The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-07-15 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JULY 15, 1808.
[No. 22.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JAMES RIVER COMPANY. —A dividend of four and an half per cent. for six months, ending the 30th June will be paid to the stockholders on application to
ROBERT POLLARD, Treasurer. July 12.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. —At a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company on Thursday evening the 7th of July, 1808—
Resolved, That all shares of delinquent stockholders in this company, be sold at the Swan Tavern in this city on Monday the 15th day of next month, at 5 o'clock, P. M. without reserve, and that the same be published in all the newspapers of this city.
Resolved, That a call of Five Dollars on each share of the stockholders in the company be made, to be paid to the treasurer on or before the 15 before the 15th of next month.
Teste, N. SHEPPARD, Clk. July 12.
GALLERGO, RICHARD & Co. —Having no longer any concern in the COLUMBIAN MILLS , (commonly called ROSS'S MILLS ), inform their friends and the public in general that any WHEAT sent to them by water from the upper Country, will be received at THE MILLS ON THE CANAL , and any Wheat sent to them by LAND will be received at a convenient Lumber-House contiguous to their counting-room. Richmond, July 12. (ep2m)
WILL be Sold for cash, in the town of Charlottesville, at the door of Triplett T. Estes, by virtue of a deed of trust entered by James Lewis &c. for purposes in said deed mentioned, on the second day of August next, being the 2d day of Albemarle August court. —One certain Tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the county of Albemarle, and adjoining the lands of John Bailey, John Burter, sen. Estall, Samuel Deadman, Thomas Garth, jun. &c.—Supposed to contain Three Hundred Acres, be the same more or less. Also one other tract or parcel of Land, lying and being in said county, supposed to contain fifty acres, be the same more or less, being the tract or parcel of land sold by Benjamin Brown, trustee for Stephen Hughes and James Lewis, and purchased by said Lewis on the day of sale, as per deed said trustee now on record in the county court of Albemarle. Also, two Negro Women Slaves, by names Anniky and Kizziah, to use the expressions of said deed which is recorded in the county court of Albemarle.
Also will be sold, same day and place, and on same terms, by virtue of a deed of trust entered into by John B. Ellis, &c. for the purposes in said deed mentioned—Two NEGRO SLAVES , viz. Ephraim, a man, and John, boy. Ephraim said Ellis bought of Mattox, and John, of the widow Tiller. Also, one black Mare and Colt, one Sorrel Horse, and one Grey Mare. Also, eleven head of Cattle and two Feather Beds and Furniture, to use the expression of said deed of trust, which is on record in the county court of Albemarle.
Also, will be sold, same day and place, and on same terms, by virtue of a deed of trust entered into by Richard G. Martin, William G. Martin, &c. for purposes in said deed mentioned—One Bay Mare with a blaze face; one Feather Bed & Furniture; also, sundry other Household and Kitchen Furniture; also, all that portion of the estate of Patrick Medie, dec'd, it being one-seventh part of the estate of said Medie, dec'd, which in said William G. Martin hath and claims right to, in consequence of his intermarriage with his wife Sarah, a daughter of said Medie, dec'd, (or if more, the whole interest) consisting of eleven Negroes, to wit: Peter, Moll, Jimney, Milley, Harry, Lucy, Bob, George, Sarah, and two small Children, together with all increase which may accrue to the said Martin's portion of said property to use the expression of said deed which is on record in the district court of Charlottesville. Being only interested as trustee for the benefit of others will only convey title to aforesaid property in me as trustee.
MARTIN DAWSON, Trustee. Milton, July 12. (3w)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Captain Thomas Roane of the Forge, King & Queen county, are desired to make them known to me by the first of October next. —Those indebted are hereby informed that the situation of the estate will not admit of indulgence. LAURENCE MUSE, Adm'r. July 1. (ep6w)
JOSEPH MARX & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Ozenburgs, Ticklenburgs, Bowlas and Towlings, by the bale, box, or piece, Cognac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. (1f)
MARSHALL'S SALE. JOHN MURDOCK & Company, against the children and heirs at law of Samuel Pearsons, dec'd and others.
By virtue of a decree of the court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, pronounced at November term, 1807, in a suit therein depending between the above parties, will be sold at public auction, for ready money, on Wednesday the twenty-seventh day of July next, on the premises, a TRACT OF LAND in the county of Hanover, on Pamunkey river, near Beach creek ford, and which is now in the possession of his children and heirs at law, or so much thereof as shall be equal to the demand of the plaintiffs and the expenses of this sale. W. MANN, D. M. for Joseph Scott, M. V. D. (1d3w)
NOTICE. —All persons having claims against the estate of Adam Craig, dec'd, are requested to make them known to the subscriber; and all those who are indebted to the estate are solicited to make immediate payment. MARY CRAIG, Executrix. Richmond, July 5. (ep3w)
THE subscriber offers for rent or lease, for a term of years, two comfortable Tenements fitted for the reception of genteel families, adjoining to the tenement occupied by herself. MARY CRAIG. Richmond, July 5. (ep3w)
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY. —The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand , delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well-covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.
Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of carriage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tiles with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. (ep2w&1wtf) N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
REMOVAL. —The subscriber has removed his office to the tenement lately occupied by Marcus Elcan, dec'd, two doors below col. Mayo's new buildings. C. B. PAGE.
To rent until 1st October the lowest tenement of Mr. G. W. Truheart—Enquire as above. Richmond, July 5. (3tf)
IN CHANCERY. —February Court, 1804—Fauquier County, to wit: Benjamin Rector, Complainant—Against Thomas Chapman, surviving executor of William Carr, dec'd. Defendant.
On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered , that master commissioner Scott state, settle, and examine the accounts between the parties and make report thereof to the court, with such matters specially as he may think pertinent or the parties may require. A Copy. Teste, F. BROOKE, c. c.
The parties to the above suit are hereby notified that I shall attend at my office at Fauquier court-house, on the 26th day of July next, between the hours of ten and two o'clock to carry the above order into effect, at which time and place the parties are requested to attend with a copy of the court papers, and such evidence and vouchers as they may think proper to produce, in order to a final adjustment of the accounts. C. R. SCOTT, M. C. Fauquier C. H. May 24, 1808. (1w8w)
THE Co-partnership of THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to the said firm are requested most earnestly to come forward and pay their respective balances to Thomas Rutherford; and all those who have claims against said firm, to produce them to said T. R. for settlement. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ARGYLE. Richmond, July 1, 1808.
THE SUBSCRIBER respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he will continue to carry on business in this place, in the same line as the late firm have heretofore done. THOMAS RUTHERFORD. July 3. (F6w)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the Revd. Matthew Maury, late of this county, are requested to bring them forward for settlement; and all persons indebted, are solicited to make arrangements for payment at an early period, as, consistently with the terms of his will, long indulgence cannot be extended. MATTHEW MAURY, } Acting executors. THOMAS W. MAURY, } Albemarle, June 14. (ep6w&f)
EUROPE. NEW-YORK, July 6. London papers to the 15th of May, Lloyd's Lists to the tenth, and a complete but anticipated list of American vessels captured by the two great belligerent powers, are received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser, by the Osage.
The passengers inform us, that the public opinion considerably preponderated in favor of an amicable adjustment of our differences with England; and that, notwithstanding the conferences between Messrs. Pinkney and Canning were for the present suspended, Mr. Pinkney was treated with the most marked attention and civility.
Several American vessels, which had sailed from England for Amsterdam, were obliged to return, not being permitted to enter, for having cleared from an English port.
From London Papers to the 15th May, received at this office. LONDON, May 15.
America seems now called upon to make an immediate decision in regard to England or France. In consequence of the American decree, Bonaparte has now decreed by an ordinance, dated from Bayonne, that every American vessel found in the European seas shall be captured and condemned. The expediency of this order is pretended to be founded on the idea, that in consequence of the American decree which prohibits the merchant vessels of America from trading to Europe, every merchant vessel found in the European seas, and pretended to be American, must be a forgery, and assume a character to which it is not entitled.
The only Copenhagen mail due, arrived yesterday with letters and papers from Sweden to the 7th inst. The report of a descent on the island of Gotland, by the enemy, is confirmed, but it was only a predatory enterprise. It was effected not by ten thousand French and Russians, as former accounts stated, but by a force of between two and three thousand Russians alone from Liebau. The Russians have also taken Oeland, another island in the Baltic, between Sweden &
Gotland, but we may presume, that the arrival of the British forces, will arrest these expeditions in future. There was a report that the Russians have been defeated with considerable loss in Finland, in an attack upon Sweaborg, but this wants confirmation, and we are sorry to add, that the Swedes have sustained a loss in Norway. The official report of the Baron Armfeldt, dated head-quarters, at Prambus, the 1st April, states that a Swedish corps under Genl. Morner, was attacked and surrounded by a superior force, and that the Swedes had 60 prisoners taken, and 90 killed and wounded. An unofficial account states the prisoners as high as 600. Baron Armfeldt also admits in his report, that the Norwegian have recovered from the first impressions made by the sudden invasion of their country, and attack the Swedes wherever they find themselves.
Yesterday we received Paris papers to the 10th inst. The Moniteur of the 4th contains the following important documents relative to the Spanish revolution: [Here follows the official report of M. De Mouthier, published in our last, which refers to the subsequent documents, No's I and II.]
No. I. Letter from King Carlo IV, to the Emperor Napoleon. SIR, MY BROTHER,
Your majesty will assuredly hear with pain of the events which have taken place at Aranjuez, and their consequences; you will not, without sympathy, see a king, who has been compelled to resign his throne, throw himself into the arms of a great monarch, his ally, placing everything in his protection, who alone can fix his happiness and that of his whole family and his trusty and beloved subjects. Under the pressure of the moment, and amid the clashing of weapons, and the cries of a rebellious guard, I found that I had to choose between my life and death, and that my death would be followed by that of the queen; I was compelled to abdicate the throne; but to-day, peace is restored, and full of confidence in the generosity and genius of the man who has at all times declared himself my friend, I have taken my resolution to resign myself in his hands, and await what he shall resolve on my fate, that of the queen and of the Prince de la Paz. I address myself to your majesty, and protest against the events which took place at Aranjuez, and against my dethronement. I rely with confidence and altogether upon the cordiality and friendship of your majesty, praying that God may have you in his holy keeping—Sir, my brother, your royal and imperial majesty's affectionate brother & friend CARLOS. ARANJUEZ, March 25, 1808.
No. II. I protest and declare, that my decree of the 19th of March, in which I renounce my crown in favor of my son, is a deed to which I was compelled, in order to prevent greater calamities, and spare the blood of my beloved subjects. It is therefore to be considered as of no authority. (Signed) I, THE KING.
PARIS, April 28. From Algiers the following official report has been received:
The measures pursued by the Dey of Algiers towards the Europeans become every day more violent. The Dey having ascertained the fidelity of his troops, and even the confirmation of his office from the grand Senior, his sovereign, not being arrived, & being involved in a bloody war with the Bey of Tunis, thought he might in spite of the difficulties of his situation levy tribute upon all nations.
On the 22d instant he made a demand of the Swedish, Danish and Dutch consuls, that they should bring him their presents; and required of the Consul of America 18,000 double piasters, in order to indemnify him for the loss of nine Algerines taken in an American vessel. The Consul pretended that the crew of the vessel had thrown the men overboard, as they were on the point of being boarded by one of her cruisers.
The Consul of Sweden immediately agreed to the present.
On the 23d, the three Consuls of Denmark, Holland and America were summoned to the palace.
The Consul of Holland said, he expected instructions from his government, and that he could not, until he received those instructions, make any present. On this the Dey caused it to be intimated to him, that unless he instantly, on the arrival of his messenger, received his present, he should put his children into irons and send them to labor.
The Consul of America had not yet received official tidings of the fact of which the Dey had complained, and thought that he could not, without the order of his government, pay the 18,000 piasters.
The Dey answered him, that unless he should pay the sum in 4 days, he should cast him in irons, or he must deliver to him 9 Americans, whom he would hang up at the gate of Bab Azoua.
Mr. Ulrich, Consul of Denmark, making representation of the state of his country, said, that the vessel which contained his presents had been seized by the English and confiscated, and that the English agent at Algiers himself would testify this; the consul solicited time of the government, but the Dey paying no respect to the character of an agent speaking in the name of his master, caused him to be seized by the officers of justice, in the midst of the Palace, & taken to prison amidst the shouts of a barbarous populace.
Those who could enter into this horrid prison saw this worthy man among the slaves in his official dress, and loaded with a chain of sixty pounds weight, which Mr. Ulrich bore with fortitude and courage; he merely recommended to his friends the care of his wife and five children.
At length the Dey received on the earnest entreaties of all the European Consuls, to set the Danish Consul at liberty, & while he was occupied working with all the slaves, they came and took off his chain.
An account is given in the Madrid Gazette of the presentation of the sword of Francis I. to the Grand Duke of Berg, in order to be forwarded by him to the French Emperor, to whom, at his particular request, the new king has ordered it to be presented.
“What security is there against the renewal of these acts of violence?”
“All the slaves here are treated with the most horrid cruelty; 450 Portuguese are shut up in prison. The court of Lisbon delayed sending the tribute. The government has not sent them any relief, and they are in extreme wretchedness. The officers as well as sailors, are condemned to labor and are loaded with ignominy.
“A great number of Neapolitans, also slaves, are not in a less pitiable situation; & the Dey who expects to conquer Tunis in the first campaign, hopes to make a booty of 3000 more European slaves, whose ransom he will fix very high. Since he has been forced to give up all the slaves who were subjects of the Emperor Napoleon, it seems that he is resolved to make his system of robbery press harder upon the other foreigners.”
SPAIN. Madrid, April 12. —Yesterday morning at 9 o'clock, the Prince of the Asturias left this city, in order to meet his Majesty the emperor of France. The first night he slept at Bentrago, yesterday he was at Aranda, and to-day he is to sleep at Burgos.
On the 8th inst. the Prince of Asturias addressed the following Decree to all the counsellors of state:—
“Being informed that the emperor of the French and King of Italy is on the point of arriving in this city and court of Madrid, I have deemed it proper to go and meet his Imperial and Royal Majesty in order to give a convincing proof of my reverence for his Serene Person, and of the strong desire which happily subsists between this monarchy and the French to the mutual advantage of both nations. Accordingly I shall depart from hence on the 10th, and repair to Burgos; and as my absence will continue but a short time, I have considered the present circumstances, decreed and authorised, and I do hereby by this authorise my beloved Uncle the Infant Don Antonio, in whom I have placed my confidence, as well on account of the ties of blood which bind him to my person, as on account of the distinguished qualities with which he is endowed, and that he has full power to transact and dispatch all pressing and necessary business which may occur, with the advice of my Secretary of State and of depeche , which shall be communicated to my council, in order that it be carried duly into execution.
Madrid Gazette Extraordinary, March 27. Proclamation for the better discipline of the French troops—ordered by the Grand Duke of Berg to be printed for public notice.
Soldiers! —You are now about to enter the capital of a friendly power. I recommend to you the best discipline, the best order, best friendship with its inhabitants. It is a nation to which we are allied, and which ought to find in the French army a true friend; and recollect the good treatment you have experienced in the provinces through which we have traversed.
Soldiers! —I hope this recommendation will be sufficient for the compliance with which I am guaranteed by the good conduct which you have already observed: but if I find any individual forgetting that he is a Frenchman, he shall be punished; and any excess shall be severely punished, for breach of that order:—That any officer committing any crime, or neglecting his duty, shall be deprived of his commission, and shall be delivered over to Military commission for justice. All soldiers found guilty of robbing, concealing, or of violation, shall be shot.—Any sergeant or soldier convicted of abusing or ill-treating the inhabitants, shall be delivered over to the laws; if murder, to be shot. Any sergeant or soldier found drunk in the streets, shall be condemned to eight days confinement in stocks, and the sergeant or soldiers found in the streets after the beating of the retreat—two days imprisonment.
Generals, Chiefs of Regiments, and commanders of the French Army in Madrid—Each of you will see, as far as it concerns you, that these orders are punctually executed, and that they be read at the head of every company. (Signed) JAOQUIN. Lieutenant-General, Commander of the Vanguard of the French Army, and of the troops cantoned at Madrid. (Countersigned) EM. GROUCHY.
Madrid Gazette Extraordinary, FRENCH ARMY, ORDER OF APRIL 2.
Soldiers! —The general business of Sweden has retarded for some days the arrival of the Emperor; but the combined armies of France & Russia are already on their march towards Stockholm, where they will unite, and the emperor will lose no time in putting himself at the head of his armies in Spain; it is necessary that you should put yourselves in a state to appear before his majesty, and to merit his approbation. General Roboisier will order cartridges immediately for the infantry to fire with. The Grand Duke hopes to inform his majesty of the good conduct of his troops, and also hopes to have to praise them in all respects. Soldiers, I see with pleasure the good order and discipline that is among you, and above all, the harmony that exists between the French and Spanish armies; I am filled with satisfaction. The Spanish nation is deserving of all the best wishes & good will of the French army; as on their part, they do not cease to give us proofs of their love and affection. This morning, a soldier who had been condemned to punishment, was about to be delivered over to the hand of justice; but the inhabitants of Madrid had interceded for his pardon, which has been granted; but this must be the last instance. Soldiers, redouble your friendship with the inhabitants, and cement more and more the affection that ought to unite us.
JAOQUIN. General in Chief of the Staff. AUG. BELLARD.
An account is given in the Madrid Gazette of the presentation of the sword of Francis I. to the Grand Duke of Berg, in order to be forwarded by him to the French Emperor, to whom, at his particular request, the new king has ordered it to be presented.
Intelligence is stated to have been received by government, that a meeting took place between the new King of Spain and Bonaparte, on the frontiers of Spain, near Vittoria, that the latter received Ferdinand with the greatest distinction, acknowledged him King of Spain and the Indies, and confined to him to the administration of Portugal until the conclusion of a general peace. It is further stated, that Spain is to join the Confederation of the Rhine, and to furnish a contingent of 50,000 men, and that the late King and Queen are to be sent into France under a very strong escort. The marriage of the now present King with one of the Bonaparte Family (probably Mademoiselle La Pagenie) will it is said, shortly take place. Nothing is said to be yet determined respecting the fate of the Prince of Peace, but he has been sent off under a military guard to France.
Even this intelligence does not convince us, that Bonaparte had accomplished his views with regard to Spain. It is obvious, that the new government is forced to temporise, but the French Despot has not the same influence as heretofore in its Councils.
St. Antonio, April 25. —Advises this moment received here that the Prince of Peace actually passed through Vittoria this morning, under the guard of 200 French soldiers; and that the old King and Queen are to sleep at Burgos to-morrow evening, on their way to Bayonne.
May 15. From the London Sunday Review. [The latest and the only paper of that date, brought by the Osage.]
The London Gazette of last night, contains an order of the king in council, allowing the trade with the island of St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix, now under the protection of his Majesty, in the same manner as others of his majesty's colonies.
The decree which Bonaparte issued at Bayonne, is, we understand, of a very extraordinary character indeed. Bonaparte says, that the American government having embargoed all their vessels, any vessel now found on the seas which profess to be Americans, must be an impostor, & shall be confiscated.
Two American vessels have just returned to this country, which were refused admittance into the Dutch ports to which they were destined, although they remained off the Dutch coast above 14 days. The circumstance is extraordinary, because one of these vessels had 196 seroons of Jesuit's bark on board, which was communicated to the Dutch government.
A mail is arrived from Gibraltar, & Messina. The intelligence brought by it places it beyond all doubt, that there has been no action in the Mediterranean. On the first of April, the Spartan frigate fell in with the French squadron of ten sail of the line under the south end of Sardinia, steering to the eastward. Capt. Baynton immediately dispatched his launch, with an officer, to give information to Lord Collingwood of the above squadron. Lord Collingwood was off port Mahon on the 11th of April, with 16 sail of the line, in consequence of the news by the Spartan, and that no doubt is entertained of his having afterwards proceeded, after landing 1300 men at Corfu & the Seven Islands.
Report is afloat in military circles, that a grand expedition will soon start, to consist of about 20,000 men; Sir Arthur Wellesley or General Beresford to command it with a brevet rank.
FROM PORTUGAL. PROCLAMATION OF GEN. JUNOT.
The general in chief of the army of Portugal, understanding that many soldiers and inhabitants of the kingdom of Portugal have suffered themselves to be deluded by false proclamations, published by the English to procure soldiers of which the British squadron is so much in need, and wishing to prevent the misery of those who may hereafter become victims of the perfidious insinuations of the commander of that squadron, it is decreed:
 That all communication with the kingdom of Portugal and the vessels belonging to the English squadron, be expressly prohibited; and that should any vessel or boat of any description approach the coast throughout all Portugal, under any pretext whatever even with a flag of truce, it is ordered that all officers commanding forts or batteries do fire on them; any officer who shall suffer a vessel or boat to approach the shore, shall be tried by a court martial and broke.  Any individual detected in endeavouring to get on board an English vessel, under any pretence whatever, shall be brought before a military committee and condemned to six months imprisonment, or to DEATH, according to the case.  Any master or owner of a boat, or other individual, who shall be proved to have facilitated the passage of any person to the English squadron, shall be brought before a military committee and tried as an accomplice with the enemy, and as an instigator, and a spy, and be punished with DEATH.  Any individual convicted of exciting the soldiers of the French and Portuguese army to desertion, to any power whatever, will be punished by death as a crimp traitor.  Any person who shall give information of a master of a boat having conducted any one to the English squadron, or any person using endeavours to get there, through the intervention of a crimp or spy, on the fact being proved, shall receive as a reward the boat and an hundred crusadores for any individual, and two hundred for a crimp or spy.  All the property of those who have quit Portugal up to this moment, and are gone off to the enemy's squadron, shall be confiscated if they do not return before the 20th instant. The magistrates in each department will examine the respective inhabitants, and take a list of those persons who have fled, and transmit the same to the lieutenant general of the police.  The French military penal code will from this day be put in execution against the 

AN ORATION. Delivered on the 4th of JULY, before a very numerous audience, at Danville, Pennsylvania, by GEORGE TUCKER, Esq. and published at their request.
We have assembled, Fellow-Citizens, not to celebrate the triumph of a military Chief, whose glory is purchased by carnage and desolation...
The circumstances which attended the revolution we commemorate, honorably distinguish it in the annals of empires, and afford ample cause for national exultation and triumph.
Their forbearance, in spite of a firm persuasion, that the British nation meant no longer to treat them as equals, but as humble dependents, is truly astonishing.
But when it was perceived that complaint was unavailing, and remonstrance deemed impertinent; that longer patience but served to invite to further injury, they exhibited an enterprising valor, no wise inferior to their former patience and forbearance.
It were unnecessary for me, my friends, to recall to your minds the leading events of this momentous period. In vain could I hope to give the grace of novelty to a theme, that has so often and so happily exercised the tongue of eloquence.
It is not a poetical fiction, that in every country a large portion of its choicest genius lives and dies neglected and unknown. While yet in the seed, the miniature plant is complete, but unless the season and occasion are favorable to its expansion, its undeveloped beauties are lost and unperceived.
But, Fellow-Citizens, in this pleasing retrospect of our past history, let us not be un mindful of the present and the future. High and commanding duties are also imposed on us.
 During the wars which, with little intermission for fifteen years, have existed among the great powers of Europe, we have found a profitable employment for our ships and seamen, and a more extensive market for the products of our soil and industry; and although we have administered to their several wants, and our commerce has been at least as beneficial to them as to us, they have never ceased to embarrass us with the most vexatious interruptions and restrictions. 
But the field of contest being now limited to the ocean, the contending parties have adopted a species of warfare, that is without example in the history of nations. Impelled by a blind rage to destroy each other's commerce, they have both resolved to make war on neutrals, because each hopes incidentally to injure his enemy.
Thus forcibly attacked in the peaceable exercise of our most indisputable rights, we
The connection between Harper and the traitor Burr is of long standing—the following was written by Harper to him eight years ago.
[COPY] Washington, Dec. 24, 1800. My Dear Col. The votes of Tennessee are come in, and decide the tie. The language of the democrats is, that you will yield your pretensions to their favorite; and it is whispered that overtures to this end are to be, or are, made to you.
On the 2nd Inst. the high court of error and appeals of the state of Pennsylvania, met for the last time, in order to give judgement in the cases that had been argued during their session, which began the 20th ult.
The important question—what is the legal operation of a sentence in a foreign court of admiralty, condemning a vessel as enemy's property, in an action on the policy, was discussed with distinguished learning and ability, by the counsel in the cause.
The Boston Palladium, of the 5th inst. says "It is with regret we announce the decease of the Hon. FISHER AMES, who died at his seat in Dedham, yesterday morning, at 5 o'clock."
[From the Albany Register.] TRIBUTE TO MADISON. After the constitution had got into operation, Mr. Madison was elected member of Congress from Virginia.
This public act of Mr. Madison's, were it the only one of his life, is sufficient to immortalize him. Knowing that an army devoted to the cause of liberty, had endured through a seven years' war, hunger, cold and almost famine, with scarcely a murmur; and relying for a remuneration for services, on the faith of the country, had borne their hard fate with composure, his breast could not rest at ease without an effort in their behalf.
Mr. Madison easily foresaw that the funding system, when adopted, would raise public securities to par—he knew also, that not one-fifth part of those securities were then held by the original proprietors, but had been bartered for a song, and were now in the hands of unprincipled speculators.
The following extract from R. M. Johnson's Circular to his constituents of Kentucky, presents in one point of view the military means, which were provided by the last session of the Congress of the United States:
"In this situation we have determined to put our country in a state of defence, and take every precautionary measure consistent with our resources, to support your rights and your honor. We have passed a law to raise a military force of six thousand men, to fortify our vulnerable points on the frontier against the savages, and to serve as rallying points in case of war—to perform garrison duty, and prevent Orleans and other exposed places from falling into the hands of a maritime foe.
SALES AT AUCTION.—WILL BE SOLD at Public Auction, on Friday the 22nd inst. at the dwelling house of the late Robert Means, dec. —1 Negro man—1 Horse, 1 Gig and Harness, 20 Hds Lime, and 1 Kilo of well burnt Bricks.
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the estate of Joseph Watkins, dec'd, late of Goodland, are desired to present them previous to the first of December next, properly authenticated; and those indebted, to make immediate payment to BENJAMIN P. WATKINS, Acting Executor.
A COURT OF INQUIRY for the 1st battalion will be held at the Bell Tavern in the city of Richmond, on the 25th inst.—and for the 2d battalion at the Washington Tavern, on the 26th inst.—and a Regimental Court of Inquiry will be held at the Bell Tavern, on the 6th day of August next.
GEO: W. SMITH, Lieut. Col. 19th Regiment, 1808.
CHOICE SPIRITS—AGAIN
We have been favored with the "Royal Gazette of Nova Scotia" to June 21st—and the Halifax Weekly Chronicle, to the 17th.—On a hasty perusal which we find military preparations to be the order of the day in the British colonies.
Another information of particular moment, is that concerning COLONEL BURR, he was at Halifax the 21st ult. and assumed the name of Edwards which, if we do not mistake, was the name also mother; judge Edwards of Connecticut, however, is his relative.
Colonel Burr (who has now an alias) appeared to be constantly engaged with general Prevost, and it is confidently spoken of, that he meant very soon after the arrival of a fleet expected from England, to sail from Halifax with a considerable military force, the ostensible object of which is Pensylvania—but which, it is not unreasonable to suspect, is New Orleans.
Whether our government possess any information as to the actual position of Burr, or his design, we are not informed; but it has been understood that General Wilkinson, instead of taking command of military encampment in which the new discipline was to be introduced, in the augmented military establishment; is destined to proceed to the southward, once more to baffle and confound traitors and traitors. The general is said to be expected in town on Monday.
From the Halifax papers, we find, that all officers on British half pay in America, are required to furnish the British deputy paymaster general at Nova Scotia, "precisely with their christian name and surname, and present place of abode—the date of their reduction to half pay—their rank at the time—and present place of residence" &c.
In the Nova Scotia papers, we find the address of the house of assembly to the dismissed governor Wentworth, in which they state that "political circumstances have induced his majesty to place the government in the hands of a distinguished military officer."
The papers also contain very significant addresses to general Prevost, the successor of Wentworth, from the assembly and council—in the address of the council we find the following paragraph.
"Among the many instances of his majesty's paternal solicitude which we have experienced, we shall remember with gratitude the readiness with which in the present critical situation of affairs, his majesty dispatched so distinguished an officer as your excellency to govern this province, placing at the same time under your command a chosen body of troops, accompanied with warlike stores of every kind, to enable your excellency to defend the country in these perilous times.
They also say—that under general Prevost's command "the people of Nova Scotia will discover in their own defence, or on any other occasion, which his majesty's service may require, courage," &c.
The address of the assembly is equally significant—they say—"the selection of an officer of your excellency's distinguished character, and great military talents, to preside over us, at this critical period; and the sending a respectable force under your command, for our protection; and in the supply of arms, clothing, and camp equipage, so graciously granted," &c.
They add—"If personal exertions shall be required, it will be found, that in the people of Nova Scotia the spirit of their ancestors has not degenerated."
It is to be presumed that the friends of Burr will now comprehend whence he derived the resources for his expedition—who were his abettors abroad and the views and purposes of his friends and abettors in the United States.—Aurora
The following is an extract of a letter from London, 2d May, 1808, to a gentleman in this city.
"I need not relate to you the situation in which I am placed in this country, as you will long since have heard the particulars from other quarters. Agreeably to my fears, since my arrival here, the Manchester is condemned, for a breach of blockade in coming out of an enemy's port, after the time limited in the late orders in council, bearing date 11th November—the purport of which was, as well as the people of this country, better know than understand—there is scarcely any vessel which is, or can now be brought before the court, which does not come under some of its prohibitions, and are accordingly adjudged. We are asked what our country wants—whether we want to kill admiral Berkeley for doing his duty—or whether we wish to destroy this country and to come under the government of France—that we have no cause of complaint, and that if we have, or pretend to have, we cannot help ourselves—and that this government is determined to adhere to their present measures.
"The cargo of the Manchester is restored, a commission of appraisement has been issued from the court for the ship and cargo—as the captors have appealed for the cargo, and our friends have advised to appeal for the ship, which is accordingly done—no doubt, but that the captors calculate the probability of a war with the United States; and if so, that they shall still make it good prize. And we calculate that our government will make no terms with this country, until a stipulation is made to restore all property condemned under these orders—if they do, it will, I think, be an acknowledgement, that this country has a right to dowthay their pleasure with us and our property—and we may hereafter shut our mouths in submission to them.
"At what time I shall be able to quit this country is uncertain, (but hope soon) and in what capacity, is likewise very uncertain—for at present, I cannot tell what arrangement can be made to regain the ship, or whether any. I shall do what I can, which may be thought for my owner's interest, after which shall make the best of my way home, either with or without the ship."
(The Manchester, we apprehend, belongs to a federal merchant of this city.)
The late London papers give a list of a number of American vessels condemned by the court of admiralty for a breach of the British blockading orders. But for the Embargo, what a glorious sweep would have crowned this energetic measure; and, in such event, how loudly would the administration have been denounced for not laying an embargo, as loudly, probably, as they have been for laying it.—Id.
NEW-YORK, July 7. Extract of a letter from Martinique, dated June 7, to a respectable merchant of this city.
"By the end of this month we shall have no more bread to eat on this island, except some flour arrive from Europe. The bakers have given notice that their flour will all be expended by the 1st day of July, and there is not a single barrel for sale. Flour for the whites and codfish for the negroes, with beef for the soldiers, are so necessary, that there is no knowing what may be the consequence of the want of them.
Yesterday morning, the United States sloop of war Wasp, captain Smith, arrived at this port from Boston.
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in London, to another in N. York, dated May 11th.
"The Logan, capt. Myrick, was visited at the entrance of the Texel by one of our cruisers; and as the king's licence had expired three days before, she was ordered to come back to a British port. She is safe arrived at Yarmouth; and we think it a fortunate circumstance, as things are now situated in Holland.
Extract of a letter from Havanna dated June 12th.
"I find the effects of the Embargo here as they are with us—an almost total stagnation to every thing. Provisions, though dear, are not absolutely scarce. Flour is at 28 dollars, but there is from 10 to 15,000 barrels at market, and some supplies are received from La Vera Cruz.
"The news of the revolution in Spain has, I am informed, occasioned much joyful satisfaction. At a meeting of the Governor & Council on the evening after the reception of the dispatches, the late additional duties on imports and exports, were taken off—reducing them four on the former, and three and a half on the latter from what they formerly were; and they have even gone so far as to order the duties on the vessel to Norfolk (brig Eliza, Brown) by which I wrote this day, to be returned. This is a fact on which you may rely, as I have it from the American Agent at whose house I stay, & who has just signed her papers. This is a good BEGINNING, whatever may be the further result.
NEUTRAL TRADE. We are indebted to a friend for a copy of the subsequent Proclamation, which was received yesterday by the British Packet.
WHEREAS in the present situation of affairs, it appears to me necessary to authorise the admission of Neutral Vessels and Commodities into this Province, under certain regulations. I have therefore by and with the advice of H. M. Council thought fit to grant permission to the subjects of all Neutral Nations to import and bring into the ports of Halifax, Shelburne, Liverpool and Digby, in this Province, in neutral ships or vessels, all articles of Merchandise allowed to be imported and brought by British Subjects in British Vessels from Foreign countries, by my Proclamation dated 4th May last.
Given under my hand and seal at arms, etc.—this 23d day of June, 1808. (Signed) GEORGE PROVOST.
The British Packet Queen Charlotte, arrived at Halifax on the 16th ult. in 6 days from New York.
Capt. Bass, 16 days from Halifax (arrived at Boston) informs, that the British Packet had arrived there from New York, that Col. Burr had landed from her, and been introduced to the Governor and Admiral, and treated with politeness.
A letter from a passenger in the Packet to his friend in this city, dated June 18th, says,
"You will perhaps have heard that Col. Burr was to be one of us. We took him out of a Pilot Boat four leagues from the Hook, after having lain to, waiting for him until 9 at night. He was accompanied by—who introduced him on board, as a Mr. Edwards, under which name he continues, as he supposes, incoq, though every one on board knows who he is. He proceeds with us to England."
Intelligence has been received in this city from a respectable commercial house in Madeira, under date of May 26th, stating that the Spaniards had risen, attacked, and beaten the French army in Spain; and that the British squadron off Cadiz was expected to co-operate with the Spanish fleet in conveying Charles IV. and the royal family to South America. It was a report current in the British fleet off Lisbon, that the Portuguese squadron, on its voyage to Rio Janeiro, had captured four Spanish frigates, having on board forty millions of dollars.—Mer. Adv.
The Wasp sloop of War sailed yesterday morning on a cruise.—Id.
Portuguese army, agreeably to which every deserter on being arrested will be punished with death.
6. The Secretary of state, the commanders of the French, Spanish and Portuguese armies, all magistrates and justices of every description, are charged with the execution of this decree throughout the kingdom, and to make the same generally known. Any boats found without a copy of this edict, shall be seized and sold for the benefit of the captor. (Signed) JUNOT. Head Quarters, April 5, 1808.
DOMESTIC.
WILKESBARRE, (Penn.) July 1.
CONSPIRACY.
Two prisoners have been for some time confined in the goal of this town on criminal charges.—Seaward for passing counterfeit money. Dodge for stealing.
When Seaward was taken, a lady was his companion, she was secured for a few days, and then, as nothing appeared against her, was liberated, and has since lived in the neighborhood.
Seaward for some time past has been so ill as to require the attention of a physician, and at all times has been treated by Mr. Stewart, who keeps the prison, and his wife, with all the humanity his situation could require.
Last week the family who reside in the prison, were two or three times alarmed for Seaward, as he was taken with fainting turns and appeared as if expiring. On Tuesday last he was so ill that Mr. Stewart left them fire and candle to light, if necessary.
About 12 o'clock at night Dodge called in the most urgent manner for help, as Seaward had fainted and was dying. Mr. and Mrs. Stewart ran into the prison, with all possible haste, and found Seaward gasping for breath, and with the utmost tenderness, they endeavored to relieve him, when Dodge seized the stump of a broom, the splinters of which they had burned off for the purpose, and struck Mr. Stewart over the eyes. The dying man sprung from his bed, and the two prisoners, with the most dreadful threats, ordered Mr. and Mrs. S. to the back side of the prison. A smart contest ensued, and Mrs. Stewart, seeing a knife lying on the floor, which appeared sharpened for the service, and hearing them threaten her husband with death, immediately seized Dodge, and with a heroism that does her the highest credit, dragged him into the street and called for help, and notwithstanding Dodge beat her in a most cruel manner, she retained her hold constantly holding for assistance.
In the mean time the dying man and Mr. Stewart had struggled to the door of the prison, when some of the neighbors arrived and the fellows were secured. On searching the prison, a saw, file and other tools were found, and two knives sharpened with which it is supposed they intended to further their escape if other means failed.
The spirited conduct of Mr. and Mrs. Stewart does them much credit.
On examining the habitation of the Lady who had been taken in company with Seaward, she was found dressed, and in all preparation for a journey. Whether means are taken to secure her, I do not know, but certain it is, she ought like other heroines of romance, to be castled awhile.
It is understood that Seaward eloped with her, from her husband; but the good man pursuing them, Seaward compromised the matter by exchanging with the tender man, and gave him a horse for his wife. Which made the better bargain, is not certainly known. The wife has found a lover who knows how to describe his passion, as well as appreciate her worth, as may be seen from the following letter from him to her, found in searching the prison.
Whether the first husband can write an affectionate epistle to his horse, is a matter much questioned, and it is therefore concluded, that whatever bargain the horse may have made, the woman has done exceedingly well.
"Deare Pheba I Recev'd your Letter Da'd the 14 of this Month which I Red with Grate Pleasure your Soncerity My Love made My Confinement and Dungen a palis o My Love if you New with what Pleasure it is that I Red your's I Kis it a thousand & Pres the Hart to My Bosom when I think on the Deare Hand that Rote it My Love Look at My Hart with yours [there was the picture of two hearts united] My Deare Had I wings Like a Dove I would Fly to that Deare Bosom of yours and theare Spend the Remainder of My days Im Bracing your Charms—But Stop my thoughts Here I am Shut up as Lone Sum as the Chambers of Death."
WASHINGTON, July 9.
Government has received dispatches from our ministers at Paris and London, by lieut. Lewis, one of the messengers that went out and returned in the Osage, and who reached this city last evening.
We understand that neither France nor G. Britain have manifested any disposition to relax in the regulations they have adopted towards neutral nations, and which have placed the U. States in so unpleasant a situation.
The Secretary of the Navy returned to the city yesterday, in consequence of the arrival of the Osage. The President and all the Heads of Departments are at present here.
Monitor. July 11.
We understand, that the information received by the Osage, is by no means satisfactory; that there does not appear, either on the part of the French or English governments, any disposition to relax their orders and decrees relative to the trade of this country; that, on the contrary, the French government appears to be giving a wider scope to the operation of the measures previously taken by them; and that no step whatever has been taken by the British government, since the return of Mr. Rose, even relative to the affair of the Chesapeake. The information from Paris comes down to the middle of April; and that from London to the middle of May.
Private letters received by the Osage state the prevalence of a general expectation, among the friends of the British administration, of an insurrection in this country against the embargo, which has, no doubt, been excited by the disgraceful publications here on the subject. While such wretched delusions continue, we can have but little to expect.
It does not appear that there is a disposition on the part either of France or England to go to war with us; but a strong desire by each to embroil us with the other.—Nas. Int.
The London Morning Chronicle of the 4th inst. gives a list of thirty vessels captured or detained under the decree of the 17th of December, the ninth of the commodities on board of which had been ordered to be sold.—Id.

national legislature has prudently determined, by withdrawing from the reach of these European plunderers, to teach them the value of our commerce by its loss. This policy, believed to be the only alternative of war, no doubt bears heavily on every class of our citizens. The merchant, no longer able to export our superfluous commodities, ceases to purchase them. The farmer, unable to sell his produce, can neither make his wonted purchases, nor satisfy the demands of his creditor. Thus the full stream of our superabundant wealth being suddenly arrested in its habitual course, the whole machine of commerce ceases to move.
Many of our citizens judging rather by the evils they feel than those they avoid, doubt the wisdom of this policy, and maintain that we had better at once engage in war, or tamely submit to the operation of the French decrees and British orders of Council. Let us bestow a brief attention on this subject.
To declare instant war against both France and England, however justifiable by the provocations they have given us, would be an act of chivalrous folly which, I presume, is in the contemplation of no one. We will however suppose that by selecting one of these powers as an enemy, the other would immediately retract its lawless pretensions. Fellow-Citizens, besides the additional burdens which war would inevitably produce, this course would gradually conduct us into that dark and intricate labyrinth of European politics, against which the wisdom of Washington and of Jefferson have so emphatically warned us. It would lead us into an alliance, which would be likely to embroil us in all the mad contests, by which ambition or avarice or revenge so often disturb the repose of Europe.
But which should we prefer? There are strong considerations against war with either. Great-Britain is certainly most able to do us injury, and it must be admitted that France appears to have begun the present outrageous interdictions of neutral commerce. And whether we consider Monsr. Chaumapagny's insolent letter as a bribe or a threat, honor equally forbids us to countenance the belief, that it has influenced our course of policy. I am, besides, free to confess, that I have no wish to add one jot to the vast power, which, in the present strange course of events, we know not how soon may be turned against us.
But the greater part of those, who disapprove the embargo, are disposed to take part with Great-Britain against France. Would you then become the ally of a nation, which not only refuses a free passage to your vessels, but makes slaves of their crews? Which assumes the right of converting American citizens into British subjects, but denies to you a reciprocal right? A nation, which scarce a twelve-month ago, stained your very shores with the blood of your own citizens? For my own part, I do solemnly declare, that if the base and unprincipled attack on the Chesapeake had appeared to have been authorized by the British government, I would have sworn eternal enmity & eternal war, until we had obtained ample reparation. Yet, although it may no longer be a cause of war, we can never, consistently with our honor, treat with Great-Britain, until this flagrant and acknowledged injury shall be struck off the long list of uncompensated aggressions.
There are some, who do not avow a wish to go to war with France, and yet would conform to the British orders of Council. But if France now prohibits all trade with G. Britain, would she not adhere to the same policy then? Or rather, would she not go further, and not only refuse us admission into the continent of Europe, but consider us as the allies, the humbled and dependent allies of Great-Britain? And although war with France and her numerous dependencies were not the necessary consequence, would the merchant of these free and sovereign states submit to the unparalleled disgrace of carrying on commerce with British licences: and though he should be so lost to a sense of national honor, would the high spirit of his countrymen sanction such vile and ignominious submission? It is indeed that attempt to make us tributary to Great-Britain, against which you complained, remonstrated, and finally, fought from '63 to '83, and what ye resisted, when feeble and defenceless colonies, will you concede, when powerful and independent states? Or will you make a free will offering on the altar of commercial avarice, of what power could never wrest from you? But I insist the national character by the bare supposition. We are not so unworthy the blessings, which all-gracious heaven has showered down on this favored land. That noble spirit which inspired the patriots of '76, is not buried in their tombs: it still glows in the bosoms of their countrymen, and animates them to meet every danger—to endure every privation, rather than incur dishonor.
As the restrictions, which France and England have presumed to impose on our commerce, were dictated rather by a blind revenge than any consideration of interest, it is highly probable that neither power will soon depart from the system of injustice it has adopted, and rather than retract, they will inflict on their respective nations all the inconveniences, that they cannot but feel from our present seclusion. And as in that case, we cannot abandon the position we have taken without going to war, or forfeiting our honor and independence, let us then, fellow-citizens, endeavour to extend and improve our own resources. Here nature, various in her bounty, produces every rude material essential to the comforts of man. By far the larger part of the articles we procure from Europe are such, as gratify only a factitious and acquired taste, and are used chiefly by those, to whom overflowing wealth has taught new wants. Such of them as are really useful, if the capacities of the country are called into spirited operation, we may at no distant day, be easily able to supply.
It is true, that a country must attain a certain state of population, before manufactures can furnish us profitable an occupation as husbandry. Nor is it generally wise in governments to hasten their natural progress. But when I recollect that we are dependent for some articles of the first importance on nations who are ever inflicting on us the most flagrant injuries, on whose justice we have no hold, and to whose fears we can make no appeal, I am desirous of seeing this country depart from a general rule of policy, and encourage the internal manufacture of such articles, as are essential to our comforts and are now obtained from abroad. On the score of economy we might lose, but on that of national security we should gain. I would commute something, in point of profit for a great deal in point of independence.
When one country is dependent on another for any articles of its ordinary consumption, that other holds a pledge in its hands which is liable to be abused in proportion to the necessity. Every nation should then, in com-
mon prudence, provide within itself whatever is essential to its preservation, such as food, clothing, and the implements of defence. Let us, therefore, no longer delay to prepare for the fabrication of such things as we can least dispense with, and leave the workmen of Europe to make our muslins, silks, and laces, which we will purchase with our superfluous wealth, when they will allow us to trade with them on honorable terms, and which otherwise we can well do without.
In another point of view, the establishment of manufactures among us is desirable. By diverting a portion of the national industry from the plough to the workshop and the loom, we should increase our home market (the most valuable of all markets) for a part of those provisions which we now send abroad. Nor is it very clear, that such establishments would not reward their undertakers with a suitable profit. Every new manufacture is begun under the disadvantages of inexperience, of the prejudices that ever oppose new projects, and the difficulty of diverting trade into new channels; and a country may be ripe for a manufacture, some time before individual enterprise shall attempt to surmount these incipient obstacles. Now the present embargo is precisely that, which will counteract them, and afford us the means of ascertaining what manufactures comport with our peculiar circumstances, and what are premature. It certainly seems probable, that those of cotton may be carried on to advantage in this country, as the article is not only unencumbered with the accumulated expenses of two voyages of three thousand miles before it returns to us in the form of clothing, but we sometimes even send provisions to feed the workmen. Surely no difference in the price of labour, nor superiority of skill or capital can compensate these disadvantages. When viewed merely with the eye of an economist, it can make no difference whether those who fabricate our cloths and consume our provisions, live on this or the other side of the Atlantic; the Atlantic; or rather, it is desirable that our market for buying as well as selling should be as near home as possible.
But, fellow citizens, let us not too confidently expect, that our pacific policy will eventually secure us peace. The time may come, when further endurance would be cowardice, and we may be compelled to appeal to war, that capricious arbiter of the disputes of nations. Let us then be prepared for the momentous crisis. Let us even be prepared for it, if it were only that we wish to avoid it. Although our swords sleep in their scabbards, let them not rust there. Let us keep them bright, though we wish not to use them. Nor is it to be forgotten, that, within the recollection of all who hear me, military enterprise has changed the political face of Europe, and that every wind which blows from that distracted quarter of the world, brings new tidings of kingdoms created, and kingdoms destroyed. This strange and terrific being, whose ponderous bulk in no degree impedes the celerity of its movements, has borne down all resistance. The petty thrones it has overturned in the dust, and even the most stable totter to their base. Nor has it shown more mercy to the temples of freedom. Even those chaste and modest fabrics which persecuted humanity had erected on the summits of the Alps, these too, in its desolating progress, it has levelled to the ground; and compelled their brave votaries to join the captive princes who march in melancholy procession beside its triumphal car. Who will presume to set bounds to a genius so masterly, impelled by an ambition so ardent, and possessed of a force so resistless, or say that the same rare union of fortune and talents which carried Alexander to India, and Caesar to Britain, may not send the conqueror of Europe to seek new trophies in America? When he has subjugated the fourth of the globe, what has he to wish for, but to lord it over the universe?
In such an untoward event, (which I by no means think probable, while England and India and Turkey acknowledge other masters) I should have no fear of conquest. I know the spirit of this people. I know that they would part with their liberties only with their lives. But, my friends, all experience shews, that untutored valor can do little more against military discipline, than to die bravely. If then, we would make efficient resistance—if we would drive back the insolent invaders to the ocean which bore them here; let us cultivate the art of war—that art which so multiplies the physical force of a country, and which is brought to such perfection in Europe. It is a powerful instrument of conquest, it is a no less powerful instrument of defence; and whilst ambition uses it to destroy other's liberties, let us use it to preserve our own. In this view of things, I confess I am much pleased with the addition which the national legislature has made to our military force; and if the altered state of our finances had not required its portion of consideration, I should have wished to have seen it increased. Though scarcely sufficient to garrison our far-extended frontier, it will cherish and diffuse military knowledge throughout the community, so that when the enemy comes, he will not find us mere novices in the science of defence, and on an emergency, we may add to our present establishment, when we could not create one altogether.
It is to be regretted, that however we may differ on questions of internal concern, there is not more unanimity on the subject of our foreign relations. It is indeed the duty as well as the right of every citizen to exercise his best judgment on all political measures, and freely to declare the opinions he has honestly formed; but when he finds that his arguments, however cogent with himself, are not equally convincing to others, he is bound to acquiesce in the national decision, & to join in giving it a cordial support. Nor need he refrain from making his appeal to the people; but let him show by his candor and temper, that he is influenced by a regard to their interests rather than to his own. If he is angry and abusive—if he denounces all who differ from him as deficient in common sense or common honesty, he then becomes a fair object of suspicion, and perhaps on a nearer scrutiny it will be found, that he is actuated by those narrow views and selfish motives of which he, with a cunning boldness, loudly accuses others. By thus transferring the party feelings which our domestic dissensions produce to our foreign concerns, we neutralize the strength of the nation, plead the cause of its enemies, and invite foreign aggression by diminishing the means of repelling it. There are however a set of men whose sole talent consists in finding fault, who are lame and feeble in forming plans, but have a certain leashed skill in thwarting them; and who, since they can't aspire to the glory of building a temple, are content to seek an Ephesian fame by destroying it.
On some of the great questions which have divided our citizens, they may not only have
safely, but honestly differed. Thus after the constitution of the United States went into operation, those who united in approving its distribution of the several powers to federal and state governments, provided it could be permanent, disagreed as to the peculiar danger which threatened its dissolution. One party thought the power of the federal government preponderated, and dreaded a consolidation of the states. The other feared that state-jealousy would lead to disunion. Hence the federalists, as they were called, wished to see the powers of the general government enlarged and increased, and those of the states restricted and diminished; while their opponents viewed with jealousy and alarm every attempt to extend the sphere of federal legislation or executive patronage. They both considered the complex government, which the states had adopted, as suited to our circumstances, and well calculated to give us strength as to others, and peace and freedom as to ourselves; and it was this equal attachment to the constitution, which occasioned that warmth of party-zeal to the different means of preserving the common object of affection.
There were, no doubt, men whose views were widely different from those of the party to which they were attached—men who sought to strengthen the arm of the federal government, not because they apprehended disunion, but because they wished for consolidation, and who affected alarm for the constitution, not because they loved it and wished to keep it, but because they disliked it and wished to change it. And it is also not unlikely that there were some who, under the influence of personal ambition, or local prejudices, would have brought about a separation of the states under the pretext of securing their constitutional sovereignty. Fortunately, events have neither favored the machinations of the disloyal, nor countenanced the fears of the honest. The powers of the federal and state governments are still happily balanced. The remotest sections of the United States, at liberty to manage their internal concerns in their own way, and sensible of the protection afforded them by union, become more and more attached to the federation, and in their confidence in the general government evince that there is no foundation for state-jealousy on the one hand, nor reason to apprehend disunion on the other.
The friends of union have ample cause for congratulation in the late event, which agitated first the western portion of our country, & afterwards every other. Under plausible pretexts an enterprise was set on foot, whose primary object was nothing less than the dismemberment of these states. And although its leader was possessed of great a portion of talents as can ever fall to the lot of a conspirator; though he had found means to provide large sums of money, and was not yet discovered of the dignity which his official station had thrown around him, yet this accomplished and thus prepared for seduction, with the opportunity of addressing himself to all the disaffected in the country, he was able to procure but a few hundred adherents; and even of this pitiful number, a part seems not to have known the ultimate extent of his views. The general execration which this plot (that were so contemptible, if it were less odious) has drawn on its chief mover, and the sensibility (perhaps a little too lively) which was manifested at his breaking through the toils of the law, must afford sincere pleasure to every friend of the union, and a proud triumph to those who have maintained, that it rested upon the most solid of all bases, the affection of the people.
The French revolution has been another fruitful source of political dissension. To behold one of the first nations on earth struggling to disengage itself from the shackles of civil and religious thralldom, was of itself a most grand and impressive spectacle: but when it is considered, that this nation had expended twenty million of dollars in aiding to establish our independence, that they were supposed to be influenced by our example, and confessedly aiming to form a new government similar to our own, it is not wonderful that their revolution excited a most lively interest in this country. The irregularities, the violence, and the crimes which accompanied that great event in its earliest stages, soon furnished arguments to those who had sided with the privileged orders against the people, and in time alienated those who had been lukewarm well-wishers to the revolution. The more enthusiastic friends of freedom, while they lamented the direful excesses of the French nation, were willing to believe, they were but the temporary errors of a people unused to self-government, intoxicated with their newly acquired privileges, and warm with the recollection of the injuries and indignities they had previously sustained: and they indulged the fond hope, that those, who possessed such ardent devotion to liberty, would by and by understand its mild and temperate nature, and finally establish a permanent system of rational freedom. On this occasion it is probable, that most men believed what they wished to be true, for to use the words of an eloquent supporter of the anti-gallican policy "even on the most solemn subjects, we form our creed more from inclination than evidence." But however the parties may have differed in their expectations of the event, it is believed that they have been equally mistaken. mistaken. They both considered the monarchy as completely overthrown, and could its restoration have been foreseen, no small portion of both would have changed sides.
The friends of freedom and republicanism have been not only mistaken; they have been woefully disappointed. France after all its woes and calamities, after a violence of agitation which was felt to the farthest verge of the earth, has fallen back to the state from which it struggled for relief. It has indeed changed its master, but its servitude remains the same; and that proud monarchy, that venerable church, "that Corinthian Capital of polished society," whose downfall Mr. Burke so feelingly deplored, are reared again upon a new base, & beam with a splendor, flattering to the victory of Frenchmen, but awful to mankind!
I know there are some, who ardently wished the establishment of a popular government in France, and who yet find consolation under the disappointment of their hopes, in the abolition of various feudal exactions and abuses, which the revolution has swept away. But I cannot take this view of the subject. Were I a Frenchman, perhaps I might. But when I see that almost all the other nations in Europe have lost or expect to lose their independence, as the friend of human nature, I must consider the French revolution, upon the whole, as a calamitous event.—I may be told that the subjugated nations were under despotic governments, and consequently that the condition of the people could not be rendered worse.
This is not altogether the fact; but if it were, the conclusion is false. Whatever the powers of the prince may be in form, there are li-
mits which he cannot well transcend. He is compelled to pay respect to ancient laws and usages, and neither he nor his ministers can be indifferent to the opinion of the slaves who surround him. Far be it from me, to become the apologist of despotism.—Wretched must be the condition of a people, who have no better security for liberty or life, than those I have mentioned; but how great are even they, when compared with a nation! Of all species of political degradation on which a people can endure, the most galling to its pride, the most fatal to its prosperity, is that which subjects it to foreign dominion.
Besides the accidental causes of political disunion of which I have spoken, there is one whose source lies deeper, and whose operation is likely to be more lasting.
A part of our citizens, drawing their ideas from Europe and European writers, consider fleets and armies, extensive commerce, populous cities and magnificent establishments, as the surest proofs of a nation's prosperity, as well as its fairest ornaments. They therefore seek for occasions of promoting the glory of the country, according to the standard they have formed in their own minds, and of exalting its character in the eyes of foreign nations. The opposite party, aiming rather to promote happiness at home than to procure respect from abroad, in judging of every political measure, regard our form of government, our distance from Europe, our simple and frugal habits, and the sentiments and even prejudices of the people.—The principles of both are patriotic; but one has the patriotism of pride, the other of affection. The one is ambitious to make the nation great—the other is studious to make the people happy. The one, smitten by the fascinations of refinement, would precipitate the progress of society from a small and scattered population to one, that is crowded and redundant; the other would let society take its course, perhaps retard it, to perpetuate the benefits of its beloved simplicity.
If I might presume to criticise sentiments embracing so large a portion of the patriotism in our country, to one party I would say,
"Let us beware how we push a good principle so far as to lose sight of its object—cconomy ceases to be either wisdom or virtue when, by present saving, it increases future expense: nor whilst we aim at securing the solid advantages of peace, must we be regardless of our character abroad. Though every man of pure unspotted feelings values his country's honor, as well as his own, for the sake of itself; yet, if estimated by the arithmetic of the treasury, it will be found that a character for fairdealing that never did injustice, and for spirit that never tamely bore it, would gain or save us millions."
To the other party I would say, "Our situation is essentially different from that of every other country on earth, and these peculiarities demand a peculiar system of policy. That splendor which is so necessary in a monarchy to excite the requisite veneration of the people, would be here a wicked waste of the national resources. Do not by a vain and foolish imitation of European nations, forget or forego the blessings you already possess—a fruitful country, moderate taxes, perfect equality of rights, manners partaking of the cultivation of refinement and the innocence of simplicity. Be assured that those costly institutions, and all the various pageantry of state which are so much courted in Europe, however they may strike the eye, do not reach the heart. There must be an hundred cottages for every stately palace; and the pittance of the miserable tenants of the one, must be more slender for the wasteful luxury of the other. Be not deceived. Those seeming efforts of strength are but the momentary spasms of disease which leave the patient weaker; and that feverish glow, which you mistake for the rosy tint of health is the symptom of weakness and the harbingers of decay."
Such, fellow-citizens, appear to me to be the distinguishing features of that spirit of party, which has divided the citizens of these states—which calls forth such brilliant displays of talent and ingenuity—which circulates so much calumny and detraction—which alienates neighbors, and draws together by the silken cords of sympathy, those who are farthest a-part—a spirit which, with all its inconveniences, has been deemed the preserving principle of governments.
Let us, however, now suspend our disputes about the merits of this or that man—the policy of this or that measure, and unite in making a stand against those insolent powers, who have invaded our clearest rights, and even menace our peace and independence. Let us prepare ourselves for the worst. Let us emulate the public spirit in an adjoining country, by increasing and improving our flocks, by the introduction of labour-saving machines, and by inviting manufacturing skill from abroad. And let it be seriously impressed on our minds, that the danger and the glory of preserving all that is dear to us may at length devolve upon our own valor.
Freemen of America! You have to act a part worthy the past fame of your country—worthy its future destinies. The career of your infant empire, though short, has been illustrious. It has passed over a noble tract of glory—another lies before it, no less brilliant and fair, but to whose vast extent the eye can set no limits. While conducting it along the isthmus which connects them, be true to your trusts. Your track is marked out by the heroes of your independence, but remember! if you would pursue it, you must like them, be united, and virtuous, and brave.
COMMUNICATION FROM WILLIAMSBURG.
The fourth of July was celebrated here, in a manner the most gratifying to the friend of science and polite literature, as well as to the real patriot.
At half past 10, when a numerous concourse of citizens, not only from this place, but from the counties around, together with Capt. Coke's Troop of Cavalry, & the members of the College had entered the church, the President delivered an appropriate prayer. This was followed by a fine piece of music from a Band of gentlemen, conducted by Mr. Pluncker, Teacher of the modern languages in college, and also of music. A select piece of music succeeded, also, each oration.
The first was delivered by Mr. Nathaniel Smith, on the day. It took a view of the rapid progress of America from its earliest settlement; its physical and moral advantages, and capacity for improvement; pointed out the many injuries, which Jealousy or Tyranny had inflicted; and shewed that this country was destined, under the continuance of a wise administration, to rise superior to
every oppression, and soon to hold the most eminent station among empires.
The 2d by Mr. W. Greenhill. He advocated the right of universal suffrage, as necessarily flowing from the fundamental principles of the social compact; and contended, that it was not only impolitic and unjust to rest so important a right upon property, but that it was impracticable to render property an equitable standard of such a right.
The 3d by Mr. Henry Lee. After taking a view of the American revolution, and depicting in vivid colours, the spirit which achieved it, he shewed its consequent effect upon the intellectual powers of man, and upon general happiness.
The 4th, by Mr. Fayette Washington—His object was to prove, that national prosperity was inseparable from a free constitution; that Representation was the sure and happy means of carrying such a constitution into the desired effect; and, that America had adopted one, which could not fail to render her great in arts, in science, and in arms.
The 5th by Mr. Robert McCandlish—He delivered an animated Eulogium upon Gen. Washington.
It is justly due to the young orators to say, that their orations were received with applause, & afforded the well-founded presage of that rich harvest of affection, which is ripening for them in the bosom of a people, who now how to appreciate the value of talent's enriched by proper cultivation, and directed by those immutable and eternal political principles, which the real American considers as no less essential to the dignity, than the happiness of man.
After the first oration, the President & Professors of the college, placing themselves near the Rostrum, conferred the degree of Bachelor of Law on Mr. B. Henley; and that of Bachelor of Arts on Messrs. John T. Mason, Frederick Campbell, Robt. Wash, George Loyal, John Patterson, and Robert Yeatman.
These young gentlemen had evinced so intimate and profound an acquaintance with the different branches of science, which are made requisites to the taking of a degree, that the society of President and Professors have expressed their highest satisfaction in conferring that literary honor upon students so meritorious.
It is not so well known to the public, that A. Burr married a Mrs. Provost of New-York, relict of Mr. Provost, supposed to be related to the present Gov. Provost of Canada; with whom A. Burr is well acquainted. Gov. P. was in New York about the year '96 or '97. A. B. is the son of a sister of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards, author of some tracts on metaphysics and divinity of very high celebrity. Hence the fictitious name which B. assumed on his trip to Halifax. Whether he intends to remain there in the employment and service of his friend Provost, or whether his designs are yet to be considered, and matured by the cabinet of St. James's, time must determine.
The great respectability of the source from which it is extracted, induces us to republish the following paragraph: The communication to which it refers, was not written by ourselves, but by a man of as honest and clear and upright a soul as any that lives.
The Editor of the Enquirer is mistaken when he says that all the property called American, which was seized and sequestered at Hamburg was British. Three vessels with cargoes belonging to Baltimore sailed for Hamburg before it fell into the hands of the French. Upon their arrival at that city, it was in the hands of the French. These vessels had not been spoken or boarded by any English cruiser or cruizers, nor had they touched in England; but France requires certificates of origin to secure neutral property from seizure, and these having none, their cargoes were seized as British and sequestered. Certificates of origin were sent out to the Osage, and have been forwarded on to Paris; but whether the property will be regained is uncertain. Balt. American.
The TOASTS, &c. transmitted by different counties, shall be published as soon as possible.
Our discussion on the Embargo has been protracted to a sufficient length. The spirit, lately displayed through every portion of Virginia, &c. distinctly proves that the public mind is powerfully enlightened and prepared on this great public measure. We shall however embrace the first convenient opportunity, of laying some extracts from Mr. Brougham's speech, before our readers.
STRAYED or STOLEN, from the subscriber in Pittsylvania, a dark bay HORSE, inclining to a dun. He is full five feet high, and of a stout compact form. He was five years old this spring, has a star in his forehead, and one or both hind feet partly white. Whoever will bring him to the subscriber, shall receive a reward of ten dollars, if taken up on the north side of James river, and of five dollars if on the south.
GEORGE TUCKER. Woodridge, Pittsylvania, July 1. (July 15) law 4w
IN CHANCERY —Prince William County Court, June 10th, 1809.
Thomas Chapman, surviving acting executor of William Carr, dec'd, plaintiff—against Thomas Purcell and Eleanor his wife, formerly Eleanor Randolph, widow and legatee of William Randolph, son and legatee of John Randolph, dec'd, Robert Randolph, William Randolph, George Randolph, and Mildred Randolph, children and legatees of said William Randolph, dec'd and others under the age of twenty-one years, Peter Oliver and Mildred Oliver, his wife, and Peggy Oliver, daughter of said Peter and Mildred, Nancy Tyler, Samuel James, and Frances his wife, formerly Frances Randolph, Sarah Randolph, Peggy Randolph, Joan Wright and Betsy his wife, formerly Betsy Randolph, and Charles Purcell and Mary Ann Purcell his wife, formerly Mary Ann Randolph; which said Mildred Oliver, Peggy Oliver, Nancy Tyler, Frances James, Sarah Randolph, Peggy Randolph, Betsy Wright, and Mary Ann Purcell, are also legatees of the said John Randolph, dec'd—defendants.
The defendants Margaret Randolph, Samuel James, and Frances his wife, and Peter Oliver and Milly his wife, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, by affidavit that the said Margaret Randolph, Samuel James, and Frances his wife, and Peter Oliver and Milly his wife, are not residents of this commonwealth; on motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered , that the said absent defendants do appear here on the first day of October next and enter their appearance to this suit and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in the newspaper entitled "The Englishman" printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and that another copy of this order be posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy. Teste, J. WILLIAMS, c. d. July 15. 1w 2w
BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

FROM THE AURORA
THE NEW EPOCHA.
The law for establishing an embargo, appear to be yet deficient, inasmuch as no regulation was made concerning American vessels, then in foreign seas. Had there been a clause, declaring the registers and other authenticating papers, possessed by any American vessel, to be invalid and null, and of no effect, which vessel should not have returned to the United States within a period proportioned to the distance or length of her voyage, the measure would have been more effective, and our neutrality and our neutral character have been better established and respected.
But in this new epocha, when nothing that has happened could be well foreseen from any experience of former times, it is not so much a matter of surprise as of regret, that the sagacity of congress did not perceive the defect, and foresee the want of some such provision.
There are advices from London and from Paris in this city, which are of a very interesting and decisive character, as to the views and dispositions of the two governments towards the United States.
Whether the dispositions of France arise from a profound policy or a disposition founded on an enlarged liberality, or on any other better or worse motives, is not so material to this nation at this moment, as to know that no minister at Paris has been treated with more openness and unreserve than Mr. Armstrong, nor is any government in Europe spoken of with expressions of greater liberality. Indeed, there appears to be a perfect acquaintance with the intrigues and corruption of C. Britain, and her commercial influence in the seaports of the U. States.
On a late occasion the minister of exterior relations, conversing with a gentleman who tarried a few days with Gen. Armstrong talking of the ease of a vessel detained, expressly said, that the French government were in full possession of the evidence, that the American flag was used by the British government to draw supplies of brandy from its fleets, from France; to draw raw bullion from Spain and Portugal; to draw raw silk from the Genoese and Florentine coasts, and from Sicily, and to smuggle in British manufactures, and carry back remittances from France to England.
He stated further, that vessels of this description were employed to carry spies to the continent, and to bring back to England the reports of their operations, and that many persons acting actually as spies were sent out under the name of supercargoes.
The American gentleman upon this observed, that such acts of the British government, or of British merchants, could not be attributed to the American government; nor ought the honest flag and fair American trader to be condemned indiscriminately with them.
It was admitted that the case was a hard one—but "how is it possible to discriminate; your own commercial agents cannot determine which are the true or which the false papers; all the formalities, and even the hand-writing of your public officers appear equally perfect and alike; we have no alternative but the total and indiscriminate exclusion of every vessel that has been in England, and their condemnation if they enter our ports." He added, "you see that vessels bearing foreign ambassadors, our allies, are not admitted from England."
This discourse which has been repeated to us much more at large, took place a very short time ago; and it was stated that the French government was perfectly aware "that the acrimony and hostility against France, which appeared from the American presses, was not of American, but of British production; which at one period, before it was properly understood, had excited some dissatisfaction, but had lost its importance with a knowledge of its true origin."
It was alleged in London, that a decree had been issued at Bayonne, by the French emperor, for carrying into port and detaining every vessel found at sea, bearing the American flag, after the 28th April. This decree is reported to have been accompanied by some explanations of its cause and views; but are not more distinctly or intelligibly reported than those of the Milan decree were on the first advices; but it is said to have alleged, that as the American government had laid an embargo on all its merchant vessels, that vessels which carry that flag now, have either abandoned the laws of their country—are in open opposition to them—are employed in the service of the enemy of France—or are enemies disguised under a neutral flag—and are therefore to be brought into port.
There can be very little doubt from the spirit of this report, that such a decree has been issued, and there can be as little doubt that it will be acted upon; and we presume that instead of being taken by the enemies of the public peace, as another proof of the wisdom and discretion of our government in laying the embargo—that this will be held forth as a new cause for taking it off.
Of the dispositions of the English government, we need very little information, for their hostile intentions, our government is well aware; whether there is any new evidence of their purposes to attempt the stupid project of a separation of the union, and forming a government in the eastern states, in alliance or union (in the Irish style) with England, we cannot say; but our government has for some time been in possession of such information—indeed Lord Holland, in the British house of lords, lately scoffed at the present administration for countenancing a plan so monstrously preposterous. Lord Hawkesbury indeed affected to deny such an intention; but any one who recollects their conduct to Denmark, or their conduct in setting on foot the joint expedition of Miranda and Burr, will know what value to give a declaration of the elder son of Jenkinson.
By what we have been able to learn from verbal report of England, the state of that country must be very critical in the present year. The government, however, has proposed some rigorous measures to strengthen their hands, and to be ready by coercion of popular risings, to carry their system of war policy to the extreme.
The French do not this year make any demonstrations of a remarkable kind on the coast of the British channel; and less apprehensions appeared to be entertained of an invasion in England than heretofore; but there is an enemy in the country, more formidable than the French—that is, the dangerous appearance of want, before which stone walls fall sooner than bombardment.
The impression, as to the British orders of council was, among the Americans in London, that there was some understanding on the subject here; that in order to regain the ascendancy to a faction devoted to the government of England in America, the orders of council should be rightly enforced until the election of a president of the United States—from the pressure of the embargo it was calculated that the people of America would become discontented and choose executive officers, who would avow hostility to the embargo, and that in this case they should be sure of an alliance, offensive and defensive, against France. Against the folly of such presumptions, it is in vain to argue at this distance. The agents of England are paid for deceiving that blinded government into the belief, and it is only when they find that their credulity on this occasion was as fatal as when they placed reliance on the same description of persons from 1763 to 1780—that they will discover their folly!
There can be no doubt that the infamous conduct of Pickering, and the presses acting in hostility to the government of the United States, must have a tendency to encroach the confidence of the British minister in the seductive and deceptive reports of their official emissaries, and there can be very little doubt that after Messrs. Erskine and
Mansfield, (who are now on a tour in the eastern states,) make their report to the British ministers, that from the society into which they enter, the representations which they will receive from the infectious company which alone they will seek, that their report will be as strongly in favor of the deceit as that of Admiral Coffin, after his return to England from Boston two years ago. This Coffin is an American himself, and on his return to England, openly asserted that the eastern states, were ready for an alliance or union with the British government, and doubtless there may be found three or four hundred persons of that vile character; such characters will address themselves to the British agents now in the eastern states—and their baseness will be reported to England as the sense of America!!!
The courts of admiralty of England, which are generally the interpreters of the court policy, have recently condemned so many American vessels, that the disposition of the government may be precisely inferred from thence.
We notice this point, however, only to refer from the circumstance to another part of the British policy; when the British government stand in need of a vessel, for a special purpose, to go to the continent, they contrive to obtain vessels condemned or sequestrated, in their admiralty courts; those vessels have their original papers all exact and correct, and with these papers they send forward their enterprise, captains suited to their views are found, cargoes are easily laid in, and with supercargoes properly instructed, they proceed.
This traffic is now so notorious, that it has not been attempted to be controverted—it is indeed, reduced to a system.
The little that can be learned of the temper of the people of England is, that they, instead of being as heretofore partial to America, have become invariable hostile to the United States; and thence it is presumed, that either they have been wrought upon by their government to believe the misrepresentations of their hireling prints; or in the sense of distress, are more disposed to vent their anger against America, than against a government that may, by the renewal of the Pitt system of terror , grind them more to the earth.
The war in Sweden appears to progress slowly; the difference between the old mode of war and that of the modern or French system of tactics, is very visible in the invasion of Sweden; which however, must inevitably meet its fate within the present year.
There is a slight hint at a new coalition against France, on the European continent; and has been alleged that Austria, with Prussia and Turkey, were to be the parties. This however is, we believe, more speculative than real; though the dispositions of all or either of these powers are not to be questioned. Indeed the consciousness of such dispositions existing, ought to be the best caution to those who are so ready to believe that Bonaparte would leave Europe to go into Asia far out of reach. The nations already changed in Europe will require many of them half a century of habit to reconcile them to the revolutions which they have undergone; and the watchful eye and imposing presence of the sagacious conqueror will be required during his life, however long, to preserve and improve the harmony of the system he has established.
Indeed, we will venture a bold conjecture on this occasion, because it would seem to be consistent with the magnitude of the events that have already taken place in this new epocha. We should not be surprised to hear of an invitation of delegates from all the civilized nations of the earth to meet at some position, to frame a system of universal law, for the conduct of nations towards each other; for fixing the freedom of the seas, and the laws of commercial intercourse; and for putting an end to war, by establishing rules which violated by any individual nation, should subject that nation to be excluded from intercourse with all the rest.
That some such measure will be pursued, we have not the least doubt; and this universal law once established—war must from the very nature of the case cease.
The Mr. Erskine who is in the eastern states, is not the ambassador, but a younger brother; and Mr. Mansfield who is with him, is the son of the present judge Mansfield of England: this Mr. Mansfield came from England with Mr. Rose, and is in fact the agent of the present administration of England, he is what may be called a shrewd, quick and capable man; and being intended for the diplomatic school, on the road, next to the law, nearest to power and wealth, will labor in his vocation.
The ambassador Erskine, is said to have proceeded to Washington.
FROM THE SAME.
PROGRESS OF THE ARTS ABROAD! There is established in the city of London, in old England, a manufactory, which, though in some particulars of the detail, it is not entirely new; yet in the gross, it is one of the most surprising in its design, and important in its consequences, that human cunning has hitherto conceived.
It is an office formally established, and in the practice of business, to an extent almost inconceivable.
At this office, ships are furnished upon prices proportioned to the cargoes with which they are laden—with the following particulars—
Fac simile papers from the custom-houses, at Altona, Lubeck, Dantzic, or any other port on the continent of Europe, under the control of France.
Fac simile of American ship registers.
Fac simile of American Mediterranean passports.
Fac simile of custom-house clearances from any port of the United States.
With these, all other species of papers customary to neutrals, or which are usually given in port under the control of France, are furnished at the office in London, at an average of from ten to twenty guineas per ship.
At the same office, are furnished log books, ready written for the whole voyage from any port on the continent, to the required port or place to which the vessel is intended to be sent.
Thus provided with papers in the most perfect form, with books handsomely sea soiled before they go on board; the vessels take in their cargoes in London or any of the out ports, and hoisting the American flag boldly, and with astonishing success, enter the ports of the continent of Europe; and return to do so again!
As this game has been going on for some time, and must be pretty well known all over Europe, since it has come to us without any secrecy; those who have ships employed in this ingenious traffic, will no doubt find sufficient remuneration, to render any accidental discovery and consequent confiscation, with a loss very small comparatively with their honest gains.
However, like the folks who have been saved from bankruptcy by the embargo, they may be allowed to make sham complaints, and crooked faces, to damn Jefferson, roar out for war and free trade; and swear that we are ruined by French tyranny, and can be blessed only by British alliance, offensive and defensive.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Extending the right of suffrage in the Mississippi territory; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That every free white male person in the Mississippi territory, above the age of twenty-one years, having been a citizen of the United States, and resident in the
said territory, one year next preceding an election of representatives, and who has a legal or equitable title to a tract of land by virtue of any act of Congress, or who may become the purchaser of any tract of land from the United States, of the quantity of fifty acres, or who may hold in his own right a town lot of the value of one hundred dollars, within the said territory, shall be entitled to vote for representatives to the general assembly of said territory.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the general assembly of the territory aforesaid, shall have power to apportion the representatives of the several counties therein, or which may hereafter be established therein, according to the number of free white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years, in such counties: Provided, That there be not more than twelve, nor less than ten of the whole number of representatives, any act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding, until there shall be six thousand free white male inhabitants of full age in said territory; after which time the number of representatives shall be regulated agreeably to the ordinance for the government thereof.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the citizens of the said territory be entitled to vote for representatives to the general assembly thereof, shall, at the time of electing their representatives to the said general assembly, also elect one delegate from the said territory to the Congress of the United States, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the delegates from the several territories of the United States, any thing in the ordinance for the government of said territory to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. JANUARY 9, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To provide for the payment of certain expenses, incurred in the impeachment of Samuel Chase.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the accounting officers of the Treasury be, and they hereby are directed to audit and settle the accounts of all persons who may have claims against the United States, for expenses incurred in the enquiry into the conduct, and in the impeachment of Samuel Chase; which expenses may have been authorized by the committee of enquiry, or the managers of the said impeachment: Provided, that the said accounts shall have been first certified by the Chairman of the said Committee or Managers; and the same shall be paid out of any monies in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. JANUARY 21, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
For the relief of Oliver Evans.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That it shall and may be lawful for the Secretary of State on application in writing by Oliver Evans, to cause letters patent to be made out in the manner and form prescribed by the act entitled "An act to promote the progress of useful arts, and to repeal the act heretofore made for that purpose," thereby granting to said Oliver Evans, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, for a term not exceeding fourteen years, the full and exclusive right and liberty of making, constructing, using, and vending to be used, his invention, discovery and improvements in the art of manufacturing flour and meal, and in the several machines which he has discovered, invented, improved, and applied to that purpose. Provided, That no person who may have heretofore paid the said Oliver Evans for licence to use his said improvements shall be obliged to renew said licence, or be subject to damages for not renewing the same: And provided also, That no person who shall have used the said improvements, or have erected the same for use, before the issuing of the said patent, shall be liable to damages therefor.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. JANUARY 21, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Making provision for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the annual sum of two hundred thousand dollars be, and the same hereby is appropriated for the purpose of providing arms and military equipments for the whole body of the militia of the United States, either by purchase or manufacture by and on account of the United States.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized to purchase sites for, and erect such additional arsenals and manufactories of arms as he may deem expedient under the limitations and restrictions now provided by law: Provided also, That so much of any law as restricts the number of workmen in the Arsenies of the United States to one hundred men, be and the same hereby is repealed.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That all the arms procured in virtue of this act shall be transmitted to the several states composing this Union, and territories thereof, to each state and territory respectively in proportion to the number of the effective militia in each state and territory, and by each state and territory to be distributed to the militia in such state and territory, under such rules and regulations as shall be by law prescribed by the legislature of each state and territory.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. APRIL 23, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Ro. and Geo. Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, recorded in Hustings Court of Richmond, made to secure the payment of $1500 to Donl. Cosh, according to the terms of said deed; will be sold to the highest bidder, for cash, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the said city, on Saturday the 30th day of the present month, (July) all that Lot or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street leading from the Bell-Tavern to the river, and formerly under lease to Russell & Wallace; together with the following: NEGROES, George (the cook), Peter (the bar-ber), and Aggy, or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of $1500, and all costs attending the said sale.
ANDREW STEVENSON, C. ANTHONY, } Trustees July 3. [cpids]
M. R. LE TELLIER, DENTIST—In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the caroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such ones as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUFEE'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house.
He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak.
He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance.
Mr. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place.
A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality, for sale. May 6. [law6m]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW [law6m]
A CARRIAGE AND HORSES—For hire an excellent CARRIAGE and pair of HORSES. Apply at the stable of JOHN HEATH, Esq. on Shockoe-Hill. Richmond, July 8. [law4w]
FOR SALE OR RENT—A Valuable MERCHANT MILL in the county of Hanover, on the South Anna river, about ten miles from the court-house and twenty from Richmond; the stream at all times afford an abundance of water, the mill house is 50 by 20 feet, two stories high, underpinned with stone, wherein are fixed three pair of stones; there is also a miller's house underpinned with brick, with a brick chimney, and a stable calculated to hold four horses. Besides the two acres of Land attached to the Mill, there is a privilege to build on other land contiguous thereto and the right of cutting fire wood; it is also highly probable that a purchaser could be accommodated with about 170 acres, lying on the river and adjoining the mill tract. If sold, an extensive credit will be given should the purchaser require it, or property in Richmond received in payment for the whole or any part—For terms, either to purchase or rent, (application in my absence to the Springs) may be made to Mr. Thomas Richardson, near the Rocky Mills. ROBERT POLLARD. Richmond, July 1. [law4w]
IN CHANCERY.—At a court continued by adjournment and held for James City county, the 14th day of June, 1808. John P. Shields, surviving acting executor, &c. of James Shields, deceased, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Hornsby, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that unless the said defendant shall appear here on or before the second Monday in November next and answer the plaintiff's bill, that this court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, and decree the matter thereof accordingly. And it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. Copy. Teste, SAML. SHIELD, c. c. June 24. [law8w]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. The above reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid for apprehending and securing in any jail within the UNITED STATES, ARTHUR HOWE, a negro MUSTAPHA, commonly called Muss. Arthur Howe is a young man 19 or 20 years old, dark complexion, short yellowish hair and hazel eyes, his face is round, and his countenance ferocious and expressive of dark angry passions—He is remarkable for having a deformity in his back, which occasions him to walk nearly half bent, so that when he is in his most erect posture, he would scarcely measure 4 and a 1/2 or 5 feet high. His arms have much motion when he walks, are very long, and hang as low down if not lower than his knees. The above described young man stole or enticed off on Monday night the 11th instant, a negro fellow called Muss or MUSTAPHA, about 28 years old of a darkish complexion, very long head, forehead, nose and chin more prominent than persons of his color generally have; his eyes are large, projecting, and of a reddish color, his mouth rather large, and his teeth yellow. In his general behavior he is polite and submissive; he is a complete body servant, and a handy fellow with some tools, or about horses. He carried off with him no clothes which are remarkable, except an olive great coat of berrskin. The above felon and slave went off on a single stick chair; a large bay horse, and have been traced in company about 18 miles from Edenton—It is conjectured that Arthur Howe will conduct Muss as far as Virginia, and may sell him several times on his journey; and Muss having many acquaintances in Norfolk, Petersburg and Richmond, may endeavor through their assistance to make his escape to the northward—Arthur Howe has relations near Wilmington, in this state, and near Nashville, in Tennessee; to one of which places he will probably endeavor to travel after parting with the aforesaid negro. To the above reward will be added travelling expenses and reasonable wages for the delivery of the aforesaid Howe, and negro Muss, to me in this place, or fifty Dollars for either of them. MATTHIAS E. SAWYER. Edenton, June 27. (July 5) [4w]
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Thursday the 21st July next at the house called Napiers's tavern in the town of Columbia, a tract of Land on the Rivanna, in the county of Fluvanna, containing by a late survey, 334 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Charles Adams, Richard Adams, Pleasant Bybee, and others, being land sold by David Ross to said Shepard, and conveyed by him, Shepard, to us in trust, to secure a debt due to said Ross, as stated in said trust deed, which said debt has since been assigned by said Ross to Henry E. Coleman—We sell our right as trustees only. GEORGE HOLMAN, WILLIAM PASTEUR, JACOB MYERS, } Trustees June 21, 1808. [cpids]
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
Know Ye, That Bathurst Claiborne of the county of Powhatan, and Mary Leigh his wife, being desirous to do equal justice to all the creditors of the said Bathurst Claiborne, as far as his estate real or personal should extend, and after effecting that just and honorable purpose, to secure the residue thereof, if any, to the family of them, the said Bathurst Claiborne and Mary Leigh, did by their Indenture, sealed with their seals, and now of record among the records of the honorable, the general court of Virginia, on the 16th day of January, 1803, convey to the subscribers, both residing in the city of Richmond, and Nathaniel H. Claiborne of the county of Frank- lin, what we believe to be all the estate real and personal of him, the said Bathurst Claiborne, in trust, for effecting the purposes aforesaid, generally to the principles in the said deed more fully set forth and explained, which we consider as the most proper which could be devised, for effecting the purposes of doing material and complete justice to all the creditors of the said Bathurst, within a reasonable time, with as little injury as the nature of the case requires, to the true interests of the said Bathurst and Mary Leigh his wife, and their family.—We hereby notify to all such creditors, that the legal estate is in us and the said Nathaniel H. Claiborne, in the Land called Midway, lying in the county of Powhatan, and in twenty-two slaves, known by the names of Billy, Betty, Diley, Minor, Nancy, Daniel, Violet, Arthur, Jack, Tom, Milly, Bob, Sally, Amos, Patty, Polly, Betsey, Lucinda, Billy, Joe, Phil, and Judy, with all the progeny of the females among them, from & after the date of the said indenture, a chariot and harness, and also the personal chattels consisting of horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, household and kitchen furniture, agricultural and other tools, more particularly specified in a schedule recorded with, and annexed to the said Indenture; and further, that at the same time, that we wain every person and persons, that we mean to assert our interest in, and title to the said estate, for the purposes of the trust in the said indenture set forth, we mean also to pursue the most prompt measures for carrying the same into full and ample execution, so soon as we can discover the nature of the debts due and payable by the said Bathurst Claiborne, on the day of the date thereof, or then due, and to become payable at any day thereafter. And for these purposes, we solicit all his creditors entitled to demand payment of any such debts, to notify the same to us, with such proof of the same as they may possess, for evincing the reality and justice of their several claims as speedily as possible. W. CLAIBORNE, JOHN WARDEN. Richmond, July 8. [law4w]
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Warder and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the bank notes may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOCK. (if)
Table with 3 columns: Bank of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit, Petersburg, to Robert Birchett President thereof or Bearer. Columns: B. No., Date, Amount ($).
TO RENT—The upper APARTMENTS in the House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [lf]
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elcan, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Executors. JOS. MARK. Richmond, May 17, 1808. (if)
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At court of Appeals held at the Capitol, in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.
GENERAL RULE—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket, and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through; and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week until the first day of October next.
A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. June 14. [1stO]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers at private sale all his Stock in Trade, consisting of Groceries, Glass, China and Liverpool Ware. As the assortment is large, it will suit any person or persons willing to follow the trade with advantage—the terms will be liberal and the inventory may be seen; on the fourth of July next, and continue, if not previously sold, till the 1st of October. Also, for sale, the lower Tenement of that large brick house in which Mrs. Harris has an interest during her life, and three valuable House Servants, who are sold for no fault but want of employment—For terms apply to AUBIN LAFOREST. June 24. [cp1m]
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Saturday the 16th day of the present month (July) will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder for ready money at the front door of Goochland Court-House, the tract of LAND, whereon Edward Bolling at present resides; lying on James River in the county of Goochland, about three miles above the Court-House, containing by estimation about eight hundred acres, be the same more or less; or so much of the said tract as shall be sufficient to discharge the balance of a bond of ten thousand and sixteen dollars due the 1st day of November last; executed by said Bolling to Frederick Harris and secured by a deed of trust on said Land, executed by said Bolling to the undersigned trustees, bearing date the 22d day of June, 1807, and recorded in the county court of Goochland. The said bond is credited on the 10th of February, 1808, by ninety-seven dollars and ten cents, and on the 30th of April, 1808, by one hundred and fifty-five dollars and twenty-nine cents. A sufficiency of the said Land will be sold in pursuance of the said bond of trust, to discharge the balance of said bond, together with all interest due thereon, and the costs of recording said deed, and the expense of carrying the same into effect by WILLIAM MILLER & } Trustees. JOSEPH SHELTON, July 1. [cp5et]
VINEGAR—A few casks of good Pickling and Table Vinegar, FOR SALE BY D. J. BURG. July 5. [2m]