Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-10 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE
[No. 1267.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum....paid in advance.]
TUESDAY, JUNE 10, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cent Single.]
SALES AT AUCTION.
On Wednesday the 2d of July next, will be sold by Auction, on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale, that valuable BRICK TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, opposite to Mrs. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch—Terms of payment, one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property, to secure the payment of the purchase money.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. June 5th 1806.
AN ACT
More effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth.
[Passed January 29th, 1803.]
WHEREAS numerous inconveniences and losses have accrued to this commonwealth, from the want of an adequate mode for the subjection of lands to the payment of taxes; and whereas it is a principle in well organized governments, that property should be held subservient to the purposes thereof:
Sec. 1. Be it enacted, That when the taxes upon any tract or survey of land, shall have remained unpaid for the space of two years, such tract or survey of land, shall be forfeited to the commonwealth, and subject to location, according to the terms prescribed by an act, entitled, "An act for reducing into one, the several acts, concerning the land office, ascertaining the terms and manner of granting waste and unappropriated lands, for settling the title and bounds of lands, directing the mode of proceeding, and prescribing the duty of surveyors," so far as the said act applies to waste and unappropriated land, and not to forfeited land; and title thereto shall be acquired by the said location, and by the payment of the taxes due upon such tract or survey of land; Provided nevertheless, that the tract or survey of land so as aforesaid forfeited, shall be subject to the redemption of the former rightful and proper owner; at any time within one year after such forfeiture shall have accrued, upon the payment of the taxes due thereupon, with interest upon the same from the time they became payable.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That at any time within six months after the annual return of the list of insolvents or delinquents for the non-payment of the taxes upon land into his office, the auditor of this commonwealth shall cause this act to be published for three several times in the gazette of the printer of this commonwealth, and in some newspaper of general circulation, published at the seat of the general government: Provided always, that nothing in this act shall be so construed as to authorise the location of any lands within the purview of this act, before the expiration of the time limited for the redemption thereof; nor to affect the rights of infants, femes covert, or persons of unsound mind, until one year after the disability shall have ceased.
Sec. 3. All acts and parts of acts within the purview of this act, are hereby repealed.
Sec. 4. This act shall commence and be in force from and after the first day of March next.
A copy from the roll—Teste. J. PLEASANTS, Jr. Keeper of the Rolls.
AN ACT
Giving further time to the proprietors of certain lands, forfeited for the nonpayment of taxes, to redeem the same.
[Passed February 1st, 1806.]
Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That the proprietors of lands forfeited to, and vested in the commonwealth, by the nonpayment of taxes, agreeably to the act, entitled, "An act more effectually to provide for the payment of taxes upon lands within this commonwealth," may redeem the same by paying into the treasury of this commonwealth, on or before the first day of March, in the year eighteen hundred and seven, all arrears of taxes due thereon.
Sec. 2. This act shall commence and be in force from and after the passing thereof.
A copy from the roll—Teste. J. PLEASANTS, Jr. Keeper of the Rolls.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 7.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Debate on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph to publish the President's Message.
[CONTINUED.]
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. It is not my wish, Mr. Speaker, to trespass on the patience of the House. But I think it necessary to explain what I am sure the House has not well understood; for my positions have been grossly perverted, whether intentionally or not I will not undertake to say. Gentlemen opposed to us act a very strange and inconsistent part. They will not give credit to a private individual as to a conversation had with a head of department. I do not wish them. I only stated that conversation as a reason for saying that I had withdrawn my confidence. And will gentlemen say I am bound, when evidence has come to my private knowledge, which is sufficient to damn any man, to legislate on a principle of confidence. When I find misrepresentations made to the public and insinuations of the most despicable kind on this floor, I come out, and call on any man to deny what I have stated. They cannot—they dare not—For I take it for granted no man will declare in the face of the nation a wilful falsehood. But while gentlemen will not give credit to what has fallen from one individual, they have no hesitation in giving credit to an individual member for the whole course of the government. My opinion is that
the government knowing the caveat entered by Spain, and knowing that Lausset was not authorised to receive the country from Spain, which they claim, and that France refused to deliver it by metes and boundaries—I say, my opinion is that the claim of Spain to the country between the Mississippi and the Perdido is a good claim; and I adduce this as one instance of misconduct on the part of the government. But this is only an opinion of my own. The government, on the contrary, lay claim to the country, and press their claim abroad. When the executive say we have a right to the country, the question is whether, when they have taken that ground, you will give them money to buy the country, or in other words, to buy peace. I say no. If on the contrary, the government had shown the validity of the claim of Spain, I should not, perhaps, have hesitated to give money. I do not absolutely say that I should. While gentlemen say the opinion of an individual is not to be relied on, they justify the government by that opinion, at the same time that the government tell you their opinion is directly opposite. If the government had acted on those principles, the case would be directly the reverse of what it is. But they decided that the country did belong to the U. S. and they are bound to act on this principle, or magnanimously abandon it. I hope, therefore, hereafter that gentlemen will justify the government in its foreign relations on the principles avowed by it, and not on principles of a hostile nature.
In my opinion it is of the first importance that the message should be published from a material fact which took place in this House. A member in his place told you that the course recommended by a particular individual was consonant with the secret wishes of the executive. I did then reprehend that language as the most unconstitutional and reprehensible ever uttered on this floor. I did believe that the people of the United States possessed as free a constitution as the British people, and I had hoped freer; and I knew that such language had in the British Parliament been considered as reprehensible, and had brought forward a vote of indignation in that body. Allude to the case where the king's name was used for the purpose of throwing out Mr. Fox's India bill. I then reproached that gentleman's influence, this double dealing, the sending one message for the journals and newspapers, and another in whispers to this House. I shall always reprobate such language, and consider it unworthy of any man holding a seat in this House. I had always before flattered myself that it would be a thousand years hence before our institutions would have given birth to these Charles Jenkinson's in politics. I did not expect them at this time of day, and I now declare it important, in my opinion, that the message should be published, that the public may be enabled to compare the official, with the inofficial message which decided the vote.
There is another reason for its publication. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has said there is no mention of France on the journals; and that we have no cause of complaint against France. I wish the publication of the message to prove what causes of complaint we have against France. Let men of sense take a view of all the papers, and I am willing to abide the issue—It is said France has done us no injury—that the bubble is burst. We are told that this is a plain answer to all the speeches made on this floor. Permit me to say, the gentleman (Mr. Eppes) has given a plain answer to all the speeches delivered on this floor—it was impossible to have given a plainer answer to them. He says I will vote with you, but I will make a speech against you. Permit me to say, this is the first time I would not rather have had his vote than his speech. After this speech there can be no doubt as to the issue of the question. I will go further—After the adjournment on Saturday there could be no doubt. Saturday, it seems, is an unfortunate day, on which no expedition is to be undertaken, no forlorn hope conducted.
The same gentleman has said that we pursued precisely the same course in 1803 as in 1805, & for obtaining the same object. He says the same course is now pursued—and yet he says he will not undertake to say the cases are not dissimilar—Put this and that together, and what do you make of it? The cases are decidedly dissimilar. In 1803 there was no existing misunderstanding between the American and French governments with regard to our differences with Spain. Those differences had started up like a mushroom in the night. We made an appropriation to purchase the Floridas—To buy them—from whom?—from their rightful owner. The circumstances would have been similar, if the United States, had given money to France to compel Spain to form a treaty with us, then the national
honor would have received a deadly wound. But there was nothing of this sort in the formation of the treaty then made. Spain, under the operation of causes, in which we had no agency, transferred Louisiana to France, and France transferred it to us. But this is not now the case. We are told that Spain is no longer an independent power, but is under the control of France. What follows? That France is the aggressor on us, which proves every thing I have alleged.
There is another thing to be observed. The public have been given to understand that two millions have been appropriated for the purchase of the Floridas. This is not so—The appropriation is only towards doing something; but what that is, is not defined by law. Now if in 1803, we appropriated two millions for the purchase of the Floridas, and did not get them, what security is there now that by making an appropriation in the same language we shall obtain them? Although the persons making the appropriation are not the same identical beings, those applying the sum appropriated are. I do not believe that we shall get the Floridas. In this I may be mistaken. I hope I shall be—for after having descended to prostitute the national character, let us at least receive the wages of iniquity.
But gentlemen inquire, will you become the guardians of Spain? This is a mistake which has run through every attempt at argument I have heard. We never professed to be the guardians of Spain. We profess to be the guardians of our own honor. We care not for France trampling on Spain. Let her pick her pockets for what we care; but if we investigate her to it, it is no longer a mere question between France and Spain, but a question in which our own honor is engaged, which is at once mortgaged and gone.
Until the gentleman from Virginia got up, I confess that, what with my exhausted state, the badness of the air, and renuity of the arguments of gentlemen, so excessively light that they at once vanished in this air,—that I had not a word to say—for it is not to be supposed that I intended to reply to any thing offered by the gentleman behind me. If I am to fall, let me fall in the face of day, and not be betrayed by a kiss—I mean no profane allusion. I shall do my duty as an honest man. I came here prepared to co-operate with the government in all its measures. I told them so. But I found there was no choice left, and that to co-operate in them would be to destroy the national character—I found I might co-operate, or be an honest man—I have therefore opposed them. Is there an honest man disposed to be the go-between, and to carry down secret messages to this House? No—I is because men of character cannot be found to do this business, that agents must be got to carry things into effect, which men of compromised character will not soil their fingers or sullied their characters with.
One word on the subject of voting on unofficial notice, on the representations of individuals, in the place of communications officially received from the officers of the Executive department. I have always considered the Executive in this country as standing in the same relation to the two Houses, that the minister or administration bore to the legislature under governments similar to our own. I have always considered that the responsibility for public measures rested more particularly on them. For those measures they are answerable to the people—and to me it has been a subject of peculiar regret (I do not speak of the general character of the the constitution) that they have not a seat on this floor. For whatever may be supposed to be my feelings as to the members of the administration, I am ashamed when I see their fame and characters committed to such hands, as we are in the daily habits of witnessing. If their measures are susceptible of justification, I should like to have a justification at their own hands, instead of hearing Yazoo men defend them. Much less did I expect on such an occasion, to hear a Yazoo man, assigning his motives for a vote on a totally different subject, and this in justification of a man with whom he is connected by ties of a consanguinity. This reminds me of the intention imputed to me to bring forward an impeachment against a great officer of state. This, however, is so far from being the truth, that I appeal to those who heard me, whether I did not declare that I washed my hands of impeachments—that I was done with them. No—I will neither directly nor indirectly, have anything to do with them. But I will in all questions that shall come before this House, discuss the public character and conduct of any public agents from a secretary to a constable; and I will continue to do it—until it shall be admitted by the constitution, that the king can do no wrong. I say I wish the heads of depart-
ments had seats on this floor. Were this the case, to one of them I would immediately propound this question. Did you, or did you not, in your capacity of a public functionary tell me, in my capacity of a public functionary that France would not suffer Spain to settle her differences with us, that she wanted money, that we must give her money, or take a Spanish or French war? And did not I answer, that I was neither for a war with Spain or France, but in favor of defending my country? I would put this question to him—I would put this question to another head of department. Was or was not an application made to you for money to be conveyed to Europe to carry on any species of diplomatic negotiation there? I would listen to his answer, and if he put his hand on his heart, and like a man of honor said no, I would believe him, though it would require a great stretch of credulity. I would call into my aid faith, not reason, and believe where I was not convinced. I would then turn to the first magistrate of the nation, and say, did you not buy Louisiana of France? Has France acted in that transaction in a bona fide manner? Has she delivered into your possession the country you believed you had bought from her? Has she not equivocated, prevaricated, and played off Spain against you, with the view of extorting money? I will answer for the reply. There cannot be the smallest doubt about it. I will put the whole business on this issue. All the difficulty has arisen from that quarter.
Yes, the bubble has burst! It is immaterial to us whether you publish the President's message or not. But it is material to others that you should; and, let me add, the public will not rest satisfied with the conduct of those, who profess to wish it published, while they vote against the publication. The public will not confide in such professions. Gentlemen may show their bunch of rods, may treat them as children and offer their sugar plums; but all will not avail them so long as they refuse to call for the dispatches of our ministers, and other documents, which, if published, would fix a stain upon some men in the government and high in office, which all the waters in the ocean would not wash out. Gentlemen are a rank of our changing, and chopping about, and all that. What is the fact? We are republicans, acting on the broad principles we heretofore professed—applying the same scale which we measured John Adams to the present administration. Do gentlemen shrink from this, and pretend to be republicans? They cannot be republicans, unless they agree that it shall be measured to them, as they measured to others. But we are, perhaps, to be told that we have all become federalists—or that the federalists have become good republicans. This, however, is a charge, which, I am convinced, the federalists will not be more anxious to repel, than we to be exonerated from. No, they will never become good republicans. They never did, they never will, act with us. What has happened? They are in opposition from system; & we quo ad hoc—as to this particular measure. Like men, who have ruffed it together, there is a kind of fellow feeling between us. There is no doubt of it. But as to political principle, we are as much as ever opposed. There is a most excellent alkali by which to test our principles. The Yazoo business is the beginning and the end, the alpha and omega of our alphabet. With that our differences began, and with that they will end, and I pray to God, that the liberties of the people may not also end with them.
LONDON, April 24.
STATE PAPER.
PRUSSIAN PATENT.
"We, Frederick William, king of Prussia, &c. &c. make known and declare as follows:
"The wish to secure our faithful subjects and the neighboring states of the north of Germany during the war, and to preserve and confirm the duration of the blessings of peace, was at all times the intention of our indefatigable endeavors. These wholesome measures were made known, upon some recent occasions, as the object of our late Patent, dated January 27, 1806; according to which the electoral states of Brunswick Lüneburg in Germany were taken possession of by our troops, when the administration of the same passed into our hands. But in consequence of the exchange of the electorate of Hanover, in consideration of the cession of three of the provinces of our monarchy, and for the permanent tranquility of our subjects and the neighboring states, we have found it indispensably necessary to enter into and conclude a convention with his majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy; and as the electoral states of the house of Brunswick, situated
in Germany were obtained by the emperor Napoleon by right of conquest, we hereby declare, that the right of possession of the territory of that house has passed over to us, in consideration of the cession of three of our provinces, and is now subject to our power only; consequently from the present time, the government and the administration of these countries will be administered simply in our name alone, and under our supreme authority.
"We therefore call upon all persons, whatever may have been the functions assigned them to execute those functions only in our name, and under our authority.
"Count Schulenberg Kehler, and the commissioners who are attached to him, expect no less than that all the Prelates, the Burghers, and the inhabitants in general, will obediently conform themselves to the order of things, which a new era has rendered necessary for their tranquility and well being; and in so doing they will afford his majesty a proof of their devotion to their country.
"So, on our part, nothing shall be neglected to confirm them in the persuasion of our paternal affection, and our sincere wish to render them happy.
(Signed) FREDERICK WILLIAM. SCHULENBERG. HAUGWITZ. April 1, 1806."
IMPORTANT STATE PAPER.
DECLARATION.
GEORGE THE THIRD, by the grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, Arch Treasurer and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. &c.
The court of Prussia has avowed hostile designs, which she thought it expedient to her friendly professions.
The Note Verbale delivered on the 4th of April, by the Prussian Envoy, Baron Jacob Kloest, to the British minister, announced that the British ministry, and the electorate of Hanover, are in possession of, and that the German sea, and of Lubeck, has been closed against the British flag.
His declaration gives the lie to all those assurances by which the cabinet of Berlin has hitherto endeavored to cloak its proceedings to which it moreover adds the pretension that his Prussian majesty has acquired, by his system of policy, claims to the gratitude of all the northern powers.
Thus actually dispossessed of the ancient inheritance of my family, and insulted in my rights as a sovereign, I have ordered those measures to be taken which the honor of my crown requires; but I still owe it to myself, to Europe, and to my subjects, to make a public declaration of my sentiments as elector of Brunswick Lüneburg, upon the unjust usurpation of my German possessions.
It is not necessary to prove how contrary this act is to the rights of nations, or to the laws of the German empire. Their infraction is too evident to be required to be proved. It is the most sacred principle of good faith, of honor, and, in fact, of all the obligations upon which we reciprocally rely, that different states among themselves, and of each civil society in itself, repose which are trodden under foot in such a manner, that the world would have difficulty in believing it, if I did not cause the facts to be laid before them, which are authenticated in the narrative which I have ordered to be prepared.
The proceedings of the court of Berlin, when the electorate was occupied by its troops in 1801; its conduct, far from being friendly during the negotiation for the indemnities which followed the peace of Luneville; the decision which it made, when France prepared to invade the electorate; and lastly, the burdensome conditions under which it endeavored to cause it to be evacuated, to substitute her own troops, instead of France, had given two many proofs to the government of Hanover, not to oblige it to endeavor to avoid all sort of intervention on the part of this power, even at the moment that it was on the point of engaging in a dispute with France. The events which retarded the arrival in Hanover of the expedition, concerted between Great Britain, Russia and Sweden, gave the Prussian troops an opportunity of anticipating them, to evacuate French army.
This step was accompanied by the most friendly protestations on the part of Prussia. She invited the Hanoverian government to resume its functions in my name, and to collect the wreck of the army.
The country, already so unfortunate, doubly felt the weight of the numerous requisitions extorted by the Prussian corps, without the least regard to the situation in which the French left it.
After the unfortunate result of the campaign of the allies in the south of the empire, an attack in the north was to be expected. His imperial majesty of Russia,

to obviate the dangers to which Prussia might be exposed, placed in consequence of the convention of Potsdam, his troops under count De Tschitsch, and the corps of general Benningsen under the orders of his Prussian majesty; and promised him, moreover, all the assistance for which he might have occasion. It was scarcely to be expected that Prussia would avail herself of this advantage, and of that which the promise of the subsidy she had asked of Great Britain, gave her, to obtain from France, terms contrary to the interests which these resources were intended to protect. This, notwithstanding, has actually happened. The secret treaty, the effects of which are beginning to appear, was signed by count Haugwitz and the French general Duroc, the 13th of December, 1805, the period fixed as the term when Prussia was to declare war against France, in case that power should have rejected the propositions which count Haugwitz was to make to her, in consequence of the convention of Potsdam.
Seven days after, December 22, the cabinet of Berlin proposed to the British ambassador the arrangements to be taken in common with the Prussian generals, for the propositions of the allied armies in Lower Saxony; and dispatched, in consequence, lieutenant colonel baron De Krusemark, with a letter to the Hanoverian government, to induce it to furnish provisions for the French garrison at Hamelin.
It was necessary to concur in this arrangement (which was provisionally terminated the 4th of January) because it was to prevent the French troops from undertaking any thing against Hanover during the negotiation.
Was the court of Berlin then ignorant in what manner count Haugwitz had concluded this negotiation? Did it not know, before the signature of the treaty, what would be the end of it? Or, did that minister dispose, as he pleased, of the good faith of his master?
It was on the 27th of January, that the Cabinet of Berlin announced to the Hanoverian government, "that in consequence of a treaty signed and ratified by the two parties, my German possessions would no longer be occupied by the French troops; that they would be entirely evacuated by those who were still there, and delivered up, until a future peace between England and France should have decided their condition, to the protection of the troops of his Prussian majesty, and to his exclusive administration." The Hanoverian government was required, but to no purpose, to intimate to all the public officers, that they were for the future, to consider themselves as finally responsible to the Prussian commission of administration, excluding all foreign reference.
The dispatch addressed the 25th of January to the Prussian minister, and intended to justify this proceeding, was signed with the king of Prussia's own hand. It ended with these words—I think it unnecessary to observe how much the territories in question ought to be satisfied with this change of scene; and my wishes would be fulfilled if, in consequence of the disinterested views by which I am impelled, the administration I have taken upon me should turn out to the happiness of the country and its inhabitants; and by that means satisfactory to his Britannic majesty, to whom I desire nothing more than to give, in this instance, as in all others, all the proofs of consideration, of deference, and of friendship, which circumstances may put in my power.
The experience of the past, and a well-founded apprehension of the future, did not allow me to hesitate about the part necessary to be taken; and my electoral government was instructed not enter into any negotiation, the object of which might have been to avoid a new French invasion, by allowing the Prussians to occupy Hanover.
The protest made upon this occasion, by my electoral minister of state, was ineffectual. The king of Prussia caused the greatest part of the country to be occupied at the moment that my troops re-embarked; and his measures were executed without the least regard.
It was too easy to foresee that Count Haugwitz would find means at Paris to bring back the arrangement between Prussia and France, announced here as ratified by the contracting parties, to this original intention.
This was what took place; and the French troops took possession of Anspach, one of the objects of compensation, according to the treaty of December 15, the very day that the Marquis de Lucchesini could reach Berlin with intelligence that France required the execution of the articles agreed upon at Vienna.
The answer returned by the British Cabinet to the communication of January 25, did not arrive at Berlin until after the minister of state, Baron Hardenberg, had taken measures with the British Envoy the hostile measures which the British Envoy had called me to suspend my relations with a Court which could so far forget itself.
The Prussian note of April 4, can furnish no good arguments to establish an unjustifiable measure.
It begins by vaunting the specific disposition of Prussia. This disposition is no further sincere than as it has for its foundation the principles of a just neutrality. The note delivered by the cabinet of Berlin to the French minister on the 14th of October, at the very instant that Prussia appeared to feel the affront which she received by the violation of the territory of Anspach, acknowledges that the
conduct which she had followed to that time, had proved of advantage to France. Her actions had much less pretensions to the character of impartiality. After having permitted the French troops who seized on the electorate of Hanover, a passage through the Prussian territory, she declared herself ready to oppose, sword in hand, that which the emperor of Russia had demanded for his armies.
France herself forced the passage; she pretended to offer excuses for that step, but it was in a manner equally offensive. She had seen too clearly where the resentment of Prussia would terminate, which in fact appeared to be stifled when his imperial majesty of Russia engaged in a personal communication with the king.
Prussia then demanded subsidies of Great Britain, which were promised to her, and she signed the convention of Potsdam, the conditions of which she would, doubtless, have been more disposed to fulfil, if I could have so far forgotten my duty, as to consent to the proposition of ceding the Electorate of Hanover for some Prussian province.
Prussia affirms, that from the event of the war, she has not had the choice of means to secure the safety of its monarch, and of the states of the north. She wishes to make it appear, that she has been compelled to aggrandize herself, and to become the instrument, rather than object, of the vengeance of my enemies.
Such an avowal does not become a great power. All Europe knows that it depended on Prussia, before the battle of Austerlitz, to give repose to Europe, if she had taken the part which her real interests and the outraged honor of her monarchy dictated to her. She can no longer be excused, after having missed such an opportunity; and even since the event of the 2d of December, did she not command an army of 250,000 men, who still remember the victories it obtained under the Great Frederick, which was in the best disposition, and supported by the whole Russian army, two corps of which were actually under the command of the king of Prussia?
She would, without doubt, have been subject to certain risks; but she found herself in a situation, when every danger must be encountered to save the honor of the state. The prince who hesitates in making a choice, destroys the principle which serves as the basis of a military monarchy; and Prussia ought already to begin to feel the sacrifice she has made of her independence.
The note of April 4, affirms, "that France had considered the electorate as its conquest, and that its troops had been on the point of re-entering it, to make a definitive disposal of it."
The electorate of Hanover, as an integral part of the Germanic empire, is not concerned in the war between Great Britain and France; nevertheless, it has been unjustly invaded by that power, which has notwithstanding, frequently indicated the object for which she was disposed to restore it.
France was at length compelled to abandon the country, and forty thousand of my troops, and those of my allies, were established there, when the count de Haugwitz signed the treaty which disposes of my states; it is true, that the Russian corps was then at the disposal of his Prussian majesty; but its chief, with the genuine spirit of an honorable man, was not the less determined to fight, if the allies of his master were attacked. We shall not speak of the French garrison which remained at Hamelin, insufficient in point of number, deprived of the means of defence, and on the point of being besieged, when the promises of Prussia caused the plan to be abandoned.
The intention of France to dispose definitively of the electorate, would have been contrary to the assertion she has so often made. It would, moreover, have been contrary to the usage of war, since even a conquest is not definitively disposed of before a peace; and particularly at a moment when a wish might exist to manifest a pacific disposition.
Prussia had no right to judge if Great Britain had the means of opposing the return of my enemies to the electorate. Her power furnishes her with the means of bringing the war to an honorable end, for the interests she defends; but it is difficult to conceive in what light Prussia pretends that her measures removed troops that are strangers to the electorate, and ensures the repose of the north. Her troops, in consequence of the treacherous conduct of her cabinet, will remain as much strangers to the electorate as the French troops.
Prussia should not speak of her sacrifices at the moment when her only aim is to aggrandize herself, unless she feels the loss of her independence to be such, and how much she has departed from her duty, in abandoning one of the oldest possessions of her house, and of subjects who implored, in vain, her assistance. Because we have no connection with my system of policy, and confer no right on her to usurp the government of my German subjects, whose fidelity nothing has hitherto shaken, and which they will retain towards my person, and a family of princes, who for many ages have only sought their happiness.
It is evident that the conduct of the Court of Berlin is not the free expression of the will of its Sovereign, but the consequence of the influence exercised by my enemies in the Cabinet of that Prince. All the Courts and all the States, however, who can judge of circumstances,
and all that they owe to the system adopted by the Court of Berlin, will agree that the act committed against a Sovereign united to his Prussian Majesty by the ties of blood, and until now by those of friendship, places the safety of Europe in greater danger than any act of hostility on the part of a power with which one might be at open war.
Convinced of the justice of my cause, I make my appeal to all the powers of Europe, who are interested in resisting the consolidation of a system which, by threatening the political existence of an integral part of the Germanic empire, brings into question the security of the whole. I demand, most earnestly, the constitutional aid which is due to me as Elector from the Empire, its august Head, as well as Russia and Sweden, the powers which have guaranteed its constitution, and still continue to manifest, the most honorable disposition for the preservation of my states.
Lastly, I protest in the most solemn manner, for myself and my heirs, against every encroachment on my rights in the electorate of Brunswick Lüneburg, and its dependencies; and I repeat, in quality of elector, the declaration made by the minister of my crown at the court of Berlin, that no advantage arising from political arrangements, much less any offer whatever of an indemnity, or equivalent, shall ever engage me to forget what I owe to my dignity, the attachment and exemplary fidelity of my Hanoverian subjects, so as to yield my consent to the alienation of my electorate.
Given at the palace of Windsor, the 29th day of April, 1806, in the 46th year of my reign. (L. S.) GEORGE R. E. COUNT DE MUNSTER.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. April 12. WAR WITH PRUSSIA.
Lord Grenville rose, and said, that he had in command from his majesty to deliver the following message to the house, respecting the present state of the relations of this country with Prussia:—
"GEORGE R. "His majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the house of commons, that he has found himself under the necessity of withdrawing his minister from the court of Berlin, and of adopting provisionally measures of just retaliation against the commerce and navigation of Prussia. His majesty deeply regrets this extension and aggravation of calamities already so severely felt by the nations of the continent, whose independence and prosperity he has never ceased to consider as intimately connected with those of his own people. But measures of direct hostility, deliberately adopted against him, have left him no alternative."
"In a moment of confidential intercourse, without even the pretence of any cause of complaint, forcible possession has been taken by Prussia of his Majesty's Electoral Dominions. Deeply as this event affected the interests of this Kingdom, his Majesty chose, nevertheless, to forbear, on this painful occasion, all recourse to the tried and affectionate attachment of his British subjects. He remonstrated, by amicable negotiation, against the injury he had sustained, and rested his claim for reparation on the moderation of his conduct, on the justice of his representations, and on the common interest which Prussia herself must ultimately feel, to resist a system destructive of the security of all legitimate possession. But when, instead of receiving assurances conformable to this just expectation, his Majesty was informed, that the determination had been taken of excluding by force the vessels and the commodities of this kingdom from ports and countries under the lawful dominion or forcible control of Prussia, his Majesty could no longer delay to act, without neglecting the first duty which he owes to his people. The dignity of his Crown, and the interests of his subjects, equally forbid his acquiescing in this open and unprovoked aggression. He has no doubt of the full support of his Parliament in vindicating the honor of the British flag, and the freedom of the British navigation, and he will look with anxious expectation to that moment when a more dignified and enlightened policy, on the part of Prussia, shall remove every impediment to the renewal of Peace and Friendship with a Power with whom his Majesty has no other cause of difference, than that now created by these hostile acts."
"G. R." April 23. On the motion of lord Holland, the bill for regulating the intercourse between the United States and the British colonies, was ordered to be read a second time to-morrow se'n night."
FROM THE AURORA. NO BLINKING THE QUESTION!
What we have said upon European politics is remembered; we have stood almost single in our opinions—for excepting what we have seen under the signature of "An American," in the Virginia Argus, very lately, we have not discovered in a single paper of the union, any thing like correct knowledge or a rational discussion of politics—not even the shew of a discriminating political faculty have we discovered in any paper of any party. The reason of which appears to be, that writers for the public, are too apt to strain events
to their wishes, rather than to estimate consequences by the obvious state of things and the necessary operation of means and motives upon the human character—aiming to be originals in the very moment that they are miserable imitators—forsaking facts and pursuing whimsies.
In the individual concerns of one royal or imperial ruler we feel no more interest, as republicans, than in the cause of the other.
To us, as observers and Americans, the fate or the defeat of Francis or Napoleon is no more interesting than the fate of Alexander the great or Alexander the coppersmith—we view them with the eye of impartial history (as far as our humble lucubrations can aspire to such a designation!) and we treat of their negotiations, coalitions, treaties, battles, stratagems and defeats, in the same temper and with the same sorrow for human misery, as we feel in perusing the eventful histories of ancient warriors—and ancient ambition.
We see the rival powers of Europe—as we have read of those of antiquity, actuated by similar passions, and discover an extraordinary similitude in their madness and their follies, the fall of the aggressors and the triumphs of the assailed—while we cannot alter or avert their fate, we learn useful lessons for reflection by the comparison—we look directly at the facts—and we judge of them as they are.
Such is the mode in which we view the conflicts of Europe, where their conflicts are separate from any influence on our own fate and happiness; where these interests are involved we cannot be indifferent—but neither can we be blinded by the folly which leads men to deceive themselves, into an anticipation of their own wishes, without any other foundation for such an anticipation, than those wishes.
We do not expect from any nation a sacrifice of the political interests of that nation to us.
We do not expect even partial national favors without a reciprocal partiality. But while we judge of the operations which foreign events may have upon us—we no more consider ourselves at liberty to abandon facts, in order to pursue theories—than we can consent to think that two men, one of whom has committed robbery, and one who has not, are upon equal terms—and ought equally to be feared; we cannot consent to place a professional bully, upon the same ground with a man whom that bully wantonly and unprovokedly attacked; nor is it to us a sound reason for fearing the man attacked, because he had beaten the wanton aggressor.
We cannot believe, that any nation which aspires to the exclusive commerce of the world—which must sink to the condition of a third or fourth rate power, if that universal monopoly is broken down—we cannot think that such a nation can, while she upholds that system, be sincerely the friend of any nation which interferes with that monopoly—or that universal commerce.
We cannot believe that an oligarchical or a monarchical, or an imperial government, can be sincere admirers of a representative elective democracy.
Neither can we discover how or in what shape the principles of our government, can be supposed to bear the least relation, direct or indirect, with the conflicts of the belligerent powers of Europe. It is a ridiculous whimsy—or it is a disregard of the real facts.
Let it be supposed that the happy effects of our principles of government are objects of envy in Europe—that the emperors and kings of all sorts and sizes—the old breed and the new—are so little satisfied with their own systems or so envious of ours—what is the conclusion to be drawn from such premises? Are we to consider the old friendly and the new hostile; or the old hostile and the new friendly? Would not this be the extravagance of whimsicality—or of absurdity.
The fact is, that a resort to whimsies of this kind, instead of consulting facts—is too often the effect of incapacity—a substitute for a well digested opinion—sometimes perhaps the result of an effort to appear original, where there is a consciousness of incompetency to form any rational or sober opinion.
Our form of government is one of the last objects of European consideration, at this time—Pitt indeed had openly declared that democracy must be put down, Windham did the same; so did Grenville; democracy in Europe has been indeed put down; but it was done by England, and England in overthrowing democracy has only prepared the materials by which her government will be put down. England may be fairly said to have forged chains for Europe, and to have destroyed the hopes of mankind for the extension of civil liberty and representative government for a century at least.
It is a most extraordinary species of infatuation or folly, which forsakes the consideration of past experience concerning the hostility to our principles of government—at the same breath disregards the immediate wrongs and outrages which we are daily suffering from England—yet goes to seek for windmill motives of terror in the power of France.
To such infatuation we will not listen—we will laugh into merited derision; these miserable bugaboo shall not scare us from raising our voice against the murderers of Pierce—the bondage of 3000 of our fellow-citizens in their floating prisons—their plunder of our commerce—their tyranny on the ocean—their diabolical spirit of corruption and warfare, which has kindled up three of the most terrible wars that has afflicted the civilized world.
ed world.—We shall not shut our eyes nor our memories against these facts—nor the abject and the base imputations, which the abject minions of England resort to, deter us from speaking of these facts, and every other public fact as they appear to us to be reasonably and truly deserving to be discussed.
When we hear whining politicians—men who, as was happily said in congress—have "scarce learnt the A, B, C of politics—mere horn book politicians"—when we see all of a sudden these politicians forgetting or not discerning the living experience; even the experience that "speaks in death"; and forgetting even the past experience that spoke in service; we are, may even in unexampled forbearance; we are apt to exclaim with the psalmist—"they are like 'the deaf adder that stoppeth the ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, 'charming ever so wisely'—ps. lviii."
Silly animadversions such as we have seen, are not entitled to so much notice as is bestowed upon them; nor are they expected to make any impression, where the same cause that led to the errors noticed will induce an obstinate adherence to them.
We do not consider the war in Europe as involving any question of political relation to the form of government. That species of question ceased to be involved from the evening of the feast which preceded the revolution at St. Cloud. From that day—it was no longer a question of human liberty; but a contention for dominion and power.—The real question was at all times of that character with the British cabinet. Democracy at the first assault of France by the conventionalists of Plinitz, was feared on the same grounds that the grand monarch was feared and reprobated in the days of Louis XIV. and Bonaparte is only an object of greater terror; because his genius has proved more fatal to the assailants of France, & rendered France more formidable to Europe.
These are the facts—and he who considers it in any other view deceives himself. The consideration of the merits and demerits of the parties in the present war, cannot be made upon the narrow limits of a visiting card, nor estimated truly by the success or the failure of a battle or a campaign; the question involves the whole war of the French revolution. Whatever changes may have taken place in alliances or internal circumstances on either side—the whole question is to be taken up from the beginning—and from the beginning to the end France has been uniformly acting on the defensive.
Upon this solid foundation alone can the subject be discussed, with intelligence, with propriety, or with utility; and this mode of discussion and consideration unfolds at once the causes of all that has happened, and leads by the most simple course of reflection to necessary and inevitable results.
Where repeated attacks have been made, Where you see resistance and retribution, Where you find immense and powerful combinations formed to overwhelm.
Where you find the causes for accumulated energy and resistance adequate to the immensity of the danger—and the meditated destroyers themselves destroyed.
Where you see immense schemes of partition, plunder and dismemberment.
Where you see the temptation and the justification of retaliation and co extensive dismemberment.
Where you find reiterated coalitions defeated, without producing salutary consequences on the minds of those who conspired.
Where you see the necessity for the wise to guard against the temerity of the rash, and the necessity of making provision against the reiteration of madness, and folly, and imbecility combined.
France was to be partitioned. This was to be effected by Austria, England, Prussia, Russia, Italy, Naples, &c. Therefore Austria, Italy, Naples are promised.
The Germanic body from its particular organization, was formidable to the other powers of Europe who were not members of that federal body.
France suffered from this system, and therefore determined to have a federalism of her own; and this federalism like other federalism, has proved more fatal to the friends of regular government, than the Jacobinism against which they set up they, and the war upon the belium ad internecionem of Mr. Windham promises to end with the funeral knell of Britain.
In a word the war in Europe may by any man of a sober and clear mind be unfolded and understood, by reducing it to the necessary impulses by which men are governed on all occasions—by considering simply how men would act, whom great pains are taken to destroy—and that in proportion to the danger and the capacity to resist and to repel and to avenge—so will nations as well as individuals act—and if after repeated frustration and failure on the part of the aggressors, moderation instead of revenge has been pursued and pursued without effect, then will nations like individuals, seek to strengthen themselves and to weaken and forever disable the wanton and untought aggressor—this is the real state of the case between France and the coalesced powers—and he who calculates or ascribes it to any other than such impulses ought to distrust his own understanding and particularly be careful of avoiding to insult the understanding of others.
NEW YORK, June 1, (noon.) "Capt. Rya, from the Isle of France, informs, that there were thirteen British ships of the line lying at St. Jago. He also informs, that the latter end of March, the British ship London, and a frigate, engaged the ship Merengo, admiral Linois, and the frigate Bellepoche; and after an engagement of three hours, took them. Sir J. B. Warren, with seven sail of the line then in sight. The captured vessels were carried to St. Jago, and put in commission."
"It was said the French ships had on board property of immense value."
"We learn, verbally, by the schooner Traveller, from Curacoa, that Miranda's two schooners had been captured on the Maine by a Spanish brig—and that Miranda, in the Leander, had afterwards a severe engagement with a Spanish sloop of war, and beat her off; after which he stood to windward."
"It is said letters have been received in town which state, positively, that Miranda has landed on the Spanish Maine at a place called Como, without meeting with any opposition. The schooner Bee is on her way with dispatches from Miranda, and hourly expected here."
PHILADELPHIA, June 4.
A letter has been received at New-York from Lisbon, dated 15th April, which mentions, that the French frigate Topaze, of 44 guns, sailed that morning, after being blockaded there 5

months. In the afternoon, she was captured by a British frigate, about 5 leagues from the Rock, after an action of 3 hours."
Extract of a letter from London, April 3. "Lord Selkirk, (not Mr. Erskine) who has been in America, and made some settlement in Upper Canada a few years ago, is now appointed our Minister to the U. States. He will, I am informed, embark for Washington as soon as some pending matters between this country and America, are arranged. You will notice, from what has passed in Parliament, that our new Ministers are speaking handsomely of America. Hence, it is supposed, all will end in bonds of mutual affection; indeed, I have reason to believe this from better authority, upon which I can depend."
ALEXANDRIA, June 4.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Curacao, to his friends in this town, dated May 16, 1806, received by the schooner Alert, arrived here in 13 days passage.
"Business of all kinds has been perfectly stand for some time, owing to an embargo on the Main in consequence of Miranda's expedition. I believe the embargo will be removed immediately, as we have certain accounts of the capture of two of his schooners, and the ship being forced to leave the coast."
NORFOLK, June 4.
MIRANDA.
Extract of a letter from Kingston, in Jamaica, dated 5th of May, 1806, to a gentleman in this place.
"On the business therein mentioned, I have only to add that I have just received a letter from Mr. Dade at Aruba, mentioning that not finding a ready market for a cargo of Dry Goods, which he carried up from this, he intended to proceed with General Miranda, who arrived there with his squadron a few days before, on that extraordinary expedition of the attack of Carraccas."
"Our knowledge of the person referred to in the above extract, and the very respectable character to whom the letter is addressed in this place, induce us to assure our readers that they may rely, that a few days previous to the 5th of May, that Miranda was at Aruba, and that it was there understood that he intended for Carraccas."
Aruba, or as it is otherwise called Oruba, is a small Island near the Main Continent of Terra Firma, in lat. 12. 30. N. long. 69 30.
A Jamaica paper of the 5th of May, has the following remarks on Miranda's expedition.
"The expedition of Miranda furnishes a problem not to be easily solved. The tales in circulation may be half true, but, certainly, not wholly so. The vaunted successes were reported through a doubtful channel, and can therefore meet no more than a suspended belief."
"We do not, said one of the officers, while on the Main, we do not go to the continent to fight. It is true we are provided with the means of self defence and perhaps of annoyance, but we are going into the bosom of a people who expect us, and from whose arms we have nothing to look but an embrace."
"The officers in this equipment are uniformed in a splendid manner. They seem confident of success; and that powerful engine, the Press, has been employed not only during their passage, but while in Jacquet, in printing such papers, both in Spanish and in the native language of the people, as may best forward the purposes of their new visitors."
NEW ORLEANS, March 15.
The United States' armed brig Franklin, John Earl, esq. commander, with troops on board for this place, is now in the river. Came passengers in the Franklin, capt. Shaw of the navy, Keih Spence, esq. navy agent, lieut. Baldwin, and several other persons—they are expected to come up to day in the Revenue Cutter, Louisiana.
Just as our paper was going to press, we received information, that one of the carriers of the mail of the United States had returned to this city, and that he reports, that he was not permitted to pass the town of Mobile with the mail. He further states, that governor Folck informed him that for the future the mail of the United States would not be permitted to pass either by land or water, through the dominions of the king of Spain.
March 19
It appears from some recent letters from Mobile, that since the arrival there of the intendant (Morales) they are doing their utmost to prejudice the minds of the people against the Americans. It is reported that they are not even content with this, but that governor Folck had conferences with different Indian chiefs. The object of these conferences are not particularly stated; but it is supposed that they are endeavoring to persuade the Indians to commit outrages on our frontiers. It is further reported, that sixty horse loads of gun powder have been carried out of the town of Mobile by the Indians. Such is the line of conduct this jealous and infatuated people pursue. What they cannot accomplish by fair and upright means, they make up by the most base subterfuge.
Letters from the Mobile to the 9th contain some further information relative to the hostile disposition of the Spaniards. It is said they have received a considerable reinforcement (probably from Pensacola) of men, mortars, bombs and guns.
The present state of things in that quarter, cannot long continue. If no other means will answer, governor Folck and the king his master, must be made to observe towards the United States a just and respectful conduct.
It is stated in letters that a very influential and commercial house at Mobile, has volunteered its aid, and will grant every indulgence that may be asked by the Indians, in furnishing them with supplies.
Arrived at this port last evening, the United States' armed brig Franklin—her arrival was announced by a federal salute from Fort St. Charles, which was returned from the brig.
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RUN a way from the subscriber some time in December last, RANDOLPH, a mulatto man, about 21 or 22 years old, spare made, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, is apt to smile when spoken to, he is at times in Richmond, but the principal part of his time as I am informed, is above Williamsburg and the upper end of York county. I will give the above reward if delivered to me in Chesterfield county on the Turnpike road, on or before the 1st day of August next, or 20 dollars if secured in any jail, so that I get him again. I do forswear all masters of vessels from employing him or carrying him out of this state.
John P. Shields.
June 8th, 1806.
VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND.
TUESDAY, JUNE 10, 1806.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
 Tobacco, 32s — cash  Wheat, 6s 9d do.  Flour, fine, 39s — do.  Flour, superfine, 42s — do.  Corn, 15s — do.  Hemp, clean, £ 54 — do.  Iron, £ 36 — do.  Bacon, 1s — do. 
We this day perform the painful task of announcing the death of the Venerable GEORGE WYTHE, Esq. Judge of the High Court of Chancery, for the Richmond District, who died on Sunday last, about 9 o'clock in the morning.
COMMUNICATION.
Yesterday departed this life, after a few days indisposition, the aged and venerable CHANCELLOR OF VIRGINIA. About 10 o'clock the tolling bell, proclaimed the melancholy truth, that the soul of this legal veteran, had taken its departure forever—and although the event was hourly expected, it seems to have struck a damp into every department of our society. To his country at large, the loss of this great man, must be a source of severe and bitter regret, whether we view him in public or private; for in either situation, his equal was rarely to be met with. For very many years, he filled the dignified office of Chancellor of his State, with great honor to himself and lasting benefit to his country. His great perseverance, and unabated ardor, in discharging the important duties of his station; his inflexible and incorruptible integrity, rendered him utterly incapable of permitting any other consideration to prevail, in his breast over the sacred regard ever due to JUSTICE. His great excellence as a Judge, and his extensive legal science, are too well known, to be recorded here, or ever to be doubted. As a politician, let it be remembered, as adding lustre to the cause he espoused, that he was a republican. When all the efforts of regal tyranny were employed to overthrow the liberties of his country, he stood forth as one of its defenders, and while his co-operation in favor of the revolution was bold, firm, and vigorous, it was eminently useful. He has ever been distinguished by his intrepid and manly opposition to the encroachments of tyranny; and when the attempt was made to bind the genius of the nation in the fetters of despotism, his conduct evinced, that he devoutly wished its force might be shattered against the sacred armor of that virtue, and new born freedom, which it boasted to destroy. When the dawn of the revolution, first broke forth in his native state, he was not among the most tardy to hail its rise, and bless its progress. The venerable WYTHE was indeed a patriot. In private life, his conduct was truly laudable—it was spent in the practice of social virtues, and in the enjoyment of much domestic felicity. Although rigidly temperate in his habits of life, he delighted in the company of a few select friends; & no man ever possessed a higher character in private life; simple & unassuming in his manners, with a goodness of heart, which fraud & cunning too successfully made the dupe of their artifice, she was esteemed & beloved by all who had the happiness of a personal acquaintance. Wit, he never aimed at, because he did not possess it; he had a turn of mind too lofty for humor; and though he did not "set the table in a roar" or dabble with the radiance of fancy, he diffused around his hospitable mansion, the mid charms of good humor and unassuming gentleness. In literature, he was in some things not unlike Johnson; he admired nothing so much as the display of a keen discrimination of human characters, a just apprehension of the principles of modern action, and that vigorous common sense, which is the most happily applicable to the conduct of human life; he delighted in the refinement, the subtleties, the abstractions, the affections of ancient literature; and in comparison with these, despised the grossness of modern taste, and common affairs. He seemed to think learning and science of little value, except so far as they could be made subservient to the purposes of living usefully and happily with the world upon its own terms. His favorite science taught him to look down with contempt, upon all subinary and modern things, and to fit life to literature and philosophy, and not literature and philosophy to life. He was fond of deep research and indefatigable industry, and to the service of his country he devoted his whole life. A short period before his death, he acknowledged his belief in the holy law, and added to his other qualifications, that of a sincere christian. Such is the man which death has robbed us of—May they who succeed him emulate the virtues of their illustrious predecessor. Richmond, June 9, 1806.
The following is the order of procession which took place for the interment of GEORGE WYTHE, Late Judge of the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District. A Funeral Oration was delivered at the Capitol, in the Hall of the House of Delegates, at 4 o'clock, P.M. yesterday, by WILLIAM MUNFORD, Esq.; after which the procession commenced in the following order:
The clergymen and orator of the day.
Physicians.
The Executor and Relations of the dec'd.
The Judges.
Members of the Bar.
The Officers of the High Court of Chancery.
The Governor and Council.
Other Officers of Government.
The Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of the city of Richmond.
Citizens.
The following paragraph on the subject of neutral rights:
"Whatever real grievances America has to urge against us will, we are persuaded, be redressed and atoned. There are points however, on which we cannot flatter her with much hopes of success. She cannot expect that the English government will so far concede to the clamors of her merchants, as to sacrifice the principles of our navigation laws to their pretensions of what they call "neutral rights."
The New York Evening Post, contains the following article, with this difference, that the Post rejoices at what we regret. We entirely agree in the conclusions deduced from the facts which that paper states:
"The resolution of The Society of ship owners of Great Britain, we think quite very strongly avow the interest of neutrals. Notwithstanding the execrations which some of the leading democratic parties among us have heaped upon Mr. Pitt, we do not believe the new ministry will be found one with more disposed to favor our pretensions than the last. What have we to expect from Lord Grenville the most determined and probably the ablest adversary of neutral rights of any man in Europe? Let us not deceive ourselves—There is a great point in issue between the countries; one or the other must yield—it will not be Great Britain during the existence of her present cabinet." [How long her cabinet or her government may exist as a plague to mankind, is however very problematical.]—Aurora.
The Legislature of Massachusetts met on the 28th ult. In the senate 19 votes were given to John Bacon, (republican) and 18 to H. G. Oats. (federalist) as Speaker. Of course there was no choice. The same attempt was repeated, attended by the same result, four successive times, when it was determined that the senior member of the body should preside pro tempore. In the House of representatives 463 members attended, of which 237 voted for Perez Morton, (republican) and 204 for Timothy Bigelow, (federal) as Speaker.
It is hence reduced to a certainty that the House of Representatives are decidedly republican. We offer our congratulations on this event.
The election in New-York has terminated in the choice of fifteen republicans and two federalists; and not in the choice of three federalists, as stated on the authority of a New-York Print. Is not this complete triumph of the republicans a demonstration that, however divided they may be on local concerns, they are firmly united in the maintenance of national principles, and the support of those who administer their national concerns in the true spirit of republicanism;
The following is a specimen of the animated and joyful stream in which the National Argus has the new political era in Massachusetts.—
"PROUDLY triumphant be the spirit of republicanism. This day is Massachusetts regenerated in political principle. To day federalism is disrobed of the attire of office and the government restored to the confidence of its friends and the custody of its framers. Let the hearts of freemen be cheerful, for we have now joy over a repentant sinner. This day shall be an epoch in the history of the nation. America will be enlightened by the return of an important member to the family of the union. The prodigal had been long estranged from domestic harmony—thrice welcome be her restoration to the paths of integrity. No event since the change in the national executive has been more propitious. Massachusetts, the most wealthy, the most extensive, and the most powerful of the United States, has been for five years arrayed in hostility against the administration of the constitution. Intelligent and independent as are her citizens, they have been made the subjects of delusion, subserving the designs of ambition. Deception has been their guide, falsehood and folly their leading strings. The pretensions of federalism were plausible, & the honest yeoman was unconscious of her artifices. She boasted of disinterested motives, and the industrious mechanic suspended not her measures. She arrogated an illustrious reputation, and assumed the name of WASHINGTON, would fain have persuaded the world that she inherited his mantle also. WASHINGTON became the rallying word to electioneering aspersity, of as much use in the contest as the incantation of jugglers, diverting the attention from the vileness of the imposture. But the principles of that great man were as abhorrent to the policy of federalists as the virtues of his character to their arts of baseness. He cultivated a spirit of harmony, they speak the language of discordance. He died in prayers for
the integrity of the union, they are driven from the government in struggles for its dissolution. Yet was the profanation of his name long successful. To Americans there was a spell in the sound which forbade suspicion. It was hard to believe it could be so basely prostituted, but the moment of conviction has arrived, and this day witnesses a solemn expression of retributive indignation. From this day we trust, forever, the Government of Massachusetts will be decidedly republican.
"On an event so auspicious we may be indulged the luxury of anticipation, formal, distant, and distrustful has been our connexion with the sister states—Cold and reproachful our treatment of the general government. Confidence and harmony have been no part of our enjoyments. Henceforth the scene is changed. "Harmony is restored to social intercourse." In the state and national administrations there will be a perfect coincidence. Personal animosity will cease. Local distinctions will be done away. The government will assume a decided and confident tone. The tolerated abuses of five years will be remedied. The business of the province-house will be investigated and the rents of the property secured to the people. The President of the United States will be respectfully noticed—the policy of his conduct will be recognized, and the measures of his administration sanctioned.
"No subject of national importance can probably occur during the present meeting of the legislature. The organization of the government will be the principal business of the session. This accomplished, and the local concerns of the state disposed of, the several branches will separate with the exulting consideration, that through their agency, MASSACHUSETTS will be reinstated in pre-eminent importance among the members of the union.
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated June 3, (noon)
"Captain Bartlett, in 19 days from Curacao and capt. Winslow, from Port Royal, have just come up from quarantine in 18 days. The latter spoke, off St. Pierre, brig Molly, Lee, 37 days from Philadelphia. Bound into St. Pierre. The sch'r Sukey & Peggy, was to sail from Curacao in 8 days for Philadelphia.
Capt. Bartlett informs, that Miranda's two schooners were captured by two Spanish government brigs and several gun boats, after an action of three hours; that they were carried into Port Cavello, and their crews sent to Caraccas and imprisoned. He also states that Miranda was seen subsequent to the above at Bonnaire."
OF the congeniality of East Florida to the growth of the coffee plant we have been for some time apprised; but it is from the following notice that we learn that complete success has attended the trials which have been made in cultivating it. We have heard it said that the coffee tree is likely to flourish throughout nearly the whole extent of the province. If this shall prove true, and we shall acquire this country, we shall find the fullest remuneration for the expense it may involve. We shall have taken too a decisive step towards a more complete independence of the European world, in case her injustice shall compel us to withdraw from a commercial intercourse with her. While should that commercial intercourse be continued and extended which is almost certain, we shall have a new and invaluable staple to exchange for her manufactures.
EAST FLORIDA.
About 9 months ago the coffee plant was introduced from Cuba, and planted at Cape Florida. It has succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectation, and no doubts are entertained, that it will become the staple article in East Florida. This information was given us by a gentleman who is lately arrived here from Cape Florida. Charles Town Courier.
Owing to the vigilance of the British government of Lower Canada, the notorious Stephen Burroughs has been apprehended and committed to jail, in Montreal.
The brig Favorite, of Boston, loaded with a cargo of ICE, went to Martinique, where the cargo was sold at 5 cents per lb. which amounted to 4 000 dollars.
The awful sentence of death, (says the N. Y. Mercantile Advertiser) was on Saturday, passed upon John Banks for the murder of his wife. Though delivered in that solemn and impressive manner for which the hon. Judge Thompson is remarkable, & tho' it was a powerful appeal to the best feelings of the heart, the prisoner remained unmoved. He exhibited a shocking instance of human depravity; enquired of the court if he could not be hanged the week following; and showed as if in a delirium of joy. The day of execution is fixed for Friday, the 11th July next.
FROM OUR ENGLISH PAPERS.
LONDON, April 25.—We are happy to find such perfect unanimity prevail in both houses of Parliament, on the subject of the measures which have been adopted against Prussia. It is an omen which promises a zealous concurrence in whatever can give vigor and extent to the conduct of the war.
We have stated that an expedition is now fitting out for the continent, which is to be commanded by Lord Cathcart. We understand it will consist of not less than 12,000 men, cavalry and infantry. Lord Cathcart is to have the appointment of his own staff. The dragoon guards and foot guards will form a large portion of this army which is destined to co-operate with the gallant king of Sweden.
Every one who reads the pious and patriotic address of the king of Sweden, must be impressed with a high sense of the zeal and spirit of that young and gallant Prince, and of the purity of the principles upon which he has taken the field against France. Had he been placed in the situation that his Prussian Majesty has stood for some time, and particularly for the last six months, the greater part of Europe would not
now groan under the tyranny of the Corsican despot. Some hope still survives to the continent in the steadiness and resolution of the Swedish Monarch, and his ally the Emperor of Russia. It was yesterday reported, that our government had resolved to send a considerable force to the assistance of the former, in case Prussia should be invaded by the Russians; but for this rumor we fear there is not much foundation. A report was also current, that great commotions had taken place at Berlin, in which the Royal authority was said to have exercised some restraint.
SPEECH
OF THE KING OF SWEDEN.
Head Quarters at Gneswald, April 7th. On the 3d instant, the whole of the Swedish army was assembled upon the great plain near Gneswald, when after forming and going through some manoeuvres his Majesty made the following speech:
"I have assembled those who give as well as those who receive orders, to afford you a proof of my content and satisfaction for the zeal with which every one has endeavored to do his duty, since you have been called into service. If circumstances have hitherto prevented me, from saying the great object, for which I called you into this country, we must now acknowledge the will of the Most High, and conform ourselves to it accordingly. In the mean while you have preserved the honor of the Swedish arms untrampled. I have brought you back into this country which was so gloriously conquered by our ancestors; and of our companions in arms none are wanting but those who, by virtue of my command, are of behind, in the German States of my ally, the king of England, for their protection. We have certainly great cause to be thankful to the Most High for the singular protection afforded, in these critical times. I hereby call upon you all to thank God most cordially to implore his grace, that we may now, as well as hereafter, be enabled to walk in the paths of virtue and honor."
CUSTOM HOUSE—RICHMOND.
ENTERED.
 Ship Herald, Marshey, Liverpool.  Colodon, Hodden, do.  Brig Zephaniah, Hodden, Providence.  Sloopowa, Sch, City Point.  Sch'r D. Sire, Denson, Petersburg.  Packet, Luce, Boston.  Polly, Snyder, N. York.  Colodon, Wigton, do.  Harriet, Hassam, Norfolk.  Harriet, Russell, Baltimore.  Edward, Denson, do.  Sloop Betsy, Dunnington, Norfolk. 
CLEARED.
 Sch'r Liberty, Lewis, Philadelphia.  Polly, Manchester, Boston.  A. K. Mayel, Wilmington.  Sloop Colodon, Wigton, New Jersey.  Sch'r Liberty, Nicholas, New York.  Sch'r Betsy, Aberdeen, Norfolk. 
Just published and for sale at this office, [PRICE TWENTY FIVE CENTS.] RUNICOLA'S DISCOVERY
BILIOUS CONTAGION,
Addresed respectfully TO FAR AS IT RELATES TO THE QUARANTINE LAW, TO THE NOTICE OF THE HONORABLE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA. Enlarged for this second impression, by further observation, BY TRAVIS TUCKER. June 4, 1806.
MATRASSES.
CAN be had on very short notice, MATRASSES of all sizes & kinds, agreeably to order in the country house, same square, below Mr. Jos Darnadale's, near the market, and next door to Mr. Jacob Johnson's brick store—Also, BEDS furnished, and old matresses worked over. Jno. S. Pleasants. June 5 1806.
Strayed or Stolen
FROM the Common, near the Branton & Y. Co. Forge, near the old brick mill, mane and feet, his tail bled, where it was badly shod, having to a shoe from one of his hind feet. He has an enlargement like a pin on the hock of one of his hind legs, to the best of my recollection on the near one. He has also a small scar on the upper part of the rear shoulder, resembling the cicatrice or healing of a fistula. Whoever will give information so that he may be recovered, shall be rewarded for their trouble by James Worrall. Richmond, June 7th 1806.
PUBLIC SALE,
Of very valuable furniture &c. On Friday the 13th inst. at the dwelling house of Mr. Watson Storr, in Hanford, will be sold at public sale, at his house and kitchen FURNITURE, consisting of Dining, tea & toilet tables; a sideboard; a pair of large looking glasses; rife, ditto, with drawers; a very elegant piano; two sofas, with a set of elbow chairs, and window curtains to match; square back dining chairs; beds and beds each of the best kind, one of which made in London, with window curtains to match; a book case; mahogany and pine wardrobes; wash basin stand; patent paper tea trays; water carafes; decanter slides, and bread baskets; plated table and chamber candle sticks, with saucers; trays and extinguishers complete; table knives and forks, with carvers; dessert do. to match; a cut-glass dessert service; wine decanters and glasses; water carafes; tumblers and rummers, with covers; salts, mustard butts & rub, with covers and stands; cream pitchers, 12 large square flint bottles with ground stoppers; a lot, plate with brass runners; plate warmers; foot plate baskets; book tin dish covers; coffee pots; soup do. with covers—a number of other culinary articles in tin and copper; kitchen enamel iron, & complete set of irons, with bean her; tea china ware, Liverpool table do. extra large blue blankets; carpets—with a great variety of other articles too numerous to enumerate. A Philadelphia built CHAIR of the very best materials, by Mr. Ogles, was planted harness complete, and having been well used, is little or nothing the worse of the wear. Also, a common Chariot—a pair of capital Carriage Horses, well matched and formed, active and sufficiently p. w. full; they are well worth the attention of private gentlemen, or those engaged in running public carriages. Terms—for the furniture, 6 months' credit for all sums of and over 50 dollars, a 5 per cent discount on every cash sale for 50 dollars or under. For the carriages and horses, 9 and 12 months' credit notes with approved security. D. M. CANCEZIE & Co. Petersburg, June 9, 1806.

JUST RECEIVED for or Sale by the Subscribers, an extensive assortment of  GROCERIES, AMONG WHICH ARE THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES.    Muscovado Sugar, as sorted  FF and F Gun Powder    W. India Coffee  Thomas Leiper's Snuff    Antigua and Jamaica Rum  Maccouba do.    Country do.  Havana Segars    Cogniac & Peach Brandy  Salt Petre    Holland Gin  Brimestone, Madder & ground Ginger in small kegs    W. India and Sugar House Molasses  Log Wood    L. P. Madeira Wine  Turkey Cotton    Port, Sherry and Madeira do.  New York Candles & Soap    Hebert's Brown Stout  Spermaceti Candles    Martineque and Bordeaux Cordials.  Oil    Basket Salt  Patent Lamps    Do. in Sacks & Loose  Dutch Cases with plain and gilt bottles    Bullock's Cheese  Castings, assorted    Caldwell, Fraser & Co. Sup. Chocolate  Earthen and Stone Ware    Rice  Writing & Wrapping Paper    Nutmegs, Pepper, Ginger and Pimento  Henry VIII & Merry Andrew Cards    Mace and Cloves  China Plates    Oil, Olives and Capers  Do. Bowles, different sizes    Gun Powder, Young Hyson & Souchong Tea  Do. Tea & Coffee Cups and Saucers    Camister Containing 1 1-2 and 3 lbs. Gun Powder  Plain and Cut, quart, pint & half pint Decanters    Pickled Salmon  Pint half pint and gill Tumblers.    Cut Herring and Shad     Patent Shot, assorted     A regular supply of LOAF SUGAR by the hogshead and barrel at the Philadelphia price.  Fisher & Lesieur. (tf) May 20, 1806.
STRAYED or STOLEN from Goochland Courthouse, on the 22d of April last, a handsome BLACK HORSE , with saddle and bridle on him—he is well formed, paces, trots and canters well, five feet high, supposed to be seven years old this spring, has a large wart on his left ear close to his head, a star in his forehead, a snip on his nose, has been nick'd and dock'd, and all of his feet white.—Any person who will deliver the said horse, saddle and bridle to me, shall be handsomely rewarded.  WILLIAM PULLIAM. Hanover, May 26, 1806. (4t)
W. WARDLAW Is receiving a large supply of MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, FAMILY MEDICINE, CHESTS, &c. by the Press, from London. Richmond, May 6, 1806. (tf)
Advertisement. IN consequence of a resolution of the General Assembly, passed at their late session, I am instructed by the Executive to make enquiry respecting the situation of all Ordnance and Military Stores, belonging to the state (not including those in the service of the United States or of this State) and make report thereof to the Governor. In obedience to this instruction, and as the most probable mean of effecting the object contemplated by the Executive, I have thought proper thus publicly to request of such of the citizens of the commonwealth as may have any knowledge of the situation, number, quality and size or weight of any cannon or other ordnance, and muskets; cannon balls, shells or other military stores, supposed to belong to the state, and not in immediate use, to communicate a particular report thereof to me as soon as convenient.  SAMUEL COLEMAN, Clerk to the Executive. Richmond, Feb. 7, 1806. (tt)
TO BE RENTED, THE TENEMENT where I now reside, and possession given in June. April 9th, 1806. J. PENN.
THE subscriber is particularly requested by Messrs. Abbotts & Sheppard, (successors to Isaac W. Morris of Philadelphia, in the Brewing Business) to make known to the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that they mean to keep him supplied from time to time, with sufficient quantities of PORTER AND BEER from their Brewery, to answer the consumption of Richmond and the country trading therewith. The subscriber can say with confidence that judging from the sample heretofore received, that both the Porter and Beer is of superior quality, & will be sold as low as it can be had in Philadelphia. Orders from the country will be properly attended to.  DANIEL TRIPLETT. April 17th, 1806. (8w)
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, A PAMPHLET, Containing Sketches of the HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND—And an account of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Emperor of France, from his birth to the battle of Austerlitz—price 3s. April 28, 1806. (tf)
A. HEWES & Co. HAVE received a small quantity of very superior quality CHEESE ; whole and cut HERRINGS ; Alexandria BEER , of good quality; Rhode Island LIME ; N. E. UM ;—which with a general assortment of Groceries, they offer for Sale, either for cash, negotiable paper, or exchange for country produce. Richmond, 20th May, 1806. (tf)
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the Common Council of the city of Richmond, will, at its ensuing meeting, to be held on the third Monday in next month, proceed to appoint a fit, discreet and proper person, capable of performing the duties of CAPTAIN of the NIGHT WATCH of the said city, to supply the vacancy which will be occasioned by the intended resignation of Mr. Alexander Blackwood. (By order of the Hall)  GEO: CHISMAN, CLK. May 24, 1806. (5m)
WANTED as House-Keeper, in a large family, an elderly Lady, who can come well recommended. Liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the printer. Nov. 6, 1805. (tf)
NOTICE. THE copartnership of Samuel Shelton & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent; those who have claims against said concern, will apply to Samuel Shelton, for their adjustment; and all those indebted to said concern, are earnestly requested to make immediate payment to him, or those he may authorise to receive the same, as no farther indulgence can be given. Saml. Shelton. John Staples. Jas. Walker, adm. for William Walker, dec. Warren, May 1, 1806. (2m)
Geo. Watt HAS removed from the store he formerly occupied to a brick house on the cross street leading from the main street to Shockoe warehouse, where he has on hand and offers to dispose of on moderate terms, by wholesale, The following Articles, viz: Loaf and Muscovado Sugars, N. England, W. Island, and Antigua Rum, Cogniac, Barcelona and Apple Brandy, Sherry and Malaga Wine, Coffee of a superior quality, Molasses, Ginger and Fig Blue, Young Hyson and Imperial Tea, 400 Sacks Liverpool Salt, Patent Shot, assorted sizes—And the remainder of his Stock of Dry Goods, consisting principally of articles suited to the present and approaching season, which he will either sell on a credit of 3, 6 and 9 months, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorsers, or barter for Tobacco, Flour or Hemp. Cash given for Tobacco. Richmond, 22d Mch, 1805.
FOR SALE, THAT well known and very valuable farm belonging to the estate of Samuel Couch, dec. lying on James River, near Goochland court house, containing about 900 Acres of LAND, about half of which is well timbered wood land; about 200 acres of River Low Grounds and from 50 to 100 acres of valuable Creek Bottom. The cleared land is well enclosed and improved, with convenient dwelling and out houses in good repair, with a commodious Store, a valuable Mill, and a choice collection of about 1,500 bearing fruit trees. The terms of sale may be known on application to Daniel Couch on the premises (who will show the land to any person inclined to purchase) or to Micajah Crew in Hanover. The above tract of land contains improvements and accommodations for two families, and if more agreeable to the purchasers, they may be divided and sold separately.  MICAJAH CREW,  ANN COUCH, Ex'or. & Ex'ix. of S. Couch BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA.
A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, by the Keeper of the Penitentiary, that two of the prisoners therein confined, to wit: JOHN TRAMBLE and ISAAC HARRIS , have made their escape from the Penitentiary; I have, therefore, thought fit, with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this Proclamation, hereby offering a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS for the apprehension of each, or either of the said prisoners and for their delivery at the Penitentiary; and I do, moreover, enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the Penitentiary the said John Tramble and Isaac Harris. Given under my hand, with the Seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 3d day of February, 1806. (Signed)  Wm. H. CABELL.
John Tramble was convicted of Horse Stealing before the District Court of Washington, in the spring of 1805, and sentenced to five years and five months confinement. He was born in Maryland; is 5 feet 7 1-2 inches high; 25 years old; fair complexion; light hair; grey eyes; has a niche in his left ear; scars in his forehead, and is a shoemaker by trade. Isaac Harris was convicted of larceny before the District Court of Monongalia in the spring of 1805, and sentenced to two years confinement. He was born in the county of Wood, in this state, is five feet nine inches high, 18 years old, swarthy complexion, dark hair and hazel eyes.
WANTED. An active industrious WOMAN , of good character, accustomed to house work and to nurse young children. Such a one will either be hired for the present year or purchased at a liberal price. Apply to the printer hereof. May 20, 1806. (tf)
MARSHAL'S SALES. TO be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,450 dollars 94 cents, due and payable on the 1st January, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt, called FORT-LEWIS, Stated by the said Ross to contain 2608 acres. The sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Ross, the sale last advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement. The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be put off, the earliest public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble.  BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. (tda) May 26, 1806.
WHEAT FANS, FOR SALE, BY C. & T. SAUNDERS, Near the Basin of the Canal. May 23, 1806. (tf)
Manchester Turnpike Company.  AT a meeting of a board of directors, on the 16th May, 1806, Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay into the hands of the treasurer, the further sum of four dollars on each share, on or before the 14th of June next. Resolved, That the clerk be instructed to call a meeting of Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes. James Brander, Clk. May 12th, 1806. (tm)
Lownes & Peirce, OPPOSITE the Bell Tavern and corner of the street leading to the river, have just received a large quantity of the first quality BACON, from Isle of Wight, cur'd by Robert and Richard Ricks.—Also, on hand, a general assortment of GROCERIES. A constant supply of the above articles will be kept and sold on the lowest terms. May 30, 1806. (tf)
"Discoveries of Lewis and his Party, in Louisiana." A few copies of the above interesting work, just received, and for SALE , at the Post Office, Williamsburg, and at this office. May 15, 1806.
SALES AT AUCTION.  ON Saturday the 7th inst. will be sold, at the Vendue-Office of the subscribers, 1 Bale Superfine Cloths, marked N. M'C. 1 Cask Scythe Blades, 1 Case Hats, 1 Do. All damaged on board the ship Arrabella, from Liverpool, James Little, master; and sold for the benefit of the underwriters.  PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. Richmond, June 21, 1806.
NOTICE.  THE Subscriber, returns his thanks to the citizens of Richmond and his country customers, for the liberal encouragement he has received since his commencement of business. He resides nearly opposite to Jacob Johnson's Book Store, and from his strict attention and punctuality, hopes to merit farther favors. He will have constantly on hand superfine Cloths, Cashmeres, and every other article suitable for the summer and winter season.  John Andrew, Merchant Tailor. N. B. Two or three journeyman wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. Richmond, June 2d, 1806. (3w)
JUST PUBLISHED. And for sale, by Thos. Nicholson, near the capitol, THE THIRD VOLUME OF CALL'S REPORTS. Richmond, June 3, 1806.
Valuable Family Medicines. Just received direct from the Patentees, and for SALE WHOLESALE AND RETAIL , by SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jr. Richmond, a large supply of the following very valuable Medicines, viz:  Dr. Cooley's Vegetable Elixir, or Cough Drops. Superior to any other medicine ever before invented, for all complaints of the Lungs , and has been known frequently to effect a cure after all other medicines have failed. It is to be hoped that all those who are labouring under Consumption and other diseases of the Lungs , will refer to this valuable medicine for relief.—Price 75 cents a bottle.  Dr. Rawson's Anti-Bilious and Stomachic Bitters, Which have proved so extremely serviceable for a few years past, in restoring weak and decayed constitutions of almost every description, and for removing all those complicated complaints so common in the spring season—For a common bitter to use in families, none can excel them for pleasantness. To show that these excellent bitters are held in high estimation by Physicians of eminence, we need only insert the following extract of a letter from Dr. John Wilcox a respectable Physician and post-master at the city of Vergennes.  VERGENNES, October 23d, 1804.
SIR, I have been one of those who never put much faith in patent medicine until of late, but must acknowledge from actual experience that I have received more benefit from Dr. Rawson's Bitters , than from all the medicine I ever before took; I have been very unwell with a flow remittant fever. I am, &c.  JOHN WILCOX, M. D.
Dr. Lee's (Windham) Bilious Pills, Which have proved so eminently useful for these 2 years past in all Bilious Complaints, Indigestion, Jaundice, Dropsies, Debility, Head Aches, Constipation, Female Complaints, &c. Their virtues are too well known to need comment in an advertisement.—Price 50 cents a box.  Dr. Thompson's Aromatic Tooth Paste, Which whitens and preserves the teeth, gives an agreeable smell to the breath, and cures the fever in the teeth and gums; it may be applied at all times without in the least injuring the teeth. The very great and extensive sale this medicine has met with, bespeaks its intrinsic worth.—Price 50 cents a box.  Dr. Rawson's Anti Bilious Pills, or Family Physic, A medicine which no family ought to be without, as those Pills are useful in every complaint where purges are necessary; they are certain to operate in a short time without occasioning the least pain or griping.—Price only 25 cents a box.  Dr. Rawson's Celebrated Worm Powders, The most proper medicine that can be given to children to destroy Worms, & to remove crudities of every kind from the first passages.—Price 50 cents a packet.  Dr. Rawson's (Genuine) Itch Ointment, The most certain and safe application for that disagreeable complaint called the Itch, of any now in use. It cures all kinds of eruptions on the face or skin, is very agreeable in smell, leaves the skin smooth & beautiful, it may be applied at all times with the greatest safety.—Price only 42 cents a box. Very particular directions accompany each of those valuable medicines.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.  STRAYED or STOLEN , from the Commons of the City of Richmond, on Sunday, 27th of last month, a large DARK GREY HORSE ; he had been lately trimmed, except his ears; was fresh shod all round; had a spot on his left thigh whiter than the rest of his color, and had on the left side of his back a small lump, which is not very perceptible unless it is closely examined. Whoever may deliver the said horse to me, at the Public Ware-House, shall receive the above reward.  THOMAS UNDERWOOD Jr. May 20. (wtt)
BREWERY FOR SALE.  THE subscriber will SELL , all his interest in that extensive BREWERY , which he now occupies, situate on the river Potomac, in the town of Alexandria, district of Columbia, of which 11 years of an unexpired lease from September, is to come. This Brewery is on a very extensive plan, having two copper boilers of 1200 and 500 gallons, with every working utensil complete—with malt house, kiln, mill, &c. To the capitalists, this concern offers many inducements, 1200 barrels beer having been brewed by the subscriber for some seasons back, and is capable of being considerably extended; a barrel of Beer can be sent to the city of Washington and George Town at a few cents expense. Proposals will be received to the 1st July, and every necessary information may be had by letters, post paid, by applying to  THOMAS CRUSE. Alexandria, 5th May, 1806. (w130)
Just received and for sale, at S. Pleasants' Book Store,  The Literary Magazine, For March, 1806.
The celebrated high blooded English Horse,  OSCAR, Full sixteen hands high, imported by me in 1804, after having been seen the year before, and satisfied myself as to his reputation, is now in fine health, full of vigor and muscular strength, and will be let to mares, the ensuing season, at my stables in Charles City county, Sandy Point, at Six Guineas the season, which may be discharged by the payment of Five Guineas, on or before the tenth day of August next; Three Guineas the leap, and Ten to insure a foal; a Dollar to the groom.—Pastures as extensive as any in the state and inferior to none for fine natural grass, especially the white clover, which abounds to a wonderful degree in the months of April, May, and June, as also after harvest, that succession of crab and other grass which so plentifully takes place here, will be afforded, with entertainment for servants, free from charge. No liability for involuntary escapes, nor will I be responsible for any injuries or accidents which may not be the result of wanton neglect or abuse, as I here give my word to the public, that no pains nor affluity shall be wanting on my parts, to render satisfaction without respect to persons, to every gentleman who thinks fit to send mares for the season.—This very extraordinary station calls me when landed in this state, greatly upwards of one thousand pounds, and without meaning to detract from the merits of any other, I can fairly venture to say, is the most perfect horse in Virginia; for the most critical observer has not yet been able to discover a single defect or blemish in him, either as to a sity, strength, or beauty. Nothing can excel him in the neck, ear and eye: So bold, gay, and full of fire is he, that he fascinates in spite of prejudice, every beholder, that instant he is brought into view.
I would endeavor to give a full description of him, for the satisfaction of those gentlemen who cannot conveniently visit me, but in the attempt I might do him injustice, and therefore I invite the most scrupulous examination of him, even by those who think themselves competent judges in this respect, and I do not fear the result. In short, it will not be deemed extravagant to say, he is, of his kind, the best of nature.  OSCAR is a dark brown, was got by Saltram , the best horse in his day, (who was the sire of Whiskey and many good racers)—his dam by Highflyer , granddam by Herod , great granddam (Miss Middleton) by Regulus , great granddam (Camilla) by a son of Bay Bolton . Bartlett's Children, Honeywood & Arabian, dam of the two True Blues."
In 1799, at New Market, at 3 years old he won a Handicap Sweepstakes of 15 guineas each, two year old course, beating Lord Clermont's b c by Dromedary , Mr. Howarth's b c Moufe , Mr. Adams's b c Cypress , Mr. Watson's b c Duplicity ; two to one on Oscar. At Lambourn he was 2d best, 4 mile heats, against Heart of Oak and others, running 3 heats. In 1799 he won the Oatlands Stakes of 50 guineas, half match (10 subscribers) beating Lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull , Mr. Heathcote's b c Warter , Mr. Standish's b c Stamford , Mr. Durand's Play or Pay , Mr. Cookson's b h Ambrofo , Lord Clermont's b h Almator , Lord G. Cavendish's b h Jupiter . The judges could only place the first five.
2d May, the same year, he won at Bracket Hall , 50l. for all ages, heats about one mile and a quarter, beating Sir Charles Bunbury's Combatant , 4 years old, Mr. Bowes's Sadler , 5 years old. In Oct. he won the Oatlands Stakes of 30 guineas each (13 subscribers) beating Mr. Tharpe's b c Chippendale , Mr. Williamson's b c By Buzzard , out of Rachel, Lord Clermont's Almator , Lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull , Mr. G. Bunbury's Wrangler , Mr. F. Pooles's b f Dragon , Mr. Howard's Spectator , Mr. Ludbrook's Humbug . The judge could only place the first three.
In 1800, at New Market April 14th, he won the Crown Stakes , of 100 guineas each, across the Flat, at 4 years old, carrying 8 1/2 lbs free for all ages, beating the Duke of Orléans's b c First Francis , Lord Clermont's b c Meteor , Mr. Cookson's b h Diamond , Mr. Coventry's b c Volsire , Mr. O'Kelley's Grey Pilot , Mr. Durand's Kensington , (late Princess) Mr. Dashiwood's Play or Pay & Mr. Standish's b c By Peter , out of Storage . The judge could only place the first five. Even beating, Oscar against the field.
In the same month and place, he won a subscription plate of 50l. beating Mr. G. Heathcote's ch f Georgiana , Mr. Hallet's Quiz , Mr. O'Kelley's Antonia , Lord Clermont's b c Vernon , Mr. Golding's b c By Balloon , Mr. Travis's Ballerina , Mr. Peers's Pizarro , and Lord Grosvenor's ch c By Buzzard . The judge could only place the first three, 7 to 4 on Oscar .
He was second best for the King's plate of 100 guineas for 4 years old, carrying 11 1/2 lbs running against Mr. F. Pooles's Worthy , by Pot8o's , and Mr. F. Standish's b h Stanford , 5 years old.
In Oct. New Market, he received forfeit of Mr. Heathcote's Warter , for 500 guineas, across the Flat, half forfeit. For these remarkable instances of speed and bottom, in so young a horse, I refer the reader to the Racing Calendar for 1798, 1799 and 1800.  WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT Sandy Point, Feb. 1806. (wtt)
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT N. B. The season will commence immediately
St. PAUL, A beautiful sorrel horse, 15 hands 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine action; will stand the ensuing season, at my plantation on James River, generally known by the name of Maiden's Adventure , about 3 miles above Fine-Greek mill, and 4 miles below Michaux's ferry, in Powhatan county, to cover mares at twenty-five dollars the season, which will commence the first of March, and expire the first of August.—Extraordinary good and extensive pasturage gratis, but no liability for accidents or escapes. Gentlemen wishing their mares fed, may be furnished with corn at the market price, for which cash must be sent with the mares; also, notes of hand for the due payment of the money for the season.
N. B. Twenty dollars, paid on or before the third Wednesday in November (being Powhatan court day) will be received as full compensation of the above, with half a do. to the groom. This beautiful horse, St. Paul , was raised by the Prince of Wales, and got by his horse Saltram , who was got by Eclipse that covered at 200 guineas the season—his dam Virago by Snap —his granddam by Regulus , out of a sister to Black and all-Black , and was thought to be the best runner of his time—he won several large stakes, among which was the Derby , 1783, beating Dungannon , Volunteer , Phenomenon , Gonzales , and several others—he was the sire of Whiskey , who at 3 years old won 4650 guineas, also of Whip , Royalist , Peeping Tom , General , Coiner , Sylvh , Septem , Caroline , Tiffany , Laurastina , St. David , Spighuly , Queen of Sheba , Spankaway , Rose , Sweeper , Cyrus , Coal Merchant , Pickpocket , Oscar , Ambrofo , Pretty Patty , and several others of the first rate runners. St. Paul's dam Purity was got by Matchem , who covered for several of the last years of his life at 50 guineas a mare—her dam the Old Squib mare, of as great fame perhaps, as a good breeder, as any mare in the kingdom—she was the dam of Virgin , Dido , Conundrum , Ranthos , Enigma , Miss Timms , Pumpkin , Maiden (who was dam of Walnut ) Le Sang , Russelas , Purity , and several others. Purity was the dam of Rockingham , Archibald , Fitzwilliam , St. Paul and several others.—Several certificates of St. Paul as a good and sure foal getter may be seen at his stand.  THOMAS HARRIS, Jr. Powhatan City, March 1st, 1806. (tf)
THE NOTED IMPORTED HORSE  WHIP, WILL stand at my stable, in Albemarle county, about 15 miles from Charlottesville, and 8 from Warren, during the ensuing season. He will be let to mares at Six Guineas the season, to be discharged by five, provided the money be paid by the 15th of September following. Three Guineas will be required by the leap, and nine to ensure a mare with foal—in either case, one dollar to the groom. Should any gentleman engage six mares, they will be accounted as five.  WHIP is a beautiful bay, twelve years old, of great size and strength, being 15 hands 3 inches and 3 quarters high; and as a foal getter, in movement and in action, is thought by the best judges to have been seldom, if ever equalled, by any horse in America. His pedigree and performances on the turf are inferior to no imported horse whatever. He was got by the noted horse Saltram , by O'Kelley's Eclipse , and his dam, King Herod , as may be seen in the general stud book and calendar, which are kept along with him for the inspection of such as may wish to satisfy themselves as to his abilities. There are four excellent, extensive and well-furnished clover lots, sufficient for the support of mares a winter feeding, should that be required, corn will be furnished at the market price. Gentlemen may assure themselves that they will meet with every accommodation, and that every care will be taken of their mares that lies in the power of the subscriber—he will not however be liable for any accident. The season will commence on the 20th of March, and expire the last day of July. Pasturage and boarding for boys gratis.  William Tompkins. Feb 25th, 1806. (w1stM&1st1st A)
Charlotte Court, 7th April, 1806. Thomas and Charles Morton, plaintiffs, Against William Walker, John Richardson, B. H. and Creed Taylor, defts.
The defendant Walker not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of July court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the Virginia Gazettes for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy—Teste,  Thomas Read, Clk.
W HEREAS I purchased of Jesse Miller, now of Cumberland county, a certain tract of land, lying on Randolph's creek , in Buckingham county, and gave three bonds for the balance due for the said land, each bond for £280 13s 4d—the first of said bonds due on the first day of March, 1807, the second due the first day of March, 1808, and the third due the first day of March, 1809. The said land did belong to Thomas Miller, of Powhatan county, who conveyed it by deed of trust to Edward Carrington, and afterwards sold it to said Jesse Miller, who conveyed it to me by deed, which deed was recorded in the county court of Buckingham. I am informed that Mrs. Thomas Miller will not relinquish her right of dower on said land, and that Mrs. Jesse Miller, who likewise has a right of dower on said land, has not yet relinquished it—I therefore forewarn all persons from trading for said bonds, as I will not pay any more money for said land, until all the abovementioned encumbrances are removed.  Samuel Woodfin. Powhatan City, June 2, 1806. [4w 3w]  Ten Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from the subscriber, about the 10th of May, a negro man by the name of NED , commonly called NED LANDRUM —he was raised by Mr. Matthew Farley, in the county of Powhatan, and sold out of his estate, so that Mr. Ball of Manchester became the owner of him; he has a numerous acquaintance in Manchester; about 29 or 30 years of age, has lost one of his fore teeth, which causes him to hiss, a likely, straight, well made fellow, about 6 feet high, very fond of dress and generally has his hair platted. Any person who will deliver him to me, or secure him in jail so that I get him, shall receive the above reward.  James B. Couch. Buckingham June 4, 1806. (3t)  Poolscap & Letter Paper For sale at this office.