Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1807-12-04 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1412.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1807.
[12 1/2 Cents Single.]
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, November 12.
In committee of the whole, Mr Basset in the chair, the question being on concurrence with the report.
The report of the committee of elections is as follows:
REPORT.
The committee of elections to whom was committed the petition of Joshua Barney, of the city of Baltimore, praying to be admitted to a seat in the house, he having, in his opinion, the highest number of votes given to a candidate legally qualified to represent the said city of Baltimore, having carefully examined the facts stated on both sides, and compared the laws of Maryland, under which the said election was held, with the constitution of the U. States.
REPORT.
That by an act of the assembly of Maryland, passed in November, 1790, it is required, that the member shall be an inhabitant of his district at the time of his election, and shall have resided therein twelve calendar months immediately before.
By another act of the assembly of Maryland, passed in November, 1802, it is enacted, that Baltimore town and county shall be the fifth district, which districts shall be entitled to send two representatives to congress, one of which shall be a resident of Baltimore county, and the other a resident of Baltimore city.
That Joshua Barney is a citizen of Maryland, and has been a resident of the city of Baltimore for many years.
That William McCreery has been, for many years, a citizen of Maryland, and a resident of the city of Baltimore; but that, in the year 1803, he removed himself and his family to his estate in Baltimore county; that from that time, though he himself has occasionally resided in Baltimore, yet he, with his wife and family, have not made the city of Baltimore their settled residence.
That William McCreery states, that his intention was, and still is, to reside with his family on his country estate in summer and in the city of Baltimore in winter; but that ever since he has removed his family to his farm, he has been obliged every winter, in the public service, to reside, and frequently with his family, in the city of Washington, which prevented him from removing his family, agreeably to his intention, to the city of Baltimore; but he resided himself in the city of Baltimore five or six days before the election; that he and his family were residing in the same situation, when he was elected to serve in the ninth congress, that they were when he was elected into the present congress; that, however, not wishing to have been taken as a candidate at the last election, he expressed to some of his friends some apprehensions that exceptions might be made on account of his constant family residence not being in the city of Baltimore.
At the election in that district for the congress now in session, Nicholas R. Moore had 6,164 votes; he is a resident in Baltimore county, and William McCreery against whose right to a seat in this house objection is made on account of residence, had 3,559; and Joshua Barney, who claims a seat in this house, and is a resident in Baltimore city, had 2,063 votes; and John Sent, also, a resident in Baltimore city, had 353 votes. The above statement of facts being admitted by the parties, further evidence was not required. No question was taken on the legal residence of William McCreery in the city of Baltimore.
The committee proceeded to examine the constitution with relation to the case submitted to them, and find that the qualifications of members is therein determined, without reserving any authority to the state legislature to change, add or diminish those qualifications; and that, by that instrument, congress is constituted the sole judge of the qualifications prescribed by it, and are obliged to decide agreeably to the constitutional rules; but the state legislatures being by the constitution authorized to prescribe the times, place and manner of holding elections, in controversies arising under this authority, congress are obliged to decide agreeably to the laws of the respective states.
On the most mature consideration of the case submitted to them, the committee are of opinion, that William McCreery is duly qualified to represent the fifth district of the state of Maryland, and that the law of that state restricting the residence of the members of congress to any particular part of the district for which they may be chosen, is contrary to the constitution of the United States.
Therefore, Resolved, That William McCreery is entitled to his seat in this house.
Mr. Findley said, that being chairman of the committee of elections, it became his duty to explain the principles by which that committee were governed in making the report, but being apprehensive that he would not make himself extensively heard, he could not detain the committee long. The committee of elections considered the qualifications of members to have been unalterably determined by the federal convention, unless changed by an authority equal to that which framed the constitution at first; that neither the state nor the federal legislatures are vested with authority to add to those qualifications, so as to change them. That the state legislatures cannot prescribe the qualifications of their own members is evident, it is believed, from their respective constitutions, and that they are authorised to judge of the qualifications of their own members by their own constitutional rules only, and of the election of their members by their respective election laws must be admitted. Congress by the federal constitution are not authorised to prescribe the qualifications of their own members, but they are authorised to judge of their qualifications; in doing so, however, they must be governed by the rules prescribed by the federal constitution, and by them only. These are the principles on which the election committee have made up their report, and upon which their resolution is founded.
A state of facts is fairly given, no witnesses were introduced, nor corrupt abuses in conducting the election alleged. The claim of the petitioner was solely founded on the law of Maryland & on the allegation that the sitting member was not qualified agreeably to these laws, that tho' he resided in the district for which he was elected, yet he did not reside in that part of it which the law of Maryland had prescribed in addition to the qualifications prescribed by the constitution of the U. States. It will be observed by the report itself that the committee did not decide on the allegations for or against the sitting member's legal residence in the city of Baltimore, but upon his constitutional qualifications and the majority of legal votes. On all the facts stated in the report however the parties themselves were agreed, not only in stating the case, but on the final revision of the report.
The committee however submitted the question and took the vote on the case only as it related to the fifth district of the state of Maryland, viz. Baltimore city and county, which were by the law of Maryland entitled to send two members, one of which was to have resided in the city, and the other in the county, 12 months immediately preceding the election. Mr. McCreery, the sitting member, as he stated, and which was admitted, had removed his family to their country seat for their summer residence, with intention to have returned to the city in winter; but having every winter to reside at the city of Washington as a member of congress where he frequently brought his family, prevented him from residing in the city of Baltimore in the winter.
It appeared to the committee, that if the state legislature had a right to prescribe in what part of the same district and for what length of time each of the representatives should reside, they had also a right to prescribe in what street or what house of a street they must reside, and for what length of time. Having thus far endeavored to explain the principles by which the committee were governed in making their report, on which no doubt other members of the committee will give further information, or support such as I have given, I will proceed to other circumstances.
It is proper to inform the committee of the whole House, that the committee of elections were not unanimous in these sentiments. The minority advocated the right of the state legislature to prescribe additional qualifications to the members from the respective states, that the qualifications prescribed by the federal constitution were only of a negative or restraining nature, viz. to enable congress to consider such members as had not resided seven years in the United States, who were not 25 years of age at the time of their election, and inhabitants of the state for which they are elected, as disqualified, but not to be considered as restraining the state legislatures from adding such qualification as they thought proper.
Mr. F. said that he would detain the committee a little longer, in order to make a few observations; but he wished these observations to be considered as his own, and not as those of the committee of elections. That committee had decided only on the local case of the fifth district of Maryland, but his observations were intended to apply to the principle generally. The qualifications of the national legislature are of a national character, and as such must be uniform throughout the nation, and prescribed by the authority of the nation, and by it exclusively; but no state legislature is vested with national
authority, they cannot make citizens for the nation, nor prescribe qualifications either for citizens or for executive officers of the nation, much less can they prescribe qualifications for the national legislature, other than the nation itself has prescribed, nor abridge the constitutional power of congress to decide on the qualifications of its own members, agreeably to the rules prescribed by the constitution; that authority expressly vested by the whole cannot be abridged or changed by a part, by a seventeenth part of the nation.
It is a fundamental principle in a free government that the citizens should be protected in the enjoyment of all their natural rights, except in so far as the enjoyment of these rights are incompatible with the safety of society, and consequently with the support of a free government. It is the natural right of all men to choose whom they please, without regard to age, residence, &c. to represent and advocate their interests; but it is necessary for the protection of society that this right be abridged, but it ought to be no further abridged than is absolutely necessary for the safety of the society, and of this the society itself are the only competent and authoritative judges; and in the U. States the society have decided on this principle by their general and ratifying conventions, and they have delegated no authority even to congress, much less to states to alter or add to or diminish these qualifications. The federal constitution indeed provisionally delegates to the state legislature the authority of directing the time, place and manner of holding elections at the discretion of congress. It is not necessary nor convenient that the time, place, and manner of holding elections should be uniform, therefore nothing but abuses or usurpations of power by the states, can ever excise or justify congress in assuming the exercise of it, which however they may do at discretion.
The right of prescribing new or additional qualifications of members of congress is not a question between the federal and state governments, it rests between the state legislature and the people. The federal constitution has declared that the citizens of every state have a right to exercise their free choice in voting for men having the qualifications therein described, but some of the state legislatures say they shall not enjoy that right, but shall be obliged to vote for members with such qualifications as we shall from time to time prescribe, that we have a right to prescribe what qualifications we please, and change them as often as we please, &c. The question before the committee of the whole, is whether or not every state legislature has a right to abridge the people's right of choice of a member to represent them in congress to what extent they think proper, and whether congress in the exercise of its judicial power of judging of the qualifications of its members is bound by the various and changeable additions made by individual state legislatures, or by the permanent and uniform rules prescribed by the constitution which both they and the state legislatures have sworn to support. In deciding agreeable to the constitutional rule, congress is not increasing its powers nor encroaching on the power of the state governments. It is only exercising its constitutional authority in protecting the right of the citizens against the encroachment on their liberties by their own state legislatures, and in preserving uniformity of qualifications. Most certainly the constitution secures to every citizen who has a right to give a vote, a right to give that vote to any citizen constitutionally qualified whom he pleases. The law of Maryland says they shall not have that liberty, they shall vote only for a man who notwithstanding his having resided seven years, or probably all his life in the United States, has not so resided in a particular part of a district. They are entitled to elect two members, but shall only vote for one of them on one side of a given line, and for the other, on the other side, though they possibly might have resided not many perches apart, but it is not so much the varied changeable qualifications that have been prescribed as the variety and uncertainty of what on this principle if admitted, may be made, that renders it so highly objectionable.
Mr. F. said, there was ground to believe that but few state governments had taken this ground; he was certain several states had never set up such a claim. He would, however, only now instance Pennsylvania the state which he had the honor to represent. When the federal government went into operation, the question of qualifications was very seriously and deliberately discussed in the legislature of that state. They were divided into parties on the question. Some, and indeed the majority believed and decided that the constitution could only admit of a general election. The difference of opinion continued, but before the next election the state was divided into districts, but in the
election for the third congress the members were voted by a general ticket, finally all parties agreed that while prescribing the manner was intrusted to the state governments, the state might be represented by districts, or by a general election, as might seem expedient, but that either way it must be done agreeable to the constitutional rule, that votes might be given for any qualified inhabitant of the state. It is but in very few instances indeed that a member has been elected over the line of the district for which he was chosen, and these few instances were not only the most popular, but the most beneficial. Pennsylvania still continues to act on that principle, believing she is bound by the constitution to do so, and no complaint has ever been laid before congress from that state on the principle now contended for. The honor of the district and the influence of the candidates are always sufficient to secure the representation in the district unless the advantage of going out of it is very evident. In that state where some districts are entitled to send three members and others two, the parties generally plan to have the candidates distributed to promote the success of their ticket, but where this does not succeed, no harm is done, the constitutional rule is not infringed, and the people are contented.
The constitution is the bond of union between the people of the United States; to make this bond complete, it was necessary that there should be a uniform rule of naturalization and a uniform rule of qualifications for the people's representatives in congress, both these rules have been established by the constitution, and it is by the constitutional rule alone that congress can decide on the cases arising under them. If this is not the case, congress have no uniform rule to decide by.
To talk of inconveniences resulting from the rule, is to no purpose to our decision, for we are not authorised to make a constitution, but to decide agreeably to the rule already prescribed; however, in stating the inconveniences, they are generally extreme and improbable cases, such as have never happened to the states that have adhered most closely to the prescribed rule, nor are ever likely to happen; but the dangers and inconveniences of departing from any uniform rule of qualifications are obvious. The members of different states will have different, or even inconsistent qualifications, such as would disqualify a member from serving in one state who would be well qualified to serve in another state. Those states who adhere to the constitutional rule would be represented differently from those who do not, & those differently from each other, and with them there might and probably would be changes without end or certainty.
But Mr. F. said it was not his intention at this time to enlarge in a detailed manner, he had no doubt but that this would be sufficiently done in the course of the discussion by others. He would, however, observe that the power of prescribing additional qualifications has not by the people in their conventions been granted to congress, nor does congress claim or pretend to exercise it. They have not either by the federal ratifying conventions or by the state constitutions, vested that power in the state legislatures. Whence then did the state legislatures derive this right of making supplements to the qualifications prescribed by the federal constitution; not from the people in any known manner.
The federal constitution has restrained the natural rights of the people with respect to the qualifications of their representatives as far as was then thought necessary for the safety of the union, and no further. The state legislatures are corporate bodies, they do not act by national right, they are restrained by both the state and the federal constitutions. The power of prescribing qualifications either for members of the state legislatures or of congress, has not been vested in them, therefore whenever they exercise this authority they do it by an assumption of unauthorised power. The state or federal legislatures possess no original rights, but only such as are derivative and representative. All original powers are naturally and originally in the people, and every assumption of the powers and rights belonging to them is an encroachment on the sovereignty which the people have retained in their own hands.
Let it not however be said that no power to prescribe additional qualifications exists in the United States; if it does not exist in the state governments, it exists in the people of the United States who are the real sovereigns, and is by them transferred to the state legislatures, and to congress, two thirds of both agreeing; in this way several amendments to the federal constitution have been made, and more may be made, or the people may call a federal convention, but a state legislature was never authorised to abridge
the constitutional liberty of the people in voting for their representatives.
Mr. F. said he had never heard the opposite doctrine advocated but by introducing extreme and improbable cases, such as had never happened in states which adhered strictly to the constitutional rule, nor were likely ever to happen. Such as, that if the people were admitted to vote for any inhabitant of the state duly qualified agreeably to the constitution, they might, or would vote for an idiot, a madman, or an infamous character, or would vote for all the members to represent the different districts of a large state, out of one district, &c. He said that these objections required but a very short answer—in the states who adhered to the constitution no one instance of that kind had happened, and if ever it did happen it would be an indubitable proof that the people who did so, were either idiots, madmen, or infamous characters themselves, and therefore totally disqualified to be citizens of a republican government, and only fit to be slaves to a master, and that those who made use of such arguments only did so to save the people from their worst enemies, themselves. To this he was not prepared to give his assent.
(Debate to be Continued.)
Monday, Nov. 23.
Mr. Elliot, from the committee appointed to enquire what alterations were necessary to be made in the act for appointing an additional judge, &c. in the Mississippi territory, reported a bill for extending jurisdiction in certain cases to the territorial courts, and for other purposes; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
Mr. Marion presented the petition of James Wilson, which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Jer. Morrow said that by the several acts for placing on the pension list persons who were wounded in the service of the United States, no provision was made for persons wounded on the frontiers of the United States, or elsewhere since the revolutionary war, many persons in that situation were undoubtedly entitled to relief. He therefore offered the following resolution, which was agreed to.
Resolved, That the committee appointed on the 5th inst. to enquire what compensation should be allowed for issuing commissions, giving authority to take testimony or examinations relative to claims or applications under the act to provide for persons who were wounded by known wounds received in the revolutionary war, be instructed to enquire whether provision ought not to be made by law for placing on the pension list of the United States, persons who have received wounds in the U. States subsequent to the revolutionary war, and who were called into service under any of the several acts of congress providing for the protection of the frontiers, such persons having served in the militia, in a volunteer corps, or in the regular forces or under a special engagement, and that they report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Chandler presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Kennebec, in the district of Maine, praying for the establishment of a port of delivery; which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
An engrossed bill for allowing additional compensation to the secretary of the Mississippi, Indiana, Louisiana, and Michigan territories, was read the third time and passed.
The engrossed bill for the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, was about to be read for the third time, when
Mr. Nelson moved that it be recommitted to a select committee for the purpose of amendment.
On this motion a debate ensued, in which the motion was supported by Messrs. Nelson, Sloan, Smith, Key, Crowninshield, Desha, Bacon and Talmaige, and opposed by Messrs. Lewis and Gaudener.
The reasons given in favor of recommittment, were that the corporation was made perpetual; that there ought to be some provision allowing the U. States to become purchasers if they chose, after a certain length of time, in order to make it a free bridge; that there was in the bill no provision making the shares of a stockholder amenable to process of law; that a man might consequently vest all his property in this stock in order to defraud his creditors; and that there was in the bill no provision for clearing the channel of the river, in case it should be injured by the bridge being carried away by ice, storms, &c. or should be left unfinished.
Those who opposed the motion expressed their regret that these amendments had not been thought of when the bill was before the committee of the whole, and open for amendment; that this was done with a design to defeat the principle of the bill, and that the advocates of the motion might be compared to physicians who administered their nostrums to an infant till they strangled it; in answer to the first objection it was replied that the risk which the subscribers would run in the experiment entitled them to ample remuneration, and yet whenever the annual income exceeded 15 per centum on their capital, congress was authorised to lower the tolls; to the second objection it was answered that every monied institution was liable to the same objection; that creditors were authorised to seize upon tolls arising from the stock of individuals, and to sequestrate them till

they received their dues; and to the third objection, it was said that these events were within the bare compass of possibility, and might never happen.
The motion for recommittal to a select committee was carried—Ayes 72: and the same committee appointed that brought in the bill.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of Ways and Means, made a report in favor of the petitions of Edward Weld and Samuel Beebe; which was referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday next.
Mr. G. W. Campbell from the same committee made report on the petitions of the measurers of salt and coal, & inspectors of customs in the district of New-York; and on the petitions of several inspectors of Baltimore, New-York, and Boston; declaring it as the opinion of the committee, that it is inexpedient at this time to grant their request. These reports were referred to the committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Blount moved that the petition of sundry traders, merchants, &c. in the district of Edenton, N. C. praying for a port of entry, be referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures—Agreed.
Mr. Blount also moved that the petition of sundry inhabitants in the town of Washington N. C. praying for the establishment of a mail boat to Shell Castle Island, be referred to the Post-Office committee. Agreed.
Mr. Thomas said, that by an act passed in 1798 the Secretary of war, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Comptroller of the Treasury were appointed commissioners to examine the claims of refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia. These commissioners had made two reports on those claims, which had not yet been finally acted on. At the last session they were referred to a select committee, who reported a bill which passed this House, but was postponed in the Senate. He now moved that they be referred to a select committee. Agreed, Ayes 55, Nays 23; and the following gentlemen appointed the committee; Messrs. Thomas, Bibb, and Bacon.
On motion of Mr. Poindexter, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill to extend the right of suffrage in the Mississippi territory, and for other purposes.
Mr. Troup moved to strike out the 1st section of the bill, extending the right of suffrage, as well on the ground of its being incompatible with the articles of cession and agreement between the U. States and Georgia as on its inexpediency.
The motion was supported by Messrs. Troup and Bibb, and opposed by Messrs. Poindexter, W. Alston, Rhea of Ten. and Sloan, who contended that there was no doubt of the right of Congress to legislate on this subject or of its expediency.
[An abstract of the arguments shall be given in a future paper.] When the committee rose without coming to a decision, and obtained leave to sit again.
FROM THE AURORA.
LETTER THE FIRST.
TO JOHN MARSHALL,
CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE U. STATES.
Sir—The appearance of a letter, addressed to you, in a news-paper, is calculated to excite the curiosity of the public, more than to flatter your vanity—and it is less likely to gratify your feelings, than to excite anticipations of pain, too strong to leave the slightest promise of pleasure. You could have dispensed with the honor of this address, without regret or mortification, and consoled yourself for the want of a proper appreciation of your virtues and talents, with the fruits of their exertion. But you have an equal title to both, and the justice of the public will pay that tribute to your worth, which your modesty would willingly decline.
Your country sir, owes you a debt of gratitude for former favors. The addition of a new item to the account, naturally produces a recurrence to them, and a wish to settle the added amount of the whole. This, I fear, is beyond the ability of your debtor, because the whole stock of national indignation and contempt would be exhausted, before the half of your just claim could be discharged.
But in the distribution of that infamy, and detestation, which will certainly be divided among those, who have long labored, with a zealous ardour which nothing could abate, and a patient industry which no difficulties could tire, for the destruction of our republican institutions, the subversion of our government, and the erection of tyranny, upon the tomb of freedom, you, as a principal creditor, shall not be forgotten.
If, sir, the exertion of your abilities had been confined to the defence of measures incompatible with the spirit of republican government, or to the mysteries of diplomatic agency, one of the virtues , which most strongly marks your political character, would have flourished and died in obscurity; the invincible strength of your attachment to federal principles. Your worst enemies, and best friends must now acknowledge the fidelity of your attachments, and bear testimony to the uniform consistency of your conduct.
The wisdom of age, has confirmed and sanctioned the choice of youth. The examination and trial of Aaron Burr for treason, and misdemeanor, have furnished you with a happy opportunity, not only to display this hidden virtue to the world, but of exercising the endless variety of your talents.
The superiority of your understanding, the force of your penetration, the strength of your judgment, in conducting the manoeuvres of a political party, have already been displayed and admired, while their application was deplored and detested. Your diplomatic skill and crafty cunning cannot be doubted by any, who recollect, that you have passed even the " X. Y. Z. " of ministerial exercises. The facility with which you can "answer" the plainest questions with evasive obscurity, to conceal your opinions from the people, whose organ and representative you wished to be, has been recorded in pages consecrated by the "ho-
y enthusiasm" of exalted genius and pure patriotism. You have not lived in vain. By exciting the genius and talents and inferring an unintended benefit on your country, and have added, to the literary glory of Virginia, a ray of lustre, which will shine, when even the splendor of your talents and your crimes shall have faded forever. When your volumes* of apology for British insolence and cruelty, shall be buried in oblivion, the " letters of Curtius " will tell posterity that you existed ; and " damn you to everlasting fame ."
Your ingenuity in the interpretation of the laws, and the discreet and useful management of that sound discretion , confided to those who ought to be the organs of the true intention and meaning of the legislator, and the impartial dispensers of justice, have been reserved for an occasion worthy of their exertion even by a chief justice, the friend and favorite of John Adams.
An opportunity of doing an essential service to the cause of federalism so seldom occurs, that it would be an injustice to your understanding to suppose that you did not instantly perceive, and to your zeal that you did not improve, that which the projects of Burr has presented. But you have even surpassed the expectation of many of your own party. This, I attribute, not only to the motives which have hitherto guided the movements of that party, and yourself, but to the operation of feelings strongly excited. I do not suppose, that you weakly yield to the effusions of tenderness, or the ebullitions of passion, when they are opposed by your sober judgment, but that, like a wise man, you only indulge them, when it can be safely done without counteracting the superior views of interest or ambition.
It is natural that men, who have long labored to effect the same purpose, although by different means, should sympathise in their mutual sufferings, when disappointed and defeated. A similarity of pursuits, constantly causes a concurrence of sentiments and feelings. A speculative difference in opinions is lost and forgotten, in the pursuits of a common object. Even the leaders of opposed factions, can forget their enmity, and unite their forces, to resist the cause of virtue, and to repel its superior power when it threatens their destruction. It is not, therefore, strange, that you should be affected by the sufferings of Aaron Burr, or should feel a disposition to alleviate them.
Nothing can more aptly illustrate the principles of the federal party, or demonstrate their designs, than a fair exposition of their conduct towards Aaron Burr. The naked deformity of that conduct, has disgusted many who were delighted with the shining robe which had once concealed it. The worthy men of that party, who had been deceived by the pretences and ostensible motives of men, whose real designs were not to "give energy to the government," but slavery to the people, have been awakened from the dreams of federal intoxication, by the severe shock of treason—They have fled with the utmost precipitation.—For good men of every party will unite in their detestation of an action, which, without reference to party, or to names, is in itself immoral, criminal, and wicked.
The spirit which fired the breasts of the federal leaders, and the unhallowed flame that burnt the bosom of Burr, were seen to approach the sphere of each other's attraction. The similarity of their appearance was marked, the same in colours, shades, and shapes, it was obvious that they were only separated particles of the same body, and would immediately unite. Every atom of honesty, attached to federalism, instantly receded from the detestable union. Recollect, sir, the conduct of your party towards Aaron Burr in 1804,—recollect your own.
Was he then their friend, would any one of the party have then volunteered in his defence? Would Lee, or Martin, have been heard as his counsel, on an indictment for the murder of Hamilton? Would you have bailed him, during his examination , for that offence?
What has Burr done since the commission of that crime to atone for it? What has been his " peace offering ?" I answer— treason against his country .
Ignorant of the satanic services he was meditating, and counting the death of Hamilton a clear loss; they loaded him with curses and execrations, whom they now cherish and defend, and within a few days have pardoned †.
You have eaten of the same bread, and drank of the same cup, after solemnly deciding the probability of his guilt, and the remembrance of his former sins is lost in the magnitude of his present crimes against his country ‡. The " small still voice " of murder is not heard amidst the shouts of treason. Your party with the warmth of sincerity, shake his hand, stained, wet, and chilled with the blood of a former friend; all sense of prior attachments, and the blackest criminality, are overwhelmed by the tide of gratitude for bold attempts to divide the U. States, and to subvert the government.
The general character of your party justified a suspicion, that the projects of Burr would receive their aid, because the object of both was the destruction of our present government. That suspicion has been confirmed by their late conduct, which has developed the designs and demonstrated the tendency of their principles, beyond the possibility of rational doubt. The conduct of the party has been the subject of common observation, and trite remark. But no individual has been marked by particular animadversion. The distinguished part you have acted, and the masterly manner in which you have supported it, gave you a title to separate consideration, and particular attention. A separate critique is due to the chief juggler , while a general remark is all that can be claimed, by such pitiful puppets as Blenerhasset and Dayton , Lee and Martin .
*The life of Washington, O " profanitas impia tituli ."
†Note prosequi has been entered in Bergen county, Jersey, under the plea of defects in the indictment.
‡At the house of Jno. Wickham in Richmond.
The collected merits, of your conduct during the examination and trial of Burr, have not failed to make a proper impression on the public mind, although many of the separate parts have lost their divided and peculiar flavour, in the combined sweetness of the whole. The distinct tastes of the component parts, shall yet feast the palate of the public.
In another letter, I shall remark upon your conduct on the examination of Aaron Burr for treason and misdemeanor, and I solemnly undertake to shew, that you have rendered the administration of justice suspected —that you have manifested a partiality disgraceful to the character of a judge —and that you have prostrated the dignity of the chief justice of the U. S.
These serious charges will meet the attention of the public, and will command even your consideration. If they are groundless, the voice of the public by honorably acquitting you, will condemn me. The severity of truth will probably wound your feelings and excite the hatred and animosity, of your friends, and party. But, sir, the best interests of the nation must not be sacrificed to the feelings of any man. I shall not regard the threats and menaces of your friends, nor an affected contempt, or an impudent and hardy denial of facts by yourself.
Whether the whole of your conduct has been guided by personal considerations, private friendship, or by party spirit—or a determined hatred and hostility to the government and the laws, is not for me to determine. I do not wish to dive into your breast. Your warmest friends cannot attribute to personal enmity, or private pique, the animadversions of a man, who never exchanged a word with you, and who, so far as he is acquainted with your private character, will bear testimony to its correctness.
Every good man must deplore the blind zeal, the mad infatuation, which have turned your transcendent talents against your country, and rendered you a disgrace to the bench of justice. You might have been loved for your virtues, revered and respected for your wisdom, and admired for your talents; you might have been one of the boasted patriots of Virginia, and the illustrious benefactor of your own species. But you have chosen to be among the leaders of a faction, who would be as faithless to you to-morrow, as they are to Hamilton this day, had they no prospect of deriving advantages from the use of you —a faction remarkable for nothing, but rancorous animosity, violent opposition to the government of their country, and to the choice of the people; and for their daring attempts, by intrigue and violence, to destroy the liberty and happiness of America:—You must deplore in secret the choice you have made.
It is not necessary to the establishment of my charges against you, that I should shew a breach of legal forms : It is the spirit of justice, and the meaning of the laws , which you have violated and disregarded. I complain that only the forms remain. Even Brumley, Jeffries, and Mansfield , as well as Marshall , said they respected the forms of law.—Nor will it be expected, that in arraighing you at the bar of the public, I shall preserve the accurate precision of a special pleader.
If my accusation is substantially true, and plainly set forth, I shall be permitted to disregard those technical forms, which serve only to protect some persons who uphold them, from the punishment due to their crimes. However informal the accusation, and dull the arguments may be, I shall be honored with the attention of the public, because the honor and dignity of the highest judicial officer of the U. States, are involved in the issue.
LUCIUS.
LETTER THE SECOND.
TO JOHN MARSHALL,
CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE U. STATES.
Sir—I have solemnly undertaken to shew, " that you have rendered the administration of justice suspected —that you have manifested a partiality disgraceful to the character of a judge —and that you have prostrated the dignity of the chief justice of the United States ."
This letter might with more propriety have been addressed to the public. Neither a statement of facts, nor the adduction of arguments, are necessary to convince your understanding of the truth of these charges. Your penetration could foresee the consequences of your conduct, as your conscience can tell the motives which produced it.
I will not insult the public judgment by professing to believe in the shallowness of your head, or the puny of your heart, nor do I mean to flatter you, when I declare, that my admiration of the one, is only equalled by my detestation of the other.
Perhaps it may be asked how a conduct, which plainly betrays the truth of the charges alleged against you, can consist with your understanding, and talents. The answer is easy. A very limited knowledge is sufficient to inform us, that passions and prejudices more frequently direct the actions of men, than prudence and judgment, that the very care to hide our partialities, often betrays them; and that means, although indirect, sometimes point out and defeat the end for which they were calculated.
The examination of Aaron Burr before you at the Eagle Tavern, in Richmond, I presume was not final; the proceedings at the Capitol on the succeeding day, were nothing more than a continuation of that examination. I make this conclusion, because the functions of an examining magistrate cease, as such, immediately on his determining the probable guilt or innocence of the accused, and discharging, bailing, or committing to the custody of the prisoner.
If you had decided upon the probable guilt of Aaron Burr at the Eagle Tavern, your functions were ipso facto discharged, and you could not have re-examined him on the same warrant the next day at the Capitol; for you would have had no jurisdiction, having previously decided on the same charges.
Do the laws of Congress, or the state of Virginia authorize an examining magistrate to take the body of the accused out of the custody of the officer, having a war-
rant against him, and to bail, discharge or commit him previous to the decision on his probable guilt or innocence ?
Is not the right to bail, &c. consequence of the decision of the case upon the exhibition of the testimony? If it is, from whence derive the legal right to bail Aaron Burr, during the examination and before the delivery of an opinion upon this case ?
But suppose this to be one of the powers confided to the sound discretion of an examining magistrate; that he might even make any temporary order pendente examinatione , to suit his own convenience, that of the accused, or to further the cause of justice, or humanity; was this a case where the exercise of that discretionary power was necessary, either for the purposes of humanity, of justice, or such convenience, as was compatible with the safe keeping of the accused until a final decision?
Every man who recollects that Richmond was the scene of the examination, must know that A. Burr might have been accommodated in the custody of the marshal for one day without being put to any inconvenience sufficient to justify you in giving him an opportunity to escape. Do you believe that he had any thing to fear from the cruelty, or even any surpisable rudeness of Major Scott? You must know that the politeness of the marshal would have afforded to his charge every accommodation which was consistent with his duty.
For what purpose then, sir, if you had the right, did you bail Aaron Burr, between the time of the private examination at the Eagle Tavern, and the public one at the very next day at the Capitol ?
I defy all the federalists, traitors, casuists, and jesuits of counsel for you, to help you to one good reason.
This extraordinary and illegal act of partiality and tenderness no doubt relieved the groundless fears of Burr. The very act which gave him an opportunity to escape, proved incontestably that flight was not necessary to his safety; that he had literally " a friend at court ." But it seems, that the humanity of the act was even exceeded by the mercy of the means. You were determined to lay no restraint on the exercise of his understanding as to the expediency of flight. Although you had convinced him that he should have all the advantages of a trial without risk to his person, yet you did not wish that he should be compelled by any pecuniary considerations to experience during the tedious forms of a trial, the many little favors a chief justice can confer. You therefore bailed him in the sum of $5,000, before the examination was terminated, while it was yet undetermined whether there was not probable cause to believe that he was guilty of the highest crime which a member of society can commit—treason against his country.
And yet, on a succeeding day, after an examination of all the evidence, and a discussion upon the merits, after solemnly determining that there was not probable cause to believe that treason had been committed by the accused, you required bail to the amount of $10,000 for probable cause to believe that he had been guilty of misdemeanor only . . . . . !
When it is doubtful whether the accused had not committed both treason and misdemeanor, you bail him in $5,000; when it is ascertained that he is probably guilty of misdemeanor only, you require bail in 10,000 dollars!
You will soon be as expert at the inversion of numbers, as you now are at the perversion of justice. According to your judicial arithmetic, if a crime five thousand times more criminal and detestable than treason could be devised and perpetrated, the offender ought to be bailed in the sum of one dollar.
To attribute these acts of monstrous and manifest partiality to the sound discretion of an upright judge, would disgrace the understanding of an idiot. The discretion of a judge, is not his unbridled and wayward will, but the discerning of that which is just, according to the laws and customs of his country. It will be much easier to find a precedent for partiality to shelter yourself, than to prove to your countrymen, the purity of your principles, or the propriety of your conduct.
You might have gone much farther, and cited precedents for your satisfaction. If A. Burr had been brought before you, with the cup of poison and sword of treason in his hands, you might have bailed him and have satisfied civilians with the authority of lord Mansfield, who bailed a felon taken with the stolen goods in his hands. But all of us are not civilians, and some even doubt the propriety of following a bad example although it assumes the shape of a new precedent.
It would be well therefore, before you cite authorities, to prove their legality and justice, and that their authors had not the same pre-eminent claims to public suspicion and animadversion, by which you are at present distinguished. You are not the only chief justice whose labors have not been properly rewarded. The people of the U. S. have yet the power of doing you some justice through the medium of constitutional provision, and I hope they will exercise it.
I shall not here remark upon that part of your opinion, on the motion to commit A. Burr for treason and misdemeanor, which defines treason by levying war . That it cannot be reconciled either with the opinion of the supreme court of the U. S. delivered by yourself in the case of Bollman and Swartwout, nor with the equiocal, double-faced discourse on the motion to arrest the evidence on the trial in chief of A. Burr, must be obvious to the understanding of every man, who will admit that a definite idea can be conveyed by any words in the English language.
If any one of the three opinions, declares the sense of the constitution, the other two pervert it. The one enlarges, the other restrains, one contracts, the other dilates, the meaning of an instrument too stubborn to be easily adapted to your gum-elastic ideas of treason, stretching and contracting to suit the situation of the accused; changing as the rays of evidence shed their encircling light upon it.
But from the record of your own opinion, added to notorious facts, I shall shew that your reasons for not inserting in the war-
rant of commitment the charge of treason, were not founded on legal axioms, nor on facts admitted or proven; but were merely specious, unlawful, and based upon an unwarrantable supposition , inconsistent with facts known to the public, and which it is fair therefore to presume were within your knowledge.
In that part of your opinion which considers the probability of the commission of an overt act of treason, by an actual assemblage of men for the purpose of making war against the U. S. I understand you to have said of Swartwout's declaration , relied on to render the fact of assemblage probable, " that the utmost point to which this testimony can be extended is, that it denotes a further embodying of men, which is more particularly mentioned in the letter itself, and that it affords probable cause to believe, that the troops did actually embody at the period designated for their assembling, which is sufficient to induce the justice to whom the application is made to commit for trial ."
Here is an admission that Swartwout's declaration cannot extend to the points of probability , that troops did actually embody at the period designated for their assembling.
Now it must be granted that, as the probability of guilt, is all that is necessary to be proven before an examining magistrate; and as this testimony was affirmative of that probability, it was certainly sufficient and ought to have induced you, to commit A. Burr on the charge of treason, unless the probable cause to believe the commission of the overt act, afforded by this testimony, was done away by other equally weighty and opposing evidence.
For whenever legal evidence is adduced in court to establish a fact capable of such proof, the court are bound to consider as true the facts supported by the evidence, until other testimony is introduced, which disapproves either the supported facts themselves, or leaves the mind free by impeaching the credibility of the witnesses on whose veracity the belief depended.
I am warranted in going farther, whenever a legal presumption, is created, that presumption must stand until the contrary is proven. Now, sir, where is the testimony doing away the presumption admitted to arise from Swartwout's declaration ? There was none produced by the accused.
After admitting that Swartwout's declaration can furnish probable cause to believe that the fact was committed, " which is sufficient to induce the justice to whom the application is made, to commit for trial ," you require proof of the fact itself, you ask, " why is not proven? " Let me answer, by asking where was the necessity of positively proving the fact, if Swartwout's declaration can afford probable cause to believe, that " troops did actually embody at the period designated for their assembling ," which is sufficient to induce the justice to whom the application is made, to commit for trial.
You ask for further proof of what? Of that which you have already admitted to be proven sufficiently to induce a commitment.
The amount of your doctrine is, that legal presumptions are destroyed by the non-production of positive proof. At one blow, you annihilate the whole doctrine of presumptive evidence. For if the non-introduction of direct testimony destroys presumptive proof, how can it exist?
I know of no other kinds of evidence, except positive and presumptive. The production of positive proof certainly leaves no room for presumption, and according to your doctrine, its non-production, destroys the very existence of that presumption. But even could I admit the legality of this extraordinary doctrine, yet I shall shew that in this case, the non production of which you so much complain ought not even to have weakened the strength of the presumption arising out of Swartwout's declaration , and that " your reasons were at least based upon an unwarrantable supposition inconsistent with facts known to the public, and which it is fair therefore to presume were within your knowledge ."
In my next, I undertake to shew, that you have exhibited a culpable partiality towards the accused; & a shameless solicitude (in which you failed) to implicate the government of your country as negligent of their duty—and that this imputation of negligence framed by your own ingenuity, was a negligence, of doing what it was impossible to do; while if the judge had, as was his duty, attended to the course of conduct pursued by the executive, the diligence which was pursued ought to have extorted from a less malicious magistrate, sentiments more consistent with the dignity of the judicial character, and more creditable to his liberality, instead of being reproachful to his head and heart.
LUCIUS.
LONDON, Oct. 12.
AMERICA.—On Tuesday last, we gave some important extracts from various American journals, by which it will be seen how much dissention prevails in that mob governed country with respect to its future relations with Great Britain. While one party cries out for war, another as eagerly deprecates it, and clamor and tumult and violence, are the orders of the day.
It is difficult to conjecture what may be the determination of our government upon the present question at issue between the two countries. We are willing to flatter ourselves, however, that if there be a party of British spirit among those who now compose it, they will not suffer Great Britain to be trodden under foot by an infuriate democracy, influenced by a leader notoriously the tool of France—that they will not suffer her naval rights to be invaded, nor her flag disgraced—and above all, that they will never consent to the removal of one of her best and ablest, most experienced and active officers, admiral Berkeley, now commanding on that station, for having acted (although with the utmost forbearance) in the firm and conscientious discharge of his duty.
If they consent to abrogate the right of search—if they allow themselves to be lulled into any concessions which trench upon the honor of the British flag; and if they disgrace the man who has nobly stood forward in defence of every thing that is dear to Britain, her last hours as a nation are

rapidly approaching. But time will even then be afforded to bestow exemplary punishment on such mean and base betrayers of their country.
We have attentively considered Mr. Jefferson's memorial, and shall hereafter offer some remarks upon it; in which we have no doubt but that we can satisfy our readers in the justice of the late proceedings of the Leopard, and how totally unfounded the president is in almost every article of his declaratory manifesto.
True Briton.
The papers report that a French privateer had captured an American vessel, under pretence of being a lawful prize, as having come from an English port. Another such instance, and it may be necessary to ANTICIPATE the designs of "the PERSON who rules in France," to take possession of the American navy, &c.
Morn. Chron.
Mr. Canning's last notification in the Gazette has puzzled the public in no small degree. The very best maps have been consulted to find out, who was meant by the learned secretary as "FRIENDLY and NEUTRAL powers!"
DECREE OF HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY OF ALL THE RUSSIAS.
Issued from the Senate at St. Petersburg.
Agreeable to a decree, ratified by his Imperial majesty it has been made known to the Senate at St. Petersburg on the 23rd day of August, as follows: In order to secure peace, it would be necessary, to avoid all inconvenience that may arise from allowing strangers who might be prejudicial to the community, from entering or quitting Russia; we have therefore deemed it right to make the following regulations for foreigners entering the Russian territories:
 1. No foreigners of any description shall be admitted into Russia, without a passport from our minister for foreign affairs.  2. These passports shall not be granted, until there be proper application made by the ministers or consuls, residing in their respective places.  3. Ministers or consuls must petition for such passports in no other shape than by its being confirmed by the magistrates of the place wherein they reside, stating the object of their journey to Russia, and which passport will be claimed on their entering the Russian territories.  4. All foreigners, receiving passports to proceed to Russia, must be advertised in the newspapers by their respective ministers.  5. This decree extends itself to all foreigners, without exception; to take place from the first of January, 1808, until which time the old decree will remain in force.  6. It is understood that messengers dispatched from their respective courts, are to enter the territories without the least detention, as before decreed. Having adopted proper measures for admitting foreigners into our empire, it will equally be necessary to take steps to prevent foreigners quitting the empire, under restrictions, which we have decreed by the following articles:  7. In order to enable a foreigner to quit the Russian territory, he must be in possession of a passport, signed by the minister for foreign affairs.  8. On foreigners quitting the country, they must draw up a petition to the minister for foreign affairs.  9. The latter two articles must be strictly adhered to, in the same manner as the former ones directed by the above ukase. 
PROCLAMATION, Of the King of Prussia, excluding the English from his Ports.
It is hereby made known to all merchants of this place, that in pursuance of the peace concluded at Tilsit, between Prussia and France, not only all Prussian ports shall be shut against the English ships, but that also all trade and commerce between Prussia and England must cease.
Hitherto they could only be shut up in a private manner, because several Prussian ships were lying in English ports, and it became therefore necessary to preserve them, and because several other vessels, laden with provisions, unavoidably required for this country, were still at sea. These obstacles being now removed, we hereby publicly make known, by his royal majesty's command, that this port, in common with all other Prussian harbors, are shut against all ships that are English, or belonging to any individual of the English nation; that under no circumstances and no pretences whatever, any English ship, or even a neutral bottom coming from English ports or English colonies, shall be admitted in the ports of this country; and that no person shall be permitted, on pain of the goods being confiscated, and other severe punishment inflicted, to send goods from this place to any English port or English colony, or to order them to be sent to this port—in short, that no navigation or trade with England, or the English colonies, shall be permitted either in English or neutral bottoms. Now whereas the strict observance and execution of this point, stipulated in the treaty of Tilsit between France and Prussia, has been enjoined to us by his royal majesty in the most rigorous manner, and on pain of being dismissed from our offices, and other severe punishments; therefore we have strictly directed and instructed all our subordinate officers carefully to watch over all cases of transgressions, and as soon as any such cases shall happen and take place, immediately report them to us.
While we thus give the public notice on the said subject, we at the same time advise and warn all merchants of this place not to render themselves guilty of a contravention, which from the measures we have adopted, will certainly be discovered; and not to expose themselves, on account of a small illicit profit, to the confiscation of their goods, and other severe criminal punishment.
Royal Prussian court of navigation and trade.
BRAHL. Memel, Sept. 2, 1807. BLANK BONDS For Sale at this Office.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND: FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1807.
AS the General Assembly of Virginia will commence their session on Monday next, we take the liberty of recommending to their particular attention the important subject of the Judiciary of the United States.
The extraordinary proceedings in the case of AARON BURN, so severely and justly censured by Lucius in his eloquent letters to the Chief Justice, (two of which we have now the pleasure of presenting to the readers of the Argus) clearly show that an independent Judiciary (that is to say, a Judiciary not controlled by the laws, and above the fear of violating them) is a very pernicious thing. That the federal Judiciary is, in this sense of the word, independent, is perfectly certain; since no power at present exists by which it is probable a Judge could be punished, even for palpable treachery to his country and wilful perversion of the law; a trial before the supreme court of impeachments being only a solemn and expensive farce.
Every friend of a free government must wish the members of the Judiciary to be independent of all improper influence; to be free from the smallest suspicion of being governed by fear, favor, or affection; and to enjoy salaries sufficient to set them far above the temptation of bribery or corruption.
But this desirable independence of the Judges is very different from that which places them above the law; enabling them not only to legislate by their decisions, but to vary from and dispense with those decisions, whenever it suits their purposes.
It is evident that in delivering his opinions in the case of Burn , Judge Marshall must have known that he possessed the latter of these two species of independence; that he felt himself to be legislating with the law which the supreme court of the United States had previously declared on the same subject; that as he looked down with contempt on the opinions of the people, so also he was conscious of being above the reach of punishment.
But such a state of things ought not to be tolerated in a free country. No person should be above the law; and, especially, those who interpret and apply it to the cases of others should be compelled to obey it strictly themselves. True it is that a Judge ought not to be punished for an error of opinion, where that error is not produced by an improper bias. But where the opinions of a Judge are found to be continually or systematically hostile to the liberties of the people, or injurious to their safety, even though no proof of corrupt motives can be exhibited against him, he ought to be removed from office .
Officers ought not to be considered as the property of individuals, but of the public; and those who fill them are only trustees for the general good. They do not hold their honors and salaries for their own sakes; that they may live at ease and fatten on the treasury; but merely for the purpose of performing useful and laborious duties, for which they are entitled to, and ought to receive, an adequate compensation. A removal from office ought not therefore to be considered as a punishment for a crime; neither ought it to take place in those cases only where a crime has been committed.
A want of skill and knowledge in the law, a defect of understanding, or the possessing and acting under the guidance of erroneous and dangerous principles, are all good and sufficient reasons for removing a Judge from office—If the point is frequently otherwise considered, it must arise from the mistaken impressions generally entertained concerning the independence of the Judiciary, or from the idea that the office is the property of the Judge who holds it, and that he ought not to be deprived of his property without conviction of a crime; opinions which are certainly contrary to those laid down in the Bill of Rights of Virginia as the foundation of all good government.
Yet, for none of these glaring defects, can a Judge be removed from office, as the constitution of the United States now stands.
It is time, therefore, that an amendment should be proposed authorizing and requiring the President to remove any Judge from office at the request of a majority of both houses of Congress. Such an amendment could not have the effect of producing any improper influence on the minds of the Judges, or of diminishing their legitimate and useful independence . A good Judge would never be prevented from doing justice by the fear of losing his place, and a bad one ought to be subject to the wholesome control of his country. The opinion of the majority of both houses of Congress would generally be on the side of justice; and, if it sometimes erred, it is better in a free country that the will of the people should prevail, (the government being instituted for them and to be administered according to their wishes ) rather than the will of a few persons, whose interest (being in conflict with that of the great body of the community,) will much oftener lead them to do wrong.
All human institutions are imperfect; but the proposed amendment, though it would not be altogether free from evil, would, most assuredly, be a great and important improvement to the constitution of the United States.
We hope, therefore, that the General Assembly of Virginia, always ardent and active in the cause of republicanism, will not be hindered on this occasion; but will take up the subject early in the session, and propose the amendment as speedily as possible.
IF a man has employed an overseer, and finds he does not understand how to make a crop, (though he be guilty of no particular offence,) he turns him away, and gets another. If he employs a taylor who does his work unskillfully, and not to his own taste, (though to the best of his, the taylor's,) abilities,) he afterwards carries his work to another shop, where he expects to get it better done. The same observation holds good in all other trades and employments, except in that of a JUDGE.
So great is the sanctity of the character of a JUDGE, we are told that nothing can injure it but actual villainy!
A JUDGE who blunders eternally on the bench, may know nothing of the law, or by his aris-
toerate and monarchical opinions, may pervert what he knows to the ruin of his employers, the people. Yet they must not be as wise, collectively, as every one of them is singly, and must keep their public servant in their employment, until they can detect him in some crime! Is such an absurdity any longer to be tolerated by the people of the United States of America?
The recal of Mr. Erskine from the embassy to the U. States is certain: the alleged ground of his recal is that he has married an American lady .— Aurora
The late visit of the British to Copenhagen was merely to take care of the Danish fleet in an amicable way ; but as the Danes appear not to be perfectly satisfied of the amicable intention, the British have determined to give for her pro- as is frequent in maritime cases, by taking the island of Zealand under their protection in the same amicable manner .
Trenton (N. J.) Nov. 23. A bill for purchasing 3000 stand of arms and 12 pieces of light field artillery, passed the House of Assembly on Saturday, 36 ayes, 7 nays. For the cannon 6000 dollars are appropriated—the small arms, the governor is authorised to obtain of the government, on account of the debt due from the United States to this state.
FRENCH DECREE. Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
FROM LATE FRENCH PAPERS. Vessels having touched in England—The 8th article of the imperial decree of the 21st of Nov. last prohibits the receiving in our ports of any vessel direct from England or from English colonies, or having been there since its publication. The 8th article provides that every vessel which by means of a false declaration, contravenes this disposition, shall as well as her cargo, be confiscated as English property.
The director general announces by his circular of the 4th of this month (September) that his majesty has just decided that those two articles ought to have their full and entire execution; and that any vessel which shall have stopped in England, or shall have been conducted hither cannot be admitted.
So that the immediate return of those vessels, let the alleged cause of entry be what it may, will be required. Those who, by a false declaration, shall dissimulate their having stopped in England, and succeed in entering our port, shall be seized, and they and their cargoes shall be proceeded against according to the decree relative to English property.
Raleigh (N. C.) Nov. 26. Col. Benjamin Williams was, on Tuesday last, elected Governor of this State for the ensuing year. Archibald McBride, of Moore county, was on the same day elected Solicitor of the Fifth Superior Court District—And Joseph Gales, Printer to the State.
EXTRACT From the communication of the Governor of Maryland, to the Legislature.
"At the same time that I informed you of the diligence and activity of the officers generally organising the militia, and their patriotism in promoting voluntary associations, I am bound in justice to my own feelings, and the merits of the brigade, commanded by brigadier general Stricker, to inform you, that on the 19th day of October last, by the invitation of the general, I reviewed his brigade; consisting of upwards of two thousand men, composed of the regiments commanded by colonels Moser, Bays, Lowry, and Mackemheimer; the artillery commanded by captain David Harris and Thomas Tenant; and the cavalry and hussars commanded by captain Blays, Hollingsworth, W. B. Barney, and Reese—that the whole brigade was in full uniform, well armed, and the cavalry and hussars well mounted. That they performed the various evolutions of the day with great exactness, and that they already wore the appearance of veterans, and the cheerfulness of conquerors. But what completed the pleasure of the day was that nearly the whole of them were volunteers under the present requisition, citizens in the enjoyment of every comfort and luxury of life already prepared to take the field and to exchange them for the fatigues of the campaign, in defence of the violated rights of a bleeding country. You will hereby be satisfied that your fellow citizens in arms are ready to do their duty, and believe me that the liberties of America can never be lost while every citizen is a soldier, and every soldier the centinel of his own."
"This pleasing view of the patriotism and readiness of our citizens to rally round the standard of government, and to avenge our wrongs, will necessarily induce you to examine and perfect the law for their government, and to provide such arms as you may deem necessary for their use; and here permit me to recommend to you, the work of a late French officer, on the modern arms, and mode of European warfare, (herewith sent) that we may profit by the experience bought by so much blood and treasure; and altho' the American people prefer the pacific olive laurel, that we may be prepared for war, that curse and scourge of nations, if war must be our lot, in which event I trust every citizen will be at his post."
"I have the honor to be, "With great respect, "Your obedient servant, "ROBERT WRIGHT."
TO THE Members of Assembly.
THE Subscriber, living eight miles from Richmond, will take Horses the ensuing Session of Assembly, to stable, curry and feed, with hominy, oats, fodder or hay, and graze in extensive meadows, and send them to the city the last of every week if required, for half the price paid in Richmond at this time.
GEO. MANN. Nov. 10th, 1807. N.B. I shall attend at the Capitol the preceding Saturday and the three first days of the session, to receive the horses, and ascertain the prices, and will board servants and feed beef cattle very low. G. M.
Map of Virginia.
THE subscriber having been appointed agent for the Proprietors of BISHOP MADISON'S MAP OF VIRGINIA , for the city of Richmond, requests those subscribers who have not received their Maps, to apply to him at the Printing Office and Book-Store of SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jun. where they are ready for delivery.—He has also some copies for Sale. JOHN W. PLEASANTS. December 4th, 1807. 3w
FOR SALE, The well known Estate called ABINGDON , in the county of Gloucester, formerly the property of Adison Lewis, Esq. containing about 500 acres of valuable high and low land. Much will be said in favor of this estate as to neighborhood, prospect, health, buildings, enclosures, water, quality of soil, and its present state of cultivation.
A considerable portion of the low land is finely seeded with barley. For terms and further information, apply to the Rev. John Ellis in Richmond, or to William P. Byrd, Esq. on the premises. Dec 4.
To the MEMBERS of the ASSEMBLY.
THE subscriber having good stables and a plenty of provender, would take six or eight HORSES at three dollars per week. They can have the advantage of a very excellent mow. Servants that may come with them can be boarded low,—I will not be liable for accidents or escapes.
JOHN TURPIN. N. B. A line left at Mr. Pleasants' printing office will be attended to. Dec 4.
A GREAT BARGAIN, MAY BE HAD IN ABOUT
1,000 ACRES OF LAND, LYING in the county of Buckingham, 400 of which lies 8 miles above the courthouse, on the waters of Ruchy's creek & middle Slave river, adjoining the lands of Charles Maxey, Conner and others; 500 on both sides of Little Buffalo creek, about 12 miles below the courthouse, adjoining the lines of Henry Rawlins and others. A 100 acres a little detached from the last tract. The first and last tracts are all in wood, on the second there is cleared land sufficient to work 6 or 8 hands to advantage, and pay under pretty good fence. The whole of the above lands are well worth the attention of those who wish to buy; the greater part of the whole being prime tobacco land. Terms, one half cash, the other moiety in 6 and 12 months. They will if not previously sold be set up for sale, to the highest bidder, at Hezekiah Lijie's Tavern, 8 miles below the courthouse, on Monday the 4th January next (if fair, if not, the next fair day).
On the same day and place will be offered for sale, and in the same manner, 10 or 12 valuable SLAVES; also a number to be hired by the subscriber, living in the county of Buckingham. HENRY BELL. w.41
November, 1807.
SALE OF PROPERTY.
ON the plantation in Powhatan county, late the property of William Ronald, deceased, will be sold, at public auction, on Thursday, the 17th day of December next, all the Stock of Horses, Hogs, Cattle &c among which are four Mules and three yoke of Oxen. Also, about 300 Bbls of Corn, a quantity of excellent Fodder, Stalks and Straw, six or eight thousand weight of Sheave Oats and about 2000 wt. of Pork. The pork, corn and other provender, will be sold on a credit of three months; all the other property will be sold on a credit of 12 months, for all sums above ten dollars the purchasers giving bond and security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
The sale will continue from day to day until the whole is sold. W. BENTLEY. The Negroes on the plantation, about 30 in number of every description, will be hired out at the same time for the ensuing year—Bonds as above will be required, by the GUARDIANS ds Powhatan 25th Nov. 1807
For Sale,
MY Dwelling House, and Four Half-Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised: On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take young Negroes at a fair valuation, and in the State of Ohio, Tennessee, or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on. If he saw property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARCHD CAMPBELL. Manchester, Nov 30 1807. if
Notice.
ALL Persons having claims against the Estate of Christopher Walthall, dec. are requested to present them properly arranged on or before the 18th day of December next at which time, a sale will commence and a distribution of his estate. The purchasers giving bond and approved security, for all sums over five dollars, carrying interest from the date—Should they be punctually discharged, on or before the 18th day of Dec. 1808, the interest will be remitted. John Walthall, } Ex'rs Branch Walthall, } Nov. 27th, 1807. 1
20 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY about the 8th May from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address and very artful, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his bateeu in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed) —he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail so I get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Hord, y. November 20, 1807. if 1d
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber, living in
the lower end of Buckingham county, a NEGRO WOMAN, named NELL; she went off sometime in February last, and has been heard of about Cumberland courthouse soon after herelopement. I am lately informed, that she is lurking about the Coal Pits, on Falling Creek, about twelve miles above Richmond; she is a remarkable large Woman, about 28 years old. Any person, that will secure her so that I get her, shall receive Ten Dollars, or if brought home, what the law allows besides. R. Anderson. Nov. 19th, 1807. 3t
Postscript.
NEW-YORK, Nov. 25. The British Packet Lady Arabella, with the October mail, arrived at this port yesterday from Halifax. She left Falmouth on the 16th Oct. but brought no later London papers than have been previously received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser.
WASHINGTON CITY, November 30.
We learn that our government received no letters from Mr. Monroe by the British Packet lately arrived. It was before known that on the 7th of Sept. Mr. Monroe addressed a note to Mr. Canning in consequence of his instructions by the Revenge, complaining of the aggression on the Chesapeake, calling on that government for reparation of the wrong, and for a final discussion and understanding on their claim to take whomsoever they choose to call their seamen, wherever found; and assuring him at the same time that he was authorised to concur in arrangements liberally calculated to take away all ground for that practice. It was now rumored that the answer was that by the President's proclamation we had taken the business of satisfaction for the aggression on the Chesapeake, so far into our own hands; that still however the British government was ready to enter into a discussion of that act, if it could be done separately, leaving their general claim to future negotiation; but as Mr. Monroe considered himself unauthorised to settle this act separately, that government would enter with him into no explanations concerning it, but would send a minister to this place for that special purpose. Whether this is a mere manoeuvre to avoid a settlement, and lose the subject altogether in the endless mazes of negotiation, is to be judged of by the promptitude or the delay of this mission. In the mean time our peace is left at the mercy of their officers whose interest and wish is war with all mankind; and how can it be pretended that the subjects have no connection?—They claim a right to take those whom they call their seamen (and under that cover ours also) wherever they can find them, even without their own jurisdiction. And 1st. Their officers are in the daily practice of taking them from on board our merchant vessels, and with them many more of ours than of theirs. 2. They have repeatedly done the same in foreign ports and countries, particularly in Canton, in Lisbon, and now lately in Madeira, going ashore and seizing them in the streets and houses of the place. 3. In the instance now in question, they have extended it to the taking them by force from our national armed ships. And 4. The next step may be to patrol by their pressgangs the streets of New York and Norfolk, and take from thence all those who may suit them; their principle evidently goes to this extent—is it then sufficient to receive satisfaction for an act done under one particular branch of this abuse, without any assurance that it will not be repeated the next day under the others? Certain it is there never can be friendship, nor even a continuance of peace with Eng. and so long as no American citizen can leave his own shores without danger of being seized by the first British officer he meets, and made to serve as a common seaman on board their ships of war: and equally so, that if the general question is not settled now, we may give it up forever, and let our citizens understand that they are abandoned by their country to the unbridled power of every British naval commander. [Act. Intel.]
The Hazard arrived at Philadelphia, brings Bristol news to the 19th Oct. & London to the 16th. On the 14th the Revenge was at Cowes, whence she was to sail the next day for Brest. The London prints say, instructions had been sent to India to impose an additional duty of 10 per cent. on all neutral vessels trading to British ports. No mention is made of the departure of Mr. Monroe.
EXHIBITION.
THE FAMOUS AFRICAN HORSE, SPOTTEE, Has just arrived in Richmond. Who, from the great progress he has made in arithmetic and the art of boxing, may justly be entitled the real HORSE OF KNOWLEDGE.
He will be exhibited every day from 8 o'clock in the morning till 6 in the evening at the Washington Tavern.
THIS beautiful animal was caught on the coast of Africa; and, from the beauty and peculiarity of his colors and shape, was imported to this country, and exhibited as a natural curiosity. He is variegated with four very rich and distinct colors, which are formed into circular spots, similar to those of the Leopard, and his tail resembles that of the Elephant. Exclusive of these peculiarities he will add, subtract, multiply and divide; tell the hour of the day by a watch; the number of buttons on a gentleman's coat, and the number of persons present; with many other pleasing manoeuvres and marks of sagacity, which excite great admiration. No danger need be apprehended during the performance, as the apartment is rendered very convenient.
* Price of admittance 50 cents—children half price
THE subscriber will accommodate 20 or 25 gentlemen of the assembly, during the ensuing session. Alexander Quarrier. November 23d, 1807. 4t

DOCUMENTS. RELATIVE TO THE ATTACK ON THE CHESAPEAKE.—(CONCLUDED.)
Frigate Chesapeake, Hampton Roads, June 20th, 1807. Sir—Enclosed, I have the honor to forward you an exact copy of this ship's Log-Book. And having the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant. JAMES BARRON. Honorable R. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, Washington.
A true copy taken from the United States Frigate, Chesapeake's Log-Book, James Barron, Esq. Commander, Charles Gordon, Esq. Captain, and Samuel Brock, Sailing-Master.
Munday, June 22d —Commences with light breezes from the S. and W. and clear weather. At 7 A. M. hoisted out the jolly boat, and hoisted in the second cutter, run the jolly boat up the stern; at quarter past 7 weighed anchor, made sail with a pleasant breeze from W. S. W. and stood out for sea; at 9 passed two of his B. Majesty's ships at anchor; stowed the harbour anchor, and secured the boats. At Meridian the light on Cape Henry bore S. W. by S. people employed in clearing ship for sea.
This day ends at Meridian, and contains 17 hours.
Tuesday 23 —Commences with light breezes from the South and West, and clear weather; a ship in sight apparently standing for us; at 1 P. M. the wind hauled to the N. and E. in shuddering gusts, and hauled upon a wind, and at half past 8 the ship came up with us, backed the main top-sail and spoke her, was boarded by her. She proved to be the British ship Leopard , of 50 guns; she came on board to demand some men who had deserted from the English navy, the commodore refusing to give them up, the boat returned, they ranged along side us, and commenced a heavy fire. We being unprepared, and the ship much lumbered, it was impossible to clear ship for action in proper time, though every possible exertion was made, and not suspecting an enemy so near, did not begin to clear the deck until the enemy had commenced firing. In about thirty minutes, after receiving much damage in our hull, rigging and spars, and having three men killed, viz. Joseph Arnold, Peter Shackle, and John Lawrence, and 16 wounded, viz. commodore Barron, Mr. Broom, John Hadden, Cotton Brown, Peter Ellison, John Parker, George Percival, Peter Summers, William Hendrick, Robert McDonald, Francis Conover, Thomas Short, Wm. Moody, David Creighton, John Martyr, James Eppes, Emanuel Hendricks, John Wilson, William Warren, and John Bates. And having one gun ready, fired, & hauled down our colors. The Leopard ceased firing, and sent her boat on board, mustered the ship's company. At sun down they left the ship, taking with them 4 men, viz. John Strachan, Daniel Martin, William Ware, and John Wilson, who had deserted from their service at the same time Lieut. Allen went on board, and returned at 8 o'clock. The Leopard left us and stood.
We then made sail and stood in shore, having 3 and an half feet water in our hold—Crew employed in pumping and working ship in for Hampton Roads, got the anchors clear for coming to. At 6 A. M. took the 3d reef in the main top-sail, and set top-gallant sails; held a survey on the masts and rigging; at 8 Cape Henry bore S. W. distant 4 or 5 miles; employed ship in for Hampton Roads—at half past meridian came too with the starboard anchor in 7 fathoms water in Hampton Roads.
Norfolk, June 29th, 1807.
Sir—The enclosed papers No. 1 and 2, you will perceive are from the committee of the people of Norfolk, calling on me for aid with the gun-boats under my command, to prevent an invasion which has been threatened by the commanding officer of the British squadron, lying in the vicinity of this place. You will see, sir, by No. 3, my reply. The British commander has also threatened that he will again take possession of the Chesapeake . I have it also from the most unquestionable authority, that they have asserted positively, that, in case the President should issue a similar order to that issued respecting the Leander , they will consider it as an act of hostility, and will commence hostile operations immediately. Under an impression that they will do as they say, I hope, and feel satisfied my preparing to act on the defensive will meet the approbation of the President and yourself. If, however, it should be thought I have been precipitate, I beg it may be attributed to my extreme desire not to omit any service I might render my country. The four old gun-boats are all that can be immediately equipped for service, those we commenced fitting this morning, they are now entirely ready for the reception of the men, who I trust will come forward in sufficient numbers to authorize our proceeding to Hampton to-morrow. Sir, as I have no doubt, from the threats the British have made, we shall have to fight, I shall not leave this until the boats are manned to my satisfaction, to do which it will take one hundred and sixty men. The British, if they attempt anything against us, it will be in the night, with row-boats on other boats that they may press the row-boats belonging to their squadron are capable of carrying 300 men with ease, this number if we are full manned, I feel confident of being able to oppose. I beg you, sir, however, to bear in mind that our crews will be composed of volunteers, who notwithstanding their great zeal, will not possess all the skill we could wish. I should however be mortified, if it were understood I wished to convey an idea, that as much should not be expected from us, as ought to be expected from any four gun-boats, more I hope will not be expected.
The new G. boats at this place can be in readiness in a short time, should you choose to order it. Although, sir, I shall always be ready to serve my country in any way I can be useful, I hope, sir, if the frigates are to be fitted out, I shall not be continued in gun-boats. The gentlemen who have volunteered their services have agreed to stay with us only until such time as we shall hear from Washington, what steps
will be taken, which will be on Thursday. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of high respect, sir, your obt. servant, STEPHEN DECATUR, jun. The Hon. Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy.
Sir—We take pleasure in presenting to you the resolution of the committee appointed by the inhabitants of this borough now enclosed. Requesting your answer to the resolution, we are with the highest respect, sir, your obedient humble servants, Signed, THOS. BLANCHARD, SETH FOSTER, J. W. MURDAUGH. Norfolk, 28th June, 1807. CAPT. DECATUR.
Whereas the committee have received information from various sources that the commander of the British ships of war have menaced the inhabitants of Hampton with an invasion for the purpose of procuring water. It is resolved that application be made to Capt. Stephen Decatur, commander of the U. S. naval force at this place to equip the gun-boats by availing himself of the services of the captain and seamen who have proffered them, to proceed to Hampton or as near as he may judge proper to co-operate with the people in their defence in any manner he may judge most expedient, or to act as circumstances may dictate in preventing the execution of their threats.
Resolved, that Thomas Blanchard, Seth Foster, and J. W. Murdaugh be a committee to wait on captain Decatur with this application.
Extract from the minutes, Signed, THEO. ARMISTEAD, Sec'y of the Committee. Norfolk, June 28, 1807.
GENTLEMEN, I have received your letter of this day enclosing the resolution of the committee, calling on me as the commander of the naval force at this place, to equip and resist with the G boats under my command, a threatened invasion of the territory of the United States, by the British now lying in the waters of the Chesapeake.
Having the fullest confidence that the committee would not have made a request of this nature unless they were fully impressed with a belief that the hostility spoken of, was certainly intended, I feel it my duty to repel as far as I have power any such attempt that may be made, for which purpose if a sufficient number of volunteers can be procured, I will repair to Hampton with all possible expedition. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of high respect, gentlemen, your obt. servant, STEPHEN DECATUR. To Thomas Blanchard, Seth Foster, J. W. Murdaugh, Esqrs. Norfolk, 28th June, 1807.
Extract of a letter from captain Stephen Decatur, Jun. dated U. S. Frigate Chesapeake, July 4th, 1807.
"When I was honored with your orders, I was on board the gun-boats, four of them are only wanting men to place them in a complete state of readiness for immediate service. The Chesapeake when I took command of her, had been brought up into the bite of Cray Island, in consequence of the threats of the British; in consequence of the affair of the Leopard and Chesapeake , they have been at anchor inside the Capes, and have brought too by firing at every vessel that has passed in or out the Capes. They have sent many insolent and menacing messages to Norfolk, such as if the people did not supply them with articles they might want, they would come up and retake the Chesapeake , and cut from their movements, it is my opinion they intend to attempt. Yesterday afternoon the four British ships came in and anchored in Hampton Roads. This morning they sent their tenders and sounded quite thro' the narrows. The present position of the Chesapeake and Cybele are such, in consequence of the narrowness of the channel, that if an attempt was made on either of them by the ships they could not render to each other that support which would be necessary; in consequence of this I have determined to move up nearer the town, where we shall be able to take such position as will enable us with the assistance of the Fort to make such a defence as may render abortive any attempt that may be made on us."
P. S. Sir, I just learnt that the depth of the water from Hampton Roads to Norfolk, will admit of three of the British squadron coming up. United States Frigate, Chesapeake, July 4th, 1807.
Sir—I have just been informed by Dr. Bullus, who has returned from Norfolk, that Commodore Douglas, Commander of the British squadron, has wrote the inhabitants of Norfolk, that in consequence of some resolves passed by a committee selected from the inhabitants of Norfolk and its vicinity, he has anchored his ships in such a position, as to prevent any vessels going to or coming from Norfolk, which he is determined to do if those resolves are not rescinded.
I have the honor to be, sir, with sentiments of the highest respect your most obedient servant. STEPHEN DECATUR, Jun. Hon. Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy, Washington.
Extract of a letter from Stephen Decatur, Jun. dated U. S. ship Chesapeake, Norfolk, July 8th, 1807.
"The menacing letter written by Commodore Douglas to the Mayor of Norfolk, he has since stated verbally, contained no menace, and he has further said, he has no hostile intentions against Norfolk, however, sir, you will see by the enclosed affidavit, that his actions do not comport with his words, he has lightened his ship since the pacific message he sent to the Mayor, and the day before yesterday he fired many shots, at an Eastern Shore man. If he makes an attempt to come up with the force they speak of, I think I am not over sanguine when I say I believe, they will not all go down again."
Extract of a letter from Stephen Decatur, Jun. dated U. S. ship Chesapeake, Norfolk, July 12.
"The British squadron lying in Hampton Roads, bring to every vessel passing to this place, but have not detained any.—The Bellona and Leopard continue in their former station, in the roads; the Triumph and Melampus have weighed, and are now at anchor in Lynhaven Bay."
STATEMENT OF THE SITUATION OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE. 1806 AND 1807.
Literature. —The emperor is desirous that the Beiles-Lettres shall share under his reign the impulse given to every thing that is great, useful and honorable to the nation; that the French language become more and more the language of Europe, shall continue to justify this shining privilege, by its elegance, its purity and the choice of its productions. His wish will not be disappointed; talents announce themselves which give previous hopes. Let public opinion encourage their birth, let it protect them against the taunts of foul aspersion and malice; let there henceforth be no more secrets among men of letters than there are political parties in the state; let literature find in the alliance of taste with morality, the most certain principles of its success; let criticism become decent in order to be useful; let the man called to the noble function of enlightening and instructing, disdain solicited suffrages, puerile pretensions and the success of a day; let them with their eyes fixed upon the elevated aim which is offered to them, aspire to crowns which cannot wither; at the voice of a generous prince, let the creative flame of all great conceptions be lighted up in their breasts; let them be the worthy witnesses of such an age, and then they will deserve to be the planters of it, and to descend with it to the latest posterity.
The literary societies will second this flight. The emperor is desirous that they may serve as a guide to public opinion; that they may be the tribunal of taste; he invites them to resume the great works undertaken at different times by the concert of laborious writers. He is desirous that the literary history of France, penned by their care, may express calm and lasting judgments, and become the solemn monument which shall preserve the remembrance of writers worthy of esteem, honored with the public suffrage and with testimonies of his benevolence; these companies will answer his expectation by their impartiality and their redoubled zeal; the talents which they will have signalized, the useful writings which they will have remarked during the course of the year, will receive the most precious of rewards, by obtaining the attention of the sovereign, who powerful in the arts of war, has wished to be the restorer, the promoter of all the arts of peace.
However, the chief of the state does not disdain also to extend his thoughts to the kind of instruction which suits the inferior classes of society; an instruction which, in forming them to the habit of good morals, may give them such elementary notions as are useful to their labors. Several institutions have been authorized, the zeal of which will spread that simple and useful instruction throughout workshops and in the country. They will be seconded by the paternal care of those pastors whose presence anductions are also a sort of continual teaching of the first of all sciences, the love of good and the practice of virtue. Government has in general only satisfaction to testify to the members of the clergy; all the degrees of the hierarchy present, more than at any other period, pure morals, a tolerant piety, a great disinterestedness, and a constant application to their duties. Occupying themselves without intermission with the noble task which was assigned to them, the restoration of public and private morality, they feel that obedience to the laws is an essential branch of both, and that of all the laws, the one which has for its object the defence of the state, is the most sacred of all, the one of which the speedy and entire execution is the most recommended by religious sentiments as well as by the love of one's country.
The different forms of worship authorized in the empire, live in an union worthy of the spirit which is common to them, and honorable for their ministers.
Israelites. —From the departments approximate to the Rhine, complaints had reached the emperor of the usury exercised by a few individuals professing the Jewish religion. The verification of the facts has proved that without a speedy remedy, the fruits of this usury would have entirely consumed the riches and resources of those fine provinces. The emperor was obliged to quiet the just apprehensions of so many thousands of husbandmen, but in affording this partial and momentary remedy, the emperor formed a conception more extensive and of a more lasting influence, he saw in the ancient habits, and in the false interpretation of some points of doctrine, the first cause of the evil which had excited these remonstrances.
In order to dispense himself from perpetuating either the precautions or the penalties, he wished to regenerate the morals of a portion of that class, by the concurrence of the whole class, by the influence of the religious authority the laws of which it acknowledges. The emperor knew that there are among the Jews of his states a great number of men whose opinions are sound, whose conduct is irreproachable, who are the first to grieve for the wrongs of their co-sectaries, and far from confounding these estimable men with those who are justly deserving censure of, he led the former to execute the measures which are to prepare the reform of the others.—A general assembly took place which laid down the regulations of police; a grand sanhedrin, an assembly of which the Jews for so many centuries past had seen no example, proclaimed the religious duties. It solemnly declared that the law of Moses, very far from authorising its sectaries to become inhabitants of a state without a-
dopting its interests, without acknowledging its authorities, without observing its laws, prescribes to them on the contrary, both the sentiments which attach them to their adoptive country, obedience to all its institutions, and the duty of arming themselves for its defence. Regulations will soon be made which will complete this great work, and regulate the exercise of the Hebrew worship: this reform which will form an epoch in the annals of the Israelites, will be for them the subject of eternal gratitude. The severity deserved by some of them has been the occasion of the blessings spread upon all. The first of these blessings is, in preserving to them the French name, to render them worthy of bearing it.
Finances. —Such are the improvements made in the internal administration of France since your last session; but the principal feature is still wanting to it, that which is most deserving of your attention, the state of our finances; at no period can they be shown to have been so prosperous, no period so short has witnessed such vast improvement. The treasury has been freed from the dependencies in which it was held by contractors, who, for its ruin, made use of its own means. The contracts, formerly so enormous, are now become easy, and are made upon very moderate terms; the treasury has its bills discounted below five per cent. a thing unexampled under the ancient monarchy. A chest for the current service placed near the treasury and serving for its transactions with the receivers and the public, gives them the facility of accelerating the payments they have to make, and affords private persons a security beyond the reach of stock-jobbing. By means of this chest, the treasury may, without the trouble of conveying specie, by employing in every place the money which has been received there, make the necessary payments every where; its resources are increased beyond its necessities; the ancient monarchy did not find in its enormous loans, so fertile a mine; never, however, was it less necessary to work it; the chests are full, the payments are made at the stated place and time, the orders upon the treasury are become the surest bills of exchange, the public securities are those which inspire the most confidence.
Such is the effect of the first look which the emperor casts upon the state of the finances, after his return from Vienna and of the attention which he paid to that important branch of the administration; and, however, no tax has been added to those which existed, no new source of riches has opened itself for the treasury; the order and foresight of the chief of the government have alone effected this incredible melioration.
NEW STORE.
The subscriber having purchased out the entire stock in trade of Messrs. Charles I. Price & Co. purposes to carry on the dry good business, in the store lately occupied by them, next door to Messrs. Robert Neilson & Co and begs leave to inform the public that in addition to said stock he has just received a very ex-cusive
Assortment of Goods,
By the latest arrivals from New York and Philadelphia—Amongst which are— Lady's elegant embroidered dresses of the latest French fashion, sup-rfine and coarse cloths, cashmeres assorted, blankets, flannels, coatings and becking baizes, plains assorted, an elegant assortment of fancy vesting, consisting of toilets, nets, woolen mouselins, Bennet's patent cord, printed and striped vires, printed cords, swans-downs, turkey downs, white and colored mar-seilles and printed jeans, silver or president's cord for pantaloons, olive and black tw'd w'velvets, Bennet's patent mixt woolen cord brown holland, 7-8 and 4-4 Irish linens, fine shirting cambricks, elegant assortment of chintzes and calicoes, colored and black cambric muslins, cotton and silk chambrays, plain and figured muslins and lace cambricks, book and mull mull muslins, 7-8, 9-8 and 4-4 white cambrick muslins, plain and figured plaid and white mantuas or Italian silks dimmies, men and women's silk, cotton, worsted and yarn hose, beaver, silk and York tan gloves, sewing silks and threads assorted, India muslins, shawls and hdkfs of every description, cotton and linen checks, long lawn and linen cambricks, ban-anoes and other silk hdkfs assorted, Persians, pealings, mofe, gauzes, laces, ribbons, combs, &c. bed ticking, lstadore, florentines, lustings and fancy silks, cotton and silk umbrellas, cotton and silk suspender, ladies' shoes and slippers, vest and coat buttons, &c besides a variety of other articles—all of which will be disposed of on very low terms for cash, or bills of a short date. Hugh Chambers. November 26, 1807. 6t
Dissolution.
THE copartnership of CHARLES I PRICE & Co. of the city of Richmond, was dissolved on the 21st inst. by mutual consent.—All persons indebted to the late firm, are desired to make immediate payment to PRICE & McCUTCHEN, of the city of Philadelphia, or to their lawful attorney only; and those having claims against said concern, are desired to send in their accounts legally attested. CHARLES I. PRICE. ENOCH PRICE. WM. H. MCCUTCHEN. 26th, Nov. 1807. 8t
Notice.
THE subscribers having appointed Mr. HUGH CHAMBERS, of the city of Richmond, their lawful attorney, to receive all debts due the late copartnership of CHARLES I. PRICE & Co. All persons indebted to said concern, are requested to make payment to him only. Payments made contrary to this will be void, as no acquittals can be given but from under his hands; and all persons having claims against said concern, are requested to send in their accounts to him legally authenticated for adjustment. ENOCH PRICE. WM. H. MCCUTCHEN. 26th Nov. 1807. 8t
BLANK BONDS For Sale at this Office.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber, living in Prince Edward on Buck River, a NEGRO MAN, named LEWIS . It is probable, since he has made his escape, he will call himself Fleming; he eloped on the 24th inst. carrying with him a BAY HORSE; he is about five feet high, 20 or 25 years old, dark complexion, little inclined to be bow-legged, his clothes, I cannot particularly describe—Any person, who will deliver him to me, or to Mr. John Enders, living in Richmond, shall receive the above reward. Samuel Watson. Nov 27, 1807. 2*
Sales at Auction.
WILL certainly be SOLD on the premises, without reserve, on the 9th day of Dec. next, the residue of a LOT, (in Adams' Valley,) late the property of Moses Davis—An indispensable time, will be made the purchaser by Richard Adams, esquire, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorser, payable at 60 days; and on Thursday the 10th December, will be Sold, by the Subscribers, at their Vendue Office, one Excellent imported CHAR-RIOT, on 90 days. Prosser & Moncure, Auct'rs. Richmond, Nov. 29th 1807. 1ds
To be Sold,
ON Friday, the eighteenth day of December next, at the late Dwelling House of Barbara Ragsdale, dec. to the highest bidder, on 12 months credit, for all sums above ten dollars, upon the purchaser's giving bond and approved security to carry in interest from the date, if not punctually paid, for all sums under, cash will be required, the HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE , Crop of Corn, Fodder, and Shucks, Stock of every kind, Plantation Utensils, a Coach and Harness, &c. &c. belonging to the estate of said deceased—ALSO, will be Sold, at the same time and place, EIGHT or TEN likely NEGROES, consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, for ready money by the
ADMINISTRATOR. King William County, Nov. 24, 1807. 3t
Advertisement.
TO be SOLD, at New-Market in Amherst County, on Thursday, the last day of Dec. next, to the highest bidder, SUNDRY PROPERTY , belonging to the Estate of Hector Cabell, dec. viz: about 40 Negroes, several valuable work Horses, about 500 barrels of Corn, 4 or 500 bushels of Oats, a large quantity of Fodder, and Sundry other Articles too tedious to mention—The sale will continue from day to day until the whole is sold. The Negroes consist of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, and are uncommonly likely and valuable; a part of them will be sold, for one third Cash, one third in six months, and one third in twelve months; the others will be sold on a credit of six and twelve months. Bond with approved security, will be required, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid, and a deed in trust on the property, to enforce punctual payment. The Horses, Corn, Oats, Fodder, &c. will be sold in Lots, to suit purchasers, on a credit of six and twelve months—Bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid, will be required. Robert Rives, Adm'r Of the estate of Hector Cabell, Nov 15th, 1807. 6w
N. B. At the same time and place, the Subscriber expects to sell 20 or 30 Negroes more—the terms of which will be made known on the day. Robert Rives.
A New Seminary,
WILL be opened in Richmond, the third Monday in January, for the TUITION OF YOUNG LADIES, by FRANCES T. HUGHES , Preceptress at the Washington Henry Academy; in which will be taught Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Grammar, Geography, and Needle-Work. Those who may honor her with their confidence, shall have no cause to lament its being misplaced; she promises on her part the utmost diligence and attention. The most pointed and particular attention will be paid to the morals and manners of the Young Ladies. Boarders will be received at a hundred and thirty dollars, board and tuition; for tuition alone, eight pounds, if the higher branches be taught, and six, if merely Reading and Writing. It will be opened near Mr. Thos. Elliot's and Mr. William M'Kim's. Nov 26, 1807. 3t
LITERATURE.
JAMES BYARS, Jr. hereby informs his Friends and the Public, that he shall continue at his Father's in the Forks of Hanover, the succeeding year, 1808, teaching Spelling, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English and French Grammar, Geography, the use of the Artificial Globes, Rhetoric, Natural Philosophy and Geometry; where students under ten years old, will be received at 60 dollars; between 10 and 12 at 70 dollars; exceeding 12, at 80 dollars, for Board and Tuition: 20 dollars of the above prices to be paid at the admission of each Scholar. November 27, 1807. 2*
Notice.
IN Pursuance of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on the 5th day of last May. We shall, on the premises, on Saturday the 26th day of December next, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, the
Tract of Land,
Lying in Chesterfield county, whereon John Perry now resides; Containing 68 acres (be the same more or less,) or so much thereof as will raise the sum specified in said decree, and defray the expenses attending the sale, &c. W. La-Prade, 3 Comm'rs. A. Whitworth, Nov 30, 1807. 3w
Notice.
ALL those having claims against the ESTATE of Dictoy Porter , dec. are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated on or before the first day of March next, that arrangements may be made for the adjustment of the same.—Those indebted to said Estate, will please make immediate payment; otherwise, suits will be instituted against them indiscriminately. Thos. Porter, Adm'r. Powhatan, Nov. 27th, 1807. 2*
JUST RECEIVED, A FRESH SUPPLY OF CHURCHES PATENT MEDICINES ; including Cough Drops, Essence of Mustard, Scotch Ointment, &c. &c.

Valuable Medicines.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more de- liberately and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the ef- ficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by HAN- NAH LEE , no. 56, Maiden-lane, New York And in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Prin- ting-office.
The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molther, and of other distinguished and respectable char- acters. The following cases, of more recent occur- rence, are now respectfully submitted.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCES.
THE wife of Mr. Wm. Stillwell, mer- chant, Water-street, New-York, had been in a poor state of health for several years past, and was often confined to her cham- ber by indisposition: her symptoms were various, though generally attended with great debility; sometimes they were sup- posed to indicate dropsy, at others a dis- ease of the liver. Having suffered a ve- ry severe attack, without obtaining any relief from her physician, and almost des- pairing of recovery, she was induced to make trial of Hamilton's Worm Destroy- ing Lozenges ; having heard of their per- forming cures in several complaints that could not be accounted for. Two doses were taken, which brought away a large worm, nearly half a yard in length, and a great quantity of matter evidently pie- ces of worms, &c. On taking the third or fourth dose, an entire animal shaped like a crab, was expelled: its parts were examined with the aid of a microscope, when the claws, feet, &c. appeared per- fectly formed; different in but few res- pects from the common crab. Mrs. Stillwell began from that time to recover her health;—three months have since el- apsed, and she has been free from her former complaints, and has acquired a degree of health and strength which for years before she had been a stranger to. She being free to extend the knowledge of a medicine from which so much bene- fit has been received, she has authorised Mrs. Lee, the present proprietor, to state these particulars for the good of others. New-York, June 5, 1807.
Philadelphia, May 22, 1806.
Having in a most singular manner, ex- perienced in my family the astonishing efficacy of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges , prepared by the late Mr. Lee, I feel it my duty to add the following curious case to the list of remarkable cures performed by that celebrated medicine. My daughter at the age of 17 months was taken ill with those symptoms which are supposed to denote worms: after ha- ving tried a number of things which are said to be good in such cases, without any benefit, we had the attendance of a respectable physician; but she still con- tinued to decline in health, and at the end of six months became so weak that she could not walk, nor keep food on her sto- mach, it was so extremely disordered. At this interesting period, one of our neighbours recommended your Lozen- ges so earnestly, we were induced to send to Mr. Birch's for a box of them; on her taking the third dose, according to the printed directions, there came from her a living animal about three quarters of an inch long and of a most frightful appearance, being very white, with a great number of legs, and something which resembled wings, by which it ap- peared to spring; and which it did re- peatedly, to our great surprise, about the same distance that a small toad can hop on the ground. Its form was altogether unknown to every person who saw it. It lived in water about 18 hours. We after- wards put it in spirits, and it is now in the possession of Dr. Bleight of this city. The child grew better from that day; in a very short period began to walk again, and is now in perfect health.
Yours, &c. WM. BRADLEY. Callowhill street, between 8th and 9th sts. Any person may be satisfied of the ac- curacy and authenticity of this singular occurrence, by making enquiry in the neighbourhood: many of the neighbors saw the creature alive, and are well ac- quainted with the above particulars. W. B.
Among the symptoms attending worms, are, disagreeable breath, especially in the morning; bad and corrupted gums— itching in the nose and about the seat— convulsions and epileptic fits and some- times privation of speech—starting and grinding of the teeth in sleep—irregular appetite; sometimes loathing food and sometimes voracious; purging, with slimy and foetid stools; Vomiting; Large and hard belly; Pains and sickness at the stomach; Pains in the head and thighs, with townness of spirits; Slow fever, with small and irregular pulse; A dry cough; Excessive thirst; Sometimes pale and unhealthy countenance, and sometimes the face bloated and flushed.
Persons afflicted with any of the above symptoms, should have immediate re- course to HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. which have been constantly attended with success in all complaints similar to those above described.
A dose of this medicine given occasion- ally, during the warm season, will effect- ually prevent the "vomiting and purging of children," a dreadful disorder which annually destroys thousands of the infant part of our citizens.
Children generally take this medicine with eagerness; having a pleasing ap- pearance and an agreeable taste.
FOR SALES ABOVE. Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mulard,
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c.
"AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE."
For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Ma- lignant Fevers is recommended
Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills.
The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir,
A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obsolete Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approach- ing Consumption.
To Parents who may have children afflicted with The Hooping Cough.
This disorder is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it. From LUTHER MARTIN , esq. attorney ge- neral of the state of Maryland.
GENTLEMEN—I comply with your request in stating my opinion of Hamilton's Elixir . It has been used in my family for two or three years, with uniform success, whenever colds, coughs, or similar complaints have rendered medi- cine necessary. I have myself found it an excel- lent and agreeable remedy for a very painful and troublesome affection of the breast, accompanied with forebodings, and with obstructed and difficult breathing.
On these accounts, I do not hesitate to recom- mend Hamilton's Elixir as a valuable medicine, and deserving public confidence.
LUTHER MARTIN. HAMILTON'S
Grand rectorative,
Is recommended as an invaluable medicine for the speedy relief and permanent cure of the vari- ous complaints which result from dissipated plea- sures—juvenile indiscretion—residence in climates unfavourable to the constitution—the immode- rate use of tea—frequent intoxication, or any o- ther destructive intemperance—the unskillful or extensive use of mercury—the diseases peculiar to females at a certain period of life—bad lyings, &c.
Hahn's true and genuine German Corn Plaster,
An infallible remedy for corns, speedily removing them, root and branch without giving pain.
The Genuine Persian Lotion.
So celebrated among the fashionable through- out Europe, as an invaluable cosmetic, perfectly innocent and safe, free from corrosive and repl- etant materials (the basis of other lotions) and of un- paralleled efficacy in preventing and removing blemishes in the face and skin, of every kind— particularly freckles, pimples, inflammatory red- ness, scurf, tetter, ring worms, sun burns, prickly heat, &c.—The Persian Lotion operates mildly, without impeding that natural, insensible perspiration, which is essential to health; yet its effects are speedy and permanent, rendering the skin delicately soft and clear, improving the com- plexion, and restoring the bloom of youth—ne- ver failing to render an ordinary countenance beautiful, and a handsome one more so.
The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER, A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eye, whether the effect of natural weakness or of acci- dent, speedily removing inflammations, defluxi- ons of rheum, dullness, itching and films on the eye; never failing to cure those maladies which frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fe- vers, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of light.
Teeth-Ache Drops,
The only remedy yet discovered, which gives immediate and lasting relief in the most severe in- flames.
The Anodyne Elixir,
For the cure of every kind of head-ache.
The Damask Lip-Salve.
Infallible Ague and Fever Drops,
For the cure of Agues, Remittant and Intermit- tant Fevers. Thousands can testify their being cured by these drops after the bark and every other medi- cine has proved ineffectual: not one in a hundred has had occasion to take more than one, and num- bers not half a bottle.
The Sovereign Ointment for the Itch,
Which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application, and may be used with the most per- fect safety by pregnant women, or on an infant a week old, not contain a particle of mercury or any dangerous ingredients whatever; and is not accompanied with that tormenting smart which attends the exhibition of other remedies. For the cure of a certain deplorable Malady,
The Indian Vegetable Specific.
The Medicines prepared by Richard Lee, have been in high estimation and general use throughout the United States, for upwards of six years; many of them are sold for less than the price of which they are compounded could be purchased at a retail store.
It is no inconsiderable evidence of their utility, that during the above period, numerous imita- tions of every article (the production of ignorance and inexperience, urged by envy and penury) have intruded on the public, few a day and then perished; others now succeeded there, which in like manner are fast descending "to the tomb of the Capulets," while our remedies become more generally used, and acquire a daily accession of well earned celebrity.
To prevent the imposition of worthless or dan- gerous preparations, purchasers are requested to remember, that an engraved label, with the sig- nature of Richard Lee (no counterfeited which is felony) is affixed to each of his genuine medicines
Lee's Infallible Ague Drops.
Recent Cures. A child of Mr. William Lo- zier, grocer, corner of Hudson and Jay streets, was sick about five or six weeks with ague and fe- ver, and in so violent a degree, as for the hot roxylum to terminate frequently in most alarming convulsions. A variety of medicines, recom- mended by sympathising neighbors, were adminis- tered, without alleviating the disease; at length hearing of the uniform efficacy of Lee's Ague Drops , a bottle was procured, of which three do- ses (one a day) produced a permanent cure.
Five weeks have elapsed without any return of the complaint.
Mr. James Joyce, assistant in the warehouse of Mr. — Pearlfall, Pearl-street, was severely afflicted with an intermittent; but after taking Lee's Ague Drops, was cured in two days. At the recommendation of Mr. Joyce, a friend, Mrs. Terence Tole, who had suffered much from an obstinate intermittent upwards of a year (with few and trifling intervals) was cured by a few doses of the same medicine. At the recommen- dation of Mr. Joyce, a bottle was procured by M. P. Skooley, who was likewise horrified with an obstinate intermittent. A small portion com- pletely removed every symptom of the complaint (which may surprise those who regard the bark as the only specific.)—Four persons of Mr. Skooley's acquaintance were by the remaining part of this single phial, cured of the prevailing mala- dy.
The above narrations may suffice to prove the usefulness of this medicine; but if the assertion of the proprietor, and the fact of an annual demand for several thousand bottles have any weight, the public will believe that this preparation has ne- ver failed effecting a cure, and may without ef- ficiency be termed INFALLIBLE.
Prepared and sold by Hannah Lee, No 50 Maiden-lane New York, and at S. Pleasants' Prin- ting office, Richmond. Oct. 4.
Encouragement of Literature BY AUTHORITY.
Scheme of a Lottery, FOR THE BENEFIT OF ST. MARY'S COLLEGE, OF BALTIMORE
   Dollars. Dollars.     1 Prize of 30,000   1 do 15,000 15,000   2 do 10,000 20,000   2 do 5,000 10,000   5 do 1,000 5,000   10 do 500 5,000   20 do 200 4,000   100 do 100 10,000   150 do 50 7,500   7000 do 12 84,000   7291 Prizes, 190,500   Stationary Premiums 23,500   14209 Blanks.—Not two to a Prize. 215,000  
21500 Tickets, at 10 Dollars each, 215,000
Arrangement of Stationary Premiums, Viz.
   1st drawn Blank, Dollars 500   1st ditto after 2,000 are drawn, 1000   1st do after 4,000 1000   1st do after 6,000 1500   1st do after 8,000 1500   1st do after 10,000 1500   1st do after 12,000 1500   1st do after 14,000 1500   1st do after 16,000 1500   1st do after 18,000 1500   1st do after 20,000 1500   Last drawn Blank, 10,000   Dollars 24,500  
15 per cent. on 215000 Dollars, is 32,250
Sum to be raised by the Lot- tery, 30,000
Expenses of the Lottery, 2,250
32,250
THE prevailing disposition to encourage the progress of Literature,—the peculiar favor which ST. MARY'S COLLEGE has enjoyed,—and the many splendid chances offered to adventurers by the above Scheme, induce the Managers to antici- pate a rapid sale of the Tickets. The Drawing will commence as soon as a suffi- cient number is sold to authorize it. The Managers have given bond to the State in the penalty of sixty thousand Dollars for the faithful payment of the prizes, which will be paid, subject to a deduction of Fi- fteen per cent. thirty days after the Draw- ing is finished.—Prizes not demanded within a twelve-month from the comple- tion of the Drawing, will be considered as a donation to the College.
TICKETS to be had of the Managers, or of such persons as may be authorized by them.
 WILLIAM DU BOURG,  JOHN TESSIER,  LUKE TIERMAN,  ROBERT WALSH,  WILLIAM LORMAN,  ALEXANDER KIM,  HENRY WILSON,  SAMUEL STRETT,  JAMES M'HENRY,  SAMUEL HOLLINGSWORTH,  LEWIS DU BOURG,  PHILIP LAURENSON, 
TICKETS in the above Lottery for Sale by GALLICO, RICHMOND & Co.
For sale at S. Pleasants' Book-store,
A NEW SYSTEM OF DOMESTIC COOKERY,
Formed upon PRINCIPLES of Economy, and adapted to the use of Private Families.
ADVERTISEMENT.
AS the directions which follow were in- tended for the conduct of the families of the au- thor's own daughter, and for the arrangement of her tables so as to unite a good figure with proper economy, she has avoided all excessive luxury, such as essence of ham, and that waste- ful expenditure of large quantities of meat for gravy, which so greatly contributes to keep up the price, and is no less injurious to those who eat, than to those whose penury bids them ab- stain. Many receipts are given for things which, being in daily use, the mode of preparing them may be supposed too well known to require a place in a cookery book; yet how rarely do we meet with fine melted butter, good toast and water, or well made coffee! She makes no ap- ology for minuteness in some articles, or for leav- ing others unnamed, because she writes not for professed cooks. This little work would have been a treasure to herself, when she first set out in life, and she therefore hopes it may be use- ful to others. In that idea it is given to the pub- lic, and as she will receive from it no emolument, so she trusts it will escape without censure.
The Imported Horse Bedford,
So noted for getting capita- racers, will stand the next season at my sta- ble in Chesterfield county. Further particulars will be made known before the season com- mences. THOMAS BRANCH. 14th October, 1807
Subscriptions for Lewis and Clark's Tour, received at this Office.
LOAN-OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.
NOTICE is hereby given, That in con- formity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U- nited States," bonds will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the four- teen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. de- ferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissi- oner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeem- able at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reim- bursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will re- ceive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeem- able in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not redeemable however, without the assent of the hold- ers, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovementioned) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reim- bursement which may take place, a pre- ference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, ei- ther in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE.
   Proprietors of 1000 dol- lars nominal six per cent. stock, subscrib- ed before the 1st Oc- tober, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six.   of subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 644 37   If subscribed between the 1st January and 17th March, 1808, 619 02   Proprietors of 1000 dol- lars nominal de- ferred, subscribed be- fore the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78   If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62   If subscribed between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42   Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively.   Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dol- lars of new six. w9m   J. P. Com'r. Loans.  
Notice,
THAT the following articles, manufactured at the Penitentiary, with the prices thereto annexed, are constantly kept for sale at the store of Nicholas Hallam, agent for the common- wealth, a few doors above the Swan Tavern in the city of Richmond, viz.
   CUT NAILS.   Wholesale. Retail.     3d. 13 cents. 14 cents per pound.   4d. 12 1-2 13 1-2   6d. 11 1-2 12 1-2   8d. 10 1-2 11 1-2   10d. 10 11   12d. 10 11   20d. 10 11  
CUT BRADS.
   8d. 10 11   10d. 9 1-2 10 1-2   12d. 9 1-2 10 1-2   20d. 9 1-2 10 1-2</