The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-04 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land—One tract on Randolph's creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langborne. Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar.
These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next.
WADE MOSBY. (Ref.) Powhatan, Dec. 4. THE subscriber has accommodations for six or eight Boarders by the year, on moderate terms. ALEX. QUARRIER. (epf.) Feb. 16.
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschel from Liverpool, and Capt. from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. (lf)
MESSRS. Nathaniel, Benjamin, and John Shepherd, and John S. Moore—Take Notice, that I shall on Thursday the 10th day of March, 1808, between the hours of eleven in the forenoon and five in the afternoon, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, proceed to take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the injunction pending in the county court of King William, wherein I am plaintiff & you are defendants; and also, that on the 21st day of March, 1808, at the Tavern at King William court-house, between the same hours, I shall take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the same injunction. GEORGE R. LEIPER, Esq. of Bernard Moore, dec'd. (law3w4)
NOTICE.—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz:
Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wilton, Linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenning, Dowlas; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, Ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels' Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine coned and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable Lids and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Matelottes and Janes, Cotton Cassimeres, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8w)
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tiers and FRENCH BRANDY, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS. (P4w)
WHEREAS the subscriber in the life time of Carr Chapman, deceased, to wit: in the month of January, eighteen hundred and five, did execute to him a bond for four hundred and fifty dollars, a promissory note for fifty dollars and another for a headland of Antigua Rum; and whereas I have an equitable defence against the payment of said bond and notes, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking a transfer or assignment of the same, as I shall certainly refuse to discharge them unless compelled by legal process. THOMAS CHAPMAN. (lf) Dumfries, Feb. 19.
THE Subscriber intends to practice law in the Counties of Pittsylvania, Henry and Rockingham in North-Carolina—Letters addressed to him should be directed to Danville. GEORGE TUCKER. (U.) Pittsylvania, March 1.
FOR SALE, on a credit of 4 months, for indorsed negotiable notes—Two very likely NEGRO BOYS about ten years old—Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Feb. 26. [2w]
LIFE OF WASHINGTON—JACOB JOHNSON, near the Market Bridge in one handsome octavo volume, the Life of GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON. By Aaron Bancroft, A. A. S. "Judge Marshall, in his life of this illustrious patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and general history of the North-American colonies, but also the political history of the United States. His work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the Life of WASHINGTON in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should enable those of his fellow-citizens, who are not in possession of Marshall, to leave to their posterity a memorial of a man, who was pre-eminently distinguished as a soldier and statesman. "The author has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure, followed him in the order of events. "The facts not before published, were received immediately from confidential friends of Gen. Washington, or from gentlemen who, in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command." Richmond, March 1. [osw1m]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Luther- House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henning. The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law3w)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. [osawtf] Dec. 15.
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY—Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 200 - - - 2,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000. 1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cut worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dls. each, (Patent right included) 100,000. 1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzhughson and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (epf.)
NOTICE.—All persons to whom the estate of the late Major Wm. Dudley, dec'd. of Warwick county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of June next, to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, that provision may be made for payment; and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. SAM. SHIELD, Adm'r. of Wm. Dudley, deceased. 20th County, Feb. 16, 1808. (law4w)
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goodie. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, certain tract of LAND in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres, it being that part of the tract called Mowat which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia. JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. [law4w]
FOR SALE—THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [law4f]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1090 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [law4w]
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
ELLIS & ALLAN, have on hand an excellent assortment of the best English GOODS. Consisting of the best superfine Navy Blue, Black and other colored Cloths: Ladies' Fawn, Brown and Blue Cloths, Best London Cassimeres and double Mill'd Blue and drab Cloth, Princes Cords, Constitution Cords, Velvets, Corduroys and Thicksets, Swandowns, Toilettes and furnishings for Vests, Moleskins, Silk gulling, Florentines, & for do. Circassian and Tissue Silks, Cloths from 8s. to 40s. pr. yard, all colours, Coatings, Plains, Kerseys, and a few pieces Nat. Cotton, Gentlemen's Silk Hose, plain and ribbed, Angola, Lambs Wool, Worsted and Cotton do. Best Shoes with and without soles, Ladies' black, white, and drab colored Silk Hose, plain, laced and bath clocks, Plain and laced three threaded Cotton Hose, Black black, worsted and cotton ditto, Black and white Gauze ditto, Misses Cotton Hose, Ladies Elastic Habits, Gentlemen's best beaver and patent silk Hats, Ladies' ditto, and silk beaver ditto, Elegant Lace Veils, India Shawls 6-4 to 8-4, Maroons, Muffs and Tippets of various kinds, Lace Shawls, Fans and Gilt Combs, Red silk and morocco Shoes, Thread and cotton Lace, Irish Sheetings 3-4 wide, Linens from 1/3 to 5/3 sterling per yard, Long Lawns, 3-4 Duper and Damask for table cloths, Damask Table Cloths, Gentlemen's neat undervests with & without sleeves, Pantaloons, &c. Cotton Cambricks 4-4 to 6-4, Cambric Dimities 6-4, Elegant Italian Crapes, various colours, Figured rich imperial Saracens, Silk Chambrays and handsome Furniture Cañes, Elegant Fringe for curtains, do. for Carriage, Ditto new fashioned Egyptian Tassels, Furniture Binding of all colors to suit cord, Black, white, pink, blue and salmon coloured Crapes, Superior Black Bombazine, Black and other colored silk Shawls, Sampler Canvass, Some new music for the Piano Forte, A large assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's Gloves, which will be sold low. A few elegant Brussels Carpets with Rugs, Kidderminster Carpets and Carpeting, Flannels and Bags, Smith's Bellows, Anvils and Vices, Coal Shovels and Spades, Weeding Hoes, Smith's Hammers and Screwplates, Fenders with and without Bottoms, Iron Rim Locks with Scott's Springs from 6 to 12 Inches, Brass Rim Locks, Stock Locks from 6 to 16 Inches, Padlocks, Chest, Cupboard Press, Drawer Locks, Chisels, Gouges, Files, a large assortment, Drawing Knives, Cutting Knives, Mill-saws, Whip-saws and Hand-saws, of the best steel plate, Augurs Screw and Barrell, Ivory Knives and Forks with Carvers to match, Buck ditto very superior, Common Knives and Forks, Butchers and Shoe Knives, Cast Steel, Some uncommonly large Razors warranted, Elegant Plate Warmers, 2 double and treble Tea Trays and Waiters, Gilt Spectacles, Pebble eyes set in silver, Common Spectacles, A large assortment of Gentlemen's Pocket and Pen-Knives, Large Curtain Pins, 4 Inch Shank, Common Hat Pins, Chimney Horns, and Brass finger Plates, Brass Commode handles plated ditto, Nails from 3d to 20d, German, English and blistered Steel, Handsome Gilt dressing Boxes and Castors, Handsome plated sets of Tea Equipage, Iron and Salt. Which with a variety of other articles, they will sell low for cash, or to punctual customers. Richmond, March 4. [law3t]
JACOB JOHNSON, BOOKSELLER & STATIONER, near the Market Bridge, has just received and for sale, Harrison's Chancery Practice, 2 vols. Tidd's Practice, 2 vols. Abridgement of the Laws of Nisi Prius, Roberts on the Statute of Frauds, new on Fraudulent conveyances, new Watson on Partnership, (a new and much enlarged edition) and with additional references to American Reports, Sugden on Vendors and Purchasers of Estates, a new work. Douglas's Reports, 2 vols. with new references to American Reports, Kyd on Awards, from the new London edition, with 60 pages of American Law incorporated. Peters' Admiralty Reports, new, 2 vols. Peere Williams' Reports, new Edition, 3 vols. Taylor's North Carolina Reports, Johnson's New-York Reports, vol. 1. New-York Term Reports, 3 vols. New-York Cases in Error, 2 vols. Cranch's Reports, 8 vols. Smith and Ogden's Trial, Williams' Massachussetts Reports, Caine's New-York Reports, Washington's Virginia do. Herty's Digest of the Laws United States, Day's Cases in Error, vol. 1. Study of the Law, Sullivan's Lectures, Dallas' Reports, 4 vols. East's Crown Law, 2 vols. Reports, 7 vols. Mac Nally's Evidence, 2 vols. Saunders' Reports, 3 vols. Tucker's Blackstone, 3 vols. Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 5 vols. Buller's Nisi Prius, Espinasse's do. 4 vols. Azuni's Maritime Law, 2 vols. Remington on Executions, Schools and Lelroy's Reports, vol. 1. (a new work.) Hawkins' Pleas of the Crown, 4 vols. Montague on Set-off, Powell on Devices, Bacon's Abridgement, 7 vols. Jacob's Law Dictionary, 2 vols. 4to. Bossagnet and Puller's Reports, 4 vols. Maxwell on Bills of Exchange, Williams' Abridgement, 5 vols. New works of merit published in Philadelphia may be had at the above store as soon after their first appearance as possible. Richmond, March 4, 1808. (law1m)
EUROPE.
LATEST NEWS.
LONDON January 7.
NEW FRENCH DECREE.
We yesterday received from France, by a channel, which, for reasons that have been more than once, stated in this paper, shall not be here named, a copy of another decree, dated at Milan, the 23d November, imposing still greater restrictions on the trade of neutrals, and more severe penalties on all who may attempt to evade the operation of the former decrees.
We shall offer no analysis of this document, but being of great importance to the trading part of the community, and especially to those interested in neutral bottoms, we here give a faithful translation of it.
Extract from the minutes of the office of the Secretary of State.
Palace of Milan, 23d Nov. 1807.
Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, & protector of the confederation of the Rhine:
Upon the report of our ministers of the finances, we have decreed and decree as follows:
Art. 1. All vessels which, after having touched at England, from any motive whatsoever, shall enter the ports of France, shall be seized and confiscated as well as their cargoes, without exception or distinction of commodities or merchandise. 2. The captains of vessels who shall enter the ports of France, shall, on the day of their arrival, proceed to the office of the Imperial customs, and there make a declaration of the place from which they sailed, of the ports they have put into, and exhibit their manifests, bills of lading, sea papers and log-books.
When the captain shall have signed and delivered his declaration, and communicated his papers, the head officer of the customs shall interrogate the sailors separately, in presence of two overseers. If it results from this examination that the vessel has touched at England, independently of the seizure & confiscation of the said ship and cargo, the captain, as well as those sailors, who, upon their examinations, shall have made a false declaration, shall be deemed prisoners, and shall not be set at liberty until after having paid the sum of 6,000 francs, as a personal penalty for the captain, and 500 francs for each of the sailors so arrested, over and above the pains incurred by those who falsify their papers and log-books.
3. If advice or information communicated to the directors of our customs, give rise to any suspicions as to the origin of the cargoes, they shall be provisionally warehoused, until it is ascertained and decided that they do not come from England or her colonies.
4. Our commissaries for commercial relations, who deliver certificates of origin for merchandise laden in the ports of their residence destined for that of France, shall not confine themselves to an attestation that the merchandise or commodities do not come from England or her colonies or commerce—they shall indicate the place of origin, the documents which have been laid before them in support of the declaration which has been made to them, and the name of the ship on board of which they have been primarily transported from the place of origin into that of their residence. They shall address a duplicate of their certificate to our counsellor of state, director general of our customs.
5. Our ministers for external relations, war and finances, are charged, each, so far as concerns himself, with the execution of the present decree.
(Signed) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, The Secretary of State. (Signed) HUGUES B. MARET. Conform to the original. The minister of the Finances. (Signed) GAUDIN. Conform to the original. The counsellor of state, commandant of the legion of honor, director general of the customs of the empire. (Signed) COLLIN.
[Here follows the Decree, dated Milan, Dec. 17th, already published in our paper—The London paper then proceeds:]
As a supplement to this decree, there is in the official journal the following circular letter, addressed by the minister of the interior to the chamber of commerce:— "You are not unacquainted, gentleman, with the late acts of the British government, that last stage of the oppression of the commerce of the world; you know that it has resolved to destroy the feeble remains of the independence of the seas. It now thinks proper, that henceforth no ship, shall navigate the seas, without touching at its ports, without a tribute to its pretended sovereignty, and without receiving from it an ignominious licence.
"Thus the ocean is henceforth only the field of slavery; the usurpation of the most sacred of the rights of nations is consummated, and this tyrannick yoke is to press upon them until the day of vengeance, or until brought to a due sense of moderation, the English government will itself calm its rage, and break that sceptre to which the rest of the continent will never consent to submit.
"I am calling your attention to the important circumstances which must powerfully induce us to awaken your patriotism and your wisdom. One would have imagined that every obstruction and restraint that clogged the course of the commerce on the continent, had been exhausted; still, however, they are going to be aggravated by the measures lately adopted by England—but they will find our minds made up to struggle against, and to overcome, this new mode of oppression.
"We must not shut our eyes to the consequences. Importation and exportation, already so much restricted, will soon be much more so. Every thing connected with maritime
commerce; every thing that depends upon it, will now be liable to more difficulties, to more uncertainty. There are, however, two channels that still remain open.
"The power of attacking every ship that renounces the independence of its national flag, by a shameful submission to the British sovereignty, and by navigating under a British licence, will open a wide field to the hopes of our commanders. Such a resource will not prove ineffectual, and French commerce will not devote itself uselessly to that sort of warfare which never lets courage, dexterity and decision, go unrewarded.
"We have moreover to hope that neutral ships will elude the vigilance of the English cruisers; the immense extent of the coasts of the empire will favor and protect their enterprises.
"These resources ought not to be undervalued, nor counted for nothing. France will submit to a temporary situation, which can only change with time, and with new exertions; but her enemy shall not deprive her of the main basis of her prosperity, her internal communication, her relations with the continent, where she no longer sees any but friends or allies; her soil will not be less fertile, her industry will not maintain itself the less though deprived of some materials which it is not impossible to replace.
"To this last proposition I am rather anxious, gentlemen, to direct your attention. You have advice to give, and examples to hold out to commerce. You must already foresee the effect of the privation of certain materials, more especially of cotton, and of ingredients for dyeing cotton, of which a quantity has been stored up in France; that which we shall derive from the Levant, and that which, at a more distant period, we shall reap from our indigenous culture, not unsuccessfully essayed, will suffice to support, in a great measure, our manufactures; but in the expectation that some of them may experience privations, we must have recourse, as far as possible, to hemp and flax, in order to provide occupation for those manufacturers who would no longer be employed with articles of cotton. It were desirable that we should circumscribe our consumption within the products of the materials the growth of our soil, and restrain the unhappy effects of habits and taste contracted for manufactures, that would render us dependent upon foreign countries.
"The materials for dyeing may become scarce—but many of them may be replaced by the productions of our soil. We will dispense with the rest by a slight sacrifice of some colours, which may please from their apparent greater beauty, without adding anything to the intrinsic goodness of the article. Besides, no small reliance is to be placed on the genius of our manufacturers; it will triumph over those difficulties.
"The channels, which, in spite of these usurpations, will remain open to importation, may not suffice for the consumption of sugar and coffee; these objects of a secondary utility may become scarce; but the great mass of the nation will not suffer from this temporary privation; habits of indulgence too widely indulged will be counteracted and restrained by the rise in the price.
"And, besides, it is to be supposed that the Great Nation will allow itself to be intimidated by the privation of some frivolous enjoyments? Her armies have endured, without a murmur, the most pinching wants; that great example will not have been held out in vain; and when we have in view to reconquer the independence of the seas; when we have in view to rescue and redeem commerce from the ruinous acts of piracy that are juridically exercised against it; when we have in view the vindication of the national honour, and the breaking down of those, force claudine , which England is attempting to erect upon our coasts, the French people will support with the dignity and courage that belongs to their great character, the momentary sacrifices that are imposed upon their taste, their habits, and their industry. The commerce of Europe will soon no doubt be rescued from oppression. The interest of nations; the honor of sovereigns; the magnanimous resolutions of the most powerful of the allies of France; the power and wish of the hero who rules over us; the justice of a cause to which Heaven will grant its protection; every motive concurs to decide the contest; nor can its issue remain uncertain. Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my sincere esteem. (Signed) "CRETET."
LONDON GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY.
SATURDAY, December 19.
DECLARATION.
The Declaration issued at St. Petersburg by his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, has excited in his Majesty's mind the strongest sensations of astonishment and regret.
His Majesty was not unaware of the nature of those secret engagements which had been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of Tilsit. But, his Majesty had entertained the hope, that a review of the transactions of that unfortunate negotiation, and a just estimate of its effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests of the Russian empire, would have induced his Imperial Majesty to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new counsels and connexions which he had adopted in a moment of despondency and alarm; and to return to a policy more congenial to the principles which he has so invariably professed, and more conducive to the honor of his Crown, and to the prosperity of his dominions.
This hope has dictated to his Majesty the utmost forbearance and moderation in all his diplomatic intercourse with the Court of St. Petersburg since the peace of Tilsit.
His Majesty had much cause for suspicion and just ground of complaint. But he abstained from the language of reproach. His Majesty deemed it necessary to require specific explanation with respect to those arrangements with France, in concealment of which from his Majesty could not but confirm the impression already received of their character and tendency. But his Majesty, nevertheless, directed the demand of that explanation to be made, not only without as-

perity, or the indication of any hostile disposition, but with that considerate regard to the feelings and situation of the Emperor of Russia, which resulted from the recollection of former friendship, and from confidence interrupted but not destroyed.
The Declaration of the Emperor of Russia proves that the object of his Majesty's forbearance and moderation has been attained. It proves, unhappily, that the influence of that Power, which is equally and essentially the enemy both of G. Britain and Russia, has acquired a decided ascendancy in the councils of the Cabinet at St. Petersburg; and has been able to excite a causeless enmity between two nations whose long-established connexion, and whose mutual interests prescribed, the most intimate union and co-operation.
His Majesty deeply laments the extension of these calamities of war. But called upon, as he is, to defend himself against an act of unprovoked hostility, his Majesty is anxious to refute, in the face of the world, the pretext by which that act is attempted to be justified.
The Declaration asserts that his Majesty the Emperor of Russia has twice taken up arms in a cause, in which the interest of G. Britain was more direct than his own: and founds upon this assertion the charge against Great Britain of having neglected to second and support the military operations of Russia.
His Majesty willingly does justice to the motives which originally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. H. M. avows with equal readiness the interest which G. Britain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the Powers of the Continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that G. Britain, who was herself in a state of hostility with Prussia, when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an interest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel, than the Emperor of Russia; the Ally of his Prussian Majesty, the Protector of the North of Europe, and the Guarantor of the Germanic Constitution.
It is not a public Declaration, that his Majesty can discuss the policy of having, at any particular period of the war, effected or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coasts of Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more singularly chosen to illustrate the charge against G. Britain of indifference to the interests of her Ally; a war undertaken by Great Britain at the instigation of Russia, and solely for the purpose of maintaining Russian interest against the influence of France.
If, however, the Peace of Tilsit is, indeed, to be considered as the consequence and the punishment of the imputed inactivity of G. Britain, his Majesty cannot but regret that the Emperor of Russia should have resorted to so precipitate and fatal a measure, at the moment when he had received distinct assurances that his Majesty was making the most strenuous exertions to fulfil the wishes and expectations of his Ally (assurances which his Imperial Majesty received and acknowledged with apparent confidence and satisfaction); and when his Majesty was, in fact, prepared to employ for the advancement of the common object of the war, those forces which, after the Peace of Tilsit, he was under the necessity of employing to disconcert a combination directed against his own immediate interests and security.
The vexation of Russian commerce by G. Britain is, in truth, little more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent examination, made by his Majesty's command, of the Records of the British Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a solitary instance, in the course of the present war, of the condemnation of a vessel, really Russian: a vessel which had carried naval stores to a part of the Common Enemy. There are but few instances of Russian vessels detained, and none in which justice has been refused to a party regularly complaining of such detention. It is therefore matter of surprise as well as of concern to his Majesty, that the Emperor of Russia should have condescended to bring forward a complaint, which, as it cannot be seriously felt by those in whose behalf it is urged, might appear to be intended to countenance those exaggerated declarations, by which France perseveringly endeavours to inflame the jealousy of other countries, and to justify her own inveterate animosity against G. Britain.
The Peace of Tilsit was followed by an offer of Mediation on the part of the Emperor of Russia, for the conclusion of a Peace between Great Britain and France, which it is asserted that his Majesty refused.
His Majesty did not refuse the mediation of the Emperor of Russia; although the offer of it was accompanied by circumstances of concealment which might well have justified his refusal. The Articles of the Treaty of Tilsit were not communicated to his Majesty; and specifically that Article of the Treaty, in virtue of which the mediation was proposed; and which prescribed a limited time for the return of his Majesty's answer to that proposal. And his Majesty was thus led into an apparent compliance with a limitation so offensive to the dignity of an independent Sovereign. But the answer so returned by his Majesty was not a refusal. It was a conditional acceptance.
The conditions required by his Majesty were a statement of the basis upon which the enemy were disposed to treat; and a communication of the Articles of the Peace of Tilsit. The first of these conditions was precisely the same which the Emperor of Russia had himself annexed not four months before to his own acceptance of the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Austria. The second was one which his Majesty would have had a right to require even as the Ally of his Imperial Majesty; but which it would have been highly improvident to omit, when he was invited to confide to his Imperial Majesty the care of his honor and of his interests.
But even if these conditions (neither of which has been fulfilled, although the fulfilment of them has been repeatedly required by his Majesty's ambassador at St. Petersburg) had not been in themselves perfectly natural and necessary; there was not wanting considerations which might have warranted his Majesty in endeavouring, with more than ordinary anxiety, to ascertain the views and intention of the Emperor of Russia, and the precise nature and effect of the new relations which his Imperial Majesty had contracted.
The complete abandonment of the interests of the King of Prussia (who had twice rejected proposals of separate peace, from a strict adherence to his engagements with his Imperial ally,) and the character of those provisions which the Emperor of Russia was contented to make for his own interests in the Negotiations of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospects of the result of any ex-
ters which his Imperial Majesty might be disposed to employ in favor of Great Britain.
It is not while a French army still occupies and lays waste the remaining dominions of the King of Prussia, in spite of the stipulation of the Prussian Treaty of Tilsit: while contributions are arbitrarily exacted by France from that remnant of the Prussian monarchy, such as, in its entire & most flourishing state, the Prussian monarchy would have been able to discharge; while the surrender is demanded, in time of peace of Prussian fortresses, which had not been reduced during the war; and while the power of France is exercised over Prussia with such shameless tyranny, as to designate and demand for instant death, individuals, subjects of his Prussian Majesty, and resident in his dominions, upon a charge of disrespect towards the French government: it is not while all these things are done and suffered, under the eyes of the Emperor of Russia, and without his interference in behalf of his ally, that his Majesty can feel himself called upon to account to Europe, for having hesitated to repossess an unconditional confidence in the efficacy of his Imperial Majesty's mediation.
Nor even if that mediation had taken full effect, if a peace had been concluded under it, and that peace guaranteed by his Imperial Majesty, could his Majesty have placed implicit reliance on the stability of any such arrangement, after having seen the Emperor of Russia openly transfer to France the sovereignty of the Ionian Republic, the Independence of which his Imperial Majesty had recently and solemnly guaranteed.
But while the alleged rejection of the Emperor of Russia's mediation between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just ground of his Imperial Majesty's resentment; his Majesty's request of that mediation for the re-establishment of peace between Great Britain and Denmark, is represented as an insult, which it was beyond the bounds of his Imperial Majesty's moderation to endure.
His Majesty feels himself under no obligation to offer any atonement or apology to the Emperor of Russia for the expedition against Copenhagen. It is not for those who were parties to the secret arrangements of Tilsit, to demand satisfaction for a measure to which those arrangements gave rise, and by which one of the objects of them has been happily defeated.
His Majesty's justification of the expedition against Copenhagen is before the world. The declaration of the Emperor of Russia would supply whatever was wanting in it; if any thing could be wanting to convince the most incredulous of the urgency of that necessity under which his Majesty acted.
But until the Russian declaration was published, his Majesty had no reason to suspect that any opinions which the Emperor of Russia might entertain of the transactions at Copenhagen could be such as to preclude his Imperial Majesty from undertaking, at the request of Great Britain, that same office of Mediator, which he had assumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of France. Nor can his Majesty forget that the first symptoms of reviving confidence, since the peace of Tilsit, the only prospect of success to the endeavors of his Majesty's ambassador to restore the ancient good understanding between Great Britain and Russia, appeared when the intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen had been recently received at St. Petersburg.
The inviolability of the Baltic Sea, and the reciprocal guarantees of the powers that border upon it, guarantees said to have been contracted with the knowledge of the British government, are stated as aggravations of his Majesty's proceedings in the Baltic. It cannot be intended to represent his Majesty as having at any time acquiesced in the principles upon which the inviolability of the Baltic is maintained; however his Majesty may, at particular periods, have forborne, for special reasons influencing his conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such forbearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real neutrality in the North; and his Majesty most assuredly could not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to establish herself in undisputed sovereignty along the whole coast of the Baltic sea, from Dantzic to Lubec.
But the higher the value which the Emperor of Russia places on the engagements respecting the tranquillity of the Baltic, which he describes himself as inheriting from his immediate predecessors, the Empress Catherine and the Emperor Paul, the less justly can his Imperial Majesty resent the appeal made to him by his Majesty, as the guarantee of the peace to be concluded between Great Britain and Denmark. In making that appeal, with the utmost confidence and sincerity, his Majesty neither intended, nor can he imagine that he offered any insult to the Emperor of Russia. Nor can his Majesty conceive that, in proposing to the Prince Royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from Great Britain, his Majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation, either of exasperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity of Denmark.
His Majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by which the Russian government labors to justify the rupture of a connection which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advantage to Great Britain and Russia; and attempts to disguise the operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into unjust hostilities for interests not her own.
The Russian Declaration proceeds to announce the several conditions on which alone these hostilities can be terminated, and the intercourse of the two countries renewed.
His Majesty has already had occasion to assert that justice has in no instance been denied to the claims of his Imperial Majesty's subjects.
The termination of the war with Denmark has been so anxiously sought by his Majesty, that it cannot be necessary for his Majesty to renew any professions upon that subject. But his Majesty is at a loss to reconcile the Emperor of Russia's present anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement, with his Imperial Majesty's recent refusal to contribute his good offices for effecting it.
The requisition of his Imperial Majesty for the immediate conclusion, by his Majesty, of a peace with France, is as extraordinary in the substance, as it is offensive in the manner. His Majesty has at no time declined to treat with France, when France has professed a willingness to treat on an admissible basis. And the Emperor of Russia cannot fail to remember that the last negotiation between G. Britain and France was broken off upon points immediately affecting,
not his Majesty's own interests, but those of his Imperial Ally. But, his Majesty neither understands nor will he admit, the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia to dictate the time, or the mode, of his Majesty's pacific negotiations with other powers. It never will be endured by his Majesty that any government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation of subserviency to France, by the adoption of an insulting and peremptory tone towards Great Britain.
His Majesty proclaims anew those principles of maritime law, against which the armed neutrality, under the auspices of the Empress Catherine, was originally directed; and against which the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles have been recognized and acted upon in the best periods of the history of Europe; and acted, upon by no Power with more strictness and severity than by Russia herself in the reign of the Empress Catherine.
These principles it is the right and the duty of his Majesty to maintain; and, against every Confederacy his Majesty is determined, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to maintain them. They have, at all times contributed essentially to the support of the maritime power of Great Britain; but they are become incalculably more valuable and important at a period when the maritime power of Great Britain constitutes the sole remaining bulwark against the overwhelming usurpations of France; the only refuge to which other nations may yet resort, in happier times, for assistance and protection.
When the opportunity for Peace between Great Britain and Russia shall arrive, his Majesty will embrace it with eagerness. The arrangements of such a negotiation will not be difficult or complicated. His Majesty, as he has nothing to concede, so he has nothing to require; satisfied, if Russia shall manifest a disposition to return to her anti-ent feelings of friendship towards Great Britain; to a just consideration of her own true interests; and to a sense of her own dignity as an Independent Nation.
Westminster, December 18, 1807. [The Gazette Extraordinary also contains an Order of Council for the issue of Letters of Marque and General Reprisals against the Ships, Goods and Subjects of the Emperor of Russia, except such as have been permitted to return home, or have been directed to be released from Embargo, and have not arrived at any Foreign Port.]
Latest from Madeira.—Brig Apollo, Goldsbury, 46 days from Madeira, arrived at Boston on Wednesday last. Capt. G. informs that on the 24th Dec. a British Squadron, of 4 sail of the line, 6 frigates, and a number of transports, having on board 3000 troops arrived off Funchal, and immediately took possession of the island. The fleet was commanded by rear admiral Hood, and the troops by major general Beresford.
Capt. G. remarks, that previous to the arrival of the British, preparations were made to defend the island: that batteries were erected on the shore, and troops placed there: that the fleet appeared off the town about 8 A. M. and with a fresh breeze soon went in, and laid themselves in line of battle, with springs on their cables; the transports standing off and on: that the admiral sent a note to the governor, giving him 50 minutes to answer his request, or stand in his defence, as he should in case of refusal, immediately fire on the town: that the governor, not having time to collect his troops, consented to the capitulation, and delivered up the island.—Capt. G. also adds, that an embargo was laid by the British admiral on all the vessels in port: that he was driven out (intentionally) in the night; and escaped.—He did not learn how long the embargo was to continue.—Boston Gazette.
NEW-YORK, February 23.
LATEST FROM HOLLAND. Captain Matlack, of the ship Cincinnati, informs us that about the 4th day of January an Embargo was laid at Antwerp and in all the ports of France, and was momentarily expected at Amsterdam. Mr. Bourne, the American consul there, had recommended to all vessels bound to the United States to hasten their departure. Fourteen American vessels, bound to and from England, had been captured by French cruisers, and carried into Dunkirk. Market very high.
Merc. Adv.
February 24.
LATE INTELLIGENCE. By the brig Clinton, captain Breath, arrived yesterday, English papers are received to the 9th of January. The only interesting article is, that Miranda has proposed to be put in possession of a force of 7000 men and 4 ships of the line, to renew his attempt upon S. America; to which the government had listened, and were about to go into it with promptness and spirit.—It is also stated, that Bonaparte has named his successor, and that the fortunate man is Eugene Beauharnais, son of the empress by a former husband, gen. Beauharnais; who was guillotined.—Madame de la Fayette wife of the marquis de la Fayette, died at Paris the 24th Dec.
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON, February 26.
The President this day communicated the following important MESSAGE to Congress.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
The dangers to our country arising from the contests of other nations, and the urgency of making preparation for whatever events might affect our relations with them have been intimated in preceding messages to Congress. To secure ourselves by due precautions, an augmentation of our military force, as well regular as of volunteer militia, seems to be expedient. The precise extent of that augmentation cannot as yet be satisfactorily suggested; but that no time may be lost, and especially at a season deemed favorable to the object, I submit to the wisdom of the Legislature whether they will authorise a commencement of this precautionary work, by a present provision for raising and organizing some additional force, reserving themselves to decide its ultimate extent on such views of our situation as I may be enabled to present at a future day of the session.
If an increase of force be now approved, I submit to their consideration the outlines of a plan proposed in the enclosed letter from the Secretary at War.
I recommend also to the attention of Congress the term at which the act of April 18,
1806, concerning the militia will expire, and the effect of that expiration.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 25, 1808. The accompanying documents consist of a letter from the Secretary of War to the President, with two detailed statements. The letter follows:
War Department, 2 Feb. 24th, 1808. THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. SIR,
I take the liberty of suggesting, whether under existing circumstances, it would not be advisable, to propose to Congress an augmentation of our regular troops, as soon as practicable; and also the engaging and organising of twenty-four thousand volunteers, on the principles I have had the honor of proposing for your consideration, the general outlines of which are contained in the paper marked No. 1.
The number of regular troops I would propose being raised immediately, is six thousand, to be composed of suitable proportions of infantry, artillery, cavalry and riflemen, and organized as stated in the enclosed paper marked No. 2.
It may be presumed that previous to the close of the present session, Congress will be possessed of such further information in regard to our foreign relations as will be necessary for forming an ultimate opinion on the expediency or inexpediency of a greater augmentation of our army than is now proposed; and in the mean time measures may be taken for the recruiting service in different parts of the United States.
In the event of war, it will I presume be considered necessary to arrange our military force into separate departments, and to have a commander to each department, and of course, to have no such officer as a commander in chief; and until a larger army shall be raised than is now proposed, it may not be advisable to have any officers above the rank of Brigadier Generals; of that grade it may be proper to have four or five, as soon as a suitable proportion of the troops is raised.
With sentiments of the highest respect, I am, sir, your humble serv't, H. DEARBORN.
A Supplemental Journal of such proceedings as during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed.
FRIDAY, February 26. A confidential message in writing was received from the President of the U. S. by Mr. COLES, his Secretary, as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I enclose for the information of Congress, letters recently received from our ministers at Paris and London, communicating their representations against the late decrees and orders of France and G. Britain, heretofore transmitted to Congress. These documents will contribute to the information of Congress, as to the dispositions of these powers, and the probable course of their proceedings towards neutrals; and will doubtless have their due influence in adapting the measures of the Legislature to the actual crisis.
Although nothing forbids the general matter of these letters from being spoken of without reserve; yet as the publication of papers of this description would restrain injuriously the freedom of our foreign correspondence, they are communicated, so far confidentially, and with a request that after being read to the satisfaction of both Houses, they may be returned.
TH: JEFFERSON.
February 26th, 1808.
The said message and papers accompanying the same being read.
A motion was made by Mr. Quincey and seconded that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That previous to a return of the papers accompanying the message of the President of the U. S. this day communicated, the Clerk of this House take and retain copies thereof.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration,
It passed in the negative.
Another motion was made by Mr. Quincey and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House such letters received from the American minister at Paris as accompanied the said minister's representations against the late decrees and orders of France communicated to Congress in his message of this day, under such restrictions as in his opinion the public interest may require.
And on the question that the House do now proceed to take the said motion into consideration,
It passed in the negative, yeas 60, nays 62.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present.
Those who voted in the affirmative are, YEAS—Messrs. Bacon, Boyle, Burwell, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, J. Clay, Clinton, Cook, Culpeper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Fisk, Gardener, Gardner, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Helms, Hoge, Howard, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, D. Montgomery, T. Moore, Mosely, Mumford, Newbold, Pitken, Quincy, Rea of Pen. Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Upham, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams—60.
Those who voted in the negative are, NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Brown, Bulter, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clifton, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Isley, Jackson, Jones, Findley, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Isley, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, McCreery, J. Mont-gomery, N. R. Moore, Jno. Morrow, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Pugh, Rhea of Ten. J. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smith, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Taylor, Troop, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, M. Williams, Wilson, Wynn, Withersell—62.
Another motion was then made by Mr. Quincey and seconded, that the injunction of secrecy, so far as relates to the proceedings of the House upon the foregoing message of the President of the U. S. be removed, and that the same be published.
And debate arising thereon.
An adjournment was called for: on which the several orders of the day were farther postponed until to-morrow.
And then the House adjourned until to-morrow morning eleven o'clock.
Saturday Feb. 27. The House proceeded to take into consideration the motion depending on yesterday at the time of adjournment. Whereupon the question being put, it passed in the affirmative.
In addition to the communications from the President under the Washington head, our readers will see his confidential message in the Supplemental Journal of Friday.
We understand that the papers communicated by the President in his message consist of a correspondence between Mr. Armstrong and the Secretary of State, and Mr. Pinkney and the Secretary of State.
The letters of Mr. Armstrong are not very recent, and altogether relate to the condemnation of the ship Horizon, whose case was lately given at length in this paper. They are consequently anterior to the date of the Milan decree. The ground, taken by the Grand Judge, in justification of the condemnation is, that the vessel being, under the French decrees, a good prize at sea, was less so when driven on land.
The letters from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison are dated November 23d, December 14th, December 29th, and January 2d.
The first letter is of considerable length, and details several conversations with Mr. Canning relative to the late British orders; to which the subsequent letters are merely appendages.—In these communications Mr. Pinkney takes a wide and forcible view of the injustice of these orders; states an opinion on that though popular, they will not be of long continuance—and intimates that from his conversations with Mr. Canning, there is no hope of their relaxation. Mr. Rose is said not to have been acquainted with them on his departure; having been sent on a special mission, and it being intended that Mr. Erskine should be continued as minister resident. The merchants had desired an explanation whether American produce might not pass unmolested, the answer given to which was in the negative. Mr. P. in his discussions with Mr. Canning contends that the French decree of November 21st is no justification of the British orders, the former involving only the exercise of municipal powers.
Nat. Int.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 4, 1808.
The following extract of a letter from Washington, is extracted from the Baltimore "North American," a federal print. Our readers estimating the source from which it comes, will take it for as much as it is worth. The article may be true in part; but we confess we do not look for much truth or liberality from that source:—
Washington, 22d February, 1808. "For some days a total stop has been put to the negotiations between the Executive & Mr. Rose. The indisposition of Mr. Madison had delayed the final cessation. The British packet and the American advice-boat have at length orders to sail; and the messengers were sent off on Saturday morning, to carry the dispatches for these several vessels. The British packet will sail with those of the minister to his government, and the Osgood, with those of our government to France."
"It was not until Friday evening that Mr. Rose surrendered the hope of making an accommodation with our executive. Every thing that honor and justice could demand, has been offered. An appeal was made to the common interest of the two countries: a common danger was represented to threaten both; that alike in the possession of a FREE government, the same fate would attend both; [1] that the downfall of the supremacy of England on the ocean, would only be the prelude to the subjugation of America; that England might remain free, and maintain her own independence, when America was overwhelmed by a confidence in her own security. [2] Our government has taken high ground, and recedes not an inch. The spirit of accommodation exists only on the side of the British, and on our's a temper is manifested that forbids even humiliation to hope. [3] Nothing but the destruction of the mistress of the ocean seems to be able to appease the inexorable pride of the Cabinet of Washington. [4] In the rancour of their personal enmity, they would first degrade Great Britain, and then suffer her to be destroyed, although we follow her destiny and find our own destruction in hers. It was required on the part of the British, that a suspension of the operation of the Proclamation should be made, whilst the negotiation was pending; that as the proclamation was a measure of retaliation exercised for redress, and redress was now offered, the proclamation should sleep, until amends were made by Mr. Rose, sent as a messenger of peace and friendship for that purpose. [5] This was refused, unless Mr. Rose would previously state what that compensation was—which would have been to wave the point of honor, and to submit to degrade his nation by appearing in the character of a supplicant. [6] Another point made by our executive, was to blend together the two questions of "satisfaction for the insult offered to the national flag, in the case of the Chesapeake," and "an arrangement for the search for British seamen on board of our merchantmen." By thus coupling the two questions together, our government took a ground that was calculated at once, to stop all proceedings, unless the British government was willing to seal its destruction, by conceding to us the essence of her existence, viz: the power of commanding the services of her seamen. [7]
"It is well known, that the British minister, previously to the departure of Mr. Monroe from London, signified "his regret for the attack made upon the Chesapeake," that "the act was unauthorized," and "the right disclaimed." The executive possessed the note some time before the last message of the president to congress, yet no notice is taken of it. [8] The reason is obvious: it would have calmed the public mind, which views this point as the only one that can justify a rupture with Great Britain."
"What adds to the general consternation is, the intelligence, said to be received by the executive, or the appearance of a number of French officers in the territory of Orleans. Some time since it was announced, that these officers were expected; it is now said that the last advices from Gov. Claiborne say they are arrived. The arrival of Gen. Moreau had not taken place, but was looked for in a few days. His progress down the river had been but slow, as he stopped at several places on the way. Whether this visit be in co-operation with the officers already there, is yet to be determined; it is too much to be feared, that it forms a part of that system, which is calculated to make the territory of the United States the scene of war, and its government an object for destruction. By

some it is thought, that the fate of Spain, is to be subsequent to that of the United States; that whilst Spain has its King on the throne, he may aid the Emperor Napoleon, with a detachment of the army of Mexico, for the subjection of New-Orleans; and with the same army, the Emperor will afterwards possess himself of Mexico. The French officers now at New-Orleans, may be on the lookout, preparatory to striking the blow. They may be sounding the people, viewing the approach to Orleans, and exploring the route to Mexico. [9]
"Amidst these manifold dangers, the executive alone looks round without fear or dismay. Although loud & reiterated the call upon the President for information touching our foreign relations, not a word escapes to warn us of our danger, or to call upon us, to resist the threatened attack."
"A Resolution is now before the House, moved by Mr. Vandyke, requesting such information as the President may deem proper to make, thereby to enable the house to judge of the necessity of augmenting the military establishment. This necessary and reasonable call is opposed, and will, it is feared, be rejected, whilst at the same time, the pages of the back-stairs are soliciting those who call for information, to join in the vote for a military force, which, the president will not take upon himself to say is necessary. [10] The bill for increasing the military establishment is a half way measure, fitted neither for peace nor war. It is to consist, so far as I can understand the bill, of six thousand regulars, and 25,000 militia from the volunteer corps, to be called into actual service and be encamped. With this force, we are to meet a foe, who strikes like lightning, and who sweeps a country with a devastation like an overwhelming tempest."
"Had I time, I would give you the state of opinions relating to the election of our next president. I will soon write to you upon this subject. Mr. Monroe is coming out with a mass of evidence, on facts, that will alarm and astonish the country. [11] Adieu—I must to the House."
"Yours, &c."
REMARKS.
[1] This sentiment completely betrays the politics of the writer. What regard can that man be expected to feel for the rights of the United States, who is base enough to pronounce the British a free constitution? There is one sense only, in which England deserves this name. She is free from all the restraints of duty and morality, which bind nations together: She is free from political virtue; She is free from all respect for the liberty of the seas and the rights of neutrals. The man who could compare the freedom of the United States in any possible view with that of Great-Britain, is ipso facto incapable of any sound decision. I would as soon consult the Lama of Thibet about religion, as such a man about the rights and honor of my country.
[2] This is curious advice. We must submit to the insults of G. B. now, lest we should possibly be insulted by France hereafter. The usurpations of England are felt by us all. They are not a subject of prophecy, but of sense. We see and we feel her tyranny on the ocean. But because G. Britain may be overwhelmed by France, and because France should think proper to attack us, therefore in her good nature she recommends us to submit quietly to her injustice. But the attacks of France are uncertain and distant. She has great objects to obtain in Europe before she will probably assail us. We are not omnipotent: but we have such a confidence in our own strength, as not to shrink from the power of France or England. We thank G. Britain for the solicitude which she kindly displays for our welfare. But we do not want it. We shall never trust to the disinterestedness of the advice of the voracious wolf. We have our eyes open on all sides; we can look to France, and what is still more, we can look to England. We wish for peace with all the world; but we do not fear war with any.
[3] There is no humiliation in doing justice; in repairing wrongs, and abandoning pretensions for which there is not a colour of right. If it be one humiliation in G. B. to do us justice, then I hope our government will never recede, until G. B. is humbled to the dust.—Virtue can never accommodate with vice. There cannot be a half right, or a half wrong. If we are determined to give nothing to G. B. it is because she does nothing to us but what is wrong, and we claim nothing from her but what is right. The man, who under such circumstances could propose to us a disgraceful compromise, was intended for the meanest of the minions of monarchy. He may be a Tory; but nothing salutary or exalted can take root in his bosom.
[4] Intolerable prejudice! because we wish our own rights to be respected; because we wish to put a stop to her maritime encroachments!—therefore do we desire her complete destruction!—The man who cannot perceive the difference between these two cases, must be blinder than a bat in mid-day.
[5] Nothing can be a stronger proof of the insulting friendship of Mr. Rose, than even this representation. Friendship! no man can talk of British friendship, who has witnessed the amicable way in which they stole the Danish Fleet.—Nothing can more strongly prove the dignified firmness with which our government has conducted this negotiation.—This proclamation was forced upon us. It was the only measure of redress which we chose to adopt for her attack on the Chesapeake, and for repeated outrages. Does G. B. require us to withdraw our measure, before she has first made us compensation? Will a man of honor retract his mode of redress until he has received an apology for the first insult?—Grant that Mr. Rose offered to make redress—Was that redress sufficient ?—He would not even state what redress he intended to offer. Until that was specified, he had no right to expect that our "measure of retaliation" was to be waved.
[6] This miserable minion would rather have the U. S. abandon the point of honor than the disgraced government of G. B. Unfortunately there are too many such Editors, writers, and proselytes in the Federal class.
[7] This is a complete misrepresentation of the question.—We do not require that G. Britain should waive "the services of her seamen." We simply demand that our flag should be respected at sea —that our vessels should not be searched at sea for her seamen;—but that some satisfactory arrangement should be made on this point—perhaps that some mode should be agreed on for identifying our respective seamen while they are in port. We believe that no treaty will ever be sanctioned by this administration, which does not contain a satisfactory provision on the subject.
the subject of the impressment of seamen.—We presume that the administration has always held this language; and yet are there men who censure them for having rejected a treaty, which was entirely silens on the subject of impressment.
[8] Until the B. Government had manifested its eagerness to repair this outrage on our rights and to secure them for the future, no notice ought to have been taken of their mere professions.
[9] Perhaps these are mere scarecrows to turn our attention from our British affairs; and to weaken our resentment by division. But if it be a fact that France is striking at our peace, we hope that we shall be prepared to resist both her outrages and those of Great Britain.
[10] Poor prophet! how art thou mistaken?—The President has already recommended Congress to raise 30,000 men; 6000 regulars and 24,000 volunteers.
[11] Surely the sight of these things must excite the indignation of Col. Monroe. Could he ever expect that his name would ever be brought up to feed the flame of Federal abuse against the administration.—Let these damning facts then come out!—The friends of the administration will never be afraid to meet them. They will never fear, that there is any act of the administration which can "alarm and astonish" this country.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, CONCERNING THE EMBARGO.
Every friend to the peace, prosperity and independency of his country, must feel great solicitude, in relation to our concerns with the belligerent powers of Europe.
The proclamations of the British government, on one side, and the decrees of the Emperor Napoleon on the other, leave to neutrals no remaining claims to the freedom of the seas. It is not necessary to examine which is the most or the least oppressive—which discovers the most blame. If an American vessel under the present circumstances, shall pursue a voyage to any part of the English dominions or dependencies, she will be subject to capture by the cruisers of France. If a vessel shall pursue a voyage to any part of the French dominions, or to those of the Allies of France, she will be subject to capture by the British cruisers.
Under such circumstances three things are offered for our consideration—first, to form an alliance with Great Britain, and thereby become the enemies of all the rest of Europe—Second, to form an alliance with France, and declare war against England—Third, to suspend all intercourse or connexion with either, until our vessels can navigate the ocean in safety.
If we form an alliance with Great Britain, we shall be entangled with, and must abide by her fate. Our situation in that event will be worse than that of the colonists. If we form an alliance with France, our seaports, and seaboard settlements will be immediately exposed to British depredation and invasion—so that in either view, the alternative will be dangerous, if not destructive.
These considerations ought to reconcile us to the evils which result from the embargo. It is most true that we very sensibly feel the effects of the embargo, and we are too apt to compare the present state of things, with that which might exist, if there was no embargo. But let it be considered, that the powerful nations now at war, are determined to do to each other all possible injury—that we have no means to support our maritime rights as an independent nation, by force; that war with either will subject us in expenses and dangers of far greater consequence than the evils of the embargo—and then we shall find reason for bearing in patience, an injury we cannot avert without exposing ourselves to others of greater magnitude.
As far as I can ascertain the real state of things; the embargo now seems to be necessary—and the only mean by which we can avoid a state of actual war; and I am much mistaken, if we persevere with firmness and patience, if each of the belligerent powers will not, in a short time, so far relax from their present decrees, as to allow a free trade from the U. States with each. This may be a fallacious speculation, but as the prospects are pleasing, there will be gratification even in the hope.
It is our misfortune that many writers, as well as publishers of papers, have ardently adopted, one side or the other. Some cultivate the best wishes for the success of G. Britain, and would willingly entangle us in a war connected with that power; others cultivate a temper of implacable animosity against that government as well the whole nation. The first ascribes the disasters of the embargo to France, the others impute them to G. Britain.
While such contradictory views exist—if a rupture should take place with either, there would not be among us such a cordial union, as in case of a war ought to exist. Our strength consists in union; A rupture with either, while the present temper prevails, will be attended with disunion; a rupture, therefore, ought to be avoided, until the aggressions of one or the other, would leave us no other alternative.
Providence has kindly blessed the U. States with every thing necessary for the comfort and happiness of man. Foreign commerce is necessary to promote wealth and gratify luxury and ostentation. Many politicians believe that we should be more happy by abandoning all intercourse with other nations.—Though I am not prepared to adopt that opinion, yet I am ready, under all circumstances, now to make the experiment, and to continue an undeviating course, until not only the seas but commerce shall be free.
For pursuing this course, the Embargo now affords the only method; and time will soon show whether a free commerce with the nations of Europe and their dependencies is more necessary to them than to the United States.
Such are the reasons which induce me to recommend to the people, to bear in patience, the temporary evils proceeding from an embargo. Let us remember, although they are great, that any other course would at this time, expose us to others of greater magnitude, the termination of which will depend upon the will and caprice of those who are too powerful to be awed or compelled. By this course we shall gain one great and essential point: That is; a cordial union and ardent co-operation in any war into which we may be forced.
For these reasons I think that the people of the United States, are called upon to decide, not merely between Great-Britain and France, but between peace and national independence on one side, and war and avarice on the other.
Under all the disadvantages of an embar-
go, we can not only enjoy peace and quiet, but we may prosper and flourish, even tho' no intercourse should ever be restored between the United States and Europe.
Why then should we hazard so much, for the gratification of the sensual passions? Is it feared, if the embargo shall continue, that the people of the United States will want, or that every industrious man will not find the means of obtaining the necessaries of life?
Will not a state of war compel us to raise powerful armies? shall we have the means to pay them? Will they like the heroes of the revolution, lay down their arms without pay; or even if regularly paid, is it likely that a powerful military, habituated to idleness, depending alone on their swords, will not provide for themselves at the expense of the liberties of their country?
These are considerations which plead more strongly in favor of an embargo, than the mind, misled by immediate preceptions is prepared to comprehend. They have been considered by me, with such attention, that I have no hesitation in preferring an embargo to a state of war with either of the belligerent powers, in the same manner that I would prefer independency to subjugation.
But I cannot see why we are to fear a continuation of the embargo. The Decree of Napoleon, as I understand it, is to have no effect upon us, after the United States shall cause its flag to be respected, or after Great Britain shall return to those principles of the law of nations, which are equally the principles of justice and honor.
From this it seems, that if Great-Britain will acknowledge the rights of neutrals, the war between the nations of Europe may rage with animosity as well as vigor.
The friends of Great-Britain endeavor to prove that the tyranny and injustice of France have imposed upon us the calamities of an embargo. But candor calls upon me to declare that they have proceeded from the usurpations and aggressions of the British government. Nor shall I abandon that opinion, until Great-Britain, either by treaty with the United States, or by a general change of conduct, shall yield to those rules, by which belligerent nations, in regard to neutrals ought to be governed.
If either of these things shall happen, and Napoleon shall still persevere, contrary to the provisions of his own decree, then will the friends of Great-Britain have some reason to say that Napoleon deserves the hostility of this country, as well as of all mankind;—but before this can be said, Great-Britain must set an example of liberality as well as justice.
Indeed, so much am I an advocate for a pacific course, that even, if forced into a war, I would recommend measures of defence only. This country affords every thing necessary for real happiness—and if we cannot obtain the luxuries and superfluities of other climes, without hazarding our liberties—surely no patriot will hesitate in deciding, not only in favor of the embargo, but for a perpetual separation from other parts of the world.
In a few years, there will be an emulation among our wealthy citizens in establishing manufactures. The artisans of Europe finding this to be our policy, will emigrate, and in a little time, we shall be able to supply those, who now wish to oppress us with manufactures as well as provisions. Even if prospects were less favorable, existing circumstances will justify the experiment.
I will for the present dismiss the subject, repeating that it is most wise patiently to bear the evils of the embargo. If there be questions, either of error or fault, applying to our own public functionaries, it will be time enough to examine and decide upon them, after our national strength shall be consolidated by harmony, firmness and union.
PACIFICUS.
MR. EDITOR, In your paper of the 23d ult. there appeared a piece under the signature of POWHATAN. Things, as well as men, have long since lost their old names: Both men and ships are in these days seen sailing under false colors, and it is in many cases, difficult to detect the imposition, even upon close inspection. Feeling a tender interest in the fame of the real Powhatan, and having a perfect knowledge of his noble and exalted character, I cannot avoid considering the assumption of his name by a scurrilous and servile scribbler, as an insult to his posterity—a scribbler who possesses no trait of Powhatan's character, save his savage mode of attack. I beg the writer of that piece to have hereafter a greater regard for truth, and for the feelings of Powhatan's descendants, than again to affix his name to a publication so unworthy of his memory.
A DESCENDANT OF POWHATAN.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Opocanough is a miserable sophist—and no more.
Because Editors sometimes use the expression "we," which deceives no one—therefore any writer may speak in the plural number on any subject. He may exaggerate; he may distort; he may deceive;—because an Editor chooses to employ we instead of I . When a vindictive descends to such contemptible shifts as these, his cause must indeed be desperate.
If Opocanough speaks of "Extracts of letters" from memory; it must indeed be confessed that he has a very bad one. He has however received a lesson, which may improve him, if his understanding is not as weak as his memory. His readers too have received a lesson: for what confidence can they place in that author's dicta who has made such unfounded assertions without the least scrupulous desire to ascertain the facts?—But because he is in an error, he labours to prove that "the inaccuracy is of no consequence to the public." The question discussed by Powhatan was—whether intrigues and false hoods were employed by Mr. Madison's friends? and how did he attempt to prove it? By asserting that there had been a multitude of letters thrown into circulation—proving a systematic design to deceive.—A single letter would have been of little or no consequence; because it might have crept into the news papers through the customary zeal of printers to present their readers with something new.—A simple letter would not have proved a concert of operations or marked out the "course" of a party—Powhatan's eagerness in amplifying the number of these letters proves that he thought it of some consequence.
The two "letters published subsequently to the caucuses" were not "thrown out of view;" because Powhatan particularly mentioned them. He did not however think that they came under the censure of Powhatan, because they could not have biased the decision of the Virginia caucuses.
I place a very different construction on the sentence, "which is supposed to imply that Mr. Monroe had renounced his pretensions to Mr. Madison's favour." I completely agree with Powhatan. But this obvious dilemma presents itself. Either this letter was or was not designed for publication. If it was not, what becomes of Powhatan's charge upon the friends of Mr. Madison, that the letters were written and published to bias the members of the assembly? If it was, then would any man in his senses have written a letter in Washington, knowing it to be false—to be published in Richmond, where Col. Monroe was to contradict it?—And what is the fact? It was not only discredited by the two printers who noticed it—but it was immediately contradicted by A. B. who has universally passed for the confidential friend and official organ of James Monroe.
Powhatan did not fly from the "truth of these letters" nor from the "motives with which they were written and published." He asserted that the letters about the presidential election—or rather the only letter which deserved notice—was true—and he appealed to the facts themselves for its verification.—As to the motives alleged he would scarce condescend to notice them.—But because the Editor of a paper in the pursuit of his vocation chooses to hunt up and publish a single letter from Washington—which letters are peculiarly interesting at this crisis—must the whole party be charged with "artifice, intrigue, and falsehood?"—I had supposed that even the mind of Powhatan was strong enough to reject so monstrous a conclusion.
His defence of "political lying"—("I thank you, Jew, for that word")—is worthy of the cause which he supports. It is perfectly consistent with the dark allusions in which Mr. Monroe's friends have so much abounded. I begin now to have some hopes of the administration—as the upon charges which Mr. M's. friends have made at last into some figure of speech—either an humble "Metaphor"—or the highest Hyperbole—Opocanough is seriously of opinion, that a man may justly clothe a fiction under a metaphor, and yet if he can with a good grace—Henceforth let not sophists & apostates into schools of oratory—let us attempt to become skillful Rhetoricians—and he will be the best champion of truth, who can employ the finest "metaphors." Away with such stuff!—The expression, shewers of letters , was certainly intended for those which had been published. Independently of Powhatan's having before used hyperbolical expressions about the number of letters that were published, did he ever speak of "the baser coin put off in the night" until some time after he had spoken of these showers of letters ?
Opocanough does not deny that Powhatan is a friend of caucuses, although he wishes to pass himself for an enemy. "On that point, Powhatan's argument is conclusive."
Opocanough cannot conceive how Mr. Madison's friends can justify their "issuing the tickets for calling their caucuses, by the mention of certain measures, which their opponents were to have pursued the very day before the tickets were issued."
"The poor man has a great lack of wit. If an Indian intended an attack upon his life—which some circumstance or other had suspended—and which there was no reason to believe was relinquished—still Opocanough would not arm himself with any means of defence, preparatory to their next interview.—The friends of Mr. Monroe did not announce it to the legislature on the preceding day—but their opponents had every reason to expect it on the next day.—And on that night and the next morning they took their course.—None of Mr. Monroe's friends did "attempt the measure" next day, after the tickets had been circulated.
Powhatan and Opocanough! beware! you have mistaken your forte! throw aside your pen, and resume your tomahawk! SCOURGE.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
SIR, We (a part of your Constituents) request the favor of you to present the enclosed Address to the President of the United States, and to forward us with his answer, if any he may make.
We subscribe ourselves, Sir, Your most obedient humble servants, ABNER WATKINS, BERNARD TODD.
JOHN RANDOLPH, Esquire, a member of the Congress of the United States. October 21, 1807.
WASHINGTON, December 23, 1807.
GENTLEMEN, On the day after I received your communication, I waited on the President of the U. S. and presented your Address, and yesterday I received under cover from him the reply which accompanies this.
I remain, Gentlemen, Your faithful servant, JOHN RANDOLPH.
Messrs Abner Watkins and Bernard Todd.
SIR, Permit us (as a committee in the name and by the direction of the society of people called Baptists, constituting the district of the Appomattox Association within the county of Prince Edward and the counties adjacent) to present you this Address, acknowledging our approbation of your judicious and wise administration during the time you have occupied the Presidential Chair, and that as a grateful people, we think it a duty due you from us as a part of the citizens of the United States, to make this avowal. We are concerned that the time is approaching when by your own free and voluntary act you intend to vacate the Presidential Chair. We nevertheless look to that supreme being who rules nations and kingdoms, and have the flattering hope that out of your ashes he will raise another Phoenix under whose government we shall still be free and happy. We entertain the pleasing anticipation that distant ages will be animated at the mention of the name of Jefferson, and that his merits will be stamped with indelible characters on their and our memories. We beg leave, Sir, under the authority aforesaid, to subscribe ourselves your most obedt. servants, ABNER WATKINS, BERNARD TODD.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. President of the United States. October 21st, 1807.
To which the President was pleased to give the following ANSWER.
To Messrs. ABNER WATKINS and BERNARD TODD.
I have duly received, fellow-citizens, the address of October 21, which you have been so kind as to forward me on the part of the society of Baptists of the Appomattox Association, and it is with great satisfaction, when I learn from my constituents, that the measures pursued in the administration of their affairs during the time I have occupied the Presidential Chair have met their approbation. Of the wisdom of these measures I belongs to others to judge. That they have always been dictated by a desire to do what should be most for the public good, I may conscientiously affirm. Believing that a definite period of retiring from this station will tend materially to secure our elective form of government; and sensible too of that decline which advancing years bring on, I have felt a duty to withdraw at the close of my present term of office, and to strengthen by practice, a principle which I deem salutary. That others may be found whose talents and integrity render them proper deposits of the public liberty and interests, and who have made themselves known by their eminent services, we can all affirm of our personal knowledge. To us it will belong, fellow citizens, when their country shall have called them to its helm, to give them our support while there, to facilitate their honest efforts for the public good, even where other measures might seem to us more direct, to strengthen the arm of our country by union under them, and to reserve ourselves for judging them at the constitutional period of election.
I pray you to tender to the Society of which you are committee, my thanks for the indulgence with which they have viewed my conduct, with the assurances of my high respect, and to accept yourselves my friendly and respectful salutations. TH: JEFFERSON. December 21, 07.
Fourteen sail of American vessels have been captured by the French and sent into Dunkirk. The British too are said to send every American vessel into their ports, that they find upon the high seas. Who will now dare to find fault with the Embargo or the time at which it was laid?
We are authorised to state, that EDWARD CARTER STANNARD, will be a candidate for the City of Richmond, to serve in the next Virginia Legislature.
DISPATCHES.
The dispatches from Mr. Rose for his government, reached New-York on the 23d: the Norton was to sail with them on the 24th: Messrs. Nourse and Lewis were to sail in the dispatches about the same time; the one with the dispatches to Mr. Pinckney, at London; the other, to gen. Armstrong, in France. It is supposed the Osage will sail direct to L'Orient.—Balt. Fed. Gaz.
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorising the Erection of a BRIDGE over the River POTOMAC, within the District of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Stelle's Hotel in the City of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M.
Robert Brent, Jonah Thompson, Daniel Carroll, Jonathan Swift, of Duddington, Thomas Vowell, James Manroe, Cuthbert Powell, James D. Barry, Elisha Fanny, Frederick May, Charles Alexander, Samuel H. Smith.
The act of Congress authorises the subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in instalments of ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix.
Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent.
I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia."
March 4. (ep4w)
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Richard Ligon of the county of Amelia, to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned, to Donald McKenzie, will be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, for cash, on the 5th day of April next, a tract of LAND lying in the said county, containing by estimation 420 acres, or so much thereof as will fulfil the purposes of the deed of trust. The sale will take place on the said land near Ligonstown. The said deed is admitted to record in Amelia county court and contains a more particular description of the Land.
NAT. HARRISON, JOSHUA CHAFFIN, JOHN LANE. Trustees. March 4. (law2w)
THE Creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop are informed that a dividend of the effects of the said James and Alexr. Dunlop, will take place at the house of Henry Hovey on Saturday the 5th inst.
HENRY HOVEY, Wm. LONG, SAML. MCRAW. Trustees. March 4. (1t)
RUN AWAY from the subscriber living in Essex county on the 11th day of February, a very likely Negro Man by the name of NIM-KOCK; he is about five feet ten or eleven inches high, clear limbed, black and slick, about 27 or 28 years of age; he has no particular mark that I remember to describe him by, he is a very sensible, shrewd, cunning fellow, and no doubt will tell a very plausible story. As to his dress he has such a variety of cloaths that it is impossible for me to describe them; but when he left home he had on a round jacket and overalls, home made cloth, kersey wore, cotton warp and filled in with wool, and an old brown great coat pretty much worn. Any person that will bring him to me, if taken out of the county, shall receive a reward of ten dollars, if taken in the county, five, and if secured in any jail so that I get him, shall receive five dollars besides what the law allows from the subscriber. W. GATEWOOD. March 4. (law3t)
HALLERIAN ACADEMY.—C. L. HALLER is induced on account of his extensive concerns, but more particularly on account of his impaired health, to retire from his present sedentary employment; in consequence of which circumstance, he has given up to Mr. L. H. Girardin all the school-concerns of this institution, reserving to himself the management of the economical department as far as those pupils of both sexes, who are to board and stay in the buildings of the said institution, may require. The merits of Mr. Girardin and of Mr. Doyle, (who will continue to devote his abilities to the instruction of youth at the Academy) induce a hope that Dr. Haller's favorite establishment will enjoy under their auspices, the flattering share of public patronage, with which it has so long been honored. March 4, 1808. (1t)
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, at the late residence of John Booker, dec'd in the county of Amelia, the 4th of April next, on a credit of twelve months, all the perishable PROPERTY belonging to the estate of the said John Booker, dec'd and sundry Negro SLAVES belonging to the said estate as may be necessary for the payment of the debts due from said estate. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchasers to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. All persons having claims against the said estate, will exhibit them properly authenticated on or before the day of sale to ELIZABETH BOOKER, Executrix. March 4, 1808. (law3t)
REMOVAL.—DODGE & COHN have removed to Col. Mayo's Buildings, four doors below their former store. They have just received an elegant assortment of GOODS which they will sell extremely low. March 4. (cp1t)
HERRINGS, &c.—100 barrels Herrings, 50 boxes Chocolate, 12 pates French Brandy, 5 pipes Gin, 1000 wt. Seine Twine, wrapping Twine, 30 kegs FF Gun-Powder, Patent Shot, 40 barrels Liver or currier's Oil, 110 reams sheath- ing Paper, 30 doz. Spades and Shovels, 3 tons sheet Iron, 4000 wt sheet Copper & Copper Stems, 3 tons German Steel, 20 tons Grind Stones, 500 Wedging Hoes, 20,000 horse shoe Nails, Saws and Banks for raising mill stones, Paints, Oil, Putty, and Window Glass, with a large assortment of Hardware and Ironmongery, for sale by BREAM & FOLLET, At the sign of the Anvil, Main Street, Richmond. March 4. (law4w)
NOTICE.—Persons desirous of becoming members of the Richmond Light Infantry Blues, are informed that there are now a few vacancies in the Company—applications can be made to the Captain or any of the company, as the applicants may think proper. RO: GWATHMEY, Secretary. March 4. (1t)

THURSDAY, February 11.
DEBATE
On the bill for the punishment of Treason, and of other crimes and offences against the U. S.
(CONTINUED.)
(Mr. Giles's Speech continued.)
The next question which presents itself for consideration is, how can this further definition be obtained? What department is most competent to it? What is the proper department under the Constitution? He said there can be no doubt but the legislative is the only constitutional and competent department for that purpose.
Mr. G. said, it would be recollected, that according to the interpretation put upon the clause of the Constitution first read, it was stated that the power of declaring or ascertaining the acts which would amount to the treason of "levying war," and adhering to the enemies, &c. was conferred on the government generally and not on any department exclusively. If this position be correct, which appeared to him to be a plain matter of fact, he would now call the attention of the Senate to another clause in the Constitution, which he considered directory as to the proper department for exercising this power. The clause he alluded to was in the 8th section of the first article of the Constitution. He would read both clauses together—3d sec. 5d art. "Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies giving them aid and comfort."—8th sec. 1st art.—Congress shall have power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." Now ask the question, is the power of declaring or ascertaining what acts amount to the treason of "levying war against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies, &c." vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States? Answer—It certainly is. What is the proper department for passing all laws necessary and proper for carrying this power into execution? The constitutional answer certainly is, Congress.
If this exposition be correct, and it appeared to him to be self-evident, it is no longer a constitutional question, but it is a question of expediency. Is it necessary and proper under existing circumstances to pass such laws? This question has been before answered in part, but would be further examined presently. The clause in the Constitution last read has also had a general explanation applied to it. It is called "the sweeping clause," and attempts have been made to infer from its general powers to the government, altho' he should discard that interpretation; and readily admit, that it confers no power of itself upon the government, it is of infinite importance in adjusting all powers vested in the government, by the Constitution. It determines upon the department, in which the ultimate power of the government is vested. The first part of the clause relates to powers previously and specifically given to Congress. The words are "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers." This although extremely proper, is the least important part of this clause, because all necessary and proper means for carrying into execution all the powers specifically vested in Congress, might have been inferred; it was however, perhaps, better to express it, and leave nothing to inference; but the remaining part of the clause is the real operative part of it. The words are "and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States or any department or officer thereof." The wisdom and foresight of the framers of our Constitution, is particularly discernible in this article. They clearly foresaw, that many difficulties might arise in the execution of many of the powers vested in the government of the United States or in some of the departments thereof, which at that time, could not be conceived or imagined; for the purpose therefore of meeting these difficulties, and insuring the due execution and administration of the government, this clause was introduced; declaring in effect that whenever any such difficulties should occur, in relation to any powers vested in the government, &c. Congress should have power to pass all laws necessary and proper for relieving them from such difficulties, and carrying such vested powers into due execution. This clause in his opinion, therefore, must be considered as also settling all questions amongst the departments respecting the ultimate deposit of power.
But a formidable difficulty is here interposed. The danger of legislating on this subject. It is said, if Congress should undertake to declare what acts amount to the treason "of levying war, and adhering to the enemies, &c." they may declare acts treasonable not embraced by these definitions and limitations; and supposing they should do so, where is the remedy? In the first place it may be observed, that there is no such supposition warranted by the Constitution. The supposition itself, is therefore unconstitutional. The Constitution has furnished certain guards against its violation in this respect, as well as in all others. The representatives are chosen at certain short periods; are themselves subject to the same rules of conduct prescribed to others; and take a solemn oath to support the Constitution of the United States. It is believed that these guards are sufficient for the protection of the Constitution and that the danger of its violation is merely imaginary; but in the next place, this supposition might be answered by another; suppose the judges were to declare certain acts treasonable, which are not embraced by these species of treason defined in the Constitution; where is the remedy? The danger in this case appears to be greater, than in the other; and there is no remedy at all; because the judges are irresponsible; except to use their own language, to God and their own consciences. They are not responsible to the people, who alone possess the ultimate sovereign power; whereas their representatives are responsible directly to them at short periods, and the President and Senate indirectly responsible to them at periods some what longer. But it can be demonstrated, that the judiciary department under its present organization, is utterly incompetent to the due exercise of this power, as will be clearly seen from the following statement.
The supreme court of the United States has no criminal power whatever. That power is confined to the circuit courts. There are eighteen circuit courts in the United States, including the circuit court of Columbia, and excluding all the territorial courts. These courts are composed of 28 judges, and are held at 18 different places without any connection with each other; as far as the opinions of these judges have been ascertained it is believed, that no two of them have concurred as to all the acts which amount to the treason of levying war; the only species that has yet been presented to them for adjudication; the other species "of adhering to the enemies of the United States &c." not having yet occurred; the U States having enjoyed almost an uninterrupted state of peace, ever since the adoption of the Constitution. If that species of treason should become frequent, a circumstance highly probable, in case of a change in the state of the nation, to a state of war, a similar result may be expected. What prospect of settling principles correctly can we have, if 18 different tribunals should settle the same question in 18 different ways? Yet his honorable friend from New-York seems disposed to wait with patience, until some certain decision can be established in the usual course of judicial decision, which even in the event of occurring opinions could not happen in a century; and unless there could be some new order of things in
that respect, could never happen at all. Instead of certainty in the ascertainment of offences, confusion inculcable must be the consequence.
But let us see what the chief justice says upon this subject in his opinions delivered upon the trials at Richmond. "It is true, that in that case, after forming the opinion that no treason could be committed, because no treasonable assemblage had taken place, the court might have dispensed with proceeding further in the doctrines of treason. But it is to be remembered, that the judges might act separately, and perhaps at the same time, on the various prosecutions which might be instituted, and that no appeal lay from their decisions. Opposite judgments on the point would have presented a state of things infinitely to be deplored by all. It was not surprising then that they should have made some attempt to settle principles which would probably occur, and which were in some degree connected with the point before them."
"This court is told that if this opinion be incorrect, it ought not to be obeyed, because it was extra-judicial. For myself, I can say that I could not lightly be prevailed on to disobey it, were I even convinced that it was erroneous, but I would certainly use any means which the law placed in my power to carry the question again before the supreme court, for re-consideration, in a case in which it would directly occur and be fully argued."
Here we see the chief justice pathetically deploring the consequences of opposite decisions upon the same point, and lamenting his inability to bring these cases before the supreme court. For what? He tells us to settle principles, or in other words to prescribe rules for the government of the circuit courts—in which, consists the very essence of legislation. Hence the judicial legislation of the supreme court is to exclude Congressional legislation, to the evident admission of the incompetency of the circuit courts to legislate upon this subject; and unfortunately for the legislation of the supreme court, it has no jurisdiction in criminal cases; and therefore there is no legal mode of bringing the cases before them for the purpose of settling principles, or in other words for the purpose of legislation.
Hence will result all the confusion which the chief justice so properly and pathetically deplores. Yes, Sir, the uncertainty and confusion resulting from contradictory decisions of your courts upon the doctrine of treason against the United States will be such, that no man can know when an act is innocent or guilty; and when his innocence or guilt will very much depend upon the court, before which he may happen to be brought for trial. Our situation will be, probably now as that described in England in the time of Henry the 4th, after a great many statutes had been passed, and contradictory adjudications had been made in relation to this same doctrine of treason. In the preamble to the statute of the 1st of Henry the 4th, the situation of the nation, in relation to treason, is thus described: "That no man knew what he ought to know, or to do, or say, or to speak through doubt of such pains." This, if not now, will inevitably be the case of this country, unless some legislative corrective of the present system be applied. There are also great objections to the forms of judicial legislation; they consist too much in inference, too little in dictum. They want the words "Be it enacted," &c. The judges so blend their reasonings with their inferences, that it requires great legal skill to make the proper analysis. A plain man of the best understanding, could never do it. The enacting clauses are obscured by the preamble. It is like enacting our speeches interspersed with our laws. Take for instance the judicial opinions lately delivered in the United States upon the various questions of treason, which have been brought before the courts, and ask your self this question: Do you understand the doctrine of treason now, better than you did before the opinions were given? Is not the subject rendered more confused and uncertain? Can you tell whether accessory treasons in England are principal treasons in the United States? Judge Chase and others say they are. Judge Marshall says he does not know whether they are or not, but his reasoning would go to show that they are not. In the doctrines of treason, this is an all-important question; and if the judges cannot agree, how plain men shall settle the question? And why is it that the people should be kept in the dark upon this branch of our penal laws alone? It cannot be on account of the heinousness of the offence, its dangerous tendency towards society, nor its fatal effects to the individual committing it. All these reasons plead loudly in favour of telling the people plainly, what the acts are involving such consequences; that they may take care to avoid their commission.
He then proceeded to examine some further consequences of a different interpretation of the Constitution, to which he begged the most serious attention of the Senate. If the judges are to declare what acts amount to treason against the United States without any legislative aid; one of two consequences will inevitably result. Either the statutes of England, in relation to these species of treason, the decisions of the English judges thereupon, and perhaps the opinions of some of their elementary writers, will become the fundamental law; or all acts amounting to treason must be transmitted only on the minds of the judges. Upon the first of these points, let us examine the decisions of the judges themselves.
He would first call the attention of the Senate to a rule of court laid down in the trial of Fries, and found in the Appendix to Tucker's Blackstone, page 13, 15.
"Judge Chase on the subsequent trial of Fries, declared "That the court would admit, as a general rule, of quotations from the English books; not as authorities whereby they were bound, but as opinions and decisions of men of great legal learning and ability. But even then the court would attend carefully to the time of the decision, and in no case must it be binding on the juries; as this was pronounced as a general rule by the court, and not as the opinion of a single judge, we may consider it now settled, that the English authorities are not binding as precedents; consequently they do not form part of the law of the land, but are to be respected only as the opinions of men of great legal learning and ability, which may nevertheless be canvassed as freely as the opinions of other men. Neither are we bound to suppose, that the framers of our Constitution meant to adopt those decisions as a guide to our courts in the interpretation of the definition of treason against the United States."
According to this decision, English authorities are to have no binding influence on the courts, but are to be respected as the opinions and decisions of men of great legal learning and ability. Let us now turn to the decision of the Chief Justice at Richmond with this same rule of court before him. It is suggested to have been before him, because this celebrated treatise of Judge Tucker upon the doctrine of treason, was referred to in the same decision, and almost the whole of the Chief Justice's reasoning upon accessory treasons was drawn from it.
"What is the natural import of the words "levying war" And who may be said to levy it? Had they their first application to treason made by our Constitution, they would certainly have admitted of some latitude of construction. Taken most literally, they are perhaps of the same import with the words raising or creating war, but as those who join after the commencement are equally the objects of punishment, there would probably be a general admission, that the term also comprehended making war, or carrying on war."
"But the term is not for the first time applied to treason by the Constitution of the U. States. It is a technical term. It is used in a very old statute of that country, whose language is our language, and whose laws form the substratum of our laws. It is scarcely conceivable that the term was not employed by the framers of our
constitution in the sense which had been affixed to it by those from whom we borrowed it. So far as the meaning of any terms, particularly terms of art, is completely ascertained, those by whom they are employed must be considered as employing them in that ascertained meaning, unless the contrary be proved by the context. It is therefore reasonable to suppose, unless it be incompatible with other expressions of the Constitution, that the term "levying war" is used in that instrument in the same sense in which it was understood in England and in this country, to have been used in the statute of the 25th of Edward 3d, from which it was borrowed."
"It is said that this meaning is to be collected only from adjudged cases. But this position cannot be conceded to the extent in which it is laid down. The superior authority of adjudged cases will never be controverted. But those celebrated elementary writers, who have stated the principles of the law, whose statements have received the common approbation of legal men, are not to be disregarded. Principles, laid down by such writers as Coke, Hile, Foster and Blackstone, are not lightly to be rejected."
It cannot escape observation that the chief justice here expressly lays it down, that the laws of England in relation to these species of treason, form the substratum of our laws, from which figurative expression, is evidently inferred an undeniable declaration on the part of the judge, that the laws of England, in these respects, are the foundation (substratum) of our laws; or in other words the fundamental immutable laws of the U. S. and of course in their essential operation, a part of the constitution of the U. S. But the chief justice goes further, and declares that the decisions of the English judges form a part of these fundamental laws, and even the principles in relation thereto laid down by their celebrated writers, are not to be disregarded.
It is hardly to be presumed, that before this declaration, it had ever entered into the imagination of any man, that our constitution was composed of such materials. If it be the case however, it is devoutly to be wished that these laws, decisions and principles of elementary writers should be collected, printed and annexed to our constitution as legitimate parts thereof; and if Congress are to be excluded from all participation in the exercise of this authority, the supreme court could not render a greater service to their country, than to make the collation with all convenient dispatch, for the information of Congress; and still more, for the people at large. But, Sir, are there no objections to these subjects of our laws? On no one subject of jurisprudence is C. B. have there been such monstrous perversions of justice, and such passionate, and contradictory decisions, as on the doctrine of treason, and why? Because they have been almost always made in violent and troublous times, and generally after bloody contests for the crown. If his interpretation of the constitution should be deemed incorrect, rather than hold some of his most important rights upon substrata like these; he had thought it proper to propose an amendment to the constitution to authorize Congress to declare what acts should amount to treason against the U. S. But in reflecting upon that subject, he found the 8th sec. of 1st art. a title of the constitution as good a provision for that purpose as could be drawn by way of amendment, and he begged gentlemen to reflect upon it, and see whether they could prepare a better, to wit: "Congress shall have power to pass all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the U. S. or in any department or officer thereof."
But, Sir, let us now discard this doctrine of the chief justice, and take up the rule laid down by the court in the trial of Fries. That the British laws, decisions, and elementary principles, are not the substrata of our laws on the doctrine of treason; but merely entitled to certain respect in guiding the courts to correct decisions; I would then ask where is the doctrine of the treason written, if our laws of treason are not taken from these sources; where are they written? No where, unless on the minds of the judges. Sir, there are great objections to this sort of transcription; first, the transcript will be different on the mind of every different judge—2d, it may be different upon the mind of the same judge at different times and under different circumstances. The retina of the human mind is not fit parchment for the transcription of laws. It is too much like changeable silk. It may vary its complexion, especially when held up to political sunshine. He begged the Senate to take a view of the judicial proceedings, which had taken place in the U. S. in relation to this subject. Without pretending to go minutely into the examination of the evidence before the courts on the trials of Fries, and the late trials at Richmond, a general view of the different results of these trials had always appeared extraordinary to him. Fries and other ignorant Germans, from a very limited district of country, being hostile to an act of Congress, assembled themselves, and with arms forcibly rescued some persons from the custody of the marshal of Pennsylvania; the prisoners not being charged with treason, and as soon as the rescue was effected, returned peaceably to their homes, and it is believed never after assembled in arms for any other purpose. This was considered by the court as unquestionable treason against the U. States.
The transactions disclosed on the trials at Richmond, seemed to be of a very different character. It appeared there, that a design to dismember the U. S. by force, and to establish a separate government in the part thus separated, and also to seize upon, and include in such government some of the territories of Spain, had been deliberately formed by the most active, daring, intelligent and enterprising citizens of the U. S. That partisans were engaged to effect this design, extending themselves from the city of New-York in the direction of the lakes, and from thence to Orleans, and from Philadelphia, from this place, &c. to Pittsburg, and in that direction to Orleans; which appeared to be the first object of attack, and from whence further operations were to be determined on. That in pursuance of this design, a number of men with arms had convened at the mouth of Cumberland, with the chief projectors of this enterprise at their head; and entered into a formal capitulation for surrendering themselves to the authority and laws of the U. States, after having cautioned the acting officer of the U. States against compelling them to shed blood in a civil contest by refusing their terms of surrender, and thus urging them to resistance. These transactions, according to the opinion of the court, unquestionably do not amount to treason against the United States and the persons committing them ought not even to be committed for trial before the tribunal having cognizance thereof. But the assemblage described by the judge as demeaning themselves in a peaceable and orderly manner; no act of violence was committed, nor any outrage on the laws practised. There was no act of disobedience to the civil authority, nor were there any military appearances, although the men were drawn up in something like a semicircle, &c. &c. the capitulation, and its accompanying circumstances to the contrary notwithstanding. This circumstance, however, was not thought worth mentioning by the judge in his recapitulation of the evidence.
These judicial results appeared strange to him, and he believed they did to every impartial man in the U. S. He did not mean to infer from these circumstances anything more than that the highest judicial officers were not exempt from the frailties and foibles of human nature; nor did he mean to use them for the purpose of detracting one atom of independence from the judges—respective than he feared they were more independent than a very different opinion of the honorable and dignified character of an independent judge; of a department in some respects dependent; and of a judge, who, forgetting the nature of his of-
ice, is perpetually aspiring not only to render his department absolutely independent, but to render it supreme over all the other departments of the government—in the one case, he is placed in the elevated and dignified attitude of distributing justice impartially amongst his fellow-citizens; in the other, he is reduced to the miserable position of intriguer, scrambling for power; for when once this appetite for power is indulged, the sacred mantle of the judicial character will be found but a feeble barrier against its influence. There was nothing in names—it was not material whether they were called judges, or consuls, or censors, once place power before their eyes, and they would all, with an equal impulse, pursue the means best calculated to attain it. This is human nature; and under such circumstances, raise this sacred mantle of the judge, and you will find common to human nature. Hence this argument derived from the sacredness of the judicial character had but little influence on his mind; and therefore could never be an inducement to him to yield to their claims to ultimate and unlimited powers—even the oaths taken by the judges have been suggested by them, as arguments in favor of their claims to the ultimate power of the government: Without seeming to recollect that their number is seven, and that the same oath is taken by above one hundred and seventy members of both houses of Congress; and as a further protection of the constitution, Congress is composed of two branches, placed as mutual checks on each other.
He said he would now detain the Senate only a few minutes longer, whilst he made a few observations on the only remaining clause in the constitution connected with this subject. It is the last clause of the 3d sec. of the 3d article of the constitution in these words—"The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attained." It will be here observed, that this clause relates solely to legislative powers, although it is classified with the power of the judicial department. An inference has been drawn from this clause, as the power of declaring the punishment of treason, is expressly given to Congress, it excludes the inference, that Congress may also declare what acts shall amount to treason. This however is a mere inference; and if that effect was intended by the framers of the constitution, they would certainly have expressed it—for it is not possible to conceive, if this idea once presented itself to them, they would have left a subject of so much delicacy and importance to mere inference. This clause was evidently introduced with very different views, and so far from its excluding a legislative declaration of the acts amounting to treason, it affords an argument in favor of that construction. This clause like the preceding one, is intended both to confer power, and limit its exercise. It gives to Congress the power of declaring the punishment of treason but limits its exercise to attainder of blood, only during the life of the person convicted. But may not Congress, consistently with this clause, apply different degrees of punishment, to different acts of treason? Are there not different degrees of moral turpitude, in different degrees of treason? And now can Congress pass a graduate according to the degrees of moral turpitude, different punishments to different acts, without the power of defining the acts to which such punishments are to be applied? He acknowledged he could not see how it could be done, without such definition. The doctrine of apportioning punishments to crimes, according to the standard of moral turpitude, has always been a favorite one in this country, and very probably, was not without its effect in introducing this clause into the constitution. He said he had done enough however for his argument, if he had shown that the inference generally deduced from this clause was not warranted by it. He had now presented to the Senate the leading motives with him for introducing the principle of the bill—and if he had occupied more of their time, than was agreeable, he hoped the delicacy, difficulty, and importance of the subject would furnish his apology.
CHEAP SHOES.—SARAH POTTER intend- ing to decline her present business, will, until the 14th of next month, sell at prima cost , the stock of Shoes on hand.
All persons having claims against her, will please bring them in for adjustment, and all those that are indebted, it is expected will make immediate payments.
FOR SALE , fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Moccasin and Copper creeks and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, and on big Fox creek and other branches of New-river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Guion-dot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber.
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's warehouse, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are
Antigua Rum, Soap, Candles, Holland Gin, Rice, Spanish Indigo, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Northern Cheese, Raspberry ditto, Best Spanish Segars, London particular Ma- Hibbert's Porter and Beira Wine, Brown Stout, Port, Sherry & Tener- English, Swedish and life ditto, Country Iron, Best green Coffee, Nail and spike Rod, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Pickled Salmon, Best Chocolate, F. F. Gun-powder in Kegs, Gun-powder, Raisins, Almonds, Imperial, Hyson, Pepper, Ginger, Young Hyson & Queens-Ware, &c. &c. Souiching, &c.
Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers.
JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON.
Richmond, Dec. 4.
FOR RENT very low, two Brick TENEMENTS opposite the Market place, adjoining the one occupied by Mr. Moses A. Myers; Also, two very excellent TENEMENTS on the Hill, opposite to Mrs. Braxton's; all of them designed for stores—Apply to
GEO: GREENHOW.
COUNCIL CHAMBER. —Proposals will be received by the Executive for the purchase of the condemned Slaves now in the Penitentiary
DANL. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council Feb. 25, 1808.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR —Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Laces and Sheetings.
All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [cptf.]
I GIVE this public Notice, that a certificate ascertaining my right to thirty-two shares in the Bank of Virginia, has been lost by me. In consequence of which, I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it will place it in the hands of Mr. Thomas Norvell, Broker, living in the city of Richmond. HUGH C. BOGGS. Spottsylvania, (Va.) Feb. 19. [if]
MANCHESTER ACADEMY. —I whom informs the public, that having engaged an assistant, he is enabled to receive an additional number of students, and as these probably will come from the country, he has prepared a commodious residence in the house where the Academy is kept, in order that they may be entirely under his own inspection. Board may be obtained at Mr. Brooks's for young gentlemen under the age of sixteen for thirty pounds per annum, and forty pounds for those of more advanced years. Mrs. Baa of Manchester receives Board on similar terms. In other private houses of respectability, board including washing, may be had on the very moderate terms of eighty dollars per annum.
The branches of Education taught at the Manchester Academy are the English Grammar, English composition and writing—The Latin, Greek and French Languages—The several mathematical sciences including Navigation, Surveying, Military Fortification, Gunnery, &c. Natural and Moral Philosophy, as likewise the Art of Design.
J. Wood will give particular attention to those young gentlemen who may choose to reside with him for instruction in these sciences, and it will afford him the highest pleasure to prohibit their progress and assist their studies.
In the period of eighteen months a complete mathematical course from the elements of Euclid to the higher part of Fluxions may be accomplished.
The fees of Tuition are, twelve dollars and fifty cents per quarter, paid in advance.
Richmond, Feb. 25, 1808. [3tf]
TO THE PUBLIC. —The subscribers having commenced the SNOZ & BOAT making Business in the house lately occupied by Mr. John Southgate, nearly opposite the post-office, and next door below Messrs. Robert and Allan Pollock— solicit a share of patronage in their line of business, and assure those who may please to favor them with their custom that their work shall be of the best quality both as to materials and workmanship.
They this are entitled to do from the misunderstanding which has taken place between the journeymen and their late employers, in consequence of which, most of the best workmen have left town, except those that engaged with the subscribers: They have further to assure the public that they have not joined the association lately formed (not to mend boots or shoes of other than Richmond manufacture,) but permit the public to purchase where they may be best pleased, and yet mend such work as may require it. Orders from the country particularly attended to.
LYON & BERRY. Feb. 23. [if]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. —At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 10th February, 1808.
Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next.
A copy, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me.
N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [u]
TO RENT. —Four Comfortable TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—FOR HIRE. Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [cptf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. —Knowaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars.
ROBERT GAMBLE, JR. Richmond, Dec. 29. [cptf.]
FOR SALE , 121,000 acres of LAND in Ken- whia county, in the forks of Great Sandy river:
24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river:
20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks:
1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river:
Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.
To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family.
THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [if]
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP. —The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto.
THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, JR. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are,
5 years old 15 months do. ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hahn and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hlds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season.
JAMES BROWN, JR. Jan. 5. [if]
MORE CHEAP GOODS. —JOHN KING again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City.
November 5. [cptf.]
IN CHANCERY. —Middlesex County Court, December, 1807.
Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andres and Polly his wife, and—Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants.
It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county.
A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. s. Jan. 11. [2awo1]