Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-06-28 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIth Year.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No 1454]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, JUNE 28, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
  Tobacco, $ 3 75 cash.   Wheat, new, 0 67 do.   Flour, superfine, new, 4 50 do.   Flour, fine, 3 00 do.   Corn, 2 25 do.   Hemp, clean, (per ton) 175 00 do.   Iron, 110 00 do.   Bacon, 10 do.   Whiskey, 42 do. 
Wilson C. Nicholas's Letter.
To the Electors of the Congressional District, composed of the Counties of Amherst, Albemarle and Fluvanna.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
It has fallen to my lot to represent you in the Congress of the U. States, at a period the most interesting and momentous that our country has ever known, since its existence as an independent nation. I owe it to you and to myself, to state fully the occurrences that have led to the present crisis, and the measures that have been taken to divert the storm, or to prepare to meet it; not only that you may know the real situation of our affairs, but that you may judge of the fidelity with which I have discharged the trust you reposed in me. Devoted to my country, bound to you by the strongest ties of gratitude and affection, and in all things having a common interest with you, you may doubt the propriety of some of the measures I have advocated; but I trust and hope there is not a man in the district, who will doubt my entire and exclusive attachment to this my native country. I may mistake the means, but my only objects are the happiness, liberty and independence of the American people. If I could be insensible to my duty to you, I could never lose sight of the deep interest, that I and my numerous offspring have in the welfare of our common country.
The extraordinary occurrence that caused the President of the U. States to convene Congress last October, need not be mentioned; the impression it made is indelible: with one voice we demanded an honorable reparation or vengeance. In order to understand fully our dispute with Great Britain, it is necessary you should know the relations between the two countries at, and antecedent to the attack made upon an American ship of war, by a national ship of Great Britain. Atrocious as was that act in itself, it was the more so under existing circumstances. From the year 1793 when the war between Great Britain and France commenced. Great Britain had inflicted every injury upon this country that could be suggested by her hatred and jealousy of us, or that her command of the ocean enabled her to perpetrate. These were in some measure resented by Jay's treaty, and ceased with the war that was terminated by the treaty of Amiens. The renewal of the hostilities between England and France, in the year 1802 brought upon our commerce and citizens, the outrages and wrongs we had borne in the preceding war. The object of Great Britain, in violating the rights of neutrals, was not the injury of her enemy; not the expectation of compelling her to make a fair and honorable peace, by withholding supplies, or by depriving her of the means of selling her surplus produce, of manufactures, but to give the advantage of that commerce to her own subjects, for the double purpose of enriching them and depressing us. This is clearly proved by her efforts to secure to them that very commerce from which she attempted to exclude us. The love of peace and an unwillingness to involve this country in the vortex of European wars and politics, induced the American government and people to submit to all the injuries that had been inflicted upon them, until the winter of 1806, when the British outrages were so great and enormous, that to have borne them longer, would have been cowardly; would have been a dereliction of national character, duty and interest, and would have made us contemptible in the eyes of the world. At that period, the table of Congress was covered with memorials and remonstrances from every part of the U. S. complaining of the injuries we daily receive from Great Britain, and calling upon our government, in the strongest terms, to protect our citizens and commerce. Faithful to the true interests of the nation, seeing that interest would be best promoted by the preservation of peace, our government delayed the appeal to arms, which the insulting conduct of their officers, the impressment of our seamen, the seizure and condemnation of our vessels, the murder of Pierce within our jurisdiction, and the proclamation blockade of whole nations, would have justified. A law then passed Congress, to take effect six or eight months after its date, prohibiting the importation of certain articles from Great Britain; and to give greater weight to our demand, a special minister was dispatched
to that country, to enforce our claims to justice. This course was adopted from a hope that an appeal in this peaceful form to the reflection and interests of an enlightened nation would be successful in removing every obstacle, to a "perfect and permanent cordiality between the two nations." About the time the non-importation act was to take effect, dispatches were received from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, stating that negotiations were then in a train for the adjustment of the differences between Great Britain and the U. S. and recommending the suspension of the act: They say "the ground which Congress have taken in this just and salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and abandon are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honor of the nation, and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law, and while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils, would preserve unimpaired, that firm and dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but especially now, to maintain." This signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils was instantly given, not only by a suspension of the non-importation act, but a power given the President to suspend it for a further time if the state of things between the two countries should require it. This was done by the President in the month of March 1807, even after he refused to ratify the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney until the next meeting of Congress: Thereby giving to the British government new evidence of a most sincere desire of putting an end to differences that ought not to exist between two nations, having so many motives to establish and cherish mutual friendship. In March, 1807, the President received from our ministers in England, a treaty, signed by the commissioners of the two nations, the 31st December preceding this treaty, for reasons that I will hereafter explain, was with great propriety, rejected by the President and our ministers were directed to renew the negotiations with Great Britain, with the fullest assurances of our desire to maintain the friendly relations between the two nations, so conducive to the happiness of both; of which disposition he had given a recent and unequivocal proof. If any further evidence is required to prove the sincerity of this declaration, I need only refer to the correspondence between Mr. Madison and our minister in England from which it does appear, that we not only have right on our side, but that our claim have been asserted with an ability, dignity, temper and moderation that ought to have ensured us redress, and that the failure can only be ascribed to a confidence in power and disregard of right.
Not long after the return of this treaty, it is known to you that the British ship Leopard, in view of a strong British squadron, then within our waters, committed the most flagrant and outrageous violation of our national honor, by attacking the American frigate Chesapeake, under circumstances of the most aggravating kind; that immediately afterwards, this squadron took a station near Norfolk, and committed every act of hostility, short of attacking that town; that in defiance of the Proclamation, it remained within our territory, even after the arrival of Mr. Rose at Washington, and pending his negotiation. If the President had been desirous, as he has been falsely charged, to go to war with Great Britain, how easy and with what little responsibility could he have then plunged the nation into war? Instead of which, without a sacrifice of our honor, he took the course dictated by the soundest wisdom and policy. He demanded of Great Britain, whether this act had been committed under the authority of that government, and if not, that she should make honorable and prompt reparation, such as she would expect under similar circumstances.
You have seen the pretence that was made in England, for not making reparation, or even treating about it—that our government demanded, "as a security of the future, an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the United States." The connection between these subjects must be obvious, as, but for the practice of impressments, there would have been no pretence for the outrage committed; without the abandonment of practice, there would be no security that there would not be a repetition of the same violence. The British demanding the revocation of the proclamation of the President, as a preliminary to a discussion of the nature and extent of the reparation we should receive, is a proof that the abandonment of the right to impress from our vessels being required, did not prevent Mr. Monroe's adjusting this subject with the British government; for as it was here, so it would there have been required, that the revocation should precede the discussion, and it is known that Mr. Monroe had no authority to treat upon that subject, and I
hope, for the honor of my country, there is not one American who believes he ought to have had. You are informed, that the refusal of our government, to revoke the proclamation, as a preliminary to discussion of the reparation we ought to receive, is the ground upon which the negotiation with Mr. Rose was broken off. This whole transaction ought to convince every American, in the strongest and fullest manner, that there does not exist a desire in the executive to go to war with England; and that if we are involved in it, or in circumstances that produce distress, it is to be ascribed to the folly and wickedness of others, and not the choice, misconduct or remissness of our government, in a single instance. For although an adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake, would have removed only a small part of our difficulties with Great Britain, and although that adjustment did not give us security against acts of violence proceeding from the same cause; yet our government, in order to remove all suspicion of an unwillingness to lessen our difficulties, entered into a negotiation upon that subject alone, with a frankness and sincerity peculiar to it, and pursued it as long as it could be done, without national degradation. It is painful to me to speak in a manner of any government, or its accredited agents, that may not be considered respectful. In this case, however, I feel it to be my duty, to state explicitly, that I do not believe it was the intention of Great Britain to give us satisfaction upon this point. The extravagance of the demand that we should precede the discussion of the reparation we were to receive by making reparation to her, forbids the belief that she could have expected we would do it. The impunity of admiral Berkeley, whose life could not have atoned to his own country, for the embarrassment in which he had involved her, by committing an act of great enormity and hostility against the only nation with whom she was in amity, and whose friendship was important to her; the detention of the unfortunate men taken from the Chesapeake, who have escaped the merciless vengeance of Berkeley; but above all, their orders of the 11th November, prohibiting the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of Great Britain, which orders only operate on the United States; and the concealing from Mr. Rose (if this was done) and from our ministers in London, their intention to issue such orders; all these things prove the determined hostility of the English ministry. For it is inconceivable, that it should not have been contemplated by the British to issue these orders, before Mr. Rose left England (as these events happened within a short time of each other,) and if they did, they could not believe any good could have resulted from any reparation they could offer, for the attack upon the Chesapeake, when it was to be immediately succeeded by a measure of so decidedly hostile and ruinous a character to the United States. To a nation proud and regardless as the British are of the rights and feelings of others, there could be no inducement to make atonement for one act of violence and indignity, when they were about to perpetrate another, that would inflict a mortal wound upon the honor and the interest of the United States. I cannot but entertain a suspicion, that the only objects of Great Britain, in sending Mr. Rose to this country, were to get time to put her colonies in our neighborhood, in a state of defence, and to take the chance of embarrassing us at home, by exciting in the minds of a portion of the American people, a distrust of their own government. That such an effort has been made and is making, must be obvious to all who read newspapers—how else can various publications be accounted for?
When the Embargo was laid, circumstances fully justified it. It is a fact, however, that this measure was taken, not only in consequence of outrages then committed, but in expectation of others of a more flagrant nature, not only from England, but France. When the president recommended to Congress to lay the Embargo, he informed them that the Emperor of France had announced, through Mr. Champagny, to General Armstrong our minister at Paris, a determination to apply his decree of the 21st of November, 1806, for the blockade of the British Isles, to us as well as to other neutrals, from the operation of which decree our commerce had hitherto been exempt. We knew, that our demand for reparation for the attack upon the Chesapeake had not been complied with. We believed, Great Britain would instantly declare all Bonaparte's dominions and those of his allies in a state of Blockade; this opinion was founded upon the past conduct and declaration of that government. Accordingly it appeared, as we had anticipated, that orders to that effect issued in Great Britain on the 11th November, 1807. We at the same time received the proclamation of the King of Great Britain commanding his cruisers to impress all his native born subjects, whenever they should be found on board merchant vessels, and to demand all such as should be on board ships of war—his officers being made the sole and absolute judges of who were, and who were not his native born subjects. The British orders of November last, have been followed by the French decree of December 17th, extending to every possible case, the authority to capture American vessels going to, returning from, or carrying any British manufactures, and to all vessels that have submitted to be searched. The French have since sequestered all our vessels that were in their ports, and the British have attempted to confine our commerce to their dominions (with very few exceptions) or to subject it to be carried
on under British licences and subject to British taxation. When the embargo was laid, it was believed there were 100,000,000 dollars of American property afloat and in other countries; but for the wisdom of the measures of our government, we might have been deprived of all this property. If we had yielded to our just resentment and gone to war, when the embargo was laid, all or the greater part of our property, that was abroad, would have been lost to us. If we had not laid the embargo, a great part of our last year's produce, with at least an equal value of the produce of other countries, now the property of American citizens, to the amount of from seventy to eighty millions more, would not only have been lost to us, but would have gone to enrich those, whose perfidy, injustice and oppression we have so much reason to complain of. All this we have not only saved to ourselves but withheld from the grasp of robbers and pirates. It is enough to justify the embargo to say, that not a ship of ours can sail, which will not be subject to seizure and confiscation by one or other of the belligerents, unless she is going to the barren kingdom of Sweden. I challenge any man to deny this fact. There are other facts which prove the propriety of this measure. All the vessels that left this country after the first of December last, and before the embargo was laid, for the continent of Europe, have either been seized and sequestered or forced to a market where the cargoes could not be sold, or have been obliged to return to this country with their cargoes, not having been permitted to go to their place of destination; this has happened to several vessels, and Congress was obliged to make a law to permit such cargoes to be landed in the United States. Under these circumstances what ought Congress to have done? We had no choice but to lay an embargo; to go to war; arm our vessels; withdraw our ships and let foreigners carry on our commerce; or submit to trade within the limits prescribed by G. Britain.
As to war, there are the most weighty reasons why we should avoid it. It is itself one of the greatest evils, and there are at this moment considerations, that make it peculiarly the interest of the United States to avoid it if possible. It is evidently the object of both G. Britain and France, to plunge us into war with their adversary. This has been avowed in a manner that cannot be mistaken. But for the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed; but for the situation into which the world is thrown, by the insatiable thirst for dominion in the two great powers of Europe; but for the risk of being thrown into the arms of one of these contending nations, whose insidious caresses I should think more dangerous than the hostility of either or both; and but for the benefit that either of these nations would derive from being at war with the other, my vote should have been given for a declaration of war. The co-operation of this country with either of these nations would enable that nation to effect its object. With our aid, Great Britain could sustain herself forever. The commerce of both the Indies and North and South America, would furnish her with every thing she wants, and a market for her manufactures; but this would be contributing to a despotism on the ocean that would drive us from it. If we go to war with England, the loss of our market, the withholding our supplies, and the proper application of our force, would bring destruction upon that nation. Thus we have neither the inclination nor interest to do. It cannot be the interest of the United States, that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of one man. In their contests I wish to preserve a neutrality, if we are permitted, and to keep the United States free from all political connections with every other country. If war with either power is necessary for our own purposes, we will wage it; for either of them, we will not go to war, we will not be coerced into it; sooner than I would make war upon the Mandate of any government, or to avoid injuries threatened to be inflicted by that government, I would wage eternal war against the government and nation that should treat us with such insolence and indignity.
Arming our merchant vessels would not effect our object; for altho' we shall be able to force our way to the ports to which they would be destined, when they go there, they would be subject to sequestration if not condemnation. War, and with Great Britain, would be the inevitable consequence of this measure; it belongs to Congress to determine when there shall be war and with whom. I will never transfer this power to the merchants or their captains, nor will I ever agree to let the merchants arm their vessels but in time of war.
The expedient of withdrawing our ships and allowing foreign vessels to carry on our trade, is inadmissible in every point of view. All the various interests within the United States are equally entitled to the protection of the government; it was for the common defence and general welfare that our government was instituted; one of its special purposes was the protection of commerce. The navigation of the United States is of immense value and importance, when it is considered with a view to its intrinsic utility, the number of our citizens employed, or the capital invested in it; in point of value, it is second to no interest but the agricultural; without it, agriculture would not be a source of wealth. At this enlightened period, it would be a waste of time to attempt to prove the value of commerce; there can be but one opinion upon this subject.—What but commerce enables the British Isles to resist the whole
force of the continent of Europe? What but commerce has given to a portion of our own country, not equal in extent of territory, to several of these states, and certainly inferior in climate and soil, nearly one third of the population and wealth of the United States? The prosperity of commerce and agriculture are intimately connected; they must stand or fall together. This expedient is worse than that which Great Britain offers us; she will allow us to continue our commercial intercourse with her, and to be the carriers of our own produce; but this expedient would not only give her markets the monopoly of our supplies, but confine its transportation to British bottoms, as she has driven from the ocean the vessels of every other country.
Late in the session, it was proposed in Congress to repeal the law laying the embargo and calculations were made to show that the bulk of our produce might be exported free from danger. This was in effect proposing a tame submission to all the outrages committed by Great Britain, and that instead of resenting the various insults and injuries she had done us, we should reward her with the monopoly of our commerce. Sooner than I would accept a commerce to which any nation should attempt to limit it, I would abandon the ocean. Are we such miserable slaves to our ease and to false ideas of our interest? Are we so debased, that for the advantage of carrying on our commerce with G. Britain, we will abandon the commerce of all the world? Are we to be bribed by England, with the offer of allowing us to trade with her, to give her the monopoly of our commerce? We will not sell our rights and our sovereignty, for all the wealth she is mistress of. What she could not deprive us of in our infancy by arms, it is madness and folly to expect we will now, in the strength and vigor of manhood, lay at her feet in consequence of the injuries she has done us.
But it is not true, we could continue the commerce with Great Britain, that we have hitherto carried on with her. Upon that commerce there was a balance against us of seventeen millions of dollars; we were enabled to pay this by the profit of our trade with other countries, and by the profit arising from our navigation (our labour in that way is supposed to produce from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars annually.) We import from the British, eight or ten millions of dollars value, which we export and derive a profit on; all these sources of wealth would be lost to us. It is known that Great Britain affords us a market but for a small proportion of our staple articles—flour, pork, beef, rice and tobacco; (our fish we are not allowed to sell in Great Britain; they are our rivals in that trade;) and however large the export of any or all these articles may be to that country, but a small proportion of them are there consumed; but they have been re-shipped. There is now, however, an end to that, as she has no access to the countries in which they are consumed, and they must perish there or at home, under the operations of their orders in council and the French decrees. Illustrate this by the situation the tobacco trade would be placed in under this commerce, which it is said we ought to give our independence to enjoy. When we have a good crop of tobacco, we make 80,000 hogsheads; Great Britain consumes annually 12,000; the remainder is consumed on the continent. If we are deprived of all intercourse with the continent, direct and indirect, where five-sixths of our tobacco is consumed, what are we to expect to get for it? I beg pardon for having entered into this consideration of the subject. I am convinced it was unnecessary. No temptation of gain, no prospect of wealth, can induce the American people to part with their sovereignty and independence, which they will do, whenever they permit any nation to deprive them of all commercial intercourse with the rest of the world. After having taken a station among the nations of the world, with the most certain presages, that if we are true to ourselves we shall at no very distant day rank among the most powerful; will we, for the mere prospect of wealth, which can never be realized, bear the degradation and disadvantages of being again in a colonial state? Sooner than submit to this, if one spark of the spirit of seventy-six remains, we will sacrifice our lives and our fortunes.
(To be continued.)
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Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, JUNE 28, 1808.
THERE is an astonishing trait of nonchalance in the political character of Richmond...
The following letter may be considered as a faithful sketch of the temper & sentiments of the people of Great Britain...
The following letter comes from a federalist of high toned sensibility...
It is with very great surprise that I have observed the opposition the embargo has experienced...
if the American people possess sufficient virtue and firmness to adhere to the measure...
When the bill laying duties upon American produce brought into port...
The American Citizen vapers a great deal about Gov. Clinton's firmness...
cargo—whereas, under the Order of Council, he is compelled to come into an English port...
The great importance of the approaching election of a President of the United States...
Mr. PLEASANTS, I SHALL be troublesome to you, I fear, if I were to write half what I think...
As soon as possible, every county should establish a small manufactory at its court-house...
Great care should be taken, that large manufacturing companies do not impoverish the domestic manufactures...
AN ASSOCIATOR OF '74. 17 SUBSCRIBERS to this paper in the counties of Lunenburg and Mecklenburg...
The American Citizen vapers a great deal about Gov. Clinton's firmness...
of the gentlemen deserves the name of trimmer?—Monitor. One does not know precisely how to take the supporters of Mr. Clinton.
Our readers will require no better evidence than the following paragraph...
The citizens of this state need not be told that this paragraph is founded in falsehood...
The sincerity of the British government in disavowing the conduct of ad. Berkeley...
From the Portsmouth N. H. Gazette. The patriotic legislature of New Hampshire...
A meeting of the citizens of Richmond and Manchester is requested at the Capitol...
ATTENTION! THE Juvenile citizens of Richmond are requested to meet this evening...
Latest Foreign Advises.
NEW YORK, June 20. The editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received by the ship Laona...
LONDON, April 27. Special orders were received at Plymouth, on Sunday night...
The accounts respecting the Rochfort squadron are still various and contradictory...
The American merchants have received an official communication of the result of Mr. Rose's mission...
A letter from a Spanish port, dated the 6th inst. states, that a deputation of Spanish Grandees...
RAMSGATE, April 25. This morning three transports sailed from this harbor for the Downs...
April 26. The embarkation goes on very brisk here; captain Raynes, of the Royal Navy...
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 26.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL. Mr. Tierney rose and observed, that as the evidence of the witnesses...
Price of Stocks this day at one o'clock—Consols 65 1/2 Reduced, 65 3/4; Navy 5 per cent. 98 1/8, 14.
NEW-YORK, June 20.
John Quincy Adams... In a factious morning print of this city, the character of Mr. Adams is assailed...
After a most traitorous attempt to excite distrust and division between the southern and northern states...
Mr. Adams mounted the stage of political life as a decided federalist, and with the single exception of his late letter...
When this letter, this irrefragable evidence of a sinister apostasy appeared...
Had he [Mr. Adams] done more than indicate a wish for official gratification...
PHILADELPHIA, June 21.
ARRIVALS AT NASSAU. Brig Abena, capt. Hill, from Providence, R. I. seized for running candles...
Brig Orlando, capt. Craig or capt. Wilkinson, from Baltimore, loaded with flour for New Orleans...

distressed condition...but the carpenters at Nassau being expert, put them all to rights with very little delay, and less expense.
NORFOLK, June 23.
It will be seen by intelligence published in this day's paper, received from France and Holland that the Osage was in France about the latter end of April. She had been seized, but some accounts say she had been released, and was about to proceed to her original destination.
As the government has received dispatches by the same vessel which brings this intelligence, the public may possibly in the course of a few days, be better informed of the situation of our affairs with France.
It can readily be imagined that the absence of the emperor of France and his ministers, would cause negotiations to progress very slowly, and which might occasion the detention of the Osage. The emperor left Bordeaux for Bayonne on the 13th of April on his route for Spain.
(Ledger.)
The National Intelligencer of Friday last contains some speculations from London papers, which appear to excite more attention than they merit. These are editorial speculations of the 26th and 27th April; the opposition papers affirm, that there will be a war with America in a few days. The ministerial papers, and they would probably be better informed, breathe nothing hostile, but indicate peace. But if such an event has happened, it had not happened on the third of May. London dates are in town as we have good reason to believe, received by the British brig Ceres, arrived here on Monday from Jersey, which she left the eighth of May. It is certain that the owners of the Ceres would not have sent her to this country if there had been any appearance of war. The captain, on the contrary says, that when he sailed the general opinion was, that all would be amicably adjusted between this country and Great Britain.
We have a Jersey paper of the 7th of May, containing London extracts of the 29th of April, but nothing of American affairs.
This paper, however, contains interesting information from the North of Europe, which, as we have not time to translate, we shall present in a summary.
The Russians have been compelled to evacuate Finland, faster than they entered it. They commenced their retreat on the 31st March, and retired with great precipitation. It is stated that heavy rains, the want of provisions and forage made this measure unavoidable. It is further stated that there is every appearance of a change of measures in the unsteady cabinet of St. Petersburg. Great discontent prevailed among the nobles, and it is said, that on the 2d of April, there had been an insurrection at St. Petersburg, having for its object the dethronement of the emperor Alexander, and the elevation of the Grand Duke Constantine, but there are no details.
Serious misunderstandings are stated to exist between the Russians & French, principally on account of the French refusing to supply the Russian fleet at Lisbon, and to some matters relative to Poland. The French and Danes appear to have given up for the present their design of invading Scania. There were no French troops in Zealand the 10th of April. The French troops in the neighborhood of Hamburg and Bremen have received orders to march towards Holland.
The Swedes had invaded Norway in several points, and were 15 leagues advanced beyond that frontier.
The Swedes and their gallant monarch, are animated to the highest degree.
(ib.)
KNOXVILLE (Tenn.) May 28.
HURRICANE!!
On Tuesday last, between the hours of one and two P. M. the inhabitants of this place were alarmed by the near approach of a most dreadful HURRICANE, which threatened the town with entire destruction. Fortunately, however, it crossed Heltown River about three quarters of a mile below the town: it was accompanied by the most destructive Hail ever known in this country. Some of the Hail stones weighed two ounces, and measured ten inches in circumference. In its progress, this Hurricane has been most dreadfully destructive, its track is marked by the entire desolation of the country over which it passed—the trees were either blown up or broken down, and in some places scarcely a shrub is left standing. Many valuable plantations are entirely stripped of houses and fences. We have heard of seven persons who lost their lives, and it is to be feared that many others have met with a similar fate.
This dreadful Tempest passed through Sequatchie Valley, crossed Clinch river, about one mile and a quarter above Kingston, and after passing Knoxville, proceeded down Broad River, and it is said passed by the Warm Springs in South Carolina. The storm was succeeded by torrents of rain, almost as destructive as the hail.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WHEREAS a separation has taken place between my wife Sarah Tucker and myself I do hereby forewarn all persons from trusting her on my account, as I will not be liable in any manner whatever for any debts contracted by her after this date.
William Tucker. Powhatan county, June 22, 1808. 1p
Having administered on
the estate of Susanna Barkins, dec. and taken into my possession one negro man by the name of James, who has been appraised according to law—I hereby forewarn all and every person whatsoever from purchasing or hiring the said negro of John Barkins, sen. of Hanover, as he has no legal claim to him.
SARAH RAILLY, Adm x , June 27, 1808, w2
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
We have received a London paper, containing a highly interesting debate in the British house of Lords on the 29th of March on a motion of Lord Holland, protesting against the orders in Council.—This debate sorely exposes the still vigorous & powerful opposition to that measure, justifies, in their most important features, the arguments urged in this country in support of the embargo; and vindicates the conduct of the President in sending back the treaty. Our readers will be gratified at the apparent horror with which the ministry shrink from the charge of wishing to push the affairs between that country and this to a rupture. We hope that they sincerely feel what they avow, and that when Mr. Rose shall have convinced them, that it is the ardent desire of our government to restore the amicable relations of the two countries, they will abandon a measure, which, however injurious to us, will, if persisted in, be ruinous to them. We regret that we have room only for the following extracts:
Lord Holland—"We have not yet gone so far in this work of calamity, that the warning voice of his house might not still save us from impending ruin and absolute destruction. That ruin and that destruction there was no more certain method of effecting, than by driving the people of America into hostility with Great Britain. And what other effect than this can noble lords opposite expect? Do they conceive that a grand and independent nation, with rights and interests which it is her duty to protect, will quietly succumb to a course of proceeding which goes to interrupt the whole of her extensive commerce with the continent of Europe, and subject to imposts, to prohibitions, and, in some cases, to confiscation, her shipping and cargoes? It is impossible that any such hope could be entertained, even by the most credulous. But was this all? Were ministers satisfied with the aggression committed by the execution of the orders in council on America? No; insult was added to injury, and the evil was considerably aggravated by the contumelious manner in which it was carried into effect. This system, so destructive to the prosperity of America, I first adopted without any alleged provocation, and of the intention of acting upon it the ministers of this country would not deign to communicate to the American government any previous intimation. Indeed, we have it from their own mouths, that even the very gentleman (Mr. Rose) whom it was deemed advisable to send so recently to that country, on a special mission, was, at the time of his departure, totally ignorant, not only of the nature of these Orders in Council, but of the intention of the king's government to resort to such a course of policy. And, my lords let us consider the period which was selected for the adoption of this system. It was at a time when, from certain occurrences, our relations with America were disturbed, and when actually a special mission was sent forward, by G. Britain, to enter into such explanations most conducive to lead to an amicable arrangement upon that point. Under such circumstances it was that ministers ventured to carry into operation measures which go to deprive a great and growing nation, such and undoubtedly as America is, of its great staple trade, namely, the exportation of cotton to the continent of Europe; and subject to the taxation of a foreign state, possessed of no right or control over her, the whole of her commercial and shipping interests. One should have thought that there could not be found in this country, so recently after what has happened in our connexion with America, persons determined to revive that principle of American revenue which lost that country forever to G. Britain. It was not only to impositions or restrictions upon her trade that these orders were limited. They took a more extensive range, and were attended with more violent consequences. They devoted to confiscation any American vessel on board of which a French certificate of the growth and origin of the cargoes was found by any of our cruisers. It is necessary on this point to observe, that any belligerent has a right to demand such a certificate from any neutral trading to the ports of that belligerent. Such a right was recognized by the law of nations, and had been exercised heretofore by France, and also acted upon in this country. To the Americans trading to the ports of France, it was necessary, in order to legalise the sale of their cargoes in that country. But the orders in council have reduced them to this dilemma, that without this certificate of origin, they are liable to confiscation in any port of the continent of Europe, subject to the dominion of France, and on the high seas the very discovery of this document, by a British cruiser, is sure to expose them to unconditional confiscation, in all places under the dominion of the Sovereign of this United Kingdom."
"He next proceeded to state the evils which a war with America must entail on the dearest interests of this country, and the probable injury which must ensue to our colonies, depending as they did for subsistence upon the supplies afforded by North America. The evidence produced at the bar of that House did, and would continue to prove the evil which a perseverance in such a ruinous system of policy must inevitably produce upon the manufacturing and trading interests of this country. He had heard an opinion circulated abroad, that the king's ministers had conceived the wish of forcing America into a premature quarrel, under the conviction, that hostilities between the countries could not be for a long time avoided, and that they speculated upon the hope of destroying the American form of government. (No! no! from the noble lord, particularly from Lord Hawkesbury.) "I am happy," said the noble lord, "that the noble Secretary disavows any such hope, and treats the imputation with such serious reprobation; but of this he may be assured, that such a rumor has been strongly and generally circulated abroad."
Lord Holland then concluded his speech by offering the following resolutions:
1. "That it appears to this House, that his majesty hath been advised, without any alleged provocation from the United States
of America, to issue orders in council, on and subsequent to the 11th of November, 1807, for interrupting nearly the whole of the commerce of the said states with the continent of Europe; for limiting such trade to be carried on, in future, through British ports only, (with the exception of neutral and allied ports in certain cases,) thereby exposing it to such restrictions and duties, and even prohibitions, as the government of G. Britain may think fit to impose upon it; and for confiscating the property of the citizens of the said states, in all cases where the same, shall be accompanied by particular documents, certifying the place of its growth or manufacture."
2. "That it appears to this house, that previous to the issuing of the said orders in council, a negotiation had been carried on between this country and the U. States of America, for the maintenance of peace and friendship between them; and that a treaty had been actually signed, respecting some of the most material points in discussion; that a desire had been expressed by the government of the said United States for the addition of certain other provisions to the said treaty, and that a proposal was made for renewing the negotiation for that purpose; but that this offer was abruptly and intemperately rejected by his majesty's ministers."
3. "That at the time when the said Orders were issued, his majesty's ministers had recently received from the ministers of the United States in this kingdom, assurances that the injurious decrees of his majesty's enemies had not, to their knowledge, in any one instance, been executed against the commerce or navigation of the United States; and that, from all that had passed subsequent to the issuing of the said decrees, his majesty's ministers had every reason to conclude, that any attempt of the enemy to execute the same, would be decidedly resisted by the government of the United States; whereby it must have happened, either that the said decrees would have continued to be wholly nugatory and ineffectual, or that the enemy, by endeavoring to enforce the same, would have driven the U. S. into a closer connection with this country."
5. "That it is, therefore, the opinion of this house, that the said orders are in themselves unjust and impolitic; that the issuing of them at the time, and under the circumstances above-mentioned, was an act of the utmost imprudence and rashness; and that, by abruptly breaking off a friendly negotiation, and with-holding a satisfactory explanation on a point, on which it might have been given with so much ease and advantage, his majesty's ministers have acted in disregard of our true policy, which is to cultivate the friendship of a nation, whose interests and prosperity are so intimately interwoven with our own; and have conducted themselves in a manner the least adapted to enable his majesty to maintain that maritime superiority, on which the greatness and even the existence of his empire so much depended."
Earl of LAVERDALE—"The Orders of Council were the cause of the embargo in America. It was proved at the bar of the house, yesterday, on oath, that the Orders of Council were known before the embargo had taken place. He could not consider that measure in any other light but as a wise one of America. If she had not done it the Orders of Council would have carried all her ships, engaged in foreign trade, into the ports of this country; if they were only carried in, and detained, it would bring on negotiation, and if it failed, war would be the consequence, and what would follow? The whole of their shipping would be sent into the Prize Court and condemned. It was ridiculous in his majesty's ministers, to assert they do not believe the Orders of Council were known in America before the embargo. They were known in this country long before they came out with the minister's sanction. He could aver, that he had read them in the public prints, long antecedent to their official appearance, and a better account of them he had never seen since."
Lord GRENVILLE—"We were charged with the surrender of essential rights, with a disgraceful concession, with forfeiting the honor of the country. There is nothing of that sort, I believe, in the treaty. Those cautions, then, that have been circulated against us, are proved to be unfounded; and I wish I could say, that the charges against the present ministers in relation to that treaty, were equally groundless. It is well known, that no treaty is binding until it is ratified; and every man acquainted with diplomatic affairs must confess, that nothing is more common than to propose amendments, additions and insertions, in a treaty, after it has been signed. Taking all the treaties that have been made for many years, into account together, I will venture to say that there is scarcely one of them that has not undergone this process. To send back a treaty, as was done in the case of the American treaty, as a thing wholly inadmissible, and not to be entertained, merely because it proposed some alterations, was unprecedented and unjustifiable. No statesman of a sound judgment, and actuated by a sincere desire of peace, could have so acted. This I venture to assert—he may take which he chooses. If he does possess a sound judgment, he certainly has not a sincere desire of peace; for, in fact, it was saying to America, we will not enter into a discussion with you upon these alterations; but by sending back the treaty as inadmissible, we will not leave it in the power of the parties to ratify it, even tho' these alterations should be abandoned."
Lord HAWKESBURY concluded a speech by observing, "that his Majesty's ministers would be happy, if, by negotiation, all differences between the two countries could be settled, and the house might rest assured, that every measure to bring it to a happy conclusion should be adopted. In answer to the noble lord opposite, his lordship said Mr. Rose did not go out to negotiate any thing beyond the affair of the Chesapeake, but he carried out dispatches, which were to go through another channel, and he entertained hopes that, when understood, they would lead to a speedy accommodation."
FROM THE SAME.
We have been favored with the perusal of the examination before the British
House of Commons of witnesses on the petitions for a revocation of the Orders in Council, made in the latter part of the month of March. This document contains matter nearly equal to the usual contents of an octavo volume. Notwithstanding, therefore, its highly interesting nature, it is impossible to give its contents fully in detail. Their general character, however, is too important to pass without notice. The information given is by men of great wealth and respectability, men of practical knowledge, and rich in the treasures of experience. It will be found to confirm every leading argument taken in this country on the side of the embargo; and consequently, to strengthen the proofs of the wisdom of the course pursued by our government.
With the view of showing the spirit of this evidence, we shall offer a selection of some of its most prominent points, observing that these are fully confirmed by all the witnesses examined.
These will show—
1. That the Berlin decree was not the cause of the British orders; that in fact it was not previously enforced. On this point the facts stated are conclusive, proving that there was no previous condemnation under that decree, and that although before the explanation of the minister Decree there was a temporary rise of insurance, yet that it immediately thereafter fell to the ordinary rate.
2. That the determination of the British government to issue their orders was well known for some weeks previously in England, where it had a considerable effect on their commercial concerns, and that such a purpose was communicated through various channels to this country, and with other causes, led to the Embargo.
3. That the immediate effect of those orders in England was to interrupt commercial transactions with this country long before the Embargo was known; that they were considered as likely to lead to war; and, as all events, to destroy the American trade; and that this effect was so extensively produced that shipments from England to the continent could not be made at a certain loss.
4. That the non-importation act was passed in England in the just light of an amicable and precautionary measure on the part of this government, and did not excite any considerable uneasiness in the merchants of England.
5. That the immediate effect of the British orders, before the Embargo was known, was to diminish to a great extent the number of manufacturers employed in England; many of whom were thrown altogether out of employ, and others continued at work at rates proportionate to the time they are employed, which in some instances, is but two or three days in the week.
6. That it is a general practice for the subject of Great Britain engaged in that country in trade to have as a partner, a citizen of the U. S. the object being, it is presumed, to evade our revenue laws with regard to foreign goods and vessels, as well as to secure their effects from any dangers apprehended from sequestration, confiscation, &c.
7. It appears that the real credit generally given to our merchants is about eighteen months. This confirms the usual estimation of commercial debts due to English merchants as being about twelve millions sterling, or forty-eight millions of dollars. Add to this their property in our stock, banks, &c and it is not, perhaps extravagant to compute the whole at a hundred millions, which would be jeopardized by war. Will not this operate as a powerful restraint with the British ministry?
8. It appears to be the general impression of the British merchants, that while the orders continued, the American Embargo will and ought to continue; that if the Embargo were removed, the British orders continuing, it would make but little difference in their shipments; that it is absurd to expect that we should submit to those orders; that they would if acquired in, be ruinous to our trade, either by cutting it off altogether, or by producing a glut in the British market which would depress the prices of our produce to a ruinous extent.
9. It appears that England is absolutely dependent upon us for naval stores.
10. It appears that intelligent Englishmen, who have lately been in this country, entertain a high opinion of the quality of those articles manufactured by us, and consider our manufactures as rapid on the increase.
Mr. George Wm. Wood.—18th day of March.
Q You have alluded to the present interruptions in the intercourse between the two countries, as the cause to which you impute the protesting the acceptances: in consequence of this interruption, have you restricted your shipments of late to America? A. My house has not made any shipments to America during the present season.
In consequence of this have you either dismissed hands employed in your manufactory, or given fewer orders to the manufacturers for work? In consequence of the interruption which has taken place with America, my house has reduced its manufactory to nearly one half of what it was six months ago.
In what way has this reduction been effected? By limiting the quantity which each workman was allowed to do in a given time.
Not by paying him less for the work he has done, but by taking only half the quantity, and paying that at the former pro-
portion; I have made no reduction in the price which I pay for work.
When did you begin to make this reduction in the quantity of work; In the month of Nov. last.
Have you made any further reduction since the beginning of January? I have been gradually reducing my manufactory even since the month of Nov.
How long before you and your house heard of the American government having laid an embargo, had this determination begun? Nearly three months.
Before any knowledge of the embargo reached you? Yes.
If to morrow news were to come, of the American government having withdrawn the embargo, and if the orders of council should still remain in force, what would you and your house still do, with respect to shipments? I do not think my house would export any goods to America.
To be Continued.
BY LAST EVENING'S MAIL.
We understand that the Dey of Algiers has lately given grounds to distrust his peaceable dispositions towards the U. S. After having settled with the American consul there the differences which arose, in Dec. last, including the case of the Algerine seamen who perished in the rescue of the American vessels captured by one of the Dey's cruisers, he suddenly set up a demand about the middle of March for two thousand dollars a man, threatening to put Mr. Lear in chains if not paid in 24 hours. This was resisted. He then gave notice, that two frigates and other cruisers just on the point of sailing, had orders to capture American vessels, which would infallibly go into execution unless the money should be immediately paid.—To obtain a recall of the orders, Mr. Lear thought it best to comply; signifying to the Dey that he should communicate it to his government as the result of the force put on him. The day before Mr. Lear was threatened, the Danish consul, on the pretext that arrears were due from his government, had been seized by order of the Dey, and actually set to work among the slaves, with an iron chain of 40 lbs. fastened to him. Mr. Lear had circulated through the consuls at different ports, this state of things with the Algerine Regency.—Na. Int.
J. H. Smith of Ohio, has resigned his seat in the senate of the United States. In a lengthy letter, addressed to the governor of Ohio, he endeavors to exculpate himself from the charges alleged against him relative to his connexion with col. Burr.
For Sale,
A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Powhatan, containing by a late survey, Five Hundred and Forty One Acres—two hundred and seventy six acres of which is prime woodland—about 20 acres of first rate Meadow Land, which may be rendered very valuable with a small expense. This is the tract whereon col. Wm. Mayo, late of Powhatan county, dec'd lived, lying about 3 miles above Powhatan courthouse, within four of James and four of Appomattox rivers, in a healthy neighborhood and convenient to several merchant mills. This land is well watered, with excellent springs, and is suitably adapted to the balance of corn, wheat and tobacco.
The improvements are a Dwelling House 49 by 22 feet, with a passage and three rooms on the first floor, and a passage with two rooms on the upper, with a twenty two feet square wing with two rooms, some necessary out buildings—all of which want some repairs.
I shall proceed to offer this land for sale at Scituate, the seventeenth day of August next, being Powhatan court day, on the following terms:—The sum of seven hundred and fifty pounds cash in hand, on the day of sale, and for the balance, a credit of two years will be given the purchaser; bond with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, if not punctually paid; also a deed of trust on the said land to secure the payment of the balance.
It is deemed needless to say any thing more, as it is presumed, that those who may wish to purchase, will first view the premises, which will be shown by capt. Benj. Mosby, or Mr. Thos. T. Swann, living near hereunto—or to the Subscriber living near Powhatan Courthouse.
Wm. MAYO, Junr. Powhatan County, June 20, 1808. 3w
PUBLISHED BY SUBSCRIPTION,
Dr. Rees'
New Cyclopaedia, OR UNIVERSAL HISTORY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.
IN TWENTY VOLUMES QUARTO.
CONDITIONS.
THE work will be printed in a large quarto, with new types, cast for the purpose, on a superior wove paper, each volume will contain from eight hundred to a thousand pages. A half volume, in boards, will be published regularly every two months. PRICE THREE DOLLARS, PAYABLE ON DELIVERY.
Between six and seven hundred plates, engraved in a superior style of elegance, will be comprised in the course of the publication, by a far greater number than is to be found in any other Scientific Dictionary.
** TO SUBSCRIBERS. The first fifteen half volumes are ready for delivery at the Book-Store of Samuel Pleasants, jun. Richmond. Subscriptions are still open. June 23, 1808
FOR SALE
AT THIS OFFICE,
THE History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by E. Gibbon, 8 vols. The Life of Gen. Geo. Washington, by David Ramsay, M. D. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic, by Adam Ferguson, 3 volumes. The Domestic Encyclopaedia, 5 vols. The Travels of Anacharsis, 4 vols. Hening's New Virginia Justice,

MATTRESSES  OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS,  MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.  J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808  Joseph Marx & Co. Have on hand an assortment  GERMAN OZNAURGS,  TICKLENBURGS,  DOWLASS, and  TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece.  COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES.  SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. Richmond, April 23, 1808. tf
Land for Sale. PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned: will be sold upon the first Monday in January 1808, for cash, upon the premises, a tract of land, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris' creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former incumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon such plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual.  Charles Woodson,  James Madison, Trustees. Prince Edward, Oct. 16, 1807. The above sale is postponed till Tuesday the 28th day of June next. 10w
TO RENT, A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins. ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15. tf
Mr John Warren, administrator of Joseph Fuqua, deceased: As you are not an inhabitant of the State of Virginia, and have no known agent therein, I take this method of giving you notice that, on the first Monday in August next, between the hours of nine in the morning and of sunset of that day, I shall, at the Charlotte court house, in the state of Virginia, proceed to take the affidavits of William Merton, Francis Scott, and others, witnesses in my favor, in support of an injunction which I have obtained from the Superior Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, to stay proceedings on a judgment of Prince Edward District Court entered in your favor against me as executor of William Price, deceased. I am, Sir, yours, &c.  William Price. Amelia county, Virginia, May 26 1808. 4w
I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 80 or more prime low grounds, which never is overflowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready go to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. tds
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country. To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lynchburg county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. tf
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 622 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1787, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, about two and a half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. January 23d, 1808. tf
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf  FOR SALE, 20 PUNCHEONS  Choice Antigua Rum, Russell & Wallace. May 31, 1808. 1m  WIRT'S SPEECHES. The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others. May 27, 1808. w4
WE the Subscribers, Judges of the General Court, have pursuant to law allotted the Judges of the respective District Courts as follows: Robert White, jr. and Archibald Stuart, esqrs. to the districts of Winchester, Hardy and Montgomery courthouse; Richard Parker and John Tyler, esqrs. to the districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick courthouse and Suffolk; Edmund Wins and Paul Carrington, jr. esqrs. to the districts of Prince Edward courthouse, Franklin, Washington courthouse, and the Sweet Springs in Botetourt county; Joseph Prentis and William Nelson, esqrs. to the districts of Northumberland, King & Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack courthouses; And Francis T. Brooke and Hugh Holmes, esqrs. to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket districts at the next succeeding terms thereof. Witness our hands and seals this eleventh day of June, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Tyler, (Seal.) Wm. Nelson, (Seal.) Robt. White, jr. (Seal.) Arch'd. Stuart, (Seal.) Frs. T. Brooke, (Seal.) Hugh Holmes, (Seal.) Published by order of the Judges  Wilson Allen, C. G. C. June 18, 1808. 4w
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—here are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen a Kitchen, Smoke House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—and on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—it is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to  Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. June 1, 1808. tf
Will be sold, for cash, ON the fourth day of July next, being Albemarle July day, at the door of Triplet T. Bates in the town of Charlottesville, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed by William Davis, & recorded in the county court of Orange, for the purposes in said deed mentioned, one certain Tract or parcel of Land, lying and being in the said county of Orange, and on the waters of Lynch's river and adjoining the lands of Lewis Davis, Elisha Morris, Eliza Morris, &c. containing by estimation one hundred and thirty acres, be the same more or less, being the same land said William Davis bought of William Morris (to use the expression in said deed mentioned.)
WILL ALSO BE SOLD, on same day, place, and terms, by virtue of a deed of trust executed by James Kirby, &c. and recorded in the county court of Albemarle, for the purposes in said deed mentioned, one certain tract or parcel of land, containing by estimation sixty acres, be the same more or less, and adjoining the lands of Milburn Hogg, William Faris, Richard Johnson, &c. lying in the said county of Albemarle, and on the waters of Buck Island Creek, being the tract of land said James Kirby had of his father John Kirby (to use the expressions of said deed trust.)  WILL ALSO BE SOLD, on same day, place, and terms, by virtue of a deed of trust executed by John Morris, &c. and recorded in the district court of Charlottesville, for the purposes in said deed mentioned, one certain tract or parcel of land, lying and being in the county of Louisa, containing by estimation one hundred acres, and adjoining the lands of Thomas Harlow, David Sims and William McDaniel deceased, which said tract or parcel of land said John Morris purchased of Thomas Harlow, some years past, (to use the expression of the said deed of trust) being only interested as trustee for the benefit of others, will only convey title to aforesaid lands in me as such.  Martin Dawson, 4th June, 1808. tds
rich Low Grounds. I WILL lease, for a term of five or six years, the following tenements on my estate, lying on James River, in the county of Amherst, viz. The Upper or Boling's Creek Tenement, whereon James Harn now lives, containing by estimation about 160 Acres of Low Grounds, in tolerable order for cropping, and distant from Lynchburg, the Fredonian Mills and Oxford Iron Works, from 1 to 3 miles, water carriage—and the Buffalo-Lick Tenement whereon William Bailey now lives, containing about 150 acres of low ground and 50 do. high land, in tolerable order, and distant from Lynchburg six and from the aforesaid Mill and Works from 2 to 3 miles, water carriage. The advantages which these tenements have over most other places, in nearness to market, convenience of carriage and fertility of soil, render them an object with those who wish to lease. Such gentlemen therefore are invited, before they contract elsewhere, to take a view of the premises. Possession will be given the first of next January, with liberty to sow wheat this fall.  L. Bolling. Buckingham, June 18th, 1808. oaw3
Left with the Subscriber by Capt. John Jeffries, about two years past, A PAIR OF SADDLE BAGS, containing sundry articles of wearing apparel. The owner may have them by proving his property and paying the expense of this advertisement on application to  Wm. Goodwin. Richmond, June 22, 1808. 2w
In King William County Court, May 23, 1808. Mary King, adm'x. with the will annexed of Miles King, dec'd. Complainants, AGAINST Robert Brooke, adm'r. of John Fox and Eliza Fox and Thomas Pemberton, guardian of Mary Fox, orphan. &c. of the said John Fox, deceased. Defendants. IN CHANCERY. THIS day came the complainant by her counsel, and the defendant Robert Brooke not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant it is ordered that the said deft. Bro. be do appear here on the 4th Monday in August next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for three months successively and another copy posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy—Teste, Robert Pollard, C. C.
Sale of Negroes. IN pursuance of a deed of trust executed to me by John Ogilby of the county of Person, North Carolina, for purposes therein expressed, I shall on the 9th of June next, if fair, if not the next fair day, proceed to sell, at the Red House in Caswell county, (N. C.) to the highest bidder, for ready money, the following slaves, to wit: James, Davy, Tom, Adam, Bob and Major, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of the said deed. William S. Archer. May 20, 1808. N. B. The sale of the above mentioned property has, by consent of parties, been postponed to the first day of July next, when it will positively take place at the Red House. Wm. S. Archer. tds June 12th 1808.
GUN POWDER, FOR SALE, and SALT PETRE, WANTED. THE Subscribers have become partners in the GUN POWDER WORKS, in the neighborhood of this city, formerly carried on under the firm of Hugh Warden and Sons—the said firm being dissolved by mutual consent. The partners whose firm is hereunto subscribed, will contract for a large quantity of Salt Petre, either crude or refined, of the best quality, to be delivered to them in this city, or to Mr. John Lesslie on Mr. Joseph Darnsdaul, merchants, who will keep samples of the gun powder made at the works and receive orders for it. Letters addressed to the subscribers in Richmond will be duly answered. They assure the public that their powder has met with general approbation, it is made gazed and clean, equal in quality to imported powder, and they will furnish it in large or small quantities of every description, according to orders which may be sent to them; it will be delivered new from the works, and on such reasonable terms as they hope will procure it a preference to powder from abroad or from other states. As the said works have been established at considerable expense, and are superior in several respects to any in the upper country, so as to make the powder in a more perfect manner, the partners hope they will meet with that encouragement which will prevent its derives from a generous people. JOHN ELLIS AND HUGH WARDEN. Richmond, April 18th, 1808. w2m
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by David Childers, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money, due to William and Daniel Thompson, a d. all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect, we shall on Saturday the sixteenth day of July next, at Mr. Peter Francisco's tavern, proceed to sell, for cash.  Four Negroes, viz. Isham, Phoebe, Rachel and Phoebe, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. Tarlton Williams, } Trustees. Stephen Hooper, } Buckingham, June 10 1808. w3t
20 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY from the subscriber on the night of the 10th inst, a negro man named JOHN TON, about 5 feet 7 inches high, slender made, one or perhaps more of his fore teeth decayed, bushy hair, is a very active fellow, and of considerable address; he took with him an old hat, brown broad cloth coat, olive constitution cord round about, with palettes of the same, patched at the knees, a new mixed Virginia cloth round about and pantalons, two new brown linen shirts, and some muslin shirts, a new madras handkerchief, and many other articles of clothing not recollected. It is supposed that he will make towards Richmond, as he was brought from that place last winter by Benjamin Harden, who says he was purchased from a Mr. Bell, grocer of Richmond. The above reward will be given to any person or persons for apprehending the negro and securing him in any jail, so that I get him again, or if brought home, all reasonable expenses paid. He is about 25 years of age. Calvin Morgan. Wythe courthouse, Virginia } June 12, 1808. wtf
PASSPORTS GRANTED by the department of State to citizens going into foreign parts, having been, in sundry instances, obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse, by requiring the former to write their own names in the body of the passports, and with this alteration they will be issued after the 21st day of June, 1808. Department of State, } June 15, 1808. } The Printers who publish the laws of the United States are requested to insert this notice. June 18.  A Wet Nurse, wanted, Enquire at this office. NONE need apply unless well recommended. June 17, 1808. 2p
PATENT MEDICINES, FOR SALE at the Argus Book-Store. PUBLIC confidence has never been more liberally and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the efficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES, prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by HANNAH LEE, no. 56, Maiden-lane, New York and in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Printing-office. The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molther, and of other distinguished and respectable characters. The following cases, of more recent occurrence, are now respectfully submitted.  SINGULAR OCCURRENCES. THE wife of Mr. Wm. Sullwell, merchant, Water-street, New-York, had been in a poor state of health for several years past, and was often confined to her chamber by indisposition: her symptoms were various, though generally attended with great debility; sometimes they were supposed to indicate dropsy, at others a disease of the liver. Having suffered a very severe attack, without obtaining any relief from her physician, and almost despairing of recovery, she was induced to make trial of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges; having heard of their performing cures in several complaints that could not be accounted for. Two doses were taken, which brought away a large worm, nearly half a yard in length, and a great quantity of matter evidently pieces of worms, &c. On taking the third or fourth dose, an entire animal shaped like a crab, was expelled: its parts were examined with the aid of a microscope, when the claws, feet, &c. appeared perfectly formed; different in but few respects from the common crab. Mrs. Sullwell began from that time to recover her health; three months have since elapsed, and she has been free from her former complaints, and has acquired a degree of health and strength which for years before she had been a stranger to. She being free to extend the knowledge of a medicine from which so much benefit has been received, has authorised Mrs. Lee, the present proprietor, to state these particulars for the good of others. New-York June 5, 1807. Philadelphia, May 22, 1806. TO H. LEE. Having in a most singular manner, experienced in my family the astonishing efficacy of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges, prepared by the late Mr. Lee, I feel it my duty to add the following curious case to the list of remarkable cures performed by that celebrated medicine. My daughter at the age of 17 months was taken ill with those symptoms which are supposed to denote worms: after having tried a number of things which are said to be good in such cases, without any benefit, we had the attendance of a respectable physician; but she still continued to decline in health, and at the end of six months became so weak that she could not walk, nor keep food on her stomach, it was so extremely disordered. At this interesting period, one of our neighbours recommended your Lozenges so earnestly, we were induced to send to Mr. Birch's for a box of them; on her taking the third dose, according to the printed directions, there came from her a living animal about three quarters of an inch long and of a most frightful appearance, being very white, with a great number of legs, and something which resembled wings, by which it appeared to spring; and which it did repeatedly, to our great surprise, about the same distance that a small toad can hop on the ground. Its form was altogether unknown to every person who saw it. It lived in water about 18 hours. We afterwards put it in spirits, and it is now in the possession of Dr. Bleight of this city. The child grew better from that day; in a very short period began to walk again, and is now in perfect health. Yours, &c. Wm. BRADLEY, Callowhill street, between 8th and 9th sts. Any person may be satisfied of the accuracy and authenticity of this singular occurrence, by making enquiry in the neighborhood: many of the neighbors saw the creature alive, and are well acquainted with the above particular. W. B.
Among the symptoms attending worms, are disagreeable breath, especially in the morning; bad and corrupted gums—itching in the nose and about the seat—convulsions and epileptic fits and sometimes privation of speech—starting and grinding of the teeth in sleep—irregular appetite; sometimes loathing food and sometimes voracious; purging, with slimy and fætid stools; Vomiting; Large and hard belly; Pains and sickness at the stomach; Pains in the head and thighs, with lowness of spirits; Slow fever, with small and irregular pulse; A dry cough; Excessive thirst; Sometimes pale and unhealthy countenance, and sometimes the face bloated and flushed. Persons afflicted with any of the above symptoms, should have immediate recourse to  HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES, which have been constantly attended with success in all complaints similar to those above described. A dose of this medicine given occasionally during the warm season, will effectually prevent the "vomiting and purging of children," a dreadful disorder which, annually destroys thousands of the infant part of our citizens. Children generally take this medicine with eagerness; having a pleasing appearance and an agreeable taste.
FOR SALE AT ABOVE,  Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard, A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c. "AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE." For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Malignant Fevers is recommended  Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills. The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.  Hamilton's Elixir, A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obsolete Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumptions. To Parents who may have children afflicted with  The Hooping Cough. This disorder is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.  The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums. HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER, A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eye, whether the effect of natural weakness or of accident, speedily removing inflammations, defluxions of rheum, dullness, itching and films on the eyes; never failing to cure those maladies which frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fevers, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of sight.  Tooth-Ache Drops, The only remedy yet discovered, which give immediate and lasting relief in the most severe inflammation. June 1, 1808.
15 Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the Subscriber on the 8th instant, a negro woman named DOLLY COX, she is a large likely wench, about 22 years old, very dark complexion, she has got a knot on her breast and one on the back part of her neck, occasioned I suppose either from a switch or burn—she has lately received a small scar across her nose—as it has healed up by this time, I do not know whether it will show or leave the mark. She has been seen on Elk or Pleasants' Islands, waiting for a boat to carry her to Ben Creek. She is a cunning wench and will deceive whoever takes her up, if they are not particularly careful; she has full eyes, and when spoken to looks brazen and talks very fast. I will give the above reward to any person that will apprehend said wench and deliver her to me in the lower end of this county on the road leading to New Canton, or ten dollars to secure her in any jail so that I get her again.  Moncrieffe Hill. Buckingham, 20th June, 1808. tf  By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Henry Woodbridge of the county of Buckingham, on the 22nd day of May, 1805, for purposes therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell, to the highest bidder for ready money, on Friday the 19th day of July next, one certain TRACT OF LAND, lying and being in the county of Buckingham. The sale will take place on the premises.  Samuel Allen, June 23, 1808. w3
Military Lands IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY. THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20 1808, wtf
Strayed or Stolen, FROM the subscriber living near Wm M. Watkins's store, in Charlotte county,  A BAY HORSE, about four feet eight or nine inches high, supposed to be about nine or ten years old, marked as nearly as can be recollected, as follows: a small star in his forehead, some saddle spots, a small piece off of one of his upper eye lids. He is also supposed to have been docked. His usual gait is pacing. A reasonable reward will be given to any person who will return the said horse or secure him so that I get him again.  John H. Rice. N. B. He was missing the 2d or 3d day of this month. June 18th, 1808. oaw5w
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me on the 9th day of March, 1807, by Thomas Woodbridge of the county of Buckingham, for purposes therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell, to the highest bidder for ready money, on Friday the 29th day of July next, at the house of the said Thos. Woodbridge, the following SLAVES, viz—Jenny, Charles, Ben, Jacob, Hannah and Mary.  Samuel Allen, July 23d, 1808. w5  Blank Replevin Bonds, (agreeably to the law of 1808,) ALSO,  Fifa & Casa Executions, For Sale at this Office. The price of this paper to subscribers is four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance. ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.