The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-04-04 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1809.
[No. 104.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
RICHMOND PRICES CURRENT.
   D. C.     TOBACCO, 4 50   FLOUR—SUPERFINE, 5 50   DO. FINE, 5 00   CORN, PER BARREL, 2 50   BACON, PER LB. 0 10   WHISKEY, PER GALLON, 0 44   BAR IRON, PER TON, 120 00   HEMP, PER TON, 280 00   FLAX, PER LB. 25   WOOL, PER LB. 45  
17. A PRESSMAN. That is master of his business, and can produce satisfactory recommendations, will meet with employment at this office. March 31. tf
A N person who may possess a file of Virginia Papers for 1778, will render a service to the literature of the state, by forwarding it to this office; after it has served the purpose of utility for which it is intended, it will be thankfully returned in the same state of preservation in which it was received. In general, all authentic documents, either printed or manuscript, relative to the Revolutionary War, will be thankfully received, used and returned as before mentioned. Communications, by letter too, upon this subject, by those now living, who were engaged in the revolutionary struggle, or were eye-witnesses of important events, will be thankfully received. March 31. tf
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday, the 5th of April next, will be sold, on the premises, to the highest bidder, for ready money, and for the benefit of the underwriters, the BRICK WALLS AND CHIMNEYS , together with all the Iron Work , belonging to the House lately occupied by Mr. James Brown, Jr. as a Vendue Office. FOSTER & SATCHELL, Auctioneers. March 31. tds
JOHNSON & REAT, JEWELLERS, have (in consequence of the late conflagration) removed their Store opposite to Mrs. Davidson, Milliner, where orders from their customers will be attended to with their usual punctuality. March 31. tf
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, on Monday, 10th day of April, if fair, otherwise, the next fair day, at the late dwelling-house of Susanna Ellis, deceased: Seventeen likely NEGROES , consisting of Men, Women, and Children: One tract of LAND in the lower end of Goodland, containing 185, 2 others in Henrico, containing 92 1/2 acres each: Also, an excellent WAGGON , and elegant new GIG , and household and kitchen FURNITURE . Twelve months credit will be given on all sums above 10 dollars, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date if not punctually paid. BY THE ATTORNEYS. March 31. 3t
TO RENT , a small commodious BRICK HOUSE , with a garden, stable, meathouse, &c.—Apply at this Office. March 31. 3t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, March 3. EXPENDITURES OF THE PUBLIC MONIES.
MR. RANDOLPH said, it would be recollected by the House, that a committee was appointed some time ago, for the purpose of enquiring whether any advances of money had been made by the War Department, contrary to law, and if any, to what amount; it would also be recollected, that during the discussion on printing the documents, he had stated in his place, that if no other gentleman did, he would bring forward a motion in relation to that subject. Conceiving it to be his duty so to do, he now rose for the purpose of redeeming the pledge which he had given to the House. He had been extremely reluctant to bring forward a motion on this subject, because he knew it might be said, and truly, that there was no time for the House to examine the documents during the present session. He was well aware of that objection, and therefore should not go into that examination; but should restrict his motion to so limited an extent, that it would be impossible for any man, as he believed, to deny its truth. It would be impossible for any man to complain, that any difficulty existed as to a ready comprehension and prompt decision upon it. It was restricted only to a single case. If the House adopted the motion, it would then be for the House to declare what should grow out of it. Mr. Randolph said, he believed that it was understood in Great Britain, that a dissolution of Parliament did not affect an impeachment, that the impeachment did not abate by the dissolution; and it belonged to the wisdom of the House, after the resolution was decided, to say what should be done with it. He wished it to be distinctly understood, that he made his motion to redeem a pledge given to the House; and that there was not a man, in the United States, however limited his capacity, that would not be able to discern its truth or its falsehood. It did not rest upon involved accounts or points of law, but upon the plainest and most luminous propositions which could be offered to the human mind, the truth or falsehood of which would at once appear.
On the 16th of March, 1802, an act passed fixing the military peace establishment of the United States. By that act it was provided, "that the monthly pay of the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates, be as follows, to wit, to the brigadier general two hundred and twenty-five dollars, which shall be his full & entire compensation, without a right to demand or receive any rations, forage, travelling expenses, or other perquisite or emolument whatsoever, except such stationary as may be requisite for the use of his department." This is the law of the land, said he, in relation to this officer. The law then goes on to state
what shall be the pay of other officers, non-commissioned officers and privates; the 5th section apportions the rations to the different grades of officers, and allows "to the commanding officers of each separate post, such additional number of rations as the President of the United States shall, from time to time, direct, having respect to the special circumstances of each post." I beg the House to attend to the words are "such additional number of rations;" and yet it is in proof, before the House, that Brigadier General Wilkinson has received a considerable sum of money, to wit: $1,433 16 cents for 36 extra rations per day, whilst commanding at Natchitoches and at New Orleans. Whilst at the latter place, he has also received an allowance of 600 dollars for "quarters, stabling, &c." said allowance, both as relates to rations and quarters, being prohibited by the law of the land. I know that the allowance has been made under very high authority, no less than that of the Attorney General of the United States under the sanction of no less an opinion than his.
Mr. Randolph said it did not behove him to enter into a contest with gentlemen learned in the law as to the exposition of the law; much less the attorney general in a case susceptible of being so put that a difference of opinion might arise under it. But where the case was such that a difference of opinion could not take place where the terms of the law were attended to, he should with great deference, as a representative of the people, not only think himself entitled to decide between that people and the administration for them, but that he was solemnly bound by duty to express such an opinion—and he felt himself warranted in what he said by perceiving that the attorney general in giving that opinion had not correctly apprehended, because he had not correctly stated the law. It has been said that Homer himself sometimes nodded; and a person even of the first abilities and legal research pressed by a multitude of business, might make an oversight—inasmuch as in the attorney general's opinion the word "additional" preceding the word "rations" in the law, was omitted. The attorney general acknowledged the force of the 4th section of the law cutting off the commander in chief from any other emoluments, but said, "To put a just interpretation on any clause contained in a statute, you must look beyond the insulated section. The entire act must be taken into view, and such a construction formed as will give effect to every part." Mr. R. further quoted the printed document. "The allowance made to General Wilkinson is not in his capacity of brigadier General, but in his quality of commander of a separate post. By the 5th section of the act above mentioned the President is authorised to allow to the commanders of separate posts such additional number of rations as he may from time to time think proper to direct, having respect to the special circumstances of each post." Now surely the force of this term "additional" must have been overlooked by the attorney general in this particular case.
To a man to whom rations are allowed by law you may allow additional rations. But can you allow additional rations to a man who is expressly prohibited from receiving any? Can you allow additional any thing to a man whose compensation is fixed by law, and who is precluded in the act itself from receiving any farther compensation? To inferior officers commanding at separate posts, additional rations were by the law contemplated to be allowed, and for a reason explained in the act itself. But it would be recollected that the commander in chief always had a separate command. The law contemplated that by having a separate command, incidental things as to inferior officers but inseparable as to the commander in chief, they might be compelled to entertain company and go into expenses which their pay would not warrant; and therefore in such cases additional rations had been allowed. In my construction of the law he not correct, said he, words have lost their meaning; terms have no longer any signification; & we legislate here to no purpose whatsoever. And the force of this thing will be made more apparent when we come to consider that it is stated by the accountant of the War department that cols. Freeman and Cushing received "additional rations," agreeable to law, for commanding at Natchitoches and N. Orleans, for the same period of time which an allowance was made to the commander in chief at the same places. So that even if his construction was incorrect, if white conveyed the idea of black, if right was wrong, if "additional" signified substractional , still Mr. Randolph said that the law had been completely executed quo ad hoc the moment the President had authorised additional rations to cols. Freeman and Cushing for commanding at Natchitoches and N. Orleans. These were things which he thought it his duty to state to the House. If they were not true, if they were not as evident as the lights burning before his eyes, then the house would say so, would deny the fact. I could go on further and state a great many other illegal grants equally clear with this. I will state one more. It is stated in these documents. To be sure it is a petty affair and one which I would not have brought before this house, if I were not compelled by a sense of duty. It is an allowance of $47 41 for part pay, subsistence and forage from the 16th March, 1802, to the 31st May following—made how? "By an arrangement of the War Department." Now on the 16th of March, a law was passed, which took effect as the law of the land, from the time the President signed it; and if the President could have defeated the operation of the law till the 31st of May, 1802, he could defeat it altogether. It was the boast of a free government that law, and not the discretion of men was to govern; and the highest officer of this government was as strictly amenable to law, as the meanest member of society, in the eye of the law, and in foro conscientie more so; because they must be presumed to know the law, although the lower orders may not. If there be one proposition in the world clearer than another, it is the proposition which I am about to submit to the consideration of the house. I know the lateness of the session, and the House will appreciate the motives by which I am actuated.
If not, it is my misfortune, but not my fault. I should be sorry to labor under the censure of the House, but if I incur it in the discharge of my duty I shall bear it with equanimity—I trust, as becomes a man. I therefore move as follows:
Resolved , That the allowance of 1,433 dollars and 16 cents for "36 extra rations per day" made by the department of war to brigadier Gen. Wilkinson at Natchitoches, from the 13th to the 30th of September, 1806 and from the 1st of October to the 11th of November in the same year, and whilst commanding at New Orleans, from 12th of Nov. 1806, to 24th Nov. 1807, and of 600 dollars for "quarters, stabling, &c." at the same place is contrary to law; the said allowance being expressly prohibited by the act passed the 16th day of March, 1802, entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the U. States."
The house agreed now to consider the resolution. Mr. Randolph said it would be recollected that he had said the Attorney General had misapprehended, because he had misstated the law on the subject of the military peace establishment; and yet, when he came to read the attorney general's opinion as printed, he found to his very great surprise and embarrassment, that the law was correctly quoted. He would state how it happened. In the 10th page of the printed report, fifth paragraph and fourth line, the word "additional" preceding the words "number of rations" will be found but ought not to be, because it was not in the attorney genl's official report. It was omitted, and Mr. R. said he wished to state how it got in. When the copy of the attorney general's opinion had been put into his hands, he had perceived the difference between the opinion and the law as it now stood, and with his pen had marked the omission as a guide to himself, and the printer had inserted it in the printed copy: and thus Mr. R. said when he read the printed report to the House he was astonished that it did not tally with his conception. This being a palpable error, every gentleman who had read the report, and those who published it, ought to omit the word "additional." This would show to the house, he hoped, that it was not very unreasonable in him to differ on this occasion with a gentleman of the attorney general's erudition; as he had so far misunderstood the law.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved that the resolution lie on the table. He said it would be unnecessary for him to state, that at this late period of the session it would be impossible to give to that resolution that consideration to which it was entitled. As it was announced by the mover of the resolution, said he, and as I find by the printed statement, of which I was really never possessed before this evening, the attorney general has given in his official capacity an opinion that the allowance was just and proper; and that in pursuance of such opinion the amount charged was allowed. What is the House about to do? What are they asked to do? Even admitting that there was no difficulty on the subject, that a person of the high responsibility of the attorney general had not given an opinion, they are called upon to decide that the construction given by one of the departments to their law is an incorrect one. To make such a declaration would be an encroachment on the other parts of the government. It would be the essence of despotism to enact laws, and after they have been construed by the proper tribunals, to say that that construction is erroneous. I incline to the opinion that the decision has been incorrect, but deny the authority of this House to reverse the decision. It is a fundamental principle of free governments that the powers of the several departments shall be separate and distinct. The legislature enacts; the judiciary expounds; but it would be as improper for us to expound as for the judges to enact laws. We have witnessed already the impropriety of legislative exposition of laws. It is almost six years since I brought before the House the question respecting the construction of a contract; though I did not wish to have involved that question; between the United States and the state of Ohio, in relation to lands of the United States exempt from taxation by that state. The contract declared that five per cent. of the net proceeds arising from the sales of lands should be applied to roads. The legislature of Ohio, in accepting the proposition inserted a provision that three per cent. should be applied, under the direction of the legislature, in opening roads in the state. The House of Representatives when the bill was before them contemplating the appropriation of five per cent. solemnly declared that only two per cent. was applicable. The legislature of Ohio unanimously declared that five per cent. was proper; and Mr. Breckenridge then Senator from the state of Kentucky, afterwards attorney general of the United States, (I quote him as high authority) was of opinion that the decision of this House was incorrect. What does this amount to? That it is extremely dangerous for the legislature of a country to give an exposition of its own laws. With regard to the word "additional," I should rather presume that the attorney general in his original opinion, must have inserted it; for recurring to the letter of the Secretary at War, &c. that he says, on the 5th section, the President is authorised to allow the commanding officers of posts such additional number of rations as he shall deem proper." Mr. Jackson said he could not perceive that any good could flow from the adoption of this proposition at this or any other time. If it was intended to effect anything by legislative construction of the law, it would be inefficacious because it could only be done by prospective construction. Impeachment of the Secretary of War could not be intended, because he acted correctly from the opinion of the attorney general; nor of the attorney general, because, if wrong he had not so acted corruptly, but from a mere error of opinion. For these reasons and believing it impossible to act on the subject with that deliberation which it required, Mr. Jackson wished the resolution to lie on the table.
Mr. Randolph said the House would act on the resolution as in its judgement and wisdom it should think fit, and as a sense of
duty and respect to its own character and the interests of the public should dictate. He had discharged his duty. But before I sit down, said he, permit me to observe, that to presume the existence of a word, in the official letter which the House have proof, the letter being before them, never was in the letter, is one of the highest stretches of presumption that man ever attained. I know that the word was not in the letter. I pledge my reputation on the fact; and I think that the reputation of the Attorney general as a lawyer is sustained by the word's being omitted in the letter. I have seen the letter on file; there is no such word in the letter. On what ground, sir, did I rest this motion? On the ground of oversight in the Attorney general in giving the opinion, inasmuch as this important word "additional" is omitted in that opinion. But if you put that word in the opinion, do you not see that instead of involving oversight you involve deliberate perversion of law? Do gentlemen call themselves friends of the gentlemen and contend that this word must have been inserted? We have heard of the people being their own worst enemies; it is very often happens that a man's friends are his worst enemies. The omission of this word "additional" might—I charge no improper motives—have proceeded from hurry of business; we are all liable to oversights. But it is said that we cannot construe our own laws, except by enacting new ones. Then, sir, I hope we shall not enact new laws, if, when broken through, our only remedy is to re-enact them. This is indeed a grand discovery. Can you expect the new law to be adhered to, when the old one is with impunity to be departed from? Unquestionably you cannot. The law, it seems, must be construed by the proper tribunal; and which is the proper tribunal to try any thing touching the malversation of public money, but this House? Can you bring it before a judicial tribunal? You cannot. Well, sir, suppose when Mr. Whitbread brought forward his motion in the House of Commons that certain uses and abuses of public money were contrary to law, he had been met at the threshold by such an objection; We should have heard and correctly too, of corruption and ministerial intrigue. Mr. Pitt was then in office, and Melville his bosom friend, his co-adjutor in public life; but he had too high a reputation for his own fame, for his own reputation, for that glory which was the first, the last and only object of his life, to make such objection. I have stated the circumstances under which the balance is due. This matter is important to the people into whose bosom we are about to return to account for our stewardship, who are not to be put off on questions of money by questions of order & opinions of high authority, who over matters of money will cawl to the 9th part of a hair. If gentlemen think this course will suit them, if they wish to attach what I call this foul stain to the administration, they shall not have my aid in doing it. On them will rest the responsibility. Having done my duty I shall submit as it behoves me to submit. I do not appear here as a partisan. I appear here in the legal and constitutional exercise of my Representative duties. I have exercised my duty; the House will do theirs in the manner which to their wisdom shall seem fit.
Mr. Holland said, that it was with a wish to preserve the honor and dignity of this House, that he rose to make a few remarks. He thought that both would be compromised by the adoption of the resolution under consideration. A committee had been appointed to examine into this subject, and the gentleman from Virginia was the chairman. It would seem proper that that committee should have made a specific report on the subject. Wherefore, had they not done it, and why was this motion brought forward at 8 or 9 o'clock on the last night of the session, and of the existence of the present Congress? Was it for the purpose of forcing the House into a vote of this kind without consideration? If that committee had done their duty, they would certainly have favored the House with a detailed report. The committee had not thought proper to do so, and therefore the gentleman from Virginia had presented this resolution. Mr. H. said that no person could be prepared to decide on the propriety or impropriety of the opinion of the Attorney General. For what purpose, said he, can this resolution be brought forward? Suppose this House were to resolve, that the opinion of the Attorney General was incorrect, that the good purpose would it answer? Would it bring back into the treasury the money improperly applied? No. Is it consistent with the honor and dignity of the House to pass an opinion on the subject? It is the duty of this House to make laws, and of another tribunal to decide on the laws when made; and if an incorrect decision be made, the person making it is liable to be impeached, and this House is the organ for that purpose. Why was not the matter brought forward properly? The Attorney General is an officer constitutionally appointed to give his opinion, touching any matter of doubt, in the departments of the government. But have we that right? No; our province is to make laws, and if our officers violate them, they may be impeached in a proper manner. The gentleman from Virginia says, that he has discharged his duty. I very much doubt it, sir. He has done more than his duty; he has brought forward a proposition when it is impossible to deliberate on it. He has done what cannot be supported. I hope the resolution will lie on the table.
(To be continued.)
TUITION. —The Subscriber, teaching School at the Green Springs in Louisa county, wishes to take a few more pupils. In consequence of the scarcity of money, Col. Morris has reduced the price of board. The terms are, for board, $24 per annum, (each boarder finding his own bed.) Washing and Mending $4, and Tuition $10. One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. Proper deductions will be made for those who commence after this time. Those gentlemen who intend to commit boys to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him thereof, by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county. March 17. FRANCIS F. MAURY.
EUROPE.
[From the Havana Messenger of March 7.]
Extract of the Proceedings of the General Junta.
"The commissary of this Junta near the armies of the enemy, has this day communicated the following intelligence:
TARANCON, 8th Jan. 1809.
This morning information was published by order of the general, of the compleat defeat of the French between Segovia and the Navas of St. Anthony, by the marquis of Romana, with the loss on the part of the French of 21,000 men, killed, wounded and taken prisoners, with all their baggage and artillery. The remainder of the French army, with a great personage (supposed to be Napoleon) was surrounded by our troops in the Paular of Segovia. I did not know that this intelligence will have reached your excellency through any other channel, I think it my duty to make this communication.
"Several persons who have left Madrid, bring information of the French gradually leaving that city, without knowing in what direction to proceed and of a great change in the carriage of the few who remain.
"New troops are expected here from Ucles and Cuenca, who, when united, will proceed in quest of the enemy.
"God preserve your excellency many years.
"As this Junta is not in immediate expectation of receiving the particulars of the above information by any other channel, and as it carries with it all the marks of authenticity, it is ordered that it be announced by a general ringing of bells, and discharge of cannon, in the expectation of the official advices of this victory on receipt of which it will be celebrated by a Te Deum .
"All which is published for the satisfaction of the public.
"Murcia 12th Jan. 1809.
"The marquis of Villafrancay los Velez.
"The duke of Medina Sidonia.
"By order of his excellency,
"AUGUSTIN FERNANDEZ COSTA.
BALTIMORE, March 27.
Extract of a letter from a respectable American gentleman in Spain to his friend in this city, dated Cadiz, Jan. 29.
This vessel will take to America news of an unpleasant nature—the French being without any doubt conquerors in their late engagements, and particularly with the English. We have undoubted intelligence of the latter preparing to embark the remains of their forces at Vigo or Coruna; in consequence of which their minister at Lisbon has announced to his countrymen the pro priety of immediate preparation to embark their property, for which purpose they have long duty. Infantado is beaten likewise, and is retiring towards Valencia. Saragossa failed; and Palafox has a second time immortalized himself by his defence of it. It is supposed they will meet with great difficulty in the subjugation of this province, the passes of the Sierra Morena being very difficult. There is scarce a doubt, however, of their ultimate success in the conquest of the whole kingdom, this place (Cadiz) excepted, which is absolutely impregnable by land.
Jan. 30.—The news received this day is worse and worse. A strong pass of the Sierra Morena is said to be taken; and if this is true, the province will soon be conquered. The central Junta, it is expected, will remove to this place immediately.—Federal Gazette.
Extract of a letter from a Commercial house in Liverpool, to their Correspondents in Charleston, dated December 24th, received by the ship Lightfoot , arrived at Wilmington, North Carolina. The Lightfoot sailed on the 27th Dec.
"In the state of demand, as well as in prices, our market in the early part of the week, experienced no alteration except that in consequence of the stocks in Manchester being nearly exhausted, and the frost reperring the receipt of supplies from London trade became more lively than it had been for some time past, and the holders discovered some disposition to advance in their expectations; the receipt, however, yesterday by the Packet, of the long expected intelligence from America, bringing communications from Washington, up to the 14th ult. soon produced an important alteration in the state of the market, her arrival no sooner became known, than it was reported that the President's message breathed hostility to this country, that a motion for a repeal of the embargo had been supported only by two members, and that a prohibition of all intercourse with all Europe was contemplated: In consequence of the prevalence of these reports, purchases were immediately made on speculation, prices began gradually to rise, and in the course of the day, 14 or 1500 bags were sold, in the latter sales at an advance of 1 1/2d. and 2d. per lb. To-day, although the letters are not generally come to hand, the demand still continues pretty brisk, and it is not improbable a further advance may take place.
In addition to the various and somewhat contradictory accounts from Spain given in this day's paper, we understand that a letter has been received in this city, dated Cadiz, Jan. 29, from a source entitled to full credit. The letter states, that a desperate action took place in the early part of January, about the 1st, between the French and combined Spanish and English armies under the command of Gen. Romana. The action lasted about four days, and was decided by the arrival of a large reinforcement to the French army. The combined army retired, the Spaniards taking a position in the mountains of Leon. Many officers of distinction fell in this engagement on both sides; and either army left about 6,000 dead upon the field.

In all engagements between the Spanish and French armies, the utmost rancor and enmity were manifested, and the most determined persevering bravery displayed on the part of the Spaniards. In some of the northern provinces no quarter was given by either party.
Madrid, though in possession of the French, was the scene of the most violent atrocities. Several risings of the populace had taken place, in which many lives were lost.
About the 27th of January, M. Cevallos was at Cadiz on his way to London, as an Envoy Extraordinary from the General Junta to the British government. Nat. Int.
FRESH PAPERS.
RECEIVED FROM SPAIN.
GOVERNMENT GAZETTE.
SEVILLE, Jan 6, 1809.
When the Central Supreme board of government of the kingdom, came to the wise and maturely weighed resolution of eluding the disposition, which with his wonted policy, Bonaparte was making to surprise it, with a view thereby to introduce into Spain horrid anarchy, a kind of war more fatal and more destructive than that waged by hostile armies; it first thought of removing to Badajoz; but conceiving it more eligible under existing circumstances, it fixed upon the noble and loyal city of Seville for its place of residence. The powerful reasons which led to this determination are sufficiently known, as Seville, the capital and Residence of the Alonzo and Ferdinands at the most glorious, as well as at the most critical periods, has given during our happy revolution, striking proofs of her attachment and loyalty to Ferdinand VII. and of her patriotism and energy which she has lately evinced anew by the respectful reception she gave to the Central Supreme board, thus adding a fresh wreath to her former laurels and services. The establishment of the Central and Supreme board at Seville, was further recommended by the admirable facilities she affords for the dispatch of business, to which the board attends with that zeal and activity required by its nature, and by its anxious wishes to make suitable returns to the worthy people who have entrusted it with their authority, and reposed in it their whole confidence. And as one of the first cares of the Central Supreme Board, is to make known to Spain its incessant exertions for securing her from the attacks of the cunning and artful enemy who is using his utmost endeavors to enslave her, and at the same time to inform her of the measures which are conducive to the general welfare of the nation, it has resolved to publish the government gazette in this city. The plan will be the same with that of the Gazette which was published at Madrid; and it will be conducted with that regard to truth and accuracy which are so acceptable to the public, an impartial judge in matters of this kind, as unadulterated truth plainly stated, can alone bring periodical publications into repute.
We shall begin by the capitulation of the town of Madrid, which was planned and carried into effect by individuals who, in tranquil times, made a show of loyalty and patriotism, and of a bravery and military skill of which they were not possessed—spurious sons of the country, who by abandoning it in the season of risk and danger, have scalded their cowardice and covered themselves with infamy and shame. The day will come when the loyal and brave inhabitants of Madrid, with the assistance of the gallant soldiers of our armies, will shake off the heavy yoke under which they are groaning, and loudly proclaim the authors of a capitulation which they opposed with the greatest heroism, offering to lay down their lives rather than assent to it, well knowing that whatever promises and offers were made them, would prove illusory and of no effect. And, indeed, this has been the case, in this instance, as it had been at former periods with every town in Europe which had listened to the insidious capitulations offered by Bonaparte, none of whose promises, by whatever solemn oaths accompanied, have ever been complied with: melancholy fate of the towns which have had the misfortune to place any confidence in so detestable a man!
The military board of the town of Madrid, acquiescing in the proposal made to it in the name of his Imperial majesty, by prince Neufchatel, vice constable of France, and major general of the army, to put an end to the calamities by which Madrid is threatened, and which endanger the safety of such a number of citizens has appointed H. E. Don Thomas de Morla, captain general of Andalusia, counsellor of State, director general of the artillery, &c. &c. and camp Marshal Don Fernando de la Vera, governor general of Madrid, &c. &c. to settle and sign with his H. I. H. Prince Neufchatel, the terms of the surrender of Madrid.
Capitulation which the military and civil board of Madrid, proposes to H. I. and R. M. the emperor of the French.
Art. 1. The maintenance of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Religion, to the exclusion of every other, conformably to the laws. —Granted.
Art. II. The liberty and security of the persons and properties of the inhabitants of Madrid, and of the public functionaries; the preservation of their places, or their free egress from this capital if it should suit them; and likewise the security of the persons, rights and properties of the Secular and Regular clergy of both sexes, and the observance of respect due to churches; the whole in conformity to our laws and customs. —Granted.
Art. III. Shall likewise be secure the persons and properties of military men of all ranks. —Granted.
Art. IV. No individual shall be molested for his political opinions or writings; nor the public functionaries on account of what they may have hitherto done in the exercise of their functions, and in obedience to the late government; nor the people for the exertions which they have made in their defence. —Granted.
Art. V. No other contributions shall be levied than the ordinary ones which have been paid to this day. —Granted until the definitive organization of the kingdom.
Art. VI. Our laws, customs and tribunals shall be maintained upon the present footing. —Granted, until the definitive organization of the kingdom.
Art. VII. Neither the men nor the officers of the French army, shall be quartered upon the inhabitants, or in convents, but in barracks and pavilions, every class continuing to enjoy the privileges secured to them by the laws. —Granted, provided there be for the officers and soldiers a sufficiency of pavilions and barracks furnished in conformity to the military regulations.
Art. VIII. The troops shall march out of the town with the honors of war, and retire where they shall think proper. The troops shall march out with the honors of war; file off to-day, (the 4th) at 2 in the afternoon, and leave behind their arms and ordnance; the armed peasantry shall likewise leave behind their arms & artillery; after which the inhabitants shall withdraw to their houses, and strangers to their respective towns or villages. All the individuals enlisted within the last four months, shall be discharged & allowed to go home. All the others shall be prisoners of war until regularly exchanged; which exchange shall take place immediately man for man, and rank for rank.
Art. IX. The public debts and obligations of the state shall be faithfully and regularly discharged. This is a civil object within the province of the assembly of the kingdom, and which is connected with the general administration.
Art. X. The general officers, who may chuse to remain in the capital, shall retain their situations; and such as chuse to go, shall be at liberty to do so. Granted; they shall retain their situations but their pay to be continued only until the definitive organization of the kingdom.
Art. XI. (Additional.) A detachment of the guard shall to-day (the 4th,) at 12 o'clock noon, take possession of the gates of the palace. At the same hour the gates of the town shall be delivered up to the French army, as well as the barracks of the life guards and the general hospital, and the park and magazines of the artillery and engineers, shall be delivered up to the French artillery and engineers.
The ditches and epaulements shall be filled up or levelled, and the streets repaired.
The French officer who is to take the command of Madrid, shall at 12 o'clock noon proceed to the government house for the purpose of concerting with government the measures of Police to be adopted, and the restoration of good order and public security in every part of the town.
We, the undersigned Commissioners, invested with full powers to settle and subscribe the present capitulation, have agreed to the faithful and complete execution of the above mentioned dispositions.
Imperial Camp before Madrid, Dec. 4, 1808. (Signed) Fernando de la Vera y Fan-taja; Thomas de Morla; and Alexander.
SEVILLE, Jan. 11.
Dispatch from the French cabinet to that of St. James's, and the latter's answer.
The French ministry ever insolent, ever boastful, has seen its machinations defeated by his Britannic majesty's refusal to lend an ear to the insidious, iniquitous and insulting propositions for peace which Napoleon caused to be made.
The British cabinet which had sworn not to separate its interests from those of Spain, has evinced it anew, upon this critical occasion, with that generous firmness and friendship with which it comes forward for the defence of the Spanish monarchy and nation and of the lawful supreme authority of the central board by which she is represented, and which governs in the name of our lord king Ferdinand VII. The Spaniards, who never doubted the noble and intrepid zeal with which the British government has associated with us to secure our independence and freedom against the enemy of God and man, will peruse this document with unspeakable satisfaction and gratitude.
The undersigned has laid before the emperor his master, the note of his excellency Mr. Canning. If it were true that the calamities of war were felt no where but on the continent, there would undoubtedly be very little hope of peace. The two emperors had flattered themselves that the object of this step would not be mistaken in London. The British ministry has perhaps ascribed it to weakness, when every impartial politician will perceive, in the spirit of peace and moderation which dictated it, the character of a power and true greatness. France and Russia will be able to carry on the war, so long as the British cabinet refuse to subscribe to just and equitable propositions, and they are determined to do so.
In what light can the French government view the proposition to admit the Spanish insurgents as parties to the negotiation? What would the British government say if it were proposed to admit the Irish Catholics? Although France had entered into no treaty with the latter, she has certain relations with them, has made them promises, and it possible that such a proposition should be found in a note, the object of which ought to be, not to prevent, but to bring about a reconciliation and good understanding?
England would be mistaken, if, in spite of experience, she still fancied, that she may obtain advantages on the continent over the French armies. What hopes can she entertain of success, particularly at present, that France is irrevocably united with Russia?
The undersigned is directed to propose again the admission of all the allies of the king of England as parties to the negotiation, including him who reigns in Brazil, as well as those of Sweden and Sicily, and that the basis of the negotiation should be the uti possidetis .
At the same time he is directed to state that without losing sight of the unavoidable results of the power of States, it ought to be recollected, that no peace can be lasting which is not at the same time equitable and honorable to all parties.
(Signed) CHAMPAGNY. Paris, Nov. 28, 1808.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has laid before the king, his master, the official note transmitted to him, by Mr. Champagny, under date the 28th of November.
The undersigned has received his majesty's express command to take no notice of any of the points or expressions so highly injurious to his majesty, to his allies and to the Spanish nation, with which is filled the official note transmitted by Mr. Champagny.
His majesty wished to treat of peace; but of a peace which might have settled the respective interests of all the powers at war, upon the principles of equal justice; and his majesty sincerely laments that his wishes should have been disappointed.
But his majesty is determined not to abandon the cause of the Spanish nation and of the legitimate monarchy of Spain, and the pretension of France, that the central supreme government, which acts in the name of his catholic majesty, Ferdinand VII. shall be excluded from the negotiation, is of such a nature, that it cannot be admitted by his majesty without conniving at a usurpation.
of which there is no precedent in the world. (Signed) GEO: CANNING. London, Office of the Foreign Department, Dec. 9. 1808.
Our Lord King Ferdinand VII. and, in his Royal Name, the Central Supreme Board of Government of the kingdom, has deemed it his duty to send to the Court of London an Ambassador Extraordinary, to compliment the King of the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, and to thank H. B. M. for the generosity with which he comes to the assistance of The Spanish Nation in her glorious exertions for the defence of the sovereignty and rights of her beloved Monarch, and of her independence against the usurpation of the Emperor of the French—and taking into consideration the distinguished & eminent qualities of H. E. Don Pedro Cevallos, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal and distinguished Order of Charles III. Lord of the Bedchamber in order, Counsellor of State and the First Secretary of State and Dispatches, has selected him for this important mission, and appointed him for his Ambassador Extraordinary to the court of London; and has further resolved, that, in his absence, the business of his department shall be transacted by D. Martin de Caray, Member and Secretary of State and of General Dispatches of the Central Supreme Board of Government of the Kingdom.
The following is copied from Major Jackson's Register, of Tuesday afternoon and is calculated only for the English meridian:—
IMPORTANT AND LATEST NEWS FROM SPAIN.
Captain Domingo Brito, of the Spanish sch't Dolores, alias Ferdinand the VIIIth, arrived at this port from Cadiz, having on board the news, which place she left on the 9th of March—Capt. B. informs, that the day before he left Porto Rico, a Spanish Felucca had arrived in 26 days from Cadiz, which confirmed the news formerly published of the success of the Spanish arms, and of the affairs of the patriots:—that they had beaten the enemy in every action down to the date of sailing—and this news was further confirmed by the official Gazettes which the said Felucca brought—The Captain further adds, that General Massena lost an arm, and was mortally wounded in the breast, leaving on the field of battle, 16 thousand men in killed and wounded, and 14,000 prisoners.
Capt. B. further informs, that the Province of Caracas remained perfectly tranquil—and that a British frigate had arrived, having on board a Governor of Curacao, Sir James Cockburn, and suite—who was received with the greatest rejoicing and enthusiasm at Laguita;—from which he proceeded to Caracas, on a visit to the Captain-General.
A respectable gentleman, who handed the preceding statement, says that, from his knowledge of Captain Brito, he believes it to be correct.
Extract of a letter from Cadiz dated Jan. 28, 1809.
"No regular couriers have been received by the government from general Romana, but it has information from Madrid down to about the 19th instant, which puts beyond doubt that there has been a general and very severe action between the grand corps of the French army and the united Spanish and British; this took place on the beginning of the month and continued at intervals through several days—in the 2d and 4th of the month, on the 2d more particularly, the contest was very bloody; finally, the emperor having received a large reinforcement, general Romana found it proper to retire, first to the mountains of Leon, and since then he has taken good positions on the borders of Galicia and Asturias:—the loss on either side in these engagements, is estimated at from 6 to 3000 men; on the side of the French Marshal Lefebvre was killed, and as is believed, three or four other generals wounded or prisoners. The emperor's plan seems to have been at once to cut off the communication of the British with the sea and to separate their army from the Spanish—the operation has so far failed.
"The advanced guard of the Duke of Infante, under general Vanegas, which was at Ucles, has been also attacked by a much superior force; it fought with great obstinacy, the duke supported it with small detachments so as to prevent its entire destruction, and thus it was able to rejoin the main body which fell back to Albeteti, on the borders of Murcia and Valencia; why the duke did not take post at Cuenca does not appear; but probably Albeteti standing in the range of mountains, is better situated for preserving the communication with the different posts in the Sierra Morena: his plan evidently was to establish himself at Toledo, where he would be in the best position for receiving reinforcements from the army, which general Questa is organising in Estramadura, and at the same time from that actually in the Sierra Morena, and thus be enabled to march instantly upon Madrid—this plan he might have effected had he been two days earlier, but from many causes it is impossible for the Spanish troops at present to move with the celerity of the French: some are disposed to censure Infante for having sacrificed his advanced corps, but it appears to have been unavoidable, for the French having entirely failed in their attacks on Sarragossa, the siege was suddenly raised, and the greater part of their force from that quarter having reinforced the corps which attacked Infante, he must have been entirely defeated, if he had entered into a general engagement.
"Barcelona has received relief, but the war in the province of Catalonia, is carried on with the utmost vigor by the Spaniards—it is represented to be a scene of terrible carnage on both sides.
"Intelligence, not entirely certain, is that the French have now advanced towards the "Puen-te Almoray" in their way to Truxillo in Estremadura. In that province, general Questa may have about from 10 to 15,000 men, in a tolerable state of organization, it is expected that he will be able to defend the pass of the bridge, which is very defensible—should the French, however, force it, their way into these provinces will be open, if they can venture to proceed, leaving Questa and the army of the Sierra Morena, in the rear. They have also advanced very far into La Mancha.
"The reports from Madrid are of the most disagreeable kind—it is represented to be in a most frightful situation of consternation and disorder, that there has been another movement of the people against the French, in which a great number on either side were killed—all the shops remain shut, many of them as well as private houses have been sacked—all the convents of men and women, have been abandoned by the religious—assassinations in the streets take place every night—in fine that it is a place full of horrors.
"Seville is fortifying, and is expected to be very shortly in a respectable state of defence." —Monitor.
NEGROES WANTED —Wanted to hire fifteen or twenty Laborers to work at my Coalpits in Chesterfield county, for which a liberal price will be given.
CORNELIUS BUCK. oaw4w
April 4.
ENNETT SCOTT, TAYLOR—Respectfully informs the public that (in consequence of the late fire) he has removed his Shop next door above Mr. Robert Neilson & Co where all orders, in his line, will be executed with neatness, punctuality and dispatch.
I will take an Apprentice, if immediate application be made. April 4.
DOMESTIC.
PHILADELPHIA, March 27.
OPPUGNATION TO THE LAWS.
On Friday last, the Judge of the District Court of the United States for the Pennsylvania District, in obedience to the peremptory mandamus from the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Olmstead and others against the representatives of the late David Rittenhouse, Esq. directed an attachment to issue against the daughters of Mr. Rittenhouse, who are executrices of his estate, to compel them to perform the decree made against them some years ago.
On the morning of that day, a detachment of Pennsylvania militia, under the direction of Gen. Bright, who had previous orders from the Governor of this state, to this effect, paraded in front of the dwellings of the ladies above mentioned, at the corner of Arch and Seven streets, for the purpose of resisting the Marshal of the United States in the execution of his process against them. A house in the neighborhood was hired as a guard-house for the use of the men, and sentinels were placed before the dwellings occupied by the ladies. The guards were regularly relieved during that day and night and the morning of Saturday.
On Saturday morning, about 12 o'clock, John Smith, Esq. Marshal of this district, having received the process above mentioned, proceeded to the house of Mrs. Sergeant, one of the ladies, attended by his two deputies, to execute it. When he was within fifteen feet of the door, the sentinel presented his bayonet at the Marshal's breast and ordered him to proceed no further. The Marshal asked him if he knew who he was. The sentinel replied—I cannot know any man; my duty is to prevent any person from going into that house, and I will do my duty. Mr. Smith told him that he was the Marshal of the United States, come to execute process. By this time the officer of the guard, with a file of men, came up, cleared the pavement of all except the Marshal and a few who were in his company. The Marshal, who had never moved from the spot in which he had halted when the sentinel first presented his bayonet, and had behaved with great coolness and firmness, now addressed the officer and told him who he was, and that he had come to execute process, which he would do at the risk of his life. He then attempted to make towards the door, but was prevented by the men who were ordered to charge bayonet and resist him. The Marshal finding he was opposed by a body of men in military array, demanded of the officer then present, the name of his superior officer, and was informed that it was General Bright, who was sent for. In the mean time, the Marshal caused the names of all the men who were in uniform, and had then, with hostile weapons, opposed the execution of the laws, to be taken down to be reported to the proper tribunal.
In about half an hour, Gen. Bright appeared, and immediately ordered the men, who were then at a shoulder, to charge bayonet. The Marshal, against whose breast the bayonets were charged and who could not have advanced six inches without danger to his life, demanded of Gen. Bright, if he knew that he was Marshal of the United States, of this district—Gen. Bright replied yes. The Marshal then read aloud his writ and declared he would execute it at the peril of his life, at the same time made an attempt to move forward—Bright said "at the peril of your life do it," and immediately a bayonet was charged at him so close as to touch his breast.
The Marshal then read aloud to the soldiers and people his commission as Marshal of the United States, for this District, and addressed them in the following words, as nearly as we can remember them:
"FELLOW-CITIZENS. Imperious duty commands my attendance at this time and place in order to execute the process now in my hand, and which has been issued by virtue of a mandate from the highest Judicial Tribunal of our country. In the performance of my duty, I shall be governed by prudence and discretion, and with all that firmness which should at all times influence those who are entrusted officially with the execution of the laws. It is with painful regret I view the collision existing between the State, and the paramount authority of the United States, and it will become the serious consideration of those of my fellow-citizens who now appear in military array, how far they may consider themselves authorised or justified in resisting the laws of the land. The love of country and a due sense of duty, I hope will induce those who now more particularly address, to withdraw themselves from the opposition now made to the performance of my public duty—for be it known to you, that the Constitution and laws of the United States consider an opposition to the execution of the laws by military force, as TREASON, and any forcible opposition to the execution of Judicial Process, as a high misdemeanor. The situation in which you are placed is a serious one, and should excite reflection and deliberation; for deliberation time is necessary, which if you require, will be granted.—For I now solemnly declare my intention of eventually executing the process in this case, which has excited so much serious apprehension for the peace and welfare of our common country. My duty will require of me the raising of the posse of the district, if the opposition is not withdrawn, of which power I shall avail myself if necessary, in enforcing the mandate of the laws."
The Marshal then asked General Bright, if he wanted time to deliberate. He replied no, I am ready and determined to resist. In the name & by the authority of the United States, said the Marshal addressing the soldiers, I command you to lay down your arms and permit me to proceed in the name and by the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I command you to resist no longer. The Marshal finding it impossible to serve his process at this place, proceeded to the house of Mrs. Waters, where he again attempted to serve it, but was again resisted and compelled to retire. Troops are still stationed there and we learn that the Philadelphia Legion has been ordered out to oppose the Marshal whenever he shall again attempt to serve his process, which we understand he will do with a posse unless the money is paid.
Had there been any wisdom and foresight in our Legislature, this disgraceful scene might have been avoided and we hope that even yet, Justice may be done to Olmstead, and the honor of the state preserved from complete disgrace. —True American.
The legislature of Pennsylvania have exempted from taxation the property of all religious, literary & charitable societies, unless their property be so excessive as to be more than necessary to the due attainment of the ends for which they were instituted. National Intelligencer.
ORLEANS, Feb. 11. The elegant fast sailing schooner Financier, Sloop, arrived last evening in 13 days from Annapolis, with 80 troops.
PRESIDENT ADAMS'S LETTER.
Office of the Anti-Monarchist, March 20, 1809.
The following letter of the late President of the United States, the venerable patriot, JOHN ADAMS, was addressed to Daniel Wright and Erastus Lyman, Esquires, of Northampton, Massachusetts, in answer to a letter, dated March 3, 1809, which they addressed to him, at the desire of the republicans of this town, requesting him to express his opinion respecting the present circumstances of the nation, with regard to foreign powers, and domestic politics. Mr. Adams's letter was dated Quincy, March 13, and has the post mark of the Quincy post office, and franked by Mr. Adams. The original is left at the post office, for the inspection of those who may wish to see it.
QUINCY, March 13, 1809.
GENTLEMEN.
I have received your very civil letter of the third of this month with emotions very similar to those which I felt many years ago upon the following occasion.
Returning from Holland to Paris in 1784, I was invited to dine with my wife and daughter by the Baron de Stael, Ambassador from Sweden. As I was the first of the corps diplomatic, who arrived, the Ambassador was showing me a fine Portrait of the King of Sweden, his master, when the count Deodati, Ambassador from the Elector of Saxony came in. After compliments to de Stael, Deodati turned to me, whom he had known several years before, and the following dialogue ensued.
Deodati. Very well! Mr. Adams! You are a Republican I suppose.
Adams. You are in the right, Mr. Ambassador, I have the honor to be a Republican.
Deodati. And your countrymen are republicans and your Government is republican.
Adams. Certainly. My countrymen are Republican & our government is republican.
Deodati. And you have made your countrymen and your government Republican.
Adams. Not at all, Sir, my country and its government have been republican from their origin, and long before I was born.
Deodati. Very well! You at least have made your Country very celebrated. You have made it independent—You have made an astonishing treaty with Holland—You have made a marvellous peace with England—You have made her acknowledge your independence, &c. &c. &c.
Adams. I beg your pardon, sir, you are too polite: You do me too much honor. I have no pretensions to have performed all those great achievements. I have acted a part in some of those affairs, but—
Deodati. But! Very well!—I will now tell you the recompence you will receive for all that you have done.
Adams. I shall be very glad to hear your prognostications concerning my destiny.
Deodati. Your fortune will be that of all the republicans. Of Aristides; of Phocion; of Miltiades; of Scipio; &c. &c. &c.
Adams. I believe it.
Deodati. You believe it?
Adams. Yes.
Deodati. You will experience all the ingratitude, all the injustice of the ancient republicans.
Adams. I expect it and always have expected it.
Deodati. You will be ill-treated, hated, despised and persecuted.
Adams. I have no doubt of all that. It is in the ordinary nature and course of things.
Deodati. Your virtue must be very heroic or your philosophy very stoical to undertake all these adventures, with your eyes open, for such a reward.
So much for Deodati and his warning voice: and so much for my well grounded anticipations.
This is no fabulous dialogue of the dead: but strict historical truth.
A curious coalition of French and English emissaries with federal and republican libellers have so completely fulfilled the prophecy of Deodati and my own forebodings, so totally destroyed my reputation by their calumnies, that I have neither power nor influence to do any thing for my country, to assist her in her present distresses or guard her against future calamities.
Nothing remains to me but the right of private judgment, and that I exercise freely and communicate my sentiments as freely to those who wish to know them.
I AM TOTIS VIRIBUS [with my whole strength,] against any division of the union, by the North-River or by the Delaware river or by the Potomac, or any other river or by any chain of mountains. I am for maintaining the independence of the nation, at all events.
I am no advocate for Mr. Gore's declaration of war against France. Knowing, as I do, from personal experience, the mutually friendly dispositions between the people of France and the people of America, Bonaparte out of the question, I should be very sorry to see them converted into ill-will and our old English prejudices revived. Lasting injuries and misfortunes would arise to this country from such a change.
I am averse also to a war with England, and wish to maintain our neutrality as long as possible, without conceding important principles. If either of the belligerent powers force us into a war, I am for fighting that power, which ever it may be.
I always consider the whole nation as my children; but they have almost all been uneducated to me. You two gentlemen are almost the only ones out of my own house, who have for a long time, and I thank you for it, expressed a filial affection for
JOHN ADAMS.
Mr. Daniel Wright & Mr. Erastus Lyman. Northampton.
The New-Hampshire Gazette of the 21st, gives as the aggregate of votes for Governor in 140 towns:
Langdon 11,531 Smith 11,287
By the foregoing return of votes, from 138 towns, it will be seen that the whole force of federalism has been brought into the field. The republicans have contended manfully. The issue is doubtful. Be the result what it may, we shall not despair of the republic. There are probably three republican councillors, and seven senators chosen. The House, we presume, will also be republican. —N. H. Gaz.
New Hampshire election.
The Concord (N. H.) Gazette, contains the votes of 156 towns, (leaving but 45 to be heard from) in which the votes are, for
Judge Smith 13,998 Mr. Langdon 13,916
Federal Repub. Maj.
The votes in 177 towns for Governor, give the federal candidate a majority of 236.

Aaron Kiernan, having resigned his seat in the Senate of the U. States, during the recess of the Legislature of N. Jersey, the Governor of that state has appointed John Cox to fill the vacancy, until the next meeting of the legislature.
THE MENACE.
A long article has been published, by that English court favorite, Peter Porcupine, relative to our relations with mother Britain, in which Mr. Gratton is rudely lashed for recommending conciliatory measures. Peter advises Old England to use force, instead of concession; and we will become submissive. He says that kicks, will be more potent in reducing us than caresses, which though he illustrates by the following quotation:
"Tender-handed press a nettle, And it stings you for your pains; Press it like a man of mettle, And it soft as silk remains. This the same with vulgar natures, Use them kindly, they rebel; But be rough as nutmeg graters, And the rogues obey you well."
In conclusion, he thus avows the purpose of the ministry, and the object of the Halifax armament, which some affected to look on as mysterious.
"Such a nation, Mr. Gratton, is not to be won by concession, mildness, and forbearance; and, be you assured, sir, that if we are to remain at peace with America, which, upon proper terms I desire full as much as you (and I am pretty certain greater personal reasons for desiring it) we shall have to thank the naval and military forces now assembled and assembling at Bermuda. It is in vain to disguise this fact. It is foolish to fear we shall produce irritation by openly avowing our opinion. We have to deal with a nation by no means delicate, and who in short, are to be induced to act justly & modestly by nothing but force." Balt. American.
WASHINGTON, March 29.
APPOINTMENTS made by the late President of the United States, in the recess of the Senate, in 1808, and which have been since submitted to and approved by them.
James Charles Jewett, of Massachusetts, surveyor for the district of Portland and Falmouth, and inspector of the revenue for the several ports within the same.
Isaiah Weston, collector of the district and inspector of the port of New Bedford, (already published.)
John Steele, of Pennsylvania, collector for the district of Philadelphia.
John Ennals, of Maryland, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Vienna.
Athanasius Fenwick, of Maryland, collector for the district of St. Mary's.
William Jackson, of Maryland, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Nanjemoy.
Eugene Sullivan, of Virginia, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of West-Point.
Robert H. Jones, of North Carolina, attorney of the United States for the district of N. Carolina.
Levi Blount, of N. Carolina, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Plymouth, in N. Carolina.
John Pooler, of Georgia, commissioner of loans in the state of Georgia.
Richard Wall, of Georgia, collector for the district of Savannah.
Peter Wilson, of Ohio, receiver of public monies for lands of the United States, at Steubenville.
Charles Minifie, a justice of peace for the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia.
Richard S. Briscoe, a justice of peace for the same county.
William Orr, of North-Carolina, collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the Port of Washington, in North-Carolina.
APPOINTMENTS made in the first instance, with the advice and consent of the Senate.
John Thompson, of Orleans Territory, to be a judge of said territory.
General Henry Dearborn, of Massachusetts, to be collector for the district of Boston and Charlestown.
Peter Sailly, of New York, collector for the district of Champlain and inspector of the revenue for the same.
Thomas Coles, of Rhode Island, collector for the district of Providence.
Joseph Margand, of Massachusetts, surveyor of the district of Newburyport.
Nathaniel Williams, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector of the revenue for the district and port of Dighton.
William Otis, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector for the district and port of Barnstable.
Isaac Carter, of Massachusetts, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Augusta.
Alexander M'Intire, of Massachusetts, collector for the district of York, and inspector of the revenue for the several ports within the same.
Joseph Storer, of Massachusetts, to be collector for the district and inspector of the revenue for the port of Kennebec.
Daniel Grainger, of Massachusetts, collector and inspector for the district and port of Saco.
William M. Daws, of Massachusetts, surveyor and inspector of the revenue for the port of Thomaston.
Peter Freneau, of South Carolina, commissioner of loans for S. Carolina.
Philip Grymes, now district attorney of Orleans, to be register of the land office of the United States for the eastern part of that territory.
APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.—WILLIAM ISRAEL, Esq. of PHILADELPHIA, CONSUL FOR THE ISLAND OF ST. BARTHOLOMEWS.
The following is the reply from the President of the United States, to N. Rochester and William L. Brent Esqrs. who transmitted the resolutions entered into, on the 4th of March by the republican citizens of Washington county.
WASHINGTON, March 17.
GENTLEMEN, I have duly received your letter of the 6th inst. conveying the resolutions of a portion of my fellow citizens of Washington county, in the state of Maryland.
Whilst I return my thanks for their kind expressions of confidence and regard; I feel much satisfied in observing the patriotic spirit breathed by their resolutions unani-
The situation of our country justly awakens the anxious attention of all good citi-
zens—whether an adherence to the just principles which have distinguished the conduct of the U. States towards the belligerent powers, will preserve peace without relinquishing independence, must depend on the conduct of those powers; and it will be a source of deep regret, if a perseverance in their aggressions should be encouraged by manifestations among ourselves of a spirit of disaffection to the public authority, or disobedience to the public measures. To any who may yield to such a spirit, there cannot be a more instructive example than is found in the animating pledges of support flowing from the sensibility of the citizens of Washington county, for the rights of the nation and the efficacy of the laws.
Accept my respects and friendly wishes. JAMES MADISON.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, APRIL 4, 1809.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR, The case of Gideon Olmstead of Pennsylvania is a perfectly new case under our government. There have been cases, in which individuals have arrayed themselves against the laws of Congress or the processes of courts, but this is the first instance, in which a state has opposed the jurisdiction of the general government.
At all times this opposition would have been a source of uneasiness—from the discord, imbecility, and perhaps civil war of which it might be productive. But at the present time it is more distressing;
1st. Because in the present turbid state of our foreign relations, we should bend every nerve towards uniting our efforts instead of distracting them.
2nd. Because the state of Pennsylvania has always been a firm friend of the rights of the nation, and it is most distressing to be bounded in the House & our friends.
3d. And because this conduct affords a pretext & colouring for the usurpations of Massachusetts, though the motives and conduct of these states are so essentially different. Pennsylvania has no interests distinct from those of the U. States.—The course, which she is now pursuing, is only adopted from the idea of supporting the sovereignty of the states and the rights of the constitution. But Massachusetts is actuated by considerations distinct from the general interests of the country. She is really taking part with Great Britain against the rights of the U. States.
Such contests however, might have been expected.—Our form of government is "new under the sun." No age or country has presented one parallel to it. It is a federal government—a government of states—one sovereignty within another—a wheel within a wheel. Hence arises the danger of clashing jurisdictions. Hence arises the difficulty of determining in certain cases, whether an act of the general government is sanctioned by the federal constitution, whether it belongs to those powers which are expressly given to the general government or those which are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.—But this is not only a government of division, but of balance. That is; it not only distinguishes between those powers which are given to the federal and state governments, but of those given to the federal government, it distinguishes between such as are given to the different departments.
From this new organization of things, various clashings of jurisdiction may arise.
These varieties may arise from the variety of the subjects that are affected. Is this particular act proper and constitutional? Is the general question. But this question may be branched out into three others:
1st. Cases may occur which involve a contested jurisdiction between the general and state governments;
2d. Cases of contested power between the different departments of the general government; And
3d. Acts of Congress may exist, whose constitutionality may be disputed. This case may generally be reduced to the two first; but because it is the one most generally put, it is here stated as a distinct proposition. From this complexity of organization therefore, there must necessarily result various instances of clashing jurisdiction. The case of G. Olmstead is however, the first one, in which the legislature of a state has placed itself in direct opposition to any act of the federal government.
It is not my intention to touch the merits of the original question. Whether the money really belongs to Olmstead or to the state of Pennsylvania, is not the point—though on this point, there is every reason to believe, that Olmstead deserved the money, and that whatever claim the state may have had to it, in strict law, it was due to the magnanimity of Pennsylvania and the intrepidity of Olmstead, to have relinquished it to him.
Nor is it the point, whether it was Mrs. Walters and Mrs. Sergeant the executrices of Mr. Rittenhouse, or the state itself, that was really the party to the cause. On this point, I am inclined to the opinion that it was the state itself which was the party—that D. Rittenhouse, the Treasurer, was no more than the agent of the state; that it was really the right of the state itself to the indemnity or certificates, that was at issue; and that therefore the decision of the Supreme court was contrary to the amendment of the constitution of the U. States adopted in 1798, which prohibits the judicial power of the U. States from extending "to any suit in law, or equity, commenced or prosecuted AGAINST any one of the U. States." But though this be my own opinion, it is not the decision of the court. It is not the opinion of an individual, or of a state, that is obligatory, but of the constituted authority. The constituted authority is the court of the U. States, because the federal constitution, by giving paramount authority to the constitution and laws of the U. States, gives paramount authority to the interpretation of these laws.
Some paramount tribunal is necessary—to decide on the relative powers of the state and federal governments. If it be said, will not the Federal courts transcend the constitution? Can it not also be asked, may not the states transcend their powers?
It is now therefore the duty of a republican to acquiesce in these decisions of the federal courts. If the doctrines of Pennsylvania be orthodox, what will be the consequence? Why, that any state legislature may at any time dispense with the laws and processes of the United States—the Union will be but a rope of sand—the jealousy which has been uniformly entertained of the power of the U. States, on account of the sovereignty of the States; is rather misplaced. The true doctrine is this; give a limited authority to the United States—watch
the exercise of it with jealousy—let when the constituted organ decides, let its decision be binding, though notacular.
Pennsylvania therefore is bound to recede from the ground she has taken. She has taken it from the best of motives, but it is an untenable one. And if the marshal and acting officer of the state should be governed by moderation and liberality, the present storm may be averted without any evil consequences. The law of the United States passed in April 1790, has already provided a punishment for those who resist the process of Mr. Smith. This law is in these words:
"If any person or persons shall knowingly and wilfully obstruct, resist or oppose any officer of the U. States, in serving or attempting to serve or execute any mesne process or warrant, or any rule or order of any of the courts of the United States or any other legal or judicial writ or process whatsoever, or shall assault, beat or wound any officer, or other person duly authorized, in serving or executing any writ, rule, order, process or warrant aforesaid, every person so knowingly and wilfully offending in the premises, shall on conviction thereof, be imprisoned not exceeding 12 months, and fined not exceeding 500 dollars."
Every man, therefore, who has resisted this process is liable to fine and confinement. It is the duty of Marshal Smith immediately to levy his process on each of these men, for violating this law of the United States.
But if it be contended that the courts of the United States should not be paramount in such a case—that such a doctrine is calculated to engulf state rights in the vortex of federal encroachment—then let the constitution be amended, and an independent tribunal be erected to try the questions of clashing jurisdiction. I have seen a proposition of this sort in the Nat. Intelligencer, but the idea has struck me for a long time past; and the project of that paper is not agreeable to my taste. I differ both as to the sphere of the powers and the manner of the organization of this tribunal.
Let all questions be referred to it, which involve the clashing of jurisdiction between the state and general governments; between the departments; between a law and the constitution. The last power has been assumed by the courts, without any adequate reason.
Let this tribunal meet periodically, like the college of Censors in Vermont; let it be formed of members appointed by the state legislatures; let its decisions be peremptory.
But should this scheme be thought impracticable or dangerous—still let the decisions of the federal court be paramount—for in what other way can collision be prevented or the United States be firm in its authority? But in order to secure the sovereignty of the states against its judgments, let the judgments be more responsible to them than they are at present—let judges be made less independent—let the fate of impeachments depend, as it ought to do, on a majority of voices!!
COMMUNICATION.
In Republics, the force of public opinion should aid the arm of the law.—This is my text—here follows the application:
About 1804, William Smith of Fredericksburg was a merchant and a Methodist, stiff, rigid and puritanical. The whole neighborhood used to be disturbed by his midnight orgies in honor of his God—When the Embargo law was laid, no man was a warmer friend—no man was more outrageous in his denunciation of Embargo breakers.
The scene shifted. The love of Mammon was too strong for his fear of God, & of the law. Smith made a fictitious sale of some hundreds of Barrels of flour—about 700—to a captain Brown. Brown wanted a security to the embargo-bond. He knew scarce any one in Fredericksburg, but Smith. To him, therefore, his application was directed.—Smith pretended to make great opposition to this request—declared in the presence of witnesses, that if Brown violated the law, he should be ruined—and in the presence of the Custom-house officer most emphatically added, with his devout eyes raised towards Heaven, "Captain Brown, remember, if you deceive me, there is a God above you who cannot deceive." His friend contrived however to silence all his scruples; he signed his name to the bond. The vessel set sail.—Smith took horse; and a few miles below Fredericksburg, he embarked—the very man who had pledged him—off to the government to observe the law & to make her observe it. The first port they touched, was in the W. Indies—flour about 22 $ per barrel—every thing bid fair for a prosperous voyage; Smith made a contract for the sale of his flour. Hearing however, that a neighboring port or island offered a much higher price, he slipped cable in the night—reached the destined port—and sold his cargo for forty odd dollars per barrel.
Well, Sir—this man of virtue & of money, returns to the United States, as deficient in the one, as it is supposed, he was flushed in the other. He arrives once more in the respectable town of Fredericksburg—determined perhaps to step forth, next morning, the man of money and of merit.—The indignant citizens of the town heard of his arrival and guessed his intentions. They assembled in a body, and waited upon this meritorious adventurer at his lodgings with drums beating, and the fife echoing "the Reggae's march." It is useless to describe the scene that ensued.—No riot—no violence—no force—On the part of Mr. Smith, none express the feelings of indignation, injured innocence—but a most indecent attempt to brazen it out.
The next day, (the 27th inst.) the citizens of Fredericksburg formed an effigy of the man, with this label on his back, "Orange Billy Smith; Traitor to his country"—and another issuing from his mouth; "Capt. Brown, remember, if you deceive me, there is a god above you cannot deceive." This effigy was suspended on a gallows erected on a cart, and publicly carried through the streets, with the accompaniment of the "Rogue's March"—After which it was taken to the wharf—and an oration was delivered over it, by an old Severy-Sixer, to the following effect:
FELLOW-CITIZENS, "You now behold the Effigy of a Traitor. Is there a man among you who would so far degrade himself beneath the character of a citizen, to take by the hand that man whom this effigy is intended to represent? No! forbid it Heaven; that such a one should be fostered in the vicinity of Fredericksburg. Is there one drop of blood within the veins of any one who calls himself a free born citizen of America, that does not boil with indignation, and rouse into action every nerve against the traitor to his country?
"And now, ye rising generations, to show how much we think it the duty of every one to revive the laws of his country, we have this day publicly shown in what contempt,
and how detestable that character is held by us, who for the sake of interest, will violate our most sacred rights."
"I must for a moment call your attention to the ingenuity of this man, who once professed the warmest friendship for the Embargo laws, and what art he used when clearing out the vessel at the custom house, containing his property, under a fictitious sale to deceive the officers—addressing himself in the following words to captain Brown, "Remember you may deceive me, but there is a just God above whom you cannot deceive."
"This effigy is now to be taken and suspended to the yard arm of yonder vessel, for fifteen minutes; and from thence committed to the flames, till burnt, burnt, burnt; and the Lord have mercy on the conscience of him whom it represents."
WHAT NEXT?
The federalists of the East are gradually drawing the curtain which conceals their designs. The address of the legislature to the people of Massachusetts, is a most instructive document.—In this address, the people are called upon to unite their strength against the administration—to elect a federal governor, in order that there may be a perfect coalition between the different branches of the state government, and that the whole power may be in the hands of the federalists—hints are darkly thrown out of some ulterior measures to be adopted by the party, for whose accomplishment this coalition may be necessary—every art is used to excite the Eastern against the southern states—the latter are impudently charged with an hostility to commerce—and every exertion is made to set the farmers of the East against the planters of the South.
These circumstances disclose the scheme of a "Northern confederacy," to be composed of the New-England states and Vermont. Timothy Pickering's toast, at New-York, proves his anxiety to connect the state of N. York in this ominous project.—Mark the consequences which may ensue!!
If this Northern confederacy is formed in all its parts—if these states should bring their whole strength to bear against the administration—if these state governments should be federal in all their branches—if the present republican representatives from these states should be evicted into subserviency to these views; or driven from their posts—if every Congressional district should return a federalist—if the weight of the republican minority should be lost either by a general election law, or the cast of congressional districts or a change in the sentiments of the people; one great step is made towards the accomplishment of their views. This force in conjunction with the federal minority in the southern states, may contribute towards the acquisition of a majority in the Congress of the United States.
But if this project fails in its accomplishment; if the Federalists of the East are unable to obtain the first and favorite object of their wishes, a restoration to offices and appointments; then this Northern Confederacy may aspire to a more treasonable object. "Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Heaven." Better to be British Viceroys, than the humble citizens of the United States. The disolution of the Union is probably the next object of their ambition—a junction of New-England with Canada and Nova Scotia, in alliance with G. Britain. Mark these men! Mark the resolutions of their legislatures! Mark the infamous spirit, which they have displayed towards the insults of Great Britain!
Will the Southern States stand by in silent indifference, and behold these violent exertions without resistance?—Far be the idea of an organized Southern confederacy! But let us employ every honorable and proper measure, which the present form of our government places in our hands. The contest is between federalism and republicanism—between the rights and independence of our own country, and a base submission to British aggression. Let every republican in every district in Virginia, therefore, bestow his suffrages on the firm friend of his country. Let the republicans of the Union once more exert their talents, influence and power; our rights will be secured and the honor of the U. States will be restored to its revolutionary splendor.—Let the Executive of the union wield its powers with firmness and decision. What, though this course may confirm the resentment of its enemies? It will strengthen the energy of its friends. —It will bring every man around it, who is disposed to support the rights of his country.—It will nerve the souls of such men with new and resistless resolution.
No man has seen greater fluctuations in the conduct of the federalists, than John Adams. When he was a friend of Alien and Sedition laws, of excise taxes and a navy, he was the idol of the party.
But when he penetrated into their designs of involving the United States in a war with France—when he declared in his speech, "that if France would give explicit assurances of receiving a minister from this country, with due respect, he would send one"—sent a minister in consequence of these assurances, and concluded a convention with her—he was denounced by Alexander Hamilton, in his celebrated Letter "concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq." for insincerity, "desultoriness" and apostasy. When Mr. A. sees that the same views are now entertained by the same party, and he dares to place himself in opposition to the views of Pickering, Gore and the Essex Junto, all his standing and reputation with them is gone forever. Mark the unqualified terms in which the Boston Centinel "damns him to everlasting fame," for the candid letter which he has lately written on public matters:
"We have heretofore preserved an unabated respect for the character of that late President: but we must say, that thus to lend himself to a party which has loaded him with their execrations and charges, and which he has repeatedly denounced as the worst enemies of their country, solely to serve electioneering purposes, is a degradation of conduct unworthy a statesman and a philosopher; and which must blast his fame to all posterity."
Does not every man see the key to these proceedings? So long as Mr. Adams lent his name and countenance to bad men and bad measures, he was an idol. But he saw their views—he stooped. And because he was determined not to go as far as these men wished him, he becomes the sport of all their resentment and malice.
The Collectors of the Customs are still authorised by the Embargo laws to detain vessels on inspection.—In conformity with this power, Mr. Gelston, collector of the port of N. York, has lately detained several vessels under the Swedish flag. There were surely on the face of it, some ground of suspi-
cion—but the Federalists, as usual, have raised the hue and cry of "oppression—outrage—unheard of persecution."—In one of these cases, we know, that the Collector has been correct in the execution of his duty. The Diana Talbot, capt. Driver, cleared at Tappanahock for New-York or Boston, on the 26th of Dec.—She went to the W. Indies and sold her cargo.—About the 18th inst. she arrived at N. York, under Swedish colours, with a new name and captain—called the Susan, under the command of captain Jones.—A gentleman from Fredericksburg saw the former captain on board of her when she went into N. York.—Who will not then vouch for the sacredness and purity of the Swedish flag?
Election at the close of the poll last evening for two Representatives for the County of Henrico, the votes stood this way:
 For Nathaniel Selden 168  Gervas Stur Samuel McCraw 132  William Dandridge 103  Messrs. Selden and Stur> re-elected.  FOR CONGRESS.  John Clopton 250  Charles Dabney 39 
MARRIED, on Thursday Evening, the 23d inst. by the Rev'd. John D. Blair, Mr. ANTHONY STREET, to Miss SUSAN GOODALL, both of Hanover County.
** Mr. CLARKE's 4th letter was received too late for this day's paper.
RICHMOND, March 29th, 1809.—The subscriber has extended his practice to the county of Fluvanna. Wm. HAY, Jr.
April 4.
Fairfield Races.
THE FAIRFIELD RACES, WILL commence on the 1st Monday in May, being the first day of the month.
1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of $ 400, four mile heats.
2nd DAY—The Proprietor's Purse of $ 200, three mile heats.
3rd DAY—The Annual Post Sweepstakes of five subscribers $ 100 each, three mile heats, free for all ages.
4th DAY—One of the most elegant Cups ever exhibited on any turf in Virginia, value $ 120—twenty dollars entrance.
There is also a Farmers Sweepstakes, opened for colts dropped in the Spring of 1808. Entrance fifty bushels of wheat, to be run for October 1811.—This subscription will close at the present spring meeting. The wheat to be delivered at Mr. Rutherford's Mill before the race.
E. SMOCK, Treasurer Fairfield J. Club, and Proprietor of the Course.
April 4. oawtR
REMOVAL.—The Subscribers (in consequence of the late fire) have removed to a brick tenement belonging to Messrs. J. & R. Gamble, on the street leading to Mayo's Bridge, opposite Messrs. Brown and Rives's Accompting-House, where they have for sale, a general assortment of GERMAN GOODS.
CONSISTING OF—Osnaburgs & Ticklen—Fine Shirting Linen, Bed Tick, Damask Table Cloths, Dantzic Rolls, Looking Glasses, Brown Rolls, Liqueur Cases, Sheetings, Quart, Pink and 1/2 Pint, Dowlas, Decanters. Also, Fresh RED CLOVER SEED. BOHN & HUBNER. April 4. 6w
THE RECORDS & PAPERS
OF THE
HUSTINGS COURT,
IN consequence of the late fire, are removed to the Office of the General Court, opposite the Chancery Office, in the Capitol. T. C. HOWARD. 3t
THE Subscriber has a well-situated GROCER'S SHOP on the Canal, lately occupied by Mr. Moore—Also, some ROOMS on an upper floor in the corner-house opposite the scale-house, near the end of the Basin. For terms apply to Robbins & Henderson in the corner house who will show the other tenement, or to SAMUEL OVERTON. April 4. oawtR
WANTED TO HIRE—A young Woman, who is well acquainted with house-work, particularly sewing, industrious, honest and sober. Also, an elderly Woman, for a Nurse, who is well acquainted with the treatment of young children—Apply at this office. April 4. tf
IN pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the Subscribers by Wm. French, to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned, due John Redd: Will be exposed, for sale, at the late residence of said French, in Henrico county, on the second Monday in May next, if fair, if not the next fair days, one NEGRO MAN named Jerry, one dark bay MARE called Nester, one sorrel COLT three years old, ten head of CATTLE, one Walnut DESK and BOOK CASE, one CUPBOARD five Feather BEDS and FURNITURE, three TABLES, two CHESTS, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to meet the intention of the said trust deed, together with the expenses of sale. GEORGE WALLER, Jr. JOSEPH HOPSON, } Trustees. April 4. 3w
SAMUEL BARRET Returns his thanks to the public in general and informs the Ladies & Gentlemen of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has taken Mr. Daniel Koon from Baltimore as a partner and they will establish a Ladies' Shoe manufactory, which will enable them in a few days to afford Ladies' Shoes of every description superior to any in Richmond, and any Ladies by leaving their address can have Shoes made to their direction in every particular—As they expect in a few days some workmen, and Kid and Morocco of all colors, and they will also make Children's shoes of all sizes and kind, gentlemen that have been in the habit of sending to Baltimore for Boots, may be fitted with less trouble & as good quality by applying as above. SAMUEL BARRET. DANIEL KOONE. April 4. law3w.
A SIZE OF BREAD for the City of Richmond from and after the 4th of this month (April) till further ordered. Superfine flour at $ 6 per barrel. The loaf of superfine flour to weigh 27 ounces. Do. of fine flour to weigh 23 3/4 oz. for 45. Double the above weights for 9. By order of the Mayor. April 4. 22

SPEECH DELIVERED BY MR. GILES, IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 13, 1809.
In support of the following resolution moved by him on the 8th of the same month:
(CONTINUED)
Resolved, That the several laws laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with these nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
Let me now, Sir, implore your most serious attention to the publication of Mr. Canning's letter in the Boston newspaper. The time and circumstances attending its publication aggravate the act. It was an unpardonable insult, and ought to be repelled with indignation; particularly insulting was it to those for whose use it was more immediately intended. Is it possible that the British parliament or nation can justify this act of abandoned profligacy? In the cases of Genet, Yrujo, &c. their ministerial functions were suspended. Their recall was immediately requested and complied with. In those cases the authors were known; in this he is concealed. The publication is conducted or directed by an invisible hand; but, Sir, the act is not the less dishonorable nor reprehensible on that account.
No, Sir, the author skulking from public view, stamps the character of the transaction with peculiar disgrace. Insults of this kind, Sir, have been practised upon the British government and nation. Let us see how insults of this nature were received and treated by that government and nation. Several cases of this nature have occurred in Great Britain, but I will select one in point which occurred in the time of George the 1st, in the year 1727. It will be found recorded in Belsham's memoirs of George the 1st, pages 192, 193, and in the proceedings of parliament of that day, in reference to that subject. These I have examined and find them still more pointed than the historical account of them, particularly the resolutions of the house of commons, which are highly worthy of imitation; they are contained in a very large book, and I therefore declined bringing it to the Senate. The case was, Sir, that the imperial resident at the court of London, count de Palm, was instructed by his government to present to his Britannic majesty a strong and pointed memorial against certain expressions or intimations in the king's speech to parliament, which were suggested by the imperial court to be unfounded and false, as they probably were, &c. &c. and to publish the memorial for the information of the British nation. Now, Sir, did the British government and nation receive and repel this insult? Sir, it was received with universal detestation, and repelled with universal indignation. It hushed for the moment the spirit of party. It was deemed an insult to every man, woman and child in Great Britain, &c. &c. But, Sir, let me give you the account in the words of the historian.
"With the memorial also was transmitted from Vienna a letter from the chancellor count Zinzendorf to count Palm, expressly commanding him, in the name of his imperial majesty, after presenting the memorial to the king of Great Britain, to publish it together with the letter annexed, for the information of the British nation. The chancellor Zinzendorf, affirms in this letter, "that it is easy to see that the speech was made for no other purpose but to exhort the nation to a rupture and open war with the emperor and Spain, and to make the parliament approve the precipitate and burthensome measures which the government has taken for private ends too well known." That on the first report of these false suppositions, the emperor and the king of Spain in order to silence them, proposed a formal act de non offendendo , into which all the contracting parties of the treaties of Vienna and Hanover might enter, till such time as a definitive agreement might have taken place; but that this proposition was rejected. He says, that the articles of the quadruple alliance are expressly and publicly laid down as the unalterable basis of the treaty of Vienna, and that to affirm that by a secret pact concluded at the same time, engagements have been entered into by their imperial and catholic majesties, repugnant to the same, is an outrageous insult to the majesty of the two contracting powers, who have a right to demand a reparation proportioned to the enormity of the affront. And that the high contracting parties had no other view than that of making peace between themselves without injuring any one else." The allegations contained in this letter and memorial seem but too well founded; but the intemperate language of these papers gave high and just offence; and Mr. Shippen, Mr. Hungerford, Sir William Wyndham, and all the leaders of opposition in parliament, warmly concurred in the address presented to the throne on this occasion, and which passed the house without a dissenting vote. And an order was sent to M. de Palm, signifying "that the said Palm having delivered into the hands of his majesty at his late audience, a memorial highly injurious to the honor and dignity of his crown; and having also publicly dispersed the same with a letter from the count de Zinzendorf to him the said Palm, still more insolent than the memorial, his majesty looked upon him no longer as public minister, and required him forthwith to depart out of this kingdom."
Here, Sir, we find the imperial resident, the count de Palm, immediately ordered out of the country, and the nation rising into instant war to repel the insult and retrieve the wounded honor of the nation. Here, Sir, we find the bickerings of party silenced—we find every heart united—we find the opposition facing about, and the whole nation presenting a hostile front to the authors of the insult. Can you believe, Mr. President, that a nation which feels so just a sensibility, when an insult is inflicted by others upon itself, can for a moment justify its ministry in inflicting a similar insult upon another nation? Can you believe, Sir, that the British nation or ministry can feel any respect for those for whose use the publication was intended, when you contrast their conduct with the generous and correct conduct of the British opposition? When instead of rousing every American feeling to repel the insult with indignation, it seems to have been received with complacency, and directed to its iniquitous end! And shall we be compelled to believe that all honorable feeling is lost and buried under the dominant influence of party sensibility? Surely, Sir, this cannot be an attitude which any party would wish to assume, and thus present itself either to the American or the British nation! Yet, Sir, the only difference in the character of the insult in the two cases is, that in one the author was known and avowed, and in the other he secures himself by his invisibility. But, Sir, if the author of the publication be an authorized British agent, and he will avow himself in a bold and manly way, I have no objection to saying he ought instantly to be sent out of the country, let the consequences be what they may. Sir, in no country in the world ought this point to be held more sacred, and the insults more firmly repelled than in the United States, where our presses are under no restraint—where not only freedom, but licentiousness, characterizes almost every page. But, Sir, our degradation does not stop here—Let me select one other act for a single illustration. The British are now driving a forced
trade in violation of our laws on our southern frontier; and whilst it demonstrates the importance of our commerce to their prosperity, at the same time degrades us below the Spanish colonies, for they do sometimes resist such aggressions; but we take them with patient forbearance and quiet submission. Let me now, Sir, compare the injuries and insults received by the United States and by other nations from Great Britain and contrast the resistance. Sir, I wish I could spare myself the pain and mortification of performing this task—but Sir, I deem it indispensable. It is a sacred duty I owe to the people and must be performed. Sir, the demand upon Denmark whilst observing an honest neutrality, was, to be sure, flagitious, but it was resisted by war. The overture to Sweden whilst in the depth of distress and difficulties, to be sure, was perfidious; but the messenger was ordered to be incarcerated. The conduct in Portugal, whilst weak, deserted by its government, conquered almost by a foreign host, was cruel and insulting; but it was repelled with indignation, and perhaps by hostility. The horrid catastrophe of the bloody tragedy in Spain is not yet known, and as my mind is perfectly exempt from even the semblance of a wish to exaggerate British outrage; so I will suppress my anticipations in relation to the fate of the Spanish fleet. Whilst the United States more injured and insulted than all these nations together, are alone to bear with patient meekness and long suffering; and the gallant, honorable and high-minded American people to be told there are no causes of war. That they must be still more humiliated; still further degraded. Wait until patience till another catenation of injuries and insults shall stain the fair, exalted name of your national character! And some men go so far as to recommend submission altogether! Mr. President, the love of peace is one of the most amiable passions of the human mind. It is fondly cherished by the American people. But Sir, when it degenerates into a fear of war, it becomes of all passions the most despicable. In its application it is of all others the most unfortunate and ruinous to a nation; it excites contempt and invites attack from abroad; whilst at home it dispirits the people, and disqualifies them from exerting the energy they possess. Is there not ground to fear Sir, that Great Britain has mistaken the character of the people and government of the United States in that respect? And if so, is it of no importance to undeceive her! And how can this be done? It can only be done by manly open, direct and honorable war! Let war, then, Sir, be openly resorted to, and vigorously conducted. Give the people an opportunity of retrieving their character, or at least of proclaiming their true character to the world. It will even be found economical of blood and treasure; it will in the end be favorable to peace itself; for Sir, (permit me to borrow an appropriate and emphatic expression from a gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Hillhouse,) it will be a war for peace. Yes, Sir, as that gentleman expresses it, we must fight for peace. Without war, or fortunate events abroad, I am satisfied we can have no peace!
I fear, Mr. President, I am trespassing too much on the kind indulgence of the Senate, but Sir, I cannot conclude my observations without examining the most prominent objections urged against a war with G. B. This I propose to do with candor and impartiality.
The first objection is derived from the supposed character of the quarrel in which G. Britain is engaged. It is said she is fighting the battles of the world against the spirit of French domination. That her national existence is at stake. That she is fighting merely for her natale solum , &c. &c. That France is contending for the domination of the world. This is not the true character of the quarrel. They are both fighting for domination; each upon the element to which she can apply her power. France claims domination on the land—Great Britain on the ocean. But it is said if the emperor of France should succeed and destroy Great Britain, or control her fleet, his power would be directed against the United States, and they would be the next victim. This is a remote and extremely improbable contingency. It is my opinion that the chances are greatly in favor of Great Britain's succeeding in the contest; and I believe that our situation would be just as critical, if Great Britain having the command of her fleet, had also the command of the men on the continent, as if France having the command of the men on the continent, and also the command of the British fleet. In either event we could expect no mercy, and our only reliance for preserving our independence, would as it ought always to be, upon our own courage and resources. I would, therefore, deprecate either of these events. But, Sir, whilst I should deplore the circumstance of either of these nations subduing the other, I think the chances of ultimate success in favor of Great Britain. I will state a few of the grounds of this opinion. In Great Britain the government is strong, stable and popular, and from her insular situation, the navy affords the nation a complete protection against foreign invasion. The resources of Great Britain are great, and her people brave and loyal, &c. &c. These afford her strong securities. In France, the order of things is scarcely settled. The dynasty is new, probably depending on the life of a single individual; the chances of his death alone, and the probable consequences flowing from that single event, give to Great Britain a better prospect of eventual success in the contest than any reasonable calculation of probable events would give France in relation to the conquest of Great Britain. This consideration, therefore, has no arms or terrors for me. It is certainly a mere possible contingency against every calculation upon probable events—it is visionary. But, Sir, where does this sensibility? (I will not call it sympathy, because Great Britain has no feeling from which it can be derived) where, I say, Sir, does this sensibility for the safety of Great Britain exist? I believe in the United States alone; certainly not the British nation or ministry. Let me call your recollection to Mr. Canning's language on this subject. Do you hear him express any whining alarms from the loss of national existence—any timid What does he say, Sir? On the 23d of September last, he tells you, that Bonaparte's gigantic projects of domination were then broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible. And on the 22d of November last, that Bonaparte's decrees were merely nominal; that from his impotency they had ceased to be mischievous or dangerous to the British nation or ministry. And what do the ministerial pamphleteers tell you! Why, Sir, that Bonaparte and his train of dependent kings are the tributaries of Great Britain; and that British rivals also, shall follow in the train to grace the magnificence of the scene, and shall contribute their homage also, to the supremacy of the British navy! Is this the language of a nation struggling for its existence! Is this the language of a nation trembling with alarms of subjugation from French power! No, Sir, the British nation has no such feelings or apprehensions; this sensibility exists only in the United States. If G. Britain really felt these alarms, she would feel more respect for the rights of other nations; she would moderate her claims upon the ocean; she would leave to other nations some little share in the exercise of rights upon that element. But, Sir, where will this argument end? If on account of some remote, improbable and contingent danger, we are to bear all the wrongs already heaped upon us by Great Britain, when are we to stop? When will the load become too grievous to be borne? I wish this point ascertained and fixed, that Great Britain may know it as well as ourselves; for there is no doubt, she will pile on us long as we will bear, and perhaps she may overstep the bounds from the want of knowing the limits. Sir, these grounds of objection are unsubstantial; they are nothing more than mere
pretexts for indulging our habitual predilections for Great Britain, and if we think otherwise we deceive ourselves. The plausibility of these suggestions may, perhaps, however, have extended their influence beyond the sphere of British predilections. But, Sir, I am convinced in all those cases, it has arisen from the want of a due consideration of the subject. The only effects of entering into the war against Great Britain, would be to lessen the range of her commerce, and limit the dangerous influence of her navy, and thus to restore to ourselves some of her lost commercial rights. But her national existence even in that case would not be endangered, and even if it were, she could stop the war at pleasure, by doing us less than justice. (C)
Indulge me now, Sir, in examining another objection against entering into a war with Great Britain; which, whilst it is the most unaccountable, has, I believe, more influence on the minds of gentlemen, than all other considerations taken together. It is, Sir, the strange suggestion, that the British ministry had refused to accede to the just and reasonable propositions made on the part of the United States, from a belief of the insincerity of our government in conducting the negotiation; and that, if the overture could be renewed in sincerity and good faith, it would be accepted on the part of the British government. Groundless and extravagant as this supposition is, permit me to make a few observations on it. In the first place, I would ask, by whom have these negotiations with Great Britain been conducted since the commencement of the present administration? First, by Mr. King. Has Mr. King made any intimations of insincerity on the part of the administration during his agency? I believe not. I believe that Mr. King entirely approved of the course pursued during his time, and I am sure the administration highly approved of his conduct. I believe it was judicious, honorable and dignified. I presume some respect might be paid to his negotiations by federal gentlemen, for I believe he has not forfeited their confidence, if I am to form an opinion from the votes given to him for the vice-presidency at the late election. The federalists gave him all the votes which were at their disposal. The next agent on the part of the United States was Mr. Monroe. From late occurrences it cannot be presumed that Mr. Monroe is in possession of the knowledge of any circumstances of insincerity against the administration, which he would withhold from the public. Mr. Monroe has, in fact, written a book: He has told all he did know—Although, some time since, we often heard it said, he would tell more than he could tell. But no evidence of insincerity has yet appeared. Our present agent is Mr. Pinkney. He is a federalist: an intelligent, honorable and respectable federalist. Some confidence, it is supposed, might be paid to his opinions and communications. Yet it is known that he approves of the measures of the administration as far as they go, but he would go further. If however, Sir, gentlemen disbelieve the testimony of all these witnesses, let me present them with another, to whom, upon this point at least, they will certainly yield some respect. It is Mr. Canning. Although his desire to cherish and encourage this delusion may clearly be seen, thro' the prevarications of his two last letters to Mr. Pinkney, yet he expressly tenders Mr. Pinkney the homage of his respects for the candor and liberality displayed by Mr. Pinkney in conducting the negotiation, and it is very easy to discern that he is compelled to respect the motives which dictated Mr. Pinkney's instructions (d) But, Sir, it was placed completely in Mr. Canning's power to put the sincerity of our government to the test, by accepting, instead of rejecting, the frank and reasonable proposition offered to him by Mr. Pinkney. His rejection of it is proof positive, that he did not wish to put the sincerity of our government to the test. Again, Sir, let me beg your attention to another consideration. Whatever errors the political opponents of the President may fancy they see in his general character, their prejudices could never carry them so far, as not to exempt him entirely from the passions of political ambition, & personal aggrandizement. His voluntary retirement from his present station, is irresistible proof of his exemption from these passions. In a very few days he goes into a chosen retirement, to enjoy the blessings, in common with his fellow-citizens, which his wise administration has spread over this extended country; and, Sir, in his solitude, with a heart overflowing with gratitude, I sincerely hope he will enjoy all the happiness, which is the just reward of the amiableness and philanthropy of his character. But, Sir, under such circumstances, what possible inducement could he have to involve his country unnecessarily in war? In his retirement, he will be as much subject to the good or bad consequences of his own measures, as any other citizen; it is not, therefore, possible to conceive that he would adopt ruinous measures, whilst he himself would be subject to all their consequences. No, Sir, this suggestion of insincerity is nothing more than a miserable delusive vision; a mere catch of the human mind, to indulge itself in own passions and prejudices, when there is no justification that can be derived from more substantial considerations. It is the result of a forced suspicion, for the want of some document or paper, as a justification for the indulgence of these unfortunate passions. Observe, too, the inconsistencies and absurd contradictions of gentlemen laboring under the influence of these passions. In the same breath, Sir, they accuse the President of such a devotion to a vain philanthropy and speculative philosophy, as to disqualify him for the rugged duties of a politician, and of an insincerity in conducting our foreign relations, with a view of involving the United States in war, in direct opposition to the habitual and dominant passions of his mind. No, Sir, the President is the lover of peace, and I fear that his amiable & anxious solicitude to preserve it, may have had some tendency towards rendering war indispensable. Sir, these prejudices and jealousies, so causelessly indulged by gentlemen, may have, it is feared, the most unfortunate influence upon the interests of the American people, and upon the character of the American nation. For, Sir, when jealousies and prejudices once take hold of the human mind, they distort all facts, they invent all just inferences, and they make themselves the food for their own subsistence and indulgence.
The documents to which the above notes refer, are in our next. (To be concluded in our next.) (BY AUTHORITY.)
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES. AN ACT
Making appropriations for the support of the military establishment, and of the navy of the United States, for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expense of the military establishment of the United States for the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, for the Indian department, and for the expense of fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, the following sums be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated, that is to say:
For the pay of the army of the United States, eight hundred and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and forty dollars:
For forage, sixty-four thousand six hundred and twenty-four dollars:
For subsistence, six hundred and forty-one thousand two hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty-five cents:
For clothing, two hundred and ninety-three thousand two hundred and sixty-four dollars:
For bounties and premiums, fifteen thousand dollars:
For the medical and hospital departments, forty-five thousand dollars:
For camp equipage, fuel, tools and transportation, two hundred and seventy thousand dollars:
For ordnance, seventy-five thousand dollars:
For purchasing horses, saddles and bridles for the light dragons, and for the light artillery, fifty-one thousand seven hundred and twenty dollars:
For forage for the horses for the regiment of light artillery, ten thousand eight hundred dollars:
For fortifications, arsenals, magazines and armories, two hundred and nineteen thousand and thirty-four dollars and seventy-five cents:
For purchasing maps, plans, books and instruments, two thousand five hundred dollars:
For contingenties, fifty thousand dollars:
For the salary of clerks employed in the military agent's offices, and in the office of inspector of the army, three thousand five hundred dollars:
For the Indian department, one hundred and twenty-five thousand six hundred dollars:
For the purpose of paying James Powell, late collector of Savannah, the amount of monies advanced by him to Solomon Ellis, contractor for supplying rations to the troops of the U. States, in the state of Georgia, including a commission of two per centum to the collector, twenty-seven thousand six hundred and twenty-one dollars and eight cents:
For the purpose of paying Ferdinand Phinizy, late contractor for supplying the troops in Georgia, a balance due to him as admitted by the comptroller of the treasury, on the twenty fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, one thousand three hundred and ninety-three dollars and thirty-nine cents:
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for defraying the expenses of the navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and nine, the following sums, including therein the sum of four hundred thousand dollars, already appropriated by an act, entitled "An act authorizing the employment of an additional naval force," the following sums be, and the same are hereby respectively appropriated, that is to say:
Speaker of the House of Representatives, J. B. VARNUM.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
THE Subscriber will practice the LAW in the county Courts of Goochland, Henrico, Chesterfield, Powhatan and Amelia. JOHN ROBERTSON. Manchester, March 7. oaw1m
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa county, February Court, 1809. Joseph Woolfolk and Bentley Brown Plffs. against Samuel M. Smith, executor of John Brown decd and Frederick Harris, Defts. THE defendant Samuel M. Smith not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, therefore, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel; It is ordered and decreed, by the court, That the said defendant Samuel M. Smith, do appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiffs bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the news papers published in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the front door of the court house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. e. March 21. oaw3w
HOUSES & LOTS—FOR SALE.—By virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, decd, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, on Monday the tenth day of April next, the following LANDS & TENEMENTS, in the city of Richmond—that is to say— Some wooden HOUSES and a piece of LAND opposite to Crouch's Tavern, on the street leading up by the governor's. Several brick TENEMENTS on the cross-street leading to Snocke's Ware-House. A HOUSE & LOT upon the Basin. A moiety of another HOUSE upon the Basin, and the third of the LOT belonging to it. The TENEMENT where Wm. Robertson, Esq. now resides. The TENEMENT where the Testator lived, and a naked LOT of Land adjoining to it. Part of a naked lot of LAND, lying between the dwelling-house of Augustine Davis and the Basin. The sale will commence at the house where the testator lived, and will be adjourned to the other tenements successively, until the whole are sold. Twelve months credit will be allowed; the purchasers to give bond and approved security together with a deed of trust upon the property, to ensure punctual payment of the purchase money. DANIEL CALL, Executor of the late Will and Testament of ROBERT MEANS, Decd. March 21. tds
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7. tf
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS, Richmond Dec. 14.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND, authorised to vote for common council. Take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the fifth day of April next, the poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places: in Jefferson-ward, at the Court-House, in Madison-ward, at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroe-ward, at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick-House. JOHN F. PRICE. Sergeant of the city of Richmond. March 10. cp1aW.A.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 30 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE, 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havana Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions. Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17. tf
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence at the Union Tavern in Caroline County on Wednesday the 19th of April next. 1st. day—A sweepstake for 3 years old colts & fillies, 8 Subscribers, 60 bushels of wheat each, and closed. 2nd. day—The Jockey Club purse—50 Subscribers, 5$ each. 3rd. day—The proprietor's subscription of 30$ with the toll of chit, and the preceding days, and 10$ entrance. The Rappahannock Jockey Club Rules to govern. PHILIP SAMUEL, Sec'y. March 10. tdr
LAND FOR SALE.—I have for sale 500 acres of LAND, in the county of Cumberland, situate immediately on Appomattox river, adjoining the lands of Mr. Jermyn Baker, Mr. G. Skipwith and Mr. Hughes. It is an eligible estate, well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. Some valuable low-ground, and the advantage of navigation are attached to it. The place is very healthy, and the neighborhood very agreeable. Mr. Baker will, at any time, show the premises. ARCHIBALD THWEATT. Petersburg, March 14. tt
THE subscriber, who was brought up in a County Court office, and was upwards of ten years Clerk of the District Court holden in Richmond, and during that time had constantly an opportunity of inspecting the records of the General Court, proposes to publish by subscription, a collection of the most useful and approved forms of process, judgments and orders used in the County and District Courts—also, of bonds usually taken in the said courts, and executions on judgments thereof; records on appeals from, and writs of supersedeas to, judgments of the District Courts; of proceedings on the arraignment of criminals in the last mentioned courts, and of the entries used on the trials thereof.—To correct Declarations in special actions, Indictments in Criminal cases and a few of the most unusual and difficult sorts of conveyances, and a complete index to the whole. The volume will contain about 400 pages of octavo—The price thereof will be twelve dollars, as I expect to convert for printing a small number of copies, which will be bound in boards. The work can be printed in five or six months after it is put to press, and it is now ready for it, but will not be published till subscriptions for 100 copies are obtained, and ten dollars of the price of each paid. Those gentlemen who wish to be considered as subscribers, will be pleased to communicate it, and remit the above amount of their subscriptions to Samuel Shepard, Esq. Andr. of Public accounts in the city of Richmond, who will refund the money in case any circumstance should occur to prevent the publication. I shall endeavor to forward the copies to subscribers as soon as possible—upon receipt thereof the balance of the subscription money is to be paid. J. ROBINSON. March 28 1809. ep3w
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—RANAWAY, in Decr. 1803, a NEGRO MAN named JACK, 36 years of age, of the middle size, a good Ostler, and calls himself a Farrier, excels in driving a carriage, fond of strong drink, and when drunk is impertinent and quarrelsome—formerly belonged to Thomas Wilson of the City of Richmond, believed to have been raised by a Mr. Willis of Gloucester county. He has travelled much in Virginia & the Southern states as a body servant. He is very artful and apt to smile (as innocent) when charged with a crime. Probably has lost some of his foreteeth. Any person securing him, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. HENRY M. CLAY. Halifax, Va. March 28. 34
BUCKINGHAM COUNTY.—Taken up by George Binks, two stray COLTS, one a bay Horse supposed to be four years old next spring, appraised to $35: The other, a sorrel Mare, judged to be the same age, appraised to 50 dollars. A Copy, R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C. Dec. 31, 1808. 246
WANTED TO PURCHASE, for which the highest price will be given, TOBACCO of the dark, greenish and rich kind, commonly made on manured or low-ground. For further particulars, enquire at the Eagle-Tavern for Peter Lorillard. March 24. 44
WILLIAMSBURG, March 1809.—The Members of the Protestant Episcopal Church are earnestly requested to take notice, that the second Tuesday in May next, is the time appointed for holding the annual convention in Richmond. J. MADISON, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia. March 28. 34
Merchant's, Lawyer's, Sheriff's and Constable's BLANKS, For Sale at this Office.