Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-18 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 141.]
RICHMOND—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, MARCH 18, 1808.
12 1-2 Cents Single.
Sales at Auction.
ON Saturday the 19th inst. will be sold without reserve, for the benefit of the underwriters, at the Lumber House of Mr. Gabriel Ralston, the following articles, which were saved from the burning of Mr. Benj. James Harris's tobacco factory, viz.
A large quantity of damaged manufactured tobacco.
A small do. leaf do. Screws, wrought and cast iron, Crates and old brass, &c. &c.
Terms of sale.—Cash for all sums under 20 dollars, over 20 dollars, sixty days credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the bank of Virginia.
PROSSER & MONCURE.
Auct 18.
March 11, 1808.
N. B.—Wanted Immediately, 30 VIRGINIA BANK SHARES, for which cash will be given P. & M.
TO RENT,
The House and Lot
Back of Messrs. Taylor & Brown's vendue store, known by the name of the Old Treasury.
March 11, 1808
3w
Negroes & other Property FOR SALE.
WE shall, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to us, by Johanna Hopkins on the 19th day of April 1805, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum therein mentioned unto Pollok, Treadway & Co. and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect—proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for cash, at Michaux's tavern in Powhatan county, on Saturday 2d day of April next, the following property, viz. FOUR NEGROES—Joe, Mumb, Fanny and Grace—two Horses, and nine Feather Beds and their Furniture, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the same.
ROBERT GRAHAM, ? Trus.
WILLIAM F. GRAY, Secs.
March 10, 1808.
3w
Wanted Immediately,
FOR my coal works, fifteen or twenty additional LABORERS. COR'S. BUCK. Manchester, Feb. 29, 1808. 6t.
Partnership dissolved.
THE partnership carried on under the firm of A. Foster, & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All those indebted to the concern are requested to make immediate payment to A. Foster, who will also settle all just claims against said firm.
Archibald Foster.
John Johnston, by
A. Mearnskey, Atty.
N. B. The business in future will be carried on by A. Foster.
Richmond March 9, 1809.
4w.
For Sale or Rent,
THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to
JASPER ROBBINS, at
Mr. JOHN McENRY'S
Feb 24, 1808
A Bargain may be had in
A House and Lot,
IN a central situation in this city. For further information apply at the office of Messrs. Dermott, Foster & Satchell.
March 3, 1808.
if
TO RENT
The House and Lot,
AT present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d March next when Mr. Mosby's time will expire
Thomas Elliott.
Richmond 29th Jan 1808
if
For Rent,
THE HOUSE on the Main Street, next to Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs. Phebe. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to
JOSEPH GALLEGO.
Richmond. Dec. 27, 1807
if
May be purchased on a long credit, and low terms,
The Tenement,
ON which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within about one half mile of the Richmond market—containing two acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved—The buildings consist of a large and well constructed dwelling house, laundry, kitchen, dairy, smoke house, two stores, brick office, coach house, barn and stable. All these buildings are well finished, and in complete order for the accommodation of a large and general family: who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish.
John Ellis.
February 4, 1808.
if
Rec's Cyclopaedia.
VOL. 7, PART 1st. or No. 13. Of this work, is just received at this office. Subscription will open, March 11, 1808.
Dr. Barton's Edition
Of the Whole Works of St. PIERRE.
A PROPOSAL BY BIRCH AND SMALL, OF PHILADELPHIA, For Publishing by Subscription,
The Studies of Nature,
And other works of James Henry Bernardin De St. Pierre,
TRANSLATED BY
HENRY HUNTER, D. D.
Author of Sacred Biography and Translator
of the Works of Lavater.
With the addition of
A large body of Original Notes and
Illustrations by
BENJAMIN BARTON, M. D.
Of Philadelphia.
Extract from the Monthly Review, vol 75, page 522
THIS is a first rate publication. Its plan is irregular, but most extensive; for it takes in the whole compass of Nature (that is, what we can see or conjecture of it) both in the Physical and Moral world. It is in point of originality, one of the most remarkable productions we have met with, for besides a multitude of new ideas, the old ones acquire an aspect of novelty in passing through the author's pen, and we do not recollect any writer who has drawn so constantly from an internal fund of native genius and deep observation. He attacks, without respect of persons, what he looks upon as erroneous; but his attacks are always conducted with decency, candour and amenity. He never quits the main ground of genuine religion.
Extract from the Monthly Review, vol 34 new series
"Of the Studies of Nature we formerly gave our opinion, which the suffrage of the public for a period of fifteen years has abundantly confirmed. We praise the work for the boldness and originality of conception on which the plan was formed; for its comprehensiveness, being commensurate in a certain sense, with nature itself; for the native genius and deep research with which the author treats, embellishes and enriches his subject; and for the eloquence and lively diction in which he discusses topics, which, under the pen of an ordinary writer would have been dull, elaborate and revolting, &c. &c."
CONDITION OF PUBLICATION.
It shall be printed in three handsome Octavo Volumes, from the last Loudon edition, embellished with five engravings, executed in the best manner & be delivered to subscribers handsomely bound—Price nine dollars.
Subscriptions received at this Office.
NOTICE.
I INTEND to apply to the Baltimore County Court, at its next session, or in its recess, to one of the judges thereof, for the benefit of the insolvent law of this state, passed 1805, and the supplement thereto, passed 1806
BENJ. MORRIS.
February 15, 1808
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to me
by Charles M. Gilliam, of Cumberland county, to secure a debt therein mentioned, due to John Gilliam & Co. will be exposed for SALE, on Monday the 23th inst. at Cumberland court-house.
3 Young Negroes, viz:
John, Sally and Lewis, named in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money.
PAUL S. CARRINGTON, Trustee.
Cumberland, March 1, 1808. 14s
By virtue of a deed of trust executed
by Zachariah Hall on the 27th day of April 1807, to us, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money unto Jacob Packler and Shaper and Locke, and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect—we shall at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the second day of April next, between the hours of ten and two of that day, proceed to sell for cash to the highest bidder, that valuable and well known tract of land, lying in Chesterfield county, on the main Buckingham road, and distant from the town of Manchester 17 miles, containing by estimation one hundred and thirty acres, more or less—the improvements are new and consist of a convenient dwelling house, store house, kitchen, &c. and in an excellent neighborhood for business of any kind.
Thomas Taylor, ? Trus.
Benj. Sheppard, Secs.
March 4, 1808.
At Bottetourt January court, 1808.
Samuel Irvine, Pff } In
against Alexr. & James Fulton & others, Dfs. } Ccy.
ON motion of the complainant, it is ordered
that the accounts between the parties be submitted to Patrick Lockhart, general master commissioner, who is to make his report to next March court, giving notice of the time he examines their accounts to the parties.
A copy—Teste,
S. Bowyer, D. C.
Monday 2d day of May next is appointed to carry the above order into effect, when the parties are desired to attend at my office in Fincas die, with their documents, &c. to enable them to execute the same.
Patrick Lockhart, M. Cmr.
February 22, 1808 78-4-09) 3w
JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE,
No. 4, of THE
American Military Library
OR,
Repository of Modern Tactics;
Adapted to the use of the Militia of the United States.—17—Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manoeuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents.) March 9.
Wirt's Speeches.
THE Editor of the Argus has this day
published the
SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq.
on the
TRIAL of AARON BURR, and Others.
February 10, 1808.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Samuel Parsons & Son is dissolved by mutual consent and Samuel Parsons is authorised to settle the business of the concern.
SAMUEL PARSONS.
SAMUEL P. PARSONS.
3 Mo. 7, 1808.
THE subscribers having connected themselves in business, under the firm of PARSONS & OWEN, have taken the houses and lumber-yard formerly occupied by Samuel Parsons and Son, where they intend carrying on the commission business in all its varieties, and hope by strict attention they will give satisfaction to those who may be pleased to favor them with their business.
SAMUEL P. PARSONS.
SAMUEL OWEN.
3 Mo. 11, 1808.
N. B. We have now on hand a large stock of Flooring Plank, a few barrels of Tar, Tallow Pans, Wove Wire for do. Wire Screens of various sizes &c. (2w)
Seminary,
Charlottesville, Albemarle.
BY the middle of April will be taught by the subscriber the following branches of Literature, viz. The English language grammatically analysed, Arithmetic, Writing, Civil and Natural History, Oratory, Rhetoric, Logic, Metaphysics, Ethics, Geography including the use of the Globes and Atlas; the Elements of Euclid and Chronology, Trigonometry, comprehending Surveying and Navigation in their various forms. The Latin Language so as not only to read and understand it, but so as to speak it easily, which is profitable in making the grand tour. The Greek language and students in divinity may have instructions in the Hebrew, the essential branches of Natural Philosophy, Astronomy, &c.
The subscriber will board at a reasonable rate, and special attention shall be paid to the pupils health, learning and particularly to the immutable fundamentals of that life which is inseparably connected with present and future felicity. It is hoped that in this Seminary equal geniuses in equal times will compete with students of other Academies.
HUGH WHITT, A. M. & D. V. M.
March 15, 1808. 3t.
Caution!
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against trading with JOSEPH MORRIS of the state of Kentucky, for any real or personal property; on account of an assignment on a bond or note, signed by the said Joseph Morris, as it will be proved that he labours under such mental inability as renders him totally incapable of managing his own affairs with any degree of discretion.
This advertisement will be pleaded at bar against whomsoever may unlawfully purchase from him or contract with him, for any real or personal property, whereby his family, himself or his creditors, may suffer any loss. For the same reason any power of attorney drawn in his name, authorising others to act for him, will be objected to.
Understanding that said Morris has lately conveyed the title of his own birthright inheritance to some person unlawfully, and for a very trifling consideration, means will be taken to disqualify the purchaser from retaining the same.
The public are also cautioned against purchasing any claim from Mr. John Rogers of the state of Kentucky, upon the property of Miss Sally Maria of the said state, as the paper purporting to be a power of attorney authorising such sale and purchase, will be proved to be insufficient and of no effect.
JOHN LAKEMAN,
One of the Guardians of the estate of the late
WILLIAM MORRIS, Deceased
Richmond, March 15, 1808. if
The thorough bred imported horse,
GOUTY,
WILL stand the ensuing season at my plantation in Rockey's Run, 5 miles from Amherst court-house and 12 from Warm Springs, and will cover mares at 25 dollars the season, 13 dollars the leap and 40 dollars insurance, with one dollar to the groom in either case. The leap money to be paid at the time of service, the season on first day of August, and the insurance on first day of March 1809. Crop tobacco inspected at any of the ware houses on James river from Lynchburg to Richmond will be received in payment at 5 dollars per 100 lb. if tendered on or before the day it becomes due. Pasturage gratis but no liability for accidents or escapes—GOUTY is a bay, 11 years old, 5 feet 3 inches high, elegantly formed and of great strength. He was got by Sir Peter Teazle, and came out of the celebrated Yellow Mare, she was got by Tandem, her dam Pedigree by Herod out of Fair Rosamond by Sloe, and so through the best stock that England has produced as may be seen by reference to the general stud book—Sloe was the most distinguished sire of his day, & was never beat. GOUTY'S COLTS are coming with great credit in England—In 1806 (only started, of which one was a winner and when losing they came in with great credit, beating the get of Buzzard, Precipitate, Osear, Sir Peter Teazle and others of the first character in England—In 1807 Mr. Weatherby (author of the Racing Calendar) writes to me under date Sept 12th, at which time the racing for that year was not over, that several of GOUTY's colts were winners, and one of them had the misfortune to break his shoulder, or it was supposed he would have been the best of his year in England. The season will commence on first March and terminate first August.
R. RIVES
10w
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE on the bill for the classification of the Militia of the United States.
TUESDAY, Feb. 19.
(Mr. M. Clay's speech concluded.)
I hope gentlemen will think with me, and not impute impure motives—the fact is, I have two sons that will soon be twenty-one, and I love them as much as any man can, and perhaps can say what few can. The first property I gave each of them was a gun; and I have enjoined it on them in my will, that it was given them to defend that country which their father had assisted in delivering from bondage. My son's gun shall bear in his mind that he must fight when his country calls for his services; it is his fortune.
I hope gentlemen will take a serious view of the subject—that every man will lay his shoulder to the wheel and rise up to the east and west, south and north, to prepare for the protection of his domicile. Gentlemen have said this is a new project, that it will create confusion now, when the service of our militia is most wanting. It is because of the crisis that I have at this moment brought the matter forward. The present system is acknowledged to be defective; we wish to make it as efficient as possible—that our countrymen may know who must march at a moment's warning.
In Virginia, during the last war, young men, merchants, lawyers and doctors went out to battle, staid two or three weeks, took sick and went home. As long as every door was open, the hand of every man going to them friendship and caressed by every woman, they stood their ground; but when dependence was placed on them for service, they were off. I recollect a circumstance of some new militia just come into camp on the eve of a battle. The time of battle soon came; these men were placed in front; but no sooner did the red-coats, as they called the English, come within 100 yards than they threw down their arms and ran as though their lives depended altogether on their heels for preservation. When they were asked where are you going, boys? Did you ever see the like, said they, we cannot stand them. When the red-coats came on, it will be just the same. Substitutes towards the close of the war became good soldiers. I know that substitutes are objected to by some gentlemen, they wish every man to stand in his own place, all to stand on the same footing. In my opinion this would be bad policy, because all men have not the same gifts. Some cannot fight from religious principles—others cannot fight for the want of nerve. The bill has made provision for such, if they cannot fight, let them furnish a substitute. We know all men are not gifted alike; the strength of some lies in one way, and in others another; Sampson's lay in his hair. Now on this floor some gentlemen of strong minds who think a great deal, never talk; while some who talk incessantly, appear never to think at all. It certainly would be a great economy of public time and money, for some to think more and talk less. I am not in the habit of public speaking, not being mechanically bred to it; I nevertheless offer my mite in support of the proposed system. It is a great project; and although not finetuned of speech, yet I am willing to be tested by my votes and actions, from the year 1776, the time I commenced my political career to the present day, and I defy any man to say that I ever gave other than a republican vote, or did any other than a republican act while acting as a public man. I know the word republican is with some a hackneyed word; but I mean the true elective principles of republican government.
I went young into the army myself, I was never out of it, after I entered it, until the conclusion of the war. I have been thirty-two years in public life. I mention this to show that I am entitled to claim a knowledge of mankind.
You may exercise your militia from the age of 18 till they arrive at 45, and after the whole 27 years mustering they will not know the manual. My object is not to call out any man till he is wanted; and when they are wanted, to call them out, and in one fortnight they will be ready for service, and in a month may take the field, already soldiers—comparatively speaking. There will attend this system no expense in time of peace. I have seen a number of projects for taking legions into camp for six months at a time. The project will not do. When you take your men to the field, let them think of nothing but fighting—not even of women. These half way soldiers, half regulars, and half militia; would be of no account. They would be a heterogeneous mass, fit for neither the one thing nor the other. What do we hear of the sailors at Boston, who cannot go to sea, on account of the embargo? The finger of Heaven pointed to an embargo. [Here Mr. Clay pointed to the Potomac river, which was frozen over.] It is mere pretence. They are now, we understand, assembling about the town demanding what they are to do; we know they are set on by artful and designing men. If these sailors are so riotous, what would a standing army be when disbanded on account of peace, if set on by artful men? They would (if able to do it, overrun the government.
I hope the representations which I have made may be taken notice of by every gentleman in the House. It does not seem accordant with military regulations to place the father and son in the ranks together; the son feels an awe of his father; is under restraint while he is with him; old men
and young do not agree well together; their habits are not congenial. Young men love their arms—Old men hate them—it is then the breast burns with military ardor. I have a great desire that young men should be as much at liberty as possible. Let them learn trades and pursue their studies while young, let the young man alone till he is perfectly instructed, otherwise you will make him jack at all trades, and good at none. At about 26 or 27 years of age it is too late in the day to set about learning a trade; and although we have few or no tradesmen in the part of the country where I live, yet I wish to encourage our domestic manufactures. The time is near at hand when it will be our policy to foster and cherish them.
In the last war when men were indiscriminately called out, on their leaving their families you might see a man of 40 or 50 years of age, with his wife and a train of children and grand children crying after him; at the same time one of his sons or grandsons, a lad of not more than 16 or 17 years old, marching by his side, and at the time the army was in state of starvation; because men of all ages were taken to the field and none left to till the earth. This in my opinion was bad policy—none ought to have been taken but such only as might have been useful in the field; the remainder ought to have been left to have cultivated the earth, and to have assisted in domestic manufactures, and then your armies instead of being naked and hungry, might have been well fed and well clad. And were the proposed system is certainly preferable to the old. I have given to the house the best estimate I have been able to procure. If we fill the blank with "over 21 and under 26" we shall have 240,000 men. If gentlemen think that it is not enough, in 27 instead of 26, and it will give us 280,000 militia, after deducting a sufficient allowance for the number unfit for service. I should suppose that 280,000 efficient militia dispersed through the U. S. are at least as many if not more than will be necessary to hold in requisition. I know that some gentlemen wish the limitation of time to be extended further; but I wish to leave society in as undisturbed a state as possible. We find that other countries wage war and carry on agriculture and manufactures at the same time. I wish to do so here—to establish an efficient militia to go to any part of the U. S. We may call out the middle class of 230,000 men to any part of the U. S. States, and still leave the body of the citizens in a situation to carry on agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, and the minor class learning their trades and pursuing their studies. Young men cannot think hard of it. Whenever their country calls for their service they ought to go, or leave the country. Let every man stand in the station to which he is called by God and society. Let him attend to the duty his country requires of him, and then return to the bosom of his family adorned with the honors of a republican, the arms he fought with—not with stars and garters, the baubles of a court.
The true plan of Cincinnatus was to fight when his country called for his services. I wish the same example to be followed now. Washington exhibited it as a pattern to his country; it

he bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry
Mr. J. Montgomery said, that to meet the objections offered by gentlemen to the bill on yesterday he had prepared amendments which he hoped would remove every objection. He then proposed an amendment restricting the power of a military court to call witnesses to the distance of 100 miles from the place where it shall be held, thus engraving on these courts the principle of civil courts of the U. S. Agreed to without a division.
Mr. Livermore had no objection to giving military courts the power to compel testimony if it were so secured as not to be injurious to the citizen. He thought it should never be done but for a specified crime coming within the articles of war. Why compel a citizen 100 miles from his home if no end was to be answered by it. These charges should be supported by affidavit as cases submitted to a grand jury; when that was the case witnesses might attend. To meet his own idea on this subject, he offered the following proviso.
Provided always, That no summons shall be issued unless some specific charge shall be made in writing supported by affidavit, of offence, of which if the person accused should be afterwards convicted on trial before a court martial, such person would be liable to punishment, pain or penalty by virtue of the act entitled "an act for establishing rules and articles for the government of the armies of the U. States," made and passed the 10th day of April 1806 and of which the trial and punishment is not barred by the 88th article of said act, or of any offence committed in the navy of the U. S. cognizable by a court martial."
Mr. Bacon objected to this amendment as going totally to exclude courts of enquiry from the operation of the bill. If they were considered as any thing he could not see why they should not have the same power to issue compulsory process as courts martial. This amendment was drafted in such a manner as completely and exactly to exclude the court of enquiry now pending from exercising the general power delegated by the bill; whether this was the gentleman's intention or not he could not pretend to say.
Mr. Livermore explained his intention to be that citizens should not attend courts in cases where their evidence could be of no avail, or in cases of crimes which the court could not punish, as in the case of those specified in the 88th article of the rules and regulations for the government of the army.
Mr. Varnum (Speaker) presumed his colleague was not aware of the construction which might be given to his amendment; for it would totally exclude all military offences of which a soldier could be charged. The 88th article barred after a term of two years all offences against the United States; and the construction of the amendment which ostensibly went to require specification, would exclude from the court the power of collecting testimony on offences barred by that act, to wit: on all offences established by the articles of war.
Mr. Livermore replied that his intention was merely to specify the offence on which a citizen could be called upon to give testimony before a military court. Mr. L. made some further observations in support of his amendment, remarking that if an officer did not choose to take advantage of the limitation in the 88th article to screen himself from responsibility, he should not conceive himself bound then to afford him the means of defence.
Mr. Taylor observed that the 88th article had no relation to courts of enquiry. It was the business of these courts to say whether an offence or conduct charged on any soldier came within the meaning of the articles of war. Courts of enquiry might be held on any matter and their report would decide whether or not affairs submitted to them were barred by the 88th article, or whether they came within the cognizance of a court martial. With regard to the particular case so often alluded to, Mr. T. did not believe it would be included by this amendment, though he believed it totally unnecessary.
Mr. Fisk observed that the house had been often told of the necessity of enquiry into a particular case, in relation to crimes not of modern but of ancient date. In the case of gen. Wilkinson, that officer had been accused of crimes of thirteen years standing; the house had asked the institution of an enquiry into his conduct; the President informed them that he had already done it; the character of this person hung on this enquiry. Now in order to show whether these charges were true or false, it had become necessary that persons in evil life should be summoned to give testimony. For the purpose of justice it had become necessary to put it in the power of each party to obtain means of examination or defence; and now gentlemen came forward and wished to limit the enquiry to transactions of 2 years standing.
Mr. Rowan in some observations in reply to the gentleman last up, observed that gen. W. had the means of meeting the charges. Joseph Hamilton Daviess, a gentleman in the western country, second to few in talents and reputation, had long since made these charges pledged himself to the nation to prove them, and challenged Wilkinson to prosecute him for making them. Was not here a fair object for prosecution, a man of reputation talents and fortune? Gen. W. having it in his power to meet these charges there was no necessity for legislating on this subject in delicacy to him: But if they did pass such a law as this to clothe the military with the rights of civil life they should do it guardedly. He was certainly opposed to the principle, but if it must pass, he would endeavor to make it as unobjectionable as he could. For this reason he was in favor of the proviso.
Mr. Taylor said, if some time ago there had been as little anxiety for the development of the charges against the person whose case had been so often cited as there appeared to be now, this bill would not have found its way into the house. But the national feelings had been excited, said he and the only question now is, whether we will leave the development of these things to the district court of Kentucky, or have it made before a court which you command, whose proceedings must be reported to the Executive of the union, and for the decision given on them, he will be held responsible to the nation. Gentlemen have said that this court of enquiry is a thing which is to be conducted in secret. Do we forget the court of enquiry lately held at Norfolk, the evidence and proceedings before which are among the printed documents in the house. From these notice the mode of proceeding in a court of enquiry; and even if they be ever so corrupt, still the nation has a fair chance of knowing the whole truth. This mode is not in secret: nor is the citizen or soldier carried into a dark hole to have his testimony contested or twisted. It is taken down in writing, and then read over to him for correction. Is there any very great possibility that men of the same respectability as those men alluded to as witnesses in this particular case would suffer their testimony to be so taken as to convey a
different meaning from that which they intended? The nation has a strong call upon us to give to that court of enquiry power to collect all testimony. As I have said before I have not taken sides in this business: I want the whole truth in a constitutional way. Whether the offence charged shall have been committed ten years ago or not, when the whole testimony is brought before the Executive, he will possess not only the opinion of the court of enquiry with their statement, but also the written result of the examination of every witness. He will then be held responsible for continuance of this officer in command. For this reason I desire to know the whole truth; and for another reason. Because the court of enquiry although asked for by this house, had been previously instituted at the desire of the individual. If gen. W. were that cunning and intriguing character he has been represented to be, he would wish to go before that tribunal which does not possess the power to collect testimony, believing the court of enquiry to be both sides of the question that I think this bill ought to pass, and that the provision to defeat its operation should be rejected.
Mr. Livermore's amendment was negatived. Ayes 22.
Mr. Bacon proposed a new section providing that depositions should be taken in all cases where the witness resides at a greater distance than 100 miles.
Mr. Durell opposed the amendment, observing that every amendment rendered the bill more iniquitous, without insuring its object. He declared the whole bill to be so heterodox, preposterous and variant, that he could make nothing of it.
Mr. Bacon said it was intended to secure the liberties of the citizen, and to meet the suggestions of gentlemen opposed to the bill.
The amendment was agreed to without division.
The committee then rose and reported the bill with amendments.
Mr. Livermore renewed the motion which he had made in the committee of the whole. Mr. Taylor having called for the yeas and nays on it, it was negatived by yeas and nays, 89 to 22.
Mr. Durell moved that the bill lie on the table. —Negatived.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading. Ayes 67.
To-morrow being mentioned as the day on which it should be read the third time.
Mr. D. R. Williams hoped Friday would be the day on which it should be read; that time might be allowed for printing it. It had been argued by the characteristic honesty of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that this bill was calculated for the particular case of gen. Wilkinson.
Mr. Smilie interrupted the gentleman to observe that he had not said that gen. Wilkinson was the principal object; he had said that case had given rise to the bill. It was a bill of a general nature, but would comprehend the particular case which had given rise to it.
Mr. D. R. Williams said he would not suppose otherwise than that he had misunderstood the gentleman. Be the object what it might, he hoped a little time would be afforded to those opposed to the bill to digest their thoughts on it.
It was accordingly made the order of the day for Friday next.
Mr. Nelson said, by looking over the acts of Congress, it would be found that an act was passed on the 10th of April, 1806, to provide for persons disabled by known wounds during the revolutionary war. One of the sections of that act requires that every claimant should give satisfactory reason why he did not apply for the provision before, and also that he should make affidavit that he had not received a pension from any state. In his opinion this provision operated very unjustly and harshly upon many. A number of persons who had fought the battles of the nation were now in a state of dependence and want; and although some of them received a small pittance as a gratuity from the states, he thought they should not thereby be prevented from coming forward and receiving justice from the United States. He thought the law should be amended, and for that reason proposed the following:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of repealing so much of the second section of the above act as requires that the claimant shall make affidavit that he is not on the pension list of any state; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Randolph rose to second the motion of the gentleman from Maryland. It was in the recollection of that gentleman and of many others what extreme disgust he hoped to be pardoned for the harshness of the expression—the provision which the gentleman now wished to strike out from the statute book to which it was a disgrace, had given when that law passed, and what strong endeavors had been made by several gentlemen, and particularly by a respectable member from the state of North-Carolina to have it amended. He was happy to find the subject now proposed for their consideration.
The resolution was agreed to without a division, and Messrs. Nelson, Randolph, and Livermore appointed a committee accordingly. Mr. Dawson moved for the order of the day on the bill authorising the President to raise an additional number of troops.
Before the question could be taken on considering this subject, on motion of Mr. Gardner the house adjourned—Ayes 67.
THURSDAY, March 10.
Much business was done this day, none of an urgent public nature.
A bill was received from the Senate for raising an additional number of troops, which was referred to a select committee.
FRIDAY March, 11.
Mr. Lewis from the select committee, reported "a bill for the relief of Richard Bland Lee," which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Mumford presented a petition from a number of merchants of New-York, stating that they had on hand a large quantity of FLAXSEED which, unless exported in a short time, would be useless and lost; that in the year 1806, there were exported to Ireland alone 60,000 hds of flaxseed; that the average value of the flaxseed annually exported is about 585,000 dollars, of the commissions, &c. 43,875 dollars, and of the freight 200,000 dollars, making in all 828,875 dollars; that there are now in New-York about 15,000 hds. and in the other ports of the U. S. about 30,000 hds. all of which will be lost, &c. The petitioners pray that flaxseed may be either exempted from the operation of the embargo, or that Congress may grant some other relief—Referred to the committee of the whole house to whom was referred the report of the committee of commerce and manufac-
tures on the petition of William Haslett, of Philadelphia.
Mr. Clapton from the select committee, reported "a bill to continue in force for a further time the act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and in the waters under their jurisdiction." Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Dawson from the committee to whom was referred the bill from the senate "for raising an additional MILITARY force," reported their agreement to the same with one amendment (of a trifling nature.) Ordered to lie on the table.
The "bill authorising a detachment from the militia of the U. States," was read the third time and passed. Mr. Stanford moved that it be entered on the journal as having "passed unanimously." Lost.
The "bill extending the time for issuing and locating military LAND-WARRANTS" was read the third time and passed; also the bill from the senate "for the erection of a light house and placing buoys at the places therein mentioned, with an amendment," also the "bill concerning the sale of lands of the U. S. and for other purposes."
The "bill concerning COURTS MARTIAL AND COURTS OF INQUIRY" was read the third time. Mr. Gardner called for the yeas and nays on its passage.
Mr. Elliot spoke at length against the bill. He opposed it on the ground that it was erroneous in principle, that it would be inefficient in its operation, and oppressive on the citizens. He said that to admit the military to be co-ordinate with the civil authority, was laying the axe to the root of liberty; and that to make it superior was the very essence of despotism.
That if the military had to make a demand on the civil power for a writ to compel the attendance of witnesses, it ought to be in the humble tone of supplication, and not in the imperious language of command; and this bill would place the officer and soldier on very unequal grounds giving the former privileges which are denied to the latter.
Mr. Johnson supported the bill on the ground, that the object of it was to extend privileges to the soldiers which they did not now enjoy. He disclaimed the idea of this bill being introduced merely on account of the recommendation in the president's message respecting the court of inquiry lately held here. He regretted that it was not in their power further to exempt the soldiers from the penalties of the articles of war, particularly as the militia might soon be subject to them.
Mr. Randolph said, that one observation of the gentleman last up, if not made ad captandum vulgus , was certainly intended to catch the feelings of the middle class of citizens, on whom we should ultimately have to rely for the defence of the country. But he contended that the provisions of the bill could not affect the militia in time of war, as the very essence of courts martial at such times was that their proceedings should be summary. That this bill would be equal to a repeal of the mutiny act, and that it would tend to the dissolution of the army. He observed, that it would tend to exalt the military over the civil authority; that the constitutional privilege of a citizen's being exempt from military duty was as much violated by dragging a man 100 miles as 5000—That a man's wife, his sister or his daughter might be forced amidst the vice and profligacy of a camp to give evidence before a court martial; that in the early stages of his political life, a salutary jealousy had been inculcated on the ambition of the federal government, whenever it attempted any encroachments, and yet the bill on the table would tend to increase the executive and military power by encroaching on the privileges of the citizens. He said, that this bill was evidently intended to remedy a particular case. A resolution had been brought forward by a gentleman from Kentucky, and passed, requesting the president to institute an enquiry into the conduct of a certain great officer of the army. He meant no disrespect to the president, but he would state a fact: the president did not institute the enquiry: he told the house that he had instituted an enquiry, and hinted that the court did not possess sufficient power. Upon this they were now legislating; every section of the bill was only a lame attempt to remedy the defect in that particular instance. When this bill was first introduced, he reflected on what kind of a reception it would have met with from a certain description of persons ten years ago. It would have thrown the continent into a flame. Much as he detested the alien and sedition laws, he would rather have had them than this law.
Mr. Rowan also spoke at length against the bill. He was followed at some length by Mr. Love, in favor of it. As soon as Mr. L. ceased, a motion was made to adjourn, and carried.
SATURDAY, March 12.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill authorising the loan of arms to the state of Ohio, which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
The bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry was again taken up. The question being on the passage of the bill, Messrs. J. Montgomery, Holland, Nicholas, and Fisk, supported the bill; and Messrs. Sloan, Pitken, Randolph, and J. Clay, opposed it. When the question was taken by yeas and nays, 61 to 52. And the house immediately adjourned.
GENERAL EATON'S SPEECH.
On the Resolutions to amend the U. S. Constitution, delivered in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts on Tuesday the 1st inst.
Disposition of health having confined me to quarters during the debates on this question, I have not profited of the light which wisdom may have thrown on the subject: what I have received of it has been reflected through the medium of accident. I am in favor of the resolutions. It has always been my opinion that there is danger in delegating supremacy to any branch of the general government; and recent events have confirmed me in the correctness of that opinion.
That this measure is constitutional cannot be denied: the constitution itself expressly provides for it; and this provision bears evidence of the conviction on the
minds of its framers that experience might render amendments necessary. Gentlemen in opposition, conscious of the right, fly to alarm and dress all their fears in phantoms against the experiment. Look at the group of tyrants.
"Approach not the constitution! It is the holy of holies! Hinc procul! O profani! enter not into the vale of this temple! The anointed high priests of the law are the ministers who alone should draw near to it and deliver you the oracles. Come not near the mountain; for if ye touch it, ye die. The people! the mob! Ignorance and imbecility, the swinish multitude; shall they attempt, through an indulgent avenue of the constitution, to enter the sacred hall of justice and bind imperial majesty to a responsibility to themselves? It is monstrous! We have no opinion of the people. They are capricious; they are impetuous—impatient of control—dangerous in influence and fatal in power. Bring the judiciary to their responsibility! Anarchy will overwhelm us, and chaos come again!"
Such of late has been the general clamor against all popular measures, and such is the tenor of the language of a certain class of American citizens in 1808—
Let us contrast this language with that of their fathers of 1776—
"All men are born free—The people have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves."
"All power is vested originally in the people, and being derived from them, the several magistrates and officers of government vested with authority, whether legislative, executive or judicial, are their substitutes and agents, and are at all times accountable to them."
Is not the contrast very striking? And has the lapse of thirty-two years produced in us so astonishing a depravity? Are their sons thus fallen from the dignified station which our fathers asserted? And has this retrogradation from sublimity to baseness happened within a succession of years when the world acknowledge we have been progressing in improvement?
Who are the people? What is this Hydra of frightful aspect? Why Sir, it is ourselves! And in this mass are comprised the very gentlemen who affect so much alarm lest we should betray ourselves, and exhibit proof to the world that we are our own worst enemies! Dare we not, indeed, confide in ourselves! Or has fatal experience so soon taught us that we need irresponsible overseers? Not so soon. The sovereignty of this nation is still vested in the people. Any portion of it which we delegate is for purposes of general safety. Our laws are the guarantees of this safety; and he who interprets or administers these laws, whether as a judge or an executor, is as much our agent as the legislator who enacts them; and is intended, by the constitution, to be held equally responsible. This privilege, indeed, though a right of nature, is, at present, peculiar to the people of the U. S. It is our inheritance. It is guaranteed to us by the last will and testament of our fathers—and we will preserve it. But were this otherwise, and we, unfortunately, stood on a level with the common mass of the people or less happy countries; still should we find some general maxims tested by the experience of centuries—by the rise, progress, decline and dissolution of nations, kingdoms and empires, which would remove the reproach from the character of the people which sequestered individuals and privileged orders labor to fix upon them. Yes, Sir, the history of all ages, and of all stages of human society, prove to us that where the laws are simple, lenient and just, and fairly and equitably administered, the people are obedient, contented, loyal and happy!
Can the best read man in this house point to me an instance of a popular revolution which did not originate in abuse of power! No, Sir, corruption begins at court. Let rulers be just, and there is no danger of sedition. It is oppression in monarchical governments, and it is political fraud in republican which brings down the torrent of popular resentment on the invaders of their rights.—When this torrent breaks loose it overwhelms, like a deluge, all before it: and in vain shall tyranny and duplicity call to the rocks and to the mountains to hide them from the dreadful avenger.
But from this range of general observation let us return to our own story and to our own experience.
If we have a national existence—if we have any thing of a national character—if we have national independence—and if we realize national happiness at this moment, it is because the people of this country have had, on all occasions, the stubborn honesty of supporting their rights and causing justice to be rendered to themselves. If, in short, we are not at this moment, involved in the bloody horrors of civil war, we may, and justly, ascribe it to the intrinsic virtue of the people of a very remote section of our union.
Aaron Burr found no difficulty in drawing to his standard choice spirits—men weary of the dull pursuits of civil life—accomplished and ready to marshal his divisions, command his regiments, and lead his phantoms to deeds of treasonable war. But his rank and file must be formed of the people. These equally despised the tinsel of his seductives, and the blackness of his heart; and hence his execrable project perished in embryo. We owe, therefore, the preservation of our union to the loyalty of the people of the west. The instant they were led to suspect, by an exposure, that his enterprise was dishonorable, they abandoned the man, and gave him up to the laws of his country. Such, I believe, Sir, you will find the integrity of the people throughout the United States.—And are the people to be distracted?
No, Sir; it is not among the laborious farmers, the industrious mechanics, nor the enterprising merchantmen, that we are to look for plots and stratagems, treasons and state revolutions; it is from among choice spirits, and men weary of dull pursuits of civil life.
But were sovereignty and safety less secure where they are, still should I be in favor of the amendment contemplated by these resolutions—The tenure by which the U. S. judges hold their offices, under the constitution, is dangerous; they are too far removed from responsibility. If you will vest a man with power, and shield him from responsibility, you create a tyrant,
who, if he possess not an uncommon share of virtue, will lash you into repentance for a misplaced confidence. Such as human nature always displayed itself when elevated above accountability.
It is argued that removal by impeachment for misdemeanor is a sufficient check on the bench. What is misdemeanor? Who has ever seen it defined? Is there found in this indefinite provision of the constitution a remedy against the incapacities resulting from age, infirmity, or the torpor of excess? A battle lost by incapacity of the chief to direct it, is the same in effect to the country as if lost by cowardice. Does the provision in the constitution secure us against error in judgment? No, Sir; whether the error arises from a misconstruction of the laws or from a criminal bias, there exists no remedy against its effects in the supreme federal courts. But error may work as much injury as corruption. The man who is unjustly condemned has no consolation in the apology that the judge is old; or imbecile; or, if corrupt, too good a manager to be convicted of a misdemeanor.
Who can read the tragicomedy in the trial of Fries, or the farce in the trial of Burr and Blennerhassett, and not yield an involuntary assent to the necessity of this amendment? Or shall we through dread of change, persevere in wrong, and content ourselves in seeing judges, shielded by the breast plate of irresponsibility, lounge securely on their bench, like a sultan or a bashaw on his throne, and put death into commission by a nod, or exculpate treason by a hiss! Fries may have merited death by the laws—But this gave the judge no authority to deny him any of the rights of defence: nor can it justify him in the unblushing political partiality he suffered to influence his demeanor towards the criminal.
Come with me to Richmond, Sir. Is there an honest man within these U. S. possessed of common information and ordinary understanding, who has not for the last twelve months been pretty thoroughly convinced of the treasonable intentions of the ambitious Burr? Had any man better information on the subject than the chief justice of the U. States? I am suspicious that no man better understood the subject. Yet I have seen this eminent magistrate, supreme in rank, and in talents to none, presiding on a trial, the most important that ever interested his country, with composure on his brow, and acquiescence in his heart, waste day after day until weeks, and indeed months, are consumed, listening to a drunken, obscure, depraved lawyer, in billingsgate abuse of the executive of the U. S. when the only question before him was the guilt or innocence of an apostate indicter for treason!
No, Sir, Mr. Jefferson arraigned at the bar? No, Sir, he was not. Had he in any thing exceeded the duties of high trust in his endeavors to suppress treason? His country will not accuse him treason. But he has been implicated with the traitor, which the court to do even with recrimination! How much more degrading then to invite irrelevant abuse?
I shall not comment on the legal opinions of the chief justice: I am incompetent to the task.—However those opinions, given on the same points at different periods, may have seemed to clash, he always shuffled them together until he turned up laws for them. But the bias of personal hatred (against the President) and the influence of a political party spirit, appeared so obviously throughout this long investigation, that concealment became impossible, even to the people! Inasmuch that I do not think it uncharitable to declare my belief that the countenance which the restless, unprincipled spirit of Burr did receive, where he ought to have met chastisement, will encourage him to persevere in his plans of wickedness. Indeed it would not surprise me to hear that he has revived the treason in the south-west with bolder feature and more threatening aspect than it bore when first foiled. Most of his choice spirits are about him; and desperation must impel them to desperate deeds. From experience they have not much to apprehend from prosecution; and this experience enables their leader with some reason, to repeat the persuasive argument at first used, that the project is supported by the best blood of America! I would not excite unreasonable alarms: these are natural conclusions from the present state of things. The boundless ambition, the invincible spirit, and the indefatigable perseverance of Burr, have long been known. These now combined with resentment, which is his predominant passion, will carry him to all lengths of extravagance. He considers the United States as his enemy; and though he makes them, he never forgives his enemies. The great and daring talents which are embarked with him are much of the same temper. Who can say that he will not find pecuniary supplies; it will be no difficult task to create a force of idle forsigners, vagrant Indians, fugitive slaves, and dissolute Americans, as desperate in fortune, and as hardy in enterprise as himself.
With such prospects before us, ought we to remain unmoved? It is time to be up and on the alert. The most we can do is to discountenance those who have given countenance to the traitor.—This is the least we ought to do. The resolutions embrace this object, and if I had no other reason, I should feel it a duty I owe my country to vote for them. Before I dismiss this disagreeable subject, I will correct an error that has been imposed on public credulity. That Burr's conspiracy was confined exclusively to that class of men denominated federalists. This is neither true nor just. If the veil of mystery and concealment should ever be drawn from this plot of disunion, it will betray the characters of some of the most professedly loyal and most dashing republicans of the day, who were originally in the plot, and who never abandoned it until the integrity of the people of the country which was to have been the theatre of its operation, rendered the prospect of its success absolutely forlorn.
The real American is uniformly such; but Anglo feds, and Gallo demos, are always speculating on events.
One word to the general principle. Connecticut and Vermont elect their judges annually. Massachusetts removes them on the ground assumed by these resolutions. Yet in these states, of steady habits, no

Inconvenience has resulted from this kind of judicial responsibility. We have the evidence of long experience, that justice will not be less justly administered from placing the federal judges under a similar responsibility. At least I am for making the experiment. If it proves detrimental, we will again amend. I am not so terrified at change as some gentlemen affect to be. This appeal to the apprehensions of the public is the resort of despair, when argument cannot be found to support a bad cause. I wish men would be honest, and tell us fairly their real meaning, when, with affected concern for our welfare, they seize so feelingly on our fears and paint us dangers in prospective.
Hitherto we have not realized the dire disasters which these political prophets have predicted as the effect of change. Eight years ago, when the administration of the general government was about to pass from the late to the present men in the executive, spectres appeared in the north; the destruction of population was to happen in New England! Our meeting houses were to be turned into billiard-rooms; our school houses into cock-pits; our grave yards into bowline greens, and our training fields into race grounds. Our bibles and our plain books were to be burnt, and infidelity and licentiousness were to persecute religion and morality from the land. But the political change happened nevertheless. Have the prophesied disasters followed? No, Sir; not in one instance. We still worship God in our old way, according to the dictates of our own consciences; our school houses are still the resort of our children for instruction; and we are in the possession and use still of all our ancient rights, habits and customs.
Similar alarms have very lately been excited within this state, when the government was about to change its executive; and similar has been the result. In both instances we see little more than a change of men; while measures are pursued on a general principle, which preserves to us all our fundamental rights, and the enjoyment of our dearest privileges. I conclude, therefore, that there is more design than honesty in these alarms; and that there is, in truth, no danger to be apprehended in the country from the influence of popular government. I do not make my countrymen a compliment when I say, they lose by comparison with any other nation on earth; there is no where such a populace. And it is doing us injustice to draw examples from France, by which to calculate our own destiny. The Frenchmen were strangers to liberty; their pride, their honor, and even their rights were absorbed in the name of the Grand Monarque. When the name of liberty was transported to them from America, they seized it as they would any other novelty, and by a misuse of it, produced its annihilation. We, Sir, know well how to nurse and how to improve this blessing. It is familiar to us: It is born with us. It nourishes our infancy; it strengthens our manhood; it supports our age; and we die with the request of it to our posterity. It is indeed inseparable from the existence of the people of this country, and he who apprehends danger from the exercise of it, must be physically timid or morally dishonest. I hope, in the question before us, we shall use this right with an independence evincive of our entire confidence in ourselves. THE PEOPLE.
REMOVAL. GEORGE WATT, has removed to the main street, next door above the Bell-Tavern, where he offers for sale the following articles: 24 hds Brown Sugar, 30 hds Molasses, 8 Tiers and 8 Boxes best Green Coffee, 20 hds Antigua Rum, 5 pipes H&C and Ciu, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 hds and 20 bks Northern Whiskey, 15 qrs casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Young Hyson T-s, 6 chests Hyson Skin, do, 5 chests Souchong, do, 70 sarks Liverpool ground salt. Richmond, 15th March 1808. 1aw6w
SALES AT AUCTION. By M. M. Myers. THIS DAY, at 12 o'clock, at his Auction Store, without reset 6000 wt. prime C Coffee, in tierces, barrels and bags Terms: 60 days for cash endorsed notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia Friday, March 18, 1808. 1
A YOUNG MAN WHO is single, that understands the management of Negroes, and can read and write with a very little knowledge of figures, if well recommended for honesty, industry and sobriety, may hear of employment by application to the printer. Richmond, March 19, 1808. 1
NOTICE. BY virtue of the authority vested in me by Samuel Liggon, by deed of trust, bearing date the 7th December 1807, I shall proceed to sell to the highest bidder for cash, on Saturday the 19th inst on the premises, between the hours of 12 and 2 o'clock, the lot of ground adjoining the Fairhill Race Ground, containing 3 or 4 acres, with all the improvements thereon, consisting of a good framed dwelling house and other conveniences for a family, now occupied by the said Liggon. Also, the whole of the said Liggon's Household and Kitchen Furniture, and Carpenter's Tools, to comply with the purposes of the said trust. JAMES JENKS, Trustee. Richmond, March 17, 1808. 1
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. LADDS & WEBSTER. ISAAC WEBSTER. 3d mo. 14, 1808. 1
CAUTION. ALL persons are forewarned taking a note given by me to Frazier & Moncure, the 15th of April 1807, for 430 dollars, as I am determined not to pay the same, having never received the value of it. MOSES DAVIS. Richmond, March 18, 1808. 2p
Several new advertisements and articles of intelligence, unavoidably delayed 'til our next.
Virginia Argus. RICHMOND: FRIDAY, MARCH 18, 1808.
A BILL, as we are informed, is now depending in Congress, authorizing the President of the United States to take of the Embargo, not at his own discretion, or at any limited time, but whenever the present belligerent powers shall consent to grant to American vessels the free navigation of the ocean and undisturbed admission into their ports. This we conceive will be taking the proper course, and assuming that dignified and independent attitude which becomes a great nation, intent only on peace and justice, and determined to maintain its own rights, without being influenced by fear of, or partiality for, any other nation. We trust it will have the good effect of compelling both Great-Britain and France to pay us more respect than hitherto, and lead them to appreciate justly the importance of the American trade, by making them feel the inconveniences of its loss. Its ultimate effect will probably be that Great Britain will acknowledge the principles of the law of nations for which we contend, and will make a treaty with us upon our own terms—in which event, according to the tenor of Bonaparte's own decree, they are no longer to be considered as applying to us.
We took the liberty, some time ago, of expressing our opinion that the only policy which could with propriety be adopted by the United States was of a nature similar to that now proposed; that they ought not to engage in a war with either party, but to relinquish all commerce with both, until their maritime rights should be recognized, and established on such a sure footing, that their ships might sail in every sea with safety.
It may be said by those opposed to the Embargo, that our government should not in this manner restrain the enterprising spirit of its citizens; that, if it is unable to protect their commerce by arms, it should at least permit them to run any risk which they themselves think proper to encounter; that the most advisable measure would therefore be, not to prohibit their leaving our ports for the purpose of trading to other countries; but to permit them to go whither soever they pleased; giving them notice that they should not receive any protection from the government, and, if taken by the vessels of any foreign power, would be abandoned to the captors. Some of the merchants, whose impatient avarice cannot endure restraint, or whose embarrassed circumstances will not admit (without ruin) of a suspension of their trade, may preach up this doctrine, and be willing, like desperate gamblers, to risk all they possess for the chance of profit: but, surely, it is more conducive to the interest of the merchants generally to make one firm and resolute effort, by means of a temporary sacrifice, for the present, to obtain for them a free and uninterrupted trade hereafter, than to leave their property constantly subject to seizure and condemnation as heretofore. A commerce continually exposed to excessive perils, might enrich a few artful adventurers; but would be big with destruction to thousands, if they pursued it. The consequence then would be that, the generality of men would not engage in it; so that, in a short time, it would be almost entirely abandoned. Considering the nature of the French and British decrees and orders of council, it may be safely asserted that, if the Embargo was, on this day, taken off, no prudent American merchant would venture to send a cargo to sea. It appears, therefore, very evident to us that the measure, which, no doubt, will be adopted by Congress, is probably the wisest and best that, in the present state of our affairs, could be proposed.
THE American Citizen of New-York endeavors to compel us all to vote for the venerable GEORGE CLINTON as President, by charging us with want of gratitude for his revolutionary services; if we do not. We admit that his military achievements, during the contest for liberty, were truly glorious to himself and useful to his country: we admit that he always has been, and still is a sincere patriot, a pure republican, and a good man. But, notwithstanding all this, we do not think that he ought to be the next President of the U. States. Twenty, or even seven years ago, he might have had our cheerful suffrage to fill that office, if the great WASHINGTON and JEFFERSON had not stood in his way; and, if now, he was a few years younger, his chance of success would be better than it is.
But, however great the respect and enthusiastic admiration with which we contemplate the war-worn soldier of freedom, and one of the last surviving heroes of the revolution, we cannot, thro' mistaken gratitude, consent to jeopardize those very interests, (for which he fought so bravely,) by elevating him to an office, the duties of which he is no longer capable of fulfilling. It is also certainly true that Gov. Clinton has no reason to complain of the ingratitude of his country. Riches and honors have been heaped upon him, in his native state of New-York, and he has already been placed in the second station in the union. The republicans who advocate the election of James Madison to the first, are willing to continue George Clinton in the second; a station in which he can enjoy otium cum dignitate , and no longer be obliged to bustle in the laborious field of politics, to which the energy and firmness of the middle aged is so much better adapted than the imbecility of the old and decrepit statesman. We wish this respectable and exalted character to go off the stage with honour; not to expose himself to disgrace by exhibiting to the public view the faint image of his former self, the ruins of departed greatness. We wish him not, when he ought to be resting from his glorious toils, and enjoying the happy retrospect of a life well spent, to be canvassing and electioneering now for office, and involving himself in new cares and troubles, for the sake of attempting a task at present beyond his strength; viz. that of conducting the complicated and difficult affairs of a great nation. To that task we think Mr. Madison fully adequate; and trust that he will be called by his country to undertake it.
THE address of the Lancaster committee in Pennsylvania on the subject of the election of a governor for that state, and of
the future President, is silent as to the person selected for the last mentioned office. We cannot, therefore, certainly say on whom they are disposed to bestow the benefit of their support; but the report is that CLINTON is the man. We should be glad, however, to know their reasons for not mentioning his name.
THE extraordinary protest of the seventeen members of Congress, against the nomination of Mr. Madison by the republican caucus, contains so many strange positions, and displays so much hostility to that gentleman, that it deserves to be answered, if only for the purpose of shewing the true nature of the opposition to his election, as expressed by those members, who, it is to be supposed, have spoken the sentiments of their party generally. We recommend it therefore to the particular attention of his friends, and invite such of our correspondents, as have leisure for the purpose, to employ their pens in defending the good name of this great man from the wanton aspersions which they have cast upon it, and in demonstrating the futility of their objections to the proceedings of the congressional caucus.
FROM various signs and tokens we are inclined to believe that most of the advocates of Col. Monroe's election are as much influenced by a dislike of Madison, as by their attachment to his worthy competitor; and that, if they find the chance of Monroe's success is desperate, they will even join the Clintonians, rather than lose their chief object, which is to prevent Madison from being elected. God grant that, in this, we may be mistaken: but time and the course of events will shew, whether we are so, or not.
NEW-YORK, March 9. To the Editor of the American Citizen. The following letter, received by mail, has been communicated to several of the friends of Governor Clinton, but finding the opinions it was intended to refute, more extensive than at first imagined, the gentleman to whom it was addressed conceives he will be justified in giving it publicity, thro' the medium of the press.
"Washington March 5, 1808.
"DEAR SIR,—Yesterday I had the honor to receive your letter of the 1st inst. and am not surprised to learn that some of my friends in your city are induced to infer, from my silence on the subject of the nomination of candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President, made some time ago at this place, and since published in the news-papers, that my name was mentioned for the latter, with my knowledge and approbation.—The inference is a natural one, although in the present instance incorrect.
"Viewing with great anxiety the critical and alarming situation of our national affairs, and deeply impressed with a belief that it would require the united wisdom & patriotism of the different branches of the gov't. to avert the dangers which threaten our country; I formed a resolution, at the commencement of this important session, not to participate in any conversation touching the ensuing presidential election, nor to express any sentiment or determination respecting it, that might have a tendency to disunion, or any baneful effect on our public deliberations. This resolution I have hitherto scrupulously observed, and now regret the necessity I feel myself under of a partial departure from it, in order to remove the false impressions which it seems my silence has occasioned, by assuring my friends, through you, that I never have been directly or indirectly consulted on the subject, either before or since that nomination was made; nor was I even apprised of the meeting held for the purpose, otherwise than by having accidentally seen a notice or summons, to one of the members to attend it, from S. R. Bradley, Esquire.
"However correct and forcible the objections which you have stated against this procedure may be, yet 'as it is a business in which I have had no agency or participation, and over which I can have no control, it might be considered improper for me, situated as I am, to make any comments upon it.
"I am, with great respect & esteem, "Your most obt. servant "GEO. CLINTON."
PHILADELPHIA, March 9.
(CIRCULAR.)
Treasury department, March 2, 1808. Sir—I enclose the printed copy of an act supplementary to the act entitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise."
The third section exempts from the prohibition, all articles imported on board any vessel of the U. S. cleared out before the 14th day of December last, provided such vessels shall return within a limited time. Altho' the penalties already incurred, be not thereby positively remitted, I think it consistent with the spirit of the provision, to direct that all the articles seized and libelled under the non-importation act, and which had been imported in vessels as above described be restored to the parties; and that all the prosecutions in relation thereto, be discontinued on payment of costs. This instruction is not to apply to articles imported in foreign vessels, or vessels without register; nor to any articles imported either clandestinely or under falsified invoices.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, (Signed) ALBERT GALLATIN. The collector of Philadelphia.
AN ACT
Supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise." Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That nothing in the act to which this is a supplement, shall be so construed as to prohibit the importation of the following articles, that is to say:
First. Wrappers and outside packages in which goods, the importation of which is not prohibited, usually are and shall be wrapped or packed at the time of their importation;
Second. Bags or sacks in which salt shall be imported; Third. Glass bottles or phials in which drugs, medicines, or any other article, the importation of which is not prohibited, shall be imported; Fourth. Printed books, maps & charts; Fifth. Watches, tradesmen's and artificer's tools, mathematical, astronomical & surgical instruments; gilt buttons, locks, and all other articles manufactured partly of brass and partly of any other metal; Sixth. Shalloons and woollen stuffs, muskets, bayonets, swords, cutlasses and pistols.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the articles of the following description, shall be held and considered as being embraced by the description of articles, the importation of which is prohibited by the act to which this act is a supplement, that is to say;
All articles manufactured entirely of silk and wool, or of silk and flax, or of flax and wool, floor-cloths, woollen cassimeres, carpets, carpeting, and mats, whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings sterling, per square yard.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That no articles imported on board any vessel of the U. S. cleared out before the fourteenth day of December last, from any port within the U. States, or the territories thereof, shall be subject to the prohibition enacted by the act to which this act is a supplement: Provided, that such vessels which may have cleared for any port beyond the Cape of Good Hope, shall return to some port in the U. S. or its territories within twelve months: And provided, that such vessels shall have cleared for any other port, shall return as aforesaid within six months from the said fourteenth day of December.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the house of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice President of the U. S. and President of the Senate. February 27, 1808 APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
NORFOLK, March 14.
On Saturday evening a British fleet of 5 sail of the line, and a frigate, anchored off our Capes, consisting of the
 Royal George of 100 guns.  Neptune 98  Temeraire 98  Dragon 80  Tonnant 80  Eurydice 32  Majestic 120 guns.  Lys 74  Ajax 80  Suffrein 74  Magnum 74  Jennappe 74  Flora 24  Servillien brig. 
Under the command of Sir John Thomas Duckworth. This fleet sailed from England on the 17th of January. His Britannic Majesty's Consul communicated to the Editor of this paper the following circumstances: That this fleet sailed in pursuit of the Rochfort squadron, which had escaped from that port composed of the following ships—
Admiral Duckworth steered first for Madeira, near which island he spoke the British frigate Comus, capt. Percy, who informed him that he had been chased a few days before by a French line of battle ship and frigate, and had nearly been captured. Admiral D then proceeded to the West-Indies, from whence he came to our Capes. The consul further informed us that Sir John Duckworth has forwarded to him a dispatch for Mr. Rose, at Washington, in which he states (we understand from the consul) that the appearance of his fleet so unexpectedly at this juncture, may excite some sensation in the American government, and requests that Mr. Rose would immediately communicate to our government the cause of his coming upon this coast.
These are all the particulars which we are informed of from authentic source. Report says & as proceeding from a British officer that there are 3600 troops on board this fleet. Col. Hamilton was asked if there were any troops on board, he replied not to his knowledge. The number however far exceeds what could be carried in that number of ships.
The unexpected appearance of this fleet, must prove to every person the facility with which we can be assailed by an European power, who has the command of the seas: with such a power we have had reason to expect a war for nearly nine months, and yet the country is in no better state of defence than it was nine months ago.
The British ships were yesterday anchored to the southward of the capes. The Rochfort fleet may probably pay a visit to the Brazils, where they might have effected something if the British admiral had not sent four sail of the line with the Portuguese fleet—Ledger.
We understand that admiral Duckworth stated in a letter to Col. Hamilton, that he should not remain more than forty eight hours off our Capes.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
CHARLESTON, March 9.
The letter bag of the ship Adeline, capt. Trott, 31 days from London, was brought up last evening, by one of the pilot-boats. Our regular files by this arrival, are only to the 7th of January, on which day the ship left London. Capt. Trott, however, sent up a single paper of the 16th of January, (which he probably obtained in the Downs) with which we have been favored. We regret that we have not been able to procure the intermediate dates, as this paper throws but little light on the situation of European affairs—we have extracted the most interesting part of its contents:—
LONDON, January 16. Mr. Sansom, the chairman of the committee of American merchants, yesterday waited upon the chancellor of the exchequer, to know whether licenses would be granted for the protection of cargoes destined for America. The chancellor of the exchequer said, he saw no occasion for such licenses, as we were not at war with America; but he did not think there could be any objection to grant them, to satisfy
those who might think it necessary to apply for them. The situation of America with respect to France, does not seem less precarious than with respect to England. The French privateers, in conformity to the late decree, capture every american they meet, bound to England. The ship Live Oak, an American ship from Virginia to London, has been taken, retaken, and brought into the Downs. The Hyades, an American ship, from Charleston and Coos to London, was taken on the 31st ultimo by a French privateer and carried into Calais—the captain and crew taken out of the ship and put under guard. The Joseph and Edward, from Guernsey to Dover, was taken on the 5th inst. and carried into Calais. Several other vessels have lately been carried into Calais; among them were three American vessels, exclusive of the Hyades.
The transport board continues to engage large coppered ships, for long voyages—Many of these vessels are to proceed to India, for the purpose of bringing home hemp—the directors of the East-India company having engaged to furnish government with twenty-thousand tons of hemp annually, for the next three years, the whole of which is to be brought home in ships especially fitted and prepared for the purpose, so as to prevent the article from imbibing an improper heat on its voyage to England.
It was yesterday reported, that the bank of England had offered to lend government ten millions, for one year, without interest; and that government had declined the offer, as not being adequate to their expectations.
The public will be not a little surprised, to hear that Gen. Mack is now in London, and has frequent conferences with Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of York! We can assure our readers, however, from an unquestionable authority, that he has been in town for the last ten days. Many persons seem inclined to build sanguine hopes of peace, on the concluding part of the Monitor's comments on his majesty's Declaration.—The permitting our maritime code to remain at present undiscussed, and to lie over for regulation according to the respective strength and policy of future belligerents, is certainly a difficulty mastered: and being a concession on which the former language of Bonaparte gave us no reason to expect, at first sight appears to intimate, that dispositions are gradually becoming more pacific.—We are, however, very far from thinking, that the official paper (for such we may consider it in the Monitor) warrants a favorable anticipation of the result of those communications, which are now going on between the governments. It certainly proves the truth of our original statement, that communications bearing towards peace have taken place. The new light in which the independence of the seas is affected to be considered, shows that Bonaparte wishes to agitate the subject of Negotiation—Nay, we do not doubt that his desire for peace may be sincere; at least, it would be strange if it is not, for certainly the relative situations of the two countries do not intimate that France has more reason to dread a period of rest, which shall afford an opportunity of prosecuting the advantages gained in war to the purposes of internal prosperity.
Richmond Tile Manufactory.
THE subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of Thirty Five Dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory.
He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction or those tile to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of making with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.
Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side of the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid.
BENJAMIN DU VAL.
Richmond, March 12, 1808.
N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other states.
with B. D.
United States Court, Fifth Circuit Virginia District, Nov. term, 1807. Charles and Jesse Ewell, Pliffs. Against.
Tristran Dalton & Tobias Lear, mer. chsants and traders under the firm of Lear and Company. Defs.
THE defendants Tristran Dalton and Tobias Lear, not having entered their appearance and given security according to a rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this district, on the motion of the pts. by their council, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the pts. bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Cks.

Thenoted & much admired ENGLISH HORSE Jack Andrews; IMPORTED by W. Lightfoot, Esq. of Charles City county, and now his property, full 15 and 1-2 hands high, a blood bay, finely formed, in high health, vigor and spirit, the most active and best bottomed horse ever imported into this country, now rising 14 years old.
Will stand the ensuing season at Temple Hill, on Mechanic's river, in Albemarle county, ten miles above Charlottesville, within 1 mile of German's mill and 2 miles of the brick tavern, and will be let to mares at five guineas the season, which may be discharged by the payment of 20 dollars if paid by the 10th day of August. Gentlemen's mares will be required with their mares for 5 guineas discharged as above; 3 guineas the leap, and 40 dollars to insure a mare to be with foal, and one dollar with each mare to the groom; the leap and groom money to be paid when the mare is covered. Provided the mare is charged the owner shall be liable. The season will commence the first day of March and end the first day of August. Extensive low and high grassed pasturage, well enclosed, in three separate fields, gratis. Servants will be boarded at $2 per week, and grain will be furnished at the market price and given in manner and quantity agreeably to direction, and all possible care taken to prevent accidents and escapes but will not be liable for any that may happen. JAMES KINSOLVING, For William Lightfoot.
This celebrated horse's performances in England, has not been inferior to any horse there except his brother Dick Andrews, who is considered now the best horse in that country, giving 7 pounds—Jack Andrews won twice in 1797, then Mr. Lord's property—See Racing Calendar for that year.
At Worcester, July 5th, a maiden place of £50 for 3 years old. Gstone, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Darlington's ch f Miss Edwin, 4 years old; Mr. Atkinson's ch m Priscilla, aged; Sir W. W. Wynns b h Sweet Botherem, 5 years old; Mr. Hardin's b h Pigantine, 4 years old.
At Abingdon, Tuesday, September 16th, the members' purse of £50, for all ages, 4 mile heats was won by Jack Andrews, at 3 heats, beating Sir F. Poole's b m Mistrant, 5 years old, M c Whinney's ch h Expectation, Mr. Frayle's b h Cupid—six to four on Mistrant.
In 1801, Jack Andrews at New Market, April 30th, received forfeit from Mr. Bertholme's Symmetry, 8 stone, 5 lb 200 guineas, half forfeit.
At Newmarket, June 16th—The Belsize stakes, a pair of 100 guineas each, half forfeit, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, aged, beating Lord Sackville's b h Expectation, 5 years old, Sir H. T. Vane's Cock fighter, 5 years old, Mr. R. Heathcoat's Hippodamia, aged, his royal highness the Prince of Wales's b h Dick Andrews, Mr. Heathcoat's Poinjay and Cox's Edwin.
June 17th, a sweepstake of 5 guineas each, 20 rubs every was won by Jack Andrews, beating col. Greville's Lady Catherine, Mr. Howorth's Snuff Box.
At Newmarket, September 10th—The Woburn stakes of 10 guineas each, 4 mile heats, 5 subscribers, was won by his royal highness the Prince of Wales's b h Jack Andrews, aged, beating Mr. Watson's b h Tridimvir, Mr. Galt's b h Skyrocket.
At Newmarket, September 23, £50, for all ages, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, aged, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Frogley's gr g Ploughboy, Velvet horse Little-Though-Of, Hephestion and Conteo—See Racing Calendar for these years. It would swell an advertisement to too great length to mention all the races he has won.
Sweepstakes of 20 guineas each, 2 mile heats, 5 subscribers, Mr. Rooke's Jack Andrews, aged, 21 st. 7 lb, walked over—See Racing Calendar for 1802, page 385.
At Lambourn, in Sept. Wednesday 10th, he won the £50 gift of Lord Craven, 4 mile heats, at 4 heats, beating Mr. Coventry's ch h Sacripant, Mr. Bacon's b h Snap.
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT.
PEDIGREE Jack Andrews was got by Joe Andrews, his dam by Highlander, his granddam Cardinal Puff his great granddam by Patter, his great granddam by Snip, his great great granddam by Lord Godolphin's Arabian, his great great granddam by Stanyan's Arabian, which mare was own sister to Frampton's White Neck, full sister to the Minibury Galloway, great great great granddam by Sauce Box a son of Gegg, sire of Croft's Old Partner.
JAMES LORD (Sire) I do hereby certify that the above pedigree is true copy from the original one sent me by his Lordship. Given under my hand and seal, this 23rd of December, 1804.
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT, (Sire) Joe Andrews was got by Eclipse, his dam Almandra by Ominum, her dam Cloudy by Blank—Crab, Weddington mare by Partner—General Stud Book, page 6th, printed in 1803, by James Weatherby.
THE IMPORTED HORSES, Diomed & Robin Redbreast, stand the ensuing season at my stables, to be let to mares—Terms made known in due time. Thomas Goode.
THE Imported Horse PAUL, Formerly St. Paul, is a beautiful sorrel, 15 hands 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine bone, will stand the ensuing season at my plantation, in Powhatan county, on James river, 3 miles above the Mannakin Town ferry, and about the same distance below Jude's ferry, to cover mares at 25 dollars the season, but may be discharged by the payment of 18 dollars, or the price of 18 bushels of wheat at a Dover mill in Goochland county, if paid by the first day of December next, with half a dollar to the groom. As good and extensive pasture as any in Virginia gratis, and mares fed with corn at the market price, if the money is sent with them; and servants boarded at six shillings per week, and the greatest attention paid to the mares, but no liability for escapes or other accidents. The season will commence the first day of March and end the first day of August.
This beautiful horse PAUL was raised by the Prince of Wales, & got by his horse Saltram, who was got by O'Kelly's Eclips, his dam Virago, by Snap; Paul's dam Purity, was got by Matchem; her dam the Old Squirt mare, of as great fame as any mare in the kingdom—Paul's colts are equal to any horse's in Virginia, and he is a sure foal getter; several of his colts may be seen at his stand. THOMAS HARRIS, Jr. epl1a1w110J Millwood. Powhatan. Feb. 29, 1808.
Advertisement.
THE sale not having taken place at the time appointed in a former advertisement, will be sold, on Friday the 6th day of May next, for ready money, on the premises, a
Valuable Tract of Land,
lying in the county of Halifax on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to Wm. Mosely, and mortgaged by Mosely to Robert Andrews and John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22nd day of June 1795. At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Mosely, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Pierce, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Mosely is defendant, and for the purpose of raising the following sums, with interest, viz. 1081. 15s. with interest at the rate of 5 per cent, from the 1st of January 1793—1051. 2s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1794—1011. 10s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795—971. 17s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796—961. 5s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797—811. 14s. with like interest from the 14th day of July 1807—and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit.—The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff do not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned by the plaintiff's agent and attorney. THE COMMISSIONERS. Richmond March 11, 1808. wtds.
For Sale,
By virtue of a deed of trust executed by Samuel Adams to the subscriber, and for the purpose of completing the object of the said trust, the following property will be offered for sale, on the premises, on the 28th day of March, 1808, to the highest bidder; all that parcel of LAND, near Cumberland courthouse, commonly called and known by the name of Adams' Tenement; containing between 28 and 30 acres of land; with 3 or 4 houses, a good stable, garden and other conveniences for the accommodation of a family. SAMUEL HOBSON, Trustee. December 28, 1807. (wtds.)
FOR RENT,
A Store & Lumber-House, At that well known place the Piping Tree, in King William county. It is necessary to observe that few stands for a country store can excel it, it being situated in a wealthy neighborhood, on Pamunkey, a branch of York river, where vessels that will carry from 3 to 4000 bushels of grain can load at the door. Mary King. January 26, 1808. wtds.
In pursuance of a deed of trust executed by William I. Stone, to the subscribers, will be exposed to SALE, for cash, on the premises, the 19th day of March next,
A Lot of Ground,
In the town of Columbia, whereon is a large & well finished two story store house, calculated for a store and family, with convenient out houses. The money arising from said sale will be applied agreeably to said deed. MATTHEW WILLS. TEOMAS WILLS. WM. PASTEUR. Columbia, Feb. 10, 1808.
FOR SALE, OR EXCHANGE FOR CITY PROPERTY, NO. 1. 20,000 acres of land in Harrison county, state of Virginia in 4 tracts of 5,000 acres each, surveyed in 1784. 2. 2,500 acres on Hughes's river, in the same county, surveyed in 1785, being the moiety of a tract of 5,000 acres. 3. 1,200 acres of land in the district of Baird's Town, on Buck Fork, near Baird's Town, Kentucky. 4. A handsome Frame House, with 5 rooms on a floor, coach house, stables, smoke house, with the Lots on which they stand, and a garden adjoining, in a board fence, at Bath, Berkeley Springs, Virginia, suited for a family or a tavern. Also, one Out Lot of six acres, enclosed with a stone wall. Joseph Gallego. January 14, 1808. w3m
The subscriber will SELL, or exchange for land in the state of Ohio,
THE FARM
WHEREON he now resides, containing 77 1-2 acres. This farm is particularly valuable for its contiguity to the city of Richmond, being near enough to give its occupant the advantages of a city residence, combined with the pleasure of a country life. The situation is high and beautiful, commanding a fine view of part of the city & capital, about 25 acres of this land is cleared and but little worn, is of a good soil, affords excellent water, and is believed to be remarkably healthy. On it is a thrifty young apple orchard of choice fruit, beginning to bear, and the improvements are new, and being such as would accommodate a small family. Joseph Anthony. January 26, 1808. wtf
SALE OF NEGROES.
In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to me by John Ogilby of the county oferson, North Carolina, for purposes therein expressed, I shall on the first day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, proceed to sell, at the Red House in Caswell county, (N. C.) to the highest bidder, for ready money, the following SLAVES to wit; James, Davy, Tom, Adam, Bob and Major, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. Wm. S. Archer. March 4th, 1808. wtds.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to
Edward P. Chamberlayne, dec. and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, due by the said Littlepage, to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge. I shall on Wednesday the first day of June next, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the parish of St. John's, and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmers, containing by estimation Four Hundred and Fifteen Acres of high Land, and One Hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Custis and John Quarles, dec. and Matapony River. BERN'D LIPSCOMB. February 24. wtds.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to
us by Ambrose Dudley of King William county, to secure a debt due by the said Ambrose Dudley to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge—We shall proceed to sell, for ready cash, for the best price that can be obtained, on the premises, on the second day of June next, a certain Tract or Parcel of Land, lying and being in the county of King William, being the same on which the said Dudley now resides, and the same which the said Dudley purchased of William Dandridge, containing 602 acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the sum of 400 pounds, current money, with legal interest thereon from the 1st day of April, 1807, till payment, together with all expenses attending the execution thereof. BERN'D LIPSCOMB. NATH'L FOX. 25th February, 1808. wtds.
Mr. PLEASANTS,
You will insert the following certificate six weeks in the Argus, as I think it a duty I owe to myself and friends, and oblige yours respect. July 1808. S. FUQUA.
February 16, 1808
Sate of North Carolina, Caswell county. We do hereby certify, that on or about the 8th day of January last, James Orr, one of the justices of the peace of said county, committed to the jail of said county, a negro man who called his name PETER D. JONES, and who had passed as a free man, in said county, the last nine or ten months next preceding his commitment. The said negro was committed under an act of assembly of this state, which subjects any free man trading with a slave, to pay a penalty of ten pounds or remain in close jail three months, should the person so offending refuse or be unable to pay the fine. The said negro Peter D. Jones, remained in the jail of said county until the court of pleas and quarter sessions, held in said county in the month of January last; when on the third day of said court James Miller, esq. make known to said court that the said negro was not a free man, and that his name was ISAAC, and a fugitive from justice, he the Isaac having been condemned to suffer death by the county court of Pittsylvania, Va. some time in the beginning of the year 1807. On which information the court of this county, then sitting, ordered the said negro to be kept in close custody until applied for by the executive of Virginia or some other proper authority.—We do further certify that on the fourth day of this present month, Samuel Fuqua made application to the sheriff of this county for the said negro Isaac, & on satisfactory evidence made by him the said Fuqua to the sheriff, the said sheriff did, on the said day, deliver unto the said Fuqua the said negro Isaac. Given under our hands this 5th day of February 1808. HENRY ATKINSON, Justice of Peace. Solomon Graves, Justice of Peace.
COUNCIL CHAMBER,
February 23, 1808. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive on the 25th day of March next, for furnishing the Public Guard with cloathing for the present year. Also at the same time proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the Convicts in the penitentiary, for one year from the 17th day of April next. DANIEL L. HYULTON, C. C.
Charlotte Court, 1st February, 1808. JOSEPH OLIVER, Plaintiff, AGAINST WILLIAM BAKER, Deft. THE defendant not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of May court next and enter his appearance and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy—Teste, THOMAS READ, Clk.
At a Court held for Cumberland County,
25th January, 1808. JOHN ANDERSON, Plaintiff, AGAINST JOHN HOLLAND & JAMES HOLLAND, Defendants. THIS day came the plaintiff, by his attorney and the defendant JOHN, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney aforesaid, It is ordered, that the said defendant JOHN, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for three months successively and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. (129) MILLER WOODSON, Clk.
HERRINGS, &c.
100 barrels Herrings, 50 boxes Chocolate, 12 pipes French Brandy, 5 pipes Gin, 10,000 lbs. Seine Twine, wrapping Twine, 30 kegs FF Gun Powder, Patent Shot, 40 barrels Liver or Currier's Oil, 110 reams Sheathing Paper, 50 dozen Spades and Shovels, 3 tons Sheet Iron, 4000 lbs. Sheet Copper and Copper Bottoms, 2 tons German Steel, 20 tons Grind Stones, 500 Wedding Hoes, 20,000 Horse Shoe Nails, Screws and Balls for raising mill stones, Paints, Oil, Putty, Window Glass, with a large and general assortment of
Hardware & Ironmongery,
For sale by BREAM & FOLLET, At the Sign of the Anvil, Main Street Richmond. March 2, 1808. w4t
BOOKS
For Sale at S. PLEASANTS' Office. A Treatise on Gardening, by a citizen of this state. The Wild Irish Girl, by Miss Owenson. Wirt's Speeches on the trial of Burr & others, call gift, with a portrait. Jefferson's Manual. Debates in the Virginia Convention. Gass's Journal of the Tour of Capt. Lewis and Clark, to the Pacific Ocean, &c. Espinasse's Nisi Prius. Bacon's Abridgement, last London edition. Gurney's System of Short Hand Writing. Laws of the United States, complete. Rousseau's Eloisa. Sorrows of Werter. Monro's Anatomy, elegant edition. Blumenbach's Physiology. Jacob's Chemical Pocket Book. Fife's Anatomy. St. Clair, a novel, by Miss Owenson. Gen. Washington's Official Letters to Congress. Thomson's Chemistry. Fenelon on Education. The Alcoran. Thomas Paine's Works. Secret Memoirs of the Court and Cabinet of St. Cloud. The Complete Confectioner, or the whole art of Confectionary made easy. Belgian Traveller.
LAND
In the state of Ohio—For Sale: THE subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer creek, a branch of the Sciota, about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia; or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. WM. MUSROD. Richmond, Sept. 24, 1807. if
FOR SALE,
MY Dwelling House, and Four Half-Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised: On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take young Negroes at a fair valuation, and Land in the State of Ohio, Tennessee or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on—If the said property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARCH'D CAMPBELL. Manchester, Nov. 30, 1807. if
Valuable Lands.
THE subscriber will Sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indispensible titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 23d, 1808. if
FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE,
Hening's New Virginia Justice, Containing the Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and release, mortgage, trust, &c.
100 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY about the first last, from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired,) a BLACK MAN, named JACKSON, a House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom.—If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars, or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th 1807. if
20 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY about the 8th May from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address, and very artful, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his bateu in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed) —he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail so I get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Horsley, tf 1d.
November 20, 1807.
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber on Friday last, a Negro Man named JOHN, a carpenter by trade. He is six feet and upwards high, very likely, of insinuating manners, extremely polite when spoken to. For three years past he lived with Mr. Anderson Barrett. He has a feeble mulatto woman for his wife, in Richmond, living near the work house, where I expect he will stay. He took with him several articles of husbandry; amongst them, a pair of iron wedges, marked with the letter P. I will give a reward of ten dollars, if delivered to me in the lower end of Hanover, or eight if confined in jail, and I apprised of it. He is called by the negroes John Russell. ARMISTEAD RUSSELL. Hanover, January 24, 1808. tf
NOTICE.
WILL POSITIVELY BE SOLD by the subscribers, who are commissioners for that purpose appointed by the county court of Powhatan on the premises, on Thursday the 24th day of March next, if fair, if not the next fair day, that valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Powhatan, on which the late Mrs. Judith Bingley resided, belonging to John Howard, containing about 286 acres, on a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with indispensible security for the payment of the purchase money. JORDAN FLOUNROY. DAVID FLUORNOY. WILLIAM PORTER. February 23, 1808. 4w4
TO RENT,
A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins ISAAC WEBSTER. February 13. tf
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 50 to 100 miles up the country.—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. if
NOTICE.
I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND,
LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 80 or more prime low grounds, which never is overflowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready got to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. tds.
REMOVAL.
WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and few cases Old Claret of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK, & Co. March 8, 1808. (if)
THE Executive will receive on the 25th
of March next proposals for constructing sufficient and proper carriages for mounting all the pieces of artillery belonging to this commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models in conformity to which the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the penitentiary.—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted.
   DANIEL L. HYULTON, C. C.     6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders.   9 Iron 24 do.   1 do. do. 18 do.   1 do. do. 12 do.   1 do. do. 6 do.   4 do. do. 4 do.   2 do. do. 3 do.   10 or 15 others of different sizes.