The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-03 00:00:00

G Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1809.
[No. 75.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
LOST , a NOTE signed by Wm. Crawford, & endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond, dated the 1st of Nov. last, and due the 1st day of May, 1809, amounting to $505 3/4; it is supposed it has been dropped in the street. Any person having found the same will be liberally rewarded on leaving it with the subscribers. All persons are forewarned from receiving or trading for the same in any manner whatever. PROSSER & MONGURE. Dec. 27. or 4W
BOOK SALE —Just received, from Philadelphia, two trunks of valuable BOOKS , on various subjects—which will be sold at the Vendue Office of the Subscriber, on Saturday Evening, 31st instant. JAS. BROWN, Jr. V. M. Dec. 31. it
DESERTED , from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a MUSICKIAN in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTERN , thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 5 feet 7 inches high; when spoke to has a strong look, slow in speech, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amboy, (New-Jersey)—Had on when he deserted, a dragoon's uniform, which it is conjectured he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, swansdown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States service. COLIN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Fort Norfolk, Dec. 31. it
DESERTED , from the service of the United States, on the 20th ult. DANIEL LUCAS , a private of the regiment of Light Artillery. The said Lucas was born in Orange county, Virginia, (but whose parents now reside in Amherst) is 23 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, of a fair complexion, blue eyes, brown hair, and was by occupation a farmer. He had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of his regiment. The usual reward will be paid on his delivery to me at Fort Norfolk, or to any other officer of the United States' army. WINFIELD SCOTT, Capt. U. States' Light Artillery. December 31. 2aw3w
FEMALE EDUCATION , will be continued at Mountjoy, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, and Geography . The School will be opened about the middle of January. Terms—For board and tuition, (each finding her own bedding) $300 per annum, paid quarterly in advance. The most satisfactory testimonials can be produced, of Miss Terrell's qualifications, as a teacher of the above branches of Education. Particular attention will be paid to the morals and manners of pupils placed at this School. It may not be improper to add, that they will be before them an example of domestic economy, and steady industry in the boarding apartment. HUMPHREY HILL. Carolina, Dec. 24. 64
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND at Leaden's new Wharf: 35 Casks Eastern Ware, 25 Hds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens. IN STORE —100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 tiers green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 3 pipes Cinn. 50 boxes Segars, 8 bags Race Ginger, Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. Nov. 4. [it]
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAIL P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22. it
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR , intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS , at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17. it
TO JOHN POWELL of Kentucky, and JORDAN HARRIS of Virginia, GENTLEMEN: I notice, that on Thursday the 12th of next month, at John Anderson's Tavern, in New-Canton, I shall proceed to take the depositions of Robert Moseley and others, to continue from day to day, until finished: And on Friday the 20th of next month, I shall, at Buckingham court-house, again proceed to take the depositions of Daniel Guerrant and others, which depositions are to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendants. Yours, &c. PETER GUERRANT. Dec. 27. it
NOTICE —In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Biddulph house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the ship Lucy and Rachel , capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1793, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farly, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Peters burg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or information of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or other particulars, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland. GEO: W. KICCS, George-Town. October 22. [3m] * His name was Spel; Milns or Milnes.
FOR SALE —Will be sold, on Tuesday the 16th inst. to the highest bidder, on the premises, five valuable halls acre LOTS , situated in Duvall's plan of the city of Richmond, and adjoining to the house and lot of Mr. Elisha Price, & on the day following, will be sold, the HOUSE & LOT wherein the subscriber at present resides. Terms made known on day of sale. D. DORINGTON. Dec. 31. 2aw3w
NOTICE —Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond 14.
IN Henrico County Court, November 8, 1808. Wm. Taylor, Jr. Complainant—against Price and McCutchen & Hugh Chambers Defendants. The defendants, Price and McCutchen, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered , That the said defendants, Price and McCutchen, do appear here on the third day of the next March term, & answer the complainant's bill: and that a copy of this Order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the door of the court house of this county. A Copy. Teste, A. Cope.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY —At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 3d of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected, the Board of Directors, at their last meeting, on the 29th ult., postponed the sale of SHARES belonging to delinquent subscribers, generally denominated Stock-Holder, which were advertised to be sold on that day: Resolved , That the Shares of delinquent holders which may be reported as such by the treasurer of this Company, on the 7th day of January next, be, on that day sold, at public auction, at the front door of the Swann Tavern in this city. NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, Ctl. december 6. it
WILL BE SOLD , to the highest bidder, at Hanover court-house, on the 25th of January, 1809, being Hanover court day, by virtue of three Deeds of Trust, executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Richmond, to secure the payment of certain sums of money, therein expressed, a tract of LAND , lying in the county aforesaid, containing 227 acres, more or less, adjoining the Lands of Wm. Vial and others. The terms will be, one-third cash, one-third in nine months, and the other third in twelve months, to carry interest from the day of sale. PARKE STREET, } Trustees. JOHN B. JOHNSON, } 2aw3w Dec. 27.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. Wednesday, Nov. 30.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Pickering's Speech Continued.)
Thus, Mr. President, we see that the risk on our foreign trade has been very little increased since the issuing of the French decree of Berlin, and the British orders in council. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Smith) asks—What would have been the insurance on an American vessel bound to France? I am not informed. Perhaps 75 to 90 per cent. though it is not probable that our merchants would hazard their vessels on such a voyage, or that the underwriters would insure them. But what does this prove? Why, that the risk under the British orders, is so great, in attempting to enter a port in France, as perhaps to amount to an actual blockade. I now beg leave, sir, to communicate the information I have recently received from the latter of the two merchants before referred to. Having requested of him the data on which his opinion before mentioned was founded, he has sent me an answer dated the 23d instant, from which I will read the material parts. He says, "respecting the comparative trade of profound peace, and the present moment, if the embargo should be removed, and the decrees and orders of council remain, it is a subject about which it is difficult to go into that detail which will show satisfactorily an exact result: because, if you resort to the exports of a year in time of profound peace, and compare the aggregate with a year in war, the prices being so different, the difference in amount will not give the exact data we want. And to take the quantity of each article of export will not be satisfactory; because in different years we export more of the same article to the same market, and in proportion to the increased quantity raised, or the goodness or badness of the crop. But of the fact I have no doubt, that our trade would be much greater and more productive, if the embargo were removed, than it can be in time of peace: because when the colonial trade of the European powers is confined as usual, we cannot carry any kind of provisions to the colonies of any of them, without being subject to a heavy duty, nearly equal to a prohibition. And we are not allowed to bring away any thing but rum and molasses; and of course we lose the whole of the colonial trade, so far as respects importing any articles with a view of exporting them again; excepting only from the Isle of France, and Bourbon, which has generally been free. But we may be shut out there. The trade to the colonies is now free for all exports and imports with small duties. And if the largest and most natural European markets for the sale of colonial produce are occluded, still we have open to us, all that the British have, and we can now carry those articles to Sweden, Spain, Portugal, Coast of Barbary, Turkey, Sicily, Sardinia and Malta; the three last of which are ports at which the articles sell high, and are brought for the purpose of smuggling over to the continent, where they are sent in great quantities. The following statement is then given, of the amount of our exports from the 30th of September, 1806, to September 30, 1807, (taken from the report of the secretary of the treasury) to countries and places other than those in Europe which are under the
government or controul, or alliance with the French emperor; all which are considered as all which are considered as shut up by the British orders of council. Domestic exports (or articles of the growth, produce or manufacture of the U. States), $ 36,109,991 Foreign goods exported, 24,140,495 60,250,489
To this may be added Spanish dollars, exported to India and China, and which are not noticed in the report of the secretary of the treasury, and may be estimated at least at, 6,000,000 Whole amount, $ 66,250,489
"This amount may be exported without being subject to the British orders of council; and the extra premiums against French captures , would not exceed the following rates, viz. To Sweden, 2 per cent—Swedish and other West-Indies, and the Spanish Main, 5 do.—Cape of Good Hope, 4 do.—England, Scotland, without the Channel, say Liverpool, Greenock, Ireland, &c. &c. 4 do.—And within the Channel, 6 do.—Guernsey, Jersey, &c. 5 do.—Gibraltar, 3 do.—Spanish ports in the Bay of Biscay, 6 do.—Spanish ports on the Atlantic, 3 do.—Spanish ports on the Mediterranean, 5 do.—Madeira, the Canaries, Fayal, and other Azores, 5 do.—Portugal, 3 do.—Cape de Verde, 5 do.—Sicily, 5 do.—Malta, 6 do.—China, 4 do.—Sumatra, 3 do.—Spanish and Portuguese America, 3 do.—Calcutta, and the coast of Coromandel and Malabar, 5 do.—Africa, 4 do.—Arabia, and Red Sea, including Mocha, and Muscat, 4 do.—Manila, 4 do.—North West Coast of America, 2 do.—Halifax and Newfoundland 1 do. "In time of profound peace, our trade might be fairly estimated thus: Dom. exports $ 48,699,592 For. exports Nothing To which may be added spec. to China and India, 6,000,000 $ 54,699,592 Intime of peace these must be so very inconsiderable as to be unimportant in this statement. This is supposing the same domestic articles as were exported in 1806, and allowing them to be at the same prices: so that the comparison stands thus: Our exports, if the embargo were removed, would be, $ 66,250,489 Free from any embarrassment from the British orders in council. If peace were to take place, and the European nations assume their trade as usual; and the prices of our domestic articles remain as the average prices in 1806, (which they would not) we should export, 54,699,592 Leaving $ 11,550,894 less export trade in time of peace than we might now enjoy; and which amount is to be twice water-borne, once in importing it from the places of growth, and again in carrying it to the consumers; and of course would employ shipping appertaining to the carriage of one freight, equal in amount to more than twenty-three millions, one hundred thousand dollars. "As an evidence of the correctness of this statement, it will be seen by a recurrence to the statement of the secretary of the treasury for the year 1803, that the exports had fallen, in that short peace, from $92,020,513 to $53,800,033. It is to be observed, that we might now enjoy a trade to South America and the Spanish Main, which might be estimated, at least, at from four to five millions of dollars, a considerable part of which would be again exported to Spain and Portugal, and which has never made any part of the secretary's report: because the trade to those countries has been prohibited until lately. It may also be remembered, that the export trade does not show the whole advantage of the colonial trade which we might now enjoy; because all we import for our own consumption ought to be added." [Here Mr. Lloyd stated, that in his opinion the value of the trade which might now be prosecuted from the U. States, considering the present circumstances of the great nations of Europe, would be as extensive as could be carried on after a general peace, & the adoption, by the European powers, of their restrictive colonial systems.] On this clear and interesting view of the commerce which the U. States might carry on, were the embargo out of the way, no comments are necessary. The observations of the writer of the letter are evidences of his being master of the subject. Mr. President, the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles) has been pleased to attribute the discontent, in New-England, especially in Massachusetts, relative to the embargo, solely to the arts of demagogues , who wish to get into office. The gentleman from Connecticut noticed this reproach; but as it appeared to be levelled chiefly at leading citizens in Massachusetts, I feel it to be my duty further to remark, that of all the citizens of the U. States, none stand more aloof from, none more detest the character of demagogues , than those to whom the gentleman referred. I know those men who reproach the embargo, and who, in conversation, and in newspapers, express their sentiments about it, or patronize those who do. They are not seeking for offices; many of them could not be persuaded to accept the best office in a president's gift; but to save their country from the effects of measures, in their view, alike ruinous and disgraceful. They are men, sir, whose age, whose experience, whose knowledge, whose wisdom, whose virtue, place them in the first rank of citizens. They are men, sir, ten of whom, had they been in Sodom, would have saved that city from destruction. Among them was the immortal Ames, than whom a purer spirit never left the earth. He wrote while he had strength to hold a pen. He died on the Anniversary
morning of the nation's birth-day—and this was among his last prayers: O! Save my country! Gentlemen have said much about insurrection and rebellion; and, in language not very conciliatory, pointed all their allusions to the people of New-England. Other rulers pronounced them rebels, more than thirty years ago: while many then unborn now wish to cover themselves with their mantle, and to share the honors of the patriots of seventeen hundred and seventy-six. But why should gentlemen be surprised that great discontents prevailed in that country; & that the legislatures, with a deliberation and solemnity which should command attention, have pronounced their opinions of the embargo? Gentlemen recollect that there the revolution began, of which Boston was the cradle. And if they will turn to the declaration of independence, they will find one of the reasons for the colonies' separating themselves from G. Britain, and renouncing the government of the king, was their enacting laws "for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world." Mr. President, in a public document on our tables, we are told, that "after a period of twenty-five years of peace, hardly interrupted by transient hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the history of nations, the U. States are for the first time, since the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed in a situation equally difficult, critical and dangerous. That our country has enjoyed such unexampled prosperity, I readily agree; but the present is not the first time that these states have been placed in a difficult, critical, and dangerous situation. The gentleman from Connecticut yesterday recd the most difficult crisis. In 1753, it required all the firmness and immense popularity of president Washington, to stem the torrent of popular delusion, that was hurrying the U. States into the vortex of the French revolution. In 1794, the same steadiness, the same undeviating pursuit of the public welfare, in spite of popular clamor and formal opposition, were necessary to institute a mission to G. Britain, to negotiate a settle with that government questions of the highest moment to these states, and which, if they remained much longer unsettled, might endanger the peace of the nation. That negotiation, committed to the conduct of a statesman, than whom our country has produced not one more firm, more wise, or more upright, was, by his candor, ability and decision, brought to a happy conclusion, in fewer months than some more modern negotiations have occupied years, without being brought to any conclusion; unless their utter failure may be called a conclusion. In 1795, the U. States were agitated to their centre, by the opposition to the British treaty. Artful and aspiring demagogues seized upon the known prejudices of the people in regard to the two great contending nations; and exerting all their faculties to keep up the popular delusion, hoped that, by the loud and extended clamor, the president would be deterred from ratifying the treaty which Mr. Jay had so happily concluded. Here again were displayed the firmness and patriotism of Washington. Always determined to pursue the true interests of the people, although at the hazard of his popularity, he ratified the treaty. Here, it was presumed, all opposition would cease. But it again appeared, and with a more formidable aspect, in the national legislature. But I will not dwell upon it. The treaty was finally carried into execution. It had, however, one more enemy to encounter. Revolutionary France, wishing to involve us in a war with G. Britain which this treaty (merely of amity and commerce) had prevented, pretended that it was equivalent to a treaty of alliance with G. Britain. And seizing on this pretence, at once to vent her resentment, and gratify the rapacity of her rulers with the plunder of our citizens, she let loose her cruisers upon our commerce. We urged the obligations of treaties, violated by these captures. She answered, that she found only a real disadvantage in those obligations and continued her depredations. Repeated missions of respectable ministers to Paris endeavored to propitiate her rulers, and prevail on them to put a stop to such enormities. But they were deaf to the voice of justice. Then it was that our government authorized an armed commerce, and equipped a small but gallant navy for its further protection; and made other defensive preparations, such as have been stated by the gentleman from Connecticut. If, sir, our country is now placed in a situation more "difficult, critical, and dangerous," than at any of the periods to which I have adverted (though I am very far from adopting that opinion) where shall we look for the cause? It is 1794, when England had powerful associates in her war with France, and the latter had been comparatively, but little extended beyond her natural limits; the United States, with perhaps two-thirds of her present population, and less than half her present revenue, were able to induce England to accede to their just demands, and to close all differences by an advantageous treaty; how has it happened that the present administration, with all the accession of power from an increased population, and a more than double revenue; when, too, gigantic France wielded the force and the resources of continental Europe; and England, single-handed, was left to meet a world in arms; how has it happened, that with these superior advantages and more powerful means, all the negotiations of the present administration with England (one excepted) of which rather than general application, and which I need not explain, have failed? Had they been conducted with equal candor, ability and dignity, must they not have produced as early, and at least as advantageous result? Was this a cause of their failure, that points of questionable rights , because not settled by the universally acknowledged law of nations, and therefore of doubt, or, how less settlement, were pertinaciously insisted on? Mr. President—To find a remedy for evils, as well in the body politic as in the neutral body, it is necessary to investigate their causes. Nearly eight years have elapsed since we
were told, by the highest authority in the nation, that under the auspices of the federal government, the U. States were then "in the full tide of successful experiment." And the report on our tables, to which I have before alluded, declares, in grave and solemn language, that during a period of five-and-twenty years, which brings us down to the embargo, the United States have enjoyed "a prosperity unexampled in the history of nations." Yet during the whole of this period of unequalled prosperity, arising from the active pursuits of commerce and agriculture, each giving life and vigor to the other, that commerce has been exposed to the aggressions of the belligerent nations. For those of Great Britain, up to near the close of 1794, compensation was made, pursuant to the provisions of Mr. Jay's treaty. For the like aggressions by Spain, the like indemnity was given by virtue of the treaty with that power, concluded in October 1795. For French depredations during the whole period of her revolutionary war (spoliations which have been estimated at not less than millions of dollars) we have received nothing! Nor have we obtained any reimbursement from Spain for the spoliations committed by her citizens, after she became the ally of France. Captures and condemnations, however, more or less extended, have never ceased: notwithstanding all which, and the continued improvement of seamen from our merchant vessels, the same unexampled prosperity has attended us; until suddenly, and to the astonishment of the nation, this flowing tide of successful commerce and agriculture, was stopped by that fatal measure the embargo. The shock was aggravated by the concealment of its real cause. Sir, I hazarded nothing in asserting, that to this day that cause has not been satisfactorily disclosed. Allow me time to justify this assertion. I will bring together facts and circumstances, & then gentlemen will judge whether my conclusion be erroneous or just. On the 14th of December, 1807, the dispatches brought by the Revenge , from our minister in Paris, were delivered to the Secretary of State. On her arrival at New-York, reports brought by her stated, that the French Emperor had declared that there should be no neutrals. The sources of information and the character of the Imperialist , rendered these reports worthy of credit; and though afterwards publicly and stoutly denied, they were believed; and no gentleman here will now be inclined to doubt the fact. These reports, and the mystery which surrounded the recommended embargo, naturally excited suspicions and alarms. Of the French papers supposed to be brought by the Revenge , none were communicated to Congress, save a letter dated September 24, 1807, from General Armstrong to Mr. Champagny, & his answer of the 7th of October, relative to the Berlin decree, & a letter from Regnier, minister of justice, to Champagny, giving the emperor's interpretation of that decree. These three papers, with a news-paper copy of a proclamation of the king of Great Britain, issued in the same October, were all the papers communicated by the president to congress, as the grounds on which he recommended the embargo. These papers, he said "showed the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise were threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe." As to the proclamation of the king of G. Britain, requiring the return of his subjects, and particularly the seamen, from foreign countries, it was no more than every government has a right to issue, and commonly does issue, in time of war. This proclamation contained no evidence of increasing danger to "our seamen;" on the contrary, if I mistake not (for I have not the proclamation by me) there was a solemn, public injunc-
tion to his naval officers to conduct impressments with increased caution and care. So that impressments would probably rather be diminished than increased. Let us now examine the three other papers, all of which, as I have noticed, and as gentlemen remember, related to the decree of November 21, 1806. This decree was issued at Berlin, by the French emperor, at the moment when, inflated with more than ordinary arrogance and pride, he was sitting in that capital of the Prussian monarchy, just then subverted by his arms. The first article declared all the British Isles in a state of blockade. This according to its terms, subjected to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels bound to and from British ports: but it seems to have been held in a state of suspense. But another article declaring "all merchandise belonging to England, or coming from its manufactures and colonies (although belonging to neutrals) to be lawful prizes," was to be carried into execution. Such was the decision of the emperor as stated by his minister of justice on the 18th September 1807, in his letter to Champagny. This decision coming to the knowledge of general Armstrong, he on the 24th of September, wrote to Mr. Champagny, and asked "whether it was the emperor's intention to infract the obligations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and the French empire." Mr. Champagny in his answer of the 7th of October, including the letter of the minister of justice, with wonderful assurance, tell general Armstrong, that it was easy to reconcile the execution of the decrees with the observance of treaties; although nothing was more obvious, (as Mr. Madison on the 8th of February last, wrote to general Armstrong) than that it violated as well the positive stipulations of our treaty with France, as the incontestable principles of public law. In the European ports, under the emperor's controul, and even in neutral ports, the decree was rigorously executed. And although it is said there was no formal decision in the French council of princes, condemning American property, under the decree, till the 16th of October, 1807; yet Mr. Madison states, as early as the 22d of May, 1807, in his letter of that date to general Armstrong, that "there were proofs that the French West India privateers had, under color of the edict [the Berlin decree,] committed depredations" on our commerce. And moreover, that Spain "awfully, pur-

ruing the example and the views of the French emperor, and had a similar decree in broader terms, which, if not speedily recalled or corrected, would doubtless extend the scene of despotism already begun in that quarter."
Such were the French papers in this case. And now let us see the amount of "the GREAT and INCREASING dangers which threatened our vessels, our seamen and merchandise."
LATEST FROM EUROPE. BALTIMORE, Dec. 30. The British ship Braganza, arrived at New York in 48 days from Liverpool, has furnished the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with London dates to the 5th of November, the contents of which being continental news, are principally anticipated by the intelligence received by the Charleston Packet, arrived at Philadelphia from Bordeaux, which brings Paris papers to the 1st of Nov.
The Hamburg dates seem to discredit the French disasters in Spain, and say, that the English attempts to circulate them in the North of Europe, have in some instances failed. The British Baltic fleet had left that sea, and was shortly expected home. A warrant for a court of inquiry was signed by his majesty, to investigate the conduct of Sir Hew Dalrymple, respecting the convention of Cintra.
Mr. Shaw, the King's messenger, arrived at Mr. Canning's office on the evening of the 4th November, with dispatches from Paris, the contents of which had not transpired. Murat appears firmly seated in his throne at Naples, and his subjects well disposed. The Swedish fleet have returned to Carlscrona in a sickly condition. If we may judge from Bonaparte's notice of American affairs to the legislative body, the dispatches from Mr. Armstrong may be more favorable than the former. The French accounts in the Aurora and Bell's Gazette, contained in a letter from aboard the Charleston Packet, at New-Castle, present a different phasis to French affairs, of which our readers will form their own judgment.
The New Castle letter states, that the ship left Bordeaux Nov. 2. But it must be later, as the Aurora is in possession of Paris papers to Nov. 1, and the travelling distance from that capital to the former, being five days, brings the date of departure to Nov. 6. This day's mail will probably furnish particulars. The dispatches have been forwarded on to government.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 28. The Charleston Packet has arrived at this port from Bordeaux, the precise time of her departure we have not learnt, but we have received the Moneur , Indicateur and Argus , down to Nov. 1.
This vessel brings dispatches for government, which proceeded this morning for Washington.
The French Emperor passed through Bordeaux, on the first of November, to command the grand army in Spain, as he signified in a speech which we have copied below.
Seventy-five vessels bearing the American flag, had been carried into Charente, 71 of which were found to have forged papers, and to be British property; the greater number of these vessels were from Norway, with hemp, iron and other naval stores. Coffee had been at a dollar a pound in France, but had fallen to one third.
Cotton was at two dollars the pound. Provisions of every description were abundant in France.
The army that had capitulated in Portugal, would not be suffered to have intercourse with the troops on the march for Spain—It seems that army is sent to Coventry.
The meeting of the Emperors at Erfurth has been followed by the evacuation of the Prussian capital by the French troops, and all the rest of Prussia, save only the fortresses of Custrin, Glogau and one other.
The Emperor, Alexander, appeared in public with the insignia of the French legion of honor; and Bonaparte with that of the Russian order of Alexander Newski. The Russian minister Romanzoff, has also accepted the legion of honor badge; and marshals Lasnes and Champagny, have been complimented with the Russian military order of St. Andrew.
PARIS, 27th Oct. 1808. On Tuesday, the 27th inst. his majesty the Emperor and King, repaired in state to the palace of the legislative body, in order to open the session.
His serene highness the vice grand elector, having received his majesty's permission to present to the body, the deputies of the legislative body, who have been appointed since the session of 1807, these deputies were called by Mr. Despalieres, quæstor, and each took the oath at the foot of the throne.
The call being ended, his majesty said: "Gentlemen, deputies from all departments, to the Legislative body—The codes that fix the principles of property and civil liberty, which are the object of your labors, obtain the good opinion of Europe. Many people already experience the most salutary effects from them."
"The last laws have laid the basis of our system of finance. It is a monument of the power and greatness of France. We shall henceforth be able to make good the expenses which would be occasioned even by a general coalition of Europe, by our sole annual receipts. We shall never be constrained to have recourse to the disastrous measure of paper currency, of loans and arrears."
"I have travelled this year upwards of a thousand leagues in the interior of my empire. The system of works which I have ordered for the improvement of the territory, is carrying on with activity."
"The sight of that great French family, lately torn asunder by opinion and intestine hatreds, now prosperous, tranquil, and united, sensibly moved my soul. I felt that to be happy, it was necessary for me to be first of all assured that France was happy."
"The treaty of peace of Presburg, that of Tilsit, the attack of Copenhagen, the attempt made by England against all the maritime nations, the different revolutions of Constantinople, the chaos of Portugal and Spain, have diversely influenced the affairs of the world."
"Russia and Denmark have joined me against England."
"The United States of America have preferred to renounce commerce and the sea, rather than to acknowledge the slavery of them."
"A part of my army is marching against these islands which England has formed or landed in Spain, it is a particular blessing
from that providence which has constantly protected our arms, that passion should have so far blinded the English councils, as to make them attempt more than the protection of the seas, and at length present their army upon the continent."
"I set off in a few days, in order to put myself at the head of my army, and with the help of God, to crown the king of Spain in Madrid, and plant my eagles upon the forts of Lisbon."
"I have every reason to be satisfied with the sentiments of the princes of the confederation of the Rhine."
"Switzerland feels every day more and more the benefits of the act of mediation."
"The people of Italy give me only causes of satisfaction."
"The emperor of Russia and I have had an interview at Erfurth. Our first thoughts were thoughts of peace; we even resolved to make some sacrifices in order to make the hundred millions of men whom we represent, enjoy, sooner if possible, all the benefits of maritime commerce; we agree, and are invariably united for peace as well as for war."
"Gentlemen deputies from the departments to the legislative body—I have ordered my ministers of finances and the public treasury, to lay before you the accounts of the receipts and expenditures of this year—You will see in them, with satisfaction, that I have no occasion to raise the tariff of any tax. My people will experience no new burden."
"The orators of my council of state will present to you different projects of laws, & among others all those relative to the criminal code."
"I constantly rely upon all your assistance."
His majesty's speech excited the most lively enthusiasm, and the sitting was raised amidst the repeated cries of Long live the Emperor! The same acclamations resounded in all the streets through which his majesty passed.— Moneur.
From the Philadelphia Gazette. Arrived below the ship Charleston Packet, capt. Courel, from Bordeaux. In addition to the following highly interesting letter, we have received French papers to the 1st of November, translations from which shall appear in our Gazette of tomorrow.
Ship Charleston Packet, off Newcastle, Dec. 17.
The present will serve to inform you of my arrival from Bordeaux which place I left on the 2d. November by special permission of his majesty the emperor, through the interference of our minister, for the purpose of bringing home the distressed seamen of our country, belonging to vessels condemned and sequestered; those in the latter situation, the council of prizes have some time since received orders to suspend the trials of—A general embargo continued on all neutrals throughout the ports of France. I have on board a number of passengers, one of which is bearer of dispatches from our ambassador at Paris for the American government.
I have herewith enclosed you a file of Bordeaux papers, from which, believe few political truths may be gathered, according to the reports from Spain and elsewhere. Bordeaux and its vicinity was crowded with sick and wounded returning from Spain, and these troops were allowed no communication with the new reinforcements from the grand army marching that way—so unfavorable were the accounts they bring from the seat of war. It was currently reported and credited that the French had been defeated with great slaughter in a late action at Catalunia; that king Joseph maintained with great difficulty his position at Burgos and Vittoria.—The grand army was daily increasing by forced marches through Bordeaux, and about 50,000 had already passed that city, as many more by other routes.
In the bay of Biscay, I passed to leeward of a squadron of about fifty sail of men of war and transports, steering towards Spain and Portugal, spoke none of them; but, the next day, was boarded by a British sloop of war, who treated us politely, and permitted us to proceed, without even overhauling the ships papers, merely enquiring the news from France.
On the 23d of October Napoleon delivered a speech to the legislative corps, in which he pledges himself to establish the new dynasty in Spain, and to plant his eagles on the forts of Lisbon.—In this speech he takes the following notice of the United States: "they have, says he, preferred abandoning the commerce of the ocean rather than submit to tyranny," &c.
On the same day the emperor had a grand levee, at which all the foreign ministers attended. Among the presentations we observe M. Le Chevalier de Santivanes, minister plenipotentiary to the United States from Joseph king of Spain. This is the person erroneously stated to be ambassador from the Spanish junta. Mr. Armstrong attended at levee, and presented to his majesty Mr. Pointet, an American gentleman.
The emperor arrived at Bordeaux the morning of my departure, he remained there but three hours and continued his route towards Spain, his haste is said to be in consequence of receiving a courier from thence with unfavorable news. The French troops under Junot who capitulated in Portugal, were daily arriving at Bordeaux and Rochefort in English transports, and it was reported were marching into the interior of France and not to be sent on the present campaign, for certain reasons. Previous to the separation of the emperors of France and Russia at Erfurth, each sent a courier with pacific propositions to the court of St. James's, (so says the official Gazette at Paris)—report said they were not received. Since this conference of their majesty's, the rumor of war with America appears to have subsided.
Little may be said of the commercial state of affairs, as no change has taken place except a small depreciation in colonial produce owing to a number of late arrivals of letters of marque—Many others were fitting out in the different ports which was believed would continue to reduce the markets; the absence of the American flag for so long a time, has created a spirit of enterprize, and taught them to carry on a commerce independent of us, and they boastingly say, we shall no longer monopolize the trade of their colonies.
From London papers to the 5th November received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser, by the British ship Braganza, in 48 days from Liverpool.
LONDON, Nov. 1. This morning was received by express, Madrid Gazettes to the 22d of October.
They contain a proclamation of Palafox to the inhabitants of Saragossa and its vicinity, granting them in consideration of the loyalty and courage evinced by that city, exemption from any disgraceful punishment except from the crimes of blasphemy and treason. The Madrid Gazettes, contain nothing of importance.
November 3.
Mr. Merry is appointed Envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the court of Sweden; and Mr. Augustus Foster, Secretary of Legation.
The American ship Union arrived on Sunday night at Penzance from Philadelphia, and landed four gentlemen, one of whom, Mr. Gibson, arrived last night with dispatches for the American Minister, Mr. Pinkney.—The Union immediately sailed for France with another messenger, with dispatches for the American minister at Paris.
The Russian minister for foreign affairs, Count Romanzoff, who attended the conference at Erfurth, has, before this time, arrived at Paris, to wait the answer of our court to the propositions which were sent to Erfurth. With the landing of the first division of Junot's troops, at Rochelle, the public are already acquainted. We now find that the second division, under general Laborde, has debarked at Quiberon Bay. They boast in the battle of Vimeria, they obtained a victory, but this is only what might be expected from the French character. The latest accounts from the theatre of war in Spain are dated the 13th, at Victoria, the head quarters of the king Don Joseph. A letter from that place contains a sort of bulletin, of the military proceedings, during the 2 months preceding, abounding in falsehoods and misrepresentations. The article from Bayonne in these papers, which we gave yesterday, stating that the Spaniards had lost 10,000 men in an action with Marshall Moncey, is of this description. It appears to be an exaggerated account of an old affair near Tudela. As the legislative body was to meet on the 23th last, we may expect the opening speech will throw some light upon the conferences at Erfurth. Of their object, however, we have no doubt; they were evidently for the purpose of arranging the affairs of the North of Europe, so as to enable the atrocious usurper to direct his undivided attention and resources against Spain.
The Russian squadron has escaped from Port Baltic, and arrived at Cronstadt. Private letters state, that one frigate was wrecked in getting out.
A private letter, dated Stockholm, 17th October, received by the Gottemburgh mail, states that some alarming disturbances had broken out at Petersburg, and that serious apprehensions were entertained of a general insurrection taking place. We mentioned a report to this effect some days ago.
Bonaparte, it is said, has expedited his return to Paris, for the purpose of hastening a marriage between the captive King Ferdinand and Mademoiselle La Pague, a niece of his wife, born at Martinique, and sent to Paris for her education. Should he succeed in his project, he will offer to Spain its sovereign, but fettered by a new tie, and connection with the New Dynasty of France, at which the mind of every generous Spaniard must revolt. How they will treat this act of their sovereign in duress , if he should actually consent, it is for time only to disclose.
November 4.
A flag of truce arrived in the Downs at five o'clock last evening, with Mr. Shaw, on his return from Paris with the reply of Napoleon and Count Romanzoff, on the part of his master, the Emperor Alexander, to the answer of our government to the propositions at Erfurth. The character of the reply has not transpired. Mr. Shaw was received with much politeness and attention on his journey to and in Paris. The people all expressed themselves anxious for peace. Their appearance, as well as that of the country, shows that they stand much in need of it.—Mr. Shaw arrived at the Foreign office, in Downing-street, at 6 o'clock this morning.
The members of the junta lately assembled at Erfurth appear to have divided their time equally between business and pleasure, if indeed, to them there was any difference between rehearsing actual tragedies in the morning, and witnessing at the opera fictitious scours at night. King Murat appears to have ascended not only the throne of King Joseph, but to have succeeded also to all his attributes; and all his virtues; and the Neapolitans, if the report be true, are as fickle as their neighboring Adriatic sea.
The intelligence of the arrival of Count Romanzoff, the Russian minister, at Paris, to negotiate a peace in concert with England and France, which we communicated yesterday, being generally known in the morning, made a favorable impression upon the funds. In the early part of the day Consols rose to 67 1-4 and the Omnium to 3 4 premium; but a report, upon the alleged authority of Dutch letters of the 30th, that the Message of Bonaparte to the Legislative Body was of an hostile character, having gained ground about the close of the market, caused a depression and the consols left off at 66 3-8 and the Omnium at 1-2 premium. A little reflection might, however, convince the dealers in the funds, that nothing favorable to England ought to be expected from the mission of Romanzoff. He is the creature of Napoleon, by whom he was selected to displace Butilburg and Soltikoff, two ministers suspected to be neutral if not favorably disposed towards this country, and is represented by Lord L. Gower, our late Ambassador to St. Petersburg, in his letters to the Secretary of State, laid in the course of last session before the houses of parliament, as studiously protracting and trifling in the negotiation then carrying on between England and Russia, until it broke out into actual war.
The warrant for summoning a Court of Inquiry upon the Convention of Cintra, is actually signed by his majesty; and the court, of the members of which we gave a list yesterday, will be assembled as soon as possible after the warrant shall be countersigned by the Secretary at War, who is now in Scotland.
The Inquiry we repeat, will be public: the warrant directs—
"That an inquiry shall be made into the conditions of the armistice and Convention and into all the causes and circumstances, whether arising from the previous operations of the British army, or otherwise, which led to them; and into the conduct, behavior and proceedings of Sir Hew Dalrymple, and of any other Commander or Commanders, or of any other person or persons, as far as the same were connected with the Armistice and Convention."
Nov. 5. We have received Hamburg papers to the 22d inst. The emperor Alexander was expected at Riga on the 16th, from Erfurth.
leaved with tinklers and toys presented by Bonaparte—in abundance sufficient to seduce a queen of Othelie and all her Maids of Honor. A British squadron is said to have anchored before Constantinople; but this is stated as a mere rumour requiring confirmation.
The Hayre gun-brig is arrived at Yarmouth. She sailed from Gottemburgh on the 28th last, on which day Sir James Saumarez arrived here in the Victory. The whole of the British fleet has left the Baltic, and as we stated in a former paper, may be shortly expected in a British port. Should his royal highness the Duke of Clarence hoist his flag as commander in chief of the British fleet, in the Mediterranean, and the western coast of Europe, to Cape Finisterre, Admiral Keats will accompany his royal highness as his capt. of the fleet.
The Swedish fleet has returned to Carlscrona in a very sickly state.
We yesterday announced the return of Mr. Shaw from France and his arrival at the foreign office in Downing street, at six o'clock in the morning. Napoleon had left Rambouillet on the Saturday preceding the Monday on which Mr. Shaw reached Paris. His destination was not known, but as he threatened to put himself at the head of his army in the event of a failure of a negotiation for peace with England; and as it is clear that this parade of negotiation is hollow and insincere, it may be presumed that he is gone to Bayonne.—Mr. Shaw was only one day in Paris. He received his dispatches on Tuesday evening, and set out immediately with a French officer, who accompanied him to Deal, and returned in the French flag of truce which brought them to England. The nature of the dispatches brought by Mr. Shaw has not transpired. They appear however to have given rise to some reports, one of which stated that the Marquis Wellesley was about to proceed to Paris to conduct the negotiation on the part of the British government; while it was less confidently by others, that Count Romanzoff was to come to London, furnished with full power to treat from the emperor Alexander and Bonaparte. We attach no credit to either of these rumours. The correspondence so unexpectedly commenced, will probably dwindle away into an insignificant interchange of messengers between Mr. Canning and the subordinate agents of Napoleon, who will only suffer it to exist either that he may avail himself of it as a means of exciting jealousy and suspicion among the Spaniards, or as a resource in the event of the failure of his atrocious plans against that brave and loyal people.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 30.
SENATE, Dec. 28.
In absence of the Vice President, occupied in his election, the Senate proceeded to the choice of a President pro tempore, and elected Stephen R. Bradley.
A message was received from the President of the United States, transmitting a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, showing, as far as returns have been received from the collectors, the number of vessels which have departed from the United States with permission, and specifying the other particulars contemplated by a resolution of the 14th of November last.
Dr. Mitchell reported the bill, authorising the President to employ an additional number of revenue cutters, with an amendment, reducing the number from twelve to three, under the contemplation of the passage of the bill for equipping all the public armed vessels of the United States, in which the Senate concurred, and ordered the bill to a third reading tomorrow.
DECEMBER 29.
The bill, as amended, authorising the President to employ an additional number of revenue cutters, was passed.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, December 26.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
Mr. Barker presented a memorial from sundry inhabitants of Hanover, Massachusetts, stating that the Senate and House of Representatives of Massachusetts had illegally chosen the Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, and praying measures to be adopted to guard against the establishment of so dangerous a precedent.
On motion of Mr. Wharton, the several petitions of the surviving officers of the old revolutionary army, were referred to a select committee, Messrs. Wharton, Seaver, Helms, John Morrow, J. Campbell, Stanford, T. Moore, Heiser, Wynn.
Mr. Helms reported a bill for the relief of Daniel Cotton—twice read and referred.
Mr. Thomas reported a bill extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory—twice read and referred.
TUESDAY, Dec. 27.
M. Morrow presented a petition from sundry citizens of the state of Ohio, praying a further extension of time for the payment of the purchase money of Public Lands—Referred to the committee of Public Lands.
The bill for the continuation of the Mediterranean fund having been reported.
Mr. Talmadge moved to postpone the bill for a fortnight.
Messrs. Talmadge and Lyon supported the motion, objecting to laying this duty in this form, as the object for which it was intended, by the title of the bill, no longer required this remedy. No objection was made to the laying the duty, but to the laying it in this form, distinct from the general increase of duties proposed by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which subject would no doubt soon be reported on by the committee of Ways and Means.
Messrs. Campbell and Alston supported the bill and opposed the motion for postponement, on the ground that a postponement would be equivalent to a rejection, the present law expiring on the first of next month; and that this fund was well understood in the nation under the name of the Mediterranean fund, and there was therefore no reason to change the name. It seemed to be similar to an objection to a man, however estimable, because his name did not please the ear.
The motion for postponement was negatived, Ayes 15—and the bill ordered to a third reading to-day.
Mr. Dana reported a bill for the relief of Edward Boemont—twice read and referred.
Mr. Jackson from the committee to whom were referred the petition of R. J. Meigs and others, evidence on the trial of A. Burr before the circuit court at Richmond, reported a bill making further compensation to the witnesses attending the trial of A. Burr, &c—twice read and referred.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 28.
STATUTE OF LIMITATION.
Mr. Love, from a select committee reported a bill making provision for a settlement of certain unliquidated claims against the United States. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
PRESOLUTION"> PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
The Speaker presented a petition of 155 inhabitants of Pepperell, Middlesex, Massachusetts, stating that the Electors of President and Vice President of the United States have been illegally chosen by the legislature of Massachusetts, and praying that Congress will take the subject into consideration, and prevent the establishment of so dangerous a precedent.
The bill for continuing the Mediterranean fund for one year, was read the third time and passed, without opposition.
REVENUE BONDS.
On motion of Mr. Avery, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act of last session for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds—Mr. Pickett in the chair.
The amendments reported by the committee of Commerce and Manufactures having been agreed to, the committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to be read a third time to-day; and it was accordingly read a third time and passed.
The bill from the Senate for the relief of A. J. Villard, went through a committee of the whole, Mr. W. Alston in the chair; and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. The bill was then read a third time.
[It contemplates the giving to Mr. Villard one thousand dollars for an improvement in the mode of mounting cannon.]
Messrs. Talmadge, Piken, Quincy, Ely, Alexander, and Rhea opposed the bill on the ground that the invention would be inoperative in practice; and even if not, that it was invented by a person in the employ of the U. States, whose duty it was to make all the improvement he could. Messrs. Newton, Taylor, and Smilie supported the bill on the ground that it was extremely useful, was now actually in practice, and would be advantageous to the service of the United States.
The bill was passed—Ayes 55, Nays 44.
ENFORCING THE EMBARGO. Mr. J. G. Jackson, from the committee to whom was yesterday referred the bill from the Senate for enforcing the embargo, reported it with several amendments, which were ordered to be printed, and the bill made the order of the day for Friday next, in preference to tomorrow 37, to 35.
THURSDAY, Dec. 29.
INDIAN TRADE.
On motion of Mr. Blount, Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of continuing in force the act entitled "An act for the establishment of Trading Houses with the Indian Tribes"—and also to enquire whether any and if any what amendments are necessary to the same.
FOREIGN LICENCES.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Piken in the chair, on the bill for compelling vessels now abroad to return home, and for preventing any citizen of the U. States from taking from any foreign power a licence to trade, &c.
Various amendments were made to the detail of the bill. The second section, which is intended to prevent vessels from navigating under a foreign licence, was amended, on motion of Mr. Story, so as to make the act a misdemeanor, to declare the vessel so offending to be forfeited, and to impose a penalty on the offender of a sum not exceeding 10,000 dollars. The 1st of October was fixed as the day after which this section should take effect.
The committee then rose and reported the bill as amended.
The House having taken up the report of the committee of the whole.
Mr. Bates wished the amendments to be negatived, as he thought the first section of the bill for compelling vessels now abroad to return home, looked to a continuance of the embargo for a longer period than he wished to contemplate. The second section he was decidedly in favor of.
Mr. Newton said if the House were in favor of the first section, he thought they should not be prevented from voting for it, because it might be made use of for electing purposes.
Mr. Darel declared himself opposed to the whole bill. If it was a part of a system, he wished to see the whole of it. It appeared to him to be the same introduced before the meat.
Mr. Story coincided with his colleague (Mr. Bates) in wishing the first section to be stricken out. He feared that an impression would be in consequence of the bill that it was intended to continue the embargo as long as the time allowed by this section (12 months) for vessels beyond the Cape of Good Hope to return. He was not prepared, at this moment, to say what vote he might give, on the further continuance of the embargo; but he was prepared to say that for eight months longer, it would not be the policy or redound to the honor of the U. States, to continue it.—It was a system which operated indirectly on the belligerents. After every means had been exhausted to preserve peace, (as was now nearly the case,) he wished to see the nation assume the same attitude, assert the same principles, and maintain the same character which marked our forefathers—the same which marked them in 1776, and vindicate our rights with honorable and open warfare.—For this reason he was opposed to the first section of the bill, because it might convey an impression which, for one, he was not willing to sanction. He did not consider the bill as connected with the embargo.
The second section was one, he said, which every man possessing the feelings of an American, ought to vote for; for the orders and decrees, to which to which the House had declared would begin abandonment of our rights, had closed every avenue of commerce. America was not destined to depend for the exercise of her maritime rights on the smiles or frowns of any foreign nation. She was destined to enjoy a free commerce, and not to take, as a boon, a licence to pursue that trade which she claimed as a right of nature—and the second section of this bill was to prevent a few, who had forfeited all title to the honorable name of Americans, by accepting foreign licences to trade, from disgracing the character of the United States. He could wish that the first section should be negatived, that Congress might not appear to have legislated on an existing fact; that nothing might be left on record to hand down to posterity the fact, that in the short period of thirty years from the declaration of our independence, there had been Americans willing to surrender it. He wished the principle of the second section to be permanent and co-existent with the constitution.
Mr. S. considered the embargo as having been a wise measure; that it had answered all the purposes of precaution; but the time would soon arrive when it must either be effectual or when its effect as a coercive measure might be doubted. He wished to do nothing which should hold out an idea that the embargo would be continued for any great length of time longer. The language made use of for party purposes, which had penetrated into every hotel and been repeated at every fireside in the country, in relation to the embargo was, that it was intended to put the northern states at the feet of the southern; that the north was to be crushed & rendered subservient to the interests of the south. Mr. Story did not believe a word of it. He had always found the southern gentlemen friends to our commercial rights; and their friendship was on record on the journals of the House. What was the embargo? A stand for commerce; a measure arising from a desire that our merchants might enjoy the benefits and the northern section of the union pursue the fair commerce designed for them by Providence; that it might not be exposed to a gradual consumption and wasting away by the belligerent effects. And it was because he believed this, that he did not with the first section to afford ground for a renewal of this clamor.
Mr. Taylor declared his opinion to be in perfect consonance with that of the gentleman from Massachusetts in regard to the continuance of the embargo. He said that before the expiration of 18 months, he also should

be prepared to engage in open and honorable warfare, if the embargo did not in a reasonable time procure a redress of our grievances. A period long short of 18 months would have exhausted the patience of the nation and tested the efficacy of the measure. Mr. T. said that there were now no vessels of the United States abroad which had not already incurred the penalties of this act by taking out a licence. If they had not, they would soon fall into the clutches of the belligerents. So that in fact the first section was a work of supererogation. The second section should be adopted independently of the embargo or any other measure. Indeed gentlemen who had voted in favor of the resolution expressive of a determination to resist the belligerent edicts, could not consistently vote against this section, for it went to resist one of the most odious parts of an edict of one of the belligerents—that part which requires our vessels to take out licences in order to pursue their fair commerce.
Mr. Darell expressed himself decidedly in favor of the principle, but did not like legislating by piece-meal, passing a section to-day and section to-morrow, a law to-day and a law to-morrow. He wished to see it connected with a general plan of resistance. Mr. Newton had no idea by the first section of this bill to pledge the house to the continuance of the embargo for 18 months. He considered it no pledge to continue it for even six or eight months. If the embargo did not operate as a coercive measure, he was prepared to take that attitude which should by force secure to us that justice we had hitherto in vain attempted to procure in another mode. If the European nations did not meet us in a short time, as they ought to do in amicable arrangements, he was prepared to "cry havoc and let loose the dogs of war." As he had no very particular partiality for the section, in order to accommodate the gentleman from Massachusetts, he would now withdraw his support of it.
Mr. Masters thought the first section of the bill was perfectly proper, and not at all indicative of an intention to continue the embargo when compared with the amendment embargo law, making gun-boats, &c. which would seem to leave no doubt on the subject. Mr. Ashmun opposed the first section but supported the second.
Mr. Troup considered the first section superfluous, for our vessels could not now continue abroad except their trade under foreign licences. Mr. Gardner defended the people of the eastern states from insinuations against their patriotism, and used some arguments, to show that angry passions should not be excited in the house but rather allayed.
Mr. Sloan said he understood some gentlemen consider the present bill as connected with the embargo; that being the case he had done with it. It was for him to know that any thing had connection with the embargo to induce him to reject it.
The House struck out the first section yeas 73.
Mr. D. R. Williams said he had just come in, & wished to understand the grounds on which the decision of the House had just now been made.
Mr. Macon made a motion that the further consideration of the subject lie on the table to give time for deliberation; which motion however he afterwards withdrew; and Mr. Jackson moved to consider the vote just taken.
This motion was supported by Messrs. Macon, Masters, Jackson and Tolland, and opposed by Messrs. Story & Rhea.
Mr. Gardner made a speech of half an hour in favor of re-consideration.
When he concluded, a quorum not being present, the house adjourned, ayes 44, at near five o'clock.
Treasury Department, Dec. 26, 1808. SIR, I have the honor to transmit herewith a statement of goods, wares and merchandise exported from U. States nominally during the year prior to the first day of October, 1808; but in fact, during the three last months of the year 1807, subsequent exportations having been prevented by the embargo.
 The goods, wares, and merchandise of domestic growth or manufacture, included in the statements, are estimated at $9,453,546  And those of foreign growth and Manufacture at 12,997,414  Amounting together to 22,450,960 
The articles of domestic growth or manufacture may be arranged under the following heads, viz.
 Produce of the sea, 852,006  Forest, 1,399,006  Agriculture, 6,746,000  Manufactures, 344,000  Uncertain, 112,000  9,453,000 
I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. The hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
FRIDAY, Dec. 30, 1808. Mr. Dawson proposed the following resolution, which was ordered to lie on the table:
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of removing the collector's office from the port of Tappahannock to that of Fredericksburg in the state of Virginia, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Coles delivered the following message from the president of the U. States, which on motion of Mr. Porter was ordered to be printed: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
At the request of the governor, the senate, and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, I communicate certain resolutions entered into by the said senate and house of representatives, and approved by the governor on the 23d inst. It cannot but be encouraging to those whom the nation has placed in the direction of their affairs, to see that their fellow-citizens will press forward in support of their country, in proportion as it is threatened by the disorganizing conduct of the other hemisphere.
TH: JEFFERSON. December 30, 1808. Thomas Jefferson, Esq. SIR, In compliance with a resolution of the senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, passed this day,
I have the honor of transmitting to you certain resolutions, with a request that you will be pleased to lay them before the congress of the U. States.
Accept assurances of high consideration and esteem, (Signed) SIMON SNYDER. Lancaster, Dec. 23, 1808.
(Here follow appropriation resolutions of the Legislature of Pennsylvania.) The following message from the president was also delivered by Mr. Coles , referred to the committee on public lands, and ordered to be printed: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
I lay before the legislature a letter from governor Claiborne, on the subject of a small tribe of Alabama Indians, on the Western side of the Mississippi, consisting of about a dozen families. Like other erratic tribes in that country, it is understood that they have hitherto moved from place to place, according to their convenience, without appropriating to themselves exclusively any particular territory; but having now become habituated to some of the occupations of civilized life, they wish for a fixed residence. I suppose it will be the interest of the United States to encourage the wandering tribes of that country to reduce themselves to fixed habitations, whenever they are so disposed. The establishment of towns and growing attachment to them, will furnish in some degree pledges of their peaceable and friendly conduct. The case of this particular tribe is now submitted to the consideration of congress.
TH: JEFFERSON. Dec. 30, 1808. Mr. Newton proposed the following resolution, which was adopted:
Resolved, That the committee on post offices and post roads be, and they are hereby instructed to bring in a bill to permit the franking of the message of the president of the United States of the 23d Dec. 1808, the documents accompanying the same, and such other documents as may be communicated by the president of the United States from time to time to both houses of congress.
Mr. Quincy presented a petition from sundry mariners, late masters, and mates of vessels, belonging to the port of Portland, [Maine] praying assistance from the general government.
Referred to the committee of Ways and Means. Mr. Helms , from the committee appointed on the petition of John Heard, reported a bill in his favor, which was read a first and second time, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next.
Mr. Wharton proposed the following resolution, which was adopted, and a committee of three appointed.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed for the purpose of considering whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to be made to the act of congress entitled "An act to amend the act entitled, 'An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio,'" passed the 22d day of March, 1808; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The amendments to the revenue bill as returned from the senate were read a first time. [The senatorial amendments authorise the employment of three instead of twelve revenue cutters.]
On motion of Mr. Nelson the unfinished business of yesterday was postponed till Monday.
Mr. Cook presented the petition of Michael Fisher and others, of the district of Maine, praying relief from certain reclamations of allowances granted on fishing vessels, &c.—Referred to the committee of claims.
On motion of Mr. Nelson the house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Mason in the chair, on the report of the committee of military and naval affairs, for raising fifty thousand volunteers, agreeably to the proposition of the secretary of war.
Mr. Nelson advocated the object of the report on the grounds that although the American people were as patriotic & even more so, than those of any other nation, and would willingly resort to the field in defence of their country, upon a sudden emergency, yet it should be necessary to have in the field a disposable military force for any length of time, it would be proper to make a more specific organization of the physical strength of the nation. As the committee had endeavored to make the resolution as unexceptionable as possible, Mr. Nelson hoped there would be no objection to the passage of it.
Mr. Quincy did not rise to oppose the measure; but merely to enquire of the chairman of the committee, who made the report, what part of the president's message did relate to military and naval establishments; for he could not find any such passage in it. He thought the resolutions in relation to the references of the several parts of the president's message had been copied from those of a former session, and called the attention of the house to the singular fact of a reference of a subject which did not exist in the message and said, that those who undertake the management of these things should well consider the subject matter before they made division of it, and caused it to be referred.
Mr. Nelson observed that the report did not so much grow out of the President's message as out of a resolution referred to a committee, which determined that measures should be taken to put the country in a state of defence.
Mr. Newton did not conceive it was material whether the president's message specially alluded to military and naval affairs or not. It was the duty of the representatives of the people to provide for the defence of the country.
Mr. Dawson said, although he did not conceive it material, yet the president's message did contain passages relative to military affairs, &c. [Mr. D. then read certain parts of the message touching detachments of militia, and recommending the adoption of measures for the security of the country.]
The report was agreed to by the committee of the whole, which then rose and reported the same to the house; when the house took the report into consideration.
Mr. Gardner rose and inveighed against the embargo policy generally; inquired what the intention was by raising those 50,000 men? was it to be war?—War (said he) in addition to the all efficient embargo! If, indeed, we were to have war, it would be necessary to raise forces. He did not like this mode of legislating, &c. Mr. G. dwelt for a considerable time in his usual strain of acrimonious invective upon the present policy of the administration.
Mr. Eppes made a very impressive speech of some duration. He ably vindicated the measures of the government, reviewed the posture of our public affairs, and depicted the menacing attitude of foreign nations towards us, thence showing the propriety of adopting the means of supporting our rights by military preparations. He quoted a passage from a public and official declaration of the Essex Junto, wherein they declare that Great Britain is justified in her orders of council by the French decrees, &c. Mr. Eppes said whoever made such assertions was a tory . It is time, said Mr. Eppes , for federalists to forget that they have lost the helm of power: it is time for the Tories to forget that we have acquired independence; and all ought to unite in support of the unalienable rights of the nation.
Mr. Quincy rose in reply. He declared that the house had put the power of regulating commerce out of their own hands, and given it to the president and twelve men. This, said he, is precisely the kind of obedience which the cross-legged Turk , and crooked-kneed Frenchman would pay to their emperors. Among other things, Mr. Quincy said he had heard it asserted by a gentleman of the majority, that it was useless to vote for a repeal of the embargo, as the president would not agree to it.
Mr. J. G. Jackson . Name the person.—[Here several persons called on Mr. Q. to name the person he alluded to.]
Mr. Quincy said it was in a private conversation out of doors.
Mr. Nicholas enquired if the gentleman was in order in referring to conversations out of doors.
Mr. Speaker said, gentlemen were frequently in the habit of introducing matters out of the house, such as publications in newspapers, &c. He was rather of opinion, however, that it was not strictly in order to refer to points & circumstances which were foreign to the proceedings of the house.
Mr. G. W. Campbell called upon Mr. Q. to say if he alluded to him? Other gentlemen might take it in what light they pleased.
Mr. Quincy said he would gratify him.—He did not allude to Mr. C. Mr. Q. said he understood gentlemen. It was not this allusion, but the strength of his argument that made him wince.
Mr. Quincy was proceeding to argue the unconstitutionality of the embargo laws, when
Mr. Jackson called to order. He said, on every question that came before the house the embargo was brought up. There had been much departure from order, not only in the house but in the galleries; and with respect to the latter, the disorder came from a quarter whence, above all others, it ought not to have proceeded: from British subjects , certain of whom, while the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes ) was speaking, had made disturbance.
Mr. Speaker gave the door keeper orders to keep an eye to the galleries, and give notice of any improper behavior, that means might be taken to check it.
Mr. Jackson (continuing) said his object was to know, whether in discussing a question for raising 50,000 men, it was in order to enter into an enquiry relative to the constitutionality of the embargo?
Mr. Speaker said it was difficult to draw a precise line, gentlemen having indulged in such a wide latitude.
Mr. Quincy , (after some explanations from Mr. Eppes , with respect to the tenor of his argument) proceeded, for a short time, with regard to the unconstitutionality of the embargo, &c.
Mr. Macon moved to strike out of the resolution the words "fifty thousand," and the words "two years," so as to leave blanks in their places.
On the question for striking out the first, it was negative—47 to 47—the speaker voting in the negative.
On the question to strike out the second, it was carried. Ayes 52, Noes 49.
The resolution was then passed. Ayes 76, Noes 34.
On motion of Mr. Nelson , the resolution was referred to the same committee, who reported it to draft a bill.
Mr. Rhea from the committee of post offices and post roads, reported a bill in conformity to the resolution offered to day for franking public documents.
It was read, and ordered to be engrossed, when the house adjourned.
Mr. Jackson is understood here to allude to a certain individual or individuals attached to, or resident with the English legation, of whose unmeritorious conduct in the galleries, we have more than once received authentic assurances. We have hitherto forborne to notice their conduct, because the men themselves are really of no significance: but if ever another instance occurs, we will point them out merely to mark the spirit prevailing in that quarter.—Monitor.
wards us, thence showing the propriety of adopting the means of supporting our rights by military preparations. He quoted a passage from a public and official declaration of the Essex Junto, wherein they declare that Great Britain is justified in her orders of council by the French decrees, &c. Mr. Eppes said whoever made such assertions was a tory . It is time, said Mr. Eppes , for federalists to forget that they have lost the helm of power: it is time for the Tories to forget that we have acquired independence; and all ought to unite in support of the unalienable rights of the nation.
Mr. Quincy rose in reply. He declared that the house had put the power of regulating commerce out of their own hands, and given it to the president and twelve men. This, said he, is precisely the kind of obedience which the cross-legged Turk , and crooked-kneed Frenchman would pay to their emperors. Among other things, Mr. Quincy said he had heard it asserted by a gentleman of the majority, that it was useless to vote for a repeal of the embargo, as the president would not agree to it.
Mr. J. G. Jackson . Name the person.—[Here several persons called on Mr. Q. to name the person he alluded to.]
Mr. Quincy said it was in a private conversation out of doors.
Mr. Nicholas enquired if the gentleman was in order in referring to conversations out of doors.
Mr. Speaker said, gentlemen were frequently in the habit of introducing matters out of the house, such as publications in newspapers, &c. He was rather of opinion, however, that it was not strictly in order to refer to points & circumstances which were foreign to the proceedings of the house.
Mr. G. W. Campbell called upon Mr. Q. to say if he alluded to him? Other gentlemen might take it in what light they pleased.
Mr. Quincy said he would gratify him.—He did not allude to Mr. C. Mr. Q. said he understood gentlemen. It was not this allusion, but the strength of his argument that made him wince.
Mr. Quincy was proceeding to argue the unconstitutionality of the embargo laws, when
Mr. Jackson called to order. He said, on every question that came before the house the embargo was brought up. There had been much departure from order, not only in the house but in the galleries; and with respect to the latter, the disorder came from a quarter whence, above all others, it ought not to have proceeded: from British subjects , certain of whom, while the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes ) was speaking, had made disturbance.
Mr. Speaker gave the door keeper orders to keep an eye to the galleries, and give notice of any improper behavior, that means might be taken to check it.
Mr. Jackson (continuing) said his object was to know, whether in discussing a question for raising 50,000 men, it was in order to enter into an enquiry relative to the constitutionality of the embargo?
Mr. Speaker said it was difficult to draw a precise line, gentlemen having indulged in such a wide latitude.
Mr. Quincy , (after some explanations from Mr. Eppes , with respect to the tenor of his argument) proceeded, for a short time, with regard to the unconstitutionality of the embargo, &c.
Mr. Macon moved to strike out of the resolution the words "fifty thousand," and the words "two years," so as to leave blanks in their places.
On the question for striking out the first, it was negative—47 to 47—the speaker voting in the negative.
On the question to strike out the second, it was carried. Ayes 52, Noes 49.
The resolution was then passed. Ayes 76, Noes 34.
On motion of Mr. Nelson , the resolution was referred to the same committee, who reported it to draft a bill.
Mr. Rhea from the committee of post offices and post roads, reported a bill in conformity to the resolution offered to day for franking public documents.
It was read, and ordered to be engrossed, when the house adjourned.
Mr. Jackson is understood here to allude to a certain individual or individuals attached to, or resident with the English legation, of whose unmeritorious conduct in the galleries, we have more than once received authentic assurances. We have hitherto forborne to notice their conduct, because the men themselves are really of no significance: but if ever another instance occurs, we will point them out merely to mark the spirit prevailing in that quarter.—Monitor.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JANUARY 3, 1809.
PROCEEDINGS IN THE H. OF DELEGATES. Brief sketch of the proceedings in the House of Delegates, on Friday last, on taking up the preamble to the Report of the committee of general relations:
Mr. Shelley observed, that this Preamble seemed to settle the question, which action had been first in it, in the system of blockades; that this was an important discrimination, though unnecessary to be made at the present time. Why, therefore, among the belligerents had been the first aggressor? We had certainly received wrongs enough from the hands of both. He therefore moved to strike out the following words in the 5th paragraph, after the word "retaliation"—"As if France, and not herself had been the mistress of this invention"—and also the word "however" in the following sentence.
Mr. S. observed, that by striking out those words, it would leave it undetermined and hanging in doubt, which had been the first aggressor; that we ought to be impartial between both nations, because the government of this country had been frequently charged with partiality toward one of the belligerents.
Mr. Shelley's amendment was LOST. Mr. Mordaunt stated, that he had proposed on a former occasion to strike out certain words from the Preamble—but that he was satisfied from what he had then seen and since, that no such motion would be successful; that gentlemen had indeed talked of harming, but that he knew enough of Party Spirit to be satisfied that his motion for amendment would be unavailing; he should not therefore renew his motion this day—he should, however, vote against the Preamble in toto, for it was a rule with him not to swallow in the lump, any matter which was obnoxious to his sentiments.
Mr. Parker (of Westmoreland) thought the Report so excellent, that he should scarcely hope to improve it—but still there
were some few ideas, which he wished incorporated with it—they would better shew the manner in which foreign nations had treated the United States.
Mr. P. stated, that his object was, to make certain passages in the Preamble (which he read) more definite & explicit in their statements: that though the Berlin Decree was issued in November 1806, it was not put into execution against the U. States, till the case of the Horizon , which case was not known to the British government, at the time when their orders of council were issued; that in this Report the grounds on which they had been issued, were called "a hackneyed & iniquitous pretext of retaliation;" but he wished to show why this was a "hackneyed and iniquitous pretext;" for he conceived, that if the Berlin Decree had gone into execution, it would have afforded G. Britain some colour of justification: The pretext of retaliation, though ever so hackneyed, would not have been so iniquitous.—There was another important fact omitted in this Report, that seven days after a treaty of Amity and Commerce had been signed by the British commissioners, the British orders of January were issued. He wished to put this fact also in a clearer point of view, and to show that this aggression upon the rights of his country, was not only unsupported by any pretext of retaliation, but that it was in the very face of a treaty of Amity and Commerce, so recently signed by the British Commissioners. He should therefore move the following amendments. To strike out the following sentences from the 7th paragraph:
"From the impotence of the French fleet, that decree had very little other effect towards us, than to display the hostility and injustice of the government from which it proceeded. To G. Britain, however, it answered an important purpose; it furnished her with a pretext to crown her grand project of re-colonizing the United States. Accordingly, on the hackneyed and iniquitous pretext of retaliation, she issued against us her orders of council of January and Nov. 1807."
And insert the following as a substitute:
"Your Committee, however, think it proper to remark, that this decree, tho' dated the 21st of November 1806, was not enforced against American Commerce, until the Sept. following, in the case of the Horizon ." The dep. they are willing to ascribe, not at all, to the liberty, but at least to the insidious policy of the French government. Her hostility and injustice have been sufficiently manifested towards us in her previous and subsequent conduct. The fact is only important, as it takes from the British government, even the shadow of pretence for her fashions Orders of Council, and more clearly evinces the motives which dictated them. These orders which were intended to crown her grand project of re-colonizing the U. States, are dated in January and November, 1807. Those of January were issued at a time when it was believed, even in England, that the emperor of France would not attempt to give to the Berlin decree, any other than a municipal and harmless effect: and what is more extraordinary, only seven days after a treaty of Amity and Commerce with this country had been signed by the British commissioners. The Orders of Nov. bear date on the very day that Mr. Armstrong became officially acquainted with the first unfriendly decision of the French council of prizes under the decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806; and therefore affords the strongest ground of presumption, that these orders, as well as those of January preceding, were issued without reference to the conduct of France towards Neutral Commerce. The hackneyed and iniquitous pretext of retaliation was, notwithstanding, resorted to, by her, with as much unblushing effrontery, as if the facts justified, instead of disproving the assertion; and her Orders of Council were instantly enforced against American property. By, &c."
Mr. P. said that these facts were susceptible of proof, from the public documents which had been submitted to every American Citizen; he might prove them by the Note of the British Commissioners; by the evidence of the British merchants; examined before the House of Commons; they had clearly proved, that the Berlin decree had not gone into execution; insurance had not risen, and therefore his amendment had stated, that that fact had been known in Great Britain. He should prove them, by Mr. Armstrong's letter of November 12, 1807, in which he says that "he had been yesterday furnished with the first unfriendly decision" under the Berlin decree; which clearly proves that the British orders had been issued on the very day that Mr. Armstrong had received notice of the execution of the Berlin decree; so that Great Britain did not issue her orders on the principle of retaliation, but on a plan of aggression previously settled. These facts too, did not vindicate the conduct of France; because the amendment expressly states, that it was not from any liberality or generosity on her part, that her decree had not gone into execution. He was not therefore the apologist of France.
A short discussion here took place, respecting the time, when Mr. Armstrong received notice of the case of the Horizon , as well as the time, when the case was decided.
Mr. Peyton made several remarks, to show that the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Westmoreland, was perfectly unnecessary. The Report itself had intimated that the Berlin decree was a mere pretext for the British orders in council.
The amendment was LOST. The question was then taken on adopting the Preamble, on which question Mr. Verby called for the Ayes and Noes.—They were as follows:
Ayes—Hugh Nelson (Speaker) Rice Garland, James Robertson, Joseph C. Cabell, Jacob Rooney, Robert Givens, Jabez Leftwich, Isaac Otey, David Rowland, Moses Congleton, George Holmgren, James Harrison, John Pittman, David Paterson, Edward Watts, William Roane, William Jones, John Christian, Williamson Price, Joseph Wyatt, Matthew Cheatham, Beverley C. Stuart, John Hatton, Jeaman Baker, John Roberts, George F. Strother, Robert Peppard, Charles K. Maclay, Samuel Watts, John Jones, Thompson Mason, George Graham, John Edmunds, John Willis, John Poindexter, Charles Brent, Jr., William Gaston, Robert Innes, John Graftway, Thomas Byrd, John Underwood, Martin Dickinson, John Blair, Dennis M'Laughlin, Joshua C. Lundy, Thomas Simms, Joseph Sanford, William Donelson, John Higgins, William B. Dickerson, John Swoe, Elias Lawther, Gervase Scott, Nathaniel Sedden, George Harrison, J. Thomas Pugh, Charles Wilson, William Lightfoot, Smith Slaughter, Carter Willis, Edmund M'Gowan, John H. Smith, Caleb Smith, William D. Lewis, John H. Philip, Asaph Ayles, Martin Sherman, William Verby, Francis T. Smith, Richard Harris, David R. Tally, John C. Ramsey, Francis Harris, David M'Gowan, Richard Wynn, Robert Hill, William M'Gowan, John M'Cutcheon, Perrin Smith, James D. Jones, Francis L. Walker, Richard M. Jones, John Justice, Andrew Beattie, Isaac Estlin, James Congd, Fisher Dashiell, Lemuel Redman, William C. Hott, Thomas Harvey, Finan Beck.
The Horizon was not condemned by the Council of Prizes, till the 10th of Oct. 1807.—On this decision

EUROPE.
EXPOSITION
Of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the Crown of Spain, and the means adopted by the Emperor of the French to carry it into execution—by Don Pedro Cevallos, first secretary of state, and dispatches, to his Catholic Majesty, Ferdinand VII.
(CONTINUED.)
It was easy to foresee that the freedom of the Junta would not be respected, since, notwithstanding all the offers and assurances of the emperor, the liberty of the sovereign was violated at Bayonne; and that the noble designs of some members of the same assembly would be obstructed (although boldly declared) by the irresistible power of the representative of the emperor.
The king was surprised that the Junta had not written; and the following post, when his majesty had come to a determination in consequence, without losing a moment, sent a royal order to the Junta, that they should execute whatever was expedient for the service of the king and the kingdom, and that, for that purpose, they should employ all the powers which his majesty would possess, as if he were himself resident in the kingdom.
Nothing could be written that could be more intelligible. The security of the means of communication diminished every moment; for I could not expect that the emperor would regard the sacredness of a correspondence, since he paid no respect to the person of the sovereign to whom it was subversive.
The Junta, notwithstanding, thought it was necessary to consult his majesty, and to obtain his orders as to various measures, which appeared to them necessary for the salvation of the country; and, for this purpose, they sent to Bayonne a confidential person of known zeal in the royal service, to transmit, verbally, to the king the following propositions:
1. Whether his majesty thought fit to authorize the Junta to substitute, in case of need, some person or persons of their own body, or otherwise, to hold a council, in a secure situation, where it could freely act; and they entreated his majesty to signify who should compose the council for that purpose, should he think the measure expedient.
2. Whether it was the wish of his majesty that hostilities should be commenced against the French army; and in that case, when & how the purpose should be executed.
3. Whether it were likewise the wish of the king that we should endeavor to prevent the entrance of more French troops into Spain, by guarding the passes on the frontier.
4. Whether his majesty thought it would be right to convoke the Cortes, for which purpose a decree of his majesty would be necessary, addressed to the royal council. It being possible that at the arrival of the answer of the king, the Junta would not be at liberty to act, they asked whether any chancery or audience of the kingdom should be empowered, which was not within the reach of the French troops. Further, if the Cortes should be assembled, on what subject of discussion it should proceed.
This person charged with these propositions, arrived at Bayonne on the 4th of May, at night; he came to me immediately, and having disclosed to me his business, I introduced him to his majesty without losing a moment.
The king having taken into consideration the four propositions submitted to his attention, by the Junta, sent in answer, two royal decrees in the morning of the following day, the one written by his majesty with his own hand, directed to the Junta of Government; the other signed by his majesty ("Yo el Rey") addressed, in the first instance, to the council, and next to any chancery or audience of the kingdom which should not be under restraint.
These original decrees, dispatched by me with all care, & under secure conduct, it is well known, arrived in the hands of one of the members of the Junta, who is now absent, and whose name was first mentioned, but the Junta is apprised that he made no use of it, nor did he ever send to the council the decree which was addressed to it.
The minutes of these two decrees are not in my possession, because the critical situation of the king at Bayonne, and the necessity of avoiding the exposition of his views, obliged me to destroy them. Notwithstanding this, I preserved them in my memory, and they are justified and certified by the three secretaries of his majesty, D. Eusebio Bardaxi Azara, D. Luis de Onis, & D. Evaristo Perez de Castro, who were with me at Bayonne, and saw and read the two original decrees, the substance of which is as follows:
The king said to the Junta of Government that he was not in a state of freedom, and consequently, incapable of taking any measures for the preservation of the royal person and the monarchy. On that account the Junta was entrusted with most ample powers to repair to any place that should be deemed most convenient; that in the name of his majesty, and representing his own person, they might exercise all the functions of sovereignty; that hostilities should commence the moment when his majesty should proceed to the interior of France, which he would not do, unless obliged by violence. Lastly, that in such a case, the Junta should prevent, in the best manner they could, the introduction of more troops into the Peninsula.
In the decree directed to the royal council, and next, to any chancery or audience, his majesty said, that in the situation in which he found himself, deprived of his liberty, it was his royal will that the Cortes should be assembled in such place as should appear most convenient; that at first, they should occupy themselves exclusively in attending to the levies & subsidies necessary for the defence of the kingdom, & that their sitting should be permanent to determine what should be done on future events.
The Cabinet Courier conveying this royal order was intercepted, on which account, I sent a duplicate, which was received by the Junta, the memorandum of which I have not been able to preserve.
When these two royal decrees came to the hands of the Junta, the Grand Duke of Berg had been for some days president; and the affair of the 2d of May had taken place. The emperor, after the departure of the Royal Parents, precipitately and indistinctly forced from the capital all the members of the royal family, & sent them to Bayonne. But yet he had to take the important step of taking complete possession of the government, in order to which the bloody scene of the 2d of May was exhibited; a scene of horror & tragedy, similar to what the modern French have executed in other countries, with similar designs.
The perfect agreement between the recommendation of the king given to the Junta in his royal decree of the 2d of May, and the determination of his faithful vassals, is very remarkable. We have seen that all the provinces of the monarchy rose spontaneously to resist the oppressor, without having any knowledge of the will of their sovereign.
We, the three Secretaries of the King, for Decrees, certify that we have seen and read in Bayonne, the two original Decrees sent by his majesty Ferdinand VII. on the 4th of May, in this year, which are mentioned above; and the substance of the contents of them, as far as we can collect, is the same as is here stated.
The disgraceful means, of which the emperor availed himself to obtain the renunciation of the crown of Spain in his favor, have already been known; but the violence of Bonaparte, to accomplish his purposes did not terminate there, as he was by the extravagance of his ambition, he could yet discern how easily these acts of renunciation would be disposed of; and therefore he endeavored to confirm them by the means of a council, which he called a National Assembly, & which was to be convened at Bayonne.
He named about 150 Spaniards, of different classes, to conditions, and corporations, to constitute this assembly, but only about 90 were convened. A part of these, representing some cities, tribunals, or public bodies, brought with them instructions in the nature of powers given them by those whom they represented, but wholly insufficient to answer the purpose intended. The ministers of the council, without any powers of instructions whatever, a precaution adopted by this tribunal, in conformity to the opinion of its commissioners, in order to avoid all involuntary compromises. Most of the deputies had no other powers than merely an order to take their departure, and many of them did not belong to any public body, or acknowledged class of the community.
The emperor fully expected, from the acquiescence of these individuals, a mark under which to conceal his usurpation. But he was utterly deceived. Instead of finding weak men convenient to the designs of his mercenary ambition, he was met by ministers incorruptible, grandees worthy of their rank, and representatives who were faithful defenders of their country. They all, with one accord, informed him that they held powers much restricted, that they were the legitimate representatives of Spain, and they could not compromise her rights.
These and other similar reflections were treated with insolence in the tribunal of the usurper, who, far from being disconcerted, altho' means of oppression, flattering himself that by victories on the one hand and corruption on the other, he should so color over injustice, that he would not be considered by the world as the subverter of general tranquility.
I do not enter into the particulars that occurred in the congress; but one of the ministers of the council of Castile, who does so much honor to his robe, will satisfy the curiosity of the public as to this particular.
I ought not to omit what I have suffered for my king and country; the truth is, I have not suffered, for all I have done has been required by my most sacred duties. It was to me the highest satisfaction to see my lodging in Bayonne surrendered by the satellites of government; to these spies succeeded, who abound always where there are in authority who in history usurp the characters of heroes. My steps were reckoned—any visits observed, espionage, under the mask of compassion, approached to examine the secrets of my soul; but nothing disturbed the tranquility of my mind. What I could not behold with patience, was to see myself condemned to confinement within the frontiers of France, until the emperor should consider that my narration of the scandalous proceedings could not destroy the lofty fabric of the new Spanish monarchy. In vain for two months, I applied to the minister of foreign affairs with the utmost importunity to be permitted to return to my beloved country; the determined resistance I made to the attempt of usurpation made the French government deaf to my entreaties, believing, not without good reason, that I should endeavor to inflame heroism in my country, denominated insurrection in the journals of Bayonne.
In such unfavorable circumstances, a mode presented itself to me of avoiding a state of indefinite banishment. Such were the repeated entreaties of Joseph Napoleon that I should continue with him in the situation of minister, to which I acceded with repugnance and from constraint, but without prejudice of my right to abandon it at a convenient opportunity.
This opportunity occurred the moment I set foot in Madrid. From that instant I only thought of availing myself of the most early means of resigning my new character, which I did in the manner shown in document No. 12.
Joseph Napoleon could not be grieved at the disappearance of a minister who so frequently opposed his wishes, and who, in the opinion of some of those who immediately surrounded him, was a Quixote in his maxims, who could not comprehend the sublime intentions of the greatest of heroes in favor of the regeneration of Spain.
I have shown in this narrative with clearness and fidelity, the series of the principal events in this important epoch, carefully avoiding to enter into minute particulars foreign to my object, or which should make this exposition too prolix; and I have endeavored to place before my readers, in its true point of view, all the injustice and violence with which the French government has conducted itself towards our beloved sovereign, and the whole nation.
It has already been proved that the renunciation of Charles IV. in favor of his son Ferdinand VII. is vitiated in no respect. In the slight sketch which we have drawn of the perfidious and deceitful arts with which the emperor has made the progress we have seen, the series of atrocious insults offered to Spain, and to the unfortunate King Ferdinand VII. remains depicted in indelible colors.
The Emperoralarm Charles IV. in order that he may induce him to take flight for America, with all the royal family, and abandon the Peninsula to the former; he lights up the flame of discord between the royal parents and their child, in order to debilitate Spain, dividing it into parties, after having disgraced the royal persons; he draws Ferdinand VII. from his court by false promises; he makes him captive at Bayonne, and when he saw that the virtue of the young King, knew how to resist his designs, and that Ferdinand could not be induced to renounce his crown, he occasioned him to be brought to Bayonne, with all the other persons of the royal family, as if to present them bound, before the imperial tribunal which was both judge and party in the same cause. He endeavors to deprive the parents of the sensibilities of nature, and forces them to become the instruments of the oppression of their child. From the latter, he extorts a renunciation, the most irregular and illicit transactions amongst the affairs of men; and by a series of abdications, exacted by the same illegal and violent expedients, he believes that he has become the proprietor of the crown of Spain; he transfers it to his brother, without considering the infamy to which he would be exposed in the cabinets of Europe, by the usurpation of the throne of a monarch, his friend and ally.
Who can doubt, from this clear evidence, that the renunciation executed by Ferdinand VII. in favor of his august father, and that which succeeded in favor of the Emperor, are absolute nullities? Who will doubt but that if the last should have emanated from a free exercise of the will, the rights of the
dynasty of Bourbon are not prejudiced by it? (Who does not know, that in case of the extinction of such a family, and by the very establishment of the Spanish monarchy, the nation alone can invite another dynasty, or can introduce such a form of government as it shall most approve?
In another part of this narrative, I have shown that Ferdinand VII. was too honorable to suppose, that the Emperor could entertain such atrocious designs. The king desired to free Spain from the oppression of the French troops; it was promised him that this and all other matters should be regulated with the Emperor, and that he should return to his kingdom with the fruit of his exertions for the good of his vassals; and no hour of his life was unreasonable to him to exert himself for their happiness. This I saw, and can testify. During his confinement, nothing reflected his generous heart, so much as the sufferings of his people; and when his liberty began to be doubtful, he adopted the means the most agreeable to his paternal solicitude: such was the order which he gave for the regency, naturally sought, when his freedom was interrupted; and such was the command, that the Cortes should be assembled to determine those questions, which in their proper places have been noticed.
Valor and patriotism, have successfully armed the whole nation in its own defence, and for the protection of their legitimate sovereign, although the people had no knowledge of the will of their beloved Ferdinand as to this movement. That patriotism, united to wisdom, will impel them irresistibly to perform with promptitude, the most important work of the central governments or regency, which may administer the affairs of the kingdom, in the name of his majesty.
Thus will be completed for the advantage of all, the last expression of the will of the king, which he condescended to use, the moment before he was forced to renounce the crown; thus will the nation be preserved from this dreadful tempest; it will have exhibited before Europe, an example of loyalty, honor and generous energy, which will be the subject of admiration in every age and in every country.
PEDRO CEVALLOS. MADRID, Sept. 1, 1808. (To be continued.)
IN PURSUANCE of a deed of trust executed to the undersigned, by John Harper, to secure the payment of the sum of £56:0:11, due to Thomas Perkinson, will be exposed for sale, for cash, to the highest bidder, at Thomas Perkinson's Store, in the county of Amelia, on Friday, the 6th day of January next, the following SLAVES, to wit: John, Rachel and Betty, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt, with the interest and the costs necessarily incurred, by carrying the said Trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Newtooway.
SYD. MOTTELEY, THOMPSON SLOLY, PETER KISON, Trustees.
dec. 17. oaw3w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE—The owner has become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3m
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
NO JAMES WELCH, FORMERLY OF GREEN BRIER COUNTY, VIRGINIA—STRAA. I know not the place of your present residence; and believe you to be no longer an inhabitant of this State; I take this mode of informing you that, I shall on the 5th day of January next, take the deposition of Samuel McCraw, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, holden at Richmond, where in Lam plaintiff, and yourself and others defendants. Which deposition will be taken at the Office of the said McCraw, in the City of Richmond, between the hours of six in the morning, and six in the evening, when and where you may attend if you please. SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond, Nov. 1. [law5:3:3m]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Gerard Banks, to secure the payment of several sums of money, due to John L. Harris & Co. which deed has been transferred to Wm. G. Pomfret: Will be sold on the premises, on the 21st day of January next, to answer the purposes specified in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money, so much of a tract of LAND, in said deed mentioned, containing seven hundred and eighty-four acres, lying in the county of Goochland, adjoining the Lands of Geo. W. Payne, Duiguid Mims, Eileen Mims, and others, as may be necessary to pay the balance due on said deed, which is about $1200, and the expenses attending the sale. The subscribers acting as trustees, and being no way interested, will convey to the purchaser, such title only as accrued to them by virtue of the deed of trust aforesaid. Wm. MILLER. FREDERICK HARPIS, Trustees. dec. 20. oaw4w
EDUCATION—The Subscriber will continue his SCHOOL at Mr Wm. D. Taylor's, in the Forks of Hanover, which will commence the 9th day of January next, where he will teach youth to Read and Write, the English and Latin Languages Gramatically, and will also instruct them in Arithmetic and Geography. Mr Taylor will furnish board for sixteen pupils. The terms of Board and Tuition will be ninety dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly, if Mr. Taylor furnishes board, bed and candles; but where the pupil finds his own bed, washing, mending and candles, a deduction of ten dollars will be made. The terms of tuition alone, will be twenty dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly. Particular attention will be paid to the health and morals of such pupils as may be entrusted to the care and instruction of the Subscriber. HENRY ROBINSON. [law9:1]
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Store-rooms, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice-House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. JOHN ELLIS. nov. 25. [oaw7f]
EDUCATION—The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher, and solicits a continuance of their patronage; he hopes, that from his experience and diligence in his profession, he shall be able to give general satisfaction. He proposes to continue his SCHOOL, the ensuing year, for the instruction of boys in the Greek, Latin and English Languages, Geography, and the use of the Globes, the elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying, also the elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the sixteenth of January, and expire about the tenth of December following. THOS. NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, } oaw4w dec. 15th, 1808.
EDUCATION—The Subscriber intends to continue his SCHOOL the ensuing year, at the Green Springs in Louisa county, where a course of Education, embracing the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages will commence on the 9th of January. This healthy situation, entirely removed from every kind of vice, offers particular advantages to gentlemen who live in towns, (too commonly the seats of dissipation,) or the unhealthy parts of the lower country, and wish to have their sons educated without incurring the risk of having their morals corrupted or their health impaired. The subscriber will pay the strictest attention, both to the morals and education of his pupils, which he will be enabled to do at all times, as none will be admitted, except such as live with him in the boarding-house, kept by Col. Morris, exclusively for the accommodation of the boys. The subscriber has in a former publication, produced testimonials of his attention & qualifications as a Tutor, which will, upon application, be enclosed to any person wishing to entrust pupils to his care. The terms will be, for board £23 per annum, (each boarder finding his own bed,) washing and mending £4 and tuition £19—One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. No scholar will be admitted for a shorter term than one year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county. FRANCIS F. MAURY. nov. 4. [law5:3:4]
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808. Niataat Bramham, Plaintiff—against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett heir of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Minan Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clifton Hodges and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants.
The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: On motion of the Plaintiff, by his Counsel; It is ordered, That the said Defendants do appear here on or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the Bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public news paper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX' G. GARRETT, D. C. december 13. oaw6w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or six years old, five feet ten or ten inches high, street made, has a burn on his left elbow, which prevents him from stretching his arm, and always carries it crooked; one of his under fore teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place and Hagerstown in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any good in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same. GILAS CORDLE. dec. 17. oaw2m
THE subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale, — 10 Hogsheads, and 9 Barrels Loaf Sugar, 15 Hhds. Brown Sugar of superior quality, 10 Barrels prime Green Coffee, 20 Bags of superior white do. 20 Hhds. Molasses, 9 Casks old Port Wine, of superior quality in Bottles, 6 Casks Stoughton's Bitters, containing 2 doz. Pint Bottles each, 3 Do. Raspberry Brandy, 3 Do. Methylene, Choice old Cogniac Brandy in Pipes, Holland and Country Gin in Do. Candles and Soap in boxes, Ground Ginger in Kees, &c. &c. ALSO: 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, with a very general assortment of coarse Wools, all of which will be sold low for cash, or on short credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONCURE. december 27. oaw4w
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business, and an unexceptionable COOK; and for sale, the best male House Servant in Virginia; Also, 35 Virginia Bank Shares, for cash by P. & M. dec. 27.
NOTICE.—On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amherst, sundry valuable PROPERTY, to wit: The Stock of Cattle, Hogs, Horses and Sheep, the crop of Corn, Fodder, Shucks, &c. and about 200 bushels of Wheat, plantation Utensils, and about 20 likely young Negroes—Terms of sale—one third cash, and the balance in 12 months.
At the same time, will be offered for sale, the above mentioned tract of LAND, upon a credit of one, two and three years. Persons disposed to purchase this Land, had better view the same before the day of sale. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required.
All those indebted to the said estate, will please make immediate payment, & those having claims, will present them on or before the day of sale. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, dec. 13. oaw6w
GORDON, TROKES & Co. have put a stop to the sale of their GOODS, on the long credits heretofore given; and are desirous to close, as soon as possible, the debts due to them, and the former firm of R. Gordon & Co.—Those indebted to them, who are unable to make immediate payment, are requested to close their accounts by bond. They offer for sale, their assortment of DRY GOODS & GROCERIES, for cash, or on short credit to punctual people. JOHN ELLIS. nov. 25. [oaw7f]
RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The Subscriber takes this early opportunity of informing the public, that he has leased the RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, and he pledges himself that no pains or expense will be spared on his part, to give general satisfaction to those who may visit said Springs. There are six additional houses now building, which, together with the buildings already completed, will enable him to accommodate one hundred Boarders, with their servants, comfortably. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing of the valuable properties of said Waters, as the benefits experienced by persons visiting them, have already spread their fame through the greater part of the United States. Letters and News-Papers directed to the visitors at said Springs, will be delivered at the place once a week. There will be a Store kept at said Springs, containing a general assortment of Goods, Medicine, &c. ISAAC ESTILL. dec. 17. oaw3w
HAT MANUFACTORY.—GILBERT & GRAVEN, being about to establish a HAT MANUFACTORY in the city of Richmond, nearly opposite the street leading from Col. Mayo's Bridge, with a determined resolution to do justice to those who may favor them with their custom—They flatter themselves that their knowledge and long experience in their business, together with the punctuality, neatness and dispatch with which their work will be executed, will justify their claim to public patronage—they inform the public that they now have a large quantity of the best country made Wool Hats, and a tolerable assortment of Fine Hats. Their Manufactory will be in operation in a few weeks, when they will be able to make their assortment complete, and comply with any orders they may receive. dec. 24. oaw3w
P. S. They have a strong new Pennsylvania made WAGON for sale at $130.
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Fisher's Book Store, adjoining the Market-bridge) Part 3 of Vol. 1 of HENNING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound in silk. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 300 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost ne part payment for the volume. nov. 1. [law1]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the fourth day of January next, on the premises, a BRICK HOUSE, and half of the LOTT, No. **, in the city of Richmond, which formerly belonged to the estate of John Pendleton, Esq. dec'd, and is situated between the tenement now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Turner, and the house of Mr. Orms Paine, in which Mr. Esmond resides. At the same time and place, will be sold, 83 acres LAND, lying on the three hundred road, being the upper part of the tract formerly belonging to said Pendleton's estate, & distinguished in the survey made by Richard Young, by number 5—A credit of 6 and twelve months will be allowed the purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, as best interest from the date, and a deed of trust on the property. P. P. & JOHNSTON. nov. 29. oaw4w
PROFERRAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. dec. 15. [oaw1]
YOUNG LADIES BOARDING-SCHOOL, WARRENTON.—Embraced by the general approbation which was expressed by those patrons of Literature and Arts who honored this institution by their attendance in the late public recitations, and grateful for the examinations they bestowed while viewing the exhibition of penmanship, needlework, embroidery, &c. &c. I venture again to offer my services in the discharge of those duties which have occupied a material part of my latter years.
Stimulated by the prospect of meeting the support I have hitherto received, and contemplating the pleasures I have in view, by further contributing to the benefit of the rising generation; I intend dedicating my whole time to the improvement and satisfaction of such Young Ladies as may be entrusted to my care; assuring their parents, guardians, &c. that it shall be my constant study to discover the turn or bent of their minds; that where it is necessary, I may be able, by gentle and persuasive means, to inculcate their dispositions as to induce them to wish to learn; and where the propensity is already discernible, to heighten it by just commendation, that it may become more sedulously emulous.
The utmost caution shall be used to preserve them in health, to impress them with just notions of piety and virtue, and to make them understand the necessity of attending to moral and domestic economy. In fine, such will be my pride to give entire satisfaction, that they shall know no other difference by being from home, than the absence from their parents, &c. and being obliged to attend diligently to the orders and regulations of this institution.
As viewing what has been done, is a better criterion than any other whereby to judge what may be attained, the subscribers beg leave to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that a specimen, the performance of a Young Lady of that city, who was only eighteen months at the above Seminary, may be seen on application at Mr. Archibald Nisbet's, Merchant in Richmond. SARAH FALKENBER.
Every possible exertion is employed to procure a discreet & properly qualified person to teach Music. The School will be opened on the first day of January next.
The terms for tuition, board, washing, lodging, &c. &c. are one hundred and five dollars. For day scholars twenty dollars per annum. The house is remarkably commodious and well constructed for the preservation of health. Warrenton, North-Carolina, } dec. 19th, 1808. 1aw4w
MUSICK.—JOHN F. ABERCROMBE, having returned from his tour to the Northward, begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public, that he still continues teaching, in this city, on the Piano, Violin and Guitar. He likewise teaches instruments as formerly, and respectfully solicits the favor of their patronage. Applications at Messrs. Prichard & Adams, Mr. Pleasants's, and Mr. Shields's, will be duly attended to. dec. 24. oaw1m
N. B. Mr. Abercromby could conveniently attend three or four pupils in Manchester.
WISH to hire 10 MEN and 5 BOYS, the ensuing year, to work in a Brick Yard. JOHN P. SHELDON. dec. 31. oaw3w
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Strabrock, dec'd, are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have claims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he intends closing his executorship. JAMES STRABROOK. december 31. oaw4w