The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-06 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, MAY 6, 1808.
[No. 113.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale at S. Granland's Printing Office, opposite Dr. Duval's Medicine Store. MILITARY TACTICS, or THE SOLDIER'S COMPANION.—Teaching how to form companies—with directions for the formation and exercise of a battalion and regiment, and the various forms of reports, &c. Likewise, evolutions for the Cavalry and Artillery, with explanations and improvements upon Baron Steuben.—By SAMUEL J. WINSTON, Brigade Inspector for the second Brigade. Subscribers will receive their Books at the Printing Office of Seaton Granland, where they are requested to call or send for them. May 3. (1w)
THE subscriber has taken into Partnership in the Grocery Line, his son John R. Triplett, and in future the business will be carried on under the firm of DANIEL TRIPLETT & SON. He avails himself of this opportunity of returning his grateful thanks to all those who have heretofore favored him with their custom, and begs leave to solicit a continuance of their dealings with the new concern. DANIEL TRIPLETT. May 3. (1w)
WILL positively be sold, at public auction, without reserve, on Monday the 9th inst. at the subscriber's store, all his stock of Groceries, China, Glass-ware, &c.—The terms will be made known prior to the day of sale. DANIEL TRIPLETT. May 3. (1w)
THE subscribers want to hire, to work at their Coal-Pits, 10 or 12 active Negro Men, for which they will give liberal wages. DANIEL TRIPLETT & CO. May 3. (2w)
THE HEALING SPRINGS, situated in the lower end of Louisa County and but thirty-one miles from Richmond, will be in readiness on the 1st of June next for the accommodation of boarders. The medicinal virtues of those waters have been proved in a great variety of instances; they derive their name from the power they possess of healing their most kinds of eruptions, and it is believed, that in bilious cases they have never failed to afford relief. There are several small houses detached from the main building, intended for single families who may apply in time, and the terms for board will be six dollars a-week. Healing Springs, Louisa, May 3. (11w)
JOSEPH MARK & CO. have on hand an assortment of German Osnaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Dowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cognac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. April 29. (tf)
IN consequence of the death of William Bullock, the Co-partnership of NORVELL, WATT & CO. of this place, and NORVELL, WATT & CO. of Lynchburg, is dissolved. All persons indebted to the said Company, are desired to make payment to either of the Partners, or to Edmund Norvell. Those having claims against them, will apply to John F. Watt of Richmond, or William Norvell of Lynchburg for payment. Wm. NORVELL, JOHN WATT, JOHN F. WATT. Richmond, April 29. [2w]
THE BROAD-ROCK SPRING RACES will commence the 11th day of May next. The 1st day, the Jockey Club Purse of $400, four mile heats.—The 2d day, the Proprietor's Purse of $200 three mile heats.—The 3d day, a purse of $100 two mile heats.—Entrance $20. For this purse, any person may run a horse whether he be a member of the Jockey Club or not.—Agreeable to the Jockey Club weights, winning horses for the first and second days' races not allowed to start for the third day's purse. WM. BALL, Proprietor of the Field. April 19. [6w]
FOR SALE—30 ton country and Swedes Iron assorted, 2 ton Nail Rods, a few heads Northern Whiskey, and a few Bales prime Cotton. Likewise, just receiving 27,000 weight of choice Bacon, among which are 750 hams.—All of which we will dispose of on reasonable terms, for cash or a short credit. RUSSELL & WALLACE, Left corner of street leading to Byrd's Warehouse. April 22. [ep1w]
NOTICE—The subscribers having formed a connection in Business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZEN, offer for sale (at the store lately occupied by Mr. C. J. Macmurdo) the following articles, viz: 50 hds. N. E. Rum, 25 hds. Leaf and Lump Sugar, 12 bags of Pepper, 2 ton of bar Lead, 10 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, 25 boxes Candles, 15 boxes New-York Chocolate, 25 trunks of Shoes assorted, 50 tierces Stone Lime. HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZEN. April 5. [ep5w]
SPRING & SUMMER GOODS—RICHARD BROOK has just received a full assortment of GOODS, suitable for the present and ensuing season, all of which he will sell low for cash—Among which are— Superfine and second Cloth, Superfine and second Cashmeres, Twilled and Tabby Velvet, Hunter's constitution and silver Cork, Cotton Cashmeres and English Nankeens, India Nankeens, Bandanna, B. Small and Madras Hksf. White and coloured Janies, do. do. Marseilles, Calicoes and Chintz, Pink, blue and purple Ginghams and Muslins, Dumty and Cambric Dimity, Furniture do. Linen and Cotton Checks, 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linen and shirting Cotton, 9-8 and 6-4 Cambricks, Plain and Figured Lenoes, Elegant mill mill Robes and short Dresses, Worked and Figured Sarsnets and Crapes, Rotal Lace Veil, black and white, Narrow and broad black Laces, Fashionable Scarfs and Shawls, Gentlemen and Ladies' silk and cotton Hose, 7-4, 10-4 Damask Silk Shawls, and 1 case fashionable Bonnets and Head Dresses, just from Paris. April 22. [tf]
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST—In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. MR. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. May 6. [1aw6m]
TO RENT, for one or more years, the yellow HOUSE adjoining the Washington Tavern, now in the occupancy of Judge Roane. This Tenement is contiguous to the Capitol, and well calculated for a professional gentleman with a family.—Possession will be given on the first day of June next, and terms known by application to E. HALLAM. May 5. [1aw3w]
ENGLISH GOODS—APPLETON & CO. By the John Adams, St. Johns, from Liverpool, 16, Calvert-Street, have received their regular supply of GOODS calculated for the present and approaching season. Cambric and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Cords, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricord and Check do. Plain and Figured Mull do. Leao, Victory, Ruddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4-4 Plain Book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Satins, Persians and Sarsnets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. &c. In store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. Baltimore, April 19. (10t)
A LIVING ELEPHANT to be seen at the WASHINGTON TAVERN, from Monday the 2d, to Saturday the 7th of May. Those that wish to gratify their curiosity by seeing the WONDERFUL WORKS OF NATURE, will do well to call previous to that time, as the ELEPHANT positively will be removed the next Morning. Perhaps this generation may never have the opportunity of seeing the ELEPHANT again, as this is the only one in the United States, and the last visit to this City.—ADMITTANCE, 25 CENTS. April 29. (3t)
FITZWYHLSONN & POTTER have just received a very extensive supply of Foolscap and Letter PAPER, which they offer for sale on terms advantageous to the purchaser. They have on hand a great variety of Day-Books, Journals, and Ledgers, Record and Sheriff's Books, Music, and Music Books, Musical Instruments and Strings, Paper Hangings for rooms, Pocket Books, Penknives, Travelling and other Trunks, Spectacles mounted in Silver, Tortoise-shell and Steel, Elegant Visiting Cards. With a general assortment of articles in the Blank Book and Stationary line. Richmond, April 19. [T3w]
WANTED TO PURCHASE, 300 hogheads of TOBACCO of a dark greenish colour, for which a greater price will be given than for the bright-coloured TOBACCO. Enquire at the Eagle-Tavern at Richmond for the subscriber. PETER LORILLARD. April 29. [3p2]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER March 12. [tf]
DOMESTIC.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
PART III.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the U. States, in London. (Continued from our last.)
ARTICLE 12.—It is much regretted that a provision could not be obtained against the practice of British cruisers, in hovering and taking stations for the purpose of surprising the trade going in and out of our harbours, a practice which the British government felt to be so injurious to the dignity and rights of that nation, at periods when it was neutral. An addition of two miles, nevertheless, to our maritime jurisdiction, so far as to protect neutral and other unarmed vessels, notwithstanding its want of any thing like a due reciprocity, is not without its value. This value will at the same time be very materially impaired, if the stipulation cannot be liberated from the clause requiring the consent of the other belligerent nation, as necessary to exempt their vessels from search and seizure. None of the other belligerent nations have, in fact, unarmed vessels engaged in our trade, nor are they likely to have any during the war; and these alone could derive advantage from their consent; their armed vessels being expressly excepted. There can be no motive with them, therefore, to agree to the regulation. They would rather be tempted to embarrass, with a view to continue as much as possible vexations which lessen the mutual good will of the parties. And as by their not agreeing to the regulation, the right is reserved to British cruisers to examine all vessels for the purpose of ascertaining whether they may not belong to a belligerent, the disturbance of our trade might be little diminished within the additional two miles. Besides the mere interruption of a search concerning the vessel, it is hardly to be expected from the general spirit of cruisers, that the search will not be extended to the cargo, and if the latter should be thus or otherwise found or suspected to be of a contraband sort, that the temptation to capture would be resisted, the less so perhaps, as the increased distance from the shore and the increased difficulty of proof, would favour the chance of condemnation, or at least countenance courts in their propensity to refuse damages and costs to the claimants. To secure the advantage promised by this article, the right of search ought to be suppressed altogether, the additional space enjoyed in this respect the same immunity as is allowed to the marine league. To this object the president wishes your endeavours to be directed. I reserve for the 19th article, another view of the subject which can claim your attention.
ARTICLE 13.—The general provision here copied from the treaty of 1794, though not hitherto found of much effect, in controlling the licentiousness of cruisers, and very different from the special rules in favour of neutrals contained in most treaties which touch the subject of search, enters very properly into a comprehensive arrangement, between two friendly nations. The introductory sentence alone, which consists of new matter, invites particular notice. The expressions "as the course of the war may possibly permit," and "observing, as much as possible, the acknowledged principles and rules of the law of nations," however favorably intended by the British negotiators, will not improbably be construed into a relaxation of the neutral right in favor of belligerent pleas, drawn from circumstances of which belligerent agents may easily be so varied as to refer simply to the law of nations for the rule, and to the friendship of the parties, for the spirit, according to which the search is to be conducted. If such an amendment should be deliberately rejected by the British government, it will be a proof of a lurking danger, that will recommend an omission of what relates to the subject of search in preference to retaining it.
ARTICLES 14, 15, and 16, call for no particular observation. ARTICLE 17.—So much of this article as relates to the admission of ships of war would be advantageously exchanged for a general stipulation, allowing on this subject, the privilege granted to the most favored nation. It would then be in the power of the United States to limit the number admissible at one time, whereas such an indefinite admission of British ships imposes on our neutrality a like indulgence to the fleets of other nations. Such an alteration of the articles is the more reasonable and important, as there will be little reciprocity in its operation; the U. States having but few ships, and the inconveniences from British ships in our ports, being much greater than those from our ships in British ports.
The engagement to treat officers of the navy with respect, is not only too indefinite to be enforced by penal regulations, but implies a reproachful defect of hospitality and civility. In this light it was viewed during the discussions of the treaty of 1794. The clause probably grew then out of recent complaints, well or ill founded, of disrespectful conduct on some occasion towards British officers. If latter occurrences were to be consulted, it would be a more apt provision now to stipulate for the punishment of naval commanders making insulting and ungrateful returns for the kindness and respect shown them in our ports, and towns. The president makes almost a point of excluding this part of the article.
ARTICLE 18 and 19, already noticed. ARTICLE 20.—Considering the great number of British merchants residing within the United States, with the great means of influence possessed by them, and the very few American merchants who reside in Great Britain, the inconvenience which may be incident to such a protracted right to remain during a state of war, is evidently
much greater on our side than on the other. In this view the stipulation is very equal.—The liberal spirit of it is, at the same time, highly commendable. It were only to be wished that the readiness on one side to make sacrifices of this sort, to a spirit which ought to pervade every part of a treaty between the parties, had been less met by an apparent disposition on the other side, rather to extort from, than to emulate it.
ARTICLE 21.—Not agreeable, but not to be an insuperable obstacle.
ARTICLE 22, is altogether proper. ARTICLE 23.—This article, granting the privileges of the most favored nation, seems to require explanation, if not alteration. The terms "shall continue to be on the footing of the most favored nation," implies that the parties are now on the same footing. To look no further, the discrimination between exports from Great Britain to Europe and to the United States, is a proof that the fact is otherwise.
But may not the expression be construed into a barrier against laws on the part of the United States, establishing a reciprocity with the British navigation act, and West-India regulations? It might be impolitic to extend such laws to all other nations, as it would be unjust to extend them to such as had not adopted the restrictive system of Great-Britain. And yet a discrimination might be arranged as not continuing Great Britain on the same footing with other nations.
The object of this article, so far as it is a legitimate one, would be sufficiently provided for by a mutual stipulation of the privileges in trade and navigation, enjoyed by the most favored nation; and such stipulations moreover, ought in justice, to import or imply that where privileges are granted to a third nation, in consideration of privileges received, the privileges cannot be claimed under the stipulation, without a return of the same or of equivalent privileges. The condition is certainly not without difficulties in the execution, but it avoids a greater evil. Should Spain or France open her colonies to our ships and productions, on our granting certain privileges to her trade, these could not be claimed or expected by the most friendly nation who would not pay the price of them.
ARTICLES 24 and 25, are entirely proper. ARTICLE 26.—It is particularly desirable that the duration of the treaty should be abridged to the term limited in the instructions of the 5th Jan. 1804.
Having taken this view of the subject with reference to a formal treaty under new modifications, it is necessary to recollect that you were authorised by my letter of February 3, to enter into informal arrangements, and that before the receipt of my letter of March 18, a plan of that sort may have been definitively settled. In such a state of things it is impossible to do better than to leave your own judgments, aided by a knowledge of circumstances unknown here; and by the sentiments of the president now communicated, to decide how far it may be eligible, or otherwise, to attempt to supersede that informal arrangement, by opening the negotiation herein contemplated.
Should, on another hand, the negotiation be found in the state authorised by my letter, of March 18th, that is to say, matured provisionally only, and consequently leaving the door open for the experiment now provided for, it must equally remain with your own judgments, guided by a comparison of the terms of the provisional arrangement, with the present instructions, to decide how far it may be best to close the former, or to pursue the objects of the latter, with a view, in case of failure, to return to, and close the former.
Whatever may be the course recommended by the actual state of things, you will feel the propriety of smoothing the way for it, by the explanations which will best satisfy the British government, that the several steps taken on the part of the United States, have proceeded from their solicitude to find some ground on which the difficulties and differences existing between the two countries, might be amicably and permanently terminated. You will be equally aware of the importance of transmitting hither, as early and as circumstantial information of your proceedings and prospects, as opportunities will permit; and will particularly keep in mind, the earnest desire of the president, to possess, in due time, every material preparatory to the communications relating to our affairs with Great-Britain, which will be so anxiously expected, on the meeting of congress, the first Monday in December.
Such are the instructions and explanations under which the task is assigned to you, of renewing the discussions with the British government. The president is well assured, that it will be executed with all the advantage which talents and patriotism can contribute; and he is unwilling to believe that that government will finally prefer to the reasonable terms proposed, the serious state of things which will be left, by a miscarriage of this ulterior appeal to the motives which ought to govern a just and friendly nation. As it is possible, however, that this favorable calculation may not be verified, & it will necessarily remain to be decided, whether such a state of things can be obviated by any additional proposition, not beyond the justifiable limits of concession; the president has taken the case into his serious deliberation, and has concluded to authorize you, in the event of a rejection of every arrangement already authorised, but in that event only, to admit an article to the following effect:
"It is agreed that after the term of months computed from the exchange of ratifications, and during a war in which either of the parties may be engaged, neither of them will permit any seaman, not being its own citizen or subject and being a citizen or subject of the other party, who shall not have been for two years at least prior to that date, constantly, and voluntarily, in the service, or within the jurisdiction of the parties respectively, to enter, or be employed on board any of its vessels navigating the high seas; and proper regulations, enforced by adequate penalties, shall be mutually established, for distinguishing the seamen of the parties respectively, and for giving full effect to this stipulation."
You will observe that the proposition is so
framed as not to comprehend among British seamen, those who have been made citizens of the United States; and who must necessarily be so regarded within their jurisdiction, and under their flag. This modification of the article cannot produce any real objection on the part of Great-Britain.—1st. Because the legal pre-requisites to naturalization in the United States, imply what is sufficiently known, that the number of seamen actually naturalized or likely to be so, is too small to claim attention in any arrangement on this subject.
2d. Because the right of British subjects to naturalize themselves in a foreign trade and navigation, as laid down by the judicial authority of Great-Britain, ought to restrain the government from making a difficulty on this point. [See Dunford and East's reports, Wilson vs. Marshall, and the same case in Doranpecet and Butler's reports. ]
If an attempt should be made to bind the United States to deliver up the seamen to Great-Britain, instead of excluding them merely from their own service, you are to say at once, that it would be inconsistent with our principles, and cannot be acceded to.
It will occur to you, that the period of two years has been chosen, in allusion to the period established by Great-Britain, as sufficiently incorporating alien, with British seamen. A Heron example, at least, must have weight with her, and the implied appeal to it, may be of use in shielding the reassertion against public prejudices, to which the government may not wish to expose itself.
If the British government be not predetermined against a friendly adjustment, it is confidently presumed that the concession proposed, will not only overcome all obstacles to your success on the essential points, but may be turned to account in promoting the amendment of the other articles.
Should the concession, however, contrary to all expectation, not succeed, even as to the essential objects, the course prescribed by prudence will be, to signify your purpose of transmitting the result to your government; avoiding, carefully any language or appearance of hostile anticipations; and receiving and transmitting, at the same time, any overtures which may be made on the other side with a view to bring about accommodation. As long as negotiation can be honorably protracted, it is a resource to be preferred under existing circumstances, to the peremptory alternative of improper concessions, or inevitable collisions.
The last suggestion I have to you is, that in case of great difficulties in re-adjusting the multiplied provisions embraced by the treaty of December, particularly those relating to commerce, it may be advisable to simplify the transaction, by confining it to the few essential objects, or by not adding more than a few others of least difficulty, and most importance. A general article may suffice for the rest, giving reciprocally, in regard to trade and navigation, armed ships and prizes the privileges of the most favoured nation; and leaving for more leisurely and detailed provision, whatever further may conduce to the mutual interests, and correspond with the friendly dispositions of the parties. A general stipulation of this sort, applied to the subject of commerce, would have the advantage to the United States of abolishing and preventing British discriminations on exports, and to Great-Britain, the like advantage with respect to American discriminations on imports.
Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe & Mr. Pinkney. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. July 30, 1807.
GENTLEMEN, Your Letter of April 25th, inclosing the British project of a convention of limits, and your proposed amendments, has been duly received. The following observations explain the terms on which the president authorises you to close and sign the instrument.
1st. The modification of the 5th article, (noted as one which the British commissioners would have agreed to) may be admitted, in case that proposed by you to them be not attainable. But it is much to be wished and pressed, though not made an ultimatum, that the proviso to both should be omitted. This is in no view whatever, necessary; and can have little other effect than as an offensive intimation to Spain, that our claims extend to the Pacific Ocean. However reasonable such claims may be, compared with those of others, it is impolitic, especially at the present moment, to strengthen Spanish jealousies of the United States, which it is probably an object with G. Britain to excite by the clause in question.
2d. The privileges of British trade and intercourse with the Indians, allowed by existing stipulations, are not to be extended to Indians dwelling within the limits of the United States, as determined by the treaty of peace.
The motives for excluding foreign traders from the territories of the United States, westward of the Mississippi, have been heretofore stated to you. These motives gain strength daily. It is manifest also, that the proposition on the part of Great-Britain, falls essentially in the point of real and fair reciprocity; first, as it respects the possessions of the Hudson's Bay Company, without any equivalent exception on our side of the boundary; secondly, as the use of the privilege by our traders on the British side of the boundary is known to be attended with danger and secret obstructions, to which British traders on our side of the boundary are in no degree exposed; thirdly, as all chance of competition with British traders on the British side, would be completely frustrated by the disparity of duties and of prices, under which the American and British traders would respectively carry their merchandise to the Indian market on that side. The British government now complains of the disadvantage resulting to their Indian traders on the eastern side of the Mississippi from an excess of duty amounting to about 6 per cent. In the Indian trade within the British territory the difference against our traders is equal to the difference between the duties imposed on the United States, and those imposed on Canada, or rather, as no duties are proposed in Canada, equal to the difference.

imposed in the United States, that is, to 15 or 20 per cent. It is enough to be under this inequality, as it relates to the existing stipulation. To extend it as proposed is more than can be fairly expected. The bargain would be still far worse on our side, if the British proposals contemplate a free access to the waters westward of the Mississippi, with goods free of duty for the Indians of Louisiana.
Having already transmitted to Mr. Monroe sundry documents, throwing light on our relations with the Indians in the north west quarter, I add a few others, not a little curious, as well as not uninteresting.
3d. Access by land or inland navigation from the British territories, through the territory of the U.S. to the river Mississippi, is not to be allowed to British subjects, with their goods or effects, unless such articles shall have paid all the duties, and be within all the custom-house regulations, applicable to goods and effects of citizens of the United States. An access through the territory of the United States, to the waters running into the Western side of the Mississippi, is under no modification whatever to be stipulated to British subjects.
There can be no good reason with Great Britain for wishing an access to the Mississippi for goods free of duty, because the river can never be a high way to any other market than the consumption of our citizens, and as this cannot be attained without a previous payment of the usual duties, it must be the same thing whether the duties be paid on, or after entering the limits of the United States; or rather the only difference would be in the greater facility of evading the duties in the latter than in the former case; a facility which cannot be supposed to be approved by Great Britain, or admissible by the United States.
4th. It may be agreed that the ad valorem duty now payable on goods imported into the United States from the neighboring territories of Great Britain, shall be regulated according to the value thereof, estimated in the same manner as if directly imported from beyond sea, and that licenses to Indian traders, and passes for their canoes and carriages, shall be freely granted, but that the British traders shall in all respects be subject to the restrictions and precautions with respect to the articles to be supplied to the Indians, as are imposed on citizens of the United States engaged in the same trade.
I have only to express the president's approbation of the idea of keeping open for future decision, our right to the island of Grand Menan, and to suggest as a desirable addition to the 8th article, a clause providing, "that in the mean time British vessels shall not be restrained from carrying plaster, &c to any ports of the United States." It appears that a disposition exists to compel the British vessels to trade to the more distant ports of the United States, instead of resorting to the nearer ones, whence the plaster, &c, is now conveyed by vessels of the U.S. For the spirit and outrages which prevail in that quarter, I refer to the communications from the collector of Passamaquoddy, herewith enclosed. Affidavits of the facts stated by the collector, have also been transmitted by him.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
LETTERS
FROM MESSRS. MONROE AND PINKNEY TO MR. MADISON. London, July 25, 1806.
SIR, You will have been surprised at not hearing from us sooner, on the business confided to us, under the commission with which we are honored by the President. The delay proceeded from a desire to give you some satisfactory information of our progress in it, which it was not in our power to do. It happened unfortunately, just about the time of Mr. Pinkney's arrival, on the 24th ultimo, that Mr. Fox was taken ill of a dropsical complaint, from which he has not yet recovered, and probably never will. That circumstance, opposed to us a serious obstacle, which it was difficult to surmount, even in the first stage. As Mr. Fox was the official organ of the government, we could not approach it in that mode, through any other channel; and as he, and his friends are believed to be favorably disposed to the object of our mission, and are strong in the cabinet, it seemed to be hazardous to make any experiment for that purpose, which might have a tendency to irritate them. Thus we were kept for some time at a stand. Every necessary step was taken with the department of foreign affairs, without making any advance. At length through the good offices of lord Holland, to whom, as the relative of Mr. Fox, we presumed we might apply, without giving offence to him or his friends, we obtained our recognition of the king. And we trust now, that the door is open, that we shall soon be able to proceed in the business, on which we have to treat with some suitable organ of the government. We persuade ourselves, if Mr. Fox should continue unable to act, that some other person will be appointed to meet us in his stead. We have the pleasure to enclose you a copy of the several notes which have passed in this introductory stage of the business.
Our audience with the king, took place on the 21st instant. The reception was quite a favorable one. To the assurances which we gave of the friendly policy of the United States towards Great Britain, as particularly exemplified by the present mission, his majesty in return, expressed himself to be highly satisfied with the proof which that measure gave of that disposition in their government, as that Mr. Pinkney had been selected, by the President from among their citizens, to be employed in it. His other remarks, though not applicable to the topic of existing differences, were, nevertheless of a conciliatory and friendly character.
We beg you to be assured, that we shall continue to exert our best efforts to accomplish the important objects of our mission. Of the actual dispositions of this government on that subject, and of the prospect of a satisfactory adjustment, it is not in our power to speak from any recent occurrence. The general view, as founded on the sentiments which have been expressed by those about the government, with whom we have conferred, is favorable. We cannot but believe that the delay to which we were subjected in obtaining our recognition by the king, ought to be attributed to Mr. Fox's indisposition alone. It is, however, proper to mention that a negotiation with France, is still depending, and that many entertain the expectation, that it will terminate in peace. We are aware that such an event is likely soon to occur, & we flatter ourselves even in case it did not, that the motive for preserving a good understanding with the U. States, in the present situation of the world, is otherwise sufficiently strong with this government, to induce it to accede to a fair and satisfactory adjustment of differences with them.
We have received your letter of May 30, and shall not fail to pay due attention to the instruction it communicates.
We have the honor to be with great consideration and esteem, Sir, Your very obedient servants, JAS. MONROE. WM. PINKNEY.
(Here follow several notes of compliment and appointment of meetings, between Messrs Monroe and Pinkney and, Mr. Fox, Sir Francis Vincent, &c.)
No. 2. London, August 11, 1806.
SIR, It was intimated to us, by Sir Francis Vincent, soon after the date of our last, that as the state of Mr. Fox's health was not likely soon to permit him to attend to us, or the subjects of our mission, lord Grenville would be asked to communicate with us in his stead and Sir Francis promised that he would endeavor, without loss of time, to arrange with lord Grenville to that effect.
On the first instant, Sir Francis informed us, by a note to Mr. Monroe, that lord Grenville had been applied to, and that he would fix an early day for our reception. Believing that we should not make the most profitable use of the opportunity, if we waited for a note from lord Grenville, we determined to write him immediately, and request him to appoint a time for receiving us. He accordingly appointed the 4th, which on account of an interfering engagement, not at first advertised to, was changed to the day following.
His lordship received us with great cordiality; but as we had expected, was not prepared to enter into any formal consideration of the subjects embraced by our commission, which, as the letter of credence had been delivered to the king, and had not been seen by lord Grenville, we thought it advisable to submit to his perusal. He told us that he was at present able to say little more than that his majesty's government was earnestly desirous of giving the most prompt and effectual attention to what we had to propose, and of adjusting satisfactorily, whatever was in any degree calculated to disturb the good understanding, which ought to subsist between us; that he had always entertained and acted upon a sincere disposition to cultivate the most friendly connexion and intercourse with the U. States; and that he could say for his colleagues, that such was their disposition also; that we were aware that the delay we had hitherto experienced, arose entirely from the illness of Mr. Fox, to whose department, subjects of this description particularly belonged; that he himself, having only recently returned to a situation of confidence, in his majesty's councils, was of course, but very imperfectly acquainted with those immediate transactions and discussions, which had a bearing upon the relations of the two countries; that he could not therefore, at this moment, undertake even to converse with us upon them, otherwise than very loosely and informally; but that he should, notwithstanding, be glad to hear from us a statement of the principal points, which it was supposed our negotiation would involve. His lordship added, that if Mr. Fox should unfortunately continue to be disqualified by indisposition, from attending personally to the affairs of our mission, it would be necessary to receive his majesty's pleasure, whether this important duty, should be committed to some other of the secretaries of state, or to commissioners to be specially appointed to treat with us; and that this would not be delayed beyond the actual necessity of the occasion.
The statement which his lordship invited was, of course, given with as much minuteness as was thought to be prudent; and it drew from him several remarks, some of which, although not very interesting, it may be proper to state.
On the subject of the impressment of our seamen he suggested doubts (which we endeavored to remove, by suitable explanations) of the practicability of devising the means of discrimination between the seamen of the two countries, within (as we understood him) their respective jurisdictions; & he spoke of the importance, to the safety of Great Britain, in the present state of the power of her enemy, of preserving in their utmost strength, the right and the capacity of government, to avail itself in war, of the services of its seamen. These observations were connected with frequent professions of an earnest wish, that some liberal and equitable plan should be adopted, for reconciling the exercise of this essential right, with the just claims of the U. States, and for removing from it, all cause of complaint and irritation.
To a very brief sketch of the views of our government, relative to belligerent proceedings, in the vicinity of our coasts and harbors, he replied, that there could be no objection on their part to a suitable provision on that head. And as this topic recalled the recollection of captain Whitby's outrages at New-York, his lordship took occasion to say that, if they had been truly represented, they would meet with the severest censure here; that captain Whitby could not be condemned upon such grave charges, unheard; but that he would return to answer for his conduct.
To what was suggested by us, on the subject of contraband, he replied only, that he and Mr. Jay had copied the enumeration in their treaty, from the British treaty with Sweden.
Upon the commercial subject, very little was said on either side. For obvious reasons, it was not proper that we should do more than lead to it in a very general way. On the West-Indian branch of it, lord Grenville remarked, that he did not feel the difficulties which were supposed by many to belong to it, and that he regretted that the 12th article of Mr. Jay's treaty had not been retained; as it would have prepared the way for the more complete admission of the United States into that trade. We inferred from the little that passed on this point, that lord Grenville looked to a prevailing prejudice here, at variance with his own opinion, as likely to oppose itself to our views.
As the illness of Mr. Fox had hitherto restrained Mr. Monroe from sending to him a note, which he had prepared on the subject of captain Whitby's proceedings, he took the opportunity afforded by this interview, of asking the opinion of lord Grenville, as to the course which in reference to that interesting object, would now be most proper, intimating at the same time, his own desire that his communication, delayed thus long by motives of delicacy and respect towards Mr. Fox, should, as soon as possible, be brought under the serious consideration of his majesty's government. Lord Grenville stated his opinion and his wish to be, that the note should be retained for the present.
On the 7th, Mr. Fox underwent the operation of tapping, by which he was much relieved; and his friends have since had great hopes of his permanent recovery.
On the 9th we called on Sir Francis Vincent, and stated to him what had passed with lord Grenville. He now assured us that Mr. Fox wished extremely to act in our affairs himself, and the late favorable appearances seemed to justify an expectation that his countenance would be sufficiently rapid to enable him to indulge that wish. He even went so far as to express his conviction, that if there was one reason more than another, why Mr. Fox was at this time particularly anxious to remain in office, it was his strong desire to settle personally, with us every question relative to our country.
The public papers will inform you, that lord Lauderdale has been sent by this government to Paris, on the subject of peace. According to some opinions, the basis and the terms had been settled by previous correspondence, and his lordship was simply to perform the office of signing a treaty already adjusted. Others have supposed, that he has been sent to make the usual experiment; & others again, that, although much has been agreed upon, there are certain points upon which this government has been misunderstood by that of France, which require to be explained by an envoy, and are of course still open.
The terms of M. d'Oubril's Treaty are yet unknown, and the Treaty itself is, in all respects, as mysterious as at first.
We need not suggest to you the various conjectures, which it would be possible to form, as to the causes to which it is owing, that our negotiation is not yet in train, and as to the probable effect of our mission. We have not been inattentive to what has passed here, and upon the continent; but we are disposed to give credit to the professions of just and amicable views which we have so often heard, and to the precise assurances which have so frequently been given to us, that Mr. Fox's illness alone has suspended our progress. In the actual state of things, it would be vain, and probably injurious, and certainly harsh, to be very urgent for dispatch. You may be assured, however, that we shall lose no opportunity of fulfilling the just expectations of our government, with as little delay as possible.
We have the honor to be, With great consideration and esteem, Your most obedient Servants, JAMES MONROE. WILLIAM PINKNEY.
[Here follows No. III. sent as confidential.] It is a letter from Messrs. Monroe & Pinkney to the secretary of state, dated 15th Aug. 1806.
No. 4. Extract of a letter from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, dated London, August 21, 1806, to the secretary of state.
SIR, We have the pleasure to transmit you a copy of a note from Mr. Fox of yesterday, which announces the appointment of lords Holland and Auckland to meet us on the subjects which are embraced by our joint commission. We flatter ourselves that we shall enter on this business in the course of a few days, and that we shall be able in a short time afterwards to speak with some confidence of the result. We add with pleasure, that we see no reason, at this time, to think the prospect less favorable to a satisfactory one, than we have heretofore presumed it to be. Aware of the considerations which urge dispatch, we have been and shall continue to be attentive to that object, though it is far from being in our power to promise any thing explicit on that point.
Mr. Secretary Fox, presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney, and he has the honor to inform them, that his majesty has been graciously pleased, (Mr. Fox not being yet sufficiently recovered to attend to business of such magnitude,) to appoint lord Holland and lord Auckland to enter with Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney upon the discussion of all matters now depending between his Majesty's government and the government of the United States.
Mr. Fox feels it his duty, in expressing his regret at being unable, at the present moment, to undertake this important business himself, to observe, that his majesty in this appointment of commissioners, has given a fresh proof of his most anxious and constant desire to bring to a speedy termination all discussions between the two countries, and to form such arrangements as may tend to render perpetual a system of mutual friendship and cordiality so conducive to the honor & interests of both.
Mr. Fox begs Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney will accept the assurances of his high consideration. Downing-Street, August 20, 1806. (To be Continued.)
NEW YORK, April 22.
Yesterday the merchants and several other gentlemen of this city, complimented Mr. Gardiner with a public dinner, in consideration of his late patriotic conduct in congress, and particularly for his eminent exertions to procure suitable fortifications of this port and harbor.
At 5 o'clock, upwards of one hundred gentlemen sat down to an uncommonly elegant entertainment, at the Mechanic Hall; accompanied by a very elegant band of music. Cornelius Ray, Esq. President of the branch Bank of the U. States and of the Chamber of Commerce presided. Among the guests were the Hon. Mr. Morris, the Hon. Mr. King, and the Hon. Mr. Mason and the Hon. Mr. Otis, of Boston. After dinner, the following Toasts were drank:
1. The United States of America—yet free and independent. Hail Columbia. 2. The President of the U. States—the full and responsible exercise of his constitutional prerogatives, but no more. 3. The Senate and House of Representatives—emancipated from the control of an "unseen hand." 4. Washington's last caution—"No excessive partialities for one foreign nation; no excessive dislikes of another." 5. The Port and Harbour of New-York—may our rulers never forget that protection and allegiance are reciprocal. 6. Agriculture—poor crops and a good market are better than good crops and no market.
market are better than good crops and no market.
7. Commerce— Alas! it is "embarrassed by too much regulation."
8. Neutral Rights—may they be well understood and proudly maintained.
9. Freedom of Debate—it is essential to the preservation of liberty.
10. "Darkness and Mystery"—May they cease to "over-shadow Congress and the Nation."
11. The memory of Washington—the pure patriot; the practical statesman; no dreaming theorist; no visionary philosopher.
12. The memory of Alexander Hamilton—ke pride of his country; the crisis which his prophetic spirit foresaw, has arrived; He is no more.
13. Timothy Pickering—the modern Cincinnatus; he would have equalled the best of the Romans in the best days of Rome.
14. John Quincy Adams—He has "burst open the doors of honor and confidence."
15. The People—May they seek information for themselves, when they find the Representatives disposed to legislate without knowing why or wherefore.
16. Independence—It is essential to it, that we should have "the right to levy war, conclude peace, and contract alliances" for ourselves, subject neither to the controul nor the dictation of any foreign power.
17. Blocks and Chains, Torpedoes and Proclamations—No defence for the Port and Harbour of New-York.
BY MR. GARDINER The City of New-York—Without commerce it could not have existed—Without Commerce it must perish—May the Citizens be true to themselves.
After Mr. Gardiner had retired. The Hon. Barent Gardiner—The bold & eloquent defender of the rights of the people.
Aine Cheers. The Hon. Samuel White—"A name without fear and without reproach."
Three Cheers. VOLUNTEERS. By Mr. King—The Liberty of Speech—With it Congress is the Bulwark of Freedom, without it the Monument of Slavery.
By Mr. G. Morris—May our Rulers inverting their course, defend their measures by Argument, their Country by Arms.
By Judge Benson—The Embargo Law, or, the President and Congress an Inquest finding the Merchant non compos to calculate his own Risks.
His Excellency James Bowdoin, late minister at the court of his Catholic majesty, and envoy extraordinary at Paris, his lady and niece, Miss Sarah B. Winthrop and George Sullivan, Esq. private secretary to Mr. Bowdoin, have arrived at Boston in the ship Sally from Liverpool.
The Federalists of the city of New York, wishing to avail themselves of the temporary popularity acquired by Mr. Gardiner during his last campaign in Washington, has laid aside their old standing candidate Rufus King and put him into his place. Their ticket is for Barent Gardiner and William Patterson—The republicans have run their present representative Gordon S. Mumford, with Wm. Deming—Behold the result!!!
April 30. We are unable to give a statement of the number of votes given for each candidate in the different wards at the election which has just terminated. The following is said to be the aggregate result:
Federal Majorities. Republican Majorities. First Ward - - - - - 230 Fourth Ward - - - - - 95 Second - - - - - 173 Fifth - - - - - 420 Third - - - - - 13 Sixth - - - - - 301 Seventh - - - - - 422 Eighth - - - - - 167 Ninth - - - - - 11 Tenth - - - - - 175 426 1,509 416 Republican Majority - - - 1,173
We learn that orders have been issued to liberate all American vessels carried into the ports of France and her allies, excepting such as had taken out licences from Great Britain— Aurora.
PETERSBURG, April 23.
In all societies there are men actuated, either by malice or envy, to blast the fair fame of those, eminent for their talents or virtues. Impressions and reports unfavorable to the character of the late John D. Burk, have gone abroad with great facility. Where, & in whom, these reports originated, I am unable to say: But I conceive it my bounden duty to lay before the public every circumstance relating to the late unfortunate duel.
Saturday, April 9. "Mr. Burk dining at a public tavern, with his friends around him, expressed his sentiments with regard to the French government in the following manner:
"What will the cavillers against the administration now say? What will they say to the letter of Mr. Armstrong, in answer to the arrogant note of Mr. Champagny? I am in hopes, when they read the honest, manly and luminous remarks of an American citizen, in refutation of the pretensions of the French rascals, they will have honesty and modesty enough to withdraw their accusations and be silent. For the French are all a pack of rascals."
"Mr. Coqubert. Did you mean to apply those observations to me?"
"Mr. Burk. Sir, I do not know who you are—what you are. I did not know there was such a being in existence. Who are you, sir? What are you? I do not so much as know your country, or even your name."
"Mr. C. Task, if you mean to insult me, sir?"
"Mr. B. Seeing, sir, that you have no right to intrude upon my concerns or conversation, you must even take it as you please."
"Mr. C. Very well, sir."
"The observations of Mr. C. were uttered at the public table in a tone of defiance, which precluded any thing like gentlemanly or manly explanations."
Sunday morning Mr. Burk received the following note:
"SIR, "I have been so long in the place that you could not help knowing that I am a Frenchman."
The foregoing account was given by Mr. Burk himself to his friend, that in case the interview proved fatal to him, he should enclose it to me, with the correspondence.
man. I sat so nearly opposite to you at dinner, that you could not avoid seeing what you said, could not fail to see the conversation of any man, inasmuch as it does not relate to me—But I cannot overlook what is said in my very face, let it be said directly or indirectly."
"If (alluding to politics) you did not mean to insult me, and had not observed, that a Frenchman was within the reach of your words, I suppose you had no objection to ease those feelings by an acknowledgement of it in as formal a manner as that I take to address you."
"Saturday, 9th April." F. COQUEBERT.
To the foregoing note, Mr. Richard N. Thweatt, the friend of Mr. Burk, delivered the answer as follows:
"SIR, "My friend, Mr. Thweatt, who was privy to the conversation you complain of, will arrange with your friend any thing necessary to discussion, or battle, if it shall be so determined on. I hope you will excuse the inaccuracy of not replying to you as he note by a written answer. J. D. BURK."
"Sunday Morning, April 10." "MR. COQUEBERT."
After the preceding notes passed, no further communication took place between the parties (as I understand) except Mr. Thweatt being called upon to name the time & place for battle.
The fatal event of which is known to the world.
The situation in which I stand, relative to the deceased, will plead my apology to the public, for publishing the cause, which led to the late unhappy catastrophe, together with the consideration of preventing misrepresentations.
B. CURTIS.
WEST-INDIES.
GRENADA, March 30.
The governor has received, from the governor of Trinidad, the news of a dreadful misfortune which has happened to the town of Port of Spain—nearly the whole of which, was consumed by fire on Thursday the 24th inst. It is calculated that the loss amounts to a million sterling at least. The unfortunate inhabitants are in the utmost distress, threatened with famine. Provisions and lumber they want most. The governor exhorts the inhabitants of the town of St. George to recollect that twice have they suffered a similar fate, even last year their town was saved by the exertions of the garrison from the most imminent danger. A law exists against wooden buildings and roofs—yet neither calamity experienced, nor the force of law can prevail—If the same misfortune should again come upon them, it will be their own fault, they must not accuse Providence, but their own neglect and apathy.
Grenada, 29th March, 1803.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MAY 6, 1808.
TO ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
"Lie on, whilst our Revenge shall be, To speak the very Truth of thee."
FOR the avowed motive of your second number, viz: "our good," we acknowledge our incapacity to make a suitable return, and cannot refrain from expressing our regret that so much good intention should be lost; we are thoroughly persuaded, however, that your power to effect the object you profess to have at heart, is at least equal to the sincerity of your avowal. We will do you the justice to say, that if singular arrogance and boldness of assertion would entitle any man to pre-eminence, we believe we could urge stronger claims to it, than "One of the People." But it is not your usurpation and profanation of the term "we the People," and your assumption of knowing them better than we do, that can either reclaim us to what you consider the path of rectitude, or deter us from pursuing what we believe to be right. We shall never, I trust, feel indifferent to what the People may think "of the cleanness of our heads, or the purity of our hearts;" but we must be excused, if we should fail, as I fear we shall, to receive as good authority upon these points, theipse dixit of a man whose late publications afford but very equivocal evidence of the latter, whilst some of his habits (if we mistake him not) are, to say the least of them, not very favorable to the former—
All that you have said in your second paragraph about the inconsistency of our precepts, and practice is already answered by the fact, that most of us have never been members of a caucus. But this fact you have taken special care to pretermit, as it would have cut short many a fair sentence of moral decoration, and many a foul one spread out with destitution of moral and political principle—perjury, and certain other polished epithets adapted to your particular taste and practice. You have attempted to make the public believe, that we have accused the members of the Washington Caucus of perjury, because we have said that they acted "in direct hostility with the principles of the constitution, and assumed power not delegated by the people." It was a wonder, whilst your hand was in, that you had not endeavored to demonstrate that we had also arraigned them for treason. For when you had gotten as far as your "criminal assemblage," it would have been very easy to add—that was levying of war, and levying of war—was treason. But, sir, we have accused the Washington Caucus of nothing more nor less, than we shall in due time substantiate. We have no where said, that they did any thing which they believed, or suspected to be a violation of their oaths, neither have we ever imagined it—we leave it to such classical and polished gentlemen as One of the People to deal in accusations of this sort. His late avocations have no doubt familiarised him to them, and for the inveteracy of habit, we are willing to make great allowances. The Protesters have no where declared, as you would willingly make them, that they thought caucuses proper under any circumstances whatever. They go no further than to say that a possible necessity might perhaps palliate, but they doubt whether any case could justify them; and the recital of the circumstances under which some former caucuses were held, was merely to shew, what that palliation was supposed to be. Do you mean to assert, or do you only wish to be believed, without incurring any responsibility for the opinion, that no possible occurrence could take place, which could palliate a violation of the constitution? For instance, might not some danger threaten the national safety, or even the national

existence, which the Legislature or the constitution, had not vested the president with a competent authority and power to assert; and would you undertake to say that the usurpation and exercise of such a power on the part of the president, would not be at least palliated, if not completely justified by the necessity of the case? I wish not to be misunderstood—this case I have stated, as an illustration, not as one analogous to a caucus, but sufficient, I trust, to show the fallacy of your argument, that if caucuses are in direct hostility to the principles of the constitution, and assumptions of power not delegated by the people, nothing can exonerate the impropriety of holding them. But if we are not grossly misinformed, it is not very long, since you yourself were exercising all your dexterity in attempts to whitewash, upon this plea of necessity, one of the most flagrant violations of the constitution, ever perpetrated in this country, and that too not by the civil—but military authority. But perhaps you will reply that you were only "laboring in your vocation," and for which you had a very old and characteristic precedent. You have no doubt, in the course of your practice, met with instances enough, both of "intellectual blindness and moral depravity," to enable you to elucidate these topics very well, but you should take care that in the application of them, you do not involve your friends with your enemies. How, for example, can you accuse the Protesters, with "violating their oaths for power," without subjecting the members of the Washington caucus to the imputation in a much stronger degree? The object of their meeting was certainly to confer power on others, and it might be said by one much less suspicious than yourself, to receive it perhaps in their turn. Favors of this sort seldom go unrequited. With what propriety, or even common sense, could power possibly be said to be the object of our protest, when none was, or could be conferred, either on others, (for we recommended none) or on ourselves by it?
With respect to your belief of our secret wishes, and above all of our hostility to the present administration, suffice it to say, that until it is demonstrated to rest on a better foundation than the suspicions of "One of the People," no national man can expect us to notice it in any other way, than by positive denial. You ought to have been better acquainted with the nature and application of evidence, than to expect a reply to accusations unsupported even by the semblance of proof. Before you ventured to charge us with a "systematic—inflexible, and rancorous opposition to the administration," a knowledge of which you say is derived from our conduct on the floor of Congress, you ought to have recollected, if your lucid intervals were long enough to enable you to do it, that you pronounced us in your first number a set of obscure individuals, of whom neither you, nor any body else, scarcely ever heard, and the same sentiment is reiterated in still stronger terms only a few lines beyond the paragraph, in which you would have the people to believe, that you knew every thing about us. Is this the way, sir, you treat that people with whom you accuse us of trying experiments? Is this your respect for their understandings? If you meant to prove our hostility to the administration from our conduct on the floor of Congress, one would think you might have given yourself the trouble to quote, (or to collate, as I suppose you would express it) a majority of our votes—I will not say speeches, as you seem unwilling to admit that any of us scarcely have been heard of in this way. This would have been the common, and indeed the only mode of proving such an assertion, but uncommon men like yourself, I presume, expect, if they do not claim exemption from ordinary rules. Like the ancient Oracles, they consider themselves entitled to implicit credence, even for naked declarations. From our Protest no such inferences as yours can possibly be drawn, for there is not even an insinuation, much less a positive expression derogatory to the character of the administration in it. But to save you some trouble in the labour of conjecture, we will tell you what we think both of the republican party, and of the identification of the administration with them. We consider no party entitled to that character, which does not always act in strict conformity to the principles upon which the present administration came into power. Nay more, we believe the administration itself no farther republican, than as they conform to those principles. It is an article of our faith too, that although the present administration were placed at the head of the government, because it was believed they would act upon those principles, yet that those who placed them there, never considered them as so amalgamated with the principles which they were selected to maintain, as to be inseparable from them. Nor was it the fashion then as it now is, to use them as synonymous terms. Although it was expected and believed that the administration would generally act upon republican maxims, it was not thought impossible that they should ever depart from them. It is also a part of our creed that if a man is justly pronounced to be no republican, it must be because he violates republican principles, and not because he happens to differ in some respects from the administration.
We come now to your justification of a caucus, and let us see to what it amounts. "The constitution (you say) no where prohibits such a conference, either expressly, or by implication; on the contrary, we (meaning yourself) think the principles of the constitution promoted, by such a conference—i. e. it be managed with that honor and good faith which was heretofore to have been expected from every member of Congress." The constitution expressly declares that "no Senator or Representative or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector." How does this, sir, comport with your declaration that there is neither express nor implied prohibition to such caucuses as have for their object the election of a President or Vice-President? And what sort of promotion to the principles of the constitution can that practice give, against which such caution has been used to guard? If it be said, that a member of Congress, acting as a member of such a caucus, is not an elector, I ask in what respect does he differ from one, if the caucus recommendation is to secure the election of particular persons as President and Vice-President, or at least to render it almost certain? Caucuses of this nature, must be admitted, even according to your own doctrine, to have this effect, or they must be useless. Your whole argument to prove this utility of congressional caucuses "in preventing diversity of sentiment, and feuds among the people and the states—promoting harmony," &c. goes to demonstrate incon-
sistently, that the members of these caucuses are virtually the electors, whilst the people in whose hands the constitution designed to confide this power exclusively in the first instance, are in fact nothing more than the mere nominal instruments to carry into effect the previous determination of these self-created bodies. No sophistical artifice which your talents can devise, no subterfuge of declamation can disguise this damning fact. If the constitution had intended that the people should not exercise their right to elect, entirely exempt from any bias whatever, it surely would have given the power at once to Congress. The authors of that instrument could never have designed to mock the people by a show of making them free agents, if in reality they were to act merely as the mouth-pieces of congressional caucuses. You say if the caucus nomination is confirmed by the people, it will prevent that congressional intrigue which would follow from the elections falling constitutionally into the hands of Congress in the event of a failure to elect by the people. This, sir, is worse than mockery to the understandings of the public—'tis insult. If the members of Congress can intrigue (and even your liberality can suppose it possible, when it suits your purpose) after the election falls into their hands by the constitution, what is to prevent their intriguing, when they undertake to elect, or at least to influence the election without a constitutional sanction? Are there not stronger inducements and more temptations for them to intrigue in caucus, than when the constitution calls upon them to elect? There certainly are, for men will always go greater lengths to promote their objects when difficulty of attainment, and hazard of failure create additional obstacles to their success, than when they are sure at least of the legitimate power to secure them. The price of insurance must always be proportioned to the risk incurred, & without meaning to do more than you have done—that is, to suppose corruption in Congress possible, I think I have demonstrated that caucuses are calculated to convert this possible into a probable event—that they are violations of the constitution and usurpations of power not delegated by the people. It is in vain that you endeavor to claw off the difficulties in which your support of caucuses has involved you, by saying if they are managed with honor and good faith, they may be beneficial. This is nothing more than saying, if men are virtuous—they will not be vicious. 'Tis a notable discovery, but one that any man who is one remove from absolute fatuity, has made without your assistance. It is such an if, as would go to prevent the passage of every penal law in the world and to supersede the necessity of every thing like a constitution. But where is the faith in human wisdom, or human virtue, which should lead us to say, that 'tis no matter how many and how strong temptations members of Congress are exposed to, (and unnecessarily too,) to be corrupt—because we ought to take it for granted they are incorruptible? Should virtuous women be sent to live in Brothels, because we confide in their chastity?
The necessity for the late caucus, which you deduce from the existence of what you call the minority, and your depreciation of that minority into utter insignificance, will not hang together. If the latter be correct, this necessity could certainly have no existence, but if you cannot do without the alleged necessity, you will find it, I think, essential to your purpose to endeavor to swell us into somewhat greater consequence. This is a calculation which you appear to have overlooked. You charge us with displaying "powers of invention and distortion," such as would have baffled even the celebrated Johnson, whom you have taken occasion to introduce to us neck and heels along with Sir Joshua Reynolds—the Earl of Warwick and Shakespeare. Without undertaking to ask how and where you became acquainted with these great personages, or why you have quoted them upon us Ignoramus, I would merely enquire how the "wonderful powers of invention and distortion," which even Dr. Johnson's imagination could not conceive, should all of a sudden dwindle into "just such pretty little sing-song composition, as school boys half awake, dream 'over for their first thesis'?" And how could such a grave, temperate and consequential gentleman as "One of the People" so far let himself down, as to contest the palm, with such half-waking school boys, in this pretty little sing-song sort of composition? Is it possible that he can ever have acted either as the tutor or scholar at such exhibitions, and has determined to shew us, that he has not forgotten old times? These compositions of ours, which you represent at one time as going to traduce and ruin a patriot of colossal reputation—at another, as having no resemblance to fact, and as altogether contemptible, shall be examined more fully in a very short time, nor do we mean that you shall evade the force of the charges which they contain, by any battery which you can play off, either against our conduct or character. All that we have ever said of Mr. Madison, we are prepared to substantiate, and it is not by accusations either against our motives, or understandings, that you can expect the people to think our objections answered. Let me tell you, sir, that we neither wish nor imagine these objections should derive any additional weight from any thing praiseworthy which a single individual may suppose he perceives in any one of us, but still less do we believe that in the opinion of any rational man, they will lose any part of their force, by the obloquy which you have thought proper to cast upon us. We wish these charges to be taken for neither more nor less than they are worth, but their value we cannot imagine can be affected any way by the knowledge of the persons from whom they proceed. The objections are—that he has not as much energy as a President should possess—that he was one of the writers of the Federalist, and particularly of certain numbers in that work, in which are found some of the most extravagant federal doctrines—that he has not alway been a republican—that in the most arduous times, during the most critical period of the contest between Federalists and Republicans, he retired from the struggle—and last of all, that he recommended a compromise with the Yazoo claimants, which we cannot conceive any man could have done, who felt all that abhorrence at this transaction, which it was calculated to inspire. These are our objections and we defy you or any man satisfactorily to obviate them. We never pretended, as you have insinuated, that Mr. Madison either had, or would have had any interest whatever in the Yazoo claimants far, very far above any such odious suspicion. All we assert, and for that we still contend is, that no man who could sufficiently suppress his abhorrence of this
fraud, to recommend the payment of five millions of dollars to the perpetrators of it, at the same time that he declares they have "no claim which can be supported," by which I understand neither legal nor equitable claim—is unfit to be President. That he did so, a short quotation from the report of the commissioners, will conclusively prove. These commissioners, after stating the case at length, and speaking of certain propositions made by the claimants say—"the commissioners think these propositions inadmissible, and without pretending to affirm, that the Legislature of the state of Georgia was competent to make the decision, they feel no hesitation in declaring it as their opinion, that under all the circumstances which may affect the case, as they have come within their knowledge, and as herein stated, the title of the claimants cannot be supported."
In speaking of the claims of the S. Carolina Yazoo company, & the Virginia Yazoo Co. these commissioners say "upon a full view of the subject, they do not perceive that those companies have any equitable claim either for the land, or for compensation from the U. States." What Mr. Madison did as a commissioner, we deem it fair to say, he would certainly do as President. And if the Yazoo men should ever have influence enough to get a law passed by Congress in their favor, what security is there that Mr. Madison would not confirm that law? Is it no objection to a candidate for the office of President, that the public should have every reason to believe, that he would be willing to purchase respite from Yazoo importunity at the expence of five millions of dollars to the U. States? Is it no evidence of a man's wanting energy, that a parcel of fraudulent speculators, whose claims according to his own acknowledgement, have neither law nor equity to support them, should have influence enough over his mind, to induce a wish to stop their mouths at such a price? Would it be no objection to a President, that he would probably appoint Yazoo-men to office? I must again repeat we never did, nor can mean to insinuate anything against Mr. M's. motives for this opinion, nor is it at all necessary to suppose them corrupt to substantiate the objection. The opinion, however formed, it must be admitted by all, would influence his conduct, and the result, as far as the public was concerned, would be the same, whether his motives were good or bad. The Yazoo fraud, Sir, can neither be palliated nor justified, notwithstanding your long and laboured attempt to vindicate some of the persons implicated, by calling them "innocent purchasers" neither will the circumstance of your declaring that we have selected Yazoo, as a watchword, be thought a better argument, although you profess such entire knowledge of this subject, it will not be very difficult to show that you are grossly or wilfully ignorant of some very material facts, or that you have stated others which are not to be found in any known and authentic history of that affair. Where, for instance, do you get the knowledge of "a great number of virtuous and innocent men" being interested in these claims? It is certainly not from the documents which you have pretended to quote, on the contrary the report itself will demonstrate that there could be but very few, if any purchasers unapprised of the fraudulent manner in which the pretended title had been acquired.
The commissioners after stating that "all the members of the Georgia Legislature, both in the Senate and House, who voted in favor of the corrupt law, with one exception, were proved to be interested in, and parties to the purchase"—add—"It is also proper to state, that all the deeds given by the companies, which have been exhibited to the commissioners, as well as all the subsequent deeds, with only two or three exceptions, not only give a special, instead of a general warranty, but have also a special covenant, in the following words—"And lastly it is covenanted and expressly agreed and understood, by and between the parties to these presents, that neither the granters aforesaid, nor their heirs, executors nor administrators, shall be held to any further or other warranty, than is herein before expressed, nor liable to the refunding of any money, in consequence of any defect in their title, from the state of Georgia, if any such there should hereafter appear to be." When to this, the public add the equally notorious fact, that almost all the deeds were of cotemporaneous date, with the famous rescinding act of Georgia, exposing & annulling all these fraudulent and corrupt sales of their predecessors, together with the fact of general notice having been given in many of the northern news-papers, and particularly those of Boston, that these frauds had been detected, and that those sales would be revoked, how is it possible for the most credulous man to believe that there could be, as you have undertaken to assert, "many innocent purchasers?" The assumed fact is beyond credibility. A man as well disposed as you seem to be, to plead the cause of these Yazoo-Gentlemen, might, without doubt, get handsomely remunerated, by them, particularly when they consider what zeal and talents you have manifested for abusing those who are willing and desirous to hold them up to that public detestation and abhorrence which they so justly deserve. Such a claim as forty millions of acres is worth prosecuting, and they could not, I believe, select a fitter instrument to promote their purpose, as far as fecundity in foul language is essential to it. But I apprehend you must take some other course, before you can persuade the nation, that a man's having advised a compromise with these people, however pure his motives may have been in doing so, forms no objection to his being made President of the United States. The above quotations from the Report of the commissioners, will shew what credit is due to your declarations with respect to "the fairness and the popularity of that law," under which the Yazoo men pretended to claim, which, immediately after its passage was presented by almost all the grand-juries in Georgia—and which the succeeding patriotic Legislature burned, not with ordinary fire, but with that collected from the sun, by a burning-glass. And such were the apprehension of detection which prevailed amongst the detestable rogues, that there is every reason to believe that to prevent discovery, they committed two murders upon two members of the corrupt Legislature, who repented and threatened to divulge all, but were killed, no body knows by whom, immediately after this declaration. I am very sensible, Sir, this last evidence against the Yazoo-Men is not such as would pass in a court of law, but the fact I think, is one of those which will speak for itself. The special clause in the deeds, together with their dates, and the general notoriety of the fraud will enable the public to
calculate without any great arithmetical aid, "the numbers of distant—virtuous—and innocent purchasers" which you would willingly make them believe there were in some parts of the country. Both you and one of your deputies, (as it should seem,) who disgraces the name of Franklin, have attempted to give the nation an account of the Yazoo business—but how given, I shall leave it to others to say.
As I cannot but consider any man a champion for the Yazoo compromise, who will assert, as you have done, that "the arguments which support the opinions of the three virtuous and eminent commissioners, have never yet been answered, and perhaps never will be answered, in any other way than by resorting to the sovereign power of Congress on the subject, and appealing to the angry passions on the corrupt origin of the claim," I must devote a few more remarks to what you have said on this topic. You say "you are sure no men could feel more indignant at the fraud than the three gentlemen who made the report in question." None of the Protesters have ever pretended to doubt the indignation of these gentlemen, they have only said that Mr. Madison did not feel enough to prevent him from recommending the compromise. You add—"yet for this opinion, which if wrong could do no harm—because submitted to the discretion of Congress—you members of Congress, professing high regard for virtue and character—you have the justice and liberality to single out Mr. Madison, and brand him with every odious epithet which your habits of obloquy and invective, can supply." It was never contended that the opinion of Mr. Madison, as an individual, on this subject could do any harm, but are you, or do you believe others ignorant enough not to perceive the pernicious tendency of such an opinion in a President of the United States? Will you have the hardihood to assert that the head of the government being friendly to a compromise with the Yazoo speculators, could do no harm? If Mr. Madison was chosen President, where is the reason to believe that he would have a different opinion on this subject, from that which he entertained as a commissioner? I have never understood that promotion to power changed men's opinions for the better; it much oftener I fear, alter them for the worse. Mr. Madison, Sir, as a private man, would ne'er have been molested by us, for his opinion on this, or any other subject, but if you and others will take upon yourselves to offer him to the nation as President, we have the right which is common to us all, and we will exercise it, of stating our objections. If any one is to blame or singling him out, as you are pleased to call it, the members of the Washington caucus, are the persons. When a man is once held up for the office of President, even according to your own notable admission "his merits are every where publicly and freely discussed" and it is competent for every one to say of him, all that he can support by facts. We have said nothing of him that we cannot substantiate, and the public must decide how far our objections are obviated by your pronouncing them nothing but obloquy and invective. I deny that we have said anything against Mr. Madison's private, or moral character, and for every sentiment which we have uttered in relation to his public conduct, we are ready to adduce, and will adduce, what we consider unanswerable argument to support it. Enough I trust has been said to maintain the objection of his having recommended the Yazoo compromise—but one word in reply to your assertion that "the arguments of the commissioners have never yet been answered." Men who refute themselves, I have never supposed it would be thought necessary to attempt to answer. But I have examined this report with full as much attention I believe as "One of the People" and find only a single paragraph in it, which has even the appearance of argument; all else is plain narrative. Even this, I am persuaded, a man of ordinary faculties would call nothing more than an assertion, but the superior penetration of One of the People, it would seem can find argument, where no other human being can perceive the semblance of it. I shall give the paragraph and leave the public to judge. "But they (the commissioners) nevertheless believe, that the interests of the U. States—the tranquility of those who may hereafter inhabit that territory—and various equitable considerations, which may be urged in favor of most of the present claimants, render it expedient to enter into a compromise on reasonable terms" which reasonable terms are the payment of 5,000,000 of dollars. This is what One of the People calls "unanswerable argument," and this opinion, the commissioners give, after having previously declared, with respect to two of the Yazoo companies, that "upon a full view of the subject, they do not perceive that those companies have any equitable claims, either for the land, or for compensation from the United States," and after having said, with respect to the whole of the claimants, that "they think their propositions inadmissible, and that they feel no hesitation in declaring it as their opinion, that under all the circumstances which may affect the case as they came within their knowledge, and as stated in their report—the title of the claimants cannot be supported."
Before I conclude, permit me to acknowledge the kindness of the invitation to "repentance and forgiveness, and the fold of republicanism," which you have undertaken to give in the name of the whole people of the United States. It is still a greater insult to them, than to us, for to presume that they could pardon men, who have been guilty of such "plots, conspiracies, perjuries," and other atrocious crimes, as you accuse us with committing, or intending to commit, is to consider the nation as little better than ourselves. With respect to your "fold of republicanism," we can only say, if you are to be panned in it along with us—hardened and irreclaimable sinners as we are, we must beg to be excused, for we cannot consent to keep such company.
ONE OF THE PROTESTERS.
Mucius must seek some "other vehicle for his sentiments than that which this paper affords," unless he gives a new cast to those sentiments. What right has he to appeal to my principles? A man, who neither hands me in person, nor even fathers his own production, but sends it like a poor deserted foundling, through the mysterious medium of the Post-Office. I must however publish this anonymous Essay, without any visible parent, & fraught as it is with very severe personal abuse, and fraught even with libelous matter, or I must incur the charge of violating the liberties of
the press. It is impossible for me to hesitate long about the alternative, which I should prefer. In a proper or glorious cause, I am perhaps as ready to fall a martyr as Mucius himself. I am as willing to brave the terrors of the law, where duty requires it, as most men can be. In the defence of the violated liberties of the press, I should even glory in such a destiny. But let it at least be in a case of this description. If I am to encounter the frowns of the world or the terrors of legal prosecution, let it be in a cause where the sweets of conscious approbation would nerve me for such an encounter. Let it be in the cause of truth and justice, or in the defence of some high-minded patriot whose principles I revere, and whose bosom beats in unison with my own. In the essay of Mucius I should find no such consolation.
I wish not to be misunderstood.—It is no apprehension of legal persecution, that in this instance actuates my conduct. Those very principles, to which Mucius has appealed, are opposed to the demand which he has made upon me. Whatever he may think of the nature and principles of a free press, I will never consent without the greatest reluctance, knowingly to attack the conduct of a private man, or the private qualities or actions of public agents.—In certain cases, it is difficult to make the discrimination between those actions of a public agent which may influence his public conduct and those which exclusively pertain to himself; but whenever the line can be drawn, it ought to be respected. If in any case I have failed to observe it, it must have been the effect of inadvertence or of imperious circumstances.
As to the few expressions, used with respect to the editor of this paper, this friend of the minority, can scarcely consider them as of indispensable importance.
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE. Greensville—Joshua C. Lundy, J. M. Jeffers. Norfolk Borough—Samuel B. Archer. Spotsylvania—Carter Willis, Smith Slaughter. Madison—Robert Hill, Wm. Madison. Essex—Archibald Ritchie, Carter Wood. Bedford—J. Lefwich, J. Otey. King William—Col. John Hill, Philip Aylett.
New Members.
The Gentlemen from Shenandoah whom we mentioned in our last paper as declining to serve on a committee, were on the Monroe committee.
COMMUNICATION.
DIED, lately, in Fredericksburg, JAMES BROWN, an old, and one of the most worthy inhabitants of that place. It is very rare that the pen of a biographer has an opportunity of dwelling on a character more meritorious than the deceased. Although he traversed in a small circle, yet the rays of his planet spread their lustre at a distance, and attracted the attention of the stranger, as well as those who were more intimately with its beams. His heart, always expanded by philanthropy, breathed forth its dictates in the pure spirit of patriotism. His domestic virtues illumined the countenance and cheered the hearts of his family and friends. At times, the flashes of his home-spun humour and wit, would awaken a stoic to hilarity. His remarkable industry and activity, are proverbial. Although a private soldier, during the revolution, Washington and Brown were intimate friends—the General was attached to his rare virtues, and would frequently avail himself of his company. He never aspired to offices of ease or emolument. He never deviated from his first principles of patriotism. Those who knew him, can cheerfully subscribe to all that is good, that can be said of him. He was truly "an honest man," and therefore, "the noblest work of God."
TO MR. JOHN HOPKINS—Sir—Please to take Notice, That I shall, on the 8th day of June next, between the hours of 8 o'clock in the forenoon and 6 o'clock in the afternoon, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, commence the taking of the depositions of sundry persons to be used as evidence in a suit now depending and undetermined, in the Superior Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, (and to adjourn from day to day, until the same are taken:) In which said suit, myself and others are plaintiffs and you are defendant.
THOMAS BURLING. Richmond, May 6, 1808.
HANOVER JOCKEY CLUB.
The Races will commence at Hanover Court House, on the 4th Thursday in this present month.
1st day—Three mile heats, free for any horse, mare or gelding.
2d day—Two mile heats, also free for any horse, mare or gelding.
The regulations with respect to weights, &c. are adopted from those of the Fairfax Jockey Club.
The Secretary of the Club. May 6. (Gt)
WANTED ON RENT, at any time before the 1st of October next, a small neat House on Shockoe Hill, not very remote from the Capitol, with a kitchen, carriage house, and stabling for two or three horses—Enquire at the Office of the Enquirer. May 6. [3t]
RAN-AWAY from the subscriber on the 18th day of November last, a Mulatto woman named ALICE—said negro was purchased by me on the 14th day of the above month, being sold under execution—she belonged to the estate of Edward P. Chamberlayne, dec'd. Said negro is about five feet high, supposed to be nearly forty years of age, she is in some measure grey, though looks young and likely. She formerly belonged to William Bailey of New Kent county, where she has some children. I incline to think she is in the city of Norfolk, Petersburg, or Richmond, where she may attempt to pass for a free woman. When this woman runs off, she was well furnished with clothing of good quality. I will give ten dollars reward to any person who will have said negro confined in any public jail so that I get her again. WILLIAM NEWMAN. King William, May 6. [Laww]
FOR RENT—A three story brick HOUSE, on the east side of the street leading by Messrs. Gordon, Trokes & Co's. to Shockoe warehouse—This tenement has a store and counting room on the first floor with a large cellar underneath, and six commodious rooms above, together with a brick kitchen and yard adjoining thereto: Also, a wooden frame House, being the second building above Messrs. Ellis and Allan's and nearly opposite to the City Hotel. This tenement is in an airy situation, and has been occupied for fifteen years past as a merchant Taylor's shop. Possession may be had immediately of either of the above tenements—For further particulars enquire of the subscriber, or, in his absence, of Samuel McCraw, Esquire. May 6. [H] ROBERT MEANS.
NOTICE—The Co-partnership of Thomas Rutherford and Co. will be dissolved on the 30th June next: All those therefore, who may have claims against the said firm, or either of the partners, are invited in the mean time to apply for payment, and they can neatly request the debited to them to settle their respective accounts as speedily as possible. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ARGYLE. Richmond, May 6. (FiftyJuly)

NEW-YORK, April 29.
Capt Moore informs, that a British convoy of 30 transports with troops, arrived at Bermuda from England on the 26th of March; and after landing one regiment, proceeded with the rest of the troops for Halifax and Canada. The Carnation brig had also arrived in 7 days from the Chesapeake.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 11.
[While the orders in Council were under discussion, Mr. GRATTAN rose in his place and made a speech, of which we now give a sketch. It will be read with uncommon interest by every American.]
Mr. GRATTAN, in a speech replete with sound argument and eloquent expressions, declared his decided hostility to the measure in discussion. He felt that, to Great Britain, her name, her principles, and her moral character, at all times necessary, were now indispensable; because, whatever diminished the credit of her reputation, whatever rendered a disregard to moral principle the measure of her actions, might afford a temporary benefit to her interests, must in the result, prove degrading to her character, and consequently irrecoverably impair, if not destroy, the sources of her power. With such an impression fixed upon his mind, he deprecated the system which should force, by an impolitic and unjustifiable violence, a war between this country and America. No measure could be more imprudent, and no more precipitate Minister could exist, than him who should propose it. It went to associate your cause with the views and principles of France, and carried in the fleets of England the spirit of domination across the waves of the Atlantic. Indeed, however highly it might be rated for immediate commercial profits, in its ultimate effects upon the world it was the extreme of folly. The Right Honorable Gentleman proceeded to a consideration of this measure, as regulated by the public law of nations. He did not see that Ministers had attempted to prove the only justification on which their measure could be supported, namely, the acquiescence of America in the French Decree. It was true, they had recommended their policy with an abundance of zeal, only to be equalled by the deficiency of the argument. They totally forgot that paramount consideration, the manner in which it was administered. Had they afforded a single case where that nation had submitted to the requisitions of France? Surely in such an absence of reason, law ought not to be violated, and the character and policy of this great empire forfeited and disgraced, by its wanton imitation of French violence and French oppression. Had America, such a system of conduct to expect from this country? On the contrary did not the mild yet dignified, forbearing yet determined dispatch of Lord Howick, declare to the American government, that as long as they abstained from an acquiescence in that decree, so long would this country abstain from the adoption of the measures of a justified retaliation. To proceed otherwise was assimilating your policy to that of a power who respected no right, or admitted of no neutrality. Still however fraught in the abstract, there were circumstances with respect to Ireland, which ought to have recommended a more safe, & more a honest policy. That country depended upon the importation of flaxseed from America, for the raw material of its staple commodity, the linen trade. It depended upon America for a great consumption of that manufacture. In what way then, was that manufacture, so vitally important to the interests and prosperity of Ireland, effected by these orders of commercial rigour? It had this effect, that at the last linen markets in the metropolis of Ireland, not one fifth of the linens exposed for sale were purchased and what were sold, were at the depreciation of 20 per cent. for foreign and 10 per cent. for home consumption. There was also a considerable want of potash for that branch of manufacture, as a considerable deficiency of staves so much wanting for the south of Ireland. On every view, he knew of no greater addition to the calamities of the world than an American war. In the present circumstances of the distracted globe, that nation which yielded most to avoid such a state of hostility, was the nation of most understanding. In such a contest, victory and defeat were synonymous terms; as whatever, in point of success, each should obtain over the other, would be nothing more than the accumulated gain of France. Much had been said of the idle zeal of the American Congress, and of the warmth with which its members debated the nature of the relations existing between the two countries. Have we not had angry debates in the British Parliament? Is it to affix an evil character to the warm contentions of this House? Let us, then recollect, that America was animated by a spark of the same spirit, that the attack would be between the parent and the child. It would be worse, because it would then be freedom arrayed against its kindred spirit. Depend upon it that such a war will give the title deed of inheritance to the dynasty of Bonaparte. It will place these two islands the last resting place of liberty, between two hostile hemispheres, and ultimately sacrifice the last spot of that sacred soil where it will be possible for a freeman to tread. And for what purpose shall we realize such an evil on England, on the world, on the last resource and future hopes of mankind? Forsooth, to get a market for sugar-mischievous policy! Can the British Parliament so soon forget, that the imposition of a Tea Tax on America brought on a Property Tax upon England. Beware how you establish France in America, and by your frantic quarrel with that nation, enlist the navy of England in the service of Bonaparte. The ocean protests against the calamity, and will an infatuated Ministry proceed?
Mr. BANKS argued ably on the same side and conjured the House to pause before it proceeded in that career of violence against neutral states.
Mr. Wilberforce supported the measure; and Lord Henry Petty rose, at 2 o'clock, when he entered into a most perspicuous statement of the consequences which would result from these measures, and cautioned Ministers of their responsibility for the system of political empiricism which they were pursuing.
Mr. Secretary Canning conceived that the measure would ultimately tend to support the British commercial constitution and her naval superiority at sea. He entered at large into a refutation of the doctrines laid down by the Noble Lord, and concluded with strongly urging the necessity of the measure.
Mr. Whitbread answered Mr. Canning
in an animated speech; he considered the principle laid down by the Right Hon. Gentleman who preceded him, as totally subversive of the commercial policy of the country. He was anxious the House should vindicate its character by an almost unanimous opposition to the measure proposed by his Majesty's ministers.
Mr. Rose explained; after which a division took place, when there appeared for the Bill—
Table with 2 columns: Ayes 163, Noes 63, Majority 100. The House adjourned at six o'clock, this morning (Saturday,) till Monday next.
PHILADELPHIA, April 30.
By an arrival at New-York from Nassau, (N. P.) we have received papers from our correspondent at that place, to the 9th instant, from which we select the following articles.
NASSAU, (N. P.) March 26. Arrived on Wednesday, the private armed vessel of war George and Susan, captain Bennet, with the Spanish schooner Polo, (formerly the Ranger of New-York) captured on her passage from Savannah to Campeachy—cargo, Spanish brandy, etc.—also a Spanish droga, loaded with sugar and molasses.
GEORGE R. Additional instructions to the Commanders of our ships of war and privateers, and to the Judge of our High Court of Admiralty, and the Judges of the Courts of Vice-Admiralty.
Given at our courts of St. James's, the 26th day of November, 1807, in the forty-eighth year of Our Reign.
Our will and pleasure is, that vessels belonging to any state not at war with us, laden with cargoes, in any ports of the United Kingdom, and clearing out according to law, shall not be interrupted or molested in proceeding to any port in Europe (except ports specially notified to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade, before our order of the 11th of November instant, or which shall hereafter be so notified,) to whomsoever the goods laden on board such vessels may appear to belong; And we do further direct that vessels belonging as aforesaid, coming from any port in Europe, (except as before excepted) direct to any port of the United Kingdom, with goods for importation, shall not be interrupted in the said voyages, to whomsoever the goods laden on board the said vessels may appear to belong; And in case any vessel which shall be met with and asserted by her master to be so coming, shall be detained, on suspicion of not being really destined for this kingdom, such vessel shall be brought to the most convenient port in the course of her asserted destination, and the captors are hereby required to enquire with all convenient speed into the alleged destination; and in case any vessel and goods so brought in or detained shall be proceeded against in our High court of admiralty, or in any courts of vice admiralty, we hereby direct that the same shall be forthwith restored, upon satisfactory proof being made, that the cargo was coming for importation to a port of this kingdom.
By his majesty's command, HAWKESBURY.
APRIL 2. The Brigantine Mars, Elphalet Chase Master, which had been captured by H. M. S. Redbridge, Lieut. Yates commander, and claimed in behalf of Messrs. Sules's Dr. Wm. T. Graham, and Wm. Hollins, Jr. of Baltimore, was on Tuesday last, condemned by his hon. the judge of the vice admiralty court as good & lawful prize to the captors.
The ship Amiable, Rinker, from N. York arrived at Rotterdam, the 21st of January—after having been in England. [The letter communicating the above, adds, that there would not be any difficulty in American vessels being admitted to an entry, which had been in England. Markets were very high—Cotton 70 cents and Coffee 64 cents per pound.]
An embargo on all vessels was laid in Holland on the 23d January, and was not raised on the 5th March. An American vessel at the request of the Consul, had permission to sail with the crews of several ships that had been wrecked.
A LIST OF ACTS PASSED AT THE FIRST SESSION OF THE TENTH CONGRESS.
An act making further appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven. An act allowing an additional compensation to the Secretaries of the Mississippi, Indiana, Louisiana and Michigan territories. An act to change the name of the district of Biddeford and Pepperellborough, in Massachusetts, to that of Saco. An act to appropriate money for the providing an additional number of gun-boats. An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States. An act to extend certain privileges as therein mentioned to Anthony Boucherie. An act extending the right of suffrage in the Mississippi Territory, and for other purposes. An act supplementary to an act, intitled "An act for fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States and for building gun-boats." An act supplementary to an act, intitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States." An act supplemental to an act intitled "An act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States south of the state of Tennessee." An act to revive and continue in force for a farther time, the first section of an act, intitled "An act farther to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S." An act to provide for the payment of certain expenses incurred in the impeachment of Samuel Chase. An act for the relief of Oliver Evans. An act to continue in force, for a limited time, an act intitled, "An act continuing for a limited time the salaries of the officers of government, therein mentioned." An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the district of Columbia.
An act making appropriations for the support of government during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight. An act to erect a light-house on point Judith, in the state of Rhode-Island. An act making appropriations for the support of the navy of the U. S. during the year one thousand eight hundred and eight. An act to revive and continue certain causes and proceedings in the district court of the district of Columbia. An act making appropriations for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties. An act to provide for the payment of certain expenses incurred in the inquiry into the conduct of John Smith, a Senator from Ohio. An act extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory. An act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise." An act making further provision for the disposal of the sections of land heretofore reserved for the future disposition of Congress. An act making additional compensation to the marshals for the district of North-Carolina and New-Jersey. An act for the relief of Samuel Whiting. Resolution to authorise the disposition of certain charts of the coast of North-Carolina. An act to allow the importation of old copper, salt-petre, and sulphur, free of duty. An act making appropriations for the support of the military establishment of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and eight. An act for the relief of Edward Weld, Samuel Beebee, and John Davidson. An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes. An act in further addition to an act, intitled "An act to amend the judicial system of the U. S." An act for procuring an additional number of arms, and for the purchase of salt-petre and sulphur. An act in addition to the act, intitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S." An act remitting the duties payable on the importation of a monument to be erected in memory of the officers of the United States' navy, who fell during the attack made on the city of Tripoli, in the year one thousand eight hundred and four. An act granting William Wells the right of pre-emption. An act for erecting a light-house on the south point of the Island of Sapelo, and for placing buoys and beacons in the shoals of the inlet leading to the town of Darien, and near the entrance of Ipswich harbor, near Plymouth harbor, before the harbor of Nantucket, and on the island of Tuckanuck, at or near the entrance of Connecticut river, and near the entrance of Great Egg Harbor river. An act extending the time for issuing and locating military land warrants. An act to amend the act, intitled "An act establishing circuit courts, and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts for the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio." An act farther to prolong the continuance of the mint at Philadelphia. An act concerning the sale of the lands of the United States, and for other purposes. An act authorising a detachment from the militia of the United States. An act authorising the sale of public arms. An act to raise, for a limited time, an additional military force. An act to authorize the transportation of certain documents by mail, free of postage. An act to revive and continue in force "An act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the state of Maryland and Georgia." An act to continue in force for a farther time an act intitled "An act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and in the waters under their jurisdiction." An act for the relief of the legal representatives of Thomas Barclay, deceased. An act concerning public contracts. An act for the establishment of a turnpike company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia. An act for the relief of Matthew Smith and Darius Gates, jointly, and Darius Gates, separately. An act to continue in force an act, intitled "An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to state judges and state courts." An act to authorize the President of the U. States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and the several acts supplementary thereto. An act making provision for arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the United States. An act for the relief of Phillip Turner. An act to alter the time for the next meeting of Congress. An act to establish certain post roads in the states of Georgia and Ohio. An act concerning invalid pensioners. An act making an appropriation to supply a deficiency in an appropriation for the support of government during the present year, and making an appropriation for defraying the expenses incident to the valuation of Houses and lands, and the enumeration of slaves within the U. States. An act making appropriations for the support of an additional military force for the year 1808. An act to make Plymouth in North Carolina a port of entry, to change the name of the district, of Nanjemoy to that of St. Mary's, and to make Augusta, in the district of Maine, a port of delivery. An act for the relief of George Hunter. An act authorising the Secretary of the Treasury to pay to the comptroller of the Treasury, in trust, the amount of certain bills drawn by John Armstrong, minister from the United States to the court of France, on the Treasury of the United States. An act to authorize and empower the President of the United States to exchange certain lands for other lands more suitable for fortification. An act to make good a deficit in the appropriation of eighteen hundred and seven, for completing the public buildings, and for other purposes. An act in addition to the act, intitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto, and for other purposes. An act for the relief of Joseph Chase, Jared Gardner and others. An act supplemental to "An act regulating the grants of lands in the territory of Michigan."
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best mill and 1 pair corn-stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (lawtf)
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1490 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indispitable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. Jan. 28. [lawtf.]
TO RENT.—And immediate possession given, the HOUSE lately occupied by Messrs. Robert and Allan Pollok & Co.—Also, two other commodious TENEMENTS, near to the Bank of Virginia—and one small do. pleasantly situated on the hill in the neighborhood of James Brown, eq. Enquire of ROBERT M'KIM, or ALEX'R. M'KIM. April 222. (oaw3w3v.)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business entrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [lawtf.]
ALL persons are forewarned from taking an assignment of a bond for 40£, given by John Heath to Peter P. Blagden, late of Northumberland County. The above bond appears to have been passed off by him without his ever having received a regular assignment thereof. The said Walker has a small claim against the estate; and it appears from information since obtained, that this bond was put into his hands, either to collect, or deposited with him by the deceased, in his lifetime, for some other purpose. Steps have been taken to prevent the payment thereof to any other person than the ADMINISTRATOR. April 22. (oaw3w3v.)
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the estate of Cunningham Burton, dec'd are requested to produce them at the next June Hastings Court for the City of Richmond, properly authenticated, as the court will then proceed to make distributions amongst the creditors. JOHN F. PRICE, Curator. Richmond, April 22. [lawtf2dMin1j]
THE subscriber having closed his business at the Tan-Yard, has remaining on hand a large parcel of well-finished Slaughter and Spanish SOLE LEATHER—Among which a considerable part will answer for holster leather, being light, which he offers for sale at reasonable prices on liberal credits for approved endorsed notes. MARCUS ELCAN. April 22. [lawtf.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf.]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Mascavado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira London P. Teneriffe Wines, Holland Gin, Demijohns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters and an assortment of the best quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. March 25. (f6t.)
BY virtue of eight deeds of trust executed to the subscribers by Thomas Cheatham, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Tuesday the tenth day of May next, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and ninety three pounds, ten shillings and four pence, due by the said Thomas Cheatham to James Gam-mall, John Lilly, Peter Murdock and Walter Ewing McClay, together with interest thereon from the first day of March, 1804, including expenses of sale, &c. the following eight Tracts of LAND, to wit: One tract containing one hundred and ninety eight acres eighty-nine poles—part of the tract called King's land shares formerly belonging to James Wardrope, dec'd. One do. containing 66 acres nineteen poles. One do. containing one hundred and twenty three acres twenty-nine poles. One do. containing one hundred and forty five acres, one hundred and forty two poles. One do. containing one hundred and forty two acres ninety one poles. One do containing one hundred and forty-eight acres seven poles. One do. containing two hundred and fifty three acres, one hundred and nineteen poles. One do. containing five hundred and sixty one acres eleven poles. JAMES BROWN, WILLIAM TEMPLE. April 15.
SELECT SCHOOL.—This school is removed to the former Loan-Office, opposite to the Swan-Tavern.—The instructions given are in the Latin and Greek languages, Rhetoric and Mathematics, &c. The School hours are from 8 o'clock in the morning to 3 in the afternoon. The pupils are limited to twenty, and as that number is not filled up at present, a few will be received. The fees of tuition are fifteen dollars a quarter, payable in advance. There is no additional charge upon the Scholar's first entering, nor is there any for fuel. FRANCIS S. O'REILLY. Richmond, April 8. [ep1m.]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. tf.
IRON WORKS.—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on SATURDAY the 7th day of May next, at 12 o'clock—23,443 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in both and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. (The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patentees.
CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned Lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 3/4 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four furnaces; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White Limestone near the furnace site. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges. (Exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 3/4 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [epts1s.]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Rawleigh, dated the 25th day of December, in the year 1807, and recorded in the district court of Richmond, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Rawleigh to Samuel Myers—Will be exposed to sale, at Auction, on the premises, on Saturday the 7th of next month, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, all that LOT OF GROUND or TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, in the city of Richmond, which the said Rawleigh bought of Simkin Bryan. This piece of ground is twenty-nine & a half feet in front, on the street, and runs back 110 feet. There is on it a new three story Brick House, lately built by said Rawleigh. Sixty days credit will be allowed for twelve hundred dollars of the purchase money, and twelve months credit for the residue; the purchasers giving negotiable notes, with approved endorsers: But the title to the property, as well as the possession, will be retained until the note for 1200 dollars is paid; and if not paid at the Bank of Virginia at the time it falls due, the said LOT or TENEMENT will at any time thereafter, when the subscriber shall think proper, be sold by him at auction, under the deed of trust aforesaid, for ready money: And if on such second sale, it shall produce less than it sold for at the first sale, then the first purchaser, together with the endorser or endorsers to his notes, will be liable for the deficiency; but if it shall sell for more, the surplus will be paid to the first purchaser. In case of a second sale, ten days notice thereof shall be published in one of the news-papers printed in the city of Richmond. CHARLES COPLAND, Trustee. Richmond, April 23. [36] [2w]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Rawleigh, dated the day of this month, made for the benefit of his creditors, whose names are annexed to the said deed—Will be exposed to sale, at Auction, at 12 o'clock of the day mentioned in the above advertisement, four SLAVES,—A Man, two Women, and a Girl—A Wagon and four Horses—Six Mules and three Carts—Two Cows, and all the Household and Kitchen Furniture of the said Rawleigh. Six months credit will be allowed for all sums above fifty dollars. The purchasers giving negotiable notes, with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. And cash must be paid for all purchases under fifty dollars: no article will be delivered till the money is paid, or a note given as above. ROBERT HYDE, CHAS: COPLAND, } Trustees. April 25. [2w]
THE TAPPANANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstake for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, fifty dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows—Aged horses 130lbs. 6 years old 120lbs. 5 do. 110lbs. 4 do. 100lbs. 3 do. 90lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctilious in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed in to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. N. B. The entrance money in the Sweepstake is reduced in consequence of sundry applications to the Secretary. March 25. [epts25thM]
SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz. 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotton Cambricks, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, India silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Slacks, Black twilled Sarcenet, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequies, linen & cotton Cambricks, white & Black French hoes, White and colored Marceilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wildboar, Bennet's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. [ep1m.]
REMOVAL.—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Mascavado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOK & Co. March 8. (ep1m.)