The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-11-10 00:00:00

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SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 10, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
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FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
From a Liverpool paper of September 12.
RUSSIA AND FRANCE.
The paper, of which the following is a translation, has been universally circulated throughout all those parts of Germany which has not yet fallen under the yoke of France. On the Continent it has been considered as a kind of semi-official answer to the petulant observations which appeared in the Official paper of the French Government, under the head of "Constantinople." The reasoning, and the important facts which it embraces, have created a very great sensation among the northern powers.
"There is no reason why the formation of an army of 5 or 6,000 Russians, in the Republic of the Seven Islands, should give rise to much political conjecture. Such a measure is undoubtedly a very inferior part of that general system which Russia thinks it incumbent on her to follow at this moment. The attention of the political world should not be directed to an expedition of 6,000 men; it is the whole of the system that we are to look to."
"Twelve months are scarcely elapsed, since Alexander the First ordered that 111,000 men should be raised in his empire, and that levy has been so effectually executed, that they are, at this day, formed into regiments, and perfectly disciplined. This levy has increased the Russian military force to upwards of 400,000 foldiers, and 60,000 seamen. Add to these, 50,000 irregular troops, which are already embodied, and 20,000 more, which may be assembled in a short time, consisting of Kalmucks, Bashkiers, and the different hordes of Tartars, every man of whom, upon the promise of being allowed to plunder, would gladly enrol himself; with such a force at its command, can it be asked, if Russia have a right to the character the animates in an age when the power of the strongest is the only one that is respected?"
"It must be acknowledged, morally speaking, that it is to France that Russia is indebted for the brilliant situation which she now occupies and which cannot be denied to be of the very first order. The period from whence this commanding and prominent position was occupied by Russia, may be dated from the commencement of that system of tyranny and injustice, which France has established: a system of invasion, of rapine, and of oppression, which has been exercised wherever its power could reach; and above all, since it became apparent, that its ambitious views were directed to no less an object than the attainment of universal monarchy. Since that time, Russia has become the shield of the weak, and Alexander, seated on his throne has assumed the character of the protector and arbiter of empires. Can France compel her to lay aside this dignified character? Let her not deceive herself in imagining she can. Russia is not in the situation of an actor, who puts on the purple to play the part of a king, she is not an actor, who appears what she really is not; the attitude of the lion befits her because the position both his force and his dignity; she is a Colossal power, whose eyes have been unrelieved by the faults of others, and viewed in her true light, a Colossus of the most formidable description."
"Whether Russia will unite herself to Prussia or to Austria, whether she attaches herself to England, or stands alone, she must always be respectable, and among the first order of powers—respectable, as long as she shall follow a system of justice and disinterestedness, and that confident in her strength, she shall openly resist a plan of universal despotism, and lay open to the world the violation of rights the most sacred; that impious violation, which has been so well described in the strong but temperate note, which was presented at Rastadt."
"Russia, it must be admitted, can never be a considerable gainer by indulging a desire of conquest. She is extensive enough already; her boundaries are such, that she need not wish for any alteration in them; but she may be a gainer, and so may Europe, by the consequences of any war that the plain dealing and foresight of her sovereign may induce him to declare."
"Alexander is naturally of a mild and amiable disposition, but in whatever concerns the principles of justice he is decided almost to obliquity; and they know him but little, who imagine that the Note to the Diet of Rastadt, was suggested by Markow, and his adherents, invertebrate as their hatred is supposed to be."
"What is the great danger to which a war with France would expose the Russian empire? It does not follow that the Russian army is to march to Paris. No, nor can the French reach Petersburg, Moscow, or the Crimea, since they are not able to detach a single ship, the whole of their navy being blockaded and confined to their ports. As to battles and marches, brave as the French are, they are but men like others; they cannot exceed the limits which the laws of nature have placed to human efforts."
"Will it be said, that the commerce of Russia will be affected by a rupture with France? Certainly not; for with what articles does she supply that country? None directly. What does she import from thence? Articles of luxury, which are prohibited. It is true, she receives some wine from France; but with that article she is, at present, plentifully supplied? And even if she were not, she could do without it, as she did during the former rupture."
"Will it be asserted that France could do infinite mischief to Russia, by the troubles that her emigrations could excite in the interior of the country? Of all the errors in political calculation, this would be one of the greatest. The people of Russia are those which approach nearest to a state of nature, except the savages; and they are the only people in the universe who neither know how to read nor write, but still they are not Barbarians. They know no Government but their own, which they fear and respect. They honor their sovereign with the title of a God upon earth. They have no other civilization than the practical one which their forefathers thought it useful and necessary to introduce. Masons, carpenters, joiners, locksmiths, armourers, and artisans of all sorts, and all excellent in their kind, are to be found in Russia in abundance, and still they know not how to read or write. The strangers who reside in Russia are regarded by the natives as a parcel of leeches who absorb their wealth. After this description, let the emigrants and initiators of France attempt to excite divisions in that country, and they will find that the Government, with a single blast, can eradicate them."
"It is certainly true that the population of Russia, compared with its extent, is rather small; but, this, however, admits of some explanation. In the first place, the population is not equally distributed through the empire; and again, there are parts of Russia which are absolutely uninhabitable. Besides, where is the necessity of augmenting the population of the country? It is the duty of a sovereign to make his people happy, but it is not so clear that it is his duty to increase the number of them. In a moral point of view, war is assuredly a very great calamity, but in a political consideration, it is sometimes a necessary evil, and much good results from it."
"The Russian force at this moment paid and provided, and actually under arms, is even more than sufficient to encourage their sovereign to declare war. It is said that the military strength of this country is embattled on the Persian and Tartarian frontiers; quite the contrary. On their whole line between the Caspian and the sea of Ochotsk, there are only seven or eight thousand men, and there is no necessity for a man more, if we look to the situation of the country, the number of forts, the immense deserts, and the disposition of contiguous countries. In time of peace, between the Caspian and the Black Sea, there may be about twelve or thirteen thousand men; but at present there are from twenty to twenty-five thousand on account of the peculiar circumstances of the hostility which is carried on in that vicinity. There are moreover, twenty-five or thirty thousand troops on the frontiers of Sweden; and notwithstanding all those deductions, there are still three hundred thousand well disciplined and hardy troops between the Black Sea and the Baltic. One hundred thousand of such gallant and hardy men, if once landed in Italy, would not be so easily conquered as some of the French politicians are pleased to suppose. Let them only bring to their recollection the gallant achievements of a handful of Russians, who, in the last war, in one campaign, drove all Italy and Lombardy before them, and they will find that the most renowned French generals were defeated one after the other, and that, even at Zurich, Russia gained admiration, notwithstanding the faults of her Chiefs, and the backwardness of her allies."
"All this serves to prove, that a declaration of war, on the part of Russia, against France, would be sufficiently formidable to encourage the German empire, now crushed by the latter power to occupy the troops of France and by that means to afford an opportunity to Italy, to Switzerland, to Spain, to Portugal, to Holland, and to Hanover, to shake off the Gallic yoke. As to the project of invading England, it is an absolute chimera, a castle in the air, which can never be successfully; and even were it so, it must prove destructive to the rest of the world. England is at this moment at the highest point of elevation, she can never decline if she continue where she is, for higher she cannot go. But how can England, who only exists by her industry and trade, preserve her present situation, unless by upholding the balance of the world? It is then the obvious interest of Russia to assist England, who by its system, should be friendly to all nations; and to repress France, the selfish principles of whose Government are inimical to the greatest powers of Europe, and oppressive to the smaller."
LATEST FROM FRANCE. The ship Golden Age, has arrived at this port since our last, from Bourdeaux, and brings information as late as September 16, at which time the building of gun boats had ceased, the French troops were encamped near the sea shore, and every appearance indicated a speedy embarkation to meet the hostile forces of Britain.
Opinions essentially differ in France relative to the real intentions of the emperor Bonaparte: But certain it is that while the British government are endeavouring to stigmatize their powerful rival as insignificant in resources, and pusillanimous in the great pending enterprise; they are fully sensible of the fatal reverse; and while they are "gulling" their oppressed and degraded subjects by tales of poison and assassination, which they represent as being purified by fiends under the agency of Bonaparte to overthrow the virtuous and happy governments of Monarchy, they are straining every nerve to dispel the clouds, which thick and heavy, are suspended over their political hemisphere, threatening the most powerful convulsions.
Boss. Democrat Oct. 27. The ship Golden Age, capt. Nye, which arrived at Boston on Thursday last, in 39 days from Bourdeaux, brings information later than we have received, [to Sept. 16.] In a conversation with a very intelligent gentleman, who has spent above a year in France we have obtained the following particulars.
The French government has now suspended the further construction of gun-boats; their squadrons are at the several ports for which they are destined; the troops are encamped within a few miles of the respective places, appointed for embarkation, and every appearance indicates a complete preparation for the long rumoured invasion of Great Britain and Ireland.
This gentleman is, however, decidedly of opinion that no such event will take place, and in this opinion, he has been confirmed for a year past. The people still confide in the reality of the expedition, but he found the most intelligent among the officers, both of the army and navy, were of a different sentiment.
There exists a strong jealousy of the Swedish, and Danish and Prussian governments. The merchants, appeared to be suspicious of a rupture with these powers, that about the time the Golden Age failed, they had refused wines to Swedish freighters, though part of the cargo was on board, and left them to land what was already shipped and depart, or wait their pleasure. Of the disposition of Russia little was said.
Our informant was at Bordeaux, when the question of Bonaparte's elevation to the Imperial dignity, was before the public. An assembly of the citizens was called—a proportion convened, and when they were invited to take a certain measure, not one moved. Another attempt was made the succeeding day. When after a long harangue by an officer of government, a paper was produced, and such as chose, gave their signature of approbation. This was immediately hurried off to Paris, as the unanimous approbation of the city of Bordeaux. Little is now publicly said of the political fate of the country, but the deluded people are generally of opinion that they are citizens of a Republic, and that the freest in the world!
(Repertory.)
LONDON, Sept. 10.
A private letter from the Gottenburgh mail, throws some light upon the French intrigues at Constantinople, and states the following particulars:—Immediately after the occupation of the kingdom of Naples by the troops of Bonaparte, the Emperor of Russia determined to send a sufficient number of ships and soldiers to defend Sicily, the Morea, and the seven Islands, against the attempts and plots of France. By treaties with the Sublime Porte, a free passage through the Dardanelles is secured to Russia, while at peace with the Turkish Empire. Last February, however, immediately after the arrival of the first Russian convoy with four frigates, general Brune presented a strong note to the Divan, protesting against a passage of any more Russian troops or men of war from the Black Sea, for the Mediterranean. He was supported in this request by the Spanish and Batavian ministers. This note, or rather an extract from it, was presented to count Italinski, the Russian ambassador, who sent off to his court for instructions; but insisted for the observance of the treaties in this particular, until he should receive an answer. In the mean time, another Russian convoy passed, unopposed, for the Seven Islands. Brune then tried, by his emissaries, to work upon the national prejudices of the Turks against the Russians, and the people of Constantinople began to murmur at the distinguished reception given to the Russian general, baron Sprengporten, and several Russian officers of rank, by the members of the divan.
The intrigues did not however stop here. Russian subjects were insulted, attacked, and some even murdered, by a Turkish mob, headed and instigated by persons known to be partisans of France, and in the pay of Brune; and though some of them were punished for their crimes, the most guilty took shelter in the hotel of the French minister, who sheltered their secret escape from the Turkish capital. In the mean time the crews of the Russian men of war, and the troops on board the transports, were refused that indulgence. In this interval, count Italinski, received new instructions from St. Petersburg, and had an audience of the grand Vizier, at which he demanded whether any obstacles were to be expected by the ships of his nation in their passage through the Dardanelles, and insisted upon an explicit answer. Upon this subject he received the following official declaration: "That as the emperor of Russia should be at peace with all the powers of Europe, the passage should remain open to him, but, in case he should be engaged in war with any of these powers, then the fulmine port, in conformity with that system of neutrality which it was determined to preserve, could not any longer permit Russian men of war to pass the Dardanelles, either from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, or from the Mediterranean, to the Black Sea." It is said, that this declaration has satisfied neither the Russian nor French ambassador.
STRENGTH OF FRANCE.
Extracts from a late publication on the Strength, projects, &c. of France and Russia.
As to the military force of France it appears to be equal to the military force of the rest of Europe, Russia excepted; "the peace of Nimwegen made the dominions of Louis XIV. the most compact & populous kingdom in Europe; that of Utrecht extended them to Spain and the Indies, and a natural consequence was the consolidation of the military preponderance of that monarchy. The present situation of Holland, Germany, and Italy, was then foreseen, and the rising of Great Britain itself was predicted." It is fearfully and ingeniously remarked, that the former was the "preliminary" to the subjection of Europe, and the latter the "definitive treaty": the one put France in an offensive position, the other destroyed the defensive means of all her neighbours.
From a general review of the subject it appears, that
"The political advantages which the republic, in a military point of view, possesses, in preference to her neighbours, are,
"1. An immense, secure, annual revenue.
"2. We have already observed, that the European territory and industry of France, are capable of producing, without inconvenience to the public, 30,000,000. sterling to government.
"3. On, if we take fifteen per cent. as a medium assessment by cadaastre, of the property and income of the nation, it will give the said sum and upwards.
"4. From these thirty millions deduct about two millions, which the consulate is yet pleased to allow to the creditors of the state, and there will remain a clear and unincumbered revenue of 28,000,000. sterling. A sum equal to, if not exceeding the unincumbered part of the revenues of all the independent governments of Europe. Add to this, that, in all other European states, the public imports, as they are raised, amount to upwards of thirty per cent. upon the income of the taxable part of the community.
"5. The military organization of the republic.
"By the conscription laws, every male is liable to serve in the lowest military capacity; their is neither legal exemption nor privileged preference: and consequently, there is no subject
for jealousy in the army, nor for discontent in the community. In France upwards of six millions of men are able to carry arms; of these, 2 millions & a half are between 18 and 28. Any number of these young men may be armed and put in motion by a parole d'ordre; for both the legislation and sovereignty of the republic are in the staff of the army: the military is the only road to consideration and power. And such is now the reputation of that profession, that, to avoid the contempt of the public, it is necessary either to serve or to have served. These are advantages which no other government possesses.
"6. The frontiers and avant-ports of the republic.
In a defensive point of view, since the meridian of the Roman power to the present time, no state had ever its frontiers so judiciously covered as those of the French republic now are. The strength of the frontier lines of monarchical France has often been proved; the subjugation of Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, render those lines now, we may say, inaccessible. Those vast auxiliary lines, being acknowledged by the rest of stupified Europe as independent states, may either serve as neutral outworks, or will have to maintain French armies sufficient to oppose any force that can be brought against them. Considered as offensive, the strength of her frontiers, and the localities of her several dependents, must necessarily give to the armies of France a decided preponderance in Europe. From the Ems, up the Rhine to Bafil and Feldkirch; from thence by Verona and the Adriatic-sea to Calabria, the republic is covered with a chain of double and triple lines of natural barriers and military posts. Secure at home, her avant departments, open to her armies every part of the continent from the Morea to Pomerania; Bonaparte's legions may be at the gates of Vienna and Berlin, before the Austrian and Prussian cabinets have any suspicion of the Consul's hostile intentions. Lord Paramount of Naples, the cession of Malta, and all other military and naval stations in the Mediterranean, by Great Britain, puts the Turkish government under the immediate direction of the consulate. With the command of Constantinople, or only enjoying the freedom of navigating the Dardanelles and Bosphorus of Thrace, the republic will check the operations even of Russia itself; and may make that mighty empire subservient to her future projects.
"We have already stated, that the fisheries and trade of the republic, in her present situation, will employ and maintain 120,000 able seamen; and by managing other powers with a pacific prudence, she may double the number of her sailors, and secure a dominion on the ocean, before any of her neighbours are aware of her design. Commanding the powers, the ports and arsenals of Spain, Italy & Turkey, France may very soon possess the absolute sovereignty of the Mediterranean; with the Rhine, she has the forests of Germany for the use of the dockyards; with Holland she acquires an extent of coast and a chain of sea ports, which may enable her to raise a numerous navy in a few years."
"The present state of France has ever been to reduce the power and political influence of Great Britain; with the same disposition she has now more power than she ever had. The annulment of the treaty of Amiens, indeed by which we retain possession of Malta, and the consequent superiority in the Mediterranean, has abridged the consulate power in that quarter since these sketches were written. If France, however is mistress of the fourth-west half of the continental Europe, Russia claims a similar dominion over the north and eastern parts."
"These two mighty empires are come in contact; Berlin, Vienna, Constantinople, can only be considered as their neutral ports, situate in their line of demarcation." The free, secure, and independent communication between the southern provinces of Russia and the Mediterranean is of too great importance to be abandoned; nor is the republic of France likely to cede the navigation which it has obtained of the Black Sea. If these two powers then do not go mutual shares in the trade and government of the Turkish empire, an event perhaps impossible, which of the parties is to give up its pretension?
"The cabinet of Petersburg must certainly know, that should the consulate be allowed to assume an ascendancy at Constantinople, or to intermediate in the affairs of Turkey, the fate of Moscow may again be disputed at Pultava! Will the present government of France retract and leave the fergaglio and St. Sophia to the defecation of Russians? In that case a Cossack and Highland army, seconded by a Russian and British fleet, might yet confine the Empire of Bonaparte to the government of his Gauls of the west. Or can the ambition of Russia and the avarice of France be satisfied with a partial partition of Turkey?
"Thus between these two governments matters seem to come to a crisis."
PARIS, September 3.
His excellency the minister of the interior has made known by his letter of the 23d of August, that his majesty the emperor has ordered him to take, without delay, the necessary measures to suspend the exportation of Grain, in all the departments where it was permitted by the imperial decree, of the 25th of Prairial last. In consequence, all exportation of grain and flour is forbidden without any exception or modification.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
Extract of a letter from Commodore PREBLE to the Secretary of the Navy, dated 14th June, 1804, on board the United States Frigate Constitution, off Tripoli.
"Yesterday I anchored off the Harbour and sent Mr. O'Brien on shore under a flag of Truce to endeavour to ransom our unfortunate countrymen, and if the Barbary should desire it, to establish peace. Mr. O'Brien did not succeed in his mission, he landed at noon and returned on board at 1-2 past 2 o'clock P. M. You will see by his instructions how far he was authorized to go for the ransom. I presume if the terms had been accepted that our government would have been satisfied, but they were refused, and we have no alternative but to oblige him to accept them or others more favorable for us."
Extract of a letter from Commodore Preble to the Secretary of the Navy, dated 5 July, 1804, on board the Constitution, Messina Harbour.
"We have taken on board here 700 bombshells, and powder in proportion, and the bomb-
shells being ready, we sail to-morrow morning. I hope my next letter will announce to you our success against Tripoli, the reformation of our unfortunate countrymen to the feasts of liberty, and our country an honorable peace."
Extract of a letter dated TUNIS, July 10.
"At length Naples has felt a spasm of energy; and its squadron for the first time made a visit to this port; but we cannot imagine the reasons which prevented the admiral's making himself master of the whole naval force of this Regency. On the 26th ultimo, one ship of the line, and three frigates entered the road of the Gouletta, shewing English colours; (most of the corsairs were ready for sea, and anchored at a considerable distance from the batteries) a frigate laid along side of the Tunisian frigate, and commenced the attack by a general discharge of musketry, shewing at the same time the Neapolitan flag; some of the Tunisians on board the frigate instantly cut her cables, while others endeavored to make their escape by swimming to the shore: the Tunisian frigate, drifted under the forts, receiving without any resistance, the full force of the enemy's great guns. She was completely equipped and ready for sea; nine of her crew were killed, about twenty wounded; and an equal number of prisoners made, which were taken up by the boats of the Neapolitans: She is considerably damaged in her hull, has two shot between wind and water, and her foremast, somewhat injured. There were no soldiers in the forts, except a few Moors who were not sufficient to man a dozen guns; they notwithstanding kept up a tolerable brisk fire for nearly two hours after the Neapolitans had ceased; and until they stood out of the roadstead—no damage was done to any of the other corsairs, and not one captured, except a small Galiota of Porto Farina."
BOSTON, October 25.
FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN. The brig Betty, captain Worth, arrived here yesterday, in 63 days from Naples, brought dispatches from commodore Preble, to government.
Our oral information by this arrival, is—that commodore Preble had added six gun boats, each carrying a 24 pounder, and two bombketches to his squadron; and was determined to bombard Tripoli, in hopes of obtaining the officers and crew of the Philadelphia frigate; that he was willing to give 100 dollars for each man, making no distinction between the officers and seamen; that the Tripolitans had 14 gun boats, and were erecting new forts for defending themselves; and that the commodore was of opinion, if he should succeed in bombarding Tripoli, it would tend to bring about a peace with the Tunisians.
This arrival also furnishes the following article:—
From "Messina, August 8, 1804." "Commodore Preble failed with his squadron from Malta, about the 7th ult. since which, I have not heard from him, before he intended going to Tripoli, to attempt to ransom our unfortunate men for visiting Tripoli."
The report circulating here for a few days past, respecting the departure of prince Bonaparte and his lady, and which we contributed to extend, turns out not to be correct, as the following article confirms their ship-wreck on board the Philadelphia.
"We are authorized to say, that the account lately given of Prince Jerome Bonaparte and his lady being shipwrecked in the snow Philadelphia, in the bay of Delaware, on their passage to Cadiz, is correct.—They embarked at Port Penn, and were landed, after being in imminent danger, at Pilot-town—They arrived this day (31st October) in Philadelphia, accompanied by Miss Spear, and Mr. Pichon."
(Pol. and Com. Register.)
NEW-YORK, November 2.
The following is an extract from the log-book of the brig Georgia Packet, arrived here last night from Cadiz: "It was reported that the Russians had declared war against France—that the Russian fleet had left the Baltic—that the French had put in requisition very large quantities of grain that was shipping for Spain in the several ports of Italy, expecting to have occasion for it in a short time themselves, as it was supposed that country would shortly be engaged in war."
Capt. Cornwall, of the brig Georgia Packet arrived yesterday from Cadiz informs, that Morocco is still at that place, and that the probability of his coming to this country does not appear so strong as former advice gave ground to believe. Opinions on this subject, he says, were various: one class entertaining the idea that he only waited the accomplishment of his lady, in order to bid a long adieu to Europe; whilst another did not hesitate to give it as their opinion that it was not the general's object to come to America, but that he intended to wait the development of the tragedy-comedy at present acting on the theatre of France, expecting that the time would ere long arrive when he might return in peace to his native soil. With this opinion we cannot coincide. General Moreau is too well acquainted with the character of the usurper, to think himself safe in a country where the tyrant's will is law—where he need only give the order, and the veteran falls.
The N. York Evening post, did last week make an effort to extenuate the indignation which prevails in the public mind against the piratical conduct of the British ships off the port of New-York, by pretending that the commander of one of the piratical ships was removed and the appointment of another of the name of Berezef in his room, who had in the years 1795 and 1796 been as guilty of similar insults and aggressions in Le Preuse, as Bradley in the Gambrion.
The idea of a removal or an exchange of one plunderer for another, we considered at the time, if it was meant for anything, to be an aggravation of the injury by insult. The English writer is perfectly correct, the British are accustomed to promote such officers of theirs, as have temerity enough to let all human decency, but that of the British supremacy on the ocean. When captain Home insulted the government of Rhode Island, general Washington complained to the British government, and capt. Home was removed—that is promoted to a 64 so gun ship. It is not at all improbable, that capt. Bradley's audacity and insult may be

our laws in the waters of New-York, may obtain a similar promontion , upon his removal to Europe.
From English policy any more than English ships of war, it is fruitless to expect anything like justice—we must do justice to ourselves, by a non-importation agreement, or by such heavy duties on their goods, as will make the British merchants who live by American commerce, our negotiators—and we trust congress will at the approaching session begin this good and necessary work.— [Aurora]
The British Frigate mentioned in our last as having arrived in the Roads, is La Revolutionnaire , of 40 guns, Captain Hotban . She left England Sept. 4, with a convoy for Madeira, from whence she proceeded to the Cape de Verds; from those islands her passage to our Capes was but sixteen days. Captain Beresford , appointed to supercede Captain Bradley in the command of the Cambrian , off New-York, came passenger in La Revolutionnaire . It is understood that the recall of this last mentioned officer, has been in consequence of the remonstrance of our executive, against his wanton abuse of our neutral privileges and sovereignty, during his cruise off New-York. We are pleased with this prompt attention on the part of the British cabinet, as it evinces a desire to preserve unbroken the friendship that exists between the two nations. But here we apprehend all redress of the injury will terminate. We cannot know what may have been the style of the executive, on this occasion. But should Mr. Jefferson, or any of his friends, expect that any further punishment awaits Captain Bradley , the expectation will turn out to be chimerical. It has not been the custom of the British government to disgrace their officers at the instance of any foreign nation. They may punish him as they punished Captain Loring . He may perhaps be degraded from the command of a 44 to the command of a 74. With this punishment Mr. Jefferson must rest contented; and Captain Bradley will have no cause to be dissatisfied, or to consider the American government his enemy.— [Norf. Gaz.]
In the ship Louisiana from New-Orleans, came passengers three French Commissioners charged with the presentment to Congress of the Louisiana Remonstrance. The fever at New-Orleans had abated. Gov. Claiborne was restored to health, but his lady and child had fallen victims to it.— [Amer. Cit.]
NEW-ORLEANS, Oct. 4. On Tuesday the 2nd instant his Excellency William C. C. Claiborne , Governor of the Territory of Orleans, took the oaths of office, which were administered in the Hall of the Municipality, by James Pitot, Esq. Mayor of this city, in presence of the officers civil and military, the clergy, and a large concourse of respectable citizens. Previous to taking the oaths, the Governor delivered the following address, which was read in French by Mr. Derbigny .
Fellow Citizens, The President of the United States having been pleased to appoint me Governor of that part of Louisiana, which is constituted "The Territory of Orleans," I have attended in this Hall, Fellow-Citizens, to take in your presence the Oaths of Office required by Law. In this additional and distinguished proof of confidence from the Chief Magistrate of our common country, I find the strongest inducements to merit, by my conduct, a continuance of his approbation; to deserve yours also, fellow-citizens, is my sincere desire, and shall be the fondest object of my cares.
All the felicity which a recent domestic calamity has left for me to seek or enjoy, is in contributing to the happiness of those over whom I am called to preside. The importance of the trust committed, and the high responsibility attached thereto, are forcibly impressed upon my mind, and have excited the most anxious solicitude. On entering however on my arduous duties, I anticipate with pleasure the powerful aid which I shall receive from the judicial and legislative authorities, and the kind indulgence and support which a generous people always extend to the honest efforts of a public officer. Past events, fellow-citizens, guarantee the fulfilment of these expectations. In the course of my late administration, which from a variety of circumstances was accompanied with particular difficulties, I received from the officers, civil and military, a zealous and able co-operation in all measures for the public good, and from the people in general an indulgence and support which encouraged harmony, and insured the supremacy of the law.
I am now ready to take and subscribe the oaths of office required: And I pray Almighty God to visit with his favor the Magistrates and Legislators of this Territory; to enable them to preserve to her citizens and their posterity, the blessings of Peace, Liberty, Laws; and thus to soften those evils which a wise providence has annexed, in this world, to the condition of man.
WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE. New-Orleans, Oct. 2nd, 1804.
* On the 28th ult. death deprived the governor of his wife and only child. The affecting manner in which this calamity was introduced drew tears from many of the audience.
Tuesday the 2d October, we understand, was the day set apart by the Government of Haiti for swearing allegiance to the Emperor Dessalines .— [N. Y. Merc. Adv.]
During the last week, there arrived in the harbour of Boston 23 ships, 18 brigs and 12 schooners, from foreign ports with very valuable cargoes. The amount of property imported in these vessels cannot be exactly ascertained, but is presumed to be from five to six millions of dollars.— [Id.]
The Nassau (N. P.) gazette of October 5, contains a proclamation by his excellency Charles Cameron , governor of the Bahamas, declaring the islands called Turk's Islands a part of the Bahama Islands, and subject to the same authority.— [N. Y. Daily Adv.]
The Grand Jury of Bergen county in the State of New-Jersey, have found a bill of indictment for murder against Aaron Burr , for killing General Hamilton , in July, in said county.— [Am. Cit. N. Y.]
Edmund Gaffis, Esq. , formerly a member of the Virginia Convention, for ratifying the Federal Constitution, is to succeed Hore B. Trist, Esq. deceased, in the Colonelship of the Port of N. Orleans.— [Amer. Cit.]
HIGHLY HONORABLE. We observed, with regret, that the republicans in one of the districts in Massachusetts had also brought forward two candidates for elector of President and Vice President, when only one could be elected. It however gives us pleasure to find that one of the candidates ( General Hull ) has been actuated by a sense of reverence and re-
gard for PRINCIPLE and accordingly has declined. In the notice he requests there may be "no division of the republican vote on his account." We would ask whether it was not more honorable for him to decline being considered a candidate, than it would have been to have pertinaciously persisted, in being considered a candidate to the sacrifice of the republican interest.— [Balt. Amer.]
The French frigate weighed anchor yesterday about 1 o'clock, P. M. and set sail, under a press of canvas, up the East river. At the moment they failed, a fine breeze blew from the South, and the tide was about 4-aths ebb, so that they would pass Heligate at low water, the best period of the tide for passing this well known strait. Considering the direction of the wind and current, they must have made very considerable progress in the course of the night. Immediately upon their failing, intelligence of the event would no doubt be dispatched to the British vessels at the Hook, on whose part no time would be lost in proceeding to intercept the enemy. That the Frenchmen intend to attempt making their escape through the Sound is, we think, by no means probable. We consider this movement of Moniteur as a feint, and that his object is to tempt Mr. Bull to leave his station at the Hook, and by "peeping and dodging" for some time in this interior channel, to exhaust the enemy, and eventually elude his vigilance. It would be unreasonable to suppose that the Frenchmen, considering their inferiority of force, not to say of prowess, are disposed to risk an encounter—should an event so improbable occur, there is no doubt that the British tars, (to use the language of old England) will give a good account of them.
N. York paper, Nov. 3.
FROM A CORRESPONDENT. The inhabitants of upper Louisiana elected delegates from the several towns about the 20th of August last, who, in the beginning of September, met at St. Louis for the purpose of framing a remonstrance against the act making a temporary provision for the government of Louisiana, and appointed two agents to carry their remonstrance to congress. Their deliberations were conducted with great moderation, and the remonstrance, at the same time that it is manly and decisive, is entirely respectful. Mr. Elizius Fromentin , one of the agents, is expected in this place every day, on his way to Washington. From his great talents, integrity and erudition, we may be well assured that the rights of Upper Louisiana will be supported with moderation, firmness and ability. We are not informed of the name of the other agent, but we are assured he is a highly respectable and sensible man.— [Balt. Fed. Gaz.]
During the first three months of the present year, as appears from the custom-house books, 22788 barrels and 2109 half barrels flour, 226 barrels middlings, 1076 do. rye flour, 740 bds. and 4841 barrels of indian corn meal, were exported from the port of Philadelphia; and, during the three succeeding months, 41076 bds. and 3622 half barrels flour, 111 bds. middlings, 22 do. rye flour, 2175 bds. and 5105 bds. indian corn meal.
The following gentlemen are chosen Members of the next Congress, from Connecticut:—John Davenport , Samuel W. Dana , Calvin Goddard , Roger Griswold , Jonathan Ogden Mosely, John C. Smith , and Benjamin Talmadge —all federal.
By the ship Good Friends , capt. Thompson , arrived at Philadelphia from the Isle of France, we learn, that in the last twelve months, ending the 1st of July last, 90 American vessels had arrived there, and that 50 of them were within the last six months; that provision was very low and wine no better; that produce was very scarce and high, so that several vessels had gone to other markets and others were waiting in expectation of a change.— [N. Y. Morn. Chron.]
Yesterday fe'night the Legislature of New-Jersey assembled at the state house in Trenton. The Legislative Council re-elected Mr. Lambert , Vice President, and General Bentley , Secretary; and the House of Assembly Mr. Coz , of Monmouth, Speaker, and James Jefferson Wilson, Clerk.
BLOOMFIELD was re-elected Governor. Mr. Isaac Briggs was at Franklin Court house, a few days past, on his way to New-Orleans, taking the Latitude and Longitude of various places, in order to ascertain the most direct route from the city of Washington, to the city of New-Orleans; by observation, he found Franklin court house to be in Latitude n. 34. 10. and Clarkborough to be n. 35. 53. From the latter place he passed on to the Indian Nation.— [Augusta Herald.]
STATE OF DELAWARE. A gentleman of intelligence informs, that Mr. Wells , having removed from Delaware into the northern parts of the State of New-York, has resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States, and that the appointment of James A. Bayard , Esq. as his successor, to take his seat the present session, is in contemplation.— [N. Y. pap.]
Extract of a letter from Paris, dated July 1, to a Commercial house in Charlestown.
"GENTLEMEN, "This is to inform you that your claims for the Capt. _____, has been lately certified by the American board, as embraced by the last convention between the United States and France, and payable accordingly. I hope that in a few weeks I shall be able to inform you of the sum awarded, in your favor, by the French Bureau; and the bills which I may receive for your account will be remitted to you, or to your order, at Washington.—In the mean time I remain with esteem, Gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
FULWAR SKIPWITH."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Natchitoches, to his friend in this City, dated Sept. 22, 1804.
"By the arrival of two men from the river Sabine, we are informed, that the Spaniards are doing all in their power to set the Indians on our backs. They have invited all the different tribes to a treaty near Nagadoches for the express purpose, it is said, of driving them into a war with us. The treaty is to be held the first of October."
Natchitoches paper Oct. 12.
Doctor Priestley's death having occasioned a vacancy in the National Institute of France, M. Klaproth , of Berlin, has been elected a member.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to his friend in Boston, dated London, Sept. 5, 1804.
"I annex an extract of a letter to C. S. which it may be well to communicate to those it may concern."
"You all ought by this time to be well acquainted with your duty as Neutrals. You forget that Belligerents have some rights. In a war between such nations as the British and French, many cases of great hardship, in which there is no remedy, will occur. Neutrals must remember that they in their turn will become Belligerents."
Extract of a letter to Mr. C. S. S. S. "The Shepherds , Miller , both vessel and cargo being condemned, for a breach of the blockade of Havre , I beg to observe as you may be under some apprehensions of a blockade of the Dutch ports, and as Mr. Miller , unadvisedly cleared his vessel for Emden with an intention of going to Havre , or one of the neighbouring Ports, that, until you have official notice of the blockade of the Dutch ports, you should clear out for the Dutch port you wish to enter. And when you receive such notice you must not instruct your master to go to, and enquire of the British Cruisers off the Blockaded port, whether it exists or not, but make the inquiry in a British port. After notice is given you must not clear out for a blockaded port."
"The Court considered Capt. Miller's destination to Emden as colourable, and a fraud; it certainly deceived our Cruisers in the Channel who on being informed that his destination was Emden suffered him to proceed. Had he been cleared for Scamper or Dieppe , had the Master steered for one of those ports only, he would not have been detained. Indeed all would have been well, notwithstanding the false destination, had not the captain after being fairly warned of the blockade of Havre , madly persisted in the attempt to enter that port."
"It appears by the letters and Bills lading that Messrs. _____ and _____, had some knowledge of the colourable destination and their property on board was also condemned. On freighted goods by other ships it is therefore necessary to enquire whether the owner of the ship has given any instructions to the master that may involve your property by his unnatural conduct."
"It is not probable that the Dutch ports will be blockaded."
VERMONT LEGISLATURE.
The general assembly convened at Rutland, October 11th, 1804, and in the afternoon the governor waited on the House, and delivered the following
S P E E C H:
Gentlemen of the Council, and of the House of Representatives, When the legislative representatives of a free people assemble to deliberate upon the means of advancing and securing the welfare of the state, many and important are the subjects before them; very extensive will be the influence of their decisions. To present to your view such objects as demand your attention, is a part of the constitutional duty of the executive.
In addition to the ordinary business that may come before you, and that which has been referred to the session, it may be expedient to enquire into the situation of the northern line of this state: some of the inhabitants residing on this line, are apprehensive that the boundaries of their lands are not clearly defined, & that it is not distinctly known where the line runs, which separates the northern part of this state, from the province of Canada.
I find that much pains were taken in the year 1761, by the then provinces of New-York and Canada, to ascertain, by astronomical observations, the latitude of 45 degrees, and to fix a monument with accuracy, at a place where the line crosses Lake Champlain ; from thence a line was afterwards run by a Mr. Collins , to Connecticut river, but with what accuracy, has never been ascertained. If it was not properly run, and designated by the erection of durable monuments, considerable may, that will affect not only the property of individuals, but the boundaries of this, and of the United States. The serious difficulties which other states have experienced in fixing their boundary lines, admonish us by an early attention to this subject, to guard against complaints of a similar nature.
A vigilant attention to the fiscal concerns of this state, is an essential part of your duty, and is consistent with that economy which the principles of our republican government strictly enjoin and require. It is believed that the state of our treasury is not sufficient to satisfy the demands of government: it cannot be consistent with sound policy, that a public debt should be accumulating in a time of peace and prosperity.
The amount of our annual expenses, and the expenses of the several departments in which they are incurred, should be clearly ascertained and defined, that those on whom the burden of payment falls, may judge of the propriety and expediency of public expenditures. Should the public debt be found increasing, it will be necessary to provide for its reduction by the most economical mode of transacting the public business, and of raising and of expending the public money.
The time is not far distant, in which a choice must be made of the electors in this state, of President and Vice-President of the United States. By the law now in force, a choice must be made by the members of the legislature, you will judge whether it is best to continue this mode of choosing the electors, or refer it to the great body of the Freemen, in districts, or through the state at large. Both modes are in practice among the several states of the union, and both consistent with the federal constitution.
The governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has transmitted to me certain resolutions of their legislature proposing an amendment of an article in the federal constitution, respecting the principles of representation, aiming to confine it to the votes of the freemen and not to depend on the number of slaves, in any part of the federal territory. These resolutions will be laid before you. That the federal compact should be approached with caution, and that there should exist an equality of political rights among the several states, in the national representation, are truths of which you can never lose sight. Therefore consideration before you are prepared to say, that the number of slaves in the United States, and those that are daily imported, ought to increase the influence or power of their masters in making laws to bind the freemen of a state, in which the principles of liberty are so complete and entire, as not to admit slavery to exist within its limits.
The flourishing and happy state of our country, which has been witnessed in years past, cannot but endure to us the republican principles and maxims on which its government is founded. From recent events in Europe, it would seem that our country is the only place on this globe in which there is a prospect that the republican system can succeed. Should it here fail, in a time, and under circumstances so favorable to its continuance, future generations must pronounce it impracticable. To preserve it among ourselves, we must guard against all intemperance, intrigue, party spirit, and party measures; our elections and laws must be made with the purest views and motives. When the representatives of the people are superior to the views and aims of party; when they steadily and unanimously pursue the public good, a ready obedience will be given to the laws, and a cheerful support to the government. A spirit of division, and the influence of faction in the legislature, will produce disquietude among the citizens, and those measures which are not the dictates of wisdom and prudence, can never find support.
Allied from the different parts of the state, you know the circumstances and interests of your constituents; while the greatest general good is your chief object, your united endeavours will guard the rights of every individual, and promote the present and future prosperity of all.
ISAAC TICHENOR.
ANSWER
TO THE
Speech of the GOVERNOR of Vermont.
SIR,
The subject recommended in your speech to both houses at the commencement of the present session of the legislature merits and will receive our early attention.
The establishment of our northern boundary line by fixed monuments is essential to the peace of this and the United States. It is perhaps more essential in a view of public tranquility than of private property.
The present state of our treasury and the various occurrences which have increased the public expenditures for the year past will induce us to make those provisions for supplying the treasury, which the public good may require.
We shall below upon the resolutions transmitted by the governor of Massachusetts, and alluded to in your Excellency's Speech, a candid and deliberate consideration.—We reciprocate your wish that slavery be abolished, and had no influence in the making of laws to bind the freemen of our free State.—Yet we realize the importance of preserving entire those principles which were the foundation of our federal compact, unless those principles are relinquished by those states in the union whose interests claim their existence. We are ready, therefore, to co-operate with your excellency in every measure to create an equality of political rights among the several states, in the national representation, which would not subvert the first and most operative principles in our federal compact.
We highly appreciate those republican principles and maxims which have hitherto secured and will secure to us, our national happiness; and we hope and trust, that by the purity of our elections and laws, and by our union of councils and endeavors to promote the republican system, we shall transmit the same unimpaired to our posterity; and that nations yet unborn will, from our example, learn the basis and raise the structure of their national felicity.
[Pity it is, that an author who writes in the following nervous and animated style should not better adapt his criticisms to the temper and mode of reading.]
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
TRIBUTE OF RESPECT.
It has become a sort of fashion, with that party in Boston, who have a greater predilection for the Kingly , Aristocratic and Hierarchical establishments of England, than for the pure Constitution and economical institutions of their own country, to give public banquets, to every official personage, who has been diplomatically or nationally engaged with the Court of London, and who has found favor in the eyes of George the third! It is likewise so managed, that these meetings have less the appearance of a festive board, than a political Cabal , who assemble under the banners of Backwood , to give publicity and circulation to the most inflammatory, seditious and abominable opinions. Subtlety, malice, falsehood and treason, seem to form an association for the exercise of their fullest power, and to challenge the unprecedented moderation of the Executive Authority , with every species of irritation and insult.—The magic of beauty, and the charm of friendship, are banished from the consideration, and no roast is permitted to be announced, but what is fraught with Tory tenets, and political mischief; and what is not a little marvellous in aspect, all their praises concentrate on Britain , and its corrupt and incalculably expensive establishments in Church and State; although it is notorious that if these infuriate gentlemen were to hold similar language, in that Island, respecting its government, they would be all seized, and chained down in a dungeon, and their leaders hung up in irons, on the common highway, to be devoured by the fowls of the air!
Toast 1. "Our public Ministers.—In future, as formerly, may our first interests be considered to our first characters."
This is meant to convey an oblique censure on Mr. LIVINGSTON and Mr. MUNROE , who have not been so obsequious and civil to Mr. Pitt , as to prefer the approving smiles of a foreign despot, to the plaudits and gratitude of their republican fellow citizens at home. That is a high crime and misdemeanor in the contemptuous of Federal Tories , and of which Adams's delegates were seldom suspected.
2. "The administration of Washington and Adams.—The morning and evening Stars of our national glory."
It should be observed that the name of Washington is brought forward, as often as possible, for the better carrying on their plot; and they have opened a partnership account between him and Mr. Adams , to which the public annex but a small portion of credit, not deeming the articles found, in which the latter was fond of dealing. If Johnny Adams is a Star, it is certainly one of the falling sort: it was very generally believed that the Dog Star had some influence on his measures, while he remained in office; but even then he was merely considered as a dependent satellite and not a Star of the first magnitude. Perhaps these Anglo-Federal caucus-men, hold themselves justified in calling this poor mortified old gentleman, a Star, because his writings prove him to have been very frequently in the clouds. While on his embassy at St. James's he formed a pendant for stars and garters, and was deeply solicitous to have the custom current in America; but the plain sense of his countrymen saw the folly of the desire and laughed it into scorn. If the emblem is inaccurate it must be confessed that the time is proper, as applying either to the dominant principles of himself, or to a quondam friends; as it is not only "evening," but an approaching night, and they are all getting rapidly under the dominion of the moon. The truth is, that these flaming Tories make an unworthy use of Mr. Adams's name, and many, who ailed to eulogize him in public, for electioneering artifices, would not step aside to lift him from the mire of contempt.
3. "The Clergy.—Devoted to the best interests of humanity, may they ever feel the calamities of the impious to be their proudest eulogy."
It is lamentable to behold the crooked and detrimental uses, to which the sacred functions of the Clergy are made subservient; the enemies of equal rights, are unremittingly practising the most diabolical arts, to have it believed that all men are impious, who oppose their unconstitutionality, aristocratic and cruel designs, against the liberties of their country.—It is disgraceful to their character, to see the ministers of the holy gospel, letting themselves out to enforce the wily purposes of ambitious intrigues against the peace and safety of the State; and by drinking rebellious bumpers in a brawling, feasting meeting, at a tavern, bring shame upon their sacred orders; and endanger the vital flame of that morality, about the preservation of which they are so hypocritically loud, insulting and uncharitable. Are these political ecclesiastics, devoted to the best interests of humanity, who depart from the benefit of their Redeemer, by disseminating the elements of anarchy; and raising the war-whoop from the sacred desk? Or be pompously twirling the funeral panegyric of a Duchess ? Or by threatening to poind the first magistrate of the empire? Bid such obnoxious, meddling priests, retire from these political intrigues and fin no more; or, if they cannot
change the perturbed bias of their nature, to call on mountains to cover them from the observation of an offended world.
4. "Our Navy.—May its strength protect our Commerce, and its glory confound its enemies at Washington and Tripoli ."
The insinuation which is conveyed in this toast, is both insolent and atrocious. By what sort of logic can they prove that the government is an enemy to the navy. The wise moderation of Mr. JEFFERSON's measures, have hitherto rendered the extension of our marine establishment unnecessary; and whenever it may become necessary, to protect our commerce with ships of the line, these identical cavillers, will give the lead for a general outcry, upon the consequent expense of that national measure, which they have so vehemently and wickedly urged!—No, fellow citizens, they want to propel a war with France, if possible, and with Spain, at all events, to accommodate Mr. Pitt and lead you into a bloody compact with that restless nation. They will by intrigue, corruption and menacing, to commit you in a common cause with that distracted island; to mingle your flowers of liberty, with the rank weeds of their despotism and choke and destroy your young blessings by their empsoned associations.
5. "The press.—May it always correct public opinion, never corrupt it."
Patience might look indignant at this insidious affecation of virtue from such men; while lives and writings or a mass of libels upon all that is true and great in human society!—As Edy might the Devil himself rush amongst us, and make an harangue upon the sweet efficacy of morals. These Tories are certainly infane, as well as wretched; and forget that the people of New England have the ability to read, and the faculty to recollect, or they would not have committed this offence to their discernment. We will honestly respond, in heart and mind, to these sanguinary deceivers, and fervently pray, that the press may always correct public opinion, and never corrupt it, in pursuance to the machinations of a British  Faction , that was created by Mr. Hamilton , to debauch the common principle of social right, and overawe our councils.
"What shall we say when Belzebub is in form, Will quote Scriptures, for his evil purpose?"
"Bonaparte.—May he learn justice from the British Government, and meekness from ours."
The justice and humanity of the British government, may be traced, in their mad violation of the Treaty of Amiens , and their wide murder of our countrymen, in the prison ships at Jersey . We hope that Bonaparte will learn justice from a purer school of ethics.
This memorable dinner may be considered as the last public spasm of this wicked faction; it was conducted with more indecorum and was less important in its aspect than in any of the preceding cabals. Nothing remains to act or to be acted upon, but an acrimonious and corrosive assemblage made up of inveterate tories & British factors, with more zeal than character!
Such, Citizens of Massachusetts, are the Baneful Junta who would enslave you to sacrifice your envied independence, by imposing an Anti-republican ticket for electors upon your unsuspecting minds.—Such was the language used at this gorgeous instance of Aristocratic revelry. Of such materials are those perfidious men composed, who would displace the present benign, but firm government, and seize the chair of State. Such are the emissaries who expended hundreds of thousands of British guineas to raise a pile of monarchic elements, which you annihilated in virtuous wrath, and laid low in the dust. "In viewing this monstrous tragi-comic scene the most opposite passions necessarily succeed, and sometimes mix with each other in the mind; alternate contempt and indignation, laughter & tears, scorn and horror."
MISCELLANEOUS.
From a London Paper.
EGYPTIAN WHEAT.
There are few countries from whence the patriotic and scientific traveller may not bring something to enrich or benefit his own. The peculiar qualities of the Egyptian wheat have long been unknown, even to the nations to which Egypt was formerly the granary; but one of the officers whom the dictating spirit of Bonaparte occasioned us to send there, has brought from thence a few grains of wheat which are likely to supercede the culture of all others, not only in Ireland, but here. The stem, which for strength and thickness resembles the strongest reed, is about six feet high, having, when nearly matured, a top or head about twice the size of an ear of our wheat, together with smaller ears, branching something in the manner of oats. But what is most important the stem is peculiarly nutritious for horses, rendering unnecessary the use of hay and corn. It will not be matter of surprise that all the feed which Mr. Humphries (a gentleman of Dublin , to whom it had been originally presented) could be induced to dispose of last year, was purchased with avidity for ten guineas per stone of 14lb.; nor that he has been offered and refused eight thousand guineas by one person, for a crop of nine acres, which, is, or was recently standing.
The following mixture is in general use, and considered as very effectual to prevent the blight in wheat, viz. a solution of a mixture of two parts of alum and one of blue vitriol. In Yorkshire , an ounce of arsenic cautiously pulverized, is put into four pints of pure water, and an equal quantity of urine. The feed is immersed in this preparation till the downy substance at the extremity of the grain is saturated with the liquid. This process, however, requires the utmost caution.
A London seedman, who had furnished a large quantity of seeds for Madame Bonaparte's botanical establishment, and had frequently applied in vain for payment, was lately advised to send in his bill, addressed to "the emperor of the French." He did so and was immediately paid, so proud was the little Coriscan to have his title recognized by an English seedman.
From the Liverpool Chronicle of August 24.
[We have been favored through the courtesy of a Gentleman in this town, with the following extract of a letter from the late General HAMILTON , dated New-York, 1799, to a Relation of his here who had requested to know some part colors of his life. We have no doubt but it will be perused at the present moment with lively interest.]
"I came to this country at about the age of 16, and having always had a strong propensity to literary pursuits, by a course of steady and laborious exertions, I was able at the age of 19 to qualify myself for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in the College of New-York, and to lay a foundation by preparatory study for the future profession of the law. The American Revolution superseded. My principles led me to take a part in it. At 19 I entered into the American army as Captain

ved till the commencement of that campaign, which ended with the siege of York Town, Virginia, and the capture of Lord Cornwallis's army. This campaign I made at the head of a corps of light infantry, with which I was present at the siege of York, and engaged in some interesting operations. At the period of the peace with Great Britain, I found myself a Member of Congress by appointment of the Legislature of this state. After the peace I settled in the city of New-York, in the practice of the law, and was in a very lucrative course of practice, when the derangement of our public affairs, by the feebleness of the general confederation, drew me again reluctantly into public life. I became a Member of the Convention which framed the present Constitution of the United States, and having taken part in this measure, I conceived myself to be under an obligation to lend my aid towards putting the machine in motion. Hence I did not hesitate to accept the offer of President Washington, to undertake the office of Secretary of the Treasury. In that office I met with many intricate difficulties, and many artificial ones proceeding from passions not very worthy but common to Human Nature, and which acted with peculiar force in Republics. The object, however, was effectual of establishing public credit and introducing order into the finances.
"Public office in this country has few attractions. The pecuniary emolument is so inconsiderable as to amount to a sacrifice to any man who can employ his time with advantage in any liberal profession. The opportunity of doing good, from the jealousy of power and the spirit of faction, is too small in any nation to warrant a long continuance of private facilities. The enterprises of party had far far succeeded, as materially to weaken the necessary influence and energy of the Executive Authority, and so far diminished the power of doing good in that department, as greatly to take away the motives which a virtuous man might have for making such sacrifices. The prospect was even bad, for gratifying in future the love of fame, if that passion was to be the spring of action. The union of these motives, with the reflections of prudence in relation to a growing family, determined me as soon as my plan had attained a certain maturity to withdraw from office. This I did in the year 1795, by resignation, when I returned the profession of the law, (as counsellor) in New-York, under every advantage I could desire. It is a pleasing reflection to me, that since the commencement of my connection with General Washington to the present time, I have possessed a flattering share of his confidence and friendship. In the year 1780, I married the second daughter of General Schuyler, a gentleman of one of the best families of this country, of large fortune, and of no less personal and public consequence. It is impossible to be happier than I am in a wife, and I have eight children, the eldest a son somewhat past seventeen who all promise well as far as their years permit, and promise me much satisfaction. Though I have been too much in public life to be wealthy, my situation is extremely comfortable, and leaves me nothing to wish but a continuance of health. With this blessing, the profits of my profession, and other prospects, authorise an expectation of such addition to my resources as will render the eve of life easy and agreeable, so far as may depend on this consideration."
Mr. COOPER.—A letter lately received in New-York from a gentleman in England, gives some information relative to the visit of Mr. Cooper the tragedian to that country, and the prospect of his returning his station on the American stage. According to these accounts, the death of a sister, immediately upon Mr. Cooper's arrival in London, prevented his returning upon his professional duties till the return of Kemble from the continent. A negotiation with that gentleman followed, which, though it did not terminate in his renewed engagement at Drury-lane, produced a warm disagreement & quarrel between Mr. Cooper and the Managers. This was succeeded by the death of the partner (Richardson) whose invitation brought Mr. Cooper from America.
The affairs of that theatre thus falling entirely into the hands of persons unfriendly to him, the projected plan of a connection was of course defeated, though he had received a very flattering reception from the public, and though Drury-lane was obliged during that season to play against Covent Garden with only Pope as the tragic hero, opposed to both Kemble and Cooke.
Since that period negotiations have again been opened, but a difference of opinion chiefly with respect to the line of business to be sustained, and a division of the principal characters, prevented any agreement; and the company of Drury-lane being now strengthened by the addition of Elliston, a valuable and popular performer, all idea of Mr. Cooper's engagement at London is done away at least for the present.
These negotiations it appears, have had the effect of delaying his contemplated return to America, until late a period, that it is probable he has made arrangements for the winter season at the Liverpool theatre, though his arrival here this autumn had been confidently expected.
FROM OUR ENGLISH PAPERS.
The celebrated Kotzebue passed some time at Paris last Spring, and has furnished an interesting journal of the events, characters &c. that passed under his observation, as will appear from the following extract:
The Grand Parade is for the present, one of the principal curiosities at Paris. I have seen it twice. I found myself, with several other persons, in a great hall, almost in the middle of the Thuilleries, through which Bonaparte was to pass. The servant, with great politeness, showed us our places; but we were only obliged to our uniform that we were permitted to keep them. One of our party, in an undress frock, was told by an Adjutant (in a polite manner too), that he could not remain where he was, but ordered another very commodious place to be shown him.
All the falcons were on bays occupied by the Consular Guard, ten or twelve in each, with 2 or three steps between them, in the same manner as in the fair-cape, where two men were placed upon each step. Of the infantry, four or five different regiments had already marched into the great Court-yard of the Thuilleries. The regiments are not very pleasing to the eye, because they are very plain, and the long coats neither handsome nor convenient; but the terribly great Bear skin caps give a warlike, fierce appearance. The national colours are not only the ones that decorate colours or standards of the Consular Guard; they have in the middle golden suns, and are mostly green. The feathers of the Officers of the Consular Guard are red and green.
One unnecessary decoration with each regiment is the Drum-Major, dressed at the expense of the officers in an extravagant manner, and in which the corps emulate each other which shall be the most extravagant. The tallest and best looking men are chosen for these places. Their crests is, if I am not mistaken, of velvet, but so
covered with gold lace, that you can hardly see their colour. Another vanity among the French military are whiskers, of which they are very careful, and which grow to an amazing thickness and length. Among the Sappers are many men who let grow their black beards, in a manner that they fall down upon the breast. The cavalry were upon the outside of the iron railings round the place of the Carousel. They consisted of chasneurs and the guard on horseback, with a beautiful regiment of Cuirassiers. The final corps of Mamelukes was remarkable for its Oriental dress.
The colours were now carried from the apartments of the First Consul. Immediately he came himself, surrounded with generals and Aid-de-Camps, all dressed in an elegant manner. Bonaparte himself wore a very plain dress, without any embroidery or other glitter, and a hat without lace, borders, or feathers. He marched very quick, and had only in his hand a small horsewhip. At the gate he mounted a bay horse and, attended by a brilliant suite, rode slowly through the ranks. After having, in this manner, inspected the infantry, he rode out and inspected the cavalry in the same manner. There were, besides the troops collected, a crowd of people, of whom several presented petitions. As far as I could observe, every one was permitted to approach him; and what I had heard concerning the great measures of precaution for his safety, was at least not confirmed this time; because when I saw him ride round among the people, his life was in the hands of every desperate assassin. When he returned into the Court-yard, he was several times detained by ladies, who approached him near, spoke with him, and presented petitions. As far as I could see, he gave these to his Aid-de-Camps. But one female among them, if my eyes did not deceive me, even took hold of the bridle of his horse, and her petition he opened directly, read, and gave a short answer. During this time his faithful Mameluke was not as often been reported, near him, but only in his suite, behind all his Generals.
Bonaparte next returned, and stopped at the entrance of the Thuilleries, some few steps from where I stood. Here the Turkish Minister, in the name of the Sultan, presented two horses, said to be beautiful. But of which beauty, little was visible to our eyes, because they were covered with long cloths, embroidered with gold and pearls.
They certainly had much vivacity, because when two Turks mounted them to ride round the place, one was thrown off; but, as he seemed to be accustomed to it, he fell on his feet, and with one jump was again in the saddle. Bonaparte, who during this cavalcade, took several pinches of snuff from his plain tortoiseshell snuff box, did not condescend to honor this present with any particular notice, only sometimes he turned his eyes to them. On the contrary, he was totally occupied with his troops, whom, regiment after regiment, he caused to manoeuvre before him. The chiefs of the regiments went each time to him with drawn swords, took his orders, and commanded accordingly. Each regiment particularly was forced to form a square, perhaps in commemoration of the war in Egypt. One of the regiments of the Consular Guard he ordered to exercise, to load and fire, the first rank to kneel, & the other two to fire over it. I do not know whether the word of command was rightly understood, but I am certain of it, it was very badly executed. Half of the companies stood still, considered for some time, and then one after the other fell upon their knees. The Consul was so dissatisfied, that he ordered this manoeuvre seven or eight times over again. Afterwards the infantry filed off, and a delightful march was heard, not to be surpassed any where. We do not hear the usual marches with the regular repetition. They are more properly march symphonies, composed by good masters, and executed with the greatest precision. When the infantry left the Court-Yard, the cavalry entered and filed off before and by the Consul, upon beautiful Hanoverian horses. These regiments made only some few evolutions, which closed this grand parade. Next were, for the first time, presented, a battalion of sappers, who were remarked for their curious axes and anchor hooks.
SERIAL ASCENSION.
ST. PETERSBURG, July 17.
The ascension in the air, undertaken by the desire of the academy of sciences, to make experiments, has had the desired effect. The famous chymist Savaroff, and professor Robertson, ascended in a favourable state of the weather, from the garden of the cadet-corps at 25 minutes after 7 o'clock in the evening. The members of this learned body, who so much interest themselves for the advancement of sciences, attended, and witnessed the ascension, the most beautiful yet seen in Russia. The three small balloons went into the air as guides, or to reconnoitre the wind, went first to the south, but soon afterwards to the east, and towards the Baltic. This did not prevent the ascendants from ascending, having with them several instruments to make experiments. The balloon floated over the Baltic Sea for upwards of an hour. Two different winds were felt blowing in opposition. From the city a manoeuvre was observed which had for its object to cut through the upper wind, and by it procure the travellers an opportunity of getting to the southward and over the land. Afterwards they ascended higher and higher, until ten o'clock, when the balloon was entirely lost sight of, even by the persons following it with the telescopes from the Observatory. The next day an express brought the president of the academy of sciences information, that the aeronauts had, without any accident, arrived at Siwartz, 60 wersts, or near 26 leagues from this capital. They descended forty-five minutes past ten in the English garden opposite the castle of general Eemidoff, who received and entertained the aerial travellers with the greatest hospitality. The result of this ascension, undertaken only for scientific experiments, will soon be published, and found very interesting as well as instructive.
Paris, September 1.
On the 9th ult. Mr. Biot read to the institute the relation of microaerial voyage, undertaken on the 8th, with Mr. Gray-Leffoc. The principal object of this voyage was to examine whether the magnetic property experiences any perceptible diminution in quitting the earth. The aeronauts raised themselves to the height of from 2807 metres to 6374 (2010 toises). The experiments they made at those different heights, proved to them that the magnetic property experiences no perceptible diminution from the surface of the earth to the height of 4000 metres; its action in those altitudes constantly manifest itself by the same effects and according to the same laws.
In every height, they observed the animals which they had carried with them; they never appeared to suffer in any manner. At the elevation of 5400 metres, they set at liberty a small bird (a greenfinch) it immediately flew away, but returned almost directly to perch upon the ropes: afterwards taking a second flight, it precipitated itself towards the earth, describing a crooked line, almost vertical. A pigeon which they let fly at the same height, afforded them a
much more curious spectacle; being set at liberty on the brink of the boat, as it to measure the extent of the flight it had to take; it then launched itself, fluttering in an unequal manner, so that it seemed to try its wings; but after some fluttering, it extended them, and abandoning itself entirely, began to descend towards the clouds, describing large circles, like all birds of prey. Its descent was rapid, but regular. The experiments the travellers made upon the electricity of the air, indicated to them an electricity increasing with the height, a result conformable to what had been already concluded by theory, from the experiments of Volta and Saussure. The hydrometer constantly approached drought, according as it rose in the atmosphere; and descending, it gradually returned to damp. The travellers intend to make a new ascent, and to raise themselves to the height of 6000 metres, and even higher, if possible, to try further experiments upon the compass or magnet.
It is reported, in a letter from the Hague of the 18th inst. that the Directors of the Batavian Republic, the Landamman of Switzerland, and the Vice President of the Italian Republic, are to be appointed commanders of the Legion of honour. It is said, that the same honours have been offered to the king of Spain, Prussia and Denmark, to the Electors of Bavaria, Hesse, & Baden, and to the President of the United States of America.—[Lon. pap.]
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1804.
What is the best mode of appointing the Electoral College?
The President and Vice-President of the United States are chosen by a body of men in each state delegated for that and for no other purpose. This body is called an Electoral College. There are as many colleges as states, for each state has one of its own, without interfering with that of any other. An inhabitant of Maryland does not vote for a member of the Electoral College of Virginia; nor does the Virginian pretend to interfere with the appointment of the electors of Maryland. In conceiving, therefore, the different ways by which any one elector may be appointed, we must confine our imagination to the limits of a single state.
By the federal constitution, the legislature of each state has the power of directing in what manner these electors are to be appointed. The various modes in which this power will probably be exercised, may be reduced to a simple classification. Either the legislature might assume to itself the privilege of appointing the electors, or it might devolve it upon some of the constituted departments of the state, as upon the governor, or it might by a very complicated mechanism, form a new body for appointing them; or devolving that power upon the people, it might distribute the state into districts, and give to each constituent the right of voting for one elector in it, or it might allow to each constituent the right of voting for one elector in every district of the state; or it might have combined these different systems together, as for instance, it might have chosen some of the electors itself, and suffered the rest to be chosen in districts. Of these various methods some only have been already practiced, and the rest will not perhaps be ever brought into operation. Those which are most worthy of investigation at the present time, are those only which have been already developed. These are the appointment by the legislature itself, by districts, by a general ticket, and by a combination of an indiscriminate and the general ticket mode. Vermont is an example of the first, Maryland of the second, Virginia of the third, and Massachusetts, by the law of its late legislature, is an example of the last.
Which of these systems is the most perfect? It is a subject whose importance may well recommend it to the consideration of the practical politician, or the speculative philosopher.
To a legitimate appointment of the electors, two very substantial objections have been offered: the first regarding the words of the constitution in now stands and the second founded upon an abstract principle of policy. "The constitution (says Franklin in his 1st No.) having declared "that each state should appoint electors in such manner as the legislature thereof might direct," seems to have given to the legislature, not the actual appointment, but only the power of prescribing the manner in which the appointment shall be made; that is to say, whether it shall be done by a general ticket or by districts, publicly or by ballot. Between these two things, the power of appointing electors, and the power of directing how they shall be appointed, there appears to be a substantial difference, which ought not to be disregarded by a legislature, the members of which have taken an oath to support the constitution of the U.S. The force of this objection is irresistible, if the constitution, in the recited clause, means by the word "state" the people of each state in their highest sovereign capacity. (See the report of the federal committee, p. 67.)
"The other objection is founded on a principle in political science, which is not perhaps sufficiently regarded in the structure of the general government. The principle is, that in all cases whatever, those who are to act for the people, in other words their servants and agents, ought to be chosen by the people themselves, unless the power of choosing cannot be conveniently and properly exercised. Now the constitution of the United States certainly not having excluded the people from the appointment of electors, and the power of appointment being one, which they can as experience proves, conveniently and properly exercise, the right of electing electors ought to remain unimpaired in their hands. If they exercise it, the majority will prevail, and the minority, unless defective of principle, which cannot be supposed, will feel disposed to acquiesce; but if the legislature exercise it, they may appoint a set of electors, not one of whom would have a chance to be chosen if the election depended on the people. It is said that in the state of New-York, at the last presidential election, all the electors chosen by the legislature were not approved of by the majority of the people."
We may now then proceed to an examination of the three other systems which have been reduced to practice: the appointment by districts, by a general ticket law and by two modes blended together. As this latter system however will be found to contain most of the prominent parts with most of the advantages and disadvantages, which are incident to their elementary modes, it is proper to ascertain their own distinguishing consequences before we make any enquiry into its peculiar merits.—For a more satisfactory comparison of these two systems, it is necessary to suggest a few general observations which may lead to some conclusive principle of graduation.
The form of our government is a peculiar one. It is a confederated republic. We have a general government for the superintendence of general concerns. We have a state sovereignty for the superintendence of more limited affairs. In the administration of our state government, our system is designed to be purely republican. Every competent portion has a right to vote for the officers, and every determination whether it is the election of their officers, or their own subsequent measures are intended to flow from the will of the majority. But in our federal machine a new principle comes into play. This is the sovereignty of the states. These independent states would not consent until some power had been set apart by which their own sovereignty equally perfect in a small as in a great state, in a microcosm in a world, should be acknowledged & preferred from the encroachment as both of each other & of the general head. Thence it rather we observe so much diversity in the appointment and structure of the different federal departments: some being the depositories of the will of the people, and others of the sovereignty of the states: some in fact emanating from the true republican principle the will of the majority, while the others are incorporated by a federal
principle, which regards each state as equally self-perfect with any other. In a third kind of departments, again, we perceive these two forces operating separately, but mixing together in their influence. It is hence that we perceive in the federal government not less than three different plans for the organization of these branches, which do not emanate from each other such as the judiciary, but which arise at once from the government or the people of each state. In the House of Representatives, for instance, the Representative principle acts entire. Each state is represented in proportion to its numbers. For every 33,000 inhabitants it sends one member. And hence the largest state, as Virginia, has as many more votes and as much more influence than Delaware the smallest state, as the amount of its census divided by a certain number comes out to be greater: and if that census be extended, its representation, its vote, its influence becomes proportionally greater. But in the senate, the federal principle displays its perfect operation. In that body Delaware shows as many members, & gives as many votes as Virginia. Increase the number of its inhabitants, and the influence of the state still remains the same—its sovereignty, the metaphysical functions of self-government would not be more perfect than they were before such an augmentation. It is in the election of the federal executive that we see the curious combination of these two principles, so remarkably different in their tendency. In the election of the President & Vice-President, Delaware has not as many votes as Virginia, nor as Virginia as many more votes than Delaware, as she has more inhabitants. The number of electors to which each of them and to which each state, is entitled by the constitution, is "equal to the whole number of Senators and representatives to which it may be entitled in congress."
This summary view of the structure of these original departments is alone sufficient to show the influence of these two principles, their distinctive structure where they exist by themselves, and their mutual modification where they act together. It will serve to display the different encroachments, which have been made by the federative principle upon that great maxim of a republican government, so much eulogized by liberal politicians, and so generally practiced in our state administration: that measures should flow from the will of the majority.
Perhaps it may be of use to illustrate still farther, by a particular instance, the extent to which this sacrifice in the particular case which is now before us. In other words, let us trace its effect in the mechanism of these Electoral Colleges, and in the Election of the federal executive.—The President and Vice-President are elected then not by a majority of the people, but a majority of the electors, who are not proportioned to the number of the people in the different states. If we ask in what proportion is the number of these electors assigned to each state, we shall find that it is the constant number 2 added to the number of their congressional representatives. Delaware has 1 representative and Virginia has 22. Hence the first has 3 electors and the last 24. But for every representative, each state must have had at least 33,000 inhabitants. Every elector then in Delaware is appointed by only 10,000 inhabitants, while every Virginia elector requires the aid of 30,250 inhabitants to entitle him to a qualified vote. Every D. inhabitant may be fancifully supposed to represent the 10,000 part of one elector, while each Virginian can claim no more than the third part of that privilege. Here then we see this boasted principle of political equality completely neglected; and in the same manner, though not in the same degree, is this deviation to be observed in the relation which subsists between all the large and all the smaller states.
What then is to be inferred from this view of the constitutional ratio of electors allowed to each of the states? Is not this to be inferred; that the appointment of the executive partakes of the federal principle: that all the larger states have lost a proportionate share of the influence, which they would have derived from the representative principle; and that this is a sacrifice which they have agreed to offer to the sovereignty of the smaller states? And does not such a principle pave the way to this conclusion, that each of the states should be considered in its electoral College as a thing to a certain degree in its sovereign capacity; that each of them should be enabled to exert that relative influence in the appointment of the executive, which the whole number of their electors has conferred upon them; and that it would be peculiarly oppressive upon the larger states to drop that mode of election which should give the smaller states a chance of profiting completely by their foreign character, while they themselves should give a vote, not exhibiting the full force of their own sovereignty? Were such a system as this introduced, the larger states so far from receiving any equivalent compensation, would even sustain an additional injury. They had been in the full possession, that their electoral influence was inferior to what their population and real importance would have entitled them to; but they would now lose, in the second place, even this portion of their electoral influence frittered and mutilated by the manner of exerting it.
This then appears to be a true standard by which the inferiority of the districting system and the General Ticket system is to be ascertained. Repeat it, that plan seems to be the most equitable, which secures to each of the states its full force of sovereign electoral power, and which thus enables the largest states to prefer their constitutional influence, compacted and undiminished by any division of it into contrary and contesting votes. By this principle then, let the excellence of these two systems be impartially estimated.
When the electors are appointed by districts, every voter in the state gives his vote to one man in his own district, and to no other in another district. When he votes by a general ticket he gives his vote to one man in each of the districts. He has a chance therefore of electing a greater number of candidates; but he has a smaller chance of electing any one, than what he had when his vote was confined to his own district.
When the election then is made by a general ticket, the electors will be chosen by the majority of the state; & their opinions will be the same not only with those of each other, but with those of the state; and that candidate and that system of administration, to which the state is itself attached, will thus receive its entire and undivided support. But when the election is made by districts, the Electoral College will exhibit a diversified and motley appearance: some of the electors will think with the majority of the state, while others will be opposed to it. In giving their votes, however, they do not proceed upon the principle of deliberative bodies, where every measure is carried by a vote of the majority, and the opposition of the smaller part is merged in the triumphal will of that majority. Had this been the structure of the Electoral Colleges, the will of the majority of the state might still have had a considerable chance of being carried into effective operation; because it is almost certain that although some of the districts might have been opposed to that will, a majority of the districts would have been for it; a majority of the electors would thus have coalesced with the majority of the people, and the whole number of electoral votes would then have been given in one direction by the predominant vote of a majority of electors. In the Electoral Colleges, however, the structure and the consequences are completely different. There is no electoral vote of the whole: but the vote of one member is equally operative with the vote of any other, or with the vote of the majority itself. Under the district system, therefore, the vote of the majority of the state need not be compacted and entire: it may be divided among opposite candidates, it may counteract itself; it may even destroy itself altogether. Thus if Virginia, which has now an even number of votes, were to be distributed into entire and exclusive districts, its electoral influence might in fact be completely extinguished. Twelve votes might be given for one candidate and twelve for another, and thus the election of neither would be promoted by its suffrage. Under this aspect therefore, the mode of appointing electors by districts is completely irreconcilable with the elementary principle, which we assumed as the standard of examination; while the appointment by a general ticket is co-extensive in all its consequences with the requisites of that principle. It commensurates to each state its due proportion of electoral influence, and it thus secures to the larger states as well as to the smaller the unqualified privilege of their sovereign character.
Perhaps it may be argued, that all the objects to which these states could have rationally aspired might easily be accomplished by the district system; that the only reason why a large state could desire to give its whole vote, in one way, would be founded on a desire to carry its favourite candidates; that if the states were divided into districts, they would still enjoy the same relative chances of succeeding in this object; that the vote which should be lost in any of their own districts, would be replaced by the acquisition of votes in some of the districts of the other states; and that by this counterpoising expedient, their entire influence would be the same, and the issue of the election would still accord with their longest wishes.
Certainly in some cases this effect would be produced. Some times the gain of a district in a small state would compensate for the loss of one in a large state: but it is not probable that these two effects will be commensurate with each other. It is not probable that the sum of those gains will be equal to the sum of those losses; and for this problem a very obvious solution may be assigned. Small states are much more susceptible of a distribution into districts, whose majority may coalesce with the majority of the state, than a large state can possibly be. In no state, can the legislature comprise into the same district, any but contiguous parts. But in a large state, such as Virginia, there will always be extensive tracts, which it will be scarcely possible to divide into districts, having political views congenial to those of the majority or to join them to neighbouring tracts, for the purpose of modifying their influence and thus producing a favourable result. It is not so with a small state. Boundary lines may almost always be drawn which shall throw a majority of congenial spirits into the same district, and thus by counteracting the influence of the minority, produce always an undivided and uniform vote. It is for this reason, that a small state when divided into districts, will not only have a much greater chance of producing an entire vote by district elections, but it will in combination with a sufficient number of small states of similar politics, stand a greater chance of carrying its own candidates, than what a large state with an equal number of electoral votes can possibly possess.
We have thus a new argument drawn from the pure representative principle, which will oppose the districting system. It is one case, which may happen under this system, that a minority of the people may carry their candidates in opposition to the will of the majority. For by this system the minority in the large states may retain its influence, & with the help of majorities in the small states, may obtain an unnatural ascendancy above the real majority, the minorities in the smaller states being completely extinguished in the general mass. I am not, I confess, sufficiently enlightened, however, to conceal that there is a case in which the very same result may be produced by the general ticket system. It is the case in which the minority in a very large state, and the majority in a smaller state, having the same political views being very considerable, they may constitute the real majority, yet their influence may still be lost by the operation of the general ticket.
Of the three modes of appointing electors, the mode of election by a general ticket appears then most congenial with the spirit of the constitution, the constitution, with the structure of our confederated government, and in some cases with the nature of the representative principle.
Other plans might here be submitted to our investigation: the mode which Massachusetts has lately adopted, of dividing the state into as many districts as there were congressional representatives, and each district to furnish one elector by a general ticket, and the two other electors to be indiscriminately selected from any part of the state: and also that mode which may appear at first sight to reconcile the representative and the federal principles, the appointment of two electors by the state legislature & all the others by the people themselves. But this disquisition has already extended to a sufficient length. A few remarks only will close this enquiry.
The general ticket law has been objected to, on a very obvious ground. Every representative, it is said, ought to know the interests of his constituents, or else how can he promote them? And every constituent ought to know the qualifications of a candidate, or else how can he confide in him? The general ticket law prevents these two classes of men from knowing each other completely, and therefore it is improper. This argument certainly has some weight: But the application of the abstract principle to the present question is not altogether conclusive. In the choice of a deliberative agent a mutual knowledge is indispensably necessary. But in the choice of a simple elector, the necessity is not so paramount. All that the people wish to know about him is, for which candidate would he give his vote: and all that he wishes to know about the people is, for which candidate would they vote? This man in fact has no duty to perform, but the interlacing two names on a little bit of paper. There is no law to be passed, and he has no right to deliberate even upon his duties, for they have been already designated by the people. The arguments which have been borrowed then from the election of a deliberative agent, have little application to the appointment of an elector.
It may be proper to remark, that some of the politicians in the U. States, have even advocated the propriety of appointing the members of congress by a general ticket. They base their argument upon the same principle which has been taken in this essay: The preservation of the constitutional and undiminished sovereignty of the states.
Portraits of Aaron Burr is unconditionally postponed. In the Rainbow on the left page, Pegasus is put for Bombardine. The lines are from a Fable of Marmontel's of Fables.
WILL be sold by Messrs. Proffer & Moncure, at Public Auction, on THURSDAY the 15th instant, for the benefit of the Undersigned: A Trunk No. 6, marked S D G, containing GOODS, damaged on board the ship Stefan & Polly, Capt. Thomas Eldred. Nov. 10.
WILL BE SOLD, At public sale, at Zachariah Broth's Tavern, in Manchester on Tuesday the 11th of December next, 150 ACRES OF LAND,
ALL in woods, and of prime quality, lying in Gchesfield county, on the north side of the Buckingham road, and adjoining the lands of Mr. James Scott, about seven miles from Manchester. The terms of sale will be on half cash, and twelve months credit for the other on giving bond with approved security. Any person wishing to purchase will be shown the land by applying to Mr. James Patterson or Joseph C. Brown of Manchester. Wm. GAY.
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, October 6th, 1804—
Between James Anderson, and Philip Thurman, merchants and partners, under the firm of James Anderson and Co. Plaintiffs. And Bernard Markham, and Francis Osborne, executors of George Markham, deceased. Defendants.
THE defendant, Bernard Markham, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiff had been returned executed, following to answer the same, the court this 6th day of October, in the year 1804, upon the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, doth take their bill for confessed, as to their defendant, and will proceed at a future day to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendant, or one before the tenth day of this term after he shall have been served with a copy of this order, show cause to the contrary. A. Clay, Clerk. P. TINDALL, Clerk.