The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-04-06 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY APRIL 6, 1803.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next. February 16th 1803.
STALLED BEEVES,
Muttons, and 15000 weight of choice Bacon, FOR SALE.
FOR cash, or respectable merchants notes at sixty days. I can furnish a purchaser with seventy as fat bullocks as any in the state, perhaps not quite so large boned as the cattle from the South Branch of the Potomack, but equally fat. In preference I would sell them on the spot where they are stalled, but will drive them to Norfolk, Richmond, or Petersburg, if previously engaged by a butcher, or any other person inclined to buy, and as it may not be convenient, to take, or pay for the whole at one time, a purchaser may have any part not less than ten if taken here, but if driven by my own people, they must all go at one time. I have also a number of exceeding fat muttons, and 15000 weight of choice bacon, the hams salt-petred with particular care, and the whole made out of large fat hogs, and intended for the use of private families. Letters, post-paid, directed to me by mail to MARSHALLSVILLE, MECKLENBURG county shall be duly noticed.
WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM, for SIR PEYTON SKIRWITH, Baronet.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
TO the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood.
THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendee Master.
Richmond, Feb. 25th. 1803.
AT a meeting of the Common Hall, for the city of Richmond, called by the Mayor, and held at the house of William Rife, in the said city, on Monday the 28th day of February, 1803. Resolved, that the Mayor give notice in the newspapers, that the Hall have adopted a plan for a POOR HOUSE, and will receive proposals from undertakers for building the same, at any time before the third Monday in next month. The plan is lodged in the hands of Mr. Robert B. James. The proposals must be made in writing.
A copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h. c. r.
VIRGINIA.
AT a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this county. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN. D. C. H. C.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
NEGROES.
ANY person wishing to dispose of likely Negroes are requested to enquire at William Davidson's store, near the market. Wanted, also, a light WAGGON, with, or without gears. Richmond, March 23d. 1803. (tf.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING OF BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stoue or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 56 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s 13d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFOORD & Co. March 31st. 1803.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniencies which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h.
FOR SALE.
A few likely young
NEGROES,
For particulars enquire of the Priester. Richmond, March, 7th 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends, and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received, in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stoue.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th. 1803. (tf.)
TO BE RENTED.
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street, and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a general private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the roll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
ON the 12th of March, 1803, commenced the Saturday's Recorder, the price being two dollars per annum, paid in advance. We shall often be unavoidably compelled to continue long articles from one paper to the other, so that the subscribers to the Wednesday's Recorder will find it extremely convenient to take the Saturday's likewise, in order that they may have articles always in their full and complete form. We shall now be able to take notice of a wide variety of foreign and domestic news, which we formerly were obliged to leave out for want of room. In doing this, we shall be particularly careful to select such articles as wear a serious appearance of authenticity, and are really worth reading. More cannot be demanded, and we shall endeavour not to do less. The three first numbers of the Saturday's paper were sent round to all our subscribers. After that, they will be sent only to those who, in the mean time, have remitted money to pay for their new subscription. From those who do not chuse to take the Saturday's papers, these three numbers will be deducted in reckoning up their year.
TO THE PUBLIC.
Gentlemen, who wish to subscribe to the Saturday's Recorder, are requested to send in their subscriptions, within a very few days. But this they need not do, unless they send, at the same time, two dollars in advance. The next Saturday's paper, to wit, that of the 26th. current, is the last that can be issued to any person either in town or country, unless to those that have paid for it, one year in advance.
In pleading before the court of Henrico against the King of Clubs, Mr. William Marshall observed that "The Recorder had the most extensive circulation of any newspaper in Virginia; and that there was never, perhaps, an instance of such an extensive patronage acquired by any other newspaper, in so short a time."—This patronage has been acquired by exposing, with an impartial hand, the faults of all parties.
There never was more occasion for political vigilance than at present. As the bible says, there is DEATH in the pot. There exists an atrocious conspiracy against the liberty of the press, and, of course, against the liberty of the people. This can be doubted by nobody that has heard of Croswell's trial, on which we have enlarged at so much length.
Again, the right of selecting their own magistrates has in effect, been torn from a majority of the citizens of Richmond, by a phalanx of demagogical usurpers.
Take notice, also, of what follows. In last session of assembly, Mr. Venable proposed a declaratory resolution that the truth shall be given in evidence in cases of libel. This resolution was, for that time, defeated by Peter Carr, the correspondent, such as he was, of general Washington, and the confidential agent and nephew of Thomas Jefferson. There can be no doubt that Peter, like his apostolical namesake, was inspired from above.
Richmond, March 23. 1803.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierses, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash. Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to
THOMAS AND AMOS LADD.
Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. (tf.)
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE
THE
CONDUCT
OF
MERIWETHER JONES,
IN
A SERIES OF LETTERS,
ADDRESSED
TO THE PUBLIC,
By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Bar. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.

The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
APRIL 6th. 1805.
On Monday last, the election took place at the Court House of this city, for the county of Henrico. The ballot read as follows:
For the Assembly.
Gervis Storr - 254 Joseph Seldon - 199 William Price - 175
Mr. Gervis Storr, and Mr. Joseph Seldon were duly elected.
For Congress.
John Clopton - 279.
TO THE VOTERS OF RICHMOND.
BEFORE you give your suffrages for the Common-Hall, you are requested to recollect the following fact.
Several years ago, this city was so much in debt, that no person would render a service, or perform a job of work, unless he was allowed more than double the value. The reason was this: The City debts would be purchased at 3, 9 or 10s. in the pound, and if the man wanted money, this was his prospect. The taxes were sufficiently high, it is true, but the speculators and collectors had it in their power to anticipate them, by procuring claims in this way. At the time alluded to, some of those persons who are now on the democratic tickets were members of the hall. A new system was introduced, and particularly by the late Mr. Heron, by which the old debts were provided for, and have since been paid, and the credit of the city was restored. This system was followed, until at length, there is a considerable sum of money upon hand, with which it is contemplated to erect a work-house.
The citizens who wish that a just and prosperous administration of their revenues should be pursued, when they consider the foregoing fact, will be able to form a better judgment between the opposite sides, than they will do in their endeavours to understand the meaning of the words "republicanism, federalism, &c." Let honesty, industry and prudence be the recommendations, and leave the great political questions to be settled by those who are selected for that purpose. Let every man vote for him in whose hands the money will be most safe. And although he may not promote the views of party, he will promote the interest of the city. TRUTH.
EXTRACT FROM
PAINE'S THIRD LETTER.
[AT one period of last summer, it was supposed to be the height of insolence to say that Mr. Jefferson did not like the late general Washington. Mr. Jefferson's own official printer, Miss Smith, has published the letter, of which the following is an extract. Mr. Paine was invited to come from France for this very purpose of attacking Adams, Washington, the federal party, the christian religion, and all together. Nobody can doubt of it. The writer of the following piece has dined with the president three or four times a week; and the chance is that Mr. Jefferson reads his proof sheets.
There never was such another game at cross purposes, or such another set of ridiculous and unfortunate blockheads, as some of the present editorial defenders of Thomas Jefferson. Callender was termed all the scoundrels imaginable, for saying that Jefferson had patronized the Prospect. Duane was one of those who said so. We have since printed a letter in Duane's own hand writing, expressing his own utmost approbation of the Prospect. The manuscript was given to Mr. Davis for public inspection. All this proves what sort of a fellow Duane must be. It proves that he is one of the greatest story tellers upon earth, a mere scavenger to his party.
Again, the National Aegis pledged itself, in the bitterest style, to renounce Jefferson forever, if it could be proved that he had given Callender one cent towards the Prospect. In what way this has been proved it is needless to say. We should be glad to hear what this Aegis has to tell us in defence of the following extract, and whether he is not ready to make a second renunciation of the president. Do, Mr. Coleman, do bore this Aegis man! He is too far off Richmond, for us to give ourselves much trouble about him.]
During the whole of my imprisonment, prior to the fall of Robespierre, there was no time when I could think my life worth twenty-four hours, and my mind was made up to meet its fate. The Americans in Paris went in a body to the convention to reclaim me, but without success. There was no party among them respecting me. My only
hope then rested on the government of America, that it would remember me. But the icy heart of ingratitude, in whatever man it be placed, has neither feeling nor sense of honor. The letter of Mr. Jefferson has served to wipe away the reproach, and done justice to the pals of the people of America.
When a party was forming, in the latter end of seventy-seven and beginning of seventy-eight, of which John Adams was one, to remove Mr. Washington from the command of the army, on the complaint that he did nothing, I wrote the fifth number of the Crisis, and published it at Lancaster (Congress being then at Yorktown in Pennsylvania) to ward off that meditated blow; for though I well knew that the black times of seventy-six were the natural consequence of his want of military judgment in the choice of positions into which the army was put about New-York and Jersey, I could see no possible advantage, and nothing but mischief, that could arise by distracting the army into parties, which would have been the case, had the intended motion gone on.
General Lee, who, with a farcastic genius, joined a great fund of military knowledge, was perfectly right when he said, We have no business on islands, and in the bottom of bogs, where the enemy, by the aid of its ships, can bring its whole force against a part of ours and shut it up. This had like to have been the case at New-York, and was the case at fort Washington, and would have been the case at fort Lee, if General Greene had not moved instantly off on the first news of the enemy's approach. I was with Greene through the whole of that affair, and know it perfectly.
But though I came forward in defence of Mr. Washington, when he was attacked, and made the best that could be made of a series of blunders that had nearly ruined the country, he left me to perish when I was in prison. But, as I told him or it in his life time, I should not now bring it up, if the ignorant impertinence of some of the federal papers, who are pushing Mr. Washington forward as their stalking horse, did not make it necessary.
That gentleman did not perform his part in the revolution better, nor with more honor, than I did mine, and the one part was then as necessary as the other. He accepted as a present (though he was already rich) a hundred thousand acres of land in America, and left me to occupy six foot of earth in France. I wish for his own reputation, he had acted with more justice. But it was always known of Mr. Washington, by those who best knew him, that he was of such an icy and death-like constitution, that he neither loved his friends nor hated his enemies. But, be this as it may, I see no reason that a difference between Mr. Washington and me should be made a theme of discord with other people. There are those who may see merit in both, without making themselves partisans of either, and with this reflection I close the subject.
FOR THE RECORDER.
NOW when Hay's three friends heard of all this evil that had come upon him, they came every one from his own house, for they had made an appointment together to come to mourn with him, and to comfort him. So they sat down with him three days and three nights, and none spoke a word unto him, for they saw that his grief was very great. After this opened Hay his mouth and cursed his birth day, and said I will go unto the judge and make known my complaints that he may tie up the hands of my enemies; but lo! when he and his friends came before the judge, saying stop thou their mouths, and our lips shall shew forth thy praise, he was exceeding wrath, and said depart hence, ye are not worthy the name of republicans, ye are offenders against the law. Then returned Hay home mortified, and said to his friends,
Let the day perish in which I was born, and the night in which it was said, there is a man child conceived; let that day be darkness, let not god regard it from above, neither let the light shine upon it; let darkness and the shadow of death stain it; let a cloud stand upon it; let the darkness of the day terrify it; as for that night, let it not be joined unto the days of the year; let it not come into the number of the months; let it be solitary; let no joyful voice come therein; let them curse it, that curse the day; let the stars of the twilight thereof be dark; let it look for light but have none; let it not see the dawning of the day, because it hid not sorrow from mine eyes, now I should have been still, and have been at rest, I
should have slept. Why is light given to a man whose way is hedged in with pride and vain glory. My sighing cometh before I eat, and my roarings are poured out like the waters; for the thing which I greatly feared is come upon me, and that which I was afraid of is come unto me.
RICHMOND.
Charlotteville, March 25th. 1805.
SIR,
IN answer to your request to furnish you with the entire history of the very extraordinary "Langborne" correspondence, with the late illustrious general Washington; I have only to observe, here, that I expect, in a few days, to be in Richmond, when I will endeavour to inform you, more fully, of the cause of this kind of answer, in preference to a compliance at this time, with that request. For the present, permit me to observe, that you have said truly, and done me but common justice, in the short relation you have given of that transaction, wherein you mention my "withholding a publication of it so long, from a reluctance to engaging in such personal charges." That myself and others of my political opinions have been treated otherwise (as you also justly observe) has, and ever will, I trust, have any influence in inducing me to follow an improper example in exposing things merely personal, for private revenge; however favoured and justified, by the public disclosure of the party himself in the meeting mentioned by you, to gratify such an inclination to its full extent. But, when things of a personal, and, in some measure, of a private nature, are intimately connected with our public concerns, too great forbearance (which cannot be extended in things merely personal, but exhibits an amiableness, and even a nobleness of disposition) becomes, indeed, as you have very properly suggested, a crime. Under these considerations, I confess, that when I was in Richmond in November last, about the time of the publication of the illiberal, and, I am confident, very untrue charge against Mr. Rutledge, of a forged correspondence with the president; I did not hesitate to communicate, freely, some of the outlines of this extraordinary "Langborne" correspondence with general Washington, to a few gentlemen, with whom I have the honor of an intimacy, on their request to be informed on that subject. From some of the communications, I apprehend, indeed know, you have received part of that extraordinary story; other parts you have received from other sources, as there is considerable inaccuracy in the relation of some of the minute circumstances, though, in substance, the whole story you have given is true, and, I will add, in some parts, more favorable to the parties concerned, and supposed to be concerned, than a full disclosure will exhibit. That I shall not "flinch from" such a disclosure, when desired by the parties interested (if not before) you and the public may with confidence rely on, as the assurance now, of, Sir,
Your most obedient
Humble Servant
JOHN NICHOLAS.
Mr. James T. Callender, Richmond.
THE following piece is copied from the VIRGINIA GAZETTE. We are never afraid of borrowing an essay, because the loan might increase the importance or popularity of a competitor. The interest of both factions has suffered prodigiously by the miserable jealousy subsisting among their respective editors. They would rather print a trifling matter, which had been sent originally to themselves, than the most valuable production which was to be copied from another.
The Recorder takes this occasion of frankly declaring that we have too much confidence in ourselves to be afraid of a comparison with any body, unless when our old friend Falkland, alias Federalist, thinks proper, as in this instance, to desert us. At the same time we have too much sincerity to wish to put any man's merit under a bushel. The Virginia Gazette, had, for a good while past, contained a great number of useful and original productions. Of these we had been anxious to reprint many for which we could not find room. The Recorder always excepted, for this, you may be sure, is both the wittiest and the wisest paper in the world, but we say that with this single exception! the Virginia Gazette is one of the best conducted newspapers on the continent. From the period of the elevation of Mr. Jefferson, (an elevation very like that of a crow perching on the top of Pompey's pillar,) till that auspicious day when Mr. Davis was turned out of the post office, the gazette, considered as a federal paper, was good for almost nothing. The expulsion immediately re-assumed all its former mettle. The sequel shews that Mr. Jefferson never did himself a poorer service than by rousing the resentment of St. Augustine. The arrival of Mr. Wood, his new Scots assistant, has likewise been of great use to the gazette, and to the country, by circulating an immense quantity of valuable truth. We are the more ready to say all this, because the Virginia Gazette has advanced much invincible evidence as to the impeccability and infallibility of the present administrations; and because his evidence may often be referred to, in support of affections of our own.
The following essay is extracted, as forming an useful lesson for a multitude of our subscribers, to whom it may be supposed that the gazette is less intimately known. We have used the freedom of making some slight corrections, or at least alterations in the style, and we have, without asking the author's leave, corrected an error of the manuscript, or, of the press, which reversed his meaning.
We protest altogether against the merit which Falkland ascribes to the war upon the speech of Mr. Ross. We cannot believe that the senator would ever have made such a speech, unless he had been certain that it was to be ultimately unsuccessful. What distraction to get into war upon any account short of an absolute invasion! As we have formerly remarked, and as every man of common sense must see without our help, it must be nothing less than a war of ruin. One half of your commerce is at once destroyed by an exclusion from the ports of the republic, and her allies. One half of the rest is immediately destroyed by French privateers. The impost revenue goes to wreck. Twenty or fifty millions are to be borrowed for the first campaign, and American public credit, looks like a lame hen in the midst of a thunder storm. The democrats durst not attempt to renew the internal taxes. They would resort to their favorite scheme of taxing the public funds. Foreigners would sell out at almost any price; and the financial ruin of America would be completed.
For these reasons we cannot believe that Mr. Ross was serious in all that he said. Submission must be a better pill; but still, it is better than destruction.
It seems very odd that the Spanish intendant at New-Orleans was so late in confessing that he acted without authority. Even yet he has offered no satisfaction. The Spanish and French ambassadors did not produce their letters till after the two millions of dollars had been voted. There certainly must have been some peculiar kind of cookery in this unaccountable arrangement of events. If the letters had been produced a month sooner, as, in good manners they might have been, the democrats would have been robbed of all pretence for this alarming and unprecedented vote of so much money to buy a peace. If the letters deserve as great confidence, as has been pretended, there is no use for sending twenty hundred thousand dollars to Europe, or indeed for sending Mr. Monroe. We have more than once explained the strange juggle about the Algerine treaty, the Crescent frigate, and the tribute. This affair looks much worse than that, and we suspect that its outside is not its worst side.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
RELATING TO NEW-ORLEANS.
THE resolutions of Mr. Ross of the senate to obtain redress for the injury which the United States had received, and would probably receive, at New-Orleans, were for a whole month the subject of much notice, of much applause, and much discontent.
We are now told by the newspapers, that the measures which were adopted at that place by the intendant of New-Orleans, proceeded altogether from his own will: that he was neither directed to act in this way by his own court, nor is he justified or countenanced by the French government.
We have every reason to believe, that in a very little time, that place and all its dependencies will be in the hands of the French, and it is of great importance to be told by their minister, M. Pichon, that he not only condemns the conduct of the intendant of New-Orleans, but that it is the wish of the French government to preserve a good understanding with the United States. This I believe, because it is reasonable. This I hope will be encouraged and countenanced by every man who is a friend to the peace, happiness and property of mankind.
There are a great many people in this country, who wish to plunge us into a war with the French. Their inclinations to this event proceed from opposite and contradictory causes, all of which, upon examination, ought to be discountenanced.
There are some who fear that the all-seeing eye and all-grasping hand of Bonaparte, as soon as he possesses New Orleans, may induce him to disturb us in our rights. They believe that a war is inevitable, and that it is wise to begin at once; This I disbelieve.
There are others who wish that this country would go to war, from the mere wantonness of mischief and noise, expecting, perhaps that in an army they could find employment, and have a chance of rising to military renown.
There are others who wish a war with the French, because they believe that it will produce a coalition between this country and Great Britain.
There are others who with a war, that the present rulers may become unpopular, and that thereby they may obtain their places.
There are others who wish a war, for the dishonest purpose of obtaining by force an extensive and rich country, to which we have no kind of right or claim.
There are some who carry their republicanism, as they call it, to such an extravagant pitch, that they wish to be at war with every body and every thing which does not fall down and worship the image which they have set

up, and while they consider Bonaparte as an usurper and tyrant, they feel not only an inclination to assassinate him, but to destroy even those who submit to his government. This is a dangerous and disorganizing temper. We ought to be content in the enjoyment of our vine and fig-tree. We should not disturb the repose, the quiet, the institutions or the government of others, merely because we think them wrong. The French tried this sort of republicanism for nine or ten years. They passed through an hundred revolutions. They found that there was no stability in it. And they have, without a struggle, or without complaint, bowed to the sceptre of Bonaparte. They surely are the best judges. We now hear of no massacres, no guillotinings, and though we admit that things are not as perfect as they should be, they are certainly better than they were. In fact, they could not well have been worse than they were.
In opposition to all these, my voice is for peace. It is easy to expose every cause or motive which operated with the six different descriptions of characters, which have been alluded to. It would employ a great deal of writing, and leave nothing for the reader to consider. I shall therefore content myself at present with the elucidation as it stands, and proceed to that which is the cause of this essay. I mean Mr. Ross's revolution.
Present appearances put it in the power of the adversaries of this gentleman to impute to him improper motives for the motion. It might be said that if his resolution had passed, congress would have been actually at war with France; that Mr. Ross deserves discredit for the endeavour, and that it was a political and party scheme.
Although I disagree with Mr. Ross, and was pleased at the failure of the resolution, I do not condemn him, and for the following reason.
It was well known that Mr. Jefferson had dispatched a minister extraordinary to the courts of France and Spain, to negotiate concerning the injury which we had sustained; that his party had appropriated to him two millions of dollars in consequence of these events. It was therefore rational for every man of common sense to conclude, that these things would not have happened, that Mr. Jefferson and those of his confidants who led the rest of the party, would not have adopted such important measures, unless they had been convinced that war was highly probable. It was natural for every politician to weigh the measures which were necessary for a war, which the persons at the helm seemed to expect.
The question to be determined was, whether we should strike the first blow, before the enemy was prepared. Whether we should take possession of a defenceless country, or wait six or twelve months, wasting our time in idle surmise, until it should be filled with veteran and numerous troops. If there was sufficient cause to send an ambassador, it was surely the most wise method to have prepared for war at once. As circumstances have since occurred, it would have been unwise; it would have been an error. But this error could not, nor cannot be imputed to Mr. Ross, or those who acted with him, because he could not have supposed that the president would have sent Mr. Monroe to France, without sufficient reason. The president cannot justify this expence and ridiculous parade, unless there was a cause. If there was a cause which authorized it, it authorized also a preparation for war. It must have been, or ought to have been of sufficient consequence to have authorized a preparation for the one, if it justified the other, and Mr. Ross, in that respect acted with manly firmness, with a patriotic ardour, with an individual independence, which entitle him to applause and thanks. If he erred, the sources of that error may be traced to the president, who authorized the embassy. If no minister had been sent—if the president had declared, that it was a temporary misunderstanding, which could be removed, then Mr. Ross would have been blameable for introducing the resolution. As the case stood, he deserves applause. His conduct proceeded from his confidence in the wisdom of the executive, and that confidence was justified by the embassy.
If the ruling party are prudent, they will be silent and quiet. When they blame Mr. Ross for the war resolutions, it is only to go one step further to condemn Mr. Jefferson for measures which nothing but a belief that war was inevitable can justify. To blame Mr. Ross and those who voted with him, is to say that they ought not to confide in the president—they ought to distrust every thing which is done or meditated by the executive. Do the democrats mean this? No. And yet they profess opinions and make assertions which will tend to nothing less. As the democratic party do not mean that the federalists shall have no confidence in their measures, or in the chief magistrate, they should not be so impudent, as to condemn those who have given such open and unequivocal confidence in relation to the most important event which has happened since their elevation.
What an awkward figure will our ambassador extraordinary make at Bonaparte's court, when he is told that the whole cause of the mission was a delusion? It was smoke, noise
and nonsense! The democratic leaders will say nothing about the ridiculousness of that embassy, because it was directed by Mr. Jefferson, advised by Mr. Madison, justified by Mr. Gallatin, and performed by Mr. Monroe. Instead of this, they will amuse their dupes with abuse against Mr. Ross, and the rest of the tories, as they are pleased to call their opponents, because Mr. Ross and his followers have manifested an improper and impudent confidence in the administration.
FALKLAND.*
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
ALMOST every mail brings an account of a suit or prosecution commenced by some of the good patriots of America, for libels on their fair fame. Citizen Hay, to whom the whole world is indebted for 'an essay on the liberty of the press,' designed to prove that the punishment of libelous matter when published, and previous restrictions upon the press, are equally destructive of its freedom, and who, at the trial of Callender, was prepared to argue that the right of defending the character of Washington and Adams, was one of the chartered privileges of free Americans, has borne illustrious testimony to the sincerity and truth of his former principles, by 'incarcerating' his old friends, lest repeated provocation and insults might prompt him to publish something uncivil of his former advocate.
General Smith, too, the intrepid hero of Mud Island, more fearful of a goose quill, than a cannon ball, has offered 'the wages of battle,' to the editor of the Anti-Democrat, on account of something published in that paper in derogation of his high character.
Whether the publication thus made the subject of judicial controversy, be libelous or not, and whether the privilege of giving in evidence, the truth of the matter would in this instance be of any avail, are questions which those only whose curiosity has prompted them to peruse the piece, and who are acquainted with the evidence upon which the charge is made, are competent to decide. Conceding however, that this publication contains a wanton and groundless attack upon the character of General Smith, few will be disposed to justify him in the step which he has taken to obtain reparation of the injury. In the ranks of those, who, in 1798, distinguished themselves by their zeal for the most unbounded licentiousness of the press, and in opposition to the mild and wholesome restraints which public policy required should then be imposed upon it, this gentleman held a conspicuous place—Against a law designed to protect the reputations of men, high in office, and high in the confidence and esteem of their countrymen, from the malignant slanders of the most infamous libellers, all the powers of his eloquence were exerted—At that time a conscious rectitude of motive, and the enlightened candour of their fellow citizens were deemed sufficient shields against the most daring efforts of calumny and misrepresentation—Every man who would then engage in the work of defamation, received the highest applause from the party, and the sufferings of those, who by their patriotic labours, brought themselves within "pains and penalties of the law," awakened the tenderest feelings and finest sensibilities of those champions of the freedom of the press. Among those, general Smith was proud to be numbered; and having thus encouraged the trade of slander; having patronized the authors of the abuse, which at that time poured from the press against the administration and every conspicuous member of it; having joined in the cries and denunciations which were every where to be heard against the judges who enforced the law against seditious writings, with what propriety can he now seek in a court of justice redress for any injuries which he has received through the medium of the press? Will it be pretended that a suit instituted in the name of the individual injured, affords to the printer any advantages which were denied to him when prosecuted under the "gag" law? Will it be said, that a law which provided that the fine should not exceed one thousand dollars, was more rigorous than that under which eight thousand dollars may be demanded? Or will the circumstance of the plaintiff receiving the sum recovered in place of the state, afford to the public any recompense for the injuries consequent upon the 'muzzling,' of the press, and the restriction of free enquiry. If the plaintiff in the present suit, had heretofore evidenced a disposition to curb the licentiousness of the press; if he had formerly taken 'high ground' in opposition to defamatory writings; if, in the contest, to which the sedition law gave birth, with respect to the latitude, in which freedom of animadversion ought to be indulged, he had remained neutral, then he might with propriety complain of the injury which in this instance he may have received.
But let it be remembered, that there was a
NOTE. * In the turbulent times of king Charles the first of England, Lucius Cary, lord viscount Falkland was remarkable for his many virtues, and particularly for his regret at the distraction of the times. It was this amiable character as we suppose which presented itself to the recollection of the writer when this signature was taken.
time, when general Smith could extend a truce of appropriation to publications much more libelous, of others than any person would think it worth while to write of him; that he has occasionally indulged in 'the freedom of abuse;' and if general report can be credited, had a considerable agency in the establishment of one of the most infamous presses, that ever cursed any country; a press that has frequently attempted to blast the reputation of the very printer, against whom the eight thousand dollar suit has been instituted. But why sue the printer? Heretofore the editor of a newspaper has been thought justifiable in publishing any piece, the author of which would consent that his name, when required, should be given up. This idea may not legally be correct, yet, when it is known to the party libelled, that the name of the libeller is at his service, the uniform practice has been to proceed against him. And in this instance, an offer was made to general Smith, not only to acquaint him with the name of the author, but to give place in the same print to any vindication which he might think proper to publish.
Upon the guilt or innocence of general Smith a jury of his country will be called upon to decide.—To that tribunal the decision of the question is left.—No wish is felt to criminate his private character.—Men of candor and liberality will not give hasty credence to such charges.
The subject has been glanced at, in order to show, that the democrats, in the pains which they took to get into their hands that power, which they are determined to hold, scruple not to excite alarm, which they knew to be groundless, to denounce measures which they knew to be correct. What becomes of the liberty of the press (as heretofore defined by the democrats) if a member of Congress, one of the servants of the people, can prosecute and ruin a printer for the 'arraignment of abuses, at the bar of public reason.' How will the men, who formerly were so vociferous in their clamours against the prosecution and punishment of libellers, but who are now themselves persecuting the editors of newspapers, reconcile their present conduct with their former principles?
The mask at length is thrown aside, and democracy begins to shew itself in all its deformity. The people, it is hoped, will no longer be the dupes of their ambitious rulers, but opening their eyes to the dangers which beset them, will hurl them from that power which they may be determined to hold, but which they have so shamefully abused.
MARCUS.
FROM THE NEW-HAVEN VISITOR.
A monument of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, when reason is left free to combat it.
Jefferson's Ithaca. Address.
Yesterday, the editor of this paper was arrested at the suit of Ephraim Kirby, Esq.; a democrat, for a supposed libel, published in last Visitor: Damages laid at 10,000 dollars.—So we go.
FROM THE SALEM REGISTER.
TO produce Callender, whose character is well known, to substantiate any charge, would be to produce a victim, after his 'it had been proved upon him, in favor of his own innocence. Callender says he has stories about the president, but he will not tell them now. He will keep them till the time of the election is nearer than at present.* And the reason he offers is, that if published now, they will lose their force. Can any man after such an insult to the public presume to bring Callender as a witness, and must not a cause be desperate that must need such assistance. If the republicans had produced such a witness in their favor, they would have furnished better evidence against themselves than ever has been produced. We do not need the devil as our advocate.
The members of the Virginia legislature must have been informed of the true character of president Jefferson, and ought to be heard in preference to any individual, who has sold himself, first to one party and then to another.
What a mighty fuss about the dry-dock. If fair discussion was employed, the following would be considered as a candid view of the subject. President Jefferson is not so sanguine in any of his projections, as to wish to overrule his
NOTE.
* A direct untruth; as well as many others in these extracts. We long since folded up one of this being's papers, and sent it back, with a card, declaring him to keep his trash to himself.
friends. In their opinion he acquiesced. Had he been obstinate, clamour might well rise against him. But he had discovered nothing of this unyielding temper. This is the highest recommendation which can be given him.
Callender says this, Callender says that—and Callender asserts Mr. Pickering's integrity, says the Gazette. No doubt the editor thinks it as much his duty to quote Callender, as he does to call his federal fellow citizens' attention to the approaching March meeting—For upon Callender and the result of that meeting no doubt depends the support of his paper.
FROM LANGS NEW-YORK GAZETTE.
Mr Callender appears to have perfectly recovered from the wound cowardly and cruelly inflicted by the bludgeon of counsellor Hay. The readers of the Recorder find no failure either in head or hand, but an increasing energy of both. Thus has the dishonorable and assassin like attack been turned against projectors and executors.
POETRY.
THE TEMPTATION.
From the Port Folio
AN EPIC GRAM.
Wife Mammoth, in a chair of state, By slanders foul obtain'd; How she should keep it, held debate, By the same arts 'twas gain'd. He pass'd his forces in review; Smith, Cheetnam, Jones, Dm he, "Dull rascals—these will never do" Quoth he—"I'll send for France ." Then from his darling den, in France , To tempt the wretch to come, He made Tom's brain with flat'ry dance, And took the tax from him.
SPEECH IN MASSINGER'S EMPEROR OF THE EAST.
Applied to the Author of the Essays on Husbandry.
When a poor Husbandman presented Thesobolus , the younger, with an Apple raised on his farm, the Prince spoke as follows:
"It is the fairest fruit I ever saw: Those golden apples in the West-rich orchards, So strangely guarded by the watchful dragon; Nor those, with which Hesperus deceiv'd Swift-footed Atlantus , when I look On these, deserve my wonder! You behold The poor man, and his present, with contempt; To their value, prize both. He, that could So aid weak nature by his care and labour; As to compel a crab-tree flock to bear A precious fruit of this large size and beauty; By industry would change a petty village Into a populous city; and, from that, Erect a flourishing kingdom. Give the man (For an encouragement to his future labours) Ten Attick talents ."
WILL BE SOLD,
ON Thursday, April 7th. 1803, property belonging to WILLIAM CROZIER, at the brick house in the Market Square—First the Lease of the above House to be disposed of, for the term of nearly three years; also sundry articles in the grocery line, Whiskey, Rum, Gin, Sugar, Crockery Ware, with some good stands for Liquors. Also Kitchen Furniture, &c. WILLIAM CROZIER. Richmond, April 6th. 1803.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the flock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The assortment of goods is equal to any in that line. Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (15.)

DOCUMENTS RESPECTING THE INSURRECTION OF THE SLAVES.
(CONTINUED.)
Communications of Ben, alias Ben Wood- fork.
The first time I ever heard of this conspiracy was from Mrs. Anne Smiths George. The second person that gave me information was Samuel, alias Samuel Bird, the property of Mrs. Jane Clark. They asked me last night to come over to their houses on a Friday night. It was late, before I could get there; the company had met and dispersed. I enquired where they were gone, they answered to all their wives. I went after them and found George. He carried me and William, (the property of William Young) to Sam Bird's; after we got there, he (Sam) enquired of George, if he had any pen and ink, he said no, he had left it at home, he brought out his list of men and he had Elisha Price's Jim, James Price's Moses, Sally Price's Bob, Drury Wood's Emanuel; after this George invited me to come and see him the next night, but I did not go. The following Monday night, William went over and returned for me with a ticket, and likewise one for Gilbert. The Thursday night following both, George and Sam Bird came to see me, Bowler's Jack was with us; we conversed until late in the night upon the subject of the meditated war. George said he would try to be ready by the 24th of August, and the following Sunday he went to Hungary meeting house to enlist men; when I saw him again he informed me he had enlisted 37 men there. The Sunday after, he went to Manchester where he said he had recruited 50 odd more. I never saw him again until the sermon at my house, which was about three weeks before the rising was to take place. On the day of the sermon, George called on Sam Bird to inform how many men he had; he said he had no list with him but he supposed about 500. George wished the business to be deferred some time longer, Mr. Proffer's Gabriel wished to bring on the business as soon as possible. Gilbert said the summer was almost over, and he wished to enter upon the business before the weather got too cool. Gabriel proposed that the subject should be referred to Martin his brother, to decide upon. Martin said there was this expression in the bible, delays breed danger; at this time he said the country was at peace, the soldiers were discharged and arms all put away, there was no patrolling in the country, and before he would bear any longer what he had borne, he would turn out and fight with his stick; Gilbert said he was ready with his pistol, but it was in need of repair, he gave it to Gabriel, who was to put it in order for him.
I then spoke to the company and informed them I wished to have some things to say. I told them that I had heard in the days of old, when the Israelites were carried in servitude to king Pharaoh, they were taken from him by the power of God, and where carried by Moses, God had blessed them with an angel to go with him, but that I could see nothing of that kind in these days, Martin said in reply, I read in my bible where God says, if we will worship him, we should have peace in all our land, five of you shall conquer an hundred, and a hundred a thousand of our enemies. After this they went into a consultation upon the time they should execute the plan. Martin spoke and appointed for them to meet in three weeks which was to be of a Saturday night. Gabriel said he had 500 bullets made, Smith's George said he had done the corn, and would then go to make as many cross-bows as he could. Bowler's Jack said he had got 50 spiers, or bayonets fixed at the end of sticks. The plan was to be as follows. We were all to meet at the Briery spot on the Brook. One hun-
dred men were to stand at the Brook bridge, Gabriel was to take one hundred more and go to Gregory's tavern and take the arms which were there, fifty men were to be sent to Röcket's to set that on fire, in order to alarm the upper part of the town and induce the people to go down there, while they were employed in extinguishing the fire, Gabriel and the officers and soldiers, were to take the capitol, and all the arms they could find, and be ready to slaughter the people on their return from Röcket's. Sam Bird was to have a pass as a free man, and was to go to the nation of Indians called Catawbas to persuade them to join the negroes to fight the white people. As far as I understood all the whites were to be massacred except the quakers, the methodists and the Frenchmen, and they were to be spared on account, as they conceived, of their being friendly to liberty; also they had understood that the French were at war with this country for the money that was due them; and that an enemy was landed at South Key, which they hoped would assist them. They intended also to spare all the poor white women, who had no slaves.
The above communications are put down precisely as delivered to us by Ben, alias Ben Woodfork. Given under our hands this 17th of September, 1800.
GERVAS STORRS JOSEPH SELDEN.
Evidence advanced against Solomon the property of Thomas H. Proffer, on his trial on the 11th September, 1800
Ben the property of Thomas H. Proffer, being charged and sworn, deposed, that the prisoner at the bar made a number of swords, for the purpose of carrying into execution the plan of an insurrection which was planned by Gabriel, a negro man, the property of said Proffer, and that the said Solomon was to be treasurer. In the first place Mr. Proffer and Mr. Johnston were to be killed, and their arms seized upon, then they were to resort to and kill all the white neighbors. This was to be executed, on the Saturday night on which there was a fall of rain and gust. The place of meeting near to Proffer's black's smith shop in the woods. After murdering the inhabitants of the neighborhood, the assembly were to repair to Richmond, and seize upon the arms and ammunition, to wit, the magazine. Gabriel was to command at the commencement of the business. The swords made by the prisoner were distributed by said Gabriel. Swords had been making ever since the harvest. 1000 men were to be raised from Richmond, 600 from Ground Squirrel by age, and 400 from Gochland. Meetings were frequently held at William Young's under pretext of attending preachments, and at other times viz. at fish feasts and at barbecues to concert the plan of insurrection. The rain which fell on Saturday night the 30th of August, prevented the carrying the said plan into execution. The swords made by the prisoner were to be used by horsemen, two hundred of whom were appointed, but it was expected there would be 400. Gabriel and Solomon the prisoner kept lists of the names of the conspirators; that he heard Lewis Barret spoken of as one of the town negroes concerned. That in conversation with Jack Bowler, otherwise called Jack-Ditcher, it appeared that two white Frenchmen were the first investigators of the insurrection, but whose names he did not hear.
Pharoah the property of Philip Shepard. That the prisoner at the bar, on Saturday the 30th August enquired of this deponent whether the light horse of Richmond were out, he being then from Richmond, who informed him that he had seen some at colonel Goodall's tavern; the prisoner remarked that the business of the insurrection had so far advanced that they were compelled, even if discovered, to go forward with it, that he had four swords then to finish which he must complete by the time of his company's meeting that
evening, which would consist of 1000 men, to wit: negroes.
Will, the property of John Mosby, senr. Ben, the property of Thomas H. Proffer. That the prisoner brought two scythe blades to Gabriel for the purpose of having them made into swords, and that 4 swords were made out of them by Solomon at the request of Gabriel. That the said Will acknowledged in the presence of the deponent in conversation with Gabriel that he was concerned in the conspiracy and insurrection, and that he wanted the appointment of captain of the foot, but this being refused, he was to act as a horseman; that the whites were to be murdered and killed indiscriminately excepting Frenchmen, none of whom were to be touched.
Toby, the property of John Holman. That the prisoner proposed to join and fight the whites, that he had joined and had to carry two scythe blades to Solomon to be made into swords. He was determined to kill his master, that he had his master's sorrel horse set apart for him to act as horseman. That there was to be a great meeting of the negroes near Proffer's from thence they were to proceed and take the town, that 5000 blacks were to meet the prisoner at the bar, and that the blacks who did not join would be put to death. That he intended to kill his master on Saturday night the 30th of August last. That the prisoner had an appointment as captain, but was turned out, being underfize.
Witness against John, the property of Mary Jones of Hanover county.
Daniel, the property of John Williamson. That the deponent being at plough at home, the prisoner who at that time worked at the penitentiary and was passing by, invited him to come to a great barbecue which was to be made by the negroes at Half-Sink, and refused, being informed that the purport of the barbecue was to concert measures for raising an insurrection and murdering and killing the whites and taking the country, of which he had no doubt, as Gabriel, Solomon and himself being a captain, being at the head of this business, that the said John said that he had a number of men at the penitentiary and was going up to Caroline where he expected to raise several hundred. That they intended to seize upon the arms at the penitentiary, and that negroes who did not join in the insurrection would and should be put to death. That the whites were to be put to death indiscriminately.
Charles, the property of William Winston. That about 3 weeks ago the prisoner gave this deponent an invite to a barbecue to be at Mr. Moor's school house, which was made on a particular occasion, but was not made known to him, the deponent, which invitation this deponent refused to accept.
Isaac, the property of William Burton. Ben, the property of Thomas H. Proffer. That the prisoner informed him the deponent, that he had joined Proffer's Gabriel in order to take Richmond, and that he the prisoner, was one of the soldiers, that he was if possible to supply himself with a sword, which if he could not do, Gabriel was to furnish him, and he the prisoner was determined either to kill or be killed.
Daniel, the property of William Burton. The prisoner informed the deponent on Friday the 29th of August last, that the prisoner had been informed by Nanny, wife to Gabriel, that 1000 men were to meet said Gabriel near Proffer's tavern the ensuing night, and that he also was to be one of them for the purpose of murdering the white citizens, that the governor had in some measure got alarmed at this business, and has caused the arms which had been kept at the capitol to be removed to the penitentiary. That they should not mind the guards which were placed over the arms as they were determined to rush through them and take both them and the magazine. That he communicated this information to the overseer that an army of negroes were rais-
ing against the whites, with an injunction to the said overseer to keep the communication secret, as the blacks were determined to kill every black who should not aid in joining them in the insurrection. The prisoner was much intoxicated at the time of the conversation and information above.
Michael the property of Judith Owen. Ben, the property of Thomas H. Proffer. That about a fortnight before the time appointed for the insurrection, the prisoner being on his way to Richmond, employed Gabriel to make him a sword, which was to be used by him in fighting the whites under the command of Gabriel as a foot soldier. That he called on the Saturday evening appointed for carrying the plot into execution. The prisoner applied at the house of Gabriel, and obtained his sword, and promised to meet the ensuing Sunday night at the tobacco house of Mr. Proffer, that being too rainy an evening for carrying their—
Pharoah, the property of Philip Shepard. That in the week preceding the Saturday appointed for an insurrection, the prisoner informed him that Gabriel was to furnish him a sword which he would call and get on Saturday evening ensuing that he had joined the party.
Ned, the property of Judith Owen. That the prisoner informed him, he had been requested by Gabriel to join him in an insurrection, which he had rejected, promising said Gabriel, should he see the business progress well, he would afterwards join him.
William Gentry. That he and Mr. Glenn being in pursuit of Gabriel, and just from the return of said Gabriel's habitation, fell in with the prisoner, who they were about to take up, upon which he fled into the woods; that being pursued by Mr. Glenn, was taken some time before the deponent arrived, and that Mr. Glenn informed, that a scythe blade made into the form of a sword, was produced by the prisoner, which he made battle with against said Glenn, who had overcome the prisoner, and had then the said sword in his possession.
Trial of Nat, belonging to Anne Parsons.
Ben, the property of Thomas H. Proffer. That the prisoner had joined Gabriel to fight the white people, and for that purpose had purchased a sword from one Wiltshire belonging to B. Mosby. That upon falling in with Gabriel and this deponent, he informed Gabriel that he had his sword, and left it at the warehouse, that he had a stick in his hand, and flourishing it, observed, that thus he would wield his sword. This was about three weeks previous to the time appointed for the commencement of the insurrection. That the said Gabriel and the prisoner agreed, that the prisoner should have the rank of captain; the said prisoner remarking that all the warehouse boys had joined, and he would go on to get as many as he could until the appointed time.
Wiltshire, belonging to Benjamin Mosby, being sworn on the part of the prisoner, deposed, that he sold a sword to the prisoner, who informed that he wanted it to stand guard with at the warehouse, where he then lived and had the care of.
Trial of Gregory's Willy, testimony of Ben against him.
Willy was one. Gabriel asked Billy if he would be one? He said he would be a captain if Gabriel would find him arms, which Gabriel agreed to. Was to have Mr. Gregory's horse. The conversation was on Wednesday night. He would be a captain to fight the white people. He had six or seven men enlisted. He was to meet Gabriel the next night at Mr. Owens. Guilty. Executed Monday: Valued at £. 100.
Trial of Martin property of Thomas H. Proffer. Witness John and Ben.
John. Gabriel carried some spirit to a spring where the prisoner was, when he was asked by Gabriel if he would join him to fight the white people. He said he would.
(To be continued.)