The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-28 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BUR-GEIS, and 300 of BREVIER: The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Tuesday the 2d day of February next, at the V. office of the subscriber, will be sold positively, WITHOUT RESERVE, a large and general assortment of DRY GOODS—Imported last fall, consisting of Cloths, Coatings, Rose and Duffel Blankets, Casimeres, Hosiery, Kerseys, Half-Thicks, Negro Cottons, Plains, Checks, Irish Linen, Brown Hollands, Droghedas, Irish Sheetings, Diapers, Hats, Cambricks, Dimity, Wild-Twine, Tapes, Bobbins, &c. &c. Together with a quantity of HARDWARE, and a great number of other articles too numerous to be specified. Also, 1 pipe and 3 quarter-casks old Madeira Wine and 20 casks Porter.
Terms of sale—For all purchases under $100 cash, above $100 and under $200, 60 days, and above $200, six months credit. Negotiable notes with approved endorser will be required. The sale will be continued from day to day until the whole quantity is sold.
JAMES BROWN JR.
Richmond, 18th Jan. 1808.
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY.— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES.
Table listing cash prizes: 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars, 2 do. of 5,000, 5 do. of 1,000, 10 do. of 500, 10 do. of 200, 10 do. of 100, 100 do. of 50, 200 do. of 20, 500 do. of 10. Also prizes for open-wrought woollen clothing and rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each $500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each $1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each $5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing $10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. TICKETS at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwhiisonn and Pot-ter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (cpif.)
CASH SALES.—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES: containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, being the same whereon col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO: HAY, BENJ. HATCHER. January 25. [eptds]
THE subscriber has opened an Auction & Commission Store in the house on White Col. Gamble's, on the cross-street, where he will receive and dispose of Goods either at public or private sale.
He has now on hand, at Private Sale, prime Muscovado Sugars in hds and barrels, Loaf Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Holland Gin, French Brandy and Vidona Wine; Pine Apple Cheese, Da-rajoona, and a few cases well assorted hollow Glass Ware. M. M. MYERS. Richmond, Jan. 14, 1808. [awswv]
NOTICE—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Riddell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walter Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, by the subscribers or one of them, at auction, on Wednesday the 16th of next month, at the Store-House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna.
No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior encumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that encumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 137 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Barnards-ville, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Pace. No. 4. A tract of 155 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 184 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 88 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hardisty. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the store-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Machine creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of the tract he bought from William Ballinger.
Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third: except for the tract No. 3; for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior encumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold.
C. COPLAND, J. PROSSER, } Trustees. Richmond, 19th Jan. 1808. (2awids.)
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andres and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, C. M. G. Jan. 14. [2awswv]
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Friday the 5th day of February next, the tract of LAND in Amherst county on which Cornelius Thomas, late of that county, resided. It lies about four miles from the town of Warminster, and contains 2300 acres. Greater part of it is tobacco land, equal in quality to a considerable extent; some fine meadow land and a plenty of timber, a tolerable mill on a never-failing stream, 80 or 100 acres cleared and in order for cropping. I will sell the whole together or in lots to suit purchasers. My terms are one fourth in cash, and the balance in one, two, and three years. Bonds with approved security, or a deed of trust on the land will be required. REUBEN B. PATTESON, Attorney in fact for Cornelius Thomas. Buckingham, Jan. 9. [1awswv]
THE SUBSCRIBER having purchased the patent-right of erecting, using, &c. (within the greater part of this state southward of the bay) one of the truest, best and most expeditious Nail-Cutting Machines that has ever been introduced into this state, by which much superior nails are made: any person residing within a sufficient distance from this place, who is desirous of purchasing such a machine, may have one at the same price that was given by the subscriber; and for a reasonable consideration may likewise possess an exclusive right of working it within any such district as may be agreed on. Richmond, Dec 15, 1807. At McCall's Manufactory on the Basin of the Canal, are sold Nails of a superior quality, at the following prices: and where also to be had, bar and hoop iron, Nail-Rods, &c. &c. WROUGHT NAILS. Spikes, 40, 30 and 20 nails, 12 1/2 per lb. 12 nails, 13 10 do. 14 8 do. 14 1/2 CUT NAILS & BRADS. 24, 20, 12 and 10 brads, 11 per lb. 8 do. 11 1/2 6 nails, 12 1/2 4 do. 13 3 do. 14 [1awtf]
VIRGINIA to wit.—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806. Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy, ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [1awswv]
DOMESTIC.
MESSAGE From the President of the United States, communicating documents and information, touching the official conduct of Brigadier Gen. James Wilkinson: in pursuance of a resolution of the house of Representatives of the thirteenth instant.
JANUARY 20, 1808. Read and referred to Mr. John Montgomery, Nicholas, Upham, Smilie, Taylor, G. W. Campbell, and J. K. Smith.
To the House of Representatives of the U. States.
Some days previous to your resolutions of the thirteenth instant, a court of inquiry had been instituted, at the request of gen. W. charged to make the inquiry into his conduct which the first resolution desires, and had commenced their proceedings. To the judge advocate of that court the papers and information on that subject, transmitted to me by the house of representatives, have been delivered to be used according to the rules and powers of that court. The request of a communication of any information which may have been received, at any time since the establishment of the present government, touching combinations with foreign agents for dismembering the union, or the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the U. S. from the agents of foreign governments, can be complied with but in a partial degree.
It is well understood that in the first or second year of the presidency of gen. Washington, information was given to him relating to certain combinations with the agents of a foreign government, for the dismemberment of the union; which combinations had taken place before the establishment of the present federal government. This information, however, is believed never to have been deposited in any public office, or left in that of the President's secretary; these having been personally examined; but to have been considered as personally confidential, and therefore retained among his private papers. A communication from the governor of Virginia to President Washington, is found in the office of the President's secretary, which, although not strictly within the terms of the request of the house of representatives, is communicated, inasmuch as it may throw some light on the subjects of the correspondence of that time between certain foreign agents and citizens of the U. S.
In the first or second year of the administration of president Adams, Andrew Ellicott, then employed in designating, in conjunction with the Spanish authorities, the boundaries between the territories of the U. S. and of Spain, under the treaty with that nation, communicated to the executive of the U. S. papers and information, respecting the subjects of the present inquiry, which were deposited in the office of state. Copies of these are now transmitted to the house of representatives, except of a single letter and a reference from the said Andrew Ellicott, which being expressly desired to be kept secret, is therefore not communicated: but its contents can be obtained from himself in a more legal form; and directions have been given to summon him to appear as a witness before the court of inquiry.
A paper "on the commerce of Louisiana," bearing date the eighteenth of April, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, is found in the office of state, supposed to have been communicated by Mr. Daniel Clark, of N. Orleans, then a subject of Spain, and now of the house of representatives of the U. S. stating certain commercial transactions of gen. Wilkinson in N. Orleans: an extract from this is now communicated, because it contains facts which may have some bearing on the questions relating to him. The destruction of the war office by fire, in the close of one thousand eight hundred, involved all information it contained at that date.
The papers already described, therefore, constitute the whole of the information on these subjects, deposited in the public offices, during the preceding administrations, as far as has yet been found: but it cannot be affirmed that there may be no other, because the papers of the offices being filed, for the most part, alphabetically, unless aided by the suggestion of any particular name which may have given such information, nothing short of a careful examination of the papers in the offices generally could authorize such an affirmation.
About a twelvemonth after I came to the administration of the government, Mr. Clark gave some verbal information to myself, as well as to the secretary of state, relating to the same combinations for the dismemberment of the union. He was listened to freely; and he then delivered the letter of governor Gayoso addressed to himself, of which a copy is now communicated. After his return to N. Orleans he forwarded to the secretary of state other papers, with a request that after perusal they should be burnt. This however was not done: and he was so informed by the secretary of state, and that they would be held subject to his orders. These papers have not yet been found in the office. A letter therefore has been addressed to the former chief clerk, who may perhaps give information respecting them. As far as our memories enable us to say, they related only to the combinations before spoken of, and not at all to the corrupt receipt of money by any officer of the U. S.: consequently they respected what was considered as a dead matter, known to the preceding administrations, and offering nothing new to call for investigations, which those nearest the dates of the transactions had not thought proper to institute.
In the course of the communications made to me on the subject of the conspiracy of A. Burr, I sometimes received letters, some of them anonymous, some under names true or false, expressing suspicions and insinuations against gen. W. But one only of them, and that anonymous, specified any particular fact, and that fact was one of those which had been already communicated to a former administrator. No other information within the purview of the request of the house, is known to have
been received, by any department of the government, from the establishment of the present federal government. That which has been recently communicated to the house of representatives, and by them to me, is the first direct testimony ever made known to me, charging gen. W. with a corrupt receipt of money: and the house of representatives may be assured that the duties which this information devolves on me shall be exercised with rigorous impartiality. Should any want of power in the court to compel the rendering of testimony obstruct that full and impartial inquiry which alone can establish guilt or innocence, and satisfy justice, the legislative authority only will be competent to the remedy.
TH: JEFFERSON. January 20, 1808.
(COPY.)
War Department, January 2, 1808.
In compliance with a request from Brigadier General James Wilkinson, the President of the United States, has directed a Court of Enquiry, to be instituted, for the purpose of hearing such testimony as may be produced, in relation to the said Gen. Jas. Wilkinson's having been, or now being a pensioner to the Spanish government, while holding a commission under the government of the United States. Col. Henry Burbeck, as President, Col. Thos. H. Cushing, and Lieutenant Colonel Jonathan Williams, As members, are hereby directed to meet, at the City of Washington, on Monday the 11th day of the present month of January, as a Court of Enquiry, for the purpose above stated; and, after a full investigation of such evidence and circumstances, as may come to their knowledge, the court will report to this department, a correct statement of its proceedings, together with its opinion on the amount of testimony exhibited.
Walter Jones, Esquire, district attorney for the district of Columbia, will be requested to act as Judge-Advocate or recorder to the court. (Signed) H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War.
Col. Henry Burbeck, President, Court Enquiry. Richmond, May 31, 1790.
SIR, The enclosed copy of a letter from the Spanish governor of New Orleans to a respectable gentleman in Kentucky, was handed me by Mr. Bates of this city. As the subject of this paper appears interesting to the U. S. I have taken the liberty to forward it to you.
I am, With the highest respect, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) BEVERLEY RANDOLPH, The President of the U. S. A true copy, Attest, J. A. COLES, Secretary of the President of the U. S. (COPY) New-Orleans, Sept. 15, 1789.
SIR, General Wilkinson having represented to me, that you had it in contemplation to settle in this province, and that your example would have considerable influence on many good families of your country, I think it my duty, in order to forward the intentions of my royal master, to inform you that I shall receive you and your followers with great pleasure, and that you have liberty to settle in any part of Louisiana, or any where on the east side of the Mississippi below the Yazoo river. In order to populate the province, his majesty has been graciously pleased to authorize me to grant to the emigrants, free of all expense, tracts from 240 to 800 acres, in proportion to their property, and in particular cases of men of influence, who may aid these views, I shall extend the grant as far as 3,000 acres. To all persons who actually become settlers, liberty is granted to bring down their property in the produce of your country, duty free; but the king does not agree to take your tobacco, & of consequence you must depend upon the common market of this city, as the province makes more than the quantity which the king allows me to take. I mention this particular to prevent disappointment. You will be exempt from taxation and will be allowed the private exercise of your religion without molestation from any person whatever, and will enjoy all the rights, privileges and immunities of his majesty's other subjects.
In order to cultivate an amicable connection with the settlers of the Ohio, his majesty has been graciously pleased at the same time, to give liberty to the inhabitants of that country to bring down their produce to this city for sale, subject to a duty of 15 percent. on the value here; but to prevent imposition, and to distinguish between the real settler and the trader, the former on entering their produce at the custom-house will be obliged to subscribe to the conditions mentioned in the proclamation, of which general Wilkinson carries a copy for your information.
Though unknown to you, general Wilkinson has taught me to respect your character. It is therefore I subscribe myself with great esteem,
Sir, your most obedient And humble servant, ESTEVAN MIRO. To Benjamin Sebastian, esq. Kentucky. A copy.
Attest, SAM. COLEMAN, A. C. C. A true copy. Attest, J. A. COLES, Secretary of the President of the U. S.
Natchez, June 17, 1796. MY DEAR FRIEND, I received your favor of the 12th inst. in which you give me a proof of your sincere friendship by opening your heart, with-
out reserve, on the interesting subject of the treaty. Following the same sentiments that have dictated to you the confidence that you have on me, I shall unreservedly, and in the most confidential manner, give you my opinion on the same subject.
I have powerful reasons to believe that the part of the treaty concerning limits, will never be accomplished, and for that reason so little has been said on what otherwise should be detailed concerning the subjects and citizens of both countries. The state of Georgia is as much displeased as you express yourself, and several petitions have already been presented to congress against the treaty.
In the time that the treaty was signed the political affairs of Europe determined our court to do any thing to keep the U. States in a perfect neutrality, and thereby destroy a new plan that was forming to renew and continue a destructive war. The treaty with England had a different object. It was to attract the Americans to their interest in such a manner as to have still in her power to keep them dependent: the plan has fallen through, and the British will no longer deliver the posts. Our treaty that was made to counterbalance that, will suffer equal difficulties; for the circumstances being altered, so will be the conditions on every side. Spain made a treaty with the union; but if this union is dissolved, one of the contracting parties exists no longer, and the other is absolved from her engagements. It is more than probable that a separation of several states will take place, which will alter the political existence of a power that could influence on the balance of that of others; therefore Spain being deprived of that assistance that could arise from her connexion with the union, will alter her views. This is the political situation of things with regard to the treaty: besides that, there are other insurmountable difficulties, with respect to the Indians, which render impracticable the execution of the part concerning limits; therefore, even when no change should happen in the United States, the treaty will be reduced to the navigation of this river.
Having aside every obstacle, and only guided by the same principles that have affected you, I have already represented in the strongest and most energetic manner on the subject of re-establishing property; without a solution from court, it will be out of our power to fulfil the contents of the treaty. When I told you that your property should not suffer in this government, was founded on all these principles, and several others that are not vanished. I have constantly been a friend to the country, and on this critical moment will not neglect its interest. Be sure, and assure all your neighbours that I will do the needful, and that my exertions at all times shall be in proportion to the exigency.
With regard to the debts of this government, will continue to be paid in the manner prescribed; however, I shall act in such a manner, as to have them cleared much sooner than what is expected. Every individual of this government is just now attending their crops; except that promise very advantageously; therefore in this critical moment they must not be disturbed, or they will suffer essentially. I am waiting anxiously for Mr. Dunbar to regulate several things, in which he has had, and is to have an interference. I really believe that the baron has him employed. I do not know for certain when the baron is to go to the Havana, nor do I believe that he knows it. The first packet may perhaps throw some light on the subject. The return of our court to Madrid will be productive of some very great change in the administration of our affairs; therefore I wait that moment with impatience. Nothing can affect the mortgage you have on Fuly's property; he has not yet appeared but Mr. Ree sets for him. I remain with the most sincere friendship, My dear friend, Your most ob't.
(Signed) MANUEL GAYOSO DE LEMOS. Reserve this letter. P. S. In the other letter I express the reason of my new regulation, &c. DANIEL CLARK, esq.
Extract from a paper on the commerce of Louisiana, supposed to be referred to in a letter from Mr. Daniel Clark, to the secretary of state, of the 18th April, 1796, and written by him.
About the period of which we are now speaking, in the middle of the year 1787, the foundation of an intercourse with Kentucky, and the settlements on the Ohio, was laid, which daily increases. Previous to that time, all those who ventured on the Mississippi had their property seized by the first commanding officer whom they met, and little or no communication was kept up between the countries. Now and then an emigrant who wished to settle in Natchez, by dint of entreaty, and solicitation of friends, who had interest in New Orleans, procured permission to remove there with his family, slaves, cattle, furniture and farming utensils; but was allowed to bring no other property, except cash. An unexpected incident, however, changed the face of things, & was productive of a new line of conduct. The arrival of a boat, belonging to gen. Wilkinson, loaded with tobacco, and other productions of Kentucky, is announced in town, and a guard was immediately sent on board of it. The general's name had hindered this being done at Natchez, as the commandant was fearful that such a step might be displeasing to his superiors, who might wish to show some respect to the property of a general officer; at any rate the boat was proceeding to Orleans, and they would then resolve on what measures they ought to pursue, and put in execution. The government, not much disposed to show any mark of respect or forbearance towards the general's property, he not having at that time arrived, was about proceeding in the usual way of confiscation, when a merchant in Orleans who had considerable influence there, and who was formerly acquainted with the general, represented to the governor that measures taken by the intendant general probably give rise to disagreement, and that the people of Kentucky would be exasperated at the conduct of seizing on the property

navigated the Mississippi, and if this system was pursued, they would very probably, in spite of our enemies and the executive of the United States, take upon themselves to obtain the navigation of the river by force, which they were well able to do, a measure for some time before much dreaded by this government, which had no force to resist them, if such a plan was put in execution. Hints were likewise given that Wilkinson was a very popular man, who could influence the whole of that country, and probably that his sending a boat before him, with a wish, that she might be seized, was but a snare at his return to influence the minds of the people; and having brought them to the point he wished, induce them to appoint him their leader, and then like a torrent spread over the country and carry fire and desolation from one end of the province to the other.
Governor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with the American government, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky, with respect to his own province, but alarmed at the very idea of an irruption of Kentucky men, whom he feared without knowing their strength, communicated his wishes to the intendant that the guard might be removed from the boat, which was accordingly done, and a Mr. Patterson, who was the agent of the general, was permitted to take charge of the property on board, and to sell it free of duty. The general on his arrival in Orleans, some time after, informed of the obligation he lay under to the merchant who had impressed the government with such an idea of his importance and influence at home, waited on him and in concert with him formed a plan for their future operations. In his interview with the governor, that he might not seem to derogate from the character given of him by appearing concerned in so trifling a business, as a boat load of tobacco, hams and butter, he gave him to understand, that the property belonged to many citizens of Kentucky, who availing themselves of their return to the Atlantic states by way of Orleans, wished to make a trial of the temper of this government, as he on his arrival might inform his own, what steps had been pursued under his eye, that adequate measures might be afterwards taken to procure satisfaction.
He acknowledged with gratitude the attention and respect manifested by the governor towards himself in the favor shown to his agent; but at the same time mentioned, that he would not wish the governor to expose himself to the anger of his court, by refraining from seizing on the boat and cargo, as it was but a trifle, if such were the positive orders from court, and that he had not a power to relax them according to circumstances. Convinced by this discourse, that the general rather wished for an opportunity of embroiling affairs, than sought to avoid it, the governor became more alarmed. For two or three years before, particularly since the arrival of the commissioners from Georgia, who had come to Natchez to claim that country, he had been fearful of an invasion at every annual rise of the waters, and the news of a few boats being seen was enough to alarm the whole province. He revolved in his mind what measures he ought to pursue (consistent with the orders he had from home to permit the free navigation of the river) in order to keep the Kentucky people quiet, and in his succeeding interviews with Wilkinson, having procured more knowledge than he had hitherto acquired of their character, population, strength and dispositions, he thought he could do nothing better than hold out a bait to Wilkinson to use his influence in restraining the people from an invasion of this province, till he had a service to his court, and require further instructions. This was the point to which the parties wished to bring him, and being informed that in Kentucky, two or three corps were on hand, for which, if an immediate vent was not found, he made Wilkinson the offer of a permission to import on his own account to New Orleans, free of duty, all the productions of Kentucky, thinking by this means to conciliate the good will of the people, without yielding the point of navigation, as the commerce carried on would appear the effect of an indulgence to an individual which could be withdrawn at pleasure. On consultation with his friends, who well knew what further concessions Wilkinson could extort from the fears of the Spaniards, by the promises of his good offices in preaching peace, harmony, and good understanding with this government, until arrangements were made between Spain and America, he was advised to insist that the governor should insure him a market for all the flour and tobacco he might send, as in the event of an unfortunate shipment, he would be ruined whilst endeavoring to do a service to Louisiana. This was accepted. Flour was always wanted in New Orleans, and the king of Spain had given orders to purchase more tobacco for the supply of his manufactories at home, than Louisiana at that time produced, and which was paid for at about 2 1/2 dollars per cwt. In Kentucky it cost but two, and the profit was immense. In consequence, the general appointed his friend Daniel Clark his agent here, returned by way of Charleston, in a vessel, with a particular permission to go to the United States, even at the very moment of Gardoque's information, and on his arrival in Kentucky, bought up all the produce he could collect, which he shipped and disposed of as before mentioned, and for some time, all the trade for the Ohio, was carried on in his name; a line from him sufficing to ensure to the owner of the boat every privilege and protection he could desire. On granting this privilege to Wilkinson, the government came to a resolution of encouraging emigration from the western country, and offered passports to all settlers, with an exemption of duty, on all the property they might bring with them, invested in the produce of the country they came from, under the denomination of settlers. All those who had acquaintances with a few persons of influence in Orleans obtained passports, made shipments to their address, which were admitted free of duty, and, under pretence of following shortly after with their families, continued their speculations; others came with their property, had lands granted them, which, after locating, they disposed of, and having finished their business, returned to the U. States; a few only remained in the province, and they were the people who, in general, availed themselves of the immunities granted by the government. They possessed a few slaves and cattle; but had little other property, and they generally settled among their countrymen in the Natchez, and increased the cultivation of tobacco, at that time the article raised for export in the dis-
augmented in value, their industry increased, and the exported annually to Louisiana, for some time past, from 10 to 1200 barrels of flour, for which they generally had a ready market. When the first adventurers began to purchase, flour was to be had from 18 to 20 sh. Pennsylvania currency per barrel on the Monongahela; but was of a very bad quality, and was only made use of for biscuit, or in times of scarcity. It gradually improved, and in 1792 the best kind was supposed equal to that manufactured in Philadelphia; but being put up negligently, does not keep so long, and for that reason alone is not so much esteemed as Philadelphia flour.
The court of Spain, informed by its officers here of the steps they had taken, and the motives which had induced them, otherwise ignorant of the situation of affairs with respect to Kentucky, and consequently easily impressed with the ideas they wished to inculcate; not only approved of what they had done, but granted a further permission to all the inhabitants of the western country to export their produce to Orleans, where it was admitted on paying fifteen per cent. duty. This increased the intercourse, as many who would not before venture while it was a matter of favor granted by the governor, now entered into commercial speculation; and from the Ohio, the province of Louisiana was not only supplied with a sufficient stock of flour, whiskey, and salted provisions, hemp, and cordage; but a considerable quantity of some of them, often was shipped from hence as the produce of this province to Havana, and other Spanish ports; besides these articles, the produce of their lands, dry goods were secretly imported, and sold in the different ports along the river; and altho' orders were given to the commandant of New Madrid, the first Spanish port below the mouth of the Ohio, to prevent such importations, & seize on all who transgressed these orders, it was easily avoided: here the boats gave a manifest of their cargo, under which a passport was given; this was endorsed by the different commandants on the river, as the boats passed; the owners might sell their cargoes where they pleased, and by the manifest which they were bound to deliver to the government immediately on their arrival at Orleans, their duties were calculated; these duties continued to be exacted, at the rate of fifteen per cent. until after the arrival of the baron Carondelet, when under the idea of facilitating certain political ideas of his own, he reduced them on his own authority to six per cent. This measure was highly disapproved of by Gardoque, the minister of finance, who threatened to make him personally responsible for the difference, and ordered the duties to be placed on the former footing. The baron was not easily diverted from a favorite measure, paid no attention to the minister's first orders; he represented a second time, and again received a more positive order than the first. Despairing of being able to gain his point with him, and determined not to abandon it, he addressed himself to the king, thro' the minister of state. His plans were approved of, and the duty fixed at six per cent. at which rate it still subsists; and this is the duty exacted on every thing imported from any of the American settlements on the Ohio or Mississippi for sale in New Orleans. This duty is far from being burthensome to the importer, on account of the low rate of estimation, and the facility with which various means a considerable part of it is always avoided. Flour is valued but at four dollars a barrel; first quality tobacco three dollars per cwt. other quality, two dollars; whiskey, thirty seven and half cents per gallon, and salt provisions, and all other articles at a reasonable rate, as may be seen in the tariff which accompanies this, according to which the duties are calculated, and which naturally fall on the consumer. By degrees the importation of flour from the Ohio has almost put a final stop to any from the Atlantic states, and we shortly expect that such quantities will be manufactured in the western country, as to permit the merchant of Orleans to enter into competition with those of the middle states at foreign markets. The quantity of different productions imported from the Ohio, since the opening of that trade, has varied considerably from year to year. In the beginning, tobacco was the principal export from Kentucky, and at one period from 1500 to 2000 hds. came down the Mississippi annually for 3 or 4 years; they at the same time exported a great quantity of butter, lard and salt provisions. Within the last three years, the exportation of tobacco has considerably diminished, and flour seems to take its place. Hemp has likewise been imported from thence in considerable quantities; was formerly reshipped from hence to the Atlantic states; but what now comes is manufactured here. Cordage is likewise imported from Kentucky, where some rope walks are set up; and in future it is to be presumed, that little or no hemp will be exported from New Orleans: for the encouragement of the manufactory here, that article is exempt from duty on importation. In the year 1792, the king ceased purchasing the usual quantities of tobacco in Louisiana, which was formerly 2,000,000 lbs. on account of some frauds, in packing, and the general bad quality of the tobacco; as the planters, sure of having their receipts by the inspectors, on giving a small gratuity, made generally three cuttings, and put up every thing that ever looked like tobacco. This punishment was sensibly felt, as a great price was given for it (say 9 3/4 $ per cwt.) This culture ceased immediately on the eastern side of the Mississippi, on this event taking place. The people of Natchez turned their attention to indigo, which they raised with success; but changed this branch, for that of cotton, which now forms the staple article of their growth, and bids fair to be an object of the greatest importance; the crop of last year, from that district, is supposed to exceed 3000 bales of 250 lbs each, and the average price has been 20 cents per pound.
(To be continued.)
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 18. Aaron Burr—We have published different articles, from different papers as to the probability of Aaron Burr attending his trial on Monday last at Chillicothe: Some have stated him to have been seen at one place, and some at another, on his way to Ohio; and an extract from the National Evening Post, mentions letters having been received from Chillicothe stating, that he was actually here, preparing for his trial. The facts are, that he has forfeited his recognizance and is at this time in this county, within 7 miles of this city, where a merchant of Philadelphia had, on Friday last, the honor and pleasure of seeing and conversing with this distinguished traitor.
(Dem. Press.) TO BE RENTED, On the Main Street, the First Floor of the house in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a cook, & as Dry Cellar and a Kitchen. JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, 21st Jan. 1808. [laww.]
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY, Jan. 5. DEBATE On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. Burwell's motion for calling on Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clarke for information being yet under consideration. Mr. Smilie was thankful that this motion had been brought before the House; indeed it was the motion which should in his opinion have preceded every thing else which had taken place; and he must confess, that it was to his mind an instance of higher confidence than he had ever known in a legislative body, to proceed for two days on information read to them by one of its members. It was certainly the step proper to be first taken to demand that those papers should be deposited on the table, and after two days spent on the subject, they had at length got into the correct tract. He would agree to this motion, and would have agreed to the motion made on the first day on which the House considered this subject, not that he conceded the House had power to act on it, but to avoid consequences which he saw would result, and which had resulted. Happy would it have been, had the resolution passed then because they would have avoided what had fallen in the course of Debate. The gentleman from Virginia had told the House that he had at least gained one part of his object; it was to prevent his gaining his object that Mr. S. wished to have decided on the resolution immediately.
[Mr. Randolph said he had gained one object, but it was impossible for the House or the gentleman to know what that object was; if the gentleman had any curiosity to know, he would inform him.] Mr. S. said, he meant not to meddle with the private affairs of gentlemen; he meant public affairs, and would state two objects which had been attained. In the first place this object was gained; the gentleman from Virginia, from the whole tenor of his conduct, and from his speeches, had conveyed an idea that he was fully convinced of the guilt of the officer implicated; gentlemen possessing the same sentiments with the gentleman from Virginia, had profited by the opportunity to make inflammatory speeches, and to say every thing they could against this character, and these speeches were taken by the stenographers and transmitted to the most remote parts of the union as their verdict on his guilt. Was it possible, under these circumstances, that this officer should enjoy the right of a fair trial? He knew nothing of the conduct of this officer, nothing of his innocence or his guilt, but he knew him to be a citizen of the United States; & as such entitled to an impartial trial; and from that he would now be prevented by being prejudged. How tender was the law in civil and criminal prosecution! It was well known that if a man undertook to write and publish on a pending trial, he was liable to be punished for contempt of court. So careful was the law to prevent prejudice.
Mr. S. had listened with all his power of attention to the discussion on this subject; he had heard strange doctrines delivered on this occasion, but particularly by the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Gardener) who seemed to have forgotten what was the nature of our government, had talked of it as a government possessing supreme power, & had supposed that there was no limit to the omnipotence of the House of Representatives. This was the amount of the gentleman's ideas. The gentleman should have recollected that this was a limited government, and in taking on this subject, he should consider the House of Representatives as moving only in the bounds prescribed by the constitution, and possessing no other power than they are invested with, by that instrument. For what purposes were free governments instituted? For two great objects; to secure the rights of the community and to secure the rights of the individual. It appeared to Mr. S. that in the course of the discussion of this business, one of these objects had been entirely overlooked. Gentlemen seemed to have entirely forgotten the rights of the individual whilst asserting the right of the community. Would gentlemen look into the constitution, they would there see how tender the convention had been on this point—that personal rights were held no less sacred in that instrument than those of the community. Permit me, said he, to read this part of the constitution, because I believe that in this case the personal rights of General Wilkinson are violated by the course now taken.
[Mr. Smilie then read those articles of the constitution securing the life, liberty and property of the citizen, & guaranteeing an impartial trial to every person accused.] Mr. S. said he read these to show that by the constitution, the rights of the individual were as well secured and considered as important as those of the community. Now this being the case, said he, is it fair, before the person is put upon his trial, that he should go through the scorching ordeal of a discussion on his conduct in this House? Can he under such circumstances be said to enjoy the undoubted right of every citizen to a fair trial? It may be said that he is a military man; for his conduct as a military man, he is answerable to a military tribunal; but as a citizen, he is subject to a trial before a court of justice; and if he is guilty of that whereof he is now charged, there is not a doubt on my mind but he is amenable to a court of justice for his conduct.
But another object had been gained besides depreciating the man. The gentleman from New Orleans had, by a strong insinuation, impeached the conduct of the President of the United States in this business, by telling the House that he had given him the necessary warning, and that a deaf ear had been turned to the information. Thus another end had been gained. These two ends were what Mr. S. had been inclined to prevent, by an earlier decision on the subject.
With respect to the right of the House to inquire into the matter at all, he begged to be allowed a few words. He believed this information and this business altogether had been improperly laid before the House. This House was not the tribunal to hear and decide on a case of this kind. It was therefore his opinion that it was the duty of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) instead of bringing the matter before the House, to have laid it in the first instance before the President of the U. S. to whom alone general Wilkinson was answerable for his conduct as an officer of the U. S. But if the course had been taken, these ends would not have been answered as they had. Whether this was
the object of the gentleman, or the reason why this course had been taken, he would not say. Mr. S. asked one gentleman, in the House to point out that part of the constitution which would authorise or even warrant the power of acting on this subject. No such power could be shown. If then there was no such power granted by the constitution, how could gentlemen come forward and support this doctrine? Some gentlemen had endeavored to show this power was impliedly vested in them; and one gentleman had risen to tell them that they had never doubted the right to call for papers. Mr. S. said they never had, and he hoped they never would. They had no right to papers, however, except in a case in which they had cognizance or the power of acting. If then they had no power to act on any particular case, whence could flow the incidental power of acting in matters incidental to that case? From what source did they derive it? No power being given, no incidental power could exist. Thus he reasoned on this subject.
He found this authority of the House was one which had been very much discussed; and he begged leave to state a case which in some measure applied. In the fifth Congress, when the House of Representatives were upon the subject of the British treaty, they called upon the President of the U. S. to lay certain papers before them—exercising a right which they undoubtedly possessed as an incidental power. A resolution thus calling for specific papers was sent to President Washington, who in a few days returned for answer, that it did not occur that these papers related to any subject under cognizance of the House. This was a clear expression of the opinion of Washington on this subject. Whether it was or was not correct he would not say; but of this Mr. S. was sure, that except where the House had cognizance, they had no right to take such a step as that now contemplated—to throw the whole weight of this House against any officer, civil or military. And let me tell you, said Mr. S. that the effects of this proceeding will, if it cannot otherwise than produce a serious evil.
However, as the matter had progressed so far, although the conduct of the House had been altogether incorrect, he would now agree that these papers should be called for as proposed, and transmitted to the Executive; and he hoped the House would go no further.
Mr. Macon said, horse as he was, he would state to the House that the course proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, was the same which he found by the journal had been proposed in the case of St. Clair, and that he then gave the same vote which he should give upon this occasion. He was then of opinion that the House had a right to make the request. This proposition was then negatived, and a resolution adopted to appoint a committee of enquiry. Gentlemen who voted with him at this time were of the same opinion as himself. With respect to Gen. Washington's opinion, it was well known that the House replied to this message, and stated that they were not bound to assign reasons for the call. Nor will I, said Mr. M. ever give any reason for a call upon the Executive. This is no new opinion with me, but formed so long ago as this case of St. Clair; it is not an opinion made up on the occasion, but upon conviction.
Mr. Clark rose to correct an expression of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who had talked of insinuations. I am unaccustomed, said Mr. C. to insinuate; what I have said, I thought I had satisfactorily explained; that the subject on which I spoke to the President did not particularly relate to the case before the House, but to certain transactions between certain people in Kentucky and the Spanish government. I, at that time, offered certain information and certain papers. These being refused to be received, I thought it needless to offer any name when the whole subject was not listened to.
In the present case Mr. C. wished the House to attend to the peculiar delicacy of his situation. He was supposed to be possessed of evidence, and would be called upon to give it. He was here a solitary individual, 1000 miles from his own country; it could not be expected that he had vouchers with him to support what he might testify. How could he give evidence if called upon, before a court of inquiry who had not the power to send for persons and papers? He hoped gentlemen would think of it; and if an inquiry must be had, and he must be forced to say what he knew, he hoped the House would allow him the means of substantiating what he said; would let it be before a tribunal which had power to send for persons and papers. The subject which he had laid before the President related to general cases; if particular persons were therein implicated, he could not help it. He hoped the House would consider the delicacy of his situation before they decided.
Mr. Ather (T.) said he had attended with as much attention as he could do to the discussion on this subject, but was at a loss to know what this resolution would operate, and how the House was to act on evidence which it might produce. If a volume of testimony was the result, what could be done with it? He should suppose that every court of law or court martial would admit that testimony, however voluminous or to whatever extent. If so, why should the time of the House be taken up in canvassing a point which could answer no purpose? If he retained a right the provisions of the constitution, it gave this House the power of collecting evidence in cases of impeachment, and respecting its own members, and in no other cases. If there were any other cases in which the House could institute enquiry, he wished them to be shown; for until it were, he should act according to the constitution, because he was bound to protect it, and not to depart therefrom. Holding this opinion therefore, he did not feel disposed to give this measure his vote. The House had been told that the rights of individuals had been violated; if so, there was not a single one of those individuals but might commence suit in a court of justice, for this violation.
A recurrence to the date of the letters submitted in evidence would lead the mind to contemplate a chain of events which appeared to be connected with this matter; for it would be recollected by the House who was then President of the United States, and who had since filled that high office. If Mr. R. understood the date of those letters, they were written in February, 1796. It would be recollected that under the presidency of Washington, Gen. Wilkinson was appointed a Brigadier General; under Mr. Adams, he became commander in chief of the troops of the United States, and he had been continued in that office under the administration of Mr. Jefferson. It was known that on 3d of March, 1797, General Washington ceased to be President, and Mr. Adams succeeded him. It appeared to Mr. R. to be wonderful
that these transactions should have taken place, and General Wilkinson should have retained the confidence of these three great men. Under the venerated Washington he had been made Brigadier General, and under Mr. Adams appointed, and till this time continued commander in chief. If these charges which had been made were true, how could they remain in doubt to the present day? He had seen no evidence brought forward which could balance the confidence he felt in this man from the weight of character he possessed. Of what avail were a letter or two from Spanish governors, when put in competition with the general character of this officer? If General Wilkinson had injured an individual, let him apply to a court of justice for a remedy of his wrongs. In the manner proposed, Mr. R. could not proceed.
The President of the United States being commander in chief, had a right to institute an enquiry. If the House therefore adopted the course proposed, and went on to institute an enquiry into the conduct of any officer of the army, they went to prevent the proper department from investigating the subject as it had a right to do. By the constitution, he understood the Executive of the United States, to be as complete a part of the government as the Congress, and to that department was assigned the performance of particular acts; and if it had not neglected its duty, why was this business here taken up? For no beneficial purpose that he could see. Inasmuch as general Wilkinson had not been committed by the evidence exhibited, and as what he is now he was when the present administration came into office. Mr. R. tho' the House should go no farther in the business if they even had the right, which he contended they had not, and he should therefore vote against the resolution. The question being called for, he would say no more at this time.
(Debate to be continued.) THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JANUARY 28, 1808. VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. HOUSE OF DELEGATES, FRIDAY, Jan. 8.
DEBATE ON THE AMENDMENT TO THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, RESPECTING THE JUDICIARY.
Mr. Dade in continuation. To me it seems that the judiciary is already subjected to sufficient responsibility. The abuse of their trust is already amplified guarded by the power of impeachment.—But I would place this power on a much broader basis than has been attributed to it by gentlemen who have preceded me. If, according to the idea of the gentleman from Wythe, the judges have usurped the power of deciding on the constitutionality of an act of Congress—he has painted the usurpation in such glowing colours and depicted the consequences as fraught with so much mischief, that it seems to me, the deed would well merit impeachment. I should really think that a sufficient violation of the tenure of their offices to subject them to removal upon impeachment, even as it is admitted to exist at this time. But if it is necessary to curb the present elevated independence of the judiciary, yet, I fear to trust the power of control with the legislature—I have been long in the habit of thinking that the legislative body, already possessed, in too great a degree, the means of extending and abusing their powers. Let it be remembered, that they held the purse and the sword of the nation. Could they wield two more formidable weapons? History holds out an instructive lesson to us, on this subject.—Look to the Athenian Archons—the English Parliaments—the National Assemblies of France, for a solution of the problem, whether danger is ever to be apprehended from the representatives of the people. Why has it been deemed necessary to restrain them by the constitution, if they are this harmless and immaculate body? Why not leave them omnipotent as in England? Is this then that branch of our government on whom we would throw the weight and influence of the judiciary? The boasted principle of checks and balances is no more. There are then but two powers in the government, the legislative and executive.
If the proposed amendment be adopted, we may anticipate a time, a state of things, when the independent and honest sentence of the judge, would be the warrant of his own removal from office. Why are gentlemen so forgetful? I can remember when Congress enacted two laws, against which the voice of the people was raised. They were denounced as an invasion of state rights, and a violation of personal liberty, as overstepping the constitutional limits of Congress. If we had then had on the bench such judges as would now be approved, we should probably have heard these laws denounced from the seat of justice. What would have been the acts would not have seen them nullified. With one sweep they would have removed every judge who should have dared to resist their will. The case just cited has been adduced as an evidence that even under the present tenure of their offices, the judiciary is too apt to shape a course parallel to that of the legislature. How much more is this acquiescence to be feared when Congress shall hold a power over the official existence of that body—One gentleman has said that for entertaining certain opinions on questions of great national concern, a judge should be removed from office.—That a judge who should decide in favor of the Yazoo speculation, the Grenville claimants, or of Aaron Burr, ought not to be retained in office. This is monstrous doctrine. The gentlemen have premised that it was a delicate position. It was more: it was a most dangerous position. I have always believed that the judgment of the bench, should be ever uninfluenced by any other consideration, than the merits of the case brought before it. I have always believed that if the law was in favor of the Yazoo and Grenville claims, or of A. Burr, it was the duty of the judge to pronounce that law, whatever the consequences. If weighty evils flow from the decision, let another power avert them. Surely not the purity of justice. To preserve the sanctity of our laws, you must have firm judges and uniform judgments. If those doctrines are to prevail the much desired certainty of law is gone forever.
Again it is said that suspicion is a sufficient cause of removal from the bench—I never before knew so much weight attributed to suspicion. When it has been found so frequently to attach to the best of men, to attend the purest and most virtuous actions, it should never be adopted as a ground for conclusive decision. Every argument which has been advanced is bottomed upon the principles of impeachment.

ment are too narrow to impose an adequate check on the Judiciary. I do not think this a tenable ground. The tenure of a Judge's office is "during good behavior," and altho' there is an enumeration of certain specific classes of offences for which officers of government shall be removed, yet there has been no sound argument to prove that this enumeration includes minor offences from operating on the case of a Judge. Put a trite case. To play at cards in a public house is under our laws a misdemeanor—to strike a man is a misdemeanor, in law language not only malum prohibitum but malum in se . Yet suppose a Judge to engage in the former amusement, with his friends in his room in a Tavern—Suppose him in a moment of resentment to strike one who had misused him; these are misdemeanors. But would he be removed from office for committing them? Certainly not. Again—suppose a Judge of the Supreme court, in the daily habit of descending from his station in society to mix on terms of familiarity with the low and vulgar, a frequenter of ale-houses, a partaker in the vile, unamusing sports of the rabble. Would not such conduct be thought a breach of "good behavior," for which he might be removed? Yet these are not misdemeanors properly so called. It is not fair to adduce here as authority, the arguments of Judge Chase's counsel. They were retained as lawyers, I suppose for a fee. They argued his case as lawyers—their dicta are not adjudications. Why, on this occasion, pay such respect to the opinions and arguments of Judge Chase's counsel—and yet disregard the arguments of the managers? You would have seen a contrary doctrine maintained by them. For my own part I see nothing in the decision of the Senate in Chase's case, which warrants the position assumed by his counsel, and after them by gentlemen who have here debated this resolution. Picking the case on the other hand strongly opposes, if it does not entirely defeat, the argument. It is to be gathered from that case, that Picking was removed not for being guilty of a misdemeanor (drunkardness) but for notorious incapacity to discharge the duties of his office. There can be no doubt but that a Judge may be removed from office for other causes than the commission of a penal offence.
One other argument which it seems to me ought to have some weight with the committee: To what situation do you reduce the Judge who is made thus dependent on the Legislature? These men are taken from the bar; most generally from a lucrative practice. Although the acquisition of the office may not be very desirable to them, the retaining it becomes eminently so. The practice, which they have relinquished, can never be regained. The disgrace of removal can never be washed away. For encountering the popular prejudice in the honest and independent discharge of their duties, they may be deprived of their subsistence and ruined in their characters. Independent of the effects of these considerations on the firmness and purity of the Judge as an officer, are not these effects upon him as a man to be deprecated? Will your constitution and your laws prohibit the imposing the penalty of a dollar on a citizen, without a fair and full trial, and yet will you sanction this amendment, whereby a high character may be deprived of all that is most dear to him, without being confronted with his accusers—without being heard in his defence? Is this recurring to fundamental principles? Let me conjure the committee to ponder on these considerations before they decide—before they sanction an amendment which may open the door to a long train of mischiefs destructive to our rights, and subversive of our government.
(Debate to be continued.)
FOR THE ENQUIRER. No. II. To shew by formal proofs the integrity of James Madison, would be to distrust the universal impression of America. So strong and notorious is that impression, that three of the most distinguished men in New-York, who in a late pamphlet have aspired to revive both Mr. Jefferson and him, have seized, as the only cause of Madison's defects, his confidence in the wisdom and virtue of his friend. They avow their belief in his honesty; and think, that they conceal by this paltry veil of candor, the poison which they strew for the unwary, who may be called to inspect his character.
None could have gone farther in an eulogy of Mr. Madison's disinterestedness than those gentlemen, who have often met him on the theatre of public business. While others know, that more than once he repelled the solicitations of those, who would have conferred upon him the Chief Magistracy of Virginia; they saw him pass by an opportunity which the friendship of President Washington and his merit presented, of participating in the new offices which were to be distributed at the organization of the federal government. He preferred the representation of the people in Congress, to any station which could have been bestowed on him. This exclusion of himself from the higher splendor of life, must have been accompanied with a consciousness that any favorite post, once occupied, could not be effected, but upon a distant revolution. How long this devotion to the immediate delegation of the people really animated him, those can testify who know, that he not only refused missions to foreign courts, but vacancies also in office at home. When he accepted the department of state under Mr. Jefferson, he obeyed the general voice which had designated him for it, rather than his own will. Even his present enemies "approved of his appointment."
If to those, who may not have yet formed their votes; if it be necessary to look into the recesses of Mr. Madison's heart, let his neighbors and friends who have marked his rise from boyhood to the lustre of the present day, speak. Their language will be uniform: that he never did a thing on which honor could frown; and never omitted one which philanthropy could dictate. Still it must be confessed, that all these gems of private worth may have produced the choicest fruits in the scheme of social intercourse, and yet prove abortive in the immense field of Presidential duty. If there too, the seeds planted in Mr. Madison's mind by patriotism, education, industry and experience, have not sent forth shoots, which assure us of a rich harvest of public blessings under his administration; let him remain where he is. We want the best organ for the public welfare.
Every year, since the operation of the federal government, has brought forth new topics for the exercise of presidential functions, and placed many old ones in new relations, foreign and domestic. President Washington, upborne by the popularity, which he had so justly acquired in the revolutionary war, employed his first years in strengthening the constitution against the attacks of the discontents. He underwent trials and vexations. The arrangement of the public debt, the institution of a bank, the preservation of our neutrality, the wrongs of Great Britain, the western insurrection, and at length some symptoms of the public discontent, which his character restrained from greater excesses, manifested even to him, that a crisis was daily losing the deference due to the executive. He suspended the licence of scrutiny.
President Adams inevitably found himself surrounded with encumbering embarrassments, and with less means of self-defence. What means might have been an unit only in Washington's special case, might have been a source of mischief in his. Why and how he fell, whether he entangled himself, more and more, by schemes adopted for his exculpation, are within the knowledge of the living, and will furnish ample materials for history, to instruct those who follow.
President Jefferson was thrown into a different scene of action. If he departed in the smallest degree, from the precedents or policy of Washington, a chosen band rushed upon him with the most bitter and rancorous criticism. The partisans of Adams, who would not venture to name their cause after him, rallied under that of Washington, as if those two personages had been the same in spirit. To all these have been added labours which neither of his predecessors experienced: if not a serious conspiracy to dismember the U. States, at least an effort to involve us in a war with Spain; usurpations and aggressions from G. Britain, hitherto without example, and the menaces from a nation whose power requires nothing but a range on the water to overwhelm the whole world, on the land.
What then can a fourth administration expect? Success? They must be content with deserving it. From what has already occurred, they may draw a chart apparently for the guidance of the vessel of state: they may delineate the promontories, on which fame formerly stood, but which are now mouldering away; they may mark the shoals, which have been fatal to others; but the bosom of the political ocean is deeply convulsed; and rocks will arise, where the navigation has been hitherto smooth and safe.
Analist, these uncertain prospects, a review of Mr. Madison's talents and conduct will direct our attention to him, as to a skillful pilot.
MARCUS.
The authors are reported to be Gouverneur Morris, Rufus King and Oliver Wolcott.
Our readers are already acquainted with the fact, that we differ in the most material points from the party sentiments of the following writer. It is therefore unnecessary to express a formal protest against them. The press, however, is free; and our readers will judge for themselves:
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.
The heart of the man who now addresses you, is depicted in his signature, and although he may be wanting in a knowledge of the usual etiquette, practiced in approaching your honorable body; he nevertheless feels all that respect for your intelligence and virtue, which ought to animate a bosom warmly attached to the constituted authorities of his country. Enjoying in common with my fellow-citizens, the inestimable privilege of speaking or writing any opinions without a farther apology, I will proceed with candor to make the following suggestions.
That the present is a period, pregnant with difficulty and peril, is felt and admitted on all hands. Contrary to our wishes and interests, as well as to the real interests of the two great belligerent powers of Europe; it seems the United States must be drawn into a contest with one of those nations. If our delicate differences with Great Britain are accommodated, how shall we escape a conflict with France? How shall we shape our course to avoid a heavy pressure from Bonaparte's policy towards neutrals? To any nation was a great calamity. To a Republic, its evils are inculcable. Do not suppose I would cringe from any sacrifice necessary to maintain our rights, honor or independence. I am not one of those who would league with, or succumb to any nation. Resting on the strength of the nation, and the broad principles of justice, I would make the dreadful appeal to war, sooner than submit to any farther humiliation or imposition.
Let me ask you, gentlemen, what preparations you have made to meet or avert the impending danger? What are you now doing? At a time when all the energies of the nation should be concentrated and directed to one great object, (your own defence) When rumours of wars resound from one end of the continent to the other, and every breast beats with anxiety for the national weal, thus threatened and endangered, I repeat what are you doing? What have you done? The answer is painful, though obvious—You have done little, and from the last papers it appeared you were still doing less good. Adopting resolutions with preamble and wherefores, so couched as to wound the feelings of many men of independence, talents and virtue; and loudly calling on them at the same time for a blind acquiescence. All say, we will support your government in its measures. We have confidence in our councils. We demand more. You proclaim that as to any specific measure there shall be no doubt, although there are no documents. For me or against me, this is the question. You must answer in the affirmative or be proscribed forever. To the honor of the spoken, some members of the majority in a late debate, disclaimed this exterminating doctrine. But wherefore such precipitancy? Is hurry or bustle any evidence of superior wisdom, or greater dignity and firmness in a case of this sort? No; as was wisely remarked, it is evidence to the contrary. It indicates a disposition to shut out enquiry, to preclude dignified and manly deliberation. Is it sufficient, to tell men of independence and talents, whose patriotism is spotless; Here we have no information on the subject, except the President's suggestion of its propriety. The measure was adopted in secret session hour of the debate or the reasons on which it is deemed have been divulged to the public, but our low-givers are wise and virtuous. The administration recommended the proceeding. The administration is a candid word; it augurs over more, I believe, than the Executive wish.
law to protect the eastern frontier of the state which imposes the executive to raise two regiments for that purpose. How are they to be paid? Have you money in the treasury to meet the emergencies of the times? No; you have you not enough to pay your civil list and defray the current ordinary expenses of the year? Have you laid taxes on new objects, or increased them on old? I have seen nothing from you on this all-important subject, though you have been seven weeks in session. Will you rely on the doctrine of chances here too? Or trust entirely to the Federal government? This will likely comport with the dignity of the state sovereignty. No; you say, we will raise money, and why did you not enter industriously on this subject long ago? You had too much extraneous matter, or at least matter improper to action, at this time, before you.
This is the answer I would give for you—Money is the life and soul of the government, and you will not have enough in the treasury in April to pay the guards who may escort any convicts to the Penitentiary. The Armoury, the great bulwark of your liberties, has been languishing for the want of funds, many of the artificers have deserted it at this important period when double hands & double labor are imperiously demanded. These are melancholy facts, tho' not more melancholy than true. Do not these realities which have been often predicted to you, call for your undivided attention to the subject of finance? Frequently have those evils been pointed out and monu-
mented, but the still voice of reason and policy has been hitherto drowned in the clamors of an overwhelming majority. You must raise the taxes now. Had you adopted the measure four years ago, the burthen would have been borne with ease at the present day. The evil will come at the worst possible period, but it will be supported. It will cut deep, but the patriotism of the people will not flinch. Do you not suppose that you could employ much time profitably on this subject? Taxes cannot be increased, on new taxes levied in a day. In this state, where the subject of finance is so imperfectly understood, much time and labor are required on a measure relating to an increase of revenue. Are not these remarks just? Your sense and magnanimity will answer in the affirmative.
I beseech you to concentrate your energies and wisdom to the momentous object of adjusting and increasing your finances. Without money how can you prepare for approaching events? Resolutions and bills will neither compel pirates from your shores, nor feed nor clothe soldiers in the field. Even that poor little counterfeit-proscribed sect, (proscribed too for adhering to "poor old republican maxims") emphatically called whippers in of the R. party, (though somtimes very hard to whip them) but furnished with arms and money would do more injury to an enemy than all your combined wisdom and power, aided only by resolutions and bills, and paper calculations. Rely on it such stuff will not answer in the present crisis—Trust to the virtue of the people and raise the taxes. Do but "screw your courage to the sticking place," and your popularity will not fail.
A few words more before I conclude. Would it not be advisable to postpone the consideration of the resolution relative to the constitution of the U. States, until the impending storm shall have subsided and our country again restored to peace and tranquility. Is the season of war the season for these delicate experiments in government? Ought this great constitutional question to be agitated throughout the continent at this critical moment? I put it to the candor of men of reflection of all parties, if all divisions of sentiments ought not to be avoided, as far as is compatible with the full and free discussion of such measures as our situation demands. Ought bickerings and animosities to be excited? Would any injury arise from delaying the subject until better times. I am not a friend to the present establishment of the judiciary department of the U. States. I have always thought that the judges of the U. States ought to be appointed by congress in the same manner that the judges of Virginia are by the legislature, and should be subject to removal by a joint vote of both houses of congress two thirds concurring. By this mode the tremendous patronage of the P. would be greatly lessened and which, as it is, I think to be highly dangerous. The judges would be independent on the spirit of faction, and still dependent on the national will. Here the all important power of the national will and removing would rest with the democratic branch of the government, where it ought to be to the genuine republican principles it ought to be lodged. This is not a suggestion of a day, it is an opinion formed for years, but still at this period, for the reasons assigned already. I would postpone such an amendment until our horizon was clear.
I hope your honorable body will take the foregoing observations into consideration. They are written with candor and I hope expressed in respectable and decent language. If there be among you any of those "glib and slippery creatures" that glide about in the sunshine of great men to seek office or emoluments, to them my principles, or some of them, may be obnoxious and I wish not to offend such gentlemen, but I can only say "robes and furred gowns" never hide vices or defects from my eyes.
HICKORY HOMESPUN.
It seems that a British armed schooner has arrived in Hampton Roads, to inform Mr. Rose of Sir J. B. Warren's arrival at Bermuda. According to some accounts from England, Sir John B. Warren was to have sailed with a squadron of several ships of the line. What does all this mean? Has Great-Britain relinquished the conciliatory step of re-calling Admiral Berkeley? Why has not Sir John B. Warren gone to Halifax to supercede him? Is he merely going to Halifax to take the southern passage, or is he about to take his station at the Bermudas that he may co-operate on the south with Berkeley on the north? Does Great-Britain intend to negotiate with us, as she did at Copenhagen and at Constantinople, with an armed squadron at the back of her minister? Strange, indeed, has she mistaken the American spirit, if she meanly calculates, that in a contest like the present, our national honor would tolerate any compromise with our foes.
The British proclamation, in its regulation of colonial commerce, realises one of the favorite ideas expressed by Canning before he had a seat in the Cabinet. This was to force the colonial trade to pass through British ports, to pay a duty, and thus contribute to support the expenses of her war against the mother country.
A bold encroachment this upon neutral rights! & will not its advantages too to G. B. be in a considerable degree prevented by the French Decree's excluding all neutral ships, that only touch at England?
Extract of a letter from a respectable gentleman in Petersburg, to his friend in this City, dated, January 26.
"Lest you should receive and be alarmed at an exaggerated account of the FIRE, which broke out about break of day, this morning, in Old Street—I write you a short statement of it. It broke out in one of McNeil's little trifling houses, three doors south of the Post-Office. The wind blew northwardly. In spite of every exertion, it destroyed six or eight of these houses, and Gen. Jones' three or four of two-story brick houses, including Dr. Stewy's house, the Post-Office, and Holiday and Muybon's store—the two wooden two-story
ry houses joining that store, to the west—and Captain Wielders brick tenement, formerly D. Rippy's—about 14 or 15 houses in all—there it stopped. The citizens made very great and meritorious exertions—but there was an evident want of system, of order and arrangement. The same labour judiciously houses and property (of which a great deal has been destroyed—more by careless handling than by the flames.) There was too much confusion and disorder—some plan must be devised to prevent such perplexity and disorder hereafter. In the misfortune providence smiled on us—The wind changed from north to south, at a most critical period. Durell's house could not have been saved, had it not been for that change, nor perhaps Pollock's—and if they had been destroyed, & the wind had continued as it was, all Old Street up and down, and perhaps great part of Bollinbrook Street would have been entirely consumed—Never was there such a fire before in this town."
We are authorised to state, that EDWARD PEGRAM Esq. refuses to serve on the electoral ticket, formed by the friends of MR. MONROE.
* * Mr. John P. Shields' reply to Dr. Mal-ter certainly in our next.
Last Evening's Mail.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to the Editor of the Enquirer dated Washington, Jan. 23, 1808.
"Not knowing whether you take the Mercantile Advertiser, I enclose you a sheet containing the three blocking decrees of G. Britain, the substance of which was given in the last paper.
"It contains also the resolutions entered into by the Republicans of New-York, in consequence of the late publications in the Citizen.
"Much as has been said as to the extent of the British decree, it is even more comprehensive than we had supposed—Under the French decree, all vessels are required to have on board what is termed a "certificate of origin," declaring that the articles of the cargo are not of the produce or manufacture of G. Britain.
Without this certificate a neutral vessel and its cargo will be lawful prize to the cruisers of France or Spain—In the British decree there is the following clause—"If any vessel, after reasonable time shall have been afforded for receiving notice of this, his majesty's order at the port or place from which such vessel shall have cleared out, shall be found carrying any such certificate or document as aforesaid (meaning a certificate of origin) or any document referring to for authenticating the same, such vessel shall be adjudged lawful prize to the captor, together with the goods laden therein, belonging to the person or persons by whom or on whose behalf any such document was put on board."
Extract of another letter to the Editor, dated Jan. 24.
"Yesterday evening 89 members of Congress met in the Senate Chamber—Mr. Bradley was called to the chair—The object of the meeting being stated by the chairman, a motion was made by Mr. Pope of Kentucky to vote by ballot without any previous nomination—This course was adopted—The persons present prepared their ballots for President—Governor Milledge of Georgia and Gen. Varnum were appointed tellers—They reported that on counting the ballots, it appeared that 89 votes were given for President of which
 James Madison had 83  George Clinton 8  James Monroe 3  Total 94 
A second ballot then took place for Vice-President—The tellers reported that 88 votes were given of which
 George Clinton had 79  John Langdon 5  Henry Dearborne 3  John Quincy Adams 1  Total 88 
All the representatives from N. Y. were absent, except Mr. Kirkpatrick: of the Va. delegation the following members were not in Washington, viz: Claiborne Cliopton, J. G. Jackson—The following were present at the meeting: Moore, Giles, Nicholas, Newton, Burwell, Dawson, Clay, so Gdwyn, Eppes, Love, Morrow, Smith, Holmes and Wilson—The following were not present at the meeting: Randolph, Garnett, Trigg, Baskett, Lewis and Gray.
"After the ballot was over, two resolutions were passed. The 1st appointing a committee for the purpose of calling a new meeting in case either of the gentlemen nominated should refuse to act. The second merely declaratory of the principle on which as individual citizens from various parts of the U. States, and not as members of congress, they had expressed an opinion as to the characters proper to be selected for offices so important as those of President and Vice-President of the U. S.
The whole number composing the two Houses of congress consists of 176
 Deduct federalists in the lower house 23  In the Senate 5  Members from N. York not present 18  Absentees from town of the republicans 10  Total 56 
A vessel arrived at New-York, from information, acquired from a British ship, war, that the English had taken Madeira.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 22.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
On the 20th inst. Mr. Tiffin, a Senator from the state of Ohio, was examined in his seat. The Senate then took up the report of the select committee, as given in our last, and adopted the same—Yea 25—Nay 6—by which Mr. Smith is allowed till the 1st day of March to produce testimony.
A resolution offered by Mr. Pope, for summoning Elias Glover and Wm. McFarlane, was disagreed to—Yea 7—Nay 23.
The motion made by Mr. Adams some days since, to appoint a committee to enquire into the expediency of fixing the duration of the embargo was yesterday taken up in the Senate and negatived.
By a gentleman from Annapolis, we are informed that the bill to prevent, during the continuance of the embargo, the sale of lands, &c. by execution became a law on Saturday; having passed both houses of the Legislature.
Evening Post.
KURATUM—In some of the impressions of our last Paper, for "Hugh Morrow," read Hugh Mercer.
PATENT MACHINES FOR SHELLING CORN.—The above valuable Machine invented by Paul Pillsbury of Massachusetts, may now be had of the subscribers in Richmond, who are exclusively authorised to vend the same in the state of Virginia. With one of those Machines, from 20 to 30 barrels may be shelled by two hands in a day. The price of a single machine at present is $35: those inclined to purchase either single machines, patent rights for counties, or for making and selling any number of machines, will find their interest to apply early, and all persons are cautioned against encroaching on the patent right.
Wm. MCKIM, C. TOMPKINS, DERRAUGH & EVANS, ROBERT MCKIM, ALLAN MCKIM, ROBERT HYDE, SEVERALL OSCOOD. Richmond, January 25, 1808. (1m3w3.)
ADVERTISEMENT.—I shall petition the County Court of Richmond, the first Monday in March next, to stop the road from the fork of the road near Mrs. H. H.'s, that leads to Nomoncy Ferry, to the fork that leads from Moore F. Brockenbrough's Mill, to Westminster court-house, the old road passing through my land by my old mill. RICH'D. PARKER. Jan. 28. (1m4w.)
NOTICE to Theodoric Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said adm'rs against said Carter, and on Monday the 25th of the same month at Cumberland court-house, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adm'rs. Jan. 28. (1m4w.)
ADVERTISEMENT.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at twelve months credit, on the 9th day of February next, at the late dwelling house of Doctor John Smith, dec'd. at King and Queen court-house, all the personal estate of the dec'd. consisting of several Horses, some Cattle and household and kitchen Furniture. The purchasers must give bond with approved security before the property will be delivered: Also, at the same time a most valuable supply of Medicines and the shop materials, together with a valuable Electrifying Machine, which would be sold on credit on payment being secured. All persons indebted to the deceased are requested to make payment to ANN SMITH the Ex'x. Jan. 28. (1m2w.)
THE property advertised for sale on the plan of Alex'r. Banks, dec'd. on Saturday last, was postponed in consequence of the badness of the day—It will now take place on Saturday next, the 5th of this month. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of A. Banks with the will annexed. January 28. [24]
NOTICE.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at public auction, at Matthews court-house, on the second Monday in February next, being court day, upon terms that will then be made known, the TAVERN and other Real Estate of Mr. Henry Respes, dec'd. at the said court-house. Consisting of several improved Lots with about thirty acres of very fertile land attached thereto; at the same time and place will be sold one hundred acres of fertile LAND within one mile of the court-house and adjoining the residence of the late William Buckner, Esq. dec'd. being also a part of the real estate of said Respes. This property is well worth the attention of any gentleman who wishes to settle himself upon a good stand for a tavern and retail store, the situation being considered inferior to but few in Virginia. Will also be sold at private sale, the remainder of the real estate of the said deceased, consisting of about seven hundred & fifty acres of Land, commonly called Low Neck, lying between the waters of Piankank River & Queen's Creek, & contains one of the best of the best prospects in Virginia. Titles will be made to the purchasers of the above property by the subscribers, under the last will and testament of the deceased. JOHN D. FARVIS, Esq. Matthews county, (Va.) Jan. 28. (1m4w.)
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason court-house.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands, and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 23. [Lawtt]
I TAKE this method of informing my distinguished clients, that I have relinquished the practice of Law in the county courts of Northumberland and Lancaster, and the district court of Northumberland, and have transferred my law-business, except in those cases in which he was opposed to me, to Stokely Towles, Esq. of Lancaster county. JOHN MILLER, Esq. Dec. 31. [Lawtt]

WASHINGTON, Jan. 30.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
On the 16th inst. Mr. Anderson, from the committee to whom were referred several resolutions...
Mr. Anderson moved that the senate proceed to the examination of Col. James Taylor at their bar.
Mr. Macay, after some preliminary remarks, to show the incorrectness of further delay...
A short conversation ensued on the course of procedure, in which it was remarked that as Mr. Smith had made some complaints relative to the examination of Col. Taylor...
Mr. Giles rose to state to the senate two circumstances which had been mentioned to him on the part of the accused...
Mr. Adams said, if the right of Mr. Smith to vote centered in himself, he should have no objection to this application.
Mr. Anderson was against agreeing to this application, as its allowance would virtually go to exempting Mr. Smith from voting on any other question.
Mr. Giles said, that to save time, and to enable the senate to deliberate further on this point before they decided upon it, he would withdraw the application for the present.
It was then determined, without a division, to proceed to the examination of Col. Taylor at the bar of the senate.
While the senate were waiting for Mr. Smith's counsel, Mr. Anderson moved that John Graham, Esq. be notified to attend at the bar of the senate to give testimony in this case.
Mr. Anderson remarked that the occasion of calling on Mr. Graham arose out of the testimony of Col. Taylor, which he read.
The motion of Mr. Anderson was agreed to. On motion of Mr. Anderson, Resolved, That Col. James Taylor be examined at the bar of the senate, in the case of John Smith...
After waiting a considerable length of time, Mr. F. S. Key, the counsel of Mr. Smith, appeared when Col. James Taylor was sworn and examined at the bar of the senate...
The testimony given by Col. Taylor having related altogether to that given in the report of the select committee it would be unintelligible without connection with it.
On the 19th, James Taylor was further examined, and extracts of letters written by him to the secretary of state read. John Graham was then sworn and examined. His testimony was entirely directed to support that of Mr. Taylor...
months ago, paid tribute to the talents and integrity, and even sought the patronage of the very man, whom he has recently accused of high crimes and misdemeanors of twenty years standing.
Citizens of America! pause and reflect—you have a glimpse only of "damning truths"—be patient and all will be out. J. A. WILKINSON. Washington, Jan. 16th, 1808.
[COPY.] New-Orleans, 27th Sept. 1806. DEAR SIR, I have been favored with your letter from the Heights, and had you previously informed me when you might be expected there...
I have received the rejected grants of land, and would be obliged to you to give me what information you are possessed of respecting the proceedings of the Board of Commissioners...
I remain with esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) DANIEL CLARK. Brig. Gen. WILKINSON. (COPY.) HOUAN, 2 Oct. 1806.
Dear Sir, I heard by Capt. Turner, that you had got to the Rapids of Red River, and were to proceed next morning for Natchitoches. I long to learn your arrival there, and the result of your communication with Harrara...
Capt. Turner informed me that you expected I would see you at Natchitoches. On reflection, you must perceive the impossibility of realizing such an idea...
Peace between England and France was confidently expected; messengers were daily passing between them, and the English funds had raised, and concurring advices from other quarters give every reason to expect, that this great event may shortly take place.
I sincerely wish you success and that the means of insuring it depended on yourself alone. I remain, dear Sir, Yours, sincerely, (Signed) DANIEL CLARK. Brig. Gen. Wilkinson.
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains.
IN CHANCERY. At a quarterly court, continued and held for the county of Prince Edward, November the 17th, 1807. Martha Deshazour, Compt. against Zachariah Rice, Executor of John Deshazour, dec'd.
THE defendant William Deshazour, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly...
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Wednesday the 10th day of February next, will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland court-house...
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULDS. BATHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. (U)
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Challace...
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAML. GREENHOW. October 7. (E)
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAILS of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 p. m.
2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.
NOTICE.—If JAMES MOYLAN, who came to this Country from Ireland, in the year 1770, and who taught a School in the Counties of Albemarle and Prince George in 1777 and 1778...
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on the 18th day of January next, at the door of the Eagle-Tavern, ninety-four thousand, seven hundred and thirty acres of western LANDS...
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CUEV of Urbana, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt.
JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. (law4w4w.) Jan. 12. (law4w4w.)
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's old house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, Jr's...
NOTICE!—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price...
ENGLISH KID SHOES.—Just received and for sale by Dodge & Cobb, 3 trunks Ladies' & Misses' white, black, figured and lace pattern KID SHOES, of Jackson's manufacture, London; Also, Gentlemen's best superlative London Hats. Jan. 7. (F)
FOR SALE, 127,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river; 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks; 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river.
NOTICE.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS. Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. (F)) Jan. 12.
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807.) Will be sold without reserve, for ready money, on Thursday the 4th February next, the sloop ALEXANDRIA, burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts. SAMUEL TURNER, } Trustee. DANIEL EFES, } (ids.) January 14.
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg to Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order...
FOR RENT.—An excellent House Servant, & a Carriage Driver—Apply to— JAMES BROWN, jr. (F)
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silverers, at the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite to the Bell-Tavern, have just received a new assortment of the latest Fashions, viz:—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold dr. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy earrings, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, Pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Diets, Pen Knives and Scissors, a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladles, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases: Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate: All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily dispatched. December 4. [epf.]
THE Auction & Commission business will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the premises heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and loaf Sugar by the Hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hesson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Selt in sacks, 9 years old Brasil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, jr. (F)
NEGROES FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due Grief Truyl, will certainly be sold for cash, at Amelia court-house, on Monday the 8th of February next, two NEGROES, the property of Edwin Ladd. THOS. PERKINSON, } Trustee. JNO. T. LEIGH, } (law4w4w.) January 26.
FOR RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—FOR THREE, Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [epf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant for the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin complexion, appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumst...
FOR RENT.—An excellent House Servant, & a Carriage Driver—Apply to— JAMES BROWN, jr. (F)
FOR RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—FOR THREE, Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [epf.]