The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-18 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1808.
[No. 58.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE UNION TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
MR. WM. F. WEBB, Administrator of Benjamin Edwards, dec'd. North-Carolina. Str—Please to take notice, that on the second Monday in January next, I shall take the deposition of Mr. Spencer Ball, Jr. of Northumberland county, in Virginia, at the court-house of said county, at the town occupied by Joseph Rogers, at that place, to be used as evidence in the suit depending in chancery in the United States circuit court, held in Richmond for the district of Virginia, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. CHARLES J. LOVE. Nov. 18.
NATHL. CHILDERS, at Peter Lead's old Tavern, Manchester. will be happy to accommodate 15 members of the General Assembly, at 45 per week, and will use every exertion to give satisfaction. He also continues to accommodate people upon the most moderate terms. Nov. 18. [18A] P.S. He has a most excellent Lott for Drivers and Waggoners.
FOR SALE —On the second Wednesday in December next, I shall offer for sale, before the door of the Eagle-Tavern, the following high bred BROOD MARES, COLTS & a FILL, &c. 1. DIDO, by the imported horse Shark, out of a full bred Medley mare, eighteen years old. 2. FIDGET, by Bell Air, her dam Blueskin—Blueskin was by the much admired imported horse Clockfast, &c. 8 years old. 3. ROSINA, by the imported horse Diomed, out of No. 1, three years old. 4. TREASURER, by Diomed, out of No. 2, three years old. 5. BUZZARD, by the imported horse Buzzard, out of Hebe by Dave Devil—Hebe's dam by Medley, &c. 6. BLUEBEARD, a colt dropped last spring, by the famous horse Archduke, out of No. 2. 7. WOOD-PECKER, a Colt dropped last spring, by the celebrated Horse Florizel, out of No. 1. Terms of Sale—One half cash, the other in 6 months. Nov. 18. E. SMOCK. law4w
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD —Was taken out of my stable last night, two HORSES, one a chestnut sorrel, about 4 feet 10 or 11 inches high, a natural pacer; the other a bright bay, 5 feet high, a star and snip in his face, one white foot, remarkable gay carriage when in harness. Whoever delivers the said horses, or either of them, to me, shall receive ten dollars reward, and the above reward, on conviction of the thief. Likewise my riding Saddle and Bridle, about half worn, with heavy plated bit and stirrups. RICHARD ADAMS. Nov. 18. It
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Elisha Dickinson to Wm. Lawrence, on the 18th day of February, 1802, and duly recorded in Louisa county, to secure the payment of a sum of money and interest therein specified, due to Ludlow and Nimrod Brumley. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Louisa court house, on the 22nd day of December next, one negro man TOM, and one negro woman PATTY. The title to these negroes is believed to be good, but as I only act as trustee, I shall convey only such title as is vested in me. WM. G. PONDEXTER, Trustee appointed by decree of Louisa Court, to act instead of Wm. Lawrence, dec'd. Nov. 18. law4w
ON Saturday the 10th day of Dec. next, will be sold, at public auction, the following HOUSES & LOTS, to wit: The Tenement lately occupied by Mrs. Byrd, with ground on the cross street opposite to Dr. McClurg's lot, sufficient for a carriage house and stable. The Tenement now occupied by Miss Bennett, adjoining the former. Also, two Brick Tenements on the main street, leading from the turnpike road to the Swan-Tavern, & 40 feet of unimproved Ground, lying between said houses and the one occupied by Mrs. Vannett. The terms of sale will be, one-fourth in 6 months, another fourth in 12 months, and the remainder in 2 & 3 years. THOS. NORVELL. Nov. 18. It
N. B. Any person wishing to purchase the above property at private sale, will be pleased to apply to I. N.
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 25th inst. at the late residence of Geo. Smith, dec'd. in Chesterfield county, about four hundred barrels of CORN, together with the present year's crop of OATS & FODDER, consisting of about forty thousand weight of superior quality. Terms will be made known on the day of sale, by PETER F. SMITH, Adm'r. JNO. HOWLETT, [cpts] Adm'r. Nov. 15.
N. B. Also, a few likely NEGROES for cash
WANTED as a servant in a private family a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic—Apply to the Printer Nov. 15. [18]
JUST LANDING from the ship Trident, from Salem via New-York, and for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery Store, between Mrs. Mays & Kelly, Duke and St. Peter's Store, and Messrs. Galt & Co., Richard & Co. Fresh Gunpowder 100 in 25 lb. lead canisters Do. do. do. in 14 lb. boxes. Do. do. do. single pound. Do. Imperial do. Do. Mason Gunpowder, Hyson Chulang & best Hyson Do. Young Hyson and Hyson Shime Do. Souchong Pouch and common Souchong, all warranted to be very good. Do. Tea, a few tea and coffee Sets, elegant and high priced. Self Porcelain, some sparkling Champagne, and Brandy in the Cask to Vauguest, Gravenhorst Cask, Ruffe, of the very best quality. AUSTIN LAFOREST. Nov. 18. [law4w]
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR —At the corner of the Bridge Row and the Cross-street leading to Mayo's Brick Yard, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [18]
COMMITTED to the Jail of Essex county on the 1st day of Sept. a negro man named BEN, who says he belongs to Samuel Pleasants of Powhatan county, and ran away from William Hicks of Goodland, to whom he was hired, and by him employed in a coal yard. The said BEN is about 45 years of age, 5 feet 4 inches high, has a scar on the left side of his face, just opposite his nose, grey hairs on the right side of his head; had on when committed, a pair of brown linen trousers, blue round jacket, and snuff colored waistcoat. His owner is requested to come forward, take him away, and pay charges, or the laws in such cases will be enforced by JOHN GIBSON, Deputy Jailor. Nov. 11. [35]
NOTICE —In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Miles, who, when a youth, left Brigg-house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1798, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Petersburg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Miles, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland. GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. Oct. 14. [5m] His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND at Lester's new Wharf 23 Crates Earthen Ware, 25 Hds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens. IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 Hds. Molasses, 10 tierces green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sher-ry, 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Segars, 8 bags Race Ginger, Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. Nov. 4. [18]
NOTICE —I shall petition the next General Assembly, to be exonerated from keeping up the Causeway opposite my Ferry and through the Marsh of Moore Fauntleroy, deceased. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Sept. 20. (18)
ALL persons having claims against the Estate of Wm. Friend, dec'd. late of Manchester, are hereby required to bring them forward, as early as possible, that arrangements may be made for payment; and all persons indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make payment, as speedily as possible. The situation of the estate being such, as to render it impossible to grant longer indulgence. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, Nov. 1. [2m]
WANTED as a HOUSE-KEEPER, in a large family, a discreet industrious woman. To one who can come recommended as such, very liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 4. [3w]
NOTICE —Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, Sept. 14. (18)
COPARTNERSHIP Dissolved —In pursuance of the authority given to each partner, by the articles of copartnership, entered into between Asa Dodge and the Subscriber, lately pursuing business in this city, under the firm of Dodge and Cobb, the aforesaid copartnership is hereby declared dissolved. In consequence of the embarrassed situation of the business, the creditors of the said Dodge and Cobb are informed, that all their Goods and effects, including Book Debts, notes, Bills, &c. are conveyed and assigned to Wm. Marshall, Esq and Benjamin Kimball, for the benefit of such creditors, as chuse to subscribe to the conditions of the Deed of conveyance in ten days from the date thereof. The Deed is in the hands of said Kimball, to whom all who are indebted to said firm, will please pay their balances immediately. GERSHOM COBB. Oct. 25. [18]
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY —The annual meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next. Special matters of business, important to the interest of the company, require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person, will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, CLE. Nov. 8. [18m]
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to the Subscriber by Wm. Brown of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due Kenyon Giles, will be offered for sale, on the 30th of Nov. next, at Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester; one Negro Man DIVER & JOHN, the property of the said Brown—for cash. PETER F. SMITH, Trustee. Oct. 28. [cpts]
NOTICE —That a call of two dollars on each share of the Stock Holders, in the said Company be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 28. [cpts]
PUBLIC SALE —The subscriber intending to remove to the Western country, some time the ensuing year, will positively sell, at public auction, upon the premises, on the second Monday in December next, the tract of LAND on which he lives, lying in the county of Henrico, on Westham creek, containing 345 acres, with a Saw and Grist Mill; only about thirty acres of this tract is cleared, from which one crop only has been gathered. One of the tracts containing 100 acres, separated from the first named tract by the three-chopped road; this last named tract is entirely wood Land. Also, all his household and kitchen FURNITURE; among which is, some excellent Mahogany—Several likely Virginia born Slaves—the stock of Cattle, Hogs, about 1500 or 2000 weight of Pork, four Horses, five Mules, two Wagons and Geer, and the plantation Tools. And on the 2nd Saturday in the same month (Dec.) will also be sold upon the premises, a half acre lot of Land lying and being in the city of Richmond, on Shockoe Hill, known by the No. 718—Also, part of a half acre lot, adjoining Mrs. E. Page. Terms of sale made known on the day. Any person inclined to view the premises, will be shown them by the subscriber. All persons having any demands against him, will make application without delay. SPOTSWOOD LIPSCOMBE. Westham, Nov. 4. [2awds]
WANTED to hire a man COOK from the 1st Dec.—Enquire at this Office. Nov. 8. St
HOBDAI & SEATON, adjoining the City Hotel, on the Cross-Street from the Brick Row to the Governor's house, respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have commenced business in PLAIN & WINDSOR CHAIR-MAKING, TURNING, SIGN-PAINTING, GILDING, &c. and solicit patronage. Intending always to employ the best materials, and the best skill in the line of their profession, they hope to give universal satisfaction. Nov. 8. [18]
A FEW boxes of 18 by 12 Window GLASS, of the first quality for sale.—Enquire at this Office. Oct. 14. [18]
BY virtue of ample powers delegated to the Subscriber, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Eagle-Tavern in the city of Richmond, on the 22nd day of November next, all that valuable estate in Boon county, in the State of Kentucky, well known by the name of the Big Bone Lick, or salt works on Big Bone Creek, about two miles from the Ohio River, containing two thousand acres more or less. Also four thousand acres of valuable LAND on the Ohio river, a great portion of which is low ground of good quality. The Lands on the Ohio, and the above mentioned Tract, do not actually join, but are within a half mile or thereabouts, of each other. The whole six thousand acres were located and surveyed under military warrants, with respect to the title, the purchaser will be made satisfied on the day of sale. These lands are said to be extremely valuable, in point of situation and soil, besides the advantages of the Salt Works, which, 'tis believed, would be very productive, if prosecuted on a judicious plan. WM. C. WILLIAMS. Oct. 25. [18s]
IN addition to the above mentioned Lands, & by virtue of the powers aforesaid, will be sold, at the same time and place, the following valuable Tracts of Military LAND, viz. One thousand acres in the state of Kentucky, on the waters of High Land creek, adjoining the Lands of Mayo Carrington, and Peter Casey, patented the 15th June, 1786. A tract of 333 1-3 acres in the state of Ohio, on a fork of Paint creek, adjoining Nathaniel Burwell's survey, No. 982, patented 22d Nov. 1802. Also, a Tract of 266 2-3 acres, in the state of Ohio, on Todd's fork of the Little Miami river, adjoining Wm. Barlow's survey, No. 3643, Thomas Bailey's survey, No. 2022, and John Roberts's survey, No. 699, patented the 23d Nov. 1802. The three last mentioned tracts of Land, will be sold upon the following terms, to wit: One fourth of the purchase money in hand, and the other three-fourths in three equal annual payments—the purchasers executing deeds of trust, on the Land, to secure the last payments. BEN. MOSHY, WM. C. WILLIAMS. Richmond, Oct. 25. [18s]
FOR SALE , that well known and valuable FARM, on Chickahominy river, formerly the property of Mr. Thomas Watkins, dec'd. about 14 miles from Richmond, containing 545 acres: a very considerable part, is valuable swamp Land, a part of which is reclaimed, and now in meadow, from which I have been credibly informed, that Mr. Watkins in his life-time, cut upwards of 100 ton in the year; there is about 120 acres of swamp Land now in timber; and could be reclaimed at a very inconsiderable expence, to make at least double the quantity of hay, that has formerly been cut. There is a considerable quantity of Cedar on the high land, and I believe, full sufficient to fence the greater part of the plantation. On this plantation, is a tolerable good dwelling-house, kitchen and a very good barn, with several out-houses for the negroes. Also, an excellent young apple orchard, of about 300 bearing trees, independent of the old orchard of 100 more of the best kind, and about 500 peach trees, selected from the best kind, with a variety of pears, and cherries, and all of which are choice fruit. There is also, on this plantation, a very valuable grist mill, on which there was formerly, a good grist mill, and from information, used to receive from 50 to 60 barrels of toll corn, per annum. Last year I erected a new mill house on it, with a considerable part of the running year finished, and for about 100 dollars expense, the mill could be completed. Few plantations in this country, possess more natural advantages, as the whole of the meadow can be watered from the mill stream. This Farm is worthy the object of any person who is fond of farming, and can be made as productive as any in the state, for the number of acres it contains. I am satisfied, to any man, who would turn his attention to making of hay, the product of that article alone, would be from 4 to 500 pounds annually, independent of corn & wheat: to any person inclined to purchase this farm, I will give a credit of 3 years on paying down 1/3 of the purchase money, on securing the balance by a deed of trust on the premises.
Also, for sale, four Mules and about 32 head of CATTLE, and the crop of Corn, Fodder, &c on his land, which will be sold independently of the plantation. DANIEL L. HYLTON. Nov. 1. [18]
FOR SALE , a likely young mulatto WOMAN, 18 years old, brought up as a nurse & house servant, in a private family, in the country; a mulatto MAN about 41 or 42, brought up as an ox-herd and driver in the same family: Also, 12 valuable and well broke MULES. Credit for 3-4ths of the value, and for 12 months, will be given on receiving proper security. Apply to Mr. Neil McCoull. Nov. 8. [3w]
NOTICE —That a call of two dollars on each share of the Stock Holders, in the said Company be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 28. [cpts]
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY —The annual meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next. Special matters of business, important to the interest of the company, require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person, will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, CLE. Nov. 8. [18m]
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to the Subscriber by Wm. Brown of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due Kenyon Giles, will be offered for sale, on the 30th of Nov. next, at Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester; one Negro Man DIVER & JOHN, the property of the said Brown—for cash. PETER F. SMITH, Trustee. Oct. 28. [cpts]
NOTICE —That a call of two dollars on each share of the Stock Holders, in the said Company be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 28. [cpts]
NOTICE —That a call of two dollars on each share of the Stock Holders, in the said Company be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 28. [cpts]
WILLIAMSBURG, September 1, 1808 —The Subscribers have entered into partnership, under the firm of COLE & HENDERSON, and have supplied themselves with a general and well selected assortment of superfine and line Cloths, Woolens, Manchester stuffs, Cambrics, Hosiery, Hardware, Sadlery, Stationery and Groceries; which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or on short credit to customers who are punctual in their payments. ROS COW COLE, JAS. HENDERSON.
N. B. For the accommodation of the Students and Scholars of William & Mary College, they will keep a constant supply of the Books used in that Seminary. C. & H. Sept. 13. [epif]
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, November 10th, 1808.
Mr. Giles submitted the following motion to the senate for consideration:
Resolved , That so much of the President's message as relates to the several embargo laws, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine and report, whether any further measures are not necessary to enforce a due observance thereof during their continuance; and also whether any further modification thereof be expedient at this time, and that such committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. G. observed that as the resolution had the honor of moving, respecting the embargo laws, was intended only as an enquiry into that subject, which was deemed important by all, and if to be further enacted upon, requiring immediate attention; and as it did not commit the senate upon any point in relation to those laws, he hoped the committee might be now appointed.
Mr. Goodrich requested that the motion might not be acted upon until to-morrow, to which Mr. Giles agreed.
Mr. Smith (of Md.) submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the militia laws of the U. States.
FRIDAY, November 11th, 1808.
Mr. White submitted the following resolution:
Resolved , That the president of the United States cause to be laid before the senate, copies of all the orders or decrees of the belligerent powers of Europe passed since 1792, affecting the commercial rights of the U. States.
Mr. Millhouse proposed the following resolution:
Resolved , That it is expedient that the act entitled "an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto, be repealed, and that a committee be appointed to prepare and report a bill for that purpose.
Mr. Smith (of Md.) objected to an early consideration of this motion, because the pressure of the embargo was not equal to what the gentleman had stated, and that the preparations for fitting out our vessels by merchants are not predicated upon the supposition of a repeal of the embargo; the documents accompanying the president's message had not been read and duly considered. He therefore objected to an early day.
Mr. White wished Monday or Tuesday next, the documents being then before the senate: He wished this motion to be acted on before Mr. Giles's of yesterday.
Mr. Millhouse thought the shutting up our commerce as destructive as the orders and decrees. He wished an early discussion, because in Connecticut a report, proceeding from a person in the administration, had been in circulation, "that the embargo was to be removed." The expectation of a repeal was grounded upon the supposition that the embargo was not productive of benefit to ourselves, but of serious disadvantages; nor was it productive of the injury contemplated upon the belligerents. He wished an early day—say Monday.
Gen. Bradley objected to this discussion. The rule of the senate directed that resolutions of the kind in question shall lie on the table one day for consideration.
Mr. Lloyd (a new senator from Massachusetts, in the room of Mr. John Quincy Adams) submitted the following resolution:
Resolved , That the president of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the senate a statement showing the number of vessels which have departed from the United States, with permission, between the 22d of December, 1807, and the 30th of September, 1808, specifying the names of vessels and their owners, the size of the vessels, the dates of their clearances, the ports or places for which they were destined, and the amount authorized to be brought back to the U. States in each of such vessels.
General Smith (of Md.) called up his resolution of yesterday respecting the militia laws of the United States. On the question being taken on its passage, it passed in the affirmative, and Messrs. Smith, (of Md.) Sumpter, and Bradley, were appointed a committee in conformity thereto.
Mr. Maclay presented a memorial from the merchants of Philadelphia, stating a disagreement in opinion between them and the collector of the port with respect to the construction of the embargo laws. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Reed (of Md.) submitted the following resolution:
Resolved , That in future the secretary procure, for the use of the senate, stationary of the manufacture of the United States, or of some territory thereof.
The senate proceeded to consider the motion made yesterday by Mr. Giles, and having agreed to the same, it was ordered that Messrs. Giles, Smith, (of Md.) Bradley, Millhouse, and Pope, be a committee for the purpose mentioned therein.
After the consideration of some executive business, the senate adjourned until Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FROM THE MONITOR.
FRIDAY, Nov. 11th, 1808.
A variety of resolutions of a local nature were offered, relative to post-offices and post roads, which were read, considered and referred to the committee appointed on that subject.
Mr. Burwell proposed the following resolution:
Resolved , That the president of the United States be requested to lay before this house copies of an act or acts of the parliament of Great Britain, carrying the orders of council of the 11th of November, 1807, into effect; and also, an act placing the commerce of America, in English ports, upon the footing of the most favored nation.
Mr. Burwell said he presumed there would be no objection to the object of the resolution;
and if there was any to its extent, he would readily consent to any modification which should be proposed. The acts embraced in the resolution had either not appeared in our public journals, or if they had, he had not seen them. It would be hardly necessary to observe, however, it was in the discussions of the next week, to have them to understand the system of foreign instructions.
By the orders of the 11th November, our exports domestic and foreign, are limited to England, and our imports must pass through her. It was indispensable to know precisely what duties were imposed, to estimate the effect on our navigation of the discriminating duties, imposed on produce imported into England in American vessels under the act placing us on the footing of the most favored nation. Gentlemen acquainted with commerce had stated to him that the ship-right of American produce could pay nearly double that in British vessels, and still save considerable in the difference of duty imposed in G. Britain on American vessels.
Mr. G. H. Campbell suggested an alteration in the resolution, so as to embrace such acts as may be in question might not be in his possession, whilst others may. There had been a great variety of orders and acts of different kinds, promulgated of so contradictory a nature that it would require all the skill not only of this country but of G. Britain herself, to decide how they will be carried into operation.
Mr. Burwell was perfectly willing to admit the alteration proposed, if it should be deemed necessary; he conceived however that the amendment offered was fully implied in the expression of the resolution as it stood.
Mr. Love was desirous that the resolution should be more comprehensive than it then stood. A variety of proclamations and orders had been issued relative to the subject, which it was of importance should be particularly and generally known. He adverted to the order given to British ships of war to suffer American vessels to pass unmolested, when unprovided with regular clearances, &c.
Mr. Burwell's resolution was agreed to, and a committee of two (Messrs. Burwell and Cotte) appointed to wait upon the president in conformity thereto.
Mr. Jackson said, more fully to try the sense of the house upon the resolution offered by the gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Chittenden) which was made the order of the day for Monday next, he would offer the following resolutions:
Resolved , That provision ought to be made by law for more effectually carrying into execution the several embargo laws.
Resolved , That no vessel shall be allowed to depart from one port to another of the U. S. that does not with her cargo wholly belong to citizens of the U. States, and navigated solely by citizens thereof.
Mr. Jackson said it was not his intention to go into the discussion of the resolutions at present; he merely wished to bring the subject into view, when the resolution of the gentleman from Vermont should be taken up, and he therefore moved to refer them to the committee of the whole on the state of the union to whom was referred the resolution he alluded to, and that they be printed; which was agreed to.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved that the house resolve itself into a committee of the whole, on the state of the union, which being assented to, Mr. Macon was called to the chair, when Mr. Campbell observed, that the message of the president of the United States had been referred to this committee, and that it was proper that the important subjects to which it relates should be placed in a train for suitable discussion. He therefore begged leave to offer the following resolutions:
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to the erection of fortifications for the security of our seaport towns and harbors, be referred to a select committee.
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to the military and naval establishments be referred to a select committee.
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to the revising and improving the militia system of the United States be referred to a select committee.
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to the disposition of the surpluses of our revenue in the improvements of roads, canals, rivers and education, be referred to a select committee.
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to encouraging and promoting internal manufactures, be referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Resolved , That so much of the message of the president of the United States as relates to our finances, be referred to the committee of ways & means.
The resolutions being separately read and agreed to, the committee rose and reported accordingly; when the speaker having resumed the chair, the resolutions were gone through & concurred in—the first was referred to a committee of nine; the second to a committee of seven; the third to a committee of seven; the fourth to a committee of like number; the fifth to a committee of seven; the sixth to a similar number, and the others as specified therein.

necessity for going further back than the commencement of the present war, the treaty of Amiens having given a kind of conclusion to previous proceedings against neutrals by the belligerents. If the gentleman (Mr. Burwell) would move to reconsider his motion, he would cheerfully assent to a resolution which should incorporate the ideas of gentlemen who desired to give a wider scope to their investigations.
Mr. Burwell then moved to reconsider his resolution, which being agreed to by the house, Mr. Dawson offered a resolution which, in his opinion, would embrace the views of all sides; and Mr. O. Cooke, with the same view, proposed another of similar tendency.
Mr. Quincy said, he merely wished a development of the whole belligerent system, and had no objection to the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. Smilie said he had come into the house at rather a late hour; but that if he understood the subject under consideration, the proper mode of proceeding would be for the house, in the first instance, to disagree to the resolution (Mr. Burwell's) which would make way for one of a more general nature.
Mr. Burwell then offered an amendment to his resolution, which he thought would meet the sanction of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy).
Several verbal alterations were then suggested by Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Quincy and Dana, when the resolution was agreed to by the house in the following form, and Messrs. Burwell and Cutts were appointed a committee to present it to the president.
Resolved, That the president of the U. States be requested to lay before this house copies of all acts, decrees, orders and proclamations, affecting the commercial rights of neutral nations, issued or enacted by G. Britain, France, or any other belligerent power, since the year 1791. And also an act placing the commerce of America in English ports upon the footing of the most favored nation.
Mr. Mason then withdrew his resolution, which he had previously moved should lie on the table.
It was proposed and agreed to, that when the house adjourned it should adjourn to Monday.
Mr. Fitzsimons moved the following resolution, which was carried:
Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of rebuilding two light houses on Plumb-Island, at the mouth of Merrimack river, in the state of Massachusetts, and that they report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. O. Cooke moved to adjourn, if there was no business before the house.
The Speaker remarked that the resolution of the gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. Elliot] was on the table.
The clerk proceeding to read the same, Mr. Randolph inquired if he were reading it from a newspaper? The Speaker said that he was; whereupon Mr. R. observed, that it was extremely indecorous and highly derogatory to the dignity of the house.
The clerk, through the medium of the Speaker, explained. He said that the original had been sent to the printer, in order that a number of copies might be struck: that he had consulted the gentleman [Mr. Elliot] as to the propriety of substituting a newspaper copy, to which he had assented.
Mr. Elliot said he had meant that he had no objection to a copy in writing being made from the newspaper. If it were necessary he would write down the resolution again.
On motion, the house adjourned till Monday.
MONDAY, Nov. 14, 1808.
Mr. Elliot called up his resolution (for consideration) relative to information from the secretary of the treasury touching instructions given to the collectors of ports respecting the execution of the embargo laws, &c. It was agreed to.
Mr. Merio presented a petition from the company incorporated by law for opening the navigation of the Catawba and Wateree rivers, praying congress to authorise the secretary of the treasury to subscribe to all their vacant shares, representing the interest which the United States have in the improvement of the said navigation, inasmuch as they have arsenals and an armory fixed on the Catawba, between two falls on the greatest shoal of that river. Mr. Marion moved that it be referred to the committee to whom was referred that part of the president's message which relates to the improvements of roads, canals, rivers, &c.
Mr. Randolph having objected to this reference, the petition was with the assent of Mr. Marion referred to a special committee of five.
Mr. Newton offered the following resolution, which was agreed to:
Resolved, That the Committee appointed on so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the military and naval establishments, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the President of the United States to employ such an additional number of seamen, not exceeding 1000, as in his opinion the public service may require, and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Newton observed that by law the president could not employ more than 1400 seamen, eleven or 1200 of which are in actual service.
Mr. Burwell, from the committee appointed to wait upon the president to request information respecting the orders, decrees, &c. of the belligerent powers against neutral commerce, reported that the committee had performed that service, and received for answer from the president that he would comply with the request of the house as soon as possible.
The following resolution was proposed by Mr. Blackledge and adopted:
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the president of the United States to employ an additional number of revenue cutters and that they report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Mumford proposed the following resolution, which was referred to a committee of the whole house to whom was referred Mr. Chittenden's and other resolutions relative to the embargo:
Resolved, That the act laying an embargo on all the ports and harbors of the United States and the several acts supplementary thereto, be repealed so far as to allow the ships and vessels of the United States to depart with their cargoes for those countries not subject to the decrees of France, or those not subject to the British orders in council.
Mr. Mumford stated his object to be to open our trade to such parts of the world as were not affected by the decrees and orders of France and Great Britain—such as China, the Native ports of India, Barbary, Sweden, Russia, and the free ports in the West Indies.
Mr. Rhea (of Tennessee) submitted the following resolutions, each of which was separately agreed to, and the first was referred to the committee of claims:
Resolved, That every pension or arrearage of pension due, or that may hereafter
become due for any officer or soldier of the United States, and who does reside in any of the United States, or the territories thereof in which there hath not been established a commissioner, loans, or in which there may not be any resident attending commissioner of the treasury; shall be paid by the secretary of the treasury at the city of Washington, on application of the party interested, conformed to the rules and injunctions provided by law for the payment of pensions or arrearages of pensions by a commissioner of loans.
Resolved, That the committee on public lands do enquire into the expediency of laying off, and describing by certain metes and bounds, a tract of country to which the Indian title hath been extinguished, within the limits of Louisiana, and to include all the settlements within the said territory; and of having the said tract of country laid off into townships and sections, half and quarter sections, agreeably to the several laws heretofore made for surveying the public lands of the United States; and also to enquire into the expediency of granting one quarter of a section to every free male white person who now resides therein, or who will within five years, actually improve and reside thereon.
A variety of petitions were presented, and some old ones were called up and referred to different committees—several resolutions respecting post-offices and post-roads were submitted and referred to the committee appointed for that purpose. These being of a local nature we have thought it unnecessary to particularize them. The Speaker observing that there was no business before the house, except the Order of the day, (Mr. Chittenden's resolution.) Mr. Chittenden remarked that as application had been made to the president for information which would have considerable influence on the discussions of the house, and as it seemed to be the desire of some gentlemen to wait for that information, he waved the call for the order of the day on his resolution—Mr. Smilie said there had been a great many committees appointed to transact different business, and if no gentleman was prepared to lay any thing before the house, he would move to adjourn—Mr. Cook moved to print the resolution offered by Mr. Mumford, which was agreed to—When, on motion of Mr. Smilie, the house adjourned. Mr. Bacon moved in the course of the sitting a resolution tending to provide for franking the president's message and documents laid before Congress on the 8th instant.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONDAY, November 14th, 1808.
Mr. White called up his resolution (for consideration) relative to information concerning British orders and French decrees, and proposed an amendment to the same, which was objected to by General BRADLEY, who said he preferred the resolution in its original form; he wished to see all the orders, decrees and regulations which had been issued since the commencement of the wars of the French revolution; he was desirous to ascertain precisely which of the belligerents had begun the present system.
Mr. White said he was not tenacious of his amendment; he was willing to adhere to his original resolution; and (Mr. Thurston having read from a newspaper the resolution of Mr. Burwell going to the same object, but which went back to 1791, one year prior to the scope of Mr. White's resolution,) he had no objection to embracing in his resolution the year 1791, which was agreed to. After substituting (on motion of Gen. Bradley) "be requested to lay" instead of "cause to be laid," the resolution was passed.
Mr. Lloyd's motion, as stated in our last Monitor, was called up by him, and agreed to.
Mr. Reed called up his resolution relative to stationary of home manufacture. Mr. Mitchell proposed to amend it by inserting the words "as far as can be procured."
Mr. Reed said he was extremely desirous to give a decided preference to articles of American manufacture, not only as it respected stationary, but with regard to every other species of manufacture. The question on the amendment being taken it was agreed to.
The question on the motion as amended being about to be put, Mr. Anderson said he preferred the original motion. He wished not that the idea should go abroad to the world, that we could not manufacture in this country the materials of writing. We certainly (said Mr. A.) possess patriotism sufficient to use such articles as can be made in this country, though not so handsome as those imported. By giving sufficient encouragement we should soon have them of a quality equal to those of foreign workmanship.
Mr. Reed would agree to the resolution as amended. He would take as much as he could out of his object. It was agreed to.
The Senate was occupied a considerable time this day in executive business, having received a message from the President.
DOMESTIC.
DOCUMENTS
ACCOMPANYING THE MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT.
MR. MADISON'S LETTERS TO GEN. ARMSTRONG.
Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to General Armstrong, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, at Paris. (Extract.)
DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
May 22, 1807.
"The two last letters received from you were of December 24, and January 16.
"The decree of November 21, communicated in the first, had previously reached us, and had excited apprehensions which were repressed only by the inarticulate import of its articles, and the presumption that it would be executed in a sense not inconsistent with the respect due the treaty between France and the United States. The explanations given you by the minister of marine, were seen by the President with much pleasure, and it only remains to learn that they have been confirmed by the express authority of the emperor. We are the more anxious for this information, as it will fortify the remonstrances which have been presented at London, against the British order of January 7th. Should it, contrary to expectation, turn out that the French decree was meant, and is to operate, according to the latitude of its terms, you will of course have made the proper representations, grounded as well on the principles of public law, as on the express stipulations of the convention of 1800—Nothing, besides, could be more propitious, than to blend with an appeal to neutral rights and neutral nations, a gross infraction
of the former, and outrage on the sentiments of the latter; unless it be to invite a species of contest on the high seas, in which the adversary has every possible advantage. But on the more probable supposition, that the decree will not be unfavorably expounded, it will be still necessary to press on the French government a dispatch of such orders to their cruisers in every quarter, as will prevent a construction of the decree favorable to their licentious cupidity. The moment your letter was received, the answer of the French minister of marine to your note was communicated to General Turreau, with a call on him to transmit it immediately to the French governors in the West Indies. This he readily engaged to do. But notwithstanding this precaution, there are proofs that West Indian privateers have, under color of the edict, committed depredations which will constitute just claims of redress from their government.
"Mr. Erving has forwarded a Spanish decree also, avowedly pursuing the example and the views of the French emperor—The terms of this decree are even more vague, or rather more broad, than those of the prototype; and, if not speedily recalled or corrected, will doubtless extend the scene of spoliations already begun in that quarter; and of course, thicken the cloud that hangs over the amity of the two nations."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Madison to Gen. Armstrong.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, February 8th, 1808.
"Your letters and communications by Dr. Bullus were duly delivered on the 14th day of December. The same conveyance brought a copy of the sentence pronounced by the French prize court in the case of the Horizon, giving a judicial effect to the decree of Nov. 21st, 1806, as expounded in the answer of Mr. Champagny to your letter of the 12th November, 1807.
"While the French government did not avow or enforce a meaning of the decree of Nov. 21st, 1806, in relation to the United States, extending its purview beyond the municipal limits, it could not in strictness be regarded as an infraction either of our neutral or conventional rights; and consequently did not authorise more than a demand of seasonable explanations of its doubtful import, or friendly expostulations with respect to the rigor and suddenness of its innovations.
"The case is now essentially changed. A construction of the decree is avowed and executed, which violates as well the positive stipulations of the convention of Sept. 30th, 1800, as the incontestible principles of public law: and the President charges you to superadd to whatever representations you may have previously made, a formal remonstrance in such terms as may be best calculated either to obtain a recall of the illegal measure, so far as it relates to the U. S. or to have the effect of leaving in full force all the rights accruing to them from a failure to do so.
"That the execution of local laws against foreign nations on the high seas, is a violation of the rights of the former and the freedom of the latter, will probably not be questioned. A contrary principle would in fact imply the same exclusive dominion over the entire ocean, as is enjoyed within the limits of the local sovereignty, and a degradation of every other nation from its common rights and equal rank.
"If it be contended that the decree, as a retaliation on the other belligerent, at the expense of neutral nations, is justified by a culpable acquiescence in the prior measures of that belligerent, operating through neutrals, you will be able to deny such acquiescence, and to urge moreover that, on every supposition, the retaliating measure could not be justly enforced, in relation to neutrals, without allowing them at least a reasonable time for choosing between due measures against the prior wrong, and an acquiescence in both.
"The copy of the representations to the British government, through its minister here, on the subject of its orders of January, 1807, will at once disprove an acquiescence on the part of the United States, and explain the grounds on which the late extension of the French decree of November, 1806, is an object of just remonstrance.
"The conduct of the French government, in giving this extended operation to its decree, and indeed in issuing it with such an apparent or doubtful import against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that element exhibited the measure in the light of an empty menace, at the same time that it afforded pretexts to her enemy for severe retaliations, for which ample means are found in her naval superiority.
"The accumulated dangers, to which the illegal proceedings of the belligerent nations have subjected the commerce and navigation of the United States, have at length induced Congress to resort to an embargo on our own vessels, as a measure best fitted for the crisis, being an effectual security for our mercantile property and mariners, now at home and daily arriving, and, at the same time, neither a measure nor just cause of war. Copies of this act were, soon after its passage, transmitted to Mr. Pinkney, with an authority to assure the British government, that it was to be viewed in this light, and that it was not meant to be the slightest impediment to amicable negotiations with foreign governments.
"He was requested to avail himself of an opportunity of communicating to you and Mr. Erving this view of the subject, and I hope that you will have been thence enabled to present it to the French government. Not relying however, on that indirect opportunity, I send by this another copy of the act, with an instruction from the President, that you make it the subject of such explanations as will guard against any misconception of the policy which led to it. It is strictly a measure of precaution, required by the dangers incident to external commerce, and, being indiscriminate in its terms and operation towards all nations, can give no just offence to any. The duration of the act is not fixed by itself; and will consequently depend on a continuance or cessation of its causes, in a degree sufficient in the judgment of the legislature, to induce or forbid its repeal. It may be hoped that the inconveniences felt from it by the belligerent nations may lead to a change of the conduct which imposed the inconveniences of it on ourselves. France herself will be a sufferer, and some of her allies far more so. It will be very agreeable to find in that consideration, and still more in her sense of justice, a sufficient motive to an early manifestation of the respect due to our commercial rights. The example would be worthy of the professions which she makes to the world on this subject."
"February 18. Since the above was written, I have been under a decree of indisposition which has suspended the proposed con-
tinuation of it, and which now will oblige me to be very brief; the more so as the vessel has been some days detained, which was engaged for the special purpose of conveying public dispatches and private letters to Europe.
"The delay has enabled me to inform you that Mr. Erskine, a few days ago communicated, by instructions from his government, its late decrees of November 11, and those forming a sequel to them. The communication was accompanied with assurances, that which regret was felt by his Britannic majesty at the necessity which the conduct of his enemy had created for measures so embarrassing to neutral commerce; and that his majesty would readily follow an example of relinquishing such a course, or even of making relaxations hari pasad with his enemy.
"In remonstrating against the injustice and illegality of the French decree, I am aware that you may be reminded of antecedent injuries to France and her allies, through British violations of neutral commerce. The fact cannot be denied and may be urged with great force, in our remonstrances against the orders to which Great Britain has given a retaliating character; since the French decree might, on the same ground, be pronounced a retaliation on the preceding conduct of Great Britain. But ought the legitimate commerce of neutrals to be thus the victim and the sport of belligerents, contesting with each other the priority of their destructive innovations; and without leaving, either of them, to neutrals even the opportunity or the time for disproving that culpable acquiescence, which is made the pretext by both, for the wrongs done to them? And I must repeat, that apart from all questions of this nature, the French decree, or at least the illegal extensions of it to the U. States, remain chargeable with all the imputations which have been pointed out.
"I find by accounts from Hamburg, Bremen, Holland and Leehorn that the trade and property of our citizens have been much vexed by regulations subaltern to those of the original decree of November 21, 1806. How far the complaints are founded on proceedings violating our public rights, or on such as are unfriendly and inequitable towards our citizens, who have placed their property within those jurisdictions, you will be able to decide better than we can do at this distance; and the President refers to your own judgement the kind of representation to the French governments which those and other analogous cases may require."
(To be continued.)
ELECTIONS.
The state of Georgia has never more unequivocally expressed her firm adherence to the republican cause than at the recent elections. In her legislature, composed of more than an hundred members, there are not more than six federalists. We are assured, indeed, that in this state scarcely any division exists with regard to the measures of the administration. The whole mass of the people are prepared to endure any privations rather than disgrace themselves and their country by an object submission. We are further assured that no division exists on the Presidential Election, and that it is probable that Electors who will vote for Mr. Madison will be unanimously chosen. Nat. Int.
Robert Witherspoon, republican, is elected a representative in Congress in the room of D. R. Williams by a majority of 393, over Mr. Gourdin.
Elisha R. Potter is re-elected Speaker of the House of Representatives of the state of Rhode Island.
Francis Malbone, federal, is elected a Senator of the United States for six years ensuing the 3d March next.
Massachusetts—For members of Congress—Boston, for Mr. Quincy 2515—For Mr. Jarvis 1395. The votes in the whole districts, except Hull and Hingham, for Mr. Quincy 2904—Mr. Jarvis 1805.
Mr. Quincy is undoubtedly re-elected.
In the district of Essex South, Mr. Pinkman had 2764, and Mr. Kilham 2524 votes. In Salem Mr. Pinkman had 901, and Mr. Kilham 900 votes.
Essex North. Seven towns give Mr. Livermore, fed. 1470, and Mr. Kittredge, rep. 765. Mr. Livermore is re-elected.
Norfolk. Twelve towns give Mr. Seaver, rep. 1278, and Mr. Robbins 927 votes. Mr. Seaver is re-elected.
Middlesex. Six towns give Mr. Varnum, rep. 363, and Mr. Biglow, fed. 443.
Hymouth. Eight towns give Mr. Baylies, fed. 1173, and Mr. Turner, rep. 968.
Bristol. Fifteen towns give Mr. Wheaton, fed. 1293, and Mr. Deane, rep. 807 votes.
Worcester South. Five towns give Mr. Upham, fed. 473, and Mr. Bangs rep. 304 votes.
Pennsylvania. Six counties, additional to those of which accounts have been already offered, give the republican ticket 10,640 and the federal 2,123 votes.
N. Hampshire. Seventy-eight towns give 6582 votes for Federal electors, and 6730 for republican electors.
In Portsmouth the votes were 629 republican; 352 federal.
N. Jersey. No doubt remains of the complete triumph of the Congressional and Electoral Tickets by a great majority.
In all the counties, from which we have heard, republicanism has gained since the October election.
HALIFAX Oct. 24.
"Our expedition is yet kept in readiness—although there is no certainty of its destination, or even departure, 10 or 12 sail of transports lie with their sails bent, provisions on board, camp equipage, &c. and even the staff appointed for the troops. Some think it is to join that from Cork under Baird."
"29.—Arrived, Ville de Milan frigate, from Jamaica—nothing new. The troops still remain prepared for the expedition."
"About 1000 of the troops have been engaged in a sham fight in imitation of an invasion."
"The governor of Nova Scotia has extended to the 7th of Dec. the term for importations in neutral vessels."
LEGISLATURE OF NEW-YORK.
In Assembly November 3, 1808.
Mr. Safford, from the Committee appointed to prepare an address, in answer to the Speech of his Excellency the Governor, reported the following draft:
"The Assembly can never receive a communication from a Governor who possesses their confidence, without pleasure. To meet such a chief magistrate, and to receive from him information of the state of our public affairs has accordingly given us great satisfaction upon this occasion."
"We learn with regret and indignation, that the belligerent nations of Europe, still continue their aggressions upon the commerce of the United States. At the same time, we concur with you in approving the wise measures, which have been adopted by the general government to counteract those
aggressions, and to protect our rights as an independent people. Should war ultimately be necessary, we shall meet the event. The measures and the means of resisting the aggressions foreign powers, belong to our national councils; and in their wisdom and integrity, we have entire confidence."
"To several subjects recommended to the consideration of the Legislature, shall receive our deliberate attention; and we shall cordially unite with the other branches of the government, in exertions to promote the common welfare."
Extract of a private letter from the Honorable John Quincy Adams.
"My conduct as a public man having been invariably and exclusively governed by a sense of public duty, I cannot but be gratified that it has met your approbation. Dictated by principles more durable in their nature than the passions of individuals or the prejudices of party, I confidently trust that it will eventually be estimated at its true value, by the general sentiment of my country. To the merit of good intentions it is entitled. To that zeal for the preservation of our national Union and independence, it has a claim equally just. The rest is in the judgement of others, and I shall cheerfully leave it to the deliberate decision of the nation. Union and Independence are the Herculean pillars of my political system; and if they shall ever fail, I am content to fall with them, and to say, Sistimus hic tandem, ubi nobis defuit orbis. "— Bos. Chron.
VERMONT. Montpelier, Nov. 4.
DEAT SER.
"The great and important question of choosing Electors for President, was determined this day at 11 o'clock, when the following persons were declared duly elected, viz. His Excellency Israel Smith, Hon. Jonas Gales, Hon. John White, Hon. Samuel Shepherd, Hon. James Tarbox, and General William Caboon, by a majority of ten, in grand Committee; the above will support the Madisonian Ticket for President."
"If Mr. Monroe were possessed of the information which the editor of the Aurora is in possession of, concerning the designs of the federalists of the south, upon his honor and integrity, he would disclaim all connexion or suffrage from such a perfidious faction. It may be asked, why not make it known to him now? the answer is, that had it been made known by any but direct means, it might be attributed to unworthy motives, but the editor of this paper had determined, and is determined to put Mr. Monroe in possession of the evidence after the election; when no sinister motives can be imputed, and when the facts referred to will strike him with abhorrence and indignation, against the faction that now affects to honor and confide in him, but who have sought and would destroy him if in their power."
BALTIMORE, November 10.
MARYLAND LEGISLATURE.
General Winder, a federalist, from Somerset county, is elected Speaker of the House of Delegates; Mr. Brewer, a democrat, is re-elected Clerk. The old Council re-elected, with one exception, viz. Mr. Hodges, of Annapolis, was elected in the place of Mr. Nabb.
No question had occurred at last dates to test the exact strength of parties. General Winder had a majority of 20, we cannot hope for so large a federal majority.— Fed. Gaz.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, of the Baltimore American.
Washington, 9th Nov. 1808.
"The President's message has given satisfaction in general, but has particularly pleased in the view given of our finances.—Few expected that the receipts would have equalled those of the preceding year; none expected they would have exceeded them—what then was our pleasure when informed that the receipts of the year ending the 30th Sept. last, amount to eighteen millions, being two millions more than those of the preceding year, that the money in the treasury was fourteen millions, when that of last year was only eight millions and a half. The message, you will see, confirms what General Smith declared to the people.—It appears, therefore, that during Mr. Jefferson's administration, thirty three millions of the principal of the public debt will be paid off on the first of Jan. On that day, the whole of the 8 per cent debt will be discharged. The remaining public debt can only be paid off by purchase. So that the five millions which have heretofore been paid annually towards sinking the debt, will now be a fund applicable to other purposes. I have little doubt but the receipts of the next year will amount to twelve millions. On the whole, we may safely calculate on disposable funds to amount to seventeen millions, (over and above the usual expenses of the government) applicable to any exigency that the times may present. I congratulate the republicans on this favorable state of our finances, and am Yours, &c."
ALLAN McRAE, informs his friends and the public, that he has removed a short distance from the town of Manchester, and shall continue to practice LAW, in the county courts of Powhatan and Chesterfield; that he shall also commence the practice in the county court of Henrico, and the Richmond District Court.
A. McRAE, still continues his office in Manchester, in one of the rooms of the house occupied by Dr. Branch T. Archer, where he may be found every day from 9 o'clock in the forenoon, till 4 o'clock P. M. November 18. [2w]
THE Subscriber respectfully thanks those who have hitherto favored him with the tuition of their Sons, and informs them and his friends generally, that his SCHOOL will be continued the ensuing year; in which will be taught the Latin Language, the English Language grammatically, Writing and Surveying. His rooms are, for teaching the Latin Language S 25, English Grammar, Geography, &c S 20, Sewing, Writing and Arithmetic S 10. Surveying S 10. It will be in his power to accommodate 6 or 8 on order at 20 pounds each, Cash to cover finding his own bed, or 22 pounds, if lodging is furnished—25 dollars will be required in advance, and the balance at the end of the year. The School will commence on the 15th day of January, and end on the 15th of December; there will be a vacation of about ten days at Whituntide, and again from the 15th day of August, to the 1st day of September. He assures those who may think proper to send their sons with him, that good attention will be paid to them; and he hopes, from a strict attention to the duties of his functions, to render satisfaction to those who may intrust the education of their sons to his care. WILLER LEWIS, Jrn. Louisa, November 15. (Lawyer.)

PARTIAL SUSPENSION OF THE EMBARGO.
"The Monitor" states, that a measure has been spoken of at Washington, as a substitute for the present embargo system. This proposition is, to rescind the Embargo with respect to Spain, Portugal, and other friendly powers, and continue it on with respect to Great Britain and France. In addition to this, some advise that an entire Non-Intercourse law should be passed with regard to those two empires—Let us touch these propositions, separately.
To suspend the embargo as to the ports of Spain and Portugal, has been one of the favorite ideas of the Federalists, ever since the late revolutions burst forth in these countries. These events could not fail to give a new spring to the clamor, which had been raised against the continuance of the measure. The Essex Junto, taking the hint, immediately began to pour forth that incessant stream of petitions to the President of the United States, which drew from him the first and finest sentiments of an American patriot—But this hint and the efforts, which it inspired, for the revocation of the Embargo, are not yet exhausted. Those who are frank enough to avow their opposition to this measure, will merely use these events as a handle to rouse the prejudices of the people against it, by pointing out the benefits of those branches of trade, from which it cuts us off with the ports of Portugal and Spain. Those who would blush to avow themselves the willing slaves of British tribute, will try to screen their antipathy to the Embargo under the guise of this proposition. Some will even attempt to bring it into disrepute, by enlisting all the feelings of the nation on the side of the persecuted patriots of these devoted countries.
Against all these attacks, however, there are considerations, which will rise in arms.—Now long will these countries be able to resist the superior skill of the French? How much will the profits of this trade exceed the risks and captures accruing from the cruizers of France?—But there is one objection, which presents itself to the opening of a trade with Spain or Portugal, or other friendly powers, which it seems impossible to repel. This proposition may thus be stated:
Does not every sentiment of national honor and interest clearly forbid the revocation of the embargo with respect to G. Britain and France, until they have made a revocation of their infamous edicts? Should not the same consideration prompt us to reject every measure, which may go to defeat its operation as to those powers? Would not a partial repeal of the embargo be sufficient to make it completely unavailing—at least with regard to G. B.? Might not Congress almost as well take it off with respect to the British empire, as legalize a single vent for our exports, through which almost as much of the trade of the U. S. would go to G. B. as her necessities require?—These propositions seem almost too clear to be disputed. A few remarks however, may place them in their proper light.
Was this scheme adopted—were congress to pass a law, authorizing our vessels, for example, to clear out for the Spanish and Portuguese ports, but forbidding them to go to the French or British ports under the severest penalties; what would be the consequences?—These regulations would not cut off the trade between the U. States and Great Britain. On the contrary, two means present themselves for their evasion or violation.
1st. Vessels, which have thus obtained a clearance for the ports of Portugal and Spain, might sail directly to the ports of G. Britain. To an admission into these ports, their want of regular papers would be no insuperable impediment. The British have already shown themselves to be no very conscientious adepts in the science of encouraging our own citizens to violate the embargo. The instructions to their cruizers, specially commanding them to let our smugglers pass the British Islands without molestation, prove this. Cases are not even wanting, in which the same tender indulgencies have been held out to them in the ports of the mother country. Nay, it is even asserted, that British Collectors have been instructed not only not to furnish no bar, but to yield every facility to the American vessels, that should reach a port of Great Britain without having obtained a regular clearance through our own Custom Houses.
When such invitations are held forth, the allurements of a good market would sometimes be sufficient to draw the dishonest smuggler from his fictitious course, into British ports. If there were no other means of disposing of their cargoes to the British, it is certain that many of them would pursue this dangerous channel. To some of them it might be indifferent whether they ever returned to their country—and thus the penalty of the law would be defeated. The rest more sanguine of success or daring in their enterprise, would trust for their protection to a sly and very veracious protest against the winds and he waves.
But the generality of our vessels would feel no inducement or necessity to run these chances. There is another plain and very convenient course through which the honest merchant might maintain the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. B.—In this course there would be no risk in a violation of the laws of his country.—The trade itself would naturally fall into this channel.
2. Our vessels would sail directly for those ports in Spain or Portugal, for which they had received their clearance. When in these ports, their cargoes would be transferred to British or Spanish and Portuguese bottoms, to be conveyed to G. B. Their return cargoes might consist of British goods, which had been brought by the same species of bottoms to the same ports for the use of the U. S. And according to this mode, though little or no commerce might be directly carried on between the two countries, a considerable portion of it might be conducted through this medium. These Spanish and Portuguese ports would serve as the Intrepôts of American produce and British manufacture; where the U. S. might obtain the one, and G. B. would find the other.
During the American war, there was a case which is directly in point. In the early part of that war, the Dutch Island of St. Eustatia was a neutral port.—There was consequently a great facility in carrying on the trade between the U. S. and G. B. This single circumstance of its accessibility to both powers, produced the most singular effects. This island, says Gordon, though barren and contemptible in itself, had long been the seat of a lucrative and prodigious
commerce, and might be considered as the grand free-port of the W. Indies and America, and as a general market and magazine to all nations. Its richest harvests, however, were during the seasons of warfare among its neighbors, owing to its neutrality and situation, with its unbounded & unlogged freedom of trade.—When this island was taken on the 3d Feb. 1781 by Admiral Rodney and Gen. Vaughan, the scene it presented was extremely picturesque. "The wealth of the place excited the astonishment of the conquerors. The whole island seemed to be one vast magazine. All the storehouses were filled with various commodities; and the very beach was covered with hogsheads of sugar and tobacco. The value was estimated considerably above £ 3,000,000 sterling."—In the bay—Such would probably be the course which would be pursued under the arrangement now under our consideration. The ports of Spain and Portugal would be so many St. Eustatias of the old world. And the provisions of our embargo would be rendered nugatory.—The same benefits would not accrue to France, because she would be excluded from these ports.—But the same scene of violation would be displayed in the W. Indies. The Havanna, for instance, would occupy the same relation to the British W. Indies, which Cadiz would do to the ports of the mother country.
It may however be proposed to remove these objections by the adoption of the second proposition which was originally mentioned.—"In addition to the scheme of rescinding the embargo as to Spain and Portugal, and continuing it as to France and G. Britain; let an entire non-intercourse law be past with respect to these Empires. In this way the admission of British vessels and their importation of British manufactures into the United States may be prevented. Our trade with G. B. will then be stopped. For our produce may be shipped to Spain or Portugal, but no British manufactures will be permitted to enter our country."—This is a flagrant mistake. A non-intercourse law would have no such effect. It might prevent the importation of those manufactures in British vessels, but not in the vessels of the United States. To give it this effect, and to prevent G. B. from enjoying any of the benefits from our trade to Spain and Portugal—the non-intercourse law must be made to extend to her manufactures as well as to her vessels. The American vessels must be forbidden to exchange our produce, in Spanish or Portuguese ports, for British manufactures, by prohibiting their introduction into the ports of the U. S.
But look at the consequences of this regulation!—Our trade is cut off from G. Britain and France. It would be limited to the markets of Spain and Portugal, and perhaps to a portion of the carrying-trade between these ports and the W. Indies, &c.
Mark the "consequences"!—Of the 108,343,150 dollars worth of exports annually sent from the United States, Spain takes only $4,728,138 and Portugal 988,486—leaving the large balance of $102,626,526 remaining on our hands. If we look to the domestic produce exported, it appears that of 48,699,592, the trade of the Portuguese and Spanish ports will absorb only 2,011,544—leaving a balance of $46,688,048 on our hands; for which we should have no rightful market.
Hitherto we have confined these views to a renewal of trade with the Spanish and Portuguese ports only.—But if we embrace all those other friendly powers with whom Congress may open an honorable trade—will not similar consequences result? Will it not still be true, that the embargo will have little or no effect, upon G. Britain—OR, that the mass of the trade which we might carry on, consistently with our national rights and honour, would be exceedingly short of the whole trade we are able to carry on—that for the greater part of the $43,000,000 of domestic produce, there would be no market—that of course the profits of the trade could not be very considerable.
Such would be the case, if we could succeed in cutting off our trade with Great Britain and France. But as this would not be so, the Embargo law would almost become a dead letter as to Great Britain—its pressure upon her would vanish—there would be no inducement for her to repeal her iniquitous orders—we should sustain some losses from the depredations of the French cruizers—and a state of things would exist, partially oppressive to the French nation from their having no access to our trade, and only calculated to inspire that government with resentment and hostility.
Rather than meet these consequences, is it not better to wave such modified propositions, and to preserve the Embargo in all its energies?—Since writing the above, we have seen the Resolution of Mr. Mumford of N. York, with the remark which follows it.—It would seem, that this Gentleman has excluded Portugal and Spain from all the benefits of his proposition.
It is now an important question with the people of two districts in this state, whether they can consistently re-elect their present representatives to the Congress of the U. S.—Mr. Gray of Southampton would neither be a great loss nor acquisition to any party. His vote is infinitely of more consequence than his voice. He is less known by his speeches in Congress, than by those precious circulars which he addresses with almost equal assiduity to his dead as well as living constituents. As to his opinions, Mr. G. has ever been a wavering politician; his claims to the character of a republican were once so justly suspected, that he even stooped to support them by a general certificate under the hands of a distinguished republican: at present, he is little more than the piam submissive instrument of the Hon. John Randolph. His constituents, therefore, may easily know the views of their representative, by consulting the views of the representative of Charlotte, Buckingham, Prince Edward and Cumberland.
As to Mr. Randolph, he is a man of strong though irregular talents—more distinguished for the point of his eloquence, than the powers of argumentation—too impetuous to take counsel from his own judgment or that of others—more independent of the vicious influence of others, than the slave of his own passions—of an energy of character bold, aspiring and lofty, but habitual y wasted and abused; more devoted to the idle page of overthrowing others, than the noble task of subduing his own infirmities—with the speculative principles of a politician in originality pure but the feelings of a man too haughty and domineering—too vain to be led by others, too proud not to feel the ambition of dictating to them, and too weak not to fly into resentment and opposition at their slightest resistance—he now stands forth a decided opponent to the measures of the administration, and an advocate of such views as
are most directly calculated to wound the interests of his country.
Will the people send such men and such views into the representative council of the nation?
The great majority of the freeholders of Messrs. Randolph and Gray's districts are believed to be the friends of Mr. Jefferson and his administration. Will they elect gentlemen, who are in direct opposition to those measures, and consequently to their own wishes? Can they be so perfectly inconsistent as to think with one set of men and vote for another? Will they trample the first principle of a representative government under foot by the selection of such agents, as will completely misrepresent their principles?
But if these gentlemen are the opponents of the present administration, will not their rancour be much more intemperate against the administration of Mr. Madison? Mr. Randolph has frequently and publicly avowed, that he has no confidence in that gentleman. He has selected that gentleman as the favorite object of his political persecution.—But the 7/8ths of the people of his district have just declared their contempt for his charges, and their just confidence in Mr. Madison, by the strongest test; many which free men can give, by their votes at the recent election. Will they then be so inconsistent as to vote for one man as their chief executive officer, and another, who maintains opposite principles, as their legislative agent? Will they send Mr. Randolph into the H. of R. to thwart the measures of Mr. Madison? Will they practice the absurdity of producing a direct opposition between the two branches of the government; the power that makes the laws and the power that executes them?
No maxim is certainly better established in a popular constitution, than that there should be a concurrence between the people and their representative—and between their legislators and their executive, in those cases where the Executive pursues the principles of the people. The celebrated Edward Burke, in his pamphlet of "Thoughts on the present Discontents," has even given the principle a general application—in the following terms:
"In arbitrary governments, the constitution of the ministry follows the constitution of the Legislature. Both the law and the magistrate are the creatures of will. It must be so. Nothing indeed will appear more certain, on any tolerable consideration of the matter, than that every sort of government ought to have its administration correspondent to its legislature. If it should be otherwise, things must fall into a hideous disorder. The people of a free commonwealth who have taken such care that their laws should be the result of general consent, cannot be so senseless as to suffer their executive system to be composed of persons on whom they have no dependence, and whom no proofs of the public love and confidence have recommended to those powers, upon the use of which the very being of the state depends."
The danger of appointing one such representative is certainly not so great as that of a chief magistrate of the United States—but as far as it applies to him, the converse of this statement of Mr. Burke's is equally true.
We understand, that Mr. Garnett has declined a poll at the ensuing election for Congress. Mr. G. seems to have more sagacity, than even the General described by Smart. "Like a brave General, after being beat, I'll exult & rejoice in a prudent retreat."
The Secretary of State has shown by a series of proofs, in his reply to Mr. Ersine, that the Berlin Decree was for months a dead letter with respect to the United States—that it was interpreted and executed as a mere municipal regulation, touching neutral ships, not on the high seas, but in the ports of France—and that the case of the Horizon was the first one in which it received a different interpretation.—The "United States Gazette" has now shifted its grounds, agreeing to this undeniable state of facts. Admitting the Berlin Decree to have been no more than a municipal regulation, Mr. Broun contends, that it is in direct contravention of the 12th Article of the French Convention of 1800; that it is therefore "as much an act of hostility as it would have been to take possession of the state of Georgia;" inasmuch as it is "forcibly seizing upon an important right, the enjoyment of which was secured to us in the most solemn and obligatory manner; and that while that Convention remains in force, Napoleon has no more right to prohibit our trade between his dominions and those of Great Britain, except in articles contraband of war, than he has to cut off the communication between the ports of Boston and Philadelphia."
Such is a fine specimen of the usual powers of discrimination of the federal prims. This confusion of ideas is most perfectly in character. The same minds, which have traced our embarrassments to our own Embargo instead of the Decrees of Europe, have shown just the same ingenuity in confounding together the cases, touched by this article of the Convention, with those embraced by the municipal regulations of the Berlin Decree. These cases are so little akin to each other, that a very weak mind, unwarped by prejudice, might have felt the difference between them.—The 12th Article of the Convention merely provides for the unlimited freedom of trade (contraband goods excepted) "from any port whatever to any port of the enemy of the other;" one of those rights which are so important to neutrals, that it was even expressly secured by the terms of the Armed Neutrality. But this case is evidently out of the purview of the decree, which merely restricts the trade of the United States going not to an enemy's port, but to a French port.—The Convention guarantees the liberty of trading to the ports of Great Britain. The Decree applied only to the ports of France.
We have seen an ingenious machine, made by an Artist in this city, which he denominates "The Ladies portable Spinning Machine." It is made of the best Steel and Brass; its weight does not exceed twelve ounces, and it may last for several years. It is calculated for spinning Flax and Cotton. It may be fixed by a screw on a small moveable pedestal of wood; or by a screw to a small beak-plate of mahogany to be stuck in a belt around the waist. It consists of a small wheel and pinion, a spindle, a fly to conduct the thread on the spindle, and a temper to regulate the velocity of the spindle; besides a Rock-lead on which the raw material is fixed.—The whole machine is worked by a hand not more than an inch long.
The Artist has assured me, that it can spin as much flax as a common flax-wheel in the same time. Its peculiar advantages consist in its portability, and the ease with which it may be worked. A small child is competent to understand & use it. A lady while going about her house, may gratify her taste for industry, by carrying this little machine with her, and spinning thread for the use of her family. She may indulge her disposition for gardening without breaking in upon her more useful employments. She may take her little machine to pieces, carry it in her Reticule, and whilst exercising her tongue in the amusement of fashionable conversation, she may be plying her
hands with at least equal advantage. It may even relieve the infirmity of the sick, and the ennui of the idle. This machine will cost about $15. The ingenious little Jew's Expert seems to be susceptible of a greater extension of its principles.
The Artist is confident, that the same principles may be applied to the working of several spin-yles, by the assistance of larger machinery & a greater power.
Election of Electors, from OFFICIAL Returns received by the Executive.
Table with 4 columns: County, Madison, Monroe, Pinckney. Rows list counties like Amelia, Albemarle, Amherst, etc., with corresponding vote counts for each candidate.
Totals. 9175 1952 377
Majority 7224 agt. Monroe.
Majority 6847 in fav. of Madison.
Table with 3 columns: County, Votes. Rows list counties like Augusta, Berkeley, Cumberland, etc., with vote counts.
On Wednesday the 9th Inst. Capt. Price of the Artillery, presented the following ADDRESS to the Governor of this State:
SIR, Whilst we deprecate war when it can be avoided without sacrificing the honor of our country, still we acquiesce in it with all its concomitant evils, rather than submit to the smallest degradation. Impressed with these sentiments, the company which I have the honor to command, consisting of rank and file, have unanimously requested me to make known to you, that they are ready and willing to sacrifice private interest to the promotion of the public good; and to that end, they now proudly volunteer their services, as a part of the quota called for from this state, by the President of the United States; and furthermore, that they hold themselves in readiness at a moment's warning, to rally around the standard of their country.
I salute you with regard, JOHN F. PRICE, Capt. of the Washington and Jefferson Artillery, attached to the 19th Reg. His Excellency WM. H. CABELL, Governor of Virginia.
To which the Governor made the following reply:
GENTLEMEN, I accept for my country, with much pleasure, the voluntary tender of your services in part of the requisition lately made by the President of the United States. It is the offspring of genuine patriotism; it merits and will receive the approbation of a grateful country, and is the surest pledge of effective exertion whenever you may be called into the field. In a cause so glorious, I tender you my best wishes for an ample harvest of laurels; and I pray you to accept assurances of my high respect.
WM. H. CABELL. Capt. JOHN F. PRICE, and the other Officers and Privates of the Richmond Artillery Company.
On Tuesday the 10th Inst. Capt. GEORGE TURNER at the head of his company of RICHMOND RIFLE VOLUNTEERS, paraded on the Capitol Square, and from thence marched to the Governor's, to whom he delivered the following patriotic address in behalf of himself and the company:
SIR, While we profess an ardent love for peace, and deprecate the idea of war, when it can be avoided consistently with a nation's honor, still there is a point beyond which a nation cannot go! That period having arrived in our national affairs, and a requisition being made on this state for her quota of one hundred thousand men by the President of the United States, the Richmond Rifle Volunteers under my command, consisting of fifty men, rank and file, willing to rally around the standard of our country & promptly obey its call, do now present themselves before you, as a part of the quota required
of this state from the nineteenth Regiment, and through you, beg leave to make known the same to the President of the United States.
To which the Governor made the following reply:
GENTLEMEN, I receive, for my country, with great pleasure, this voluntary tender of your services. The zeal, the patriotic ardor with which you have so promptly rallied around our national standard, merits the highest praise. Animated by a holy patriotism, you have nobly devoted yourselves to your country, and I know you will prove yourselves worthy of the glorious cause in which you have engaged—You have indeed commenced a glorious career! Go on, my brave comrades; honor awaits you, and the patriot's best reward, the approbation of a grateful country. In all the struggles and conflicts in which you may be engaged, be assured that your success, your fame as a company, will be objects dear to my heart; and I pray you to accept my most cordial wishes for the health, happiness and prosperity of each individual.
On the 4th Inst. the Legislature of New-York proceeded to the choice of electors, when the following persons were declared to be appointed by joint ballot:
Ambrose Spencer, Albany—Henry Huntington, Oneida—John W. Seaman, Queens—Henry Rutgers, New York—John Garretson, Richmond—Ebenezer White, Westchester—Thomas Laurence, Greene—James Tallmadge, Dutchess—Jonathan Rouse, Rensselaer—Micajah Pettit, Washington—Henry Yates, jun. Albany—Benjamin Moores, Clinton—Adam B. Vrooman, Schoharie—Thomas Shankland, Otsego—William Hallock, Madison—Russel Atwater, St. Lawrence—Joseph Simonds, Chenango—Hugh Jamison, Ontario—Matt hew Carpenter, Tioga.
Some of these had 65, the rest 64 votes.—A ticket was also run by the federalists, which had 46 votes.—Cheetham states that 16 of these electors will vote for Clinton and three for Madison.—The "Public Advertiser" has the following remarks:
"We caution our friends in other states against the gross and wanton falsehoods published in the Citizen in relation to the Presidential electors chosen by this state. The object of those misrepresentations, is more than suspected by us; and it would be a source of deep regret, if the republicans in other parts of the Union should permit themselves to be duped by so shallow a device. We confidently state, upon the best and most unquestionable authority, that of the electors of this state, at least TWELVE are firm, decided and active friends of the Washington nomination."
DIED, on the 10th Inst. MR. THOMAS NICOLSON, Printer, a worthy inhabitant of this City.
Departed this life, on Tuesday the 8th Inst. at his seat, in Pittsylvania county, SAMUEL CALLOM, Esq. a native of Scotland, but long a respectable inhabitant of the county in which he died. To the friends of this man, his loss is irreparable, and society, in general, will long have to lament his death. He was a good neighbor, an affectionate husband, a kind and indulgent parent, and a merciful master.
For some new Advertisements, See 1st Column of 1st Page
WILLIAMSBURG FEMALE ACADEMY.—Mr. Blackburn, Professor of Mathematics, in the College of William and Mary, and Mr. Plunkett, teacher of modern Languages in the same College, inform the public that they have united for the purpose of establishing an Academy in which young Ladies may receive an education, calculated at once, to improve and enlarge the understanding, and to ensure the acquisition of those accomplishments, which are not only extremely agreeable in themselves, but which have become essential requisites in polished societies.
It is proposed that the parties shall attend to the duties of the School alternately, as best agreeing with their own views of a correct system of Female Education, and particularly as such an arrangement will prevent all interference with their respective engagements at College. Mr. Blackburn will, on one day, give lessons in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Composition, Geography and History, according to the progress which each pupil may have made. Should any of these young Ladies discover a taste and capacity for further scientific acquirements, he will undertake to conduct them through certain Mathematical, Astronomical and Philosophical branches, which, whilst they cannot fail to strengthen the mental powers, will be rendered so simple, as to make the study highly pleasing and instructive. In his department he will steadily pursue a well digested plan, which he has already submitted to the test of experiment; and it will be his highest gratification, if he can evince, by the result in the present instance, that a female mind is as capable of improvement in all knowledge, as that of the other sex; a problem, the satisfactory solution of which, ought to be deemed highly important, but which has seldom been attempted, on fair and liberal principles.
On the succeeding day, Mr. Plunkett will teach the French language, Music, theoretically and practically, Dancing and Drawing. The experience which he has had, and the assiduous and minute attention which he engages to bestow, must assure to his scholars, the acquisition of those accomplishments which give animation to society, as well as grace and dignity to those who possess them.
Mrs. Camp, a lady well known for her prudence, exemplary conduct, and only affectionate care of those entrusted to her direction, will board and lodge the young ladies, and be their superintendent when not engaged in school.
Parents may be informed of the terms, and have a prospectus of the school, by applying to A. Plunkett in Williamsburg, or to G. Blackburn at the College.
The Tuition commenced on the 15th inst. November 18. [1w4w]
From our knowledge of the qualifications and assiduity of the gentlemen, who promise to instruct and to conduct the Williamsburg Female Academy, we do, with pleasure, declare our belief that it will afford to young Ladies, an opportunity which may be relied upon, of receiving a well conducted liberal and polite education, and do therefore recommend it to parents, as promising to merit their attention and encouragement. JAS. MADISON, Pres. W. & M. Col; JOHN BRACKEN, Hum. Prof; SAMUEL GRiffin, T. G. PEACOCK, SAMUEL TILLER, JOSEPH PRENTIS. November 18.
JUST received from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATHER, consisting of—Waxed Calf-Skins, Cassack Pair-Tops, and Cordovan Boot Tops, Sattin, Bindings and Binding Skins. For sale, at low prices, by D. J. BURR. Nov. 18. [2w2w4w]

DOCUMENTS.
(CONTINUED.)
In the Nat. Int. the subsequent letter follows Mr. Canning's letter published in our last.
From the Secretary of State to Mr. Erskine.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, March 25, 1808.
SIR,
Having laid before the President your letter of the 23d of February, explaining the character of certain British orders of council issued in November last, I proceed to communicate the observations and representations which will manifest to your government the sentiments of the President on so deep a violation of the commerce and rights of the U. States.
These orders interdict to neutral nations, or rather to the United States, now the only commercial nation in a state of neutrality, all commerce with the enemies of G. Britain, now nearly the whole commercial world, with certain exceptions only, and under certain regulations, but too evidently fashioned to the commercial, the manufacturing and the fiscal policy of Great Britain; and on that account, the more derogatory from the honor and independence of neutral nations.
The orders are the more calculated to excite surprise in the United States as they have disregarded the representations conveyed in my letters of the 20th and 29th March, 1807, against another order of council issued on a similar plea, in the month of January, 1807. To those just remonstrances, no answer was indeed ever given; whilst the order has been continued in its pernicious operation against the lawful commerce of the U. States, and we now find added to it others instituting still more odious restrictions without even the addition of any new pretext, and when moreover it is notorious, that the order of January was of a nature greatly to overbalance in its effects any injuries to Great Britain that could be apprehended from the illegal operation of the French decree on which the order was to retaliate, had that decree in its illegal operation been actually applied to the U. States, and been acquiesced in by them.
The last orders, like that of January, proceed on the most unsubstantial foundation. They assume for fact an acquiescence of the United States in an unlawful application to them of the French decree; and they assume for a principle that the right of retaliation accruing to one belligerent against a neutral through whom an injury is done by another belligerent, is not to have for its measure the amount of the injury received, but may be exercised in any extent, and under any modifications which may suit the pleasure or the policy of the complaining party.
The fact, sir, is unequivocally disowned. It is not true that the United States have acquiesced in an illegal operation of the French decree; nor is it even true that at the date of the British orders of November 11, a single application of that decree to the commerce of the United States on the high seas can be presumed to have been known to the British government.
The French decree in question has two distinct aspects, one clearly importing an intended operation within the territorial limits as a local law, the other apparently importing an intended operation on the high seas. Under the first aspect, the decree, however otherwise objectionable, cannot be said to have violated the neutrality of the U. States. If the governing powers on the continent of Europe choose to exclude from their ports British property or British productions, or neutral vessels proceeding from British ports, it is an act of sovereignty which the United States have no right to controvert. The same sovereignty is exercised by Great Britain at all times, in peace as well as in war, towards her friends as well as her enemies. Her statute book presents a thousand illustrations.
It is only, therefore, under the other aspect of the decree, that it can have violated neutral rights; and this would have resulted from its execution on the high seas, whether on the pretext of a nominal blockade, or with a view to enforce a domestic regulation against foreign vessels, not within the domestic precincts, but under the authority and protection of the law of nations. Had then the French decree been executed on the high seas against the commerce of the U. States with Great Britain, and have the U. States acquiesced in the unlawful and injurious proceeding?
I state, sir, on undeniable authority that the first instance in which that decree was put in force against the neutral rights of the United States, was that of the Horizon, an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, but condemned under an exposition of the decree extending to the high seas its operation against neutrals. This judicial decision took place as late as the 16th day of October, 1807. It was not officially known to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, till sometime in November. At the date therefore of the first order of Great Britain, no injury whatever had been done to her, through an aggression on the commerce of the U. States. No presumption even had been sufficiently authorized that the express stipulation in the treaty of France with the U. States would not exempt their commerce at least from the operation of any edict incompatible with them. At the date even of the latter orders of November 11, it appears that the only aggression which had been occurred, was precisely certainly unknown to the British government, & could therefore have had no share in producing this alleged retaliation.
To this fact that the ship Horizon was the first that occurred of an execution of the French decree on the high seas; I am able to add that as late as the 20th of November, no other case had been brought into the French court of prizes. From accounts which have lately appeared, it is more than probable that unlawful captures by French cruisers have since taken place, but it remains to be known whether they are to be referred to the concurrence of the French government in the judgment pronounced in the case of the Horizon, or not rather to a French decree of the 17th December last professing to be a retaliation on the British orders of November 11.
that he steadily watched over the proceedings under it, with a readiness to interpose against any unlawful extension of them to the commerce of the U. States; that no time was lost, after the decree came to the knowledge of the government here, in giving him proper instructions on the subject; that he was equally prompt, on receiving the decision of the court in the case of the Horizon, in presenting to the French government a remonstrance in terms which can never be censured for a defect of energy; and that by the first opportunity after that decision reached the President, the particular transactions required by it were forwarded to that minister. Nor is it to be forgotten that previous to the British orders of November, it had been explicitly communicated to the British government by the American minister at London, that explanations uncontradicted by any overt act had been given to our minister at Paris, which justifies a reliance that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States, and that the communication was repeated to the British government immediately on the publication of these orders.
What more could have been required on the part of the U. States, to obviate retaliating pretensions of any sort on the part of G. Britain? Retaliations are measures of rigor in all cases. Where they are to operate through a third and involuntary party, they will never be hastily resorted to by a mananimous or a just power; which will always allow to the third party its right to discuss the merits of the case and will never permit itself to enforce its measures, without affording a reasonable time for the use of reasonable means for substituting another remedy. What would be the situation of neutral powers, if the first blow levelled through them, by one belligerent against another, was to leave them no choice but between the retaliating vengeance of the latter and instant declaration of war against the former? Reason revolts against that as the sole alternative. The United States could no more be bound to evade the British orders by an immediate war with France, than they were bound to atone for the burning of the French ship of war on the shore of North Carolina, by an immediate resort to arms against Great Britain.
With respect to the principle assumed by the British orders, it is perfectly clear that it could not justify them in the extent given to their operations, if the facts, erroneously assumed, could have been fully sustained. Retaliation is a specific or equivalent return of injury for injury received; & where it is to operate thro' the interests of a 3d party having no voluntary participation in the injury received, the return ought, as already observed, to be inflicted with the most forbearing hand. This is the language of common sense and the clearest equity. As the right to retaliate results merely from the wrong suffered, it cannot in the nature of things extend beyond the extent of the suffering. There may often be a difficulty in applying the rule with exactness, and a reasonable latitude may be allowable on that consideration. But a manifest and extravagant departure from the rule can find no apology.
What then is the extent of the injury experienced by Great Britain from the measures of her enemies, so far as the operation of those measures through the United States can render them in any sense responsible?
A mere declaration by a belligerent, without the intention or the means to carry it into effect, against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation, and thence against the interests of another belligerent, could afford no pretext to the latter to retaliate at the expense of the neutral. The declaration might give just offence to the neutral, but it would belong to him alone to decide on the course prescribed by the respect he owed to himself. No real damage having accrued to the belligerent, no indemnity could accrue.
For the same reason, a declaration of a belligerent which he is known to be either not in a situation, or not to intend, to carry but partially into execution against a neutral to the injury of another belligerent, could never give more than a right to a commensurate redress against the neutral. All remaining unexecuted and evidently not to be executed, is merely ostensible, working no injury to any unless it be in the disrespect to the neutral, to whom alone it belongs to resent or disregard it.
Bring the case before us to this plain and equitable test. The French Decree of Nov. 1806, undertook to declare the British isles in a state of blockade, to be enforced if you please against the neutral commerce of the United States on the high seas, according to the faculty possessed for the purpose. As far as it was actually enforced, or an effect resulted from an apprehension that it could and would be enforced, it was an injury to Great Britain, for which let it be supposed the United States were answerable. On the other hand, as far as it was not enforced, and evidently either would not or could not be enforced, no injury was experienced by Great Britain, and no remedy could lie against the United States. Now, sir, it never was pretended that at the date of the first British Order issued in January, 1807, any injury had accrued to, or was apprehended by Great Britain from an execution of the French Decree against the commerce of the United States, on the theatre of their neutral rights. So far from it, that the order stands self-condemned as a measure of retaliation, by expressly stating, that the fleets of France and her allies, instead of being able to enforce the blockade of the British isles, were themselves confined to their own ports by the entire superiority of the British navy; converting thus, by the strangest of reasonings, the security of Great Britain against injury from the French decree, into a title to commit injury on a neutral party. In the November orders also, whilst it is admitted that the French decree could not be but imperfectly executed for want of means, it is asserted that the intention of the French decree, and not the injury accruing from its operation through the commerce of the United States, is the scale by which the retaliating injury against them is to be measured.
Such are the pretences and such the principles on which one great branch of the lawful commerce of this country became a victim to the first British order, and on which the last orders are now sweeping over the ocean all its most valuable remains. Against such an unprecedented system of warfare on neutral rights and national independence, the common judgment and common feelings of mankind must forever protest.
then, there could be no plea for involving them in the controversy. But as the British orders have made the decree of France, declaring, contrary to the law of nations, the British Islands in a state of blockade, the immediate foundation of their destructive warfare on our commerce, it belongs to the subject to remind your government of the illegal interruptions and spoliations suffered, previous to that decree, by the neutral commerce of the United States, under the proceedings of British cruisers and courts, and for the most part in consequence of express orders of the government itself. Omitting proofs of intentional injury, I refer to the extensive aggressions on the trade of the United States, founded on the plea of blockades, never legally established according to recognized definitions; to the still more extensive violation of our commerce with ports of her enemies, not pretended to be in a state of blockade; & to the British order of council issued near the commencement of the existing war. This order besides its general interpolation against the established law of nations is distinguished by a special ingredient, violating that law as recognized by the course of decisions in the British courts. It subjects to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, returning with lawful cargoes, on the sole consideration, that they had in their outward voyage, deposited contraband of war at a hostile port. If the commerce of the United States could therefore in any case be reasonably made the victim and the sport of mutual charges and reproaches between belligerent parties, with respect to the priority of their aggressions on neutral commerce, Great Britain must look beyond the epoch she has chosen for illegal acts of her adversary, in support of the allegation on which she founds her retaliating edict against our commerce.
But the United States are given to understand that the British government has, as a proof of its indulgent and amicable disposition towards them, mitigated the authoris-d rigor it might have given to its measures, by certain exceptions peculiarly favorable to the commercial interests of the United States.
I forbear, Sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language on such an occasion, is calculated to inspire a nation, which cannot for a moment be unconscious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of wrongs regulations, to admit the validity of which would be to assume badges of humiliation never worn by an independent power.
The first of these indulgencies is a commercial intercourse with the dependencies of the enemies of Great Britain, and it is considered as enhanced by its being a deviation in favor of the United States from the ancient and established principle of maritime law prohibiting altogether such an intercourse in time of war.
Surely, Sir, your government in assuming this principle in such terms in relation to the U. S. must have forgotten their repeated and formal protest against it, as these are to be found in the discussions and communications of their minister at London, as well as in explanations occasionally made on that subject to the British representative here. But permit me to ask, more particularly, how it could have happened that the principle is characterised as an ancient and established one. I put the question the more freely, because it has never been denied that the principle, as asserted by your government, was for the first time introduced during the war of 1756. It is in fact invariably cited and described in all judicial and other official transactions, "as the rule of 1756." It can have no pretension therefore to the title of an ancient rule.
And instead of being an established rule or principle, it is well known that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon it, or otherwise given a sanction to it. Nay, it is not even an established principle in the practice of Great Britain herself. When first applied in the war of 1756, the legality of a neutral trade with enemy's colonies was not contested by it. In certain cases only of the colonial trade the allegation was, that the presumptive evidence arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership justified the condemnation as of enemy's property. If the rule of condemnation was afterwards, during that war, converted into the principle now asserted, it could not possibly have been in operation in its new shape, more than a very few years. During the succeeding war of 1778, it is admitted by every British authority, that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded, in fact, as having been silently abandoned; and within the period of war since its commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, rested now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British orders of council and the British courts of admiralty.
With the exception, therefore, of a period, the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the United States more interested in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation, the principle has not in the British tribunals been in operation for a longer term than three, four or five years, whilst in no others has it ever made its appearance but to receive a decision protesting against it.
Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle, the deviations from which are held out as so many favors consoling the United States for the wide-spread destruction of their legitimate commerce. What must be said to the other exceptions, which seem to have been viewed as claims on the gratitude of the U. S.? Is it an indulgence to them in carrying on their trade with the whole continent of Europe, to be laid under the necessity of going first to a British port, to accept a British licence and to pay a tribute to the British Exchequer, as if we had been reduced to the colonial situation which once imposed these monopolizing restraints?
What again must be said to other features which we see blended on the face of these regulations? If the policy of them be to subject an enemy to privations, why are channels opened for a British trade with them which are shut to a neutral trade? If in other cases, the real object be to admit a neutral trade with the enemy, why is it required that neutral vessels shall perform the ceremony of passing through a British port, when it can have no imaginable effect but the known and inevitable one of prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port of destination?
I will not ask why a primary article of our productions and exports, cotton wool, is to be distinguished, in its transit, by a heavy impost not imposed on other articles, because
it is frankly avowed, in your explanation of the orders, to be intended as an encouragement to British manufactures, and a check to the rival ones of France? I suppose also, though without the same reason for it, the enquiry, why less rigorous restrictions are applied to the trade of the Barbary powers than are enforced against that of a nation, such as the U. S. and in relations such as have existed between them and Great Britain.
I cannot however pass without notice, the very unwarrantable innovation contained in the two last of the orders. In one of them, a certificate of the local origin of a cargo, although permitted in the port of departure and required in the port of destination, by regulations purely domestic in both, and strictly analogous in principle to the regulations in the commercial code of Great Britain, is made a cause of capture on the high seas, and of condemnation in her maritime courts. In the other order, the sale of a merchant ship by a belligerent owner to a neutral, although a transaction as legal, when fair, as a dealing in any other article, is condemned by a general rule, without an atom of proof or of presumption, that the transfer in the particular case is fraudulent and the property therefore left in an enemy.
In fine, Sir, the President sees in the edicts communicated by you facts assumed which never can be admitted; and, under the name of retaliation, measures transcending the limits reconcilable with the facts and the principles, as if both were as correct as they are unfounded. He sees moreover in the modifications of this system, regulations violating equally our neutral rights and our neutral sovereignty. He persuades himself therefore that your government will see in the justice of the observations now made in addition to those I had the honor verbally to state to you in the first instance, that the United States are well warranted in looking for a speedy revocation of a system which is every day augmenting the mass of injury for which the United States have the best of claims to redress.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. JAMES MADISON. The hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
WANTED as a TUTOR, in a private family, a single man qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic. Apply to Charles Woodson, Cumberland county, near Cantersville. Oct 25. [law4w]
NOTICE—The Subscribers having commenced business in this place under the firm of Bryce & Gordon in the Grocery and Commission line, beg leave to offer their service to their friends and the public, to transact any business on commission that may be entrusted to their care. JOHN BRYCE, JOHN M. GORDON, Lynchburg, Nov. 1, 1808. [law4w]
BOARDING HOUSE & PRIVATE ENTERTAINMENT, for Gentlemen & their Horses, kept by John P. Shields, at his usual stand, by the Bank, and in view of the capitol—Accommodations as usual, and prices as low as the times will admit. About 20 members of the Assembly can be privately and agreeably situated, as to lodging and board. Nov. 4. [law3w]
NOTICE—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Robt. Woodcock, The subscriber will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, at Chesterfield court-house, on Monday the ninth of January next, the tract of LAND whereon the said Robert Woodcock resides, in Chesterfield county, containing two hundred & four acres of land, more or less, and adjoining the lands of Samuel Farmer, Ephraim Gathright, Henry Woodcock, Thomas Gregory, John Hancock, Enoch Atkins, Markle Farmer and Samuel Farmer. This sale is made to satisfy a debt of one hundred and thirty-four pounds eighteen shillings and six-pence, it being the balance due from two hundred and ten pounds, with interest from the seventh of July, one thousand eight hundred and eight, due from the said Robert Woodcock to major Winfree. THOS. GRAVES. Nov. 4. [law3w]
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge,) Part 3 of Vol. 1 of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume.
At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Nov. 1. [law4w]
VALUABLE LAND for sale.—By virtue of three several deeds of trust, executed by Edward Bolling of the county of Goochland, as follows, (to wit,) one executed to Frederick Harris and Wm. Miller, on the 14th day of July, 1806—one other executed to Charles F. Bates & Wm. Miller, on the 20th day of October, 1806—and one other executed to Wm. Miller and Joseph Shelton, on the 22d day of June, 1807, and all of them of record in the county court of Goochland—Will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the front door of Goochland court house, on Friday the 18th day of November next, the tract of LAND whereon the said Edward Bolling at present resides, lying on James River, in the county aforesaid, about three miles above the court house, or so much of the said tract as shall be sufficient to satisfy the several sums of money in the said deeds mentioned, or the balances thereof, which are still due, with all interest accruing thereon, and all costs and expenses as specified in the aforesaid deeds of trust, by THE TRUSTEES. October 13. [law4w]
VIRGINIA, to wit.—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg the 25th day of July, 1808.
John Band Plaintiff—Against Wyatt Walker, Robt. Walker, Freeman Walker, Beverley Clayton & Lockey his wife, Eliza Lacey, Wm. Graves and Tabitha his wife, which said Wyatt Walker, Robert Walker, Freeman Walker, Lockey Clayton, Eliza Lacey & Tabitha Graves, are children of Sarah Walker, dec'd. and Wm. McWhinn, Defendants.
The defendants Robert Walker, Freeman Walker and Eliza Lacey, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel: It is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith, inserted in some news-paper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTHONY ROBINSON, c. c. September 27.
FEMALE EDUCATION.—The Trustees of the ANN SMITH ACADEMY, in the county of Rockbridge, give notice, that the Winter Session will commence on the third Wednesday of November next, under the superintendence of the Lady, whose name the Seminary bears. The price of Boarding including Washing and every necessary accommodation, is $30 per session of five months. Tuition, (exclusive of Music,) $10. Music, (if studied,) 20. It may not be improper to state, that Miss Smith devotes her time and talents to the interest of this Seminary, without any other compensation than that naturally arising from the consideration of her usefulness in promoting the interest and welfare of her sex, and that her disinterested liberality has enabled the Trustees (notwithstanding the low price of Tuition, and an unexpected number of Students,) to provide a sufficient number of assistants for instructing the Young Ladies in all the useful and ornamental branches of female education. By order of the Board, J. LEYBURN, Clerk. Oct. 28. [law3w]
ELIS & ALLAN have received per the ship Hero, a supply of all GOODS, making their assortment consist of napt Cottons, Plains, Forrest Cloths, Duffil and Rose Blankets, best superfine London Cloths and Kersey meres, double and single milled, Swansdowns and Toleteners, Flannels, Baze, coatings and Brizes, gentlemen's nett Shirts and drawers, gentlemen's and ladies Angola and lambs wool hosiery, ladies very fine cotton and silk hose, Muslins, Cambri, Dimities & printed Muslins, Calicoes, and a few pieces furniture Chintz, silk Shawls, elegant Muffs and Capes, Veils and laced Turbans, thread and cotton Laces, English Lutstrungs, Satins and Florentines, very fine black Bambazeene, elegant worked Robes, a few Irish damask Table Cloths, Irish Diapers, 5-4 Irish sheeting, a few pieces very fine 4-4 Irish Linen, Ivory Knives & Forks, Smith's Bellows, Anvils, Vices and Hammers, Hominy Mills with fly wheels, brass and iron Rim Locks, &c. &c. &c. A few casks Hiltbert's best brown Stout, Fardham's Stout. No. 9. of superior quality, a few boxes gentlemen's fashionable London-made Hats, gentlemen's and ladies Gloves of very good quality, best steel plates, mill, pit and cross cut saws, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12 & 20d. nails, and 20d flooring Boards, sack Salt (Liverpool filled) White Lead, Yellow Ochre, and Spanish Brown. Wheat and Tobacco will be received in payment, at liberal prices. Sept. 27. (ct8w.)
FOR SALE.—Will be sold at twelve months credit, at Curies, the residence of Col. Wm. Heth, dec'd. on Monday the 21st day of November next, if fair, if not the next fair day, an assortment of valuable Household and Kitchen FURNITURE.—Bonds, with approved security will be required of purchasers, (bearing interest from the date, if not punctually paid,) for all sums over twenty dollars. THE TRUSTEES. Oct. 28. [law1w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 13. [law4w]
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to WINSTON & PRIDDY. Nov. 1. [law4w]
NOTICE.—A PETITION will be offered to the next General Assembly of Virginia, to authorise the sale of that tract of Land, which was used as a Glebe for the parish of Drysdale, lying in the parish of St. Stephens, and county of King and Queen. Sept. 30. [law3w]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber intends to continue his SCHOOL the ensuing year, at the Green Springs in Louisa county, where a course of Education, embracing the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages will commence entirely removed from every kind of vice, offers particular advantages to gentlemen who live in towns, (too commonly the seats of dissipation,) or to the unhealthy parts of the lower country, and wish to have their sons educated without incurring the risk of having their morals corrupted or their health impaired. The subscriber will pay the strictest attention, both to the morals and education of his pupils, which he will be enabled to do at all times, as none will be admitted, except such as live with him in the boarding-house, kept by Col. Morris, exclusively for the accommodation of the boys. The subscriber has in a former publication, produced testimonials of his attention & qualifications as a Tutor, which will, upon application, be enclosed to any person wishing to entrust pupils to his care. The terms will be, for board $28 per annum. (each boarder finding his own bed,) washing and mending $4 and tuition $19—One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. No scholar will be admitted for a shorter term than one year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county. FRANCIS F. MURRY. Nov. 4. [law4w]
DESERTED.—from the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON—30 years of age, 5 feet 11 1/2 inches high, swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour, blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt, and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES, 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair, when spoken to has a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—has a Farmer—He wore a round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg. Infantry. Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [tf]
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Watder and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should any appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOCK. Petersburg, July 5. (tf)
Bank of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birchett President thereof or Bearer. B No. 332 9th February 1803, $ 100 C 896 6th July, 100 D 153 7th February, 100 394 9th — 100 700 6th May, 100 753 7th — 100 788 — — 100 $ 700