The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-06-04 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, JUNE 4, 1803.
WILLIAM McCAY, CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
TAKES this method to inform the public, that he has just received by a late arrival from Europe, a large and general assortment of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES. Among which are elegant repeating watches, lady's gold do. Also an elegant assortment of seals, keys, chains, &c. He has likewise a few good CLOCKS for sale. All of which he offers to dispose of on as reasonable terms for cash, as they can be purchased in any part of the United States. He returns his sincere thanks to his friends for the liberal encouragement he has met with since his residence in this city. Clocks and watches repaired on the shortest notice. May 6, 1803. G.W. '6
No. 30,489, a ticket in the second class of the lottery in Washington City, was bought by me in Baltimore, the 10th day of August, 1796: in the year 1797, some time in June was sent by one William Smith to Philadelphia, supposing the lottery to have been drawn, to be examined. I have since seen said Smith in Charleston, he proved to me as I think, said ticket was lost in a vessel that he was said away in. I advertised the said ticket on the 30th of June, 1797, in the Virginia Argus, forbidding any person from purchasing it, if it should be in being, as an sole owner of it. JAMES ROBERTS. Richmond, May 25, 1803.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard. Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD. Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. tf.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given. RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The assortment of goods is equal to any in that line. Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (tf.)
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burrs for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN. That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn. After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground. As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given. THOMAS RUTHERFOORD. N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
GREY MOGUL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this Spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the ensuing season at my stable, near Rocketts, to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; to be discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected to soon as the mare is covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom. ISAAC ALLEN. May 10, 1803.
PEDIGREE.
Mogul was got by Quicksilver; Dam by Sprightly Cub, a son of old Cub; Sprightly Cub's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a full bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richards, esq. of Colpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richard's celebrated running Mare, by Shark.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierses, for sale by WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash. Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
NOTICE.
I SHALL be obliged, very shortly, to leave this State for a few months. Should any persons having demands against me, with to have them previously adjusted, I shall be glad if they will bring them forward immediately, for that purpose. As the patronage I have received from my Friends and the Public, since my commencement in Business, has fully equalled my most flattering expectations, I beg leave, with due sensibility and respect, to offer in return my most grateful acknowledgements. During my absence Mr. William H. Fitzhugh will receive and pay money, and settle all outward transactions and accounts on my behalf. The business of Book-binding, in all its various branches, will be carried on by Mr. Samuel Combs, who will execute all orders with promptitude and fidelity. There is now on hand, and will be constantly kept up a complete assortment of Stationery, and of all kinds of Blank and Ruled Books used in Mercantile, Legal and Private business. JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, May 27th, 1803. tf.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING OF BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States. Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices. TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLASTER OF PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s. 3d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house. T. RUTHERFOORD & Co. March 31st. 1803.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GENTLEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately by post to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references. The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleasants, Richmond, a drossed to A. Small. May 10, 1803. 12m. '8.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every fixed Mill-Stones ready for delivery; also PLASTER OF PARIS ground and in the stone. CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
IRISH LINENS.
THE Subscribers have just received a large assortment of 7-8ths. and 4-4ths. Irish Linens, which they offer for sale on very low terms. Also a few Bales of best Twill'd SACKING. GILLIAM & KIRBY. Richmond, May 18th. 1803. 1m. '03. '9.
WALTER POTTER,
BOOK BINDER AND STATIONER, Opposite Messrs. Mitchell and Gardner's, Main street, Richmond.
GRATEFUL for the encouragement he has received, since commencing business, takes this method of returning thanks, and to solicit a continuance thereof.
He has just received a fresh supply of Stationery, consisting of Super-Royal, Royal, Medium, Demy, Folio, and Quarto Post, Fool'scap, and Post Writing Papers.
Blue, Blotting, Cartridge, and large Brown Wrapping Papers. Red and Black Ink Powder, Liquid ditto; Pewter and Glass Ink Stands; Sand and Sand Boxes; Pounce, and Pounce Boxes; Red and Black Sealing Wax; Red, Black and variety of Waters; Gold Leaf; Slates, and Slate Pencils; Red and Black Lead ditto; Ivory Polders; Red Tape; Quills; Indian Rubber; Bonnet Passeboard, &c.
Merchants Accompt Books ruled to any pattern. Book-Binding in all its various branches executed with neatness, accuracy, and dispatch.
Now on hand, a large assortment of Blank Books. May 11.
REMARKS ON THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH NAVIES.
IN the American war, a French and Spanish fleet, containing, about sixty five sail of the line, chased the grand English fleet of thirty-eight sail, & remained masters of the British channel, till the roughness of the weather forced them to retire. In July, 1778, the French fleet, under D'Orvilliers, engaged admiral Keppel. Their strength was much about equal. The clumsy letter from Keppel, announcing his victory, roused universal derision. Sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, declared, in the house of peers, his conviction that Keppel had been beaten. About the same time, James Macpherson, esq. the celebrated translator of Ossian, wrote a piece entitled a SHORT HISTORY OF OPPOSITION; which he, in private companies, ascribed to Edward Gibbon. Referring to the illuminations in London for Keppel's affair, Mr. Macpherson speaks to this effect: "A victory, which lay concealed for seven months, and which was then discovered by accident, could not be worth the expence of many candles." In the close of the same war, Bailie Suffrein was detached to the East Indies with a French squadron. In the course of a few months, he and Sir Edward Hughes fought four desperate and bloody battles. Each of them had, in general, about ten ships of the line, less or more; and, from the account of the English themselves, it is clear that Suffrein was not beaten. The French even boast of his victories. He seems to have been by far the greatest officer that has yet arisen in the navy of France. It cannot be supposed that either his ships or men were better than those of other French admirals. The glory of his superior fortune centres in himself. His actions demonstrate of what efforts the French marines are capable, when properly commanded. The hereditary ascendancy of the English flag vanished before the genius, perseverance, and intrepidity of a single man.
Again, on June 1st. 1744, lord Howe, with twenty-five sail of the line, engaged a French fleet of twenty-five. The equipment and discipline of the French was undoubtedly much inferior to that of the British; yet the former say that the combat lasted for six hours. One French man of war sunk, and five were taken. But the English met with formidable resistance. Ten or twelve French vessels were crippled, or totally dismantled; but as, of itself only seven were sunk or taken, it follows from the escape of the others, that the victor, also, must have been crippled. Out of about twenty-eight English admirals or captains, one was killed, a second mortally wounded, and three others lost, each of them, a leg. This was warm work. England ought to be cautious of protracting a naval war; for the republic, when disengaged from her continental contest, may soon become as irresistible by sea, as she already is by land. Lycurgus forbade his Lacedæmonians to fight too often with any one enemy. Agesilaus forgot his wife rule. He beat the Bæotians into heroes and conquerors; and, but for the jealousy of his own allies, the Suffrein of Thebes would have burnt Sparta. Charles the twelfth, and the Russian Peter, afford a modern instance of the same nature, and of which the French flag bids fair to furnish a fresh example.
The naval omnipotence of England has been affirmed for so many hundreds of times, it claimed a copious answer. It is said that our commerce will sail triumphant into port under protection of the British flag. Alas! that flag is unable to secure even its own commerce. In the same war, it was computed that Luke Ryan took seventy British ships, and most of them in the British channel, or near it. Paul Jones was within a hair's breadth of burning the shipping in the port of Whitehaven. He deliberately landed on the coast of Galloway, sailed quite round to the opposite side of the island, and the shifting of the wind was the only apparent cause that hindered him from attacking the port of Leith.
NOTE. * Or somewhat fewer; for the accounts of the two rival nations are confused and irreconcilable.

Foreign Intelligence,
By the British packet arrived at New-York, which left London the 10th of April.
LONDON, April 2.
ANOTHER week has now passed over, and the public is left as much as ever in ignorance of the real situation of the country. We cannot submit to deceive our readers by retailing to them the groundless or fraudulent reports of the Stock Exchange. There can be no sufficient grounds to speculate on the conduct of a government which proceeds on no other system than that of shifting from day to day without any one fixed principle or rule of action. During all the continual fluctuation of our councils for the last two years, there has been no visible change of circumstances, which could account for any one of the changes in our conduct. The policy of France has at all times been as steady and uniform as that of Great Britain has been various and contradictory. No reasonable conjecture can be formed,
Why we disarmed immediately after the preliminaries, while we were still at war?
Why we then armed again immediately before the definitive treaty, and then accepted terms much worse than those of the preliminaries?
Why we then disarmed again all through the summer, while France was violating at every step both the spirit and letter of the definitive treaty?
Why we then armed again in October, and sent orders to retain the Cape, when the acquisitions of Louisiana, Louisiana, and Elba, to France, were already complete, when Piedmont was already annexed, Germany already divided, and when our interference was many months too late to avert the subjugation of Switzerland?
Why we then disarmed again in November, and sent orders to restore the Cape, when the arrangements about Malta were at least as much unsettled as they can now be; when the hostile views of France were certainly not less apparent, and when the very armaments of which we now complain were in a state of very considerable forwardness?
Or lastly, why we have now armed again in March, when we have given up all the best means of negotiation which we had in our hands; restored to France 30,000 seamen to enable her to man her fleet; accommodated her with stores to enable her to equip it; and surrendered to her the great commanding stations of the Eastern and western world to enable her to navigate those seas with security to herself, and to the utter ruin of our commerce and colonies?
All these are questions which no man pretends to answer; how then shall we guess how soon we are again to disarm after evacuating Malta? how often we shall again arm to grace some new concession? how many new points of dignity and interest we shall think it honorable and wise to surrender to an imperious enemy? What grounds can we have for judging of these questions; all regular means of information have been pertinaciously withheld; and as for the declarations of the ministers, to what credit they are entitled the unhappy fate of those who placed their trust in that security has sufficiently demonstrated.
Instead, therefore, of pretending to explain the system of those who have no system, we shall content ourselves with a faithful report of the facts as they occur; and happy indeed should we think ourselves, if the mere effect of fluctuation and inconsistency should for once lead to steps of prudence and dignity, and enable us to lay before the public a course of measures directly the reverse of those which we have hitherto witnessed.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JUNE 4th. 1803.
REMARKS ON THE CONSULAR MANIFESTO.
(CONCLUDED FROM OUR LAST)
During the American war, the master of a Scots vessel was prisoner in a French ship of war, when an English cruiser came in sight. The whole crew immediately crowded on deck. The Scotsman advised the French captain to send a part of them below, and make the men fight by watches. The reasons for this advice are too obvious to be worth an explanation. The captain confessed the justice of the proposal, but said that he durst not depart from the common practice. A few such absurdities account very plainly for the bad fortune of the French at sea; and as the matter begins to be understood in France, there can be no doubt that the vigilance and sagacity of the first consul will commence a reformation.
The English are perfectly well acquainted with the circumstances just mentioned. They know that, in a few years, the French must and will become once more powerful at sea. Hence, they are anxious to keep the French navy in its present state of depression. The late peace was, at first, acceptable in England. But a party was soon formed against it; and Addington may hope to extend his popularity by such an appearance of promitude to support the honour of the country by a renewal of the war. At sea, the English have, at this time, nothing to fear; and on the continent they have nothing to lose; unless, indeed, Hanover can be regained an exception. The fee simple of this electorate, however, would make but a sorry compensation to France for the interruption of her commerce, and other losses. For these reasons, it becomes at least not improbable that the blame of this quarrel originates in the stern jealousy of the court of London. The English affect to be shocked at Bonaparte's treatment of the Swiss. They may look at Gulloden, where they shot their wounded prisoners; or at their Dutch hospitals, where the doctor was drunk in one room, and the patient perishing in the next. They may look at the "old Jersey," where eleven thousand six hundred Americans died of hunger. They may look at the prisons of Eustatia, or the massacre of Quiberon. They may look at Ireland or Bengal, and blush and be silent.
While the above was going to press, we met in the Baltimore Federal Gazette, with a long and violent invective against this manifesto, dated London, April 6th. The writer says that "its language like all the other effusions of the consular scribes, is pettish and puerile; and the invective, particularly as it regards "one of the most amiable and virtuous sovereigns of the age, at once base, unmanly, and infamous. The liberties of Europe are spoken of by a despot, whose leading principle it has been to enslave every nation of the earth; and the most unfounded assertions are brought in aid of the most flagrant outrages, that ever disgraced any government." This rhapsody is very well fitted for an English coffee house, or porter cellar. But all intelligent and impartial persons will reject it with disgust. By the splendor of his literary and political talents, by the importance of his services, and the heroism of his actions, Bonaparte gained the entire confidence of the French nation. He gained the confidence of the most jealous, the most capricious, the most factious, and the most turbulent of nations. He expelled a quintumvirate of robbers; and of all the immense armies, which were under the director's command, it is remarkable that not even a single regiment arose in their defence. This, of itself, demonstrates how deeply the tyrants were detested. Unlike his predecessors in the pangs of a revolution, Bonaparte did not find a single adversary to the scaffold. A constitution was then framed, and presented to the judgement of the people. It bore every mark of aristocracy. But it was accepted with a burst of unanimity of which the world has never seen a former example. Various alterations have since been made, and they lean towards an hereditary monarchy. But if the French are satisfied with their new constitution, and its recent alterations, it is not worth while to ask the opinion of a hireling English newspaper, of a hireling who subsists by forging extracts of letters from Paris, Vienna, Berlin, and Constantinople, and who pays half a crown a piece for flimsy paragraphs, which are merely designed to keep afloat the attention of the reader.*
NOTE
*It is not long since one of those London scribblers informed his patrons that James Thomson Callender had been fined in twelve thousand dollars for a libel against Thomas Jefferson. Weak and vindictive as he has proved himself to be, the president is master of too much good sense to think of such a measure. He knows that the ground to which he has been hunted, would break down under him. He has, on this account, adopted a very different system. He has been reduced to the most distressing and degrading expedient,
This piece is running through several American newspapers. As for consular scribes, it so happens that the first consul is one of the most eloquent and powerful writers of the present age. His letter to the Swiss cantons, which was printed some months ago, is as much above the swaggering solution of lord Grenville, as Philip's letter to the Athenians is above John Adams's duft and ashes answer to some people in Bath. country. As for the amiable and virtuous sovereign, it has already been remarked that the English themselves have bestowed more Billingsgate upon George the hutsmaker , as they have some times called him, than upon any other man of this age. Nor has such violence been confined to the vulgar. The letters of Junius will be studied and admired, when the English language has, perhaps, ceased to exist.
The same writer adds that "the conversation at the Thuilleries is not only admitted to have taken place, but attempted to be justified." Here is a direct fiction. The first consul denies all that might be regarded as exceptional in the conversation between himself and the British ambassador. He farther affirms that the British want to keep Malta for five years , or, in other words, to keep it all together. This is a specimen of that charming commodity called British faith ! The London scribbler takes not the smallest notice of this accusation officially advanced by the French government. He would have denied it, if he durst. After some farther babbling, he terminates in these words:
"But to conclude, we are, on the whole, of opinion, that Bonaparte, notwithstanding the peevishness of the wretched farago in question, is by no means inclined to appeal at present to the sword. He betrays evident symptoms of impotence throughout; though he sometimes storms, he whines in the very same breath; and feeling his incapacity for war, he may be induced to yield, while he has an opportunity, of so doing without the appearance of submission."
This passage overflows almost all that the writer had been affirming. The English have represented Bonaparte as preparing for a rupture with England. But the national pride of this critic leads him to describe Bonaparte as afraid of a difference with that country. Here is an evident inconsistency. If he feared British power, he would not surely attempt to invade Britain. If he was not preparing for an invasion of Britain, the speech of George Guelph is founded upon absolute untruths, and the severe title of the first consul finds a full justification. If he "is by no means inclined to appeal to the sword," this writer is requested to descend to the level of a Scotsman's intellect, and tell me for what reason Addington is making such a mighty bustle? The first consul says that it is because the English wish to keep Malta for five years. The charge is advanced in the face of the world, and this writer has not denied it. The presumption, therefore, must be that the charge is just; and can any one be found so hardy as to vindicate this breach of a solemn treaty? Malta, and the present armament, have already cost England more than the whole island is worth. When Pitt laid before parliament his account of expenses about Nootka Sound, the sum total came to three millions, three hundred and thirty six thousand pounds sterling. The garrison of Malta, and the present preparations must already have cost an equal, or perhaps a greater sum. But of this the British would never think, if they can wrench from his hands the possession of an enemy. Dr. Swift says that his countrymen felt more pleasure in stealing a shilling than in gaining five pounds by fair trade. This temper is not peculiar to Ireland. Mankind feel irresistible charms in the idea of conquest. "But," as the manifesto has remarked, "if the English government be determined to make it a national war, perhaps her boasted formidable naval strength would not be sufficient to decide the result, and to secure the victory." It is difficult to estimate the utmost efforts, or to foresee the ultimate resources of an Hannibal, a Frederic, or a Bonaparte. The admission of this writer himself that Bonaparte is afraid of a war with England, forms a respectable defence of the first consul. The belief may be considered as common in London. An attentive review of the subject has confirmed our suspicion that for the king's message to parliament "no rational motives remain to which it can be ascribed, except bad faith, except a sworn enmity to the French nation, except perfidy, and the desire of openly breaking a solemn treaty, for the sake of advantages which are to be obtained."†
which can afflict a human being. It was not till lately that we learned the acuteness of his agonies. At the perusal of this last sentence, methinks I see the blush rising on his cheek! Alas! it is not the lovely blush of innocence! Be patient and thankful, Mr. President. Even the Recorder can feel for your condition. Your secret shall be kept, at least for a season. Your second hand supplications have not been altogether in vain.
† Vid. the manifesto. Without having seen the original, I venture to correct the translation of the three last words of this extract. It is inconceivable how frequently, and how barbarously the French language is butchered in its passage into English.
WE are sorry to learn that one of the editors of this paper has given some unaccountable and irrepressible offence to major Holloway, a man whom we do not know by sight, and to whom we certainly never did the smallest injury. Had we joined in the Exagines's fulminations against him, there might have been some ground for this grovelling and wanton malignity. We should be glad to hear the major speak but , that we may be able to propound a defence; or otherwise we advise him to be altogether silent, lest a worse thing should befall him.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
Mr. Jefferson's PAPER MONEY TENDER! TO
Mr. Gabriel Jones of Rockingham county.
THE following statement of facts, relating to this transaction, are [is] made to the editor of this paper in a way which has obtained his entire confidence. It is a transaction concerning which much has been written, much has been published, much has been said. Those who have in any way interested themselves will be pleased to see it reduced to precision. To a community of so much intelligence, which contains so many individuals of great endowments, there can be no necessity for the editor of this paper to attempt to give a complexion, when the facts speak so loudly and so eloquently for themselves. By this remark we do not mean to forestall public opinion as to those editors or writers, who may follow a different tract. [track] The first duty which we owe to our subscribers is to publish the exact truth, as far as we can obtain it, upon all subjects which either relate to the public affairs, the public characters of the times.
Rockingham, March 17th, 1803.
HAVING seen in the Richmond Recorder some imperfect statements, unauthorized by me, relative to a transaction which took place some years ago, between Thomas Jefferson, Esquire, the present chief magistrate of the United States, and myself, I have thought it proper to set the matter in a fair point of view, by giving a true state of the facts; which should have been done ere this, had my health permitted. The facts are as follows, viz:
In the month of September, 1773, Mr. Jefferson made application to me for the loan of fifty pounds, which he proposed returning in a few months, with thanks, &c. which sum I lent him with the greatest cheerfulness, having, at that time, the highest confidence in him as a man of honor, honesty and integrity; for which he gave his bond payable in twelve months, when I proposed that if his convenience required, he might have it a longer time, on condition that he would punctually pay the interest annually. This, however, Mr. Jefferson failed doing, nor did I hear from him on the subject, until I received his letter enclosing the principal and interest in paper money, which, when it came to my hand, was not worth more than one shilling in the pound. The following is a correct copy of the letter alluded to.
"Monticello, April 29th, 1779."
"Dear Sir,
"By Mrs. Harvey I enclose to you the principal and interest of the money you were so kind as to lend me some years ago. It furnishes me also with an occasion of acknowledging, with this, the many other obligations under which you have laid me, of which I shall always be proud to shew a due sense, whenever opportunity shall offer.
"I am, Dear Sir, with much esteem,
"Your friend and servt.
"(Signed)
TH: JEFFERSON.
I confess that on viewing the deceptive aspect of the foregoing letter and its enclosure, I felt great surprise and disappointment, that a person who stood so high in the public estimation as to be, at that time, the governor of Virginia, and who had shared so much of my private confidence, that he might have commanded any sum within my power to lend, should have risked his reputation, and attempted to requite my

friendship, by repaying the paltry sum of fifty pounds and interest, with something less than one fourth of the real legal interest then due thereon, which I thought not worth receiving, and therefore, on the return of Mrs. Harvey, re-enclosed to Mr. Jefferson the said paper money, together with his bond, in a piece of blank paper, leaving him to his own reflections; resolving at the same time, not to expose him until I should be advised of the result of his deliberations on the subject, of which I heard nothing until the 26th day of February, 1780, when a Mr. Leonard Herring, a neighbour of mine, who is yet living, informed me he had taken from the sash of a window in a public house in Staunton, a letter directed to me, which he delivered to my hand. On opening the supposed letter, I found it to be part of half a sheet of paper covering the aforesaid bond. The thin cover, however, was so worn out at the folds and corners, that the bond was to be seen, which was also considerably fretted, especially at the corners. By whom that paper was forwarded, or how it found its way to the sash, where my obliging neighbour accidentally discovered it, I have never yet been able to learn: but, from the whole of the circumstances, I was induced to believe it might be intended, never to reach my hands. However, after sundry evasions, and repeated applications to col. Nicholas Lewis of Albemarle, to whom I was referred as the agent of Mr. Jefferson, and while he was in France, I received payment of the principal and interest.
GABRIEL JONES.
NOTE. Fifty pounds had been owing for five years and an half. At six per cent, the interest comes to sixteen pounds ten shillings. The whole principal and interest make sixty six pounds ten shillings. It appears that Mr. Jefferson attempted to pay this sum with rotten paper which was worth sixty six shillings and sixpence. The sum of three pounds six shillings and six pence does not amount to one fourth part of sixteen pounds ten shillings. Hence, Mr. Jones, was perfectly correct in the words of his letter; but as, at the first reading, I did not exactly understand the old gentleman's meaning it has been thought proper to annex this note, that others, whose discernment is as feeble as mine, may with a single glance, comprehend the statement. More about this upon Wednesday.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
FROM THE RECORDER.
CONCERNING THE ALGERINE TRIBUTE.
"Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and an et cetera of republican worthies, read the book, (meaning the Prospect before Us) or at least this part of the book, before it was published, and if they had started an objection, it is possible that the pages, or a part of them, might have been cancelled, but they knew that the weight of censure, upon this business, rested chiefly with the federal party, and on this account, and on this account only, the reprobation was permitted to pass muster. Mr. Madison was sufficiently prompt in objecting to a passage where his own name was mentioned in a way which he did not precisely like. The leaf was immediately cancelled and burnt by the book-binder. He did not, however, express the slightest disapprobation of the censure passed upon the clandestine history of the Algerine Tribute."
Having heretofore found Mr. Callender correct in his facts, at least all those which related to the Prospect before Us, we find no hesitation in adopting the foregoing passage as a truth. It proves that Mr. Madison also held a place among that group of republican worthies, who gave their counsel and assistance in the publication of the "Prospect."
Every now and then Mr. Callender lets another cat out of the bag. It should be remembered that at the time when this was going on, Mr. Madison was in the full enjoyment of all the advantages which could be derived from an unblemished reputation, and from the general opinion, that he was a man of mildness, calmness, kindness and
candour. What will the admirers of the great and good Washington say to Mr. Madison, when they find that he holds so conspicuous a place among those who aided in calumniating the father of his country and the benefactor of mankind? We should [shall] not at present say anything to him concerning his intimacy and cheek by jowl friendship with the father of insurrections, the Messiah of democracy, delusion and mischief. In a few more months, people's eyes will begin to open—they will see—they will be astonished—All that is now asked is, that they will pause and reflect.
NOTE.
Those who are so prompt in charging the writer of the Prospect, as a calumniator of general Washington, are advised to read the book, before they venture to revile it. They are required to defend or deny the facts therein stated; but this they never have done, and this they never can do. Unless by gross misquotation or calumny, nobody has ever yet attempted to answer the publication. They set out with this infallible maxim that it was impossible for general Washington to be in the wrong; and knowing that it was impossible to contest the specific details, they shelter themselves under the general's name, and from this covert, like bull-frogs in a mill pond, the scribblers croak about calumny. If it is wrong in congress to pass a certain law, it is quite as culpable in a president to approve it. The republicans were in almost constant opposition to every thing that the general and his friends did, and the Prospect spoke nothing more or less than the sentiments of all their leaders. With the Yankee federalists in Congress, it has been a standing maxim that a holder of slaves is unfit to be the citizen of a Republic. They had not forgot that general Washington himself had about three hundred slaves. They could not have devised a more pointed, or personal insult on the president.
Omnibus paratus, et nil timens, prepared for every thing, and afraid of nothing, the toughest of the federal writers, or the whole posse put together, may rest assured that they shall gain but little by a contest with the Recorder.
"Check-by-jowl friendship" is a phrase of uncommon elegance, and almost peculiar to this critic. As Chesterfield says of Harte, "I wonder where the devil he picked it up."
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
WHEN Mr. Jefferson was elected president, Major Thomas Lewis, the newly elected member of Congress, was agent with the Cherokee Indians for the United States. The president wanted to provide for a friend, and deprived Major Lewis of his office. Since that, the freeholders of the district in which Major Lewis resides, have elected him a member of Congress. Thus we find that to be deprived of an office by the present administration is not considered by the people to be a disadvantage. In this case, it has been the means of elevation. When Mr. Jefferson meets Major Lewis in his present character will he say, "We are all republicans all federalists."
What sort of looks will Jefferson, Madison and Gallatin put on, when they hold caucuses concerning the late elections in Virginia? Four federalists! Federalism gaining so rapidly in Virginia! Astonishing! impossible! What is to be done? says the sage of Monticello. "De general ticket will do for 'em," replies Gallatin. "Be it so," says Mr. Madison. "Let them try it if they dare," reply the Federalists.
It is wonderful that people should constantly pretend to be dabbbling and scribbling upon a subject, with which they are entirely unacquainted. Crossfield, editor of the Balance, appears frequently to come under this description. For one instance, and many others could be given, he has in a late number, a piece entitled, "Isabella, Queen of Spain." When speaking of Columbus, the writer says, "Henry VII. king of England, to whose court he sent his
brother in quest of patronage, was rich and possessed talents, but the sordid parsimony of his heart tied up his hands from any enterprizes, which would be attended with pecuniary expence." The very reverse of all this is the fact. Doctor Robertson will tell this writer that Bartholomew Columbus was received with favor by Henry of England, that Henry entered into the scheme with great heartiness, and that he sent Bartholomew over to Spain to bring Columbus to England. Before he got back to Spain, Columbus had returned from his first voyage, and set out upon a second. Such is the correctness of this gentleman's knowledge with regard to Henry the VII.
Some time ago there appeared in this Gazette an essay, which affirmed, that the Macleods, a clan of Scots Highlanders, were in a state of peculiar and abject slavery. An able and unanswerable answer was soon after sent us, and published. We have only time to add, that, in 1748, that is to say, fifty years ago, the British parliament purchased all the feudal jurisdictions from their owners, and entirely broke up the despotism of clanship. The Macleods are now scattered all over Scotland, and every body knows that they are, in every sense of the word, as absolutely free from slavery, as any other class of British subjects.
* Note by the Recorder. This is so far from being true, that Henry went to a considerable expence upon, and discovered a great passion for maritime discoveries. Under him, the Cabots sailed round a great part of the coast of North America.
The following passage is copied from Smith's National Intelligencer:—
"There is now due the Regency of Algiers no more than one year's annuity, equal to 12,000 sequins, or 21,500 dollars, in addition to the expence of ransoming captain Morris and his crew, said to amount to 6,500 dollars, and about the sum of 2 or 3000 dollars for contingencies. Of all these sums the first alone is known to be due the regency, and it is not believed that the United States are in arrear even to individuals for the rest."
"The treaty with Algiers stipulates, that the annuity shall be paid in maritime stores. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining and transporting the articles punctually and to the public advantage, an attempt has been made to vary the payment into cash. This succeeded for the annuity last paid, and it was presumed that it would have been equally acceptable for the one which is in arrear; accordingly 30,000 dollars were received by Mr. O'Brien out of one of the public ships in November last, to pay the annuity if accepted in money, and to answer other pecuniary calls which might arise. It is to be observed that the annuity became due only the month before."
According to the table of coins printed at the end of the American edition of Guthrie's Geography, twelve thousand sequins come to twenty-three thousand eight hundred dollars. But this is the smallest of the mistakes which occur in the above extract. Instead of twenty-one thousand six hundred dollars, the tribute has actually amounted to seventy two, and at length to eighty thousand dollars. Mr. Smith must have been perfectly acquainted with this, and hence the statement must have been made only with a deliberate purpose of deception. The real state of the case was briefly this.
Twelve thousand sequins were stipulated as a tribute by the Dey of Algiers. But this sum was to be paid in military and naval stores, which the Dey wanted much more than he did hard money. Our agent, Donaldson, agreed with him upon a specific list of stores, at certain prices, and in this list, the articles were upon a medium, set down at only one third part of their real value. Gunpowder for instance, was to be rated at half a dollar per pound, when behold! it could not be had in Philadelphia for less than a dollar and a half. All the rest of the prices ran in the same stile. Smith may see an account of it in a printed report given in by Mr. Wolcott.
So the consequence was that, when congress came to appropriate for the first two years of the Algerine tribute, instead of forty eighty thousand dollars, they found it necessary to vote for a hundred and forty four thousand, because it proved impossible to purchase the specified stores for a smaller sum. Callender was the first who let this cat out of the bag; for although it was extant, in Mr. Wolcott's printed report, and the nature of appropriation it is among the acts of congress, yet the facts were universally unknown. No body reads congress reports, and the statute was so artfully worded, that you could never discover from it that the Algerine tribute was connected with these 144,000 dollars.
In Spring, 1800, Mr. Wolcott, in an estimate of expenses laid before congress, stated eighty thousand dollars for the payment of said twenty four thousand.
The Dey might for one year be overlighted, and accept a sum of money instead of three times its value in naval and military stores. He would readily perceive the difference. And while it is certain that the tribute has annually cost from seventy two to eighty thousand dollars, it is an incontestable proof upon the public—it is cutting truth through the middle, to tell us, that the tribute was only twenty-one thousand six hundred dollars.
End of extracts from the Virginia Gazette.
FROM THE UNITED STATES ORACLE.
RUSSEL, the editor of the Concord Republican, a true Jacobin paper, has absconded. He was called on rather unexpectedly to pay a fine of 200, and paid a few months in a Connecticut jail, to which he was sentenced for forging a few state certificates of that state. Having undergone one part of his hard aristocratic sentence at the whining coxcomb, and rather inclining to "manage his own affairs, in his own way, unmanaged by too much regulation," he lifted jail and sought refuge in this state. What part he has played here is very well known. The sheriff, after apprehending him, imprudently took bail for forty eight hours. Russell absconded and his bondsmen were left to suffer for their credulity. Thus is terminated the political career of a man, sought and supported by our democrats for the party purpose of revolutionizing New-Hampshire.
FROM THE FREDERICK-TOWN HERALD.
REIGN OF IGNORANCE AND KNAVERY.
DEMOCRACY is a painted serpent. It is fair on the outside, but rotten within, and can only be supported by knavery and ignorance. By the latter, because it cannot see into the absurdity of its dogmas and the incoherency of its principles &c by insidiously calling the people their sovereigns and prating about liberty and the rights of man, knaves have contrived to keep up the deception, although all the while they were playing the part of the most unscrupulous tyrants. Democracy never could exist long, because ignorance alone is its basis, and its midland and pid votaries must sooner or later awaken from their delusive reveries by hearing and feeling the evil tendency of its measures. When such weak and half-witted fellows as Randolph, Beau Dawson, Sam Smith and Bob Wright take the lead in our national councils; while the information and talents of Griffith, Bayard, Ross and Morris remain unheeded and without influence, it may be emphatically said, that the reign of ignorance and knavery has commenced in this our once happy land. [A most impudent paragraph.]
FROM THE PATRIOT.
BENJAMIN CONNET.
WHO committed the aggravated robbery on Miss McDowell, in Pennsylvania, in March last, was apprehended about the first of May last in Upper Canada. He was conducted back through the western part of this state, a few days since. The above may be relied on. The circumstances of his apprehension are peculiar, and well might prove fatal to Connet.

EXTRACT FROM SEDGWICK AND CO.
(CONTINUED FROM OUR LAST.)
OUR author sets out on this basis that there was a moral wrong in the primitive construction of the rights of these purchasers of certificates. He next affirms the as yet unheard of doctrine, that conveyance to a purchaser of good faith has the power of creating a just title to enforce a claim fraudulent in itself. This precisely affirming that the bona fide indorsee of a forged bill is warranted to recover payment, because he truly and fairly advanced value for the indorsement. Whatever doubt was held about paying the congressional paper holder his assignee certainly gave complete value for the six per cent stock. You must satisfy him. On the same ground, a swindler, or a footpad, has only to secure an honest transferee, and his plunder lies beyond the gripe of restitution. This maxim, if carried into practice, would dissolve and extinguish every tie which holds society together. A more absurd or pernicious doctrine was never pronounced. Mr. Gallatin could hardly be serious in believing his own affirmation. It is better to drop the pen, than to write what is evidently fallacious, and especially when the fiction is of such a nature as to undermine every safeguard of property.
To illustrate this topic, put the case that a person at Pittsburg shall steal a horse from Mr. Gallatin, and shall bring him down to Philadelphia. The horse is there bought by government service. He is again sold to a second purchaser, who pays an honest price for him, and respects no harm. [By the way, it is not to be inferred that we are here comparing paper-holders to criminals: we point only at the moral accuracy of Mr. Gallatin.]
The new buyer sets out for the westward, and meets our legislator coming down to congress. Mr. Gallatin stops him by the bridle, claims the horse, and relates the robbery. "I have nothing to do with that," says the other. "I gave the full value. Here is a receipt for the money, subscribed by the treasurer of Pennsylvania. Since the horse was stolen he has passed through several hands. The solemn obligation superadded by the treasurer of the state to those contracted before, never can be set aside without the most flagrant and pernicious breach of public faith." Etc. as above.
Mr. Gallatin would not be satisfied with this answer. He would not think it the most flagrant breach of morality to take his own horse back again, and leave the last purchaser to seek redress where he could find it. He would infallibly reclaim his property, though in the hands of a ten-thousandth bona fide purchaser. He would say that right can never be founded on wrong; that a thief can never convey a title to the fruits of robbery, because he has no title to himself. His plea would be confirmed by the civil law, by the common law, the natural sense of justice, and the usage of civilized nations. Every man must feel the rectitude of such a demand. No judge durst refuse to restore the horse.
This comparison comes tolerably close. The animal stolen represents a certificate for a thousand dollars of domestic debt. The culprit typifies a congress member, voting that the public shall pay to himself, six, twelve, or twenty times the value which he gave to the first holder for that certificate. The receipt by the treasurer is designed as the funding statute. The last buyer of the horse represents an honest unsuspecting purchaser from one of the funding majority, and who is ignorant, perhaps, that Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Sedgwick, or William Smith ever had a being.
NOTE.
* Some of the certificates were bought, it is said for a shilling per pound with ten years of interest in the bargain.
Unless there be some clandestine edition of the decalogue, reserved for the peculiar service of government, the same rule applies to the rights of an individual, and to those of a nation. To the original holders of the debt, the United States might say that they have already received, in the shape of interest, more than they ever did actually disburse, with the compound interest of their advances collectively. Mr. Gallatin suspects, that there has been a deception in the foundation of the business. In that case, an honest assignee of six per cent stock may be told, that the whole transaction was fraudulent, that the United States were grossly betrayed by a legislative majority; and that, as a bond granted for a shameful cause, is, of itself, null and void in law, the same doctrine corresponds to public debt.
It is always to be remembered, however, that, whether such a doctrine be right or wrong, we cannot touch public paper without digging up foundations. Society would be torn to pieces. The democrats have always entertained a wild idea of taxing the public funds. They could not devise a shorter or surer road to national destruction. This subject may be viewed from very opposite points. Theoretical morality must often give way to practical expediency.
Mr. Alexander Hamilton grounds his curious defence of his character upon his having had no pecuniary concern with the speculations in this funding system. He indirectly implies that he looked upon those legislators, as Mr. Gallatin, and the rest of mankind, have always looked upon them. If the affair had been honorable on the part of congress members, it would have been equally so upon his part. He, and they, were alike trustees for the public at large. There is, indeed, an apparent but trifling distinction between them. An act of congress of September 2d, 1789, prohibits all persons holding an office in the treasury from being "concerned in the purchase or disposal of any public securities of any state, or of the United States." Disqualification for office, and a penalty of three thousand dollars, are to be the consequence of detection.
But if the injunction was requisite upon officers of the treasury, it seemed yet more wanted for congress members. They moved in a higher sphere. By purchasing certificates with one hand, and making laws with the other, they could accumulate, as William Smith actually did, an enormous fortune. Their statute book has no prohibition against themselves, like that against persons in the treasury. The act of August 4th, 1790, making provision for the debt of the United States, in the sequel, saddled the country with a burden of seventy-three millions of dollars. But if any member had bought up the whole budget for one per cent, no clause in the act forbade him to have done so, or inflicted the smallest penalty or censure whatever. Yet only eleven months before, congress by a law, prohibited treasury officers from doing what congress members were actually doing.
If Dr. William Smith, and forty other members of the two houses, were enabled to trade in paper, they had no right of hindering any body else. Speculation was not to be hedged in for them. It was not like the feudal Jus primae noctis , or like the royal exercise of scratching, which James the Sixth declared to be too great a pleasure for a subject to enjoy. This first congress found for America what Jugurtha wanted for Rome, a merchant rich enough to buy her.
In this chapter it has been shown, that if the congress holders of certificates had not an honest title, their transference to a third party could not make one; and that, if this supposition of original iniquity was just, no moral obligation could lie upon the United States to relieve any future assignee. Passing by the congress majority, and the peculiar force of transaction by which they became
NOTE.
* The privilege of the first night.
public creditors, let us mount up to the individual persons in favour of whom certificates were first granted; and enquire what was their exclusive title to forty two millions of dollars?
IT is one of the first principles of trade that a bankrupt shall do equal justice to each of his creditors. If he prefers one individual, or a few of them, to the rest, the law is ready to punish him as a cheat.
Substantial equity declares, that a debt of twenty years old is as truly and justly due, as though it had been contracted a week ago. The creditor who lent a guinea at Breed's hill, and who has not received payment, continues to be as fully entitled to satisfaction, as he who, in 1781, lent a second guinea at Yorktown. The claim becomes even stronger, since, besides the more heavy accumulation of interest, he may have suffered much greater inconvenience and vexation, by the greater length of time during which he has been debarred from his money. If accident has destroyed, or mislaid the voucher of his debt, that does not, in any measure, lessen the moral obligation to discharge it. A bankrupt professing that he would pay one fourth, or one thousandth part of his creditors, while he bids defiance to the remainder, will be regarded in the worst light; and so must he who proposes to discharge every debt incurred within the last twelve months, while he disowns every preceding obligation of that kind. The partial discharge evidently prejudices his other creditors, and hence it does not, in the smallest degree, irradiate the gloom of his character.
These remarks will not be disputed; and they may serve as a natural introduction to some account of the late and present situation of public debt. The facts are fully known. From these we learn that the creditors at present quartered on the revenues of the union, do not constitute more than a five hundredth part of those to whom the country is actually indebted; that an infinite majority of this latter class, or indeed almost every one of them, has been robbed and cheated by operations of the revolutionary congress expressly planned for that effect; that, in order to make the scene proceed as it had begun, the congress of 1789, fastened on the revenues of the union, a class of claimants not the most meritorious of the whole body, and whose demands must be discharged from the pockets of the remaining creditors, who in general need payment more, and have almost universally deserved it better, than Mr. Sedgwick and others of the favourite detachment of speculators.
Here it seems proper to go back to the war of 1775, and examine in what way the public debt of the union originally commenced. Dr. Ramsay, to whom American history has extensive obligations, gives a concise account of it. In June, 1775, congress resolved to emit bills of credit to the amount of three millions of dollars. On November 29th, a second resolution passed for issuing other three millions. On the 17th of February, 1776, four millions more were ordered to be emitted, and two resolutions of the 9th of May and 22d June, following, added ten millions. The whole came to twenty millions of dollars. Afraid of pushing this experiment any farther, congress, on October 3d, 1776, resolved to borrow five millions, and soon after projected a lottery. Both resources, though considerable, were insufficient. Congress next recommended to the several states to raise within themselves, a sum for the service of the year 1778. But in many states, the plan failed. Recourse was again had to the emission of bills, which went on till the nominal sum amounted to two hundred millions of dollars. In the end of 1777, the depreciation of paper was about two or three for one. In 1778, five or six for one; in 1779, as twenty-seven or twenty-eight for one; in 1780, it fell by degrees to an hundred and fifty for one. From this time, the circulation was contracted, and at several hundreds for one. Besides this im-
minent sum of two hundred millions, the paper emission of individual states amounted to many millions. The British, also, forged prodigious quantities of paper at New York, which was industriously circulated through the continent.
Thus congress carried on the war, not by taxing but by defrauding their fellow citizens to the extent of about two hundred millions. Some people in New England had contracted with the deputy clothier general of congress for cloth, which they refused to deliver, till they should get payment in cash. Their demand was fair, for, according to Gordon, the depreciation of paper was at that time three to one. Congress, upon this, recommended to the legislature of Massachusetts "to take and seize the residue of the clothing." This was no better than the worst Jacobin requisition, or than Pitt forbidding the bank of England to pay gold and silver for its own notes. Congress adds, that this refusal to give cloth for one third of its real value was "an irrefragable evidence of the depravity of morals in so many of the citizens of these states, and a most alarming circumstance." They also recommended to the several states to pass laws for making this paper a legal tender in place of gold and silver. The scenes of roguery that ensued from this project surpass description. "The whole history of this continental paper," says Morse, "is a history of public and private frauds. Old specie debts were often paid in a depreciated currency; and even new contracts for a few weeks or days, were often discharged with a small part of the value received." While such facts are so bitterly remembered, it is child's play to rail at the acts of fraud committed in the French revolution, as a species of events never before heard of. Nothing could be more hardly than the complaint of congress, that a weaver would not take thirty three per cent of its value, as the full price of his cloth.
"The laws of the country interposed," says Ramsay, "and compelled the widow to receive a shilling, where a pound was her due. The blooming virgin, who had grown up with an unquestionable title to a liberal patrimony, was legally stripped of every thing. The hapless orphan was obliged to give a final discharge on the payment of six pence in the pound. The poor became rich, and the rich, became poor. They who were in debt, and possessed property of any kind, could easily make the latter extinguish the former. A hog or two would pay for a slave; a few cattle for a comfortable house, and a good horse for an improved plantation. The evils of depreciation did not terminate with the war. They extend to the present hour. The iniquity of the laws estranged the minds of many of the citizens from the habits and love of justice." N. B. We have been more than once assured that Ramsay himself is a paper swindler of the first magnitude.
The hog above mentioned, when brought to market, could be sold for perhaps two hundred depreciated dollars, in value not worth four hard ones. The paper was then legally tendered as the price of a slave who had been bought for two hundred dollars expressly payable in gold or silver only.
NOTES.
* Gordon, vol. ii. letter 9. * Universal Geography, 3d edition, vol. i. p. 323. * Vol. II. appendix, No. 2. (To be continued.)
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Dorman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
BLANK
BILLS OF LADING, For sale at this Office.