The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-06-02 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2, 1802.
City of Richmond; IN COMMON HALL, May 26, 1802.
DOCTORS Cringan and M'Caw, having tendered their services to inoculate the Poor of this City for the COW POX gratis, Resolved, that the Constables be directed to notify the same to the Poor, in their respective Districts, without delay. If the other Physicians in this City should think proper to inoculate the Poor gratis, and will give information thereof to the Mayor, he will direct the Constables to notify the Poor within their several Districts thereof. And that the Printers in this City be requested to insert this Resolution in their respective Newspapers.
Copy Teste.
ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H. C. R.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS a false report has been in circulation, that during the time I was Constable of this City, I had taken accounts for collection, and had made use of the money. I therefore acquaint all those, who may have claims on me, to come forward before the 10th of June next, and receive payment, as I intend to leave the State about that time; and it is my desire, that Mr. John Taylor, my security to my Bond as Constable, may be exonerated and discharged.
Richmond, May 20, 1802.
JOHN HARRISON.
N. B. A great number of accounts which were put in my hands for collection, are now in possession of Mr. John Taylor, to whom persons will apply and withdraw the same. J. H.
WANTED.
As an Apprentice,
To the Printing Business,
A Young Man, of good Character and Connections, from the age of 13 to 16.
Apply at this office.
Mrs. Booth, and Co.
HAVE JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Octave, from London, an
Elegant assortment of MILLENERY.
LIKewise
FASHIONABLE DRESSES,
Of all descriptions, now open for Sale at their house, next door to Mr. ROBERT MITCHELL'S, near the Market.
May 14th. 1802.
6 t.
Vauxhall Garden.
THE Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, are respectfully informed, that the Garden, attaining to the City Tavern, formerly occupied by Mr. Raphael, has been elegantly fitted out at a great expence, to render it a pleasing and agreeable
PLEASURE GARDEN,
Which will be splendidly ILLUMINATED
With COLOURED LIGHTS, every
MONDAY, THURSDAY, & SATURDAY;
In case of bad weather, the entertainment will always be on the next succeeding fair evening, when the visitors will be entertained with a
Band of Music,
And will find all sorts of
Refreshments
On moderate terms.
The price of admittance on these days only, will be Half a Dollar.
Tickets to be had at the Door, and the ticket will entitle the bearer to the same value in any refreshments whatever, left at the bearer's choice.
The Garden will be opened every Day, but admittance charged only on the illumination days; and at all times refreshments of every kind will be kept ready.
Richmond, May 2, 1802.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer
OPPOSITE Messrs. MITCHELL & GARDNER'S Main Street Richmond.
TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO
A constant supply of STATIONARY.
June 2d, 1802.
5 Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, OR STRAYED,
From Richmond Common, in the Race Week,
A Bay Mare
With bob Tail; she is about Ten Years old; four Feet ten Inches high; has a Star on her Forehead, one Glass Eye, and a small White under her Neck.
Whoever will bring her to the Subscriber, at Richmond, shall receive the above Reward.
JOHN METTERT.
Richmond May 20th, 1802.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a quantity of
Plaister of Paris,
of the very best quality for manure, which he proposes selling on Reasonable terms, either ground or in the Stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond April 13th 1802.
STEPHEN BROWN, GUN MAKER,
From LONDON, Near the OLD CITY TAVERN, Main Street, RICHMOND,
MAKES all sorts of Guns and Pistols, in the neatest manner, and on the most reasonable Terms. He returns thanks to his friends for their encouragement, and informs them he continues to clean and repair old Guns and Pistols.
N. B. Two Apprentices wanted. A small Premium will be expected.
April 22d. 1802.
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ALGERINE TRIBUTE.
BUT we shall for the present, suppose that an extension of their commerce was an object of importance to the United States. Let us next enquire what was the real worth of the Mediterranean trade, and proceed with stating the amount of the tribute which this country pays to the Algerines for leave to carry it on. We shall then compare the two sides of the bargain; and draw the conclusion of profit or loss.
In 1793, the exports to Italy and Morocco came to two hundred and twenty-two thousand dollars. The exports of the United States were, in whole, twenty six millions. The trade to these two countries made, at that time, an hundred and eighteenth part of the total mass of exportation.
In 1797, the exports to Italy and Morocco * came to seven hundred and
NOTE.
* This country is here classed as a Mediterranean state; but it lies more upon the Ocean.
eighty-two thousand dollars. The specified exports of the United States for that year came to fifty-one millions and three hundred thousand dollars. There was besides a large chasm of omissions in the exports of south-Carolina. The whole amount might perhaps be fifty-four millions. Of this mass, the exports to Italy and Morocco form a sixty ninth part.
The trade to these two countries must be regarded as the only advantage arising from the Algerine negotiation. But the year 1797 far exceeded the medium of exports; and farther, the Dutch and English would have been glad to convey, in their own bottoms, whatever proportion of American commodities the two countries might want. It is most likely that a part of the exports from the United States to Italy and Morocco, in 1793, were taken from this country in foreign bottoms, and under the name of England, or Holland, for example. I mention this merely to shew that the augmentation of the Italian trade should not be altogether ascribed to the Algerine treaty, which perhaps had no share whatever in the increase of exports.
These particulars prove the insignificant object for which America has become tributary to Algiers. On an average, the exports ought not to be rated at more than five or six hundred thousand dollars, per annum. The greater part of these cargoes also would have been transported by the Dutch and English merchants for the common and moderate percentage of the carrying trade. Hence the clear and real profit arising from the friendship of Algiers comes to a very trilling matter. It is only this, that we have a market somewhat better than what we otherwise might have had for an hundredth part of our foreign commerce. We buy and sell for ourselves, instead of transacting through the medium of a third party. In that petty portion of trade, therefore, we shall buy and sell perhaps five per cent. better than we otherwise could have done. But even that is doubtful. A solitary American captain, when he enters the port of Leghorn with a cargo, has many disadvantages in competing with the imports of an established British house.
But suppose that thirty thousand dollars per annum of additional profit are made by the trade to that part of the world, since it has been extended under the wings of the Algerine treaty, † and since it was carried on in American bottoms. All is not won that goes into the purse, says the proverb. If the capital employed in the carrying trade can be much better expended in farming, then the whole benefits pretended to come from the tribute to Barbary must issue in a perfect bubble. I shall hereafter go into that argument at some length; and shall only remark in this place that the situation of a farmer is certainly more independent and more happy than that either of a sailor, or of an exporting merchant. Of the former, one half go to the bottom. Of the latter, one half go to jail, or at least become insolvents But, in the loudest wind that whistle through the sky, in the most universal crash that overwhelms commercial credit, the industrious farmer enjoys the pleasure of his own acre. He goes to rest without fear of a starting plank, sleeps in a decent bed, and a dry shirt, and, as he
NOTE.
† Such a consequence of the treaty is not here affirmed, but only granted for the sake of argument.
wakes in the morning, finds his wife rocking the youngest of her children, and the rest of his boys and his girls romping in the barn yard.
The farmers of America have more land at home than they can cultivate; and many of our merchants are giving six per cent per month for bank notes. Under these circumstances, it is very injudicious to pay a large sum of tribute for the carrying trade of the Levant. That trade may be worth the ambition of England, or of Holland; but the peculiar situation of America makes it to her superfluous. The Algerine tribute is just so much money utterly cast away; because the capital employed upon that branch of the carrying trade which it protects, could be much better expended at home upon bridges, canals, and high roads.
I have thus attempted to form an estimate of the worth of the Mediterranean trade. The next point in order is to ascertain the amount of the Algerine tribute, that a judgement may be formed of the wisdom and economy of the whole transaction.
CHAP III.
The last chapter contains an account of the rise and progress of our unfortunate acquaintance with the Algerines, with an estimate of the value of the trade to the Mediterranean: The next point is at what price Government purchased the forbearance of those barbarians. As to some part of the money, I possess not materials for speaking with minute precision upon the manner in which it was expended. But the principal circumstances are known with perfect exactness; and enough can be told for the satisfaction of reasonable curiosity. The facts shall be arranged as distinctly as possible. They deserve the utmost attention.
Joseph Donaldson was employed, as sub-agent under Mr. Humphries, to negotiate with the Regency of Algiers. He set sail upon that business, without the knowledge, and against the expectation of Mr. Humphries. † Hence, from the very manner of his outlet, blunders were to be expected.
The treaty with Algiers was subscribed by the Dey, and by Mr. Donaldson, upon September 5th, 1795. The Dey promises observe to it, "on consideration of the United States paying annually the value of twelve thousand sequins in maritime stores." The deed says nothing respecting the rate at which the stores are to be reckoned. No schedule is annexed, either of what articles are to be delivered to the Dey, or at what price they are to be estimated. Thus the treaty looks on the first blush.
But in fact a schedule was made, although the federal government has, for very disgraceful reasons, though proper to suppress it. The sequel of the affair has been diligently disguised in the acts of Congress. A sequin is worth a dollar, and something more than ninety six cents. Of course, twenty-four thousand dollars can purchase maritime stores to the worth of twelve thousand sequins. On May 6th, 1796, "twenty-four thousand dollars per annum are pledged and appropriated for the payment of the annuity." But it was immediately found that, by the estimate of prices fixed between Donaldson and the dey, the stores were to cost three times as much in Philadelphia, as they, were to be counted for in Algiers. For instance, Donaldson promised to furnish
NOTE.
† Monroe's View, &c. p. 32.]

powder at half a dollar per pound. At that very time powder was sold in Philadelphia for three half dollars per pound. Thus by the gross incapacity of the American envoy, the tribute was at once trebled.
Another instance shall be given of the justice of this last assertion. The bargain for masts was of the same kind with that for gunpowder. Donaldson estimated them at three hundred dollars each. There is reason to think that they could not be conveyed to Algiers for a total loss of less than twelve or thirteen hundred dollars. Some of them had been cut within a few miles of Lake Otsego, in the state of New York. A person, who was concerned in the business, said, that they cost one hundred pounds per stick for transportation from the place of their growth to the lake. From thence, they were to be floated down the Susquehanna, which rises from that body of water. In May, 1797, a number of these masts had come as far as Wright's ferry, in Pennsylvania. Several had stuck upon the rocks. About Christmas, 1797, others had been sold at Wright's ferry for twenty dollars each, and were sawed down into planks. Judge Cooper had been the contractor for these masts; and well it was for him, that he had voted in congress for Jay's treaty. He got one or two sticks transported by land to Philadelphia. He offered to the person who took them down eighty dollars for the carriage. In answer, he was told that twice that sum would be necessary. The masts were, themselves, a beautiful specimen of the vegetation of an American forest. They were ninety or an hundred feet long, and from three to four feet in diameter, without one limb in the whole piece.
Before the senate and president had ratified this treaty, with the schedule annexed, they should have read over the schedule with strict attention. If they did not know the price of gunpowder, one of their own clerks or door keepers could have told them that secret. This is the inconceivable negligence, or something worse, with which public business has hitherto been conducted by the federal majority. An amendment was entirely within the power of the senate. Humphreys, in the codicil, reserves the final ratification to them and the president.
But nothing of this nature is to be expected from the greater part of the senate. A member of that assembly once assured me, that as to the majority of the senate, there was not, in his opinion, a more corrupted body of men upon earth! He said that he had heard much of their depravity before he went among them; but that what he daily saw with his own eyes, did far exceed what had been reported to him, or indeed whatever he believed to be possible. I have received observations to the same purpose, although not in the very same words, from other members of that illustrious body. And before proceeding with the Algerine tribute, I shall just mention two anecdotes of the senate of congress.
After the close of the western expedition, general Mason proposed in the senate, that an account of the expenses should be given in from the treasury. This motion was agreeable to an express clause of the constitution. It met with warm resistance. At last it was carried; but in March, 1799, the account had not been produced; and in all probability, it never will be so. An interval of more than three years had elapsed from the date of the resolution, to the rising of the fifth congress, in March last; and not the smallest attention had been paid to the demand. The account had neither been laid before the senate, nor had the secretary condescended to tell them when it would be ready. This is an excellent way to conduct public business. What would you think of a clerk in your store, or an overseer of your plantation, who refuses to give in his accounts?
Another circumstance may serve to shew what the senate is. Greenville agreed to insert in Jay's treaty an article for the protection of American seamen from British私掠gangs. Jay did not chuse to write the article. For this gross breach of duty, his excellency should have been sent to the wheelbarrow. Instead of that, he was made governor of New York. When he came from England, this ambassador, with the most surprising composure, put upon the table of the senate, the very letter by which it appeared that this proposal had been adopted by the British minister, and overlooked by Hamilton's journeyman. If one drop of republican blood had warmed in the veins of the majority of the senate, if their hearts had been accessible to the common feelings of humanity, if their souls had been capable of thinking, or their faces of blushing, they never would have ratified a British treaty of any sort without the most solemn stipulation in favour of fifty thousand of their brave, ignorant, and betrayed countrymen, who were thus given up to slavery. But when the senate saw Greenville's own letter, lying before them, when they read
his own agreement to such an article, their supineness, or treachery, must astonish those who are not acquainted with them. Oh! that nature would grant me for just ten minutes, the genius of Curran, or Henry, that I might describe, in its proper and immortal characters of detestation, that blackest of federal crimes, the desertion of American seamen! Compared with this horrid connivance, the robbery of the old army was but a flea bite. I return to the Algerine tribute.
The consequence of these monstrous blunders by Donaldson was that the twenty-four thousand dollars per annum would not purchase the maritime stores. Of course, congress found themselves reduced to the ridiculous necessity of passing a second act of appropriation. It was dated March 2d, 1797, and the second clause is in these words: "And be it further enacted, that a further sum, not exceeding ninety-six thousand two hundred and forty-six dollars, and fifty three cents, be, and the same is hereby appropriated for discharging the two first years annuity to the Dey and Regency of Algiers, pursuant to treaty, in addition to the sum appropriated for that purpose, by the act of the 5th of May, 1796."
Thus forty-eight thousand dollars are paid with an hundred and forty-four thousand! Can any man deny this statement? or does there exist a man who dares to defend such an exorbitant waste of money? An additional tribute of fifty thousand dollars a year has thus been faddled upon this country for ever, by the incapacity of Donaldson, and the scandalous negligence of the senate.
The worst part of the story is yet to come. The first clause of the law just quoted authorises the president "to apply a sum not exceeding two hundred and eighty thousand, two hundred and fifty-nine dollars, and three cents, to the expenses which may have been incurred in any negotiations with the Dey and Regency of Algiers, beyond the sums heretofore appropriated." The vague phrase any negotiations bath a suspicious sound. The law contains not one other word of explanation, so that, for any thing which appears upon record, the money might have been voted for the ransom of the president's dog. It seems unaccountable that, after having paid the tribute for the first two years, exactly three times over, we should, in another shape, have to pay the same tribute of forty-eight thousand dollars about six times over. Yet such was the case.
The matter was shortly this. Various delays occurred on the part of America respecting the remittance of money to the Dey. He began to grumble, and in order to appease him, the president, of his own proper motion, built a frigate for the service of our Mahometan master. Thus was America reduced to the situation of a respited convict, who spins ropes for the execution of his afflicters. We are permitted to traffic in the Mediterranean, upon condition that we shall furnish these barbarians with the materials for murder. Thus, the United States are placed upon an exact level, with those banditti. The one dances; the other holds the candle. Such work is the very consummation and definition of political disgrace.
The Crescent frigate had been finished, or thereabouts, before it was thought worth while to consult congress. In the American Annual Register for 1796, I took notice, that it was then upon the stocks, and the law which assigned the money to pay for it, was not passed for six weeks after the publication of the book. It is impossible to invent a more palpable or dangerous breach of the constitution than that here specified. By that instrument, of which the president swore to the observation, he is expressly prohibited from touching one farthing of public money, unless for purposes pointed out beforehand by congress. To demonstrate the fault both of him and them, it is only requisite to read the clause last quoted. The very fractions in the sum of the appropriations for the treble tribute, and for the Crescent, shew that the money had been expended before Congress had been consulted; because the legislature would not have stooped at three cents, unless it had been to meet some particular account. Thus acts of Congress have been reduced to an arrant puppet show. And while that virtuous assembly are thus trampling into annihilation the very heart of the federal constitution, while their own statutes, with a voice louder than the last clap of a thunder storm, prove their mismanagement, they come forward, in the stile of Nero to tell us that we shall not bring them into contempt!
(To be concluded in our next.)
NOTE.
* Pickering's recent correspondence with captain Giles affords a fine illustration of the feelings of government.
TO THE PUBLIC.
LETTER IV.
SO much for the Examiner himself. A word with his man, Skelton. In his fulmination of the 28th April he speaks thus: "I know that the object in this insinuation, is to re-
vive an irritation of public mind, which has but lately subsided. The tide of popular prejudice has had its flood; as usual, the ebb succeeds. The hoarse clamour of misapprehension is filled; but the silent underhand efforts of malignity are not relaxed."
The public irritation has not subsided. It cannot, and it ought not to subside, until the person, who is supposed to have murdered Armstead Selden, shall be brought to a fair and serious trial. The hoarse clamour of disapprobation is not stilled. It has been petulantly said that as the relations of Mr. Selden have not complained, no other person has a title to interfere. The authors of such a doctrine discover the darkest ignorance. Whenever this principle is to be adopted, it would be much better to burn, at once, all our acts of assembly. The occasional immunity of an assassin, by the purchase and sale of blood, formed a part of the criminal law, when Ajax addressed Achilles in these terms:
A Sire the slaughter of his son forgives; The price of blood aton'd, the murtherer lives. The hardest hearts at length their rage resign, And gifts can conquer every soul but thine.
The same custom has been common among the Indians. But in all civilized countries, the law never troubles itself about the wishes or feelings of the relations of the deceased. In the case of Dr. Read, the elder Jones assumed a very different stile. When he was taxed with barbarity for falling upon his own father-in-law, his constant answer was, that he felt it his duty, as an editor, to act as he did. This plea was unjust. The assembly had interfered. His yelping could be of no service whatever. With Skelton Jones, I never once thought of interfering. But even if I had done so, the measure would have been both legal and commendable; whereas that of Mr. Jones, was neither the one, nor the other. The profound silence of the two brothers, as to the particulars of the duel and the death, proves that they are themselves convinced of Skelton's guilt. This most execrable ruffian borrowed a pair of horse pistols, for the duel. He refused a reasonable concession. He took a deliberate aim. The ball, and it was not a small one, entered Mr. Selden's body, under the right arm, and went out under the left one. The young man died instantly. The ball is said to have been traced to some distance, in its progress among the bushes, after it had past through the young man's body. In point of humanity, there is not an atom of distinction between the feelings of the two brothers. When Mr. Jones himself was to fight with James Rind, whom he had first insulted, and whom he then challenged, he got a pair of large pistols from Jack Stewart. Of the forenoon of the duel, he spent a part in firing at a mark.
In Britain, duelling is, for the most part, little more than a ceremony. There is not one instance in twenty, where the parties go to the field with a serious intention of shooting each other. It is even said to be common to stand back to back, and fire over one shoulder. In all common cases, the project of taking an aim would be held as an utmost instance of depravity. One common practice is for the parties to walk a specified number of steps from a given point. They then wheel round, and fire at each other in the same instant. Some years ago, one captain M'Rae, a man of fortune, near Edinburgh, had practised much in shooting with a pistol, at a mark. At last, upon a shallow pretence, he challenged Sir George Ramey, an old officer, who had retired from the service. They met. M'Rae took aim, and gave the old man a mortal wound. He instantly fled from the vengeance of universal detestation. He was pursued quite across England. He had a narrow escape into France. If he had been taken, there was no doubt of his being hung. His name is still mentioned in Edinburgh, as that of a murderer, and a villain.
It cannot be said that the assembly of Virginia gives countenance to this savage custom. Our laws against duelling are abundantly severe. But of what use are laws, unless we have men of probity, and of promptitude, to put them in execution? It was but in the session of December, 1800, that a bill was brought into the assembly against sending of challenges; and this only failed of a final passage, on account of its excessive severity. The very first object of a civilized government is to prevent all acts of personal violence. Even the preservation of property forms but a secondary point.
I had got thus far, when the Examiner of Saturday, the 20th of May, made its appearance. Mr. Jones had printed that he should take no farther notice of my publications; but it was resolved to force him out. He has, accordingly, published four columns, and by the help of a little misquoting, and of a little fibbing, he fancies that he has eked out an answer. Be it so.
In the first place, there does not exist even a momentary misunderstanding between Mr. Banks and myself, on the subject of my dispute with Mr. Jones; or rather, my defence against the unprovoked attack of that editor. When Mr. Banks did, some weeks ago, find himself obliged to publish an explanatory let-
ter, he consulted me upon the point. The answer was, that my memory was, at best, but a bad one; that I might have misapprehended some of his words; and that I reposed unlimited confidence in his veracity and discretion. Accordingly, his letter was printed. I felt no earthly motive to wish for the suppression of a single word of it.
In this last number of the Examiner, Mr. Banks has been again brought forward; and to as little serious purpose, as in the former instance. This last number contains a long account current between Mr. Jones and myself. That account closes with an attestation by Mr. Banks: here it follows:
"At the request of Mr. M. Jones, I certify that the above account appears on his book to have been balanced by me about two years ago. I do not recollect whether Mr. Callender was present or not, but I have no doubt, from subsequent circumstances that it was correct, and expect it will be admitted by Mr. Callender to be so."
Richmond, } May, 23, 1802. }
"HENRY BANKS."
Before Mr. Banks signed this paper, he asked me if it was correct! The answer was that I understood it to be so. I am not going to repeat any private conversation which passed, upon this head, between Mr. Banks and myself. It is sufficient to say that we hold some opposite political opinions; that, upon others, we agree; that we are in habits of personal civility; and, that I should feel very much distressed, if this intercourse were to be suspended by any fault of mine. I do, cheerfully, and gratefully, take this public opportunity of saying that I never found Mr. Banks to flinch, or to trim, upon any one political point that has occurred between us. I have received useful information from him and his obligation to me, has been acknowledged.
I now pass from the previous explanation, as to Mr. Banks, to the proper business of this letter. The Examiner of May 29th proceeds altogether upon a misstatement. I am walking eastward. Mr. Jones fires a ball to the westward; and, most certainly, that ball can never hit me. Mr. Jones has printed a detail, which is, most likely, correct. But that detail has no more connexion with what had been previously stated by me, than Mr. Jones's grandfather had with the flexions of a Greek verb.
Mr. Jones's pompous statement of pecuniary matters amounts to a mere nut-shell of fiction, floating upon a surface of truth. THE PUBLIC ARE REQUESTED TO ATTEND TO THE FOLLOWING IMPORTANT DISTINCTION. The Recorder of May 5th states, that "I came to Richmond on May 25th, 1799. I lived in Mr. Jones's family till sometime in December following, to wit, about six months. In that period, I once, asked him to lend me five dollars. In accents more melodious than even the warbling of John Warden's wind-pipe, Mr. Jones answered, that he could give me FOUR."
It is curious that Mr. Jones, if I am able to comprehend him, does not contradict one sentence which I have said. Of this last publication, there is no part, which came to me in the shape of a surprise. I beg you, for the sake of common sense, to remark the absurdity of Mr. Jones. He had been previously informed by one of our common friends that the statement of figures was admitted by me to be correct. He had told Mr. Jones that he did not see what purpose of Mr. Jones's could be served by the subscription. Over and above all this, I had even been asked whether this subscribing to such an account might produce a misapprehension betwixt Mr. Banks, and me. My plain answer was, that the statement of payments was most likely correct. But that, my statement had nothing to do with it.
The reader has already seen that I simply spoke of a pecuniary statement between the months of May, 1799, and of December, 1799. Of all that I had stated, you will observe that Mr. Jones has not dared to contradict even one sentence. But he now has dared to bring forward a statement of his PAYMENTS TO ME, from January 3d 1800, to the 7th of May inclusive. The LATTER business has no more connexion with the FORMER business, than there exists between a French sailor, who found himself in the river St. Lawrence, when he was i quest of his passage to China, and a British sailor, that, upon the same errand, found himself in Chesapeake Bay. The circumstances have no possible connexion. My acquaintances knew, that, in the month of January, 1800, I did agree to attend to Mr. Jones's Examiner. There is no secret in the business; but, Mr. Jones has attempted, and he has most weakly attempted, to throw some sort of confusion upon this very plain matter. I did most distinctly say, that between the months of May and December, 1799, Mr. Jones did never pay me one farthing.
The remainder of this explanation is postponed till next number.
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
Richmond } June 21. 1802. }
NOTE.
* In making a note of what was said, I forgot to specify whether this sum was the whole freight, or whether it was the price of each mail. I am tolerably sure it was the latter.

The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 26th, 1802.
[In answer to the letter of Civis, we remark that the Recorder recommended Mr. Hay's pamphlet, because the file is clear, nervous and concise. We feel a perfect persuasion that the tax is unjust, because its operation is unequal and oppressive. We are induced to think, also, that it is unconstitutional, notwithstanding what Civis affirms to the contrary.]
Thus far we go with Mr. Hay. But, after the statement of the utter want of money in the treasury, we must concede that a present repeal would be impracticable. There is no argument which can be opposed to necessity. We should be disposed to say that Mr. Hay is theoretically right, and practically wrong; and that Civis is theoretically wrong, and practically right.
As for congress, there is much room to suspect that Civis has foundation for what he says. They have certainly taken a new way to pay old debts. But as the federal government has hitherto been very much distinguished by blunders, and mishaps, if the repeal of the internal taxes makes another, it is only adding one fresh item to a score, which is already very long.]
Every body knows that, during the late war between France and England, American commerce was the foot ball of both parties; and that the British in particular, impressed, handcuffed, kicked, flogged, and starved our seamen, by thousands.
It is also still remembered that the federal prints denied all these matters as far as they durst, whenever the said kicking, or flogging came from a British captain; and that, whenever it came from a French one, they were sure to make the most of the story. We hope that nobody has forgot the reception which Timothy Pickering gave to captain Giles, when he complained to the said Timothy of a British Cat-o-nine tails.
Now that the federal are out of office, they begin to perceive the propriety of resenting such injuries. And now, the Republicans, who have got in, begin to perceive that it is not quite so easy to act, as to speak, in so delicate a conjecture.
When it was known that a French army upon its way to St. Domingo, the Recorder foretold that this expedition would produce a prodigious crop of fabulous, extracts of letters. It has been found that one captain Rogers, who came from St. Domingo, about the time when Leclerc landed, had a great quantity of this false intelligence fathered upon him.
A plain seaman could have neither much taste, nor temptation for telling such fibs; and we impure them chiefly, or totally, to the fertile imagination of some Baltimore scribbler.
Captain Rogers went back to the Cape; and for some reason, or other, Leclerc put him into confinement. He has since been discharged, and returned home. The reason for this treatment is not exactly known; but it has been conjectured that it was owing, in whole, or in part, to the detestable trumpery that was printed under the real, or pretended sanction of his name,
If all this had occurred eighteen months ago, and if Leclerc had been a British officer, Mr. Davis would either have remembered to forget that such a transaction had ever existed at all, or he would have noticed it with the most frigid indifference.
All the men of sense and information among the federalers know that this is really the case; that the Recorder is telling the truth, the whole truth; and nothing but the truth; and that, during ten years, at a stretch, all the federal Gazettes were the mere funnels of a party; that is to say, that they told all that side of the story which suited the certain purposes of certain people, and not one word upon the other side.
But now, when Leclerc, French officer is the person to be blamed, a long and lamentable story must be told about the disgrace of submitting to such treatment. Mr. Jefferson is to do such and
such things, or the country will be dishonored. Mr. Davis and co would not have spoke a word of all this, if John Adams had been president; and what good are you to expect of newspapers which tell only one half of the story? and even link or desert one half of that half? When Pensioner Duane, and pensioner Smith, affect, upon the other side, to entertain you with their impartiality, how are you to believe them?
It is now incontestible that the blacks of St. Domingo are as much as entirely conquered and that all the tales which we had about, battles between them and the French troops were little better than mere dreams. We lately cautioned Mr. Davis, also, as to circulating such stories, on account of their bad tendency in this state. Yet, the Virginian Gazette of last Friday, wants to deny the French conquest. It says that "the surrender of Christophe was rather the surrender of Le Clerc, and more a surrender on the side of the whites than on that of the blacks. Toussaint is to have the command as Lieutenant General of the Island."
To be sure he is! and the election will take place upon the precise day, when, Cowley, the yellow door keeper at the Capitol, shall take his seat in the executive council, as Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, under Mr. Monroe.
Some three weeks ago, Duane published a letter from the first Consul to Toussaint. It fills a complete column of the Aurora. Buonaparte is therein made to address this black fellow in the most fulsome stile of compliment; and this letter was sent by Le Clerc. As will might we fancy that a king of England would write a letter of compliment to Jack Sheppard in the condemned hole of Newgate. Mr. Duane deals very largely in this kind of extracts; but as only thirteen of his papers come to Richmond, it may hardly be thought worth our while to meddle with him.
MORE ABOUT THE NEGROES.
A gentleman who last week passed through the lower counties of North-Carolina, informs that the people in general are much alarmed at the conduct of the negroes;—that nightly patrols of horse and foot are regularly kept, and that numbers of the deluded wretches are in confinement.
On Saturday the 15th inst. there were two negroes tried at Camden, found guilty, and executed on the evening of the same day. At Curriuck, two more were hanged on Wednesday last, and it is expected that many will suffer at Epizabath City, the jail of which place is full of negroes, whose trials come on this week.
An attempt to liberate those in Elizabeth City jail was made last week, by six stout negroes mounted on horseback; four of the fellows were taken, the other two made their escape.
From the Telegraph of March, 27th
Admit, Mr Lillie, that term Lord Chief Justice of the Common Law of England. "did mean ME Gentlemen,?" what satisfaction can arise to the court by inflicting so severe a sentence on a person who was willing to give them every satisfaction within his power? It is clear that you was not the author; and you went as far as possible to discover him, under a full persuasion that every lenity would be exercised towards you. It was therefore expected that humanity would have plead in your behalf—circumstanced as this case was, would not the purity of the court have been maintained by a more mild punishment? If you was indiscreet, must you be torn from all the endearments of domestic life; must a disconsolate wife and afflicted family suffer the pangs of a long separation. Could nothing less at tone for the crime, than the mingled tears of maternal and filial affection?
While you are suffering for one act of indiscretion, it rouses every indignant passion of the mind to observe the constant and outrageous abuse on the executive of the United States.—That these Libellers are thus permitted to insult the people and government of
America, is that they may fill up the measure of their iniquity, but depend upon it the time will come when impartial justice will be fully distributed.
During your confinement, and possibly after, you will hear from me often; in which time many observations will occur which may lead to very important conclusions. ESSEX.
ORIGIN OF PORTER.
The wholesome and excellent beverage of porter obtained its name about the year 1730, from the following circumstances.—Prior to the above mentioned period, the malt liquors in general use were ale, beer, and two penny; and it was customary for the drinkers of malt liquor to call for a pint or tankard of half-and-half, i. e. a half of ale and half of beer, a half of ale and half of two-penny, or a half of beer and half of two-penny.
In course of time, it also became the practice to call for a pint or tankard of three threads, meaning a third of ale, beer and two-penny; and thus the publican had the trouble to go to three casks, and turn three cocks, for a pint of liquor.
To avoid this trouble and waste, a brewer, of the name of Harwood, conceived the idea of making a liquor, which should partake of the united flavours of ale, beer and two-penny. He did so, and succeeded, calling it entire or intirebut; meaning that it was drawn entirely from one cask or butt and as it was a very hearty nourishing liquor, it was very suitable for porters, and other working people: Hence it obtained its name of porter.
[From the Republican; or Anti-Democrat.]
BALTIMORE, Friday, May 24.
"The Examiner, a violent Jacobin paper, speaks of Callender as having "the blackest malignity of heart" as an "assassin of reputations," as a person "whose talents are at market to the highest bidder, &c. and also says that Callender has declared his having "written two pieces while in Philadelphia some time since, "One of them to prove THOMAS M'KEAN, a scoundrel; and the other, ALBERT GALLATIN, "a liar."—Now Mr. Jones, knowing as you certainly must, the character of Callender, why did you employ him to edit your paper? Why support him as a man of good and honest principles? Why assist him in "assassinating" characters as much above M'Kean and Gallatin, as you are above a toad; You certainly have ever known that Callender had no more political honesty than yourself; why then patronise him, employ him, and fib about his patriotism? But as you have hugged and upheld him, you ought to have said nothing against him: You ought not to call him, however justly, "all the bad names of which you can think. Remember, that in the "days of terror" in '98 and '99, he was the "confident, co-patriot and friend of yourself. You and he agreed, were "political brothers; by denouncing him do you, nor denounce also Meriwether Jones?"
PHILADELPHIA, May 14.
In the night following the 27th April, between the hours of 11 and 12, the dwelling house of Mr. Rubin Fowler, of Durham, Connecticut, was entirely consumed by fire, with almost every article of clothing and furniture which it contained, and also a large quantity of pork, lard, cider, and other provisions, out of which he had calculated to make a payment for his house this spring. What adds distress to the melancholy scene is, that a young woman, by the name of Polly Dixon, in the 18th year of her age, was so shockingly burnt that she survived but about 43 hours. The fire is supposed to have been communicated by a candle, which the said Polly carried into her chamber, when she retired to rest. The family were first awaked by the falling of a part of the roof. They had, therefore, only time to escape with their lives: Thus, in a few minutes, a family, in comfortable circumstances, were reduced to absolute want.
EXTRACT
From Mr. Nicholson's Speech.
On the repeal of the Judiciary.
This debt, which now hangs as a dead weight about us, has been called the price of our independence, and has been spoken of as a debt due the war-worn soldier, which we assumed and funded to alleviate his sufferings. This position cannot assent to. When the western soldier returned from the fatigues and hardships of the war, to enjoy domestic comfort, he brought with him as an evidence of the service he had rendered his country, nothing but his certificates and his wounds. They were, indeed, honorable testimonials—the latter he felt would remain with him while life lasted, and the former he held with the hope that one day or other his country would be in a situation to pay him; but the hard hand of poverty pressed on him, and stern necessity compelled him to part with them for a pittance. The rich and cunning speculator, who had sheltered himself from the storm, now came out to prey upon his distress and for two shillings and six pence in the pound, he purchased this poor reward of toil and hardship. When you were about to make provision for the payment of this debt, you were called on by the voice of humanity, by the spirit of Justice, to make a discrimination in favor of the soldier. He asked you to give to the speculator what the speculator had advanced; but to give the balance to the poor, though valiant soldier, who had faithfully earned it in the frozen regions of Canada, or in the burning sands of South Carolina; you regarded him not; to his tale of distress you turned a deaf ear; his services and his sufferings were forgotten; the blood he had spilt, were no longer remembered; you cast him upon the unfeeling world, a miserable dependent upon charity for subsistence. Let not then the gentleman from Delaware call this debt the price of our independence, or a compensation to the war worn soldier To him it was a poor compensation indeed. Its effect was to intrench yourselves around by rich speculators, whose interest and influence you secured, and who would be ready to support you in any measures provided you would ensure the payment of the interest on that debt, which was funded for their benefit, but which was created as the expense of a brave and meritorious soldiery. From motives of shameful policy, you enabled the proud speculator to roll along in his gilded chariot, while the hardy veteran, who had fought and bled for your liberties, was left to toil for his support, or to beg his bread from door to door."
NORFOLK, May, 25.
By captain Moffatt, arrived here last Saturday from Port Republican, we are favored with a Newspaper of that place dated the 3d instant—it contains the following letter.
Head Quarters, Cape Francois, April 28th.
The General in Chief, to General Dugua.
"I announce to you, my dear General, that I have this morning, at Haut-du-Cap, had a conference with Christophe, the result of which is that he now actually commands my advanced guard near Dondon: he has evacuated the posts of Limbe: in short, he is together with his troops, completely in my power.
I embrace you, my dear General, (Signed) "LECLERC."
The number of troops which came over with Christophe were said to be 4000. The day capt Moffatt sailed from Port Republican (the 6th inst.) information was received there that TOUSSAINT had capitulated, to the French troops, together with his troops a consequence of a previous arrangement made between Gen. Leclerc and Christophe, by which Toussaint is to receive a pension from the French Government of 100,000 livres per annum; he has liberty to retire to any other country, but must not remain in the island of St. Domingo.

NEWARK, May 4.
ACCIDENTAL.
Some time since, DANIEL MARSH esq. collector of the port of Amboy, having failed out in a skiff built for the purpose of transacting business in the line of his official duty, to view some vessels, which lay out at Sandy Hook, or in the Narrows, and a sudden gale having taken him (as is supposed) upset his boat, by which he was immediately drowned. It is probable that no person observed the boat upset, as no rumour of the kind had been heard for upwards of a week after his absence from his family. His body was found floating on Thursday last, among the reeds on Long Island shore, near N. York, where a jury of inquest was held over his body, and after giving in their verdict, without knowing him, were about to proceed to bury him, on shore without further enquiry, had not a citizen of this town happened to be there at that time, who he knew him, and who acquainted them of his character, and requested they would transport the body to his family for interment, which was accordingly complied with.
Mr. Marsh has long since been a judge of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, a member of the legislature of this state, and in various other public capacities since our revolution.
The Legislature of Tennessee passed a law at their last session, inflicting a penalty of 100 dollars on any person bringing into that state any negro, or other slave, or servant of colour, besides the loss of their right and interest in such slave or servant.
LONDON Monday, March 29.
Downing-Street.
Mr. Moore, assistant-secretary to Marquis Cornwallis, arrived this morning at nine o'clock, with the Definitive Treaty of Peace, which was signed at Amiens, at four o'clock in the afternoon, of the 27th instant, by the Plenipotentiary of his Majesty, and by the Plenipotentiaries of France, Spain, and the Batavian Republic.
FROM NANTZ—March 22.
"We hear from Paris, on the 19th inst. that Peace has been signed with England. A Courier was dispatched last night with the assent of the First Consul. It is added that the Scheldt is to remain shut, Malta to be in the power of the English, and Martinico will remain in their possession till the payment of the sums advanced for our prisoners. That Holland is to pay for the shutting of the Scheldt."
From a London paper.
Losses sustained by the different powers on the Continent, in consequence of the war with France.
The House of Austria, 1060 leagues in Germany, 3,629,355 souls, 9,314,135 florins of revenue.
Thirty one Princes, having possessions on the left Bank of the Rhine, 885 leagues, 1,960,575 souls, 14, 163,134 florins of revenue.
Forty three Counts having possessions on the same left bank. 75 leagues, 132,630 souls, 1,391,922 florins of revenue.
Abbeys and Chapters, having separate possessions, 12, 1-2 leagues, 109,500 souls, 1,994,500 florins of revenue.
The Equestrian Order, 20, 1-2 leagues, 52,600, souls 409,300 florins of revenue.
The Chapter of Cologne, one league, 2,500 souls, 51,890 florins of revenue.
Imperial cities to the number of five; 4 leagues, 19,000 souls, 523,000 florins revenue.
Holland, including her possessions in Belgium, eighty leagues, 218,000 souls, 1,300,000 florins of revenue.
The Imperial chamber of Wetzlar, 21,600 florins of revenue.
Total, 2,168 leagues, 6,253, 660 inhabitants and 23,383,461 florins.
UTICA, (New-York) March 29.
On Friday last, George Peters, the Indian who was sentenced to receive the punishment of death, at the last June circuit court, for the murder of his wife, had the awful judgment inflicted upon him. He was suspended by the neck a little before 3 o'clock P. M. amid the largest concourse of people, that was ever assembled in this Western country. The execution was conducted with the greatest coolness and propriety on the part of the sheriff, his officers and the different military corps, assembled as a guard upon that occasion, and with great decency on the part of the people. The Indian was attended from the prison to the gallows, by the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, and the Rev. Mr. Dodd, the former of whom addressed the assemblage in a very handsome and pathetic manner, and then offered to Heaven a fervent prayer adapted to the occasion, after which he delivered to the Oneidan Indians present, a discourse in their own language, which, if we may judge from the apparent effect it had upon that part of the audience, must have been impressive, and discovered to every hearer, that, well uttered, the Indian language possesses no inconsiderable share of beauty.
The scene being closed with the condemned, his body was delivered by the sheriff, to the Indians of the tribe to which he belonged, at their particular request, for burial. It may here be observed that the condemned Indian behaved with acquiescence. He acknowledged his wickedness and the crime for which he suffered, with this instructive salvo, that he was intoxicated with liquor and rage, and that he did not intend murder.
QUEEN ANNE'S, FARTHING.
The Queen Anne's Farthing advertised to be disposed of, was proved to be an original.—There were only two coined in that Queen's reign, and not three, as has been erroneously stated.—That which was sold by the sergeant from Chatham, for 400l. was purchased by a Noble Viscount, curious in the selection of coins, &c. Seven hundred guineas was the price asked for the coins advertised last week. Five hundred were offered and refused.
From the St. John's (Antigua) paper, of April 20.
DOMINICA JOURNAL,
EXTRAORDINARY.
ROSEAU, April 14.
On Saturday morning the 10th inst. accounts arrived in town express to his Excellency Governor Johnstone, that a dia regiment, of which his Excellency is mutiny had broke out in the 8th West In Col. who, on the preceding evening had revolted against their officers, and put three of them to death in consequence of which an alarm was fired, and the colony put under martial law, which was sanctioned by a council of war, to continue for fourteen days.
The different corps of militia were immediately assembled in town, and a part of the 68th regiment, with about 50 men of the St. George's regiment, commanded by Captain Dodds, and the St. Luke's independent company, were immediately embarked in some of the Droughing vessels in order to act with the St. John's independent company, commanded by capt. Trotter. On Sunday, his Excellency embarked with the remainder of the 68th, and arrived at Prince Rupert's, on the evening of the same day. Previous to this, the mutineers had made a sortie, in which they had a skirmish with captain Trotter's company, but in the end were repulsed and driven back by that company, supported by the marines of the different ships in the Bay, who effectually continued to keep them within the post till the force which accompanied the Governor was disembarked. His Excel-
lency, found, on his arrival, that arms had been proposed to Major Hamilton, after which several interviews between parties deputated from the mutineers, and our commanders took place; the result of which was, that they should surrender, and lay down their arms, which being agreed to, and that 500 men should march to take possession, the Governor at the head of a detachment from the Royals, commanded by captain Puxley, from the Saints, about 300 of the 68th commanded by Majors Scott and Hamilton, and the marines commanded by—, together with some officers and privates of the artillery, entered the garrison, where they found the mutineers drawn up in the usual place of parade, with the colours in their front.—They received our troops with presented arms, and obliged two of their officers whom they had spared from the massacre of Friday night, to take post in their front. The governor drew up his troops in two lines opposite to them, rode to the line of the mutineers, and directed them to shoulder and ground their arms, on which he rode to the rear of the front line. They were then ordered to advance three paces in front; at which moment a sergeant (Church) called out "No General---no! --The governor then replied, if they did not instantly obey, he would order the troops to fire upon them. On which the whole seized their arms; a general fire commenced, by which many of the mutineers fell, and the remainder dispersed themselves in different directions.
Previous to their dispersion, Capt. Serrant and Lieutenant Beaupols, with the St. Luke's independent company had received orders to occupy Fort Cairley, in which were some few of the Mutineers, but, being fired upon, and having no instrument with which to force the barrier gate, they were obliged to retreat.
After the scene on the parade, many of the surviving fugitives were seen scrambling up the outer cabrit; others fled up the inner one, and those who could attain it, running along the line on the ridge, discharged as they passed, the cannon which had been previously loaded and pointed on their pursuers; and then threw themselves headlong over the precipice. Such, however, was the spirit of intrepid activity manifested by every white individual in the garrison, in storming the remaining posts of the mutineers, that in the course of half an hour, the whole were completely reduced; and these daring banditti may now be said (except about 130 who are prisoners on board the ships of war) to be almost wholly exterminated.
It is with great satisfaction we find our own loss has been very trifling, according to the best accounts, amounting to 20 killed and wounded.
Lieut. M'Kay and Lieut. Westnays appeared to have been the peculiar objects of their rage. Lieut. Westnay's fate was truly lamentable. These barbarians having stripped him, fastened him to a tree, pricked him with their bayonets, and mutilated him in a most shocking manner, even retarding that death which would have been a boon as terminating his sufferings---and the dead body of Lieut. M'Kay, the first victim to their wrath, they equally insulted, by dragging it about the Post, in a manner too horrid to relate
For the Recorder.
CONCERNING
THE
"TAX ON MERCHANTS."
THE whole essay against the Tax on Merchants has been published in this paper. The author has endeavoured to convince, or rather persuade the Virginia Assembly, that this tax ought to be repealed; alleging it to be not only unconstitutional, but unjust. He has not thought proper to employ his talents as a financier, to shew what ought or might be substituted in its place. When this pamphlet was published, it was not foreseen by him, and perhaps it is not now known, that the treasury has been so completely drained, that a demand for fifty or sixty dollars could not be paid; that public credit is considerably injured; that, if any emergency should happen, requiring the sudden and vigorous exertions
of government, the executive would be compelled, either to convoke the legislature,—to resort to the pernicious mode of making impôts —to borrow money from the federalists , if they would lend it,—or, to submit to the calamity.
It is most likely, if Mr. Hay had examined the resources and expenses of the government, that, instead of publishing a pamphlet which is calculated to make bad work, (that is, to repeal the most productive branch of the Revenue, when the whole, with its aid, was insufficient) he would have taken as much pains to rouse his legislative admirers to increase the revenue. He would have looked over the theoretical and tiresome pages of Adam Smith for this purpose.
The pamphlet was published at the very tail of the last session. Mr. Hay's talents, as a politician, disputant, and lawyer, stood high with many of the members. In a fit of madness, or of respect to himself, they might have repealed the law. What would have been the consequence? More calamitous, perhaps, than a long life of meritorious service could atone, or repair.
Congress, it seems, are following this man plan of repealing the laws which produce revenues with certainty, ease, and without oppression, with an immense public debt staring them in the face.
The members of congress, who have done this, tell their constituents that the public debt is a great curse, and that we ought to get rid of it. They pretend to hold public credit in great estimation, and, at the same time, they abolish the revenue laws, which were in easy and effectual operation, which had produced so great a surplus of revenue, that they have been able to appropriate even millions of dollars towards the redemption of the public debt. They take a great deal of credit for this great appropriation. They call it Ministerial or Republican savings , and, at the same time, repeal the laws from which those savings have been made.
I ask Mr. Hay, whether it would not be better to let the Merchant Tax go on, until something better and as little, or less oppressive is substituted? And I ask the members of congress who have effected the aforesaid repeal, whether it would not have been better to permit the wheels of taxation and collection, also, to go on, until the seven millions should be increased to seventy and seven millions, or until the total extinguishment of the public debt? They have acted otherwise. It must be because they think a public debt is a public blessing , and therefore have taken this measure to perpetuate it. It is thus that they support their popularity, at the expence of their candour.
This is a subject upon which much may be, and perhaps will be said. At this time and place, it is sufficient to say that the public are deceived and gulled. The seven millions did not proceed from savings , but from the overplus of the former system, which the former rulers, if they had been as dishonest as they have been represented, might have divided among themselves. They might have left the treasury as barren, and the credit of the government as much in jeopardy, as the credit of Virginia now is, and as will probably be the case with the United States, at the next turn of the political and popular scales.
The Recorder concludes as to that pamphlet in these words; "We cannot help recommending the whole piece, as a production of considerable merit. I wish the kind of merit had been stated. Does it mean political or polemical merit? If the first, I deny it. If the second, and it is so understood, I shall not put myself to the trouble of saying one more word upon the subject. My opposition is solely against the political merit of the performance."
It will be time enough, and perhaps the most proper time, to afford the necessary antidotes to the political poisons which the pamphlet contains, whenever, if ever there shall be an actual necessity;—if ever any portion of the legislature shall be mad enough to undertake the repeal of this law, before they have put a better one in its place.
The merchants of all countries know that their protection and prosperity depend upon the due support of government; and I believe that there is not one to be found who would not prefer to pay 15 dollars for the privilege of pursuing his business without molestation, rather than to have his shelves exposed to the relentless paws of a commissary of imposts, or, to see the public credit link into irretrievable ruin.
As to the unconstitutionality of the law, there is nothing in the pamphlet which proves it, or amounts to it, the ipse dixit of the author excepted; and this ipse dixit is contradicted by the concurrent facts of four successive assemblies, in some of which we see the names of James Madison, John Taylor, Wilson Cary Nicholas, William B. Giles, &c. &c. It would really be amusing to see these orthodox, and unerring politicians engaged in a battle of contradictions, each claiming the pre-eminence, and accusing all who reject their theories, with incivism , aristocracy , or federalism . Yet, strange to tell, such things are!
CIVIS.