The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-12 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
DOMESTIC.
SELECT SCHOOL.—This school is removed to the former Loan-Office, opposite to the Swan-Tavern. The instructions given are in the Latin and Greek languages, Rhetoric and Mathematics, &c. The School hours are from 8 o'clock in the morning to 3 in the afternoon. The pupils are limited to twenty, and as that number is not filled up at present, a few will be received. The fees of tuition are, fifteen dollars a quarter, payable in advance. There is no additional charge upon the Scholar's first entering, nor is there any for fuel. FRANCIS S. O'REILLY. Richmond, April 8. [2m.]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me by Armistead Russell, for the purpose of securing to Bartholomew Dandridge, the payment of one thousand two hundred and nineteen pounds and eight pence—shall, on the 22d day of May next, proceed to sell, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at New-Kent Court-House, A TRACT OF LAND, lying in New-Kent county, called Pointexter's, containing six hundred and thirty-six acres; twelve likely NEGROES; or so much of the said property as may be necessary to satisfy the balance of the debt due on said deed, together with the expenses attending the execution thereof. WM. ARMISTEAD, Trustee. April 8. [3w.]
NOTICE.—The subscribers having formed a connection in Business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, offer for sale (at the store lately occupied by Mr. C. J. Macmurdo) the following articles, viz: 50 hds. N. E. Rum, 25 hds. Loaf and Lump Sugar, 12 bags of Pepper, 2 ton of bar Lead, 10 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, 25 boxes Candles, 15 boxes New-York Chocolate, 25 trunks of Shoes assorted, 50 tierces Stone Lime. HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZER. [epsw]
April 8. All persons who are indebted to the subscriber are requested to make immediate payment—No further indulgence will be given to those whose bonds and accounts have been due 6 months. HENRY HOVEY.
RAN-AWAY, on Wednesday last, from the Subscriber residing in the City of Richmond, a negro boy named BILLY, about twelve or thirteen years of age,—remarkably black, with short knotty hair, and a sensible countenance.—He is noted for smiling when spoken to.—When he went a way, he had on a brown drab Jacket, the sleeves of which were ragged, Pantaloon of the same, patched in several places with light grey cloth, and an India cotton shirt; but was barefooted, and without a hat.—He has relations at Shipley in Charles City county, and may perhaps have gone to that place; or he may have gone into Chesterfield, or farther south, as a Gentleman says he believes he saw him, on Thursday last, following a wagon on the Manchester Turnpike Road.—Any person who will deliver him to the subscriber, or his apprehends him in this City, shall receive a reward of five dollars; and, if elsewhere, of ten dollars, and reasonable expenses paid. There is reason to believe that he stole, and has either sold, thrown away, or carried with him, the following valuable articles:—viz, a large miniature picture set in gold, with hair in the back, and a pin; the gold a little dented by a fall; being the likeness of a young lady dressed in white, of fair complexion, black eyes, and light curling hair, parted on the forehead, and flowing on the shoulders; with red and white beads round the neck; a small miniature picture (set in gold with a pin) of a young Lady, with black hair and eyes, and a beautiful face; the frame in the shape of an Octagon, and bent a little on the side, in consequence of having been trodden upon; also a small gold breast pin, intended for hair, which was never put in, but black silk in its stead.—Whoever will bring either of the said articles to the subscriber shall receive a liberal reward. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, April 5. [1f.]
SIMPSON MOORE, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz: 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotton Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, Ladies silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Sarcenets, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequies, linen & cotton Cambricks like white & Black French laces, white and colored Marcellines and James, India Cotton and Wildboar, Bennett's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. ep2m.
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County October Court, 1806. Andrew Todd, Plaintiff—Against Christopher Stanley, William Hodges William Hodges, jun. and Frederick Harris, Defendants. The defendants Christopher Stanley, William Hodges and William Hodges, jun. not having entered their appearance & given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, therefore, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that the said defendants, Christopher Stanley, Wm. Hodges and William Hodges, jun. do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. c. (law8w4)
FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber, by Richard E. Armstrong, to secure the payment of a debt due to Richard Gambill, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the thirtieth day of April next before the door of Thomas Willis's, in the town of Milton, one half acre LOT with its improvements, in said town, No. 28, being the same Lot sold by said Gambill to said Armstrong, as per deed of record in the county court of Accomack. Asing as trustee for others, will only convey the title vested in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Milton, April 5, 1808. (law3w.)
Letters from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the subject of impressment, &c. also, extracts from, and enclosure in, the letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State, prior to the joint mission of him and Mr. Pinkney.
PART II. MR. MADISON TO MR. MONROE. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, January 5, 1804.
Sir, The information and observation which you have as yet received from me since your arrival in London, on the impressment of our seamen and other violations of our rights, have been in private letters only. The delay in making these injuries the subject of official communications, proceeded, first from an expectation that the British Government would have notified formally to the United States as a neutral power, the state of war between Great Britain and France, which would have been an apt occasion, for combining with assurances of the fairness with which our neutral obligations would be fulfilled, our just claims on a correspondent respect for our neutral rights, and particularly of those which had been least respected during the last war: secondly, from the expected arrival of Mr. Merry, which, if he should not be charged with such a notification, might be a favorable opportunity for commencing the explanations and discussions which must precede a thorough correction of the wrongs which we experience. Since the arrival of Mr. Merry, accordingly, no time has been lost in calling his attention to the subject; and in preparing both it and him, for the negotiation which is now to be committed to you. If appearances are to be trusted, his impressions and representations will be friendly to it. In my conversations with him, which have been free and full, he has expressed the best dispositions, has listened with candor to the appeals made, as well to the considerations of justice, as of the solid interest of his nation; and although he suggests serious difficulties on certain points, he will, I believe, sincerely co-operate in lessening them, and in bringing about an arrangement which will be acceptable to this country. The only topic on which any thing has passed in writing between the department of state and him, is that of the pretended blockade of St. Domingo. Copies of my letter to him and of his answer, are herewith enclosed; as also of the letter written to Mr. Thornton, some time before, and referred to in that to Mr. Merry, in relation to a like blockade of Martinique and Guadalupe. Although there are many important objects which may be thought to invite conventional regulations between the United States and Great Britain, it is evidently proper to leave for subsequent consideration, such as are less urgent in their nature, or more difficult in their adjustment; and thereby to render the way plainer and shorter to an agreement with respect to objects which cannot be much longer delayed without danger to the good understanding between the two nations. With this view the plan of a convention contemplated by the president, is limited to the cases of impressments of our seamen, of blockades, of visiting and searching our vessels, of contraband of war, and of the trade with hostile colonies, with a few other cases affecting our maritime rights; embracing however, as inducements to Great Britain to do us justice therein, a provision for the surrender of deserting seamen and soldiers, and for the prevention of contraband supplies to her enemies. The plan digested for your use is subjoined. The first column contains the articles which are to be proposed in the first instance, and which are considered as within our just expectations; the second modifies the articles into the concessions which the British government may possibly require and which it may be expedient for us ultimately to admit.
A CONVENTION BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN. FIRST PROPOSAL.
ARTICLE I. No person whatever shall, upon the high seas and without the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken out of any ship or vessel belonging to citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or private armed ships belonging to or in the service of the other, unless such person be at the time in the military service of an enemy of such other party.
SECOND AND ULTIMATUM.
No seaman, seafaring or other person, shall upon the high seas and without the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken out of any ship or vessel belonging to the citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or private armed ships belonging to or in the service of the other party, and strict and effectual orders shall be given for the due observance of this engagement: but it is to be understood that this article shall not exempt any person on board the ships of either of the parties, from being taken therefrom by the other party, in cases where they may be liable to be so taken according to the laws of nation, which liability, however, shall not be construed to extend in case to seamen or seafaring persons, being actually part of the crew of the vessel in which they may be, nor to persons of any description passing from one port to another port of either of the parties.
ART. II. No person being a subject or citizen of one of the parties, and resorting to or residing in the dominions of the other, shall in any case be compelled to serve on board any vessel, whether public or private, belonging to such other party: and all citizens or subjects whatever of the respective parties, at this time compulsively serving on board the vessels of the other, shall be forthwith liberated, and enabled, by an adequate recompense, to return to their own country.
ART. III. If the ships of either of the parties shall be met with sailing either along the coasts or on the high seas, by any ship of war or other public or private armed ships of the other party, such ships of war or other armed vessels shall, for avoiding all disorder in visiting and examining the same, remain out of cannon shot, unless the state
of the sea or the place of meeting render a nearer approach necessary; and shall in no case, compel or require such vessel to send her boat, her papers or any person from on board, to the belligerent vessel; but the belligerent vessel may send her own boat to the other, and may enter her to the number of two or three men only, who may in an orderly manner, make the necessary inquiries concerning the vessel and her cargo; and it is agreed that effectual provisions shall be made for punishing violations of any part of this article.
ARTICLE IV.
Contraband of war shall consist of the following articles only: salt petre, sulphur, cuirasses, pikes, swords, sword belts, knapsacks, saddles and bridles, cannons, mortars, fire-arms, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, fire locks, flints, matches and gun-powder; excepting, however, the quantity of the said articles which may be necessary for the defence or use of the ship and those who compose the crew; and no other articles whatever, not here enumerated, shall be reputed contraband or liable to confiscation, but shall pass freely without being subjected to the smallest difficulty, unless they be enemy's property; and it is to be particularly understood, that under the denomination of enemy's property, is not to be comprised the merchandise of the growth, produce or manufactures of the countries or dominions at war, which shall have been acquired by the citizens or subjects of the neutral power, & shall be transported for their account; which merchandise cannot, in any case, or on any pretext, be excepted from the freedom of the neutral flag.
ARTICLE V.
In all cases where the prize courts of either party shall pronounce judgement against any vessel or property claimed by citizens or subjects of the other, the sentence or decree shall mention the reasons or motives on which the same shall have been founded: and an authenticated copy of the sentence or decree, and of all the proceedings in the case, shall, if demanded, be delivered to the commander or agent of the said vessel, without any delay, he paying the legal fees for the same.
ARTICLE VI.
In order to determine what characterizes a blockaded port, that denomination is given only to a port where there is by the disposition of the power which attacks it with ships stationary, or sufficiently near, an evident danger in entering.
ARTICLE VII.
[May omit the preamble.] In consideration of the distance of the ports likely to be blockaded by either party, from the ports of the other party and of other circumstances incident to their relative situations, it is agreed that no vessel sailing from the ports of either, shall, although cleared or bound to a blockaded port, be considered as violating in any manner the blockade, unless on her approach toward such port, she shall have been previously warned against entering the same.
ARTICLE VIII.
May omit "captains, officers." It is agreed that no refuge or protection shall be afforded by either party to the "captains, officers," mariners, sailors or other persons not found to be its own citizens or subjects who shall desert from a vessel of the other party, of the crew whereof the deserter made a part; but on the contrary, all such deserters shall be delivered up, on demand, to the commanders of the vessels from which they shall have deserted, or to the commanding officer of the ships of war of the respective nations, or to such other persons as may be duly authorised to make requisition in that behalf; provided that proof be made, within two years from the time of desertion, by an exhibition of the ship's papers, or authenticated copies thereof; and by satisfactory evidence of the identity of the person, that the deserters so demanded were actually part of the crew of the vessels in question.
And for the more effectual execution of this article, adequate provision shall be made for causing to be arrested, on the application of the respective consuls or vice consuls to the competent authorities, all deserters as aforesaid duly proved to be such, in order that they may be sent back to the commanders of the vessels to which they belonged, or removed out of the country, and all due aid and assistance shall be given in searching for, as well as in seizing and arresting the said deserters, who shall even be detained and kept in the prisons of the country at the request and expence of the said consuls or vice-consuls, until they shall have found an opportunity of sending them or removing them as aforesaid. But if they be not sent back or removed within three months from the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not again be arrested for the same cause.
ARTICLE IX.
May omit "officers or." It is further agreed that no refuge or protection shall be afforded, by either of the parties, to any "officers or" soldiers, not found to be its own citizens or subjects, who shall desert from the military service of the other: but that on the contrary, effectual measures shall be taken, in like manner and under like regulations and conditions, as with respect to sailors for apprehending any such deserting soldiers, and delivering them to the commanding officers of the military posts, forts or garrisons, from which they shall have deserted, or to the consuls or vice consuls on either side, or to such persons as may be duly authorised to demand their restitution.
ARTICLE X.
[Omitted.] It is however understood that no stipulation herein made, shall be construed to empower the civil or military officers of either of the parties, to enter forcibly into any forts, garrisons, posts or other places, or to use violence of any sort within the jurisdiction of the other party, or be construed, in any manner, to contravene or derogate from the stipulation contained in the first of the above articles against demanding or taking any persons out of vessels in the high seas, and without the jurisdiction of either of the parties.
ARTICLE XI.
Each party will prohibit, its cit-
subjects, from clandestinely carrying away from the territories or dominions of the other, any seamen or soldiers belonging to such other party.
ARTICLE XII.
Neither party shall permit any of the articles above enumerated, as contraband of war, to be cleared out from its ports to any place within the jurisdiction of an enemy of the other party; and, in order to reinforce this regulation, due proof and security shall be given, that all such articles of contraband as may be exported from the ports of either of the parties, have been actually destined elsewhere, than within the jurisdiction of an enemy of their party.
ARTICLE XIII.
This convention shall be in force for the term of eight years from the date of the exchange of ratifications. It shall be ratified on both sides within months from the day of its signature, or sooner if possible; and the ratifications exchanged without delay, in the United States, at the city of Washington.
REJECTED BRITISH TREATY.
TREATY
Of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, between his Britannic Majesty and the U. States of America.
HIS Britannic Majesty and the U. S. of America, being equally desirous to promote and perpetuate the good understanding and friendship which happily subsist between the subjects of the United Kingdom and the citizens of the United States, and for that purpose to regulate the commerce and navigation between their respective countries, territories, and people, on the basis of reciprocity and mutual convenience, have respectively named their plenipotentiaries, and have given to them full powers to make and conclude a treaty of amity, navigation and commerce; that is to say, his Britannic majesty has named for his plenipotentiaries, Henry Richard Vassall, (Lord Holland,) one of his majesty's privy council, and lord keeper of his majesty's privy seal, and William Lord Auckland, one of his majesty's privy council and president of the committee of council for all matters of trade and foreign plantations. And the President of the U. S. by and with the advice of the Senate thereof, hath appointed for their plenipotentiaries, James Monroe and William Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries; who, after having exchanged their respective full powers, have agreed on the following articles.
ARTICLE I.
There shall be a firm, inviolable and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between his Britannic Majesty, his heirs and successors, and the United States of America, and between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns and people of every degree, without exception of persons or places.
ARTICLE II.
It is agreed that the several articles of the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation between his majesty and the U. S. made at London on the 19th day of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, which have not expired, nor, as yet, had their full operation and effect, shall be confirmed in their best form, and in their full tenor; and that the contracting parties will also, from time to time, enter into friendly explanations on the subject of the said articles, for the purpose of removing all such doubts as may arise or have arisen, as to the true import of the same, as well as for the purpose of rendering the said articles more conformable to their mutual wishes and convenience.
ARTICLE III.
His majesty agrees, that the vessels belonging to the U. S. of America, and sailing direct from the ports of the said states, shall be admitted and hospitably received in all the sea ports and harbors of the British dominions in the East Indies: and that the citizens of the said U. S. may freely carry on a trade, between the said territories and the said U. S. in all articles of which the importation or exportation respectively, to or from the said territories, shall not be entirely prohibited. Provided only, that it shall not be lawful for them in any time of war between the British government and any other power or state whatever, to export from the said territories, without the special permission of the British government there, any military stores, or naval stores, or rice. The citizens of the U. S. shall pay for their vessels, when admitted into the said ports, no other or higher tonnage than shall be payable on British vessels, when admitted into the ports of the U. S. And they shall pay no higher or other duties or charges on the importation or exportation of the cargoes of the said vessels than shall be payable on the same articles when imported or exported in British vessels. But it is expressly agreed, that the vessels of the U. S. shall not carry any of the articles exported by them from the said British territories to any port or place except to some port or place in America, where the same shall be unladed, and such regulations shall be adopted by both parties as shall, from time to time, be found necessary to enforce the due and faithful observance of this stipulation.
It is also understood, that the permission granted by this article, is not to extend to allow the vessels of the United States to carry on any part of the coasting trade of the said British territories; but that the vessels going with their original cargoes, or part thereof, from one port of discharge to another, are not to be considered as carrying on the coasting trade. Neither is this article to be construed to allow the citizens of the said states to settle or reside within the said territories, or to go into the interior parts thereof, without the permission of the British government established there; and if any transgressions should be attempted against the regulations of the British government in this respect, the observance of the same shall and may be enforced against the citizens of America in the same manner as against British subjects or others transgressing the same rule. And the citizens of the U. S. of America, when they arrive in any port or harbor in the said territories, or if they should be permitted in manner aforesaid to go to any other place therein, shall always be subject to the laws, government and jurisdiction, of whatever nature, established in such harbor, port or place, according to the same rule. The citizens of the U. S. may also touch for refreshment at the island of St. Helena, but subject in all respects to such regulations as the British government may, from time to time, establish there.
ARTICLE IV.
There shall be between all the dominions of his majesty in Europe and the territories of the U. S. a reciprocal and perfect liberty of commerce and navigation. The people and inhabitants of the two countries respectively, shall have liberty freely and securely, and without hindrance and molestation, to come with their ships and cargoes to the lands, countries, cities, ports, places and rivers, within the dominions and territories aforesaid, to enter into the same, to resort there, and to remain and reside there, without any limitation of time; also to hire and possess
houses and warehouses for the purposes of their commerce; and generally the merchants and traders on each side shall enjoy the most complete protection and security for their commerce, but subject always, as to what respects this article, to the laws and statutes of the two countries respectively.
ARTICLE V.
It is agreed that no other or higher duties shall be paid by the ships or merchandise of the one party in the ports of the other, than such as are paid by the like vessels or merchandise of all other nations. Nor shall any other or higher duty be imposed in one country on the importation of any articles the growth, produce or manufacture of the other, than are or shall be payable on the importation of the like articles, being of the growth, produce, or manufacture, of any other foreign country.
Nor shall any prohibition be imposed on the exportation or importation of any articles to or from the territories of the two parties respectively, which shall not equally extend to all other nations, but the British government reserves to itself the right of imposing on American vessels entering into the British ports in Europe a tonnage duty equal to that which shall at any time be payable by British vessels in the ports of America, and the government of the U. S. reserves to itself a right of imposing on British vessels, entering into the ports of the U. S. a tonnage duty equal to that which shall at any time be payable by American vessels in the British ports in Europe.
It is agreed that in the trade of the two countries with each other, the same duties of exportation and importation on all goods and merchandise; and also the same drawbacks and bounties, shall be paid and allowed in either country, whether such importation or exportation shall be in British or American vessels.
ARTICLE VI.
The high contracting parties not having been able to arrange at present by treaty nor commercial intercourse between the territories of the U. S. and his majesty's islands and ports in the West Indies, agree that until that subject shall be regulated in a satisfactory manner, each of the parties shall remain in the complete possession of its rights, in respect to such an intercourse.
ARTICLE VII.
It shall be free for the two contracting parties respectively to appoint consuls for the protection of trade, to reside in the dominions and territories aforesaid; and the said consuls shall enjoy those liberties and rights which belong to them by reason of their function. But, before any consul shall act as such, he shall be in the usual forms approved and admitted by the party to whom he is sent. And it is hereby declared to be lawful and proper, that in case of illegal or improper conduct towards the laws or government, a consul may, either be punished according to law, if the laws will reach the case, or be dismissed, or even sent back, the offended government assigning to the other the reasons for the same. Either of the parties may except from the residence of consuls such particular places as such party shall judge proper to be so excepted.
ARTICLE VIII.
It is agreed, that in all cases where vessels shall be captured or detained, on just suspicion of having on board enemy's property, or if carrying to the enemy any of the articles which are contraband of war, or for other lawful cause, the said vessel shall be brought to the nearest or most convenient port; and if any property of an enemy should be found on board such vessel, that part only which belongs to the enemy, or is otherwise confiscable, shall be made prize, and the vessel, unless by law subject to condemnation, shall be at liberty to proceed with the remainder of the cargo, without any impediment. And it is agreed, that all proper measures shall be taken to prevent delay, in deciding the cases of ships or cargoes so brought in for adjudication; and in the payment or recovery of any indemnification adjudged or agreed to be paid to the masters or owners of such ships.
It is also agreed, that in all cases of unfounded detention or other contravention of the regulations stipulated by the present treaty, the owners of the vessel and cargo so detained shall be allowed damages proportioned to the loss occasioned thereby, together with the cost and charges of the trial.
ARTICLE IX.
In order to regulate what is in future to be esteemed contraband of war, it is agreed that under the said denomination shall be comprised all arms and implements serving for the purposes of war, by land or by sea, such as cannon, muskets, mortars, petards, bombs, grenades, carcasses, saucisses, carriages for cannon, musket rests, bandoliers, gunpowder, match, saltpetre, ball, pikes, swords, head pieces, cuirasses, halberds, lances, javelins, horse furniture, holsters, belts, and generally all other implements of war, as also timber for ship building, copper in sheets, sail cloth, hemp, and cordage, and in general (with the exception of unwrought iron and fir planks; and also with the exception of tar and pitch when not going to a port of naval equipment, in which case they shall be entitled to free admission) whatever may serve directly to the equipment of vessels; and all the above articles are hereby declared to be just objects of confiscation, whenever they are attempted to be carried to an enemy. But no vessel shall be detained on pretence of carrying contraband of war, unless some of the above mentioned articles, not excepted, are found on board the said vessel at the time it is searched.
ARTICLE X.
Whereas in consideration of the distance and of other circumstances incident to the situation of the high contracting parties, it may frequently happen that vessels may sail for a port or place belonging to an enemy without knowing that the same is either besieged, blockaded or invested, it is agreed, that every vessel so circumstanced may be turned away from such port or place; but she shall not be detained, nor her cargo if not contraband, be confiscated, unless after such notice she shall again attempt to enter. But she shall be permitted to go to any port or place she may think proper: Nor shall any vessel, or goods of either party, that may have entered into such port or place before the same was besieged, blockaded or invested by the other and be found therein after the reduction or surrender of such place; be liable to confiscation; but shall be restored to the owners or proprietors thereof.
Neither of the parties, when at war, shall, during the continuance of the treaty, take from on board the vessels of the other, the subjects of the opposite belligerent, unless they be in the actual employment of such belligerent.
ARTICLE XI.
Whereas differences have arisen concerning the trading with the colonies of his majesty's enemies, and the instructions given by his majesty to his cruisers in regard thereto, it is agreed, that during the present hostilities all articles of the growth, produce or manufacture of Europe, not being contraband of war, may be freely carried from the United States, to the port of any colony not blockaded, belonging to his majesty's enemies. Provided such goods shall previously have been entered and landed in the United States, and shall have paid the ordinary duties on such articles so imported for home consumption, and on

re-exportation shall after the drawbacks remain subject to a duty equivalent to no less than one per cent ad valorem, and that the said goods and the vessels conveying the same shall from the time of their clearance from the American port, be bona fide the property of citizens and inhabitants of the United States; and in like manner that all articles, not being contraband of war, and being the growth and produce of the enemy's colonies may be brought to the United States, and after having been there landed, may be freely carried from thence to every part of Europe, not blockaded, provided such goods shall previously have been entered and landed in the said United States and shall have paid the ordinary duties on colonial articles so imported for home consumption, and on re-exportation shall, after the drawback remain subject to a duty equivalent to not less than two per cent ad valorem; and provided that the said goods and the vessels conveying the same be bona fide the property of citizens and inhabitants of the United States.
Provided always, that this article or any thing therein contained, shall not operate to the prejudice of any right belonging to either party, but that after the expiration of the time limited for the article, the rights on both sides shall revive and be in full force.
ARTICLE XII. And whereas it is expedient to make special provisions respecting the maritime jurisdiction of the high contracting parties on the coasts of their respective possessions in North America, on account of peculiar circumstances belonging to those coasts, it is agreed that in all cases where one of the said high contracting parties shall be engaged in war, and the other shall be at peace, the belligerent power shall not stop, except for the purpose hereinafter mentioned, the vessels of the neutral power, or the unarmed vessels of other nations within five marine miles from the shore belonging to the said neutral power on the American seas.
Provided that the said stipulations shall not take effect in favor of the ships of any nation or nations which shall not have agreed to respect the limit aforesaid as the line of maritime jurisdiction of the said neutral state. And it is further stipulated, that if either of the high contracting parties shall not have agreed to respect the said special limit or line of maritime jurisdiction herein agreed upon, such contracting party shall have the right to stop or search any vessel beyond the limit of a cannon shot or three marine miles from the said coasts of the neutral power, for the purpose of ascertaining the nation to which such vessel shall belong. And with respect to the ships and property of the nation or nations not having agreed to respect the aforesaid line of jurisdiction, the belligerent power shall exercise the same rights as if this article did not exist; and the several provisions stipulated by this article shall have full power and effect only during the continuance of the present treaty.
ARTICLE XIII. With respect to the searching of merchant ships, the commanders of ships of war and privateers shall conduct themselves as favorably as the course of the war then existing may possibly permit towards the most friendly power that may remain neutral, observing as much as possible the acknowledged principles and rules of the law of nations. And for the better security of the respective subjects and citizens of the contracting parties, and to prevent their suffering injuries by the men of war or privateers of either party, all commanders of ships of war and privateers, and all others the said subjects and citizens, shall forbear doing any damage to those of the other party, or committing any outrage against them; and if they act to the contrary, they shall be punished, and shall also be bound in their persons and estates to make satisfaction and reparation for all damages, and the interest thereof of whatever nature the said damages may be.
For this cause all commanders of privateers, before they receive their commissions, shall hereafter be compelled to give before a competent judge, sufficient security by at least two responsible sureties, who have no interest in the said privateer, each of whom, together with the said commander, shall be jointly and severally bound in the sum of two thousand pounds sterling; if such ship be provided with above one hundred and fifty seamen, or soldiers, in the sum of four thousand pounds sterling, to satisfy all damages and injuries which the said privateers or officers or men or any of them, may do or commit during their cruises contrary to the tenor of this treaty or to the laws and instructions for regulating their conduct, and further, that in all cases of aggressions, the said commissions shall be revoked and annulled.
It is also agreed, that whenever a judge of any court of admiralty of either of the parties shall pronounce sentence against any vessels or goods, or property belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other party, a formal and duly authenticated copy of all the proceedings in the cause, and of the said sentence, shall, if required, be delivered to the commander of the said vessel, without the smallest delay, he paying all legal fees and demands for the same.
ARTICLE XIV. It is further agreed that both the said contracting parties shall not only refuse to receive any pirates into any of their ports, havens, or towns, or permit any of their inhabitants to receive, protect, harbor, conceal, or assist them in any manner, but will bring to condign punishment all such inhabitants as shall be guilty of such acts or offences.
And all their ships with the goods or merchandise, taken by them and brought into the ports of either of the said parties, shall be seized as far as they can be discovered, and shall be restored to the owners or the factors or agents duly deputed and authorised in writing by them (proper evidence being shown in the court of admiralty for proving the property) even in case such effects should have passed into other hands by sale, if it be proved that the buyers knew, or had good reason to believe, or suspect that they had been piratically taken.
ARTICLE XV. It is likewise agreed, that the subjects and citizens of the two nations shall not do any acts of hostility or violence against each other, nor accept commissions or instructions to act from any foreign Prince or state, enemies to the other party, nor shall the enemies of one of the parties be permitted to invite, or endeavor to enlist in the military service any of the subjects or citizens of the other party; And the laws against all such offences & aggressions shall be punctiliously executed; and if any subject or citizen of the said parties respectively shall accept any foreign commission or letters of marque for arming any vessel to act as a privateer against the other party, it is hereby declared to be lawful for the said party to treat and punish the said subject or citizen, having such commission or letters of marque, as a pirate.
ARTICLE XVI. It is expressly stipulated that neither of the said contracting parties will order or authorize any acts of reprisal against the other on complaints of injuries and damages, until the said party shall first have presented to the other a statement thereof, ratified by competent proof and evidence; and demanded justice and satisfaction, and the same shall either have been refused or unreasonably delayed.
ARTICLE XVII. The ships of war of each of the contracting parties shall at all times be hospitably received in the ports of the other, their officers and crews paying due respect to the laws and government of the country. The officers shall be treated with that respect which is due to the commission which they bear; and if any insult should be offered to any of the inhabitants, all offenders in this respect shall be punished as dis-
turbers of the peace and amity between the two countries. And both contracting parties agree that in case any vessel of the one should by stress of weather, danger from enemies or other misfortunes, be reduced to the necessity of seeking shelter in any of the ports of the other, into which such vessel could not in ordinary cases claim to be admitted, she shall, on manifesting that necessity to the satisfaction of the government of the place, be hospitably received and permitted to refit, and to purchase at the market price such necessaries as she may stand in need of, conformably to such orders and regulations as the government of the place, having respect to the circumstances of each case, shall prescribe. She shall not be allowed to break bulk or unload her cargo, unless the same shall be bona fide necessary to her being refitted; Nor shall she be obliged to pay any duties whatever, except only on such articles as she may be permitted to sell for the purpose aforesaid.
ARTICLE XVIII. It shall not be lawful for any foreign privateers, (not being subjects or citizens of either of the said parties) who have commissions from any power or state in enmity with either nation, to arm their ships in the ports of either of the said parties, nor to sell what they have taken, nor in any other manner to exchange the same, nor shall they be allowed to purchase more provisions than shall be necessary for their going to the nearest port of that prince or state from whom they obtained their commissions.
ARTICLE XIX. It shall be lawful for the ships of war and privateers, belonging to the said parties respectively, to carry whithersoever they please the ships and goods taken from their enemies, without being obliged to pay any fees to the officers of the admiralty, or to any judges whatever, nor shall the said prizes, when they arrive at and enter the ports of the said parties, be detained or seized; nor shall the searchers or other officers of those places visit such prizes, (except for the purpose of preventing the carrying of any part of the cargo thereof on shore in any manner contrary to the established laws of revenue, navigation, or commerce) nor shall such officers take cognizance of the validity of such prizes; but they shall be at liberty to hoist such, and depart as speedily as may be, and carry their said prizes to the places mentioned in their commissions or patents, which the commanders of the said ships of war or privateers shall be obliged to shew. No shelter or refuge shall be given in their ports to such as have made a prize upon the subjects or citizens of either of the said parties; but if forced by stress of weather or the dangers of the sea to enter them, particular care shall be taken to hasten their departure, and to cause them to retire as soon as possible. Nothing in this treaty contained shall however be construed to operate contrary to the former treaties or existing public treaties with other sovereigns or states. But the two parties agree that while they continue in amity, neither of them will in future make any treaty that shall be inconsistent with this or the preceding article.
Neither of the said parties shall permit the ships or goods belonging to the subjects or citizens of the other to be taken within cannon shot of the coast nor within the jurisdiction described in Article XII, so long as the provisions of the said article shall be in force, by ships of war or others having commissions from any prince, republic, or state whatever. But in case it should so happen, the party whose territorial rights shall thus have been violated, shall use his utmost endeavors to obtain from the offending party full and ample satisfaction for the vessel or vessels so taken, whether the same be vessels of war, or merchant vessels.
ARTICLE XX. If at any time a rupture should take place (which God forbid) between his majesty and the United States, the merchants and others of each of the two nations, residing in the dominions of the other shall have the privilege of remaining and continuing their trade, so long as they do it peaceably, and commit no offence against the laws; and in case their conduct should render them suspected, and the respective governments should think proper to order them to remove, the term of twelve months, from the publication of the order, shall be allowed them for that purpose, to remove with their families, effects and property; but this favour shall not be extended to those who shall act contrary to the established laws; and for greater certainty, it is declared that such rupture shall not be deemed to exist, while negotiations for accommodating differences shall be depending, nor until the respective ambassadors or ministers, if such there shall be, shall be recalled or sent home on account of such differences; and not on account of personal misconduct, according to the nature and degree of which, both parties retain their rights, either to request the recall, or immediately to send home the ambassador or minister of the other, and that without prejudice to their mutual friendship and good understanding.
ARTICLE XXI. It is further agreed that his majesty and the United States, on mutual requisitions by them respectively, or by their respective ministers, or officers, authorised to make the same, will deliver up to justice all persons, who being charged with murder or forgery, committed within the jurisdiction of either, shall seek an asylum within any of the countries of the other, provided that this shall only be done on such evidence of criminality, as, according to the laws of the place, where the fugitive or person so charged shall be found, would justify his apprehension and commitment for trial, if the offence had there been committed. The expense of such apprehension and delivery shall be borne and defrayed by those who make the requisition, and receive the fugitive.
ARTICLE XXII. In the event of a shipwreck happening in a place belonging to one or other of the high contracting parties, not only every assistance shall be given to the unfortunate persons, and no violence done to them, but also the effects which they shall have thrown out of the ship into the sea, shall not be confiscated or detained, nor damaged under any pretext whatever: On the contrary, the abovementioned effects and merchandise shall be preserved, and restored to them, upon a suitable recompense being given to those who shall have assisted in saving their persons, vessels, and effects.
ARTICLE XXIII. And it being the intention of the high contracting parties that the people of their respective dominions shall continue to be on the footing of the most favoured nation, it is agreed, that in case either party shall hereafter grant any additional advantages, in navigation or trade, to any other nation, the subjects or citizens of the other party shall fully participate therein.
ARTICLE XXIV. The high contracting parties engage to communicate to each other without delay, all such laws as have been or shall be hereafter enacted by their respective legislatures, as also all measures which shall have been taken for the abolition or limitation of the African slave trade; and they further agree to use their best endeavours to procure the co-operation of other powers for the final and complete abolition of a trade so repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity.
ARTICLE XXV. And it is further agreed that nothing herein contained shall contravene or affect the due execution of any treaty or treaties now actually subsisting between either of the high contracting parties & any other power or powers.
ARTICLE XXVI. This treaty which the same shall have been ratified by his majesty and the President of the United States with the advice of their senate, and the respective ratifications mutually exchanged, shall be binding and obligatory on his majesty and on the said states for ten years, from the date of
the exchange of the said ratifications, and shall be reciprocally executed and observed, with punctuality and the most sincere regard to good faith. In faith whereof we, the undersigned plenipotentiaries on the part of his majesty the king of Great Britain, and the commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries, on the part of the United States of America, have signed this present treaty, and have caused to be affixed thereto the seal of our arms. Done at London, this thirty-first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and six.
(Signed) VASSALL HOLLAND, (Signed) AUCKLAND, (Signed) JAMES MONROE, (Signed) WILLIAM PINKNEY.
The following is the official Note delivered by Lord Holland and Auckland to the American Ministers previously to signing the treaty.
The undersigned Henry Richard Vassall lord Holland, and William lord Auckland, plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, have the honor to inform James Monroe and William Pinkney, commissioners extraordinary and plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, that they are now ready to proceed to the signature of the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, on the articles of which they have mutually agreed.
But at the same time they have it in command from his majesty to call the attention of the commissioners of the United States to some extraordinary proceedings which have lately taken place on the continent of Europe, and to communicate to them officially the sentiments of his majesty's government thereupon.
The proceedings alluded to are certain declarations and orders of the French government issued at Berlin on the 21st of November last. In those orders the French government seeks to justify or palliate its own unjust pretensions by imputing to Great Britain principles, which she never professed, and practices which never existed. His majesty is accused of a systematic and general disregard of the law of nations recognized by civilized states, and more particularly of an unwarrantable extension of the right of blockade; whereas his majesty may confidently appeal to the world on his uniform respect for neutral rights, and his general and scrupulous adherence to the law of nations without condescending to contrast his conduct in these particulars with that of his enemy; and with regard to the only specific charge, it is notorious that he has never declared any ports to be in a state of blockade without allotting to that object a force sufficient to make the entrance into them manifestly dangerous.
By such allegations, unfounded as they are, the enemy attempts to justify his pretensions of confiscating as lawful prize all produce of English industry or manufacture, though it be the property of neutrals; of excluding from his harbors every neutral vessel which has touched at any port of his majesty's dominions though employed in an innocent commerce, and of declaring Great Britain to be in a state of blockade, though his own naval ports and arsenals are actually blockaded, and he is unable to station any naval force whatever before any port of the United Kingdom. Such principles are in themselves extravagant and repugnant to the law of nations; and the pretensions founded on them, though professedly directed solely against Great Britain, tend to alter the practice of war amongst civilized nations, and utterly to subvert the rights and independence of neutral powers.
The undersigned cannot therefore believe that the enemy will ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system. If he should, they are confident that the good sense of the American government will perceive the fatal consequences of such pretensions to neutral commerce, and that its spirit and regard to national honor will prevent its acquiescence in such palpable violations of its rights, and injurious encroachments on its interest.
If however the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, should acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retain in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to the commerce of neutral nations with his enemies, the same measures which those shall have permitted to be enforced against their commerce with his subjects. The commissioners of the United States will therefore feel, that at a moment when his majesty and all neutral nations are threatened with such an extension of the belligerent pretensions of his enemies, he cannot enter into the stipulations of the present treaty without an expression from the United States of their intention, or a reservation on the part of his majesty, in the case above mentioned; if it should occur.
The undersigned considering that the distance of the American government renders any immediate explanation on this subject impossible, and animated by a desire of forwarding the beneficial work in which they are engaged, are authorized by his majesty to conclude the treaty without delay. They proceed to the signature under the full persuasion that before the treaty shall be returned from America with the ratification of the United States, the enemy will either have formally abandoned or tacitly relinquished his unjust pretensions, or that the government of the United States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty that it will not submit to such innovations on the established system of maritime law: And the undersigned have presented this note from an anxious wish that it should be clearly understood, in both sides, that without such an abandonment of the pretensions on the part of the enemy, or such assurances, or such conduct on the part of the United States, his majesty will not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commissioners, to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as may seem necessary for counteracting the designs of his enemy.
The undersigned cannot conclude without expressing their satisfaction at the prospect of accomplishing an object so important to the interests and friendly connections of both nations, and their just sense of the conciliatory disposition manifested by the commissioners of the United States during the whole course of the negotiation.
(Signed) VASSALL HOLLAND, AUCKLAND. London, Dec. 31, 1806.
NEW-YORK, April 4, 1808. Captain Alcon from Cadiz, informs that 80,000 French troops were lately expected in Spain, and that Bonaparte was looked for at Madrid; the Russian fleet in Lisbon, and Spanish fleet in Cadiz, were endeavoring to form a junction, but were closely blockaded by the British. Flour at Cadiz had been sold at 12 dollars but was on the rise.
April 5. The British frigate Statira, with Mr. Rose on board, sailed from Hampton Roads for England, early on the morning of the 28th ult.
Capt Norie, who arrived here yesterday from Tobago, was boarded on the 1st inst. off the Chesapeake, by a British frigate from England in pursuit of Admiral Duckworth's squadron, and treated very politely. The Lieutenant informed Capt. N. that Mr. Rose dined on board his vessel the day before, and remained four hours, during which time he observed that his mission had failed, but that he did not believe there would be a war between G. Britain and America—as, said he, such an event would be ruinous to both countries.
EUROPE. BOSTON, March 29. FRENCH ADJUDICATION!!!
Yesterday arrived s'ip Pocahontas, capt. Harris, in 30 days from Liverpool. On the 1st of March, in lat. 48, lon. 16, was brought to by two French frigates, and capt H. was ordered on board the Commodore's. Directions were then given that the stores should be taken out, and the ship burnt. These orders were afterwards countermanded, and the stores returned, the capt. signing an obligation to steer to the westward. However, all the crates which could be come at were thrown overboard. On the ship's being released, the crews of the ship William of Savannah, capt. Rockwell; Eliza of New-York, capt. Dunbar; and Brutus, of Duxbury, capt. Smith, (in all 47 persons,) were put on board the Pocahontas. These ships having been BURN'T by the frigates. On the 18th of March, fell in with the ship Baltic, of New-Bedford, capt. Deiano, who had the goodness to take 20 of the men. The frigates were called the Hermione and Hortense, of 32 guns each. They had been to the West-Indies with troops, and were then cruising off the channel. Capt. Deiano, informed that he had been boarded by a French privateer, and permitted to pass, as had several others—but the ship Mars, of Philadelphia, had been taken by her, and sent to France.
In addition to the above information, we learn that the French frigates had on board a number of English prisoners; that the William and Brutus, sailed in company with the Pocahontas, from Liverpool; that they all had on board salt and crates; that several other vessels sailed in company; some of whom were supposed to be to the eastward of the squadron; that the Frenchmen wished to fill in with some vessel with bale goods—and intended to look out for the Sally, Lewis; that they took the English papers containing marine news on board the frigates; that the Brutus was bound to Boston, and had on board about 2000 letters.
There can be no doubt but the frigates; in thus destroying American vessels and property, act under express orders from the French Government.
The Bristol Packet, from London for N. York, was taken Jan. 24, seven days after sailing, by the French frigate Themis and Penelope, and scuttled immediately. The cargo of the Bristol Packet was valued at 150,000 dollars.
LIVERPOOL, February 22. The expedition fitting out is said to be destined against the Caraccas.
In the House of Lords on the 18th ult.—Lord Sidmouth moved, that the Danish fleet should be kept in order for re-deivery, whenever a negotiation should be concluded with the Danes. Negatived by a majority of 57.
Gen. Spencer's troops, which some accounts say are destined to the Mediterranean, [more probably to Sweden,] is said to amount to 9000 men.
On the 15th of Feb. in the British House of Commons, Mr. WHITBREAD, give notice, that he should, that day fortnight, submit a motion "on the Russian mediation, the Austrian mediation, and the propriety of at present opening a negotiation for peace."
On the 16th Mr. Whitbread moved, that an account should be laid before Parliament of the conversation between Gen. Hutchinson and the Emperor of Russia, relative to the treaty of Tilsit, and the mediations for a peace between France and England. This motion was negatived. Mr. W. appeared to be acquainted with the substance of the conversation.
The King of Naples has echoed his brother's Milan Decree.
On the 15th Feb. a policy was opened in London—20 guineas premium to receive 100, if the American Embargo was not removed by the 22d of March 1808.
NEW-YORK, April 4. Captain Herrick who arrived at Newburyport on Sunday the 27th ult. from Gibraltar, informs: That on his passage down the Straits, 23th Jan. off Cape de Gat was boarded and sent in by the English sloop of war Surinam, which was then passing up charged with dispatches for Lord Callengwood, who was off Sicily with 10 or 12 sail, advising him that the Rochefort squadron consisting of six sail of the line and one brig, steering eastward; that on the 10th of February a large English squadron passed Gibraltar, bound up: that on the morning of the 11th a number of transports full of troops got under way, destination unknown; immediately after a gale came on from the Eastward, in which several were lost; there were 30 or 40 more transports there with troops, when the violent gale came on, in which captain Herrick was drove out.
Capt. H. heard but little said of the threatened siege of Gibraltar. The Rochefort squadron consists of the Mastique, Lys, Ajax, Suffrein, Magnum, and Jemape, of the line—and Flora, 24—and Surveillante, 16.
FIA NEW-YORK. LONDON, February 24. Lord St. John has given notice that he shall to-morrow move an address to His Majesty to suspend the operation of the orders in council.
TRURO, Feb. 27. The expedition under Spencer sailed on the 20th. The troops amount to 9000. They are supposed to be bound to Gibraltar.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. JOURNAL. Of secret proceedings, from which the injunction of confidence has been removed.
WEDNESDAY, March 30. A message in writing was received from the President of the U.S. On motion of Mr. Randolph, and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the U.S. be and he hereby is requested to cause to be laid before the House of Representatives information of the dates of the extract and copy of two letters respectively from the French minister to our minister at Paris, referred to in his letter to the Secretary of State of the 22d of January, 1808; and also of the date of the receipt of the said communications and of the letter of M. Champagny of the 15th Jan. 1808, by our said minister at Paris. The House proceeded to consider the said proposed resolution at the Clerk's table,
And on the question that the House do agree to the same, it was resolved in the affirmative, yeas 93, nays 24. The yeas & nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are, Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Claiborne M. Clay, Clinton, Clopton, Cobb, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Dawson, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Eppes, Franklin, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Goodwin, Gray, Harris, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Love, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milner, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Newton, Pitkin, Porter, Quincy, Randolph, J. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Smelt, Smilie, S. Smith, J. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Storer, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Verplank, Wharton, D. R. Williams, M. Williams & Wilson.
Those who voted in the negative are, Messrs. W. Alston, Bard, Green, Heister, Isley, Lambert, McCreery, J. Montgomery, Newbold, Nicholas, Pugh, Rhea, (T.) M. Richards, Seaver, Sloan, J. K. Smith, Southard, Whitehill, Wilbour, Winn and Withersall.
Ordered, That Mr. John Randolph & Mr. G. W. Campbell, be appointed a committee to wait on the President of the United States pursuant to the said resolution.
The several orders of the day were further postponed until to-morrow; and then the House adjourned until to-morrow morning 11 o'clock.
THURSDAY, March 31. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk.
Mr. Randolph from the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States pursuant to a resolution of the 30th inst. reported that the committee had, according to order, performed the service assigned to them and received an intimation that the President was indisposed, and could not give them a personal interview; and that at his request they had left the extract entrusted to them with his private Secretary. On motion of Mr. Randolph,
The House resumed the reading of such documents accompanying the message from the President of the United States, of the 22d inst. as in his judgement require secrecy, & were communicated by him, in confidence, and went through them.
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the message of the President of the U. S. of the 30th inst. be taken off, so far as respects the documents accompanying the same, with the exception of the letter from our minister at Paris to the Secretary of State of the 27th Dec. 1807.
On the question that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration. It passed in the negative, Yeas 42—Nays 77.
The yeas & nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are, Messrs. Bibb, Champion, Chittenden, Clinton, junr. Cobb, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jenkins, Key, Lewis, Lyon, Macon, Masters, Milner, Mosely, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (Tenn.) J. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, S. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taggart, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Verplank, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersall—77.
A motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the said message and documents be referred to the committee of the whole House on the state of the Union. And the question being taken thereupon. It was resolved in the affirmative.
A motion was then made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the message of the President of the U. S. of the 30th inst. and the documents accompanying the same be taken off, so far as relates to the copy of a letter from M. Champagny to Gen. Armstrong, of the 15th of Jan. 1808. And on the question that the House do now proceed to consider the same. It passed in the negative, Yeas 45—Nays 71.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are, Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, Bibb, Champion, Chittenden, Clinton, junr. Cobb, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jenkins, Key, Lewis, Lyon, Macon, Masters, Milner, Jer. Morrow, Mumford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Tallmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams—45.
Those who voted in the negative are, Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Basset, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Dawson, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, Marion, McCreery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea, (Tenn.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Jno. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Verplank, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersall—71.

FRIDAY, April 1. A message from the President of the United States accompanied with a report from the Secretary of State was received. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk. The said message was read, in the following words, to wit: To the House of Representatives of the U. States. In answer to the enquiries of the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 30th March, relative to certain dates, I transmit a report of the Secretary of State made to me on that subject. TH: JEFFERSON.
April 1, 1808. Copy of a report from the Secretary of State to the President of the United States. The Secretary of State has the honor to report to the President in conformity to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 30th of March that the only information which has been received respecting the letter, from which the extracts inserted in General Armstrong's letter to the Secretary of State of January 22d, 1808 was taken, is in the extract itself, to which no date is given; and that no copy of any letter, from the French Minister to him, is subjoined to, or known to be referred to in his said letter of January 22d; except that a copy of which was communicated to Congress by the President, on the 29th of March, and which bears date the 15th of January, 1808. It does not appear from any information received by the department of State, at what date either this letter of January the 15th or the letter from which the inserted extract was taken, were received by the Minister of the U. S. at Paris. Respectfully submitted, JAMES MADISON.
Department of State, } April 1, 1808. A motion was made by Mr. Randolph, & seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution: Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the message of the President of the U. S. of the 30th March, be taken off so far as respects the documents accompanying the same, with the exception of the letter from our minister at Paris, to the Secretary of State of the 27th of Dec. 1807, and the words contained in the parenthesis in the last sentence of the extract from Mr. Pinkney's letter of Jan. 26, 1808.
And on the question, that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, it passed in the negative, Yeas 45, Nays 71. The yeas and nays being demanded by one-fifth of the members present, are, YEAS —Messrs. Alexander, Bibb, Champion, Chittenden, Claiborne, Clinton, Cobb, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gadenier, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jenkins, Key, Lewis, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milner, Mosely, Munford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Tallmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer and D. R. Williams—45. NAYS —Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Basset, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, Lambert, McCreery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rae, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Troup, Van Allen, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Withersell—71.
A motion was then made by Mr. Randolph, and seconded that the House do come to the following resolution: Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the message of the President of the U. States and the documents accompanying the same, be taken off so far as relates to the copy of an official note from M. Champagny, to Gen. Armstrong, of the 15th of Jan. 1808, and of an official letter from Mr. Erskine (his Britannic majesty's envoy) to the Secretary of State, of the 22d of February 1808. And on the question, that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration. It passed in the negative, Ayes 45, Nays 73. The yeas and nays being demanded by one-fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are—Messrs. Alexander, Bibb, Champion, Chittenden, Clinton, Cobb, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gadenier, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Jenkins, Key, Lewis, Lyon, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milner, Mosely, Munford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Russell, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Taggart, Tallmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer and D. R. Williams—45.
Those who voted in the negative are—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Basset, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Claiborne, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Knight, Lambert, McCreery, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rae, (Pen.) Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Troup, Van Allen, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn & Withersell—73.
A motion was then made by Mr. J. Montgomery and seconded that the doors now be opened. And debate arising thereon. An adjournment was called for. Whereupon, the several orders of the day, were further postponed until to-morrow and the House adjourned until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock.
SATURDAY, April 2. The House being cleared of all persons except the members and the clerk. A message in writing was received from the President of the U. S. by Mr. Coles, his secretary. [This message appeared in our last, as introductory to the publication of the letters of M. Champagny and Mr. Erskine.] On motion of Mr. Randolph, and seconded, that the House do come to the following resolution:
Resolved , That the injunction of secrecy, imposed on the message of the President of the United States of the 30th of March, and the documents accompanying the same, be taken off, so far as relates to the copy of an official note from M. Champagny to general Armstrong, of the 15th of January, 1808, & of an official letter from Mr. Erskine, (his Britannic majesty's envoy) to the Secretary of State, of the 22d of February, 1808, and that five thousand copies thereof be printed. The question was taken that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, and resolved in the affirmative—Yeas 106—Nays 1. The said resolution being then twice read, was on the question put thereupon, unanimously agreed to by the House by yeas and nays.
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph and seconded, that the House do agree to the following order: Ordered , That the secret journal of this House, from the 30th of March, to this day inclusive, be published. And the same being under consideration, A motion was made by Mr. Blackledge, to amend the said proposed order, by inserting after the word "published," the words following to wit: "excepting the message of the President of the U. States, of that date." And the question being put thereupon, It was resolved in the affirmative—Yeas 85—Nays 22.
The yeas and nays being demanded by one-fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, Bacon, Bard, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake Jr. Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Chittenden, M. Clay, Clopton, Cobb, Cutts, Dawson, Desha, Elliot, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Garnett, Goodwyn, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lyon, Marion, McCreery, Milner, D. Montgomery, Jr. J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, J. Morrow, Munford, Newbold, Pitkin, Jr. Pugh, Quincy, M. Richards, Riker, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilson, Winn, Withersell.
Those who voted in the negative are—Messrs. W. Alston, Jr. Champion, Dana, Davenport, Jr. Deane, Ely, Gadenier, Lambert, Lewis, Jr. Macon, Jr. Morrow, Mosely, Nicholas, Rhea of Ten. Rowan, Russell, J. K. Smith, Stedman, Storer, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, M. Williams.
And on the question that the House do agree to the said order as amended. It was resolved in the affirmative, Yeas 70—Nays 40. The yeas and nays being demanded by one-fifth of the members present. Those who voted in the affirmative are—Messrs. L. J. Alston, Jr. Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Boyle, Burwell, Champion, Chittenden, Clinton, Jr. Cobb, Dana, Davenport, Jr. Dawson, Elliot, Ely, Gadenier, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Harris, Hoge, Holmes, Howard, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lewis, Jr. Lyon, Macon, Marion, McCreery, Milner, D. Montgomery, Jr. J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, John Morrow, Mosely, Munford, Newbold, Pitkin, Jr. Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, S. Smith, Stanford, Stedman, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Upham, Van Allen, Van Dyke, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, Warton, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, Wilson.
Those who voted in the negative are—Messrs. W. Alston, Jr. Bacon, Bard, Blake, Jr. Blount, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, M. Clay, Clopton, Cutts, Deane, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Holland, Humphreys, Isley, Lambert, Jer. Morrow, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rhea of Ten. M. Richards, Seaver, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Thompson, Verplanck, Whitehill, M. Williams, Winn, Withersell.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, APRIL 12, 1808. FOR THE ENQUIRER. No. III.
THE PROTEST OF THE MINORITY AGAINST THE ELECTION OF MR. MADISON. In allusion to a report to Congress, made by Mr. Madison, conjointly with the other commissioners of the sinking fund, the protestors have taken occasion to denounce him as "a man who has forfeited his claim to public confidence, by recommending a shameful bargain with the unprincipled speculators of the Yazoo companies, a dishonorable compact with fraud and corruption." Any course of conduct may be stigmatized with opprobrious epithets; especially when mentioned in the same sentence with an act of acknowledged depravity. This objection will justify a short retrospect of the facts accompanying the Yazoo transaction, a considerable view of which, will satisfy an impartial observer, either that the interests of the United States demanded the sacrifice recommended by the commissioners; or at least, that such an opinion might be entertained by any one, without forfeiting his claim to our confidence.
By a solemn act of the Legislature of Georgia, the property of an immense tract of territory comprehended within the limits of that state, was transferred to certain land companies. This act, although accompanied by the most detestable corruption that ever disgraced the annals of legislation, created in favor of the companies, a colorable title; such a title as no person in private life would hesitate to extinguish by compromise, in preference to a tedious and uncertain course of litigation. The act was cancelled by a subsequent legislature of the state, and the territory was ceded to the United States, after reserving a certain number of acres as a fund for the extinction of prior claims. In the mean time, the claimants under the act of Georgia had transferred their titles to purchasers, for a supposed equivalent. These petitioned Congress to be indemnified out of the reserved fund, which they contended (and probably with truth) had been intended for their special indemnification. They alleged their ignorance of the fraud, and the incompetence of one legislature to abrogate any act of another, which amounted to a sale of property; and that such an act could be cancelled, only by some paramount authority.
A circumstance which contributed to strengthen the pretensions of the claimants, and to increase the prospect of embarrassment to the United States, was, that the federal courts had been in the habit of disregarding the laws of the states and of Congress, whenever they conflicted with their arbitrary expositions of the constitution. Before these tribunals, with their favourite dogmas of the inviolability of contracts and the sacred rights of property, the United States would have to contend with a numerous and powerful host of adventurers, whose intrusions and whose litigation might impede the sale and obstruct the settlement of the finest part of the Mississippi Territory. Under these circumstances, the commissioners do not hesitate to pronounce an opinion that the claimants are destitute of any title, in law or equity, to the lands in question, but for reasons of expediency, recommend an extinction of their title by compromise. It should be recollected, that although fraud, bribery and corruption, furnish excellent topics of declamation, yet when they have involved us in difficulties, our adherence to the crime should not make us lose sight of the means of extrication. When we recollect the legal subtleties which might have been employed in support of the Yazoo title; the just claims of those purchasers who were ignorant of the corruption, on the moral equity of Congress, and the political expediency of extinguishing an adverse claim; are we prepared to brand a compromise intended to effect these purposes, with the epithets of shameful and dishonorable; or to pronounce that James Madison, for having recommended it, has forfeited his claim to public confidence?
The confidence of the party who oppose the election of Mr. Madison, appears to have remained unimpaired, for a length of time after the obnoxious opinion was pronounced. Their hostility bears the same date, with that of their opposition to the measures of the present administration, and is attributable to the same cause. This chronological inconsistency is still more apparent in the subsequent charges, which extend to circumstances of so remote a date as the adoption of the present constitution. It is said that "he deserted his post in the hour of terror and persecution, and sought in obscurity and retirement, a shelter from the political tempest." The relinquishment of a seat in Congress does not imply a desertion of his post. In periods of strong political delusion, when the rulers of a nation become deaf to the voice of reason and moderation, it is the duty of a wise man to appeal from the government to the people. The legislative hall and the ministerial cabinet are often so polluted by selfishness and faction, that they can only be purged by the Herculean strength of an offended nation. At such a period as this, it is true that Mr. Madison did not indulge himself in irritating effusions of spite and spleen, on the floor of Congress. He did not insult the officers of the army by calling them ragamuffins. He did not seek to degrade the Executive department, by vilifying it in the coarsest language, nor term the President a slippered Pantalon . But he repaired with alacrity and decision, to the only scene of action in which patriotic exertion could be of any avail. By his memorable report on the alien and sedition laws, he eminently contributed to awaken the people to a sense of their violated rights; and defined, with precision, the constitutional boundaries of power.
It is also made a subject of reproach to Mr. Madison, that he assisted in writing a work called the Federalist , in conjunction with John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, in which the most extravagant of their doctrines are maintained and propagated. Of the nature of the doctrines which are here termed extravagant, I have not the means of forming a conjecture. But it is well known that the period of that publication, was not one, in which extravagant doctrines were generally promulgated. They were reserved for later times, when the construction of the constitution, and not the principles of its formation, was the subject of contention. If to have acted in conjunction with Jay and Hamilton, be an evidence of political obliquity, all the actors in the revolutionary conflict must participate in the censure.
It was scarcely to be expected that the signers of the protest would have made it a subject of reproach to any one, the having acted in conjunction with federalists: they for two years, have acted in such strict conjunction with federalists, monarchists and tories, that the line of discrimination between them, is difficult to be discerned. They who, in conjunction with the author of War in Disguise , have maintained and propagated the most extravagant British doctrines in favor of maritime dominion and maritime pillage.
In these observations I have confined myself to a defence of Mr. Madison against the objections which have been alleged to him. With regard to his positive merits, his talents, his integrity and his public services, if I was competent to do them justice, I should, on this occasion, decline the undertaking. Many considerations impress me with a conviction that there is no period in which it is proper to write the panegyric of an eminent man, any more than his biography, until he shall have ceased to be ranked in the number of our cotemporaries. The actions of public men are sufficiently notorious to their countrymen and cotemporaries; it is posterity alone, who can be benefitted by their recital. FRANKLIN.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER. According to the new-formed nomenclature of parties, I am almost at a loss to know to what class I belong. I have examined my own bosom upon the subject, and find my principles now, to be exactly the same as they always have been, from my earliest conception—a fervent attachment to Virginian republicanism —a sincere friend to the liberties of the people, and an unwearied solicitude for the prosperity of my country. These principles I have warmly caressed to my heart; and to these principles I have uniformly adhered, with magnetic steadiness. But, I begin to fear, that even these strong chords are not sufficient to fasten me in my mooring against the surges of violence and denunciation. Under these circumstances, I am induced to put my creed to the test of the Presidential Election, and from you, must beg to learn my classification. In contemplating this subject, I can but lament the torn and distracted state of our party. It is impossible to con-
ceive a more minute history of the schism of one party, and the rise and progress of others, than the one to be collected from the various essays which have appeared in your paper. From this review, we gradually trace the process of the mind, from a state of calmness and union, to that of gentle and reluctant opposition, thence to sophistry and keen insinuation, and lastly to factious virulence and mutual proscription. In this light of the subject, I am almost inclined to think, that the consequences of this election, are of more serious importance, than the election itself, for "Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the smallest appearance of real difference will produce them." When I reflect upon the cause which has created these parties, and when I can find no serious difference of sentiment, & no important principle at hazard, I am forcibly reminded of the instance which Hume gives of a personal faction between the Prasi and Venedi, who quarrelled about the colour of livery at a race, which produced such perdurable enmity, that it caused the destruction of their country.—But whilst I am wide awake to the appearance of factious and its brood of evils, and whilst I look with horror upon its approach, I cannot suffer myself to be shorn of a republican character, merely because I advocate the election of James Monroe. What new process has been discovered, to investigate the political properties of men? How is it, that even consistency of long life, cannot identify their politics? How is it, that war-tried patriots and men who have grown grey in the cause of the people, "shall have these pure and ambrosial weeds, soiled, as it were, by boys of yesterday?" And why is it more criminal now to espouse the cause of Monroe, than it was a few months since?
With these questions I abandon the odious charge of federalism, which has been suggested by malice, more than by fact, and maintained by Jesuitism, more than by honesty and candor. If the circumstance of not knowing and being unknown to any of the candidates, bespeaks sincerity of motive and sentiment, I cannot be accused of personal prejudice or selfish calculations. I can only judge of Monroe, as we judge of superior beings—from his works, and from them alone I am his decided advocate.
In my decision upon this subject, I had fully resolved to wave my private predilections and to be guided by the great principle of our government—the will of the majority—but that will has been announced through such a corrupt and perverted medium, that I shall continue to indulge my own preference, until I am convinced that it is repugnant to the majority of my countrymen. I do not claim any merit in adopting this patriotic mode of forming my opinion, because I consider it the duty of every citizen—and moreover, it was one which both parties professed to pursue. How consistently they have acted with these professions, may be seen by a comparison of their theory and practice. They pretended at first, that they supported Madison entirely under a belief that he was the choice of the United States, but so soon as doubts thickened upon the prospect, one candidate was thrown aside as being out of the question , and the other has been ridiculed for the infirmities of age. We had every reason to hope, that this threatening crisis would have been prevented by an honest and manly caucus at Washington: That members would have been active and impartial in procuring and reporting the sense of their states. If they had done this, schism would have been still, and faction fast asleep. They would either have preferred Monroe, Madison, or Clinton, or they would have chosen one of the two first to run in opposition to the last. If they had done this, we should have felt none of the pangs of separation, and our enemies might still have exclaimed with the Heathen proverb, Behold how these Christians love one another . But when men are acting in this high and responsible office, where honor and good faith are as much required as in their more immediate capacities of representatives, shall presume to shuffle intrigue in the place of patriotism, and private calculation in the place of public sentiment, such conduct would excite the liveliest execration of the people. I confess, that at one time I relied a great deal on the result of Bradley's caucus, I had done so on former occasions, as I had always concurred a congressional caucus as a grand reservoir of national sentiment, and should have done so on this, but that subsequent facts proved to me, it was not so much a caucus as a cabal, not so much a patriotic body as an "inflamed organ bursting forth with impetuous arrogance, and short-sighted stratagem." No mind can possibly resist this powerful contradiction. The caucus at Washington was almost unanimous in favor of Madison, from hence we were to infer that the sense of the other states had been ascertained, and that Madison was the undisputed choice of the U. States.—We have since heard from many other states, who so far from being fairly represented by the caucus, are inflexibly opposed to Madison. Thus it is evident to the conviction of the most obdurate mind, that they knew nothing of the sentiments of the people, or if they did, they would not respect them, and thus they would wish to impose upon the people, the election of a pragmatic and corrupt junto, as the choice of the U. States. 'Tis in vain that we look for information to this source. But it is not surprising that the friends of Madison should continue to strive and bear down all opposition with the supposed oracular decree of Bradley's caucus. How often (says one of the Irish orators) have we seen the column of popularity erected upon the base of intrigue, until the sense of the people, like a rocky fragment rolling from the mountain crumbles, intonishing the imaginary colossus. Do they intend to insist that the nomination of a caucus, thus impurely conducted, is paramount to the power of the people? This surely is evidence against yourselves of the very act you impute to others, infatuated perseverance. But upon the subject of caucuses a late writer has appeared, "with many holiday and lady terms" and at the same time is ready to exclaim with the joy of Archimedes, I have found it, I have found it. No shuffling in the ranks gentlemen;—caucus is right or wrong—if right, nothing can make it wrong . Merciful fathers, did we need the ghost of Solomon to tell us that! 'Tis true to intuition, that what is right is not wrong. Bradley's caucus was right, and as nothing can make it wrong, Madison ergo must be the President. Thus Madison is almost syllogistically elected, and surely the people will not complain of anything so in reason . It is a happy circumstance to One of the people , that in his second number he found it expedient to lay an embargo upon his principle, by attaching the conditions of Honor and good faith .
As we are unable to ascertain the sense of
other states through our accustomed medium, let us examine if we are acquainted with that of our own. The first object that strikes our attention in this enquiry, is the Legislative caucus. I would fain ask any mind that is not lost in prejudice, and too deeply fixed in its own belief, if it can think for a moment that this caucus was not duly informed of the sentiments of the Washington members. It is immaterial whether they received this information through epistolary commerce or from report? They did receive it, it was their duty to enquire and find it out. It would indeed be a poor compliment to that body, to say that they wished to dictate to America, which, in fact, would be the case, were they to act without any previous concert with the national members.
For my part, I never have condemned the Virginia caucus, because they acted according to the intelligence they received, and in doing so, they acted with true patriotism—because they were promoting the will of the people. They were, however, perniciously deceived. The caucus at Washington, afterwards acted up to their communications, with an additional stimulus, inasmuch as by finesse they had seduced a Virginia Legislative caucus to back them. This is the scheme which has been played, but not all their ingenuity could hide the deformed figure of duplicity and intrigue.
The sense of the people is awake, and that thing, which worked in the dark, has faded away at the first beam of light.
There is another circumstance, from whence the sense of the Virginia people is inferred, and that is, from the many resignations upon the Monroe Ticket. Do you not believe that the same tone, which influenced the Legislature, also influenced the mind of the people? They correctly concluded, that a communication had subsisted between these two bodies, and that it would be folly and want of virtue on their part, to disobey what seemed to be the sense of the majority, and which, for years past, they had received, in the same way.
There can be no doubt, but that very many from this consideration alone, have receded from Monroe's ticket. This is the prodigious mass of evidence from whence the towering popularity of Madison is inferred, and perhaps too, from the many friendly essays who have crowded your paper. The flies of the vintage ; they gather about the press, and already taste in devout expectation, the inspiring fruit .
From this candid view of the subject, it is impossible to form, as yet, any correct conclusion, as to the will of the United States. Every impartial mind, must have perceived the undue impressions which have been made upon almost every department of society, by this astonishing junto of intriguers. The people should therefore consider the subject completely before them, and should exercise their minds with energy and independence, upon a subject of such vast importance. ANOTHER OF THE PEOPLE.
** We have but one comment to make on the preceding; which is, that no one state has yet declared against Mr. Madison; not one for Mr. Mon.; but several, and Virginia among the rest, are palpably and avowedly for Mr. Madison; and therefore abiding by his own principle of the will of the majority , the writer should not support Mr. Mon. New-York is yet the only state that we have reason to think, will support Mr. Clinton.
We believe, that some of the expressions which we used in our last paper in the haste of composition, are too general to be explicit, and too unqualified to convey our real opinions.—Of the political character of Bonaparte, our sentiments are eminently unfavorable. He is certainly a man of the most consummate ambition; & seeks at no means to gratify that propensity. His interest is his God—he is ever friendly, but from selfish inducements. He is a despot, and one of the most ardent foes of liberty, that ever existed.—If such a man ever does good, it is by the force of circumstances, conspiring with the calculations of his interest.
If he be "animated by the still lingering revolutionary spirit of France;" it is not that spirit which animated Frenchmen to change their tyrannical institutions. In Bonaparte, this revolutionary spirit has taken principally a new direction. It principally extends into other countries, wh e "hoary institutions are so bad that no change can scarcely make them worse." This was our meaning.—We shall frankly admit, that the word virtue was unwarily used for wisdom .—We owe this correction to our own feelings and principles. We intended to have portrayed his character in the same way, in which it was drawn by the inimitable pen of Holcroft. His, we have long since recommended, as the best character of Bonaparte that has ever been drawn.—That he displays some little wisdom, is evident, from the improvements he has introduced into the manufactures, roads and public works, and some parts of the code of laws. The expression of generous can be used only in the common figurative sense, as synonymous with something strikingly useful.
Our readers may be assured that we shall never pen the eulogium of such men as Bonaparte—men, who have tyrannized over a country and wish to extend their power and fame through the most unprincipled ambition.—But we shall repeat, that for aught that we know, Bonaparte's conduct has been more friendly to us than the conduct of G. Britain, and that the Champagne letter is not pregnant with those constructions which prepossession has put upon it.
Like the thunderbolt which rends the majestic oak—Death levels its triumphant dart, and virtue and genius wither at the blow. It is rumoured in this city, that JOHN D. BURK of Petersburg, the Author of the History of Virginia, fell yesterday morning in a duel in that town. At the second fire, he fell to rise no more. We fear that this melancholy intelligence is too true.—Mr. Burk was a man of a noble and expanded soul, of a rich and splendid genius. His death will leave a blank in the society of Virginia, which years will not fill up.....(The above is too true.)
The election for this City took place yesterday. The poll closed at an early hour, and stood thus: For WILLIAM WIRT 115 EDWARD CARRINGTON 83 Mr. Wirt has never yet been a member of the Legislature of Virginia.—We augur the most salutary services from such men being raised into our public councils.
We have this day published the Rejected Treaty , one of the regia or course of the papers, to gratify the curiosity of our readers.—Mr. Madison's letter is in that order.
COMMUNICATION. "One of the Protesters"—the "Enquirer" and some permitting, will soon pay his respect to "One of the People."

READ!!
Extract from Lord Grenville's speech in the House of Lords, on the 21st of January last, upon the various subjects of his majesty's speech.
In reviewing the dreadful catalogue of evils which surround or menace this country, I do believe that I speak the universal sentiment when I say that the greatest additional calamity for us, and the greatest advantage for France that can well be imagined, would be a war with America. Such, indeed, is the language of the ministers themselves; and yet what has been their conduct? Why, at the very time when it is most material to avoid such a war, they, as I am ready to maintain, absolutely alter the law of the land to promote it. Ministers state, and in that I agree with them, that no danger or difficulty can befall the country equal to that of acquiescing in the surrender of our maritime rights. If America put forth such a claim, then a call upon parliament and the country to resist it would be unanimously answered in the affirmative. But America has not asserted any such claim. It has indeed been stated that she has, and we have been told by some noble lords, on the other side, that too much concession has been already made to that power. What do noble lords mean by this concession? I wish when such assertions are made, those who make them would state some particulars. If they refer to the late treaty with America, which the American government refused to ratify, I contend that so far from too much concession being made in that treaty, it absolutely went to impose restrictions upon AMERICAN COMMERCE far greater than those mentioned in the declaration of the secretary of state. But yet the late ministers felt the force, and were alive to the importance of all the reasons which should urge this country to avoid a war with America. The identity of language, the similarity of habits, the old, the commercial, the family connections, had all their just weight in our consideration of the subject. We therefore determined to preserve the old laws which regulated our intercourse; and I entertain not the smallest doubt, that had the course we commenced been consistently pursued, it would have answered the end in view by preserving the amicable relation and just interests of both countries.
The speech, I observe, studiously separates the two questions involved in our controversy with America, namely, that of the Chesapeake, and that relating to our orders of council. But does any man suppose, that those questions will be separated in America? No—nor can they be separated in discussion here. In examining the orders of council, they must be considered in three points of view; first, as they affect our commerce; secondly, as they affect the constitution; and lastly, as they affect our negotiations with America. When all the papers relative to this important question are laid before the house, it will be for us particularly to enquire, whether his majesty's government can, constitutionally, enact such prohibitions, as these orders of council contain; first, whether the time chosen for issuing those orders, were not peculiarly exceptionable, as they must serve so much to inflame the minds of the Americans, already so strongly excited against us; and also, whether we had any right thus to annihilate the whole trade of America—thus to say to that power, as our orders distinctly expressed, "Not a ship of yours shall sail, which shall not be subject to confiscation by us, or to conditions which shall subject it to confiscation by the enemy." I repeat, that this is the language which the decree of ministers proclaims to America, and I would ask whether such language is reconcilable with any law, or usage, or principle of equity. Let me then entreat your lordships deeply to consider this subject—to examine its policy—to interpose your authority and influence for the purpose of restoring moderation and justice to your government. What the late ministers did in consequence of Bonaparte's decree of blockading the British Isles, is in the recollection of the house. They retaliated not upon America, or the neutral powers, but upon France. The orders of council, however, commence with an assertion, which I find echoed in his majesty's speech. In that speech I see, for the first time, a thing unparalleled in any production of this nature upon record—namely, an imputation cast upon the conduct of his majesty's government for the last fifteen years. But when such an imputation is cast, I would call for proofs to sustain it. When Bonaparte issued his blockading decree, we expressed a hope that such a decree would not be acted upon. We might be thought too sanguine in that hope; and yet we were not altogether disappointed, but what have the present ministers done by their orders of council? Why instead of urging Bonaparte to revoke his decree, they have produced the issue of other decrees, to strengthen and confirm that, which, in fact, could never have been executed, if it were not for the aid derived from our orders of council. What did we do? We adhered to the principles of the law of nations—It has always been a principle of that law, that the trade between the enemy's ports, should be interdicted during war, and we extended that interdiction to Holland, Spain, and the other nations, which we found to be subservient to the demands of the enemy. We did not attempt to extend a system of blockade for all Europe, by taking the course which all the present ministers have done in their orders of council, and in which I maintain they have actually violated an article of magna charta. They could not, I contend, upon the king's authority, constitutionally decree such extraordinary prohibitions. But their mode of proceeding has been altogether exceptionable. Our course ought to be, to ask the neutral powers whether they meant to submit to Bonaparte's blockading decree? Now, this course we did take; but the present ministers did not wait for any reply to this requisition, at least from America, before they issued their orders of council. Now, it turns out, as I am informed, that America received the most satisfactory assurances from the French government, that its blockading decree would not be acted upon against American shipping. In point of fact, it appears, that it never was so acted upon. Why, then, the whole foundation upon which our orders of council profess to rest, is done away, and ministers, by their indiscreet precipitancy, have put unnecessary fetters upon our own commerce, and most unjust restrictions or rather a total prohibition, upon the commerce of America.
But what the farther consequence of such precipitancy may be, it is painful to contemplate. What must be their operation in America? How must this aid the views of the French party, if such a party be there? Had you waited for an answer from the American government, before you issued these orders of council, and had such answer implied an acquiescence in the French decree, then your friends in America might have maintained that any restrictions imposed through you upon American trade were attributable to the hostility of France and the connivance of the American government. This impression would have been highly serviceable to you in America, and prejudicial to France. But your haste has rendered that hopeless. France however never did, as I have already said, act under its extravagant decree against any American ship. Indeed I do not think that it ever meant to enforce such a decree. That and all the other decrees of the same character which have since followed, were, I firmly believe, but mere experiments upon the wisdom and discretion of the British government—and these experiments have unfortunately had but too much success. France imitated you to come forward and execute decrees which, if it were not for your aid, must have been a mere dead letter, except in her own ports, in which you could not at any time interfere with her jurisdiction. The French decrees could in fact avail nothing, if you had acted prudently. But in aggravation of the other mischiefs resulting from your conduct, you have placed this country in that state with respect to America, which in France would have been, had your course been different. For although France, by its decree, originated the system of restriction, yet all the odium of the system will attach to you in America, in consequence of your inconsiderate haste. Your conduct must be viewed with reference to this, as well as to the other topics I have referred to. When we come to consider these orders of council, I hope I shall always be found to stand up and I trust, firmly for the rights and privileges of my country—but yet I would ask, does any privilege belong to us? Is any principle to be found that can warrant the restrictions which ministers have imposed upon American commerce? And I would also ask, upon what grounds the paragraph in the speech, which refers to those restrictions, can be justified? I allude to that paragraph which implies a censure upon the conduct of his majesty's government for a series of years, by regretting its adherence to justice and moderation. Such, I am certain, are not the personal sentiments of his majesty. No, they are contrary to every principle of his life—they are, indeed, in that proportion unfit to put into such a declaration. The plain interpretation, in fact, of this paragraph, is this, "that we have been too long carrying on a most unequal contest of justice against injustice." But if so, I maintain, that all the advantages of the contest have been on our side, not only the dignity and honor, but the policy, the interest, and the benefit.
To Messrs. J. Lasher, David Luffin, Samuel Foster, Elias Davis, Wm. Sowle, and John Brown, masters of American vessels now lying at Algeciras, to the care of P. Portal, Vice-Consul of the U. States at that place.
Madrid, 9th February, 1808.
GENTLEMEN, Your letter of the 29th ult. was duly received by the courier of yesterday. I had been previously informed of the capture of four of your vessels under the Spanish decree of Jan. 3, and had made a suitable representation to the government. My note upon this subject remains unanswered, hence I am unable to give you any certain assurances as to the issue of your trials by the inferior tribunal of Algeciras—and as no appeal from such tribunals on questions arising under this last decree, has yet been decided by the high courts of Admiralty, for the same reason I cannot feel any great confidence in the result of the appeals which you may make to it in case of condemnation at Algeciras. Nevertheless, since obviously the trade of the United States cannot properly be subjected to the provisions of such decrees, and indeed by the existing treaty, is particularly exempted from them, and since also it is not the intention of the French government (in imitation of whose policy this measure of his Catholic Majesty has been taken) to execute its decree of the same tenor, against the property of American citizens. Hence it is reasonably to be expected, that the Spanish government will also relax from the strict letter of the instrument, and adopt the application of it, which may be observed by its ally. Therefore, in case any of your vessels or cargoes should be condemned at Algeciras, I must recommend an appeal to the Admiralty here. If such a course should become necessary, you would do well to send your powers of attorney, and employ as your agent here, Moses Young, the consul of the United States, and to communicate with him fully upon all the circumstances of your respective cases.
Gentlemen, Your obedient Servant, (Signed) GEORGE ERVING.
The "American Chamber of Commerce," or British merchants trading to America, celebrated their anniversary in Liverpool on the 12th of Feb. Toasts—"The King" "The President" "Mr. ERSKINE" "Mr. ROSE, may he be successful in adjusting the present differences" "the American Ambassador, Mr. PINKNEY" "Mr. MONROE, may the people of America truly appreciate his virtues, by placing him in the presidential chair" "an honorable, speedy and lasting peace" "may the present temporary suspension of intercourse betwixt Great Britain and America, be but the harbinger to establish the relations of amity and commerce, on a firmer basis than ever!"
At a numerous and respectable meeting of the Federal Republican Electors of the City and County of New-York, held at the Mechanic-Hall, on Monday, the 28th day of March 1808,
CORNELIUS RAY, Chairman, D. S. JONES, Secretary. Resolved, That it be recommended to the people of this State, to assemble in their respective cities and counties, and take into consideration the present distressing and perilous state of our national affairs, and to exert their influence to procure the election of men, to whom they may safely confide the honor and interest of their country. Resolved, That it be recommended to the Federal Republican Electors of the several wards of this city, to meet and appoint three members from each ward, to form a General Committee for the purpose of nominating Candidates, and concerted measures in relation to the ensuing Election. By order of the Meeting, CORNELIUS RAY, Chairman, D. S. JONES, Secretary.
A rendezvous for enlisting seamen is opened in the city of Baltimore. On account of the present state of affairs a great number of the first rate seamen enter daily. The officers have strict orders to enlist none but American Seamen.
VIRGINIA—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808. Robert Birchett, Peter Puryear and Edmund Birchett, merchants and partners, under the firm of Birchett and Puryear, Plaintiffs.—Against Thomas Stokes, administrator of Wm. Stokes, deceased, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. March 29. [law8w]
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres: and the other called Little-Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland court house, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal installments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, Wm. MANN, Commissioners. March 15. [law2m]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797. Lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1080 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and one half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. Jan. 28. [law1f]
CANNON BALL & GRAPE SHOT.—Proposals will be received at this office for a quantity of Cannon Ball and Grape Shot for 24 pounders, and Cannon Ball and grape or Canister Shot for 6 pounders, to be delivered on navigable water in the state of Massachusetts. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in the state of New-Jersey or New-York. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in Virginia or Maryland. The election to have the ball and shot cast in iron moulds or otherwise, is desired, as the articles must be perfectly globular & smooth, & for that purpose, will undergo a strict inspection before receipt or payment. Dimensions of the several kinds of ball and shot will be given. TENCH COXE, Purveyor Of Public Supplies. Philadelphia, March 22, 1808. [law4w]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next. A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [if]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [if]
THE SCOTTSVILLE RACES will commence on the 3d Thursday in April—The 1st day's Purse is about £ 100—The 2d day, (Proprietors Purse) £ 50—The 3d day, an elegant Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar, will be run for. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six years 128 do. Five years 108 Four years 106 lbs. Three years, do. 90 Mares and geldings allowed 3 lbs. WM. ARCHER, Secy. March 25. [6c]
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES will commence at the Union Tavern on the 20th April next. 1st DAY—A play or pay post Sweepstakes for 3 years old Colts & Fillies, 5 subscribers at $30 each. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 52 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats. 3d DAY—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of that, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each, 2 mile heats. Weights agreeably to the Rappahannock Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Secy. March 25. [120thA]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Mucavado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira and London P. Tennerille Wines, Holland Gin, Demijohns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters; and an assortment of the best quality DUTCH BELTING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. March 25. [F6]
THE RAPPAHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance;—the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows: Aged horses 130lbs. 6 years old 120lbs. 5 do. 110lbs. 4 do. 100lbs. 3 do. 88lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed in to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. March 25. [ept25thM]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harrowood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tile to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [ep2w&1awtf] N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
EDUCATION.—ANTHONY PELZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he has removed his day and night School to a large and commodious apartment in the lower part of the house occupied by Mr. John P. Shields in the vicinity of the Capitol. He, therefore, can invite more pupils of both sexes, to share his instruction, whom he will teach the French and Italian Languages, English Grammar, Reading & Writing, together with Arithmetic, Geography and the minor Latin Classics. His object is to be, useful and his success in teaching French has been proved by experience; for he does not merely impress on the minds of his pupils the verbal science of Grammar, but renders the language familiar to their ears, their tongue and their pen. Terms—Eight dollars per quarter, payable half in advance. Pupils from the country may obtain board at very moderate terms of Mrs. Shields, who offers likewise the use of her Piano-forte to those who would wish to receive instruction on that instrument. April 5. [3]
SALE BY AUCTION. IRON WORKS.—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on SATURDAY the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 23,343 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different parcels adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5060 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patented. CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 1/2 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White Lime Stone near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/2 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [ept25]
ADVERTISEMENT.—I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Esq. of Jacob Williamson, dec'd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1808. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson. March 15. [law6w]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 15th September, 1807, to me executed, by John Sabb, to secure the payment of a sum of money as therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell for cash, to the highest bidder, on the 14th day of April next, the two Lots or Groups in this city, whereon said Sabb resides, known by the Nos. 107 and 108, in Duval's addition, together with all appurtenances.—The sale to take place at 2 o'clock on the premises. JOHN SATCHELL. March 15. [ept14thA]
MINE LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber will sell a Tract of LAND containing 2791 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of iron ore of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any personable to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition. Also a Tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 238 acres—107 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky. Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal Pits or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. March 18. [ep24w]
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—For two Bay Horses that were stolen from the subscriber Friday night last; they are both bright bays and move well, the largest one has both hind feet white, and at times has a spring halt with one of them; the other has a star in his forehead, and a black streak along his back—they are both square docked. It is supposed that they are now straying in the neighborhood of Richmond, if however, they should be stolen, I will give the above reward on prosecuting the thief to conviction or twenty dollars for the horses if delivered to Dr. D. W. Sackrider, Richmond. MARTIN GILLET. March 29. [eptf]
REMOVAL.—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Mucavado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT ALLAN POLLOCK & Co. March 8. [eptf]
ONE HUNDREDDOLLARS REWARD.—Ranaway from the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending hiselopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jan. Richmond, Dec. 29. [eptf]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [owath]
REMOVAL.—GEORGE WATT has removed to the main-street, next door above the Bel-Tavern, where he offers for sale the following ARTICLES: 20 hlds. Brown Sugar, 30 hlds. Molasses, 8 tierces and 8 barrels best green Coffee, 20 hlds. Antigua Rum, 5 pipes Holland Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy; 2 hlds. and 20 bbls. Northern Whiskey, 15 qr. casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Y. H. Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin do. 5 chests Souchong do. and 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, March 18. [law6w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business intrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [law1f]
NOTICE.—This subscriber being by a power of attorney authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following different co-partners, formerly of this city, viz. Montgomery and Allan, Alexr. Montgomery & Co. Montgomery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's and Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms to call and pay their respective balances to him. GEO: WATT. Richmond, March 29. [law6w]
MILLINARY.—Mrs. Davidson has just received a case of handsome spring BONNETS, with sundry other articles in the fancy line. Richmond, April 5. [eptf]
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to us by Elisha Estes of the county of Amherst, for the purpose of securing a debt therein particularly mentioned, we will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Estes, on Thursday the twenty-eighth instant, a tract or parcel of LAND, lying or being in the aforesaid county of Amherst, on the head waters of Rucker's-run, and containing by survey 573 acres, and adjoining the lands of Abraham Warwick, Thomas Stadium, William Breedlove and others, it being the same land whereon the said Elisha Estes now lives. Although we believe the title to this land indisputable, we will only convey the title vested in us as trustees, and against the claim of any claim under us. RO. MOORE, JAMES VIGERS, jr. Trustees. Warrington, April 5. [c3 p]
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed by George Loving to me, and recorded in the county court of Amherst, for the purposes therein expressed, I will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Loving, on Thursday the 5th day of May next, two male Negroes, to wit: Harry and Guy, and one Negro Woman named Silvy, or so many of them, as may be sufficient to pay the aforesaid debt and interest, and the necessary expenses attending the execution of this trust. Only warrant the title to those negroes against myself and those claiming under me. RICHARD POWELL. Warrington, April 5. [ep4w]
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD.—Ranaway from the subscriber, living in New-Kent county, on 6th March last, a Negro Man named GIBSON, about five feet 9 or 10 inches high, sallow complexion, he lips a little in his speech, has rather a pleasing countenance, and had on when he went off dark Virginia Cloth clothing, he is 22 or 23 years old and very likely. It is probable that he has gone up James River in some of the boats, and may be lurking about Cumberland or Goochland, where he has some acquaintances, and I believe some relations at Mr. Thomas Wilkinson's in Cumberland. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in New-Kent or to Mr. Joshua Crump living in Richmond, and ten dollars to secure him in any jail so that I get him again. JOHN P. CRUMP. New-Kent, April 5. [eptf]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [if]
A LIBERAL price will be given for an unexceptionable Male COOK—One of a middle age would be preferred—Enquire of Prosser and Moncure. April 5. [eptf]
BLANKS, OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.