The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-04-25 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1809.
[No. 110.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
RICHMOND PRICES CURRENT.
 Tobacco, . . . . . D. C.  FLOUR—SUPERFINE, . . . . . 4 50  DO. FINE, . . . . . 5 00  CORN, PER BARREL, . . . . . 2 50  BACON, PER LB. . . . . 0 10  WHISKEY, PER GALLON, . . . . . 0 44  WAR IRON, PER TON, . . . . . 120 00  HEMP, PER TON, . . . . . 250 00  WOL, PER LB. . . . . 25  WOOL, PER LB. . . . . 45 
NEAL NELSON, RICHMOND, BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTURER. —Respectfully informs his customers and the public at large (that in consequence of the late fire, where he was a sufferer) he has removed three doors above the Eagle Tavern, to the house lately occupied by Gibson & Jefferson—where he manufactures boots and shoes equal in point of workmanship and materials to any in general use.
April 7. CASH given for VIRGINIA MILITARY LAND WARRANTS granted for services in the Continental Line. Apply to GEO: GREENHOW.
April 21. MESRS. Stephen G. Hatcher, and Stephen Arnold —As neither of you are residents in the state of Virginia, nor have any known agent or attorney within the same, to whom this notice can be given; I hereby give you notice, that at Goodland court house, on the 20th day of May, 1809, between the hours of six in the morning and seven in the afternoon, I shall proceed to take the deposition of George Underwood, a single and material witness for me to a particular fact in the suit, which you have brought against me, in the circuit court of the United States, in the district of Virginia, in pursuance of a commission for that purpose obtained.
SAMUEL WOODSON. April 21. IRISH LINEN AND WINDOW GLASS, &c.—We offer for sale on reasonable terms, an Assortment of Irish Linen from 1yd a 5s 6d sterling per yard, English Window Glass 10-12 7. 9 and 11—5 ton Patent Box assorted sizes. TOMPKINS & MURRAY.
April 21. IMPORTANT to Suitors in the Superior Court of Chancery held in Richmond. At the last term the following points were resolved by the court: 1st. That no suit is to be revived without the names of the representatives of the deceased party or parties. 2d. That the clerk may either in or out of court issue process to revive, when the proper names are furnished and not before. 3d. That unless such process be executed with all due diligence, the benefit thereof may be lost to the party, who obtained it. 4th. That when an order is made for an account to be taken before a commissioner of the court, or before auditors to be agreed upon by the parties, it must be taken with all convenient speed, and unless a report be made thereupon within twelve months from the date of the order, the benefit thereof will be lost to the party who obtained it, unless for good cause to be shewn to the court.
By order of the Chancellor, Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. April 14. 4t
NOTICE —All persons indebted to the estate of the late JOHN STROBL , are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have claims against the estate are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, properly authenticated, that they may be justly discharged.
JOHN H. STROBL, Adm'r. April 14. 2w
COMMUNICATION FROM PRESIDENT ADAMS, TO THE PRINTERS OF THE BOSTON PATRIOT.
SIRS, I was glad to see in your paper of the 7th of this month, the extract from the Baltimore Federal Republican , for many reasons, which may be explained in due time; one or two may be stated now. I was pleased with the candid acknowledgement, that "Mr. Adams never was a favorite with the leading men of the federal party." The words leading men will require some explanation and some limitations and restrictions, which may hereafter appear. But in general, this is a truth which I have known for twenty years, though it has never been publicly avowed, to my knowledge, till now. If I am happy to see what I consider as an acknowledgement, that my unparadomable sin against the federal party, or rather against those leading men , was the peace with France in 1802: an event which has given this country eight years of its most splendid prosperity. The writer mentions the mission to France in 1799, as a measure which brought odium and ridicule on my administration. If you will allow me a little room in your paper, I may, in part, produce proofs to the satisfaction of the public, that this measure was neither odious nor ridiculous. At this time I will only send you a communication from General WASHINGTON, by which it will appear that the subject was not seen by that great ornament of his country in the same light in which this writer sees it.
MOUNT VERNON, 1st. Feb. 1799. DEAR SIR, The letter herewith enclosed, from Mr. Joel Barlow, though of old date, came to my hands only yesterday. I have conceived it to be my duty to transmit it to you without delay and without a comment, except that it must have been written with a very good or a very bad design—which of the two, you can judge better than I. For, from the known abilities of that gentleman, such a letter could not be the result of ignorance, in him, nor from the implications which are to be found in it, has it been written without the privity of the French Directory.—It is incumbent on me to add, that I have not been in the habit of corresponding with Mr. Barlow.
The letter now forwarded is the first I ever received from him: & to him I have never written one. If then you should be of opinion that his is calculated to bring on negotiation upon open, fair & honorable ground, and merits a reply, and will instruct me as to the tenor of it, I shall with pleasure and alacrity obey your orders: more especially if there is reason to believe that it would become a means, however small, of restoring peace and tranquility to the United States, upon just, honorable and dignified terms, which I am persuaded is the ardent desire of all the friends of this rising empire.
With great consideration and respect, I have the honor to be, dear sir, Your most obedient and very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON. J. ADAMS, President of the United States.
The letter from Mr. BARLOW, enclosed in General WASHINGTON'S, is in these words: PARIS, 2d Oct. 1798.
SIR, On hearing of your late nomination as Commander in Chief of the American armies, I rejoice at it, not because I believe the war which that nomination contemplates is yet inevitable, and that it will furnish an occasion for a further display of your military talents, but because it may enable you to exert your influence to greater effect, in preventing the war, by becoming more the centre of information than you could be in your retirement, you will be better able to judge of the dispositions of both countries, and to offer such counsels to your government as may tend to remove the obstacles that will oppose themselves to a reconciliation.—Were you now President of the U. States, I should not address you this letter, because, not knowing my inclination for the tranquility of a retired life, you might think that I was seeking a place, or had some farther object in view, than the simple one of promoting peace between the two republics. But I hope, under present circumstances, that you will believe my motive to be pure and unmixt, and that the object of my letter is to call your attention to the true state of facts.
Perhaps few men, who cannot pretend to have been in the secrets of either government, are in a better situation than myself to judge of the motives of both; to assign the true causes, and trace out the progress of their unhappy misunderstanding, or to appreciate their present dispositions, pretensions and wishes. I am certain there is none who labors more sincerely for the restoration of harmony, upon terms honorable to the United States and advantageous to the cause of liberty.
I will not in this place go over the history of past transactions. It would be of little use.—The object is to seize the malady in its present state and to try to arrest its progress. The dispute at this moment may be characterized simply and literally speaking, a misunderstanding .—I cannot persuade myself to give it a harsher name, as it applies to either government. It is clear that neither of them has an interest in going to war with the other, and I am equally convinced that neither of them had the inclination; that is, I believe the balance of inclination as well as of interest, on both sides, is in favor of peace. But each government, though sensible of this truth with respect to itself, is ignorant of it, with respect to the other. Each believes the other determined on war, and ascribes all its conduct to a decreed hostility. The least they can do, therefore under this impression, is to prepare for an event which they both believe inevitable, while they both wish to avoid it.—But by what fatality is it, that a calamity so dreadful must be rendered inevitable because it is thought so? Both governments have tongues and both have ears. Why will they not speak? Why will they not listen? The causes which have hitherto prevented them are not difficult to assign. I could easily explain them, as I believe, to the satisfaction of both parties, and without throwing so much blame on either government, as each of them at present ascribes to the other. But I will avoid speaking of any past provocation on either side. The point that I wish to establish in your mind, is that the French Directory is at present sincerely desirous of restoring harmony between this country and the U. States, on terms honorable and advantageous to both parties. I wish to convince you of this, and through you, the American government, because that government being desirous of the same thing, would not fail to take such steps as would lead immediately to the object.
low. The letter now forwarded is the first I ever received from him: & to him I have never written one. If then you should be of opinion that his is calculated to bring on negotiation upon open, fair & honorable ground, and merits a reply, and will instruct me as to the tenor of it, I shall with pleasure and alacrity obey your orders: more especially if there is reason to believe that it would become a means, however small, of restoring peace and tranquility to the United States, upon just, honorable and dignified terms, which I am persuaded is the ardent desire of all the friends of this rising empire.
In offering you my proofs of the present disposition on this side, you will permit me to observe, that some of them are from their nature incapable of being detailed, and others improper to be trusted to the casualties of a letter. But I will mention a few that are ostensible, and so far as they go, undeniable. First, the Directory has declared, that it will receive and treat with any Minister from America, who shall appear to be sent with a sincere intention of treating and terminating existing difficulties. I have no doubt but this was the intention when the last envoys were sent; but from some unfortunate circumstances, the Directory did not believe it. Second, as a preliminary, it has been declared, that in the negotiation there shall be no question of loans of money, or apologies for offensive speeches pronounced by the executive on either side. Third, all commissions given to privateers in the W. Indies are recalled, and when new commissions are issued, the owners and commanders are to be restricted, under bonds, to the legal object of capture. Fourth, an embargo that was laid on American ships within the republic, in consequence of a report that war had been begun on the part of the United States, was taken off as soon as it was ascertained that such war had not been begun. And a new declaration was at the same time sent to America of the wishes of France to treat. These facts will doubtless come to your knowledge, through other channels, before you receive this letter. But there are other facts which in my mind are equally clear, though to you, will be destitute of corroborating circumstances, and must rest on my own information and opinion. 1st. That this government contemplates a just indemnity for spoliations on American commerce,
to be ascertained by commissioners in a manner similar to the one prescribed in our treaty with England. 2d. That the legislation will soon be changed here, with respect to neutrals, and that all flags will be put on the footing of the law of nations. 3d. That a public agent would have been named and sent to Philadelphia soon after Mr. Gerry's departure, were it not for the apprehensions that he would not have been received. There was a doubt whether the American government would not have already taken such measures of hostility as to be unwilling to listen to terms of accommodation, and the Directory did not choose to risk the chance of seeing its offers refused. 4th. That the Directory considers these declarations and transactions as a sufficient overture on its part. That it has retreated to an open ground that is quite unsuspicious. That a refusal on the part of the American government to meet on this ground, will be followed by immediate war, and that it will be a war of the most terrible and vindictive kind.
This, sir, is my view of the present state of facts. Should it make that impression on your mind, which I desire, for the sake of humanity, that it may, you will judge whether it does not comport with the independence of the United States and the dignity of their government, to send another minister to form new treaties with the French republic. In a war, there is clearly nothing to be gained by us, not even honor. Honor indeed may be saved by war, and so it may be by negotiation. But the calamities inseparable from a war of this kind, and under present circumstances, would be incalculable. I do not say that the United States or any portion of them would be conquered; but they would sacrifice great numbers of their best citizens, burthen themselves with four times their present debt, overturn the purest system of morals, and lose the fairest opportunity that ever a nation had, of rising to greatness and happiness on the basis of liberty.
Were I writing to a young General, whose name was still to be created, I might deem it useless to ask him to stifle in its birth, a war on which he had founded his hopes of future honors. But you, sir, having already earned and acquired all those that can render a man great and happy, can surely have no object of ambition but to render your country so. To engage your influence in favor of a new attempt at negotiation, I thought it only necessary to convince you, that such an attempt would be well received here, and probably attended with success. I can do no more than assure you that this is my sincere opinion, and that my information is drawn from unsuspected sources.
I am not accustomed to interpose my advice in the administration of any country, and should not have done it now, did I not believe it my duty as a citizen of my own, and a friend to all others. I see two great nations rushing on each other's bayonets, without any other cause of contention but a misunderstanding. I slumber at the prospect, and wish to throw myself between the vans, and suspend the onset, till a word of explanation can pass. I hope my letter will have thrown some light upon the subject; but if it shall not, I hope you will excuse the attempt, for you know my zeal is honest.
I have the honor to be, sir, With great respect, Your most obedient and Most humble servant, JOEL BARLOW. To Gen. Washington.
Neither Mr. Barlow's letter nor General WASHINGTON'S opinion would have influenced me to nominate a minister, if I had not received abundant assurances to the same effect from irregular diplomatic sources. 1, however, considered Gen. WASHINGTON'S question whether Mr. Barlow's was written with a very good or a very bad design; and as with all my jealousy I had not sagacity enough to discover the smallest room for suspicion of any ill design, I frankly concluded that it was written with a very good one.
From General Washington's letter, it appears, 1st. That it was his opinion that the restoration of peace upon just, honorable and dignified terms, was the ardent desire of all the friends of this rising Empire. 2d. That he thought negotiation might be brought on, upon open, fair and honorable ground. 3d. That he was so desirous of peace, that he was willing to enter into correspondence with Mr. Barlow, a private gentleman, without any visible credentials or public character, or responsibility to either government, in order to bring on a public negotiation. Gen. Washington, therefore, could not consider the negotiation odious.
JOHN ADAMS. Quincy. April 10, 1809.
EUROPE.
[Translated for the N. Y. Evening Post] EXTRAORDINARY GAZETTE OF THE GOVERNMENT. CADIZ, Feb. 23.
PROCLAMATION. Our lord the King Don Ferdinand VII. and in his royal name, Don Felix Jones, field Marshal of the royal armies, and governor pro tempore of this place, &c. In consequence of the discontentments and commotions which have taken place in this city, whose inhabitants have requested various things which they consider useful & necessary to their private and public security, and to the exercise of their liberty and of the national independence, and considering their loyalty and patriotism at all times, and particularly at present, as also the signal and important services which they have performed and are now performing in favor of the just cause which they defend at the hazard of their lives and fortunes, it is made known as follows: 1. That the said governor, with the advice and concurrence of the most reverend father guardian of Capuchins, has resolved, at the petition and request of the people, to remove from their present situations and employments, Don Jose and Don Manuel de Heredia, the licentiate Don Jose de Cas-
tro Cubillas, and Don Juan de Dios de Landaburu; and if the people desire the suppression of the Junta of government, on expressing their wish without disorders or riot, through their representative the Lyndie, it shall instantly be done. 2. The most vigilant endeavors shall be used for the discovery of traitors, in order to avoid the danger of collusion with the enemy. That all personal injuries shall be redressed, and that every thing shall be provided for the defence of this place by its inhabitants or by national troops without admitting any foreign troops whatsoever. 3. That for the greater satisfaction of the public, able officers of the corps of artillery and engineers of the British nation, our close and faithful allies, who so zealously assist us, shall be invited, for the purpose of examining and surveying the fortifications of this place and its dependencies, & shall be consulted in every thing relating to its defence. 4. That whereas the people of Cadiz, dissatisfied with his excellency the marquis de Villiel, a member of the central junta, and its representative in this city, did, yesterday the 22d inst. arrest and confine him in the monastery of the reverend father Capuchin's, and earnestly request an examination of his papers, it has been determined to do so, and that a legal investigation shall take place. 5. That as the public discontent appears to arise in a great measure from the reserve with which intelligence of public events has hitherto been communicated, measures shall be taken to satisfy the people on that subject, by announcing whatever may occur with the greatest punctuality and attention. 6. Lastly, that the enlistment of the inhabitants in the provincial regiment of Ciudad Rodrigo shall cease, until, after consulting the supreme authority, suitable measures are taken to garrison and defend this place; for which purpose the distinguished volunteers, the light troops, and the companies of artillery, shall remain and shall not leave it, declaring that the reports spread by malice that it is intended to disarm them, or to send them to the army, are absolutely false.
And that this may be known to and satisfy the public, and that the confidence due to the authorities may be restored, and all disturbance cease, and tranquility reign, without which the laws cannot govern, it is ordered that these presents be posted up in Cadiz this 23d Feb. 1809. FR. MARIANO DE SEVILLA. Guardian of Capuchins. FELIX JONES. FROM ENGLAND. [ONE DAY LATER.] On Wednesday last arrived at Boston, the British ship Alexander, in 39 days from Liverpool, bringing London papers to the last day of February, inclusive. The fact is settled that Bonaparte has returned to Paris—How far the reasons which are given as accounting for this movement will be realized, we cannot determine, but the London papers offer the following statement of facts, said vaguely enough , to have been received in advices to the government from the continent.
BREIT FLEET. No certain accounts have been received of the destination of the enemy. Some suppose they are gone to Cadiz; we wish they may be, but we fear they will not be so unwise. Others conjecture Toulon to be their destination. The W. Indies are a more likely point than Toulon, but there are many who believe that they are gone to South America, and that they have on board the late king and queen of Spain, and the Prince of Peace.
BLESSINGS OF MONARCHY!
In laying the following scenes before our readers, it is difficult to suppress the mantling indignation which they inspire. What shall we say of the destitution of those consecrated marriage-ties, which should bind the husband and the parent to his household, which his Royal Highness the Duke of York, has so remorselessly snapt asunder? What of the obligation which is incumbent upon men of elevated ranks, as they rise higher into view, to display brighter models to their country, To set sublime examples to the nation; And when an Eagle they should spring, To drink the solar blaze, on towering wing, With daring and unblazed eyes—
not by their own vices, to stamp profligacy and prostitution with the currency of fashion? Such things indeed are common among these royal wretches. It would have been departing from the practice of the family. The Prince of Wales has his Mrs. Fitzherbert—the Duke of Clarence his Mrs. Jordan, and why is not the Duke of York entitled to a cicisbeo of his own? These are the three illustrious lights, which are set up for the envy and imitation of the noble youth of G. Britain—As are the springs of royalty, so will be the springs of nobility. But as to the charges which are here specially made against his Royal Highness, are they not most serious and rank? Is not the view, which they present us of the interior mechanism of a monarchy, truly disgusting? Such destitution of principle, virtue and economy are to be expected, when it is a monarchy that presides over a nation; and when it is such a family as that of the Guelphs, that wields the sceptre of the monarchy.—Take this case in whatever light you please. Either the defence set up by the Duke of York is true or it is false. Either he has lavished 25,000 £ sterling, besides valuable presents, upon a prostitute; or he has stinted her to £1,000 a year, and she has had the dexterity to eke out the lustre of her luxury by levying requisitions on avaricious applicants and setting up the military offices of Great Britain to sale.—If the plea of his Grace be a true one, how brilliant is the economy of Princes! Nearly 10,000 £ sterling a year lavished by one Prince upon one doxy—nearly 45,000 £ a year—almost twice as much as feeds the too extravagant state of the chief Magistrate of the American Republic. Such are the blessed dispensations of monarchy! And who is it pays the piper? Who supplies the means of these meritorious expenditures? Who—but the poor people of Britain? His Royal highness, forsooth, has done nothing, either in the way of body or mind, to earn or deserve a single silver—were a crumb of bread never to enter his Royal lips, but what was moistened by the sweat of his Royal brow, e'er seven days would be over his head, it would be at rest for ever. It is the poor industrious people, who work and starve too for him and his royal family; and it is this royal brood, who squander away the treasures of the people upon races, upon prostitutes and all the paraphernalia of an abandoned luxury. And for this, are the British people better governed than we are ? Are their armies better commanded and more loaded with laurels, than were those American heroes who fought and conquered under Washington?
Put take it the other way. Let the Duke of York be supposed to be guilty of these charges.—Is it not clear that the military appointments of Britain are distributed not according to merit, but according to favour or corruption—not according to the qualifications of the service, but to the prices of such

pests and prostitutes as Mrs. Clarke? Can the British arms be crowned with success, when they are led by officers selected by such venality and "indirection." Yet not only such hold commissions, but his Royal Highness the Duke of York is the Commander in Chief . The man, who has possibly contrived at such shameful practices—the man, who has certainly written the silliest Love-Letters which have ever fallen even into that proverbially silly class of compositions—a man thus proved to be without merit and without mind, is to lead the British arms to glory. No wonder they have suffered disgrace under such auspices. And yet mark the issue—When Beresford is foiled before Buenos Ayres, he is subjected to inquisition—When Dalrymple concludes the convention of Cintra, he is sent to answer for it before a military tribunal. But when the Duke of York is disgraced in Holland, he escapes with impunity— No enquiry, no trial, no reprimand . Such is the advantage of being a Prince of the Blood—Such are the dispensations of a form of government, which has officers without responsibility, and privileged folks that can "do no wrong!!!!"
These ideas naturally flow from the subject before us. They are calculated to make us feel all the erectness and pride of being the equal citizens of a republic.—As to the Love Letters, which we now lay before our readers, they will laugh at them as well as we do. Hereditary princes are almost proverbially fools. The history of the European courts for years past displays the fact. Now and then a comparatively great mind, blest with some extraordinary opportunity, shoots up among them—but whether it be owing to birth or Education, the degeneracy of this species of animals is notorious.—Sometimes we are almost tempted to believe, that it is principally the effect of birth—that Nature has thus compensated the artificial splendor of their fortunes by a proportional mutilation of intellect—that man, like a brute, when put up into a pen by himself and set apart from the community of his species, degenerates from them—and that if it were not for the profligacy of the breed, which causes them to violate the sanctity of the matrimonial ties and mix their royal blood with the impure streams of the vulgar, or for those political convulsions, which introduce new dynasties into Kingdoms, thrones would be almost converted into bedlams, and kings into idiots.
ENQUIRER.
From the New York Evening Post.
DUKE OF YORK. The royal affair between the Duke of York and Mrs. Clarke begins to excite as much interest among our readers here as it has in England. Not having the papers which contain the charge as it was formally preferred against the Duke in the House of Commons, it can only be collected from the evidence, which nearly engrosses fourteen papers now before us. The following may be considered a pretty correct summary statement.
The Duke of York had supported as a mistress during three years a Mrs. Clarke, who had before separated from her husband and who is represented as a fascinating as well as a most artful and extravagant woman. (His Royal Highness has been married for several years; his Duchess is alive. Mark that!) She lived at Gloucester House in a style of great expense and splendor, had her own house and country house, kept two carriages and nine servants. At length the Duke became weary or disgusted and left her. She applied to him still for more money and intimated he was in her power if he did not comply. He gave more. She repeated her demands so often that he found it would be impracticable to continue to supply them, and determined to stop where he was and brave consequences. She then offered that if he would pay all her debts and settle an annuity for life of 400l. upon her, she would remain silent and give up his letters. He refused; she went to a member of the House of Commons and accused the Duke of York, as commander in chief, with disposing of appointments in the army through her influence, for which she received pecuniary presents from the applicants, 500 guineas from one, 400 from another, &c. adding that it was by these sums of money thus received, she was enabled to support her establishment, the Duke only allowing her 1,000l. a year, and that this was done with his knowledge and approbation; a charge that certainly involves the Duke's character very deeply, as it imputes motives the most mean and scandalous, if not corrupt and mercenary. But finding himself in the power of this abandoned and shameless woman, (who more shameless and abandoned than his Grace?) he resolved to abide the consequences of a public investigation; humbling himself by a confession of the connection, but denying the whole of the charges.
She accordingly came forth in the face of the nation, preferred the accusation at the bar of the House of Commons, and offered herself as the witness to criminate. Many whole days have been consumed in her examination, as well as of some other witnesses called in to support her. Witnesses have also been examined on the other side, to invalidate her testimony; to show that instead of three thousand, twenty five thousand pounds have been lavished on her, besides valuable presents; (and whence did her Grace obtain this money? Where—but from the pockets of the poor people of Britain?)—and that, therefore, the presumption set up against the Duke, arising from the inadequacy of the means he allowed her, must fail; and lastly, that she was so very worthless, that while professing fidelity to the Duke, she bestowed her favors on some others, through whose influence over her the promotions were obtained. The proceedings have closed before the commons, but their decision has not yet transpired. It is said the Duke has determined to resign the office of Commander in Chief, and have the matter brought solemnly before the House of Peers.
For the amusement of our fair readers, whose curiosity, must, I am sure, be broad awake on a subject that agitates the whole British nation, I now present two of the love letters which Mrs. Clarke offered in evidence to the House of Commons. I fear, however, that our American ladies, especially if they recollect the Duke of Cumberland's love letter to Lady Grosvenor, will form but a contemptuous opinion of the talent of Princes in this way, (or in any other, with an exception here or there scarce worth talking about)—and that they will further think that Mrs. Clarke must, at any rate, be a foolish hussy, if she could really esteem so very weak a man as the writer evidently is. (Some of Mr. Coleman's patrons would have dispensed with
the publication of these letters and his reflections upon them. What, hold up to scorn the son of his Majesty, and the brother of the Prince of Wales? Really this picture of Royalty is too disgusting, not to mar the designs of those who would wish to see it established in this country—by still further strengthening the good, old prejudices of our countrymen against it.)
WORTHING, Aug. 3, 1805. "How can I express sufficiently to my sweetest, my darling life, the delight which her darling, her pretty letter gave me! or how much I feel all the kind things she says to me! I can only say millions & millions of thanks to my dearest angel! My heart is so fully sensible of your affection, that upon it depends my life. I am however quite hurt that my life did not go to Lewes races. It was kind of her to think of me on the occasion; but I trust she knows me too well not to be convinced that I cannot bear the idea of adding to her the sacrifices, which I am too sensible she has made to me. News, my angel, cannot separate me from hence, & the life I lead here in the family has such a tiresome sameness about it that it is quite provoking, except Lord Chesterfield's family, there is not a single person here of note, which contributes to the tedium. Dr. O'Mara called upon me, and he wishes to preach before Royalty. I shall endeavor to favor him in this respect. What a time it appears since we parted! How impatiently do I look forward to next Wednesday, when I shall clasp my angel in my arms! In the mean time God bless you my dear Life! I must now close or I shall lose post. Adieu my dear Love, and believe me ever yours, and yours as long as I breathe."
"F."
SANDGATE, Aug. 24.
How can I sufficiently express the thanks of my heart to my Angel for the assurance of her love! Oh! my Angel, there never was a woman adored as you are. Every hour convinces me that my happiness depends upon you. With what impatience do I look forward till to-morrow, the moment I shall clasp her I love to my heart! How happy I am to hear you are well! Clavering is mistaken, my Angel, that any new regiments are to be raised; only the second battalions to be completed. You had better tell him so.—Ten thousand thanks for the handkerchiefs! How much I prize them, when I think of the dear hands that made them! I have nothing new to communicate to you. I find every thing here in a fine state of order. Yesterday I was reviewing the troops and examining the coast here. I had a fine view of the French camp at Calais. Yesterday I first reviewed the 14th light dragoons. The troops were in high spirits and in excellent order; and then I went to Brabun Lees, where I reviewed some regiments of militia. I am now setting out for Hastings along the coast.—Adieu, till the day after to-morrow, and be assured, my dearest Angel, till the last hour of my life I shall be yours and yours only. F."
This and the other letters excited in almost every part of the House, a most extraordinary burst of laughter and merriment.
NEW YORK, April 20.
LATEST FOREIGN NEWS.
Last evening arrived at this port the brig Cumberland, Captain Meserve, in 44 days from Liverpool, which place the vessel left on the 6th of March, and capt. M. has politely favored the Editor of the MERCANTILE ADVERTISER with a file of the London Courier to the evening of the 3d of March from which we have copied the following articles of Intelligence.
Our London papers are nearly filled with the examination of the witnesses against the Duke of York.
LONDON, March 1.
A question was asked by Mr. Ponsonby in the House of Commons yesterday, whether the Treaty which had been said to be on the eve of being concluded with Spain, had been as yet ratified? And 2d whether the report to which he had alluded on a former night, viz. that the force sent from Lisbon had been refused admission into Cadiz, was true or not?
Mr. Canning replied to the first question, that the ratification of the Treaty had not been received; and to the second, that he could not give any precise answer, though he did not know of any such circumstance having taken place.
The gallant Sir David Baird is immediately to be elevated to the Peerage, with the title of Viscount.
Sir John Moore's family are to have pensions.
Gen. Hope is to be made a Baronet, and get the first Red Ribbon.
CORK, Feb. 26.
The Expedition to sail from this port will, we understand, be under the command of Major General Beresford. It will consist of six regiments, their destination is not mentioned. The transports have not yet arrived for their embarkation.
The troops under Major General Sherbrooke, still remain at Cove, waiting for instructions to proceed on their destination.
March 3.
Peace between Great Britain and Turkey.
Probability of war between Austria and France.
Dutch Papers arrived this morning to the 28th ult. They contain very important intelligence.—War between Austria & France is openly spoken of, and an article in the Leyden Paper, of the 27th, informs us of the measures which have been adopted by the Cabinet of Vienna; measures which can only have been adopted in the contemplation of an immediate war.
Peace has certainly been concluded between Turkey and Great Britain—it was signed by the Turkish Minister, Hakki Effendi, and Mr. Adair. A fresh insurrection had broken out at Constantinople, and the Peace with England is said, in an article from Vienna, to have been the immediate consequence of it. The Russian Generals, as soon they were informed of the event, broke off all negotiation with the Turks.
Peace with Turkey was signed on the 5th of January.
An article from Arragon, dated the 11th of February, mentions that there are 40,000 men in arms defending Saragossa; that Junot is besieging it; that the works & trenches are pushed on to the gates of the town, & a bombardment kept up without intermission. The enemy hope to force the place to surrender by famine more than by force of arms.
LINTZ, Feb. 8, (by way of France.)
The anxiety which the reports of a new war in Austria had occasioned, has been aug-
mented by the late measures of the Court of Vienna. It is certain that the light corps are to be formed, which will be sent to join different regiments. Other military preparations are likewise making and magazines are forming in Bohemia and Austria. M. Fasbender, who in the late campaigns was principal Commissary to the Austrian army, has been again appointed to that post, and the Count de Guinne, formerly adjutant general to Archduke Charles, has been appointed adjutant to the Emperor. The Archduke Ferdinand is to take the Chief Command of an Austrian army in Bohemia, if war should break out, and Count Bellegarde will command an army in Carinthia and Carniola. In the mean time several Generals, who commanded on the Turkish frontiers, have been recalled to Vienna. Many persons however doubt, whether the Archduke Charles approves the measures of the Court, and will be willing to enter into a new war. In the conferences which have been held on the subject, and at which both that Prince and the Archduke Ferdinand, the Brother of the Express, were present, it is said, a new general levy was spoken of, and different measures proposed to render it agreeable to the people. Those most experienced in military affairs estimate the whole of our regular troops at 143,000 men—but it is not practicable to find a train of artillery sufficient for an army of 60,000 men.—Leyden Courant, Feb. 27.
VIENNA, Feb. 11. A courier sent off by our Internuncio at Constantinople, M. Sturmer, has brought intelligence to the Government of a new insurrection of the Janissaries which has been very bloody, and by which the Porte was obliged to conclude a peace with England.—The Courier left Constantinople on the 16th January. The first consequence of this event has been that the Russian Generals have broken off all communication with the Turks.
The Gazette contains the following article under the head of Turkey:
On the 5th of January, peace was concluded between England and the Sublime Porte, by the British Minister Mr. Adair and Hakki Effendi, in consequence of which all the ports in the Turkish Empire are open to the English ships. This important intelligence was immediately transmitted to the principal commercial towns in Europe, Asia and Africa, and a great change may be expected in the great towns of the Levant, and the price of most commodities.—Leyden Courant, Feb. 28.
The Brest fleet have put into Rochefort. The object of the Brest Fleet was, in the first instance to surprise our squadron off Rochefort, consisting of four sail of the line, then to join the Rochefort, and proceed from thence to Ferrol, where, united to the Ferrol squadron, their combined force would have amounted to 20 sail of the line. It has been reported, that on their passage to Rochefort, the Brest Fleet called off L'Orient, and were joined by the squadron there—but this, we understand, is not the fact; they made their way direct to Rochefort. The enemy had no sooner got into Basque Roads than Admiral Stopford was joined by 3 sail of the line, which had been blockading L'Orient.—The admiral has now under him the Cæsar, Donegal, Defiance, Triumph, Valiant, Revenge, and Thesues.—He would soon be joined by the division under Admiral Duckworth, which had been dispatched by Lord Gambier to cruise off Cape Finisterre, his Lordship very naturally supposing that the enemy would push for Ferrol. The Cæsar, his Lordship's ship supplied Admiral Duckworth with all her provisions, which obliged her to return to Plymouth to procure a fresh supply. The frigates belonging to the Brest Fleet were a good way behind the line of Battle ships, and hence we were enabled to drive them under the batteries of the Sables d'Olonne. The Cæsar was left keeping up a tremendous fire upon them, and it was hoped would be able to effect their destruction. The Brest Fleet was in Basque Roads, and expectations, as we stated yesterday, are entertained that their capture or destruction may be effected.
Our communication with Sweden and the Baltic is at length opened, and this morning 11 of the 16 Gottenburg mails due, arrived. On the 22d of December, 5 British & 3 Swedish ships of war, with a convoy of 12 merchant vessels, sailed for England, part of which were lost by ice, and part captured by the Danes—some of the prizes were also lost in the same way.
The Stockholm Gazette, of Feb. 16th, states, that intelligence had been received from Schwerin, that Gen. Davoust had given notice to the French consul in Rustock, that the embargo laid on 51 merchantmen lying in that port, is raised.
In the House of Commons, on the 2d March, Mr. Whitbread moved for an account of all the duties levied on exportation, in consequence of the acts of last session, subsequent to, and in pursuance of the system laid down in the Orders in Council. Ordered. The Hon. Gentleman then made some observations on the subject of the papers relative to America, which had been laid on the table of the House not being printed. He thought the correspondence between Mr. Canning, Mr. Pinkney, Mr. Rose, and Madison, ought, from their importance, to have been in the hands of every member of parliament; but did not make any motion on the subject.
Price of Stocks—3 per cent. Consols for money, 67 3/4.
DOMESTIC.
BALTIMORE, April 21.
A letter from Havana of 5th instant, states, that 50 sail of American vessels from the United States had arrived there within that week, among which was the brig Blanche, Richardson, from Baltimore. A duty of ten dollars per bbl. on flour had been laid by the government to enable the holders of it, that had bought at advanced prices, to dispose on equal terms. Owing to the Holydays no business had been done; no sale of flour had been effected; the price remained unfixed. Sugars (brown) had risen from one and a half to four dollars.—American.
VERY GOOD NEWS.
From the Boston Gazette, April 17.
Captain Freeman, of the Mercator, who arrived here last Friday from Liverpool, states, that the day before he sailed (the 31 March) his merchants, Messrs. Morrill and Borland, of Liverpool, showed him a letter, which they had just received from their correspondent in London, announcing, "That the evening before, he had an interview with Mr. Pinkney, and was informed by him, that the differences between Great Britain and the U. States were amicably adjusted, and dispatches sent to that effect, to the U. States."
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER EXTRA.
WASHINGTON, APRIL 19, 1809.
IMPORTANT!!!
Since the arrival of Mr. Oakeley at Washington, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State, and Mr. Erskine, the British Minister, have been under understand, every day engaged in discussions in relation to two points of difference between the U. States and Great Britain, which, it seems, Mr. Erskine has been authorized to arrange in virtue of powers received from his government by the British sloop of war, now lying at Hampton, subject to his orders. The following Notes shew the happy result of these discussions.
(No. I.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
WASHINGTON, 17th April, 1809.
Sir, I have the honor to inform you, that I have received his Majesty's commands, to represent to the government of the United States, that his Majesty is animated by the most sincere desire for an adjustment of the differences, which have unhappily so long prevailed between the two countries, the recapitulation of which might have a tendency to impede, if not prevent an amicable understanding.
It having been represented to his Majesty's government, that the Congress of the U. States, in their proceedings at the opening of the last session, had evinced an intention of passing certain laws, which would place the relations of Great Britain with the U. States, upon an equal footing in all respects, with the other belligerent powers, I have accordingly received his Majesty's commands, to offer, on the part of his Majesty, an honorable reparation for the aggression, committed by a British naval officer, in the attack on the U. States' frigate Chesapeake.
Considering the act, passed by the Congress of the U. States on the 1st of March, (usually termed the non-intercourse act) as having produced a state of equality, in the relations of the two belligerent powers, with respect to the U. States, I have to submit, conformably to instructions, for the consideration of the American government, such terms of satisfaction and reparation, as his Majesty is induced to believe, will be accepted, in the same spirit of conciliation, with which they are proposed.
In addition to the prompt disavowal made by his Majesty, on being apprized of the unauthorized act, committed by his naval officer, whose recall, as a mark of the King's displeasure, from an highly important and honorable command, immediately ensued, his Majesty is willing to restore the men forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, and, if acceptable to the American government, to make a suitable provision for the unfortunate sufferers on that occasion.
I have the honor to be, With sentiments of the highest Respect and consideration,
Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, D. M. ERSKINE.
The Hon. ROBERT SMITH, Esq. Secretary of State, &c. &c. &c.
(No. II.)
Department of State, April 17, 1809.
Sir, I have laid before the President your note, in which you have, in the name and by the order of his Britannic Majesty declared that his Britannic Majesty is desirous of making an honorable reparation for the aggression committed by a British naval officer in the attack on the United States frigate the Chesapeake; that in addition to his prompt disavowal of the act, his Majesty, as a mark of his displeasure, did immediately recall the offending officer from a highly important and honorable command; and that he is willing to restore the men forcibly taken out of the Chesapeake, and, if acceptable to the American government, to make a suitable provision for the unfortunate sufferers on that occasion.
The government of the United States having, at all times, entertained a sincere desire for an adjustment of the differences, which have so long and so unhappily subsisted between the two countries, the President cannot but receive with pleasure assurances that his Britannic Majesty is animated by the same disposition, and that he is ready, in conformity to this disposition, to make atonement for the insult and aggression committed by one of his naval officers in the attack on the United States frigate the Chesapeake.
As it appears, at the same time, that, in making this offer, his Britannic Majesty derives a motive from the equality, now existing, in the relations of the United States, with the two belligerent powers, the President owes it to the occasion, and to himself, to let it be understood, that this equality is a result incident to a state of things, growing out of distinct considerations.
With this explanation, as requisite as it is frank, I am authorized to inform you, that the President accepts the note delivered by you, in the name and by the order of his Britannic Majesty, and will consider the same with the engagement contained therein, when fulfilled, as a satisfaction for the insult and injury of which he has complained. But I have it in express charge from the President, to state, that while he forbears to insist on a further punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannic Majesty to his own honor.
I have the honor to be, With the highest respect and consideration, Sir, Your most obedient servt.
R. SMITH.
The Hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty.
(No. III.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
WASHINGTON, April 18th, 1809.
Sir, I have the honor of informing you, that his Majesty, having been persuaded that the honorable reparation which he had caused to be tendered for the unauthorized attack upon the American frigate Chesapeake, would be accepted by the government of the United States in the same spirit of conciliation, with which it was proposed, has instructed me to express his satisfaction, should such a happy termination of that affair take place—not only as having removed a painful cause of difference, but as affording a fair prospect of a complete and cordial understanding being re-established between the two countries.
al understanding being re-established between the two countries.
This favorable change in the relations of his Majesty with the United States, which has been produced by the Act (usually termed the Non-Inter-course act) passed in the last session of Congress, was also anticipated by his Majesty, and has encouraged a further hope, that a reconsideration of the existing differences might lead to their satisfactory adjustment.
On these grounds and expectations, I am instructed to communicate to the American government, his Majesty's determination of sending to the United States, an Envoy Extraordinary invested with full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two countries.
In the mean time, with a view to contribute to the attainment of so desirable an object; his Majesty would be willing to withdraw his Orders in Council of January and November 1807, so far as respects the United States, in the pursuance that the President would issue a Proclamation for the renewal of the intercourse with Great Britain, and that whatever difference of opinion should arise in the interpretation of the terms of such an agreement will be removed in the proposed negotiation.
I have the honor to be with sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem.
Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
D. M. ERSKINE.
Hon. Robert Smith, } &c. &c. &c.
(No. IV.)
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 18th, 1809.
Sir, The note, which I had the honor of receiving from you this day, I lost no time in laying before the President, who being sincerely desirous of a satisfactory adjustment of the differences unhappily existing between Great Britain and the United States, has authorised me to assure you, that he will meet with a disposition correspondent with that of his Britannic Majesty, the determination of his Majesty to send to the United States a special Envoy, invested with full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the relations between the two countries.
I am further authorised to assure you that in case his Britannic majesty should, in the mean time withdraw his orders in council of January and November, 1807, so far as respects the U. States, the President will not fail to issue a Proclamation by virtue of the authority and for the purposes specified in the eleventh section of the statute, commonly called the Non-Inter-course Act.
I have the honor, &c. &c.
(Signed) R. SMITH.
(No. V.)
MR. ERSKINE TO MR. SMITH.
WASHINGTON, April 19, 1809.
Sir, In consequence of the acceptance, by the President, as stated in your letter dated the 18th inst. of the proposals made by me on the part of his Majesty, in my letter of the same day, for the renewal of the intercourse between the respective countries, I am authorised to declare that his Majesty's orders in council of January and November 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United States on the 10th day of June next.
I have the honor to be, With great respect and Consideration, Sir, Your most obt. servt.
(Signed) D. M. ERSKINE.
Hon. ROBERT SMITH, } &c. &c. &c.
(No. VI.)
MR. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 19, 1809.
Sir, Having laid before the President your note of this day, containing an assurance, that his Britannic Majesty will, on the tenth day of June next, have withdrawn his Orders in Council of January and November 1807, so far as respects the United States, I have the honor of informing you that the President will accordingly, and in pursuance of the eleventh section of the statute, commonly called the Non-Inter-course act, issue a Proclamation, so that the trade of the United States with Great Britain may on the same day be renewed, in the manner provided in the said section.
I have the honor, &c. &c.
(Signed) R. SMITH.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES
OF AMERICA.
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas it is provided by the 11th section of the act of Congress entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and for other purposes"—that "in case either France or G. Britain shall revoke or modify her edicts so that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States," the President is authorized to declare the same by proclamation, after which the trade suspended by the said act, and by an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto may be renewed with the nation so doing. And whereas the Hon. David Montague Erskine, his Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, has by the order and in the name of his Sovereign declared to this government that the British Orders in Council of January and Nov. 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United States, on the tenth day of June next; Now, therefore, I, JAMES MADISON, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim that the orders in council aforesaid, will have been withdrawn on the said tenth day of June next; after which day the trade of the United States with Great Britain, as suspended by the act of Congress above mentioned, and an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed.
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington, the nineteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United States, the thirty-third.
JAMES MADISON, By the President, ROBERT SMITH, Secretary of State.
NATCHEZ, Feb. 15.
Extract of a letter from the hon. Judge Carr, of Natchitoches, dated 6th day of January.
"In consequence of a late arrangement between the Marquis Foranda and Mr. Madison, our fugitive slaves who had taken refuge in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty, will be restored to their respective owners on application."

PHILADELPHIA, April 17. The war, which has kept a part of the City agitated for three or four weeks past, seems now near its close. The Marshal of this district, who was opposed vi et armis , by order of Governor Snyder, in his attempt to serve process, issued by the Judge of the district court, found means by disguising himself, to evade the vigilance of the centinels, and entered the house of Mrs. Sergeant, between six and seven o'clock on Saturday morning, when he served his process on that lady. General Bright, on being sent for, flew to his post; but alas! too late, the Citadel was taken; he then mounted his horse and rode off to Lancaster for fresh orders, leaving his commands to keep up the guard and not permit the Marshal to remove his amiable prisoner, till further orders. The object of contention and opposition is now removed. Had it lasted till to-morrow, the whole city would have been convulsed, as the Marshal had summoned at least one half the citizens to attend him as a posse comitatus to repel the guard; and General Bright to support his Gubernatorial orders, meant, we are told, to have ordered out a regiment of artillery with eight pieces of cannon and two well armed regiments of infantry.
To close this disgraceful business, and as it were to finish the climax with absurdity and folly, a writ of habeas corpus to bring up the person of Mrs. Sergeant has been applied for and issued by Chief Justice Tilghman returnable at his chamber this morning. By the law of this state he was bound to issue the writ, and cannot legally know the real state of the cause until the return, but the legal talents of the Chief Justice are too well known to suppose, even for a moment, that he, as a state Judge, will attempt to enquire into, and set aside a writ issued by a court of the United States, of competent jurisdiction, in a matter properly before them. True American.
April 18. The war in this city is at an end, and tranquility and peace again restored. General Bright arrived yesterday morning from Lancaster and immediately ordered the guards to be removed from the dwellings of the representatives of David Rittenhouse, deceased. The Marshal has in his custody, one of the ladies, in whose case a writ of Habeas Corpus was brought before and heard by the Chief Justice yesterday, but the other lady as far as we can understand, has not yet been taken. The whole of yesterday was occupied in the discussion of the Habeas Corpus, and on behalf of the Commonwealth and Mrs. Sergeant; the case was argued by the Attorney general W. Franklin and Jared Ingersoll Esqs. and by R. Peter jun. & W. Lewis, Esqs. for Olmstead. The opinion of the Chief Justice remains to be given, and if it shall be, that he cannot decide the point, then it is rumoured the money will be paid. The opinion will be delivered at the court room, in the state-house, at 12 o'clock to-morrow morning. Id.
April 20. Yesterday at 12 o'clock Chief Justice Tilghman delivered a very elaborate and solemn opinion on the writ of Habeas Corpus issued in the case of Mrs. Sergeant. He decided that he had no jurisdiction in the case, and that Mrs. Sergeant should remain in the custody of the Marshal.
The trial of Gen. Bright and others, for opposing by force of arms the authority of the United States pursuant to the orders they received from Gov. Snyder, are informed comes on this day in the circuit court of the U. S. before Judge Washington. Freeman's Journal.
FROM THE HARTFORD, (CONNECTICUT) MERCURY. MADISON'S REPLY. To the Litchfield Resolves, published in the Mercury of March 23 of March 23. WASHINGTON, March 24, 1809. SIR,
The Resolutions transmitted through you, unanimously adopted by a meeting of "the republicans of the town of Litchfield," have been duly received.
The conduct, as unexampled as unprovoked, by which the belligerent powers have trampled on the rights of neutral nations, & in some instances added peculiar insults to the injuries done to the United States, naturally excites the feelings which these resolutions manifest.
In such a state of things, whilst it is the duty of the government to take its measures with the impartiality and prudence best calculated to save both our peace and our honor, it is incumbent on its constituents, to reflect that the efficacy of these measures, must essentially depend on support, which can only be found in their enlightened patriotism.
It affords pleasure, therefore, to observe in the proceedings of the meeting at Litchfield, sentiments and pledges so well corresponding with this duty. In inculcating the vital importance of the union, and a faithful maintenance of its constitution and laws, they have evinced a knowledge of the true sources of the public welfare, as well as a laudable zeal in promoting it. Happily, the union of these states is founded on so clear a reciprocity of interests, and the most important constitutional relations between the general and local authorities are now so far illustrated by practice, that it may, always be expected, that involuntary errors, on those subjects which will quickly yield to reflection—and that voluntary ones, being confined to a few, will not long resist the general impulse. I tender to my fellow-citizens, who were assembled at Litchfield, my sincere respects and friendly wishes. JAMES MADISON.
TORY FEDERALISM.
To shew to what the measures of the Essex Junto tend, we copy the following paragraph from an Antigua paper of February 23, 1809:
"An account has been received here this day from St. Bartholomews, which we think highly probable, that Commissioners have been appointed by the people of New-England, to represent to Congress their intention of seceding from the Union, unless the oppressive measure of the Embargo is done away. This statement is said to come by a vessel from Boston, lately arrived at St. Bartholomews."
Is it improbable that after the proceedings of the town of Boston, Newburyport, Gloucester, Beverly, &c. that the subjects of King George should think that New England was ready to cast off their allegiance to the United States, and again to become the subjects of his most gracious majesty. Salem Register.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, APRIL 25, 1809
THE LATE NEGOTIATION.
This day, we lay before our readers the correspondence between the British Minister and our government, respecting the Chesapeake and the Orders of Council; accompanied by the Proclamation of the President of the U. States. These papers will expose the miserable affectation which has been displayed by the federalists, in ascribing the Non-Intercourse law to a partiality for France and an hostility towards England. This miserable cant has been chorused by the federalist; adopted by the grave and reverend legislature of Massachusetts; and even found its way into one or two of the London prints. The British ministry knew better. Reason teaches, and experience will prove, that this act, by placing France on the same terms with England, has levelled all distinctions between injuries, and given England advantages to which her superior aggressions did not entitle her.
Let the latter part of the paragraph is missing from the input"> Let the reader mark, that what we have yet seen, is perhaps only a small part of the diplomatic transactions at Washington. Strange is the ground which is taken by the Federalists on this important transaction.
Will it be believed? Now, these men have the unblushing effrontery to lay claim to all the merit which they attach to this negotiation. They idly contend, that without their exertions, the Republicans would have rushed into a war with Great Britain. It is false. The Republicans were anxious to keep the peace of the country, in spite of the multiplied provocations of Great Britain. They would have continued the embargo, until the session in May—when they would have adopted more efficient means to resist the aggressions of Europe. And who are they, that lay claim to this merit? They who are stamped on the records of our country as the willing slaves of British oppression—they who opposed the embargo, "tooth and nail"—they who would not have taken a step to assert our rights—who not only resisted all the energetic measures of the republican party, but who would not propose any of their own— they , who would have kissed the rod and sunk silently into submission. It is clear as the light of the meridian sun, that if the policy of these men had been pursued, the orders of council would have remained for an indefinite period. The British government would have had no inducement to put an end to our wrongs. As their orders in council were received without the least resistance—as quietly as any municipal regulation, which did not at all affect our rights—they would have had no interest to terminate their injustice. Such would have been the effect of the magnanimous course, which these federalists would have taken to gratify the passions of Old England, and assert the rights of the United States.
As to the first of the two points which entered into the negotiation how stands the case?
Mr. Rose refused to state the terms of reparation, until the Proclamation was revoked; G. B. has now receded from this ground; she has spontaneously tendered us terms, although the exclusion of her public ships continues. This reparation too is unconditional. The exclusion of her armed ships not only remains, but the removal of it is not even made one of the conditions of the reparation. We have obtained the surrender of the seamen, an avowed abandonment of the principle in question, an avowed, though a mock punishment of the offending officer. This part of the reparation is the only incomplete thing in the adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake. We had a right to demand, that "the guilty officer experience an exemplary punishment." We shall ever be subject to maritime insult, until some serious example of this sort is displayed. But after all the trials of the British navy on such occasions, they are little more than mock solemnities.
The course of the negotiation, which has been terminated respecting the orders of council, was previously marked out by the last Congress in their Non Intercourse law. Mr. Madison has only exercised those powers, and obeyed those behests which are expounded by the 11th section of that law.
As to the orders in council—Great Britain has flown from the high and haughty ground which she formerly took. From the strong language employed by her ministry, one would have thought it as probable that Mount Atlas should have vanished into "thin air," as that they would have rescinded their retaliatory orders before the repeal of the French decrees. Mr. Canning solemnly assured Mr. Pinkney in his letter of September 23, 1808, that certain "considerations compelled his majesty to adhere to the principles on which the orders in council of 7th of January and 11th Nov. are founded, so long as France adheres to that system, by which his majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified." Lord Melville avowed in the H. of Commons on the 18th last February, that "Lord Howick had properly observed that he could not rescind the orders in council until these edicts were revoked; and he added, as fitly, that under other circumstances to abandon the order in council would be to resign the best principles of our maritime rights." Nothing is said by these ministers—not a whisper has ever been raised by any of them; about any other condition, on which the abrogation of their orders was to be made, than a frivolous repeal of the French edicts. This was to be the only condition of their destruction. And yet his majesty's ministers do not blush now to come forward to cant about "the favorable change in the relations of his majesty with the U. States," which has been produced by the Non-Intercourse Act—a most flimsy veil indeed for concealing the humbled attitude of his majesty—an act, the provisions of which could not have been known to his majesty at the time of Mr. Oakley's hasty departure from England.
His majesty may attempt to deceive the world—but delusion is in vain. The leading causes for this step were his disasters in Spain, and our energetic exclusion of his commerce from our ports. He was compelled by his situation to seek our friendship. He anticipates these benefits—the relief of his commerce and manufactures from their formidable pressure, by a renewal of his trade with the U. States; and the prospect of involving us in a war with France. It is our duty most seriously to be on our guard against this last consideration. Lord Grenville declared in the House of Commons in last February, that by "listening to
our offer in August last, England might have secured the advantage to a certainty, of having America as an ally to the war against France." To this end, she will now bend every effort. Her minions in this country will raise the war whoop. Let us be on our guard. If France tramples on our rights and our honor, she will find a spirit in our people that will resist her usurpations. But let us not be hurried by the clamours of the British partizans into hostilities with her, nor to assert our own rights, but to aid the interests of G. B.
One of the greatest ills, indeed, which may arise from this adjustment, is the tendency which it may have, if the people are remiss towards British propensities and British pliances.
When the British negotiator arrives, however, we shall be better judges of the sincerity and disinterestedness of G. Britain.
As respects the Orders in Council, this question occurs:
How far does Mr. Madison's proclamation extend?
This proclamation is bottomed upon the 11th sec. of the Non-Intercourse law, the words of which, in some parts, it most rigorously quotes. These are the words of this section, as far as they touch the present question.
"And be it further enacted, That the President of the U. States be and hereby is authorised, in case either France or G. Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the U. States, to declare the same by proclamation—after which the trade of the U. States suspended by this Act and by the Act laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the U. States, and the several acts supplemental thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing." The section goes on to state, that the penalties and forfeitures previously incurred under this act shall remain in full force, and that all vessels, thereafter bound to any permitted port, shall give bond &c. &c. in double the value of the vessel and cargo, that they will not trade with any other country than those with which commercial intercourse is permitted.
These words evidently give the President of the U. States, no other power than what relates to the restoration of trade. Mr. Erskine, however, in his letter of 18th April, seems to wish to entrap our government into the concession of greater privileges. His phrase is "the renewal of the intercourse with Great Britain." Mr. Smith, in his reply properly ties him down to the specified phrase—and only pledges the President "to issue a Proclamation by virtue of the authority and for the purposes specified" in this 11th section. It is plain therefore, that the Proclamation of the President merely takes off the restrictions, which bind our trade with Great Britain. After the 10th day of June, our vessels may repair to her ports and return with her produce. Her merchant vessels may enjoy the same privileges of trade to our own ports. But our restrictions on her public armed ships will still be in force.
The President of the U. States has no control whatever over this subject. It does not enter into those points which he is authorized to throw into his proclamation. Congress have taken this case into their own hands. The first restriction on all British armed ships appears in Mr. Jefferson's proclamation of July, 1807. The Non-Intercourse law takes the place of this proclamation and extends it to French armed ships. The President was not authorised to embrace this case in the exemptions of his proclamation; and therefore British armed vessels, even after the 10th of June, will still be excluded from the ports and harbors of the U. States. French public ships are placed in the same predicament; and it is therefore reserved for the wisdom of Congress to decide at their next session, whether this exclusion shall cease or continue; as to both; or whether it shall cease as to G. Britain, and continue as to France.
The British government are adroit enough to attempt to draw their own necks out of the noose—and leave their adversary in this predicament. Why have they now come forward with terms of reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake? Why are they so solicitous to hush up that affair? Because they wish to entitle themselves to the grace of an exemption from all exclusion of their public ships—because they wish to claim from the next Congress a repeal of those restrictions which they have reserved in their own hands—no doubt expecting that these restrictions would continue as to France—and that thus a new item would be added to the distinctions which will subsist between her adversary and herself.
A new topic of distinction might thus be produced—a fresh firebrand to kindle the discontent and excite the hostilities of France against the U. States. This is one of those objects, which are the nearest and dearest to the heart of Britain—to plunge us into a war with her enemy, and entangle us in an alliance with herself, is now her first and favorite consideration—to accomplish these wishes, no art of diplomatic legerdemain, and no exertions of her friends in this country, will be spared. Both the belligerents of Europe, indeed, no doubt entertain the same friendly dispositions on this point. What course will France now pursue? Will she resent our adjustment of the British orders by a declaration of War? Will she rescind her decrees against our commerce? These questions may be answered by another. Who will pretend to measure the movements and policy of such a mind as Napoleon's? The British orders will be suspended "as respects the U. States;" what then becomes of the French decrees? All the public professions which have fallen from the French government on this point, are in the following extracts from the Berlin and Milan decrees:
"The present decree shall be considered as the fundamental law of the empire, until England has acknowledged, that the rights of war are the same on land as at sea; that it cannot be extended to any private property whatever, nor to persons who are not military, and until the right of blockade be restrained to fortified places, actually invested by competent force."—Berlin Decree.
"Art. IV. These measures, which are resorted to only in just retaliation of the barbarous system adopted by England, which assimilates its legislation to that of Algiers, shall cease to have any effect with respect to all nations who shall have the firmness to compel the English government to respect their flag. They shall continue to be rigorously in force as long as that government does not return to the principle of the law of nations, which regulates the relations of civilized states in a state of war. The provisions of the present decree shall be abrogated and null, in fact, as soon as the English abide again by the principles of the law of nations, which are also the principles of justice and of honor."—Milan Decree.
These extracts are not explicit enough to point to any certain calculations on the present occasion—But they furnish some room
to hope, that the decrees of France will follow the fate of the British orders; at least that they will assume a mere neutral character .
We have not those fears of French hostilities, which some raven politicians have conceived. We do not look upon it as the interest of France to declare or provoke a war with the U. States; because it is better to have us as a friend than as an enemy in her contest with G. Britain—because it is politic to have the use of our provisions in her approaching contests with the Spanish possessions; because her views are more bent towards Europe and the East, than towards the U. States. Bonaparte has some points of etiquette to adjust with Austria and Turkey.
The check of the former upon his exertions at the commencement of the Spanish disturbances—and the suspension of his attacks upon Spain, until the conferences of Erfurth had checked the designs of Austria, have most probably decided her fate. He never suffers such checks upon his plans and power to bear upon him. The late treaty of Tilsit, with Great Britain may possibly decide her destiny too, if the die was not already cast. The organization of these countries, the partition of Turkey, the possible colonization of Egypt, may perhaps then induce him to bend his attention towards the English possessions in the East.
As to his Decrees, is it not possible that he may rescind so much of them as operates on the high seas, and retain so much as preserves a municipal character—guarding this effect too by additional regulations?—What is his policy? to narrow the trade of Great Britain—to prevent the circulation of her manufactures on the continent and in the United States. Will he not materially prevent British goods from reaching the continent; by condemning such vessels, as go to a continental port, which have touched at a British one? This was the very principle on which the Berlin Decree was put into execution previous to its extension on the high seas. Will he not materially abridge the circulation of British goods elsewhere, by making it a condition of the commerce to France, that all ships leaving France shall take in some article or articles of her produce or manufacture, the full amount of the cargoes they bring thither? "In this case the wants of France and her colonies would be regularly supplied." She would receive those native products of the U. States which France, moreover, can reduce to specification; such as pot ash, tobacco, cotton, and her colonial goods, as sugar, coffee; and her manufactures would take the place of many of those British manufactures, which are now sent to the U. States, and which are now paid for to G. Britain by bills of exchange drawn on the continent, for our native products actually consumed there. The U. S. would surely lose by this arrangement, because of the superior cheapness of some of the British goods—but so long as France can make it for her benefit, is it not probable that she will modify her decrees so as to produce it?
One thing is clear, that until our vessels can be admitted safely to enter the ports of the continent, and dispose of our products, the benefits resulting from a renewal of trade with G. B. will be comparatively inconsiderable.
If the Decrees of France have any other than a municipal effect, our government will be impartial. She has injured us already. Our country knows not how to submit to usurpation.
On Sunday morning, the Collector of this port took possession of the Schooner Washington, capt. Kendrick, belonging to Nantucket, on the information of one of his crew, that he had violated the embargo laws by clearing from Nantucket on the 22d Feb. for this port, and proceeding to Bermuda with a cargo of flour, and thence to this port.
CONGRESSIONAL. NORFOLK DISTRICT.
Table with 2 columns: Candidate, Votes. T. Newton, 351; R. B. Taylor, 263; Majority for Newton, 88.
STATE LEGISLATURE—SENATE.
Table with 2 columns: Candidate, Votes. Mundough, 281; Godwin, 213; Marsh, 141; Majority for Mundough, 68.
Dr. W. Jones went to Westmoreland with a majority of upwards of 300 votes in the district, Westmoreland excepted.
We omitted to say in our list, that Middlesex was also to be heard from, in Mr. Bassett's District.
Members elected to serve in the next General Assembly of Virginia.
Table with 2 columns: County, Members. Franklin—Robert Jones, Silas Garrett. Norfolk County—William C. Holt, G. Newton. Campbell—Anselem Lynch, George Rieley. James City—Littleton Tazewell, William E. Barret. York—Samuel Shield, Doct. William Tazewell. Mecklenburg—James Jones, Francis E. Walker. Dinwiddie—Robert Pegram, J. Watkins. Jefferson—Abraham Morgan, Wm. Tate. Northampton—George Parker, William Dunton. Bath—General Samuel Blackburn, Sampson Matthews. Lancaster—Spencer George, Saml. M. Shearman. Northumberland—Hiram Blackwell Samuel Dawning. New Members.
MARRIED—In Halifax N. C. on the 15th inst. JOHN W. EVANS, Esq. Member of Congress from Virginia, to Miss MARTHA JONES, daughter of the late Willie Jones, Esq.
A Charity Sermon will be preached for the benefit of the funds of the Female Humane Association, on Sunday, the 30th of this month, in the forenoon, at the Capitol, by the Rev'd. Mr. Speece of Powhatan.
FOR SALE—A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, lying on the banks of James River, nearly opposite to the Westoverton Estate; containing, between eight and nine hundred acres, bounded by the river upwards of a mile; by the lands of Mr. Harrison of Maycocks and the Road leading from Cocke's ferry to Petersburg; about one fourth part of the tract is cleared; it has some grass land and affords a good range for cattle, has a good Landing place, and a profitable fishing place might be made on it, at a small expense; it has no improvements except an old dwelling house. This land, with proper tillage, would make a good wheat farm. One fourth part of the price will be expected on giving possession, and for the residue a credit of two, four and six years will be given if required. Miles Selden, Junr. will be good enough to shew the land. Williamsburg, April 25. T. G. PEACOCK.
SALES BY AUCTION. ON Thursday next, the 28th inst. will per-emptorily be sold, without reserve at the house of the subscribers. 15 Hhds. prime Sugar, 15 Hhds. Green Coffee, 6 Hhds. Loaf Sugar, 6 Do. Molasses, 4 Bags Filberts, 5 Fails Almonds, 20 Barrels Brown Sugar, 20 Bags Coffee, and about 800 Do. Liverpool fine Salt. On 90 days credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Va. with approved endorser.
ON HAND—FOR PRIVATE SALE.
50 Barrels Perington's best labelled Loaf Sugar, 50 Do. not labelled of a different re-finery, and of very excellent quality, 100 Bags Coffee, part prime German, 15 Barrels do. do. 38 Hhds. Brown Sugar, 100 Barrels do. 500 Baskets Allum Salt, 100 Sacks Liverpool filled do. A few pipes choice old Cogniac Brandy, A few boxes excellent Spanish Cigars, And are in hourly expectation of receiving, 5 Bales India Cotton (from Philadelphia) and 25 Chests choice Imperial Tea—all of which will be sold low for cash, or approved endorsed negotiable notes at 60 and 90 days. Also—For sale, an excellent female COOK. PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctioneers. April 25.
NEW BOOK STORE—JOHN R. JONES, N. W. corner of the main-street, and that leading to the head of the basin, nearly opposite to the Eagle Tavern, has just received the following valuable Works:
THE AMERICAN REGISTER. This publication is modelled on the plan of the British Annual Register, and contains the annals of Europe and America, a Register of all public papers; all official and diplomatic documents, relative to military, fiscal or civil transactions, and official papers of individual states, which are of general importance; a chronicle of memorable occurrences; an abstract of the literary history of the time, with a view of British publications and sketch of American Literature, poetry, register of deaths, and an abstract of all the laws of each session of Congress, &c. &c. price $3.
COMMERCIAL DICTIONARY, Containing the present state of Mercantile Law, Practice and Customs, by Joshua Montefiore, 3 vs. 8 vo. price $9 75.
ESPRIELLA'S LETTERS, Descriptive of the manners, customs and habits of the English; translated from the Spanish, 2 vs. price $2.
REGISTER OF ARTS, Or a compendious view of some of the most useful modern discoveries and inventions, compiled by T. G. Fessenden, with remarks by the compiler, 8 vo. price $3.
WANDERER OF SWITZERLAND, And other Poems by James Montgomery, with an elegant frontispiece, price $1. Poems by the Rev'd. George Crabbe, handsomely bound, price $1. The following extract of a letter from Dr. Johnson to Sir Joshua Reynolds, renders any thing that might be further said in favor of Mr. Crabbe's poems superfluous. "I have sent you back Mr. Crabbe's Poems, which I read with great delight. It is original, various and elegant."
GEOGRAPHICAL COMPILATIONS, For the use of Schools, being a description of all the empires, kingdoms, republics and states in the known world. Arranged in a catechetical form by D. L. Catineau, 2 vols. bound and lettered, price $2 50. An Address to the Congress of the United States on the utility and justice of restrictions upon foreign commerce, with reflections on foreign trade in general, and the future prospects of America, price 50 cents. A View of the Rights and Wrongs, Power and Policy of the United States of America. Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? price 75 cents.
COLUMBIAD, A Poem by Joel Barlow, superb edition on superfine waven royal paper, and hot press'd, with elegant engravings, 4 to. price $20. Same book, handsomely printed on a fine wove paper, 2 vols. 12 o. price in boards $2. Same book handsomely bound and lettered, price $3 50. Same book elegantly bound in calf and gilt, price $3. He also keeps on hand an assortment of school-books and Royal, Medium and Demy, Writing Letter Paper, Blank Books of various sizes, Ledgers, Journals, and Day Books, Sand Boxes, Inkstands, Wafers, Quills, Inkpowder, Pasteboards, Visiting Cards, Playing Cards, Watch Chains, Seals, &c. &c. &c. April 25.
WILLIAM ROSE, Manufacturer of Chip, Straw and Willow Bonnets, begs leave to inform the Public, that he has taken the Store formerly occupied by Mr. Davidson, a few doors above the Eagle Tavern, where he intends keeping a large and general assortment of all kinds of fashionable Military and Fancy Goods; and now offers for sale the following articles: Ladies most fashionable Split Straw Bonnets, Various shapes, Do. do. do. Luster or Satin, do. do. do. Do. do. do. Willow do. do. Do. all kinds of Silk Velvet and Plush do. do. Also—an assortment of FANCY GOODS, amongst which are: Ladies fashionable colored Cambric Robes, Do. do. white worked do. do. Silks, Lutestring, Artificial Flowers, Feathers, Sprays, &c. &c. Ladies Fancy Dress, making in the first style. Wanted two or three Apprentices to the Millinery and Mantua-Making business. Enquire at the Store. April 25.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD—Strayed a Four twenty days ago a likely strong Bay HORSE, about fifteen hands two inches high, black mane and tail and black legs, his left hind foot lock white, rising seven years old, has been nicked. Whoever returns him to the subscriber, or gives information where he may be found, shall receive the above reward. ALEXA. FULTON. April 25.
NEW HAT STORE—Just opened, and for sale, a large and general assortment of gentlemen's HATS of the newest fashion, consisting of the following kinds: Gentlemen's fine white Beavers, best quality, Do. do. black do. Do. do. different colored Willow Hats for Summer, Men's low priced fur Hats, Youth's do. do. Children's assorted colors, Men's and Boys' ool hats, Servants Glazed Livery Hats and Bands, All of which will be sold at the most reasonable prices, by Wm. ROSE. April 25.
TO RENT or LEASE, THE MILLS in the county of Goochland, commonly known by the name of the DOVER MILLS, situated on James River, about twenty miles above this city. These Mills are in good repair, furnished with two pair of BURR, and one pair COLOGNE STONES, and all necessary apparatus. For terms enquire of Mr. Mayo C. Watkins living in the County of Goochland, near the Mills, or of the subscriber in the City of Richmond. THOMAS RUTHERFORD. April 25.

ELOQUENCE!
The following description of English India, as striking as it is true, is extracted from Edmund Burke's speech on Mr. Fox's East India Bill, delivered in the House of Commons on the 1st of December, 1783.
With three glowing pictures of injustice and tyranny staring them in the face, how dare the British ministers to count about the injustice of France and the oppressions of Europe? What is it to the bosom of humanity, whether it is an Italian or a Spaniard, the natives of India or of Ireland that feel the iron scourge of despotism? Let not the British government presume to claim any comparative merit to itself by pointing to the scenes which are acted on the Ebro and the Tagus—lest the impartial auditor should silence its presumption by pointing to the banks of the Liffey and the Ganges!!
Now, Sir, according to the plan I proposed, I shall take notice of the company's internal government, as it is exercised first on the dependent provinces, and then as it affects those under the direct and immediate authority of that body. And here, Sir, before I enter into the spirit of their interior government, permit me to observe to you, upon a few of the many lines of difference which are to be found between the vices of the company's government, and those of the conquerors, who preceded us in India; that we may be able a little the better to see our way in an attempt to the necessary reformation.
The several irruptions of Arabs, Tartars, and Persians into India, were, for the greater part, ferocious, bloody, and wasteful in the extreme: our entrance into the dominion of that country, was, as generally, with small comparative effusion of blood; being introduced by various frauds and delusions, and by taking advantage of the incurable, blind, and senseless animosity, which the several country powers bear towards each other, rather than by open force. But the difference in favor of the first conquerors in this; the Asiatic conquerors very soon abated of their ferocity, because they made the conquered country their own. They rose or fell with the rise or fall of the territory they lived in. Fathers there deposited the hopes of their posterity; and children there beheld the monuments of their fathers. Here their lot was finally cast; and it is the natural wish of all, that their lot should not be cast in a bad land. Poverty, sterility, and desolation, are not a recreating prospect to the eye of man; and there are very few who can bear to grow old among the curses of a whole people. If their passion, or their avarice, drove the Tartar horde to acts of rapacity or tyranny, there was time enough, even in the short life of man, to bring round the ill effects of an abuse of power upon the power itself. If hoards were made by violence and tyranny, they were still domestic hoards; and domestic profusion, or the rapine of a more powerful and prodigal hand, restored them to the people. With many disorders, and with few political checks upon power, nature had still fair play; the sources of acquisition were not dried up; and therefore the trade, the manufactures, and the commerce of the country flourished. Even avarice and usury itself operated both for the preservation and the employment of national wealth. The husbandman and manufacturer paid heavy interest, but then they augmented the fund from whence they were again to borrow. Their resources were dearly bought, but they were sure; and the general stock of the community grew by the general effort.
But under the English government all this order is reversed. The Tartar invasion was mischievous; but it is our protection that destroys India. It was their enemy, but it is our friendship. Our conquest there, after twenty years, is as crude as it was the first day. The natives scarcely know what it is to see the grey head of an Englishman. Young men (boys almost) govern there without society, and without sympathy with the natives. They have no more social habits with the people, than if they still resided in England; nor indeed any species of intercourse but that which is necessary to make a sudden fortune, with a view to a remote settlement. Animated with all the avarice of age, and all the impetuosity of youth, they roll in one after another, wave after wave; and there is nothing before the eyes of the natives but an endless, hopeless prospect of new flights of birds of prey and passage, with appetites continually renewing for a food that is continually wasting. Every rupee of profit made by an Englishman, is lost for ever to India. With us are no retributory superstitions, by which a foundation of charity compensates, through ages, to the poor, for the rapine and injustice of a day. With us no pride erects stately monuments which repair the mischiefs which pride has produced, and which adorn a country out of its own spoils. England has erected no churches, no hospitals, no palaces, no schools; England has built no bridges, made no high roads, cut no navigations, dug out no reservoirs. Every other conqueror of every other description has left some monument, either of state or beneficence, behind him. Were we to be driven out of India this day, nothing would remain to tell that it had been possessed, during the glorious period of our dominion, by any thing better than the ouran-outang or the tiger.
There is nothing in the boys we send to India worse than the boys whom we are shipping at school, or that we see trailing a pike, or bending over a desk at home. But as English youth in India drink the intoxicating draught of authority and dominion before their heads are able to bear it, and as they are full grown in fortune long before they are ripe in principle, neither nature nor reason have any opportunity to exert themselves for remedy of the excesses of their premature power. The consequences of their conduct, which in good minds (and many of theirs are probably such) might produce penitence or amendment, are unable to pursue the rapidity of their flight. Their prey is lodged in England; and the cries of India are given to seas and winds, to be blown about, in every breaking up of the monsoon, over a remote and unhearing Ocean. In India, all the vices operate by which sudden fortune is acquired; in England are often displayed, by the same persons, the virtues which dispense hereditary wealth. Arrived in England, the destroyers of the nobility and gentry of a whole kingdom will find the best company in this nation, at a board of elegance and hospitality. Here the manufacturer and husbandman will bless the just and punctual hand that in India has torn the cloth from the loom, or wrested the scanty portion of rice and salt from the peasant of Bengal, or wrung from him the very opium in which he forgot his oppressions and his oppressor. They marry into your families; they enter into your sense; they ease your estates; they raise their value by demand; they cherish and protect your relations which lie heavy on your patronage—and there is scarcely a house in the kingdom that does not feel some concern and interest that makes all reform of our eastern government appear odious and disgusting; and, on the whole, a most discouraging attempt. In such an attempt you hurt those who are able to return kindness, or resent injury. If you succeed, you save those who cannot return it; give you thanks. All these things show the difficulty of the work we have on hand; but they show its necessity too. Our Indian government is in its best state a grievance. It is necessary that the corrective should be unominously vigorous; and the work of men, language, voice, and even impassioned in the cause.
MISCELLANY.
A POWDER, ONE THOUSAND TIMES STRONGER THAN GUN-POWDER.
Gun-Powder is an astonishing production—but Chemists have discovered various means for augmenting the power of the common powder—for this purpose, they have added new ingredients to the common composition of this powder, which increase its force to a considerable degree. It is supposed that the Brandywine Gun-Powder, which is stronger than those of Europe, owes much of its strength to this cause.—But the secret does not terminate here. Chemists have discovered several compositions, whose explosive powers are superior to that of the strongest gun-powder. These have gone by different names. One of them has been called fulminating mercury —the description of whose effects and preparation according to a simple method, is thus given by Dr. Woodhouse, (Professor of chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania) in Cox's Medical Museum, for January, &c. 1808.
Supposing that fulminating mercury might be applied to the purposes of war, and particularly in perforating the timbers of vessels, by being applied to their bottoms, by means of the torpedoes of Mr. Fulton, I undertook a series of experiments, to find out a simple method of preparing it in large quantities.
In this I succeeded; and the following mode of making this dreadful compound never fails, & yields a larger product than any other process, at present known.
Take two ounce measures of a saturated solution of mercury in the nitric acid, and pour it into a quart tumbler. Add to it four ounce measures of alcohol, and then two ounce measures of the best and strongest nitric acid.
Immediately an effervescence will take place, and an immense quantity of nitrous etherized gas and nitrous air will be discharged in thick white clouds, and, in about 15 minutes, the fulminating mercury will be deposited at the bottom of the vessel, in slender crystals of a white and brilliant color.
They must be washed by filling the tumbler twice with pure water, and then dried by a gentle heat, or by exposing them two or three days to the air. The proportion of ingredients here mentioned will yield 227 grains of this exploding preparation.
A brick grain, weighing five pounds, was placed upon fifteen grains of this fulminating mercury, lying upon an inch plank. A train of gun-powder was made to communicate with the fulminating compound. Upon firing it, a piece of the plank, several inches in length, was torn off.
Thirty grains, fired in the same manner, split the brick in two, perforated the plank, and tore away a piece of it, 5 inches in length, and two in breadth.
Sixty grains, placed on a three inch plank, with two brick-bats over them, broke the bricks into a variety of pieces, scattered them in every direction, and made an excavation in the plank, half an inch deep, and five in circumference.
Ninety grains, under five bricks, broke the whole into an immense number of pieces, perforated the three inch plank one inch deep, & nine in circumference. Two hundred grains were laid upon an oak plank five feet in length, and one foot in breadth. Another plank of the same size was laid over the fulminating mercury, and confined by thirty lbs. weight of bricks. Upon firing the compound, all the bricks were broken into pieces; a foot in length & breadth of the table on which the planks rested was carried away; the upper plank was thrown into the air; both were split, and small excavations made in them.
An idea of the immense force of this substance may be conceived, when it is related, that ten grains of it will burst the strongest pistol-barrel that can be made. As it possesses a thousand times the power of gun-powder, is no way dangerous, and can be fired by the flint and steel, it would appear to be preferable to this article to charge the torpedoes of Mr. Fulton.
M. Deiby, a chemist of Amsterdam, has discovered a composition which, from its superior strength, he conceived would supercede the use of gun-powder; while lately employed, however, in some experiments, a large paper exploded, and tore off his left arm, most of the fingers of the left hand, and otherwise wounded him so severely, that his life is despaired of.
IMPORT OF COTTON WOOL, Into Liverpool, from the years 1791 to 1808, inclusive.
  In 1791, 68,404 1800, 92,580   2, 72,264 1, 98,752   3, 24,971 2, 135,182   4, 38,022 3, 140,291   5, 54,841 4, 153,145   6, 63,526 5, 177,408   7, 58,258 6, 173,074   8, 69,634 7, 196,467   9, 86,784 8, 66,215   Total import into Great-Britain in 1807, 282,448   Ditto ditto, in 1808, 168,138   Decrease of import into G. Britain in 1808, 114,319 
   IMPORTED FROM THE U. S.   Liverpool, 1807.     From Savannah, 35,782   Charleston, 44,750   New-Orleans, 27,595   Northern Ports, 35,640   Total, 143,767   Liverpool, 1808.   From Savannah, 68,677   Charleston, 11,338   New-Orleans, 5,613   Northern Ports, 1,608   Total, 25,426  
   IMPORTED FROM GLASGOW.   Glasgow, 1807.     From Savannah, 1808.   Charleston, 1821   New-Orleans, 2366   Northern Ports, 503   Total, 773  
Stock of Cotton in the ports of Liverpool and Glasgow, December 31, 1808, including those in the hands of speculators—in Liverpool 20,800—Glasgow, 2538 bales, seroons and pockets.
FATAL DUEL.
We have received information, in such a way as to obtain belief, that on Tuesday of last week, a DUEL was fought, in the bounds of Canada, by two young men from Boston, who left that place for the express purpose of KILLING OR BEING KILLED. The particulars of this unhappy affair as related to us are, that the men were partners in trade, under the firm of Blake and Dix; that Blake was a married man; and suspected a criminal intercourse between Dix and his wife, which he afterwards found to be true. The injured husband irritated beyond measure, immediately informed Dix there was but one course to be pursued—To repair to Canada, and abide the event of a Duel, or be exposed to death, by assassination, wherever found. Dix preferred the former. They immediately left Boston, and arrived St. Albans by different routes; from whence they proceeded across the line, where the business was honorably settled. Dix was instantly killed, and Blake returned to Boston. On Thursday following the remains of Dix were carried to Swanton, and interred.
MONTPELIER WATCHMAN. The amount of the insurance on Drury Lane Theatre is stated at about £70,000 sterling. The building and its internal furniture cost upwards of £100,000.
EXTRAORDINARY CASE.
Mr. CORNELIUS SAWYER, of Reading (Va.) had a Calf brought forth on the 24th of this month, of the most extraordinary form. The head, shoulders and legs were regularly formed and a few joints back; the remainder of its body turned wrong side out, the entrails hanging entirely on the outside of the body; and its ribs, turning outwards, nearly reached to the back bone. One hind leg turned over and brought forward along the side of its body, and was entirely enclosed in the skin, which was likewise wrong side out, the hair being on the inside. The tail also grew upon the point of the hip, which was enclosed in the skin; the whole being perfectly haired except the parts which were inside out.
Reading, March 1800.
Master Betsey, the Racin, has now left off playing and gone to work. He has been educated at Christ's college, Cambridge, but not without much opposition. When his unballasted step was heard approaching those sacred groves, strange perturbations seized the university. At Christ's a small community, he was within a few votes of being rejected. Of 24 men, 10 were against his admission, and 14 for. He saw proceeds ( Episcopo Volenti ) sock and bucking, to the gown and cassock; from the green-room to the secretary-room; from the stage to the pulpit; and if he collect congregations as numerous as the audiences he drew, we hope he will, by his own example, be enabled to teach them to act as well in real, as he did in mimic life.—Lon. Pap. 4
A Boston wit has given the following parody of the celebrated lines of Hudibras—to celebrate the British prowess in Spain:
"He who fights and runs away, May live to fight another day." And when the fight become a chaos He wins the fight, who wins the race. The two last lines are original, and truly descriptive of the glorious successes in Spain.
A Cauliflower Broccoli, raised at Funchall Garden, near this city, weighed nineteen pounds.... Charleston paper.
ALEXANDRIA, April 17. WASHINGTON BRIDGE.
It is with pleasure we announce that the Washington Bridge is so far completed as to be passable on Saturday last for foot passengers—it is intended to render it fit for carriages to pass, on or before the 18th of May, and from the activity which Mr. Mills, the builder, has hitherto displayed in the prosecution of his work, we have no doubt he will accomplish that desirable object.
NEGROES WANTED.—Wanted to hire fifteen or twenty Laborers to work at my Coalpits in Chesterfield county, for which a liberal price will be given.
CORNELIUS RUCK. April 4. oaw4w
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa county, February Court, 1809.
Joseph Woolfolk and Bentley Brown vs. Samuel M. Smith, executor of John Brown deceased and Frederick Harris, Defts. THE defendant Samuel M. Smith not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, therefore, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel; It is ordered and decreed, by the court, That the said defendant Samuel M. Smith, do appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiffs bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the news-papers published in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the front door of the court house of this county on some court day.
A Copy. Teste. JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. s. March 21. new8w
IN CHANCERY.—At a quarterly Court, continued and held for King and Queen County, at the Courthouse on Tuesday the 14th of March, 1809.
Joseph Temple, senr. Plff. against John W. Semple and Edward Hill, Defts. The defendant John W. Semple not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this state. On the motion of the plaintiff by his Council; It is ordered, that the said defendant John W. Semple do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the Bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public news-paper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of this Courthouse.
A Copy. Teste. RO: POLLARD, c. l. s. March 24. oaw8w
IN CHANCERY.—Buckingham County, January Court, 1809.
John Scruggs Plaintiff, vs. Wm. G. Briant & James Martin Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant Briant, is not an inhabitant of this state; It is ordered and decreed, That unless the said Briant shall appear here at May Court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, the same will be taken for confessed as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public news-paper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of the court-house of this county.
A Copy. R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C. April 18. w8wp
IN CHANCERY.—Buckingham County, March Term, 1809.
Elizabeth Taliaferro administratrix of Charles Taliaferro, deceased Plaintiff, against John Baskerville, jr. Defendant. ON the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant is not an inhabitant of this state; It is ordered and decreed, That unless the said defendant shall appear here on or before June Court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public news-paper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the court-house of this county.
A Copy. R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C. April 18. w8wp
PURSUANT to a decretal order of the chancery District court of Williamsburg, will be offered for sale, at Westmoreland court house on the 4th Monday in May next, being court day, that very valuable FARM, situated on Nomony river, in the county of Westmoreland, the property of John Matthews, late of said county, containing 643 acres. A credit of 12 months will be given, the purchaser executing bond with approved security to the commissioners acting under the aforesaid order and a deed of trust on the land to secure the payment of the purchase money, according to the terms of the decree. April 11. 10m
IN CHANCERY.—Buckingham County, March Term, 1809.
John Russell Plaintiff, against Wm. G. Briant and James Martin Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant Briant is not an inhabitant of this state; It is ordered and decreed, That unless he shall appear here on or before June Court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public news-paper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy posted up at the front door of the court house of this county.
A Copy. R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C. April 18. w8wp
TUITION.—A Person of respectable character, capable of teaching the Classics, and most of the important and useful branches of the English Language, wishes to engage with a respectable Family, as private Tutor for the remainder of this year; or to open a seminary in some pleasant Town or Village, where an assiduous and attentive Teacher might reasonably hope, in a short time, to establish a permanent School.—His Terms, for the remainder of this year, will be moderate, provided there is a favorable prospect of future advantage.—Satisfactory Testimonials and Recommendations can be produced for his Competency, Sobriety and Attention as a Teacher.—Letters (post paid) addressed to A. B. C. and left at the office of this paper will receive proper attention. April 18. w3w4
Fairfield Races.
THE FAIRFIELD RACES.
WILL commence on the 1st Monday in May, being the first day of the month. 1st DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of $400, four mile heats. 2nd DAY.—The Proprietor's Purse of $200, three mile heats. 3rd DAY.—The Annual Post Sweepstakes of five subscribers $100 each, three mile heats, free for all ages. 4th DAY.—One of the most elegant Cups ever exhibited on any turf in Virginia, value $120—twenty dollars entrance.
There is also a Forfeiture Sweepstakes , opened for colts dropped in the Spring of 1808. Entrance fifty bushels of wheat, to be run for October 1811—this a subscription will close at the present spring meeting. The wheat to be delivered at Mr. Rutherford's Mill before the race.
E. SMOCK, Treasurer Fairfield J. Club, and Proprietor of the Course. April 4. oaw4R
IN consequence of the 19th Regiment being compelled by law, to muster on the 1st of May, the President of the Fairfield Jockey Club will be requested to postpone the starting of the horses, on that day, until 2 o'clock, in order to gratify those military gentlemen who may wish to be present.
LANDS, FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed by John Bibb, of the county of Charlotte, to the subscribers, to secure the payment of a debt due to Messrs. Buchanan and Pollock of the town of Petersburg: Will be sold, on Thursday, the 4th day of May next, at the house of the said John Bibb, to the highest bidder, for ready money, two tracts of LAND lying and being in the said county of Charlotte, one containing one hundred and sixty-five acres, it being the tract on which the said Bibb resides, and the other one hundred and fifty acres, it being the tract purchased by him of Benjamin Sublits, senr. lying on the waters of Cub creek. HENRY A. WATKINS, WM. M. WATKINS, THE D. MANLOVE. April 7. 4ds
REMOVAL.—The Subscribers (in consequence of the late fire) have removed to a brick tenement belonging to Messrs. J. & R. Gamble, on the street leading to Mayo's Bridge, opposite Messrs. Brown and Rives's Accomplishing House, where they have for sale, a general assortment of GERMAN GOODS, CONSISTING OF..... Osnaburgs & Ticklen-burgs, Dantzic Rolls, Brown Rolls, Sheetings, Dowlas, Plaitings, Fine Shirting Linen, Bed Tick, Damask Table Cloths, Looking Glasses, Liquor Cases, Quart, Pink and 1/2 Pint Decanters. Also, Fresh RED CLOVER SEED BOHN & HUBNER. April 4. 6w
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND. Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE, 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havannah Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planel, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, For sale by, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. D. J. BURR, offers for sale, at the same house in which is kept the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle-Tavern, A COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF HATS. Including Gentlemen's black, drab and patent Silk BEAVERS, CASTORS, RORUMS, &c. Chip and Leghorn Hats, Mens' and Boys' Wool do. Servants' Glazed Leather do. Hatters' Trimmings and Materials. SHOES, Ladies' Morocco and Kid Slips and Ties, Gentlemen's superfine press Shoes and Pumps. Constantly on hand a large stock of bottled Porter, Ale and Cider, Philadelphia Beer, &c. &c. April 18. tf
NEW CHEAP DRY GOOD STORE, Just opened at Mr. Thomas's Yellow House, on the Capitol Hill, nearly opposite the Swan Tavern, consisting of a variety of handsome and fashionable printed Cambricks, Chintz, and Calicoes, rich Laces, printed Shawls & Handkerchiefs, Pocket Handkerchiefs, Mouselaine, white & colored Vesting, Leno Shawls assorted, India Cottons & Cotton Linens—together with, generally, every article in the Dry Good line; all which are retailing & at wholesale at nearly prime cost, on account of the owner returning in a few weeks to the Northward. April 14. tf
FREIGHT OR CHARTER.
The fine sailing Ship WOODROP SIME, Built of live oak and cedar, copper fastened, and coppered to the bilge, her upper works, sails and rigging new and in complete order, will load immediately, and sail as soon thereafter as possible, or may be stayed until the first 15 days after the next meeting of Congress. For terms apply to MR. CHAS. H. SAUNDERS, On, STANKS & RINFORD. Norfolk, April 7. tf
A Person who may possess a file of Virginia Papers for 1778, will render a service to the literature of the state, by forwarding it to this office; after it has served the purpose of utility for which it is intended, it will be thankfully returned in the same state of preservation in which it was received. In general, all authentic documents, either printed or manuscript, relative to the Revolutionary War, will be thankfully received, used and returned as before mentioned. Communications, by letter too, upon this subject, by those now living, who were engaged in the revolutionary struggle, or were eye-witnesses of important events, will be thankfully received. March 21. tf
NOTICE.—The subscriber has, for the present, removed his VENDUE OFFICE, to the front room of the house occupied by Mr. Carter B. Page, opposite to Mr. S. Hovey and Sizier where he transacts business as usual. He has on hand a quantity of West-India and other GOODS, and is prepared with convenient store-houses to receive any further consignments that may be made to him. JAMES BROWN, 27. Auctioneer. tf
RACING!
The Tappahannock JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence on Thursday the 25th May next. 1st DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of $300, four mile heats. 2nd DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of $240, three mile heats. 3rd DAY.—The Proprietor's Purse of $100, entrance 10 dollars, two mile heats, (five horses or no race).
FIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Anagone horse, 1b. 130 1/2 Years old, 1b. 100 6 years old 120 3 Do. 86 5 Do. 110 And under that age a feather.
The course, &c. will be in good order, we therefore may expect fine sport; stables and litter provided gratis, upon timely application to the proprietor of the course. A. S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. tf
* The Secretary cannot state accurately the amount of each day's purse, but supposes they will be as above stated, after deducting the Jockey Club dinner and the expense of advertising the races from the subscription. April 11. tf
PURSUANT to a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Parsons & Sarah his wife, for the benefit of Wm. Cocke and Thomas and Amos Ladd, and other Creditors of the said Samuel Parsons, will be exposed to Sale at Public Auction, on the respective Premises, on Wednesday the 2d of next month the following PROPERTY, lying in the City of Richmond, viz. nearly three-fourths of the LOT described in the plan of the said City by No. 436, on the S. W. side of the Basin, and between Thomas Ladd's and the Hay-Market Square, bounded on the North-East by the street running between the Hay-Market Square and the public Warehouse. All that part of LOT, No. 413, on the N. East side of the Basin, which is bounded by the street running by