Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-15 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVITH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1601.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco, $ 4 50 CASH   WHEAT, new, 1 00 do.   FLOUR, superfine, new, 5 00 do.   FLOUR, fine, 4 50 do.   CORN, 2 50 do.   HEMP, clean, (per ton) 220 00 do.   IRON, 110 00 do.   BACON, 11 do.   WHISKEY, 42 do.  
Virginia, to wit:
A Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg the 5th day of July, 1808.
Thomas Wilkinson, surviving husband and administrator of Alice, his late wife, a daughter of William Barrett, deceased, Thomas Hare, surviving husband and administrator of his late wife, Mary another daughter of the said William Barrett, Peter Wilkinson and Purdie, his wife, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Martha B. Barrett, Nancy or Ann Barrett, and William Barrett, three other children of the said William Barrett, & William Hawkins, administrator of John Graves, PLS.
AGAINST Philip Watkins, Frederick Watkins, Samuel Watkins, Reuben Vaughan & Alice his wife, and John E. Bailey, Defs.  THE defendant, Philip Watkins, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the PLS. by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the PLS.; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.
A copy,
Anthony Robinson C. C.
WE, the proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp, on James River, in the county of Chesterfield, hereby warn all persons from hunting, fowling, fishing or entering the said Swamp, from and after the date of this notice, as we are determined to put the utmost rigor of the law in force against all such persons as shall hereafter offend, or enter the said Swamp, without being legally authorized by the proprietors, or some one of them, under hand and seal.
Robert Watkins, Bowler Cooke, Thos. Stratten,
Proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp. Chesterfield, Nov. 4, 1808. 4w
WANTED as a HOUSE KEEPER, in a large family, a discreet, industrious WOMAN. To one who can come well recommended as such, very liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the printer. November 14, 1808. 3w
Buckingham County Oct. Court, 1808.
Daniel and William Guerrant, for the benefit of James Rea and others, their trustees, Plaintiffs. AGAINST, Ezekiel Hudnall and Peter Guerrant, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant, Hudnall, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless the said Hudnall shall appear here on or before January court next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Test,
R. Eldridge jr. D. C.
Buckingham County, September Court, 1808.
Henry Bagby and Peter Guerrant executors of Elizabeth Fearn deceased, Plaintiffs. AGAINST,
Theoderick Scruggs and William Palmer, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant, Scruggs, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before December court next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, the same will then be taken for confessed, as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy,
R. Eldridge, jr. D. C.
Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Susanna Davis, Plaintiff. AGAINST, John Tisdale, James Trevillian and Samuel Henson, Defendants.  THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by her counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse in this county on some court day.
A copy—Test,
Jn. Poindexter, C. L. C.
A Tutor Wanted.
A YOUNG GENTLEMAN who understands the Latin and English languages grammatically, and who unites therewith a competent knowledge of Arithmetic, Geography and the Mathematics, will meet with encouragement on application to the subscribers. To such a character, coming well recommended, a liberal salary will be given by
Joseph Carter, and Joseph Carter, Jr.
Coroloman, Lancaster county, } Oct. 29, 1808. 4w
Penitentiary Store.
THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and a 90 days credit at whole sale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.
CUT NAILS.
   Wholesale prices Retail prices     3d 13 cents. 14 cents per lb   4 12 1-2 13 1-2   6 11 1-2 12 1-2   8 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 11   12 10 11   20 10 11   Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2  
CUT BRADS.
   Wholesale prices Retail prices     8d 10 cents. 11 cents per lb   10 9 1-2 10 1-2   12 Do. Do.   20 Do. Do.  
SPRIGS.
   Wholesale prices Retail prices     3d 39 cts. per lb. 50 per m.   4 22 1-2 67   6 17 84  
WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS.
   Wholesale prices Retail prices     6d 13 14 per lb.   8 12 1-2 13 1-2   10 12 13   12 11 1-2 12 1-2   20 11 12   30 11 12  
Spikes of all sizes same price as 30d. nails. Broad and narrow Axes, Hatches, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes.
   Fair tops, back straps, $ 9   Ditto 8   Swatrows, 7   Half Boots,   Plantation and light fine shoes, 10s 6 a 12s   Do. second & third qualities, 7s 6 a 9s   Negro shoes (strong) 6s a 7s   Girls do. 4s a 4s   Boys do. 3s 9 a 6s 6   Childrens' shoetees, 3s a 4s 6   Fire Buckets $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair   Bridles, Sursingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambro and Fishing lines.    Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern.
D. J. BURR
April 26, 1808. (2w1m 1wtf) The Shoes are reduced much below the former price.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book-store, adjoining the Market Bridge,
PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF
HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS,
CONTAINING
The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume.
At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $ 5—to non-subscribers $ 6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume.
Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
Wirt's Speeches.
THE Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memin.
FROM THE AURORA.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
How do we now stand in relation to the nations of Europe?
What is the policy which is best for the U. S. to pursue? These are now questions of much more moment than may at first sight appear—and which, whether we will or not, we shall be soon forced to consider and act upon.
The American at this moment must be an American only—or a traitor; no man can under any pretence at this time, affect to consider the interest of any foreign nation more than another, as concerned in the interest of this—the absolute question now is, shall we be free and independent Americans, or the slaves and tributaries of foreign despotism?
With regard to any one nation more than another, in reference to the interest of America, we disclaim, both partiality and prejudice. We look to the interests, liberties, peace and independence of America as the only good—he, sole good—and that good for which all men who lay claim to honor or virtue must unite, and resolve to support it or perish in its defence.
The world is arrived at a crisis now such as the events, which have preceded no way resemble, and which must call for thought, and counsel, and resolution, and action, such as no previous event required.
Put the case—that from whatever cause, or through whatever instigation, a military force of 40 000 or 60 000 men were to be barely paraded on the Louisiana frontier.
That at the same time, ten thousand men were to be marched from Quebec or Montreal and back again; suppose that they never set a foot on the United States soil.
Suppose the Indians to collect in large war councils—and not strike a blow.
Suppose the cargoes of 60 or 100 merchantmen landed and stored on the borders on the borders of the St. Lawrence, waiting for a frost to convey them into our country in contempt of our laws.
Suppose that the deliberate assassination of all the agents among the Indian tribes, faithful to the United States, had been determined, and in part perpetrated.
Suppose the British government to hold out premiums for violating our laws at Halifax—at Jamaica—at Bermuda.
Suppose, co-operating with all those suppositions, that we were cut off, by the decrees of the belligerent nations, from commerce with all the world.
Suppose the British minister to have declared explicitly, that no flag should fly on the high seas without a permit from Great Britain!
What ought we to do? This is the question which congress will have to determine—at the session which opens this day.
The first suppositions of the case may be conjectural—but they may also be real—and the latter are true.
Ought we not to be prepared for events? It will not be imprudent, for it cannot be productive of injury—to be prepared. It would be prudent, because, without producing evil, it might prevent evil.
Let us for a moment, appeal to the liberal men of all parties—there are men of sound American hearts, whose pride of individual opinion—whose apprehensions of rebuke—whose social connexions—whose prejudices against men—and whose party prejudices, interfere with the natural feelings of their hearts, and resist even the convictions of their better judgments.
The men of this description are very numerous, and every art is employed by men with feelings and attachments adverse to the national peace and prosperity, to keep up their prejudices and to separate Americans from each other, in order to divide them.
These observations are offered to the cool consideration of the good men, who are really Americans in heart and soul, there are many among the party called federal. Here are the men whom we regret to be obliged to confound on account of their politics, with men who continue, as they ever have been, TORRES—enemies of American peace, liberty, and independence. These observations are, every one must see, not offered in a moment of despondency, nor when the apprehension of political defeat might throw an appearance of flattery, hypocrisy, or mean supplication, over sentiments of generosity.
These sentiments are shown out, when other parties and other men, would be arrogant and insolent upon their triumph, as mean and abject after defeat. We utter them with sincerity when we are triumphant, and when both real enemies & deluded friends are conquered by reason, by public opinion.
It is in the fair, manly, open, and ardent spirit of republican virtue, that we now call upon all men who are American in heart,
to bury animosities, to lay aside prejudices which are not bottomed on integrity and honor; to stand frankly forth for the independence and the honor of United America—this is the time not to have it attributed to fear or baseness—this is the time for men of virtue to rally under the whig standard.
Let it not be supposed, that these sentiments arise out of the triumphs of the administration & the embargo, and of the whig party at large in Pennsylvania; it is indeed true that, however ardently & sincerely such feelings and sentiments press upon us, that without this triumph, we should not have been so forward in uttering them; because we should not in a minority or under even a partial depression, expect to obtain that degree of credit, which we are now entitled to—when we want no auxiliaries as a party, and have no other view but to unite every real American as men and as citizens, upon the principles which were asserted in the declaration of independence.
These sentiments we think fit to offer at this time—not merely because the time, as to local politics, is favorable to the cause of virtuous liberty and independence; but because the relation in which we stand to the world, requires an entire and perfect union.
We shall be excused therefore, if, referring still to the suppositions cases with which we have commenced this article, we cite cases of analogy, to show thereby more intelligibly, the importance of a general extirpation of every sentiment and factious measure, adverse to the union of the states, and of the great body of the American people.
How have all nations which have been subjected or ruined by others, been treated?
Divide et impera—has been the maxim of insidious and open enemies in all ages—the Macedonian practised it as well as the Roman. Had there been no adherents of the Bonaparte dynasty in Spain, Bourbons might have remained secure at Madrid—it was perhaps the imbecility of the court and courtiers, which produced the laxity of national sentiment, that destroyed all respect, and forfeited all confidence, which undermined the Bourbons, and paved the way to the Spanish throne for a new dynasty.
The case of Spain being the most recent and the most striking we have selected, though the case of every nation on the continent of Europe would furnish examples as striking. But what we aim expressly to establish, is what history and all human experience concurs in; that no people divided among each other, can exist long as a people—without civil war—or without foreign war—in such cases, if war arise—both of the divisions among a people, the subjection of one party alone is not the only effect, but with the subjection of the one, the degradation or ruin of the other must follow.
He therefore, who is not for his country in a great crisis—is against it, in such a civil war as that of our revolution, there might have been some plausible plea for neutrality; but in the crisis that approaches there can be none.
Every man in America will have to determine, whether he is to be considered as an enemy or as a friend—no neutrals is the order of the day abroad, it will be so at home before many weeks pass away.
These bold reflections will be treated, by those who have an interest in the division of the people, with malignant and bitter anger—for their reception by the public as they ought to be, would be the proudest occurrence for America, and the most fatal for her enemies that has occurred since the capture of Cornwallis.
But however the sentiments may be received at this moment, many weeks cannot elapse before their truth will be confessed, and their spirit becomes the awakened spirit of the nation.
Let us now return to our suppositions, and state a few facts that apply to them.
We shall not wait to argue what France meant, or wished, or might, or could do in relation to the United States—because it will now be admitted that France has occupation enough in Europe. We said so six, ten, twenty, an hundred months ago—no one will now dispute it. From France we have nothing to expect, we have nothing to fear.
Whence then are we to apprehend what we have supposed in the preceding paragraphs?
From the British cabinet, from an attempt to excite the hostility of Spain against the United States. Who that remembers the conduct of Trujo can mistake the co-incident of action, and sentiment. Trujo, the mover of Burr is now in London. Britain, by the effective supplies given to the Spaniards, will obtain an ascendancy in the Spanish councils, so long as the French suffer under the serious disasters of their fatuous campaign in Spain—could the Spaniards resist for one year with effect, that influence must increase—and the influence which drew the gold and silver from Mexico even during open war, may be, without exaggeration, be supposed competent to embroil the U. States with Spain.
In this way it is that we infer the thing to be possible—suppose a formidable force to appear on the Colorado or the Sabine, and assuming the principles asserted in the English ministerial paper, the Times, they might dispute with us the possession of Louisiana—would they not revive the doctrines of Trujo, and even object to our possession of Orleans. The writer of this article, long before Trujo was known to the public, long before his Graviora Moment, laid his finger on the first authority of this land—as its active and insidious enemy.
But what has this to do with an army on the Canadian frontier? For the very reason that the Spanish minister Trujo, and the British ministers Liston and Merry, were hostile to our right of purchase. Because Louisiana, and the Mississippi are to the U. States a greater source of wealth, commerce, power & prosperity, than the whole commerce of Europe & Asia combined, because the Mississippi is to the U. States, what the Nile is to Egypt, and the Ganges to India for that special reason—and for the still stronger reason, that peace and prosperity has distinguished us from the rest of the world, the same influence that has set the world in arms—which has distracted the councils—undermined the thrones—steeped in misery the people—ravaged the seas—and daringly claims to levy tribute on all nations that carry a flag—for the same cause and from the same source we should expect a military force in Canada would co-operate with a military force in Louisiana.
In such a case what should we do? Mr. Erskine says the people of N. England will submit to tribute.
Will you, people of America, pay tribute for sailing in support of your fair commerce on the sea?
Will you consent to see the Mississippi shut against you?
These questions you may very soon have to decide—
And the decision comes to the old question, which we have so often told you to be the true and only question—that of American independence.
What ought to be done?
Congress meets this day—the people should think and be prepared to support their deputies—and tell them either to submit to tribute and abandon independence—or
To do something else—what that is we presume not to suggest—but we protest against tribute and subjection to any, or all the powers on earth.
FROM THE SALEM REGISTER.
SALEM TOWN MEETING.
Pursuant to warrants issued by the selectmen, at the

ag, from undeniable facts, with pathetic eloquence, proved the inexpediency and impropriety of the measure. His remarks do him great honor, and justly entitle him to the esteem and confidence of every friend to his country. Mr. Gray said—
"That we have a constitutional right to assemble in legal town meeting and petition the general government, I am not disposed to deny. But as we have delegated the power to our senators and representative in Congress, I am for leaving the power with them, where the constitution has placed it—their voice will no doubt be given for the removal of the embargo, as soon as the general interest of the nation will admit of it. The representatives and senators of this commonwealth, are the men of our own choice, and in them we ought to confide. The interference of this town with the general government will proclaim to the enemies of our commerce, that we are a divided people, and will encourage them to continue their orders and decrees until we become half-conquered by internal dissensions. Will not this conduct if pursued tend to the destruction of all order and government? Can we in this meeting form as correct an opinion, when the embargo ought to be removed, as our representatives can when congress are convened, as they will have the President's communication from our ministers abroad? If Congress should grant our request, and a war proves the inevitable consequence, will our sufferings be removed? There is, I think, no doubt but the powers whose unjust orders and decrees impose the necessity of the embargo, will take every advantage of our situation to harass and distress us—but if we would unanimously resolve to support our independence, and confide in our rulers while they make the constitution their guide, we may bid defiance to every usurping power under Heaven. Nor would any foreign power dare to insult us if we were firmly united. These reflections induce me to oppose any application for the removal of the embargo, as I firmly believe it will be removed as soon as it can be consistently with our national honor and interest."
Mr. Gray then observed, that he thought that the distresses of the people had been exaggerated—that cases of real distress and suffering for the necessaries of life, on account of the embargo were not readily to be found—that he heard no complaint that our taxes & ministers' salaries were not paid as well as usual; that it gave him great pleasure to look round and see so many of his fellow townsmen handsomely and comfortably clothed, and he believed comfortably fed—that in general the people could find something to do, and that provisions so plenty, were but little reduced in their price—that the voice of complaint and of distress was rarely, if ever, heard in our streets, and never, he believed, without immediate relief—that the high tide of our unexampled prosperity, and accumulation of wealth were checked, he readily acknowledged; but this was of small consequence when compared with the calamities of war, and was in no degree attributable to the embargo—that the lives of many of our seafaring brethren must be sacrificed in battle, and their health destroyed by pestilential guard ships—that he remembered in the last war, the distresses of our country to which he had been an eye witness.
He adverted to the patience of the people of Marblehead under their sufferings. They leave their homes in March for the fishing banks, draw their fish frequently through sixty fathoms of water, return, cure them, take in a cargo of dry fish, and sail for some part of the continent of Europe, get within sight of the port, where their fish is wanted, and where they might receive gold for it; they are spoken with by a British cruiser, ordered home on pain of capture and condemnation—they return, put their fish into the warehouses, take in their salt and again sail for their fishing ground without losing a moment or complaint against their own government.
Wonderful people. We had better (said he) endure all the embarrassments and inconveniences we suffer on account of the embargo for three years longer, than the unavoidable evils of war—This wise measure of the government was eminently calculated to save our property and our seamen from this dreadful calamity. Where could we go if the embargo were off? I have permission to send a vessel to Russia for property I have left there, where the prospect is good for making a great voyage—but I dare not while the decrees and orders of council exist, risk even an empty vessel—and I know of no port where I could send a cargo with the prospect of a profitable voyage. And I sincerely believe, if we had submitted to the embargo with unanimity and cheerfulness, and bore the inconveniences of it with patience, and had placed a just confidence in the government of our own choice, and not by our divisions encouraged the belligerents to believe that we were a disunited people, that before this day the orders of council and decrees would have been removed, and we should have enjoyed a free commerce.
[The remainder in our next.] From the National Intelligencer. The Documents, accompanying the Message of the President, being too extensive for insertion in one paper, we have considered it most satisfactory, in the first instance, to publish the following, which will furnish a tolerably correct idea of the situation of our foreign relations, with the ground taken by our government. In subsequent papers the whole of the documents shall be given.
Extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated Bourbon l'Archambault, 28th August, 1808. "Since my arrival at this place I have been honored by the receipt of your dispatch of the 21st ult. and would immediately return to Paris to renew my discussions with M. de Champagny either personally, as you suggest, or by writing, had I not the most solemn conviction that any new experiment made at the present moment in either form and of official character, would certainly be useless and probably injurious."
From Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning. Great Cumberlance Place, August 23d, 1808. Sir—I have had the honor, in consequence
of the orders of the President, to recal your attention, in the course of several recent interviews, to the British orders in council of the 7th of January and 11th of November, 1807, and to the various orders founded upon or in execution of them; and I now take the liberty to renew, in the mode which I have understood to be indispensable, my instances on that subject.
I need scarcely remind you, sir, that the government of the United States has never ceased to consider these orders as violating its rights, and affecting most destructively its interests, upon grounds wholly inadmissible both in principle and fact.
The letters of Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, produced by the official communication of that minister of the order of the 7th of January, and the answer of Mr. Madison of the 25th of March, 1808, to a like communication of the orders of the 11th November, contained the most direct remonstrances against the system which these orders introduce and execute, and expressed the confident expectation of the President that it would not be persisted in.
That expectation has not yet been fulfilled, but it has, notwithstanding, not been relinquished. The President is still persuaded that its accomplishment will result from a careful review by his majesty's government, made in the spirit of moderation and equity, of the facts and considerations which belong to the occasion.
It is not my purpose to recapitulate in this note the statements and reasonings contained in the above mentioned letters of Mr. Madison, in support of the claim of the government of the United States, that the British orders be revoked. I content myself with referring to those letters for proofs which it is not necessary to repeat, and for arguments which I could not hope to improve.
But there are explanations which those letters do not contain, and which it is proper for me now to make. Even these, however, may be very briefly given, since you have already been made acquainted in our late conversations with all their bearings and details.
These explanations go to show, that, while every motive of justice conspires to produce a disposition to recall the orders of which my government complains, it is become apparent that even their professed object will be best attained by their revocation. I had the honor to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of Congress, entitled "An act to authorise the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain.
I am authorised to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and I trust, that upon important enquiry it will be found to leave no inducement to perseverance in the British orders, while it creates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them.
On the score of justice it does not seem possible to mistake the footing upon which this overture places the subject; and I venture to believe that in any other view there is as little room for doubt. If, as I propose, your orders should be rescinded as to the U. States, and our embargo rescinded as to Great Britain, the effect of these concurrent acts will be that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed; while, if France should adhere to her maxims and conduct derogatory to the neutral rights of the United States, the embargo, continuing as to her, will take the place of your orders, and lead with an efficacy, not merely equal to theirs, but probably much greater, to all the consequences that ought to result from them.
On the other hand, if France should concur in respecting those rights, and commerce should thus regain its fair immunities and the law of nations its just dominion, all the alleged purposes of the British orders will have been at once fulfilled. If I forbear to pursue these ideas thro' all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because the personal conferences to which I have before alluded, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary. I cannot conclude this note without expressing my sincere wish that what I have now suggested, in conformity with the liberal sentiments and enlightened views of the President, may contribute not only to remove the more immediate obstacles to the ordinary intercourse of trade between your country and mine, in a manner consistent with the honor of both, but to prepare the way for a satisfactory adjustment of every question important to their future friendship.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servt. (Signed) Wm. PINKNEY.
of the orders of the President, to recal your attention, in the course of several recent interviews, to the British orders in council of the 7th of January and 11th of November, 1807, and to the various orders founded upon or in execution of them; and I now take the liberty to renew, in the mode which I have understood to be indispensable, my instances on that subject.
I need scarcely remind you, sir, that the government of the United States has never ceased to consider these orders as violating its rights, and affecting most destructively its interests, upon grounds wholly inadmissible both in principle and fact.
The letters of Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, produced by the official communication of that minister of the order of the 7th of January, and the answer of Mr. Madison of the 25th of March, 1808, to a like communication of the orders of the 11th November, contained the most direct remonstrances against the system which these orders introduce and execute, and expressed the confident expectation of the President that it would not be persisted in.
That expectation has not yet been fulfilled, but it has, notwithstanding, not been relinquished. The President is still persuaded that its accomplishment will result from a careful review by his majesty's government, made in the spirit of moderation and equity, of the facts and considerations which belong to the occasion.
It is not my purpose to recapitulate in this note the statements and reasonings contained in the above mentioned letters of Mr. Madison, in support of the claim of the government of the United States, that the British orders be revoked. I content myself with referring to those letters for proofs which it is not necessary to repeat, and for arguments which I could not hope to improve.
But there are explanations which those letters do not contain, and which it is proper for me now to make. Even these, however, may be very briefly given, since you have already been made acquainted in our late conversations with all their bearings and details.
These explanations go to show, that, while every motive of justice conspires to produce a disposition to recall the orders of which my government complains, it is become apparent that even their professed object will be best attained by their revocation. I had the honor to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of Congress, entitled "An act to authorise the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain.
I am authorised to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and I trust, that upon important enquiry it will be found to leave no inducement to perseverance in the British orders, while it creates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them.
On the score of justice it does not seem possible to mistake the footing upon which this overture places the subject; and I venture to believe that in any other view there is as little room for doubt. If, as I propose, your orders should be rescinded as to the U. States, and our embargo rescinded as to Great Britain, the effect of these concurrent acts will be that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed; while, if France should adhere to her maxims and conduct derogatory to the neutral rights of the United States, the embargo, continuing as to her, will take the place of your orders, and lead with an efficacy, not merely equal to theirs, but probably much greater, to all the consequences that ought to result from them.
On the other hand, if France should concur in respecting those rights, and commerce should thus regain its fair immunities and the law of nations its just dominion, all the alleged purposes of the British orders will have been at once fulfilled. If I forbear to pursue these ideas thro' all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because the personal conferences to which I have before alluded, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary. I cannot conclude this note without expressing my sincere wish that what I have now suggested, in conformity with the liberal sentiments and enlightened views of the President, may contribute not only to remove the more immediate obstacles to the ordinary intercourse of trade between your country and mine, in a manner consistent with the honor of both, but to prepare the way for a satisfactory adjustment of every question important to their future friendship.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servt. (Signed) Wm. PINKNEY.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated 24th September, 1808, London. "I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August."
"I regret extremely that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this government have not been met by it as I had at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place in a strong light the just and liberal sentiments by which our government is animated, and in other respects to be useful and honorable to our country."
From Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney. FOREIGN OFFICE, September 23d, 1808.
The undersigned his majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs, had the honor to receive the official letter addressed to him by Mr. Pinkney, minister plenipotentiary of the United States, respecting the orders in council
issued by his majesty on the 7th of January and 11th November, 1807. He has laid that letter before the king, and he is commanded to assure Mr. Pinkney that the answer to the proposal which Mr. Pinkney was instructed to bring forward, has been deferred only in the hope that the renewed application which was understood to have been recently made by the government of the U. States to that of France, might, in the new state of things which has arisen in Europe, have met with such a reception in France, as would have rendered the compliance of his majesty with that proposal consistent as much with his majesty's own dignity and with the interests of his people as it would have been with his majesty's disposition towards the United States. Unhappily there is now no longer any reason to believe that such a hope is likely to be realized; and the undersigned is therefore commanded to communicate to Mr. Pinkney the decision which, under the circumstances as they stand, his majesty feels himself compelled, however unwillingly, to adopt.
The mitigated measure of retaliation announced by his majesty in the orders in council of the 7th January, and the further extension of that measure (an extension in operation but not in principle) by the orders in council of November, were founded (as has been already repeatedly avowed by his majesty) on the "unquestionable right of his majesty to resort upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice"—and upon the consideration that "if third parties incidentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they were to seek their redress from the power by whose original aggression that retaliation was occasioned."
His majesty sees nothing in the embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question. If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made not to America but to France.
If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the U. States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regulation which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it; and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation, between the repeal by the U. States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.
The government of the U. States is not now to be informed that the Berlin decree of Nov. 21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an attempt not merely to check or impair the prosperity of Great Britain, but utterly to annihilate her political existence, thro' the ruin of her commercial prosperity; that in this attempt almost all the powers of the European continent have been compelled more or less to co-operate; and that the American embargo, though most assuredly not intended to that end (for America can have no real interest in the subversion of the British power, and her rulers are too enlightened to act from any impulse against the real interests of their country) but by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of "the blockade of the European continent" precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success.
Congress. SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
On Tuesday and Wednesday no business of importance.
Thursday, November 10.
Mr. Giles offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That so much of the president's message as relates to the several embargo laws, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine and report, whether any further measures are now necessary to enforce a due observance thereof during their continuance; and also whether any further modification thereof be expedient at this time, and that such committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
On making this motion, Mr. Giles observed, that as the resolution he had the honor of moving respecting the embargo laws, was intended only as an enquiry into that subject, which was deemed important by all, and if to be further acted upon, requiring immediate attention; and as it did not commit the senate upon any point in relation to those laws, he hoped that the committee might be now appointed.
Mr. Goodrich requested that the motion might not be acted upon until to-morrow, to which Mr. Giles agreed.
Mr. Smith, of Md. submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the militia laws of the United States.
The senate have appointed Rev. Mr. Elliott Chaplain.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, November 8.
Mr. Saml. Shaw, elected from the state of Vermont, in the place of Mr. Witherall, resigned, appeared and took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, it was resolved, That the several standing committees of the house should be appointed.
The following gentlemen were then named by the speaker on the committees respectively:
Ways and Means. Messrs. G. W. Campbell, W. Alston, Eppes, Smilie, Tallmadge, Fisk and J. Montgomery.
Commerce and Manufactures. Messrs. Newton, M'Creery, Cutts, Dana, Marion, Mumford and Porter.
Claims. Messrs. Holmes, Pitkin, Seaver, Johnson, Humphreys, Brown and Butler.
Public Lands. Messrs. Jeremiah Morrow, Goodwyn, Russell, Boyd, Ely, Bibb and Howard.
District of Columbia. Messrs. Lewis, Van Horn, Southard, Blackledge, Rea (P.) L. J. Alston and Wharton.
Revival and unfinished Business. Messrs. Clopton, Van Rensselaer and Durrell.
Accounts. Messrs. N. R. Moore, Stedman and Milnor.
The speaker laid before the house a memorial from the legislature of the Mississippi Territory, praying an extension of the time of payment for public lands, &c. Referred, on motion of Mr. Poindexter, to the committee of Public Lands.
Wednesday, November 9.
Immediately on meeting the house proceeded in the reading of the documents accompanying the president's message; which being concluded.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, they were referred, together with the message, to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered to be printed.
On the question as to the number to be printed, it was moved by Mr. Fisk, and seconded by Mr. Dana, that ten thousand copies be printed. Negatived by a considerable majority.
Five thousand copies were then ordered to be printed.
The house was then cleared and the doors closed for the purpose of reading the confidential part of the President's message.
After the doors were opened, a resolution on yesterday laid on the table by Mr. Rhea (T.) for appointing a committee of Post-Offices and Post Roads, to consist of one member from each state, was taken up and agreed to.
The following gentlemen compose the committee: Messrs. Rhea (Ten.) Green, Chittenden, Davenport, Stanford, Calhoun, Troup, Desha, Whitehill, Newbold, Verplanck, Pugh, Storer, Jer. Morrow, Goldsborough, A. Wilson and Wilbour.
Adjourned.
Thursday, November 10.
EMBARGO.
Immediately on the meeting of the house—
Mr. Chittenden said he rose with considerable diffidence to offer to the house a resolution on the subject of the embargo. Having witnessed the feelings heretofore excited by a similar proposition at the last session, he said he would assure the gentlemen that he had no object in view but to bring the subject before the house, and excite a fair and liberal discussion. He had hoped that the situation of our affairs would ere this, have authorised the removal of the embargo. Disappointed in this, he felt it a duty which he owed to his constituents & to the nation, to endeavor to elicit an expression of the opinion of the house, to prevent ruinous speculations, and to relieve the nation from suspense. The measure had now been in operation 10 or 11 months, and he had not perceived the good effects resulting from it. The importance of this subject, its interesting nature to his constituents, who in addition to the common sufferings, had the extreme mortification of being represented as in a state of insurrection, must be an apology for his coming forward at this early period on the subject of the embargo. He then offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That the act passed at the last session of congress, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto," ought to be immediately repealed."
Bills of Lading
For sale at the Office of the Argus.

On the question whether the house will agree to consider the resolution, it was decided by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 83—Nays 9.
Mr. Chittenden then moved, that it be referred to the committee of the whole house on the state of the union, to whom was referred the president's message.
Mr. Macon had no objection to a fair discussion. If the laws were wrong and productive of no beneficial effect, they ought to be repealed. He suggested to the gentleman, however, the propriety of moving a reference to a committee of the whole, other than that on the state of the union.
Mr. Chittenden so modified his motion, and it was agreed to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole.
On the question for what day it should be ordered, Mr. Chittenden moved to-morrow.
Mr. Smilie said, he had no objection to meet this question, but not at so early a period. From the general state of our foreign relations, he thought the resolution was ill-timed. What could the gentleman mean by bringing this distinct question now before the house? Does he mean, said Mr. S., that we must repeal the whole of the embargo system, and substitute nothing in the room of it? Certainly, if his intention may be judged by the manner in which the subject is brought forward, he means this. If he does, I wish him to come forward and tell us so; tell us that he and his constituents are willing to pay tribute and submit; that they will surrender the independence of their country. To consider his motion now, unless a substitute for the embargo were proposed, Mr. S. said he could not agree. He therefore moved that it be made the order of the day for Monday week. In the mean time he took it for granted that the president's message would become the subject of consideration, and the house would be prepared to say what course it would pursue.
Mr. W. Alston objected to the mode in which the subject had been now introduced; and suggested that it would have been more respectful to the president first to have considered the message. But since the gentleman had thus brought forward the question of repealing the embargo law, he was ready to meet him on his own ground to-morrow. He trusted it would then be seen in what quarter and from whom the opposition to the execution of the measure had arisen, and the desire of its removal now proceeded.
Mr. Dana presumed the gentleman from Vermont was perfectly competent to show the motives of his actions and the object he had in view without the assistance of the gentleman from North Carolina. Really commencing the public business in this manner did not bode auspiciously to its progress. As a reason for now bringing this subject forward Mr. D. reminded gentlemen of a fact which in the fullness of their zeal they seemed wholly to have overlooked—that the season was fast approaching when the navigation of the northern portion of the union would be locked up.—If the embargo was to be removed at all, it was of the utmost importance that it should be done promptly; that it should be decided within a fortnight from this time. And whether it should be removed or not, it was of importance to know the opinion of this body. Need gentlemen now be told that in almost all the ports of the union vessels were preparing for sea? That some had even bent their sails, many having taken cargoes on board? These now remained in a state of suspense, and a state of suspense always gave birth to perpetual speculation. To put a stop to these speculations it was necessary that a decision of the question should be had. How it should be decided at the present time Mr. D. said he did not undertake to say. The people should know, as soon as practicable consistently with the decorum of legislative deliberation, the decision of the House.
As to the question asked by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) as to paying tribute, and as to the gentleman who proposed the resolution being willing to pay tribute—if the gentleman wanted to know the spirit of Vermont, Mr. D. referred him to the history of the revolutionary war. Let the gentleman see if, for her numbers, any other state gave the enemy more bloody battles. Let him then suppose the gentleman from Vermont to differ from the mass of his fellow citizens whom he represents. Mr. D. censured these insinuations as indecorous in the extreme.
Mr. D. said the present motion led to a question of serious moment; and when they came to a decision of it he wished it to be done by comparing their opinions fairly, frankly and decisively if necessary; and that they might unite in taking the course which would best maintain the rights and preserve the honor of the nation. On the question of the raising of the embargo, it was necessary, however, that there should be an authoritative decision one way or other.
Mr. Elliot said it might for aught he knew be considered disrespectful to the President to urge the immediate agitation of this momentous question; but if it were so, a forbearance from so doing on that account would be a respect inconsistent with the independence of sentiment which elevates and warms the character of an independent representative of an independent people. He had read somewhere in the works of celebrated newspaper civilians of this country, that "oppression" or even disrespect were treasonable offences. He hoped no gentleman here meant to advance the doctrine that disrespect partakes of the nature of treason.
Mr. E. then spoke of a resolution which he had intended to have offered, and which he described, as leading to an enquiry into the mode in which the embargo law had been executed.
Notwithstanding the insinuation of the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Alston) which no one could mistake, notwithstanding whole volumes of newspaper denunciation, Mr. Elliot said he trembled not for the character of Vermont. The great body of the people of Vermont, though hostile, as he firmly believed, to the whole system of the embargo, had manifested a degree of patriotism that had not been exceeded by any; they had never failed, when called upon, to march to the frontiers and enforce those laws which they disapproved.
He thought it due to the character of the nation to investigate this subject, the constitutionality of the laws, the propriety of their continuance, the manner in which they had been carried into execution, and the manner in which they had been evaded.
Whilst he did not wish to precipitate the discussion, much less the decision, yet he thought the day mentioned by the gentleman from Pennsylvania was too distant. The people had certainly looked forward to the meeting of Congress with considerable solicitude, as much excited by the embargo system as by the situation of our foreign affairs. The people of the U. States, (said he) do not believe that they are called upon to decide between the embargo or war. We who originally opposed the embargo law, believing that it would be ruinous to the nation, are under no obligation to propose the substitute which is called for, and which we would have proposed, though it would not have been adopted, had not the embargo been put into operation. Mr. E. apologised for his warmth on this subject by alleging the sensibility he had felt at the allusion of the gentleman from N. Carolina.
Mr. Alston explained that he had not said or meant, that it would be seen from "what quarter of the Union" opposition came.
Mr. Macon could see no advantage in postponing a decision of the question being himself ready to meet it at any moment. The very proposition of the resolution would excite all the attention of the seaports and awaken all their anxiety. He thought it out of order now to discuss the merits of the question.
Mr. Troup said he felt himself bound at all times to treat with the greatest delicacy all motions and propositions of an ordinary nature. But there were times in which his feelings compelled him to depart from the ordinary rule. This was one. He had voted against the consideration of the resolution because he would reject with that indignity which it deserved an abstract proposition at this time to remove the embargo; and because he thought a prompt rejection would mark to the foreign world the temper of the country. He suggested, since it was to be discussed, that the discussion should be postponed a while till time was given to digest the voluminous mass of documents laid before them. For in these documents were contained the best arguments in favor of the embargo.
Mr. Eppes is willing to vote in favor of the committal of the motion; but did not wish the delusion under which some portion of the people of the U. S. labored should longer continue. He wished them to understand what course would be pursued. If, said he, it be the opinion of the Representatives of the North that the Embargo should be taken off and no other measure substituted, the majority governs in a Republic, and I should with every good citizen submit to its decision; but I should ever feel for the eternal disgrace of that nation of which I should then feel it a misfortune to be a member. As it is my opinion that should the embargo be raised, other measures ought to be adopted, whether I meet with the support of the house or not, I will at least evince to the people whose Representative I am, that I will not submit to British or French tyranny, but hand down to their posterity unimpaired that liberty which their forefathers so nobly achieved.
Mr. E. then proposed the following resolutions, as an amendment to Mr. Chittenden's motion.
"Resolved, that from and after the day of next all intercourse between the U. S. and Great Britain, its islands and dependencies ought to cease and determine."
"Resolved, that from and after the day of next, all in course between the U. S. and France, its islands and dependencies, ought to cease and determine."
"Resolved, that provision ought to be made by law for arming and equipping for immediate service thousand militia in addition to the force already authorised by law."
The Speaker informed Mr. Eppes that these could not be received while another question was pending; and Mr. Eppes withdrew them for the present.
Messrs. Blackledge, Clifton, and G. W. Campbell declared themselves positively opposed to the motion in its present abstract form. We have not room to detail their observations. They were however of the same tenor as those of Messrs. Smilie, Troup, and Eppes.
Messrs. Cook and Cutts spoke in favor of an immediate consideration of the subject, from its importance to the mercantile interest.
The resolution was then made the order of the day for Monday next; a motion for postponement till Monday week having been negatived.
EXECUTION AND EVASION OF THE EMBARGO LAWS.
Mr. Elliot offered the following resolution: Resolved, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House of Representatives copies of all instructions which have been transmitted by him to the collectors of the revenue and other officers of the United States, in relation to the execution of the act laying an embargo upon all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams, the following amendment was added to the end of the resolution:
"Also as far as practicable, the names and places of residence of such persons as have been detected in violating the embargo laws."
After a short discussion, which shall be noticed in the next National Intelligencer, the resolution was ordered to lie on the table till to-morrow.
Non-Intercourse Resolutions.
Mr. Eppes now moved the resolutions given above; which were referred to the committee to whom was referred Mr. Chittenden's resolution.
CHAPLAIN.
The house then proceeded to ballot for a Chaplain; and on the second ballot, Mr. Obadiah B. Brown, having a plurality of votes, was declared to be duly elected.
Some minor business having been done, the house adjd. at two o'clock.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1808.
Extract of a letter from JOHN CLOPTON, Esq. Member of Congress from this District, to the Editor, dated
Washington, Nov. 10, 1808.
The general expectation, that an early attempt would be made to obtain a repeal of the act laying an embargo, and the several acts supplementary thereto, has not been disappointed. Yesterday a resolution having that for its object, was presented—and after some discussion, referred to a committee of the whole house, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
I think, from the temper of the house, manifested on the occasion, that there is the greatest prospect that the resolution will be rejected, on a final decision, by a large majority. I shall be much deceived in appearances, if that should not be the case.
While the belligerents make no change in their measures, so hostile to neutral trade—and so disgraceful to it, if submitted to, what is the true course, which our duty to our country points out in such a crisis? Surely, it is a rigid adherence to the measure, which those hostile and iniquitous proceedings on their part, render necessary to be taken, in vindication of our national rights. This was the alternative resorted to on our part, rather than war. Shall then the embargo be raised during this state of things—an armed commerce be permitted, and the nation be immediately thus hurried into a war? Or shall our trade be opened under no security whatever, and carried on with tame submission to all the abominable restrictions, impositions of foreign tribute, licences, &c. &c.? At the very thought of such a course as the last mentioned one, all our hearts should burn with indignation—and the feelings of our souls should all be combined in choosing any other course. Which, therefore, is now to be preferred? A continuance of the embargo or a war? I sincerely believe that the embargo ought still to be preferred; and by persevering in the measure, with patience and manly firmness, I trust, we shall, ere long, obtain our purpose without a war.
I do not know whether those, who wish a repeal, do, at the same time, contemplate the permission of defence, in case the trade should be opened; but it is to be hoped that they do.
On no occasion, whatsoever, have I acted under clearer convictions that the line of conduct, which I design to pursue, at this all-important crisis, is dictated by my duty to my country. An indignant sense of the wrongs inflicted on that country, co-operating with those convictions, will, I trust, ensure a strict conformity to such a course. Of this, I feel confident, under a belief that it has pleased the great Creator to bestow on me that firmness of mind, which enables it to pursue what it believes to be right, how much soever it may be environed with difficulties, or however critical and trying the times may be. The sentiments here expressed on this momentous subject, are analogous to those frequently expressed by me heretofore. They are avowed with frankness, as they are cherished under a sense of their being founded in duty.
VOTES FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT & VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, taken from OFFICIAL RETURNS made to the EXECUTIVE.
   City of Richmond, Henrico, Chesterfield, Amelia, Prince George, King William, Goochland, Prince William, Brunswick, Powhatan, Stafford, Nansemond, Culpeper, Northumberland, Richmond County, Surry, King George, Fairfax, James City, Norfolk Borough, Williamsburg, Elizabeth City, Nelson, Spottsylvania, Charles City, Hanover, King and Queen, Isle of Wight, Princess Anne, Rockbridge, Albemarle, New Kent, Warwick, Mecklenburg, Louisa,   Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket. Ticket.     110 70 1 238 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   327 21 1 187 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   162 5 0 123 44 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   192 42 0 137 25 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   291 0 0 145 33 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   118 5 0 123 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   271 52 1 233 31 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   127 63 0 124 23 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   87 0 28 136 3 54 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   65 42 8 202 248 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   19 17 3 69 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   157 30 0 211 41 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   90 7 3 206 21 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   300 40 0 218 35 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   80 148 0 173 77 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   431 73 0 60 52 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   17 39 0 245 20 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0   302 4 0  
In the Congressional District of Norfolk, &c. at the late election, there was a majority of 253 for Madison. The district is composed of the Norfolk Borough & county, Isle of Wight, Nansemond and Princess Anne.
John Lambert, Esq. has been appointed by the Legislature of New-Jersey, a Senator of the United States, for the ensuing six years.
The Madison Corresponding Committee earnestly request the Electors on the Madison Ticket to be at their post, in this city, on the first Wednesday in December, as there is not the smallest doubt of their having been elected by a great majority of the people.
To make room for the interesting proceedings of Congress, &c. we have been compelled to omit the editorial matter prepared for this day's Argus.
General Orders.
RICHMOND, November 9th, 1808.
THE President of the United States has deemed it necessary to require, by virtue of an act of Congress passed the 30th of March last, of the Executives of the several states and territories, to take effectual measures to organize, arm and equip according to law, and hold in readiness to march at a moment's warning, their respective proportions of 100,000 militia, officers included.
The Governor, therefore, in obedience to the requisition of the President, and in pursuance of an advice of the Council of State, directs, that ten thousand one hundred and ninety-eight of the militia of this Commonwealth, being her quota, be detached and duly organized into Companies, Battalions, Regiments, Brigades and Divisions, within the shortest period that circumstances will permit, to be completely equipped with arms and accoutrements fit for actual service, including blankets and knapsacks; and in all respects prepared to take the field at a moment's warning.
The detachment will be composed of 880 Artillery, 640 Cavalry, 728 Riflemen, and the residue Infantry; and will be apportioned among the several Brigades of the State agreeably to details to be furnished by the Adjutant General.
The appointment of all the General officers, as also of the field officers of the Artillery, Cavalry and Riflemen, will be made and communicated by the Executive at a future day.—The selection of all the other field officers is confided to the Brigadier Generals; and in the performance of this duty, the Governor, in pursuance of the earnest recommendation of the President, has to urge upon them the importance of selecting such officers, as can, in all respects, be relied on, in case the detachment shall be called into actual service.
The mode of appointing the inferior staff is prescribed by the Act of Assembly, to which the Commandants of Regiments will refer.—The superior staff will be appointed when their services shall become necessary.
Any corps of volunteers, who, previous to orders for taking the field, may tender their services conformably to the second section of the aforesaid act of Congress of the 30th of March last, will be received according to their numbers, as part of the quota of this State, as will also, any company or companies of volunteers, either of Artillery, Cavalry or Infantry, who may associate and offer themselves for the service agreeably to an act of Congress, passed on the 24th of February, 1807. In the event of more volunteers tendering themselves under either or both acts of Congress than shall amount to the quota required from any particular regiment or Brigade, the excess will not be rejected, but will be specially reported.
It is deemed highly important that the detachment shall be completed within the shortest period practicable; and, to this end, it is directed, that drafts, where necessary, shall be made with as little delay as possible; for at any time thereafter, and before orders for taking the field, they may be substituted

TO RENT And possession given the first day of October next. The Tenement, OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleasants' Book-Store. For particulars, apply to WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808. (tf)  Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment. THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company. Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808. (tf)
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Gannett, or to Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. (tf) June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. (tf)  MATRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS. MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old Bridge Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. (tf)
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To pay for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 856 2-3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. (tf)
William Lownes, RETURNS his thanks to his friends and the public generally for their liberal encouragement, and hopes his assiduity to business and punctuality will entitle him to a continuance of their favors. He has removed to the corner immediately opposite the Bell, formerly occupied by S. Grantham, where he intends carrying on the Book-binding business in all its variety and in the most modern & fashionable style, with punctilious neatness and dispatch. Printed books bound in the most elegant manner in Morocco and Calf skin, full gilt and lettered; also in sheep skin, gilt, lettered and plain. Blank Books of every description ruled to any pattern and bound with the latest improved spring or patent backs. Orders from the country will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. Old books rebound. N.B. An apprentice will be taken to the Book Binding business, if immediate application be made, with good recommendations. August 23. (tf)
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Vill Box by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unraced, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to John Tyler, Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. (tf)
THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT OF THE TRIAL OF A. BURR, Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office—A few copies for sale. Sept. 27. (6w)
Notice. A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that the land whereof John M'Murray died seized, may be sold for the payment of his just debts. Wm. OVERTON, Adm'r. of John M'Murray Charlotte, Oct. 12, 1808. (2m)
To Rent, THREE Houses on the main street, one between Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and Mr. Manuel Judah, one opposite the Eagle Tavern, now occupied by Mr. Simpson Morris, the other is occupied by Mr. Benjamin Duval, next door to Gallego, Richard & Co's. office; of the two first, possession may be given immediately, and of the other the first of January next. Also, a house situated in the alley, between the street going to Mayo's Bridge; possession to be had immediately. JOSEPH GALLEG. Richmond, Oct. 6, 1808. (tf)
Notice. THE ensuing General Assembly will be petitioned to pass a law, authorizing the county of Fluvanna to build a toll bridge across the Rivanna river, at the most convenient site, near the town of Columbia, and to alter the road so as to pass by said bridge. Fluvanna, Sept. 30, 1808. (tf)
Land For Sale. THE subscriber offers for SALE, the TRACT OF LAND, on which he now resides, lying on Ward's fork, about two miles from its junction with Roan Oak, four miles from Charlottemill, and containing 300 acres, about 120 of which is cleared and inclosed with good fencing. The improvements are a good dwelling house, with 2 brick chimneys, a grist mill with 2 pair of stones, and a saw mill on a stream which has never been known in the dryest summers, to fail furnishing water sufficient to supply the above mills. Also, a good granary, and all other necessary houses. The soil of the above land is adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, wheat, &c. Should I not meet with a purchaser before the 6th day of Dec. next, I propose offering the above land for sale (on the next day, being the 7th day of December) to the highest bidder on a credit of 12 months. Also all my household and kitchen FURNITURE, CORN, PORK, CATTLE, and several likely NEGROES. Twelve months credit will be given on all sums above 9 dollars, the purchasers giving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. John W. Williamson. Charlottesville, 4th Oct. 1808. (6w)
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of arable land will be given, until the money is returned. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1808. (tf)
Notice. FOR LEASE OR SALE, A House with 6 rooms, Well finished, with the necessary offices, and a new garden paled in, situated about 7 miles from Manchester, on the turnpike road, and a good stand for a tavern. With the tenement may be had 100 acres of land adjoining, nearly the whole of which is in timber. Should a person of good character, well qualified for a publican, apply, I would prefer a lease of the premises—and as an encouragement to such an one, I would let it go cheap, or I would sell the same. The terms will be made known, in either case, on application to the subscriber, near the same. William Sowell. Chesterfield county, Oct. 20th, 1808. (tf)
JUST PUBLISHED, By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR. And for sale at his Printing Office, Richmond, by the gross, dozen or single, The Virginia Almanack, FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1809: Being the first after Bissextil or Leap Year, and thirty-third of American Independence. Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond. Calculated by Benjamin Bates of Hanover County, Virginia. Containing, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter. A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE. PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Tole, dec., WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if no, the next fair day. (And continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable Tract of Land, In Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 842 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes, Among which is a valuable blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for which twelve months credit will be given, for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash—And on Tuesday the sixth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the House and Lot, In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales. Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. (tds)
FOR SALE, In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales. Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. (tds)
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Cornelius Thomas, to secure the payment of a debt due to James Murphy & Company, as therein expressed, WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the 19th day of November next, in the town of Warrenton,
A Tract of Land, Lying in the County of Nelson, (expressed in the deed lying in the county of Amherst, the deed being made before a division of Amherst county,) on the waters of the South Fork of Rockfish River, containing by estimation, Two Thousand Three Hundred and One Acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of William Johnson, Edward Harding, Norborne Thomas, Joseph C. Cabell and William Bowman. Also, a Tract of Land, lying in the county of Buckingham, containing Four Hundred Acres, adjoining the lands of Miles Gibson, and others. We will convey such title to the above mentioned tracts of land, as is vested in us by the said deed of trust. REUBEN B. PATTESON, } Trustees. WILLIAM F. CARTER, } Nelson County, 12th Oct. 1808. (4w)
Notice. A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying for the establishment of a town at Buckingham Courthouse. 4w Oct. 10, 1808.
5 Dollars Reward. RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in the lower part of Buckingham, on the 29th Sept. a mulatto man named BOB (Black Smith by trade.) He is a very light mulatto, wears his hair tied, has thick lips large and mouth, & is 5 feet 7 inches high; was well dressed, with black hat, large blue surcoat, lined with red flannel, oznaburgs shirt, check trousers, and shoes and stockings. It is supposed he has made his way to Richmond, as he has some relations living in that city—The above reward will be paid on any one securing him, so that the owner gets him. Moncrieffe Hill, Adm'r. to Robert Hill, dec., or Charles Oakley. New Canton, Oct. 1808. (1m)
Notice. IN pursuance to a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due to Samuel Harris, will be exposed for sale, at Jefferson, on the 23rd of December next, one MULATTO GIRL, named Priscilla, for cash, which after defraying the expenses of said trust, and the debt specified, the residue if any, to be returned as the law directs. ALBAN GILPIN, Trustee. Powhatan, Oct. 30th, 1808. (tds)
For Sale. THE subscriber being desirous of paying off his debts, will offer for sale on the 15th day of November, a large stock of Horses, Mules, Cattle, Hogs, and sheep. Also, a number of valuable Plantation Utensils, on six months credit, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. Will also be offered for sale, on that day, if not disposed of before. THE TRACT OF LAND, Whereon I now live, containing between 1,800 and 2,000 acres, lying on Lickinghole Creek, within four miles of James River. There are two dwelling houses on the land, suitable for families. There is also a Mill, with a pair of Burr and a pair of Culloden stones, & machinery, worth from five to eight hundred bushels of toll a year. Also, a Distillery, with four stills, in good order—There is also an apple orchard of two or three thousand bearing trees, of the best kind of fruit. The plantation is in good order for cropping, sufficient to work 20 or 30 hands to advantage. The land will be sold on six annual payments, with a deed of trust thereon to secure the payments, as they become due. Young negroes, or lands, suitable in the western country, will be received in payment. The land will be laid off in lots so as to suit purchasers. WILLIAM M. RICHARDSON. Goochland, 7th Oct. 1808. (tds)
20 Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, the 1st August last, a Negro Fellow EDMUND, who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known inclined to be of a yellowish complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout, active, bony fellow, deep shouldered, his mouth and lips are large, & prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses, and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 11 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Thilman, dec., and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows. ED. DILLON. Prince Edward, 24th Oct. 1809. (2m)
STOLEN last night, out of my stable in the upper part of this city, a CHESNUT SORREL MARE, about 7 years old, 4 feet 8 or 10 inches high, trots and paces slow, when pacing appears to be lame, with hanging mane and switch tail, lately stood before, no brand: she was in very good order, but rather dull. There was also taken out of the stable a Saddle and bridle, the saddle about half worn, with short skirts and plated stirrups; the bridle plated bit with a leather curb. I will give the above reward upon conviction of the thief, or five dollars to any person who will give me such information that I get her again, with all reasonable charges if brought home. WILLIAM PRICE. Richmond, Oct. 30, 1808. (3w)
Just received at this office, Part 1st of vol. 9th—or No. 17 of Dr. Rees' New Cyclopedia. Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. Subscription still open.
House and Lot, In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales. Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. (tds)
For Sale, Twenty-five Tons Swedes and American Iron, Eighty Bundles Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, American and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes. With our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c. Russell & Wallace. Richmond, Nov. 3d. 1808. (m)
JUST PUBLISHED, By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND, THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE Revised Code, (Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.—Price to subscribers $3.50 to non-subscribers $6.) BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS OF THE General Assembly OF VIRGINIA Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801: TO WHICH ARE ADDED APPENDICES, CONTAINING A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies, Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges, A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings, Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794, and 1803, Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters, Laws establishing ferries, Laws concerning the public guard, Titles of private and local acts—And A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object. With a complete Index to the whole.
Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven. ON Monday the 28th instant, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Frances Evans, dec., in Chesterfield county, at Osbornes, on a credit of twelve months, by the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid to the day, a quantity of very valuable household and kitchen Furniture, the crop of Corn and Fodder and a quantity of very good Hay, together with the stock of Horses, Cattle and Hogs; also six Negroes, viz. A man and a woman four children. For all sums under ten dollars cash will be required. All those indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment, and all those who have any claims against the said estate are requested to bring them forward by the day of sale, properly authenticated. A BASS, Adm'r. with the will annexed. Nov 7, 1808. (3wp)
MANCHESTER Turnpike Company. THE annual meeting of stockholders will be held at Mr. Brooks's Tavern in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next. Special matters of business important to the interest of the company require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, Clk. Nov 7, 1808. (tdm)
Royster & Bohannan, Have For Sale, at their Store near the Market Bridge, Richmond, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries, AMONG WHICH ARE Brown Sugar in hds & bbls Loaf Sugar, in do Best Green Coffee Imperial, and Young Hyson TEAS, Chocolate, by the box Pimento Pepper Ginger Rice Mustard W. I. Rum Jamaica do N. England do Molasses by bhd Sherry and Malaga Wine Holland and Country Gin Spanish Segars by box or retail Whiskey by the bhd, or tierce French Brandy Salt by the Sack A quantity of excellent Lard by the skin A large assortment of Iron Castings, every description An assortment of Stone Ware Queen's Ware Soap and Candles by box Leiper's Snuff Writing Paper Wrapping do Decanters Tumblers Wine Glasses Leading Lines Bed Cords, &c &c &c Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town. It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given. 17 June 1808. (wtf.)
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office.
FOR SALE at the ARGUS OFFICE, A FEW DOORS BELOW THE BELL TAVERN, [Price Two Dollars.] A SYSTEM OF Military Tactics, CONTAINING THE PRINCIPLES OF Discipline & Movements, CHIEFLY ADAPTED TO INFANTRY; WITH THE RULES AND REGULATIONS, DESIGNED FOR THE FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES, TO WHICH IS ADDED THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS. ILLUSTRATED BY 16 COPPER-PLATES, SHOWING UPWARDS OF ONE HUNDRED MOVEMENTS. By DANIEL FISHER.
STOLEN On the night of the 27th inst. from my stable yard in Manchester, A Large Black Horse, About ten years old, in good flesh, one fore and one hind foot white, branded C on the left shoulder. The horse, if left at liberty, will be apt to go towards Slate river, where he was lately owned. A generous reward will be given for the return of the horse, and Twenty Dollars to apprehend and secure the thief, by Luman Bishop. Manchester, Oct 29, 1808. (wtf)
WILL I HIRE a middle aged WOMAN, who understands house business. Richmond, Oct 25, 1808. (wtf)
Will be for Rent THE ENSUING YEAR, THAT WELL KNOWN TAVERN The White Chimnies, IN Caroline county, situate on the main stage road. Attached to the tavern is a convenient store house—the stand for a merchant excellent. For terms apply to Richard Bridges, near said tavern, or to John Boshier in Richmond. July 27, 1808. (oaff)
The High Bred Imported Horse, Sir Peter Teazle, The property of J. Tayloe, Esq. of Mount Airy, and the subscriber, WILL STAND the next ensuing season, at my stable in Albemarle county. The terms and other particulars will be made known in due time. William Woods. Albemarle, Oct. 15, 1808. (wtf)
Notice. ALL persons indebted to Robert Hill, dec. and Hill and Read, late of New Canton, and William Hill of New York, either by bond, note, book account, or otherwise, are hereby requested to make arrangements for settlement of the same, on or before 1st January, 1809, with Moncrieffe Hill, Adm'r. to Robert Hill, dec., or Charles Oakley. New Canton Oct 1808. (wtf.)
Geographical Compilation, FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. By D. L. COTTENEA, TEACHER OF GEOGRAPHY, Baltimore. A few copies of the above work are just received and for sale at this office, where also may be had The FATAL REVENGE; or Family of Montorio. The DISCARDED SON; or Haunt of Banditti; and a few copies of Miss Owen's celebrated novel, THE WILD IRISH GIRL. 36.
Military Lands IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. (wtf)
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, by Brett Randolph and David Batay, which is recorded in the district court of Richmond, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan court house, on Monday the 19th day of December next, The following Slaves, to wit; Solomon, Sukey and her child, Arthur and Scipio, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £308, with interest thereon from the 2nd day of April last, and the costs necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution, which sum is due to Messrs. Lyle, Scott and Saunders. Richard B. Goode. 5th Nov. 1808. (wtds)
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by E. Gibbon, 8 vols. The Life of Gen. Geo. Washington, by David Ramsay, M. D. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic, by Adam Ferguson, 3 volumes. The Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. The Travels of Anacharsis, 4 vols. Hening's New Virginia Justice.
Pamphlets, CARDS, HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.