Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-10 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1524.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
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FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1809.
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NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY, COMMENCES DRAWING IN THE
CITY OF NEW-YORK IN APRIL NEXT.
THE HIGHEST PRIZES ARE:
 1 prize of 30,000 Dollars.  1 prize of 20,000 Dollars.  2 prizes of 10,000 Dollars.  2 prizes of 5,000 Dollars, &c. &c. &c. 
TICKETS & SHARES for sale at eight and a half dollars each at G. & R. WAITE'S truly fortunate Offices in New York, where was sold in the last New York Lottery the three highest prizes.—Distant adventurers by inclosing the cash, may have tickets and shares forwarded with punctuality and dispatch. During the drawing G. & R. Waite will send their weekly prize list to the printer of this paper.
A Miller Wanted.
A PERSON possessing the necessary qualifications for the above business, will meet with a situation on application to
Isaac Webster.
February 7, 1809.
Just received from Philadelphia, and for Sale at this Office, a few copies of the celebrated Pamphlet, entitled,
A VIEW
OF THE Rights and Wrongs, Power and Policy OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?
BY CHARLES JARED INGERSOLL
Sales at Auction.
ON Wednesday the 15th inst at 11 o'clock, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises,
FIVE LOTS,
On the west side of the street leading from the Main street between the vendue store of Messrs. James Brown and Messrs. Bohn and Holme, to the Falling Garden, each lot being 20 feet front and 100 feet deep.—Also, the House called the Old Treasury, with the Lot on which it stands, being 70 by 132 feet—payable one half in six years and the balance in 12 months, for notes negotiable at the bank of Virginia, and deed of trust on the property to secure the payment of the said notes.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M.
February 7th, 1809. tds
LATELY PUBLISHED, And for sale by Samuel Pleasants, Jr.
THE VIRGINIAN ORATOR, BEING A VARIETY OF ORIGINAL AND SELECTED POEMS, ORATIONS AND DRAMATIC SCENES;
To improve the American Youth in the ornamental and useful art of Eloquence and Gesture.
BY THOMAS E. BIRCH.
IN COUNCIL,
January 20, 1809.
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred and ninety Rifles during the present year, being the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes.
DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
JUST RECEIVED,
And for Sale at Samuel Pleasants' Printing Office and Book Store,
Life of Washington, by the Rev. M. L. Weems.
Pamela or Virtue Rewarded.
Wild Irish Boy, (a New Novel, by Dennis Jasper Murphy.)
Barbault's Hymns (in Prose, for Children.)
Also, the following Plays in Pamphlets, ATZ:
Begone Dull Care; Adelgitha; World; Jew of Mogadore; Blind Boy; Wanderer; Fortune's Frolic; Castle Spectre; Whistle for it—January 24.
Bills of Lading
For Sale at this Office.
BOSTON, Jan. 26.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
Yesterday the honorable Legislature of this commonwealth convened at the State-house, agreeably to adjournment; each house having formed a quorum, the Hon. Salem Towne and Amos Bond, Esqrs. were appointed a committee on the part of the Senate, and Messrs. Head, Brewer and Bryant on the part of the house. To wait on his Honor the Lt. Gov. and inform him that a quorum of the two branches were assembled, and were ready to receive any communications he may think proper to make.
The committee having waited on his Honor, he informed them, that he would meet the two branches in the Representatives' chamber, this day, at 12 o'clock.
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
The peculiar circumstances, under which we have assembled, call for a serious direction of our thoughts to that Being, in whose hands are the destinies of men and nations. The aspect of our public affairs imposes on all the duty of patience and circumspection, in their investigations and their actions.—Our best exertions, for the general welfare, are now necessary. The known patriotism of the people of Massachusetts is a pledge for the display of those virtues, on every public emergency. How far existing, or threatened, evils may be provided against, or endangered rights be secured, by any agency constitutionally confided to their State Legislature, are, at the present moment, considerations of the most interesting nature.
That affliction Providence, which has deprived you and your fellow citizens of the assistance and experience of him who was selected, by their suffrages, to discharge the important duties of Chief Magistrate, can be felt and lamented by none more sincerely than myself. This event, having constitutionally devolved on me those duties; as a substitution to his talent and his experience, you may rest assured for the residue of the year, of my solicitude, assiduity and best endeavors to promote what, from my own convictions, shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole. On this occasion, to repeat the prescribed oaths, which I have already taken, would be but the avowals of my political sentiments. The National and the state constitution contain them. The fair and obvious construction of these instruments in the sense in which I shall be convinced they were intended to be understood will furnish my rule of action, which never can apply. The outliness of our respective relations and duties are there to be found.—My inexperience in legislative business, will, I fear, be thought too often to call for your indulgence and candor. It is constructed by the constitution and the law, and sincerely aiming to adhere to their provisions, and to advance the general interest and harmony among the citizens, there should unhappily be a difference of opinion between the different departments of government, as to means or their application, it can be no just cause of uneasiness or distrust amongst us.
The New England States have been represented to their injury and to the injury of the United States, as distracted with divisions, prepared for opposition to the authority of the law and ripening for a secession from the Union. Anxieties a suggestions or apprehensions of this kind have been expressed on the floor of Congress. Such suggestions we trust are unfounded. Our enemies alone could have made them. It is to be lamented that any colour has ever been furnished for such alarms. It cannot be concealed that in this State, existing difficulties and the apparent indications of greater ones have produced instances of excitement, violence and indiscretion, which form serious claims on our attention. Could Legislators be agreed, all would be tranquillized without. Would not such an achievement be worthy an united effort and reward the labors of a whole session? The times call for union, confidence and mutual forbearance and accommodation. Will not a recollection of some prominent principles and facts in our history, with a legislative example, have this tendency, among our citizens? May we not avail ourselves of this opportunity to review, in a summary manner, the situation in which we are placed and the dangers to which we are exposed?
If ever a forgetfulness of past dissensions and joint efforts, for the common interest, were necessary, they are so at this moment. Will not each citizen determine for himself, that no personal gratification shall stand in the way of any arrangement, which will concentrate the general will and direct its strength for our country's safety. For one I am prepared for this measure of accord and devotion to the exigency of the crisis or my heart deceives me. Union is every thing; it is our strength, our numbers, our resources.
If we must have conflicts, let them be with foreign enemies. If war, let it be by the whole people, as one man, in defence of their violated rights. Let not a particle of our means be wasted in party or individual contentions.
It cannot be necessary nor would it be
beneficial to review in detail the continued aggravated injuries and insults, which have been heaped upon us by the warring powers of Europe. The aggregate of our wrongs have been great indeed. The countervailing measures of our National Government produced by the aggressions are generally known. The recent communication of public documents and the able and repeated disquisitions on these topics, as published to the world, explain principles and facts beyond the utility of further elucidation.
Although our commercial intercourse and national defence is, from necessity and the soundest policy, confined to the U. States, it is not unbecoming any member of the Union, to add its co-arranging energies to national measures, or with fairness and moderation, to question their justness and policy, while they are pending and ripening for adoption. But with governments as with individuals, there are stages when questions which can no longer be usefully open to controversy and opposition; Stages when an end must be put to debate and a decision thence resulting be respected by its respect by its prompt and faithful execution, or government loses its existence and the people are ruined. Are we not in this stage of the great questions of foreign aggressions, embargo, non-intercourse, national defence and other means of safety deemed necessary, by those entrusted with the final disposal of these objects? A balanced government and its authorities, capable only of executing the deliberate volitions of a real majority of the citizens, consented and directed by known and fixed principles, established by and proceeding from themselves, is so safe, so reasonable, and so beyond every thing else, essential to their own liberty and happiness, that its hazard or interruption cannot be contemplated but with distress. To such a government foreign nations with the unprincipled and desperate, may be hostile, but our virtuous citizens, sensible of its blessings, will yield to any sacrifice for its support. At no time has its administration however wise and happy been satisfactory to all its citizens. This was not expected. Its impartiality, justice, forbearance and pacific policy have been no security against violence, injustice and depredation on our rights of person, property and sovereignty by the belligerents. Acts of insult, rapine and plunder, have been multiplied upon us and pressed us to the very wall. Does further retreat, and much further forbearance consist with the spirit and genius of Americans? Yet we trust the continuance of peace, with its inestimable blessings, is not altogether hopeless. The aggressive nations may yet be made to listen to the dictates of their own interest and spare us the dreaded calamities of war. If not, there is a point in national sensibility, as in the feelings of man, where patience and submission end. Beyond this is degradation, destruction and death.—This point is when suffering forbearance involves a surrender of honor, property and the power of self-government. How near we have approached to this period or how far we are approaching, is not for us to determine. Such considerations ought with confidence, as they may with safety, remain where the constitution has placed them.—Congress, with a united people, may still avert the threatened evil. Pacific wisdom may yet be better than weapons of war.—And should it become necessary to cast the die we may be favoured by our representatives, participating in all the trials, but less and sufferings imposed on others, will not innocently precipitate the throw. Whence then the cause of jealousy, distrust, altercation and bitter aspersions of some of our citizens?—Whence then the ever to be regretted indiscretions, suddenness and individual rashness, that have denounced our national government and wounded our own? Under a general pressure, however necessary, excitements are easily produced. The effects of national measures have fallen and will fall more severely on some descriptions of citizens and portion of the community than others. This is unavoidable. Ship owners and the New England states may have been the greatest sufferers. But a necessary inequality, in the effect of measures, furnishes no objection to their justice or their policy. All agree something was necessary to be done. Had other measures been adopted, they probably would but have produced another description of evils, not having diminished the aggregate. It was not to have been expected that the United States could be exempted from disasters, when causes were in operation, which have involved half the world in the greatest. We in some measure know the effects of past arrangements, but can never know what would have been the results of different ones. If our privations have preserved a portion of our property, our peace and the opportunity of yet selecting between alliances, peace and war, are we certain that the price has been too great? It has been the inevitable and arduous task of our rulers to collect the diversified sentiments of their constituents, on facts, and to assimilate and concentrate them, as far as possible, to an according system, predicated on the prevailing opinion. By what other principle; by what better rule can society act? In the degree, the kind and the time for action must wait for unanimity, our rights would never be defended and our country would be ruined. By the voice of the majority alone can society exist for a moment. To oppose it is to oppose a vital movement of the body politic. To triumph over it is to conquer ourselves, and to render us a prey to every and any invader. A government of the minority is a government of anarchy and confusion, a dissolution of all principle
and of all authority. Who can contemplate such a state of things but with horror? Who can lend it even his silent countenance? Are not liberty, safety and property our dearest rights and dearest enjoyments, the creatures of law, upheld by its power and rendered sacred by its energies? If government languishes and fails, will not these blessings languish and perish also?—Who does not know in the range of restrained passions, broken loose from legal restraints, property is fatal to its owner, virtue to its possessor, and family blessings an invitation to the hand of the destroyer? When beholding in the mirror of past times and distant ages black and frightful atrocities of furious and ungoverned men, amidst the wrecks of civil establishments, will not thoughtfulness in the language of our departed patriot, "frown indignantly upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together its various parts?" Frown upon every suggestion of a non execution of the law, resistance or a abandonment of the Union! Such suggestions are not less libel upon the morals & understanding of the great body of the N. England people than on their patriotism. Their character is not marked with propensities to outrage, disorder and blood.
Such a report must be repelled. Our citizens may differ on the necessity and wisdom of existing or projected measures; but for support of their government, their right and their independence the majority is immense.
Will not the advocates for the town meeting, the authors of resolutions, be induced calmly to weigh the spirit and principles of their opposition and to reflect further on the tenancy of their measures? Are they prepared to pull down the splendid edifice erected by the wisdom and valor of their fathers and to bury themselves under the ruins of Liberty? Are not all their privations and sufferings notorious to rulers and from necessity yielded to, with parental sympathy, and painful sensibility? While a large majority of the people of the Union, of their national representatives, of the state Legislatures, of their towns and counties, seriously believe that the existing measures are essential to our safety and the best for the whole, can their opposers wish them to be abandoned and a surrender of the government into their hands. And will they yield it, in turn, to other towns and sections of the country, that may make a similar claim?—Would they wish in these perilous times to see our peace, liberty and social blessing at the feet of a party? Would they wish to break those ties which unite all to the common centre, a deposit for the public opinion, public confidence and public power?—Such a cession from the salutary conceptions of our Constitution and the fundamental principles of our government would be more to be deprecated and out-weigh in mischief the most exaggerated evils of the embargo.
The cultivated reports that the administration and the Southern people are hostile to commerce and unfriendly to the Eastern States are calculated to produce uneasiness, jealousies and dissensions. The evidence of such facts I have never seen. My convictions, under some advantages for observation, have been otherwise. I question not the sincerity of the opinion of others. The principles and the public conduct of our rulers are the fair objects of a manly and public spirited scrutiny, for the purposes of merited censure or approbation of their continuance or removal from office in the prescribed forms. The proof of their talents, zeal and labors to serve and render their country great and happy, are before the public. Their discussion with truth and firmness, would be salutary and agreeable to the genius and spirit of our government. But misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse, unless checked, must end in opposition to the law, a contempt for its authority, and distracted breaches of the public peace.
If legal animadversions on incendiary and libelous republicans would be thought by some dangerous to the liberty of speech and the press; a strong public opinion, favorable to government, would be equally efficacious to its authority and to discountenance its opposers. Shall such aid be withheld? Or must false views misstatements and groundless alarms, indicative of extreme distrust and danger from the Representatives of our own election, hurry virtuous and well meaning men into acts pregnant with awful consequences? It is said measures are necessary, unconstitutional, oppressive and tyrannical. Is it certain this is correct? Are citizens in the streets, in town meetings in multitudinous assemblies, citizens pressed with deep personal interests and excited from erroneous conceptions, capable of deciding on great complicated constitutional questions? Hence our peril. Hence distraction and confusion in society. Hence encouragement to the enemy. Are such citizens more worthy of confidence than their rulers? Are they better instructed or do they possess higher means of information? Are our rulers blinded by their interests or impassioned by their
sufferings? They decide against their interests, and their sufferings are in common with their constituents. Are they actuated by prejudice or stimulated by resentments? They have nothing personal. Their insults & injuries have seen the insults and injuries of their country. What then is to be done? States, towns and individuals have their favorite projects. The Union have theirs.—Thus jarring, are we, with augmented resentments, to rush together in ruinous collisions? Are we with mutual hatreds to rend asunder the bands which have united us?—To throw from our vitals the shield which protects them?
A good government is heaven's richest gift. Past events will shew the worth of ours. Calamities formed and introduced our federal Constitution. Its adoption, the desired and long suspended hope of our citizens was hailed and truly as the salvation of our country. Experience has exalted its value, and disclosed more and more, its practical excellencies. It is worthy the wisdom and labors of its preservation. Our history which preceded its adoption, furnishes examples, which are fraught with admonitions. Our government was humble and inefficient.—Our Union a thread. Our commerce unregulated and unprotected. Our revenue nothing. Our faith perfidy. Our credit bankruptcy, and our privations the want of every thing. Individuals were embarrassed; grievances complained of, our rulers censured, town and country resolutions published, combinations formed, non compliance with the law announced.—Government opposed, property sold for one third its value, tender laws made, the insolent imprisoned, and our courts of justice stopped. But government must then be supported and its laws be respected. Troops were detached, armed men paraded our streets and we saw them with a joy inspired by the idea of protection and security, from the execution of the law and the energies of its officers. It is preventive against all these and worse calamities now to be abandoned and these and worse ones to be invoked to afflict us?
Should the northern, the middle or the southern states, should Virginia, or could Massachusetts, any of her towns or citizens, dictate measures to Congress and by opposition or a convulsed state of things force their adoption. Then indeed, would a State have obtained a disastrous triumph over the U. States. Then we would have conquered the union, then should we have prostrated this government and have trampled under our feet the last reserve of national power. Could the opposition prevail, a part coerce the whole, our rights and our strength would be scattered to the winds. As a nation, we should perish, as freemen be lost. Our palladium, our ark, our national bulwarks would be shattered and broken to atoms. Then might their fragments float by the licences of our enemies. Then might we single handed meet the crisis and buffeting the destruction threatened from the deep conflict with the clouds above, which, in angry collision, are ready to break on our heads.—But this can never be. Society is yet strong. Americans virtuous and enlightened. Americans steady and determined, will continue their confidence in their efforts. They will rally around the national constitution, cling to their government, and should it be driven to the edge of the precipice, keep their hold in the extremity of its exit and sink with it into the awful abyss.
The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me, thus long, to dwell upon it, and to hope from the wisdom of our legislature, some reconciling expedient, to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.
Is it the idea, that there are no dangers: that it can be said, thus far shall the excitement come and no farther, and here shall its effects be stayed? Let us not be deceived. This is the prerogative of God alone.—Are we ripe, are we prepared to proclaim to a suffering and an enslaved world, that unhappy man has made his last disposing effort for the support of a free government: that the most promising experiment has so soon failed—that liberty, the legitimate offspring of law, the favorite child of government, has

been expelled its hoped for resting place, driven from its last retreat, and banished the world? Can we not wait with magnanimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair, unimpeded experiment of their measures on foreign nations? Will not the evils and the objection from existing measures, lie as strong against non-intercourse, war, or any other arrangement for national defence? Are we ready to surrender all, to export our government with our produce, and to import foreign despotism with foreign goods? The farmer's merchandise and his ships are in the country. Mine are there, and I should rather sink them than government should be sunk. Without government they are not mine; nor family, nor personal protection, nor the opportunity of future acquisitions or future happiness.
The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me, thus long to dwell upon it, and to hope from the wisdom of our legislature, some reconciling expedient, to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.
[Here follow some Remarks on local subjects. This patriotic address is signed.]
LEVI LINCOLN.]
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, February 3, 1809.
THOMAS PAINE'S PETITION.
Mr. Lyon rose and observed that he had seen in a morning paper that the committee of claims had reported that Thomas Paine should have leave to withdraw his petition; and on examination he had found that that report was ordered to lie on the Clerk's table, without the usual order for printing the memorial and the accompanying documents. I confess (said Mr. L.) I was astonished at the report. Shall it be said of this nation, that Thomas Paine, the man to whom this nation is indebted for its independence more than to any living being—that its legislature has been memorialized by this same Thomas Paine, intimating that he is in want, and that he is willing to accept of pecuniary aid on account of those inestimable services rendered the American people, when they were growing into a nation? Shall it be said of this nation that they are as ungrateful to their great benefactor as the Romans were to their Belisarius? I did not rise, sir, to express my feelings on this subject. I must reserve myself for a more proper opportunity, when I shall move, if no other gentleman does, that the report of the committee of claims be recommitted, with instructions to that committee to report their opinion of what the justice and the honor of the nation requires to be done for Thomas Paine. In order to prepare the minds of the house for this question, I move that the report of that committee, together with the accompanying documents, be printed. Motion carried, Ayes 58—Nays 19
ENQUIRY INTO DISBURSEMENTS OF PUBLIC MONIES.
Mr. Randolph said he rose for the purpose of making a motion which he had expected and wished should have come from some other quarter; but he said he could not reconcile it to himself to be wanting in what he conceived to be his duty as a member of the house, in the hope that that duty would be more zealously performed by others, especially when he perceived no prospect of its being, in relation to this particular object, performed at all. I believe, sir, said Mr. Randolph, it will not be a new thing to you to be told that rumor, and something more than rumor too, has gone abroad respecting the application of public monies. Among the duties, and among the rights too, of this house, there is perhaps none so important as the control which it constitutionally possesses over the public purse. To what purpose is that control? The mere form of appropriating public money, unless this house vigorously examine into the application of the money thus appropriated, unless the house examine if the amount of appropriation is exceeded by the expenditure, or if it be misapplied, that is if money appropriated for one object be expended for another—unless we do this, sir, our control over the public purse is a mere name, an empty shadow. I now rise not only for the purpose of asserting this right on the part of the house, and exercising what I conceive to be my duty to it, and to the people whom I represent, but also for the purpose of vindicating, in the only way in which it can be vindicated, the reputation of the government under which we live—I mean the administration. Whenever charges are brought against any administration, the only way in which they can be repelled, is by a frank, full, and impartial enquiry into the matter constituting those charges. This is the only mode in which the honor of any administration in a government like ours can be vindicated. You must well recollect, sir, that in the first session of the 6th congress of the United States, a period, sir, to which I delight to recur; it gives me pleasure to look back upon it as the era of a glorious reformation—an act was passed fixing the military peace establishment of the United States. The fourth section of this act establishes the pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. I will read it: "That the monthly pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates be as follows, to wit: to the brigadier general, two hundred and twenty-five dollars, which shall be his full and entire compensation, without a right to demand or receive any rations, forage, travelling expenses, or other perquisite or emolument whatever, except such stationary as may be requisite
for the use of his department," &c. Never, perhaps, sir, were the words of a statute more explicit; and no one on this floor knows better than yourself why it was made thus explicit. It is said, with what degree of truth remains for us now to investigate, that in the teeth of that statute, advances, and to a considerable amount beyond the emoluments thus provided by law, have been made by the war department to the brigadier general. There is not a single department of this government, not a man in the administration, concerning whom I would make a charge of this sort with greater confidence than against the secretary of war; so long have I been acquainted with his economy, regularity, and strict attention to keep the expenditure of his department within the annual appropriation made by this house. But this very circumstance, the high reputation of this officer for regularity and punctuality, renders his claim to investigation into this rumor but the more strong, and unites his interest with that of the American people, and the duty of this house to induce the passage of the resolution which I now submit:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any advances of money have been made to the commander in chief by the department of war, contrary to law and if any, to what amount.
The resolution was adopted without debate, Ayes 85; and Messrs. Randolph, Smith, J. Montgomery, Taylor, and Johnson were appointed the committee.
Saturday, Feb. 4.
A report was received from the Secretary of State designating the registered seamen who are naturalised citizens, &c. in conformity with a resolution offered by Mr. Dana—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. Sawyer offered a resolution instructing the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire whe her any and if any what additional compensation ought to be allowed to the Collector of the port of Edenton. Agreed to.
Mr. Holmes reported a bill for the relief of John M. Snowden—Twice read and referred.
Mr. Livermore presented two petitions from Massachusetts praying for a repeal of the embargo laws—Referred to the committee of the whole on Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
The House took up the resolution of the Senate for appointing a joint committee to regulate the manner of counting the votes for President and Vice-President and to notify the persons having the highest number of votes of their election—Agreed to, and a committee of five appointed on the part of this House.
RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES.
A bill from the Senate for the incorporation of religious societies in the district of Columbia having been read, Mr. W. Alston moved to reject it. The motion was supported by Mr. Alston and Mr. Rhea (T.) on the ground that it bore the appearance of commencing an established religion in this country, which was repugnant to the principles of the constitution; and that the state should not intermeddle with the church, the two, church and state, being wholly distinct. The motion was opposed by Messrs. Davenport, Lewis, Van Horn, Dana, Tallmadge, Gardener, and Macon, for the reason that the House had heretofore incorporated turnpike and library companies, and it was hoped that the House would not shew so much disrespect to religion as to reject it on its first appearance in the House; and that even, were the bill not perfect, it might be amended before it was passed; that it was but a decent attention to the people of the district of Columbia to consider the bill, for their petitions were too much disregarded.
Mr. Alston finally withdrew his motion, and the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be read a third time.
SINKING FUND.
A report was received from the commissioners of the Sinking Fund on the subject of the disbursements of the public debt for the last year—Ordered to be printed.
DELAWARE CANAL.
A bill was received from the Senate for authorising the grant of a certain quantity of land to the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company.—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
ARMING VESSELS.
The house resolved itself into a committee on the unfinished business of yesterday which was a substitute offered by Mr. Randolph to the original motion for arming by striking out what relates to letters of marque and reprisal, and substituting a permission of merchant vessels, whose owners are citizens of the U. S. to arm and defend themselves against depredations whilst in pursuit of lawful commerce.
Messrs. Key and Milnor spoke against the resolution.
Mr. D. R. Williams, was in favor of the resolution.
On a motion for the committee to rise, the question not having been taken, Mr. Gardener rose to commence his observations. After proceeding for a short time, the question of order was enquired from the chair, to wit: whether it was in order to commence a speech on the main question. The chairman declared that he should call the gentleman to a strict adherence to the motion for the committee to rise.
Mr. Gardener said he was proceeding to show why they should not rise. Ultimately, finding his ideas were likely to extend beyond the strict point of order, he sat down.
The committee rose, and on the question for leave to sit again, there being 76 in the affirmative, leave was given.
Just before the house adjourned, Mr. Dorell offered the following resolutions; Resolved, That the U. S. will consider any capture and condemnation of merchant vessels of the U. S. owned wholly by a citizen or citizens thereof, engaged in lawful commerce, by an armed vessel sailing under a belligerent flag, and acting by and under authority of orders, decrees or edicts, violating the lawful commerce or neutral rights of the U. S. as a declaration of war on the part of that government to which said belligerent flag shall belong; and in whose courts such condemnations shall be had.
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. on being satisfactorily informed of such capture and condemnation as aforesaid, be requested, forthwith, to recall from such belligerent state, by and under whose authority such capture and condemnation shall be made, such resident minister or ministers of the U. S. as may reside at the government thereof.
Ordered to lie on the table. At 4 o'clock the house adjourned.
Monday, Feb. 6.
Mr. Mumford presented a petition from Edward Patton, butcher, praying an additional compensation for services rendered during the revolutionary war. Referred.
Mr. Gardener presented a petition from the inhabitants of Packersfield, N. Hampshire praying the repeal of the embargo laws. Referred to the committee on that subject.
Mr. Morrow moved that the committee of public lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of making further provisions for compensation to the board of commissioners, clerks, &c. for adjusting claims to land in Louisiana. Carried.
Mr. Van Allen presented a petition of Eleanor Spencer, which was referred to the committee of the whole on unsatisfied claims.
Some petitions from Massachusetts on the election of President, &c. were referred.
Mr. Burwell presented the memorial of Samuel Briscoe and others, commissioners appointed to receive subscriptions for building a bridge across the Susquehannah, which was ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Bacon, Resolved, that the clerk do carry to the Senate the several memorials of the state of Massachusetts, remonstrating against the mode of choosing electors for President and Vice President, (which has been proceeded to on the part of the senate and house of representatives of said state) as irregular and unconstitutional; and praying the interference of the senate and house of representatives of the U. States for the purpose of preventing so dangerous a precedent.
Mr. Barker presented the petition of Henry Warner, (a collector.) Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Jer Morrow moved that the memorial of Whittemore Krags be referred to the committee on public lands. Carried.
Mr. Cutts presented several petitions from New Hampshire respecting the embargo law, which were referred.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the subject of the several resolutions, for arming vessels, &c.
Mr. Jackson occupied the floor for about three hours and a half, principally in reply to Mr. Van Dyke.
After which the committee rose, and the house adjourned at about 4 o'clock.
FROM THE MONITOR.
MR. CANNING.
It must be very evident to every man of the meanest capacity, that Mr. George Canning has been corresponding with Mr. Pinkney in order that his letter should meet the public eye—that is, the public eye in England, for here the thing has been blown up into thin air; and the Essex Junto are obliged, in order to save their colors, to beg off.
Mr. Cheetham, the editor of the New York American Citizen, has seized the true point at which Mr. Canning has been laboring, that is to say, the British secretary for foreign affairs has designed, by the insinuations and bold assertions of his letters to Mr. Pinkney, under the pretext of explanation, to raise up the minority here, and to depress the minority in England. Reader, you have seen two children ascribe upon a pole, see sawing for amusement—well, that is no bad emblem of Mr. Canning's attempt to impose upon the good people on both sides of the Atlantic; with this exception—Mr. Canning wishes one end of the pole to subside in England, so that he may there keep down clamor against the measures of himself and his coadjutors; and the elevated end to be in the U. States. I confess it is something of a ludicrous figure, when we contemplate it closely. Down plump to the earth would John Bull be put by Mr. Canning, whilst Mr. Pickering and his Junto, would be perched upon the tip of the lever. The thing would have been well enough, if it had succeeded; but, as ill luck would have it, just as the Essex leader was mounting, the letter of Mr. Pinkney, exposing Mr. Canning's cunning contrivance, came upon him like a cat o' nine tails, and, smarting and writhing, the old gentleman was jostled off—Mr. Pickering now lies sprawling in the political mire which he & his fellow laborers had created, unable to struggle out of the disgrace into which
Mr. Canning has brought him, although the Cantalons and Palladiums and Repertoires, and Gazettes, of Boston, are prizing him up at a marvellous rate, with all the engines in their power.
The object of Mr. Canning was two fold:
1st. To establish, that the government of the United States had never authorized Mr. Pinkney to make a direct overture for a reciprocal repeal of the orders in council and the embargo.
2d. To establish, that the orders of council were not known in the United States, so as to be a moving consideration to laying the embargo.
Now as to the first branch of his object, the written note of Mr. Pinkney, of August 23d, 1808, is incontrovertible evidence that the proposition was made. "I am authorized (says Mr. Pinkney) to make you this offer in the most formal manner." As to quibbling about previous illustrations &c. it is, on the part of Mr. Canning, clearly begging the question. The offer was made by order of our government, and scornfully rejected—that is enough.
With respect to the second branch, that the orders were known in America, and were a moving consideration to the laying on the embargo, Mr. Canning himself admits it by fair implication. His sole refuge is, that it was not officially known. That is granted; they were not officially known, but they were known completely and substantially, and were, directly and unequivocally, the moving, main, and leading cause of the embargo.
The English secretary, indeed, with all his shrewdness, does strangely out-cunning himself. For instance, in his letter of Nov. 23d, 1808, to Mr. Pinkney, he says—
"Even if it were only from your own individual authority, it was very material and highly gratifying to learn, that the embargo, which had been sometimes represented, both here and in America, as the direct and immediate consequence of the orders in council of November, and as produced solely by them, was in your opinion, a measure of precaution against reasonably anticipated peril."
It is in this way, that Mr. Canning insinuates that the embargo was not occasioned by the orders, but was a precautionary measure against anticipated peril. But surely, the precaution and anticipation of the measure, is no evidence that the embargo did not result from the orders; for, you will observe, the embargo was precautionary after we came to a knowledge of the orders; not, indeed, against the provisions of the orders themselves but certainly against the practical operation of them, the capture of American ships and merchandise in virtue of them by British ships of war, which our government anticipated, and which experience (in the case of those of our vessels then at sea) proves would have taken place to a most alarming and ruinous extent if the embargo had not been promptly laid on.
It is worthy of remark, that Mr. Canning seems to have felt the sting of those reproaches, for that famous false declaration made in parliament, which were drawn forth from the friends of the administration in this country;—that declaration whereby he meant to deceive the unhappy people of England and to give to the opposition here fresh cause of clamor, by conveying the idea that no remonstrance had been made by the American administration to the orders in council. And how does he extricate himself? Clumsily, indeed. By introducing the word "here," he endeavors to vary the ground. He avers that he said in parliament, that "since the termination of Mr. Rose's mission, the American government had no made any communication here (that is in London) in the shape of a remonstrance or in a tone of irritation." Let us, candidly, see how this thing stands.
When the orders of council issued from the British government, we had a minister in London. What does Mr. Canning I pray you? Why he does not notify our government of them through our minister in London, but he sends the orders to Mr. Erskine here, in Washington, and Mr. Erskine, in a formal (I will not say insulting) note, communicates them to Mr. Madison, the secretary of state. Thus then, Mr. Canning himself did choose Washington and not London, for the theatre of discussion. Well, then, what ensued? Why, Mr. Madison, as well became him, wrote that letter dated March 25th, 1808, which every body has so much applauded, and which is so worthy of admiration, wherein he remonstrated and completely refuted the doctrine set up by the British in their orders of council. This letter according to Mr. Canning's own arrangement, was made known to the British government at London. Thus, then, is Mr. Canning's declaration that there was no remonstrance, entirely falsified; for we have seen there was a remonstrance, an able remonstrance, communicated through that precise channel which the English secretary had himself preferred; that is to say, through Mr. Erskine.
Judge, then, whether it be not a pitiful subterfuge to say, he had expected discussions in London, from Mr. Pinkney, after he had avoided a discussion with our minister in London and opened it here in Washington!
THE MOTIVE.
The present assigned motive of Mr. Canning for adherence to the orders in council is remarkable. Mr. Pinkney proffered a repeal of the embargo, for an abrogation of the orders in council. Mr. Canning refused, and boasted that the orders had broken up Bonaparte's
system of resumption. To this Mr. Pinkney very properly replied, if you have broken it up—rendered it harmless—there can be no longer any just ground for the orders in council, seeing that they were, as you alleged, resorted to in order to destroy Bonaparte's decree of Berlin. And what is Mr. Canning's reply to this? "It is no mean motive of policy (quoth he) for perseverance—that a premature departure from it might lead to false conclusions." "False conclusions!" for fear of a mistaken opinion, the United States are to be curtailed of their commerce, and compelled to pay tribute. "Motive of Policy!" What, then! this country is to be the victim of a motive of policy—Not of justice; not of right; no of self-existence; as has been set forth at large in the federal prints;—but of policy—mere policy! This is indeed, a noble confession! a confession that our rights, our honor, our interests, are to be sacrificed to a motive of policy. But (says Mr. Canning,) it is "no mean motive." Now, I think it is a mean motive—a very mean motive! A motive as vile as it is unjustifiable; a motive which may always be quoted for any act by any captious or whimsical minister who wants to do mischief without a good reason.
Were the subject not of so serious a complexion, one might smile at the evasion of Mr. Canning. It is so curious a turn—so like the joke of the Jew who went to hear a charity sermon, which was so excellent that every one was melted into tears—the Hebrew included. And when an acquaintance asked Moses what he thought of it: "O (said he) it is very good; very good, indeed; so good that I have a mind to turn beggar." The Jew and the Gentle are in this case alike. Moses thought the sermon very fine, but his passion was for money. Mr. Canning feels the force of Mr. Pinkney's remark, but his passion and that of his government is for the universal monopoly of commerce.
SALEM, Feb. 1.
We cannot refuse to congratulate the inhabitants of Salem upon that peace which does the greatest honor to the town. While in our capital, and in some towns once respected in Essex, the madness and folly of a few men are precipitating them into resolutions of which they will seriously repent, if time be given for repentance. In Salem we enjoy, under the kind influence of some men whose memory will be dear to future generations, all the calm purposes, political wisdom, and civil protection, which a patriotic administration can afford us. We compare our condition and find no other on earth so comfortable. We put a high value upon our rights and do not fear to assert them by the sense of our own capacities, and no unmanly fears. We suffer but in a good cause, and we doubt not that when the public safety will admit, we shall have instant relief. We are ready to defend our country against every invader.
The ceaseless efforts of some influential men in our capital to alienate the affections of the people of the northern states from the general government, are now universally acknowledged. To what great lengths they will proceed cannot be known, but nothing is now wanting but open violence. The laws have been denounced, and the execution of them discouraged, and as far as open declaration can do it, has been forbidden to the citizens. And that negotiation might have no effect, such declarations have been made respecting the affairs of Spain as is little short of hostility to one of the powers with which we have to negotiate. The conduct of other towns is easily explained by the manners of the capital. They deserve no particular regard, till we find that their resolutions result from their own serious investigation of our public affairs. We should be exceedingly apprehensive of infect on, for evil communications corrupt good manners.
"So they hanged Haman on the gallows which he had prepared for Mordecai." The second resolve of the 2d set of the Bostonians is in substance—That they will consider any man who complies with the laws of his country an enemy to the constitution.—This is certainly worthy of the renowned Don Quixote, or his more foolish companion, Sancho Panza! Turn the tables, and it will read—Every man who does not comply with the laws and institutions of his country at this crisis, and support them with all his strength, is not entitled to the appellation of a good citizen, and must be considered an enemy to the constitution and government of the United States.
Let the leaders of the Essex Junto pause for but one hour, and reflect! To what do these measures lead? to civil war and confusion!—And when once the sword is drawn and the horrid work commenced, like the raging of an impetuoso stream it cannot be stopped! And in all probability the very fomenters of the disturbance, the builders of the gallows, will be the first to be elevated on it!
But say some of these people we do not wish to carry matters so far. Let them know that half as much said and done in any other country would have cost the leaders their heads.
The Kennebec resolves tell us, that still a majority exists in Massachusetts who will fight bravely for their country, when called to action.
WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 6.
The Ohio in the last days of December rose to the height of 55 feet. From the partial accounts received, the destruction of property is apprehended to have been dreadful. It has never risen so high during the winter, and but in a single instance for twenty years during the spring.
NOTICE.
ALL persons are forewarned taking an assignment of a bond given by me to Richard Carter, for thirty dollars for the hire of a negro woman, for the year 1808, as the said Carter in the month of March in the same year, forcibly took the negro from me and kept her all the year, and refused to give me my bond, which I am not bound to pay, and am determined not to pay.
PHILIP COURTNEY.
February 6th, 1809

The late determination of the house of representatives, has reduced us to the simple alternative of war or submission. Negotiation, it seems, has become the subject of ridicule, stratagem and contempt. Hence the hope of conciliation, the acknowledgment of our national rights and a just atonement for atrocious injuries, must have fled from every mind that is not too deeply infatuated with British attachment. The embargo, which we have always viewed as our native and most efficient weapon, has, from the impurity of some parts of the union, recoiled upon ourselves. In withdrawing this measure, which was intended, and which was expected to be strong and energetic enough to fulfil our purpose, we can but anticipate that some other will be embraced not less efficient, but, if possible, more so. What ought this to be? We intimated in our last paper, that we could perceive no medium between the embargo, submission or war. To this first opinion we now subscribe our most calm and dispassionate reflections. It is presumed that the idea of submission kindles too much indignation in the warm American heart, to suffer the mind to pass through any cold process of reasoning upon the subject. Every body must know that the embargo placed us in a prominent and conspicuous position as a neutral nation, determined in the support of neutral rights, to which great object, national honor would not suffer any sacrifice. Under these circumstances, the only substitute which presents itself to our view, is WAR. We most seriously lament that the injustice of our enemies should absolutely force us to this last resort. But if our commercial rights are too dear and important to be abandoned to foreign insolence and rapacity, and if we are resolved neither to surrender or submit, we must adopt some method of defence. We again repeat, that we most seriously dread the evils of war. It may be a source of infinite and incalculable mischief. But rather than become a by word among the nations of the earth, rather than dastardly submit to unremitting atrocities, rather than pay commercial tribute to foreign tyranny, rather than meanly retire from the ground which we have proudly occupied, and rather than form an odious and humiliating alliance, we are decidedly in favor of trying our strength at once. But before we appeal to this dernier resort, it is surely our duty to enquire if it can be avoided, or if any other means can be adopted which are likely to succeed. In this enquiry, the first objects which strike our attention, are the permission of merchantmen to arm, and the utterance of Letters of Marque and Reprisal. It is the great and distinguishing quality of the statesman to calculate with the most unyielding impartiality, the result of his scheme. What then can we promise ourselves by the arming of merchantmen, or granting letters of marque and reprisal? It will be doing little indeed, to save our property & to protect our rights, if they are determined to make depredations. If merchantmen are justified in resisting search and examination, or defending themselves from capture and restraint, by an act of government, it amounts at least to a constructive determination on war, or what the writers upon this subject style a less solemn war. It must be admitted that our maritime force is greatly inadequate to the defence of our commerce. Independent of this, the British navy was never before so completely transcendent, never before so confessedly mistress of the deep. No sea that is not vexed with her operations, no climate that is not witness to her enterprise, & scarcely any coast that is not infested with her cruisers.
How then can we expect to escape or repel her naval despotism? It is impossible. If they are determined (of which no body can doubt) to make depredations, we shall in fact do nothing more than offer ourselves up as willing victims. If, however, such should be the case, and our merchantmen permitted to arm, would it not be a great hazard to trust masters of vessels with arms, inasmuch as they might probably use them for a different purpose than that one intended? Yes, such are the "fearful odds" they would be obliged to encounter, and such the impossibility of escape, that our merchants would not be so fool-hardy as to run the risque. What then? They would sail from our ports with the pretended determination of defending themselves from every species of violation and insult, and would instantly direct their cargoes to British markets. This to our minds is the most demonstrable and hateful result. After this we might expect in vain to resume our commercial prosperity. We should be fixed in the fangs of the orders of council, and no possible policy could redeem us. But suppose that these armed merchantmen should be sincere and resolved to resist with all their might. Would it not lead to open hostilities? May they not in the language of Mirabeau, as well commence between two ships, as between two squadrons? Would the government of our country remain passive and silent, amidst such scenes of horror, rapine and murder? Would they remain unfeeling spectators to the insults of our flag, the seizure of our property, & the destruction of our seamen? British rapacity would be satiated, and neutral rights turn out to be nothing more than a dream—a milesian fable, or a fairy tale. It is evident then that war, or submission is the only alternative. If this view of our situation should be likewise entertained, and war should be deemed inevitable, we do not hesitate in pronouncing that it should be immediate. If our enemies should persevere in their spoliations, they will also calculate upon this issue and will no doubt act accordingly. Delay to us then, promises nothing but innumerable injuries. In the words of the author already quoted, "the enemy, acquainted with all your precautions, all your measures, will make sport of them; you will render preparations nugatory: it were better not to order men." We shall be asked by the opponents of this measure, what advantages shall we get by going to war? The ad-
vantages, perhaps, may not be equal to the calamities, but the reply we give to this question is by asking another. WHAT SHALL WE DO IF WE DO NOT GO TO WAR? Submission we discard from our consideration. But how shall we avoid it? Not by repealing the embargo without substituting some other measure, not by permitting merchantmen to arm, nor by granting letters of marque and reprisal; the first would lead us under the baleful influence of the orders in council, or by resistance, into war, which is inevitably the issue of the last. As war then cannot be avoided without submission, and as the spirit of the nation is prepared for it, we cannot forbear from expressing our opinion that the sooner the better. We should by this means purge the country of torvism and disaffection. And if provision were made to sequester all the debts due from the citizens of the United States to the subjects of Great Britain, to be held as a pledge for the indemnification of such of the citizens of the United States as shall have suffered from the ship of war, privateers, or from any person or description of persons, acting under the commission, or authority of the British king, in contravention of the laws of nations, and in violation of the rights of neutrality, it would at least have a considerable tendency to spread alarm among the British merchants.
We have lately heard some of the federalists complain that no proper distinction was drawn between those who are really friends to their country, and those who merely put on the mask to hide their disaffection or torvism. It is true that we have uttered our proscriptions against those of the latter description, but we again repeat what we often have said, that there are many whom we believe are actuated by the purest motives and whose bosoms glow with lively emotions in behalf of their country's happiness. To men of this description, we shall always pay that respect which is due to the independence of opinion, but to the hypocrite and apostate, we shall always show our contempt and indignation. At this embarrassing and awful crisis, it is the part of patriotism to sacrifice all party animosity and intolerance at the shrine of our country's honor and prosperity. The name of federalist, however, is a kind of sanctuary, to which every class of the opposition resort, and no matter what is the real cast of politics, it is considered by many as an impregnable shelter. In drawing then the hypocrite and the apostate from the disguise in which he coils himself, it is necessary to give him the name which he assumes, and the true character which he possesses. It is well known to every body, that as soon as a subject of Great Britain "touches the sacred soil" of America, he immediately affects to be a federalist, and wishes to exact all the respect and confidence which is due to the genuine lover of his country. It is much to be lamented too, that this deception is so often successful. Hence the name has become so odious and the denunciation so general and undistinguished. To the honest federalist we offer our pity for his delusion, but at the same time we shall never be so intemperate as to condemn him for a want of patriotism.
The following address to the President of the United States has been adopted by the Legislature of Virginia. In the House of Delegates, Ayes 128—Noes 24—The Senate were nearly unanimous.
SIR, THE General Assembly of your native state cannot close their session, without acknowledging your services in the office which you are just about to lay down, and bidding you a respectful and affectionate farewell. We have to thank you for the model of an administration, conducted on the purest principles of republicanism; for pomp and state laid aside; patronage discarded; internal taxes abolished; a host of superfluous officers disbanded; the monarchic maxim "that a national debt is a national blessing," renounced; and more than thirty three millions of our debt discharged; the native right to nearly one hundred millions of acres of our national domain extinguished; and, without the guilt or calamities of conquest, a vast and fertile region added to our country, far more extensive than her original possessions, bringing along with it, the Mississippi and the port of Orleans, the trade of the west to the Pacific ocean, and in the intrinsic value of the land itself, a source of permanent and almost inexhaustible revenue. These are points in your administration which the historian will not fail to seize, to expand and teach posterity to dwell upon with delight. Nor will he forget our peace with the civilized world, preserved through a season of uncommon difficulty and trial; the good will cultivated with the unfortunate aborigines of our country, and the civilization humanely extended among them; the lesson taught the inhabitants of the coast of Barbary, that we have the means of chastising their piratical encroachments, and awing them into justice; and that theme on which, above all others, the historic genius will hang with rapture, the liberty of speech and of the press, preserved inviolate, without which, genius and science are given to man in vain.
In the principles on which you have administered the government, we see only the continuation and maturity of the same virtues and abilities which drew upon you, in your youth, the resentment of Dunmore. From the first brilliant and happy moment of your resistance to foreign tyranny, until the present day, we mark with pleasure and with gratitude, the same uniform, consistent character, the same warm and devoted attachment to liberty and the republic, the same Roman love of your country, her rights, her peace her honor, her prosperity.
How blessed will be the retirement into which you are about to go! How deservedly blessed will it be! For you carry with you the richest of all rewards the recollection of a life well spent in the service of your country, and proofs the most decisive of the love, the gratitude, the veneration of your countrymen. That your retirement may be as happy as your life has been virtuous and useful; that our youth may see in the blissful close
of your days, an additional inducement to form themselves on your model, is the devout and earnest prayer of your fellow citizens who compose the General Assembly of Virginia.
The following intelligence presents a correct and interesting view of the state of Spain. The medium through which it comes leaves no room for doubt. Our calculations as to the fate of this devoted nation will soon be verified. If the Spanish Patriots should be convinced themselves of the impossibility of arresting the progress of Bonaparte it is more than probable that their exasperated feelings will lead them to migrate after the example of the Braganza family into some of their colonies in South America. This benighted part of the world will soon become the theatre of important events. It is already a subject which invites the attention of the politician no less than that of the philosopher. The revolutions in polity and manners which may be expected to take place are topics of interesting speculation.
If the Spaniards could overcome their attachment to their native soil and would take refuge in their American colonies they might still enjoy the government of their choice. It is not impossible but that they may pursue this course. Their present contest is the effect of phrensy, of which they will soon feel the most woeful conviction.
Foreign News
[From London papers received at the office of the Argus.]
LONDON, Nov. 23. We are grieved to state, that government yesterday received intelligence of a most alarming nature from Spain. The Lady Pellet packet left Corunna on the 19th, and arrived at Falmouth on the 22d instant. She brings the melancholy account from Lugo, on the line of March of sir David Baird's army, that on the 18th they had halted in consequence of advices, that the northern Spanish army, under the command of general Blake, had been totally routed—that the French were in possession of Burgos—and even advanced by rapid marches to Valladolid. The consequences of which was, that the fleet of transports which were preparing to sail from Corunna, and were actually weighing anchor, were recalled by signal to remain as they might be wanted to bring off the British army. It is added, but this is too probably conjecture, that the French were pushing forward a column to Madrid, of which they would form with the masters. It is more likely, and indeed their march to Valladolid is a proof of it, that their intention is to intercept and cut off the army advancing from Lisbon under sir John Moore, the first column of which had arrived at Salamanca about the time that the French were at Valladolid. The distance by the direct road is not more than 20 leagues, and on the 13th instant, it is understood, that sir John Moore was at Salamanca, sir David Baird at Lugo, and the French at Valladolid.
In these circumstances considerable apprehensions are entertained respecting the result of the contest in Spain, but particularly respecting our army, which is now considered as being in imminent jeopardy, and those even who are the most inclined to despond of the cause of the Spaniards, are not a little alarmed about the actual situation of the British. We have at this moment an army of from 35 to 40,000 men in Spain, but the two corps of this army, it is to be feared, will not be able to effect a junction. Burgos was the point at which it was fixed that they were to meet, but Burgos is now in possession of the French, and even supposing that sir John Moore should turn to the left at Salamanca, and endeavor to establish a communication with sir David Baird by Zamora and Benavente, we are afraid that such an attempt may be defeated by the enemy. Some persons suppose that the French will advance straight to Madrid, and it is not impossible, provided they are sufficiently strong (which there seems but little reason to doubt,) that they may send forward a detachment to take possession of the capital; but it is not at all likely that they will advance, leaving the English army upon their right flank, without a sufficient force to make head against it. Besides it is at much more important object for Bonaparte, in the present stage of the contest, to defeat the British army, than it is to gain possession of Madrid, particularly as this will follow of course upon the other. We have no doubt whatever, therefore, that if sir John Moore does not retreat by the same route by which he came, that we shall ere long hear of his division having been attacked: and however high may be our opinion of British valour, it can hardly be expected, that in the present instance, it will be sufficient to overcome, not only the enemy's force, but all the disadvantages of its situation. It is very well known that our troops have no magazines—that they find great difficulty in procuring food—and that this circumstance has rendered it necessary to march the army in small columns, at considerable intervals, so that it has been said, that between the van and the rear, there will be a distance of not less than 20 days march. Were our armies, therefore, in these circumstances to be attacked, the enemy would have to contend, not with a concentrated force of 20 or 22,000 men, but with detached bodies of 2 or 3000, which he could cut off in detail. The Cavalry, too, are separated from the infantry; general Hope having proceeded with the former by the great road leading from Badajos to Madrid. In short, the British force which, had it been united, would have formed a respectable army, is so divided, as to render each division a feeble opponent to the enemy.
The fatal consequences of our distractions and cabals now begin to show themselves; and all those men who, from the beginning augured ill of the Spanish cause, plume themselves on their sagacity, forgetting that their predictions have been favored by the intrigues, errors and crimes of our own councils. The occasion that presented itself so favorably to our arms, while the despot was drawn to the north of Germany, and obliged to spend several most valuable months in negotiations of his
personal security in the north and east frontier of his empire, has been totally lost; and the resources of the nation have been frittered away in a manner that fills the heart with grief and shame. It is not in the spirit of party nor from any motive of opposition to a particular set of men, that we deplore the present most calamitous posture of our affairs. Let any man look back on the operations of this campaign, or rather, on the whole series of military operations since the present ministers came into office, and say whether the energies of the English people have not been most scandalously and most lamentably wasted.
The able writers of the Edinburgh Review have put the matter in a very striking point of view. "We demand the reason," say they, "of locking up our army in the south-west corner of Portugal, when the great battle was fighting in the north east extremity of Spain? We ask, why so silly a measure was thought of as turning away our force to conquer an army necessarily in our power, should our allies be successful, and the conquest of which was worth nothing should our allies be beaten? We ask, what justification can be offered of so dastardly a conduct as avoiding the hazardous part of the contest—he, struggle with the enemy's main body—for the poor temptation of attacking an inferior and insolated body of his men, and making sure of beating them, as the game of our allies, should be lost?" It cannot now be said that they were unwilling to receive us; for sir Arthur Wellesley confesses he received a letter from sir Thomas Dyer, intimating to him, that the Junta of Oviedo wished him to debark at St. Andero, to join the patriot army there, the real seat of the war.
Sir J. Moore left Lisbon on the 27th Oct. He was to proceed direct to Almeyda, through Abrantes, Castile, Branco, and Alcantara. He would pass all the divisions of the army marching upon that line, and would reach Almeyda on the 4th November. The movements of the British troops have been directed as follows, viz.
Force under sir David Baird which disembarked at Corunna—upon Astorga.
Two brigades under maj. gen. Beresford—by Coimbra, upon Almeyda.
Three brigades under lieut. gen. Fraser—by Abrantes, by Cindad Rodrigo.
Two brigades under maj. gen. Paget—by Elvas and Alcantara upon Cindad Rodrigo.
The above divisions would reach their destination early in November & would be assembled in the neighbourhood of Salamanca, by the middle of this month.
From the bad state of the roads, the cavalry, consisting of two regiments, five brigades of artillery, and four regiments of infantry, under the command of lieut. gen. Hope, were obliged to march by the road leading from Badajos to Madrid; but turning to the left prior to their arrival at Madrid, they would march upon and halt at Espinar.
Appointments made by the General Assembly of Virginia.
James Brockinridge, Esq. a Brigadier General in the place of Andrew Moore, Esq. promoted to the office of a Major General.
Pegram, Esq. a Major General to supply the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Major General Tarlton Woodson, resigned.
Hugh Nelson, John Coalter and William Brockenbrough, Esquires, Judges of the general court, to fill the offices created by the act, entitled an act to amend an act to organize and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth.
COMMUNICATION.
MARRIED, on the 15th December, by the Rev. Mr. Ford, Capt. CARY MITCHELL, Merchant of Cartersville, to the amiable Miss SALLY POWERS, of Goochland County.
In wedlock's bands they are both fast tied A smiling Bridegroom & a lovely Bride.
NOTICE.
HAVING become involved in a debt by the purchase of a tract of land a short time before the commencement of the embargo, I will sell the land purchased, on moderate terms, if I can procure one half of the purchase money in cash, and satisfactory security for the balance in twelve months. I should be glad also to sell the land on which I live adjoining the other, on the same terms. It lies about four miles from Amelia court house between Flat creek and Nibbs creek in a healthy situation, with a convenient dwelling house on it just built, two story high, and commodious barns and tobacco houses. The two tracts together contain about 900 acres; one half is supposed to be in woods with a good deal of excellent Tobacco land. There are several fresh fields well adapted to the cultivation of corn, wheat, &c. The land is so situated that it will admit of two settlements. It is thought useless to say more as those inclined to purchase will wish to judge for themselves.
JOHN G. JEFFERSON
Amelia, Feb. 8, 1809.
PATENT MEDICINES, FOR SALE At S. Pleasants' Book Store.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more deliberately and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the efficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES, prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by HANNAH LEE no. 56, Maiden-lane, New York And in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Printing-office. The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. C. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Molther, and of other distinguished and respectable characters. The following cases, of more recent occurrence, are now respectfully submitted.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCES.
THE wife of Mr. Wm. Stillwell, merchant, Water street, New-York, had been in a poor state of health for several years past, and was often confined to her chamber by indisposition: her symptoms were various, though generally attended with great debility; sometimes they were supposed to indicate dropsy, at others a disease of the liver. Having suffered a very severe attack, without obtaining any relief from her physician, and almost despairing of recovery, she was induced to make trial of Hamilton's Worm Destroy-
ing Lozenges; having heard of their performing cures in several complaints that could not be accounted for. Two doses were taken, which brought away a large worm, nearly half a yard in length, and a great quantity of matter evidently pieces of worms, &c. On taking the third or fourth dose, an entire animal shaped like a crab, was expelled: its parts were examined with the aid of a microscope, when the claws, feet, &c. appeared perfectly formed; different in but few respects from the common crab. Mrs. Stillwell began from that time to recover her health;—three months have since elapsed, and she has been free from her former complaints, and has acquired a degree of health and strength which for years before she had been a stranger to. She being free to extend the knowledge of a medicine from which so much benefit has been received, has authorised Mrs. Lee, the present proprietor, to state these particulars for the good of others. New-York, June 5, 1807. Philadelphia, May 22, 1806. TO H. LEE.
Having in a most singular manner, experienced in my family the astonishing efficacy of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges, prepared by the late Mr. Lee, I feel it my duty to add the following curious case to the list of remarkable cures performed by that celebrated medicine. My daughter at the age of 17 months was taken ill with those symptoms which are supposed to denote worms: after having tried a number of things which are said to be good in such cases, without any benefit, we had the attendance of a respectable physician; but she still continued to decline in health, and at the end of six months became so weak that she could not walk, nor keep food on her stomach, it was so extremely disordered. At this interesting period, one of our neighbours recommended your Lozenges so earnestly, we were induced to send to Mr. Birch's for a box of them; on her taking the third dose, according to the printed directions, there came from her a living animal about three quarters of an inch long and of a most frightful appearance, being very white, with a great number of legs, and something which resembled wings, by which it appeared to spring; and which it did repeatedly, to our great surprise, about the same distance that a small toad can hop on the ground. Its form was altogether unknown to every person who saw it. It lived in water about 18 hours. We afterwards put it in spirits, and it is now in the possession of Dr. Bleight of this city. The child grew better from that day; in a very short period began to walk again, and is now in perfect health. Yours, &c. WM. BRADLEY, Callowhill street, between 8th and 9th sts. Any person may be satisfied of the accuracy and authenticity of this singular occurrence, by making enquiry in the neighborhood: many of the neighbors saw the creature alive, and are well acquainted with the above particular. W. B.
Among the symptoms attending worms, are disagreeable breath, especially in the morning; bad and corrupted gums—itching in the nose and about the seat—convulsions and epileptic fits and sometimes privation of speech—starting and grinding of the teeth in sleep—irregular appetite; sometimes loathing food and sometimes voracious; purging, with slimy and foetid stools; Vomiting; Large and hard belly; Pains and sickness at the stomach; Pains in the head and thighs, with lowness of spirits; Slow fever, with small and irregular pulse; A dry cough; Excessive thirst; Sometimes pale and unhealthy countenance, and sometimes the face bloated and flushed. Persons afflicted with any of the above symptoms, should have immediate recourse to
HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES,
which have been constantly attended with success in all complaints similar to those above described. A dose of this medicine given occasionally during the warm season, will effectually prevent the "vomiting and purging of children," a dreadful disorder which annually destroys thousands of the infant part of our citizens.
Children generally take this medicine with eagerness; having a pleasing appearance and an agreeable taste. FOR SALE AS ABOVE.
Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard,
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c. AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE.
For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Malignant Fevers recommended Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills. The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir,
A sovereign remedy for Colds, Obinate Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumption. To Parents who may have children afflicted with The Hooping Cough.
This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.
Fifa & Casa Executions
For sale at this office.

WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes. Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808. tf
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, consider- ably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf
FOR SALE, On private contra, the fine, high bred running horse
DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pill Box, by Partnership. Also, a FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfect- ly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unrivaled, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Ap- ply to
John Tyler, Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. tf
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. tf
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst. a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Brad- ley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair. He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry.
A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't Infantry. tf ember 23, 1808.
FOR SALE, A SECOND HAND Coach, Coach, Coach, Large and strong-built, well calculated for a public stage or hack. Apply to the printer.
For sale or Rent, AN eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road - known by the name of Hall- borough; the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Packler, Richmond 12 Jan. 1809. tf
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8 1808. tf
Boarding for Youth. THE subscriber having rented a large and convenient portion of the tenement in which the youth, composing Mr. Gerar- din's academy are instructed, intends board- ing young gentlemen on very moderate terms. No exertion that can be reasonably expected, shall be omitted to render the accommodations satisfactory. The morals of the young boarders shall be under the peculiar care of Mr. Doyle, who is himself to board with the subscriber, and Mr. Ger-ardin likewise promises to extend his at- tention to a point so truly important. Application to be made either at the school, or with the subscriber. PAUL G. G. JONES. January 19, 1809.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, Mr. Giles' Speeches DELIVERED ON The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to re- peal the Embargo Laws.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by S. Pleasants, Richmond, THE GENTLEMAN'S Pocket Remembrancer, FOR THE YEAR 1809.
CONTAINING an almanac, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, govern- ment of the United States, executive, legisla- tive and judiciary, federal courts of law, de- partments of the federal government, territo- rial government of the U. S. patents, inter- course with foreign nations, diplomatic depart- ment, ministers, consuls, &c. from foreign pow- ers to the U. S. navy, marine corps, navy yard at Washington, post-offices establishment, coins, duties on imports, drawbacks, boun- ties, custom-house of Philadelphia, wardens of the port, officers of the customs of the U. S. light-houses, tables, &c. &c.
The Ladies' Pocket-Book Contains a view and description of the natural bridge in Virginia, an almanac, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, select pieces in prose and poetry, new and celebrated songs, and several useful tables. The above books are neatly bound in red lea- ther with pockets. tf
New Law Books. The 8th vol. of East's Reports, and the 5th vol. of Espinasse's Reports are just received and for sale by S. Pleasants.
Negroes for Sale. BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Mr. Wm. Wilburne, on the 21st day of May last, for the purpose of securing to Mr. Colin M'Rae, the sum of £190 10s 11d. which debt has been assigned by said M'Rae to Mr. John Gilchrist, of the town of Manchester, we shall, at Powhatan court- house, on Friday the 20th January, 1809, proceed to sell, the following slaves, viz: David, Biley, Anthony, & Frank, or so many of them as will be sufficient to raise the said sum of £190 10s 11d. with inter- est from the 25th inst. and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect. WM. MOSELEY, & JOHN HASKINS, Trustees. December 30, 1808.
N. B. William Wilburne having failed to produce Frank, on the day of sale, we shall, on Friday the 17th February, proceed to execute the trust in us reposed, by sell- ing said slave Frank; also, David & An- thony, agreeably to the tenor of the above advertisement, deducting £82 10s. being the price given for Biley, by valuation of the commissioners. Wm. Moseley, John Haskins. January 27, 1808. 3w
Select Speeches. Just received by S. Pleasants, jr. RICHMOND, SELECT SPEECHES, FORENSICK AND PARLIA- MENTARY, With Prefatory Remarks. By N. CHAPMAN, M. D.
In this selection will be found the most celebrated speeches of Lord Chatham, Ed- mund Burke, Lord Mansfield, William Pitt, the elder and younger, Sir Robt. Walpole, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Fox, Mr. Curran, Mr. Thomas Erskine, Mr. Wilberforce, H. Grattan, &c. &c. The work is adorned with handsomely engraved portraits of Burke, Curran, Sheri- dan, Fox, and Pitt. tf
Gerard Banks, HERETOFORE the Editor of the Virgin- ian, has opened a SCRIVENER'S OF- FICE in the house immediately opposite the Market. Writing of every description will be executed with correctness. Besides the usual instruments which may be required, he of- fers to draw Bills of Injunction, &c. at a mode- rate price.
NOTICE. BY virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the 6th of March next, at the court house of Henrico county, (being court day) a Tract of Land. Containing 400 Acres, more or less, situa- ted on White Oak Swamp, adjoining the bridge over the swamp, whereon Thomas Goodwin lives, who will show the land to any person wishing to purchase. There is a good mill seat, with a constant stream on said land. The land will be sold for one third cash, one third in 12 months, and the remaining third in two years; bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they are due, and a deed of trust to secure the payments will be required. Eliza T. Younghusband, Adm'x. Samuel P. Parsons, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 1st Mo. 27th, 1809.
14,870 Acres of Land FOR SALE, ON SENECA CREEK, IN THE COUNTY OF PENDLETON. BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Robert Barkley to Richard Gaines, to secure the pay- ment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the seventh day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Rich- mond sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land, being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purcha- ser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. January 22d, 1809. tds
Training Stables. THOMAS LARKIN, LATE TRAINER to Mr. Ralph Wormley & John Taylor, Esqrs of Mountain, begs leave to inform those gentlemen who have colts and horses which they wish trained, that he has rented Maj. Ball's Stables at Broad Rock, which will be opened for the purpose of taking in Hor- ses on the first day of March next. The terms of which will be made known before that day. January 21st, 1808. 3w
NOTICE. I SHALL offer my services the ensuing elec- tion, to the freeholders of the Senatorial dis- trict composed of the counties of Albemarle, Am- herst, Nelson, Fluvanna and Buckingham. If the people think proper to elect me to represent them in the Senate, I will strive with all my a- bilities to serve them faithfully. Wm WOODS, Baptist Albemarle, Cloverfields, } January 19th, 1809. 2w
To William Price Earington, Who is not a resident of the state of Virginia. SIR, TAKE notice, that by virtue of a commission from the Circuit Court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, I shall proceed on the second Monday in March next, between the hours of 8 in the forenoon and 6 in the afternoon, at the office of Clement Biddle, Esq. Notary Public, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, to take the deposition of Daniel Lamont, jr. to be read in evidence in a suit now depending in said court, wherein we are Plainiffs and yourself and others Defendants. Should the evidence not be completed the first day, we shall proceed between the same hours of each succeeding day until it is finished. your ob't servant, SMITH, CALHOUN, &c. Jan. 26, 1809. 4w
R A G S. THE SUBSCRIBER WILL PAY THE HIGH- EST PRICE FOR LINNEN or COTTON R A G S; (For the VIRGINIA MANUFACTORY) AND will contract with country Store- keepers for all they may be able to col- lect, which will be paid for in cash, on del- ivery at my store, near the Courthouse; where may be had a general assortment of GROCERIES, BOOTS, SHOES, & PA- TENT NAILS. WILLIAM FARR. Richmond, 22d Jan. 1809. w12m
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND, THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE Revised Code, (Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.-Price to subscribers $5.-to non-subscri- bers $6.) BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS OF THE General Assembly OF VIRGINIA Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801: TO WHICH ARE ADDED APPENDICES, CONTAINING A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potow- mac, Appomattox and D small Swamp Ca- nal Companies, Laws concerning the Northern Neck. Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges, A compilation of the several acts concern- ing the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings, Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794, and 1803, Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters, Laws establishing ferries, Laws concerning the public guard, Titles of private and local acts.-And A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object. With a complete Index to the whole. Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hun- dred and seven.
ANY person having in their possession any Book or Books belonging to the late Pleasant Younghusband, dec. will be very obliging if they will return them or give information to the editor of this paper or the subscriber SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 2d Month 2d, 1809. tf
30 Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from Benjamin Moore's in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, about the 14th of August, 1807, a NEGRO MAN, named TOM; he is about twenty-nine or thirty years old, five feet seven or eight in- ches high, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a scar on his right cheek, occasioned by the tooth ache; he has rather a downy countenance when spoken to; and was purchased from Edward G. Hill of Spotsylvania County, by Benj. Moore, who gave him to his son William Moore, of whom I purchased him. It is very probable he has obtained a free pass, and is at this time in Spotsylvania, where I expect his relations and acquaintances are, or lurking about Richmond. He ran away about twelve months before his last elopement, and crossed the Blue Ridge, and was apprehended in Berkeley County, & put in Mar- tinburg Jail. He may have aimed for that course again, but I think it most probable from some circumstances that he has gone below where he was raised. Any person that will deliver the said negro to the subscriber living in Warmin- ster, Nelson County, or Capt. Benjamin Moore, living in Buckingham County, near the Court- house, shall receive the above reward, or I will give twenty Dollars to any person who will ap- prehend and secure him in any jail, and give me such information so that I get him again. All masters of vessels are forewarned from carrying him out of the state at their peril. Robert Moore. Nelson County, January 12th, 1809. wtf
NOTICE IS hereby given, that I forewarn any persons or persons from trespassing on the shore from the upper lock gates belonging to the Columbian Mills, and from thence below, to where the wa- ter from the basin comes into the river. Any person offending herein will be dealt with according to law SAMUEL LEECH, Acting for John Granberg. Columbian Mills, } Jan. 27, 1809. 3
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.
Dr. TISSOT's Celebrated GOUT & RHEUMATIC DROPS. A certain cure for the Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, weakness of the joints, and all kinds of Sprains; for gleet, be they of ever so long standing, and for the stone and gravel; it is perhaps the most active, penetrating, and effect- ual remedy in the world; in the cramp and all kinds of pains in the head, face and body, it is without equal. This medicine [which justly claims a pre em- inence over all others, as being decidedly adap- ted for the speedy removal of those complaints above mentioned] owes its discovery to the cele- brated Tissot, a physician of most exalted emi- nence in his profession and is chiefly the ex- tract of an herb, peculiar to Europe, to whose powerful, healing, restorative and balsamic qua- lities this great man, by the administering, ow- ed much of his fame. It is peculiarly excellent for most disorders attending warm climates, and keeps for any length of time. Bottles, at two dollars each, with copious directions. The following are a few, of the many respectable certificates, which the proprietor has in his possession CERTIFICATE OF GENERAL RIDGELY, of Hampton. I certify, that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the direc- tions, they effected a perfect cur'. At another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree as rendered my hand for the time useless, when on making application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of 24 hours was entirely removed. I therefore from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it as a be- neficent act to recommend it in similar cases to others. Signed, C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
CERTIFICATE OF MR. THOMAS CAMPBELL, Harness maker. It would be an act of injustice to withhold my testimony of the salutary effects of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, as I have experien- ced a very unequivocal instance of their virtue and efficacy. I was affected with two severe at- tacks of what is usually called dead palsy, from which I partially recovered, but was obliged to use crutches to aid me in walking when I left home, to this were joined violent Rheumatic pains, the result of the affliction, and I had fear- ed the disorder would accompany me thro' life, but providentially was recommended to apply at G. Dobbins and Murphy's for Dr. Tissot's Drops, and after using only one bottle, found myself per- fectly liberated from my disorder, and am now, thank God, as free from pain as if I never had been affected; finding this medicine operate so powerfully on myself, I determined to apply it internally to my child [a boy only eleven months old] who was then reduced almost to a skeleton, with the bowel complaint, after administering it four or five times to him, his complaint was entirely removed, and he is now recovering his strength with great rapidity. Signed, THOMAS CAMPBELL. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
CERTIFICATE OF MR. THOMAS KELSO, Butcher. About three weeks since I was most violently attacked with Rheumatic pains throughout my whole frame, in so severe a manner as not to be able to turn in my bed without assistance, pro- ceeding, I suppose from a severe cold; on being advised by a friend to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, I accordingly obtained from the agents, (Messrs. G. Dobbins and Mur- phy) two bottles, the application of which (un- der God) have perfectly restored my health. I am therefore induced with confidence to recom- mend this medicine as a certain cure for the a- bove disorder. Signed, THOMAS KELSO. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. ANNE FIFER. No. 107, Green-street, Old town, Baltimore Being ever desirous of rendering assistance to my fellow creatures, as far as my abilities will permit, and also give additional credit to DR. TISSOT'S GOUT AND RHEUMATIC DROPS, which from their powerful efficacy, I have received such surprising benefit, are the only motives for my offering a statement of my case to the public, under the following attested affida- vit. Upwards of five years I had been afflicted with Rheumatic pains, which were seated principally in my loins, shoulders, and right arm; which at the time I lost the use of, so that for a considera- ble time, I could not lift it to my head; at one period it confined me to my bed, in which I could not turn without assistance, and from the violent and agonizing pain in my limbs, my cries could of- ten be heard by the neighbors. Every remedy that I could think of, or prescribed by my friends were tried; I also had medical assistance both French and English, but they gave relief only for the moment, so that I despaired of ever being cured, and had resigned myself to be a cripple during life. When I was advised by a friend to make trial of DR. TISSOT'S GOUT & RHEUMA- TIC DROPS, I accordingly applied at Love's Drug and Patent Medicine Store, N. 16, Sign of the Mortar, Centre Market-space, where I purchased a bottle for two dollars, from which I do positively declare, I received more benefit than I had from all the remedies attempted for 5 years past; but fearing a relapse, I procured another bottle and was perfectly relieved. ANNE FIFER. Sworn before me this 17th day of Novem- ber 1808. JAMES WILSON. Witness, James Norvie, Jun.
CAUTION. No Gout and Rheumatic Drops being known excepting those invented by Dr. Tissot.-The public are requested to notice that none are genu- ine unless the names of Dr. Tissot, and the pro- prietor Henry Ward, are cut in the glass of the bottle, and the outside cover of each bottle sign- ed by the said proprietor himself. Sold by H. WARD, sole proprietor, Phi- ladelphia, and at the Book-store of S. PLEA- SANTS, jr. Richmond.
ALSO, Dr. TABB's Nature's Restorative Balsamic Cordial. The certificates attached to the bills which inclose each bottle of the above medicine, are from characters of respectability, on whose testimony the fullest confidence may be placed by those who labor under com- plaints of the Gout, Rheumatism, &c. also those of consumptive habits, general debi- lity of the nerves and various other com- plaints incident to the human body.
Fifa & Casa Executions. For sale at this office.
GOLD MINE. THE subscriber wishes to sell or exchange for property in Richmond, his plantation in Hanover, called GOLD MINE, On the South Fork of Pamunkey River, opposite to Col. Charles Dabney's and adjoining Colonel Syme's Reck Mill tract, containing by a late survey 809 1-2 Acres. On this tract is an excel- lent and commodious dwelling house, with seven rooms and a large passage, &c. The out hou- ses are all convenient and in good repair, all together insured against fire at $2500. There are from three to four hundred acres of wood land, some fine low grounds, a pretty good orchard, &c. But a minute description of the land is deemed unnecessary. Those therefore who feel inclined to purchase or exchange, are invited to view the premises. The terms will be made known on ap- plication to the subscriber near Goochland court- house. Daniel Couch. January 23, 1809. w8f/4
To Aaron Burr, Who is absent from the State of Virginia TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commis- sion from Henrico County Court in a suit therein depending, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant, I shall proceed on the first Monday in April next at the house of Isaac Watkins, Shelby- ville, Kentucky, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon and be- tween the same hours of each succeeding day until all the testimony is taken, to take the depo- sitions of Abraham Owings, I. Winlock, Steph. Smi-h, and Wingfield Bullock, to be read in evi- dence in said suit. Henry Schroeder. January 24, 1809. w4t
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book- store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS, CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Ap- peals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf. Price to subscribers $5.-to non-subscri- bers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscri- bers at the above price, which is consider- ably less, in proportion, than that mention- ed in the prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal- ly good terms as heretofore. Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quar- ter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. } Calf and Cordovan roundings } and binding skins } Bridle and seat leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit.
Virginia: At a Court held for Halifax county, on Mon- day the 26th day of December, 1808. John Wimbish, Plaintiff. AGAINST Gardner Mayes and Isaac Medley, de- puty sheriff for Thomas Watkins, sheriff of Halifax, Defendants. THE defendant Gardner Mayes, not hav- ing entered his appearance and given se- curity according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant, Mayes, do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months suc- cessively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy-Teste SAMUEL WILLIAMS, D. C. H. C.
AMERICAN Military Library, OR REPOSITORY OF MODERN TACTICS. *** Ten Nos. of the above work are re- ceived and ready for delivery at this office.
Blank Notes AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia: for sale at this office.
Pamphlets, CARDS, HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.