The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-02-28 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE—AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM—(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 94 ]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 23, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.]
City of Richmond. ASSIZE OF BREAD Until further Notice. A Four Pence half-penny Loaf, made of superfine flour, shall weigh Twenty-two Ounces. This regulation to be in full force on Saturday next. WM. DUVAL, Mayor. Feb. 21, '06. F3w
To Mr. George Bruce of the state of Kentucky. Sir, As you neither reside within this commonwealth, nor have any known agent or attorney therein, I have adopted this method, prescribed by law, to give you notice, that on Tuesday the 1st day of April next, at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, between the hours of ten o'clock A. M. and sun-set of the same day, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Wm. W. Fleming, who is a single witness in a material point, in a suit now depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Richmond district, in which myself and Ann Burley widows and devisee of James Burley, deceased, are complainants, and you are defendants. I am yours, &c. JOHN T. HAWKINS. Attorney, Feb. 13. oaw3w.
OFFICE OF THE MUTUAL INSURANCE COMPANY, AGAINST FIRE ON GOODS AND FURNITURE. At a general meeting of the members of the Mutual Insurance Company against Goods and Furniture in the state of Virginia, held by adjournments, at the General Office of Insurance, in the City of Richmond, February 8, 1806. Mr. Neil McCall was elected President. Isaac H. Judah, Samuel Pointer, Jacob Fackler, Geo. Greenhow, Directors for the District of Richmond. Mr. Robert Birchett, Director for the District of Petersburg. William Vaughan, do. Norfolk. Robert Walker, do. Fredericksburg. Samuel Craig, do. Alexandria. Adam Douglas, do. Winchester. Jacob Swoop, do. Staunton. WM. H. FITZWYLLSONN, Principal Agent. WM. PRICE, Cashier General.
Extracts from the proceedings of the General Meeting. Any subscriber, or member, of this company, may hereafter withdraw his insurance in part, or the whole by giving notice, in writing, signed by him, and acknowledged personally between the PRINCIPAL AGENT, or duly attested and certified under the hand of a magistrate, and on payment of one quota, if one or more quotas be due and payable by him, at that time and he shall thereafter be exonerated from any further payment, or demand, for losses incurred after such notice of the day when the said written notice shall have been left with the PRINCIPAL AGENT and the quota paid, but not from any payment, or demand, on account of losses incurred before such notice of the day when such notice shall have been deposited as before mentioned, and his insurance shall cease from that period, and it shall be the duty of the PRINCIPAL AGENT to give him a certificate of discharge. Resolved, That the President and Directors be requested to suspend, for the present, the collection of more than one quota, and to give instructions accordingly, to their agents and attorneys, taking due care that their instructions shall not prevent the recovery of one quota, under notices that may already be given to members in arrears. Resolved, also, That on the payment of one quota the person paying may have the benefit of this insurance.
The following is an extract from the records of the proceedings of the Board of Directors, viz: Resolved, That no person shall be considered as liable to pay, either the quota which became payable on the first day of October, eighteen hundred and four, or that which became payable on the first day of October eighteen hundred and five, except such as were, to all intents and purposes, insured before the fire which happened in Norfolk, on the 22nd day of February, eighteen hundred and four—that is, those who had paid their premiums previously to the said fire. WM. H. FITZWYLLSONN, P. A. Feb. 15. oaw3w.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and to pay him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The taxes of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honored at any of the above-mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (eFtMay.)
IN CHANCERY.
Low's county January court, 1806. Francis Ford, Plaintiff. Against James Hendrake and John Hendrake, Defendants. THE defendant James Hendrake, not having entered his appearance, & given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state; therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that he appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the front door of this court-house on some court day. A Copy, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. L. C. February 21. F2m.
NOTICE. ALL those to whom the late Moses Treadway (dep. of Prince Edward were indebted, are hereby requested to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, to MOSES TREADWAY, Adm'r. Prince Edward, Feb. 21. oaw3w.
NOTICE. ALL those to whom the late Wm. Jackson, of Manchester were indebted, are requested to exhibit their claims properly authenticated, to the subscriber, by the first day of May next. THO'S. TREADWAY, Administrator with the will annexed. Feb. 21. oaw3w.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, held at the General Office on the 14th day of February, 1806. The following resolution was adopted, which is by order of the board published, to wit: For sufficient reasons appearing to the Board, and in pursuance of the authority vested in the President and Directors, by the act of Assembly, intituled "An act supplementary to an act, intituled an act concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia." Resolved, That the Special Agents of this Society, be allowed till the first day of July next to complete the Revaluation of all buildings which have been insured prior to the 30th day of January, 1805, within the districts and towns for which they may have been severally appointed. ALEXANDER MRRAE, President M. A. S. Feb. 21. oaw3w.
VALUABLE PROPERTY. I AGAIN offer for sale, that valuable and well known Estate, in the Forks of Hanover, called BULFIELD; containing by estimation and old surveys 1076 acres, be the same more or less. There are cleared of this tract about or above 850 acres, laid out into three fields, including 150 acres of Lots, most of which are well set with clover. On this plantation is sowed about 400 bushels of wheat and barley; of the former 360, upwards of 100 of which is on fallowed and manured land, and very well put in. The plantation is in pretty good order—has some valuable Meadow Land, which, at much labor and expense has been prepared and just getting into use—a tolerable dwelling house, and convenient houses for negroes, with barns, corn house, stables, &c. &c. If this estate is not sold at private sale on or before Monday the 30th of January next, it will be offered at public auction, on that day, if fair or the next fair day, at which time and place will likewise be offered for sale, between 80 and 90 VALUABLE LABORERS, consisting of men, women, boys, girls and children, to be sold in families, together with all the stock of every description of cattle, sheep and hogs; some brood mares, a number of blooded colts, 1, 2, and 3 years old, 11 excellent well-broke mules, and some work horses, and all the plantation utensils, and the crops of corn, fodder and rye, now on the land, of from 800 to 1000 barrels. Should a sale of the land not take place, then only about 60 negroes will be for sale, and part only of the corn, and the stock, and plantation articles. The square of lots, with the appurtenances, at present in the occupancy of John A. Chevallie, Esq., but possession will not be given until the 1st of August next, unless it shall be sooner convenient. A life estate in the tenement at present in the possession of Mr. John Banks, on Church Hill. 3 pipes of Madeira Wine, which cost £4 4s sterling, imported by myself, nearly two years ago. I likewise will sell, part of about 30,000 acres of Military Land, lying in the states of Ohio, Kentucky, and in the Indiana Territory. 5000 acres of this land lie on the little Miami and on Pond Run—6000 acres on Big Barren, or Peter's or Snell's Creek, and on Deer Creek, being some of the waters of Green River—upwards of 5000 acres on the North Fork of the Trade water—2000 acres on the east bank of Cumberland River—1000 acres on Russell's creek, lying within a mile of the town of Columbia, in the county of Adair—300 acres on Greasy creek, in the same county, near the Cumberland River, and on the west side of it—and the balance in the Indiana Territory. On some of these lands I have recently been and know them to be extremely valuable, being in a thickly settled country, very rich, of deep black soil, well watered with springs and tests for mills, and heavily timbered, and several settlements upon them, which are tenanted for the next year, and at one dollar per acre for the cleared land. Of the others that I did not see, I have received good information in general as to the quality and situation. Only 15,000 acres of these lands are for sale, but the whole is offered to suit purchasers, being convinced myself, that all is valuable, and my object, which is a distant one, will be answered by the reservation of any part. I have also for sale, about 5000 acres of land, lying in the counties of Mercer and Nelson, but as these lands were surveyed on Treasury warrants, and of this description there are many duplicates as to title, I will only convey the right I legally hold. The patents have long been in my possession and I have never known the title to be contested. Satisfactory titles to the foregoing property will be made according to the tenure by which I hold it. The terms of sale generally are, one fourth in hand, and the balance in two annual installments, to bear interest from the date, but a discount of 10 per cent for ready money, will be allowed on each installment. Bond, with such security as I shall approve, will be required for all sums above 100 dollars, all under that sum will be paid in cash. To facilitate settlements and payments, I will take in discharge of either installment, at the current or agreed value any flock of the United States or of the Bank of the United States, or any state or private Banks, or Insurance Companies within the state. It is my intention to remain here until the first of August next, for the purpose of winding up and adjusting every transaction of my life, and to prepare for that event which must sooner or later number me with those who have gone before me. Richmond, December 12. JOHN HOPKINS. (chf.)
TORENT.
And immediate possession given: TWO convenient ROOMS on the second floor in the house at present occupancy, situated near the Market house. Likewise a large LUMBER HOUSE adjoining. For particular enquiry of MARY WARROCK. (2p p.)
PAINTING & GILDING.
HOUSE, SIGN, and ORNAMENTAL PAINTING, & GLAZING: GILDING, in all its variety, executed on the most equitable terms, by J. G. BROWN, Tin before the Court-house. February 25. 34
JUST received by the subscribers a few Hds. Prime ANTIGUA RUM—they have on hand a general assortment of Goods in their line.
FISHER & LESUEUR. February 13. if.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER:
WEST-INDIA & N. AMERICA Wares by the crate, England Run, 800 pair Men's thick Shoes, French Brandy, Men's 1st Boys' fine Shoes, Holland Gin, Ladies' Kid, Morocco and Adulter, Leather Slippers, Loaf and Brown Sugar, A small invoice of Table Linen, Irish Sheetings & Currying, Imperial and Hyson Tea, Rich Spanish Indigo, Lisbon and Lump Oil, Crown and raw Ginger, White Lead & Spn. Brown, 120 Sacks Top's Liverpool ground in Oil, 120 Sacks Top's Liverpool ground in Oil, 120 Sacks Top's Liverpool ground in Oil. 7 by 9, 8 by 10 & 14 by 18 Sawned Salmon and Herrings, Window Glass, A small invoice of dry goods, 24, 36, 48, 60, 72, 100, and 120 Nails, Biscuits, Blue and Mixed Plaines and Thickets, Spike Nails, Bar Iron, Writing & Printing paper, German & Shiffler Steel, Wrapping Paper & Puffe Board, Iron Pans, Dutch Ovens, Five Dogs, Now South Carrol Stanes, Powder and Shot, Cotton & Wool Cards. One Nice Piano Forte, one Curious Top Glass, One Nice Tub Organ, one Stick Organ. The above will be sold cheap for cash or country produce. BENJAMIN STETSON. Dec. 19. This is
REMOVAL.
DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCall, where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices.
MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c.
Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to and carefully executed. It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him. Among a great variety, he has leaves to enumerate—Percussion Bark, European Bitters, Fallop, Calomel, Mountain's Bitters, Rhubarb, Scimna, Burlington's Balsam, Magnesia, Pungent Smelling Bottles, Manna, Salts, Nuphar, Camphor, Rose Water, Spanish Flies, Tooth Powder, Digitalis, Tooth Pick, Pink Root, Greenbroom's Tincture, Opium, Imperial Wash for cleaning leather, Arrow Root, Also, Essential Salt of Lemons, Anderson's Pills, Lavender water, Bateman's Drops, British Oil, Rat Powder, Balsam of Honey, Fine polishing Copal Varnish, Cline's Worm Lozenges, White Varnish, Hamilton's do. do., Black do., Churches Cough Drops, Japan do., Corn Plaster, White Lead, Dalby's Carminative, Linseed Oil, Daffy's Elixir, Spirits of Turpentine, Essence Peppermint, Mace, Cloves, Essence Sassafras, Turmeric, Ginger, Essence Madjar, Long Pepper, Geowand's Lotion, Indigo, Copperas, Church's Lotion, Logwood, Fustick, Godfrey's Cordial, Alkaline, Gold Leaf, Harlem Oil, Silver Leaf, Hunt's Water, Windler Soap, James's Powders, Wash Balls, Jesuit's Drops, Cured Hair Pencils, Hue Plaster, Peppermint Lozenges, Rees's Water Colours, Lip Salve, Hair Powder, Liquid True Blue, Powder Puff, Steers' Opodeldoc, Rich Ointment, Orange Flower Water. ALSO—A small supply of Medical Books for sale. February 4. Sif
MARSHAL'S SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the Court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, pronounced at May term, 1805, in behalf of John Tate and Thomas Atton, assignees of Henry Martin, against James Vaughan, administrator of Mathew Vaughan, dec'd and others; will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Cross Roads, in the county of Goochland, at the dwelling house of Mr. James Vaughan, on Friday the 22nd day of March next, the following SLAVES, viz. Gibb, Joe, Ned, Trip, Cyrus, Peter, Parrot, Billy, Lewis, Lewy, Carter, Phil and Portius, (males)—Nell, Franky, Lucy, Fanny, Judy, Amy, Dolly, Sylvia and Betty, (females); or so many of them as may be sufficient to raise the sum of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five dollars and thirty-four cents, with interest on one thousand four hundred and seventy-five dollars, part thereof, at the rate of six per centum per annum, from the 23rd day of May, 1805, and the expenses of sale. WILLIAM MANN, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. February 25. (tdf.)
Seat of Government.
SENATE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, FEB. 13.
DEBATE on the following resolution.
2. Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; & upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations; and to enter into such arrangements with the British government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations (and particularly respecting the impressment of American seamen) as may be consistent with the honour and interests of the U. States, and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled. Mr. ISRAEL SMITH said that he was extremely sorry that he could not bring his mind to assent to the second resolution; because he viewed it of great importance that there should be unanimity upon a subject of this nature. He was not opposed to it from any constitutional objection, arising from a belief that the Senate had no right to give their advice and consent to the Executive, as to the course and conditions upon which they desired that an accommodation might be brought about; but he was opposed to it from the peculiar impropriety of so doing, deduced from the whole circumstances of the case, as it now presented itself for consideration. It would be recollected by the Senate, that many of our complaints against the British government were of long continuance; that they had been the subject of pointed and repeated remonstrances, and in a particular manner the impressment of our seamen: that on a former occasion they had committed vast spoils on our commerce, not under the sanction of the laws of nations, as their subsequent transactions with our government have acknowledged; but under the authority of the particular orders of their government, thereby subjecting the property of our merchants upon the high seas, not only to the restrictions and forfeitures incurred by the law of nations, but also exposing it to all the vexations and forfeitures growing out of the caprice of British orders of capture. The late encroachments on our rights as a neutral nation, and which are now the subject of consideration, are of a nature similar to those we have before experienced, & proceed from the same unwarrantable cause; and further, are continued in full force and operation at the very moment our government is pressing upon their consideration, the injustice of their proceedings, by argument, too strong and convincing to admit of doubt. And how are they answered? By procrastination, and hints, that the necessity of the case is a sufficient justification. The Executive, indignant at this evasion, and despairing of redress by any further appeal to their justice and magnanimity, has turned to the national legislature, and informed them that what remained to be done on this interlacing subject must rest on the wisdom and firmness of Congress. We have already unanimously resolved, that the conduct of the British government is an "unprovoked aggression on our neutral rights." What, then, he asked, would be the measures looked for from this body, as proper to repeal this outrage? Could any one expect that the first thing suggested to their mind would be, that the Executive should again immediately renew the negotiation? Has he not already told us, that he despairs of obtaining redress by a simple appeal to their justice and magnanimity? Or is this resolution to be understood as speaking to the Executive a language like this?—You have not only, zealously and perseveringly, exercised the powers vested in you by the constitution, to bring about an adjustment of the difficulties & misunderstandings subsisting between the two governments; or you are not sufficiently impressed with the importance of stipulating an indemnification for the losses our merchants have already sustained. Or, that there is some avenue to a sense of justice in this nation, which you have not sufficiently attempted. Surely language like this is disrespectful. We ought not to adopt a resolution on a subject, as important as the present, without being able to assign a substantial reason. Are we fearful that the Executive, after we have afforded the necessary legislative impulse to this negotiation, will be slack or unskillful in the application of it? Or do we, by these officious instructions, wish to derogate from his merit, by arrogating to ourselves that applause to which, upon a successful and satisfactory negotiation, he will be justly entitled? Mr. Smith hoped that no consideration of this sort would influence the Senate. He believed there was a disposition in the Executive, when furnished with the necessary aid, to pursue negotiation so long as the least gleam of hope of success remained. Beyond that, no one could ask him to persevere. He believed that each member of the Senate entertained the same opinion. Where, then, he asked, is the use of this requisition to the Executive? Is it to be understood, as has been partially hinted by one honourable member, that there is no legislative aids which the Executive or this nation can wisely resort to on this occasion? Are we to be told that Congress have no power to lay duties on exports, or in short, that our powers are insufficient; or that we are too weak, or too dependent as a nation, to contend for our rights? We therefore recommended it to the Executive (after having secured our merchants from past depredations) to enter into such arrangements and stipulations upon points in controversy, by mutual sacrifices; such as shall be likely to meet and promote the views of both parties, and thus recommend justice to be sacrificed to peace. For, he asked, what encroachment upon the rights of that nation, or depredations upon the property of its subjects have we to give up, for the purchase of this our inalienable right as a neutral nation, which they have so flagrantly & frequently violated. He hoped there was no disposition in the Senate to commute any of our rights as a nation, by sacrifices to any of the considerations before mentioned, and in a particular manner, by any abandonment of principles. And yet it appeared to him, that there is any pertinacity in the resolution, this must be the interpretation. He observed it was extremely unwise to speak this language, both as it related to our own government, and that with which we have to contend. The latter will easily read in this resolution, the course which the Senate wish to pursue; and efforts will be made accordingly. Should it not be in unison with the views of the Executive of our own government, it will weaken instead of strengthening his exertions for the public good. We have already experienced the evils resulting from too great an anxiety to enter into commercial regulations with that nation. A former treaty stipulated an indemnity to our merchants for similar depredations; that indemnity has ultimately devolved on our own government. We purchased the miserable commercial privileges of that treaty (if it contained any) at the expence of our neutrality; and by doing violence to the obligations imposed upon us by that neutrality, drew down upon ourselves the resentment of a powerful nation, which involved an expence of more than 10 million of dollars. He observed it would be better for the government, in his opinion, to insure our merchants against any depredations, which the utmost rapacity of the British would be likely to invite; than again to enter into the unequal, the shameful, and wicked stipulation of the former treaty. He said gentlemen were not to understand that he was for actual hostilities against Great Britain. He deprecated war as much as any man.—If mild measures are adopted, the more certain will be the calculation of a perseverance in them; and without a spirit of perseverance little can be hoped from any measure. He hoped that Congress would be disposed on this occasion, to wield the only weapon which could promise success; that they may take such measures as will prove to Great Britain, that the U. S. will ultimately have
no commerce with them, but upon terms of the most perfect reciprocity.
This ground, if once taken, will be beautifully maintained; it is recommended by being both peaceable and effectual, while all others are doubtful and unequal. He concluded by hoping, that the resolution would be rejected, as it appeared to him disrespectful to the Executive, unnecessary, and inconsistent with the public good.
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. President—The hon. member from Vermont (Mr. Smith) seems to entertain an opinion, that it will be indelicate towards the President of the U. S. to adopt the resolution now under consideration. Having been a member of the committee, who reported it, I feel somewhat bound, to endeavour to obviate this objection, having done which I shall then proceed to answer some other objections, and offer some reasons in favour of adopting the resolution. I expect it will be conceded, that if it be constitutional to pass this resolution, it cannot be indelicate towards the President. Let us examine the language of the constitution upon this point. The constitution says, that the President shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties. Now I contend that the true meaning of this clause is, that the advice should precede the making of the treaty, and that it was couched in the language in which we find it, for the purpose of obtaining the opinion of the Senate, as to the principles upon which the treaty should be made. And upon examining your executive journal, you will find that this construction was given to the constitution by General Washington; who, having been the President of the convention, must reasonably be supposed to have understood the true intent & meaning of the constitution in all its parts. And so far did he extend the construction for which I contend, that the Executive journal will show, in order to ask the advice of the Senate, relative to a treaty he contemplated making, that in the year 1790, he actually took his seat, in the President's chair of this body, and asked the advice of the Senate, upon sundry articles, which he proposed making the basis of the treaty. Thus, it would seem, that the first President of the U. S. in discharge of his duty, had given the foregoing construction to the constitution. Some inconveniences having however been found to arise from this mode of asking the advice of the Senate, it has since fallen into disuse. But the latter practice cannot, nor ought not to be considered, as condemning the construction of which I conceive the constitution is fairly susceptible. Because the construction given by the first President, so immediately after the adoption of the federal constitution, must be considered as proceeding from the true sense and correct opinion, which he then entertained of the respective rights of the treaty making power.
In support of this construction, Mr. President, I can also show, from your executive journals, so late as last session, that the Senate passed a resolution, requesting the President to make a treaty with the Creek nation of Indians. And although it may be said, that the Creeks not being a foreign nation, it is not an appropriate case, I however conceive the principle to be precisely the same. For we have always treated the Indians as independent nations, and the same proceedings and formalities, have uniformly been had in making the treaties, and ratifying them, as have been had, with other nations. So much, Mr. President, I have thought proper to say, in order to show, that if we pass this resolution, we do not offer any indicacy to the President. But, on the contrary, will only exercise our constitutional power, which the peculiar and perilous situation of our country, seems imperiously to demand. I should not have taken up so much time, upon this point, had not the constitutional validity of passing the resolution been also objected to by the other hon. member from Vermont (Mr. Bradley.)
In discussing the merits of the resolution now under consideration, it will be necessary that we keep constantly in view the great principle of the one, which has already passed this House, by a unanimous vote, because this second resolution is predicated upon the principle of the first. In the first we declare, that the capture and condemnation, under the orders of the British government, and adjudication of their courts of admiralty, of American vessels and their cargoes on the pretext of their being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace, is an unprovoked aggression upon the property of the citizens of the U. S. a violation of their neutral rights, and an encroachment upon their national independence.
In order to show that the ground we have taken is correct, I will take leave to refer to a book (entitled an examination of the British Doctrine, which subjects to capture a neutral trade, not open in time of peace) ascribed to a gentleman high in office, who has deservedly acquired great celebrity in the political world. It will be found that the principle contended for in the resolution, I have cited, obtained as early as the first rise of regular commerce, and was even reduced to system, as early as 1338. To this doctrine Great Britain acceded by treaty with Sweden, in 1655, and afterwards, in 1674, she actually claimed and enjoyed the benefit of a free trade, the being at that time in peace, and the Dutch in war with France. With what kind of pretext can Great Britain pretend to deprive us of the exercise of the very rights which she herself had claimed and exercised upon precisely the same principles? Besides those neutral rights have, by constant and very long usage, become the established law of nations, and have from time to time been ingrafted into many treaties, even where G. Britain was herself a party. Upon this doctrine thus sustained, we request the President to demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of our citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace, and upon the indemnification of such American citizens for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations. It has been objected that the language of this resolution is too strong, and that the words demand and insist go too far; and that the absolute restoration of our vessels, &c. with these words being retained, he made the fine qua non of an accommodation with G. Britain. If, Sir, we were to express ourselves, in less forcible language, we should, in my opinion, subvert our own principles, and recede from the high ground we have taken, which might eventually radically destroy our neutral rights, and completely paralyze our commerce.

The words demand and infill are diplomatic, and as such most proper to be used, and the more so, as they seem to be appropriate to the principle of the first resolution. But, Mr. President, the latter part of this resolution, by which indemnification may be made, and new arrangements entered into with Great Britain, so far ameliorate those precedent words that the President will possess ample powers, according to a true exposition of the whole taken together, and he will not, in my opinion, be trammelled in the manner the gentleman from Ohio conceives. In settling national differences, it has ever been necessary, in some points to give a little, and in others to take, according to the peculiar circumstances, upon which the negotiation might happen to turn, either upon a point of national honour, or an interesting point of national commerce, or both so connected as not well to be severed. Upon the whole, Mr. President, I do believe it will be highly important that the Senate should, at this interesting moment, express their opinion upon our national concerns with Great Britain in such language, that the sense we entertain of our injuries cannot be mistaken. The principles and policy of our government require, that we should prefer negotiation in the first instance; and the adoption of the resolution, by a strong vote of this body, will doubtless add great weight to the object. If, however, we should unfortunately be driven to the last resort , I trust we shall never recede one point from the ground we have taken, as expressed in our first resolution. (To be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, February 19.
The following message was received from the President of the U. States.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
IN pursuance of a measure proposed to Congress by a message of January 18, 1803, and sanctioned by their appropriation for carrying it into execution, Capt. Meriwether Lewis of the 1st regiment of infantry was appointed, with a party of men, to explore the river Missouri, from its mouth to its source, and crossing the highlands by the shortest portage, to seek the best water communication thence to the Pacific ocean; and Lieut. Clark was appointed second in command. They were to enter into conference with the Indian nations on their route, with a view to the establishment of commerce with them. They entered the Missouri May 14, 1804, and on the 1st of November, took up their winter quarters near the Mandan towns, 1609 miles above the mouth of the river, in lat. 47 deg. 21 min. 47 sec. north, & long. 99 deg. 24 min. 45 sec. west from Greenwich. On the 8th of April, 1805, they proceeded up the river in pursuance of the objects prescribed to them. A letter of the preceding day April 7, from Capt. Lewis, is herewith communicated. During his stay among the Mandans, he had been able to lay down the Missouri, according to courses and distances taken on his passage up it, corrected by frequent observations of longitude and latitude: and to add to the actual survey of this portion of the river, a general map of the country, between the Mississippi and Pacific, from the 34th to the 54th degrees of latitude. These additions are from information collected from Indians with whom he had opportunities of communicating, during his journey and residence with them. Copies of this map are now presented to both houses of Congress. With these I communicate also a statistical view, procured and forwarded by him, of the Indian nations inhabiting the territory of Louisiana, and the countries adjacent to its northern and western borders, of their commerce, and of other interesting circumstances respecting them.
In order to render the statement, as complete as may be, of the Indians inhabiting the country west of the Mississippi, I add Dr. Sibley's account of those residing in and adjacent to the territory of Orleans.
I communicate also from the same person, an account of the Red river, according to the best information he had been able to collect.
Having been disappointed, after considerable preparation, in the purpose of sending an exploring party up that river in the summer of 1804, it was thought best to employ the autumn of that year in procuring a knowledge of an interesting branch of the river called the Washita. This was undertaken under the direction of Mr. Dunbar of Natchez, a citizen of distinguished abilities, who had aided, and continues to aid us, with his disinterested and valuable services in the prosecution of these enterprises. He ascended the river to the remarkable Hot-springs near it, in lat. 34, 31—4, 16, long. 92, 50, 45, west from Greenwich, taking its courses and distances, and correcting them by frequent celestial observations. Extracts from his observations, and copies of his map of the river, from its mouth to the Hot-springs, make part of the present communications. The examination of the Red river itself is but now commencing.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 19, 1806. Ordered, That 1,000 copies of the message, together with the accompanying communications be printed for the use of the members.
Mr. J. Clay made a report on the petition of Wm. Lewis and Hugh Maxwell, recommending the purchasing from them a certain number of copies of the journals of the old Congress within a limited price.
Referred to a committee of the whole. The bill to incorporate the trustees of a Presbyterian Church in George town was read the third time.
Mr. Elmer supported, and Messrs. Jackson, Sloan, Holman and Rhea opposed the bill. The question was taken by yeas and nays, and the bill passed—Yeas 72—Nays 40.
The House took into consideration the amended bill for laying a duty of 10 dollars on every slave imported into the U. S.
Various amendments were made, when the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
As the bill now stands, it provides, in case of smuggling slaves into the United States that the vessel in which they are brought shall be forfeited. It is silent with regard to the forfeiture or liberation of the slaves.
Thursday, Feb. 20.
Mr. John C. Smith from the committee to whom was referred a resolution of the House directing them to enquire for what claims against the United States, barred by statutes of limitation it is expedient to make provision, reported a bill making further provision for extinguishing debts due by the United States; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
Mr. John C. Smith, from the committee of claims to whom was referred the petition of Willis Wilson, reported a resolution, that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition; Referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
the whole. Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the bill for the relief of Philip Nicklin and R. E. Griffiths.
The committee reported their agreement to the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow—Ayes 61.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, made a report on the petition of sundry inhabitants of Charles-town, Virginia, praying that said place may be made a port of entry and delivery.
The report is detailed, and assigns a variety of reasons against the expediency of granting the prayer of the petitioners, and concludes with a resolution that they have leave to withdraw their petition.
The House having taken the report into consideration:
Mr. Jackson observed that the facts detailed in the report were conceded. It was probable that there would never be a vessel entered at Charles-town from a foreign country. With regard to the success of the prayer of the petitioners, Mr. J. said he should not have been sanguine, but for a constitutional provision which he considered imperative. No port of entry existed in the western part of Virginia, in consequence of which vessels failing from Charles-town were obliged to pay duties at New-Orleans. The constitutional provision, to which he alluded, was this: "No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another." Was it not obvious that a preference was given to the ports of one state over those of another by requiring the vessels of the one, to enter and clear in the ports of the other; and was it not also obvious that the latter part of the provision was equally violated. It would be a great convenience to the petitioners to give bonds and take out clearances in the neighbourhood of the place where their vessels are built, instead of being obliged to go to a distance of 2,000 miles, where they would find themselves among strangers.
Mr. Crowninshield observed that there were several ports of entry already in Virginia from which vessels might clear without paying duties at New-Orleans. He further observed that New-Orleans and Natchez were not within the limits of a state, and therefore were not embraced by the constitutional provision referred to; and added that duties were only paid on the entry of vessels from a foreign country.
Mr. J. C. Smith thought there was sufficient plausibility in the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia, to give the subject a full discussion. He, therefore, moved a reference of the report to a committee, of the whole House on Monday, which was agreed to—Ayes 59.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. GRIFFIN in the chair—on a bill from the Senate, relative to the salaries of the Judges of the territory of Orleans.
The bill increases the salaries of the Judges of the superior and district court from 2,000 to 2,800 dollars; and allows I. B. Prevost, a judge of the superior court, an additional salary of 500 dollars for services heretofore performed by him without the aid of the other judges.
Messrs. Sloan and Meriwether called for information relative to the grounds on which the proposed increase of salaries is made.
Mr. Early replied that since the organization of the territory of Orleans the President had not been able to obtain any persons properly qualified, except Mr. Prevost, who had consequently been obliged to perform all the duties of the court; that it was requisite for the judges not only to understand the laws of their own country, but likewise those of the country to whom the territory belonged previous to its cession; and in addition to this, it was necessary for them to be acquainted with the French and Spanish languages. Added to this, the price of living was extremely high, and the climate very unhealthy. Mr. Findley corroborated this statement. The committee rose and reported their agreement to the bill, which was ordered to a third reading this day. The bill was accordingly read a third time. Messrs. Meriwether and G. W. Campbell opposed, and Messrs. J. Clay, Clark and Nicholson supported the bill. Mr. Conrad, moved a postponement of the bill till to-morrow. Mr. Jackson hoped the bill would be recommended to a select committee empowered to pass in review the salaries of all judges of the U. S. He did not think the salaries in the bill too high, but he thought those allowed to the other judges too low. Mr. Rhea spoke in favor of the bill. Mr. Leib thought too much celerity should not be given to the passage of an appropriation bill. Mr. Early spoke against the postponement. Mr. Stanton spoke against the bill. The question was then taken on the motion to postpone which was carried—Ayes 57. Mr. Newton said he had been requested to present several resolutions, unanimously adopted by the citizens of Norfolk and Portsmouth, expressive of their indignation at the conduct of Britain on the restrictions and plundering to which our commerce is exposed, and at the degrading situation to which our brave seamen are subjected by arbitrary and illegal impositions; also expressive of their determination to support with their lives and fortunes such measures as the councils of this nation may adopt. Mr. Newton said he was happy on this occasion to be made the organ of this communication. The resolutions were characterized, Mr. N. said, by that language which had been used on the birth day of American freedom and independence; and they breathed a spirit highly honorable to the citizens of a free and independent nation. The resolutions were then read, & referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union. Mr. J. Clay reported a bill for amending the Library act, which was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow. European Intelligence. ST. PETERSBURG. Extract of a letter, November 5. The frost has commenced here with more than ordinary severity. The Neva has been frozen these six days, and many of the ships are bound up in harbor. Since the departure of the emperor our court has been dull, but the city is full of activity; the troops pour in daily from the provinces in immense numbers; indeed the whole Russian population is excited to arms; nothing is spoken of but war, & that war is expected to be successful in its termination, however disastrous in its onset. The Russian armies, more numerous and better disciplined than any in Europe, will soon exhibit a lesson to the world of what bravery under good generals, and loyalty under a beloved emperor, can effect, to rescue the fourth of Europe from an ambitious despot. Russia merely guessed at. She is a power immense in resources, defying a foreign enemy, because tangible in no quarter of attack. She is a fortress in a frozen sea, an impregnable bulwark in deserts, immeasurable and inexhaustible. She is thus a natural ally to no power, because secure in her intrinsic force, she is in no want of intrinsic aid. Where can she be attacked? In Asia? Can France excite the Porte against her? No; the Port subsists only on her pacific influence. In her Persian and Tartar borders she is equally secure. You can scarcely collect an army of Persians to shew their face to a Russian soldier; you can scarcely tempt a bande of Tartars to rob the granary of a Russian peasant. In Poland and Silesia she is insensible to fear; quite mistress of an immensity of territory, she is bringing it into account by the rapid improvement of agriculture, and there are no rebels to be found at the plough share. She is deterred by no foreign enemy; she is confident in her own people. Such a power is more formidable in war than any other in the universe, because she can bear her whole force upon a single point. She can pour her armies into an enemy's country, and need fear no attack in return. Wherever she goes she must succeed, because there is nothing to slacken her efforts to draw her back with precipitate retreat to her own defence. Russia is the only power in Europe of whom this can be said. France knows not the enemy she has provoked. One Russian army follows another like the waves of the sea. In vain you raise barriers to oppose them; they will battle the proudest and the stoutest. The hydra head of a Russian army will sprout with regenerating powers as long as there is a sword to cut it. The present object of Russia is not ambition, the emperor is above it. It is not fear of French power, the emperor scorns it. What is it then? It is the chastisement of the disturbers of the peace of Europe; the liberation of Germany from an insulting enemy; the emancipation of Italy from a domineering and grasping tyrant. In a word, it is fidelity to honorable allies, loyalty to the cause of oppressed sovereigns, gratitude and sensibility for great and undeserved favors, and benevolence to the human race. WHAT CAN BE DONE, AGAINST BONAPARTE? Let us see what can the allies, with all their experience past and present, undertake with any prospect of effect? Let us speak as if we wished the allies to conquer, but let us not as some of our likelocking soldiers, trace a campaign for a tea-table. The force of Bonaparte in Germany consists on the passage of the Rhine in October last of six columns of 24,000 men each—or 150,000 men; to these was added a seventh column under Augereau making 175,000 men. But from these he was obliged to detach Marshal Davoust into Hungary, 25,000 Marshal Bernadotte at Vienna, 25,000 Gen. Marmont on the Drave, 10,000 Marshal Ney on the source of the Inn, 25,000 Marshal Augereau at Ulm: other garrisons on the Danube and Iller, 110,000 So that there remained under the marshals Murat, Mortier, Lannes, Oudinot, and Bernadotte, 65,000 Bavarian auxiliaries, 55,000 100,000 out of which the garrisons of Steyr, Braun, and Olmutz were to be formed, say 10,000 men. So that the utmost force Bonaparte could have in the neighbourhood of Olmutz, could not exceed, between 80 and 90,000 effective men. Knowing his strength and his position, we are first to enquire what force could be brought against him. We find that the Prussians had advanced under general Hohenlohe to Nuremburg, only 70 miles from the Rhine—and that the grand army of Prussia, had its head quarters at Gottenstein on the Linne. A movement in this direction would be perfectly consistent with profound tactics; we shall therefore venture to form a project for the campaign against Bonaparte, on the part of the allies. The force under the Russian generals Winzingerode and Kutusoff, between Olmutz and Tropchau, 40,000 Gen. Pangeration's corps, 25,000 The reinforcement under Gen. Buxhoveden, 75,000 50,000 115,000 The plan of this army should be to maintain a defensive war about the sources of the Oder, and along the frontiers of Silesia; keeping open a communication with Glatz and Konigsgratz in Bohemia, by Gorlitz, in Lusatia, Schweidnitz in Silesia, drawing their ammunition and stores from their rear; so as to discomfite their camps from the charge of cumbrous magazines, and enable them to move with celerity and force in any direction which the designs of the invader might require. This system would indicate the formation of a Russian and Prussian army of observation in their respective portions of ancient Poland; & a co-operation with a Prussian force, to be marched from the banks of the Sperne, in three columns, the left upon Lignitz, the centre at Zittau or Gorlitz, and the right and advance, covered or flanked by the Elbe in its semi-circular winding from Koniggratz to Leitmeritz—this force should Amount to 200,000 The Russian force about 115,000 315,000  The communication once opened, and the plan of operations fixed, the two armies should be formed into columns, without intermixture of the Prussians with the Russians. The Russians should furnish the harassing corps, and the principal tactical movements should be left wholly to the Prussian generals—the columns should consist of 40,000 men each, which would give 7 columns of nearly double the numbers of the French columns, and leave a reserve of 35,000 men to supply the place of any disconcerted column. These 7 corps should be provided with a route, and an order on pain of death to the general if he did not execute the march in a given time; and the distance should be so well calculated as that the corps which had the longest march should move first, and at the rate of 16 miles in 12 hours, and rest 12 hours, until within 20 miles of the enemy; the nearer corps regulating their march by the time and distance, so that the whole should at one hour arrive in the front, four columns, and two columns on the flanks, with reserve on that flank from which the allies might wish to drive Bonaparte. These movements should not be delayed—nor should a moment be lost in commencing the action, and it should be conscientious from right to left. ing prodigies; and the campaign of 1796 shews what prodigies Bonaparte is capable of accomplishing; but it is scarcely within human possibility, that any force so inferior in number, & thus attacked could resist with effect, the weight of numbers; if those numbers were conducted with the least skill or courage. Such is the only plan by which there appears to be a possibility of resisting Bonaparte. Will any such plan be formed, and if formed will there be that unity, skill and foresight requisite to carry it into effect; or will there be sufficient discretion in the allies to prevent the discovery of their design and the adoption of some new military design, by which the whole may be frustrated? Time alone can determine these anticipations. Along with this vast plan we must suppose—the archduke Charles, in Hungary; John in Gallitia; and raising an army of 60,000 Hungarians; to them we must oppose Massena pursuing them into Germany, and rendering the archduke Charles and John at least harmless; on the Bohemian side, the archduke Ferdinand with his force of 50,000 men, might form a column of the grand army, if the force under gen. Barragay D'hilliers had not been reinforced, as his column did not amount to 20,000 men; while on the other hand, should the Prussians under Hohenlohe, proceed by their left, and open a communication with the archduke Ferdinand, the whole of Franconia and Suabia might be overrun; Württemberg laid under contribution; the communication between France and Germany cut off, and Augereau in turn cooped up in Ulm. West-Indies. CHARLESTON, Feb. 13. A gentleman who left Point-Petre (Gua.) on the 23d ult. in the brig AMITY, capt. DUNLAP, for Savannah, and touched at St. Thomas—from which place he failed on the 31st ult. has furnished us with the following intelligence;—In passing the islands of Nevis and St. Kitts, on the 26th ult. he counted nine sail of the line and one frigate, under British colors, being at anchor under the batteries, which were supposed to be the fleets of Admirals COCHRANE, and DUCKWORTH, united: On his arrival at St. Thomas, he was informed by the captain of an American vessel, who arrived the day before from the city of St. Domingo, that on the 26th ult. in the Mona Passage, he was boarded by a French squadron of 10 sail of the line and 10 frigates, by whom he was detained two hours. The fleet was understood to be commanded by Admiral GANTHEAUME. This intelligence was confirmed by another vessel which arrived at St. Thomas also from the city of St. Domingo, the captain of which stated, that in coming out of that port he passed the same French fleet of 10 sail of the line and 10 frigates, then standing in for that place. This intelligence confirms the account from Jamaica, of a French fleet being at sea. The gentleman who furnishes it, arrived at this port yesterday in the schooner ADVENTURE, having got on board that vessel the day before, off the mouth of Savannah river. Courier. NEW-YORK, Feb. 18. By the Schooner John, from Antigua, the Editors of the New-York Gazette received papers, from which the following interesting articles are extracted: St. Johns (Antigua) Jan. 14.—On Sunday arrived off this harbour, under convoy of his majesty's ship Efiguard, that part of the Cork fleet bound to Jamaica, and proceeded immediately; at the same time his majesty's ship Northumberland, from whence admiral Cochrane landed at English harbour. January 16.—Vice-admiral Duckworth and rear-admiral Louis, with 5 ships of the line, arrived at Barbadoes a few days past. The Sirius frigate being in lat. 46, fell in with 18 ships of war belonging to the enemy, and immediately hastened to vice-admiral Collingwood with the intelligence, who dispatched admirals Duckworth and Louis in pursuit of them. Off the Cape de Verd Islands, they chased 6 sail of the enemy's line, supposed to be a part of the force above-mentioned, and suspecting the remainder might be destined to the West-Indies, made the best of their way to Barbadoes. January 21.—His majesty's brig Hart, which arrived at English harbour on Saturday evening last, has brought the following intelligence: "On the 13th instant, to windward of Mari-galante, the Unicorn boarded an American, who informed him that two days before, when he was in lat. 17, long. 59, he fell in with 8 sail of the enemy's ships and a brig, steering westward, and that he was so close as to be certain they were all two deckers. On Sunday last the British squadron under the command of admiral Duckworth, amounting to seven sail of the line, was discovered from the Shirley Heights, standing to the westward. And on Monday, six sail of the line, one of which wore a blue flag on her mizen top gallant mast head, were seen holding their course towards St. Kitts. If the above reports be authentic, there can be little doubt that our gallant admiral is in pursuit of the enemy's fleet;—but, we fear, too far astern to justify a strong hope of his being fortunate enough to overtake them. NEW-YORK, February 21. At the time captain Moneviffe left Jamaica news had been received at Montego Bay of a French fleet being to windward, and the island was immediately declared under Martial law. Merc. Adv. Captain Howell, of the brig Achilles, from Porto Rico, informs us it was reported there that twelve sail of the line and as many frigates had been seen to leeward steering (as was supposed) for the city of St. Domingo. Seven British frigates passed St. John's, the day the Achilles failed. Ib. Captain Barstow, from Kingston, informs us that a few days previous to his failing a British frigate arrived there with intelligence of a French fleet of 17 sail of the line having been seen standing to the westward. The inhabitants of Jamaica were much alarmed at this report; and the government immediately ordered two of their largest vessels of war to be hauled into the channel way abreast of Port Royal Harbour. Merc. Adv. BALTIMORE, Feb. 21. Yesterday we received, via Philadelphia, from our valuable and active correspondent at Nassau, the subjoined proceedings of the Court of Vice Admiralty, in the case of the brig S. W. with our regular file of the Royal Gazette, to 31st ult. inclusive. The only interesting article they afford is the judgment delivered by Judge Dyer, in the court of Vice Admiralty, in the case of the ship Sampson of Philadelphia. After a lengthy investigation of the facts before fel and cargo, excepting a quantity of Hogs Lard, belonging to Messrs. John Warden and Sons. Although the principle on which this condemnation was founded, is not new or novel, the arguments produced we conceive will be read with no little interest by our commercial friends, and therefore intend giving them a place the first dearth of news that occurs. American. COURT OF VICE ADMIRALTY, NASSAU, FEB. 1, 1806. Before his Honor Henry Moreton Dyer, Esq. Sele Judge and Commissary. Brig S. W. WELLS, Master. This vessel went from Baltimore to Trinidad in Cuba, under the charter party for the voyage out and home, and furnished with a special licence, from the Chevalier de Yrujo, his Catholic Majesty's Ambassador to the United States of America; landed her cargo at Trinidad and received on board another cargo, which was stated to proceed from Cargoes of English ships, captured by Spanish privateers, and carried into Trinidad, the same was shipped by a Mr. Child, and accompanied by his Affidavit, declaring the property in the same to be in Thomas Tenant of Baltimore, merchant, for whom the same was now claimed. His Honor the Judge having heard advocates and proctors on both sides thereon, and proof read, admitted the claim, but directed further proof to be made within three months; as well with respect to the outward cargo, and why the charter party (the breach of which would subject the party to a penalty of 5000 dollars) had been broken by the master; and also in such further proof to show, in what manner and with what hands the property in the present cargo had been acquired. JUNO, PACKARD, Master. His Honor the Judge having heard advocates and proctors on both sides, the documents produced in further proof, (a further proof case,) having been read, admitted the documents so exhibited, but the same being insufficient for the court to ground its decision, his honor directed that further proof be made within four months, with respect to the nature of the trade of neutrals to the Island of Cuba. Domestic Intelligence. COMMERCIALLY IMPORTANT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE BOSTON CENTINEL. "Marblehead, Feb. 12, 1806. "Mr. RUSSEL—Sir—By the arrival of the fchr. Two Mothers, at this port, in 60 days from Cadiz, we are furnished with a copy of Admiral Lord Collingwood's letter to the Governor of Cadiz, relaxing in some degree the blockade of that port. Presuming its publication may serve your commercial friends, it is inclosed. Yours respectfully." THE LETTER. "Queen, Gibraltar Bay, 18th Nov. 1805. "MY LORD MARQUIS, "His majesty having been pleased to order that the ships of neutral nations trading to the ports of Cadiz and San Lucas with such cargoes as are not contraband of war, shall be permitted freely to pass without interruption from his blockading squadron.

Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Lancaster to his friend in this city, dated Feb. 17, 1826. "A circumstance of some importance has taken place to-day. Mr. Dickson, Editor of the Lancaster INTELLIGENCER, in his last paper, stated that the Governor and his secretaries, had been endeavoring to corrupt Mr. Wertz, a Senator, with the promise of the offices of Bedford county. A bill was found by the grand jury, who were then sitting, against him for a libel. On Saturday morning the trial came on and continued until Sunday evening, when the jury went out and did not agree until near 11 o'clock this morning. Their verdict was guilty, and the sentence of the court three months imprisonment and five hundred dollars fine. He was sent immediately to jail. The grand jury were unanimous although they were also divided in politics. The petit jury were also about equally divided in political sentiments." Poulton's paper.
The Legislature of the state of New-Jersey have been principally occupied lately with Turnpikes. There are now before them bills for turning roads from Trenton to Suck; from Newark to Pompton; from Newark to Springfield; from Newark to Morristown; from Newark to Mount Pleasant; from Brunswick to Easton; from Brunswick to New Ark; from Hoboken to Powles Hook turnpike; from Sparta to Culvers Gap; from Paterson to Haverburg; from Morristown to Easton; from Andover to the Water Gap; and perhaps others not recollected.
WILMINGTON, (N. C.) Feb. 13.
WILMINGTON AGAIN IN ASHES.
On Tuesday last this truly unfortunate town was once more visited by that worst of all calamities fire, which has laid in ruins its most valuable and beautiful parts—about two o'clock in the morning of that day, the bake-house occupied by John B. Osmacke, on the north side of Market-Street, immediately opposite the printing office, was discovered to be enveloped in flames, and before the alarm became general and the citizens could assemble, communicated to an adjoining two story wooden building, which was so far consumed as to defy all exertion to check the progress of the devouring element to the elegant new brick house of John Lord on the east, and Dr. N. Hill's on the west; from thence it extended northwardly through that whole square, down Market-Street to the river, up Front-Street on both sides to Princess Street, and thence up that Street, on both sides to Second-Street; and in this extensive range the only buildings which escaped are Mr. John Martin's, corner of Front and Princess-Streets, a small wooden building of Major Walker, corner of Princess and Second Streets, two fine brick warehouses back of Market-Street near the wharf, owned by Messrs. Richard Bradley and Alexander Hoffer, and a warehouse on Princess Street, belonging to the estate of Peter Mallet. The unfortunate situation of the Court-House (in the centre of the small square formed by the intersection of Market and Front-Streets, with a wooden roof, exactly calculated to convey the flames to the four quarters of the town) required every exertion at that point, to prevent the fire from crossing Market-Street. We rejoice and are grateful for the success of the exertions, by which alone what remains of the town to the southward was saved. The amount of loss sustained cannot be computed at less than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The number of Dwelling Houses, Ware Houses and Stores destroyed, is about 70, and the loss in goods no doubt very great. There were upwards of 70 bales of cotton, (purchased on account of a house in New-York) and a number of other valuable articles, consumed in the new brick store of Williams, Scott & Co.
The friendly and prompt assistance rendered at this distressing time, by the strangers, Captains of vessels and their crews, will be remembered by the citizens of Wilmington, with gratitude. While the editor bewails this sad catastrophe and laments its consequences to many of his fellow-citizens, he has cause to rejoice and be thankful, that he is not among the number of unfortunate sufferers. The only injury he sustained was the derangement of his printing apparatus in the hurry of moving, which will necessarily preclude the publication of the Wilmington Gazette next week.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 17.
Capt. Cook left Marseilles on the 21st December. A report of the battle between the French and Austro-Russian armies had just reached that place—it was styled the "battle of the three emperors," and the French were reported to have enjoyed the advantage. It was stated that 80,000 English and Russian troops had been landed in Naples. Capt. C. was boarded in the Mediterranean by an English squadron, who informed, that the American frigate Essex, in entering the Bay of Algeciras, had been fired upon by the Spanish batteries. Markets were dull at Marseilles, for colonial produce, in consequence of an expectation of peace.
PRINTING
Is executed with Neatness and Accuracy, in all its branches, at the MINERVA OFFICE, opposite the Bell Tavern.
S. GRANTLAND offers his acknowledgements for the liberal encouragement he has lately received, and respectfully acquaints the public, that he has procured several sizes of elegant Large Type for HANDBILLS, which will enable him to print them in the best manner.
CIRCULAR LETTERS, CARDS, and all kinds of job work, performed at a short notice. BOOKS and PAMPHLETS can be printed as expeditiously at this office as anywhere in the state; three Composition and two good Pressmen being in constant readiness. Any gentleman in the country, who purposes publishing a Book or Pamphlet, may be informed of the cost by writing to S. Grantland through the mail (postage paid), mentioning the size of the work and the number of copies required.
BLANK BONDS, Insurances of Apprenticeship, Constables' Warrants, &c. are kept for sale. A general assortment of Blanks will be shortly printed. THE VIRGINIA ALMANAC for 1806, is just re-published. The readers of Almanacs are informed, that particular attention will be paid to the Almanac for 1807, which will be published at the Minerva Office in August next.—Country merchants & others who purchase by the gross or dozen, will be furnished at the lowest prices. February 28th, 1806.
N. B. An Apprentice will be taken on favorable terms.
THE subscriber offers for sale, the square of LOTS near that of Mr. Robert Gordon and Robert Johnston. It is under a good enclosure and the situation for building, not surpassed by any Lots in that part of the city.
GEORGE GREENHOW. February 28. (op 3w.)
A Constant supply of fresh ground CORN MEAL and HOMONY, will be kept for sale at the Columbian Mills.
GALLEGÓ, RICHARD & Co. February 28. (1aw 3w.)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 28th FEBRUARY.
GENERAL MIRANDA.
In giving the following communication to the world, we do it with that caution which the subject of it is calculated to inspire. That subject is without doubt uncommonly interesting. The falling of the Leader and her consorts from New-York, the manner in which they were equipped, and the suspicions which were attached to them while they were in port, were evidently calculated to raise every thing about them, more especially the point of destination and the end of so singular an equipment, into objects of uncommon curiosity. Party spirit too stepped in to aid the natural impulse of the occasion. The federalists did not fail to seize upon the mysterious cover in which the plan was enveloped, and to create the most extraordinary charges against the administration. The project of gen. Miranda, according to their representation, was either directly promoted or indirectly connived at. The federalists therefore enquired, to collect the materials for an attack: the republicans, to defend the administration. Under such circumstances, the expedition of gen. Miranda has become an object of considerable interest. Pables have been formed; conjectures have been offered; almost every one has been anxious to explain, but none has yet positively ascertained, the objects of this mysterious enterprise. The field of conjecture is yet open to the imagination & the race of monstrous absurdities is not yet ended. We shall not therefore presume to vouch for the veracity of a single fact contained in the following communication. The author indeed professes to be confident in the truth of his theory. He is an acquaintance of Miranda; conversant with his plans, and convinced of their reality. But this is an affair between gen. Miranda and himself. Far be it from our wish to make it a subject of contention between us and the public. We give it to them as it is given to us. We are the organs but not authors of the communication. It is put to the press under the persuasion, that if it will not enlighten by its accuracy, it may amuse by the novelty of the fable; and that whether it contains fictions or facts, it may serve to invite the attention of the public to the future development of the plot.
COMMUNICATION.
That Miranda, has embarked at New-York—that he has actually gone from thence, with the fixed design to emancipate his country from the yoke of Spain, is a notorious fact. Standing alone, this might be deemed a project of a mere adventurer; but when we read the following short history of this man, the mind must expand with wonder, that it has been delayed so long. So long since as 1767, there were five delegates from five provinces of S. America, at Madrid, sent to complain of intolerable grievances; they were denied redress through haughtiness and pride, just as our agents were, before our disputes had ended by war. One of these delegates, was intrusted to make certain propositions to Great Britain. Lord Chatham (who had formed a very strong admiration, under a most solemn promise from the king, that he should have his unhounded confidence, during life) embraced those propositions, gave the agent £1000 yearly, till the design should be carried into effect: he was paid this pension no longer than the life-time of that Administration, and the agent was, along with the other four, sacrificed to the resentment of Spain.
In 1783, Miranda, who was born in Caracas, a city about 12 miles south of Liquira, made his appearance in this country; he is well known by many of our most eminent citizens; possessed a strong mind; and since his travels through all Europe, he may be supposed equal to any man, now living, as to intelligence and capacity, for the most important affairs. His object has been nothing short, and nothing else, than to deliver his country from a most intolerable, and humiliating bondage. When England fitted out a large fleet to support their claims at Nootka Sound, Miranda was engaged to do more than aid them in those claims, but the expedition was abandoned; the cause may be conjectured, but time only will develop the facts.
Disappointed, till the revolution had created war between France and Spain, he went to Paris; became a general in their armies. That fatal defeat of the left wing under Demourier, which he commanded, caused suspicions, that having come over from England, they might have been betrayed, but all the Americans in Paris (among whom Tom Paine and Joel Barlow) gave it as their decided opinion, that his principles were strictly pure, honorable and truly republican; he proved also, that he protested against the mode of attack the night before the action, and that he refused Demourier's pressing solicitations to emigrate along with him. He would have embarked with an army from France, for the directory had it in view, but no opportunity offered till peace was concluded. Intent on the same object, he once more offered his services to England; they were once more accepted, and he was once more deceived. When just upon embarking, he found, contrary to every previous and solemn compact, that Mr. Pitt meant conquest, and not the emancipation of his country. He renounced all participation in the expedition, rent his commission in pieces, reproached him with perfidy, duplicity, and lies, and embarked for America.
It is unnecessary to say more than that the doors will be opened in three provinces, now organized; they know our example and will follow it; no conditions remain with the government of England; all nations will be invited to their ports, none so much desired as our own; offers of fraternity and friendship will, if we are willing, unite this whole continent like the solar system, by one common attraction; every part holding its due proportion in its own orbit, giving beauty and harmony to the whole. The above sketch is to satisfy public curiosity; it is enough for the moment; as to the means, the place of destination, or ports to be first opened, it would be improper to say anything farther; the plan is well digested; miracles do not come every day, and unless a miracle does come, Miranda must succeed.
A FEW STRUCTURES.
The preceding communication is without doubt extremely complimentary to the design and character of Gen. Miranda. But it is incumbent upon us to remark, that there are other representations of a very different nature. With respect to the design itself, some have ventured to suggest that the object of Gen. Miranda is not to liberate his country; but to commit a predatory excursion upon the coast of S. America, to sack the wealthy city of Buenos Ayres, or to seize upon the treasury of Peru; while others have dispatched him on a commercial speculation, neither so honourable
as the seizure of its riches. If the design of Miranda be really what it professes to be, some have gone on to doubt his qualifications for the accomplishment of his projects. They have called him, an arrant adventurer; they have pointed him out, in the history of the wars of France as a disgraced and cashiered general; they have illustrated the incapacity of his soul by the repeated miscarriage of his plans. Few like our communicator have ventured to extol his "intelligence and capacity for the most important affairs."
But let his plan be ever so noble, or his qualifications ever so great; many have doubted the probability of his succeeding in the emancipation of his country. We know not, and our communicator carefully avoids to touch upon, the point of his destination; whether it be Mexico, New Grenada, Peru, or Buenos Ayres. But in all those countries, difficulties would surround him. The people are the devoted slaves of the Clergy in all the Spanish colonies, and the Clergy are bound by their rich benefices to the present order of things. Their political prejudices are scarcely less obstinate than their ecclesiastical; they have no precepts among them; their oppressions may be great but they have learned to be contented. The very monopoly of commerce which prevails among them, has the effect of shutting out another of the great means of improvement. Few strangers visit their country and the miserable Mesle of Mexico and Peru has no opportunity to profit by the discoveries of more civilized countries.
But why may not the Spanish colonies become as independent as the British colonies formerly did? We may reply, that their condition is different in two important circumstances. Not only was our people freer than the Spanish colonies are at present; as much freer at least, in proportion as the British government is more enlightened than the Spanish; but the government which was established in our colonies was much better calculated to give success to a revolution. The legislatures, which were previously established in our own colonies, survived the downfall of the British sovereignty, and were a mirror fitted for collecting together the force of the nation. But in the Spanish colonies, no such organisation exists for the concentration of the public force. The whole business of legislation is in the hands of Viceroys or other subordinate agents of the crown. Electors and elected, constituents and representatives are names without a meaning in the Spanish vocabulary.
These circumstances are strongly calculated to produce a doubt respecting the success of Miranda's proposed enterprise, under the present state of the Spanish colonies. On this subject, however, we are bound to speak with all the humility of doubt. We know but little of the present state of the Spanish colonies; the strength of the government, the character of its present officers, or its military resources. We know still less of Miranda's means or the resources of his adherents. If "three provinces" are already "organized;" if Miranda is assisted, if not by the Treasury, at least as it is said by the admiralty of England; if three millions of dollars have been furnished by his American associates or English speculators; if success should crown his first exertions and the treasury of the King of Spain should fall into his hands; if the military force of that country be feeble or its discipline imperfect; it is certainly probable that Miranda may become the Washington of his country. What we mean to assert is, that even if a "miracle does" not "come," still Miranda may not "succeed."
We are happy to inform our readers that a letter from JAMES MONROE to a gentleman in this neighbourhood dated in November, declares his intention of returning to his native country this spring. Highly as we may value his services in Europe, we cannot but think that his presence in his own country, at this particular juncture of our affairs, is still more to be wished for. We shall lose a great diplomatist; but we shall gain a full greater statesman.
View James Monroe in every relation, which he has filled; whether in the shades of retirement, or in the full blaze of public life; whether as a governor of Virginia, or as an officer under the federal government; as a senator of the United States, or as a foreign minister; the history of his life will prove the best eulogium upon his virtues. If an integrity in private life which refuses to mix with every thing dishonorable and mean; if "an eye that never winks and a wing that never tires" when the interest of his country demands vigilance and activity; if a judgment originally strong, matured by experience and full more extended by the coolness which ever precedes its decisions; if these be sufficient passports to the favour of a republican people, this man shall not receive a niggardly tribute. Who was it that in times, when the most exorbitant encroachments upon our liberties were just teeming in the infancy of a federal administration, that saw the young vampire in its nest and pointed out its growing and voluminous folds? It was JAMES MONROE, a Senator of the United States. Who was it, that by the enlightened zeal with which he administered his duties, cast a lustre even upon the obscure and contracted office of a governor of Virginia, and at the very time when the perfection against him had reached its highest point, commanded the respect of the Federalists not by flattery but by his firmness? It was JAMES MONROE. Who was it that whilst visiting the corrupt courts of Europe in a capacity which recommended him to the highest grades of society, and exposed the republican simplicity of his manners to the severest temptations; who was it, that in this seductive situation displayed as much pure and incorruptible virtue in his private relations, as he did successful ability in his diplomatic functions? Ask all the Virginians who have been to Paris and to London, and with one voice they will answer; JAMES MONROE. He gave no splendid dinners, no petit soupers, to do honour to the court which he visited, or express his full home congratulations on the good fortune which it experienced. JAMES MONROE was not the man, to assist in such unofficial or ostentatious exhibitions; he had a more useful way of recalling himself to the notice of the court & commanding the approbation of his country. His remonstrances to the British Government respecting the spoliations of our trade and the imprisonment of our seamen, are much better monuments than those, of his spirit and his feelings.
We have said that such services have deserved; we can say that they have obtained the approbation of his country. Mr. Monroe has been absent three years from his country; he will find that we have not yet forgotten him. He will find that in one respect at least that our manners have undergone no change, for ingratitude is not yet the sin of Virginia.
The last arrivals from Europe brought just as much intelligence as was sufficient to excite, without being able to satiate, the public curiosity. They left Europe at the very critical moment, which was about to decide not only the fate of the campaign, but probably the whole of the present war; not only the fate of the army of Wiltshau, but perhaps of Empires; not only the destiny of Europe, but our own most important relations with that continent. The latest Eng. accounts bring down the chain of events only to the 15th of Dec. How many important events may therefore have transpired since that period! How many to change the face of civilized Europe; how many to affect the policy of our own government? But because our government has trusted to the uncertain failing of merchant vessels; the events of the last of December,
They are losing perhaps the favourable opportunity of taking advantage of that "side" which is to be found "in the arms" of governments as well as of men. Our merchants are losing the opportunity of profiting by commercial speculation. Mail after mail arrives at our post-offices; and the public curiosity is still doomed to a painful disappointment. Under such circumstances we are prompted to ask whether it is not the duty of the government of the U. States to facilitate the communication between this country and Europe. Let us enquire whether a few hundred dollars might not be advantageously expended upon the establishment of monthly packets. We have established a regular communication between different parts of our own country by the aid of posts and stages. Why should we not extend the communication with Europe over the water, by a conveyance adapted to the purpose?
The English government have established a packet which arrives every month in New-York. In the Summer months this packet touches at Halifax, and of course we do not receive the intelligence which it conveys, till several days after it would have arrived by a direct voyage. Why should we suffer the English to excel us, in this respect? Our packet might sail direct to Europe, and return by the same route.
The expenses of this establishment would not probably bear any considerable proportion to its benefits. The packet like our passengers might be fitted out for the accommodation of passengers, whose contribution would defray a great part of the expense. The owner would have the additional privilege of carrying out for freight or on his own account, as large a cargo as the short time allowed for his equipment might enable him to receive or to discharge. A small premium therefore would be sufficient to induce the owner of each packet to contract for carrying the mail. Five packets would be sufficient for one line. They might touch at Palmouth in England, and thence proceed to Havre-de-Grace in France.
Let us then ask, whether it is not the duty of Congress to pass a law, authorizing the Post-Master General, to establish a regular line of packets?
We invite the attention of our readers to the following article from the New-York American Citizen; a paper which has been uniformly distinguished by its opposition to AARON BURR. That article is calculated to confirm the suggestions which we have lately advanced about an union between the Clintonians & Burrites of New-York. The professed object of this seal is to "honor the reconciliation which has terminated the late divisions in (that) state." The whole tenor of the article is in uniform with the object. Aaron Burr, and DeWitt Clinton are respectively toasted in the highest terms of compliment. The fourth toast breathes "a spirit of conciliation" not easily to be mistaken. Let us take care, however, that we do not extend our conclusions too far. We believe, that a coalition has actually taken place between the Burrites and Clintonians. This conviction rests upon the most respectable authority. But the existence of such a coalition is not yet positively ascertained; much less are the conditions on which it is formed. A letter from Washington has just reached us, in which the intelligent author expresses his belief that he is "justified in saying the report is incorrect." Let us not then too hastily push into the conclusions, which the following article seems evidently calculated to suggest. That a coalition has been formed between some of the Clintonians and some of the Burrites, is matter of strong probability from the very face of the article; but it would be an unfounded conclusion to extend it to all the Clintonians and all the Burrites. The propriety of thus stopping short in our conclusions, is still further enforced by the information which we have received on this very subject. We have been told, that this "elegant supper" was given at the moment, when the heads of the republican party were at Albany; and that GEN. BAILEY was the adroit agent of Col. Burr on this novel occasion. Col. Burr himself is at the city of Washington; employed no doubt in the prosecution of some of his very useful projects.
Let us therefore suspend our opinion on the present politics of New-York, till we possess better materials for deciding. In the meantime, let us hope all that is patriotic and admirable from the Clintonian party, with whom resides the republican spirit of the state!
NEW-YORK, February 20.
On Tuesday evening, at a few hours notice, a numerous and respectable company of republican citizens partook of an elegant supper at Hyde's Hotel, in honor of the reconciliation which has terminated the late divisions in the state.
GENERAL BAILEY and COL. WILLIAM S. SMITH, officiated as Presidents, and JOHN L. BROOME, and DR. PETER IRVING, as Vice-Presidents.
Sixty-five gentlemen were present. The utmost harmony and cordiality were evinced on this occasion; late animosities discarded, and former friendships renewed. The following toasts were drunk, interspersed with convivial and patriotic songs.
1. THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States.—The Patriot and Statesman whose administration justly entitles him to the applause of his Fellow-Citizens. 2. GEORGE CLINTON, the venerable and patriotic Vice-President of the United States.—May the evening of his life be as happy as its meridian has been honorable to himself and serviceable to his country. 3. AARON BURR, late Vice-President of the U. States—dignified in the chair; prompt in the cabinet; gallant in the field—May his country duly appreciate his talents and his services. 4. May the spirit of conciliation, so happily manifested on this occasion, continue to progress until the recollection of the late misunderstanding in the republican family shall be for ever obliterated. 5. DE WITT CLINTON—A firm and virtuous republican. 6. May every honest man be viewed as a brother, and every brother a republican. 7. A union in principle, and a union of honest men. 8. JOHN BROOME, Lieutenant Governor of the state—Eligible in his private, upright in his public character. May the state long enjoy his services. 9. COL. JOHN SWARTWOUT. 10. The return of the spring and the breaking of the ice, when the streams of republican energy will unite and flow in one vast torrent, too powerful to be resisted, too pure to be polluted. 11. Peace on earth and good will to all mankind. 12. The representation of this city in the state Legislature. They have the confidence of their fellow citizens. 13. The old soldiers of the American revolutionary army. 14. The Liberty of the Press—Uncontrolled amid the threats of oppressive prosecutions. 15. ALBERT GALLATIN—the able financier. 16. May the Harmony and cordiality of this evening be disseminated among the republicans.
and prove the basis of a sincere and lasting friendship.
American Citizen.
Should we be asked why we publish the following vague, and anonymous queries, we would either reply that they appear to us to come from the pen of the Marquis Yrujo, or to contain the principal reports, which have already been circulated about the armaments of Gen. Miranda. In either case they may satisfy the public curiosity, without producing any injurious impression. Every man will know how to distrust the truth of an assertion made by the Spanish Ex-minister, or propagated by vulgar rumor. Every man whose judgment deserves respect or possesses any influence, will know how to suspend his opinion, until he hears the other side of the question. What is this plan? was it really known to the administration? what course did they really pursue? these are questions on which we should scarcely seek information from the once "privileged spy" of his Spanish majesty.
From the Philadelphia Gazette.
Serious questions to Mr. Madison.
Did Miranda go to Washington about the middle of December last?
Had he two long interviews with you?
Did he not present you a plan of an expedition against the province of Caracas?
Did he support the probability of success by the exhibition of various letters, either real or spurious, supposed to be written to him from his friends in that country?
Did he show you a plan of the government he intended to establish in those provinces?
Did the president peruse the said plan of government, keep the manuscript 24 hours in his possession, and return it afterwards to Miranda approving it in general terms?
Did you observe to Miranda that congress did not appear inclined to go to war with Spain?
Did Miranda reply that if government was not so disposed he could carry the plan into execution himself, if they did not interfere about his preparations?
Did you answer him, after a long pause, that government would not trust their eyes, provided he would act with the necessary caution as not to commit them?
Did Miranda return immediately to New-York to make his preparations and act in consequence?
It is possible, it is credible that if Miranda had not met from you with a kind of indirect encouragement he would immediately on his return from Washington have proceeded to expenses that a little vigilance alone would have rendered useless?
Is it credible, that, without that indirect support, two officers of the federal government, at the port of New-York, could have engaged in such a nefarious proceeding?
Is it credible, that one of them would have permitted his eldest son to attend gen. Miranda in this predatory expedition, in the capacity of his aid?
Is it true, that the Leader, in which this young man embarked, had on board many muskets, rifles, pikes, field-pieces, howitzers, ammunition, of all kinds, regimentals, two printing-presses, with ten or twelve journeyman printers?
It is true, that this vessel remained in port a fortnight after clearing out at the custom-house, to embark recruits, and that the objects of her delay were generally known at New-York?
It is to be supposed, that if the administration had even not had any previous information of the scheme, they could be ignorant of these transactions, known to every body else? Even admitting for supposition sake, that they had not a previous knowledge, would not their supposed ignorance be a glaring proof of the most criminal neglect?
Has not the honor and neutrality of our country been committed in the most scandalous manner by an hostile armament fitted out in our ports under the aid of public officers, consisting of American ships under the American flag, with American officers, American crews, American volunteers, American arms, and many other American implements of war, with the object of attacking the colonies of a nation with whom we are at peace?
Are not all these circumstances together, sufficiently weighty to influence the Spanish commanders, if Miranda's attempt takes place, to lay an embargo on all American property within their jurisdiction?
Will not the innocent merchant of the United States be exposed to the most ruinous and disastrous consequences, if an event of this nature should take place?
And should they not consider either a criminal connivance or a not less culpable neglect on the part of those through whose authority such scandalous proceedings could have been checked and prevented, as the true causes of their misfortunes?
These questions are made by every body, and we must confess that daily circumstances occur, which, in our opinion render a satisfactory answer more and more difficult. We submit them to the public, as immediately interested in the clearing up of a mystery which appears to hang over this affair, and which seriously threatens the interest of our fellow citizens.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 18.
From Albany to the Editor, dated Feb. 13.
"This day the case of Arnold was under the consideration of the committee of the whole.—The question before the committee was on the resolution directing a bill for his execution.—Mr. Riker opened the debate in a speech of great length and learning in favour of the resolution, which was carried 55 to 35. I enclose you the yeas and nays."
"The minority acknowledged that Arnold was guilty of murder, but advocated imprisonment for life in the State Prison."
"Mr. Shepherd, Judge Coe, and Mr. Riker, were appointed a committee to bring in a bill fixing a day for his execution. The Senate adjourned to hear the debate." Am. Citizen.
WARM SPRINGS,
IN THE COUNTY OF BATH, VIRGINIA.
HAVING taken a lease on the WARM SPRINGS for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805; we wish to acquaint the public, that at a great expense and much labour, we have improved it, to accommodate gentlemen, 150 persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them a range of framed stables 240 feet long, together with other stables, rooms enough to hold about 100 horses, also 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with stone chimneys, and finished off neatly; a large and commodious sitting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for that purpose only. A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not chose to mix with the strong and healthy. We have also taken a lease on the Sweet Springs in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm, for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors. The proudest attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we knew from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected.
It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different houses of entertainment on the roads leading to the Springs have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which (above the ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances run to indicate that in future travellers will be well accommodated. We wish to purchase a Blacksmith, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given.
Also wanted to employ a discreet elderly woman to undertake the management of the place of house-keeper, either at the Warm or Sweet Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal encouragement, in application to us.
ROBERT GEORGE TURNER.
January 24. op8w.

An examination of the estimate of the resources of the state from the 1st of October 1805, to the 30th of Sept. 1806, made by the House of Delegates, during the late session of the General Assembly.
No. 9.
In this essay I shall attempt to refute those arguments used in support of the estimate of the House of Delegates, which assume the aspect of plausibility, and without any preliminary shall proceed immediately to the task.
It is urged by those persons who adopt the opinion that Virginia has an excess of resources, that her annual tax amounts to the sum of 316 thousand dollars, to which, add the amount received from arrears and other incidental branches of revenue, and you obtain a sum larger than that of the expenditures of the current year. With triumph they then ask, whence can a deficiency take place? I answer that the deficiency proceeds from two causes: From a want of punctual payments into the treasury by the collectors throughout the state, and chiefly because a part of the resources of each year has been, for some time past, anticipated by the warrants drawn for claims arising in the preceding year. If we look back a few years, we find the annual expenses of the government were greater than at present, in consequence of extraordinary circumstances. During several years, 350 thousand dollars were annually appropriated in purchasing arms, and the other expenses remained as usual. In the session of 1803 and 4, the bank was established, and an annual expenditure thereby incurred of 30 thousand dollars, and during the same year, a debt of near 40 thousand dollars was paid to Beaumarchais. Here then was an extra expense in one year, of 70,000 dollars, without any additional resources to meet it. The consequence was, that these appropriations being made in the winter season, when there is always money in the treasury, they were immediately complied with, and the treasury becoming thereby in a great measure exhausted, the ordinary claims accruing during the summer months remained to be discharged on the first of October, when a revenue was received.
I have not the appropriation-laws before me, and therefore cannot accurately cite the various instances in which this practice has obtained, but it will be found that the legislature have never made any provision for extra-demands; have never had a deposit already on hand to meet such demands, but too sanguine in their calculations have frequently appropriated more money than they possessed, and hence a part of the revenue of a succeeding year has been generally anticipated by the claims of a preceding year, and thus a deficiency in the actual resources of such succeeding year, created. That this was the case during the last year appears by an estimate from the auditor; in which it is stated, that of the tax of 1804, payable on the 1st of October 1805, and of course, constituting the actual resources of a year subsequent to that day, 180 thousand dollars were received during the month of September. Instead, however, of that sum being in the treasury on the 1st of October, when the year (the resources of which it constitutes a part) commenced, 51,500 dollars had been expended in discharge of warrants drawn on a different revenue; and there were found on the 1st of October, only 128,500 dollars in the coffers of the state. Certainly then it will readily appear, that the resources of the year, commencing the first of October 1805, in consequence of this anticipation of 51 thousand dollars, were diminished by that sum.
The principle finalised stands thus: A has an annual income equal to his ordinary annual expenditures. He has, however, in one year greater demands against him on account of debts he has contracted, or new speculations he has engaged in. These debts and the expense of the speculations are discharged from the income of a particular year. By this disbursement, the income of such year is rendered unequal to the ordinary expenses in that year. Immediately the next income is received, a part of it is applied to discharge their ordinary claims, and thereby the resources of the year to which that income belonged, are lessened by the amount of the sum disbursed to meet those ordinary claims. So the state of Virginia having applied a part of her funds to the discharge of extra claims; (when such funds were not more than adequate to her ordinary expenditures) her annual resources have thereby become unequal to the annual demands against her, and she is compelled to anticipate her taxes before they become due. The consequence is, that during three or four months in every year, viz: from 1st of May to the 1st of Sept., she cannot meet her engagements, and her creditors frequently sell their claims at a discount of 1, 2, 3, 4, & 5 per cent per month agreeably to their necessities, as every speculator in Richmond can amply testify.
Again it is asked, (if there be deficiency in the resources of the state) whence does it happen that there is a large sum on hand in the treasury? This question is answered by asking, whence does it happen that every farmer (whether he makes a sufficient crop or not) at a particular time in each year, for instance in December, has a large quantity in his crib? Not because he has a surplus of corn, but because his crop comes in at that particular period, as the taxes of the state are paid in October. The provident farmer however instead of calling the amount on hand a surplus, enquires whether or not, there is a deficiency to serve him until that time in the next year, and a really economical Legislature would prefer the same course.
But it is said by those persons who support the opinion that the state has a surplus of resources, that notwithstanding the treasury is empty during a part of the year, that it proceeds not from a real deficiency in the resources; but from the payments being made at improper periods of the year. This argument assumes either of two aspects.
It would appear to maintain the idea, that by making the revenue receivable quarterly instead of annually, the inconvenience would be obviated. But can there be any difference produced in the amount of a sum by paying it quarterly, in place of paying the whole on a particular day? If 316,000 dollars are to be paid during a year, to meet the expenditures of a year, it matters not whether all the sum be received on the first day of the year or in quarterly payments. If paid on one day and there be a sufficiency during all the year, there must be money to meet the claims, and the same effect will result from the other mode of payment.
As absurd as this argument appears, I am told it was used by gentlemen of no small pretensions to talents in the last legislature, and they endeavoured to give it some force by extracting ideas from the financial system of the United States. They say that the receipts at the treasury of the United States are quarterly, and that therefore congress have never all the money in hand which they appropriate. The fact is correct, but what inference can be drawn from it which applies to the system of finance (if it deserves the appellation) in Virginia? The congress of the United States always forms their opinions of the amount of future receipts, by that of former years. They never calculate on the resources of two years to meet the expenditure of one, and when there is any probability that the ordinary resources will not enable the president to comply with their engagements, they authorize him to make a loan, if necessary. In the last report of Mr. Gallatin, it is stated, that from the large receipts of the preceding year, it is unnecessary to recur to the loan authorized by the act of the 10th of May, 1803, to pay the whole amount of the claims allowed by the convention with France. So great however is the jealousy of the legislature towards the executive of Virginia, that instead of the latter's being empowered to borrow money, if necessary, to support the credit of the commonwealth, they are always expressly prohibited from applying the excess of any one fund to the deficiency of any other. If a foreigner unacquainted with our constitution were to read our appropriation laws and observe the distrust therein displayed by the legislature towards
the legislature; in place of being the mere creatures of the legislature, amenable only to them, possessed of less power than any executive in the world; he would suppose that the governor and council of the state, were not only independent of the legislature, but had attributes nearly equal to those of a king of Great Britain. He would almost expect to see the diadem sparkling on the brow of the chief magistrate and the imperial purple flowing in his train. There is no similarity between the government of the United States and that of Virginia, in the species of their taxes, the mode of paying them into the treasury; or the arrangement and management of them after they are received. The legislature of Virginia like Lord North, are always defeated in their most sanguine expectations: The congress of the federal government make accurate calculations and their wishes are therefore realized. In fine, the government of the United States have the ablest financier in the world at the head of their fiscal department; and no nation exhibits such a complete system of finance: On the other hand, by no government on the earth is more ignorance displayed on this most important subject, than by that of Virginia.
The other aspect which the argument (concerning the period at which the taxes of this commonwealth are paid) assumes, is: that if the revenue were received at an earlier period of the year, the evil complained of, would not exist. Certainly, by bringing back the time of payment into the treasury by the sheriffs, great convenience would result; but this would be in effect the same as raising the taxes, to which the legislature seemed decidedly opposed. Throughout the state (except in the instance of the merchants' tax in large towns) the time of collecting the taxes will be always fixed by the time of paying them into the public coffers, by the sheriffs. While (for example) the taxes are payable into the treasury on the first of October, the great bulk of them will be collected in July, August and September of each year. If payable into the treasury on the 1st of July, they will be collected from the people in April, May and June. That is, the people would pay them three months sooner than they now do, or would pay two taxes in nine months. Extend the principle, and let the taxes be made payable into the treasury, during four years, three months sooner each succeeding, than they were the preceding year, and certainly the people would pay their taxes once in nine months, or would pay five taxes in four years. This, however, the learned financiers of Virginia say, would be no increase of taxes, though it is a fair addition of 25 per cent. Perhaps this would be the most eligible mode, that could be adopted, to augment the resources of the state as it would be regaining, what has been lost. From time to time between the years '82, and '89, indulgence was granted to the collectors of revenue in this state, and thereby a year's revenue was completely lost. But why do I suggest any idea about the method of raising the taxes, when the legislature announces to their constituents and the world that we have a surplus of resources to the amount of 180 thousand dollars?
The last argument employed by those persons who contend that the revenue of the state should not be augmented, is drawn from the expense attending the penitentiary system, and the manufactory of arms. It is said that until the disbursements on account of those institutions are lessened or done away by abolishing one and selling the other perhaps to the United States, it will be improper to increase the taxes on the people. Some insinuations have also been made that too much partiality has been evinced in Richmond, by concentrating most of our improvements at that place to the exclusion of other parts of the state.
I shall not undertake the defence of the penitentiary system, but merely infer the following handsome elucidation of its principles from the last communication to the Gen. Assembly by that virtuous & enlightened statesman James Monroe, while governor of the commonwealth. He says the penitentiary system "is founded" in a policy which, though not unknown, was "certainly never reduced to practice in the same spirit" and with the "like advantage in the ancient heathen world. It was reserved for the mild and free governments of the new world, for those of the United States, of whose principles it is peculiarly characteristic, to make a fair experiment of this benevolent system: a system which prohibits under any circumstances an unjust degradation of a fellow citizen, which inculcates the doctrine, that in punishing "crimes, the society, or rather the government ought "not to indulge the passion of revenge; that makes ample use without being sanguinary; that seeks "the reformation in the conviction of the offender." I will only add that in Pennsylvania and New-York, the penitentiary system has equalled the most sanguine expectations of its founders. Why not will the state of Virginia adopt the same regulations, that have given success to similar institutions in other states? Let her profit by their wisdom and experience. Let the guards attend on the criminals from the county to the district jails, and thence to the penitentiary, be limited to a reasonable number. Let the inspectors have a complete control over all the internal arrangements of the institution, and then men of the first respectability will engage with zeal in this philanthropic employment. Until these and many more improvements are made, all within the power of the legislature; a system so congenial to the principles & spirit of our government ought not to be abandoned.
Those persons who are opposed to the manufactory of arms, and therefore willing to sell it, or unwilling to appropriate a sufficient sum to carry on its various operations, certainly cannot value their liberty when they are thus desirous to get rid of the means of defending it. Does not the history of the world proclaim to every nation the necessity of always being prepared for a state of war? Can we, however pacific may be our own dispositions, calculate on an everlasting tranquility? We cannot believe, as long as man is ambitious, and anxious for aggrandizement, that no attempt will be made to invade our rights, and strip us of our property. Such would be vain foolish suppositions, when even now we are threatened with the calamities of war. Besides, a defenceless condition will always invite insult and aggression, & no situation is so truly defenceless as that of a nation without arms. Every citizen in the commonwealth, should be armed as speedily as possible. Shall we rely on obtaining a supply from foreign nations? The experience of our revolution demonstrates the futility of such a reliance. Every independent nation should possess the means of her own protection. Virginia does possess those means; she has inexhaustible stores of all the materials necessary to make the weapons required for her defence; she has a manufactory of arms established on the most eligible plan, in the most convenient situation to receive those various materials, which her wealth affords. Already has its operations, under the direction of an able superintendent, one of her own sons too, commenced; and arms of a superior quality complicated much cheaper than they could have been purchased. And shall any local jealousy, any disposition to economize at the expense of our independence, withhold from this institution our most ample support? No—the enlightened politician disclaims such doctrines. They are the productions of some little minds, that view only the local interests of the petty districts, that circumscribe their operations! of those few flaccid hypocrites to popularity, who wish to excite a jealousy between the Eastern and Western parts of the state, that they may float upon it into the snug harbours of office. "A Virginian in heart and in sentiments," confines not his patriotism by geographical limits—to him the Blue Ridge is a plane: for his love extends equally to every corner of the state; he knows it to be a truth, and he glories in it, that the interests, the feelings, the opinions of the people, are congenial throughout Virginia; and that it was by that congeniality and the consequent harmony of action, that she arrived at her present elevated station in the federal climax. When (with these sensations) he visits the manufactory of arms at the metropolis of the state, where its various operations are daily subject to the inspection of the executive, and annually to that of the legislature; when he beholds the vast force and variety of the machinery, all directed by native Americans, his heart throbs and expands with conscious pride, and grasping the polished musket he ex-
claims, "my country is the nursery of patriots, the seat of virtue, and from her own bosom will I draw the weapon to protect her." It behoves every friend of the state to support this institution, not only be-cause from it our militia will be armed, but because it gives Virginia more consequence in other states or in foreign countries than all her other local arrangements. The farcical observations, that the militia of Virginia are unarmed and go to muster with their corn-stalks and clubs, which were used by her enemies formerly; are now no longer heard. The manufactory of arms has silenced them.
But withholding the legislature say, they have a surplus of 180,000 dollars, they have not appropriated much more than half enough to carry on the manufactory of arms to the fullest extent and greatest advantage, which the establishment will admit. And moreover such is the deficiency in the resources of the state during the summer months, that even with such scanty appropriations, the artificers are frequently compelled to sell their acknowledged claims at a very considerable discount, in order to procure the means of subsistence. The state owes a debt, usually denominated the registered debt to the amount of 30,000 dollars, on which interest is annually paid, and another to those persons who paid money into the treasury on account of British debts, amounting in principal and interest to 39,000 dollars. Why, (if there be such an excess of resources,) is not some provision made for the gradual discharge of those debts? The legislature; by declaring there is a surplus of 180 thousand dollars, in our resources, and not applying a shilling of it to discharge any part of the principal of these debts of the state either by implication sanction the doctrine, that "a public debt is a public blessing," or give reason to every person to believe that they do not think their own calculations correct.
By this time, I hope I have made calculations, and stated facts sufficient to convince every candid man, that there is a deficiency in our resources, and that some provision ought to be made to supply that deficiency. Is it believed that the people of Virginia are unwilling to pay additional taxes when their own good, & the credit of the state demand it? Have they ever evinced, on any occasion, such a disposition? Is it not an insult to their patriotism, and a flagrant injury to their interests, for the legislature to declare to them, that their resources are greatly more than adequate to meet all the demands against the state, when such declaration is not only contradicted by the fairest arithmetical calculations, but by positive facts, which of themselves are sufficient to refute volumes of speculation? Suppose any emergency was to happen in the state during the summer months, which called for the immediate and extraordinary exertions of the government; suppose (and it is too probable a supposition) that our tranquillity were to be disturbed by an insurrection on the part of our natural and implacable enemies, where would be the means to defend ourselves? I do not in this country admit the maxim of Julius Cæsar, "that money will always procure men, and men money," but the operations of every government must be feeble, dilatory, and inefficient, when it does not possess adequate funds. Patriotism, attachment to Liberty, cannot alone support a country, when exigencies arise that call for vigorous and instantaneous efforts. Patriotism can neither pay soldiers, nor furnish them with food and raiment; or we should never have beheld the naked and starved condition of our armies during the revolution. It is the interest of every nation, and it has always been the wish of the people of Virginia, not only to pay their debts, but to arm their militia and to have besides a depositum in the treasury, at every season of the year, to meet sudden and extraordinary demands. They know when danger threatens a country, (by one prompt and vigorous effort of its government,) numerous evils are frequently avoided, and they also know, that such efforts can never be made without money.
Most of the states in the Union are before Virginia in this respect. South Carolina, so much her inferior in wealth and extent of territory, has a net excess of resources, to the amount of 760,000 dollars. Even little Delaware has a considerable depositum, unless indeed, her Legislature, like those of Virginia have not learned the difference between surplus and deficiency, between national credit and national bankruptcy? But Virginia is not bankrupt. I cannot bear the suggestion. Her citizens have the means and they are always ready to furnish them, when the public good requires. Witness their contentment under the heavy burthens they supported, during and after their glorious struggle for independence and liberty. Witness their cheerful compliance with the will of the patriotic and enlightened Legislature of '98, who raised the taxes 25 per cent. Away then with the idea, that Virginians are opposed to an augmentation of their taxes, when national interest and faith demand it. I repeat, to harbor for a moment such a thought is a libel upon their patriotism and character. What must be their sensations when they find out that they have been deceived? With what indignation they tempt, will they mark the man for political destruction, who has been pitiful enough, in order to retain their good will, to withhold from them the truth? who to secure, as he thought his own popularity, has sported with their real interests?
If the subject was fairly before the people of Virginia, they would not hesitate a moment: they would say to their Representative, "either raise the taxes generally, or regain the year of revenue which has been heretofore lost, and lay a tax upon such objects as have not yet been burthened." And if the next Legislature will, they may not only bring the subject fairly before the people but understand it themselves, by waiting for their own wages, until all the current expenses of the year are discharged. The Treasurer could with facility transmit the amount of their respective claims to them, and certainly it is more reasonable, that those individuals, who are so highly honored and dignified by the confidence of the people should wait for their money, than the indolent artificers at the Armoury, or the poor mechanics who are sometimes necessarily employed by the State.
A VIRGINIAN FARMER. BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [spcf.] TO BE RENTED, A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well included. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf. THE subscriber has opened a BROKER'S OFFICE over the Store of Mr. Henry Hovey, and promises attention to all business entrusted to him. JOHN SATCHELL. Jan. 30. ep4w. JOHN ALCOCK, INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Professer McMoncure's Vendue-Rose, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials. He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few window chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold uncommonly low for cash. January 30. tf. WILL BE SOLD, AT Public Auction, in Charlottesville, on the 28th March next, 50 NEGROES. JAMES LINDSAY, HUGH NELSON. February 4. tfk.
TO BE RENTED, Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office. THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERVETHER JONES. February 4. tf. All persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted will make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 23. tf.
Will be Landed in a few days, TEN Crates well assorted Queens Ware, and 1 do. containing a very elegant service of blue printed Table Wares direct from the manufactory, by the Ship Alexander, Capt. King, from Liverpool, just arrived at Norfolk, and will be sold low for cash, country produce, or negotiable notes at 60 days, by WILLIAM HART, opposite the state house. IRISH POTATOES for the table or planting. New-Eng. CHEESE, SALT, COD-FISH, MACK-REL, SHAD, and a general assortment of GROCERIES and LIQUORS, at the lowest retailing prices. February 25. (cp2w & coawf.)
TO BE RENTED, THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Haves, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family. Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill: to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, servant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (2aw tf.) February 25.
LAND FOR SALE. BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers by Shandy Anderson, will be sold on Friday the 28th day of March next, at Edmund Anderson's Tavern (formerly James Georges) to the highest bidder for ready money, a tract of LAND lying in the County of Goochland on the three chop roads, about one mile above the aforementioned place, containing by a late survey one hundred and fifty five and a half acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum of twenty-three pounds twelve shillings and nine pence with interest thereon from the first day of January last. CHARLES ATKINSON, } Trustees. JOHN SHELTON, JR. Goochland, February 25. (cp 4w p.)
FOR SALE, An elegant COACH with Harness for four horses, lately imported, and not used since the importation. Any person inclined to purchase may see the same and the terms will be made known by applying to Mr. Leroy Anderson in Williamsburg. February 25. (2t.) THE Subscriber wishes to take a few BOARDERS by the day, week, month or year; and they may rely on the strictest attention being paid them so as to give satisfaction. GEORGE WATSON. February 25. (2t.)
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the ninth requisition shall remain unpaid, or upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of any former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the 15th day of March next. The sale to commence at 12 o'Clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors, JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. February 13. (tdf.)
A CLOAK, without directions, was left by a Stage Driver some time ago, at the White Chimneys; the owner may, by describing the Cloak, paying the price of this advertisement, and one quarter of a dollar for the driver, have it on application to FRANCIS GALVAN, P. M. White Chimneys. Caroline, Feb. 21. 3t. TO RENT, THE HOUSE lately occupied by Mr. John S. Pleasants, being near the court-house, on the Main-street—For terms apply to Jacob I. Cohen. Feb. 21. 2w.
MILITARY LAND FOR SALE. FOUR THOUSAND acres on the North Fork of Trade Water, in the State of Kentucky—and 1000 acres on the waters of the Miami in the State of Ohio. The proprietor of the above land has in his possession flattering evidences of its value, but as he does not wish to hold property in the western Country, he will sell it low for cash, or barter it for property in this place. Enquire of THOMAS NORVELL. February 21. (tf.)
FOR SALE, THIRTY Bushels of Irish POTATOES, excellent, either for Table use or Seed.—Also, LONDON BROWN STOUT by the bottle, and Philadelphia BEER on draft. Gentlemen may be furnished at any hour with VENISON, OYSTERS, &c. GEO. WATSON. February 15. (tf.)
A TUTOR wanted, who can teach Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, in a small family, Apply to the Editor of the Enquirer. WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. A TABLE is established in college, to receive boarders at the low rate of thirty dollars per quarter; it is intended that the table shall be plentifully furnished in a plain but decent style. Those who wish it, may be accommodated with Beds, Fuel and Candles at a moderate charge. January 25. 4 & 12c.
THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. CARTER B. PAGE. December 31. THE Persons who subscribed for Shares in the CHINESE SNAKE STONE, are most earnestly solicited to attend at Major Tunstall Banks's Tavern in Tappahannock on the second day of Effex March Court next, for the purpose of paying up their respective subscriptions, and to form permanent rules for the government of the person with whom the Stone may be deposited. JAMES R. MICOOL. (aw 12c.) February 24.
IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN. On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county, THE STUD of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such flock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other flock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated. A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c. JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (tda.)
NEGROES FOR SALE. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Hanover town, in the county of Hanover, on Tuesday the fourth day of next month, if fair, but if not, the next fair day. ELEVEN likely NEGROES, belonging to the estate of Wm. Harris, dec'd. to satisfy a judgment obtained by Arnold's admr. against the admr. of the said Wm. Harris, dec'd. at the last Federal Court, held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond. The negroes consist of a middle aged and two young men, an elderly and three young women, two well grown boys, one about 12, and the other about ten years old, and two children. They are free from incumbrance, and therefore those who may become purchasers will meet with no difficulty as to the title. BEVERLY ROBINSON, Attorney in fact for Henry Harris, admr. of Wm. Harris, dec'd. Feb. 13. ep4c.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. On Tuesday the eleventh day of March next will be offered for sale, by public auction, at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond; the following valuable property. FOUR half acre LOTS, adjoining each other, forming what is usually called a square in the city of Richmond, and described in the plan of said city by the numbers 151, 152, 159 and 160. These Lots command beautiful prospects of the river, and in every respect are well worthy the attention of persons disposed to build.
The BRICK STORE or LUMBER HOUSE situate on the street which leads from the main street in Richmond to Shockoe Inspection, about 30 feet in breadth and about 32 feet in length, more or less—being part of the property formerly owned by Mr. Wm. Fenwick, and lying between the building now occupied by Mr. George Watt and that owned by Mr. Marcus Elean.
The MESSAGE or TENEMENT and parcel of ground containing one and an half acres more or less where Mr. Wm. Fenwick formerly resided, near Rocketts. A more particular description is deemed unnecessary, the property intended for sale being well known to most persons residing in Richmond or the neighbourhood—and it is presumed any person inclined to purchase, will examine it—for which purpose the keys of both Tenements may be had by applying to Gallego, Richard, & Co. who will give any further information that may be wished. Terms of sale, approved endorsed notes negotiable at the bank of Virginia, at 9, 15, and 20 months. The legal title to be retained till the purchase money is paid, or Deeds of Trust to be executed by the purchasers as may be agreed on. GALLEGO, RICHARD & Co. February 6. tdf.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, ensuing. THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chilhowie's Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied. That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1793, for the sum of £. 6,505, and since that period, they have made fundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate. The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary. The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 6th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802. Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the uses in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; on which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by JOHN WICKHAM, JOHN WARDEN, WILLIAM HAY, } Commissioners of court. Jan. 21. 8w.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND, MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. C—round the Calf. B—the pitch of ditto. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. F—the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. ep4f.