Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-09-27 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1587.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco, $ 4 00 cash   WHEAT, new, red 75, white 83 do.   FLOUR, superfine, new, 5 00 do.   FLOUR, fine, 4 50 do.   CORN, 2 50 do.   HEMP, clean, (per ton) 200 00 do.   IRON, 110 00 do.   BACON, 11 do.   WHISKEY, 42 do.  
Electoral Ticket.
THE following is the Madisonian Electoral Ticket, republished for the information of the citizens of Virginia:  Joseph Godwin, sen. Nansemond. Benjamin Harrison, Prince George. Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie. Richard Field, Brunswick. Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte. Joseph Eggleston, Amelia. Hugh Nelson, Albemarle. Col. George Penn, Patrick. Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City. Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover. John Roane, King William. Robert Taylor, Orange. Gustavus B. Horner, Fauquier. Robert Nelson, York. Mann Page, Gloucester. Richard Barnes, Richmond County. John T. Brooke, Stafford. Hugh Holmes, Frederick. Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire. James Allen, Shenandoah. Archibald Stuart, Augusta. Andrew Russell, Washington. Gen. John Preston, Montgomery. William McKinley, Ohio.
Louisa County Court, August 8th, 1808
William Ragland, Lucy Ragland, Thomas Poin Dexter and Sarah his wife, late Sarah Ragland, Thomas B Watkins and Ann his wife, late Ann Ragland, John Graves and Mary his wife, late Mary Ragland, James Michie and Henrietta his wife, late Henrietta Ragland, and Nicholas I. Poin Dexter and Rebecca his wife, late Rebecca Ragland.  Plaintiffs.  AGAINST  Samuel Overton, jun. admr., with the will annexed of Samuel Ragland, dec. William Cooke, James Nelson, James Michie, William B. Poin Dexter, executor of Warner H. Broadhurst, deceased, Overton Harris, Edward Ragland, Elizabeth Lawrence, admr. of William Lawrence, dec. Thomas Holiday, Thorne in Gibson, Nicholas Meriwether, and Barnett Moore and James Michie, admr. of debs; non with the will annexed of Samuel Ragland, dec. John Michie, William Cooke and Ludlow Brantham, Defendants.
IT appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the order of publication made in this cause has been duly published against the defendants, Samuel Overton, jun. admr. &c. Edward Ragland, Nicholas Meriwether and Barnett Moore, and their failing to appear and file their answers and give security according to law, the prayer of the bill is taken for confessed, as to them, and the matter thereof is decreed accordingly; and by consent of the other defendants, this cause is referred to the master commissioner, to audit, state and settle the accounts of Samuel Overton, jun. as admr. of Samuel Ragland, deceased, and make report thereof to court, in order to a final decree.  A copy—Teste.
John Poin Dexter, C. C.
BY virtue of the above decree, I shall proceed, on the 30th of September next, at Louisa courthouse, to comply with the contents of this decree, at which time the parties may attend if they please.
Henry Lawrence, M. C.
August 26th, 1808.
At a Quarterly Sessions
Court continued and held for Goochland county, at the Courthouse, on Wednesday the 17th day of August, 1808.
Christopher Anthony, jr. & Co. plts } against } Sherwood Strong, John R. B. Eldridge, } and John Guerrant, jr. defts.
THIS day came the plaintiffs by their attorney, and the defendant Strong, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, it is ordered that the said defendant Strong do appear here on the third Monday in November next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and give security for performing the decree of this court, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper, published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county, and it is further ordered that the defendants John R. B. Eldridge and John Guerrant jr. do not pay, convey away, or secrete the debts by them owing to, or the effects in their hands of the said defendant Strong, so as to render them unable to pay the demand of the plaintiff stated in their said bill, with interest and the costs of this suit, until the further order of this court.
A Copy—Teste.
Wm. Miller, C. G. C.
FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE, HENING'S
New Virginia Justice,
CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
Blank Replevin Bonds,
(agreeably to the law of 1808.) For sale at this office.
At a Court of Quarterly
Session, held for Fluvanna county, the 22d day of August, 1808.  Abraham Shepherd, Plaintiff. AGAINST Allen Bernaid and Joshua Bartley, Defendants.  THE defendant Joshua Bartley, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this county, on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant, Bartley, do appear here on the first day of November term next and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.  A copy—Teste.
John Timberlake, C. C.
Notice.
All persons having claims against the estate of John Gunn, are requested to have them adjusted as the law directs, and exhibited for settlement, on or before the twenty fifth day of December next, as which time a dividend will take place. This advertisement will be plead in bar against any claim which may come against said estate after that date.
JOHN TURPIN, Admr.
Five Dollars Reward.
I WILL give the above reward for apprehending and securing in jail a NEGRO MAN named BILLY, belonging to Mr. M. H. Owen of this county—he calls himself Billy White—he is supposed to be seceded by some of his acquaintances in town—he is a tall young negro, & speaks loud when spoken to—it is impossible to describe the clothing he took with him, as he had a large stock of clothes.
Job Greene.
September 22, 1808
Just received at this office,
Part 2d of vol. 8th---or No. 17 of
Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia.
** Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books.
Subscription still open.
Also, Just received, THE TENTH NUMBER OF
The Military Library. Just received and for sale at this office, A FRESH SUPPLY OF HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SPEECH OF JOHN Q. ADAMS, CONTINUED.
Of Col. James Taylor, the testimony has been in one respect counteracted, and in another much strengthened. His character was so well known, and so universally respected, that no attempt could be made to assail it, other than on the basis of a supposed mistake. This mistake, Mr. Smith, in his affidavit, made before he left this place, asserted that he expected to prove by General Findley; the only third person in hearing, according to col. Taylor's statement, when the conversation, occasioned by the Querist, occurred. Mr. Smith returns without the deposition of general Findley; but in its stead he brings a deposition of his friend Dr. Sellman, and also a private letter from the same Dr. Sellman, intimating that General Findley could not confirm Col. Taylor's testimony; but with a broad insinuation that Gen. Findley would not give that deposition in favor of Mr. Smith, which he ought, for fear of losing his office. On the fact of this particular conversation then, we must balance the weight of testimony apparently contradictory. It is barely possible that the conversations mentioned by the two witnesses, were not the same, but held at different times; and as evidence seemingly variant between two persons of character, ought always, if possible, to be reconciled, perhaps the fair and candid construction would be that. If however it was the same conversation, we must be reduced to the necessity of choosing which of the two witnesses has been most correct in his recollection; I cannot but consider the express testimony of Colonel Taylor, confirmed by the silence of General Findley, as that which is best entitled to our belief. Col. Taylor, we know, was on this occasion a most reluctant witness; he had been the friend and intimate acquaintance of Mr. Smith; his principle obviously was to say as little as possible, consistent with his obligations to speak the truth. The impressions on his mind did not stand singly upon his judgment; he had compared them with those of Gen. Findley, and by that comparison had found them confirmed. They had not slumbered upon his memory for a length of time, so as to lose their distinctness. He had communicated them to the Secretary of State in his letter of 13th of October 1806, written a very few days after the conversation was held. An extract of this letter is in evidence before us, and it tallies exactly with Col. Taylor's testimony given to the committee and before the Senate. The impartiality of Col. Taylor, his candor, his tenderness for Mr. Smith, the excellency of his general character, and his appeal to the recollection of another respectable witness in confirmation of his own, all combine to give his testimony the highest claim to our belief. With Dr. Sellman I have no personal acquaintance, and can therefore speak of him only as upon the evidence exhibited here on this occasion. He appears at least in the character of a very ardent partisan of Mr. Smith. In the newspapers transmitted to us, I see his name at the foot of several very violent publications, which have not been read, but which shew that fifteen months ago, he had in some sort staked his own character upon the reputation of Mr. Smith. A number of depositions concur to prove that he, in company with a man who has since been convicted of an atrocious robbery, was at the head of a party who burst open the doors, and broke in upon a meeting of private citizens assembled to pass certain resolutions unfavorable to Mr. Smith, and threatened them with a coat of tar and feathers. The insinuation in his private letter to Mr. Smith, against the fair fame of Gen. Findley, bears no distinguishing features of an ingenious mind. I cannot believe that Gen. Findley, a man of honorable consideration in society, holding an important public trust, could have been actuated by such unworthy motives, in the declining to contradict Col. Taylor's deposition. Could he have done it, consistently with truth, he had every inducement that could operate upon generous feelings to do it. His contradiction would not have impaired the reputation of Col. Taylor. It would only have induced a probability that he was mistaken. But to Mr. Smith it was of the first importance—his reputation in the world—his seat in the councils of the nation—the comfort of his life—the peace and happiness of his family were all at stake, and called in the most imperious manner, for the testimony of a man, who by merely declaring that he had understood his meaning differently from the witness appealing to him, might have removed from him the burthen of this imputation. It is impossible to believe that he was deterred from such an act of signal justice, by the base and contemptible fear of losing his office.
The conversation to which Col. James Taylor attests, occurs within a very few days after the departure of Mr. Burr from Mr. Smith's house, at this period. The subject of that conversation was the separation of the states. Mr. Smith takes pains to circulate that Querist , which was to scatter the seeds of disunion throughout the Western country. Mr. Smith adopts its arguments as his own; and adds others of the same tendency to assist its effects. Mr. Smith contends that these doctrines however obnoxious then, in less than two years would become orthodox. Is there no knowledge or participation of Burr's projects on the face of these expressions? We are told they are speculative opinions—and we hear complaints that a man should be held accountable for his political speculations. But when speculative opinions are associated with military preparations, and a formidable enterprize in the very process of execution, then, sir, they assume a very different complexion from that of free and legitimate discussion. Speculative opinions, at all times have such an influence upon practice, that I hold it not very justifiable in a man vested with public trust, to speak in terms of approbation, of a dismemberment of this union, upon any contingency, or at any distance of time. We ought to deprecate this greatest of all possible calamities, for our posterity as well as for ourselves. Yet, I acknowledge, that even these dangerous opinions, when merely speculative may be expressed without evil intentions, and ought not to draw the weight of public censure, upon the person using them, in the form of a decision of this body. It is the time, the occasion, the circumstance upon which this speculative opinion was divulged, which display it as evidence of Mr. Smith's participation in Burr's conspiracy against the Union.
We have followed the course of events until the close of September, about which time Blennerhassett follows Mr. Burr into Kentucky. In the course of that and the following month, the preparations and conversations of both these personages; the numbers of the Querist , and certain publications of an opposite character, which appeared in another newspaper called the Western World , had roused the suspicions, the anxieties, the resentment of the people in that part of the Union to the highest degree. About the 20th of October, Mrs. Blennerhassett found it necessary to dispatch Peter Taylor from the Island, for Kentucky, for the purpose of warning Burr, that he could not with personal safety to himself return to the Island. Taylor was to go first to Chillicothe—then to Mr. Smith's at Cincinnati; and there he was to be told where Burr and Blennerhassett were to be found. At this time it was no longer safe to inculcate the disunion of the states. The people there, I thank God, were not to be deluded by Mr. Burr's mode or by any other mode of effecting a dismemberment. They were true to themselves and their country. The public odium had arrived at such a pitch, that it might not be advisable for Mr. Smith to appear so intimate with Burr, as to know where he was to be found, and it might also be necessary for him to have the ostensible object of Burr's purposes ascertained. For although he says that when Burr was with him in September he had talked about the settlement of the Washita Islands, yet at that time the purchase was not made.
This view of the state of things at that time will explain the particulars of Peter Taylor's testimony. When he arrives at Mr. Smith's and enquires for Burr and Blennerhassett, Mr. Smith answers that he knows nothing of either of them: That Taylor must be mistaken—that was not the place—but finding Taylor to be Blennerhassett's servant, he tells him "he expected they were at Lexington, at the house of a Mr. Jourdan."—Now, sir, what does this denial in the first instance, that he knew anything of them; and this pointing so precisely afterwards to the very house where they were to be found, indicate? The counsel for Mr. Smith says that Taylor was sent there for Mr. Burr's great coat—nothing of that appears in the evidence. But from Taylor's declaration it appears that he was sent there to ascertain where Burr and Blennerhassett were to be found; that Mr. Smith at first denied knowing where they were, and afterwards told him the very house in Lexington where he was to go for them. As the sole object of Taylor's going to Mr. Smith's was, to enquire where Burr and Blennerhassett were, and as before he left the house Mr. Smith gave him a letter for Burr, under cover to Blennerhassett, it is impossible to doubt the correctness of Taylor's testimony in that respect; that Mr. Smith told him where to go. The inference is irresistible. This accurate knowledge where they were, and this express denial of that knowledge to a man whom he supposed a stranger, is a proof that even then Mr. Smith knew much more than he was willing to avow.
The remainder of Peter Taylor's story, so far as it respects Mr. Smith, all concurs to establish the same fact. Mr. Smith's anxious enquiries for the news; for what was passing; for what was said about general Wilkinson; the charge to Peter Taylor not to go to a tavern lest he should be sited with questions; and finally, the letter professedly to Blennerhassett, but enclosing one to Mr. Burr, all combined to exhibit a state of mind agitated and alarmed, studious of concealment and fearful of detection.
Above all, consider the enquiry, what was said about General Wilkinson. What could have associated in a mind utterly ignorant of all Burr's projects, enquiries about Wilkinson, with the then situation of Burr and Blennerhassett. Recollect the passage of the cyphered letter—"Already has the contractor orders to furnish six months provisions at the points Wilkinson shall name; this shall be used only at the last moment, and then under proper injunctions."
Mr. Smith has at one time denied all the material facts attested by Peter Taylor; and he attempted to disgrace his character; so little has he been borne out by his own evidence now produced, that he formally admits the very facts he had denied. The same course has been pursued with regard to Col. James Taylor's testimony. Sir, this treatment of the witnesses is not calculated to inspire confidence in the solidity of Mr. Smith's defence. Unfounded attacks upon the character of a respectable witness, not only confirm, but aggravate the weight of his testimony.
If however, the testimony of Peter Taylor needed confirmation, it would be found in the substance of the letter itself, of which he was the bearer and of the answer to that letter. To these two documents I now ask the particular attention of the Senate. The letter is dated 23d October, 1806, and says—"I beg leave to inform you that we have in this quarter various reports prejudicial to your character. It is believed by many that your design is to dismember the union; although I do not believe that you have any such design, yet I must confess from the mystery and rapidity of your movements, that I have fears, let your object be what it may, that the tranquility of the country will be interrupted, unless it be candidly disclosed, which I solicit, and to which I presume you will have no objection."
Now what is the solicitude manifested in this letter? It is not so much that Mr. Burr's object should be disclosed, as that it should be declared, not to be the dismemberment of the union. It asks for something which may be told, to prevent the tranquility of the country. And it very explicitly intimates what may be denied. It is an answer of a very peculiar kind which appears to be wanted: an answer contained in the letter itself. A voucher is wanted to deny the project for dismembering the union; and to speak with certainty of the ostensible object.—This was the settlement of the Washita lands.—Mr. Smith in one of his narratives says that Burr had talked with him on this subject in September before; but the purchase of the lands was not yet concluded. It was uncertain whether that could not be spoken of as the professed purpose, and Mr. Smith's letter was well adapted to obtain that certainty.
Mr. Burr's answer appears perfectly to have understood the object of these enquiries. Much has been said by Mr. Smith about the apparent frankness and candor of this letter, and on this document he relies with great emphasis, as a complete justification of all his subsequent confidence in Mr. Burr. To me, sir, it bears a very different aspect. Considering it in the light of an answer to the solicitude of a man altogether unconscious of Burr's real designs, and aware of the extremely suspicious appearances in which the conduct of Mr. Burr was involved; this answer appears to me calculated for any thing, rather than to restore confidence. To manifest its real character, let us attend to some of its most remarkable passages.
Mr. Burr says, "If there exists any design to separate the western from the eastern states, I am totally ignorant of it. I never harbored or expressed any such intention to any one nor did any person ever intimate such design to me. Indeed I have no conception of any mode in which such a measure could be promoted, except by operating on the minds of the people, and demonstrating it to be their interest, I have never written or published a line on this subject, nor even expressed any other sentiments than those which you may have heard from me in public companies, at Washington and elsewhere, and in which I think you concurred."
* At this passage there is the following notes by Mr. Smith—"J. Smith has heard Col. Burr and others say that in fifty or an hundred years the territory of the United States would compose two distinct governments."—I return to the letter.
"I have no political view whatever; those which I entertained some months ago, and which were recommended to you, have been abandoned."
Here is another note by Mr. Smith—"J. Smith presumes that Mr. Burr refers to an invitation to settle in Tennessee, of which he heard him speak." The letter proceeds.
"Having bought of Col. Lynch, four hundred thousand acres of land on the Washita, I
propose to send thither this fall, a number of settlers; as many as will go and labor a certain time, to be paid in land and found in provisions for the time they labor, perhaps one year. Mr. J. Breckenridge, Adair, and Fowler, have separately told me that it was the strong desire of the administration that American settlers should go into that quarter, and that I could not do a thing more grateful to the government. I have some other views which are personal merely, and which I shall have no objection to state to you personally; but which I do not deem it necessary to publish; if these projects could any way affect the interest of the United States it would be beneficially, yet I acknowledge that no public considerations have led me to this speculation, but merely the interest and comfort of myself and my friends."
And finally, there is the following marginal admonition—"It may be an unnecessary caution, but I never write for publication."
Thus, you see, sir, that the design of separating the States is denied in terms as explicit, as Mr. Smith's letter had desired; but with how much regard for truth, this volume of evidence at Richmond, has sufficiently proved. The purchase of the Washita lands is announced to have been completed. Thus far the answer is precisely such as the letter seemed to ask. But all the rest is darkness and obliquity. The caution against publication was itself not naturally suited to inspire confidence. It seems to say, you may show this letter, but you must not publish it. The other allusions are so obscure, so unintelligible, that Mr. Smith has found it necessary to make them clear by explanatory notes.—There is a reference to former conversations on the subject of a separation of the States; in which Mr. Smith is reminded that he concurred, with the sentiment, which Burr had expressed. Mr. Smith's note intimates that this refers to opinions about the separation of the Union in some fifty or a hundred years. But if Burr's speculations in public companies, postponed to so distant a date the event, which he was projecting, to Eaton, to the Morgans, to Blennerhassett, to M c Farland and Glover, he had been urging the propriety of their accomplishment at a much earlier day—and from the testimony of col. James Taylor, it would seem that the concurrence of sentiment for which Mr. Burr refers to the consciousness of Mr. Smith, extended no less to the practical projects than to the speculative opinions of Burr. To the separation of the states within five or two years rather than the dismemberment of the next century. The mode says, Mr. Burr, for promoting such a measure would be by operating on the minds of the people, and demonstrating it to be their interest.—Now this was the very mode in which Mr. Burr and Blennerhassett under him had been attempting to promote the measure. Burr had been so operating at Cincinnati the year before this. And William M c Farland at least had been persuaded, that Cincinnati was to be the Capitol of the projected Western Empire. He had been so operating all the way at least from Pittsburg in August, and until he left Cincinnati in September, only six weeks before these letters were written. The Querist was one of these instruments of the mode for operating upon the minds of the people. And when the Querist first appeared; Mr. Smith had expressed his approbation of its contents. Is not this the sort of concurrence to which Mr. Burr alludes, rather than that of speculating upon the destinies of a future age. The rest of the letter is equally obscure. Mr. Burr's abandonment of a project for settling in Tennessee requires the explanation of a note from Mr. Smith; and that note is conjectured. Mr. Burr has some other views merely personal, which he can only communicate personally. If they could affect the interests of the United States, it would only be beneficially; but they were promoted by no public considerations, but merely for the interest and comfort of himself and his friends.
Mr. President, I ask again the attention of the Senate to this remarkable sentence. Did Mr. Smith on receiving the letter understand this sentence, or did he not? If he did, where is the whole defence which he has now set up? If he did not, was this paragraph calculated to inspire his confidence? Was it calculated to remove suspicions? Projects which might affect the interests of the United States! Projects prompted by no public considerations! but merely by personal interest for himself and his friends! And was this to remove suspicion from the mind of a Senator of the United States? Was this an answer to claim anxieties and restore confidence? Is not the very language of it suspicious? Equivocal? Ambiguous? I ask every member of this Senate to put the question to himself. Had you been at that time in the midst of the scene of Burr's operations, and had you received such an answer to a letter of solicitous enquiry, would it not have encouraged instead of allaying your alarm? Would you not have seen in this paragraph a concealment suspicious in itself—darkened still further by expressions of dangerous import and of doubtful legality? Strange indeed must be the texture

of that mind to which this answer could restore unqualified confidence in the writer!
To be continued.
NEW YORK, Sept. 17.
LATEST FROM SPAIN.
By the arrival last evening of the ship Shepherdess, Capt. Doane, in 46 days from Cadiz, the Editor of the New-York Evening Post, has received the official details (in Spanish) of two bloody battles which were fought at Baylen and Andujar on the 15th and 21st of July, between the Spanish Patriots and the French army under the command of Generals Dupont and Gobert, in which the latter were completely defeated and made prisoners. We have procured Translations for this evening.
Since putting the above in type, a gentleman of this city has handed us a letter from his Correspondent in Cadiz, containing the following highly important additional intelligence.
CADIZ 28th July 1808.
The Paper inclosed contains the details of the capture by the troops of this single Province, of an entire French army which consisted when it left Madrid of 22,000 men. The Capitulation was signed on the 21st inst. The prisoners actually surrendered are said to exceed 16,000, and at this time there remains not a single Frenchman in arms in Andalusia. In most of the other Provinces the whole mass of the people have displayed a determined spirit of resistance to the French, and several bloody battles have been fought, which have uniformly terminated favorably for the Spaniards particularly at Valencia and Saragossa where two very considerable bodies of French have been totally cut to pieces; in short, the Spaniards appear so unanimous and so zealous in their determination to drive the French out of the country that I am not without great hopes of their complete success. As yet, no general government, has been formed, but the Junias or Councils established in each Province, for its temporary Government, have taken the most decided measures to oppose the enemy with success, by obliging all the inhabitants between the ages of 16 and 45 to serve in the army without distinction of rank. Envoys have been sent to England to demand supplies of arms and ammunition—these have been received in the most flattering manner by the Government of Great Britain to whom this revolution is all important, and the subject of much exultation. But while I rejoice that Bonaparte is likely to be stopped in his career to universal despotism, I very much fear it will increase the difficulty of bringing our disputes with Great Britain to a favorable conclusion."
29th July.
The Post from Malaga has just arrived, and brings letters, dated 26th inst containing the following information, viz: That on the 25th, in the afternoon, a Xebec from Ivisa entered that port and brought intelligence, that before her departure from that Island an English frigate had arrived there in a damaged state, having been in an engagement which had taken place in the Mediterranean between an English Squadron, commanded by Admiral Thornborough, and a French Fleet of 11 sail of the line, from Toulon, with troops on board, destined for Spain.
When the Frigate left the Fleet two French ships were sunk and two taken, and the English were in pursuit of the others. The letters say that the account is fully believed in Malaga, and that an express has been sent off by the Government of that place with the news to the Junta of Seville.
It is likewise stated that Joseph Bonaparte, lately created King of Spain, had been attacked by the Patriots, and defeated with the loss of his whole army, himself escaping in disguise."
[Translated for the Evening Post.]
The Field Marshal Don Teodoro Reding has sent the following dispatch dated on the 22nd inst. to his Excellency Senior Don Francisco Xavier Castanos, General in chief of the army of operations of Andalusia.
Most Excellent Sir, since the dispatch which I transmitted to your Excellency on the 17th inst. informing you of the attack made by the division under my command upon that of Gen. Gobert, who was killed in the action, and whose division was dislodged from all the positions which it had taken contiguous to Baylen, and completely beaten, and of the reasons which induced me to return to Menjibar; I reposed in the afternoon of the 17th the river Guadalquivir, and took a position that night—on the 18th at day break I was joined by the second division under the command of Field Marshal the Marquis de Campoy, and we both marched towards this Town for the purpose of attacking the enemy if he occupied it.
As soon as I arrived, in obedience to your Excellency's orders, I disposed the columns of attack facing towards Andujar. At 3 in the morning of the 19th when the troops were forming to begin their march, Gen. Dupont with his army attacked our Camp and commenced a fire of his artillery with a design, doubtless, to surprise us; but with the quickness of lightning, all the troops of the two divisions led by their worthy officers flew to the points attacked, assisted by the artillery of both. At sun rise our troops were in possession of the heights which they formerly occupied, and the enemy began their attacks upon various points of the line, having the advantage of forming their columns under cover from our fire in consequence of their occupying a better position protected by their artillery.
At every point they were repulsed, and
in their turn assailed, notwithstanding the violence of their attacks, which they repeated without more interruption than was necessary to fall back and form new columns until half past twelve, but were fatigued without being able to gain ground, although they had several times broken our lines of defence with the intrepidity of troops accustomed to conquer, and penetrated to our batteries, which were served that day in a manner which astonished and terrified the enemy, and which has few examples, for they not only immediately dismounted all the artillery of the enemy, but routed whatever columns presented themselves, always protecting the points attacked, and varying their positions as circumstances required.
Gen. Dupont then placed himself with the other Generals at the head of the columns supported by the artillery, and made a last attack with admirable boldness; but with no better success, and we are told by the enemy that 14 of their guns were dismounted, that their loss amounted to 2000 men killed and many wounded, among the latter Dupont and two other generals.
In this situation Gen. Dupont requested to capitulate, and hostilities were suspended in both armies, it being agreed that they should remain in their respective positions, and the consequence of the valor and constancy of the brave troops composing these two divisions has been the total defeat and capture of the army of Dupont, and that of Bedel has shared the same fate, with the difference only of receiving their arms at the time of embarkation, notwithstanding the position which the latter took contrary to the laws of war after the suspension of arms granted to it and to its General in Chief.
[The remainder of this dispatch contains only an enumeration of the Spanish officers who distinguished themselves and an eulogium on their conduct—It thus concludes.]
I glory in having commanded such worthy troops who have sustained the honor and reputation of the Spanish Nation, and shown how capable they are of supporting the noble cause which has obliged them to take up arms in defence of their Religion, their Sovereign and their Country, and who in two actions only have destroyed the enemy and accomplished the design of the wise Government which employed them and reposed in them its confidence.
REDING.
Baylen, July 22, 1808.
Most Serene Sir,
I have the satisfaction of acquainting your Highness with the complete victory obtained since the battle of Baylen. Gen. Dupont and the whole of his division, with their arms, artillery, baggage, &c. are prisoners of war. The others who were not in the action, altho' they are not in the same situation are included in the capitulation, and obliged to return to France by sea, so that not one Frenchman remains in Andalusia. The particulars will be communicated to you, by my nephew Colonel Don Pedro Augustine Giron, Adjutant General of Infantry, and until you receive circumstantial details, your Highness may be assured, that the bravery of the troops and officers their constancy, sufferings and privations corresponds with the sentiments which your Highness entertains of them and which the army merits, and with the opinion which I have of their patriotism and zeal for the public cause.
I make bold to request your Highness to fulfil for me the vow which I had made to dedicate this action to the glorious St. Ferdinand. God preserve your Highness many years.
Head Quarters at Andujar 21 July 1808. XAVIER DE CASTANOS. His Serene Highness the President of the Supreme Council
Yesterday the 20th, Spain, or rather the army of your highness, obtained the most complete victory which the nation has seen for many ages. The result is an imitation of the battle of Pavia; in one moment the Andalusians are freed from the French arms. The division of Dupont with every thing belonging to it, and all its generals are captured, and the other divisions which occupied his majesty's dominions, from the summit of the Sierra to Baylen, evacuate the Peninsula by sea. This is the substance of the treaty which his excellency general Castanos and I had the pleasure to sign last night, and we left the camp at midnight, exhausted by fatigue and watchfulness, it is not possible at present to transmit to your highness the details of the capitulation and battles, but I shall do it as soon as time permits.
This pleasing intelligence will be communicated by Don Pedro Augustine Giron, Lieutenant Colonel of the columns of Provincial Grenadiers, with the rank of Colonel and Adjutant General, an officer of the highest merit, who by the talents and bravery which he has displayed in many actions and particularly in this army, has rendered himself worthy of whatever favors your highness may be pleased to bestow upon him.
I have ordered allegiance to be sworn this day to our new king Don Ferdinand VII which had not been performed in this city, the Te Deum to be sung, and illuminations for three nights.
God preserve your highness many years Head Quarters at Andujar, July 21, 1808. EL CONDE DE TILLY.
His Serene Highness, the President and the Members of the Supreme Council of Spain and the Indies.
A supplement to the Seville Gazette, of July 28, says, that the troops of Gen. Bedel, after taking an oath, were to re-embark for France.
A letter of the 28th of July, from the house of Messrs. Strange & Co. at Cadiz, confirms the surrender of Dupont, with 10,000 men, and Gen. Bedel with about 3,000. The Spaniards took 60 pieces of cannon and several Imperial Eagles. The same letter says that the Junta at Seville had given an order to liberate all the vessels detained under the Milan decree; but since, the privateersmen had made a representation which had caused a suspension of the order for their release. Mr. Iznardi, the American consul, had also made a representation to the supreme board at Seville, and it was,
confidently hoped, that notwithstanding the arguments of the privateersmen, the vessels would ultimately be liberated.
Extract of a letter, dated,
CADIZ, July 30.
"We have made an armistice with England, and declared war against France, with the view of breaking off the ignominious yoke of Bonaparte. Formidable preparations are making and every male of 16 to 45 are under arms, and we presume above half a million of men will stand in defence of their country, and no doubt their many exertions and patriotism will be crowned with complete success. You will then hail us a free and independent nation, and hope our intercourse with your states will resume its former activity. In the mean time, all the American vessels and cargoes in Spain, under seizure of Bonaparte's decrees, have been liberated; and the English permit American vessels to enter our ports unmolested."
A letter from Cadiz, of the same date, says, "We have just received accounts of the destruction of 11 sail of the line with troops from Toulon, by Admiral Strachan."
Extract of another letter, from Cadiz, dated, July 30, 1808.
"On the 21st inst. the French army commanded by Gen. Dupont surrendered at discretion to the Spanish troops under Gen. Castanos, at Andujar, about forty or fifty leagues from this place, consisting of about 16,400 prisoners, about 2000 killed, and about the same number sick, &c. the whole making about 22,000—that of the Spaniards consisting of about 60,000, principally peasantry. This victory has made the greatest change imaginable with the people generally. They now think they can conquer the world, and call themselves the conquerors of the conqueror of Austerlitz, Jena, &c."
"The British forces under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, consisting of 10,000 men, have landed at Lisbon; and it is daily expected that Gen. Junot will be attacked and overthrown, as he has but about 10,000 men altogether in and about Lisbon; and a few days since, all the British troops that were here (about 4,000 under general Spencer) set sail to join Sir Arthur Wellesley, and are by this time there. It is therefore impossible that Junot can effect his escape, so that this part of Spain and Portugal will be quiet for a while at least."
[This letter also confirms the account of the destruction of the French squadron by Ad. Thornborough.]
Official return of French ships surrendered at Cadiz. Hero 84, 673 men; Neptune 92, 713; Algesiras 80, 661; Pluton 74, 684; Vindicator 78, 616; Cornelia, 318 men. Total 450 guns, 3668 men.
September 19.
The Ship Union, capt. Girdon, which was to have left Philadelphia for France and England on the 15th inst. under the orders of Government, is now advertised to sail about the 25th.
Vermont Election.—The Boston Centinel of Wednesday furnishes us with the latest accounts from Vermont; by which it appears that in 126 towns the votes were,
  For Mr. Tichenor 9,996   For Mr. Smith 9,751   Majority for Mr. Tichenor 245 
The list of representatives, chosen in 176 towns, gave 92 federal and 84 democratic members; and these returns, it is supposed, will present a tolerably correct index of the actual majorities for Governor or Representatives.
The Boston Chronicle, however, states, on the authority of a letter from a gentleman in Burlington that Mr. Smith is elected by a majority of 500 votes, and that the legislature will be republican by a majority of 40.
The Rutland Herald states that Mr. Samuel Shaw is elected to congress by a majority of 800, and Mr. Chittenden (a federalist) re-elected for the N. W. district.
At Nevis—August 15th. flour 20 port 30 dollars; no American vessels there.—At St. Croix; August 20th, provisions plenty; flour 20 dollars by the cargo and 25 at retail:—10,000 barrels in market unsold.—At Esopus, August 16th, provisions scarce; flour 35 dollars—No Americans in port—Flour was retailing for 27 to 30 dollars, and rice 7 50, at Jamaica, August 4.
September 20.
Extract of a letter from London, dated July the 11th, to a commercial house in this city.
"The ship Amsterdam-Packet, Sisson, of New-York, was yesterday chartered to go to Charante, France."
"It is expected the blockading orders will shortly be rescinded. All American vessels are allowed to depart from Holland."
Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser. Extraordinary Gazette of Valencia, 8th of July.
SARAGOSSA, July 4.
The following is a letter from his Excellency Don Joseph Palafox, Captain General of the Kingdom of Arragon, to his political brother Count de Montijo:
"I have obtained a complete victory at the gates of this city. The French are destroyed or put to flight. Those who have escaped have taken refuge in the olive plantations. The enemy attacked me at five different points at one and the same time; but at all of them they have been completely routed. Yesterday the enemy attacked me a second time with an earnest desire to enter the city, but they were repulsed. They offered to parley, but they received my answer in a heavy cannonade. They attempted to move, but I poured upon them a tremendous fire. In the battery I had a 24 pounder which did great execution, and the mortars were served to admiration. In short, the enemy have lost a great number of men in killed and wounded. I receive new vigour from the enthusiasm with which my people are animated."
[Our translator informs us that the Edicto or Proclamation by the Supreme Junta of Seville, dated 14th July, 1803, which we put into his hands, relates only to events already published in the papers of this country; and that the Seville Gazette of the 23d July, which we had given for the same purpose, contains local narratives, immaterial and uninteresting.]
WASHINGTON CITY, Sept. 21.
A piece has recently appeared in the New-York Evening Post, designed to have a special effect on the Federalists, but calculated to make no slight impression on men of all parties. It seems to be penned by a man, who standing aloof from the fury of faction, coolly perceives the folly of the means which it uses to regain power. He recommends it to the Federalists to abstain from petitioning for the raising of the Embargo, and among other reasons assigns the following:
"It is understood that if the adherents of the present Administration find the majority going against them, at the elections, they will attempt early next session to declare war against England. They will then treat the war as a measure for which they are not responsible and as produced against their wishes by the discontent of the people under the embargo. While some believe this story, others will remain persuaded that the embargo if persevered in, would have been a remedy for all our political evils. Thus the rage for experiments will remain uncurbed—The leaven of discontent continue and evils of the most serious consequence ensue."
"From every view, therefore, which I can take of this subject, I conceive my fellow-citizens will not think it proper to present any petition upon the subject of the embargo."
Now, what is called the "attempt early next session to declare war against England," is nothing else, reader, than the identical raising of the embargo, so clamorously called for by the federalists of Massachusetts. This must be obvious to the meanest apprehension. The British orders will then be in force, or they will not. If they are not in force, the embargo will be raised as a matter of course, without exposing our commerce to any injury from England. Whenever our relations with France may be, those with England will be amicable, and there can be consequently no attempt to declare war against her. But if the British orders are still in force at the commencement of the next session, and the embargo be raised, every American ship bound to the continent will be captured and condemned by England. This will certainly be war with a vengeance. There will, it is true, be likewise war with France; but we shall receive from England ten blows for one received from France, as England has ten times the force on the ocean. For every ship, therefore, taken by France, England will take ten. It is easy to calculate against which nation we shall feel the deepest indignation. It will inevitably be against that nation that inflicts upon us the greatest injuries.
It follows, as this sagacious writer, clearly perceives, that the raising of the embargo will be war with Britain. Well then may he tremble for the responsibility of those who urged the removal of the embargo, and caution the federalists against petitioning for it. If they do excite the people to call upon the government to take it off, and it is taken off in consequence of such an expression of the public wishes, they surely will be as answerable as the government for the consequences. We will go a step further, and say, they will be more answerable, they will in fact be the authors of whatever ensues, and if it be a war with Britain, they will be the authors of that war. Nothing can be clearer, than that it is the duty of the government to obey the public will, whenever it is unequivocally expressed, even though their own individual opinions run counter to it. The President may, with perfect integrity, and without the least derogation from dignity or sacrifice of independence, declare to Congress that he still considers the embargo as proper, but notwithstanding recommend its removal in consequence of the opposition of the public to it; and Congress may, under the same circumstances, although they coincide in sentiment with the President, take it off.
Let those then who urge the removal of the embargo be warned from their federalist friend, however deaf they may be to republican admonitions. Let them rest assured that they will be held responsible for consequences. Let them recollect that the present administration have struggled, thro' a thousand difficulties, to maintain the peace of the nation, as well as its rights; and let them, ere it is too late, anticipate the indignation and ruin that will overwhelm those who shall destroy the one without securing the other.—Nat. Int.
The following is extracted from a letter received in this place from a respectable mercantile house in Liverpool. Its contents are highly important and strengthen the hope that the injurious restrictions on our trade will be rescinded, and our commerce be restored to its ordinary channels.
"Liverpool, July 22, 1808.
Sir, Your government vessel the St. Michael having arrived from France, a report is circulated that the French decrees against your commerce are to be immediately rescinded, and as we consider our ministry pledged to remove the orders in council thereupon, our market is entirely at a pause for all American produce. Nothing official has yet been given, but the ministerial London print of this morning reasons on the probability of such a measure being about to take place. The Spaniards are very successful and as no quarter is given, by this time not a Frenchman can be alive in Spain. Ten thousand of our troops are now before Lisbon under Gen. Sir A. Wellesley, it is the only port the French have in Portugal. The weather is so very favorable that we anticipate a most abundant harvest. Flour & wheat are quite unsaleable, at prices quoted. Tobacco is quite at a stand but the kolders do not seem disposed to take less than our prices below."
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1808.
MR. PLEASANTS,
Agreeable to your invitation, we, in behalf of ourselves and our country, must make a few enquiries, relative to our present calamities, and a few relative to the approaching presidential election. Now, sir, we planters have had full confidence in you, with an expectation that you, who have so many eyes, would have kept some of them strictly watching our rulers, but instead of this, you have constantly been telling us of Burr and Treason, &c. Now, since you have told us you will hear our complaints, you will not forget our countrymen, we hope, and flatter the men in power no more, remember these who have brought us to this calamitous situation, refuse to give up one cent of their salaries, when John Randolph brought in a bill for that purpose, they instead of pitying our situation and bearing a part with us, passed a bill, making their salaries perpetual—Does these men deserve flattery? Again, what causes produced the embargo, (Before this question is answered, let us look back to the passage of the non-importation act.)
We recollect at the commencement of this business, John Randolph asked for instructions from the executive—Now, sir, in candor, please inform us what information was, at that time, in possession of the executive? Did the executive know of the change of the ministry in England at that time, did Mr. Monroe's communication from Fox, reach Mr. Jefferson before the passage of that law? Did Mr. Madison recommend the sending of Mr. Pincney after Mr. Monroe's communication, relative to the assurance that he had from Fox, that all our grievances should be redressed, had reached Washington City.
We, sir, will ask you a few questions respecting the approaching presidential election.
First.
Why you consider Mr. Madison the only person, at this time, that will carry us thro' these difficulties with safety
Secondly,
Why he considers himself too high to answer the charge of John Randolph, respecting his wishing to furnish France with money
Thirdly and last.
How it can be possible Mr. Madison can be better acquainted with the politics of Europe, that Mr. Monroe, when Mr. Monroe has been in Spain, France and England, as minister, for several years, when Mr. Madison never was out of this country in his life, nor does he know the geography of his own country, only from history.
HALIFAX.
The above communication professes to be the offspring of many progenitors. Whether it is a fact or not we are unable to ascertain, as they remain perfectly incognito. They appear to have adopted the tortoise policy of hiding their heads in hopes to escape detection. You are known gentlemen, by the checkered colors of your shell, and it is no difficult matter to tell who you are. You do not appear as yet to be adepts in the skill and intrigue of the minority; you have the lesson by rote, but you are not up to the practice, else you would not have exposed the weakness of the battery which is to beat down the present administration. But for this circumstance we should have forborne to pass any comments upon your essay, which reminds us of the old kitchen proverb, that too many cooks spoil the broth.
We shall hold forth our hand, and if you will not take it, you must sink with the sinking minority.
You tell us, that we have been too much occupied with Burr and treason, as if these subjects were too unimportant for investigation, and too trifling indeed for public attention. But the fact is otherwise. You have seen nothing in the Argus upon this subject for three months past, unless perhaps there may have been some awful squinting that way, in speaking of those infuriated parties who wish to overturn the administration as a sacrifice to ambitious disappointment and envious resentment. You wish to make some enquiries about our present calamities. This enquiry is indeed vague and indefinite, and seems to present us a "choice of difficulties." If we were emphatically asked, which is the greatest calamity? We should without hesitation point to the old and new factions which from some strange principle that unites contrarieties, are coalescing in the same scheme. A scheme whose only design is to excite commotion, and to ruin the administration. We look upon this, as a copious source of the most baleful consequences. If we were certain that this was the enquiry you intended, we should expatiate upon the inconsistencies and inflammatory features of that party which is so extremely odious to the people. But we fear that this is not the enquiry, and that the true object is nothing more nor less, than what gave rise to the embargo? which is considered as the author of every evil, physical or moral, political or divine. We might answer this question in the most satisfactory manner, by referring you to the iniquitous decrees of France and Great Britain. We fear that it is a waste of ink to endeavor to convince any person, who can reconcile it to himself to ask the question, what produced the embargo?
The decrees of which we speak virtually exclude us from the European seas under the penalty of forfeiting our property and sea-faring brethren. You profess yourselves to be planters, and perhaps have no nearer connection with the commercial world than the bare sale of your produce to some in and market.
We are told by the best writers upon human nature that in order to judge of another's feelings we should place ourselves exactly in the same situation. Suppose then gentlemen that you had sons in the sea-faring service, and that if they sailed beyond the jurisdictional limits of the U. States, they would be irrevocably lost; not that kind of loss which sweeps them into eternity, but that kind which dooms them to a

"Living death" in the heart-rending service of an enemy. What would you say, (and we beg you to imagine some favorite child in this situation,) if government did not adopt some measure to keep them at home. How many thousands are there in this situation who bemoan the fate of their impressed relatives, who are breathing the long and heavy sigh of despair, against the sides of those floating castles. Let us entreat you to view the subject in this light. There are some who can only be convinced in this way, who are too much prejudiced, to be governed by the calculations of reason. But let us forget all feeling of sympathy, and examine the subject through the medium of policy. We have been told by our revolutionary forefathers and the greatest statesmen of our country, that the true policy of America should be to avoid entangling alliances, and to caress the charms of peace and the independence of neutrality. The state of Europe is such that if we venture out of our precincts we are taken and abused, by the contending belligerents. If we trade with one, we cannot trade with the other, and if we were to carry on this one-sided commerce, we should be considered by the other, as taking part in the contest, and thus our independence would necessarily bend to entangling alliances. There cannot be the least doubt, but that if we were to accept the haughty terms of Great Britain and to permit her to measure out to us the blessings of our God, we should be considered to all intents and purposes, and justly too, as at war with France.
The same reasoning will apply, and the same consequences result, if we were to trade thus partially with France. The law of nations no longer impose any restraint, and the maritime powers "prowl over the seas to seek whom they can devour." The principle which was admitted and which prevailed throughout the world from 1648 to 1675, that free ships make free goods, and which was acknowledged in so many treaties, that it became almost a proverb, has given way to the modern maxim that "might right." In this situation, what were we to do? We are told in cases of difficulty, to appeal to experience and to invoke the guardian spirit of Washington. We have done so. We find that in the year 1794 our country was precisely in the same situation that it is now, and that Congress passed an act conferring upon the President the power of laying an embargo at any time during their recess. There was nothing said then about the unconstitutionality of this measure. An embargo was laid, and there was nothing said then about its harshness and inefficiency, but on the other hand, there were addresses from those very people who are now so refractory, to pray for its continuance. This was all perfectly right in '94, and was like pouring oil upon the patriotic flame of the President, it became more brilliant and pure. The people at that time sung hosannas to his praise, and admired the embargo as an act of unexampled wisdom.
Thus it would seem in the course of a few years, that patriotism "like the unsteady flame, hangs quivering on a point," and thus it is we account for our present calamities. You seem willing to adorn the cap of John Randolph with a plume, because he brought in a bill to diminish the amount of salaries. We take this from your own abstract statement, without any recurrence to the bill itself. Was this measure intended to drive the poor but honest republicans from Congress, because they could not afford to support themselves, or was it intended as an electioneering trick? If we may be permitted to compare small things with great, we well recollect the discussion which arose in the House of Delegates of this state, about the increase of wages. We well recollect that the great object assigned was, to invite men of talents as well as men of property, and that it was no reason whatsoever, that because a man was poor, that he should be excluded from the legislative hall, when his talents might perhaps fill the Nabob into the shade. We trust gentlemen, that the time has not yet arrived when a man's virtue and understanding are to be appreciated by the quantity of property he possesses. Are you in favor of an oligarchy of this sort? That men of alliance are alone entitled to the representative seat. If so, republicanism has lost its soul, and has become a mere shadow—an idle dream of a disordered mind. You seem to insinuate that Mr. Monroe would have concluded a treaty if Mr. Pinkney had not been sent as an extra minister. From what premises do you draw this inference? You must indeed have been shamefully inattentive to the diplomatic correspondence published in the course of last winter. Or, you must suppose that Mr. Monroe would have abandoned the basis of his instructions, in order to comply with the over-bearing temper of the British minister. What does Mr. Monroe say when he sends the treaty to this country, but that he was aware that it would not be ratified, for reasons communicated to him upon the subject of impressment, and by whom? By Mr. Fox, the man who is supposed by many as being so friendly to the United States, that he would have complied with any request of the American minister. Upon this subject we have already treated at large, but if any doubts should arise upon your mind, we refer to some letters lately published in this paper under the signature of Timoleon—You ask, if Mr. Madison is the only fit character to conduct us through the present times. We answer no. There are many others; but who is to decide? The people. They have selected him, and as a man of pre-eminent talents and unquestionable patriotism, he ought to be supported by every republican. You also ask why he confined himself to high to answer John Randolph respecting his wishing to furnish France with money. We did not expect that men who profess the least claim to candor would have condescended to catch hold of this pitiful ambiguity, nor did we expect that Mr. Randolph, would lessen himself so low, as to diffuse this misrepresentation. Here is the fact. While the bill respecting the two millions of dollars was before Congress, the conversation took place between Mr. Randolph and Mr. Madison. The object of this bill, as every body knows, was the purchase of the Floridas, to which Mr. Randolph was a violent opponent. French affairs at this time were extremely precarious. Bonaparte was on his way into the interior of Germany with a large army. It was expected that he would be powerfully resisted by the Germans, Russians, and probably Prussians, under commanders of the most
reputed skill. The pecuniary resources of France were supposed to be almost exhausted. Under these circumstances Mr. Madison observed in substance that, that was a most inviting opportunity to purchase the Floridas. "That France wanted money and must have it." What is the evident corollary from this—that unless she did obtain money her progress would be lame and crippled. Before the negotiation was finished, the battle of Austerlitz took place. The Russian army was dispersed, and Bonaparte had made peace with Prussia and Germany. France no longer was in such distress for money, and according to the correspondence lately published between Mr. Colvin and Mr. Duval, the two millions of dollars still remain in the treasury of the U. S.—It is absolutely impossible for any sound and thinking mind to believe that Mr. Madison was willing to give this sum of money to Bonaparte. You conclude with asking "if it is possible, that Mr. Madison can be better acquainted with the politics of Europe than Mr. Monroe?" This is a question we shall not decide, because we conceive that it legitimately belongs to the people. It should become necessary to draw a comparison between the minds of these two gentlemen, we shall do so. We will conclude by enquiring, why will not Mr. Monroe come forward and answer the people, whether he is a minority man or not? The people have a right to enquire; they have enquired, and they can derive no information from him. What then are they to infer— cetera desunt —This subject has been so frequently presented, and so fully discussed before the public, that we are inclined to believe, that no mind remains in a neutral state unless it is deeply determined to annoy the present administration, and to make a stubborn stand against the next. Thank Heaven, the little doubts which overclouded the prospect of the people, are completely dissipated, and the election of Mr. Madison is securely fixed, notwithstanding the machinations of the minority, and the co-operation of their political brethren, the federalists. If reflection is not banished from your minds by prejudice, and if patriotism has not yielded to party considerations, we invoke you by their sacred ties, to think of what you are doing.
Extraordinary Convocation of Federalists. At a meeting of them on the 1st day of this month at Staunton, Gen. R. Porterfield was appointed chairman, who announced the object of the meeting to be, "to adopt such measures as might be deemed necessary to support the election of a federal president and vice-president." For which purpose Charles C. Pinckney was nominated to the first office and Rufus King to the second. This "out Herods Herod." In these resolutions we fully recognize the tory-toned federalism of '93, and what influence can we draw from their "resolution which declares that the Berlin Decree of 1806, was the cause of the orders of council," except profound ignorance of European affairs. This little gang of federalists, seem determined to make themselves conspicuous; they have done so; they are conspicuously contemptible. The names of this committee, are the very best remarks upon their conduct. Here they follow: Robert Porterfield William Boyce Carter B. Berkeley Alex. Nelson Samuel Clarke. These resolutions have not been yet adopted, as the motion was carried to submit them to the consideration of the freeholders of Augusta, & to make them the subject of discussion for a future meeting.
[We take the following resolution from the Aurora with feelings of singular delight. They bestow an unfeigned character upon the virtuous seamen of our country. If the patriotism of any class of our citizens was expected to shrink in the conflict with privation and distress, we surely should have expected it from this quarter. They must feel the effects of the embargo with tenfold severity. But they have seen the honor of their country mocked and insulted, perhaps they themselves have experienced it, and they are determined to sacrifice self-interest at the shrine of patriotism. What will the opponents of the embargo say to this. They will no doubt be confounded with surprise, and the forced sensibility of the Federalists, will be instantly converted into contempt. Strange set of people! In whom there appears to be no fixed principle of morals or politics, and who even make the noblest feelings of the soul the subject of petty calculation. Sensibility rises beyond the cold touch of reasoning, but with them, they never feel it, until they reason themselves into it, by the dint of policy. These resolutions while they speak confirmation to the wisdom of the embargo, must raise the authors into the highest esteem of every American heart.]
AMERICAN TARS!! In consequence of a public advertisement, calling a meeting of the captains of ships and officers of ships, belonging to the port of Philadelphia, at the White Horse Tavern, to take into consideration certain public measures—there was an unusually numerous meeting. Captain Richard O'Brien, was called to the chair. Captain Samuel Veacock, Secretary. After some spirited and able observations from capt. Wm. Jones, on the general concerns of the nation at this great crisis; and some reference to the particular object for which the meeting was called—the following resolutions were carried unanimously, with the exception of a single no to the last resolution—and it was resolved to be published in all the papers.
Resolved, That it is not expedient for this meeting—to adopt any political measures in relation to the ensuing election in our professional capacity distinct from our fellow citizens—but that it is the duty of each individual to reserve to himself the free exercise of his political rights, according to the dictates of his own judgment and conscience.
Resolved, That the depredations and outrages committed upon the persons and property of the citizens of the U. S. peaceably and lawfully navigating the high seas, and the arbitrary proscription, and absolute interdiction of our lawful commerce, imperatively demanded of the government of the U. S. the adoption of such measures as in their wisdom appear'd best calculated to preserve and protect the property and persons of our citizens, and to secure to the nation the means of defence.
Resolved, That the only alternative was an immediate embargo, or war in an unprepared state, with 70,000 of our citizens, and nine-tenths of the commercial capital of the nation, exposed to the depredations of the enemy—that the laws laying an embargo, (although a choice of evils) have had
the happy effect in preserving the peace of the country—collecting the commercial capital of the nation—saving from bankruptcy our insurance companies—and thousands of individuals from absolute ruin.
That the privations experienced from the embargo, although manifestly great, and demanding a high degree of patience and patriotism, are comparatively light with that which would have been produced by a war, or the evils which have been averted by the embargo.
Resolved, That the causes which gave rise to the embargo, appear still to exist in full force, and are evinced by the continued condemnation of vessels and property under the obnoxious orders and decrees of both the belligerents, and the capture of our vessels even in ballast, sailing by special permission of our government.
Resolved, That the changes and events which alone could authorize the President of the United States to suspend the embargo laws, have not taken place, and that it is the duty of good citizens, faithful to the constitution and laws, to wait with patience and just confidence, the deliberation and decision of the national councils, who have a common interest and having full information, will be enabled to determine whether the dispositions of the belligerent powers are such as to ensure safety to our trade, or whether a temporary embargo is more intolerable than an appeal to arms.
RICHARD O'BRIEN, Chairman. SAMUEL S. VEACOCK, Secretary. FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
COMMUNICATION. On Monday the 19th inst. (Being Prince Edward court day) the freeholders of the county were invited by harangues, delivered by two active opponents of Mr. Randolph (the present representative of that district in congress) to assemble at the courthouse on Saturday the 24th, for the purpose of appointing a select committee, to meet such other select committees, as might be appointed by the other counties composing the district, in order to choose a fit character to represent them in the ensuing congress. Handbills were also circulated to the same effect, and signatures endeavored to be obtained to them—for what other purpose than that of binding the persons who should subscribe their names to the support of whatever candidate should be thus brought forward it is difficult, & indeed impossible to conceive.
On Saturday the freeholders of the county assembled to the number of from two to three hundred, when it appeared that nine out of ten were decidedly opposed to the views and proceedings of those, by whom the meeting was procured. The disappointment and mortification of these persons is not to be described. They retired into the courthouse with a few others, about 17 in number, and as they say themselves, agreed to draw a petition to Governor Cabell, praying that he would come forward as the opponent of Mr. R. at the ensuing election. This petition is not to be presented until the Governor retires from office, and in the interim as many subscribers are to be obtained as possible.
Never were men more disappointed than the active opponents of Mr. Randolph, and it is hoped, that they will learn to appreciate more justly, the intelligence, spirit and independence of Virginia freeholders, and at the same time, to form a more correct estimate of their own influence and talents.
Prince Edward, Sept. 25, 1808. OFFICERS OF MERCHANT SHIPS PETITION. Our readers will recollect, that upwards of a month ago, a meeting of the officers of ships belonging to this port, was called by public notification. At that meeting a petition to the President of the United States was agreed upon and a committee appointed to present it. The following are communicated to us as copies of the petition & Mr. Jefferson's answer:
To Thomas Jefferson Esq. President of the United States of America, THE PETITION Of the subscribers, officers of merchant ships, belonging to the Port of Philadelphia Respectfully Sheweth,
That in consequence of the present embargo laws, the situation of your petitioners is grievous and affliction; that they have been engaged in the mercantile service since their infancy, with few exceptions, and accustomed only to conduct ships or vessels across the ocean, that from the operation of the present restrictive laws, they find themselves cut off from their usual employment & of course the means of subsistence are gone.
Your petitioners are well acquainted with the duties of conducting ships from port to port: well versed in naval tactics, but unable to handle the harrow or plough. Your petitioners have for a long time borne with patience the privations incident to those restrictive laws, without murmur or complaint; but when imperious necessity compels them to disclose the cause of their grievances, they humbly suppose they have a right to do so in a decent and respectful manner.
Your petitioners therefore pray that your excellency will take their case into consideration, and adopt such measures as will relieve the wants of your petitioners; or if there are vacancies in the navy, to give your petitioners, or some of them an opportunity of serving therein: as they think themselves capable of performing services of that nature. They however submit their whole case to your consideration, hoping your excellency will adopt such measures as wisdom and justice may point out, and as in duty bound will pray, &c.
Philadelphia, August 10th, 1808. PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. Sir,
In answer to the petition which you delivered me from the officers of merchant vessels belonging to Philadelphia, I must premise my sincere regret at the sacrifices which our fellow citizens in general, and the petitioners in particular, have been obliged to meet by the circumstances of the times. We live in an age of allusion, to which the history of nations present no parallel; we have for years been looking on Europe covered with blood and violence and seen rapine spreading itself over the ocean. On this element it has reached us, and at length in so serious a degree, that
the legislature of the nation has thought it necessary to withdraw our citizens and property from it, either to avoid or prepare for engaging in the general contest. But for this timely precaution, the petitioners and their property might now have been in the hands of spoilers, who have laid aside all regard to moral right. Withdrawing from the greater evil a lesser one has been necessarily encountered, and certainly, could the legislature have made provision against this also I should have had great pleasure as the instrument of its execution, but it was impracticable by any general and just rules to prescribe in every case the best resource against the inconveniences of this new situation. The difficulties of the crisis will certainly fall with greater pressure on some description of citizens than others, and on none perhaps with greater than our seafaring brethren. Should any means of alleviation occur within the range of my duties, I shall with certainty advert to the situation of the petitioners, and in availing the nation of their services, aid them with a substitute for their former occupation. I salute them and yourself with sentiments of sincere regard.
TH: JEFFERSON. [On the 17th another meeting was held at which the following resolution was passed:]
Resolved, That the changes and events, which alone could authorise the president of the United States to suspend the embargo law, have not taken place, and that it is the duty of good citizens, faithful to the constitution and laws to wait with patience and just confidence, the deliberation and decision of the national councils, who have a common interest, and having full information, will be enabled to determine whether the dispositions of the belligerent powers are such as to ensure safety to our trade, or whether a temporary embargo is more intolerable than an appeal to arms.
RICHARD O'BRIEN, Chairman. SAMUEL S. VEACOCK, Sec'y.
CHARLESTON, Sep. 19. By the arrival of Capt. Torry from New Orleans, we are informed, that the inhabitants of Mexico have declared themselves in favor of Ferdinand the 7th, and it is said that they have murdered all the Frenchmen that were there.
Departed this life, on Thursday the 22d inst. Miss MARIA BANKS, daughter of Mr. G. BANKS of this city, a lovely girl, about twelve years of age, whose premature death is the subject of uncommon sorrow to her relations and acquaintance. Her beauty was truly extraordinary; her filial affection and amiable disposition, no less remarkable. Her genius was sprightly, and her progress in improvement great indeed, for the short time she was permitted to live.—The following lines are dedicated to her memory by
A FRIEND. Happy the Pilgrims thro' this toilsome state Of pain and woe, when all their sorrows end; When they, at length, arrive at Heaven's gate, And in their Maker meet their dearest friend: But happiest those who die in early youth, Whose Spirits pure, were Angels here below, And, leaving Earth, to their own region go, Then do not mourn for sweet Maria's doom, Ye weeping parents and ye sisters dear; Tho' soon consign'd to the relentless tomb, Think not her fate is hard, or your's severe. Lament not that her early charms are gone. Those eyes soft-smiling like the morning's dawn Those rosy cheeks, whose varying colors bright Expressive gave you ever new delight,— Those curling tresses which were wont to deck Her snow-white forehead & her graceful neck, Her beauties all, dear objects of your love, Were but a veil which hid a brighter mode; And now that veil is removed, it shines above In bliss eternal free and unconfined.
The last evenings mail brought no news of an interesting and important nature. We have only room to insert the proclamation of General Paillofox.
"ARRAGONESE!" —You have proved yourselves to be worthy of your name—That multitude of proud warriors, triumphant in every other part of Europe, ceased to retain the character of conquerors when they came before you. You are inferior both in discipline and numbers; because one twentieth part of our force have not entered into action, having been incapable of uniting. But your zeal has overcome every difficulty. The musketry in which your enemies place so much confidence, are weak instruments of their power when you appear before them; you look at them with courage and they fall at your feet.
"Arragonese? the result of our first attempt has been to leave in the field of battle 18,000 enemies, composing a complete army, which had the audacity to provoke our resentment. We have had the good fortune to get possession of all the property and baggage, of which the people have been in f amously plundered, in the countries through which this army passed. Our loss consists only of from 1700 to 2000 killed, and an equal number wounded; a loss bearing no comparison to the triumph we have obtained.
Their precious blood is shed in the field of glory, on their own territory; and these blessed martyrs demand new victims; let us prepare for the sacrifice. Arragonese! be not impatient. The enemy against whom we fight is rash, and will afford frequent opportunities for you to exercise your skill and courage. Especially the lawless bands which violate our city of Madrid, and their commander Murat, should venture to approach us, we should receive the intelligence with the highest satisfaction; we would anticipate their expectations, and meet them half way.
Arragonese! If the battle of Saragossa had been gained by these intruders, we should have heard the babbling of the victories of Vitoria, Austerlitz, and Jena, acquired by the same valor. Although the conquest we have effected has been sanguinary, yet it has been glorious. Do you consider it as a trifling commencement of your future triumphs under the powerful assistance of your illustrious Leader and Patron. PALAFOX. Head quarters at Saragossa, } 17th June, 1808."
On the 25th of June another battle was fought between the same generals about two leagues from Saragossa.
The official accounts of this action state, that the French are beaten with the loss of 3,000 men—Another battle has been fought between the Spaniards and French near Valladolid, in which the first have sustained a check.
The force of the Patriots was, infantry 14,000, Cavalry 8,000. Their success is attributed to their untrained impetuosity.
The French had in infantry 10,000, cavalry 2,000, and a very great quantity of cannon. The Spaniards fought from 8 till half past 12, before they could be compelled to retreat. But this they effected in good order.
Sales at Auction.
ON Saturday the 31st inst. will be SOLD, at the Vendue Office of the subscribers, at 11 o'clock—One NEGRO MAN, who is an excellent house servant, carriage driver, &c.—One WOMAN about 38 years old, accustomed to washing, ironing & a pretty good plain cook.—One NEGRO GIRL, about 13 years old, accustomed to house business.—One young WOMAN, accustomed to cooking and house business; also her Child. The above negroes are sold for no fault, but for the want of Cash.—Also, a NEW JERSEY WAGGON and a pair of well broke young HORSES—Payable, one half cash and the balance in 30 days, for an approved, indorsed, negotiable note, at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONGURE, Auctioneers. Monday, Sept. 26, 1808.
I DO hereby request all
those purchasers of the estate or effects of the late Patrick Ternan, of this city deceased, and those persons who have on any other account given bonds, bills or notes payable to myself and John Purney, as executors, or to the said John Purney alone, as executor of the said Patrick Ternan, to make no payment of any such bond, bill or note, to either the said John Purney or to his order by the said John Purney having suddenly departed from the usual place of his late residence, and now concealing himself so as to furnish just grounds to suspect and believe he intends fraudulently to convert, as far as he may be able, the debts due to the said Patrick Ternan's executors, to his own private use.
JAMES TERNAN, one of the executors of Patrick Ternan deceased. Richmond, Sept. 26, 1808. (3wks)
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Josiah Cheatham, to secure the payment of a sum of money to James Murphy & company, as expressed in the said deed, will be Sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in money, on the premises in the county of Nelson, on Friday the 28th day of October next.
A tract of Land, Containing one hundred and ten acres; also five NEGROES, consisting of two men and three women, and the increase of the said females if any since the trust was executed; also seven head of Horses and eighteen head of Cattle—The land is situated on Hickory creek and adjoins the lands of Benjamin Harris, John Roberts, Samuel Perkins and John Farrer. We will convey such title as is vested in us by the said deed of trust. Richard Clarke, } Trustees Shelton Crosthwaite, } Nelson county, Sept. 21, 1808. 3w
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Samuel Winfrey to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Rives, Murphy & Company, and James Murphy & Co. as expressed in the said deed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in money, on the premises in the county of Buckingham, at the late dwelling of the said Samuel Winfrey, on Monday the thirty first day of October next, the following
Slaves & other Property,
To wit:—Peter, Daniel, Porter, Joe, Jenny, Aggy, Lucy, Isham, Archer, Spencer, Davy, Polly, Nancy, Massie, Louis, Francis, Abram, Fleming, Gilbert, Sall, Rachel, Will, John, Lucy, D. Liph, Robin, Lewis, Thomas & Hezekiah—also ten head of Horses thirty head of Cattle, the stock of Hogs, Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, &c. &c. conveyed in said deed. We will convey such title to the above mentioned property as is vested in us by the said deed of trust. Jesse Higginbotham, } Trustees Robert Moore, } Nelson county, 21st Sept. 1808. 3w
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Charles Thompson to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives & Company, as therein expressed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the eighth day of October next, on the premises, in the county of Nelson.
A tract of Land, Containing one hundred and seventy-nine and three-quarter acres—also the following PROPERTY, viz: three head of Horses, twenty-eight head of Hogs, seven head of Cattle and their increase since the conveyance, and one Feather Bed and Furniture. The subscriber being only trustee for the benefit of others, he will only warrant the title of the above mentioned land and property as to himself and those claiming under him. James Murphy, Trustee. Warm'r. 21st Sept. 1808. 3w
The land is situated on Rucker's run and adjoins the lands of James Stevens, sen. Thomas Jopling and Samuel Spencer.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Samuel Burks to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives & Company as therein expressed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Newmarket in Nelson county, on Saturday the 29th day of October next.
One Negro Man,
Namely David, a valuable Waterman. The subscriber being only trustee for the benefit of others, he will only warrant the title of the above mentioned slave as to himself and those claiming under him. James Murphy, Trustee. Warm'r. 21st Sept. 1808. 3w
THE FIRST VOL. OF
ROBERTSON'S REPORT
OF THE
TRIAL OF A. BURR,
Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office—A few copies for sale, Sept. 27. 6w
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memine

TO RENT And possession given the first day of October next,  The Tenement, OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleasants' Book-Store. For particulars, apply to WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808. (tf)
Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment. THE subscriber will commence keeping a boarding house on the first day of September next, in the commodious & conveniently situated house at present occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with genteel board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808. (tf)
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. June 1, 1808. (tf)
ON the 28th of September next, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder, by trustees appointed for that purpose, on a credit of one, two and three years, that highly improved and valuable FARM,
CHILLOWEE, Situated in the county of Cumberland, and immediately between Farmville and James-town, containing by estimation 500 acres. For the cultivation of tobacco, wheat, corn, &c. perhaps it is inferior to no land in the middle country. The improvements on this farm, besides the local situation, would be objects of considerable importance with any gentleman who wishes to purchase a country seat. Also, at the same time and place, will be SOLD, on a credit of twelve months, a variety of valuable
Household Furniture, And Plantation Tools & Utensils. If the sale is not finished on the first day, it will be continued from day to day, until every thing is sold. WILLIAM RANDOLPH. August 21, 1808. (tds)
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. (tf)
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large woollen house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. (tf)
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2-3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6 1808. (tf)
PIPING TREE. THE subscriber wishes to RENT for the ensuing year, that well known stand for public business, called the Piping Tree, together with the FERRY, which for custom, is equal to any in the lower part of this state. On the premises there is a very convenient house, calculated for a tavern, with an excellent dry cellar underneath, and all suitable out houses, a fertile and well enclosed garden, a stable, coach house and grainery under one roof, a stone house with a cellar also, a lumber house at the water edge, where vessels from 4 to 500 bushels burthen, can load and unload. Also, from 4 to 500 acres of
GOOD LAND, About 250 acres of which are arable, laid off in convenient fields and all under sufficient fencing, and on which is a very good barn. To those who are not acquainted with said place, it is necessary to observe that it is in a healthy and opulent neighborhood, and there is no tolerable assured store within several miles of it. If said premises are not rented privately, on or before the 1st day of October next, it will, on that day, be rented publicly by Mary King. September 5, 1808. (tf)
Blank Notes AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,  A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the executive by an inquisition held in the county of Northumberland, on the 21st day of September, in the year 1806, before John H. Faxon, Esq. coroner for the said county, that on the 2d day of the said month of September, in the year aforesaid, a certain George Gordon, late of the county aforesaid, stands charged with the murder of a certain negro slave named Bartley; and it appearing that after the perpetration of the said murder, the said George Gordon did immediately, and doth still fly from justice: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Northumberland, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey as aforesaid, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with in the manner which the law in such cases prescribes.
GIVEN under my hand, with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 5th day of August, 1808. Signed, WM. H. CABELL.
George Gordon is about five feet eight or ten inches high, is stout made, has light colored hair, blue eyes and a down look when spoken to. It is believed that he is frequently lurking in the county of Saint Mary's, Maryland: The editor of the National Intelligencer is therefore requested to insert this proclamation in that paper for two weeks.
By the Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,  A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, that on the fourth day of the present month, an atrocious murder was committed in the county of Mecklenburg, by a certain John Daws, an inhabitant of the said county of Mecklenburg, on the body of Francis Ballard, late of the same county; and that the said John Daws hath fled from justice: I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of two hundred dollars to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Mecklenburg, the said John Daws, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and carry before some justice of the peace for the county aforesaid, the said John Daws, that such proceedings may be had thereupon as are prescribed by law.
GIVEN under my hand, with the Seal of the L. S. Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 19th day of August, 1808. Signed, Alexr. M c Rae.
Advertisement. Stolen out of my pasture on Friday night the 19th of August,
A Small Bay Horse, About 4 feet 7 inches high, 5 years old, branded on the near buttock F. S the S turned the wrong way inclined to have a sorrel mane and tail, paces well, trots rough, goes well in a single chair or gig. I will give five dollars reward to have him brought home, and ten on conviction of the thief, if a white man. Francis Smith. September 5, 1808. (3w)
William Lownes,
RETURNS his thanks to his friends and the public generally for their liberal encouragement, and hopes his assiduity to business and punctuality will entitle him to a continuance of their favors. He has removed to the corner immediately opposite the Bell, formerly occupied by S. Granland, where he intends carrying on the Book-binding business in all its variety and in the most modern & fashionable style, with punctilious neatness and dispatch. Printed books bound in the most elegant manner in Morocco and Calf skin, full gilt and lettered; also in sheep skin, gilt, lettered and plain. Blank Books of every description ruled to any pattern and bound with the latest improved spring or patent backs. Orders from the country will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. Old books rebound. N. B. An apprentice will be taken to the Book Binding business, if immediate application be made, with good recommendations. August 23. (tf)
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,)
Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal good terms as heretofore. Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seat leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes. Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit. August 2, 1808. (1awtf)
FOR SALE, AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE,
A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF  Miranda's Expedition, Including the trial & execution OF TEN OF HIS OFFICERS, AND an account of the imprisonment and sufferings of the remainder of the officers and men, who were taken prisoners. Upon the authority of a person who was an officer under Miranda, who was taken and condemned to ten years imprisonment, and who after suffering nearly two years, effected his return home.
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse
DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Fill Box, by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Preakness, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to John Tyler, Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. (tf)
To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from the county court of Henrico, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Gratian's tavern, in the town of Louisville, Kentucky, to take the deposition of Richard Cluff Anderson, William Croghan, James Breckenridge, Norborne Beale, and Stephen Smith, to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your ob't. serv't. HENRY SCHROEDER. Sept. 5, 1808. (4w)
To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of commissions from the court of Henrico county, in three suits depending in that court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Wilson's tavern, in the town of Lexington, Kentucky, to take depositions of Alexander Parker, James Morrison, Sam'l Trotter, John Bradford, Henry Clay, Abraham S. Barton, John Jordan, jr. Robert C. Nicholas, and William Todd, to be read in evidence in said suits. Your ob't. serv't. ROBERT MILLER. Sept. 5, 1808. (4w)
Notice. MR. HENRY TURNER, of the city of Richmond, is fully authorised by me to transact all business relative to the estate of the late Peter Baker, dec. of Goochland county. Christina Baker, Adm rx . September 12, 1808. (4w)
GERMAN GOODS. The subscribers have for sale, a general assortment of German Goods, consisting of
  Oznburghs  Platillas    Ticklenburghs  Bed Tyke    Hessians  Damask Table Cloths    Brown Rolls  Fine Shirring Linen    Dantzic Rolls  Liquor Cases    Dowlas  Quart. pint & half pint    Rowan's Sheeting  Decanters    Brown Holland    And a general assortment of LOOKING GLASSES. Bohn & Hubner. September 12, 1808. (1N1)
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1808. (tf)
NOTICE. THAT a petition will be presented to the next Virginia assembly, held at the capitol, in the city of Richmond, to put down the ferry at Cat Point; Tottuskey Little Bridge, Farnham Bridge and the Great Bridge over Tottuskey to be made a toll bridge; all in the county of Richmond August 30th, 1808. (3w)
Advertisement. TO RENT, And of which possession may be had on the 1st day of October next, that pleasantly situated
TENEMENT, Of which the late Mr. William Nice died seized in this city. It is attended with almost every convenience required for the accommodation of a genteel family—but as it is presumed that any person wishing to rent, will first view the premises, a description of them is deemed unnecessary. Application may be made to Samuel Coleman, at the capitol, or to the subscriber, residing on the premises, who is guardian to the orphans of William Nice, deceased. Richmond, Sept. 15, 1808. Anne Nice. (101)
Notice. THE subscriber will petition the General Assembly of Virginia, at its next session, to complete to him the commonwealth's right in the following half acre lots in the city of Richmond, known and distinguished in the ancient plan of the town of Richmond, by the numbers 63, 64, 65, 66, 77, 88, 102. John Seabrook. Hanover, Sept. 15, 1808. (4w)
A FEW COPIES OF  BROUGHAM'S CELEBRATED
SPEECH AGAINST THE BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL;—AND,
Baring's Pamphlet, On the same subject, are just received and for sale at this office.
Belles Lettres School. J. DAVIS
HAS opened a SCHOOL, in a pleasant house, at the corner of Elliot's lot, where he teaches the English, Latin and French languages, &c. &c. English and Latin, 88 per quarter—English and French, $3. Richmond, Sept. 20, 1808. (2w)
BY virtue of a conveyance, executed to me by Jeremiah Taylor, and Mary his wife, on the 13th day of November, in the year 1802, for the purpose of securing a debt due to William Ludwell Lee, late of Green Springs, dec. I shall sell on the second Monday in November next, before the door of the courthouse of James City county,
A Tract of Land, Containing 130 acres, more or less, lying in the said county, about six miles from Williamsburg, and bounded as described in the deed of conveyance. A title will be made to the purchaser under the title deed. William Coleman. September 10, 1808. (2w)
Malthus on Population. PROPOSALS
For publishing by subscription (from the third London edition,) By J. MILLIGAN, BOOKSELLER, GEORGE TOWN,
AN ESSAY ON THE
Principle of Population; OR,
A view of its past and present effects ON HUMAN HAPPINESS; WITH AN INQUIRY
Into our prospects respecting the future removal or mitigation of the evils which it occasions. BY T. R. MALTHUS, A. M. Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge.
IN TWO VOLUMES. CONDITIONS.
The first American edition of Malthus on Population, will be comprised in 2 volumes, octavo, page for page with the London copy. It shall be printed on a handsome woven paper and a new type: each volume will contain about 560 pages. The price in boards, for each volume, will be $3 50 cents—Handsomely bound and lettered $3. Subscriptions for the above work are received by S. Pleasants, Jr. Richmond, and by the principal booksellers in the United States. September 9. (2w)
The writer of this essay, performs what he feels it to be in the most emphatic sense of the term, a social duty, when on this subject he recommends to such of his readers as may not have been fortunate enough to peruse "Essay on Population," by Malthus. From the perusal of this great work, he has derived more original and valuable information, on the most important subject that can exercise superior genius, or attract the attention of an enlightened people, than from any other book, or from all the other books he has ever read. It is equally calculated to correct the gross prejudices of mere common sense, and dispel the splendid illusions of fanciful speculation respecting the immutable condition of man on earth, the productive causes and proper correctives of human misery and vice, and the future prospects of social improvement. To many of his readers this note may probably appear to be superfluous, & perhaps impertinent. For surely a work of such inestimable value and celebrity, must be already in the hands of every man who aspires to discharge the functions of an editor, legislator or instructor in Virginia.—Rainbow, Series 1, No. 1.
THE SUBSCRIBER Informs his friends and the public in general, that he intends carrying on the
Taylor's Business, On the Cross Street, opposite the Bell Tavern, and hopes by his strict attention and punctuality, to merit a continuance of their patronage. Ph. Courtney.
TO RENT, A Convenient House
For a family, with a large garden, well inclosed, on the church hill. Apply to September 12, 1808. Ph. Courtney. (wbt)
FOR BOSTON, THE SCHOONER
MARY ANN, HENRY LUCK, Master, will sail in a few days. For freight or passage apply to
HOVEY & SIZAK. Who have for sale, now landing,
 17 Hhds. Antigua Rum  19 Hhds. Brown Sugar  200 reams Wrapping Paper  100 reams Writing Paper  11 boxes Spermaceti Candles.  IN STORE, 25 Hhds. Loaf Sugar 15 Hhds. Brown Sugar 40 Hhds. New England Rum 6 Hhds. Philadelphia Whiskey 8 tiers and 40 bags Green Coffee 200 casks Stone Lime
And a general assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's Shoes, &c. &c. September 12, 1808. (w3t)
Wirt's Speeches. The Editor of the Argus has lately published the
SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memin.
PURSUANT to a decree of the court of Henrico county, of July, 1808, I shall proceed to SELL, on Saturday the 15th of October next, on a credit of twelve months, at Littleberry Allen's tavern, in the lower end of Henrico county, the remaining two-thirds of
THE SLAVES Belonging to the estate of Archibald Austin, dec. after the widow's dower is assigned her. Bonds with approved security will be required. JOHN FERRIS, Adm r . Henrico, Sept. 12, 1808. (w3t)
Virginia, to wit: At a court of Appeals held at the capitol in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.
GENERAL RULE. —After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court, shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket: and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through—and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week, until the first day of October next. A Copy—Teste, J. Brown, C. C.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DANIEL TURNER, deceased, are hereby requested to make them known to the county court of Caroline, on or before the second Monday in October next, as the court will, on that day, proceed to make an order for the distribution of said estate, and this advertisement will be plead in bar to the recovery of any claims that may be thereafter exhibited. Philip Samuel, D. S. for John T. Woodford, S. C. C. and committee administrator. July 25. (w10 O.)
NOTICE. THE CO-PARTNERSHIP OF
Archibald Bryce & Co. WAS, on the first day of this month, dissolved by mutual consent. All those indebted to Archibald Bryce, sen. dec. or Archibald Bryce, sen. and Archibald Bryce, jun. trading under the firm of Archibald Bryce & Co for dealings at the store in Goochland, kept by Archibald Bryce, from the 1st day of September, 1791, to this present date, are to pay their respective balances to Archibald Bryce, sen. co-partner, who alone, is authorised to receive the same and grant discharges, and those to whom the concern is indebted, will apply to him for settlement. ARCH'D. BRYCE, Surviving co-partner. JOHN BRYCE, Administrator of ARCHIBALD BRYCE, Sen. It is hardly necessary to remind those whose accounts have been some time due, of the necessity of making speedy payment, to enable me to close the concern of Archibald Bryce & Co. ARCHIBALD BRYCE. The business of the store will be continued and carried on by
John R. D. Payne & Co. Goochland county, Sept. } w2m 2d, 1808.
Royster & Bohannan Have For Sale, at their Store near the Market-bridge, Richmond,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries, —AMONG WHICH ARE—
  Brown Sugar in hds & bbls  Whiskey by the bbl or tierce    Loaf Sugar, in do  French Brandy    Best Green Coffee  Salt by the Sack    Imperial, and  A quantity of excellent    Young Hyson TEAS,  Lard by the Sack    Chocolate, by the box  A large assortment of    Pimento  Iron Castings, every description    Pepper  An assortment of Stone Ware    Ginger  Queen's Ware    Rice  Soap and Candles by box    Mustard  Leiper's Snuff    W. I. Rum  Writing Paper    Jamaica do  Wrapping do    N. England do  Decanters    Molasses by hhd  Tumblers    —Sherry and Malaga  Wine Glasses    Wine  Leading Lines    Holland and Country  Bed Cords, &c &c &c    Gin     Spanish Segars by box or retail    Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town. It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given. 17 June, 1808. (wtf)
Military Lands IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY
THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. (w f)
Just received and for sale at S. PLEASANTS, BOOK STORE, Richmond.
Brown's Dictionary of the Bible, two volumes octavo, with elegant engravings—price seven dollars.
Pamphlets, CARDS,
HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS,
CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY
AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.