The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-27 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 15.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction. Will be sold, positively, on the 27th day of this month, June, on the premises, at 11 o'clock A. M. THE TENEMENT known in Wm. G. Payne's plan by the No. 214, containing two acres, more or less—for cash. PROSSER & MOUNCURE v. M's. June 17.
Sales at Auction. On Wednesday the 2d of July next, will be sold by Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale. THAT VALUABLE BRICK TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, opposite to Mr. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch. Terms of payment—six and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property to secure payment of the purchase money. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M's. (tdf.) June 6.
Sales at Auction. On Saturday, the 5th of July next, will be sold on the premises, A piece of GROUND, on the Main-street, adjoining Mr. James Maclure's, containing forty-four feet in front, and extending back 160 feet to an alley. The property will be sold entire, or divided into two equal parts, as may be found on the day of sale best to suit the purchasers. Terms—sixty and one hundred and twenty days credit; the purchaser giving his note, with an approved endorser, payable at the bank of Virginia. ALSO—one other lot nearly opposite the Court-house, adjoining Isaac Isaac's lot, containing 30 feet on the Main-street, and extending about 330 feet to the Back-street. Six and twelve months credit will be given, the purchaser giving his note payable at the bank of Virginia, with an approved endorser. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M's. (tdf.) June 24.
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms: 2500 sacks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain Johnson, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred. Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of James MARRY, Esq. of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKER, PORTLAND & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. Esq. May 23.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. THE Visitors of WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE are accustomed, that on the 4th day of July next, the annual exhibitions and semi-annual examination of the students and grammar boys, will commence; this and other business of importance will demand their personal attendance. SAMUEL TYLER, Rector. Williamsburg, June 24.
MAP OF VIRGINIA. SUBSCRIBERS to the MAP OF VIRGINIA are respectfully informed that the work will, in a short time be ready for delivery. The delay has been occasioned by difficulties, which could not be controlled—but it is hoped that superior accuracy in the delineation, as well as elegance in the execution, will be a sufficient atonement. Specimens of the work may be seen at Mr. Samuel Pleasants's Book-Store and at this Office. THE PROPRIETORS. June 24.
CHINA AND GLASS. THE subscriber has lately received from Philadelphia, a handsome assortment of China and Glass, viz. full sets of dining china, and china glazed Liverpool ware; complete and broken sets tea china, well assorted, amongst which are some uncommonly handsome china bowls &c. English and German glass, cut and plain, consisting of fruit baskets and stands, sugar dishes, jelly glasses and salts, handkerchief cut & decanters, quinine tumblers, goblets and cans, cut and plain, and a handsome assortment of chimney ornaments. He also keeps, at usual, a general assortment of Liverpool ware and groceries, of all kinds for retailing & and has at present, part wine and claret by the bbl. box, or doz. Double and single distilled vinegar, cut herrings, hams and brawn by the barrel, porter and ale as usual. DANIEL TRIPLETT. June 24. (Adv.)
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY. SALE OF SHARES. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the tenth requisition shall remain unpaid, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooke's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon. GENERAL MEETING. As a sufficient number of members, to constitute a meeting, did not attend on Saturday the 14th current; I am therefore authorized to give notice that a meeting of the company will be held at Mr. Brooke's tavern, on Saturday the 19th of July next, when it is expected, members will be punctual in their attendance, which business of importance to the interest of the company particularly requires. JAMES BRANDER, Clk. Manchester, June 20, 1805.
NOTICE. THE partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William M'Kenzie the acting partner of William M'Kenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made. JOHN BUTLER, Wm. M'KENZIE & Co.
All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are required to make payments to Mr. Robert M'Kenzie, as he alone I have authorized to grant discharges for the same. Wm. M'KENZIE. April 10.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
SECOND CLASS. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, FOR THE BENEFIT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. Tickets that drew blanks in } Dollars. 5938 the first class & may be renewed } 53,580 4683 Tickets at fifteen dollars each, } 70,375 10,625 Deduct loss on 2000 tickets, that drew prizes of fifteen dollars each, in first class, and may be renewed in this, at 2 1-4 dollars each, 4,500 Dollars 125,155
Table with 3 columns: Prize, Number, Amount. 3 prizes of 5,000 each 10,000 4 do 2,000 8,000 16 do 1,000 16,000 16 do 500 8,000 32 do 200 6,400 160 do 100 16,000 232 do 50 11,600 750 do 20 15,000 1 155
The superiority of this scheme, to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see, that their chance for obtaining prizes, is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their obtaining of small prizes, may by renewal, instantly give them several chances for a prize of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn PRIZES of fifteen dollars, in the first class; as well as to those who drew BLANKS, INFORMATION IS NOW GIVEN, that the PRIZES, may, at their option, be renewed; by tickets in this class—and their BLANKS, at ten dollars each; Provided such PRIZES and BLANKS with the CASH, is remitted, FREE OF POSTAGE, to ROBERT GREENHOW, merchant in Williamsburg, Agent and Treasurer; or WILLIAM NEWSON, Postmaster in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing; after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage, that may result to each adventurer, is added, the patriotic reasons, which induced the legislature to authorize this lottery, it is ardently hoped, that the disposition of tickets will soon enable the commissioners to certify that the drawing has commenced—Which event the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power. ROBERT GREENHOW, Agent and Treasurer. Williamsburg, June 10, 1806. (qwtb.)
TWO TRACTS of LAND, lying in the County of Fluvanna, one of them lying on Hardeare river, and within one & an half miles of James river, containing 385 acres, one on Curries creek, and within one mile of the north fork of James river, containing 364 acres. A further description is deemed unnecessary as it is presumed that no person will purchase without viewing the same, which will be shown by the subscriber living in Albemarle. WILLIAM MOON. June 20. (epsb.)
STRAYED OR STOLEN, ON the 17th instant, from the subscriber on Shockoe-Hill, two HORSES, one a large chestnut sorrel about sixteen hands high, short wicked tail, has a brand on the left shoulder thus, O, and has a white star in the forehead. The other a small dark bay horse, no particular marks recollected. I will give a reward of twenty dollars to any person who will bring them to Mr. Vance, (Richmond) or ten dollars for either. JOHN F. ESMENARD. June 20. Stp
MARSHAL'S SALE. To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district between Plinias Bond, attorney for the creditors of Exekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Roff and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,450 dols. 94 cts. due and payable on the 1st Jan. last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEWIS, sitated by the said Roff to contain 2608 acres. This sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Roff, the sale last advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement. The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be put off, the earliest public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers may not be put to any unnecessary trouble. BENJAMIN MOSBY, B. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. v. b. May 30.
WILL be sold on the first day of July next, at the Tavern of Mr. Zachariah Brooks in the Town of Manchester, the LOT & appurtenances in said town, lately occupied by Mr. William Robinson. The sale will be on twelve months credit, the purchaser to give a bond, with security, to bear interest from the date. JOHN MINOR, Commissioner. June 20.
Printing. IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, entered into the day of 1806, by Jacob Wood, of the county of Amherst, to secure and insure the punctual payment of a debt due from the said Jacob Wood to Fisher and Lesieur, merchants of the city of Richmond, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the 28th inst. on the premises: THE TRACT OF LAND, with its appurtenances, on which the said Jacob Wood at present resides, in the county of Amherst, containing sixty two and half acres, be the same more or less. This land is valuable in point of soil and situation; the improvements therein consist of a Grist Mill, Saw Mill, Distillery and Dwelling House, well deserving the attention of a purchaser. DAVID S. GARLAND, Trustee. June 12, 1806. (tdf.)
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE. BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to be executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego, I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz. One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract, purchased by the said Deanes, from Pardon Clifton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court. One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford. The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco lands, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared. N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security. M. B. POITIAUX. April 15. (tdf.)
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 28th day of July next. M. B. P. 3,000 wt. SALT PETER & BACON. 1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE. 10 gross BOILED CYDER. A few bushels GLOVER SEED. 150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS. For Sale by EDWARD BALLAM. 37 Conduitt for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horses—apply as above. May 27. eof
TO RENT. THE HOUSE on the Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. H. H. B. is now to be rented to some respectable person. It is a good house on the Main-Street, Shockoe Hill, a few doors below Mr. Boozwright's and nearly opposite to Mr. Benjamin Wolfe. Possession of both Houses to be given immediately. Enquire of JOSEPH GALLEGCO. May 30. (tdf.)
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth floor coat and waistcoat, his panaloons of plain purple, the same manufactured. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH. His name is AMPEY; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11. (tdf.)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted will make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK. Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. (tdf.)
STAUNTON STAGE. THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmundson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and continually assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. (tdf.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. BEING anxious to discharge all my just debts, I will sell a great bargain in two new BRICK TENEMENTS, on the Main-Street, on Shockoe-Hill; they are well calculated for stores and private families, and considered to be as good stands for business as any in that part of the city; they will be sold separately or together to suit purchasers. If this property is not sold by private contract before Tuesday, the 24th day of June next, it will, on that day, be sold at public auction. Any person wishing to purchase, will be shown the property, and may know the terms, (which will be very accommodating), by application to the subscriber living adjoining the premises. I will also dispose of, by private contract, my half acres LOT in the neighborhood of Gen. Mosley, on which there is a two story Brick House erected, 44 feet long by 22 feet wide; this house is not finished in the inside, but can be finished to suit the purchaser. For terms apply to J. B. WINN. May 30. (tdf.)
The sale of the above property is postponed until the 5th day of July next, when it will certainly take place. For terms, apply to TAYLOR & BROWN.
Seat of Government. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SATURDAY, March 29. DEBATE On the GEORGIA CLAIMS. [CONTINUED.]
MR. FISK said he was one of those unfortunate men who were not informed on this subject; he pleaded guilty to the charge, and if he were thus precipitately compelled to give a vote, it would be against the rejection of the bill. And yet he was free to declare he was undecided as to the final vote he should give on this subject. But he would never consent to vote away any man's right until he had been heard. The true question at present before us, said Mr. F. is whether we shall be allowed further time to make up our judgments on this subject. I do not undertake to say that the information which the gentleman from Virginia has given of the atrocious frauds practiced in this business are unfounded, tho' I do wonder that the persons concerned in them have committed them to his keeping—or to deny that Executive influence is so dangerous as he represents it to be, though I confess I do not see it. But I am prepared to say that the members of this House are not of such a cast, as to be bought in four and twenty hours, or to be misled by any Executive officers. I am unwilling to criminate the character of a representative of the people, as to admit that it is dangerous to postpone a subject for a short time, for fear of its corruption. I wish to know whether the American people are so vicious. I do not believe this portrait correct. I hope the bill will be postponed. If it is not, I shall give my vote against its rejection. I think it my duty to enquire into the subject, though I am willing to say my impressions are unfavourable to the claims. MR. GOLDSBOROUGH. I am not prepared to give the vote of an honest legislator on this subject. Whatever may be the information possessed by other gentlemen, I have none on which to form a satisfactory decision. I had heard, some time since, that the most satisfactory information on this subject was to be found in the report of the commissioners. But I must remind gentlemen that that report has not been laid on our tables this session. When I learnt this I endeavoured to obtain a copy, but without success, and I yesterday tried to get a pamphlet, which, I understood, contained considerable information; but in vain. Thus informed when this bill came under consideration it became my duty to devise some mode of getting that information I wanted, and when I examined the motion to postpone, I found that motion accordingly made without any view of an injurious delay—for my prejudices are against the claims. It is said gentlemen ought to be prepared to vote on this bill, for that it has been twenty days on our tables. But I ask gentlemen whether it is the duty of the members of this House to examine before it comes before us every subject depending before the Senate. Is there not business enough before us fully to occupy our attention? The motion of postponement the chair has declared out of order. I then only ask the House to excuse me from voting on this bill. I will only add, that it is a subject with which I never had any thing to do, and that I now know no man who is particularly concerned in it. MR. SALLEY hoped the gentleman would not be excused. He said he stood himself in the same situation, and was unprepared to vote upon it. The question was then taken on excusing Mr. Goldsborough from voting, and carried in the affirmative—Ayes 58—Nones 21. MR. KELLY said he was likewise under the necessity of asking to be excused. It was true the bill as offered to the Senate had lain some time on their tables; but it was well known that bills generally underwent considerable alteration previous to their passage, and there had been no reason to infer that this would not be the case with the present bill. He said that he had some time since taken considerable pains to inform himself on this subject, when there was a prospect of its being brought before the House; but the information he had obtained was imperfect, and he had not had time to compare the facts attending the business with the provisions of the bill on the table, so as to be enabled to give a faithful and honest vote. The decision being thus hurried placed him under the necessity of asking to be excused from voting. As to himself, he would declare that he had had no concern in this, or indeed in any other speculation; nor were there any persons interested in it for whom he felt a peculiar regard. MR. THOMAS said he should vote against excusing the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He observed that there would be no inconsistency in voting against the rejection of the bill, and afterwards against the bill itself, if, on consideration, it appeared improper to pass it. In the exigency in which the House were placed, by their being forced thus precipitately to act on this business, the only proper course, in his opinion was to vote against rejecting the bill, thereby allowing time for examining it. Under this view of the subject he hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania would not be excused from voting, or any other member, unless he was personally interested. MR. D. R. WILLIAMS said he should vote for the rejection of this bill more heartily than he had ever voted on any subject in the course of his life. If he were totally ignorant of the enormous villainy of the legislature of Georgia, he should still vote for its rejection, because it carried with it, one principle, which he could never agree to fashion with his vote, it vested the House with both a legislative and judicial character. MR. CONRAD said it was painful to him to hear gentlemen asking to be excused from voting on this or any other subject, as he was convinced the correct course was to allow time on all subjects for forming a dispassionate judgment. This too, he believed, was the first time this indulgence had ever been denied in this House. For himself he said he was prepared to vote on the Yazoo business in every shape it might assume; because it was among the most odious things he had ever heard of. He said he detested and abhorred the whole business.
But, he was at the same time, willing to give other gentlemen an opportunity to make up their minds. He concluded by saying he considered the motion of postponement strictly in order. The question was then taken on excusing Mr. Kelly from voting and passed, in the negative—Ayes 49—Nones 58. MR. SMILIE. The question returns on rejecting the bill. I regret that this decision is thus pressed. It is the first time I have ever seen members in the situation in which they are now placed. I with a small delay had been allowed—but the Speaker has decided a motion to postpone to be out of order, and there is no remedy. The question being to be taken on the rejection of the bill I shall vote for it. I never had but one sentiment on that subject, although I never could consider it of such magnitude as some gentlemen appear to consider it. I ever believed it improper for the legislative body to decide on these claims. But that this question has drawn in all the consequences that we have heard stated to-day by the gentleman from Virginia, that it has influenced this House in the decision of every other question, I cannot believe—that the representatives of the American people are so corrupt that in the course of a single evening they may be made by the Executive to adopt any thing they please, I cannot believe. This is such a picture of the members of this House as I do not think any member is authorized to draw. Nay the member has referred to a case in which a strange influence is represented to have been exerted, where there was not a minute to spare. Mr. Speaker, has it come to this, that the members of this House can get behind their seats, and a few influence all the rest on a question of the last moment, on a question in which the constitution of our country is involved—Good God, is the House so corrupt—but I will say no more on this subject—Every member who hears me knows they are not. MR. CONRAD said, he should vote for rejecting the bill. He thought some further time ought to be allowed, and if any of the younger members would appeal from the decision of the chair, he would second the motion. A member called for the reading of the bill for information. MR. J. RANDOLPH opposed the call and asked whether it had not already been read twice. MR. CROWNINSHIELD said he hoped it would be read twenty times if necessary. The speaker put the question on its being read, which was carried by a large majority. MR. KELLY said, he thought there ought not to be a line of distinction drawn between the members of the House, and therefore moved a reconsideration of the vote excusing Mr. Goldsborough from voting—which was agreed to, and the resolution to excuse him rescinded—Ayes 64—Nones 44. MR. CONRAD said, and that an end would be put to the miserable farce of begging to be excused from voting, when gentlemen could answer the same purpose, by stepping aside. He hoped if they did not wish to vote they would take this course, and that the House would no longer be bothered with their motions. What, are gentlemen afraid to vote a Yazoo vote! They first excused one member from voting. But they found this would not do, and they therefore refused excusing another, and not satisfied with this, they must reconsider their first vote, and get a Yazoo vote back again. This is the plain case. I hope we shall not rise till we have the question. Were I disposed to postpone the proceedings of this House, I should be in favor of delaying this decision till the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) now absent, should return into the House—that is an anti-Yazoo vote; and every body knows it. That is a man of honorable views, who having at first been enrolled into an acquaintance in the claims without having sufficiently examined them, had afterwards virtue and magnanimity enough to acknowledge that he had been wrong, and to declare that he would not commit the keeping of his reputation to Yazoo men. When I was up before, I omitted to say many things that have a bearing on this question, as I may have said several things that have no bearing on it. But there is one fact which I omitted—that a man, not a Georgian—he lived on the north side of the Savannah river—if I am not correct in my statement let the Georgia delegates correct me. This man happened to be admitted into the secrets of the Divan, who had done a deed without a name, who had corrupted the legislature of Georgia. He went home, and he was blockhead enough to speak what he thought, notwithstanding his principles and his profits. He was used like a grubbing hoe to do dirty work and then thrown aside as a useless engine. He told others what he knew—mark the catastrophe—at a full hour of the night, without being the enemy of any mortal man, he was shot. And it is from this fact that we now want on this question the benefit of a witness, who was murdered in cold blood, and whose testimony has thus been prevented from being brought forward to this or other tribunals before which these claims may be brought. This fact is a truth as notorious as the massacre of Boston or the battle of Concord. But we are told by some gentlemen that this is not a question of magnitude. What is a question of magnitude? If the people of the U. S. are to go to war with Britain for a three penny tax on tea, is not that a question of magnitude?—for there is a great political principle involved in the imposition of that tax. And what is the real state of the country? The quarter from which we have most to dread is speculators, land jobbers, and if you can preserve the interests of the community inviolable against them, your inferior interests are safe. And where do we find every land jobber in action or passive, but rallying round this inquiry? And what will be the event, if by little and little you sanction these claims, the pretensions of these men, but that you will fall beneath the power of Yazoo men of speculators in land and paper scrip. And is not this a question of magnitude? Whether a country embracing forty millions of acres shall be bartered away? And is it not a great principle whether a legislative body has a right to sell their votes, and whether the rights vested by them shall pass? No—the question whether you shall lay a duty of two per cent. on negroes imported into the U. S. is a question of magnitude, and is reported at full length—but this is not a question of magnitude! Yes, they all draw together—Yesterday you decided that contractors were not officers—Now

mark, if the contractors and Yazoo men do not draw together to pull this thing out of the mire. It is a thing well understood—and we well understand the men that advocate it. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania asks, are we a set of men so corrupt? Is this indeed the state of things? The gentleman ought to know there are different sorts of corruption. There is a corruption of interest, that is number one. There is a corruption of timidity, which consists in men not saying what they think. This is number two. There is a corruption of court influence, of party—and there is a corruption, which though it is not least, is the most odious of irreconcilable personal animosity, a corruption which will engage a man to go all lengths to injure him whom he hates and despises, or rather, whom he cannot despise, because he hates. And when we take all these considerations into question, and that there are men now ready to grasp your lands in Ohio, in Indiana, and your other territories, are we willing to become parties to this solemn league and covenant? If we carry on this affair one step further, what will be the situation of the nation? I call on gentlemen (whom I have no right to consider under the influence of personal or private interest) to vote with effect this day, or to give up their country to the fate that futurity has otherwise in store for it—to discard all idea of scratch me and tickle you. It is out of the question of future for this assembly or this nation to be corrupted from any other source than land—there is no other fund can do it. But where is the use of taking airs on ourselves, and pretending to more virtue in our public than we get credit for in our private capacities. Look at the legislature of Georgia. That body was composed of men of the same flesh and blood with ourselves, they were bought—and they followed the fate of every political body under the sun. They died a natural death. The whole question is how long you shall keep this period off; and whether you will take poison to-day, or live out the time which God has allotted you. Yes, who were the legislators of Georgia? They were the same men, elected by the same freeholders, possessed of the same dual qualifications, and in many respects the same men, who are now on this floor. I ask if my excellent friend from Georgia is more incorrupt than the Georgia legislature were presumed to be. You may fix what stamp you please, a garter to the knee or insignia to the breast, men are still liable to the same feelings, the same temper, the same fallibility. We are told that this is a question on which we ought to have a dispassionate discussion. I am always for a dispassionate discussion of every important question before it is acted on; and I have given to this a dispassionate examination. But I should despise myself, if I could come into this assembly, and like a cold blooded naturalist, weigh the corruption of certain individuals of Georgia against the corruption of officers of this government; I should despise myself if I could dispassionately weigh the one against the other, and find the one outweighed by the other half a dram. The whole territory of the people of the United States is at stake. Say this bill shall not be rejected, halted, & what will be the effect? The whole of the public lands of the United States will follow the fate of the Yazoo business. It most certainly will. With all our virtue there is land enough in the United States to buy us, and woe be to him that is put into this state of temptation. Let no man think too highly of his own incorruptibility. There was a Cato in the time of Rome, and I am willing, if it will satisfy the gentleman from Pennsylvania, to allow him to be the man; but what will become of this assembly, adieu, and talk of the fund from which the British parliament is corrupted. Once pass this bill, and the fund of the British ministry will dwindle into insignificance. Go, and encender Yazoo, and this curdle of speculation, like the members of the polypus, cut it in as many pieces as you please, will appropriate to itself a new body. Where are you? You are now free. But how long will you remain so after giving your sanction to this bill? What have we seen? We have seen a question of moment on constitutional importance brought forward in this House. What have we done? It is a standing parliamentary jest—like the question of parliamentary reform in another body, after the accession of a great political reformer to the ministry. I speak of the amendment to the constitutional relative to the tenure of the judicial office, and the proposition to purge this assembly of contractors. It has gone to the family vault of all the Capulets—and a requiem has been sung over them. The gentlemen from Pennsylvania and New-York have chartered reports to their souls. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania asks if it is possible that in half an hour, or in a few hours at the farthest, the vote of this assembly can be changed? Are we indeed so corrupt? Why, I have no hesitation to say, and I believe I am not out of order in saying so, the cause which principally drew my attention was this. When a gentleman, who uniformly presides in committee of the whole with great dignity, was compelled to have recourse to strong measures to preserve decorum, I was surprised to see the gentleman from Pennsylvania quitting his seat, leaving his own province, and coming over to our fire side, purposely to create a disturbance. I wish to be understood before I sit down, as not having made a single allusion to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Fisk)—I abjure the idea. But I did hear gentlemen who are the most eager advocates of the Yazoo claims declare, time was not allowed to consider them, and when I witnessed such unblushing effrontery, I could not withhold the remarks I made. What will be the effect of a simple vote of this House, that this bill shall not pass, taken secundum artem , more majorem ? It will be this—that the House are of opinion that there are some errors in its details, some inaccuracy in it which ought not to be admitted, and that therefore it is rejected. And what will this prove to men who will not see the fun at mid-day? To Yazoo men blind to all the intricacies perpetrated in Georgia? They will tell you it may have been rejected on account of some small defects—they will come forward at the next session with an accession of strength, and you will have the same ground to go over again. Hence the necessity for the exact, prompt and strongly marked indignation of this House in its immediate rejection. A man who shall merely vote against the bill in its last stage shall not be considered as merely committed—he shall not know what his reasons are for his vote; but a man who votes in this stage for the business for the rejection of the bill cannot be considered as a tripper—he will show himself to be a decided man against it under all modifications. Under present circumstances it is of the last importance that the House of Representatives should do what they have a legislative right to do—say that this bill shall be rejected; that the hopes of the claimants may be crushed as far they can be by a vote of this House. Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH. I did not stand in need of the injunction of the gentleman from Virginia, if I wished to decline voting on this
occasion to go out of the bar; but so long as I hold a seat in this House I will never consent to do this. For I should think myself placed in a most contemptible situation, if any of my constituents should ask me what vote I gave on a particular occasion, I should be obliged to tell him that instead of giving a vote I skulked behind the bar. Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he assured the gentleman he imputed to him no improper motive. He had been totally misunderstood if the gentleman drew any such inference from what he had said. Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH said he was gratified by the gentleman's explanation, but he hoped he would be permitted to go on. When he had desired a postponement till Monday, it was from the best motives. He said he cared nothing for the Yazoo claims, he had no interest in them. He was sorry the vote excusing him from voting had been re-considered. He deemed himself at liberty at all times to decline voting when he was not duly informed; he should not therefore vote on the present occasion. Mr. KELLY said he should vote against the rejection of this bill, to allow further time for a discussion of the subject without pledging himself how he should vote on its final passage. Mr. SAILLY said he did not wish to give a vote without information. He thought this business unnecessarily hurried; he considered it the duty of the new members who were not informed on it to vote against the rejection of the bill, which was the only way of retaining such arbitrary conduct. The question was then put; shall the bill be rejected, and passed in the affirmative; Yeas 62; Nays 54; as follows: YEAS.—Messrs. Anderson, Bard, Bassett, Bedinger, Blackledge, Blake jun., Blount, Brown, Butler, Caley, Claiborne, Clark, J. Clay, McClay, Clopton, Conrad, Dawson, Earle, Eppes, Garnett, Goodwyn, Grey, Gregg, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Jones, Kenan, Leib, McFarland, Marion, Masters, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, J. Morrow, Mumford, R. Nelson, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen., Richards, Sammons, Sandidge, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Spalding, Stanford, P. R. Thompson, Trigg, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, Wilson, Winn, and Winston. NAYS.—Messrs. Alston, jun., Barker, Benton, Bidwell, J. Campbell, Chandler, Chittenden, Cook, Crownsfield, Cutts, Dana, Darby, Davenport, Dickson, Elliot, Ellis, Elmer, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Green, Hastings, Helms, Hough, Jackson, Kelly, Lewis, Jr., Lyon, McCreery, Jr., Morrow, Moseley, J. Nelson, Piken, Jr., Quince, Ruffel, Saily, Schuneman, J. C. Smith, Stanton, Smedman, Sturges, Tazart, Tallmadge, Tenney, Thomas, T. W. Thompson, Tracy, Van Rensselaer, Varnum, Wadsworth, Wickes, M. Williams, and N. Williams.
Foreign Intelligence.
Continuation of news by the brig Williams, from Liverpool. LONDON, May 3. The surrender of Cattaro to the Russians continues to be an object of complaint on the part of France against the court of Vienna. Though the number of the French troops in Istria and Dalmatia, is represented at not less than 30,000, and of course capable of expelling with ease the Russians at Cattaro, who are said to be but a few hundreds, is thrown on the Austrian government, from whose hands alone Bonaparte will receive the possession of the civil commissioner, Marquis Ghislieri, are accused of having wilfully given up the place to the Russians, and even of having invited and persuaded them, against their inclination to take possession of it; seeking merely to save and cover themselves, by a pretext, from the charge of breaking the engagements of their court, so as to involve it in a war. The Austrian government is thus called upon to punish gen. Brady and the marquis Ghislieri, as having traitorously given up its possession, and hazarded involving it in a new war. It is called upon at the same time to expel the Russians by force—a proceeding which has a direct tendency to involve Austria in a war with France. To embroil two sovereigns from whose alliance Bonaparte has to dread the most serious danger to his power, must be the object of this iniquitous and impelling Austria to obtain by force, a restitution which even without supposing France to have so much as 30,000 men in Istria and Dalmatia, or the Russians to have only a few hundreds in Cattaro, the French ought naturally to be the persons to attempt. From this debate it is probable that the peace now existing on the Continent will not be of long duration; that Bonaparte, if he ever is at peace, is so only for the purpose of enabling himself to renew the war with a certainty of doing more mischief; he wishes either to have the opportunity of overwhelming Austria before she is prepared, or by forcing that power to take any step against the Russians to dissolve for ever a connection, which presents the most threatening aspect to his schemes of power. Austria will, in this dilemma, we hope, act with becoming spirit and honor. The aid of Britain will not be wanting to any nation disposed to assert its independence, and to maintain its honor.
TRIAL OF LORD MELVILLE.
Fourth day, Friday, May 2. The attendance of spectators to-day was as numerous as on the first day, particularly of Ladies of rank and fashion. The witnesses examined yesterday were chiefly persons belonging to public offices. In the course of the examination several legal objections were taken by Mr. Adam and Mr. Plumer, Lord Melville's Counsel, which were answered by Sir S. Romilly and Serjeant Best. Some discussion took place between the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Cumberland and other Peers. This morning was chiefly consumed in the examination of witnesses, who were all gentlemen belonging to Banking houses.—Mr. Trotter has not yet been examined. The trial is expected to last much longer than was supposed—some say a month or five weeks. It was yesterday said that the convoy appointed to sail with a fleet to Toulon, had been countermanded.
West Indies.
Translated from the Danish, for the Philadelphia Gazette. Experience having convinced me that the commerce with the Revolted Blacks of St. Domingo, has not ceased, notwithstanding the fine of 1000 dollars imposed by Lieut. Col. Commandant Chollet on those who should be convicted of having arrived with cargoes from the parts of St. Domingo, occupied by the Blacks, I find myself under the necessity of putting a stop to the illicit trade, equally dangerous to the colony as it regards the political situation, as contrary to law; and do therefore decree by these presents that every Danish vessel arriving from
any place whatever of St. Domingo or Hayti (so called) in the possession of the Blacks, and proof being legally made thereof, shall, in addition to the fine of 1000 dollars, which shall be given to the informer, be subjected to confiscation, both vessel and cargo for the benefit of his Majesty. Given under the Royal Seal, and signed by me at the Government House, at St. Croix, October 29, 1805. (Seal) B. F. MUHLENFELS. Gov. Gen. Danish Am. Island.
Domestic Intelligence.
NATCHEZ, May 6. Interesting to Travellers. We are informed from a source entitled to every credit, that several of the Alcaldes in the territory between this and Orleans, occupied by the subjects of the king of Spain, have lately posted up notices forbidding all persons from travelling through their districts, unless provided with a passport from the governor of the territory from whence they came. May 15. We mentioned in our last that a regulation was lately made by the Spanish government of West-Florida prohibiting persons travelling thro' that district without a passport. We have since received from an official source a copy of these regulations which we now present to our readers. Don Charles de Grandpre, colonel in the royal army, governor, military and political, of the place and district of Baton Rouge, in West-Florida, &c. Whereas experience has shown, that the toleration consented to in the district of this government, for the free passage of travellers, has been abused by the introduction of ill-famed, idle vagrants, with bad intentions: Therefore, it being important for the public peace, and in conformity with the establishments at all times, to prevent the consequences that might result therefrom, we have commanded and do command all officers civil and military, as well as all vassals of this jurisdiction, that they do not under any pretext whatsoever, receive nor admit any of the aforesaid, unless they present that indispensable requisite, a passport, in form, granted by legal authority, otherwise they are to cause them to return in search of that document, which must identify the person travelling. That this provision may be made public, and have its due effect, we command, that divers exemplifications thereof, in the three languages, Castilian, French and English, be affixed in all the places of greatest resort, to the end that the same may come to the knowledge of all persons. Given at the seat of government of Baton Rouge, the 15th April, 1806. Charles de Grandpre.
NASHVILLE, May 2.
A duel took place yesterday morning, near the southern boundary of Kentucky, between Genl. Andrew Jackson, and Mr. Charles Dickinson, both citizens of this state, in which the latter received a ball in his arm, which passed thro' and entered his body. When the messengers who brought the intelligence left him, there were little hopes of his surviving the wound. MURDER. About the 12th instant, there was an Indian man killed near Tellico Block-house, by a white man of the name of Ferguson, his motive for the act was perpetrated, near 200 Indians assembled at the Place to take satisfaction.—Col. Meigs was sent for to pacify them, and bring the perpetrator to conviction, the result of which is not known. We understand that the Spanish agents at Mobile have agreed that that city shall be a place of deposit for goods brought in vessels of citizens of the U. S. arriving there; and that goods having been so deposited may be carried either up the river or outwards. We further learn that in consequence of the disturbed state of the frontier, a large portion of our army, amounting to about one thousand men, have been directed to station themselves at Fort Adams.
Extra of a letter from a young gentleman at St. Louis, to his father in Pittsburg, (P.) dated May 12.
"Lieut. Pike, returned a few days ago from reconnoitering the head waters of the Mississippi. All that I can understand of this tour is that the Mississippi heats out of a large lake, and runs a considerable distance very narrow & very deep. The climate cold."
NEW-YORK, June 19.
It is reported, that Gen. Wilkinson has been removed from the office of Governor of Upper Louisiana.
Appointment by the President.
MAURICE ROGERS, of the city of Philadelphia, consul for the United States at St. Jago de Cuba and the adjacent ports.
A large quarry of marble stone, of different colours, has lately been discovered on the plantation of Mr. John Henkel, near Harper's Ferry. It is equal to the marble of Italy, or that of any other country. Alex. Dui. Adv.
The brig Leo, captain Gardiner, has arrived at the Vineyard from Leguira on her way to Nantucket. She left at Leguira on the 21st of last month, the ship Olive, Dawson, to sail for New-York in 10 days; and the schr. Elizabeth, for do. ready for sea. Mr. Reinhardt, a passenger in the Leo, arrived in this city yesterday, informs us it was reported at Leguira, that Miranda's two schooners had been carried into Porto Cavello, and that the last accounts from Miranda left him off the island of Bonaire.
Extra of a letter from Leeds, Eng. April 30. "This forenoon there is a terrible alarm. It is said your government have passed the non-importation law. I do not in the least doubt, if this news is confirmed, it will cause an embargo on American shipping."
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FRIDAY, June 13. Agreeably to assignment, the two Houses met in convention, for the purpose of coming to the choice of NINE COUNSELLORS, in the room of the gentlemen chosen yesterday, who declined excepting seats in the Council; a Secretary and Treasurer of the state. The com-
mittee reported the whole number of the votes to be 418—210 making a choice; that the Hon. LEVI LINCOLN, had 260 votes; Hon. WILLIAM EUSTIS, 250; Hon. SAMUEL FOWLER, 259; DANIEL KILHAM, Esq., 250; THOMAS HAZARD, Jun. Esq., 250; MARSHALL SPRING, Esq., 250; BENJAMIN J. PORTER, Esq., 250; Hon. NATHAN WESTON, 250; WILLIAM WIDGERY, Esq., 252. And they were declared elected.—The Federal Ticket contained the names of the Hon. NATHAN CUSING, HENRY KNOX, DAVID COBB, STEPHEN BULLOCK, BEZELEEL TAFT, BENJAMIN PICKMAN, JUD. ARTEMAS WARD, S. DEXTER, JUN. and A. P. FERNALD, who had 158 votes.—79 Upwards of 60 federalists have obtained leave of absence, and gone home. The votes were then collected for Secretary of the State.—The whole number was 417—of which JONATHAN L. AUSTIN, Esq., had 235—and was declared chosen.—WM. SMITH, Esq., of Bolton, was the federal candidate.—He had 162 votes.
The votes for Treasurer were then collected. The whole number was 413—of which THOMPSON J. SKINNER, Esq., had 249; and was declared chosen.—The present Treasurer JONATHAN JACKSON, Esq., had 171 votes. In the afternoon, the two Houses met again in convention, for the purpose of choosing Notaries Public.
SATURDAY, June 14, 1806.
The two Houses again met in convention and proceeded to fill up the appointments of Notaries Public. Very little other business was transacted. Adjourned to Monday 3 o'clock. [The Senate also adjourned their sitting on Saturday to this day 3 o'clock.]
FROM THE AURORA.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
No. III.
THE COMMERCE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. Before the revolution of 1789, France employed nearly three thousand sail of vessels of all sizes in the Mediterranean, for Spain from the constant hostility which subsisted between her and the Barbary powers was the cause of the necessity of using the bottoms and the flag of France in that sea. Since the conquest of Lombardy and Tuscany, France has secured by treaty the monopoly of the coral fishery on the coast of Algiers, which was formerly in the hands of merchants of the kingdom of Sicily, of the island of Corsica, Genoa, and Marseilles, giving employment to full 500 vessels, of from 15 to 20 tons, with ten men each. France will not suffer this lucrative trade and nurseries for 5000 seamen to diminish; and her factories at El Callo and El Batian, on the eastern coast of Algiers, in the province of Constantia, open at once resources of great magnitude to her commerce, give strength and interest to her influence at the courts of Barbary, and afford new aids to the coral & coaling trade.
The monopoly which the city of Marseilles enjoyed under the Bourbons, was not as disadvantageous to that city, as an open trade to the whole nation would have been, and the whole nation suffered by this mistaken favor and contracted system. The African company at Marseilles, like all monopolies, became as odious as their system was vexatious and intolerant, they were detected at home and lost the confidence of the natives of the African shores. The Barbary powers, during the reign of Louis XIV. had contracted many treaties with France, highly advantageous to France, had they been duly attended to; but the fame luxury and imbecility which ruined France and which ultimately produced the revolution, had suffered those treaties to be broken through, and by the activity of her great rival, in the year 1799 there was not a single French merchant in the dominion of Algiers. The recent expedition of Jerome Bonaparte to that coast—the counteraction of Mr. Cartwright, the English consul, till more recent, and his flight from that country, plainly point out the objects pursued by France and the unity of her stupendous policy. In a subsequent number of these papers, we shall go into the detail and particulars of the commerce of the Levant.
The next power, in the order before given was Genoa, now an integral part of the federal empire of France. Genoa before her union with France, had pursued a system of policy in relation to the Barbary powers, well worthy of their ancient reputation, and honorable to the native land of Columbus. She always preferred fighting the barbarians to the payment of tribute. Her men therefore, were the best and bravest that failed in this sea—the state never deemed those who surrendered, and her merchants were always prepared for death rather than slavery, for the 25 years preceding their incorporation with France, more than three large ships of war, two galleys and two corvettes, yet with this small force they protected their coast with effect, and carried on an active commerce with a degree of security and success, honorable and worthy of imitation, by commercial nations. The acquisition of such a people on the Mediterranean shores must be of the first consequence to the federal empire; and the recent release of a great number of Genoese who had been captured, and remained unredeemed, at the solicitation of Jerome Bonaparte is another evidence, that the system of French policy is directed by men of no mean intellect or shallow views.
The third power whose number of ships we stated, was Great Britain. One half the number stated are chiefly confined to Gibraltar and Malta; a great portion of those that trade with Gibraltar are navigated by Italians, who expect under the British flag protection against Corsairs, and who during war possess many inducences in a smuggling commerce not authorized by English laws, but which policy blinks at in consideration of their supplying the British garrisons, and aiding in cutting up the French and Spanish commerce; these men after acquiring property adequate to their wishes, return to the Italian shores from whence they came, to Genoa, to Tuscany, to Elba, Sardinia, and Corsica.
A decree of Bonaparte, published in July 1805, against enemy's corsairs, manned in Italy, has paralyzed that branch of illicit commerce, and has thrown those hardy seamen on shore in their several countries or transferred them to the naval ports of the federal empire; and it is not at all improbable that the same facility which dictated the decree and that adopted Genoa, may upon the ascendancy of Bonaparte being unequivocally established, convert those very seamen into enemies of the English commerce.
Malta to which another portion of the British commerce was directed, has been in a commercial decline for fifty years—and after all her former celebrity, her military monks like the eunuchs of those infidel countries to which they had in the name of God sworn a holy hatred, had lost all their vigor and their reputation. During the twenty years which our American friend to whom we are indebted for these facts resided there, there had not been a single Barbary corsair captured by the Maltese knights. Malta, excepting a small quantity of cotton, produces nothing worthy of commerce. It is therefore a mere entrespot, where the commerce of other places may be deposited for future transportation, and possesses no consequence but from its military position. As things look at present, the British commerce to the Mediterranean has reached its height. The Barbary system has been hitherto sustained and nourished by Great Britain, as a check and a scourge upon the commerce of nations which are not "intimately connected" with her. That system will now be either destroyed, or employed by France as it was formerly employed by her rival, the parent of unsoothed mischief. The com-
merce of Italy and of the Mediterranean generally will obtain a renewed life, and a more vigorous body—and the consequences will affect the Baltic and the Atlantic—while to the United States if the pacific and friendly neutral policy of our government is pursued, the consequences must prove of the first importance. But our greatest danger will be from the influence of English politics in our country, and the assumption of our flag by English vessels who disregard our nation, and who to answer the purposes of England would readily commit our peace. But these dangers will diminish with the progress of those events which time must now speedily unfold.
Spain, before the humiliations made with the Barbary powers, and her officers under Admirante (the Napolitan Minister) and count Orleans in 1785, had not in the Mediterranean more than 150 vessels, and these principally belonged to Majorca and Valencia; Barcelona and Malaga furnished a few. The facility of national honor, however, procured a considerable advantage to Spain, near 100,000 Italians removed to her sea ports on the Mediterranean. The Castilians and Majorcans are the most active of the Spanish nation; and it has been more than once hinted that Catalonia was to be incorporated with the federal empire; an event by no means inconsistent with the prevailing policy of France.
Naples has recently undergone a total revolution. The island of Sicily which contains a population of about a million of both sexes, cannot remain undisturbed. Its commercial prosperity was at its greatest height about 30 years ago. Since that period, particularly since the war of the second coalition, its general commerce has been virtually annihilated, as its ordinary imports and exports were almost limited to the mere subsistence of human life. Her many, between her enemies and her friends, ceded to exist, & the numerous corsairs of Tunis, without profiting or courting alliance, preyed upon the vessels and ravaged the coasts and carried thousands of the unhappy Sicilians into captivity. Under their own flag, the Sicilian seamen have never fought with valor or success. Under other flags they have been found gallant, intrepid and intelligent—such is the evident effect and the most salutary commentary on depraved and debased government. Her new destiny may restore her to commerce and prosperity; under the former dynasty Naples and Sicily were doomed to wretchedness and progressive deterioration. If the same genius that pervades France should equally favor Naples and Sicily, their position, climate, and productions, promise to exact them to an unexampled state of commercial prosperity. The occupation of Naples is surely a powerful evidence of the intelligence and unity of design which governs the policy of France.
Next to the Neapolitans and Sicilians we noticed the Greeks, subject to the grand seignior. These possess the largest, best rigged and best fitted ships that navigate the Mediterranean. Since the commencement of the French revolution, they have doubled in number. Three out of four of their vessels they built themselves, the rest are purchased at Naples, Genoa, Venice, &c. The accounts intelligence, intrepidity and enterprise of the Greeks is proverbial; their skill in commercial transactions is not surpassed even by the Chinese. In 1804 a hundred sail of Greek vessels were laid in the Archipelago and Euxine, with grain for Spain and Portugal—and as they took but very little of a return cargo, it is supposed that from Spain alone they carried, in that year, four millions and a half of dollars, and it is a fact ascertained, that in the course of three months they carried from the port of Malaga alone, in exchange for grain, to the amount of a million of dollars.
Nothing more strongly characterizes the activity and perseverance of the Greeks, than the constancy with which they resist and overcome all the oppressive exactions and vexations to which they are subjected under the Turkish rule. The Porte is jealous of them and with great justice, for they are miserably and cruelly oppressed. The heavy duties and fees exacted by the officers of the Turkish government, have no doubt retarded and deterred many from commerce—but the progress which they have made is the best proof that even subjected as they are, they are a great people, and form the materials ready prepared for a great nation. The oppression which they have been exposed to, has thrown many under the protection of Russia, and given life and commerce to the Crimea. It is difficult to foresee what course the Greeks will take, because it will be difficult for France to maintain amicable relations with Turkey, and encourage the emancipation of the Greeks; while it will be equally difficult not to afford protection to the Greeks, who would if not countenanced by France, naturally strengthen their connections and elsewhere more ardently to Russia. The course to be pursued, perhaps, by France, is that of colonization—and the Porte would be readily brought to cede the Morea to France in return for the guarantee of Damietta, Bulgaria and Bessarabia, against the designs of Russia, or perhaps in consideration of shutting up the Bosphorus against the Russian fleet.
The reader of these papers will keep constantly in mind, that they are but the illustration of certain reasonings and anticipations formed at different times in the Aurora, on the interesting theatre of European politics—and that we pursue the commercial and political relations of the several people as they bear upon and illustrate each other. (To be continued.)
NOTICE.
MR. Alexander Dunlap, the surviving partner of the late concern of James and Alexander Dunlap, of this city, having conveyed to the subscribers in trust, all the remaining stock in hand, with the debts, books and accounts of the said firm, for the benefit of their creditors named in a deed, executed to us on the 10th day of May, 1806, it becomes necessary that all those who are indebted to the said firm, should without delay, adjust and pay up their respective balances. Tobe of the creditors, whose accounts are open are likewise solicited to liquidate the same with the trustees. The books, accounts and papers are in the hands of William Long and Henry Hovey, who will attend to the applications of any party interested as above.
On the 28th day of July next, ensuing, at Messrs. Taylor and Brown's Vendue Office, the subscribers will offer for sale at public auction, to the highest bidder, upon a credit of 60 days, for approved negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia, three LOTS, No. 380, No. 4 and 8, in tenement two hundred and sixty of Duval's plan, subject to Mrs. Dunlap's right of dower—Also two valuable Mules, a Horse and a Cart.
At the same time and place, they will dispose of the remaining stock of GOODS, consisting of a variety of Cagliages, and sundry merchandise, part of their late stock in trade. For all sums of 50 dollars or upwards, a credit as above will be allowed, and for all sums under, ready money.
A CAUTION.
Gave my note payable to Wm. S. Stone the 18th of April at 60 days, for 158 dollars some cents; the payment of which I am advised to withhold, as security for house rent, which will be a much larger sum; and whoever takes an assignment of it, will do it to their own wrong. M. GRANTLAND. June 27.
NOTICE.
THE Co-partnership, heretofore existing under the firm of SAMUEL BARRET & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. Those indebted to and those having demands against the said firm, are solicited to a settlement with Henry Hall, who is authorized to liquidate the same. SAMUEL BARRET, HENRY HALL. June 27.

EUROPEAN VIEWS.
On the west and south-west of Europe, scarce any improvement is to be hoped for, from the policy of Bonaparte. Had he introduced a more effective government into Spain, and a better form of a republic into Belgium; had he consolidated the little states of Italy into one great empire, that was able to protect itself against the encroachments of its neighbours; the west of Europe might have profited by his labours. In that case his death could have become the birth of three strong and independent states. But these arrangements would not have suited his ambition. It was far more pleasing to him, to see around him none but petty states, subordinate to his will, and who are hereafter to be parts of his great federative empire. In one respect, indeed, Bonaparte may yet become the benefactor of the west. Let him reduce the British tyranny on the sea; let him establish the law of nations upon the principles of peace rather than of war, to the advantage of neutrals rather than of belligerents, and he may furnish some apology for his own usurpations on the land.
It is on the South-East of Europe, on the shores of the Levant, and along the African coast of the Mediterranean, that Bonaparte is to display his beneficence. All these countries are at present under the yoke of Turks and Mohammedans. Their government is a perfect despotism; their religion a superstition; commerce; the finest sources of commerce neglected; and the human mind buried in the most profound ignorance. So degraded indeed is their condition, that it is impossible to change it for the worse. The ambition of Bonaparte may reduce them to slavery; but they cannot be more humiliated slaves than they are already.
It is too true, that the policy of Bonaparte is the fruit of the most inordinate ambition. It is too true, that in overrunning those countries, he will be guided by no feeling of humanity towards them; but by the desire of extending the commerce of France alone, or of reaping new laurels for his own brow. Let such, however, be his motives, their corruption or dishonor will not detract from the ultimate value of his design. Let him erect Turkey into a French province, with even one of his own brothers for its Viceroy; let him cover Anatolia and Syria with French colonies; concentrate Egypt and the states of Barbary into one great and powerful empire, subject to his laws and governed by his prefects; and Bonaparte, though a ruthless and infamous conqueror, will deserve to be hailed as the benefactor of the east. He will be like one of those Gothic and Tartar chiefs, an Alaric or a Tamerlane, who have been professedly called the scourges of God; it will be the sword of France chastising the vices of the Turkish government. It will be an aspiring & dominant conqueror, almost unconsciously working the salvation of those very nations, whom he will strive to bind up in his chains. In the following view altogether the fruit of a romantic imagination?
Bonaparte may convert these countries into French provinces; but he will plant there the seeds of civilization. He will establish the press, the fine arts, the literature, the manufactures, the commerce, &c. of the west.
In a few years, Bonaparte may die. His body may be thrown into the dust, but the spirit which he has breathed into the East will live in the East. His Viceroy will then spring into kings. There is no longer the genius of a Bonaparte to keep together the dismembered parts of his empire. The political conglutination between France and her provinces being dissolved, the new provinces of Greece, of Constantinople, of Egypt, perhaps of Syria and of Barbary, will assume an independent sovereignty; but the seeds of civilization will not be smothered. They may continue to flourish there until they shall produce fruits not less delicious than those of the West of Europe.
Let not the American reader imagine, that these speculations are of no concern to his own country. These designs of Bonaparte, if they really have any existence, are absolutely interwoven with our present interests. The more Bonaparte fears his execution the EAST, the less will he return to the WEST. The more he attempts to obtain colonies there, the less will he be his ambition to establish them here. But his resources will be less as well as his inclination. Neither the United States, nor the Spanish colonies will excite his cupidity, so long as Turkey furnishes full employment for his mind and his means. In a word, the immediate purchase of the Floridas from Spain, may depend upon Bonaparte's designs in the east. But if this conjecture can be reared, what more interesting speculations can engage the American reader at the present time, than such as are furnished by the following essay, and those extracted from the Aurora?
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Three essays have already appeared in this paper under the signature "PACIFICATOR;" they excited not only much notice but surprise. It appeared abundantly that an American should endeavor to inculcate opinions which differed in much from those which were generally adopted by his countrymen; a very considerable change has since been made in public opinion. European politics become more and more interesting, and the character of Napoleon is better understood, and more generally respected. The writer therefore submits other remarks to public consideration, and notices from time to time, to offer such further illustrations as future events may justify.
PACIFICATOR, No. IV.
Prospects of a war between France and Russia; and remarks concerning the future fate of Turkey.
The latest accounts from Europe, give reason to believe that another war is about to commence. The battle of Austerlitz seems rather to have irritated the emperor of Russia, than to have afforded a lesson of wisdom from which he might regulate his future conduct. The treaty of Presburg, which chiefly related to the Emperors of France and Germany, has given dissatisfaction to Alexander, and also the cessions of Austria to Napoleon and his allies, did not concern the Emperor of Russia—yet he has thought proper to interfere in a way which will most probably terminate in a war, or in such concessions as no body expects the Emperor or all the Russians will readily make.
Among other cessions which the Emperor of Austria made to Napoleon, is a small district of country, called Cattaro bordering upon Dalmatia, lying on the Adriatic, about 400 miles, following the sea coast, from Venice, & about 550 from Cape Ortanto the extreme point of the Morea, or ancient Greece. At this place there was an Austrian garrison commanded by a General Brady, whose duty required him to deliver up this post and its dependencies to the French whenever application should be made. This
was one of the articles for which the Emperor of Germany stipulated, when he was restored to his empire, to his throne, to his capital, and to rank. But while other parts of the treaty were carried into effect, and when Bonaparte was totally suspicious of any other projects, General Brady has delivered the fort, the town and all the dependencies of Cattaro to a Russian army, and Cattaro, instead of being held by France as an appendage of the kingdom of Italy, is held by Russians, who refuse to deliver it to Napoleon. Such outrageous and unprovoked conduct, on the part of Russia, must be considered as a justifiable cause of war, on the part of France.
Upon the first view of this subject it seemed that the Emperor Francis had violated the treaty of Presburg, and the immediate measures which were adopted by Napoleon proved that he entertained that opinion; but now it is said that General Brady alone is blameable, having performed this act of perfidy and treachery not only without the orders, but without the suspicion of the Emperor of Austria. Bonaparte has therefore relaxed in the measures which he was about to take towards the Emperor of Austria, and appears to prepare to enforce his rights by the sword. All the circumstances have not yet fully transpired, so that it is not possible to form a correct opinion. It seems however to be admitted, on all hands, that Bonaparte is entitled to this place and its dependencies, that the Russians, without being at war with France, have obtained possession by unjust & false means, and that Bonaparte was about to enforce his claim.
The London accounts state that Bonaparte has required the Emperor of Austria to regain the possession of Cattaro, or to make war upon Russia. The English seem to flatter themselves, that the Emperor of Austria will repel this demand, and will immediately form a coalition with the Emperor of Russia and once more try the fortune of war; in other words, they wish that an event may take place which will probably terminate in the destruction of both. It is recollected that these emperors were, but the other day, overthrown in a war for which they had prepared with great industry and privacy, for more than a year.
It is impossible to anticipate what may be the issue of a fourth Coalition; but if it be just to form opinions of the future by the past, there appears to be nothing which the emperor of Austria can hope for, from another Coalition. Already he is indebted to Bonaparte for his throne, for extensive dominions and power, and must know, that in case of another reverse Bonaparte will not leave it in his power, ever to disturb him again.
Before we dismiss Cattaro it is necessary to observe that it adjoins the Turkish dominions, and affords a very excellent position for any nation which now has or hereafter may have a war with Turkey. From this place an army might pour into the most valuable parts of the Turkish dominions whenever the power in possession might think fit.
While these things exist upon the continent of Europe, while we remember that G. B. has already been the author of three Coalitions against France when she had much less to fear, and while a maritime war rages between France and Britain, it may be expected, that every thing which the rulers of England can do, by bribes, by artifice or by intreaty to injure their enemy, will be done. The resources of that nation appear to be inexhaustible, and the temper of the present ministry, even before the dispute concerning Cattaro excited, did not appear to be pacific. The rulers of England seem to think that they cannot make peace with France, without surrendering their national character & glory. They seem to prefer an eternal state of war. They believe that a peace will reduce them to a dependent situation, and that it is better to support their national independence with arms in their hands, than by making peace, to lose their station in the scale of nations.
When this subject is considered and decided, in a manner to suit the pride and magnificence of a few individuals, who in chance have elevated to the head of affairs, the alternative which is presented may be accurate, and the conclusions may be inevitable; but when the question is considered at the tribunals of philanthropy and philosophy, the determinations of these haughty islanders appear to be unjust; and the very avowal which they make, connected with the reasons which are assigned, entitle them to the enmity and opposition of all the world. To what does the declaration amount? It is an acknowledgment, though made in other words, that the British nation will stand alone, and enforce by the power of her arms, certain political and commercial principles which all other nations disclaim. This is a point which will afford a field for extensive discussion; but as there is at present some reason to hope, that they are about to relax in these doctrines, there is equal reason to expect that such manly and honorable conduct, may lead to a speedy, honorable and satisfactory peace.
But as it is probable that this may not be the case, it becomes necessary to take an impartial view of the prospects which are afforded by a continuation of an implacable war; a war which is not to terminate but by the destruction of one of the contending empires.
All politicians agree that the first duty of rulers is to procure and insure the happiness and prosperity of their people. And although they are morally bound to engage in offensive and defensive wars to insure these objects, they ought not upon slight occasions, or upon vague surmises to endanger either the one or the other. It seems also to be admitted, that at this time, the people of England by taxes and oppressions of various kinds are compelled to drink the cup of bitterness to the very dregs. There is not a man in England to whom these facts are not known, and the only consolation which is afforded to them is, that Bonaparte is actuated by an insatiable ambition; that he is not satisfied with France, Spain, Italy, Germany, &c. but that he contemplates to conquer and subjugate all the world; that Great Britain alone stops his gigantic career, and that every Englishman is bound, not only as relates to his country and himself, but the whole human race, to oppose this overwhelming torrent.
Such is the delusion by which the Englishmen have been prevailed upon to spend their blood and treasure, and to convulse the continent of Europe with war and desolation. Such are the delusions which induce them to submit to the most humiliating personal degradations, and to bear the despotic rule of military and naval commanders, by far more severe, than could be feared, from Napoleon, even admitting him to be as bad as his worst enemies have represented, or as successful as they pretend to fear. To a poor man who has nothing but his life which is worth preserving, it can make no difference, or in a ship, or to toil all day, whether he is commanded by a George or a Napoleon. Nor is there any thing at this moment, which can be feared from the success of Napoleon which holds out to the people of England more differences or oppressions than they are now bound to bear; because every thing being pushed as far as it will go, no change can be made for the worse.
The English, it is true, boast of their civilization and their liberties, and many of them believe that they are the happiest people in existence. Let this be as it may, there is no reason to quarrel with them for the indulgence of an opinion which injures nobody. But there is much reason to complain and condemn them, because they have long contributed and yet continue to involve the world in war.
Take the people of England in mass and enquire, what are the benefits which they expect by a successful termination of the war? Do they expect to conquer France and divide the wealth of that country as the followers of William the conqueror formerly divided England? No; do they expect by fomenting disturbances upon the continent, or a predatory naval war, to divert Napoleon from his purposes? No; can they save Alexander of Russia or Gustavus of Sweden, if France and Prussia chose to drive them from their capitals? No; can they save Turkey from such future destiny as may be decreed to it by Napoleon, either with or without the co-operation of Austria? In all these things the English are equally impotent and impolitic; they compel Bonaparte to draw the sword; they compel him to organize armies, and common prudence, dictates the necessity of giving them honorable and gainful employment. They cannot invade England. They can get nothing by a war with Russia; and the intricate fate of Turkey almost invites an invasion.
Nor is this all. Turkey is the high road to India. The descendants of the ancient Greeks are every where dispersed over that empire. They are not only dissatisfied with the intolerable tyranny which now prevails, but they pant for an opportunity to emancipate themselves from the present government. Although every means is taken to involve them in darkness and ignorance, they cannot fail to know that their ancestors were free and happy, or to have heard, that the people of Europe wherever Bonaparte has appeared, whether as a friend or a foe, have been bettered in their conditions.
It has been long considered that the Russian government meditated the conquest of Turkey. There seemed to be nothing to oppose them. The Russian military grew stronger and stronger. The Turkish armies became more and more feeble. The surrender of Cattaro, Itea and Dalmatia to Napoleon by the Emperor of Austria, opened a new train of reflections. The Emperor of Russia saw at once that he would be anticipated in his design upon Turkey. And the Austrian general Brady has been induced to surrender that important post to a Russian army. The post of Cattaro in any other way except to disappoint Bonaparte, was of no consequence to Russia; they could enter into the Turkish dominions at many other more convenient points. While Bonaparte had no other, by any means so convenient to himself, or so important in its relations. It is therefore reasonable to expect, that he will not be easily diverted from the acquisition of a post which is a key to that imbecile empire, which like ripe fruit, now seems ready to fall into the hands of the person who may first touch it.
It is an idle thing for any man in this country to say, that he can foresee what are the designs of any of the great potentates of Europe, and it would be equally ridiculous to urge with strenuousness, arguments in favor of any important proposition which depends upon a great variety of contingencies, all of which are in the womb of time. What, therefore, has been said relating to the designs of the emperors of France and Russia, are the results of philosophical inquiries derived from pre-existing causes, and the hostile attitude which these powerful nations support towards each other. It is an attitude, which, most likely, would not be supported, if Turkey, like themselves, was powerless, and able not only to defend her own dominions, but to oppose her adversaries. This is not the case, and Turkey appears to be a prize for which the different competitors are about to engage in war. To those who do not reflect maturely upon these things it will seem that Cattaro, and the perfidiousness of General Brady will be the causes of war. But this will be a mistake, the Turkish empire will be the prize, and for so great a prize we may expect, every exertion will be made by the contending parties.
Besides these considerations, Bonaparte is influenced by other objects. The British empire in India is not only extensive and rich but it is vulnerable. The cabinet of London have shown that they prefer perpetual war. The great superiority of the British fleet forbids the project of an invasion. And the time which must elapse before the marine of France can be able to cope with that of England, is too long to suit the rapid and enterprising ideas of Napoleon. He has therefore cast his eye upon Turkey, not only as the road, but as the instrument, by which the British empire in India may be overthrown. Already we have seen what is the temper and character of the Greeks. Having been borne down for many centuries by the iron hand of the most unrelenting tyranny, these people, when their chains shall be broken, will pant for an opportunity, not only to prove their gratitude to their deliverers, but to show that they deserve the new condition to which they may be elevated.
From these causes it seems, that if ever a French army of sufficient force, shall invade Turkey, for the purposes of a revolution, the inhabitants will every where flock to their standards, and become most useful and active partisans in the revolutionary projects, for that the Divan will be obliged either to fly or surrender. It is also admitted, that Russia at this time would find it easy to conquer the Ottomans; but as the Russians would not hold out inducements equal to those which will be congenial to the policy of Bonaparte, it is not expected that the more would be done by a Russian invasion than could be achieved by the superiority of arms. There is an old hostility which has grown into an implacable inveteracy between the two nations, which would not be extinguished during the present generation; while on the other hand the French would be received and confided in as friends and deliverers.
If Bonaparte should meditate to invade England, it would be necessary for success, to land at least three hundred thousand men; while there is so much disparity in their fleets it will be impossible to land even the half of this immense army; and even those which might be landed, would be cut off from all reinforcements and succour. They would be exposed to the opposition of a brave and exasperated people, whose minds have been soured by prejudices, whose pride and fears have been excited by the intrigues and artifices of their rulers. If three hundred thousand men are necessary to invade England, and will be opposed by so many difficulties, it is not probable that Bonaparte will calculate what may be done with the same number of men upon another theatre. Less than half will be sufficient to effect a revolution in Turkey. The government of that country may be entirely changed. It may become an efficient and powerful ally, and afford in men and means great aids in promoting the success of an overland expedition to India. Such are the means and the projects by which the Emperor of France may attack the British
power in India. The only effectual opposition which can be made, will be by the Russians; and even admitting that the efforts of France and Russia should be equiponderant, the latter will prevail, because they will receive either a hearty welcome or useful co-operation from the inhabitants.
If the first object should be gained, a revolution in Turkey should be completed, it is likely that the Turkish provinces in Asia will gladly adopt and support the same or a similar revolution. If the people do not already anticipate the benefits of a change, it would not require much time to convince them that the change was necessary to their happiness, their existence, and their prosperity. By these means a communication would be opened from Venice to Constantinople, and from thence thro' Novorossia to the extremity of the Turkish empire. Military establishments of sufficient strength, aided by a kind, liberal and just policy to the inhabitants, would open the way to India with a rapidity and certainty, which will be not less effectual than it will be astonishing.
Many persons will pretend to treat these things as visionary, others will perceive that they are practicable, and every body will admit that there is nothing in the character of Bonaparte which leaves room to suppose that he will not attempt every thing which offers the prospect of success. Those politicians who see in Bonaparte an all-grasping usurper, and believe that he is no less ambitious than powerful, although they reprobate and execrate him and his deeds, must know that the resources which he possesses, and the temper of the British government, will urge him to the experiment.
But these dreamers cast their eyes and hopes upon Russia. It is from the savages of Kamchatka and the semi-barbarians of Siberia, and other parts of the Russian empire, that the English partisans hope to counteract the designs of Bonaparte.
All that will now be contended for is, that Turkey may be revolutionized with more ease than England can be invaded; that India may be approached and invaded either through Turkey, or by the aid of the inhabitants, who will joyfully accept and ardently support the new order of things—and that the British and Russian cabinets cannot prevent the first, nor, in case of success, can they arrest the progress of the second.
These gigantic projects depend altogether upon the will of Bonaparte. There is nothing in his character which allows those who fear him to expect that he will pause longer than is necessary to mature his plan. He knows that the British entertain a deadly and implacable malignity against him; and he will lose no time in making the most powerful exertions to disturb them, in the enjoyment of those extensive and profitable dominions, which they call their Indian empire.
If Alexander shall engage with Bonaparte in another war, and make Turkey the scene of action, he will either carry it on by feeble means or endanger his capital. If he should send the flower of his army into Turkey, he will then open the way to his own capital. He will have more to dread through Prussia and Poland, than to hope for by the war in Turkey. Already the empire of Russia is too extensive. The emperor, if he is a wise man will find ample employment in promoting the happiness and affording the means of instruction to his half-civilized subjects. An increase of dominion will neither add to his strength nor to his happiness; one lot of miserable wretches will be employed to enforce obedience from others, and the life of this young prince will pass away without rendering to mankind those benefits which were foretold when he mounted the throne.
Bonaparte has heretofore pursued a grand & laudable project. He desires to become the instrument of a magnificent plan, by which all the people of Europe may be benefitted. He has been severely opposed, not only by the whole power of the British nation, but by the Emperor of Russia. It is time for these hostilities to cease. If Alexander does not take heed he will be driven from his capital, and all his dominions upon the Baltic will be given into other hands. The interest of his people, as well as his own true glory requires, that he should unite in that policy which is supported by Bonaparte. If this should happen, this young prince will have the honor to hold an exalted station among the pacificators of Europe and the benefactors of mankind; by this means he will contribute to restore and perpetuate the blessings of peace and civilization, not only to Europe but to all the world.
The federation of states, according to the plan of Napoleon, and to which there is now an allusion, is not a new idea. The author of this great project was the celebrated Henry the IVth. A full account is given of the designs of that illustrious monarch in the 30th chap. of the memoirs of Sully. It is too long for insertion in a newspaper, and no abridgement can be given which will be half as satisfactory as that which has come from the pen of one of the wisest ministers of the greatest of kings, who has ever appeared on the catalogue of monarchs. By some it is believed, & by all it ought to be hoped, that Napoleon, as far as times and circumstances will permit, will make the political characters of these great and able men, the models of his own.
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, June 21.
On the dry captain Hardie left Antigua, a British government brig arrived there with dispatches for Admiral Cochrane, stating that a fleet of four of the line and six frigates from France had put into Martinico. Not finding the admiral at Antigua, the brig proceeded immediately to Dominico in quest of him.
Merc. Adv.
A letter was received in town yesterday from St. Thomas, dated 29th May, which states that General Miranda, in the Leander, had fallen in with a Spanish corvette of twelve 18 pounders, off Porto Cavello, and, after a severe engagement, effected his escape by throwing his guns overboard. The letter also mentions the capture of Miranda's two schooners, one of which was the son of Colonel Smith.
Id.
A gentleman who arrived here yesterday from Laguira, furnishes the following information: "He left the city of Carraccas on the 14th of May, and La Guaira on the 21st May. At the time he left (21st May) they had no positive accounts of Miranda at La Guaira but supposed him from their last accounts to be at the island of Boeira. "A government armed brig and schooner had been dispatched from Laguira, in search of the Leander, and an embargo laid for 30 days. They had returned without falling in with her. "It was reported at Carraccas and Laguira, that two schooners had been captured, and carried into Porto Cavello, but although the gentleman took every pains to obtain correct information on the subject, he could never come at the truth nor learn their names, nor the names of the captains. It appeared, however, certain, that two schooners were captured and carried into Porto Cavello, but whether they were Mi-
randa's or not, he could not learn with any degree of certainty. The former reports of a number of people in the province of Carraccas, having been arrested and hung on suspicion of being connected with Miranda, were untrue. The report of the crews of the schooners having been marched to Carraccas, was also untrue—they remained at Porto Cavello. He says there is no doubt but Miranda had taken measures to distribute his proclamations throughout the country, and that many were in circulation, some few of which had been discharged. He says the people are very much dissatisfied and if Miranda succeeds in making good his landing, no doubt great numbers will join him, but at present they dare not speak. The governor general of Carraccas has been much alarmed, but the alarm appeared to be subsiding.
"He was boarded in the Mona passage by the British schooner Gipsy, tender to the Hercules man of war, and on inquiring from them of Miranda, they told him the last account they had from him was from Boeira. He also fell in on his passage, with a British government brig direct from Jamaica, the cap. of which told him that there were a number of vessels at Jamaica ready to sail and join Miranda the moment they had any direct accounts from him."
From the above it appears certain that on the 21st of May, Miranda had not yet effected a landing; but from his situation on the coast, we may expect the next arrival will bring some positive accounts on that subject. Id.
Advice is received by the ship Eugenia, that the British were preparing an expedition at the Cape of Good Hope, to be reinforced at St. Helena, and thence to proceed against the Spanish settlements on the river La Plata. Montevideo was supposed to be their first destination. [Phil. pap.]
The following late and important foreign news is extracted from the Newburyport Herald of the 17th inst.
LATE FROM EUROPE.
By the arrival last Friday, of the ship Washington, captain Webster, 40 days from Copenhagen, we learn verbally, that a few days before he failed, there was a battle fought between the Swedes and Prussians near Hannover—the former are said to be making great preparation—the Elbe and Weser are blockaded, and the English make daily captures of Prussian vessels.
Captain W. has likewise furnished us with two numbers of the Altona Mercury, of the 24th & 25th April, (we believe the latest from the continent) from which, by the perusal of a German gentleman, passenger in the Washington, the following articles are translated.
LUBECK, April 23.
There has been an attack between a little corps of Swedish cavalry and the advanced Prussian infantry, at Seddin, near Lubeck and Lauenburg. On both sides were some killed and wounded.
ELSNEUR, May 2.
Two Swedish frigates failed from the Roads here, to day, to the North sea, and two cutters some days before.
ITALY, April 12.
By private accounts from Rome, which have gained belief, the Pope (Pius VII) will resign, and Cardinal Feich be placed in his stead and take his residence at Avignon; but the estates of the Pope will be annexed to the kingdom of Italy.
They say likewise that the kingdom of Etruria will be a federative state of France.
COPENHAGEN, April 24.
The Danish Consul in Naples has received a note from the state secretary, Præsid. III. stating that it would not be permitted to Danish vessels to go at present between Naples and Sicily, but that there would be no obstacle to their going to the East coast of Naples, from there to take in their cargoes.
PARIS, April 15.
There is accounts from Bordeaux, that the watch ship on the Garonne, a frigate of 40 guns, was unexpectedly taken in the night of the 8th April by the Boops of an English frigate; on board of the watch ship were the papers of 50 neutral vessels.
Their consul in Bordeaux have permitted the captains to replace the lost papers as well as possible.
It is stated that the great provisioners of the army's Vanderberg, Ouaré, Michal, Brothers and others, have been obliged to deposit in the public treasury a sum of 40 millions of francs, and the one shall be responsible for the other, in consequence of their accounts not being in order; otherwise they will be taken into custody by the civil authority.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday next, the first of July, will be sold without reserve,
TWO hds. and 4 barrels Sugar—2 hds. Rum—89 hds. Salt—250 bushels coarse loose Salt—2 chests Tea—1 crate Queen's Ware—40 barrels Cider; 1 pipe Teneriffe Wine; 14 boxes Soap. Terms—90 days for approved indorsed notes, negotiable at the Bank of Virginia.
GRANBEY & HANCOCK.
June 27.
A REQUEST TO THE BENEVOLENT AND HUMANE.
WHEREAS in September last I took John Jones, son of Mary Jones a lad then of about twelve years of age, from the Berkeley Spring to this city, under a mistaken notion that his mother had a right (since she actually exercised it) to bind her son to me—and whereas the said John Jones, getting probably informed, as I have since been, of the nullity of the indenture, did on the 21st or 22nd of October, after my letting out for Alexandria, leave my house, and laid several days at a Mr. Albert's, a baker on Shockoe Hill, by whom he was brought back—but left my house a second time on the same or next day (as I have been informed on my return) saying, that he wished to go back to his mother, that he knew every step of the road, and should find in Frederickburg plenty of waggoners to carry him to Winchester—and whereat I learned lately, to my great surprise from Captain John Hunter, at the Berkeley Spring, to whom I had occasion to write, that the said John Jones had neither been seen, nor heard of, which has been confirmed since by a letter from his mother to me. I therefore request by this public notice, all and every person, or persons, who may harbour the before named John Jones, or know his place of abode, or what is become of him, to communicate their intelligence to his disconsolate mother at the Berkeley Spring, or to the subscriber in Richmond.
G. F. STRAS.
The said John Jones is rather tall for his age, slender, but well made—has a fair complexion, blue eyes, light hair, a number of freckles in the face—he is sprightly and a lively, rides well on horse-back, and can drive a waggon.
June 27. (3c.) The printers in the different parts of this state, are humbly solicited, by a distressed mother, to give a place to the foregoing in their papers.
JUST RECEIVED, FROM BORDEAUX!
A Large assortment of Claret Wine, of different qualities; Champagne, Moussoux, White Sautern, Vin di Grave Burgundy, Lafitte, Muscat of Frontignan, old Medoc of different qualities, fresh Anchovies, fresh Olives, Capers, and superfine Sweet Oil.—For sale on reasonable terms by ALEXANDER PLAINVILLE. June 27.