The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-27 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JANUARY 27, 1809.
[No. 85.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RICHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
DOMESTIC.
AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW-ENGLAND. BY ALGERNON SIDNEY. (CONTINUED.)
People of New-England.
But I am prepared to answer the natural reply of the bigoted partisan. "It is not against these men that I level my denunciation.—It is against your President and his successor." Patience sir! You shall have an answer, and such an one, that if you regard truth, shall seal your lips in silence. If the strength of your prejudices will not allow you to acknowledge its sufficiency, the exercise of your discretion will induce you not to combat it. It shall not be a gaseous cascade of words, or sentences artfully combined to deceive your judgment by the sweetness of their cadence, or the smoothness of their periods. The subject does not require this, nor do these powers belong to me. I cannot adorn any subject with the flowers of oratory, nor dress it in the attire of literary eloquence. It shall be plain truth in a homespun dress—but none the worse for that.
I ask the opposition for the evidence of Mr. Jefferson's dislike to commerce. Is it found in his messages, in his Notes on Virginia, in his conduct as a foreign minister, as Secretary of State, as Vice-President, or President? No! In every instance where that subject has come before him, it is treated in a manner which bespeaks a high regard for its protection and prosperity, and deep science in the mystery.
It was he who opened the markets of France to our Fishermen.
It was he who laid the foundation, to extend our commerce up the Mediterranean.
It was he who nobly and ably maintained the modern law of nations—that free ships make free goods; and never yielded the point till, in the opinion of Washington, founded on the state of the nation, it had become necessary.
It was he who always maintained the rights of our seamen, & resisted the right of search and impressment, as injurious to our citizens, and derogatory to our flag.
It was he, who in his correspondence with the British and French ministers, vindicated our rights of commerce, in a manner which excited the admiration of Europe, and forced applause from his opponents.
It was he, who, with others on the 30th of April 1784, reported to Congress a resolution, requiring the states to enable Congress to the limit the transportation of American products to American bottoms for fifteen years.
It is he, who now maintains, as he ever has, that the interests of this nation require a navigation act, which shall limit the exportation of American products to American bottoms; and not as his enemies unjustly charge, to confine it to foreign bottoms. An act which the state of this nation, with some exceptions and provisions, imperiously demands.
It was he, who in 1793, with other distinguished republicans of the south, offered to two mercantile members from New England, to aid, with all their influence, the passage of such navigation act. This fact is now susceptible of proof.
It was he, on whom, by the activity of Mr. Goodhue of Massachusetts, was devolved the duty of making a general report on our commerce, and suggesting the mode by which it could be secured and increased. An activity founded on the belief, that his views were more liberal and less tinctured with preferences than those of another secretary.
It was he, who reported to Congress, on this subject; on the 16th day of December, 1793. This report furnishes of itself, conclusive proof of his regard for commerce, and of his opinion, that the highest interests of this nation require that it should be maintained, cherished and protected.
In it he says, "our commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it to favor in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient subjects of revenue: and we take in exchange, either manufactures, when they have received the last finish of art and industry, or mere luxuries." "Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange for restrictions or vexations: nor are they likely to produce a relaxation of them."
"Our navigation involves all higher considerations. As a branch of industry it is valuable: but as a resource of defence, ESSENTIAL."
"Its value as a branch of industry is enhanced by the dependence of so many branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exposed in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war freight, and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands."
"But it is as a resource for defence, that our navigation will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the U. States, leave them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their sea-board, they are open to injury, and they have there too, a commerce which must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen seamen, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship-building."
"If particular nations grasp at undue shares of commerce, and more especially, if they seize on the means of the United States, to carry on their commerce, it will be our strength, and will draw them entirely from
the support of those to whom they belong, defensive and protecting measures become necessary on the part of the nation whose maritime resources are thus invaded, or it will be disarmed of its defence: its productions will lie at the mercy of the nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced by those who command its commerce.—The carriage of our own commodities, if once established in another channel, cannot be resumed the moment we may desire. If we lose the seamen and artists whom it now occupies, we lose the present means of marine defence, and time will be requisite to raise up others, when disgrace or losses shall bring home to our feelings the error of having abandoned them. The materials for maintaining our due share of navigation, are ours in abundance." (Pages 15, 16, 17.)
He then proceeds to recommend discriminating duties, and a navigation act which shall secure to our citizens, against each nation, the same rights of navigation as each nation secures to her subjects; and speaking of the restrictions of Great Britain on our commerce, he says, they have effected a loss "to us of near forty thousand tons of shipping." "This involves a proportionate loss of seamen, ship-wrights, and shipbuilding, and is too serious a loss to admit forbearance of some effectual remedy."
Once more— It was he, who, as will be proved before this address is closed, has been more liberal in his expenditure in aid of commerce than any other executive.
I have purposely avoided referring to those interesting and enlightened discussions which of late have taken place, in vindication of our commercial rights; because they must be in the recollection of all. The same reason renders it unnecessary for me to press upon your consideration this fact, that it is the injury to our foreign commerce, which at this moment excite principally the feelings of this nation, and that the determination to aid it, produces in a degree her present sufferings. Though it ought to be remarked, that while every act of the government evidences a determination to support this important interest, at least it is doubtful whether the mercantile section is right in claiming to direct the mode.
It only remains for me to show, that every act of Mr. Madison, the President elect, tends to prove in him a devotion to the reasonable support of the commercial interest.
On a critical examination of the proceedings of our government, from its commencement to the present day, truth enables me to aver, that instead of an aversion to, his every action has shown an uncommon regard for it; and that the efforts of no one of its champions have exceeded his, or evidenced a warmer disposition in its favor.
I will trace him from the time he entered the Virginia convention.
In that he remarked, June 11th, 1788; "We should not be surprised in a short time to consider ourselves as a neutral nation—France on the one side, and Great Britain on the other. What is the situation of America? She is remote from Europe, and ought not to engage in her politics or wars. The American vessels, if they can do it with advantage, may carry on the commerce of the contending nations. It is a source of wealth which we ought not to deny to our citizens. If it be known that our government can command the whole resources of the nation, we shall be suffered to enjoy the great advantages of carrying on the commerce of the nations at war; for none of them would be willing to add us to the number of their enemies." (Deb. in Va. Con. 161 & 162)
Again, June 13th, 1788. "If interest sir, should continue to operate on them, (the eastern states) I humbly conceive, that they will derive more advantage from holding the Mississippi, than even the southern states. For if the carrying business be their natural province, how can it be so much extended & advanced, as by giving the encouragement to agriculture, in the western country, and having the emolument of carrying their produce to market? The carrying trade must depend on agriculture for its support, in a great measure. In what place is agriculture so capable of improvement and great extension, as in the western country?" (page 246)
We next find him a member of the first Congress. On the eighth of April, 1789, he moved the discriminating duties in favor of American tonnage and commerce. (Deb. in Con. vol. 1. p. 15.)
On the 9th of the same month, he remarked, "the states that are most advanced in population, and ripe for manufactures, ought to have their particular interest attended to in some degree; while these states restrained the power of making regulations of trade, they had the power to cherish and protect such institutions—by adopting the present constitution, they have thrown the exercise of this power into other hands—they must have done this with an expectation that those interests would not be neglected here." (Page 24) The New-England states are not mentioned, but here is a clear reference to their rights and interests.
Page 26.—"If America was to leave her ports perfectly free, and make no discrimination between vessels owned by her citizens and those owned by foreigners, while other nations make this discrimination, it is obvious that such policy would go to exclude American shipping altogether from foreign ports, and she would be materially affected in one of her most important interests: to this we may add another consideration, that by encouraging the means of transporting our productions with facility, we encourage the raising them; and this object, I apprehend, is likely to be kept in view by the general government."
April 13th, page 71.—He expressed an opinion against a duty on hemp and cordage, because it might discourage navigation, "an object worthy of legislative attention." These ideas were embraced. (Page 79)
He says, pages 116 and 117. "I am a friend to commerce, and at the same time a friend to such regulations as are calculated to promote our own interest on national principles."
"Trade then being restrained to an artificial channel, is not so advantageous to America as a direct intercourse would be; it becomes therefore the duty of those, to whose care the public interest and wel-
fare are committed, to turn the tide to a more favorable direction."
Speaking of the discriminating duties, pages 183 and 184, he says, "this, sir, I consider a sacrifice of interest to policy, the sacrifice is but small, but I should not contend for it, if we did (not) stand in need of maritime improvements: was it not for the necessity we are under of having some commercial strength, I should be an advocate for throwing wide open the doors of our commerce to all the world, and making no kind of discrimination in favor of our own citizens. But we have maritime dangers to guard against, and we can be secured from them in no other way, than by having a navy and seamen of our own, these can only be obtained by giving a preference."
Again, page 210.—"At present it (the transportation of our products) is almost exclusively in the hands of British merchants, and as long as their vessels are upon an equality with ours, they will naturally be inclined to give a preference to their own; but I hope soon to see this matter rectified, and the citizens of one state enabled to assist those of another, and receive mutual benefits and advantages."
He aided in the passage of the bill to encourage our fisheries. February 9, 1792.
On the 30th of January, 1794, he moved a number of resolutions, among others, one to increase the duties on the manufactures and trade of the nations who harassed our commerce—another to increase the duty on their foreign tonnage; & the last was in these words,
"Resolved, That provision ought to be made for liquidating and ascertaining the losses sustained by citizens of the U. States, from the operation of particular regulations of any country contravening the law of nations, and that such losses be reimbursed in the first instance out of the additional duties on the manufactures, productions and vessels of the nation establishing such unlawful regulations." In his speech he remarked, "the nation is bound by the most sacred obligation, he conceived, to protect the rights of its citizens against the violation of them from any quarter; or if they cannot protect, they are bound to defray the damage." "We are bound to obtain reparation for the injustice, or compensate the damage."
January 14.—Again he maintained, that the necessity of attending to the commercial interest was acknowledged as early as our existence as a nation, and that our existing establishment arose from experience, and it had been the firm belief of the people, that such regulations would be made; and that "if we choose to adopt the principle of excluding other nations from our foreign trade, in order to increase our maritime strength, the nation might secure the carriage of our exports, leaving to other nations the carriage of theirs."
Finally debating on Jay's treaty, April 9, 1796, he expressed himself as follows:—"When government came into operation, it is well known that the American tonnage employed in the British trade, bore the most inconsiderable proportion to the British tonnage—our laws have made several regulations in favor of our own shipping, among which was the important encouragement, resulting from the difference of ten per cent. in the duties paid by the American and foreign vessels. Under this encouragement, the American tonnage has increased to a very respectable proportion to the British tonnage. If a nation choose, they may prohibit all trade between a colony and a foreign country, as they may between any other part of their dominions and a foreign country. But if they permit such trade at all, it must be free to vessels on both sides, as well in the case of the colonies, as of any other parts of their dominions."
Soon after this he retired from Congress, and had no further opportunity to express his opinions on this interesting subject until he became Secretary of State. In which character he has proved himself deeply skilled in its principle, and firm in the determination to support its rights. While he is charged with seeking its ruin, it will not be forgotten, that he alone of all its advocates, after a most laborious research, has submitted to his country and the world, its vindication, a lucid development of its rights, and a conclusive refutation of the claims of the belligerents.
I might here close the vindication of the administration, and the republican party; but the times are critical, and it is a duty to remove every plausible pretext of the opposition; to place the efforts of the republicans on that high ground to which they are entitled, and which they are certain to occupy, when the passions of the moment have subsided.
I have admitted that the commercial interests are entitled to protection, and I go further and say, it is a sacred duty to yield them every reasonable support.
The questions then are, 1st. What is a reasonable support? 2d. Has it been extended to them? This admission precludes the idea of their being entitled to pre-eminent consideration. They constitute about one sixth part of our free population, including the various classes of citizens who are necessarily attached to, and dependant on them for their subsistence. They add much to our wealth, industry, energy and information; but they do not increase our virtue, or our unity of sentiment, and they are injurious to the increase of our natural population.
It is impossible to prescribe any precise rule by which to ascertain the portion of governmental attention to which they have a just claim. It therefore only remains to give a view of the aids and advantages they have derived from government.
They have been fostered and aided by the following measures:
 1st. An indirect bounty on the fisheries.  2d. A discriminating duty of ten per cent. in favor of their tonnage.  3d. A drawback of the duties allowed on the exportation of imported merchandise.  4th. Preventing, either by force or tribute, the Barbary powers from annoying our commerce.  5th. Procurring redress for unjust captures, seizures and condemnations.  6th. The extension of our commerce to countries not in our control, either by com- 
mercial treaties or by gaining a dominion of the country.
On all these points, the republicans have rendered as much service to the commercial interests as the federalists; and the merchants are indebted to them for the discriminating duties, and for the whole commerce of the Mississippi. And—
7thly. The expenses of foreign ministers, agents, consuls, &c. &c. the navy establishment, relief to seamen, light-houses, &c. &c.
This class of the aids, and assistance afforded our merchants shall receive a full development.
By a critical examination of the laws of the United States it will appear (as I have found) that exclusive of three or four acts of appropriation, passed to defray the expense of calling out the militia, that were not touched, as the militia were not called into service, there have been appropriated for the civil list, the payment of pensions, the fortifications of ports and harbors, the commercial interest, and the war and navy departments, the sum of sixty-nine millions four hundred and sixty thousand six hundred and eighty one dollars & eighty three cents, under the administrations of Washington, Adams and Jefferson. Of this sum, there have been paid for the navy department, the navy, naval armaments, light-houses, beacons, buoys, &c. foreign intercourse, commissioners to liquidate commercial claims, commercial agents, relief of seamen, and as tribute, and to humble the pirates of Africa—all of which expenditures, except four questions of foreign intercourse, which related to territorial concerns, were for the relief and benefit of commerce, the sum of twenty-eight millions forty-four thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven dollars and ninety-nine cents. Leaving the sum of forty-one millions four hundred and fifteen thousand nine hundred and three dollars and eighty-four cents, for all the other expenses of government, except some small sums for Indian treaties, and occasional grants for former claims, the payment of the interest and principal of the national debt, and the purchase of Louisiana.
Is there a reasonable man who will say that this expenditure of more than twenty-eight millions of dollars, for the support of a class in society, embracing not more than one-sixth of our free population, does not evince a liberal attention to the commercial interest?
But government have not stopped here. There have been expended out of the forty-one millions four hundred and fifteen thousand nine hundred and three dollars and eighty-four cents, two millions one hundred and eighty-three thousand six hundred and forty-four dollars, to fortify our ports and harbors. These fortifications were never designed to prevent the entering of an army into our territories—their only use is to prevent a fleet from appearing before our commercial towns, and laying our merchants under contribution. This sum ought therefore to be added to the expenditure in favor of the commercial interest, and it increases the charge against that interest to thirty millions two hundred and twenty-eight thousand four hundred and thirty-one dollars and ninety-nine cents, and reduces the general expenditure to thirty-nine millions two hundred and forty-nine dollars and eighty-four cents. Here another consideration presses upon the mind. The commercial interest, in common with all the other interests in society, has in all cases received an equal, and in some a superior advantage from the general expenditure; while the other interests have received no direct benefit from the expenditure in favor of that interest; though they have doubtless derived many and great advantages from the prosperity of our commerce. It is just then to add to the direct expenditure, in aid of the commercial interest, one-sixth of the general expenditure.—The result is, there have been expended for the commercial interest, which comprises one-sixth of our free population, thirty-six millions seven hundred and sixty-seven thousand one hundred and forty dollars & twenty-nine cents, and for the residue, being five-sixths of the nation, thirty-two millions six hundred and thirty-nine thousand five hundred and forty-one dollars & fifty-four cents. Surely the people of New-England will not require higher evidence of the attention of government to their interest?
There are those who will be astonished at this view, among whom many may be found inclining to the belief that government has bestowed an undue proportion of its attention and revenue on commerce. Of this number I am not one—the policy has been useful, liberal, and dignified, and in my opinion will be continued.
But the opposition tell us that commerce was fostered by Washington and Adams, and that it has been neglected and even strangled by the republican administration.
It is possible that their passions in this, as in most other cases, may have led them into error. It is possible they might have been more useful to their country, if they had devoted more of their time to obtain a knowledge of national proceedings, and less in fulminating denunciations.
A comparison of the expenditures under each of the administrations, will conclusively settle this question. It will shew which of the administrations have bestowed most attention to this interest.
Pursuing the classification of the expenditures before mentioned, it will, on an examination of our laws, be found that during the administration of Washington there were expended in aid of commerce and naval equipments the sum of three millions five hundred and thirty eight thousand one hundred and thirteen dollars and twelve cents, and under the head denominated general expenditure, twelve millions seventy-seven thousand nine hundred and forty six dollars and eighty two cents.—In Mr. Adams's administration, for navy and commerce nine millions eighty one thousand seven hundred and twenty five dollars and eighty two cents, for general expenditure twelve millions two hundred and eight thousand three hundred and fifteen dollars and forty six cents.—While under Mr. Jefferson's administration there have been expended for navy and com-
merce fifty millions four hundred & twenty four thousand nine hundred and thirty nine dollars and five cents, and for general expenditure seventeen millions one hundred and twenty nine thousand six hundred and forty one dollars and forty six cents.
It results from this investigation, and the opposition are invited to point to an error of importance, that out of every thousand dollars of public expenditure, there were paid out for navy and commerce, under the administration
Of Mr. Washington, - - - $ 225 Of Mr. Adams, - - - - 426 Of Mr. Jefferson, - - - - 473
To this may be added that of the two millions one hundred and eighty three thousand six hundred and fifty four dollars, expended to fortify our ports and harbors, one million four hundred and fourteen thousand one hundred and twenty nine dollars, have been appropriated and expended under the Jefferson administration.
The attention to commerce in the Jefferson administration, has exceeded what was bestowed by the Adams, and more than doubled what it received in the Washington administration.
It may be objected that the gun-boat system is not in aid of the commercial interest. I answer, it commenced with the Mediterranean war, and was introduced to humble the Tripolitans. It has been increased for the double purpose of driving from our coasts and harbors those licenced privateers, who have been principally instrumental in harassing and plundering our commerce, and to protect our ports and harbors. But, if the appropriations which have been made for gun-boats since the attack on the Chesapeake, and an effort to fortify our ports and harbors, should be taken from the list of commercial, and added to the list of fortifying, or of general expenditure then under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, of every thousand dollars expended, four hundred and forty eight have been for the navy and commerce. Yet we are told that the republicans are hostile to commerce, and this hostility is so great, that rebellion by the commercial section, has become a virtue. We are invited to raise the standard of revolt; to demolish the only republic on earth, to imbue our hands in the blood of our brethren; and at the hazard of our own and our posterity's happiness, to destroy that administration which has contributed most to make us happy, and with it, the union. It has been my study to avoid giving cause of offence, and to place the subjects which have been discussed, in their true light. This proves not only what has been done, but what we have a right to expect; and much indeed shall I be disappointed, if the expectations have not been realised.
There are other views of state and of national politics which merit consideration; but at the moment, they might not be interesting, and they would swell this address to an inconvenient size.
I have reached my last point, and I approach it with all that fear and troubling that a subject so deeply interesting naturally inspires. The reflection that "this asylum of oppressed humanity" may be torn and rent asunder by civil conflict, chills my veins, and benumbs my faculties. When I recollect the threats of division and dismemberment which are loudly proclaimed, and reflect on the state of this nation and our geographical position, I am lost in amazement. When in my mind, I attempt to assign causes for effects so extraordinary, they appear to bear no proportion. What are the evils under which you labor? It is not that you suffer actual privations. It is not that the hard hand of necessity forces you to over-leap all the rules of national calculation, to obtain immediate sustenance.—It is only a temporary, necessary stagnation of prosperity, that injures you, with your brethren.
Will you for this destroy that liberty which, in an eminent degree, was derived from your efforts? It was you who invited the genius of liberty to come and dwell in this nation. It was you, who in her infancy, guarded her from danger, rocked her cradle, and nourished her with your blood.
I will not describe the horrors of a civil war, where brothers meet brothers in battle—where the father whets his sword to destroy his last hope, or the son dries the fountain of that life from which he derived his existence; nor attempt to picture those tragic events through which we must pass before this nation will be dismembered, or those wars which must afterwards ensue.—But I will describe, and justly too, the political efforts which will follow such dismemberment.
Beware how you trifle with your own, & the nation's happiness. Beware lest impassioned partisans lead you to crimes, and readily forsake you in the hour of suffering, and humiliation.
Your states, your corporations, and your citizens, own between eleven and twelve millions of the funded debt, about one fifth of the whole, and nearly half of what is owned in America; if you separate, this will be forever lost. You also own one half of all the stock in the national bank, which stands to the credit of the citizens of this nation—this too will be lost. You are now a member of a great nation, capable, when replete with population, of calling as many energies into exercise, as all Europe. If you separate, you will become a small nation, with a power to the north and north east, which in thirty years will be superior, and one to the west and south west, which now possesses three times your strength. You are now, as a member of the nation, proprietors of more fertile land, west of the Alleghany, than all New England, which will furnish farms for your posterity for a century if you will then have to furnish a foreign nation every forty years, with as much physical strength and active labor as you now possess. You now have nearly a whole continent to assist in defending your rights; you will then have to defend them for yourselves against a great part of that continent and all the rest of the world. You have now to bear only a small proportion of the expenses of a government; you will then have a civil government of your own to support, and as you are a commercial people, there will attach to you all the expenses of maritime defence and foreign relations. You now have

the trade of the whole nation secured to you—the products of the Atlantic states, & of the regions of the Mississippi and her tributary waters. A trade which will increase faster than your means to embrace it; which will stand unrivalled, and find no parallel in the scope of nature; you will then in your commerce be limited to a small sphere, with few resources, with few products to export, and be left to scramble in the commercial world for a mean and precarious existence. Do not pique yourselves with the belief, that under a separation you will be the carriers for North America. If you separate, a deadly hostility will exist between you and the other states, and so far as they may want foreign tonnage, which will not continue for many years, they will from motives of policy, give encouragement to those who are most remote, and you will be wholly excluded from their commerce. Do not believe that you can form a lasting connexion with England; she will soothe and caress you for the moment, but by her you will soon be deserted. It is your interests and your pursuits that excite her hatred, and not the flour and tobacco of the middle, nor the cotton, rice, and indigo, of the southern states; and the moment you are separated from them, she has every reason to become their friend, and even to purchase a right to their commerce, by granting them a free trade to, while they exclude you from, the West-Indies, and possibly by other concessions.
If a separation should unfortunately take place, the period cannot be remote when the other states will be in close friendship with England, and you will have to seek for commerce and friends on the continent of Europe. What have you to hope for there? A temporary advantage, growing out of their immediate want of tonnage, which will speedily be supplied, and from time to time your shipping will be excluded from their ports, by recurring to the colonial system.
Will you substitute advantages so precarious and uncertain for those which you possess—incalculable in their extent and interminable in their duration? We live in an age which will excite the wonder, if not the unbelief of future generations.—It is not by the sword alone that the disturbers of the world's repose, whether French or English, achieve their victories. In their train march civil strife, party, suspicion, jealousy, and hatred. These are their pioneers, and when they have made a safe lodgment in the devoted country, the main body of their troops advance—a battle is fought—and the nation ruined. ALGERNON SIDNEY.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, January 17. The engrossed bill for the relief of Edward Beemont, was read a third time and passed.
Mr. Scaver presented a petition from
inhabitants of the town of Franklin—and Mr. Green presented a petition from 212 inhabitants of the town of Barnstable, remonstrating against the mode in which the late election of President and Vice-President, of the U. S. was conducted.—Laid on the table.
he message of the President, having
Mr. Burwell moved, that 5000 copies of
the message and documents be printed.—He said, whilst up, he could not refrain from expressing his regret that the Executive had not taken a different course to counteract the effect of Mr. Canning's letter, than the one which he had chosen. It was impossible that any new evidence should have been wanting, to prove that our government had acted with justice and moderation. But it is so perfectly plain (said he) that we are waging a war of honor and candor against treachery and intrigue, that it is surprising that a stop has not been put to it. Why is it that our presses are teeming with treachery? A regular system is going on to overthrow the government. How is it that men high in the government say, that no formal offer was made to Great Britain to repeal our embargo on the revocation of her orders in council, when there are documents before us, proving directly the contrary? Yet sir, it was asserted by men high in office in this country, that our minister had acted only in his own individual capacity, long before this British minister's letter was published. But what does this singular letter amount to? Mr. Canning wishes to prove that the offer to repeal the embargo was made, in an unofficial manner, when there is a formal letter from himself in answer to the official note of Mr. Pinkney, making the proposition as from his government. Why did not Mr. Canning meet him? This letter of his is but a continuation of that infamous system of misleading the people of this country, so long persisted in. Recollect the speech of Mr. Canning on the floor of Parliament on the 24th day of June last. Sir, I am sorry to mention this subject here, but when I see the rights of my country insulted, and public sensibility worked upon as it has been, I cannot restrain my feelings. It is time to put a stop to this underhanded system. Can it be forgotten what were the sentiments of the people of America, when the famous Genet commenced his appeal from the President, who properly put a stop to it? Why does Canning contend that the orders in council were not known to us at the time that the embargo was laid? It is to meet the feelings of the country, and to support views taken in this nation. I hope that 5000 copies will be printed, and that this is the last time we shall be under the necessity of counteracting these insidious appeals to the people.
Mr. Nicholas observed, that the letters which had just been read furnished another evidence of the fidelity and ability of the public servants; and another signal to warn the people of this country of the danger which hangs over them, to shew that the British government is in a course of intrigue for the purpose of separating the people from their government. I want no other evidence of this (said he) than the letter of Mr. Canning , which has just been read. How did that letter get into the papers of the United States. It must have been sent here by the British government—for that purpose? It is an appeal by the government of Great-Britain to the people of America. On what ground is this appeal made? On the ground of justice, of truth, of sincerity. Neither, sir; it is for the purpose of deceiving the people of this country with the ma- ungen-
themself, and unmanly misrepresentations. God forbid, that I should believe the Great Britain, has many adherents in this country ; but that she has some, this business is to my mind full demonstration. How is this production received ? How is it ushered into the public view ? Have the printers who first gave it publicity shewn even a common impartiality between their own government, & that of a foreign nation ? Have they shewn a desire to hear what their government could say before they passed sentence of condemnation upon it ? No, sir ; they have taken the letter at first blush a complete evidence of the criminality of their own government. Can these men be Americans ? No, sir ; they are British partizans, pleading the cause of the British government against their own. Mr. N. said, he had before him a paper called the Boston Centinel, containing some comments on Mr. Canning's letter. [Mr. Nicholas here quoted some passages from these comments, stating this letter of Mr. C's, to be evidence of a partiality in the government of the United States to France, &c. &c.] This is an American print (said Mr. N.) and this letter is exultingly given to the American people, as tending to shew that their government has practised a deception upon them ! Mr. Troup said, he believed that the sub-
Mr. Lang said he believed that the publication of this letter was intended by the British government to influence the people; and in order that the whole truth might be widely disseminated, he moved that 10,000 copies be printed.
Mr. Gardener concurred most heartily in the motion for printing, and also in the proposition for the largest number of copies. Assuredly if there was a matter upon which it was important, that the people of the U. S. should be correctly informed, it was the subject which the message of this morning placed before the house. I for one (said he) cannot help regretting deeply, that the public confidence in the administration of the government should have been so shaken, by some cause or other, as that gentlemen of the first respectability and no common influence in this House, should be driven to the necessity of combatting on this floor the ebullitions of the Editor of a newspaper. Are these publications of newspapers the topics fit for discussion in the House of Representatives of the United States? Is it come to this, sir, that a Representative of the people, to protect his government from public odium, thinks it necessary to array the Representatives of the nation, against the humble editors of a newspaper? I feel humiliated that the affairs of this country should be brought into such a condition, that it should be necessary that the editor of a newspaper, for the first time, should be refuted by a member of this house in his place. I had thought that these ebullitions passed by the government, as an idle wind which I heeded not. But if the government is brought, either by its own weakness or the machinations of a foreign nation, to such a situation that it cannot stand a paragraph in a newspaper, it is brought to a low pass indeed. But the remarks of this editor have been introduced into the house. I do not wish at this time to go over the ground and admit or deny, the proposition which he conceives he has established. But I regret that this humble editor should have been made the subject of such severe remark, not only because I wish that he should have been unnoticed in this house, But because I confess that in the material matter of fact, I can see nothing of harm which this poor Editor has done. He has printed the letter of Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney; and it appears that he has published a
document which the administration had not thought proper to communicate, but which was genuine and true. From these facts, now established beyond controversy, this editor has undertaken, for the amusement and instruction of his readers, to make certain comments which appear to his mind proper. If the fact be as the editor has stated it, his comments are of no importance, especially at this moment, when newspapers on both sides have given themselves up to such misrepresentations. Whether his inferences be correctly drawn or not is matter for the people to decide. Those remarks are but reflections upon a document which on all hands is conceded to be matter of fact—and why should gentlemen be alarmed, if his inferences be absurd or ridiculous? If the integrity of the administration opposes that impenetrable shield to the shafts of its enemies which it always should do, whence this alarm? I am fearful that the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Nicholas) whose known prudence and good sense I cannot avoid respecting, saw something more in all this than the mere usual efforts of the editor of a newspaper; and in the same proportion as he attaches importance to them, will the people do the same. It is unfortunate for the administration that this course has been pursued; it will awaken remark and mischievous curiosity among the people. Probably if mention had not been made of it, it might have passed without notice; but now I fear that suspicions will be entertained which but for this mode might never have been excited by the editor of a newspaper. After all I must confess that I do not find a great deal of fault with this editor of a newspaper for the publication of a document, and his remarks are out of the question. The people of the U. S. cannot know too much. However the administration may have thought it of little importance to communicate the documents heretofore, yet it can do no harm to the good sense of the people to read all that has passed. I see no danger in it; and whether it comes from the cabinet of G. Britain or from our own, I have that confidence in the people of the U. States that I am willing to trust them with it. If circumstances throw no blame on the administration, they need not fear it. I am for publishing the whole because I am desirous that the people should know every thing, and shall always be thankful that a necessity (for whatever reason) does exist for informing them. And if I have cause of regret on this subject, it is not from the same source as that expressed by the gentleman from Virginia. My regret is that this communication should not have been made before this time, and that the necessity of making these documents public should in this manner have been brought about—As a representative of the American people I feel humbled by this; and whatever importance may be attached to it, am sorry that the administration has not heretofore seen the necessity of laying before the public every thing relating to their proposition to repeal the embargo; for the whole argument in favor of the continuation of the embargo has turned very much on the rejection by the British government of our candid offer.—It is of importance that the people should be apprised of every thing connected with that matter, because it is the pivot on which the embargo has turned; and I regret exceedingly that the President of the U. States should not have seen the importance of ma-
king these documents public hitherto—that he should have seen it only when one of the letters was published. If I understand the message of No day, the reason why this communication is made, is, that Mr. Canning's letter is calculated to make an impression unfavorable to the character of the government, and the answer is necessary to set them right. It would have been a much better reason for communicating it heretofore, that the people ought to be fully informed. I know not whether the strongest sensation of regret which I feel is, that it has not before been made public by the administration, or that this House should be made the organ of communication, for the purpose of preserving to it the confidence of the people. Let gentlemen remember that as long as the liberty of the press exists, it will be licentious; that as long as the republic exists, there will be parties, those in power and those out . It is to be expected that they will assail each other frequently, ungenerously and with much calumny; and administrations may again fall as they have fallen. It is one of the evils attending the invaluable liberty of the press. If the printers publish untruth, I have no objection to punish them, but I do not like these denunciations of a printer who will laugh at them. He does not care; he will acquire new vigor and those who participate in his sentiments will like him much better for the publicity given to his name.
Mr. LOVE said, as he presumed from his observations that the gentleman from New-York was no in the House when the message was read, he rose to state that the answer of Mr Pinkney was not in the possession of the government when the formal correspondence on the subject was published. Whether or not it was correct to notice newspaper effusions on the floor, it was certainly quite as correct for one gentleman to comment upon them as for another to rise in their defence. The statement which he had seen in the newspapers was not correct, and could only be intended for deception and to mislead the people at this critical moment.
conscientiousness of newspaper editors, he was against any law for curbing them. Let them run their whole length, said he; I only ask the liberty of buying such of their papers as I like. As long as the press is free, newspapers will make their own comments; and a great many will make those which I do not approve; but it is really to be regretted that I do not know a paper in the United States that takes up both sides. I wish there was such a one. On the subject of this message, to be serious, it strikes me in a different point of view from that in which it has appeared to any other gentleman. Compare the fact of the extraordinary mode of publication of Mr. Canning's letter in New York, (some say first in Boston) with several late transactions, as, the invitations to our citizens to violate our laws, the vessels on our coast, forcing a trade, &c. and I consider them in no other light than as appeals to the people of this country by the British ministry. Instead of alienating the affections of this people from their government, it will more strongly attach them to it. That G. Britain should address this runaway proclamation to our people, is not surprising. We are a people made up of emigrants and descendants from different nations, and there are some men amongst us who are not as virtuous as a Cato or Aristides. This circumstance will induce European governments always to make attempts of this sort. Mr. Canning's letter has struck me in a curious point of view, compared with the documents heretofore communicated. At one time he wants conversations and at another time written communications. The letter read to-day completely satisfies my mind on this subject. At the very time that this letter of the British minister is published at Boston, a public armed ship appears on the coast of Georgia, cruising after cotton. Sir, nothing can be stronger evidence to me of the efficiency of the measures which this nation has taken in relation to Europe, than a fair examination of the conduct of Great Britain towards us since. Why the proclamation encouraging evasions of our laws? Why these publications? Why the ship or ships on the coast of Georgia, sir? Facts speak stronger than words, the efficacy of our measures. Can it be possible that a proclamation inviting the violations of our laws, would be issued, that armed ships would be sent on smuggling expeditions on our coast by any civilized nation which did not feel our measures? The worst government that ever existed, as well as the worst man that ever existed, is desirous of maintaining a good character with the world. This proclamation was not issued whilst we had any thing left afloat. When they cannot plunder you, they will harbor your runaways. That is the plain English of it, sir. On the subject of the embargo, as it has become fashionable, I will state my impressions of circumstances as they existed at the time of its passage.—As well as I recollect, there were reports in circulation, that the British orders in council had issued. I cared not for it. I was satisfied that they would be if they were not issued, and under that impression I voted for the embargo. I am glad, sir, that we had sagacity sufficient to be so quick upon their heels that they caught no plunder by their orders. I must here say, because it is my opinion, that the administration have not acted in respect to the embargo, as they should have done, because they offered that to Great Britain, which they did not offer to France. Instead of partiality to France, sir, the documents prove that they have displayed a partiality to Great Britain. I would have offered the same to both, although G. Britain is our greatest tormentor, because she has a navy, whilst the other has not.—The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gardener) seems to think that it is necessary to publish these documents in order to strengthen the administration. I much doubt, sir, (and it is well known that on a difference of opinion with the administration I have come out and opposed them with as much zeal as any man in this House) if you ever have another administration in these times of confusion, which will go out as popular as this. Every new administration will naturally carry with it some men who are willing to sing loud Hozannas to the powers that be, to pay their devotions to the rising sun. This will always happen; but no administration go-
Sir, I care not with what view these documents were sent to us—I am glad they are come. But I believe that the gentleman from New York is mistaken in one statement he made—that this was the first time that a newspaper had ever been commented on in the House of Representatives. I have seen a paper called the Aurora repeatedly brought into this House and commented on to prove the necessity of passing a sedition law. Perhaps there are some gentlemen in this House who may recollect it.
 ardenier said that this was before his time.] With the gentleman from New York, sir, I am willing to trust the people; and I believe truth wants but half-fanney to prevail, for I have seen her prevail when she could not speak—when she had a padlock on her mouth. Truth will prevail, and it is the interest of every administration that acts honestly to publish a l. I should wish to see the administration of this government lay aside the practice of giving a little at a time, and come out at once and say, I wish to do this; and then, if we will not consent to do it, there is an end of it. With respect to our government playing cunning against any other government, it is idle; it can never do good whilst they have untold millions of secret service money against our single cent. I should therefore wish that foreign nations had no ministers here, nor we any there. Instead of giving ministers 9,000 dollars to go there, I would rather give them 50,000 to come home. I wish the whole proceedings of our administration to be at the door of every man in the nation; that every man should have a copy for himself, for his wife, for each of his children, and indeed for all his household. Had this been done heretofore, the present crisis would have been nothing like what it is—They would there have seen truth, and facts precisely as they exist, neither curtailed or exaggerated by this or that party paper.  Mr. Bacon said, that he rose merely to correct an error of statement into which the Gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) had fallen, as to the source from which the first publication of the exparte letter of the British minister had originated. The gentleman had attributed it to a New York paper. This Mr. B. believed was incorrect. Being desirous, if either honor or censure could be attached to any American press, from the circumstance of its being considered as the official organ of a foreign government, that it should lie at the right door, he thought it proper to state, that the first appearance of that letter was, as he understood, in a paper called “The New-England Palladium” printed in Boston.—There was one other fact which he mentioned with some regret, it was this; that by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, assuredly without any improper intention, the printers of this paper had been by the legislature of Massachusetts in the course of the present year, designated as the printers of their public acts, and their paper was a sort of state Gazette. On this unlucky coincidence, it would be as painful to him, as it might be indecorous to indulge in any comments. From the known patriotism of that honorable legislature, however there could be no doubt that if they should perceive any sort of incorrectness in the conduct of their subordinate agents, if it should strike them as an incongruity, that their servant should appear to be acting in a double capacity; they would so manifest their cense on the subject as should best accord with their views of propriety, and their feelings of national honor. 
Mr Fisk thanked the gentleman from N. York for his compliment to the people of New England on their “mischievous curiosity.” The gentleman seems to suppose (said Mr. Fisk) that it would have been more proper for the President of the U. S. to have communicated these documents for the purpose of giving a correct view of our affairs, than for any other reason. I would ask the gentleman to point out what different view the present letter of Mr. Canning, published first at Boston, has given, from the documents which have heretofore been published? Certainly none, sir. The only inference to be drawn from it, is the incincerity or intrigue of the British government; for if the fact was, that Mr. Canning did not accept the offer of Mr. Pinkney, because it appeared to be unauthorised, how happened it that Mr. Canning forgot to state it in his official letter, instead of those reasons which he has given for the rejection of the proposal? The gentleman regrets that newspapers or their editors should be noticed here. It is not from a disposition to give them importance beyond their merits, but we discover something from their publications, and it is for that that they are noticed; to shew, that there is an intrigue carrying on in this country; that the British government is endeavoring, to divide the people, to separate them from their government, through the means of the press. In the course of this session, sir, many insinuations against our own government have been thrown out on this floor. My colleague (Mr. E.) made one the other night in the course of a long speech, which I cannot now notice. [Mr. Gardenier called Mr. F. to order, for alluding to an argument which the gentleman (Mr. Elliot) was prevented from making by a decision of the Speaker that it was out of order.]—Mr. Fisk said he alluded not to what his colleague had meant to say, but to what he did say. Mr. F. said he had merely risen to ask, if the gentleman from N. York considered his insinuations to be true, that he would shew to the House how or wherein they were true. He hoped the documents would be printed, and sincerely joined with the Gentleman from North Carolina, in wishing an universal diffusion of information.
Mr. Taylor observed, that although not opposed to printing a considerable number of the documents sent to the House, yet in themselves he did not give them that importance which some gentlemen were pleased to give them; and he confessed that when a gentleman had handed him a paper containing the famous letter of Mr. Canning, he had concluded from the paper itself, and the pitiful and pimping manner in which it was ushered into view, that it was a forgery. What is it? said Mr. Taylor; a relation of conversations on particular topics, in which the writer himself assisted—not with a view it seems of bringing them to an issue by conversation, for he required that these conversations should be considered as nothing, by demanding that his propositions should be made in writing. They were brought forward in writing by our minister; the authority of his government for them was vouched to the British minister; and of that proposition a rejection in the most insulting terms was returned by Mr. Canning to our minister. And now, sir, the public mind here is to be misled by a relation of a conversation which took place at several meetings by this very polite gentleman, who has been convicted, by a whole nation, of falsehood, by asserting in June that no remonstrance had been made by this government against the orders in council.—The fact is that the orders in council will not bear examination. For the honor of the House I assert it, no gentleman has come forward on this floor and vindicated the orders in council; and yet the public mind, it is supposed, can be led from this great subject, in which the honor and independence of the nation is concerned; that the people are to be deceived by a tea-table talk of
that a man of his wit could have been concerned in so weak a project—he could not have been concerned in it. Since the effort has been made by some incendiary, let us pour upon this pitiful scintilla, this small spark of wickedness, the overwhelming torrent of conviction to the public mind which is contained in Mr. Pinkney's answer to that letter. But we read eternally in the newspapers of a partiality to France in this government. Why, sir, the circumstance of this letter being withheld from Congress by the administration is a proof of a disposition in the government not to put at hazard our present relations (precarious as they are) with Great Britain. The letter of Mr. Canning ought to have been, as it was, withheld till the answer was received—and why?—Because the broad calumny which is uttered against this nation in this cowardly manner, when the whole truth in Mr. Pinkney's letter comes out, is found to allude to newspapers, the very things we have been talking of. Taken unexplained, I ask whether it would not have set in flames the people of this nation? Read this clause:
"You gave me, on that account, the most satisfactory proof that such misrepresentation did not originate with you, by communicating to me that part of your dispatch, in which the conferences particularly referred to, were related correctly; but this very circumstance which establishes your personal claim to entire confidence, proves, at the same time, that a faithful report of a conference on your part is not a security against its misrepresentation."
As the thing stands unexplained, who are the persons supposed to be capable of making misrepresentations? The government, sir. The administration has had in this instance to suppress feelings in which, had the letter been published, all the honest part of the community would have participated till the explanation came. As this explanation has come, it does shew that the persons alluded to as capable of making misrepresentations are the Editors of news-papers. I do not, with the gentleman from New-York, regret the particular notice taken of the Editor of a news-paper on this subject, because the article alluded to bears a peculiar character. It does not proceed from the fumes of the cauldron or the paws of little devils, alluded to the other day (by Mr. Quincy.) No, sir, an arch fiend had a hand in it; whether on this or the other side the Atlantic I care not. It is an appeal to the people of this country, made in favor of the British government against our own.
Mr. Key said that he would give his hearty vote for printing the greatest number of copies proposed ; for he did conceive that the American people ought to have full information, and that the antidote should accompany the poison. I consider the late publication (said he) as the most direct and insidious attempt of a foreign government to take advantage of and influence the parties in this country, and that too by the most dishonorable means. The paper alluded to, could only have been in possession of our own administration or of the British government.—It came not from us ; it must have proceeded from the other—and from what view?—Had fair information been the object, the letter of Mr. Pinkney in reply would also have been made public, that one might have confronted with the other. If it proceeded from that quarter, the separation of the reply from the letter, is evincive of the attempt to impose on the people. I consider it an attempt to set the people at variance with their government, and an insolent attempt of a foreign nation to interfere in our affairs, in three points of view. 1st. Mr. Pinkney is expressly exonerated from the charge of misrepresentation ; but no man can understand it otherwise than as having allusion to the Executive of the country—an insinuation which there is no proof to support, and in support of which none can be adduced.—Whatever difference of political opinion may exist between us on some points, I respect the administration on the whole, and every honest man of every political opinion must side with me. 2dly. There is an insinuation that the President of the U. States had only permitted our minister at London individually , not formally , to make a proposition on the subject of the embargo. This is unfounded in fact, because the documents before the House prove to the contrary. 3dly. A question is raised whether actual knowledge of the orders in council of November was in possession of our government at the time of laying the embargo, which Mr. Pinkney has fully explained, that the American papers shewed that it was well known before the passage of the embargo, that such would probably be the measures adopted by the British government. It is upon the three questions that this letter is insidiously calculated to delude the American people. I think therefore as ample publicity should be given to the truth as may be. However we may differ as to internal regulations, I hope we shall feel as husband and wife, who, however they jar, will not suffer the interference of a third person. In case of such interference, I trust we shall always be ready to rally around the constituted authorities as protecting the true interests of the country.
Mr. Cook said that these documents shewed, that, instead of being more favorable to France than Great-Britain (as had been said for party purposes) our administration had been far less favorable to France than G. Britain and less favorable than they ought to have been. I shall never feel cordial (said he) in going to war with France, until we make to her the same liberal offer which we have made to Great Britain, and it shall be refused. The publication of this memorable letter of Mr. Canning's is but another attempt to mislead the people, and rob the Executive of their just confidence. The letter itself is of little consequence. It appears that the conduct of the President has been perfectly correct. It would have caused a false impression, had Mr. C's letter been published before Mr. Pinkney's answer was received. Mr. Canning, however, acting with less candor than the President of the U. States has thought fit to publish one without the other; and therefore I wish the reply to be circulated fully.
Mr. Lyon considered the documents of very little importance, conveying no new information ; but made some observations on the mode of printing them.
Mr. Strong said he was sorry to rise, because the patience of the House must be exhausted; but it was a duty incumbent on him to take the floor. This is not a new occasion (said he.) More than once in twenty years the same attempt has been made by foreign intrigue; and when the attempt has been made, there was scarcely a man in America but considered it insidious and disgraceful. Like the gentleman from New-York, it was before my time; but I gathered the feelings of the moment, and held sacred the same feelings as were avowed by the fa-

ther of his country. Whatever may be our political differences, it is incumbent on all of us to frown indignantly on any foreign government that should attempt to influence the people. This publication of garbled and mutilated documents, purporting to be real correspondence between one country and another, has been a mean used to lead the public mind into a state of distempered jealousy, and array the citizen against his country. It has been too long the case in Europe. Whenever the sword has been drawn, corruption has preceded it; and when I find the same means used to detach the people of this country from their government by similar attempts, I cannot repress my contempt at them. It is not any importance which I attach to Mr. Canning's letter that excites my indignation because the very letter, compared with its formal answer to Mr. Pinkney's note, is a complete answer to itself; for in the documents long ago published, we find an offer in the most formal manner by Mr. Pinkney to repeal the embargo as related to G. Britain on the suspension of the orders in council; and Mr. Canning in his formal reply has not even intimated the least suspicion that the offer was not the act of the American government. Mr. Pinkney with his usual candor, exhibited his own instructions to satisfy Mr. Canning not only that this offer was made by the authority of the government, but that it was made in the spirit of conciliation and sincerity. And by this letter a new feature is exhibited, for the purpose, almost avowed, of dissolving the union. I regret to see that our miserable little differences have induced foreign nations to tamper with us; that they have dared to believe that we are not intelligent enough to know our own rights. I regret that our divisions have been such as to induce a foreign nation thus to present a picture to the world of what she believed our real state. It is proved too truly that our own conduct has lessened us in the opinion of foreign nations, has induced them to believe that we are a divided people; it is proved too truly that they have thought the American nation either corrupted with luxury or overawed by the iron hand of despotism, and that they have not strength for a moment to sustain their political structure. The letter of Mr. Canning but for this would not have been published in the eastern part of this country to foment those divisions produced by the existing circumstances. Sir, I cannot but notice the honorable conduct of the gentleman from Md. (Mr. Key) who, though opposed in political opinion to the present administration, has shown himself to be a real friend to his country. If the same spirit which he has manifested, was exhibited throughout our country, instead of dissensions on this floor, that moment an attempt was made by a foreign nation to injure our rights, our differences on minor points would dissolve into air. It is not necessary for me to state because the gentleman from Md. has clearly shown, the reason of the publication of that letter. As one, I do know that it was understood that the orders in council were about to issue, but that, before I heard of the embargo, I had seen letters and newspapers which informed that these orders were signed in the cabinet though not published to the world. In respect to Mr. Canning's saying that the offer to repeal the embargo was not authorized, the dispatches laid on our table, at the commencement of the session, shewed to the contrary; and his own formal letter is a denial of the insinuation in the letter to day communicated. Why then was this letter published in this extraordinary manner? To add to the divisions and lessen the confidence of the people in their government, to enable Great Britain to take advantage of these divisions and resume her dominion over the northern states. With this view of the subject I cannot but conceive that this letter is but a part of a system which has for its object the degradation of our country. I trust we shall on this occasion unite; that we shall not allow any foreign minister to believe that he can publish ex parte statements of garbled extracts of official correspondence; that divided as we may be on other subjects, we are united in a determination to support our rights. Mr. Gardner said, by this time the editor of the Columbian Centinel must be pretty well mauled. The fact is (said he) as regards myself, that I have never read with attention the documents said to be official; and therefore unfortunately am not in a situation to determine whether in this respect our administration is to blame or not. I am one of those men who cannot comprehend all the details of such a negotiation at first glance. I do not believe that knowledge is to be obtained by so rapid a progress. Therefore, I shall not at present follow other gentlemen in their verdict of acquittal. I hope to be able to do it. A gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Fisk) appeared to be offended at my mischievous curiosity to the people of N. England. If the gentleman supposes that I mean any harm to the people of New England, he is mistaken. It is not necessary for me to take up any time of the House in expatiating on the respect which I have for the people of New England. New England was the cradle of American liberty. Sir; it was there the revolution commenced. From that same quarter I apprehend that the same spirit will again arise. A light appears first in the east which I hope soon to break forth in the most perfect day. The gentleman from Vermont, after this declaration I hope will not impute to me any disrespect to the people of New England. They will not submit either to the insolence or injustice of foreign nations, or to any other. Nature intended them for a great and happy people. The gentleman from Vermont has misunderstood me in one thing. I did not say that Mr. C's letter contained any view of the subject not heretofore given; and therefore have no occasion to answer his question. The question on printing the documents was then taken, and 5000 copies ordered to be printed.
EXTRA SESSION. The House were engaged the whole of this day in wrangling debating the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress. The motion pending when the House yesterday adjourned for striking out "the 4th Monday in May" negatived by a large majority. Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Bacon, G. W. Campbell, Rhea and Gaudier, supported the bill, and Messrs. Quincy, D. A. Williams and Macon opposed it. It was passed at near seven o'clock, by Yeas and Nays as follows:—Debate in our next.
SENATE, January 17. The resolution, offered yesterday, by Mr. Smith of Maryland, asking for information relative to appropriations under the act of 21 February 1806, was agreed to. The Senate then took up the message from the House of Representatives, stating their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate to the bill authorizing the appointment and employ-
ment of an additional number of officers, seamen and marines, and resolved to insist upon them.—Yeas 23, Nays 7. asked a conference, and appointed Messrs. Bradley, Cates, and Hillhouse, managers on their part.
Nothing of importance done. January 19. Mr. Leib a Senator from Pennsylvania appeared and took his seat. Mr. Giles from the committee to whom was referred, on the 6th inst. the message of the President of the United States, on the subject of fortifications, reported, in part, a bill making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the United States, and to defray the expenses of despatching and extending to the river Mississippi the Canal of Carondelet. January 20. Mr. Tiffin, according to leave, brought in a bill to extend the time for making payment for the public lands in the U. S. The bill from the House of Representatives, for the relief of sick, disabled and distressed seamen, was taken up. On motion of Mr. Hillhouse, that part of the bill, that provides for refunding to the U. S. States, the sum appropriated, was struck out.—Yeas 20—Nays 11. On motion of Mr. Pope, the word "distressed," was struck out.—Yeas 18—Nays 14.—So amended, the relief extended, is limited to sick and disabled seamen. After further consideration, the bill was postponed till Monday.
New-York, Jan. 18. Antonio, from Cadiz, informs us, that 2 days before he sailed, intelligence was received, stating, that the Spaniards had evacuated Bilboa.—No news of any recent battle having taken place, had reached Cadiz on the 18th of November.— Mercury .
It appears, by the advertisements in this day's Gazette , that our Collector has made a selection of vessels for France and England. The ship Pacific , goes to Falmouth, and the Mentor , for L'Orient—both vessels are built in this city by A. and N. Brown. There is peace in the first choice, and wisdom in the second. May these results grow out of this last, "experiment."— New-York Gazette .
Boston, Jan. 14. A gentleman just arrived from Canada, informs, that between Montreal and Middlebury, in Vermont, he counted 700 sleighs going to and returning from that Province. Those going were loaded with provision, potatoes, &c. We hope those returning were bringing back a part of the Five Millions of dollars, which have found their way out of the U. S. since our wretched Embargo system was adopted.
New Orleans, Dec. 27. His excellency Governor Claiborne, has been appointed Governor of this territory, for the ensuing three years. John Thompson, Esq. of Opelousas, is appointed third judge of the Superior Court of this territory. By a gentleman from Baton Rouge, (W. Florida) we learn, that previous to his leaving that place, Governor Grand Pre, with several military officers, had been arrested by order of the Governor General of Havana, on suspicion of entertaining an undue partiality for the French.— Nat. Chronicle .
Hagers-Town, Jan. 13. Passed through this town this morning, on their way to the city of Washington, Black Hook, Chief of the Shawanese and his son, Francis Blackhook, interpreter, who saved Charles Johnston, of Richmond, from the stake, when a prisoner, among the Indians, and Mr. A. Mestroug, interpreter to Wyandots, on a friendly visit to the president of the U. S.
"WAR IN THE WIGWAM!" Some conspicuous characters, among whom is the famous Mr. Otis , of Boston, have seceded from the Banque Fointe . They were probably too honest to become traitors, or too faithful to rebel against the government.— Balt. Whig .
SAMUEL WHITE is re-elected Senator of the U. S. for the state of Delaware for six years ensuing the 3d of March next.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JANUARY 27, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA. One of your immediate constituents begs leave to address you—His claim to exercise this right, flows from the deep interest he feels in the result of your labors: an interest only equalled by the respect he feels for you; the virtuous representatives of the people. He addresses you on a subject, perhaps more important than any other, except our relations of peace and war; the most important of any which claims, or can receive your consideration. He addresses you on the subject of the judiciary; or rather, upon the important subject of the administration of justice. His lights on this subject and his leisure, are far inferior to yours—but possibly he may chance to suggest some solitary idea, which may not be wholly unworthy of your attention. Your predecessors, in the last legislature, passed an act, to establish circuit courts in each county of the commonwealth. While the district court system was progressing, to the great satisfaction and advantage of the country; while two respectable judges, aided by a well trained and enlightened bar, and by skilful clerks, were dispensing justice at, perhaps, twenty different stations in the commonwealth, and no indisposition was shown by the legislature to create other districts, or vary the places of holding the courts to suit the convenience of the people; while, whatever may be said of other courts, no complaints were made, in relation to the progress made by these; while no solitary petition was presented by any portion of the people, praying a change in this respect—the measure in question was passed into a law by the legislature. It was adopted at the instance of a young member, and bot-tomed upon the example of the state of N. Carolina ; a state, as far in the rear of Virginia, on the subject of the organization of her courts, as on that of legislation in general. It is not surprising that this change, though not moving from the people, should become, or at least appear to be popular. The main principle on which it is founded, namely, that the few should administer to the convenience of the many, is very imposing. The saving of expense too, which it purports to effectuate, is calculated to take with the people: they have not as yet considered, that while the savings, in other respects, are uncertain and perhaps delusory, this plan encounters a certain burthen to the public, in consequence of the increased and increasing number of the judges—Add to
this, that the popular impressions are fanned by, and found strenuous advocates in all those, (and their numerous friends,) who were pushing on to fill these new judgeships; to occupy the hundred new clerkships thereby created; and in that numerous host of inferior lawyers, who saw their own elevation and emolument, as the direct consequences of the measure. The diminished confidence of the people in a single judge; the necessary declension of the country lawyers in point of talents, and the unavoidable unskillfulness of the host of clerks created under the act;—causes all combining, in an eminent degree, to detestrate the administration of justice under the new system, and multiply appeals in an incredible degree;—all these consequences were overlooked by disregarded, by those who were eager to advance their own particular interest; and even seem, for a while, to have been lost sight of by the people themselves. They seem for a while to have forgotten, that even the excellent principle of rendering justice convenient to the people, may be purchased at too high a price and be carried to an inconvenient and ridiculous extreme (a). That extreme could not be carried further, unless the judges were made to administer justice at the very houses of the people!
I am far from imputing improper motives to any individuals whatsoever: but it cannot be concealed, that the lust of office has taken too deep a root among us; and while I am, otherwise, a warm advocate for the system of appointment by the legislature, I had almost fallen into the solecism of wishing, that the power of making laws was deposited in other hands. This lust (like the plague of the frogs of old) has come "into our beds, our chambers and our houses, and upon our people and into our ovens and kneading-troughs" (b). It has so insinuated itself, under the guise of promoting the public good, that it requires all the vigilance of the disinterested part of our citizens, to guard against the effects of its machinations.
I have thus brought myself to believe, that the popularity supposed to be attached to this law is unreal; that it is merely artificial and temporary; artificial; as being kept up by the continued eulogies of those who find their interest in the delusion; and temporary; as depending upon the imposing principles before mentioned, but which will vanish as soon as the overbalancing evils and inconveniences resulting from it are perceived. If the popularity of this law be inferred, from the circumstance of there being no petitions against it, the same may be justly said of the district court law; while too, the latter was in a fair course of execution and experiment. Some other criterion must therefore be resorted to, to show a preference in point of popularity, of the former over the latter; and when it is considered, that the former arose from a sudden and spontaneous impulse of the legislature, whereas, the latter had long been called for by public opinion, and was in fact, the third act (c) passed upon the subject, the evidence of public opinion would seem to preponderate in its favor. In addition to the other evils which have been already glanced at, as resulting from this measure, may be mentioned, the necessary and unavoidable declension of the county courts , in point of power and respectability: tribunals based in the primeval habits and affections of our people, and richly deserving the encomiums of the venerable Mr. Pendleton and the sagacious statesman Mr. Giles (d). I need say nothing of the very probable case, of the judges assigned to these courts becoming superannuated, or otherwise, disabled from discharging the duties of his office. In that event, the justice of a whole circuit would be wholly suspended and denied. A circumstance such as that which has lately produced embarrassment and inconvenience in the court of appeals, would exhibit a tragedy in relation to the justice of one or more circuits! Is it intended that this state of things shall be submitted to? Or that, having got the people once committed on this point, a new tier of additional judges shall be appointed!
I can, therefore, scarcely think that it is yet too late, for the legislature to retrace their steps on this subject; to dissipate the artificial and fleeting popularity, which has been, gratuitously, attached to a measure, the consequences of which will evolve themselves, to the great injury of our country, when the act shall be put into a state of Execution; and to arrest, in ovo , those evils which are gathering, like a black cloud, from the measure. If you want a precedent, on this point, I refer you to the act of 1788 repealing (after a previous suspension,) the district court law of 1787, after it had even commenced its operation in part, on account of objections and difficulties, which were not foreseen at the time of its passage, but were pointed out by the judges: Another instance may be found in the suspension and repeal of the assize law of 1784, of which the great Madison was the author, but which was subsequently abandoned, on account of its making too great an innovation in our code, and consulting too little, the ancient habits and opinions of our people. The evils in the case before us, like most others, are more easily prevented than remedied, after they have befallen us—But if I am mistaken in all this: if the legislature shall be of a different opinion, or hold itself bound to carry the law into operation, all its defects and consequences notwithstanding; it is, at least, their duty to adopt energetic and coeval measures, to counteract and mitigate them.
One of those evils, beyond all question, is the clogging up the docket of the court of appeals, in an inalienable degree. This follows, as an inevitable consequence of the results before mentioned, and is admitted by the different propositions exhibited, with a view to meet the evil. One of these propositions is understood to be to establish separate chambers in the court of appeals; and another, to enhance the sum which is to give an inlet into that court. I will briefly examine both these positions; but will first make a general remark, tending to shew the immense magnitude of the evil. That remark is, that while this amazing accumulation of causes in this court, produces an evil common to it with other courts, namely, the delay of individual justice; it also produces another, which is alike peculiar to it, and detrimental to the public interests: I mean, that by reason of the increased pressure of
(a) In relation to such counties, as Warwick for example. (b) Exodus ch. 8. V. 3. (c) Including the assize law of 1784. (d) Mr. Pendleton was in the habit of eulogizing the County Courts ; and the decisions of the Court of Appeals , during his time (at least) more frequently affirmed their decisions, than those of the district Courts . As for Mr. Giles's opinion on this subject, see his able speech on the alien & sedition laws, in the Virginia Assembly .
this augmented docket, upon the mind of the court, it will be the less able to devote that deliberate consideration to the great questions submitted to its decision, which is all-important in relation to that court, which settles the law of the country.
As to the two propositions just mentioned, it is, as usual, much easier to say what ought not to be adopted, than what ought . A plan going to preclude a judge of the court of Appeals, who is not interested, from sitting on an appeal carried to the court, is novel, and perhap , may not be constitutional. It diminishes the constitutional duty of the judges by half, and would either lead to a consequent reduction of their salaries, in the face of the guarantee of the constitution, or render those salaries pro tanto , mere sinecure . The plan too, goes to enable two judges out of six to settle the law of the country! If it be said, that a division of duties, renders public functionaries more expert and competent, in proportion as their sphere is narrowed; while this position is admitted, the benefit of it in this case is lost, by assigning the law and equity duties to the judges respectively, at each term by lot —thus continuing the necessity for all the judges to devote their attention equally to both departments. If, on the other hand, these departments were permanently assigned to the several judges, that esprit du corps would be engendered, which is incident to all men, in all situations; and would not fail in particular, to push still further the encroachments of the chancery jurisdiction, even to the destruction of jury trial, and vice versa testimony. The union of the two jurisdictions in the court of last resort, where it is liable to the first mentioned objection, exempts that court from this esprit du corps & enables it to keep the inferior courts steady to their proper functions. These are some of the objections which occur to this scheme of two chambers at the first blush; and the inconveniences just mentioned (to say nothing of its constitutionality ,) place it between Scylla and Charibdis . It is better therefore, to consign this plan to the "Tomb of the Capulets," and pursue the system of our forefathers.
As to the other project, for enhancing the criterion of admission into the court of Appeals, I have no hesitation to say, that it ought to be done under the district court system. When we consider the respectability and competency of the district courts, as aforesaid, and add to this the certain loss incurred, by extra fees to counsel, &c. it is a mercy to suitors, contending for small debts, not to admit them into that court; but I am not prepared to say, that the inferences are the same, when the confidence of the people in these new courts will be unquestionably, and perhaps, justly lessened. The inference would seem to be the other way; but that I would not be understood to recommend. The question is submitted to the superior wisdom of the Legislature.
In this dilemma, I am at a loss what to advise, except this: In all future appointments to the court of Appeals, be very particular in your choice; and always enable your judges to devote their whole time to the public service. They ought not to be compelled to be their own stewards, or overseers; the time in vacation , is too precious, and valuable, to the public, to be thus employed. In relation to future appointments, do not forget that every thing depends upon the men ; and that the system is as nothing. The sagacity of a Taylor (e) or a Giles , would decide at a glance, questions which would make inferior men boggle; they would hand out the law, to the people, in a brief and plain garb, and not smother it under a mass of verbiage . It cannot be denied, that the men in our country, who combine the adequate talents and confidence, for this high office, are extremely rare. They ought, when wanting, to be found out and invited into the public service. Economy on this point, pushed too far, becomes a most injurious parsimony. As to the present court of appeals, notwithstanding the common cant of the day, they have deserved well of their country. An inspection of the reports of that court, will show that it has, lately , done more business, than at any former period. It has furnished a volume of reports, of about 700 pages (f) in each of the two last years; whereas, during the time comprehended in 1 Washington's reports, it took nine terms to yield a volume of 392 pages. Similar results will arise from a comparison with other periods of the court, as may readily be seen. These facts ought to be made known, in justice to the court, and for the purpose of correcting an opinion equally general and erroneous, that it does less business than formerly. It is believed, that no court in America, does as much business as the court of appeals; especially when to that or deciding causes, is added the arduous function, of settling the law of the country. In making an estimate respecting this momentous duty, the causes decided by the court, ought to be weighed and not counted. It ought to be recollected, that a single decision by this court often sweeps off from its own docket, many causes, and puts an end to hundreds of others depending throughout the country. It is fit therefore that such a decision should receive great consideration and be well weighed; and in the account between the court and the public, it ought not to be reckoned as a single cause. This increased dispatch, in court, (which it is hoped will be yet improved,) has arisen perhaps, from the diminution of the number of the judges; but I do not pretend to say, that the business is thereby better done. In a multitude of Counsellors, it is said there is wisdom; but energy and dispatch are the characteristics of monarchy.
With respect, more particularly, to the question whether the Court of Appeals is competent to its whole duties, I think it is, under the system of district courts . A sweeping decision is made which settles many causes. Under the present system , we might calculate, in a short time, on the court's going through its docket, in two or three years; which for a court in the last resort is supposed to be rapid enough. I am not prepared however, to say that this deliberation will be attainable under the new system. I fear that no court under Heaven, is competent to keep down the appeals from an hundred other courts, in a country where law is so cheap, and the people so litigious, as in this. I much fear, therefore that the docket of the court will be entirely overloaded, let the legislature do what it may, if the new law goes into effect; and this at the price of that system, which though not called for by the people, appears to be at present so popular.
From this view it will be seen, that the judges of the court in question, are not wanting in their duty towards their country. Let us now, for a moment, reverse the medal.
(e) I. Taylor of Caroline ;—his present politics notwithstanding. (f) By Henning & Munford .
Three of them were chained down, without a moment's relaxation, to the most arduous and important duties, for an hundred and forty five days of the last year. The salary for this high and important service, is less than is given to an inferior judge of the federal court, for sitting "in Ababaster ," (g) perhaps a fourth of the time! This compensation for men of character and talents, is but a pittance ; it is in fact, as nothing , unless men advanced in years and comfortably accommodated at home, will consent to abandon their comforts and families, for half the year, and for the same time, be cooped up in the rooms of a tavern ! Your predecessors of 1796, legislators, by an example which was not called for, by the temper of their constituents, and finds no parallel in the history of salaries, enacted, that the compensation of those judges shall be increased, in the event of their number being diminished: as if the duties of a judge are not as arduous to him, and as useful to his fellow-citizens, when acting with three colleagues, as with two !
But has not the case put by their act, actually happened ? and is not the compensation yet withheld? I admit that the letter of the act is in your favor: but its equity & justice are against you. It remains for the legislature to say whether its honor requires a fulfilment of Contracts according to the letter , or the Equity and justice thereof ? I have thus, Citizens, held up to you a mirror, in which the conduct of your predecessors of 1796, in this particular, is found to be reflected. In it you will see that they have expounded the Constitution, in relation to the inadequacy of these salaries, and yet have feared to execute it. The first maxims in the creed of legislators ought to be, to do justice (which always involves true policy,) and obey the injunctions of the constitution. They ought to do this, or "be no longer legislators" (h).
Amid the difficulties and dangers, citizens—representatives! with which we are environed, I can only advise you to maintain and improve the ground we now occupy, and beware of great and dangerous innovations. Follow the examples of your predecessors, in relation to the assize law of 1784, and the district Law of 1787. If, in times of serene peace, they paused, in relation to those innovations, much more ought you, at this time, and in relation to the greater innovation, now in question. Our political horizon is overspread with dark clouds: the justice of our country is suspended , and we are again to struggle for our independence ! I hope I may be mistaken; but I much fear, I am doomed to become, in this instance another Cassandra ; who was fated always to predict aright, yet never to be believed. With greater intelligence than mine, you have, citizens, equal inducements, at least, to calculate the great interests of our country. That cloud of evils, which appears to me so portentous, is, perhaps, in your eye, scarcely a speck in the horizon. I owed it, however, to my conscience, to make this appeal to you; and I feel relieved by saying "If Rome must fall, that I am innocent."
CAMDEN. January 1809. (g) See "the Pro spec before us." (h) A certain poor woman having often sued to Philip of Macedon for audience and been repulsed by him, said to him one day with emotion, "either do me justice or be no longer King." Philip felt the justice of the rebuke, heard her petition, and had the magnanimity to grant its prayer. ( Rollin's anc. Hist. Vol. 6. pa. 95.)
Many articles unavoidably postponed. Card to Mr. Livermore of the H. of R. in our next. The British are said to have taken Martineque.
HAIR-CUTTER, (from Paris,) near the Bell Tavern, and 2 doors below Mr. Plessant's Printing Office: has the honor to inform the Ladies of Richmond, that he dresses their Hair after the Greek, Flora, Virginia and Parisian fashions. He intermixes the hair, crape, gauze, flowers, pearls and diamonds. He also makes hair nets, bandoes, plait, frizets and wigs. He has an assortment of hair of every color. He also informs the gentlemen that he cuts the hair Atticus and Alabrutus , and trims in the most modern fashion. January 27.
N. B. Ladies and Gentlemen will be waited on at their residence.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD, and reasonable charges, will be paid by the subscriber, for the delivery, at the jail of Philadelphia, of a certain MACALL MEDFORD, formerly of this city, and since of the city of London. Any person wishing to undertake the apprehension of said Medford , will be furnished with full powers under a bail piece, for the purpose, and a description of his person. He arrived at Norfolk, from England, last February, and declared his intention was immediately to repair to Philadelphia, in order to bring me to account for certain monies he alleged I owed him, and no longer ago than the 21st June, he wrote to a gentleman in this city, saying he would be up in a few days; in consequence of which, I have waited patiently ever since, but finding his promises merit no attention, and determined to make another effort to get hold of him, (having already sent twice after him without effect,) I do with confidence, call on the virtuous part of the community, to assist in bringing to justice, a man, whose conduct towards me, has been marked by the deepest duplicity, ingratitude and fraud.
JOHN LISLE, Late JOHN LISLE, Jr. Philadelphia. January 27.
PROPERTY FOR SALE.—The subscriber, desirous of removing to the western country, offers for sale his HOUSES & LOTS , in Richmond. He deems a particular description unnecessary, and wishes those inclined to purchase, to view the property. The dwelling-house, for elegance and convenience, is certainly not inferior to any in the city; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard will be laid out in a style adapted to the buildings, and the situation combines the advantage of privacy and retirement to that of proximity to the scene of business. A small portion only of the purchase money will be required at the time of the sale, and the residue in such instalments as may be agreed on, or slaves will be received in payment, for a part or the whole of the property. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. January 27.
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. January 27.

FOR THE ENQUIRER. Address of the Baptist General Meeting of Correspondence of Virginia, to the President of the U. States. October 25, 1808.
SIR, Actuated from pure motives, as we believe you are about to retire from public life, the applause of his constituents, in their different relations, must be a pleasing reward to a retiring statesman. We do it cordially. You may receive approbation from sources that are more conspicuous; but from none, we believe, that are more sincere. Attached to a church government of the freest kind; we must be friends to him, who is a friend to the rights of conscience. Many say they are friends to these rights; we believe them, because they say it. But from you we have better proofs. The whole tenor of your public life exhibits undeniable evidence of your unswerving friendship to religious liberty. Your enemies admit it, and some of them, we fear, are enemies for that very reason. The heterogeneous union of church and state, was never congenial to our principles. But when we remember, that, from that source, the persecution and imprisonment of many of our ministers arose; we must declare that this union is as repugnant to our feelings as to our principles. Your exertions very much contributed to its final dissolution. Since you have ascended the presidential chair, we know of no measures of yours, which do not completely quadrat with your former line of deportment. Of the whole, then, of your public life, we desire to express our approbation. Your enemies charge you with holding unfriendly sentiments to the Christian religion. We do not believe it. Your conduct, in our judgement, has evinced the contrary. And we think it was better to answer them by actions, than by declarations. Situated as you have been for a considerable time, any declarations upon that head would have been ascribed to popular views. So amiable does the Christian system appear to us, that we can scarcely imagine, how any man who is willing to restrain his unlawful appetites, can be unfriendly to its doctrines. Our political state, though not immediately within our province as a religious body, we wish as citizens, to express our sentiments. We are persuaded, that nothing on your part has been wanted, either as it respects wisdom, integrity, or exertion, to have placed us in the most eligible condition. 'Tis true we suffer evils, but we bear them cheerfully, hoping that they may finally operate, as remedies, to other and worse evils. If we are disappointed in this, we are ready to support the government of our choice, in stronger and more efficient measures. Some nations, like some individuals, do justice only when coerced to it. Trusting in a God of Justice, we do not fear the issue. We once struggled for our rights, and we gained them. We are almost to a man, favorable to that successor who is most likely to preserve the spirit of the present administration. We hope he may fall on more propitious times than his predecessor, or that he may be equally capable to avoid their evils. In your retirement from the bustles of public life, we devoutly wish you every blessing; the smiles of Heaven, the approbation of a virtuous mind, the affection of a grateful people; and that after many years of health and happiness, your grey hairs may go down in peace to the grave. Signed by order of the Baptist General Meeting of Correspondence of Virginia, in which Six Associations were represented by their delegates. R. B. SEMPLE, Moderator. His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. States. N.B. The above address was sent on immediately after its date. The President's reply was also, without delay committed to the mail, but thro' inattention in the post-office, it did not come to hand until the 9th inst. This explains the reason why they have not been published sooner. R. B. SEMPLE.
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY. To the General Meeting of Correspondence of the Six Baptist Associations, represented at Chesterfield, in Virginia. I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your affectionate address, and receive with satisfaction your approbation of my motives for retirement. In reviewing the history of the times through which we have past, no portion of it gives greater satisfaction, on reflection, than that which presents the efforts of the friends of religious freedom, and the success with which they were crowned. We have solved, by fair experiment, the great and interesting question, whether freedom of religion is compatible with order in government, and obedience to the laws: and we have experienced the quiet as well as the comfort which results from leaving every one to profess freely and openly those principles of religion which are the indications of his own reason, and the serious convictions of his own enquiries. It is a source of great contentment to me to learn that the measures which have been pursued in the administration of your affairs have met your approbation. Too often we have had but a choice among difficulties; and this situation characterizes remarkably the present moment. But, fellow-citizens, if we are faithful to our country, if we acquiesce with good will, in the decisions of the majority, and the nation moves in mass in the same direction, altho' it may not be that which every individual thinks best, we have nothing to fear from any quarter. I thank you sincerely for your kind wishes for my welfare, and with equal sincerity implore the favor of a Protecting Providence for yourselves. TH: JEFFERSON. November 21, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. HORRID DEED, OR, DEADLY EFFECTS OF INTOXICATION. On the morning of the 23d of December, a most dreadful event took place in the small town of Warren, in the county of Albemarle, Virginia. A shoe-maker and taylor had, for some time past, resided together, apparently, upon very amicable terms. The shoe-maker was greatly addicted to drink, and often carried his indulgence of his ruinous taste, to the most dreadful extremes. For many days prior to the 23d of Dec. he had drunk to greater excess than usual. He was in a constant state of the most beastly intoxication. Late at night, on the 23d of Dec. he called up to the taylor, and requested him to set up with him, saying that he had had a fit; moved by his talk and look, the taylor began to suspect that he was deranged. Under this impression, he conveyed him to a physician, to have him examined, and to discover if he was correct in his conjecture. The physician, who was well acquainted with his habits of intoxication, and thinking that it was merely a drunken fit, ordered him to return and take a drink of grog. Having conveyed him home, the taylor again left him to himself. The next morning he rose early, and going into the common shop, he found the shoe-maker in a musing posture; few, if any words, passed between them; the taylor immediately taking up the pitcher to go and bring water. As he entered the house, with the water, Phillips, the shoe-maker, suddenly started from behind the door, and made several attempts to stab him. At length, making a desperate push, the knife entered his side, and pierced his lungs. Jameson, (which is the name of the taylor) instantly rushed out of the house, and made the best of his way to a neighboring dwelling. His cries drew to him, the patrole of the town, and by the time they
came up to him, he was about to fall. As soon as the office of the wound was closed, he again came to. Part of the patrole had passed to take up Phillips; they found him in his shop, leaning against the wall of the room. Upon being asked what induced him to commit such a horrid deed? He replied, that he had acted in compliance with the commands of his maker, with whom he had had an interview the preceding night. He expressed his entire satisfaction at what he had done, and was certain that it was the father in which all his other sins would be washed away. His conduct plainly evinced the distortion of his intellect. He spoke frequently of wildernesses which he saw before him, and appeared to converse with the Almighty. Phillips is now in the county jail, waiting for trial. Jameson, the attending physician says, is in a state of "convalescence." Thus dreadful example should deter all persons from yielding too easily to their fondness for spirit, for a fatal termination to such indulgence, though slow, is sure. CORRECTOR.
THIS hallucination of mind is curious, but not singular or new. There are cases of persons affected with religious fanaticism, who have even murdered their own wives and children from the supposed inspirations of their maker. Phillips was deranged by spirituous liquors; these fancies by the spirit of superstition. EDITOR.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. AMERICAN ORNITHOLOGY.
The "American Ornithology," by Alexander Wilson," lately advertised in the Enquirer, is unquestionably one of the most splendid monuments hitherto erected to science in the United States. With sincere eulogy, we hail the appearance of a work, in which the skill of the artist is no less eminently displayed, than the knowledge of the naturalist and the eloquence of the writer. It has been frequently observed, and lamented that the natural riches of our country are but imperfectly known. The study of natural history has generally been neglected among us; or, if a few instances of industrious research in that science can be mentioned as honorable exceptions, the efforts thus made, though highly commendable in themselves, have produced little else but rude materials and unconnected fragments of knowledge. Rudis indigestaque moles. Nor have the scientific travels of foreign naturalists over the surface of Federal America, been of much greater service, at least, to us. In general, those naturalists have confined their researches to our largest and most conspicuous animals, to our most beautiful, or most valuable plants. It was not their original design to embrace the whole range of our indigenous productions of any particular kingdom, class or order, &c. and in their hasty excursions, they could not observe and describe with accuracy, even the few and prominent objects to which their attention was particularly directed. Besides, the circulation of their works among us, and consequently, the utility of the same, with respect to our country, has been extremely limited. Under circumstances like these, Mr. Wilson's work becomes doubly meritorious and valuable. It presents us with one of the brightest links that will, at a future day, form the vast chain of our natural history; it fills up one of those chasms which the eagle-eye of research, views with impatience and regret; in a word, it entitles its author to the patronage, and even to the gratitude of those who are able both to discover and to encourage genuine merit. The plates of the "American Ornithology" are far superior to such in Catesby's work as represent Birds; they closely approximate to the beauty and perfection of those which adorn Le Vaillant's splendid natural history of parrots. They have been engraved, from the original drawings of Mr. Wilson himself, by the best artists in our country, and the manner in which they are coloured reflects the highest honor on the skill and attention of the author. He has seized with unerring accuracy, the generic and specific characters, the attitudes and dimensions of birds, the various tints of their plumage &c. All the parts of his delineations are in perfect harmony, and bespeak a masterly hand. The descriptive part of the work is written in a style at once simple, correct; and elegant. Mr. Wilson is not a mere nomenclator; he does not confine himself to a barren enumeration and description of those organs which furnish generic and other characters. His manner evinces both philosophy and taste. He observes and writes as Aristotle, Pliny, Buffon, Lacepede, &c. The habits, the manners of the winged tribe have justly engrossed a considerable share of his attention, and he describes these with equal felicity and truth. In fine, it appears to us that in Mr. Wilson's work, every reader will find a charm sufficient to excite his interest; the Ornithologist considerable additions to his favorite science; the agriculturist, facts important to his pursuits; and the philosopher frequent subjects of meditation.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
WEDNESDAY, January 18. The report and resolutions respecting the petition of E. J. Harvie, (already published in this paper,) was called up. The first resolution being read a second time a motion was made to amend the same by striking out at the end thereof, the words "be rejected" and inserting in place thereof the words "is reasonable;" and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative. The question being then put on the resolution as reported, it was agreed to by the house. The second resolution being read a second time was agreed to by the house. Ordered, That a bill be brought in, pursuant to the second resolution, and that the committee for Courts of Justice do prepare and bring in the same. The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Barbour reported, that the committee had, according to order, had under consideration, a bill "to amend the act, entitled an act, to organize & establish a Superior Court of Law in each county of this commonwealth;" and had made some progress therein, but not having time to go through the same, had directed him to move for leave to sit again. Resolved, That this House will again to-morrow, resolve itself, into a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth. On motion, Resolved, That all the scrap-iron & scrap steel now in the armoury belonging to the public be forthwith delivered to the keeper of the penitentiary, and that he be directed to use the same in any manner most likely to contribute to the public benefit; and that a report be made to this House of the quantity, quality and description thereof. Ordered, That the Clerk carry the said resolution to the Senate and desire their concurrence.
THURSDAY, Jan. 19.
Mr. Anderson from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, presented a bill "to open an inland navigation from the Chesapeake, by way of the port of Norfolk, to the channel of Currituck sound, and from Lytham bay to the Eastern branch of Elizabeth river." Mr. Wood, presented, according to order, a bill "to explain the act, entitled an act, for reducing into one, the several acts concerning the Land Office; ascertaining the terms and manner of granting waste, and unappropriated lands; for settling the titles and bounds of lands; directing the mode of processing, and prescribing the duty of surveyors;" which bill was received and read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time. Mr. Wooding, from the committee to whom was referred the Governor's communication, on the subject of making compensation to the visitors of the Penitentiary, presented a bill "Providing compensation for the visitors who superintended the Penitentiary," which was received and read the first time. On motion, Ordered, That the further consideration of the said bill, be postponed to the 31st day of March next. Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "Concerning Special Courts of Appeals," and that Messrs. W. Brockenbrough, Smith, Jones (of Essex,) Hughes, Gurley, Temple, Dillard, Castlemann, Jarrett, Haffron and Baker, do prepare and bring in the same.
FRIDAY, Jan. 20.
A communication from the Senate by their clerk. The Senate have passed the bill "Giving further time to the James River Company to complete the upper navigation of James River;" and the bill "Placing certain persons therein mentioned on the pension list," with amendments, to which they request the concurrence of the House of delegates. The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the said bills, and the same being twice read, were agreed to by the House, with an amendment to the last named bill. An engrossed bill "Amending the act, entitled an act, preventing obstructions to the passage of fish down James river," (which lay on the table) was taken up, and several blanks therein filled up; and was passed. The bill "To amend the act, entitled an act, to organise and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth," (which lay on the table, with sundry amendments as reported from the committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth) was taken up, and the said bill and amendments further amended at the clerk's table. A motion was then made to strike out of the said bill, the sixth section as amended, which is in the following words, to wit: "Be it further enacted, that the clerks of the county courts shall be the clerks of the circuit courts held in those counties respectively, except in the counties where district courts are held, in those, the district court clerks shall act as clerks of the circuit courts: Provided always, that where the clerk of the county court shall refuse to perform the duties of clerk of the circuit court, or any judge shall be of opinion, which opinion shall be entered of record, that the clerk of the county is not capable of the duties of his office, such judge may appoint a fit clerk. And provided also, that every clerk appointed by virtue of this act, before his appointment shall be effectual, shall enter into bond with approved security and take the oath of office at the next circuit court, in the same manner as provided by the act, to which this is amendatory; and in case of failure, it shall be lawful for such circuit court to appoint some other person to fill such appointment. The said clerks shall pay such portion of their fees into the public treasury, as shall be directed by law: Provided, such portion so paid, shall in no case exceed one." And the question being put on the motion to strike out the said section, it passed in the negative. Ayes 53—Noes 85.
SATURDAY, Jan. 21.
An engrossed bill "Establishing a town on the lands of James Loving, in the county of Nelson," (which lay on the table) was taken up and several blanks therein filled up; and was passed. A bill "To amend an act, entitled an act, to organise and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth," (which lay on the table, with sundry amendments) was taken up by the House. A motion was made to strike out of the said bill the first and second sections thereof; the first section provides that the General courts shall consist of thirteen judges; and that the state shall be divided into thirteen circuits—the second section provides, that if any of the days appointed for holding the said courts shall happen on Sunday, the court shall be held on the next day. The question being put on the motion for striking out the said sections, it passed in the negative. Ayes 25—Noes 133. The Speaker laid before the House a letter from Tully Robinson, Esq. one of the members from the county of Princess Anne, informing the House of his intention to accept an appointment by the Executive of the United States, in the army of the U. S. which was received and read, and ordered to be laid upon the table. On motion, Ordered, that a writ of election issue to the county of Princess Anne, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the acceptance by Tully Robinson, Esq. of an appointment under the government of the U. S. Mr. Smith presented, from the committee to whom it was referred, a bill "To amend the act, entitled an act, declaring the law in cases of discounts and offsets," with an amendment thereto, which were received and ordered to be laid on the table.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Michael Grantland, to secure, amongst other things, the payment of a debt to Taylor and Brown, which deed is dated the 27th March, 1807, and recorded in the District Court of Richmond: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Wednesday, the eighth day of February next, the said Grantland's right, title and interest, in all that lot, piece or parcel of GROUND, lying in the said city, on the cross-street leading from the main-street to Adam Craig's office, adjoining Crawford's lot, and extending on the cross-street aforesaid, one hundred and ten feet towards the main street, thence back fifty feet, thence 110 feet in a line parallel to said cross-street, thence 50 feet to the beginning, or so much of said property, as will be sufficient to pay and satisfy, the debt mentioned in the said deed, due to said Taylor and Brown, with all the costs and charges attending the execution of the trust. GEO: W.M. SMITH. January 24.
NOTICE.
A bond for £80, was executed by Wm. Berkeley, of Caroline, to Thomas Harrison, on the 28th March, 1807; and since the death of Thomas Harrison, has been lost or mislaid. All persons are therefore cautioned against paying or taking an assignment of the said bond. Wm. HARRISON, Administrator. Caroline, 21st January, 1809.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the directors of the said company, on Friday, the 20th of January, 1809: Resolved, That a call of three dollars on each share of the Stockholders, in the company, be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer, on or before the 10th of next month. A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. January 24.
YOUNG LADIES' BOARDING SCHOOL, WARRENTON—Inaugurated by the general appropriation which was expressed by those patrons of Literature and Arts who honored this institution by their attendance at the late public recitations, and grateful for the encomiums they bestowed, whilst viewing the exhibition of penmanship, new-currency, embroidery, &c. &c. I venture again to offer my services in the discharge of those duties which have occupied a material part of my latter years. Attracted by the prospect of meeting the support I have hitherto received, and contemplating the pleasures I have in view, by further contributing to the benefit of the rising generation; I intend dedicating my whole time to the improvement and edification of such Young Ladies as may be entrusted to my care: Assuring their parents, guardians, &c. that it shall be my constant study to discover the turn or bent of their minds; that where it is necessary, I may be able, by gentle and persuasive means, so to mollify their dispositions as to induce them to wish to learn; and where the propensity is already discernable, to heighten it by just commendation, that it may become more ardent, emulous. The utmost caution shall be used to preserve them in health, to impress them with just notions of piety and virtue, and to make them understand the necessity of attending to moral and domestic economy. In fine, each will be my pride to give entire satisfaction, that they shall know no other difference by being from home, than the absence from their parents, &c. and being obliged to attend diligently to the orders and regulations of this institution. As viewing what has been done, is a better criterion than any other whereby to judge what may be attained, the subscriber begs leave to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that a specimen, the performance of a Young Lady of that city, who was only eighteen months at the above Seminary, may be seen on application at Mr. Archibald Nisbet's, Merchant in Richmond. SARAH FALKNER.
EVERY possible exertion is employed to procure a discreet & properly qualified person to teach Music.
The School will be opened on the first day of January next.
The terms for tuition, board, washing, lodging, &c. are one hundred and five dollars. For day scholars twenty dollars per annum.
The house is remarkably commodious, and well constructed for the preservation of health. Warrenton, North-Carolina, January 24, 1809. 2aw2w
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions. Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N.B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post-Office, where all commands, in his line, will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to—and that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2aw2w-1aw4w
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Musician in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTEN, thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 5 feet 7 inches high; when spoke to has a down look, slow in speech, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amboy, (New-Jersey)—Had on when he deserted, a drummer's uniform, which it is conjectured, he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, swansdown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States' service. COLIN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Fort Norfolk, Dec. 31.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:—
50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine.
FOR SALE.
A very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Sempstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House.—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17.
FOR SALE—An excellent young riding HORSE, enquire at this office, or at the Bar of the Washington Tavern. January 13th 1809.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplet & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAME. P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22.
By virtue of the last will and testament of the late Dr. John Cringan, will be sold on the premises, in this city, on Saturday, the twenty-eighth inst. (January) at public auction, upon a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, the LOTS whereon the deceased resided, except that part allotted to his widow for her dower—Also, a lot whereon is a stable and carriage-house together with a moiety of an icehouse on the square whereon Mrs. McCreddie now resides. Wm. C. WILLIAMS, Esq. of Dr. J. CRINGAN, dec'd. January 10th 1809.
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office. January 19.
TAKEN from the trunk of a gentleman since Friday last—TWO TWENTY DOLLAR VIRGINIA NOTES. Any person detecting the thief or notes, will be liberally rewarded, at the office of the Enquirer. January 24.
IN CHANCERY—Nottingham County Court, 14th Nov. 1808.
George & Thomas Brown, Complainants—against Jacob Walsh, jr. & Stokely Towles, Defendants. THIS day came the complainants, by their council, and the deft Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the rules of the Assembly and the rules of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed and ordered, that the said deft Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the deft Towles, retain in his hands whatever money or property he may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest. FLEM, BATES, C. N. C. oaw8w
IN CHANCERY—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808.
Nimrod Bramham, Plaintiff—against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett heir of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Minah Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clifton Rodes and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants. The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: On motion of the Plaintiff, by his Council; It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public news-paper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX. GARRETT, D. L. oaw8w
LOST, a NOTE signed by Wm. Crawford & Co. endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond, dated the 1st of Nov. last, and due the 1st day of May, 1809, amounting to $506 1/2. It is supposed it has been dropped in the street. Any person having found the same will be liberally rewarded on leaving it with the subscribers. All persons are forewarned from receiving or trading for the same in any manner whatever. PROSSER & MONCURE. Dec. 27. oaw4w
VIRGINIA—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808.
James Goshen and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Parrott, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Wilson and John Groves, Defendants. The defendants Joseph Wilson and John Groves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this county, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. Jan. 5. oaw8w
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stores, brick Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice-House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. JOHN ELLIS. Nov. 25. [oaw4ff]
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS of land in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, Wm. MANN, Commissioners. January 217. [Jaw2m]
NOTICE—The Copartnership hitherto carried on, by the Subscribers, under the firm of Benjamin Bradshaw & Co. is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly desired to come forward, adjust and pay off their several balances, to either of the parties, who will likewise pay any sum due, by them, to individuals for transactions with them. Those who fail to come forward, and manifest a disposition to do what is right, cannot hope for further indulgence, and consequently they will be sued, without discrimination. BENJ. WOLFE, BENJ. BRADSHAW. Goochland, January 24. oaw1m
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or six years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, straight made, has a burn on his left elbow, which prevents him from straitening his arm, and always carries it crooked; one of his under teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place and Hagerstown, in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any goal in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same. CHAS. CORDLE. Dec. 17. oaw2m
NOTICE—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.