The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-07-14 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 20.]
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 14, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. THE ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment will be FOUR DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 9th August, after which, the price will be FIVE DOLLARS, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
SAMUEL MYERS,
HAS FOR SALE, AN assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
LITERATURE.
 EVERY new work or republication of merit is always to be had at WILLIAM PAICHARD'S BOOK & STATIONERY STORE, Richmond, as soon as they issue from the northern presses, and at the same rates as there printed.  Among the many recent publications of the greatest use and celebrity, are the following, viz.  Ellis's Journal and History of the Western Territory, containing six accurate Maps of the country, including the Ohio, Mississippi, the Gulf of Mexico, the Floridas, &c. &c.  Wilton's History of the British Expedition to Egypt, Denon's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, 2 vols.  Barrow's Travels in the Interior and South of Africa, Wittman's Travels in Turkey, Asia, Syria and Egypt, Park's Travels in Asia, with Rennell's Map, Staunton's Embassy to, and Travels in China, Tooke's Life, and Reign of Catherine, Empress of Russia, 2 vols.  Hayley's Life of William Cowper, Darwin's Temple of Nature, and his Botanic Garden, Life of Darwin, by Anna Seward elegant, Willich's Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols.  Priestley's Lectures on History and General Policy, 2 vols.  The Beauties of the Evangelical Magazine, 2 vols.  William's Song of Solomon with Commentaries, Robinson's Translation of Dr. Saurin's Sermons, 6 vols.  Dickson's Translation of Dr. Massillon's Sermons, 2 vols.  Milton's Works with Todd's notes &c. Elegant, 6 vols.  The Parent's Friend, an useful Book on Education, 2 vols.  Heron's Letters of Junius Elegant, 2 vols.  Evans's New Millwright's Guide.  The above new works are from the best Presses in Europe and America, chiefly printed on wove paper, adorned with Maps and Plates.  Kelly's New Elements of Books-keeping.  Abbott's Law of Merchants Ships and Seamen, Montfort's Commercial and Notarial Precedents, 3 vols.  Boisquart and Puffier's Reports 2 vols.  M'Vally's Rules of Evidence 2 vols.  Jones's Law of Bailment, by Balmann, Chitty, on Bills of Exchange and Bank Notes, Mayor's Natural History with Plates, Clark, Bracken, Taplin and Whites Parriery, The American Medical Miscellany.  Modern Novels, Plays, Poems and Periodical Works.  Musick, Musical Instruments, Plotting Instruments, STATIONARY of all kinds, for Counting Houses, public Companies, Banking Houses, &c. A large assortment of genuine patent MEDICINES, just received.  July 4. [3t. 
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804. }
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of five months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
IN COMMON HALL, July 2d, 1804.
IT appearing to the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, that the regulations of the Trustees of the Free School in the said city, have been established on liberal and just principles, whereby many poor children of both sexes have received at the said school, such advantages in the acquirements of their education, as to encourage a strong belief that great utility will result from a continuance of the institution, should it receive a proper patronage;
Resolved therefore, That the Chamberlain of this City, and Messrs. John Robinson, Samuel Paine and Samuel Pleasants, be requested and empowered to receive subscriptions, and the funds that may be subscribed for the benefit of the said school; and that it be recommended to the humane and liberal inhabitants of this city, to raise by subscription other funds for the purpose of continuing the said institution.
Andrew Stevenson, c. c. h.
WAS FOUND,
By a Negro woman, a small bundle of BANK NOTES. The owner may have them by giving a satisfactory description, and paying the expense of this advertisement. Enquire of the Printers. July 11. d-19
IRISH LINENS AND SHEETINGS.
THE subscribers have just received a few Boxes of 7-8 and 4-4 IRISH LINENS, and 5-4 SHEETINGS from B lfo, which they will sell on moderate terms.
ELLIS & ALLAN.
Richmond, July 7, 1804. (S2v)
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE.
HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and Yorkshire from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF
GOODS,
Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on usual terms.
Richmond, May 9th.
tf (1)
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States. And those whose lands have been sold in the district of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs.
As most of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me.
JOSEPH SCOTT,
July 7.
Marshall V. D. ep-tf
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, in Charles City county, on September Court Day,
THAT well known TRACT OF LAND, called the INDIAN FIELDS; containing between eight and nine hundred acres, pleasantly situated on the main road leading through the county. The situation is so generally known and admired, that a minute description would be superfluous. Presuming that any person who wishes to purchase, will previously view the land, I shall only observe, that the houses are all in good order, having lately gone through a thorough repair; and the small proportion of land in cultivation, proves it to be very valuable and productive; the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of Corn and small grain. Any person wishing to view the land will call on Mr. Royler who lives on the place. The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM EDWARDS.
Surry County. July 7. ep-1m
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in the Richmond Gazettes, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803.
RULE—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error or otherwise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, unless good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804.
RULE—A clear and concise state of the case of each party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, special verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the points insisted on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly transcribed, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing of the cause, & that no error, other than such as shall be pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or judgment sought to be reversed. And that all depositions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particularly noticed in such statement and recited, and a reference thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause made.
MAY 21st, 1804.
RULE—That after the end of this present term, all causes depending in this Court, which shall be ready for hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand on the docket.
TESTE,
J. BROWN, c. c.
AT A QUARTERLY COURT CONTINUED AND HELD FOR PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, MAY THE 22d, 1804.
WILLIAM WHITE, & Co. Plaintiffs. AGAINST THOMAS GIBSON & ROBERT B. GIBSON, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Thomas Gibson not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas Gibson do appear here on the first day of August court next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and that a copy of this order be served with inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. And the defendant Robert B. Gibson, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiffs has been returned executed, (still failing to answer the same, the court, this twenty-second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, doth take their bill for cost, as to that defendant, and will proceed at a future day to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendant Robert Gibson on or before the next term after he shall have been served with a copy of this order, there cause to the contrary.
A Copy. Teste,
BENJAMIN WATKINS, c. c. (S2m-16)
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND
IN Powhatan county, on Appomattox River, where it is navigable, known by the name of M c Caull's Quarter, containing 420 acres: this land lies about four miles from the Court House, and is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, small grain and corn. Maj. John Archer, who lives near the land, will show it to any person who may wish to purchase.
If it is not sold before the 1st of September next, I shall sell it upon that day to the highest bidder, at Woodson's Tavern, near the premises.
John F. Price.
Richmond, May 30, 1804. [lawton&Sinn.
NEGROES FOR SALE.
I WILL sell for cash, or on a short credit, a likely young FELLOW, who is a good crop Negro; and a young WOMAN about 18, who is an excellent house servant; well acquainted with and fond of the management of children, and a good seamstress.
THOMAS RICHARDSON.
Goldmine, Hanover, July 11. 1w.
Foreign Intelligence.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 23d, 1804.
MOTION ON THE DEFENCE OF THE NATION.
(MR. FOX'S SPEECH CONCLUDED FROM OUR LAST.)
IN every view of the subject it would be a most political thing to institute this fort of force. In case of emergency how much easier would it be to discipline men who had been previously used to some form of weapon, than to discipline men who had never handled a firelock, or who knew not even by which end to hold it, or whether to draw the lock or the trigger? In the way of recruiting the army also, if all the young men of the kingdom were by a general law practised to the use of arms, though in the most unexpensive way, both as to money and time, how much more disposed would they be to enter into the service on any pressing call of their country? I know that some men pretend to deride the snook-frocked soldier, but they will not deride them who have felt their power. I do not with you, however, to put an end to one force in order to create another. I will this experiment to be tried, because it must be of the utmost advantage to every part of the service, and in every possible state of the country, both in time of peace and war. I know that the more you trust to the people, the more faithful service they will render you, and that arms can be not only put into their hands with safety, but with use in the way of preventing tumult, of assisting the police, and of restraining depredation. I own I think it is a most desirable thing to promote this species of civil defence even in time of peace, that the military may not be resorted to on every occasion. But in time of war what would be the inestimable value of such a force? Suppose the enemy landed in great and commanding numbers. Let us suppose what however we do not believe will happen—that the event of a battle should be disastrous to the English army. With every possible respect for the bravery of our troops, the supposition ought to be imagined, and the calamity guarded against. In that case, what would be the consequence if you had an armed peasantry? That the enemy would reap no advantage beyond the actual field of battle. They would even after their victory remain in a state of positive impotence. They could not afterward scour the country; they could not fend to any town, village or even to any farm, for a single load of hay, without a detachment and an escort—they must be broken into a thousand parts to provide themselves with food, and be encircled by their division—or otherwise they must be confined to the identical spot of their glory, while our own beaten army would have time to recover and to reinforce its ranks. I state it fairly, because we must view both sides of a question.—The greatest courage, engaged in the best cause, does not always command success; but let us view the other side. Suppose what is much more likely to happen, that an army of freemen fighting for the security of all that was dear to them, should beat the invaders. What would be the consequence of a single victory to them? The annihilation of the enemy! It would not be as it is between contending armies, in a martial territory, where the inhabitants were quiet spectators of the battle; but here a vanquished enemy could find no shelter; no suspension; no breathing time; no recovery. No rallying point could be found in a country where every man was armed, and where every hedge was an entrenchment. I recommend this species of defence the more earnestly, because it will be the means of correcting all the errors into which we have fallen, and I must take blame to myself, in common with others, for having suffered an assertion to stand as part of the preamble to the Defence Bill, which is utterly untenable in the constitutional law. It certainly is impossible for the members of that House to watch over every word and sentence of every bill that is brought in. And therefore the particular authors of each bill are looked to as more peculiarly responsible for glaring errors. I believe that ninety-nine out an hundred acts pass without being critically and carefully examined as they ought to be, by the members of the House, consistent with their strict and rigid duty. But it is in a particular way the duty of ministers, that no bill shall be suffered to assert any false or dangerous doctrine, in the persuasion that it may pass unobserved in the hurry of legislation. In July, 1803, the alarm of invasion was so imminent, according to ministers, that the defence bill must be passed by acclamation, and the zeal of the country being aroused to meet the invasion, which was to take place in August, no time was to be lost in weighing and judging of the bill. Accordingly I find we overlooked a most serious declaration in the preamble of the bill, and which certainly if I had seen, I should have exerted the utmost efforts of my mind to have corrected, namely, "that the king has a right to command all his liege subjects to take up arms," &c. a doctrine which, to be admitted as true, ought to have been qualified and defined. It may be said that his majesty has the right to do justice; but he is to do justice according to law. And so is the prerogative of calling forth his people in arms. It may undoubtedly be said of any community, that they must possess the
means of preserving themselves, and that, on the principle of the salus populi suprema lex , the power of calling forth the physical strength of the community, must reside in it; and that the King as the head, represents the community, and is the organ of its will. But this species of reasoning would justify the most arbitrary assertions; and all such reasoning the spirit of our constitution utterly reprobates.—The rights which our sovereign possesses are defined as well as limited. And this has been most sensibly as well as ably stated by a great judge, who speaking of this sort of abstract right, made use of these words:—"For I freely declare, that ancient precedents, unless supported by modern usage, in cases of prerogative, have little weight with me." Nothing can be more true than these words of the learned Mr. Justice Pofier: and nothing can be more applicable to this strange assertion in the preamble of this act. No such right can be claimed by the King. No such right, however it may have been part of the undefined prerogative in ancient times, can be exercised after the words of the statute in the 25th Edward the 3d, a statute made in an epoch which I respect, because the statutes of that period were marked by their wisdom, and by the principles of sound legislation. In a statute of that year it is expressly declared, "that no person shall be liable to serve but such as are bound by their tenures." If, indeed, there were such a prerogative it would be impracticable. The constitution has wisely planted an inseparable check over the abuse, and, thank God, not one of the ancient undefined prerogatives can be exercised against the liberties of the people. To what an extent, and to what a complete overthrow of every thing for which our ancestors have successfully contended would this right go? Money has been, perhaps by a strained metaphor, called the sinews of war. If his majesty had the right of commanding the military service of his subjects, he must also be supposed to have the right of maintaining them; and so the power of the purse would be taken out of the hands of the representatives of the people. I state this only to show how improper and unjustifiable it is to introduce such an expression into a bill, and how negligent it is to let it pass. And it is not in the preamble of this act only that we see a dangerous door opened to abuse. Let us look, then, at the enactments of the General Defence act, respecting this prerogative which is asserted to be inherent in his majesty. It states that, in the event of invasion, or the appearance of the enemy in force upon the coast, it shall be lawful for his majesty to call out the persons who are enrolled under this act in the different counties; that it shall be lawful to call them out in such proportion as shall seem meet—to place them in any regiment of regulars, militia or fencibles—to put them under martial law, and march them to any part of the coast, &c. This act, therefore, without any limit or qualification of rank, age, or station, empowers the king to compel any individual, however unfit for military service, to serve in the ranks exactly on the footing of enlisted soldiers, to be subject to all the severities of military duty and of martial law. If this really be the prerogative of his majesty, it is one which cannot be contemplated without anxiety. Not to suppose the existence of great and violent abuse, it is sufficient to know that such power is liable to abuse; and no man with the sentiments of freedom, and the confidence of independence, can feel perfectly easy to think, that to a law, so unmitigated and so unqualified, he may be subject. Is it possible to reflect on such a power without seeing how it may be abused & perverted? It may be an extreme case, indeed, to state that its sweeping provisions give authority to the King to take the prince of Wales, place him under the command of his footman, and march him in that inferior capacity against the enemy. I know that such a case is impossible, but it illustrates the boundless authority, which the act confers, and which in many instances, it is quite easy to conceive might be exercised.
Might not a tradesman or a farmer be hurried away from his family and occupations, and be placed under the command of a corporal or a sergeant, their own servants? Persons of every situation may be pitched upon by malice or by revenge, and sent to perform military service for which they are unfit. I see that such a scheme of things does lie open to abuse, and the monstrous abuse, and injustice with which the execution of it would be attended, must have prevented the attempt to carry it into effect at all. I do not understand exactly the mode in which these provisions are to be reduced to practice. If the quota of men are to be furnished by a parish, was to be fixed by ballot, the inconvenience might frequently be very great, even where a sense of duty did not aggravate the case. The ballot might, without any distinction of rank, age or circumstances, compel any man to serve in person. In truth a principle more inconsistent with that sound & rational equality, which all laws and all human institutions ought to aim at in the imposition of burdens, never was devised. In practice it must be productive of extreme inequality, hardship, and grievance. From a true equality the principles of subordination flow, but in the operation of such measures as this, all distinctions are annihilated, and every thing is levelled under the discretion of the crown. Indeed ministers themselves on some occasions have acknowledged enough to show that they were themselves convinced that the general defence act could not be carried into practice. It was said by one of them, that the defence act would "have given way;" and so it must, for such extravagant powers could not have been exercised without an abuse that would have proved fatal to the measure. But all ministers contended it had been of use, as it backed the volunteer system. What! was it then thought necessary to goad the people of this country forward in the defence of their houses, their property, and their liberties, by the terror of these severe provisions? I am certain that the spirit of the nation required no such spur. Why such buggars then? Why thus compel the volunteers on, like a front rank, by the bayonet of that behind it? But in truth, what was this buggar—Ministers admit that this act might have given way? What was the value of this threat, this stimulus of the General Defence Act which had its use? At any rate, if the people wanted spur, as they do not, would you employ a menace, which in fact, had in it nothing that could really alarm. At least you ought not to threaten what you cannot enforce. I remember an anecdote of one of your predecessors, Sir, who is allowed to have maintained the dignity and authority of the Chair, in a manner superior to all those who went before him, however he may have yielded to those who have come after him. It was a custom with that person (Mr. Speaker Onslow) when any
member was guilty of any irregularity, to cry "take care, Sir, or I will name you." And on one occasion, a member ventured to whisper the Speaker, "And what would be the consequence if you did name me?" The Speaker replied—"God only knows." Now in the same manner ministers have thought it convenient to keep up the terror of the General Defence Act, in order to stimulate the volunteers; yet they are sensible that the menace would fail them, and if they were to be asked, what would be the consequence of their threat? the answer would be, "God only knows," for no man could think of putting in practice a measure so pregnant with oppression and injustice. In the volunteer bill, which was lately so much the subject of discussion in the House, it was argued to be unjust that a farmer should, against his will, be deprived of the labor of his servant; and this provision, I understand, has been altered in the other House. But indeed it was of little consequence to talk of the hardships of the farmer being deprived of his servant, if he himself was liable to be taken and sent to serve in the army or militia, in Cornwall or Northumberland, or any other place the most remote from his abode. But, in truth, the very atrocity of this fact made it impossible to put it in execution; so that, in reality, it was as little calculated to be useful, as it was altogether unnecessary as a stimulus to the zeal and to the patriotism of the country. Having seen, therefore, that the General Defence Act was neither unnecessary in terror, and could be of no avail as a buggar, what practical good was it calculated to afford in strengthening our means of repelling invasion? I have repeatedly stated in this House, that I conceived it desirable that, in addition to our other means of defence, we should have an armed peasantry. Ministers themselves go so far as to say that an armed peasantry may be of use, to back the volunteers, as the latter will be of service to back the regular army. They have never, however, proposed any rational practical means by which this advantage can be obtained. Let us, therefore, go into the committee, and discuss the subject. Let us there try if we cannot devise some mode of strengthening and confirming whatever is well conceived in the present system of defence, by that which all consider useful and important, though in different degrees. Let us there discuss how the peasantry are to be called out, armed, and arrayed. Let us discuss how, in case of emergency, they are to be employed; how far, if fire arms cannot be found, pikes may not with advantage perhaps be put into their hands; and whether it may be necessary to place them under martial law, or by what other code they may be rendered subject to discipline? These are fit objects for discussion in the committee, and there alone, indeed, can they be discussed with advantage. There too we may revive, amend, and improve the different measures that have already been passed for the public defence—there we may correct their errors, remove their contradictions, and increase their effect. I have already hinted the general importance of calling forth the exertions of an armed peasantry, and in this, even they who think more highly of the volunteers will perfectly concur, because the armed peasantry is not intended to supersede the volunteers. As to a detailed plan on this head, I do not propose to trouble the house with any at present. Neither am I prepared to say how far this service should be voluntary or compulsory. That the voluntary zeal of the country would supply every thing that could be desired, I am perfectly convinced. At the same time if it should be thought necessary to make the service in some degree compulsory, I will not say that it might not be proper to make some provision for it. Nevertheless, the means of calling forth that aid must be freed from that injustice and inequality to which the General Defence Act would now be liable. How likewise is this force to be armed; and if muskets cannot be furnished to all, surely those who are most inclined to despise the pike, must admit that the pike is a much better weapon than spades or pitchforks, with which alone the peasantry are now armed, even were they so arrayed and organised as to be capable of being employed with effect. These, however, and many other questions which are naturally connected with the subject, and which will no doubt be more particularly insisted upon this evening, will be proper for the consideration of the committee, which it is the purpose of my motion to institute. I shall, therefore, conclude with moving, that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the state of the public defence."
PICHEGRU AND MOREAU.
A pamphlet of 100 pages with this title has been published at Paris. The following account of the pamphlet we translate from a Paris paper called Le Ciel du Cabinet .
"This work is chiefly a detail of facts relative to a correspondence seized at Offenburgh in the year 3, when the army of the Rhine, passed on the right bank, and took that city: the correspondence disclosed by general Moreau to the Directory, the 9th Fructidor, of year 5, the day after the arrest of Pichegru, and then sent by him to the minister of police, by whom it was published. It will be recollected that it related to the negotiations which took place at the end of year 3, and commencement of year 4, between the Prince of Conde, the pretender, and Pichegru for invading France and proclaiming Louis XVIII. We perceive in the affair, all the intermediates who served in that negotiation: the baron de Reich, Fauche Bofel, Demargou, Baudouville, Montgaillard, &c. But we notice above all Mr. Wickham, the treasurer of England, and the foul of the conspiracy."
In the beginning of year 4, Pichegru offered to the Prince of Conde, to cause his brave French troops to pass the Rhine, to place them between the army of Conde and that of the Emperor, and then to hoist the white flag, and proclaim the pretender. The prince of Conde on the contrary wished that Pichegru should deliver up to him Huningen or Strauburgh, and proclaim Louis XVIII, in his army on the right bank. In the midst of the discussions relative to this subject, Pichegru was called to Paris, named ambassador to Sweden, which he eluded, and succeeded in the command of the army of the Rhine by Moreau. He abandoned himself to intrigue, endeavoured to taint the spirit of the frontier departments, as he had essayed to corrupt his army, always aided by the money he received from Wickham, always keeping up his correspondence with the prince of Conde.
He advised Conde to break the armistice, of the 1st Prairial; at the same time, he recommended to the Austrians to attack the French at all points; hoping that such an event would re-

fore him command of the army of the Rhine and elevate him to a sort of dictator: that it would enable him to make one explosion in the army, and another in the state.
Unfortunately for his designs, the army of Italy ran from victory to victory when the campaign of year 4, again opened on the Rhine. The example of his army had electrified all the others, that of the Sombre and Meuse, commanded by Jourdan, had replied to it first, and took the lead in passing the Rhine. The 6th Mesidor the army of the Rhine, under Moreau, passed it also. It is true he was, a short time after obliged to retreat, and Kehl was taken through the aid of hints given to the Austrian army, by the agents Pichegru had left about Moreau.
Pichegru being without command had himself named to the legislative body, as also a certain Clomes, agent of Louis XVIII, at Lyons. "At this period" says the author of the pamphlet, the nation groaned under a croud of revolutionary laws. The separation of the good and evil of the revolution, had not yet been made: to preserve all, was the cry of one faction, to destroy all was that of another. The legislative body was divided like the nation. The directory composed of five members was in the same situation. In this corps, composed of heterogeneous materials, each member was astonished, was indignant at having the other by his side. Hatred, personal dislikes irritated their spirits still more than difference of opinion. The press which had been thought free, and which was regarded as the Palladium of public liberty, was an instrument in the hands of a foreigner, and served only to envenom these hatreds. In this period of agitation, when men were influenced by their passions more than their reason, Pichegru hoped to form a party of the body of Representatives of the people.
"We cannot forget the tempestuous & disorganized motions which every day brought forth. We recall the conduct pursued by Pichegru and the party for which he declared. While on one side the armies were called to succour the republic, on the other Pichegru and his adherents would oppose to them the mass of citizens under the title of national guard, as if the armies notwithstanding their proofs of devotion to often reiterated were no longer a suitable guard, since they had disappointed the general's hopes of being dictator. We recollect the efforts made at that time by the faction of Pichegru, to drain the public treasury, to overthrow every thing the government was pledged to support, and with them the government itself. We remember the clamour raised on a draft being made upon the treasury, of the funds accruing from the contributions, levied in Italy, a draft destined to supply the wants of the army of the Rhine, then in a state of deprivation. Such was then the confusion of ideas, the uncertainty of principles; such were the prejudices for or against individuals, that we beheld in our councils, a great number of representatives, the most distinguished for wisdom, integrity, and religious attachment to their words, allowing themselves to be controuled by a small number of unworthy colleagues, who had criminal understanding with the internal and external enemies of the republic.
"At sight of the general confusion and danger that menaced the government, the hopes of foreign powers were revived, the conference opened at Montebello, between France and Austria languished. The couriers of Vienna stopped or brought only idle words. The peace seemed to fly. The armies beheld the fruits of their glorious victories vanish. All, even the army of the Rhine, expressed their alarms their indignation; the directory menaced that it about to perish; the revolution of the 18th Fructidor prepared itself. And in the mean time, what does Moreau, Moreau who has in his hands proofs of the treason of Pichegru, the most influential and most dangerous of the legislative body? Moreau prefers silence! How shall we rank the man, who could prevent by a word, both the anxiety of the armies and those of the citizens, the Fructidor catastrophe, the revolution is produced, and the melancholy sacrifices that resulted, yet is silent? What a weight should rest on the conscience of that man, who by sending to Paris the papers he retained, could have preferred so many victims and prevented so much evil."
The author of the pamphlet here, analyses the excuses alleged by Moreau for his delay, and resumes his reproaches.
"Nothing, says he, can here obscure the truth. It was the duty of Moreau, general of the army of the Rhine, to inform government without delay of the existence of papers which accused of conspiracy his predecessor, become the chief of a faction. The pamphlet proceeds in a similar strain of invective and thus concludes.
"All Europe knows the conduct observed by Pichegru at Barcuth and in England, since his return from Guyane, and knows how he has confirmed the proofs, that Moreau produced against him the 18th Fructidor. It is known by the whole world that it is in the pay of England; that it is with the gold and the daggers of England; that it is to serve England, or the cause she has confounded with her, that he has come to Paris.
"If it be true, as every thing announces, as we must believe, after the report made to government by the grand judge, that Moreau has had particular intercourse with this declared enemy of his country; if it only be true that he has been accessible to this man, who concealed himself from all citizens, who could only have been conducted to Paris by the most criminal arts, the strongest presumptions result against Moreau, and the minds most favorably disposed are unable to defend him.
"One of two things, either the accusation of Pichegru, made by Moreau, the 18th Fructidor, was made voluntarily and with sincerity, or it was constrained by circumstances.
"In the first case, Moreau would have had a horror of the traitor, who since the 18th Fructidor, had thrown off the mask, and whose presence in Paris must have been a criminal object. Pichegru on his part, would fear in Moreau a base enemy, who had gratuitously accused him, and merely for the pleasure of adding ignominy to a sentence already executed. Thus in this case an eternal obstacle, opposed the reconciliation of these men. It was impossible they could inhabit the same city, that they could appear in each other's presence, except sword in hand, & to destroy life.
"The resolution can only be explained by a new interest, a capital interest, an interest stronger than that of honour: in a word, by the interests which had brought Pichegru to Paris—a conspiracy to assassinate the chief of the state and to subvert the Republic.
"If on the other hand, Moreau on the 18th Fructidor, denounced Pichegru, to turn from himself suspicions which might destroy him, but could not have been destroyed, it follows, that from that period, he has held intelligence with him, and has been concerned in the conspiracies he has formed."
TREATY OF PEACE, Between the British East-India Company and the Rajah of Berar.
ARTICLE I. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the honourable company and their allies, on the one part, and Senah Saheb Soubah Ragojee Bhooslah, on the other.
ARTICLE II. Senah Saheb Soubah Ragojee Bhooslah, cedes to the honourable company and their allies, in perpetual sovereignty, the province of Cuttack, including the port and district of Balasore.
ARTICLE III. He likewise cedes to the honourable company and their allies, in perpetual sovereignty, all the territories, of which he has collected the revenues, in participation with the Soubah of the Dekkan the Nizam, and those of which he may have possession, which are to the westward of the river Wurda.
ARTICLE IV. It is agreed, that the frontiers of Senah Saheb Soubah, towards the territories of his highness the Soubah of the Dekkan, shall be formed, to the west by the river Wurda, from its issue from the Injary Hills, to its junction with the Godavery. The hills on which are the forts of Nermallah and Gawulgurh, are to be in the possession of Senah Saheb Soubah, and every thing south of those hills, and to the west of the river Wurda, is to belong to the British government and their allies.
ARTICLE V. Districts amounting to four lacks of rupees per annum contiguous to, and to the south of the forts of Nermallah and Gawulgurh are to be given over to Senah Saheb Soubah. Those districts are to be fixed upon by major general Wellesley, and delivered over to Senah Saheb Soubah at the same time with the forts.
ARTICLE VI. Senah Saheb Soubah, for himself, his heirs and successors, entirely renounces all claims of every description on the territories of the British government and their allies ceded by the second, third and fourth articles, and on all the territories of his highness the Soubah of the Dekkan.
ARTICLE VII. The honourable company engage, that they will mediate and arbitrate according to the principles of justice, disputes or differences that may now exist, or may hereafter arise, between the honourable company's allies Secunder , his heirs and successors, and Rao Pundit Purbann , (chief of the Poonah Mahrattas) his heirs and successors respectively, and Senah Saheb Soubah.
ARTICLE VIII. Senah Saheb Soubah, engages never to take or retain in his services, any Frenchman , or the subject of any other European or American power, the government of which may be at war with the British government; or any British subject, whether European or Indian, without the consent of the British government. The honourable company engage on their part, that they will not give aid or countenance to any discontented relations, Rajas, Zemindars, or other subjects of Senah Saheb Soubah, who may fly from, or rebel against his authority.
ARTICLE IX. In order to secure and improve the relations of amity and peace hereby established between the governments, it is agreed, that accredited ministers from each shall reside at the court of the other.
ARTICLE X. Certain treaties have been made by the British government with federatories of Senah Saheb Soubah. These treaties are to be confirmed. Lifts of the persons with whom such treaties have been made, will be given to Senah Saheb Soubah, when this treaty shall be ratified by his excellency the governor general in council.
ARTICLE XI. Senah Saheb Soubah hereby renounces for himself, his heirs and successors, all adherence to the confederacy formed by him and Dowlat Rao Scindia, and other Mahratta chiefs, to attack the honourable company and their allies. He engages not to assist those chiefs, if the war with them should still continue.
ARTICLE XII. The treaty of peace is to be ratified by Senah Saheb Soubah within eight days from this time, and the ratification is to be delivered to major General Wellesley; at which time the orders for the cession of the ceded territories are to be delivered, and the troops are to withdraw. Major general Wellesley engages, that the treaty shall be ratified by his excellency the most noble the governor general in council, and that the ratification shall be delivered in two months from this date.
OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF GOREE. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE. Admiralty-Office, April 24.
50 to 40 more men; at day-light in the morning of the 8th inst. we were agreeably surprised by seeing the English colours hoisted over the French, and shortly after I received information from Lieutenant Pickford, that the garrison had capitulated with him; I instantly rode into the harbour with the convoy, anchored and disembarked the troops. Conceiving it of importance that his Majesty's ministers should be made acquainted as soon as possible with the recapture of this island, I have purchased a small brig, and sent my first Lieutenant, Mr. Charles Pickford, an intelligent and deserving officer, to England, who will have the honour to present my dispatches; and I beg leave to recommend him in the strongest manner to their Lordships favour.
I have appointed Capt. William Murray, senior officer of the troops, to be commandant of Goree, till his Majesty's pleasure is known, and Mr. William Arnold, Master's mate to be Lieutenant of the Inconstant, vice Pickford, and hope it will meet their Lordship's approbation.
The moment I can get a sufficient supply of water and provisions landed, and put the island into a proper state of defence, I shall proceed, and put their Lordship's orders into execution.
I cannot conclude my letter without assuring their Lordships that the greatest cordiality existed between the officers, seamen and soldiers, and had an attack been found necessary, from the handsome manner they volunteered their services, I am persuaded they would have done honor to their country.
I have the honor to be, &c. E. S. DICKSON.
[Here follows the articles of capitulation, and a list of ordinance on the island of Goree, when taken possession of by the English, the 11th of March.]
* Eagle Store ship, Hamilton, Venus, Jenny.
FROM THE BALTIMORE FEDERAL GAZETTE. Extract of a letter to a gentleman in Baltimore dated Lisbon, May 24, 1804.
"Every thing looks dark in Europe. Old England seems tottering at the top of her greatness. The first confid is elected emperor of the Gauls—king of Italy and PROTECTOR of the AMERICAN and Batavian republics. The titles to be hereditary in his family. Pitt is expected again to be prime minister of England."
On the first of May, the amount of the British fleet in commission was—100 ships of the line—26 of 50 guns—125 frigates—256 sloops—Total 597. Surely this statement is calculated to inspire every friend of his country with confidence in the means of her defence.
[London paper.]
The last war between England and France, and which was only to be terminated by indemnity for the future, is now known to have cost the former 234 millions of pounds sterling. It seems calculators have ascertained, that it would require more time to count it out in guineas, than the whole period in which it was spent, viz. nearly 11 years; and that if laid down in shillings touching each other it would extend very nearly three times round the world.
Letters from Holland complain that most of the wealthy citizens have emigrated. At Amsterdam, 1500 warehouses are advertised to be sold or let; at Rotterdam, 400. The value of houses has decreased 8-10s. A population of 200,000 in Amsterdam, 8,500 are reduced to beggary.
[LON. PAP.]
WEST-INDIES. KINGSTON, (St. Vincent's) May 31.
We understand that an act is passed to suspend the Slave-trade for the term of five years. We have the satisfaction to announce the surrender of the Island of Curacoa, to the squadron under Commodore Baynton, dispatched by Admiral Duckworth on the Jamaica station, for that purpose. The enemy made some resistance, and it was not until the second day of the attack that the principal fort was taken which put us in possession of the whole Island. By this conquest the Surinam man of war has been re-taken, and a Dutch frigate fallen into our hands.
June 2. At Antigua, we learn, great distress prevails for the want of water, the tanks being all dried up, and their only supply derived from the neighbouring Islands.
June 9.—By a gentleman who arrived here a few days ago from Dominique, we learn that an American Captain and his mate were executed a few days ago at Gaudaloupe, for bringing a St. Domingo subject to that island.
Captain Stiles arrived at Philadelphia from Havana, informs, that the Spanish Government are taking such steps to prevent the French privateers fitting out privateers from that Island, or bringing prizes into it, that he is of opinion, the business of privateering will be much cramped, if not totally stopped, from the Island of Cuba.
Extract from a letter to a respectable commercial house in Philadelphia. "Gen. Ernouf, at Belfatte, Gaudaloupe, has issued a proclamation, ordering the republican cruisers to capture all neutrals bound to or from the Negro possessions in Hispaniola; and such as are armed and attempt to defend themselves, are to be taken and tried as pirates. The number of cruisers at Gaudaloupe increase daily. Many of them carry 24 guns, and none less than 8 or 10, with 90 men. It is commonly reported that several of them intend to cruise to leeward, for vessels coming from Hispaniola. Should this be the case, provided they are not captured by the British, it will be dangerous for the vessels that have gone out. Since Surinam has been taken by the British, there has been a large squadron blockading Martinique. The Schooner Ernouf, 10 guns and 90 men, has lately sent three prizes into Gaudaloupe, the largest, a ship of 225 tons and 70 men (31 whites and 19 blacks), and was taken by boarding her."
This island of Martinique, we are informed was closely blockaded by several ships of war about the middle of June.
Domestic Intelligence. The following Resolve was passed by the House of Representatives of the state of Massachusetts at the last session. The Senate referred the consideration of it:
"Resolved, That a practice lately adopted by individuals, of issuing promissory notes and checks for small sums, in the similitude of Bank Bills, or in any other form, with an intent that the same should serve as a substitute for specie or Bank Bills, is highly injurious to the community, has a tendency to promote fraud, to banish the inferior denominations of coin from circulation, and to injure the credit of the incorporated Banks; and that it will be the duty of the Legislature to bestow an early attention on the means of suppressing this dangerous and increasing evil."
NEW-YORK, July 5. The British frigate Cambrian, capt. Bradley, got under way yesterday afternoon at 3 o'clock and went to sea.
A young Gentleman who went down from hence on Friday last to the Hook, on his return reported that His Britannic Majesty's ship the Boston had pursued the Rolls, fired five shot at her, and had in the chase run on ground. As this statement is incorrect, be pleased to publish that of Mr. Finn the Pilot, who carried the Boston to sea. On the morning of the 28th ult. the Boston was under way to sea, long before the Rolls appeared, or it was known she was coming out; in going about, as the ship shot much farther ahead than the Pilot expected, she took the ground and was in that situation near an hour and a half, during which time, Finn supposes, but does not know, that the Rolls must have gone out. He avers that not a gun was fired on board the Boston.
The following report, drawn up by three physicians who went to Long-Island for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, was presented to the Mayor of this city on Saturday last:— [Ev. Post.]
"SIR, We the subscribers having heard that a malignant disease had made its appearance at the Wadsworth, have considered it a duty to examine minutely into the accuracy of this report, and to transmit to you, as Full Magistrate of this city, the result of our enquiries. It appears that a brig arrived there some days ago from Port au Prince, in the Island of St. Domingo, that she came up to the wharf near Messrs. Helms and Little, who live opposite to each other, and that the crew went on shore to the grocery store of Mr. Little for the purpose of purchasing things they wanted. Before the arrival of this vessel the place was very healthy but since the discharging of her ballast, several persons have been taken sick. She also had on board two barrels of tainted beef which were ordered by Doctor J. Bailey, of the health department, to be flunk."
"It further appears that the cook of this vessel died on the voyage, the particulars of whose complaint we have not been able to learn. During the period in which the brig continued at the wharf, the wind blew from the North-east, and it could be evidently traced that the persons who picked, lived in the direction to which the wind blew."
"A pilot boat (the Schooner Hound) is now also lying at some distance from the shore, which has lately arrived from St. Domingo with French passengers. The persons who added to pump the bilge water out of this vessel declare that it was of so disagreeable and offensive a smell that some actually sickened and were obliged to leave her. This information we have derived from the testimony of Isaac Brown and George Little, residents at that place."
"Mrs. Little was the first person who appears to have been taken seriously ill after the arrival of these vessels, her complaints were marked by debility and forgetfulness of stomach, but were unaccompanied by those symptoms which peculiarly designate the yellow-fever. To the North-east from her house resides Mr. Jones, whose wife died a few days past of female complaints; her mother has also lately died of ashuna, apparently worn out with years. In neither of these cases were any symptoms resembling those of yellow-fever to be traced."
"On the 20th inst. Philip Dring, a ship carpenter residing at Mr. Helm's (close to the place where this brig lay) was seized with a fever of which he has died within a few days, and which (according to the declaration of his physician) was accompanied with the most unequivocal symptoms of yellow-fever."
"Mr. Helm's house, in which Mr. Dring had an apartment, is a large building, containing about thirty persons; but the room in which Mr. Dring died was only occupied by himself, his wife, and one child; it appears to have been sufficiently spacious, and to have had every advantage of cleanliness and ventilation."
"Jane Johnson, who aided the part of nurse in the family of Mr. Little, was seized on the 22d with symptoms of yellow fever, and died on the 25th, with black vomit. From the contiguity of these houses, there is very little doubt that the women must have had intercourse with the apartments inhabited by Mr. Dring's family."
"In the neighbourhood of Mr. Jones, at the Mill resides William Sherlock—His wife was seized on the 22d, and died on the evening of the 28th, with the most dreadfully marked symptoms of yellow fever."
"The following persons are now actually labouring under this disease, James Cullies, residing at Mr. Helmes's; Edward Livingston, residing at Mr. Little's; Mrs. Dring, who attended her husband during the whole course of his illness; Sarah Wakeman, who resided at some little distance from Mr. Helmes towards Brook-yn, with whole house during the illness of Jane Johnson, she had frequent intercourse; Mrs. Gueridge, near the residence of Sarah Wakeman, who was much at Mr. Little's, and was also in Mr. Dring's room during his illness."
"From this statement, it appears that three persons have died with yellow fever, and that five are now labouring under the disease. We do not to hazard a prognostic as to what may be the probable termination of either of them, except in the instance of Edward Livingston, all of whose symptoms strongly indicate a speedy destruction. We forbear making any comment, we only wish to present such a statement of facts as may enable you to take the most proper methods for the preservation of the health of our city."
"Two women more have been seized, since this report. † Since dead."
The following extracts are from letters received on the 29th ult. at New-York.
IN PRISON, TRIPOLI, 11th Feb. 1804.
"We had flattered ourselves, at the commencement of our imprisonment, that we should have had some little indulgence, as we had the liberty of walking on the terrace; but alas! this hope was soon destroyed; in a few days some masons were sent to our prison, who immediately walled up the passage which led to the terrace; thus were we debarred of the only gratification we could experience in this dreary place; the order was cruel, inhuman, and plainly shewed the disposition of him who sways the sceptre of Tripoli. Void of humanity, he cares not how he oppresseth those, whom cruel fate has made his slaves. His subjects, as they pass our prison doors, mock and deride us; they laugh at the Christian's sufferings, and in the most brutal manner, point the finger of scorn at us. To be the support of such villains made me; but Heaven in kind compassion will, I hope, soon relieve our sufferings. Shortly after the passage was walled up, we were fed with hoppers by the minister that we should soon have a parole of honour, but more than three months have already elapsed, and yet no hopes that our situation will be ameliorated; there is no confidence to be placed in promises, there is nothing left us but resignation to bear our fate with fortitude."
"When you write, tell me what prospect we have of relief."
FEBRUARY 23.—By a vessel which fails to-morrow for Malta, I am enabled to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 24th of August last.
"I received at the same time information from my father, who also wrote to me, but through mistake of the confid at Malta, it has been sent back to America without my ever seeing it. His not understanding English, certainly can be no excuse; it must be owing entirely to inattention and neglect of duty."
FEBRUARY 29.—The minister has at length permitted a few of the officers to walk out attended by Mahomet, the Turk, who slays at the prison. I am heartily glad of it. We shall now have an opportunity of seeing Tripoli."
This last paragraph was written in haste, as a postscript, and it would appear from it, that since the burning of the ship the Bahaw was inclined to better their situation.
Persons writing to their friends in Tripoli will see from the above that they cannot be too careful in directing their letters, as there is a risk of their being returned. The two letters of which the receipt is acknowledged above, were forwarded one by the United States brig Syren, and one by the brig Union via Gibraltar. That is stated, for the information of those who wrote by those vessels, as nothing has yet been published advising of the receipt of any letters since the frigates failed from Philadelphia.
The letters from which the above extracts are made were since received under our enclosure on the 28th ult. via Malta and Gibraltar. They say no thing, nor of a rebellion's prevailing among the crew of the frigate Philadelphia, as has been lately reported. Had there been any such thing, the writer would not have neglected mentioning it, and as far as we have been able to learn, there has been no intelligence from Tripoli later than the above.
JULY 7. On Saturday last, agreeably to previous arrangement, a committee of the republican citizens of Albany waited upon his Excellency the late Governor and presented to him the following address:
To His Excellency George Clinton, Governor of the State of New-York.
SIR, The important functions you have so long and so honourably exercised, for the more immediate advantage of the people of this State, are about to be once more suspended, perhaps for ever. We improve this, therefore, as the proper season to express the high sense we entertain of your virtues as a private citizen, and the gratitude we feel, and shall ever cherish, for your useful labours as a servant of the people.
The man who can boast of a long life, actively devoted to the service of his country, may well claim the meed of patriotism, and the best rewards, a grateful people may have to bestow. Your life, Sir, has been thus devoted, and the consciousness of it must prove to you a source of honourable pride—while you cannot but derive felicity from the reflection, that your labours for the public weal have been crowned with success.
It is with mingled emotions of pride and pleasure, that we contemplate your career as a soldier, a patriot and a statesman; inasmuch as we derive from the retrospect, one more proof of the fallacy of the favorite maxim of monarchists, that gratitude is the peculiar sin of republics. Nor is yours, Sir, the only living example we might offer in proof, that a steady course of public virtue will not be repaid with ingratitude in the American Republic—whatever may have been the conduct of ancient Republics, constituted essentially different from ours, towards men who had served them with zeal, fidelity and usefulness. In a Republic properly constituted, though the people may labour under temporary delusions, and the brightest virtues may for a while lie buried in obscurity and neglect—yet reason will not fail at last to restore her empire, and intelligence, virtue and patriotism, to irradiate, to irradiate and purify the public councils, dispel the mists of delusion, and restore to liberty her benighted aspect, and her pristine vigour. How far your own experience affords proof of this position, impartial history will not be wanting to record, nor posterity to acknowledge.
Long as you have lived to labour in the vineyard of liberty, there is yet a field open for the exertion of your talents in her service. You are destined for new scenes of action, into which it needs not the gift of prophecy to predict, that you will be called by the voice of a grateful country. Tither our best wishes will accompany you—and in this new relation to society, your past life affords the surest pledge of your devotion to her true interests. In concert with the sage Jefferson, and that band of patriots who from the majority of our national councils, and in union with the wishes of every real American, we doubt not the grand object of your cares will be, to preserve inviolate those sacred fruits of the revolution—the union of the States, and the Liberties of the people.
In closing this address, we cannot but rejoice, that you will leave the affairs of the state in unexampled prosperity, under the auspices of a man who deserves and enjoys our utmost confidence; and whose election as your successor, considering the circumstances under which it took place, has afforded additional proof of the capacity of the people of this state for self government, for the enjoyment of popular elections, and the blessings of rational liberty.
With these sentiments, Sir, we bid you an affectionate farewell—and when it shall please heaven to translate you from the scenes of this life, may a blissful immortality in another and a better world be your portion.
RICHARD LUSH, HENRY QUACKENBUSH, GEORGE MERCHANT, CHARLES D. COOPER, SOLOMON SOUTHWICK, ALBANY, June 29, 1804. } Committee of the Republican Citizens of Albany.
HIS EXCELLENCY'S REPLY.
GENTLEMEN, I earnestly to accept of my grateful acknowledgements for this polite address, and for the favorable opinion you are pleased to express of my private character and public services. As it has always been my endeavor to discharge with fidelity the important trust reposed in me by the people, the consideration that my services may have contributed to their welfare and happiness, is highly gratifying to me, and their approbation constitutes my best reward.
In retiring from office, it is with pleasure I reflect, that the care of our public affairs will devolve on a man, whose well known attachment to the principles of our happy revolution, and faithful discharge of the duties of some of the most important offices of the state, affords a solid ground of confidence, that the government will be administered with integrity and wisdom.
Permit me to reciprocate your kind wishes for my present and future happiness, and to embrace this opportunity of bidding you a sincere and affectionate farewell.
GEORGE CLINTON. ALBANY, June 30th, 1804.
On Monday MORGAN LEWIS, Esq. was inducted into the office of Governor of the state of New-York, agreeable to the constitution of the state.
The Hon. the Council of appointment met in the city of Albany on Saturday last, according to the summons of the late Governor; and on Monday advanced the Hon. JAMES KENT, Senior Justice of the Supreme Court, to the office of Chief Justice, made vacant by Mr. Lewis's acceptance of the Chief Magistracy. And also appointed DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, Esq. of the city of New-York, to fill the consequential vacancy.
Gen. Armstrong, who is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the French government, takes his departure, we understand, about the first of next month.
[N. Y. Mer. Adv.]
NEW-ORLEANS, June 5.
Rice the principal article of cultivation in lower Louisiana is likely entirely to fail for want of water. The operations of the Saw mills are totally suspended. The sugar cane has greatly suffered for want of rain and should the drought continue much longer the crops will be entirely cut off. Added to these gloomy prospects, our market is wretchedly furnished with the provisions, animal and vegetable, are of a bad quality and dear. We have however the pleasure of announcing that an unusual degree of health, for the season, prevails in the city.
By the Clio, capt. George, from New-Orleans we have received letters and papers to the 7th

of June. By these it appears that the territory enjoys uninterrupted health. Advices from Spain, it was said, had been received, stating that five regiments were ordered to Pensylvania; and Governor Folch has written to Governor Claiborne, protesting, in a formal manner, against the measures of the American government assuming jurisdiction over the Mobile Bay. Governor Claiborne's lady had arrived at New Orleans, and was received with great distinction by the inhabitants.
A gentleman at New Orleans, who is in a situation which gives him an opportunity of being well acquainted with the commercial and political interests of that province, gives to his friend in this city, in a letter dated the 4th June, the following interesting information:
"You know, I presume, that we claim Mobile as part of the cession from France. Spain objects to this; and, being in power there, extracts from us the ancient duties. Congress, however, have passed an act for the regulation of this part of the province, as if they were without apprehension that their right to do so would be disputed. The governor-general, who resides at Pensylvania, has seen this act, and it has excited much alarm and ill-temper. I saw, last night, a translation of his letter to Governor Claiborne on the subject, to be forwarded to the President of the United States, in which he assumes a bold tone, and says he views our conduct as a serious violation of the treaty, and of the harmony that ought to subsist between the two governments. He adds, that he shall feel it his duty to resist with force of arms every such violation. He then endeavours to show, by a variety of arguments, that we have no right to that country, and hopes the President will be satisfied on due consideration that he (the Governor) is correct in his opinion, and that the President will take measures to abandon a claim so unfounded: but if not, and if the American Government persist in the exercise of legislative and executive control over that country, however painful the alternative, he shall use the force entrusted to him to repel with arms every such unjust encroachment."
"How this disagreeable business will end, I know not. On the truth of the facts you may place the most implicit confidence. The translation of the letter is attested by the interpreter to the government; and I expect will soon be published in your papers from the proper authority."
Miscellaneous.
In the last number, the Editor promised to publish an Oration delivered by one of Mr. Ogilvie's junior pupils, on the Love of Praise. Henry Currie, the author, is between 12 and 13 years of age. The Editor has given it a preference above the other Speeches which were delivered in the Capitol, rather on account of the correct ideas it contains, than on account of the superior accuracy, or elegance of its diction. It is the duty of the Editor to remark, that from all the information which he has obtained, he has a right to believe, that every idea contained in this Essay, flowed from the unassisted suggestions of the little writer's mind, and is expressed, with the exception of three or four words, in his own language.
WHETHER A BOY OUGHT TO BE PRAISED?
I am induced to believe that few things are more permanently injurious to the mind of youth, than an abundance of praise. When a boy is inspired with an ardent thirst for knowledge, penetrating with eagerness into the very depths of science, if unfortunately he should be placed under the care of one who lavishes praise, and uses no other stimulus than it, this boy may indeed continue to study, but it will not be with his subtle. The noble motive which before induced him, is now degenerated into a mean love of praise. His vanity soon becomes raised up to its highest pitch; he is now no longer the equal of his school mates; but looks down upon them with contempt, and they seem to follow an example, however unworthy of imitation, set them by so contemptible a fellow. If he has received any information, he seems to communicate it to his class-fellows, lest they too should receive praise, and be placed on the same footing with himself. So long as he continues to merit and receive this praise he is happy; but on what a deplorable foundation is his happiness built! Always at the mercy of any one who may choose to crush it by refusing any part of his conduct. If he should by accident fail to gain his accustomed rewards, he becomes peevish, obstinate and even unhappy.
It is calculated too to make man the victim of deceit. His love of applause becomes so necessary to his happiness, that there is not an act of treachery or falsehood which he would not commit to obtain it. Instead of being guided by their tendency to produce good, he considers only the praise he shall receive. No deed, however horrible in its nature, however atrocious to common sense and the quality of his country, will behest to commit, if he is certain to receive praise. If he makes laws, so they are popular, whether they be suited to the advantage or disadvantage of his country, he cares not. But when arrived to an age of maturity, will he not look back upon his past conduct, which must appear horrible to his own eyes and detestable to all around him? Will not those reflections doom him to eternal misery, and cause his death-bed of eternal torture and everlasting regret? He may now want to reform, but it is too late. The poisonous serpent has fixed itself all lasting darts of torment and remorse, and torment him like so many devils.
But to those who may add a few exceptions; for notwithstanding too much praise may be injurious, yet I cannot but suppose that in a moderate degree it may cause an additional motive to study; particularly in such as are too young, to see directly the advantages that will arise from study. It may indeed be lamented that few professors endeavour at an age as early as possible, to instil into the mind of his pupil a love of knowledge, and affection to him and all around them; by showing in striking colours its strongest beauties; and until he is acquainted with its advantages, it is necessary to use praise moderately; for when a boy is studying any art and difficult language, which is neither agreeable nor interesting, this boy should be induced with a sufficient quantity of praise to make him study; but after he fully comprehends the benefits that will arise from it, he will then study from a real love of knowledge.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
MATILDA,
AN ORIGINAL ELEGY.
The following elegiac verses were written about 12 years ago: the writer was then eighteen years of age; an early predilection for Poetry and Rhetoric had been infused into his mind; he had unhappily been taught to undervalue the solid advantages and unfading attractions of philosophy and science. Few circumstances are more fatally calculated to pervert the minds of youth, than an early, exclusive and extravagant attachment to romantic and amusive literature. The principles of science furnish the surest foundation and its analogies the finest ornaments, for the visionary fabric of moral fiction. The grandest triumph of the poet and the proper
province of the art he adores, is to give currency, animation and attraction to the lessons of experience and the discoveries of science. This fundamental principle, hitherto overlooked by the critic and violated with impunity, and even with applause, by the votaries of the Muses, will, it is hoped, at no distant era, be elucidated by the moral enquirer, inculcated by the rhetorician and consecrated by the epic, dramatic and elegiac bard. Had these sentiments pervaded the writer's mind when the following elegy was composed, it would probably have been written in a different spirit. It may be proper to add, that the lady whose accomplishments and virtues the writer has presumed to commemorate, perished in the flower of youth and beauty. Her accomplishments reflected lustre on her elevated rank, her beauty and amiability enchanted all who approached her, and her ample fortune sunk under the benevolence of its dispenser."
Wake loud, lamenting bard, the sacred shell, While fair Matilda freed from bonds of clay, Ascends the climes of light and round her swell, The choral pangs of the fons of day.
O'er beauty wither'd in her vernal prime, Does gentle Maelon pour the classic lay, Uplift his Bais to the scythe of time, To shield the passing pageant of a day?
Call'd by "her beck'ning ghost" does Pope refound To farfetched ages, hapless Ella's woe, In Aganippe, bathe her bleeding wound, And round her grassy turf bid roses blow?
Nor dares the Muse, impair'd by vernal lays, Ah! meanly mindful of inglorious dais, Touch the sad chord, of elegiac praise, To virtue and her high legation just?
Rise! sons of song, whose dread dominion springs From nature's lovelier, o'er the heart of man. Twas Heav'n that fram'd the shell's harmonious strings You wheeling spheres, the symphony began!
Lift then your voice, at virtue's sacred call, Sublimely conscious of your lineage high, Thro' wrapp'd her frame, in fate's funeral pall, Forbid Matilda's matchless worth to die.
Fearless unbarring the golden gates of power, Approach unbidden her aspiring throne, Tho' pride resentful on her brow may lower, Tho' anger cloathe her features in a frown;
Loudly proclaim! and let thy voice refound In awful echoes, thro' her starry'd dome, Matilda smiling, felt the fatal wound, And kiss'd the messenger that call'd her home.
Go, tell the fair, that round Matilda's frame, Those graces took their tutelary stand, Whose glance can kindle passion's purest flame, And rule each passion in serene command.
Tho' arm'd with beauty's mild omnipotence, Tho' form'd to shine in rank's imperial sphere; That sphere she scorm'd and bade her charms dispense The charitable smile, the healing tear.
Ah! turn to luxury's unhappy race, Loose-rech'd and lolling on her couch supine, Each look, how languid! and how pale each face! While banquets pile the board and goblets line.
In vain the Paphian Queen of soft desires, Evolves the Lydian labyrinth of song, In vain her blue eyes dart their fondest fires, 'Tis thine, O bard, to raise the torpid throng.
Tell them, when sounding at th' eternal call, Thy dirge, Creation! makes the fleshly flees, When wrapt in flames beset the burning ball, The graves shall open and the dead arise!
Proud son of greatness, whose misguided foul Boasts on the splendour of a peasant scene. Happy! couldst thou behold the bright patrol, That round Matilda, at that hour convened.
Lo! glowing charity and holy truth, With innocence in floating white array'd, And piety, handmaid of ingenuous youth, And faithful love surround the heavenly maid.
Nor hang their golden harps neglected long In sweetest Symphony, their hymns ascend; Her virtuous deeds, inspire the glorious song, While fathers, mothers, orphans round her bend.
Here ceas'd th' impetuous muse to fire my breast, When from a cloud of opulent amber near, Its lining skirts with richest tints imprest, A voice divine enthralld my willing ear.
Forbear unthinking youth, in lavish lay, As fancy wills, to paint Matilda's fame, Who blooms immortal mid the bowers of day, Heed not of man the plaudit or the blame.
Nor think from earth, unsung the just retire, Let the vocal birds, withhold th' applauding song, Can might of pastor's pipe, or silver lyre, Vie with the harps of the celestial throng.
Who, to the chambers of yon arch sublime, Where tented clouds their bright pavilions screen, In pomp defended, at the birth of time, Look upward and behold the glorious scene!
I look'd, and instant to my dazzled sight, The lofty arch seem'd findled as I gaz'd, With starry eyes of countless angels bright, In purest radiance circled and emblaz'd.
These! The loud note of harmony begin, What time the soul releas'd from bonds of clay, Victorious o'er the powers of death and fin, Wings thro' their parting ranks its ardent way.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, JULY 14, 1804.
Vindication of Virginia.
NO. VI.
I shall not pretend to pursue the zealous federalists of the North through all the various criticisms, which they have attempted to pronounce upon the measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration. Already have I extended the Vindication of Virginia to too great a variety of topics, and perhaps exhausted the patient attention of the reader. Few would now be willing to accompany me in a controversy, the points of which would be as numerous as the measures of the present administration; where charges which have been so successfully repeated, are again brought forward for refutation; where all the unfounded complaints, which the ardent hopes of the patriot had long since consigned to endless oblivion, are once more excited to disturb the public repose. These subjects formerly so interesting to the public mind, have now lost all their pleasing glos of novelty; and no original arguments have been produced to clothe them with additional attractions. With most of the Federal Editors of the northern states, impartiality has ceased to be a virtue, and ingenuity has been wasted in distorting the most obvious truths, in deducing the most erroneous inferences from indisputable facts, & giving the most unfavourable construction & colouring, to measures of the most striking utility. To what other cause
can we attribute the observation "that the monies paid for the postage of letters are principally collected in the middle and northern states, and expended in hiring mail-carriers through the dreary deserts of Virginia and other southern states;" when we recollect the extraordinary encouragement which is given to those states in maritime affairs; when we call to mind the bounties, which their cod and whale fisheries receive, and when we take into the account, that the keepers of the light-houses belonging to the four Eastern states only draw from the treasury an annual stipend of about $867 dols. while the keepers in all the other states besides are entitled to no more than about $313 dols.? In what other way can we explain their complaint, that "the hospital money paid by the northern states, is expended almost wholly south of Maryland;" when we recollect that during the very last session of Congress a report was made by the committee of commerce & manufactures, which from the lateness of the period was postponed, but will no doubt be resumed, concluding with the resolution, "That the 18th sect. of the act of May 22d, 1802, as far as the same respects the generalization of the seamen's fund be repealed?"
By what historical evidence can they support the illiberal insinuation, that the change in the naturalization law was made for the purpose of "introducing a flood of turbulent, lawless emigrants, who likewise lent their aid to augment the influence of the Southern states against the native citizens of the north?" There is not an enlightened politician in our country who will not acknowledge the general advantages of a policy, which would people our uncultivated lands and extend our infant arts, by means of the oppressed inhabitants of Europe. There can scarcely be a politician, who does not recollect that the extension of the term for acquiring the rights of citizenship was adopted at a time when the men in power actuated by a fear of a French invasion, were anxious to facilitate the calm suggestions of policy and the inimitable rights of aliens, to the supposed necessity of defending their country against a foreign foe. In the refutation of these charges, thus obviously defective in their evidence, and narrow in the scope of animadversion to which they have given birth, few men would be willing to accompany the most pleasing and luminous writer. Turning then from these plain and uninteresting subjects, let us direct a momentary attention to two other measures under Mr. Jefferson's administration, whose widely extending consequences the most prophetic understanding could in vain presume to grasp and reduce to calculation. These two measures being slightly examined in relation to the different quarters of the union, I shall be happy to leave this disgusting field of controversy, and still more happy if I can hope to commit the Vindication of Virginia to the superior powers of some more zealous patriot.
ACQUISITION OF LOUISIANA. I have no inclination at present to expatiate upon the extensive and solid advantages of this momentous measure. It will be unnecessary for me to relate all the obvious reasons of the important maxim, that without the free and protected navigation of the Mississippi, the agriculture, the commerce and the various improvement of Tennessee, Kentucky and Ohio, would have been destined to languish and decay. I shall take for granted a principle universally admitted, that the right of a safe deposit at New Orleans or some suitable situation, is equally important to the Western States as the right of freely navigating the Mississippi. *I shall enter into no elaborate investigation of consequences to demonstrate, how extremely insecure each of those inimitable rights would have been, without the unqualified possession, not only of New Orleans, but of that portion of Louisiana which touches the western bank of the Mississippi. It is unnecessary for me to expatiate upon the inimitable disadvantages which would have befallen our country, had this extensive and fruitful region continued in the possession of an ambitious neighbour; upon the incessant interruptions which the French would have given to our commerce; upon the various chances of a discontented peace, or a protracted and ruinous war; and upon the necessity of creating and maintaining, on the eastern banks of that river, a chain of forts and a large detachment of troops, to protect our frontiers against invasion, and our trading vessels against illegal seizure. I shall not pursue the enquiry, whether the public lands in the Western States would not have sustained an enormous depreciation in their value, from the opening of a new land-office, where the enterprising emigrant might have purchased, from the French government, patents for the richest and most extensive tracts for the smallest remuneration; nor will it be necessary for me to enumerate all the advantages, which we, our selves, may now derive from an economical location of these lands, abounding in all the richest productions of the West-India islands. These singular advantages, like the brilliant illuminations of a noon-day sun, are too perceptible to require any elaborate proof; & I only introduce them for the purpose of enquiring whether they are not alone sufficient to account for that anxious zeal, which the present administration and the republican party, have so honourably manifested for the complete acquisition of Louisiana. Why should the northern federalists so whimsically close their eyes against these very obvious truths, and attempt to sketch out a new and uncertain theory of interests, by the aid of which they attempt to revolve the active support given to this measure by the administration and the republican party, into a selfish ambition of advancing the southern interest at the expense of the northern inhabitants?
Might we not have had even some reason to hope, that the federalists of the northern states would have seen, in these singular advantages, sufficient recommendations to their own favour and support; and that instead of scrupulously comparing together the northern and the southern gain of influence, which the accession of this new region would have created, they would have regarded only the superior benefit which the western states derived from this measure, and that they would have been willing to have sacrificed a petty portion of their own relative influence, upon the altar of their common country?
But even if the federalists of the north had been incapable of attaining to this moderate elevation of virtue; even if they had found themselves unable to wander beyond the magic circle of their own narrow interests, could they not even then have discovered some consequences in this measure, which might in some degree have served to reconcile them to its adoption? Is it absolutely certain, that the acquisition of Louisiana will communicate some of its advantages to the southern states, without pouring a part of them, at least, upon the northern quarter of the union? Two conjectural views may be taken of this measure, which seem to indicate a different result.
1. The northern states having a much greater capital in proportion to their territory than the southern states, must devote a greater part of it to manufactures or to trade. Hence, when any very productive branch of trade is opened to their industry, they generally have some capital to employ in the prosecution of it. The southern states employ scarcely any of their capital in conducting the necessary business of exportation; and hence it is, that a great part of this
trade is carried on by the expatriated labour of the northern states. The acquisition of Louisiana, considered in this point of view, appears to open new sources of trade, mercantile enterprise and wealth to the northern merchants, and to lessen in nearly the same proportion, the surplus capital, which was employed in managing the productive commerce of the southern states. For the acquisition of Louisiana appears to increase these states in a more obvious and direct manner. Not only is there less capital to carry on their trade, but this trade nearly furnishes the same commodities. Many of the most valuable exports from the southern states will be found in the Louisiana market. Among these are tobacco, cotton, indigo, rice, tar, cattle, &c. According to the President's Document
20,000 bales of cotton, of 3 cwt. each, at 20 cents per lb. worth Dols. 1,344,000 were exported from Louisiana, while 13,704,541 lbs. estimated at 2,700,000 dols. only were exported from the United States during the last year. increasing. The acquisition of Louisiana, as it will serve to extend the trade in those articles, both by rendering commerce more unobstructed and agriculture more extensive, will thus introduce the capital of the northern merchants to a greater number of markets, and will multiply the number of competitors of the southern states. Will not the northern states thus purchase at a less price, and make a greater profit by their commercial speculations, and will not the southern inhabitants obtain a lower price for their productions? Will not these commercial relations produce at length a certain degree of attachment between this new country and the northern states; and a spirit of competition and rivalry with the southern states? And who can venture to predict the influence of these commercial feelings upon their political relations?
2. The acquisition of Louisiana will probably serve to introduce a new and important set of interests into the union. While the western states were principally dependant upon the Atlantic states for their imported commodities; while the right of securely navigating the Mississippi, and of depositing their productions at New Orleans, was insecure, and their commerce fettered by Spanish regulations, it was not extremely probable that they should consider their connection with the Atlantic states as placed upon an equal basis, or that they should venture to form for themselves an independent set of interests. But the acquisition of Louisiana has completely reversed their situation. Their population and wealth are now destined to increase in an incalculable ratio. Perhaps the time is not far distant when the Louisianians, Kentuckians, inhabitants of Tennessee and Ohio, may form a set of western interests, establishing an admirable equipoise between the much-cavilled, much-abused, and little-understood interests of the northern and those of the southern states. To guard their own interests from the encroachments of others, without sacrificing the interests of others to their own, will thus become their most indispensable duty and their most enlightened policy. Are not the federalists of the north then deluded by their prejudices or their fears, when their imagination has already thrown the nascent state of Louisiana into the interests of the southern quarter of the Union? Is it not on the contrary, more probable that the influence of those states over the western states, which are already established, will continue to lessen each day, as every day will increase the absolute power of the west; and that the progressive augmentation of the wealth and number of the western people, and the creation of Louisiana into a separate sovereignty, may finally enable them to establish a new and independent interest. But my conceptions are lost in the immensity of the theme. I feel myself incompetent to decide, or even to conjecture the most important impressions, which the acquisition of Louisiana is destined to make upon the happiness of our nation.
LAST AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION. I have no inclination to enter into the wide field of argument, which this celebrated measure has opened to the public attention. The present discussion does not require that I should rehearse the important advantages which have been expected to flow from its adoption. I mean not to enter into any proofs of that great maxim of a republican government, that the public officers should distinctly represent the sentiments of the people, and that to accomplish this important object, the votes of the people should not be diverted from one candidate whom they think qualified for an important office, to another candidate, who appears qualified only for subordinate duties. Nor shall I attempt to demonstrate how the present constitutional mode of electing the President and Vice-President, evidently contravenes this principle; how a factious minority by throwing away their votes upon a candidate whom the majority of the people had designated for the subordinate office of Vice President, should succeed in elevating him to the presidential chair, in opposition to the express wishes of their country. Armed with this simple principle, I think I should be prepared to examine and to refute all the various objections which have been urged against this measure. But my present design requires no such extensive investigation. I shall confine myself to two objections only, which have been made to this measure on the ground of local interests; the first as relative to the southern states in general; the second as particularly confined to Virginia.
1. "The weight of the final states (among which are most of the eastern states, where there are a few or no slaves) is said to be greatly diminished" by the combination which would secretly exist among the large states. They would agree among themselves in the choice of the candidates, and the smaller states would thus be deprived of the power of giving either a President or Vice President to the Union. This argument appears neither to admit of a particular application to the southern states nor to derive any great support from the experience we have had of the present mode of election. It is not applicable to the southern states, because they do not comprehend all the largest states in the Union; because Virginia which gives 24 votes for President, is the only large state in this district, while the three other influential states, Pennsylvania, New-York and Massachusetts, each of which is entitled to 19 votes, are to be found in the middle or eastern districts of the Union. It is not supported by the history of the preceding elections, because this argument would appear to intimate, that in those elections, no combinations had existed between the larger states; no candidates had been particularly designated for the offices of President and Vice-President. It is well known however, that in those elections two candidates had been expressly selected by each of the opposite parties, for the purpose of filling particular offices. In the last election, it was well understood by every elector in the Union, that Mr. Jefferson was to receive the votes of President, and Mr. Burr of Vice-President. For the ensuing election this designation would have been as distinctly made by the republican party, of Mr. Jefferson for the Presidency, and of Mr. Clinton for Vice-Presidency, as if the present discriminative amendment to the constitution had never been proposed.
2d. It has been said by the federalists of the
north, that this amendment was suggested by the Virginia legislature, for the express purpose of introducing Mr. Jefferson once more into the chair of state. If Mr. Jefferson be indeed the favoured candidate whom the republicans of the United States are anxious to invest with presidential power, and if the present amendment be really necessary to place his election beyond the reach of federal intrigue, I feel no hesitation in declaring, that the Virginians have deserved well of their country, by advocating this change in the constitution.
FEDERALISTS OF THE NORTH! In vain then do you rummage the records of our nation, in vain do you exhaust your own productive ingenuity, to multiply your complaints against the state of Virginia. You accused her of contemptible cowardice during our revolutionary struggles: she convinces you that her military achievements have been inscribed in the fairest page of the American annals. You have developed a long and complicated series of political measures, to demonstrate her aspiring ambition, and her contempt of the interests of the northern states. Her political conduct is found to defy the level of her spirit of patriotism. You discover her purifying small her measures the grand principles of a republican government. With an eye intently fixed upon her as her favorite guide, you behold her "winging her Eagle flight," unswayed by fear, unaffected by corruption, unshaken by the difficulties which surround her. A bright star in the American constellation, she enlightens the paths of those who err through mistake, & exposes the secret machinations of those who are plotting against the repose of their country. But these illustrious services have been insufficient to protect her against your illiberal reproaches. Under the pretence of guarding the interests of the northern states from violation, you have come forward to vilify and disgrace her national character. Yet be not deceived. It was no strong sense of public spirit; it was no enlightened attachment to the general interests of your country, that has impelled you upon this disgraceful office. Your own insinuated and petty interests have stimulated your unwearied efforts. If no other indulgence was placed in your power, you thought you could find some consolation in the gratification of your resentment. Your mortified ambition demanded a victim; and that victim is intended to be the sacred Union of your country.
Mad & misguided politicians! to what an inimitable object have you then adventurously aspired? You are labouring to destroy the Union, without having calculated the resources of your power. At the very moment when the hearts & feelings of the Americans are most strongly concentrated, you toil for the accomplishment of an object, which peculiarly demands a divided and a distracted nation. Where would you fix the boundaries of division? At the Delaware? The regenerating spirit of New-Jersey arrests your project. Would you remove them to the Hudson? New York even now exulting in the honourable triumph which she has recently acquired over the secret enemies of our liberties, would surely oppose your rash designs. Would you fill further circumfer the your dominions within the narrow limits of the New-England States? Even there Rhode Island and New-Hampshire will arrest your ambition. "The very ground on which you now stand is every day walking from beneath your feet" - and a short time only will elapse, before the regenerated inhabitants of Massachusetts and Connecticut, will abandon the contemptible remnant of your party to hopeless degradation and inextable despair.
And what if you could have succeeded in accomplishing this favourite object of your desires? Have you carefully calculated the mighty cost of your experiment? Have you impartially weighed the comparative weakness of our foreign defence? Or have you forgotten the various sources of cankerworm contentions, which would divide these separate sovereignties? At the era of forming our present constitution, the division of our country into separate governments, might have been attended with less imminent perils. Should we now break asunder the bonds of our union, we should have to contend not only against the necessary dissensions of the same interest, & a near neighbourhood, but against the impressions of our ancient friendship. Old friends make the most rancorous enemies - and this truth, so justly applicable to individual men, finds a frequent illustration in the history of nations.
FEDERALISTS OF THE NORTH! Direct your attention once more to my native state. You have hitherto found no trait in the character of Virginia, that was not worthy of execration. Let me now exhibit one fact in her political history, that is not unworthy even of your imitation. There was a time when Virginia also was in the minority, as you are now. There was a time, when armies infested our towns, when tax-gatherers intruded upon our domestic circle to measure our houses and windows, when the terrors of a Sedition Law were suspended over our heads; and these oppressions YOU ARE NOT NOW SUFFERING. There was a time, when the most enlightened prels in the capital of Virginia was menaced by an infuriated faction, and by an armed soldiery; and when the Editor of that press was compelled to correct the proof sheets of his paper with a pair of horseman's pistols by his side. There was a time, when the chief magistrate of our country defended from his elevated station, to denounce a party in our late which he had deserved to be "humbled in dust & ashes, before the indignation of their injured & insulted country." At this period, federalists of the north mark the illustrious conduct of Virginia!! The Righteous misnomer of insurrection scarcely breathed. A dissolution of the Union was scarcely once meditated. We believed ourselves oppressed; we thought we perceived our government silently verging to despotism. But we trusted then, as we trust now, to the virtues of the people. We knew that ours was a representative government; we were convinced that if the people could once be enlightened, the elective franchise would be the fanatic principle of our constitution. You see that our predictions have been accomplished. IF TRUTH FIGHTS UNDER YOUR BANNERS IMITATE THE MAGNANIMITY AND THE ZEAL OF VIRGINIANS.
* Connecticut Courant. — 16
† Boston Repository.
‡ Mr. Ely's resolutions.
The Editor concludes, in this day's paper, his Vindication of Virginia.
A selection of the most interesting Toasts on the 4th July, will be given in the next paper.
Mr. John Bruce, a Kentucky farmer, who came passenger in the Fanny's Experiment, which arrived yesterday from New Orleans, brought with him six tons of hemp of his own culture. This hemp is said to be considerably superior in quality to that imported from Russia. As a proof that it is of former texture, it may be mentioned, that when three fibres of the Russian hemp were pulled between the hands, they snapped, whereas an equal number of the Kentucky produce resisted the power of the hands completely. Mr. Bruce intends, should he find a good market, to raise a very considerable quantity of this article in future years. We trust he will receive that encouragement to prosecute his object, which every man deserves who has labours to lessen the importation of foreign commodities.
The captain informs that the sugar which he brings from New Orleans is not inferior, with regard to either the colour or richness, to the sugars imported from the different West-India islands. The French, he says, at that place are much discontented, particularly with the custom-house laws, and are very troublesome and infolent.
[N.Y. Daily Adv.]

AN ORATION,
BY JOHN HILL SMITH; DELIVERED AT THE CAPITOL, IN RICHMOND, ON THE FOURTH JULY, 1804.
(CONCLUDED.)
Whilst, fellow citizens, we trace our revolutionary progress and celebrate our happiness, let us not forget the tribute of gratitude which is due to those venerable patriots, who sought for, and established our independence...
Having then, fellow citizens, viewed the origin and progress of our revolution, having shown its superiority to any which the annals of the world afford us, and paid the tribute of gratitude to those exalted men who struggled in the cause of emancipation...
“From tyrants and from priests the virtues fly, The daughters of reason and of liberty.”
The termination of the American revolution may truly be said to be the epoch at which the history of our country commences. The nation then, liberated from its former restraints, was left free to pursue agriculture and the arts, and to expatiate in the wide fields of science.
“Slaves behold and spring to men, Tyrants saw, and shrunk to shades.”
A free and unrestricted commerce may be considered as a second advantage resulting from our revolution. Monopoly was always considered an exclusive privilege of the mother country. The surplus wealth of the colonies flowed only into her bosom, animated her commerce, and immortalized her industry.
A third advantage resulting from the American revolution is of a political nature—a freedom from the entanglement of European politics—the liberty which we received of instituting a form of government for the promotion of our national happiness and the security of our civil rights.
An exemption from the wars of Europe, a disengagement from her disputes, and a freedom from the political and commercial disorders of the world, constitute a fourth advantage which the numerous inhabitants of this country derive from our late revolution.
forth the “right hand of friendship” to all the nations of the earth. Undisturbed by the rest of the world, she enjoyed the steady calm of repose. She planted in her land the tree of peace which was destined, in the progress of society, to extend its flourishing branches over each neighbouring clime.
considerable portion of the globe, but of the race and of generations yet unborn. Look up to you for political salvation. You have been called on by a foreign and indolent people to keep alive the spirit which animated and invigorated them in the hour of danger...
* Price on Civil Liberty. † Volney's Ruins.
BY AUTHORITY. [LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.]
AN ACT Breathing Louisiana into two territories, and providing for the temporary government thereof. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all that portion of country ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies south of the Mississippi territory, and of an east and west line to commence on the Mississippi river, at the thirty third degree of north latitude, and to extend west to the western boundary of the said cession, shall constitute a territory of the United States, under the name of the territory of Orleans;
An act, in addition to an act, for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States. An act to prevent citizens of the United States from privateering against nations in amity with, or against citizens of the United States. An act for the punishment of certain crimes therein specified. An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from service of their masters. An act to prohibit the carrying on the slave trade from the United States to any foreign place or country. An act to prevent the importation of certain persons into certain states, where by the laws thereof, their admission is prohibited. An act to establish the post-office of the United States. An act further to alter and establish certain post roads, and for the more secure carriage of the mail of the United States. An act for the more general promulgation of the laws of the United States. An act, in addition to an act, entitled, an act for the more general promulgation of the laws of the United States. An act to promote the progress of useful arts, and to repeal the act heretofore made for that purpose. An act to extend the privilege of obtaining patents for useful discoveries and inventions to certain persons therein mentioned, and to enlarge and define the penalties for violating the rights of patentees. An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned. An act, supplementary to an act, entitled, an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints. An act providing for salvage in cases of recapture. An act respecting alien enemies. An act to prescribe the mode in which the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings in each state shall be authenticated, so as to take effect in every other state. An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes. An act for continuing in force a law, entitled, an act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes. An act making provision relative to rations for Indians, and to their rights to the seat of government, shall extend to, and have full force and effect in the above mentioned territories. Sec. 8. There shall be established in the said territory a district court, to consist of one judge, who shall reside therein, and be called the district judge, and who shall hold, in the city of Orleans, four sessions annually...
The governor shall publish throughout the said district all the laws which may be made as aforesaid, and shall from time to time, report the same to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress, which, if disapproved by Congress, shall be null and void, and of no effect. The said district of Louisiana shall be divided into districts by the governor, under the direction of the President, as the convenience of the settlement shall require, subject to such alterations hereafter, as experience may prove more convenient. The inhabitants of each district, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, shall be formed into a militia, with proper officers, according to their numbers, to be appointed by the governor, except the commanding officer, who shall be appointed by the President, and who, whether a captain, major, or a colonel, shall be the commanding officer of the district, and as such, shall, under the governor, have command of the regular officers and troops in his district, as well as of the militia, for which he shall have a brevet commission, giving him such command, and the pay and emoluments of an officer of the same grade in the regular army; he shall be specially charged with the employment of the military and militia of his district, in cases of sudden invasion or insurrection, and until the order of the governor can be received, and at all times with the duty of ordering a military police, aided by militia if necessary, to quell unauthorised disturbances in any part of his district, and to commit such offenders to jail to be dealt with according to law. Sec. 13. The laws in force in the said district of Louisiana, at the commencement of this act, and not inconsistent with any of the provisions thereof, shall continue in force until altered, modified or repealed by the governor and judges of the Indiana territory, as aforesaid. Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That all grants, for lands within the territories ceded by the French Republic to the United States, by the treaty of the thirtieth of April, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, the title whereof was, at the date of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, in the crown, government or nation of Spain, and every act and proceeding subsequent thereto, of whatsoever nature, towards the obtaining any grant, title or claim to such lands, and under whatsoever authority transmitted, or pretended, be, and the same are hereby declared to be, and to have been from beginning, null, void, and of no effect in law or equity: Provided nevertheless, That any thing in this section contained, shall not be construed to make null and void any bona fide grant made agreeably to the laws, usages and customs of the Spanish government to an actual settler on the lands so granted for himself, and for his wife and family; or to make null and void any bona fide act or proceeding done by an actual settler, to obtain a grant for lands actually settled on by the person or persons claiming title thereto, if such settlement in either case was actually made prior to the twentieth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and three: Provided further, That such grant shall not secure to the grantee or his assigns more than one mile square of land together with such other and further quantity as heretofore hath been allowed for the wife and family of such actual settler, agreeably to the laws, usages and customs of the Spanish government; and that if any citizen of the United States, or other person, shall make a settlement on any lands belonging to the United States, within the limits of Louisiana, or shall survey, or attempt to survey, such lands, or to designate boundaries by marking trees, or otherwise, such offender shall, on conviction thereof, in any court of record of the United States, or the territories of the United States, forfeit a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, and suffer imprisonment not exceeding twelve months; and it shall, moreover, be lawful for the President of the United States to employ such military forces as he may judge necessary to remove from lands belonging to the United States any such citizen or other person who shall attempt a settlement thereon. Sec. 15. The President of the United States is hereby authorised to dispense with any Indian tribes, owning lands on the east side of the Mississippi, and residing thereon, for an exchange of lands, the property of the United States, on the west side of the Mississippi, in case the said tribes shall remove and settle thereon; but in such dispensation, the said tribes shall acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United States, and shall agree that they will not hold any treaty with any foreign power, individual state, or with the individuals of any state or power; and that they will not sell or dispose of the said lands, or any part thereof, to any foreign power, except the United States, nor to the subjects or citizens of any other foreign power, nor to the citizens of the United States. And in order to maintain peace and tranquility with the Indian tribes who reside within the limits of Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, the act of Congress, passed on the thirtieth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and two, entitled, “An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontiers,” is hereby extended to the territories erected and established by this act; and the sum of fifteen thousand dollars of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated by law, is hereby appropriated to enable the President of the United States to effect the object expressed in this section. Sec. 16. The act passed on the thirty first day of October, one thousand eight hundred and three, entitled, “An act to enable the President of the United States, to take possession of the territories ceded by France to the United States, by the treaty concluded at Paris, on the 30th day of April last, and for the temporary government thereof,” shall continue in force until the first day of October next, any thing therein to the contrary notwithstanding; on which said first day of October, this act shall commence, and have full force, and shall continue in force for and during the term of one year, and to the end of the next session of congress which may happen thereafter. NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 26th, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON. CAROLINE SPRINGS. THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort. The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg. The roads leading to them are remarkably good. They are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood. There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern. The subscriber flatters herself, that these inducements will not only operate an inalienable, who, in the fickle season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be safely said the society will be equal to any in the country. No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable. ANN GATEWOOD. Fredericksburg, May 19. NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND, MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern or Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (ep6m) An Apprentice to the Printing Business wanted at this Office.