Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1804-10-17 00:00:00

THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[VOL. XII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1196.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum...paid in advance.]
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1804.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Advertisements, not exceeding a square length, are inserted in this paper for seventy-five cents the first time; three dollars for three weeks (6 times); and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion—unless a special contract be made by the year.
JUST PUBLISHED, By Samuel Pleasants, Jun. and for sale, by the gross, dozen, or single, at his Printing-Office and Book-Store, Richmond;
The Virginia Almanack
FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD, 1805: Being the first after Bissextile or Leap Year, Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond.
Calculated by BENJAMIN BATES, of Hanover County, Virginia.
Containing besides the astronomical calculations—the Virginia delegation to congress; officers of the commonwealth; members of both houses of the state legislature; members of the privy council; judges of the superior courts; Quakers' general meetings; district and county court days in this state; a short mode of calculating interest; a number of useful recipes; tables of gold coin; the coins of the United States, established by law; an essay on various important agricultural subjects; by Joseph Cooper; original and selected poetry; maxims, &c.; Roads, from Richmond to Charleston, (A. C.)—from Richmond to the Sweet Springs—and from Richmond to Portsmouth (N. H.) &c. &c. &c. * A great allowance made to wholesale purchasers.
September 26th, 1804. wtd
Valuable Lands for Sale.
At Hanover Courthouse on Wednesday the 24th day of October next, will be exposed to sale, at Auction, TWO TRACTS OF LAND; one of them containing 775 1-2 acres more or less, and is commonly known and called by the name of BEN'S TRACT; part whereof lies in Goochland and part in Hanover. The other tract contains 100 acres, more or less, and lies in Hanover—The subscriber believes that the latter tract is commonly known by the name of FENNON'S place. Both tracts adjoin each other, and will be sold together. These lands are about 22 miles from the city of Richmond, in a healthy situation, and an agreeable neighbourhood. The sale will be made by virtue of a deed of trust from Thomas Thompson and Jane Isabella his wife, and William Du Val, to George Yule, dated the 22d of March, 1796, and recorded in the General Court in June following, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Thomas Thompson to Murdoch Fearn & Co. and which deed of trust the subscriber was authorised to carry into effect, by a deed of assignment made between him and the aforementioned Thompson, and George Yule, dated the 23d day of January 1798, and recorded in the General Court the 13th of November following. The terms of sale are one third of the purchase money to be paid down at the time of sale, one third in 12 months, and the other third in 18 months from the day of sale.—Bond and approved security will be required, as also a deed of trust upon the land, and a deed of conveyance with special warranty will be executed to the purchaser, by CHARLES COPLAND. Richmond, 10th Sept. 1804. wtd
THE public are informed, that the first volume of BRUCE'S HISTORY OF VIRGINIA is now ready for delivery, at the Book-store of Samuel Pleasants, Jr. Richmond.—This volume, including the dedication, preface and appendix, contains not quite 550 pages, and carries the series of historical matter down to no later period than the year 1624. The second volume shall contain the proceedings of more than a century. The expenses attendant on this publication are already very heavy, and call for the prompt attention of the subscribers. Should the work receive the sanction of the public, the author hopes, that public spirited citizens in different parts of the country, will introduce it in their neighbourhoods, and recommend it to their acquaintance. The author will be thus enabled to meet the expenses, amounting at the lowest calculation to 2000 dollars per volume—Each succeeding volume, shall, at the least, contain 400 pages. CONDITIONS. There shall be four octavo volumes, including a collection of public papers. Each volume shall be delivered to subscribers, at two dollars in boards. On delivery of the first volume, the price of the first, and one dollar advance on the second, will be demanded—for the second two dollars—for the third two dollars—and for the fourth one dollar. Should the collection of interesting matter swell the fourth volume beyond 400 pages, an additional sum will be expected from subscribers, in the proportion of a cent and a half for every page. The price to non-subscribers, two dollars and fifty cents per volume. The subscription shall remain open till the delivery of the third volume. Those subscribers who disapprove the slight variance between these conditions, and those, which have heretofore been published, will signify it to the author. * Subscribers are requested to call for their books.
Doctor WILSON, Has for sale, at his shop, opposite the Bell-Tavern, a small quantity of RED BARK, Of a quality greatly superior to such as is generally found in Richmond—Also, Jalap, Calomel, Rhubarb, Senna, Manna, Glauber Salts, Castor Oil, Tartar Emetic, Ipecacuanha, Opium, &c. &c. He desires to keep a constant & general supply of Medicines of the best quality that can be procured. * Persons of needy circumstances by paying the common price of their medicines, will be prescribed for gratis. Richmond, 1st Oct. 1804.
WANTED TO HIRE OR PURCHASE, A WET NURSE, Without a child of her own.—Enquire of the Printer.
Notice. A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that an act may pass for laying off a part of the land belonging to David Ross, opposite to Rocketts, in Lots, for the purpose of shipping coal from. October 8th, 1804. wtd
Scheme of a Lottery,
For the benefit of WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
   FIRST CLASS.     8000 Tickets at 10 dolls. 80,000   2 Prizes, dolls. 10,000 20,000   60 of 500 30,000   2,900 of 15 43,500   80,000   Subject to a deduction of 15 per. ct. 12,000   Expense of drawing, 2,000   Dollars, 10,000   First Ticket drawn, Dolls. 500   Last drawn, 10,000   1 other Prize of 10,000   59 other Prizes of 500 dolls. 29,500   2,000 of 15 dolls, 30,000   Dollars, 80,000  
All tickets drawn blank may be renewed in the next class, at 10 dolls. each; the price of all others will be 15 dolls. All prizes of 15 dollars may be renewed for the next class, or paid, at the option of the person entitled. If they be not claimed within three months after the drawing commences, they will be considered as renewed in the second class.
The drawing to commence in the city of Williamsburg, on the 1st day of June, 1804, under the management of James Madison, John Bracken, William Nelson, Robert Greenhow, Burwell Bassett, Robert Saunders, Samuel Tyler, Champion Travis, William Lightfoot, Littleton W. Tazewell, George Tucker and James Semple.
   SECOND CLASS.     5,938 Tickets at 10 dolls. 59,380   4,685 ditto at 15 dolls. 70,275   130,310   Deduct loss on 2,062 tickets renewed at 2 1-2 5,155   Dolls. 125,155   2 Prizes of 20,000 dolls. 40,000   2 ditto of 10,000 dolls. 20,000   3 ditto of 5,000 15,000   50 ditto of 1,000 50,000   1 ditto 155   125,155   Deduct 10 per cent. 12,500   Expenses of drawing, 2,500   Sum raised, Dolls. 10,000   Ticket first drawn, Dolls. 1,000   Ticket last drawn, 20,000   One other prize of 20,000   Two ditto of 10,000 20,000   3 ditto of 5,000 dolls. 15,000   49 ditto of 1,000 49,000   1 ditto 155   Dollars 125,155  
TICKETS
May be had of George Tucker, Thomas Taylor, and Samuel Pleasants, Jr. in Richmond; Robert Birchett, and Watkins Leigh, Petersburg; Thomas Newton, Dr. Barrand, & Littleton W. Tazewell, Norfolk; Hugh Mercer, Fredericksburg; Henry Tucker, Winchester; Chapman Johnson, Staunton; and in all the towns in Virginia, and in many places in the country.
Committed to the jail of
Goochland county about the 21st of August last, a Negro Man Slave, about forty years old, of a yellow complexion, by the name of TOM, who says he is the property of Zechariah Fortaine of Amherst county. The owner is desired to pay charges and take him away. JOHN SMITH, deputy for Joseph Payne sheriff and jailor. co3t*
To Rent....A Commodious
STORE-HOUSE, With necessary apartments for a country store nearly opposite Mr. Ship's tavern in Caroline.—The stand is considered an advantageous one; possession may be immediately had, and the terms made known by application to MARTHA OLIVER. Caroline, September 26th, 1804. w3t
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THE subscribers are authorised to sell by private sale, on liberal terms, and if not disposed of by the second Monday in December ensuing, will on that day, at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, positively be sold, at Public Auction, without reserve, for cash—THE MOIETY OF
A valuable tract of Land,
Containing 1080 acres, in Spotsylvania county, within twenty miles of Fredericksburg. The tract is commonly known by the name of Garnett's and adjoins the lands of John Penney, John Mitchell, Thomas Johnes and others. The moiety is that part nearest the town of Fredericksburg. Also, two hundred acres LAND, lying in Fluvanna county, adjoining the lands of Hez. Stone, Richard Mott, and John Maltby, which we will dispose of on the same terms as the above. PROSSER & MONCURE, v. ms. Richmond, Sept. 20th, 1804. oaftds
Notice.
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that an act may pass for laying off a part of the land belonging to David Ross, opposite to Rocketts, in Lots, for the purpose of shipping coal from. October 8th, 1804. wtd
WANTED TO HIRE OR PURCHASE,
A WET NURSE, Without a child of her own.—Enquire of the Printer.
PROPOSALS
For printing by subscription, an accurate History of the
CIVIL WAR IN IRELAND,
IN THE YEAR 1798, &c.
Containing an impartial account of the proceedings of the Irish Revolutionists, from the year 1782, until the suppression of the same: with an Appendix to illustrate some facts; and a Preface, containing a reply to the observations of Sir Richard Musgrave, (who wrote the government account) on this work.
By the REV. JAMES GORDON, Rector of Kilbrin, in the Diocese of Ferns, and of Cannawey, in the Diocese of Cork.
THIS work shall be comprised in two neat 12mo volumes, and handsomely and correctly printed. Price to subscribers, in boards, One Dollar and Fifty Cents; neatly bound, One Dollar Seventy-five Cents. To non-subscribers, Two Dollars, which is only one half the price of the London copy.—It shall be printed on a new type, and on paper of a superior quality.
THE peculiar advantage which the present work possesses, is, that the author, tho' opposed by the force of Government, dares to come forward and state facts with impartiality, making Truth his guide, whether exerting his lash on the oppressors of the Government, or the excesses of the Revolutionists. We here quote his own words: "To write a book determinedly and exclusively in favor of the ruling party, is an easy business! An author, with such intentions, will feel no dearth of story, style or phrase. The fiery stream of volcanic matter will be poured copiously around him; and the only danger is, that he may, perhaps, be overwhelmed by the lava. Neither will he want purchasers among the dupes of his party, if his object be present gain, without regard to future infamy."
"Many of the violent partisans of the British government, have declaimed against my work; several of whom I have asked, whether the accounts were false? they answered no; but that they were such as a Protestant clergyman ought not to have published!"
The hearts of many respectable and brave Irishmen, must beat high at the recapitulation of those struggles which have been made for the emancipation of their country; and, with such, this work will be deeply interesting. Those approving of the rising of the people, will have an opportunity of seeing their side of politically defended, against the account published by the agent of Government, Sir Richard Musgrave, in a large quarto volume. And even those, who do not feel prejudiced in favor of either party, may view this publication as an impartial record of the distressing scenes occasioned by an attempt at a revolution.
* Subscriptions are received by Samuel Pleasants, Jr. Richmond.
Notice,
FOREWARNING all persons from trading or taking an assignment of a Bond, given by me to John M'Murry's administrators; as I have just set-off against the same, and will not pay the said bond without being compelled by law.
OBADIAH HURT. Prince-Edward, October 1, 1804. w3t
WILL BE SOLD, At Public Auction, on Thursday the first day of November next, at the late dwelling-house of Jacob Wheaton, dec.
All the Stock on Hand,
Consisting of a variety of Tin and Copper Ware, Coppersmith's and Tinsman's Tools, Old Metal, one complete Tinning Lathe, &c. &c.
And on the following day will be offered for sale at the dwelling house of Mrs. Wheaton, all the HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE belonging to the deceased.
Six months credit with approved security will be allowed for all sums above ten dollars, and cash for all sums under.
WILLIAM COOK, Ex'r. Richmond, 11th October, 1804. tds
THREE DWELLING HOUSES
TO BE RENTED.
ONE situate at the foot of Adams's hill, and but a small distance from the Mason's hall, lately occupied by Mr. Thomas Underwood. On this lot there is a very good and well enclosed garden, a well of excellent water & other conveniences.
One other, situate in the Alley, between the street leading to Shockoe warehouse and that leading to Mayo's bridge, lately occupied by Mr. John Robins.
The other situate on the back street, rear Harris's Tobacco manufactory and the Rock landing, having a large garden well enclosed, at present occupied by Mr. Henry Tompkins.
Possession of the two first described may be had immediately, and of the other on the 1st of January next. Apply to
JOSEPH GALLEGO, Who has for sale, a light COACHEE, nearly new, with plated mounted Harness complete for two horses. Oct. 12, 1804.
FOR NEW-YORK—THE SLOOP
MARY ANN CAROLINE,
Israel E. Vail, Master; will sail in ten days—For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, at Lester's lower wharf—Said Vail, has for sale on board,
10 thousand wt. of excellent Cheese; 500 bushels Potatoes; 20 barrels Apple Brandy; 4 casks Beef and Napt'd Hams; sundry half bbs. Mess Beef, and 8 bbs. prime Pork; 30 barrels Cyder; 1 tierce Hay Seed.
N. B. Said sloop is sixty-six tons, and has elegant accommodations for passengers. Richmond, 11th Oct. 1804. 2
TUITION.
TIMOTHY R. RYAN, inclined to benefit himself, and also afford others an opportunity of employing the approaching Winter evenings to their advantage; proposes to commence an EVENING SCHOOL, on Monday the 22d inst. in his present school room; where he will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic and English Grammar, Book-Keeping, Geography and the Use of the Globe, together with the practical branches of the Mathematics. Terms will be made upon application at his school room, or Mr. WILLIAM DAVIDSON'S. St. Richmond, 12th Oct. 1804.
From the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
TO THE PEOPLE.
THE DEFENCE.
No. VI.
We shall now proceed to consider the measures of the administration under the divisions flowing from the distribution of powers among the departments of finance, war, navy and state.
The control of financial operations has been seen to be an object of great importance. In modern times its consequence has greatly increased: and there is probably no nation of the civilized world to which it is more important than to the United States; as in the event of any serious external or internal danger, our reliance will be, not on large existing military establishments, but on our ability promptly to call forth the strength of the country.
On a subject of so much importance, the President, appears to have been sensible of the propriety of avowing his opinions with explicitness.
Having called to the head of the treasury a man of uncommon clearness of perception, of great industry, and of irreproachable morals, worthy of the confidence of the whole nation and eminently possessed of that of the republicans, he communicated the principles on which the Executive contemplated to act, and recommended various measures to Congress.
After a critical scrutiny into the national expenses and resources, with that confidence which flows from a conviction of accurate information, he proposed the abolition of the internal taxes, and a more rapid discharge of the public debt. To justify these steps a general retrenchment of unnecessary expenses, was recommended, so far as depended upon law, and pursued so far as depended upon the executive.
The abolition of the internal taxes has been declared an unwise measure by the opponents of the administration, and effects, the most pernicious, predicted as likely to flow from it. A large portion of these predictions, having been falsified by experience, require at present no notice. The remaining resources have proved not only equal to every existing engagement of the government, but likewise to a more rapid discharge of the public debt than that for which the national faith was pledged. The extraordinary expenses incurred by the purchase of Louisiana, and the defence of the Mediterranean trade, are not overlooked. In a subsequent part of this view, it will be made distinctly to appear, that the former is one of those vast and extraordinary events that justifies the use of extraordinary means, and that the latter is a measure likely to be of but short duration and consequently not requiring permanent revenues.
Assuming it then as an indisputable act, that the revenue derived from the internal revenues could be spared, our enquiry, as to the expediency of their repeal, is narrowed into a consideration whether it was expedient to repeal them, or to diminish the duties on imported articles.
Every one acquainted with the history of the United States knows, that after the revolutionary war, it was a general, not to say universal impression, that the great power of taxation, vested in the general government, should be over imported commodities. This impression arose undoubtedly from the legitimate relationship between the nature of a government federal in its structure, and a tax whose equal operation could only be secured by the general government. Under this impression, and the most important articles of Congress, twelve states, a short time before the adoption of the Constitution, had agreed to vest Congress with the power of laying a duty of five per cent. on imported articles. Rhode Island, not then constituting more than a sixteenth part of the union, alone resisted this measure. But for her resistance, the power would have been conferred, and the new Constitution would probably have never been framed. When framed, it gave Congress absolute & exclusive power over duties on foreign commodities, thereby adding another, to the numerous existing proofs that this was considered as the appropriate resource of the general government. It gave, at the same time a concurrent power, with the states, over every other source of revenue, with the express view of enabling a government, charged with the national defence, on any great emergency to call into activity the undivided resources of the community. This was the only reason, perhaps a fallacious one, on which this sweeping power of taxation, was confided. Accordingly Congress, in the first instance, confined themselves to the imposition of duties on external commerce. At a subsequent period the internal taxes were resorted to, under an alleged want of revenue. The same cause gave rise to a direct tax on lands, houses and slaves. This cause ceasing, was it not proper to re-
pose the states of these resources? This alone, abstracted from all other considerations, would have been a sufficient justification of the measure.
But in addition to these there were other cogent reasons.
The internal revenues fostered a system of extensive patronage dangerous to a republican government. Five hundred officers were employed in the collection, and two hundred thousand dollars annually expended, amounting to twenty per cent; while the expense of collecting the external duties amounted to only five per cent. without producing any diminution in the aggregate expense by a decrease of duties. Here then is an annual saving of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. It is not practicable to estimate with precision the public injury arising from the existence of five hundred useless officers. It is within bounds, however, to say that their labor or ingenuity, if in a small degree productive, would exceed a hundred thousand dollars.
Some respect unquestionably was due by the representatives of a free people to the established impression that an excise is hostile to liberty. In a state of society, differing in one respect from that of all other nations, in protecting the unoppressed exercise of industry in channels chosen by itself, it is certainly of importance little short of infinite to resist the establishment of a system which gives to governments the control and direction of every branch of internal manufacture; enabling them thereby to depress or elevate, according to the measure of taxation applied, the condition of every class of citizens; a power, so nearly approximated to despotism, as to have become hateful in every nation not degraded to the lowest condition.
It has been said that the repeal of these taxes operated to the local injury of a part of the Union, and tended to oppress the poor.
To exhibit the local effects of the repeal, we have drawn out the following table.—The first column exhibits the number of representatives to which each state is entitled; the second specifies the sums paid in each state in the year 1801; the third shews, without descending into fractions, the quota of the whole tax, which, for that year, each state would have paid had it been assessed in the ratio of numbers; the fourth exhibits the gain, and the last the loss of each state, on that principle, arising from the repeal.
   States. Representatives. Dollars. Sums payable on ratio of numbers. Gain. Loss.     New Hampshire 5 9,607 12,000 2,393   Massachusetts 17 172,884 216,000 43,116   Rhode Island 4 53,722 67,000 13,278   Connecticut 7 89,722 112,000 22,278   Vermont 4 3,320 5,000 1,680   New York 17 119,070 150,000 30,930   New Jersey 6 33,456 42,000 8,544   Pennsylvania 11 211,180 264,000 52,820   Delaware 1 7,911 12,500 4,589   Maryland 8 86,718 100,000 13,282   Virginia 22 144,163 275,000 130,837   Ohio 3 33,736 37,500 3,764   Tennessee 2 10,738 25,000 14,262   North Carolina 12 46,476 150,000 103,524   South Carolina 8 46,476 100,000 53,524   Georgia 4 13,489 50,000 36,511  
From this table it appears that of the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut and Vermont, ordinarily denominated the New England states, two have gained,
Dollars, 88,596
And three have lost, 69,446
Leaving 16,150
The clear gain of the New England states. That of the states of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, denominated the middle states, four have gained 116,879 And one has lost 18,504

Therefore, it was unequal in its operation. The latter, instead of the former states have reason to complain.
But the intelligent reader will before this have remarked that, if the repeal really operated unequally upon the different states, that inequality could only arise from the partial operation of the taxes repealed; which, if a tax, would constitute one of the strongest arguments in favor of the measure.
To this however, it is replied, that the duties on imported articles are unequal in their operation on the different states; and thence it is inferred that they are improper subjects of exclusive taxation. But any existing inequality in their operation on the different states, arising from the relative state of agriculture and manufactures, will inevitably fall with peculiar weight on those states that produce the raw material and manufacture the least.
One serious charge remains to be repelled. It is alleged that the repeal of the internal taxes operates to the prejudice of the poor. Our road to a correct decision on this point is plain and open.
By a report of the committee of ways and means it appears that the permanent internal revenues were in 1801, 716,000 dollars.
Deducting from this sum the expenses of collection, amounting to 120,000 dollars, there remained 596,000 dollars revenue.
The opponents of the repeal, from an affixed regard to the poor, recommended, instead of that measure, the reduction of the existing taxes on coffee, brown sugar, salt and bohea tea. Let us compare the effects of these alternatives.
To raise, by internal revenues 590,000 dollars, requires taxes amounting to 720,000 dollars; while the raising 590,000 dollars by duties on imports involved no additional expense.
The family of a man in indigent circumstances would probably consume,
Table with 2 columns: Item, Dollars, Cts. Rows include: 15 lbs. of brown sugar, the duty on which is 0 37 1-2; 10 lbs. of coffee 0 50; 2 lbs. of bohea tea 0 25; 2 bushels of salt 0 40. Total: 1 51 1-2.
And there remains the sum of 0 56. Which constitutes the sum from which each poor family has been relieved by the repeal of the internal taxes, beyond that from which they would have been liberated by the proposed reduction of the duties on brown sugar, coffee, salt and bohea tea.
It follows that the poor, instead of being losers, are actually gainers to this amount by the repeal. It is impossible to form this estimate with absolute precision; but it cannot greatly deviate from the truth. It proves that the poor of America were benefited more by the repeal of the internal taxes than they would have been by a diminution of the duties on brown sugar, bohea tea, salt and coffee.
From the POLITICAL REGISTER. To the MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO.
Sir, TO your acknowledged attempt to corrupt my fidelity as a citizen, by engaging my services to support the reasonings of a foreign minister you have dared to add the atrocity of impeaching the truth of my declaration, which had been made under the sacred obligations of an oath.
In the nature of your employment, and the paucity of your means, you might have found an excuse, as well as a motive, for the former part of your conduct; in the modification of your failure only, can even the shadow of a cause be traced for this last departure from all that is honorable, just and true.
The guarantee of the nation will protect your person; but as that guarantee cannot in this country, be extended by any construction to invest a foreign minister with the privilege of falsely charging a citizen of the United States with perjury, and of promulgating that charge through the medium of a newspaper, neither your office, nor all the sanctions of diplomacy shall restrain my refutation of the deliberate falsehood, nor prevent the refutation being made through the same channel.
In your belief that 'political intolerance' had prepared me to receive with 'less reluctance' the communication of your proposals, you may have exhibited a correct view of your own mind, however grossly you were deceived in the analogy which it suggested.
The circumstances of that communication were faithfully and correctly detailed in my deposition, and on a careful review of that statement, I solemnly assert that every part of the deposition is true. I shall therefore leave you to enjoy the honor and the benefit of the evasion, and contradictions which you had attempted. By those contradictions you have endeavored to invalidate the disinterested oath of a man, who in the relations of private character, would deem himself degraded by a comparison with the Marquis de Casa Yrujo.
You doubtless presumed that you had only to contradict "the Editor of a newspaper, whose sheets" (notwithstanding you had selected them to diffuse your calumnies) "are scarcely to be seen across the waters of the Skuykill and the Delaware, who is without a place in the government, and without personal influence," effectually to dissipate all that he had said under the obligations of his oath.
On the present occasion your malignity has forced me to a course of proceeding, in the vindication of my truth, of which, under all the "political intolerance" you have mentioned, I had heretofore scorned to avail myself. By the nature of your infamous imputation, I am compelled for the information of those to whom I may be unknown, to exhibit such documents as, in connection with the facts I have stated, may establish my claims to belief against the contradictions, with which you have unblushingly dared to attack me.
When my fellow citizens of the United States, and the people of other countries, shall have examined these vouchers of character, the publication of which has been thus extorted from me; when they have reflected that on the part of Major Jackson there could not have existed a single motive for misstatement or departure from truth in framing his deposition; when they shall likewise have reflected that on the part of the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, every motive arising out of mortification, every wish to avert the consequences of his unsuccessful attempt, were combined in the most forcible degrees, to prompt his perversion of the truth; when these results are dispassionately considered, there will remain but one opinion on the subject.
Yes, sir, I even persuade myself that your own nation, thus informed, will pronounce that you have prostrated the dignity of the American minister, and violated moral obligation.
Your "demanding the punishment of Jackson from the government" is, to scorn, and consign to its merited contempt.
It is not in this country that a citizen can be punished for obeying the laws by disclosing the designs of a foreign minister. Nor is it within the control of any government to prevent a citizen of the United States from repelling such a charge as you have brought against me—nor of giving his refutation of the calumny thro' the same medium, with that you have chosen for its promulgation, a public newspaper; could any other doctrine prevail, our citizens would indeed become the miserable vassals of those "distinguished slaves," about whom you have prated.
W. JACKSON. Philadelphia, Oct. 9, 1804.
From the letters, with which I was honored by Gen. Washington, I have selected the two, which are subjoined, on account of their dates and the subject to which they relate. The first was received on the expiration of my military service, which at the age of twenty four, had embraced the period of the American War.
The second was received when I was leaving the family of General Washington, (then President of the United States) to enter on the practice of the law.
It was my pride and my happiness to preserve the friendship of that exalted man to the close of his illustrious life. Princeton, Nov. 1, 1783.
Dear Sir, Your letter reached me yesterday, and informed me of your intention to embark next week for Europe. Wishing, from the esteem I entertain for your character, to render you every service in my power, I could not avoid troubling you with the two inclosed letters—tho' your acquaintance in France made it almost unnecessary. You will please to accept my thanks for your obliging offer—and my wishes for your safe, pleasant and prosperous voyage. With great esteem, I am dear sir, Your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. Major Jackson.
Philadelphia, December 26, 1791. At the same time that I acknowledge the receipt of your letter, notifying me of your intention to enter upon a professional pursuit—and during the ensuing term propose yourself for admittance as a Practitioner of law in the Supreme court of the state of Pennsylvania, I beg you to be persuaded that my best wishes will accompany you in that or in any other walk into which your interest or inclination may lead you.
That your determination is the result of the best view you have of your circumstances and expectations, I take for granted, and therefore shall say nothing, which might embarrass the decision; but with pleasure equal to the justice of it shall declare to you, that your deportment has been regulated by principles of integrity and honor, and that the duties of your station have been executed with ability; and I embrace the occasion your address has afforded me, to thank you for all your attentions, and for the services which you have rendered me since you have been a member of my family.
Let your departure from it be made perfectly convenient to yourself—and believe me to be with sincere esteem and regard, Dear Sir, Your affectionate and obliged servant, G. WASHINGTON. Major Jackson.
The following letter was addressed to me by General Lincoln, when I resigned the office of Assistant Secretary at War—and it is my boast, as it has been my happiness, to have enjoyed for twenty-six years, the constant esteem and affection of this gallant soldier, this most amiable and most respectable man. Princeton, October 30, 1783.
I was this morning honored, my dear friend, with the receipt of your letter of this date, purporting your wish to resign the office of assistant Secretary at War. While my own ease and convenience, in a tone loud and explicit, caution me against complying with your request, the more silent, but persuasive voice of friendship and justice prevail, and tell me, that I must sacrifice the former to your interest and happiness, and that I must however, as your future prospects in life are involved in the measure, accept your resignation.
Permit me, my dear sir, before I take leave of you, to return you my warmest thanks for your meritorious services in the field, as my aid de camp, as well as for those you have rendered as my assistant in the war office. These services, I have the pleasure to assure you, have been seen, also, acknowledged and approved by your country—besides I have enjoyed real satisfaction in your private friendship, your faithfulness and integrity have hourly increased my affection for you. Adieu my dear friend, that the best of Heaven's blessings may encircle you, that your path in life may be smooth and prosperous, your course through it easy and happy, and that you may finally smile, in unceasing bliss, is the prayer of your affectionate friend. B. LINCOLN. Major Jackson
The following is one of several letters which were written by Mr. Jefferson to introduce me to the American Ministers in Europe—Not having visited Spain this letter was not delivered to its address. It was transmitted to Mr. Jefferson, and returned by him to me, since he has been President of the United States. Philadelphia, June 1, 1793.
Dear Sir, The bearer hereof is Major Jackson formerly of the army, and afterwards of the President's family. Supposing it possible he may see you at Madrid, I with pleasure make him known to you, as a gentleman of information, talents and worth. He merits well any attentions you can shew him, and I also will be thankful for them, should he, from the circumstances of the times, need your official interference, I am sure that, as one among our best citizens, he will have the benefit of them. I am with sincere and constant attachment, Dear Sir, Your affectionate friend, TH: JEFFERSON.
Mr. Short, Minister Resident of the United States of America at the Hague and one of their Commissioners Plenipotentiaries now at Madrid.
Were it necessary to multiply these proofs, they could be drawn from my correspondence with the most respectable men of our country, among whom I may here be permitted to introduce the name of General Pinckney, under whose command, and in whose regiment I served as a Subaltern and captain in the first years of the revolution-war. It was then my pride to emulate the noble example, as it has been my happiness, for almost thirty years, to preserve the esteem and affection of this distinguished statesman and soldier.
No impartial, no honest man can for a moment believe that a character thus acquired and maintained, could have been departed from by the smallest misstatement of a most contemptible communication, in which the person making the representation had not even the shadow of an interest for perverting the truth. Enough I trust has now been stated to repel the scandalous aspersion. More would be unnecessary, and thus much was required to vindicate the integrity of an honest fame. W. JACKSON.
From the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. SPANISH CONVENTION.
WE some time since laid before the public a concise view of the principal facts and inferences deducible from them, relative to the true boundaries of Louisiana as received by the United States from France. The reader will recollect that this statement was occasioned by the neglected determination of the Spanish government not to ratify the Convention of the 11th of August 1802, unless our government complied with three requisitions.
1. The allowance of a longer term than that contemplated by the Convention previous to the sitting of the commissioners, that the subjects of Spain might be apprised of its ratification—2. That the 6th article, keeping alive our claims for spoliations made by French cruisers sanctioned by condemnations in Spanish ports and by Spanish tribunals, should be expunged; and 3. That the legal provision for a port of entry on the Mobile should be repealed.—These requisitions have opened a wide field of discussion—On the most important point, it is a source of peculiar dissatisfaction that no diversity of opinion exists among our countrymen. When the question "what are the boundaries of Louisiana," was first started, there was a momentary error into which some of the federal presses fell. But information and reflection have entirely dissipated it; and there is now happily among all parties indications of the same zeal in maintenance of our territorial rights.
There is, however, another point, only of secondary magnitude, on which the friends and enemies of the administration are at issue; viz. their conduct respecting the Convention above referred to. Placating ourselves that information will, in this instance, as in the former, be efficacious in insuring harmony of opinion, we offer the following facts and remarks. Of the solidity of the remarks the reader will judge; for the accuracy of the facts we pledge ourselves.
Subsequently to the year 1795, when the treaty of San Lorenzo was formed between the United States and Spain, considerable spoliations were committed on the American trade by vessels under Spanish colors, and by French vessels, whose prizes were adjudicated in Spanish ports and by Spanish tribunals. For these infractions of our rights it became the duty of our government to demand reparation. It is presumed that this, as a matter of course, was done coeval with the occasion that created the necessity, by Mr. Adams then President of the United States. The treaty of San Lorenzo only provided for the termination of "all differences on account of the losses sustained by the citizens of the United States in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, during the late war between Spain and France" that is, antecedent to the 22d of July, 1795, when the war terminated. This circumstance is stated to correct an inadvertent error into which a writer in an Eastern paper has fallen, in considering this provision of the treaty as prospective, & as embracing a period of eighteen months beyond the date of its ratification.
The new spoliations commenced immediately after the date of the treaty of San Lorenzo and continued until the convention of Madrid, which was signed on the 11th of August, 1802.
Exception has been taken to the conduct of the administration on three grounds: 1. On that of delay in the pursuit of efficient measures for the obtaining indemnification for spoliated property. 2. On account of the substance of the convention; and 3. On account of the circumstances attending its ratification.
In the first place, the administration are charged with having neglected to take prompt and efficient measures for indemnifying our merchants.
To test the accuracy of this charge it is only necessary to state a few facts. The spoliations commenced towards the close of the year 1795, in the Presidency of General Washington, and continued during the whole of that of Mr. Adams, when it is customary to extol for the vigorous prosecution of the commercial rights of our citizens.
No treaty was formed, or redress obtained, during the whole of this period, which terminated the 3d of March, 1801, and which consequently embraced a term of more than five years.
It is well understood that these spoliations, in a great measure, if not altogether, grew out of our misunderstanding with France.
That misunderstanding was not fully closed until the 19th day of December, 1801, when the treaty of Paris was finally acted upon by the Senate. That treaty, it is true, was signed on the 30th of September, 1800; but it will be recollected that there was a material modification of it proposed by our government, accompanied with which it was sent back to France, who agreed to it so modified; in consequence of which the ratifications were exchanged at Washington on the 19th of December, 1801.
On the 3d of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson's administration commenced. Mr. Humphreys was then our minister at the court of Madrid. It is to be presumed that he had full instructions from Mr. Adams, and that they were renewed by Mr. Jefferson.
In the month of June, 1801, Mr. Pinckney was appointed minister; owing to sickness after he left the United States, he did not replace Mr. Humphreys till December 1801: and on the 11th day of Aug. following the convention was signed.
From these facts then it follows, that what Mr. Adams was unable to effect in four years, Mr. Jefferson accomplished in seventeen months; notwithstanding the unavoidable delays arising from the commencement of a new administration.
It follows too, independent of any comparison of the promptness of the measures of one administration with those of the other, that little, if any time was lost, which could have been saved. It was essentially necessary, to secure the co-fidence of the Spanish court, that the new executive of the United States should renew the powers of its minister. It was impracticable to do this in less than a few months. That court, likewise, undoubtedly waited the issue of our negotiations at Paris, and was eventually governed by them, and the treaty of peace with Great-Britain, entered into in October 1801. These negotiations, we have seen, were not brought to a close until the 19th of December, 1801: leaving a period short of eight months; previous to the formation of the convention.
When these circumstances are duly weighed; and when a proper allowance is made for the tardy habits of the Spanish government; for the unavoidable delays attending all negotiations between independent nations; for the connection as in this case, of negotiations on one point with those on another of greater importance; if any surprise is indulged, in respect to the time consumed in negotiating the convention, it will be on account of its brevity.
Exception is, in the second place, taken to the substance of the convention, which is as follows:
"A CONVENTION. Between his Catholic Majesty and the United States of America, for the indemnification of those who have sustained losses, damages or injuries, in consequence of the excesses of individuals of either nation, during the late war, contrary to the existing treaty or the laws of nations."
"His Catholic Majesty and the government of the United States, wishing amicably to adjust the claims which have arisen from the excesses committed during the late war, by individuals of either nation contrary to the laws of nations or the treaty existing between the two countries—his Catholic Majesty has given, for this purpose, full power to his excellency Don Pedro Cevallos, counselor of state, gentleman of the bed chamber, in employment first secretary of state, and universal dispatch, and superintendent general of the post and post-office in Spain and the Indies; and the government of the United States of America, to Charles Pinckney, a citizen of the said states, and their minister plenipotentiary near his Catholic Majesty, who have agreed as follows:
"First.—A board of commissioners shall be formed composed of five commissioners, two of whom shall be appointed by his Catholic Majesty, two others by the government of the United States and the fifth by common consent; and in case they should not be able to agree on a person for the fifth commissioner, each party shall name one, and leave the decision to lot; and hereafter in case of the death, sickness, or necessary absence of

those already appointed, they shall proceed in the same manner, to the appointment of persons to replace them.
Second Second—The appointment of the commissioners being thus made, each one of them shall take an oath to examine, discuss, and decide on the claims which they are to judge, according to the laws of nations and the existing treaty, and with the impartiality which justice may dictate.
Third —The commissioners shall meet and hold their sessions in Madrid, where within the term of eighteen months (to be reckoned from the day on which they may assemble) they shall receive all claims which in consequence of this convention, may be made as well by the subjects of his Catholic majesty as by the citizens of the United States of America who may have a right to demand compensation for the losses, damages, or injuries sustained by them in consequence of the excesses committed by Spanish subjects or American citizens.
Fourth —The commissioners are authorized by the said contracting parties, to hear and examine on oath, every question relative to the said demands, and to receive as worthy of credit all testimony, the authenticity of which cannot reasonably be doubted.
Fifth —From the decisions of the commissioners, there shall be no appeal, and the agreement of three of them shall give full force and effect to their decisions, as well with respect to the justice of the claims, as to the amount of the indemnifications which may be adjudged to the claimants: the said contracting parties obliging themselves to satisfy the said awards in specie, without deduction, at the times and places pointed out, and under the conditions which may be expressed by the board of commissioners.
Sixth —It not having been possible for the said plenipotentiaries to agree upon a mode by which the above mentioned board of commissioners should arbitrate the claims originating from the excesses of foreign cruisers, agents, consuls or tribunals in their respective territories, which might be imputable to their two governments, they have expressly agreed that each government shall reserve (as it does by this convention) to itself, its subjects or citizens, respectively, all the rights which they now have, and under which they may hereafter bring forward their claims, at such times as may be most convenient to them.
Seventh —The present convention shall have no force or effect until it be ratified by the contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged as soon as possible. In faith whereof, we, the underwritten plenipotentiaries, have signed this convention, and have affixed thereto our respective seals.
Done at Madrid, this eleventh day of August, one thousand eight hundred and two. PEDRO CUYALLOS, (Seal). CHARLES PINCKNEY, (Seal).
This convention provides for the adjustment of all claims arising from the excesses committed by individuals of either nation, contrary to the laws of nations, or the treaty existing between the two countries. This provision, so far as it applies to the excesses of Spanish subjects, is co-extensive with the just grounds of complaint, and ought to be satisfactory. The treaty referred to is that of San Lorenzo which is remarkable for the precision with which it ascertains the commercial rights of the two nations.
By making this instrument, in the connection with the laws of nations, the standard, the convention seems to have pursued the best course that could have been devised. According to it, the laws of nations, as modified by its provisions, are to guide the commissioners.
So far then no exception can be, and none, it is believed, has been taken to the convention.
As little exception can be taken to the tribunal established for deciding on the claims for excesses. It is the same that has, in all similar cases been instituted; it is organised on the principle of mutual arbitration,—the only principle, which could perhaps be found that did not infringe the equal rights of the two nations. The commissioners are it is true to meet at Madrid; and in this respect Spain may, on the first impression, appear to have an advantage. But let it be recollected that the right to name the place was equal to both governments, and that Spain had the same right to insist on Madrid being the place, that we had to insist on Washington; that there was some force in the probable allegation that as the excesses complained of were principally committed in Spanish ports, so they ought to be decided upon at a place where there existed the greatest chance of obtaining the fullest evidence; that the treaty of San Lorenzo, having established a similar commission at Philadelphia, Spain had, in her turn, a right to the succeeding commission being held at Madrid, to equalise any inconvenience arising from distance; and finally that the American government, having every thing to gain ought not to have suffered a trifling local difficulty to overrule their solicitude to obtain substantial justice.
The limitation, in the third place, of the period in which claims shall be received to eighteen months, has been objected to; but apparently, without an attentive consideration of the nature of the provision. According to it, the ratifications of the convention are to be in the first instance, exchanged. Cotemporaneous with this ratification of the convention would undoubtedly take place, which of itself would be sufficient notification to claim-
ants. Subsequent, however, to this, would be the appointment of commissioners by each government, which would not take place until intimation of it had been made to both the parties; this would take at least two months. Supposing the appointment of commissioners immediately to take place, and no time to be lost in fixing the time of their meeting, three months more would at least, be consumed, before they could reach Madrid; making in the whole five months, which added to the eighteen months allowed in the convention, would make a term of nearly two years, during which they are to "receive all claims;" not, as has been erroneously stated, decide upon them.
Is not then the term of two years ample for the sole purpose of receiving them? Would not the allowance of a longer term have tended injuriously to delay the ultimate liquidation? It ought not to escape notice that, although eighteen months are allowed for receiving claims, there is no obstacle created by the convention, to the settlement, at any time, of those preferred.
In the fourth place the convention has been condemned for not making provision for the indemnification of property captured by the French cruisers, and adjudicated in Spanish ports. There can be no doubt of the justice of our claims on the Spanish government for this species of spoliation. But as the benefit derived from it accrued to France, and as the sanction given it by Spain was unquestionably coerced by France, it is probable that Spain thought it hard and inequitable to afford a compensation for which France would not indemnify her; or perhaps, her object was to gain time to make arrangements with France to relieve herself from the eventual burthen of the indemnity; and it is by no means unlikely that she was emboldened to pursue this course by the instructions of Mr. Adams, and the consequent treaty with France, waiving all claims for French spoliations. So far, then, as this state of things induced the decision of Spain on this point, whatever merit or demerit attaches to it lies at the door of the former administration. Our government claimed a full indemnity. Spain agreed to allow a partial indemnity; not being able to obtain more, was it not right to take all that could be got; especially when this did not, as in the case of the treaty with France, annul or in the least invalidate the claims for spoliations made by French cruisers, which are expressly reserved for future adjustment?
In the last place censure is thrown on the administration on account of the circumstances attending the ratification of the convention. So unblushingly atrocious has calumny been on this point, that it has in defiance of the clearest exposure of facts charged the President with having suppressed the convention for 12 months, and the republican side of the Senate with having co-operated with him virtually to render it nugatory, in order to wreak a mean and contemptible vengeance on our merchants.
The facts attending this transaction we long since stated, in the hope that the falsehoods then propagated arose from ignorance, and that they would not, after such an exposure be repeated. Events have, however, shown that in this charitable hope, we have been disappointed. Those facts, with others which it is now proper to state, are these.
The convention was signed at Madrid on the eleventh of August, 1802. It was received by the executive on the 24th of November following, who early in the session, which commenced in the beginning of December, laid it before the Senate. In the mean time the Spanish Intendant at New-Orleans suspended our right of deposit at that place. The sensation excited by this aggression was distressing, while its ultimate effects menaced the peace of the country. There were not, indeed, wanting those, who denominated the outrage an act of war, and under this impression the federal side of the senate urged with vehemence the taking forcible possession of New-Orleans. It was during these discussions that the convention was communicated to the Senate. A majority of that body was then republican, but that majority did not amount to two thirds of all the members. The ratification of the treaty requires the concurrence of two thirds. Although, therefore, the republicans commanded a majority, not having so large a number as two thirds, they had it not in their power to insure by their votes alone the ratification of the convention. They knew full well that there scarcely existed a shadow of hope that the federal side of the body, whose object appeared to be to inflame the existing differences between the two countries into a state of war, would vote for it. Its discussion, for this reason probably, was waved until towards the close of the session, in the hope that the right of deposit would be previously restored. It is necessary here to state that as preliminary and incidental questions respecting treaties are decided by a simple majority, the republicans had a command over the time when the instrument should be taken up. Events proved the correctness of their fears; for, at the close of the session, the convention, being taken into consideration, was rejected by the federal members who exceeded one third of the body. This was about the end of February or the beginning of March. The republican members with the exception of one, voted for it; and had even this member voted for it, it would, notwithstanding have been lost. But for a justifiable stratagem, this vote would have been final.
Apprehending the result, we have alluded to, as the last on the list of the year, & says should, in case a sufficient number of federal votes were previously given to reject the convention, vote against it to secure the means of reconsidering the vote of rejection; it being a standing rule of the senate that a motion to reconsider can only be made by one who voted in the majority. After the vote, this member moved a reconsideration of the question; and the republican members voting in the affirmative, it was carried: when, the further consideration of the convention was postponed until the next session. These measures took place at the beginning of March, 1803, not quite seven months from the date of the convention. That it was not then ratified was altogether owing to the votes of the federalists. At the next session which commenced in October its consideration was resumed, and such a change having taken place in the senate as to make two thirds of its members republican, it was ratified.
Thus, then, have we demonstrated that the President and the republican part of the Senate have done all in their power to secure the ratification of the convention, and that every atom of blame among ourselves arising from delay is ascribable to the opposition.
There remains one view to be taken, which is, perhaps, in the present state of affairs between the two nations, more interesting than any which merely regards a division among ourselves.
One of the grounds on which Spain is represented to refuse the ratification of the Convention is the delay on our part. To this, it may be confidently replied that the Convention provides for claims against Spain whose justice cannot be lessened by time and that at this very moment, even without the existence of such a convention, her good faith as strongly requires a provision for them as with it. It also being confined to a single object affords the, if any ground for a change of opinion arising from a change of circumstances. It would, therefore, appear to be the duty of the Spanish government, notwithstanding the delay which has occurred, to ratify the Convention, or to offer an equivalent provision. But there are still stronger reasons for this. Whatever of impropriety there may have been in declining to ratify the convention in the session of 1802—3, and, however, we may find just cause to censure those who voted for its rejection, there can be no doubt that the unauthorised aggression at N. Orleans by high officers of Spain would have justified the United States in refusing an attention to any pending arrangements between the two nations until this point was settled. This was then an obstacle to the carrying of those arrangements into effect, raised on the part of Spain, which we had a right to avail ourselves of whether it was authorised by her government, or her subordinate officers, for whose conduct she is responsible. Shall it then be contended that a delay on our part, occasioned altogether by her, shall be made use of to justify a refusal to do us justice? No. The merits of the question hang not so much on the delay, as on the cause of it: which can only be ascribed to her. We hope however that events will show that the Spanish government has been calumniated, and that her measures towards us will, on mature reflection, be such as honor, justice and friendship dictate.
It may be proper, before we close these remarks, to observe that an egregious error has been committed in representing the Convention to contain a provision that it is not binding on either nation unless ratified within twelve months. It contains no such provision. It only provides that it shall be ratified as soon as possible.
THE SUBSCRIBERS having rented a convenient Lumber House on the Canal Basin, offer their services under the firm of C & T. SAUNDERS. To receive all kinds of produce on STORAGE, and to dispose of on COMMISSION, to which strict attention and punctuality will be given. CHANCELLOR H. SAUNDERS, TARLTON SAUNDERS, Richmond, Oct. 18, 1804. eo2m
NICHOLAS HALLAM. Two doors above the Span-Tavern, has just received from the Isle of Wight, and for sale on the most moderate terms. Three thousand wt. of excellent BACON Hams, and Middlings, and a supply of choice new and old Northern CHEESE; Also, IRISH POTATOES. Likewise, an assortment of well chosen GROCERIES. Consisting of Loaf & Brown Sugars; Coffee, Young Hyson and Imperial Tea; Chocolate, Rice, Indigo, Mace, Cloves, and other spices; Dry Sherry, Lisbon, and Malaga Wines; Cognac, Peach and Apple Brandy; Rum; Holland and Country Gin; Whiskey, Molasses, &c.; Crockery and Stone Ware, and a variety of other articles in the Grocery line. wif
AT a meeting of the President and Directors of the Bank of Virginia, on Thursday October 4th, 1804. "RESOLVED, that the Bank commence discounts on Tuesday next." "RESOLVED, that the President, Cashier and other officers of the Bank proceed to business on Monday next, in the Senate room of the Capitol." "RESOLVED, that it is expected, that a ny house or firm consisting of more than one person, shall make a declaration of the names and surnames of the persons who compose such a firm, and that each of the persons who reside in Richmond or Manchester, composing each firm, shall subscribe the firm book, and insert therein "the names of his partner or partners." J. BROCKENBROUGH, Cashier. N. B. Persons applying for discounts must lodge their notes at the Bank on the Monday and Thursday of every week. J. B.
THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1804.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT. CORRECTED WEEKLY.
 Tobacco, 37 3/4 6d Cash  Wheat, 3s do.  Flour, fine, 42s do.  Flour, superfine, 51s do.  Corn, (new) 22s 6d (old) 28s do.  Hemp, (clean) £ 50 do.  Iron, £ 34 do.  Bacon, 10d do.  Whiskey, 2s do. 
Subscribers to the Argus whose papers are left at Buckingham Courthouse are informed that their accounts are in the hands of Mr. Richard Philpotts, Post Rider, to whom they will please to make payment. Notes will be expected from those who cannot pay immediately. Oct. 17, 1804.
It is with sincere pleasure we are enabled to state that there is the best reason to believe the account of the death of Governor CLARBORNE, unfounded. Letters as late as the 1st of Sept have been received from him by the President of the U. States, on which day the last mail left New-Orleans. These letters state that Mr. Claborne had been very ill, but was then so far recovered as to admit of his transacting business. Nat. Intell.
Advises from Commodore Preble of May 15th state, that he had procured from the King of Naples the two boats for aiding his operations against Tripoli, and that he had proceeded to Messina, where they lay, for the purpose of equipping them. An article under the Boston head states his having sailed from Messina on the 12th of July for the immediate purpose of bombarding Tripoli.
Information received by us since the date of our last paper confirms the news of the arrival of the John Adams at Gibraltar. The captain of that frigate was instructed to sail without delay for Malta, in case no apprehension was entertained of the hostility of Tunis or the other Barbary powers. Having satisfied himself on this point, he accordingly sailed from Gibraltar on the 26th.
Yesterday AARON BURR, Vice-President of the United States, arrived in this city. We are happy to state that he is in good health and spirits. Georgia Gazette.
The public mind has, for some time past, been attracted to and engaged with the extraordinary affair of Major Jackson and the Marquis V. V. V. The depositions of the former and the reply of the latter have been already published in the American and we this day present the answer of the Major to Mr. V. V. V. In doing this it might, like the previous publications, have passed without a comment; but the extraordinary manner adopted by the major to hurl his venomous shafts at the Executive of the Union, ought to be exposed to the liveliest indignation of the American people. He states, in his ed of 2d paragraph,
"Although the victim of bitter political intolerance, he has until this day, declined to shew that he had met unjustifiable oppression from the very hand, which had attested his worth as a man, and his merits as a member of the community. But he will not regret that oppression, nor the charge it has produced in his pursuits, while he continues to possess the esteem and the patronage of his fellow citizens."
He says as much as he "declined to day, to do a dishonorable act, and considers it quite honorable to do it to-morrow!" He was an officer under the government of the U. S. and was one of the sect who have so frequently declared "that they had no confidence in the Executive; nay even in the government." And still this very man, who has even esteemed the present administration in the most contemptuous point of view complains of "bitter persecution" because, forsooth, it could not, with any propriety continue him to a lucrative post. He complains of being placed in what his fellow laborers term A POST OF HONOR; a private station. How preposterous it is for a man of "known talents and worth" to raise a hue and cry of persecution; when a "true (full blooded) federalist would deem it degrading to accept an appointment, much more retain one," under such an administration, "nor to say government, Fie Major. We did believe you so far honorable as to be beneath such mean and detestable subterfuges. They are far from giving strength to the solemnity of the case in which you are at present engaged."
The subject of your displacement is quite foreign to that of your honorable affair with the Marquis; and would have added more to your honor, had your malignity suffered you to keep them distinct and separate. The former was necessary to preserve harmony in the various departments of the general administration. As well might you pretend to retain persons in your employ, who would place no confidence in you; who would shew no manner of respect whatever, and who would, when out of your presence, vilify and traduce your character. We would only add, we hope he may honorably recover his staked reputation. American.
Delaware Election.—Nathaniel Mitchell, the federal candidate for governor, has been elected by a majority of 342; and James A. Bayard, the federal candidate for Representative in Congress, has been elected by a majority of 361.
So far as we have received accounts of the election in Maryland, it has terminated suspiciously to the republican cause.
PATRICK MAGRUDER, a republican, is elected in the room of Mr. Plater, federal, for the counties of Frederic and Montgomery. The following are the votes:
 Magruder. Plater.  Frederic 606 182  Montgomery 349 569  955 751  Republican majority 204. 
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in South Carolina, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated Sept 2. "It is probable the newspapers in your city will give you a more particular account of our late hurricane, than I am in spirits to give you. The prospect before us is gloomy beyond what I wish to describe. Our provisions are destroyed, and no cotton made to buy them. It appears as if the judgments of Heaven are upon this guilty land, for immediately after the opening of the slave trade by our legislature, the price of cotton fell one 3d, or one 4th, below its usual value. The succeeding summer was unfavorable to its cultivation, but when most of the difficulties of the crops were surmounted, a destructive caterpillar made its appearance, and injured more or less every plantation. What was left by that devouring insect, has been swept away by wind, rain & hail. Thus in righteous judgment God has appointed that the very means which were counted upon for increasing property, and feeding avarice, will be the means of ruin to numbers. I
thank God that by no aid of mine, have I encouraged that slave trade in human flesh."
MEDAL AWARDED. "Extract from the minutes of the Philadelphia Company of Bookellers, Sept. 7th, 1804." On motion, Resolved, That the Gold Medal offered by the Philadelphia Company of Bookellers, for the greatest quantity of Printing Paper, not less than ten reams, manufactured of other materials, than linen, cotton, or woolen rags, be awarded to Mr. Wm. Young of the Delaware Paper Mills, for eleven reams of excellent Printing Paper, manufactured from American Millbery Rags and Bags made of Gunny Sack. A Resolved, That in the opinion of this company, William Young deserves public patronage for the very laudable exertions he has used in discovering substitutes for the articles usually employed in the manufacture of Paper and for the very great variety of Paper he has reduced to general use from articles not hitherto generally used for that purpose. Signed. MATHEW CAREY, President.
DESSALINES. Who was mentioned some time since as having been appointed Governor of Hayti for life, with the power of nominating his successor, is consolidating if not perpetuating his power. He has at length assumed the imperial purple. He was proclaimed Emperor on the 18th of September with probably more general acclamation than took place in Paris at the time when his great prototype was elevated to the same high dignity. Capt. Sealy informs that the rejoicings and illuminations at the Cape continued for three successive days.
If the people of St. Domingo are to be governed by a written constitution, we presume it will be modelled after that of the French, with such deviations as local circumstances may render necessary; and that the companions of Dessalines will be created titular dignitaries of Empire, Marshals, Constables, Arch Chancellors, and members of the Legion of Honor!
The consequences of this event may be, the termination of hostilities between the two governments of their majesties Napoleon & Dessalines since all reasonable ground for continuing the war may be considered as removed, the latter having merely followed closely the example which had been set him by the former, & no doubt conceives that he holds his power by a tenure at least as honorable and equally just.
We know not when it is intended to celebrate the coronation of the Emperor. If we may judge from the preparations which are making, it will be in a style of unusual splendor; and, as so long a journey would be too fatiguing for the Pope, it is not unreasonable to suppose his majesty will create a cardinal out of some of his own relations, that the august ceremony may correspond in all respects with that of his "dearly beloved cousin" — Mer. Adv.
MARRIED.—Mr. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, of this city, to Miss ELIZABETH LADD, of Charles City.
DIED, at New Orleans on the 23th of August, DORE BROWSE TRIST, Collector of the Port.
On the 23d inst. at Woodville, near Winchester, in the 65th year of his age, ALEXANDER WHITE, Esq. In the death of this great and good man, not only his family and those intimately acquainted with him, but the community at large have sustained a heavy loss.
James River Company. NOTICE.—The LOCKS near Westham are OPEN for the passage of Boats. ROBERT FOLLARD. Richmond, Oct. 16, 1804.
THE SUBSCRIBERS have commenced business in the house lately occupied by James Fisher, under the firm of FISHER & LESURUR. They offer for sale, a general assortment of GROCERIES, On the usual terms.
JAMES FISHER. JOHN L. LESURUR. Richmond, Oct. 24th, 1804.
James Fisher hopes those persons indebted to him will make payment as soon as possible, as the nature of his business will not admit of further indulgence.
By virtue of a decree of the Court of the United States for the fifth Circuit in the Virginia district, bearing date the 6th day of June, 1804, in behalf of Plumeas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards against David Ross and others, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland courthouse, on the 29th day of November next.
A Tract of Land, In said county, on Beverston creek, containing fifteen hundred acres more or less, including the land whereon the courthouse is situated, bounded by the lands of Samuel Woodson and others, and commonly called Ross's Goodland Courthouse Tract, or so much thereof as may be sufficient to raise the sum of ten thousand dollars, and the expenses attending the sale. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for Jos SCOTT, M. V. D. October 15th, 1804 id3
WILLIAM MCAY, Watch Maker, Richmond, Respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has received by the late arrivals from Europe, a large and general assortment of Gold and Silver WATCHES, a large quantity of fashionable STEEL, AGES and CHAINS, which he will dispose of low for cash. He has also on hand, a few good CLOCKS. N. B. Clocks and Watches repaired as usual. Richmond, Oct. 15th, 1804. dw
NOTICE.
SOME months ago, I gave my bond with security, to Mr. Cornelius Buck, as agent for James Garnett only surviving assignee of John Ellis a Bankrupt, and administrator of the said John Ellis, and William Nichols surviving partner of a mercantile house, under the firm of Nichols and Wilson—for £1028 18s. payable to the said Buck as agent, on the 10th day of November next, it being the consideration for two bills. Since that time an attachment has issued from the Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, prohibiting me from paying and Mr. Buck from receiving, any money on account of the said persons. This notice is therefore intended as a caution to people not to take an assignment of said bond, I may probably prevent a mistake on the part of Mr. Buck and others. JAS ROWLAND. October 8th, 1804. id3
FALL GOODS.
WILLIAM GALT, has received by the ship Susan & Polly from London and the ship Mary from Liverpool, an extensive assortment of Fall & Winter Goods, Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on his usual low terms, for Cash or Credit. Produce Richmond, Oct. 6, 1804. dw