Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-09-30 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1588.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
The price of this paper to subscribers four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance.
ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.
Electoral Ticket.
THE following is the Madisonian Electoral Ticket, republished for the information of the citizens of Virginia:
 Joseph Godwin, sen. Nansemond.  Benjamin Harrison, Prince George.  Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie.  Richard Field, Brunswick.  Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte.  Joseph Eggleston, Amelia.  Hugh Nelson, Albemarle.  Col. George Penn, Patrick.  Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City.  Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover.  John Roane, King William.  Robert Taylor, Orange.  Gustavus B. Horner, Fauquier.  Robert Nelson, York.  Mann Page, Gloucester.  Richard Barnes, Richmond County.  John T. Brooke, Stafford.  Hugh Holmes, Frederick.  Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire.  James Allen, Shenandoah.  Archibald Stuart, Augusta.  Andrew Russell, Washington.  Gen. John Preston, Montgomery.  William McKinley, Ohio. 
Sales at Auction.
ON Saturday the 1st Oct. will be SOLD, at the Vendue-Office of the subscribers, at 11 o'clock—One NEGRO MAN, who is an excellent house servant, carriage driver, &c.—One WOMAN about 38 years old, accustomed to washing, ironing & a pretty good plain cook.—One NEGRO GIRL, about 13 years old, accustomed to house business.—One young WOMAN, accustomed to cooking and house business; also her Child. The above negroes are sold for no fault, but for the want of Cash; Also, a NEW JERSEY WAGGON and a pair of well broke young HORSES—Payable, one half cash and the balance in 90 days, for an approved, indorsed, negotiable note, at the Bank of Virginia.
PROSSER & MONGRE, Auctioneers. Monday, Sept. 26. 1808.
I DO hereby request all
those purchasers of the estate or effects of the late Patrick Ternan, of this city, deceased, and those persons who have on any other account given bonds, bills or no. es. payable to myself and John Purney, as executors, or to the said John Purney alone, as executor of the said Patrick Ternan, to make no payment of any such bond, bill or note, to either the said John Purney or to his order, he the said John Purney having suddenly departed from the usual place of his late residence, and now concealing himself so as to furnish just grounds to suspect and believe he intends fraudulently to convert, as far as he may be able, the debts due to the said Patrick Ternan's executors, to his own private use.
JAMES TERNAN, one of the executors of Patrick Ternan, dec'd. Richmond, Sept. 26, 1808. (3wks)
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Josiah Cheatham, to secure the payment of a sum of money to James Murphy & company, as expressed in the said deed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in money, on the premises in the county of Nelson, on Friday the 28th day of October next.
A tract of Land,
Containing one hundred and ten acres; also five NEGROES, consisting of two men and three women, and the increase of the said females if any since the trust was executed; also seven head of Horses and eighteen head of Cattle. The land is situated on Hickory creek and adjoins the lands of Benjamin Harris, John Roberts, Samuel Perkins and John Farrer. We will convey such title as is vested in us by the said deed of trust.
Richard Clarke, } Trustees. Nelson county, Sept. 21, 1808. 3w
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Samuel Winfrey to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Rives, Murphy & Company, and James Murphy & Co. as expressed in the said deed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in money, on the premises, in the county of Buckingham, at the late dwelling of the said Samuel Winfrey, on Monday the thirty-first day of October next, the following
Slaves & other Property,
To wit:—Peter, Daniel, Porter, Joe, Jenny, Aggy, Lucy, Isham, Archer, Spencer, Davy, Polly, Nancy, Massie, Louisa, Francis, Abram, Fleming, Gilbert, Sall, Rachel, Will, John, Lucy, Delphy, Robin, Lewis, Thomas & Hezekiah—also ten head of Horses, thirty head of Cattle, the stock of Hogs, Household & Kitchen Furniture, Plantation Utensils, &c. &c. conveyed in said deed. We will convey such title to the above mentioned property as is vested in us by the said deed of trust.
Jesse Higginbotham, } Trustees. Robert Moore, Nelson county, 21st Sept. 1808. 3w
Blank Replevin Bonds,
(agreeably to the law of 1808,) For sale at this office.
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND,
THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE Revised Code,
(Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.—Price to subscribers $5.—to non-subscribers $6.)
BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS OF THE
General Assembly OF VIRGINIA
Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801:
TO WHICH ARE ADDED APPENDICES,
CONTAINING A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies,
Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges,
A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings,
Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794, and 1803,
Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters,
Laws establishing ferries,
Laws concerning the public guard,
Titles of private and local acts—And
A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object.
With a complete Index to the whole.
Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
PREFACE.
IN a government emanating from the people, whose will, expressed in the form of laws, is the only sovereign, it must necessarily follow, that those laws will be numerous. If a doubt exist with respect to the meaning of a statute, which cannot be removed by the judges according to settled rules of interpretation, or, if it be defective, the explanation in the one case, or the amendment in the other, can only be made by the legislative authority vested in the representatives of the people. Not so, in a despotic government, where the will of the prince, supplies the defects of the law, & his dictum is regarded as the law itself. Yet strange as it may appear, how often have we heard the concise code of Frederic of Prussia extolled as a model worthy of imitation! How often has a wish been expressed by some of those living under our free government, that our code of laws should be assimilated to his! Is there a man who, upon serious reflection, would consent to give up his liberty with his volumes of laws, and become a slave that he might be governed by a concise code? Would he be willing to exchange the right of self government for a despotism? Such would be the effect of yielding to a system of legislation which substitutes the will of an individual for the voice of the people.
That spirit of liberty which caused thousands of our ancestors to migrate to this western world, was very early manifested in their laws. And notwithstanding the restrictions imposed by the British government on the colonial legislatures, and the severe conflicts which frequently arose, respecting the prerogative of the kings of England, and the rights of the people of America, in matters of self-government, the legislature of Virginia, lost no opportunity in providing a code of laws adapted to the situation of the country.
From the year 1619, when the first legislature met in Virginia, to the present time, our laws have been various and complicated. This produced the necessity of having frequent revisions; some of which, being made before any printing presses were introduced in America, have remained till this day in manuscript. Those in print are Purdie's collection, published in London, (supposed in the year 1682,) and the editions of 1733, 1752, 1769, 1775, 1794, and 1803. In some of those collections all the acts relating to the same subject were consolidated into single bills, by a committee of revisors, and re-enacted by the legislature: but in others, there
was a mere compilation of the acts of a public nature then in force.
The last revision of our laws, came down to the end of the session of 1801; since which period, a variety of public acts of great importance have been passed. These form in the present collection, one hundred and thirty-two chapters, which are dispersed through the different sessions acts. When it is considered, that upwards of one thousand magistrates in Virginia, appointed within the last four years, have been but partially furnished with those sessions acts, and that none of them have the aid of a complete and general index, the utility and even necessity of this compilation must be obvious.
But the continuation of the Revised Code, so far as it respects a collection of the acts of a public and permanent nature, is far from being the most valuable part of the publication. The appendices, at the end of the volume, it is believed, will be found to contain matter of equal importance with that in the body of the work; which additional matter, is the more valuable, as it has hitherto been of more difficult access.
Laws relating to subjects, in which either the state or a great proportion of its citizens have an interest, should form a part of every revision. This rule was so strictly observed in all the editions of our laws prior to that of 1794, that even the acts concerning particular rivers, with many others, on subjects merely local, were inserted. The laws, in this collection, which come within the general principle just laid down, are those for the establishment of the James River, Potomac, Appomattox, and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies, in all of which, the state holds a number of shares; those concerning the Northern Neck, (a considerable portion of the state, and part of the laws relating to which were regularly inserted in the editions of 1752, 1769, 1775, and 1794, but all those passed since 1785 were omitted;) those authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges; concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings; relating to waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters; establishing ferries; and concerning the Public Guard; all of which, are here digested and arranged under their respective heads. To these are added, a list of titles of private and local acts, passed since the October session of 1783; a table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements, designating to whose use respectively appropriated; and a collection of acts of a general nature omitted in former editions.
It may at first view excite some degree of surprise, that so many acts and resolutions of a public and permanent nature, should have been omitted in the editions of 1794, and 1802; but the history of those revisions will readily account for it. In the session of 1789, (a) the legislature passed an act, providing for a new edition of the laws of this commonwealth, which was amended at the next session, (b) A difference of opinion having arisen among the revisors as to the objects of the legislature with respect to one branch of their duty, a resolution was adopted at the session of 1791, declaring that it was the intention of the legislature, in assigning that particular duty to the revisors, "that the several laws existing on the same subject should be consolidated into single bills, but that no new matter should be introduced into the system." (c) In conformity with this construction, the revisors digested a code of laws, introducing under one title the several acts relating to the same subject. These were prepared in the form of bills, and reported to the legislature, in two volumes, at their session of 1792. The subject of the revision was taken up during the same session; and several of the bills, (some with amendments, and some without,) were re-enacted into laws. But the legislature, not having time to go through the whole of the bills as reported by the revisors, directed that certain laws formerly enacted should be published in the Revised Code, by their specific title. (d) The consequences of which was, that nothing could be inserted in those acts, when re-enacted in the Revised Code, but what before existed in them, under the titles by which they were particularly directed to be published; though some parts had been repealed by subsequent acts, under different titles; and thus all the matter collected by the revisors, from various other acts on the same subjects, was omitted. For example: the act "concerning election of members of General Assembly," was one of those directed to be published by its title. It is accordingly inserted in the Revised Code, as it passed in the year 1785, (e) By the 22nd sect. of that act, it is declared, that "Every act of the General Assembly hereafter to be made, shall commence
"and be in force from the passing thereof, unless in the act itself another day for the commencement thereof, be particularly mentioned; and, in the former case, the "day of passing thereof, shall be noted "next after the title." In 1789, (four years afterwards,) (f) an act passed, the 2nd section of which, declares, that, "Every act passed during any stated annual session, shall commence in force on the first day of March, then next ensuing, unless, in the act itself, another day be particularly mentioned for the commencement thereof." The committee of revisors reported a bill, the title of which, was, "A Bill concerning election of members of General Assembly; and declaring when acts of assembly shall commence in force," (g) In this bill, they retained such parts of the act of 1785 as were in force, and particularly substituted the 2nd section of the act of 1789 for the 22nd section of the act of 1785. (h) But when the act of 1785 was republished from its title, the 22nd section was, of course, retained, and the 2nd section of the act of 1789 rejected. The above is but one, among many instances, in which laws in force were omitted in the Revised Code, from the peculiar mode of publication.
Another circumstance which produced many omissions was this: The legislature, in providing for a republication of the laws by the act of 1792, (i) directed that the Declaration of Rights, and Constitution of this Commonwealth, should be prefixed to the Code; that certain acts should be published from their titles; and that these, together with the laws, as revised and enacted during that session, should be printed; but, with respect to the acts of a public nature originally passed at the session of 1792, the law was silent. This edition was no: printed till the year 1794; and, though it purported to contain all the public acts from 1792, to 1794, inclusively, yet it will be found, that some of those which, for the first time, passed at the session of 1792, were omitted as well as others of 1793, and 1794. An act of 1792, To amend "An act authorising the Executive to direct the sheriffs to sell certain lands the property of the commonwealth;" and another, "To provide more effectually for the collection of the public taxes in certain cases," which were omitted in the edition of 1794, were very properly introduced into the appendix to that of 1803. (k) But the acts for "arranging the counties into districts; to choose representatives to congress;" "repealing the act providing a sinking fund for the gradual redemption of the public debt;" "repealing so much of a former law as prohibited the sale of goods, wares and merchandizes at public vendue;" and "for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice President of the United States," were omitted in both editions. They are therefore inserted in this, (l) Until the act of 1792, a law was in force which prohibited, under severe penalties, the sale of goods at auction.—It is only by the 2nd section of the act of the same session, for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice President of the United States, that the time is positively fixed for the people to meet, to vote for electors: the act of 1803, (m) only declaring, that the persons qualified to vote for electors, under the "act for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice President of the United States," shall each hereafter vote for twenty-four electors, without saying at what time they are to meet for that purpose.
The edition of 1803 contained all the laws in that of 1794; and continued down the public acts to the end of the session of 1801; besides some acts of a public nature inserted in the appendix. It would be useless here to enumerate all the acts of a public nature which have been omitted in the late revisions, as an inspection of Appendix No. IX. to this volume will exhibit them at one view. Two of those acts, are, however, of such general importance, that it is deemed proper to notice them more particularly. By an act passed in 1794, entitled, "An act to amend the act prescribing the mode of ascertaining the taxable property within this commonwealth, and of collecting the public revenue," (n) there was a legislative exposition of the 35th section of the same act, as it passed in 1792, (o) by which, it was declared, that no land should be deemed forfeited for the non-payment of taxes, unless the returns and notices prescribed by the 34th section of the same law had been made and given. In 1796, another act passed, declaring, that "all entries thereafter made shall become void, unless surveyed within two years after their date, and the lands subject to another
location," (p) Both of these acts were omitted.
Among the laws inserted under the title of "OMITTED ACTS," there are some which have been superseded by acts subsequently passed; but still, as rights have accrued under them, and they are of general concern, it was deemed expedient to retain them. Such are all the laws relating to the sale of lands for the non-payment of taxes.
The collecting under one head the several laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the Eastern and Western waters will prevent the necessity of a laborious examination into this intricate branch of our statutes, whenever it may be necessary to recur to it.
A list of titles of private and local acts (which had never been omitted till the edition of 1794,) is given, to aid the researches of those who may have occasion to refer to a law not to be found in any collection of public acts.
But the most difficult, and it is presumed, not the least useful, part of the compilation, has been the Table of Fines, Forfeitures, Penalties and Amercements, designating to what uses respectively appropriated. A collection of this kind has long been much wanted: for, while it will have a tendency to guard the people against incurring the penalties of the law, it will direct the right application of fines, whenever they shall be imposed. If the value of this part of the work might be estimated by the time which it has taken to prepare it, the compiler would rate it at very little short of the price of the whole book.
The whole of this volume, according to the original plan, had been printed off before the meeting of the last legislature; but the publication was suspended, in order to introduce the acts of the last session of the general assembly; since which, some additional heads have been inserted; particularly the list of titles of private and local acts. To the whole, is subjoined, a very copious Index, referring to the section as well as the page; in the compilation of which, much time and labor have been bestowed, as may readily be inferred from the circumstance of its containing 88 pages.
The publisher having embarked a large capital in this work, his own interest, as well as the importunities of the public, would have induced him to complete it as early as possible. If the publication has been delayed longer than was originally contemplated, he feels confident, that more than an adequate compensation will be afforded by the additional matter contained in the volume.
(h) See Appendix No. IX. pa. 129.
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, And for sale at his Printing Office, Richmond, by the gross, dozen or single, The Virginia Almanack, FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1809:
Being the first after Bissextile or Leap Year, and thirty-third of American Independence. Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond.
Calculated by Benjamin Bates of Hanover County, Virginia.
Containing, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter. * A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Charles Thompson to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives & Company, as therein expressed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the eighth day of October next, on the premises, in the county of Nelson.
A tract of Land,
Containing one hundred and seventy-nine and three-quarter acres—also the following PROPERTY, viz: three head of Horses, twenty-eight head of Hogs, seven head of Cattle and their increase since the conveyance, and one Feather Bed and Furniture. The subscriber being only trustee for the benefit of others, he will only warrant the title of the above mentioned land and property as to himself and those claiming under him.
James Murphy, Trustee. Warm'r. 21st Sept. 1808. 3w The land is situated on Recker's run and adjoins the lands of James Stevens, sen. Thomas Jopling and Samuel Spencer.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Samuel Burks to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives & Company as therein expressed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Newmarket in Nelson county, on Saturday the 29th day of October next.
One Negro Man,
Named David, a valuable Waterman The subscriber being only trustee for the benefit of others, he will only warrant the title of the above mentioned slave as to himself and those claiming under him.
James Murphy, Trustee. Warm'r. 21st Sept. 1808. 3w
17 THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT
OF THE TRIAL OF A. BURR, Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office.—A few copies for sale, Sept. 27. 6w
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office.
(a) See Appendix No. IX. p. (104.) (b) Ibid. p. (108.) (c) Ibid. p. (113.) (d) See Revised Code, vol. I. ch. 149, p. 292.—(e) Ibid. ch. 17, p. 19.
(f) See Appendix No. IX. p. (104.) sect. 2.—(g) See Revised Bills, 1792, vol. I. p. 7.—(h) Ibid. sect. 25, p. 12.—(i) See Revised Code, vol. I. ch. 149, p. 292, s. 1.—(k) See Revised Code, vol. I. Appendix, ch. 5, p. 453, and ch. 6, p. 454.—(l) See Appendix No. IX. p. (114.) (118.)—(m) See ch. 31, p. 31 of this vol. (n) See Appendix No. IX. p. 125.—(o) See Rev. Code, vol. I, ch. 83, pa. 134.

TO THE MEMBERS OF THE MONROE CORRESPONDING COMMITTEE.
From the lapse of time which has taken place since the date of your last address, and more particularly from your hopeless prospective, we were induced to believe that your despair, had been in some measure tranquillized by your reason. We did not suppose that you would have started forth at this late hour, with a new scheme and without the least hope of co-operation. If it has been an ungenerous conclusion, it certainly has not been unpopular, that you had formed some secret alliance with the federalists. Be this as it may. You have certainly evinced a determined obstinacy that almost amounts to martyrdom, in persevering in your own course, unmindful of what has been adopted by the people. You confess the conviction that the times are critical and embarrassed, yet they are, but we did not suppose, with this impression on your hearts, that you would have furnished materials to the combustion. Men of your talents, and men who are familiarly conversant with the political state of this country, ought to have known, that the two great parties which are now contending for ascendancy, are exactly the same that existed in '92.
Many of you profess, and many of you no doubt, are inimical to the success of federalism. But what is the evident tendency of your actions? If you expected the aid of federalists, you have lost it, they have taken the game into their own hands, and if you wish to have a friendly understanding with them, you must hark in the same cry. The only dissenting meeting which has occurred in Virginia to the republican majority, is the one lately held at Staunton (but which scarcely deserves notice) at which they decided in favor of Mr. Pinckney and Mr. King. This is nothing more than the re-echo of the same grating sound from the south and the east, with some difference as to the Vice President. Thus you must follow on to join in the chase. Many of the Clintonians have surrendered their private predilection to public choice, and have become zealous Madisonians. Thus you can expect no succor from that quarter, and thus you perceive in what an isolated situation you stand. If you will not support the federalists, they cannot now support you, and if you are determined not to espouse the cause of Mr. Madison, the choice of the republicans, you must to all intents and purposes remain,
"Single, unprop'd and nodding to your fall."
The two characters who are presented to the American people are Mr. Madison & Mr. Pinckney; but amidst this blaze of contention, you are holding forth a taper, which altho' it may escape general notice, may serve at the same time, to light the way to disaffection and commotion. Is it not exceedingly strange, that after this subject has been so universally discussed, and after so many meetings have been formed, in none of which your candidate has been mentioned, and almost too upon the very eve of the election, that you should suddenly step forward to nominate Mr. Monroe. We really gentlemen, cannot look upon you, without mutterable surprise. You must be convinced that no matter how strong the claims of Mr. Monroe may be to this office, and no matter how deeply you may feel his worth and his virtues, but that now he is emphatically out of the question, and by your conduct we fear you will render him eternally so. We sincerely lament that you should have absolutely shoved him into this slippery situation. But now for your reasons.
In your address we recognize the ingenuity of a partisan, more than the candor of an open hearted politician, and more the sophistry of an attorney, than the reasoning of a patriot. We admit "that the recommendation of the caucus at Washington, did not afford an unequivocal proof of the real sentiments of the nation." But we do not admit "that time has evinced the accuracy of this opinion," nor do we admit "that it is now apparent to the world, that he (Mr. Madison) is not the object of their choice." It is perfectly unnecessary to go into any examination "whether the members of congress were constitutionally excluded from the right of electoral suffrage," it is calculated more to confound, than to elucidate, and to lead astray than to direct to the true point of enquiry. The question between federalism and republicanism, is fairly submitted to the people in their choice of Mr. Madison or Mr. Pinckney. They have never referred to the caucus recommendation, but in fact seem to have forgotten it, in their innumerable meetings. If the people had been opposed to their nomination, no man can believe, but he that is determined to do so, but that they would have disregarded it. The people are insulted by the insinuation, that they could be governed and directed to abide by the mandate of any caucus whatsoever. They have freely and decidedly avowed their preference of Mr. Madison. In none of their meetings that we recollect, have they been heard to utter the name of Mr. Monroe, and yet we are told "that it is now apparent to the world, that he (Mr. Madison) is not the object of their choice." It is true, and we admit it, with a glow of satisfaction, that he is not the object of choice with the federalists. This is the only construction that can be given to this remark, "that it is now apparent to the world, that he is not the object of their choice" nor of the minority men. These two parties seem to constitute in your estimation the body of the people, but it is a source of great congratulation "that it is now apparent to the world" that Mr. Madison is the choice of the republicans, which is all that we want. It was expected with as much instinctive truth as that which teaches the nestlings to hide from the bird of prey, that the federalists and the minority men would endeavor to destroy the object of the republicans. And this it is which makes it "now so apparent to the world that Mr. Madison is not the object of the people, and
which renders it so necessary to remember that the president is chosen by a majority of the nation and not by the majority of a party."
You say that the sentiments of the people cannot be ascertained "until the election is over" and "especially in times like these so fruitful in events." We are then to form no calculation, nor even to speculate with any inference from what has past, nor from what the people have already declared. It is in your conception a mere lottery, and there is no telling what may turn up. We are sorry that you have no faith in the manly and unbiased declarations of the people, but we rejoice in the conviction that it will be impossible for you to prove to them, that they have been either mistaken or corrupted. You endeavor to force your reasoning into the old moral proverb, that we must judge of men by their actions and not by their professions. Hence that we must wait, until the election has actually taken place. How does this reasoning apply to yourselves? Most of you boast of a long life of consistency, as a patent of probity, for your political characters. You have only given us half of your creed in this manifesto, but the people know the rest. And if we were to judge of you by your actions, according to this old precept, your "merit of consistency" and your professed republicanism would avail you nothing. You say that you worship the principle, that the majority shall govern, and agreeable to your actions, you are endeavoring to lessen that majority. You once belonged to the republican majority, but as you won't admit of reasoning by inference, we must enquire whether your actions still entitle you to that stand. In this enquiry we find you absent. So that the people must consider you, as having deserted, and it is in vain for you to appeal, to what you have been. We do not blame you gentlemen, and we hope that you will not understand us in that light, for your preference of Mr. Monroe; but we do most unquestionably blame you, for acting this most uncommon part in these times, so fruitful of events. Some of you are known as the avowed partisans of the minority, and the minority to say no more, is believed, not only to be unfriendly to the present administration, but are determined to attack the next, from the very commencement. We admit that you have drawn a striking portrait of Mr. Monroe, but bright and lovely as it is, it flings no shade upon that of Mr. Madison. Mr. Monroe may deserve an ever-living monument to his revolutionary services, but how many others were at this Feast of Crispian, "and who can like us strip up their sleeves and show their scars." We admit that his character in every department of life reflects lustre upon himself, and entitles him to the love and confidence of the people, and of the last and best reward to a great mind, you are endeavoring to deprive him. It is only necessary to look at the History of America, to draw forth equal admiration from every generous and impartial bosom, in favor of Mr. Madison. We find him taking his stand at the formation of government, and boldly advancing those political truths, to which we have been so much indebted for our political happiness. It is not our intention to enter into a detailed account of his meritorious life, it is idle and unnecessary, because it is well known to the people and you yourselves acknowledge his talents, integrity and services. They have witnessed the combined attack of malice and calumny, which has been made upon him. And what has it proved? That his virtues hung too high for their reach, and in making this effort, to seduce away the affections of the people they have made them more ardent and unalterable. If there was the smallest symptom of difference in regard to Mr. Madison, the unqualified abuse of the federalists, and the still more envenomed aims of the minority, are sufficient and ought to render him more dear to the people. When we refer to the annals of '94, we find him advocating the very doctrine which is now supported, and the most undeviating consistency of principle.
The extract which we are about to insert, is no less a picture of the state of parties then, than it is now. What was the language then? "That it was a common assertion, that the Madisonian measures were warlike, and that those of the opposite party were pacific? This assertion has been so often and confidently repeated, that I think it not improbable that some may have swallowed it down for truth; but it wants but a moment's examination, to show its falsity. The language of the Madisonians to the court of Great Britain was— Deliver up our posts and pay us for the lawless depredations you have made upon our trade, or we will, what? Not fight you, to obtain justice, but will make your own people, oblige you to do us justice, by breaking off trade with you, till you do. The alternative of the other party was— Do us justice, or we will fight you. Who can doubt when thus truly stated, which measures were the most pacific?"
Is it not evident that the same principle which distinguished the Federalists and republicans in '94 still continues to this day, and yet you as professed republicans are prying into the tomb of federalism to find out what they said, to act, as they did, and now come forward to the world with the liveliest appearance of patriotism, with these decayed principles as your evidence. The insinuation is thrown on that Mr. Madison has not sufficient knowledge of the real French and British cabinets. We ask why? This manifesto in fact answers, because he has had no residence abroad. It would seem then essentially necessary to qualify a candidate for the presidency, that he should have been previously sent to school to the European courts. This is what we could not have expected from you gentlemen. That a minister who goes to a foreign court with instructions in his pocket, and from which he dare not depart, that he, ipso facto, is better acquainted with the real views of that court, than the secretary of state, who is intimately conversant with every possible reason upon which those instructions are founded. Do you suppose that the moment a minister is introduced at court, that he is immediately inducted behind the curtain, to show him the secret machinery of the cabinet. It is to be supposed that those European adepts
in diplomacy, would rather endeavour to confuse, than enlighten, to entrap than shew the way to avoid it. The situation of a minister is too delicate, to afford him the smallest opportunity of finding out secrets. But, according to your principle, you think that the Earl of Yarmouth was better acquainted with the real views of France than Secretary Fox, and that the French minister at London was better acquainted with those of Great Britain than Talleyrand. With great deference to your judgment, we should imagine that the Secretary of State, no matter whether he ever saw a King on his throne, would have a better clue to European affairs, than any other officer except the President. Different ministers are stationed at different courts, and their communications are constantly pouring in upon the Secretary of State, whose duty it is to study them, and according to the new lights that they may furnish, he is the organ thro' which fresh instructions are issued. The ministers have given spheres in which they move, and all their different gleanings and information concentrate in this point. To illustrate the case more simply you have only to imagine the different figures upon the chess-board, which are invested with different powers and all under the control of one great power, who makes them move according to his calculations so as to produce the grand result which he wishes. The minister has a partial and imperfect view, but that of the Secretary is general and unconfused. He can compare and collate the different documents, and if there is anything like arriving at a knowledge of their real views, he has the very best possible opportunity of doing it. So that this argument has not the smallest foundation in reasoning or in fact. You say that Mr. Monroe is held high in the estimation of France and Great Britain, and that our differences with the belligerent powers of Europe would be accommodated with less difficulty than we are likely to experience. This opens to a sea of argument and conjecture. This assertion is evidently founded upon this calculation, that either Mr. Monroe, or the belligerent powers, would give way. We can scarcely admit the first even for the sake of argument, that Mr. Monroe would abandon the honor and independence of America, merely to preserve his high estimation in the foreign courts. We take it for granted that he would not give way. What then? Would Great Britain? Has not every possible expedient been tried, and has not Mr. Monroe availed himself of all the advantages of his high estimation in order to soften the rigour of British injustice. And without success. The conclusion forces itself upon us, that he would according to your expectation, in case he was elected, adopt the treaty which has been already thrown under the table. Why do you nibble at this subject in this way? Why will you not come out at once, & advocate that treaty, which has made no provision for the great source of our calamities. The people will then understand you, and you will know the ground you occupy, in their estimation. With respect to the popularity of Mr. Monroe, at the French court, we feel surprised that you should urge this in his favor, when it has been the cause of unceasing abuse against Mr. Madison and the present administration, both from the federalists and the minority-men, and yet you advance it in support of Mr. Monroe. But this you say, is the principal and unanswerable objection to Mr. Madison. That our foreign commerce is totally suspended, our ships are rotting, our seamen dispersed and gone, and our produce shut up in our ware-houses. You admit too, in the following sentence, that these mischiefs have originated in the unjust decrees of France, and the arbitrary regulations of the British council. Here, gentlemen, our amazement naturally leads us to enquire, what can be your real views. We solemnly appeal to your conscience, if this reasoning came from your hearts. You admit that Mr. Madison is not to blame for the evils you have recited, but that they originated from causes, completely without our control, and yet this is the unanswerable objection to him. You continue to observe, that we are speaking of the present state of things, only, and not of the causes which have led to it. Suppose, gentlemen, that you were in an actual state of war; you would not hesitate to enquire into the cause, but you would abandon every thing, merely to have a speedy removal of the evils. The mischiefs of which you complain, certainly exist, and we feel them, but it is not enough to remove them without removing the cause. If you were sick, you would not employ medicine to search into the seat of the disease and make yourself well, but you would be sufficiently satisfied with a suspension of the pain, and thus creep on, in a feeble, wearisome and desponding condition. How are we to remove the present state of things, without enquiring into the cause? Would you have us to surrender our commerce to G. Britain, or to France? Would you have us form an alliance with Britain, and go to war with France? Or with France, and go to war with Britain? Or would you have us to declare war against both? If you can devise any expedient to relieve us from the present state of things, without violating our honor, neutrality and independence, and without involving us in war, you will deserve a premium for your ingenuity, and the sitches of the capitol will be open to receive you. You say that if Mr. Madison is elected, you see no alternative but war, or an embargo of indefinite duration. This is an alternative thrown upon us, you admit, by foreign powers? What other alternative would attend Mr. Monroe? What would he do to extricate us from the critical dilemma?
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA. We the undersigned members of the Monroe Corresponding Committee, take leave to address you: It is manifest to all, that the situation of this country is at this time in the highest degree critical and embarrassed. The questions therefore which it presents to our view, ought to be considered with calmness, discussed with candor and moderation, and decided on principles justified by truth and patriotism only. Among these questions, there is none which has excited or deserved more attention, than that which relates to the next presidential election. We are well aware that on this subject we differ from many of our fellow citizens. We
regret this difference: but as it would be arrogant in us to request from others, a surrender of their opinions, we trust that we shall not be condemned for adhering to our own. We know that our motives are pure, and we conscientiously believe that the course which we pursue, leads more directly to the promotion of the best interest of the United States, than that recommended by the caucuses at Washington, and the Bell Tavern in this city—You can at least hear our reasons and then judge for yourselves.
We thought last winter that the recommendation of the caucus at Washington, did not afford an unequivocal proof of the real sentiments of the nation. Time has evinced the accuracy of this opinion. Notwithstanding the number of Congressional votes from Massachusetts and the other Eastern states given in the caucus to Mr. Madison, it is now apparent to the world that he is not the object of their choice.
We also thought that as the members of Congress were constitutionally excluded from the right of electoral suffrage, they were the last persons, who ought to prescribe or recommend to the people the way in which their suffrages should be bestowed. The considerations of policy which induced the framers of the constitution to establish this exclusion, ought to have induced our representatives in Congress to be silent. The necessity of the same opinion. The argument derived from the constitution there fore stands in full force. Members of Congress are excluded because their duty places them within the reach of undue influence and electioneering intrigues.
It seems to be a fair inference therefore that the same reason which would invalidate an electoral vote given by a member of Congress, should diminish the weight of his electoral recommendation. Notwithstanding the force of this constitutional objection, it cannot be denied that Mr. Madison has derived a great advantage from this congressional recommendation. It has erroneously been regarded as conclusive evidence of the national sentiment, and many have declared their intention to vote for him, because they supposed that he would be supported by a majority; although but for that consideration they would have preferred Mr. Monroe as the successor of Mr. Jefferson.
To this mode of reasoning we can never assent. It is the duty of the minority to acquiesce in the will of the majority; but they should wait until that is constitutionally and formally expressed. Until this is done, who can say in this extensive country, what the will of the majority is. A congressional caucus, as facts before our eyes unquestionably prove, affords but a very fallible criterion. In truth, until the election is over, it is extremely difficult to pronounce, especially in times like these, so fruitful in events who will be selected by a majority of the nation. For let it be remembered that the president is chosen by a majority of the nation, and not by the majority of a party. Until this event occurs therefore every man ought to express his own opinion and to act according to the dictates of his own judgment. By this mode of proceeding, the opinion of a real majority prevails. In pursuing this mode, we are satisfied that we are acting upon a principle which is not only sound, but in reality the basis of all republican institutions.
This subject is entitled to the most serious consideration of the people. Their acquiescence in the present nomination, would contribute to the establishment of a precedent subversive of the only right except that of voting for their immediate representatives which the constitution authorizes them to exercise in person. Their own legitimate power will be transferred to others, and what is more to be deplored, transferred to the identical persons, whom a wise policy has excluded from an electoral appointment.
We repeat to you therefore, fellow-citizens, what we said some months ago, that we prefer Mr. Monroe as the next president of the United States. We think that he has the highest claims to your confidence and regard. His early devotion of himself, in the army, to the cause of his country, proved by honorable scars, his faithful and long continued services at home and abroad, his solid and vigorous understanding, his integrity, his experience acquired in the most difficult and important trusts, his unswerving firmness and decision of character, entitle him to your gratitude, affection and respect. This proposition seems indeed to be generally admitted, and we believe that the great majority of his opponents, if Mr. Madison were out of the way, would be well pleased to see Mr. Monroe at the head of our national affairs.
But Mr. Monroe has other claims. His long residence abroad, and the very high degree of estimation in which he was held both in France and Great Britain, have opened to him sources of information, with respect to the real views, motives and sentiments of the French and British cabinets, which could not have been equally accessible to his competitor. His knowledge, we think, would afford the most essential benefit to this country in our present very difficult and critical negotiations. His election, according to our best judgment, would have a most auspicious influence on the destiny of this nation. We believe that if he were elected, our differences with the belligerent powers of Europe would be accommodated with less difficulty than we are likely to experience, and if war should be the result, our defence may be entrusted to his hands with more propriety than to those of his respectable competitor.
In speaking of the just claims which Mr. Monroe has upon the confidence and affection of the people, we cannot forbear to notice his conduct while governor of Virginia. The period at which he came into office, must be remembered by you all. Never was the spirit of party more violent, nor was any man ever assailed with greater asperity and outrage. Such however were the integrity, firmness and moderation, which he uniformly displayed, that his administration was honored with universal approbation, and the vote of thanks which he received from the legislature on his retirement, was entered "unanimously" at the particular request of his political opponents. We have merely adverted to this circumstance by way of shewing, such to have been the happiness of his administration, that whilst he inspired the republicans with the most implicit confidence in the solidity of his republican principles and the rectitude of his conduct, he at the same time so far reconciled his political opponents as to obtain their entire approbation of his administration, during the term for which he was elected as chief magistrate of the commonwealth. Such a character we conceive the best interests of the nation, and the present perilous crisis of our affairs, peculiarly demand. In truth, in every situation in which he has been placed, whether in the old congress, the senate of the U. States under the present constitution, the executive of Virginia, or in a diplomatic character abroad, he has acted with a degree of fidelity, zeal and ability, which if not duly appreciated now, will at some future day not very far distant, be universally acknowledged. There is another consideration entitled to serious attention. The public papers tell you, that the republicans are daily losing ground in
the eastern states. Even in Pennsylvania they are not supposed to have a great ascendancy. The people are afraid, that the present state of things will not find a remedy under the administration of Mr. Madison. This apprehension has already produced the most serious and alarming effects throughout the eastern states. How far this sentiment may spread, it is impossible to tell; but if Mr. Monroe should be elected, all parties would unite in the belief, that every measure compatible with the honor and best interests of the nation would be adopted to relieve us from our present embarrassments and distress.
Let it not be supposed, however, that we mean to derogate from the real merits of Mr. Madison. We know them well. We acknowledge his abilities, integrity, and services. But there are solid objections to his election. We do not deem it necessary to state them all. The enumeration would certainly afford us no pleasure. We shall content ourselves with one only. The others have been occasionally noticed in the papers, and are probably known to you all. In doing this, we presume that we shall not give offence to Mr. Madison or to his friends. Under a government like ours, freedom of discussion, is our most essential right. A manly and liberal exercise of that right, will be applauded rather than condemned, by every one, who understands the principles of our government, or values that freedom which it was intended to secure.
A principal objection to the election of Mr. Madison, and one which we deem unanswerable, is derived from the present state of our national affairs. Our foreign commerce is totally suspended, our ships are rotting, our seamen dispersed and gone, and our produce shut up in our ware-houses, our public revenue is cut off, and the deficiency resulting from that cause must be supplied by recourse to the expensive system of internal taxation. We know very well that these mischiefs have originated in the unjust decrees of France, and the arbitrary regulations of the British council. But we are speaking of the present state of things only, and not of the causes which have led to it. The evils exist: we feel that they are great, and our best interests require that they should be speedily removed. We ask you, whether it is as probable that they will be removed under the administration of Mr. Madison, who stands committed by his writings and acts on every question between us and foreign nations, as under the administration of a man who is perfectly free from that bias, which regard for consistency of character cannot fail to produce on even the purest principles and most enlightened understanding. We may be mistaken, and we shall rejoice if time shall convince our error: but if Mr. Madison is elected, we see at present, no alternative for the U. States, but WAR, or an EMBARGO of indefinite duration. If on the other hand, Mr. Monroe should be elected, we think for the reasons just stated that he will at least stand a better chance to extricate us from the critical dilemma in which we are involved: and notwithstanding the groundless censure that has been cast upon him, for a supposed abandonment, on the subject of the seizure of British seamen, we confidently appeal to your knowledge of his conduct through a life of thirty years devoted to your services, whether he will ever consent to any arrangement incompatible with the honor or real interests of his country.
Thus, fellow-citizens, we have presented to you a rough sketch of the view which we have taken of the next presidential election. In exhibiting this view, we have only performed a duty which devolved upon us as members of the corresponding committee: and in the performance of this duty, we trust that we have not departed from that candor and moderation, which we took leave to recommend in the commencement of our address.
Under the influence therefore of a belief, which the events of every week seem more completely to justify, that in advocating the election of Mr. Monroe, we are promoting the real welfare and union of this country, we shall proceed with the least possible delay to publish his electoral ticket, with a hope, that his committees and friends throughout the state will firmly and diligently assist in every arrangement which may contribute to its success.
GEORGE HAY, JOHN CLARKE, EDWARD C. STANARD, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. Richmond, Sept. 24th, 1808.
The editors of newspapers throughout the state, are respectfully requested by the Committee, to re-publish the above address.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
The following is the Monroe Electoral Ticket, republished for the information of the citizens of Virginia.
  Littleton W. Tazewell,  Norfolk Borough,    Arthur Smith,  Isle of Wight,    D. James S. Gilliam,  Dinwiddie,    Dr. John Lucas,  Mecklenburg,    Gen. Tarleton Woodson,  Prince Edward,    Hill Carter,  Nelson,    Thomas Watkins,  Chesterfield,    Peachy R. Gilmer,  Henry,    Chancellor Creed Taylor,  Richmond,    Col. John Taylor,  Caroline,    James Hunter,  Essex,    Gen. John Minor,  Spottsylvania,    Armitstead Mason,  Loudoun,    Robert Saunders,  York,    Chancellor Saml. Tyler,  Williamsburg,    Gen. John P. Hungerford,  Westmoreland,    Daniel Carroll Brent,  Stafford,    Dr. Robert Mackie,  Frederick,    James Daily,  Hampshire,    John Cunningham,  Pendleton,    John Coalter,  Augusta,    Daniel Sheffey,  Wythe,    Linah Mims,  Greenbrier,    John Prunty,  Harrison.  
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. John Lesslie's man who carries bread to his customers, going as usual, a few mornings since, to deliver his bread to an honest Hybernian, was accosted by his wife, who attended in the shop, in substance as follows: "I understand your master has been guilty of something not very clever." The man replied, he believed it was true.—"We Irish, (observed the lady) are of opinion, that a man who has come into the country and made his fortune, is bound to respect its laws and government, and that no good citizen ought to countenance, or have any dealings with one capable of acting as he has done. You may bring two loaves more, to make up the complement, but after that, bring no more bread here." Several others, who were in the habit of selling Lesslie's bread, have declined taking it, since the transaction above alluded to. It has also been suggested, that it would be proper for the editors of newspapers, to recommend to the shop keepers, to purchase bread of any other baker, in preference to Mr. Lesslie.

EXTRACT From an address to the republican citizens of the second congressional district of Pennsylvania.
"Viewing the approaching election of president, vice-president, and members of Congress, as closely interwoven, we feel it our duty to address a few words to you on those deeply interesting subjects, not supposing that we can suggest any new ideas, but merely to keep alive your attention and to express the opinions of those for whom we are now called upon to act."
"While we view with admiration the magnanimity and disinterestedness, and the great and noble examples of Thomas Jefferson , in withdrawing his name as a candidate for the presidency—voluntarily relinquishing the possession of power—while we regret that we can no longer enjoy his services as president, we feel gratified and consoled with the prospect that the character nominated to fill his place has long possessed his confidence, and we believe possesses a similar disposition, and an ardent desire to promote the real interests, as well as the peace of this country, as long as it shall be consistent with its honor and with its independence."
"Mr. Madison is a man of pre-eminent talents, of which he has exhibited numerous instances; and could we produce no other examples than that of his recent correspondence with Mr. Rose , the ambassador extraordinary from the court of England, that alone would be conclusive. He has here shown that the American government, though but of yesterday, can produce a statesman capable in point of elegance of style, correctness of composition, extensive information, and sound reasoning, to fill a select ambassador from a court long famous in history for the ability and acuteness of its diplomatic agents. And we are persuaded that Mr. Madison is no less competent for the presidency, as it regards his political integrity and firmness than in talents. Such has been the wise and pacific administration of Mr. Jefferson that its beneficent efforts have been universally acknowledged throughout the union, and believing that Mr. Madison will pursue the same system, we also beg leave earnestly to recommend to you the choice of electors who will give him their support."
LAW INTELLIGENCE. IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY FOR THE RICHMOND DISTRICT. SEPTEMBER TERM, 1808. MARKES vs MORRIS. In this case, which involved a question of usury, the chancellor decided that where a man comes into a court of Equity, to be relieved from a deed of trust, founded upon an usurious transaction, and the usury is proved by the testimony of witnesses, he shall be relieved not only from the interest, but from the debt. In such a case, the decision of a court of Equity, the chancellor said! will be precisely the same with the decision of a Court of Law. In both courts the contract, as well as the security, is considered as void. But if the borrower is unable to prove the usury, except by the defendant's answer then the act of assembly, which speaks of suits in chancery, for the purpose of discovering usury, applies, and the borrower will be obliged to return the principal money borrowed.— Spirit of '76.
We would advise the violators of the Embargo Laws, to show a little more ingenuity in their schemes. Let the means be clever, even if the end be contemptible. Bungling spoils the most brilliant enterprises. Barrington would never have been so highly celebrated, but for the great ingenuity and address with which he evaded the criminal laws of England.
Let them study all the formularies of fraud. Let them, at least, have a prize-master put on board of their vessel, and let her be condemned in a Court of Admiralty as a good prize. In this way, their friend the claimant of the prize, will subsequently make over their vessel to them; the record of condemnation will exonerate them from their custom-house bond; and if Mr. Jefferson fails to demand reparation from the British government, it will give them a new theme of calumny and reproach against him.— Enquirer.
A man who has made 20 000 $ by the aid of the Embargo, would be bound in gratitude, at least, to respect its provisions. If he had shipped 100 hds. of tobacco to Rotterdam, just before the imposition of the Embargo, and that measure had given him a full range of the market, by intercepting other exportations—the man should certainly have been contented with his good fortune. An old Roman would have raised a temple to the Embargo and guarded its rites from all profanation. ib.
GENERAL MEETING. At a General meeting of the Republicans of the City of New York, held at Abrahams 3. Murlings on Thursday evening, the 15th Sept. 1808. Col. Wm. Few, Chairman, Ichabod Prall, Secretary. The following Resolutions were with but few dissenting voices passed.
Resolved, That this meeting continues to repose full confidence in the patriotism & wisdom of the President and of the republican majority in both houses of the Congress of the United States.
Resolved, That in our opinion the Embargo is a prudent, just, and politic measure, rendered necessary by the rapacity and depredations of the principal belligerent nations, and not originating from any events within the power of our government to have controlled—that a repeal of the same, under existing circumstances, would probably involve us in the calamities of War; and that it is therefore the duty of every faithful citizen to afford the administration his firm and decided support.
Resolved, That the present opposition to the measures of the administration, merits the severest reprehension of every true friend to the National Independence and Commercial Rights of the United States; particularly as such opposition may encourage foreigners to persist in withholding from us our just rights and stimulate them to acts of future hostility and aggression.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report a respectful address to our Republican fellow-citizens of the United States, stating our full determination to support the government in its patriotic exertions to maintain the dignity and rights of our country, together with the reasons upon which such determination is founded, and that William Few, Tunis Wortman, Nathan Sandford, Augustus Wright, Abraham Bloodgood, Adrian Heman, Jonas Humbert, Samuel Lawrence, James Townsend, and John Mills , compose the said committee.
Resolved, That this meeting do approve of the nomination made by a majority of our republican representatives in Congress, of James Madison as a candidate for the office of President, and George Clinton for the office of Vice-President of the United States.
Resolved, That a general meeting of our republican fellow-citizens, be convened, at this place on Tuesday evening next, the 20th inst. at 7 o'clock, for the purpose of hearing and determining upon the report of the committee.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Public, Mercantile, and Daily Advertisers. WILLIAM FEW, Chairman. I. PRALL, Secretary.
PRESIDENT JEFFERSON'S ANSWER. To the dissent of the Republicans from the proceedings of the town of Boston, relative to the Embargo.
I have duly received the Address of that portion of the citizens of Boston, who have declared their approbation of the present suspension of our commerce, and their dissent from the representation of those of the same place who wish its removal. A division of sentiment was not unexpected. On no question can a perfect unanimity be hoped, or certainly it would have been on that between war and Embargo, the only alternative presented to our choice; for the general capture of our vessels would have been war on one side, which reason and interest would repel by war and reprisal on our part.
Of the several interests composing those of the United States, that of manufactures would of course prefer to war, a state of non-intercourse, so favorable to their rapid growth and prosperity. Agriculture although sensibly feeling the loss of market for its produce, would find many aggravations in a state of war. Commerce and navigation, or that portion which is foreign, in the inactivity to which they are reduced by the present state of things, certainly experience their full share in the general inconvenience; but whether war would to them be a preferable alternative, is a question their patriotism would never hastily propose. It is to be regretted however, that overlooking the real sources of their sufferings, the British and French edicts, which constitute the actual blockade of our foreign commerce and navigation, they have with too little reflection imputed them to laws which have saved them from greater, and have preserved for our own use our vessels, property and seamen, instead of adding them to the strength of those with whom we might eventually have to contend.
The embargo, giving time to the belligerent powers to revise their unjust proceedings, and to listen to the dictates of justice, of interest and reputation, which equally urge the correction of their wrongs, has availed our country of the only honorable expedient of avoiding war; and should a repeal of these edicts supersede the cause for it, our commercial brethren will become sensible that it has consulted their interests, however against their own will. It will be unfortunate for their country if in the mean time, these their expressions of impatience should have the effect of prolonging the very sufferings which have produced them, by exciting a fallacious hope that we may, under any pressure, relinquish our equal rights of navigating the ocean, go to such ports only as others may prescribe, and there pay the tributary exactions they may impose; an abandonment of national independence and essential rights revolting to every manly sentiment.—While these edicts are in force, no American can ever consent to a return of peaceable intercourse with those who maintain them.
I am happy in the approach of the period, when the feelings and the wisdom of the nation will be collected in their representatives assembled together. To them are committed our rights, to them our wrongs are known, and they will pronounce the remedy they call for: and I hear with pleasure from all, as well those who approve, as who disapprove of the present measures, assurances of an implicit acquiescence in their emanation of the general will.
I beg leave through you to communicate this answer to the address on which your signature held the first place, and to add the assurances of my respect.
TH: JEFFERSON. Col. EDWARD PROCTOR.
COMMUNICATION. Suddenly departed this life on the 6th of May, in the county of Albemarle, the Rev. MATTHEW MARY, in the 64th year of his age. In this amiable man were concentrated every virtue that could render him dear to his friends, respected by society, and happy in himself. As a divine, in which character he acted many years, his conduct was pure and consistent as the lessons which he taught; and in every station of life, whether as a relative, friend, or citizen, his deportment was such as reflects dignity on man, and will cause his death long to be lamented by every friend to virtue. The person who draws this character was long and intimately acquainted with the deceased, had experienced many attentions from his munificence, and although his heart is at this moment overflowing with the tenderest emotions of gratitude and regret, he cannot be accused of drawing it in too glowing colors. Ye busy worldlings that flutter on this stage, revere his virtues; if you can, imitate them; then will you be useful to society, respected by yourselves, and when you depart hence, rest with him in the mansions of eternal peace. What tho' confin'd within the tomb, Thy virtues still survive, To distant periods yet to come, Thy memory shall live. MELPOMENE. May 29.
BOSTON, September 23.
FAVORABLE APPEARANCES. In addition to the articles published on Monday, relative to the repeal of the French decrees against our commerce, we have the pleasure to state, "there are rumors in circulation, that the British government has issued new orders of council, retracting the harsh severity of those of the 11th of Nov. As a matter of propriety, as well as of policy, such a course would appear probable."— Chronicle.
The New-Hampshire Gazette of Tuesday last says, "It must be highly gratifying to every true friend to his country, and to those particularly who have given a warm and decided support to the measures which the government has adopted in relation to foreign powers, to learn, that RECENT INTELLIGENCE FROM EUROPE AFFORDS STRONG GROUNDS OF PROBABILITY THAT OUR DIFFICULTIES WITH BELLIGERENT NATIONS WILL BE SPEEDILY REMOVED, and all disputes adjusted."—The facts upon which these opinions are founded flow from correct sources.
FREDERICKSBURG, Sept. 27. On Saturday last, as the Mail Stage from Richmond to this place was crossing Burk's Bridge , the centre part of the bridge gave way, and the stage was precipitated from 15 to 20 feet into the river and completely capsized. There were eight passengers in the stage, two of whom only (a lady and a gentleman) were materially injured.—One of the horses was drowned.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SPEECH OF JOHN Q. ADAMS, CONTINUED
But, sir, if Mr. Smith had seen nothing in this letter to startle confidence instead of composing it; was there nothing in the course of public events at that time, which might and should have aroused him to more than suspicion? Mr. Burr's letter was dated on the 26th of October; with in ten days from that time, that is on the 5th of November following, the District Attorney of the United States in Kentucky, filed a complaint against Mr. Burr, for a violation of the laws of the United States in setting on foot an expedition against Mexico, which complaint I beg leave to read—
"J. H. Davies, attorney for the said United States in and for said district, upon his corporal oath doth depose and say, that the deponent is informed and doth verily believe, that a certain Aaron Burr, esq late Vice President of the United States, for several months past hath been and is now engaged in preparing and setting on foot, and in providing and preparing the means for a military expedition and enterprise, within this district, for the purpose of descending the Ohio and Mississippi therewith, and making war upon the subjects of the King of Spain, who are now in a state of peace with the people of the United States, to wit: on the province of Mexico, on the westwardly side of Louisiana, which appertain and belong to the King of Spain, an European Prince, with whom the United States are at peace."
"And said deponent further saith, that he is informed and fully believes, that the above charge can and will be fully substantiated by evidence, provided this honorable court will grant compulsory process to bring in witnesses to testify thereto. And this deponent further saith, that he is informed and verily believes that the agents and emissaries of the said Burr, have purchased up and are continuing to purchase large stores of provisions as if for an army, while the said Burr seems to conceal in great mystery from the people at large his purposes and projects: and while the minds of the good people of this district seem agitated with the current rumor, that a military expedition against some neighbouring power is preparing by said Aaron Burr."
"Wherefore said attorney, on behalf of said United States, prays that due process issue to compel the personal appearance of the said Aaron Burr in this court, and also of such witnesses as may be necessary in behalf of the said United States; and that this honorable court will duly recognize the said Aaron Burr, to answer such charge as may be preferred against him in the premises. And in the mean time that he desist and refrain from all further preparation and proceeding in the said armament within the said United States or the territories or dependencies thereof."
It will be remembered that on this complaint a grand Jury was summoned, and on the 8th of November discharged, because Davis Floyd, whom the attorney deemed a material witness, and whom we now know to have been one of Mr. Burr's principal associates, was absent. We all know what the effect of this transaction was here. Certainly not of inspiring confidence in those who are ignorant of Mr. Burr's real designs.
No, sir! The confidence, which this abortive attempt to bring Mr. Burr to justice inspired, was in himself and his associates. He wrote immediately to Blennerhassett, not to apprehend any danger from this prosecution, (which his friends then & so long after called a persecution) but delay in the settlement of the lands—and one fortnight after—that is on the 23rd day of November, we see him again at Cincinnati, making the promised personal and confidential communication to Mr. Smith, which he had not dared in the letter of 26th Oct. to commit to paper—and no wonder. For it is a complete and unquestionable acknowledgment of the identical crime for which Mr. Burr had been summoned into court at Frankfort, not twenty days before, and discharged merely from the failure of a witness to attend. But it is not merely a confession of that guilt, it imports much more; & the very terms used by Mr. S. relating it, in his affidavit of 6th Jan'y 1807, shew that he understood it as importing more. Mr. Burr tells Mr. Smith, that his design "is not dishonorable, or inimical to this government," he "repeated that his object was not hostile to the people of the
United States or dishonorable to himself,"—and that he would be "the best neighbor for this country ever had." Whether the design was honorable or dishonorable, Mr. Smith should have judged for himself. That it was not inimical to this government, there was little reason for him to believe when coupled with those boiling resentments which overflowed from the lips of Mr. Burr in the very act of making this acknowledgment. "In this government he had been persecuted, shamefully persecuted, and he was sorry to say, that in all private confidence between man and man, seemed to be nearly destroyed." And in this state of temper, Mr. Burr, "ventured to tell Mr. Smith that "if there should be war between the United States and Spain, he, Burr, should head a corps of volunteers, and be the first to march in the Mexican provinces; if peace should be preserved, which he did not expect, he should settle his Washita lands and make society as pleasant as possible."
Fifty Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, living near Staunton, in Augusta, on the 8th instant,
John Harris, alias John Brown , Who was in the jail of Richmond about 7 months; he is a dark mulatto man, about 21 or 22 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, round shoulders, very knock kneed, his name on one of his wrists, in red ink, and when spoken to has a down look; he was raised in Bedford county; he will endeavor to pass under a fictitious name; he has no other marks than above described to my knowledge. Any person who will deliver him to me, or commit him to Staunton jail, shall receive the above reward, and all reasonable charges.
John Johnston. September 27, 1808. N.B. The above man was liberated from the jail of Richmond by me, his jail fees were $51.42 cents, which I paid; in consideration of which, he bound himself to serve me. His indentures, (having been previously bound to his step father) which were in my possession, were stolen from me by him previous to his elopement.
NOW IN THE PRESS,
The Virginian Orator, BEING A COMPOSITION AND SELECTION OF Patriotic Poems, Oration and Dramatic Scenes, Intended to improve the American Youth in the useful and ornamental art of Eloquence.
BY THOMAS E. BIRCH.
The late British aggressions have given birth to a great part of this book, and the author flatters himself, that it contains the sentiments of every patriotic American. **Subscriptions for the above work will be received at the office of the Virginia Argus, at 9s. 9d. a copy. September 27, 1808. w2m
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS ISSUED PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING
A System of Arithmetic,
ENTIRELY NEW. This system will comprise the ancient and modern methods of calculation, exhibiting the concise, but accurate operation of every question. Every thing superfluous, in former practice and use, will be discarded; and many entirely new rules and cases, introduced. This work is intended for the aid of teachers of arithmetic in this country, and is destined to assist all those who have occasion for any species of calculation. It is designed to publish, with the principal work, an exact copy of it, so far as relates to every subject except the operation of the questions, which will be left in blank, for the insertion of the pupil when he shall have understood and answered them. This is intended to facilitate the labor of the instructor, and to accommodate the pupil. WILLIAM LIGON.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have attentively examined the new system of arithmetic, proposed to be published by Mr. William Ligon: and do not hesitate to declare, that, in our opinions, it combines the advantages of utility, conciseness and perspicuity, in such a degree as to render it worthy of the preference with instructors in this country, to any thing of the kind which we have seen. We are perfectly satisfied that the scheme of the blank book for pupils, is calculated to ensure great facility, and certain benefits to the teacher of arithmetic and to his scholar.
Peter Johnston. E. Booker. Robert Venable. James Madison. John Clark. William Franklin. Edward Redford. Martin Smith.
Prince Edward, July 30th, 1808.
The book will contain about 230 pages, octavo, to be printed on good paper, price One Dollar and Fifty Cents per copy—No money will be required in advance. September 29, 1808.
At a Quarterly Court held
for Prince Edward County, August the 15th, 1808.
John Bibb Complainant,
Temple Davis and William Black, Defendants.
THE defendant, Davis, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the general assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant, by his counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant, Davis, do appear here on the first day of November court next and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste, F. WATKINS, C. C.
Virginia:
At a Court continued and held for Halifax County, the 24th day of August, 1808. Richard Crews and Susanna his wife, formerly Susanna Jones, Plaintiffs.
AGAINST Abner Vaughan and William Fourqurean, administrator de bonis non of John Murphey, dec. and the said William Fourqurean, administrator de bonis non of Ann Murphey, dec. Defendants.
THE defendant, Abner Vaughan, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant Vaughan, do appear here on the fourth Monday in November next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and by consent of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, leave is granted the defendant, William Fourqurean, administrator de bonis non of John Murphey, dec. to file his answer without swearing to the facts therein stated: Whereupon, and upon hearing the bill of the plaintiffs, and the answer of the defendant, Fourqurean, administrator de bonis non of John Murphey, dec. It is decreed and ordered , that the said defendant, William Fourqurean, administrator de bonis non of John Murphey, dec. do retain in his hands, the goods and effects which he hath, belonging to the defendant, Vaughan, until the further order of this court; and it is further ordered, that a copy hereof, be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers, published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Teste, SAMUEL WILLIAMS, D. C. H. C.
WAS committed to the jail of this county on Monday last, a negro man, who says his name is WILLIAM TRABUE, and belongs to Erasmus Reams of Chesterfield county; he endeavoured to pass as a free man, but not producing evidence of being such, was committed to jail. He is of a dark complexion, about six feet high, has very large whiskers, appears to be about 30 years old, but says he is older, he has in his possession, a red leather pocket book containing the following papers viz: a printed bond given by Jos. Powell of Chesterfield county to Pollok, Tredway & Co. for $16. 16. 2. dated 17th December 1806, on the back of which is endorsed a credit for the amount of said bond, another bond being given in lieu of it; also an account against Messrs. Joshua and John Powell to Joseph and William Friend & Co. for £9. 3. 6. 1. 2 at the foot of which, credit is given for the full amount, paid by John Powell; also an amount due by Joshua Powell to Pollok Tredway & Co. showing a balance to be due of £20. 9. 2. also a promissory note for £20 executed by William Sublet of Chesterfield county to John Powell, dated 1st. March 1806; also a pass signed by Harry Heth, or Heth, the bearer of which, is stated to be a negro man, named Absalom, and by the pass was permitted to go from Chesterfield to Cumberland, dated 7th September 1803; also another pass stating William Trabue to be the bearer, and granting him permission to go to Hanover, where it also states, he was born free, which pass has neither date nor signature. Im Benjamin Pollard, Jailor. Buckingham County, Sept. 17, 1808. By the Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is represented to the executive, that the slaves Bill and Isaac, under sentence of death for felony, but reprieved and sold to Richard Terrell, for transportation beyond the limits of the United States, according to the directions of the act of assembly in such case made and provided, have escaped from the said Richard Terrell in the county of Botetourt, and contrary to law, are now going at large, endeavouring to evade the mild punishment which has been inflicted and is so justly due to their crimes; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of twenty-five dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend either of the said slaves, Bill & Isaac, & deliver them at the penitentiary building in this city, in addition to all reasonable expenses which may be incurred in conducting the said slaves, or either of them, to that place. And I do moreover enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the said penitentiary building, the slaves aforesaid.
Given under my hand, with the seal of (L. S.) the commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 23rd day of September, 1808. Signed, Alex'r. M c Rae.
Bill, late the property of Richard Smith of the county of Norfolk, was condemned by the court of said county, for felony. He is about 6 feet high, raw, bony make, of a yellowish black, a down look, a very sleepy, sullen countenance, one of his hands, believed to be his left and writ, much scarred from a burn (the back of his hand) his back very much scarred from being often whipped, and above his left ear several scars which were made by strokes from a stick.
Isaac, late the property of Samuel Fuqua of the county of Pennsylvania, was condemned by the court of the said county for felony. He is about 5 feet 7 1-2 inches high, black complexion, of a thick make, down, sly look, mild speech, and when spoken to, is apt to put his hand up to his jaw, and to lean his head on one side while he speaks, he also had, as well as is recollected at this time, a scar on his right jaw & one about one of his eyes, his upper fore teeth out, a sharp chin and stood forward, and when standing, stood much back in his knees and was somewhat knock-kneed, and his eyes inclined to be of a reddish cast, viz the part that is common to be white.
FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANT'S BOOK STORE
HENING'S
New Virginia Justice,
CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
Blank Notes
AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.

TO RENT And possession given the first day of October next,  The Tenement, OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleasants' Book-Store. For particulars, apply to WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808. (tf)
Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment. THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibson, on the main street, opposite to Haris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with genteel board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company. Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808. tf
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke House, Stable, Ice House, &c on the Hill—And on the river bank a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting-Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort, tf June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufactory of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. tf
PIPING TREE. THE subscriber wishes to RENT for the ensuing year, that well known stand for public business, called the Piping Tree, together with the FERRY which for custom is equal to any in the lower part of this state. On the premises there is a very convenient house, calculated for a tavern, with an excellent dry cellar underneath, and all suitable out houses, a fertile and well enclosed garden, a stable, coach house and granary under one roof, a stone house with a cellar also, a lumber house at the water edge, where vessels from 4 to 500 bushels burthen, can load and unload. Also, from 4 to 500 acres of GOOD LAND, About 250 acres of which are arable, laid off in convenient fields and all under sufficient fencing, and on which is a very good barn. To those who are not acquainted with said place, it is necessary to observe that it is in a healthy and opulent neighborhood, and there is no tolerable assorted store within several miles of it. If said premises are not rented privately, on or before the 1st day of October next, it will, on that day, be rented publicly by Mary King. September 5, 1808. tOI
William Lownes, RETURNS his thanks to his friends and the public generally for their liberal encouragement, and hopes his assiduity to business and punctuality will entitle him to a continuance of their favors. He has removed to the corner immediately opposite the Bell, formerly occupied by S. Grantland, where he intends carrying on the Book-binding business in all its variety and in the most modern & fashionable style, with punctuality, neatness and dispatch. Printed books bound in the most elegant manner in Morocco and Calf skin, full gilt and leathered; also in sheep skin, gilt, lettered and plain. Blank Books of every description ruled to any pattern and bound with the latest improved spring or patent backs. Orders from the country will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. Old books rebound. N.B. An apprentice will be taken to the Book Binding business, if immediate application be made, with good recommendations. August 23. tf.
THE 3d No. OF COL. TOUSARD'S AMERICAN Artillerists' Companion, Is ready for delivery to subscribers, at this office. A few copies for sale.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,  A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the executive by an inquisition held in the county of Northumberland, on the 21st day of September, in the year 1806, before John H. Fallin, Esq. coroner for the said county, that on the 23rd day of the said month of September, in the year aforesaid, a certain George Gordon, late of the county aforesaid, stands charged with the murder of a certain negro slave named Bartley; and it appearing that after the perpetration of the said murder, the said George Gordon did immediately, and doth still fly from justice: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Northumberland, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey as aforesaid, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with in the manner which the law in such cases prescribes. Given under my hand, with the seal of the (L S) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 5th day of August, 1808. Signed, Wm H. CABELL.
George Gordon is about five feet eight or ten inches high, is stout made, has light colored hair, blue eyes and a down look when spoken to. It is believed that he is frequently lurking in the county of Saint Mary's, Maryland: The editor of the National Intelligencer is therefore requested to insert this proclamation in that paper for two weeks. By the Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,  A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, that on the fourth day of the present month, an atrocious murder was committed in the county of Mecklenburg, by a certain John Daws, an inhabitant of the said county of Mecklenburg, on the body of Francis Ballard, late of the same county; and that the said John Daws hath fled from justice: I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of two hundred dollars to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Mecklenburg, the said John Daws, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and carry before some justice of the peace for the county aforesaid, the said John Daws, that such proceedings may be had thereupon as are prescribed by law. Given under my hand, with the Seal of the L. S. Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 19th day of August, 1808. Signed, Alexr. M'Rae.
Belles Lettres School.  J. DAVIS HAS opened a SCHOOL, in a pleasant house, at the corner of Elliot's lot, where he teaches the English, Latin and French languages, &c. &c. English and Latin, $8 per quarter—English and French, $8. Richmond, Sept. 20, 1808. 2w
A Tract of Land, Containing 120 acres, more or less, lying in the said county, about six miles from Williamsburg, and bounded as described in the deed of conveyance. A title will be made to the purchaser under the title deed. William Coleman, 2w September 10, 1808.
Notice. All persons having claims against the estate of John Gunn, are requested to have them adjusted as the law directs, and exhibited for settlement, on or before the twenty fifth day of December next at which time a dividend will take place. This advertisement will be plead in bar against any claim which may come against said estate after that date. tf JOHN TURPIN, Adm'r.
Five Dollars Reward. I WILL give the above reward for apprehending and securing in jail a NEGRO MAN named BILLY, belonging to MR. M. H. Owen of this county—he calls himself Billy White—he is supposed to be seceded by some of his acquaintances in town—he is a tall young negro, & speaks loud when spoken to—it is impossible to describe the clothing he took with him, as he had a large stock of clothes. Job Greene. September 22, 1808.
In King William County Court, April 22d, 1808. Daniel Elliott, Compt' Is AGAINST John H. Boswell and Judith Boswell, ad- chanc ministratrix of William Boswell deceased. cery Defendants.
THIS day came the complainant by his attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that John H. Boswell is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant, it is ordered, that he appear here on the fourth Monday in October next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county; and it is further ordered, that the defendant Judith Boswell, do not pay away or secrete any effects in her hands belonging to the said John H. Boswell, until the further order or decree of this court. A copy—Teste, Ro. Pollard, Jr. D. C. C. Just received and for sale at this office, A FRESH SUPPLY OF HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING  LOZENGES.
Notice. THAT a petition will be presented to the next Virginia assembly, held at the capitol, in the city of Richmond, to put down the ferry at Cat Point: Totuskey Little Bridge, Farnham Bridge and the Great Bridge over Totuskey be made a toll bridge; all in the county of Richmond. August 30th, 1808. 3w
Advertisement.  TO RENT, And of which possession may be had on the 1st day of October next, that pleasantly situated  TENEMENT, Of which the late Mr. William Nice died seized in this city. It is attended with almost every convenience required for the accommodation of a general family—but as it is presumed that any person wishing to rent, will first view the premises, a description of them is deemed unnecessary. Application may be made to Samuel Coleman at the capitol, or to the subscriber, residing on the premises, who is guardian to the orphans of William Nice, deceased. Richmond, Sept 15, 1808. Anne Nice. tOI
Notice. THE subscriber will petition the General Assembly of Virginia, at its next session, to complete to him the commonwealth's right in the following half acre lots in the city of Richmond, known and distinguished in the ancient plan of the town of Richmond, by the numbers 63, 64, 65, 66, 77, 83, 102. John Seabrook. 4w Hanover, Sept. 15, 1808.
BROUGHAM'S CELEBRATED  SPEECH AGAINST THE BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL;—AND, Baring's Pamphlet, On the same subject, are just received and for sale at this office.
LOZENGES.
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine high bred running horse  DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pill Box, by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unrivaled, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to John Tyler. Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. tf
To Aaron Burr, Esq. TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from the county court of Henrico, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Gwathmey's tavern, in the town of Louisville, Kentucky, to take the depositions of Richard Cluff Anderson, William Croghan, James Breckenridge, Norborne Beale, and Stephen Smith, to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your ob't. serv't. HENRY SCHROEDER. Sept. 5, 1808. 4w
To Aaron Burr, Esq. TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of commissions from the court of Henrico county, in three suits depending in that court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Wilson's tavern, in the town of Lexington, Kentucky, to take depositions of Alexander Parker, James Morrison, Sam'l Trotter, John Bradford, Henry Clay, Abraham S. Barton, John Jordan, Jr. Robert C. Nicholas, and William Todd, to be read in evidence in said suits. Your ob't. serv't. ROBERT MILLER. Sept. 5, 1808. 4w
Notice. MR. HENRY TURNER, of the city of Richmond, is fully authorized by me to transact all business relative to the estate of the late Peter Baker, dec. of Goochland county. Christina Baker, Adm'x. September 12, 1808. 4w
GERMAN GOODS. The subscribers have for sale, a general assortment of German Goods, consisting of Osnaburgs Bed Tyke Ticklenburgs Damask Table Cloths Hessian Fine Shirting Linen Brown Rolls Liquor Cakes Danzig Rolls Quart. pint & half pint Dowlas Decanters Rowan's Sheetings Brown Holland And a general assortment of LOOKING GLASSES. Bohn & Hubner. September 12, 1808. tNI
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1808. tf
NOTICE. THAT a petition will be presented to the next Virginia assembly, held at the capitol, in the city of Richmond, to put down the ferry at Cat Point: Totuskey Little Bridge, Farnham Bridge and the Great Bridge over Totuskey be made a toll bridge; all in the county of Richmond. August 30th, 1808. 3w
Advertisement.  TO RENT, And of which possession may be had on the 1st day of October next, that pleasantly situated  TENEMENT, Of which the late Mr. William Nice died seized in this city. It is attended with almost every convenience required for the accommodation of a general family—but as it is presumed that any person wishing to rent, will first view the premises, a description of them is deemed unnecessary. Application may be made to Samuel Coleman at the capitol, or to the subscriber, residing on the premises, who is guardian to the orphans of William Nice, deceased. Richmond, Sept 15, 1808. Anne Nice. tOI
Notice. THE subscriber will petition the General Assembly of Virginia, at its next session, to complete to him the commonwealth's right in the following half acre lots in the city of Richmond, known and distinguished in the ancient plan of the town of Richmond, by the numbers 63, 64, 65, 66, 77, 83, 102. John Seabrook. 4w Hanover, Sept. 15, 1808.
BROUGHAM'S CELEBRATED  SPEECH AGAINST THE BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL;—AND, Baring's Pamphlet, On the same subject, are just received and for sale at this office.
LOZENGES.
New-Market Fall Races.  THE RACES FOR FALL 1808,  WILL COMMENCE, On Wednesday the nineteenth day of October.
JOCKEY CLUB PURSE, of six hundred dollars, warranted as heretofore, to be put up before starting.  PROPRIETOR'S PURSE, of two hundred and twenty five dollars; also warranted to be put up before running.  THIRD DAY, A SWEEPSTAKES, two mile heats, for Colts and Fillies, three years old, and the advantage, carrying 86 lbs. entrance fifty dollars—half Forfeit—Subscriptions may be made personally or by letter, to the keeper of the Course.—The Nags must be accurately described by the first of October, on which day it closes—it is expected that this race will be interesting to the spectators, and profitable to the winner, as his presumable there will be a great number of subscribers.
FOURTH DAY, A HANDY CAP, under the regulations established by the Judges.  THE SUBSCRIBER, who keeps the New Market course, has found from long experience, that to serve the Public attentively and moderately, are the most certain means of being remunerated for his labor; he is therefore determined that every exertion shall be made on his part to promote the convenience and add to the amusements of those who may visit the Races—An elegant stand 100 feet in length, is already built on the field, in which sumptuous dinners will be served up each day of the Races—the advantages of being protected from inclement weather or the hot Sun, feasting on the fat of our land, and quaffing the choicest liquors, all in full view of the contending COURSERS, must greatly add to the gratification of the gentlemen.  New Market is so justly famed for the respectability of its Purse, and the punctuality with which it is paid; for the greatest show of fine horses on the Continent, and the superior beauty and improvement of the ground, that no doubt can be entertained of its always ranking at least with the most celebrated Turfs in our country. The stables will be all newly fitted up and the most suitable proven-der provided for Horses.
BLANKS MOODY: P. S.—TOLL will be collected at the GATES as heretofore. The undersigned engage to run sweepstakes, two mile heats, with colts and fillies, three years old and the advantage, over the New Market course, the day after the proprietor's purse, next fall meeting, entrance 50 dollars, half forfeit, carrying 86 lbs. on each, three or more subscribers to make a race. The subscription will remain open until the 1st of Oct. next, and no longer. Entries may be made by letter or personal application to Blanks Moody, keeper of the course; in doing which, gentlemen have only to give in their names; but it is to be observed, that those who enter horses must accurately describe their nags on or before the day the subscription closes.  ENTRIES. Wm. E. Broadnax, enters a bay filly by Stirling, her dam Camilla by old Wil-dair. Thomas Goodt.
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued and for sale, on equally good terms as heretofore. Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarters and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and sole leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes.  Nails of all kinds.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling  BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit. August 2, 1808. 1awtf
JUST RECEIVED, A few hundred barrels cut & whole Herrings Antigua Rum by the hogshead & Best Green Coffee by the bag. FOR SALE BY C. H. SAUNDERS, 2d June. 1808. v3m
Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. Just received at this office, Part 1st of vol. 9th—or No. 17 of Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. Subscription still open. Also, Just received, THE TENTH NUMBER OF  The Military Library.
Penitentiary Store. THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 days credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.  CUT NAILS.
   Wholesale prices. Retail prices.     3d 13 cents. 14 cents per lb   4 12 1-2 13 1-2   6 11 1-2 12 1-2   8 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 11   12 10 11   20 10 11   Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2  
   Wholesale prices. Retail prices.     8d 10 cents. 11 cents per lb   10 9 1-2 10 1-2   12 9 10   20 9 10   CUT BRADS.   3d 39 cts. p. lb. 50 per m.   4 22 1-3 67   6 17 84  
WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS: 6d 13 14 per lb. 8 12 1-2 13 1-3 10 12 13 12 11 1-2 12 1-2 20 11 12 30 11 12 Spikes of all sizes same price as 30d. nails. Broad and narrow Axes, Hatchets, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes. Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto 8 Suwarrows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Plantation and light fine shoes, 10 3/4 a 12 3/4 Do. second & third qualities, 7 3/4 a 9 3/4 Negro shoes (strong) 6 3/4 a 7 3/4 Girls do. 4 3/4 a 4 3/4 Boys do. 3 3/4 a 6 3/4 Children's shoeetees, 3 3/4 a 4 3/4 Fire Buckets $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair Bridles, Surcingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambro and Fishing lines. Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR April 26, 1808. (2aw1m 1awtf) The Shoes are reduced much below the former price.
PROPOSALS Will be received till the first day of December next,  For Building a Bridge Across Appomattox, at Farmville. It is 120 feet long, and to be supported by pillars and abutments of stone. A plan may be seen by application to TH. A. MORTON or Wm. L. WOMACK, who are authorized to receive proposals. Farmville, Sept. 12, 1808. w5t
Tract of Land, containing 718 Acres and eight likely NEGROES, consisting of men, women and children: The land is situated on Willis's river, not far from its confluence with James River, in the neighborhood of Catersville; the improvements consist of a good dwelling house and other necessary out houses and one half of a good grist mill; possession as to 250 acres of said land can be given on the day of sale and a title made for the whole as agreeable to the powers vested in us by the said deed of Trust. JESSE MICH AUX Trustee SAMUEL HOBSON Trustee Cumberland County, August 15, 1808. wtds. Should the above day of sale be so unfair as to prevent the sale, the next fair day is intended to carry the intent of the deed into effect.
100 Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber the 5th November, 1806, a Negro Man named AN-DRREW; he is about 24 years of age, about 6 feet high, well made, of a dark complexion; he has a pleasing countenance, and when spoken to has a stoppage in his speech. He was raised by Dr. John Shore, of Petersburg; his father and mother are living in Manchester, where it is probable he is now lurking. The above reward will be given to any one who will deliver the said negro to me near Petersburg, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. Masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him off or harboring him at their peril. Drury Birchett. Richmond, August 25, 1808. w3m*
Four Slaves, to wit: Daniel a negro man, Phillis a woman, Squire a boy, and Pallas a girl, but as we are only trustees for the benefit of others, we will only warrant the title as to ourselves and those claiming under us. William F. Carter. Robert Franklin. Warminster, July 6, 1808. wtf
Just received and for sale at S. PLEASANTS, BOOK STORE, Richmond, Brown's Dictionary of the Bible, two volumes octavo, with elegant engravings—price seven dollars.
Pamphlets, CARDS,  HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.