The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-13 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1808.
[No. 89.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1805, and recorded at the Hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807;) Will be sold without reserve for ready money, on Thursday, 3d March, the sloop ALEXANDER burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts.
SAMUEL TURNER, } Trustees. DANIEL EPES, } [ids.] Feb. 9.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Richard Johnson of Albemarle County, on the 29th day of January 1806, and recorded in the county court of Albemarle in July 1806; I shall proceed to sell for ready money to the highest bidder, at Triplett T. Estes's Tavern in the Town of Charlottesville, on Monday the 7th day of March next, it being Albemarle court day, the following Slaves, (being conveyed in said trust for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due by said Johnson to McCredie, Higginbotham, &c.) viz. wagoner John, Rose, Toney, Lucy, Mary, Collin and Joseph. As I am only acting as Trustee, I will convey to the purchasers, the title only which is vested in me as such, which is believed to be good. GEORGE GARRETT, Trustee. Milton, Feb. 9. [3t]
VIRGINIA to wit.—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff.—Against Ar-misted Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armisted Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [law8w.]
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Goode. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, the 22d day of February next it being Court day, a certain tract of LAND, in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowatt which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia. JOHN DANIEL, WILLIAM BRADLEY. [law4w.] January 28. The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. [law4w.]
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHEW of Urbanna, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt. JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. [law4w.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law4w.]
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants.—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife — And Mrs. and Polly his wife, and — Meriwether and Barbara Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. c. Jan. 14. [law4w.]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797. Living and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1060 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 430 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indispensible titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [law4w.]
NOTICE to Theoderick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said admrs. against said Carter, and on Monday the 28th of the same month at Cumberland courthouse, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Admrs. Jan. 28. [law4w.]
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementing the act, entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. stock surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, or Paris; in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid. JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 — Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 — If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 — Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. J. P. Comr. L's. June 10. (law9m.)
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff.—Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants. The defendant Wm. Weir, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel: It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. Dec. 19. (law8w.)
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NAGS, which they wish Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking Nags to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training, are upon the most moderate charges and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, to take care of them and exercise them; when it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse; where it is not convenient for the owners to send all those necessaries, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES: Grain & litter for each horse per week £0 12 Fodder for do do 0 6 Boy's board do do 0 12 My own attention for each horse per week 0 12 Physic per dose when necessary 3s. Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscriber also begs leave to inform the public, that he Nicks and Foxes horses in the most stylish and upon reasonable charges. Wm. TICHBURST. Feb. 2. (law4w.)
FOR SALE.—THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A good bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [law4w.]
LATEST FOREIGN NEWS. A letter from Bedford, of which the following is an extract, was put into our hands yesterday by a very respectable commercial friend. It covered a handbill, of which we have subjoined a copy
Extract of a letter from a merchant in New-Bedford to his friend in this city, dated January 30th. "The ship Honestus, arrived here this afternoon in 30 days from Tangiers, where she touched in her way to some port in the Mediterranean, being induced to do so from information received from an English privateer, that the Dey of Algiers had declared war against the United States about the 15th or 20th November. The American Consul in Tangiers confirmed the unwelcome intelligence, and has charged captain Clarke with dispatches for our government on the occasion, which will be sent off for Washington this evening. "Captain Clarke informs that the ships Stranger and Eliza are both in London, as is the Argus, which proceeded thither on being informed of the late British order in council. She must have received this information near Rotterdam, as she got on Margate Sands, and has sustained some damage. The Stranger is bound direct to New-York with some freight, and was expected to sail 45 days since."
IMPORTANT Mercury-Office, (New-Bedford) Jan. 30, 10 o'clock, P. M.
WAR WITH ALGIERS. Arrived this evening, the fast sailing ship Honestus, captain Nathan Clarke, 42 days from the Downs. Left London about the 11th December, for the Mediterranean. Off cape Trafalgar, spoke a British ship of war, who informed, that Algiers had declared WAR against America, and had captured a number of vessels; in consequence, went into Tangiers for further information; and on application to the American Consul, the account of war was fully confirmed; and a letter handed by the Consul to captain Clark, a copy of which is given below. In consequence of this information, capt. Clark left Tangier for America 1st instant—touched at Madeira on the 9th, and found it in the hands of the English; they having taken possession of it on the 25th December.
THE LETTER. "TANGIER, Dec. 31, 1807. "SIR, The belief of the Algerines having commenced hostilities on the flag of the U.S. is founded on the Declaration under oath of capt. Ichabod Sheffield, of the schr. Mary-Ann, of New-York, made at Naples; which states, that his vessel and the brig Violet, of Boston, was captured on the 26th Oct.* by an Algerine frigate of 44 guns. Capt. Sheffield adds, that he had heard the same frigate had taken an American ship and schr. a few days before his vessel. He was fortunate enough to overpower the Turks put on board the Mary-Ann, and arrived at Naples on the 4th November.† This intelligence appears fully confirmed by the advice received at Gibraltar, on the 21st inst. from Oran, of nine American vessels having been carried to Algiers, which Mr. Gavino has acquainted me. Under these circumstances, it is my decided opinion, your determination not to proceed up the Mediterranean is perfectly right; and I beg you may make this known to every American vessel you may meet at sea. "With this is a letter for Consul Catlicart, at Madeira; if you can conveniently leave it there, or put it on board of any vessel bound for that island, it may be productive of happy consequences. I also deliver you a dispatch for the Hon. the Secretary of State, which I have to request you will put into the hands of the post-master, at the first port you may be able to make in the U.S. "I wish you a safe and speedy voyage, And am sir, Your most obedient serv't. JAMES SIMPSON. Capt. NATHAN CLARK, Ship Honestus, Tangier Bay." * Capt. Clark saw capt. Sheffield's Declaration, and is confident that there is a mistake in this date, and that it was the 26th November. † Dec. 4th, in the original. Dispatches for Government are sent off by express.
SHIP NEWS. Ship Niagara, Cross, of this port, is arrived at Rotterdam; the Fame, Slocum, at Whitehaven; the Ontario, Nye, for Holland, carried in some time past, is still detained. Ship Argus, Barney, of Nantucket, is arrived at London. The Susan, Delano, from Russia, for New-York, detained on suspicion of having Russian property on board, is in the Downs. American vessels, turned away from their ports of destination on the Continent, in consequence of the blockading decrees, were daily arriving in England. Captain Clarke left a number of American vessels at London and in the Downs, but not being bound directly home did not furnish himself with a list. He offers the same apology for not bringing any papers. The public will no doubt feel indebted to him for his attention in communicating the above important particulars of verbal information.
In a private letter from New-Bedford to a mercantile house in this city, in which our express was enclosed, it is stated, that Capt. Clarke informs, that the opinion of Mr. Simpson, our consul at Tangier was, that the attack on the Chesapeake frigate by the British squadron was made to prevent her going to the Mediterranean, in order to cut off our
supplies, and induce our ships of war there to return into port. Thus, leaving our trade at the mercy of the ruthless Marauder. This information was predicated in consequence of assurances from the Dey of Algiers to the government of Great Britain—that he was about to declare war against America. We glanced at this idea yesterday. We believe our Consul to be correct. Pub. Adv.
In addition to the intelligence we gave yesterday from Bordeaux, capt. Dill informs us that the British ship of war Penelope and indefatigable blockaded the harbour; and that he was boarded by the latter on the 31st of December, off the Cordovan, and was informed that two days before they had received orders to stop all vessels bound to France, Spain, Holland, Prussia, Portugal, Italy or any other ports in the Mediterranean. This circumstance they endorsed on the Lorenzo's register. B.
We are indebted to the politeness of our friends (says the New-York Oracle) who have furnished us with liberal extracts from their letters, together with intelligence received in conversing with the passengers by the Lorenzo.
The troops which defied through Bordeaux and the adjacent country, were only between 70 and 80,000, their destination was equally intended to act against Portugal and Spain. The latter being to undergo a total change of government, and to be included in the Dynasty of the Bonapartes.
The spouse of Lucien (whom he had married without consent of Napoleon) lately died of a very short illness. It was generally believed that his widowed Prince would shortly be married to some Princess, and be installed as king of Spain and Portugal, which kingdom will assume some new and more appropriate name.
It was whispered mysteriously in fashionable circles, that the Emperor Napoleon at Milan, was engaged in effecting his fanciful changes in the political state of Europe.—The kingdom of Italy is to be increased, and assigned for the maintenance of his beloved Empress, from whom his matrimonial ties are to be cancelled by d ce ree, from the hands of his holiness the Pope. The Empress will then reign over Italy, and the crown to become hereditary in the family of Beauharnais, through her son the present Vice-Roy of the same. The Emperor Napoleon invested with the title of Emperor of the West, will ally himself to the House of Russia, by marrying the Princess Catharine, sister to the Emperor Alexander, who is to assume the title of Emperor of the East, and place his brother Constantine on the throne at Constantinople, which city is to be the metropolis of a kingdom principally from the dominions of Turkey in Europe. The siege of Gibraltar was spoken of, but not as a matter of primary importance. Cambaceres the Arch Chancellor of the Empire was at Bordeaux, where the most splendid entertainments were given on the occasion. The Embargo at Bordeaux was laid pursuant to the equipment and sailing of the secret expedition of which 2 Frigates have arrived at Martinique. The Embargo was taken off on the 4th December. The prevailing opinions in Bordeaux at the departure of the Lorenzo, Capt. Dill, were, that war would be declared by France against the U. S. on the event of their adjustment with England. The Algerines have declared war against France. The Algerines have also issued their declaration of war against the United States of America. Mr. Lee, American Consul at Bordeaux, has addressed his dispatches to the Secretary of State; supposed to contain an official account of the Algerine declaration of war against the U. S. and of the actual commencement of hostilities. Coffee had risen to 90 cents immediately on the news of the English blockading decree being known, which was only three days before the sailing of the Lorenzo. The Emperor Napoleon arrived at the foot of mount Cenis on the 20th Nov. at Turin in the evening of the same day, and on the day after at noon he was at Milan—his arrival at these places were conveyed to her Imperial Majesty by Telegraphic dispatches. A letter from a gentleman in London dated the 30th Nov. says, "it is earnestly hoped here by the friends of America, that an embargo will be laid in all your ports, and a prohibition of all manufactures. Such measures will be sure to bring both France and England to a sense of justice."
POSTSCRIPT. Capt. Ogilvie, of the ship Actress, who arrived at this port last evening, sailed from Genoa on the 27th November, and from Malaga on the 14th of Dec. and informs that he did not hear any report of the Algerines having declared WAR against America, or of their having captured any American vessels. Capt. O. further states, that it was currently reported in Malaga, that the Emperor Napoleon, was soon to be married to the Sister of the Emperor of Russia.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 4. Mr. Rose, the British Minister, we understand, intends leaving the United States immediately. A friend of his in this city has received a letter from him, in which he expresses his apprehensions that he shall not have time to visit New-York previous to his departure.....Mr. Advertiser.
BALTIMORE, Feb. 6. It is with real heartfelt regret, we learn that Mr. Crowninshield is not likely to survive many days. The death of so distinguished a member, at such a crisis, must be considered a great public calamity. Mr. Crowninshield is one of the Massachusetts Delegation in Congress. His knowledge in commercial and maritime affairs is extensive; and his honesty unimpeached. He never gave (we believe) a wrong vote—but in one case; and that, most probably, for the purpose of riding the nation from the trouble of those importunate speculators, the Yazo clamourers.....Whig.
The following article, which we copy from a London paper of the 21st November, is somewhat explanatory of the late hostile convention of the red men of the West, at Malden, assembled at the call of the British emissaries in that quarter. It will appear from this article, that the war talked with the savage tribes to induce them to burn the town and raise the scalping knife against our frontier inhabitants, sprang from the fountain of wickedness, the British ministry itself. We have been uniformly of opinion, that the object of Mr. Rose's mission is procrastination , until the moment shall arrive when England will strive to strike the contemplated blow. Time will develop whether our suspicions be or be not well grounded.
"By a letter from Quebec, of the 4th ult. we learn, that the President of the Council had invited Sir J. Johnson, Superintendent General of Indian Affairs in the Canadas, to repair to that capital to assist in arranging measures for calling out the force of the country." The ex-nave influence of Sir John Johnson in Canada has induced the principles of both provinces to apply to him in the present emergency, and he is now manifesting his usual zeal for the service of his country, by preparing the Militia and Indians for the field. About 3000 militia and 2000 Indians can be assembled on the short notice at his call, and up a his taking the field a much larger force will join him. So that the toe-potent measures of Ministers , seconded by the exertions of Sir John Johnson, will oppose a formidable barrier to any attempts on the part of the U. States, in the event of a rupture."
TO YOUR TENTS, O ISRAEL!
People of America! Men of all parties who feel an emotion of virtue, of love of country—of virtue or liberty—You who can look back with glorious exultation to the triumphs of independence, and the virtue and valor by which it was achieved—annihilate the little animosity of party, nobly resolve to spurn all foreign feelings , and be Americans worthy of the name.
For the hour is at hand—when there can be no neutrality—You are on the verge of war.
Your government has been called on as the Danes were called on at Copenhagen , to abandon independence, and become the dupe of Great Britain.
The negotiation, which was never intended for the ostensible purposes , is at an end.
Prepare for war— Unite—arm—like men—or perish slaves. You are men—and that manhood will be tried.....Aurora.
The political and literary world are likely to be soon gratified, not only by the publication of the History of the House of Stuart , by the late Hon. CHARLES JAMES FOX, in the unfinished state in which he left it, but also of his interesting and extensive correspondence with the most distinguished characters of the reign of the present British Monarch.
LATE DONATIONS. TO THE PHILADELPHIA MUSEUM.
Two tame young Grizzly Bears, from source of the Missouri, where they grow large as to weigh 800 wt.—these are at present, weight 70 pounds each. To gratify public curiosity, they will be exhibited in the Museum for 10 days, (viz. until the 15th of February, inclusive, after which they cannot be seen, as the Museum does not conveniently admit of the exhibition of live animals)—These shaggy tyrants of the woods, with tremendous paws, are fierce combatants, and are similar to those which forced Captain Lewis to take shelter in a river for an hour. Presented by Thomas Jefferson, Esq.
A Snake, 10 feet 2 inches long, from the East Indies, which got unperceived on board a ship, and was not discovered till six weeks after, when it crept into one of the sailors' birth, who alarmed at his cold insinuating visitant, sprang out and could not be prevailed to go back. It was seen several times after this, but was not taken until her arrival at this port. A piece of the Ruins of the French Bastille.—Presented by Samuel Breck, jun. A specimen of Statute, from the East Indies.—Presented by Mr. Talbot Hamilton. Indian Antiquities. Presented by Mr. Thomas Orr.
Three small specimens of those extraordinary Stones, called "Meteorite Stones," which fell at Weston, Connecticut, Dec. 14, 1807, of which the newspapers have given lengthy accounts.—Presented by Mr. B. Siliman. Native Sulphur, found on the plantation of Mr. Joel Harland, Newlin Township, Chester County.—Presented by Mr. J. Cloud, of the Mint. The Columbiad, a Poem, by Joel Barlow, Esq. elegantly bound. This splendid publication is altogether of American manufacture, except the 12 copperplate engravings. Presented by Mr. Barlow. Pig-nut Bark, perforated by insects in curious forms, showing their manner of living and progress from the eggs. Presented by Mr. Clinard.
[The paragraph below, is from the Albany Register. It is no less correct, than eloquent. We are anxious to copy various opinions, of the best men; respecting the embargo; as they collectively will show the general sense of the nation better than the slanderous remarks of British agents.] "Like the sword and the pestilence, these two giant powers march upon the heels of each other;—what the one leaves will be swept away by the other. We have, therefore, no choice but to destroy ourselves by fighting with all the world, to avenge this horrible injustice, or quit all connection with these desperate belligerents till they shall perish by the hands of each other, or recover from that madness by which they are at present actuated. Our government has wisely chosen the latter expedient. We can live within our walls a few years at least. "

EUROPE.
PHILADELPHIA, February 5.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
Yesterday afternoon arrived the fast-sailing brig Lydia, captain Webb, 40 days from Bordeaux...
The President's message at the meeting of Congress, was published in France early in December...
It will also be perceived that Sweden, urged by Russia, has at length united itself to the immense continental coalition against Great Britain.
TRANSLATIONS. From French papers to Dec. 20, received at the Office of the Philadelphia Gazette.
OF PORTUGAL.
PARIS, December 14.
Letters from the first corps of observation of the Grande, commanded by general Junot, announce that the prince regent of Portugal...
PARIS, Dec. 8. Mr. Stephen Cathalan, consul of the United States of America in Marseilles, has communicated to the chamber of commerce...
"SIR—I hasten to communicate to you the following information contained in a letter which I received about three days since, from col. Lear...
"The consul general considers this as a formal declaration; the reigning Dey being in the habit of putting his threats into execution...
"You will therefore be pleased immediately to notice all the American vessels within your district, of this circumstance...
"I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) C. D. COXE." It is reported that England has accepted the mediation of Austria...
December 10. The Argus repeats to-day the report of the entrance of the French into Lisbon on the 28th Nov.
December 18. The Portuguese are well satisfied as to the intentions of the French, and have received them with enthusiasm...
The vessels are yet in sight. Among the number of distinguished emigrants are the duke de Cadaval, the marquis de Funchal, and the minister of state, Araujo.
At the departure of the courier, it was stated that the English had landed at Peniche, an important port about 11 leagues from Lisbon.
COPENHAGEN, Nov. 28. The baron Boje, who brought dispatches from the king of Sweden, returned on the 24th.
HAMBURG, Dec. 5. A family compact is spoken of between the present reigning houses of Russia, Sweden & Denmark...
Letters from Sweden state, that the English, previous to leaving the Sound, requested permission from the king of Sweden to winter their troops in Scania...
KONINGSBERG, Nov. 22. Several English families have arrived here from Petersburg and Riga.
LEIPSIC, Dec. 3. A French courier coming from Paris passed a few days ago through our city, on his way to Berlin...
HAMBURG, Dec. 5. Conformably to an order from Paris there can be imported into the ports of the Baltic sea occupied by French troops...
It is believed at Stockholm, that since the audience granted by the King of Sweden to the Russian ambassador...
Brig Lydia, Webb, from Bordeaux, left here 22d Dec. ship Charleston Packet, taking in for this port, and ship Portland, Callender, of Philadelphia for Charleston...
The news of the embargo was received at Havannah on the 11th of January by vessels from New-York and Baltimore.
DOMESTIC.
FROM THE BOSTON DEMOCRAT. Answer to the paragraph in the last Saturday's Democrat respecting Flying Artillery.
NOTE. Please to observe, that what the English call Flying Artillery, the French call Light; and what they call Light, the French call Battle Artillery...
Light Artillery is, at the present day, considered the most advantageous arm of an army, and a terror to the enemy.
Before I enter into the details of its organization, I think it my duty to prove its great advantage over Foot Artillery...
Pieces of Light Artillery, starting for the same distance, say three miles, with pieces of Battle Artillery, will arrive, at full gallop, on the ground in 16 minutes...
Light Artillery, can be carried to all the positions where Battle Artillery is carried. Light Artillery, considering it well, is but a Cavalry, followed by pieces of Artillery...
To every platoon is attached one piece which is drawn by four horses, and conducted by two mounted men, accompanied by the artillerymen.
With due submission to the authorities of the state of Massachusetts, it appears to me indispensable for the defence of said state, that there be raised, at least, two regiments of Light Artillery...
Twelve-pounders are the pieces which I think suitable for the American Light Artillery. I must observe that some platoons have cannon and others mortars.
Sleds, I think, could be made large enough (to be used in winter,) to hold the pieces mounted on their carriages...
A balloon was of great utility at the battle of Jemappes. As there are a great many woods in this state, a balloon, in case of an invasion, would be of the greatest importance...
It appears that the government of the United States is about forming some troops of the line. The arms of the Infantry and Cavalry requiring greater attention than the arms of the Infantry...
I beg I may be allowed to consult with the architect, (if one is appointed) on the plan of the construction of the caserne, or barracks, and stable...
If the coat does not make the man, it sets him off; and he takes very nearly the character of the dress he wears. Therefore I think that a light and convenient uniform, similar to that of the French, would do for the American Light Artillery.
The brave American generals at the head of the militia, have shewed what it could do. What would it be now, if these same militia were formed into troops of the line.
I declare that if the authorities of the state of Massachusetts will empower me to purchase the horses, and enroll the men that should present themselves, and whom I should think fit for the service of light artillery...
ROUTINGON.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 5. The Danish Islands of St. Thomas and St. Johns, with their dependencies, surrendered to his Britannic Majesty's forces...
The Captain of the British Packet, informs us, that he left at Bermuda, Admiral Sir J. B. Warren, and Admiral Berkeley. N. T. rep.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 5.
"The worm that's fed Hath nature that in time will venom breed, No teeth for the present."
AARON BURR. In the Press of the 18th ult. we stated the fact of Aaron Burr's being within seven miles of this city. Since that time we have seen articles in various papers stating him to have been seen in various parts of the United States...
These are interesting facts, to which we call the attention of the Government and People of the United States, particularly those in the Western country.
A WORD IN TIME. Our readers may rely on the assurance we give—we have hitherto never deceived the public, by speculations hostile to the interests of the nation...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions.
We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
"THE BUD OF THE ROSE."
The following appears as an advertisement, it is only the first bud, it will open and spread a little by and by, as the sun gains upon the north...
NOTICE.
I WILL give a CASH premium of FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS on a policy of insurance for Thirty Thousand Dollars, approved security, guaranteeing an amicable adjustment of differences between the U. S. and England...
A curious circumstance concerning a forgery has fallen into our possession—in which a man who has made some affidavits is implicated.
We are also in possession of a clue to the disturbances in Louisiana in 1804, and the source and object of the famous or infamous memorial at that period...
WASHINGTON, February 8.
The monument to be erected to the memory of the officers who fell in the Mediterranean, has arrived, and is now at the Navy Yard.
The Circuit Court for the district of Ohio, convened at Chillicothe, have adjourned. Neither Burr or Blennerhassett made their appearance, and both have forfeited their recognizance.
which if apprehended, they will take their trial at the ensuing term. It is said that eleven of the Grand Jury voted for a bill against John Smith for misdemeanor.
What will the apologists, the friends of Aaron Burr, say to his non-appearance, to his flight from justice? Does this manifest conscious innocence, or betray conscious guilt? Nat. Int.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Feb. 5.
Mr. Holmes from the committee of claims reported a bill for the relief of Matthew Smith and Darius Gates jointly and Darius Gates separately, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Lyon laid on the table the following resolution:
"Resolved, That a committee of privileges be appointed with power to enquire what measures if any are necessary to secure to the members of the National Legislature the privileges appertaining to them by the constitution, which committee shall have power to report by bill or otherwise."
Mr. Masters offered the following resolution which the House agreed to consider 56 to 49.
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the loss or gain to the Treasury of the United States, Provided, the seat of government should be removed from the City of Washington."
Mr. Love opposed the motion, on account of the delay which the passage of it would operate to the main question of removal.
Mr. Lyon supported it, from a desire for the enquiry; the result of which he had no doubt would do away many false estimates on the subject.
Mr. Dawson had no objection if he thought the resolution would produce information; but independently of its being out of the power of the departments to make the estimate, there was now on the files of the House, and in the printed reports, an exact account of the expenses of removal from the city of Philadelphia; from which an estimate might be formed of the expense of moving back.
Mr. Masters said the gentleman had mistaken the object of the resolution; it went not to enquire into the expense of the removal, but into the comparative expense of government at each place.
Mr. Nicholas said the expense would not be greater than here except in particular points, into which he trusted an enquiry would not be made. They had already been four days deliberating on the main question; and the mind of every gentleman must be made up on the subject.
Mr. Khay (T.) moved to postpone this resolution till to-morrow.
Mr. Taylor said if any information for the instruction of the House in deciding the main question could be acquired by this resolution, he should most willingly agree to adopt it; but even if this resolution were to produce information of a saving of 120 or 150,000 dollars (which gentlemen had positively asserted, and which he as positively denied) he should not be influenced by it.
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
We repeat it, that the conduct of Mr. Rose is such as to indicate the most hostile rather than conciliatory dispositions. We repeat it, that the hostility of the British government is inveterate against the United States. We repeat it, that expeditions hostile to our territory, have been in preparation in England...
and these menaces to individuals, they do not influence me. We are not sent here by our constituents several hundred miles, to be controlled or influenced to deviate from the ordinary course by the feelings or displeasure of those interested in this district.
If this operated in any way, it would induce me to vote for removing the seat of government, because the attempt to control the freedom of deliberation is not to be tolerated. The correct course for every individual, is not to suffer his mature or better judgment to be influenced by such considerations.
I should vote for reference of my motion on general principle and give any subject a fair discussion in the usual course; except it were so palpably wrong that no man of sense or information could support it. I was not at liberty to refuse a reference to this, on this ground, from a knowledge of its advocates.
As gentlemen wish a decision on this question, my own vote will be against removal, because I have not been convinced of its propriety. As to the breach of public faith, this argument does not influence me. I do not consider that there is a constitutional injunction against removal. I consider it an honorary pledge of the public faith, which constitutes not a perfect obligation, as in case of debt, but an imperfect obligation, a case of estimation and uncertainty.
I would rather cherish a caution as respects deviation from the course of public faith; would rather err from excessive scrupulousness than from too much laxity. This is my view of the subject. The real question is one of those gentlemen of information, ability, and unspotted integrity may well differ; it takes in so many questions geographical, political, and moral, that we may well differ; and its being an imperfect obligation renders it a peculiarly difficult question.
The arguments in favor of the removal not having been sufficient to satisfy my mind, I shall vote against it from my present impressions. Mr. W. Alston could readily conceive that gentlemen possessing the same sentiments as the gentleman from Connecticut could vote as that gentleman had done for a reference, but gentlemen who could not be induced to vote for a removal in any circumstances, would vote as Mr. A. did against it. This, said Mr. A. is my situation; no arguments could have influenced me in voting for a removal, and therefore I should give my vote against it in any shape.
This question has been discussed in various ways; but the refusal to refer yesterday decided the principle that there was a majority of the House against removal on any principle whatever. The vote for commitment having been negatived by a small majority might induce a belief that but a few were against removal; for this reason it is proper to show the sense of the House by an immediate decision of the resolution, as well as to settle the question, to put the matter to rest, and prevent agitation of the public mind, for no question could be discussed which could agitate the public mind equally with this.
He therefore hoped it would be decided. Mr. Gardener rose to enquire whether the motion was in order. In introducing the resolution the gentleman had said he should vote against it him self; it was therefore introduced not for the purpose of being carried, but for the purpose of taking up the time of the House uselessly; and he submitted it to the Speaker whether a motion was in order when the mover of it declared he should himself vote against it—whether it was not inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the House? In this hall no proposition should be submitted which the mover does not mean to persist in; nor should any member be permitted to introduce a motion calculated uselessly to consume the time of the House—Was it in order?
Mr. Mason asked whether the House had agreed to consider the motion? Mr. M. objected to the vote on the time which would be occasioned by this motion if the House agreed to consider it, not that he was one of those who got they was ed time when they did nothing; as he thought the less they legislated, the better. If the House had not agreed to consider, he hoped they would not.
The Speaker first decided the question of the gentleman from New-York, stating that there had occurred in his case an instance in which a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) made a motion against which he had declared at the time of making it, that he himself should vote for it; this motion was therefore in order. He then said the House had not yet agreed to consider the motion.
Several gentlemen rising to speak. The Speaker declared that debate on this motion was inadmissible.
The question on considering Mr. Sloan's resolution as renewed by Mr. Blount, was then negatived—Yeas 51—Nays 66.
Mr. Lewis said as the House had refused to consider this motion, he would endeavor to accommodate them by offering one more unexceptionable, as follows:
"Resolved, That it is expedient to remove the seat of government from the city of Washington, and not warranted by public policy."
Mr. Bacon asked if this was in order, being to the same effect as the motion just decided?
Mr. Eppes said the proposition was decidedly distinct from that just decided. In suffering the original resolution of Mr. Sloan to lie on the table they would be guilty of an act of flagrant injustice. The question ought, must be decided, and no longer delayed. What had been the course pursued by the gentleman who first proposed the resolution? He had acted like a mischievous boy, throwing a stone at a glass window and then concealing himself—(order!) Some positive decision ought to be had after what had been laid on the table.
The Speaker decided that the motion was in order.
Several gentlemen rising to speak. The Speaker observed that on a motion to consider there could be no debate.
Mr. Alexander wished to move a postponement of the postponement of the motion.
The Speaker said the motion was not in order.
The motion to consider the resolution offered by Mr. Lewis was then agreed to by the yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, J. Campbell, Chandler, Clopton, Cobb, Cutts, Dana, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Elliott, Eppes, Franklin, Gardener, Garnett, Goddard, Gray, Green, Harris, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Isley, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lamberton, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Marion, McCrery, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Jno. Morrow, Nicholas, Quince, Rhea, (Ten) Row-

an, Russell, Seaver, Smelt, Jno. Smith, Stedman, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wharton, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn—69. NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Bibb, Blake, Brown, Champion, Chittenden, M. Clay, Davenport, Durell, Ely, Findley, Fisk, Gardner, Heister, Hoge, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Livermore, Macon, Masters, Milner, D. Montgomery, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Newton, Pitkin, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (Penn.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Sloan, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Riker, S. Smith, Southard, Standford, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Whitehill, Witherell—53.
Mr. Gardner said, since the House had agreed to consider the resolution, he wished to move to add to the motion for the purpose of making it complete a string of amendments. I never expected, said Mr. G. to be called upon to pass laws which should have no operation; but it seems we are to go on here for amusement, legislating about nothing. If the House thinks it worth while to go on in this way I have a string of amendments, which I think are equally entitled to the attention of the House with that now under consideration. I shall confine myself to the subject and move resolutions which have no meaning to show the perfection of American legislation and the dignity of the American Congress—[The Speaker informed Mr. G. that all reflections on the body were out of order.] I shall not reflect on it; I am desirous to place it in such a situation that none shall have it in their power to reflect on it. Though I shall not vote for the resolution which I have now the honor to offer, I propose it for consideration as a proper amendment to the resolution now under consideration.
"That it is inexpedient at this time to call upon the Secretary of the Treasury or any other department for information tending to show whether the removal of the seat of government from this place will produce a saving of 250,000 dollars annually."
"That it is inexpedient to give those who are favorable to a removal an opportunity to lay such documents and other information before this House as will have a tendency to convince the people of these U. S. that the continuing of the seat of government at this place is injurious to the nation."
Mr. Epkes enquired whether the amendment were in order, willing at the same time to allow to the gentleman from New-York who moved it, all the additional dignity he could wish from its introduction. As to the gentleman's observations also about the nothingness of the present subject, he would give the gentleman all the credit he could derive from calling that nothing which involved the ruin of thousands.
The Speaker said the motion for amendment was in order.
Mr. Smilie would just observe, that whatever his opinion on this subject might be, he wished at all times to see the House act in such a way as would do credit to themselves. This was certainly a game that would never prosper; the original resolution for a removal of the seat of government was certainly an ill-judged thing, and left the subject in the same situation as before. He thought it best at all times, when it was evident that the sense of the House was in favor of getting rid of a subject, to do it in the shortest way possible. It was now evident that it was not the disposition of the House to remove from this place; every gentleman must be satisfied of it. For his part, whenever the sense of the House had been expressed, he should never wish to embarrass their proceedings. He wished the gentleman from New-York would withdraw his amendment. The main resolution under consideration was an useless thing.
After some further proceedings, as stated in our last, Mr. Livermore moved to adjourn. Carried; 56 to 50.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 13, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
No. II.
Unknown to fame, and little solicitous to be known, I once more venture to address you. I approach you as a fellow-citizen, who aspires only to the merit of explaining in that homely phrase of which he is capable, the situation of our country at the present crisis, and of warning you of the dangers which follow in the train of a political schism among the republicans. Destitute of the mantle of a splendid reputation, to veil the defects of argument, and unable to recount the achievements of "former times," I have nothing to recommend me to your notice, but the importance of the subject, the truth of my positions, and the honest zeal which inspires me. Motives less imperious than these could not have urged me into a contest with a writer, who can declare, that he has "never written a line, which dying he could wish to blot."
If I have not, before this time, answered the objections of Hortensius to the caucus held in Richmond, by the friends of Mr. Madison, it is because I regarded them as topics of secondary importance. The great and overwhelming evils which must flow from the unrelenting animosities of a contested election, at this period, filled my mind with such gloomy anticipations, that I had almost forgotten the little formal objections, which are often raised by irritation and disappointment. There is one charge, however, which it is incumbent on the friends of Mr. Madison to explain. It is said, that although they recommended a delicate reserve on the subject of the Presidential election, until the sense of the other states should be known, yet they called a caucus before a similar meeting was held in Washington; and the inference is, that the caucus here was intended to give a tone to the public mind.
To give a history of all the secret springs of a caucus; to assign the reasons of 101 men, who acknowledge no common leader, would be a task far beyond the reach of human penetration. But there is one fact, of which, perhaps Hortensius is ignorant. On the day when the caucus was held here, it was universally believed, by the friends of Mr. Madison, that their opponents intended to anticipate them, by calling a meeting immediately on their part. Whether this impression was well founded or not, is perfectly immaterial. The effect was the same, whether it was true or false. Many of those intelligent and respectable friends of Mr. Madison (men who will not shrink from a comparison with any on the other side) had already determined on a separate caucus. Their motives for this decision were such, as cannot reflect dishonor on their understanding or their hearts; and every day has
added proof how fruitless, if not mischievous, a general caucus would have been. This however shall be considered in due time. The expectation that the friends of Mr. Madison would have an immediate meeting, left the friends of Mr. Madison no alternative, but to adopt a similar measure. They accordingly called a caucus on the same day.
It is manifest, that the friends of Mr. Madison could not have precipitated the caucus for the purpose of influencing the expected meeting at Washington. The information received from every quarter, had created a strong and confident belief, that the Madison Ticket would be carried by a large majority in Congress; and Hortensius has labored to inculcate the idea, that many of those who voted for Mr. Madison were governed by that impression. It was even considered much more doubtful, what would be the issue of the caucus here, than at Washington. The friends of Mr. Madison had every motive to wait until the question should be settled at the seat of government; while, on the other hand, they incurred the risk of offending the other states, by taking the lead in the election. But the friends of Col. Monroe had a palpable advantage in urging an immediate caucus. They had little to hope for from Washington; and if they could, by any means, have obtained a strong vote in the Legislature of Virginia, they might have fixed the wavering, alarmed the timid, and paralysed the most strenuous friends of Mr. Madison, in Washington. This policy was so obvious, that it would be an imputation on the sagacity of Col. Monroe's friends, which they certainly do not deserve, to suppose that they were anxious for delay. To them, expedition was every thing; to their opponents nothing could be gained by delay, and much might be lost.
But why should Hortensius harp himself and the public, with conjectures about the motives and objects of Mr. Madison's friends, when a plain statement of facts will show that the caucus here would not have influenced the caucus at Washington? The meeting at the Bell-Tavern, was held on Thursday the 21st ultimo, and the notice had been given on the same day. The meeting at Washington took place on the Saturday following; of course the result of the meeting here could not have reached Washington before the caucus there, even by the most expeditious mode of conveyance. But such is the effect of party-spirit, that the friends of Mr. Madison are accused at one time, of receiving their tone from Washington, at another, of giving the tone to Congress; and by this magical action and re-action, the supporters of Col. Monroe are willing to persuade themselves, that the great majorities in favor of Mr. Madison are mere illusions of fancy.
I come now to the great objection, on which the friends of Col. Monroe rely with so much triumph—the secession of the friends of Mr. Madison from the rest of the Legislature. This measure has been the theme of wit, eloquence, and invective. It is sometimes called the offspring of sensibility ; at other times it is said, that it was adopted by an arrogant majority, "who will hear no argument and suffer no opposition." However detestable this measure may appear, I do not hesitate to assume the odious task of vindicating its wisdom and expediency.
In order to view this subject in its real light, it will be necessary to ascertain the only legitimate objects of a caucus. A meeting of any number of individuals to express their own sentiments on any public question, can only be obligatory on those individuals themselves, and ought not to influence the rest of the community. If the members of the Legislature chose to assemble in their private capacities, to determine on any particular course of conduct, without reference to the opinions of the people, their decision is of no more importance than the decision of any equal number of individuals. It would be a most monstrous absurdity to say, that two hundred men should impose a President on the United States, merely because they felt a predilection for one man rather than another. Such a doctrine would establish a most detestable oligarchy; and a caucus of this sort would well merit all the censures of Hortensius . What then is the peculiar trait which distinguishes a Legislative caucus from any other meeting of individuals? What is the circumstance which gives weight to their decision, in the community at large? I defy the ingenuity of man to point out any other than this;—that the members of the Legislature are supposed to speak the sense of their constituents. They are not to obey their own private partialities, but to recommend such a candidate as, in their estimation, will possess the largest share of confidence among the people whom they represent. They act in this, as in all other cases, in their representative character. Their functions here are strictly analogous to the duties of the electoral body itself. In both instances a certain specific act is to be performed. In the one case a nomination is to be made; in the other an election is to take place. It will not be denied that an elector is bound to follow implicitly the will of his constituents; upon what principle then, can it be conceded, that a delegate has any latitude of discretion in the nomination of a candidate?
If a member of Assembly has no discretion in the choice of a candidate; if he is bound down by the imperious will of his constituents; if he is a mere agent who dares not to exceed the limits of his commission; where is the necessity of a general caucus? Where is the propriety, even of debate, to convince him that he has adopted erroneous impressions as to the man whom he means to support? Will a change in his opinions produce a corresponding change in the opinions of his constituents? Would it not be regarded as preposterous in the extreme, if, at the meeting of the electors, some member should rise in his place and endeavor to convince his associates, that they ought to abandon the man whom they stood pledged to support?
It is impossible to discover what principle is violated by having a separate caucus. By that method every man gives his vote without the operation of any extraneous influence. He takes his ground promptly and decidedly. He feels no bias drawing him in opposition to the will of his constituents. He never loses sight, of the great duty he has to perform; and his mind is neither seduced by persuasion, dazzled by eloquence, nor inflamed by invective.
But the opposite course of proceeding may be often attended with consequences, which are utterly destructive of the purity of elections. Suppose the caucus is to be held in a large, opulent and fashionable city; a city too, which contains the most intoxicating round of pleasures. Let us imagine, that these talents, seconded by the concentrated force of official authority, are warmly and zealously enlisted in favor of a particular candidate, and
that they are both able and willing to exert all these advantages to promote the cause in which they have engaged. Let us suppose that it is seriously contemplated to introduce into the caucus, men who are not members of the Legislature, under the fair pretence of aiding in its deliberations; but in reality, to bear down all opposition. Let us suppose further, that not content with these advantages, a summons is sent to distant parts of the state for men of high stations and pre-eminent talents, to aid likewise in the deliberations of the caucus. To this picture I will not hold "under the eyes of the person thus nominated." Would you, People of Virginia, acquiesce in the decisions of such a caucus? Will you suffer your representatives to receive their impressions, not from yourselves, but from the Metropolis to which they are sent? And what course should those pursue who reprobate a caucus, conducted on such principles? Your answer is plain: A SEPARATE CAUCUS.
Hortensius strongly insinuates, that the friends of Mr. Madison dreaded to encounter the formidable array of talents, which would have appeared in support of Col. Monroe at a general caucus. I will not describe Hortensius of a belief which affords him such high gratification, and is so flattering to the vanity of his party. I will not enter on the insidious office of drawing a parallel between the conspicuous men on both sides. Nor will I, at this time, pay to Mr. Madison the just tribute which is due to his character, by displaying those distinguished qualities, which elevate him far above the reach of intrigue, faction, and rancorous prejudice. But admitting these pretensions of Hortensius and his party, conceding the superiority of their talents and eloquence, I beg leave to enquire, whether the representatives of the people of Virginia are to be swayed in their choice of a President, by such instruments as these? If Hortensius derived his opinions of caucuses from the plan which was drawn by the friends of Col. Monroe, it is not wonderful that he should regard them with so much horror.
When Hortensius makes such strong and serious accusations against the caucus at the Bell, we naturally turn our eyes towards the meeting at the Capitol; and the enquiry immediately suggests itself, whether the friends of Col. Monroe acted upon more liberal principles. We expect to find in their conduct a perfect contrast to every thing done by their opponents. We expect to see minds open to conviction, a disposition to discuss with temper and hear with candor—and a willingness to acquiesce in the will of the majority. As the friends of Mr. Madison had been censured because "they would hear no argument and suffer no opposition," we had a right to expect an opposite spirit in the friends of Col. Monroe.
After these fair professions, I should hardly be believed if I were to assert that the minority were governed by that same determination to persevere in their schemes, which is regarded as so great a crime in the friends of Mr. Madison. Hortensius therefore shall speak for himself—"Whether the advocates of this nomination would have acquiesced in its rejection, cannot now be decided." For what purpose then should a general caucus be called? If the minority, men of the same political principles, would not yield their candidate to the sense of the majority, whence arises all this clamour against the friends of Mr. Madison, because they "would hear no argument and suffer no opposition?" Is there any head metaphysical enough, to distinguish between men who will not hear, and men who will not be convinced? Were the friends of Mr. Madison more beyond the reach of argument at the Bell-Tavern, than the friends of Col. Monroe would have been at a general caucus, when they came with minds steeled with prejudice and stubborn with deep-rooted opinions? But let us hear the modifications which Hortensius annexes to this declaration: "Their conduct no doubt would have been, as it ought to have been, governed by circumstances. If they acted from pure motives and believed that by fair and honorable exertions, his election could be secured, they would have been guilty of treachery to their country, to themselves, and to him, if they had deserted the cause in which they were engaged." The friends of Col. Monroe then were to persevere in defiance of the decision of that caucus, for which they have so loudly called, if these things concurred:—1st. They must be convinced that they act from "pure motives." This, one would suppose, would be no very difficult matter. For my part, I can only say with Yorick "I trust they have a good conscience." After this self-examination; they are, secondly, to believe, that, "by fair and honorable exertions, his election could be secured." Now, if there is any subject on which men ought to distrust their own judgments, it is that of an election, where the passions are roused, and where it is so painful to anticipate defeat. Our daily observation must convince us, that there is no pretext too frivolous for an ardent imagination to grasp with eagerness, when it flatters our favorite propensities. We may here truly say with the poet, sua cuique Deus fit dire cupido . If any confirmation were wanting of this remark, it might be found in the conduct of Col. Monroe's friends. We have seen them persevere in their design, notwithstanding the great and irresistible evidence which they have received, that the public mind is decidedly against them. We have seen them, in opposition to all rational calculation, and relying only on their own vague conjectures, pursue a scheme which can only terminate in the division of the Republicans, and perhaps in a coalition with the federalists. The position therefore of Hortensius , that the minority of a caucus are not bound to submit to the majority, if they entertain a belief that they might succeed, amounts to a declaration that they may at all times disregard the decision of the majority.
But although Col. Monroe's friends were pre-determined not to acquiesce in the will of the caucus, yet they denounce their opponents, because "they would hear no argument and suffer no opposition." Inaccessible themselves to every argument, disclaiming the idea of yielding their wishes to the majority, deaf to every appeal to their patriotism, they stigmatize the conduct of men, who only avowed with honesty what they clandestinely felt. The friends of Mr. Madison did not avoid a general meeting because they dreaded the talents of the opposite party; but they shrunk with indignation from a caucus, where the dignity of the Legislature was to be prostrated, and where the voice of the nation would be the weakest that was heard.
But let us enquire, who her the caucus of Col. Monroe's friends can be reconciled even with the opinions of Hortensius . He defines a caucus to be "a voluntary assemblage of men of the same political sect or character." I presume Hortensius will not assert a seceding caucus. Capito enim quod si de eadem habitali secte or char... though parties are beginning to... to each other, the junction is... complete; and the names of Federal and Republican are not yet obliterated from our vocabulary. Will Hortensius then explain to the public, how it came to pass that men of different political characters assembled at the Capitol? Will he tell us the reason why federalists were not excepted in the notification given for that meeting? Will he account for the singular circumstance of a federalist being nominated as an elector, but afterwards withdrawn? Will he assign the reason why some names of very doubtful complexion are actually placed on their list? If we take the definition of Hortensius , we must condemn his practice; if his practice be correct, his definition must be false. Hortensius may make his choice. To comprise the opinions of Hortensius in a few words, would exhibit a curious piece of "diversified mosaic." He is an enemy to caucuses, and yet he wanted a general caucus; he wanted a general caucus, and yet the minority ought not to acquiesce in its decisions; he thinks that a caucus ought to consist of men of the same political principles; and yet the caucus which meets his approbation contained men of all parties. But although Hortensius conceives that a caucus should be formed of men of the same political denomination, yet he admits that there are cases in which a minority of the republicans may separate from their party, and unite with the federalists to carry their favorite candidate; and he considers the present case as one of that description. If this position be correct, I beg leave to defend the caucus of Col. Monroe's friends, against the definition of Hortensius —If the minority of the Republicans may now unite with the Federalists, in opposition to the great mass of their party, I cannot conceive why they and the federalists should not meet together in caucus. Their objects are precisely the same; they caucus in supporting the same man; and the republican minority cannot hope for success without the assistance of the federalists. Upon what principle then can the federalists be excluded from a caucus, whose object it is to make arrangements for an election, in which they are to be bear so important a part? Nor can I perceive any reason why the federalists should not be indulged in a certain proportion of electors of their own party, provided they would pledge themselves to vote for Col. Monroe. These consequences may be logical y deduced from the premises of Hortensius . But he has not yet informed us whether he is prepared to go so far as this. We have arrived at a new era of political illumination. Formerly, it was the maxim of the republican party to yield their private feelings in favor of particular men, to the more important consideration of preserving union among themselves, for the purpose of securing the great principles which they cherished. The rule was a simple one; easily understood and as easily followed. But now distinctions are made which elude the most subtle intellect; and nice mathematical calculations are formed to show when we may depart with propriety from the rule. I will not follow Hortensius through the mazes of his political arithmetic. But I will state a case which approaches more nearly to the present, and is better suited to my capacity. Our country, we will suppose, is threatened by the most alarming combination of foreign powers; our commerce pillaged; our indispensible rights trampled under foot; our native citizens seized, incarcerated, murdered. War seems almost inevitable; and our only resource is to be found in firm and indissoluble union. At this awful moment, the election of a Chief Magistrate is about to take place. A large and powerful party, habitually opposed to the prevailing system, are eagerly watching an opportunity to thwart the measures of the government, to distract its councils, and to divide their political adversaries. Two candidates of the same principles are put in nomination; but in favor of one of them, there appears to be a large majority. The friends of the less fortunate candidate however are determined to push his election; and in order to ensure success, they do not hesitate to unite with men who have no other object in view than to accomplish their destruction, and that of their former associates. They do not hesitate to run the hazard of domestic strife; and to add the horrors of intestine discord to the evils of foreign war. This is a faint, but correct picture of the present state of parties. LET THE PEOPLE JUDGE BETWEEN THEM. A few words more and I shall have done with Hortensius . "If the probable result," says he, "of the nomination of Mr. Monroe, is the transfer of the Presidential election to Congress, I am not sure, that his friends ought to be disposed to persevere." I am happy to find, that Hortensius himself admits, that there ought to be, some limit to the perseverance of Col. Monroe's friends. I expected indeed, from his good sense and patriotism, that he would look with horror on a Congressional election; and I now make a serious appeal to both, to say, whether there is not a great probability of such an event. It is impossible that Hortensius and his party can consider their success as certain. They must believe it to be doubtful, very doubtful. They must suppose it extremely probable that if Mr. Madison does not obtain in a majority of the whole number of electors, some third person (Mr. Clinton for example) will have a sufficient number of votes to prevent an election in the first instance. I confidently expect, therefore, that Hortensius will renounce his present course, before an event so much deprecated shall take place. But I find that my zeal has hurried me too far. He only says, that "he is not sure, that his friends ought to be disposed to persevere." It is a little surprising, that a writer like Hortensius , whose mind is as penetrating as his style is chaste and elegant, should enter on even a momentary doubt, on a subject which is so obvious to the plainest capacity. There is no evil, short of a revolution, which is so much to be dreaded, as a Congressional election of a President; not merely because it invites intrigue and faction, but because, in that mode, a President may be elected by a minority of the people of the United States. But I am willing to believe that Hortensius uses these ambiguous phrases through inadvertence; and I cheerfully accept the pledge he has given to his country, that he will re-union with his former political friends, rather than incur the risk of a Congressional election. These are the sentiments of a man, whose first wish is for the welfare of his country; and who believes that it is only to be secured by a firm union of the Republican party. TULLIUS. P. PANBACH
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. S. TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES. I communicate to Congress, for their information, a letter from a person acting in the absence of our Consul at Naples, giving reason to believe, on the affidavit of a Capt. Sheffield, of the American schooner Mary Ann, that the Dey of Algiers has announced WAR against the United States. For this no just cause has been given on our part, within my knowledge. I may expect more authentic and particular information on the subject from Mr. Lear, who was residing as our Consul at Algiers. TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 9th, 1808.
MARSEILLES, 21st Nov. 1807. SIR, I had the honor of addressing you on the 5th of last August and 14th ultimo—This, under cover of William Lee, Esq. our Consul at Bordeaux, is to remit you herewith a copy of a letter, I just received from our Consul at Naples, dated the 9th instant, begging your reference to its unexpected contents. I have already advised the American masters and citizens of the United States in my district, and am sending copies of the same to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, and the several consuls, in order that they may take proper steps for the safety of our merchant vessels and seamen. In haste, I have the honor to be; With great respect; Your ob't. serv't. (Signed) STEPHEN CATHALAN. JAMES MADISON, Esq. Secretary of the U. S. Washington.
NAPLES, 8th, November, 1807. SIR, I have the honor to inform you, that from the report of Capt. Ishibald Sheffield, of the schooner Mary Ann of New-York, arrived on the 4th instant, in this port from America, it appears, that unexpected War has taken place, between the Regency of Algiers and the U. S. He has declared in this consulate, upon oath, that on the 26th ultimo, he fell into the straits with an Algerine frigate of 44 guns, by which he was made a prisoner, and of which hardly, without examination, took three men out of this schooner and ordered her into Algiers, under the charge of nine Turks, including a boy. He was in their possession until the 29th, when being near the Barbary shore, he determined himself to endeavor to retake his vessel, in which he had the good fortune to succeed—having thrown four of the Turks over board, secured four of the others by surprise, w.e. re-embarked in a boat and kept the boy, who is now on board. He after that shaped his course for Italy, and came safe into our Mole on the 4th afternoon—Capt. S. has further declared, that the brig Violet of Boston, loaded with colonial produce, was also taken within sight of him by the said frigate—And that he had also heard they had captured an American ship and schooner a few days before. I state these circumstances in haste to you, that you may make them known to such Americans as may arrive in port and take such steps as you deem most prudent for their safety. I am respectfully, Your most ob't. serv't. In the absence and by the authority Fre'lk. Doger, consul of the U. S. A. (Signed) J. B. DACOSTER. STEPHEN CATHALAN, Esq. Com. and navy agent for U. S. A. at Marseilles.
AN ERRATUM occurred in some of the first impressions of the last paper, of some little importance. It occurs towards the conclusion of the 10th NOTE. The sentence was in these words: "I am assured, certainly not official, that if this question should pass both Houses of Congress—Mr. Madison as President of the United States, would regret it in this point of view: there is a material difference between the case of Mr. P. & Mr. M." It ought to have been thus and it was so altered in the other impressions of the paper—"I am assured, certainly not officially, that if this question should pass both Houses of Congress—Mr. Madison as President of the United States, would reject it. In this point of view there is a material difference, &c."
Gentlemen who have authorised us to state, that they decline serving on the Corresponding Committee appointed to promote the Election of Mr. Monroe. Robert H. H. in the county of Chesterfield. John Price—Goochland. Thomas C. Hoopes, } King & Queen. William Todd, } Wm. Guerrant—for the county of Buckingham. "Mark your Age" } Mark the Indian Field } Can any man believe, but that the same genius has been at work upon both? And that if genius is Great Britain. The same nation by whom we shall most probably be precipitated into a war. Vide extracts from the Aurora.
COMMUNICATION. Breckinridge hearing a report that the negotiation at Washington was broken off; John Bull to stone for the wounds from his Horns, Had sent a rose-bush with Thorns; But the pickles offending our President's nose, He has wisely determined to send back the Nose.
THE SERJEANTS OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the insurance office. Feb. 12. [O.W.M.]
ATTENTION!!—The members of the Richmond Light Infantry Blues are requested to attend a meeting at the Bell Tavern on Monday evening next, at 6 o'clock. By order of the Captain, EDMUND TAYLOR, Jr. Serjt. Richmond, Feb. 13. [J.]
FOR SALE, fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Mozingale and Copper Creek and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, on a big Fox creek and other branches of New river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Jones' lot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber.
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE U. S. TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES. I communicate to Congress, for their information, a letter from a person acting in the absence of our Consul at Naples, giving reason to believe, on the affidavit of a Capt. Sheffield, of the American schooner Mary Ann, that the Dey of Algiers has announced WAR against the United States. For this no just cause has been given on our part, within my knowledge. I may expect more authentic and particular information on the subject from Mr. Lear, who was residing as our Consul at Algiers. TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 9th, 1808.
MARSEILLES, 21st Nov. 1807. SIR, I had the honor of addressing you on the 5th of last August and 14th ultimo—This, under cover of William Lee, Esq. our Consul at Bordeaux, is to remit you herewith a copy of a letter, I just received from our Consul at Naples, dated the 9th instant, begging your reference to its unexpected contents. I have already advised the American masters and citizens of the United States in my district, and am sending copies of the same to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, and the several consuls, in order that they may take proper steps for the safety of our merchant vessels and seamen. In haste, I have the honor to be; With great respect; Your ob't. serv't. (Signed) STEPHEN CATHALAN. JAMES MADISON, Esq. Secretary of the U. S. Washington.
NAPLES, 8th, November, 1807. SIR, I have the honor to inform you, that from the report of Capt. Ishibald Sheffield, of the schooner Mary Ann of New-York, arrived on the 4th instant, in this port from America, it appears, that unexpected War has taken place, between the Regency of Algiers and the U. S. He has declared in this consulate, upon oath, that on the 26th ultimo, he fell into the straits with an Algerine frigate of 44 guns, by which he was made a prisoner, and of which hardly, without examination, took three men out of this schooner and ordered her into Algiers, under the charge of nine Turks, including a boy. He was in their possession until the 29th, when being near the Barbary shore, he determined himself to endeavor to retake his vessel, in which he had the good fortune to succeed—having thrown four of the Turks over board, secured four of the others by surprise, w.e. re-embarked in a boat and kept the boy, who is now on board. He after that shaped his course for Italy, and came safe into our Mole on the 4th afternoon—Capt. S. has further declared, that the brig Violet of Boston, loaded with colonial produce, was also taken within sight of him by the said frigate—And that he had also heard they had captured an American ship and schooner a few days before. I state these circumstances in haste to you, that you may make them known to such Americans as may arrive in port and take such steps as you deem most prudent for their safety. I am respectfully, Your most ob't. serv't. In the absence and by the authority Fre'lk. Doger, consul of the U. S. A. (Signed) J. B. DACOSTER. STEPHEN CATHALAN, Esq. Com. and navy agent for U. S. A. at Marseilles.
AN ERRATUM occurred in some of the first impressions of the last paper, of some little importance. It occurs towards the conclusion of the 10th NOTE. The sentence was in these words: "I am assured, certainly not official, that if this question should pass both Houses of Congress—Mr. Madison as President of the United States, would regret it in this point of view: there is a material difference between the case of Mr. P. & Mr. M." It ought to have been thus and it was so altered in the other impressions of the paper—"I am assured, certainly not officially, that if this question should pass both Houses of Congress—Mr. Madison as President of the United States, would reject it. In this point of view there is a material difference, &c."
Gentlemen who have authorised us to state, that they decline serving on the Corresponding Committee appointed to promote the Election of Mr. Monroe. Robert H. H. in the county of Chesterfield. John Price—Goochland. Thomas C. Hoopes, } King & Queen. William Todd, } Wm. Guerrant—for the county of Buckingham. "Mark your Age" } Mark the Indian Field } Can any man believe, but that the same genius has been at work upon both? And that if genius is Great Britain. The same nation by whom we shall most probably be precipitated into a war. Vide extracts from the Aurora.
COMMUNICATION. Breckinridge hearing a report that the negotiation at Washington was broken off; John Bull to stone for the wounds from his Horns, Had sent a rose-bush with Thorns; But the pickles offending our President's nose, He has wisely determined to send back the Nose.
THE SERJEANTS OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the insurance office. Feb. 12. [O.W.M.]
ATTENTION!!—The members of the Richmond Light Infantry Blues are requested to attend a meeting at the Bell Tavern on Monday evening next, at 6 o'clock. By order of the Captain, EDMUND TAYLOR, Jr. Serjt. Richmond, Feb. 13. [J.]
FOR SALE, fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Mozingale and Copper Creek and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, on a big Fox creek and other branches of New river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Jones' lot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber.

On the Orders of Council, as they may affect the existing difference with the United States of America.
To the Editor of the (London) Morning Chronicle.
SIR, I thank you for explaining to your readers, in the note affixed to my letter on our differences with America, that it was in your possession before the issuing of the late orders of council; because, without that explanation, it must have appeared strange that I should have adverted so slightly to proceedings which may so materially affect our amicable relations with the U. S. the impetus of which it was the object of my letter to mediate.
I will not repeat any of my former observations, which were directed to show the vast importance at this particular moment, of a cordial opinion with that growing people, further than to remind you, that I principally insisted upon the effect it would have in disappointing the extravagant efforts of France to destroy our commerce; extravagant, I say, if America refused to become a direct and willing party to support them. Writing from a distance in the country, where I have long lived in retirement, the truth of my remark has already been justified by facts which could not possibly be known to me when I wrote to you, but which were so obviously to be expected, that I claim no merit for having anticipated them. I said that the French Emperor must feel that his attempts against this country would come to nothing in the end, unless he could draw America into his vortex.
It has been proved, that these were precisely his feelings; he has insisted upon the rigorous execution of his decrees, as they regarded America, which had been before but loosely executed, and he has even threatened her with direct hostility, if she did not become active to give them effect.
In this crisis of Bonaparte's ambition and injustice, what was the policy of British statesmen? The answer to this question is really so self-evident that it is almost trifling with your readers to state it.
They ought, first to have exerted every influence with the Americans, which the most conciliatory and friendly demonstrations were calculated to produce, to draw them towards Great Britain, and to increase their rising resentment at the recent conduct of France. In the present condition of our country, the least ray of common sense, one would have thought, might have obviated this proceeding: if they had pursued it and succeeded, the orders of council would have been useless, as far as they regarded America; we should then have continued to enjoy all the advantages of her extending commerce, and, in spite of the French decrees, our manufactures would have found their way into the very heart of France, and into every corner of Europe. On the other hand, if we had failed in these politic and just endeavors to rescue America from the vortex of France, and when threatened with the strict execution of the decrees so long suspended over her, and even with actual hostility, she had put herself in the scale of France against us, we should then have a just cause for immediate and decisive acts for the security of our commerce and independence; but ministers unfortunately pursued neither of these measures. When America was becoming indignant at the conduct of France, which would have naturally thrown her into our hands against France, they took that precise moment, and (as it is said) without any communication, directly or indirectly on the subject, to issue an interdiction of her commerce, with not a very sidelong observation upon the character and conduct of her government, and this, too, almost co-temporary with a mission which had for its just, prudent and beneficial object, the restoration of harmony and good understanding between the two countries, which had unfortunately been interrupted by unauthorized outrages by subjects of Great Britain.
I am really not able to reconcile this course of proceeding with that caution which the affairs of this country so imperiously demand, in this unexampled crisis of the world; still less, when I find parliament further prorogued, though at this late season, whilst such momentous objects are on foot.
The letter, lately published in your paper, from Lord Auckland and Lord Holland, in the time of the late administration, is not a proof that his majesty's late ministers are likely to give their assent to this ill-timed proceeding, when Parliament does at last assemble. The noble Lords above mentioned, acting as commissioners upon the execution of the treaty with the United States, properly and prudently reserved to this country the consideration of the conduct which the decrees of France, if supported or yielded to by America, might oblige our government to pursue: but this cautious reservation, to avoid any delay in the conclusion of a treaty of peace relation, does by no means lead to the conclusion, that, under circumstances so very critical and peculiar as the present, the late ministers, had they continued in office, would at the very moment, when France was menacing and including America in seeking to maintain her neutrality, have adopted a measure so likely to check that disposition, and so calculated to promote the very object which it would otherwise have been impossible for the decrees of France to have accomplished.
But supposing the orders in question to be completely justifiable, their suddenness and secrecy was surely impolitic and unneccessary, since their effect was to be postponed till after due notice to the neutral governments, whose interest they were calculated to affect. Why, then, should not a previous and friendly communication have been made to Russia and America on the subject? Secrecy, which is the very soul of a military expedition, is manifestly destructive of a proceeding having relation to states in amity. The enemy ought to be surprised and overpowered by the suddenness of an attack: but states in amity should be reconciled by previous negotiations to measures which affect their interest, but which the safety of one state, particularly circumstanced, may render imperious. A contrary dealing with neutrals will very soon leave us no neutrals for orders of Council to relate to; and many there are, indeed, who suspect that this is the real object of the whole system which seems to be now pursuing for this country. For my own part I do not believe it—I cannot suspect any ministers of a design, as destructive to their own power as to the interest of their country. I take the truth to be, and indeed it is apparent from the whole strain of their encomiums: they are constantly urged by their adherents for the spirit and vigor by which, it seems, they are distinguished from the late ministers; but it might not perhaps be useless to them to recollect, that spirit, born in public and private life, is widely different from rashness; and that vigor may be fully manifested without violence and injustice. If the public mind is against these observations, I shall readily believe I have been mistaken; but if it shall be found to be otherwise, as I verily believe it will, it is not too late for government to qualify the late orders, so as to prevent their literally counteracting the very object of their authors, in the utter ruin of our commerce, and the ultimate safety of our Empire.
These, Sir, are my sentiments—I have no view towards the political parties who share between them, in what proportions I know not, the opinion and attachment of the people. I do not even know, with the exception of Lord Henry Petty and Mr. Thomas Grenville, a single man in the late cabinet; no sole object in writing my former letter to you, was, to serve my country by pointing out the disastrous consequences of a war with the United States; and, knowing the division between the two nations, through the medium of the press, I, at the same time warned America of the ruin that might attend any
proceeding on her part, which might draw her in hostilities with Great Britain. It is a general reproach so mixed in the investigation, that it becomes in a manner impossible for men in office to retreat their steps without compromising their characters with the public. In my opinion this course is as unjust as it is impolitic. When an error is committed, which deeply affects the interests of the country, but which cannot in justice be connected with any corrupt or personal motive, its dangerous tendency should, in the first instance, be calmly and candidly pointed out: if the public voice gives judgment against them, it is not only the duty of ministers to regard it, but it is their happiness that they administer the government in a country where general opinion can correct abuses before their effects have been materially produced. If, afterwards they blindly and obstinately persevere, their ignorance and their obstinacy become just foundations for reproach, and for their removal and punishment. Depend upon it, the time is at hand, when the eyes of the public will be completely opened to the awful and unheeded condition of this country, and the day of reckoning will be a severe one.
A. B. P. S. In my next letter I will consider the case as it regards the fit and prudent conduct which ought, nevertheless, to be pursued by the United States.
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY
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Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000.
The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes.
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz.—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold d. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Dirks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily despatched.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD—Runaway about the last instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin cons., native appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his employment, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jrn. Richmond, Dec. 29.
FOR SALE—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAML. GREENHOW. October 7.
THE subscribers have formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, Jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf Cognac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto, Best green Coffee, Broke & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong.
Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river; 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river; 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks; 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river; Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19.
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 13th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent Milch Cows, two Horses, a small Wagon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31.
FRESH TEAS—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. Jan. 12. (T. & T. ff.)
THE SUBSCRIBER having purchased the patent right of erecting, using, &c. (within the greater part of this state southward of the bay) one of the truest, best and most expeditious Nail-Cutting Machines that has ever been introduced into this state, by which much superior nails are made: any person residing within a sufficient distance from this place, who is desirous of purchasing such a machine, may have one at the same price that was given by the subscriber; and for a reasonable consideration may likewise possess an exclusive right of working it within any such district as may be agreed on. Richmond, Dec. 15, 1807.
At McCall's Manufactory on the Bash; of the Canal, are sold Nails of a superior quality, at the following prices: and where also is to be had, bar and hoop iron, Nail-Rods, &c. &c. WROUGHT NAILS. Spikes, 40, 30 and 20 nails, 12 1/2 per lb. 12 nails, 13. 10 do. 14. 8 do. 14 1/2. CUT NAILS & BRADS. 24, 20, 12 and 10 brads, 11 per lb. 8 do. 11 1/2. 6 nails, 12 1/2. 4 do. 13. 3 do. 14 [lawtf.]
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP—The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All crests having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, 15 months do. Brown and loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cognac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hlds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hlds. & qr. casts, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, jr. Jan. 5. (ff.)
ENOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete. Consisting of—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuff-boxes, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladies, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggs, Waiters, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snufer Trays and Bread Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Knives, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Ink-stands, wafers, &c.—Razors, Hones, Strops, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaister, &c.—Guns, horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurs, Powder Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Pilegrams, Dog Collars, switch & chair Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases, and Pocket Books, ivory, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, ball, globe and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bottle Stoves, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen and Boards, Battle Doors, Shingle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and optic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, cornish and pearl Buttons, silver and plated mounting Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tampering, netting and knitting Needles, Reaver & Clavus, &c.—gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, segar, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, silks, Epauletts, Plumes, Sashes, Stock, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 22. (ff.)
FOR SALE—and may be seen at the Eagle-Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay Horses, that has ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five and the other six years old. Feb. 2. (ff.)
TO RENT—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—For Hire, Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVE. Jan. 2. (eptf.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans, running two pair Burr and one pair Collogne Stones.—The situation is equal to any in Virginia, being immediately on navigable water, where vessels may load at the mill door, and in the heart of a wealthy country, where large crops of wheat are made—the stream was never known to fail till the summer (long to be remembered) 1806. At the Mill, which is on Hoskins's creek, and within two miles of the Port of Tappahannock, I have built a bridge over the creek, which affords great convenience to the different neighborhoods, consequently considerable advantages to the Mill. I am confident, with good management, a man well acquainted with the milling business, with the use of little money, may make from 5 to 8000 dollars per annum, clear of every expense. For country custom, it's equal to any in the state; and it is an excellent stand for a Grocery Store.
My HOUSE and LOTS, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square, in the most pleasant part of the town—the improvements are, a comfortable Brick House, with two rooms and a passage below and two rooms and a closet above, a Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, Stable and a Well of good water—all in good order.
My STORE HOUSES and LOTS, on the river bank—one is of brick, two stories high, well finished, with good cellars; there are six fire places in this house, of con. S: at little expense, it may be well fitted for a merchant with a family. The other House is of wood, now used as a grocery store: both from situation have advantages over any other in the place for extensive business of any kind.—A large three story Warehouse immediately on the water's edge, where vessels can load with great convenience and dispatch—the House is large enough to hold ten thousand bushels of grain.
My FERRY across the Rappahannock at this place, with a convenient water Lot: this ferry brings me about £100 per annum clear of all expenses.
Two unimproved LOTS, separated by one street only from my stable; they are very convenient to Clover Lots, &c. Also, two other unimproved Lots adjoining those on the river bank, which afford an extensive view of the river for several miles up and down and a beautiful site for building.
A valuable Lot in the Federal City, on which are a three story brick dwelling house, brick smoke house, a good kitchen of wood, &c. all in tolerable repair—This property being near the river, must, in a few years, become very valuable.
A Tract of LAND in the county of Westmoreland, three miles from the court-house, containing one hundred and eighty acres; there are convenient buildings on this, but rather out of repair—the land is considered of good quality and has an excellent mill seat.
A small Tract containing about ninety acres (including 20 acres meadow) within a mile from this place, on which is good deal of fine wood—the land is rich. I have sold this till twenty-five bushels Slaughter's famous bearded wheat.
Also, another Tract adjoining my manufacturing mill containing three hundred acres; this Land is nearly all heavily covered with the best pine, white-oak and hickory timber; near the mill there are two comfortable houses with brick chimneys to suit a small family.
The property in this place is, perhaps, as well calculated to suit a person who wishes to engage largely in the mercantile business as any on Rappahannock river. I will sell a great bargain in the whole or any part of this property on good terms—for one half, great accommodations will be given either by long time or payment in good bonds; the other half must be in cash; any debts I owe will not sell the Mill in three months, I should then prefer taking a partner in the milling business. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Feb. 9.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Linen Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. (eptf.)
ADVERTISEMENT—Will be sold on Saturday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less. It was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Mosely, and mortgaged by Mosely to Robert Andrews & John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money.—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June, 1795.—At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage and may be produced by the said Mosely, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee, is plaintiff, and the said Mosely is defendant; and for the purpose of raising the following sums with interest, viz:—£108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January, 1793—£105 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1794—£101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795—£97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1796—£96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1797—£81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July, 1802, and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit.—The residue of the money decreed to be raised, the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order directing an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney. THE COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. (3w)
CASH SALES—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq. Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the seven FIVES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, being the same whereon col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek. GEO: HAY. BENJ. HATCHER. January 26. (eptf.)
FOR SALE—and may be seen at the Eagle-Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay Horses, that has ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five and the other six years old. Feb. 2. (ff.)
TO RENT—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury—For Hire, Two Sawyers. E. J. HARVE. Jan. 2. (eptf.)
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. (eptf.)
LANDS FOR SALE—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land.—One tract on Rappahannock, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh, and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilly Lewis.—One other tract, of 300 acres, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne.—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (ff.)
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Henschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. (ff.)
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULAS. BATTHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. (ff.)
TO RENT—The Store at present occupied by Messrs. Dodge & Cobb—Possession will be given on the 1st March next. For terms apply to M. M. Myers. Richmond, Feb. 9. (ff.)
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAIL of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Milon and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Concord c. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabeth town, Middle-town, Kearsarge, Culpeper and Spotsylvania to Chambersburg once a week.—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 a. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnelsville, Bedford, Somerset and Greenberg to Pittsburgh three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Friday and Saturday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 3 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. (pawne)
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOILING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DARMSDUTT. Oct. 23. (ff.)
ADVERTISEMENT. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (or fair, if not the next fair day) at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND: one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 203 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James Mason, which was some years ago bought of a Mr. Henry Shackelford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Suits, very little injured, and a large Bed. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them—those indebted will please to settle them as soon as possible—the estate not being in a situation for long indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE. Adm'r with the will annexed of Col. Wm. Nelson. (72w4w)
NOTICE—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz: Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dowlas; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hosen, white and black Brussels' Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric quality; a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Canton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, Cotton Cambric, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8w)
TO BE RENTED. On the Main Street, the rooms above the store in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a commodious Dry Cellar and a Kitchen. JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, 2st Jan. 1808. (Law3w)