The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-02-05 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 83.]
TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 5, 1805.
[VOLUME I.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The Enquirer will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for fifteen cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
Sales at Auction.
POSITIVELY WITHOUT RESERVE. Will be Sold, on Tuesday, 5th February next, by the Subscribers, at 60 days: FOURTEEN qr. Casks prime London Particular lar Teneriffe Wine; 7 Hds. Old Rum; 3 Hds. Good Sugar. FOR CASH: Two Bales India Cottons, and a great variety of Dry Goods. THOMAS TAYLOR, & Co. v. m. February 1.—(ads.)
Auction Sale.
THOMAS TAYLOR & Co. Will in future sell at the store occupied by Mr. W. Hancox & Co. on Wednesday's in each week; and at their office, on Tuesdays and Fridays as usual. Dec. 1, 1804. epf
NOTICE
To the Creditors and Debtors of Refs & Ford. THAT on the 18th of March I shall make a dividend of the monies received; from which those creditors, who may not have come into the terms of agreement previous to that day, will be excluded. And from a supposition that some of the Debtors, who have not come forward to give Notes for their accounts, may be expecting personal application, which cannot be made, they are again informed, that my duty compels me to commence suits indiscriminately, to the next court, against those who shall not before have closed their accounts by notes. NEIL McCOULL. Richmond, January 29, '05. sw
FOR HIRE.
FOR THE PRESENT YEAR. TWO valuable and experienced CARPENTERS and one man COOK, who has been regularly hired. For more enquiries at the office of the Enquirer N. B. The Cook may be bought if the purchaser will take his wife, who is a good house servant. February 1. (epf)
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers, for the purpose of securing the payment of certain sums of money to them mentioned, due to Zachariah Brooks, WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Zachariah Brooks' Tavern in the town of Manchester, on Saturday the ninth day of Febru- ary next, between the hours of eleven and two o'clock.
FIVE HALF ACRE LOTS with their improve- ments, designated in the plat of the town of Man- chester, by Nos. 4, 17, 19, 31, and 22. The said lots are situated on the upper end of the Main-street, and immediately on the turnpike road. The sale will certainly take place at the time and place above men- tioned.
RICHARD HEWLETT, } Trustee. WASHINGTON WATTS, } February 1.—(epf)
NOTICE
WE the undersigned, partners in the late concerns of BUCHANAN, DUNLOP, & Co. at Pe- tersburg, of ROBERT POLLOK, & Co. at Rich- mond, and of DUNLOP, POLLOK, & Co. at Man- chester, have sold to Mr. James Dunlop, our late partner in said concerns, the debts now due to us, and outstanding at these different establishments—Those in- debted will therefore please to take notice, that here- after payments are to be made only to the said Mr. James Dunlop, his attorney or attorneys, and to whom those having claims against these concerns will apply for payment.
DAVID BUCHANAN. By ROBERT POLLOK, his Attorney. ROBERT POLLOK. Virginia, Petersburg, Dec. 6, 1804. (epfm)
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE,
THE CHINESE SNAKE STONE, formerly the property of the late Mrs. Tabb, of Ma- thews county, so famous throughout Virginia, for its efficacy in extracting the venom from the bite of a Mad Dog, Snake, or other poisonous thing. To pre- vent unnecessary applications, he deems it proper to mention that his price for this stone, is two thousand dollars. Until the stone is sold, it will be found at Scotia's Ferry, upon the Piankatank, in Gloucester county; where it will be applied to persons bitten by any venomous thing, upon the most moderate terms. JAMES R. MICOU. February 1.—(epf3w.)
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT RITCHIE & WORSLEY'S BOOK-STORE: The Rambler, SERIES FIRST; Originally Published in the RICHMOND ENQUIRER
An Association was formed during the last sum- mer, by a few gentlemen, of whom some are now, and others have been, inhabitants of this city, for the purpose of composing a series of Miscellaneous Essays for the Richmond Enquirer. These Essays were regularly published every Saturday, during the months of August, September, and October. The first number appeared on the 10th of August, and the last on the 20th of October. These numbers, taken together in the order in which they were published, will constitute the first series of the Rambler; and it is this first series which is now presented by the proprietary of the Enquirer to the patrons of Litera- ture, and to its patrons in Virginia. The second se- ries will probably be communicated to the public in the present form, as soon as it shall be completed by the members of the Association. Richmond, Dec. 11th, 1804.
Debate, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
Tuesday, January 8.
Debate on receiving the District of Columbia. [CONTINUED.]
Mr. Nelson meant to lay his opinion before the committee, because it appeared to be the habit of members to assign reasons for voting, without expecting to make any impression upon others. He considered the present question of the greatest magnitude to the United States generally; and of peculiar importance to his immediate constituents. He thought he should be able to show to the satisfaction of every member present, that the removal of the seat of government, which would be the consequence of reception, was not only inexpedient but also unconstitutional. If he was successful in making out his point, that it was unconstitutional, he presumed the question of expediency need not be argued; the measure would be set at rest, and not a member would be found to give it his support. But if he should prove unfortunate in this respect, which however appeared to his mind as true as that 2 and 2 make 4, he might have reference to the question of expediency.
Previous to an enquiry into the constitution- ality of the proposed project, he would just ob- serve, that constitutions themselves were things of recent date. Before the American revolution the word itself was never fully understood. Lexicographers who attempted to define it never could agree. There was no practice whereupon to try its meaning. No power on earth had a constitution before the American states. True, England has long boasted of pos- sessing a constitution, and so satisfied were her statesmen and politicians of the reality of this imaginary being, that they have extolled it to the skies. The glorious constitution of Eng- land, her pride, and the envy of the world!— Fine words truly, but where is the thing itself to be found? Is it reduced to writing? No. Who has seen it? No man. Is it known to any man? If it be, no two agree as to what the boasted constitution of Britain is. How dif- ferent, how honorably different is the American constitution!—With us it is reduced to writing. It is in every man's hand—it is known to the whole world, and every citizen agrees in its true and legitimate meaning. He would take this opportunity of expressing his voice, and of holding up his hands in resisting the doctrine of construction and inference formerly set up, whereby the tenor and effect of that invaluable instrument was likely to be changed. He knew that artful and ingenious men might twist and turn, and make it, like the word republican, to mean anything or nothing, as best suited their nefarious designs. But this declaration and these attacks upon the body of that sacred work, were introduced by insinuating and art- ful lawyers, aided by the villainy of judges, and accepted by men employed in the adminis- tration of our public and most important national affairs.
He saw nothing to justify the present motion. Gentlemen had attempted to show not only its policy, but also its constitutionality. He, how- ever, could not discover any words on that pa- per that warranted the project in the most re- mote degree; perhaps it had escaped his search, but he rather suspected gentlemen relied more upon an inference than on either the letter or spirit of the instrument itself. But he here would repeat, that no man was authorised to infer or construe from the constitution any other thing, than what the plain sense of plain words would justify.
He again declared the measure unconstitutional, and would prove it. The 8th section of the 1st article authorised Congress to exercise the power of exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district as may become the seat of the government of the United States. Now, he asked, if this section did not mean that the district ceded by particular states, and accepted by Congress, should ever thereafter be considered and deemed to all intents and pur- poses the permanent seat of Congress, what did it mean? For what other purpose could the words be used. The constitution to be sure does not say that this particular district shall be the permanent seat of the government; but it says Congress shall have the power of legislation over such district as may by cession of particular states become the seat of government, wisely leaving it to Congress, who had more time and leisure to contemplate the place proper for the purpose, to make the selection. Congress have done this, and the people have sanctioned the measure. The constitution prevents the removal; true, Congress have powers to pass laws for the regulation of the general concerns of the nation, but in this case the constitution has set up a barrier which neither we nor our suc- cessors have any right to overleap. The acceptance of this territory by Congress is the final seal to the compact; and no power on earth can annul its binding obligation. We cannot lay our unhallowed hands upon the instrument in order to cancel its injunctions.
Congress could not under the terms of the constitution assume the jurisdiction at several times; it is made but one act, and that being done cannot be undone. It must therefore be considered preposterous to propose to recede a part of the jurisdiction and retain a part; yet such is the intention of the 2nd resolution on the table.
Will gentlemen contend that the constitution may be altered on this subject in virtue of the 8th article? He did not deny the sovereign power of the people to make, alter, or abolish the constitutions of their government; but until that was done the constitution must remain, as we find it, and we would look in vain for the power of reception in that instrument. It had been argued, and well argued too, and the argument is difficult to answer, that the peo- ple of this district are placed in a degraded situa- tion. That they have no immediate voice in the choice of representatives—that their civil and political rights are prostrated at the feet of Congress. He did not, however, acknow- ledge that the argument in its utmost extension was perfectly correct, and the reason was, that the constitution, which every member is sworn to support, provides a guarantee for a republi- can form of government and under this form he was inclined to believe that Congress could never exercise a despotic authority or ty- rannize over the inhabitants of the district, no
more than they could over the citizens of the o- ther states. If Congress were to assume a power of passing oppressive laws, for instance, say over Georgia or New Hampshire—the dele- gation from those states on this floor would give the measure an honorable opposition; but their voice would be no more than a drop in the o- cean. What is a representation of three or four, may of half a dozen members, to compare with the numbers composing the present House. He believed the people of the district might de- pend upon the rectitude of Congress; and he placed a greater reliance on this ground, than on all the abstract reasoning he had heard.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Smi- th) had said that reception was one thing and removal another; that the two things were dis- tinct and not necessarily combined; he trusted the gentleman was sincere in saying he did not wish for a removal—but Mr. N. could not se- parate in his mind the two ideas. If Congress violate the constitution by agreeing to a reception what security have we that the next step may not be a further violation, and followed up by a removal. It is true it would be a breach of contract, and perhaps produce the destruction of a thousand families, now in the possession of a comfortable competency. But he would ask is this honest—is it right? He could consider the present proposition in no other light than as a stepping stone to the removal altogether.
The gentleman on his left (Mr. Early) had said that the people of this district were ceded to Congress without their consent, and infers that Congress have the right to recede them without consulting their wishes. Mr. N. con- sidered this a fallacious representation. The people of the territory had their representatives in the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland at the time that the acts of cession were passed. He did not deem it material whether those in- dividual members voted for or against the cession; because in republican governments the will of the majority is the will of the whole peo- ple.
He here recapitulated the several points he had endeavored to maintain, and apologized for the length of time he had detained the com- mittee, and concluded with a declaration of his with that the committee would give to the resolutions a decided and prompt negative in order that the question might be put to rest for- ever;—that the people of the district might go on with their improvements, in full confidence that the public faith is pledged to them for the support of the privileges they enjoy under the constitution and laws of the U. States.
Dr. Elmer had agreed with the gentle- man from Maryland who had just now been up, that the question before the committee is an important and weighty one; but it seems that it is not of itself sufficiently weighty for that gentleman's shoulders, for he has loaded it with much extraneous matter. Had the gentle- man proved to my satisfaction either of the positions which he promised to demonstrate, I would not have troubled the committee with any remarks on the subject, but would have joined him in voting against the resolutions on the table. But as for myself for one I have, by everything that has been said, become more convinced of the constitutionality and expedi- ency of carrying the resolutions into effect.
Mr. Chairman, it has not been contended, and indeed it cannot be contended but what the power of exercising exclusive jurisdiction over this territory was left discretionary with Congress by the constitution. That they might or might not assume it optionally. It only remains then for us to enquire whether the act of acceptance was of such a nature as to lay Congress under the necessity of continuing the exercise of that power which they have consti- tutionally assumed. In order to prove this, gentlemen have blended the act for fixing the permanent seat of government here, with the assumption and exercise of the right of legisla- ting over the inhabitants of the territory. The latter results from the former, but it does not necessarily follow therefrom. This is clear to my mind from the words of the constitution & from the proceedings of Congress under it. Among the enumerated powers granted to the national legislature is that of exercising exclu- sive legislation over an extent of territory not exceeding ten miles which, by the consent of the states to which the jurisdiction might belong, should be established as the seat of the general government. But let it be remarked that Con- gress have the power to exercise this exclusive legislation which like all other powers granted, may or may not be exercised. If the seat of government had not been fixed here, Con- gress could not have legislated particularly over this territory; but the seat of government being fixed here they may exercise that power or not at their option. And the proceedings had un- der the constitution relative to the subject con- firmed the position. In July 1790 an act was passed fixing the seat of government on the Po- tomac, but no act of legislation was passed until the year 1801. It is therefore clear that this may be considered as the permanent seat of government, and yet the jurisdiction of the ter- ritory reside in the states of Virginia and Mary- land as heretofore. But a gentleman from Mary- land yesterday told us that the cession and acceptance of this territory was in the nature of a contract in which Congress acted only as agents or trustees of the people of the United States, and therefore it could be receded only by their act. The allusion however to a contract is by no means striking, nor applicable in every particular. It is altogether a political transaction, at least so far as relates to the right of exclusive legislation, and bears very little af- finity to a contract between individuals in society. Indeed the people of this territory, if we may trust to the account of their proceedings printed in the public papers, have given up the point, of Congress being obliged to legislate ex- clusively over them. One of the objects of their association, it appears, is to obtain the right of legislating for themselves; and surely if Con- gress may delegate that power to a body with- in the territory, they may transfer their right of jurisdiction over them to the states of which they formed a part, and to which they belong.
Having therefore a clear right to legislate ex- clusively over this territory or not it is only ne- cessary to enquire whether it is proper and mer- itorious to exercise it. In my opinion it is alto- gether improper. There might be some reason for desiring that power by the constitution, but I can perceive none for exercising it; it may to my mind it is a power that ought not to be exercised but upon the most urgent necessity. It is an exercise of the body politic. A kind of government very foreign from the lead- ing features of that which forms the basis of our
social compact. The general principles of our government are the wisest and best that the in- genuity of man ever yet devised. They are the best of every American citizen, and the ad- miration of the whole world. Under this go- vernment I hope and believe the United States will long continue to be flourishing and happy; and that her example will instruct, and tend to ameliorate the condition of the inhabitants of all the nations on the earth. We have most happily combined the democratic representa- tive with the federal principle in the Union of the states. But the inhabitants of this territory under the exclusive legislation of Congress partake of neither the one nor the other. They have not, and they cannot possess a state sovereignty; nor are they in their present situ- ation entitled to the elective franchise. They are as much the vassals of Congress as the troops that garrison your forts, and guard your arse- nals. They are subjects not merely because they are not represented in Congress, but also because they have no rights as freemen secured to them by the constitution.
They have natural rights as men, and moral rights as moral agents; they may have some civil rights constructively secured to them by the constitution; but have not one political right defined and guaranteed to them by that instrument while they continue under the exclu- sive jurisdiction of Congress. I have not heard any gentleman pretend to point out any feature of the constitution that secures them against arbitrary and despotic domination. That says to Congress thus far may you go in your legislative acts and no farther. As Amer- icans they may perhaps petition Congress, and there is no doubt the ears of the members will be open to their complaints; but they may re- main from granting their most reasonable re- quests, and I do not wish to see such an in- controllable power in operation. But say gentle- men the constitution does not give to Congress the power of receding the jurisdiction of the territory, and they are not disposed to exercise a constructive power. I do not comprehend this language. I know some philosophers speak of a negative power, but in my mind this is speaking incorrectly, and means nothing less than a power of refusal. This is precisely the case as to the subject under consideration. Ceasing to exercise the power vested by the constitution is but a negative and wants no spe- cific grant of power. Congress may now exer- cise legislation over this territory exclusive of the state governments to which it formerly be- longed; but with the consent of those states they may waive that right, and exercise only concurrent jurisdiction over them in common with the people of all the other states. But some gentlemen say why annex them to Virginia and Maryland, rather than to any other of the states.—The answer is plain, because they be- longed to those states, because they are conti- guous to them, and because by forming a re- union with them, they will be restored to their former rights, privileges and habits. As inte- gral parts of states they will have rights which are fixed and guaranteed to them by the con- stitution; and then will our federal edifice be composed of homogeneous and proportion- ate parts, without any excrescence to mar its beauty.
A notion seems to be entertained by many of the inhabitants of this City, that by adopting these resolutions we shall affect the rights of private property. If I believed this, however, much I dislike the principle of exclusive juris- diction, such is my disposition to foster this city and promote its prosperity, that I could not at present give them my support. But if I should speak from my experience in life, I should say that by throwing off the jurisdiction of the other parts of the territory and confining the fostering care of Congress to the City, would increase the value of property therein. This however may be theoretical, but it is more probable than the contrary; and by a recession of the whole terri- tory, it cannot be reasonably concluded that the value of property would be materially affected so long as the government should remain at this place, and that I trust will be for ages. On the whole believing it to be briefly consonant with the principles of the constitution, and that it will promote the interest of the people of the United States and of this territory, to carry the resolutions on your table into effect, I shall, from a sense of duty, give my voice in favor of them.
Mr. R. Griswold said the object of the pre- sent motion was, he supposed, to make a per- manent reception of the two parts of this dis- trict, one to Virginia, and the other to Mary- land, retaining the city of Washington. If this was really the object, there could be no doubt, but it went to operate a change of the seat of government. This he would endeavour, in as few words as possible, to demonstrate. The 8th section of the first article authorises Con- gress to assume the exclusive legislation over a district not exceeding ten miles square, &c. The states of Maryland and Virginia ceded a district of ten miles square, or any lesser quantity, and Congress accepted a part from each state, making one district, to become the seat of government of the United States. From this statement it is apparent that the territory or district of Columbia is the seat of government, and not the city of Washington. If then, you recede the territory, you recede the seat of go- vernment, although you reserve the city of Washington.—He asked then, whether this did not substantially go to remove the seat of go- vernment? After you have receded two parts of the district, can a district be said to remain; if it does not remain, your seat of government is gone, and gentlemen are justified in connect- ing the idea of removal with that of recession. Indeed, he felt surprised at the declarations made by gentlemen on this floor, that the recession had no connection with removal, and if they thought it had they would abandon the measure —Yet, nevertheless, they give the resolutions their warmest support.
He was not prepared to say that Congress had no right to exercise the powers of recession and removal; but he did not think they were pro- pared to act upon those questions at the present day. He, however, acknowledged that events might arise to make a removal necessary, but nothing of the kind had yet occurred. There were some inconveniences in residing here, but the members knew them, and they are lessening every day. If, however, gentlemen are not satis- fied with the accommodation, and think that a justifiable ground for removal, they will vote for the motion; if they can get over the consti- tutional objections, which had considerable weight on his mind.
It was very clear to him, that the convention, which framed the constitution, intended and designed to establish a permanent seat of go- vernment—that the constitution fully and ef- fectually provides for that object. The circum- stances which gave rise to the measure are too recent, and must be too fresh in the minds of the members of this committee to render it ne- cessary or useful for him to detail them at this time. Now, whether the convention accom- plished the object they had in view, the consti- tution would decide, and whether the object had been accomplished by the cession of partic- ular states and the acceptance of Congress, the laws will decide. But whether it is wise or expedient to destroy a work, on which so much wisdom, time and money had been ex- pended, the gentlemen forming this committee will decide.
The constitution declares that Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district as may, by the cession of particular states and the ac- ceptance of Congress, become the seat of the go- vernment of the United States. What is the import of these terms, but that there shall be a permanent seat of government, not a temporary one—not an estate for years or lives, but for- ever. These considerations induced the states of Maryland and Virginia to cede a territory and Congress to accept it, with a view of mak- ing it the permanent seat of government. The constitution never contemplated more than one seat of government. If this is a fair construc- tion of the constitution, how is it possible for gentle- men to advocate a removal?—But it is said, that the law assuming the jurisdiction might be repealed, as is the case with every law passed by this body. He did not think that this general maxim extended as far as some gentlemen seem to suppose. Among the enumerated powers given to Congress, there were several not liable to repeal, at least the repeal could not affect the acts consequential on them. They have power to borrow money on the credit of the United States. If money is borrowed under your law, can Congress repeal it? They may establish an uniform rule of naturalization, but can they take from a citizen who has become such under that law, his right of citizenship, and reduce him again to an alien? So they can and may make and repeal a bankrupt law—they have done so, but can they repeal the effect it has had on those who have been discharged from their debts under it? They cannot.
Congress might have refused to accept a ces- sion of this district; whether it was right or wrong to accept is not the question; but hav- ing accepted. Congress have given the inhabi- tants a lien upon their justice, and they cannot, by a repeal, destroy any of the effects produced by the public confidence on the value of pro- perty within and near the district. But if this Congress were to adopt the resolutions, what would be the consequence? Is it contended that a future Congress could not hereafter as- sume the exercise of exclusive legislation even if the two states should agree to accept the re- cession? He believed no gentleman would con- tend this point, and if Congress may hereafter assume the jurisdiction, we do nothing more than merely tie up our own hands. He saw no occasion for this, as he had not seen, felt, or un- derstood the inconveniences complained of.
Much had been said of the disgraceful state in which the inhabitants of this district are placed; they are considered by some gentlemen as vassals or slaves. Now he was willing that the people should judge on this point themselves. —If they are satisfied to remain under Con- gressional legislation, he should not do any thing to diminish that satisfaction. That they were in- satisfied, he inferred from the increasing popula- tion; he heard of no considerable emigration from the district, he heard of none giving to that country of liberty across the Potomac. On the contrary they were satisfied with the por- tion of freedom they enjoyed in this place, that was fully evinced by the petitions and memorials on the table, praying Congress to continue to exercise legislation over them. He repeated again that the people were the proper judges of their own situation, and he would leave them to judge for themselves. He was not for forcing upon them his notions of liberty or political hap- piness. He said it was true Congress did not derive much advantage from sitting here and exercising exclusive legislation; but the people perhaps might—and that perhaps would con- sole them for such deprivations as gentlemen had conceived in the warmth of a strong imagi- nation. But although Congress had not as yet derived much advantage from their exclusive legislation, the time may come when it will be all important for Congress to have the sole ju- risdiction over the territory in which the pub- lic deliberations and conclusions are conducted. The time has been, and it is not impossible but it may be again, that Congress have been driven from the walls within which they were sitting. He knew nothing so likely to prevent a renewal of such an outrage as keeping in their own hands the right of sole and exclusive jurisdic- tion.
There were doubts entertained of the consti- tionality of the measure of recession, and if gentlemen doubted, it would be much safer not to act on the subject than to risk the breach of the solemn obligations they had entered into at that table. He thought the weight of the argument on the expediency preponderated on the side he had advocated, and from the most candid view of the subject, he was inclined to recommend the rejection of the resolutions; at all events he should give them his decided neg- ative.
Mr. Clark. The question before the com- mittee is truly of considerable importance not only as it respects the constitutionality but the policy of the measure. He was sorry he had not the talents requisite for a full and complete investigation of so great a subject. Bred to an occupation purely professional, he had been led more to the study of detail and practice, than to abstract theories; hence it was that engaged in that laborious pursuit he had no time and less opportunity of studying the disordered objects of political science. Thus circumstanced he approached this question with extreme diffi- dence and cautious circumspection; the infrac- tion of the constitution was to him a source of alarm and however great the object or brilliant the achievement, he stood appalled at the pro- fession of that constitution he had always held in an estimation that approached to rever- ence.
But on reflection he was convinced that Con- gress were not about to violate their oaths, as had been insinuated, by the adoption of the present motion. He considered them in the exercise of a legitimate authority, and he would endeavour in a brief manner to ex-
plain the reasons which induced him to give the resolutions his decided negative.

mine whether they had not complete constitutional power to make a reception. If he was capable of demonstrating this point he trusted he need not go further. But it was necessary he should in order to ascertain whether the present was the proper time, and the resolutions the correct mode. In doing this he had no prejudices to gratify or caprice to indulge; a stranger to the place, a stranger to the people, he had no motive to action but the unbiased result of his own opinion.
He should not however look into the constitution for sections wherefrom to draw a constructive power on this head, he was not one of those that collected power from implication, and if the authority is not expressly given he would not assume it; the 8th section of the 1st article gives to Congress the power of exercising the sole and exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever.
What is the appropriate meaning of the word 'exclusively' here used? It implies more than the depriving and shutting out all other possible powers of legislation, and when taken in connection with the paragraph, and immediately following words of the paragraph, it vests the absolute and uncontrollable power in Congress free from any restriction; there is no possible case in which it cannot legislate: the constitution declares Congress shall legislate in all cases whatsoever; but gentlemen say there is a case in which Congress cannot legislate. Aware of this absurdity, a distinction is attempted to be drawn between legislating for the inhabitants of the district and for the district itself; but if it be established, as I think it has been, that Congress here is omnipotent, if you will allow me the expression, the conclusion in both cases (admitting the distinction which can by no means be done) is the same; in one case, the reception will mean nothing more than a cessation from legislation, accompanied with a desire that it may be resumed by the states, in the other it will be a complete transfer of the district. In this sense it must be considered, the very words go the whole of this length. It is given to Congress and not to the people, it is a complete investiture boundless and indefeasible, and this is a full answer to the argument of gentlemen that the power is held in trust and not absolute.
But if gentlemen are not satisfied with the conclusions from the 8th section of the 1st article surely they will not contend against the express terms of the second paragraph of the third section of the 4th article.
There it is declared that Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States. Let gentlemen look at this section and compare it with that part of the 8th section of the 1st article which declares that Congress may exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards and other needful buildings. The words like authority in this part of the paragraph have a direct reference to the words exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever and mutually throw light on each other.
But the question to far as it relates to the constitutionality has been already settled by the practice of Congress in the cases mentioned by the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Stanford) and ably commented on by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early). Yet gentlemen say but those laws passed sub silentio , and the principles not being discussed, the precedents are not in point. This however admits their force, and either shows that every member was satisfied that Congress possessed the power, or it argues a criminal remissness on the part of those who doubted the constitutional power of Congress to effect that object. He was not inclined to infer the latter especially as the former part of the statement obviated all the objections he had heard.
He would go a step further, as he thought the acts of cession from Virginia and Maryland would give a solution of the present question, they appeared to him to have themselves the seed of their own destruction soon. We are told that the power of reception or of cession, is not expressly delegated to Congress in the constitution. This objection he thought, however had been fully refuted, but if the power is necessarily possessed in the complete and uncontrollable authority of Congress over the district, he would ask gentlemen to point out the clause to the constitution of either Maryland or Virginia, which gave their legislatures the right of ceding any portion of their territory. But they did it under the general power of making needful rules and regulations in relation to their domain. The opposers of this measure are then reduced to this dilemma that the states had no right to disfranchise its citizens and cede the territory, and in so doing violate rights unalienable, and that the general government in its zeal to acquire the property, had been guilty of an act of unwarrantable usurpation and tyranny, or they must yield to the correctness of my exposition; the difficulty then vanishes, and both the states and the federal government have acted correctly.
The territory belonged to them, and they had the right to pass their cession laws. If it belonged to them of right, it now belongs to us, and is now our domain. It cannot, however, be our domain, if there is a restriction upon our power, and the denial of the right of disposal is such a restriction. But why labour this question. The gentleman just fat down, (Mr. Griswold from Connecticut) in the soundness of whose understanding, and the perspicuity of whose mind I have the highest confidence, has made a fair surrender; he candidly admits that at some period or other this measure may not only be expedient, but become absolutely necessary. Is not this an explicit avowal of the power—the gentleman has too much candor to deny it.
As to the expediency of reception he would add a few words. When he took a view of this mighty ten miles square, he saw nothing pleasant, nothing political to commend—he spoke of the inhabitants whenever he had occasion to allude to them, with pity and compassion. And he most devoutly wished to see them placed as Americans, in a condition more congenial to his own feelings and the feelings of every true lover of civil and political freedom. The question in this point of view will be, is it proper for Congress at this time to recede the parts of the district contemplated by the resolutions?
He should allude to the expense, in order to give an answer to that question, an expense enormous indeed, yet every day increasing, and one which threatened to defeat every calculation made to sustain its amount. The time of Congress is occupied day after day in trifling legislative provisions for this or that particular spot—so inconceivable in size or commercial importance as scarcely to furnish a speck in the map of the United States. But laying this circumstance out of sight, he would ask, was Congress competent to legislate for the inhabitants of the district? He had hoped, when he first came to Washington, that they were, but experience had convinced him that they were not equal to the task. One day they received petitions to make certain provisions for the ben-
fit of the people of the district, and Congress with the best intentions and disposition went into the enquiry. After some progress made therein, a counter petition is presented, and the House is suspended between two or more conflicting interests. How much better then would it be to let these people have recourse to those governments which understand their local views, and can adopt measures to ameliorate their conditions. Congress is composed of materials too heterogeneous ever to do this with any tolerable satisfaction.
We are told that without the consent of the inhabitants of the district they cannot be received, and it is alleged that they are opposed to a reception, and are willing to remain under the jurisdiction of Congress—if they are content in this situation, be that to themselves—but he was extremely loath to admit that any set of men could voluntarily remain in their degraded situation. It was stated that they might be induced to prefer this alternative to reception, because they had vested their all in property in the district. He did not discover how the value of property would be affected by a reception. He admitted that it would by a removal, but he had no idea of removal, if that question was before the House he would be the last man to give it his assent—and he was willing now to go as far as any member to satisfy the inhabitants that a removal shall not be the consequence of reception.
We are told the people are happy at present, and why disturb their tranquility. That they are better represented than any other part of the union—for they may choose the member to whom they may think proper to confide their affairs. Let us examine this circum-stance; they have no rights, and is there any thing I bewitchingly grateful in the found often miles square, or Columbia district to compensate for their humiliation of condition. It is true, they may find some alleviation in the boasted privilege of choosing from 170 masters but they ought to recollect that many masters are worse than one. In this state of little belief and affected tranquility, I discover strong and weighty reasons for the measure now before us. The destruction of the source of so contagious an example, when people around the seat of the government shall be so unaccountably indifferent to their best rights, it may pervade the surrounding country, and give a fashion and currency to this anti-revolutionary doctrine, and though from the present inhabitants we may have nothing to hope, let us not relinquish in despair the rising generation.
But we must obtain, for gentlemen, the consent of the people of the district, before they can be received. Were they asked at the cession, and what consent have they to give. They have no rights, and from the description we have had of them they are very uninstructed to the representatives of a free and independent people. They may be the proper instruments indeed to enslave the balance of the nation, and they have already at their deliberations taken measures to ascertain more accurately their numbers, and adopt more effective means for carrying their purpose into effect. If this language can be used, when their numbers are so inconsiderable, what will they not do when their numbers shall increase. Gentlemen say we have no right to impair contracts, what contracts I ask, do these resolutions tend to impair? They violate no man's engagement; they take away no man's property; they devastate no man's house; they plunder no man's family;—on the contrary, they intend the amelioration of those who have here held their birthrights for a mess of pottage, by sending them back to their natural parent, who with open arms will receive and nurture them with the fondness of an indulgent and tender mother, and not suffer them any longer to be supplied by the grudging hand of a cruel hard hearted step-dame. We are told this measure will lessen the value of property. I very much doubt this fact. Who, I ask, will go into this speculative calculation upon the rise or fall of property? Some may give more to live in the district under the government of the United States, others to live under the state governments in the enjoyment of their political rights. The people had however hailed the approach of Congress with the songs of joy and gladness, and it will be cruel to array them with the mantle of mourning. Did this joy I ask, arise from patriotism or motives less praiseworthy the increased value of property? I hoped the latter: and this source of their gladness is not to be destroyed. Congress will still remain here; and he had already declared that he would be the last man in the world to advocate so pernicious a measure. (To be Continued.)
Register, OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, January 21.
Mr. Greenfield said the House would recollect, that a list of impressed seamen was furnished this morning from the Department of State, which exceeded in number anything he had expected. He thought these impressions ought to be prevented, and that the subject demanded investigation. He had drafted a resolution which he would submit to the House having in view to connect this with another very important subject. Many gentlemen must have observed that some of the several proclamations had been issued by the governors of the several British West India islands, interdicting the American trade after May next. The proclamations bore date in October or November, and were to take effect in six months. It appeared to him that the British government were determined to exclude us from their islands; upon the expectation that their own vessels would be competent to carry the necessary supplies. Mr. C. said we had a right to carry the productions of the United States in American bottoms, and he hoped we should never permit foreign ships to come to our ports and carry on an exclusive trade with any country whatever when our vessels were not allowed the same privilege. His intention was to prevent the American carrying trade to the West Indies from falling into the hands of other nations. He would not exclude foreign vessels from our ports; but it was desirable that our own export trade should not be monopolized by foreigners. The subject was highly important to this country. Will the United States tamely submit to see some of its best citizens torn from their families and friends, without attempting something for their relief? Shall we see another country pursuing measures hostile to our commercial rights and make no effort to correct the mischief. The West India islands depended on the United States for their ordinary supplies, and our vessels had usually carried a large proportion of their cargoes on American account; but it appeared now that we were to be shut out from this trade and it was in future to be carried on in foreign vessels. An effectual remedy would be to prohibit the exportation of our productions in foreign bottoms to all ports or islands with which we were not permitted to have intercourse, and in order that the subject might undergo an examination which its importance demanded; he offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire if any, and what further provision be necessary for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States; and to enquire whether any foreign country has made any late regulations with a view to monopolize any branch of the American carrying trade, to the exclusive benefit of such foreign country, or which in their operation may be injurious to the agricultural or commercial interest of the United States. And also to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the exportation from the United States, of all goods and merchandise whatever, in foreign ships bound to any port with which the vessels of the United States are not allowed: communication, or where a free and unrestrained trade is not permitted in the productions of the United States; and that the committee be authorised to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Randolph wished the resolution to lie for consideration a few days. He would mention Monday; the gentleman had laid it was an important subject, and he had no objection it would be as well to allow the resolution to remain unacted upon for a little time. It might be printed for the consideration of the House, and he rather supposed some alteration would be necessary in the form of the resolution.
Mr. Greenfield replied that he was perfectly willing the resolution should remain for consideration agreeable to the desire of the gentleman from Virginia, and he would consent to any reasonable delay; but he would not consent to its remaining unacted upon till a period too late as to preclude any measures from being adopted this session because the proclamations would take effect in the month of May. He was not tenacious of form, it was the substance of things he looked to, and he would with great pleasure agree to modify the resolution to any shape which the gentleman from Virginia might suggest.
A motion was made to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole for Monday next, which was agreed to, and the resolution ordered to be printed.
THURSDAY, January 24. A message was received from the President of the United States informing that he had approved and signed an act for the relief of Charlotte Hazen, widow and relict of the late Brigadier General Motes Hazen, and had directed it to be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.
Mr. Dins reported from the committee of claims, on the petition of Eliza Winters, that he had not supported his petition with the proper certificates of the court, and even if he had the committee did not think the claim required any additional legislative aid. Whereupon it was resolved that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition.
Another report from the same committee on the petition of Bethesda Newcomb and other legal representatives of colonel Preston of the Jersey militia who died in March 1777 of the hardships and fatigue he had undergone, praying commutation for his half pay. The committee state as their opinion that this case is not included in the resolutions of the Old Congress; but if it had been it was now barred by the statutes of limitation.
Whereupon, it was resolved that the petitioners have leave to withdraw their petitions. Likewise a report on the petition of P. Perrigaw who held several offices at New Orleans by right of purchase from Spain praying them to be continued or his purchase money reimbursed; with a resolution that he have leave to withdraw his petition.
On motion of Mr. Lucas the report was postponed till Monday next.
Mr. Spiller laid before the House a letter and statement documents relative to the claim of Alexander Scott against the Cherokee Indians, for 38 negroes plundered in 1794.
Mr. Roger moved to refer the same to the committee of the whole appointed on the petition of Alexander Scott.
Agreed to. Mr. Richards from the committee of enrollment, reported that the committee had examined the two following bills and found them to be duly enrolled, viz. The act for completing the South wing of the Capitol, and for other purposes; and the Act for the support of the Naval establishment of the U. States for the year 1805.
The engrossed bill for the relief of captain Alexander Murray was read a third time—and on the question, shall the bill pass?
Mr. Conrad could not agree to a measure of the kind. The conduct of captain Murray had been decided illegal in every court in the U. States into which it had been carried; he did not approve of a legislative body re-examining decisions of courts of justice, as they were totally unqualified for the object. He therefore could not be content to give a silent vote; for which reason he called the Yeas and Nays;
The Yeas and Nays were taken on the passage of the bill, and were, Yeas 66; noes 37. Mr. McCrery moved that a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of continuing in force the act declaring the assent of Congress to an act passed by the state of Maryland 28th Dec. 1799, for the establishment of an Health Office at the port of Baltimore, and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise—agreed to, and a committee of three appointed for the purpose.
Mr. Nicholson moved for the House to go into committee of the whole on the bill for preserving peace in the ports and harbors of the U. States and in the waters under their jurisdiction.
The House agreed to the same. Mr. GREGG in the chair.
Mr. Nicholson introduced two amendments, one to supply the place of the 2nd section of the bill, and the other as a substitute for the 5th section; they being lengthy and important clauses, he wished them to be printed before they were discussed; for which reason he wished the committee to rise, report progress, and leave to sit again.
Mr. R. Griswold had also prepared an amendment in the place of the 2nd section, which he wished also to be read and printed; it was accordingly received, and the committee having risen and reported, the amendments were all ordered to be printed.
On motion of Mr. Greenfield the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill for the relief of the sufferers by fire in the city of New-York in the State of New-York.
Mr. Tenny in the chair.
Mr. Early proposed a new section providing for the cases of those who suffered losses by the hurricane of the 8th of September last, at Savannah in Georgia, Beaufort, Charleston, and George Town, South Carolina.
The committee having agreed thereto, rose and reported the same, and the bill and amendment were postponed until to-morrow.
Mr. McCrery presented a petition from P. A. Guffee praying to be reimbursed certain duties regularly paid to the Collector of Baltimore.
Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Eustis called up the following resolution, offered by him on the 22nd instant.
Resolved, That it is expedient to provide, by law, for defraying the expense incident to fitting and preparing one of the navy yards belonging to the United States, and lying near the margin of the ocean, for the reception and repairing of such ships of war as are now at sea on their return to port, and such other ships or vessels of war as may hereafter return from their cruises or stations.
This motion occasioned considerable discussion, and was referred to the committee of the whole for Monday next.
Mr. Clark moved that the secretary of the Treasury be directed to make a circumstantial report of all the claims floating upon the books of the treasury against the United States which are barred by the acts of limitation, upon what authority the settlements, and liquidations were made, and the persons with whom they are made, and to whom they are now due, and the different circumstances which may exist in respect to the several classes of claims.
This motion after being, some time under consideration was postponed on motion of Mr. Thomas till Tuesday next.
Mr. Parvian laid on the table a resolution for referring to the secretary of state, the secretary of the treasury and the attorney general, the consideration of the constitutionality and expediency of granting to the inhabitants of the district of Columbia a legislature chosen by themselves, with instructions, in case they deem it constitutional and expedient, to report a system to the next session of Congress.
Foreign Intelligence.
(By the Kingston, Stevens, from Cowes, at N. Bedford.—Latest date, Nov. 24.
LONDON, November 4.
The Senate of Hamburg has acted with more firmness on the occasion of the arrest of Sir Geo. Rumbold, than we should have expected from its humble condition.—It not only presented an energetic remonstrance to Citizen Reinhardt on this violation of its neutrality and the law of nations, but also sent a strong protest to Paris and to Berlin, Vienna, Peterburgh and Ratishbon.
Yesterday we received a letter from Bilbao, dated the 28th ult. by the ship Camilla, arrived at Bristol, which states that the capture of the Spanish frigates had created the greatest confusion in Spain. A war with this country appeared inevitable.
The occasion of the late disturbances at Bilbao is likewise the source of strong objection & offence on the part of the British and American governments. Bilbao has hitherto been a free port, and has in consequence enjoyed a very extensive trade, particularly with the United States; but the king having resolved to subject it to the same duties and regulations imposed on the other towns, our commercial agents remonstrated, and the people adopted more summary means to prevent the system so injurious to them.
Admiral Mofarredo, (who commanded the Spanish fleet at Brest last year) was governor of the province of Biscay, and after ineffectual endeavors to suppress the discontent, was obliged to fly. Fifteen thousand troops advanced against Bilbao, by way of Santona, and the necessary military stores were conveyed by water; but the natives being unprepared for a force so large and so unlooked for a force, were compelled to submit, without bloodshed, and the whole province has been enforced, although the new imposts have been continued in a state of alarming tension.
This measure is likely to increase the misunderstanding subsisting between Spain and America, and will necessarily affect our relations with that country.
The Spaniards, in contemplation of a war with England are busily employed in strengthening the numerous posts along their coast, where some new works are carrying on.—The battery at the entrance of St. Andero, has been increased from four to ten guns, and the like has been done in numerous other places.
The Barbary States having refused the exportation of grain, in consequence of the great demand from Spain, flour at Gibraltar has attained the unusual price of 18 dollars per barrel of 196 lb.
The American prisoners are used with much severity at Tripoli; a number of them are yoked daily to a large wagon, and when heavily loaded with wood, are compelled to draw it back again.
November 6. The accounts brought from Gibraltar by the Maidstone frigate, which left the Bay on the 11th ult. are most distressing.
An attack from the Spaniards, in the present distressed state of the Garrison is much apprehended by many.
Our accounts from Cadiz reach down to the 15th ult. at which time the fever continued to rage; the deaths amounted to about sixty a day. Such is the apathy of the inhabitants, that very little alarm appears to be excited among them. This is ascribed to the great numbers that have already had the disorder, and, therefore, are not liable to take it a second time.
Some accounts from Spain state, that a personage of the first rank and consequence in that kingdom is now in confinement.—We do not pretend to understand who is meant, but we hope the intelligence will prove unfounded.
It is stated, that the king of Prussia has been so offended with the conduct of France, respecting Sir George Rumbold, that he has determined to permit no more French troops to pass into the electorate of Hanover and the North of Germany.
Parliament is further prorogued to the 3d of January.
A letter from a gentleman in a high and respectable situation at Lisbon, states, "that the insurrection near Bilbao was not the momentary resistance to any new acts of oppression on the part of the Spanish government, but the result of a deep laid plan to effect a revolution in Spain, similar to that in France. An admiral M——, and a general G——, are reported to be the nominal chiefs of the revolt of the Biscayans. It was mediated so long ago as when Lucien Bonaparte was ambassador in Spain, in 1801, who then procured for the former the command of the fleet at Cadiz. The peace with England, which soon followed that between France and Spain with Portugal, causes it to be laid aside until a more convenient season. The Court of Madrid was well aware of a conspiracy against it, supported by France. This was one of the principal causes of the many pecuniary and political sacrifices it has made to continue its neutrality. These would not, however, have prevented the Bourbons in Spain from already sharing the destiny of those in France, had not a family disagreement among the Bonapartes procured them a respite. It is reported, that the Spanish government are in possession of the whole plan for effecting a revolution, and a change of dynasty in Spain, as well as in Naples, and that Lucien Bonaparte is destined to the throne of the former, and Joseph Bonaparte to that of the latter kingdom. The Spanish conspirators had accredited agents at Paris, whom the Spanish Ambassador, admiral Gravina, has demanded to be delivered up, but who, notwithstanding the efforts and searches of the French Police, have totally disappeared. Among the papers in the power of the Court of Madrid, is said to be a letter from M. Talleyrand to the rebels, telling them, "that for several reasons the Emperor of the French desires them to postpone the efforts for the recovery of their liberty until a conquest of or a peace with Great Britain." In Portugal and Spain it is generally believed, that Bonaparte meditates an overthrow of all thrones occupied by Bourbons, and to give them to his brothers and other relatives. The appointments and Lafites, to the Courts of Madrid and Lisbon, is thought not to be unconnected with this conspiracy. Copies of the discovered papers, are reported to have been sent to Naples, Vienna and St. Peterburgh."
A French family has just arrived in town from Bordeaux. From their report it appears, that the most tyrannical and vexatious arrests have lately taken place in that City, and likewise at Nantz. No less than five hundred persons, most of whom are merchants, and even waggoners, have been taken up and imprisoned in those towns. The exact reason of these oppressive measures they are at a loss to explain; but the terror impressed by them, has occasioned their precipitate flight from a place where the innocent and guilty are confounded, and where even industrious poverty endeavours in vain to ply its useful labours.
The Monitor of the 11th inst. in the Paris article, says—
"Mr. Rumbold, English agent at Hamburg, arrested within cannon shot of the advanced post of the French army of Hanover, and carried to Paris, has been liberated through the protection of the King of Prussia, and has been sent to England by the way of Cherbourg. If the proceedings against this worthy associate of Drake, Spencer Smith, and Taylor, had been completed, they would have furnished instances as remarkable as those of his accomplices."
Nov. 22.—On the arrival and carrying off of Sir George Rumbold, the British minister to the Circle of Lower Saxony, the Senate of Hamburg sent the following Note to the Minister residing there:
"It is with the deepest regret that the Senate
is obliged to form your excellency of an occurrence, which is, in every respect, of a most serious nature, and which has filled the Senate with the greatest sorrow. Last night a detachment of between two and three hundred French troops landed secretly in the suburb called Hamburger Berg, proceeded to the Grindel, and there surrounded the country house of Sir G. Rumbold, baronet, charge d'affairs from his Britannic Majesty to the Circle of Lower Saxony, seized him, and carried him, with some of his effects, to Hamburg.—As it was impossible for the Senate to prevent this occurrence, which did not come to their knowledge till after it had taken place, it now only remains for them to employ every means to claim the liberation of Sir G. Rumbold, and the restoration of his effects. The Senate begs your excellency to be assured they will leave no means untried, as far as lies in their power to obtain that end. (Signed) "Witness."
Hamburg, Oct. 23, 1804.
OF SPAIN.
Nov. 23.—We have for the last two months entertained no doubt that a war with Spain must take place, and have expected that every courier from Madrid would inform us of the departure of our ambassador from that metropolis, or his intention immediately to do so. The public at large, we believe, have entertained similar sentiments. It is now understood by the last dispatches from admiral Cebrian, on Feb. 1, ministers received information from the admiral, of his having received dispatches from Mr. Freire, at Madrid, stating, that he had not got his passports, and intended to leave Madrid on the 10th. Nothing, however, is more probable. The notification of lord Harrowby to the merchants, and the capture of the Spanish frigates, flewed plainly that negotiation was nearly exhausted. We believe all impartial men are pretty well convinced of the impropriety of a Spanish war; but if there is the slightest probability of co-operation on the court, that impropriety will be the more conspicuous.
Nov. 24.—Although ministers have not received any dispatch directly from Mr. Freire, announcing his intended departure from Madrid on the 10th of this month, yet the probability of such an event leads us to believe that the intelligence is in substance true. We never could see the smallest possibility of negotiation after the capture of the Spanish frigates, a measure which, independent of presenting differences, must have been so difficult to contemplate, either with the pride or the interest of Spain.
The distress of that power, and a natural anxiety to save such part of her American returns as were expected home, might dictate a system of evasive procrastination though this appears doubtful, since the event which has occurred was calculated to excite a quick feeling of resentment, which could only be dispensed with dignity but in an immediate termination of diplomatic proceedings. If Ministers have grounds to justify the war, they must have existed long before the orders to seize Spanish vessels, for the conduct of Spain, however hostile and averse to negotiation, after that will appear sufficiently natural.
The Merchants of this City were yesterday much alarmed by a report brought on Change, that the introduction of English merchandise into Holland was again to be prohibited, and that vessels entering Dutch ports with such merchandise on board would be confiscated. A Rotterdam paper of the 18th we understand is in town, which contains a public notice addressed to the magistrates of Rotterdam to the above effect, as the Emperor of the French is determined not to suffer the trade any longer to be carried on upon the present footing. We are inclined to think that this intelligence is well founded.
PARIS, Nov. 4. A decree has been published, permitting the exportation of grain to Spain and Portugal, from the departments on the frontiers of Spain, and certain ports.
From Spain.—Latest. A letter from Madrid, dated Nov. 8, 1804, says, "The British Minister has left this city, and there are no doubts of a war between Great Britain and Spain." N. Y. Paper.
Domestic Intelligence.
PENNSYLVANIA. LANCASTER, January 25. TRIAL OF THE JUDGES.
Since our last the Court have been listening to the second speech of Mr. Bouleau, and the pleadings of Messrs. Rodney and Ingersoll. Mr. Ingersoll it is expected will finish this morning. Mr. Rodney will reply and conclude the pleadings. There probably will be no decision on the part of the Senate before Monday next.
Some curiosity has been excited by the fact that Mr. Burr and governor Bloomfield of New Jersey have both been for several days in town. It is well known that Mr. Burr stands indicted, by a grand jury of that state, of the crime of murder. It is also known that governor Bloomfield is the warm personal friend of Mr. Burr. It is further known that governor Bloomfield possesses the power of granting a reprieve from trial in the state of New Jersey. What connection these facts may have, and whether they have had any influence in producing a meeting of these two gentlemen out of the state of New Jersey, we leave to the conjecture of our readers. [U. S. Gazette.]
Extracts of a letter from an officer on board the Frigate Constitution, to his friend in Boston, dated Malta, Oct. 11, 1804.
"Nothing decisive against Tripoli, I imagine, will be done this fall; as the weather has become too boisterous for the gun-boats to keep the sea, and they have returned to Medina. Lt. Tarbell is now first of the President. Lt. Hull is well, and happy in the election of every officer in the squadron. Com. Preble, & Mr. Harpden, will return home in the John Adams, which will sail soon. Dr. Archer this day joins the Syren, and Mr. Harfshall the Constellation. The Syren sails for Gibraltar to-morrow."
NORFOLK, January 31.
On Tuesday the Directors of the Virginia State Bank of this place, held a meeting for the purpose of electing persons to fill the different offices, when the following were appointed: Thomas Newton, sen. Esq. President, John E. Beale, Teller, Richard Bagnall, Book-keeper, F. S. Taylor, Discount Clerk, Henry Bragg, Runner, Michael Crossmuch, Porter.
JUST RECEIVED, and for sale at the Office of the EXAMINER, a few copies of the following BOOKS:
More's Anacrea, Life of Doctor Darwin, Report of the Trial of Lord Mansfield, Graydon's Di. of the Laws of the U. States, Terrible Trah. ation, Folsay's View of the United States, &c. &c. February 3.

LETTER 2ND. FROM A MEMBER OF THE ASSEMBLY TO HIS FRIEND IN *****
Richmond, January
Draw before you, my dear friend, a feeble and delicate form, equally destitute of the harsh robustness of a rustic and the affected graces of the courtier, yet simple and ingenious in its features and appearance; a pale and wrinkled visage, in which the inimitable bloom of youth has faded under the encroachments of disease and the labour of thought; a few tresses of hair thinly sprinkled upon its forehead; and an austere eye full of fire, animated by the genius which beams upon it and reflects its lustre on all that behold it; and you will have as just a portrait as my memory or language can describe, of the most distinguished member of the Virginia legislature. A few years only have transpired, since Mr. ***** exhibited in his countenance, the polished smoothness and the ready blush of youth; when health and elasticity marked every feature and each petty gesture of his frame; but in those few years, how many causes may not have operated upon his frame to unerve and enervate his powers! Yet it is not in changing the lineaments of his frame alone, that time has exhibited the triumphs of her power. If she has visited his body with weariness and disease, she has also visited his mind with the bloom of youth, and dimmed the lustre of his eye. She has also enriched his mind with the invaluable treasures of experience. If she has thrown a more antique appearance upon the exterior of the edifice, she has added new decorations to the sanctuary within; its ceilings have received a richer colouring from her pencil, and every column which supports its greatness, may boast the acquisition of more splendid ornaments. Mr. ***** has indeed no just reason to blame the progress of time. She has amply repaid all the injuries which she has sustained from her power, by restoring all the vigour and attraction which she has stolen from his frame, to the more valuable endowments of his mind.
In truth, my friend, I have met with but few men, who displayed finer faculties or more admirable attainments, than Mr. *****. His method of thinking, like that of his speaking, is cool, unimpassioned, and frigidly didactic. He possesses in almost an equal degree, the two essential and admirable attributes, of collecting the scattered rays of innumerable facts, into one luminous principle, and of pouring this concentrated light upon every new event, which fol- lows its investigation. His inquisitive and philosophic mind eagerly seizes upon every new incident, which offers before him: a retentive memory carefully preserves the valuable deposits, & the board of ideas is daily and hourly aug-mented. It is then that the admirable habit of analysis is exerted; it is then that he sur-veys these initiated treasures, brings them near to each other, detects some common prop-erty by an accurate comparison; and gathers from the rude heap, some abstract and lu-minous principle. From this indigested chaos of materials, he forms for himself a beauti-ful and harmonious system. Animated and prepared by the success of these efforts, he goes in search of new encounters and new victories. When some analogous fact rises before him and solicits his explanation, these old principles become in his hand as the spears of Ithuriel. No sooner does he bring them within the touch, than the mystery which covered them is dis-pelled & they start up in their genuine appearance and nature.
It is thus, my dear friend, that every intelli-gent mind must be gradually formed and pre-pared for the discovery of truth: and it is thus, if I mistake not, that Mr. ***** has learned to chasten and direct his powers. A spirit of incessant curiosity, a strong memory, a power of ready analysis, and a ready application of pre-established principles; these are the facul-ties, which so distinctly characterize the thinking and speaking of Mr. *****; and entitle him to the most conspicuous niche in the hall of our legislature. Few members think maturely be-fore they speak. They pour forth the few scattered facts or undigested reflections, which they had collected but a few moments before. But when Mr. ***** speaks, he manifests ev-ery advantage which enquiry and meditation can confer. No question can be said to be ab-solutely new to him; for on most questions he has already laid by him some well-digested and conclusive principles, or he has already collect-ed a board of similar incidents, which may af-ford him in the investigation of principles.
It is a preparation of this sort, which makes the speeches of this gentleman always instruc-tive and always interesting. Every speech which he delivers, is a little system of thought, with all its parts admirably selected and distinct-ly put together. Some speakers as they advance in the subject, are seen floundering and toss-ing among a multitude of facts, without the power of tracing their connection with each other or with the principal subject. There are others, who falling into the contrary extreme, come forth in all the parade of principles; unac-companied to assist their abstract researches by actual experience, they appear with all the bombast of reasoning upon their lips; pour forth the most abstruse arguments on the most trifling to-pics; and think they have fixed the proper co-lour upon an object, when they have borrow-ed their rays from one of a different hue. Mr. ***** carefully avoids these contrary errors. He is neither misled by the multiplicity of his facts, nor by the metaphysical nature of prin-ciples. His method of pursuing his subject, is simple and satisfactory. He either begins with laying down some principle, which most men are re-served to admit, and from which he reasons in the most regular manner, or he states a series of facts, traces their bearings to each other, and approaches, by the easiest gradations, to the main principle, which he wishes to establish. This gentleman is a distinguished lawyer; but this method of scanning his subjects, preserves him from that constraint and form, and limited views, which are incident to most men of this learned profession. In the constant act of applying rules to particular cases, they forget the reasons of those rules. The volumes of sta-tutes, and precedents, and forms by which they are surrounded, limit the extent of their horizon, and cast into shade those very laws, which they profess to interpret. From this restraint the ge-neral habits of our enlightened member have, in part, protected him. He is not satisfied with knowing what the laws actually are, but still further enquires why they are so, and what they ought to be. Perhaps there are few men in Virginia, who are better versed in what I would call the philosophy of the law, than Mr. *****.
You can easily conceive then, my dear friend, that this gentleman would be an agreeable speaker, even were the tones of his voice dif-ferent, and his gestures unseemly. Yet there are not few, who are not satisfied in the highest style of oratory; and yet they profess to much charm in themselves, that if they do not promote, they at least do not weaken the effect of his reasoning. I have already said that his manner of thinking is like that of his speak-ing; cool & unimpassioned. His style is simple & perspicuous, the cadence of his voice is gene-rally harmonious; & the movements of his arm are angular & unpolished. His eye is, however, that of an orator, and an orator of the most at-tractive form.
You would suppose that this man is unequal to the higher flights of eloquence. On most occasions, and in the ordinary states of his mind, I believe that such efforts are beyond the sphere of his powers: and yet there are some mo-ments, when he seems to be capable of the most brilliant flights of fancy. In a great caucus which was held at the capitol a few days past, when Mr. ***** was fearful that the enthusiasm of some of the republicans was verging to an un-leavened persecution, he ascended to a train of elo-quence, of which I not only believed him to be incapable, but which I have seen few men to reach. One of his glowing figures still conti-nues to haunt my memory. "This third party, Mr. Chairman, is yet in its egg state. It lies prostrate at your feet and the slightest effort is sufficient to crush it. But, fir, let fall upon it a single genial ray of your approbation, and you will hatch it into a hydra, that must sting you to the foul." May this hydra, my dear friend, be ever a non-descript in the political history of Virginia!
Whilst I render this homage to the genius and attainments of Mr. ***** let me not conceal from you that he has also his defects. It is my conscientious opinion that this gentle-man sometimes stretches his ingenuity into the regions of sophistry. He is a powerful reason-er; but in attempting to carry some favorite object, he unfortunately converts our Leg-islative hall into a litigious county court, takes his side, and sometimes pushes all his energies and all his expedients to the attainment of a victory. The painful consistency and clearness of his views have sometimes lulled me into convinc-ions; but upon awakening to the exercise of my own powers, I have met with found flaws in his arguments, which a mind even less penetrat-ing than his own, would be able to detect.
His opponents have also made it a charge a-gainst him, that he is not altogether pure in his republican principles: that they have received a perceptible obliquity towards the federal sect; that in fact his political opinions are ready to be sacrificed at the shrine of his private inter-ests, and that "no such man deserves to be trusted." In considering so very serious an ac-cusation against so very respectable a character, I should be extremely averse to countenancing this suspicion even in idea, without very satisfactory evidence; and I should think that the opponents of Mr. ***** as well every other politician would do well to pursue the same sacred maxim.
My want of an intimate acquaintance with this gentleman, has however rendered it impos-sible for me to collect the necessary evidence on this subject; and I must candidly confess to you, that I have never yet made any observ-ations upon his conduct, which would give a co-louring to such suspicions. Two impressions however exist upon my mind: first, that from very respectable information, I think it probable that his political opinions were several years a-go strongly tinctured with a federal dye: se-condly, that even at the present day, Mr. ***** appears not to be susceptible of that disinter-ested zeal and unabated enthusiasm in the antic-leral cause, which so strongly characterize many of our countrymen. I should scarcely ex-pect from him the heroism of a Curtius "plung-ing into the fiery gulph for the salvation of his country," or a Decius, devoting himself to a Romantic death. I must however believe that he is deeply attached to the cause of the pre-sent administration; and that if his expressions are not so enthusiastic in its eulogium, it arises more from the habitual moderation of his pas-sions, than from any want of conscientious con-viction.
When I began this letter, I had no doubt of my being able to comprise the portrait of Mr. ***** within a very small compass. Want of habit has however rendered it a very in-fohume and laborious employment; and I now find for the first time how difficult it is to draw the compleat character of a man, without leaving occasion for any misconstruction. You must wait then till my next letter, for the re-maining portraits of some of my colleagues. Adieu for the present.
The Editor has destroyed the remaining let-ters of this collection, at the earnest solicitation of their author. The above is therefore the only portrait which he has it in his power to hold up to the inspection of his readers.
The report of the select committee on the affairs of Louisiana, appears in the last page of this day's paper. John Randolph, eq. is the reputed author of the report and of the plan proposed for the government of that country. The reader will perceive that it is only a report in part. the committee who re-ported it will be compelled to wait until Con-gress shall decide upon the general plan which they have proposed, before they go on to fill up its outlines and details. Such an important pro-portion on so important a subject, can scarcely fail to attract the due consideration of the people.
Amidst the other points of information, which appear in this day's paper, a series of questions and principles on the Y-zoo claim which are to be seen on the last page, is recommended to the notice of the reader. This essay was trans-mitted to this city by a most respectable gen-tleman in Washington, under the belief that the views which it presents of the foundation of the Y-zoo claim were equally distinguished by their justness and originality.
This day's paper closes our notice of the de-liberations and proceedings of the Virginia legis-lature.
It was stated by mistake in our last paper, that the act to prevent the circulation of private bank notes is to take effect from the passage thereof. Its operation does not however commence until the 1st of April. Those who hold any notes of the Bank of Potomac, will provide for their own interest by changing them for specie before that time.
Summary of all the Acts of the General Assem-bly of Virginia, of a Public Nature, passed at the December Session, 1804.
[CONTINUED.]
15. An act to explain and amend an act concern-ing the fees of certain officers, &c. The several clerks shall be allowed the same fees as heretofore for enter-ing on the rule docket all rules to declare, plead, &c. entering a common order, &c. or filing a pleading at law, bill, answer, &c. in chancery; but no fee for en-tering a continuance of a cause or rule on his rule dock-et; but he shall continue the cause monthly, when ne-cessary, on the rule docket; and for all which conti-nuances, he shall receive 25 cents quarterly, in lieu of all fees heretofore allowed for continuances, and no more. Separate and distinct rule & court dockers shall be kept for chancery causes in the county and corpo-rate courts. No clerk shall place a free bill in the hands of any sheriff, or demand or receive any fee for a copy of any writ, declaration, bill, or other pleading or proceeding or of a judgment or decree, or of rolls,
unless such copy has been actually made out and de-livered; nor shall he be entitled to a fee for making up a complete record in any case wherein it may be necessary, till he shall actually have made up such re-cord; Provided, that this shall not be construed to pre-vent witnesses from getting copies of orders of their attendance, or to prevent clerks from taxing in the bill of costs or execution, to be recovered by the success-ful party, the fee for making up records as heretofore; nor to copies of records necessary in cases of appeal, writ of error or supersedeas. If any clerk shall know-ing and fraudulently charge, demand, &c. more than the legal fees, or demand, &c. fees for business not actually done, he shall be guilty of extortion and on conviction in the general court, by indictment or information, shall be amerced and imprisoned at the discretion of a jury, and discharged from his office for-ever. Lawyers practising in any court may freely inspect the papers and records without being compell-ed to take copies. In future, it shall not be the duty of the clerk of any court to make up a complete record in any cause therein decided except where the title or appeal, writ of error, supersedeas, Annuity allowance, not exceeding 25 dollars, shall be allowed by the county and corporation courts for the public services of their jailor. Any jailor at the end of every 3 months, may demand of the creditor or his agent, where by law the creditor is now liable the amount of his account for the maintenance of his debtor; and if the creditor fails to make immediate payment, the jailor may recover the amount on ten days notice; and upon an execution on such judgment, shall be endorsed. "No security to be taken" and if the sheriff or officer shall return on two executions that he cannot make the amount, the jailor may discharge the debtor; but no creditor shall be compelled to maintain his debtor, or the jailor to support him, if he takes the prison bounds. This act to commence the first day of July next.
16. An act making compensation to witnesses attending on the part of the commonwealth, in civil cases and for other purposes.—Witnesses attending county courts on behalf of the commonwealth in civil cases, shall be allowed the same compensation as if they were attend-ing for individuals; and on a certificate of the clerk the auditor shall issue his warrant for the amount. And in civil cases where the commonwealth prevails all costs which it is liable to pay, shall be taxed and recovered as in the case of individuals. Constables shall be allowed for arrests and summoning witnesses in criminal cases, the same fees as sheriffs—and constables and guards, for conveying prisoners to the county jail, shall have the same fees as are allowed for removing prisoners to the penitentiary, to be paid out of the public treasury.
17. An act further to amend the act concerning slaves, free negroes, &c.—To carry a slave out of the state, or from one county to another, without the con-sent of the owner, and with intention to defraud or de-privé the owner of such slave, subjects the offender to a fine not less than 100 nor more than 500 dollars; also to imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than 2 nor more than 4 years, to be ascertained by a jury: and moreover the offender shall pay to the owner dou-ble the value of the slave, and double the amount of all costs and expenses incurred in regaining or attempt-ing to regain such slave; to be recovered by an action on the case, in which bail shall be required of right. Not only those who carry away slaves, but masters of vessels having slaves on board, and sailing beyond the limits of any county with such slave, shall be con-sidered as carrying him off; and any person travelling by land who shall give protection or assistance to a slave to prevent his being stopped, shall also be con-sidered guilty of carrying off. Masters of vessels per-mitting slaves to come on board, or buying any thing of them, without consent of their owner, &c. shall for every offence, forfeit, in addition to the penalties now imposed, 200 dollars, one third to the masters or own-er, one third to the informer, and one third to the overseers of the poor. In actions against masters of vessels, under this act, the defendant may be held to bail—Overseers of the poor binding out black or mu-atto orphans, shall not require them to be taught read-ing writing or arithmetic.
18. An act concerning the Land Office.—The fees for services in the land office are increased; but not to affect locations made before the passing of the law. The Register, hereafter, is to be appointed annually by joint ballot of both houses of the General Assem-bly.
ACTS
OF A PRIVATE AND LOCAL NATURE.
1. Appropriating a sum of money for the purpose of opening the navigation of Holstein river.
2. Incorporating a ting a Library Company in the county of Prince Edward.
3. Authorising William Bentley and Edward Mofely to erect a toll bridge over Staunton river.
4. Releasing to Ludowick M'Carrol the right of the commonwealth to certain lands.
5. Concerning the pension of William Shep-herd.
6. Authorising Benjamin Wilson, jr. to erect a dam across the west fork of Monongalia ri-ver.
7. For adding part of the county of Ohio to the county of Harrison.
8. Increasing the salary of the surgeon of the public guard and prisoners confined in the pe-nitentiary.
9. Increasing the tolls at Mason's bridge, over Occoquan river.
10. Confirming certain elections of overseers of the poor, in King George county.
11. For raising by lottery, a sum of money, for improving the navigation of Quantico creek.
12. Authorising the court of Mason county, to appoint one or more persons to solemnize the rights of matrimony.
13. Repealing so much of the act, intituled "An act to increase the reward, for killing Wolves," as relates to the county of Lee.
14. Compelling Andrew and James Crockett, to erect a rope through their dam over Reed creek.
15. Authorising the Auditor to receive the delinquent list of Robert Settlington.
16. Establishing several new feries and in-creasing the rates of former ones.
17. Authorising the sale of the Glebe of the parish of St. Mary, for the purposes therein mentioned.
18. To establish a toll bridge, over the South branch of Potomac river.
19. Releasing to Frederick Gauder, the right of the commonwealth to a certain lot of land.
20. Remitting a fine to the heirs of Thomas Anderson, dec.
21. To increase the reward for killing Wolves, in the county of Wood.
22. Refunding to Charles Carter, a certain sum of money, with the interest.
23. Divorcing Robert Campbell, from his wife Anne.
24. Releasing to James Crawford, the right of the commonwealth to a lot of land.
25. Authorising the Auditor to receive the delinquent list of John Allen and Charles Brown.
26. Allowing the owners of lots in certain towns, a further time to improve the same.
27. Granting to William Beatty, the dupli-cate of a lost certificate.
28. Authorising Adam Hickman, to erect a dam across the West fork of Monongalia ri-ver.
29. Authorising John Beale, to build a toll bridge over James river.
30. Authorising improvements and repairs on the lot of Haymarket District court.
31. Concerning Charlottesville, in the county of Jefferson.
32. Making compensation to certain com-missioners.
33. Authorising certain regimental and Bat-talion courts of enquiry, to be held in the coun-ties of Berkeley and Hampshire.
34. To raise by lottery a sum of money for erecting a seminary of learning at the Hot Springs.
35. To amend an act, intituled an act to au-thorise the opening a turnpike road over the South Mountains.
36. Reviving several inspections of tobacco.
37. Authorising the appointment of a mathe-matical surveyor in the city of Richmond and for other purposes.
38. To amend the act for incorporating the trustees of Washington Henry academy.
39. Declaring Powell's river a highway.
40. Authorising Talbot Godwin, to erect a toll bridge from the town of Suffolk, over the Eastern branch of Nansemond river.
41. Adding other trustees to the town of Charlottesville, in the county of Brooke, and in-creasing their powers.
42. Authorising the sale of certain lots in the town of Hillsborough.
43. To raise by lottery, a sum of money for the benefit of Stevenburg academy, in the county of Culpeper.
44. Making an appropriation for the pay-ment of a public debt to L. A. Pauly.
45. For incorporating the town of Lynch-burg, and enlarging the same.
46. To incorporate two companies, for the purpose of cutting a navigable canal, from Roanoke river to Meherrin river; and another navigable canal, from Nansemond river, to Ben-nett's creek, in the state of North Carolina.
47. Authorising the Auditor to give credit to Francis White, for his list of insolvents and de-linquents for the year 1803, upon certain con-ditions.
48. Making provision for improving and keeping in repair, the road from Mockerson Gap to Powell's valley, in the county of Lee.
49. Concerning certain free school lands in the county of Elizabeth city.
50. Giving further time to the owners of certain lots in the town of Moorfield, & Ca Ira, to build thereon and for other purposes.
51. Establishing a town on the land of Rich-ard Rutledge, at the courthouse of Fairfax coun-ty.
52. Allowing to Nathaniel Fox and Leonard Hill, further time to discharge certain judg-ments.
53. Concerning Vincent Fortune.
54. To amend and carry into effect the sev-eral acts providing for the opening a road from the upper navigation of James river, to the up-per navigation of Kanawha.
55. Establishing an inspection of Tobacco, on the land of William Mayo, in the county of Henrico.
56. Concerning Filmer W. Montford.
57. Concerning the bridge erected by Alex-ander Wells and others over Buffalo creek.
58. Establishing several towns.
59. For killing crows in certain counties.
60. Allowing a claim to Edward Burgess and for other purposes.
61. To prevent the hauling of seines, at cer-tain places within certain periods annually.
62. Authorising the Auditor to issue a war-rant to Mary Cox, administratrix of Abner Cox dec'd.
63. Concerning Samuel Selden.
64. Authorising the trustees of Portsmouth to lease certain lands therein mentioned.
65. To appropriate the muller fines of cer-tain counties, and for other purposes.
66. To amend an act for raising by lottery a sum of money for the benefit of the University of William and Mary.
67. To carry into execution the constitution of the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, lately adopt-ed at a general meeting.
68. To make compensation to certain com-missioners from this state to the state of North Carolina.
69. Appointing other trustees of the town of Charlottesville, in the county of Kanawha, in the room of those formerly appointed, and for o-ther purposes.
70. To amend an act, for more effectually preventing the passage of fish in James river and its navigable branches.
71. To amend the acts, to establish a draw bridge across the Eastern branch of Elizabeth river, in the county of Norfolk, and for other purposes.
72. For paying the officers of the General Assembly for their services during the present session.
73. Authorising a conveyance of certain lands to be made to John Bracken.
74. Allowing further compensation to the commissioners of the revenue for the county of Frederick.
75. Concerning the James river Company.
76. To amend and explain an act to establish a turnpike between Manchester and Falling Creek, on the Buckingham road.
77. To amend an act concerning the clearing of the North fork of James river.
78. To alter the days for holding courts in the counties of Tazewell and Russell.
79. To ascertain and establish the limits of the city of Richmond.
80. To provide for the support of govern-ment by imposing taxes.
81. To incorporate the Virginia marine insu-rance company.
82. To appropriate the public revenue.
83. To amend and explain the act for improv-ing James river.
RESOURCES AND EXPENDITURES OF THE COMMONWEALTH.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars, Cts. Rows include: Expenses of General Assembly, Officers Civil government, Officers militia, Contingent fund, Criminal Charges, Slaves executed, Slaves transported, Lunatic Hospital, Pensioners, Guard in the City of Richmond, Expense of the operations of the manufactory of arms, Removing criminals to the penitentiary, Public warehouses for the Inspection of tobacco, For completing the James river canal warehouse, Public services of clerks of district courts, For interest due those who paid money in the treasury on account of British debts, For interest on public debt registered, Debt due Duncan Ross's execu-tors by a decree of the court of appeals.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars, Cts. Rows include: Do. to L. A. Pauly, First installment on the state's shares on the Bank of Vir-ginia, State shares in Appomattox canal company, Expense of election of Senators and delegates to Congress, Expense of election of President and Vice-President, Commissioners of the revenue, Expense of clearing Holstein ri-ver, For completing the road from the Head navigation of James ri-ver to the head navigation of Kanawha, including former ap-propriations, Total amount of expenditures.
REVENUE OF THE COMMONWEALTH TO MEET THE FOREGOING EXPENDITURES.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars, Cts. Rows include: Nett amount of tax on land, lots and other property, Amount of surplus on tobacco, Nett tax on law process, Do. register's fees, Interest on shares in the James ri-ver canal company, Amount of sale of slaves transport-ed, Money in the treasury on the 1st October, 1804, To which add arrearages on taxes, Balance of taxes for 1803, Total amount of resources, Surplus.
THE TAXES REMAIN AS HERETOFORE, AND ARE AS FOLLOWS, VIZ.
Table with 2 columns: Description, Dollars, Cts. Rows include: On lands, for every 100 dollars va-lue according to the equalizing law, On every slave above 12 years old, ex-cept those exempted as heretofore, On every stud horse and Jack ass, twice the price of the mason, On all other horses, mules, mares and colts, for each, On every ordinary licence, On every fourwheeled riding carriage, except phaetons and stage waggons, per wheel, On every phaeton and stage waggon, per wheel, On every other riding carriage, with two wheels, per wheel, On lots and house in town, for every 100 dollars of the rent, On every merchant selling by whole-sale and retail, for each store, On every retail merchant, for each store, On every hawker and pedlar.
The act to impose taxes is the same in every respect, with that passed at the last session, except that planters and farmers are permitted to sell sugar, coffee, tea and spices, to their neigh-bours, which are purchased as a return load, in addition to salt, iron and steel, allow-ed by the former act. At a General Meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings of the state of Virginia, held by adjournments at the Capitol, on the 30th of January, 1805.
The following Officers were elected, to serve for the ensuing year, to wit:
ALEXANDER M'RAE, president.
ALEXANDER STEWART
ROBERT MITCHELL, and
GEORGE W. SMITH, } Directors.
WILLIAM PRICE, Regr. Cashier. General.
WILLIAM F. AIT, principal agent.
"Married, on seventh day evening last, at Friends Meeting-House, White Oak Swamp, Doctor Thomas Harris, of Hanover coun-ty, aged 60 years, to Miss Ladd, daugh-ter of John Ladd, of Charles City county, aged 20 years!"
NOTICE.
THE subscribers having put an end to their re-tail business, request the debtors to this firm to come forward, without loss of time, to have their accounts adjusted, and to pay what may be due. As great indulgence has been already given, fur-ther cannot reasonably be expected. George Mc-Credie will attend at this place, for the purposes of settling the accounts, and receiving payments. Those who do not pay, or give satisfactory assur-ance of paying soon, must blame themselves if suits are instituted against them. LYLE & MC CREDIE. Manchester, Feb. 5. (epsu.)
TO THE PUBLIC.
DURING the present year, J. Ogilvie will conti-nue to instruct youth in the city of Richmond. In addition to the various branches of literature and sci-ence heretofore taught in his school, his pupils will have an opportunity of studying the higher branches of Mathematical science, a more extensive course of natural Philosophy, the dead languages, and the French and Spanish languages. In teaching the higher branches of Mathematical science and the dead languages, J. Ogilvie will be assisted by Mr. Wood of this city, whose superior proficiency and skill in Mathematical and Physical science eminently entitle him to publick patronage. The French and Spanish languages will be taught by Mr. Bonnadil, with whose ability and qualifications in the line of his profession, the citizens of Richmond are sufficiently acquainted. These ar-rangements, whilst they will considerably diminish J. Ogilvie's emoluments, will greatly enlarge the utility of the school. The principal disadvantages of schools conducted by a single teacher, are, the principal and uninter-rupted pressure of exertion, the dissipation of thought amongst such a variety of studies as almost to preclude the possibility of pre-eminent skill or profi-cency in any one department of knowledge, and the consequent imperfection and incompleteness of the course. These disadvantages will be radically obvi-ated by the preceding arrangements. Thus modified and extended, the plan of education which will be pur-sued in this school, will embrace probably, as com-prehensive and compleat a course of literature and science as can be reasonably expected in a seminary, so to say, destitute of every sort of extrinsic support. The school will be opened on the second Monday in January. P.S. Mr. Wood will teach the art of drawing and painting, to such young gentlemen as may be desirous to acquire some knowledge and skill in a highly elegant and useful accomplishment. January 1

LOUISIANA.
REPORT - IN PART.
Of the Committee appointed the 19th of Nov. last, on so much of the message of the President of the United States
As relates to an amelioration of the form of government of the Territory of Louisiana; to which was referred the third article, a memorial in the French language, with a translation thereof, from sundry planters, merchants and other inhabitants of the said territory of Louisiana.
January 25th, 1805 - Read, and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole House, on Monday next.
THE grievances, which have been felt by the memorialists, are of a nature, which your committee believe to be inseparable from those sudden transitions of government, to which late political events have subjected the inhabitants of Louisiana. By them, however, they are ascribed to a denial, on the part of the United States, of those rights and immunities to which they declare themselves entitled, in virtue of the third article of the treaty, which transferred them to our dominion, and to the immediate enjoyment of which they now claim to be admitted.
They shall be incorporated into the union "of all the rights, &c. of American citizens;" - when? "As soon as it can be done in conformity with the principles of the federal constitution;" - mean while they are to be protected, &c.
But because the memorialists may have appreciated too highly the rights which have been secured to them by the treaty of cession, the claims of the people of Louisiana, on the wisdom and justice of Congress, ought not in the opinion of your committee to be, thereby, prejudiced. Relying on the good sense of that people to point out to them, that the United States cannot have incurred a heavy debt in order to obtain the territory of Louisiana merely with a view to the exclusive, or special benefit of its inhabitants, your committee, at the same time, earnestly recommend, that every indulgence, not incompatible with the interests of the union, may be extended to them. Only two modes present themselves, whereby a dependent province may be held in obedience to its sovereign state. Force and affection. The first of these is not only repugnant to all our principles and institutions of government, but it could not be more odious to those on whom it might operate, than it would be hostile to the best interests, as well as the dearest predilections, of those by whom, in this instance, it would have to be exercised. The United States are not the property of a hereditary despot, or the rich prize of a military adventurer, whose favorites and followers may bathe on the spoil of plundered provinces, won by the blood and treasure of their exhausted subjects, but they form the patrimony of a free and enlightened people, who control, whilst they constitute, the only fund, from which the men and the money, of which military power is composed, can be drawn. It can never be the interest, therefore, of the people of the United States to subject themselves to the burthens, and their liberties to the dangers, of a vast military force, for the subjugation of others. The only alternative, then, which presents itself, is believed to be not more congenial to the feelings, than to the best interests of the union. So long as their authority pervades the territory of Louisiana, so long as their laws are respected, and obeyed therein, your committee are at a loss to conceive how the United States are more interested in the internal government of that territory than of any state in the confederacy. By permitting her inhabitants to form their own local regulations, the voice of discontent would be hushed, - faction (if it exist) disarmed, and the people bound to us by the strong ties of gratitude and interest. The spirit of disaffection, should it be excited at any future period, by ambitious and unprincipled men, would be in direct hostility to the obvious interest of the people of Louisiana, whilst the ability of the Union to repress it would remain unimpaired.
In considering this subject, the committee have not been inattentive to those forms of provincial government, which have, heretofore, obtained in the remote territories of the United States. But they have found nothing in them worthy of imitation. The second grade, as it is termed, is, of the two, less liable to objection, but there are many of its features which they are unable to recommend. Their object is to give to Louisiana a government of its own choice, administered by officers of its own appointment. In recommending the extension of this privilege to the people of that country, it is not the intention of the committee that it
* It is the intention of the committee that the inhabitants of the Territory of Louisiana, who are citizens of the United States, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of the other citizens of the United States, and shall be subject to the same duties and obligations. They shall be entitled to the same protection in their lives, liberties, and property, as the other citizens of the United States, and shall be subject to the same taxes and impositions. They shall be entitled to the same privileges in the courts of justice, and shall be subject to the same penalties for the same offences. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the election of officers, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public office, and shall be subject to the same qualifications in the holding of such office. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public property, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public contracts, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public franchises, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public monopolies, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public copyrights, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public patents, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public trademarks, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public designs, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public inventions, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public discoveries, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public improvements, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public innovations, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public reforms, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public revolutions, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public insurrections, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public rebellions, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public seditions, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public conspiracies, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public treasons, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public betrayals, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public perfidies, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public treacheries, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public deceits, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public frauds, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public lies, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public falsehoods, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public deceits, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public frauds, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public lies, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights. They shall be entitled to the same rights in the holding of public falsehoods, and shall be subject to the same restrictions in the exercise of those rights.
should be accompanied by wife and salaried restrictions. Among them may be numbered a prohibition of the importation of foreign slaves; - a measure equally dictated by humanity and policy; restrictions against the establishment of any form of government, other than a representative republic; against violations of the liberty of conscience, the freedom of the press, and the trial by jury; against the taxation of the lands of the United States; to which may be added [for further security] that such of the laws, as may be disapproved by Congress, within a limited time, after their passage, shall be of no force and effect. These, however, are objects which may be embraced in any bill which the wisdom of the legislature may see fit to pass upon the subject. They will be proper subjects of consideration, after the determination of the principal question, the extension of self-government to the people of Louisiana. Your committee therefore submit the following resolution:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made, by law, for extending to the inhabitants of Louisiana the right of self-government.
YAZOO CLAIMS.
CERTAIN PRINCIPLES AND OBSERVATIONS.
On the late rescinding act of the state of Georgia, in 1796, and the convention thereunder had - submitted for consideration.
1st. WHEN the people of a representative government assemble in convention, is it not a reservation of all their natural rights? and do not all the powers of constituted government, and every delegated authority return into their hands? are not legislative acts, then in operation, annulled, and no more? and in the constitution of the new form of government, must they not provide especially for the continuation, and further operation of the legislative acts existing before such convention? The fourteenth section of the fourth article of the constitution of Georgia, and other constitutions of other states, will show the caution, and care with which this principle is attended to.
2d. Is not the late constitution of Georgia, excluding the act of 1795, with an express adoption, and recognition of the rescinding act of 1796 a complete, and constitutional abrogation of the law of 1795?
3d. Is there not a material difference between a legislative repeal of a law, by merely causing its future operation to cease, leaving its past to remain; and a total abrogation, striking at its cause, and origin, and rendering it void ab initio, from motives of urgent policy?
4th. Is not the voice of a nation, or state, in convention, in regard to the facts, and motives of any conventional act, averred by them, of the highest evidence? and can such averment be traversed or denied any where?
5th. It is submitted if any purchasers under any grants of a legislature, who covenant with such grantees to hold their purchase, "in the place, manner, and stead" of such grantees (as appears the New England purchasers did in a late pamphlet, page 54) can claim otherwise than as such grantees could.
6th. Can the original grantees of any legislature, who partake in any act with such body, as may vitiate the grant, take advantage of their own wrong? and are not their sub-purchasers expressly covenanting with them "to hold in their place, manner, and stead" a complete substitution? and are they not subject to all the disadvantages, and disqualifications of any such act that may vitiate the first purchase, and the very covenant flews an idea of risk?
7th. It is submitted that the law of 1795 cannot be partially rescinded; it must bind all alike if at all, both grantees and grantees; but by the rescinding act and the constitution of Georgia, it cannot bind the grantees; it therefore cannot operate as a law between grantees and grantees.
8th. From the last position the question will naturally arise, was the power which abrogated the law of 1795, competent to it?
9th. Suppose the legislature of a representative government, was to sell the country and people to foreigners, could not a convention abrogate this act? On what principles is our independence supported?
10th. Can a constitution made by the people, be deemed an ex post facto act of legislation? Can the federal constitution be construed to abridge the natural conventional rights of any state? Are they not secured as the residuum of their rights and the derisive feguard of federal union?
11th. Was not the right of individuals to sue a state, given by the federal constitution, and not by a legislative act? - and was not that constitution altered, and such right taken away, and a number of such suits (on contract too) which had been long depending and in progress when such alteration of the constitution took place, destroyed and discontinued? and was not such determination on the alteration of the constitution made by a full bench of the supreme court at Philadelphia, in August 1797, by which all such suits were abolished? where is the essential difference in principle, between this federal act or exercise of the rescinding power, and that of the state of Georgia? if any, is it not in favour of Georgia? - the federal constitution ex post facto took away a constitutional right abrogated it; but it was a legislative act only which was abrogated in Georgia, and by constitutional authority, by the convention of the people.
12th. How far these are reconcilable to the principles laid down in a late publication, I leave others to determine.
13th. The author of this, sincerely wishes ample compensation to every innocent and just purchaser, nor will he attempt any discrimination here who are and who are not; he submits the foregoing to the better judgment of others, concluding with a remark on a good old Spanish proverb, "that no wise man or prudent man, will throw stones at his neighbor's house or strong hold when he knows his own is made of glass."
LANDS FOR SALE.
In the Genesee Country, State of New York.
THE Subcriber having charge of part of the Valuable LANDS in the Genesee country, lately under the agency of Charles Williamson, esq. now offers them for sale on moderate terms either to actual settlers, or to those who declining to settle on the lands themselves, are desirous of investing their monies for the future benefit of their families. The titles of these lands are indisputable.
For terms apply to Mr. John Hesson, at the proprietor's land office at Geneva, in the county of Ontario, in the state of New York, or to Mr. Saml. S. Haight at Bath, in the county of Steubens; or to Mr. Frederick Fanning, at Preston, in the state of Connecticut - or to
ROBERT TROUP. New York, June 5, 1804. eW6m
DOCTOR WILSON received yesterday a supply of Peruvian Bark, Castor Oil and Talap, all of the best quality. He also has Calomel, Rhubarb, Senna, Manna, Rochelle and Glauber Salts, Tartar Emetic, Ipecacuanha, Opium, Elastic and Silver Carburets, Elastic and common Bougies, &c. &c. He designs to keep a supply of the best Medicines that can be procured, and flatters himself that his acquaintance with Medicine, will entitle him to a share of public patronage. Persons of needy circumstances by paying the retail prices of his Medicines, will be preferred for gratis. October 31. eWtf
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subcriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Court-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with first fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. October 3. if
FOR SALE. FIVE Hhds. and 10 qr. casks of LONDON PARTICULAR TENERIFFE WINE of a superior quality, on a credit of 120 days - Notable notes. Enquire of THOMAS NORVELL. December 29. (td)
JOHN SPINDLER. RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, that he intends to teach DRAWING, PAINTING in Oil Colours and Crayons, and would instruct 6 or 8 pupils in those branches, either by visiting on them, or at his house, opposite Thomas Wilson's Eft. back street. N.B. Sien, House, and Military Colours painted by J. S. Orders from the country punctually attended to. [etam.]
NOTICE. THOSE indebted to the late firm of Shanks & McRae, either by Bond or open account, are desired to make payment before 1st of March. All failing to comply, will find their accounts in the hands of an attorney. COLIN MACRAE. March 1st, January 15. (2wv.)
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality. FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [epf.]
FOR RENT: THE Large White House at Rockets, formerly occupied by Mr. William Fenwick, and afterwards by Mr. Braxton Craddock. For terms, apply to GALLEGO, RICHARD & CO. January 11. (if)
A GREAT BARGAIN TO BE SOLD IN A TRACT OF LAND, LYING in the lower end of Louisa county, on the Main-Read leading from Louisa Court-house to Richmond; containing by a late survey, 383 acres. The land lies well, and is not inferior to any in the neighborhood for the production of Corn, Wheat, Rye, or Tobacco, and is a fine healthy situation, has a tolerable comfortable dwelling-house, a large barn, and a small orchard of apple and pear trees on it, which has never been known to fail bearing fruit, no year since the trees have been large enough to bear; it is a good stand for a public house or store; I am willing to take negroes in payment, and if myself and the purchaser cannot agree in the price of the property, I am willing to refer it to disinterested men, & will abide by their judgement. An undisputed title and possession will be immediately given by the subscriber, who resides at James Burnley's Inn, at this time. JOHN BURNLEY. January 18.
I listened to sell publicly at Hanover Court-House, on Wednesday the 27th of February next, on 12 months credit, the estate of Paul Thilman dec'd.
SIX NEGROES, to wit, one Man, 4 Women, one small Boy and a Child, in order to discharge the balance of a debt due to Anthony Walker's exors. Six per centum interest from the day of sale, and security will be required. BENJAMIN POLLARD, Trustee of PAUL THILMAN, dec'd. January 22. (4t.)
FOR SALE, BY WILLIAM ROSS, AT THE EAGLE TAVERN: EIGHTY-four yards Wancy, Tolonet, Cassimere and Swanflown Felting, 2 cafes Britannia, 1 bale Ticklenburgs, 8 cafes and trunks Chintzes and Calicoes, 1 cafe Cotton Shawls and Pocket Handks. 1 do. India Satins, assorted colours, 1 bale Gurrah Mullins, 2 do. Bafta do. 3 do. Coffa do. 1 do. Jaannah Mamoody do. 1 do. do. Samrah do. 60 boxes Spanish Segars, 20 do. containing sets of Tea China, 61 pieces each, 5 do. assorted ditto, 80 ream Medium Vellum Printing Paper, 6 do. Foolscap Writing ditto. Also, 5 boxes Glass Tumblers and Decanters. N.B. Crop Tobacco, Flour, or Flax-Seed, will be taken in payment as cash. January 11. (lawtf)
TO PRINTERS.
HENRY OURAM - PRESS-MAKER, South-east corner of Prune and Sixth-streets: RESPECTFULLY informs the trade, that he undertakes to supply Printing-Offices with every thing in his line, having a complete Printer's Fointer, constantly employed in making the wood part of Presses, Furniture, Rules, &c. &c. Clarks of all sizes, Composing Sticks, Brass & Wood Galleys, &c. &c. constantly on hand, or made to order with dispatch and neatness. Orders from any part of the Continent attended to. Philad. Jan. 5. ep3m.
IRISH Linens and Sheetings; Superfine Cloths and Cassimere; India, Italian and French Silks; Do. Mull Mull Mullins; Do. do. do. Hdkfs; Fancy Mullin, Vell and Shirrets; Calicoes Mullins; Cambric Dimities & Gausies; Laced Caps and Veils; Do. Hdkfs and Shirrets; Do. Gloves and Mitts; Wash Leather and Kid Gloves. For Sale by BARTLETT STILL. January 18. if
TO RENT.
AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY.
A TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house now occupied by Mr. John M'Credie, lately possessed by the Subscriber. There is on it a convenient Wooden House with two rooms, a closet and a passage, on the first floor. Two rooms and a closet above, a kitchen and three cellars below with a Smoke House and Garden. Also a Wooden House with two rooms, fire place, kitchen and cellar, on the Tenement whereon I now live, lately occupied by Mr. Samuel Greenhow, on the lot formerly belonging to Mr. Benjamin Moffay. W.M. LONG. January, 17th 1805. epf.
WANTED.
A MAN without a family, well qualified to teach correctly the English and Latin languages. Such an one who will come well recommended, will meet with liberal encouragement, in a private family. Enquire of the editor of the Enquirer. January 18. (law 3w.)
CASH
WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 15. [epf.]
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN TO THE DEBTORS OF
ROSS & FORD.
THAT in compliance with my duty as assignee, I shall commence suits indiscriminately against all those who do not come forward and give assurances when payment may be expected. December 22. (if) NEIL M'COULL.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS GIVEN, THAT the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, will at their next Monthly Meeting, to be held at the Court-house on the 3rd Monday in February next, proceed to recommend to the Court of Judgments of said city, one fit and proper person to be appointed a CONSTABLE, within the same, in the room of Jos. Childers, resigned. AND: STEVENSON, C. C. C. Jan. 29. defa.
TO BE SOLD.
For ready money, pursuant to a decree of the Federal Circuit Court, for the district of Virginia in suit between Paineas Bond, Attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards Plaintiff, and David Ross and others defendants - TWO undivided parts, out of three, of forty-two acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, upon Four-Mile Creek, with the Mills and Houses thereon, known by the name of the Norwich Mills. ALSO - a Tract of Parcel of LAND, situate in the county of Henrico, about seven miles below the City of Richmond, commonly called and known by the name of the Seven Pines, thought to contain one thousand acres, but Mr. Ross undertakes, that an accurate survey and plot shall be produced on the day of sale. The Sale will positively take place at the Eagle Tavern in the City of Richmond on Thursday the 21st day of February next. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. (ids) Jan. 8.
At the same time and place, I will dispose of the other undivided third part of the said Norwich Mills and will also dispose of a valuable tract of LAND adjoining thereto, which contains about five hundred acres, with various improvements - The whole is a valuable estate. Mr. Hooten will show the Mills and the land and the land. The terms of payment for the said land and the other third part of the Mills will be half ready money, and twelve months credit for the other half. DAVID ROSE.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A - the length of the foot - B - round the ball - C - the pitch of dirt - D - round the heel and instep - E - round the instep - G - across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe - set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. June 30. epdm.
HUGH J. CRAWFORD, HAS Just Received, per the ship Alexander from London: A general Assortment of Genuine DRUGS & MEDICINES, which he will dispose of on moderate terms. Richmond, Dec. 25. (law9m.)
CHOICE LANDS - FOR SALE.
A DIVISION of the famous Saura Town Lands having taken place between the heirs of James Park Farley, Esq. dec'd. and Col. John S. Farley and his sister Mrs. Elizabeth Morton, the subscribers, Robert Taylor of Norfolk, and Charles Duncan at Ross lin, near Petersburg, are fully empowered by the said Col. Farley and Mrs. Morton, to dispose of their proportion, containing 12,332 acres, which are surveyed and laid off in eight lots, containing from 500 to 2800 acres, agreeable to plots in the possession of the said Duncan. The four largest lots are of excellent quality, each containing a considerable proportion of the richest low grounds, which produce tobacco of the very first quality, as has been experienced by one of the subscribers, who shipped it for a number of years. Those lands lie on Dan and Smith's rivers, in Rockingham county, on the borders of North Carolina, about 170 miles from Petersburg and Richmond. As there are seldom such lands for sale, they must be an object to those who want to purchase such as will produce fine tobacco, hemp and frugal grain. One third of the price must be paid in ready money, one third in twelve months, and the other third in two years, the purchaser giving bond with unexceptionable security bearing interest from the date if not paid punctually. Those who wish to purchase will be shown the lands by Doctor John C. Cox, living at Leekville, near Rockingham Court-House, and the terms made known by ROBERT TAYLOR, or CHARLES DUNCAN. epf. Petersburg, Nov. 24.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the late firm of BUCHANAN, DUNLOP & CO. of Petersburg, ROBERT POLLOK & CO. of Richmond, and DUNLOP, POLLOK & CO. of Manchester, are hereby notified, that James Dunlop, late a partner in the above concerns, has become purchaser of the outstanding debts - they will therefore be pleased to make payment to Mr. John Tompkins residing in Richmond, or the subscriber residing in Petersburg, who alone are authorized to make collections and grant discharges. Suits will be indiscriminately commenced against all who do not make payment before the first of February next. JOHN DUNLOP, Attorney for JAMES DUNLOP. Petersburg, Nov. 15, 1804. epf.
J. TOMPKINS
RESPECTFULLY informs those concerned, that he has removed the books and papers of the late concern of Robert Pollok & Co. and Dunlop, Pollok & Co. to a new Brick House near the Basin, and directly opposite to the Scale-House. Where he has for sale, a few pipes of OLD COGNAC BRANDY, of superior quality. December 11.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of the late Mr. JOHN LESTER deceased, are requested to make payment to Mr. Sylvester Hevey, who is authorized to receive the same; and all those who have any demands against the said estate are desired to call on him for payment. SARAH LESTER, Executrix. JOHN FOSTER, Executor. Richmond, 22d January, 1805.
THE public are respectfully informed, that the business of the Wharves, lumber, &c. will be carried on as usual, by their ob't. servant, SARAH LESTER.
WHO HAS ON HAND FOR SALE,
New-England Boards, 4 inch, 4 and 1 inch Pitch Pine Boards & Scantling, Cypress Shingles, Cedar posts, Providence Lime unslacked, Double Geered Baltimore Wheat Fans, Wire Sifters for Meal, Oats, Wheat and Flaxseed, Rowling Screen Wire, Screen Wire for Fans, Shakes for Meal, Bright and Black Varnish, &c. &c. January 22d. (ep sw.)
ENOCH SULLIVAN, JEWELLER & HAIR-WORKER, (Eff door below the Eagle Tavern.) BEGS leave to inform the public that he has for Sale, a REMARKABLE ASSORTMENT OF JEWELRY & SILVERWARE; Also, A HANDSOME SET OF LADIES ELEGANT COMBS, POCKET BOOKS, &c. Dec. 8. ep ff.
Agreeable to a Decree of the County Court of King and Queen, WILL BE SOLD, at the Court-House, on Monday the 11th February next, it being Court day: SEVEN LIKELY NEGROES, belonging to the estate of Thomas G. Rowe, dec'd. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser for the said Negroes, giving bond with approved security, to the COMMISSIONERS. January 25. sw
VALUABLE LAND - FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from William Moffe dec'd. in order to secure and pay the following debts, viz. the sum of £500. 3s. in specie assigned by Nathaniel Moffe to Archd. Byre, Jr. for the purposes mentioned in the said assignment, and the sum of £188. 7s. 10d. due to Archd. Byre with interest thereon from the 15th day of December 1802, at 6 per cent per annum till paid, Will be sold, at the late residence of William Moffe on Friday the 18th day of March next, for ready money. All that TRACT OF LAND, in Goochland county, (whereon Mrs. Francis Moffe now lives) containing by a late survey 903 acres, lying and being on the waters of the Little Byrd Creek, and bounded by the lands of Capt. John Matthews and others. Mr. David Ross, Mr. John Matthews and others, This land is of the first rate quality of high land, pleasantly situated, within 5 or 6 miles (good road) of the town of Goochland, and from 7 to 8 miles of Lewis's mill, on the Byrd Creek. JOHN FORBES, trustee. January 25.
FOR SALE.
At Louisa Court-House, on the 19th day of February next:
THIRTY-SEVEN VALUABLE SLAVES, belonging to the estate of Christopher Smith, dec'd. consisting of Men, Women and Children - It is believed they are as likely a parcel of slaves as was ever offered for sale in the state. Bonds with approved security, leaving interest from the date, payable the 10th of February next, will be expected from the purchasers: the interest will be remitted if the principal is punctually paid. CHARLES SMITH, Adm'r Exor of CHRISTOPHER SMITH, dec'd. Louisa, 18th Jan. 1805. 10f
RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the drawing of the said lottery will commence on this day, and be continued on Tuesdays and Saturdays, by drawing from fifty to five hundred numbers, until the whole is completed.
All tickets not held and delivered before this day, will be considered as held on account of the Trustees of the academy; and the agents for selling them are earnestly requested to remit either the money for the tickets committed to their disposal to the commissioners from whom they were received. Those who have purchased tickets on a credit, will be pleased to reckon from this day.
If the days of drawing, and the number to be drawn, shall be increased, public notice will be given of the same.
The prizes to be paid in sixty days after the drawing is completed. It is hoped that the tickets remaining in the hands of the commissioners, will be readily bought by those who are well versed in the proposed academy, or who wish to see in the neighborhood of this city, the beginning of a great National University. The committee appointed for that purpose here already purchased about 12 acres of ground a little more than a mile from town, in an eligible situation; and the necessary buildings will be begun in the ensuing spring.
On behalf of the trustees, Robert Mitchell, Robert Pollard, Alex. Stuart, Wm. Price, C. Tucker, Appointed to superintend the drawing. Richmond, January 8, 1805.
WASHINGTON TAVERN.
THE subscriber has taken a lease of this tenement for a number of years, and has put it in a state of repair which renders it superior to any in this City. Besides the Tavern he has a Billiard Room, well calculated to accommodate those who wish to enjoy the privilege of a tavern, usually offered in the best taverns in the public figure, and are otherwise hundred yards of the Capitol. They have double bedrooms over any other house in this City, will respond in price and excellent quarters. He has room stables and a constant supply of the best forage. He tends his horses to brigades and the public, and offers them, at no unwholesome price, any other stable which might, in any degree, have a tendency to disturb the peace of his house, will ever be permitted. EDWARD HALLAM. Richmond, September 26.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
JACK, or JACK ASH, a gardner by profession, formerly the property of Lewis Burwell, dec'd. was sold by the Exor. of said Burwell, about this time last year, to a gentleman residing in Amherst county, who permitted him to come down last May, for the purpose of visiting his wife and relations, with a promise that his visits should be repeated frequently. Jack has thought proper to abuse this indulgence by not returning to his master. His age is something above fifty, rather under the middle size. His hair is grey, he bears himself in Chesterfield, probably Manchester, where his wife's friends live. The keeper of the toll bridge or the ferryman will have frequent opportunities of stopping him when on visits to his wife, who is free, and who resides opposite Mr. Sentell's garden. Whoever will deliver the said Jack to Mr. Rose the jailor will receive the above reward on application at the office of the Enquirer. Jan. 8, 1805. t