Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-12-19 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1715.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.
TUESDAY DECEMBER 19, 1809.
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Richmond Price Current.
[CORRECTED WEEKLY.]
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FOR THE ARGUS.
It must afford much pleasure to a patriotic person to find that some of those papers as well as individuals usually called "federal," entertain and express those sentiments which become an American, anxious for the welfare, prosperity and honor of our common country. It is but too true that the words "Federal and Federalism" have been used as cloaks to cover a hidden animosity, bordering on open treason against all that Americans should hold dear: whilst the actors in the wicked schemes conceal themselves from open view, they contrive to assume the credit of being the political associates of many upright and patriotic Americans who are denominated Federalists .
These feelings and remarks are at present chiefly excited by the course pursued by Major Jackson, the Editor of a paper published in Philadelphia, called Federal , and likewise from some articles which have appeared in that paper; one in particular under the signature " ASTREA ," deserves notice: And the most proper notice is to publish the whole without mutilation.
The article just mentioned relates to the correspondence between the Secretary of State Mr. Robert Smith and the British minister Mr. F. J. Jackson. The writer has very ingeniously and correctly selected from that lengthy correspondence those paragraphs, or sentences which embrace all the points in discussion, and from these each reader may at once, decide for himself, without embarrassing and encumbering his understanding with arguments, propositions, replies, evasions, assertions, and all the artillery of diplomatic warfare. These extracts appear to exhibit the points of importance. When they are read in the successive order in which they occurred—there will be but little occasion for lengthy explanations.
A VIRGINIAN.
To the Editor of the Register.
SIR, Whatever may be the wishes of the one party or the other party, in relation to the events which may follow the suspension of the functions of Mr. Jackson, the British Envoy, it must be the desire of all parties fully to comprehend the true merits of the correspondence between that minister and the government of the United States. The best way to effect this general and correct comprehension is, in my opinion, for every citizen to throw such lights upon the subject as his calm and candid reflections may produce. With this view, and practising upon my own suggestion, I beg leave, through the medium of your Gazette, to offer to the public, the following collation from the correspondence, upon two particular points; to wit:— 1. The numerical statement of Mr. Jackson's representations to the Secretary of State, contained in Mr. Smith's letter of Oct 9th—and 2. The cause for which Mr. Jackson was discarded. In the first instance the reader will perceive, I think, as the President in his late Message has stated, how unessentially the features presented in its commencement have varied in its progress; and, in the second, that Mr. Jackson, in Mr. Oakley's note, has misstated the grounds upon which he has been debared communication with the government. My object is, on these topics, to simplify what Mr. Jackson has diffused over a wide surface, and thereby rendered extremely complex.—Mr. Jackson may have had his reasons for creating this perplexity; for, certain it is, that instead of answering to the specifications of the statement briefly and promptly, he evaded a distinct and unequivocal replication, & shrouded his response in unnecessary verbosity.
FIRST POINT.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, Oct. 9. "The President has learned, with no less surprise than regret, that in your several conferences with me, you have stated— "1st. That you have no instructions from your government which authorize you to make any explanations whatever to this government as to the reasons which have induced his majesty to disavow the arrangement lately made by your predecessor; and that, therefore, you could not make any such explanations."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Oct. 11. "As to the expectation entertained here, that the explanation of his Majesty's share in this transaction should be made through me, I might content myself with simply observing, that I was not provided with instructions to that effect."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, Oct. 9. "2d. That in the case of the Chesapeake, no instructions only authorize you (with-
out assigning any reason whatever why the reasonable terms of satisfaction tendered and accepted, have not been carried into effect) to communicate to this government a note, tendering satisfaction, with an understanding that such note should not be signed and delivered by you, until you should have previously seen and approved the proposed answer of this government, that the signing and delivery of your note should be simultaneous."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Oct. 11. "My proposal was to agree with you beforehand upon the terms of a declaration on the part of his majesty, which should actually give the satisfaction (the conditions of which I informed you I was authorized to carry in immediate execution) and of a counter declaration to be signed by you on the part of the United States, for the purpose of accepting such satisfaction—the papers to be signed by us respectively reciprocally corrected and modified, and simultaneously delivered."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, Oct. 9. "3d That you have no instructions which authorize you to make to this government any propositions whatever in relation to the British Orders in Council—but only to receive such as this government may deem it proper to make to you."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Oct. 11. "It has appeared to his majesty to be unnecessary to command me to propose to the government of the United States any formal agreement to be substituted for that which his majesty has been under the necessity of disavowing; but I am directed to receive and discuss with you any proposal which you may be authorized to make to me on this head."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, Oct. 9. "4th. That at all events, it is not the disposition or the intention of the British government to revoke their orders in council, as they respect the U. States, but upon a formal stipulation on the part of the U. States, to accede to the following terms and conditions, viz:—
"1st. That the act of congress commonly called the non-intercourse law, be continued against France, so long as she shall continue her decrees.
"2d. That the navy of Great Britain be authorised to aid in enforcing the provisions of the said act of Congress.
"3d. That the United States shall explicitly renounce, during the present war, the right of carrying on any trade, whatever, direct or indirect with any colony of any enemy of Great Britain, from which they were excluded during peace; and that this renunciation must extend, not only to the trade between the colony and the mother country, but to the trade between the colony and the United States."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Oct. 11. "It is matter of indifference to Great Britain, whether the orders in council be continued, or an arrangement by mutual consent substituted in its room."
"The commerce of the United States may be, if they please, nearly as great under the orders in council of the 26th April, as it would be under any arrangement which should effect the indiscriminate objects to which that order applies, or as it would be even without any such order, so long as France, and the powers subservient to France, continue to enforce their decrees."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Nov. 4. "That before the orders in council can be revoked, their object must be obtained in some other way, is unquestionably true."
"Thus, by peaceable, with long digressions, multiplication of words, and drawing reluctance, Mr. Jackson admits the whole of Mr. Smith's statement to be substantially true. The equivocation of the envoy respecting the 4th section, and the three subdivisions of it, is totally destroyed by the single reflection, that if no accommodation could be made unless the indispensable objects of the existing order in council be obtained in some other way, and the intervention of the British navy is necessary, according to Mr. Canning's sine qua non, to secure the bona fide intention of America, there could be no arrangement "at all events," without the government of the United States would agree to the three conditions of the fourth section."
SECOND POINT.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, Oct. 11. "It may have been concluded between you (Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine) that these latter were an equivalent for the original conditions; but the very act of substitution evidently shews, that these conditions were in fact, very explicitly communicated to you, and by you, of course, laid before the President for his consideration."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, October 19, 1809.
"What were the real and entire instructions given to your predecessor, is a question essentially between him and his government. That he had, or at least, that he believed he had, sufficient authority to conclude the arrangement, his formal assurances during our discussions, were such, as to leave no room to doubt."
"The declaration, that the dispatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, of the 23d January, is the only dispatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, for the conclusion of an arrangement, on the matter to which it relates, is now for the first time, made to this government. And I need hardly add, that if that dispatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known, that the propositions contained in it, and which were at first presented by Mr. Erskine, were the only ones on which he was authorised to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, October 23, 1809.
"These instructions, I now understand by your letter, as well as from the obvious deduction which I took the liberty of making in mine, of the 11th inst. were at the time, in substance, made known to you."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, November 1, 1809.
"It would be improper to conclude the few observations, to which I purposely limit myself, without adverting to your repetition, a language implying a knowledge on the part of this government, that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorize the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprise you that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself."
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, November 4, 1809.
"You will find that in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact."
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson, Nov. 8.
"Finding that in your reply of 4th inst. you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation it only remains in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you that no further communications will be received from you, and that the necessity of this determination will without delay, be made known to your government. In the mean time a ready attention will be given to any communications affecting the interests of the two nations, through any other channel that may be substituted."
Mr. Oakley for Mr. Jackson, Nov. 13.
"One of these facts alluded to has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter of the 19th of October, viz. that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instructions were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received."
"In stating these facts and adhering to them" Mr. Jackson, through Mr. Oakley, says, consisted the offence for which he was discarded. But, sir, I will submit it to you, and your readers, after you and they have perused with attention what precedes the quotation from Mr. Oakley's note, whether the envoy's offence was not of a very different nature, to wit: not that Mr. Jackson knew another fact, but a reiterated insinuation, on the part of Mr. Jackson, that the American government knew both facts at the time of the arrangement."
ASTREA.
Mr. Giles's Speech—Continued. I will now proceed, Mr. President to enquire whether the facts stated in the resolution are supported by the correspondence, upon which it is founded? In performing this task, I propose to read the whole of the correspondence which I conceive bears an material relation to the subject of the
resolution, and no other, altho' the whole may not be entitled to, nor receive any animadversions from me; yet as my sole object is to get at the true exposition and meaning of the correspondence, if I should unfortunately omit, misconceive or misinterpret any material part of it, I shall have the consolation to reflect, that by presenting the whole, the means of my correction in either case will be presented to the Senate and the world; if the observations I propose now to make should ever find their way out of the walls of this chamber. I shall also present this correspondence in its responsive order, which will be found to be indispensable to the due comprehension of some of its most essential parts.
Permit me, then, sir, to call your attention first to the letter of Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith, dated the 11th October, 1809, page 32, 33, of the printed documents. For, Sir, although this letter is not mentioned in the resolution, yet it furnishes the original offensive insinuations, and is referred to and reiterated in the letter of the 23d of October, which is noticed in the resolution, and therefore the offensive expressions of the letter of the 11th are entitled to and shall receive the most accurate and critical attention and analysis.
The expressions alluded to are the following:—
"You have not in the conferences, we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance, on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not, will prevail in all our communications, inasmuch as you could not but have tho't it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act, done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed."
"It was not known when I left England, whether Mr. Erskine had, according to the liberty allowed him, communicated to you in extenso his original instructions. It now appears that he did not. But in reverting to his official correspondence, and particularly to a despatch addressed on the 20th of April to his majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, I find that he there states, that he had submitted to your consideration the three conditions specified in those instructions, as the ground work of an arrangement which, according to information received from this country, it was tho't in England might be made, with a prospect of great mutual advantage. Mr. Erskine then reports verbatim et seriatim your observations upon each of the three conditions, and the reasons which induced you to think that others might be substituted in lieu of them. It may have been concluded between you that these latter were an equivalent for the original conditions; but the very act of substitution evidently shews that those original conditions were in fact very explicitly communicated to you, and by you of course laid before the President for his consideration. I need hardly add, that the difference between these conditions and those contained in the arrangement of the 18th and 19th of April, is sufficiently obvious to require no elucidation; nor need I draw the conclusion, which I consider as admitted by all absence of complaint on the part of the American government, viz. that under such circumstances his majesty had an undoubted and incontrovertible right to disavow the act of his minister. I must here allude to a supposition, which you more than once mentioned to me, and by which, if it had any the slightest foundation, this right might perhaps have been in some degree affected. You have informed me that you understood that Mr. Erskine had two sets of instructions, by which to regulate his conduct; and that upon one of them, which I had not been communicated either to you or to the public, was to be rested the justification of the terms finally agreed upon between you and him. It is my duty, sir, solemnly to declare to you, and through you, to the President, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine which you have made the basis of an official correspondence with the latter minister, and which was read by the former to the American minister in London, is the only despatch by which
the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country on the matter to which it relates."
Permit me, sir, to call your attention to the first paragraph of this quotation in the following words—Addressing himself to Mr. Smith Mr. Jackson says—
"You have not in the conferences, we have hitherto held, distinctly announced any such complaint, and I have seen with pleasure, in this forbearance, on your part, an instance of that candor, which I doubt not, will prevail in all our communications, inasmuch as you could not but have tho't it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal of an act, done under such circumstances, as could only lead to the consequences that have actually followed."
First, let me ask, Mr. President, what were the consequences that actually followed this act? The obvious answer is, the disavowal of it. Who is it that must have thought it unreasonable to complain of this disavowal? The answer is, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State. What are here suggested, as the materials for his thinking or upon which his thoughts must have been exercised? The answer is, the circumstances under which the act was done.
Mr. Smith then must have had knowledge of these circumstances, upon which he exercised his thoughts—because it is impossible, to exercise thoughts, or perform the act of thinking upon circumstances, without the knowledge of those circumstances. What must have been the character of such circumstances as could only lead to the disavowal of the act done under them? Could it have been fair? Could it have been honorable? Certainly not; because an act done under circumstances, the character of which was fair, and honorable, might merit a better deal, than an unqualified disavowal; but this act was done under such circumstances within the knowledge of Mr. Smith as could only lead to a disavowal of it. The character of such circumstances must then have been dishonorable and scandalous; or certainly some better fate, than a disavowal of the act done under them, might have attended it—but in this case, Mr. Jackson says, no better fate could attend the act—the circumstances were such as could only lead to a disavowal. Now, Sir, after thus stripping this extraordinary sentence of all its disguises, and translating it into plain English—to what does it amount? Why, sir, certainly and unquestionably to this: You, Mr. Smith, Secretary of State of the U. S. have entered into an arrangement with my predecessor, Mr. Erskine, under such scandalous and dishonorable circumstances, as could only lead to a disavowal of it—and you yourself were so well apprised of them, and so conscious of their inevitable operation, as even to think it unreasonable to complain of the disavowal. I defy gentlemen to give to this offensive paragraph any other fair and correct interpretation—and if this be the fair and correct one, can you conceive, sir, of an insult more outré, more perversely meditated? And will you not be surprised, sir, to be told, that the insult does not stop here. That as offensive as it already appears, it does not stop here—that it is still further aggravated. Yes, sir, Mr. Jackson, not content with making this extraordinary and insolent communication in its ordinary form, underscores the words "could only," containing the point or gist of the insult—thus aggravating the act either by the distrust thus manifested of Mr. Smith's mental perceptions, or by letting Mr. Smith know, that the insult was known to, and intentionally given by Mr. Jackson for the object in view. In this impudent act of underlining, Mr. Jackson reminds me, sir, of a set of miserable conceited pretenders to wit, who, having great confidence in the acuteness of their own mental perceptions and very little in that of their hearers, will kindly and compassionately explain the point of wit to their hearers, before they approach it in the recital of the story, to prepare and qualify the hearers minds to join in the laugh intended to be produced by it. Yes, sir, this underlining was as much as saying to Mr. Smith—I am afraid that I have so nicely wrapped this insult in the veil of mysteries and disguises, that it may escape observation from the obtuseness of your mental perception—but am determined it shall not. I have underscored it for you; you shall look at it; you shall know that I, Mr. Jackson, understand and mean it. I have wrapped it up in mystery and disguise, to be sure, but I will rend the veil, I will make an eyelet hole for you, that you shall look through, and behold the insult in all its front of grossness and impudence.
But sir, if Mr. Jackson, had then known, as well as he now does, the dignified character, the high sensibility, and the correct intelligence of the Secretary of State, he would have found it more honorable to himself to have spared his insult altogether, or at least might have spared himself the trouble of underlining. Sir, I conceive this insult is so gross and outrageous that I am surprised how the Executive government could recognize it to itself to proceed another step in the communications with Mr. Jackson. Certainly, sir, proceeding beyond this point mortifies on the part of the Executive great moderation, great forbearance, and a condescension scarcely exhaustible, and, sir, I am perfectly sure, that nothing could have induced it, to consider such gross intimations argumentatively, but the ardent and sincere desire which has invariably actuated the present, as well as the last administration, to preserve peace, and cultivate harmony, and a good understanding with G.

Britain. And, sir, we shall see in the course of this investigation how it has been required for this, as well as for all former acts of modification, forbearance and condescension.
Let me now, sir, select out of the quotation, another extraordinary expression, for a few animadversions, in the following words:— "But the very act of substitution evidently shows that those original conditions were in fact very explicitly communicated to you, and by you, of course laid before the President for his consideration."
It is somewhat curious to observe, what stress Mr. Jackson placed through the whole of his correspondence, upon what he is here pleased to term "the very act of substitution," and demonstrates to every impartial mind how slender are the pretexts, with which Mr. Jackson is furnished, to apologise for, or rather to equivocate about the disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement. Let me, therefore, enquire, in what this horrible act of substitution, as Mr. Jackson would make it appear, consists? Why, sir, simply in this: That the three inadmissible conditions, mentioned in one of the despatches to Mr. Erskine, were verbally communicated to Mr. Smith, and insisted upon by Mr. Erskine, and that Mr. Smith in rejecting those conditions verbally, and with great propriety and frankness, told Mr. Erskine what conditions he might obtain. Mr. Erskine upon a review of all his letters of instructions, finding it impossible to obtain his, the three conditions first proposed, conceived him fully empowered to propose those which might have been intended to him. Mr. Smith in conversation, and the arrangement was accordingly and promptly made between these two gentlemen on the part of the respective governments. And now let me ask you, sir, what is there dishonorable, or even unusual in this proceeding, which the whole amount of Mr. Jackson's "very act of substitution," Sir, it is very easy to see, that Mr. Jackson, keeps his ingenuity constantly upon the stretch respecting this very act of substitution, evidently with a view of producing an impression by the insinuation, that the Executive government of the United States had more than its share in this arrangement, and in fact was concerned in a dishonorable and scandalous combination with his predecessor, Mr. Erskine, for the purpose of producing the arrangement. Which insinuation, if true, must represent Mr. Erskine as a fool, a knave, or a traitor, or all three—and our Executive government still further lost to every honorable sentiment, and utterly destitute of even the most ordinary understanding. An insinuation so insidious and affronting cannot fail to excite the indignation and contempt of every patriotic heart in America. But fortunately for the Executive government, Mr. Erskine's previous explanation of this point to our government strips the transaction of every shadow of a shade of a doubt, of which Mr. Jackson perhaps was not apprised at the time he was employed in devising the gross insinuation. Yes, sir, this was one miserable effort of Mr. Jackson to reproach our Executive govt. for an act, for which it merited and universally received, the sincere applause and grateful thanks of the American people. It restored the Executive, as it ought to have done to universal confidence and utterly rooted out every doubt of its sincerity in its diplomatic intercourse with Great Britain, under which some of our misled and misled citizens for a while unfortunately labored. For the moment terms were proposed on the part of Great Britain which could with honor or propriety be accepted by the U. S.; they were frankly and promptly accepted by the Executive, regardless of all consequences from any other quarter. Sir, there is another part of this quotation, which requires a few animadversions.
I allude, sir, to the first solemn declaration made to this government by Mr. Jackson, respecting the despatch, in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine. It is in the following words:— "It is my duty, sir, solemnly to declare to you, and through you, to the President, that the despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine which you have made the basis of an official correspondence with the latter minister, and which was read by the former to the American minister in London, is the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, and for the conclusion of an arrangement with this country on the matter to which it relates."
patch—by simply that the despatch in question is the only one, in which the conditions are prescribed, &c. &c. He may not withstanding this declaration have had full powers or discretionary powers, as he probably had given him in some other despatch. In support of this conclusion, sir, let me beg your attention to Mr. Erskine's letter, containing the expressions to which I allude, and which will be found in pages 21, 22, of the printed documents, in the following words:— "Under these circumstances, therefore, finding that I could not obtain the recognition specified in Mr. Canning's despatch of the 23d January, (which formed but one part of his instructions to me) in the formal manner required, I considered that it would be in vain to lay before the government of the U. S. the despatch in question, which I was at liberty to have done in extenso had I thought proper. But as I had such strong grounds for believing that the object of his majesty's government could be attained, though in a different manner, and the spirit, at least, of my several letters of instructions be fully complied with, I felt a thorough conviction upon my mind, that I should be acting in conformity with his majesty's wishes, and, accordingly, concluded the late provisional agreement on his majesty's behalf with the government of the U. S."
"The disavowal by his majesty is a painful proof to me that I had formed an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views & the intention of my instructions—I have most severely to lament that an act of mine (though unintentionally) should produce any embarrassment in the relations between the two countries."
It is to be observed from this quotation in the first place, Sir, that Mr. Erskine explicitly disavows ever having shown the executive government the despatch containing the inadmissible conditions; and thus entirely exculpates it from the odious imputation attempted to be thrown on it by Mr. Jackson, and for this respectful forbearance to our government he is certainly entitled to the applause of his own. In the next place, Mr. Erskine explicitly states that the despatch in question contained but one part of his instructions, and that he thought that from the spirit at least of his several letters of instructions, he was fully authorised to make the arrangement he had done. And I think there is very little doubt, but he had that Mr. Erskine still thinks so, there can be no doubt—for he nowhere says he is now convinced that his powers were incompetent—he only says, that the disavowal by his majesty is a painful proof to him, that he had formed an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views and the intentions of his instructions.—Whether or not he had formed an erroneous judgment of his instructions, I imagine, will depend very much upon the point of time, to which the judgment he had formed is referable. If it be referred to the time of Mr. Oakley's mission, I am inclined to think he had neither for an erroneous judgment of his majesty's views, nor the intentions of his instructions; but if he refers to the time of the disavowal, then I think it pretty certain he had formed an erroneous judgment of both—for I have no doubt but his majesty's views at least had completely changed between these two periods of time, and the real cause of this change, and of the disavowal itself, is to be looked for in the occurrences which took place both in Europe, and in the United States, during the interval. No, Sir, the want of powers on the part of Mr. Erskine is not the true cause of the disavowal. I will now venture to conjecture the true cause; and if it be the right one, the case will be a plain one; and all equivocations in the explanations rendered unnecessary. To do this, sir, I must call your attention to the state of events in Europe and in the United States, at these different periods of time. Mr. Oakley's mission was immediately after the British government was apprised of the precipitate retreat of Sir John Moore's army from Spain, and the fortunate escape of the remains of it from Corunna. The affairs of Spain, which had before excited such high expectation in the British court, were given up as capless &c. &c.—Clemente ranously with a knowledge of these events, the British government was also informed of the measures of resistance against her outrageous aggressions, contemplated by Congress; which she then believed would certainly be carried into effect, &c. &c. Such was the state of things at the time of sending the despatches by Mr. Oakley. At the time of the disavowal, a new coalition had been formed, Austria had boldly entered into the war against France and the Spaniards had been animated in their efforts at resistance, which excited new hopes of success, &c. &c.
In this country too, sir, it pains my heart to be compelled to recite the circumstances, our contemplated measures of resistance had been relaxed and the whole country exhibited such scenes of divisions and disaffections as paralysed in some degree the movements of the government. I wish, sir, I could throw a shade of oblivion over these unfortunate scenes, or recollect them only, as they furnish the strongest argument—Indeed, sir, they point with an infallible index to the course it now becomes us to pursue. Yes, sir, it is to these changes in the state of things you are to look for the real causes of the disavowal, and not to the want of competent instructions on the part of Mr. Erskine, and it would have been more dignified on the part of the British government to have told us so at once. She would then have said to us, the state of things is changed—at the time of giving the instructions, I was depressed from a combination of untoward events—I am now flushed with new hopes of elevation and of triumph—Besides you have convinced me that you are untrue to yourselves—that you will shrink from the asertion and support of your own rights—and you
will not, I am not bound to respect them, &c. &c.—I was then down, I am now up, and therefore I cannot grant you, in a spirit of triumph, what I solemnly promised in a spirit of despondency—I now find this the most favorable moment for establishing my favorite doctrine of the despotism of the ocean; and I cannot, and will not deprive myself of the advantage merely to avoid the imputation of bad faith. Yes, sir, this would have been a much more correct and dignified course on the part of Great Britain, than the miserable effort made by Mr. Canning in devising an ingenious mental resort, for converting the bad faith of his own government, in the disavowal of the arrangement, into a reproach upon ours, for the circumstances under which the arrangement was pretended to have been made. It is true, sir, that in the one case, there would have been an admission of malice, which is barely attempted to be avoided by a miserable subterfuge in the other; but then the British cabinet would have had the consolation of having told the truth, taken the responsibility upon themselves and set us at defiance; and we should have been left to our own remedy with a perfect understanding of the case. She would also have had the plea of necessity, the old fashioned plea of grants, and indeed of every body else, who has no better—but this is not Mr. Canning's mode of doing business—he chooses to act by tricks and contrivances; and, in the case of the disavowal, by a mental resort, flowing solely from his own vision, any mental conceit, without a fact or pretext for its support.
(Speech to be Continued.)
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE.
Monday, December 11.
Mr. Pope, from the select committee to whom was referred the bill from the House of Representatives supplementary to the act "extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana Territory and for other purposes," reported the same without amendment; and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
CUMBERLAND ROAD.
Mr. Pope, agreeably to notice, presented a bill in addition to an act regulating the laying out and making a turnpike road from Cumberland in the State of Maryland, to the State of Ohio. [The bill contemplates an additional appropriation of 50,000 dollars for this object.] The bill was read and passed to a second reading.
RECRUITING SERVICE.
The bill to repeal an act, entitled "an act to suspend for a limited time the recruiting service," was read a second time.
Mr. Leib observed that it was the usual course of business to refer a bill introduced by a member to a select committee on its second reading. Not wishing to travel out of the usual routine of business, he made that motion in relation to this bill.
Mr. Giles observed that if he could ascertain the object of a commitment, he should have no objection to it; but that this was a bill not susceptible of modification, containing but one principle, and the sooner it was acted on the better. He was therefore opposed to commitment.
Mr. Leib said he had only made the motion in deference to the usual practice of the Senate. He was also of opinion that the sooner it was acted on the better; and, on the suggestion of the gentleman from Virginia he withdrew the motion for reference.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON.
The resolution approving the conduct of the Executive in refusing to receive any further communication from Mr. Jackson, the British Minister, was read a third time; and, without debate, on the motion of Mr. Goodrich was decided by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bradley, Brent, Goudin, Crawford, Gaillard, Germant, Giles, Gilman, Gregg, Griswold, Lambert, Leib, Meigs, Matthews, Parker, Pope, Reed, Smith (of Maryland) Sumpner, Turner—20.
Nays—Messrs. Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Pickering—4.
[Absent on this vote Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Crumplin, Franklin, Robinson, Smith, of T. N. Tait, Thurston, and Whitesides; of whom those in italic have not appeared in their seats during the present session. There is one vacancy in the state of Delaware, occasioned by the death of Mr. White.]
The bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by foreign ministers within the United States, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading without debate.
DECEMBER 12.
The bill supplemental to the act extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana Territory was read the third time and passed.
The bill to repeal the act for suspending for a limited time the recruiting service was read a third time; and, on motion of Mr. Bradley, the further consideration of the bill was ordered to be postponed to the 1st day of August next.
DECEMBER 13.
Mr. Pope presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Mississippi Territory east of Pearl river, praying for a division of the Territory. Ordered to lie on the table.
DECEMBER 14.
Mr. Leib submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a copy of the correspondence between him and the governor of Pennsylvania in the case of Gideon Ojmet.
The bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by foreign ministers within the United States was, on motion of Mr. Giles, recommitted to a select committee.
The bill to extend the time for issuing and locating military warrants, was read a third time and passed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, December 7.
Mr. Bacon offered three resolutions for the regulation of the house—The first prohibits all reproachful language from one member to another; and all language on the floor of the house which may call in question the motives of the executive of the United States unless on questions of impeachment.—The second, that the sending a challenge to any member of the house, be considered as a breach of the privileges of the house, and all concerned to be liable to punishment. The third, that an assault on any member of the house during his attendance at the seat of government be deemed a breach of privilege, and concerned to be liable to punishment.—Laid on the table until to-morrow.
Mr. Van Horn offered several resolutions for the regulation of navigation.
The first prohibits the exportation of any goods, wares or merchandise of the growth or manufacture of the United States in any vessels except such as are owned and navigated by Americans. The second prohibits the reshipment of any goods, wares and merchandise not of the growth or manufacture of the United States. The third proposes discriminating duties on all imports from foreign countries. The 4th prohibits American vessels from trading from any foreign port to another. The 5th proposes to repeal all laws of the United States permitting drawbacks. Laid on the table. Adjourned.
MONDAY, December 11.
A letter of resignation was received from Wilson C. Nicholas, whose illness will not permit him to hold his seat in the house of representatives any longer.
Mr. Macon submitted a resolution which was adopted, appointing a committee to inquire whether any and what alterations are necessary in the law for promoting the progress of the useful arts.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill for the benefit of the refugees from Nova Scotia, which was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Montgomery offered a resolution, which was adopted, instructing the committee of commerce and manufactures to inquire into the expediency of extending the benefit of the act in favor of slaves, forcibly expelled from the island of Cuba, to those expelled from other places.
Mr. Pitman reported that the committee appointed to wait upon the President with the resolution relative to the seizures and captures of our vessels and merchandise by foreign governments, had performed their duty, and were told by the president that the information requested should be communicated as soon as practicable.
Mr. Bacon's resolution relative to new provisions in the rules of the house against personal abuse in debate, dueling, &c. were taken up and referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
Mr. Sheffey laid upon the table sundry resolutions, which he had submitted to the house at the summer session, and which go to authorise the president to reinstate in the possession of the capture in New Orleans the persons from whom it was taken; and to constitute, if he should deem it worth the expense, a tribunal to decide the controversy respecting that property.
Mr. Miller laid upon the table the following resolution—
Resolved, That the act passed at the second session of the tenth congress entitled "an act to prevent settlements on the public lands of the United States and for other purposes" ought to be repealed.
A message was received from the senate accompanied by two resolutions, which had been adopted by that body, appropriating a period to their communications with the new British minister, and reprobatory of the appeal made by the latter in his "Circular" to the British consuls in the United States, to the American people from their government, as well as of his other conduct.
The said resolutions were taken up, twice read, and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Mr. Quincy moved the following resolution—
Resolved, That the president of the U. S. be requested to lay before this house a copy of a paper purporting to be a circular letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States, referred to in the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Pinkney, communicated in his message of the 29th of November; and also a copy of a paper purporting to be a despatch from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine (of January 23, 1809.)
Mr. Eppes moved a division of the question after the word November which was
agreed to, and the question taken on the first member of the resolution. Carried, Yeas 53, Nays 52.
The second member was then adopted.
Mr. Guolson called for the yeas and nays on the question for adopting the whole resolution; upon which considerable debate arose respecting the propriety of applying to the president for a copy of the circular letter of Mr. Jackson.
The resolution was adopted, Yeas 69, Nays 46. Adjourned at 3 o'clock.
Tuesday, December 12.
A letter was received from the Secretary of the treasury enclosing a statement of the district tonnage of the U. States.
A report was also received from the Secretary of the treasury, in obedience to the act for regulating the currency of foreign coins.
COMMITTEE OF MANUFACTURES.
Mr. Sawyer called for the consideration of the motion submitted by him for appointing a separate committee of manufactures.
The House agreed to consider the resolution, ayes 58.
Mr. Seaborn supported the motion on the ground of the propriety of paying a more particular attention to the subject of manufactures, which had lately become of great importance.
Mr. Newton opposed the motion as unnecessary, because the committee of commerce and manufactures was competent to the performance of all the business assigned it, and had always manifested a disposition to foster the manufactures of the United States.
The question on the resolution was decided in the negative, 25 members only rising in the affirmative.
Several petitions of a private nature were presented and referred.
Wednesday, Dec. 13.
Mr. Gold submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to lay before this house such information, contained in any despatch from the American minister in London, relative to the instructions of Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, of Jan. 23, 1809, and relative to any communications or conversations which may have taken place between Mr. Canning and himself, antecedently or subsequently to those instructions, as may not, in his opinion, be improper to be communicated.
Mr. Gold thought the information called for by the resolution highly important in the consideration of a subject sent down from the Senate, and referred to a committee of the whole for discussion this day. The resolution from the Senate was one which went, ultimately, to the commitment of the fate of this country to the destinies of war, or at least, which might lead to that event. He hoped, therefore, that no objection would be made to the call upon the president.
Mr. Bacon could not view the resolution from the senate as requiring the information asked for. It simply goes to censure the conduct of Mr. Jackson and to approve that of the executive in dismissing him, without pronouncing an opinion on the subjects upon which that information could shed any light. He was opposed to the call.
Mr. Gardener agreed, that the information contemplated did not bear immediately upon the resolution from the senate; but the house could not confine themselves in discussing a subject which would probably be the foundation or opening of a system of measures leading eventually to a war. He wished to know whether the third condition specified in Mr. Canning's instructions to Mr. Erskine did or did not originate with Mr. Pinkney. No American could consent to allow the navy of Great Britain to execute American laws. If this proposition did originate with the British, he considered it in the light of an insult; and he expected that the puerile system of paper resolutions and proclamations would be given up for a better system. The president had charged the British government with perfidy. But if Mr. Pinkney did propose the condition alluded to, the charge certainly could not be substantiated; and the government was justifiable, upon this ground alone, in disavowing the provisional arrangement made by Mr. Erskine. He did not mean to express an opinion upon the subject. But it was due to the character of the executive, that the world, as well as the house and the American people, should have all the information in its possession on so important an affair. It was also well known that there was a sceptical sort of people in this country called federalists. If documents were refused them, they might be captious; they might say that the executive published what suited their purposes only. The pre-

sent posture of affairs would necessarily lead to some momentous event. The rolling clouds, brought into view by the message from the president, foretold the storm that was approaching.
Mr. Eppes said, that a turn had been given to the resolution from the senate by the gentleman last up, which from its face it was certainly not calculated to take. He should, however, vote in favor of the call for information. If he were to judge from the remarks of the gentleman, he would suppose that the third condition in Mr. Canning's despatch was the most important feature in the list of British wrongs. The fact was, it was the least article in that list. It was as a drop in the ocean, compared with the duplicity, the bad faith, the enormities, and want of sincerity in the British government. The great ground of complaint now was, that the arrangement with Mr. Erskine had not only been disavowed, but his successor had been charged with no conditions in relation to the affair of the Chesapeake, or with such conditions as it was known would be rejected with scorn in this country: he had no instructions as to the withdrawal of the orders in council, and was directed to require from this government a total renunciation of the colonial trade.
Mr. Key wanted to know the opinions of Mr. Pinkney relative to the despatches of Mr. Canning. It had been stated by the latter gentleman, that he had read it to the house in extenso.
Mr. Bacon did not think the information requested necessary to justify the executive: and as to the people whom the gentleman from New York had termed captious federalists, he presumed that they did not want it. The gentleman, however, was better acquainted with their dispositions than he was.
After a few additional remarks from several other gentlemen, the question on the resolution was taken by yeas & nays, and carried—Yeas 85—Nays 33.
A communication was received from the secretary of the treasury, transmitting a statement of drawbacks on duties from the year 1803, referred to the committee on commerce and manufactures.
A bill from the senate making an additional appropriation to complete the road from Cumberland to the state of Ohio, was referred to a select committee.
The house took up the resolutions of Mr. Van Horn, respecting the commercial regulations of the U. States, and referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures the first, third, and fifth, resolutions; rejecting the second and fourth. [The latter concerned the abandonment of suspension of the carrying trade.]
Thursday, Dec. 14.
COUNTERVAILING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.
Mr. M'Kim, after a few observations, in which he declared the object of his motion to be to countervail the restrictions imposed by foreign nations on our commerce, laid upon the table the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the committee of commerce & manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law the importation in foreign ships or vessels of all goods, wares, and merchandise, not of the growth, produce or manufacture of the country to which the ship belongs, excepting in the ships of such countries as by permanent regulations permit our ships and vessels as freely and beneficially as their own, to import into their ports and territories the produce and manufactures of foreign countries.
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of laying an additional impost duty on distilled spirits imported in foreign ships or vessels from ports or countries in which American vessels are not permitted by permanent regulations to a fair participation in such trade.
YAZOO CLAIMANTS.
Mr. Bacon presented the petition of the New-England Mississippi Land Company, praying for a compromise or settlement of the claim, which he moved to refer to the committee of claims.
This motion gave rise to a debate of more, than an hour, of which a sketch will be given in our next. It was finally carried by yeas and nays, 60 to 64.
SALE.—WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, in Powhatan county, on Wednesday the 10th day of January 1810, at the plantation of the late James A. Bradby, dec. for ready money, between twenty and thirty valuable Virginia born SLAVES, all the stock of cattle, hogs and horses, and some corn, fodder, &c.—The plantation will also be rented or leased to the highest bidder on the same day.
SAMUEL BUTLER, Ex'or of JAMES A. BRADBLY.
Sorry, December 10th, 1809. 3p
FOREIGN.
PHILADELPHIA, December 9.
FROM LONDON. —The Coromandel, captain Hunt, from London, has arrived at Newcastle. Captain J. Davy, passenger in this vessel, arrived this morning, with despatches from Mr. Pinkney for our government. They have been forwarded by this morning's mail.
A London paper of the 23d October, has been received by the Coromandel; but we understand it contains nothing interesting, being principally filled with the arrangements for the celebration of the anniversary of the king's reign, which was to take place with great splendor on the 25th October.
By the Coromandel we learn that the new British ministry instead of being looked up to by the nation with approbation and confidence, are viewed with general discontent; and that another change must be for long be produced by public opinion. A Regency was strongly spoken of; in which case, the Grey and Grenville influence would prevail. Nothing respecting American affairs appears in the late papers.
NEW YORK, December 7.
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, dated December 6, 1809.
"The only news I have besides what you will see in the papers, is that Bonaparte has blockaded by proclamation all the ports of Europe left open by his Britannic majesty's order in council of April last."
BALTIMORE, December 14.
LATEST FROM EUROPE
By the several arrivals at this port from Tonnigen & Lisbon, & the Eliza Ann at N. York, from Dublin, we have accounts from the Continent & from Ireland of the 7th & 8th of November. From France and Austria we learn that peace was concluded on the 14th October. [Prices good in North of Europe.] From Spain and Portugal that the British army remained at Badajoz (November) and British transports in the Tagus. No news. From England, that no ministerial arrangement had been completed as late as 4th November; parliament would not assemble before January.
December 15.
Captain Porter, of the Eliza Ann, at N. York, from Dublin, (mentioned yesterday) reports that November 19, latitude 49, was boarded by a French privateer schooner from St. Maloes, and robbed of cabin stores and ten bales linens. The captain of the privateer said he would have sent captain Porter into France had he not been short of provisions. He had previously captured 6 vessels, two of whom were burnt, and the remainder sent in; He reported that the Emperor Napoleon had issued a new order on the 14th October, authorizing the capture of all vessels bound to or from British ports. The privateer mounted 22 guns, and had been out of St. Maloes 14 days previous to which time it was said Bonaparte had proceeded to Spain.
NORFOLK, December 13.
By the very fast sailing ship Wooldrop Sims, captain Haynes, from London, (twenty eight days from the land) we have received files of London papers to the 5th of November. These papers do not furnish us with intelligence of importance; such as appeared of most interest we have selected and given in this day's paper.
The accounts of peace between France and Austria were officially confirmed, but the terms had not been disclosed, a circumstance which occasioned a belief that they were not so harmonious to the latter as had been stated, but that circumstance does not appear sufficient to warrant such a belief. The terms were expected to be disclosed by Bonaparte to his senate in a few days, and we have no doubt they will be found as humiliating as the Napoleonic could wish. The French army were to remain in the north of Europe and in consequence another conscription was ordered. This was the appearance of other wars being in contemplation; as it cannot be presumed that an augmentation of force was necessary for Spain and the Tyrol, the latter still held out, the former will be noticed presently. The establishment of a kingdom composed of Poland, and some of the countries adjacent, under the protection of France will be the first object, which will be to Russia, if necessary, was Bavaria and Wurtemberg have been to Austria, means of her destruction in the hands of Napoleon. The fate of Turkey will be decided before another year.
The affairs of Spain do not appear so desperate as had been supposed. It appears that the mass of the people want neither patriotism or courage, but there is a want of vigor in the councils of the nation, which has been productive of all its misfortunes. We have a detailed account of the relief of Gerona, by General Blake, in which much skill and valour were displayed, it is too long to insert in this paper. The French troops (or the troops in the service of France) in Spain, have deserted in considerable numbers. Upon the whole, we believe the war in Spain will give Napoleon some trouble, though it is being too sanguine to doubt his ultimate success, unless he is some otherwise occupied.
In England the public attention seems divided between the dispute with John Bull and the Managers of Covent Garden Theatre, and the celebration of the Janicee. We have given some political sketches from the most respectable journals. From all that we see and hear, it does not appear that the present administration can stand until the meeting of parliament. A few minor changes were made in the present ministry. Lord Palmerston has been made secretary of war, but these changes indicate a want of stability, and we have no doubt before the end of the year that Lord Grenville will be in power. The Duke of Portland died on the 4th of November. Great solicitude prevailed in England respecting Mr. Jackson's mission; a favorable result was not anticipated, judging from the publications in this country, which were copied into the English press with some exaggerations.
Accounts were received in London on the 5th of November that Falleyrand was dead. The passengers in the Wooldrop Sims, and letters by her, state that an immense number of vessels from France and Holland had arrived in England in October, with produce of those countries, particularly wheat from the former, and were loading with colonial, American and British goods. There were some Dutch and French under Papenbourg colours, with some under their own colours and Americans. These vessels return to France and Holland, and the insurance on them, taking the risk of seizure in port was only seven per cent. Here we see the folly of commercial restrictions, when opposed to the wants and habits of nations.
Late letters from England say, that a vessel from Virginia carried into France, regularly cleared for Tonnigen, had been released, the captors paying costs.
Ledger.
THEATRE.
The Public are respectfully informed, during the season there will be no postponement on account of Weather.
On Wednesday 20th December, will be presented [for the first time here] a celebrated new Comedy, called
MAN & WIFE,
OR
More Secrets than One.
To which will be added the favorite musical entertainment of
Sprigs of Laurel,
OR THE
RIVAL SOLDIERS.
Doors to be opened at five o'clock—Curtain to rise at quarter past six o'clock precisely.
FOR SALE, that eligible and complete establishment for a public and country merchant, at Surrey court house, together with the various tenements and remainder rights of those under lease for a term of years, as described in the late advertisement of Chas. H. Graves, trustee, and accordingly sold for the benefit of, and rough in by the subscriber, (if not sooner disposed of privately) on the premises, on the first day of January next, upon the following terms:—$2000 of the purchase money to be paid down, or if it will be an accommodation to the purchaser, a credit of 60 or 120 days will be allowed for this payment, it being secured by a deed in trust on personal property. The balance of the purchase money to be paid in two equal annual instalments, secured by a deed in trust upon the property.
Richd. Lee Faulcon, esq. is fully authorized to sell the above property at private sale, or will, if let it publicly at the time and place above mentioned, and any contract entered into by him will be obligatory on
December 15th 1809. JNO. H. COOKE. 4p
It is believed that the privilege of vending merchandise being conveyed away from the late proprietor of this property, may have had an unfavorable effect upon the sale of it; but this objection is obviated by a commodious counting room and store house lately built without the limits of the monopolising restriction and within 300 yards of the tavern door.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons whom it may concern, that William Bentley, of the county of Powhatan, late guardian of the children of William R. and deceased, possesses an authority as my agent under any deed of trust or otherwise, to hire out or sell any slave or slaves or other property, formerly belonging to the estate of the said R. and which were sold under certain executions. The said slaves and other property came into the possession of the said Bentley as guardian of the said children on or at a term, under a contract executed on his part, in that character; and I have always considered it to be his duty to deliver up to John Swann and Samuel Pleasants his successors as guardians to the said children, from the time of their appointment, all of the said slaves & other property then remaining, or which ought to have been remaining, in hands, of which he has been repeatedly notified.
EDWARD CARRINGTON. Richmond, December 13, 1809. w2
A SCHOOL.—F. LEMPIERE takes the liberty to inform the public that he will teach the following branches of literature, at Maj. Joseph Mayo's, in Powhatan county, on the following terms, viz.
Orthography, Reading and Writing, $12 per annum—English Grammar, Reading and Writing, 14 dollars—Do. with Arithmetic and Geography, 16 dollars—French, Spanish, Portuguese or Latin, with the above branches, 20 dollars—The above branches with merchants' accounts or Book Keeping, 24 dollars—Book Keeping alone (the time of learning it) 12 dollars—Navigation, do. 20 dollars.
Maj. Mayo will take a few boarders on moderate terms. Board and Tuition payable quarterly. The school will commence on the 2d of January 1810. 5p
NEGROES FOR SALE. —By virtue of a trust deed executed to the subscriber by Henry Adams, for certain purposes therein expressed, will be sold at the late dwelling of the said Adams, deceased, on Wednesday the 27th inst. under the provisions of the act of assembly entitled "an act concerning executions and for other purposes," one NANCY WOMAN, named Phillis, and her Four Children, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of the said trust.
JESSE HIX. Chesterfield county, December 13th, 1809.
AT the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, on a credit of twelve months for all sums exceeding ten dollars, all the PERSONAL ESTATES of the said Henry Adams, deceased, consisting of Negroes, Waggons, Horses and Household furniture.
SALLY ADAMS, Administrator.
A few TICKETS in the Baltimore Lottery, warranted undrawn on the 17th day of drawing, for sale at this office.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND,
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1809.
"SIXES AND SEVENS,"
Or, the Administration at a loss what to do in the present juncture.
The Federal Republican, the New-York Evening Post, and the immaculate Mr. Cheetham, are chuckling at the conceit that the government is at "sixes and sevens," that the old paper farce (as the New York Citizen terms it) is going on, and that the administration, in the present posture of affairs is at a loss what to do. It would be no difficult task to shew that these declarations, coming from the quarters they do, are mere art ifices to cover the weaknesses of the scoffers, who have now no other refuge from contempt than the masquerade of calls upon the president for documents, which, when produced and published will serve not for any purpose but to overwhelm the quibblers and the clammers with confusion, and with shame too if it were possible for them to blush. It is very certain, that the administration finds not the least difficulty as to the course to be taken; and if it delays that course it is purely from a desire to convince every portion of the community of the rectitude of its conduct and of the correctness of its views. The president and the majority of the legislative body have no disposition to vote down the minority by hastily taking the question, as the present opposition did when the federalists were in power. On the other hand, it is manifest that the Jackson party in Congress are reduced to the most miserable huffing in order to keep up appearances: in that, however, they have been instructed by the new envoy, who has given very many admirable specimens of the duabure in his official letters to Secretary Smith. What can shew that the minority in Congress is in the utmost distress more strongly than the motions for fresh letters brought forward by Messrs. Quincy and Gold, and adopted by the majority out of sheer charity for the movers, whose forlorn plight is really pitiable. When men cannot meet a subject fairly it is clear that their cause is bad, and it is very evident that Messrs. Quincy and Gold have not met the subject fairly, for they are seeking to hide their friendship for envoy Jackson in little nooks and crannies—in petty sneering resolutions; and by so doing attempt to smother up the partiality of their hearts in words and paper. It is they, in fact, who are at "sixes and sevens," who are carrying on the farce of resolution-making, and are completely at a loss what to do in the present juncture. On so serious and important a subject as our foreign relations, Messrs. Gold and Quincy place themselves in the most ludicrous attitudes their whole talent appears to consist in little tricks and stratagems, in puerile plots to entrap the president; playing with the most serious affairs of human life as boys do with marbles when the youngsters have neither powder, nor shot, nor gun, to shoot them with, endeavoring to decoy them to their nets upon false pretences. Indeed the conduct of Quincy and Gold, is so intrinsically contemptible, so tainted with a spirit of pettifogging, that, to use a phrase from Steele, they render even calumny ridiculous. And yet these men are the reputed leaders of a certain sect in Congress, who appear pledged to England let England do what she will. We should be more disposed to consider them as political out-riders to the opposition carriage, or it never could enter into our heads that such managers and talkers as Messrs. Gold and Quincy were qualified for grave leaders in Congress: they may do well enough for county court attorneys, to carp and cavil, pester a jury with distinctions without a difference and draw up bills of exceptions for the purpose of procrastination; but as to anything else, it is the strangest thing in the world by what mistake it has happened that they have been reputed leaders of a party, or even of a faction—useless, indeed, leading a party or heading a cabal consists in monosyllables and polysyllables multiplied and uttered ad infinitum. It would be much more reasonable, we conceive, to look for the head of a party or the heads of a faction (for all factions are monsters with more than one head), in a circle of men who were able to discuss great questions of state, whose speeches abounded with knowledge, and whose language was not a mere ranting vehicle for the conveyance of silly trash, neither analogous, nor instructive, nor amusing. We could by no means suppose that individuals who shyly collect in private rooms, huddle themselves and whisper together, shake nodules at each other, and then go into the House of Representatives with a vapid resolution, the result of their wonderfully wise priddling, were qualified for leaders. The administration is surely in no straight or difficulty from the operations of such gentry, who only perform the part of the magpie, chattering for the entertainment of the auditors in the galleries of Congress and for the povers over stupid speeches which creep through the columns of our newspapers in all the majesty of lazy dullness. It is not such men that can put the administration to "sixes and sevens," that can make it resort to paper-farces, or disjoint it so as to disqualify it from proceeding to do what is right. And now that we are speaking of these paper-farces, it may be asked who compelled a resort to paper declarations but such men as Messrs. Quincy and Gold, and that flaming salamander Timothy Pickering? Who has dealt more in paper-shot, in resolutions, in windy bravado, or magpie courage than the growing Mr. Quincy, the sweetly-shrill-toned Mr. Dana, whose oscillating head is the perfect symbol in miniature of the heavens of Etia before a discharge of lava, and that bagpipe of nonsense Barent Gardener? As for Mr. Gold, he has more recently come upon the stage, and peeps forward in priority among his clan with as much glowing desire as ever the Grand Turk in his dotage eyed the tenants of his harem. But he seems to be improving in the way of his competitors, and deals as manfully in resolution-making as the noted Mr. Sloan did in ramifying his speeches into divisions and subdivisions. In another point of view, the friends of Mr. envoy Jackson may truly be said to be the paper-farces, the alchemists, the resolution-men; because, whenever administration has shewn a willingness to resort to other measures than those of pen, ink, and paper, Messrs. Quincy, and Dana, and that sort of persons, have never failed to cry out tyranny, despotism, and most vociferously warned the people to beware of every thing in the shape of a bayonet, or a sword, or a pistol, lest it might possibly inflict a wound. In the latter part of Mr. Jefferson's administration there was an effort made by the government to increase our regular military force, to raise and discipline a body of militia, and to add to the naval strength of the country: all these objects were most strenuously opposed by Messrs. Quincy, Dana, and others. When recruits for the army were mentioned, they were by these precious paper heroes represented to be cut-throats of the people; when the body of militia was proposed to be organized, they are intended (quoth Quincy) to cram arbitrary laws down our throats; and whenever the navy was introduced, the doddling Mr. Dana fidgeted like a terrapin in a passion. Thus these valiant speech-makers saw in every measure stronger than a resolution upon paper phantoms the most terrible, too strong for their perturbed imaginations, and, (if they spoke what they thought,) a raw-headed and bloody-bones which terrified them into the most deplorable panic. Yet the partisans of these affrighted verbalists scribble about the administration, as if it were the weakness of government that protracted the establishment of those means which it is requisite that every nation should have for the protection of its property and legitimate rights. Let the opposition cease from their silly calls, and their tame-cheating resolutions; the administration will then move with sufficient rapidity; it will more at all events, on the true line of its march, as soon as Mr. Quincy's croaking time is over.
Extract of a letter from Washington City, dated the 16th December, 1809.
"Congress are preparing the way for important proceedings, the Federalists, it appears, will pursue the old practice of attempting to baffle and procrastinate. The artifice now in embryo appears to be to establish that the propositions which Mr. Canning sent to Mr. Erskine in his despatch of the 23d of January 1809, were originally suggested by Messrs. Madison, Smith, & Gallatin. This is the occasion of the call for Pinkney's letters, which you will observe has been made by a federal member in the house of representatives. But, my dear sir, when those letters are produced, as they no doubt will be, we have the fullest confidence that they will serve more completely to establish the veracity of the executive department of the government—I have great satisfaction in telling you that Mr. John G. Jackson's Physician has pronounced him entirely out of danger. He has not yet been removed to the city, but it is talked of. Giles has manifested great acumen in his speech on the resolution to support the executive. The more we see of Mr. G. the more we admire him. The honorable Buckner Thruston, a Senator in Congress from the state of Kentucky, has been appointed a judge of the court for the territory of Columbia, in the place of A. B. Duckett, deceased. The Senate have advised and consented to the appointment."
Virginia Legislature.
The legislature continue to be almost exclusively occupied with petitions, &c of a private or local nature. Greater progress in business has been made by the House of Delegates than has ever been recollected, in the same space of time. Long reports are daily received from the different committees, and several acts have already passed the house. Reports on the contemplated changes in the judiciary, and the finances, have not yet been made.
ERRATA. —In the last Argus, in the communication concerning Mr. Wood's ingenious work just published—3d page, last column, for "motions" read "Meteoros." 35th line, for "instructive" read "intinitiv."
MATTRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge Richmond. J. S. Pleasants.

FOR SALE. 150 Boxes English Crown Glass, 12 14 10-12 8 10 50 Boxes Baltimore ditto, 10 12 8-10 300 Kegs English White Lead 100 do. Span- ish Brown, 100 lb. Putty, 1500 lb. Scrape twine An extensive assortment of American and Swedish Iron, amongst which are 12 ton en- table for Hoes and Axes, 2 ton American and German Steel, 12 Bales Cotton of a Superior quality, with our usual assortment of Groceries. RUSSELL & WALLACE. Richmond, Nov. 20, 1809. 2m.
FOR SALE, between 4 and 500 acres of GLOUCESTER LOW GROUNDS— That valuable plantation called SHIP YARD belonging to the estate of the late Benjamin Dabney, situated on Ware River. It is well timbered and convenient for fish and oysters. Terms may be made known by application to TH: G. SMITH, Ex'r. and SARAH DABNEY, Ex'trx. November 4, 1809. 2m.
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Cumberland, within a mile of Farmville, containing four hundred acres, not quite half of which is cleared. The remainder is for the most part prime tobacco land, uncommonly well timbered and watered. The cleared land is generally in excellent heart. There are on the tract a commodious framed granary shed- ded all around and two tobacco houses.— The situation is esteemed uncommonly healthy. If not previously sold, it will be offered at public sale, on Friday the first day of December next, in the town of Farmville—where also, the subscriber has for sale an excellent well built small dwell- ing house with a commodious store house and lumber house adjoining, with good cel- lars, &c. MR. EDWARD RADFORD, who lives ad- joining the land, will show it to any one disposed to purchase. JOHN RANDOLPH. November 1st, 1809. 6w
BOARDING FOR DELEGATES. WILLIAM RALEIGH, has taken the house belonging to David Bullock, Esq. west from the capitol, and lately occupied by William Wirt, Esq. He can accommodate from 15 to 20, and shall make preparations for that purpose. He begs leave to inform his friends as well as those who may confide in him, that he will devote himself with the greatest at- tention to give satisfaction to them, as well as to obtain the approbation of his own mind. WILL BE SOLD, at Buckingham court- house, for ready money, on the 8th day of January next (it being court day) by virtue of a deed of trust executed by Charles Talley to Henry Rawlins and David Bell, as trustees, for the purpose of securing a debt therein mentioned due to the executor of John Adcock, dec. A TRACT OF LAND, containing 140 acres, lying and being in the said county, between the two Buffalo creeks, branches of Willis's river, and in the neigh- bourhood of Cairo. HENRY RAWLINS, Surviving Trustee. Nov 9th, 1809. 4w
NOTICE. —The subscriber being desir- ous of closing the executorship of the late John Collins, most earnestly solicits all those indebted to discharge the same, as suits indiscriminately will be instituted; and all persons having claims will please exhibit them properly authenticated before the 1st of February next, as this notice will be plead at bar. CATHARINE DABNEY, Surviving Executrix of JOHN COLLINS, dec. December 1st, 1809. 3w
CASH will be given for a good male house servant and female cook. JOSEPH TRENT. Oct 27th, 1809. tf
TO BE RENTED, the large and com- modious TAVERN, and also the TAN YARD, late the property of James Fowler, deceased, situate in the town of Carters- ville. Possession can be had immediately. For terms apply to THOS H. WALTON, Adm'r. with the will annexed of JAM: S. FOWLER, deceased. Cartersville, 29th November, 1809. 4wp
FOR RENT, —The House & Lot at pre- sent occupied by Mr. George Watt, situated on the east side of Shockoe creek. For particulars apply to Mr. Watt or to JOSEPH GALLEGO. tf
FOR SALE, a good HOUSE WENCH. FOR RENT, 3 TENEMENTS, with gardens and grounds for cultivation; and also large and convenient stables, all con- nected, insurable and well calculated for a place of entertainment—or each separate for private families. Enquire of LUMAN BISHOP. Manchester, December 6, 1809. 3w
JOSEPH & GEORGE MARK offer for sale on board the schooner Pegasus, 500 SACKS SALT, Twilled Sacks and well filled. They are in daily expectation of receiving several thou- sand bushels LIVERPOOL GROUND SALT, which will be disposed of on reasonable terms. Richmond, 24 December, 1809. tf
THE Subscriber wishes to employ TWO good Workmen in the Wheel- wright business, to whom good wages will be given; the workmen may be at liberty to work by the piece.—Also two Appren- tices are wanted to the Wheelwright bus- iness. A. Quarrier. Richmond, 8th Oct. 1809. tf
NEGROES FOR SALE. —On Friday the 29th day of next month, will be sold, at M'Clenahan's courthouse, to the highest bidder, 20 Likely Negroes, on 12 months credit, the purchasers giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the date, but such interest to be re- mitted in case of punctual payment. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 25th, 1809. tds
NEW MEDICINE STORE. THE Subscriber have recently taken a store, near the Market Bridge, opposite Messrs. White and Shelton's, where they offer for sale a very general assortment of DRUGS & ME- DICINES ; a few of which are enumerated, viz: Gun Aloes — Ammon — Assa Foetida — Arabic — Guaiac — Gamboge — Myrrh — Opium — Castor — Shell Lac — Tragacanth Aqua Fortis Annatto Arrow-Root Camphor Cowhage Red and Pale Bark Cream Tartar Chamomile Flowers Magnesia Jalap Ipecac Calomel Tart Emet Essence Sargamot — Lemon — Spruce Gloves Nutmegs Mace Cassia, &c. &c. &c.
Patent Medicine. Steer's Chemical Opo- delloc Bateman's Drops British Oil Essence Peppermint Turlington's Balsam of Life Dr. Rawson's Celebrat- ing Ointment Do. do. Genuine Anti-bilious and Sto- machic Bitters Do. do. Worm Powders Wheaton's Itch Oint- ment Dodd's Lee's Genuine Windham Billious Pills Anderson's do. Hooper's do. Dr. Thomson's Aro- matic Tooth Paste Do. Eye Water Fehribrifuge Electary for Ague and Fever. Hinkley's Infallible Re- medy for the Piles Dr. Cooley's Vegetable Elixir or Cough Drops Genuine Spice Bitters.
ALSO A general assortment of PAINTS & DYE- DRUGS —all of which will be sold as low as at any other store in this city. Medical practi- tioners and gentlemen who are in the habit of selling medicine in the country, will do well to call. VAIL & ROGERS. Richmond, 29th Aug. 1809.
A BANK NOTE of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, was taken from a black boy who called himself James Smith, & says he found it in the street—Not thinking it proper to let the boy keep it, I detained it for the proper owner, who may have it, on giving satisfactory evi- dence of his or their right to it and paying the expense of this advertisement. JOHN McDONALD. Richmond, March 10th, 1809. tf
IN COUNCIL, Sept. 19th, 1809. It is advised, that from and after the 1st day of January next, the Auditor be instructed in every case where any claim by virtue of an order or certificate of court is presented to him by a per- son whose name is not mentioned therein, to re- quire such person to produce also an order or power of Attorney from the individual in whose favor such order or Certificate of court was made, together with an affidavit of one witness at least, certified by a Magistrate or Notary Public, that such individual actually signed and acknowledged the same. And to give general information of this rule, it is advised, that a co- py hereof be published in the Virginia Argus, Enquirer, Petersburg Intelligencer, Norfolk Her- ald, Lynchburg Star, Staunton Eagle, and Win- chester Gazette, once a week, until the first day of January next. Extract from the journal, (well) DANIEL L. HYLTON, C. C.
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE. —The subscriber intending to remove to one of the Southern States, in the course of fifteen or eighteen months, offers for sale the tract of land on which he now dwells. It contains, by a late survey, about eleven hundred and eighty acres, of which six hundred and fourteen are yet in woods. The soil is peculiarly suited to the pro- duction of wheat, and is excellent for corn and tobacco. The situation is remarkably healthy, and is only one mile from the navigation of Ap- pomattox. Those who wish to purchase, a good TRACT OF LAND, AT A REASONABLE PRICE, are invited to view this property. If it should not be sold by private contract before the sixth day of January next, it will then be put up to the highest bidder, at Farmville, on a credit of one and two years. PETER JOHNSTON. Prince Edward, November 20th, 1809. 4w
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are in low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the printer September 2, 1809. tf
REMOVAL. THE subscriber has removed near the Bason, where he continues to keep a house of Private Entertainment. He has also for sale, a general assortment of GROCERIES. Likewise sells all kinds of country produce on commission. HEZEKIAH PURYEAR. Richmond, May 17th, 1809. tf N. B. The highest price given for wheat. H. P.
NEW STORE. THE SUBSCRIBER, is now opening, opposite the GLOBE TAV- ERN, a General Assortment of Piece and Fancy GOODS; AMONGST WHICH ARE, Superfine and Com. White- and colour- mon Broad Cloths ed Habit do. Do. do. Cassimere. Cambric Muslins, Do. do. Coatings. Plain and Seeded Flannels. Mull. do. Fancy Vesting. Spider Nett and Red & Black Bom. Fancy Craps do. Lazetts. Knotted and Sprig'd Worsted, Cotton & Leno, do. Silk Hosiery. Diagonal and Vein. Gingham, ed do. do. Cotton Shirting, Elegant Worked Irish Linen and Dresses. Dowlas, Ditto Silk Shawls & Dowlas, and common Handkerchiefs. Printed Calicoes, Black Plaid and Plain Velvets, Coloured Lustings. Cords, Plain, Silk and Fan- Umbrellas, cy Cut Velvets, Threads, White Satin and Sewing Silks, Crape, &c. &c. &c. Extra long white and coloured Kid Gloves, JOHN WOOD. Richmond, Nov. 10, 1809. tf
20 Dollars Reward! IS offered for apprehending ANDREW, a ne- gro slave, who about the beginning of this month RUN AWAY from the subscriber resi- ding in the neighborhood of Amelia Court House. Andrew is about thirty years old an intelligent, active, small man, a good house and stable servant, drives a Carriage well, un- derstands a little of Shoemaking, and readily performs any kind of plantation labor. Some years ago he was in the service of Mr. Turner at the Bell Tavern in Richmond, where I be- lieve he generally acted as hostler and after- wards till last Christmas, was employed by Mr. Henry L. Biscoe of Manchester in his tobacco stemmer. He has a wife living at the Man- chester coal yard, a free mulatto woman named Sukey Hollinger, by whom I have reason to be- lieve he is secreted. I will pay the above re- ward to any person who will deliver to me the above mentioned slave, or secure him in Jail, so that I get him again. James Henderson. 20th June, 1809.
NOTICE. —The subscriber having administered upon the Estate of the late Mr. JOHN HUGHES, senr. of Cumberland, and now Powhatan county, it is earnestly requested if there be any demands against that Estate, that they may be brought forward on or before the first day of Jan- uary next, properly authenticated, and receive payment, as I intend to make a division of the residue of that Estate immediately after the said first day of January next, after which this adver- tisement will be plead in bar against any claim whatsoever. JOHN CUNLIFFE, Adm'r. with the will annexed. Coalpit, Chesterfield county, 16th Oct. 1809. (H.J.)
AT a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company on Wednesday evening, the 15th of Novem- ber, 1809. Resolved, That all shares of delinquent holders of shares in the said company be sold at the Washington Tavern in the city of Richmond on the 19th day of next month at 12 o'clock. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be paid by the share-holders in the company to the treasurer, on or before the first day of December next. A Copy. tds N. SHEPPARD, CLK.
NOTICE. NECESSITY compels me to make fur- ther application to all those who are indebted to the trustees of the Richmond A- cademy, by sales of lottery tickets of the first and second class and voluntary sub- scriptions, and all such are hereby request- ed to make payment to the subscriber to enable the building committee to pay all ar- rears for work done, and to procure materials this winter in order to proceed with the work next spring, it being for the education of our rising progeny, which orna- ments and attaches them to republican prin- ciples and gives a spring to liberty and in- dependence. I have undertaken the collec- tion by agreement with John Brockenbrough, and William W. Hening, Esqrs. the other members of the committee appointed by a board of trustees. As the building of the Academy has progressed considerably, I flatter myself there will be but little trou- ble in obtaining the money for the purpose of carrying into effect so laudable an insti- tution. ROBERT MITCHELL. December 8th, 1809. tf
FOR SALE, to the highest bidder, on the 20th of December, 1809, on the prem- ises, a PARCEL OF GROUND, on the main street, at or near Rocketts landing, and op- posite to Lewis's wharf, belonging to the estate of Wilshire M. Lewis, dec. con- taining one hundred feet, or upwards, which will be divided into convenient lots to suit purchasers. Also, about 50 acres of LAND, bounded by the main Road, the lines of Mr. William Mayo, Mr. Geo. Blakey and Gil- lis's Creek, which will also be laid out into tenements to suit purchasers. The terms of payment will be made known on the day of sale. WALTER P. SHELTON, Executor of the said WILSHIRE M. LEWIS. November 29th, 1809. tds
P. S. The sale of the above property is postponed until the 29th inst.
FOR SALE. —A handsome, second hand, London built CHARIOT, which has been but little used and is in a good state of preservation. Apply to the printer, or to Mr. HUGHES, coach maker, opposite the Old City Tavern, where the carriage may be seen. tf
JUST RECEIVED, A general assortment of Dutch Bolting Cloths, of superior quality, ALSO, 2 Piano Fortes. J. DARMSDATT. Richmond, Nov. 21, 1809.
AT a court held for King and Queen coun- ty, at the courthouse, on Monday the 9th of October, 1809. Joseph Mann. Plff. In AGAINST Chanc- John Lumpkin & James Lump- } ery. kin & Thomas Jeffries, Defts.
THE defendant James Lumpkin not ha- ving entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appear- ing to the satisfaction of the court that the said defendant James Lumpkin is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant James Lumpkin do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some pub- lic newspaper printed in the city of Rich- mond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of this courthouse. A Copy—Teste, Re: POLLARD, C. C. BALTIMORE LOTTERY. A few tickets in the Baltimore Lottery now drawing for sale at this office, Price 12 dollars.
VIRGINIA: In Chancery—in Halifax County Court, 24th October, 1809. BETWEEN Anne Morton, formerly Anne Cobb, Howell Ridley and Milly his wife, formerly Milly Cobbs, Nancy Cobbs, Betsy Cobbs, John Cobbs, Isabella Cobbs, James H. Cobbs and Patsy Cobbs, who are heirs & devisees of John Cobbs, deceased, and which said Nancy, Betsy, John, Isabella, James and Patsy, being under age, appear by Anne Morton their na- tural guardian and next friend. Plffs.
AND Thomas Cobb, James Cobb, Thomas Cobb, John Cobb, and Cynthia Cobb, which four last mentioned defendants, are the children of Jas Cobb, the elder, deceased—and William M. Watkins and Benjamin Morton, Defts. THE defendants Thomas, James, Thomas, John and Cynthia Cobb not having enter- ed their appearance and given security accord- ing to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth, on motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said last named defendants, do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs—and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A copy—Teste. SAMUEL WILLIAMS, D. C. H. C.
VIRGINIA: At a superior court of chancery held at the capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st day of September, 1809. John Lambert, representative and devisee of George Harmer, deceased, Plff. AGAINST Thomas Key, Henry Key, William Bibb Key, Daniel, John Key, Tandy Key, Joshua Key, Walter Key, John White and Martha his wife, descendants and heirs or devisees of Martin Key, deceased, Defts.
THE defendants Thomas Key, Henry Key, William Bibb Key, James Key and Daniel, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith insert- ed in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy—Teste. PETER TINSLEY, C. C.
In Goochland County Court, October 10th, 1809 Thomas Eldridge, Jr. Adm'r. of Ste- phen Hubbard, deceased, plff } In AGAINST } Chan- Thomas Barnard and Charles John- } cery. son, } defts.
THIS day came the plaintiff by his attorney, and the defendant Barnard, not having en- tered his appearance and given security accord- ing to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his at- torney, it is ordered, that the said defendant Barnard do appear here on the third Monday in March next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and give security for performing the decree of this court, and that a copy of this order be forth- with published in some public newspaper print- ed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this coun- ty. A Copy—Teste. WILLIAM MILLER, C. G. C.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND NOW READY FOR DELIVERY TO SUBSCRIBERS, AT S. PLEASANTS, JR'S. BOOK-STORE RICHMOND, THE Statutes at Large; BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA, FROM THE FIRST SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE, IN THE YEAR 1619. PUBLISHED PURSUANT TO AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA, PAS- SED ON THE FIFTH DAY OF FEBRU- ARY, ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND EIGHT. VOLUME I. BY WILLIAM WALLER HENING.
The Laws of a country are necessarily connected with every thing belonging to the people of it; so that a thorough knowl- edge of them, and of their progress would inform us of every thing that was most useful to be known about them; and one of the greatest imperfections of historians in general, is owing to their ignorance of law." PRIESTLEY'S LECT. ON HIST. pa. 149
The following letters addressed to the editor, since the publication of the 1st Volume, are from gentlemen eminently qualified to form an opinion of the importance of the work. S. Roane's respects to Mr. Hening. A necessary attention to the business of the court, has disabled S. R. from reading attentively, the whole of the first volume of the Statute at Large: He can, there- fore, give no satisfactory opinion upon the character of the laws contained therein. It is easy, however, to perceive that this laborious work has been executed with great care and fidelity, on the part of Mr. Hening, to whom, in the opinion of S. R. our countrymen, in all generat-
ons, will be indebted, for placing beyond the reach of accident, statutes which ex- isted only in manuscript, and, in some in- stances, perhaps, only in a single copy. It is true that, at the present day, the sta- tutes contained in the first volume, are of little comparative importance as laws ; ha- ving grown obsolete or been replaced by others: but they afford a rich treasure for Historians; and, in themselves, contain an excellent history, of the situation, poli- cy, institutions, opinions and language of our forefathers. It will be seen that they possessed that hardy and determined spi- rit, which could not be appalled by diffi- culties, and has enabled their posterity, in less than two centuries, to outstrip the nations of the old world, as far in the wis- dom and justice of their political institu- tions, as in the enjoyment of civil liberty. If the work in question were, therefore, to stop here, it is undoubtedly entitled to the patronage of every public spirited A- merican: but, as it advances, it will be of eminent practical utility. It will, (es- pecially if aided by a general index ) ena- ble Judges and Lawyers to see, at one view, every act which has ever been pas- sed on any subject; and thus conduct them to the happiest result, in evincing the meaning of the legislature. S. R. the elder earnestly wishes that no ad- verse circumstance may occur, to arrest the entire completion of the undertaking. Wm. W. Hening, Esq. Richmond, Dec. 2, 1809.
RICHMOND, Nov. 24th 1809. DEAR SIR, I have received with great pleasure the first volume of your edition of the Sta- tutes of Virginia at Large; & am extreme- ly glad that you have been able to make such a progress in a work of such real im- portance, not only to the gentlemen of the profession, but to the community at large. Few persons have more reason to estimate the value of such an undertaking than myself; having for five and twenty years been endeavoring, in vain, to procure co- pies of our public acts from the period of the revision in 1705, to that of our revolution. And even from the latter pe- riod to the end of the last century, it was nearly twenty years before I could procure copies of all the acts of the se- veral conventions, and succeeding legis- latures. The unfortunate policy of omit- ting laws which had either expired, had been repealed, or were consolidated in the successive revisions made during the last century, rendered it almost impos- sible to trace any subject which had en- gaged the attention of successive legisla- tures through all the mazes of its pro- gress. Nothing but a complete edition of our laws, at large, can afford that light, so necessary to the well understanding of the laws, and the distribution of justice, in our common country. A work of such magnitude and importance must be at- tended with infinite labour and expense. You have my sincere wishes for your success in completing that work, and that it may receive that general encou- ragement to which it is entitled from so many important considerations. I am, respectfully, Dear Sir, Your most obt. Servant, ST. G. TUCKER. Wm. W. Hening, Esq.
RICHMOND, 30th Nov. 1809. Dear Sir, Besides the examination, which I gave with Mr. Munford, to your first vo- lume of the old Statutes at Large, I have again perused with attention, the copy which you so kindly presented to me. I am really pleased to find, that the materials for a correct history of our country, are, at last coming to light; and that those laws which form in so many instances, the rule of our property, have been saved from the wreck of time, by the means of one, to whom we are indebted for so many acts, which he has done for the good of his country; and allow me to say, that in his labours have not been less deserving: and I hope, will be amply requited, by a generous public, for giving to posterity a work so deserving of their attention and preservation. I am, Dear Sir, Very sincerely your friend, CREED TAYLOR. The Hon. Wm. W. Hening, Esq.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 1, 1809 Sir, I HAVE duly received the 1st Vol. of your Collection of our Statutes at Large, and return you my thanks for it. The op- inion I entertain of the importance of the work may be justly inferred from the trouble and expence I incurred during the earlier part of my life, to save such re- mains of our ancient laws as were then still in existence. The compilation ap- pears to be correctly and judiciously made, and gives us exactly what I had so long considered a desideratum for our country. It sheds a new light on our early history, and furnishes additional se- curity to the tenure of our rights & pro- perty. Sincerely wishing you may reap the reward you have merited, I tender you the assurances of my great esteem & respect.
TH: JEFFERSON. WM. W. HENING, Esq. GERMAN AND ENGLISH Almanacks for 1810, for sale at this office.