Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-22 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1603.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
  Tobacco, $ 4 50 CASH   Wheat, new, 0 83 do.   Flour, superfine, new, 5 00 do.   Flour, fine, 4 50 do.   Corn, 2 50 do.   Hemp, clean, (per ton) 230 00 do.   Iron, 110 00 do.   Bacon, 11 do.   Whiskey, 42 do. 
DOCUMENTS
Accompanying the President's Message of the 5th November, 1808.
Continued.
From the Secretary of State to Mr. Erskine.
Department of State, March 25, 1808.
This is the language of common sense and the clearest equity. As the right to retaliate results merely from the wrong suffered, it cannot in the nature of things extend beyond the extent of the suffering. There may often be a difficulty in applying this rule with exactness, and a reasonable latitude may be allowable on that consideration. But manifest and extravagant departure from the rule can find no apology.
What then is the extent of the injury experienced by G. Britain from the measures of her enemies so far as the operation of those measures throughout the U. S. can render them in any sense responsible?
A mere declaration by a belligerent, without the intention or the means to carry it into effect, against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation, and thence against the interests of another belligerent, could afford no pretext to the latter to retaliate at the expense of the neutral. The declaration might give just offence to the neutral, but it would belong to him alone to decide on the course prescribed by the respect he owed to himself. No real damage having accrued to the belligerent, no indemnity could accrue.
For the same reason, a declaration of a belligerent, which he is known to be either not in a situation or not to intend, to carry out partially into execution against a neutral, to the injury of another belligerent, could never give more than a right to a commensurate redress against the neutral. All remaining unexecuted and evidently not to be executed, is merely ostensible, working no injury to any, unless it be in the disrespect to the neutral, to whom alone it belongs to resent or disregard it.
Being the case before us to this plain and equitable test. The French decree of November, 1806, undertook to declare the British islands in a state of blockade to be enforced, if you please, against the neutral commerce of the U. S. on the high seas, according to the faculty possessed for the purpose. As far as it was actually enforced, or an effect resulted from an apprehension that it could and would be enforced, it was an injury to G. Britain, for which let it be supposed the U. S. were answerable. On the other hand, as far as it was not enforced, and evidently either would not or could not be enforced, no injury was experienced by G. Britain and no remedy could lie against the U. S. Now, sir, it never was pretended that at the date of the first British order issued in January, 1807, any injury had accrued to, or was apprehended by Great Britain from an execution of the French decree against the commerce of the U. S. on the theatre of their neutral rights. So far from it that the order stands self condemned as a measure of retaliation, by express stating that the fleets of France and her allies, instead of being able to enforce the blockade of the British isles, were themselves confined to their own ports by the entire superiority of the British navy; converting thus, by the strangest of reasonings, the security of G. Britain against injury from the French decree, into a title to commit injury on a neutral party. In the November orders also, while it is admitted that the French decree could not but be imperfectly executed for want of means, it is asserted that the intention of the French decree, and not the injury accruing from its operation through the commerce of the U. S. is the scale by which the retaliating injury against them is to be measured.
Such are the pretexts and such the principles on which one great branch of the lawful commerce of this country became a victim to the first British order, and on which the last orders are now sweeping from the ocean all its most valuable remains.
Against such an unprecedented system of warfare on neutral rights and national independence, the common judgment and common feelings of mankind must forever protest.
I touch, sir, with reluctance the question on which of the belligerent sides the invasion of neutral rights had its origin. As the U. S. do not acquiesce in these invasions by either, there could be no plea for involving them in the controversy. But as the British orders have made the decree of France, declaring, contrary to the law of nations, the British islands in a state of blockade, the immediate foundation of their destructive warfare on our commerce, it belongs to the subject to remind your government of the illegal interruptions and spoliations suffered, previous to that decree, by the neutral commerce of the U. S. under the proceedings of British cruisers and courts, and for the most part in consequence of express orders of the government itself. Omitting proof of inferior note, I refer to the extensive aggressions on the trade of the U. S. founded on the plea of blockades, never legally established according to recognized definitions: to the still more extensive violations of our commerce with ports of her
enemies, not pretended to be in a state of blockade; and to the British order of council issued near the commencement of the existing war. This order, besides its general interpolation against the established law of nations, is distinguished by a special ingredient violating that law as recognized by the course of decisions in the British courts. It subjects to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, returning with lawful cargoes, on the sole consideration, that they had in their outward voyage, deposited contraband of war at a hostile port. If the commerce of the U. S. could therefore in any case be reasonably made the victim and the sport of mutual charges and reproaches between belligerent parties, with respect to the propriety of their aggressions on neutral commerce, G. Britain must look beyond the epoch she has chosen for illegal acts of her adversary, in support of the allegation on which she founds her retaliating edicts against our commerce.
But the United States are given to understand that the British government has, as a proof of its indulgent and amicable disposition towards them, mitigated the authorised rigor it might have given to its measures, by certain exceptions peculiarly favorable to the commercial interests of the United States.
I forbear, sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language, on such an occasion, is calculated to inspire a nation which cannot for a moment be unconscious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of wrongs, regulations, to admit the validity of which would be to assume badges of humiliation never worn by an independent power.
The first of these indulgences is a commercial intercourse with the dependencies of the enemies of Great Britain and it is considered as enhanced by its being a deviation in favor of the United States from the ancient and established principle of maritime law prohibiting altogether such an intercourse in time of war.
Surely, sir, your government in assuming this principle in such terms in relation to the United States, must have forgotten their repeated and formal protests against it, as these are to be found in the discussions and communications of their minister at London, as well as in explanations occasionally made on that subject to the British representative here. But permit me to ask, more particularly, how it could have happened that the principle is characterised as an ancient and established one. I put the question the more freely, because it has never been denied that the principle, as asserted by your government, was for the first time introduced during the war of 1756. It is in fact invariably cited & described in all judicial and other official transactions "as the rule of 1756." It can have no pretension therefore to the title of an ancient rule.
And instead of being an established rule or principle, it is well known that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it. Nay, it is not even an established principle in the practice of Great Britain herself. When first applied in the war of 1756, the legality of a neutral trade with enemy's colonies was not contested by it. In certain cases only of the colonial trade, the allegation was, that the presumptive evidence arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership justified the condemnation as of enemy's property. If the rule of condemnation was afterwards, during that war, converted into the principle now asserted, it could not possibly have been in operation in its new shape, more than a very few years.—During the succeeding war of 1778, it is admitted by every British authority that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded, in fact, as having been silently abandoned; and within the period of war since its commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, rested now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British orders of council and the British courts of admiralty.
When the exception, therefore, of a period, the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the United States, more interested in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation, the principle has not in the
British tribunals been in operation for a longer term than three, four or five years, whilst in no others has it ever made its appearance but to receive a decision protesting against it.
Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle, the deviations from which are held out as so many favors consoling the United States for the wide spread destruction of their legitimate commerce.
What must be said as to the other exceptions, which seem to have been viewed as claims on the gratitude of the United States? Is it an indulgence to them in carrying on their trade with the whole continent of Europe, to be laid under the necessity of going first to a British port, to accept a British licence and to pay a tribute to the British exchequer, as if we had been reduced to the colonial situation which once imposed these monopolizing restraints?
What again must be said as to other features which we see blended on the face of these regulations? If the policy of them be to subject an enemy to privations which are channels opened for a British trade with them which are shut to a neutral trade? If in other cases the real object be to admit a neutral trade with the enemy, why is it required that neutral vessels shall perform the ceremony of passing through a British port, when it can have no imaginable effect but the known and inevitable one of prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port of destination?
I will not ask why a primary article of our productions and exports, cotton wool, is it to be distinguished, in its transit, by a heavy impost not imposed on other articles, because it is frankly avowed, in your explanation of the orders, to be intended as an encouragement to British manufactures, and a check to the rival ones of France! I suppress also, though without the same reason for it, the enquiry, why less rigorous restrictions are applied to the trade of the Barbary powers than are enforced against that of a nation, such as the U. S. and in relations such as have existed between them and Great Britain?
It cannot however pass without notice the very unwarrantable innovation contained in the two last of the orders. In one of them a certificate of the local origin of a cargo, although permitted in the port of destination, by regulations purely domestic in both, and strictly analogous in principle to the regulations in the commercial code of Great Britain, is made a cause of capture on the high seas, and of condemnation in her maritime courts. In the other, the sale of a merchant ship by a belligerent owner to a neutral, although a transaction as legal when fair, as a dealing in any other article, is condemned by a general rule, without an atom of proof or of presumption, that the transfer in the particular case is fraudulent and the property therefore left in an enemy.
In fine, sir, the President sees in the edicts communicated by your facts assumed, which did no exist, principles asserted which never can be admitted; and, under the name of retaliation, measures transcending the limits reconcilable with the facts and the principles if both were as correct as they are unfounded. He sees moreover in the modifications of this system, regulations violating equally our neutral rights and our neutral sovereignty. He persuades himself therefore that your government will see in the justice of the observations now made in addition to those I had the honor verbally to state to you in the first instance, that the U. S. are well warranted in looking for a speedy revocation of a system which is every day augmenting the mass of injury for which the U. S. have the best of claims to redress.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. JAMES MADISON. The hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
MR. MADISON'S LETTER TO GEN. ARMSTRONG. Mr. Madison Secretary of State to General Armstrong Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris. (Extract.)
Department of State, May 22, 1807. "The two last letters received from you were of December 24, and January 16.
"The decree of November 21, communicated in the first, had previously reached us, and had excited apprehensions which were repressed
only by the inarticulate import of its articles, and the presumption that it would be executed in a sense not inconsistent with the respect due the treaty between France and the U. S. The explanations given you by the minister of marine, were seen by the President with much pleasure, and it only remains to learn that they have been confirmed by the express authority of the emperor. We are the more anxious for this information, as it will fortify the remonstrances which have been presented at London, against the British order of January 7th. Should it, contrary to expectation, turn out that the French decree was meant, and is to operate, according to the latitude of its terms, you will of course have made the proper representations, grounded as well on the principles of public law, as on the express stipulations of the convention of 1800. Nothing, besides, could be more preposterous than to blend with an appeal to neutral rights and neutral nations, a gross infraction of the former, and outrage on the sentiments of the latter; unless it be to unite a species of contest on the high seas, in which the adversary has every possible advantage. But on the more probable supposition, that the decree will not be unfavorably expounded, it will be still necessary to press on the French government a dispatch of such orders to their cruisers in every quarter, as will prevent a construction of the decree favorable to their licentious cupidity. The moment your letter was received, the answer of the French minister of marine to your note was communicated to Gen. Turreau, with a call on him to transmit it immediately to the French governors in the West Indies. This he readily engaged to do. But notwithstanding this precaution, there are proofs that the West India privateers have, under color of the edict, committed depredations, which will constitute just claims of redress from their government.
"Mr. Erving has forwarded a Spanish decree also, avowedly pursuing the example and the views of the French emperor. The terms of this decree are even more vague, or rather more broad, than those of the prototype; and, if not speedily recalled or corrected, will doubtless extend the scene of spoliations already begun in that quarter; and of course, thicken the cloud that hangs over the amity of the two nations."
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Madison to Gen. Armstrong. Department of State, February 8th. 1808.
"Your letters and communications by Dr. Bullus were duly delivered on the 14th day of December. The same conveyance brought a copy of the sentence pronounced by the French prize court in the case of the Horizon, giving a judicial effect to the decree of Nov. 21st, 1806, as expounded in the answer of Mr. Champagny to your letter of the 12th November, 1807.
Whilst the French government did not avow or enforce a meaning of the decree of Nov. 1806, in relation to the United States, extending its purview beyond the municipal limits it could not in strictness be regarded as an infraction either of our neutral or conventional rights; and consequently did not authorise more than a demand of seasonable explanations of its doubtful import, or friendly expostulations with respect to the rigor and suddenness of its innovations.
The case is now essentially changed. A construction of the decree is avowed and executed, which violates as well the positive stipulations of the convention of Sept. 30th, 1800, as the incontestible principles of public law: and the President charges you to superadd to whatever representations you may have previously made, a formal remonstrance in such terms as may be best calculated either to obtain a recall of the illegal measures, so far as it relates to the U. S. or to have the effect of leaving in full force all the rights accruing to them from a failure to do so.
That the execution of local laws against foreign nations on the high seas, is a violation of the rights of the former, and the freedom of the latter, will probably not be questioned. A
contrary principle would in fact imply the same exclusive dominion over the entire ocean, as is enjoyed within the limits of the local sovereignty, and a degradation of every other nation from its common rights and equal rank.
If it be contended that the decree, as a retaliation on the other belligerent, at the expense of neutral nations, is justified by a culpable acquiescence in the prior measures of that belligerent, operating through neutrals, you will be able to deny such acquiescence, and to urge moreover that, on every supposition, the retaliating measure could not be justly inflicted, in relation to neutrals, without allowing them at least a reasonable time for chusing between due measures against the prior wrong, and an acquiescence in both. The copy of the representations to the British government, through its minister here, on the subject of its orders of January 1807, will at once disprove an acquiescence on the part of the U. S. and explain the grounds on which the late extension of the French decree of November, 1806, is an object of just remonstrance.
The conduct of the French government, in giving this extended operation to its decree, and indeed in issuing one with such an apparent or doubtful import against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that element exhibited the measure in the light of an empty menace, at the same time that it afforded pretexts to her enemy for severe retaliations, for which ample means are found in her naval superiority.
The accumulated dangers, to which the illegal proceedings of the belligerent nations have subjected the commerce and navigation of the United States, have at length induced congress to resort to an embargo on our own vessels, as a measure best fitted for the crisis, being an effectual security for our mercantile property and mariners, now at home and daily arriving, and, at the same time, neither a measure, nor just cause of war. Copies of this act were, soon after its passage, transmitted to Mr. Pinkney, with an authority to assure the British government that it was to be viewed in this light, and that it was not meant to be the slightest impediment to amicable negotiations with foreign governments. He was requested to avail himself of an opportunity of communicating to you and Mr. Erving this view of the subject, and I hope that you will have been thence enabled to present it to the French government. Not relying however on that indirect opportunity, I send by this another copy of the act, with an instruction from the president, that you make it the subject of such explanations as will guard against any misconception of the policy which led to it. It is strictly a measure of precaution, required by the dangers incident to external commerce, and being indiscriminate in its terms and operation towards all nations, can give no just offence to any. The duration of the act is not fixed by itself; and will consequently depend on a continuance or cessation of its causes, in a degree sufficient in the judgment of the legislature, to induce or forbid its repeal. It may be hoped that the inconveniences felt from it by the belligerent nations may lead to a charge of the conduct which imposed the inconveniences of it on ourselves. France herself will be a sufferer, and some of her allies far more so. It will be very agreeable to find in that consideration, and still more in her sense of justice, a sufficient motive to an early manifestation of the respect due to our commercial rights. The example would be worthy of the professions which she makes to the world on this subject."
"February 18. Since the above was written, I have been under a degree of indisposition which has suspended the proposed continuation of it, and which now will oblige me to be very brief; the more so, as the vessel has been some days detained, which was engaged for the special purpose of conveying public dispatches and private letters to Europe.
The delay has enabled me to inform you that Mr. Erskine, a few days ago, communicated, by instructions from his government, its late decrees of November 11, and those forming a sequel to them.—The communication was accompanied with assurances, that much regret was felt by his Britannic majesty at the necessity which the conduct of his enemy had created for measures so embarrassing to neutral commerce; and that his majesty would readily follow an example of relinquishing such a course, or even of making relaxations partim with his enemy.
In remonstrating against the injustice and illegality of the French decree, I am aware that you may be reminded of antecedent injuries to France and her allies, through British violations of neutral commerce. The fact cannot be denied, and may be urged with great force, in our remonstrances against the orders to which Great Britain has given a retaliating character; since the French decree might, on the same ground, be pronounced a retaliation on the preceding conduct of Great Britain. But ought the legitimate commerce of neutrals to be thus the victim and the sport of bel-

ferents, contesting with each other the propriety of their destructive innovations; and without leaving, either of them, to neutrals even the opportunity or the time of disproving that culpable acquiescence, which is made the pretext both for the wrongs done to them? And I must repeat, that, apart from all questions of this nature, the French decree, or at least the illegal extensions of it to the U. States, remain chargeable with all the impolicy which has been pointed out.
I find, by accounts from Hamburg, Bremen, Holland and Leghorn, that the trade and property of our citizens have been much vexed by regulations subaltern to those of the original decree of November 21, 1806. How far the complaints are founded on proceedings violating our public rights, or on such as are unfriendly and inequitable towards our citizens, who have placed their property within those jurisdictions, you will be able to decide better than we can do at this distance; and the President refers to your own judgment, the kind of representation to the French government, which those and other analogous cases may require."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Madison to Gen. Armstrong.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE. May 2d, 1808. "Since my last, of which Lieut. Lewis was the bearer, I have received your several letters of 27th December, 22d January, 15th and 17th February, with their respective inclosures."
"That of the 15th January, from Mr. Champagny to you, has, as you will see by the papers herewith sent, produced all the sensations here, which the spirit and style of it were calculated to excite in minds alive to the interests and honor of the nation. To present to the United States the alternative of bending to the views of France against her enemy, or of incurring a confiscation of all the property of their citizens carried into the French prize courts, implied that they were susceptible of impressions by which no independent and honorable nation can be guided; and to prejudice and pronounce for them the effect which the conduct of another nation ought to have on their councils and course of proceeding, had the air at least of an assumed authority, not less irritating to the public feelings. In these lights, the President makes it your duty to present to the French government the contents of Mr. Champagny's letter, taking care, as your discretion will doubtless suggest, that whilst you make that government sensible of the offensive tone employed, you leave the way open for friendly and respectful explanations, if there be a disposition to offer them, and for a decision here on any reply which may be of a different character."
"Congress closed their session on the 25th ultimo. For a general view of their proceedings, I refer to the series of newspapers heretofore, and now forwarded, and to other prints which are added. Among their acts of chief importance is that which vests in the President an authority to suspend in whole or in part the embargo laws."
"The conditions on which the suspending authority is to be exercised will engage your particular attention. They appeal equally to the justice and the policy of the two great belligerent powers now emulating each other in violations of both. The President counts on your best endeavors to give to this appeal all the effect possible with the French government. Mr. Pinkney will be doing the same with that of Great Britain. The relation in which a recall of its retaliating decrees by either power, will be doing the same with that of Great Britain. The relation in which a recall of its retaliating decrees, by either power, will place the U. S. to the other, is obvious, and ought to be a motive to the measure, proportioned to the desire which has been manifested by each, to produce collisions between the U. S. and its adversary, and which must be equally felt by each to avoid one with itself."
"Should wiser councils or increasing distress induce Great Britain to revoke her impolitic orders against neutral commerce, and thereby prepare the way for a removal of the embargo, as it applies to her, France could not persist in the illegal part of her decrees, if she does not mean to force a contest with the U. S. On the other hand, should she set the example of revocation, Great Britain would be obliged, either by following it, to restore to France the full benefit of neutral trade, which she needs; or by persevering in her obnoxious orders, after the pretext for them had ceased, to render collisions with the United States inevitable."
"In every point of view, therefore, it is so clearly the sound policy of France to rescind so much at least of her decrees as trespass on neutral rights, and particularly to be the first in taking the retrograde step, that it cannot be unreasonable to expect that it will be immediately taken."
"In whatever degree the French government may be led to change its system, you will lose no time in transmitting the information to this department, and to Mr. Pinkney; and by hired conveyance, if necessary. A correspondent instruction is given to Mr. Pinkney."
"It is of the greatest importance, that you should receive from each other the earliest notice of any relaxations, as each government is under a pledge to follow such an example by the other. And it is not of less importance that the President or Congress should be acquainted with the facts, that the proceedings here may be accommodated to them."
"That you may know the grounds on which the British orders of November, have been arraigned by this government, I inclose a copy of the answer to Mr. Erskine's note communicating them, a copy of the note being also inclosed."
"The other documents communicated, will put you in full possession of the relations of the U. S. with Britain, as resulting from the issue of our general negotiations, and from that of the mission of Mr. Rose."
"This dispatch is forwarded by Mr. Baker, who takes his passage from Baltimore, in a vessel engaged, as was the Gage which sailed from New York, for the special purpose of public and mercantile correspondence with Europe. She will proceed, in the
first instance, to L'Orient, where she will leave Mr. Baker, and thence proceed with dispatches for Mr. Pinkney, to Falmouth, where she will remain a few days to receive communications from him: she will then return to L'Orient, in order to bring Mr. Baker with your communications."
(To be continued.)
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, November 15.
EMBARGO.
Mr. Sawyer begged leave to add one more resolution to those already before the house on the subject of the Embargo.
"Resolved, That it is expedient for the United States to open a communication and trade with the West-Indies generally."
Mr. S. said, he thought the present resolution would be found, when they were all taken up and examined by the house, the least liable to exceptions of any. For he could not go so far with trade as to vote for the resolutions of the gentleman from Vermont in favor of an indiscriminate repeal of the whole embargo system; neither could he go so far against it as to support those of the gentleman from Virginia for a total non-intercourse. He thought our best policy might be found in a medium between the two. In the first place, the orders of council, which were, he supposed, a principal cause for those latter resolutions, do not affect our West-India trade; and unless that trade came under the cause which very properly influenced the gentleman in his intention of suppressing our foreign trade, he could not see the necessity of its being included in its effects. He would mention one fact, of serious importance, which was, the very great amount of revenue which we derived from that quarter. By recurring to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of November last, it would be found that almost one half our revenue arose from that trade. [He here read the report, enumerated the different articles, with their relative amount, the aggregate of which was, $7,803,195.] Whether it would be prudent or wise in us to give up this large sum, to dry up this genial current, at a time when it was so much required to support the body politic under its accumulating ills, was certainly a serious question. To these considerations of a general nature, which he trusted would have some weight with the house, he added another particular reason, which had very great weight with him for introducing this resolution. The district he had the honor to represent, was engaged exclusively in this trade. Their staple article, viz. lumber, was calculated for no other market. Vast piles of that article had been accumulating in the hands of our merchants, in payment of their accounts as in ordinary cases, under a supposition that some opportunity might offer of making their usual shipments, by which means alone would they be enabled to comply with their engagements. If this opportunity were now denied them, inevitable ruin must overtake a considerable portion, and infinite injury the whole of them, as their creditors would see no motives for farther indulgence, would fall upon them, and the hard earnings of an active life would be wrested from them for comparatively inconsiderable claims. This would induce the merchant to heap upon his customers a share of the evils which he felt himself. He therefore felt some solicitude for the fate of his resolution.
The resolution was referred to the committee of the whole to whom several resolutions on the same subject have been referred.
Mr. Clopton, from the committee of revision and unfinished business, made a report in part, which was ordered to be printed.
On motion of Mr. Fisk, the house came to the following resolution:—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of altering the time and place of holding the circuit and district courts of the United States in the district of Vermont, and report by bill or otherwise.
CAPT. PIKE'S EXPEDITION.
On motion of Mr. Montgomery, the house adopted the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what compensation ought to be made to Capt. Z. M. Pike and his companions for their services in exploring the Missouri and other rivers, &c. and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS.
On a motion of Mr. Poindexter, the house agreed to the following resolution, proposed by him:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of repealing so much of the ordinance for the government of the territories of the United States, as authorises the Governors of the territories respectively to prorogue and dissolve the General Assemblies.
Several petitions of a private nature were presented and referred.
THURSDAY, Nov. 17.
EMBARGO.
Mr. Livermore said he held in his hand several petitions from inhabitants of the state of Massachusetts, signed by between 4 and 5000 persons praying for a repeal of the embargo laws.
One of the petitions (from Newburyport) was read.
[In this petition the following sentence was twice read, by desire of one of the members:]
"Your memorialists would further represent to your honorable body that they have witnessed with great surprise and alarm a systematic attempt among the enemies of the people to excite a belief that our nation has in its full power only a choice of evils: that an embargo, or war with Great Britain is our only alternative; an opinion which appears to your memorialists wholly devoid of foundation. Whatever injuries the U.S. may have sustained from that power, we cannot perceive that a war with her would be either necessary or just, whilst she evinces on her part a disposition for an amicable settlement of all subjects of con-
troversy; and especially, when we view her as almost alone maintaining a contest, on the successful issue of which depend the rights and liberties of the civilized world."
Mr. Livermore said as the other petitions were precisely similar, he moved that their reading be dispensed with, and that they be referred to the committee of the whole to whom several resolutions on the subject have been referred.
The Speaker proceeding to put the question on reference.
Mr. D. R. Williams said, as he understood the same sentiments were repeated in all, and as there were sentiments expressed in the first which he could not understand, he called for the reading of another of them.
Mr. Livermore said he had no objection.
Another of the petitions was then read and they were all referred, without opposition, to the committee to whom several resolutions on the same subject have been referred.
Mr. Livermore moved that the petition be printed—Negatived, 17 only rising in favor of it.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Mr. Macon said already had many resolutions been submitted to the consideration of the H. use on the subject of our foreign relations, and the embargo; some for a total and some for a partial repeal of it. As none of the motions had met his entire approbation, and as he considered this as one of the most important questions that could come before the House, he wished to submit to the House two or three propositions, which he wished to take a course different from that which had been given to the others on the same subject.
I have been astonished (said Mr. M.) to see so many resolutions on the subject of the embargo, and none contemplating its entire continuance. Is the American nation ready to bow the neck? Are we ready to submit to be taxed by Great Britain and France as if we were their colonies? Where is that spirit which for this reason separated us from the nations of Europe? Where is that spirit which enforced a simple resolution of the old Congress, not then binding upon the people, as a law from heaven? Is it extinct? Is it lost to this nation? Has the love of gain superceded every other motive in the breasts of Americans? Shall the majority govern, or shall a few wicked and abandoned men drive this nation from the ground it has taken? Is it come to this, that a law constitutionally enacted, even after a formal decision in favor of its constitutionality, cannot be enforced? Shall the nation give way to an opposition of a few, and those the most profligate part of the community? I think the stand we took last year was a proper one; and I am for taking every measure for enabling the nation to maintain it. Just as our measure is beginning to operate, just as provisions are becoming scarce in the West Indies and elsewhere, notwithstanding the evasions of our law, we are called upon to repeal it. I should not have made this motion at this time, had it not been for the petition presented. When I stand here, sir, charged by a part of the community with being one of "the enemies of the people" notwithstanding I am willing to commit the petition, treating it with that respect which I conceive to be due from us to the prayer of any portion of the people, I wish my sentiments on this subject to be seen.
A proclamation has been issued by one of the belligerents since the passage of our embargo law, sir. Look at it. What says it? Clearance or no clearance, we will receive any neutral vessel into our ports; and, in speaking of neutrals, recollect that there is no nation in the civilized world that has a claim to the title, except ourselves. This proclamation then tells our citizens "Evade the laws of your country, and we will receive and protect you." This is the plain English of it.
If the mad powers of Europe had entered into compact to injure us as much as they could, they could not have taken a more direct course to it. I consider them both alike, and the measures I would take would place them both on the same footing. I have made my resolutions as general as possible, to give all latitude to the committee.
Mr. M. then read the resolutions as follows:
Resolved, That the committee appointed on that part of the President's message which relates to our foreign relations, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of excluding by law from the ports, harbors, and waters of the U. S. all armed ships and vessels belonging to any of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce of the U. S. as a nation.
Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law the admission into the ports, harbors and waters of the U. S. any ship or vessel belonging to or coming from any place in the possession of any of the above mentioned powers and also the importation of any goods, wares and merchandise, the growth, produce and manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers.
Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of amending the act laying an embargo and the several acts supplemental and additional thereto.
On the subject of the first of these resolutions (said Mr. M.) it might be proper to interdict the entrance of all armed vessels, although I have confined the interdiction to the belligerents. A certain time might be fixed at which the second should go into operation.
I have thought proper, sir, to bring forward all these resolutions together, to show my own opinion on what ought to be done. It is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper measure to come forward and declare it. No other person having as yet thought proper to do it, I have now done it. I believe the embargo was right; that it was right to pass laws to enforce it; and believing this, I feel no hesitation in avowing it. Time has been when the impression of our seamen was cried out a-
gainst by a large majority of Congress. Now the cry is, that we will not let them go out and be taken. For if they go out they must be taken. Neither of the two great powers of Europe have shown the least disposition to relax their measures; neither I hope shall we. I believe we have but three alternatives—war, embargo, or submission. The last I discard; this nation never will submit; nor are there many people in it that would. That out of the question, then, the only question is, whether in the present state of the world, the embargo or war is the best for us. Arm our merchantmen, as has been proposed, send them out, and you have war directly. If we are to have war, I should rather have it openly, & let the nation know that we mean it. I am for the embargo yet. I am told flour is from 30 to 50 dollars a barrel in the West Indies; I am also told that wheat is 14 shillings sterling a bushel in England. This must have an effect, if adhered to through Spain and Portugal. France, if she carries her armies into that country, cannot support them. Nor can Spain support her own armies, and at the same time those Great Britain sends there; for where war is waged, almost all agriculture is destroyed; and it only requires firmness in us to force them both by this means to acknowledge our rights. If I am mistaken in my opinion, I wish that measure to be adopted which may best maintain our rights and independence.
It is not the embargo which causes the pressure on the people. No, sir; it is the orders and decrees of England and France. Take a licence from England, and you may trade, but on no other terms. Let an officer of the British fleet visit your vessel, and France will condemn it. There are things which destroy commerce. The country in which I live feels the measure as much as any; they are agriculturists, and their crops remain unsold; and if they will do without the principal, and resist imposition by withholding their produce, those who make a profit by the freight of our produce, may afford to lose that profit. Can any man tell what would be the consequence of war, in these times? In common war some regard is had to the laws of nations by belligerents, and they fight each other. In the present war the belligerents disregard the laws of nations, and fight every one but one another.
Mr. M. concluded by saying that he was aware that he had said nothing new, nor could any thing new be said. The documents published at the last session and those published now put the subject in so complete a point of view, that it was impossible to add light to them.
The House agreed to consider the resolutions.
Mr. Alston suggested to his colleague the propriety of referring the last resolution to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, who had last session reported all the bills amendatory to the embargo laws.
Mr. Macon said he meant nothing less than disrespect to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, but he wished all the resolutions to go to one committee, that they might have the whole subject before them.
Mr. Dana made a few observations which were not distinctly heard. He thought that an agreement to the third would commit the House on the subject of the embargo; and suggested the propriety of taking the question on each separately.
Mr. Quincy said he wished the last resolution to be separated from the first, as the House would be committed by its adoption. Not that he wished to avoid a discussion of that subject, for he wished for nothing so much as that the House would permit them to go into a discussion of the subject in committee of the whole. [Mr. Macon consented that the last resolution should lie on the table.] Mr. Q. said he wished to press a discussion on the subject of the embargo; for such was the state of public opinion in the northern part of the union that but one general sentiment prevailed, that the embargo would be immediately raised. Instead of postponing the subject from day to day, he only wished it to come before the house that gentlemen might understand one another, and put an end to the doubts that now existed.
The first and second resolutions offered by Mr. Macon were agreed to without a division. The third was ordered to lie on the table, Ayes 78.
SHOT MANUFACTORY.
Mr. Say presented a memorial from sundry persons in the city of Philadelphia stating that they have at great labour and expense erected a manufactory of shot; and praying that, to encourage the domestic manufacture, a duty be laid on all imported shot. Referred to the committee of Commerce and manufactures.
Mr. CHITTENDEN'S RESOLUTION
Mr. Chittenden called for the order of the day on the resolution submitted by him for repealing the embargo.
Mr. Quincy called for the Yeas and Nays on the motion to go into committee of the whole on the subject.
The Yeas and Nays were taken on the motion as follows:
YEAS.—Messrs. L. J. Alston, Basset, Blackledge, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, M. Clay, Clopton, Culpeper, Dana, Davenport, Elliot,
Ely, Goldsborough, Gray, Harris, Heister, Hoge, Richard S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Macon, Marion, Masters, Milnor, D. Montgomery, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Paken, Quincy, Randolph, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Sloan, Snelts, J. K. Smith, John Smith, S. Smith, Stanford, Siedman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Taylor, Upham, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Wilbour, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson—56.
NAYS.—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blount, Boyd, Brown, Burwell, Cutler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Cuts, Dawson, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findley, Franklin, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Ilsley, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Love, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea, Rhea, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, Southard, Storer, Thompson, Trigg, Troup, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, A. Wilson—58.
So it was decided that the house will not on this day take up the subject.
Several petitions and resolutions of a private nature were presented and referred; and the house adjourned about 1 o'clock.
FRIDAY, Nov. 18.
Mr. Morrow presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Ohio, praying for an extension of time for the payment of lands purchased from the U. S. Referred to the committee of public lands.
The Speaker laid before the house a communication from the legislature of the Indiana territory, giving notice of the election of Jesse B. Thomas as the delegate from that territory, in the room of Mr. Park, resigned; and also a very long communication from the same legislature against the introduction of slavery into that territory.
Mr. Rhea, from the committee on Post Offices and post roads, reported a bill authorising members to transmit by mail, free of postage, all public documents, which was twice read, and ordered a third reading on Monday.
Mr. Gholson presented the petition of Amy Darden, praying compensation for a mule horse, killed in the service of the U. States. Referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Poindexter called for the order of the day on the bill concerning the powers of territorial governors, taking from them the right of proroguing and dissolving the general assemblies.
Mr. Bibb was opposed to the principles of the bill. One condition of the cession of that territory by the state of Georgia was, that it should be governed by the ordinance for the government of the North Western Territory. If the house had a right to alter that agreement in one point, without the consent of Georgia, they had in all. It was, therefore, as a representative from Georgia, that he protested against the passage of the bill.
Mr. Poindexter supported, and Mr. Troup opposed the principle of the bill, in speeches of considerable length and spirit. The committee rose, and were refused leave to sit again, Mr. Troup moved for the indefinite postponement of its farther consideration. On this motion, the question was taken by ayes and noes, and carried—Ayes 57—Noes 52.
BOSTON, November 11.
LEGISLATURE.
Yesterday the Legislature of this Commonwealth assembled at the State House in this town. In the afternoon the secretary delivered the following Message from His excellency the Governor.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
THE Secretary of the Commonwealth has, by your direction informed me that a quorum of the Senate and House of Representatives have assembled, and are ready to proceed to the public business of the Commonwealth pursuant to the design of their adjournment. I congratulate the people of the State upon the assembling in health and safety, of so many of their Representatives. It would have given me inexpressible pleasure, if, when I had met you, I could have offered you my congratulations on a happy situation of our foreign relations; but as that cannot be in our present state, it is therefore not my duty to concern with them, and I shall therefore leave the subject to the Representatives of the People in the National Government.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
THE adjournment which took place on the 11th of June last, was made from that day to this, at your request, for the special purpose of choosing Electors of President and Vice President as well as for transacting any other business which might become necessary at this time. From this mode of expression, it has been concieved by many, that the Senate and House intend to proceed in convention to the choice of Electors themselves, in their legislative capacity, as appears by the Resolutions of the inhabitants of Many towns in the Commonwealth, with all or the greatest part of which you are no doubt already acquainted. I think it my duty to suggest to you, that a choice by the people at large

or in districts might have a tendency to obviate those objections which otherwise may leave the States involved in uneasiness and convention; and from my acquaintance with the local situation of the Commonwealth I think the time now remaining, if candidly and properly improved, will be sufficient for that purpose. I therefore request your attention to a question of so much importance to the harmony of the government; and I shall make every exertion within my power to effect an object so desirable.
Gentlemen, THE state of the Treasury, with some unfortunate circumstances which have lately appeared to attach themselves to it, shall be communicated to you by special message, and explained by special documents. Other documents concerning the government shall be laid before you, as occasion shall offer; and my attention shall be devoted to render the session agreeable to your constituents, and pleasant to yourselves.
JAMES SULLIVAN. November 10th, 1808.
WASHINGTON CITY, Nov. 17. As a proof of the increasing value of our interior country, we give the following fact: His Excellency the public lands, were lately sold at auction, at Cincinnati, for 10 704 dollars.
The entire sales of the public lands, since the opening of the public offices, will be found by the next return to net six millions of dollars, at more than two dollars an acre, and more than two thirds of this sum has been paid by the purchasers.
When we consider that the averaged receipts are equal to the entire expense for the national civil list, and that we have yet near five hundred millions of acres for sale, as our population advances, we cannot but rejoice at our present situation in point of national resources.
November 18. Maryland Electoral Election.—At Vansville, for Gen. Bowie, rep. 282, Mr. Calvert, fed. 62.
In the 7th district, Richard T. Earle, rep. has been elected without opposition.
The accounts from Washington and Allegany are highly flattering to the success of the republican candidates.
Pennsylvania Electoral Election.—In Northampton county, republican ticket 2273—Federal 524.
Massachusetts election for Representatives in Congress.—We have not received full information from all the districts; that received renders it probable that eight republicans and eight federalists are elected, leaving the remaining district altogether uncertain.
A resolution has been introduced into the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, fixing a particular day for the choice of electors, requiring the concurrence of the two Houses without the sanction of the Governor.
The federal prints of Boston state that New Hampshire has chosen federal electors. This information is doubtful.
Pennsylvania General Election. The whole returns (except Erie) are now in.—The result.
Maj. for Simon Snyder 30,312 Maj. for James Ross 2,282 27,950 The majority in Erie estimated about 200
NORFOLK, Nov. 14.
On Saturday last arrived in Hampton Roads, his B. M. armed ship Rapid, in 21 days from Barbadoes, with dispatches from Admiral Cochrane, to the British Consul and Mr. Erskine. As the ship was leaving Barbadoes a British 80 gun ship had arrived there direct from England, and a 94 was momentarily expected; for the purpose it was conjectured, of attacking Martinique and the other French Caribbean Islands, which are declared in a state of blockade by the British. (See Proclamation.)
BRITISH CONSUL'S OFFICE Norfolk, (Vir.) Nov. 14.
His Britannic Majesty's Consul having received official intelligence from Rear Admiral the Hon. Sir Alexander Cochrane, K. B. Commander in Chief of his Majesty's ships and vessels employed, and to be employed at Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, &c. &c. that the French Leeward Caribbean Islands, are declared in a state of strict naval blockade, pursuant to orders signified to him, and the said Commander in Chief having desired that his proclamation to that effect may be made as public as possible, the Consul accordingly annexes a copy of the same for the information of all persons concerned within his district.
By the honorable Sir Alexander Cochrane, K. B. Rear Admiral of the Red, and commander in chief of his Majesty's ships and vessels employed and to be employed at Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, &c. &c.
Whereas an intimation has been received from the Right Honorable Lord Viscount Castlereagh, one of his majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, that the strictest Naval Blockade is to be established over the Leeward French Caribbean Islands. The several captains, commanders, and commanding officers under my orders, are hereby authorized and directed, to STOP all NEUTRAL VESSELS destined for any of the Ports of the said Islands; and if they shall appear to be ignorant of the existence of the Blockade, and have no enemy's property on board, the Masters of such Neutral vessels shall be apprised thereof, and warned not to proceed to such ports, and a Notice written to that effect upon one or more of the principal ship papers.
But if a neutral vessel shall appear to have been so warned, or to be otherwise informed of the existence of the blockade, or to have sailed from her last clearing port after it may be reasonably supposed that this notification might have been made public there, and yet be found attempting, or intending to enter either of the ports of the said Islands, such vessel shall be seized and sent into port for legal adjudication. And with respect to neutral vessels coming out of the said ports, having any colonial produce, goods or merchandise on board, appearing to have been laden after knowledge of the blockade—such vessel shall in like manner be seized and sent in for legal adjudication.
Given on board the Belleisle, Carlisle Bay, 14th Oct. 1808. By command of the Rear Admiral. ALEX. COCHRANE. JOHN S. TRACEY. Nov. 16. From the Public Ledger.
In our last we took occasion to notice what would be the probable consequences of a continuation of our embargo, if continued for any length of time. We adverted particularly to the effect which it would produce in those countries that had depended on us for supplies of the various products of our country. We did not expect to be able to furnish so soon such strong evidence in support of what we had advanced in our remarks on the letter of Mr. Murdoch, of London.
The following is an extract of a letter from a very opulent mercantile house in Jamaica who are at the same time agents for a number of large estates owned by persons in London, to a merchant in this town. We hope our readers will not consider this as one of those letters which are written by persons unacquainted with what they write about, or one of those letters manufactured for party purposes. The house in Jamaica is well known, and the merchant here is one of our very intimate friends. The planters of this country will read this letter with interest.
Kingston, 30th August 1808.
The prospect of markets being opened on the continent (of Europe) are now so great, that no person will think of sending produce to America, to run the risk of having it locked up by an embargo. We consider this measure one of the best that could possibly happen for the interest of Jamaica. The planters, whose negroes were unprofitably employed in making sugar, have now turned part of them to the culture of provisions. There never was a more abundant supply than at present; from one place of our own we expect to sell two hundred bushels of corn—What flour is wanted, is only for the navy, army and towns, which a few cargoes will fully supply, and when your embargo is off, you will find our markets full, and your products selling for little or nothing. We are splitting our own hogheads staves and heading; we trust to a supply from Quebec for our puncheons; and our coffee we can put in bags. We every day feel ourselves more independent of you, and laugh at the policy of your government, which is giving us the trade of the world, while our ships are rotting by the wharves. We would not be at all surprised to find your government preventing American vessels from trading to their colonies, particularly if a peace takes place.
Died, on Monday last, at Frankfort, Philadelphia county, Pa. Stephen Decatur, late commander of the U. States ship of war, the Delaware, and father of the commodore. He served with reputation in the revolutionary war.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by David H. Thacker, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money due to John Grubs, as in the said deed expressed, will be sold to the highest bidder for ready money, on the premises in the county of Hanover, about two miles from Col. Goodall's Tavern, on the main road leading to the City of Richmond, on the third day of December.
A Tract of Land, containing one hundred acres, whereon the said David H. Thacker now lives, which he purchased of the aforesaid John Grubs. The subscriber will convey such title to the above tract of land, as is vested in him by the said deed of trust.
JOHN WINN, Sen. Nov. 13th, 1808. (v2*)
Those persons who have put into the hands of James Thompson, late Constable of the City of Richmond, any bonds, notes, or accounts, which are not satisfied, are requested to make application to the subscribers for such claims, on or before the first day of December next, after which period, the securities of said Thompson will not consider themselves responsible for any claim after that date.
JAMES THOMPSON. RICHARD THOMPSON, JAMES McCLELLAN. Richmond, Nov. 21st, 1808. (3*)
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1808.
What is now the situation, and what are the intentions of the Monroe party?
We have all along said that they were pursuing a system of conduct, in direct hostility to the wishes of the people. The event has proved that we were correct. They have affected to believe, that the will of the majority could not be ascertained until the votes were actually given. They seem now to confess that their prospect is gloomy, and their chance of success extremely remote, if not impossible. They have pretended to reserve a sort of salvo, in case of defeat, by admitting the talents, patriotism and integrity of Mr. Madison. We have, however, frequently seen an attempt to elevate the character of Mr. Monroe, by unjust and illiberal insinuations against Mr. Madison. The want of energy and firmness, together with an impeachment of principle, have been continually sounded in the public ear, upon the subject of the Yazoo business, and in private circles, the same design has been prosecuted, by asserting, that but for executive influence, the name of Madison would be ground into dust! Observations of this cast, could never have arisen from that equanimity of mind which professes to balance with justice, the virtues of both candidates, and to decide between them with honest impartiality. There must have been some deeply received prejudice, some party motive, some personal calculation or some political disaffection. Be this as it may—What course will they pursue? Incredulity nor scepticism can any longer encounter the universal evidence of the people's will, which they still profess to worship and obey. Will their reason then triumph over their passion, their principle over their partiality, and their judgment over their infatuation? Will they, in fact, support the will of the majority, by supporting the administration of Mr. Madison? This is a question for the consideration of the republican advocates of Mr. Monroe. We have never been characterized by any temper of intolerance or proscription; we have believed, and we still believe, that many of the friends of Mr. Monroe are unconnected with the minority, and that although they may have been hurried away by the enthusiasm of friendship, yet that they will still adhere to the republican party. There are others again, whose conduct has been marked with so much violence, and such anti-republican determination, that they can never expect their delusion to be even "washed as pure as sin with baptism." They can never expect their doctrine and their faith to be recognised as sound and holy. From men of this description, the people may anticipate the most systematic enmity to the ensuing administration. They, on their part, should be equally determined to resist their influence, and to suspect their motives and designs. Under these circumstances, is it not time for those men who have espoused the cause of Mr. Monroe, entirely from personal predilection, and not from political hostility to Mr. Madison, to withdraw from their other associates, and to prove themselves in practice, what they say they are in theory—friends to the will of the people. If they do not, they will with truth and reason, be considered according to their own principle, as outcasts of the church.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of great respectability, in Halifax county, to the editor.
"Our election terminated as follows:—382 votes for the Madison electoral ticket; 76 for Monroe. In the 76 are combined all the little factions that at various times have deserted the republican standard, together with the federalists. You will perceive, sir, that in this county, there has been "great cry for little wool," indeed. I was fearful from your reply, or rather comments on a ridiculous piece some time past, addressed to you and published in your paper of the 27th September, that you apprehended we were becoming tories here—but it is not so. That piece, though professing by its signature, "Halifax," to be the offspring of many progenitors, was like most other things claiming many fathers, a bastard. When it made its appearance, it was well known here that its professions were false, and believed to be the production of a single individual only; there not being more than one in the county deemed capable of combining so much presumption, ignorance and vanity together. It excited, on reading, the idea of a fractured skull, leaking at several places, various matter; or of a bag of pipes pressed by an unskilful hand, and squeaking at various points. We deemed it too contemptible to merit serious notice, or claim contradiction by those on whose behalf it pretended to complain, and ask questions. Besides, you had so probed and pommelled the soft brat, that humanity shrunk from the task of adding to its chastisement, in any other form. The planters, considering the extreme exertions of minority men, federalists and quids, and the false constructions attempted to be imposed upon them, of the acts of the present administration—and inferring the same as to that which is to succeed, if Mr. Madison is elected president, have acquitted themselves with honor. They have shown by their votes that they are not yet ripe to abandon their government, or relinquish its independence."
STAUNTON, Nov. 17, 1808.
Mr. Pleasants, I was surprised to find in your paper of the 4th inst. under the head of "STAUNTON, Oct. 26," a sentiment as coming from my lips, which I never expressed."
It is true I have always said, that, if I was elected an elector, I would vote for Mr. Madison, unless I should by some means, be induced to change my opinion of that gentleman. I have stated, that should I ever be called to that highly responsible and important office, I should hold myself ready
* The piece alluded to was taken from a Staunton paper. ED. ARGUS.
to give such vote as I conscientiously thought right, at the time it was given, and that under no other idea would I act.
My predilection for Mr. Madison has been generally known—I have publicly acted as a member of the corresponding committee, to promote his election; and although I have never been written to by the Monroe committee, yet I have no doubt they knew my sentiments; and I have always supposed, that my being continued on their nomination, as an elector, arose from its being known, that I was personally a friend to Mr. Monroe, and because they knew no person in this district who would certainly vote for him.
But I never did say, "that if Mr. Madison was not a Virginian, I would give Col. Monroe the preference." The person who gives that information to the public, has completely misapprehended what I said. I have no doubt but that part of the publication has proceeded from mistake, and although the public is not much interested in it, I must so far trespass upon them, as to correct the mistake.
I have said on various occasions, and particularly before Mr. Monroe's election was placed, so decisively, on the ground of opposition to the measures lately pursued and adopted by our government as to foreign nations, that if Mr. Monroe was a citizen of another state, that circumstance would so far preponderate with me, as to overbalance my preference for Mr. Madison on other grounds; and that I should greatly prefer a president from any of the other states, deserving and possessing as much of the public confidence as I believe Mr. Madison does. I am warmly attached to the union, and would be glad to sacrifice any local partiality at the shrine of general harmony and confidence.
I am also of opinion, that the independence and prosperity of our country, greatly depends on a rigid adherence to the measures, hitherto adopted, as to our foreign relations, and that if any others, more efficacious, could be brought to the aid, no time should be lost in adopting them—and altho' Mr. Monroe, in my opinion, would neither sacrifice his country, or the great principles for which he has always contended, and although, notwithstanding all that has been said for and against him, he still possesses my confidence; yet, were he now elected, it would certainly be on the ground of opposition to those measures, and I think therefore, that such an event, at present, would have a bad effect both at home and abroad.
JOHN COALTER.
VOTES for ELECTORS of PRESIDENT & VICE PRESIDENT of the United States, taken from OFFICIAL RETURNS made to the EXECUTIVE.
   Madison Monroe Pinckney   Ticket. Ticket. Ticket.    City of Richmond, 110 70 1  Henrico, 238 29 0  Chesterfield, 327 21 1  Amelia, 147 5 0  Prince George, 162 5 0  King William, 125 24 0  Goodland, 192 42 0  Prince William, 137 24 5  Brunswick, 291 0 0  Powhatan, 152 30 0  Stafford, 118 5 0  Nelson, 123 25 0  Culpeper, 271 52 1  Northumberland, 283 31 0  Richmond County, 127 63 0  Surry, 124 23 0  King George, 87 0 28  Fairfax, 136 3 58  James City, 65 42 8  Norfolk Borough, 202 248 2  Williamsburg, 19 17 3  Elizabeth City, 69 27 0  Nelson, 157 30 0  Spytsylvania, 211 41 0  Charles City, 93 7 3  Hanover, 206 20 1  Isle of Wight, 218 35 0  Princess Anne, 80 148 0  Rockbridge, 173 0 77  Albemarle, 431 73 0  New Kent, 60 52 0  Warwick, 17 39 0  Mecklenburg, 245 20 0  Louisa, 302 4 0  Essex, 134 42 0  Hampshire, 124 1 53  Dinwiddie, 303 5 0  Fauquier, 177 8 24  Caroline, 209 44 0  Frederick, 297 116 4  Jefferson, 110 45 62  Prince Edward, 200 41 0  Loudoun, 87 124 0  York, 68 14 0  Gloucester, 180 37 1  Botetourt, 97 29 0  Montgomery, 83 10 0  Charlotte, 298 72 1  Campbell, 168 9 42  Pittsylvania, 245 7 0  Northington, 9 121 0  Buckingham, 305 20 0  Madison, 188 0 2  Orange, 293 2 0  Amherst, 202 10 0  Lunenburg, 119 1 0  Sussex, 143 32 0  Nottoway, 121 13 0  Southampton, 78 53 0  Norfolk county, 148 97 0  Accomack, 30 397 0  Cumberland, 210 18 4  Franklin, 359 0 0  Halifax, 382 76 0  Monongalia, 169 0 0  Tazewell, 26 0 0  Rockingham, 331 0 16  Wythe, 240 0 0  Bath, 51 0 25  Fuvanna, 161 24 0  Russell, 43 0 0  Middlesex, 121 6 0  King and Queen, 303 22 0  Mathews, 81 1 0  Totals 12451 2770 435  
NEW HAMPSHIRE ELECTION.
For Electors. So far as returns have come in, the Republican gain since the state election is 797. The result is still doubtful.
VERMONT ELECTION.
Extract of a letter from Vermont to a gentleman in Washington City. I send you information of the further proceedings of our legislature. The choice of electors took place on Friday, and the following gentlemen were elected in grand committee by a majority of twelve—two more than we have before had since the session commenced—Governor Smith, Judge Galusha, Judge John White, of Georgia, Gen. William Callison, of Lyndon, Judge James Tarbox, of Randolph, and Maj. S. Shepardson, of Guilford, all Madisonians, good and true, and totally free from any influence of any state, even of New York. The republicans in meeting have determined to appoint republican bank directors and to address president Jefferson in terms of approbation and confidence.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us by William Royster, to secure the payment of a debt due to Anderson & John Bowles as therein expressed, will be sold to the highest bidder for cash, at John Travillian's Tavern in Goochland county, on the eighth day of December next.
Three Negroes, viz.
Ned, Harry, and Judith, or as many as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt and interest, together with the expenses attending the sale.
JOHN TREVILIAN, } Trustees. TH. B. WATKINS, } Goochland, Nov. 18th, 1808. (1*)
30,000 DOLLARS
FOR EIGHT HUNDRED CENTS. NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River.
Positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next. 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable 30 days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
THE CAPITAL PRIZES ARE,
30,000 Dollars, 20,000 Dollars, 10,000 Dollars, 5,000 Dollars, 2,000 Dollars,
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the American public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS,
Halves, Quarters and Eighths, ARE TO BE HAD AT
G. & R. WAITE'S
TRULY FORTUNATE LOTTERY-OFFICES, No. 64, MAIDEN-LANE, And No. 38, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
Where was sold in the LAST New-York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars, No. 20231 10,000 Dollars, No. 25403 5,000 Dollars, No. 20799
Also, No. 20310, a prize of 2,000 Dollars, besides several others of 2,000, 1,000, 500 dollars, &c. &c. And in former New York lotteries were sold at the above Offices.
17199 25,000 Dollars 11736 2,000 Dollars 3929 20,000 Dollars 28573 2,000 Dollars 3639 10,000 Dollars 13904 2,000 Dollars 26135 5,000 Dollars 16617 2,000 Dollars 30556 5,000 Dollars 25556 2,000 Dollars 12298 3,000 Dollars 20885 2,000 Dollars
And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market Streets, were sold nearly all the Capital Prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz.
6974 30,000 Dollars 1788 1,500 Dollars 15564 15,000 Dollars 1525 1,500 Dollars 7001 10,000 Dollars 7440 1,500 Dollars 6977 5,000 Dollars 14425 1,500 Dollars 19894 1,500 Dollars.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters, post paid, directed to WAITE'S Offices, in Baltimore, New York or Albany, may have tickets and shares returned by post to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed Prize List will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers' Official List of Prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the first of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Tickets and shares, warranted on-drawn, may be had at either of G. & R. Waite's Lottery Offices.
New York, October 23, 1808
THE SALE OF THE Falling Garden Lots
Will be resumed on the 22d of this month.
WILL be offered for sale, on the premises, on the 22d inst. the most valuable UNIMPROVED LOTS in the garden. Also, ONE IMPROVED LOT, with a large LUMBER HOUSE on it, capable of holding from 2 to 500 hogheads of tobacco; the vendue to begin at ten o'clock, on the lots on LOCUST STREET, nearest to James Brown's auction store. They will be sold on the same terms as those disposed of on the 8th inst.—one fourth cash, the balance in three annual payments.
JAMES LOWNES. 11th month 17th, 1808. 2
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURN, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memin.

Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment.
THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibson, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with genteel board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808.
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.
SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke House, Stable, Ice House, &c on the Hill—And on the river bank a store house, and an excellent Granary—all of which except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, wherein is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands, without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, Joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2-3 acres.
Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808
FOR SALE,
On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Fill Box, by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Preakness, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler. Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808.
THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT
OF THE TRIAL OF A. BURR, Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office.—A few copies for sale. Sept. 27.
IN pursuance to a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due to Samuel Harris, will be exposed for sale, at Jefferson, on the 23d of December next, one MULATTO GIRL, named Priscilla, for cash, which after defraying the expenses of said trust, and the debt specified, the residue if any, to be returned as the law directs.
ALBAN GILPIN, Trustee. Powhatan, Oct. 20th, 1808.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, the 1st August last, a Negro Fellow ELMUND, who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known inclined to be of a yellowish complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout, active, bonny fellow, slop shouldered, his mouth and lips are large and prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses, and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 11 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Thilman, dec. and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows.
ED. DILLON. Prince Edward, 24th Oct. 1808.
Notice.
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, praying that the land whereof John McMurry died seized, may be sold for the payment of his just debts.
WM. OVERTON, Adm'r. of John McMurry Charlotte, Oct. 12, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given, that a petition will be presented to the next Assembly, to alter the Seite fixed on by the commissioners for the public buildings in the county of Nelson. October 17th, 1808.
For Sale,
Twenty-five Tons Swedes and America Iron, Eighty Bundles Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, American and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes, with our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c.
Richmond, Nov. 3d, 1808. Russell & Wallace.
ON Monday the 28th instant, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, at the late dwelling house of Mrs. Frances Evans, dec. in Chesterfield county, at Osbornes, on a credit of twelve months, by the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid to the day, a quantity of very valuable household and kitchen
Furniture,
the crop of Corn and Fodder, and a quantity of very good Hay, together with the stock of Horses, Cattle and Hogs; also six Negroes, viz. A man and a woman four children. For all sums under ten dollars cash will be required. All those indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment, and all those who have any claims against the said estate are requested to bring them forward by the day of sale, properly authenticated.
A BASS, Adm'r. with the will annexed. Nov 7, 1808. 3wp
MANCHESTER Turnpike Company.
THE annual meeting of stockholders will be held at Mr. Brooks's Tavern in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next—Special matters of business important to the interest of the company require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person will appoint deputies to act for them.
A Tutor Wanted.
A YOUNG GENTLEMAN, who understands the Latin and English languages grammatically, and who unites therewith a competent knowledge of Arithmetic, Geography and the Mathematics, will meet with encouragement on application to the subscribers. To such a character, coming well recommended, a liberal salary will be given by
Joseph Carter, and Joseph Carter, Jr. Coroloman, Lancaster county, } Oct. 29, 1808. 4w
WE, the proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp, on James River, in the county of Chesterfield hereby warn all persons from hunting, fowling, fishing or entering the said Swamp, from and after the date of this notice, as we are determined to put the utmost rigor of the law in force against all such persons as shall hereafter offend, or enter the said Swamp, without being legally authorised by the proprietors, or some one of them, under hand and seal.
Robert Watkins, Bowler Cocke, Thos. Stratton, Proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp. Chesterfield, Nov. 4, 1808. 4w
WANTED as a HOUSE KEEPER, in a large family, a discreet, industrious WOMAN. To one who can come well recommended as such, very liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the printer. November 1st, 1808. 3w
Notice is hereby given,
THAT an application will be made by the President and Directors of the Potomack Company, to the Legislature of Virginia, to pass acts, to enable the Company to make Bye Laws, for regulating their concerns, and for the safe transportation of articles which may be brought down the rivers Shenandoah and Potomack, and the branches thereof. By order,
JOS. CARLETON, Treasurer Potomack Company. George Town, District of Columbia, November 8, 1808. 2w
Notice is hereby given,
That a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia, by Richard Denny, in behalf of himself and others, to vest in them, certain lands in Monongalia county, belonging to the estate of Capt. James Lang, deceased. Nov. 12, 1808. tma
To Rent,
THREE Houses on the main street, one between Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and Mr. Manuel Judah, one opposite the Eagle Tavern, now occupied by Mr. Simpson Morris, the other is occupied by Mr. Benjamin Duval, next door to Gallego, Richmond & Co's. office; of the two first, possession may be given immediately, and of the other the first of January next. Also, a house situated in the alley, between the street going to Shockoe warehouse and that going to Mayo's Bridge; possession to be had immediately.
JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Oct. 6, 1808. (tf)
Notice.
THE ensuing General Assembly will be petitioned to pass a law, authorising the county of Fluvanna to build a toll bridge across the Rivanna river, at the most convenient site, near the town of Columbia, and to alter the road so as to pass by said bridge. Fluvanna, Sept. 30, 1808. tf
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. tf
Fifa & Casa Executions,
For sale at this office. 5th Nov. 1808.
Land For Sale.
THE subscriber offers for SALE, the TRACT OF LAND, on which he now resides, lying on Ward's fork, about two miles from its junction with Roan Oak, four miles from Charolotte courthouse, and containing 300 acres, about 120 of which is cleared and inclosed with good fencing. The improvements are a good dwelling house, with 2 brick chimneys, a grist mill with 2 pair of stones, and a saw mill, on a stream which has never been known, in the dryest summers, to fail furnishing water sufficient to supply the above mills. Also, a good granary, and all other necessary houses. The soil of the above land is adapted to the culture of tobacco, corn, wheat, &c. Should I not meet with a purchaser before the 6th day of Dec. next, I propose offering the above land for sale (on the next day, being the 7th day of December) to the highest bidder on a credit of 12 months. Also, all my household and kitchen FURNITURE, CORN, PORK, CATTLE, and several likely NEGROES. Twelve months credit will be given on all sums above 9 dollars, the purchasers giving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
John W. Williamson. Charlotte, 4th October, 1808. 6w
Notice.
FOR LEASE OR SALE,
A House with 6 rooms, Well finished, with the necessary offices, and a new garden paled in, situated about 7 miles from Manchester, on the turnpike road, and a good stand for a tavern. With the tenement may be had 100 acres of land adjoining, nearly the whole of which is in timber. Should a person of good character, well qualified for a publican, apply, I would prefer a lease of the premises—and as an encouragement to such an one, I would let it go cheap, or I would sell the same. The terms will be made known, in either case, on application to the subscriber, near the same.
William Sowell. Chesterfield county, Oct. } 20th, 1808. tf
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, dec. WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, (and continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable
Tract of Land,
in Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 842 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land, with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes,
Among which is a valuable blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for which twelve months credit will be given, for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash—And on Tuesday the sixth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the
House and Lot,
In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales.
Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. 1ds
The High Bred Imported Horse, Sir Peter Teazle, The property of J. Taylor, Esq of Mount Airy and the subscriber.
WILL STAND the next ensuing season, at my stable in Albemarle county. The terms and other particulars will be made known in due time.
William Woods. Albemarle, Oct. 15, 1808. w5t
Notice.
ALL persons indebted to Robert Hill, dec. and Hill and Read, late of New Canton, and William Hill of New York, either by bond, note, book account, or otherwise, are hereby requested to make arrangements for settlement of the same, on or before 1st January, 1809, with Moncrieffe Hill, adm'r. to Robert Hill, dec. or Charles Oakley. New Canton Oct 1808. wt1j.
Military Lands
IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY
THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to
William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. wtf
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, by Brett Randolph and David Batray, which is recorded in the district court of Richmond, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan court house, on Monday the 19th day of December next,
The following Slaves,
to wit; Solomon, Sukey and her child, Arthur and Scipio, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £308, with interest thereon from the 24th day of April last, and the costs necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution, which sum is due to Messrs. Lyle, Scott and Saunders.
Richard B. Goode. 5th Nov. 1808. wids
I WISH TO HIRE a middle aged WOMAN, who understands house business.
Richmond Oct. 25, 1808. John Winston. w2m
Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Susanna Davis, Plaintiff, in vs. John Tisdale, James Trevillian and Samuel Henson, Defendants. THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by her counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse in this county on some court day.
A copy—Teste, In. Poindexter, C. L. C.
Buckingham County Oct. Court, 1808.
Daniel and William Guerrant, for the benefit of James Rea and others, their trustees, Plaintiffs, in vs. Ezekiel Hudnall and Peter Guerrant, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant, Hudnall, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless the said Hudnall shall appear here on or before January court next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse at this county.
A copy—Teste, R. Eldridge, jr. D. C. 8v†
Buckingham County, September Court, 1808.
Henry Bagby and Peter Guerrant executors of Elizabeth Fearn deceased, Plaintiffs, in vs. Theoderick Scruggs and William Palmer, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant, Scruggs, is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before December court next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, the same will then be taken for confessed, as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse at this county.
A copy, R. Eldridge, jr. D. C.
Virginia, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg the 5th day of July, 1808.
Thomas Wilkinson, surviving husband and administrator of Alice his late wife, a daughter of William Barrett, deceased, Thomas Hare, surviving husband and administrator of his late wife, Mary, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Peter Wilkinson and Purvis, his wife, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Martha B. Barrett, Nancy or Ann Barrett, and William Barrett, three other children of the said William Barrett, & William Hawkins, administrator of John Graves, Plaintiffs, in vs. Philip Watkins, Frederick Watkins, Samuel Watkins, Reuben Vaughan & Alice his wife, and John E. Bailey, Defendants. THE defendant, Philip Watkins, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the Pts. by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Pts.; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city.
A copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
JUST PUBLISHED,
By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, And for sale at his Printing Office, Richmond, by the gross, dozen or single,
The Virginia Almanack,
FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1809:
Being the first after Bissextille or Leap Year, and thirty-third of American Independence. Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond.
Calculated by Benjamin Bates of Hanover County, Virginia.
Containing, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter.
* A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.
New Law Books.
Tae 8th vol. of East's Reports, and the 5th vol. of Espinasse's Reports are just received and for sale by S. Pleasants.
Penitentiary Store.
THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 days credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.
   CUT NAILS. Wholesale prices Retail prices.     3dy 13 cents. 13 cents. 14 cents per lb.   4 12 1-2 12 1-2 12 1-2   6 11 1-2 11 1-2 12 1-2   8 10 1-2 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 10 11   12 10 10 11   20 10 10 11   Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2   CUT BRADS. Wholesale prices Retail prices.   8dy 10 cents. 10 cents. 11 cents per lb.   10 9 1-2 9 1-2 10 1-2   12 Do. Do. Do.   20 Do. Do. Do.   SPRIGS. Wholesale prices Retail prices.   3dy 39 cts. per lb. 50 per m.   4 22 1-2 67   6 17 84   WROUGHT NAILS AND BRADS. Wholesale prices Retail prices.   6dy 13 14 per lb.   8 12 1-2 13 1-2   10 12 13   12 11 1-2 12 1-2   20 11 12   30 11 12  
Boots and Shoes.
Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto 8 Suwarrows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Plantation and light fine shoes, 10 3/4 a 12 3/4 Do. second & third qualities, 7 3/4 a 9 3/4 Negro shoes (strong) 6 a 7 3/4 Girls do. 4 a 4 3/4 Boys do. 3 3/4 a 5 3/4 Childrens' shoetees, 3 a 4 3/4 Fire Buckets $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair Bridles, Sursingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambro and Fishing lines. Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR
April 26, 1808. (2aw1m 1awtf) 17 The Shoes are reduced much below the former price.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book store, adjoining the Market Bridge,
PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS,
CONTAINING
The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume.
At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $ 5—to non-subscribers $ 6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808 wtf
Just Published,
And for sale at Jacob Johnson's Book store, adjoining the Market bridge, [Price $ 4 50]