The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-04-04 00:00:00

NOTICE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, dated the 14th day of July, 1802, and recorded in the General Court, made by James Deane, Francis B. Deane and Jan H. Deane his wife, to the subscribers, in trust, to secure the payment of a debt due from James Deane, Thomas Deane and Francis B. Deane, to Gilliat & Kirby,
WILL BE SOLD AT AUCTION, for ready money, by the Subscribers or some two of them, at the town of Gaiety in the county of Cumberland, on Tuesday the 29th of next month:
TWO undivided third parts of the Water Grift MILLS on Willis's River, at Gaiety aforesaid, commonly called and known by the name of Deane's Mills—together with all their appurtenances and necessary privileges of water—and two third parts of the ground on which the Mill-Howe stands—and two third parts of one acre of Ground surrounding the Mill-Howe.
JOSEPH GALLEGO, M. B. PORTIAUX, RIVERS DRAKE, CHARLES COPLAND. Richmond, March 28, 1806. epds
TO BE RENTED.
Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office.
THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERRIWETHER JONES. February 4. tf
BOHN & HUBNER
Have received from Bremen, a General Assortment of GERMAN LINENS—consisting of OZNAUBURGS, Ticklenburgs, Heilbrun, Rouens Sheetings, Plaitillas, Brown Rolls, &c.—which they offer for sale on the most reasonable terms. March 25. 12c
FARNHAM, March 1, 1806.
DISSOLVED THIS DAY, by mutual consent, the Partnership of GEO. & THOS. BROWN. They return thanks to a generous public for the encouragement they have met with, and request those having claims, to present them for settlement—and those indebted, to close their accounts either by payment or bond, to Geo. M. Brown, who is authorized to settle the business of the concern. GEORGE M. BROWN, THOMAS BROWN. ep1w
The business will in future be carried on by the Subscribers, at the late store house of Geo. & Thos. Brown, under the firm of THOMAS & EDWIN BROWN—who beg leave to offer to their friends and the public, a well selected assortment of DRY GOODS and CUTLERY, on such terms as will be highly acceptable to purchasers. THOMAS BROWN, EDWIN BROWN. March 28. ep1w
AT a meeting of the Shareholders in the CHINESE SNAKE-STONE, held agreeably to notice, at the house of Tunhall Banks, Esq. in the Town of Tappahannock, on Tuesday the 18th day of March, 1806, the necessary rules and regulations for the management thereof, were adopted; by which it was determined that the Stone should be permanently fixed in the aforesaid Town, and for the present, placed in the hands of Dr. Austin Brockenbrough, under whose direction it will be administered on the following conditions:
Each Shareholder shall be entitled to the use thereof, for himself and all his family, free of charge for application; and every person applying, who is not a Shareholder, shall pay at the following rate, viz: eight dollars for the necessary application to the first wound, and two dollars for the necessary application to each other wound; except to the poor, to whom it shall be administered gratis. A general list of the Shareholders, and the rules and regulations, are left in the hands of Doctor Brockenbrough, for the information of all concerned. Doctor Brockenbrough requires those coming from a distance, who mean to apply for the use of the Stone gratis, to provide themselves with a certificate of their situation from a magistrate or some respectable neighbor. Tappahannock, April 1, 1806. 4w.
CAUTION.
LOST or MISLAID, a Note of Credit against Anthony, jun. & Co's, at 60 days, negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, for 1000 dls. endorsed by myself & Mr. Jacob Packler, and dated the 28th ult. All persons are cautioned against receiving it. NEIL MCCULL. April 1. 2t
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honored at any of the above-mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will inclose duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (eftMay.)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 26. tf
FOR SALE. A TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Amelia, containing 800 acres, within one mile of the Court House, about forty from Manchester, and the same from Petersburg. There is a most excellent stand for a Tavern on this land. A credit of one, two and three years, will be given for the greater part of the purchase money. The subscriber also offers for sale, about twenty negroes, consisting of men women and children. A credit of twelve months will be given; and could they be sold in families, I would allow a credit of two years. WILLIAM ARCHER. Powhatan, March 14. tf
TO BE RENTED. THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family. Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the Street leading to church hill: to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitehead, Serjeant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (2aw tf. February 25.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber: 20 Hogsheads NORTHERN RUM, 20 Barrels do. do. 10 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE, 15 do. do. MALAGA do. 12 Tierces Prime GREEN COFFEE, 20 Barrels LIVER OIL, 150 Boxes MOULD CANDLES, 80 Ream WRITING PAPER, 100 do. WRAPPING do. THOMAS WHITE. March 18, ep1m
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 4.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, ensuing.
THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chilwell's Lead Mines; but which, for some time past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied.
That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1793, for the sum of £6,505, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate. The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary. The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the Superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.
Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the sum in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; on which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by JOHN WICKHAM, JOHN WARDEN, WILLIAM HAY, } Commissioners of the court, Jan. 21. sw.
The sale of the above property is postponed to the 15th day of May next.
OUR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [eftf.] Dec. 4.
THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. CARTER B. PAGE. December 21.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, March 6.
DEBATE On Mr. Gregg's resolution. [CONTINUED.]
MR. SMITH. I am in favor, Mr. Chairman, of the resolution under consideration; and left it should be supposed I am an enthusiast in respect to commerce, and deserve to be classed among that desperate order of men called merchants, according to the representation which we have had yesterday from the gentleman from Virginia, I beg leave to make a few remarks on the abstract question, whether commerce ought to be considered as beneficial in its relation to the U. S. I have long thought that there is an essential difference between what is, in the common language of the world, a friendly and great, and a happy people. I have been led to think, that the situation of the people of the U. S. separated from the rest of the world by an ocean of 3000 miles, possessing an immense region of land, having full employment for all her people in the cultivation of the earth, having, from the variety of her climates and the difference of her soil, the means of supplying herself, not only with all the necessaries of life in abundance, but with many of its comforts, and even some of its luxuries; from these considerations I have been led to think it had been happier if the American people, when they became an independent nation, had found themselves without commerce, and had still remained so. Thus circumscribed, they would certainly have avoided those dangers which flow from the weakness of an extended trade, and those luxuries which have hitherto proved so fatal to morals, happiness, and liberty. In my opinion we should have been a happier people without commerce. Among the considerations which have induced me to believe that this would have been a happy state, is, that we should have enjoyed a perfect state of safety. We should not have been under the necessity of conflicting with foreign nations, because commerce, and commerce alone, can produce those conflicts. I have expressed this opinion, to show that I have not been led by any particular attachment to commerce, to take that part which I have declared I would do on the present occasion. But what was the situation of the American people when they first found themselves a nation? And what are the duties imposed upon us by the compact we entered into? As to any abstract opinions we may entertain on this subject, they ought to have no influence here upon us. I stand here on other ground, and dare not resist the dictates of duty. I was astonished yesterday to hear it mentioned by the gentlemen from Virginia (Mr. J. Randolph) and boldly asserted, referring to the constitution, that the American government was under no obligation to protect any property of its citizens one foot from the shore. I was astonished at this declaration, because I could see to what it went. I saw, if this was the opinion of the southern states, where it would end. The situation of this people, when they became a nation, was this:—The eastern states might properly be said to be a commercial people, as they lived by commerce; the middle states were partly commercial and partly agricultural; the southern states, properly speaking, were agricultural. This opposition of character must have created great difficulty in forming the constitution, and, in truth, this and other points threw great obstacles in the way of its formation. But a spirit of concession overcame all difficulties. It is, however, to be believed, that the eastern states, properly commercial, or the middle, partaking equally of the commercial and agricultural character, would have united with the southern states, if they had been told that commerce was to receive no protection? No, for it cannot be believed. But I take higher ground—the compact itself referred to by the gentleman from Virginia. Let us examine the powers vested in Congress under this compact, and decide whether commerce was, or was not intended to be protected. If there was nothing specific in these powers, the first page would show the intention of its framers. "We, the people of the U. S. in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare," &c. If we go on to the 10th page, we shall find the power given to Congress "to provide and maintain a navy." Is the protection of commerce contemplated here, or not? In other parts of the instrument, we perceive the power to regulate commerce vested in Congress. Will any man pretend to say that the power of establishing a navy can be exercised independent of commerce? Every man of common sense knows that a navy cannot exist without it. Having sufficiently established the right of commerce to protection under the constitution, I come now to consider the resolution under consideration. We find our rights invaded by foreign nations, and an attack made by one nation on our carrying trade, which in my opinion cannot be warranted by the law of nations. I shall not condescend to argue this point. I believe it to be a lawful trade, let whoever may deny it. I have taken some pains to make myself acquainted with the subject, by reading several treaties upon it; and notwithstanding the contempt with which a certain book was yesterday treated by the gentleman from Virginia, I will venture to predict, that when the mortal part of that gentleman and myself shall be in ashes, the author of that work will be considered a great man. Nor do I judge in this case exclusively from my own opinion, but from the opinions of men of distinguished talents, from different and distant parts of the union, who all concur in saying that the writer has conclusively established the principle he contends for. Indeed I could not have believed, had I not heard it, that a representative of the American people, in the face of the legislature, would have relinquished so precious a principle! But there was a curious feature in all the luminous discoveries yesterday disclosed to us by the gentleman from Virginia in which he strictly observed the rule of the rhetorician, where a point could not be justified, to get over it as well as he could. On the impression of our seamen he laid nothing. He knew that the American feelings would not bear it. When I think of what is called the carrying trade, I consider it a small evil compared to this. It has been compared to Algerine slavery, but it is worse. What is this impediment? Your citizens are seized by the hand of violence, and if they refuse to fight the battles of those who thus lay violent hands upon them, you see them hanging at the yard arm. In the first place, they are obliged to expose their persons to murder, in fighting the battles of a nation to which they owe no allegiance. They are obliged to commit murder, for it is murder to take away the life of a man who has given us no offence, at the same time that they expose their own persons to the commission of murder. This is the true point of light in which I have always considered this horrid and barbarous act, for which, indeed, I cannot find language sufficiently strong to express the indignation I feel. This is the situation of our country. Our commerce, depredated upon in every way, our citizens dragged from their homes, and despoiled of all they hold dear. We are told we are not to mind these things, that the nation who commits the outrages is a powerful nation. But really as an American, I cannot feel the force of this observation. The gentleman from Virginia yesterday assumed it as a principle, and the whole of his argument turned on it, that this is a war measure, and that its friends are for going to war. Were I satisfied of the truth of this remark, I should change my mind with regard to the resolution. But it is a war measure? I believe the same duties and obligations exist between nations as between individuals in a state of nature. If my neighbor treats me with injustice, I have a right to decline all intercourse with him, without giving him a right to knock me down. If we deem it our interest not to trade with a particular nation, have we not a right to say so? A nation with whom we have no commercial treaty, and towards whom, therefore, in regard to trade, we have a right to act as we please. If a commercial treaty existed between us, it would be our duty to observe it; but without one, we have an undoubted right to say whether we have or have not a use for her productions. If, then, this be a peace measure, why treat it as a war measure? But it is said that it will lead to war. Britain is said to be a great nation, high spirited and proud, and therefore we must not take this step for fear of the consequences. Trace this argument. See where it leads us. It leads us to this. That with a powerful nation we must on no account whatever quarrel, tho' she may commit ever so many aggressions on our right. No, we must not, let her go whatever length she may, until on this same principle, we shall be called upon to surrender our independence, because we have to deal with a powerful nation! If we do not make a stand now, against her aggressions, when or where shall we do it? But one alternative will remain—To bend our necks, to crouch beneath the tyrant, to submit without murmur to her insolence and injustice. It is surprising to me to see this resolution scouted by gentlemen, when this same measure has ever been considered as the most proper instrument with which to contend with G. Britain. If we look back to the times of the stamp act, we will see that this was then the opinion of the American people. Voluntarily associating themselves together, they cheerfully and unhesitatingly, as the means of obtaining redress, relinquish'd the luxuries, and even the necessaries of life drawn from G. Britain. These associations were voluntary as from the situation of the colonies they could not be otherwise. And it is remarkable that G. B. did not consider this as a cause of war though the people of this country were then her subjects. Coming down to later times and approaching the period of our national independence the same measure was resorted to, and considered an effectual expedient to obtain redress of our grievances. In 1776, what was the sense of the people of England on this subject, and how did they feel the effects of the non-importation agreement of the colonists? Let them speak for themselves. "There scarce was ever any affair debated in a British Parliament in which the public thought themselves more deeply interested, or for the result of which they felt a more impatient anxiety than the present, nor was the rest of Europe especially the commercial part, inattentive to the event. "The second speech from the throne, as well as the first, pointed out the American affairs to the parliament as the principal object of its deliberations: both houses by their addresses shewed that they looked upon them in the most important light. "Petitions were received from the merchants of London, Bristol, Lancaster, Liverpool, Hull, Glasgow, &c. and indeed from most of the trading and manufacturing towns and boroughs in the kingdom. In these petitions they set forth the great decay of their trade, owing to the new laws and regulations made for America. The vast quantities of manufactures (besides those articles imported from abroad, which were purchased either with our own manufactures or with the produce of our colonies) which the American trade formerly took off our hands, by all which, many thousand manufacturers, seamen and labourers, had been employed to the very great and encreasing benefit of the nation. That in return for these exports the petitioners had received from the colonies, rice, indigo, tobacco, naval stores, oil, whale-fins, furs, and lately potash, with other plain commodities, besides a large balance in remittances, by bills of exchange and bullion, obtained by the colonists for articles of their produce, not required for British market, and therefore exported to other places. "That from the nature of this trade, consisting of British manufactures exported, and of the import of raw materials from America, many of them used in our manufactures, and all of them tending to lessen our dependence on neighboring states, it must be deemed of the highest importance in the commercial system of this nation, that this commerce, so beneficial to the state and so necessary for the support of multitudes, then lay under such difficulties and discouragements, that nothing less than its utter ruin was apprehended, without the immediate interposition of parliament." "At the conclusion of our last volume we saw the nation involved in most distressful circumstances that could well be imagined; our manufactures at a stand, commerce almost totally annihilated, provisions extravagantly dear, and a numerous populace unemployed, without the means of procuring a livelihood. Such, and so gloomy was the prospect that opened at home." VOL. IX. ANN. REG. Down to the beginning of the American war, this was uniformly considered as the most powerful instrument in our hands to oblige Britain to do us justice. Since that time, it will be found that the same sentiment has been expressed by the House of Representatives of the United States. By recurrence to the journals it will be seen that on the 21st of April, 1784, this resolution was adopted. "Whereas, the injuries which have been suffered, & may be suffered by the U. S. from violations committed by G. Britain, on their neutral rights and commercial interests, as well as from her failure to execute the 7th article of the treaty of peace, render it expedient for the interests of the United States, that the commercial intercourse between the two countries should not continue to be carried on in the extent at present allowed; "Resolved, That from and after the first day of November next, all commercial intercourse between the citizens of the United States, and the subjects of the king of Great Britain, or the citizens or subjects of any other nation, so far as the same respects articles of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, shall be prohibited." This resolution was decided by the Yeas and Nays, and I find there were for it 58 Yeas, and against it 38 Nays. Among those who voted in favor of it, I find my own name, associated with the names of men, with whom it has always been my pride and pleasure to act. And among these I find the names of a Madison, a Baldwin, a Nicholas, a Clark, a Venable, a Blount and a Macon. It will be seen, too, that this resolution went much farther than that which is now proposed, that it went to the length of prohibiting all intercourse, while the present resolution is confined to prohibiting imports, and does not apply at all to our exports. With regard to the effect of this measure upon the revenue, I believe it will have such an effect to a certain degree, but I am far from believing it will be to the amount talked of. I have no doubt that we will obtain from other countries what will suffice for our wants, without applying to Great Britain. But suppose there should be a greater deficiency in our revenue, and suppose we shall not get from other countries all the articles we want. Are we to compare these privations with the sacrifice of our rights as a nation? I, for one, am of the opinion, that if we were not to consume half the luxuries, and many of the conveniences at present imported, we should be as happy as we are now. This would have one excellent effect. It would revive that spirit of industry which our large imports, have almost annihilated. I cannot see what is to prevent every family among us, manufacturing what is necessary for their own wear. 'Tis true, we might want the fine cloths we wear, and our wives be deprived of their silk gowns. But would this diminish our happiness? Ar such privations to be put into competition with the preservation of our rights? I hope there will remain too much of that ancient virtue, which once glowed in the American breast, to consider this as an evil. I confess I was exceedingly surprised yesterday, to hear my colleague (Mr. J. Clay) coming from one of the first commercial cities in the union, expressing his despair of the virtue of the American people, expressing the opinion that our people could not hold out six or eight months against such a measure. Is it possible that such an idea can be conceived? Is it possible that a few years have wrought such a change in the character of a people famed for their virtue, distinguished for the sacrifices they have made? Is it possible that luxury has made such inroads upon us, that all our ancient virtue is gone? I, for one cannot but believe, that if the American people are placed in the same situation, they will not shrink from danger. I shall be reluctantly obliged to believe so. I think better of them. I have seen them true to themselves, in worse times than these, and I never have yet seen them in any times, since, from a performance of their duty. Another expression of my colleague also surprised me. He said this measure would, in the opinion of every man, justify retaliation. This is pronouncing it a war measure, unless by retaliation, he means commercial retaliation. If he means retaliation by means of fleets and armies, it is a most strange opinion, as there is not a feature in the resolution that points to war. In order to get rid of the effect of the opinion, expressed by the legislature in 1784, the gentleman assigns a most extraordinary reason. He tells you that at that time there was such an enthusiasm and attachment to the French nation, that the American people were ready to draw their swords in her favor. I am sure, however, that by a retrospect of the opinions which at that time prevailed in the city, where that gentleman, as well as myself resided, he will perceive the incorrectness of his remark. I never yet met with any man who thought we would be justified in interfering in the contest of France with the despots of Europe. The enthusiasm felt for France I well remember. We considered her as contending for the rights of human nature, and our wives were ardent for her success. Another circumstance heightened these feelings. We recollected the services she had rendered us in times of distress. But with regard to entering into the war in her favor, I never knew a man, who I could say was in his senses, for it. This therefore could have no effect in carrying the resolution I have just read. The gentleman from Virginia has told us, that in adopting this measure, we shall be goaded by commercial interest, into a contest with Britain on the seas. For one, I hope we shall have no war. I view this measure as a peaceable measure, and entertain great hopes that it will have the effect we wish. When we consider the situation of Britain, we may be confident that she will not wish to increase the number of her enemies, and it will surely be good policy in her to avoid taking that ground which will have this effect. But the gentleman from Virginia tells us, that the situation of England, is different from what it was in 1798. Agreed—but that change is in our favor. G. B. has at present her hands full, that she will not wish to increase her enemies. The events of the present contest are extremely uncertain. If the emperor of France shall prove successful, and make a peace on the continent to the exclusion of G. B. he will undoubtedly shut out British manufactures from every part of Europe. The present therefore is the most favorable time for pursuing our measures. The gentleman also enquires what will England say of our conduct to Spain? He laments that his lips on this subject are closed. I too lament that mine are closed. I wish to God that every word said, while our doors were closed, and that every measure entered into, were known to every man, woman and child in America. I shall not, on this occasion, say more, but to express the hope that the day is not distant when the gentleman's business will be rectified by a complete disclosure. The same gentleman has avowed his hostility to a certain nation, and he is willing to go to war with her, because he considers her feeble, and because she has been guilty of aggressions on our rights. Mighty aggression! Which is nothing more than what happened the other day at Detroit, where certain British officers seized a man, with the view of carrying him over the line. I hope such trivial things, the offspring of accident or personal resentment, will never be considered by us as cause of war. I hope the American people will never go to war when they can avoid it without a sacrifice of honor or justice. For my part I cannot see what this measure has to do with our affairs with Spain. Have we not a right to manage those affairs independent of England? Have we not got to this, that we are to consider England as a party to our transactions with other nations? In our affairs with Spain, we are doing England no injury, and she has no right to interfere with the exercise of our rights as an independent nation. The gentleman asks will it be politic to strengthen the hands of France, invigorate the power that threatens the subjugation of the world? How this topic has been brought into

view, I cannot tell. I have no predilection to France—I have no attachment to any country but the one in which I live. I am willing to do justice to all nations, and to require it from all. But suppose Bonaparte should succeed in the conquest of Europe? It will be a long time before it can be effected; and if effected, it will be found that a fleet is not the work of a day. It will be found to be the work of years, and years of peace too, before he can possess sufficient ships & seamen to destroy the British navy. And what are the dreadful terrors of the French government! There appears at the head of her affairs a man who transcends in talents and ambition the other potentates of Europe. But is there any thing permanent in this? Much, every thing may depend on his little life. On his fall, he may become as feeble as he ever was before. The nation we ought to fear, according to the gentleman from Virginia is not that which has the actual command of the sea—No, the gentleman is not afraid of her, but of the nation which may have the command of it hereafter . I should regret to see any nation of Europe blotted out of existence. I hope that Bonaparte will never conquer England, or England conquer France. But I cannot attach much importance to distant, while I am menaced by present dangers.
The gentleman has also portrayed the great danger to the constitution from war. I agree with him. I too deprecate war. I consider it one of the worst evils that can befall mankind. But as I have already shown that this is not a war, but a peace measure, his remarks do not apply. I know that war is attended by numerous evils, that it not only exhausts our blood and treasure, but that it has a still more fatal effect on our manners. Still am I not willing to prostrate the dignity, the interest and the honor of my country, even if war should be the consequence.
The gentleman has also founded an alarm among us because this is not a measure of the cabinet. That gentleman however knows full well that any member on this floor, without even consulting any of his fellow members, much less the cabinet, has a right to bring forward any resolution he pleases. But he said at the same time there was no cabinet . How then could he expect us to consult the cabinet when no such thing exists? My friend, who offered this resolution, showed it to me before he presented it. I concurred in it, and I now advocate it, because I think it right, and the gentleman will not deny that every gentleman on this floor has equal rights.
The gentleman has also told us that France in 1795 was doing what England now does; that she was fighting the battles of the world. For my part I do not believe the world is indebted to either of those nations. much less do I believe that we are. But this same England can do wonders, and it seems we are not to contend for our rights with her, lest she should get out of humour with us. I know the power of the English fleet, and I know we cannot contend with it. Debated however as her government is, I do not believe she will go to war with us; but if she does not, it will not be owing to the caution we have observed in discussing this subject. Of this nation, thus represented as fighting the battles of the world, I may perhaps have formed a wrong opinion, in the estimation I have formed of her humanity and justice. Go to the East-Indies—throw your eyes on Africa—look back on the American revolution, and talk of her humanity! Applaud her for justice, when there is not a nation on earth at this day, so much disposed to be hostile to us. Sir, she will never forgive us for having achieved our independence. Her hostility is invigorated by another circumstance: she is the first trading nation in the world, we are the second. We interfere with her aggrandizement, and she has determined to crush us. She is proceeding step by step in the work of destruction, and if we are so pusillanimous as to submit, she will push on to our ruin and disgrace. The gentleman has told us that if we aid any power in her efforts to destroy Britain, we shall endanger ourselves. Indeed, Sir, so many evidences of the friendship of this nation are brought before us, that I only want experience to believe them.
We are also told by the same gentleman, that France will do us the honor only to make us the last nation she devours. Why all this clamour about France, when she is not injuring us, while we are so tame to other nations who are violating our dearest rights? I trust we shall know how to respect ourselves with whatever nation we have to deal, and if France acts to us as England has done, that we will treat her as we are now for treating England. But till this time arrives these remarks are misplaced.
I come now to reply to one thing said by the gentleman from Virginia, which I am very sorry for I am under the necessity of doing. The fate of this country is placed in irresponsible hands. Tom, Dick and Harry ought to be put into straight waistcoats. Whether this language is consistent with the respect due to this House, or to this nation, I leave the gentleman to judge for himself. I will grant that that gentleman has a right to the exercise of his opinion on all political subjects. I will even allow that he has a mind more luminous than belongs to most men. But I will also say, that the rights which he claims for himself, he ought to allow to his fellow members. If I entertain an opinion which is wrong, and any man can convince me it is so, I am ready to acknowledge it; but how comes the gentleman to represent all the members on this floor as a set of fools? Why, Sir, if I were to pretend to say that John Locke was a fool, that Milton was a bad poet, that Bacon was a miserable lawyer, whatever my intention might be, I should not derogate from their characters. I believe this will be the case with the members of this House, and that the character of no man in it will be affected by his charge. I can look through this body and see many of my fellow members, whose voice is never heard on this floor, on whose judgment I can place as high a reliance as on those whose talents are the most conspicuously displayed. I beg the committee will excuse me for the large portion of their time I have consumed on points so little connected with the question under consideration. I will conclude what I have at present to say, referring to myself the right of making some additional remarks before the question is taken. (To be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, March 25. Mr. Crowninshield, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures reported a bill, to amend in the cases therein mentioned, the act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.  Mr. J. C. Smith, from the committee of Claims, made an unfavorable report on the memorial of Daniel Cotton, in which the House concurred.  Mr. D. R. Williams offered a resolution, directing the post master general, after the day of causer the post office for the city of Washington to be kept at or near the capitol.  Wednesday, March 26. On motion of Mr. Nelson, a committee was ap-
ointed on the public lands on the petition of Mr. Robertson, made a report concluding with a resolution that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition, under the impression that if any provision be made for his case, it should be of a general nature including all like cases.  Mr. Blackledge. From the best information I have been able to collect, by an examination of the documents laid on our table, as well as by conversation with gentlemen better acquainted with the subject than myself, I find that from the sales of public lands already made, there will be to be collected in the course of about four years upwards of two millions of dollars; from the same sources of information I likewise learn, that in the course of the present year, in the state of Ohio only, upwards of 200,000 dollars are to be paid, or the lands must be sold to raise the balances from the persons owing these enormous sums, and that sales for a part of it are to commence in this or the next month. The petitions presented to Congress at this session, praying for an extension of credit for the balances due from the petitioners, and depicting the difficulties to which many must be reduced if our laws are rigidly enforced, ought to draw our attention to what is to be the probable consequences of a system, which in practice is found likely to bring largely in debt to the government, so considerable a proportion of the citizens of any section of the union. To my mind there is nothing more obvious, than that if the present system of selling our lands is persevered in, the peace of the union may and probably will not be preserved. Men who have paid three fourths or perhaps more of the purchase money for their lands, and spent several years hard labor in improving them, cannot feel very strongly attached, nay, must feel an aversion, to a government, whose rigid policy, in consequence of their having failed to pay the balance which may be due, takes from them not only their lands and improvements, but even refuses to refund that part of the purchase money which may have been paid. Let the number of persons of this description increase to that extent to which our present system naturally leads, and I fear, Sir, it will be impossible to enforce your laws. No man will dare to bid at your sales, his life must be in danger if he does; and tho' the lands in such cases would revert to the government, what good would it do them? The first purchaser is in possession, and the spirit of the community in which he lives is in favor of his holding it. To evict him you must resort to force, the consequences of which are too obvious to need description. A committee of this House has already decided the principle that it would be improper to grant a longer indulgence to those whose time of credit has expired. To have decided otherwise would have been to adopt towards your debtors for the purchase of your lands, a practice directly contrary from that which under similar circumstances of hardship has been uniformly observed towards your debtors at the custom houses: a distinction which cannot, as I conceive, be justified by any principle of policy or justice. I know of no way by which the evils to be apprehended can be so effectually averted as to put a stop to the practice of selling the public lands on credit, and with the view to bringing the subject before Congress, and ascertaining their opinion upon it, I beg leave to submit the following resolution:
Resolved, That the committee on public lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of repealing all such parts of the several acts for the sale of the lands of the U. S. as authorizes a credit on any part of the purchase money, and that they report their opinion thereon.  Mr. Newton moved an amendment, going to refer this resolution to the Committee of Ways and Means, which did not prevail—Ayes 13—  When the resolution was agreed to without a division.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the legislature and inhabitants of the Mississippi territory, relative to the establishment of a hospital at Natchez, made a report in favor of aiding such an institution, by granting 15,000 acres of land.  Referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday.  A message was received from the Senate, stating that they insist on their amendment to the bill for fixing the compensation of the officers of the House—that they have agreed to the resolution returning thanks to Mr. Niflen, the Danish Consul at Tripoli—that they have agreed to the amendments of the House to the Ohio road bill (this bill has consequently passed both Houses)—and that they have receded from all their amendments but the last to the bill providing rules for the army.
Mr. J. C. Smith, from the committee of Claims on the petitions of Spafford Ames, James Armstrong, Edmund Brooke, Jacob Barnitz, Ebenezer Brown, Abijah Cady, Robert Connely, James Cole, Philip Chaplin, Terrence Duffey, Geo. Jacob Deagen, Samuel Dowsney, Jonathan Dunn, John Devoe, Peter D. Demarist, Daniel Eldridge, Edward Fitzpatrick, Richard Garette, Francis Gray, Joseph Huntmon, Thomas Holmes, John Hardyman, John Hopker, Reuben Hofner, John Lowry, David Lewis, John Little, John Maynard, James McLure, Simeon Noyes, William Petry, Nathan Putnam, Thomas Scotland, Thomas Snowden, Reuben Silloway, Frederick Segeran, William Stoker, John Tozen, Nathaniel Thompson, Rozziel Woodworth, Robert B. Wilkins, Enoch Wills, Boyze Wells, Asa Ware, and Vassel White—made a report, representing that the petitions are either for pensions, or an increase of pensions—that a bill has passed the House, including many of these cases—that the others cannot be acted upon with success at this time, even if their merits entitled them to favor. The report therefore concludes with recommending a resolution that the further consideration of these petitions be indefinitely postponed, and that the petitioners have leave to withdraw their papers.  Mr. R. Nelson reported a bill supplementary to the militia act of the district of Columbia; which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Dawson reported a bill for defending the ports and harbors of the United States and for building gun boats, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.  Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, made an unfavorable report on the petition of Jonathan Merrey, in which the House concurred. Mr. Crowninshield having previously declared himself against it.  The House took into consideration a resolution directing the post master general to cause the post office of the city of Washington to be kept at or near the capitol; on which a short and defutary debate ensued, which terminated
on motion of Mr. J. C. Smith, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. J. C. Smith in the chair, on the following resolutions submitted some time since by Mr. J. Randolph.  1st. Resolved, That a contractor under the government of the U. S. is an officer within the purview and meaning of the constitution, and, as such, is incapable of holding a seat in this House;  2nd. Resolved, That the union of a plurality of offices in the person of a single individual, but more especially of the military with the civil authority, is repugnant to the spirit of the constitution of the U. S. and tends to the introduction of an arbitrary government;  3d. Resolved, That provision ought to be made, by law, to render any officer, in the army or navy of the U. S. incapable of holding any civil office under the U. S.  The question was taken on these resolutions without debate.
The first was agreed to—Ayes 54—Noes 57. The second was agreed to—Ayes 75—and the third was agreed to without a division. When the committee rose and reported their agreement to the resolutions. The House immediately considered the report.  On concurring with the committee of the whole in their agreement to the first resolution, a debate of length and interest ensued, which shall be given in course at length.  Messrs. J. Randolph and J. Clay supported a co-resolve in the report of the committee; and Messrs. Fisk, Eppes, Alston, Findley, G. W. Campbell, R. Nelson, Early, Smilie, Sloan, Bidwell, Rhea of Ten. Jackson, Kelly, Dawson, Elmer, and Southard, opposed it, when the question was taken about 4 o'clock by yeas and nays, Yeas 25—Nays 86.
As we shall give this debate hereafter at considerable length, we shall content ourselves with taking at this time a concise notice of the most prominent features of the debate.  The friends of the resolution advocated it on the ground that the constitution, by giving to each House of Congress the power of judging of the returns and qualifications of their members, authorized them with a reference to this point, to give a construction to the constitution (which they contended was the just construction) declaring the place of a contractor under the government incompatible with a seat in the House; and they insisted that the constitutional provision that "no person holding any office under the U. S. shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office," included contractors under the government.  On the other side it was generally conceded that it was highly desirable that some provision, either constitutional or legislative, should be adopted to exclude contractors from the legislature. But that the members of the House were bound to support the constitution, and were not at liberty to give it a construction which it would not bear. They declared a contract and an office to be distinct things. They disapproved going into a construction of the constitution on abstract ground; but declared their readiness to act upon any particular case which might be presented to them, and their opinion that this was the most correct course to pursue. Some gentlemen likewise expressed their willingness to unite in the passage of a law prohibiting any officer of the U. S. to enter into a contract with a member of either House.
Saturday, March 29. A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they had passed a bill to carry into effect the provisions of the eighth section of the "act regulating the grants of land, and providing for the disposal of the lands of the United States, south of the state of Tennessee."  This bill relates to what are generally denominated the YAZOO CLAIMS.  The bill having been read a first time, Mr. R. Nelson moved to reject it.  Mr. Kelly wished it postponed to allow time for considering it.  Mr. Clark supported its rejection.  Mr. Gregg advocated the same course.  Mr. Cook was in favour of a short postponement.
Mr. Goldsborough was anxious to be allowed a short time for considering the merits of the bill, and moved a postponement of it till Monday.  The Speaker decided this motion not to be in order.  Mr. Goldsborough then asked that he might be excused from voting on the bill.  Mr. J. Randolph spoke at considerable length, in favour of rejecting the bill.  Mr. Fisk declared himself uninformed with regard to the merits of the bill, and said that if precipitated into a decision, he should be obliged to vote against its rejection.  The question was then taken on excusing Mr. Goldsborough from voting, and passed in the affirmative—Ayes 58—Noes 51.  Mr. Kelly then asked a similar indulgence.  Mr. Thomas spoke against excusing Mr. Kelly.
Mr. D. R. Williams spoke in favour of rejecting the bill.  On excusing Mr. Kelly the House divided—Ayes 49—Noes 58.  Mr. Conrad was in favour of a postponement, tho' hostile to the bill.  Mr. Smilie declared himself of the same opinion.  A motion was then made and carried, to reconsider the decision of the House relative to Mr. Goldsborough—Ayes 68—when the question was again taken on excusing him from voting, and passed in the negative—Ayes 44—Noes 64.  Mr. J. Randolph again spoke at considerable length in favour of rejecting the bill.  Mr. Sully regretted the being obliged to give a vote without full information, which he said, would compel him to vote against rejecting the bill.  The Yeas and Nays were then taken on the question, "shall the bill be rejected?"—and were, Yeas 62—Nays 54—So that the bill is rejected.  Mr. J. Randolph moved that the House adjourn. He said that a few days ago the House had adjourned on account of the death of Gen. Jackson. He hoped they would now adjourn on account of his resurrection. For he had told him, that if he could give a death blow to the Yazoo business, he should die in peace.  Adjourned—Ayes 58. (Debate and other business transacted to-day hereafter.)
WASHINGTON, March 28.
On Wednesday last prohibiting the importation of certain [British] goods, wares and merchandise, passed the House of Representatives by a majority of sixty-one votes. The Yeas and Nays were as follows:  Yea—Messrs Alexander, Alston, jun. Anderson, Bard, Barker, Balfour, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blackledge, Blake, jun. Blount, Brown, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Chandler, Caiborne, Clark, J. Clay, Clinton, jun. Clopton, Conrad, Cook, Covington,
Fowler, Goodwin, Gray, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Helms, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Kenan, Knight, Lyon, M'Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Munford, R. Nelson, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Pugh, T. M. Randolph, Rea of Pensylvania, Ten. Richards, Russell, Saily, Sammons, Schumann, Seaver, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Varum, Walton, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, N. Williams Wilson, Winn and Winston—93.  Nay—Messrs. Benton, Broom, J. Campbell, Chittenden, Dana, Davenport, jun. Ellis, Ely, Gannett, Hastings, Hough, Lewis, jun. Molley, J. Nelson, Piken, jun. Quincey, J. Randolph, Sandford, J. C. Smith, Spalding, Stanford, Stehman, Sturges, Taggart, Talmadge, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, T. W. Thompson, Trigg, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck and Wadsworth—32.
Documents accompanying the President's Message of the 19th inst.  Natchitoches, 19 February, 1806. Sir,  You are immediately to proceed with the detachment now under your command, to the neighborhood of Adais, where, should you fall in with a stationary party of armed Spaniards, you will command them, or any other armed party of foreigners which you may discover, to withdraw beyond the Sabine river. In case of their refusing to comply, you are to treat them agreeably to the orders of the secretary of war, (a certified extract of which accompanies these instructions), as far as relates to the pursuit, capture, and detention of invaders or aggressors; and avoiding the spilling of blood, but when these orders cannot otherwise be executed. You are to parole, if practicable, the country between this and Sabine, be on your guard against surprise, and communicate to me, by express, from time to time, any occurrence worthy of note.  (Signed.) M. PORTER, Major Artillerist Commanding.  [Copy.]  Adais, February 6, 1806. Sir,
After a tedious march we arrived in front of the Spanish post yesterday morning, about half past eleven o'clock. Found the Dons in some confusion, in consequence of their parole having discovered us an hour before, (owing to our pilot bringing us in sight of the road.) I took a position, which would have carried their camp, if there had been ten times their number, which was twenty. They salled, mounted, and formed. At the bayou Le Glese, their parole, or picket, halted our van guard, and demanded the reason we were violating or invading his majesty's territory. I requested him to withdraw, with his guard inside his camp, where I would presently be, and inform his officer of my business. He implicitly obeyed. Upon my arrival at my position, I sent Mr. Duforest to tell the officer I wished a conference. Mr. Duforest was informed, in consequence of some information the corporal of the advanced guard had given, the officer had gone down the road to meet me. I waited sometime his return, but not seeing him, I suspected he had purposely put himself out of the way to gain time. I therefore, after sending another message to the camp, formed my men, and marched through a thicket within forty yards, where I halted, and told the noncommissioned officer commanding, that I should wait fifteen minutes for his officer, provided he made no movements in the interim. The officer soon after appeared, when I delivered him my commands. He readily agreed to abandon his position, but said he could go no further than a creek, San Jose . After a good deal of altercation, he consented to move to the other side Sabine, and I gave him three hours to prepare to march. He begged I would not insist upon his crossing the Sabine within five days, alleging that in the miserable condition of his horses, it would be impossible, without losing them, and requested that he might be allowed to look up some that were rustling. I replied, that after reaching the other side Sabine, he might find in two or three of his men, without arms, to hunt them; and that he must get them as soon as possible. He replied he would, but it would necessarily take him 4 or 5 days—This morning I commenced my march for La Tran, and fell in with him in three miles. I signifying my surprise at his being so far, he made the old excuse of the impossibility of his horses to travel faster, and observed that he had been detained in trying to find some of his horses, two of which he had got, and four were missing. Not thinking it proper to rely exactly again on his word, after falling in with him, I made him subscribe to the enclosed terms, (which I hope may meet your approbation,) and shall follow his footsteps till my provisions are out. Respectfully, yours, E. D. TURNER. Major Moses Porter.
At the Adais, February the 6th, 1806. I, Joseph Maria Gonzalez, ensign, commandant of his most catholic majesty's troops on this side of the river Sabinas, hereby have agreed with captain Edward D. Turner, captain in the United States army, to return all the said troops of his catholic majesty to the other side of the said river Sabinas, as soon as my horses will permit it, or in five days, or at furthest six, and to take my march this day. And I also oblige myself not to send any patrols on this side of the river Sabinas.  (Signed.) Ensign, JOSEPH MARIA GONZALEZ. Witness, (Signed.) John V. Duforest.  Extract of a letter from major Porter to the secretary of war, dated, Natchitoches, Feb. 8th, 1806. Sir,
Your letter of the twentieth of November, was received on the twenty-fourth ultimo, and the request therein mentioned, was, without loss of time, forwarded to the commandant of Nacogdoches: from whom I received, on the fourth instant, an answer, in which he refused to give the assurance required.  Deeming this reply decisive, I immediately detached captain Turner, with fifty men, to remove a party of Spaniards, that had a few days before passed and taken post on this side of the Adais; and to parole the country between this post and the river Sabine. The former he easily accomplished, and is now performing the latter.  The report of preparations making by our Spanish neighbors for war, are various; but generally agree, that a considerable number of troops are progressing from the interior to the eastward: that near three hundred of them were, a few weeks since, at the great crossing of the Trinity, where there were near two hundred beehives, five hundred horses, and a considerable magazine of flour.  That they have ten guns now mounting at Nacogdoches, where most of them have been lately received; and that immediately after lieutenant Piat, the bearer of my letter to the commandant of Nacogdoches, left that place on his return, a Spanish officer was dispatched to bayou aux Pierres, to impress on the minds of the inhabitants of that settlement, the allegiance that they owed to his catholic majesty; ordered them to join his standard whenever required; and informed them, that the Red river would be the boundary line between the Spanish country and the United States.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
30 March 3 Intelligence. NEW-YORK, March 27. Captain Wheaton, of the ship Beaver, who arrived yesterday morning from Canton, informs that the Cape of Good Hope was taken by the British about the middle of January. Capt. W. received this information from the commander of the Montezuma, whom he spoke on the 25th of February, and who had been embargoed 40 days at St. Helena, in consequence of the expedition against the Cape.  Merc. Adv. The use of all guns and pistols has been prohibited throughout the whole of the French territory under the most severe penalties.  The subsequent account of the treaties with, and subsidies to, the coalisced powers is from the True Briton of Feb. 12. "The original Treaty of Concert between the King and the Emperor of Russia was signed at Peterburgh on the 11th of April last year. In this treaty the objects of the league are stated with distinctness and precision. They were the evacuation of Hanover and the North of Germany—the establishment of the independence of Holland and Switzerland—the re-establishment of the king of Sardinia—the security of the king of Naples—and the complete evacuation of Italy, including the island of Elba, by the French forces—and, finally, the establishment of such an order of things in Europe as might effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpations. They of controlling the public opinion in France, or in any other countries where the combined arms might carry on their operation, or appropriating to themselves any conquest that might be made before the termination of the war, when a general Congress was to be assembled for the purpose of re-establishing the affairs of Europe on a sure and permanent basis. The other powers were to be invited to join the league, on the condition that none of the parties were to make a separate peace without the consent of all the powers concerned in it. The Emperor of Russia was to send, as soon as possible, two armies, one of 60,000 men to the frontiers of Prussia, and another of 50,000 to the frontiers of Germany, to support these powers in case of their being attacked by France, who might suspect them of negotiations unfriendly to her views. And both his Imperial and Britannic majesty, on the other hand, engaged to make a common cause against every power, which, either by the employment of its force or to intimate an union with France, might pretend to raise obstacles to the development of the measures which might be necessary to obtain the objects concerted upon."
It appears, that before direct negotiations were entered upon with Sweden and Austria, the accession of these two powers was negotiated with Lord L. Gower by the Russian minister; and it is not till the 9th of August that any direct communications are made upon the subject by the Austrian to the British Ambassador, from which time Austria became a party to the Treaty.  Sweden may be considered as having finally acceded to it on the 3d of October; for the conventions of the 31st of August, and of the 3d of December of the foregoing year, related merely to the defence of Stralsund.  Such were the objects of the members of the League. It remains to be seen what were the means on which they counted for the attainment of these objects. In the original treaty of concert it is promised, that a force should be collected of 600,000 men, independent of the British troops. Towards raising this force Great Britain was to pay to the powers which might contribute the different forces, in the form of subsidies, in the ratio of 1,150,000. a year for every 100,000 men, which was about 121. 10. a year for each man. The subsidy was to date, with Russia, from the time her troops passed the confines, and with Austria, from the first of October, and was to be continued till the end of the war, or till the troops returned home. The subsidies were to be paid by monthly instalments; but three months' subsidy was to be paid in advance to Russia, and five months' subsidy in advance to Austria, as a premium on their campaign, and five months' subsidy was likewise to be advanced to Sweden. Had the whole force, therefore, of 600,000 men been raised, our annual subsidies would have amounted to 6,900,000. a large sum certainly; but if we consider the amount of the effective force which it was to produce, it will be found to be by far the most economical mode of carrying on the war that could have been adopted. Government are at this moment paying we believe, 211. a man as bounty money to recruits, so that had it been possible to have collected an equal force in this country, which it certainly is not, the bounty money alone would have amounted to 10,500,000. without counting their pay, subsistence, accoutrements, and the whole expense of their equipment. The economy of their arrangement will be further obvious if it be compared with the army estimates laid before the House of Commons by the Secretary of war last Friday, in which the expense of the pay and subsistence of 154,472 men is estimated at 1,195,105. for three months only, which makes their expense for the year to amount to 4,780,420. whereas the same force on the continent, when raised by subsidies, would only have cost about 1,700,000.
Though 600,000 men was the force which it was proposed to collect, it appears by one of the separate articles, that the treaty was to be acted upon as soon as they could bring 400,000 men into the field; of which Austria was to furnish 250,000, Russia not less than 115,000, and the remainder was to be made up of Hanoverians, Neapolitans, &c. And for these numbers we may suppose that there has been paid to Austria five months' subsidy, which would amount to somewhat more than 150,000. and to Russia there must have been paid, we should think, at least four months' subsidy, which, on her proportion of the force would amount to about 360,000. Besides this, 100,000. has been paid to the king of Sweden for the fortifications of Stralsund; and 12,000 Swedish troops are to remain in the pay of this country for three months after the peace. We should not suppose that the whole sum already remitted can amount to two millions sterling; but it cannot fall much short of it.
FROM LATE LONDON PAPERS. THIRTY-SIXTH BULLETIN OF THE FRENCH ARMY. "BRUNN, Dec. 14.—The deeds of valour which have exalted the Grand Army, afford matter for a collection of great interest. A cornet of the 10th Light Infantry lost his arm by a shot: "Help me" cried he to his comrade, "to take off my cartridge box, and help forward to average my loss. I want no other assistance." The wounded man then hanging his accoutrements upon his left arm, proceeded alone to the hospital. General Thibault was

RICHMOND, 4th APRIL.
MIRANDA EXPEDITION.
Our readers may recollect a COMMUNICATION, in our paper of the 4th of March, in which the writer observes to the Editor "I have left a letter with Mr. Hylton, the clerk of the council, addressed to you, and to be delivered when it can do no injury to the cause in question; in which you will find the outlines of the design; the place of rendezvous &c. You must not blame my caution in keeping the port or place of destination from the public—for the minister of Spain would gladly know it, and by express, might possibly prevent the design."
No. 1.
Richmond, April 1, 1806.
SIR, One month having elapsed since the period at which the enclosed letter was put into my hands by Stephen Sayre, esq. I now send it to you agreeably to his request and in conformity to the assurance I then gave him. From the manner in which Mr. Sayre, sometime ago communicated to the public (through the medium of your press) the fact that this letter was lodged with me, it might seem that its contents were known or might be known to the executive or myself; but that was altogether impossible. The truth is, that Mr. Sayre confided the letter to me in my private character, as he might have done to any other individual, sealed up as you now receive it, and with instructions endorsed upon it, as you will perceive, to hold it up till the present time. Neither the executive nor myself had, or could have, on terms that were honorable, any kind of control over the letter, and my most sacred honor is pledged, that I am at this moment as ignorant of its contents, as any other citizen of the commonwealth can be.
I am with great respect, Your most obedient humble servant. DANIEL L. HYLTON.
No. 2.
Endorsed on the back.
To the Editor of the Enquirer.
(To be delivered, when the place of Miranda's destination is made known; or within one month from this first day of March, whether known or not.)
Richmond, 1st March, 1806.
MR. RITCHIE, SIR, I have heretofore withheld this communication, left the minister of Spain, might have had time to prevent the plan I wish to see effected.
Miranda has the permission from the British government to make Trinidad the place of rendezvous; he is gone there. The delegates of Caracas, Sta. Fee and Mexico, are now there, or expected to meet him. Some delay may take place; therefore it would be imprudent to name the place of attack, rather than the place to be surrendered,—to be made the seat of confederation.
If Miranda is not gone to that island, you may laugh at my credulity—if you hear of his being there, you may put more confidence, than heretofore, in any communications I shall make as to this subject.
Yours, &c. STEPHEN SAYRE.
Let then experience decide upon the correctness of the foregoing communication! We know of no circumstance, which contradicts it; every fact indeed, which it contains, bears the strongest marks of probability, and it derives no little confirmation from the writer's volunteering his character in support of the cause he has espoused. It is probable that he may be himself mistaken in his opinions; but the martyrdom, which he has offered to brave, proves him at least confident in their truth. Once more, let experience decide upon their correctness!
According to Mr. Sayre's letter; the British government have at least permitted him to make Trinidad, the place of rendezvous. But this is the only facility, which they design to give him? Is he to receive no aid of arms, of ships, or troops from the British government in that island? It may be that this was the only protection, which they have promised; perhaps in a case where so little was known of the resources of Miranda, and so much was to depend upon subsequent events, it was not their interest to have promised any positive reinforcements. The case, however, will be materially altered, if Miranda's resources should exceed their expectations; if the delegates of Caracas, Sta. Fee, and Mexico should meet him at Trinidad, and prove to the satisfaction of the British governor, that the people of South America are ripe for a revolution and able to accomplish it. In such a case, may he not expect more effectual succours from them, than a "place of rendezvous"? For the protection thus rendered, the British government will scarcely be compensated by the injury which Spain her enemy, during the present war, is likely to sustain from the loss of her colonies. She will expect some more substantial compensation: some extraordinary privileges of trade, at least in the ports of the provinces whose emancipation is to be attempted: perhaps the surrender of some of their ports into her own hands. Let Miranda even beware, that Great Britain should not aspire to the occupation of the whole country, which he may refuse from the Spanish yoke. The lion and other beasts agreed to hunt in partnership; and it would be wise in the colonies of South America to recollect the result of the Fable.
The island of Trinidad, where Miranda and the deputies from South America are said to have rendezvoused, is on the N. E. coast of Terra Firma and at the entrance of that mouth of the river Oronooko, which is most frequently denominated the gulf of Paria. It is separated from the South from Paria on the continent, by a strait about 10 miles over; and from Cumana on the W. by the gulf of Paria. The distance from Trinidad to the continent is of course inconsiderable, and a few hours' sail and a few hours' march may conduct Miranda into the very heart of Caracas, his native province. One consequence of this arrangement is too obvious to be mistaken. The reader will recollect that Trinidad was a Spanish colony, before it passed into the hands of G. Britain; to whom it was ceded by the 3d article of the treaty of Amiens. Can he then suppose, that if the fact of Miranda's rendezvousing at Trinidad should be made known to Spain before the conclusion of the peace in Europe, she will suffer all future wars become an asylum for her discontented subjects, a place of rendezvous for a British expedition against her territories, and the very key of Caracas?
Caracas which Mr. Sayre represents as one of the insurgent provinces, is a district of Terra Firma, bounded on the North by the gulf of Mexico, lat. 10, 30, N. Its capital, St. Jago de Leon, stands at a considerable distance from the sea; is large, wealthy, and populous; extremely difficult of access and contains 20,000 inhabitants. The province of Santa Fee, which Mr. Sayre alludes to, must not be confounded with the city of Santa Fee, lat. 36, 50, which is the capital of New Mexico in N. America, nor with a town in Paraguay, situated at the confluence of the Paraguay with the Plata, in lat. 30, 45, S. Mr. Sayre's Santa Fee, we presume, is a province in the Vice-Royalty of New-Grenada, whose capital, according to some geographers is called Santa Fe de Bogota, in N. lat. 49. Mexico the other insurgent territory, is not the New-Mexico of N. America, but Mexico or New-Spain, which forms the Isthmus between N. and S. America.
The meditated project of Miranda does not seem, therefore, to embrace the whole of the Spanish provinces in South America. Several provinces in the Vice-Royalty of New-Grenada will be unrepresented at Trinidad; besides every province in the Vice-Royalty of Buenos Ayres; and the Vice-Royalty of Peru, which includes Chili. Perhaps these colonies contained, too, a great number of native Spaniards or official slaves, to be comprehended in the conspiracy: Perhaps Miranda and his friends have not dared to disseminate their project too widely, from the fear of multiplying too much the chances of detection. Should success, however, crown their efforts, the revolution of Miranda will take a wider sweep. Spain might then tremble for all her possessions in South America. Peru and Buenos Ayres would in all likelihood "pursue the triumph and partake the gale." A new confederation of states might start into existence; tumultuous and chaotic at first, but through the aid of the press, and the extending information of the people, settling down by degrees, into some fixed and harmonious system. The people would become freer, as they became more enlightened. And the United States of South America like the United States of the North, will present to admiring Europe, another republic, independent, confederated and happy.
Success then to the man, who recollects the country that gave him birth and to whom he would give freedom!!!
We congratulate our country upon the rejection of the YAZOO Bill by the House of Representatives. We know not what were its specific provisions; what the foundation upon which it recognises these claims, or what the compromise which it made with the claimants.
It is enough for us to know that it is a Bill, which must have facilitated corruption, and which probably bestowed a most exorbitant compensation upon the fraudulent speculator. While we however indulge our most fervent congratulations on this subject, let us not suffer two memorable facts to escape us; that J. Randolph was the man, to whose zeal, intrepidity, and genius, we at this moment owe the expiring convulsions of the monster, and that there was not a single federalist in the House of Representatives who did not give it the solid patronage of his vote. A convincing proof of the union which some idle politicians are said to have discovered between Mr. Randolph and the federalists!
We forbear at present to push our enquiries into the organization of "the executive department of the federal government." Important as that subject is; (beyond any comparison more important than the thousand ephemeral topics of the day!) this does not now appear to us to be the proper time for discussing it. At some future period, when there is less matter for publication and more spirit for abstract enquiries, we may perhaps resume it.
An expression occurs in the address of the French Emperor to his Senate when nominating Eugene Beauharnais to the crown of Italy, which irresistibly dwells upon the memory. What is meant by his "referring to himself the opportunity of publishing our ulterior dispositions , respecting the connections which are to submit after us , among all the federative states of the French empire ?" What ulterior dispositions ; what connections can he refer to? Does he insinuate that the crowns of France and Italy are all to be connected together , if it shall suit his ulterior dispositions ? And what can he mean by the very equivocal expression "after us?" That he is to leave Italy as a legacy to any successor he may appoint, even if that successor should be the king or the emperor of France? We had inferred, however, from the Treaty of Presburg, that the connection between the two countries was to be only for a moment and on a certain condition; and that the two crowns were to be forever separated, when foreign armies should abandon Naples, Malta and the Ionian Isles. Does Bonaparte then mean to disregard this pledge of the Treaty of Presburg? Does it still mean to retain Italy under his sceptre? Or else, what means that most unexampled and pregnant expression "the federative states of his empire?"
From this declaration it would appear, that Bonaparte has adopted the romantic and ridiculous project of setting up a confederation of monarchies in the south of Europe; a project
having these states, kingdoms, instead of republics; a project, which has been admirably exposed in Joel Barlow's second letter to the people of the U. States. According to this plan, therefore, Italy is still likely to be a Co-Kingdom of his empire; Naples perhaps another; Switzerland another; Holland another; and even Spain may exchange her contemptible character of a puppet, for the more honourable title of a confederate vice-royalty, of France. Gigantic indeed must be the views of Bonaparte, if such are his intentions! But till more so, if he designs to place his brothers or his relations upon the thrones of these "federative states of his empire!"
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, March 29.
Captain Mather, of the ship Eolus from Canton, has furnished us with a copy of the articles of capitulation of the Cape of Good Hope. He informs us that previous to its surrender it sustained an attack of several days, and that many lives were lost.
Saturday, 11th January 1806.
Articles of capitulation, proposed by Lieut. Colonel Hieconimus Castronius von Prophalow, Commandant of the Fort, Castle, &c. circumjacent fortifications of the Cape of Good Hope. To the Major General in the service, of His Britannic Majesty, Sir David Baird K. G. Commander in Chief of His Majesty's forces, and Commander Sir Home Popham, Commander in Chief of His Britannic Majesty's naval forces in Table Bay.
ART. 1. The capitulation being signed, the Cape, Town, Castle and circumjacent fortifications shall be immediately surrendered to the troops of His Britannic Majesty. The fortifications of the Kings Block House, Craig's Tower, and all the Batteries within that circuit and on the other side of Camp's Bay.
2d. The garrison shall at the surrender, march out with all the honors of war, and shall then lay down their arms, and become prisoners of war, but such Officers as are natives of the colony, or married with natives, or in possession of sufficient landed property to become regularly, and bona fide domiciliated, shall be at Liberty to continue here so long as they behave themselves as becoming good subjects and citizens; a process to Great Britain with regular passport, and having previously passed their parole not to serve until regularly exchanged.
3d. All officers who according to the previous articles must go to Europe, shall be provided with passages at the expence of His Britannic Majesty, and shall have leave to realise their property previous to their departure, and receive the same pay as they did in their own service, till the day of their embarkation.
4th. The French subjects who belong to the frigate l'Atlante , and the stranded privateer le Napoleon , were casually here and comprehended in the capitulation shall be treated on the same footing as the Garrison; but they must all be embarked for Europe, as well as every other French subject in the Colony.
5th. The inhabitants of the town, who have born arms, to be considered as belonging to the Town, & may immediately return to their former occupations. But the distinction between the Burghers and other inhabitants is to remain the same, and subject to the same restrictions as under the Dutch laws.
6th. All bona fide private property, whether belonging to the Civil or Military Servants of the Government, to the Burghers and Inhabitants, to Churches, Orphans and other public Institutions of that kind, shall remain free and untouched.
7th. Publick property of every description whether consisting of treasure, naval or military stores, buildings, estates or merchandise belonging to the Batavian Republic or the Government of France, shall be faithfully delivered up, and proper inventories given of them as soon as possible.
8th. The Burghers and Inhabitants shall preserve all their rights and privileges which they have enjoyed hitherto—public worship as at present in use, shall also be maintained without alteration.
9th. The paper money, actually in circulation shall continue current as heretofore, until the pleasure of His Britannic Majesty is known.
10th. The lands and houses, the property of the Batavian Republic, which must be delivered in consequence of the present Capitulation, shall remain as security for that part of the paper money which is not already secured by Mortgages upon the estates of individuals, by it having been but to them, this is however to be without prejudice to the free use to be made of the said lands and houses for public purposes.
11th. Prisoners of war comprehended in the present capitulation, shall not be passed into His Britannic Majesty's service, or engaged against their own free will and consent. With respect to other persons, they are provided for in article the 5th of this capitulation.
12th. The inhabitants of the Cape town shall be exempted from having troops quartered on them.
13th. Two ships having been sunk in Table Bay, to the great detriment of the roadstead—either after the Batavian Republic had sent out a flag of truce, or whilst it was in contemplation to do so, they are to be raised again and delivered over in an entire state of repair; this having been done without the sanction of the Commandant, the raising of the said ships, shall be incumbent on those who sunk them.
14th. This capitulation shall be signed at 4 o'clock this afternoon, when the Castle of the Cape Town, and all the adjacent Forts previously mentioned, shall be surrendered to His Britannic Majesty's troops.
Given under our hands and seals this tenth day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six, at Papendrop near Fort Knokke. (Signed)
H. C. BARRON VON PROPHALOW (L.S.) D. BAIRD, Major General (L.S.) HOME POPHAM (L.S.)
Executed in the presence of J. A. TRUTLER, J. PALMER.
THE FAIRFIELD RACES
Will commence on Monday the 5th of May, and continue for four days.
1st Day—The JOCKEY CLUB CUP, free for all ages, the horses being bona fide the property of the members; distance three mile heats.
2d Day—The JOCKEY CLUB PURSE, of four hundred and fifty dollars, four mile heats.
3d Day—The PURSE of the PROPRIETOR of the COURSE, for two hundred and fifty dollars; three mile heats.
4th Day—A SWEEP STAKE for three years old colts and fillies, two mile heats; one hundred dollars entrance—This subscription will remain open until the 5th May.
Table with 2 columns: Weight, Aged Horses. Rows: 6 years old (133 lbs), 5 do. do. (128), 4 do. do. (118), 3 do. do. (106).
90—Mares and Geldings allowed 5lbs.
I wish to rent the Dining House, and the Booth's in the Field; those who have formerly rented them, shall have a preference; application must be made immediately.
The members of the club, will please to observe a little more punctuality, in paying up their subscriptions, as the money on each day, has to be placed in the hands of the Judges.
Those gentlemen, who have not yet paid up their forfeits, in the produce Sweep Stake, won last October, by Mr. Hugh Wylie, will be so good, as to pay it to Mr. Wylie, or the Treasurer, by the last day of the race, in May next.
ESME SMOCK, Treasurer and Proprietor of the Course.
Frenchmen, having perceived them, drove the Russians off, and seized the wounded General, exclaiming, "it is an honour belonging to us alone to carry a wounded French General." A part of General Valhubert's leg was carried away by a ball. Four soldiers approached to take him up: "Mind the order of the day," said he to them, with a voice like thunder, "and join your ranks—return victors, and carry me off after the battle is ended: if you are beaten, my life will be only a burthen." The loss of this General is the only one we have to lament; all the other wounded Generals are in a state of convalescence.
The lake upon which a numerous corps of Russians took refuge on the day the battle of Austerlitz was fought has been drained; forty pieces of cannon, and a number of bodies have been found. Yesterday the Emperor received the Deputation from the Mayors of Paris presented by Prince Murat. The Mayor of the 7th circle made a speech—the Emperor answered; "That he saw the Deputation with pleasure; and that, notwithstanding he received them in the palace of Maria Theresa, still the day when he should again find himself in the midst of his good citizens of Paris would be to him a real festival. He said he had an opportunity of a near view of the calamities of war; and that from the view which presented itself, he was persuaded that all the laws relative to the Conscriptis should be considered as the most wholesome and sacred unless they wished to witness the devastation of their habitations." He added, "that he wished for peace, but such a peace as would secure the welfare of the French people." His Majesty then informed the Deputies of his intention to present the colours taken in the battle on the Anniversary of his Coronation to the Cathedral of Paris, & that he meant to entrust these Trophies in their hands, in order that they might be delivered to the Cardinal Archbishop.
ANOTHER KING.
PARIS, Jan. 22, 1806.
This day the Prince Arch Chancellor, communicated the following letter to the Senate, from his majesty the emperor and king, viz.
"SENATORS,
"The Organic Senatus Consultum of the 8th May, 1806, has provided for every thing respecting the hereditary succession of the imperial crown in France.
"The first constitutional statute of our kingdom of Italy, dated March 19, 1805, has fixed the inheritance of that crown on our descendants in a direct & legitimate line, whether natural, or by adoption.
"The dangers to which we have been exposed in the midst of the war, and which were exaggerated to our people of Italy—those to which we may still be exposed in combating the enemies who yet remain to France, still excite very sensible alarms. The people of Italy do not enjoy the security, offered them by the liberality and the moderation of our laws, because the future is to them uncertain.
"We have considered it as one of our present duties to put a period to these alarms.
"We have in consequence determined to adopt as our first prince Eugene, arch chancellor of our empire and viceroy of our kingdom of Italy. We have called him, next to ourselves and our natural and legitimate children, to the throne of Italy; and we have decreed, that in default of our direct descendants, legitimate or natural, or those of prince Eugene, our son, the crown of Italy shall devolve to the son, or the nearest relative to our princes of the blood, who in such case may then reign in France.
"We have thought it bestowing our dignity, that prince Eugene shall enjoy all the honors attached to our adoption though they will give him no rights but the crown of Italy alone; it being understood that our adoption will in no case nor circumstance authorize either him or the descendants of prince Eugene to raise any claim to the crown of France, the succession of which is irrevocably regulated by the constitutions of the empire.
"The history of all ages informs us, that the uniformity of laws is essentially prejudicial to the strength and good organization of empires, when they extend beyond the limits allowed by the moral habits, and geographical considerations.
"We refer to ourselves the opportunity of publishing our ulterior dispositions , respecting the connections which are to submit after us , among all the FEDERATIVE STATES OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE . The various independent parties among them, having a common interest, must have a common tie.
"Our people of Italy will receive with transports of joy these new testimonies of our solicitude. They will perceive in them the guarantee of the happiness which they now enjoy, in the permanence of the government of this young prince, who in an interval of stormy agitation, and particularly in the first moments, so difficult even for men of experience, has known how to govern by the affections and to endure them to our laws.
"He has never ceased to offer us a spectacle, which has strongly interested us. We have seen him in new situations, reducing those principles to practice, which he had studied to inculcate in his mind and in his heart, all the while he was under our inspection. When it was necessary to defend our people of Italy, he showed himself equally worthy of imitating, and renewing whatever we might have achieved in the difficult art of war.
"At the same moment that we have ordained that our fourth constitutional statute should be communicated to the three colleges of Italy, it has appeared to us to be indispensable not to defer for an instant, the institution necessary for the disposal of which establishes the prosperity and duration of the empire, in the love and the interest of the nations which compose it. We have thus been persuaded, that every thing that is to us a subject of happiness and joy, cannot be indifferent to you, or to our people!
(Signed) "NAPOLEON."
Extract of a letter from a respectable gentleman in Nantes, dated 13th ult. to his friend in this city.
"A peace with England is now likely to take place soon—it is a very desirable event, and particularly for this unfortunate city. The Pope is coming to reside at Versailles, and Prince Borghese, brother-in-law of Bonaparte, is to be sovereign of Rome. Many other important changes are expected."
The conclusion of the following extract of Mr. Fox's address to the electors of the city of Westminster seems to indicate something like a spirited policy, and favors little of those pacific wishes attributed to him, out of office.
LONDON, February 19.
"This morning Mr. Fox, was unanimously elected for the city of Westminster.
"Mr. Fox declared, that if the electors thought he had, in changing his situation changed his principles, his attachment to the cause of liberty and those constitutional views which he had uniformly cultivated and promoted, they had then the power of rejecting his claims to be their representative; but if, on the contrary, they continued to have the same opinion of him which they had evinced for the last 25 years, he trusted he should be favored with their support. In reasserting the situation which he had at that moment seized, his only object was to co-operate, for the public good, with men of enlightened minds and acknowledged talents. They had undertaken the administration of public affairs in a crisis highly perilous, and if they succeeded in saving the country from the dangers which threatened it from without, they should consider that they had done their duty. For his own part, he had entered into office free from all selfish and partial views, and he should not be guilty in a single instance of giving up those grand political principles which had been the pride and glory of his life. With
the prospect of affairs abroad, a department particularly assigned to his care, was indeed melancholy; but he was gratified and cheered by the reflection, that the spirit, patriotism, resources and unanimity of the country, were far superior to the utmost peril of the present crisis, and that when properly eliminated, they could not fail in banishing despondence and inspiring vigor and confidence."
West-Indies.
NEW-YORK, March 26.
We are indebted to Capt. Hartford, who arrived yesterday from Aux-Cayes, for the following Decree of D. Dessalines, regulating the freight of neutral vessels in the ports of Hayti: DECREE.
Art. 1. Whenever an owner, captain or supercargo of a neutral vessel shall arrive in one of the ports of Hayti, the merchant to whom he shall be consigned, or the administration, when it shall treat directly with the said owners, captains, or supercargoes, shall cause the said vessels to be laden, as far as possible with coffee, sugar, cotton, indigo and cocoa. 2. The merchant consignee, when there shall not be found in the commune where he resides, one or more of the commodities mentioned in the first articles, is authorised to load the vessel consigned to him, with the commodities which shall be within his reach, provided that the said lading be not composed of more than one-third in coffee. 3. The said owners, captains or supercargoes, shall not, under any pretext, refuse cargoes provided for them in pursuance of the preceding articles, when it shall be proved that they have received one-third in coffee. 4. The present decree shall be read, published, and affixed, wherever it shall be necessary, and the execution of it specially committed to the minister of finances, under the personal responsibility of the administrators of divisions.
Made and given in our imperial palace of Dessalines, the 10th of Jan. 1806, 5d year of independence, and the first of our reign.
Signed, DESSALINES.
By the emperor, JUSTE CHANLATTE.
NEW-YORK, March 26.
A letter received in this city from St. Marcs, mentions, that the ship Leander captain Lewis, arrived at Jacquetel about the 17th February.
The Leander failed from this port the 2d of February.
As the letter does not state her having touched at any other port, we presume that she has carried General Miranda, and those engaged in his expedition, direct to that place.
Domestic Intelligence.
Extract of a letter from an American Gentleman in London to his friend in Philadelphia, dated January 31.
"I have the satisfaction to advise you of the restitution of the Perseverance and cargo on the 24th inst. The ultimate destination of the cargo for the Amsterdam market was admitted, and the legality of the voyage acknowledged by the court; it was therefore, a mere question of property, in which the opposite counsel, by ingeniously distorting detached sentences from my letters, and those of H. and Co endeavored to prove a foreign interest—After a hearing of two days, Sir W. Scott said, he was astonished that so plain a case should have taken up the time of the court—that the property should have been restored immediately on an investigation of the papers, and admitted a plea for damages arising from detention."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Natchez, to a respectable commercial house in this city, dated the 12th inst.
"I was last evening informed by the commanding officer of this post, that he had received official accounts from 5 to 7000 troops being on their way for this post, and which would arrive in less than three weeks. In consequence of which he had directed the agent of the contractor, to procure army supplies, and keep in store provisions for two or three months, sufficient to issue at least 7000 rations per day. An express was immediately dispatched to Fort Adams and Natchez, requiring a supply as soon as possible. [Louisiana Gaz.]
Capt. Groves, of the Chdr. Jeremiah , who arrived at Beverly, in 26 days from Gibraltar, informs, that the U. States brig Vixen , was at Gibraltar when he failed, waiting orders, and that officers of the Vixen were on board of him, but he heard nothing of the barbarous story lately related respecting Commodore Rogers and Capt. Gale, and we presume there is not the least credit due to it.
Dr. Anderson, Physician General, in India writes, that the number of persons inoculated there for the Cow Pock, amounts to 250,000—So great has been its success (in all places where it has been generally adopted) that the Bramans, in their extravagant veneration of the Cow, have desired that the vaccine matter may be stiled "The dew of Heaven."
NEW-YORK, March 26.
FULWAR SKIRWITH, Esq.; arrived in town yesterday from the seat of government. We understand that he will proceed to France this day in the United States brig Hornet , Captain Dent.
Appointment by the Council of Maryland.
JOSEPH HOPPER NICHOLSON, Chief Judge of the sixth Judicial district.
JOHN LANGDON is elected Governor of the state of New-Hampshire without opposition.
EBENEZER PURDY has resigned his situation as a Senator in the legislature of New-York on the plea of indisposition.
NOTICE.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us by Beth I. Miller, on the 21st day of November, 1804, for the purpose of securing the punctual payment of a debt, or debts due to William Johnson; will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Samuel Braddon's Tavern, at Goochland court-house, on Saturday the 19th day of April next. The tract of land, whereon the said Miller at present resides, lying on the little Bird-Creek, in the county of Goochland, and containing by survey 333 1-3 acres, be the same more or less, or so much of said tract, as shall be sufficient to discharge a bond for £281-6-8, payable the 30th day of the month, assigned by said Johnson, to Frederick Harris, together with interest and whatsoever costs may answer the consequence of the aforesaid trust, or sale.
GEORGE TOLER, Wm. TOLER, Trustees. (tdsp.)
April 4.

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Speech of Gen. S. SMITH, on British affairs.
[CONCLUDED.]
I have, Mr. President, thus taken a short view of the injuries, offered to the U. S. in the unjust seizure of their property by order of the government of G. B.
But why, it may be asked, does Great Britain pursue a system apparently so injurious to her true interests, and so hostile to ours?
The first article in the resolution, now under consideration, and the importation whereof from G. Britain is proposed to be prohibited.
Woolens—On this article I shall make no other remark than that fine cloths may be procured in France as cheap as they can be purchased in London.
Linens—This important article can be procured in Germany as cheap as in Ireland.
Rum—This expensive and destructive article is consumed by the English and the citizens of the United States only.
On had counted. The brandy or wine and it may would be paid for by our tobacco, flour and rice, that of Spain by the two latter articles.
Hardware. This article, as suited to our taste, we can procure in no other country than Great Britain.
Coal and slate are in great abundance in our own country.
Looking glasses, ribbons and silks of all kinds can be obtained cheaper in France, China and Italy, than in England.
Salts. This is an article highly important as it respects Great Britain.
Let not gentlemen fear a loss of revenue. I have taken a view of that subject, and am confident the loss will be trifling.
By the subscriber, BURR MILL STONES of different sizes, from 3 feet 16 inches to 6 feet diameter.
Apply to M. & B. Myers, Richmond, for particulars.
IN CHANCERY. Louisv. county January court, 1806. Francis Ford, Against James Hendrake and John Hendrake, Defendants.
FOR SALE. WEST-INDIA & N. ENGLAND RUMS. French Brandy, Holland Gin, Rhenish, etc.
REMOVAL. DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil M'Coull.
MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices.
NOTICE. I hereby give notice that I will not be responsible for any backloading put on board my BOAT, commanded by James & branded W. Norvell.
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
TO THE HIGHEST BIDDER, on the premises, on the 24th day of May next.
THAT large and commodious TAVERN and improved piece of ground, adjoining the same.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
THAT at New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Gaheta, Natchitoches, Apponebabe, Arkanpaw, Fort St. Joseph, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed.
FOR SALE. TEN SHARES in the James river Canal Company.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK.
TO BE RENTED. A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably.
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METAL TALIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern.
Printina, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.