The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-07-25 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 23.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week... II. Terms of payment will be four DOLLARS per annum... III. ADVERTISEMENTS... IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents...
SAMUEL MYERS,
HAS FOR SALE, An assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam.
FOR SALE,
On liberal terms, by the Subscribers, THE HOUSE AND LOT near the River Bank, at present in the occupancy of Mr. John Taylor...
PROSSER & MONCURE.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, will at their next monthly meeting...
ANDREW STEVENSON, CLK. C. H.
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, in Charles City county, on September Court Days, THAT well known TRACT OF LAND, called the INDIAN FIELDS...
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE, HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London, and Yorkshires from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS...
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation...
ANN GATEWOOD.
Fredericksburg, May 19.
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me...
As most of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1803, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
WAS FOUND, By a Negro woman, a small bundle of BANK NOTES. The owner may have them by giving a satisfactory description...
Foreign Intelligence.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 23d, 1804.
MOTION ON THE DEFENCE OF THE NATION.
Mr. PITTS'S Speech concluded from our last.
Our great naval arsenals, and those places which are most contiguous to our principal manufacturing cities, ought of course to be the first object of government...
Those alterations were added to the House of Lords; and now it is returned to us, there is scarcely one feature remaining of the original measure...
and from that which has prevailed uniformly: I suggested to ministers a mode of instruction, which I was told should be considered...
The mode proposed by ministers to raise an addition to the regular army, to supply the suspension of the army of reserve, I confess I cannot understand...
of that practice, afforded a complete warning against it. I am quite ready to declare, that I am sorry for the share I had in that measure...
The Chancellor of the Exchequer explained, and stated, that he had not laid, as imputed to him, the right honorable gentleman who had just sat down...
ble conduct on the part of ministers, of which, if guilty, he was ready to admit the right hon. gentleman would have abundant reason for making them the subject of a criminal charge...
The hon. member then proceeded to notice the arguments of the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General, more in detail...
He sang Dixit, great and good, Fallen, fallen, fallen, fallen, Fallen from his high estate, And weltering in his blood.
But he did not seem to think the cause altogether desperate; and as he proceeded, He burst the bonds of sleep afunder, And rung'd him like a rattling post of thunder.
The hon. member then proceeded to notice the arguments of the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General, more in detail...
LONDON, May 14. The Victor loop of war has captured off Achien Head, a French ship valuably laden with presents from the king of Cochin China to the grand confal.

Bonaparte takes every occasion to manifest his partiality to the Poles, probably with a view to engage them in measures hostile to the interest of the powers who enjoy the sovereignty of their country.
A serious quarrel is stated to have taken place between Bonaparte and his brother Lucien; the latter, on retiring to his new estates in Italy, has carried with him his gallery of paintings, and every moveable article of value.
During Mr. Addington's interview with the King on Tuesday, his Majesty expressed himself in the warmest terms of esteem towards that gentleman. Mr. Addington has declined every offer that has been made of rank or emolument for himself, or any of his connections; and it is even said, that it was with reluctance the gift of the house and ground in Richmond Park was made permanent.
It is but natural no doubt, that amidst the changes and chances of our present political life, the most unexpected circumstances might arise, even in the most subordinate course of casual events. Thus we have beheld Mr. Rose, perhaps, at the present moment, a singular figure for the purity of Parliamentary representation; and Mr. Wilberforce so far forgetting the regular proofs of his pious engagements as to have fixed the ensuing general Fast Day, for bringing forward his motion for the total abolition of the slave trade.
The Dublin Evening Post yesterday contains the following article:— Thursday night, a King's Messenger failed for England with attested copies of the Patent of his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, and the Right Honourable the Lord Chancellor, preparatory to the trial of Mr. Cobbett, which is shortly to take place in London, for libels. The sending away these articles, gave rise to several ridiculous rumours about Dublin, of too absurd a nature to describe."
PARIS, May 1. According to letters from Marseilles, a French privateer has taken an English brig with dispatches for Lord Nelson, with two million of livres we presume in specie.
Colonel Joseph Bonaparte is said to have left Paris for Boulogne; and accounts from Brussels mention the great activity employed in Belgium and the adjoining departments, in completing gun-boats, and forwarding them to their respective flotillas. The War Minister and General Soult are inspecting the troops near Boulogne, and the preparations for invasion are represented as hourly advancing. The French are now making war against British commodities in Switzerland. Disturbances are said to have taken place in the Canton of Berne.
The greatest activity exists throughout Holland in the preparations for invasion. The French Minister at War, General Alexander Berthier, is now on his grand tour, inspecting the troops that are to be employed in the expedition. He was expected at Utrecht last Sunday evening, where there is a considerable encampment.
VIENNA, April 30. Louis XVIII. has notified to our court, the death of his nephew the Duke of Enghien. The exchange of couriers is now very frequent here; two have lately arrived from London, and one has been sent off to St. Petersburg. The English frigate the Narcissus, of 40 guns, is arrived at Venice.
The answer returned by our court to a foreign ambassador, who proposed the eventual delivering up of certain individuals, is full of moderation and justice. It states, that as these individuals are in future to be considered as subjects of his majesty, they will, in case any authenticated charges shall be brought against them, be tried according to the laws of this country. Hitherto, however, no formal charge has been brought against any individual.
BERLIN, April 30. A letter from St. Petersburg, of the 17th, says, "That on the 15th preceding, a courier from the Russian charge d'affaires at Paris, brought the news of the arrest and murder of the Duke of Enghien, which excited such a general indignation, not only in the court circle, but among the people, that wherever the French ambassador appeared, he was either hooted or shunned. He presented himself as usual to the emperor's levee, but neither the Russian sovereign, nor any other person present spoke to him. He gave out in the evening, that the rumour of the Duke's execution was unfounded; but the next day a courier from the king of Sweden, at Carlisle, brought a confirmation of this atrocious crime. It is now said, that Bedouville is packing up, and intends setting out in a few days, whether from resentment for the well deserved treatment he has met with, or by orders of the emperor, is not known." To these particulars from Russia I can add the following:— "Louis XVIII. has received a letter of condolence from the Russian Emperor, expressing in the strongest terms, his surprise at such a crime in the present civilized state of Europe; adding, that the cause of Louis XVIII. will hereafter be regarded as the cause of all lawful princes." Such at least are the words I have read in a copy of Alexander's letter, handed about at the Casino here. The Russian minister has daily conferences, not only with our ministers, but with our king at Potsdam, where he has been for the last forty eight hours, without coming to town. The cause of the disgrace of Hangwitz is now known to be his advice to our king to sacrifice Louis XVIII. or at least not to prevent Bonaparte from carrying him off by the agent of his secret police. It is said that Madame de S——, who often visits the queen, discovered and prevented this plot against the life of another Bourbon."
The French papers contain no article which might enable us to judge of Bonaparte's intention with regard to declaring himself emperor—but from the complexion of the numerous addresses which were presented to him on his escape from the English plot, it would appear from the addresses to be a very general wish, that he should assume that title. The following extracts from various press are the most pointed on this subject—the religious, the civil, the military, have vied with each other in the expression of their veneration and attachment, and although there is much fulsome language, and it is deplorable to witness the infatuation and folly which dictates their sentiments, it is impossible not to perceive that the willies of a great majority of Frenchmen are greatly in favour of the first consul. The addresses are numerous, and all breathe the same spirit with that in these extracts from a few.
"It is time, citizen first consul, that you lay aside reserve, and unite your destiny with that of the state; that you assume a station long since allotted you by the wishes of the nation—it is by obeying them you will give the severest blow to our implacable enemy, the British government, that you will bury in their own bosoms the poignards placed by them in the hands of their assassins, and acquire for France that rank among nations due to her power & her magnanimity. Until you place yourself in this situation you will be a butt for the arrows of domestic traitors and of foreign emissaries; grant but our wishes,
and plots will cease to be formed, you will be yourself more happy, and France will have arrived at a degree of glory and prosperity not to be acquired without your aid."
"Do not let it be said that the present generation alone should be benefitted by your virtues, we leave to you to render the government fixed in its form, and energetic in its strength, for the good of posterity; the whole French people give you the power to say what shall be, and their love of you will make them acquiesce in your choice."
"By your victories, citizen first consul, you have gained for France its ancient boundaries as established by Charlemagne, and like him by your virtue and services you have acquired the glorious title of "restorer of the French Empire."
"We look to you for the establishment of a fixed government, by naming your successor; and we also expect from you that in fixing the form of government, you provide against the abuse of power, that posterity may experience no diminution of the blessings we now enjoy."
"We anticipate the establishment of such a form of government as will be exempt from the inconveniences of the elective system, and yet be such as will secure the glory and happiness of the French people."
"We can no longer conceal a wish, which has been entertained for so long a time in the hearts of thirty millions of Frenchmen, and which this day escapes from the lips of every one of them—we desire to see the supreme authority made hereditary in one family, and of course in that family which exercises it at present. We can grant no other recompense for your services. It is this species of government under which France could alone prosper heretofore, and its establishment now will be a death blow to the assassins of our enemies. In future we need not dread anarchy on the death of one chief, for another will be always at hand, in fact our supreme magistrate cannot die—by this mode domestic factions will lose their power and foreign foes their hopes." (Aurora.)
A brief Review of the contents of Paris papers, from the Aurora.
In the Journal des Debats of the 25, 26, 27, and 28th April, there is published a review of a work on the subject of the English conspiracy in France, which has been published in Paris by the famous Mehee (M. D. L. or Mehee de la Touche.)
Mehee, who has published the work alluded to, it will be remembered, was the person with whom Mr. Drake corresponded: from the review in detail into an exposition of the whole affair of the conspiracy, and completely brought home to the Addington administration the charges of having, in time of peace, received a man whose avowed object was to overturn the government of France, of having defrayed the expenses of this man whilst in London, and of having subsequently countenanced the plots formed for the destruction of Bonaparte.
The review of Mehee's book is of too great a length to permit its publication, as it occupies several columns of the Paris newspapers—we shall give an abstract of the articles. Mehee had been an ardent revolutionist and republican, from the commencement of the French revolution, in the year 3 (1798—1799) he had been sent from Paris to the Isle of Oleron, as a suspected person, but was permitted to return to his family after a long detention. Devious of proving his not having merited the suspicions of want of attachment to his country, Mehee resolved to proceed to England under the assumed name of Muller, for the purpose of discovering the actual intention of England towards France, which countries were at the time engaged in the negotiation of the treaty of Amiens, alleged to be violated in regard to Malta, with the determination to communicate such intelligence as he might collect to the government of his country.
Mehee left France and landed in the island of Jersey, from thence he proceeded to Guernsey—Here he presented himself to Gen. Doyle in the character of a person disaffected to the French government and able to give England information of great importance. Doyle received him very cordially, and undertook to forward to the English government a memorial drawn up by Mehee for the purpose. In this memorial the latter proffered further information on his arrival in London, and assured Mr. Addington, that he was a member of a Jacobin club, the members of which were determined to bring Bonaparte down, and which only required pecuniary means in order to accomplish their purpose. To assure Mr. Addington of his sincerity, Mehee added that he could give ample information and proof of Bonaparte's designs on Turkey and Egypt; and concluded by offering to lay before the British ministry a plan of placing the count de Lille (called Louis XVIII.) on the French throne. With this memorial, Mehee sent a number of papers purporting to be of great moment and genuine. Having received no reply from London, Mehee waited on Gen. Doyle and Sir James Saumarez, and procured from them money and a passage to England at their own expence. Arrived in London, he waited on Mr. Addington, and was received by Mr. Hammond, to whom Mehee declared he had a scheme which could not fail of destroying Bonaparte, if assistance from England were given. Mr. Hammond answered, as there existed peace at that moment between the two countries, he could not agree to terms, but required Mehee's address, assuring him that a change of circumstances would soon allow him to accept the offer made. Accordingly, shortly after this interview another took place, and Mehee was taken into favor by the Pretender and other French princes, and actually received a monthly salary from the British ministry.
He had several interviews with the British ministry, particularly with Hawkesbury and Pelham, to whom he was introduced by Bertrand de Molleville (minister of the marine under Louis XVI.) With Molleville, the archbishop of Arras, the emigrant generals Wilot and Lariviere, and Pichegru, the plan for destroying Bonaparte was concerted in London, and that the English government might not appear as the instigators or abettors of the plot, the instructions to the agents were drawn up in the name of "private society of French emigrants and Englishmen of fortune!" Mehee having furnished his plan, it was approved by Lord Pelham, and the necessary passports and instructions were given to Mehee, with directions to proceed to the continent. He received letters from Mr. Yorke, one of the British administrators, to several English ministers on the continent, particularly to the British consul at Hufun, in Holstein; to Mr. Drake at Munich, and to Mr. Spencer Smith at Stuttgart. It was agreed that he should reside at Paris, but previously wait on Drake and others, to establish the mode of correspondence. On the 23rd September, 1803, Mehee left London, after having taken leave of the British ministry, the French emigrants, princes, bishops, &c. and shortly after arrived at Altona; from thence he proceeded to Hamburg, to the French minister, in whose hands, (to be transmitted to Paris) he left a complete
statement of his journey to England, of its result, of the plot against Bonaparte, &c. & promising to give further proofs on his return from Munich, where he was about to go to make arrangements with Mr. Drake.
Mehee arrived safely at Munich, conversed with Mr. Drake, with him established the mode of correspondence, and appointed the requisite number of agents, at Kehl, Strauburg, Balle, &c. When the whole plan of operations had been laid, Mehee returned to Paris. In a short time the money and troops of the emigrants which had been promised Mehee while in England, were furnished from that country; Drake continued his efforts on the continent, and had collected on the borders of France, in neutral territory, large bodies of emigrants from all parts of Europe, with whom English officers were incorporated; in the interior of France large sums of money had been lavished, pamphlets & handbills distributed in the armies and towns; Pichegru and Georges had landed, and all waited for the first movement which was to be made by Mehee, and his Jacobins. The English prints had already hinted at the impending assassination—and the British ministry and its agents abroad, were impressed that the assassination of Bonaparte was at hand—when Mehee gave the signal to the police, and the conspirators were seized!
From the publication of the report of the grand judge, and of Drake's correspondence, the reader will have collected information of the succeeding incidents—those here related formed no part of either, and the real character of Mehee, was before but little understood. The address of this man was certainly of the most extraordinary kind; to many he will probably appear as a spy, but he observed, this can be no greater disgrace than to the first ministers of England who defend to all the means of espionage, whereas he was not employed by any individual or government, but actuated solely by the generous wish of serving his country, and proving his attachment to it.
Mehee concludes his book by enumerating the different sums of money furnished by England for effecting a revolution, and procuring the overthrow of Bonaparte, which had been placed in his hands alone, they amounted to above one hundred and ninety-two thousand livres—or about 38,000 dollars.
Domestic Intelligence.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated May 13.
"A new duty of 12 1-2 per cent. on the duties of all imports, cotton, wine and tea excepted, is the only article of the new taxes likely to effect the American trade."
"When political matters influence the markets, it is scarcely possible to form an opinion with any degree of accuracy. A small parcel of the new crop of Mississippi Cotton has arrived here, but the quality is not equal to that of last year; the quantity is however not enough to form an opinion of the general state of the crop. We confirm our opinion that we do not expect any difficulty about entering Louisiana Cotton at the low duties; considerable quantities of American Pork have lately arrived here, and at great losses. Some parcels are again going back, as lease cannot be obtained to land it for home use, and this will be the case with other salt provisions, of course completely debar any attempts at shipping further quantities."
"P.S. Within these few days Cotton has been rather more enquired for, and some quantities sold at low prices. Upland Georgia is rather flatter, owing to the finalities of the flocks." [N. Y. Merc. Adv.]
From the N.Y. EVENING POST of July 16.
TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC.
The shocking catastrophe which has recently occurred, terminating the life of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, and which has spread a gloom over our city that will not be speedily dissipated, demands that the circumstances which led to it, or were ultimately connected with it, should not be concealed from the world. When they shall be truly and fairly disclosed, however some may question the soundness of his judgment on this occasion, all must be ready to do justice to the purity of his views, and the nobleness of his nature. It will only here be added, that the authenticity of the documents and the accuracy of the information which we have at last obtained, are beyond any question; and must put an end to all mistake or misrepresentation.
The following is the correspondence that passed between General Hamilton and Col. Burr, together with an explanation of the conduct, motives and views of General Hamilton, written with his own hand, the evening before the meeting took place, and only to have been seen in the deplorable event that followed.
No. 1. New-York, June 18, 1804.
Sir, I send for your perusal a letter, signed Charles D. Cooper,* which, though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently come to my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness who does me the favour to deliver this, will point out to you the clause of the letter to which I particularly request your attention.
You must perceive, Sir, the necessity of a prompt & unqualified acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expression which would warrant the insinuation of Dr. Cooper.
I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, A. BURR.
General Hamilton.
No. 2. New-York, June 20th, 1804.
Sir,
I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th inst. and the more I reflected the more I have become convinced that I could not, without manifest impropriety, make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness in the terms of "I could detail to you a still more deplorable opinion which Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." To endeavour to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words:—General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of government.
The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies, that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a deplorable one; but he affirms that I expressed some other still more deplorable—without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or where. 'Tis evident that the phrase "still more deplorable" admits of infinite shades, from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended? or how shall I answer any precise question to language so indefinite?
Between gentlemen, deplorable and more deplorable are not worth the pains of distinction; when, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude, that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents upon each other may justly extend, and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If
so, what precise inference could you draw, as a guide for your conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you more deplorable than the one which is particularised? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing could be more easy than to pursue it.
Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible, on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the journals of the infer-ences which may be drawn by others from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, it is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived the import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended or may afterwards recollect. I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly, any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared of any gentleman. More than this cannot fitly be expected from me; and especially it cannot be reasonably expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust on more reflection, you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences.
The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen by me till after the receipt of your letter. I have the honor to be, &c. A. HAMILTON.
Colonel Burr.
No. 3. New-York, 21st June, 1804.
Sir, Your letter of the 20th inst. has been this day received. Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value.
Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor, and the rules of decorum. Neither claim such privilege nor indulge it in others.
The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper, the idea of dishonor. It has been publicly applied to me under the sanction of your name. The question is not, whether he has understood the meaning of the word, or has used it according to syntax, and with grammatical accuracy; but, whether you have authorized this application, either directly or by uttering expressions or opinions derogatory to my honor. The time "when" it is in your knowledge, but no way material to me, as the calumny has now first been disclosed, so as to become the object of my notice, and as the effect is present and palpable.
Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring a definite reply. I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient, A. BURR.
General Hamilton.
On Saturday the 23rd June, General Hamilton for the first time, called on Mr. P. and communicated to him the preceding correspondence. He informed him that in a conversation with Mr. V. N. at the time of receiving the last letter, he told Mr. V. N. that he considered that letter as rude and offensive, and that it was not possible for him to give it any other answer than that Mr. Burr must take such steps as he might think proper. He said farther, that Mr. V. N. requested him to take time to deliberate, and then return an answer, when he might possibly entertain a different opinion, and that he would call on him to receive it. That his reply to Mr. V. N. was, that he did not perceive it possible for him to give any other answer, than that he had mentioned, unless Mr. Burr would take back his last letter and write one which would admit of a different reply. He then gave Mr. P. the letter hereafter mentioned, of the 22nd of June, to be delivered to Mr. V. N. when he should call on Mr. P. for an answer, and went to his country house.
The next day General Hamilton received, while there, the following letter:
No. 4. June 23, 1804.
Sir, In the afternoon of yesterday, I reported to Col. Burr the result of my last interview with you, and appointed the evening to receive his further instructions. Some private engagements, however, prevented me from calling on him till this morning. On my return to the city I found upon enquiry, both at your office & house, that you had returned to your residence in the country. Lest an interview there might be less agreeable to you than elsewhere, I have taken the liberty of addressing you this note to enquire when and where it will be most convenient to you to receive a communication.
Your most obt. and very humble servant, W. P. VAN NESS.
General Hamilton.
Mr. P.—understood from General Hamilton that he immediately answered, that if the communication was pressing, he would receive it at his country house that day, if not, he would be at his house in town the next morning at 9 o'clock. But he did not give Mr. P. any copy of this note.
No. 5. New-York, June 23, 1804.
Sir, Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a demand, in my opinion, unresisted and unwarrantable. My answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less exceptional course. Yet have not chosen to do it; but by your last letter received this day, containing expressions injudicious and improper, you have increased the difficulties to explanation intrinsically incident to the nature of your application.
If by a "definite reply," you mean the direct avowal or disavowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to give, than that which has already been given. If you mean any thing different, admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you should explain.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, ALEX. HAMILTON.
Aaron Burr, Esquire.
This letter, although dated on the 23rd June, remained in Mr. P.'s possession until the 25th, within which period he had several conversations with Mr. V. N. In these conversations Mr. P. endeavored to illustrate and enforce the propriety of the ground General Hamilton had taken. Mr. P. mentioned to Mr. V. N. as the result, that if Colonel Burr would write a letter, requesting to know in substance, whether in the conversation to which Doctor Cooper alluded, any particular instance of dishonorable conduct was imputed to Colonel Burr, or whether there was any imputation of his private character, gen. Hamilton would declare, to the best of his recollection, what passed in that conversation; and Mr. P. read to Mr. V. N. a paper containing the substance of what General H. would say on this subject, which is as follows:—
No. 6. "Gen. Hamilton says he cannot imagine to what Doctor Cooper may have alluded, unless it were to a conversation at Mr. Taylor's in Albany, last winter, (at which Mr. Taylor, he, and Gen. H. were present) Gen. Hamilton cannot recollect, distinctly, the particulars of that conversation, so as to undertake to repeat them, without running the risk of varying, or omitting what might be deemed important circumstances. The expressions are entirely forgotten, & the specific ideas imperfectly remembered; but to the best of his recollection it consisted of comments on the political principles and views of Col. Burr, and the results that might be expected from them, in the event of his election as go-
vernor, without reference to any particular instance of past conduct, or to private character."
After the delivery of the letter of the 23rd, as above mentioned, in another interview with Mr. V. N. he desired Mr. P. to give him, in writing, the substance of what he had proposed on the part of Gen. Hamilton, which Mr. P. did in the words following:—
No. 7.
"In answer to a letter properly adapted to obtain from Gen. Hamilton a declaration, whether he had charged col. Burr with any particular instance of dishonorable conduct, or had impeached his private character, either in the conversation alluded to by Dr. Cooper, or in any other particular instance to be specified.
He would be able to answer, confidently with his honor, and the truth, in substance, that the conversation to which Dr. Cooper alluded, turned wholly on political topics, and did not attribute to Col. Burr any instance of dishonorable conduct, nor relate to his private character; and in relation to any other language or conversation of gen. H. which col. Burr will specify, a prompt and frank avowal and denial will be given.
On the 26th June Mr. P. received the following letter:
No. 8.
Sir, The letter which you yesterday delivered me, and your subsequent communication, in Colonel Burr's opinion, evince no disposition on the part of gen. Hamilton to come to a satisfactory explanation. The injury complained of, and the reparation expected, are so definitely expressed in col. Burr's letter of the 21st inst. that there is no perceived necessity for further explanation on his part. The difficulty that would result from confining the enquiry to any particular times and occasions must be manifest. The denial of a specified conversation only, would leave strong implications that on other occasions improper language had been used—When and where injudicious opinions and expressions have been uttered by gen. Hamilton, must be left known to him, and of him only will col. Burr enquire. No denial or declaration will be satisfactory, unless it be general, so as wholly to exclude the idea that rumors derogatory to col. Burr's honor have originated with gen. Hamilton, or have been fairly inferred from any thing he has said. A definite reply to a requisition of this nature was demanded by col. Burr's letter of the 21st inst. This being refused, invites to the alternative alluded to in gen. Hamilton's letter of the 20th.
It was required by the position in which the controversy was placed by gen. Hamilton on Friday last, and I was immediately furnished with a communication demanding a personal interview. The necessity of this measure has not in the opinion of col. Burr, been diminished by the general's last letter, or any communication which has since been received. I am consequently again instructed to deliver you a message, as soon as it may be convenient for you to receive it—I beg therefore, you will be so good as to inform me at what hour I can have the pleasure of seeing you.
Your most obedient and
Very humble servant, W. P. VAN NESS.
N. Pendleton, Esq. June 26th.
No. 9. 26th June, 1804.
Sir, I have communicated the letter which you did me the honor to write to me of this date to General Hamilton. The expectations now disclosed on the part of col. Burr, appear to him to have greatly extended the original ground of enquiry, and, instead of presenting a particular and definite case for explanation, seem to aim at nothing less than an inquisition into his most confidential conversations, as well as others, through the whole period of his acquaintance with Col. Burr.
While he was prepared to meet the particular case fairly and fully, he thinks it inadmissible that he should be expected to answer at large as to every thing that he may possibly have said, in relation to the character of Col. Burr, at any time or upon any occasion.
Though he is not conscious that any charges which are in circulation to the prejudice of Col. Burr have originated with him, except one which may have been so considered, and which has long since been fully explained between Col. Burr and himself; yet he cannot consent to be questioned generally, as to any rumours which may be afloat derogatory to the character of Col. Burr, without specification of the several rumours, many of them probably unknown to him. He does not, however, mean to authorise any conclusion as to the real nature of his conduct in relation to Col. Burr, by his declining to look and vague a basis of explanation, and he disavows an unwillingness to come to a satisfactory, provided it be an honorable, accommodation. His objection is, the very indefinite ground, which Col. Burr has assumed, in which he is sorry to be able to discern nothing short of predetermined hostility. Presuming, therefore, that it will be adhered to, he has instructed me to receive the message which you have it in charge to deliver. For this purpose I shall be at home, and at your command, to-morrow morning from eight to ten o'clock.
I have the honor to be respectfully, Your obedient servant, NATHANIEL PENDLETON.
William P. Van Ness, Esq.
No. 10.
Sir, The letter which I had the honor to receive from you, under-date of yesterday, states among other things, that in General Hamilton's opinion, Col. Burr has taken a very indefinite ground, in which he evinces nothing short of predetermined hostility, and that Gen. Hamilton
The following is Dr. Cooper's letter: [CITIZEN.]
* Albany, 12th April, 1804.
DEAR SIR, You will recollect some deplorable papers, and some of them in the German language. I presume you will make use of them to the best advantage; have them dispersed and scattered as much as possible. The friends of Col. Burr are extremely active, and will require all our exertion to put them down. It is believed that most of the reflecting federalists will vote for Lewis. General Hamilton, the Patron's brother-in-law, it is said, has come out decidedly against Burr; indeed, when he was here, he spoke of him as a dangerous man, and ought not to be trusted. Judge Kent also expressed the same sentiment. The Patron was quite indifferent about it when he went to New-York. It is thought when he sees gen. Hamilton and his brother-in-law, Mr. Church (who Burr from time to time fought a duel with, and who, of course, must hate Burr much better than I say many feel towards Mr. Burr. Rensselaer will be decidedly opposed to Mr. Burr. If you think any of us can aid you in the election in your town, let us know, and we will give you what assistance is in our power. Can you find me word what you think will be the result of the election in your town. Perhaps it will be of use to place the part of this letter that relates to the Patron, Hamilton, and Church, before the Patron's tenants. I leave it to your discretion. In haste, Yours sincerely, CHAS. D. COOPER.
A. Brown, Esq.

thinks it inadmissible that the enquiry should extend to his confidential as well as other conversations. In this Col. Burr can only reply, that secret whispers traducing his fame, and impeaching his honor, are at least equally injurious with slander publicly uttered: that Gen. H. had, at no time, and in no place, a right to use any such injurious expressions; and that the particular negative he is disposed to give, with the reservations he wishes to make, are proofs that he has done the injury specified.
Col. Burr's request was, in the first instance, proposed in a form the most simple, in order that Gen. Hamilton might give to the affair that course to which he might be induced by his temper and knowledge of facts. Col. Burr treated with confidence, that from the frankness of a soldier, and the candor of a gentleman, he might expect an ingenuous declaration. That if, as he had reason to believe, Gen. H. had used expressions derogatory to his honor, he would have had the magnanimity to retract them; and that if, from his language, injurious inferences had been improperly drawn, he would have perceived the propriety of correcting errors, which might thus have been widely diffused. With these impressions, Col. Burr was greatly surprised at receiving a letter which he considered as evasive, and which in a manner he deemed not altogether decorous. In one expectation, however, he was not wholly deceived, for the close of Gen. Hamilton's letter contained an intimation that if Col. Burr should decline his refusal to acknowledge or deny, he was ready to meet the consequences. This Col. Burr deemed a sort of defiance, and would have felt justified in making it the basis of an immediate challenge. But as the communication contained something about the indefiniteness of the request; as he believed it rather the offspring of false pride than of reflection, and as he felt the utmost reluctance to proceed to extremities, while any other hope remained, his request was repeated in terms more explicit. The replies and propositions on the part of Gen. Hamilton, have in Col. Burr's opinion, been constantly in substance the same.
Colonel Burr disavows all motives of predetermined hostility, a charge by which he thinks insult added to injury. He feels as a gentleman should feel when his honor is impeached or failed, and without feelings of hostility or wishes of revenge, he is determined to vindicate that honor at such hazard as the nature of the case demands.
The length to which this correspondence has extended, only tending to prove that the satisfactory redress, earnestly desired, cannot be obtained, he deems it useless to offer any proposition, except the simple message which I shall now have the honor to deliver.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your obedient & very humble serv't, W. P. VAN NESS.
Wednesday morning, June 27th, 1804.
With this letter a message was received, such as was to be expected, containing an invitation, which was accepted, and Mr. P. informed Mr. V. N. he should hear from him the next day as to further particulars.
This letter was delivered to Gen. H. on the same evening, and a very short conversation ensued between him and Mr. P. who was to call on him early the next morning for a further conference. When he did so, Gen. Hamilton laid he had not understood whether the message and answer were definitely concluded, or whether another meeting was to take place for that purpose between Mr. P. and Mr. V. N. Under the latter impression, and as the last letter contained matter that naturally led to animadversion, he gave Mr. P. a paper of remarks in his own hand writing, to be communicated to Mr. V. N. if the state of the affair rendered it proper.
In the further interview with Mr. V. N. that day, after explaining the causes which had induced Gen. Hamilton to suppose that the state of the affair did not render it improper, he offered this paper to Mr. V. N.; but he declined receiving it, alleging, that he considered the correspondence as closed by the acceptance of the message he had delivered.
Mr. P. informed Mr. V. N. of the inducements mentioned by general Hamilton in those remarks, for the postponing the meeting until the close of the circuit; and as this was uncertain, Mr. P. was to let him know when it would be convenient.
On Friday the 6th of July, the circuit being closed, Mr. P. gave this information, and that general Hamilton would be ready at any time after the Sunday following. On Monday the particulars were arranged, and the public are but too well acquainted with the result.
The paper above alluded to is as follows: No. 11.
Remarks on the letter of June 27, 1804.
Whether the observations on this letter are designed merely to justify the result which is indicated in the close of the letter, or may be intended to give an opening for rendering any thing explicit which may have been deemed vague heretofore, can only be judged of by the sequel. At any rate, it appears to me necessary not to be misunderstood. Mr. Pendleton is therefore authorized to lay that, in the course of the present discussion, written or verbal, there has been no intention to evade, defy, or insult; but a sincere disposition to avoid extremities, if it could be done with propriety. With this view G. H. has been ready to enter into a frank and free explanation on any and every object of a specific nature; but not to answer a general abstract inquiry, embracing a period too long for any accurate recollection, and exposing him to unpleasant criticisms from, or unpleasant discussions with any and every person, who may have understood him in an unfavorable sense. This (admitting that he could answer in a manner the most satisfactory to Col. Burr) he should deem inadmissible in principle and precedent, and humiliating in practice. To this therefore he can never submit. Frequent allusion has been made to slanders said to be in circulation. Whether they are open or in whispers, they have a form and shape, and might be specified.
If the alternative alluded to in the close of the letter is definitively tendered, it must be accepted; the time, place and manner to be afterwards regulated. I should not think it right in the midst of a circuit court to withdraw my services from those who may have confided important interests to me, and expose them to the embarrassment of seeking other counsel, who may not have time to be instructed in their cause. I shall also want a little time to make some arrangements respecting my own affairs.
The following paper, in the hand writing of Gen. Hamilton, was inclosed with his will and some other papers in a packet addressed to one of his executors, which was of course not to have been delivered but in case of the melancholy event that has happened. As it contains his motives and reflections on the causes that have led to this fatal catastrophe, it is deemed proper to communicate it to the public.
No. 12. On my expected interview with Col. Burr, I
think it proper to make some remarks explanatory of my conduct, motives and views. I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview for the most cogent reasons.
1. My religious and moral principles are strongly opposed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow creature in a private combat forbidden by the laws.
2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, and my life is of the utmost importance to them, in various views.
3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my creditors; who in case of accident to me, by the forced sale of my property, may be in some degree sufferers. I did not think myself at liberty as a man of probity, lightly to expose them to this hazard.
4. I am conscious of no ill will to Col. Burr, distinct from political opposition, which as I trust, has proceeded from pure and upright motives.
Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly gain nothing by the issue of the interview.
But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. There were intrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artificial embarrassments, from the manner of proceeding on the part of Col. Burr.
Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied, that my animadversions on the political principles, character and views of Col. Burr, have been extremely severe, and on different occasions, I, in common with many others, have made very unfavorable criticisms on particular instances of the private conduct of this Gentleman.
In proportion as these impressions were entertained with sincerity and uttered with motives and for purposes, which might appear to me commendable would be the difficulty (until they could be removed by evidence of their being erroneous) of explanation or apology. The disavowal required of me by Col. Burr, in a general and indefinite form, was out of my power, if it had really been proper for me to submit to be so questioned; but I was sincerely of opinion, that this could not be, and in this opinion, I was confirmed by that of a very moderate and judicious friend whom I consulted. Besides that Col. Burr appeared to me to assume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessarily peremptory and menacing, and in the second, positively offensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave a door open to accommodation. This, I think, will be inferred from the written communications made by me and by my direction, and would be confirmed by the conversations between Mr. Van Ness and myself, which arose out of the subject.
I am not sure, whether, under all the circumstances, I did not go further in the attempt to accommodate, than a punctilious delicacy will justify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated will excuse me. It is not my design, by what I have said to fix any odium on the conduct of Col. Burr, in this case—He doubtless has heard of animadversions of mine which bore very hard upon him; and it is probable that as usual they were accompanied with some falsehood. He may have supposed himself under a necessity of acting as he has done. I hope the grounds of his proceeding have been such as ought to satisfy his own conscience.
I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me the justice to believe, that I have not censured him on light grounds, nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong reasons for what I may have said, though it is possible that in some particulars, I may have been influenced by misconstruction or misinformed. It is also my ardent wish that I may have been more mistaken than I think I have been, and that he, by his future conduct, may show himself worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to the country.
As well because it is possible that I may have injured Col. Burr, however convinced myself that my opinions and declarations have been well founded, as from my general principles and temper in relation to similar affairs—I have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to referre and throw away my first fire, and I have thought even of reversing my second fire—and thus giving a double opportunity to Col. Burr to pause and to reflect.
It is not, however, my intention to enter into any explanations on the ground—Apology, from principle I hope, rather than pride, is out of the question.
To those, who, with me, abhorring the practice of duelling may think that I ought on no account to have added to the number of bad examples, I answer that my relative situation, as well in public as private, enforcing all the considerations which constitute what men of the world denominate honour, imposed on me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not to decline the call. The ability to be in future useful, whether in resisting mischief or effecting good, in those crises of our public affairs, which seem likely to happen, would probably be inseparable from a conformity with public prejudice in this particular.
A. H. On the foregoing letters and papers, the Editor will make no comment—He submits them to the heart and understanding of every reader.
WILL. In the name of God, Amen, I, ALEXANDER HAMILTON, of the city of New-York, Counsellor at Law, do make this my Last Will and Testament as follows:
First, I appoint John B. Church, Nicholas Fish, and Nathaniel Pendleton, of the city aforesaid, Esquires, to be Executors and Trustees of this my will, and I devise to them, their heirs and assigns, as joint tenants and not as tenants in common, all my estate real and personal whatsoever, and wherefore, upon trust at their discretion, to sell and dispose of the same, at such time and times, in such manner, and upon such terms as they the survivors and survivor shall think fit, and out of the proceeds to pay all the debts which I shall owe at the time of my decease; in whole, if the fund be sufficient, proportionably, if it shall be insufficient, and the residue, if any there shall be, to pay and deliver to my excellent and dear wife Elizabeth Hamilton.
Though if it should please God to spare my life, I may look for a considerable surplus out of my personal property; yet if he should speedily call me to the eternal world, a forced sale, as is usual, may possibly render it insufficient to satisfy my debt. I pray God that something may remain for the maintenance and education of my dear wife and children. But should it on the contrary happen, that there is not enough for the payment of my debts, I entreat my dear children, if they or any of them should ever be able, to make up the deficiency. I without hesitation commit to their delicacy a wish which is dictated by my own. Though conscious that I have too far sacrificed the interests of my family to public avocations and on this account have the less claim to burthen my children, yet I trust in their magnanimity to appreciate as they ought, this my request. In so favourable an event of things, the support of their dear mother with the most respectful and tender attention, is
a duty, all the sacredness of which they will feel. Probably her own patrimonial resources will preserve her from indigence. But in all situations they are charged to bear in mind that she has been to them the most devoted and best of mothers.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my hand, the ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Signed, sealed, published and declared, as and for his last will and testament, in our presence, who have subscribed the same in his presence, the words John B. Church being above interlined.
DOMINIQUE F. BLAKE. GRAHAM NEWELL. THEO. B. VALLEAU. New-York, Surrogate's Office, ss.
July 16th, 1804. I do hereby certify the preceding to be a true copy of the original Will of Alexander Hamilton, deceased, now on file in my office. SILVANUS MILLER, Surrogate.
FUNERAL OBSEQUIES.
On Saturday last the remains of ALEXANDER HAMILTON were committed to the grave with every possible testimony of respect and sorrow. That distant readers may form some idea of what passed on this mournful occasion, we shall here present them with a regular and correct account of the whole scene.
"The Military, under the command of Lieutenant Col. Moreton, were drawn up in front of Mr. Church's house, in Robinson-street, where the body had been deposited. On the appearance of the corpse it was received by the whole line with presented arms, and saluted by the officers, with melancholy music by a large and elegant Band."
The military then preceded the bier, in open column and inverted order, the left in front, with arms reversed, the band playing a dead march. At 12 o'clock the procession moved in the following order, through Beckman, Pearl, & Whitehall-streets, and up Broadway to the Church:
The Artillery. The 6th Regiment of Militia. Flank Companies. Cincinnati Society. A numerous train of Clergy of all denominations. THE CORPSE, With Pall Bearers. The General's Horse, appropriately dressed. His Children and Relatives. Physicians. Gouverneur Morris, the funeral orator, in his carriage. The Gentlemen of the Bar, all in deep mourning. The Lieutenant-Governor of the State in his carriage. Corporation of the City of New-York. Resident Agents of Foreign Powers. Officers of our Army and Navy. Military and Naval Officers of Foreign Powers. Militia Officers of the State. The various officers of the respective Banks. Chamber of Commerce and Merchants. Wardens of the Port, and Masters of vessels in the harbor. The President, Professors, and Students of Columbia College, in mourning gowns. St. Andrew's Society, mostly in mourning. Tammany Society. Mechanic Society. Marine Society. Citizens in General.
The Pall was supported by General Matthew Clarkson, Oliver Wolcott, Esquire, Richard Harrison, Esquire, Abijah Hammond, Esquire, Josiah Ogden Hoffman, Esquire, Richard Varick, Esquire, William Bayard, Esquire, and His Hon. Judge Lawrence.
On the top of the coffin was the General's hat and sword, with boots and spurs reversed across the horse. His grey horse dressed in mourning, was led by two black servants dressed in white, and white turbans trimmed with black."
The streets were lined with people; doors & windows were filled, principally with weeping females, and even the house tops were covered with spectators who came from all parts to behold the melancholy procession.
"When the advanced platoon of the military reached the church, the whole column wheeled backward by sections from the flanks of platoons, forming a lane, bringing their muskets to a reverent order, and resting the check on the butt of the piece in the customary attitude of grief. Through the avenue thus formed, the corpse, preceded by the clergy of different denominations and Society of Cincinnati, and followed by the relations of the deceased, and different public bodies, advanced to the church, the band, with drums muffled, all the time playing a pensive, solemn air."
FUNERAL ORATION.
On a stage erected in the portico of Trinity Church, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, having four of General Hamilton's sons, the eldest about sixteen and the youngest about six years of age, with him, rose and delivered to the immense concourse in front an extemporary oration, which, being pronounced flowly and impressively was easily committed to memory, and being very soon afterwards placed on paper is now presumed to be corrected even to the language. Being shown to several gentlemen who heard it, they all agree that it comes near enough to what was actually delivered to be presented as the oration at length.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
If on this sad, this solemn occasion, I should endeavour to move your commiseration, it would be doing injustice to that sensibility which has been so generally and so justly manifested. Far from attempting to excite your emotions I must try to repress my own, & yet I fear that instead of the language of a public speaker, you will hear only the lamentations of a bewailing friend. But I will struggle with my bursting heart, to portray that Heroic Spirit, which has flown to the mansions of bliss.
Students of Columbia—he was in the ardent pursuit of knowledge in your academic shades, when the first sound of the American war called him to the field. A young and unprotected volunteer, such warlike zeal and so brilliant his service that we heard his name before we knew his person. It seemed as if God had called him suddenly into existence, that he might assist to save a world!
The penetrating eye of Washington soon perceived the manly spirit which animated his youthful bosom. By that excellent judge of men he was selected as an Aid, and thus he became early acquainted with and was a principal actor in the most important scenes of our Revolution.
At the siege of York, he pertinaciously insisted—and obtained the command of a Forlorn Hope. He formed the redoubt; but let it be recorded that not one single man of the enemy perished. His gallant troops emulating the heroism of their chief, checked the uplifted arm, and spared a foe no longer resisting. Here closed his military career.
Shortly after the war, your favour—no, your discernment called him to public office. You sent him to the convention at Philadelphia: he there affixed in forming that constitution which is now the bond of our
union, the shield of our defence and the source of our prosperity. In fighting that compact he expressed his apprehension that it did not contain sufficient means of strength for its own preservation; and that in consequence we should share the fate of many other republics and pass through Anarchy to Despotism. We hoped better things. We confided in the good sense of the American people; and above all we trusted in the protecting Providence of the Almighty. On this important subject he never concealed his opinion. He distanced concealment. Knowing the purity of his heart, he bore it as it were in his hand, exposing to every passenger its inmost recesses. This generous indignation subjected him to censure from misrepresentation. His speculative opinions were treated as deliberate designs; and yet you all know how strenuous, how unremitting were his efforts to establish and to preserve the constitution. If, then, his opinion was wrong, pardon, oh! pardon that single error, in a life devoted to your service.
At the time when our government was organized, we were without funds, though not without resources. To call them into action, and establish order in the finances, Washington sought for splendid talents, for extensive information, and, above all, he sought for feeling, incorruptible integrity. All these he found in Hamilton. The system then adopted has been the subject of much animadversion. If it be not without a fault, let it be remembered that nothing human is perfect—Recalled the circumstances of the moment—recalled the conflict of opinion—and above all, remember that the minister of a republic must bend to the will of the people. The administration which Washington formed, was one of the most efficient, one of the best that any country was ever blest with. And the result was a rapid advance in power and prosperity, of which there is no example in any other age or nation. The part which Hamilton bore is universally known.
His unflinching confidence in persons which he believed to be sincere, led him to trust too much to the undeserving. This exposed him to misrepresentation. He felt himself obliged to resign. The care of a rising family, and the narrowness of his fortune, made it a duty to return to his profession for their support. But though he was compelled to abandon public life, never, no, never for a moment did he abandon the public service. He never lost sight of your interests—I declare to you, before that God in whose presence we are now so specially assembled, that in his most private and confidential conversations, the single objects of discussion and consideration were your freedom and happiness.
You will remember the state of things which again called forth Washington from his retreat to lead your armies. You know that he asked for Hamilton to be his Second in command. That venerable sage well knew the dangerous incidents of a military profession, and he felt the hand of time pinching life at its source. It was probable that he would soon be removed from the scene and that his Second would succeed to the command. He knew, by experience, the importance of that place—and he thought the sword of America might safely be confided to the hand which now lies cold in that coffin. Oh! my fellow-citizens, remember this solemn testimony that he was not ambitious. Yet he was charged with ambition; and wounded by the imputation, when he laid down his command he declared, in the proud independence of his soul, that he never would accept of any office, unless in a foreign war he should be called on to expose his life in defence of his country. This determination was immovable. It was his fault that his opinions and his resolutions could not be changed. Knowing his own firm purpose, he was indignant at the charge that he fought for place or power. He was ambitious only of glory, but he was deeply solicitous for you. For himself he feared nothing, but he feared that bad men might, by false professions, acquire your confidence and abuse it to your ruin.
Brethren of the Cincinnati—There lies our chief! Let him still be our model. Like him, after long and faithful public service, let us cheerfully perform the social duties of private life. Oh! he was mild and gentle. In him there was no offence; no guile. His generous hand and heart were open to all.
Gentlemen of the Bar—You have lost your brightest ornament. Cherish and imitate his example. While, like him, with justifiable, with laudable zeal, you pursue the interests of your clients, remember, like him, the eternal principles of justice.
Fellow-citizens—You have long witnessed his professional conduct, and felt his unrivalled eloquence. You know how well he performed the duties of a citizen—you know that he never courted your favour by adulation or the sacrifice of his own judgment. You have seen him contending against you, and saving your dearest interests, as it were in spite of yourselves. And you now feel and enjoy the benefits resulting from the firm energy of his conduct. Bear this testimony to the memory of my departed friend. I charge you to PROTECT HIS FAME—It is all he has left—all those poor orphan children will inherit from their father. But my country, that fame may be a rich treasure to you also. Let it be the test by which to examine those who solicit your favour. Disregarding professions, view their conduct, and on a doubtful occasion, ask, Would Hamilton have done this thing?
You all know how he perished. On this late scene, I cannot, I must not dwell. It might excite emotions too strong for your better judgment. Suffer not your indignation to lead to any act which might again offend the insulted majesty of the laws. On his part, as from his lips, though with my voice—for his voice you will hear no more—let me entreat you to respect yourselves.
And now ye ministers of the everlasting GOD, perform your holy office and commit these ashes of our departed brother to the bosom of the Grave!
The oration being finished the corpse was carried to the grave where the usual funeral service was performed by the Reverend Bishop Moore. The troops who had entered the church yard, formed an extensive hollow square and terminated the solemnities with three volleys over the grave.
During the procession there was a regular discharge of minute guns from the Battery, by a detachment from the regiment of artillery. The different merchant vessels in the harbour wore their colours half mast both this and the preceding day.
His Britannic Majesty's ship of war Boston, Capt. Douglas, at anchor within the Hook, appeared in mourning the whole morning, and at ten o'clock she commenced firing minute guns, which were continued forty-eight minutes. His Majesty's packet Lord Charles Spencer, Captain Cotesworth, also was in mourning, and fired an equal number of guns. The French frigates Cybelle and Didon, were also put into full mourning both this and the preceding day, with yards peaked; they also fired minute guns during the procession. It deserves also to be mentioned that the French Surgeons of these frigates went out to Mr. Bayard's before his death and offered their services. These affecting marks of attention will be gratefully received by our fellow-citizens, as evidence how highly by the deceased was respected and esteemed by the French and English officers.
We have no observations to add—This scene was enough to melt a monument of marble.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board the Constitution, dated Malta, March 12, 1804, to his friend in this city.
"We shall have a severe war the ensuing summer, our Commodore is a dashing officer, I like him much. Tunis will certainly be at us, they have three ships here at this time fitting out—now is the time for America to shew dignity of character by throwing a force into the Mediterranean sufficient to crush those infolent petty rascals.—Give us but the means, and we will make those tyrants of the Old World cringe and beg a peace from the citizens of the New.—I have a contemptible opinion of them.—The Constitution could crush the whole Tunisian fleet, provided she had sea-room enough and a full breeze." [Phil. True American.]
Captain Smith of the Three Sisters, failed from Ille de France, April 10.—Eight days before his departure from Port North West, Ille de France, Admiral Linois arrived there from off Batavia, where he had been cruising for some
time, to intercept the British homeward bound China fleet, report says amounting to 27 sail without convoy. Admiral L. gave them chase, but they soon turned the tables on him Admiral Linois's reception in the Isle of France by the Governor, (General de Caen) was cool in the extreme, because he had not brought in at least in at least two thirds of this valuable spoil; besides the treasury of that Island is in a most deplorable state.
Admiral Linois's squadron consisted of The Marengo, of 74 guns, Sirene, of 44 guns, Becane, so well known in America.
The other two frigates remained to cruise in the Straits of Sunda. The privateers of this place have taken five or six company and country ships, two or three valuable, since the last rupture between the parties. [Ibid.]
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, JULY 25, 1804.
Not conceiving that any original communication can be equally interesting and acceptable to the public as the correspondence between Gen. HAMILTON and Col. BURR, and their mutual friends, received by the Monday's mail, the Editor deems it to be his duty to postpone the Essay on the Tendency of BANKS, for the purpose of introducing the whole of this correspondence. Should he not be anticipated by the other papers, in expatiating over that field of observation which this subject has suggested to his own mind, he intends in a subsequent number to revert to the origin and progress of this fatal controversy, and to present his own reflections to the consideration of the public.
A tribute to the memory of Mrs. CORNILLON, will appear in our next.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT.
Tobacco 26s. to 37s. 6d. Wheat 6s. to 7s. 6d. Flour, Superfine, (old) 36s. (new) 45s. Corn 27s. 6d. to 28s. Hemp, clean, £. 50 to 55. Iron £. 33. Bacon 7d. to 8d. Whisky 5s. 9d.
CASH SALE OF LAND IN ALBEMARLE.
On September 15th, WILL BE SOLD, in Charlottesville, to the highest bidder, for Cash,
THE TRACT OF LAND lying on the east side of Rivanna, over against Charlottesville, containing about 600 acres, with a new commodious DWELLING HOUSE. Two years of a lease under good restrictions have to run after this. The land is all of the South-West Mountain quality; and though much injured in parts, is in general still very good, and all reclaimable. The sale proceeds from a deed of trust to indemnify against loss as security and bill, which was executed in December, 1802, by William Bache, of Pennsylvania, to
THOMAS M. RANDOLPH. July 25. [cpf]
VIRGINIA: AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HELD IN RICHMOND, MARCH THE 26th, 1804.
Between JOHN SOMERVILL, Plaintiff, and LUCAS SULLIVAN and WILLIAM BASKERVILLE, Defendants.
THE defendant, Lucas Sullivan, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol, in the said city.
A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY, c.c. July 25. [cpf]
SALES AT AUCTION.
The Subscribers have Just Received and will sell at Public Auction, at their Vendue Office, adjoining the Market, on Thursday the 26th instant, the following GOODS, for Cash.
ADAMS extra Long and Short Silk Gloves, Silk Keens, twilled Nankinees, fine black and printed Jeans, fine and coarse Dimities and Marcellies, fine diaper Table Cloths, Ladies' Long Kid Gloves, Hair Ribbon, plain and figured Satins, Torquoise Shell Hair Combs, Bandannos, Romall, Sisteroy and Pulicat Handkerchiefs, Nun's Thread and Sewing Silks, Gilt Buttons, French Cambric, fine white and coloured Cotton do. black Mullin, Mulline, Men's fine white thread Hose, Women's laced clock cotton do. Men's ribbed cotton do. tambores, happe, hock, jacquet and Cambric Mullins, fancy and hunting Cord, Callimancoes, men's and boy's Philadelphia felt Hats, do. fine white do. women's fine beaver and Silk do. men's best black do. men's Leghorn do. mens, women's and children's Shoes assorted, garden and common Fans, Callimancoes and chintzes, Long Lawn, Velvet ribbons, China do. men and women's Silk Ucle, Superfine Cloths and Cambric, Checks and Fustians, Heilans and British Osnaburghs, Gold and Silver watches, paper hangings, Irish Linens and Bed Tick, India Cottons and fine Flannels, and a variety of other articles of Dry Goods too tedious to enumerate.
ALSO,
On a credit of 60 days for approved endorsed notes. Choice Old 3d & 4th proof Antigua Rum by the hhd. Ditto 4th do. Jamaica do. Ditto 3d & 4th do. Windward Island do. Brown Sugar, in Hogsheads and Barrels, 1st quality, Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. 2d do. Holland and Country Gin, in pipes, French Brandy, in ditto. Bar Iron by the Ton, Lead Sugar in hogsheads and by the 100-wt. Bcc. & c. PROSSER & MONGURE, v. m. July 21. [cpf]
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, Of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 18. [cpf]
FOR SALE, THAT beautiful and well improved TENEMENT on the Hill, now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Mobly. This property lies near the Capitol, in a healthy and agreeable neighbourhood. Terms of sale will be made known by applying to
BART

The public are presented with the following extracts from "A brief retrospect of the 18th century. Part First in two volumes: containing a sketch of the Revolutions and Improvements in Science, Arts and Literature, during that period: by Samuel Miller, of New York. The work is intended to embrace four distinct parts, relating to the changes which have taken place in Literature and Science in political principles and establishments in the Moral World—and in the Christian Church. Of these, the first only is at present published: the rest being reserved for some future period. When the Editor has taken a more accurate view of its contents, he may hereafter deem it to be his duty to give further extracts from it, accompanied probably by a general analysis, and by a critical review of this elaborate work."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The annals of American literature are short and simple. The history of poverty is usually neither very various, nor very interesting. Those who are accustomed to contemplate only the ancient and extensive literary establishments of Europe, and who measure every object by European standards, must look upon all that the Western hemisphere has hitherto presented, especially until within a few years past, as trivial and unworthy of regard. But those who recollect the origin and progress of the settlements which now form the United States, and who make an impartial estimate of what may be justly expected from a people situated as their inhabitants have been and are, will entertain a more respectful opinion of the small portion of literature which our country contains.
The original settlers in the American States may be divided into three classes, viz. 1. Emigrants from England, who fled from persecution, and came to enjoy liberty of conscience; Of this class were the first settlers in New-England. 2. Emigrants from the same country, who were prompted chiefly by the hope of temporal emolument: Of this description were the first settlers in Virginia and the Carolinas. 3. Emigrants from Sweden and Holland, who planted themselves in New-York, and certain parts of New-Jersey and Pennsylvania. The English colony established some years afterwards in Pennsylvania by the illustrious WILLIAM PENN, as well as that in Maryland by Lord BALTIMORE, may be considered as bearing the mixed character of settlements prompted both by religious and worldly motives.
It might have been expected that the colonists of New-England would be most early and zealous in their attention to literature. Their character, both for learning and piety, and the circumstances attending their establishment, were a sufficient pledge of their disposition to promote the interests of knowledge, which they well knew to be one of the most important pillars of the church as well as of the state. Accordingly, during the greater part of the seventeenth century, the literature of the American colonies was in great measure confined to New-England. There the first College in America was instituted; and there the first printing press was established; and those who are acquainted with the characters of Hooker, Davenport, Stone, Warham, Cotton, Dunster, Eliot, the Mathers, and other distinguished clergymen; and of Winthrop, Haynes, Eaton, Hopkins, Wyllys, and Wolcott, eminent civilians of Massachusetts and Connecticut, need not be informed that the number of learned men, at that period in New-England, was by no means small.
The kind of learning most in vogue among such of the clergy and laity of that country as devoted themselves to study, during the 17th century, was precisely that kind which was most fashionable in their native country when they left it. Accordingly they were generally well, and some of them profoundly, read in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, in theology, ancient history, metaphysics, and some parts of mathematical and astronomical science. There is good reason to believe that the clergy and other scholars of New-England, for near an hundred years after their first settlement, that is, till after the commencement of the eighteenth century, were more eminent for classical and theological erudition than men of the same profession at this day. They were, in particular, much better acquainted with the Latin and Greek writers than their descendants can now boast of being; and many of them were masters of the Hebrew language, which at present is almost entirely neglected.
Besides the establishment of a college in Massachusetts, the inhabitants of that colony directed early and particular attention to the erection of subordinate schools in every part of the country. In 1641 the following law was enacted. "If any do not teach their children and apprentices so much learning as may enable them to read perfectly the English language, to forfeit twenty shillings; and if any of the overseers of every town are required to know the state of the families, &c." Not long afterwards a law was made, that when any town increased to the number of one hundred families, they should set up a grammar school, the master thereof being able to instruct youth so far as they may be fitted for the University, under certain penalties. To these schools, after a few years, academies were added; thus forming a system of general education, which has been from time to time improved, and which in the eighteenth century became one of the distinguished honours of New-England.
It was not till towards the close of the seventeenth century that a seminary of respectable character, for general instruction in literature & science, was established in Virginia. The original settlers of that colony were, in several respects, of a very different description from their countrymen who settled in New-England. But a small portion of them could boast of any considerable acquirements or taste in literature. Actuated chiefly by the love of gain in coming to a rude and uncultivated country, they directed their principal attention to this object, and neglected most other concerns. Besides, not being so much under the influence of religious principles as their eastern brethren, nor feeling in so high a degree the necessity of literary institutions for the promotion of ecclesiastical as well as civil prosperity, they might naturally have been expected to be more indifferent about their establishment. And to crown all, being formed of members who, though chiefly of one country, were less equal in station, less homogeneous in character, and less united by common sufferings, it was not to be supposed that they would act with the same harmony and zeal in any pursuit which had public good for its object.
Hence, during a great part of the seventeenth century, the southern colonists paid but little attention to literary institutions. Such as wished to give their sons a liberal education, and could afford the expense, sent them to Europe for this purpose, and generally to some of the universities of Great Britain. This practice, indeed, was continued by many for a long time afterwards; and accordingly it happened that, until near the middle of the eighteenth century, by far the greater proportion of the young men of the Southern States who were liberally educated, had received their education at European seminaries. Those who could not afford to adopt this plan were obliged to content themselves either with such private tuition as they
could command, or with a miserable system of instruction pursued in the few small and ill-conducted schools which had been formed.
Such was the low state of literature in Virginia when the Rev. JAMES BLAIR, who went to that colony as a missionary about the year 1688, observing the great want of seminaries for the religious and moral, as well as literary instruction of the youth; and perceiving among other evils the obstacles which this presented to the success of his missionary labours, formed the design of erecting and endowing a college at Williamburg. For this purpose he not only solicited benefactions from the colonists, but also made a voyage to England in 1698, to obtain the patronage of the government, and a charter for the proposed institution. King William and Queen Mary being then on the throne, the application of Mr. Blair was favourably received; a patent was immediately made out for erecting and endowing a seminary, under the name of "William and Mary College," agreeably to his request, and the plan soon went into operation. He was named in the charter as the first president, and acted in that capacity till the year 1724.
This college, though liberally endowed, has not flourished so much as its friends could wish. For more than seventy years after its establishment, it had rarely more than twenty students at any one time. The habit of sending young men to Europe for their education had continued so long, that many of the more wealthy persisted in it after they had a college erected among themselves. Within a few years past the number of students has considerably increased, and the prospects of the institution are becoming much more favorable.
Neither in New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, nor Maryland, had any thing taken place, in favour of literature, worthy of notice, prior to the eighteenth century. The inhabitants of these colonies, struggling with the difficulties of new settlements, not always in a state of perfect harmony among themselves, and, of course, too frequently encumbered with other engagements, did little to advance the interests of knowledge. A few schools were established, but they were on a small scale, were but indifferently conducted, and attracted but few pupils. The more wealthy class in these middle colonies, like their southern brethren, were, at this time, in the habit of sending their sons to Europe for their education; a practice which, though it caused a small portion of the youth in the middle and southern states to be more thoroughly educated than was common in New-England, yet rendered education a much more rare attainment among the former than the latter, and, on the whole, exceedingly retarded the progress of literature in the colonies.
It is to be observed, also, that the advancement of literature in the American colonies, during the seventeenth century, was not only retarded by the general poverty of the colonists, and by the numerous difficulties with which they had to struggle while surrounded with tribes of savages, and an uncultivated desert; but also by the erroneous opinions at that time prevailing concerning the liberty of the press . The business of printing was laid under very inconvenient and discouraging restrictions, during a part of this period, in Massachusetts. In the province of New-York, for a considerable time, the introduction of a press was entirely prohibited. And it is believed similar restraints took place in some of the other colonies. The influence of such restrictions on the general progress of liberal information could not be otherwise than highly unfavourable.
* The first printing press established in North-America was by Mr. Samuel Green, at Cambridge, in Massachusetts, in the year 1688. The first work printed was the Freeman's Oath; the next an Almanack, made for New-England, by Mr. Pierce, a mariner; and then the Psalm of David , newly turned into Metre, &c. There was a printing work done in South-America earlier than this. Professor Barton, of Philadelphia, whose zeal and talents in exploring American antiquities do him the highest honour, lately showed the author a vocabulary of one of the principal Indian languages of South-America, printed in Mexico, not long after the middle of the sixteenth century.
† The author does not mean to intimate that the first settlers in Virginia were destitute of Religion; but merely, (what he takes for granted every one will readily admit,) that Religion seems to have been a less prominent object, and to have entered less into their motives and plans in forming the settlement, than in New-England.
‡ The Rev. James Blair was born and educated in Scotland, where he obtained a benefice in the Episcopal church. On account of the unsettled state of religion which then existed in that kingdom, he quitted his preferments and went into England, near the end of the reign of Charles II. The bishop of London, considering him as well qualified for the office, both as to talents and piety, premised on him to go to Virginia as a missionary, where he was soon highly popular and eminently useful; and in 1698 obtained the appointment of ecclesiastical Commissary for the Province. Though the charter was given for "William & Mary College," about the year 1698, and though he was named therein as the first President, yet he does not appear to have entered on the duties of this office till the year 1720, from which period until 1742, he discharged them with faithfulness. Mr. Blair was a learned and exemplary man, respected and useful in his various official stations, & died in a good old age, in 1743. He published a Quarto volume of Discourses , under the following title: "Our Saviour's Divine Sermon on the Mount explained; and the Practice of it recommended in divers Sermons and Discourses." London, 1722. This work is spoken of with high approbation by Dr. Doddridge, in his Family Expositor .
§ In 1688, twenty-four years after a printing press had been established at Cambridge, the General Court of Massachusetts appointed two persons as Supervisors of the press, and prohibited the publishing any books or papers until after they had been examined and approved by them. In 1688 the Supervisors having allowed the celebrated work of Thomas A. Kempis, De Imitatione Christi , to be printed, the Court interposed, alleging that it "had been written by a popish minister, and contained some things less safe to be diffused among the people."
[We are presented in the intermediate passages with a particular and comprehensive account of the scholastic establishments and the courses of instruction, existing in the United States.]
It must, however, after all, be acknowledged, that what is called a liberal education in the United States, is, in common, less accurate and complete; the erudition of our native citizens, with some exceptions, less extensive and profound; and the works published by American Authors, in general, less learned, instructive, and elegant,* than are found in Great-Britain, and some of the more enlightened nations on the Eastern continent. These facts, it is apprehended, arise not from any deficiency of talents in our country, nor from any inaptitude in its soil or atmosphere to promote the growth of genius; but from one or another, and, in some cases, from a combination of the following causes.
1. Defective plans and means of instruction in our Seminaries of Learning. —The great majority of our colleges have very inadequate funds. The consequence is, that in most of them the Professors are few in number, and have assigned to them too large a field of instruction. Hence they can convey but very superficial knowledge of the various branches which it is made their duty to teach, and if well qualified themselves, which is far from being always the case, find it impossible to do justice to the pupils. In some instances, also, the Trustees or Governors of American Colleges, either from their own ignorance, or in compliance with popular prejudice, have contracted the time requisite for completing a course of instruction, as to render it necessary wholly to dispense with, or lightly to hurry over, some of the most important branches of knowledge. Accordingly, in some of these institutions, Mathematical Science is unpolished, and the acquisition of as little as possible especially of the higher branches of it, enjoined on the student. In others, Classic literature, and especially the Greek language, is in low estimation, and not more studied than is indispensably necessary to obtaining a diploma. If well bred scholars ever issue from such Seminaries, they must be formed by a degree of private and individual application rarely to be met with in youth.
2. Want of Leisure. —The comparatively equal distribution of property in America, while it produces the most benign political and moral effects, is by no means friendly to great acquisitions in literature and science. In such a state of society, there can be few persons of leisure. It is necessary that almost all should be engaged in some active pursuit. Accordingly, in the United States, the greater number of those who pass thro' a course of what is called liberal education, in the hurried manner which has been mentioned, engage, immediately after leaving College, in the study or business to which they propose to devote themselves. Having run over the preliminary steps of instruction in this business, probably in a manner no less hurried and superficial than their academic studies, they instantly commence its practical pursuit; and are, perhaps, during the remainder of life, confined to a daily toil for support, which precludes them from reading, and especially from gaining much knowledge out of their particular profession. Such is the career of ninety-nine out of an hundred of those of our country who belong to the learned professions. When the alternative either lies, or is supposed to lie between erudition and poverty, or comfortable affluence and moderate learning, it is not difficult to conjecture which side will be chosen, nor is it surprising that, in such a state of things, there should be less profound erudition, less elegant accomplishment in literature, than where a considerable number enjoy all the advantages of exemption from laborious duties, and all the accommodations of opulent leisure.
To this circumstance may be ascribed the superficial and unpolished character of many of our native publications. All that their authors, in many cases, want, to render them more replete with instruction, more attractive in manner and of course, more worthy of public approbation, is leisure. But, able only to redeem a few halcyon hours for literary pursuits, from the employment which gives them bread, they must necessarily, if they publish at all, send forth productions, from time to time, bearing all the marks of haste and immature reflection.
3. Want of encouragement to learning. Men cannot be expected to labour without the hope of some adequate reward. Genius must be nourished by patronage, as well as strengthened by culture. Where substantial emoluments may be derived from literary exertion, there, & there alone, will it be frequently undertaken to any considerable extent. Hence, in those countries where genius and learning are best rewarded, there they are ever found to be most cultivated. In the United States, the rewards of literature are small and uncertain. The people cannot afford to remunerate eminent talents or great acquirements. Bookellers, the great patrons of learning in modern times are in America too poor to foster and reward the efforts of genius. There are no rich Fellowships in our universities to excite the ambition of students; no large ecclesiastical benefices to animate the exertions of literary divines. Academic chairs are usually connected with such small salaries, that they present little temptation to the scholar; and finally the state offers very inconsiderable motives for the acquisition of knowledge, and the exertion of talents. Its rewards are small, and its favour capricious. Can it be wondered, then, that those who have some acquaintance with books, and hold important stations, are more anxious to secure pecuniary advantages, and to place themselves in a situation independent of popular favour, than to make advances in literature, or to do honor to their country by the display of intellectual preeminence?
Besides, the spirit of our people is commercial . It has been said, and perhaps with some justice, that the love of gain peculiarly characterizes the inhabitants of the United States. The tendency of this spirit to discourage literature is obvious. In such a state of Society, men will not only be apt to bend their whole attention to the acquirement of property, and neglect the cultivation of their minds as an affair of secondary moment; but letters and science will seldom be found in high estimation; the amount of wealth will be the principal test of influence; the learned will experience but little reward either of honor or emolument; and, of course, superficial education will be the prevailing character.
Nor is it of less importance here to recollect, that the nature of our connection with Great Britain has operated, and continues to operate unfavourably to the progress of American literature. Long accustomed to a state of colonial dependance on that enlightened and cultivated Nation, we have also been accustomed to derive from her the supplies for our literary wants. And still connected with her by the ties of language, manners, taste, and commercial intercourse, her literature, science and arts may be considered as ours. Being able, therefore, with so much ease, to reap the fruits of her fields, we have not sufficient inducement to cultivate our own. And even when an excellent production of the American soil is offered to the public, it is generally undervalued and neglected. A large portion of our citizens seem to entertain the idea that nothing worthy of patronage can be produced on this side of the Atlantic. Instead of being prompted to a more liberal encouragement of genius because it is American, their prejudices, on this account, are rather excited against it.
4. Want of Books. In the capital cities of Europe, the votary of literature is surrounded with immense libraries, to which he may easily obtain access; and even in many of the smaller towns, books on any subject, and to almost any number, may be easily obtained. It is otherwise in America. Here the student, in addition to all the other obstacles which lie in his way, has often to spend as much time and thought to obtain a particular book, as the reading it ten times would cost. Our public Libraries are few, and compared with those of Europe, small. Nor is this defect supplied by large private collections; these are also rare. And to render the evil still more grievous, the number of literary and
enterprising bookellers is yet smaller. It is only within two or three years that we have begun to receive, with any kind of regularity or promptitude, the best British works as they issue from the press.
Such are some of the causes which have hitherto impeded the progress of American Literature. Their influence, however, is gradually declining, & the literary prospects of our country are brightening every day. Letters & science are becoming more important in public estimation. The number of learned men is becoming rapidly greater. The plans and means of instruction in our seminaries of learning, though by no means improving in all respects, are, in some, receiving constant melioration. The emulation of founding and sustaining a national character in science and learning begins to be more generally felt, and, from time to time, will doubtless be augmented. A larger proportion of the growing wealth of our country will hereafter be devoted to the improvements of knowledge, and especially to the furtherance of all the means by which scientific discoveries are brought within popular reach, and rendered subservient to practical utility. American publications are every day growing more and more numerous, and rising in respectability of character. Public and private Libraries are becoming more numerous and extensive. The taste in composition among our writers is making very sensible progress in correctness and refinement. American authors of merit meet with more liberal encouragement; and when the time shall arrive that we can give to our votaries of literature the same leisure, and the same stimulants to exertion with which they are favoured in Europe, it may be confidently predicted, that letters will flourish as much in America as in any part of the world; and that we shall be able to make some return to our transatlantic brethren, for the rich stores of useful knowledge which they have been pouring upon us for nearly two centuries.
* It is not meant to be denied that a few of the works published in America are as profound and instructive as any on similar subjects published elsewhere. It is simply intended to give a general character of American publications, liable to such exceptions as the mind of the well-informed reader will readily supply.
† In some American Colleges, we are told that no more knowledge of Greek is required in those who graduate Bachelor of Arts, than that which may be derived from the Grammar and the Greek Testament.
RICHARDSON'S PATENT STILL. HAS been advertised some time since in the Argus, without with accurate a description of it, as could be given without plates and figures. It was accompanied with certificates from gentlemen who had seen her work. On further experiment, I have no hesitation in stating to the public, that by the operation of a single fire, it will distil as much spirit in the day, as four of the common stills. The expense of building a distillery on this plan, together with the price of the patent right, is not more than half of what is necessary for one on the old plan. The cap is made of wood; the body by riveting two sheets of copper together so as to hold water. Each still has a heater, so that by the time the still runs off, the liquor in heater is nearly boiling. Their communication is such, that you may introduce the liquor from the heater into the still at pleasure. This still has been at work during the last winter and continues to be so this summer (from its advantageous situation) at WILLIAM M'CAUL's Mill, in Hanover county. It is about four miles from the court house, on the nearest road leading from thence to Richmond. I will sell rights for a single distillery, for counties or larger districts to any person desirous of purchasing. Notes with approved security will be received. Conscious of the many existing prejudices against all new patents, I think proper to subject my interest in this patent right to the merit of the STILL. To such persons therefore as have or may purchase license for using these stills, on failure of said stills, I hold myself bound to return all monies, notes, or other property to the purchasers.
JOHN M'CAUL. Richmond, July 18th, 1804. [eW8w.]
VIRGINIA: AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HOLDEN IN RICHMOND, MAY 19, 1804.
BETWEEN JOSEPH C. BROWN, RICHARD B. GOODE & WILLIAM BROWN, } Plaintiffs. AND ROBERT OMBERSON, Defendant.
THIS cause, by consent of parties, came on this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, to be heard on the bill and answer, and was argued by council: on consideration whereof, the court adjudged and decreed, that, unless the defendant on or before the twenty-fourth day of July next, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, one thousand four hundred dollars, with interest thereon, after the rate of six per centum per annum, to be computed from the twenty-fourth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and three, till payment, and the costs expended by the plaintiffs in prosecuting this suit, that Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, after giving three weeks notice in one or more of the Richmond newspapers, do expose to public sale by auction, for ready money, the Half Acre Lot of Land, with the Appurtenances, lying in that part of the City of Richmond called Rockers, designated in the plan of the said city by the number (207) two hundred and seven, which had been conveyed in trust by the defendant, to the forenamed Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, for the purposes as is alleged in the bill and admitted by the answer, of securing the foresaid principal money and interest, the deed for which hath been destroyed as is alleged, and admitted; and out of the money arising from the sale, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, the said principal money, interest and costs; and the surplus, if any, after deducting the expenses attending the sale, pay to the defendant, and report their proceedings in execution hereof to the court.
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c.c.
I DO consent and request, that the commissioners named in the above decreed order, do proceed to carry the same into effect on Wednesday the 11th day of August next.
ROBERT OMBERSON, mark. Teste, GEORGE M'CREDIE. Manchester, July 10, 1804.
BY the consent and request of Robert Omberston, we shall proceed to SELL the LOT & APPURTENANCES mentioned and described in the above decreed order, upon the terms therein mentioned, on Wednesday the 11th day of August next, upon the premises, between the hours of 10 and 2 of the clock.
JOSEPH C. BROWN. RICHARD B. GOODE, executors.
July 21.
DOCTOR WILSON, HAS taken (as a temporary residence) the house lately occupied by Doctor ADAMS, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARY'S BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecary's Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms. Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to. June 27. [eW6m.]
WALTER POTTER, BOOKBINDER & STATIONER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
THANKFUL for the encouragement he has received from commencing business, hopes by his first attention, and faithful execution of all orders, which he may be favoured with, to merit a further continuance of Patronage. He has lately received a fresh supply of STATIONARY, and has now on hand a large assortment of BLANK & RULED BOOKS.
Merchants account BOOKS, ruled to any pattern, and BOOK-BINDING in its various branches, executed with neatness, accuracy and dispatch. June 27. [eW6m.]
Virginia.
At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, 11th of September, 1803.
Betweem Mary Ruffin, executrix, and Herbert Claiborne, James Ruffin and William Ruffin, executors of Robert Ruffin deceased, and the said James Ruffin, Robert Ruffin and Sterling Ruffin, presecuting in their own right. Plaintiffs.
And William Clack, and James Cargill Jones, and Richard Jones, infants by Charles Binn Jones, their guardian. Defendants. IN this cause, abated as to the plaintiffs Mary Ruffin and James Ruffin, by their deaths, and heard on the bills, answers, exhibits, and examinations of witnesses, and argued by counsel, the fourteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, the court directed one of the commissioners to state and report the credits, to which the defendants are, if at any they be, entitled, exclusive of the paper money tendered, and justly rejected in November, of the year one thousand seven hundred eighty one, towards discharging the debt, for securing payment of which, the mortgage proposed to be foreclosed, was granted.
A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY. May 25th, 1804. (222m) (7)
On the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, John Jones is appointed guardian to the infant defendants, to defend them in this suit, in place of Charles Binn Jones, who is discharged. A Copy. P. TINSLEY.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE, Richmond, May 26th, 1804.
THE parties concerned are desired to take Notice, That I have appointed Wednesday the twenty-fifth day of July next, for carrying into effect the within decree; upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with their papers and accounts, ready for examination. WM. HAY, M. C.
The following Six Hogsheads of TOBACCO,
now lying in Dymers's Ware House, will be sold according to Law: 1800, January 10th—Judith Kelly, marked I. K. No. 5, Gross 1111, Tare 114, Nett 997. 1801, January 9th, do. do. No. 10, Gross 1190, Tare 119, Nett 1077—January 23, William Diggs, marked W. D. No. 17, Gross 1166, Tare 120, Nett 1045—17. John Brent, marked I. B. No. 21, Gross 1088, Tare 137, Nett 946—January 30, George Brent marked G. B. No. 25, Gross 1179, Tare 146, Nett, 1033. March 13, Spencer George, marked S. G. No. 43, Gross 1052, Tare 106, Nett, 946. THOMAS HURST } Inspectors. WM. MEREDITH } May 19.—law3m.
CITY OF RICHMOND, IN COMMON HALL, July 3d, 1804.
IT appearing to the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, that the regulations of the Trustees of the Free School in the said city, have been established on liberal and just principles, whereby many poor children of both sexes have received at the said School, such advantages in the acquirements of their education, as to encourage a strong belief that great utility will result from a continuance of the institution, should it receive a proper patronage;
Resolved therefore, That the Chamberlain of this City, and Messrs. John Robinson, Samuel Paine and Samuel Pleasants, be requested and empowered to receive subscriptions, and the funds that may be subscribed for the benefit of the said School; and that it be recommended to the humane and liberal inhabitants of this city, to raise by subscription other funds for the purpose of continuing the said institution.
Teste, ANDREW STEVENSON, C.C.H.
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 5th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, } 22d of May, 1804. }
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June 2.
On Thursday the second day of August next, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder, for one half cash, and for months credit for the balance, THE HOUSE and LOT on the Main Street in the town of Manchester, formerly the property of William Hay. There is no situation in the town of Manchester better calculated for a retail merchant. The storehouse is in good order for the reception of goods, and has the advantage of a large and commodious Lumber-house. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchaser, or a Deed of Trust upon the lot to secure the payment.
ROBERT OMBERSON, executors. July 21.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern or Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Keeps Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (ep0m)