.
The British Packet Princess Amelia arrived at this port yesterday with the July mail. She left Plymouth on the 10th, and the London Papers received by her at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser are to the 7th inclusive from which the following articles of European Intelligence are copied:
LONDON, July 5.
Private accounts from Malta say:-Oman Bey governs Egypt, which is entirely in his possession, except Alexandria and Aboukir-castle. Ali Pacha with a party of Turks, were cut off on their march to Cairo. Treachery and Massacres are the order of the day in that devoted country. Malta is now in a state fit to repel the united efforts of all the enemies of England. The Russian fleet had not failed from Cronstadt on the 6th ult. a week after the day stated to have been appointed for its sailing.
July 6.
We yesterday received the two Hamburg mails which came due on the 1st and 4th instant. Their contents, as we yesterday predicted, are of very considerable importance. The Official Note of the Emperor of Russia, presented to the French Government by the Chargé d'Affairs at Paris, shews how little reliance is to be placed on the assertions of the Moniteur, respecting the good understanding which it stated to exist between the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and St. Cloud. By the combination of French menace and intrigue, the Elector of Baden was induced to overlook the outrageous violation of his territory. By similar means, the Diet of Ratisbon was led to vote, that the Russian Note did not contain fit matter for their consideration. The Emperor Alexander is, however, ready to his purpose. His Remonstrance which affords a proof of zeal and spirit, contrasted with the apathy or pusillanimity of other powers, is more worthy than his former Note to the Diet. The injury is more fully insisted upon, and its probable consequences more clearly exhibited. Nothing can be more lucid, or more just, than his statement of the necessity "of relieving all the governments of Europe from the alarm which this act has occasioned, and of putting an end to an order of things so dangerous to their safety and independence." In this public and full reproof of a foul and atrocious assassination, every feeling man must rejoice. It will tend to win the opinions of those powers in favor of England, whom perhaps other means might fail to conciliate. But we look to nothing more at present from the interference of Russia. England must fight her own battle. The post bellum auxilium may then be realized in more than one instance. In the mean time, it is something to have the opinion of the Umpires in her favour.
The late movement of the Brest fleet, which excited no alarm, but anxious expectations, is now passed away. A thick fog had prevailed for three days, during which the French ships could not be seen. Many signals were heard, and it was supposed that the enemy had put to sea. When the weather cleared up, it was found that the French ships had merely shifted their berth and were safe in port, as usual.
July 7.
It appears that of the twelve judges who sat on the trial of Moreau, 4 voted for death, 4 for acquittal, and 4 for 2 years imprisonment. This singular circumstance is said to have produced a debate of six hours, when the majority declared for the latter sentence.
Admiral Lord Duncan, it is understood, is to succeed Admiral Lord Cornwallis, in the command of the Channel fleet.
Mr. Pitt, we are sorry to say, appears to be in a very indifferent state of health.
The long-threatened invasion, many correspondents from the coast persist in saying will take place in the course of next week. Without pretending to know the day of the week, however, we are apt to think the time is not very remote when the contest between the two countries will be decided. The very formidable preparations all along the extensive coasts of the enemy, from Brest to the Texel, we think, evince Bonaparte's determination of making the experiment. We ought not, therefore, to relax a single moment in our arrangements of defence. The Corfican, regardless of the consequences, seems resolved to put his good fortune once more to the test; but convinced of the futility and energy of our brave Countrymen, we have no doubt that the conflict will prove glorious to the British Arms.
On account of the adverse state of the wind, the greater part of our blockading squadron has been obliged to return to Dungeness roads.
The King of Naples (according to Dutch papers) has last agreed to evacuate his fortresses, to be occupied by French Troops.
It is stated that Lord Nelson has sent a squadron to Corfu, to act in concert with the Russian ships which have arrived there. He still, however, maintains the blockade of Toulon.
Wednesday morning, about 10 o'clock, their Majesties and the Princesses arrived at the Queen's House from Kew. In a short time after Mr. Pitt had an audience of his Majesty, and continued with him for a considerable time. About 2 o'clock his Majesty had
a Levee, which was attended by their Excellencies the American, Spanish, Imperial, Hanoverian and Portuguese Ambassadors.
Dispatches were yesterday received from Sir John Borlase Warren at Peterburgh, which are said to be of a very important nature. Whatever may be the result of the communications between the Courts of England and Russia, we can have no doubt but they must refer to objects of very general interest to the States of the Continent. It is said that 25 Russian ships, full of troops, have arrived at Corfu.
The King's Physicians have at length pronounced his Majesty's perfect recovery.
A letter from an Officer on board his Majesty's sloop Rattler, dated the 23d inst. off Ostend says, "To-day, after dinner, we saw close in shore, 25 sail of the enemy's squadron making their way from Ostend. We engaged them for nearly three hours, and drove them under the forts. A boy, seeing a shell fall on our main deck from the batteries, instantly put his hat on it while the fuze was burning furiously, took up hat and shell together and threw them overboard, before it had time to burst, by which expedient he must have been the means of preserving many valuable lives, and, perhaps the ship; for falling as it did on the main deck, it might, according to the common effect of shells, have descended to the magazine, which was directly under it."
Extra of a letter from Berlin, dated June 4.
FRENCH PROJECT. "Citizen Le Port, in announcing to Baron Hardenberg, Bonaparte's Imperial Dignity, presented a plan for dividing the European Continent into four grand Empires, or those of France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia; and that no other Sovereign should be permitted, in future, to assume the Imperial title. Hanover was again offered to us, to concentrate better our possessions, and to make our population nearly as great as that of Austria, &c. The absence of our King has prevented any determination from being taken; and, probably, at his Majesty's return, this scheme, with a hundred others proposed lately by France, will be declined; at least such is the common opinion here."
BURIAL OF THE DUKE OF SAXE-GOTH.
The simple burial ceremony of this sovereign took place on the night of the 25th of April, according to the will he expressed in his will. The grave was dug on the Island, in the English garden, at the feet of those of his two deceased children. The false glitter of ill becoming such an occasion, was entirely laid aside. The reigning Duchess, with her child in her arms had the evening before strewed flowers in and round the grave. The midnight hour struck, when the body entered the garden carried by the servants of the late Duke. The walk to the Island was laid with black cloth, with the boat that carried it over. A dark, but quiet night, favoured this melancholy performance. The ceremony was only interrupted by the sighs and by the tears of all present, which ran in abundance on the coffin. The grave had been dug by the late Duke's courtiers, and was filled by the hands of the members of his highness's family. Prince Frederick planted a tree on the grave. No drums were beating-no sermon was pronounced-no cannons were fired-no bells were tolled.
FROM COBBETT'S REGISTER, OF JUNE 30.
IRISH FINANCE.
From the official accounts recently laid before Parliament it appears, that the whole net annual revenue of Ireland amounts to 4,003,3091, and that its annual expenditure, at least, its expenditure for the last year amounted to 7,788,5541, leaving an annual deficit of 3,785,2451. And when we consider the anxiety that must have prevailed to make as good an appearance as possible, it is being by no means uncautiously to presume, that the amount of the annual expenditure is very little, if any at all, less than double the amount of the annual revenue. The new chancellor of the Exchequer has imposed new taxes which he has estimated at 1,900,0001. annual produce. This is adding more than a fourth to the total of the present revenue, and if such an addition is actually collected, Mr. Foster will certainly be regarded as a conjuror. This gentleman has been supposed to understand the principles of taxation, and indeed the whole business of a financier; but such a supposition is not very strongly corroborated by the taxes he has selected, by the expectations he has held forth, and particularly by the observations he has made relative to the effect of his tax upon bank notes, which tax he said, at the same time that it augmented the revenue, would tend to keep the quantity of the bank paper within due bounds!!! On occasions like this it is that one is overpowered with melancholy reflections! What but the immediate interposition of Providence can bring us safe out of such hands? "Tend to keep the quantity of paper within due bounds" and that too at the very moment when he is augmenting the taxes one-fourth, which augmentation must produce a great augmentation in the quantity of circulating medium must be made in bank notes. Nay, the very tax upon the notes will cause an increase of their quantity and a depreciation in their quality, upon the same principle that a brandy merchant would put water in his casks if you were to impose a tax upon his liquor without permitting him to raise its nominal price. There wanted only this one observation from Mr. Foster to convince me that the Irish Treasury had gained nothing by the recent change. The new taxes may, perhaps, produce 800,0001. some persons think they will produce 900,0001. but there is no one imagines that they will add more than 600,0001. to the revenue, because they will certainly occasion a considerable falling off in the produce of the old taxes. Money must however be had, and loans must be made under the guarantee of Great Britain: the debt will go on rapidly increasing on both sides of the water, and if the present system continues for five years, supposing the war to continue so long also, the interest of the debt of Great Britain will swallow up nearly, if not quite, the whole of her revenue. It is beginning to be the fashion amongst the partisans of the minister to throw the blame of the financial distress of Ireland upon the shoulders of Mr. Addington and his colleagues, who had no more to do with the matter than the yeomen of the guard had. There is no branch of revenue that they have cut off. Whatever the peace did, Mr. Pitt was the principal cause of, and as to the debt and all the charges upon the consolidated fund were they not created by Mr. Pitt himself? The whole system in his, and it, as matters of detail, he had, during the last year or two, seen any thing amiss, why did he not come to Parliament and complain of it? The fact is, that on the score of finance, he is under infinite obligations to his yielding successor, who, in funding the stock for which the income tax was pledged, relieved him from a burden which was daily and hourly linking him to the earth. It has been thought by some persons, that, the moment that object was effected, Mr. Pitt willed and intended to return to power: at any rate, it is well known that he supported the measure, and it is not less certain that it was the only measure in which Mr. Addington deviated from the system long pursued by Mr. Pitt. To represent the pecuniary distress of either Great Britain or Ireland as arising from the measures of Mr. Addington and his colleagues is, therefore, a most mean attempt to impose upon the public. No: Mr. Pitt has been absolute master of the resources of the country for the last twenty years. He has done just what he has pleased with them; and the nation has a full and undoubted right to demand a settlement at his hands, and at his hands alone. It has a right to demand of him how it comes to pass, that its debt has been more than doubled; that its bank paper has depreciated; that a dollar, which, when he first became minister, passed for only 4s. 6d. is now worth five shillings in English bank paper, and five shillings and sixpence (English money) in Irish bank paper; and, above all, it has a
right to demand of him, how it has come to pass, that the power of its enemy has been nearly doubled, while its own has undergone a positive diminution. All this and much more it has a right to demand of him: the demand it will make too, and will not be answered by an evasion, or a childish story about the extraordinary difficulties he has had to contend with; about the dreadful danger of the French revolution, or the frowardness of the people of this country; that revolution it was his place to foresee, and to prevent or profit from, and as to the temper of the people, let it never be forgotten, that during his administration they patiently submitted to an income-tax of ten per centum and to a seven years suspension of the habeas corpus act. In short, he had the nation, all its property and all its persons, but particularly its pecuniary resources, at his absolute command for the last twenty years, six or eight months, at most excepted, and during that time no measure contrary to his system was adopted. Responsibility rests, therefore on him and only on him; and this is a fact that should never be lost sight of.
BANK DOLLARS.-There is a bill now before parliament for extending the laws against counterfeiting the King's coin to the counterfeiting of the dollars, issued and to be issued by the banks of England and Ireland. The bill stands for a third reading this day. There seems to be a necessity for passing a law of this sort, unless the dollars be called in, or cried down; for, thousands and hundreds of thousands will otherwise soon be made of base metal. But this bill, whenever it becomes a law, will put the seal to the copartnership between the bank and the government, and will indirectly confer upon the former the joint power of coining money, which has always hitherto been regarded as an attribute of sovereignty. From the first establishment of the bank of England to the administration of Mr. Pitt, the Parliament appears always to have been extremely jealous of any close connexion between the bank and the exchequer. Till the year 1793, the bank was prohibited by law, and under heavy penalties, from advancing money to the government except on the credit of Parliament; but in that year Mr. Pitt obtained from the Parliament an act to do away the penalties, and of course the restraint. The consequences have been such as were naturally to be expected; such as were foreseen by those who understood the science of political arithmetic; such as we see, and such as we shall by and by feel much more grievously. The minister borrowed immense sums from the bank; the bank, in consequence thereof, soon stopped its payment inspecie; the minister procured a law to protect the bank in this breach of contract; the abuse has been continued during peace as well as war, leaving no check upon the bank as to the quantity of its issues; the paper has accordingly depreciated, and the evil has extended to Ireland in a heightened degree, and with aggravated circumstances; at least, to supply the place of the coin of the country, driven out by a depreciated paper, the banks are permitted to issue dollars at an advanced nominal value, and, in order to give to these pieces an air of respectability and authority, the head of the bank graces the other, thus proclaiming to the world, that, in this first and always hitherto undivided attribute of sovereignty, the bank now participates with the monarch. This measure, this deed of partnership, had, however, as yet received the sanction of the council only; the bill now before Parliament gives it the sanction of the legislature. Hence forward the government and the bank are as matters of credit, the same: the bank paper is the government paper; and, as no government paper ever did, or even can, long retain any value at all, so ours must come to that of its original rags, unless things can be restored to the state in which they were in 1793.-English bank paper will bear up longer than any other government paper ever has done, because though it is in fact the paper of the government; though the government has neither the power nor the right to force the bank to make good its engagements, without first enabling it to do out of the treasury, yet men have so long been accustomed to regard the bank as an institution having ample resources totally independent of government, that it will require time, though circumstances may render that time very short, to convince them of their error. The longer however the crisis is deferred, if it is finally to come, the more dangerous will be the consequences.
WEST-INDIES.
OFFICIAL.
Extra of an Arrêt, dated General Head-Quarters, at St. Domingo, the 10th Ventose, 12th year.
General Ferrand, commander in chief at Hispaniola, acting as captain-general, decrees as follows:
1st. The port of St. Domingo is the only one open in the island of Hispaniola to domestic and foreign commerce. In consequence all vessels riding at anchor in the bays, harbors, landings or in any other place near the coast occupied by the rebels; those cleared out for the ports in their possession, or coming from said ports, with or without a cargo; and generally, all vessels sailing within the territorial jurisdiction of the island, except from the Cape Raphael to Ocoa bay, or found at a nearer distance from the shore than 2 leagues, shall be detained by the ships of the state or by the privateers having our letters of marque who will, as much as possible, bring them in the port of St. Domingo, so that a regular condemnation may be had.
2d. In case that fear of enemy's cruisers, contrary winds or damage from the sea do prevent the captors to bring their prizes in the port of St. Domingo, without running an eminent danger of losing them, they may carry them into a port of a neighbouring and friendly island, where agents of the government of Hispaniola reside.
3d. In the cases foreseen by the preceding article, it shall be the duty of the prize-master, as soon as he is arrived, to make his declaration to the agents, who will inscribe the same on a register-book, kept by him for that purpose.
4th. As soon as the above mentioned declaration is made, the agent shall request the ordinary judge of the place to go on board of the prize in order to put his seal upon all the openings of the vessel, in presence of the prize-master and the captured captain. The said agent shall take all necessary precautions for the preservation of the prize until she is lawfully condemned or released.
The following is a translated copy of a letter addressed by gen. Dessalines to an American supercargo, who had taken the liberty of remonstrating against certain oppressive proceedings of the agents of the administration of Hayti:
Head Quarters, July 18-18th year of the Independence of Hayti.
THE administrator Bayard, has just caused to be put into my hands the menacing letter you wrote him.
SIR,
The people of your country, who wish to come to this island for the purpose of opening a store, or merely to sell their cargoes, always find safety and protection.
I will however, by no means, suffer, sir, that a stranger shall enter a port contrary to the measures I have taken for the interest of my country, nor that he shall be permitted to insult the representatives of government in that part of their service.
There are established in every city, merchants of this country, as well as those of your own nation, who have the right of treating with you for your cargoes, and of selling afterwards to the store-keepers of the place. I forbid a foreigner on entering our ports having this privilege, or that of purchasing produce from the
bands of individuals, to the detriment of the administration, or the merchant already established: and I am careful that this order is executed.
The honourable and loyal manner in which we have treated your nation, has already obtained me a name; and I shall always be able to find honest men (and that in great numbers), who will bring to this country whatever we stand in need of.
I have the honor to salute you, (Signed) DESSALINES.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
LOUISIANA REMONSTRANCE.
TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES IN SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES CONVENED.
WE the Subscribers, Planters, Merchants and other inhabitants of Louisiana, respectfully approach the Legislature of the United States, with a memorial of our rights, a remonstrance against certain laws which contravene them, and a petition for that redress to which the laws of nature, sanctioned by positive stipulations, have entitled us.
Without any agency in the events which have annexed our country to the United States, we yet considered them as fortunate, and thought our liberties secured, even before we knew the terms of the cession. Persuaded that a free people would acquire territory only to extend the blessings of freedom-that an enlightened nation would never destroy those principles on which its government was founded-and that their representatives would disdain to become the instruments of oppression, we calculated with certainty, that their first act of sovereignty would be a communication of all the blessings they enjoyed, and were the less anxious to know on what particular terms we were received. It was easily understood that we were to be American citizens; this satisfied our wishes, it implied every thing we could desire, and filled us with that happiness which arises from the anticipated enjoyment of a right long withheld. We knew that it was impossible to be citizens of the United States, without enjoying personal freedom, protection of property, and, above all, the privileges of a free representative government, and did not therefore imagine that we could be deprived of these rights, even if there should have existed no promise to impart them; yet it was with some satisfaction we found these objects secured to us by the stipulation of a treaty; and the faith of Congress pledged to us for their uninterrupted enjoyment: we expected them from our magnanimity, but were not displeased to see them secured to us as a right, and guaranteed by solemn engagements.
With a firm persuasion that these engagements would be sincerely fulfilled, we passed under your jurisdiction, with a joy bordering on enthusiasm, submitted to the inconveniences of an intermediate dominion without a murmur, and saw the last tie that attached us to our mother country, severed without regret. Even the evils of a military and absolute authority were acquiesced in, because it indicated an eagerness to complete the transfer, and place beyond the reach of accident the union we mutually desired. A single magistrate, vested with civil and military, with executive and judicial powers, upon whose laws we had no check, over whose acts there is no appeal, the sudden suspension of all those forms, to which we had been accustomed, the total want of any permanent system to replace them, the introduction of a new language into the administration of Justice, the perplexing necessity of using an interpreter for every communication with the officers placed over us, the involuntary errors of necessity committed by judges, uncertain by what code they are to decide, wavering between the civil and the common law, between the forms of the French, Spanish and American jurisprudence, and with the best intentions unable to expound laws, of which they are ignorant, or to acquire them in a language they do not understand-these were not slight inconveniences, nor was this a state of things calculated to give favourable impressions, or realise the hopes we entertained.-But we submitted with resignation because we thought the effect of necessity.-We submitted with patience tho' its duration was longer than we had been taught to expect-we submitted even with cheerfulness while we supposed your honorable body was employed in reducing this chaos to order, and, by your legislative fiat, calling a system of harmony from the depth of this confused discordant mass. But we cannot conceal, we ought not to dissemble, that the first project presented for the government of this country, tended to lessen the enthusiasm which, until that period, had been universal; and to fix our attention on present evils, while it rendered us less sanguine as to the future; still, however, we wished to persuade ourselves, that further enquiry would produce better information; that discussion would establish our rights, and time destroy every prejudice that might oppose them. We could not bring ourselves to believe, that we had so far mistaken the stipulations in our favour, or that Congress could so little regard them, and we waited the result, with an anxiety which distance only prevented our expressing before the passage of the bill. After a suspense which continued to the last moment of the session; after debates which only tended to shew how little our true situation was known; after the rejection of every amendment declaratory of our rights, it at length became a law, & before this petition can be presented will take effect in our country.
Disavowing any language but that of respectful remonstrance; disclaiming any other but that which befits a manly assertion of our rights, we pray leave to examine the law "creating Louisiana into two territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof," to compare its provisions with our rights, and its whole scope with the letter and spirit of the treaty which binds us to the United States.
The first section erects the country south of the 39th degree, into a Territory of the United States, by the name of the Territory of Orleans.
The second gives us a Governor appointed for three years by the President of the United States, the fourth vests in him and in a council also chosen by the President, all Legislative power subject to the revision of Congress-Specially guarding against any interference with public property either by taxation or sale. And the fifth establishes a judiciary to consist of a Supreme Court having exclusive criminal and original jurisdiction without appeal, for all causes above the value of 100 dollars; and such inferior Courts as the Legislature of the Territory may establish; the Judges of the Superior Court are appointed by the President to continue in office four years. This is the summary of our Constitution. This is the accomplishment of a treaty engagement to "incorporate us into the Union, and admit us to all the rights, advantages, and immunities of American Citizens."
And thus is the promise performed which was made by our first magistrate in your name, that
you would "receive us as brothers, and hasten to extend to us a participation in those invaluable rights, which had formed the basis of your unexampled prosperity."
Ignorant as we have been represented of our natural rights, shall we be called on to shew that this Government is inconsistent with every principle of civil liberty.
Uninformed as we are supposed to be of our acquired rights, it is necessary for us to demonstrate that this act does not "incorporate us in the Union," that it vests us with none of the "rights," gives us no "advantages," and deprives us of all the "immunities" of American citizens.
If this should be required we think neither task will be difficult.
On the first point we need only appeal to your declaration of Independence, to your Constitution, to your different state governments, to the writings of your revolutionary patriots, and statesmen, to your own professions and public acts, and finally, legislators, to your own hearts, on which the love of civil liberty, and its principles are we trust too deeply engraved to be ever totally effaced.
A Governor is to be placed over us, whom we haven't chosen, whom we do not even know, who may be ignorant of our language, uninformed of our institutions, and who may have no connections with our country, nor interest in its welfare.
This governor is vested with all executive and almost unlimited legislative power, for the law declares, that "by and with the advice and consent of the legislative body, he may change, modify, and repeal the laws," &c. But this advice and consent will no doubt in all cases be easily procured, from the majority of a council, selected by the President or Governor, and dependent on him for their appointment and continuance in office; or if they should prove refractory, the power of prorogation frees him from any troublesome interference, until a more prudent selection at the end of the year, shall give him a council better suited to his views; the true legislative power then is vested in the Governor alone, the council operates as a cloak to conceal the extent of his authority, to screen him from the odium of all unpopular acts-to avoid all responsibility, and give us the faint semblance of a representative assembly, with so few of its distinguishing features, that unless the name were inscribed on the picture, it would be difficult to discover the object for which it was intended.
Taxation without representation, an obligation to obey laws, without any voice in their formation, the undue influence of the executive upon legislative proceedings, and a dependent judiciary, formed, we believe, very prominent articles in the list of grievances complained of by the United States at the commencement of their glorious contest for freedom; the opposition to them, even by force, was deemed meritorious and patriotic, and the rights on which that opposition was founded, were termed fundamental, indefeasible, self-evident, and eternal; they formed, as your country then unanimously asserted, the only rational basis on which government could rest; they were so plain, it was added, as to be understood by the weakest understanding; not capable of alienation, they might always be reclaimed; unsusceptible of change, they were the same at all times, in all climates, and under all circumstances; and the fairest inheritance for our posterity, they should never-it was firmly asserted-they should never be abandoned but with life.
These were the sentiments of your predecessors-were they wrong? were the patriots who composed your councils, mistaken in their political principles? did the heroes who died in their defence, seal a false creed with their blood? No, they were not wrong! the admiration of the world, the respect still paid to the living, the veneration accorded to the memory of the dead attest the purity of their principles, and prove the truth of those maxims, which render their lives a blessing to their country, and their deaths glorious in its defence-these truths then so well founded, so universally acknowledged inapplicable only to us? do political axioms on the Atlantic, become problems, when transferred to the shores of the Mississippi? or are the unfortunate inhabitants of these regions the only people who are excluded from those equal rights, acknowledged in your declaration of Independence, repeated in the different state constitutions, and ratified by that of which we claim to be a member? Where, we ask respectfully, where is the circumstance that is to exclude us from a participation in these rights? Is it because we have not heretofore enjoyed them? This on the contrary would seem a reason to hasten the communication, to indemnify us by a futurity of freedom, for the years we have been deprived of it, and enable us experimentally, to compare the blessings of a free government with the evils of another dominion. But the present situation of affairs, forms no pleasing contrast with that which is past; and if we did not count with confidence on a change in the system you have adopted, the prospect before us would not afford matters for consolatory anticipation; for though a period is fixed for the absolute government placed over us; tho' a year may terminate, the equally objectionable system which succeeds it, yet what is to follow? Lii-participation in the advantages of the Union? If those were offered to us as the reward of a certain term of patience and submission, though we could not acquiesce in the justice of the procedure, we should have some consolation in our misfortune; but no manifestation of what awaits us at the expiration of the law, is yet made.
We may then again become the victims of false information, of hasty remark, or prejudiced opinion; we may then again be told that we are incapable of managing our own concerns, that the period of emancipation is not yet arrived, and that when in the school of slavery, we have learned how to be free, our rights shall be restored. Upon the topic to which this leads we are reluctant to speak-but misrepresented and insulted, it cannot be deemed improper to shew how groundless are the calumnies which represent us, us as in a state of degradation, unfit to receive the boon of freedom. How far any supposed incapacity, to direct the affairs of our own country, would release the United States from their obligation, to confer upon us, the rights of citizenship, or upon which principle they are to become the judges of that capacity, might, we believe, fairly be questioned-for we have surely not become less fit for the task, since the signature of the Treaty, than we were before that period-and that no such incapacity was then supposed to exist, is evident from the terms of that instrument, which declares that we are to be admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the constitution. If the United States then may postpone the performance of this engagement until in their opinion it may be proper to perform it, of what validity is the compact, or can that be called one, of which the performance depends only on the will of the contracting party.
But if capacity is to be the criterion and information the preliminary requisite of our admission, let us respectfully enquire what is the nature of this capacity, and information, and where it will most probably be found. By the distribution of powers between the general and state governments, the former have the exclusive superintendence of all external relations,

and of those internal arrangements, which regard the several states in their national capacity; the reductive powers, retained by the states, are more limited in their operations, and require in their exercise a species of information to be derived only from local sources. The purest principles will be misplaced, the best intentions will be ill directed, the most splendid efforts of genius, will prove ineffectual without an intimate knowledge of the manners, customs, pursuits, and interests, of the people, to whom they are applied, or in whose favour they are exerted. Should this reasoning be just, it would appear to follow that local information should be preferred in a state legislature, to splendid acquirement, when they cannot be united; and should we give the representatives of the United States all the superiority they claim and undoubtedly merit, yet we cannot be accused of presumption, in supposing that we know more of our own country, and its local interests, than men who are acquainted with it only from report. It will not, we trust, be answered that the members of the council must be selected from the inhabitants; we have already shown what share this council will probably have in legislation: and the residence of one year is certainly too short to attain information, or secure any thing like a permanence of attachment.
If this local knowledge is necessary to legislate wisely, how much more so is it in order to select discreetly, those on whom this task must devolve. The President must necessarily depend on the information of his agents here; without any personal knowledge of the men he must choose, how can he detect imposition, or counteract prejudice? How to defeat intrigue, or secure himself from the reproach of having confined our interests to men, in whom we have no confidence? We might contract these inconveniences with the evident advantages of a choice made by the people themselves, and the conviction would be irresistible, that the latter possess, exclusively, that species of information, with respect to character, conduct, circumstances and abilities, which is necessary to a prudent choice of their representatives; but we presume enough has been said to show that among a people not absolutely sunk in ignorance, the kind of knowledge indispensable to good government, or a selection of rulers, can only be found at home—that the best abilities and the purest intentions will not replace it abroad, and that without it all legislation is tyrannical and oppressive.
Convinced of this truth we find the advocates for our subjection, driven to an argument, at which we have before hinted.—To deprive us of our right of election, we have been represented as too ignorant to exercise it with wisdom, and too turbulent to enjoy it with safety. Sunk in ignorance, effeminated by luxury, debased by oppression, we were, it was said incapable of appreciating a free constitution, if it were given, or feeling the deprivation, if it were denied. The sentiments which were excited by this humiliating picture, may be imagined, but cannot be expressed, consistent with the respect we owe to your honorable body. We were willing, however to ascribe it to the want of correct information, but we could not avoid wondering that it should be so very defective, as to have drawn from the names of some districts in our country, an argument as to the language spoken in them, which proved fatal to an important amendment to the bill. We could not imagine what had excited the idea of our effeminacy and profusion; and the laborious planter at his frugal meal, heard, with a smile of bitterness and contempt, the descriptions published at Washington, of his opulence and luxury.
As to the degree of information diffused through the country, we humbly request that some more correct evidence may be produced than the superficial remarks that have been made by travellers or residents, who neither associate with us nor speak our language; many of us are native citizens of the United States, who have participated in that kind of knowledge which is there spread among the people, the others generally are men who will not suffer, by a comparison with the population of any other colony. Some disadvantages as to education in the higher branches of literature, have lately attended us, but the original settlement of the province was marked by circumstances peculiarly favourable in this respect, it was made at no distant date, at a period when science had attained a great degree of perfection, and from a country in which it flourished; many individuals possessing a property and rank, which suppose a liberal education were among the first settlers, and perhaps there would be no vanity in asserting that the first establishment of Louisiana, might vie with that of any other in America, for the respectability and information of those who composed it; their descendants now respectfully call for the evidence which proves that they have degenerated so as to become totally incompetent to the task of legislation; for our love of order and submission to the laws we can confidently appeal to the whole history of our settlement and particularly to what has lately passed.
In those dangerous moments when it was uncertain at what point our political vibrations would stop; when national prejudice, personal interest, factions views, and ambitious designs, might be supposed to combine for the interruption of our repose when in the frequent changes to which we have been subject, the authority of one nation was weakened, before the other had established its power. In those moments of crisis and danger, no infraction disturbed, no riot disgraced us, the voice of sedition was silent; and before a magistrate was appointed, good morals served instead of laws, and a love of order instead of civil power; it is then as unjust to tax us with intemperance as it is odious to reproach us with ignorance and vice.
But let us admit that by some train of reasoning to which we are strangers, by some incomprehensible facility we are cut off from our national rights, and from an unfortunate exception to those general principles on which your revolution and government are founded; that there is no class for us in the great character of nature, and that we must look for our freedom to another source; yet we are not without a claim one arising from solemn stipulation, and according to our ideas, full, obligatory, and unreciprocated.
The third article of the treaty, lately concluded at Paris, declares that "the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States, and in the meantime they shall be protected in the enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the exercise of the religion they profess."
Your honorable body seems to have adopted a construction of this article, which would suspend its performance, until some period fixed by the principles of the constitution, and to have read the article thus:—The inhabitants shall be incorporated into the Union, and admitted to the enjoyment of all the rights, etc. so far as the principles of the federal constitution will permit. We, on the contrary, contend, that the words "according to the principles of the federal constitution," as they are placed in the sentence, form no limitation, that they were intended as a description of the kind of rights
we were to enjoy, or at most relate to the mode in which they were to be conferred, and that the article contemplates no other delay to our reception, than will be required to pass the necessary laws, and ascertain the representation to which we are entitled.
The inhabitants of the ceded territory, are to be "incorporated into the Union of the United States." These words can in no sense be satisfied by the act in question. A territory governed in the manner the act directs, may be a province of the United States, but can, by no construction, be said to be incorporated into the Union. To be incorporated into the Union, must mean to form a part of it; but to every component part of the United States, the constitution has guaranteed a republican form of government; and this, as we have already shown, has no one principle of republicanism in its composition.—It is, therefore, not a compliance with the letter of the treaty, and is totally inconsistent with its spirit, which certainly intends some stipulations in our favour. But if Congress may govern us as they please, what necessity was there for this clause? or how are we benefited by its introduction? If any doubt however could possibly arise on the first member of the sentence, it must vanish by a consideration of the second, which provides for their admission, to the rights, privileges, and immunities of citizens of the United States. But this government, as we have shown, is totally incompatible with those rights. Without any vote in the election of our legislature; without any check upon our executive; without any one incident of self-government—what valuable "privilege" of citizenship is allowed us? what "right" do we enjoy? what "immunity" can we boast, except indeed the degrading exemption from the cares of legislation and the burthen of public affairs?
Will it be said, that though our right be admitted, yet Congress are to determine the period when it shall be conferred? This, we apprehend, would not only be contrary to the words of the treaty, but would be a solecism in itself. The words, "according to the principles of the federal constitution, to enjoyment of the rights," etc. certainly mean, to such rights, as are secured by the principles of the constitution; or, that we are admitted to their enjoyment in such manner as the same principles direct; and at any rate the words "as soon as possible," can never be construed, so as to give a right of deferring it indefinitely. If it may be procrastinated for two years, we see no reason, why it may not be deferred for twenty or an hundred, or totally omitted.—That our verbal construction is a true one, will be evident from pursuing the other exposition to its consequences. If the treaty means to say that we shall be admitted as soon as the principles of the constitution will permit, we must look into that instrument to discover what restrictions oppose its immediate performance. We should naturally expect if this reasoning be true, to find some period limited before which we could not become members of the Union; some requisites of population, or other circumstance, to be previously attained or performed; but on the contrary, the powers of admitting new states is vested in Congress, without any restriction whatever, that can be applicable to the present case; there is therefore, nothing that can satisfy these words, if they are construed as a limitation; nothing but the will of Congress is referred to in the constitution. This construction then, would prove that the United States had stipulated, to admit us into the Union as soon as they should think proper; but a treaty implies a compact, and what compact, can arise from a stipulation to perform, or not perform, as the party shall deem expedient? this would be such a solecism in argument, such a confusion of terms as must make us doubt the propriety of any construction that leads to them, and we feel ourselves justified in a persuasion, that the treaty intended to incorporate us into the union so soon as the laws necessary for that purpose could be passed.
We know not with what view the territory North of the 33d degree, has been severed from us and carried with it, the distinguishing name which belongs to us, and to which we are attached; the convenience of the inhabitants we humbly apprehend would have been better consulted by preserving the connection of the whole province, until a greater degree of population, made a division necessary. If this division should operate so as to prolong our state of political tutelage; on account of any supposed deficiency of numbers, we cannot but consider it as injurious to our rights, and therefore innumerate it among those points of which we have reason to complain. If there is force in our reclamations, on the great question of fundamental rights—if we are entitled to legislate for ourselves as a member of the Union, and to establish the forms on which that legislation shall be conducted, by framing a constitution, suited to our own exigencies; then no farther observations need be made on other parts of the law—for the right of local legislation implies that of making the alterations, we might deem expedient; then our judiciary would become independent; the executive power would be properly circumscribed, and the legislative guarded against encroachment. There is one subject however extremely interesting to us in which great care has been taken to prevent any interference even by the governor and council, selected by the president himself. The African trade is absolutely prohibited and severe penalties, imposed on a traffic free to all the Atlantic states who chose to engage in it, and as far as relates to procuring the subjects of it from other states, permitted even in the territory of the Mississippi.
It is not our intention to enter arguments that have become familiar to every reasoner on this question, we only ask the right of deciding it for ourselves, and of being placed in this respect on an equal footing with other states.—To the necessity of employing African labourers, which arises from climate, and the species of cultivation pursued in warm latitudes, is added a reason in this country peculiar to itself.—The banks raised to restrain the waters of the Mississippi, can only be kept in repair by labour whose natural constitution and habits of labour enable them to resist the combined effects of a deleterious moisture, and a degree of heat intolerable to whites; this labour is great, it requires many hands and it is all important to the very existence of our country. If therefore this traffic is justifiable anywhere it is surely in this province, where unless it is permitted cultivation must cease, the improvements of a country be destroyed, and the great river resume its empire over our ruined fields and demolished habitations.
Another subject not indeed growing out of this law, but of great moment to us, is the sudden change of language in all the public offices and administration of justice—the great mass of the inhabitants speak nothing but the French, the late government was always careful in their selection of officers, to find men possessed of our language and with whom we could personally communicate; their judicial proceedings were recorded in the Spanish language, but being carried on altogether by writing translations were easily made; at present for the slightest communication an interpreter must be procured; in more important concerns, our interest suffers from not being fully explained; a parafe, a circum-
stance seemingly of little moment, and which a person uninterested in the affair will not take the trouble to translate; frequently decisive, and produces the most important effects, that free communication so necessary to give the Magistrate a knowledge of the people, and to inspire them with confidence in his administration, is by this means totally cut off and the introduction of vis viva pleading in the courts of justice, subjects the party who can neither understand his Council, his Judge, or the advocate of his opponent, to an embarrassment the most perplexing, and often, to injuries the most serious.
We have thus stated the great sources of discontent, which have arisen from the measures your honorable body has been pleased to pursue; did we suppose them the effect of a settled design to oppress, of a determination to disregard our natural and stipulated rights, we are persuaded we should do as much injustice to your views, as the strongest expressions would do to our feelings of indignation and grief; but we will not insult you by a suspicion injurious to your motives; the want of true information with respect to us, opinions founded on a superficial acquaintance with our country, and prejudiced relations of our habits and manners, on reports the most unfounded, even as to our language, these alone have given rise to the measures of which we complain, and when these impressions shall have been effaced, we have the fullest confidence that their effects will cease, and the language of remonstrance will be changed to that of congratulation and thanks.
Deeply impressed, therefore, with a persuasion that our rights need only be stated, to be recognized and allowed; that the highest of a free Nation is a communication of the blessings of freedom; and that its best reputation is decided from a sacred regard to treaties. We pray you representatives of the people to consult your own fame and happiness, by a prompt attention to our prayer; we invoke the PRINCIPLES OF YOUR REVOLUTION, THE SACRED SELF-EVIDENT, AND ETERNAL TRUTHS on which your governments are founded, we invoke the SOLEMN STIPULATIONS OF TREATY, we invoke your own PROFESSIONS, OF YOUR FATHERS, and we adjure you not to disavow the one nor dishonor the other, by persevering in a plan so contradictory to every thing you have said and they have taught so fatal to our happiness, and the reputation of our country, to a generous and free people. We ought not to urge any motive of interest when those of honor and duty are so apparent; but be assured that the true interest of the United States consists of cultivating a spirit of conciliation with the inhabitants of the territory they acquired. Annexed to your country by the course of political events, it depends upon you to determine whether we shall pay the cold homage of reluctant subjects, or render the free allegiance of citizens, attached to your fortunes by choice, bound to you, for gratitude for the best of blessings, contributing cheerfully to your advancement, to those high destinies, to which HONOR, LIBERTY, JUSTICE, will conduct you, and defending as we solemnly pledge ourselves to do, at the risk of fortune and life, our COMMON CONSTITUTION, COUNTRY & LAWS.
WE, THEREFORE, respectfully pray, that so much of the law above mentioned, as provides for the temporary government of this country, as divides it into two territories, prohibits the importation of slaves be repealed.
And that prompt and efficacious measures may be taken to incorporate the inhabitants of Louisiana, into the Union of the United States, and admit them to all the rights, privileges and immunities of citizens thereof.
And your Petitioners, &c.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1804.
V I E W OF "THE MUTUAL ASSURANCE SOCIETY AGAINST FIRE, ON BUILDINGS OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA."
[PART THE SECOND.]
THE act for incorporating the Mutual Assurance Society, recognizes the leading principle of this institution, at the same time that it gives validity to any bye-laws, which the subscribers may afterwards agree to adopt. To explain this leading principle of the law, and to describe some of the principal bye-laws, which have been enacted for the proper government of the society, will consequently become the duty of the author of this sketch.
It has been already remarked, that there is a very great difference between this and the other form of an insurance company, in the manner of receiving the money which is paid in. In the other society, every one who insures his house, pays a certain premium every year 1, 2, 3, or, a certain definite per cent on the value of his house, whether the house be burned down or not; that is, whether the money which has been already put in, is less or more than sufficient to pay all the losses which occur. But in the present institution, no one knows how much he is to pay, except the premium which he advances, when he enters the association. He is not called upon for a new quota, unless the necessities of the company require it, unless so many houses burn down, that its funds are insufficient to pay for its losses. According to this statement, any one would be apt to suppose that a new quota would be called for from each person, as soon as the amount of losses which occur, is equal to the amount of the premiums.
Let us for instance suppose, that one out of every 500 houses burns down in a year; that each house is worth 1000 dollars, and that the average premium is worth about 3 per cent; that is, that for every 100 dollars which a man's house is worth, he pays 3 dollars. Then as 1000 dollars are paid every year for losses, in 15 years a person would suppose the whole amount of premiums would be expended, and a new quota must be paid up. In 15 years, therefore, it may be supposed according to the foregoing statement, each man pays 3 per cent; that is, that he pays at the rate of 1.5 per cent for every year. If therefore a person should wish to know, whether he would have to pay more or less for insuring his house under this plan than under the other; he may suppose himself able to determine this point, by comparing this rate with the fixed premium, which is required every year by the other association. But these two conclusions would be erroneous for this very plain reason: that the premiums which are paid up at first by the subscribers, do not constitute the only fund, out of which the losses are to be paid. For this fund is increased by a new operation.
The premiums when they are paid in, are not suffered to lie idle & unproductive. They are vested in certain public stock, the annual dividend on which goes to increase the funds of the society, to put off the period of a new call for
money, and to lessen the annual rate of insurance. Thus for instance, let us suppose the dividend on its stock to be 6 per cent then it will not be difficult with the preceding data to calculate the rate of insurance. For the first year the interest of the money will only be 100 dollars less than is sufficient to pay the losses. At the end of the first year therefore the amount of its funds will be 14900, instead of 15,000 dollars. During the next year, the interest will be 106 dollars less than the amount of losses. During the first five years, therefore, with these data, and excluding the mere interest of the money would be sufficient to pay the losses of one house, and there would be 794 dollars over; that is it would nearly pay for the destruction of two houses. In the same manner if the calculation be kept up for a series of years, each year the interest becoming less for the diminution of the principal, it will be found that the number of years in which the premiums will expire, will be much greater, and the calculated premium for one year will be much less, than under a system, where the funds are permitted to lie idle and unproductive. In comparing such a plan, therefore, with the other form of an insurance society where the profits of the premiums are confined to the company itself and not extended to the insured, this advantageous operation deserves to be particularly noticed.
The law has even carried this principle further. It has looked forward to the time, where the interest of the premiums shall not merely increase the money which is to pay the losses, but all the losses, without encroaching upon the principal. It declares that where the premiums are insufficient to pay the losses, that new requisitions shall be made of the subscribers and that "these quotas shall always be so rated, as to raise and keep up a fund, so that the interest thereof may be deemed by the president and directors sufficient to pay the annual losses and expenses." When this desirable period shall arrive it is vain for human calculation to attempt to determine.
Whether the interest alone is sufficient to pay all the losses, or whether a part of the principal itself must be employed for this purpose; in either case, the advantage of making the society general will be very considerable. If the losses are paid out of the interest alone, the greater the interest; that is, the greater the number of houses insured; the greater number may perish without any encroachments upon the Capital. If for instance 1 out of every 1000 houses should burn every year; if each house should be worth 1000 dollars; if the average premium on them should be 3 per cent; and if the average interest on this fund should be 6 per cent: then the annual interest would be 1800 dollars. This interest would be insufficient to pay for two houses. But if twice as many houses; that is 2000, had been insured, the interest would be 3600 dollars; that is, 8 times as many houses might be permitted to perish. If the same calculation be carried on, it will be found, that while the number of insured houses is expressed by the series 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, the number of houses which may be paid for without breaking in upon the capital, will increase in still greater ratio, and will be represented by the series 1, 3, 5, 7, 9. The little balances of interest which remain after paying for one house out of every 1000, will thus, by their accumulation, be sufficient to pay for a greater number of houses.
But if the houses are to be paid for, not out of the interest, but out of the premiums, or out of new quotas, the more general the society, the more advantageous will it be to those who have insured in it. This will not so readily appear. It may be supposed at first, that if the owners of 1000 houses have to pay a certain quota, the owners of 2000 houses will have to pay twice as much. They surely contribute twice as much premium at first to the funds of the society, but their losses will be twice as great, because the number of their losses is twice as great. It may be asked, therefore, where is the advantage of having more houses insured, since the ratio of the losses comes at last to be the same very same? It would certainly be the same, if the same number of houses were destroyed in the same short periods. In the course of 100 years the number of houses destroyed out of 1000 might be the same as the number destroyed in another century: because the great number of houses, which burn in one year may make up for the small number in another. But from year to year, from one short period to another, the number is very variable. A great many houses may be reduced to ashes at one time. When these great losses happen, it will fall more lightly upon any one individual, when there are many in the association. It will fall more lightly upon him, even though these great losses were to happen more frequently. It is easier for a man, when he is to be suddenly called upon for a certain sum of money, to pay some part of it at one time and some at another, than to pay the whole of it at once. A demand for a large sum when he had no reason to expect it, or when, although he had some reason to expect it, he has made no provision for paying it, will always subject him to greater inconvenience and loss, than a demand for several smaller sums. If 5 houses only were insured, neither of the proprietors would probably have to pay a new quota for a long time, because it is not probable that one of these houses would burn down for a long time. If then he was to reserve a certain part of his annual income for the payment of the loss, when it really happens, the quota tho' it would not be due once for 50 years, would subject him to little inconvenience. But no man makes this provision. No man ever lays up a part of his income; no man ever thinks of keeping money for an insurance company, until it makes its requisition. It would be much better, therefore, if instead of 5, there had been 250 houses insured. Each man would have to pay a certain sum every year; but then this sum would be small, as it would be only the 250th part of what each of the 5 men would have to pay at one time.
The law having recognized this principle of the institution, devolves the exclusive management of its concerns upon its own members. To them is entrusted the office of making such bye-laws as they may judge necessary and useful. As soon as the sum subscribed for should amount to 3,000,000 of dollars at least, the law determined that a meeting of the subscribers should be held, for the arrangement of its bye-laws. At Richmond on the 26th of Dec. 1795 an efficient meeting was held for this purpose, and a set of regulations was adopted. These have undergone several alterations since that time. They stand as to their most important features, on the following foundation:
The most important part of the plan consisted in determining how much each house ought to pay. It was very clear that the premiums should be regulated by the risk. A man, whose house had twice as great a chance of burning down as another, should evidently pay twice as much to insure it, because when it burnt down he would gain and the society would lose twice as much. The only difficulty then was in determining the different degrees of risk to which the different houses were exposed. For this purpose houses are divided into two classes: those which stand by themselves not connected with any other buildings within 20 feet, and those which are "connected or within 20 feet near other buildings." The first class will evidently pay
more than the last.—Houses in the first class are next distinguished from each other according to the combustibility of the materials out of which they are made. In this respect there are 8 rates of them. The first rate includes all dwellings houses whereof the walls are built of brick or stone, and covered with tiles, slate or metal; for which one per cent premium is demanded. The eighth rate pays 5 per cent and consists of very inflammable buildings. Houses in the intermediate rates are distinguished by different premiums and rates.
"If a building is contiguous within 20 feet of others, it pays additional premiums," and these premiums are regulated by the inflammable materials of the buildings which are near to it. If for instance it be contiguous to a house of the first rate, it pays ten cents more; that is, it pays in the whole 1 1-10 per cent. In the same manner the additional premium is adjusted to buildings of all the other rates. Having settled the insurance of one of these houses, the estimate is afterwards extended to more than one house contiguous to it. It comprehends whole ranges of houses, distinguished too by the nature of the materials.
In the forming of these tables of hazards, the most perfect accuracy has not been consulted. In the first class of houses for instance, a building at the distance of 21 feet has no more to pay than another at 42 feet. In the second class no allowance is made for the height of the contiguous houses, and the number of contiguous houses from one to five. The first class of houses may be generally said to comprehend those which are in the country; the 2nd, those which are in the town.—From comparing together the premiums and the losses, which have been paid in town and country, we shall discover that these relative premiums are not accurately adjusted, and that a house in the town has been rated too low, in proportion to one of the same kind in the country.
There are some buildings, which are not insurable without a special contract with the President and Directors; such as gunpowder mills; buildings which are worth more than 2000 dollars, and those which are worth less than 100 dollars.
When a person wishes to insure his house, the process which is pursued is extremely simple. He makes out a specific statement of the texture, and situation of his house, and every circumstance which may indicate which is the house, and what are the chances of its burning down. This statement is called a declaration . It is accompanied by a certificate made out by a majority of three respectable house-holders, of the value of the buildings, independent of the value of the site. Upon presenting these to the agents at Richmond, the value of the premiums is to be calculated on these data. When these are paid in, the owner receives a policy or a written obligation to pay him the insured worth of his building, when proof shall have been exhibited that it was accidentally destroyed by fire, or by lightning. These premiums are not paid upon the whole estimated value of the building. Four-fifths only are insured. The owner insures one fifth himself. This regulation is intended to prevent any one from burning down his own house, who would otherwise receive its whole value.
Besides premiums, an additional sum is paid upon granting every policy. This is called a tax upon the policy; this tax was originally designed for paying the salaries of the principal agent, and the agents in the different towns and counties. But as it is thrown into the same fund with the premiums, and as the agents are paid out of this general fund without any discrimination, this tax should properly be denominated an additional premium.
When the interest of this general fund is found insufficient to pay the losses, a new requisition has been commonly called for from the subscribers. An exception however took place at the last meeting of the stock-holders on the 31st of July. They determined that no new quota should be demanded; but that the stock in which their funds had been vested, should be sold.
In the collection of these premiums and quotas the society possesses particular privileges. As soon as the declaration is delivered, the premium becomes due; the society may demand it, but should the house be burnt down, the proprietor cannot demand reimbursement. The house is always pledged for the payment of the quotas and premiums; and by a special act of January 12, 1799, they may be recovered, on the simple motion of the cashier before the court.
As the value of a house becomes less and less every year from its wear and tear, and as it would be unjust for the society to pay the value at which it was originally insured, it is provided that a new valuation of the house shall be made for every 10 years, and new declarations shall be formed.
Any member of the association who should be dissatisfied with its rules, is permitted to withdraw his insurance, by giving three months previous notice, and provided he pays to the cashier what is already due for premiums or quotas.
The administration of these bye-laws, and the management of all its subordinate concerns, are entrusted to a president & 14 directors, who are appointed by the subscribers or their proxies, at the annual meeting, held in Richmond during the sitting of the legislature. The merely executive part of the business is committed to a principal agent and a cashier general, chosen in the same manner.
The District Court commenced its sitting in this town on Saturday. Richard Bland Randall, brought before it under the charge of Parricide, was acquitted.
The authors of the Rainbow are requested to meet at 5 o'clock on Saturday evening at the Office of the Enquirer, on affairs interesting to the society.
BALTIMORE FRENCH COLLEGE. NOTICE TO PARENTS.
THE numerous inconveniences arising from the successive entry of pupils, through the course of the year, have brought on a resolution of fixing on the month of September as the ONLY period of admission for new boarders: that being the time of recommencement of the school, after the great vacation. Persons desirous of securing places for their young friends, should be early in their applications, as, from the present number, it is apprehended the College will soon be full.
Baltimore, 18th August 1804. N. B. The Editors of new-papers throughout the United States, are requested to give the above advertisement as many insertions in the course of the month, as may be convenient.
A prospectus of this institution may be seen at the office of the Enquirer.—[E.W. 4.]
LOW FOR READY MONEY.
FOR sale, an able NEGRO MAN, who has been accustomed to the use of the spade and scythe, and who will make a valuable labourer to a master residing in the country. Apply at the office of the Enquirer. August 5. [E.W. 4.]

THE BEGINNING PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF BACON'S REBELLION IN VIRGINIA IN THE YEARS 1675 & 1676.
[CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.]
During these prostrations and people often slain, most of all the officers, civil and military with many dwellers next the heads of the rivers as made up 800 men taking Mr. Bacon for their command met, and concerted together, the danger of going without a commission on the one part, and the continual murders of their neighbors on the other part (not knowing who or how many of their own turns might be next) and came to this resolution viz't to prepare themselves with necessaries for a march, but interim to fend again for a commission, which if they could not be obtained by a certain day, they would proceed commission or no commission.
This day lapping and no com'n come, they march'd in the wilderness in quest of these Indian's after whom the Governor sent his proclamation, denouncing all rebels, who should not return within a limited day, whereupon those of estates obey'd; but Mr. Bacon with 57 men proceeded until their provisions were near spent, without finding enemy's when coming nigh a fort of friend Indians, on th' other side a branch of James river, they desired relief offering paym't which these Indians kindly promised to help them with on the morrow, but put them off with promises until the third day, so as having't then eaten their last morsels they could not return, but must have starved in the way homeward and now 'twas suspected, these Indians had received private messages from the Governor and those to be the causes of these delusive prostrations; whereupon the English waded shoulder deep thro' that branch to the fort pallidso's till interesting and tendering pay, for victuals; but that evening a shot from the place they left on th' other side of that branch kill'd one of Mr. Bacon's men, which made them believe, those in the fort had sent for other Indians to come behind 'em and cut 'em off.
Hereupon they fired the pallidso's, form'd and burnt the fort and cabins, and (with the loss of three English) flew 150 Indians.
The circumstances of this expedition Mr. Bacon entertained with me, at his own chamber, on a visit I made him, the occasion whereof is hereafter mentioned.
From hence they return'd home where writs were come up to elect members for an assembly, when Mr. Bacon was unanimously chosen for one, who coming down the river was commanded by a ship with guns to come on board, where waited Major House the high sheriff of James town ready to seize him, by whom he was carried down to the Governor's and by him received with a surprising civility in the following words "Mr. Bacon have you forgot to be a gentleman No, may it please you're not answer'd Mr. Bacon; then replied the Governor 'I take you're parcel, and gave him his liberty in March 1675/6 writs came up to Stafford to choose those two members for an assembly to meet in May; when Col. Mason Capt. Brent and other gentlemen of that county, invited me to stand a candidate; a matter I little dreamt of, having never had inclinations to tamper in the precarious intrigues of govern'mt and my hands being full of my own business; they press'd several cogent arguments and I having considerable debts in that county, besides my plantation concerns, where (in one and th' other) I had much more severely suffered, than any of themselves by th' Indian disturbances in the summer and winter foregoing.
I held it not (then) discreet to disoblige the rulers of it, so Col. Mason with myself were elected without objection, he at time convenient went on horse back; I took my sloop and the morning I arrived to James town after a weeks voyage, was welcomed with the strange acclamations of All's over Bacon is taken, having not heard at home of these southern commotions, other than rumours like idle tales, of one Bacon risen up in rebellion, no body knew for what, concerning the Indians.
The next forenoon, th' assembly being met in a chamber over the General court and our Speaker chosen, the Governor sent for us down, where his son's with a pathetic emphasis made a short abrupt speech wherein were these words.
"If they had killed my grandfather and grandmo-ther, my father and mother and all my friends, yet if they had come to treat of peace, they ought to have gone in peace, and sat down."
The two chief commanders at the aforementioned siege who flew the four Indian great men, being present & part of our assembly.
The Governor stood up again and said "if there be joy in the presence of the angels over one sinner that repents, there is joy now, for we have a present sinner come before us, call Mr. Bacon; then did Mr. Bacon upon one knee at the bar deliver a sheet of paper confessing his crimes, and begging pardon of god the king and the Governor whereunto (after a short pause) the answer'd "God forgive you, I forgive you, thrice repeating the same words; when Col. Cole (one of the council) said, "and all that were with him, yea, said the Governor and all that were with him, twenty, or more persons being then in irons who were taken coming down in the same and other vessels with Mr. Bacon."
About a minute after this the Governor's starting up from his chair a third time said "Mr. Bacon! if you will live civilly but till next Quarter court (doubling the words) but till next Quarter court, I promise to restore you again to yo'r place, there pointing with his hand to Mr. Bacon's seat, he having been of the Council before these troubles, tho' he had been a very short time in Virginia but was deposed by the aforesaid proclamation, and in th' afternoon passing by the court door, in my way up to our chamber, I saw Mr. Bacon on his quondam seat with the Governor and council, which seemed a marvellous indulgence to one whom he had so lately proscribed as a rebel.
The Governor had directed us to consider of means for security from th' Indian insults and to defray the charge etc. advising us to beware of two rogues amongst us, naming Laurence and Drummond both dwelling at James town and who were not at the Patuxent siege.
But at our entrance upon business, some gentlemen took this opportunity to endeavor the redressing several grievances the country then labour'd under, motions were made for inspecting the publick revenues, the collectors accounts etc. and so far was proceeded as to name part of a committee whereof Mr. Briscoe (now in London) was and myself another, when we were interrupted by pressing messages from the Governor to meddle with nothing, until the Indian business was despatch'd.
This debate rose high, but was overruled and I have not heard that those inspections have since then been insisted upon, tho' such of that indigent people as had no benefits from the taxes ground under our being thus overborn.
The next thing was a committee for the Indian affairs, whereof in appointing the members, myself was unwillingly nominated having no knowledge in martial preparations, and after our names were taken, some of the house moved for funding 2 of our members to interest the Governor's would please to align two of his council to sit with, and assist us in our debates, as had been usual.
When seeing all silent looking each at other with many discontented faces, I adventur'd to offer my humble opinion to the Speaker "for the committee to form methods as agreeable to the sense of the house as we could, and report 'em whereby they would more clearly see, on what points to give the Governor and council that trouble if perhaps it might be needfull."
These few words rais'd an uproar; one party urging hard "it had been customary and ought not to be abolished; whereunto Mr. Presley my neighbour an old assembly man, fitting next me, rose up, and in a blundering manner reply'd 'tis true, it has been customary, but if we have any bad customs amongst us, we are come here to amend 'em which at the house in a laughter.
This was hold'd off without coming to a vote, and so the Committee must submit to be overaw'd, and have
every carp't at expression carried freight to the Governor.
Our committee being sat, the Queen of Pamunkey (descended from Oppechuckough a former Emperor of Virginia) was introduced, who entered the chamber with a comportment graceful to admiration, bringing on her right hand an Englishman interpreter, and on the left her son a l'plung twenty years of age, she having round her head a plat of black and white wampum peague three inches broad in imitation of a crown, and was clothed in a mantle of dressed deerskins with the hair outwards and the edge cut round 6 inches deep which made strings resembling twisted fringe from the shoulders to the feet; with grave courtly gestures and a majestic air in her face, she walk'd up our long room to the lower end of the table, where after a few intreaties she sat down; th' interpreter and her son standing by her on either side as they had walk'd up, our chairman asked her what men she would lend us for guides in the wilderness & to assist us against our enemy Indians, she spake to th' interpreter to inform her what the chairman said, (tho' we believed the understood him) he told us she bid him ask her son to whom the English tongue was familiar, and who was reputed the son of an English Colonel, yet neither would he speak to or seem to understand the Chairman but th' interpreter told us, he referred all to his mother, who being again urged she after a little musing with an earnest passionate countenance as if tears were ready to gush out and a fervent sort of expression made a harangue about a quarter of an hour often interlacing (with a high shrill voice and vehement passion) these words "Tatapatamoi Chepachik i. e. Tatapatamoi dead Col. Hill being next me, shook his head, I ask'd him what was the matter, he told me all the said was too true to our shame, and that his father was General in that battle where diverse years before Tatapatamoi her husband had led a hundred of his Indians in help to th' English against our former enemy Indians, and was there slain with most of his men; for which no compensation (at all) had been to that day rendered to her wherewith she now upbraided us.
Her discourse ending and our morose Chairman not advancing one cold word towards awfaging the anger and grief her speech and demeanour manifested under her oppression, nor taking any notice of all she had said, neither considering that we (then) were in our great exigency, supplicants to her for a favour of the same kind as the former, for which we did not deny the having been so to her, she rudely push'd again the same question "what Indians will you now contribute etc.?" of this disregard she signified her resentment by a disdainful aspect, and turning her head half a side, fate mute till that same question being press'd a third time, the not returning her face to the board, answered with a low slighting voice in her own language "six, but being further importun'd the sitting a little while fullen, without uttering a word between said "twelve, tho' the then had a hundred and fifty Indian men, in her town, and so rose up and gravely walk'd away, as not pleased with her treatment.
Whilst some days past in settling the Quota's of men arms and ammunition provisions etc. each county was to furnish, one morning early a bruit ran about the town Bacon is fled Bacon is fled, whereupon I went straight to Mr. Lawrence, who (formerly) was of Oxford university, and for wit learning and sobriety was equal'd there by few, and who, some years before (as Col. Lee one of the council and a friend of the Governor's inform'd me) had been partially treated at law, for a considerable estate on behalf of a corrupt favourite; which Laurence complaining loudly of, the Governor bore him a grudge and now shaking his head, said, "old treacherous villain and that his house was search'd that morning at day break, but Bacon was escap'd into the country, having intimation that the Governor's generosity in pardoning him, and his followers and restoring him to his seat in council, were no other than previous wheedles to amuse him and his adherents and to circumvent them by stratagem, forasmuch as the taking Mr. Bacon again into the council was first to keep him out of the assembly, and in the next place the Governor knew the country people were hastning down with dreadful threats "to double revenge all wrongs should be done to Mr. Bacon or his men, or whoever should have had the least hand in 'em."
And so much was true that this Mr. Young Nathaniel Bacon (not yet arrived to 30 years) had a high relation namely Col. Nathaniel Bacon of long standing in the council a very rich politik man, and childless, designating this kinsman for his heir, who (not without much pains) had prevailed with his unneasy cousin to deliver the aforementioned written recantation at the bar, having compiled it ready to his hand and by whose means 'twas supposed that timely intimation was convey'd to the young gentleman to flee for his life, and also in 3 or 4 days after Mr. Bacon was first seiz'd I saw abundance of men in town come thither from the heads of the rivers, who finding him refo'r'd and his men at liberty, return'd home satisfied; a few days after which the Governor seeing all quiet, gave out private warrants to take him again, intending as was thought to raise the militia, and so to dispose of him as to prevent his friends from gathering any more into a like numerous body and coming down a second time to save him.
In three or four days after this escape, upon news that Mr. Bacon was 30 miles up the river, at the head of four hundred men, the Governor sent to the parts adjacent, on both sides James river for the militia and all the men could be gotten to come and defend the town, express's came almost hourly of th' army's approaches, who in less than 4 days after the first account of 'em at 3 of the clock entered the town, without being withstood, and form'd a body upon a green, not a flight shot from the end of the state house of hote and foot, as well regular as veteran troops, who forthwith possess'd themselves of all the avenues, disarming all in the town, and coming thither in boats or by land.
In half an hour after this the drum beat for the house to meet, and in less than an hour more Mr. Bacon came with a file of souldiers on either hand near the corner of the Statehouse where the Governor's and council went forth to him; we saw from the window the Governor's open his breast, and Bacon strutting betwixt his two files of men with his left arm on Kenbow firing his right arm every way both like men distracted; & it is in this moment of fury that enraged multitude had fallen upon the Governor's and council we of the assembly expected the same immediate fate; I kept down and amongst the crowd of Spectators found the teamen of my sloop, who pray'd me not to stir from them, when in two minutes, the Governor's walk'd towards his private apartment a Coits cast distant at th' other end of th' state house, the gentlemen of the council following him and after them walk'd Mr. Bacon with outrageous postures of his head arms body and legs, often tolling his hand from his sword to his hat and after him came a detachment of souldiers (muskets not being there in use) who with their cocks bent presented their flusils at a window of the assembly chamber filled with faces, repeating with menacing voices "we will have it, we will have it, half a minute when as one of our house a person known to many of them, shook his handkercher out at the window, saying you shall have it, you shall have it, 3 or 4 times; at these words they fate down their flusils unbent their locks and stood still until Bacon coming back, they followed him to their ma's body; in this hubub a servant of mine got so high as to hear the Governor's words, and also followed Mr. Bacon, and heard what he said, who came and told me, that when the Governor opened his breast he said "here I shoot me, forego'd fair mark shot, often rehearsing the same, without any other words; whereunto Mr. Bacon answer'd "no may it please yo'r hon' we will not hurt a hair of yo'r head, nor of any other mans, we are come for a commission to save our lives from th' Indians, which you have so often promised, and now we will have it before we go."
But when Mr. Bacon followed the Governor's and council with the aforementioned impetuous (like delisious) actions whilst that party presented their flusils at the window full of faces, he said "Damn my blood I'll kill Governor's council assembly and all, and then "He fleeth my sword in my own heart's blood; and afterwards 'twas said Bacon had given a signal to his men who presented their flusils at those gazing out at the window, that if he should draw his sword, they
were on sight of it to fire, and flay us, so near was the malice of us all that very minute, had Bacon in that paroxysm of plarenchic fury not drawn his sword, before the pacifick handkercher was shaken out at the window.
In an hour or more after these violent concussions Mr. Bacon came up to our chamber and desired a commission from us to go against the Indians; our speaker sat silent, when one Mr. Blayton a neighbor to Mr. Bacon and elected with him a member of assembly for the fame county (who therefore durst speak to him) made answer, "twas not in our province, or power, nor of any other, save the king's vicegerent our Governor's, he pres'd hard, high half an hours harangue on the preserving our lives from the Indians, inspecting the publick revenues, th' exorbitant taxes and retrenching the grievances and calamities of that desolate country, where to having no other answer, he went away dissatisfied.
Next day there was a rumour the Governor's and council had agreed Mr. Bacon should have a commission to go General of the forces, we then were rasing, whereupon I being a member for Stafford, the most Northern frontier, and where the war began, considering that Mr. Bacon dwelling in the most Southern frontier, county, might the less regard the parts I represented, I went to Col. Cole (an active member of the council) desiring his advice, if applicable to Mr. Bacon on that subject were then scasonable and safe, which he approving and earnestly advising, I went to Mr. Laurence who was esteemed Mr. Bacon's principal consultant, to whom he took me with him, and there left me where I was entertained 2 or 3 hours with the particular relations of diverse before recited transactions; and as to the matter I spake of, he told me, the Governor's had indeed promised him the command of the forces, and if his hon' should keep his word (which he doubted) he assured me "the like care should be taken of the remotest corners in the land, as of his own dwelling-house, and pray'd me "to advise him what persons in those parts were most fit to bear commands I frankly gave him my opinion that the most satisfactory gentlemen to Governor's and people would be commanders of the militia, wherewith he was well pleased, and himself wrote a list of those nominated.
That evening I made known what had past with Mr. Bacon to my colleague Col. Mason (whose bottle attendance doubled my talk) the matter he liked well, but questioned the Governor's approbation of it.
I confess'd the case required sedate thoughts, reasoning, that he and such like gentlemen must either command or be commanded, and if on their denials Mr. Bacon should take dislike, and be constrained to appoint commanders out of the rabble, the Governor's himself with the persons and estates of all in the land would be at their disposal, whereby their own ruine might be owing to themselves; in this he agreed and said "If the Governor's would give his own commission he would be content to serve under General Bacon (as now he began to be intitled) but first would consult other gentlemen in the same circumstances; who all concurr'd 'twas the most farr barrier in view against pernicious designs, if such should be put in practice; with this I acquiesc'd Mr. Laurence who went (rejoicing) to Mr. Bacon with the good tidings, that the militia commanders were inclined to serve under him, as their General, in case the Governor would please to give them his own commissions.
[To be concluded in our next.]
MISCELLANEOUS.
Wilmot was a man of genius, of independence, and exquisite sensibility. Though bred in the forlorn shade of retirement, with none of the advantages which wealth, or titled birth, or a collegiate education could confer, his mind had become strongly tinctured with a literary character; and he had early learned to drink freely of the sweet and grateful waters of the Pisanian spring. Possessed of that, to which we owe so much of the pleasures, the improvements and the elegant arts of social life, he had begun to conceive himself at least equal to the men whom accident, or birth, or a mechanical industry, had raised to power, however commanding, or wealth, however abundant. He had no rent-roll to exhibit; no farms extending beneath the eye of the observer; no richly freighted vessels; no pompous equipage to draw out for the admiration of the world, and on which he might found his own claims to excellence and respect; but he had that which seemed to him superior in value....an enriched and ever active mind with a foul too independent to brook the indignities and contempt of the world; yet eagerly panting after the means to render it the most substantial services.
That world, however, was in part ignorant of his merits, and partly regardless of his value. Instead of the honour and the sympathies of the heart to which he had justly aspired, he received from it nothing but the silence or the taunts of contempt; instead of the plenteous accommodations and the tasteful elegancies of the rich, he found himself covered with rags, flinted in his subsistence, thrust into a prison, or inhabiting the meanest receptacle of the poor. Goaded by the pains of destitution, to which the very sensibilities of his soul, and the ardent longings of his genius, had imparted a new and insufferable agony; divested even of the last enchantments of hope; he resolved "to end at once such a complication of evils." Yet unwilling that the memory of his sufferings should be doomed to the same abrupt close which he was about to communicate to the faculties of his frame, Wilmot determined to leave behind him the following striking moment of his hopes, his agonising disappointments, and his unmerited wrongs.
Such is a part of the very affecting tale which the ever-flowing pen and the nervous genius of Thomas Holcroft has called into existence. Such is a part of one of the episodes in his celebrated Novel of Hugh Trevor, in which he has both attempted to portray some of the Englishmen as they actually are, and man as he is capable of becoming.
For the publication of the following extract, a very slight apology seems to be required. We give it not because it contains a vindication of suicide, for to the right of self-destruction Mr. Holcroft is strenuously opposed; not because it is a faithful representation of the wrongs and disappointments which a man of literary genius is liable to experience in our own country, for to this kind of genius we have seldom aspired; but because it presents us with a vivid and affecting picture of some of the misfortunes which sometimes await them in Europe, and of the strong and independent feelings which a man of sensibility labouring under the pressure of these
misfortunes, would be apt to indulge. But if we had no other apology to offer, it would be sufficient for us to introduce it as a specimen of that nervous and pathetic composition which makes its way at once to the heart, by the mere force of the well-conceived sentiments which it so strongly describes, and without the aid of that highly ornamental and figurative style, which probably, marks too strikingly the eloquence of the present times.
"This body, if ever this body should be found, was once a thing which, by way of reproach among men, was called an author. It moved about the earth, despised and unnoticed; and died indigent and unlamented. It could hear, see, feel, smell, and taste with as much quickness, delicacy, and force as other bodies. It had desires and passions like other bodies, but was denied the use of them by such as had the power and the will to engross the good things of this world to themselves. The doors of the great were shut upon it; not because it was infected with disease or contaminated with intamy, but on account of the fashion of the garments with which it was clothed, and the name it derived from its forefathers; and because it had not the habit of bending its knee where its heart owed no respect, nor the power of moving its tongue to glose the crimes or flatter the follies of men. It was excluded the fellowship of such as heap up gold and silver; not because it did, but for fear it might, alk a small portion of their beloved wealth. It slunk with pain and pity from the haunts of ignorance which the knowledge it possessed could not enlighten, and guilt that its sensations were obliged to abhor. There was but one class of men with whom it was permitted to associate, and those were such as had feelings and misfortunes like its own; among whom it was its hard fate frequently to suffer imposition, from assumed worth and fictitious districts. Beings of supposed benevolence, capable of perceiving, loving, and promoting merit and virtue, have now and then seemed to sit and glide before it. But the visions were deceitful. Ere they were distinctly seen, the phantoms vanished. Or if such beings do exist, it has experienced the peculiar hardship of never having met with any, in whom both the purpose and the power were fully united. Therefore, with hands wearied with labour, eyes dim with watchfulness, veins but half nourished, and a mind at length subdued by intense study and reiteration of unaccomplished hopes, it was driven by irresistible impulse to end at once such a complication of evils. The knowledge was imposed upon it that, amid all these calamities, it had one consolation—Its miseries were not eternal—That itself had the power to end them. This power it has employed, because it found itself incapable of supporting any longer the wretchedness of its own situation, and the blindness and injustice of mankind; and as while it lived, it lived scorned and neglected, so it now commits itself to the waves; in expectation, after it is dead, of being mangled, belied, and insulted.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The following Epigrammatic Stanzas were written in good-humoured retaliation of a jest, uttered by a gentleman remarkable for his corpulence, risibility and drollery, with a view to turn the laugh against Scotchmen:—He observed, that by singing in a certain tone two lines from an old Scotch song, (which he sung with highly ludicrous grimace,) he could make every Scotchman in the circle, jump from his seat & run around the table with incredible celerity and alacrity.
M——e much mistakes this wondrous feat; 'Tis true that he is able, To make each Scotchman, from his seat, Revolue around the table.
II.
Obedient still, to natures' law, That happy people prove; And when the giant-carcafe rolls, By gravity they move.
III.
To talk of gravity in M——e, May seem a jest out-right; Yet all must own, who know the man, That M——e's a man of weight.
IV.
So round the sun, the planets fair, In radiant order pres's, Not by his light and splendour drawn, But by his heaviness.
EUGENIUS.
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF KING'S BENCH.
THE KING V. STEPHENS AND AGNEW.
This case was argued to day at great length, and with universally acknowledged ability, by Mr. Attorney General, Mr. Erskine, Mr. Garrow, Mr. Adam, Mr. Wood, and Mr. Abbott on one side; and by Mr. Dallas, and Mr. Gibbs, on the other. To detail all the arguments which the ingenuity of Counsel suggested on so apparently simple a point, as the legal definition of the word 'until,' would occupy at least three columns of a newspaper; for the arguments exhausted three hours of the time of the court, but without tiring at all the patience either of the Judges or the Jury. We shall endeavour to shew the importance of the word 'until,' in the present case with as much conciseness as perspicuity will admit of.
By the 33d. George 3. cap. 52, certain penalties are inflicted on British subjects, in the service of Government, or of the East-India Company, residing in the East-Indies, for taking bribes, &c. To constitute the completion of the offence against the statute, is directed, it is requisite that the bribe shall be taken, whilst the party taking it is resident in India, and in the service of Government, or the East-India Company. No person in a different situation comes within the meaning of the statute. The averment in the information on which the defendants were found guilty is, that they were in the service of the East-India Company, for a great length of time, to wit, from the 1st of January, 1794, until the 29th of November, 1795; and that they committed the offence, &c. on the 29th of November, 1795. On all sides it is admitted, that they could not commit the offence (as servants of the East-India Company, &c.) when divested of that character and description which is incorporated with the substance of the crime. Mr. Dallas had moved in arrest of judgment on the ground that until was a word of exclusion of the 29th November, 1795. By being described as servants, &c. until that day, they could not, he contended, commit that offence, as servants, &c. on that day. Many learned arguments were urged; many cases cited; and even some pleasantries found way into the discussion. Said the Attorney General, "If I ask a friend to dine with me and stay until the next day, is he to order his carriage at twelve at night, before the next day?"
Mr. Erskine repeated the objection. As chaste as ice until the marriage day. Are you to exclude the marriage day, and to preclude the lady, at the close of the preceding day? Yet such is the consequence of the doctrine of exclusion. Mr. Dallas. If my friend, the Attorney General, insists on until being an inclusive term, were I to ask him to dine, and knowing his time to be precious, should say 'I'll not send for you until dinner is ready,'
I should fulfil my invitation were I to send for him when dinner is over. And Mr. Erskine's illustration is still more unfortunate, for it will be inclusive, the bride must be chaste as ice, 'the entire of the marriage day; which my learned friend, some years ago, would not, I think, have contended for. The Court for the present, postponed their decision.
FROM A LATE LONDON PAPER.
STEREOTYPE PRINTING.
The improved mode of printing in Stereotype, which is at length brought to perfection, after the most indefatigable and disinterested assistance of Lord Stanhope, is to be first exercised, we understand, upon the translation of an eminent German work of religious instruction, which has long been used by the female branches of the royal family, of the royal family, and which her Majesty has now permitted to be printed for publication. It is to be accompanied by a Preface from the pen of one of our most eminent Prelates. This volume is also to have the further peculiarity of being the first work printed upon paper manufactured by a new machinery, which admits of each sheet being, of almost unlimited length, and of considerably greater width; as well as of more determined uniformity of substance than what are made in the moulds hitherto used.
The following is a petition which will be presented to the next General Assembly.
TO THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER AND MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
The petition of sundry inhabitants of the counties of
HAT the law incorporating a company for the purpose of clearing and improving the navigation of James River, to which your petitioners beg leave to refer, was founded upon principles advantageous to the individual share-holders, and beneficial to that part of the community affected by its operation, in the manner expressly declared by the 1st and 19th sections of the said law; but the method which has been pursued by the Directors of that Company, contrary to the original object of the law, tends to sacrifice the interest of the community, and to promote that only of the individual share-holders and the inhabitants of the city of Richmond. In bringing this subject before the Legislature, your petitioners declare, that they have no the most distant view or inclination to injure the James River Company or the City of Richmond; but believing that they were not exclusively the objects of public patronage, and that the great and primary object of the Legislature was to extend equal advantages to all, by facilitating the transportation of produce into tide-water from the upper parts of the country; they cannot be contented in seeing it flopped at Richmond, or turned into an object of speculation, to the great oppression of a considerable part of the community. The first section of the law incorporating, contemplates the clearing and extending the navigation of James River from tide-water upwards, to the highest parts practicable, on the main branch thereof; and the nineteenth section expressly provides, that the navigation shall be opened from Waltham to tide-water before the Company should be entitled to demand the tolls; but the laudable exertions of the Directors of that Company, induced the Legislature to indulge them with an extension of the time in which, under their charter, they were bound to complete the navigation, and to permit them to receive full toll although they had not complied with the provisions in the act of incorporation. Your petitioners were not dissatisfied with this benevolent act of the Legislature, in giving the Company a respite from expenses and an opportunity to accumulate their fund, because they would be better enabled to prosecute the work to the full extent of the original object and express conditions of the act of incorporation; but your petitioners, and they believe the community generally, begin to view with some concern, and to entertain serious doubts as to the further prosecution of this important object, and are apprehensive that this indulgence will soon be confirmed into a matter of right.
It is to be presumed that there are some few, who preferring individual aggrandizement to the general good, are willing that the work should progress no further; but this is by no means the public opinion, and it is by no means to the public interest that it should be so; under this impression your petitioners beg leave to represent to your honorable body, some of the serious and oppressive consequences which result to this community, as well as to individuals, from the want of a communication of the canal with tide-water. It is manifest that almost every article of produce transported by the Canal, is subjected to an additional expense of storage and drayage, and it is undeniable that every expense attached to the produce is ultimately paid by the cultivator of the soil; consequently there is an actual loss upon the real value of produce sustained by the cultivator of the soil, equal to the sum necessary to carry it from the place of deposit into tide-water; and to avoid the expense of storage, frequently compels the sale of produce upon terms advantageous only to the purchaser. The delay in completing the navigation, is not only injurious to the agricultural part of the community, but is equally so to the coal trade; for the portage of such a low priced heavy article as mineral coal, and the loss sustained by the necessity of a deposit upon the banks of the canal, added to the labour and inconvenience of removing it again to be shipped for transportation, when it might be accomplished by one operation, materially injures the commercial part of the community. Your petitioners must also with great deference represent to your honorable body, that stopping the navigation in Richmond, is giving to that City an undue monopoly of every species of property transported to market by the Canal; it operates extremely injuriously, and may be said to be an act of oppression to the Merchants and inhabitants of other towns, whose local situation entitles them to every advantage to be derived from the accomplishment of this desirable object. Your petitioners conceive that it is unnecessary to mention particularly every injury and oppression resulting from the want of a communication of the Canal with tide-water, or the advantages resulting to the community generally, from an easy intercourse and mutual exchange of produce between the upper and lower country. Your petitioners pray that a law may pass, compelling the Directors of the James River Company within a given time, to communicate their Canal with tide-water in the manner expressly declared in the act of incorporation.
August 29. [EW 3]
TUNSTALL'S PATENT THRESHING MACHINE.
THE advantages to be gained by farmers, by applying some effectual parts to Threshing Machines, which have greater velocity, adequate strength, and greater cheapness than hitherto, and applicable to any machinery, are universally allowed to be very great. WILLIAM TUNSTALL has obtained a Patent for such improvements; and wishes to benefit the public on the most reasonable terms. Districts and individuals may be now accommodated with Machines and patent rights, by applying in person or by letter (post paid) to the patentee, William Tunstall, at the Swan Tavern, Richmond.
N. B. A Mill Wright and Iron Worker for the respective parts, are wanted—apply as above.
These Machines will hull Clover and thresh Rice, Buck Wheat &c. preserved free from grit—Counterfeits will be dealt with as the law directs.
July 18. [EW 4]
FOR SALE.
THAT beautiful and well improved TENEMENT on the Hill, now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Molby. This property lies near the Capitol, in a healthy and agreeable neighbourhood. Terms of sale will be made known by applying to
BARTLETT STILL. July 18. [EW 5]