The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-10-13 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1802.
LIME.
A CARGO of fresh Stone Lime in Tierses, just arrived from Providence, Rhode Island, and for sale at Rockets landing by
JOHN LESTER.
Richmond, Oct. 10, 1802. (31.)
BY THE LATE ARRIVALS WM. MACKENZIE, & Co.
HAVE RECEIVED THEIR
FALL GOODS.
Richmond, Sept. 30th. 1802. (32.)
TO BE SOLD,
FOR READY MONEY,
PURSUANT to a decree of the Federal Circuit Court of the United States, for the District of Virginia, in a suit between the executors of Hagbury's plaintiffs, and the trustees of gen. Nelson, and others, defendants, a tract of land in the county of Prince William, on the waters of Bull Run, containing 220 acres, now in the occupation of Mrs. Gwynn; or so much thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £. 259 with interest thereon from October 1797, and the costs & expenses of this sale, which will take place at Gadsby's tavern, in the town of Alexandria, on Saturday, the sixth of November next.
They above tract of land was purchased by Peyton Gwynn, deceased under the said decree, and the purchase money not being wholly paid, is again to be sold for the satisfaction thereof, in conformity to said decree, and terms of original sale.
D. M. RANDOLPH
Late Marshal, v. D. Richmond, Sept. 18th. 1802. (33.)
A FEW COPIES OF
HYMNS,
BY THE REV. E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at J. Pumphrey's, Stationer Richmond.
"A saving of time, is a saving of money, for time is even more precious than money."
FRANKLIN.
MATO'S
TOLL BRIDGE
THE Public is respectfully informed, is now completely and permanently finished; is furnished with good, strong, and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by Day, or by Night, with the utmost safety, and most unbounded confidence.
When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the whole community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel north or south, and particularly to the whole country south of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and coming to the seat of government, are considered, a confident hope and belief is entertained that it will meet with, and always receive, universal patronage and support; exclusive of these considerations, ECONOMY itself points out this to be the CHEAPEST, (and surely it is the most AGREEABLE) mode of crossing the river; for the very small difference in the expense of going by any other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety, and expedition, which this excellent and useful bridge affords.
SAMUEL JONES.
Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4th. 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Proffer and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city.
HENRY BANKS.
Richmond, August 25, 1802.
A Tutor Wanted.
A MAN who can teach the English language grammatically; also, writing, arithmetic, and geography.
Liberal wages and other advantages will be given to such a person.
A married man with a small family will be preferred.
HARRY HETH.
Black Heath Coal Pit, near Richmond, Sept. 11, 1802. (35.)
INTERESTING.
** To remove Predisposition, is curing the Disease.
AT this season of the year, when crowded cities, and irregular, and various modes of living, constitute an almost universal predisposition to bilious, inflammatory, yellow, and malignant fevers, it would greatly mitigate the prevalence of epidemical or parodic cases of fever, if the citizens would generally attend to their health, by the frequent use of mild bilious purgatives, and avoid all those circumstances which excite a predisposed habit into a general disease; such as intemperate debauch, excessive fatigue, exposure to alternate heats and colds, &c. Accordingly, the best medicines ever yet discovered, to answer the above indications, and to remove the first stages of fevers, as has been experienced for four years past in all the various cities and towns in the United States, where yellow and other fevers have prevailed, is found to be
DOCTOR LEE'S
PATENT NEW LONDON
Bilious Pills;
Prepared only by SAMUEL H. P. LEE, NEW-LONDON, MEMBER OF THE CONNECTICUT MEDICAL SOCIETY.
Their good effects and virtues are particularly described in the bill of directions, given with each box, and are too well known to need being inserted here; the extensive sale, and increasing demand from all parts of the United States and West Indies, is a sure proof of their superior merits above all others; no family should be a day without them; and if used once in 8 or 10 days (which will occasion no interruption in business) will preserve health, and remove the causes of most complaints which occur.
The above Pills are for Sale
By WM. PRICHARD.
P.S. Purchasers must be particular to ask for "Lee's New London Bilious Pills," or they will be liable to be mistaken in procuring the true Genuine Patent Pills.
Also for sale as above,
AROMATIC PASTE FOR TEETH & GUMS. Richmond, August 30th, 1802. (36.)
Patent Medicines.
A FRESH SUPPLY IS LATELY RECEIVED AND FOR SALE AT WM. PRICHARD'S BOOK STORE. DOCTOR SOLOMON'S
CORDIAL BALM OF GILEAD.
THE celebrity and great efficacy of this Medicine is generally too well known to require a lengthy description of its virtues; it stands unrivalled as a sovereign relief in all delicate, weakly and relaxed constitutions, lowness of spirits, hypochondria, horrors, tremblings, weakness of sight, loss of memory, impaired vigour, nervous consumptions, and the numberless symptoms of impaired and tottering constitutions, whether arising from a life of inactivity, intemperance, or inattention to health; it cheers, braces, and invigorates the whole nervous system, and gives new tone to all the vital functions, of which numberless instances can be vouched.
Doctor Solomon's ANTI-IMPETIGINES.
A most excellent and sure remedy for land and sea scurvy, rheumatic gout, ulcers, sore legs, and all scrofulous eruption. Great and various are the instances of the healing virtues of this specific, in all disorders originating in an impure state of the blood.
Doctor Solomon's GUIDE TO HEALTH.
OR ADVICE TO BOTH SEXES.—Price one dollar.
This work, in a concise manner, recommends the most simple and efficacious remedies with a proper mode of treatment for the asthma, loss of appetite, barrenness, bilious complaints, consumption, female diseases, &c. &c.
Doctor Andrew's SPECIFIC LOTION FOR THE FACE.
This Medicine is a safe, certain, and speedy cure for pimples, blotches, freckles, sun-burns, shingles, ring-worms, and all eruptions and humours of the face and skin.
** A general catalogue of Wm. Prichard's stock of books and stationery to be had gratis at the above store, where the literary articles, &c. therein contained, as well as those that monthly accumulate, shall be offered to his fellow citizens and others on equally moderate terms, the same as can be purchased in any of the northern cities.
Teachers at seminaries of learning, and county store-keepers who buy by wholesale shall have a liberal discount. Richmond, August 30th. 1802. (37.)
JUDGE TUCKER'S Blackstone.
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING AN AMERICAN EDITION OF BLACKSTONE'S COMMENTARIES, WITH NOTES OF REFERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, AND OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA. With an appendix to each volume, containing 1. Notes upon such subjects, as appeared necessary to form a systematic view of the laws of Virginia, as a Member of the Federal Union. By ST. GEORGE TUCKER, Professor of law in the college of William and Mary, and one of the judges in the General Court in Virginia. Printed for WILLIAM YOUNG BIRCH, and ABRAHAM SMALL—Philadelphia.
THE PROPOSED EDITION WILL CONTAIN—
 I. An introduction, or preface.  II. Notes on such parts of the Commentaries as treat on subjects which relate to correlative powers, delegated by the constitution and laws of the federal government, or of the state of Virginia; showing in what instance the principles of the British constitution, the maxims of that government, the general customs or common law of England, acts of the British parliament, and particular customs, or prescriptions, have been adopted or confirmed; altered and amended; or wholly changed and repealed, by local circumstances political considerations, or the express provisions contained in our constitutions and stated law.  III. To each volume of the commentaries there will be an appendix, into which will be introduced note of a more considerable length, which cannot conveniently be inserted in the body of the work, and short tracts upon some subjects arising out of our own constitution and laws.  IV. The appendix to the first volume will contain. 1. A discourse on government. 2. An enquiry into the obligation and authority of the common law and statutes of England, in the United States respectively; and whether the same be the law of the federal government of the United States or not. 3. A view of the written law of the commonwealth of Virginia, as partaking of the constitution and laws of the federal government and treaties made thereby; as well as of its own particular constitution and acts of its legislature; together with such acts of the parliament of Great Britain as may be still supposed to have any force or obligation therein. 4. A view of the constitution of the United States; its relation and connection 
with the state constitutions; a brief examination of their respective powers; a short parallel between it and that of Great Britain; an examination of some of its defects; and a view of the amendments thereto proposed by the several state conventions, and of such as may still be proper to be taken into further consideration. 5. A short view of the constitution of Virginia; an examination of some of Mr. Jefferson's positions respecting it, some hints with regard to an amendment of it. &c. 6. Observations on the right of conscience and the freedom of the press, in the United States of America. 7. A view of the origin, progress, and present state of slavery in Virginia, with a plan for its gradual abolition. 8. View of the laws respecting glebes and churches in Virginia.
V. The appendix to the second volume will contain a short abstract of the land laws in Virginia, with a reference to such as are to be found in any general code. 2. A discourse on the law of descents in Virginia. 3. An engraved copper plate table of descents according thereto. 4. A table, showing the manner in which estates in parcery shall be divided pursuant thereto. 5. A view of the laws respecting escheats and forfeitures, passed during the revolutionary war, and of the rights of foreigners to hold lands in Virginia. 6. A view of the laws respecting slaves as property. 7. A discourse on the subject of the laws restraining usury.
VI. The appendix to the third volume will contain a short view of the courts of the United States, and of the commonwealth of Virginia, with an abstract of the laws by which the practice therein is regulated. Strictures on the trial by jury in Virginia under the existing laws, and a plan for their amendment.
VII. The appendix to the fourth volume will contain an abstract of the criminal jurisdiction of the federal government, and of the commonwealth of Virginia; and a short discourse on treason.
VIII. The tracts mentioned in the fourth section together with the Editor's preface and the Commentator's introduction, being all attached to the first volume of Blackstone will, in this edition, be divided into two parts the preface and introduction; and the five tracts first mentioned in the fourth section will be attached to the first part, and the other three tracts mentioned in the same section, will make the appendix to the second part.
** The notes dispersed throughout the work will amount to fourteen or fifteen hundred. Those which refer to the constitution and laws of the United States are very numerous.
CONDITIONS.
 I. That the work be printed with a new type, on superfine paper, and in five very large Octavo volumes; and be bound in neat law binding.  II. That it shall go to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers shall be obtained to make it prudent—and from the time of going to press be published in one year.  III. That the price of the whole, complete and bound, shall be twenty dollars, payable on delivery. 
ADDRESS BY THE PUBLISHERS.
It is presumed, a little consideration will make it obvious, that a work so extensive, and which will employ a large capital, cannot be put to press until a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to make it prudent. The publishers do not recollect that any book of the same amount, has been printed in the United States, without either a part of the purchase money, being required in advance, returns made as it proceeded, by delivering the volumes as they were printed. In the present case, the whole work will be finished, and completely bound, before any payment is made.
It is earnestly requested that the gentlemen who intend subscribing will forward their names as soon as possible, either by letter (post paid) to the publishers in Philadelphia, or through the medium of booksellers in the neighbouring towns. The post-masters will also be furnished with a subscription paper, and it is presumed they will forward any names that may offer; as a remuneration, and to induce gentlemen to give it a little attention, whoever procures nine subscribers shall be entitled to a tenth copy, but it is to

be explicitly understood, that the person who receives a copy for procuring subscribers, must be answerable for the payment of all the gentlemen who sign his list. The publishers demand nothing but on delivery of the books, complete; they are therefore determined not to leave a single set, without at that time receiving payment for it.
Gentlemen who forward names to the publishers, are requested to mention where the books are to be sent, and if possible, to make the place of delivery some considerable and well known town.
Subscription papers will be found in the hands of Mr. Pritchard and Mr. S. Pleasants, in Richmond; Messrs. Ross and Douglas, Petersburg; Mr. E. Merick, Norfolk; Mr. R. Greenhow, Williamsburg; Mr. Henderson, Frederickburg; Mr. S. Bithop, Alexandria; Mr. J. Alburtis, Martinsburg; Mr. Bowden, Winchester; Mr. J. Gales, Raleigh, North-Carolina; Messrs. Bailey and Waller, Charleston, South-Carolina; Mr. J. Marsh, Georgetown, Potomac; Messrs. Ralph and Co. Washington City; Messrs. G. Hill, and Conrad and Co. Baltimore, &c. &c.
The publishers have only to add, that they believe it will be found to be considerably the lowest priced law book, of a similar extent, and including a copy-right purchase, that has appeared for many years, either in America, or Europe.
WILLIAM YOUNG BIRCH. ABRAHAM SMALL, Philadelphia, Sept. 1. 1802.
For the RECORDER.
I THIS morning read over that incomparable comedy, the Merchant of Venice. Had the author composed nothing else but this play, he would have deserved a place in the first rank of dramatic writers.—A group of the finest moral characters are all admirably supported.—Antonio, Bassanio, and Portia, are each in the highest style of Shakespeare's excellence. When Portia, with a noble simplicity, says,
"I never did repent of doing good, And shall not now;"
we feel an irresistible impression, that the poet himself must have been a worthy honest man. I shall quote one of those passages that struck me as remarkably pathetic. When Solanio is about to mention the ruin of Antonio, affection and sorrow almost stifle his utterance.
"It is true, without any slips of prolixity, or crossing the plain high-way of talk, that the good Antonio, the honest Antonio— O that I had a title good enough to keep his name company!"
Graziano is likewise a character of exquisite entertainment. His reply to Bassanio, who had exhorted him to caution, is in that sort of solemn ludicrous style, almost entirely peculiar to Shakespeare.
"Signior Bassanio, hear me; If I do not put on a sober habit, Talk with respect, and swear but now and then," &c.
In his address to Shylock, however, in the tenth act, he kindles into the most generous indignation.—We see, with much satisfaction, that good humour does not merely play upon the surface of his mind, but is ingrafted on a manly feeling heart.—During the trial that follows, he preserves a strict and becoming silence: But the moment his friend is out of danger, the poet, ever attentive to chastity of character and to nature, represents him relapsing into the most tumultuous exultation.—There is a whimsical portrait of this charming phantom drawn by Bassanio.
Graziano speaks an infinite deal of nothing, more than any man in all Venice: "his reasons are as two grains of wheat hid in two bushels of chaff! You shall seek all day e'er you find them: and when you have them, they are not worth the search."
A. B.
From the Virginia Gazette.
SOME time in January last, a letter from Major James Stephenon, a member of the Virginia Legislature, to his friend in Martinburg, was published in the Baltimore Federal Gazette, informing him, that "The journals of the executive" [of this state] "exhibited appropriations of money not authorized by law; and that nothing but the popularity of the chief magistrate would prevent a vote of censure. During the last year" [1801, continues the letter] "there have been drawn out of the contingent fund, upwards of thirty-two thousand dollars; there is one item of one thousand dollars for illuminating the Capitol on the 4th of March, in consequence of Mr. Jefferson's election."
This letter was republished in the Virginia Argus, on the 9th of February afterwards, with a statement signed by the auditor of public accounts, shewing that only twenty-five dollars and forty-five cents were expected in illuminat-
ing the Capitol on the said election, and not one hundred and dollars as was erroneously asserted in the said letter. Along with this, there was a severe censure on Major Stephenon for this egregious misstatement, and a resolution of compliment on the executive.
A person, desirous of being informed of the truth of this whole affair, undertook to make an enquiry among the public documents and offices where he knew that an explanation satisfactory could be obtained. He discovered that the little partial extract, from the accounts which had been before the assembly, and from which Major Stephenon derived his information, had been particularly singled out from amidst that vast budget of executive extravagance by one of the council, who had obtained the auditor's name to it; and which is the same that was published in the Argus with the strictures and complimentary resolution afore-mentioned. He readily perceived too, from the same documents, that besides the twenty-five dollars and forty-eight cents for illuminating the Capitol, there had been one hundred and twenty dollars and forty-five cents laid out in employing a private expert to go to the City of Washington to bring the news of the election of the president, and fifty dollars for the injuries done to the horse employed on that occasion. This made in all, one hundred and ninety three dollars and ninety-three cents, very improperly indeed laid out about the election of Mr. Jefferson, as major Stephenon should have said, instead of saying to illuminate the Capitol. He also saw and collected from among the same documents, and other sources equally to be relied upon, information concerning other enormous expenditures of public money, not only in the most illegal manner, but even contrary to all precedent, all example of the most profligate abuse of public trust, so much relied upon, as will be shewn in this particular case.
The result of the above enquiry was communicated to a respectable character in the country, who had once been a member of the Virginia Assembly, with a hope that he would one day be again in the same situation; and that his independence and honesty as a man, aided by his long known decided preference to what is called the republican side of politics in this country, would enable him to expose and place in their proper colours those wanton and unjustifiable expenditures of the people's money by the very persons who had been so long complaining of similar abuses in others; and above all, the more than scandalous conduct of the assembly in smothering this truly censurable business in a complimentary resolution on the conduct of the executive, on the propriety of their appropriations of the public money with all those stubborn and contradictory documents staring them in the face, as will be presently shewn. That person, to whom the communication was thus made, falling in immediately after with governor Monroe spoke to him on the subject of these expenditures; but especially those relating to the express hire and illumination of the Capitol on the election of Mr. Jefferson, at very unjustifiable, not only on account of their being unauthorized by law, but on account of their taking, in part, from the pockets of those who considered that election as a real cause of mourning, instead of rejoicing. He said that, with respect to the express-hire, this was also unnecessary, as the public mail would have answered every purpose equally as well.
With respect to this last article, Mr. Monroe answered, "that Governor M'Kean and many others resorted to the use of private expresses on that great occasion, on account of the stopping of the public mail for several days pending the presidential election in Congress." On being asked why the mail was stopped, "he did not know!" but left the person, under all the circumstances of the importance of the case, to conjecture for himself! This was immediately communicated to Mr. Davis, the late postmaster of Richmond, (by the person first examining into the case) and some information was requested on that had. Mr. Davis gave an answer that vindicated
the post-office. This communication and answer are to be found in the Virginia Gazette of the 6th of April last.
In consequence of this last, a reply was written to the answer of Mr. Davis, together with an address to the Editor of the Virginia Argus. The writer pointed out the deception of the article published in his paper, respecting the letter of major Stephenon. He promised that if the person who published that misstatement did not say something in extenuation of the offence he had committed against candour and truth (by giving to the public a mere scrap of a record, as a full refutation of what had been asserted in a private letter, in general terms,) together with some further account of the other still larger sums spoken of in the same letter, this last account should, at some future leisure moment, be given for him. These last communications are to be found in the Virginia Gazette, "Number 992," [date torn off the paper now in view] where they may be referred to, if forgotten; and, together with all the publications herein mentioned, republished if necessary. They have never yet been replied to; and therefore are to be considered as unanswerable. It is necessary, then, to proceed to a performance of the promise, to give to the public a full and particular account of the extraordinary, illegal, and even unprecedented expenditures of the public money in this state, and of the shameful concealment of those improper transactions, by those who ought to be the watchful centinels, the faithful divulgers, and the prompt avengers of the people's wrongs. They ought to be so, and not the flattering dupes and sycophants of office, which they themselves, as agents of the people, have for their good, and not their destruction, set up.
Let us now take a view of some of the expenditures of public money, as they stood exhibited to the General Assembly from the other departments of the government, stating therefore what has been asserted with respect to some of the items, in hopes of correction in whatever may be erroneous.
EXTRACT,
From expenditures on Manufactory of Arms.
"Total amount of expenditures on the manufactory of public arms, from the commencement to the 17th of January, 1802, dollars $3,928 66" In which are included the following sums:
"John Clark, for sundry contingent expenses. dollars 1389 15 "John Clark, superintendent, his salary from 3th August '98, to 1st. October 1801, 3146 33 "John Clark, undertaker of machinery, upon account. 3499 97"
Thus it appears, from this precious document, that John Clark, superintendent of the manufactory of arms, has employed this self same John Clark, as undertaker of the machinery of the same building. To this there is no material objection, as it is believed that Mr. Clark is an ingenious and meritorious mechanic! But it is ascertained from sources equally authentic with the above document, that Mr. Clark, as superintendent, certifies the accounts of John Clark, undertaker of the machinery, from time to time; and in this way, by his own certificates, Mr. Clark had drawn up to the 17th of January 1802—9889 dollars and 10 cents, besides his salary of 3146 dollars and 33 cents. How much more has been drawn in the same way since, we have yet to learn.
It also appears, from the same document, that 14,150 dollars have been paid to other favorites for digging and removing dirt in founding the said manufactory. Some where about 1800 dollars have been paid Thomas Whitelaw, for propping the brick work of other favorites. What this pretty building is to cost the people, when done, according to this mode of laying out their money, it is impossible now to say.
But there are other expenditures of public money, besides those already
mentioned, that ought to be particularly noticed. The committee appointed to enquire into the expenditures of public money, and the state of our treasury report, among other things, that it is the "opinion of the said committee that provision ought to be made by law for the appointment of a surgeon for the public guard, and for the prisoners in the penitentiary house, with a moderate and adequate salary per annum." This opinion, it is said, arose from the discovery of the allowance and payment of very immoderate sums to particular favorites for services of that sort! Another item in the accounts of public monies expended, as laid before the house by the report of the same committee, is for "compensation to law counsel $32 dollars and 69 cents." We have been told that 700 dollars a piece have been paid to two gentlemen of the bar for appearing in one particular case before the high court of appeals, where there are judges, every body knows, as competent to the examination of plain records as any gentleman at the bar. But why is an attorney general employed with a competent salary? Will it be acknowledged that a public officer of this sort has been employed, and that we are obliged to engage and give others enormous fees to assist him in the execution of his duties. Upon my conscience, this is too bad.
I submit to the public whether the fourteen hundred dollars thus paid to the two counsellors, in the court of appeals, ought not to be deducted from the salary of the attorney general? If he cannot act in the court of appeals, and in every other court, what is the use of him? Or, if he chooses to go to other courts, and gather fees, when he should be toiling for his salary in the court of appeals, should he not be obliged to give a statement of all such receipts, in order to place them in the vacuum of the treasury, occasioned by the fourteen hundred dollars, &c.?
When Queen Elizabeth was once making a tour through England, she came to the city of Coventry. She addressed the citizens in a series of verses. The last line was in these words:
"Good L—d! what fools you be"!
When we approach the abys of Virginian finance, we can hardly suppress a repetition of the royal apostrophe.
With these plain documents and stubborn facts before our eyes, what shall we say to the assertion, "that not one cent of the public money has been improperly applied?" Was the express hire to go to Washington and the illumination of the Capitol on the election of Mr. Jefferson properly applied? Were these sums "applied to public purposes with an honest view to the public interest?" Were the enormous sums paid to captain Clark under his own certificates consistent even with former precedents, or any other precedents wherein the public interest was consulted? Were the sums paid for digging and removing earth, to physicians, lawyers, &c. monies properly expended? With respect to the money laid out in illuminating the Capitol, monies laid out in a feast at Goodal's Tavern for the particular gratification of the executive and of all those who enjoyed that illumination, would have been quite as much for public purposes, with an honest view to the public interest.
Citizens of Virginia!—reflect on these facts, and before the next election, enquire who were your representatives who so shamefully abandoned your interests, by smothering these transactions, and even by covering them with a complimentary resolution! No wonder, under such shameful abuses (many of which have been since, and are still going on, no doubt,) that our public treasury should have been so long totally destitute of money!!!
MR. JOHN WOOD,
THE celebrated historian of Mr. John Adams, has, within these few days, honored with his presence the capital of Virginia. He felt anxiety to keep the best terms with one of the editors of this paper. Upon that account, he had hardly slept found for six hours after his arrival, when he sat down to write a pa-

agraph, informing the citizens, that the said editor was a calumniator, &c. &c. This piece appeared in the Virginia Gazette of last Saturday. It presents itself as a preface to the second edition of Jefferson's two letters to Callender; and it will very possibly ride on the coach box before them through half the United States. Our readers are requested to take notice that this paragraph campaign has commenced on the part of Mr. Wood. When speaking of Mr. Jefferson's having thanked Callender for his proof sheets, John proceeds thus:
"Let the reader remember, that those same proof sheets contained the grossest abuse, and vilest calumny upon the most virtuous character in the United States — that they declared the federal constitution to be a job of Tories and a British party — that, moreover, they sanctioned all the insults which were offered to the late administration by the frantic hand of demagogues — that they vindicated the western insurrection, the rebellion of Fries, and every species of lawless assemblage that was instituted for the purpose of disturbing the peace of society and unhinging the wheels of government."
Thus far Mr. Wood. Cicero tells us of a Roman, whose wife was of an easy temper. When customers came to the house, the husband, that he might not stand in the way of business, pretended that he was fast asleep. One day, however, there appeared a visitor, whom he did not like. Upon this he exclaimed, non omnibus dormio . "I don't sleep for EVERY BODY."
Because Mr. Coleman and his transcribers have been suffered to proceed without notice in mangling "The Prospect," Mr. Wood thinks it common game; and that every one is at liberty to call the book a bundle of calumnies. If this pupil of Aaron Burr does not take good care how he trims his top sails, I'll teach him how to handle sticks!
We had got thus far, when it was understood that Mr. Wood, in this day's Virginia Gazette, intends to make an apology for having said that "The Prospect" libelled the memory of General Washington. He is reading the book, and finds that the extracts were an imposition. We therefore stop here, till further advice.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
OCTOBER 13 th . 1802.
SEQUEL OF REMARKS UPON THE CORRESPONDENCE
BETWEEN Mr. JEFFERSON & J. T. CALLENDER.
IT is now two years and nine months since the publication of the first volume of "The Prospect." On its appearance, the writer was not only attacked, with every sort of argument which could be advanced against a candid and accurate performance; but with the grossest misquotation and perversion. Paragraphs were chopped from the end of a page, and periods from the end of a paragraph. The eighth commandment says, Thou shalt not steal . Cut away the three first words, and the precept issues in a reversal of its meaning. It is in this manner, and with the most inimical effrontery and imposture, that the author has been made to pronounce general Washington a thief of public money, a poltroon, a traitor, first to America, and then to England. If such assertions had been found in his manuscript, it is hard to see where he could have met with a printer so mad as to admit it into his office; or, if the book had been actually worked off, it is equally inconceivable who would have bought, or read it. But the candid part of his readers perceived that he meant no such thing. This did not hinder the federal editors from piling, as usual, one falsehood upon the top of another. From this, there was a natural progression to personal calumny. And it only doing justice to their abilities to say, that they almost equalled their Jefferson successors in the same honorable employment.
After the spirit of faction had been fermented to a suitable height, a prosecution was commenced against the author. It is needless to repeat the trite and disgusting tale of the trial for sedition. It was easy for Callender to foresee that he might, in a moment, make his peace with his oppressors, by giving up the names of those who had, in some degree, been
his preceptors; who had in a great measure, been his assistants; and whom he regarded as his friends. Nothing of this kind escaped him; and the author submitted to the law which was passed by Congress. From what has lately occurred, it does not appear that the public even suspected, by what hands the torch was held, which lighted him by the way of destruction. From March 1801, to June 1802, he submitted, without announcing his promoters, to every sort of impertinence, of neglect, and of ingratitude, for which the democrats of all ages have been so unfortunately famous. In June last, and in the course of a dispute with a private person,* he accidentally referred to some attentions which he had received from the chief of the party, Thomas Jefferson. An alarm was instantly founded by the opposite party. The writer had, at that time, no more expectation of the effects that were to follow, than the man who first cut an alphabet in wooden types had of the art of printing. It was then that democratical gratitude shone forth in all its glory! While the cause of place-hunting was in dependence, while nobody could tell whether Adams or Jefferson was to become president, the "Prospect," and its author, had been sufficiently praised. But, at the distance of two years, the tone was completely altered. The book was declared to have been, from the beginning, a scandalous libel, and Callender himself a scoundrel. It was alleged, as the height of audacity for him to say, that the president had ever patronized so vile a performance, or bestowed one farthing to promote its success. The money, if it ever had been given, was not the assistance of a chieftain to one of his partisans, but the charity, of a private gentleman, who, by the way, had never before been marked for his charity to a starving, a clamorous, and an execrable beggar. MERIWETHER JONES went still farther. Although it was universally known, that the popularity of the Jefferson party had raised this man's newspaper from darkness into light; although, in this very paper, he had a thousand times reproached the trial of Callender, and affected to deplore his imprisonment; he now vindicated that trial, and commended that imprisonment. Jones did not, at this time, distinctly foresee that the trap-door of justice would speedily break beneath him. He is now fully convinced of his approaching ruin; but passing over this pitiful unit in the myriads of existence, we proceed with the proper hero of the tale, with Thomas Jefferson himself.
This man had in his power, with a single word, to have extinguished the volcanos of reproach which were showering their contents on a person, who had served him, who had been persecuted for him, and who had never injured him. With that frigid indifference which forms the pride of his character, the president stood neuter. Like the remora, at the tail of the shark, Mr. Madison kept close behind his master. Oppression, of course, provokes resistance; and the history of the remission business, with a variety of collateral anecdotes, was committed to the contempt of the world.
The fact of the remission was at first denied in the bitterest terms. When this had been established, it was with equal accuracy, defended on the most contradictory grounds. Blake said that the president had a right to give back the fine from the treasury, if he thought the law to have been illegal, on which it was exacted. Cheetham said that this would have amounted to perjury, on the president's part; but that, as it had only been paid into the hands of the marshal, Mr. Jefferson had a right to return it. While this wise dispute was on the tapis, Duane attacked Callender's private life; and that in retort produced the account of Sally. Jones then defied Callender to publish the letters; and they have been published.
The circumstances which marked the remission convinced all impartial men that the president was capable of avarice; that he walked upon the edge of an official oath for the sake of saving two hundred dollars. His mean disavowal of a man, who had stood by him through nine months of imprisonment, and the chance of its perpetuity, demonstrated the warmth of his friendship, and the sublimity of his gratitude. The next and mortal blow came from a quarter almost too hateful to be named; but too deadly to be forgotten. PROFITATION in its darkest hue! THE WIDOWER! THE FATHER! THE PHILOSOPHER! THE CITIZEN! — A Phalanx of deformities that might have stamped shame on the marble cheeks of a Claudius, or a Messalina! — There succeeded, like a tombstone over his departed fame, the compelled publication of his two letters to Callender. These pieces illustrated the veracity of his INAUGURAL SPEECH, and the profundity of his reverence for the federal constitution. Like a ship under bare poles, and within five minutes of foundering, the name of Thomas Jefferson is now driving before the tempest. Certain fixed stars have abruptly disappeared. This star of our political hemisphere has, like them, sunk in eternal darkness. Posterity must enquire what became, all at once, of this prodigy, this boast of America! They will ask by what unac-
* Meriwether Jones, Letter 7. † Vid. Letter 8 to the public.
countable reverse he was at once dashed from the summit of esteem and love to the depth of contempt and abhorrence. History will answer "this man was smote and blasted by THE JUSTICE OF GOD." The sudden extinction of a character so lately proud of its strength, and disdainful in its resources, calls to mind the fate of a Roman city, which had been reputed as impregnable. "The Goths," says their historian, "the Goths, with irrepressible fury, rushed on the ramparts; and the next age could hardly discover the ruins of Aquileia."
DUANE is requested to inform his readers, to which of the planets he sends the overplus of Auroras. We mean all the difference between those which are circulated upon this planet, and the 4000 which he pretends to publish.
IT is the custom of some people who wish to encourage a paper, to subscribe for a great many; but to direct only one to be sent. For instance, if a GREAT MAN wanted to give Duane 500 dollars per year, he would subscribe to as many papers as would amount to that sum; but would direct only one to be sent to his residence. Perhaps this is the way in which the organ of the public will makes out 4000.
IF Duane prints 4000 papers per day, it will be 2,691 reams 16 quires of paper per year. It will be reasonable to expect 3500 of these will be dispatched in the different mails — what a tax! what an imposition!
IF Duane publishes 4000 papers per day, and each of these contains only 4 lies; each paper being read by 5 persons; how many lies, or deceptions, will the organ of the public will propagate in one year? Arithmeticians answer.
WHO makes upwards of 2,691 reams of printing paper for William Duane in one year?
IF Duane publishes 4000 papers per day, and each paper contains only 4 lies (a moderate calculation) each paper being read by five persons, then the organ of the public will may be said to propagate 25 millions and forty thousand deceptions in the course of one year.
IF Duane is the propagator of 25 millions of lies in one year, will he not, when the god of justice shall judge mankind, call upon rocks and mountains to hide him? But perhaps the organ of the public will is one of the Illuminati? Or one of those who deny a futurity; or of some other sect, whose principles are less detestable?
IF Duane believed in a future state, and in rewards or punishments, would he dare to circulate twelve thousand lies per day?
SOMETIME ago, the Reverend Bishop Madison was at the city of Washington. While he was there, the president told him that the sums bestowed upon Callender were given merely in charity. The Bishop came to Richmond, and told this to every body. The story gained belief; for who was to have distrusted a president and a bishop? This forced a publication of the letters. The original manuscripts have been seen by scores; and they are admitted as the genuine production of Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Davis tells us, that not one single demo has called upon him for a sight of them. The manuscripts are known to be, what they pretend to be. But mark the justice and gratitude of the president! He wanted to brand Callender, as an impostor; and if the manuscripts had been lost, he would perhaps have succeeded. Yet a Yankie editor, some weeks ago, made this wise remark: "We may be sure that the wary Scot has taken care of the letters." Yes, Sir! the letters are safe. Yet even their being destroyed to-morrow could, by this time, be but of inferior consequence. They have been read by many, who are just as well acquainted with the hand writing, as with the face of the president. Their authenticity has been stamped with the seal of universal conviction. The Aurora, and twenty such papers, may bark and babble as much as they please; but they will never shake the basis of opinion, and of evidence. They will never be able to restore the reputation of Mr. Jefferson, as a gentleman of honor and veracity. That's over! The nation has made a miraculous escape from the ridicule of a second election of such a candidate. It was hoped and believed that Callender had lost or destroyed these letters. It was upon this conceit that Jones dared him to publish them!
Jones was perfectly conscious that such a correspondence had long subsisted. The Examiner had read the first of those two letters, which have been printed. Yet he dared the publication, on the faith of its being destroyed.
A man may write a letter, and afterwards forget that he did so. He then denies it. The paper is produced, and he stands convicted of a mistake. Still he may be a person of honor. He may plead innocence and look straight forwards in the face of mankind. But, these observations do not apply to the case of Monticello. He could not forget a correspondence which had lasted for several years. It is not easy to see how he will ever face the bishop again, after such an irrevocable, such a damning demonstration of his want of veracity? Of what kind of materials must his face be made, if he does not blush, every time that he hears of Callender's name?
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
IN his Examiner of last Saturday, Jones has at length spoke what is true! For he says that, "in letter 3 d . to J. T. C. there are federal mistakes!" Jones ought to have called them LIES; but we accept of his apology.
The Examiner of October 6 th , which is printed upon very coarse blue wrapping paper, contains more than three columns about the penitentiary. The writer has since published a long errata. He might have saved himself that trouble. No man acquainted with what composition is will read his performance a second time; and even an honest first perusal requires an uncommon share of patience and fortitude. We look upon the whole affair as an erratum; and not worth the ink with which it was written.
The same Examiner has something which it calls Letter 6 th to J. T. Callender. The following is a specimen.
"Out of Virginia a solitary copy [of the Prospect] might have roamed; and within the State, the then opposition regretted its appearance, disowned its tenor, and buried in oblivion the copies subscribed for under an ignorance of its contents. Whilst all the hallooings of the Scotch correspondent, were only able to gain admission for a very few extracts into newspapers of either complexion. And this is the book which Callender says turned out Mr. Adams."
"Fough! my gorge rises at it." On the very day, when this Examiner appeared, were printed Mr. Jefferson's two letters, wherein he thanks the author for sending him proof sheets; says that such papers cannot fail of producing the best effect; and finally furnishes materials for completing the volume — Judge between Jones and Jefferson.
The author of the book never said that it turned out John Adams. This is one of Meriwether's endless lies.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE
AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE
THE CONDUCT
OF MERIWETHER JONES,
IN A SERIES OF LETTERS,
ADDRESSED
TO THE PUBLIC,
By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the list of which has rung through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr — Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1. — Defence of Timothy Pickering — A little more about republican economy — with a variety of small pieces.
MRS. WALKER in our next.

THE democratic editors are extremely incensed against the federal writers for giving credit to Callender, after having convicted him of writing and publishing "wilful and malicious falsehoods." In reply, the federalists say, with great justice, that, as every man's testimony is good against , although not for , himself, so Callender is a competent and credible witness against those who first employed him, and gave him credit. Callender writes lies—Messrs. Jefferson, Giles, Mason, &c. give them countenance and currency. Is it competent for persons of this description to complain of credit being given to one who is indebted to themselves for whatever of character he possesses? Were one person to forge a draft, and another, knowing it to be forged, to indorse it, could the indorser complain if he were afterwards compelled to pay its amount? However the drawer might object to paying, would the indorser be a competent witness against the drawer, and in favor of himself? Let democratic editors apply this question.
REMARKS, SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA,
(Originally Printed in 1796.)
(Continued from No. 66.)
In Mahometan countries, lending money on interest is deemed usury, and prohibited by severe penalties. The consequence is, that usury is higher there than anywhere else. Men must borrow; but the terms on which they advance it, are always regulated by the risks and dangers which they encounter. This observation is supported by the authority of a great writer.
An observation to the same effect is made by an author who has profoundly investigated the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. "A defect in the law, may sometimes raise the rate of interest considerably above what the condition of the country, as to wealth or poverty, would require. When the law does not enforce the performance of contracts, it puts all borrowers nearly on the same footing with bankrupts, or people of doubtful credit, in better regulated countries. The uncertainty of recovering his money, makes the lender exact the same usurious interest, which is generally required from bankrupts." It is obvious that the same causes must have a decided influence on the price of commodities.
If then the buyer be the person, on whom alone the laws discouraging credit must operate, the effect which the proposed law will produce on his mind, deserves to be considered.
Under the existing system, a man may buy more than he really wants, with a certainty of not being able to pay at the appointed time, and yet with a certainty that he cannot be ruined. His house, his land will remain. His family will have an asylum from which they cannot be driven. Let me be ever so extravagant, he will say, the laws of my country, indulgent to my weakness, protect me from that ruin, to which it appears to lead. But what would be the language of a man, who knew that all his property might be taken. I must either contract no debts, or be punctual in paying them. If I am not, my fortune will be at the mercy of my creditor. My house may be taken from me, my wife and children cast on the wide world, dependent on caprice or charity for bread, and I myself dishonored and abhorred as the author of this complicated mischief. This consideration must occur to every man,
and would certainly lead to habits of economy, industry, and punctuality, extremely advantageous to the wealth, the happiness, and the morals of the people.
It has been said, that obvious as this consideration may appear, it will not occur to a majority of men: that they will go on buying as long as they are trusted, and that this law will have no other effect than to reduce them to beggary. If this be a correct representation of my fellow citizens; if they are indeed so stupid, as not to know when they are in a broad way which leads to certain destruction, they indeed present that group which proud unceasing insolent aristocracy delights to call a winish multitude . Detested be the thought.
This idea, degrading as it is to the people, is brought forward by true republicans; and it has been adopted lately like many others, merely because it had been adopted before. They surely forget the insult which they offer to the cause which they espouse, and that they dishonor the character of the people, by making laws which tell them that they have not sense enough to take care of themselves. No principle is more impolitic, or more decidedly aristocratical, than that which dictated this objection, and which gave birth to the laws that interfere in the private concerns of individuals, by restraining credit, usury, and gaming. "The natural effort of every individual to better his own condition, when suffered to exert itself with freedom and security, is so powerful a principle, that it is alone, and without any assistance, not only capable of carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity, but of surmounting a thousand impertinent obstructions, with which the folly of human laws too often incumbers its operations."
There is another consideration of great importance in this discussion. It is an established opinion, at least, among writers, that virtue is the basis of a republic. It is the great principle which gives it energy and permanence. Surely then it is the high and indispensable duty of the legislature, even in conformity to those republican principles, which they so much revere, to announce in their laws none but the purest doctrines of justice and morality. The virtuous representatives of a free people should never speak but in the sublime language of liberty and virtue.
Unfortunately for us, our laws are not entitled to this high encomium. In this commonwealth a man may purchase 1000 acres of land, and if he can keep his personal property out of the way of the sheriff, he may retain the land, and bid defiance to his creditor. If a man is indulged for a short account, for more than twelve months, the creditor must depend on his integrity for payment. Could a more effectual plan, for the seduction of mankind, and the subversion of morality, be concerted?
When this subject is considered in its relation to trade, it will appear no less interesting. What ever complaints may be made of the credit allowed in our domestic intercourse, it is certain that in our foreign transactions, a want of confidence in the merchants and traders of Virginia, has an influence no less decided than pernicious. This point merits attention of all who will wend to their country.
There are four things in the commerce of this commonwealth which deserve to be investigated.
 1. That a great and increasing proportion of our European goods come to us from New-York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore.  2. That our trade is principally in the hands of foreigners.  3. That few large capitals are employed in it.  4. That merchants here have been ruined, whose debts, if collected, would have been sufficient to save them.  If the fact be, as the first remark supposes, it requires little calculation to show that we buy European goods at a dearer rate than our northern brethren. We not only pay for the goods of this
kind which are brought from New-York and Philadelphia, the first cost in Europe, the freight, the premium for insurance, and the advance which the northern merchant must put upon the whole cost, before he can afford to sell; but we pay for freight and insurance from the north here. This advance, with the expence of importation, cannot be estimated at less than ten per cent; perhaps it is a great deal more.
In addition to this, the northern merchant knows, that a merchant here cannot always command his capital, or even half of it. He knows, in fact, that he runs a small risque of never receiving payment, and a great one of not being paid at the appointed time. For this too he will be indemnified. From these circumstances the result is, that the merchant here buys goods in Philadelphia at least 5 per cent, dearer than a merchant in Pennsylvania. If then our importations from the north amount to £. 250,000 per annum, we pay an annuity of £. 3,500 for the privilege of having bad laws. Is not this disgraceful as it is ruinous?
Our intercourse with Britain is regulated by the same principles. The northern merchants buy goods there so much cheaper than we do, that the merchants of this state who import from the north, can afford to sell as cheap as those who import directly from England. If this be really a fact, and it is believed to be so, the people of this state sustain as great a loss on the commodities brought immediately from Europe, supposing them to amount to £. 250,000 as on those which come indirectly, through the northern states. This calculation, if correct, adds £. 37,500 more to the annual sacrifice of the revenue of the country.
In our domestic trade, the consequences are equally pernicious. In every business, those who prosecute it, must at least find a support. The trader must calculate the risque of trusting out his property. This risque, whether calculated at £. 5 or £. 10 per cent, is added to the price of the goods, and is paid by the punctual and industrious part of the community. If therefore, our total importations are estimated at £. 500,000, per annum, and the risque abovementioned is valued at £. 5 per cent, the people of this state pay £. 100,000 every year for the indulgence afforded by our laws to indolence, or dishonesty. Surely, therefore, nothing can be more obvious, than the truth of this position, that it is not the interest of the commonwealth to prevent sales on credit, but to diminish as much as possible the hazard attending them.
It must here be remarked, that the calculations which have been made, are not given as being perfectly correct. Accurate information on the points here noticed, cannot be obtained, but by a mode of enquiry, which the writer had no time to pursue. It is sufficient, if the important facts which have been mentioned, are ascribed to the cause from which they really arise, and if the outline is exhibited of the mischiefs which they produce.
But this is only a partial view of the subject. The terms on which we sell, are as injurious as those on which we buy. We have been indiscreet or unfortunate enough to reverse the first and clearest principles of commerce, and under the present arrangement, we sustain annually, a loss on our exports, nearly equal to the tax with which it has been shewn, our imported goods are so unnecessarily burthened.
A considerable proportion of the produce of this state is sent every year to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York. The merchants there pay the current price here, the freight, the expence of unloading, and storing, and then make a profit by shipping it to the European market.
In this case it is apparent, that the Farmer and Merchant of this state together, sustain a loss precisely equal to the difference between the price here, and the price in Europe, after deducting the freight. The former ought to receive the same price for wheat, that is
given in Philadelphia, and he ought to reap that profit, on the transportation and sale, which is now monopolized by the ship-owners and merchants of the north.
To enumerate all the evils springing from the present direction of our commerce, would be a task no less painful than lengthy. The single fact here spoken of, the difference between the price of wheat in this state, and in Pennsylvania, is so important to the essential interests of a numerous and most respectable class of the people, that the legislature are bound to remove the cause from which it originates. In truth there cannot be a subject more worthy of their serious attention.
2. Nothing has been more common for many years past, than the complaint founded on the second remark. In all the states north of this, the trade of the country is principally conducted by natives. The commerce of Virginia is almost exclusively in the hands of foreigners. This is a singular circumstance. It cannot be founded on any aversion to commercial business entertained by the people of this country. They frequently engage in it, though they generally fail. Nor can it be the result of any temporary and accidental combination of circumstances. It has been the case for forty years and more. So powerful, indeed, is the cause which produces this effect, that the trade of Virginia in the years 1783, 1784, 85, and 86, was conducted almost entirely by foreigners, in spite of the advantages which our own citizens naturally possess, and in spite of the disrepute in which one class of the former has universally held. The cause deserves to be developed.
The citizens of this commonwealth who have large possessions, cannot easily convert them into money, even if they were disposed to exchange the life of an independent planter or farmer, for the perpetual drudgery of trade. None but persons of small fortunes, therefore, ever engage in merchandize. But their ruin is almost the inevitable consequence. They purchase in the country; they must sell on credit, and not being able to command their small stock of property when it is wanted, they become bankrupts at once. This fact is universally known. But the foreigner backed by his transatlantic connections, can afford to lie longer without his money. As long as the administration of justice, therefore, continues on the footing on which it now stands, foreigners will monopolize the commerce of Virginia. Surely it is a matter of some importance that it should be restored to the natives.
3. The third circumstance which strikes our attention, is, that few great capitals are employed in our trade. In every country credit must be given. It is a maxim, and an obvious one, that credit is the life of commerce. But if it be given in this country, the man who has a large capital, and makes great engagements, will certainly fail. Merchants, therefore, of great wealth do not fix here. The disadvantage arising from this is apparent. The man who has £. 20, or £. 30,000, will be content with a smaller profit on his stock, than he who has only a twentieth part of those sums, and generally speaking, will deal on better and fairer terms.
4. The fact which is cited in the fourth instance speaks a language which cannot be misunderstood. That men should become bankrupts, and be exposed to the misery and disgrace of a situation, which to persons bred up in habits of industry and punctuality, is of all others the most terrible, while they have in the hands of our fellow-citizens, a fund sufficient to discharge their debts, argues a defect in the administration of justice, which every principle of rectitude and policy calls upon us loudly to redress.
Clear and conclusive as this reasoning may seem, it has as yet produced little effect; and the arguments now to be recited, have been deemed sufficient to defeat them.
(To be continued.)