The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-24 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
PRICHARD & ADAMS, at their BOOK-STORE, opposite the Post-Office, Richmond, offer for sale LEE'S Genuine Patent and FAMILY MEDICINE;
Each article having the signature of Richard Lee & Son, on the outside wrapper.
Persons not attending to the above instructions are liable to be imposed upon.
The proprietors think it necessary to remind the public, that these Medicines have been for several years prepared by them—the good effects of which, are authenticated by some of our most respectable citizens; and without attending to the place of sale as above, and our signature, the purchaser may be disappointed, by receiving no benefit—not having the genuine Medicines of Richard Lee & Son.
LEE'S ELIXIR, a sovereign remedy for Colds obstinate Coughs, Catarrhs, Asthmas, Sore Throats and approaching Consumptions. A single trial of this Medicine, will prove its efficacious quality in restoring a perspiration common to healthy people, it dislodges and expels the tough viscid phlegm or mucus, strengthening the weakened vessels of the lung; thus striking at the root of the disorder, the symptoms of course are effectually and permanently conquered.
To parents who may have children afflicted with the hooping-cough—This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and, in a short time, entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable—The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.
LEE'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. This Medicine is superior to any ever offered to the public, being innocent and mild, certain and efficacious in its operations. Should no worms exist in the body, it will, without pain or tripping, cleanse the stomach and bowels of whatever is foul or offensive, and thereby prevent the production of worms and many fatal disorders.
LEE'S ESSENCE OF MUSTARD, so well known for the cure of rheumatism, gout, palsy, sprains, &c. &c.
LEE'S GRAND RESTORATIVE, proved by long experience, to be unequalled in the cure of nervous disorders, consumptions, lowness of spirits, inward weakness, &c.
LEE'S ANTI-BILIOUS PILLS. Prepared by Richard Lee & Son, Baltimore. Persons willing to purchase this valuable Medicine, are requested to be particular in enquiring for Lee's Anti-Bilious Pills, put up in woolen boxes, having on the outside wrapper, the signature of Richard Lee and Son.
LEE'S SOVEREIGN OINTMENT, for the Itch, which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application.
AGUE AND FEVER DROPS, for the cure of agues, remittent and intermittent fevers.
PERSIAN LOTION, celebrated for the cure of ringworms, tetter, and all eruptions of the skin, rendering it soft and smooth.
LEE'S GENUINE EYE-WATER, an effectual remedy for all diseases of the Eye.
TOOTH-ACHE DROPS, which give immediate relief.
LEE'S CORN PLAISTER. DAMASK LIP SALVE.
RESTORATIVE POWDER, for the teeth and gums.
THE ANODYNE ELIXIR, for the cure of every kind of head ache.
INDIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC, a certain and never failing cure for venereal complaints.
N. B. Each and every medicine above enumerated, have directions describing their mode of use in the most perfect manner.
* * * A few new Publications just received.
A general assortment of BOOKS, Law, History, Miscellany, Latin Classics, and School Books, as usual.
January 21. oaw4w
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goodland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued.
WM. BERKELEY, } Commissioners. JOSIAH ELLIS, } WM. MANN, } January 21. [law2m]
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post-Office, where all commands, in his line, will be most fully received, and punctiliously attended to—that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2aw2c-law2w
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Hanover court-house, on the 25th of January, 1809, being Hanover court day, by virtue of three Decrees of Trust, executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Richardson, to secure the payment of certain sums of money, therein expressed, a tract of LAND, lying in the county aforesaid, containing 27 acres, more or less, adjoining the Lands of Wm. Vial and others. The terms will be, one-third cash, one-third in nine months, and the other third in twelve months, to carry interest from the day of sale.
PARKE STREET, } Trustees. JOHN B. JOHNSON, } dec. 27. 2aw1d
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stoves, brick Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice House.
All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish in the country. JOHN ELLIS. [law2w]
NOV. 25.
Virginia Legislature.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
FRIDAY, January 15th.
A communication from the Senate by their clerk.
The Senate have passed the bill "Allowing further time to the owners of lots in the town of Beverly to improve the same;" and the bill, "Authorizing the collection of certain taxes due in Prince George county, for the year one thousand eight hundred and five."
Engrossed bills were read a third time and passed "Establishing a town on the lands of James Loving, in the county of Nelson;" "Placing certain persons therein mentioned on the pension list."
SATURDAY, January 14th.
An engrossed bill "Amending the act, entitled an act, preventing obstructions to the passage of fish down James river," was read a third time, and on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
An engrossed bill "Placing certain persons therein mentioned on the pension list," (which lay on the table) was taken up and several blanks therein filled up: and passed.
An engrossed bill "To amend the act, entitled an act, for reducing into one, the several acts for regulating the inspection of tobacco," was read a third time, and several blanks therein filled up; & passed.
The House according to the order of the day resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth, and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Wirt reported, that the committee had, according to order, had under consideration, a bill "Authorising the Register of the Land Office to appoint an additional clerk," and had directed him to report it to the House without amendment; which he handed in at the clerk's table.
On motion, Ordered, that the said bill be laid upon the table.
The House according to the order of the day, again resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair and Mr. Allen (of Shenandoah) reported, that the committee had according to order, had under consideration a bill "Providing for the redemption of certain lands forfeited for the non-payment of taxes thereon;" and had made some progress therein, but not having time to go through the same, had directed him to move for leave to sit again.
Resolved therefore That this House will again on Monday next, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth.
On motion Resolved, that a committee be appointed to examine into the state of the arsenal, and make report thereof, and a committee was appointed of Messrs. Martin, C. Smith, Walton, Sheffey, Riddick, Allen, (of Shenandoah) Hairston, Norvell, Otey, M c Henry, Wooding, Lightfoot and Lundy.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Governor, inclosing sundry documents relative to the public arms which have been despatched, which letter and part of said documents were read.
MONDAY, January 16.
Engrossed bills "Appropriating a sum of money, for repairing and providing additional furniture for the use of the Governor of this commonwealth, and for other purposes;" "To incorporate a company to establish a turnpike from the town of Leesburg, in Loudoun county, to the Little River Turnpike,"—Were severally read a third time and passed.
A motion was made that the House should come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That if he appointed an agent on the part of this commonwealth, to proceed forthwith to the city of Washington, for the purpose of renting to the general government, the armory of this state for years, and disposing of such materials appertaining thereto, as may be conveniently spared: Provided, that any contract made by such agent shall not be obligatory until it receive the approbation of the Legislature of this state.
On motion, Ordered, that the said resolution be laid upon the table.
The House according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Crutchfield reported, that the committee had according to order, again had under consideration, a bill "Providing for the redemption of certain lands forfeited for the non-payment of the taxes thereon;" and had made some progress therein, but not having time to go through the same, had directed him to move for leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this House will again to-morrow, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth.
Mr. Harris presented according to order, a bill "To amend the act, entitled, an act, reducing into one, the several acts, concerning the fees of certain officers and declaring the mode of discharging the said fees and county levies," which was received and read a first time.
A motion was made to postpone the further consideration of the said bill, to the 31st of March next; and the question being put on the said motion for postponement, it passed in the affirmative. Ayes 67—Nays 42.
TUESDAY, January 17.
An engrossed bill "To incorporate the Petersburg Manufacturing Society," was read a third time, and several blanks therein filled up; and was passed.
A report from the committee of Propositions and Grievances respecting the Little River Turnpike Company (which lay on the table, already published in this paper) was taken up and read.
The said resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the House.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth; and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Temple reported, that the committee had, according to order, had under consideration, a bill "To amend the act, entitled an act, to organize and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth;" and had made some progress therein, but not having time to go through the same, had directed him to move for leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this House will again to-morrow, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, on the state of the commonwealth.
AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW ENGLAND.
BY ALGERNON SIDNEY.
(CONTINUED.)
People of New England.
This view of the different administrations will convince every unprejudiced mind of the justice of the claim of confidence which I make in behalf of the national government. But I go further, and demand your gratitude. The opposition claim the credit of furnishing the funds for this administration. So far as the internal taxes have contributed, I admit their claim and yield every advantage they can derive, but they have been answered, and I repeat it, that the right of levying an impost, and the power to regulate commerce, were the most powerful reasons that induced the constitution; and the impost was levied by universal consent, two years before that difference of opinion which produced the present parties.
Neither party can justly claim the credit of the measure, but, if either can, it justly belongs to the republican party, for it was proposed in Congress by the republican President elect, on the 8th day of April 1789—(Debates in Congress, volume first page thirteen.)
The purchase of Louisiana has passed the ordeal of severe party censure, yet the history of ancient and modern times does not record an act of higher political wisdom.
It cost fifteen millions of dollars, of which three millions and three quarters, went to the relief of our merchants. The right to collect our present duties for thirty years at the port of New Orleans would sell in market for more than the whole purchase money.
To 200,000,000 acres of productive, well situated lands; immense public property in the city and island of New Orleans; inexhaustible supplies of lead and other precious metals; the revenues collected at Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New-York on goods sent over the mountains or by the northern waters, to the people of these countries for consumption, and all the future benefits of that internal trade, which is now deserving of attention, and will become of more importance to our merchants, than the whole foreign commerce of the small kingdoms in Europe.
In a political view the advantages derived from this purchase transcend the conceptions of the boldest calculator.
It has excluded the intrigues of Europe from our western frontier; and secured the people of West Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, and Mississippi, in a free and uninterrupted passage to and from the ocean, which was essential to their existence. It has bridled the savages of the west, and deprived them of the aids without which they cannot maintain war with this nation. It has prevented our citizens from migrating to a foreign power, in numbers not less than thirty thousand annually, and saved us from all the evils of a foreign nation on our western frontier.
Next to seas, impassable mountains and impenetrable marshes are the best boundaries between nations. None can be worse than navigable rivers, where the citizens of different nations encounter daily, and almost unavoidable collision. Is there a man who wishes that Bonaparte held Louisiana, or New Orleans, and that he should settle his disbanded Veterans on the banks of the Mississippi?
If the country west of that river be too remote and extensive to remain always under, or a member of this nation, the inhabitants some centuries hence will withdraw and set up for themselves, as a son bids adieu to the house of his father, and establishes for himself a family; and like the son, they will carry with them our principles, our love of liberty, our habits and manners, an affectionate recollection of past scenes and an attachment to this nation only.
Finally, it has relieved all our citizens west of the Alleghany from being taxed by a foreign power in their neighborhood, and secured to our merchants the freight of that extensive country and a profit on its products.
A freight which in thirty years will require as much tonnage as is now owned in this nation. This country can never come in competition with any interest in New England, but it comes into direct competition with all the states south of the Delaware, and particularly with those south of the Potomac; and the planters and farmers of those states, as well as the states themselves, may feel the effects of this competition and rivalry. To New England it will be a mine of wealth—would to God that our other frontier was as well secured, and much I fear, that before that event happens, this nation will not enjoy, at any one time, any considerable period of tranquility and happiness.
This purchase forms one ground on which I contend that the republican administration has paid superior attention to commerce; and however it may be thought at this day, the period is not remote when our merchants will acknowledge that they owe a quarter or a third of their prosperity to this act. Other evidences in support of my claim, will be developed in the sequel.
The government is charged with artfully shaping the course of national affairs, so as to undermine commerce. The leading republicans are charged with an insidious design to overturn it and introduce the fancied system of China; and the southern and western people are charged generally with a hatred to commerce. Sorry I am to say that these charges have taken deep root in the minds of many of you, who I know to be honest, and who will never surrender the rights of civil liberty. It shall be my endeavor to remove this belief, & to show you by proofs irresistible, that the charges are unfounded, or at least not supported by a single fact.
Before a whole section will be agitated, before a political revolution will be effected, before the happiness, independence, and no longer of our country will be offered on the altar of any foreign despot, and before the hardy sons of New-England will tarnish their laurels, and become the despots of their own happiness, they ought to require some clear proof of the fact, from a source, pure
and unsuspected. They ought not to rely on the harangues of electioneering cabals, nor the effusions of pensioned printers. The proof belongs to the assailants, yet it will not be produced; and ought not the inference to be, that it does not exist? The only evidence ever offered is,
1st. Occasional remarks in Congress and elsewhere injurious to commerce.
2nd. The President's recommendation to remove the discriminating duties,
3d. The embargo.
As to the first, that they have existed is too true. They have arisen from the irritations produced by the remarks of your friends from a want of that knowledge of the intimate connection between the great interests of the nation, which all public men ought to possess, and from the heated imaginations of theorists.
But in deciding this point, you will judge from the acts of your government, and not from these individual emissions. For government can no more be answerable for them than you can for those denunciations against government; those threats of rebellion and separation which manifest a hatred to a part of the nation, and destroy the hard earned fame of New England.
It is not true that the western and southern states have a hatred to commerce, the term ought at least to be softened down to aversion; and in my belief the difference of character arises solely from the difference of condition and situation.
But I will admit the charge in its highest latitude. What follows? Shall we establish a separate government? By no means! This imaginary evil which produces collisions of opinion, is the very basis of your wealth and happiness. You have to choose between opinions occasionally offered against your interest, and expressions offensive to you as men, and the reduction of your commercial importance, and your personal prosperity. Man follows the employment most congenial to his feelings, and he naturally supports what he follows. You must either enjoy all the benefits of your commerce, with these personal and hostile effusions, or you must induce the people of these sections to acquire a fondness for it, in which case they will not only speak of it with an affectionate regard, but they will become your competitors and rivals. Do you wish to sacrifice this important interest to a smile or a bow? Do you wish to encourage that sentiment which yields you more personal respect at the loss of your wealth and happiness? These people have the products to export, the bottoms to grow the hemp, the forests to furnish the timber, and every other thing to contribute to the establishment of an extensive commerce. If you think that your capital, or your superior nautical skill will overpower them, you deceive yourselves. They know that your capital, from ideal, has become solid in less than twenty years; and the energies of their minds, and the perseverance of their labors, will not be inferior to yours, if you once enkindle this passion in their bosoms.
Their aversion to commerce is our palladium, and their effusions of a splenetic cast, are but a small tribute to which we submit for our enjoyments. Let us go on quietly, yield support to the government, cultivate the best understanding with every part of the nation, spread our capital through the western forests, select there every place for a ship-yard, inspire their people with confidence and with a knowledge of the benefits of our intercourse, improve our schools, send annually into the nation fifty thousand well informed active citizens, and extend the facilities of transacting business into every corner of New-England; and although from our geographical position, our direct influence must be small, our indirect influence will give us our just weight in the nation. You ought not to forget that direct influence is solely charged with the duty of making the nation happy, while indirect influence enjoys every national benefit without any responsibility.
2d. The recommendation of the executive to remove the discriminating duties—For the purpose of settling the point in discussion, it is immaterial whether the removal of this discrimination would have injured or benefitted commerce. It is due to the President, however, to remark, that by many eminent merchants it was thought to be useful. But certain it is, that the motion of the discrimination, was, by the executive, designed to aid our merchants; and when they were known to be generally averse to it, the measure was abandoned without even a discussion in Congress. This abandonment proves a respectful attention to their opinions, as well as a regard to their interests and feelings.
3d. The embargo. The causes which led to this measure have already been developed. The manner in which it was laid, and its extension to our products, our commerce and our manufactures, as well as to our shipping, clearly demonstrated that its design was to produce a national benefit, not to injure the commercial, or any other interest. Had it been limited to our shipping, my mind would have told me to bid adieu to national tranquility and happiness. You have been told that your sufferings are superior to those of the other parts of the nation.
The public acts of the different states, constitute the best evidence of the extent of the evils experienced in the present state of the country. Evils, which you will constantly bear in mind, derive their origin from the lawless tyranny of foreign powers.
In all the agricultural states, the collection of debts has been suspended, by direct law, by delay, repulsion, or by a refusal of the courts to render judgment; or bills are now pending before their legislatures for this purpose. You well know the evils which flow from a suspension of justice. You know that it will take years to restore private confidence, and that every consumer or purchaser on credit, in the mean time must give an increased price, equal to an insurance against a similar evil. Would these measures be adopted under less evils than you have experienced? With you, the course of justice has not been impeded, nor is it contemplated. Yet neither the bell of the auctioneer, nor the drum of the sheriff, have called you to witness the sacrifice of a citizen's property; nor are your jails crowded with the unfortunate.
It is said, that an embargo as a measure of coercion, is too ridiculous to allow you to believe in the integrity of those who maintain it. I do not pledge myself for the success of the experiment; nor can my opinion be believed by many of our most enlightened and virtuous citizens; and the belief originated with the federalists.
On the 22d of June, 1785, Colonel Wadsworth, of Connecticut, an eminent merchant and a distinguished Federalist, declared in Congress, while speaking of the means of forcing Great Britain to render justice to our Commerce, that "his first object would be to interdict the trade which supplied the British dependencies with the necessaries of life. He was bold to say that Nova Scotia, the settlement founded by Great Britain, to rival the United States, could not exist without such aid: her West India settlements would also feel the want of our commerce, the whole body of her colonies would be clamorous to regain the advantages thus suspended, and compel the mother country to adopt measures for their and our mutual convenience and interest: this he apprehended would be good policy and every way warrantable." (Debates, Vol. 2, p. 9, 17 & 18.)
On the 12th of March, 1794, Judge Sedgwick, whose character you all know, offered in Congress, resolutions to raise 15,000 men, and to empower the President to lay an embargo. These grew out of the injuries offered by Great Britain. In his speech on this occasion, he remarked, "The reasons on which this idea of an embargo were founded, are that Great Britain cannot supply her West Indies, except from the United States; if this is in any degree true in peaceful times, how much more forcibly must it operate now. They have a considerable military force there to feed; in truth, without supplies from this country they must inevitably abandon a project, with them a favorite one, the conquest of the French West Indies—in this situation of affairs he believed it would be found proper to put into the hands of the President a power to lay this embargo, and in a moment to prevent all supplies going to the West Indies." With these views, as well as to secure our commerce from spoliations, President Washington laid an embargo. You will now decide whether to maintain this opinion is an evidence of insincerity or want of integrity.
I deny the charge that government has artfully shaped the course of national affairs. It has labored assiduously, and with no mean talent, to preserve and increase the general prosperity, and to advance every interest in the nation. When the present party came into power, they found the people shackled with the very laws and taxes which would be essential for their support in case of interdicting foreign commerce—an alien law to awe our merchants and others into silence; and three classes of internal taxes, with every necessary officer to enforce them. If they had contemplated the destruction of foreign commerce, they would not have repealed these laws, all the odium of these measures belonged to the preceding administration.
The difference between creating and continuing a tax is too apparent to escape the most superficial politician; and the idea of levying the necessary revenue on imports, when our foreign commerce is annihilated, is too contemptible to be entertained by a parish constable.
The act of government in repealing all internal taxes, and relying solely for revenue on our foreign commerce, furnishes the highest evidence possible of their determination to grant to that commerce every aid and support in their power.
The embargo must necessarily be temporary; it cannot endure for any considerable period; and government will seize upon the first favorable moment to produce a change of measures. Do you believe the farming interest design to raise their produce to perish? Do the states contemplate destroying the basis of private confidence, by preventing for any considerable time the regular course of justice? Do they devise the ruin of the middle & lower classes, by an accumulation of interest? Do the government design to operate without revenue or to procure it solely by loans? Do they expect that the people will come willingly & put on the yoke of slaves, by renewing the excises which they lately tore from them indignantly? Or is your executive prepared, in imitation of good King Coderus, to put spurs to the horse of state, and leap into the gulph.
THE EMBARGO.
By JOHN ELLIS.
(CONTINUED.)
People of New England.
This view of the different administrations will convince every unprejudiced mind of the justice of the claim of confidence which I make in behalf of the national government. But I go further, and demand your gratitude. The opposition claim the credit of furnishing the funds for this administration. So far as the internal taxes have contributed, I admit their claim and yield every advantage they can derive, but they have been answered, and I repeat it, that the right of levying an impost, and the power to regulate commerce, were the most powerful reasons that induced the constitution; and the impost was levied by universal consent, two years before that difference of opinion which produced the present parties.
Neither party can justly claim the credit of the measure, but, if either can, it justly belongs to the republican party, for it was proposed in Congress by the republican President elect, on the 8th day of April 1789—(Debates in Congress, volume first page thirteen.)
The purchase of Louisiana has passed the ordeal of severe party censure, yet the history of ancient and modern times does not record an act of higher political wisdom.
It cost fifteen millions of dollars, of which three millions and three quarters, went to the relief of our merchants. The right to collect our present duties for thirty years at the port of New Orleans would sell in market for more than the whole purchase money.
To 200,000,000 acres of productive, well situated lands; immense public property in the city and island of New Orleans; inexhaustible supplies of lead and other precious metals; the revenues collected at Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New-York on goods sent over the mountains or by the northern waters, to the people of these countries for consumption, and all the future benefits of that internal trade, which is now deserving of attention, and will become of more importance to our merchants, than the whole foreign commerce of the small kingdoms in Europe.
In a political view the advantages derived from this purchase transcend the conceptions of the boldest calculator.
It has excluded the intrigues of Europe from our western frontier; and secured the people of West Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, and Mississippi, in a free and uninterrupted passage to and from the ocean, which was essential to their existence. It has bridled the savages of the west, and deprived them of the aids without which they cannot maintain war with this nation. It has prevented our citizens from migrating to a foreign power, in numbers not less than thirty thousand annually, and saved us from all the evils of a foreign nation on our western frontier.
Next to seas, impassable mountains and impenetrable marshes are the best boundaries between nations. None can be worse than navigable rivers, where the citizens of different nations encounter daily, and almost unavoidable collision. Is there a man who wishes that Bonaparte held Louisiana, or New Orleans, and that he should settle his disbanded Veterans on the banks of the Mississippi?
If the country west of that river be too remote and extensive to remain always under, or a member of this nation, the inhabitants some centuries hence will withdraw and set up for themselves, as a son bids adieu to the house of his father, and establishes for himself a family; and like the son, they will carry with them our principles, our love of liberty, our habits and manners, an affectionate recollection of past scenes and an attachment to this nation only.
Finally, it has relieved all our citizens west of the Alleghany from being taxed by a foreign power in their neighborhood, and secured to our merchants the freight of that extensive country and a profit on its products.
A freight which in thirty years will require as much tonnage as is now owned in this nation. This country can never come in competition with any interest in New England, but it comes into direct competition with all the states south of the Delaware, and particularly with those south of the Potomac; and the planters and farmers of those states, as well as the states themselves, may feel the effects of this competition and rivalry. To New England it will be a mine of wealth—would to God that our other frontier was as well secured, and much I fear, that before that event happens, this nation will not enjoy, at any one time, any considerable period of tranquility and happiness.
This purchase forms one ground on which I contend that the republican administration has paid superior attention to commerce; and however it may be thought at this day, the period is not remote when our merchants will acknowledge that they owe a quarter or a third of their prosperity to this act. Other evidences in support of my claim, will be developed in the sequel.
The government is charged with artfully shaping the course of national affairs, so as to undermine commerce. The leading republicans are charged with an insidious design to overturn it and introduce the fancied system of China; and the southern and western

The duties of the Secretary of the Treasury naturally lead him to cherish this interest; unless he prefers the odium of devising new and inconvenient taxes to the facilities of deriving our revenues in the present manner—unless he wishes to exchange his fame for the execration of this people.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON, January 18.
In our last we laid before our readers the insidious letter of Mr. Canning, published by the emissaries of the British government, (if not penned by Mr. Canning, himself) to divide the people from their government by impressing upon their minds absolute untruths—to animate faction, to excite rebellion. We defy any man, attentively to examine the letters, and consider the place where it first appeared (Boston) and the season of its appearance (when the government was about vigorously to enforce the embargo) and to doubt the inference we have drawn. We have now the satisfaction of presenting an ANTIDOTE of whose complete efficacy we entertain no question. Like the factious attempt of Genet, this diplomatic artifice will recoil on its authors—The president yesterday laid before Congress the following important MESSAGE, which by a great exertion we are enabled to publish entire. A short but animated debate arose in the House of Representatives on the proposition to print the Message, not from any difference of opinion on this point, but from the universal indignation felt at this audacious foreign effort to interfere with our concerns. This feeling was not expressed alone by the Republican, but likewise by several federal members of the House. Mr. Key, in particular, did himself great honor by the manly terms in which he avowed his abhorrence of the attempt. 5000. copies were ordered to be printed. The debate shall be given in our next. Nat. Int.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I communicate to Congress certain letters which passed between the British Secretary of State, Mr. Canning, and Mr. Pinkney, our minister Plenipotentiary at London. When the documents concerning the relations between the United States and Great Britain were laid before Congress at the commencement of the session, the answer of Mr. Pinkney to the letter of Mr. Canning had not been received, and a communication of the latter alone would have accorded neither with propriety nor with the wishes of Mr. Pinkney. When that answer afterwards arrived, it was considered that as what had passed in conversation had been superceded by the written and formal correspondence on the subject, the variance in the statements of what had verbally passed was not of sufficient importance to be made the matter of a distinct and special communication. The letter of Mr. Canning, however, having lately appeared in print, unaccompanied by that of Mr. Pinkney in reply, and having a tendency to make impressions not warranted by the statements of Mr. Pinkney, it has become proper that the whole should be brought into public view.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Jan. 17, 1809.
LONDON, Sept. 24, 1808.
Sir, I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August.
This answer was accompanied by a letter, of which also a copy is enclosed, recapitulating what Mr. Canning supposes to be "the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews previous to the presentation of my official letter."
To the accompanying paper, I think it indispensable that I should reply without delay—Supporting with politeness, but with firmness, the statements, which I have already had the honor to make to you, of the conversations in question, and correcting some errors upon points, which Mr. Canning has thought fit to introduce into his letter, but which I had not supposed it necessary to mention in detail in my dispatches. I shall not detain Mr. Atwater with a view to this reply; but will take care to forward a copy of it by an early conveyance. My official note and the answer to it being perfectly explicit, Mr. Canning's misapprehensions (for such they are) can scarcely be very important in a public view; but it is nevertheless, of some consequence that whatever may be the object of his statement, I should not make myself a party to its inaccuracies, by even a tacit admission of them.
I do not perceive that a formal reply to the more official paper can now be any advantage; but I shall probably take occasion to combine with my reply to the one paper some observations upon the other.
I regret extremely that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this government, have not been met by it as I had at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place in a strong light the just and liberal sentiments by which our government is animated, and in other respects to be useful and honorable to our country.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient humble servt.
WM. PINKNEY.
Hon. James Madison, &c. &c. [Here follows the letter of Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, published in the Enquirer. If, on examination, there should appear to be any variation between the original and the copy, we shall notice hereafter.]
Great Cumberland Place, Sept. 24, 1808.
Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your answer to my official note of the 23d of last month, relative to the British Orders in Council of January and November 1807, together with the statement of "the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews, previous to the presentation of that note."
I shall lose no time in transmitting to my government copies of both these papers, upon the last of which I will take the liberty, in the course of a few days, to trouble you with some observations.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient servt. WM. PINKNEY. The Right Hon. George Canning, &c. &c.
LONDON, Oct. 11.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit enclosed a copy of my reply to Mr. Canning's letter to me, of the 23d of last month, accom-
panying his official answer of the same date to my note of the 23d of August.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Sir, your most obedient, Humble Servant.
WM. PINKNEY.
Hon. James Madison, &c. &c.
TO MR. CANNING.
GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE,
October 20, 1808.
Sir,
If my reply to the letter, which you did me the honor to address to me on the 23d of last month, should be of greater length than the occasion may be thought to require, you will, I am sure, impute it to its real cause, an earnest desire on my part, arising from a feeling of sincere respect for you, that the statement, which I am to give of facts deemed by you to be important, should be full as well as accurate.
I will not fatigue you, sir, with assurances that no person could be less disposed than I am, to find fault with the object of your letter, which appears to be to guard against all misrepresentation of "what has passed in our last interviews, beyond what you find recorded in my note." You have told me, that I have, personally, no concern in that object, and I did not require to be told that my government has as little. I understand, indeed, that the circumstance, which has suggested a peculiar motive for this proceeding, was one of those newspaper misrepresentations, which every day produces where the press is free, which find no credit and beget no consequence, and for which it is greatly to be feared your expedient will provide no remedy. Of my conduct, when that circumstance occurred, in giving you unselected proofs that I had transmitted to Mr. Secretary Madison, a faithful report of our conferences, mistaken by public rumor or private conjecture, it is not necessary for me to speak; for you have yourself, done justice to it.
The motive, to which I am indebted for the honor of your letter, appears to have been instrumental in producing another effect equally unexceptionable. But you will allow me to say, that, until the receipt of that letter, I had not been apprised, by the slightest intimation, that it was in any degree owing to such a cause that you declined on the part of his majesty's government, after two conferences, in which I had been suffered, if not encouraged, to unfold myself, individually as well as officially, at great length and with perfect frankness, to give an answer to my verbal overture.
At our first interview (on the 29th of June) verbal communication was not discountenanced, but commenced:—For after I had made myself understood as to the purpose for which the interview had been requested, you asked me if I thought of taking a more formal course; but immediately added that you presumed I did not; for that the course I had adopted was well suited to the occasion. My reply was in substance, that the freedom of conversation was better adapted to our subject, and more likely to conduct us to an advantageous conclusion, than the constraint and formality of written intercourse, and that I had not intended to present a note. At the second interview (on the 22d of July) it did not occur to me that I had any reason to conclude, and certainly I did not conclude that verbal communication had not continued to be acceptable as a preparatory course; and it was not until the third interview (on the 29th of July) that it was rejected as inadmissible. But even then I was not told, & had not the smallest suspicion, that this rejection was to be ascribed, either wholly or partially, to the motive which your letter has since announced to me. That this motive had, nevertheless, all the influence imputed to it, I am entirely confident, and I take notice of it only because, as I have not mentioned it to my government in my official account of our conferences, I can no otherwise justify the omission, either to it or to you, than by shewing that I had in truth no knowledge of the fact when that account was transmitted.
I may take occasion to set forth in the present letter, the import of all that can be material of our several conversations, according to my recollection of them; but there are some points to which I ought to pay a more particular attention, because you have thought them entitled to it; although I should myself, perhaps, have been inclined to think that they had lost much of their importance by the presentation of my note, and the receipt of your written answer; both of which are perfectly intelligible, upon these points at least, without the aid of the conferences that preceded them.
You observe, that "the principal points, in which the suggestions brought forward by me in personal conference appear to you to have differed in some degree from the proposal stated by me in writing, are two; the first, that in conversation the proposal itself was not distinctly stated as an overture authorised by my government; the second, that the beneficial consequences, likely to result to this country from the acceptance of that proposal, were "pursued" through more ample "illustrations."
With regard to the first of these supposed differences, I feel persuaded, sir, that upon further recollection, it will occur to you, that at our first conference, I told you explicitly that the substance of what I then suggested, that is to say, that your orders being repealed as to us, we would suspend the embargo as to Great Britain, was from my government; but that the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject, upon which I had no precise orders, was my own. I even repeated to you, the words of my instructions as they were upon my memory; and I did not understand, either then or afterwards, that there was any doubt as to their existence or their sufficiency, or any desire to have a more exact and formal communication of them while the result of our discussions was distant & uncertain. I said undoubtedly that I had been directed to require the revocation of the British orders in council; but I said also, that although the government of the U. States, still supposed itself authorised to expect their repeal upon the ground of right as it existed from the first, (a subject, however which I informed you, I did not at that time wish to agitate,) I was notwithstanding empowered to give you the above-mentioned assurances, which would, as I presumed, hold out inducements to Great Britain, as well on the score of policy as on that of justice, to fulfil that expectation. I should scarcely have undertaken to offer such assurances as from myself, or upon my own "conviction," that the President would act in conformity with them. And I should still less (if that were possible) have ventured to ask of you, that you would make them, in that form, the subject of repeated conferences, and even of reference to others, as placing the question of a recall, or continuance of the orders in
council, upon new grounds of prudence and equity.
It is merely intended (as I doubt not it is) to say that I did not make, or declare my intention to make overture in writing, before I had endeavored to prepare for it by personal explanations such a reception as I felt it deserved, and before I could ascertain what shape it would be most proper to give to it, or how it would be met by this government, nothing can be more correct.
It was my sincere wish that my proposal which I believed to be advantageous to G. Britain, as well as honorable to the United States, should be accepted; and accordingly I preferred a mode of proceeding which, while it was calculated to avoid unprofitable discussion, upon topics of some delicacy & great difficulty, would furnish opportunities for frank and friendly communication upon all the bearings of my proposal, and lead to the result, at which I aimed, if that result should be practicable, in such a way as, upon mature reflection, and after a liberal interchange of sentiments, should be found to be most for the honor of our respective governments. These views were laid before you without reserve, and seemed to be approved; and I confess to you, sir, that when I was afterwards informed that, if I would obtain an answer to my overture, I must make it in writing, and that I must not look for any previous intimation of the nature of that answer, I did not allow myself any longer to anticipate with much confidence such an issue as I desired.
The second difference which your letter supposes to exist between my note and verbal suggestions, cannot, I think, in any view be very material. I will say something upon it, however.
My note declares that if I forbear to pursue certain ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because our personal conferences, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas, themselves, render it unnecessary. This implies undoubtably, that more had been said in our conferences explanatory of these ideas, than is to be found in the note itself; and that implication can scarcely be otherwise than true, if I "expatiated largely" as you very justly say I did, "upon the consequences of a suspension of the embargo as to Great Britain, while it still continued to be enforced against France."
The general idea to which the note refers is that justice and interest conspired to recommend that you should take advantage of my proposal. The particular positions are, that, if your orders and our embargo should be rescinded in the manner suggested, our commercial intercourse would be immediately revived; that, if France followed your example & retracted her decrees, the avowed purpose of your orders would be accomplished; that, if France refused to retract, the American embargo, continuing as to her, would occupy the place of your orders, and perform their office, even better than they could perform it themselves, without any of the disadvantages inseparable from such a system.
It is certain that in our conversations I endeavored to prove that these general and particular notions were founded in truth, by a variety of arguments, thrown out in a very desultory way, with more zeal than precision, and with that entire freedom which unlimited confidence in your candor, and a firm opinion that the views of my government would derive new titles to respect from a full examination, were calculated to produce.
I should not deal ingeniously with you, sir, if I were to pretend that I think myself able to recapitulate these disjointed arguments as they were actually delivered. And I am quite sure that I shall consult your gratification, as well as my own credit, by declining such an undertaking. But I think I can state, in a condensed form, what I intended you should understand; and I presume that what I did say was not very wide of my real impressions.
Upon the footing on which my overture would place the justice of the British orders, I did not go into much detail, at any one of the three interviews mentioned in your letter. But, combining my unconnected and occasional observations on that point as they were made at different times, and more especially as they were afterwards given and enlarged upon when I had the honor to see you on the 26th of August, (of which however, it is proper to say, I have only a very scanty memorandum) their import will not, perhaps, be found to be much if at all mistaken in such parts of the following statement as relate to that branch of the subject.
I meant to suggest, then, that upon your own principles it would be extremely difficult to decline my proposal, that your orders inculcate, as the duty of neutral nations, resistance to the maritime decrees of France, as overturning the public law of the world, and professedly rely upon that duty, and an imputed abandonment of it, for their inducement and their justification; that, of these orders, that of the 7th of January, 1807, (of which the subsequent orders of November are said, in your official reply to my note of the 23d of August, to be only an extension, "an extension in operation not in principle") was promulgated and carried into effect a few weeks only after the Berlin decree had made its appearance; when the American government could not possibly know that such a decree existed; when there had been no attempt to enforce it; and when it had become probable that it would not be enforced at all to the prejudice of neutral rights, that the other orders were issued, before the American government, with reference to any practical violation of its rights; by an attempt to execute the Berlin decree, in a sense different from the stipulations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and France, and from the explanations given to General Armstrong by the French minister of marine, and afterwards impliedly confirmed by Gen. Champagny, as well as by a correspondent practice, had any sufficient opportunity of opposing that decree otherwise than it did oppose it; that your orders, thus proceeding upon an assumed acquiescence not existing in fact, retaliated prematurely, and retaliated a thousand-fold, through the rights of the United States, wrongs rather threatened than felt, which you were not authorized to presume the U. S. would not themselves repel, as their honor and their interests required; that orders, so issued, were, to say the least of them, an unreasonable interposition between the injuring and the injured party, in a way the most fatal to the latter; that by taking justice into your own hands, before you were entitled to do so, at the expense of every thing like neutral rights, and even at the expense of other rights, justify the objects of yet greater sensibility, and by inflicting upon neutral nations, or rather upon
the United States, the only neutral nation—injures than it was in the power of France to inflict, you embarrassed and confounded, and rendered impracticable, that very resistance which you demanded of us; that my proposal destroyed all imaginable motives for continuing, whatever might have been the motives for adopting this new scheme of warfare; that it enabled you to withdraw, with dignity & even with advantage, what should not have come between France and us; that its necessary tendency was to place us at issue with that power, or, in other words, in the precise situation in which you have maintained we ought to be placed, if it should persist in its obnoxious edicts; that the continuance of our embargo, so modified, would be at least equivalent to your orders; for that, in their most efficient state, your orders could do no more, as regards the United States, than cut off their trade with France and the countries connected with her; and that our embargo, remaining as to France and those countries, would do exactly the same; that if the two courses were barely, or even nearly upon a level, in point of expediency, G. Britain ought to be forward to adopt that which was consistent with the rights and respectful to the feelings of others; that my proposal, however, had powerful recommendations which the orders in council had not; that it would re-establish without the hazard of any disadvantage, before new habits had rendered it difficult if not impossible, a traffic which nourished your most essential manufactures, and various other important sources of your prosperity; that it would not only restore a connexion, valuable in all its views, but prepare the way for the return of mutual kindness, for adjustments greatly to be desired, and in a word, for all those consequences which follow in the train of magnanimity and conciliation, associated with prudence and justice.
Among the observations intended to illustrate my opinion of the certain, probable, & possible effects of the concurrent acts which my proposal had in view, were those to which you allude in the 6th paragraph of your letter. Having stated that renewed commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States would be the first effect I remarked, in the progress of the conversation, that the edicts of France could not prevent that intercourse, even if France should adhere to them, although Great Britain, by her superior naval means, might be able to prevent the converse of it; that the power of France upon the seas was in no degree adequate to such a purpose, and if it were otherwise, that it was not to be supposed that the United States resuming their lawful commerce with this country, after a recall of the British orders, in council, would take no measures against systematic interruptions of that commerce by force and violence, if such should be attempted.
If, when I was honored with the different interviews before mentioned, I had been able to conjecture the nature of the arguments which were to have an influence against my proposal, as I now find them stated in your answer to my note, I should probably have ventured to suggest, in addition to the remarks actually submitted to your consideration, that, if "the blockade of the European continent," by France and the powers subservient to or in combination with her, to which your orders as "a temperate but determined retaliation" were opposed, has been "raised even before it had been well established," and if "that system" so opposed, "of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, has been broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible," there seems scarcely to be left, in your own view of the subject any intelligible justification for perseverance in such of the retaliatory measures of Great Britain, as operate through the acknowledged rights of a power confessedly no party to that combination, and ready to quit her fair neutral obligations, if you will suffer her to do so. Under such circumstances, to abandon what is admitted to have lost its only legitimate object, it is not "a concession;" it is simply justice. To France, indeed, it might be concession. But it is not France, it is an government of America, neither subservient to France, a third party, whose rights and interests your orders deeply affect, without any adequate necessity according to your own showing, that requires their recall; and that too upon terms which cannot but promote the declared purposes of the orders, if any remain to be promoted. I say "without any adequate necessity according to your own showing;" for I am persuaded, sir, you do not mean to tell us, as upon a hasty perusal of your answer to my note might be imagined that those rights and interests are to be set at nought, lest "a doubt should remain to distant times of the determination and the ability of Great Britain to have continued her resistance," or that your orders may, indefinitely give a new law to the ocean, lest the motive to their repeal should be mistaken by your enemy. If this might indeed be so, you will perhaps permit me to say, that highly as we may be disposed to prize the firm attitude and vast means of your country at this eventful moment, it would possibly suggest to some minds a reluctant doubt on the subject of your observation "that the strength and power of G. Britain are not for her only, but for the world."
I might also have been led to intimate that my proposal could apparently lose nothing by admitting that "by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of" the before mentioned "blockade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectively have contributed to its success." Yet I should probably have thought myself bound to remind you that, whatever may be the truth of this speculation, the same embargo withheld our tonnage and our productions from that communication with the colonies of your enemies and with the European continent, which you had asserted your right to prevent; which as a direct communication (with the continent) you had in fact prohibited; which, even though British ports or in other qualified forms, you had professed to tolerate, not as that which could be claimed, but as an indulgence that could at any time be withdrawn; which, as a traffic for the United States to engage in, you had at least discouraged, not only by manifesting your intentions to mould it into all the shapes which the belligerent, fiscal or other peculiar policy of Great Britain might require, and subject it to the exclusive jurisdiction of her municipal code, armed with all the prerogatives of that universal law to which nations are accustomed to look for the rights of neutral commerce. In giving an account of our second conference you say "that, though not stating
myself to be authorized by my government formally to offer the suspension of the embargo, as an immediate consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, yet I did profess my readiness to take upon myself to make that offer, provided that you would give me before hand an unofficial assurance that, coupled with that offer, so made, the demand of the repeal of the orders would be favorably received; that you, of course, declined to give any such previous assurance; but, as I appeared to attach great importance to this suggestion, and you were led to think that a compliance with it might relieve me from a difficulty in executing the first instructions of my government, you consented to take a few days to consider of it, and to reserve your definitive answer until you should see me again." You then observe that you "never doubted, in your own mind, as to the inexpediency and impropriety of encouraging me to take an unauthorised step, by an unofficial promise that it should be well received." I am sure you did not, sir; but I must take the liberty to say that I am equally sure that I never thought of asking you to give me encouragement to take an unauthorised step of any kind. I am, indeed, truly mortified, that my conduct has appeared to you in that light; and I should not be readily consoled, if I did not reflect that, in condescending to listen, even for a moment, to what must have struck you as an irregularity, as vain and nugatory in its purpose, as reprehensible in its principle, you must at least have given me credit for good intentions, and for a strong desire, sincerely felt although erroneously obeyed; that our countries should find themselves in that relative position which suits the interests & tends to the happiness of both.
When I professed a readiness to make my proposal in writing, it was, as you state, provisionally; but I did not intimate that I was acting without authority, nor did I comprehend that such was, as I now know it to have been your impression. The provisional nature of my offer arose out of circumstances, and was afterwards pressed upon conviction that, if it was meant to adopt the views of the President, nothing more could be necessary. I understood you to be desirous of ascertaining, whether I was empowered & disposed with a view to a final arrangement, to present, what I had suggested, in a written form, as an overture originating with my government. I said, of course, that every thing being first matured, a note should be presented, but that I would, with your permission, take a little time to consider of the manner and terms. I did not at that time suppose that we were conversing about a written proposal, which was to be made only to be rejected, or even for the purpose of deliberation, and consequently in professing my willingness to make it as soon as we were prepared for it, I presumed that I had done all that you had desired. And I was confirmed in this opinion, not only by your saying nothing, as I supposed, to the contrary, but by your requesting me, as I was about to leave the room, to employ myself, before the next interview, upon such note as we had been talking of; and then retracting that request by observing, that I would doubtless first desire to know what were your ideas and intentions upon the subject of it, with which I was given to understand I should be made acquainted at another conference.
At the third interview, after speaking of a transaction upon the Lakes, of which your terms, complained, and of another occurrence in the Bay of Passamaquoddy, you observed that you had thought long and anxiously upon what I had suggested to you;—that the subject had at first struck you as being much more simple than upon careful examination it had been found to be; that in the actual state of the world, it behoved both you and me to move in this affair with every possible degree of circumspection; that without some explicit proposal on my part, nothing upon which the British government could deliberate and act, nothing could be done; and, finally, that you must leave me to consult my own discretion whether I would make such a proposal.
It appeared to me that, at this determination should be persisted in, my overture was not likely to be successful, and I urged, accordingly, the propriety of going on in a course which would lead us to a better issue. That course was, that we should understand one another as to our respective views, and that a concise note, which I had in fact prepared since the last meeting, should then be presented and acted upon. You informed me that my wish in this particular, could not be acceded to; that if I presented a note, you must be left at perfect liberty to decide upon what it proposed; that you could not give me even an intimation of the probable consequences of it; and, in a word, that you would neither invite nor discourage such a proceeding. You added, that there were some points, belonging to the subject, which it would be proper to discuss in writing; one of which was the connection between our Embargo and your Orders of November, supposed to be implied by my proposal. I remarked that, with an actual result in view, and with a wish to arrive at that result without delay, it could not be advisable to entangle ourselves in a written correspondence, undefined as to its scope and duration, upon topics on which we were not likely to agree; and that if I were to frame my note, with a knowledge that it was to provoke argument, instead of leading at this crisis to a salutary change in the state of the world, you must be conscious that I too must argue. And where would this end? To what wholesome consequence would it conduct us? At the close of the interview I observed that, as the footing, upon which the subject was now placed, made delay of no importance, I should take time to prepare such farther proceeding as the occasion required.
On the 26th of August, I had the honor to see you again, and, after entering more at large, than I had before believed to be proper, into a consideration of the effect of my proposal on the equity of adhering to your Orders in Council, and after reading to you parts of my instructions, I delivered an official note in which the proposal was made in the form required.
Something was said at this interview of the affair of the Chesapeake and the President's proclamation, which, it is not, I presume, necessary to repeat. It will be sufficient to state, that you asked me what was to be done with these subjects? and that my reply was, that they had no connection with the present; but that I could say, with consequence, that my government had every disposition to attend to them, with a view to such an adjustment, as would be honorable to both parties. I did not suppose that it was expected (for you did not intimate such an expectation) that renewed negotiation upon these points should be suspended or suspended upon terms of your orders in council, be invited by a formal overture from the government of America.

I will not trouble you with many observations more.
You state in your letter, "there was one point upon which you were particularly anxious to receive precise information, and upon which, from my candor and frankness, you were fortunate enough to obtain it." This was "whether in fact the orders in council of November, had been known to the government of the U. States previous to the message of the President proposing the embargo, so as to be a moving consideration to that message." I quote this passage principally, that I may recall to your recollection, that my suggestions, upon the subject of it, were not made officially, or as being authorized or furnished, by any communication from my government, or in answer to any direct enquiries on your part. They were very briefly made, near the close, as I think, of our third interview, in consequence of your intimation, intended, perhaps, to amount to an enquiry, that my proposal implied, that the embargo had been produced by the orders of November; to which you added that this could not be admitted, and (as I comprehended what you said) that it even required to be made the subject of some notice or discussion in writing as intimately connected with my proposal, if it should be brought forward in that shape; and I understood you to assign this as one of the reasons why a written overture was indispensable. In replying to that intimation, and the remarks which followed it, I professed to speak, as I did in fact, from general information only, and disclaimed, as it was my duty to do, all authority to say more, upon the nature and origin of the embargo, than I had some time before communicated to you, in obedience to the orders of the President. The purpose of my observations was chiefly to show that there was no inducement for embarking in formal discussions upon this point; and I assured you that it was not in my power, either as respected instructions from my government, or knowledge of facts to do so. My opinion was, and I spoke accordingly, that it was one of those questions which might be left completely at rest, without the least injury to the wisdom or the justice of our conclusions, upon the great objects of our conferences. There could be no objection, however, to my giving you on this head such conjectural information as I was able. On the contrary, by fully disclosing to you my own materials for forming an opinion upon it, you would be enabled more distinctly to see that I could take no part in any discussion which you might propose to apply to it; and I could not but be assured, that any anxiety you might feel to obtain a knowledge of the facts in question, sprung from considerations which had every claim to my respect; for I knew that your mind was far above the reach of prejudices which would ascribe the American embargo to participation in the councils or views of your adversary, or of any foreign power whatsoever. My suggestions were to the following effect: that I believed that no copy of your orders of November had arrived in the U. S. at the date of the President's message; that a recent change in the conduct of France to our prejudice did appear to be known; that intelligence had been received, and a belief entertained, of your intention to adopt some further measure as a measure of retaliation against France, by which our commerce and our rights would be affected; that there was reason to conclude that you had actually adopted such a measure; that (as I collected from American news papers) this had appeared from private letters, and the newspapers of this country, received in the U. S. some days before the message of the President, and probably known to the government; that, in a word, various information concurred to show that our trade was likely to be assailed by the combined efforts of both the belligerent parties; and that the embargo was a measure of wise and peaceful precaution, adopted under this view of reasonably anticipated peril.
You observe, in another part of your letter, "that you have always rather wished to refer the argumentative discussion of the subject of the orders in council to the official correspondence which you have more than once been taught to expect me to open upon it." If I should object to any part of this statement, of which the substance is undoubtedly correct, it would be to the words "more than once." Your wish has always appeared to be such as you now represent it, and you had reason to expect that I would commence a written discussion of the orders of November, soon after their publication. I had told you that I should do so, and you had said that there could be no objection to it. But you were afterwards informed that, upon reflection, I had determined to leave this subject where it was until I should know the pleasure of my government.
The orders had been officially communicated, not to me, but to Mr. Madison, through the British minister at Washington. It seemed, therefore, to be proper (unless my instructions should make it otherwise) that the view, which the government of the U. States took of them, should find its way to you through the same channel; and accordingly, the letters of Mr. Madison, to which I have referred in my note of the 23d of August, did open, at great length, a discussion, which I could have no inducement to shun, although I did not continue to think myself authorised to commence it.
It only remains to add that your share in our several conversations was, what you represent it to have been, not considerable, and that your manner, although reserved, was, as it always is, perfectly friendly.
I need not say that, if in this letter, written under the influence of sincere concern that the proposal I had the honor to lay before you has been unsuccessful, any thing is to be found which you could wish to be otherwise than it is, I shall be the first to regret, that I have not been able to do justice to my own feelings and intentions.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servt. WM. PINKNEY.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY.—A message was received from the Senate, informing the House, that they insisted on their amendments to the bill for employing an additional number of seamen and marines, and that they have appointed a committee of conference on their part to confer with a committee of the House of Representatives on the subject.—The House did not act on the message.
WEDNESDAY, January 18.
Mr. Lenoir reported a bill to authorise the making a turnpike road from Mason's causeway to Alexandria.
Mr. Bell reported a bill for the relief of Jacob Bantz.
These bills were severally read and referred.
FORTIFICATIONS.
Mr. Blair reported a bill making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the U. States; and to defray the expense of deepening and extending to the river Mississippi the canal of Carondelet. [The bill is blank as to the amount to be appropriated.] Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
DIVISION OF INDIANA.
This bill, read a third time yesterday, and under consideration when the House then adjourned, was taken up.
Those who yesterday and to-day supported the bill, were Messrs. Thomas, Sloan, Lyon, and W. Alston. Those who opposed it were Messrs. Macon, Eppes and J. G. Jackson.
The arguments in favor of the bill, generally, were—that the line of demarcation which the Wabash affords between the Eastern and Western portions of the said territory, added to the wide extent of wilderness country, which separates the population in each, constitute reasons in favor of a division founded on the soundest policy and conformable with the natural situation of the country; that the vast distance from the settlements west of the Wabash to the present territorial government, renders the administration of justice buthensome and expensive in the highest degree; amounting almost to a denial of justice; that the scattered situation of the settlements over this extensive country, enervates the power of the executive, and renders it almost impossible to keep that part of the government in order; that the division of the territory a matter of right under the ordinances, and the inconveniences to be removed by an immediate separation, would encourage the speedy population of the territory; that there are about 28,000 inhabitants in the territory of Indiana, and 2700 souls between the ages of 16 and 21, in that part proposed to be constituted a new territory; that there can be no objection to the proposition, but the expense, which it was expected would be fully compensated to the U. States by the increased value of public lands in each district.
The arguments against the bill, generally, were, that this bill proposed to multiply officers without any advantage proposed from it, which was contrary to Republican principles; that the expense to the U. States for this new government would be 6,950 dollars, annually, when the people to be governed amounted to but 2700 between the age of 16 and 21, the whole population of the territory proposed to be divided containing but 28,000 souls; that the city of Washington contained at least as many as the portion proposed to be erected into a new territory, and the district of Columbia as many as the whole territory, and it would certainly excite some surprise, if Congress were to erect two territorial governments in the district, one on one side the Potomac, and one on the other; that this proceeding might be very convenient to the men who should be appointed governors and judges, but for no other good purpose; that there was no other part of the U. States in which the same inconvenience was not felt as that complained of by the inhabitants of Indiana territory, whose situation was very different from that of the Michigan territory; that there were many places in different states whence the people had to go 2 or 300 miles to the courts; that a compliance with this petition would but serve to foster their factions, and produce more petitions.
On the passage of the above bill there were, for it 69, against it 37.—Majority 32.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
The message from the Senate, informing the House that they insisted on their amendments to the bill authorising the President of the U. States to employ an additional number of many officers, seamen and marines, and that they had appointed Messrs. Bradley, Giles and Hillhouse as a committee of conference on their part, was taken up. After a long and desultory discussion as to the mode of procedure, the House agreed to insist on their disagreement to the amendments, 67 to 53; and Messrs. Mason, Giles, and Updegraff were appointed a committee of conference on the part of this House.
Mr. Story obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
THURSDAY, Jan. 19.
Mr. Morris reported a bill to alter the terms of sale of the public lands.
Mr. Martin reported a bill giving additional jurisdiction to the territorial courts.
These bills were each twice read and referred.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
Mr. Sevier presented two petitions signed by 272 inhabitants of Norfolk county, and the Speaker a petition from the town of Roxborough, against the late election of electors, for President and Vice-President of the United States, by the Legislature of Massachusetts—laid on the table.
EXTRA SESSION.
On motion of Mr. Smith, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Patten in the chair, on the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress.
Mr. G. Jackson moved to strike out the "fourth" Monday in May and insert the "last" stating as a reason that the Virginia elections taking place in April, the Representatives could not arrive here in time.
Mr. Mason wished a division of the question so as first to strike out, with a view to insert September instead of May. Motion to strike out negatived 62 to 35. It was supposed that this question tried the principle of the bill.
The committee rose and reported the bill.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to strike out May for the purpose of inserting September.
On this motion a warm debate ensued, which continued till half past five o'clock, when the House adjourned, without decision.
Messrs. Smith, J. G. Jackson, Bacon, Bibb, Rhea, Gardner, Nicholas, Minor, Burwell, G. W. Campbell, and Eppes appeared to support the bill, and Messrs. Macon, Sloan, Updegraff, D. R. Williams, Durell and Quincy opposed to it.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Michael Grantland, to secure, amongst other things, the payment of a debt to Taylor and Brown, which deed is dated the 27th March, 1807, and recorded in the District Court of Richmond. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Wednesday, the eighth day of February next, the said Grantland's right, title and interest, in all that lot, piece or parcel of GROUND, lying in the said city, on the cross-street leading from the main-street to Adam Craig's office, adjoining Crawford's lot, and extending on the cross-street aforesaid, one hundred and ten feet towards the main street, thence back fifty feet, thence 110 feet in a line parallel to said cross-street, thence 50 feet to the beginning, or so much of said property, as will be sufficient to pay and satisfy, the debt mentioned in the said deed, due to said Taylor and Brown, with all the costs and charges attending the execution of the trust. GEO: WM. SMITH.
January 24.
NOTICE.—The Copartnership hitherto carried on, by the Subscribers, under the firm of Benjamin Bradshaw & Co. is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly desired to come forward, adjust and pay off their several accounts, to either of the partners, who will likewise pay any sum due, by them, to individuals for transactions with them.
Those who fail to come forward, and manifest a disposition to do what is right, cannot hope for further indulgence, and consequently they will be such, without discrimination. BENJ. WOLFE. BENJ. BRADSHAW. Goodland, January 24.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JANUARY 24, 1809.
TO JOHN PARK, EDITOR OF THE BOSTON REPORTER,
AND ONE OF "THE FRIENDS OF ORDER."
I address myself to you, sir, not from any particular respect which I feel for your merits, or your standing—but because I consider you as one of the whippers-in of the Essex Junto, as one of those editorial puppets, which the great men of the East play off, to sound the temper and dispositions of the people of New-England—These men are not bold enough to risk their character upon a direct promulgation of their views—and therefore they use such men as yourself to whisper their designs by degrees, feel the pulse of the people, and discover whether your countrymen are ripe enough for the consummation of their sinister projects. To you, then, as the honorable organ of this party, permit me to address this communication in reply. If the proposition, which you have thrown out in your paper, breathes in any respect the views of the Essex Junto; if it be such a one, as the approaching Legislature of Massachusetts are about to adopt; there is not a man in America who should not make it the object of his most serious animadversion.
What is this proposition? In your paper of the 13th Jan. it is made in the following terms:
"There is not a man among the advocates of Administration, who can reconcile the outrageous conduct of our government with its duties. It was formed for purposes directly the reverse from those which it has now executed, and having swerved from the object of its creation, and become the oppressor instead of the guardian of the people, the basis of the compact is dissolved, and without a doubt, every state that chooses to consider its obligation of allegiance a nullity, has a perfect right to do so."
"We do not invite nor urge to ARMS. There is a course more expedient. A course dictated by duty, safe and promising. Notwithstanding the unfeeling, insulting and tyrannous spirit of those who have assailed our liberties and threaten us with total destruction, they would tremble at being left without the strong arm of the Eastern states, to defend them from dangers which they well understand. It is for these devoted states to take just, honorable and firm ground; to make a solemn declaration of their grievances, and a solemn declaration of the conditions on which the Union must be preserved. Let them do it under the most sacred pledges to await all the consequences, if our voice and our sufferings are disregarded."
"We see that in different parts of the state, a determination is evinced, of appealing to the state Legislature for its interference. This plan is so prudent, so proper, and so conformable to the nature of our state governments, and their relation to that of the nation, we hope and presume it will be adopted throughout New-England, at least."
Can words express a more sovereign contempt for the two great principles, on which our constitution is built? A republican looks to the medium of elections to cure the defects of the government; by changing men he would expect to change their measures. A Federalist would shrink from any step, which would in the remotest degree lead to a dissolution of the Union. But that man is neither a Federalist nor Republican, who would propose Disunion as a cure for those measures, which a change of Representatives would so easily remove.
Again, your proposition is not only at war with the great pillars of the constitution, but it is utterly inconsistent with the doctrine, which your party maintained, during their political ascendancy. What were the maxims of your party, when the legislature of Virginia adopted their resolutions in 1798, declaring the Alien and Sedition laws unconstitutional? They denounced those resolutions as a daring encroachment upon the rights of the General Government.
The Legislature of Delaware on the 1st of Feb. 1799, declared these resolutions to be "a very unjustifiable interference with the General Government and constituted authorities of the United States and of dangerous tendency."
In Feb. 1799, the Assembly of Rhode-Island protested against this interposition of the states, and claimed for the federal courts the exclusive authority of deciding on the constitutionality of a law.
The legislature of Massachusetts denied in the loudest tone "the right of the state legislature, to denounce (that is, to condemn) the administration of that government to which the people themselves by a solemn act have exclusively committed their national concerns."
The assemblies of Connecticut, New-Hampshire and Vermont adopted similar maxims.—In the eyes of these states, it appeared to be a political sin of the most horrible character, for any other body, than a judicial court of the U. S. to examine the constitutionality of a law.
Such was the doctrine of your party in 1799—Why are those sentiments so contemptuously disregarded at the present day? Why does the legislature of Massachusetts denounce even the most delicate measures of the general government? Why is this ordinary legislature—certainly not delegated by the people themselves to decide on this question, and therefore deriving no sanction from them—actually called upon not only to protest against the unconstitutional encroachments of the embargo laws, but even to dictate the conditions on which alone "the Union must be preserved?"
Has their favorite tribunal been abolished? Are there no longer any federal courts among us? Are these courts disabled by party partialities from deciding on the constitutionality of the embargo? Far from it. A vast majority of your party presides on the federal bench. If there are any feelings at all enlisted in this question, they are all on your side. But an honest federal judge in the district court of Salem, who was struck with the majesty of truth, has decided in favor of the embargo. "Aye, there's the rub." What is the consequence? Driven as they are from this favorite sanctuary of federalism, your party are now flying in despair before that very tribunal, against the jurisdiction of which, in 1799, they so solemnly protested. Can anything be more inconsistent?
Nay! your party are even attempting to screen themselves behind the example of Virginia. If you would pursue this example strictly, we shall be satisfied. Virginia will never be so inconsistent as to protest against the interposition of the State of Massachusetts in those cases, where she has exercised a similar privilege. But you cannot shield yourselves behind the example of our State. Will you mark the Species of cases which it meets on the 25th Inst.
ought to call forth this interposition? Will you mark the kind of interposition which Virginia exhibited in 1798?
Virginia was then in a minority—Turn to her resolutions in 1798—and read the Report of 1800, in defence of them, written by the enlightened Madison. You will see how the affairs of a wise and virtuous Minority are conducted.
In these resolutions, she claimed the right of expressing her thoughts in all cases of "a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of powers not granted" by the federal compact. The report proves that the Alien and Sedition laws were of this description. But of what, Sirs have you to complain? Is the embargo so palpable and dangerous an infraction of the compact as to require the interposition of the state of Massachusetts? Has not a federal judge at Salem solemnly decided, that it was no infraction at all of the constitution? Where was this scruple in the year '93, when the embargo was adopted during the administration of Gen. Washington? The U. States gives Congress the power of "regulating commerce." Are you bold enough to say, that under certain circumstances it may not be necessary to suspend commerce, for its better regulation? Or are you bold enough to assert, that a temporary suspension for its better regulation is equivalent to a total destruction?
Away with such nonsense.—But even admitting that the embargo is 'a palpable and dangerous' infraction of the constitution, what then? The example of Virginia will not shield your infamous proposition. There is nothing in her mode of interposition, which bears the slightest analogy to your disorganising and treasonable scheme. What is your idea? For the Eastern States to form one united "declaration of the conditions on which the union must be preserved." But this is not all. Each is to give the other "the most sacred pledges to await all the consequences;" in other words, if the U. S. disregard your dictation, you are all to fly to arms, and accomplish that dissolution at the point of the bayonet.
Now, sir, do you and the federalists of Massachusetts, behold the course and doctrine marked out by that Jacobin state (Virginia.) In her resolutions, she solemnly appeals to the other states, in confidence—"that the necessary and proper means will be taken by each for co-operating with this state, in maintaining unimpaired, the authorities, rights, and liberties, reserved in the states respectively, or to the people." And what were these necessary and proper means?—The point of the bayonet! Opposition to the Laws? Disunion! Oh! no. Virginia always mild, always reasonable, always obedient to the laws, keeps strictly within the pale of the constitution. Mark what she says through her report of 1800:
"If it be liable to objection, it must be, because either the object, or the means, are objectionable."
"The object being to maintain what the constitution has ordained, is in itself a laudable object."
"The means are expressed in the terms "of the necessary and proper measures." A proper object was to be pursued, by means both necessary and proper."
"To find an objection then, it must be shewn that some meaning was annexed to these general terms, which was not proper; and for this purpose, either that the means used by the General Assembly, were an example of improper means, or that there were no proper means to which the terms could refer."
"In the example given by the state, of declaring the alien and sedition acts to be unconstitutional, and of communicating the declaration to the other states, no trace of improper means has appeared. And if the other states had concurred in making a like declaration, supported too by the numerous applications flowing immediately from the people, it can scarcely be doubted, that these simple means would have been as sufficient, as they are unexceptionable."
"It is no less certain, that other means might have been employed, which are strictly within the limits of the constitution. The legislatures of the states might have made a direct representation to Congress, with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two offensive acts; or they might have represented to their respective senates in Congress, their wish, that two-thirds thereof would propose an explanatory amendment to the constitution; or two-thirds of themselves, if such had been their option, might, by an application to congress, have obtained a Convention for the same object."
"These several means, though not equally eligible in themselves, nor probably, to the states, were all constitutionally open for consideration. And if the General Assembly, after declaring the two acts to be unconstitutional, the first and most obvious proceeding on the subject, did not undertake to point out to the other states, a choice among the farther measures that might become necessary and proper, the reserve will not be misconstrued by liberal minds, into any culpa imputatio."
If the federalists of Massachusetts are federalists "in heart and in sentiment," they will "go and do likewise." If they can believe the embargo law to be an infraction of the Constitution, let them pursue the legislatures of the other States to unite with them in instructing their Senators to obtain its repeal—let them Unite in obtaining such an amendment to the constitution, as may bind up the hands of Congress from passing an embargo law.
But if this be not enough for you, address the understandings of the people. Prove to them, that the men in power are abusing their confidence—persuade them to change their men, that they may obtain a change of measures. This is the conduct that is worthy of Republicans and Federalists. This was the conduct of the Republicans in 1800, and they triumphed, because they supported the cause of truth. Their presses too were muzzled by seditious acts—Yours are free. Such is the great advantage in your favor. They were punished for the propagation of truth. You may publish with impunity your "false, scandalous, and malicious libels against the President of the U. States," in spite of Judge Chase's solemn assertion on the bench, "that there was no civilized country that does not punish such offences"—and that "all governments which he had ever read or heard of punish libels against themselves."
Trial of Cooper, April 11, 1800.—Mr. Jefferson's administration has solved this problem of the possibility of a free press.
"The Embargo letter."—What say the last accounts from Great-Britain by the London? On the twenty first of Nov. FLOUR in London was 90 shillings per sack, equal to 65s. sterling per barrel. COTTON was from 3 shillings to 3s. 6d. per lb. TOBACCO, 2s. to 2s. 2d. per lb.—So much for the price of our own produce.—In the Brazils, that fair "land of promise," the planters had been so much glutted with British manufactures, that on the 2d October they "were selling at 10 per cent. under prime cost!" Thus, evidently proving, that this boasted vent for British goods is far from being sufficient to relieve their manufactories from their extraordinary pressure.—Present appearances besides are unfavorable to the success of the Spanish Patriots. It may require time to subdue their enthusiasm—and give them from the defiles and mountains to which they may retire. But there are strong reasons to conclude, that the French will be able to occupy all the ports on the sea-coast. Great-Britain will therefore be shut out of this other vent for her manufactures.—In a state of things, how long will she be able to endure the want of her usual trade with the United States?
There are reasons to believe, that under such a state of things, the Embargo would have its complete effect, if it were not so frequently evaded by unprincipled smugglers, and if hopes of its removal were not so continually kept up by the federal opposition in the Eastern States.—Under such circumstances, it is the duty of the merchants to wipe away the stigma, which is gathering upon them. The character of the honest part of that body of our citizens is now suffering from the imputations cast upon them by the conduct of dishonest smugglers.—Let them meet in the face of the world, and abjure this infamous conduct. Let them form associations, for the purpose of repressing these dishonorable practices. Let them prove to the world, that though there may be unfortunately some profligate knaves among them, the majority of their body has too much virtue to violate the laws of their country, at the risk of involving us in war with the powers of Europe.
Messrs. Pinkney and Adams, on the subject of Mr. P. has shewn us, that there is as little truth in the declarations of the British ministers, as there is justice in their measures.—But we will venture to assert, that there is not a federal print in the U. S. that will take the side of Pinkney against C. Coming. Every day proves, that the present is the most profligate ministry, which has ever disgraced the councils of G. B.
This paper will not again appear, during this winter three times a week.—It was published last summer, two weeks, on this plan; and as present Vol. will contain one number more than the preceding.—When necessary, Supplements shall be cheerfully given.
APPOINTMENTS by the President of the U. S. TOLLY ROBINSON, Esq. one of the Delegates of Princess Anne in the Legislature of Virginia—Major in the 5th Regiment of Infantry. Capt. John Sawyers, commandant of Fort Nelson, Norfolk—Major of Light Artillery.
APPOINTMENTS by the General Assembly of Virginia.
JOEL LEFTWICH, Esq. of Bedford—Brigadier General of 12th Brigade, vice Gen. Joseph Martin, dec'd. 1st ballot Leftwich 83 Lewis 79 G. Penn 17. 2d do. Leftwich 91 Lewis 75.
ANDREW MOORE, Esq. of Rockbridge, now in the Senate of the U. S.—Major General of the 3d division, vice Gen. John Preston, now Treasurer of this Commonwealth. 1st ballot Moore 66 Col. F. Preston 49 Gen. Tate 39 Col. J. Smith 15 Gen. Porterfield 11. 2d do. Moore 94 Preston 48 Tate 34.
MARRIED, on Thursday, the 29th ult. Mr. FRANCIS DU-VAL, of Tarborough, North Carolina, to the amiable Miss LUCY DU-VAL, daughter of Wm. Du-Val, Esq. of Gloucester county, Virginia.
A. C. D'AVIGNE,
HAIR-CUTTER, (from Paris,) near the Bell Tavern, and 2 doors below Mr. Pl. assistant's Printing Office; has the honor to inform the Ladies of Richmond, that he dresses their Hair after the Greek, Flora, Virginia and Parisian fashions. He intermixes the hair, crape, gauze, flowers, pearls and diamonds. He also makes hair nets, bandoes, plats, frizets and wigs. He has an assortment of hair of every color. He also informs the gentlemen that he cuts the hair Alabatia and Alabrutus, and trims in the most modern fashion. January 24.
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOT, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office. January 19.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARDED.—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or x years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, strait carries him from straitening his arm, and always evens it crooked; one of his under fore teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place, and Hagerstown, in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any goal in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same. CHAS. CORDELL. dec. 17.
TAKEN from the trunk of a gentleman since Friday last—two twenty dollar VIRGINIA NOTES. Any person detecting the thief or notes, will be liberally rewarded, at the office of the Enquirer. January 24.
NOTICE.—A bond for £ 80, was executed by Wm. Berkley, of Caroline, to Thomas Harrison, on the 28th March, 1807; and since the death of Thomas Harrison, has been lost or mislaid. All persons are therefore cautioned against paying or taking an assignment of the said bond. Wm. HARRISON, Administrator. Caroline, 21st January, 1809.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company, on Friday, the 20th of January, 1809: Resolved, That a call of three dollars on each Share of the Stockholders, in the company, be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer, on or before the 10th of next month. A Copy, N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. January 24.
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the estate of Samuel Pointer, deceased, are requested to exhibit them, properly authenticated, to the Subscriber; and those indebted are solicited to make immediate payment, as this will be indiscriminately instituted against all delinquents. JOHN HENRY WOLFE, only Trustee, January 24.

EUROPE.
CONTINUATION of foreign news via Norfolk—London dates to the 23d Nov. inclusive. R B Prints of the 22d and 23d Nov. received at the Norfolk Herald Office.
(Editorial remarks of Norfolk paper.)
Both parties are exerting every nerve to press forward their forces to the scenes of action. The British armies would assemble about the 14th of November. That from Portugal, and that under Sir David Baird, the two about 40,000, were to rendezvous at Valladolid. A third division, chiefly cavalry, had arrived; 2500 men and horses were landed at Corunna on the 8th November. The British have 5000 cavalry in Spain, mounted on English horses. The British army in Portugal, 10,000, are embarking for the North of Spain, and another division of 10,000 are preparing in England, and would be embarked about the 1st or 10th of December. A great battle must be fought near Bilboa, to decide the fate of that city, as the French appear unwilling to enter Spain, leaving that port open to their enemies. The Court of Enquiry on Sir Hew Dalrymple was progressing; and from what we have read of its proceedings, we think he will be acquitted. The importance of marching to the aid of the Spaniards, appears to have been a paramount consideration. Our embargo, or indeed American affairs, are not noticed in any of the papers, except on one occasion, produced by the French express, of which notice is taken in another place. —Norfolk Ledger.
FROM THE LONDON COURIER OF NOV 15.
EXPOSITION OF THE SITUATION OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE.
M. Cretet, minister of the interior, delivered the following exposition of the situation of the empire. (The following are the most material parts—the whole of it would fill more than a newspaper.) After having spoken of what has been done under the head of Justice, Worship, Science, & Literature, publick Institutions, internal Administration, publick works, Bridges and Highways, Industry, Trade, Agriculture, Finance, and the Navy;—the Exposition proceeds to speak of the war.
OF THE PRESENT WAR.
"At the period of your last sittings, gentlemen, every thing concurred to deliver Europe from its agitations: but England the enemy of the world repeated again the cry of eternal war, and the war continues. What then is its object?—what will be its issue?
The object of this war is the enslaving of the world by the exclusive possession of the seas. Undoubtedly, by signing treaties of slavery disguised under the sacred name of peace, nations would obtain repose: but that shameful repose would be death. In this alternative, the choice between submission and resistance would not be doubtful.
The war which England has provoked, which she continues with so much pride and obstinacy, is the conclusion of the ambitious system which she has cherished for two centuries. Mixed with the politics of the continent, she has been able to keep Europe in perpetual agitation feeding all the jealous and envious passions against France. She wishes to humble or destroy her.—In keeping the people of the continent constantly under arms, in thus isolating the maritime powers, she had the art to profit by the divisions which she fomented among her neighbors, in order to extend her conquests.
It is thus that she has extended her colonies and augmented her naval force, and that by the aid of that force she thinks herself to be able to enjoy her usurpation, and arrogate to herself the exclusive possession of the seas.
But until these latter times at least, she paid some particular homage to the rights of nations, she seemed to respect the rights of her allies, & even by returning towards peace to let her enemies breathe.
This kind of management has ceased to accord with the development of a system which she neither can nor will disassemble longer. Every thing that does not serve her interests is her enemy.—The abandonment of her alliance is a cause of war.—Neutrality is a revolt, and all nations that resist her yoke are given up to her pitiless ravages.
We could not have foreseen what would have been the effect of so much audacity, if the fortune of our country had not raised up a superior man, whom she has destined to ward off the evils with which England menaces the world.
He had constantly to combat the allies of that power upon the continent and to conquer the enemies whom she had excited against us. Always attacked, always menaced, he was to regulate his policy on that position, and he felt that in order to meet that contest, it was necessary to augment our force, and weaken that of our enemy.
The emperor al-ys pacific, but always armed from necessity, was not ambitious of the aggrandizement of the empire—prudence alone, directed his views.—He was to release our ancient frontiers from the too near danger of sudden attacks, and to found their security upon limits fortified by nature; finally he was by alliances so to separate France from her rivals, that the sight even of an enemy's standard could not alarm the territory of the empire.
England conquered in the struggle which she had so often renewed, profited nevertheless by them to increase her wealth by the universal monopoly of trades.
She had impoverished her allies by wars in which they had alone combated for her interests, abandoned at the moment her arms ceased to be of use to her, because she kept up with them commercial relations, even in continuing the war with France.
France herself left to the English the hope of a shameful slavery to the wants of certain objects of which they conceived her generous population incapable of supporting the privation. They thought not being able to touch the territory of the empire with their arms, they would intrude into her bosom a commerce, now become her most dangerous enemy, the admission of which, would have exhausted her most precious resources.
The genius and prudence of the emperor did not fail to see this danger. Enveloped in the difficulties of a continental war, he ceased not to repel from his states the monopoly of English commerce. He has been able to complete since the measures of an efficacious resistance.
We must not deceive ourselves since the English have declared this new kind of war, all the ports of the continent are blockaded—the ocean is forbidden to every neutral ship which shall not pay to the British treasury a tribute, which it presumes to impose upon the whole population of the world.
To this law of slavery nations have replied by measures of reprisal, and by wishes for the annihilation of such a tyranny.
The English nation is isolated from all other nations—it shall be fixed in that situation. All her commercial relations with the continent are suspended; she is struck with the excommunication which she provoked herself.
Hence the war consists in repelling the English commerce from all parts, and in employing all the means proper to support that measure. France has concurred, with energy, in excluding the monopoly of commerce: She is resigned to privations which long habit had rendered more sensible—some branches of her agriculture and her monopoly have suffered and still suffer—but the prosperity of the mass of the nation, has not been injured—she familiarises herself to this passing state, the duration of which even she beholds without fear.
The office of Prance and the United States
England had touched the moment in which her exclusion from the continent would have been consummated; but she has availed herself of recent circumstances to extend over Spain the genius of evil, and to agitate that unhappy country all the furious passions; she has sought for allies even in the props of the inquisition, and in the most barbarous prejudices.
Miserable people! To whom do you confide your destinies? To the despot of your masters, to the enemy of your religion, to those who violated their promises, have erected upon your territory a monument of their audacity; an affront, whose impunity, for a century and a half, would give evidence against your courage, if the weakness of your government had not alone been guilty of it! You ally yourself with the English, who so often wounded your pride and your independence; who so long have invaded by open violence, and even in the bosom of peace, the commerce of your colonies; who, to intimate to you the prohibition to remain neutral, preferred their decrees by the pillage of your treasures, and the massacre of your seamen; who, in short, have covered Europe with their contempt for their allies, and for the abusive promises which they have made them! You will recover no doubt from your delusion! You will then mourn the new perditions that are destined for you! But what blood and tears will have flowed before this slow return to wisdom!
The English, hitherto absent from the great battles, try a new fortune upon the continent.—They strip their island, and leave Sicily almost defenceless, in the presence of our brave king who commands a French army, and who has just deprived them of the strong position of the isle of Caprea. What then will be the fruit of their efforts? Could they hope to exclude the French from Spain and Portugal? Can success be doubtful, the emperor himself commanding his invincible legions? What prestige does the heroic army of Portugal afford, which, contending against double its number, was able to erect trophies of victory upon the very ground where it fought with so much advantage and to dictate the conditions of a glorious retreat?
In preparing a fresh contest against our only enemy, the wisdom of the emperor has done every thing that was necessary for the maintenance of peace upon the continent. He may rely upon it, without doubt, since Austria, the only power that could disturb it in future, has given the strongest assurance of her dispositions, by recalling her ambassador from London, and by putting an end to all political communication with England.
Yet Austria had recently made armaments—they took place undoubtedly without any hostile intention—yet prudence dictated energetic measures of precaution—the armies of Germany and Italy, are strengthening themselves with the levies of the new conscription—the troops of the confederation of the Rhine are complete, well organised and disciplined.
One hundred thousand of the grand army quit the Prussian states to occupy the camp of Boulogne, whilst Denmark, hitherto sheltered from invasion on the part of England, is evacuated from our troops, who are concentrating themselves. Before the end of January, the battalions drafted for Spain will be replaced upon the banks of the Elbe and the Rhine.
Those who had quitted Italy last year, return to their ancient destination.
Such, gentlemen, is the external situation of the empire. In the interior, the greatest order in all parts of the administration, important ameliorations, a great number of new institutions have excited the gratitude of the people."
The President Fontaines made a reply to the minister—in which he says, "Woe to the sovereign, who is only great at the head of his armies! happy he, who is necessarily employed in useful works to unbend himself after the fatigues of war." "We cannot pay the emperor a greater homage than to wish that his warlike talents may soon become useless.—He is so sure to find in himself other means of grandeur. Let us not doubt it, thanks to all he will undertake, for the national felicity, his renown as conqueror will be hereafter only the weakest part of his glory." PARIS, Nov. 4.
The departure of the minister for foreign affairs from Bayonne is delayed by the dispatches sent by the English government.
November 7.
"The army of king Joseph, our beloved sovereign, has already acted on the offensive. It has taken all the positions of the insurgents on the Ebro, and it has formed a junction with the left division commanded by Moncey. Viana, Logroño, Catalonia, are in the hands of our troops, together with 800 prisoners, and a great quantity of baggage. The prince of Neufchatel is arrived at Bayonne."
Nov. 10.
"A letter from Vittoria of the 31st contains the following intelligence: "On the 5th inst. his majesty the emperor & king transferred his head-quarters to Vittoria—The Argus announces that the arrival of his majesty was the signal for a general engagement, which was attended by a victory complete in every respect."—Journal of l'Empire, Nov. 11.
LONDON, Nov. 12.
The private accounts from Holland state, that additional measures of rigor have been resorted to in order to cut off all commercial intercourse with Great-Britain. As an inducement to informers, forty per cent is to be allowed them upon such goods as they shall prove to be the manufacture of England: so that every man is a sort of spy upon his neighbor. A general search has lately been made, and a considerable seizure of British goods has taken place at Schevening. The French papers contain the address of the deputies of the new Italian departments to Bonaparte, and his answer.—The former is a most detestable specimen of of adulation and blasphemy, whilst the latter is a disgusting tissue of vanity and affectation.
A mail from Gottengburg has also arrived. The armistice between the Swedes and Russians is at an end; and we are sorry to be informed that the first action, succeeding its rupture, has been unfavorable to the Swedish troops, who are stated to have suffered materially on this occasion. Of the cause of this rupture of the armistice, we are at present uninformed. It may have been an advantage wantonly taken of the Swedish inferiority by the Russian general, who, according to private accounts, had been very considerably reinforced during the continuance of the armistice, and whose troops have conducted themselves most disgracefully in many instances during the war; or it may be owing to the refusal of Alexander to execute the conditions of the armistice, acting on the instructions of Bonaparte, to allow no respect to a monarch who, while others such before the usurper, usurper, disdained to join the servile group, and hid deference to the power of that unprincipled despot. The king of Sweden has returned to Stockholm.
November 22.
An entire regiment of Swiss, that was in the service of France, found means to desert, after the convention in Portugal. They escaped from on board the transports, in small parties, and at length made application to the British commander, offering to enlist in the service of England.—They had formed part of the garrison of Elvas, are all fine young men from 18 to 25 years of age, and are about 900 in number, remaining on of 1400, who passed the Pyrenees a twelve month ago. They were at length received on board British transports, and arrived at Portsmouth on Saturday last.
Advice from the Brazils to 23 of Oct. have been received. They state that the authority & influence of the government were daily increasing. The commercial speculations from this country, had been carried to such an excess, that the markets had been completely glutted, and English manufactures were selling at 10 per cent. under prime cost.
November 23.
We remain still without any official advice from Spain. It is generally believed, however, that the report of a victory gained by general Blake is without foundation, and that he has been obliged to fall back. There is a gentleman of the name of Hopkinson, arrived from Spain, who says, that after the attack made by Blake, on the 5th, upon the column that had attempted to cut off part of his army on the heights of Onta, he was himself attacked on the next day by the enemy, and after a sharp action, forced to fall back two leagues to Llodio Valmaseda.
The enemy followed him up, and Blake, unwilling to hazard a general battle, retreated about six leagues from Valmaseda. These movements took place between the 6th and 11th, with the loss of some hundreds of men on the part of the Spaniards. The greatest loss they sustained is said to have been on the 8th, when the Spaniards retreated to a very woody position, in which they thought themselves secure against the French cavalry; but they were driven from this piece, and considerably dispersed; but they afterwards, collected the troops that had been dispersed, and on the 11th occupied a position made strong both by art and nature at Reynosa. Reynosa is on the road that leads from St. Andero, in a south easterly direction, to Burgos. It is about forty miles from Valmaseda. The line of Blake's retreat from Valmaseda was along a woody and mountainous country, where the enemy's cavalry could be of little use to them. But whoever looks at the map, will see that St. Andero is left uncovered by Blake's position. The Marquis de Romana, and the Spanish army from the North, were there about the beginning of this month; but we trust they have joined Blake, for they were not strong enough to keep possession of St. Andero against the force which the enemy could bring against them. Blake's force at Reynosa is estimated at 28,000 men.
ADMIRALTY DECISIONS.
DISTRICT OF GEORGIA.
United States against brig Charles, Brownlow master.—The decree of the district judge being appealed from by the claimants, the cause was heard at the circuit court in Milledgeville, before Mr. Justice Johnson; when upon the exhibits of certain affidavits, on the part of the libellants, his honor ordered the claimants to show cause. At the next term, why the appeal should not be dismissed.
United States against British ship Endéavor Fox master, and 24 casks Porter.—This ship having brought into this port a parcel of London Porter, was seized by the custom-house officers, and, with the porter libelled. The porter was condemned and sold, no claimants appearing—the articles being prohibited by act of congress. Fox, the master, and James Dickson the consignee, referred the case to the Secretary of the Treasury, to remit the forfeiture of the ship. The Secretary has decided accordingly—on paying a sum of money equal to certain duties, freight, and costs to the officers, ship to be discharged.
United States versus certain Boats and Hogslard.—Seized at St. Mary's—libelled for violating the embargo—no claim—condemned.
Francis & Droya against felucca Nostra Senora de las Nevis.—Libel for services on board—no claim appearing the felucca, was sold under an interlocutory decree, and the money subject to the order of the court—libel sustained.
United States against three boats hogslard, &c.—Seized at St. Mary's for violating the embargo laws, and libelled—no claimants—condemned.
MERIT REWARDED.
The schooner William and Samuel, owned by Messrs. Burr, Lowth, Wright and Lopez of Philadelphia, having obtained a clearance for the Havana, on a bond given by the owners for 16,324 dollars, conditioned not to violate the embargo law, was seized in the Delaware by lieut. Biddle for a breach of the embargo law; and was with her whole cargo, libelled and condemned. A suit was then instituted by Mr. Dallas, in the District Court, for the recovery of the bond, and judgment was rendered by Judge Peters on the 13th of Jan. in favor of the U. States. So much for these embargo breakers; who must by this time repent of their speculation.
The penalty of 500 dollars has been recovered in the same court, from the master of the schooner Two Brothers, under the 57th section of the Impost Law, for concealing 25 bags of coffee on board his vessel, not stated in the manifest delivered at the custom-house.—Belt. Whig.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE. 17 Hogsheds Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Hay and Small Segars, 3 Boxes Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles. FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17.
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Seamstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
BY virtue of the last will and testament of the late Dr. John Cringan, will be sold on the premises, in this city, on Saturday, the twenty-eighth inst. (January) at public auction, upon a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, the LOTS wherein the deceased resided, except that part allocated to his widow for her dower—Also, a lot wherein is a stable and carriage-house together with a moiety of an orchard on the square wherein Mrs. M. Cringan now resides. WM. C. WILLIAMS, Exor of Doct. J. CRINGAN, decd. January 10th 1809.
United States' Court, 5th circuit and Virginia district, NOVEMBER TERM, 1808.
UNITED STATES, } AGAINST JOHN MOSS.
ON the motion of the defendant, by his attorney, it is offered, that the Ban-epace, and of which he declared himself to be in possession, as having been taken from John Moss, is retained by the said Byrne, until the further order of the court, that in the mean time he publish in proper news-papers, a list of those Notes, so as to enable any persons claiming them, to make known such claim to the said Byrne, that upon the identifying of any of them, the said Byrne in conference with Edmund Randolph, may deliver the same to the claimant; and that the said Byrne in conference with the next court his proceedings in the premises, together with a list of such of the said notes, as may then remain in his hands.
A COPY. TESTE,
WILLIAM MARSHALL, CLERK.
PERSONS identifying and claiming notes under the foregoing order, must have their proofs authenticated in the same manner that depositions are required to be authenticated when offered as evidence in the Federal Court of the United States, and if forwarded to me, the postage must be paid, or I shall not take them from the Post-Office.
JAMES BYRNE.
PETERSBURG, December 26, 1808.
A list of Bank-Notes found on JOHN MOSS, lately convicted of having stolen Bank-Notes out of letters in the Post-Office in Petersburg, while acting therein as a Clerk, and which are now in the possession of James Byrne, as Mayor of Petersburg
Table with 7 columns: Letter No, Date, By whom drawn, To whose favor, Bank, Amount. Lists various bank notes from Petersburg, Baltimore, and Savannah.
Oct 1975 June 12th, 1808. D. Lenox. James Stevenson, and endorsed by him to William Paulson only or order. This note was got from MOSS the night before his being apprehended—it is in the possession of Hunt's and Wright of this place, who exchanged Virginia notes for it, for the purpose of leading to the detection—it is for one hundred dollars.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the neatest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenements, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say any thing about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other of the Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3m# N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Seabrook, decd. are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have claims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he tends closing his executorship. JAMES SEABROOK. December 31. oaw4w.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.—At the time of a dissolution of the firm of Campbell and Clark, merchants here, a transfer and sale was made to the subscriber, one of the partners, by Mr. Archibald Campbell of New-York, of the other, of all his interest in the debts and stock of that copartnership, and also of the house of Robert Campbell & Co. of Charlotte county, carried on under the superintendence of Robert Campbell, deceased, who was exclusively interested in that firm one third, and the remainder belonging to the house here. There is still due from Robert Campbell & Co a considerable balance for advances made during the existence of that firm, to the subscriber, who is, therefore, only competent (or his agents) to collect & grant discharges for debts due Robert Campbell & Co. to amount of the sums owing by them for advances of stock, and the remainder, if any, will be profits, and to which the representatives of Robert Campbell, will be entitled one-third part. SAMUEL CLARK, Only surviving partner of the late firm of Robert Campbell & Co. Richmond, January 17. oaw6w
N. B. I will give the highest price for Tobacco and other produce in discharge of the debts due to Robert Campbell & Co. S. CLARK.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17.
FOR SALE—An excellent young riding HORSE, capable at this office, or at the bar of the Washington Tavern. January 15th 1809.
VIRGINIA, to wit.—At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 5th day of November, 1808. Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff—against Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, late Martha Cooke, Martha Cooke, infant daughter of Robert Cooke, and Martha his wife, by John Newsum her guardian, John Newsum, administrator of Robert Cooke, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard D. Taylor, Robert Burchett and Ann his wife, Watson Stott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor—which George K. Taylor, Richard D. Taylor, Robert Burchett and Ann his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor, are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray their devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company, Defendants. The defendants Watson Stott & Sarah his wife not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Country, on the motion of the Plaintiff, by their counsel, It is Ordered, That the said defendants do appear here, on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted on the front door of the former Capitol, in this city. Attest, ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C. January 31. oaw8w
WILL BE SOLD, at Public Auction, on Wednesday, the 25th inst. that most convenient and beautiful SCITE, on Shocks-Hill, opposite the Governor's House. It is a 1.4 acre Lot, and runs about 50 feet on the street. There are two Tenements on it, the one inhabited by Mr. Wren, and the other by Robert Cooley—Terms of sale, one-third in cash, one-third on the first of October next, and the remainder on the first of October the following, in notes negotiated at the Bank of Virginia. If required, a mortgage is to be given on the property. NICHOLAS GAULTIER, THOMAS RITCHIE. epids
IN pursuance of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers, by John P. Shields and Jane C. Shields, to secure the payment of several sums of money therein mentioned, to Henry Case—will be exposed for sale, on the premises, for cash, on Monday, the 23d instant, the balance of that valuable tract of LAND, called and known by the name of Sallee's Hill, lying in the county of Chesterfield, and in the vicinity of the Coal Pits, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to meet the intention of said trust deed, together with the excess of sale. BEV. C. STANARD, ARCHD. WOOLDRIDGE. January 10. law3w
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Musician in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTEN, thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 6 feet 7 inches high; when spoke to has a down look, slow in speech, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amboy, (New-Jersey)—Had on when he deserted, a drummer's uniform, which it is conjectured, he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, a swandown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States' service. CO. IN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Fort Norfolk, Dec. 31.