The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-04-15 00:00:00

Richmond Prices Current.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Tobacco, Wheat, Flour, Corn Meal, Bacon, Bar Iron, Whiskey.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURE.
FOR SALE.
ONE Water Frame complete, of Arkwright machinery, improved, for spinning of Cotton by water...
FOR SALE.
THE ESTATE on which the subscriber now resides, in Frederick county, Virginia, adjoining the town of Berryville...
ELISHA I. HALL.
FOR SALE.
I WILL SELL, on a credit of one, two and three years, my HOUSES and LOTS on the Hill near Mr. Rutherford's mills.
NOTICE.
THE Co-partnership of St. John & GWATHMEY is this day dissolved by mutual consent...
FOR SALE.
A Tract of Land, containing 640 acres, extending upwards of a mile on James River, nearly opposite to the Westover estate...
FOR SALE OR EXCHANGE.
On Rappahannock River—A Valuable ESTATE containing 700 acres, situated in the county of Richmond...
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, dated the 14th day of July, 1802, and recorded in the General Court...
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, dated the 14th day of July, 1802, and recorded in the General Court...
FOR SALE.
A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably...
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY
To raise the sum of four thousand two hundred dollars, for the purpose of establishing a Library and Philosophical apparatus...
Table with 2 columns: Prize of, Amount. Prizes range from 1000 to 5000 dollars.
1094 Prizes. 1706 Blanks. 2800 Tickets. 28,000 dollars.
Table with 2 columns: Ticket, Amount. Amounts range from 1000 to 5000 dollars.
In the above Scheme, there are considerably less than two Blanks to a Prize. This Lottery has been authorized by the Legislature of Virginia...
John Roane (of King William), Robert Pollard (of King William), Carter Braxton, Beverly Robinson, and William Brockdenbrough, are appointed by the Commissioners to sell and dispose of the Tickets...
THE SUBSCRIBER, OFFERS FOR SALE,
THE FOLLOWING PROPERTY, VIZ :
THE HOUSES and LOTS on Shockoe-Hill at present occupied by himself; the quantity of ground, is two half acre lots and twenty-four feet.
The other houses on the Lots, are, a brick office 24 by 30 feet having a Cellar beneath, of the same size, a large and convenient room for business on the principal floor and a lodging room above stairs.
The garden has in it every description of pot herbs, some fruit trees, and a number of Currant, Gooseberry and Raspberry bushes, with extensive beds of Strawberries.
The whole of these buildings are in a state of perfect repair; and whilst the occupant may with convenience attend to business in any part of this city, he will enjoy the health and retirement of the most pleasant country residence, and the society of an amiable, polished and intelligent neighborhood.
It is proposed to sell this property for cash, United States Stock, Bank Stock, or slaves at their cash value.
The subscriber is likewise desirous of selling on a credit of six and twelve months, fourteen half acre Lots near the intended site of the Richmond academy.
91730 acres of LAND in the counties of Henrico, Harrison and Montgomery, which will be sold at very long credit, or exchanged for property on the eastern side of the Blue-Ridge.
And 666 2-8 acres on the Little Banen river in Kentucky, on which the taxes have been regularly and fully paid, and to which a general warranty title will be made.
NOTICE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, dated the 14th day of July, 1802, and recorded in the General Court...
WILL BE SOLD AT AUCTION, for ready money, by the Subscribers or some two of them, at the town of Gaiena in the county of Cumberland, on Tuesday the 22nd of next month.
TWO undivided third parts of the Water Grift MILLS on Willis's River, at Gaiena aforesaid, commonly called and known by the name of Deane's Mills...
JOSEPH GALLEGO, M. B. PORTIAUX, RIVERS DRAKE, CHARLES COPLAND.
FOR SALE.
Three valuable PLANTATIONS, viz: ONE containing 1200 acres of land, situated in the county of King & Queen, within five miles of Dunkirk...
Also, a tract of 1000 acres in Essex, within ten miles of Tappahannock, in a very wealthy neighbourhood...
I also offer for sale, MOUNT CLEMENT, the seat on which I reside; it is believed that there are few tracts in the state, uniting more advantages...
I also with the full 200 or 300 acres near the Rolling-Green. The terms of sale will be one fourth in three months, the balance in two years...
My terms will be communicated by John Horace Upshaw, Esq., on application.
TO BE SOLD FOR CASH,
At King William Court-house, on Monday the 23rd of April (it being court day): The balance of the NEGROES belonging to the estate of the late Byrd Chamberlayne, dec'd.
STRAYED or STOLEN from the Commons some time last week, a likely grey HORSE, in good order, about 7 or 8 years old...
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time.
TO BE SOLD, To the highest bidders, on the premises, on the first day of May next.
SO much of the LAND, whereon John Kelso lives, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the balance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams...
CREED TAYLOR, Trustee.
TO BE RENTED,
Till the first day of January next, either with or without the Garden and Stables: THE HOUSE on Shockoe-Hill actually occupied by Doctor Haller.
JUST RECEIVED,
A Few Pipes COGNAC BRANDY of the first quality; also best MEDOC CLARET of the vintage of 1800; FRUITS preserved in brandy; PAPERS and OLIVES.
Also—FLOUR for family use in barrels and half barrels—for sale by SAMUEL MYERS.
BOHN & HUBNER
Have received from Bremen, a General Assortment of GERMAN LINENS—consisting of OZNAUBURGS, Ticklenburgs, Heffians, Rouens Sheeting, Platlans, Brown Rolls, &c.—which they offer for sale on the most reasonable terms.
THE Subscriber, being desirous that an adjustment of accounts should take place between himself and creditors,
takes this method to call on his debtors for the several amounts due from them to him, as he intends no indulgence.
He moreover calls on all those who are his creditors to make known to him in the course of four months the different sums due them, as he feels himself in readiness to discharge the same, otherwise it will be plead in bar.
JOHN CARR.
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE,
may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
That most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chidwell's Lead Mines...
That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1793, for the sum of £ 6,505, and since that period, they have made fundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate.
The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, renders any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary.
The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.
Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the wies in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; on which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by
JOHN WICKHAM, JOHN WARDEN, WILLIAM HAY, Commissioners of the court.
Jan. 21. sw.
The sale of the above property is postponed to the 15th day of May next.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, March 7.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Cragg's resolution.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. FINDLEY said he had been long in the habit of observing that when a subject was discussed which occasioned numerous arguments, the question was often lost sight of. In the heat of debate, instead of the subject before them, the preceding argument became the text to him that replied, and his to the next that took the floor, and so on in succession until some member succeeded in calling the attention of the members to the original subject; though the present question had but a few days engaged the attention of the committee of the whole, yet, in his opinion several of the speakers on the floor had lost sight of it, further than he had formerly observed in so short a time, that he would attempt to draw the attention of the committee from these defluxory excursions, which settled no point in debate, and often had no visible connection with it, to the important question they were called upon to decide.
He said the subject before the House is a resolution referred to the committee of the whole House on the state of the union, to prohibit all importation of goods the produce or the manufacture of Britain, or any of the British dominions; not to prevent Britain or her dependencies from receiving supplies of provisions, raw materials, &c. from us. It does not go to prohibit exportation, but even this should not be done without a very sufficient cause.
Two causes are assigned in the preamble to the resolution. First, the impressment of our seamen—Second, commercial aggressions.
Mr. F. asked, was it ever known before in the history of independent nations that any one nation impressed the citizens or subjects of another nation into their fleets to fight against a nation friendly to that from which they had been impressed, and to receive no wages or emolument unless they would enlist, which few of them ever do, except under the lash of the boatswain; which is done if they appear reluctant to do the meanest drudgery, and who must of necessity hate the nation for which they fought. No, Sir, this cannot be shewn. The British government has long been in the habit of impressing their own citizens for seamen. In France, we have been lately told, in this House, that conscripts are forced to the army. Perhaps the conscripts of France, are the same that we have been accustomed to call the classes of militia in this country; but it is of their own citizens; impressments to the navy are a very different thing. It is such an exercise of tyranny that it is hoped will never be exercised in this country; yet still except in the case of our seamen it is their own citizens, they do not impress Swedes, Danes, or Prussians.
A man impressed is condemned to a slavery of the worst kind. Slavery for a limited time is a suitable punishment for crime, but the sentence with us, and in all nations civilized or savage, is decided by known and responsible judges, for the breach of some known law. But, by whom is the sentence of condemnation to slavery passed on our citizens, falling under the protection of our own flag, chargeable with no crime. Not by a court of justice in any form; not by even an officer of high responsibility, but by some young scoundrel of a man of war, which is universally admitted to subject to the most arbitrary species of government existing. No other crime is alleged, to justify the condemnation, but that he speaks the English language, or has become an American citizen, and no other judge but a lieutenant or midshipman selected for this exertion of tyranny.
We have not long since expressed a just abhorrence of slavery by a very unanimous vote of
this House. We have expressed a very commendable sympathy for the untutored sons of Africa of a different color from ourselves, stolen or forced from their families and all that is dear to them; and shall we make no exertions to protect our own citizens from the worst kind of slavery. If the planters of S. Carolina or any other state, where slaves are employed, should forcibly take any of our sons from the plough or other lawful and necessary occupation, and set them to work with other slaves, in raising cotton or rice, the outrage would be horrid indeed, but not equal to the impressment of our citizens. The slave to the planter must labor, but he is not obliged to kill those who have given him no provocation, or to be killed himself, and he may be found & redeemed. Money redeemed our captives from the Barbary coast, and we felt for them and advanced the prize.
There is, Sir, another point of view presented to the impressment of our seamen, which ought to address our attention—it is admitted that several thousand of our impressed citizens are employed aboard the British men of war fighting against France; these, it is believed, are sufficient to man five ships of the line. If by our silence we connive at this, or by our willful neglect of the use of such peaceable means as are within our power to prevent it, may not this be charged as a breach of neutrality, may it not be justly called war in disguise; but I forbear.
Commercial aggressions, such as capturing our merchant ships laden with cargoes of colonial produce purchased in return for the produce of our own country and the property of our own citizens, and condemning contrary to the laws and usages of nations as approved and practiced even by the British courts until August last, and openly in her decisions substituting the instructions of the court in place of the law of nations, contrary to her own former practice, by which it is acknowledged by the opponents of the resolution, the British courts have already condemned at least six million dollars of the property of our citizens on new principles, which not being known to the owners, it was impossible to provide against the events. Tho' these aggressions have hitherto been principally committed on cargoes of colonial produce, where only we can find a market for the produce of the middle and eastern states, yet the principles are equally applicable to much of our East India trade, and to the trade with France, Spain and Holland, from which we derive most of the favorable balance of trade, which enables us to discharge the unfavorable balance of the trade with Britain, and the can so apply them without giving notice of her intention at a time when she knows we have the greatest amount of property on the ocean.
We cannot admit the plea of necessity as suggested in a well known British pamphlet, and advocated without reserve by the gentleman from Virginia. To admit this would justify every possible aggression of the power at war against neutral nations. We make no war in disguise against Britain; we favor her as much as in our neutral station and commercial situation we can do. We bear with aggressions from her that would not be offered nor borne with from any other nation. The profits accruing from a favorable commercial balance with other nations is cheerfully thrown into her lap, & if we do not continue to do so, it is her own fault. Justice and policy require that she should do so. Britain pretends no cause of complaint against us. We have readily removed such as she ever had. By pleading necessity, the aggression on her part seems to be acknowledged—let her remove the cause.
This question therefore naturally arises, are these things wrong; do they not only affect our interest but our national independence? It was confidently expected that to this enquiry every member would answer in the affirmative. One member however has gone far to advocate all the aggressions complained of; no doubt however a great majority of the members are convinced that the impressment, and the other aggressions require a remedy, the object of the present deliberation is to discover such measures as will be most expedient not only to correct the evil, but to procure reasonable redress without war.
Mr. F. added, that it was reasonable to expect some diversity of opinion, that such a diversity does exist is evident from the number and variety of the resolutions referred to this committee. Of these some are substitutes for the resolution which is now the subject of debate, they have the same object in view, but vary in the means proposed. Others may be very properly pursued in concurrence with, and in aid of the resolution under debate; for some of these, with proper modifications, he said he would probably vote. There is certainly a variety of methods in our power of applying an effectual and at the same time peaceable and permanent corrective of our grounds of complaint. The method proposed in the resolution on the table he thought well calculated to produce the effect; that the discussion of it would at least bring the whole subject into view, and prepare their minds for other resolutions.
Mr. F. said he would perhaps be told that it is a war measure, and as such ought to be avoided. We have been told so already by a gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. J. Randolph) who was up yesterday. Mr. F. said his colleague who introduced the resolution, declared he did not consider it as a war measure, and that he himself was absolutely opposed to war equally with his colleague.
This resolution provisionally proposes terms which it is just and reasonable that Britain should comply with, and which is folly in her power, to prevent the importation of goods the produce and manufacture of the British dominions, until a reasonable accommodation is made by negotiation. It does not go to prevent exportation.
But it may be said, and it is no doubt the opinion of some members, that the subject should at this time be left wholly to negotiation, without being aided by any legislative measure. This is the most important point in view in the subject before us.
Both the supporters and opponents of the resolution agree, that an accommodation by negotiation is solely their object. This, he said, was undoubtedly his object, and he would support the resolution on the table, subject to whatever modification the majority of the committee may think proper to give it, solely with a view to further a favorable negotiation. But will any member say that the President has not already exerted all the powers vested in him, and all the talents of which he is possessed, to accomplish an amicable negotiation? They will not. They will not say that every President of the U. S. has not done every thing in

their power by negotiation, to prevent the impairment of our citizens, since the impairment commenced in 1793—the first time indeed in the history of nations that a power of one independent nation over the citizens of another independent nation was assumed.
The President in his first message to this Congress officially brought the subject before them. In a subsequent message he informed them of the instructions he had given, of the exertions that had been made, and, in short, that negotiation was exhausted. Why then should we refuse such legislative aid, as in the present state of the business is absolutely necessary to render negotiation successful? Can we expect success without some efficient expression of the national will? Former Presidents did not expect it to be from any nation.
Mr. F. said the gentlemen who have risen in opposition to the resolution, have taken no notice of the impairment of our citizens, though it is by far the most aggravated grievance. They seem to give to G. B. a prescriptive right of that essential portion of our independence. Happily however the exercise of that most tyrannical power has been perseveringly protested against by every administration since that unprecedented tyranny began to be exercised. Indeed the first instance of acquiescence which has been manifested is by the members who have spoken in opposition to this resolution.
The gentleman from Virginia yesterday, the second time he has been up on the question, acknowledged the omission, but seemed to make an offset of the conduct of Spain in the Mississippi territory last summer to balance the impairment. It appears that two men fled from justice from the settlements possessed by Spain, and were pursued and taken in our territory, but afterwards rescued from the officer of Spain. This might be balanced by the outrage committed by the British at Detroit; but without dwelling on this insult, it is sufficient to observe, that the two men are free from bondage, and that there has not been time to remonstrate and negotiate with Spain since the outrage happened, and that a court of justice is competent to decide on it. If Britain had impressed but two men, if she had impressed but two hundred, and had disavowed the intention of doing so any more, if the court of London had not advocated and avowed persisting in the unprecedented outrage on the laws and usages of nations, if that government had not vindicated the conduct and refused to sign a convention on that subject, (once agreed to) without an inadmissible exception, it may be presumed the case would not have been brought before the legislature.
The observations of this gentleman, however, so often bring our relations with Spain into view, without explanations, that though they have no connection with the subject before us, he would shortly add, that in the purchase of Louisiana from France, which the gentleman from Virginia himself has in strong terms acknowledged was a good bargain, that even the channel of the river was worth the money, &c. yet in the various transfers between France and Spain, and the final transfer to the U. S. the boundary lines had never been settled. By a bill reported to the last Congress, it is believed by the gentleman from Virginia himself, which passed into a law, it was made the President's duty to take possession of the Mobile district. He did so, and Spain objected to the boundary, and the affair became a subject of negotiation, as well as the unsettled western boundary. As soon as this became a subject of negotiation the President proceeded no further, but left the undecided boundary in the state it was, until the boundary would be amicably settled. This, first, is the way I understand the case to stand, and if I understand it truly, the President has conducted with great correctness agreeable to the law of nations; of the truth of this 'tis not necessary to quote authority; one example for illustration is sufficient; though the western boundary between the U. S. and the British territory had been clearly defined in the definitive treaty with Britain, yet the western forts within our acknowledged boundary were forcibly withheld from us by British troops; but while the negotiation conducted by Mr. Jay was in progress at the court of London, the President Washington, not only withheld the federal troops then engaged in war with the Indians, from advancing, but forbade gen. Irvine from going with a party of Pennsylvania militia to lay out a town on the margin of Lake Erie, in Pennsylvania, where it was not known that ever the British had advanced a claim since the revolution or taken possession; but neither had we actually occupied it before, but it was within the acknowledged boundary of that state. Retaining possession until the boundary is settled is no aggression on the part of Spain.
Mr. F. said we are alarmed with dangers instead of being convinced by argument. If the gentleman from Virginia is not indeed much mistaken, we are first to be ruined by war with Britain, and afterwards overhelmed by France, and distressed with numerous privations. It is true if Britain or any other nation find it to be their interest and design to go to war with us, they will never be at a loss to assign a cause; we cannot turn our feet in regulating our own commerce; but they can in a manifesto give it the colouring of a cause of war. Without imputing to Britain a less degree of justice or honor, or calculating on her possessing a higher sense of national depravity than any other nation, we must all admit that she is a pretty good judge of her own interest and sufficiently disposed to pursue it. If that is admitted it is the most evident interest of Britain to cease from her aggressions, and make reasonable restitution in preference to war or the privations we can make her suffer without going to war. At present and for a considerable time past, her commerce has been excluded from the greatest extent of the most fertile and wealthy part of Europe, and in these countries manufactures are so much encouraged that the British goods can never again be in the same demand in that quarter. For some of her most extensive and important manufactures she depends on the U. S. for the raw materials to the amount of near 6,000,000 of dollars, besides a large amount of other articles of the first necessity. These manufactures, the great source of her wealth and power, depend for their support upon the consumers as well as on the raw materials. No other nation in the world, probably all the nations of Europe do not consume so much of her manufactures as the U. S. do; they not only consume what pays for the vast amount of raw materials of our own produce which Britain receives, but also to the amount of several millions of foreign articles which they purchase from our merchants; but they created a balance against us to a greater amount than the whole annual revenue of the U. S. the discharge of which swallows up the profits, acquired by our exports to all other countries. (To be continued.)
SPANISH AFFAIRS. SATURDAY, APRIL 5. Debate on the motion of Mr. J. RANDOLPH to amend the Secret Journal by inserting in it the message of the President of the 6th December.
The journal of the secret proceedings of the House I find it stated that the speaker laid before the House a letter and communication from the President of the U. S. which were read, that they were referred to a select committee, and that then follows the report of that committee without any notice of the message of the President, on which it was grounded. This I take to be a departure from the regular system of keeping the journal; because I perceive, in other parts of it, messages, though of a private nature, accompanying other communications, inserted. I deem it not less important to the character of those who compose the select committee, of which I had the honor to be one, than to the character of the government of the U. S. that a full and fair view should be given to the public of the conduct of the government on the one hand, and of the legislature on the other. I beg pardon for using the phrase government: by government I meant the executive department. I shall feel it incumbent on me, in order to impress on the House, the sense I entertain of the importance of this motion, to enter into some little history of the transactions which have taken place with closed doors, in which, though I may not undertake to say what the message of the President contains, I shall feel myself at liberty, according to the course pursued here, to say what it does not contain.
It is true that on the 6th of December that message was referred to a select committee. That committee met, and one of the members, a gentleman from Massachusetts, whom I do not now see in his place, as soon as the committee met, proposed that they should recommend to the House the making an appropriation of money to enable the executive to negotiate a broad. I understood, though it may not have been so expressed, that the object was the purchase of the Floridas. There was a great variety of sentiment in the committee, and other gentlemen of the committee, of whom I was one, objected, that in the confidential message of the President, there was not a syllable about the purchase of the Floridas, or an appropriation of money for foreign negotiation, that there was not a word in it to induce us to believe that Spain was willing to make the sale or to come to an amicable adjustment of differences with us; but that on the contrary, a direct and opposite inference could only be drawn from its contents.
On coming to town, and conversing with gentlemen of this House, I was apprised of the existence of a project for the purchase of the Floridas from Spain; and I was prepared to have considered any expressions in the executive message, as having this meaning, which could at all warrant it. There was such a difference of opinion in the committee, that they came to no direct conclusion. Circumstances of an imperative nature called me to Baltimore; where I said, I think, six days. On my return on Saturday, I found, from the information of a gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) that there had been considerable excitement in consequence of the committee not reporting. Without even changing my clothes or going to my lodgings, I immediately met the committee, and it was agreed to write to the secretary of war, and learn from him the number of troops necessary to protect the southern frontier from Spanish inroad and insults. But although in the public message of the President at the opening of the session, we heard much of Spanish outrages and insults, and though the private message held a language in consonance with the public, I found a backwardness in the head of the war department, and generally of the executive government on taking a decided attitude as to Spain; and I found what was worn, before I left town to go to Baltimore, from a conversation with what has been considered the head of the first executive department under the government, that France was the great obstacle to the compromise of Spanish differences; that France would not permit Spain to come to any accommodation with us, because France wanted money, and that we must give her money. From the moment I heard that declaration, all the objections I originally had to the procedure were aggravated to the highest possible degree. I considered it a base prostration of the national character, to excite one nation by money to bully another nation out of its property, and from that moment, and to the last moment of my life, my confidence in the principles of the man entertaining those sentiments died, never to live again. Well, sir, during my absence in Baltimore, the dispatches contained in the message of the 17th of January arrived. This I shall have occasion to mention again. The House began to act on the subject of our foreign relations. Gentlemen who in select committee had declared they considered the executive message as a requisition to buy the Floridas, though there was not a word in it about the Floridas or about money, took a different ground in the House. They said that though the executive did not recommend to Congress to purchase the country, yet that they were adequate to give the business this direction; that if they chose, they were at liberty to do it. But unfortunately for this new doctrine, and the previous one broached, and unfortunately for the whole system, gentlemen stepped forward to enforce, one gentleman asserted that he was ready in his own person to vouch that the course if questioned was in consonance with the secret wishes of the executive; and this is one of those reasons which calls most imperiously for the motion which I am about to make. What was afterwards done the House will perceive. I pass over the motion made to restrict the purchase to the country not in dispute with Spain, and to exclude from that purchase the country in dispute, thereby testing the principle, whether we were actually buying land or peace. In spite of every obstacle, of all opposition, and the contradictory votes given, the bill was sent to the Senate, and on the next day, the 17th of January, after the business was out of our possession, we received dispatches from our minister at London, which had arrived before Christmas. It will be recollected that it was attempted to be insinuated by individual members, that inasmuch as we received the original paper and not a copy, the dispatches had just arrived, and there had not been time for transcribing them. But in returning from the House, I was so well convinced to the contrary, for I had myself received letters from London of a contemporaneous date, that I made enquiry of the secretary of state, and was told that they had been received the week before Christmas, at the same time with my letters.
While I am up, I will undertake to rectify a trivial inaccuracy (for I with every thing which I state on this floor to be literally exact) which on some former occasion escaped me. I said that the existence of these dispatches was unknown to a high cabinet minister; although it is certain that I so understood, it is no less so that I was mistaken. But though their existence was not unknown, yet their contents were. That minister had no reason to believe that they contained, on the contrary he had every reason to believe that they did not contain, anything relative to our differences with Spain; and as to their being sent to the House, he knew nothing of it until after they had been received.
excited an instantaneous reaction, and produced a declaration that the course we had taken was wrong; they produced also an impression that it would be in vain on the subject of our differences with England, to assume a manly attitude towards her, if we became the panders and caterers of the lustful appetite of France.
The question is now reduced to this point—whether the public shall read the secret journal without understanding one word about it, or shall read it intelligibly. For it is impossible to decide how far the report of the select committee is consistent with the message of the President, unless that message is also published. A difficulty may be raised, by saying this is a confidential message. But this is got over by the publicity given to the proceedings on it. It was confidential, because the proceedings on it were so. For instance—let us suppose that the U. S. were preparing for some strong and decisive measure against Spain which it was politic to conceal from her till taken; but as to anything decisive in the message no man can contend that it contains anything of this nature. When I speak of the message, I do not allude to the communications of the minister of the U. S. with the authorised agents of Spain. Though I see no reason why even those should not be published, as the negotiation has been entirely closed by the abortion in which it has terminated. I however restrict my present motion to the message.
The public, from this vague and defactory sketch, may acquire some principles by which to appreciate the conduct of members in this House. They will see what members were disposed to have adopted that course which the most authentic information from Europe recommended. They will see who were indisposed to acting through the intervention of any foreign power, and more especially in the shape of a bribe, and when such a course was not asked for by the Executive. They will see who were these members; and I believe there are now but few who would be willing to take the responsibility on themselves which properly belonged to another department of the government; and to do all the dirty work, which would otherwise have sullied their fingers. They will see and beware.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH concluded by moving that the message of the President of the 6th of December last be printed; that it be inserted in the Journal of the secret proceedings; and that a new edition of that journal should be printed for the use of the members.
Mr. JACKSON. I think it highly probable that a majority of this House will be disposed to take off the injunction of secrecy, not only on this document, but on all their proceedings; that the people may be enabled to judge for themselves whether the representations made from time to time are correct; but I submit whether it is correct in point of order to act in this way. What is the resolution adopted by this House? That the injunction of secrecy, relative to the proceedings, not the messages or other communications, shall be taken off. This is not the proper course to effect the object in view. I, for one, am willing to go into conference, and have the injunction on the whole taken off. It is not my wish to see the eyes of the people hoodwinked any longer. It has been declared by the gentleman who has offered this resolution, that we have not an inch of territory beyond the Iberville. It was therefore that I considered it all important to have the Floridas, and it was therefore I voted, as Congress did in the memorable instance of the purchase of Louisiana. And it was the fear that taking off the injunction of secrecy might affect the issue of this all-important negotiation that induced me some time since to vote against it. But during the whole of the discussion we have had on this subject, no proof has been adduced, that the money we have appropriated is to be given to France, although the gentleman from Virginia has declared there is no Spain, no Pyrenees; although he has declared that Spain is confessedly merged in France; although he has declared France would not permit Spain to settle her differences with us, and although this has been adduced as an argument to show that we can do nothing with Spain; and although the gentleman has further said that if we could see the dispatches of the Spanish minister, we should see them signed "Charles Maurice Talleyrand;" and although he has alleged that a negotiation could not be opened with a government reduced to a mere nonentity; as I did not anticipate the motion of my colleague, I cannot be expected to be prepared to go into an examination of motives, as has been done by my colleague, which influenced the decision of the House. This could not be done unless all the documents on this subject were printed. Some gentlemen appear to me to have given an importance to a certain document which it does not merit; and it has been said it was withheld until our vote was taken for the purpose of trepanning us. I have heard of but two gentlemen who have declared in would have affected their votes. On me it would have had a different tendency. I with it published. I will say for one, that I think had it been received before the passage of the bill, it would have had a tendency to encrease the majority, stupendous as it was, because—but I am not at liberty to say why. I hope the Speaker will decide this question not proper to be discussed with open doors.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said that he had to his astonishment, found a detailed report on the journal, which it was not usual to enter upon it. He found also three messages, and this was the only instance in which a message was not entered upon it.
Mr. LEIB asked whether it was consistent with the rules of the House to have the message now read? If it were not, he could not concur with the gentleman from Virginia in voting for the motion under consideration, though he agreed with him in the propriety of taking off the injunction of secrecy from all the papers.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH asked, whether, when the journal was read, the clerk had not begun to read the message, when the reading was dispensed with. This was his recollection, and if so, it must be considered as a part of the journal, respecting which the injunction of secrecy had been taken off.
The Clerk said this was the fact.
Mr. LEIB then said, before he decided on the resolution, he wished to hear the message read.
The Speaker said it would be most acceptable that the House should decide whether the reading were proper.
Mr. ALSTON. I merely rise to remind the Speaker of the decision he gave, and of the question I put to him when the injunction of secrecy was removed. I well recollect the decision of the chair that the message of the President and the letters of our minister were not embraced in the motion for taking off that injunction. And I have not a doubt on my mind that it was in consequence of that decision that the vote of the House was such as it was. As to the publication of the message, it is immaterial to me. I voted against giving publicity to the secret journal until we had heard the result of the negotiation. To act confidently on this subject with that vote, I am for going no farther. I believe however for the justification of those who
ments will be advantageous. In voting there against publishing this message, I shall make a sacrifice of my feelings to the public interest. For this vote the good of the nation will be my only motive. But when a negotiation is about to be opened for an object so important as the Floridas, I ask whether it is not right, I appeal to the American people whether they do not think it right to use every necessary means for ensuring its success? With regard to the appropriation of two millions with a view to this purchase, I voted for it as a set-off to the resolution reported by the select committee. I voted for it in preference to a standing army. I would rather strengthen the arm of the executive with money than with a standing army, so fatal to liberty. And I believe a majority of the republicans in this nation will uphold me in this opinion. Every body knows the importance of this country. Has it not been said on this floor that there does not belong to you a foot of ground between the Mississippi and the Perdido? I recollect when this country was ceded to the U. S. to have had a conversation on this subject with a gentleman from Virginia, for whose opinion I have a high respect, and he was of opinion with me that it was very doubtful whether this country was included, indeed we rather thought it was not in the treaty. Will any man say that it is not of vast importance to us to have the small territory that divides our people, and by a fair purchase remove all grounds of future quarrels. If it has entered into the minds of gentlemen to make other than a fair purchase of this country from its rightful owner, this is not my opinion, nor have I any recollection that any such motive has been avowed. A particular document has been referred to, the receipt of which I have heard one or two gentlemen say, might have altered their votes on the bill passed by the House. But I was astonished to hear such a declaration. It could not have altered my opinion; it had in my mind no bearing on the measure. I have one farther observation to make. If it was doubtful whether this country belonged to us, what would have been the effect of adding one or two additional regiments to your standing army? and placing them on a territory you acknowledge you do not believe to be rightfully yours? I would rather put down a regiment of the present standing army than add one man to it. When our rights are invaded we shall not require a standing army to defend them—it will be the militia that will defend them. I am opposed to a standing army, and ever will be opposed to it. For these reasons I was in favor of strengthening the arm of the executive by an appropriation, instead of strengthening it by a standing army.
Mr. CLARK requested the Speaker to examine the secret journal, and see whether this message were in it.
The Speaker said it was, and might therefore be discussed with open doors.
Mr. J. CLAY. I was astonished when I found this journal without the message. Five messages appear to have been received; all of which appear on the journal, excepting this, which is the only message of any consequence. I did believe when the injunction of secrecy was removed, it applied to all the papers received by the House, and I did not conceive myself bound to conceal one title of what occurred while we had locked doors. I should therefore with my friend from Virginia, so to amend his motion, as to include all the documents. I consider this essentially necessary to elucidate the transactions of this House. It seems to have been fashionable for gentlemen to declare what were their motives, for the several votes they have given during the time our doors were shut. I had but one motive, which I hope will continue to govern me as long as I have a seat in this House. My object was to be prepared for war while I endeavored to maintain peace. I voted for the resolution for the increase of the army because every body knows, who is the least acquainted with the state of the south and south western frontier, that the militia in that quarter are not able to defend it. They are indeed but a people of yesterday—aliens to your habit and language—and indeed aliens in every sense of the word. We had seen that frontier invaded by Spain—I was not willing therefore to withhold from the executive the means of chastising this aggression. I therefore voted for the resolution. I also voted for the appropriation of money, because I was waiting to show Spain that while we were prepared to chastise her aggressions, we were also willing, by amicable negotiation to adjust our differences. I therefore voted for an appropriation for the purchase of a country which I deemed highly valuable to us. Whether the money appropriated was to go to France or Spain did not influence the vote I gave. I did not know then that any circumstances were concealed from the House calculated to throw light upon the subject, and of the contents of the message of the 17th January I was totally ignorant, as it was banded in the day I went to Philadelphia, and was immediately afterwards returned to the President. I could have wished that between the 24th of December and the 17th of January, there had been found time to make an official copy of it, since we have heard that it would have a considerable bearing on the votes of the members of this House; and I should conceive that it would be very important as forming an item in the transactions of the session. When we came here the public expectation was highly excited. We had been injured and insulted by Spain on land and by England at sea. The nation required the adoption of measures to procure redress, and to prevent similar aggressions in future. What have been the consequences? We have passed an act appropriating two millions to purchase the Floridas and to chastise Spain, and we have passed an act prohibiting the importation of certain goods from Great Britain as a peace offering to her. It is in my opinion necessary that all the documents should be published to give the people an opportunity of judging whether their representatives have been faithful to their trust. There are parts of those documents which I suppose will not be published, which had a considerable influence on my mind on the votes which I gave. I allude to the threat of hostility by France.
Mr. Speaker here called to order.
Mr. Clay concluded by observing that as they had published five messages which had contained nothing, he hoped they would publish the one that contained something.
Mr. DAWSON expressed himself in favor of giving publicity to the message, which he believed could do no possible injury. So far as it went, he thought it favored both the resolutions—as well that for raising an army, as that for conducting a negotiation by the appropriation of money.
The reading of the message being called for, Mr. Speaker said he thought it was in order to read it, as it was inserted on the private journal.
Mr. BLACKLEDGE appealed from the decision of the chair.
Mr. ALSTON observed that his colleague would better get at his object by taking a question on the reading of the message, and Mr. Blackledge so modified his motion.
Mr. SMILIE said a regard to consistency would prevent him from voting to give publicity to the message. He could not vote for it,
responsibility which might now flow from the publicity defeating the negotiation. It rested with those who voted for the taking off the injunction of secrecy to take that responsibility themselves. At the same time, however, that he must vote against it, he hoped a majority would be found in its favor, because he saw it would be necessary to publish this document, to place their conduct in a proper point of light. So far was the message of the 17th of January, which had been alluded to, from having any influence in changing his vote, that it tended strongly to confirm him in the propriety of it.
On the Speaker reminding Mr. Smilie of the question before the House, he declined saying anything further than requesting the Yeas and Nays to be taken.
Mr. ELMER said if he understood the decision of the Speaker, the motion of the gentleman from Virginia was altogether useless. He had understood from a former decision that the journal did not include the message; but other gentlemen appeared to have considered it in another way. He was perfectly willing that it should be published, and he did not think any ill could arise from it. For reasons already assigned by other gentlemen he had been against taking off the injunction of secrecy at this time. He should therefore vote against every question of this kind.
Mr. JACKSON. Is it not incompetent, Mr. Speaker, to any member of the House to demand an official copy of the message? You have decided it to be a part of the journal ordered to be made public, and now it is said it shall not be read, because the reading it will give it publicity. I am not now prepared to make a motion, which I shall do at some future time, unless anticipated by some other gentleman, that the President be requested to communicate to the House all the papers heretofore communicated from him, with a view to giving them publicity. I hope, however, that the message will now be read to give it publicity. I will on all occasions to give publicity to my conduct, as well in concave, as when their doors are open. I will take this occasion to express my sense of an insinuation made the other day, in a debate on the Yazoo question, which I am told applied to me. I was charged with deserting my seat through fear of voting upon it. I will candidly confess that in the year before the last, I declared I considered it for the interest of the country that those claims should be compromised; but that finding gentlemen, in whom I had confidence, of the opinion that such a measure would tend to sanction a scene of nefarious swindling, I was induced to say that I would not again vote on it; & I was the more induced to do this from the existence of certain claims called Indiana claims, which hover over the head of my constituents, and in consequence of the resuscitation of which, lands have been sold at one-fourth of their value. I was willing to think that the opinion I had formed on this subject was not correct. But when, at the last session, the gentleman from Virginia charged all who voted for the compromise with corruption, and threatened them with the vengeance of the people, and declared that no member from Virginia who voted for it should be re-elected, I was driven from the ground I had taken, and thus borne down by the impetuous eloquence of the gentleman. I thought it became me not to shrink from the vote I had given. The reasons on which I acted went before the people, who re-elected me by a greater majority than I had ever before received. I cannot therefore be considered as having shrunk from the vote for this reason. As an individual, I care not for the decision on these claims, but as a judge I wish it to be equitable. My colleague knows I refused my vote to give leave to the gentleman from Maryland to be excused. Having given this vote I went to the other side of the House, to ask a gentleman from North-Carolina to spend a social evening with me. I will not attempt to scan the feelings of that mind that discovers unworthy feelings in every man who holds different opinions from itself. I thank God that my feelings are not of this cast. It is my desire to avoid acting on cases which have a tendency to excite malignant feelings; but I will never shrink from a performance of my duty in this House or elsewhere at any sacrifice.
Mr. BLACKLEDGE said he was astonished at the course which this debate had taken. The question is this—shall a certain paper, heretofore secret, be made public? And the chair has decided that this very paper is already public. Let the question then be decided which way it may, the paper goes to the public. My object is to get a vote which shall decide whether this question shall be debated with closed doors or in public.
Mr. SPEAKER said it was in order to appeal from his decision.
Mr. BLACKLEDGE then said he would appeal from that decision.
After some further conversation Mr. Blackledge withdrew his motion, which was renewed by Mr. J. Clay.
The SPEAKER then said—the reading of the message of the President of the 6th of December is called for;—the Speaker has decided that that document is part of the journal ordered to be published, and may be read. From this decision an appeal is made to the House, on which appeal there can be no debate.
When, without taking a question, two successive motions were made to adjourn, the last of which prevailed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, April 5.
Mr. Varnum observed that a report on a new organization of the militia had been made at an early period of the session, of a negative kind; that a bill had subsequently been acted upon in the House in some measure implicating the points taken in the report; and that afterwards a bill on the subject had been brought before the Senate, which induced him to suspend calling the attention of the House to the report that bill had been negatived. His object in rising was to state that as the report was of a negative character, he should not think of calling it up, unless it was the wish of gentlemen that it should be discussed. A bill to amend an act to divide the Indiana territory into two separate governments, and for other purposes, was read a third time, and passed.
FRIDAY, April 4.
On motion of Mr. Leib the House agreed to a resolution, for the appointment of a joint committee of the Senate, on the time when it will be expedient to close the present session; and named on their part Messrs. Leib, Clark, and Tenney.
Mr. Dawson from a committee appointed on a resolution of the House made a report, concluding with a resolution that it is not expedient to make any further legislative provision respecting navy yards, in which the House concurred.
Mr. Dawson also reported a bill concerning the further safeguard of merchant vessels in the vicinity of the United States which was referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of Gilbert C. Russell, was read twice.
A bill supplementary to the act making provision for the payment of claims of citizens of the United States on the government of France was read a third time and passed.
The House took up the amendments of the Senate to the act in addition to an act to make provision

received in the actual service of the country during the revolutionary war. Mr. Alston moved to recommit this bill to the committee of the whole House. This motion was supported by Messrs. Alston, T. Moore, D. R. Williams, Blackledge, and opposed by Messrs. J. C. Smith, J. Clay, R. Nelson, and Van Clandon; and was disagreed to—Ayes 26. Mr. Blackledge moved to amend the amendments of the Senate, so as to provide for the placing on the pension list of the United States all such wounded or disabled persons as have been placed on the pension lists of the states for wounds or disabilities received during the revolutionary war, on adding a preface to the motion. Messrs. Blackledge, Blount, Clark and Gregg, supported; and Messrs. J. C. Smith, Bedinger, R. Nelson, Varnum, Southard, Bidwell and Sloan opposed this amendment, which was disagreed to—Ayes 31—Nays 69. The friends of the amendment contended that it was just that a full and liberal provision should be made for all the militia disabled, as well those already provided for by some states, as those not provided for by other states. The opponents of the amendment did not deny the justice of such a provision, but contended that it would not probably receive the approbation of the Senate, and that it was impracticable to make it without going into minute details forbidden by the advanced stage of the session, and recommended that it should be made the subject of a distinct bill at a future session. The question was then taken on agreeing to the amendments of the Senate, and passed in the affirmative—Ayes 97—Nays 15. The bill is consequently passed. Mr. J. C. Smith then offered a resolution, directing the Secretary of War to procure and cause to be laid before the House at the next session a list of the invalid pensioners, who have been placed on the pension lists of the several states in consequence of known wounds received in the actual service of the United States during the revolutionary war, noting whether such pensioners served in the militia, or the line of the army. Ordered to lie on the table.
SATURDAY, April 5. Mr. Gregg, from the committee on public lands, to whom was referred a resolution of the House directing them to enquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the acts of the United States as authorise a credit on the purchase of public lands made a report. Referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday. A message was received from the Senate, stating that they had passed a bill received from the House of Representatives, to repeal so much of any act or acts, as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for lands of the United States and for other purposes relative to the public debt, with sundry amendments. These amendments were referred to the committee of Ways and Means. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Gregg in the chair—on the bill from the Senate, making provision for the compensation of witnesses who attended on the trial of Samuel Chase. The chairman stated that the amendment under consideration at the time this bill was before the committee, was to insert in the first section "on the part of the United States,"—limiting the provision to the payment of witnesses on the part of the United States. On this amendment, the committee divided—Ayes 39—Nays 35. On motion of Mr. J. C. Smith a new section was introduced providing for the payment of any expenses incurred by order of the managers. The committee rose and reported the bill with these amendments. The House immediately took up the report. On concurring with the committee in their agreement to the amendment restricting the provision to the payment of the witnesses summoned "on the part of the United States," the yeas and nays were taken, after a few remarks made by Mr. M. Williams against the amendment, and were Yeas 51—Nays 54. The House then concurred in the second amendment, when the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday—Ayes 62. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Varnum in the chair—on the bill to amend, in the cases therein mentioned, the "Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage." This bill establishes the town or landing place of Darien into a port of delivery; and contains the following provision in the third section, viz. "That so much of the 18th section of the "act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," as relates to the entry of ships or vessels arriving from the Cape of Good Hope, or from any place beyond the same,—and so much of the 77th sec. of said act as restricts the allowance of drawback to goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the districts of original importation, or from those ports at which vessels from the Cape of Good Hope or any place beyond the same, are permitted to make entry, shall be, and hereby are repealed." The effect of the first part of this provision would be to admit to entry vessels from or beyond the Cape of Good Hope at any port of entry in the United States. Mr. Clark moved to strike out the section. On this motion a debate ensued, in which Messrs. Clark, Ely, D. R. Williams, J. C. Smith, Quincy & Dana supported, and Mr. Crowninshield opposed the motion. The question was first taken on striking out the first member of the section, and passed in the affirmative—Ayes 73. When the motion to strike out the residue of the section prevailed without a division.
TUESDAY, April 8. A joint resolution was adopted for adjourning the two Houses on Wednesday the 16th instant. On motion of Mr. Jackson the following resolution was agreed to: Resolved, That the secretary of the treasury be requested to communicate to this House any information which he may possess in relation to an application filed to have been made to draw money from the treasury for the purchase of the Floridas before an appropriation made by law for that purpose.
WASHINGTON, April 9. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES were on Monday almost exclusively occupied in discussing Mr. J. Randolph's motion to print the message of the President of the 6th December, which was the basis of the measures taken relative to Spain. At an early hour of the day when this subject was called up, Mr. Blackledge moved that the galleries should be cleared. The House continued in secret sitting for a short time, when the doors were opened and the question taken by Yeas and Nays on the point of order, whether the decision of the Speaker was correct, viz. "That the said message being contained in the journal of the secret proceedings of the House, as the same had been read in the House, it was now in order to call for the reading of the said message." Yeas 43—Nays 59. The question then recurred on the motion made by Mr. J. Randolph on Saturday as follows: "That the printed supplemental journal of secret proceedings be amended by inserting after the word "rend" in the third line of the first page, the message of the President of the United States of the 6th December last, and that a new edition of the said journal, thus amended, be printed for the use of the members."
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES were on Monday almost exclusively occupied in discussing Mr. J. Randolph's motion to print the message of the President of the 6th December, which was the basis of the measures taken relative to Spain. At an early hour of the day when this subject was called up, Mr. Blackledge moved that the galleries should be cleared. The House continued in secret sitting for a short time, when the doors were opened and the question taken by Yeas and Nays on the point of order, whether the decision of the Speaker was correct, viz. "That the said message being contained in the journal of the secret proceedings of the House, as the same had been read in the House, it was now in order to call for the reading of the said message." Yeas 43—Nays 59. The question then recurred on the motion made by Mr. J. Randolph on Saturday as follows: "That the printed supplemental journal of secret proceedings be amended by inserting after the word "rend" in the third line of the first page, the message of the President of the United States of the 6th December last, and that a new edition of the said journal, thus amended, be printed for the use of the members."
WASHINGTON, April 9. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES were on Monday almost exclusively occupied in discussing Mr. J. Randolph's motion to print the message of the President of the 6th December, which was the basis of the measures taken relative to Spain. At an early hour of the day when this subject was called up, Mr. Blackledge moved that the galleries should be cleared. The House continued in secret sitting for a short time, when the doors were opened and the question taken by Yeas and Nays on the point of order, whether the decision of the Speaker was correct, viz. "That the said message being contained in the journal of the secret proceedings of the House, as the same had been read in the House, it was now in order to call for the reading of the said message." Yeas 43—Nays 59. The question then recurred on the motion made by Mr. J. Randolph on Saturday as follows: "That the printed supplemental journal of secret proceedings be amended by inserting after the word "rend" in the third line of the first page, the message of the President of the United States of the 6th December last, and that a new edition of the said journal, thus amended, be printed for the use of the members."
in which a pretty full view was taken by the different speakers of the arguments urged in secret debate. Messrs. J. Randolph, Dana, J. Clay, Eppes, and Kelly supported, and Messrs. Sloan, Findley, Fisk, G. W. Campbell and Jackson opposed the motion. As we shall give this debate with the utmost dispatch, we shall not at present attempt even an outline of it. About 5 o'clock the Yeas and Nays were taken on the motion, which was disagreed to—Yeas 44—Nays 74. On TUESDAY, a motion was made by Mr. J. Randolph, to print the letter addressed to, and the report received from, the Secretary of War, which is referred to in the report of the select committee on Spanish affairs—which was disagreed to—Ayes 45.
Foreign Intelligence.
LAST MOMENTS OF LORD NELSON AUTHENTICATED.
The following is the relation of Mr. Beatty, the surgeon, and Mr. Bourke the purser of the Victory: About the middle of the action with the combined fleets, on the 21st October, lord Nelson was upon the quarter-deck, where he had resolved to take his station during the whole of the battle. A few minutes before he was wounded, Mr. Bourke was near him; he looked steadily at him and said "Bourke I expect every man to be upon his station." Mr. Bourke took the hint, and went to his proper station in the cockpit. At this time his lordship's secretary, Mr. Scott, who was not, as has been represented, either receiving directions from him, or standing by him, but was communicating some orders to an officer at a distant part of the quarter-deck, was cut almost in two by a cannon shot. He expired on the instant, & was thrown overboard. Lord Nelson observed the act of throwing his secretary overboard, and said, as if doubtful, to a midshipman who was near him, "Was that Scott?" The midshipman replied, he believed it was. His lordship exclaimed, "Poor fellow!" He was now walking the quarter-deck, and about 3 yards from the stern, the space he generally walked before he turned back. His lordship was in the act of turning on the quarter-deck, with his face towards the enemy, when he was mortally wounded in the left breast by a musket ball, supposed to have been fired from the mizen-top of the Redoubtable, French ship of the line, which the Victory had attacked early in the battle. He instantly fell. He was not, as has been related, picked up by captain Hardy. In the hurry of the battle, which was then raging in its greatest violence, even the fall of their beloved commander did not interrupt the business of the quarter-deck. Two sailors, however, who were near his lordship, raised him in their arms, and carried him to the cockpit. He was immediately laid upon a bed, and the following is the substance of the conversation which really took place in the cockpit, between his lordship, captain Hardy, Mr. Bourke and Mr. Beatty: Upon seeing him brought down, Mr. Bourke immediately ran to him. "I fear," he said, "your lordship is wounded." "Mortally, mortally." "I hope not, my dear lord; let Mr. Beatty examine your wounds." "It is of no use," exclaimed the dying Nelson; "he had better attend to others." Mr. Beatty now approached to examine the wound. His lordship was raised up; and Beatty, whose attention was anxiously fixed upon the eyes of his patient, as an indication of the moment when a wound is mortal, after a few moments turned his eyes on Bourke, and expressed his opinion in his countenance. Lord Nelson now turned to Bourke, and said, "Tell Hardy to come to me." Bourke left the cockpit. Beatty now said, "suffer me, my lord, to probe the wound with my finger; I will give you no pain." Lord Nelson permitted him, & passing his left hand round his waist, he probed it with the fore-finger of his right. The description of the surgeon, however, is so accurate and scientific, that by his permission, we thankfully give it: "On his lordship being brought below, he complained of acute pain in about the sixth or seventh dorsal vertebrae, of privation of sense and motion of the body and inferior extremities; his respiration was short and difficult; his pulse was weak, small and irregular, he frequently declared his back was shot through; that he felt every instant a gush of blood within his breast; and that he had sensations which indicated to him the approach of death. In the course of an hour his pulse became indistinct, & was gradually lost in the arm; his extremities and forehead became soon afterwards cold. He retained his wonted energy of mind and exercise of his faculties until the latest moment of his existence; and when victory, as signal as decisive, was announced to him, he expressed his pious acknowledgements thereof, and heartfelt satisfaction at the glorious event, in the most emphatic language. He then delivered his last orders with his usual precision, and in a few minutes expired without a struggle. Cause and Site of the Ball, ascertained since death. "The ball struck the fore part of his lordship's epaulette, and entered the left shoulder immediately before the process acromion scapulae, which it slightly fractured; it then descended obliquely into the thorax, fracturing the second and third ribs; and after penetrating the left lobe of the lungs, & dividing in its passage a large branch of the pulmonary artery, it entered the left side of the spine, between the sixth and seventh dorsal vertebrae, fractured the left transverse process of the sixth vertebrae, wounded the medulla spinalis, and fracturing the right transverse process of the 7th vertebrae, it made its way from the right side of the spine, directing its course through the muscles of the back, and lodged there in about two inches below the inferior angle of the right scapula. "On removing the ball, a portion of the gold lace and pad of the epaulette, together with a small piece of his lordship's coat, were found firmly attached to it."
W. BEATTY, surgeon."
When Bourke returned into the cockpit with captain Hardy, lord Nelson told the latter to come near him. "Kiss me, Hardy," he exclaimed. Captain Hardy kissed his cheek. "I hope your lordship," he said, "will live to enjoy your triumph." "Never, Hardy," he exclaimed. "I am dying—I am a dead man all over—Beatty will tell you. Bring the fleet to an anchor—You have all done your duty—God bless you." Captain Hardy now said, "I suppose Collingwood, my dear lord, is to command the fleet?" "Never," exclaimed he, "whilst I live;" meaning, doubtless, that so long as his gallant spirits survived, he would never desert his duty. What passed after this was merely casual; his lordship's last words were to Mr. Beatty, whilst he was expiring in his arms—"I could have wished to have lived to enjoy this; but
Hardy, "you die in the midst of triumph." "Do I, Hardy?" He smiled faintly; "God be praised!" These were his last words before he expired. It is remarkable of Lord Nelson and Mr. Pitt, who have died within six months of each other, that the one was the only commander in chief of a British fleet who ever fell in action, and the other the only prime minister who ever died in office, since the constitution has had its present form. It is also worthy of observation, that Marquis Cornwallis, Governor General of India, is the only one who died while holding that elevated situation.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, April 7. The papers which we received yesterday from Jamaica, furnish an article of intelligence of considerable interest under the head of MONTGOMERY, March 8. The following interesting particulars we have received from a Military Officer of great respectability, who arrived at Savannah la Mar, last Wednesday, in his Majesty's frigate Redbridge, Lieut. Burt, which left Port Royal on Monday morning: "That on Sunday the Acaja frigate returned express from Sir John T. Duckworth, with information to the Commanding Officer at Port Royal, of having a few days previous fallen in with six French line of battle ships, and some frigates, conjectured to be those of the Brest fleet which had separated from the five recently accounted for. It was further understood, the enemy's squadron had been seen going into a Spanish port on the Main, said to be Porto Cabello, where one or two of our cruisers were stationed to watch their motions." The above Gentleman states also, "that in getting under way on Monday from Port Royal, the Superb, with Sir John T. Duckworth's flag, was coming down to expedite the sailing of what ships could be got in readiness; and it was supposed every line of battle ship in port would be prepared to sail in quest of the enemy on Wednesday morning."
WASHINGTON, April 7.
HUNTERESS—F. Simson, Master.
Minutes of the judgment in the High Court of Admiralty of England, on the hearing of the above cause on the 12th September, 1805. The Right Hon. Sir Wm Scott, Knight, the judge observed. This is a question arising on the British re-capture from the Spaniards of a vessel laden with naval and military stores going to Malaga and Syracuse—it has been truly stated that generally neutral property is not liable to salvage on re-capture; it is also true that in the course of the last war the law was, in consequence of the frequent rapine of the French, altered by the consent of neutrals themselves—this was founded on the practice of the French and confirmed in recaptures from them. Naval losses defined to a British port are by treaty between Spain and America, liable to condemnation; these would therefore be subject to salvage, but in this instance in fact not going to Malaga, confined to English possession or for English use, but for the use of an American squadron then notoriously cruising against the common enemy of Spain and America and every other civilized state, the property of the government, not lucri causa . What therefore would have been its situation in a Spanish tribunal? I think the preceding facts are fully established in evidence before this court, and that they would have been so before the Spanish courts, I cannot but assent to the principle that great deference is to be paid to the declaration of governments—here is that of the President himself confirmed—I cannot say confirmed, for it needs no confirmation, but seconded by that of the French and English ministers. It is impossible to suppose that the American government would wish to deceive, and that those stores were for the use of the British in violation of the treaty with Spain—its good faith is too well known. I am therefore of opinion that restitution would have been due from the justice of the Spanish tribunals, and that the British re-captor is not entitled to more than the expenses of submitting this question to the court, which was not improper. Restitution of the ship and cargo decreed upon payment of the re-captor's expenses.
FOR SALE.
By virtue of a deed of trust to the subscriber by William Davis, to secure the payment of two several sums of money therein expressed, to William W. Hening and his heirs, now of record in the county court of Albemarle—Will be Sold to the highest bidder for ready money, on the premises, on the 12th day of May next: One Half Acre LOT, in the town of Charlottesville, known in the plan thereof by No. 20; or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the sum of one hundred pounds, with interest thereon from the first day of March 1805, and the costs and charges attending the sale aforesaid. The above sale will be for the benefit of Alexander Garrett, to whom William H. Hening assigned the debt last aforesaid, and in the deed aforesaid mentioned. JOHN KELLY, Trustee. April 11. 1m
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz. One tract containing one hundred and thirty seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deanes, from Parson Clapton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court. One tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the south side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverley Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford. The first of the above tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared. N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest, and approved security. M. B. POTIAUX. (ad.) April 15.
NOTICE.
THE Creditors of James Deane, Thomas A. Deane & Francis B. Deane, or of any of them, are requested to meet James Deane, four o'clock Friday evening May the 23rd, at the tavern of Mr. Casper Fletcher in the City of Richmond, for the purpose of having submitted to them, a complete state of the said Deanes affairs, that those arrangements which appear most advisable to their creditors, may be carried into effect. JAMES DEANE, THOMAS A. DEANE, FRANCIS B. DEANE. Cumberland, April 15. 2t.
TO RENT.
THE HOUSE and LOT belonging to Mr. Wm. Dandridge's estate, next above Mr. Wm. Price's large building. For terms apply to NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, Agent for the execr. April 15. tf.
The Enquirer. RICHMOND, 15th APRIL. Is it to be believed that in the secret dispatches laid before congress, there is any thing said about a "threat of hostility by France?" Such are the very words used by Mr. Clay in the debate on Spanish affairs. Has this middle-some nation then been the principal obstacle to an amicable adjustment of our differences with Spain? Does the thus flee forth as the Bully of Spain? And whom does the expect to bully out of their rights? The petty republic of Switzerland; the distracted states of Italy; Holland energized by her trade or Spain paralysed by her government? No; the United States of America, strong, confederated & free!
That Bonaparte beholds the prosperity of our republic with an envious & malicious eye; that he has ambition enough to stretch his influence into the new world, as he has already done over the old, we scarcely needed the light of these secret documents to unfold. But if under the influence of this meddlesome propensity, or an eagerness to swell his coffers at the expence of our own, he should henceforth interrupt our negotiations with Spain, we trust that there is, sufficient spirit in our nation to scoff at these impertinent bravadoes. We trust that not only our spirit, but that our means of resistance are superior to those of the vanquished nations of Europe. The Atlantic is not so easily to be crossed as the Rhine; and we have the vanity to believe that the Coffees of Russia and the Automata of Austria are not much braver or better disciplined soldiers than the freemen of America. We love peace; we will pursue every honourable means of preserving it; but we will not purchase it by a sacrifice of our independence. We will never envy or deserve the fate of Italy!
Though Congress has determined to conceal the secret communications of the Executive, we must still doubt the propriety of this decision. An injunction of secrecy was lately laid upon their proceedings, but still it was impossible to exclude altogether the anxious curiosity of the nation. Hints were unwarily given, and conjectures were shrewdly formed, which led to the discovery of their decisions; and the consequence was, that rather than see a garbled and partial representation go forth to the public, they thought it best to open the closed doors and make their proceedings public. The same scene is now likely to be re-acted; and the same result will be demanded by policy. The documents, themselves, may be kept back, but their contents will be revealed. The members of Congress have already spoken of them without disguise: for Mr. Clay declared, for himself, that he thought "the injunction of secrecy was removed from all the papers received by the House," and that he did not conceive himself "bound to conceal one title of what occurred while they had locked doors." But such statements as these are necessarily mutilated, and passing from one person to another they will become gradually changed and distorted. Such as they are, however, they will at last find their way into the public papers, and the public papers will scatter them over the continent. Is it not better then, that the Documents themselves should be published in their original form, than that they should appear only in these partial and distorted extracts?
The Baltimore "Evening Post," a republican paper, has ventured to nominate John Langdon, of New-Hampshire, and Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina, as candidates for the next presidential election. We would suggest to the editor of that and other papers, whether on a subject so important and so delicate, it is not better at present to wail all kind of discussion.
We have the most delicate and interesting relations to adjust with the nations of Europe; why then distract the public attention, by dragging in the most interesting questions that can be started in our domestic policy? Why precipitately rush into the nomination of candidates, so well calculated to excite party heat and local jealousies, when the functions of Mr. Jefferson will not cease for nearly three years to come, and when two years hence, we shall have sufficient time to make every necessary arrangement?
Why presume to nominate a successor to Mr. Jefferson, when it is not yet determined, whether the interests of our country will not demand his re-election? Rotation in such a high executive office is certainly productive of very considerable advantages, but there are cases in which even this principle itself must be sacrificed to the public welfare. But the most important subject which might now be started, would not be with regard to the man to be nominated but the method of nominating him. The people cannot meet in person to select that candidate, whom a majority would prefer; nor is there an organised body in any one of the states, who could undertake that task, without incurring the jealousy of the rest. Hence the nomination has generally been assumed, by the members of Congress belonging to each party, in their private character; and this nomination has been adopted by their respective parties, because coming from the different parts of the country, they may be supposed to represent the general wishes of their party. It was thus that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr, were nominated on a former election; and thus that Mr. J. and Mr. Clinton, for the last. We will not say that this method of nomination is not in general the best that can be devised; but we may venture to say, that in some cases it is open to very serious objections. Let us state one hypothetical case: A and B are candidates for the presidency. A is a member of the administration residing at Washington, at the very time when the nomination is made, and possessing all the means of influencing the decision of the Caucus. B, is a private individual without any of the means of patronage, residing perhaps in Georgia or Maine, without even the power of giving an electioneering dinner. Is it difficult to foresee the consequence of this hypothesis? how easy it is for the members of a corrupt caucus to give an interested vote; or how easy it is for the official candidate to administer the means of corruption? We trust that the time is not yet arrived when the officers of government and the representations of the people are thus infamously depraved: But that time may come. Is there then no better method of effecting a nomination more conformable to the true wishes of the people?
POLITICS OF NEW-YORK.
The public have heard much of the coalition, said to have been recently formed between the friends of the Clintons and the friends of Col. Burr. They had however heard little on this subject, except innuendoes and conjectures; but at length the curtain, which has hitherto concealed these transactions, is about to be lifted. The principal agents in this affair have now slept upon the stage, and from mutual collision and frequent explanation, we may probably catch some faint glimpse of the truth. The principal points in discussion are, were coalition, and what were the terms of their contract? On these points, have the discussions principally turned:
James Cheetham, the Editor of the American Citizen, finding himself reduced to a very disagreeable dilemma between his opposition to Col. Burr and his support of the principles of the Union Supper , thought proper to address a number of queries to Gen. Bailey, the Post-Master at New-York. The reader will recollect that this Gen. Bailey was the man, who was dragged by the specious patronage of the Post-Master Gen. from his honourable seat of Senator of the U.S. to the office of Post-Master in New-York. This gentleman, returned a formal answer to the queries of Mr. Cheetham, in which he explicitly declares, that he had never been authorised by Mr. De Witt Clinton to make any overtures to Colonel Swartwout or to any of the friends of Col. Burr, relative to a re-union or any other subject; that he had no knowledge of any stipulation, acknowledging Col. Burr as the leader of any party; and that he does not believe that Col. Burr did by letter or otherwise through the medium of Col. Swartwout or any other person, make any conditions either for himself or for any of his friends. Col. Swartwout, the marshal of New-York, and the friend of Col. Burr, has replied to these assertions. The following is an extract from his letter:
"On the 5th of January I received a note from Gen. Bailey, requesting to see me in the evening. I accordingly waited on him, when he soon introduced the subject of a union of parties. I remarked, that two points must be clearly understood before I could enter upon such conversation—First, that the friends of Col. Burr would never consent to abandon him; that on political subjects, his friends were their friends, and his enemies their enemies. He answered, that nothing of the kind was expected. Secondly, Do you act from authority, or simply as an individual? To be plain, General Bailey—do those propositions come from Mr. De Witt Clinton, who is esteemed the chief of your party, or from yourself merely? He answered, they come from Mr. Clinton, who is desirous to meet you and your friends; to bury past animosities; and to re-union on a fair and honorable terms. Subsequent to this conversation I met the Gen. with other gentlemen in respectability in his party; and by his proposition, in behalf of Mr. De Witt Clinton, had an interview with that gentleman at Gen. Bailey's house. The particulars of these meetings I do not think necessary to repeat; I must, however, declare, that the exclusion of Mr. Burr, was never in the remotest degree suggested by any gentleman of the Clinton party, with whom I conversed. On the contrary, whenever his name was mentioned, it was in terms of the highest respect. Great solicitude was manifested, that the suit of Mr. Burr, against the editor of the American Citizen, should be discontinued. I observed, that none of Col. Burr's friends had such authority; and expressed a confidence, that the result of the suit would fully establish to the world, his innocence of the charges exhibited against him. I will merely add, that in this negotiation I explicitly understood the Burrites to be recognized, a distinct party, or rather a distinct section of the republican party; and the re-union to take place on terms of entire equality. No arrangements were made or contemplated but such as, in my opinion, were honorable to the Burr party, and not dishonorable to the Clintonians. In the mean-time the opponents of the coalition and the friends of Gen. Lewis have not rested upon their arms. They have published an "address to the people of New-York" signed by several senators and members of the Lower House, in which they denounce its principles, and vindicate themselves from the charges which have been heaped upon them. This address is abstract, but extremely able. It is attributed to the pen of the celebrated John Nicholas, formerly of this state and now a resident in the Genessee country in N. York and a member of the Senate. It is too long, to be presented in its entire form. The reader must, therefore, be contented with the following extract, relative to the existence and designs of this celebrated coalition:
In the full tide of success, and maddened with the certainty of triumph, the party ventured to acknowledge a coalition, which at once displayed their character, and proclaimed their designs. When their strength was more doubtful, an union of interests had been concerted with the Burrites of the city of New-York, and although their support could no longer be deemed necessary, they could not deny themselves the gratification of seeing these inveterate enemies bowing to their mighty strength. Accordingly the union was fearfully known, when the leading Burrites assembled here, and an intercourse took place between these parties, which left no doubt of the existence of a coalition. So great was the rejoicing, that the confidential friends of both at New-York, dared to celebrate, by a public feast, an union which aimed the deathblow at the happiness of their country. Short was their delusion. The admonishment and contempt produced at this place, first warned them of their imprudence, and the strong impression of the sentiments of the body of republicans in the city of New-York, convinced them that, instead of directing public opinion as heretofore, they were in great danger of incurring general reprobation. Then their steps were to be retraced, and the coalition, which had been too public, to be denied was to be softened into a forgiveness of injuries, and the return of brotherly love. At sometimes, the feast of celebration is treated as the only act of union and a willingness shown, that the adors in it should be given up to be neglected, and the means of our safety as too strongly marked with the character of his works, who has led us by the hand thus far not to be improved by every honest exertion. To show you what must have been the nature and design of this coalition, and how fatal must have been its success to the liberties and best interests of the state, is the object of our present address. Let us regret that the people of N. Y. should be in that degraded condition, which the principles of this coalition have dared to insinuate. Let us regret that they are so far under the influence of families or of leaders, that they are to be considered as the servile instruments of a few men, who choose to truck and barter away their votes!!
The able report of the secretary of the treasury on our public debt, and the uncommonly interesting debate on Spanish affairs, have completely commanded the columns of our paper. We acknowledge the receipt of a most interesting communication from Washington. Let the writer be assured that we feel with a sensibility, not inferior to his own, the importance of the maxim which he professes. With him we will say "let not a false gloss and colouring be given to national proceedings. Let not the press which should furnish the daily bread of free government vend only poisons for their destruction." The election for this city took place yesterday, when Lewis Harvie, Esqr. was returned the successful candidate.

Letter
FROM THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS, RELATING TO THE REDEMPTION, WITHIN A FIXED PERIOD, OF THE WHOLE OF THE PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES.
APRIL 24, 1806.
Accompanying a Bill supplementary to the act, intituled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States." Presented this day.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, January 20, 1806.
SIR, I HAD the honor in my letter of the 28th ultimo, to suggest, that a conversion of the old six per cent. deferred, and three per cent. stocks into a new six per cent. stock, would promote the intention of the legislature, to extinguish within a fixed period the whole debt of the United States. For a better understanding of the subject, a recapitulation of the several species of stock, which on the first day of this year, constituted the public debt, is necessary. The first class embraces the several species of debt reimbursable on or before the 1st day of January, 1809, viz.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: Dutch Debt, amount of principal remaining unpaid on the 31st of Dec. 1805, was, Guilders, 5,500,000.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: Leaving for the balance of principal unprovided for, Nine hundred & twenty thousand dollars of that sum fall due in the year 1807, & the residue is payable in two equal installments of 240,000 dollars each, on the 1st days of February, 1808 and 1809.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: II. Eight per cent. Stock, irredeemable till after the year 1808. The original amount of that stock, was 6,480,400.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: Leaving the amount unredeemed, Partial purchases may perhaps be effected within the limitations prescribed by congress, during this and the two ensuing years; and at all events, the whole will be reimbursed on the 1st day of January, 1809.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: III. Debts reimbursable at the pleasure of the United States, viz. Navy six per cent. stock, 711,700.
Which will also be reimbursed before the year 1809, unless the price of stocks should render it more advantageous to purchase some other species of the debt.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: The second class consists of debts payable at more distant periods, which it does not appear practicable to anticipate, viz. I. 1796 six per cent. stock redeemable in 1819, 80,000.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: II. Louisiana stock redeemable in four annual installments, the first of which is payable in 1812, 11,250,000.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: The old six per cent. deferred, and three per cent. stocks constitute the last class, & amount to the following sums: The nominal amount of six per cent. is, of deferred do. 28,180,000.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: Of which has been redeemed by the annual reimbursement of 8 per cent. on account of principal and interest (omitting fractions) viz. On the six per cent. stock at the rate of 30.16 per 100 dollars, 8,500,000.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars. Includes: Leaving the unredeemed amount on 1st of January, 1806, (in round nos.) The nominal amount of 3 per cent. (in round numbers also,) 31,800,000.
Total amount of the public debt, 72,744,700.
Although the old six per cent. and deferred stocks are still considered as a six per cent. stock, they are both in fact an annuity of eight per cent. on the original nominal amount, which extinguishing the principal by degrees, will cease for the old six per cent. in the year 1818, and for the deferred in 1824. A certificate of six per cent. stock of one hundred dollars nominal, was considered on the 1st January, 1806, as equal to sixty-nine dollars and ninety-four cents, real six per cent. stock, because thirty dollars and sixteen cents of the principal had been discharged by the annual reimbursement of 8 per cent. instead of which it was, properly speaking, an annuity of eight dollars for twelve years and something less than nine months.
The proposition now submitted to the committee of Ways and Means, is that, in exchange for the present six per cent. and deferred, a common six per cent. stock shall be offered to the public creditors, equal in amount to the unredeemed amount of the present stocks, and redeemable at the pleasure of the United States: provided, however, that no partial payment shall be made on any new certificate or credit, but that government shall be obliged to reimburse, at a single payment, the whole amount of each such new certificate or credit, and to give previous reasonable notice of such intended reimbursement. Although peculiar circumstances may prevent a general acceptance of that proposal, the exchange would certainly be advantageous to the creditors. Because, 1st. It is difficult to calculate, and inconvenient to reinvest, four times in each year, the portion of principal reimbursed, which makes part of the quarterly dividend; and every stockholder, who does not fully thus reinvest, inevitably consumes his capital. 2dly. An annuity for a limited term of years, is uniformly sold at market for a price, less than its intrinsic, or arithmetical worth, as may be exemplified by the market value of every lease, and of every estate, less than the absolute fee. For that reason, the navy six per cent. which is redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, has always been worth at market, something more than the old six per cent. and deferred stocks; and these in England, do not even command a higher price than the American 3 3/4 per cent. stock, which is also redeemable at will. 3dly. The time and manner in which the new stock would be reimbursed, would, as far as is practicable, prevent any great fluctuation in its price, and fix its market value at par.
The exchange would also be advantageous to the public. 1st. Because government will thereby be enabled to reimburse the whole in less than nine years, instead of eighteen. And 2dly. Because, supposing that circumstances should render a resort to loans necessary, the terms on which these may be obtained, will, in a considerable degree, depend on the price of the existing stocks: it is, therefore, desirable, that that species, the price of which has a tendency to regulate that of all others, should be as valuable as its rate of interest will admit; and it has already been stated, that the present six per cent. and deferred stocks, being an annuity for a number of years, are generally worth less, than their intrinsic value. It is believed, that that effect was sensibly felt, in the operations connected with the purchase of Louisiana.
The advantages of the proposed conversion being reciprocal, no sacrifice should be made by the United States, in order to ensure the assent of the public creditors; those who may refuse it, will continue to receive the eight per cent. annuities, and these will, as has been stated, cease in the years 1812 and 1813. It appears, however, proper, that such remaining annuities, should be designated by their proper name, instead of carrying on the face of the certificates of stock, the deceptive appearance of a six per cent. stock. The annexed printed table, exhibiting the amount of principal, redeemed on the first day of each quarter, shews the difficulty to persons not well versed in those transactions, of calculating the true nominal value or unredeemed amount of a stock, which is perpetually diminishing, whilst its apparent nominal amount still remains the same. It may easily be understood, how it may in some instances, happen that the stockholder, confuses his principal, whilst he supposes that he is only living on the interest; and how it does sometimes happen, that ignorant purchasers, thinking that the whole apparent nominal amount, as expressed on the face of the certificate, is still due by the United States, are induced to pay for it more than its real value.
It is, therefore, proposed, that it should be enacted by law, that in every case, where it shall be necessary to issue new certificates, either in lieu of such as may be lost or destroyed, or by reason of a transfer of the property itself, or from the books of one office to those of another, the new certificate should on the face thereof, express, the true amount of the annuity due, and of the time when it shall cease, instead of stating as at present, the nominal amount of the stock which was originally due.
A conversion of the three per cent. into the six per cent. stock, cannot be so easily effected, nor indeed without some apparent sacrifice on the part of the United States.
Three per cent. will always be worth more at market than a six per cent. stock, which produces an equal interest.
1st. Because there is a possibility that its nominal amount may ultimately be reimbursed.
2dly. Because supposing it to be a perpetual annuity, the principal of which shall never be reimbursed, its market price is regulated not only by the legal or market rate of interest, in America, but by the price of similar foreign stocks, and by the demand for American stocks in foreign countries. More than eleven millions of dollars of the American three per cent. stock are held by persons residing in England, Holland, and other foreign countries. That stock is never worth less than sixty per cent. of its nominal amount when the old six per cent. stock is at par. It cannot, therefore, be expected, that the holders will assent to any modification, which will not secure to them advantages, at least equal, to those they now possess, and the question to be decided by the committee and by congress, is, whether that debt shall henceforth be considered as a perpetual annuity on the nation, or whether such a compensation shall be offered to the creditors as may induce them to accept a conversion which will secure the object heretofore contemplated, the total extinguishment of the American debt. It may not be improper to add, that even to those who may think the accomplishment of that object either unimportant or impracticable, and taking into consideration such a state of things as may render new loans necessary, the existence of a three per cent. stock is ineligible. To a nation already encumbered with an immense debt, and subjected, on account of her relative situation, to peace and war establishments of great magnitude and corresponding expense, the annual sum which it may be necessary to pay, in order to obtain extraordinary resources, becomes the primary consideration; and that species of stock which, in proportion to its rate of interest, is the most valuable at market, will naturally be created. The political and geographical situation of the United States, permits at least a hope, that, under every contingency, the reimbursement of the debts which may necessarily be incurred, will, at a subsequent period, be attainable, and that the principal will not be increased for the like of diminishing the intermediate payments of interest. As the ultimate value which a three per cent. stock may reach at market has natural limits, and the probability of its reaching that value rests on uncertain contingencies, it is presumable that the assent of the creditors may be obtained on reasonable terms, and no greater sacrifice should certainly be made than the advantages expected from the operation will justify. In appreciating the value of the new six per cent. stock, which the creditors would receive, not only its nominal amount, but also the additional annuity which will be payable till the stock shall be redeemed, must be taken into consideration. It will on that account be eligible to provide that it shall not be redeemable till after all the eight, five and half, four and half, and navy six per cent. stocks, as well as all the stock which may be created in exchange of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks shall have been redeemed: a period which, supposing no adverse circumstances to intervene, may be eliminated at about eight years. Thus supposing the three per cent. to be converted into a six per cent. stock, at the rate of sixty per cent. of its nominal amount, the creditor would, at the end of eight years, receive sixty dollars, and, in the mean while, an annuity of three dollars and sixty cents, instead of three dollars, which he now receives, both which provisions may be considered as nearly equal to a redemption at the rate of sixty-five dollars. It may be added that this new stock would be worth more at market than the six per cent. stock, created in exchange of the old six per cent. stock, and deferred, and probably more than par. The Louisiana stock, which is irredeemable for twelve years, is now worth in England 105, whilst the old six per cent. is only at 95 per cent. Whatever reasonable rate may be paid for the proposed conversion, the United States will provide, at a fixed price, for the redemption of the debt; and the creditor, besides receiving an intermediate additional interest, will exchange the uncertain contingency of a temporary increase of value for the certainty of a reimbursement greater on the highest price which the three per cent. stock has ever yet reached. It has already been stated, that one in eleven millions of dollars of the three per cent. stock are held by persons residing in foreign countries.
same situation. As it will be more difficult to obtain the assent of that class of stockholders, particularly agitated to the three per cent. stock, might also be agreed that the interest due to them on the new stock, should, like that on the Louisiana stock, be paid in Europe, a provision which, without costing much to the United States, will be a strong inducement in favor of the proposed modification. Nor would it be impracticable to provide for an exchange of certificates in Europe, which would remove the objection arising from the delays and dangers incident to a double transmission of papers across the Atlantic. Some subordinate details may be introduced in the law; but these outlines will be sufficient to convey an idea of the plan which appears to be the most simple and cheapest mode of effecting the object contemplated. Still it is less the plan thus respectfully submitted than the subject itself, which I have been desirous of bringing under the consideration of the committee. Although an ample appropriation has been made for the extinguishment of the whole of the public debt, the nature of the greater part of the stock will, unless some modification shall be obtained, prevent or considerably retard the accomplishment of that object. If no alteration shall take place in the nature of that stock, the commissioners of the sinking fund, will, after the year 1809, have no other means of applying near one-half of the annual appropriation than by making purchases. Annual purchases to the amount of near four millions of dollars would necessarily raise the old six per cent. and deferred stocks above par, and the three per cent. stock, to the highest price of which it is susceptible. As a necessary consequence the commissioners would cease to purchase; and, without any real advantage being obtained by the creditors, the United States would continue to be encumbered for a number of years with the eight per cent. and in perpetuity with the three per cent. annuities. Years, perhaps the most favourable for the extinguishment of the debt, would elapse, and periods might follow when the pressure of the annual payments would be sensibly felt. To improve the present time, appears the most prudent course; will, it is believed, conform with the public opinion, and is most consistent with the former acts of the legislature.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
Hon. JOHN RANDOLPH, chairman of the committee of Ways and Means.
Table with 5 columns: Year, Amount Redeemed, Amount Redeemed, Amount Redeemed, Amount Redeemed. Rows from 1796 to 1820. Includes a note: SHOWING the amount of Principal (on the calculation of TWO percent.) redeemed at certain quarterly periods until its final extinction, by the United States of their stock bearing an interest of five per cent. per annum, arising from the payment of dividends of eight per cent. per annum, under the provisions of January acts of Congress.
THE FAIRFIELD RACES
Will commence on Monday the 5th of May, and continue for four days. 1st DAY—THE JOCKEY CLUB CUP, free for all ages, the horses being bona fide the property of the members; distance three mile heats. 2d DAY—THE JOCKEY CLUB PURSE, of four hundred and fifty dollars, four mile heats. 3d DAY—THE PURSE of the PROPRIETOR of the COURSE, for two hundred and fifty dollars; three mile heats. 4th DAY—A SWEEP STAKE for three years old colts and fillies, two mile heats; one hundred dollars entrance—This subscription will remain open until the 5th May.
WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. 6 years old 128 5 do. do. 118 4 do. do. 108 3 do. do. 90—Mares and Geldings allowed 8 lbs. I wish to rent the Dining House, and the Booth's in the Field; those who have formerly rented them, shall have a preference; application must be made immediately. The members of the club, will please to observe a little more punctuality, in paying up their subscriptions, as the money on each day, has to be placed in the hands of the Judges. Those gentlemen, who have not yet paid up their forfeits, in the produce Sweep Stake, won last October, by Mr. Hugh Wylie, will be so good as to pay it to Mr. Wylie, or the Treasurer, by the last day of the races, in May next. ESME SMOCK, Treasurer and Proprietor of the Course. Richmond, April 4, 1806. (F.f)
FOR SALE, By FRANCIS FOLLETT, nearly opposite the Eagle-Tavern, Main-Street, Richmond; GARDEN SEEDS, fresh and good of the following kinds: Red and White Onions, Winter Cabbage, Blood Beet, Scarcity, Head Lettuce, French and English Turnip, Cucumber, Carrot, Parsnip, Bush Beans, Radish, Sage, Saffron, Burnet Asparagus, Summer and Winter Squash, Water and Musk-melon, Parsley and Peppergrafs. Ten barrels Liver Oil, 10 barrels Cider, Cider in bottles, 12 qr. Casks Sherry Wine, 30 bbls. Nova Scotia fall Mackerel, 14 by 10, 12 by 10 and 10 by 8 English Window Glass, A quantity of Fleet and Club German Steel, and a general assortment of Hardware, Ironmongery and Jewelry. March 18. saw4.w.
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 4.
TO BE RENTED, THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family. Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill: (both of these tenements gardens are attached.) The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, serjeant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (2aw4.f) February 25.
THE PRIVATE ACADEMY OF DOCTOR HALLER will be removed on the first day of May next, to that large Brick House lately built by Colonel Harvie, not far from the State-house. On the first day, a certain number of fresh Scholars will be admitted to the said institution; but only children of approved habits and deportment can be entered; as Dr. H. is firmly determined to adhere to the rules and regulations mentioned in his plan of education; the printed copies of which may be had at his house. April 8. 6c
THE subscriber is authorized to dispose of between two & three thousand acres of LAND, situate in the county of Prince George and known by the name of Old-Town, on the following terms, to wit: One-fifth of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in four annual installments, to carry interest from the time of sale—the payment whereof must be secured by bond and mortgage on the land. This land is distant from the town of Petersburg about 14 miles; from James River 4 or 5 miles, and about 1 1/2 from Noble's Creek, which is navigable for boats up to Peachy's mill. The soil is remarkably well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, and the greatest part of the tract is covered with fine timber. It will be sold in Lots to suit purchasers, and will be shown to any person desiring to view it, by Mr. Drury Livsey, who resides on it. Prompt attention will be paid to any communication on the subject, directed to the subscriber at Shirley in Charles-City county, by post to Granville Mills. PATRICK HENDREN, Agent for Charles Carter of Shirley. (law3m.) March 7.
ELEGANT TABLE WARE. THE Subscriber will sell much under the usual prices, a very elegant Long Service, blue printed table ware, consisting of 214 pieces; it will be sold together or divided into two services, one of which will amount to three eighths, the other five eighths of the whole, but no detached articles can be sold; if not disposed of before the 1st of May it will be repacked and shipped to Baltimore, where ware of this quality meets with ready sale. N. B. Rum Ibrub, of the most delicate flavor and as transparent as the purest wine, by the gallon, dozen or bottle. WM. HART, Opposite the State House. March 18. eptA & law 11&M.
WANTED. A N USHER to the Grammar School in William and Mary College. A competent skill in Greek and Latin will be required, and also testimonials of unexceptionable moral conduct. The salary is £100 per annum, with board and a convenient room in college. By order of the President and Professors. N. B. To any one who shall discharge the duties assigned to him entirely to the satisfaction of the Professor of humanity, an additional compensation will be allowed by the said professor from the tuition fees paid by each scholar. March 28. law 4t.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY. THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honored at any of the abovenamed banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckinridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckinridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (cF11&ay.)
NEGRO GEORGE. RANAWAY on the 9th March, Negro George, 30 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, bald head, large whiskers, straight and well made, is generally well known having waited upon me for years; he had on a Bath coating great coat, drab coat, striped vest, cloth breeches, white yarn stockings, with fundy cloths in a pair of saddle bags; also a fiver watch. He is a plausible, artful fellow, and when taken ought to be well secured. He will attempt to get to his wife at Mr. Williamson Jones, near Lancaster court-house, and may have a forged pass, to get a mail or to be hired at a tavern in some town, probably Fredericksburg, Norfolk, or Baltimore; or he may attempt to get off in a New-England or other vessel from Richmond or Lancaster county. If taken and secured in any goal, Ten Dollars Reward, also mileage, if he is delivered to Mr. Jackson, Fredericksburg goal. Letters per post respecting him, attended to, if directed to me at Battle-Town. JAMES WILLIAMS. March 28. law3w
IN AN INJUNCTION. Chesterfield County March Court, 1806. Edward Burnet, Plaintiff. John Penticoft, Defendant. HE defendant not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth: on the motion of the Plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant, do appear here on the first day of May court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers, printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A copy, TH: WATKINS, c. (2mp.) March 18.
In King-William County Court, March 26th, 1806. John McKim, jun. Plaintiff. John Mitchell, jun. Defendant. HE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said deft. do appear here on the fourth Monday in August next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy. Teste, ROBERT POLLARD, C. C. April 4. 1p
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE. Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.