The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-07-25 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 23.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
FOR LONDON. The fast sailing American ship VERNON , Captain DeCost, lying at Bermuda, will sail for the 1st August. For passage only, (having excellent accommodations,) apply to the Captain on board, or to WILLIAM BROWN & Co. Richmond, July 15.
WANTED IMMEDIATELY, An Active Young Man to act as a BAR-KEEPER , to whom liberal wages will be given. Enquire at the Eagle Tavern. July 22. (if.)
NOTICE. The Subscriber is compelled by various causes, to decline acting in future under any power of Attorney, for transferring stock or receiving dividends in the Bank of Virginia. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. July 22. (2c.)
RAN Away from the Coal Pits in January last, a negro man named BILLY ; he is a very likely fellow, about 20, is rather tall, has a roman nose, eyes rather large, fine teeth, and a pretty dark complexion. He has a stern look, and a leer when spoken to. It is probable he is in Petersburg, or its vicinity, as he has been seen there and has a father belonging to Mrs. Clarke at Conjuror's Neck. Ten dollars will be given for apprehending and securing him in jail; notice thereof being given to HENRY HETH. Chesterfield, July 22. (3r.)
TO BE RENTED —The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time. J. PENN. April 11. (f)
NOTICE. The partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William M'Kenzie the acting partner of William M'Kenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made. JOHN BUTLER.  WM. M'KENZIE & Co.
All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are requested to make payments to Mr. Robert Atkinson , as he alone I have authorised to grant discharges for the same. WM. M'KENZIE. April 10. (f)
JUST RECEIVED. PART I of Dr. Rees' NEW CYCLOPAEDIA , and for delivery to Subscribers at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, a few doors below the Market Richmond; where subscribers are requested to call and receive the same. N. B. Subscribers Names received as above. July 11th, 1806.
BANK OF VIRGINIA. The President and Directors of the Bank of Virginia, have this day declared a dividend of 2 1/2 dollars, for the last six months, on each share in the Capital or Joint Stock of the said Bank, which will be paid on application, after the 15th inst. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Cashr. July 7. (eptw.)
NOTICE. All persons having claims against the estate of Robert Bitton, dec'd. late of Powhatan county, are requested to bring forward the same properly authenticated, and receive payment—and those indebted to the estate, are desired to make immediate payment to HENRY L. BISCOE, Administrator. July 1. (4w.)
The Subscriber has a large quantity of very good BRICKS on hand, which he will sell on moderate terms:— Also—Six or seven thousand weight of manufactured TOBACCO , he will sell low for cash, or in exchange for goods. JOHN TINSLEY. July 8. (f)
The Subscriber has removed his Broker's Office to the middle tenement, in Doctor Tennant's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him. THOMAS NORVELL. For Col. 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (f)
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Maj. John Price, for the purpose of securing the payment of a certain sum of money, in said deed mentioned, to John T. Price, and the executors attending the execution of the trust: will be sold to the highest bidder, at Willis's Tavern , in the upper end of this county, on Saturday the 2nd day of August next— FIVE NEGROES , to wit: Angela and her four children, named Cotey, Emily, Julia and Mingo . WILLIAM D. WEEN, EDWARD C. DAVIS, Trustees. July 11. (f)
JUST RECEIVED, FROM BORDEAUX: A Large assortment of Claret Wine , of different qualities: Chambolle, Marquette, White Sautern, Pin du Grave Bourdeaux, La Petite, Muscat de Frontignan, old Medoc of different qualities, fresh Rochelle, fresh Olives, Capers, and St. Remy Sweet Oil .—For sale on reasonable terms by ALEXANDER PLAINVILLE. June 27.
INFORMS the Citizens of Richmond, and the public, he has just received at his Cabinet Manufactory near the Fire Insurance Office; a large assortment of Windsor Chairs and Settees , made in the newest fashion and by the best workmen in the country; any gentleman wishing to buy, will please send their orders or call at his Cabinet Manufactory, where they may get good warranted work, and on low terms, either in the Cabinet line or Windsor Chairs. June 6. (f)
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBERS: An Extensive Assortment of GROCERIES among which are the following articles: Muscovado sugar assorted | Tar | Thos. Leiper's Snuff West-India Coffee | Macouba do. Antigua & Jamaica Rum | Havanna Segars Country | do. | Salt Petre Cognac & Peach Brandy | Beumstone, Madder, and Holland Gin | Ground Ginger in small W. India and Sugar-house | Molasses | Log-wood L. P. Madeira Wine | Turkey Cotton Port, Sherry and Malaga | New-York Candles and Wine | Soap Hibbert's Brown Stout | Martinique and Bordeaux Cordials | Oil Basket Salt | Patent Lamps Do. in Sacks and loose | Dutch Cakes with plain Bullock's Cheese | and gilt Bottles Caldwell, Frazier & Co's | Castings assorted Superfine Chocolate | Earthen and Stone Ware Rice | Writing & Wrapping paper Nutmegs, Pepper, Ginger | Henry VIII. and Merry and Pimento | Andrew Cards Mace and Cloves | China Plates, do. Bowls Oil, Olives, and Capers | of different sizes Gun-powder, Young Hy- | Do. Tea and Coffee Cups son and Suchong Teas | and Saucers Canisters containing 17lb. | Do. Chimney ornaments and 3lb. Gun-powder | Plain and cut qt. pt. and Tea | half pint Decanters Pickled Salmon | Cat Herrings and Shad Cat Herrings and Shad | Pint, half pt & gilt Tum- Patent Shot assorted | blers F and FF Gun-powder | A few sets Table China. A regular supply of Load Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, at Philadelphia price. FISHER & LEGUEUR. May 27. (owf.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, on Thursday night the 14th inst. a negro man named LEWIS , he is about five feet nine or ten inches high, stout and well made, has a scar on one of his hands (I believe his right) occasioned by a burn when a child; he wore away a home-spun shirt and pantalettes dyed of a light olive colour, took with him a black broad cloth coat and vest, but I expect he will change his name and clothing, and attempt passing as a free man, and will attempt to make his escape to Norfolk by water. Masters of vessels and all others are forewarned from harbouring, employing, or taking him away at their peril. The above reward will be paid on delivering him to Joseph Traylor, jr. in Blandford, or the Subscriber. ARCHER TRAYLOR, Jr. Chesterfield, May 27. (f) A. T.
SECOND CLASS. SCHEME OF A LOTTERY, FOR THE BENEFIT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. { Tickets that drew blanks in } Dollars. 5938 { the first class & may be renewed } 53,380 4683 { in this at ten dollars each, } 70,275 Ticket at fifteen dollars each, 10,925 Deduct loss on 2000 tickets, that drew prizes of fifteen dollars each, in first class, and may be renewed in this, at 2 1/4 dollars each, 129,625 Dollars 125,155
The number of prizes and order in which they stand, viz. 2 prizes of 5,000 each 10,000 4 do 2,000 8,000 16 do 1,000 16,000 16 do 500 8,000 92 do 200 18,400 160 do 100 16,000 232 do 50 11,600 750 do 20 15,000 1 do the last drawn ticket, a prize of 20,000 Stationary Prizes are, 1 ticket, first drawn after 1,000 tickets are out of the wheel, 500 1 do do do 2,000 500 1 do do do 3,000 500 1 do do do 4,000 500 1 do do do 5,000 500 1 do do do 6,000 500 1 do do do 7,000 10,000 1 do do do 8,000 500 1 do do do 9,000 500 1 do the last drawn ticket, a prize of 20,000 1223 prizes. Dollars 125,155 The prizes subject to a discount of only 10 per cent. 12,500 Expense of drawing, 2,500 Dolls. 10,000 The superiority of this scheme, to the one first proposed, is so obvious, that little need be said in recommendation of it. Those inclined to adventure, will see that their chance for obtaining prizes, is greatly increased; that pending the drawing, their obtention of small prizes, may by renewal, infinitely give them several chances for a prize of considerable magnitude. To those who have drawn PRIZES of fifteen dollars, in the First Class ; as well as to those who drew BLANKS , INFORMATION IS NOW GIVEN , that the PRIZES , may, at their option, be renewed, by tickets in this class—and their BLANKS , at ten dollars each; Provided such PRIZES and BLANKS , with the CASH , is remitted, FREE OF POSTAGE , to ROBERT GREENHOW , merchant in Williamsburg, Agent and Treasurer; or WILLIAM NEWSON , Postmaster in Norfolk, previous to the commencement of the drawing; after which period no renewal will be made. When to the prospect of individual advantage, may be added, the patriotic reasons, which induced the legislature to authorise this lottery, it is ardently hoped, that the disposition of tickets will enable the commissioners to certify that the drawing has commenced—Which event the agent assures the public, shall be expedited by every means in his power. ROBERT GREENHOW, Agent and Treasurer. Williamsburg, June 10, 1806. (ow8c.)
* * * Tickets may be had of Robert Greenhow, merchant in Williamsburg; and William Newson, postmaster in Norfolk; who will, as opportunities offer, give them more extensive circulation, by placing them in the hands of others for disposition.
BRANDY & CLARET. A Fresh supply of best 4th proof COGNAC BRANDY , and a few cases MEDOCK CLARET , of the Vintage of 1800—just received, and for sale by— SAMUEL MYERS. June 20. (owr tf.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the Subscriber, living in Buckingham county, a mulatto boy named JIM , about 22 years old, 6 feet 7 or 8 inches high, had on a short negro cotton coat, striped Virginia cloth trowsers. Whoever will bring, or secure said boy, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. LION ELCAN. * * * All masters of vessels and others, are forewarned from harbouring or carrying the said slave out of the state at their peril. June 10. (oaw3w.)
VALUABLE LOTS AT ROCKETTS, FOR SALE. The Subscriber intending shortly for Europe is desirous to sell the whole of his Property in this City and neighborhood, for the greatest part of which a long credit will be given. The property at Rocketts joins the upper wharf of Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, extending in a straight line upon the river, more than 400 feet, until bounded by the Marion's line; thence running northerly upwards of 700 feet till it meets the Main-Street just above the ware-house, where it narrows to a front of near 70 feet. It has also a front on water-street of 230 feet. On these lots are two DWELLING HOUSES , and on the Main-Street a Store, with a Smoke-House and Stable. From the growing commerce of the City, this property must shortly increase very much in value inasmuch as it contains the whole space on which wharves can be made, above the premises of Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson. A plot of the above property may be seen, and further information respecting it, and his other property in the neighborhood will be given by the subscriber, who will show the different premises to any person wishing to purchase. A considerable bargain may be had in any part of the above property for cash. JOHN BANKS. June 24. (tf.)
HOUSES & LOT FOR SALE. FOR SALE. We offer for sale the Houses and Lot near to Mr. Rutherford's dwelling House and next below Mr. Isaac Webster's on Shockoe Hill, at present occupied by Benjamin Sheppard. This situation is scarcely exceeded by any in town for beauty, and by none as to pleasantness, being nearly if not quite as high as any part of Richmond. The dwelling house and out-houses are sufficient for the accommodation of a genteel family that is not very large, there being 2 rooms and a fine large passage below, and 4 rooms above stairs in the dwelling house, a good kitchen and smoke-house all in good repair, and the yard and garden under a new inclosure of the best materials. Any person inclined to purchase, may be accommodated with credits which probably will be agreeable; or debts due or not due from persons residing in Richmond or Henrico, will be taken in payment, or a considerable deduction from a credit price will be made for cash. N. B. & I. SHEPPARD. July 15. (tf.)
Adjoining the above mentioned lot is an improved Lot belonging to me, which borders on the Main-Street leading from Shockoe bridge, & which may be had with the improved lot, if the purchaser should wish it. B. SHEPPARD.
Foreign Intelligence. HOUSE OF LORDS, May 16.
LIMITATION BILL. The order of the day for the third reading of this bill being read, A few words, in the way of explanation, were interchanged between the earl of Westmoreland and lord Auckland, respecting the line of proceeding, so as regularly to bring forward the amendments, of which certain noble lords, who opposed the bill, had, on a former night, notified their intention of moving. At length, the duke of Clarence rose, and expressed his intention of moving the amendment to the title of the bill, which he seemed to say would produce the effects he intended, with respect to the operation of certain parts of the bill, to which, more than the rest, he strongly objected. He wished that some peer, more competent than himself had come forward; but he felt the importance of the subject so strongly, that he was induced to offer himself to the attention of their lordships. There were particular parts of the bill, which, more than any other, and in every point of view in which he considered them, his royal highness seemed to think objectionable. He meant chiefly those which went to prevent the exportation of slaves from British islands, or in British vessels, into foreign colonies. When he considered this prohibition, under whatever motive it was professedly urged, he must deem it part of a system for the abolition of the slave trade. Were their lordships duly to consider, or had they an opportunity of considering, that great mass of evidence which was adduced on the subject, they would then be fully aware of, and thoroughly impressed with, the importance of the traffic in question. His royal highness entered upon some calculations to evince this proposition, and stated the capital employed in the trade to exceed two millions sterling. He then adverted to the number of seamen employed, and for whom it proved a nursery; and the extensive drawback upon the Slave Trade itself, which the bill would produce, may be conceived, when it was known, that out of upwards of 38,000 slaves, more than 22,000 were afterwards exported from the British Islands to foreign colonies and settlements. When he reflected on the immense capital employed in the trade, the great quantities of British manufactures consumed in consequence of it, and the numbers of seamen employed, how strong must be the reprobation of a measure, which would diminish nearly two-thirds of the whole. His royal highness adverted to the different sentiments entertained upon this subject by the father of the noble lord, now at the head of administration, & who was fully impressed with the importance of these considerations. He referred to the operation of the three acts; from the first passed in 1766, to the general act of last session; he expatiated upon the advantageous traffic between the British islands, and the Spanish main, which entirely depended upon the transportation of slaves, and which would professedly be in greater demand, as it was the present policy of the court of Spain to cultivate the extensive island of Cuba. Added to these con-
siderations, their bill was inefficacious as to its avowed object. No regulations of our legislature could prevent those foreign colonies being supplied by the ships of the other states—it was impossible—the coast of Africa can be open to all nations. To pass such a bill would, therefore, be neither consistent with true policy, as it would throw that into other hands, which we might ourselves retain; nor with true humanity, as the transmission of slaves would be given to those who would not use them with such tenderness and care! His royal highness then adverted to the share the Americans at present enjoyed of traffic, and the increased proportion, they were likely to have, should the bill pass in its present shape; and he called the attention of their lordships to the circumstance of the cargoes now on their progress to the West-Indies, and the calamitous consequences that must ensue, when the farther expectation of these should be flopped. Upon the whole, his view of the measure was such, that he should move, in the way of amendment, to leave out that part of the title of the bill, which goes "To prevent the exportation of slaves, by any of his majesty's subjects, into any colonies or islands, subject to any foreign state or power." &c.
The earl of Suffolk felt himself bound on principles of humanity, as well as of liberty, to support the bill. He adverted to the practicability of cultivating the West-India Islands by other means than those of the importation of African Negroes; and quoted the production of a noble political essay, in support of the idea. He dwelt much on the good effects of a mild and humane treatment of the Negroes at present on the soil, which, together with encouraging propagation amongst them, may in a short time preclude the necessity of farther importations for the purpose of cultivation. The bishop of London followed. He argued in favor of the measure, as well on its own merits, as a part, were it so considered, of the system of abolition. He agreed with the noble earl, that the islands may be cultivated without having recourse to fresh importations. This he was induced to think, from his view of the evidence which had, from time to time, been adduced; and, further, from the example of what occurred in the American state of Virginia, where the further importation was prohibited; and in which, by documents to which his lordship referred, it appeared the number of Negro inhabitants had increased in an almost inconceivable degree since the prohibition. By similar causes, he argued similar effects would doubtless arise in the British West-India colonies.
The earl of Westmoreland, in an argumentative and well delivered speech of some length, of which our limits will not allow us to give even an outline, supported the propositions, the negs the duke of Clarence. Towards the conclusion of his lordships address, he censured the measure under consideration, not only on the specific grounds, on which principally it was arraigned by the royal duke, but as the abolition in disguise; a consummation never conceived by any of the great constitutional enlightened statesmen of the country; they were all the friends of constitutional liberty, and had the true interests of Britain at heart; as king William, Sir R. Walpole, Mr. Pelham, lord Chatham, Mr. Grenville, or lord North. No, but it was the offspring or invention of Les Amis des Lois , at Paris, of Jacobin incendiaries, of enthusiasts in false religion of politics, and of congregations at the Old Jewry, &c. Upon the whole, and viewing the matter in every point of view, he most cordially supported the amendment of his royal highness.
The marquis of Sligo—who appeared exceedingly indisposed, was indulged by the house with the permission to deliver his sentiments from his seat—made a few observations in a very low tone of voice; the drift of which, as we could collect, was against the bill. Lord Holland spoke at some length in favour of the bill, which he defended on the grounds of sound policy, as well as those of humanity and justice. He fully approved of what fell from the noble earl, who spoke early in the debate, as well as the arguments of the learned prelate who followed him. He contended, it was impossible a trade less advantageous eventually to the real interests of Britain, could be carried on, than that in question, and with respect to America, he regretted his not having brought down some authorities to shew what the laws of that country were upon the subject, but he believed that steps were already taken for the entire abolition of the slave importations throughout every part of the U. States.
The Earl of Westmoreland shortly explained. The bishop of St. Asaph, in a short but spirited address, supported the arguments of the noble lords in favour of the bill. With respect to a noble Earl's idea, that the bill was an abolition in disguise, were it true, it would be an additional stimulus to him to support the bill; for though he hated all disguise, yet he felt so strongly on the topic of the abolition of this traffic in flesh and blood, that while he had a voice in that house, he should raise it in favor of the abolition, and which he should endeavor to effectuate by every means that prevented itself—by open hostility, or even by concealed stratagem!
Lord Eldon, after glancing at the conduct he formerly held, with respect to the subject so often adverted to, observed, that with a due regard to himself, and his fellow subjects, and a respect for the interests of those who were concerned, he had now to express to their lordships the doubt he entertained upon the present occasion. His lordship wished, that while the reverend Prelates, were supporting this measure, they would also indemnify the individuals who must suffer by it. There was no man more inclined to the abolition of the Slave Trade than himself, yet he had his doubt upon the subject, and greatly apprehended it would destroy a large portion of British shipping, British sailors, and British merchants, and would carry an article of trade into a foreign market. His lordship, therefore, opposed the measure.
Lord Holland shortly explained. The bishop of St. Asaph also, in explanation deprecated to execrable a practice as the Slave Trade, which he considered an expedition so many years carried on against an innocent and harmless people. The marquis of Blandford made observations in favour of the bill. The earl of Darley thought, that if this trade was put an end to, the British capital now embarked in it would find its way in another
channel, if not more, at least equally advantageous to the sale of British produce and manufactures.
The Duke of Gloucester said, he was unuseful to public speaking, yet he could not give a silent vote on the present occasion. He considered the present bill as an introduction to the abolition of the Slave Trade, which he abhorred, and therefore gave it his warm support.
Lord Grenville, in a most able speech, of considerable length, which we regret our limits will not permit us to detail, warmly supported the measure. His lordship expressed his strong and decided opinion against the slave trade; and congratulated the House upon this bill being the first step towards the amelioration of the condition of those unhappy people; an object the warmest and dearest wish of his heart. He rejoiced that the cause of humanity, religion and justice, should prevail; whereby near 38,000 miserable individuals would be relieved, and we should set a glorious example for other nations to follow. This trade had been done away in Denmark; America, by an act of the States, no longer would practice it from 1808, except the single state of S. Carolina; and Sweden was already inclined towards it. The Spanish laws were also against it; the subject had been eighteen years under consideration, and if he asked if any man still entertained doubts upon it, how long was the life of man to be prolonged in order to satisfy them?
Lord Hawkesbury objected to the measure, on the grounds of interest, expediency and policy. Lord Ellenborough thought, that the mischiefs which arose from this trade had been greatly exaggerated; but, as the bill before the House was a mere cautionary policy against the strength of the enemy, he warmly supported the measure.
Lord Nelson was in the course of explanation, when
The Earl of Lauderdale called him to order. Lord Sidmouth, the Earl of Buckinghamshire, and Lord Auckland, severally spoke in support of the bill; and the Duke of Sussex and Lord Sheffield against it.
After a short reply from his royal highness the Duke of Clarence, the question was loudly called for, & the house divided, when there appeared, for the amendment,
Contents 18—Non Contents 45—Majority 25. The bill was then read a third time and passed. At 12 o'clock the house adjourned.
From a London Paper.
MR. WINDHAM'S PLAN.
As daily instances of misapprehensions respecting different parts of the newly proposed military regulations occur, we think it may afford satisfaction to our readers to present to them a short, correct, but detailed statement of the intentions proposed in each branch to which it's intended to apply any new regulations; in doing which, we shall purposely abstain from making any comment.
Defence Bill.
This it is proposed to repeal: because, though it has for some weeks past been more productive than for any similar period since it was enacted in 1804, the numberless objections, independent of its inefficiency, which were urged against it at that time, continue unremoved and undiminished. The principal are: its partial operation, being confined to those counties which contain large and populous towns, such as Lancashire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, Warwickshire, &c. whereas counties not possessing such advantages, have no alternative but to pay the fine of 20l. per man: the employment of parish officers as crimps: the bad description of persons so enlisted which accounts for the vast proportion of deserters amongst men so raised: its interruption to the regular recruiting, and the enormous expense to the country of men so raised for the regular service, each of whom receives a double bounty: its limited operation, as by the act no more than nine thousand men can be raised, after a certain time, within the year: the expense of keeping up the skeletons of fifty-seven battalions, to receive men so raised till they are completed: it being, to all intents and purposes, a land tax on those counties where men cannot be procured, &c.
NEW REGULATIONS FOR THE ARMY.
To recruit for limited service; the first period for seven years only; the second period the same; the third, ditto; thus making the whole of a soldier's life comprehend twenty one years. If he enlists for the second period, he will become immediately entitled to an extra sixpence per week, and to some mark of distinction; and at the end of it to a small pension for life. If he enters the third period, his weekly pay will be increased to one shilling, some additional badge of distinction will be given him for life, and a pension amounting to 18l. 5s. per annum. These extra allowances and rewards for service are to be given the Regulars now serving, but they are not to have the option of withdrawing, till they have completed their twenty-one years.
In case of regiments being on colonial duty, the commanding officer is to have the power of keeping them six months beyond either of their period of service, and then to send them home at the expense of government.
The objects recommedatory of this system are—To hold out encouragement to enlist, by removing the objection of becoming a soldier for life; by the certain prospect of rewards, distinction, and independence; and by rendering the service itself more honourable; to introduce a better description of men into the service, and thus, combined with the encouragement above stated, to diminish the necessity of punishment, and the frequency of desertion to secure the same facility in supplying our army, as most of the great Continental Powers enjoyed by their practice of enlisting for a term of years; to adopt a mode of recruiting more suited to the national character; to diminish the enormous expense of high bounties; to abolish the whole system of crimping; in short, to encourage the recruit, to exalt the soldier, and to give independence to the veteran, when in the full enjoyment of health and vigour.
Levy en Masse.
This measure to be partially carried into effect.—The persons liable to it to be divided into three classes; from the age of 16 to 24, from 24 to 32, from 32 to 40; none above the latter age. The number to be drilled not to exceed 200,000 in one year. The drills to be in their own parishes and for 26 days—the battalions, which were appointed to receive the men under the defence bill and the militia, to sup-

ply the drill serjeants. The proportion to be drilled to be drawn by lot; and each man to be paid one shilling each time. No clothing allowed. Thus the whole population of the country will, by rotation, learn the use of arms; and, in case of invasion, the casualties in our regulars may be supplied, ad infinitum , by drafts from the different counties and parishes of men, so far advanced in military discipline—or they may be formed into separate irregular corps, to harass the enemy, under the command of experienced officers. Such persons as will to avoid the levy en masse bill, to be required to enroll themselves as volunteers, or to pay a fine.
Militia. No alteration; except that the casualties are to be supplied by giving a small bounty, instead of balloting, which is, however, to be had recourse to, if the men are not forthcoming in a given time.
Volunteers. No reduction whatever to take place. The whole to be put on the same footing, viz. those raised in June, to be put on the same allowances as those raised in August; that is, the former, instead of being required to attend eighty-five drills, and paid for the same, are now only required to attend twenty-six drills, including inspections. For these attendances the whole are to be paid as before. The permanent duty is to be dispensed with, it being conceived to be no longer necessary. The pay of drill-serjeants to be reduced; and the expense of inspecting field officers saved. One pound per man to be allowed at the expiration of the three years for clothing. All persons who become volunteers, from this time, in order to avoid the levy en masse bill, to be supplied with arms, but to put the country to no other expence. The lords lieutenant of counties to appoint some of their deputies to inspect the volunteer corps. Corps of yeomanry cavalry to be allowed for contingent expences 2l. per man, instead of 120l. per troop.
The annual expense of volunteer corps estimated at near 1,500,000l. The proposed saving to the country as follows:— Change from June to Aug. allowance, 1,210,000 Pay of drill serjeants 54,700 Permanent duty given up 500,000 Marching Guineas 198,000 Inspections 25,000 Sundry articles of saving 80,000 Total 577,000
In case of the volunteers being called out, no volunteer officer (who had not had rank in the regulars) to command regular officers, except under the rank of captain.
DUTCH MEMORIAL. In our remarks on the delusive picture of the state of Europe, exhibited in the Moniteur of the 18th ult. we particularly noticed the doom that awaited the Batavian Republic. The following memorial will show how exactly the sentiments which we then expressed coincide with those now felt by the hopeless sons of freedom in that devoted country. TO THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES, REPRESENTING THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC. May it please your High Mightinesses.
The undersigned citizens and inhabitants of the Batavian republic, real friends to civil liberty, with proper bounds, and ardent attachment to the independence of the Batavian nation, filled with deep anxiety for every thing which might endanger their safety, and considering a monarchical government injurious to the prosperity and even existence of this nation, have, after being a long time agitated by various rumours, now learned, that in the Gazette Nationale , or Moniteur Universelle , No. 108, of the 18th April last, the official paper of France, written & published under the eye of the government of that country, after some preliminary remarks respecting the form of government in this country, it is declared, "that such being the situation of Holland, she must be a gainer by any changes which she must make in her constitution. If the landholders, the merchants, and the enlightened men, are of opinion that they can have a representation, made by the choice of the people, without distinction of classes or religion, they will create a system much more proper than the present one. If that be not their opinion, and that they think it necessary to have recourse to a constitutional monarchy, they will do that which will be more advantageous to their country than the preservation of their existing constitution can be. It is their duty to examine their situation, to judge of the circumstances in which they are placed, and to choose between the two systems that which is best suited to them, and most likely to establish, on a solid foundation, the public prosperity and liberty."
The undersigned have been thrown by this paragraph into the utmost anxiety, as they see in it alternatives, one of which would subject them to a form of government, to avoid which, their forefathers contended, during the space of almost a whole century; a form of government which, however, adapted to other nations, would have a tendency to diminish all energy and activity in the posterity of those celebrated ancestors, whose names they bear, and who even remained allies of Rome, when almost the whole world was subject to that empire; and the more so, as the system of a republic constitutes, among the true Batavians, one of the first elements of their existence; and no wonder, as the general interest, in the management of the dykes which form that artificial and expensive wall, for continuing the existence of the ground upon which they dwell, renders a republican form of government absolutely necessary; and that that republic should be divided, as it were, again into small republics. For this reason, a republican spirit must prevail in the hearts of all our countrymen, throughout all the different classes of our people, independent of the ancient influence of the citizens, even under the government of the Dukes, however modified, upon the appointment of local governments; and no wonder again, as commerce, under the protection of an independent republic, has enabled this small nation to act a part upon the stage of the world, which has rendered us, at times, since we shook off the Spanish yoke, useful and desirable allies to our neighbours, and even sometimes dangerous enemies.
On the eve, perhaps, of being obliged to choose between a monarchical and republican form of government, the undersigned feel the inextinguishable fire of true patriotism too much, to remain silent, with an hesitation, culpable in their eyes at this valuable moment, which perhaps, may never return. They will not leave your High Mightinesses ignorant of the patriotic and republican sentiments which animate their souls. They cannot avoid declaring publicly and solemnly to you, as representatives of the Batavian republic, their hopes, that the state of affairs may be directed in such a manner as to free them from a form of government which most probably would put a speedy and fatal period to, the inhabitable state and e-
ven existence of the republic, after it has sustained so many calamities. We hope, and bring the declaration of this our earnest wish, with becoming boldness, into the midst of your Assembly; for where else can we prefer it? tho' it may not be drawn up in the usual form, in any particular, for extraordinary circumstances require, nay justify, extraordinary measures.
We entertain hopes, that under the influence of the Divine Providence, which has often, as it were, by a miraculous interference, prevented our country and nation from being thrown into the abyss of ruin, your deliberations may take such a turn, that with the preservation of the independence of the republic, and the valuable maintenance of civil liberty, rather than to see us subject to a monarchical form of government, a dreadful alternative for this country, such new modifications concerning the republican form of government of this nation will be made, as will put the representation, without dilution of class or religious sentiments, upon such a footing, that we will actually shew to the eye of our ally and the whole world, that the preservation of the republic counterbalances all other considerations, with a nation like ours, that loves so much its liberty.
The undersigned declare herewith, as far as they are interested in this case, that, rejecting all political parties, they will choose anew such representatives, or continue in their present situation, those to whom they could safely intrust the valuable possession of their independence & liberty; and consider as men of honour and courage; and that, being averse as well from sedition as from chimerical and imaginary opinions, which cannot be applied to the real state of men as they actually are, the undersigned will do every thing which may have a tendency to cause good order, harmony and unanimity to prevail, under a constitution, by representation.
And whatever may be the fate of our dear country, to which we are attached by so many ties, after this our declaration, which we do herewith openly make, in case of an unfortunate decision, we shall be able to look upon the ruin of our country and of ourselves, with more resignation than if we had remained silent in one of the most important and perilous moments which our country ever before experienced. We shall then have the satisfaction of having done our best for the continuance of the republic and will have shewn by this our declaration, "that if the prosperity and liberty of nations (according to the opinion of the Emperor Napoleon himself) can only be secured by two modes of government, either a limited constitutional monarchy, or a republic, constituted according to the theory of liberty, and which should be the true organ of the public will," we, however, might be considered as belonging to those republicans, who, without danger to nation or country, would be likely to make a proper choice of such enlightened, able and honest men, as, by their administration, to preserve our liberty and independence, rejecting all distinctions of classes and religion, inconsistent with the republican government, would bring back this country to a degree of happiness and prosperity, which would render it more useful to our ally, than supposing the ground itself not to be swallowed up by the surrounding waters in a few years, it possibly could, if it must submit to a form of government, from even the name of which our ancestors have ever been averse. Never shall we regret having spoken out at a moment in which we are able to raise our voice as freemen, to consider the situation of our country, and view the circumstances in which it is placed, for the purpose of making the best choice, in our opinion, of that system of government which alone is calculated to place our prosperity and liberty upon an immovable basis.
NEW-YORK, July 16. By the brig Jane , capt. Smith, from Bordeaux in 50 days, Paris papers to the 7th June are received at the office of the New-York Gazette. With the exception of the following, they contain nothing new:
PARIS, June 6. —Yesterday, at noon, his majesty the Emperor gave a solemn audience to the ambassadors of the Sublime Porte and of Holland, also to the members of the extraordinary commission sent by the Batavian government.
His Imperial highness Prince Louis came also in great style to the palace of the Tuileries. The ambassador from the Sublime Porte delivered to the Emperor and Empress the presents which his highness was charged to offer to their majesties. They consist of, to the emperor, white horses richly caparisoned; and for the empress, a casket of jewellery. It is believed that his imperial highness Prince Louis will set out for Holland early next week.
The schooner Nimrod , Manning, 6 days from Halifax, arrived at the quarantine ground last evening, and brings a Halifax paper of the 7th July, containing London news to the 8th June, brought to Halifax by the British Packet Princess Mary , capt. Pocock, in 25 days from Falmouth.
The following are the leading articles: Halifax, July 8. —Sailed since our last, H. M. S. Tartar , Driver, and Indian. H. M. brig Nimble , for England, with dispatches and a mail. Passengers, General Wetherall and family. His Majesty's ship Ville de Milan , Vice-Admiral the Hon. G. C. Berkeley. Capt. Sir Robert Lawrie, passed Falmouth on the 3d of June, with the ship Herome , under her convoy for this place.
A squadron of six sail of the line, two frigates, and two brigs, under Sir J. B. Warren, sailed from Portsmouth June 4; destined, as is said, for an expedition to the W. Indies. Lord Melville's trial was ended; but the result not publicly known. A letter received at Falmouth, mentioned that he was acquitted by a majority of 66 to 44. LONDON, May 31. Government, after having shewn great tardiness in publishing the royal order for granting letters of marque against the navigation of Prussia and Posenburg, is equally slow in the execution of that order, and in maintaining it to its utmost extent. This order, agreed to on the 14th of this month by his majesty in council, and published on the 20th in the London Gazette, was not sent until yesterday by the court of admiralty to be carried into execution. Besides, before this definitive dispatch, it has been very materially modified by another royal order, agreed to by his majesty in council on the 21st of this month, and published in the Gazette of the 28th.—This second order, which bears the title of "Act additional, to the act of the 14th May," makes an important and remarkable change, by reserving for the navigation of the Baltic, and to the commerce carried on there, the same liberty which England has to the present time allowed to that navigation and commerce. The following is the tenor of the additional act. GEORGE R.
Additional Instructions to the Commanders of all Ships of War and Privateers, that have,
may have, Letters of Marque. Given at our Court at St. James's, the 21st day of May, 1806, in the 46th year of our reign. Whereas we have ever been desirous to prevent interruption being given to the trade and commerce of every state in amity with us, as far as was compatible with the necessary operations of war: and whereas it will tend very much to that purpose, that the trade and navigation of the Baltic should for the present remain uninterrupted; we have, therefore, been pleased to resolve, that our ships of war, privateers, and all other vessels acting under our commission, shall be restrained from making prizes of, stopping, or detaining any ships or vessels within the Baltic; and we do hereby strictly charge and enjoin the Commanders of our ships of war, and the Commanders of all ships and vessels having letters of marque and reprisal, that they do not, by virtue of their commissions, or under colour thereof, stop or detain any ship or vessel in the Baltic, for the purpose of making prize of the same, but that they suffer such ships and vessels as they shall meet in those seas, to proceed in their respective voyages without any interruption. By his Majesty's command. (Signed) SPENCER.
WAR WITH PRUSSIA.
On Friday letters of marque and reprisals were issued at the Admiralty, to capture or destroy all Prussian and Posenburg vessels, except those to which his majesty's licence had been granted. The greatest exertions are making by the Board of Admiralty, and the subordinate departments, to augment our naval force; no less than eleven sail of the line, now in ordinary at different ports, are to be immediately commissioned. By the commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of G. B. and Ireland, &c. The Right Hon. William Windham, one of his majesty's principal Secretaries of State, having by his letter of the 11th inst. acquainted us, that his majesty had been pleased to order letters of marque and reprisals to be issued against the ships, vessels and goods of Prussia, as well as of the town of Posenburg; and at the same time signified to us his majesty's pleasure that we should give orders to all Admirals and Commanders of his majesty's ships and vessels, wherever they may be stationed, to seize or destroy all ships or vessels belonging to Prussia, and to the town of Posenburg, save and except any ships or vessels to which his majesty's licence has been granted, or which may have been directed to be released from embargo. We do, in pursuance of his majesty's pleasure, signify to us as aforesaid, hereby require and direct you to seize or destroy all ships or vessels belonging to Prussia, and to the town of Posenburg, which you may be able to fall in with, save and except any ships or vessels to which his majesty's licence has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, accordingly and to give the like directions to all the Officers employed under your command. Given under our hands, the 29th of May, 1806. To the respective Flag Officers, Captains, Commanders, and commanding officers of his Majesty's ships and vessels. By command of their Lordships.
LONDON, June 4. We have received American papers to the 6th ult. The Anti-British party, which may more properly be described as that of Bonaparte, have availed themselves much of an unintended calamity. The Leander frigate, on firing to make some American vessels come to, as the captain was compelled to do in his undoubted right of search, killed an American sailor on board a sloop, which lighting the signal, was making for New-York harbor. This was a triumph for the malevolent. They paraded the dead body through the streets, they stopped the provisions purchased for the British ships and sent it to the almshouse. A verdict of wilful murder , was also found against the captain of the Leander. We entertain strong hopes, however, that this favour of fashion will soon subside. The Leander and Cambrian have since quitted that station, and the President of the United States, has sanctioned the vote of the Senate, for investing Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, with full powers to settle all the pending differences between the two countries.
June 5. Dispatches were yesterday received by government from admiral Cochrane. They are dated the 18th of April, and were brought by captain Collier, who arrived express at the admiralty. These advices relate to the arrival of general Miranda on the Spanish main—his capture of the Isle La Marguerita—and his purpose of revolutionizing South America. The admiral writes for instructions how to act on this extraordinary occasion. This is a sufficient answer to the Frenchified or Democratic papers of New-York, some of which stated that this project was favored and supported by pecuniary supplies from this country. This the want of the instructions applied for admiral Cochrane sufficiently refutes. It shews that such a plan was not in the contemplation of the late ministry. The dates put the present administration wholly out of the question. The emancipation of South America would, no doubt, be advantageous to this country in two points of view—as opening a market for British manufactures—and as cutting off the resources of our arch enemy, to whom the treasury of Spain is as his own. Whatever may be the resolve of ministers on this subject, Miranda will derive an indirect co-operation from this country, as any Spanish reinforcement which may be sent out will most probably be intercepted by our fleets. Miranda is a strange romantic character, less known to our readers than he happens to be to the writer of this article. He is a native of South America. He had a command in the French army under Dumourier in the campaign in Flanders, in 1792. He is a man of enterprise and of talents. So assiduous has he been in the cultivation of the latter, that he has surveyed every memorable scene of battle, in the four quarters of the globe, with a classic recital in his hand, in order to ascertain what were the blots made on the defeated side, and what the advantages of the successful party. Such a man is at once calculated and qualified to distinguish himself, as a military and political leader. He hates the Spanish tyranny as exercised in his native country, and we shall not be surprised to learn that this tyranny is laid sprawling at the feet of a man fearless of peril, and daring enough to meet the rough-hewn encounter.
June 7. A cartel has arrived from France, bringing over Lords Elgin and Yarmouth. The cartel is said to have brought dispatches for Government; but nothing has transpired on the subject. Some naval equipments have recently been ordered by the Danish government to take place at Copenhagen. Letters from Lisbon state, that on the 19th of April, a treaty, by which the neutrality of Portugal was guaranteed, was signed at Madrid between the Plenipotentiaries of France and Portugal. The latter, no doubt, has been under the necessity of purchasing the forbearance of the enemy at a high rate; but any pecuniary sacrifice was to be preferred to the violations of a French army.
Thursday seven wagons, loaded with 400,000 dollars, sent some time since to Hounslow, and which were got away before the Prussians took possession of that country, arrived at the Bank of England.
PHILADELPHIA, July 19.
The ship Philadelphia , captain Smith, arrived last evening at the Lazaretto from Liverpool, which he left on the morning of the 18th of June.—Our London papers by her are to the 11th, four days later than those heretofore received, via Boston and New-York.—We have selected the most interesting articles for this day's Register.
LONDON, June 10.
Paris papers have arrived to the 18th, Dutch to the 5th, and a Hamburg Correspondent. The French troops remain in Bavaria and Suabia, and Brannau has not yet been delivered up till the official account has been received of the surrender of Cattaro, which is not expected till the middle of this month. In the mean time Prince Alexander Berthier continues at Munich. General Androssi, who was on his return to Paris, received orders at Munich to measure back his steps to Vienna, where M. Talleyrand's nephew arrived with dispatches on the 20th ult. The correspondence between the Austrian and French Governments is extremely active. Anspach, which was to be transferred to Bavaria, continues in the hands of the French, and we shall not be surprised to find Bonaparte erecting it into a Principality, for a member of his illustrious House. Having placed Prince Joachim as a kind of centinel on the Prussian frontier, he may have determined to station another of his relatives in a similar capacity on the Austrian. The Neapolitans are so warmly attached to their beloved monarch, king Joseph, that he has found it necessary to disarm them with all possible speed. The Racehorse sloop of war, with a fleet under convoy, for the Mediterranean, arrived at Cork the 4th inst. We have received Paris papers to the 18th, Dutch to the 5th, and also some German papers of a late date. The Moniteur of the 20th ult. contains a very long account of a trivial engagement between the French and the Russians, in one of the islands (Lisina) in the Adriatic. The affair, even according to the French representation of it, was not very disgraceful to the Russian arms, but we have no doubt that it is much exaggerated. Gets fill holds out, and the fortress of Civitella del Fronto, to which the French told us, an Irish officer had the impudence to throw himself into, with a handful of men, continues to rival Gaeta in loyalty and courage, and its resistance has been hitherto crowned with like success. The British squadron are said to have made an unsuccessful attempt upon the islands of Procida and Ischia, between Gaeta and the Bay of Naples. There is no confirmation of the actual surrender of Cattaro to the French. A letter from Ratibon states, that no account of that event was expected in that city before the 10th of this month. We have received New-York papers to the 9th and Boston to the 19th ult. The President of the United States has published a Proclamation, commanding all persons within the United States, to arrest Captain Whitby, of the Leander, where soever he may be found, now or hereafter. The Proclamation also requires the Leander, Cambrian and Driver, to depart from the harbours and waters of the United States, and interdicts for ever the entrance of all other vessels which shall be commanded by Henry Whitby, Captain of the Leander, John Nairne, Captain of the Cambrian, and Sinsby Simpson, Captain of the Driver. In case of the return of the above vessels, all intercourse with them is prohibited; no supplies are to be furnished them; and pilots are commanded not to assist in navigating them. The President, in issuing this sly Proclamation, appears to have accommodated himself to the temporary mania of the revolutionary faction in New-York, and we are concerned to find that some of the political agitators in this country have caught the infection. The Americans, in their late treaty with Tripoli, recognise the right of visit and search and prescribe the form in which it is to be made. Our readers will therefore be surprised to learn, that all this senseless clamour against England, has arisen out of a right granted to pirates and robbers, to chalkize whom, the United States lately sent their little navy to the Mediterranean. The right to visit and search, carries with it, of necessity, a right to enforce it, if resisted, and the unfortunate death which has happened, appears to have been the result of the legal exercise of this right. The death of the American sailor is certainly a subject of regret, but it furnishes no fair ground of complaint against the captain of the Leander, or the British government.
An order was received at the Custom-house, in Harwich, on Thursday, to take out the crews of the Prussian ships detained there, the captains and masters excepted, and to send them to Normancrofs as prisoners of war. Seventeen Prussian vessels have been sent into Yarmouth during the last week. June 11. In consequence of the arrival of dispatches for government on Thursday last, by a flag of truce from France, and two carrels in the course of the week, with several persons of distinction, who were detained at the commencement of the war, the Funds have experienced a rise of one per cent. Omnium, which was done at 2 1/4 on Wednesday, was on Saturday, contracted for at 3 1/4. Nothing whatever has transpired respecting the nature of the dispatches received, nor is anything likely to be known on the subject, as Government very properly keeps the matter a secret, to prevent speculation in the Funds, and in articles of merchandise. Cruisers are even kept for the purpose to meet the flags of truce at sea, as soon as they quit the French ports, to take out the dispatches. This was the case with respect to the last; however, it argues favourable, that an intercourse continues open, and that an arrangement is completed relative to an exchange of prisoners.
VENICE, May 5.
We are still blockaded by the enemy; in the mean while they work night and day at our arsenal at equipping a flotilla, which will be more than sufficient to drive away the enemy's ships. As soon as the Russians shall have evacuated Cattaro, Corfu, Zante, &c. will be attacked, as the Seven Isles formerly belonging to Venice.
HAMBURGH, May 20.
Mr. Adair, the newly appointed British minister to the court of Vienna, has passed through this city on his way to that capital. We learn that there are nine Swedish vessels under an embargo at Swinemunde; on the other hand, we hear that admiral Cederstrom has appeared off Dantzic, with seven ships of the line. A Swe-
dish frigate of 24 guns, cruises off Pillau; and several Swedish gun-boats, it is said, will be ready to sail from Malmo in the course of a few days. Forty vessels have arrived here from Tomingen within the last three weeks; and we have authentic intelligence that the navigation of the Walten is again unobstructed. We hear that the Prussian troops in Lauenburgh have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to march.
Domestic Intelligence.
FROM THE BOSTON CENTINEL. AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
Our constant theme: our glory to the last.
On Friday last, the 50th anniversary of the INDEPENDENCE of our beloved country, was celebrated with those demonstrations of gratitude and felicity which the event is so well calculated to call into activity. We have only time and room to notice those particulars which passed before our eyes. The rising, risen and setting sun, were saluted with discharges of artillery in this and the neighbouring towns; and peals from all the bells. The Boston Light Dragoons, under Capt. PURKITT; the Artillery Independent Cadets, under Col. ARTHUR; Boston Light Infantry, under Capt. DAVIS, Bufflers, under Capt. HOWE; Winthrop Blues, under Capt. COTTON, and Washington Infantry, under Capt. LORING, were in arms. The Town Procession was formed at the Council-Chamber, and escorted, by the Independent Cadets, to the Old South Meeting-House, where, after the Throne of Grace was addressed by the Rev. Mr. Emerson, a spirited Oration, suited to the occasion, was delivered by Francis D. Channing, Esq. The procession returned to the Council-Chamber in the order it came from thence. At about two o'clock, a procession of Federal Republicans, and their guests, were formed in the State-House under the direction of Col. May, and Major Russell, as follows:
Military Escort. [The Boston Light Infantry, and Winthrop Blues, commanded by Major Davis.] Committee of Arrangements, President of the Day, and Vice-Presidents, Sheriff of Suffolk, The Hon. John Adams, and Robert T. Paine, Esquires, who signed the Declaration of Independence. Hon. Judge Danna, and Judge Davis, Hon. Judge Dawes, and Hon. Mr. Ames, General Eaton, Commodore Preble and several Officers of the U. States Navy and Army, Selectmen, Town Clerk, Maj. Gen. Elliot, Gen. Davis, and Gen. Donison, Field and other Military officers, President and Professors of Harvard University, Reverend Clergy, Subscribers, &c.
In this order, they proceeded through the principal streets, to Faneuil-Hall, where they sat down to a sumptuous dinner. Seven tables were spread the length of the Hall; at these, and at side tables, between 400 and 500 were seated:—The Honorable Christopher Gore, presided; assisted by the Hon. Jonathan Jackson, John Coffin Jones, John Warren, Paul Revere, Samuel Parkman, Jonathan Mason, and Arnold Welles, Esquires, as Vice-Presidents. The following Toasts were given:—
VOLUNTEERS.
By the Hon. John Adams, Esq.; May the Trident of Neptune ever protect the independence of Nations, and defend the Liberty of mankind. By Judge Paine; May the principles of Social Liberty, which laid the foundation and produced the confirmation of American Independence, like the grain of mustard seed, become a great tree, under which all the nations of the earth may find that shelter which human nature hankers for. By Gen. Eaton; The day;—as it was:—Let not the sweat of Americans be bartered for concessions to perfume a pirate's beard, nor our harvests for gold to purchase humiliation. By Commodore Preble; Our enterprising officers and hardy seamen engaged in the peaceful pursuit of commerce; May it ever be the pride and glory of their naval brethren in arms to protect and defend them. By the Tunisian Ambassador; "May every foreign Agent return to his own country impressed with the same favorable ideas of American hospitality, that I will forever make a merit in cherishing."
By Mr. Consul Calhoun; May the next anniversary of our National Independence, view the Phoenix of American glory raised resplendent from the ashes of political distinction.
After the Hon. Mr. Adams retired:—
By the President; John Adams. As his morning was unclouded, his meridian full of glory to himself, and his country; may the Evening of his days be serene and tranquil; May his country be just to him and to themselves, by

following his advice, and respecting his principles;—so will they perpetuate his fame, and their own freedom.
After Gen. Eaton retired:— By the President; Gen. Eaton. The laurels of Brandywine may never be exotics in our soil.
After Commodore Preble retired:— By the President; Commodore Preble. May there be many envious of his fame; and a ship of the line for every one who equals it.
After the President of the day retired:— By the Vice-President, Mr. Jones; Honorable Christopher Gore; the honor of his country abroad; and the delight of his friends at home.
There were several other volunteers, which we could not recollect; Harmony, and Patriotism, presided over the festive hours; and at the close of the day this numerous company separated, satisfied with themselves, and with each other.
A deputation from the young Federal Republicans was received with acclamation; and their toast cordially reciprocated.
The toasts were severally announced by 130 discharges of cannon, from Capt. Cobb's Artillery.
The hall was beautifully decorated, and was viewed by thousands.
NEW-YORK, July 16. CIRCUIT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES NEW-YORK DISTRICT.
The Grand Jury of the United States inquiring in and for the District of New-York, reported to the court yesterday morning, that they had found no bills, and were discharged.
Daily Adv.
UNITED STATES vs. WM. S. SMITH. Second day. —The court met at 10 o'clock pursuant to adjournment.
Present, Judges PATTERSON & TALMADGE. Mr. COLDEN, Counsel for the Defendant, offered the affidavit of W. S. SMITH, to prove that the witness against whom an attachment for a contempt had been moved on Monday, were material witnesses.
He proceeded at length to prove his right to the attachment.
Mr. HOFFMAN followed on the same point, and strengthened the argument and authorities urged by his colleague.
Mr. SANDFORD, District Attorney, replied, and argued that the process by attachment was neither conformable to the practice of the courts of the United States, nor allowable in this case, as the witnesses were not guilty of a contempt by their non-appearance.
Mr. PIERPONT EDWARDS supported Mr. Sandford, on all the grounds he had taken, by several law authorities.
It was apparent that Judge Patterson was, in his weak state of health, greatly exhausted, and the court, at half past two o'clock, adjourned till ten o'clock this morning.
Third day. —The court met at 10 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment.
Present, Judges PATTERSON & TALMADGE. The jury and witnesses for the prosecution were called over, and dismissed until ten o'clock this morning.
After some defultory observations by the counsel, who spoke yesterday, Mr. EDWARDS was heard in continuation of his argument.
Mr. EMMETT replied in a speech of great length. We are sorry that the rules of the court do not permit us to give a detail of a speech so argumentative, eloquent and impressive.
He was followed, on the same side, by Mr. HARRISON, who spoke at considerable length.
At half past two the court adjourned to 10 o'clock this morning, when it is expected they will determine on the further proceeding in the trial, or the issuing an attachment against the witnesses who have been subpoenaed and do not attend.
Fourth day. —The court met at 10 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment.
Present, Judges PATTERSON & TALMADGE. Judge Patterson delivered the opinion of the court on the questions raised by the counsel for the defendant.
On the first the court agreed that the trial must come on at this sitting.
On the second they disagreed. One being of opinion a rule might be granted to show cause why an attachment should not issue—the other, that neither an attachment nor rule to show cause could be granted.
Judge Patterson, being much indisposed, retired after delivering the opinion of the court.
An affidavit on the part of W. S. Smith was offered, stating the absence of the captain and supercargo of the Leander, who are material witnesses in this case, and who will be here sometime in September.
Upon this affidavit a motion was made to postpone the trial till the next regular term of the court.
This was refused by Judge Talmadge. And the trial was ordered on.
It will therefore, commence this morning at 10 o'clock.
Fifth day. —The Court met at 10 o'clock pursuant to adjournment.
Present, Judge Talmadge; Judge Patterson from indisposition not being able to attend.
The following jurors were called over and sworn, viz:
John Sullivan, John Rathbone, Jno. Lewis C. Hamersley, Cortlandt Babcock, John P. Haff, Gold Hoyt, John A. Fort, James Mafferson, Schuyler Livingston, Henry Panton, Geo. Forman, and Augustus Wynkoop.
The Attorney General opened the case by briefly stating to the jury the counts in the indictment. After which the following witnesses were examined in behalf of the prosecution, viz:
Messrs. Samuel G. Ogden, Dr. Romane, David Gellon (collector of the port), John McLean General Stephens, Richard Beekman, Jonathan Ogden, John Jacob Astor, Benjamin Hight, Bernard Hart, Abraham Vanee, Jonathan Fay, William Fothbrook and William Allen.
In the course of the examination several questions were asked, which gave rise to considerable defultory conversation among the counsel. From the progress of the business, we are induced to believe, that several days will be consumed in the examination of witnesses.
After which, the court adjourned until 10 o'clock this morning.
From the New-York American Citizen.
United States vs. Col. Smith. —On Monday the 14th inst. the District Court for the District of New-York was held pursuant to adjournment; present, Judges Patterson and Talmadge, Judge Patterson having delivered an excellent charge to the Grand Jury, clothed in neat diction, the Court proceeded to the trial of the defendant.
Counsel for the Prosecution. Mr. Sandford, District Attorney. Mr. Pierpont Edwards. For the Defendant. Mr. Harrison.
Mr. Hoffman, Mr. Emmett, Mr. Colden, Mr. W. Morton.
In our report of this extraordinary case, we must content ourselves with laying before the reader, in substance, a statement of the proceedings, and this will perhaps be as acceptable as the necessary long and tedious details, which in another form may hereafter be given. We were in Court from the opening to the determination of the question to which we must now confine ourselves, and if in our statement we have no other merit, we may claim that of faithfulness.
After the Jurors were called, but before they were sworn to try the defendant, a list of the witnesses was read, on which were the names of James Madison, Secretary of State, H. Dearborn, Secretary at War, R. Smith Secretary of the Navy, G. Craigen, Post-Master-General, Jacob Wagner, Chief-Clerk in the Department of State, William Thornton, an officer in one of the Departments of Government, George Clinton, Junr. a member of the House of Representatives, and Sir S. R. Bradley of the Senate of the United States. All these witnesses were absent.
The District Attorney, Mr. Sandford, moved the Court to proceed to the trial of the defendant.
Mr. Colden, for the defendant, rose and stated, that the absent witnesses named had been regularly subpoenaed, that an officer had in person subpoenaed Mr. Madison, and tendered him a reasonable compensation, to wit, 20 dollars, and that on Mr. Madison's intimating that it would be inconvenient to attend the Court at New-York in person, the officer enquired whether he objected to the "quality or quantity," of the sum tendered, on which Mr. Madison remarked that it was unnecessary to add anything on the subject.
Having made this statement, which may be termed the lumber of the law, Mr. Colden applied to the court for compulsory process against Madison, who according to the defendant's affidavit on the file of the court, was, he said, a material witness; and in support of his application he read article 8 of the amendments to the constitution, and the several sections of the acts of Congress in relation to it. The attachment was this day asked for against Mr. Madison only, Mr. Colden dispensing in his argument with the attendance of all the other absent witnesses but Mr. G. Clinton, Junr. and Bradley, who he said were expected the following day.
The District Attorney and Mr. Pierpont Edwards replied, that the motion to bring on the trial was first in order, and that after that was disposed of, they would meet the motion for an attachment. If the object of the counsel for the defendant was to put off the trial, they should know it; the questions were distinct ones and should not be mixed. If Mr. Madison had been guilty of a contempt, for on that alone could an attachment be granted, the attachment might be issued to purge him of the contempt, and the trial go on.
Judge Patterson observed that he had received a letter from Mr. Madison, Mr. Dearborn and Mr. Smith, which he read, and of which the following is an exact copy:
"To the Honorable the Judges of the Circuit Court for the District of New-York."
"We have been summoned to appear, on the 14th day of this month, before a Special Circuit Court of the U. S. for the District of New-York, to testify on the part of William S. Smith, and Samuel G. Ogden, severally, in certain issues of traverse between the United States and the said William S. Smith, and Samuel G. Ogden. Sensible of all the attention due to the writs of subpoena issued in these cases, it is with regret we have to state to the Court, that the President of the United States, taking into view the state of our public affairs, has specially signified to us that our official duties cannot, consistently therewith, be at this juncture dispensed with. The court, we trust, will be pleased to accept this as a satisfactory explanation of our failure to give the personal attendance required. And as it must be uncertain whether, at any subsequent period, the absence of heads of departments, at such a distance from the scene of their official duties, may not equally happen to interfere with them, we respectfully submit, whether the object of the parties in this case may not be reconciled with public considerations by a commission issued, with the consent of their Counsel, and that of the District Attorney of the United States, for the purpose of taking, in that mode, our respective testimonies."
"We have the honor to be, "With the greatest respect, "Your most obedt. servants, "JAMES MADISON, "H. DEARBORN, "R. SMITH." "City of Washington, 8th July, 1805."
Having read this letter, couched in the most respectful terms, and in which the gentlemen tender their testimony by commission, Judge Patterson said, with an energy that we had not expected in his debilitated state, that from the affidavit of the defendant on the files of the court, it did not appear to him that the testimony of Mr. Madison was material. The crime of the defendant laid the Judge, if he be guilty of a crime, was committed in the city of New-York, when Mr. Madison was at Washington. When special matter is presented, we will consider it. The Jurors were discharged until tomorrow.
A defultory conversation ensued as to the precedence of the two motions for the morrow. Judge Patterson said he would not settle the counsel by forms. Adjourned to Tuesday morning at 10.
It is understood that Mr. Lloyd, the Stenographer, who attends the Court, will publish in a book form a report of the trial.
By the Bellifarius, (arrived at Boston), from Bordeaux, the Massachusetts Historical Society have received from Mr. Lee consul at that place, a Colossal Bust of WASHINGTON.
Edward Carrington, Esq. has been appointed by the President of the United States, Consul at Canton.
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in Charleston, to a respectable mercantile house in Norfolk, dated July 8.
"We have accounts, via New-Providence, not of the most pleasing complexion. Private letters from London affirm, that Mr. Fox, in his speech on the 23rd May, in the House of Commons, declared the country to be at war with all the world! and that it was a matter of indifference whether America was thrown into the scale or not!—Nicholson's non-importation bill had caused much sensation; and it was said, that we should be allowed no goods of any description, since we would not indiscriminately take them all."
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 25th JULY.
MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION—Act 2nd.
If the two following accounts are to be believed, this celebrated drama has not yet reached its catastrophe. The curtain is about to rise upon it a second time; and a new set of characters is to be introduced on the stage in the British costume. What is to be the period of its presentation is completely uncertain. But it is sincerely to be wished, that the catastrophe of the piece may, at least resemble these pleasing fictions of the stage, which terminate by rewarding the good and punishing the vicious:
BALTIMORE, July 12.
Arrived the Danish Schooner Performance, Williams, 14 days from St. Thomas. Captain W. was informed at St. Thomas, that general Miranda failed from Barbadoes about the middle of June, with a reinforcement, he was to touch at Trinidad to take on board a number of men who had volunteered in the service.
NEW-YORK, July 17.
A letter from Trinidad, dated on the 19th of June received by a respectable commercial house in this city, by way of Baltimore, contains the following article:
"Miranda's business occupies the general attention at this place: he is expected here on Saturday or Sunday. Great preparations are now making to receive him in a manner suited to his rank. Nine Spaniards, who it is said came here for the purpose of assassinating him, have been apprehended, and lodged in prison. General Hylton, we are assured, has made an offer of his best services and two thousand volunteers to assist this illustrious character in attaining the object of his expedition."
It is very improbable, however, that General Hylton would wish to engage in such an expedition, without the direct consent or instructions of his government; but it is improbable, that any such instructions had been received, if there be any truth in the London article of the 5th of June. This article states that it was only on the preceding day, that dispatches had arrived from Admiral Cochrane, stating the progress of the expedition and requesting "instructions how to act on this extraordinary occasion." The London Editor will be so kind as to infer from this application, that there had been no previous connection between Miranda and the British government. "It shews that such a plan was not in the contemplation of the late ministry. The dates put the present administration wholly out of the question." But the inference is far from being correct. Admiral Cochrane might have received instructions from the late ministry, but yet, uncertain as to the course, which the new cabinet might with him to pursue, he might have considered it his duty to consult them. Besides, these instructions might not have been of a definite nature: The government may have referred to itself, the ultimate power of regulating its conduct by the fate of the expedition, and have simply instructed Admiral Cochrane to give the earliest information of its fate. We confess, however, that though the inference of the London editor be not altogether certain, it wears the appearance of great probability; and that it is most likely, if Admiral Cochrane has now applied for instructions, that he had not previously received any.
Another London paper observes, that Admiral WARREN failed from England for the West-Indies on June 4th (the very day, when Cochrane's dispatches were received) "It is conjectured, HE had orders to co-operate with Miranda."
One opinion, however, may be relied on, that if Miranda does openly unite with the English, he will diminish the number of his American adherents and the probable success of his expedition. In such case he will appear, not in the light of the deliverer of his country, but of an English Agent: not as one whose object is to free Caracas from the Spanish yoke, but rather to place it under the yoke of England. May we not even presume that it was partly from this policy, that Miranda, though assisted by the English, was determined to fit out from neutral ports, from New-York, & Cape Francois, rather than from Barbadoes or Trinidad? It was his interest to obtain the confidence, not to excite the suspicion of his American allies. But should that be his present situation, his enterprise totters.
Another useful Fetch for Bonaparte. —The elector arch-chancellor of the Germanic empire, on account of his great age, has lately chosen Cardinal Fesch as his coadjutor. It is of course probable that during his life-time, he will be come from his old age, the mere tool of the Cardinal; and that when he dies, the Cardinal will succeed him.
Previous to the treaty of Luneville, the arch-chancellor and the elector of Mentz were in the same person. That treaty, however, abolished the electorate of Mentz; but the arch-chancellor survived. Nothing, however, is easier than for Bonaparte to re-establish this office, and consequently to give to his uncle the command of one of the electoral votes. But independently of this advantage, Cardinal Fesch will have to reside at Ratisbon, the seat of the Germanic Diet, where his intrigues may be sometimes of use to his nephew. As the real arch-chancellor too, he will be privileged to summon that Diet, whenever he pleases.
What may be the effect of these arrangements? If the present emperor of Germany dies, Bonaparte will have a good chance of being elected his successor by the Diet: the electors of Bavaria, of Baden, of Württemberg, perhaps of Mentz, besides the King of Prussia, invested with the electoral votes of Hanover and, perhaps, of Pomerania, being all his most friendly Allies. It is not even unlikely, that his ambition, eager for the immediate attainment of his object, and unable to wait the tardy death of the present emperor, may contrive some specious pretext for driving him from his throne. Defeating, perhaps, upon his political incapacity, he may call upon the Germanic Diet to appoint a successor. Such was the fate of one of the preceding emperors. Charlemagne the Great, seems to be principally Bonaparte's model; & Charlemagne was likewise the emperor of Germany.
Quid nunc who are fond of drawing the most alarming pictures of Bonaparte's ambition, are firmed by the late arrivals from Europe, with ample subjects for their pencil. He is represented as restless as ever in erecting new pillars for his empire; He himself is about to obtain from Turkey, Albania and all the provinces formerly owned by Venice. He is about to invade the "Seven Isles" under the same pretext.
Marshall Bernadotte, the brother-in-law of Prince Joseph, now king of Naples, is to obtain a part of the territory of Bavaria for a sovereign principality.
Louis Bonaparte is to be king of Holland. Switzerland to be partitioned into three parts. The Pope has retired to a convent; his temporal powers having devolved on Bonaparte; his spiritual on some Divine, nominated by himself.
Two Sables once more on the Shore. —Two papers are now published at Worcester (Massachusetts) both under the title of National Register ; both publishing the Laws of the U. States; both professing to be republican; both charging the other with federalism; both accusing the other of perjury, fecklessness and meanness.
COMMUNICATION.
No. 1.
A federation of European States, and the general influence upon the happiness of mankind, considered.
In what way, it has been effected, can, or will, Bonaparte, render himself the benefactor of mankind. —This question will necessarily bring before us, the proposed federation of states, and altho' we cannot exactly comprehend the ulterior objects of this project, yet it is possible to offer an hypothetical illustration. Already there has been an allusion to an intended federation or league of many of the European states, which was projected by the illustrious Henry the fourth. But before it was promulgated or ripe for execution Henry was assassinated by Ravailiac; and the plan of the intended federation has been made known by his confidential minister the duke of Sully.—It is now also said, that the Emperor Napoleon intends to carry into effect a similar project.
The situation of Europe is now very different from that which then existed. A plan, which was then wise and necessary, would now appear to be ridiculous. The motives for that federation appeared to have been indefinable. The civilized parts of Europe, then called Christendom, were threatened by Mahometanism from the East by Paganism from the North and the West, and by the ambition of the House of Austria in the centre. All Europe was exposed to danger from each of these causes. The Turks threatened them on the one side, the Russians on another, and Charles the fifth seemed ready to grasp every thing.
Henry the fourth, who was not only sincerely devoted to the christian religion, but was also an able and benevolent statesman, had projected this scheme for the purpose of approving, by adequate means, the incurrings and conquests of these powers. Since that time Europe has been engaged in many disastrous wars. Great changes have been made. Some powers have totally disappeared, which then were of little consequence. Some have obtained excited states. Nothing is now to be feared from the paganism, and barbarism of Russia, from the mahometanism and ferocity of Turkey—or from the all-grasping ambition of Austria.
Bonaparte, it is believed, has now also formed the project of a federation of states, but from very different causes and very different purposes. The intended federation of Henry the fourth was intended for war. The situation of France required it. The federation of Bonaparte is designed for peace, and to prevent future wars. Napoleon's object appears to contemplate the general benefits and happiness of all mankind, to guarantee the future peace of Europe, and to give to the rulers of each nation an opportunity of promoting arts, sciences and civilization.
Nor is this all. The manner in which Europe was then cut up into small feeble principalities, itself shews, that there was no federation which could promise durability. As the plan of Henry VI. was nothing more than a project, the execution of which depended upon the will of a great many persons, it is not likely, even if it had been promulgated, that the different potentates whose interests might be affected would have consented to it. Queen Elizabeth of England, it is said, gave her approbation, and it is very likely if two or three more equally powerful had given theirs also, that the others would have been compelled either to unite or forsake.
Bonaparte at present possesses power enough to execute a partial federation, which will embrace a great proportion of the most valuable parts of Europe, so that, even though he should be opposed by some of the most powerful nations, it will not be in their power to prevent a federation, which will be more than a match for the dissentients.
In order to give the reader a full opportunity of considering the merits of the former project, as well as to decide upon the prospects and reasonableness of the present, some extracts will be submitted to his notice, taken from the 30th chapter or book of Sully's memoirs. Although they may not give useful political information suitable to the present times, they will deserve notice as authentic historical extracts. In treating of the project of Bonaparte we must in a great degree, depend upon the force of our own understandings. We must form our opinions, not only from the real state of things, and from the changes which appear to be either necessary or inevitable, but from the past conduct of the Emperor Napoleon.
The extracts alluded to are as follows:
Having given a cursory view of the history and revolutions of France, from the highest antiquity; and shewn the benefits which might be derived by pursuing different courses, Sully proceeds thus.
Page 119.—"Let us for once, if it is possible, fix our principles; and being from long experience convinced, that the happiness of mankind can never arise from war, of which we ought to have been persuaded long ago, let us upon this principle take a cursory view of our monarchy."
119.—"After this examination, from whence it is incontestably appears, that our kings have seldom thought of any thing but how to carry on their wars, we cannot but be scrupulous in bestowing on them the title of truly great Kings."
120.—"There are none of the European monarchies, but whose destruction will require a concurrence of causes infinitely superior to human force. The whole therefore which seems proper and necessary to be done, is to support them all in a kind of equilibrium, and whatever Prince thinks and in consequence acts otherwise, may indeed cause torrents of blood to flow through all Europe, but he will never be able to change her form."
121.—"121.—"When I observed that the extent of France is not now so considerable as it was in the time of Charlemagne, my intention, most certainly, was not, that this diminution should be considered as a misfortune. In an age when we feel the sad effects of having had ambitious princes, from time to time for our Kings, were all to concur in flattening this fatal ambition, it would be the cause of still greater evils; and it may be generally observed, that the larger the extent of kingdoms, the more they are subject to great revolutions and misfortunes. The basis of the tranquility of our own in particular, depends upon preserving it within its present limits. A climate, laws, language and manners different from our own; seas and chains of mountains almost inaccessible, are all so many barriers, which we may consider as fixed even by nature. Besides, what is it that France wants? Will she not always be the richest and most powerful kingdom in Europe? It must be granted. All therefore which the French have to wish or desire is, that heaven grant them pious, good and wise kings; and that these kings may employ their power in preserving the peace of Europe: for no other enterprise can be to them either profitable or successful."
121.—"And this explains to us the nature of the design, which Henry IV. was on the point of putting in execution, when it pleased God to take him to himself, too soon by some years for the happiness of the world. From hence likewise we may perceive the motives, for his pursuing a conduct, so opposite to any thing which had been hitherto undertaken by crowned heads; and here we may behold what it was that acquired him the title of Great. His designs were not inspired by a mean and despicable ambition, or guided by base and partial interests; to render France happy forever was his desire; and as she cannot perfectly enjoy this felicity, unless all Europe likewise partakes of it; so it was
the happiness of Europe in general which he laboured to procure, and this in a manner so solid and durable, that nothing should be afterwards able to shake its foundations."
126.—"Having so far all the parts of the design in their just points of view, having thoroughly considered and calculated, and from thence discovered and prepared for all events which might happen, I found myself confirmed in the opinion, that the design of Henry the Great, was upon the whole, just in its intention, possible, and even practicable in all its parts, and infinitely glorious in all its effects; so that upon occasions I was the first to recall the King to his engagement, and sometimes to convince him by those very arguments which he himself had taught me."
127.—"He nevertheless communicated it to Elizabeth (Queen of England), and this was what inspired them with so strong an inclination to confer together in 1601, when this princes came to Dover and Henry to Calais. What the ceremony of an interview would not have permitted them to do, I at least began by the voyage which I made to the princes. I found her deeply engaged in the means, by which this great design might be executed. A very great number of the articles, conditions and different dispositions, is due to this Queen, and sufficiently shews that in respect of wisdom, penetration and all the other perfections of the mind, she was not inferior to any King, the most truly deserving of that title."
131.—"Should the grand duke of Muscovy or Czar of Russia, refuse to enter into the association after it is proposed to him, he ought to be treated like the Sultan of Turkey, deprived of his possessions in Europe and confined to Asia only."
"To succeed in the execution of this which does not appear difficult, if we supposed all the christian princes unanimously concurred in it, it would only be necessary for each of them to contribute in proportion to their several abilities towards the support of the forces, and all the other incidental expenses, which the success of such an enterprise might require."
135.—"This armament of the princes and states of Europe, appears to be inconceivable and to little hurtful when compared with the forces which they usually keep on foot to awe their neighbors, or perhaps than our subjects, that were it to have fulfilled even perpetually, it would not have occasioned any inconvenience, and would have been an excellent military academy but, besides that the interprizes for which it was designed, would not always have continued. The number and expense might have been diminished in proportion to the necessities which would have always been the same. Though I am persuaded that an armament would have been so highly approved of by all these princes, that after they had reconquered with it, whatever they would not suffer any stranger should share with them in Europe, they would have sought to have joined to it such parts of Asia, as were most commodiously situated and particularly the whole coast of Africa, which is too near to our own territories for us not to be frequently incommoded by it. The only precaution to be observed in regard to these additional countries, would have been to form them into new kingdoms, declare them united with the rest of the christian powers, and below them on different princes, carefully observing to exclude those who before bore rank among the foreigners of Europe."
144.—"The laws and ordinances proper to cement an union between all these princes, and to maintain that harmony which should be once established among them, the reciprocal oaths and engagements in regard, both to religion and policy, the mutual assurances in respect to the freedom of commerce, and the measures to be taken to make all these partitions with equity, and to the general content and satisfaction of all parties; all these matters are to be understood; nor is it necessary to say any thing of the precaution taken by Henry in regard to them. The most that could have happened would have been some trifling difficulties which would vainly have been obviated in the general council representing all the states of Europe; The establishment of which was certainly the happiest convention that could have been conceived, to prevent those innovations, which time often introduces in the wisest and most useful institutions."
(Remarks on the foregoing will appear in No. 2.)
FOUND, A BANK NOTE, the owner may get it by paying for the advertisement; and applying to the subscriber, living with Mr. Bendle.
ARMISTEAD MOSBY. July 25. (3c.)
JUST PUBLISHED, By Jacob Johnson, and for sale at his Book-Store, a few doors below the Market Richmond, THE Rudiments of the Latin Tongue, or a plain and easy introduction to Latin Grammar, by Thomas Rudiman. July 25. (3c.)
A FEW Copies of a Correct View of Richmond, taken for the Map of Virginia, for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store. July 25. (1f.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY--FOR SALE.
BEING desirous of removing to the Western country, I will sell the land whereon I now live, on Buckingham county, at the mouth of State river, on James river, sixty miles above Richmond; containing above One Thousand Acres, one hundred and sixty of which, at least, are Excellent Low Grounds.—On this farm are all necessary and convenient improvements for any fixed family, viz: a spacious and handsome Dwelling House, quite new; Kitchen, Meat-house, Stables, Carriage-house, Barn, Ice-house—also, nearly all new—There are on this farm tolerable Orchards of different kinds; and two Shad-fisheries, turpified by none on the river above the falls. One fourth of the purchase money will be required in hand; and the remainder in three equal annual payments, with a lien on the premises to secure the payment of these three last sums.
GEORGE NICHOLAS. With the above valuable farm, and immediately adjoining, may be had also, the SLATE QUARRIES, heretofore advertised I suppose by good judges, who have visited them, to be equal if not superior to any now known, in point of quantity, quality and situation. For the reasons formerly given, they may be had for any species of property more convenient to, or requiring less attention from the subscriber. If they are not soon disposed of, it is proposed to recommence the working of them the ensuing autumn: when it is confidently believed from the experiments already made, that covering of that kind may be expected on much more reasonable terms in Virginia, than that bulky and heavy article can possibly be had from any more distant quarters.
JOHN NICHOLAS. July 25. (4t. adv.)
RICHMOND JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
At an adjourned meeting of the Richmond James River Company on the 24th July, 1806, WHEREAS The Legislature of Virginia has, without the consent of this company proceeded to alter the act incorporating the same in many essential parts, by which it is deemed unsafe

NEW PAMPHLET.
Observations on the Speech of the Hon. John Randolph, Representative in the State of Virginia, in the General Congress of America, on a motion for the non-importation of British merchandise, pending the present dispute between Great Britain and America. By the author of War in Disguise.
(CONTINUED)
"But are other nations responsible for these outrages?" not directly, I admit. Whether it be not a duty of neutral powers to unite in controlling them, and protecting those sacred principles by which the community of nations is bound together, from further violation, is a question not hard to decide. (1) But all I contend for here, is the very moderate position that neutral nations ought not actively (2) to assist in giving effect to a system, which is planted, sustained and expanded by the invasions of neutral rights. (3)
"If they will thus permit Bonaparte to exclude ships when laden with our merchandise from Hamburg, and such other maritime places, yet permitted to be called neutral, as the terror of his arms has already shut against us; and to extend as he now threatens, the same system to Portugal and Denmark; it is not neutral, it is not equal, to deny a like latitude to us; and they would have no right to complain, if we should apply the same interdiction as generally, to the merchandise of our enemies, wherever our power extends; that is, to every maritime part of the globe. (4)
"Colonial produce and supplies alone, are the subject now in dispute with America; but here is a principle, on which we might fairly interdict the carriage of French, Spanish, and Dutch goods in general, whether colonial or European; and not in particular voyages alone, but in any part of the ocean. (5) If not, then the rights and duties of neutrality are all on one side, and Bonaparte has already obtained some of the legal effects of that sovereignty, to which he now openly aspires over the kings and kingdoms of the earth. He has imperial prerogatives in the courts of nations, in which a British monarch has no right to participate.
"Hitherto it is a principle of natural right, to which no writer on the law of nations has objected, and which most of them have expressly affirmed, that impartiality is one of the duties of neutral states; and a branch of this duty is, that what they permit to one belligerent, they must be ready to permit to the other. Even the king of Prussia, acknowledged this obligation, when he gave passage to the Russian army, on hearing the violation of Ansbach; nor has the French despot himself, had the assurance openly to find fault with the act. (6)
"But America, it may be said perhaps, has not yet been prevented by France, from carrying any goods whatever to the ports of this country, or our colonies."
"France, I admit, has not extended her commercial interdiction, where she had not power to extend it. She has no naval arms, and therefore can but ill door against commerce on the inside only, not lock it from without; nor can she prevent importations into countries, into which her battalions cannot advance."
"But if she has not prevented importation by neutral vessels, into England, she has done more, much more for the purpose of my argument, by excluding them from neutral ports. (7)
"America is prevented from importing British goods into Hamburg for instance, not because it is the will of the Senate of Hamburg, but because it is the mandate of France; and America will submit to this prohibition, as she has done to other injuries of the same species, from the same unprincipled power. (8) On what confident pretence then could she complain, if we should forbid her carrying French goods, whether colonial or European, to Copenhagen or Lisbon?—Now otherwise are we to obtain equality, in respect of neutral commerce? (9)
"We may block up, it is true, the ports from which our goods are excluded; but this is often an inefficient resort, as well as always an expensive one, and a diversion of our naval force from more active service. Neither can it be expected, that we can prevent our blockades over every harbour or accessible coast, to which Bonaparte can extend his exclusive system by land."
"Besides it would be absurd to maintain that we may lawfully blockade neutral ports as a rightful defence against this unprecedented system of war, and yet have no right to restrain on the trade of the enemies ports, left neutral interests should suffer. (10)
"The blockades too, however completely enforced, would be obviously ineffectual, to prevent the meditated injury to our colonies and our commerce. Our sugars are shut out from Hamburg, and we exclude French and Spanish sugars in return by our blockade. What then? If we allow the latter to be carried to Rhenberg, to Antwerp, or any other unblocked port, the same continental market are effectually supplied, by means of interior navigation, with the French or Spanish article, which, Hamburg before supplied with, the British."
"If, by a just and necessary retaliation, we should prevent the supply generally in neutral bottoms, the growing dearth of the article, would soon frustrate the hostile prohibition, or oblige the enemy to recall it; but while French and Spanish produce, can be plentifully obtained from neighbouring ports, this natural remedy cannot operate; and our blockades rather tends in a commercial view to increase, than diminish the evil."
"This partiality therefore in the acquiescence and the resistance of neutral states, amounts not merely to passive injustice, but to an active and pernicious co-operation with the enemy in his efforts to destroy our commerce; yet though he tramples for that end on the most indispensable rights of neutrals, their extreme, abstract, and most doubtful rights, are strangely let up against us, to effectuate his injurious purpose."
"The main though preposterous defence of the frustration of our hostilities against the enemy's colonial trade, is his right to open his own ports; but has he a right to shut up neutral ports, as well as open his own? Here at least the land rights, will not bear out the sea wrong. Besides, America has now shrunk from this favourite principle of hers, when she had to deal with a power that would not be bullied. She has not only suffered France to take her ships when trading to St. Domingo, but at the imperious mandate of that power has passed a law to forbid the trade to her subjects. (11) It is because Duffour has not as good a right to Hayti, as Bonaparte to Naples? I should deny the proposition—even as to Paris; but at least Duffour has as good a right to make laws in Hayti, as Bonaparte at Hamburg."
"If the nation which is called on to submit to such injurious inequality of treatment, were feeble or inferior at sea, the common dispositions in the strong to oppress the weak, might account for the unjust demand. But what in the present case may well excite astonishment, as well as indignation, is, that this injustice is offered to a nation, whose power to resist it, is as indisputable, as her right to do so—whose invincible and magnificent navy rises triumphant over every sea; who, to use the words of Mr. Randolph, "has annihilated the marine of her enemies," and might boldly defy the combined hostility of all the maritime nations on the globe, to snatch the trident from her hand."
"That France, an exile from the ocean, should under such circumstances, have the assurance to wage with us a war of commercial exclusions, is singular enough. But if neutrals will persevere in their present conduct, and if England timidity submit to it, the plan is perfectly rational, and cannot fail of final success."
"Behold then a new prodigy of this extraordinary age. The utmost maritime strength is important to protect commercial navigation; and a power that is driven from the ocean can destroy the trade of its enemy."
"But the paradox is of easy solution—The plain key to it, is, the new and compendious principle
that the rights of neutrality, are nothing on the shore, but every thing at sea. (12)
"If this doctrine is to prevail, let us besech the people of the United States, to relieve us from the burden of those 800 men of war, which Mr. Randolph, with but a small exaggeration, supposes us at present to possess—to take also off our hands, this island, which we cannot long hope to defend, and give us a district beyond the Blue Mountains, in exchange."
"At present we have no such distant retreat, as Mr. R. speaks of, from the arms of an invader; no alternative to that naval war, which he wisely declines."
"Surely such new and forcible considerations as the present conjuncture affords, cannot fail to have an influence on the minds of the American people. It is true, they might have been suggested in some degree, by the conduct of France, at an earlier period of the war; but the exclusion of our commerce from the continent, though partially and faintly attempted before, is now for the first time distinctly avowed by Bonaparte, as the grand offensive project which is to enforce our submission; and in the execution of which, neutral nations, as he scruples not to threaten, will be constrained to concur. Neither till the defection of Prussia from the Randal of neutrality, was the scheme so boldly avowed as at the present, or so capable of extensive effect."
"Mr. Randolph, in one passage of his speech, seems to consider the excuse of necessity, as the chief argument relied upon in the pamphlet, which he does me the honor to quote; but on a reference to the world, it will be found that this was but one among many foundations of right, on which the rule of the war 1756 was placed, and to the chief part of which no answer has hitherto been given; and it will further be found that the author did not profess to argue the question at large, even in respect of the colonial trade, much less to define and defend the whole extent of our maritime rights in the present unparallelled contest."
"There are other views, still more comprehensive and important, upon which it would be much easier to justify the severest (13) war that could possibly be waged against the commerce of our enemy, & the maritime intercourse of his usurped dominions, than to execute the concessions that have been hitherto made in favour of neutral trade. But neither these, nor the considerations here briefly suggested, have yet been submitted to the candour of the American people."
"A magnanimous, but not very prudent contempt of the popular voice in foreign countries, or at least of the means of obtaining its suffrage, has been long displayed by the cabinet of England. We fight, we pay, we negotiate, but except in a formal manifesto, we do not reason, to the European or American public. We abandon to our enemies, the influence of every foreign press, even where the fear of French arms does not preclude a competition. (14)
"It is perhaps a natural, though accidental consequence, of our peculiar form of government—The rights and the interests of the nation, the grounds of its wars, and its treaties, are copiously discussed in parliament; and we forget that foreign politicians do not always read our debates."
"The grand subject of our maritime rights, at least, has every where, out of England, been left to private and self-interested pens, and these have almost universally been in the service of neutralizing traders. Our enemies therefore have walked over the course in America, as well as in other neutral countries; and the people hearing of nothing but British violence and injustice, have condemned us without a trial."
"I am led to these remarks by a passage in Mr. Randolph's speech, in which he adopts an opinion currently received in America, that "War in Disguise" was written under the eye of Mr. Pitt. The fame has also been affirmed confidently in all the newspapers of that country as a known fact, and has been hitherto uncontradicted. Let the author therefore do justice to the independence and freedom of his pen, at the expense of the credit which it might derive from the choice of our late celebrated minister. "War in Disguise" was not written under the eye, nor at the instigation of Mr. Pitt, or any other member of administration; nor was it honored by his perusal till after it was given to the public. Whatever be the weakness or the strength of the arguments it contains, they were spontaneous and sincere, the result of uninduced, and, as their author believes, of impartial opinion."
"But to return from this digression—If new considerations of justice, now arise to satisfy the people of the United States, that their demands are groundless in point of right; new and more powerful motives of policy, have also been furnished by the late changes in Europe, to reinforce the arguments of Mr. Randolph."
"What, hopes, let me ask, can they now retain, of the moderation of France, and how truly alarming to them ought to be the prospect of a maritime peace in Europe."
"While a hope remained of a continental balance of power in the old world being restored, it was natural for the people of the United States to suppose themselves neutral in point of interest, in the event of the war, as well as in their actual relations. But which of their politicians will now be hardly enough to dispute the opinion of Mr. Randolph, that the navy of England is the sole bulwark of American commerce, and that our ruin would insure their own."
"This enlightened patriot (for though as an American addressing a republican audience, he says some things which an Englishman cannot approve, he fairly deserves that name) will I doubt not now further extend his views, and discover more clearly the Trans-Atlantic projects of French ambition which the war alone suspends."
"Colonies are one of the favourite and avowed objects of Napoleon's views, and where are rich colonies to be obtained, so easily and so speedily, as in Spanish America? What I will the conscience of Bonaparte shrink from the guilt of despoiling another branch of his murdered master's family? or is it the patient character of his policy to wait for the flow reiteration of agriculture in St. Domingo, when finally regained by exterminatory war, rather than possess himself at once of all the existing wealth and all the commerce of Cuba? His measures during the last peace furnish no argument to the contrary. They were suggested by his ignorance of the true state of St. Domingo, and he therefore began where he would otherwise have ended. Besides, he was then kept little in check by the yet unbroken power of his late enemies, and by the difficulties of his domestic situation; but the next opportunity of sending armies without obligation to the new world, will be better improved. Hayti may serve for a sent, or even perhaps for a genuine, tho' secondary object; but Cuba will be occupied and ceded, and some of the feeble continental colonies of Spain will be next reduced. Louisiana will be resumed, and the southern flanks of the American union will soon experience the effects of their interior system, when opposed to the hostility of an industrious & unprincipled neighbor."
"But in these prospects, new perhaps to English eyes, and yet demonstrably of real probability, I am losing sight of my intended limits, and forgetting that I must not delay to give Mr. Randolph's important speech to the public at this very critical juncture."
"Without therefore extending further these views of colonial usurpation, I would ask the citizens of America seriously to reflect, time the maritime power of England could alone avert from them such evils, if France were disposed to realize them."
"Would armies be sacrificed in the work? What then!—Did the waste of human life beget remorse at St. Domingo? The tyrant has besides a horrible interest, in the deathful character of his Trans-Atlantic enterprises."
"Be it remembered that in the European countries which he has subjugated & in those which he still means to subdue, there are millions of ardent patriots whom their conqueror would be happy to dispose of in different military services, just as he has lately sent the patriotic Polish legions to do his murderous work, and perish in St. Domingo."
"How copiously might the unutterable spirit of this free country, if it were conquered, add to the miserable numbers of high minded victims. Brethren of America, the idea, though fierce and dreadful, is not beyond the range of possible events, that the volunteers of England may be sent to reduce the Spanish colonies, and to feed your kindred blood."
"But America might fall even before her parent. A brief period of peace would suffice to restore the marine of France enormously as she has now extended her means of multiplying ships; for she has found that soldiers may soon be taught nautical skill enough to man her fleets, at least as well as they have been lately manning with French and Spanish sailors. In our own service a landsman is soon converted into an ordinary seaman, and there is no motive so strong with Bonaparte for desiring that peace for which he is now busily angling, as the present imp(15) of sending his soldiers to sea for education, without requiring their captivity, and the loss of the ships that carry them."
"But for such an enterprise as the conquest of the Spanish colonies, a large naval force would not be wanting; armies might be landed there without resistance, large enough to maintain, as well as to accomplish, the easy work. The mother country far from protecting, do not encourage them to resist, and I am persuaded that at this moment nothing avers a French yoke from the colonies both of Spain and Portugal, but the impervious barrier of our navy; may, that nothing suspends the fate of those mother countries themselves, but the fear that their colonies would be lost, from the want of a fleet to secure them. (16)
(To be concluded in our next.)
Notes by the Editor of the Enquirer.
(1) It is then incumbent upon neutral nations to combine for the preservation of these principles! Must then every nation declare war against every government, that may choose to violate the laws of justice. What is this in fact but the wild, and much-abused decree of the national convention of France, that promised assistance to every enslaved people, who might wish to throw off their chains? According to this quixotic morality, war would not only be perpetual in its occurrence, but universal in its range. But of what avail would this principle be to Great-Britain herself? a nation, who is in the continual habit of eliminating "right" by "might"; a nation who is decked out in the honorable title of tyrant of the ocean, and whose continual violations would continually invoke the universal vengeance of neutrals?
(2) How is this active assistance given? Do we furnish any reinforcements to France; money, ships, or men? Or do we merely carry on a commerce for our own benefit, which is not contrary to the laws of nations or the rights of England? It may be, that the transportation of colonial produce does assist France, by increasing her resources. But what branch of commerce is there, between this country and France, that has not the same effect? If the argument therefore be correct, England might interdict our whole trade with France, by declaring all her ports in a state of blockade.
(3) But if we extend the same magic argument to England, it unfortunately applies without equal if not superior force. We are invited to acquiesce in our system, which is obviously planted, sustained and expanded by the invasions of neutral nations, for the sake of resisting ourselves, which is said to be "planted, sustained and expanded" by similar means; with this most fatal difference however for us, that we are the nation whose neutral rights are to be offered up, for the preservation of others. We are to suffer Great-Britain to prey upon us, because Bonaparte has chosen to prey upon Hamburg or Naples.
(4) If Bonaparte succeeds by the force or the terror of his arms in regulating the trade of Hamburg, the fault is not in us, but in the inhabitants of that oppressed city. It is against them that England will hurl her vengeance. They alone are the neutrals, who "tamely permit Bonaparte to exclude ships, when laden with English merchandise, from Hamburg."—After Hamburg has become thus dependent upon France, she is in fact to be regarded in the light of a conquered country. Her trade is as completely under the government of Bonaparte as the trade of any port in France. Of course, he acquires the right of regulating its whole trade, of admitting some vessels & cargoes, or of excluding others. Neutrals cannot complain of this authority, provided he respects the laws of nations or the obligations of treaties. The whole is the effect of that general principle, which every sovereign possesses of regulating the internal affairs of his country. Far different, however, this is from the pretension here set up for England; of cancelling at her own pleasure, the established rights of neutrals; on the great high sea of nations. Bonaparte has a right to exclude British manufactures from France or from his conquered countries; but Britain has no right to exclude French manufactures from the same ports, unless they were contraband of war, or bound to a blockaded port, or in some cases, the property of French subjects.
(5) Even the principle of the author himself does not justify this extended inference. Because neutral nations permit Bonaparte to exclude British manufactures from all French ports, England has a right to exclude all French, Spanish, and Dutch goods from every port in the ocean. The only real right, perhaps, that accrues to England, is to treat these interdicted ports as the ports of a conquered country. She may perhaps subject them to an actual blockade. She may perhaps exclude every neutral flag, and every species of cargo which they carry. But let her not therefore extend her pretended retaliation to neutral states. Nor let even that retaliation extend beyond the original injury, that is said to be inflicted.
(6) Let this trafio be admitted; but what inference follows? That Great-Britain has the same right to compel neutral ports to shut out French manufactures, as Bonaparte has to exclude the manufactures of his enemy. When she exercises this same power; when she shall overawe the ports of the continent by the force or terror of her arms, then will she acquire the same right of regulating their trade. She may then appeal to us for the display of our impartiality. She will then see how ready we are to perform the duty of perceiving to one belligerent, what we permit to the other.—But, No. Britain will scarce even make this appeal. She has turned her attention to the sea, and Bonaparte to the land. Her resources have created a navy; His , have created an army. Bonaparte interrupts her trade, by the terror of his arms; Britain interrupts his , by the blockade of his ports. May not neutrals therefore as well complain even of this interdiction of their trade to French ports, by an English blockade, as of its interruption by the overwhelming influence of French armies?
(7) Neutral nations are under much greater obligations to France than to England. Not to speak of the disproportion of captures made by these two powers on the high seas, it is sufficient to turn our attention to the ports only where our vessels are destined. Great-Britain has blocked many of the ports of France; France has not blocked a single English port. To be sure, France has restricted our trade with some of the northern and the Italian states; But even there, Great-Britain has sometimes completely prohibited it. When therefore she obviously violates our rights, where is the obligation that shall reduce us to silence? If the once neutral nations of Germany, have reason to complain of French usurpations, shall not we also complain of British usurpations? But if they are too timid or too weak to resist their oppressor, shall we therefore tamely submit to our own?
(8) When France impresses 5000 of our seamen, and condemns hundreds of our vessels on the most unjustifiable pretences, it will be time to manifest our resistance.
(9) In two obvious ways. When Great-Britain shall turn her arms upon the continent, when she shall over-run or terrify the ports of neutrals, she will acquire equal rights, and equal benefits.—Or, when she shall acquire a navy that is extensive enough to blockade all the ports which Bonaparte may control, she may exclude his merchandise, in as justifiable a manner as he excludes ours .
ner as he now excludes ours . But it is our fault that the navy of England is not as commanding as the army of France?
(10) It is no greater absurdity than occurs during every maritime war. It is not customary for a nation to blockade her enemy's port; but at the same time to respect the neutral trade, that is destined to a port not blockaded; unless indeed it be contraband of war or contraband of enemy's property.
(11) The United States have never acknowledged the sovereignty of St. Domingo. They still consider it as part of France, subject to her own regulations. But one regulation was, to prohibit all our trade with her revolted ports. This trade therefore was contrary to the law of nations. But we did not immediately interdict it by our own laws; because the renunciation of France had been hitherto claimed not so much at the trade itself, as to the manner of our carrying it on. We believed that a law, which should prevent our armed merchantmen from resisting the right of search by a legally commissioned cruiser of France, would be commensurate with her demands. The law was passed; but France now renounces it against the trade itself. We deemed it therefore to be a duty, we owed to France, to prohibit it altogether. Such is the history of a transaction, which the federal papers and this English author have equally misrepresented.
(12) Not less compendious is the English paradox; that the rights of one neutral are nothing at sea, because the rights of another are nothing on shore. Because Bonaparte tramples on Hamburg, therefore England may trample on America.
(13) Is then a much severer war to be yet waged against our commerce? How much of this "War in Disguise," is still ready to burst upon us?
(14) Are not some of the many thousands of "secret service money" devoted to this object? But if the British court does not keep foreign presses in its pay, it has a plenty of friends in the printing-offices of our country. For example, Messrs. Carpenter, Bronson, Coleman, Parke, &c. &c. &c.
(15) Let us not deny to many of these pictures, the credit of ingenious conjecture. Let us brood over them with a sleepless resolution to compare every new measure of Bonaparte with the predictions of the author; to revisit them with boldness, when they begin to aim at our repose. But it is obvious that some of these visions are the colourings of a jaundiced imagination; and some of an understanding sophisticated in the cause, which it labours to support. The probability is, that Bonaparte's ambition is directed towards the rising, rather than to the setting sun; that it points towards the classic soil of Turkey, rather than to the American colonies of Spain. And to what do these reasonings reach? That we exchange a certainty for an uncertainty; and because the sceptre of France is threatening us from afar, that we must bow our necks beneath the English trident.
Law Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
For the temporary relief of Hamet Caramalli.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the sum of two thousand four hundred dollars, be and hereby appropriated, to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States, to the immediate and temporary relief of Hamet Caramalli, Ex-bathaw of Tripoli.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
S. SMITH,
President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
April 21, 1806.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz.
One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deanes, from Paxton Clayton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security.
M. B. POTTAUX.
trst.
April 15.
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 28th day of July next. M. B. P.
ALEXANDER STUART, Esquire, of Richmond, and Col. William Daniel, of Cumberland county, are so obliging as to undertake my law business. The former will give his attention to it in the federal court and in the court of appeals. The latter in the superior court of chancery for the Richmond district.
CREED TAYLOR.
July 18.
(tt)
SAMUEL BARRET,
BOOT AND SHOE-MAKER,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he has taken the shop next door above the Office of the Enquirer, and opposite Mr. A. Davis's, Printing-Office—where he will execute all business in his line, on the shortest notices, either mens or womens Shoes, &c.
July 18.
(tt)
LAND—FOR SALE.
Agreeably to a decree of the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on the premises, on Saturday the 26th day of August next:
A TRACT OF LAND in Chesterfield county, ten miles from Petersburg, containing about two hundred acres, and known by the name of Osborne's, to satisfy a debt due by the estate of John Osborne, deceased, to Addison Day.
July 18.
THE COMMISSIONERS.
(et3w.)
5,000 wt. SALT PETER'D BACON, 1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE, 10 grots BOTTLED CYDER, A few bushels CLOVER SEED, 130 pieces PAPER HANGINGS. For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM.
Constantly for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horses—apply as above. May 27. eoti
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF
BLANKS,
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
CHINA AND GLASS.
The subscriber has lately received from Philadelphia, a beautiful assortment of China and Glass, viz. full sets of dining china, and china glazed Liverpool ware; complete and broken sets tea china, well assorted, among which are some uncommonly beautiful china bottles, &c. English and German glass, cut and plain, consisting of fruit baskets and flasks, sugar dieters, jelly glasses and salts, champagne cut; decanters, wines, tumblers, goblets and cans, cut and plain, and a handsome assortment of chimney ornaments. He also keeps, as usual, a general assortment of Liverpool ware and groceries, of all kinds for retailing; and has at present, port wine and claret by the bbl., box, or doz. Double and single distilled vinegars, cucumbers, pickles and tarr by the barrel, powder and ale as usual. DANIEL TRIPLETT. June 24. (Adv.)
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester and Dumfries, to Frederickburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 6 3/4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 11 A. M. and arrive at Frederickburg by 5 P. M. in 13 hours. Leave Frederickburg every day, at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 2 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 5 P. M. and arrive at Washington by 5 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 6 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 7 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 1 P. M.; leave Dumfries at 2 P. M. and arrive at Frederickburg by 7 P. M. Leave Frederickburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M.; arrive at Alexandria by 1 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 4 P. M. and arrive at Washington City by 6 3/4 P. M. Frederickburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover C. H. Richmond and Osborne's to Petersburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Frederickburg every day at 4 A. M. & arrive at Richmond by 3 P. M.; leave Richmond at 4 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 P. M. Leave Petersburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 3 A. M. arrive at Richmond same day by 6 A. M. and leave Richmond at 6 3/4 A. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.