The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-06-07 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
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RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 7, 1805.
[VOLUME 2.]
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Pleadings of Council, ON THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21.
Mr. CLARK—Mr. President, I rise only to make a few remarks on two of the articles, the fifth and sixth, that the counsel for the respondent may be possessed of all the points we mean to make.
M. HOPKINSON—Mr. President, we cannot remind you, and this honorable court, as our opponents have so frequently done, that we address you in behalf of the majesty of the people.
of that happiness, the small residue of his life may afford. It is important to you, Senators and judges, inasmuch as you value the judgment which posterity shall pass upon the proceedings of this day.
We have heard, Sir, from the honorable managers who have addressed you, many harsh expressions. I hope, Sir, they will do no harm. We have been told of the respondent's unholy sins, which even the heavenly expectation of sincere repentance cannot wash away.
In England, the impeachment of a judge is a rare occurrence. I recollect but two in half a century. But in our country, boasting of its superior purity and virtue, and declining ever again the vice, venality, and corruption of the old world, seven judges have been prosecuted criminally in about two years.
Have any facts then been given in evidence against the respondent which make him liable to be proceeded against by this high process of impeachment?
the constitution of the United States. I offer it as a position I fully rely upon in my argument, that no judge can be impeached and removed from office for any act or thing for which he could not be indicted.
European Intelligence.
From the Boston Gazette of Monday, May 27. By the arrival of the brig Superb, capt. Bofworth, from Liverpool, we have been supplied with London and Liverpool prints to the 22d April.
TOULON FLEET OUT. Capt. Folger, arrived here on Saturday, 25 days from Lisbon, is the bearer of the very interesting intelligence of the escape of the French fleet from Toulon.

obliged to put back, having sprung her bow-sprit and foremast in crossing the bar.—46 hours after sailing, capt. F. spoke the British fleet under Sir J. Ord., consisting of two 74's and 3 frigates only, standing for England.
Capt. Folger further advises, that the French minister had arrived at Lisbon, and was escorted from Belleisle Castle to that city, by the nobility and Prince's Horse Guards. Jerome Bonaparte had set out for France, by the way of Madrid; and his lady was a passenger, on board the Erin, which came out of Lisbon in company with capt. Folger, bound for Amsterdam.
Accounts had been received at Lisbon of the capture of two valuable Brazil ships off the Isle of Corvo by the Algerine squadron.
In corroboration of the intelligence brought by capt. Folger, we learn, that capt. Trefethen, arrived at Portsmouth, on Thursday last, from Marseilles, reports, that on the 8th April, about 10 leagues E. of Gibraltar, he passed the Toulon fleet, of 19 sail vessels, viz. 11 ships of the line of which 3 were of 80 guns, 6 frigates, and 2 brigs having on board 7 or 8000 chosen troops, commanded by Gen. Lauriston; on the 9th he again passed the fleet in the Gut, then bearing W.
LONDON, April 18.
There is no truth in the report of the expedition so long preparing at Portsmouth, having been countermanded. On the contrary, there seems to be an intention of enlarging the scale on which it was at first to be conducted. All the armed defence ships, lately stationed in the Downs, have gone round to Portsmouth, having been previously fitted up as transports, and having taken on board a number of flat-bottomed boats.
It is reported by those who pretend to be in the confidence of ministers, that the dispatches which were received from St. Petersburg, last Monday, contain the most satisfactory assurances of the complete failure of the various artifices employed by the French government to detach the Emperor Alexander from the interests of this country. The principal article of a treaty of alliance between his Majesty and that Sovereign, are said to be already agreed upon; and on the same authority we are assured, that only a few points of detail remain to be adjusted previous to a formal communication being made, on this important subject, to both houses of Parliament. After the repeated disappointments which have been experienced, relative to the co-operation of Russia, the public cannot place much confidence in the promises made to them upon this occasion.
April 19.
The friends of Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter have set up, as their defence, that the public has been defrauded of nothing by all their speculations with the property which was not entrusted to their care. But the public is at this moment defrauded of every sixpence of the profits they have made by this illegal traffic; and that it may conjecture what may have been the amount of them upon 134,000,000. sterling, which have illegally passed through their hands, let it be remembered, that navy bills have been at a discount of 15 per cent. that they bought Navy Bills with these millions; and if they could have employed them all in this speculation alone, the profits might have amounted to 150,000. per million, or 20,100,000. sterling.
Lord Hawkesbury, we understand, has been appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, and is expected to be succeeded in the home department by Lord Harrowby.
The termination of the discussion relative to Lord Melville, has excited a greater degree of interest in the metropolis, than any event of late years, either foreign or domestic. The public have recognized in their Representatives, the faithful guardians of their interests, not to be seduced from their duties by the artifices of eloquence, or intimidated by the menaces of power. The British constitution, in its most conspicuous and effective member, has been fully displayed, not in theoretical and abstract perfection, but in active and exemplary utility. The pens of a thousand encomiasts could not produce so magnificent an eulogium.
April 20.
The Expedition failed yesterday from Portsmouth, under convoy of the Queen and the Dragon.
A Russian general is said to have arrived with dispatches from Petersburg of great importance—they have not been transpired, but are believed to be extremely favourable.
Dispatches were yesterday received from Admiral Lord Gardner off Brest, which state, that the enemy had made some movements that indicated an intention of venturing to sea the first favourable opportunity.
At Ferrol, a similar disposition appears to be manifested by the French and Spanish squadrons. The following intelligence is contained in a letter from an officer on board his Majesty's ship Indefatigable, dated off Ferrol, April 2:
"Every opportunity that occurs, we make it our business to sail in and off the harbour's mouth of Ferrol, to reconnoitre the French and Spanish squadrons, lying there—they consist of six sail of the line, two frigates, two sloops and one brig Spanish. At Corunna, there is one French frigate, making altogether 14 sail of the line, two frigates, two sloops, and one brig."
"The French are already manned, and have a great number of troops on board, and are expected to sail hourly. The Spaniards are not sufficiently manned as yet. Yesterday we boarded an American ship that had just come out from Ferrol, and the capt. assured us that the French would in the course of a few days put to sea, and that they were supposed to be destined for the West-Indies."
Extraordinary Anecdote.—A respectable Morning paper has published the following intelligence, which was communicated to the Editor in a letter written by a gentleman at Yarmouth, and dated the 12th instant.
"Jean De St. Paul, who commanded, and was taken on board, L'Honneur l'ch't by his Majesty's sloop of war the Scorpion, Carteret, relates the following, which he declared to have taken place a few evenings prior to his quitting Paris."
"Bonaparte had commanded a play at the Theatre Francaise, and, in the usual style of Sovereigns, he appeared there with a brilliant retinue, and a very numerous guard. The house overflowed in every part. He was seated in his box, and the curtain about to rise, when an orange, apparently artificial, was thrown on the stage; several voices exclaimed Ouvrez l'Ocre! (open the Orange)! The cry was repeated and re-echoed in every part of the house."
"A principal actor came forward, and in compliance with the universal wish, opened the Orange, wherein he found a paper containing a 20 livre piece of gold coin. Several voices again exclaimed, 'Lisez le papier; Lisez le papier!' Read the paper, Read the paper. It was again repeated with the earnestness and enthusiasm as before, the house resounding in many parts with the tumultuous cry. But before he complied, the cautious actor looked towards the Imperial Box, when Bonaparte, far-
eying it might be some adulatory compliment to himself, nodded assent. The house was silent as the grave; when the actor read aloud the following words:
"Tenez le Corbeil, prenez votre Louis!"
"Renounce the Corsican, and restore your Louis. The rapturous burst of applause, which ensued from every part of the house on these words being uttered, was not to be described—it appeared to rend the house. Bonaparte heard it as his knell, and quitting the theatre, returned to his palace in the utmost confusion and dismay."
The above anecdote must be acknowledged a very extraordinary article; although truth may not be fairly connected with the whole affair.
London paper.
The Anecdote mentioned under our Foreign Department, requires a little explanation, before our readers, unacquainted with the French language, can comprehend both the point of this very serious pun, and the caution with which it was conveyed.
The orange peel, cut so as to be reunited, and resemble an entire orange, was thrown upon the stage. It contained a Louis or French guinea, and a paper on which was written
Tenez l'corbeil—prenez votre Louis. Which is simply
Throw away the peel—take your Guinea. This, addressed to the actor who picked up the orange, was all well enough; but mark the corambole as the French call it. The very same sounds likewise mean.
Reject the Corsican—receive your Louis! And this was addressed to every Frenchman. A thunderbolt to Bonaparte, sure enough.
(Repertory.)
LORD MELVILLE.
The following is a copy of the resolutions moved by Mr. Whitebread, and afterwards adopted by the British House of Commons, relative to the defalcation of Lord Melville, (more generally known as Mr. Dundas,) while acting as Treasurer of the Navy.
N. T. G. W.
REPORT.
1. "That it appears to this House, on the 18th of June 1782, the House of Commons, in a committee of the whole House, came amongst others, to the following resolution:
"That it is the opinion of this committee that some regulation ought to be adopted for the purpose of lessening and keeping down the balances of public money which appear to have usually been in the hands of the Navy, and it would be beneficial to the public if the first & other clerks in the different branches belonging to the said office were paid by fixed and permanent salaries, in lieu of all fees, gratuities, and other perquisites whatsoever."
"That it is the opinion of this committee, that from henceforth the Paymaster General of His Majesty's land forces and the Treasurer of the Navy, for the time being, shall not apply any sum or sums of money intrusted to them or either of them, to any purpose of advantage or interest to themselves, either directly or indirectly."
"That it appears to this committee, that the Commissioners appointed to examine, take, and state the public accounts of the Kingdom, have so far as appears from the reports which they have hitherto made, discharged the duty entrusted to them with great diligence, accuracy, and ability; and if parliament shall carry into execution those plans of reform and regulation which are suggested by the matter contained in the reports of the said Commissioners, it cannot but be attended with the most beneficial consequences to the future welfare and prosperity of this kingdom."
"That in furtherance of the intention of the House of Commons expressed in such resolutions his majesty by his warrant, dated June 26, 1802, directed that the salary of the Treasurer of the Navy should be increased to the sum of 4000l. in full satisfaction of all wages and fees, and other profits and emoluments heretofore enjoyed by former Treasurers."
"That it appears to this house, that during the treasurerhip of the Right Honorable Isaac Barre, the conditions of the aforesaid warrant were strictly complied with; that the whole of the money issued from the Exchequer to Mr. Barre for the naval services was lodged in the Bank: that it was never drawn from thence previously to its being advanced to the sub-accountants to be applied to the public service: that during the time Mr. Barre acted as Treasurer and Ex-Treasurer he had not in his possession or custody any of the public money: and that neither he nor the Paymaster of the Navy did derive any profit or advantage from the use or employment thereof."
"4. "That the Right Hon. Henry Dundas now Lord Viscount Melville, succeeded to the office of Treasurer of the Navy on the 19th of August, 1782, when a further addition was made to the salary of the said office in order to produce a nett annual income of four thousand pound after the payment of all taxes and charges on the same; and that this additional salary was considered by the said Lord Viscount Melville as granted to him in lieu of all wages, fees, profits and other emoluments enjoyed by former Treasurers."
"5. "That the said Lord Viscount Melville continued in the said office till the 10th of April, 1783: that being asked whether he derived any advantage from the use of the public money during that period, he in his examination before the commissioners of naval enquiry declined answering any question on that head; but that he has in a letter written to the said Commissioners, and dated the 29th of March last, declared, that previous to 1786, "he did not derive any advantage from the use or employment of any monies issued for the service of the navy, or the mode of drawing the same from the bank during this period."
"6. "That the Hon. C. Townsend, now Lord Baying, held the office of Treasurer of the Navy from the 11th of April, 1783, to the 4th of January, 1784: and that from the examination of his Lordship it appears, that during his treasurerhip, no part of the money issued for the service of the navy was applied to his private use or advantage: and that he does not believe that Mr. Douglas, who acted under him as paymaster, derived any profit or advantage from the use or employment of the public money, except the money issued for the payment of Exchequer fees."
"7. "That the Right Hon. Henry Dundas, was re-appointed Treasurer of the navy on the 5th of January, 1784, and continued in said office until the 18th of June 1800."
"8. "That in the year 1785, an act of Parliament was passed (25 Geo. III. cap. 31,) intitled "An act for better regulating the office of Treasurer of his Majesty's Navy;" whereby it is directed that no money shall be issued from the Treasury to the Treasurers of the navy; but all monies issued for naval services, shall be paid to the bank on account of naval services & placed to the account of the Treasurer of the navy, and shall not be paid out of the bank unless for naval services, and in pursuance of drafts signed by the Treasurer, or some person or persons authorised by him, which drafts shall specify the heads of service to which such sums are to
be applied; and that the resolutions under the said act shall take place from the 31st July, 1785."
"9. "That the execution of the said act was postponed till the month of Jan. 1786: and from that time till the month of June, 1800, when Lord Melville left the office of Treasurer, contrary to the practices established in the Treasurerhip of the Right Honorable Isaac Barre, contrary to the resolutions of the House of Commons, of the 18th of June 1782, and in defiance of the provisions of the above mentioned act of the 25th Geo. III. c. 31, large sums of money were, under pretence of naval services, and by a scandalous evasion of the act, at various times drawn from the Bank, and invested in Exchequer and naval bills, lent upon the security of Stock, employed in discounting private bills, in purchasing bank and East-India stock, and used in various ways for the purposes of private emolument."
"10. "That Alex. Trotter, Esq. paymaster of the navy, was the person by whom, or in whose name the public money was thus employed; and that in so doing he acted with the knowledge and consent of Lord Viscount Melville, to whom he was at the same time private agent, and for whose use or benefit he occasionally laid out from 10 to 20,000l. without considering whether he was previously in advance to his Lordship, and whether such advances were made from his public or private balances."
"11. "That the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Melville having been privy to and connived at the withdrawing from the Bank of England for the purpose of private interest or emolument, sums issued to him as Treasurer of the navy, and placed to his account in the bank, according to the provisions of the 25th Geo. III. c. 31, has been guilty of a gross violation of the law, and a high breach of duty."
"12. "It further appears that subsequent to the appointment of Lord Melville as Treasurer of the navy, in 1784, and during the time he held that office, large sums of money issued for the service of the navy, were applied to other services; and that the said Lord Melville in a letter written in answer to a precept issued by the commissioners of Naval Inquiry, requiring an account of money received by him, or any person on his account, or by his order, from the paymasters of the navy, and also of the time when, and the persons by whom the same were returned to the Bank or paymasters, has declared, that he has no materials by which he could make up such an account, and that, if he had any materials, he could not do it without disclosing delicate and confidential transactions of government, which his duty to the public must have restrained him from revealing."
"13. "That Lord Melville, in applying monies issued for the service of the navy to other services stated to have been of so delicate and confidential a nature, that in his opinion no account can or ought to be given of them, has acted in a manner inconsistent with his duty, and incompatible with those securities which the legislature has provided for the proper application of the public money."
Authentic copy of the letter from Lord Melville, to the Commissioners of Naval Enquiry.
GENTLEMEN—Having read your tenth report, and observing particularly the following paragraph in the 141st page, "However the apprehension of disclosing delicate and confidential transactions of Government might operate with Lord Melville in withholding information respecting advances to other departments, we do not perceive how that apprehension can at all account for his refusing to state whether he derived any profit or advantage from the use or employment of money issued for the services of the Navy. If his Lordship had received into his hand such monies as were advanced by him to other departments, and had replaced them as soon as they were repaid, he could not have derived any profit or advantage from such transactions, however repugnant they might be to the provisions of the Legislature for the safe custody of public money."
I think it necessary to state the following observations, in order to place it in their just view the grounds on which I declined answering your question, and which you appeared not to have accurately understood.
When you first called upon me for information, I stated to you that I had not materials on which I could frame such an account as you required me at that time to prepare; and in a communication with Mr. Trotter, before my examination on the 5th Nov. 1801, I learnt, for the first time, that in the accounts that he had kept respecting my private concerns, he had so blended his own private monies with what he had in his hands of public money, that it was impossible for him to ascertain, with precision, whether the advances he had occasion to make to me, in the course of his running private account with me, were made from the one or from the other aggregate sums which constituted his balance with Messrs. Coutts. This circumstance, which I understand Mr. Trotter had distinctly communicated to you, made it impossible for me to return any other answer than I did to the general question which you put to me—"Whether Mr. Trotter had applied any of the money issued for carrying on the current service of the Navy, for my benefit or advantage?" and to this circumstance I uniformly referred in my answers to other questions respecting the manner in which Mr. Trotter applied the money in his hands."
When you put the question to me, "Whether I did direct or authorise Mr. Trotter to lay out or apply, or cause to be laid out or applied, any of the money issued for carrying on the current service of the Navy, to my benefit or advantage?" My answer was, "To the best of my recollection I never did." That answer I now repeat. Had you proceeded to inquire whether I ever had any understanding, expressed or implied, with Mr. Trotter respecting any participation of advantages derived from the custody of the public money, or whether I at any time knowingly derived any advantage to myself from any advances of public money, I should have had no hesitation in declaring, as I now declare, that there never was any such understanding, nor any thing like it, between Mr. Trotter and myself; that I never knowingly derived any such advantages; and that whatever emolument accrued to Mr. Trotter in the conduct of the pecuniary concerns of the office, was, so far as I am informed, exclusively his own."
With respect to any advances which Mr. Trotter might make on my private account, I considered myself as debtor to him alone, and as standing, with regard to him, in no other predicament than I should have done with any other man of business, who might be in occasional advance to me in the general management of my concerns entrusted to him. It is impossible for me to ascertain from any document or vouchers in my hands, or now existing, what the extent of those advances might have been at any particular period. The accounts which you have inserted in your report I never saw till I saw them in the report itself. They are no accounts of mine, nor am I party to them. They contain a variety of sums issued nominally to me, which never came into my hands, and they give no credit for various sums received by Mr. Trotter on my private account for my salary as Treasurer of the navy, and other sources of income, of which he was in the receipt, nor do they take any notice of the security of which he was in possession for the repayment of any balance at any time due to him from private funds."
With respect to the sums of naval money advanced to me, and applied to other services, I do not feel it necessary to make any additional observations, except to declare, that all those sums were returned to the funds from which they were taken, having, in no instance, been withdrawn from it for any purpose of private emolument or advantage. Before I conclude, I wish to correct an inaccuracy which I observe in one part of the evidence in Appendix No. 7, page 102. The
question is put to me, "Did you derive any profit or advantage from the use or employment of money issued for carrying on the current service of the navy between the 10th of August, 1800, and 30th of April, 1803; or between the 1st of February 1784, and 31st December, 1785, during which period you held the office of Treasurer of the Navy?" Which question I there answered by a reference to the answer given to a similar question put to me before. This answer is inaccurate in so far as it contains a reference to Mr. Trotter's mode of blending his funds in his private account with Messrs. Coutts.
Mr. Trotter was not paymaster till the year 1786. The circumstances, therefore, relative to Mr. Trotter's account, which precluded my returning an answer to your former questions, do not apply to the period specified in that mentioned, and I can therefore have no difficulty in declaring, that during those periods I did not derive any advantage from the use or employment of public money issued for carrying on the service of the navy. Having stated these facts, it is almost unnecessary to add, that I am at any time ready to verify them upon my oath.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
MELVILLE.
ANSWER OF THE COMMISSIONERS.
Office of Naval Inquiry, Great George-Street. April 2, 1804.
My Lord—We have received your Lordship's Letter of the 28th of last month, by which you intimate that we appear not to have accurately understood the grounds on which we declined answering your questions, and submit to us some observations in order to place those grounds in their just view; and also expresses a wish, before you conclude, to correct an inaccuracy in one part of your evidence, and a readiness to verify by your oath facts stated in that letter.
If it be the object of this communication, that we should again require your Lordship's attendance; for the purpose of being examined, touching these matters, and that we should make a Supplemental Report upon the result of that examination, and such other examinations, as we might thereupon judge necessary, there can be no disinclination on our part (as far as we are concerned in the proceeding) to meeting your Lordship's wishes:—But it appears to us that the enquiry, which is the subject of the Tenth Report, has attained that period, when it would not become us to adopt such a measure, merely upon the suggestion of any of the parties, to whose conduct that Report relates.
We were occupied several months investigating the mode of conducting the business of the office of Treasurer of the Navy: Those who were examined by us had the fullest opportunity of stating and explaining all things which related to the management of that department, or to the share which they respectively had in it; and of correcting, at any time, during the progress of the enquiry, any mistakes which might inadvertently have been made. Our opinion and observations upon the irregularities and abuses, which we discovered, were formed and drawn up with the utmost care and deliberation; and they are now submitted to the three branches of the Legislature, as the act, by which we are appointed, requires. It could be made to appear upon a representation to them that any thing has been omitted on our part, that any misunderstanding or error had occurred, and that a further enquiry is advisable upon those, or any other grounds, it would be for them to direct such further enquiry, and to decide by whom, and in what manner, it should be prosecuted; but, in the present circumstances, it appears to us that we cannot with propriety resume it.
Your Lordship's most ob't humble serv'ts.
CH. M. POLE, EWAN LAW, JOHN FORD, H. NICHOLLS, W. MACKWORTH PREAD.
The Editor of the Philadelphia Register is indebted to the goodness of a Friend for the following letter:
LISBON, April 14, 1805.
"Believing the brig Acorn bound to Boston, to be still at Bellem, I looke no time in informing you that an official advice was received last night from Sir John Orde, that the Toulon fleet, (24 sail, of which 13 are of the line) had got into Cadiz; whether with the intention of making any stay, or coming out immediately in junction with the Spanish ships, is not known. When they first appeared Sir J. Orde's fleet were, it is said at an anchor, and the enemy to windward, but they did not offer to attack him, from which it is inferred their object is important. Sir John Orde's fleet consisted of 5 sail of the line—they are now off Cape Espichel. The Halcyon brig of war falls this morning with the advice to England, the Wallingford packet to Ireland, and the Orpheus frigate to the Ferrol and Brest stations. If Nelson comes down the Straits speedily, the enemy may yet be overtaken and beat; if not their escape is almost certain. By advices from England, of the 2d instant, it seems that the Brest fleet were in Camaret Bay, watched by Sir Charles Cotton. Should they elude his vigilance and form a junction, we may expect great events in the summer. General Junot, the new French minister, is arrived here."
PHILADELPHIA, May 29.
TOULON FLEET OUT!
The following, which is an extract of a letter to the Editor, written by a respectable gentleman of this city, now at Portsmouth, leaves no doubt of the French Toulon fleet being at sea: and must consequently excite much curiosity to ascertain their ultimate destination:
"Portsmouth, (N. H.) May 28.
"The ship Hampden and Sidney, captain Trefethen, arrived here last evening from Marseilles. On the 8th of April, off Gibraltar they fell in with the Toulon fleet, of 11 ships of the line, 6 frigates and 2 brigs, and continued with them till the 9th, when they parted, the fleet steering West. They were boarded by a frigate from the fleet, who informed they had on board 7000 troops. A frigate came out of Gibraltar, and dogged the French fleet. The admiral of the fleet was Villeneuve, and it was said that Nelson was off Genoa."
[Ref.]
The intelligence, brought by capt. Folger, of the Toulon fleet's being off Cadiz, on the 10th April, gives a colour of probability to the late reports, that a fleet of 19 sail of men of war was seen off Cape Nicholas Mole, on the 8th or 9th of May; as the French fleet were, it is presumed, immediately joined by the Spanish ships, at Cadiz, on their appearance before that place, and may have then proceeded direct for the West-Indies.
[Boston Gaz.]
PARIS, April 6.
We learn by letters from Madrid, that his Catholic Majesty has not only abandoned his right in prizes which may be taken from the English, but decreed that the captors shall have the privilege of disposing of captured property without paying any duty to the crown. So that the whole amount captured will go to the captors.
The captain general of Catalonia and the Prince of Peace have informed his Majesty, that the Commandants of the city of St. Felix, de Quixols had offered to every family that would furnish a seaman for his Majesty's squadron, three reals a day, during the present war. His Majesty expressed the utmost satisfaction at the generous offer, and sanctioned the engagement.
Day before yesterday his Imperial Majesty (Bonaparte) left this city, with his suite. We hear that he has given to the Pope, a very expensive mitre, and to every Cardinal that accompanied the Pope, a box, with his picture, set in diamonds.
April 10.
We have now ascertained the truth respecting the fleet having sailed from Brest, by an account from that port, dated March 31, containing the following statement: Admiral Ganteaume, wishing to make
some experiments with his squadron, for the purpose of exercising his seamen in certain manoeuvres, put to sea on discovering his movements, the English squadron took their leave, though their force consisted of 13 ships, among which were 8 three deckers. Admiral Ganteaume pursued them in line of battle, but finding that they had quit the coast, probably with a view to obtain a reinforcement, he returned into Brest Harbor. During three days, which the squadron employed in manoeuvring, no accident happened to the fleet, and every movement was executed with the greatest exactness. Admiral Ganteaume has expressed the highest satisfaction at the good order, skill and harmony of his officers and seamen.
* Ganteaume's force consisted of 21 sail of the line, 6 frigates and one brig.
The following Speech will give some insight into the political designs of Bonaparte.
The different authorities of the Italian Marechal, having taken the oath of fidelity to the King, his Majesty addressed them in these words:
SENATORS,
"We wished on this occasion to come amongst you, for the purpose of acquainting you with what our thoughts are upon one of the most important objects of the state."
"The strength and power of the French empire, are exceeded by the moderation which regulates our political concerns. We have conquered Holland, three fourths of Germany, Switzerland and the whole of Italy. We have been moderate in the midst of the greatest prosperity. Out of so many provinces, we have only preferred those which were necessary to keep us at the same point of consideration in which France always was.—The division of Poland, provinces torn from Turkey, the conquest of India and almost all the colonies, have broken the general balance to our detriment."
"All that we have judged necessary for the re-establishment of this balance, we have reflected, and in doing so, we have acted conformably to that principle, by which we have been always guided, never to take arms for the accomplishment of vain projects of greatness, nor from the desire of conquest."
"Germany was evacuated. Its provinces were restored to the defendants of so many illustrious houses which were lost forever, if we had not afforded them our generous protection. We have raised them up and confirmed them; and the princes of Germany are at this day in a more splendid situation than ever their predecessors were."
"Austria, herself, after two unsuccessful wars, has acquired the state of Venice. At all times she would willingly have exchanged the provinces which she has lost, for the Venetian territory."
"Holland was scarcely conquered, when she was declared independent. Her union with our empire would have completed our commercial system, since the greatest rivers of one half of our territory meet the sea through Holland. Still Holland is independent; and its customs, its commerce, and its administration, are directed by the will of the government."
"Switzerland was occupied by our armies. We defended it against the combined force of Europe. Its union would have completed our military frontier. Still Switzerland governs itself by the act of mediation, and by the inclination of nineteen free and independent Cantons."
"The union of the territory of the Italian republic with the French empire, would have been advantageous for the advancement of our agriculture. Nevertheless, after the second conquest, we confirmed its independence at Lyons. We do more this day."
"We proclaim the principle of the separation of the crowns of France and Italy, affixing for the period of that separation, the moment when it shall become possible, without danger to our people of Italy."
"We have accepted, and we will place on our head the iron crown of the ancient Lombardy, for the purpose of new tempering it, to confound it, that it may not be broken in the midst of the tempests which menace it, so long as the Mediterranean shall not be restored to its pristine state."
"But we do not hesitate to declare, that we will transmit this crown to one of our lawful children natural or adopted, the day when we shall be without alarm for that independence which we have guaranteed to the other states of the Mediterranean."
"The genius of evil will seek in vain for pretexts to plunge the continent into war. That which has been united to our empire by the constitutional laws of the state, shall remain so. No new province shall be incorporated with it; but the laws of the Batavian republic, the act of mediation of the nineteen Swiss Cantons, and this first statute of the kingdom of Italy, are constantly under the protection of our crown, and shall never suffer them to be attacked."
"In all circumstances and in all transactions, we will display the same moderation; and we hope, that our people will no longer have occasion to manifest that courage and energy which they have always shown in defending their lawful rights."
HAGUE, April 16.
This day commenced the session of the legislative body, for the present year, which was opened in the usual manner.
On the latter part of last week, the former governor of the island of Curacoa, J. Lauter, who gave up that colony, last war, to the English, was brought here under arrest, with some of his principal officers.
We understand that M. Schimmeleinick is expected here the first day of May, to commence his duties in this residency.

Domestic Intelligence.
Mr. Lawrence Keene, an officer of the American ship Canton, (which foundered on the 22nd of December) came passenger in the brig Acorn, from Lisbon, and informs us, that a transport dispatched from Admirable Orde, off Cape St. Vincent, arrived on the 15th April, with intelligence of the Toulon fleet, consisting of ten sail of the line and three frigates, having arrived off Cadiz Bay; they were joined by all the Spanish vessels in readiness, and put to sea; destination unknown. A report prevailed at Lisbon, that the French and Spanish fleets were bound to Louisiana! and the American affairs wore a serious aspect at the Court of Madrid!!!
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Liverpool to his friend in New-York, dated April 11.
"From the annexed price current, you will see, that the cotton market is dull; in fact, so little is doing, that it is scarcely possible to quote a selling price, and many of those now stated are nominal. The imports here have been heavy; and there are arrivals almost daily; but this port appears to be drawing the bulk of the cotton trade to us, and the quantities in other places are very light. The manufacturers must be barely stocked; but their trade is dull in the extreme, and the continental are still backward. Fair N. Orleans has been sold at 2s. and 2s. 1d. and Upland 2s. 1d. and 2s. 1 1/2d. In fact the state of the trade is such, that no sales can be effected without giving way a little in price, and there seems an alarm amongst many of the holders."
"The account of the arrival of the French fleet in the West-Indies has caused considerable alarm; this, with statements of the capture of some American vessels, and a rumour that the Spaniards and French will capture all neutrals to and from this kingdom, has rendered the underwriters so timid, that we cannot get them to name a premium to New-Orleans on goods, in a vessel which they a few days ago underwrote at 2 1/2 per cent. and it is the same to the Atlantic States. We hope something certain will be known ere long."
"From some recent statements, there is little probability of assistance from the continental powers against France at present."
"We have received information of two Prussian vessels the Navigation and the Speculation bound from Amsterdam, for the port of Baltimore, with passengers, said to be mostly composed of all the vagabonds, convicts, and the veriest outcasts from the country whence they come. We know, not whether the state government or the government of the union has provided against such importations, but, whether such provision exists or not, we nevertheless deem it proper to communicate the information to the community on whom this unpleasant inroad is to be made. We have obtained our information, on this subject, from a quarter which is fully entitled to respect and attention. Balt. Amer.
"A letter from a gentleman in London, under date of the 9th April, to his friend in Philadelphia (says the United States Gazette) mentions that American premiums had risen in consequence of the capture of American vessels by the Spaniards."
WAR AMONG THE INDIAN TRIBES.
By the last accounts from the Interior, the Indians of the Wabash have become jealous of the Olages, who have lately opened a communication with our states. It is presumed, from the pacific principles of our President, and the great care he has taken to prevent any unfriendly intercourse between the subjects of the United States, and the natives, that he will not be wanting in his endeavours to prevent any contests among the natives, by which the love of war will be maintained, and great troubles necessarily arise to the citizens of the United States. It is said by Pratt, who was informed of the manners of the Indians, especially of Louisiana and the Mississippi, that the manner of making war is uniformly the same among all the nations. So much of the history of Des Cortes as appears entitled to serious belief, leads us to the same opinion. In the time of Montezuma, the councils were as well known, as in the present age. This council, says Pratt, consists of the oldest and bravest warriors. The cause of declaring war was announced to them by the war chief. Then the old men debate in the presence of the war chief and sovereign, who are witnesses of the debate, and the opinion of the old men is decisive. If peace is wished after any hostilities, the pipe of peace is sent by a brave warrior, and if war is not intended by the offending power, a present is made to the ambassador, and his retinue. If war is determined, then numerous ceremonies are observed, all of which indicate their determination to oppose the enemy. They feast, drink together, and represent the enemy by some sign, and all perform some open act of violence to that which represents their enemy. The late traveller, Mackenzie, says of the Kiflanaux, who live on the waters he visited, that they preserve their love of war. That the Elders convene the people to know the general opinion. If the public mind be for war, he notifies them of the time appointed to smoke in the sacred stem, to which solemnity, "meditation and fasting are required as preparatory ceremonies." When thus assembled, the chief enlarges on the cause of the war, and then he invites such as approve of war to smoke with him, and each one leaves some token of his warlike intention. To the Chepewau Indians, he assigns less national power and a more dependent situation. But submissive as they are to their more powerful neighbours, they make war without mercy on the Elkimans, who cannot resist them. We might be led to reflect on the savage state of man, as always furnishing the temper and the causes of war. But we have not such a happy view of the manners of civilized man as to admit a comparison with which humanity can be pleased. In this part of the self-love we might fondly indulge in the approbation of any portion of the human race. Greece and Rome were not strangers to war. And the most enlightened nations of Europe do not boast of long periods of peace. When the Christian world is in peace, we may find objects for our pity in the distant wilds of America. Salem Register.
Miscellany.
Oil of Amber is strongly recommended for the Ague. When the fit is coming on, nine drops are to be taken in a little tea; the quantity is to be increased two drops morning and evening, and to be continued 'till the complaint is removed, which generally happens in eight or ten days.
Mr. Giobert has found that Magnesia communicates to all the earth a refractory quality. Glass-maker's crucibles, formed of any clay which is not ferruginous, to which a third or
half of Magnesia of Bandifaro is added, resist the action of fire in the most perfect manner.
ANECDOSE. —Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough once pressing the Duke to take a medicine, with her usual warmth said, "I'll be hanged if it do not prove serviceable." Dr. Garth, who was present, exclaimed, "Do take it then my Lord Duke; for it may be of service one way or the other."
LONDON STAGE.
A new Melo-Drama by Holcroft, called The Lady of the Rock , was produced at Drury Lane Theatre on the 12th of February, as an after-piece, and announced for a second representation with some opposition. The principal incident is the rescue from the fury of the waves of a lady seated upon a rock. The story is of Scottish origin and has frequently been the subject of tales and ballads. The scenery is noticed as very fine, the music attributed to Miss Holcroft, new and pleasing, and the Melo-Drama in other particulars possessed of considerable interest.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 7th JUNE, 1805.
FROM THE AURORA.
An article appeared in the Richmond Enquirer recently concerning the intentions of the chief magistrate of the union to refuse serving in that station longer than the term for which he is at present elected. We should have published the article with only a slight notice on one point in it, were we not particularly called upon to take it up by some petulant, mean, malignant and unmanly insinuations thrown out upon the articles in the Gazette of the United States last Saturday. We shall now copy the preface of the Gazette of the United States and the article from the Richmond Enquirer, and offer such remarks as suggest themselves to us upon a view of both:
FROM THE GAZETTE UNITED STATES.
The following curious quiz is copied from the Richmond Enquirer. We perfectly agree in opinion with the writer that Mr. Jefferson will serve in his present office no longer than his present term, though we are not quite sure that the reasons which he assigns will be the efficient ones. There are strange things coming to pass in these our days. The diffusions of democracy have reached even the cabinet of the nation. If Mr. Jefferson should choose to retire from the storm before it burst upon him, it will not be the first proof which he has given of his belief, that "the better part of valor is discretion." More may be said upon this point in due time.
[Here follows the COMMUNICATION which appeared in the Enquirer of the 21st of May.]
Upon the interesting subject which alone commands respectable attention in this article, the intentions of Mr. Jefferson, as to the presidential office, we may venture to speak with decision & with confidence, & without apprehension of contradiction or a charge of servility or flattery—we may be presumed to speak of him from an affection and reverence, that is superior to false views, because we have individually nothing to hope from favor by adulation, nor to fear from the benevolence of his temper, were our sentiments towards him different from what they are.
We believe—nay we know —that the intention of Mr. Jefferson to relinquish a re-election, was uttered and purposed before he had been six months in office; we heard it from good authority that he carried the intention with him into office; and we know that the motive which silenced his objections to the late re-election were such as do him honor, and that every good man will think so;—he thought as he ought, that after the floods, the deluges of calumny and detraction which had been poured out against him, principally by the influence of another man, whom with other means and with more successful measures he had politically destroyed; Mr. Jefferson had after seeing four presses at Boston, besides their inferior fatalities in the New-England states; four presses at New-York—four at Philadelphia, all of these among the greatest in circulation on this continent and in Europe—engaged for years, not in consulting his principles of policy and government—not in scanning the measures of his administration—not in pointing out the impolicy, inefficiency, inconsistency with freedom or with national liberty, of the plans and acts of the executive magistrate; not in devising better measures, or in pointing out the defects or the failure of those of Mr. Jefferson's—but in drawing from the sources of the most abandoned and vicious minds, the most vulgar, virulent and slanderous libels on his private life and moral character. When he saw that every step of his early years, and thence down through the labours and services of a distinguished life were traced, searched, scrutinized and tortured by calumnies into crimes—while the glorious services he had rendered were either passed over unheeded and unapplauded, or the most enviable spirit of benevolence and philosophy thrown into scorn, only to assail him—and artifice employed to render him odious in the eyes of his country—of foreign nations; and of posterity—and to disgrace the American nation as well as its government.
When Mr. Jefferson saw all this—and if he did not see he must have been less than man; he clearly saw that it was due to his own reputation and to the reputation of the American people in the eyes of the world, that he should put calumny to the test, and prove that conscious of virtue, the justice of a virtuous people is superior to the bitterest and most desperate attacks of falsehood & villainy. With this view, & under this impulse alone, it was that he consented a second time to be chosen chief magistrate—and the votes of his country, 162 to 14—prove the estimation in which his libellers stand with his country, and the love which his country bears towards him.
These were Mr. Jefferson's motives for suffering a second election—and it was then with the declared purpose when he accepted the office, that another choice should be made even should his life be prolonged to the close of that period.
Let us for a moment indulge the expectation, that if this inveterate calumny, which principally proceeds from New-England men or Old England's minions—let us indulge the hope that if this detestable detraction is continued, that Mr. Jefferson will once more listen to the voice of his country, and be prevailed upon to serve; as the best favor he could render the nation, and the proudest vengeance which he could exert upon the enemies of representative government.
We apprehend, however, he will not; and for reasons well assigned by the Enquirer; it was his first, and it will be his last opinion, that a constant rotation in office is essential to the preservation of civil liberty. Rarely (too rarely!) exercising his own right in the only painful duties of the administration in the appointments to office, in which he finds that one
man is too apt to be imposed upon by the misrepresentations of many; that one man has not the opportunity to know all others, and that recommendations are too frequently procured from the indifference or pliability of others who have private ends to gratify, and who sacrifice the public; he neither seeks nor desires friends nor patronage by official appointment; and hence we frequently see his enemies and the enemies of his principles, appointed; this influence he has relinquished from his accession to office to the heads of departments. From power therefore he derives no personal advantage, but the surplus which may remain after the expenditures of a most bountiful heart; after the disbursements of a most hospitable, cheerful, and abundant table to his fellow citizens wherever he finds virtue, however humble, adorned by talents or by worth.
As to the insinuation that the "diffusions of democracy have reached the cabinet of the nation"—we can fly upon the belt ground that it is false. Whatever may have been the opinions of the people in different parts of the union, particularly in this state, and perhaps in New-York—as to the tendency or design of certain conduct in some individuals. Mr. Jefferson has never once believed either to know any thing of them, nor that any man near him countenanced them. Nor do we believe that the subject of third partysm has ever reached the discussions of the cabinet.
We believe, however, that third partysm or quidism has had a potent stimulus somewhere, with a view to the future presidential election—that failure two years ago, may have but re-invigorated intrigue for three years hence, and that a very short time will render it indispensably necessary to the preservation of principles to meet the subject upon that ground, and to awaken the people to the conduct of some men whom they have not been accustomed to suspect, and who have been shielded by a moderation only.
In these judicious remarks, the Aurora has principally attempted to show the reason why Mr. Jefferson did not decline accepting the office of president on a second election. We may well admit the accuracy of this explanation; since the motive which is attributed to Mr. Jefferson, certainly deserved and no doubt received his deliberate attention. But we have not yet exhausted the theory of his conduct. Mr. Jefferson owed it not only to his country, to stand forth once more and prove to the world, that the calumnies of his enemies were neither able to alarm a conscientious soul, nor destroy an useful administration; but he also owed it to his country, to give the last seal to a system of executive measures, which he had so advantageously commenced. Succeeding to two federal administrations, it had become his duty to introduce a new scheme of policy, and to regulate anew all the springs of the executive department; and this duty was not merely demanded of him by the immediate interests of the country. The conduct of the two last administrations had excited some temporary doubt about the possibility of pursuing a perfectly proper form of administrative policy. These doubts were unworthy of the republican cause, and it was the duty of Mr. Jefferson, not only to remove them, but to hold up the example of a virtuous administration, which his successors would tremble to disregard. Having thus so many corrections to make, it was scarcely possible for him to complete them all within the first four years of his administration. A successor, it is true, would have been appointed with the same political principles, but it is equally true, that some flight variation in policy might have appeared, and prevented us from having the full benefit of a system, which he himself had commenced. Mr. Jefferson was modest enough to under-rate his own qualifications and make way for some republican successor, but he knew that this was not the sentiment or wish of the people, and it has ever been the greatest glory of his life to serve their cause.
The lives of many great men have proved how absurd it is to pay those honors to the living which can only be safely conferred upon the dead. Statues have been often erected for men, whose lives have afterwards disgraced their memory. But if a long course of public service in which virtue, talents, and public benefit, have in vain contended for the ascendancy, can be sufficient assurances of any man's consistent exertions in the cause of his country, then may we venture to predict with an almost perfect confidence that the moment of Mr. Jefferson's resignation will never become the era of a public rejoicing. It is scarcely the language of prophecy to declare that he will leave behind him a political example which has never yet been exhibited in this country. To his successors in office, he will have taught the difficult art of presiding over the affairs of an extensive republic. To the people he will have bequeathed a model of what their presidents ought to be; while the subjects of European governments will receive this memorable lesson from his administration, that no nations are so happy at home or so much respected abroad, as those in which the executive officer is regularly elected by the people, and administrators their affairs without the aid of force or of corruption.
In making his comments upon the preceding COMMUNICATION, the Editor of the N. Y. Herald has ventured to call the Enquirer a "semi-official paper." Does Mr. Coleman mean by a "semi-official paper," one which receives some official information from the head of the government or from some of its officers? Then can we truly aver that the Enquirer has no claim to this title. But if he means that the republicans of Virginia are open in all their proceedings; that they do not imitate the covert policy of the federalists which conceals its designs from the eye of the world, till the moment they are ripe for execution; that the men of the greatest influence among the republicans here are willing to avow their boldest opinions on every public measure; & that the paper, which records some of these opinions & speculations is entitled to the name of a semi-official paper, then indeed would the Enquirer deserve this title.
As this however, cannot be the sense which Mr. C. intended to give to his expression, we are once more under the necessity of advising him to enquire before he ventures to assert. The comments, which he makes upon the import of the communication, are equally false ridiculous and contemptible. They go to prove what the federal papers indeed have long proved, that there is no ad however virtuous it may even appear, which some men will not be prejudiced enough to misrepresent; and that the prejudices of the federal papers can only keep an equal pace with the propriety of Mr. Jefferson's measures. He is now to resign (they tell us) because he has "foreseen the rapid approach of a crisis which his own measures have produced;" & yet they very consistently tell us that he long since avowed his determination to serve no more than four years and they are even now reproaching him with violating this declaration. If he remains in office, they say he is an ambitious tyrant. If he resigns, they declare he is too cowardly to meet the approaching crisis. Will these gentlemen never be satisfied with a simple explanation of truth? Must they always
have recourse to secrecy and delusion? What is this crisis to which they allude? If we believe them, they mean an approaching dilution among the republicans. Still further enquire, how Mr. Jefferson's "measures have produced" this crisis and they will be ashamed to assign the reasons. They will be ashamed to say that the propriety of his measures have so far conciliated the people and broken down their own party, that republicans may now differ about small shades of opinion, having no longer any fears from the diminutive number of their opponents.
There is one advantage, however, which we may reap from these federal comments. They prove beyond the possibility of a doubt, that their only hope of success is placed in the disunion of the republicans and not in their own strength. To this object all their exertions will of course be directed. Theirs will be the supple and insinuating policy, to steal into the midst of their opponents; to throw into the strongest light of contrast all the little differences of opinion which may arise among them; to stir up the pride, the resentment and the revenge of one part against another; to gain the sympathy of one and to stir up the jealousy of another, by praising the first at the expence of the last; and in every little controversy which they themselves may maintain with the calm and less enthusiastic republicans, to treat them with that mildness and decency which is too unusual not to command attention, and which is therefore so well calculated to bring these republicans into suspicion with their own friends and to estrange their party from them. It is the duty of the republicans to foresee and to defeat these malignant intentions. Let them preserve that conciliatory temper towards each other, which makes allowance for any little difference of opinion, without relinquishing that jealous vigilance which they should exercise towards the members of their own as well as of the opposite party, and the last drooping hope of the federalists will perish for ever.
LORD MELVILLE.
Most of our readers will scarcely recognize under the title of Lord Melville, the celebrated Henry Dundas; the uniform and able friend of monarchy and corruption. He was the younger son and by a second marriage, of a Scotch family; became an early and ready adept at the Scottish bar; and advanced his fortunes by a marriage with the heiress of the estate of Melville, in the vicinity of Edinburgh. He rose under the administration of Lord North, to the office of Lord Advocate for Scotland, and soon became a representative in the British Parliament. On this theatre he filed a character equally distinguished for its influence and its infamy. Under the young and inexperienced administration of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Dundas became an invaluable instrument. He was made Treasurer of the navy, President of the board of control of the East India company, in the management of their affairs, with a seat in the cabinet council. In his knowledge of the details of E. India affairs, his biographer appears to have given him an unrivalled ascendancy. The American revolution found him an implacable foe. The French revolution excited his opposition in the same proportion, in which it appeared to favour the interests of the people. Under the present ministry of Mr. Pitt he has been elevated to the office of first Lord of the Admiralty. Such is the man, who has lately been dismissed by the king, on the petition of the House of Commons. Such is the statesman,
whose exalted soul No bonds of vulgar prejudice controul. Of flame unconscious in his bold career, He spurns that honour, which the weak revere; For true to public Virtue's patriot plan, He loves the Minister and not the Man; Alike the advocate of NORTH and WIT, The friend of SHELBURNE & the guide of PITTS. His ready tongue with sophistries at will, Can say, unsay, and be consistent still; This day can censure, and the next retract, In speech extol, and fligmazize in act; Turn and re-turn; while hours at HASTINGS bawl, Defend, praise, thank, affront him, and recall. By opposition, he his King shall court; And damn the People's cause by his support. He like some Angel, sent to scourge mankind, Shall deal for the plagues,—in charity defend. The West he would have starv'd; yet, ever good, But meant to save the effusion of her blood: And if, from fears of his Control reheat He looses Rapine now, to spoil the East; 'Tis but to fire another SYRUS to plan Some new starvation-scheme for Hindostan; Secure, to make her flourish, as before, More populous, by losing myriads more.
ROLLAD.
A man of such a distinguished standing in England, can scarcely have experienced so dishonourable a dismissal, without producing some other impression upon the ministry. Under certain circumstances, the popular opposition demands a victim, as in the case of Byng; and one victim sometimes satisfies the people. It may be so in the present instance, though there are some probabilities against it. From the long and intimate connection between Mr. Pitt and Dundas, both in public and in private life, the first will scarcely escape the odium, which has been heaped upon the last; and Mr. Fox has already declared, that the country was governed by a disgraced ministry .
Had the ministry suffered this sacrifice to be made without any opposition, they would have merited the thanks of the Commons, & have averted that portion of dishonour, which the affair is of itself calculated to bring upon them. Mr. Pitt has not probably purified this policy; for we find that on taking the votes on Mr. Whitebread's resolutions, there were 216 for and 216 against them. The casting vote of the speaker and the gracious acquiescence of the king, may however be some compensation for this opposition. Should the fate of Dundas involve with it the unpopularity of Mr. Pitt and the change of a ministry, he will have rendered more services by his fall than injuries by the political labours of his life. A more pacific policy may pervade the British Cabinet, and peace may once more revisit the powers of Europe.
RUSSIA.
A new power is rising in the north of Europe, which is destined under auspicious circumstances to be the rival of England on the sea, and of France on the continent. This is Russia, which since the elevation of Peter the Great, has been making the most rapid advances in agriculture, trade, navigation, and acquisition of territory. She touches an extent of navigable water, superior to any maritime nation, in the old world whilst she contains all the resources of ship-building & the articles of traffic. To the north is the White Sea; to the west, the ports in the Baltic; and to the S. the Caspian, sea of Asoph and Black sea. In her present war upon Persia, she is acquiring the command and communication of the country between the Caspian and Black seas; and during the present war between England and France she has obtained a landing in the Mediterranean itself, by occupying Corfu and the Ionian isles. Let the slightest controversy arise between herself and Turkey; and she can immediately discharge an army upon Albania or the Morea. The Russian court has long aspired to the conquest of Turkey and the command of the Black and Archipelago seas. It is well known that Constantine, the grandson of the celebrated Catharine was educated by some Greek nurses brought on purpose from the isle of Naxos. He was d'effed in the Grecian Style, and surrounded by the children of that nation, from whom he easily imbibed their
language. "It was in regard to him, (says Tooke) that the Grecian Cadet Corps of 20 Cadets was established." The weakness of the Turkish government would render them an easy prey to such a powerful invader. Even the Turks are said by Wittman in his travels, to have a prophecy among them, that their country is one day to fall into the hands of the Russians. The occupancy of Corfu mean while may satisfy the ambition and the purposes of Russia.
It is a subject of considerable speculation, whether Russia will ever consent to any treaty of peace, which does not recognise her right to this island, and whether in her turns he will not be willing to leave Malta in the hands of the English. If we extend our researches still further, we may also enquire whether Russia is not yet destined to restore the spirit of industry, and trade once more to the shores of the Black, Archipelago and Levant seas; and whether her trade and navy are not destined to make her the most powerful nation in Europe.
If the combined French and Spanish fleets have really visited the West-Indies, is it not also probable that the English Expedition which failed from Portsmouth on April 30th, is bound to the dominions of Spain in S. America?
Two remarks appeared in our last paper which are found to admit of a false construction:
1st. By "the suspicious firing of the war and treasury officers" the editor did not mean to level his suspicions at the editor of the Aurora. It was far from his intention to deprive the federalists of all the honors as they had already enjoyed all the advantages, of these brilliant events. The Editor does not at the same time hesitate to confess that he was perhaps too much under the influence of a temporary warmth when he p. f. declared that Mr. Duane had "clandestinely removed the looks of the treasury" and when he fixed the degree of disapprobation which would have been due to such a transaction.
2nd. By his remarks upon Dr. Leib, he did not intend to express his own opinion about the truth of the charges, which have been raised against him. He is now free to declare, that when he first read the documents that were published and the comments upon them, he was much inclined to doubt the innocence of Dr. Leib—but, that many of these doubts were removed by the testimony of the member of Congress from Philadelphia, who was last summer in this city, and to whose attainments, integrity and social qualities, no expressions of his own can do adequate justice. But the individual opinion of the Editor, does not affect the facility of his argument. It will still be true, that these documents might have had their fullest effect upon the minds of the republican electors; that upon this ground they might have opposed the election of Dr. Leib, and that the editor of the Aurora violated his duty when he rashly ascribed all this opposition to the influence of federal or quiddical views.
NO NEWS BY THE LAST EVENING'S MAIL.
On Wednesday morning next, at 10 o'clock, will be sold at Messrs. Craddock and Brown's lumber-houſe at Rockets:   30 Hds. Prime MOLASSES;  6 — Northern RUM;  28 Barrels — Do.  40 Hds. 3d Pr. of, West-India RUM, of good quality; and  10 Tons IRON of superior quality.   For approved endorsed notes, negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, on 90 days.  PROSSER & MONCURE, v. m's.  June 7.
BENJAMIN DUVAL,
AT THE SIGN OF THE GOLDEN MORTAR, RICHMOND,
HAS just received a very large and extensive assortment of fresh MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, DRUGS and LIVE STUFFS, PAINTS of all kinds, OIL, VARNISHES, PUTTY, &c.
Also a complete assortment of
HATERS' MATERIALS,
CONSISTING OF
 Hatters' Irons Crude Tartar  Logwood Bafon Irons  Coppersas Bow-Strings  Vinderease Linings  Fustick Gabons  Spanish Indigo Taffet Bands  Oil of Vitriol Rubbing Dishes  Aq. Fortis Stampers  Quickilver Trenchers, &c. 
Which added to his former stock, completes an assortment that was never equalled in his line of business, in this city.
He thanks his customers for past favors, and hopes to merit a continuation of their custom. His former attention to the quality of his Medicines, importing them in their crude state, that he might be able to judge of their quality, and powdering and preparing them under his immediate inspection, have contributed to his present establishment; and opposition he presumes will not relax his exertions to give general satisfaction in future.
His experience for more than 12 years past, as Apothecary and Druggist in this city, added to a small flock of Medical Information acquired before, enables him, he thinks, to form a tolerably correct judgment as to the quality of Drugs and Medicines, although he cannot boast of honors conferred on him, greater than the confidence of numerous and respectable customers.
In regard to his wholesale prices, he promises to furnish each of his wholesale customers with a printed price current, as soon as possible, and feels himself confident in their approbation, knowing that no one in this state can afford to under-sell him. This he intends to do, not to get others' customers from them, but to secure his own.
Any articles that may be ordered, and not approved of as to quality, may be returned if in good order, and in a reasonable time.
June 7. (3w&4t)
LAND FOR SALE.
THE subscribers living in this place, have for sale, a tract of LAND lying in the county of Louisa, and adjoining Yanceyville, containing two hundred and fourteen, and one half acres more or less; the land is well timbered, and the same which was sold under a deed of trust from Francis Lockett, dec'd.
A credit of one year will be given the purchaser on securing the payment, bearing interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
LYLE & MCREDIE.
Manchester, June 7. (sp 3w.)

VIEWS OF IRISH AFFAIRS.
[In the following Extra from the Rev. James Gordon's "History of the Civil War in Ireland," the reader will have a view of the Society of the United Irishmen, of some of the instruments which they employed, and the arguments which they forcibly addressed to the feelings of the people. We may throw into a small compass the rise and objects of this memorable body, as they have been sketched out by the reverend author.]
At the close of the American war, the combined fleets of France and Spain were riding triumphant in the Irish Channel, and the shores of Ireland, then destitute of any military force for defence, were every moment threatened with a formidable invasion. In this perilous situation, the British ministry advised her inhabitants to take up arms and defend themselves to the utmost of their power. The spirit of the people eagerly accepted of the invitation; and one hundred thousand volunteers instantly appeared, self-clothed, & self-accoutered. After having awed their external enemies into inactivity, they began to turn their eyes towards the oppressions of their internal policy. With arms in their hands, they demanded a redress of their grievances; and in the year 1782, the national legislature was declared independent of Great Britain. What was granted, not from humanity or justice but from fear, was soon rescinded or diluted by the policy of the British ministry. They contrived to bring about as soon as possible, the dissolution of these voluntary associations; they attempted to break down the union of national sentiment by every art of cajoling or corruption, and in 1784, the British parliament went the full length of annihilating the independence so lately extorted, and imposed new restrictions on their trade & manufactures. The indignation of the Irish at this treacherous proceeding, at length suggested to some more daring minds the necessity of embracing a wider sphere of political freedom.
A provincial assembly was instantly convened at Dungannon, consisting of the representatives of 143 volunteer corps, who designed among other objects to plan and petition for a more equal representation of the commons in parliament. This meeting at length swelled in 1785 into a national assembly composed of delegates from the several counties, and held in Dublin under the name of the "Grand Convention." The project however failed, owing as it is said to the antipathies of the three religious sects; the protestants, protestant dissenters and Roman Catholics. It would be useless to pursue these plans through all their combinations. It is sufficient to say, that they were all finally merged in the more general and deeply planned association of the United Irishmen which rose first in Belfast, and was instituted in Dublin in the month of November 1791. Of this celebrated society it was the earliest wish to combine into one political phalanx as many as possible of their countrymen, without any distinction of sect, and to attach to them the persecuted Catholics, who were supposed to constitute
the majority of the population. In spite of their facility, & their incomparable plan of combination, the spies of the government soon scouted out their aim and their adherents, and forced them to explode in partial & irregular insurrections. Had they possessed time enough to ramify and organize their forces, or could they have received more timely and efficient aids from the French, victory might have crowned their exertions with a free constitution. As it was, they were baffled in their schemes; many of the best and bravest men of Ireland were destroyed, without even the consolation of feeling with their blood, the freedom of their country; nearly 60,000 of their friends perished by the sword and on the scaffold; among whom we find the names of Fitzgerald, the Sheares's, Emmett, and Tone; and many were driven from their native green fields.
Poor Erin! and what is now her unfortunate destiny? Dwindled into a component part of the United Empire; your national legislature swallowed up in the enormous influence of a British Parliament; your executive department filled by a Lord Lieutenant of the King; and two thirds of your children now petitioning for toleration to the British Parliament, and most probably excluded from their rights thro' the interposition of a superstitious and feeble individual: George Guelph, the Monarch of the Empire!!!
Those among our readers who wish to be more minutely informed of most of these transactions, are respectfully referred to the preceding work, just published in this country, and perhaps the best account extant of the Irish Revolution.
The Association consisted of a multitude of Societies, linked closely together, and ascending in graduation, like the component parts of a pyramid or cone, to a common apex or point of union. The lowest or simple societies consisted each originally of thirty-six, afterwards at most of only twelve men, as nearly as possible of the same neighbourhood, that they might be mutually under the inspection one of another. An assembly of five Secretaries, generally elected by five simple societies, formed a lower baronial committee, which had the immediate superintendence and management of these five societies. Ten delegates, elected one from each of ten lower baronial, composed an upper baronial committee, which in like manner directed the business of these ten lower committees. With the same superintendence over their constituent assemblies, delegates from the upper baronial, one deputed from each, formed in the counties, county committees, and in populous towns, district committees; and the provincial committees, one for each of the four provinces, were composed of delegates from the district and county committees, two from each sometimes three, when the extent and population of the district seemed to require a more numerous representation. The supreme and uncontrolled command of the whole Association was committed to a General Executive Directory, composed of five persons, unknown to an excepting the four Secretaries of the province committees; for any who were elected by bar-
lot in these committees, the secretaries of which alone examined the ballots and notified the election to none except the persons themselves on whom it fell. The orders of this hidden directing power were conveyed through the whole organized body by not easily discoverable chains of communication. By one member only of the Directory were carried the mandates to one member of each provincial committee, by the latter severally to the Secretaries of the district and county committees in the province, by these secretaries to those of the upper baronials, and thus downward through the lower baronials to the simple societies.
The military organization was grafted on the civil, of this artfully framed union. The secretary of each of the simple societies was its non-commissioned officer, sergeant, or corporal; the delegate of five simple societies to a lower baronial committee, was commonly captain over five, that is, of a company of sixty men; and the delegate of ten lower baronial to an upper or district committee, was generally colonel, or commander of a battalion of six hundred men, composed of the fifty simple societies, under the superintendence of this upper committee.
The Colonels of battalions in each county, sent in the names of three persons, to the Executive Directory of the union, one of whom was appointed by them Adjutant-General of the county, whose duty it was to receive and communicate military orders from the executive to the Colonels of battalions, and in general to act as officer of the revolutionary staff. They were required to inform themselves of, and report the state of the united regiments within their respective districts, of the number of men, the roads, rivers, bridges, and fords, the military positions, the capacity of the towns and villages to receive troops, to communicate to the executive every movement of the enemy (meaning the king's troops) to announce the first appearance of their allies, (meaning the French,) and immediately to collect their force.
To complete the scheme of warlike preparation, a military committee, instituted in the beginning of the year 1798, and appointed by the Directory, had its task assigned to contrive plans for the direction of the national force, either for the purposes of armed rebellion, or co-operation with an invading French army, as occasion should require. Orders were issued that the members of the union should furnish themselves, where their circumstances allowed it, with fire-arms, where not, with pikes. To form a pecuniary fund for the various expenses of this great revolutionary machinery, monthly subscriptions, according to the zeal and ability of the subscribers, were collected in the several societies, and treasurers appointed by suffrage for their collection and disbursement.
From this fund were supplied the demands of the emigrants commissioned to extend the union. Of these, considerable numbers were dispatched into the northern and western counties, in the beginning and course of 1797, where, though many had been sworn into the union, little progress for the effectual promotion of the system had been made before the Autumn of 1796; and so little was made, for some time after, that in May, 1797, at the eve of an intended insurrection, the strength of the association lay, exclusively of Ulster, chiefly in the metropolis and the neighbouring counties of Dublin, Kildare, Meath, Wicklow, and King's county. This body of political millenarians, received instructions to work on the passions, the prejudices, and feelings of those to whom they should address themselves.
The lower classes were informed, that, by a revolution, in the establishment of a republican system of government, would give universal suffrage and equal rights, their condition would be exalted and rendered far more comfortable; that their industry was now too far checked by discontent, and stunted by a load of oppression; that all improvements were thwarted by the covetousness of landlords, and the exactions of the clergy; and that their present government, did not sufficiently counteract these checks, but were satisfied with sacrificing the good of the nation to their own private interests.
Such certainly is the deplorable condition in which Ireland stands with respect to agriculture. The first means by which every civilized nation exerts the industry of its inhabitants, and provides for their wants, is thus neglected. That duty of providing food and clothing, with the other ordinary conveniences of life, which is known that every government owes to its subjects, is left undischarged. Instead of fulfilling the higher duties of advancing the nation to a state of true felicity, by education, virtue, and real piety, it flouts about in the very threshold, by leaving them unprovided with the necessaries of life.
As from the exorbitant rents at which the lands of Ireland are in general let, on account of the great monopolies of land, entails, settlements, and bad customs, the payment of which, which are so unfortunately modified as to rest their weight almost exclusively on tillage, appears to the cottager, (exhausted by the demands of his landlord, and the services and douceurs exacted by his landlord's agent,) an almost intolerable grievance; the agitators of revolution spoke most forcibly to the feelings of the peasantry on that subject, particularly in the counties of the South, where the discontent, on this account, is greatest, representing the establishment of a commonwealth to include, by necessary consequence, the total abolition of this hated species of rent.
A rent, exacted to support accustomed luxury in the rich country, by wringing to the last farthing, from the hard labour of a wretched and dependent tenantry, whose calamitous appearance, (enough to fend horror to the soul of humanity,) is unnoticed in the general view of misery and distress which Ireland exhibits as a singular and melancholy spectacle to the world. Such are the men who detest the simple kind that cultivates their lands, and who calumniate to other countries, the subdued and crawling peasant of their own, whose ears are to be gratified, whose hearts are cheerfully delighted, by a demagogic, rancorous and indiscriminate reviling of their countrymen; calumnies, that if directed against their fellow-natives, would excite horror and indignation in the breasts of the majority of any other country in Europe or perhaps on the globe.
It has been too common a foible with some of this class of gentry to aim at equal splendor and expence with their superiors in fortune. Such men, before being aware of their situation, have incautiously expended largely above their incomes. A system of such careless dissipation, and extravagant squandering, must destroy the most ample resources; and men, long in the habit of indulging those propensities, and finding their means abridged, and themselves deeply involved, have still an aching reluctance to give up any share of their ideal consequence. Instead therefore of resorting to any rational plan of economy, they endeavour to get within the circle of some lord or great man, supposed to be possessed of extensive patronage. They court his smiles, and if their efforts are crowned with any degree of success, they instantly conclude, that all their misapplied expenditure must be amply reimbursed by this very often empty speculation. They count upon places and employments, of great emolument, for themselves and their children; and thus they abandon all idea of the certain pursuits of industry, trade and honourable profession: they launch into the lottery of patronage, and y! id in their spirit of independence, and all their actions, (out of the circle of their families) to the utter control and directing will of their adopted patron. It is presumed, that any person acquainted with the state of Ireland, must perceive that this system has unfortunately been but too largely pursued, and too much acted upon; and it is also pretty notorious, that the country has been, for some time past, what is not unaptly termed Lordshipless. Slaves to the prevailing power. Justices of the peace are selected from this class, and these, by this degree of elevation, (certainly to them the highest of their kind,) are excited one to think themselves raised to a level of equality with the most respectable gentlemen in the country. But their ignorance is so profound, and their behaviour so assuming, that men of education, talents and fortune, are induced to withhold themselves from a situation they would otherwise grace, as it might oblige them to confer with fellows whom they would not by any means hold common or keep company. Thus are the very men who ought to be the magistrates of the country, and who
would cheerfully accept the office, were they to associate with proper companions in duty, deterred from holding commissions of the peace; while the justice, and peace of the community, is left to ignorant, presuming and intemperate upstarts, devoid of all qualification and endowment, except that alone, if it may be termed such, of unconditional submission and obedience to the controlling and their boasted patrons. If they faithfully adhere to this, they may go all lengths in violence and outrage to raise their consequence, and enhance their estimation in striking terror into the multitude. These creatures have therefore the effrontery to pull themselves forward on every occasion; and after a series of habitual acts of brutality, whenever an opportunity offers itself, they become the lions and fire-brands of the country. It is much to be lamented, that there are but too many examples of this melancholy truth, and that, in too many instances, these wretches have been set on to commit flagrant acts of outrage, to answer the political purposes of their patron, who shrunk from appearing personally concerned in the deeds of shame. On such occasions, from behind the curtain, the hiring crew are sent out to riot on the public stage, and dreadful are the consequences that follow; while the vile understrappers are utterly ignorant of the cause, and never question the motive of their subordination.
As the emigrations of the Union interceded the feelings of the peasantry with respect to rents and tithes, so also they endeavoured to prejudice the opinions of the laity in general, against the hierarchy, and other parts of the ecclesiastical establishment. They represented, that, while the revenues of the Irish prelates amounted collectively to above eighty thousand pounds a year, besides immense sums levied as fines on the leases of the lands; and while the revenues of chapters, and parochial clergy, amounted to near a million of pounds annually, the vast expenses of this establishment were useless for the purposes of religion, or the encouragement of literature; since preferments were given solely from temporal or political motives, without regard to moral character or literary merit; and since the religious offices of the church were performed for about sixty thousand pounds a year, by a number of curates, who labour in penury and consequent contempt, for salaries, which, compared to the revenues of the prelates, demonstrated a scandalous inequality, inversely proportionate to the utility of their employments.
Though the liberty of the press had been circumscribed much by the precautions of the legislature, means were found still to employ this engine to the augmentation of the popular discontent and disposition to subvert the established government. Two papers, called the Northern Star and the Press, were printed in succession for that purpose, and industriously circulated. The former, instituted at Belfast, in the summer of 1797, was not suppressed otherwise than simply by an act of military execution; a party of soldiers taking possession of the printing-office and destroying the types; the latter, established in Dublin towards the close of the same year, and afterwards, (in consequence of a new law,) published under the guidance of Mr. O'Connor, as the person responsible for its contents, who is now known to have been then a member of the Irish directory, was interdicted by another act of parliament, which has confused the liberty of printing and publishing within very narrow limits.
Another paper, the Union Star, appeared at regular periods, and was printed on one side of the paper for it being pasted on walls, and frequently second editions were published of the same numbers. It chiefly consisted of names, and abusive characters, of persons supposed to have been informers against United Irishmen, or active opposers of their designs; and to such lists were generally added the most furious exhortations to the populace to rise and take vengeance on their oppressors. To these the spirit of this paper, privately printed, and industriously circulated, the following extract may be sufficient: "Let the indignation of man be raised against the impious wretch who profanely assumes the title of reigning by the grace of God, and impudently tells the world 'be can do no wrong!'—Irishmen! Is granting a patent, and offering premiums to murderers to despatch your country, and take away your properties, no wrong? Is the foreign despot incapable of wrong, who sharpens the sword that deprives you of life, and exposes your children to poverty and all its consequent calamities? Oh, man! or rather, let's, O King; will the smothered groans of my countrymen who in thy name fill the innumerable dungeons you have made, for asserting their just rights, be considered no wrong? Will enlightened Irishmen believe you incapable of wrong, who offer up the most amiable of mankind daily on the scaffold, or the gibbet, to thy insatiable ambition? Is burning the villages of what you call your people, and shooting the trembling sufferers, no wrong? Are the continual wars you engender and provoke to destroy mankind, no wrong? Go, in pious blasphemy, and your hypocritical forerunners, to the grave, 'justice, and liberty consign thee. Ere the grave engulfs them, make one atonement for the vices of thy predecessors; resist not the claims of a people reduced to every misery; in thy name give back the properties that thy nation wrested from a suffering people; and let the descendants of those English intruders, restore to Irishmen their country, and to their country liberty: 'is rather; and then, woe to him who was a tyrant, or who is unjust!'"
Such were the addresses and declarations, with which this paper was daily teeming. It particularly poured forth the distresses of the Catholic body, and taught them to be more discontented with the existing government of the country. But this lesson had been long fully learnt: for no Roman province, no colony in the East or West, no dependency of ancient Lacedæmon or Athens, no ally of modern France, were ever more keenly and systematically fleeced and pillaged than these unhappy people. Every thing was made a pretext for plunder. They struggled for liberty under Charles I. and were plundered. They struggled for royalty against the rebellion, and were plundered. They fought for James II. and were plundered. The robberies of the rebellion were legalized at the restoration. The robberies of the revolution were secured by a long and grievous train of pains, penalties, and disabilities, too weighty for any people to bear under. English adventurers, Scotch adventurers, Dutch adventurers, were let loose to fatten at their expence, and their fair possessions were torn from the owners to enrich pimps, parasites, minions, generals, state-creators and land-surveyors. The framers of the union, therefore, studied how to raise them to a resistance of the humiliated and degraded condition to which they were reduced.
The catholics were soon roused; for the poorest of them are neither so ignorant, as not to know that the punishments of their ancestors are entailed on their posterity, or so unfeeling as not to smart under a sense of such injustice. They have in every contest, both foreign and domestic, proved themselves a brave and warlike people. They may be slaughtered or dispersed in the field of battle, but their spirit can never be tamed. Their minds are capable of being wound up to the highest pitch of fortitude; and their bodies are hardy, robust, and equal to the greatest fatigue. For this reason, the Irish have always succeeded to admiration in every country where military boldness has been looked for. They are gifted with that surprising character which disregards all obstacles, or only considers them as so many incentives to exertion.
Their minds are capable of being wound up to the highest pitch of fortitude; and their bodies are hardy, robust, and equal to the greatest fatigue. For this reason, the Irish have always succeeded to admiration in every country where military boldness has been looked for. They are gifted with that surprising character which disregards all obstacles, or only considers them as so many incentives to exertion.
SURVEYOR'S OFFICE. J. WOOD, Mathematical Surveyor for the City of Richmond, informs those persons who may desire to have any Lands surveyed or divided, to apply at his house opposite to Mr. Copland's, Shockoe-Hill: and when from home, to leave a card either there or at Mr. John Moccie's the corner of the square. All other surveyors are prohibited by an ordinance of the Common Hall from surveying any squares or lots, or running lines within the city bounds under the penalty of the legal fees of the city surveyor for every such offence. May 24. [cF8c.]
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale at Ritchie & Worsley's book-store: HISTORY of the CIVIL WAR in IRELAND; containing an impartial account of the proceedings of the Irish Revolutionists, from the year 1782, until the suppression of the intended Revolution. To which is prefixed, a Geographical and Historical account of Ireland. By the Rev. JAMES GORDON. With copious Additions and Corrections from various authors upon this subject; particularly prepared for the first American Edition. June 4.
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale at the Post-Office of JACOB JOHN, Esq. Esq. A Few copies of Gibbon's History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, a new and elegant American edition, 8 vols. 22 00 Robertson's Charles 5th, 3 vols. with plates, 7 50 Pictures of Imagination, 7 50 The Original Durable Ink, for writing on linen with a pen, which nothing will discharge without destroying the linen—price 50 cents per vial. * * * Cash will be given for Clean Linen and Cotton Rags, at the above store. May 31. (3t)
A TRACT OF LAND. JOHN GILMER, wishes to sell a tract of land, consisting of 350 acres, lying within half a mile of Charlottesville. Any person wishing to purchase, may see the land, and know the terms by applying to him in that place. June 4. (1a w8w.)
FOR SALE, A VALUABLE tract of Land containing about six hundred acres, lying within seven miles of the town of Staunton, in the county of Augusta. About an hundred and fifty acres are cleared, and in good condition for farming, which includes an excellent meadow of about twenty-four acres, and nearly, or quite as much more may be made. The improvements are, two good log dwelling houses, with stone chimneys, near a large and never failing spring of excellent limestone water; a large and convenient barn; and a tolerable apple orchard, which seldom fails bearing. This farm is conveniently situated, lies well for cultivation, well timbered, and in a good neighbourhood. It is generally supposed, by the best farmers, to be as valuable as any other of its size, within a considerable distance of Staunton, and reasonably worth eight thousand dollars, prompt payment. However, for a less sum, and the purchaser accommodated as to the time which will be given for the payment of more than half the price. If the whole of the purchase-money is tendered at the time of making the conveyance, or giving possession, it may be had for ten dollars per acre, which very little (if any) exceeds two thirds of its value. This property is certainly an object worthy the attention of any person who may be disposed to possess a productive farm in this part of the country. For further information apply to the subscriber residing in Staunton, who will shew the land. CHESLEY KINNEY. [ep8w.] June 7.
RACING. NEW-MARKET, May 8, 1805. THE commencement of the Fall Races at this course, is fixed to be on the 4th Monday in October, being the 21st of the month. Exclusive of the Jockey Club Purse of 450 dollars, the proprietors of the 225, and a handy cap of 200 dollars; there are two post stakes for 5 and 4 years old, entrance 200 dollars each, play or pay; the subscribers to which, (4 to each) being already obtained, establishes them, and the subscription remaining open till the evening before the running of each stake, gives the most flattering prospect of their amounting to 2000 dollars each. The fall meeting at New-Market, will consequently be well worth the attention of gentlemen of the turf, to whom this early notice is principally addressed.
An entire new range of Race Horse stables, to consist of from 2 to 6 stalls are now building; those who wish to engage any, had better make application in time, that if there be a preference, it may be given to the first who bespeak them—they will be furnished with plenty of good litter gratis, and communications on this subject, or for any other respecting these races, either verbally or written, will be attended to, and answered by R. BATE, Proprietor. [1 a 3t.]
VIRGINIA, to wit. At a Chancery District Court, held in the City of Williamsburg the 6th day of April, 1805. Jethro Darden and Stephen Hookey, } Plff's. surviving partners of Elisha & Jethro Darden and Stephen Hookey, } Against Oxley and Hancock, Defts.
THE Defendants not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is Ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the City of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, Teste, ANTY ROBINSON, C. C. May 17. (F2m) Wt.
VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond the 23d day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five— Between James Brown Plaintiff, And Edward Dudley, Mary Payne, Aaron Fontaine and John Hancock, } Defendants.
THE defendants Mary Payne, Aaron Fontaine and John Hancock, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. May 3. —F2m. M.R.
ABSCONDED. The second time, in the month of February: JACK, sometimes known by the name of Jack Ash. He is upwards of 50 years of age, a gardner by profession, rather under the middle size. He was purchased of Lewis Burwell's estate in January 1804. He is well known in and about the city of Richmond, Amelhill, in the county of Chesterfield, where he has a number of free connections, and in the neighbourhood of Williamsburg—'Tis very certain that he is lurking about one of the above places, most likely Richmond, where he has a free woman for a wife. Mr. William Rose is authorised to give a reward of THIRTY DOLLARS on delivery of the above Jack Ash to him. May 31. [F2m.]
BENJAMIN STETSON. INFORMS his friends and the public in general, that he has for sale, 400 gallons Holland's Linseed Oil, White Lead and Spanish Brown ground in Oil, Patent Green ground in ditto, Verdigris and Spanish Brown, dry, 8 to 10 Wiscow Glass, & Putty; 2d, 3d, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, and 20d Nails, two Casks Spike Nails, Bar Iron, German and Bittered Steel; general assortment of Iron Hollow Ware; 10 Hds. Molasses, French Brandy, West-India and New-England Rum, Tea, Coffee, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Chocolate, Mops, fine and coarse Shoes, Ladies Kid & Morocco and Leather Slippers; 8 Boxes Cotton and Wool Cards assorted; half pint and quart Tumblers, small invoice elegant cut glass, stone ware, German Ozenburgs, 50 Sacks Salt, Nova Scotia Grind Stones, and many other articles in store, which he will sell cheap for cash or country produce. April 2.—(1aw12m.)
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, FOUR hundred pieces House Paper, Philadelphia Beer by the barrel, a small quantity of first quality New-England Cheese; also 400 barrels Corn. EDWARD HALLAM. April 6.—(1awtf.)
VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the sixth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five— Between John Street, And Archibald Gracie, Daniel Anderson & William Twitty, } Defendants.
FOR SALE, AT RITCHIE & WORSLEY'S BOOK-STORE: BURKE'S Works, 8 vols. calf, gilt, 24 00 Pindar's do. 5 do. do. do. 17 Moore's Anacreon, handsomely bound in sheep 3 Johnson's Dictionary, with Walker's pronunciation, 3 50 Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. 18 00 Darwin's Zoonomia, 2 vols. 12 00 Life, by Miss Seaward, 2 25 Burns' Works, 4 vols. calf, gilt, 8 00 Humphrey's Works, boards, 3 50 Life of Cowper, by Hayley, 3 00 Anacharsis' Travels in Greece, 4 vols. boards, 8 00 Brown's Elements of Medicine, 2 00 Cobbett's Grammar—for Frenchmen to learn English, 2 00 Robinson Crusoe, elegant edition, with plates, 2 vols. 7 00 Graydon's Digest of the Laws of the U.S. 4 00 Henning's Justice, 3 50 Horace Delphinii, 3 00 Virgil do. 8 00 Cicero do. 3 00 Cæsar do. 2 50 Sallust do. 1 75 ALSO—A small assortment of STATIONARY. May 27.—(cF4t.)
FOR SALE OR LEASE: THAT large and convenient TAVERN, situated in the centre of the town of Lynchburg, at the corner of the street leading to the court-house and jail, and not more than thirty yards from both, opposite Lynch's ware-house and the free leading from the ferry in the said town. The Tavern contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball and dining room, with a sliding partition to the ball room. The second floor contains six rooms, one the size of the ball room and the others suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garter. This Tavern has a large portico the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar, and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, a smoke-house, dairy and a stable with twenty-two stalls therein, with a spacious garden and yard leading to the stable. Other improvements will be made to suit the purchaser or leaser. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantage arising from its central and eligible situation for a Tavern, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase or lease the above property without viewing the premises, there being no doubt but they would be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation, than any information they could get from this advertisement. A liberal credit will be given any person desirous of the purchase or an advantageous lease. For further particulars, apply to William Rose, jun. Richmond, or the subscriber, residing about three miles from Lynchburg. SAMUEL SCOTT. April 30.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the late Rev. Robert Ware, dec'd. of Middlesex county, are desired to bring them forward, properly authenticated, on or before the first day of September next, otherwise this advertisement will be plead in bar against all claims exhibited, after that date; as the subscriber is desirous to close his administration account as soon as possible. EDWARD WARE, Admin'r with the will annexed. Essex, May 31. [ep1m]
TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, a negro wench, named NANCY, with a boy child a bout nine months old. She is a very black, stout wench—who has a very bad burn on the right side of her face, which injures one of her eyes. I bought her of Laurence Alston in King George County, and he will endeavour to get her again. She got away about six miles from Hanover court house. She had on a striped home spun habit and a hat. She has very thick lips. I will give the above reward to any person that will deliver said wench and child to me, living in Greenville County in Virginia, near Beifield town, or secure her in any jail to that I get her again. LITTLETON SIMS. May 31. (3t. 4.)
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE AT RITCHIE AND WORSLEY'S BOOK-STORE, Price one dollar and fifty cents. A NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY: OR a general Description of the most remarkable countries throughout the known world; their respective situations, extent, divisions, cities, rivers, mountains, soils and productions; their commerce, manners, customs and religions, together with their principal historical events and political importance in the great commonwealths of nations; compiled from the most modern systems of Geography, and the latest voyages and travels, and containing many important additions to the Geography of the United States; it has never appeared in any other work of the kind, illustrated with eight maps, comprising the half dozen, and engraved by the best American artists, designed particularly for the use of schools. BY JAMALIN DAVIS.