The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-08-01 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 25.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 1, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
I. THE ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.
II. TERMS of payment will be FOUR DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 9th August, after which, the price will be FIVE DOLLARS, in advance.
III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.
IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion.
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States. And those whose lands have been sold in the District of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs.
As most of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1803, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent. per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me.
JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D.
July 7.
LOW FOR CASH, OR ON SHORT CREDIT, Direct from Penington's Manufactory, Philadelphia.
LOAF SUGAR.
OF an excellent quality, either by the hog-head, barrel, or single loaf. The supply will be regular and large.
MICAIAH DAVIS.
4th of 7th mo. 1804. [cWem]
Foreign Intelligence.
FROM LATE FRENCH PAPERS.
CONSERVATIVE SENATE.
Extracts from the Registers of the Conservative Senate, of the 14th Floreal, (May 4th).
The orators of the tribunate were announced and introduced. The tribune Jord Panvilliers spoke:—he then read the vote of the tribunate, which enjoined him, with the tribunes, Abilhon, Challen, Goussief Prefelt, Labary, and Saluce, to carry to the senate the resolutions of the tribunate, passed in the sitting of the preceding day, namely, "That Napoleon Bonaparte, actually chief consul, should be declared Emperor of the French; and that the imperial dignity should be declared hereditary in his family." The orator explained the motives and the circumstances which had induced the tribunate to adopt this measure.
The vice-president of the senate, expressed to the deputation the high satisfaction with which the assembly received them, and assured the tribunes, in the name of the senate, that they would take the subject into their immediate consideration.
In the course of the vice-president's answer to the tribunes, he took the opportunity of informing them, that the senate had been occupied on the same grand object since the 6th Germinal, deeming it a necessary step to guarantee to the people of France all those rights for which they ardently contended. The monarchy was necessary, they had rejected the name of Bourbon, because it would be productive of counter-revolutions, and bear along with it, despotism, nobility, feudalism, servitude and ignorance.
When the orators had retired, the senate took the report into discussion: that discussion terminated by adopting the resolution of the senate.
6th Germinal.—The conservative senate being in number of members agreeable to the nineteenth article of the constitution, and deliberating upon the communication it has received in the name of the government, by the grand minister of justice, in the sitting of the 2d of this month, relative to criminal plots contrived by the envoy of his Britannic majesty at Munich, and of original pieces which form the object of that report: after having examined the report of that special commission, named in the sitting of the same day, adopt the conclusions deduced from that report and the proposal of an address suggested by that commission; in pursuance, they have decreed that an address of the following tenor shall be presented by the senate, in a body, to the first consul of the republic.
ADDRESS OF THE CONSERVATIVE SENATE TO THE FIRST CONSUL.
Citizen First Consul, The Conservative Senate present themselves in a body before you, to thank you for the communication that you ordered to be laid before them on the 2d of this month, by the grand minister of justice, comprising original and authentic documents relating to the atrocities directed against the state, and against us, under the shelter of the diplomatic character, by the envoy of the king of England, residing at the court of Munich. In examining these pieces and the report of the grand minister, the senate has been in this case, supplying for the moment, the functions of a great national tribunal. A commission of five members, framed a report, which the senate approved, and now present to you. The publicity of this report must depend upon the wisdom of the government. Our deliberations are, in an essential degree, necessarily secret; and, in
matters of high policy, it is our maxim to let nothing transpire, but what the government may think proper to communicate to Europe. We talk to Europe, because the investigation of this proceeding, is not merely confined to France, it is the cause of the world.
Nevertheless, inasmuch as it regards France, these circumstances have contributed to cast light upon two important objects. Providence has preserved a hero, necessary to her pure designs, and in your ruin, France is involved. The English and the emigrants know, that your destiny is interwoven with that of the French people. If their execrable projects had been fulfilled, a dreadful vengeance would have been the result. Heaven will perceive the land from the dire necessity of punishing a crime, that, in its consequence, might overthrow the world. Yet this crime has been attempted, and may be repeated; we speak of vengeance, and our laws are not equal to the exigency.
Yes, Citizen First Consul, the senate should in duty tell you, that in recognizing our social system, your superior genius neglected provisions, that do honor to the generosity of your character, but which augments perhaps your dangers and our fears. All our constitutions, excepting that of the year 8, had organized a high court, or a national jury. You thought, a similar tribunal would not be necessary; and posterity, who will regard you for all that you have done, will count likewise upon that which you was not willing to foresee.
But Citizen First Consul, there is a debt you owe your country. You are not at liberty to neglect your existence; and the senate who in essence, are the conservators of the social compact of thirty millions of men, demand on their part, that the law be expounded upon the first object of that conservation.
Citizen First Consul, a great national tribunal will insure, on the one part, the responsibility of the public functionaries, and on the other, it will prevent to conspirators a ready tribunal, invested with the necessary powers to maintain the security and existence of a great people, attached to the safety and existence of their first magistrate.
But this national jury will not be sufficient now, to insure your life, and the effect of your great work, if you do not combine other institutions in the system to survive you. You established a new epoch; but you ought to eternalize it; splendor is nothing if it is ephemeral; we cannot doubt but this great idea has occupied your thoughts, for your creative genius embraces all things.
You are pressed by the time, by the events, by conspirators, by the ambitious. You are pressed by the inquietude, which agitates all Frenchmen. You may arrest time, control events, curb the conspiring, disarm the ambitious, and tranquillize France, by giving institutions which will cement the edifice of the state, and prolong those benefits for the children, which you acquire for their fathers. Citizen first consul, be well assured that the senate addresses you here, in the name of all the citizens. All admire and love you; but there are some who ponder with profound anxiety, upon the probable fate of the vessel the Republic, if they had the misfortune to lose their pilot, before it had been fixed upon immovable anchors. In the cities, in the country, if you were to interrogate all Frenchmen, one after the other, there is not one who would not exclaim with us, "great man, finish your vast designs, and make your glory immortal: you have extricated us from the chaos of the past: you make us blest, in the enjoyment of existing blessings; guarantee them to us for the future."
In all foreign courts, found politicians exercise the same language. The repose of France includes the repose of Europe.
Such are, citizen First Consul, the observations which the senate have charged us to lay before you in giving us also the immediate mission to repeat, in their name, and in the name of France, that under all circumstances and at this moment in a greater degree than ever, the senate and the people are consolidated with you.
Signed, CAMBACERES, Second Consul President. MORAD DE GALLIS & JOSEPH CORNUDET, Secretaries.
THE ADDRESS,
OF THE LEGISLATIVE BODY OF FRANCE TO THE CHIEF CONSUL.
Citizen First Consul,
The members of the Legislative body are no sooner reassembled than they reciprocate a common zeal for their country; and at this important epoch they cannot feel indifferent to the National will, so loudly and generally expressed. Scattered over the various departments of this great empire, they know its wants and habits.—They know that the energy and action of the power which governs, should be commensurate with the extent of territory and population. When this relation, established by nature, is neglected by the legislator, his work must perish.
The chief blessing of man is tranquillity and peace; and these depend on permanent institutions. The supreme power which guarantees them, ought, therefore, to be secure from the caprice of elections. Every elective government is inconstant, violent, and helpless as the passions of men; whilst hereditary power gives to the social system the force, the continuance, and constancy of the designs of nature. An uninterrupted succession of authority, in the same family, will maintain the peace and existence of all. It is necessary, for the perpetual security of their rights, that the authority which protects them should be eternal. The people, who unite the most copious levity with the most eminent qualities, most supremely prefer a system, which contains their virtues, by repelling their inconstancy.
Hitherto every where discovered, at the head of great nations, a single hereditary chief. But this high magistracy is not instituted but for general good. If it is weak it falls, if violent it destroys itself; and in either case it merits its fate, for it oppresses the people, or fails to protect them. In one word, this authority, which ought to be tutelary, ceases to be lawful, when it is not national.
No!—doubtless, those mighty beings were not Gods, whom general interest has deified, & associated in brilliant and inaccessible spheres, that law proclaimed from such high authority might have the more splendor, control and influence.—But if the grandeur of monarchy is not founded on the extravagant fictions, which delude the multitude, it is supported by all those political maxims which the lessons of adversity, and the voice of ages, have established.
Artifices and illusions have ceased; but do we need a man of our choice? Scarcely has he numbered thirty-four years, and the events of his life are more avenger than the fables, with which history has surrounded the cradle of ancient dynasties.
The triumph and will of the nation cannot be resisted. Such extraordinary changes are not new. It is at the noise and tumult of thrones, which fall, which
rise, and should fall again, that successive ages meditate on the inconstancy of human affairs. Old empires are regenerated at such important eras, and the chief of a new monarchy communicates to them the energy of its spirit, and the vigour of his experience.
We doubt not, a career of prosperity and glory again opens for our patriotism. The nineteenth century, at its commencement, presents to the universe a most magnificent spectacle, and instructive lesson. It confers the principle of hereditary power, and opinion, for the happiness of France; whilst revolution terminates, and for the example of Europe, whose errors it prevents.
The human mind, troubled with the work of defence, the disease of perfection, has wished to create a new race of men; to form new societies, and another world. But soon frightened at its work, and wearied with its efforts, it has turned to the tract of experience, and submits to the authority of ages. It is at the moment, it recognizes its limits, the human mind is truly enlarged; it is at the moment that it learns to check its weakness, that it justly directs the exercise of its powers. The remembrance of its past deviations will afford a useful foresight, and the fear of falling into its first excesses will not hurry it to the contrary extreme.
We shall not witness the deadly stupor of slavery succeeding the mad tumult of democracy. No!—Citizen First Consul, you would not command but a free people;—we know it;—and will, therefore, obey you always.—The departments of government will be balanced with wisdom;—they will prefer every thing that will support, nothing that can destroy liberty. The imperial government will confirm all the blessings of the consulate, and will encrease them. The former needs less force than the latter. The security of hereditary power will temper all its measures. It is less rigorous for it has fewer obstacles to vanquish, & smaller dangers to encounter—the greater its moderation, the more controlling its influence; and if it aims at extention it relaxes and destroys itself. Thus, the prerogatives of the emperor, better defined, will be more limited than those of the First Consul. The danger of faction compelled the establishment of a temporary dictator.—These times are past.—Monarchy is regenerated—liberty must be immortal—the dictatorship expires; and natural authority commences its reign.
(Signed)
FONTAINES. [This famous declaration in favour of monarchy, was preceded by the following expression of the will of the Legislative Body:]
They declare their will (voeu) as follows.—That Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul, shall be declared Emperor—that the imperial dignity should be hereditary in his family—that the representative system should be established on a solid basis—and that the civil institutions should receive a character of greatness due to the majesty of the French nation, guaranteeing at once the authority of government and the liberty of the people.
Similar requests to the great Napoleon, that he would become Emperor of the Gauls, have been made by several cities and detachments of the army.
THE MOST GRACIOUS ANSWER OF THE FIRST CONSUL,
TO THE ADDRESS OF THE SENATORS.
Your address of the 6th Germinal, has never ceased to be present to my mind; it has been the object of my most constant attention.
You have judged, it is necessary that the supreme magistracy should be hereditary, in order to secure the French people from the plots of our enemies, and from the convulsions which would spring from the ambition of rivals. Many of our institutions must have appeared to you to be brought to perfection, and to be the most perfect to secure the triumph of equality and public liberty, and to offer to the nation and the government the double guarantee which they so much want.
We have constantly been guided by this great truth—that the sovereignty resides in the French People; on this basis every thing, without exception, must be done for their interest, happiness and glory; in order to attain this end, the supreme magistracy, the senate, the council of state, the legislative body, the electoral colleges, and the various branches of the administration, are and must be instituted. When I had fixed my attention on these great objects, the more I have been persuaded of the truth of the sentiments which I pressed to you, and I have felt the more and more that, in the circumstances as new as important, the aid of your wisdom and experience have been necessary to me in every step.
I then invite you to make known to me freely your sentiments. The French people knows nothing to add to the honours and the glory which they have conferred upon me; but the duty the most sacred to me, and the most dear to my heart, is to ensure their children the advantages acquired by the revolution which has cast them, so much above all, the sacrifice of a million of brave men, who have died for the defence of their rights. I with we may lay to them, on the 14th July of this year—fifteen years have elapsed since by a spontaneous movement, you ran to arms, you acquired liberty, equality and glory. This day those first blessings of nations are firmly fixed and secured against all tempests; they are preserved to you and your children; institutions conceived and commenced in the bosom of the forms of war, interior and exterior, are about to terminate amidst the noise of wicked attempts and plots of our most mortal enemies, in the adoption of every measure, which the experience of ages and the people have demonstrated proper, to guarantee rights which the nation has judged necessary to her dignity, liberty and happiness.
Further translations from late Paris papers received at the office of the AMERICAN.
BORDEAUX, 18 Prairial. The last letters arrived at Bordeaux from St. Yago, island of Cuba, are full of details on the atrocities committed at St. Domingo by the negroes. The unhappy whites who remained in this colony, perish by all kinds of punishments, according to the fancy of the chiefs who command there. But what civilized nations will not learn without indignation, is that the English commissaries, Sunderland and Quartrantz came from Jamaica to the Gonaives & managed and are the instigators of these frightful scenes. These monsters have presided in the congress of the negroes for the prostration and the death of the unhappy Frenchmen who remained still on the island of St. Domingo; they have been the instigators of this cowardly and barbarous proclamation, at the result of which so much French blood has been spilt.—Are not such men the opprobrium of a nation and of humanity.
PARIS, 5th Prairial. Yesterday 5th Prairial his imperial highness prince Lewis, constable of the empire, presented to the oath for the emperor, the following generals of brigades viz: Paillard, Leopold Berthier, Venderweide; colonel Ponard, commanding the 1st legion of gendarmes; Dufour commanding the 21st regiment of the line; Beaumont, aide-camp; the adjutant commandants Formier-Dalbe, Alexandre Lautoni, Simon Rouffier; the under inspector of reviews. His Imperial Highness acting in the office of grand admiral, has also presented to the oath, which they have taken for the emperor, the vice admirals Surcey, Guethesume, and M. Sane, general inspector of maritime artillery; the naval captains Laville Gris, Clement, Senior; and colonel Lascombe, inspector of the artillery of marines.
It is said that the department de l'Allier is in hopes of an abundance of grain and wines.
The tribunal was to meet to day, in order to proceed by the order of the senatus consultum, to the nomination of candidates for the presidency and the formation of this body.
The members of the tribunal went to render their homage to the French princes and to the great dignitaries of the empire. Marshal Murat, Governor of Paris, gave the 4th inst, at his country seat, at Villier, a great feast, at which the President of the Senate, of the tribunal, and of the legislative body; the marshals of the empire; their colleagues; the generals, colonels and superior officers of the staff, and of the garrison of Paris; and the prefect of the department of the Seine, and the mayors of the twelve Districts of this town who all appeared last Sunday to the promulgation of the organic senatus consultum, of the 28th Floréal, which proclaims Napoleon Bonaparte Emperor of the French. The president of the senate drank the first toast to his majesty the Emperor Napoleon; it was received by all the guests with the most lively enthusiasm. The second toast was given to her majesty the Empress, by Marshall Moncey, first inspector of the gendarmes; it was received with the same applause as the preceding, and with the same joy; all those that were drank afterwards, were equal to the two first, and formed an union of vows under their different reports, to the glory, to the happiness, & to the greatness and prosperity, of the French Empire, and the illustrious Emperor and of his family.
This feast, which the Marshal of the Empire, Murat, has aided with the nobleness and grandeur, which characterize all his actions, has been the most brilliant. Joy and satisfaction, inspired by the motive which gave place to it, added still to its éclat, or brilliancy.
M. Fanjas, aide de camp of General Ennouf, has brought news from Gaudaloupe. They are the most satisfying; the privateers have made 85 prizes from the English, of which several are from London and Liverpool, richly laden. Provisions were there in abundance. The most perfect tranquillity was there, and agriculture was making progress.
The Minister of the navy and colonies, has received from Rear Admiral Latouche, commander of the French Naval Forces in India, the following express dated in Bonoume-Roads, the 12th Frimaire of the 12th year of the French Republic, from on board the Frigate Marengo.
CITIZEN MINISTER, I have the honor to acquaint you of my departure from the point of rendezvous; I took possession under the line of an English Merchant ship of 1500 tons burthen, from Bengal bound to China; her value is estimated at several millions. My destination was for the Isle of Sumatra. Before I entered the found I wished to assure myself if any vessels were in the Roads of Bonoume and I indeed perceived six, but the approaching night compelled me to anchor, out in the offing. In the morning they perceiving me at anchor, took refuge at Sullabar, to the southward of Bonoume. I hoisted English colours, and an English pilot was dispatched to enquire the names of the ships of my convoy and to what division I belonged. I compelled this pilot to bring me to an anchor before Bonoume, out of reach of the guns of Fort Marlborough. I then sent off the Semillantes, and the Dorceau captains Molard & Helgan, for Sullabar with orders to destroy whatever English vessels might be there. In despite of the inferior force of a small force, my orders were fulfilled; the English themselves burnt six vessels, we two, as well as 5 great fires belonging to the company, full of pepper, rice and opium. The ship Eliza Ann, 400 tons burthen, arrived the night before from Madras, and two brigs were also captured by us. The loss of the English may be estimated at 10 or 12 million francs. I might have destroyed the town of Bonoume but we were not at war with the Indians and I did not wish to imitate the conduct of our enemies in making it my endeavor to ruin without cause, the property of individuals; the vessels lost by the English, were richly freighted and came from Bengal. A lieutenant and drummer were killed by a cannon ball and two others were wounded. Private property we did not molest at Sullabar, our only attempt was against the company's stores, and by this conduct we inspired confidence among the inhabitants. I am destitute of flecks—and I will continue my cruise.
(Signed) HEALTH & RESPECT. LINCOLN.
Ali Pacha, whom the Porte had appointed to reside at Cairo, was received at Boulac with demonstrations of respect, which deceived his vigilance. Scarcely had he entered a tent which had been prepared for him by a bey, when it was signified to him to repair to Bulbeis. The pacha set off in the night under an escort of Mamelukes.
When he arrived at the village of Coraim, Ali Bey, with a party of his Mamelukes, entered his tent in the night, and mercilessly massacred him and his whole suite. Ali Bey is the same that arrived from London, loaded with gold, and with instructions from the English government. Moniteur.
NEW FRENCH GOVERNMENT.
The particulars of the new arrangement are thus described in a private communication.—The name of the republic is to be changed into that of empire; the republican calendar is to be laid aside; the ancient nobility are to resume their former titles, and at Bonaparte's coronation, several hundred noblemen are to be created. The brothers of the consul are with their male children, to be created archdukes, all the sisters, archduchesses.—The heir to the throne is to be styled, the Imperial Grand Duke, and the titles of Bonaparte are to be His most Christian Majesty the Emperor of the Gauls: The throne is to be hereditary in his family, and in case of failure of issue, he is to have the power of nominating from among his relatives, his immediate successor. [London paper.]
From the London Observer, of May 13.
DREADFUL FIRE AT BAYONNE.
Yesterday we received a letter from Lisbon by the Britannia, Brown, arrived in the Downs from the Tagus, which states that Bayonne has recently been nearly destroyed by fire. The date of this calamity is not mentioned, but our correspondent gives the following account of it.—"The flames were not discovered till six o'clock in the morning, when they burst forth with irresistible violence; the large stores filled with brandy, tar, &c. presented one sheet of fire, ascending into the air upwards of 200 feet above the building. The brandy, tar, oil, &c. formed a stream, and running in flames into the Adour, presented the singular and terrible spectacle of a river on fire. The fire continued burning violently for two days, during which many lives, and property to the value of two millions of francs, were lost."
Drummond.
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.
ROBERT EMMETT.
We sometime since signified that we had received from a friend in Ireland, an authentic copy of the address of Robert Emmett to Lord Norbury one of the judges before whom he was tried for treason. It appears that the government had taken the perfidious pains to prevent the publication of Mr. Emmett's real speech and tortured the sentiments of the victim, into meanings and affections the most remote from his character and his wishes.—The real speech has been sent to America by a friend, "as the only country in which the virtuous living can find a refuge, or truth find a certain passage to posterity thro' a free press." The spurious edition was given before, the reader may compare them—and compare the government by which it was done with the most abhorred that has existed or now exists.
MY LORDS,
What have I to say why sentence of death should not be pronounced on me, according to law? I have nothing to say that can alter your predetermined opinions, nor that it will become me to fly with any view to the mitigation of that sentence which you are here to pronounce and I must abide by. But I have that to say, which interests me more than life, and which you have laboured, (as was necessarily your office in the present circumstances of this oppressed country) to destroy—I have much to say why my reputation should be rescued from the load of false accusations and calumny which have been heaped upon it. I do not imagine, that seated where you are, your minds can be so free from impartiality, as to receive the least impression from what I am going to utter—I have no hopes that I can anchor my character in the breast of a court constituted and tampered as this is—I only wish, and it is the utmost I expect, that your lordships may suffer it to float down your memories un tainted by the foul breath of prejudice, until it finds some more hospitable harbour to shelter it from the storm by which it is at present buffeted. . . . Was I only to suffer death after being adjudged guilty by your tribunal—I should bow in silence, and meet the fate that awaits me without a murmur—but the sentence of the law which delivers my body to the executioner will, thro' the ministry of that law, labour in its own vindication, to consign my character to obliquity—for there must be guilt somewhere: whether in the sentence of the court or in the catastrophe, poverty must determine. A man in my situation, my lords, has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune, and the force of power over minds which it has corrupted or subjugated, by the difficulties of established prejudice,—the man dies, but his memory lives: that mine may not perish, that it may live in the respect of my countrymen, I seize upon this opportunity to vindicate myself from some of the charges alleged against me. When my spirit shall be wafted to a more friendly port; when my shade shall have joined the bands of those martyred heroes who have shed their blood on the scaffold and in the field, in defence of their country and of virtue, this is my hope, I wish that my memory and name may animate those who survive me while I look down with complacency on the destruction of that perfidious government, which upholds its domination by blasphemy of the most high—which displays its power over man as over the beast of the forest—which sets man upon his brother, and lifts his hand in the name of god against the throat of his fellow who believes or doubts a little more or a little less than the government standard—a government which is reared to barbarity by the cries of the orphans and the tears of the widows which it has made—
He had Norbury interrupted Mr. Emmett, saying, that the mean and wicked enthusiasm who felt as he did, were not equal to the accomplishment of their wild designs. . . . I appeal to the immaculate God—I swear by the throne of Heaven, before which I must shortly appear—by the blood of the murdered patriots who have gone before me—that my conduct has been through all this peril and through all my purposes, governed only by the convictions which I have uttered, and by no other view, than that of their cure, and the emancipation of my country from the superincumbent oppression under which she has to long and too patiently travelled; and that I confidently and assuredly hope that wild and clerical as it may appear, there is still union and strength in Ireland to accomplish this noble enterprise—of this I speak with the confidence of intimate knowledge, and with the co-ordination that appertains to that confidence. Think not my Lord, I say this for the petty gratification of giving you a transitory uneasiness; a man who never yet raised his voice to alert a lie, will not hazard his character with poverty by asserting a falsehood on a subject so important to his country, and on an occasion like this. Yes my Lords, a man who does not wish to have his epitaph written, until his country is liberated will not have a weapon in the power of envy to impeach the probity which he means to preserve even in the grave to which tyranny consigns him. [Here he was again interrupted by the court.]
Again I say, that what I have spoken, was not intended for your lordship—whose situation I commiserate rather than envy—my expressions were for my countrymen; if there is a true Irishman present, let my last words cheer him in the hour of his affliction.
He was again interrupted, Lord Norbury said he did not fit there to hear treason.
I have always understood it to be the duty of a judge, when a prisoner has been convicted, to pronounce the sentence of the law; I have also understood that judges sometimes think it their duty to hear with patience, and to speak with humanity; to exhort the victim of the laws, and to offer with tender benignity his opinions of the motives by which he was actuated in the crime, of which he had been found guilty; that a judge has thought it his duty to have done; I have no doubt—but where is the boasted freedom of your institutions, where is the vaunted impartiality, clemency, and mildness of your courts of justice; if an unfortunate prisoner whom your policy and not justice, is about to deliver into the hands of the executioner, is not allowed to explain his motives sincerely and truly, and to vindicate the principles by which he was actuated.
My lords, it may be a part of the system of angry justice, to bow a man's mind by humiliation to the purposed ignominy of the scaffold; but worse to me than the purposed shame or a scaffold's terror would be the false insinuation, charges and imputations laid against me in the

Court: you my lord are a judge, I am the supposed culprit; I am a man, you are a man also; by a revolution of power, we might change places; tho' we never could change characters; if I stand at the bar of this court and dare not vindicate my character, what a farce is your justice! If I stand at this bar and dare not vindicate my character, how dare you calumniate it? Does the sentence of death which your policy inflicts on my body, also condemn my tongue to silence and my reputation to reproach? Your executioner may abridge the period of my existence, but while I exist, I shall not cease to vindicate my character and motives from your calumnies, and as a man to whom fame is dearer than life, I will make the last use of that life in doing justice to that reputation which is to live after me, and which is the only legacy I can leave to those I honor and love, and for whom I am proud to perish. As men, my lord we must appear on the great day at one common tribunal, and it will then remain for the searcher of all hearts to shew a collective universe who was engaged in the most virtuous actions, or attached by the purest motives.
[Here he was interrupted and told to listen to the sentence of the law.] My lord, will a dying man be denied the legal privilege of exculpating himself, in the eyes of the community, of an undeserved reproach thrown upon him during his trial, by charging him with ambition, and attempting to cast away for a paltry consideration, the liberties of his country? Why did your lordship insult me? or rather why insult justice, in demanding of me why sentence of death should not be pronounced? I know my lord that form preforms that you should ask the question, the form also preforms a right of answering! This no doubt may be dispensed with—and so might the whole ceremony of the trial, since sentence was already pronounced at the castle before your jury was impanelled; your lordships are but the priests of the oracle, and I submit; but I insist on the whole of the forms.
[Here the court desired him to proceed.] I am charged with being an emissary to France! An emissary of France! And for what end? It is alleged that I wished to sell the independence of my country! And for what end? Was this the object of my ambition? And is this the mode by which a tribunal of justice reconciles contradictions? No, I am no emissary—and my aim is to hold a place among the deliverers of my country, not in power, nor in profit, but in the glory of the achievement! Sell my country's independence to France! And for what? Was it for a change of masters? No! But for ambition! O my country, was it personal ambition that could influence me, had it been the foul of my actions, could I not by my education and fortune, by the rank and consideration of my family have placed myself amongst the proudest of my oppressors? My country was my idol; to it I sacrificed every selfish, every enfeebling sentiment; and for it I now offer up my life? O God! No, my Lord, I acted as an Irishman determined on delivering my country from the yoke of a foreign and unrelenting tyranny, and from the more galling yoke of a domestic faction which is joint partner and perpetrator in the patriote for the ignominious exiling with an exterior of splendor and a conscious depravity. It was the will of my heart to extricate my country from this doubly riveted despotism.
I wished to place her independence beyond the reach of any power on earth; I wished to exalt you to that proud station in the world. Connexion with France was indeed intended—but only as far as mutual interest would sanction and require; were they to assume any authority inconsistent with the purest independence, it would be the signal for their destruction; we fought aid and we fought it as we had assurances we should obtain it—as auxiliaries in war, and allies in peace.
Were the French to come as invaders or enemies, uninvited by the wishes of the people; I should oppose them to the utmost of my strength. Yes, my countrymen, I should advise you to meet them on the beach, with a sword in one hand and a torch in the other—I would meet them with all the destructive fury of war, and I would animate my countrymen to immolate them in their boats, before they had contaminated the soil of my country. If they succeeded in landing, and if forced to retire before superior discipline, I would dispute every inch of ground, burn every blade of grain, and the last intrenchment of liberty should be my grave. What I could not do myself if I should fail, I should leave as a last charge to my countrymen to accomplish, because I should feel conscious that life, any more than death, is unprofitable, when a foreign nation holds my country in subjection.
But it was not as an enemy that the succours of France were to land;—I looked indeed for the assistance of France; but I wished to prove to France and to the world, that Irishmen deserved to be assisted; that they were indignant at slavery, and ready to assert the independence and liberty of their country. I wished to procure for my country the guarantee which Washington procured for America. To procure an aid which by its example would be as important as its value, disciplined, gallant, pregnant with science and with experience; who would perceive the good and polish the rough points of our character; they would come to us as strangers and leave us as friends, after sharing our perils and elevating our destiny—these were my objects, not to receive new talk masters, but to expel old tyrants—these were my views—these only became Irishmen. I know your most implacable enemies are in the bosom of your country.
I have been charged with that importance in the efforts to emancipate my country, as to be considered the key stone of the combination of Irishmen, or as your lordship expresses it, "the life and blood of the conspiracy." You do me honor over much; you have given to the tubulum all the credit of a superior; there are men engaged in this conspiracy, who are not only superior to me, but even to your own conceptions of yourself my lord; men, before the splendor of whose genius and virtues I should bow with respectful deference, and who would think themselves dishonoured to be called your friend, who would not disgrace themselves by shaking your blood stained hand—
[Here he was interrupted.] What my lord, shall you tell me, on the passage to that scaffold, which tyranny of which you are only the intermediary executioner has erected for my murder, that I am accountable for all the blood that has and will be shed in this struggle of the oppressed against the oppressor, shall you tell me this—and must I be so very a slave as not to repel it?
I do not fear to approach the omnipotent judge—to answer for the conduct of my whole life, and as I to be appalled and falsified by a mere remnant of mortality here; by you too, who, if it were possible to collect all the innocent blood that you have shed in your unhallowed ministry in one great reservoir your lordship might swim in it.
[Here the Judge interrupted.] Let no man dare when I am dead to charge me with dishonor; Let no man attain my memory by believing that I could have engaged in any cause but that of
my country's liberty and independence—or that I could have become the pliant minion of power in the oppression or the miseries of my countrymen; the proclamation of the provisional government speaks for our views; no interference can be tortured from it to countenance barbarity or debasement at home or subjection or humiliation or treachery from abroad—I would not have submitted to a foreign oppressor, for the same reason that I would resist the foreign and domestic oppressor; in the dignity of freedom I would have fought upon the threshold of my country, and its enemy should enter only by passing over my lifeless corpse. And who lived but for my country, and who have subjected myself to the dangers of the jealous and watchful oppressor and the bondage of the grave, only to give my countrymen their rights and my country her independence, and I am to be loaded with calumny and not suffered to repeat and repel it—No, God forbid!
If the spirits of the illustrious dead participate in the concerns and cares of those who were dear to them in this transitory life—O ever dear and venerated shade of my departed father, look down with scrutiny upon the conduct of your suffering son; and see if I have even for a moment deviated from those principles of morality and patriotism which it was your care to instil into my youthful mind; and for which I am now to offer up my life.
My Lords—You are impatient for the sacrifice—the blood which you seek is not concealed by the artificial terrors which surround your victim, it circulates warmly and unresisted thro' the channels which God created for noble purposes, but which you are bent to destroy, for purposes so grievous, that they cry to heaven—be yet patient! I have but a few words more to say—I am going to my cold and silent grave; my lamp of life is nearly extinguished; my race is run; the grave opens to receive me, and I sink into its bosom! I have but one request to ask at my departure from this world, it is the charity of its silence! Let no man write my epitaph, for as no man who knows my motives dares now vindicate them, let not prejudice or ignorance asperse. Let them and me repose in obscurity and peace, and my tomb remain un-inscribed, until other times, and other men, can do justice to my character;—when my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then—and not till then—let my epitaph be written—I have done.
LONDON, May 25. WHIG CLUB. Tuesday a most numerous meeting of the Whig Club was held at the Crown and Anchor; Mr. Fox in the chair.
The toasts of the club being drunk, the duke of Norfolk proposed the health of Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox, after returning thanks to the company, said, that the club were so well acquainted with his sentiments on public topics, that he had little or nothing to say that could be new to them. Since he had left the pleasure of addressing them in that place, an event had occurred, which he could not help considering as a subject of congratulation. He considered that administration, as neither in the principles on which they came into office, entitled to public confidence, nor in their characters, their rank, or their connections, fitted to carry on the affairs of the nation wisely and prosperously. They were brought into office by court faction, without any previous claims to public confidence; and in the overthrow of such an administration he thought there was just ground of satisfaction. As to any administration that might succeed, at least they would not be liable to some of the objections which lay against their predecessors, as their sole recommendation would not be, that they were the persons selected for office by the secret advisers of the crown. Whether the new administration will be deserving of the confidence and support of this club, or in what degree it might be so, he could not say; but he was convinced that the latter would uniformly adhere to the principles on which they were formed.
This speech was warmly applauded. Mr. Fox then gave—the duke of Norfolk, and the noble families who considered it their best distinction to support the liberties of the people. The duke of Norfolk returned his thanks to the company. He observed, that if the family whom he represented, and whose honors he bore, owing, perhaps to peculiar circumstances, did not occupy the same rank with those of Russell and Cavendish, he could at least say for himself, that he had made the principles of the club the rule of his public conduct, those principles alone which could render a nation free and happy. Mr. Fox then gave—the earl of Lauderdale and the Whigs of Scotland.
Lord Lauderdale said, he was now so little in the habit of public speaking, that he should content himself with returning his thanks to the company for the honour they had done him.
[His lordship's apology for not making a speech, produced a good deal of mirth.] Sir William Milner, Mr. William Smith, and several other gentlemen, spoke in approbation of the principles of Mr. Fox. Mr. Smith concluded his speech with the following toast—"May that administration be short which does not comprise those talents which have best protected our liberties at home, and are best qualified to ensure respect abroad." This toast was received and drunk with enthusiasm.
The meeting was uncommonly numerous, and had excited great expectation; but the speeches were short, and did not afford all the information upon the present state of our internal politics which it was hoped they would disclose.
LATEST INTELLIGENCE.
THE arrival of the Montezuma from London, at Boston, enables the Editor, in this day's Gazette, to regale his readers with copious and interesting details, from London papers, to the 5th of June, received at this office.
(Phil. Gaz.) The Morning Chronicle of the 31st May, contains an interesting debate in the House of Commons on the 30th, on a motion of Mr. Wilberforce for leave to bring in a bill for the total abolition of the slave trade; which he obtained by a majority of 75 of 178 votes.
The period at which the Slave Trade shall cease is left for discussion, and indeed must be the principal question in the Bill which will now be brought in. The object of those who voted, however, must be to put an end to it immediately.
On the 1st of June, Mr. Wilberforce brought in his Abolition Bill, which was read once, and ordered for a second reading on the 7th.
The same paper contains a correct abstract of the Senate's Consultum respecting the Emperorship of Bonaparte.—This important instrument, forming the basis of another Constitution for the French—we shall publish in our next.
Mr. Livingston, the American Minister to the French, is in England, in pursuit of some agricultural information, it is said in some of the papers; in others it is conjectured that his ob-
ject is to negotiate a loan for the purchase of the Floridas.—Mr. Fox, and many of the British Nobility, have been particularly attentive to him; and some of the London Editors have expressed an astonishment at these attentions, considering his conduct with respect to the late "conspiracy."
Sir John Callendar gave an elegant dinner on Friday, at his house in Mansfield-street, to Mr. Livingston, the American Ambassador, and a number of nobility and fashionableables.
A circular letter had been sent from the Treasury to Mr. Pitt's Parliamentary friends earnestly and particularly requesting their attendance in the House of Commons on Tuesday, when it seems, he is determined to bring forward his new plan for the defence of the country. Ministers have apprehensions of a strong opposition, and they are naturally desirous that their debut should put on the most favourable countenance.
Some of the papers after mentioning the consultation of Physicians, which was held at Buckingham-House, say, "It is certain that the King will not return to Windsor, and it is even doubtful whether he will attempt to undergo the fatigue of the Birth day."
Rumour, for the last few days, had been particularly busy on this subject; but we trust her numerous tongues will prove to have been idly employed.— Morn. Post.
The opposition are now calling as loudly upon Pitt for some efficient measures in prosecuting the war, as he did upon his predecessor.—It is understood, however, by an English gentleman, passenger in the Montezuma, that the opposition does not increase in numbers, nor is it considered so formidable as was at first apprehended.
The report of the failing of the Toulon fleet is revived in the German papers.
It was reported in London, that Government had proposed to receive into its pay 25,000 Russians, 10,000 Danes, and 15,000 Swedes, to co-operate with a British army in the reconquest of Hanover and Holland.
A French army is shortly to be established in Alsace, and the army of Hanover is to be reinforced. Fresh troops are constantly moving to Mantua.
Three large camps are to be formed in Prussia, early in the summer, one in Prussian Poland, another in Silesia, and the third on the frontiers of Hanover.
Sugar, coffee, and dye woods in request.—Cotton and Tobacco, &c.—All the exchanges much in our favour. Our exports to the Continent are vigorous.
London, June 4. —Dolls. 48. 3d. plenty—6 per cts. 89 a 90—Louisiana, 95, no sale.
LONDON, June 2. Some more French papers to the 22d ult. arrived yesterday. They contain a part of the Senatus Consultum respecting the Emperorship of Bonaparte, which, as we have already stated, took place on Sunday the 20th ult.
The above event was too long announced and expected to excite much surprise when it arrived. The means by which it was brought about were also sufficiently notorious, and though they may afford room for much comment, we do not think it necessary to make any observation upon them. The event is important to us only, with a view to the consequences that may arise from it.—The thing itself, however it may be looked upon by Bonaparte, and the other Constituted Authorities of France, as the termination of the Revolution, we can look upon in no other light but that of a revolutionary event. Though the professed object of placing an Imperial Crown on the head of Napoleon, and rendering it hereditary in the family of Bonaparte, is, by establishing a Monarchical Government, under this new dynasty, to prevent the recurrence of those annual changes which have almost uniformly taken place since the revolution, which have shaken all the foundations of civil society when they were of any magnitude, and which when they were of smaller moment as those that occurred since the Consulate of Bonaparte, served to shew the French nation, that it was far removed from a settled political habit, from a fixed Constitution; though this be the professed object of the present change, which, we are told, is to prevent all further change, we have no reason to presume it will be the last, or that others, of as great magnitude as any of those we have seen, will not speedily follow. To hail it as a joyful event, as one calculated to secure for ages the eternal tranquillity of France, and to restore repose to the world, is what we do not feel ourselves warranted to do. The establishment of the internal tranquillity of France imports the French nation most to provide for; and though we may think the restoration of the ancient Sovereign family the most natural step on the conviction that a settled hereditary Government was the only one that could be looked to for any degree of quiet, if it was not the pleasure of the French people, or those who took upon them to act for it, to recall the Bourbons; if they preferred, for whatsoever reasons still to run the course of new changes and chances, we may continue to have our wishes and opinions, but we can do nothing against it.
As to the repose of the world, we know not how former ages felt in this respect; but at present, and probably in all future times, no repose can be had under a bare sense of the justice and moderation of neighbouring powers, except a repose destructive of the rights and liberties of those who indulge in it; no secure repose can be enjoyed except such as is founded in a confidence of internal strength and an unceasing vigilance of external observation.—Without these we could not repose in the security of a peace with Louis XVI. the most peaceable of the Bourbons; with these, we may trust to a peace with Napoleon I.
In fact, the only practical relation in which we can consider Bonaparte's assumption of the imperial title and title, is the effect it may have towards the establishment of present peace; every other result of it is matter of distant, and uncertain, and therefore, comparatively useless speculation.
We consider this event as favourable to present peace in this sense, that Bonaparte having reached the summit of his ambition, having settled the imperial Crown in his family, will be naturally desirous to consolidate the title by some years of quiet possession; a thing which he cannot perfectly enjoy, as long as there is an hostile power, whose right and interest it would be to give the greatest possible effect to the pretensions of the Bourbons. We cannot positively say, that the inclination and disposition of Bonaparte in his new station will be pacific; we can only reason to his disposition from his interest. He said himself, when he was only Consul, that it was not to be supposed, that having reached the height he attained, he should wish to put all to the risk; having reached a height to much greater, beyond which it is scarcely possible for him to arrive, and having associated his family and its heirs in his elevation, it is natural to suppose he would be still more desirous to avoid hazard, in which he would have little to gain, while all that he has gained might be lost forever. It is natural that he should now, more than ever consider that he should apply himself to conserve and consolidate his power, rather than to extend it. These are the rational reasonings of a man of sense in his situation; they are reasonings which he held with himself on a former
occasion, and which apply much more forcibly to his present circumstances, particularly as he must now be convinced of the impracticability of a descent upon England. Still we cannot be assured that these will be the reasonings, sentiments which will now prevail with him; but if they should, it is fit we should be prepared to meet them. We shall not be surprised to find that there are some persons who will be shocked at the idea of a Peace with Bonaparte; but we are sure there are very few indeed, who have the malice to resolve on eternal war with France, as long as Bonaparte shall be at its head. Having already done enough to convince him that this is a nation, which is not to be intimidated into the surrender of any one of its rights, a nation which, in addition to its navy, can summon in an instant, to defend its menaced independence, a greater military force than all his power can raise in all the vast extent of his present dominions; it is not unworthy of us to let him and the world see that we desire no more than to have our rights inviolate, our independence secure and unmenaced.
JUNE 4.
The Moniteur to the 23d ult. Dutch papers to the 23th, and a Hamburg Mail, have arrived since our last. In the French papers, we find a letter from Admiral Linois to the Minister of Marine, confirming what we have already stated, relative to the destruction by his squadron of the English magazines of pepper, rice, and opium, at Bencoolen, together with several vessels richly laden, which were in the harbor. Linois adds, that he has taken an English merchantman of 1500 tons, from Bengal to China, carrying 16 guns, and valued at several millions; besides which he has taken the ship Eliza Anna, bound to Madras, and two brigs. The loss sustained by the British at Bencoolen he estimates at ten or twelve millions of francs.—By the same papers we learn that Capt. Wright, who commanded the Viceroy man of war, lately captured by the enemy's gun-boats at the entrance of the Morbihan, has been sent to Paris, to be examined, where it is said, he has been confronted with upwards of forty accused persons, who have recognized him as the Officer who landed Georges, Pichegru, and their associates, on the French coast; and is described as the person who effected his escape from the Temple with Sir Sydney Smith, and afterwards served under that gallant officer in Egypt. It cannot, surely, be in the contemplation of the French Government to bring Capt. Wright to trial; for even admitting that he has been employed in the service alluded to, he has done nothing that is not perfectly justifiable, upon the most rigid principle of legitimate warfare.—The Moniteur contains an Imperial Decree (that is, an order of Emperor Bonaparte) for regulating the mode of the presentation, for public acceptance, of the proscrits contained in the numerous articles of the Senatus Consultum ; and another conferring the title of Field Marshal of the Empire on eighteen General Officers, whose names are mentioned in the Decree, given in another part of our paper. We have also extracted from the official journal an article descriptive of the terms in which the princes of France (as they are termed), and High Officers of the Empire, are under the new order of things to be addressed.
By the Hamburg Mail we find that the Russian Note, which complained of the recent conduct of France, in violating the German neutrality, was on the 7th ult. taken into consideration by the Diet of Ratisbon. The Delegate for Bohemia and Austria declared verbally, "His Imperial Majesty had conceived he might expect that the French Government would itself have notified to the Diet, the facts and reasons which had induced, and, as it is supposed, might justify the seizure of persons on the German territory in March last. His Majesty therefore thought, that there could be no objection to an application to the French Government on the part of the Emperor and the Empire, for a sufficient and satisfactory explanation." The further consideration of the subject, after the reading of a spirited Note from the King of Sweden, was deferred for six weeks; so that this case, like most others that have of late years been referred to the Diet of Ratisbon, may be said to have been "thrown into Chancery."
No decision can for a long time be looked for from the tedious and tiresome forms of the Imperial Diet; but let judgment be given sooner or later; it is no difficult task to anticipate the sentence from the language held in the first instance by the Emperor of Germany; who, from his obvious dread of encountering the gigantic force of France, admits that there may be grounds upon which "to justify the seizure of persons on the German territory." After such an admission, vain, indeed, must be the hope of Austria making any spirited effort to resist one of the most unprincipled outrages ever committed upon the neutrality of any State. Indeed we find that the wishes, or rather the commands of the Emperor NAPOLEON are no sooner announced than they are complied with by the German States. The measures required by him from the Princes and Regencies on the right bank of the Rhine, for removing the emigrants, have been successfully and promptly adopted by all that part of Germany, and an Electoral Ordinance has been published at Carlsruhe, and in every other part of the territories of Baden, along the Rhine, in regard to the navigation and passage of that river, by which it is forbidden to convey any stranger to the left bank, unless furnished with a passport from the French Chargé d'Affairs, under certain penalties.—NAPOLEON, in effect, and not Francis, may now be said to be Emperor of Germany, and without Germany, Russia, we think, will not judge it prudent to enter the hostile field with the present overgrown power of France.
WEST-INDIES.
TRANSLATIONS.
DECREE. —Relative to vessels bound to such ports in the island of St. Domingo as are in possession of the Brigands—dated at Guadalupe, 16 Prairial (June 17) the 12th year of the French Republic.
A. ERNOUF, General of Division, Captain General of Guadalupe and its dependencies, Considering that those vessels which have communication with the Rebels of St. Domingo can be regarded in no other light than as the enemies of France, since all the neutral powers, or those allied to the Republic have prohibited all intercourse between their subjects and the Brigands;
DECREE.—Art. I. The privateers of Guadalupe shall detain all vessels bound to the ports of St. Domingo in possession of the insurgents, as well as those coming from them. That part of the island subject to France, is comprehended between Cape-Raphael and the Bay of Ocoa.
Art. II. Those vessels whose destination shall be proved for the ports in possession of the rebels, shall be considered as the enemies of France. They shall consequently be declared lawful prizes, and condemned according to the usual forms.
ERNOUF.
Domestic Intelligence.
Extract of a letter from an officer late of the United States Frigate Philadelphia, dated Tripoli, Feb. 24, 1804.
"Commodore Preble writes that he expects answers to his dispatches from America by the beginning of April, and assures me he will enter upon negotiation for our ransom as soon as authorized by government. He also assures, that no exertions shall be wanting on his part to render our situations here as comfortable and our captivity of as short duration as possible; he at the same time writes a very firm and manly letter to the prime minister here; he tells him, it has pleased providence to put in his power a number of his unfortunate countrymen, whom he hopes his humanity will dictate to him to
treat as prisoners of war, begs him not to compel the men to work—that the government will not ransom those who have been treated as slaves, and charges him at his peril, not to maltreat an officer or man belonging to the United States.
It is impossible for us to conjecture what form the Bafhaw will demand for our release. As yet not a syllable has escaped the Tripoline government upon that subject. When we were in the Mediterranean in the Confederation, the Algerines captured a Portuguese frigate, and if I recollect aright, Algerines demanded from Portugal a million of dollars for the release of their prisoners. Possibly our Bafhaw may regulate his demands from this precedent and require a million for us, perhaps he may be satisfied with less; perhaps he may be still more exorbitant, depending entirely upon what he thinks the United States will give—we have no ground on which to form an opinion with regard to the precise sum. He will endeavour to get as much as possible, and no doubt will at first make a most exorbitant demand. The United States however, will not too eagerly come into their terms. The United States will neither give a million, nor half a million, for although government ought to concave herself bound to release us from captivity, as speedily as possible, for it was while in her service, in the actual pursuit of an enemy's cruiser, that our misfortunes befell us, yet I have no idea that our country should appear so humiliating and betray such an excess of sensibility as well as a want of dignity, as to be forced into such terms by the petty tyranny of Tripoli. Let the United States send all her frigates off this town, and then demand the price of our ransom. I fancy the Bafhaw would be very willing to enter into terms and very reasonable ones too. I believe that the only way to procure either a temporary peace without money or a permanent one without tribute, or our release for a reasonable sum, would be to send out such a force, and we are able to send out such a force, as would strike a terror into the savages."
From the James.
February 26.
Yesterday captain Bainbridge received letters from the Prime Minister which had been broken open and translated for the Bafhaw. The Minister this evening waited on Capt. B. He came to express his regret at being compelled to open letters directed to Captain Bainbridge; he had remonstrated with the Bafhaw against it, but in vain, and was obliged to submit to superior orders—that with respect to our guard he trusted we would not feel a moments uneasiness, and assures us, we may rely on our guard having the liberty of the town in a few days. He says he means, as soon as the Constitution appears off here to send a flag of truce to the Commodore, and communicate to him the sum the Bafhaw demands for our ransom. He will let Captain B. know when he sends a flag of truce, in order that he may if he chooses write to the Commodore.—He does not tell us how much each of us is VALUED AT. The Prime Minister was educated in Italy, has studied the laws of nations, and is much our friend. I forgot to mention that the British Consul has been speaking very strenuously in our behalf with the Bafhaw and Minister. The powerful nation which he represents must render his interference of more avail with the Bafhaw than that of any other person. He begs us to be under no apprehensions and assures us that we will without doubt again have the liberty of the town in a few days.
From the same.
March 2.
"Last evening the Minister sent us some letters which have been broken open for the perusal of the Bafhaw.—The latest date of mine was December 29th. They have been in Tripoli at least nine days as there have been no arrivals since then. I have not yet the papers which are annexed to these letters. I suppose they will be sent in a day or two; though if they intend translating all the papers, and translate as slow as they have done the letters, it would be many months ere we get them.—I have no doubt there are more letters for me at the Ministers, By this villainous procedure the Bafhaw has obtained very little important information.—Our guards are taken off."
From the same.
Feb. 28 1804.
"Commodore Preble, chartered a vessel at Malta on purpose to send us a variety of articles which he thought we stood in need of and has authorized capt. Bainbridge to draw upon our agent at Malta for whatever he may want. Col. Lear at Algiers, and Mr. Davis at Tunis, write that they will make every exertion to render our time here comfortable. Although we are confined at present within doors yet we cannot complain of want of exercise. Our house is large, airy and commodious, with lengthy piazzas in which we walk a great deal. Our fare, though not sumptuous, is extremely palatable and wholesome. Eggs and muffs for breakfast and supper and boiled beef or mutton with soup for dinner, and occasionally we indulge ourselves with tea. The same servants that we had on board ship, attend us here. Although this mode of living is so very different from what I have been accustomed to, yet it agrees with me extremely well. I never enjoyed better health in my life. I have not experienced a moment of the slightest indisposition since we have been here."
From the same.
March 5, 1804.
"Since the burning of our ship, the Bafhaw seems to think that Americans are capable of undertaking any thing and is fearful of our escape. To prevent this, we were removed on the 24th ult. to the castle as to a place of greater safety. Our house, tho' not so commodious as the one we left is sufficiently large for us. I expect from the active interference of the consuls we shall be again removed to our former abode. The minister has sent to inform us that letters will be allowed to pass. We have no doubt but that they will be examined."
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Description of the River Mississippi and its Delta, with that of the adjacent parts of Louisiana. By William Dunbar, of the Natchez, communicated by the Author, a Member of the Society; through the President.
The multiplicity of the rivers which are tributary to the Mississippi, extending themselves over an immense tract which comprehends nearly 20 deg. in lat. and 30 deg. in long. must render this river, at all seasons, one of the most considerable on the globe. The annual inundation, being supplied from so great a variety of climates, must naturally be expected to be of long duration; and may generally be estimated at nearly half the year: beginning (commens) to rise in January, and fall in June; the two extremes being frequently extended by the early autumnal and winter rains in the southern latitudes, and by the protraction of the northern winters, which retards the dissolution of the immense accumulations of snow in those cold regions. At the landing of the Natchez (380 miles from the mouth of the river) the perpendicular ascent of the waters of the Mississippi, from the lowest ebb to the highest inundation, may be estimated at 50 feet. At Baton Rouge, (200 miles distant)

It was found to be 30 feet; at New Orleans (80 miles above the mouth) it is about 12 feet; and at the mouth of the river, scarcely any perceptible change is observed, excepting by a stronger current charged with earthy matter rolling into the ocean during the season of the inundation; at which time, all the lakes and communications with the sea are replenished with the waters of the inundation, and the ocean itself is often repelled to such a degree, that fresh water has been drawn up out of sight of land. This great difference in the perpendicular rise of the waters of the inundation is to be accounted for from the prodigious number of natural canals issuing from the Mississippi, and those immense sheets of water, often unbounded by a single horizon, flowing over the banks never to return, and inundating vast tracts of country which owe their existence to the creative power of this grand river, & which finally discharge themselves into the Mexican Gulf by an infinite number of mouths, many of which are, in apparent magnitude, equal to the Mississippi itself; the space embraced by the Delta of this river on the sea coast being, from information, not less than 30 deg. of longitude.
Table of the mean altitude of the waters of the Mississippi at Natchez, from the lowest ebb to the highest elevation.
Table with 3 columns: Days, Alt. Feet. It lists mean altitudes for various days throughout the year, ranging from 15 feet to 49 feet.
It is not to be understood that the rise and fall of the Mississippi, in any one year, ever arrives to the extent of the above table; it is found that years of least elevation will generally be those of greatest depression. The table is calculated only to convey some idea of the extremes which have been noted in a series of years, and of the general progress of the inundation both in its advancement and retreat.
By information from the inhabitants of the island of New Orleans, about 22 leagues above the capital, in the year 1774, it appears that the Mississippi had overflowed its banks yearly for three years preceding, by which they had lost their crops, and which caused great alarm. It is not therefore wonderful that high banks in the lower parts of Louisiana should be required to receive and confine a body of water which formerly escaped over a great extent, now occupied by the embankments. In spite of this mode of reasoning, which appears to be sufficiently satisfactory, the Mississippi has ceased to rise to its usual height for three years past: the defect at Natchez has not been less than from 8 to 12 feet, and proportionably in the lower country. Many are the conjectures which have been formed to account for this unexpected great change. Some of the old inhabitants say that the Mississippi has returned to its ancient level, while others pretend (ludicrous enough) that the Missouri has found a new passage into the western Pacific Ocean. It does not appear, that we can assign any physical cause why this river should have certain periods of rise in respect to its inundations; nor has a sufficient length of time to establish the fact. The late period of great inundations, which have fallen chiefly under my observation, has been about 27 years, not much short of a cycle of the sun; but whether the inundations of this great river are subject to the influence of any regular cause, must be left to the investigation of future philosophers, profoundly skilled in the laws of meteorology.
The waters of the Mississippi are not, at any time, perfectly transparent: during the absence of the inundations, they are not much troubled, presenting a light milky appearance, which is attributed to the Missouri; but during the time of the inundation, all the rivers which discharge their superfluous waters into the Mississippi are more or less charged with terreous matter, and during the decline of the inundation, the turbidness is sometimes so great that a glass filled with its water appears to deposit, in a few minutes, a sediment equal to one eighth of its bulk; this extreme impurity is not to be attributed entirely to the immediate effect of the Mississippi, but principally to the falling in of the mud banks, either newly formed beneath the influence of the current of the river; or undermined by its rapidity, perpetually changing its bed, by enlarging the concavity of its bends, and prolonging its points or head lands: this operation has a natural tendency to lengthen the circuitous course of the river; but the effect is amply compensated by its own progress; for the enlargement of the bends frequently brings them in near each other, that the weight of the water bears at once through the solid soil, forming in a few days a new bed capable of conveying the whole waters of this mighty river, and shortening thereby its course many leagues. The diminution which took place at Point Coupee, cut off ten leagues, and within this territory the cut-off at the Homochitto has thrown to the east of the Mississippi an island of seven leagues in circuit, and at the Yazoo a similar effect has been produced on the west side by the formation of an island of five leagues in circumference. These islands are now both converted into peninsulas, by the formation of new land across one of the months of the old channel, while the other is partially kept open by the discharge of the (comparatively) small rivers of the Yazoo and Homochitto; the former of these, nevertheless, is not inferior in magnitude to that great commercial river the Thames. The consequence of these disruptions, is the formation of lakes, which, in process of time, may be far removed
from the actual channel of the river, and in effect are now found to be scattered in all situations over the immense valley of the Mississippi. (To be continued.)
ENQUIRER. RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 1, 1804. ON BANKS. NO. II.
THE preceding essay has attempted to explain a position, which Adam Smith has laid down, that "it is not by augmenting the capital of the country, but by rendering a greater part of that capital active and productive than would otherwise be so, that the most judicious operations of Banking can increase the industry of the country." Into this simple principle have I attempted to resolve the three advantages which can arise from the three great operations of a Bank: its advancing its notes upon cash accounts, upon Bills of Exchange or upon notes. It has been already shown, that when the Scotch Banks issue their notes upon cash accounts, the individual has no longer any occasion to keep any part of his capital idle and unproductive in his coffers, for answering occasional demands. When the Banks discount a Bill of Exchange, it has been already shown, that the merchant has a real and active capital put into his hands, instead of a mere piece of paper, a Bill of Exchange, which would have otherwise remained dormant in his desk, until the expiration of the time when it becomes due, or which he would have been obliged to have made over to some other person at a greater discount. When a bank discounts the notes of an individual, who has dead property already in his hands, or who expects to receive a certain sum of money at the expiration of a certain period, it is easy to see that it thus enables him to convert his idle and inactive stock into useful and productive capital. In whatever way therefore we may consider the principal operations of the Bank, we shall find them generally tending to this great object; the "rendering of a greater part of the capital" of individuals "active and productive than would otherwise be so." What these advantages will amount to within a certain space of time, it is always in the power of every individual who deals with the Bank, to reduce to a certain precise calculation. But there is another advantage of a similar sort, which no doubt extends to every individual in a greater or less degree, but which is distributed over so many of them, & which requires such an indefinite space of time to accomplish, that it is impossible to say how much of it falls to one individual, and how much to another within a certain period; and which may therefore be said to be an advantage to society at large, rather than to particular individuals. This is an advantage which the most ordinary minds will be ready to admit.
The wealth of every society not only consists of its provisions, raw materials and finished work, but also of a certain medium, which is necessary to circulate these commodities among its different members. There is scarcely a society, in which this circulating medium does not require considerable labour to produce and to maintain it. In almost every civilized country, the most costly metals, as gold and silver, have been selected for this useful office. These metals must either be collected from the mines of the country itself, or from the mines of other countries.
But should they be dug out of its own mines, a high rent must be paid, a considerable stock must be employed, and a considerable quantity of labour must be exhausted before the ore can be drawn out of the earth, and before the metal can be extracted from the ore. What the rent of the land, the profits of this stock and the wages of this labour may be in proportion to the stock and the labour, which they will really purchase when they come to market, may certainly vary very much with the fertility of the mines, and the real value of the land, labour and stock. It is certain, however, that few mines will afford a quantity of metal, which shall much exceed in value, the expence of working them. As the produce of the most distant gold or silver mines can be brought into competition with each other in the same market, there are even very few which can afford the necessary expences of working them at all, because the produce of few mines, in proportion to the expence of working them, is so great as to come near the ratio which the produce of the richest mines in the commercial world will bear to the expence of working them. And hence it is, that Smith has attempted to draw the reason why so many gold and silver mines in Europe, in the East Indies and in America have been completely abandoned. We may therefore conclude that the value of the gold and the silver which are drawn from the mines of a country is not much greater than the labour and stock which are exhausted in working them; or in other words, that the gold in 500 guineas, which is extracted from the mines, will scarcely purchase more labour when it comes to market than was expended in its acquisition. It may be therefore asserted, that the labour and stock, which were spent in the acquisition of 500 guineas, were nearly equal in value to that sum, and that hence, if the use of that money could have been superseded, or if a cheap circulating medium could have been substituted in its place, a quantity of labour and stock, equal in value to the 500 guineas, might have been almost saved to the country, its productive industry might have been extended with this new capital, and a proportional augmentation might have taken place in the quantity of its provisions, its raw materials, or its finished work. Yet, even if this original position be not altogether accurate; even if the gold and silver when they come to market should purchase much more labour and stock, than what were expended in their acquisition, it is still sufficient for my purpose to state, that they will have in other countries a value, nearly equal to that which they had in their own. Should therefore a very cheap circulating medium be introduced into commerce, and should it have the effect of expelling this gold and silver to foreign countries, it is obvious that almost as much stock and labour will be saved to the country, as will be equal to the value of the money which goes abroad. But with the establishment of banks and the introduction of their paper money have the effect of expelling this specie? This is a question, which will most properly come after the consideration of the second case, which has been already suggested.
If a country does not draw its gold and silver from its own mines, it must purchase them in other countries. It must purchase them by an equal value of provisions, raw materials, or finished work. If a sufficient quantity of this specie be not already in the country, the introduction of a cheap circulating medium, such as paper money, will prevent the necessity of giving away these valuable commodities for it. If it be already in the country, will it not have the effect of drawing the specie back again to its own country, and recovering the provisions, raw materials and finished work, for which it was originally exchanged?
That the introduction of paper money will have this effect no one will deny, who considers that money like any other commodity is subject to all the variations, which the demand and the supply may produce. Let there be two countries, in which the quality of exchangeable commodities bears precisely the same proportion to the value of the circulating medium, and in this proportion an allowance must be made for the difference in the quickness of its circulation. An introduction of a greater quantity of money into one of them will cause a part of it to overflow into the other. The same quantity of commodities will be represented in the one by a large and in the other by a small quantity of money. Hence the merchants of the first will find it to be their interest to pay money instead of commodities in exchange for the productions of the last; and the inhabitants of the last will in their turn exchange their commodities not for the commodities of the first, but for some of their superfluous Gold and Silver. And by such commercial transactions will the equilibrium of money be at length restored between the two countries. But if the money, which is thus introduced into one of the countries, consist of Bank Notes or paper money, a new operation rises upon our view. A part of the whole circulating medium, according to the foregoing principle, will leave the country; but the bank notes will constitute little or no part of this exportation, unless the countries be very near to each other, or very intimately connected in trade; because "at a distance from the banks which issue them, and from the country in which payment of them can be exacted by law, they will not be received in common payments." Hence the greatest part of this exportation will consist of the gold and silver money. When this is sent abroad, it will, according to the foregoing principle, be exchanged for the commodities of the other country; which will therefore increase the capital, the productive industry, and the wealth of the nation.
The introduction of bank notes appears thus to have an effect upon the capital and the wealth of society at large precisely similar to that which the operations in the bank previously necessary to the introduction of this paper, have been shown to produce upon the capital and wealth of an individual. As the advances on cash accounts, the discounting of notes and bills of exchange, contribute to "render a greater part of the capital active and productive than would otherwise be so," so also the substitution of paper money in place of gold and silver, of a cheaper circulating medium in place of a more expensive one, enables the society at large to convert a great part of this dead stock into active and productive stock; into stock which produces something to the society at large.
These being the principal consequences of a Bank; a new question arises, whether it be possible to reduce these consequences to an exact calculation? Whether it be possible to ascertain the precise benefit, the precise augmentation of national capital and wealth, which a Bank contributes to produce? Difficult as it may be to reduce this benefit to any precise arithmetical statement, it will not be difficult to express this benefit with at least a certain degree of precision.
The capital of the Bank of Virginia will amount to 150,000 dollars. This sum is taken from the pockets of individuals; and it so far diminishes the active capital of the state, and consequently its productive industry. Whatever then might be the profits of this sum, to the individuals who would have employed it, and to those whom it would have employed, these profits must be considered as lost by the establishment of the Bank. The Bank however, withdraws this sum from the capital of the state, for no other purpose than to replace it in the form of paper; and this paper is permitted by the charter of the Bank to be three times greater than the amount of its capital. As this paper is nearly as good as gold and silver, for gold and silver may at any time be had for it at the Bank, it has all the uses of specie, and may thus be considered as so much capital returned into the hands of individuals. Whatever profits then may arise to the individuals who employ this sum, and to those whom they may employ, may be completely attributed to the operation of the Bank. If then from these profits we should deduct the profits, which would have resulted from the employment of its specie-capital, the difference would truly express the real benefit, the real increase of wealth which the Bank renders to the individuals of the state.
This is the advantage which results to individuals, from the augmentation of their active capital; but there is another advantage, which it has been already mentioned, results to the society at large, from the application of bank paper to most of the purposes of money; from the substitution of a cheaper circulating medium, in place of a more costly and expensive one. When 4,500,000,000 dollars in notes are thrown into circulation, they occupy the place of that sum in gold or silver. If the notes were not thrown into circulation, the society would be subject to the necessary expence of keeping that amount in gold & silver unemployed. The bank, however, subjects itself to the expence of keeping only its own capital of 1,500,000 dollars in specie, unemployed in its coffers. What the society, therefore, gains, is not the difference between the value of 4,500,000 dollars in specie, and the expence of originally manufacturing that amount of paper and of maintaining it in circulation, but the difference between the value of 3,000,000 dollars in specie, and the expence of making so much representative paper, and maintaining it in circulation. But this expence is by no means considerable. The rent of a competent house, the cost of its paper, of the engraved plates, and of the stationary, the salary of its officers, and the expence of continually supplying gold and silver, when the necessity of the bank requires it, can by no means be equal to 3,000,000 of dollars in actual specie.
How many gentlemen are there at the present time, who with very moderate fortunes, undertake the business of manufacturing paper money? These gentlemen, to be sure, are not subjected to all the expences of supporting a legal establishment. They do not incur the expence of a considerable house-rent, nor of very splendid salaries; much less do they ever think of incurring the greater expence of replenishing their coffers as fast as they are emptied, by answering occasional demands. Yet I very much doubt whether even an additional expence, equal to all these put together, would ever be sufficient to discourage the labours of the counterfeiter, if they were not well supported by the hair-raising terrors of the law.
The real advantages of the Virginia Bank therefore, can only be reduced to calculation, by combining together, 1st. the augmentation of active capital which it produces, which augmentation is equal to the difference between the specie it withdraws and the representative paper it returns into circulation; and 2dly, the saving it occasions in the circulating medium, which saving is equal to the difference between the expence of originally manufacturing, and afterwards maintaining the whole of its paper, and the expence of keeping unemployed in its coffers an actual sum in specie, which is equal to two-thirds only of that paper. These advantages
being so great, it is not surprising that all countries which have permitted the establishment of Banks, have experienced a new and considerable augmentation of their wealth. Having then enumerated the principal advantages, which banks can render to a nation, it might have been proper perhaps to have terminated this part of the discussion; if another question, somewhat curious in itself and probably inexplicable to some of my readers, had not demanded a short investigation. They may be anxious to know the particular method, by which banks themselves are benefited by their own operations; in what way, the Stockholders derive a profit from the investment of their property in bank stock. The individual who borrows money from the bank pays no more than the legal interest for it, and the bank consequently receives no more than the legal interest on it. How then does it happen, that the annual dividend on bank stock is sometimes as great as 10 or 12 per cent., and that at this time, the stock of the United States bank is worth in the market at least 40 per cent. in advance? A few simple observations will be sufficient to elucidate this subject.
The Bank can receive no more than the legal interest of 6 per cent for all the paper that it lends; but it will receive this interest on a sum which is greater than its own capital. The paper which it lends out, will exceed its capital in specie for two reasons: 1st. the first and principal is, that its specie will give credit and circulation to a greater amount in paper, on which it receives the legal interest. The second is that as this paper is lent out for short periods, commonly 2 months, the interests which accrue in any one period, may be added to the negotiable fund of the next period, and thus by a genuine operation of compound interest increase the whole interest in the course of the year.
1. We must recollect that Banks are principally founded on credit. It is not a real capital, an actual sum in gold and silver or an actual value in exchangeable commodities, which it lends out, but paper, a mere representative of this capital, of this gold and silver. Confidence is the very soul of this credit. If an individual, who has a bank note in his hands, believes that the Bank would give him gold and silver for it, if he were to present it for repayment, it would be indifferent to him, whether he had that sum in the form of paper, or of gold and silver. The Bank then has no other policy to pursue, than to be always ready to take up its own notes, and give gold and silver in exchange for any of its notes, which may be occasionally presented to it for repayment. If it be able to accomplish this object, it may be certain that many of its notes will circulate months and years, without being presented to them for payment. This very simple fact will be sufficient to explain the reason, why it is able to multiply its notes beyond the extent of its actual capital. A merchant we will suppose, offers his own note for 100 dollars to be discounted at the Bank at the ordinary rate of interest. For this note the Bank does not pay him in gold and silver, but simply insures his credit by lending him one of its own notes in place of his. If the Bank has any reason to believe that it will be presented for repayment before the expiration of the two months, when the merchant's note becomes due, the Bank could not have safely ventured to discount at the same time the note of another merchant for 100 dollars; and it must therefore have contented itself with the interest on one of its notes during a part only of the two months. If the bank found expect that one of these notes only would be presented to it for payment before the end of the two months, it might have safely discounted two notes for 100 dollars each, although it had only one hundred dollars in specie; because by the time when the second note should be presented to it for repayment, the bank would have received the amount of the merchant's notes. Should there be any reason to believe, that one of these bank notes would run on a credit of 60 days, & another on a credit of 120 days, the bank might perhaps safely incur the risk of discounting three notes of 100 dollars each; because even if the three notes of the merchants be not taken up by them on the expiration of the 60 days, there is a chance, that they would reimburse the bank before the end of the 120 days, before which time the bank will not be called upon for the payment of its three notes. But even this supposition is not as favourable to most of the banks, which have a well established reputation, as they really deserve. It has been already observed that the notes of rich banks may circulate even for years, before they are presented for repayment. These banks may therefore lend out their paper to a greater amount than their actual capital. In different institutions of this kind, this ratio is no doubt continually fluctuating. By their charter, the Bank of Virginia cannot issue their notes to a greater amount than three times its capital. If the Bank therefore puts all its resources into operation, a share of 100 dollars, would produce a profit of 18 dollars; even if it were not augmented by
2. The operation of a compound interest. The Bank having received the interest of its money, with the sum which it had advanced, during two months, does not suffer this additional sum to remain idle in its coffers, but converts it into capital, for the discounting of other notes. At the expiration of the two next months, it receives the interest not upon the original sum, but upon that sum augmented by its interest for the two first months. During each successive period of two months, the same operation is repeated, the same accumulation of interest upon interest is produced. What this compound interest would amount to in the course of a year upon a share of 100 dollars, the following table constructed by a very simple rule of arithmetic will clearly demonstrate.
Table with 3 columns: At the end of months, Interest on success. capitals, Capital. It shows the growth of capital over 12 months with compound interest.
So that the interest of a share of 100 dollars would come to about 6.1420 15; that is, to little more than 6 dollars 15 cents. But as a bank may be supposed to issue its paper to three times the amount of its capital, the interest on this share is swelled out to the sum of 18 dollars & 45 cents. From this sum let all the expences of supporting the bank & the amount of bad debts, be taken, with all the other necessary deductions, and the remainder will express the dividend on the share, or the profit of the Stockholders.
Having thus attempted to explain what are the principal advantages which a bank can render to society and its own members, I shall for the present conclude this discussion. An examination of the principal objections, which may be offered against a bank, will be reserved for a future essay. * It is a maxim in political economy that the quantity of money which exists in any country, is in the inverse ratio of the rapidity of its circulation. + Wealth of Nations Vol 1. p. 437, London Edition.
Economists have compared money to a carriage for the transportation of goods; the cheaper the carriage, the greater will be the value of the goods. Wealth of Nations, Vol. 1. p. 442.
Yesterday's N. & A. Articles.
From the N. York Daily Advertiser, July 28. Through the politeness of our commercial friends, who will please accept our grateful acknowledgments, we have received files of P. & P. papers to late as the 11th inst. inclusive. Their contents are extremely interesting. The trial of Moreau, Georges, and the other conspirators commenced before the court of original justice, on the 28th of May, and after thirty en-tentes came to a close on the morning of the 11th of June. We are happy to be able to lay before our readers the result of the most important proceedings. "This day, the 28th of June, 1804, at three o'clock in the morning, and after twenty hours of deliberation, the court of criminal justice has condemned to the punishment of death Georges Cadoudal, Louis de l'Hozer, Roubion, Rochelle, Louis Duclerc, Louis Picot, Lalabie, Michel Roger, Cacher-S-Vidor, Deville, Armand Galliard, Joseph de Villeneuve, Burdin, Jean-Francis Gaudal, Merle, Armand Polignac, Charles Alliez, Lebas et Riviere.
The following accused persons, Victor Moreau, Jules Polignac, Loridan, Holland, & Marie Hugy, declared guilty, have been condemned to two years imprisonment. The names of those who have been acquitted are: Courteille, Pabbe David, Herve, Ruben-Legrander, Lenoble, Noel, Decours, Dabry, Evran, Troche the father, Troche the son, Denand and wife, Verlet and wife, Spin, Dubouch and wife, Garon, Gallais and wife, Manier and wife. These, with the exception of Verlet, Denand & wife, Dubouch and wife have been liberated, who, for contravention of the law have been remitted to the house of correction.
SALES AT AUCTION.
WILL BE SOLD, AT THE OFFICE OF THE SUBSCRIBER, TO-MORROW, THE 2d AUGUST, THE FOLLOWING GOODS, WITHOUT RESERVE, FOR CASH: 1 Mahogany Tea Table 2 Blankets 17 Chairs 3 Lawn Bed Curdine 4 Arm'd ditto 5 Table Clocks 1 Mahogany Bureau 1 Dozen Napkins 1 Desk, with drawers 5 Plated Candle Sticks 1 Beef Stead and Sausages 2 Small Matresses 1 Plated Soup Spoon 2 Bellows 12 Knives and Forks 1 Child's Bedstead 2 Decanters 1 Cok 2 Salt Cellars 2 Pair Sheets 1 Tea Board 2 do. 2 Waiters 3 Window Curtains 12 China Tea Cups 1 Countertop
Common Dishes, Plates, Pickles, Sugar Dish, Bowl and Tumblers, Glasses and Mugs. 2 Penders, 3 Pokers, one Blower, Audrons, Tong and Shovel, 5 Pine Brushes a Skuttle. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. August 1st, 1804.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT a Petition will be presented to the General Assembly, at their next Session, for the sale of the Glebe in St. Mary's Parish in Carolina; & the investment of the interest of the Money, there arising, in the present Incumbent, so long as he may continue to act as such in the said Parish. CAROLINE, August 1st, 1804.
NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY COURT.
BILL vs. JETT's heirs & representatives. In Chancery. BY virtue of a Decree of the Court in this suit, IT WILL BE SOLD, on the 1st of October next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Elizabeth Jett, decd. to the highest bidder, for ready money, the three following TRACTS or PARCELS of LAND, (or so much thereof as may be sufficient to raise the sum of two thousand dollars with interest and costs of sale) - to wit, a tract devised to Capt. William Ball by his father, containing by estimation 576 acres, be the same more or less; out of this tract will be excepted an old Mill, with the and thereto adjacent and appertaining. The tract on which the said Jett resided at the time of her death, containing 25 acres, more or less. And one other tract formerly part of the estate of Max'ia Hayne, decd. containing 20 acres, more or less. These tracts lie contiguous to each other, and have been used as one farm; they are situate near the Potomac, about two miles below the courthouse on the main road leading to Fairfield Church, and about the same distance from Conn Warehouses.
The quality of this land is not inferior to any in its neighbourhood, and nearly two-thirds of it is well timbered. Its situation affords an abundance of excellent fire, oysters, &c. The dwelling and out houses are suitable for the accommodation of a small family. Mr. Samuel Harding, living near the premises, will show them to any person willing to purchase. THOMAS D. DOWNING, RICHARD EDWARDS, JEROME L. OPTE, PETER PRICE. July 28. cp-sw
LIQUID BLACKING.
THE improved shining liquid blacking for boots and shoes and all leather that requires to be kept black, is universally allowed the best ever offered to the public, it never corrodes or cracks the leather, but renders it soft, smooth & beautiful to the last, and never fades. Black in Morocco that has lost its strength is restored equal to new by the use of this blacking. To prevent counterfeits, the direction on every bottle will be signed J. Tice in writing, without which they are not genuine. Sold in Richmond at Edward Ballant's Grocery Store. July 28. 351
BILLS OF LADING, SHERIFF'S BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

The following extract from Adam Smith's "Wealth of Nations" constitutes the 1st chap. of the 2d. Book of that celebrated work. Independently of the intrinsic merit of the disquisition, the Editor conceives that there is peculiar propriety in his introducing it at this time to the public attention, when he has undertaken to examine the nature and operations of a Bank. He is sanguine in the belief that it will be an important acquisition to those men who are not conversant with such political enquiries, and who indulge the laudable curiosity of understanding the nature of a great institution, which for the first time makes its appearance on the statute-book of Virginia, and which is destined to produce some important changes in the farming interest and trade of our state. The "Wealth of Nations" is by no means a modern production, as the first edition of it was printed in the year '75, and the last edition appeared as long ago as the year '84. Neither is it a work, whose circulation has by any means been confined in Virginia. Yet these two circumstances shall not prevent the publication of the following extract. However extensive may be the range of its circulation, or however distant may have been the period since the first edition issued from the press, or since the author gave his last touches & improvement to his work, the Editor knows full well, that it is not to be found in the libraries of most of the readers of the Enquirer. He has no doubt that to most of them the admirable distinctions, which are laid down in the following Essay, will be as original and instructive, as if the book had made its first appearance yesterday.
Reader! be not deterred by the scientific form of the following Essay, from giving it some portion of your attention. When the strange words "stock and capital" first salute your eye, do not pause and throw the paper down in despair or with disgust, as if the subject lay beyond the reach of your comprehension, or as if the advantage of understanding it, would not sufficiently reward the labour of your researches. If there be any part of political science, which is peculiarly interesting and curious, that branch is political economy; and if there ever was a man who wrote with the perspicuity of intuition, certainly that author was Adam Smith.
OF THE DIVISION OF STOCK.
WHEN the stock which a man possesses is no more than sufficient to maintain him for a few days or a few weeks, he seldom thinks of deriving any revenue from it. He consumes it as sparingly as he can, and endeavours by his labour to acquire something which may supply its place before it be consumed altogether. His revenue is, in this case, derived from his labour only. This is the state of the greater part of the labouring poor in all countries.
But when he possesses stock sufficient to maintain him for months or years, he naturally endeavours to derive a revenue from the greater part of it; reserving only so much for his immediate consumption as may maintain him till this revenue begins to come in. His whole stock, therefore, is distinguished into two parts. That part which, it is supposed, will yield this revenue, is called his capital. The other is that which supplies his immediate consumption; and which consists either, first, in that portion of his whole stock which was originally reserved for this purpose; or, secondly, in his revenue, from whatever source derived, as it gradually comes in; or, thirdly, in such things as had been purchased by either of these in former years, and which are not yet entirely consumed; such as a flock of sheep, household furniture, and the like. In one, or other, or all of these three articles, consists the stock which men commonly reserve for their own immediate consumption.
THERE are two different ways in which a capital may be employed so as to yield a revenue or profit to its employer.
FIRST, it may be employed in raising, manufacturing or purchasing goods, and selling them again without any alteration or value added. The capital employed in this manner yields no revenue or profit to its employer, while it either remains in his possession, or continues in the same shape. The goods of the merchant yield him no revenue or profit till he sells them for money, and the money yields him as little till it is again exchanged for goods. His capital is continually going from him in one shape, and returning to him in another, and it is only by means of such circulation, or successive exchanges, that it can yield him any profit. Such capitals, therefore, may very properly be called circulating capitals.
SECONDLY, it may be employed in the improvement of land, in the purchase of useful machines and instruments of trade, or in such like things as yield a revenue or profit without changing masters, or circulating any further. Such capitals, therefore, may very properly be called fixed capitals.
Different occupations require different proportions between the fixed and circulating capitals employed in them.
The capital of a merchant, for example, is altogether a circulating capital. He has occasion for no machines or instruments of trade, unless his shop, or warehouse, be considered as such.
Some part of the capital of every master artificer or manufacturer must be fixed in the instruments of his trade. This part, however, is very small in some, and very great in others. A master tailor requires no other instruments of trade but a parcel of needles. Those of the master shoemaker are a little, though but a very little, more expensive. Those of the weaver require a good deal more than those of the shoemaker. The far greater part of the capital of all such master artificers, however, is circulated, either in the wages of their workmen, or in the price of their materials, and repaid with a profit by the price of the work.
In other works a much greater fixed capital is required. In a great iron-work, for example, the furnace for melting the ore, the forge, the flit-mill, are instruments of trade which cannot be erected without a very great expense. In coal-works and mines of every kind, the machinery necessary both for drawing out the water and for other purposes, is frequently still more expensive.
That part of the capital of the farmer which is employed in the instruments of agriculture is a fixed, that which is employed in the wages and maintenance of his labouring servants, is a circulating capital. He makes a profit of the one by keeping it in his own possession, and of the other by parting with it. The price or value of his labouring cattle is a fixed capital in the same manner as that of the instruments of husbandry. Their maintenance is a circulating capital in the same manner as that of the labouring servants. The farmer makes his profit by keeping the labouring cattle, and by parting with their maintenance. Both the price and the maintenance of the cattle which are bought in and fattened, not for labour, but for sale, are a circulating capital. The farmer makes his profit by parting with them. A flock of sheep or a herd of cattle that, in a breeding country, is bought in, neither for labour, nor for sale, but in order to make a profit by their wool, by their milk, and by their increase, is a fixed capital. The profit is made by keeping them. Their maintenance is a circulating capital. The profit is made by parting with it; and it comes back with both its own profit, and the profit upon the whole price of the cattle, in the price of the wool, the milk and the increase. The whole value of the feed too is properly a fixed capital. Though it goes backwards and forwards between the ground and the granary, it never changes masters, and therefore does not properly circulate. The farmer makes his profit, not by its sale, but by its increase.
The general stock of any country or society is the same with that of all its inhabitants or members, and therefore naturally divides itself into the same three portions, each of which has a distinct function or office.
The first, is that portion which is reserved for immediate consumption, and of which the characteristic is, that it affords no revenue or profit. It consists in the stock of food, cloaths, household furniture,
&c. which have been purchased by their proper consumers, but which are not yet entirely consumed. The whole stock of mere dwelling-houses too, subsisting at any one time in the country, make a part of this first portion. The stock that is laid out in a house, it is to be the dwelling-house of the proprietor, ceases from that moment to serve in the function of a capital; or to afford any revenue to its owner. A dwelling-house, as such, contributes nothing to the revenue of its inhabitant; and though it is, no doubt, extremely useful to him, it is as his cloaths and household furniture are useful to him, which, however, make a part of his expense, and not of his revenue. If it is to be let to a tenant for rent, as the house itself can produce nothing, the tenant must always pay the rent out of some other revenue which he derives either from labour, or stock, or land. Though a house, therefore, may yield a revenue to its proprietor, and thereby serve in the function of a capital to him, it cannot yield any to the publick, nor serve in the function of a capital to it, and the revenue of the whole body of the people can never be in the smallest degree increased by it. Cloaths, and household furniture, in the same manner, sometimes yield a revenue, and thereby serve in the function of a capital to particular persons. In countries where masquerade is common, it is a trade to let out masquerade dresses for a night. Upholsterers frequently let furniture by the month or by the year. Undertakers let the furniture of funerals by the day and by the week. Many people let furnished houses, and get a rent, not only for the use of the house, but for that of the furniture. The revenue, however, which is derived from such things, must always be ultimately drawn from some other source of revenue. Of all parts of the stock, either of an individual, or of a society, reserved for immediate consumption, what is laid out in houses is most slowly consumed. A flock of cloaths may last several years: a flock of furniture half a century or a century: but a flock of houses, well built and properly taken care of, may last many centuries. Though the period of their total consumption, however is more distant, they are still as really a stock reserved for immediate consumption as either cloaths or household furniture.
The second of the three portions into which the general stock of the society divides itself, is the fixed capital; of which the characteristic is, that it affords a revenue or profit without circulating or changing masters. It consists chiefly of the four following articles:
FIRST, of all useful machines and instruments of trade which facilitate and abridge labour:
SECONDLY, of all those profitable buildings which are the means of procuring a revenue, not only to their proprietor who lets them for a rent, but to the person who possesses them and pays that rent for them; such as shops, warehouses, workhouses, farmhouses, with all their necessary buildings; stables, granaries, &c. These are very different from mere dwelling houses, They are a sort of instruments of trade, and may be considered in the same light:
THIRDLY, of the improvements of land, of what has been profitably laid out in clearing, draining, enclosing, manuring, and reducing it into the condition most proper for tillage and culture. An improved farm may very justly be regarded in the same light as those useful machines which facilitate and abridge labour, and by means of which, an equal circulating capital can afford a much greater revenue to its employer. An improved farm is equally advantageous and more durable than any of those machines, frequently requiring no other repairs than the most profitable application of the farmer's capital employed in cultivating it:
FOURTHLY, of the acquired and useful abilities of all the inhabitants or members of the society. The acquisition of such talents, by the maintenance of the acquirent during his education, study or apprenticeship, always costs a real expense, which is a capital fixed and realized, as it were, in his person. Those talents, as they may make a part of his fortune, do they like-wise of that of the society to which he belongs. The improved dexterity of a workman may be considered in the same light as a machine or instrument of trade which facilitates and abridges labour, and which though it costs a certain expense, repays that expense with a profit.
The third and last of the three portions into which the general stock of the society naturally divides itself is the circulating capital; of which the characteristic is, that it affords a revenue only by circulating or changing masters. It is composed likewise of four parts:
FIRST, of the money by means of which all the other three are circulated and distributed to their proper consumers:
SECONDLY, of the stock of provisions which are in the possession of the butcher, the grazier, the farmer, the corn-merchant, the brewer, &c. and from the sale of which they expect to derive a profit:
THIRDLY, of the materials, whether altogether raw, or more or less manufactured, of cloaths, furniture, and building, which are not yet made up into any of those three shapes, but which remain in the hands of the growers, the manufacturers, the merchants and drapers, the timber-merchants, the carpenters and joiners, the brick-makers, &c.
FOURTHLY, and lastly, of the work which is made up and completed, but which is still in the hands of the merchant or manufacturer, and not yet disposed of or distributed to the proper consumers; such as the finished work which we frequently find ready-made in the shops of the finish, the cabinet-maker, the goldsmith, the jeweller, the china-merchant, &c. The circulating capital consists in this manner, of the provisions, materials, and finished work of all kinds that are in the hands of their respective dealers, and of the money that is necessary for circulating and distributing them to those who are finally to use, or to consume them.
Of these four parts three, provisions, materials, & finished work, are, either annually, or in a longer or shorter period, regularly withdrawn from it, and placed either in the fixed capital or in the stock reserved for immediate consumption.
Every fixed capital is both originally derived from, and requires to be continually supported by a circulating capital. All useful machines and instruments of trade are originally derived from a circulating capital, which furnishes the materials of which they are made, and the maintenance of the workmen who make them. They require too a capital of the same kind to keep them in constant repair.
No fixed capital can yield any revenue but by means of a circulating capital. The most useful machines and instruments of trade will produce nothing without the circulating capital which affords the materials they are employed upon, and the maintenance of the workmen who employed them. Land, however improved, will yield no revenue without a circulating capital, which maintains the labourers who cultivate and collect its produce.
To maintain and augment the stock which may be reserved for immediate consumption, is the sole end and purpose both of the fixed and circulating capitals. It is this stock which feeds, cloaths, and lodges the people. Their riches or poverty depends upon the abundance or sparing supplies which these two capitals can afford to the stock reserved for immediate consumption.
So great a part of the circulating capital being continually withdrawn from it, in order to be placed in the other two branches of the general stock of the society it must in its turn require continual supplies, without which it would soon cease to exist. These supplies are principally drawn from three sources, the produce of land, of mines, and of fisheries. These afford continual supplies of provisions and materials, of which part is afterwards wrought up into finished work, and by which are replaced the provisions, materials, and finished work continually withdrawn from the circulating capital. From mines too is drawn what is necessary for maintaining and augmenting that part of it which consists in money. For though, in the ordinary course of business, this part is not like the other three, necessarily withdrawn from it, in order to be placed in the other two branches of the general stock of the society, it must, however, like all other things, be wasted and worn out at last, and sometimes too be either lost or sent abroad, and must, therefore, require continual, though, no doubt, much smaller supplies.
LAND, mines, and fisheries, require all both a fixed
and a circulating capital to cultivate them; and their produce replaces with a profit, not only those capitals, but all the others in the society. Thus the farmer annually replaces to the manufacturer the provisions which he had consumed and the materials which he had wrought up the year before; and the manufacturer replaces to the farmer the finished work which he had wasted and worn out in the same time. This is the real exchange that is annually made between those two orders of people, though it seldom happens that the rude produce of the one and the manufactured produce of the other, are directly bartered for one another—because it seldom happens that the farmer sells his corn and his cattle, his flax and his wool, to the very same person of whom he chooses to purchase the cloaths, furniture, and instruments of trade which he wants. He sells, therefore, his rude produce for money, with which he can purchase, wherever it is to be had, the manufactured produce he has occasion for. Land even replaces, in part, at least, the capitals with which fisheries and mines are cultivated. It is the produce of land which draws the fish from the waters; and it is the produce of the surface of the earth which extracts the minerals from its bowels.
The produce of land, mines, and fisheries, when their natural fertility is equal, is in proportion to the extent and proper application of the capitals employed about them. When the capitals are equal and equally well applied, it is in proportion to their natural fertility.
In all countries where there is tolerable security, every man of common understanding will endeavour to employ whatever stock he can command in procuring either present enjoyment or future profit. If it is employed in procuring present enjoyment, it is a stock reserved for immediate consumption. If it is employed in procuring future profit, it must procuce this profit either by staying with him, or by going from him. In the one case it is a fixed, in the other it is a circulating capital. A man must be perfectly crazy who, where there is tolerable security, does not employ all the stock which he commands, whether it be his own or borrowed of other people, in some one or other of those three ways.
In those unfortunate countries, indeed, where men are continually afraid of the violence of their superiors, they frequently bury and conceal a great part of their stock, in order to have it always at hand to carry with them to some place of safety, in case of their being threatened with any of those disasters to which they are subject themselves as at all times exposed. This is said to be a common practice in Turkey, in Indostan, and, I believe, in most other governments of Asia. It seems to have been a common practice among our ancestors during the violence of the feudal government. Treasure-trove was in those times considered as no contemptible part of the revenue of the greatest sovereigns in Europe. It consisted in such treasure as was found concealed in the earth, and to which no particular person could prove any right. This was regarded in those times as so important an object, that it was always considered as belonging to the sovereign, and neither to the finder nor to the proprietor of the land, unless the right to it had been conveyed to the latter by an express clause in his charter. It was put upon the same footing with gold and silver mines, which, without a special clause in the charter, were never supposed to be comprehended in the general grant of the lands though mines of lead, copper, tin, and coal were, as things of smaller consequence.
THAT beautiful and well improved TENEMENT on the Hill, now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Mosby. This property lies near the Capitol, in a healthy and agreeable neighbourhood. Terms of sale will be made known by applying to
BARTLETT STILL. [eW6m]
July 18.
RICHARDSON'S PATENT STILL,
HAS been advertised some time since in the Argus, with as accurate a description of it, as could be given without plates and figures. It was accompanied with certificates from gentlemen who had seen her work. On further experiment, I have no hesitation in stating to the public, that by the operation of a single fire, it will distil as much spirit in the day, as four of the common stills. The expense of building a distillery on this plan, together with the price of the patent right, is not more than half of what is necessary for one on the old plan. The cap is made of wood; the body by riveting two sheets of copper together; so as to hold water. Each still has a heater, so that by the time the run runs off, the liquor in heater is nearly boiling. Their communication is such, that you may introduce the liquor from the heater into the still at pleasure. This still has been at work during the last winter and continues to be so this summer (from its advantageous situation) at William McCall's Mill, in Hanover county. It is about four miles from the court house, on the nearest road leading from thence to Richmond. I will sell rights for a single distillery, for counties or larger districts to any person desirous of purchasing. Notes with approved security will be received. Conscious of the many existing prejudices against all new patents, I think proper to subject my interest in this patent right to the merit of the STILL. To such persons therefore as have or may purchase license for using these stills, on failure of said stills, I hold myself bound to return all monies, notes, or other property to the purchasers.
JOHN McCAUL. [eW3w]
Richmond, July 18th, 1804.
The following Six Hogsheads of TOBACCO,
now lying in Dymers's Ware House, will be sold according to Law: 1800, January 10th—Judith Kelly, marked I. K. No. 5, Gross 1111, Nett 114, Nett 997. 1801, January 9th, do. do. do. No. 10, Gross 1190, Tare 113, Nett 1077—January 23, William Diggs, marked W. D. No. 17, Gross 1163, Tare 120, Nett 1043—Do. John Brent, marked J. B. No. 21, Gross 1033, Tare 137, Nett 896—January 30, George Brent marked G. B. No. 25, Gross 1179, Tare 140, Nett, 1039. March 13, Spencer George, marked S. G. No. 43, Gross 1052, Tare 106, Nett, 946.
THOMAS HURST, Wm. MEREDITH. Inspectors. May 19—1803m.
DOCTOR WILSON,
HAS taken (as a temporary residence) the house lately occupied by Doctor Adams, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARY'S BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecary's Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms. Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to.
June 27. [eW6m]
CASH SALE OF LAND IN ALBEMARLE.
On September 15th, WILL BE SOLD, in Charlottesville, to the highest bidder, for Cash,
THE TRACT OF LAND lying on the east side of Rivanna, over against Charlottesville, containing about 600 acres, with a new commodious DWELLING HOUSE. Two years of a lease under good restrictions have to run after this. The land is all of the South-West Mountain quality; and though much injured in parts, is in general still very good, and all reclaimable. The sale proceeds from a deed of trust to indemnify against loss as security and bail, which was executed in December, 1802, by William Bache, of Pennsylvania, to
THOMAS M. RANDOLPH. July 25. [eW3w]
The subscriber wishing to remove to the Western country, offers for sale
THE VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND
ON which he at present resides, lying in Caroline county, about midway between Richmond and Fredericksburg, contiguous to Mr. John Hopkins tract, (well known by the name of Bullfield) and bounded by Paumunkey River on the one side, and a public road on the other. This tract contains about 400 acres, one fourth of which is well timbered, lies very level, and a part of it well calculated for meadow ground, having a number of small rivulets running thro' it. The soil is well known to be adapted to the culture of every kind of produce suited to this climate. There are a variety of valuable improvements on the above tract of land, viz: a commodious dwelling house and every convenient out house, a good Garden, a valuable young apple and peach orchard, &c.
WILL ALSO BE SOLD, ON THE PREMISES,
A LIKELY NEGRO MAN & WOMAN,
some stock of every kind, the crop of corn, wheat and tobacco, household and kitchen furniture, plantation utensils, &c. &c.
Whoever may wish to purchase such a tract of land as this, will apply to the subscriber for terms. The purchaser may have the privilege of feeding the earth this fall, and have quiet possession on the first day of January next, on which day all other property therein mentioned, will be offered for Cash, if fair, otherwise, the next fair day.
WILLIAM S. WYATT. [eW]
Caroline County, July 28.
On Thursday the second day of August next, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder, for one half cash, and six months credit for the balance,
THE HOUSE AND LOT on the Main street in the town of Manchester, formerly the property of William Hay. There is no situation in the town of Manchester better calculated for a retail merchant. The storehouse is in good order for the reception of goods, and has the advantage of a large and commodious Lumberhouse. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchaser, or a Deed of Trust upon the lot to secure the payment.
ROBERT OMBERSON. [eW]
July 21.
We have received a small additional supply of MADERA WINE,
Of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask.
GIBSON & JEFFERSON. [eW]
July 12.
VIRGINIA: AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HOLDEN IN RICHMOND, MARCH THE 29TH, 1804.
Between JOHN SOMERVILL, Plaintiff,
And LUCAS SULLIVAN and WILLIAM BASKERVILLE, Defendants.
THE defendant, Lucas Sullivan, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol, in the said city.
A Copy—To the, P. TINSLEY, c.c. July 25. [eW3m]
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE,
HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London, and Yorkshire from Liverpool,
AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS
Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms.
Richmond, May 9th. [eW]
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
To raise the sum of 5,000 Dollars, for the benefit of the Female Charity School of Fredericksburg.
Table with 4 columns: Prize, Amount, Number, Total. Includes prizes of 5,000 D., 1,000 D., 500 D., 250 D., 100 D., 50 D., and a ticket having a blank drawn to its number after 9,000.
Expenses of drawing, Sum to be raised, 34,850 150 5,000
2,776 Prizes 5,224 Blank. 40,000 D.
8,000 Tickets, at 5 Dollars each, is 40,000
In the above Scheme, it appears there are not two blanks to a prize, and no prize subject to a deduction.
The Lottery will commence drawing on the first Monday in October next, and continue until the drawing is finished. All Tickets drawing prizes will be paid within thirty days after the drawing is concluded, and all prizes not applied for within six months after will be considered as donations to be applied to the purposes of the Lottery.
The Managers deem it unnecessary to say any thing by way of inducement to persons to become adventurers in this Lottery, as the charitable purpose for which it is intended, will it is hoped insure a speedy sale of the Tickets.
Tickets to be had of the Managers and of Mr. Buck, the Treasurer of the Female Charity School.
FRANCIS BROOKE, JOHN MINOR, ROBERT PATTON, JOHN CHEW, JAMES STEVENSON, DAVID C. KER, WALTER GREGORY, WILLIAM S. STONE, ROBERT S. CHEW, HUGH MERCER.
* * TICKETS in the aforesaid Lottery may be had in Richmond, on application to the Rev. John D. Blair, the Rev. John Buchanan and Mr. Andrew Stevenson.
ep-3w
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, in Charles City county, on September Court Day,
THAT well known TRACT OF LAND, called the INDIAN FIELDS; containing between eight and nine hundred acres, pleasantly situated on the main road leading through the county. The situation is so generally known and admired, that a minute description would be superfluous. Presuming that any person who wishes to purchase, will previously view the land, I shall only observe, that the houses are all in good order, having lately gone through a thorough repair; and the small proportion of land in cultivation, proves it to be very valuable and productive; the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of Corn and small grain. Any person wishing to view the land will call on Mr. Royler who lives on the place.—The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM EDWARDS. Surry County, July 7. [eW]
FOR SALE,
On liberal terms, by the Subscriber,
THE HOUSE and LOT near the River Bank, at present in the occupancy of Mr. John Taylor, and distinguished in the plan of the city by the number 8, the property of the estate of Patrick Wright, dec. which, if not disposed of privately before the first day of September next, will on that day, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, be sold on the premises, for one half cash, and the other half on a credit of 90 days, for an approved endorsed note.—An indispensible title will be made before the money is received.
PROSSER & MONCURE. July 18. [eW]
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, will at their next monthly meeting, to be held on the third Monday in August next, proceed to appoint one sit and proper person to act as CAPTAIN of the NIGHT WATCH within the said City, for the term of one year; at which time all candidates for the said appointment are requested to attend.
ANDREW STEVENSON, CH. C. H. July 18. [eW]
VIRGINIA:
AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HOLDEN IN RICHMOND, MAY 19, 1804.
Between JOSEPH C. BROWN, RICHARD B. GOODE & WILLIAM BROWN, Plaintiffs,
And ROBERT OMBERSON, Defendant.
THIS cause, by consent of parties, came on this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, to be heard on the bill and answer, and was argued by counsel on consideration whereof, the court adjudgeth and decreeth, that, unless the defendant on or before the twenty-fourth day of July next, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, one thousand four hundred dollars, with interest thereon, after the rate of six per centum per annum, to be computed from the rate of six per centum till of January, one thousand eight hundred and three, till payment, and the costs expended by the plaintiff in prosecuting this suit, that Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, after giving three weeks notice in one or more of the Richmond newspapers, do expose to public sale by auction, for ready money, the Half Acre Lot of Land, with the Appurtenances, lying in that part of the City of Richmond called Rocketts, described in the plan of the said city by the number (207) two hundred and seven, which had been conveyed in trust by the defendant, to the forenamed Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, for the purpose as alleged in the bill and admitted by the answer, of securing the forenamed principal money and interest, the deed for which hath been destroyed as is alleged, and admitted; and out of the money arising from the sale, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, the said principal money, interest and costs; and the surplus, if any, after deducting the expenses attending the sale, pay to the defendant, and report their proceedings in execution hereof to the court.
A Copy—To the, PETER TINSLEY, c.c. [eW]
WE SHALL PROCEED TO SELL, THE LOT & APPURTENANCES
mentioned and described in the above decree, upon the terms therein mentioned, on Wednesday the 15th day of August next, upon the premises, between the hours of 10 and 2 of the clock.
JOSEPH C. BROWN, RICHARD B. GOODE.
The sale of the above property is postponed until FRIDAY, the 17th August next. July 21. [eW]