The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-02 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEOS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Tuesday, the 24th day of February next, at the V. office of the subscriber, will be sold positively, WITHOUT RESERVE, a large and general assortment of DRY GOODS—Imported last fall, consisting of Cloths, Coatings, Rose and Duffel Blankets, Casimeres, Hosiery, Kerseys, Half-Thicks, Negro Cottons, Plains, Checks, Irish Linen, Brown Hollands, Droghedies, Irish Sheetings, Diapers, Hats, Cambricks, Dimity, Wildbore, Durants, Manchester Stuff, Carpets, Seine Twine, Tapes, Bobbins, &c. &c. Together with a quantity of HARDWARE, and a great number of other articles too numerous to be specified. Also, 1 pipe and 3 quarter casks old Madeira Wine and 20 casks Porter.
Terms of sale—For all purchases under $100 cash, above $100 and under $200, 60 days, and above $200, six months credit. Negotiable notes with approved endorser will be required.
The sale will be continued from day to day until the whole quantity is sold.
JAMES BROWN, Jr.
Richmond, 18th Jan. 1808.
EDUCATION—The Trustees of the WARRENTON ACADEMY respectfully inform the public that this institution was opened on the 18th instant for the reception of students, under the superintendence of MR. WILLIAM CRAWFORD, (late one of the professors of William and Mary College;) a gentleman highly recommended, and who has produced from the Right Rev. Bishop Madison the most satisfactory testimonials of his abilities. His literary acquirements and unexceptionable moral character, are so confidently stated by that gentleman, as to justify the trustees in recommending this establishment as well calculated to promote the improvement of youth in the Greek and Latin Classics, Natural and Moral Philosophy, Laws of Nature and Nations, Political Economy, Mathematics, Geography and the use of the Globes, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic.
The healthy situation of Warrenton is well known, and the trustees conscious of the necessity of paying strict attention to the morals and orderly behavior of pupils, have devoted their time during the late vacation to this object, by making arrangements for a regular and close inspection of the Academy in all its operations; Feeling, as many of them do, all the interests of parents, is an additional pledge to the public for the execution of their intentions for promoting the welfare of the institution.
To avoid the ill effects occasioned by students having more money than is sufficient to meet the necessary disbursements during each session, a list of the established expenses of the academy is subjoined.
For the classics and various other branches above mentioned, $20 per annum; 12 in advance for the first session, ending the 1st of July; and $8 for the second, ending the 1st of December.
For English Grammar, &c. $9 for the first and 6 for the second session.
Board for the first session $40, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1—For the second session $35 for board, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1.
By order of the Trustees, J. HALL, President. R. DAVISON, Secretary. Warrenton, N. C. Jan. 30. [T&S2w]
ENOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete, consisting of:—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuff-boxes, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Mugs, Waiters, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snufter Trays and Bread Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Knives, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Ink-stands, wafers, &c.—Razors, Hones, Straps, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaster, &c.—Guns, horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurs, Pewter Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Phlegms, Dog Collars, switch & chair Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, Ivory, tortoise-shell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, hall, globe and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bottle Slides, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen & Boards, Battle Doors, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoise-shell and steel Spectacles, reading and ophthalmic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, conch-shell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated fountain Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tampering, netting and knitting Needles, Reavers' Colours, &c.—gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, segar, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Nots, Epauletts, Plumes, Sashes, Stocks, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 21. [ff]
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP. The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, Jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 15 years old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and leaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Havan and Young Hyson Teas, Coffe, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & gr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. and a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, Jr. Jan. 5. [ff]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULBS BATHURST RANDOLPH. Amche. Jan. 14. [ff]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 200 - - - 2,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dols. each, (Patent right included) 100,000. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawings, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days', each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days', each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days', each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Ollers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. TICKETS at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwhylson and Potter.
The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. [epff]
CASH SALES—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, formerly the same being by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO. HAY, BENJ. HATCHER. [epids]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [epff]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herscheil from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [ff]
THE subscriber has opened an Auction & Commission Store in the house opposite Col. Gamble's, on the cross-street, where he will receive and dispose of Goods either at public or private sale. He has now on hand, at Private Sale, prime Muscovado Sugars in hds and barrels, Loaf Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Holland Gin, French Brandy and Vidonia Wine; Pine Apple Cheese, Demijohns, and a few cases well assorted hollow Glass Ware. M. M. MYERS. Richmond, Jan. 14, 1808. [2aww]
IN CHANCERY—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andives and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants.
It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March, court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, C. M. C. Jan. 14. [2aww]
NOTICE—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Riddell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walter Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, by the subscribers or one of them, at auction, on Wednesday the 10th of next month, at the Store-House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna.
No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior encumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that encumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 137 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Barnersburg, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Payne. No. 4. A tract of 155 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 184 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 88 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hardisty. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the store-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Machunk creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of the tract he bought from William Ballinger.
Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third: except for the tract No. 3; for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior encumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold. C. COPLAND, J. PROSSER, } Trustees. Richmond, 19th Jan. 1808. [2awtds.]
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Friday the 5th day of February next, the tract of LAND in Amherst county on which Cornelius Thomas, late of that county, resided. It lies about four miles from the town of Warminster, and contains 2200 acres. Great part of it is tobacco land, equal in quality to any land in that or any other county in this state; some fine meadow land and a plenty of timber, a tolerable mill on a never-failing stream, 80 or 100 acres cleared and in order for cropping. I will sell the whole together or in lots to suit purchasers. My terms are one fourth in cash, and the balance in one, two, and three years. Bonds with approved security, or a deed of trust on the land will be required. REUBEN B. PATTESON, Attorney in fact for Cornelius Thomas. Buckingham, Jan. 9. [law4w4ff]
NEGROES FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due Grief Truly, will certainly be sold for cash, at Amelia court-house, on Monday the 8th of February next, two NEGROES, the property of Edwin Land. THOS. PERKINSON, JNO. T. LEIGH, } Trustees. January 26. [2awtds.1/4w4ff]
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAILS of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next. 1. From Fredericksburg by Orange e. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 6 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 a. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland e. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethport, Middletown, Karrisburg, Carlisle and Shippenburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnells town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburg three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburg on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. [2aww.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. [awtd.]
ADVERTISEMENT. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (if fair, if not the next fair day,) at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND; one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 205 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James Meaux, which was some years ago bought of a Mr. Harry Shackelford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Stills, very little injured, and a large Boiler. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them—those indebted will please to settle theirs as soon as possible—the estate not being in a situation for long indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE. Adm'r with the will annexed of Col. Wm. Nelson. (72awff.)
EUROPE.
From the LONDON GAZETTE. Saturday, Nov. 28.
At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 25th of November, 1807, Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas it has been represented, that it would be expedient to fix certain periods at which it shall be deemed that a reasonable time shall have elapsed for receiving information, at different places, of his Majesty's Order in Council of the 11th of November instant, respecting the trade with his Majesty's enemies, and in their produce and manufactures; his Majesty taking the same into consideration, and being desirous to obviate any difficulties that may arise in respect thereto, and also to allow ample time for the said Order being known to all persons who may be affected thereby, is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order and declare, and it is hereby ordered and declared, that information of the said Order of the 11th of November instant, shall be taken and held to have been received in the places hereinafter mentioned, at the periods respectively assigned to them; namely,
Ports and places within the Baltic—Dec. 21, 1807. Other ports and places to the Northward of Amsterdam—Dec. 11, 1807. From Amsterdam to Ushant—December 4, 1807. From Ushant to Cape Finisterre—Dec. 8, 1807. From Cape Finisterre to Gibraltar, inclusive—Dec. 13, 1807. Madeira—Dec. 13, 1807. Ports and places within the Straights of Gibraltar, to Sicily and Malta, and the West coast of Italy, inclusive—January 1, 1808. All other ports and places in the Mediterranean beyond Sicily and Malta—January 20, 1808. Ports and places beyond the Dardanelles—February 1, 1808. Any part of the North and Western coast of Africa, or the islands adjacent, except Madeira—January 11, 1808. The United States, and British Possessions in North America and the West-Indies—January 20, 1808. Cape of Good Hope, and East coast of S. America—March 1, 1808. India—May 1, 1808. China, and the coast of South America—June 1, 1808.
And every vessel sailing on or after those days, from those places respectively, shall be deemed and taken to have received notice of the aforesaid Order: And it is further ordered, that if any vessel shall sail within 20 days after the periods above assigned respectively, from any of the said places, in contravention of the said Order of the 11th Nov. inst. & shall be detained as prize on account thereof, or shall arrive at any port in this kingdom, destined to some port or place within the restriction of the said Order, and proof shall be made to the satisfaction of the Court of Admiralty, in which such vessel shall be proceeded against, in case the same shall be brought in as prize, that the loading of the said vessel had commenced before the said periods, and before information of the said Order had actually been received at the port of shipment, the said vessel, together with the goods so laden, shall be restored to the owner or owners thereof, and shall be permitted to proceed on her voyage in such manner as if such vessel had sailed before the day so specified as aforesaid: And it is further ordered, that no proof shall be admitted, or be gone into, for the purpose of showing that information of the said Order of the 11th of November instant had not been received at the said places respectively, at the several periods before assigned. W. FAWKENER.
The Gazette of Saturday contains six fresh Orders of Council, explanatory of, or accessory to, those issued on the 11th of November. The first relates to the periods at which the late Orders must be considered as being known at the ports of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America (North & South,) from whence any vessel may clear, and the dates, having no doubt been taken from prior documents, such as those at which declarants of peace and war must be considered as known, are most likely fixed with just precision and propriety. It is, however, to be understood by this Order, that any vessel sailing even twenty days after the particular date attached to the port from whence she clears, but bringing proof that she had loaded prior to that date, the said vessel shall be permitted to proceed without interruption on her original destination, so that the time of loading, and not the time of sailing, is the point to which it is chiefly proper to attend. No vessel are, however, to be allowed to offer proof, that the first Orders of Council had not reached the places from whence they cleared, at the periods fixed by the latter Orders. The Orders, therefore, of the 11th instant, are to be considered as operating from their respective dates, whether known or unknown. The second Order of Saturday we have in substance had before. It permits neutrals to export from the British islands to hostile ports, either our country manufactures, our colonial produce, or our lawful imports from other States, on paying the duties to which they are respectively subject. Foreign sugar, coffee, wine, brandy, snuff, and cotton, are not to be considered as lawful imports, and, therefore, only to be exported under a special permission. But the importation of goods allowed to be re-exported, must be a bona fide
importation: they must have been "duly entered and landed in some port or place of this kingdom;" and from such entry and landing no exports are exempted, except cargoes consisting wholly of flour, meal, grain, and other articles, the produce of friendly States, and brought to this country in vessels belonging to those states, but on no condition may cotton be re-exported without a bona fide landing and entry. The islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, are allowed to re-export British imports to any country whatever; imports from other countries they are only allowed to re-export to Great Britain and Ireland. Order the third states the regulations under which Gibraltar and Malta may become the intrepot of a trade between hostile, and neutral countries. 1. All sorts of flour, meal, grain, tobacco, or other articles in an unmanufactured state (except cotton,) imported into Gibraltar or Malta directly from the countries where they were produced, may be re-exported, where those countries, without being first landed at those islands, shall be exported from Gibraltar or Malta to any other ports than those of the United Kingdom. 2. But neither cotton, nor any other articles of foreign produce, or conveyed in foreign bottoms, shall be exported from Gibraltar or Malta to any other ports than those of the United Kingdom. 3. All articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or her Colonies, however imported into Gibraltar or Malta, may be re-exported to any ports in the Mediterranean or Portugal, under a licence granted by the Governors of those islands. 4. The Governors or Lieutenants-Governors of Gibraltar and Malta may grant permission to export from those islands to the enemy's ports in the Mediterranean, in neutral bottoms, or even in the bottoms unarmed and not exceeding 100 tons burthen, and proceeding direct to their own country, any imports from Great Britain or Neutral States into those islands; and vice versa, such vessels may import into the same islands the products of the countries bordering on the Mediterranean. The permission to trade from Gibraltar will extend beyond the Straights, as far as Cape Finisterre, North. The form and duration of the licences are specified. The States of Barbary are permitted a free trade with the ports in the Mediterranean. Order the fourth continues to exempt from seizure all colonial produce in British bottoms, which could not have been subject to such seizure before the Orders of the 11th were issued. Order the fifth contains a very liberal allowance to Prussia and Russia; to which states, in consequence of the circumstances under which they have been constrained to shut their ports against England, it is permitted to trade to or from any port of this kingdom, from neutral port to neutral, or from any port of our Allies to any place direct, specified in their clearances. The same permission, and for the same reason, namely, "because she has been compelled to shut her ports against England," is, by Order the sixth, extended to Portugal. She is likewise permitted to trade, and keep up a free intercourse with the ports of her Colonies. Thus the three original orders of Council have now produced other orders by way of explanation; for the two last Orders of Saturday's Gazette relating to Prussia and Portugal are of a perfectly novel nature. And we cannot help still thinking that article which relates to the trade of Gibraltar and Malta; the two first clauses of which, if not directly contradictory to each other, yet admit of such interchangeable exposition, that transgressors against one clause will be sure to find shelter in the other.
From Bell's Weekly Messenger. The public are at length put in possession of those official instruments with which the Neutral Nations have so long been threatened, and the appearance of them in the Gazette is hailed with a species of triumph, such as we might expect from a grand naval military victory. These Orders of Council are considered by many as deciding the great issue of the war. They regard them as the point of reserve, which we have long cherished for the day of trouble,—as the ultimum supplicium , to be poured out upon the enemy in the last exigency. The Confederacy has split and bulged to its last timber; but there was yet a resource left in our GAZETTE, and an Order of Council is expected to do that, which the coalesced strength of Europe has attempted in vain. What object are they expected to answer? To give our merchants access to the ports of the Continent, and force our commodities upon them in spite of the prohibition of their Ruler? No; this, we are told, is not to be expected. It meant then to operate as an exclusion of Neutral Powers from that trade which we are prohibited from carrying on ourselves,—and as a punishment for their acquiescence in those commercial restraints, which the enemy had imposed upon them. Yes; this we are told is one of the main contemplations of these several Orders. But there is another object, which exceeds them all in importance, and is likely to produce the most magnificent results.—It is, that, by this measure, we effectually cut off Bonaparte from all Colonial resources; we interdict him the use of tea and sugar, and oblige him, who has withstood every other pressure, to surrender the demands of the coffee-house.—It is presumed that, without tobacco and sugar, his army must mutiny, and his people rebel; that his sceptre is no longer safe in his grasp, than while he can quiet his soldiers with rum and segars. With regard to the enemy, it appears to us to be one of the most ineficacious projects to reduce him which was ever devised. The West-India produce is, doubtless, an article of consumption, which from use and habit, has become in France as in other countries, almost a prime necessary of life.—But Bonaparte will deny his people this, and what more, his people themselves will have the spirit to submit to the denial, sooner than be starved into capitulation and surrender, by the want of lump sugar, and a pinch of snuff. The hand which did not hesitate, for the purposes of this ambition, to break into the domestic asylum, and tear away the devoted conscript from the arms of his family, will not feel much compunction in emptying the powder-box, and subtracting the comforts of breakfast table. Has he not already denied to France the most useful and necessary articles of manufacture; has he not already prohibited the produce of our looms and forges, our Manchester muslins, and our Birmingham hardware, and is he likely to feel less scruple with respect to the commodities of Cuba, or St. Iago? Assuredly not; he cares little or nothing for his West-India colonies; he is

going by land to our colonies, and not by sea: he will find a road through Asia which we deny him by the Atlantic.
But we are blocking the Continent, we are cutting the enemy off from the rest of the world! This is the cry, this is the triumph! His Rules, one would think however, are large enough: he has Europe for his range, and is imprisoned in the better half of the civilized universe.
Our blockade is the most ridiculous thing in the world; it is, with little or no pressure upon the enemy, one of the most complicated and expensive projects we can possibly pursue.
Does it repay us by giving us commerce? Certainly not; we may possess the sea; but the commerce is not with the sea, but with the land. The sea, unless it ensures the access of the land, is a barren dominion: it is Napoleon who is in the midst of the harvest. He has the command of the market who keeps us out of it; not he, who excludes others, because he cannot obtain admission for himself.
Useless, and contemptible therefore, as we conceive this project with respect to the enemy, how are we to consider it as it relates to neutral powers?—They are to be punished, it seems, for not remonstrating against the commercial restraints which Bonaparte has imposed upon them; in other words, they are to be subject to the same law from us, which they have been content to receive from him.
Now it seems almost an insult to reproach them with not remonstrating—REMONSTRATE! what would have been the effect of their remonstrance? They were obliged to submit to any terms, to carry on a commerce, by which they subsist, according to the humours of the enemy.
Are we to punish them, therefore, for not doing that which, if done, would have been ineffectual, and which, even if attempted, would have exposed them to infinite hazards?
Let us suppose that France had said to America, (which, in truth, she has said to all neutrals)—“If you bring me any English goods, or suffer your ships to touch at any British ports, I will order them to be confiscated; but you may bring me, with this exception whatever commodities of your own you please.—Suppose we say, America had remonstrated upon this! What would France have done?—FORBID HER COMMERCE ALTOGETHER, AND SHUT HER HARBOURS AGAINST HER.—Was America, therefore bound to remonstrate against this limitation, at so great a hazard?—Certainly not: it was a part of her neutral rights which, if she chose, she had a right to concede; it was sacrificing a part to preserve the rest; it was pursuing that self-interest which she had a right to pursue.—Quisque potest renuntiare juri pro se introducto,—is a law of natural and undoubted right.
We have always been accustomed to speak our sentiments with freedom and firmness; we write neither to nor from a party, but rest our credit upon our impartiality.—We will declare, therefore, that whilst others stand by, rubbing their hands at the present havoc that they are likely to make in neutral commerce, we are more inclined to wring our: we regret it from our hearts, and we think that we have given our reasons sufficiently in our two last Papers upon American commerce.
These orders, we take it, are as good as a declaration of war against America; and their effect will be instead of reducing the tone, and crippling the means of one enemy, to give us another. We shall then have to fight with all the world for commerce, without a soul to buy an article from us; and whilst we rule the sea, there will not be an inch of coast free to receive a bale of our commodities.
As Englishmen, and the sincerest lovers of our country, we regret this mismanagement, from our souls.
NEW-YORK, January 22.
We have been for some time in possession of the fact, that the King of Spain had been induced to pardon the Prince of Asturias, who had engaged in a conspiracy to deprive him of his throne: but as we could not announce it officially, we have preferred waiting until some arrival from Spain should enable us to give it a more authentic “form and pressure,” than could be done from oral testimony. We have received the following from Cadiz:
Extract of a letter, dated Nov. 18.
“Political affairs seem more and more perplexing, daily. The reigning family of Portugal, are to be annihilated, and that country annexed to this, and no doubt some other compensation taken from this.
“Some private disturbances in the Royal Family here, have occasioned two extraordinary publications of the government, of which I enclose you the copies. The fact is, that the Prince of Asturias and the Prince of Peace are sworn enemies, and of course, one or the other must fall. With these unfortunate differences the whole country is kept in a state of suspense and alarm, which, however ridiculous it may appear to foreigners, gives a temporary suspension to every kind of business, and occasions the demands from the interior to be very limited.”
TRANSLATED FOR THE MERCANTILE ADVERTISER.
In a letter of the 6th inst. the Secretary of the Public Granary and Government of the Royal Council wrote to his Excellency the Corregidor of this city as follows:
“Most Excellent Sir,
“Under date of the 5th inst. his majesty sent to the Council the following Royal decree:
“The voice of nature arrests the arm of vengeance—and where a son repents an inadvertent act, we cannot refuse to act as an affectionate father. My son has already declared the authors of the horrible plan which they had caused him to enter upon, to be wretches; all which he has done in a proper manner, altogether consistent with that formality which the law requires in similar cases. His repentance and fear have dictated the representations which he has made to me and which follow.—“Royal Sire, I have erred. I have sinned against your Majesty as a King, and as a father. But I repent, and offer to your majesty the most implicit obedience. I ought to have done nothing without the knowledge of your Majesty; I was blinded. I have, however, discovered the culprits, and I beseech your majesty to forgive me, and permit me to approach your royal presence as your acknowledged Son.
“FERNANDO.
San Lorenzo, Nov. 5th, 1807.
“Royal Mother, I repent myself of the horrid crime I
have committed against my Royal Father, and with the greatest humility supplicate your majesty's pardon for it; likewise for my gross obstinacy in denying the truth a few nights since; and now, from the bottom of my heart, I beseech your majesty to deign to intercede with my Father, that he will permit me to approach him as his forgiven Son.
FERNANDO.
San Lorenzo, Nov. 5th, 1807.
“In consequence of these, and of the entreaties of the Queen my beloved spouse, I pardon my son, and will restore him into favor, when his conduct shall prove that he has undergone a thorough reform. And I hereby command those Judges, who have been acquainted with the business from the commencement, to act according to the sentence of the law, according to the atrocity of the crimes and the quality of the criminals, taking as a guide for the formation of the charges the answers of the Prince which are drawn up and signed in his own hand writing, as well as the papers found in his desk, also written by him.
“All this you are to communicate to my councils and tribunals; publishing it to my people, that they may behold my mercy and justice, and that it may alleviate the affliction and uneasiness into which they were thrown by my former decree; since in it they beheld the danger of their sovereign, who reciprocates their affection by loving them as children.
San Lorenzo, Nov. 5th, 1807.
“To the Governor of the Council.”
The foregoing decree, published in full this day, I have fulfilled, and communicate it to your Excellency, in order that you may circulate it immediately among all the Judges within your jurisdiction, for the purposes which are expressed therein; and please advise me of having complied with it.
This is sent to your excellency for your government.
God preserve your Excellency many years.
DON JOSEPH MONTEMAYOR. Cadiz, November 15th, 1807.
LONDON, Dec. 4.
The Declaration of the Emperor of Russia.—It contains an exposition of every thing but the real motives of the war with Great-Britain—viz. that Bonaparte had promised to assist Russia in her views against Turkey, if she went to war with this country. The declaration sets out with complaining of the conduct of the late ministers of their apathy and supineness—of their having neglected to make any division in favour of the Russian and Prussian troops in Poland—instead of having thrown troops into Naples—It is certainly impossible to defend the conduct of the late ministers; it was most deplorable. But we cannot see upon what grounds the emperor of Russia considers the cause, for which he took up arms, more our own than his; he held a different language when he entered into the war with France. But he has offered to mediate peace for us, and we rejected his mediation—that is, we did not choose to confide our interests to a power, which possessed none of the qualities of a mediator, which had just accepted part of the spoils of her own ally, and having herself solicited the mediation of our enemy to re-establish peace between her and Turkey, would of course have endeavored to propitiate France by the sacrifice of the interests of Great-Britain, who had invested her with the office of mediator. But what just cause of war does this refusal of the Russian mediation give the emperor Alexander? We were precisely to accept or reject it as we thought proper; and a power which makes the rejection of her offer of mediation, a ground of war, only proves to us that she would not have conducted herself with the impartiality that ought to be the chief characteristic of a mediator. The emperor of Russia himself thus affords a justification of our conduct in having refused his mediation.
Next comes our attack upon Denmark, and because that is made so prominent a charge against us, the opposition consider the declaration as having verified the statement which they gave yesterday, and which we arraigned—and how does it verify it? No man imagined that Russia would not, in any declarations he published, state the expedition to Denmark as one of the grounds of war—but we stated, and we state again, that our conduct to Denmark is not the real cause of the war, that Russia would have gone to war, whether we had seized the Danish fleet or not. But how is this opposition statement verified with respect to Spain? Our conduct to Spain was said to have been another cause of the displeasure of the emperor of Russia—but not a word is said against us in the declaration on account of our seizure of the Spanish frigates; and yet the declaration seems very carefully and industriously to have collected and concentrated every possible ground of charge and attack.
After having expressed great indignation at our having offered peace to Denmark under the guarantee, (a strange cause for indignation,) the emperor gives a rapid sketch of the policy which he means to adopt towards us.—There are to be henceforth no relations between the two countries—the emperor abrogates “for ever every act hitherto concluded between Great-Britain and Russia, and particularly the convention concluded in 1801.” He proclaims anew the principles of the armed neutrality, that monument of the wisdom of the empress Catherine, and binds himself never to recede from that system.—The wisdom of the empress Catherine! would her wisdom have thrown her into the arms of France, and made her the tool and engine of the vengeance of Bonaparte? would she have made Petersburg a department of the French empire? the emperor has indeed pronounced his determination to carry on interminable war against us—for never—no, never can Great-Britain recognize those principles from which “his imperial majesty binds himself never to recede.”
His imperial majesty expects that his Britannic majesty will conclude a peace with France; and “when he shall be satisfied upon all these points, especially upon that of a peace between France and England, his imperial majesty will then willingly return to the relations of amity with Great-Britain.”—Here is an open declaration that the Emperor Alexander has made common cause with France, that he will not return to the relations of amity with us, till we have made a maritime peace with France, upon the terms which Bonaparte has publicly avowed—a peace which the emperor Alexander declares shall confirm and establish the principles of the armed neutrality—a peace which Bonaparte declares shall restore the freedom of the seas; in other words, which shall aim a fatal blow at our naval sovereignty, and surrender us up to the views & machinations of France. Never! Never can such a peace be made by Great-Britain while she has a ship or a seaman to navigate the ocean. No—though the whole continent is against us, from north to south, from east to west—from the North Pole to the Mediterranean—though a population of fourteen millions must contend with a population of one hundred millions—No, never can we accept peace upon such terms. The very idea of them will arm all hands, and nerve all hearts.—The question is now, whether we shall continue the war to preserve the sovereignty of the seas, upon which
our greatness, our glory, our independence, and our existence depends.—Or—whether we shall make peace upon those terms, upon which peace can only now be made; a peace that shall surrender up the sovereignty of the seas!
It is sufficient to state the question—we know that the answer of every man in England will be Courier.
Advices from Port-au-Prince, dated Dec. 8, received at Nassau, N. P. state, “That great confusion existed in the south quarter of St. Domingo; several of the blacks in the vicinity of Jacmel had revolted against the government of Benoit, and a general massacre, who formerly commanded at Jacmel, had rebelled. He gained a regiment over to his plan, but being taken with twenty of his followers, his views were frustrated; he poisoned himself, and the rest were to be shot. Coffee very scarce and dear at all the ports and will be so until the new crop comes in.—The markets are said to be overstocked with all kinds of European commodities.”
DOMESTIC.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 23.
We are authorised by some of the friends of General Moreau, to state, that the rumors which have been published respecting the object of his journey to New-Orleans, are altogether unfounded. It is to be hoped that the public mind will not receive any unjust or improper prejudice, from the groundless rumours of the day.
Department of State, 23d Jan 1808.
MERCHANTS and others wishing to forward letters to Europe are informed that a vessel under the orders of the government, will sail from New-York on the 10th day of February, or as soon thereafter as possible, which will deliver at L'Orient and Falmouth all such letters as may be respectively consigned to those ports, or to other places through the same.
The postage on the letters must be paid to New-York.
It is stated, that the French ship L'Eole, of 74 guns is aground on Hawkins' Point, a few miles below the fort at Baltimore. She was going to winter quarters.
The Military Court of Enquiry in the case of General Wilkinson met on Wednesday the 20th inst. and adjourned till the 25th inst. without transacting any business.
CHILLICOTHE, Jan. 5.
Burr, Blennerhassett, and Luther Martin, three choice spirits, who compose a triumvirate of worthies, did not think it advisable to make their appearance at the circuit court, which commenced its session yesterday in this town.—It would be a matter of peculiar gratification to many of the citizens of the Western Country, if Mr. Martin would be so good as to tell the public what has become of his honorable and much respected friend, Col. Burr. The colonel, we readily admit, did not receive justice in the city of Richmond; but we are intirely persuaded, that if he will come hither, he will be fairly tried according to his works.
The court, composed of judges Todd and Byrd, directed that Aaron Burr should be called and his recognizance read; and a forfeiture of this recognizance will no doubt be entered. The council for Blennerhassett objected to the reading of that gentleman's recognizance. He contended that errors were contained in it, and that he conceived it to be indispensably necessary that Blennerhassett should be first served with a notice, before it can with propriety be said that, his recognizance is forfeited. Upon this subject, the counsel for and against Burr, and Blennerhassett, were debating, when it became necessary for the Predonian to be put to press. In our next number we shall furnish our readers with the proceedings of the court.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, Jan. 7.
DEBATE.
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Burwell's motion for calling on Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clark for information, being yet under consideration.
Mr. Randolph conceived that some weight was due to the representation which had been made to the House by the gentleman from New-Orleans; and if that gentleman was called upon to state what was within his knowledge on the subject, that means should be afforded him to substantiate what he might testify. It was due to the gentleman's character that means should be afforded to him of supporting his oath by corroborative testimony. The situation of that gentleman was indeed as he had expressed it, extremely delicate, and when they considered the weight of evidence which might be brought, and which had indeed in part been produced, it must be allowed that the gentleman's representation was entitled to the candid consideration of this House. Mr. R. said he scarcely felt himself justified, friendly as he was to the motion, in voting for it under these circumstances. He did not say that he should vote against it; but if he voted for it, it would be with a reluctance which he had not believed it was possible for him to have felt on this occasion.
It was evident to his mind, that the course which was pursued in the year 1791, on the subject of Gen. St. Clair's defeat, was the course which ought to have been taken in this instance. He should be told perhaps by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) who at the same time contradicted his argument by the vote which he was about to give, of the incompetency of this House, to make the enquiry, of their usurping the powers of the Executive, and of their interfering with matters which did not concern them, to the extreme prejudice of the citizen. Was this an ordinary case and to be measured by the ordinary rules of common practice? Certainly not. It had been likened to cases of murder or treason. There was no similarity. In cases of murder the relatives of the deceased would always be ready to urge a prosecution. In cases of treason, there were officers appointed as public accusers, and grand juries, whose province and duty it was to enquire into infractions of the civil law. The offence charged upon this person was not merely a military offence, but was of a peculiar nature—not merely as it regarded the act itself, but as it regarded the person by whom the act was committed. He would ask gentlemen if they had ever heard in the course of their lives, of a court martial held upon the conduct of a commander in chief? Was it held in the case of St. Clair? Such a court must be composed of subaltern officers, who might be induced to put the commander out of the way that they might mount the ladder of promotion, or might be influenced by his former military authority over
them. They must be ruled by every breath, whether real or imaginary, with every suspicion they might entertain of the disposition of the supreme power towards the individual over whom they sate in judgment. Mr. R. believed it was for this reason that no man had ever heard, at least he had not, of a court martial upon a commander in chief. Now, when he had the honor of laying before the House the resolution which brought forward this discussion, his object had not extended to a military enquiry—he had not contemplated such a thing as a military enquiry; neither would a military enquiry entail his object, which was, that the President of the U. S. to whom the commander in chief was responsible, should institute an enquiry into the conduct of that officer, & that he should, after having obtained all the evidence (and he might say, all the information) which was attainable, act as justice to the individual and to the country, but more especially as a regard to the public safety, might require—and Mr. R. would go further and say, as a regard to public opinion might require. His excellent friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) had a few days ago told them that it was impossible that the people of the U. S. could repose confidence in the commander in chief under present circumstances; the consequence would be that the militia might not turn out under such a commander.
In the irregular manner in which he was sensible he was addressing the House, that it was certainly not his purpose to say anything which had not a direct bearing on the question. Mr. R. said he would make a few more observations.
They were asked for authority on which to adopt the proposed measure. Was it fair (although in his opinion the case of St. Clair was a case in point) in a government like ours, scarcely twenty years of age, yet in its infancy, to ask for precedents in every case? Must there not occur almost daily cases novel in their nature, cases unforeseen and unprecedented? As carriers of the constitution, as persons vested with the trust of seeing the constitution faithfully executed, they had a right to act in this and every other matter in such a manner as would in their judgment promote the public safety and the public good, so that they did not trench on the exclusive provinces of other departments of the government, or on the authority of the states, or transgress the restrictions imposed upon them by the constitution. The gentleman from Pennsylvania had quoted the constitutional provisions touching the life and liberty of the citizen in common criminal cases. Let the gentleman, said Mr. R. take the constitution in one hand and the rules and articles of war in the other, and see how they would agree in this sense. But did not the gentleman himself, in quoting the constitution, read an exception of all cases, arising in the land and naval service; and therefore to talk of an invasion of the rights of the citizen, while the House was taking measures for the detection and exposure, and removal from office, (if guilty) of a dangerous military character, was entirely idle. There was one motive that might be assigned for making this enquiry, which Mr. R. considered sound; which was, that, after this House should have taken such measures as they deemed the public good to require, if those departments of the government whose business it was also to supervise the public concerns, were remiss in their duty, such conduct would be one of the strongest reasons for the proper punishment of such departments; and the power to apply this punishment rested at least in part with this House.
Mr. R. would suppose that the House were in possession of information, instead of Aaron Burr, the late Vice-President of the U. S. States having conspired against our national existence, that the commander in chief was that conspirator. Suppose this case, (said Mr. R.) and that we were to have been put out of this House, not by Aaron Burr—but by James Wilkinson. Suppose such information were in possession of the House; should we do our duty, if, instead of wasting our time in idle debate, we did not request the President instantly to cause an enquiry? But it seemed that the party in question had enjoyed the confidence of a long line of Presidents, and that this was one reason for supposing him innocent. Suppose him innocent, said Mr. R. that is one of the best reasons for assenting to an enquiry which is to establish that innocence. But how long had it become a principle in our government that confidence, not only in Presidents, but in any in whom they might have confided at any time, was to become the sole rule of action to the legislature of the country? If they had acted on the principle of confidence, they would have said that it was equally impossible that Aaron Burr, a man who had been a senator of the U. S. from the great and respectable state of N. York, and who had enjoyed the important office of Vice-President of the U. S. by an equal vote with the present President—should be guilty of the crimes laid to his charge. But this sort of reasoning did not accord with fact. Ours is not a government of confidence, said Mr. R. It is a government of diffidence and suspicion, and it is only by being suspicious that it can remain a free government.
He observed that it was a wonderful revolution in human affairs that could give sanctity to and bleach into unsullied whiteness characters that had remained under suspicion, and strong suspicion too, for years.—When the present President of the U. S. first came into power, it was a question with the leading and he might say ruling party, whether the army of the U. S. could not be reduced so that the highest commander should be excluded. There was a most decided majority (as the gentlemen then in Congress knew) in favor of that reduction; but by a finesse unparallelled perhaps in legislative history, the disposition of that majority was eluded and evaded, and matters were suffered to stand as they now are. But at that very session, he believed, so little was confidence the order of the day, that in order to prevent (this was not said on the floor of the House, but publicly spoken out of doors) the embezzlement not merely of Spanish dollars, but of our own, to cut off all possibility of peculation, a fixed salary was given to the commander in chief. Mr. R. said he had then his opinions on the subject—they were not new. He was informed from a respectable source of the government—he would not name it, but he believed it was from the same channel that a dozen members of the House received the information—that such a step was absolutely necessary. And at this day, after these facts were known, should a character remain unspotted which had so long lain under odium? He knew that it had been a very general opinion with many members of the House, that at the moment the President of the U. S. had put his name to that act, he would think it a matter of course to remove the officer who had compelled them in self-defence to pass that law.
Upon this subject Mr. R. said he felt no bias. In discussing the conduct of a person whom he believed, upon the very best evidence, to have been six or eight years ago guilty of peculation—a person against whom he had been compelled to say that he believed him to be guilty of misprision of treason—he felt no hesitation. It would be mere affectation to pretend to feel any; it was out of the question. The gentleman from Pennsylvania or any other might say what he pleased about this person's being prejudged; but the case had been prejudged long ago; and it was impossible to proceed on it without prejudging on one side or the other.
While up, as it might save trouble, and as he found some little contradiction in the public prints respecting the papers which he had submitted to the House, he would take the liberty of telling the House at what time and in what way they came into his hands. On Thursday, the day preceding Christmas day, (said Mr. R.) a gentleman, an utter stranger to me, gave me some information that he had conceived might be interesting to me as a private man; and at the same time informed me that evidence of this kind was within my reach. The purport of it was stated to me at several different times; and the day preceding that on which I submitted the matter to the consideration of the House, Power's letter was put into my hands. I immediately called upon the Secretary of the Treasury, and asked him if he knew, or if government were apprized that there existed information of this nature, who replied that they were not: I then requested him inasmuch as it would be brought forward in a public way, to say nothing about it. And, on the next day, although I had seen them before, the certified copy of the cyphered letter to Gayoso and the copy of the original of the Baron de Carondelet's letter to Capt. Portier were put into my hands—the very day on which their contents were disclosed to this House. I have nothing more to say. (Debate to be continued.)
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 2, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
THE conduct of those who call themselves the friends of Mr. Monroe, is so extraordinary, that we are at a loss whether to regard them as a new party compounded of the most heterogeneous materials, or as men who labour under a strange infatuation. They profess, however, to adhere to Republican principles; they wish to see a Republican President in the chair; and they support Col. Monroe, not because they doubt the integrity, talents and patriotism of Mr. Madison, but because they hold the other in higher estimation. Before the caucus was held in this place, we heard in every quarter, the triumphant declarations of these gentlemen, that Mr. Monroe would meet the support of the Legislature of this state. After that meeting had refuted their sanguine calculations, they were equally confident that Congress would decide the point in favor of their candidate; and letters were received, or said to be received, asserting that Massachusetts and Maryland would instruct their representatives to vote for Mr. Monroe. This prediction, like the former, proved fallacious—and out of 69 republican members, only three voted for that gentleman. It was now to be expected, that all those who call themselves republicans, would have united in favor of the man who seemed to be the choice of the majority of the representatives of the people. Here again we are deceived. The minority after every defeat, and extract hope from despair. Their mode of attack only is changed—They now rail at caucuses in general, tell the people that the elective franchise is wrested from them, and appeal at once, from these illicit nocturnal assemblies, to the people at large. Yes: these republicans are resolved to produce a schism in their own party, merely because they feel a personal preference for a man, who, in point of talents, is not superior to his opponent, and in point of integrity, patriotism and services, stands as they acknowledge, nearly on the same footing. For these few shades of difference, at a time when the republican cause is assailed in every quarter by open hostility and artful intrigue, when we stand on the brink of a rupture with the most formidable power of the earth, when all our hopes are staked upon an inviolable union; at this time, are these gentlemen prepared to scatter the seeds of discord among the American People. Already do our political antagonists exult their heads; already they catch a distant glimpse of these Elysian seats, where they once riot in the fullness of enjoyment; again do we see them, in their own proper element, moving in the midnight caucus; giving and receiving the fraternal hug from men, who, in the year 1804, were anxious to drive them precipitately, from every paltry clerkship in the state; and who thought it inapostasy in any republican to allow a federalist, to have any participation in the management of his own money, in the Bank. Happy times! A political millennium has at length arrived, when the tyger fondles the kid, and the vulture sports with the dove. And what has produced this glorious revolution? What has proclaimed peace in Israel? What is the ground on which these irreconcilable enemies have at length met in so much harmony? To elect Col. Monroe, President of the United States! The man, who, above all others, has been the object of federal malice, obloquy and invective; the man who was once recalled from France, as a disgraced minister, and who would have been consigned to eternal infamy, if the native integrity of his heart had not triumphed over their malignant efforts; this man is now the theme of their panegyric, and the President of their choice. The understanding of Col. Monroe is too correct, to be deceived by such shallow artifices; and he must be well aware, that whether he is the subject of federal eulogy or abuse, he is equally the object of their hostility.
A writer, under the signature of Hortensius, has entered the lists in support of Col. Monroe's election. He commences, by telling us, that he took the liberty of addressing the public on the 19th instant, but that his piece came too late for the caucus which was held on the 21st instant. His complaint seems to be quite unfounded; for by his own account, his medicine had two days to operate, and it must have been of a very gentle quality, if it could not have had its effect, in that time. The piece alluded to, was signed A. B. But Hortensius is egregiously mistaken, if he anticipated any very salutary effects from such a production. The truth is, that although the friends of Mr. Monroe should remove every suspicion that may be thrown on his character, it could not change the determination of the friends of Mr. Ma-

disson. Their choice arises from the intrinsic merits of that gentleman, and not from his relative excellence. Passing by the strictures of Hortensius, on the place where the caucus was held, we are arrested by the following extraordinary paragraph: "The friends of Mr. Madison, in Washington, had already effected their object. It was intimated, though in terms somewhat indefinite, that Mr. Munroe had resigned in favor of Mr. Madison; and in the same communication, unequivocally affirmed, that Mr. Madison would unquestionably be supported by the great mass of the republican interest, throughout the United States, as well as the state of Virginia." The writer goes on to say, that this impression is still avowed, and that many voted for Mr. Madison, in consequence of it. As for the report that Mr. Munroe had resigned in favor of Mr. Madison, if such a report existed, it could have produced no effect; and for this, among other reasons, because A. B. who seemed to be in the confidence of Col. Munroe, had expressly declared that he had not resigned. With regard to the other assertion made by the friends of Mr. Madison in Washington, that he would be supported by the great mass of the republican interest throughout the United States, I will appeal to any man but Hortensius, to say, whether the event has not proved its truth. The whole number of republican members in Congress, is 148. Mr. Madison, therefore, had a majority of 13, of the whole number of republicans. But of those republicans who were actually at Washington, exclusive of the New-York delegation, who did not attend; the number was only 120. Mr. Madison therefore had a majority of forty-six, of the whole number of republicans, exclusive of those from New-York, and then in Washington; including the New-York delegation, he had a majority of 28. There were ten republicans absent from the city. Granting that Mr. Madison would only have had one half of these, the result will still be the same. It appears therefore, that Mr. Madison had a clear majority of all the republicans in Congress; and that the report of his having the "great mass of the republican interest throughout the U. States," was strictly true. It was not like the poor and fatherless rumour, about Massachusetts and Maryland; but one which defies all the efforts of sophistry. But in making these calculations, it is fair to compare Mr. Madison's strength, not with the whole number of republicans, but with those who supported Mr. Munroe. The question is, which of these two gentlemen will command the largest number of republican votes? How then will it stand? At the caucus, for Madison 83; for Munroe 5. This result would probably not have been altered, if the New-York delegation had attended; as it is presumed they would have been for Clinton. It is impossible to say, how the remaining republicans, then in Washington, would have voted, if they had been at the caucus; but it is fair to suppose, that they would have been divided in the same proportions. It follows, therefore, that if Madison is compared with Munroe, he has an immense majority; and if there is any man who can be put in competition with him, it is not Munroe, but Clinton.
Let us next see, what was the relative strength of these gentlemen in Virginia. At the Bell-Tavern 123; at the Capitol 10; in all 133 for Madison—Deduct from these, two federalists, leaving 131. For Munroe 57; Deduct at least 17 federalists—This leaves 40 republicans for Col. Munroe. The majority in favor of Madison, is 91 republicans! And yet Hortensius is surprised, that the friends of Mr. Madison still avow the opinion, that he will have the support of the great mass of republicans.
Hortensius says, that this impression induced many to attend the Bell-Tavern, who, but for that impression, "would have voted for Mr. Munroe." Hortensius delights in general phrases, and hopes to conceal the weakness of his party, under the ambiguous term "many." The truth is, that only two gentlemen declared themselves to be governed by this consideration; and one of these spoke rather of his personal attachment to Colonel Munroe, than of his preference for him as a politician.
Hortensius says that the caucus at Washington proves that Mr. Madison has not a majority of the whole number of electors. This remark can only be true, if we count the federalists as well as Republicans; because Mr. Madison has an unquestionable majority of the latter. But how long is it, since we have been in the habit of consulting our political opponents, as to the persons whom we think proper to support as President & V. P.? Was it done in 1800 when the great struggle was made, which terminated in the complete ascendancy of Republican principles? Was it done in 1804, when a second victory secured the superiority of the same principles? No. At that time the line between the two parties was broad, visible, and distinct. No republican then calculated on federal support to carry a favorite candidate. It was reserved for these happy days, to see how cordially men of opposite politics can unite in favor of a character who is peculiarly odious to one of the parties. Let it not be supposed that I mean to cast any illiberal reflections on the federal party. Their conduct is perfectly natural; and their views are such as any other party would entertain, under similar circumstances. But it is for that very reason, that I am opposed to any thing like a compromise. My opinions have been uniform; as I was opposed in the year 1804 to the senseless clamor which was excited, so am I equally an enemy to any coalition, which will tend to adulterate republican with federal principles. The two systems are antipathetic to each other. Either the one or the other may be right; but a mixture of the two must be wrong. It is essential for the welfare of this country, that an impassable gulf should divide them. Let us once admit the propriety of forming combinations between the two parties for particular objects, and a system of intrigue and corruption will ensue, which will undermine the morals of the country, and sap the foundations of our government.
It will be said perhaps that no such compromise has taken place. I will not assert that it has; but I hope most cordially that it has not. But let us admit that this union is purely accidental; and that the federal party have made a voluntary contribution of their support to the man whom they have most injured. It will be worthy of enquiry, to look a little into futurity, and anticipate the necessary consequences, that we may avert the evil before it is too late. On one side we see the "great mass of the Republicans" arrayed; on the other, a small portion of these reinforced by "the great mass" of the federalists. The latter are therefore united, quoad hoc . Whether this unity of object may not produce a sympathy of feeling; whether this sympathy may not create a more intimate connection on other subjects; whether this intimate connection may not excite suspicions in the breasts of their former political associates, and finally eventuate in the total alienation of the two parties; I shall not stop to enquire. I believe that if I should answer all these questions in the affirmative, I might find ample testimony in the page of history, in confirmation of my opinion. But let us take a more simple view of the subject. We know that there is no question which excites the animosity of men in so great a degree, as that of an election; and although this particular election is but in its incipient state, I believe that Hortensius is the only man who can boast of perfect moderation. In the progress of the contest, these sparks of dissatisfaction will be blown up into a flame of open hostility. If the coalesced powers should fail in placing their candidate in the Presidential chair, wounded pride, and the exultation of their opponents, will forbid them to return to the republican fold. They will find much more consolation among their companions in misfortune. If, on the other hand, they shall give to America a President, in opposition to the "great mass" of the Republicans; the same irritated feelings, the same indignant resentments, will throw their weight in the opposite scale to such an administration. The president then is to be supported by a party formed of the most discordant materials; and this singular phenomenon will be exhibited; that of those who support him, his real friends will be the minor part; whilst his most inveterate enemies will be the majority. But most coalitions contain within themselves the seeds of their own destruction. The federalists will unquestionably feel their own importance, and put in their claim for some of the leaves and fishes. They will assert their right to have a share in some of the measures of the government. If the republican part of the administration should revolt at this, their federal friends will reply, to this effect: "Do you claim an exclusive right to dictate the measures of an administration, which, but for us, would never have existed? Have you forgotten already, the great obligations which you owe to us, for having given you the President of your choice? Is it inconsistent with your republican maxims, that a minority should govern the majority? Do you not remember the time when you were anxious to solicit our support; when we found you naked, and clothed you; when we found you hungry, and fed you; or rather when we picked you up as an estray upon the highway, claimed by no party? But if this appeal to your gratitude is ineffectual, at least 'saves the painful necessity, of proving by our acts, that as we have raised you to power, we can at once precipitate you from your elevation.' It is difficult to conceive how such cogent arguments, so powerfully supported, could be overcome. It is a dreadful alternative for frail mortality to choose between political apostasy, and political annihilation.
But what will be the condition of the wretched president who fills the chair of state under such circumstances? God forbid that the worthy and respectable man, who is contemplated as the victim of such an election, should ever be placed in so painful a dilemma. I invoke his better judgment to rescue himself and his country from such embarrassments. I invoke the patriotism of many of those gentlemen, whose fervent attachment and exalted admiration of his virtues, have transported them beyond the limits of prudence, to pause on the brink of a precipice, which threatens to overwhelm the cause of republicanism.
It was my intention to have concluded my remarks on Hortensius, in the present number. But the subject in which I have engaged, has been so fruitful in reflection, that I cannot trespass longer on your patience. At another time, I shall resume my strictures on Hortensius.
TULLIUS.
MY OWN OPINIONS.
I believe that James Madison and James Munroe are each of them eminently qualified for the office of President of the U. S.—No man can more highly respect the talents, the services and the political principles of James Munroe, than myself—but I conscientiously believe, that under existing circumstances he ought not to be brought forward as a candidate for the Presidential chair—and that the best interests of the republican cause, and of our common country imperiously call upon the citizens of Virginia to support James Madison.
What is the greatest evil which can befall us, next to the establishment of a King or the dissolution of our union? I firmly believe that it is the division of the republican party. I believe that the unity and indivisibility of that party is the great pillar of our prosperity, and ought to be the great polar star of every genuine republican. I believe that the collision of Madison and Munroe is calculated to produce mutual accusation & unfriendly recrimination; a schism that is not to be healed—and a division that is never to be removed; and that the successful candidate is destined to rank among the opponents of his administration those who were the opponents of his election.
I believe that it is the duty of the friends of that candidate, who appears to be in the minority of the nation, to relinquish their favorite candidate, rather than to endanger the union of the republicans. And the only question can be, whether Madison or Munroe is in the minority of the nation. It is my firm belief from all the information which I have received, that Mr. Munroe stands little or no chance of being the next President of the U. S. I derive this belief from the triumphant ascendancy of Mr. Madison in the caucus at Washington, and from concurrent information from all quarters of the union. This belief is still further fortified by the force of peculiar circumstances; by the unwillingness of a great people to behold a man, like Mr. Madison, sacrificed to the most unfounded aspersions on his integrity; by the well grounded alarm which must be excited in the bosoms of the republicans, by the strange, unfortunate and surely accidental co-operation between the friends of Mr. Munroe and the enemies of the administration; and by some other circumstances of the times which must occur to every man, who has observed the recent fluctuations of parties.
I believe, that a collision between these two gentlemen is not only calculated to divide the republican party, but to have a most unfortunate bearing upon our British relations. I believe the determination of Col. Munroe's real friends not to abandon their favorite candidate, until our negotiation with England is concluded, bespeaks a language which it would ill become me to interpret.
I believe, therefore, that any attempt to bring forward Col. Munroe at this crisis, is not only calculated to render very little service to himself, but to inflict the severest casualties upon our country.
Some objections have been made to the recommendations of the caucus at Washington, and some efforts have been made to detract from the weight of that measure. I believe, for my own part, that this system is not absolutely destitute of objections; but the only reasonable question is, where is there a better plan? The members of Congress have just as much right (as citizens) to recommend a President and Vice-President, as the republican delegates of Virginia have to frame an electoral ticket. There must be some plan to produce a concert and harmony of operations between men of the same party, or else their influence will be lost by division, and their enemies will conquer by superior prudence.
The Representatives of the people may be presumed to carry with them the wishes of the different quarters of the union. They express this collective result not in their legislative character but in the unassumming capacity of simple citizens. In what better way can this nomination be accomplished? If it be devolved on every individual of the country, then the inhabitants of each state would be divided about their favorite candidate. If it was referred to the members of the state legislatures, then different states acting independently and without concert would have their different candidates. No candidate would ever obtain a majority of the electoral votes, at least in times like the present, when no one candidate stands proudly conspicuous and unvalued. The probability then is that the States themselves would have in all cases the election of the President. Now, what objection can be made against an original recommendation by the individual members of congress, which may not be urged with ten fold force against the dernier election by Congress in its electoral character? But there is this lamentable difference between the two cases; that in the former Virginia enjoys its full weight of influence and numbers; whereas in the latter, she sinks to the same level with the little state of Delaware. In the former case her influence is as 24 to 176; in the latter as 1 to 17.
But even if it had been proper to have reserved this nomination to the state legislature, would it have been proper for the legislature of Virginia to have nominated a candidate, without having consulted the wishes of her sister states? Would it have been decent, would it have been compatible with the respect which she owes to her sister states, to have brought forward a candidate in opposition to their wishes? If after having given a President 16 out of 20 years, she still discovers that they are willing to select another President from her sons, would it have been sisterly in her to have disregarded their wishes in making this nomination? If the caucus at the Bell Tavern did proceed to make a nomination before the caucus at Washington was held, was there not an impression derived from indisputable sources, that the man whom they preferred was likewise the favorite of the other states? And has not the caucus at Washington realized these expectations in a very strong degree? And now that this nomination has been made, shall we disregard the wishes of our sister states? Shall we not only desire to see a Virginian in the chair, but shall we also insist upon making the selection? In one word; shall the republican supporters of Col. Munroe persevere in an opposition which is useless to himself, and pernicious to our party and our country; which is calculated to divide the republicans and to infuse new hopes into our political enemies, by setting up a new standard around which every opponent of the present administration may dare to rally? I believe that James Munroe, would be the last man in the world, to countenance or desire such an event; but inevitable circumstances would produce it. In spite of all his wishes, the enemies of the administration would cling around him. Divide et impera , is the motto of their party.
We must throw ourselves in one respect on the indulgence of our correspondents. As some of the gentlemen who have been named on the county committees by the friends of Mr. Madison and Mr. Munroe may wish to publish their reluctance to serve on them, we most particularly request them merely to authorise us to publish their refusal, without their reasons. As every line of our paper has at this moment its use, they will sufficiently understand the reasons of this request. The following, however, having come to hand before this notification was made, we conceived ourselves bound to publish them as we received them:
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER. Observing, in your paper of yesterday, my name mentioned as one of a committee proposed for the county of York, to promote the success of the Monroe ticket, I think it proper to declare, notwithstanding my high respect for the individuals who have named me on this occasion, and my unbounded veneration for the virtuous patriot whom they support, that it has uniformly been my intention to vote for the ticket in favour of Madison. LEROY ANDERSON. Williamsburg, Jan. 27.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER. I observed in your paper of the 26th instant, that I am appointed a member of the Committee in Goochland for the promotion of Col. MONROE as our next President. It is impossible for any man to hold in higher, or even more grateful estimation the services, virtues and talents of this amiable gentleman than myself—I think he would make an excellent Chief Magistrate; but candour prompts me to declare, that I cannot abandon Mr. Madison, and that I think it was imprudent in our assembly to bring these characters into competition—Especially finding that such is the liberality of nearly all the other states, that they are disposed to select a successor to the illustrious Jefferson from our—provided they can be only accommodated in their choice.—The greatest enthusiast of Col. Monroe, unless he be an opponent of the present administration or a satellite of John Randolph's, will not deny Mr. Madison's qualifications for the Presidency. JAMES CARTER. Goochland, Jan. 30, 1808.
We are authorised to state, that Mr. Laurence Muse will not serve on the Corresponding Committee for the county of Essex, framed by the supporters of Col. Monroe.
The Senate have rejected the Amendment to the Federal Constitution respecting the Judiciary, which had been adopted by the House of Delegates.
We are authorised to state that Samuel Marsh, a senator from the district composed of the counties of Norfolk, Princess Anne and Nansemond, has directed his name to be added to the original list of Col. Monroe's friends.
We have been lately prevented by the unusual press of matter, from publishing a regular journal of the proceedings of the legislature.—We shall present our readers with a general summary of the laws, (which they may pass,) after they have adjourned, which will, perhaps, take place about the beginning or middle of next week. In the mean time, we shall seize the most important points in their proceedings: On the 19th January, they passed an act for the security of public property, in the city of Richmond—On the 20th, an act to amend an act entitled an act, providing for the poor and declaring who shall be deemed vagrants.—On the 21st, an act annexing the counties of Amherst and Nelson, (the latter was taken off from the former county of Amherst) to the district for which a chancery is held in Staunton—On the 22d, an act incorporating the Trustees of the Female Charity School, in Fredericksburg—On the 26th, an act concerning the tobacco destroyed by the burning of Royster's Warehouse, in the town of Fredericksburg—On the 27th, an act incorporating a company to establish a Turnpike from the Little River Turnpike Road, to Fauquier court-house—On the 27th, an act to prevent further the practice of Slaves going at large, or hiring out themselves—On the 30th, an act concerning the court of Chancery, for the Richmond District.
On SATURDAY last, Mr. Semple asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill whose object to authorise the executive at its discretion, to arm such portions of the militia of this commonwealth, as may at any time be called into active service, or who from their particular situation may be most exposed to invasion and insurrection—according to the law, as it now stands, the arms are to be distributed according to a certain proportion among the towns and counties; and the Executive was obliged to act against this law, when they distributed the arms, last summer, among the militia engaged in active service.
Yesterday the H. of D. received a message from the Senate, stating that they had passed the bill "To organize and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth" with amendments, to which they requested the concurrence of the H. of D. These amendments were agreed to. They do not affect the principle of the bill, but only touch some of its details. This bill has therefore passed into a law—The bill concerning the sale of property under executions and incumbrances, also passed into a law yesterday. Some opposition ensued between the two houses, respecting some amendments introduced by the senate, the two principals of which related to Deeds of Trust, and subjecting the equally bank with other creditors to the operation of this law. The H. of D. finally receded on these points. We shall lay these two acts before our readers, as soon as we can obtain a correct copy.
* It does not go into operation before the first of January.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to his friend in this City, dated Washington, January 24, 1808.
There was a meeting at the Capitol last evening of eighty-nine republican senators and representatives, for the purpose of recommending persons to be elected President and Vice-President at the next election. In this meeting were all the republican members from some of the states, in no case less than a majority, except from the state of New-York; from that state but one member attended. Upon the ballot for a person to be recommended as President, Mr. Madison had eighty-three votes, Mr. Clinton three, Mr. Monroe three; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton had seventy-nine votes, Mr. Langdon 5, Mr. Dearborn 3, and John Q. Adams one. It is said there are eight or ten members now in Washington that did not attend, who will vote for Mr. Madison. Three of the representatives from Virginia are at present absent from this place. Some of our friends did not attend from a belief that it was an improper interference. For myself I had no such scruple. It was understood fully by the meeting, as it is by every meeting of the same sort, that the persons present act as private citizens, and that their act is a mere recommendation to which the people of the U. States will give just so much weight as it merits and no more. There can be no doubt, that any individual citizen or any number of citizens, are at liberty to recommend any man for office, or any measure that they approve. At this meeting no engagement was entered into, no pledge given for any man or number of men. This practice has prevailed for many years. It was first done in an open and avowed manner by the federalists in the year 1800, when they recommended Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney: soon after which the republicans met and recommended Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. In 1804, at a general meeting in this place, which was I believe attended by every republican but one, a recommendation was made of the gentleman now in office. If this course is not pursued, how is there ever to be any concert? Or what is the probability that an election will ever be made by the electors? If no person has a majority of the electoral votes, the election devolves upon the House of Representatives. A thing that may tend to the most mischievous consequences. It opens a source of intrigue and corruption, which I fear will cause the public good to be lost sight of, in the pursuit of personal and local objects. It is practiced in all the states, particularly in those where the governor is elected by the people.
"I understand in the states of N. York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, preceding every election there is a nomination made by the members of the legislature; and that no governor has been elected for many years, in either of those states, without such recommendation. In Virginia all our important appointments are made by the Assembly, except the electors. Ever since the present mode of election was in use, it has been the practice to recommend a ticket in this way. Now can those who practice or approve this in Virginia, object to what we have done? The practice is so general and necessary in the U. S. that I believe it may be considered as approved and sanctioned by the people. In giving my vote for the recommendation of Mr. Madison, I have discharged my duty to my country with the fullest and strongest conviction of having done right. My acquaintance with him commenced in the year 1784, when he took his seat in the Virginia Assembly, of which I was a member; he had then served five years in Congress. The importance of the period in which he served, his high standing in that body, and the U. S. with a display of his transcendent talents at that time, made such an impression in his favour, that I am confident, if he had then been eligible under the confederation, he would have been placed at the head of the Virginia delegation by an unanimous vote of the legislature. From that time to this, he has been constantly in the view of the public. We have had an opportunity of comparing him with all who have been prominent in the councils of America for the last twenty years. For integrity as a man, for patriotism and attachment to republican principles, he is inferior to no man. The universal suffrage has pronounced him a man of first rate talents."
"It is now fairly to be presumed a vast majority of the Republicans of the other states are for Madison—Have they a right to expect the co-operation of the people of our state? Or shall we by an opposition to their wishes, and by supporting
another Virginia, whose case is public favor cannot be better understood, show the people of the other states that we must not only have a Virginia, but that we will not respect their wishes in the selection of him?"
The number of American seamen thrown out of employ by the Embargo, has been so great, as to occasion in some of the seaport towns, serious apprehensions of disturbances from this class of citizens.—In Boston, a procession of about 1000 sailors was formed (at the instigation of charango men) which cast an obliquy on the embargo measure) which moved on to the residence of the Governor—the sailors demanded employment or bread. By the prudence and dignified deportment of Governor Sullivan, they all dispersed and retired peaceably to their homes.—In New-York 3000 were held in the Park, and apprehensions appeared amongst them, and after explaining the impropriety of their conduct, and assuring them that measures would be taken for their relief, desired them to disperse and behave as good citizens; which request was immediately complied with. The corporation has since found employment for them in the U. S. navy-yard, and appropriated 1000 dollars for their immediate relief.—In Philadelphia a large number of seamen paraded with the Flag of the United States to the city hall, and a committee was waited on the Mayor. He granted relief, adding with becoming firmness, that the assembly was an improper one, and ordered the flag to be taken down—to this order they paid implicit obedience. He then addressed the meeting, and informed them that the chamber of commerce had taken their case into consideration and a committee appointed to afford them relief—The honest Tars gave 3 cheers and departed.
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NAGS, which they wish Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking Nags to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training, are upon the most moderate charges and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse: where those necessities, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES:
Grain & litter for each horse per week £0 12 Fodder for do. 0 6 Boy's board do. 0 12 My own attention for each horse per week 0 12
Physic per dose when necessary 3s. Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscriber also begs leave to inform the public, that he Nicks and Poxes horses in the most tasteful style and upon reasonable charges. WM. TICKHURST. (Toway.)
FROM different parts of the country, complaints are heard of a number of my fellow citizens groaning and gradually progressing towards their graves, under the destructive effects of Cancers and Scrofula or King's Evil, without the least hope of relief. Feeling sensibly for the distresses of the human family and impressed by a sense of duty, I am induced to take this method of informing the public I understand the method of curing all descriptions of Cancers, and has never failed in any instance; and also the Scrofula or King's Evil, which has been considered to be incurable, and I pledge myself to the public that I have never failed curing or giving relief at a time when it appeared there was little or no hope of relief; and I request those labouring under the above complaints to apply in as early a stage of the complaint as possible. The subscriber lives in Henry county, near the court-house where he may be consulted on this occasion.
The printers in this commonwealth will, perhaps, oblige a number of their unfortunate fellow-citizens by giving the foregoing a place in their papers. BENJAMIN JONES. Feb. 2. [1808]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran-away from the subscriber on the 14th of January last, a negro man named BILLY, sometimes calls himself Billy Pryn, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, nearly quite black, between 30 and 35 years old, remarkable for a pleasing manners when spoken to, has 5 large scars across his breast, he has lost off the left hand the finger next to the small one, he was raised in Philip Burt's family of York county, where it is expected he will go. The above reward will be given to secure him in jail so that the owner may get him, or a note directed to John P. Shields in Richmond, from whom he was last purchased.
JOHN TONEY. N. B. Billy's wife lives in Richmond with Mr. Myers. Feb. 2. (34)
VIRGINIA TO WIT.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 2d day of November, 1807.
William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants.
The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. g. Feb. 2. [1808]
FOR SALE.—and may be seen at the Ear Tavern one of the most elegant pair of bred Bay Horses, that have ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five the other six years old.
LIKENESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.—The subscriber has on a few copies of a likeness of the PRESIDENT of the United States engraved by himself, which may be had at his lodgings next door to the of the Enquirer. ST. MEM. Richmond, February 2. [1808]
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot at No. 10 occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, very conveniently situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. THOS. ELLIOTT. Richmond, Feb. 2. [1808]
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY about 18 years of age, who is an excellent Painter—A bargain may be had by applying at the Office of the Enquirer. Feb. 2. [34]

CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 20.
A report was received from the Secretary of the Treasury in pursuance of the resolution moved by Mr. Van Horn on the 9th inst.
This communication was referred to the committee of the whole to whom was referred Mr. Dana's resolution relative to seamen.
On motion of Mr. Clay, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill respecting the militia, but a message in writing being received from the President of the U. States...
The House again went into committee of the whole on the Militia bill, and the amendment moved by Mr. Clay being yet under consideration...
The committee rose and obtained leave to sit again, 59 to 34.
THURSDAY, Jan. 21.
Mr. Key, offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a standing committee be appointed to be called a committee of the District of Columbia, to consist of members...
Mr. K. said he would take the liberty of suggesting the reasons of this motion. The district of Columbia was governed by the laws of Maryland on the east, and by the laws of Virginia on the west...
Ordered to lie on the table for one day.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures made a report on the petition of Paul Revere and J. M. Revere copper-smiths and braziers of Boston...
Mr. Rowan renewed the resolution which he had moved on a former day, but which was not then considered, in somewhat different words, as follows:
Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of Brigadier General Wilkinson, in relation to his having at any time whilst in the service of the U. S. either as a civil or military officer...
Mr. Rowan called for the yeas and nays on the motion now to consider this resolution, which were taken as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bibb, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Ely, Gardner, Garnett, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Howard, Johnson, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lewis, Macon, Masters, D. Montgomery, T. Moore, Mosely, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Taliaferro, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, M. Williams, Wilson, and Winns—46.
NAYS—Messrs. Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Carlton, Chandler, M. Clay, Cook, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Durell, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Green Heister, Holland, Holmes, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Lambert, Love, Marion, M'Creery, Milner, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, Ten. J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Thompson, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, and Withers—59.
Mr. M. Clay moved that the House go into a committee of the whole on the militia bill. Negatived, 60 to 33.
On motion of Mr. Findley, the House went into committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the Chair, on the report of the committee of Elections on the contested election of Philip Barton Key, concluding with the following resolution:
Resolved, That Philip B. Key, having the greatest number of votes, and being qualified agreeably to the Constitution of the U. States, is entitled to his seat in this House.
[p] [The ground on which this election is contested, is from non-residence. Mr. Key removed into a House which he built in the county of Montgomery in the state of Maryland, on the 18th of September; the election in which he had a majority of votes took place on the 6th of October; he moved back to the district of Columbia on the 20th of the same month. On the 18th July subsequent to this time, he removed again with his family into Maryland.]
Mr. Rhea moved to strike out all that part of the resolution which is in italics. Agreed to.
A motion being made to concur in the resolution, as amended, Messrs. Nelson, Love, Mason, Taylor, opposed the report, and Messrs. Sloan, W. Alston, Key and Goldsborough supported it. When,
On motion of Mr. Smith, the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 20.
After the examination of Mr. Tiffin, the following report of the select committee was taken into consideration:
Mr. Anderson, from the committee to whom were referred several resolutions, which were offered to the consideration of the Senate, in the case of John Smith, Senator from the state of Ohio, reported the following resolution:
Resolved, That on the first day of March next, the Senate will receive such testimony as John Smith, Senator from the state of Ohio, may then adduce in his defence, and that the Senate will then proceed to the final consideration of the report of the committee appointed on the 27th of November last, to enquire into his conduct, as an alleged associate of Aaron Burr; provided, in case Mr. Smith shall adduce evidence to discredit any witness, whose testimony has been made use of against him; that he shall make it appear to the Senate, that reasonable notice had been given to the witness so intended to be discredited, of the time and place appointed for the taking of such evidence, and that he was served with a copy of this resolution.
Mr. Robinson moved to strike out "the first day of March," for the purpose of inserting "on Monday the 25th inst."
Mr. Anderson suggested the propriety of dividing the question, and observed that it had been stated by Mr. Smith that it would be the beginning of February before he could have the assistance of counsel in the room of Mr. Martin.
Mr. Robinson acquiesced in dividing the question.
Mr. Bayard said he understood that it was the object of the motion to preclude Mr. Smith from the opportunity of adducing additional evidence. The committee to whom the different resolutions were referred in the report made by them went on the principle that it was correct and obligatory on the Senate to hear any evidence Mr. Smith could bring from the state of Ohio, the scene of the offences alleged against him.
The first of March had been fixed on as the result of a calculation, which allowed two weeks to travel to Cincinnati, two weeks to collect evidence, and two weeks to return. It would be impossible, in a less period of time, to accomplish this object. If, therefore, the amendment were adopted, it must be on the principle of denying to Mr. Smith the opportunity of obtaining this evidence. To deny him such an opportunity, Mr. B. should view as equivalent to an absolute denial to hear him. For what, said he, is a hearing? Not the vain words of counsel unsupported by evidence. Mr. Smith is charged by the allegation of certain facts. If then he is not heard in his defence through the medium of facts he is substantially not heard at all.
I will put the case, that under present circumstances, grounds of suspicion exist that render him unworthy of a seat in this body. But how often has every man, conversant with criminal justice, on the hearing of exparte evidence decided one way, and afterwards on hearing both sides decided otherwise? I will ask gentlemen, what they would say of the judge or jury who, on hearing one side, should declare that the case was so plain that it would be a waste of time to hear the other? Is this procedure sanctioned by any court in this country, or in any part of the world? It is a mockery of justice to say to an individual accused, we will hear you, and yet preclude him from all possible means by which he can be fairly tried. Mr. Smith says he can adduce proof to shew the existence of a conspiracy to destroy his character; unless, therefore, you allow him a reasonable time, you prejudicate his case. You refuse him the means of a defence.
Further the committee viewed this, not merely as a decision on the personal application to Mr. Smith, but as establishing an important precedent that would not be confined to this individual case. Let it also be observed that the charges in this case are generally founded on conversations, charges, which, even if unfounded, are from their peculiar nature, the most difficult to be repelled. Shall we, under all these circumstances, say we will hear Mr. S. and yet not listen to his defence? If we will not allow him a reasonable time, we may as well decide on his case at once, for to allow him counsel, without giving him materials for a defence, will be a burthen instead of a benefit.
Mr. Franklin spoke against the amendment, but in so low a voice that we are scarcely able to give his leading ideas. He read the provision of the constitution that authorises the expulsion of a member, and then observed that a member might be expelled on various grounds, some of which, such as disorderly behaviour, might occur under the eye of the Senate, in which case it would be unnecessary to go abroad for testimony; but that the charges in this case were not of this nature. They had been preferred on testimony received from a distance; and all that Mr. Smith asked was the indulgence in the same right of going abroad for evidence to confront that brought against him. And if, as he alleged, he could defend himself by this testimony, Mr. F. was of opinion that the first of March allowed him no more time than was reasonable.
Mr. Adams said he should not have risen, had not the gentleman from Delaware stated the motives of the committee in allowing Mr. Smith until the first of March to adduce additional testimony, and had he not stated that the committee considered this as not only correct in itself, but obligatory upon the Senate. I, said Mr. A. as a member of that committee, thought it not obligatory, tho' I assented to the resolution. I thought, and still think it a measure resting with the discretion of the Senate to adopt or refuse. Nor do I think, if this resolution shall not be adopted, that such a refusal could be considered as refusing a hearing. Notwithstanding, however, this opinion, I gave it my assent, and although circumstances have since occurred which render delay less necessary, I am still in favor of it.
[Mr. Adams here specified some of the prominent points of col. James Taylor's testimony before the Senate, as highly corroborative of his previous testimony before the committee. And as to the evidence of Peter Taylor, Mr. A. said it was strongly supported by a late article in the Richmond Enquirer, which he read.]
Mr. Adams observed that, under these circumstances, the probability that Mr. Smith would be able to discredit the witnesses, who had testified against him, was very much weakened. He might go on, and say that the importance of discrediting Glover's testimony was also very much weakened by the ori-
dence of col. Taylor at the bar of the Senate; for the gift of Mr. Smith's affidavit was to show that the charges against him had a risen from a confederacy between Nimmo and Glover. Whatever was the testimony of Nimmo and Glover was, it appeared, that it was not transmitted to the Executive until December, 1806; while, by the evidence of col. Taylor it appeared that he had communicated grounds of suspicion totally separate from Nimmo and Glover six weeks previously.
Mr. Adams concluded by observing that, notwithstanding these strong circumstances, he was not disposed to refuse the indulgence desired by Mr. Smith; not because he believed he would not be heard without it, or that he had not already been allowed ample time to collect testimony, or that it was obligatory on the senate to allow further time; but because he was willing to allow him every indulgence consistent with the shadow of reason.
The question was then taken by the yeas and nays on striking out "the first of March," as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Candler, Gilham, Kitchel, Maclay, Mathewson, Moore, Parker, Robinson, and Smith, (Ten.)—10.
NAYS—Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillhouse, Howland, Milledge, Mitchell, Pickering, Pope, Reed, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. York) Sumpter, Thruston, Turner, and White—21.
The yeas and nays were then taken on the original resolution, and are as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Candler, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Milledge, Mitchell, Pickering, Pope, Reed, Smith, (Md.) Smith, (N. York) Smith, (Ten.) Sumpter, Thruston, Turner, and White—25.
NAYS—Messrs. Gillman Maclay, Mathewson, Moore, Parker, and Robinson—6.
On motion of Mr. Adams, ordered, That the Secretary of the Senate cause to be obtained from the files of the circuit court for the Virginia district a certified copy of the papers under the signature of the Querist, and a file of the Enquirer, for the year 1807.
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stock, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stock, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. stock surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. stock (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTICE.
Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive,
649 62 of new six.
If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807,
644 37 —
between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808,
619 03 —
Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive,
855 78 —
If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807,
853 62 —
between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808,
831 42 —
Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively.
Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six.
J. P. Com'r. L's.
June 10. (law9m.)
MR. JOHN HOPKINS,
SIR,
PLEASE to take NOTICE, That I shall, on the 17th day of February next, between the hours of 8 in the morning and 5 in the evening, at the Rising Sun Tavern, in the City of Richmond—and on the 10th of March at the Tavern at New-Kent Court-House, during the same hours, proceed to take the depositions of sundry persons, to be used as evidence in a suit now depending and undetermined, in the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein myself and others are plaintiffs, and you are defendant.
THOS. BURLING.
Richmond, Jan. 2, 1808. (law4w)
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. o.
Dec. 31. (law8w.)
NOTICE to Theodrick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 30th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said adm'rs. against said Carter, and on Monday the 28th of the same month at Cumberland court-house, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by
BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adm'rs.
Jan. 28. (law4w)
ADVERTISEMENT.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at twelve months credit, on the 9th day of February next, at the late dwelling house of Doctor John Smith, dec'd. at King and Queen court-house, all the personal estate of the said dec'd. consisting of several Horses, some Cattle and household and kitchen Furniture. The purchasers must give bond with approved security before the property will be delivered. Also, at the same time a most valuable supply of Medicines and the shop materials, together with a valuable Electrifying Machine, which would be sold on credit on payment being secured. All persons indebted to the deceased are requested to make payment to ANN SMITH the Ex'ix.
Jan. 28. (law2w)
PATENT MACHINES FOR SHELLING CORN.—The above valuable Machine invented by Paul Pillsbury of Massachusetts, may now be had of the subscribers in Richmond, who are exclusively authorised to vend the same in the state of Virginia. With one of those Machines, from 20 to 30 barrels may be shelled by two hands in a day. The price of a single machine at present is $35: those inclined to purchase either single machines, patent rights for counties, or for making and selling any number of machines, will find it their interest to apply early, and all persons are cautioned against encroaching on the patent right.
WM. MCKIM, C. TOMPKINS, DERRAUGH & EVANS, ROBERT MCKIM, ALEXR. MCKIM, ROBERT H. DE. SEWALL OSGOOD. Richmond, January 25, 1808. (law3w.)
THE SUBSCRIBER having purchased the patent-right of erecting, using, &c. (within the greater part of this state southward of the bay) one of the truest, best and most expeditious Nail-Cutting Machines that has ever been introduced into this state, by which much superior nails are made: any person residing within a sufficient distance from this place, who is desirous of purchasing such a machine, may have one at the same price that was given by the subscriber; and for a reasonable consideration may likewise possess an exclusive right of working it within any such district as may be agreed on.
Richmond, Dec. 15, 1807.
At McCall's Manufactory on the Basin of the Canal, are sold Nails of a superior quality, at the following prices, and where also is to be had, bar and hoop iron, Nail-Rods, &c. &c.
WROUGHT NAILS. Spikes, 40, 30 and 20 nails, 12 1/2 per lb. 12 nails, 13. 10 do. 14. 8 do. 14 1/2. CUT NAILS & BRADS. 24, 20, 12 and 10 brads, 11 per lb. 8 do. 11 1/2. 6 nails, 12 1/2. 4 do. 15. 3 do. 14. [law1f.]
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHEW of Urbanna, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt.
JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. (law4w)
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities, Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goode. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of LAND in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowat which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia.
JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. January 23. (law5d.)
TO BE RENTED. On the Main Street, the rooms above the store in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a commodious Dry Cellar and a Kitchen.
JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, 21st Jan. 1808. (law3w.)
NOTICE.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at public auction, at Matthews court-house, on the second Monday in February next, being court day, upon terms that will then be made known, the TAVERN and other Real Estate of Mr. Henry Respass, dec'd. at the said court-house. Consisting of several improved Lots with about thirty acres of very fertile land attached thereto; at the same time and place will be sold one hundred acres of fertile LAND within one mile of the court-house and adjoining the residence of the late William Buckner, Esq. dec'd. being also a part of the real estate of said Respass. This property is well worth the attention of any gentleman who wishes to settle himself upon a good stand for a tavern and retail store, the situation being considered inferior to but few in Virginia. Will also be sold at private sale, the remainder of the real estate of the said deceased, consisting of about seven hundred & fifty acres of Land, commonly called Cow Neck, lying between the waters of Piankatank River & Queen's Creek, & commands one of the handsomest prospects in Virginia. Titles will be made to the purchasers of the above property by the subscriber, under the last will and testament of the deceased.
JOHN D. JARVIS, Esq. Matthews county, (Va.) Jan. 28. (ep4w)
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City.
November 6. [ep1f.]
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Moncure's vendue, a large assortment of Merchandise, consisting of the following articles:—Carpenters and Joiners Tools, iron and steel Locks and Hinges, for house work and cabinet ware. I also carry on my Cabinet Manufactory, as usual, adjoining the fire insurance office, and have on hand three thousand dollars worth of furniture, finished in the best workman-like manner and in the newest fashion. Also, Windsor Chairs. I will sell all of the above goods, very low for cash, or good paper at a short date.
Sept. 5. [ep1f.]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality.—For sale by J. DARMSDATT. Oct. 23. [U]
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold dv. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklace, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Disks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladles, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily dispatched.
December 4. [ep1f.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's. A general assortment of GROCERIES among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto, Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hysop, Young Hyson & Souchong, Soap, Candles, Rice, Spanish Indigo, Northern Cheese, Best Spanish Segars, Hibbert's Porter and Brown Iron, English, Swedish and Country Iron, Nail and spike Rod, Pickled Salmon, F. F. Gun-powder in kegs, Raisins, Almonds, Pepper, Ginger, Queens-Ware, &c. &c. &c.
Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers.
JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. (tt)
Richmond, Dec. 4.
NOTICE!!—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price, which consists of a large and superb assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper-hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. W. HAIGHT.
N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [ff]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river;
24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river;
20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks;
1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river;
Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants.
The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.
To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family.
Dec. 19. THOS: NORVELL. (t)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent Mules, Cows, two Horses, a small Wagon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed.
Dec. 31. (tds.)
FRESH TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, Silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap.
ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. ff.)
Jan. 12.
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806,