The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-04-23 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, APRIL 23, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
Gentlemen, who wish to subscribe to the Saturday's Recorder, are requested to send in their subscriptions, within a very few days. But this they need not do, unless they send, at the same time, two dollars in advance . The next Saturday's paper, to wit, that of the 26th, current, is the last that can be issued to any person either in town or country, unless to those that have paid for it, one year in advance.
In pleading before the court of Henrico against the King of Clubs , Mr. William Marshall observed that the Recorder had "the most extensive circulation of any newspaper in Virginia; and that there was never, perhaps, an instance of such an extensive patronage acquired by any other newspaper, in so short a time." This patronage has been acquired by exposing, with an impartial hand, the faults of all parties.
There never was more occasion for political vigilance than at present. As the bible says, there is DEATH in the pot . There exists an atrocious conspiracy against the liberty of the press, and, of course, against the liberty of the people. This can be doubted by nobody that has heard of Cresswell's trial, on which we have enlarged at so much length.
Again, the right of selecting their own magistrates has in effect, been torn from a majority of the citizens of Richmond, by a phalanx of democratical usurpers.
Take notice, also, of what follows. In last session of assembly, Mr. Venable proposed a declaratory resolution that the truth shall be given in evidence in cases of libel . This resolution was, for that time, defeated by Peter Carr, the correspondent, such as he was, of general Washington, and the confidential agent and nephew of Thomas Jefferson. There can be no doubt that Peter, like his apostolical namesake, was inspired from above .
Richmond, March 23, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security, (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLASTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE
THE CONDUCT
OF MERIWETHER JONES,
IN A SERIES OF LETTERS,
ADDRESSED
TO THE PUBLIC,
By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Nat. Samuel Coleman No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy —with a variety of small pieces.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal , in which there are two pair of Burr Stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne Stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOOD
N. B. The deduction for Storeage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
ON the 12th of March, 1803, commenced the Saturday's Recorder, the price being two dollars per annum, paid in advance. We shall often be unavoidably compelled to continue long articles from one paper to the other, so that the subscribers to the Wednesday's Recorder will find it extremely convenient to take the Saturday's likewise, in order that they may have articles always in their full and complete form. We shall now be able to take notice of a wide variety of foreign and domestic news, which we formerly were obliged to leave out for want of room. In doing this, we shall be particularly careful to select such articles as wear a serious appearance of authenticity, and are really worth reading. More cannot be demanded, and we shall endeavour not to do less. The three first numbers of the Saturday's paper were sent round to all our subscribers. After that, they will be sent only to those who, in the mean time, have remitted money to pay for their new subscription. From those who do not choose to take the Saturday's papers, these three numbers will be deducted in reckoning up their year.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next.
February 16th 1803.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierses, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to
THOMAS AND AMOS LADD.
Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. tf.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s. 6d. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s. 6d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFOOD & Co.
March 31st. 1803.
CITY OF RICHMOND.
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the Corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of fifty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The allotment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (tf.)
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
TO the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood.
THOMAS TAYLOR.
Vendee Master.
Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
FOR SALE,
A few likely young
NEGROES,
For particulars enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March, 7th 1803.
WILL BE SOLD,
AT Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the 13th instant, before the door of James McClure, in the city of Richmond, all the personal estate of JAMES STUART, deceased; consisting of a few articles of Household Furniture, two horseheads of West Indian Rum, one crate of Earthware, a few barrels of Sugar, a small quantity of Northern Rum, and about 400 lbs. Chalk. Ninety days credit will be given for all sums above ten dollars, on the purchaser's giving notes with approved security, to HENRY REID, Adm'r. Richmond, April 13th 1803.
STALLED BEEVES,
Muttons, and 15000 weight of choice Bacon
FOR SALE.
FOR cash, or respectable merchants notes at sixty days. I can furnish a purchaser with seventy as fat bullocks as any in the state, perhaps not quite so large boned as the cattle from the South Branch of the Potomack, but on the spot where they are stalled, but will drive them to Norfolk, Richmond, or Petersburg, if previously engaged by a butcher, or any other person inclined to buy; and as it may not be convenient to take, or pay for the whole at one time, a purchaser may have any part not less than ten if taken here, but if driven by my own people, they must all go at one time. I have also a number of exceeding fat muttons, and 15000 weight of choice bacon, the hams salt-petred with particular care, and the whole made out of large fat hogs, and intended for the use of private families. Letters, post-paid, directed to me by mail to MARSHALLVILLE, MECKLEBURG county shall be duly noticed.
WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM for Sir PEYTON SKIRWITH, Bart.
AT a meeting of the Common Hall, for the city of Richmond, called by the Mayor, and held at the house of William Rose, in the said city, on Monday the 28th day of February, 1803.
Resolved, that the Mayor give notice in the newspapers, that the Hall have adopted a plan for a POOR HOUSE, and will receive proposals from undertakers for building the same, at any time before the third Monday in next month. The plan is lodged in the hands of Mr. Robert B. James. The proposals must be made in writing.
A copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h. c. p.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING OF BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLASTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.

THE RECORDER RICHMOND.
APRIL 23d. 1803.
FROM THE NEW-YORK GAZETTE OF APRIL 15.
Strong probability of a renewal of the WAR Between Great-Britain and France.
Capt. Sterling, of the ship Mercury, from Liverpool, is the bearer of great news. He informs, that on the day of his departure, (the 10th. of March) an express arrived at Liverpool from London. An immediate impress of seamen took place, both on shore and on board of vessels on the eve of sailing, and nothing was talked of but WAR and a change of ministry. This news is not barely verbal, it comes to us in an official form, as will appear by the following letter, which, with others, corroborative of this account, was received on board the mercury after she was under way, by a dispatch boat.
Copy of a letter from J. Gascoigne, member of parliament for Liverpool, to the mayor of Liverpool, dated London, March, 8.
(COPY)
"Dear Sir, WAR is expected, a message this day from the King to the house to that tendency. Militia expected to be called out to guard against invasion. Stocks down four per cent. Mr. Pitt, it is supposed, will return soon to power; I've time to add no more, it being o'clock."
J. GASCOIGNE.
London, March, 8.
A letter from Liverpool, dated 10th. March, says.
The London papers received this day mention a decline in the price of stocks; and rumours are in circulation of a change of ministry; but so far as can be judged, there is no reason to apprehend any renewal of hostilities.
MEMORIAL.
(Concluded from our last.)
That, to furnish a crime of such unpardonable guilt, of such transcendent infamy, not a single serious step has ever been taken since the proclamation of the coroner. In all other cases of murder, a reward is offered, by the executive council, for the apprehension of the fugitive. In this case, and in this only, not a cent was offered. It is impossible to ascribe such conduct in the council to any other motive but the most scandalous partiality; and the memorialist respectfully submits it to the wisdom of the assembly, whether the council did not in this instance, perpetrate a most inexcusable breach of duty? He submits, whether they did not, as citizens, violate their duty, and as magistrates, betray their trust? And whether this alleged crime is not as black, as prominent an example of murder, as it is possible to conceive. The memorialist submits to the honorable house, whether this atrocious omission of duty, on the part of the executive council, did not, in some respects, place them on a level with the criminal? And whether they did not richly deserve to have been impeached at the bar of the assembly, and turned out of their offices? From this censure, the memorialist begs leave to except Mr. Wood, Mr. Pendleton, and general White, who have lately quitted their seats at the board of the executive council.
That, when the murderer fled from Richmond, the council well knew he could not fail of escaping. He was armed. He was desperate. He knew that his conduct had excited in the citizens of Richmond, an agony of indignation, and of horror, which they never felt before. He knew, that if he had been apprehended at that time, when the story was fresh, when public sensibility was bleeding at every pore, he had nothing to expect from a jury of his fellow citizens, but the most decisive extremity of justice. Under these circumstances, no person could be expected to run the risk of apprehending him, without the temptation of a considerable reward. Skelton Jones had, by this time, waded up to the chin, as it were, in guilt and infamy. He had nothing to lose but his life. He had nothing to fear but a halter. To him it was a matter of small concern, whether he should be hanged for taking men at Mr. Seldon, or for shooting the sheriff who attempted to arrest him. That the rest of the conduct, respecting this affair, was a mere farce, a mockery, an insult
upon the seriousness of judicial proceedings, and upon the reality, and essence of justice. The only positive evidence of the fact, which could be expected, was from the testimony of the two seconds. One of them immediately fled. The other second was Charles Barratt, of this city. He was apprehended and tried. It was known, at that time, that not a vestige of evidence could be produced against him. Of course, his trial was, with regard to himself, nothing but a ceremony, and an absolute nullity. But this step had a very serious effect in preventing the ultimate execution of justice upon the principal offender. By trying Barratt with so much expedition, it was made impracticable to produce him as a witness upon the subsequent trial, if such there should be, of Skelton Jones. Report speaks hardly of Barratt's conduct at the duel; * but whether the report be true or false, it is certain that in the eye of law, the offence of Barratt was trifling, when compared with that of the real assassin. The straight road to justice was, therefore, to have obtained from the governor a pardon for Barratt. This, he must, of course, have been directed to produce in court, or upon his refusal, the proper officer could have produced a copy of it. The next step was, to have bound over Barratt to appear as a witness when Skelton Jones should be apprehended. The memorialist affirms, therefore, that Barratt's trial was not an act of justice; but that it was a mere form, a burlesque, an outrage upon all the substantial ends and purposes of justice.
That if any doubt had remained as to the gross negligence, that rested somewhere, the history of the other second extinguishes all questions upon the matter. Wiltshire Lewis attended Mr. Seldon to the field. That he was present, we learn, from the coroner's proclamation. He absconded for a short time. But he has long since returned to his country seat, within a mile of Richmond. He resides there at this moment. He is often in this city. Mr. Lewis can, at any time, be arrested upon an hour's warning. Now, with this duel, the young gentleman bears an amiable, and an honorable character in the world. As the second of Mr. Seldon, his conduct has never been called in question. As an honest man, as a good citizen, as the friend of the deceased, he can feel no reluctance in fulfilling his part for bringing the criminal to justice. The road is open and wide. What might have been done with Barratt, can still be done with Lewis. It is, therefore, most respectfully submitted to the honorable the assembly of Virginia, whether they will not confer everlasting honor on themselves, vindicate their national character and secure the gratitude and confidence of a generous people, by stepping forward in the line of their duty, and by performing a great, a luminous, and a most necessary act of justice. The memorialist suggests that they can thus repair that enormous, that ruinous breach in the police and character of the commonwealth, which has been made by the executive council. They can instantly order the arrestment of Mr. Wiltshire Lewis. They can as readily obtain his pardon from the governor. They can then bring him to bear as a witness in the trial of Skelton Jones. Every lawyer in the honorable assembly must be conscious that a thousand precedents of this kind are to be found in the law reports of that intelligent and great people, from whom our system of legislation has been exclusively derived. The obhorrance in which murder is held in England, has recently received a most remarkable illustration. In January last, governor Wall, was hanged at Tyburn, for this crime. He was related to the duke of Norfolk, who ranks as the first peer in England. Mr. Wall had committed the fact at the distance of more than eighteen years before his trial. He was confident of proving that his crime was only culpable homicide, or perhaps of proving that it was no crime at all, that he surrendered himself, a volunteer to justice. After sentence, the king's privy council was called, a council, which, in that case, behaved very unlike ours. Neither the interest of the duke of Norfolk, nor of other eminent persons, could save Mr. Wall from the gibbet. Yet the person, for whose death he suffered, had only been in the very humble situation of a British serjeant; it even seems probable, that his death was undesigned; and that Mr. Wall could have no previous intention to kill him.
The memorialist begs leave to add what every member of assembly knows to be true, that Skelton Jones, the reputed murderer, has, for above ten months past, resided in Richmond. He has announced himself in the newspapers, as an author. He has boasted of his innocence, and of the return of popular esteem to his character, with an audacity unmatched in the annals of the jail, or the gibbet. He has boasted of "the possibility of his being engaged in future scenes of the same kind!" He has, month after month, printed open defiance to enquiries, and to justice. The memorialist apprehends that such official negligence and ignorance, or rather, such gross and criminal par-
NOTE.
* Meriwether Jones has privately said, and wishes to have it believed, that Mr. Barratt prevented Skelton Jones from accepting the concessions of Mr. Seldon.
tiality upon the part of the government, is inconsistent with the ends and being of society. He apprehends that a very few additional examples of murder committed with impunity, and with triumph, would place the commonwealth in a condition, which might look with envy towards the Creeks and Cherokees.
The memorialist shall conclude this long address with a few remarks, which are respectfully submitted to the candour and wisdom of the honorable assembly. With the most profound deference, he submits to their reflection whether it is not much better to have no laws, than to have laws, which are only put into accidental and partial execution. If the honorable assembly shall think fit to pass over the contents of this memorial, without a serious and effective exertion of their duty, he thinks himself pardonable for recommending their very superior wisdom and experience, an immediate repeal of the laws now existing against murder, and especially those against duelling. As for the statute, which menaces the seconds in a duel, he most humbly suspects that, unless Mr. Wiltshire Lewis shall be brought to an explanation of his concern in this affair, unless he shall be fairly and honestly brought forward, as an evidence against Skelton Jones, the community at large cannot fail of diminishing their confidence and respect for the persons whom they have entrusted with the formation and execution of their laws.
In respect whereof, &c.
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
(The Letter from Newbern, (N.C.)
(Continued from our last.)
IN the advertisement to the Notes, we are informed, that they were written in the year 1781, and somewhat corrected and enlarged in the winter of 1782. Now if this information be correct, the queries must have been presented to the author of the Notes, some time early in the year 1780. This supposition but barely allows time for the collecting and arranging of the materials of the answers. About this time, the government of France was in the act of putting its paws on America: as the first step towards it had already been taken, through the medium of its diplomatic skill, it had procured an article to be inserted in the instruction to our commissioners, enjoining them, not to conclude a peace with Great Britain but by the mediation and concurrence of the French court. The effect of this article, had it been strictly complied with, would have been to transfer the sole power of making peace or of continuing the war from America to the French cabinet: and it was so understood by its ministers, and they really acted up to that sense. And so far from mediating or concurring in any plan of a peace the French government actually did throw impediments and frivolous abstracts in the way of its accomplishment. And in the fall of 1781, and winter of 1782, it did instruct its agents and ministers to intrigue with the British ministry, to prevent a peace on any terms; because a peace would at once, as it did in the end, cut the thread of the destiny which the benevolence of the French government, had been spinning for America.
In the appendix to the Notes, we are again given to understand, that the foreigner of distinction who put the queries, was no other than Monsieur Marbois, then secretary to the French legation in the United States, and who has since had a subordinate concern in the French revolution. He was then in the morn of life, of a mild and insinuating exterior, which concealed that peculiar kind of selfishness, vanity, hypocrisy and cunning which discriminates certain characters of his stamp and nation, from all others. He, necessarily had been made acquainted with the designs of the French government on America and now considered himself on the high road, which might one day conduct him to the station of intendant or viceroy over it. His situation elevated his hopes, and his vanity urged and animated his exertions, to prepare the way for it. In adjusting his means to that end, one object struck him, as being of primary importance, that an impression should be made on his superiors, qu'il etoit un homme profondement versee des grandes affaires. Among all the expedients which occurred to his eager and impatient imagination, no one present-
ed itself, with an aspect so alluring and propitious, as the transmission of an account of the seaports, the climate, the population, the military force, the marine force, the constitutions, the laws, the proceedings as to tories, the subject of commerce, and the public revenues of each state in the union. But this expedient, in its consequences, or desirable in the execution, seemed arduous and difficult. The information, by which he could be enabled to frame a Memoire upon each of those heads, could only be obtained from the knowledge of others. And how to devise a pretence upon which an application for such kind of information might be made, to any of the statesmen and patriots of that day, in America, who alone could afford it, and at the same time to divest it of an appearance of base and improper designs on their country, appeared to him to be the great consideration. Hesitating between a number of projects by which the self love, vanity and credulity of this, that, and the other person, might possibly be surprized into a compliance with his views; without communicating any suspicion of his design, or alarm to their anxious cares, and jealous apprehensions, for the honor, safety and independence of their country, his thoughts were turned to the pretended writer of the declaration of independence.
A familiar intercourse with this excellent author, had frequently exposed, to the eager scrutiny of the shortsighted and designing Frenchman, the whole machinery which moves the mighty mind of that illustrious patriot and philosopher. By a course of examination and experiment, he had ascertained, that his fancy and imagination, were, to a certain degree, lively and vigorous: that his powers of reflection and combination, were feeble and infirm; that his judgment was hasty and often puerile. Because it was formed upon the decision of his passions, and not of his reason; that his ruling passions are an insatiable desire for popular applause, and an excessive emulation of the superiority of others. Hence it is, that the philosophy of this good and great man, has been observed to change its physiognomy accordingly, as the ruling passions have more or less excited and inflamed, that his arguments at different times, on the same subject, have been found to stand in the opposition. His notions and opinions of men and things, to appear so fickle and inconsistent, that his enemies have been furnished with so many opportunities of intermeddling, as they have done, with a malicious and satanic officiousness, between the antagonist characters of his philosophy; his opposing theories and arguments on the same subjects; and his adversary notions and opinions of men and things, by which they have set them all in battle array against each other.
The cunning foreigner, seeing the weak parts of the great man's character thus exposed, at once formed a plan of attack, by which he might so manage him, through his passions, as to bring him to a zealous co-operation in his designs, at the next interview with the reputed writer of the declaration of independence; he commenced his attack in form, by representing, that in America, there seemed to be but one door open to the first distinction, and a reputation of superiority; that Washington would forever be the idol of the people, as a soldier; and that Adams and Jay, seemed to have usurped the first place in their opinions, as politicians and statesmen; Franklin and Rittenhouse, it is true, have a partial fame as philosophers: but they have left the door still open. I have a plan to propose to you, in the execution of which, you may have occasion to soar infinitely above them" at this. The imagination of the pretended writer of the declaration kindly, " The count de Buffon, the Abbé Raynel, and others, have supposed, that there is something in the soil, climate and other circumstances of America, which occasion animal nature to degenerate: not excepting even man, native or adoptive, physical or moral. Suppose you should call this hypothesis, founfounded and degrading to one third of the globe to the bar of salt and reason! it will render you popular and give you the first distinction as a "

philosopher with your countrymen. I have already passed twenty three queries on the subject of America, the answers to two of which must necessarily involve a discussion of the odious hypotheses in question."
(To be continued.)
PRESIDENT JEFFERSON TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
Washington City, Feb. 1803.
SIR
In compliance with a request of the house of representation of the United States, as well as with a sense of what is necessary, I take the liberty of urging on you the importance and indispensable necessity of vigorous exertions, on the part of the state governments, to carry into effect the militia system adopted by the national legislature, agreeably to the power reserved to the states respectively, by the constitution of the United States, and in a manner the best calculated to insure such a degree of military discipline and knowledge of tactics, as will, under the auspices of benign providence, render the militia a sure and permanent bulwark of national defence.
None but an armed nation can dispense with a standing army. To keep ours armed and disciplined is, therefore, at all times important but especially so at a moment when rights the most essential to our welfare have been violated, and an infraction of treaty committed without color or pretext: and although we are willing to believe that this has been the act of a subordinate agent only, yet as it is wise to prepare for the possibility, that it may have been the leading measure of a system; while, therefore, we are endeavouring, and with a considerable degree of confidence to obtain by friendly negotiation, a peaceful redress of the injury, and effectual provision against its repetition, let us array the strength of the nation, and be ready to do with promptitude and effect, whatever a regard to justice and our future security may require.
Accept assurances of my high confidence and respect.
(Signed)
T. JEFFERSON.
To his excellency the governor of the state of New-York
REMARKS.
We have copied the above from the Aurora. It was lately communicated by the governor to the legislature of New-York. The reader will perceive that one part of this presidential letter is arrant nonsense. The sentence beginning, "And although we are willing to believe" &c. is incomplete. Whether the fault lie with the writer or the printer we know not.
One or two of the sentiments expressed in this letter deserve to be noticed. It is expressly admitted, that "rights the most essential to our welfare have been violated, and an infraction of treaty committed without color or pretext." If the president had added, that two millions of dollars have been secretly appropriated and sent to France, and between two and three thousand more to New-Orleans, for the purpose of getting the broken treaty amended, and those violated rights restored, we humbly conceive that the picture here drawn would have been more complete.
We know not exactly what are Mr. Jefferson's notions of the laws of nations. We should suppose from the expression here used, that he "is willing to believe," that a private individual of a nation is capable of infringing a public treaty; for if the infraction came from an authorized and accredited officer of the Spanish or French government, it is the act of the government.
It is a little extraordinary that language of this kind should, at this period be found in an official communication from the president. When Mr. Griswold proposed in Congress a resolution to call upon the president for such documents, as he might think proper to communicate relative to the cession of Louisiana to France, the democrats with one voice cried out, that Spain would
be offended, because the adoption of the resolution would indicate a suspicion that there had been something unfair on her part. Now the president officially declares, in so many words, that there has been a violation of our rights, and an infraction of treaty without color or pretext. How is such inconsistency to be accounted for? Must we be forced into conviction, that though we have ministers resident at the courts of Spain and France, the president has been so shamefully negligent of his duty as to suffer more than 15 months to elapse, after the cession of those provinces was publicly known, without ascertaining in what manner the transfer is to affect our rights and interests? Was it to prevent an exposure of this negligence that the resolution was negatived?
(Gaz. U. S.)
CRUEL CALUMNY!
THE following paragraph appeared in the Recorder, of the 16th of March last, published at Richmond, Virg. by Messrs. Pace and Callender.
From the Recorder, of March 16.
"There is a vessel, now at Rocketts, the Rebecca, of Providence, which has taken in a parcel of flour. The crew have opened each barrel, out of which some flour has been taken. When the Rebecca goes to market, the barrels will be sold as containing the full weight. This abstracted flour has been brought ashore and sold. The story is no secret at Rocketts. We are authorised to say so by one of the flour inspectors at that place. There is no law of the state to prevent such fraud. Will it not be necessary for the next legislature to impose a heavy penalty, upon offences of so gross and scandalous a nature?"
The original cause of this extraordinary publication is not known. Whether it was malice, wantonness, or error of imagination, the facts alluded to are equally false, and injurious to the characters of the persons which the publication was intended to effect; the vessel above-mentioned is the schooner Rebecca, of Providence, lately arrived from Richmond, with a cargo of flour, owned equally between Messrs. Salmon Arnold, Joshua Richmond and Ephraim Stubbs, (the master) all of Providence. During the vessel's stay at Richmond, she received on board a cargo of flour, and sailed from thence on the 17th, and arrived at Providence, on the 29th of March ult. with the same quantity of flour on board. The captain and owners observing, with extreme sensibility, the publication in the Recorder, immediately, on the arrival of the vessel caused every barrel of the flour to be weighed, in the presence of several respectable gentlemen: upon which it was found, that the cargo of flour averaged its full weight, none of the barrels fell short more than what is usually the case of many barrels in all cargoes of that kind.
Upon this statement of the facts, it is presumed, that Messrs. Pace and Callender will either correct a charge of so gross and scandalous a nature, or disclose the name of the person on whose authority it was published.
SALMON ARNOLD, JOSHUA RICHMOND.
Prov. April 6, 1803.
ANSWER TO THE ABOVE.
There was no occasion for all this noise. The article was given for publication by a responsible gentleman, who left his name; and Ephraim Stubbs might have had it, if he had thought proper to call for it. He had full time to have done so, before he left Rocketts. We were in the hourly expectation of a visit from him, and were prepared to give the name of our informer. That there was some crack in the bottom of the pitcher we do not entertain a moment's doubt. Flour can be replaced, as well as removed. Mr. Stubbs had, or might have had the name of our informer from twenty people at Rocketts, before he went away.
FROM A LATE NEW-YORK PAPER.
We observe, by one of the morning papers of last week, that Mrs. Deborah Gannet is in this city on her way to the Southward. This extraordinary woman served three years in the army of the United States, and was at the storming of York-town under General Hamilton, serving bravely and as a good soldier. Her sex was unknown and unsuspected, until, falling sick, she was sent to the hospital, and a disclosure became necessary. We understand this lady intends publishing her memoirs, and one or more orations which she has delivered in public upon patriotic subjects. She last year delivered an oration in the theatre at Boston, which excited great curiosity, and did her much credit.
DEMOCRATIC REJOICINGS.
"It is better (says the wise man) to go to the house of mourning, than to the house of feasting." If Solomon is correct in this position, federalism at this day has the better of democracy. At a moment when our country is drinking deep of the cup of humiliation; when a feeble executive has exposed us to the contempt and derision of foreign nations: when our national peace is suspended by a thread, in consequence of the weak nerves of a philosophic president; to rejoice at the event of his election, betrays a weakness that excites no other emotion than pity. But the popularity of the idol depends on the pomp, the parade, the noise and bustle of its votaries. When real merit is wanting, an imposing tone must be given, to keep alive opinions that will not bear the test of scrutiny. Feeble props of expiring popularity!
N. Y. Herald.
THE MORALIST,
AMONG many vices which degrade our country, none is more repugnant to all law, human and divine, none more atrocious in itself, none more fatal in its consequences than that of duels. On this subject, it is my earnest wish to gain attention. Was it in my power, I would raise a warning voice that should echo through the habitable globe, and call on all the abettors of this murderous practice to awake from that frenzy, into which pride, revenge and false notions of honor have plunged them, and cease to embrace their hands in each others blood.
That it is a crime forbidden by our laws, that God has prohibited it on awful penalties; that it is murder of the most deliberate kind, are truths as evident as the noon-tide sun. To go about to prove either of these positions would be to insult the public understanding. No one has the effrontery to deny them. Not one of those who plead for duels, or who have been concerned in them, found their arguments in self-vindication on the idea that they are lawful, in the eye of either God or man. This ground of justification is given up, it is abandoned as absolutely untenable. Their unlawfulness, their wickedness stands confessed. And yet, with an infatuation which nothing can account for, but an utter deprivation of moral sentiment, men persist in mutual slaughter. They fly to meet each other in single combat, and thoughtlessly rush into the presence of their final judge. As if it was their fixed purpose to insult the laws and government of their country, and to mock the divine majesty, they have reduced the business to a system. They affect to regulate the whole procedure by established laws; to those laws they yield the most exact obedience, while to the law of God, to the voice of society, to the dictates of reason and conscience, to the tears and entreaties of the nearest relatives, they are deaf they are obstinate.
If the man, who risks his whole fortune, all his future prospects from the world, the happiness of his wife and tender offspring, at one desperate game of hazard, acts the part of a mad-man, what name sufficient to express our just abhorrence, shall we give to him who risks, not only his life with all his expectations in time, and all that he owes to his family, friends and country, but all his hopes of the favor of God, and a happy
eternity, in the inexpressibly more material contest of a duel. The arguments commonly adduced to justify this practice are lighter than a feather. No consideration derived from custom, from the laws of mistaken honor, from reputation, from the supposed influence that duels have to restrain insolence and abuse, nor from any other topic, which human ingenuity can invent, will in the smallest degree avail against the express will of Heaven, the laws of society, and that sense of right, and horror of shedding human blood, implanted in every breast, not petrified with vice and delusion. When God and man have said "thou shalt not kill," in vain is every argument to destroy the force of this decree. It stands a permanent statute, like an immovable rock, which baffles every attempt to destroy it. The plain question, and the only one which must decide this point, is this, "are duels lawful?" If not, they can never be justified; and every attempt of this kind is a plea for wickedness as such. Indeed on this subject there is no room for debate. The point admits of no doubt. Duels are voluntary agreements to commit murder. He who falls is coolly and deliberately murdered, and the survivor deserves the gallows as truly as the midnight assassin, or the high-way robber.
Permit me then to beseech the friends and abettors of duels to attend to this subject with that seriousness and impartiality which it demands from every man. If you cannot justify murder, if you cannot prove that you have a right to take the life of any man, who, in your opinion, may offer you an insult, you never can justify duels. Until you can effect the former, you may as well attempt to prove virtue to be vice, murder to be kindness, theft to be perfect honesty, and lying and falsehood to be truths, as duels to be lawful. Come forth then, with your strong arguments. Dare, since you are men of courage, to take the field of calm and dispassionate argumentation, overlet the order of nature, prove that virtue and vice are perfectly ideal; prove that every man's passion or prejudice is to him the only rule of moral conduct, and that men may of right do whatever they are inclined to do; prove that this world was designed as a theatre, on which men of honor might discharge their pistols by exact rule, and blow out the brains of each other. If you can effect all this, you may prove the lawfulness of duels. But remember that you have before you more than an herculean labor. Whenever you shall accomplish it, virtue will be no more, vice will become universally triumphant, and the punishments of all crimes either abolished or rendered ridiculous.
To the civil fathers of my country I make my appeal. The cry of blood, unlawfully shed, ascends to Heaven against us. To you it belongs to cleanse us from this guilt. Your duty is plain it is easy. Your final judgement will require of you a faithful account of your stewardship. Before that final tribunal no empty pleas will avail. Consider your awful responsibility, and as you hope to escape condemnation yourselves let the murderous duelists know that he cannot, he shall not escape punishment.
PHILIP LARUS, DENTIST,
GRATEFUL for past favors, informs his friends and the public, that he intends again to practice in the line of his profession, and hopes by his assiduity to merit a continuance of their favors. Orders addressed to him, opposite the post-office, will be strictly attended to. April 13, 1803. (44.2.)
VIENNESE DOHLY
On Saturday evening, April 23d. 1803, AT THE BELL TAVERN BALL ROOM.
THE public are respectfully informed, that Mr. RANNIE will give a display of his various entertainments of Ventriloquija , and imitations of various Birds and Beasts, with a variety of other operations, which he doubts not will afford a higher degree of entertainment than is expected. Among his various performances, will be brought forward the wonderful Artificial Swan , which will exhibit a variety of operations.
Doors to be opened at half past six, and to begin at seven o'clock.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH.
WESTMINSTER, FEB. 21.
LIBEL AGAINST BONAPARTE.
(CONCLUDED.)
WITH respect to the personage more immediately the object of this slander, and this mischievous and intolerant design, no question possibly could arise; whether he was sprung from a long descent of illustrious ancestry, or from the lowest of the people, he is now at the head of a great empire, ordained at home as its first magistrate, and acknowledged abroad as the same! His relation to this country bears the same affinity as to the respect necessarily due to him. With us no earthly difference can prevail as to the individual. The laws of nations impose upon us the duty to pay him due respect, and a dereliction from that is a violation of their first and most beneficial principle, and whether the Moniteur contains any matter disrespectful to this country, was also no question, upon this occasion. With that he had nothing to do. He was here vindicating English law; an offence committed against the very vitals of English liberty; and he was thus bringing its discussion before an English jury, who, he was certain, would dispose of the case with truth and justice: whereas, if there be any thing published in France ungenerous or unkind, let its authors have all the benefit of it if any thing derogatory to British freedom, or the principles of of universal humanity, should appear here, let us not have the disgrace.
Mr. Mackintosh rose to address the jury on behalf of the defendant. The learned gentleman, in a speech which occupied upwards of three hours in the delivery, and which has seldom been equalled at the bar, began by saying, that however he considered this trial as the first of a long series of conflicts, between the greatest power in the world, and the only free nation in the world. In former times the liberty of the press was sanctioned without the interference of governments, and was exercised in Holland, Switzerland, and the interior of Germany, and in all the free towns of that country, but by one dash of the pen that freedom was put to flight. Those states (Switzerland) which formed one of the most interesting parts of the community, and remained for ages a spectacle of happy civilization to the rest of the christian Europe, and surrounded by the arts and literature, and the blessings of peace, is now gone for ever, but by no act of internal oppression! One hundred presses, founded loudly through the whole of Europe the oppression, direful in its consequences; they spoke boldly, fearlessly and loudly, the opinions of the writers; no oppression could make the feeling mind indifferent to the blood which had been wantonly spilt of their fellow creatures. Every press from Palermo to Hamburg was in consequence restricted, with one exception only; that press is still protected by a free government shielded by the valour of the people, and though the fabric still stands, it is surrounded by ruins, an awful monument of English freedom. Convinced that the advanced guard of liberty still remained to fight the first battle, which was destined to be fought on the subject of free discussion, he was assured they would permit him to recur to the pages of history. When those who built up the fabric of our laws, formed the building, they divided it into two parts. History and free discussion they adjudged to be on the one side, and lying and slander on the other. Every discussion which had for its object the transactions of the times, was protected by the officers of the crown, and since the era of the revolution it had not suffered in its extent, and he thought the present attorney general would not attempt to suppress the right to a free discussion of politics. If any particular offence was involved in that question, it met the punishment it merited.
A severe sentence was calculated to spread terror among the innocent and repress their most virtuous acts. It was a liberty which he owed to society, to apprise his fellow citizens of any hostility meditated by a foreign power. The learned gentleman contended that our interests depended upon the safety of the nation and its commercial prosperity, and that consequently we had an undoubted right to canvass freely the aggrandizement which the powers of the continent might make, in order to animate and invigorate their minds against that aggrandizement. Our ancestors were of that opinion, and never encouraged that short sighted and cowardly fear of discussion which must eventually lead to great evils in the country in which it may be tolerated. It was this glorious system of government which bound the people to the country; that equal distribution of justice which all ranks were entitled to, and which were the only generous principles on which a free nation ought to act, or government find their safety in. On these principles the present defence would be rested. The learned gentleman then in a very copious and clear manner entered into a justification of what he observed was the privilege of the historian, namely, to relate facts passing within his knowledge, and contended that he had an undoubted right to investigate the cause which led to those events. That right the defendant had exercised in republishing what was intended to render the government either detestable in the eyes of the world, or to make actions known. If the publication of a declaration of war was considered as libelous, then his learned friend had this day been guilty of a libel in reading that declaration. He would ask his learned friend, why the editors of English newspapers, which for ten years past had been in the daily practice of publishing the most disgraceful libels, were not punished? What answer could he expect, but that they were considered as giving a fair representation? What would his learned friend say, if he could prove that English newspaper, which he held in his hand, had an article which was calculated to spread mutiny among the fleet, and in which the most amiable prince that ever sat on the throne of the kingdom was charged with being the instigator of assassination? No British editor, in his opinion, could be so irrational as to invent this calumny; it was extracted from the Moniteur . He was proud to say, that the English nation never had been stained by any one act of perjury or cruelty. In the extract alluded to, that order, which was the reward of the heroes of Cressy and Poictiers, was said to be given the assassin. If a prosecution was to be instituted against the editors of these newspapers for republishing these calumnies, would not they say in their defence, they received the calumny from France, and republished it, for the express purpose of either gratifying curiosity, or rendering detestable the government publishing such calumnies. This sort of defence he must repeat on the present occasion. The learned gentleman asserted that the ode alluded to in the " Ambiguë ," was published in Paris, and written for the purpose of satirizing Chenier, and not Bonaparte. The sentiments were contrary to the wishes of the defendant. The last stanza which the learned gentleman read, he contended was applicable to a faction then reigning in France, the jacobins. He took a review of the revolution from its first dawn until the usurpation of power by Bonaparte, and contended that those very jacobins, who once bullied and hectored over their meek sovereign, now are the abject hirelings and slaves of the government. They disgraced the name of republicans, in becoming abject slaves, hirelings for the purse, of blood! What sort of ode, he would ask, did the jury think this for a royalist to write? It was merely a satire upon that faction to which he alluded, and the whole publication an historical representation of facts. He had been favored with a correct translation by a friend, and the author had paid homage to England in one part of his verses, and in a subsequent ode de-
scribed the capital as being overloaded with titles, an hereditary government, and no equality! Was this comparable with the sentiments of a French royalist? If England had that equality it would soon cease to be entitled to the homage which the author had paid in the former part of his poem. He then noticed Dean Swift's satirical description of the atheistical military fops, and the Hudibrastic verses of Butler, against fanaticism, neither whom were considered as libellers, their real object in fact being satire. Such was the intention of the defendant in order to render the republicans more ridiculous. If the name of Brutus was to be the incentive to assassination, then all the master-pieces of eloquence might be turned into libels. The learned gentleman having said thus much on the first libel, adverted to the last, which, he said referred to a very wonderful part of the Roman history.
The learned gentleman concluded with requesting them to put a favorable construction on the language of the pamphlets and thereby give a verdict in favour of the defendant.
Lord Ellenborough said, that the case on the part of the prosecution and defendant having closed, it became his duty, in obedience to the injunctions of the law, to state opinions to the jury on the subject. The indictment contained three charges; first, for publishing a libel upon Napoleon Bonaparte; the second contained the allegations of that charge; and thirdly, were enumerated the nature and quality of those allegations. With respect to the first part of the charge, namely, the publishing, that had been proved by the evidence of De Boffe; that being ascertained, the defendant would be liable to the penalties of law for such publications, provided they were of opinion the publications are libelous. It had been admitted that Bonaparte is the first consul of France, and that peace at present subsists between the two countries. The next thing and only remaining point to be considered would be the nature and quality of the allegations. It had been attempted, on the part of the defendant, to give a colouring to the pamphlets, and to representing them as intended to convey irony, and in fact as not having any reference to the first magistrate but it would be for them to say, after having examined the pamphlet, whether or not there was matter contained in them which was highly reviling his character, and inciting attempts to assassination. He was bound to tell them, that when a publication was directed against a power connected in tranquility and friendship with this country, and which tended to destroy that amity, then the law considered it as libelous. It must be in the recollection of every one, having occurred within these few years, that two persons were convicted of libels. The one in the case of the lord George Gordon, for a libel on the queen of France; and a person named Vant, for another upon the emperor Paul. These persons had suffered the sentence of the law, and the propriety of the conviction had never been doubted. If, in addition to the terms of obloquy and contempt there was an incitement to others, either here or abroad, to assassinate, then the libel was more clearly and manifestly advanced.—These words were to be found in the publication—"Oh! eternal shame!" and "the poinard remains to be used;" and in another part—"Remember the fate of Romulus! and let his apothecary be on the morrow." Every body who had read of the supposed fate of Romulus, could not for a moment doubt the application. His lordship observed, that the defendant had been assisted by the abilities of a gentleman, from whom he had heard a flow of eloquence almost unparalleled, and which had delighted every one that heard him. He must state, however, on the best consideration which he could give the subject, that the publications had a tendency to render odious the first magistrate of France in the eyes of the people. His opinion having that tendency, he was satisfied nothing would warp them from pursuing the even course of justice. All projects which tended to assassination should be discountenanced
as the safety of every thing most dear to society depended on that. He had no doubt that the verdict would serve to convince the world of the purity and fair administration of British jurisprudence.
The Jury instantly found the defendant guilty.
A horrible crime was lately committed in the environs of Vienna. A girl who had been in service in that city, and had saved 400 florins, set out from thence for the purpose of taking them home to her family. In her way she stopped at a public house in a village, in order to pass the night, the master and mistress of which were her relations. Having related to her hosts the object of her journey, the latter formed the diabolical project of murdering her for the purpose of getting possession of the money. In order to execute this horrid crime with greater facility, she proposed that the girl should sleep in her own chamber in her daughter's bed, and that the latter should remove into a closet which was assented to. Before they retired to rest, however, and in the absence of the mother, the two cousins had some conversation, and at length agreed that the daughter should sleep in her own bed, and that the other girl should sleep in the closet, after which they both retired to their respective beds as agreed upon between themselves. Soon after midnight the mother repaired to the bed where she supposed her destined victim to be asleep: but where, in consequence of the agreement of which she was ignorant, her own daughter was then lying, and poured boiling fat down her throat. She soon however discovered her mistake, and recognizing her daughter by her cries, called loudly for help, but all assistance was useless, as the unfortunate girl expired in the most dreadful agonies. [London paper.]
THE MANCHESTER MILLS.
ARE now offered on LEASE, for 3, 5, or 7 years. The superior advantages which they possess over any other mills in the neighbourhood of Richmond are too evident to require comment. For terms, apply to Mr. Samuel Jones, or to
JOHN MAYO.
Richmond, April 19, 1803.
62
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber on Sunday the 17th inst. two apprentice boys, shoe-makers by trade, the one named Timothy McRae, about eighteen years old, dark short hair, fair complexion, about five feet five inches high; had on when he went off, a long brown coat, white waistcoat, brown pantalettes and half boots.
The name of the other is William Jordan, about eighteen years old, dark hair, dark complexion, and about five feet seven inches high; had on when he went off, a grey round jacket, white waistcoat, dark striped pantalettes and half boots. Whoever takes up said lads and lodge them in any jail, or bring them to me, shall have the above reward, and all reasonable expenses paid them by
DAVID LOGAN, Shoe-Maker.
Richmond, 18th April, 1803.
N. B. All masters of vessels and other persons are forewarned from harboring them at their peril. 31
STEPHEN BROWN,
GUN SMITH, FROM LONDON.
GRATEFUL for the patronage he has received from his friends and the public; begs leave to return his acknowledgements, and assures them, that nothing shall be wanting, on his part, to secure to himself a continuation of their favors. He has by him a great number of guns and pistols left with him to repair, which have been long finished. As he has suffered many inconveniences from the want of the different fins due him on this account, he feels himself constrained to request the proprietors respectively to pay charges and take them away. Those who fail to comply with this request are informed that all articles of this description which may remain on hand after July 20, 1803, will be sold at public sale, to defray the expenses of their repairs.
Richmond, April 19, 1803.
N. B. One or two apprentices wanted in the above business.
S. Brown, has on hand, for sale, a variety of guns and pistols. 31