The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-23 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER: The same Type as which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
CHEAP SHOES—SARAH POTTER intend- ing to decline her present business, will, until the 14th of next month, sell at prime cost , the stock of Shoes on hand.
All persons having claims against her, will please bring them in for adjustment, and all those that are indebted, it is expected will make immediate payments.
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tiers and FRENCH BRANDY, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stockholders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next.
THE stockholders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me.
WHEREAS I the subscriber in the life time of Carr Chapman, deceased, to wit: In the month of January, eighteen hundred and five, did execute to him a bond for four hundred and fifty dollars, a promissory note for fifty dollars and another for a hogshead of Antigua Rum; and whereas I have an equitable defence against the payment of said bond and notes, I hereby fore- warn all persons from taking a transfer or assign- ment of the same, as I shall certainly refuse to discharge them unless compelled by legal process.
FOUND, a few nights since, in the street—A good SADDLE AND BRIDLE—The own- er is requested to prove his property, and ap- ply to the printer hereof—Feb. 19—(3t)
CASH SALES—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bear- ing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to se- cure the payment of fourteen thousand five hun- dred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the SEVEN PINES; containing by estimation one thousand acres: Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile Creek, being the same whereon Col. John Pleasants formerly resided, con- taining by estimation four hundred & sixty acres: Also, the Norview Mills, situated in the said coun- ty of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek.
THE SALE of the above Property is postpon- ed, in consequence of the badness of the wea- ther, until Saturday the 27th inst. when it will po- sitively take place.
THE SERJEANT'S OFFICE is removed to a house on the street leading by the Governor's, opposite the Insurance Office.
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSI- NESS—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the a- bove line of business and solicits their patronage.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Car- peting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit.
ADVERTISEMENT—Will be sold on Sa- turday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less. It was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews & John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June, 1795—At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mor- gage and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of Chan- cery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee, is plaintiff, and the said Mose- ley is defendant; and for the purpose of raising the following sums with interest, viz:—£ 108 13 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January, 1793—£ 105 2 6 with like inter- est from the 1st day of January, 1794—£ 101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1795—£ 97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1796—£ 96 3 with like interest from the 1st day of January, 1797—£ 81 24 with like interest from the 14th day of July, 1802, and 35 dollars 89 cents, the costs of the suit—The residue of the money decreed to be raised, the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction ob- tained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.
FOR SALE—and may be seen at the Eagle- Tavern one of the most elegant pair of full bred Bay HORSES, that has ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond—one of them five and the other six years old.
FOR SALE—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if re- quired, on giving satisfactory security.
TO RENT—Four Commodious TENE- MENTS, near the Armoury—For Hire, Two SAWYERS. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [eptf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD—Runaway about the 1st instant from the ser- vice of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive ap- pearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attend- ing his elopement, it is believed he intends mak- ing his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars.
ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [eptf.]
THE subscribers having formed a connecti- on in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's warehouse, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES among which are Antigua Rum, Soap, Candles, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Rice, Spanish Indigo, Raspberry ditto, Northern Cheese, London particular Ma- Hibbert's Porter and deira Wine, Brown Stout, Port, Sherry & Toner- English, Swedish and ife ditto, Country Iron, Best green Coffee, Nail and spike Rod, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Pickled Salmon, Best Chocolate, F. F. Gun-powder in Gun-powder, kegs, Imperial, Raisins, Almonds, Hyson, Pepper, Ginger, Young Hyson & Queens-Ware, &c. &c. Southing, &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, or on the usual credit to punctual customers.
JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. (Uf) Richmond, Dec. 4.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Ken- tucky county, in the forks of Great Sandy river; 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great ac- commodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family.
THOS: NORVELL. (Uf) Dec. 19.
FRESH TEAS—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap.
ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. Uf) Jan. 12.
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP. The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was dissolved by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern must apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due therefor.
THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the ten- ements heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, 15 months do. New, Brown and Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season.
JAMES BROWN, jr. (Uf) Jan. 5.
MORE CHEAP GOODS—JOHN KING again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a gen- eral assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City.
November 6. [eptf.]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MEN- CHANDIZE, suitable to the present and ap- proaching season, which he will sell low.
Oct. 10. [Uf]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULAS BATTHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. (Uf)
THE subscriber has accommodations for six or eight Boarders by the year, on moderate terms.
ALEXA. QUARRIER. Feb. 16. [eptf.]
FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed in trust, ex- ecuted to the subscriber by Butler Bradburn, to secure the payment of a debt to Wm. Galt, will be exposed to sale at public auction, for ready money, on Wednesday the 2d of March next, at Thomas Wills in the town of Milton, a well im- proved LOT in the said town; it's an advanta- geous situation for a carriage or wagon maker, there being on the lot a large work shop, a good blacksmith's shop and a well finished dwelling house: acting as trustee, will only convey the ti- tle vested in me as such.
DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Feb. 16. (eptf.)
NOTICE—All persons to whom the estate of the late Major Wm. Dudley, dec'd, of Warwick county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of June next, to bring for- ward their claims properly authenticated, that provision may be made for payment; and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertise- ment will be plead in bar.
SAML. SHIELD, Adm'r. of Wm. Dudley, deceased. York County, Feb. 16, 1808. (1aw3w)
SECOND NOTICE—Whereas I became in- debted to George Madison of the county of King William some time in January last, in the sum of thirty-five pounds and a crown, for which sum I gave said George my note or bond; and whereas Roger Madison made affidavit before Mr. T. R. Evans of said county, that he said Roger, had lost said bond, in consequence of which affidavit accompanied with an order from said George to Reuben Madison of said county, to send him a second bond or note by said Reuben; and I did send a second bond, which second bond Reuben never did deliver to said George; and whereas the said George has found the last bond and now has it in possession, I therefore take this method of publicly demanding the second bond from Reuben Madison according to receipt, and also forewarn all persons from taking a transfer of the first bond from either George or Roger Madison, as they are indebted to me; for which debts there are suits now depending and I shall plead this publication in bar against both bonds.
JAMES JONES. (3d) King & Queen, Feb. 16, 1808.
MESRS. Nathaniel, Benjamin, and John Shepherd, and John S. Moore—Take No- TICE, that I shall on Thursday the 10th day of March, 1808, between the hours of eleven in the forenoon and five in the afternoon, at the Bell Ta- vern, in the city of Richmond, proceed to take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evi- dence in the injunction pending in the county court of King William, wherein I am plaintiff & you are defendants; and also, that on the 21st day of March, 1808, at the Tavern at King Wil- liam court-house, between the same hours, I shall take the depositions of sundry witnesses to be read in evidence in the same injunction.
GEORGE R. LEIPER, Exor. of Bernard Moore, dec'd. (1aw3w) Feb. 18.
JUST PUBLISHED, and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book Store, near the Market Bridge, PART 2 of VOL. 1 of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS. Feb. 16. (1aw3w)
LANDS FOR SALE—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New- Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improve- ments, such as are well calculated for the ac- commodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advanta- geously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land: One tract on Ran- dolph's creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis: One other tract, in the neighbor- hood of New-Canton, of 312 acres, being a moi- ety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne: Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar.
These Lands will be offered for sale at very re- duced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next.
WADE MOSBY. (Uf) Powhatan, Dec. 4.
NOTICE—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the fol- lowing articles suitable for the present and ap- proaching season, viz:
Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Floren- tine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Baizes of vari- ous colors, Wilton, linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dow- las; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fash- ionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cam- bric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marselles and Janes, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to e- numerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8w)
IN CHANCERY—Middlesex County Court, De- cember, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller et al. Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cross, by Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—And- ives and Polly his wife; and Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants.
It appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Com- monwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of As- sembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enqui- rer for two months successively and another post- ed at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. c. Jan. 14. [2aw8w]
PUBLIC VENDUE—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as said more fully appears by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807.) Will be sold without reserve for ready money, on Thurs- day, 2d March, the sloop ALEXANDER hurr- then between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rockets.
SAMUEL TURNER, DANIEL EPES, } Trustees. [tds]
FOR SALE, fifteen thousand acres of Land, consisting of sundry Tracts, lying on the waters of Moccasin and Copper creeks and Clinch river, in the county of Russell, and on big Fox creek and other branches of New river, in the county of Grayson, and on 12 Pole and Guin- dot rivers, in the county of Wythe. For terms of sale, apply to the editor, or the subscriber Wm. F. BRAXTON. [Uf] Feb. 12.
I GIVE this public Notice, that certificate as- certaining my right to thirty-two shares in the Bank of Virginia, has been lost by me. In conse- quence of which, I shall make application to the Bank for a new one. I request that any person who shall get possession of it will place it in the hands of Mr. Thomas Norvell, Broker, living in the city of Richmond. HUGH C. BOGGS. Spottsylvania, (Va.) Feb. 19. (Uf)
THE COMMERCE OF ENGLAND.
In some recent English papers we find the conduct of that government handled in such a way, in relation to its conduct towards Denmark and the United States, as has been very unusual since the peace of 1783. From these discussions we select such facts as may convey useful information to our read- ers, without descending to the local bicker- ings of the British News-Papers. The following are extracts of official re- turns of the imports and exports of Great- Britain in the year 1805:
OFFICIAL VALUE OF THE IMPORTS AND EXPORTS FOR 1805. Table with 3 columns: Country, Value (£), Total (£). Rows include Denmark, Russia, Sweden, Poland, Prussia, Germany, Holland, Flanders, France, Portugal & Madeira, Spain & Canaries, Straights & Gibraltar, Italy, Malta, Turkey, Ireland, Isle of Man, Guernsey, &c., Greenland, Total of Europe, Asia, New Holland, Africa, Cape, Sierra Leone, America.
EXPORTS. Table with 4 columns: Country, British (£), Foreign (£), Total (£). Rows include Denmark, Russia, Sweden, Poland, Prussia, Germany, Holland, Flanders, France, Portugal & Ma- deira, Spain & Cana- ries, Straights and Gibraltar, Italy, Malta, Turkey, Ireland, Isle of Man, Guernsey, &c., Greenland, Total of Europe, Asia, New Holland, Africa, Sierra Leone, America.
From these statements it appears, that the imports into Great-Britain, from Denmark, were equal to one thirteenth of the whole of Europe, and equal to one tenth, excluding Ireland, and one twenty-ninth of all the world, and one twenty-sixth excluding Ire- land. It appears that the imports into Great Britain from the United States—was £ 9, 615,161. While all the imports from all the rest of the world, excluding Ireland—was 13,383, 275. The imports from America exceeded those from Asia 5,543,000 pounds sterling. The whole imports from Russia was dou- ble that of Denmark, or one sixth of the whole of Europe.
So that the commerce of America, in the single department of receipt from foreign na- tions, America furnished near— Five times as much as Russia—Ten times as much as Denmark—Ten times as much as Prussia—Three times as much as Ireland—One third more than Asia—And nearly e- qual to Europe, excluding Ireland—In the exports from G. Britain the proportions are equally striking.—America took, of British exports twelve parts out of thirty-six—Of these articles, what America took, was eleven parts British manufactures, and one part foreign productions.—Denmark took one seventh of the whole—Prussia another sev- enth—Russia near two parts out of 36—Asia about 2 parts out of 36—Ireland near 4 parts of 36. The annual expenditure on the war estab- lishment of England now is 74 millions per annum.
The following is a statement of the oper- ation of the blockade act, according to the French decree:
AMOUNT OF EXPORTS To countries from which England is now excluded. Table with 2 columns: Country, Amount (£). Rows include Denmark, Russia, Sweden, Poland, Prussia, Germany, Holland, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Turkey.
leaving a balance of - 7,134,000 Upon such a policy as has led to such a si- tuation—no man need make a comment—in endeavoring to subject the universe to her covetousness, she has furnished a terrible example against the corrupting influence of
commerce, and a caution for every agri- cultural people to guard against its depravity. Aurora.
DIFFERENCE WITH AMERICA.
To the Editor of the London Morning Chro- nicle.
SIR, The subject of America, which I promi- sed in my former letter to bring to the con- sideration of the public, is the most im- portant of all others to our country in this critical posture of her affairs. The state of Europe, calamitous and disastrous as it is to the Governments and nations of the conti- nent, could not in the end very materially ef- fect the prosperity of Great Britain, if she preserves her relations with the U. States of America; and if she not only preserves them, but, by a mild, dignified, and enlight- ened policy, brings back a state of confi- dence and harmony with that growing and flourishing Republic, neither her commerce nor her power are in any peril whatever from the present unexampled state of the ancient world.
I am aware that Great Britain ought not to sacrifice her rights or her honor. I am in- capable of advising either; but neither of them are at all in question, nor can any diffi- culty attend the pending Negotiation, if the Governments of the two countries, e- qually disregard the clamors of senseless or interested people on both sides of the At- lantic. The flame that has been raised in America, by the assault upon the Ches- peake, was most natural, but it took a wrong direction; it was the act of individuals:— there was no evidence whatever, either to that Government or people, that the British Government had any concern in it, and it is now publicly disavowed: so that the affair between the Leopard and the Chesapeake, is no more a cause of war between England and America, than if an English Captain had knocked down an A- merican Captain in the streets of New York or Philadelphia. The illegal aggression has indeed given rise to new differences, but they have been hitherto only considered a- midst popular clamour and violence: if the two Governments soberly perform their duties to their countries, they may be easily composed.
It may not be an unfit preface to this mo- mentous subject, to remind you, that the difference which now subsists between this country and the United States, is just no- thing in point of value or importance, when compared with the memorable controversy which produced the American Revolution. At that period the British Government would hear of no relaxation or compromise in her system regarding America; yet the oppo- sition to that rash and destructive career, which led so obviously to its fatal termina- tion, was confined to a very few enlight- ened persons: the Parliament and the Nation running headlong with the measures which separated America from Great Bri- tain, and established her independence; yet now that the eye of history is turned upon the transactions, though yet within the reach of living memory, there is but one opinion upon the subject throughout the world; and it appears rather like a spell upon a country, than the natural course of human events, that we should have lost half our Empire for such a cause.
"So insignificant a sum as two-pence, in the eyes of a Financier; so inconsiderable an article as Tea, in the eyes of a Philosopher, shook to the foundation the pillars of an Em- pire which encircled the whole Globe."— BURKE.
It is but justice, however, to the British Ministers of those days to recollect, that their contention with America was a conten- tion with subjects, and not, as now, with an Independent State; and that it was not very difficult to impose on men's understand- ing, by connecting the fatal policy that lost us America with the great privileges of Gov- ernment and Empire, which undoubtedly be- longed in theory to the parent State.
The writer of this letter distinctly disavows all consideration of the policy of Great Bri- tain with regard to America, as it touches the strict execution, or relaxation of our Navigation Laws. These were clearly with- in our own control, and in all arrangement concerning them, we are to look to our own interests only. A liberal policy, however, in the present state of the world is, in my op- ion, the universal interest of nations; but I desire not to meddle with it: it is a large and complicated subject, with the details of which (and they must be taken into the account) I am not sufficiently ac- quainted. I confine myself to the difference which now subsists between the two nations, as I understand it; from want of infor- mation, my view of it is erroneous, their governments will easily correct it, and ap- ply my reasoning (where it is applicable) to the real state of the case.
I take it for granted, that many of our seamen have, for better wages, and to avoid the impress in British ports, on the return from distant voyages, employed themselves in American navigation; but it must be ad- mitted, at the same time, that we have in our service, by the direct compulsion of the impress, many natural born subjects of the United States: the proportions I am un- acquainted with, but I have heard, that it may be considered against G. Britain in the pro- portion of fifteen to ten; that proportion, however, might increase to our disadvantage, and I admit, that it is a matter of the ut- most moment to this country to check so great an evil. It has, however, always appeared to me, that, between two friendly governments, this evil admitted of an easy and amicable remedy, which had it been resorted to be- fore there was any strong irritation on the subject, would have led to some safe and per- manent arrangement. The late administra- tion took the subject under its most serious consideration, by appointing two very en- lightened men, by a commission under the Great Seal, to discuss the subject with the Ministers of the United States; and altho' it was not brought to a conclusion in their time, yet it is publicly known, that the ne- gotiating proceeding in the most amicable spirit when the administration was dissolv- ed. The late administration could not pos- sibly foresee that the differences would sud- denly assume a new shape, by outrage

...which they never sanctioned, and the authors of which they most undoubtedly would have disavowed. Their orders were notoriously calculated to prevent all irritation. They instantly brought Captain Whitby to trial, by a Court Martial; and there can be no doubt, that if they had continued in office, every difficulty with the United States would have been happily adjusted. The late Ministers were, besides, scarcely free to pursue their own liberal views of policy; the false system, which had prevailed so long, having raised a storm of opposition to every attempt to render our system with regard to America conformable to the changing state and condition of the world. As to the Law of Nations on the subject of searching the ships of friendly powers upon the high seas, not for contraband merchandise, or the property of enemies, but for the persons of deserters or of outlawed subjects, I can find nothing precise, except as far as the submission of weaker powers from time to time may be taken to constitute public law in favor of Great Britain. The search of a ship, bearing a national flag, is quite out of the question; nobody contends for it, his Majesty's Ministers have properly disavowed it, and that disavowal leaves America no rational cause of war with Great Britain; but the ill blood created by this unauthorised outrage, has made the search even of merchant ships, so long submitted to, a subject of bitterness and complaint, which, tho' the nations might notwithstanding continue at peace, must perpetually tend to disturb that harmony and good will between them, which is so essentially necessary to counterbalance the portentous power of France.
There comes his fit again, "He had been perfect else." If he could bring America into his vortex, his triumph would be complete; without it in the end, he will be nothing. There are, nevertheless, madmen walking about our streets, who have probably broken loose when Bedlam was lately repairing, who consider a war with America as rather to be courted than avoided: we should, according to them, blockade all their ports, "and take all their ships." It would be a notable exploit, to be sure, in the greatest wholesale dealer in London to succeed in nailing up the retail shops of all his customers in town and country, and to procure the seizure of all the waggons and lighters, conveying his own goods to every corner of the country and of the world! To whom, pray, are we to sell all these American prizes, and our own manufacturer's produce? And from whom, in the event of scarcity, are we to import flour, or tar or timber for our marine, if we are at war with the whole world? But would it be only a present loss? Recollect, that the population of America is already eight millions, and that the portentous state of Europe is a hot-bed to her. She doubles her numbers every 16 years. If peace and harmony are preserved, you will soon want no other customers. She already takes ten millions, annually, of your exports. In twenty years, which is but a day in the period of a nation, she will take twenty millions; and in twenty more, which is but as another day, forty millions; and in twenty years more, which is but as a third day, you cannot cloath her, or administer to her wants and luxuries. You may blot the Continent of Europe out of the map, and your trade and subsequent revenues would overflow. If you continue to cultivate peace, she will not manufacture for herself, so as to interfere with you, until her boundless deserts are cultivated; a period inexcusably distant.
This view of the subject should never be lost sight of for any speculative temporary loss or inconvenience. In all our transactions with America, we should look to America of fifty years or a century hence. The policy of a nation should be prospective, extending to the contemplation of future ages, and not like the prudence of a transaction between man and man, which is properly contracted within the narrow span of individual existence. America should also reason upon the same principle—She is now in her infancy, and, if not checked in her growth by an unnatural struggle with her parent, will arrive sooner at maturity and greatness, than any nation of antiquity; because she started in life in the meridian of civilization; but, if from her highly Republican Constitution, she acts in her great political character, from the sudden impulses of the multitude, and not from the mature considerations of a regular Government, she may throw away, in a rash moment, all the advantages which her firmness and virtue, in the storm of her revolution, have so eminently entitled her to enjoy.
EUROPE. NEW-YORK, February 15. The brig Thomas , Capt. Southworth, arrived at this port last evening from Amsterdam, which place she left the 2d January. Capt. S. did not bring any News-Papers, but informs, that there was not any news of moment. The markets were very high—there was not the smallest idea of an embargo taking place there, or in the ports of France.
AMSTERDAM, Dec. 30, 1807. "We have to inform you that this morning we received official intelligence of a proclamation issued by the French emperor from Milan, respecting the navigation of neutrals—the following are the chief heads of this important State Paper. "Every vessel which has been visited by an English ship, or which has submitted to make a voyage to England, or has paid any duty to the English government, is by this alone declared to have become denationalised , to have forfeited the rights of her flag, and shall be considered as English property. "All vessels which thus through the arbitrary measures of the English government have forfeited the rights of their flag, and might come into our harbors or in those of our allies, or might fall into the hands of our ships of war or privateers are declared to be good and lawful prize. "Every vessel of whatever nation she may be, or of whatever description her cargo may be, which is cleared out in the harbors of England, or in English colonies, or in places in possession of English troops or steering her course to England, English colonies, or to places in possession of the English troops, shall be considered good and lawful prize. The British islands are declared in a state of Blockade both by Sea and Land! The above decree is dated at Milan, the 17th December, 1807.
"HAVANNA, Jan. 22. The heads of departments here, having received advice from his catholic majesty's charge des affaires in the United States, of an expedition being preparing in England, and according to newspaper reports, said to be intended against the Spanish possessions in the bay of Mexico. The most active preparations are making here to repulse the enemy, in the event of their attacking this port or island, by immediately calling out, and properly arming and training, all the militia, of every description, which, together with the French settlers in the island, & the Spanish planters, merchants and artisans already trained, will compose a formidable body. The fortifications have already been put in the best state of defence, and are most amply supplied with all warlike stores, to resist a siege, even should it last six months. The Department of the Marine (besides covering the garrison, and assisting it with men and means, will furnish a considerable number of officers to fill the vacancy that may exist not only in the corps of artillery and engineers, but also in the infantry) have armed and completely fitted forty gun-boats and bomb vessels, provided with ovens for heating shot, with which we shall not only be completely able to defend the lines of our harbour, but also to attack the enemy, should he anchor on the outside. The greatest harmony and military ardor pervades the whole, and so far from dreading an attack, we rather wish for one."
DOMESTIC. FROM THE AURORA. A SECOND DANIEL. The public have now had ample time to digest the various matters of crimination brought forth against general Wilkinson, by all who have directly or indirectly aspersed and accused him. Among his accusers and calumniators, we find, All the adherents and associates in Burr's treason, All the adherents and hirelings of the British government, All the internal enemies of the public liberty, All the opposers of the present administration, All the presses under the influence of this "tasseltated government."
Were there any prospect of any charge being brought forth, deserving of any reception but that of contempt, we should not now touch the subject; but it is due to the public, that they should no longer be suffered to remain uninformed of the real character , the real views , & the motives and conduct of Mr. Daniel Clarke.
That no member of Congress steps forward to demand an enquiry into this man's conduct is to us, a most extraordinary circumstance; but it is certainly requisite, that such an enquiry should be instituted.
At this time we shall not touch what relates immediately to Burr's Treason —that we shall suspend a little longer; to see what may yet come; but we shall go farther back.
Ludlow, Esq. They hasten to lay it before the public. Clarke, and is dated the 10th October, 1804, at Bayou Sarah. "I have long known, that attempts were made to prejudice the government against me; but as I had nothing to hope or fear from that quarter, I made myself very easy about the consequences; & had success ever attended the attempts of my calumniators, I should only have pitied the understandings of those, who listened to their tales, and shut their eyes to my services. For I have the vanity to think I have rendered many essential ones. If my enemies attempted to decry me at Washington, this same gang were as eager to injure you here; and I requested our friend Evan Jones, long since, to point out some of their base proceedings with respect to you, which he informs me he has done. If my conduct, previous to the date of your letter, has displeased the great and mighty members of our administration, it must have since drawn on me an additional weight and load of indignation. I have encouraged, and will continue to encourage, the outcry and opposition to their measures; and if our grievances are not redressed, will infallibly turn the popular odium against the advisers and promoters of them. Our memorial, I presume, will trouble the digestion of some folks, who, since, 1776, have talked so much about liberty, and who now show, when in power, how they would wish to disregard & violate their own principles. I have made the tour of the western parts of the country, through the Aroyelles, Rapids, Natchitoches, Ouachita, Opelousas, and Atacapas; have every where pointed out to the people, who assembled at my call, in every parish, the disregard and violation of their rights; have read to them, and commented on, our memorial, which was universally approved of; and at the same time circulated universally for their information, copies of the address of congress in 1774, to the Canadians, and the law for the government of Louisiana, that the people might compare the one with the other, and see that what Americans spurned at, is forced by them on the unfortunate slaves they have acquired from the first consul in Louisiana. You who know the ardor, with which I pursue a favorite scheme, may possibly conceive an idea of the success I have met with, and the effect produced by my journey. It will turn neither to the honor nor interest of those who have attempted to injure me, or of those upon whom the effect is intended to be produced; and, if they were aware of consequences, might find it more prudent to soothe than attempt to irritate or prejudice me.
With respect to what Mr. Lusat said of the eastern boundary of Louisiana, you are entirely mistaken. He spoke from the orders received from the minister of marine and colonies, which I saw given some months before the treaty with the U States, and these orders Lusat has not been fool enough to part with. It may now suit the policy of the first consul to say the reverse of what he then ordered: but the orders, as to the limits, existed leaving the whole of Florida in the hands of Spain, and I saw them. Whether it may suit the policy of Spain on the Mississippi, is a question to be decided by better politicians than me. But we both can remember a time not far back, when a much greater object could not even induce the administration to think of it, and notwithstanding all the fire and spirit, now so much boasted of, I firmly believe we shall never burn a priming to take Florida, should Spain persist in retaining it. I know and have heard, of great vaporing on this subject, and it was yesterday reported, that gun boat No. 3, was on the way for that purpose, and had even directions to reduce (chemin faisant) the city of Havana, afterwards garrison it, with two hundred and fifty Kentucky boatmen without officers."
"Foreign nations will view us with wonder." "When our gun boats are all set a float." But hark, the conquering hero comes!—You speak of the president and all his comprehensive powers. Were they asleep when he appointed that creature, Claiborne, to degrade the American government in the eyes of the inhabitants of Louisiana? Or does he so totally disregard and despise us, as knowingly to have given us a governor, whom his all comprehensive powers pointed out as inadequate to the task, and only suited to cause discontent, trouble, and confusion? This reduces you to a dilemma, but I will not push you on the subject. At the end of this month I shall go to Orleans to have an eye to the proceedings of the legislature; and, in concert with a number more, well attached to their country, to point out to the people the consequences of all measures proposed, in order to prevent abuses."
The reader requires no analysis of this production—so long ago as 1804 (we know so long as 1800!) the government had received accounts of this man—that is they received them, he acknowledges, for to seek them was not to be supposed either from motive or occasion, however he says that the efforts were not attended with success—that is the government had been informed after he had done or attempted to do, something wrong, but the government took no steps upon it—the attempts, he says never had success; and if they had he should have pitied the understanding of the administration—who could be blind to his services—essential services.
However when we go on to the next paragraph we find that notwithstanding his calumniators had no success, that he was determined the administration should be convinced, and that he was determined not only that his calumniator's words should be verified, but that an additional load of indignation should be excited.
Look at this man's words—and consider the situation of a colony newly acquired—a people in a large sense yet unacquainted with our form of government, its mode of operation—and accustomed to arbitrary laws and proceedings through every department of government— "I have encouraged and will continue to encourage the outcry and opposition to their measures" That is, to measures of the government of the United States—but hear him:— "And if our grievances are not redressed, will infallibly turn the popular odium against the advisers and promoters of them."
What were the grievances here talked of? They are referred to in noticing the memorial which it may be recollected was circulated with so much avidity, and the production of which was attributed to the pen of Mr. Ed. Livingston.
The grievances were these—that a set of rapacious villains were not suffered to pounce at once on the new colonists, and a mass by sudden rapine, fortunes, which by deliberate knavery would require years of fraud and intrigue—this is the plain English of the grievances. What was the conduct of the government complained of—in all our territorial governments, from the settled under the colonial, to the elective assembly, revisable by congress; and the general elective when a territory become a state? If among the citizens habituated to American customs and form of government, this progression is essential, how much more necessary for a people who had just emerged from the stupendous rule of arbitrary magistracy, and the obscure incongruous legislation of the Roman emperors, and Spanish jurists and commentators. But that was the main grievance, Daniel Clark wished to be governor of Louisiana—& like king Chrononhotonthologos cried out; "When I am not—Chaos must come again."
The government, however well disposed, could not gratify him—they wished to perform their duty impartially, as if Mr. Daniel Clark had quitted the mountains of Sligo—to act politely but guardedly, not even to offend, only to consider where they had the obligations of public duty to fulfil. "This was the front of their offending," For which Mr. Clark says he had & would continue to raise outcry and opposition to their measures.
It was for this he made the tour of the western part of the country the Aroyelles, Rapids, Natchitoches, Ouachita, Opelousas, Atacapas—and every where pointed the violation of their rights. Who could not suppose (who did not know better) that this Daniel Clark was not another Cicero, rousing the drowsy Romans against another Catiline? Some Harmodius or Aristogiton traversing the mountains and plains invoking the Athenians to shake off their tyrants?
But when it is addressed to a people rescued without any agency or will of their own, from the arbitrary sway of a despotic government, ever doubly despotic, where it is colonial, who can bear expressing admiration of the solicitude, and dilectia , which this precious patriot felt, for the rights of a people who only by coming under our government became possessor of any rights, CIVIL OR POLITICAL . Under our ordinary laws, persons emigrating to the United States, have five years of probation—The Louisianians were well contented to progress in common with others—the circumstances of transition, rendered it both necessary and salutary; and even the common policy of a prudent people demanded it.
But the grievance was, that Mr. Clark was not the governor. For the same reason it was, that so much clamor was raised about the general introduction of elective power, where, on the very first nomination to legislative offices, so little disposed were the people to exercise their rights, that about one half of those nominated, refused to act—We will not say that it was owing to an indifference to the rights of civil government, perhaps there was some effect produced by this outcry and opposition—perhaps the endeavours to turn popular odium against the government where there was no press, nor men of equal activity, to counteract the outcry and opposition, had produced this effect—but one thing is certain, that such indifference to rights, appeared to render greater precautions requisite in the extension of the powers of free government, to a people so easily abused, and so little sensible of the value of civil liberty.
The people of Louisiana, however have learned by experience, that the most noisy, are not the best men; and they will by and by know Mr. Clark something better, than heretofore. There's more behind.
OF JUNIUS. The celebrated Junius has had the singular felicity of exciting the admiration of enemies and friends. Boldness of conception & force of expression, harmony of period and appropriate metaphor, ornament and sustain political maxims, that in his day began to decline and to be superceded by the tory principles of the Stuart policy. Daring and energetic, polished and yet concise, Junius has established a character which has produced numerous imitators, but none of them his equals; yet he has in the walks of composition superiors, who appeared at unfavorable moments, and wanted only an occasion to place Junius in a second rank, who now holds the first. The following is from the London Morning Chronicle.
To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. SIR—The torpor to which I have so long consigned myself yields to the stimulating qualities of a report which a few days since reached me in my asylum. Indignation has succeeded in my bosom to apathy; and if the decaying energies of old age will permit, that indignation shall have vent.
The invasion of Denmark forms a new and portentous epoch in the history of cabinets: the division of the spoil is a new fact in the annals of ministerial turpitude; and the per version of phrase by which this division is termed the honorable recompence of valor , a striking proof that the worst administration this country ever suffered under, is, at least, as impudent, as it is imbecile.
JUNIUS. The real friends to their country may rest assured that when the measures of government are dispassionately investigated, they will be found to be directed by a desire to promote the best interests of the merchants, as well as farmers and artisans. It wants but one fact to be related, in addition to the letter of Mr. Lear, to place the administration upon the highest moral as well as political ground. It was found that the Dey of Algiers, upon the arrival of our convoys with the naval stores according to treaty, would not receive them at the cost, or at any fair price; but would arbitrarily have them appraised in Algiers, by which appraisal the U. S. lost 20,000 dls. upon each cargo. They therefore directed their Consul to commute with him for a certain sum, in lieu of the naval stores, which sum has been always regularly paid; and his late demand of naval stores instead of money, will not surprise an intelligent public, who cannot be strangers to his captious, unprincipled character. Balt. Amer.
PITTSFIELD, Jan. 30. To prove to a demonstration the importance of the Spanish wool, and the practicability of manufacturing the same into superfine broadcloth, a sample of excellent blue broadcloth manufactured by the Shakers, and dyed equal to any imported, is left at the office of the Sun , and at Mr. Ely's Factory , for the inspection of the public. NOTE—The wool is from sheep about one and a half, of Col. HUMPHREY's flock of Spanish Merino's raised by the Shakers in Hancock . This sample is sufficient evidence that half bloods are sufficiently fine for all the purposes of our country, except for " Beaver " Hats and transportation.
It gives us pleasure to state that definitive arrangements have been made for the execution of that part of the treaty with Tripoli that relates to the Ex-Bassadors. His family have been liberated, and sailed from Tripoli on the 13th of October, carrying with them their property, their slaves, and presents from the reigning to the exiled brother. Nat. Int.
NORFOLK, Feb. 18. THEO. ARMISTEAD, Esq. has been appointed Navy agent in this place, in the room of DANIEL BEDINGER, displaced—We also learn that the Navy Agent in New-York has also been removed!—We are unable to say who his successor is. Herald.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, Feb. 11. Mr. Newton presented a memorial from the inhabitants of Norfolk and its vicinity, praying for a grant of twenty-five or thirty thousand dollars to complete a canal connecting the waters of Albemarle Sound in N. C. with those of Elizabeth river, Va. Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Newton said it had become necessary to call the attention of the House to the act laying the embargo, the restrictions of which were not yet sufficiently strong; and it was necessary in order to have effectual laws that all cases arising under them should be provided for. Those states in the neighbourhood of the foreign states had taken advantage of the provision excepting vessels of five tons burthen from the general restriction. To provide against cases of that description and some others he moved the following resolution, in order that the operations of the law should be equalized:
Resolved , That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire whether any, and if any, what further restrictions in addition to those already imposed by the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and by the act supplementary to the last mentioned act, are necessary to prevent the exportation of goods, wares and merchandise of foreign or domestic growth or manufacture to any foreign port or place, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
On this resolution a desultory conversation took place between Messrs. Witherell , Newton , Dana and Fisk , in which however no objection was made to the resolution. It was stated that foreign vessels were not by law inhibited from going from port to port in the United States with the products of our country; and may go to Passamaquoddy from any southern port in the United States, and thence transport their cargoes across the bay by means of boats under five tons burthen; and thus foreigners may enjoy the benefit of that traffic from which citizens of the U. States are precluded; that the citizens of Vermont and other northern states also enjoy the benefits of trade by means of these boats across lakes Champlain, Erie, &c. and that the embargo thus operates as a mean of four fold profit to some while it denies the common intercourse of commerce to others.
The resolution was adopted without objection; and Mr. Newton , from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported the bill to amend an act entitled "An act supplementary to an act entitled an act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States;" which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Saturday. On motion of Mr. J. Montgomery , the committee of the whole was discharged from the consideration of the bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry, as some parts of it had been thought exceptionable; and it was re-committed to the committee who reported it, 63 to 17. Mr. Bacon presented the petition of Timothy Wellman of Salem, Mass. praying the payment of two-thirds of the amount of certain bills drawn in favor of Denton, Hall and Nathan, by the minister plenipotentiary of the U. S. to France, which was referred to the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Burwell called up his resolution offered a few days ago relative to the procuring certain arms. He wished it to be referred to the committee who might bring in a bill, which might pass or not as the sense of the House might then be. The House agreed to consider the resolution, Ayes 63; and it was then passed without a division. On motion of Mr. Poinsett , Resolved , That the committee on Public Lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of offering for sale the lands lately

ceded to the U. States by the Choctaw nation of Indians, in the manner in which the other lands of the United States south of the state of Tennessee, are directed to be sold, and that they report thereon by bill or otherwise.
The House again went into a committee of the whole, Mr. CUTTS in the chair, on the bill to extinguish the debts due from the U. States. The motion to strike out the first section, being yet under consideration—Messrs. Cook, Upham, Johnston, Dana, Rowan, and Milnor opposed the motion, and Messrs. Rhea (T.) and Taylor supported it. When
Mr. Fisk moved that the committee rise & ask leave to sit again.
Mr. Dawson said that early in the session the President had invited their attention to the great subject of national defence. Have we, said he, attended to that invitation? No; we have met here day after day, week after week, discussing subjects which relate to our internal affairs. I hope a great majority of the House are prepared to say that we shall get rid of this subject which has been discussed over and over again, and on which each speech that is made is a repetition of what has gone before, and prepare for events which may arise. I hope the committee will not rise.
Mr. Newton held the same opinion as the gentleman just sat down, but should vote for the rising of the committee that the subject might be postponed for a few weeks.
Mr. Lyon hoped that the subject would not be postponed as proposed by the gentleman last up; for after the discussion which had taken place during these two days, every gentleman was now prepared to vote on the principle.
The committee then rose, 46 to 39, and obtained leave to sit again, Ayes 65.
Mr. Newton was far from averse to satisfying all just claims on the nation; but, when they viewed the situation of the country, the alarming crisis which now prevailed gentlemen would think with him that all the energies of the nation should be exerted to place it in the best possible situation to meet events. Conceiving that it was his duty to attend to this object, he moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill till the first Monday in March.
Mr. Cook said when he had called up this, he had believed that there was a temporary suspension of urgent public business, and he had never been inclined to push this on to the exclusion of other matter of more importance, nor ever would. He hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion.
A motion to adjourn was now made, and carried 47 to 44.
FRIDAY, Feb. 13.
Mr. Bacon presented the following memorial.
To the honorable the House of Representatives of the United States of America. Respectfully represents the undersigned, a citizen of the state of Massachusetts, that he has been duly appointed the agent of the New-England Mississippi company for the purpose of supporting their claims before the Congress of the U. States and finally liquidating and adjusting the same, and he most respectfully prays that he may be admitted to a hearing at the bar of the House of Representatives in behalf of said company to state their rights and explain their claims—and as in duty bound will ever pray, &c. JOSEPH STORY.
FEB. 10, 1808.
Which being read Mr. Bacon offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the prayer of the petition of Joseph Story as agent of the New-England Mississippi company, praying that he may be admitted to a hearing at the bar of this House in behalf of the said company to state their rights and explain their claims which are now pending before Congress be granted; and that the House will proceed to hear said agent, accordingly at this bar, on Monday 22d Feb. inst.
The House agreed to consider the resolution 45 to 43.
A short debate took place on the resolution, when the resolution was negatived, yeas 28, nays 76.
The House went into committee of the whole, 56 to 33, Mr. BASSETT in the chair, on the bill making appropriations for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties. The bill being gone through, the committee rose and reported it & it was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
On motion of Mr. Parke,
Resolved, That the committee on public lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of allowing further time to the Board of Commissioners for the Kaskaskia district, in the Indiana territory, to complete the investigation of claims to land in the said district; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Boyle from the committee of Public Lands, reported a bill authorizing the sale of the lands of the U. S. and for other purposes; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of Joseph Chase, Jared Gardner, and others, was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.—Adjourned to Monday.
MONDAY, February 15.
On motion of Mr. Bassett, the House went into a committee of the whole, 47 to 23, on the bill concerning public contracts, Mr. J. RICHARDS in the chair. The bill was gone through without debate and on motion of Mr. Bassett, the committee rose and reported the bill which was, without debate ordered to a third reading to-morrow, 46 to 27.
Mr. Bassett called for the order of the day on the subject of the standing rules and orders of the House. The difficulty of getting up business on this day was an argument in favor of their being decided on.
Many orders of the day being called for, Mr. Newton moved that the subject of the rules and orders be postponed as the session was so far advanced.
Mr. Bassett objected to the motion. They need only revert to the scenes of the morning in which several gentlemen had been on the floor at once, and several decisions had been had on the preference of business in the orders of the day; they must see the necessity of adopting some order for the regular routine of business.
Mr. Newton and Mr. Holland, supported the motion for postponement, which was carried 46 to 37.
Mr. Stanford was so fully impressed with the necessity of some rule for the routine of business, that he wished to originate a motion for the regulation of it the same which was made by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Bassett) in committee of the whole on the subject.
The Speaker said that the motion was not in order.
On motion of Mr. Cook, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. CUTTS in the chair, on the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. S.
Messrs. Cook and Holland supported the bill and Messrs. Rhea and Alston opposed it; when
the message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Graham, On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams, the committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
The message was then read as follows:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
I communicate for the information of Congress a letter from the Consul of the United States at Malaga to the Secretary of State covering one from Mr. Levy, our Consul at Algiers, which gives information that the rupture threatened on the part of the Dey of Algiers has been amicably settled, and the vessels seized by him are liberated. TH: JEFFERSON.
FEB. 15, 1808.
The document which accompanies the message is the same with that which appeared in our last. The message was on motion of Mr. Quincy referred to the committee appointed to consider a former communication of the President of the U. States relative to our relations with Algiers.
Mr. Newton moved for the order of the day on the bill extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds.
Mr. Cook supposed the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. States had preference as unfinished business; if not, he hoped the gentleman from Virginia had too high a sense of decorum to insist on his motion.
Mr. Newton's motion was negatived, and Mr. Cook's agreed to by the House; Mr. CUTTS again in the Chair.
Messrs. Holland, Sturges and Quincy advocated the bill, and Messrs. Alston and Rhea opposed it.
The question was then taken on striking out the first section (the principle of the bill) and negatived 58 to 24.
When, on motion of Mr. Cook the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Dawson from the committee on military and naval establishments, reported the following resolution, which was agreed to, ayes 58, and referred to the committee who reported it to bring in a bill.
Resolved, That the sum of _____ dollars be appropriated to enable the President of the United States to procure by purchase, or to cause the same to be manufactured _____ stand of arms for the use of the U. S. and to cause the same to be deposited in safe and suitable places.
Mr. Dawson also reported the agreement of the same committee to the bill from the Senate which was to them referred for increasing the military peace establishment of the U. States; which was referred to a committee of the whole to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Parke the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill extending the right of suffrage within the Indiana territory; Mr. PITKIN in the chair, which having been gone through was reported to the House.
Mr. Rhea proposed an amendment further extending the suffrage; which was negatived, ayes 14.
The bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. MARSH in the chair, on the bill for the relief of Edward Weld, and Samuel Beebe; which having been gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into a committee of the whole on the resolution for disposing of certain charts of the coast of N. Carolina, Mr. RICHARDS in the chair, which being gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. Newton, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. PITKIN in the chair, on the bill to allow the importation of old copper free of duty; which being gone through and reported to the House, was ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell the House went into the committee of the whole, Mr. W. ALSTON in the chair on the bill from the Senate to defray the expenses incurred in an enquiry into the conduct of John Smith, a senator from Ohio; which being gone through and reported to the House, was ordered to a third reading.
Mr. Dawson laid upon the table the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of this House jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate to consider and report what further business it is necessary to be done during the present session; and at what time it will be proper for Congress to adjourn.
On motion of Mr. Van Rensselaer the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. BASSETT in the chair, on the bill for the relief of Samuel Whitting, which being gone through and reported to the House, the House adjourned without concurring in the report.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 23, 1808.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
NUMBER I.
SIR,
THERE surely never was a subject calculated more justly to excite universal attention, than that which now agitates the public mind—the approaching Presidential election.—On its event, I solemnly believe, the dearest interests of this nation essentially depend. The boundless freedom of communication, is in effect, the first blessing of a republic. With ample reasons to justify, in my own mind, a preference of Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison, I shall occasionally offer to my countrymen, my humble thoughts upon the subject, and if without success, I trust without shame to myself or just offence to the people.
I can conceive no conjuncture of affairs more critical than the present: an illustrious and most popular President about to retire from office: new parties forming: a malignant conspiracy hardly crushed: and war with one or the other of the great rival powers of Europe, almost certain.
Mr. Monroe spent his early years in the armies of the revolution, and has been since constantly engaged in public affairs. I will not enumerate to a grateful country, the important services he has rendered. Equally and profoundly versed in our foreign relations and domestic polity, endowed with a comprehensive mind, which has been improved with indefatigable industry, and enriched with the stores of various experience; he is above all, recommended to the high trust to which he has not aspired, by his republican simplicity of manners, and Roman virtue of soul.
Such a man would not hesitate a moment, "between political apostasy and political annihilation." The friends of Mr. Madison, it must be confessed, are much louder in their eulogies and more strenuous in their support. For myself, I am not fully prepared, as yet, to do him justice. The waters of the great deep are not yet broken up, nor the windows of heaven opened.
I mean not, hastily, to condemn those irregular assemblies called caucuses. Discussion would be idle now, because it would be useless; and this is no time for useless and idle speculations. Much less shall I enter into any nice disquisitions, concerning the relative merits of schismatic and general caucuses: I shall only observe, that those who prefer and resort to the former, will not charge upon their opponents, the fault of any schism which may be likely to ensue. But it is painful to reflect, what are the qualities and talents calculated to shine and succeed in a caucus; where the night is substituted for the day; where instead of the audible eloquence of public debate, the base whisper of intrigue is hardly heard; where folly and cunning, and falsehood, and hypocrisy usurp the place of wisdom, truth and virtue. Accordingly, we find that in caucuses, Mr. ***** is as honest, Mr. ***** as eloquent, Mr. ***** as brave, Mr. ***** as wise, and Mr. ***** much abler than ***** There is not another situation on earth, of which the same could with truth be said. We know there were many men of virtue and talents in the Madison caucus at Richmond: Yet Mr. ***** the weakest, and Mr. ***** the most vicious, of politicians, took the lead in the business. The man who could deliberately and wantonly contend that Congress are competent to repeal the constitution, and the President and Senate to dismember the union, found a caucus his proper element. What has been said of government may be truly said in relation to a caucus—that it is wonderful by how small a portion of wisdom and virtue the affairs of a nation are conducted. But though caucuses be allowed to be a great, it is insisted they are a necessary evil. I have only to lament, that the federal convention did not see this necessity, and reduce this evil, as they have many others, within some fixed rule. We are told that caucuses are essential to the purposes of co-operation. Sir, I comprehend the full force of the defence as it applies to a recent instance; and readily acknowledge, that without their aid, the influence of Mr. Madison's character alone, would never have produced any effectual co-operation in his favor. But if a caucus be "an essential instrument of a Presidential election," it this be to be henceforth annexed, as an informal amendment to the constitution, however materially varying the original compact; I hope it will be agreed on all hands, that every possible care should be taken to guard against the baleful effects of those poisonous ingredients so apt to mingle in their composition.
If I had been utterly indifferent as to the event, the course which the friends of Mr. Madison have pursued to secure his election would have alone prepossessed me against his hopes. It might have been expected, that the contest would have been fairly conducted: that artifice, and intrigue, and falsehood would have been discarded on either part: that if not respect to justice, if not gratitude for the services of Mr. Monroe, if not regard to the constitutional freedom of election—at least a sense of the dignity of the cause would have prevented the use of means, which, however holy the end, can never be honestly employed or honorably defended.
From the commencement, and throughout the whole session of the late General Assembly, there have been constantly published in the city of Richmond, extracts of letters from members of Congress, of which it were hard to say, whether the motives or the consequences, be most lamentable. Some of these letters represent, that a general impression existed in Washington, there would be scarcely an opposition to Mr. Madison; that he would be recommended by an almost unanimous vote of the republicans in congress, excepting those of New-York. That the first of these statements was perhaps entirely groundless—that (to say the least) both of them were grossly and wilfully exaggerated, subsequent events clearly prove: for if we may rely on the imperfect statements which have been given to the world, there were in Washington at the time, about thirty-seven republicans, exclusive of the New-York delegation, who were not for Mr. Madison; & the N.Y. delegation (18 in number) are also certainly opposed to him. Is this almost an unanimous vote of the republicans? Is this scarcely an opposition? Other letters (tho' in ambiguous terms, dictated obviously by the fear of detection and the desire of escape) ventured to affirm that Mr. Monroe had renounced his pretensions in Mr. Madison's favor. Other letters imputed to the friends of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Clinton (if we may believe the Argus) intrigues of most monstrous criminality. That both these tales were false, will now be denied by no man. I will not further swell the odious detail. If these stories were designed to produce no effect, why were they invented? For the amusement of a leisure hour? Why were they written? To give information to particular friends? Why, then, were they published? Grass indeed, must be his folly, who cannot perceive, that they were invented, and written, and published with an intent to bias the minds of the Virginia Assembly.
As it respects the motives which dictated these letters, it is of no consequence, that their contents were contradicted, or counteracted, or were in themselves harmless: the motives are still equally base. But in fact, no contradiction could have rendered them innocuous.—For what inscrutable purpose of providence it has been ordained, I know not—but truth and falsehood are so contrived, as to be of nearly equal momentum. Truth has more weight, but falsehood more velocity. The course of truth is slow and enduring. That of falsehood is rapid and fleeting: soon it spends its force, and stops and is overtaken, but not till all its mischief be completed.—Sir, those reports did produce an effect injurious to Mr. Monroe. The immense congressional majority which they assigned to Mr. Madison, overbore all the wavering, all but the firmest, minds. Now indeed, numbers, who respect and venerate Mr. Monroe, see and bewail their error:—But they are committed, and cannot retract—retract! sooner shall the ball return to the cannon which discharged it!
I desire it may be remembered, that no friend of Mr. Monroe has ever published a single extract of a single letter, for any purpose whatever.
For some time before the late caucuses in Richmond, Mr. Madison's friends had declared, that they esteemed the cordiality of the American union, an object of paramount importance; that, as it appeared another president was to be taken from Virginia, great respect would be due to the choice of the other states; and that (if time allowed) Virginia ought to await that choice, and ought to defer at least, to take not give the tone. They have the boldness still to hold the same language. They can no longer deceive any but those who wish to be deceived. Let us test the sincerity of professions by the unerring criterion of actions.
In defence of the caucus called by Mr. Madison's friends in Richmond, it has been said, "that the expectation, that the friends of Mr. Monroe would have an immediate
meeting, left the friends of Mr. Madison no other alternative, but to adopt a similar measure."—That this is mere pretext, I cannot (viewing all circumstances) doubt for a moment. Mr. Monroe arrived in Richmond in December. The scene can never be forgotten. Every eye strained to behold him, every hand was stretched forth to receive him, every heart beat with honest gratulation. His name and image were associated in the bosoms of all men, with those noblest feelings of the soul—the love and the pride of country. Arrayed in all the simplicity of republicanism, in all the loveliness of virtue and in all the majesty of wisdom, the mild yet radiant glory that beamed from his brow, dispelled for the moment the gathering clouds of faction, and warmed in their very dens the cold and heartless minions of intrigue. At that moment of enthusiasm, had a caucus been called of the friends of Mr. Monroe only, they might certainly have calculated on the most favorable possible result:—They saw, yet wilfully neglected, the golden opportunity, expecting doubtless a just reciprocation of fair dealing. They could not have made a mistake more honorable to themselves, or more useful to their opponents. Then began that shower of letters from Washington which rained forty days and forty nights, deluged the public mind, and drowned all scruples of consistency and honor. So soon as affairs were ripe, a caucus was called in Richmond of Mr. Madison's friends only. It is at all times difficult to prove notice of fraud. I do not positively affirm, that the time when the caucus was to be held in Washington was known; but considering the good correspondence that was kept up, I certainly believe it. But at least a fortnight of the session of assembly was yet to elapse. Where was the necessity of anticipating the congressional caucus which might be held in the interval?—Whence this sudden precipitation? How can such conduct be reconciled with a declaration, (which I dare believe, sprang from a mind informed by wisdom and enlightened by prophecy) "that to the friends of Mr. Madison; expedition was every thing—to their opponents nothing could be gained by it, and much might be lost?"—Sir, it is plain, that instead of awaiting the opinion of other states, or respecting their choice, the friends of Mr. Madison designed that Virginia should give the tone and take the lead; for they made her perform that part. Yet in spite of the evidence of facts which the meanest understanding is capable of collating and comparing; the very champion of the cause talks to us about state-jealousies—the cultivation of harmony among the different members of the union—the fatal tendency of a narrow, local, arrogant policy—the submission due to the voice of our sister states—the high honor conferred on Virginia by their nomination of another Virginian to the presidency—the propriety of respecting their selection—and the presumption of requiring that they should not only select a Virginian, but just such a Virginian as we like! Sir, this language is a strong, though undesigned censure, on those whom this writer has generously undertaken to defend. It is worse. It is a direct attempt to batter down the common sense of mankind, and to resume the ground, which the party had abandoned, either through panic or design. Let not the gentleman hope to succeed in this desperate attempt, this forlorn hope.—Yet he must not be disheartened. I sincerely respect his talents. But he lovetn all-d vouring words. His fluent eloquence is delightful to the ear, but cannot even perplex, much less subdue the understanding; and though it shall be useless to his cause, it will not, I hope, be unprofitable to himself.
Such then is the retrospect. We have seen falsehoods invented to effect objects which it was feared, truth was too weak to accomplish; the sly hand of intrigue stealing the holy boon which the influence of virtue and talents and character ought to command; and the instruments or victims of these unholy arts boldly retorting on their opponents, charges to which they only are liable; as if re-creation could conceal their guilt, or drown its consciousness. It is fair to presume that the most specious extracts of letters from Washington have been selected for publication; that the least defensible have circulated in silence; that if falsehood has been given to the world, slander has been propagated in secret. If shining counterfeits have been imposed upon us in open day, we may conceit we what baser coin has been put off in the night. If so many efforts have been directed against Virginia, can there be a doubt that similar exertions have been made in other parts of the union? Who shall define the extent of Mr. Nicholas's correspondence? I beg pardon; the gentleman is not "laboring in his vocation?" if I am not grossly misinformed, he went to Congress not merely to represent his district, but to elect a president.
The subject of these intrigues has perhaps already been exhausted; and but for the vanity of recording my opinion, I had passed it over in silence. The prospect of a president to rule over this great nation, at a period like the present, to whose election a caucus is essential, fills me with disgust, dismay, horror—I hasten, Sir, to quit this odious topic forever. I cannot linger among scenes of political depravity, even for the purposes of reprobation. I should never wander with delight, over the ruins of the constitution, however grand and majestic; nor find in the meekness of sorrow, any consolation for the woes of my country. POWHATAN.
W. L. G.
We presume that a more formal reply will hereafter be given to POWHATAN.—In the mean time we deem it not improper to make a few comments on some facts on which he has greatly relied.
1. It is a fact, that only one "extract of a letter" was "published" in the Enquirer, respecting the "impressions" at Washington about the next Presidential election. See the Enquirer of the 9th January. This extract predicted the result of the caucus that would be held at that place.—As to two others and the only other extracts which appeared in the Enquirer respecting the election; as they merely stated the result of that caucus, they are of course exempt from the censure of Powhatan.—But one extract appeared in the Argus, bearing in the least degree on this subject & that evidently favoured the pretensions of Mr. Monroe. No extracts were published in the other papers of this city.—What then becomes of "some of these letters;" a very sweeping expression—and "showers of letters which rained forty days and forty nights?" Can one drop make a shower?
2. It is a fact that the prediction of this one extract was strongly and perhaps completely confirmed by the actual result of the caucus.—See the Enquirer of the 30th Jan'y.
3. It is a fact that one single sentence in the extract could possibly be construed into a prediction that Mr. Monroe would be nominated his predecessor in Mr. Madison's favor.—I have already given my opinion that even this sentence did not relate to the next presidential election, but to the minority in Congress.—What then becomes of Powhatan's "other letters?" besides it would have been ridiculous to have fabricated such a letter to Washington to have operated in Richmond; when Mr. Monroe was of the very special and could so readily have denied the assertion.
4. It is a fact that only one short statement appeared in the Argus, respecting an arrangement which was reported to have been made between the friends of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Clinton.—In this statement the editor of the Argus in fact expressed his disbelieve of the report—in which the editor of this paper concurred.
We earnestly recommend to our Fellow Citizens of Virginia, the Address of the Baltimore Committee to the people of Maryland.—The subject is so important, that we shall touch it hereafter.
Let the people of Virginia combine with their honorable submission to the immediate evils of an Embargo, a sagacious disposition to convert it to the best purposes of which it is susceptible.—The world is in a strange state. When the whole continent of Europe is involved in tumult and the violation of principles, how can we expect to escape all their evils? We are one link of the great chain which enriches the commercial, civilized world: distant, though webby, it would be presumption for us to expect an entire immunity from the great shock which agitates Europe.
Let us acquiesce in our destiny, but let us profit by its impetuous lessons. If we are truly wise, if we anxiously cultivate all the advantages of our situation, the embargo will be more than shown of half its evils. It saves our capital from the seizure of freebooters; and it improves, in proportion to our wisdom and energy—the internal situation of our country.
One fact alone we submit at present to the consideration of our fellow-citizens. The Irish depend upon us every spring for flax-seed, for the production of the great material of their greatest manufacture. The Embargo has blocked up in the vessels and warehouses of Philadelphia and New-York—we know not how many thousands of pounds of flax-seed. When any man calculates the shock which this measure gives to Ireland, or the probable price of Irish linens in time to come?—What is our duty in this situation?
We are authorised to state, that Messrs. Samuel Butler, John Farleigh, and John H. Cocke decline serving on the Monroe committee for the county of Surry.
We are authorised to state, that Messrs. Thomas A. Jones and William Birchett decline serving on the Monroe committee for the county of Mecklenburg.
We are authorised to state that Mark Alexander Esquire of Mecklenburg declines serving on the Monroe ticket as an Elector for that District.
We have reason to believe, that the negotiation at Washington is probably suspended—if so, whether to give Mr. Rose time to communicate to him his Court, as has been intimated in some of the papers, we know not—nor do we know that the negotiation is broken off.—We have reason to believe, however, that Mr. Rose has no power to touch any subject, but the affair of the Chesapeake—and even as to this, there are perhaps serious difficulties.
WILL BE SOLD, on the second day of March next, at the late residence of Obadiah Smith, dec'd in the county of Chesterfield, about seven miles from the town of Manchester, a great variety of Household & Kitchen FURNITURE, Plantation Utensils, two or three hundred barrels of Corn, a large quantity of excellent qualified Oats and Fodder, stock of Sheep, Horses, Cows, Hogs, &c.—upon a credit of six months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to pay interest from the date if not punctually paid. Will be sold, at the same time and place, a few likely NEGROES, for cash, by PETER F. SMITH, JOHN HOWLETT, Admrs.
N. B. All persons having claims against the estate of Obadiah Smith, dec'd are requested to make them known properly authenticated, as arrangements may be made for their discharge, and those indebted, are requested to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given. Feb. 22. [epid]
TO be disposed of a small assortment of best London composition CANDLE MOULDS, with five suitable Frames: Also, Cotton in bails, and a quantity of ready-made wicks, (which were destined for a manufactory, but the owner has since declined) at first cost. The purchaser shall be taught gratis, the best method of making candles both winter and summer, also to dress their wicks, bleaching their tallow, and making the candles of a beautiful gloss and whiteness—Apply at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Feb. 23. [epid]
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers having commenced the SHOE & BOO making Business in the house lately occupied by Mr. John Southgate, nearly opposite the post-office and next door below Messrs. Robert and Allan Pollock—solicit a share of patronage in their line of business, and assure those who may please to favor them with their custom that their work shall be of the best quality both as to materials and workmanship. This they are enabled to do from the understanding which has taken place between the journeyman and their late employers, in consequence of which, most of the best workmen have left town, except those that engaged with the subscribers: They have further to assure the public that they have not joined the association lately formed (to mend boots or shoes of other than Richmond manufacture,) but permit the public to purchase where they may be best pleased, and yet mend such work as may require it. Orders from the country particularly attended to. LYON & BERRY. Feb. 28. (U)
SIR MEAD—Take Notice—As your departure from the state of Georgia prevented my giving you the notice I forwarred, and as the place of your residence is unknown to me, I take this method to inform you that on the following days between the hours of 10 o'clock in the morning and four in the evening, attendance will be given at the following places in the state of Georgia, to take the depositions of the persons herein named to be read as evidence in the suit depending in the county court of Caroline (Virginia,) wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant—On the 1st of next May, at James Marks's in Oglethorpe, and on the 9th of May, at John Harbert's in Hancock: Also, at the house of John North, in Bedford (Virginia) on the 23d of March next, to take the deposition of Mr. Charles Clay, S. Robinson and M. Wright. WILLIAM GUIREY. Carolina County, Feb. 23. (4)

MISCELLANY.
DOMESTIC ARTS.
TO THE PEOPLE OF MARYLAND.
The committee appointed in a public meeting of the citizens of Baltimore, held at the merchants' Coffee-House, on the 7th inst. for the purpose of collecting information relative to, and devising a plan for the establishment of woollen & cotton manufactures; having several times convened to deliberate on the subject of their appointment, and having been favoured with, and examined a variety of communications from gentlemen in different parts of the country, containing very useful remarks and observations on the practicability of carrying so desirable an establishment into operation—beg leave to offer the following exposition of their impressions on this interesting subject, to their fellow-citizens.
Your committee are convinced that a crisis of all others, the most favorable since the U. States became a nation, for the establishment of manufactures, has arrived; a period when, if they judge correctly of public opinion, it is with very few exceptions in favor of making the experiment. But in an undertaking of this nature, the real and supposed difficulties to be encountered, have heretofore been thought so numerous as to be insurmountable: it has therefore become the duty of this committee to ascertain what these difficulties really are, and whether they have not in time past been greatly magnified either through timidity, or by those whose interests were opposed to such establishments. The objections which have been offered, may perhaps be condensed into the following.
1st. The impracticability of finding persons qualified to construct and finish labour-saving machinery.
2d. The difficulty of producing suitable characters to conduct and superintend such establishments.
3d. The scarcity of certain raw materials.
4th. The high price of labor.
5th. The want of sufficient capital, and
6th. That, even after all the preceding obstacles had been overcome, one still greater would be found to exist in procuring a market for such articles as might be fabricated.
Although the committee may be incompetent to obviate and remove all these difficulties and objections, yet if in the succeeding remarks they are fortunate enough to point out the futility of some and weaken the force of others, they will rest satisfied that the time consumed in throwing these observations together has not been misapplied, and will have the satisfaction of believing whatever may be the effect of the present report on the public mind, that they have endeavored to render their fellow citizens a service by this feeble attempt to urge the propriety and expediency of an establishment, which they are convinced would tend to promote the general welfare.
Taking then the object in the ordinary state, they would answer to the first—That since this business has been agitated, the letters received by the chairman and others containing offers of service from persons of avowed experience declaring themselves competent to construct and finish any machinery necessary in carding, spinning and weaving cotton or wool, go most completely to refute this objection.
The same documents are applicable in removing the second difficulty, viz. that of procuring suitable characters to conduct and superintend the work; and although some doubts may have remained on this point of our subject, yet we feel confident that an attentive perusal of the letters referred to, will effectually remove them; for ourselves, we consider the fact as completely ascertained as the former. The third objection is one which we cannot so easily overcome; to remove it entirely is at present impracticable. It is true our country produces some wool, but your committee are aware that the quantity is by no means sufficient for the supply of an extensive manufactory, yet they believe enough may be obtained to commence and carry on an undertaking on a small scale, which is perhaps all we ought at present to calculate upon or attempt to set on foot as relates to this article. But if it was once generally known that a market for the purchase of wool would be regularly kept open and sufficient encouragement given to farmers and others for increasing the quantity and improving the quality, no doubt can be entertained that in a few years considerable supplies might be obtained of that kind used in the fabrication of middling and common cloths. These being articles of primary necessity ought first to claim attention.
Should our present political difficulty be as it by many is expected, increased to an actual warfare, establishments of this kind would become absolutely necessary, even for clothing the very troops who might be called out to fight our battles; in that case it can hardly be questioned that a bounty would be allowed either by the federal or state government, for the growth and improvement in quality of so essential an article as wool; but should this last expectation not be realized, the constant and increasing demand for woollen cloths may be relied on to afford sufficient stimulus to those concerned.
As respects the article of cotton, nothing further need be said, than that it is produced from our own soil in such quantities, and afforded for sale at so low a rate, as to be a profitable manufacture, even to private individuals without capital.
The 4th objection has by many persons & some of considerable experience, been thought entitled to more weight than the committee feels sensible of, or can attach to it. They are not ignorant that the nominal price of labour is considerable, but they believe its comparative and actual value is little greater here than in some other countries, where manufacturing is carried on to great extent. To form a correct judgment in this case, it becomes necessary to ascertain, whether the labourer or tradesman in this country who receive from forty to one hundred and thirty three cents per day, their boarding being furnished, can procure more of the actual conveniences of life, such as clothing, furniture etc. than the same description of persons can in England, on a salary of from 1 shilling to 2 and 6 pence sterling for the same portion of labour. Your committee have no data at hand which will positively determine this question; but from the best information on the subject, they feel a strong conviction that the difference, if any, is very trifling; but suppose it was considerable, it would be more than counter-balanced in the manufacture of cotton, by the reduced price at which we can procure that article. The committee recommend to those who are in the habit of complaining of the exorbitant charges of our labourers and mechanics, to reflect for a moment on the small comparative value of money amongst us—they who shall leave to remark, that in an undertaking of this kind, the estimates of the annual value of labour ought to be very differently formed, from those which are made for a day or a week on board our vessels, or on our wharves; in the one case it is transient and uncertain, in the other it would be permanent and stationary; hence those embracing the latter would be disposed to render their services at a much lower rate than under the precarious circumstances of the former. Hereafter an attempt may be made to show that the number of labourers will be greatly increased; consequently the value of their services will be proportionally diminished.
Leaving then, for the present, this part of our investigation, we come next to answer the fifth objection, namely, the want of sufficient capital. Here, as in the former case, we apprehend the difficulty is less real than imaginary; it is a fact known to many that our monied institutions were never in a better state as to species, than at present, and it may with equal confidence be asserted, that no public establishment of common magnitude, has long languished in this country for want of suitable support, where any reasonable expectation of success in the undertaking, at no very remote period, could be pointed out; and as your committee believe, that to insure success, it is only necessary to embrace the means within your power; they would also suppose it rather inalienable to suspect that an undertaking of such general importance as the one now under consideration should not find advocates in abundance, willing to embark sums sufficient to execute the work on the broadest scale which may be proposed to them.
They are not without assurances from different quarters, that if a plan similar to that which will hereafter be submitted to your consideration was laid before the public, it would be subscribed to with avidity. The co-operation of a few influential individuals to aid in our labor, would doubtless procure all the capital required at a very early period; and as an inducement to those, who may yet be unacquainted with the subject, we venture to assert that all the coarser fabrications from cotton wool can be manufactured cheaper here than in Great-Britain. In reply to the sixth and last objection, your committee beg leave to state, that should we be unfortunately involved in a war, our necessities would not only compel us to become our own manufacturers, but would furnish a market at the door for all our fabrications. War, however, is an event which the committee seriously deprecate, and are willing to cherish the hopes of peace to as great an extent as any of their fellow citizens; assuming then for the moment an assurance that this calamity will not overtake us, but that either the embargo or non-intercourse acts continue in force, and the measure will still be indispensably necessary; now if any of the above predicted events do occur, some of which may be calculated almost certain, there could be no possible difficulty in vending all we contemplate to manufacture, and more, at a generous price, such as would leave a handsome profit, to the credit of the establishment. Heretofore capital has been wanting to enable those embarked in such pursuits, to offer their fabrications on the same terms of credit as were given by importing merchants: this circumstance has been more detrimental to the success of such undertakings than any other.
Your committee are strengthened in that opinion by several letters now in their possession, even as relates to the manufacturing of woollen cloth; one of them from a gentleman of veracity and intelligence, who has made the experiment for himself within the last three years, states, that the result was a thorough conviction that the business "would be lucrative with good management of a capital sufficiently large to avoid the losses incident to a necessity of making forced sales." Again in the possible event of a general peace in Europe, a large proportion of our external commerce would be suppressed, hence a great number of the labourers heretofore employed in the shipping department must be left destitute of the means heretofore used for support, and many articles of clothing formerly purchased abroad will be required at home; this will increase the consumption of our fabrications, while from the same source the number of laborers will be multiplied; and in the same ratio will the value of their services be diminished; a still further increase of quantity and diminution in the price of labor may be calculated on as resulting from the same source, when our export trade is restricted within the narrow limits of a peace establishment, the pursuits of farming and agriculture will grow less valuable, and no more of the earth will be cultivated than is found necessary to supply the demand for produce; this in many parts of the country will leave a considerable number unemployed, a portion of whom, no doubt, would cheerfully engage on moderate terms in such an establishment; taking it then as granted that several of the above events are even more than probable, and that the consequences here pointed out will as inevitably flow from them, it cannot be denied that the consumption of our manufactures must greatly increase. This we consider as a cumtaining which tend to justify your committee in recommending the proposed measure to be carried into immediate execution.
Having now gone through with our answers to the objections stated in such manner as we hope will be in some measure, satisfactory to all who are not inimical to our views, and who read the preceding and following remarks with a desire to possess themselves of such information as the committee have been enabled to collect on the subject: We come next to speak of the proposed measure in general terms.
That the time will come when the United States must and ought to manufacture her own supplies of clothing and other necessary articles, if she is ever to become completely an independent nation, few, if any, will attempt to controvert; the principal difference in opinion appears to be respecting the time and manner of commencing these operations.
Your committee are not only disposed to believe, but are convinced, that the period has arrived, when it would be proper to make a beginning; taught by present experience to apprehend that our intercourse with the countries of Europe may be frequently interrupted; we should think ourselves sceptical, longer to resist a conviction of the necessity we are under to prepare for furnishing the requisite supplies at home, and should also feel ourselves wanting in patriotism to doubt the practicability of obtaining among our fellow-citizens a sum sufficient to ensure the execution of our plan.
The measure is laudable, it is necessary, and merits, as we trust it will receive, the approbation and support of the wealthy and influential. To those we first address ourselves, because we know that much is in their power; possible every class of the community in this untold gloomy aspect of our political horizon is self-secure, it is the part of prudence to meet the threatened danger: without proportionate preparation, a listless apathy may prove extremely prejudicial.
It has before been stated that the present is a favorable crisis for commencing a manufacturing establishment. Some proofs of the fact have already been offered; should more be required, they are at hand.
1st. Because we have heretofore been dependent on foreign nations for many articles of absolute necessity, which it is now in our power to fabricate.
2d. Because we have an abundant supply of certain raw materials, the native growth and produce of our soil, which foreigners have been accustomed to take from us at almost their own price, and to charge what they please for the same articles in a manufactured state.
3d. Because it is now impracticable, and may hereafter be very difficult to export their articles to any advantage.
4th. Because either in case of a war between ourselves and any of the nations in Europe, or a general peace throughout the world, large portion of our population would be thrown out of employment, consequently some means must be devised for their support. Here an appeal might be made to every candid mind, whether any medium more rational or more likely to be beneficial to them or the community, can be suggested than that on which we have been called to deliberate.
We speak from the pressure of conviction, feeling as we do for our country, the necessity, and convinced as we are of the practicability of the measure, it is with pleasure the present opportunity is embraced to offer our sentiments on the occasion. Some persons of very respectable standing in society, and great general experience having expressed doubts as to the success of any such establishment, where a large number of individuals are concerned, the committee in order to obviate this difficulty, beg leave to call the attention of their fellow-citizens to the manner in which turn-pike roads in our own and in the very neighboring states, have been out and paved.
For want of suitable support, where any reasonable expectation of success in the undertaking, at no very remote period, could be pointed out; and as your committee believe, that to insure success, it is only necessary to embrace the means within your power; they would also suppose it rather inalienable to suspect that an undertaking of such general importance as the one now under consideration should not find advocates in abundance, willing to embark sums sufficient to execute the work on the broadest scale which may be proposed to them.
They are not without assurances from different quarters, that if a plan similar to that which will hereafter be submitted to your consideration was laid before the public, it would be subscribed to with avidity. The co-operation of a few influential individuals to aid in our labor, would doubtless procure all the capital required at a very early period; and as an inducement to those, who may yet be unacquainted with the subject, we venture to assert that all the coarser fabrications from cotton wool can be manufactured cheaper here than in Great-Britain. In reply to the sixth and last objection, your committee beg leave to state, that should we be unfortunately involved in a war, our necessities would not only compel us to become our own manufacturers, but would furnish a market at the door for all our fabrications. War, however, is an event which the committee seriously deprecate, and are willing to cherish the hopes of peace to as great an extent as any of their fellow citizens; assuming then for the moment an assurance that this calamity will not overtake us, but that either the embargo or non-intercourse acts continue in force, and the measure will still be indispensably necessary; now if any of the above predicted events do occur, some of which may be calculated almost certain, there could be no possible difficulty in vending all we contemplate to manufacture, and more, at a generous price, such as would leave a handsome profit, to the credit of the establishment. Heretofore capital has been wanting to enable those embarked in such pursuits, to offer their fabrications on the same terms of credit as were given by importing merchants: this circumstance has been more detrimental to the success of such undertakings than any other.
Your committee are strengthened in that opinion by several letters now in their possession, even as relates to the manufacturing of woollen cloth; one of them from a gentleman of veracity and intelligence, who has made the experiment for himself within the last three years, states, that the result was a thorough conviction that the business "would be lucrative with good management of a capital sufficiently large to avoid the losses incident to a necessity of making forced sales." Again in the possible event of a general peace in Europe, a large proportion of our external commerce would be suppressed, hence a great number of the labourers heretofore employed in the shipping department must be left destitute of the means heretofore used for support, and many articles of clothing formerly purchased abroad will be required at home; this will increase the consumption of our fabrications, while from the same source the number of laborers will be multiplied; and in the same ratio will the value of their services be diminished; a still further increase of quantity and diminution in the price of labor may be calculated on as resulting from the same source, when our export trade is restricted within the narrow limits of a peace establishment, the pursuits of farming and agriculture will grow less valuable, and no more of the earth will be cultivated than is found necessary to supply the demand for produce; this in many parts of the country will leave a considerable number unemployed, a portion of whom, no doubt, would cheerfully engage on moderate terms in such an establishment; taking it then as granted that several of the above events are even more than probable, and that the consequences here pointed out will as inevitably flow from them, it cannot be denied that the consumption of our manufactures must greatly increase. This we consider as a cumtaining which tend to justify your committee in recommending the proposed measure to be carried into immediate execution.
Having now gone through with our answers to the objections stated in such manner as we hope will be in some measure, satisfactory to all who are not inimical to our views, and who read the preceding and following remarks with a desire to possess themselves of such information as the committee have been enabled to collect on the subject: We come next to speak of the proposed measure in general terms.
That the time will come when the United States must and ought to manufacture her own supplies of clothing and other necessary articles, if she is ever to become completely an independent nation, few, if any, will attempt to controvert; the principal difference in opinion appears to be respecting the time and manner of commencing these operations.
Your committee are not only disposed to believe, but are convinced, that the period has arrived, when it would be proper to make a beginning; taught by present experience to apprehend that our intercourse with the countries of Europe may be frequently interrupted; we should think ourselves sceptical, longer to resist a conviction of the necessity we are under to prepare for furnishing the requisite supplies at home, and should also feel ourselves wanting in patriotism to doubt the practicability of obtaining among our fellow-citizens a sum sufficient to ensure the execution of our plan.
The measure is laudable, it is necessary, and merits, as we trust it will receive, the approbation and support of the wealthy and influential. To those we first address ourselves, because we know that much is in their power; possible every class of the community in this untold gloomy aspect of our political horizon is self-secure, it is the part of prudence to meet the threatened danger: without proportionate preparation, a listless apathy may prove extremely prejudicial.
It has before been stated that the present is a favorable crisis for commencing a manufacturing establishment. Some proofs of the fact have already been offered; should more be required, they are at hand.
1st. Because we have heretofore been dependent on foreign nations for many articles of absolute necessity, which it is now in our power to fabricate.
2d. Because we have an abundant supply of certain raw materials, the native growth and produce of our soil, which foreigners have been accustomed to take from us at almost their own price, and to charge what they please for the same articles in a manufactured state.
3d. Because it is now impracticable, and may hereafter be very difficult to export their articles to any advantage.
4th. Because either in case of a war between ourselves and any of the nations in Europe, or a general peace throughout the world, large portion of our population would be thrown out of employment, consequently some means must be devised for their support. Here an appeal might be made to every candid mind, whether any medium more rational or more likely to be beneficial to them or the community, can be suggested than that on which we have been called to deliberate.
We speak from the pressure of conviction, feeling as we do for our country, the necessity, and convinced as we are of the practicability of the measure, it is with pleasure the present opportunity is embraced to offer our sentiments on the occasion. Some persons of very respectable standing in society, and great general experience having expressed doubts as to the success of any such establishment, where a large number of individuals are concerned, the committee in order to obviate this difficulty, beg leave to call the attention of their fellow-citizens to the manner in which turn-pike roads in our own and in the very neighboring states, have been out and paved.
To the course pursued by companies associated for the purpose of erecting very extensive bridges, such as those over the Schuylkill & the Delaware. To the plan adopted by the Manhattan company in New-York, the Watch companies both in Philadelphia and this city. All of which are associated on principles nearly similar to what we propose. They would then ask whether these associations have not in several instances, embraced objects as complex and difficult, which required as great, if not greater, extent of capital than the one now under contemplation; and they venture to add, that none of these gave greater promise of being really useful or of affording a better interest to subscribers.
To remove all further doubts on the occasion, the public are reminded that no very serious difficulties have ever been experienced in any of the above associations from the necessity of entrusting their business to be conducted by managers, or directors, chosen from among the stockholders; nor do they learn that any greater delay in executing the several works in which they have been engaged has resulted from that necessity.
On the contrary it is believed, that a few persons of integrity, and in other respects well qualified to perform the service for which they are selected, and furnished with the requisite funds, will in general execute and carry into effect plans and undertakings of this sort, more expeditiously, and with no greater expense, than when the work is private and interesting to themselves principally: first, because the undertaking being public, no director would think his own particularities ought to be gratified to the same extent as if it was of a private nature; hence a variety of little jarvings and much unimportant debate is avoided, which frequently retards the progress of business more than the most necessary deliberation on matters of much greater import.
Second, because directors or managers are always accountable to those who place them in office, and know that any neglect of duty or inpractice on their part will end in disgrace and exposure in public view; hence, both the hope of acquiring reputation, and the fear of punishment, operate as a stimulus to the mind.
That we can from amongst our citizens, select persons qualified to manage such an establishment, ought not to be doubted; this fact being admitted, what then is left to discourage us from prosecuting the work? Shall we answer nothing but our fears that money vested in this way will produce less interest than in Bank or Insurance stock; and are we so selfish as to reject all undertakings when positive proof cannot be adduced that they will be lucrative? For the honour of our city and the country at large, it is hoped that this stigma will not rest upon us.
Your committee is fearful that the length of their report will render it tiresome—this, as well as their method the reader is solicited to excuse, and permit them to add a few ideas, the substance of which has long engaged the attention of several worthy fellow citizens, who are anxious to make this establishment subservient to one of the most praiseworthy purposes—viz. an asylum for the poor—many of whom are even now in a suffering condition; these what ever may have been their foibles are still human beings—and shall they stretch forth the supplicating hand in vain? No—forbid it charity, forbid it benevolence! These are yet entitled to the protection of this community; but this alas is too frequently denied them; and reduced as they often are to the last stages of distress and misery, it is a fact by no means surprising that their vices and vices grow out of their poverty and wretchedness, much more frequently than their vicious habits reduce them to indigence, in the first instance.
To relieve these with a benevolence worthy the people of Maryland, we think ought to constitute a powerful inducement to set on foot our undertaking, upon a scale sufficiently extensive to employ all the indigence (capable of bodily labour) in our vicinity. Experiments of this kind in other cities and in other countries have succeeded to admiration surpassing even the most sanguine expectations of their projectors. Witness the establishments at the Poor and Work-houses in Philadelphia; and these set on foot under the auspices of our country man, count Rumford in Bavaria.
If there were no others, these would furnish sufficient testimony of the utility and great benefit to be derived from such institutions.
Let us then endeavour to interest our legislators by inviting them to become stock-holders on behalf of their constituents in the fund proposed to be raised for this valuable purpose. Let the shares into which the stock is divided be small and subscribed for in all the counties in the state, so shall we ensure to the establishment customers for its fabrications from every quarter by interesting a large number in the success of our experiment; and as many who now subsist partly on public charity, may contribute a portion of labour towards carrying on the work, it is presumed we shall experience much less difficulty in that particular than has been apprehended, especially as our plan may hereafter embrace the erection of suitable buildings for their accommodation, and the purchase of every necessary for their support at the lowest wholesale rate.
Should this part of our proposition ultimately succeed agreeably to our wishes, which is confidently expected, we feel a pleasing presentiment that the subscribers to this fund will, in process of time, be hailed as benefactors of the human race, and authors of a great national as well as individual benefit.
Although the manufacture of cotton and wool may and ought principally to occupy the attention of such an association, yet the more effectually to accommodate that description of persons last mentioned, it might be found strictly proper to devote a portion of capital to other objects. Your committee may be too sanguine; but feeling as they do, it would excite no surprise if, in less than seven years, our wealthy merchants and farmers should find this a very desirable school of industry and useful information, where they may be enabled to send their sons, for the acquisition of a knowledge far more useful in common life than tedious counting-house calculations, dry studies of the law, or medical disquisitions. We admit the great utility of these sciences, but deny the necessity of multiplying the nominal professors of them, believing that our country already teems with them to overflowing. It is respectfully suggested, that the time cannot be very distant, when something more beneficial must be resorted to.
In behalf of the committee,
(Willed)
WILLIAM PATTERSON, Chairman
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS).—That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Bockus and now occupied by the subscriber; situated on the main-street of this city between the Capitol and the Basin of the canal. Its conveniences are superior to any other in this place.
A large currying shop, cellar and drying loft, a spacious bark house, two bark mills and houses, a beam house and other planters requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3,000 hides a year, exclusive of skins. Also, on the same tenement, a convenient dwelling house, kitchen, smoke house, stable and garden. The renter may also be accommodated with some excellent Red-Oak Bark, now in the bark house. Proposals for the above will be received by the subscriber till the 1st of April next, on that day it will be offered at public auction before Messrs. Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Office. Bond with approved security will be required, and possession given of the whole property for rent is the ill state of health of the subscriber to pay that attention the business requires. MARGARET ELCAN.
N. B. The said Tan-Yard may be rented for three years longer by applying to the executors of the estate of Mr. Jacob Bockus, dec'd. Richmond, Feb. 9. (law1stA)
VIRGINIA to wit.—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
BENJAMIN H. HILLIARD, Plaintiff.—Against ARTHUR HILLIARD and REUBEN JONES, Defendants.
The defendant Arthmied Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec 31. [law8w.]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY—
Highest Price 10,000 dollars. Authorized by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES.
1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000
2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000
5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000
10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000
20 do. of 200 - - - 4,000
40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000
160 do. of 50 - - - 8,000
360 do. of 20 - - - 7,200
500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000
1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted & open wrought woollen cloth, valued at one hundred dols. each (Patent right included) 100,000
1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent.
The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200
Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days', each 500
Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days', each 1,000
Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days', each 5,000
Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 20 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid in the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwilliamson and Potter.
The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes.
Jan. 14. (cp1f.)
VIRGINIA to wit.—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 2d day of November, 1807.
William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiff.—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants.
The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Feb. 2. [law8w.]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 50 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry.
The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law1f.)
IN pursuance of a deed of trust to secure the payment of certain sums therein expressed, due from Thomas Randolph and his securities, Randolph Harrison, Wm. Randolph and Wm. Skipwith, to Gaines Good. The subscribers will sell for cash on the premises, a certain tract of LAND in the county of Amelia, containing fifty acres; it being that part of the tract called Mowat which was reserved by the said Thomas Randolph in his deed to George Nicholas Skipwith, which deed is recorded in the county court of Amelia.
JOHN DANIEL.
WILLIAM BRADLEY.
January 23. [law1dts.]
The sale of the above Land, is postponed till Saturday the 12th of March. Feb. 6. Law1dts
NOTICE to Theodrick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson, in Cumberland county, to be used as evidence in a suit in Cumberland Court, said admrs. against said Carter, on Monday the 28th of the same month at Cumberland court-house, being court day at that place, the deposition of John Gilliam will be taken to be used for the same purpose by
BOOKER WOODSON & WIFE, Adm'rs. Jan. 28. [law4to.]
FOR SALE.—The LINE of STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages of profit accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries.
RICHARD TERRELL.
Richmond, Feb. 4. 1808. [law1f.]
VALUABLE LANDS.—This subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
622 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district of a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1,160 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 430 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indispitable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond.
THOMAS BOHANNON.
Jan. 28. [law1f.]
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other HORS, which they wish Trained, that he has rented the stables of Maj. Ball, at the Broad-Rock, for the purpose of taking Horses to train. He flatters himself from his long experience in the business and the particular attention which will be paid to Horses sent to him to Train, to give satisfaction to all those gentlemen who may be pleased to employ him. His terms for Training are upon the most moderate charges and privileges. Gentlemen who send horses, have the privilege of sending every necessary forage, &c. if they think proper, for them; otherwise they will be furnished at the undermentioned rates. Those who send horses, will please to send a suitable boy with each, to take care of them and exercise them; when it is not convenient to send boys, the subscriber will endeavor to furnish them at the same price he gives himself for them. It will be necessary to send suitable clothing, curry-comb, brush, halter, saddle and bridle, with each horse: where it is not convenient for the owners to send all those necessaries, the subscriber will procure them on the best terms he can, at the request of the owner. The stables will be opened on the first of February upon the following RATES:
Grain & litter for each horse per week £0 12
Fodder for do. do. 0 6
Doy's board do. do. 0 12
My own attention for each horse per week 0 12
Physic per dose when necessary 3s.
Shoeing and other necessary expenses to be paid by the owners of the horses. The subscriber also begs leave to inform the public, that he Nicks and Foxes horses in the most tasteful style and upon reasonable charges.
WM. TICEHURST.
Feb. 2. (law4w.)
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot at present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d of March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire.
THOS. ELLIOTT.
Richmond, Feb. 2. [law3w.]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans, running two pair Burr and one pair Cogstone Stones.—The situation is equal to any in Virginia, being immediately on navigable water, where vessels may load at the mill door, and in the heart of a wealthy country, where large crops of wheat are made—the stream was never known to fail till the summer (long to be remembered) 1806. At the Mill, which is on Hoskins's creek, and within two miles of the Port of Tappahannock, I have built a bridge over the creek, which affords great convenience to the different neighborhoods, consequently considerable advantages to the Mill. I am confident, with good management, a man well acquainted with the milling business, with the use of little money, may make from 5 to 800 dollars per annum, clear of every expense. For country custom, it is equal to any in the state, and it is an excellent stand for a Grocery Store.