The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-05-21 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, MAY 21, 1803.
ELEGANT PRINTS & LOOKING GLASSES
A BEAUTIFUL assortment of PICTURES and LOOKING GLASSES are respectfully offered to the public, at very reduced prices. They are to be seen at Messrs. Robert Gamble and Co's. store, up stairs.
Mrs. Atkins intending to leave Richmond in a few days, for Philadelphia, solicits the attention of the inhabitants, assuring them, that a more elegant assortment has not been offered on the continent.
R. ATKINS. Re-gilding in its various branches, in a superb manner. Also, Oil Gilding, that will stand washing.
Those Ladies and Gentlemen who with to favor Mr. Atkins with their commands, will be pleased to apply as early as possible. May 14th, 1803. 4t '8.
GREY MOGUL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the ensuing season at my stable, near Rockets; to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; to be discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected to soon as the mare is covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom. ISAAC ALLEN. May 10, 1803.
PEDIGREE.
Mogul was got by Quicksilver; Dam by Sprightly Cub, a son of old Cub; Sprightly Cub's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a full bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richards, esq. of Culpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richard's celebrated running Mare, by Shark.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GEN LEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately by post to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references.
The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleasants, Richmond, addressed to A. Small. May 10, 1803. 1m. '8.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 3s. 3d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickettes which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFORD & Co. March 31st. 1803.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD. Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. tf.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying on the business on his own account. The assortment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (tf.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
WALTER POTTER,
BOOK-BINDER AND STATIONER, Opposite Messrs. Mitchell and Gardner's, Main street, Richmond.
GRATEFUL for the encouragement he has received, since commencing business, takes this method of returning thanks, and to solicit a continuance thereof.
He has just received a fresh supply of Stationery, consisting of Super-Royal, Royal, Medium, Demy, Folio, and Quarto Post, Foolscap, and Post Writing Papers.
Blue, Blotting, Cartridge, and large Brown Wrapping Papers. Red and Black Ink-Powder, Liquid ditto; Pewter and Glass Ink-Stands; Sand and Sand Boxes; Pounce, and Pounce Boxes; Red and Black Sealing-Wax; Red, Black, and variety of Waters; Gold Leaf; Slates, and Slate Pencils; Red and Black Lead ditto; Ivory Folders; Red Tape; Quills; Indian Rubber; Bonnet Pasteboard, &c.
Merchants Accompt Books ruled to any pattern. Book-Binding in all its various branches, executed with neatness, accuracy, and dispatch.
Now on hand, a large assortment of Blank Books. May 11. 3t '7
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storeage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
IRISH LINENS.
THE Subscribers have just received a large assortment of 7-8ths. and 4-4ths. Irish Linens, which they offer for sale on very low terms. Also a few Bales of best Twill'd SACKING.
GILLIAT & KIRBY.
Richmond, May 18th. 1803. 1m. w. '9.
Extra concerning a Standing Army, from the American Annual Register for 1796.
THE two houses have already had some disagreements, such as that on the 6th of June, 1795, about the defence of the South Western Frontiers, against the Indians. The representatives wanted to have the president authorised to call out, as occasion might require them, ten thousand militia. The senate insisted on defending this frontier with a continental regiment of eleven hundred and forty men. The bill was dropped. On the 12th of March, 1794, a motion was made in the house of representatives for adding fifteen thousand men to the military establishment. On the 1st of April 1794, a bill was brought in for adding twenty five thousand men. On the 10th of May 1794, the bill was discussed, and the twenty-five thousand, along with fifteen thousand, and ten thousand were successively proposed and rejected. Mr. Sedgwick was one of the leaders in this plan. A bill passed in the senate for ten thousand men, but on the 30th of May, 1794, it was rejected by the representatives. The regiment of eleven hundred and forty men, already referred to, was then proposed by the senate, and refused by the representatives. Mr. Giles expressed his extreme surprise at such perseverance on the part of the senate in an idea so highly offensive to the majority of the representatives. Since this discussion, two years and an half have elapsed; and the intervening series of events has justified the negative to an additional establishment of twenty-five thousand regular troops. There has indeed been an insurrection, in the fall of 1794, in the four western counties of Pennsylvania. But that was suppressed without opposition, by fifteen thousand militia. It would be found difficult to pay these twenty-five thousand regulars. Several of the militia who went out on the western expedition, have not yet received their arrears, and the whole expense of that affair is but a trifle to what so great a body of regulars would have cost. If a person is unable to discharge a debt of six pence, he can still less refund five guineas. A summary of plain facts will demonstrate that this comparison is not overdrawn; and that the cost of maintaining such a body of troops in time of peace would endanger the existence of the union.
The wages of the labour of twenty-five thousand work-men, at a dollar per day, comes to an hundred and fifty thousand dollars a week, or seven millions and eight hundred dollars per annum. On the 12th of February, 1795, the representatives discussed a bill for a select corps of militia, and, on that occasion, Mr. Sedgwick stated a dollar per day as lost to the public by the absence of each man from labour. The abstraction of twenty five thousand hands from labour would give a fatal stroke to the infant manufactures of America. Viewed in that light, this project forms a corps de reserve to the excise upon sugar and snuff. Few tradesmen in America, who attend closely to their business, are able to overtake the whole of it in satisfactory time. An English gentleman, who bought a farm some years ago, within twenty miles of Philadelphia, said that when he first came to the country, he was surprised to see several of his neighbours in such extreme want of assistance from a shoemaker. At last he found it owing not to inability of buying shoes, but to the difficulty of getting a person to make them. Break the key of your desk, and get an American smith to mend it. You find it cheaper to buy a new lock and key from England. Wages to servants and journeymen of all kinds are, through many states of the union, higher than in any part of Europe, and after all, hands are sometimes not to be had. The journeyman carpenter, on whose aid his employer depended for the supply of customers, bolts off without warning, to Kentucky or
St. Domingo, or the Federal city, or sets up a tavern, a stage coach, or a billiard table; or determines to live like a gentleman, till his last cent is expended. Before his successor can be found, a month elapses. In many parts of the country this case frequently happens. Under such circumstances, to take twenty-five thousand men from the chisel and the plough, unless urged by positive necessity, would be highly absurd. It would tend directly to destroy the resources from which alone a standing army could expect to be paid. In Britain, at the beginning of a war, the public are often glad at the raising of new regiments, as taking off idle or disorderly people. But here the demand of labour is so great, that the least industrious man is generally thought worth his room. These observations point out the negative expense of this scheme, that part of it arising from the diminution of the quantity of labour. This world, in a single year, quadruple the whole charges of the western expedition. We now come to the positive expense, or, the amount of money which must be actually raised and laid out on such a plan.
In the debate last referred to, Mr. Sedgwick read an estimate of the expense of fitting out a select corps of militia. The arms and accoutrements would cost ten dollars per man; his clothes, by which was only meant a coat, required twelve dollars. His rations for four days were to cost two dollars, or half a dollar per day. Mr. S. Smith, in reply, observed, that the arms would cost nothing, as they were to be had from the repositories of the United States. Confine the outfit charges, therefore, to clothes and bounty money. The former could hardly be less than forty thousand dollars. In one of the bills proposed about this standing army, by the senate, twenty dollars per man were allowed for bounty money. Thus, each man would cost in advance, sixty dollars, which on the whole twenty five thousand, comes to fifteen hundred thousand dollars, and adding the price of horses, with a multitude of incidents and jobs, this army would require between two and three millions of dollars at its outset. The rations and pay could not, in whole, be less than a dollar per day. At seven days in the week, or three hundred and sixty five dollars per annum for each man, the total pay of the privates is nine millions one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars a year. The additional pay to officers, surgeons, chaplains, the death of horses, the waste of gun powder, and repairs of all kinds, could not make the entire annual charge less than twelve million of dollars. This sum added to the wages of these people, computed, as before, at seven millions and eight hundred thousand dollars, would make the real expense twenty millions of dollars a year, of which twelve millions must have been paid out in ready cash. The latter would, in six years only, clear off the whole public debt; but the money could not be found. Had taxes or loans, for so vast an additional burden, been imposed in May, 1794, the western insurrection that ensued would have been but the smallest of public misfortunes. Annual taxes to the extent of twelve millions could not have been raised; but the bare attempt to realize them must have filled the continent with confusion and distress. An annual loan to that amount would have extinguished public credit; and then the federal machine must have stood still, or rather tumbled to pieces.
Besides the principal sum expended, observe the march of compound interest, at three, four, or five per cent. per month, or perhaps of two and an half per cent. per day, for in October, 1796, the latter premium was offered in Philadelphia, by some enterprising traders.* Such is our situation without that standing army. Its establishment would have made matters an hundred times worse. For escaping this plan, so ardently pressed by the senate, and by some gentlemen in the other house, the nation is indebted to the superior good sense of a majority of the representatives. The former thrust the constitution to the edge of a precipice. The latter conducted it back again. In time of actual war, the citizens of the United States will, if necessary, submit to the greatest burden. Their history has evinced that they will do so. But when the nation is at peace, it has too much spirit to endure such impositions under any pretence whatever.
NOTE.
* This fact is here advanced on the best authority.

NOTICE
SHALL be obliged, very shortly, to leave this State for a few months. Should any persons having demands against me, wish to have them previously adjusted, I shall be glad if they will bring them forward immediately, for that purpose.
As the patronage I have received from my Friends and the Public, since my commencement in Business, has fully equalled my most flattering expectations, I beg leave, with due sensibility and respect, to offer in return my most grateful acknowledgements.
During my absence Mr. William H. Fitzhugh will receive and pay money, and settle all outward transactions and accounts on my behalf. The business of Book-binding, in all its various branches, will be carried on by Mr. Samuel Combs, who will execute all orders with promptitude and fidelity.
There is now on hand, and will be constantly kept up a complete assortment of Stationery, and of all kinds of Blank and Ruled Books used in Mercantile, Legal and Private business.
JOHN PUMFREY.
Richmond, May 21st. 1803.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 21st. 1803.
MISS Smith's National Intelligencer is now discharging upon the public a series of political essays. Their author assumes the title of Algernon Sidney . This name has long been fashionable and popular among the patriots and republicans of England. We have never been able to comprehend the supposed sublimity of his merit. After having been in exile for many years, he received permission from Charles the second, to return to his native country. As an immediate specimen of his gratitude, he entered into a conspiracy against the king, along with that other wing divinity, lord Russell. In their defence, they said, that they did not want to kill his majesty, but only to seize his person. The seizure of Charles the first, and the consequences that ensued, sufficiently show where such exploits may be expected to end. In the first place, the whole kingdom must have been cast into confusion, and society set afloat, without a possibility of guessing at what point of the compass it was to be cast ashore. Sidney was, probably, an honest man; but he was a dangerous enthusiast; and after the people of England had, from 1640, to 1660, been cutting each others throats, about the trade of making constitutions, it was certainly too much that an exile, just after receiving his pardon, should once more attempt to kindle the flames of political reformation. What kind of treatment Charles the second would have met with from him, may be readily ascertained by the dying words of Sidney himself. He said, on the scaffold, that he gloried in losing his life for the good old cause in which he had spent his youth. The butt-end of this good old cause consisted in chopping off the head of Charles the first; who, by the way, did not deserve to wear it: and as Charles the second was one of the greatest scoundrels upon earth, and, in all respects, a much worse man than his father, there is not the least reason to suppose, that he would have met with better usage. Dr. Swift, in four words, has admirably described almost all that is worth saying about principles of government. He says that government is a running force. My inference is, that it was much better to let Charles the second keep his throne, than to fight ten years for the sake of getting as great a rascal in his place. What has America gained by the precipitation and extinction of John Adams? Not very much. Ferocity and madness have been succeeded by the most despicable weakness and hypocrisy. Detestation has been followed by contempt; and at the next election, it is possible that contempt, in its turn, will be succeeded by detestation. We are sensible, that both his late and present excellency deserved, in an eminent degree, to be both despised and hated; but the one was undoubtedly the more hateful, as the other is, undoubtedly, the more despicable of the two. In a twelvemonth hence, it may be expected, that the good citizens of America will be able to find a third infallible character; whose popu-
larity will possibly survive the first six months of his election. You might as well take a roller, and attempt to level the waves of the Atlantic, as fancy that a nation will ever be satisfied under any government. There are always ninety-nine chances to one, that their beloved chief magistrate does not care a farthing about them; that he considers them merely as the ladder by which he has ascended to the summit of fortune. There is an equal number of chances, that his patriotic fellow citizens, or perhaps his most faithful subjects will immediately perceive this fact; and, of consequence, do every thing in their power to send him to perdition. This is what we call government, and especially republican government. For in a monarchy, the people often feel a stupid but serious attachment to their king, which a president cannot hope for. With respect to Sidney, our conclusion is, that, although Charles the second was, undoubtedly, a very great curse to England, yet that a revolution, and the manufacture of a republic, would have been a ten times greater. We shall now proceed with Miss Smith's Washington Sidney, and examine what claim he has to the reputation of an able political writer.
The title page of his performance discovers, that the man does not, at least, want courage. He has undertaken a task which might have broken the nerves of an intellectual Hercules. His thing is christened, "A Vindication of the Measures of the present Administration." The gingle of rhyme in the two ends of this sentence discovers the author's intimate acquaintance with the harmony and variety of the English language. The piece that we have now in hand, is No. III. and extends, in Miss Smith's paper, to the enormous length of five close printed columns. Whether any mortal will have the fortitude to wade through such a mass of words, we do not presume to conjecture. We can only say, that, for our own part, we have, at present, neither time nor patience, nor health, for the execution of so tremendous a task. In glancing over it, however, we lighted, among several others, upon the following paragraph. We do not mean to say, that it is more absurd or nonsensical than three or four others, which we have had the hardiness to peruse. It is only given as a fair specimen of the stupendous whole!
"Commanding the left bank of the Mississippi, for more than 20 degrees of latitude, the Atlantic, for more than sixteen hundred miles, with an hundred navigable rivers who pay their tribute to that ocean, what have we to fear from an infant colony, protected by a remote power, possessing but one avenue to the civilized world, and that, to say the least, equally within our command. If foreign connections shall become necessary, are they not to be procured? Is there not a nation more capable than any other of foreign enterprise, whose interest would lead them with us to unhackle the Mississippi, the West-Indies and Spanish Main?"
How the United States, with their six frigates, and a dozen sloops of war, can be said to command the Atlantic, the writer best knows. Has he forgot the existence of the British navy? Or, can he imagine that a merchant, or farmer on shore, by his mere residence on the sea coast, becomes master of the ocean? If America commands the Atlantic, why did she, for six years, suffer it to be covered with the destruction of her property, and the captivity of her seamen? This single expression betrays such a quantum of vanity, and of thoughtlessness, for it cannot be called ignorance, as no words can exaggerate. Command the Atlantic! What stuff! It will be a great deal if we can command the sea-coast.
What have we to fear from an infant colony, &c.? Must the public be told a thousand times over, that we have to fear the blockade of the Mississippi; and that, in consequence of this fear, Mr. Monroe has been dispatched to Europe, with two millions of dollars, to repeat, upon our part, the old farce of X. Y. Z?
Can such trash of declamation be termed reasoning? No! It is utterly impossible that the writer can be so stupid as to believe one syllable of what he has affirmed. How can France be termed a remote power? Is Martinique or Guadalupe, at so prodigious a distance? Cannot any man, that knows the use of the mariner's compass, sail from these islands to New-Orleans in six or eight days? But, indeed, it is the summit of absurdity to call France herself remote, as long as we are able to remember the siege of York Town. England is quite as remote as France; but that did not hinder her from ravaging this country for eight years. In 1798, a profound writer of newspaper paragraphs thanked providence, that, between this country and France, there are 3000 miles of salt water. Half the same distance of dry land would have been much more likely to protect America from French invasion. France will depend upon Louisiana for flour, and other articles, to supply her West India islands. Hence, we may be perfectly sure, that she will not suffer her colony to be crushed. Does this writer mean to say, that New-Orleans has only one avenue to the civilized world? Did the man never see a map of the mouth of the Mississippi? He might as well have said that Ireland, or that St. Helena, has only one avenue. How did he find out that this one avenue, to wit, the gulph of Mexico, is within our command? But it is paying too much respect to such absurdity, to give it the honor of a refutation.
This writer proceeds to recommend, in case of necessity, foreign connections. By this, he means a British alliance. This alliance, if attainable, will inevitably be sold at the full price which it is worth. Every nation, and England among the rest, cares only for its own interest. It is the remark of Polybius, the most intelligent and well informed historian of antiquity, that between two nations, there can exist no such thing as friendship. And pray, fir, how far do you think that two millions of dollars would go in manning and victualling a British fleet, when William Pitt, for the sake of a few cat-skins at Nootka Sound, expended, in four months only, three millions of guineas, although his fleet never went to sea? What figure would your two millions of dollars make in the corner of the treasury of a nation that spends thirty millions sterling upon a single campaign? Does not every body know that the federal administration was broke up, by a loan of five millions of dollars, and an assessed tax of two millions of dollars per annum? Sir! an English minister would hardly give a London banker his dinner for such frivolous assistance. He is not William Pitt borrowed twenty millions sterling in the course of two days; and would not an attempt to expend half that sum break up the public credit of this country? In the United States, people have too much sense and spirit to suffer themselves to be dragooned and robbed of their last farthing, to gratify the ambition of a few speculative and unprincipled statesmen.
We had originally designed to quote only one paragraph from the Washington Sidney. The prodigious length, and the profound solemnity of his performance, induce us to quote another. It is in these words:
"On this interesting subject there is one suggestion of the highest importance repeatedly made by the opposition. It is this: The citizens of the western States will secede from the union and form an alliance with France. When that event happens, the sun of our happiness will set forever, and darkness and thick tempests hover around us."
But what are the evidences which support this assertion. The citizens of the western states have invariably manifested an attachment to the union as ardent as that of any other portion of the nation. Their morals are correct, their intellect as sound, and their interest in our unity as unbounded. They are connected with the Atlantic states, and the Atlantic states with
them, by every tie of interest, affection and consanguinity. No nation was ever united by ties stronger than those which bind together these states."
We have the misfortune to dissent from this gentleman in almost every word of the preceding citation. A disjunction from the western states would be a most painful and inauspicious circumstance; but there is a wide difference between an occasional and sufferable accident, and absolute ruin! When Britain was menaced with a separation from her continental colonies, it was foretold that her sun, also, would set forever. Adam Smith, the Scotch commissioner of salt excise, who wrote a thousand pages upon sympathy, and who never felt a single twitch of it, was, perhaps, the only man in the three kingdoms, who had the foresight to discover that the separation might be of very great advantage to England. There is just as little reason, in this case, to fancy that a disjunction from Kentucky would ruin the United States. It might produce a good deal of temporary embarrassment; and so did the abolition of nunneries in England, when Henry the VIIIth found it convenient to plunder them. But nobody will, upon that account, say, that he wishes to see their restoration. A substantial evil as David Hume very justly observes, often carries along with it, a temporary convenience; and such is the perverseness of memory, that the loss of that convenience may be remembered, when the mischiefs of the evil itself may be forgotten. For instance, a case may be supposed, where a man feels a very sensible inconvenience by the loss of a scolding wife, or a worthless son. But we must return to Mr. Sidney.
"The citizens of the Western states have not invariably manifested a very ardent attachment to the union." They had innumerable reasons for being exceedingly disgusted with it; and these reasons have often been detailed in this paper. Thomas Davies was, for several years, one of the representatives from Kentucky. In the close of the last session of the last Congress, he exclaimed, in a tone of exultation, that the sun of federalism was about to set forever. Upon the merit of this wise expression, perhaps it was, that Thomas Jefferson made him a judge in the Western territory, so that, when our Mississippi brethren wish for a secession, they are sure where they can find at least one leader. In another part of this day's paper, Sidney may find an extract from the American Annual Register for 1796. The facts are indisputable; for they are to be found upon the journals of Congress. I was present when the whole transaction past. Sidney may therein see what sort of protection the federal majority were disposed to grant to the people of the Western frontier, from the tomahawk, and the scalping knife of the savages. A regiment of eleven hundred men was to be their defence along a line of perhaps eleven hundred miles. History never heard of any such proposal before, and, for the honor of society, it is to be desired, that a similar proposal may never be heard of again. The Recorder has often enlarged upon this subject. We shall not, therefore, repeat, what has been told twenty times already. It would be absurd to recommend the concealment of those facts. Gross untruth is employed to stimulate the Atlantic states into a spirit of war, of which, as this writer himself says, in another passage, "if there be a war, it will rage in all parts. It will DESTROY our navigation, commerce, and fisheries; and may produce serious calamities to our sea ports." The writer refers to such a trifle as the burning of Norfolk and Baltimore; the bombardment of New-York, and the blockading of the Delaware. These are his own words. This is the plain meaning of them and I would ask any reasonable being whether such matters are to be hazarded, for the sake of our union with Kentucky, provided that the Kentuckians chose to plunge headlong into a quarrel, which they have no resources to pursue, and no means to accomplish?

COMMUNICATIONS.
It has been frequently said, in conversation, that the first estimate which John Clarke rendered to the executive council, concerning the armory, did not exceed 40,000 dollars. Upon being interrogated, by a person a little wiser than their honours, why he did so, when he knew it to be by much too little, Clarke answered, that if the whole truth should be exposed at once, they would not adopt the plan. It was necessary to draw them on by degrees, otherwise the stingy backwoodsmen would not grant supplies.
It this is untrue Clarke will deny it. And he will be under considerable obligations to the author of this note, for putting it in his power publicly to wipe away so detestable an accusation.
That the public have been imposed upon is most certain, but whether by fraud or folly is yet to be learned. No man in the legislature, who voted for the establishment of an armory expected, that it was to cost two hundred thousand dollars. And, that the superintendants, overseers and clerks, would cost six or seven thousand more, per annum. He could not justify such a vote to his constituents. If, upon an examination into the subject, it shall be found that wear and tear, natural decay, danger of fire, and management, will cost, on an average, more yearly, than the yearly advantages, it would be better to stop the project at once, and rent out the house to private adventurers, taking from them an obligation to pay the rent in muskets to be made upon the spot. There is room enough for this business. And also to afford two very excellent manufacturing mills, besides, each of which mills, would rent for 3 or 4000 dollars per annum. In this way the public may get something, and may make the best of a bad bargain.
RICHMOND every now and then is disturbed with the prospect of an insurrection. People at a distance suppose that the wisdom of the executive council is ready at all times to meet every emergency. They are mistaken in many things, and in nothing more than this. At this time the governor is on a visit to Goochland, the lieut Governor Guerrant resides nearly thirty miles from Richmond, and does not come to the city more than once a fortnight. Mr. Stewart resides about 6 miles from Richmond, Mr. S. Tyler about 20 miles, and comes to meet gen. Guerrant. Hay and M'Rae are out among the courts gathering fees as lawyers. Col. White resides 15 miles from Richmond, and general Wood often about 172 miles, so that in case of emergency the only dependence is on the mayor and magistrates of Richmond.
It happens that these gentlemen are almost all federalists, and although there would be no difficulty in their obtaining any thing which such an emergency might require, yet it is well known that they would run a considerable risque. The high toned republicans of the executive, in order to shew their prudence and economy, or their hatred to federalism, might refuse to indemnify the magistrates; the assembly might follow the example.
It should be recollected, that a British army landed at Westover, 25 miles below Richmond, in the year 1780, and had marched a considerable part of the way to Richmond before they were discovered. The executive council, at that time resided in the city, and had time before they dispersed to take some measures. Do not these facts suggest the impropriety of permitting members of the board to reside any where, except in Richmond, or to be employed in the profession of lawyers? If £250 is inadequate for a salary, then let as much be added as will support the members in the city, without the aid of fees, or gambling.
TO THE PUBLIC.
AS several paragraphs and political remarks in the Virginia Gazette, may be supposed to come from me, and to accord with my sentiments, owing to my
residence in the house of Mr. Davis, I consider it proper to inform the public, that in future none which I shall write, or have a concern in publishing, shall appear in the Virginia Gazette, or any other paper, without being subscribed by the initial letters of my name.
JOHN WOOD.
The following essay is copied from a volume, of which the second edition was published in Edinburgh in 1792. It has been shrewdly remarked, that this piece forms a counterpart to the history of our Penitentiary. The same utter want of prudence and economy appears in both instances.
IN a late paper you informed us, on official authority, that previous to the 18th of March, 1791, two thousand and twenty-nine convicts have been shipped from England for New South Wales. We also learned, that prior to the 9th of February, in the same year, the expences of this establishment amounted to three hundred and seventy-four thousand pounds. Besides this sum, we are told of contingencies, "that cannot as yet be stated." It was for the minister's credit to make his project appear as frugal as possible, and to suppress a part of this enormous expenditure to serve the temporary purposes of debate. We may safely affirm, that the contingencies referred to, make no trifling sum. Ten additional months fall now also to be added to the account; and it is not unreasonable to compute the total expence, up to this date, at six hundred thousand pounds. These exiles have not, upon an average, been more, than three years in New South Wales. During that short period we see that each of them has cost this country three hundred pounds. As the climate is much more healthy than our own, they may be expected to survive transportation for twenty years to come. By that time, the additional expence of each convict will amount to, perhaps, six hundred pounds. It may indeed be alledged, that before that time, the country will be reduced to a state of cultivation. But a circumstance mentioned by the governor sufficiently shows the great distance and uncertainty of such a prospect. It cost him and a party five days to penetrate thirty miles into the desert; and the fatigues they underwent during this journey were excessive. In the same paper you tell us, that eighteen hundred and thirty other convicts were then under orders for shipping. It is impossible to estimate, with any degree of certainty, what may be the annual expence of this colony before the end of the eighteenth century. By a very moderate calculation, we may suppose, that before ten years elapse, the colony will receive at least ten thousand additional convicts; and it is but fair to compute, that of the whole number by that time transported, ten thousand will then be alive, and maintained at the charge of government. Now, if each of these gentry shall cost us only thirty pounds a year, the whole annual expence will amount to three hundred thousand pounds. At the end of twenty years it may rise to double that sum. To this we must add the charming item of fifty or an hundred pounds sterling per head, for the expence of their voyage. Will the British nation, with its eyes open, walk into such a gulf? Had each of these criminals been discharged from the bar, it is very unlikely that he would have committed one tenth part of the mischief by abusing his liberty at home, which he entails on us by enduring slavery abroad.
These premises are unanswerable, and we must infer that the Botany-Bay scheme is the most absurd, prodigal, and impracticable vision that ever intoxicated the mind of man. A poor fellow flees a watch, or a horse worth five or ten pounds. The loss is paltry, but mark the consequences. His trial, in Scotland at least, costs the public, between expence and personal trouble to individuals, perhaps, four times that sum; and then his transportation, the devil knows where, and the devil knows why, perpetuates a burden upon his country to the amount of ten times the loss incurred by the robbery and trial put together. In the modern state of matters, a criminal when convicted does not deserve that title for breaking a shop, or a stable; but, because it, he escapes the gallows, he plunders the public treasury of three, or five, or perhaps fifteen hundred pounds. Transportation to North America was, in comparison but a ride before breakfast. New South Wales is at the distance of six or eight thousand leagues, if we include the windings and turnings necessary on the passage. In the former country, the price of a felon, when landed, was sufficient to pay the expence of his voyage. But in the latter, a footpad, the moment we set him on shore, is enrolled with many other right honourable gentlemen in the respectable and useful band of national pensioners.
There is not an old woman in the three kingdoms who could not have suggested a better resource. A bridewell in each county, on the plan of the Panopticon,* and under a
* This is a prison on a new and improved plan, by which prisoners can be kept entirely solitary, without a possibility of corrupting each other.
few obvious regulations, would effectually dispose of convicts; and instead of costing the nation an enormous annual expence, would produce a large annual revenue. Mr. Pitt has, however, pledged his character and abilities in support of this project, and he will, no doubt, adhere to it with his usual firmness, till the period of his resignation. If he shall continue in office for ten years longer, every fool in this country will see what every man of sense sees already. By that time this chimera will be treated with universal execration, as a millstone hanging at the neck of public credit; and the new minister, as a specimen of his importance, will instantly abandon the settlement. But indeed this inestimable description of British subjects may very possibly save him that trouble, by cutting the throats of their taskmasters, and embarking on board the shipping in the bay. Could this revolution be accomplished without bloodshed it is in itself an event extremely desirable.
FROM THE GAZETTE OF THE U. STATES.
DUANE'S CONFESSION.
IN the Aurora of Friday last was inserted Mr. Burd's late publication containing Duane's humble confession and apology for a libel which he had previously published against that gentleman. A. Duane has prudently thought it expedient to adopt this mode of avoiding the punishment which, by his own confession, he so richly deserved, and has thereby prevented a judicial investigation of the subject, it is but proper that the public, and particularly the readers, of that paper, should know what kind of charges he is in the habit of making against the characters of men who happen not to please him, and upon what sort of authority those charges are founded. We have already remarked that the crimes charged against Mr. Burd are of such a nature as would disqualify him to hold any public office in the state, and would further subject him to severe punishment for a high misdemeanor involving the crime of perjury. In addition to this, the gentlemen themselves, who were summoned upon the jury, were accused of being destitute of truth and honesty, so regardless of their oaths that they would, if they had an opportunity, convict a man of murder without evidence. To aggravate the enormity of this libel, it was published, while a cause in which Duane was concerned was depending before this jury. To prevent cavilling we will here insert the libelous publication itself. It appeared in the Aurora on the 26th of August 1801, and is in the following words:
"We saw some observations concerning juries in a tory paper of last night, in which we recognize more good sense than we could have expected. It is indeed to be lamented that juries have been hitherto packed so basely. Joshua B. Bond, when the rioters were indicted a few months ago in the mayor's court, exulted openly that he was not to be tried in that court, but in the supreme court, where Mr. Burd, the prothonotary, would have the selection of the jury; and he should be safe. Accordingly, we have been served with two copies of struck juries, made by Mr. Burd, which completely verify what Bond predicted, the juries are literally packed, and so much skill is displayed in it, that if the editor of this paper were to be tried for murder, upon the charge in Wayne's Gazette of last week, there could be no doubt of finding twelve men in the list, who would bring in a verdict guilty without any other evidence."
The charges speak for themselves, and are of such a nature as no man, having the slightest regard for truth or for the feelings of innocent and honorable men, would ever venture to publish but upon the most satisfactory and indisputable authority. What was the authority in the present instance? Duane himself, in his letter to Mr. Burd, dated the 11th inst. answers this question. The following are his words:
"My feelings on that occasion were excited by the appearance of the name of _____ upon the list of jurors to try a case in which I was the defendant,
* Mr. Edward Shoemaker, a man of as fair reputation and unimpeachable integrity as any one in Philadelphia.
and I saw, as I thought, a majority of the jurors on that list composed of men inveterately hostile to me on political grounds. It was under these circumstances that I felt and published as I did concerning you, which I now [as the day of punishment draws near] most heartily regret."
"My idea was that you had placed on the list of jurors a great over proportion of my political enemies. I am told this was not the case, and I believe those who tell me so, because I have no recollection, at this time, of any other person than _____"
Such is the nature, and this is the amount of the evidence upon which the editor of the Aurora founded a charge against a public officer of one of the highest crimes which, in his official capacity, he could commit, and such is the authority upon which he declared that no doubt, twelve of the respectable citizens of Philadelphia would find a man guilty of murder without evidence! Let those who are in the habit of daily swallowing the streams of false and malicious slander, which perpetually flow from this corrupted and putrid source look at the above, and consider well. Is this your organ of the public will?
NOTE.
† "It ought to be noticed that this penitential regret was not produced in Duane until after a jury had been summoned by the marshal of the district to try the action commenced by Mr. Burd, nor until it was found that the trial would inevitably come on at the present session of the circuit court. The jury thus summoned was found to consist of decent and upright American citizens, who would be likely to do justice. Under these circumstances it was that Duane first discovered the error of his way and fell upon the expedient of confessing and begging pardon. At the same time he threatened to make some comments upon this jury summoned by the marshal; but we presume he has thought better of it. A burnt child dreads the fire."
THE following facts are a strong proof of the beneficial effects of a temperate habit on the human system, and are worthy of notice. Mr. EPHRAIM PRATT was born in Sudbury, (Mass.) in the year 1686, being the second child born of European parents in that town, and the first on the records. From thence he removed some years ago, and is now living in Shutesbury, in Hampshire county, aged one hundred and seventeen years. He is in good health, and is able to walk abroad to visit his neighbors; and until within about two years, his eye-sight was so good as to enable him to read. From a child he has been rigidly temperate, living principally upon milk, and disclaiming altogether the use of spirituous liquors. He is a man of exemplary life and irreproachable character; and notwithstanding his great age, is still an agreeable companion.
FROM A LATE LONDON PAPER.
THE late duke of Bridgewater's will was opened at four o'clock on Tuesday. He has left most of his houses, his plate, his pictures, valued at one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and his estate lately purchased at Woolmers, in Hertfordshire, to earl Gower, together with his canal property in Lancashire, which brings in from 50 to 80,000 sterling per ann. All this property is entailed on earl Gower's second son, lord Francis Levison Gower. His first son will inherit the marquis of Stafford's estates. To general Egerton, now earl of Bridgewater, he bequeathes the estate of Aldbridge, in Hertfordshire, and other estates in Shropshire, and Yorkshire, to the amount of 30,000. per annum. About 600,000. in the funds, he has left chiefly to general Egerton, and partly among the countess of Carlisle, lady Anne Vernon, and lady Louisa Macdonald, the chief baron's lady. The duke never was married. These persons were his relations.
The duke of Bridgewater has died worth 120,000. sterling per ann. The distribution of this immense property is as follows: Lord Gower gets the whole of the canal property, house, pictures, and an estate, value 70,000. a year; general Egerton gets 600,000. stock, also the earldom and estates, value 28,000. yearly; the Rev. F. Egerton, 40,000. lady Carlisle, 10,000. lady Louisa Macdonald, 10,000. besides other bequests.
WANTS A PLACE.
A WHITE MAN wishes to be employed as COOK, or as a HOUSE SERVANT. Enquire at this office.

American Intelligence.
NEW-LONDON, April 27.
COMMUNICATION.
Democracy, at this period, is as awful in its consequences, as it is novel and insinuating in its operations. The leaders, although in some respects visionary, are practical men in their indefatigable industry to obtain proselytes. The same means which have been used with success in New-York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, are pursued in Connecticut. The whole plan is artfully contrived, perfectly adapted to its object and thoroughly and effectually carried into execution. The state is districted, each district divided, these divisions further subdivided, and over each of these are superintending committees, who by regular correspondence, make known their relative strength and the probable event of their services. The names of those who can be relied upon, are recorded in the books of some one of these committees, who by communication, are advised of the designs of the party, and the means which are to be adopted for their accomplishment. Under these committees, the most influential individuals are appointed agents, with particular duties assigned them, the discharge of which is reported at head quarters, so that the whole is an ascending series, from country tavern Juntos, up to the great caucus of caucuses in Virginia. What is to be the result when such are the means? means, silent, industrious, invisible, means which have not been resisted, because they have been suspected only, but hitherto not proved. What must be the desperate intentions of those, who have, as it were, thus systematized disorganization, and arrayed the forces, the passions, that I add, the vices of man, in a warfare and conspiracy against all that is respectable and praiseworthy in society.
RUTLAND, (Vt.) May 2.
TO PRINTERS.
WHEREAS John Washburn, junr. Randolph in the county of Orange, and state of Vermont, on the 30th of March last, went from his house, as was supposed, to transact some business in a neighboring town; but to the grief and surprise of his family and connections it appears that in consequence of mental derangement he left his house, about seven miles from his house, travelled on foot, to the westward, and was seen in Brandon, in Rutland county, on the first of April, since which time his friends have not been able to gain any intelligence respecting him. This is, therefore, to request all persons who may chance to meet with the said Washburn, to treat him with that tenderness and humanity which his peculiar situation may require; and to use all mild and prudent measures to induce him to return to his afflicted family and friends; and in case that he should be incapacitated by sickness or otherwise, for providing for himself, any one who will afford him the necessary assistance, and give information to his friends, by the public papers or otherwise, where he may be found, may depend on a reasonable reward.
Said Washburn is 43 years of age, about 5 feet 8 inches high, darkish complexion, dark brown hair, dark eyes; had on when he went away, a light drab colored home made great coat, black home made coat, pantaloon of the same, and striped swansdown vest.
JOHAN WASHBURN.
** From motives of humanity, it is hoped that the different printers in the United States will be induced to insert this in their papers.
Randolph, (Vt.) April 21, 1803.
NEW-YORK, May 10.
THE ship Franklin, Townsend, of Salem, arrived at Martha's Vineyard,
from Calcutta, on the 3d instant. She left the Cape of Good Hope on the 8th March, and brings the following important information:
"The Cape of Good was given up to the Dutch on the 21st February, at which time the troops of the Batavian republic took possession, to the great joy of the inhabitants. The English government, it appears, had sent out new orders after the former ones, to retain it; but the frigate had a long passage, so that the British troops had held possession from the 1st January to the 21st February. They had mostly embarked for India before the Franklin sailed — notwithstanding which, the British commanders, at the time he left the Cape, said they expected a new war in Europe, and wished they had retained possession."
Captain Townsend saw at the Cape the ship Rolla, from Calcutta, which had spoken the Concord, Carnes, of Salem, a short time before, near Sumatra. Passed at Newport, the ship Mount Hope, from the Isle of France, deeply laden,
From Bermuda papers to the 23d ult.
Governor Beckwith sailed from these islands on the 8th instant, for England, in the British sloop of war Pheasant.
A dangerous sickness is prevalent at Turks-Island.
All the property in St. Eustatia, formerly belonging to British subjects, has lately been restored by the Batavian republic; and that island is now getting into its former lively situation.
We have had here this week the most continued gales of wind at this season of the year that have been known for many years. The storm began on Monday evening, and still continues. Monday night, Tuesday and Wednesday night it blew almost a hurricane. The wind has been all the time at N. W. We fear much damage has been done at sea near these islands; but are happy to say no vessels have been wrecked on our rocks during the tempestuous weather.
NEW-ORLEANS.
To the politeness of a friend we are indebted for the "Moniteur de la Louisiane" of the 2d of April, from it is taken the following account of the reception of citizen Lauflat, colonial prefect at the city of New Orleans. The consular arrest, defining the powers of the captain general, colonial prefect and commissary of justice, clearly proves the cession of the province of Louisiana by the kingdom of Spain to the French republic. Citizen Lauflat, in his capacity of colonial prefect, has virtually taken possession of the province. How far the recent order of the court of Spain to reinstate the United States in their right of deposit at New Orleans, will be respected by prefect Lauflat, will soon be demonstrated. The prefect's proclamation, which has lately appeared in the public prints, has also been received. The translation of this ranting proclamation, as already published, is in substance perfectly correct.
By private correspondence we understand that the prefect has declared that his court had no knowledge of the occlusion of the port of New Orleans; on the contrary, had he arrived before this event, it should not have taken place. It is presumed that every facility to an amicable intercourse with the upper settlements, will be extended by the prefect.
Reception of citizen Lauflat, colonial prefect of the French colony of Louisiana, at New Orleans.
Translated for the Daily Advertiser, from the supplement to the Moniteur de la Louisiane.
New-Orleans, Saturday, 2d April, 1803.
The governor of Louisiana dispatched his eldest son, captain Don Manuel, and M. Calderon, sub-lieutenant, to meet citizen Lauflat, colonial prefect. The intendant, on his part, sent Don Raphael Ramos, commissary of war, in the cus-
tom-house tender. Citizen Lauflat ascended the river in the government bark, and entered the city on Saturday last, the 26th of March, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. He landed at the governor's, under a discharge of the artillery of the forts.
The colonial prefect was attended by his etat-major, the officers of the garrison and of the place, together with the principal civil and ecclesiastical characters.
From thence the prefect went to the house of M. Bernard Marigny, which had been prepared for his reception.
Shortly after, the governor, attended by a large retinue, waited on him.
On Sunday, and for several succeeding days, the prefect received the visits of the public officers and principal inhabitants.
He testified, on all occasions, the decisive intention of the French government to promote the prosperity and happiness of this colony, to support good order, to maintain in full force the laws respecting individuals, to protect religious worship without any change in its establishments, to respect every treaty with neighbouring powers, and to carefully cherish with them the ties of amity and confidence.
He announced that the captain general with the troops of the expedition had, in all probability, sailed from Batavia, about the last of January, and that they would arrive in this colony about the middle of April. He spoke of the character and views of the captain general in such a light, as to render his arrival most ardently expected.
The colonial prefect spent the rest of the week in visiting the public offices and magazines, and in making, in concert with the governor, the necessary preparations for the support and lodging of the expected forces.
The government and custom houses dispatch boats returned to the Detour Anglois (English Turn) to bring madame Lauflat and her daughters; who arrived at the prefecture on Sunday evening.
The intendant united his exertions with those of the governor to afford citizen Lauflat, the colonial prefect, a reception due to the government which sent him from the government which received him.
FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.
THE advocates of the ruling faction still dwell upon the subject of a pretended waste of money by the federal administrations; and have brought again and again into view, among their other charges, to support the slanderous position, the expence incurred in removing the public offices, &c. from Philadelphia to the city of Washington. The removal every one knows was authorised by law, every one must be sensible that Congress, in enacting the law, contemplated a remuneration of the expences incidental to the measure. But the economical disinterested democrats, would undoubtedly wish to impress upon the minds of the people a belief, that the expence of removing the seat of government, ought to have been paid by the public officers from their own pockets. A justifiable and proper economy in the expenditure of the treasure of the nation, should be advocated by every honest man: but when necessary expences are charged as a waste of public money, it can only be attributed to the same baseness which has stimulated to the propagation of hundreds of other slanders, for the purpose of depriving the people of their confidence in men to whose measures America is in a great degree indebted for her present prosperity, and for exalting the leaders of the present predominant party to office.
Instead of accusing the federal administrations with a pretended waste of the public money, the anti-federal agents would have exhibited a greater regard to truth, had they stated the waste which has been witnessed since the unfortunate introduction of our present rulers to
power. According to the collection of some of their own party, not less than 30,000 dollars were expended in the repair of the Bercéau, previous to returning her to the French, from whom she was captured, at the period when the cruisers of that nation were making depredations upon our commerce, and no law existed authorizing this waste of the public money.
It is stated, that had Mr. Jefferson been president, and had Mr. Gallatin presided over the treasury, at the time of the removal of the seat of government, upwards of 30,000 dollars would have been saved by the United States. While we do not admit that there is a shadow of truth in this assertion, it may be asked, whether the democrats calculating that such a saving might have been made, mean to justify, in consequence, the waste of that sum in repairing the Bercéau? If so, still the balance will remain against them, to a very considerable amount. It has been clearly demonstrated, according to the statements made in Congress, that the United States suffered a loss of 119,000 dollars in the sale of the bank stock, independent of the impolicy of depriving the nation of so profitable a species of property as it possessed in the said stock. A national ship was hired to transport a man to France with the treaty, at an expence of thousands, while we had a minister there, to whom the treaty might have been transmitted, without any expence. These are some of the items which would have afforded a much better text for declamation about the waste of public money, than the necessary expences of removing the seat of government from Philadelphia to Washington. But real subjects of complaint, which justly attach censure to their own party, are never noticed by the advocates of the present administration, to endeavour to degrade the characters of those who formerly filled the offices of government with credit to themselves, and honor to the country; is one of their primary objects, in pursuing which, candour, fairness, and truth, are seldom found in their company.
FROM A LATE LONDON PAPER.
A letter from Middleburg, dated Feb. 13 has the following particulars:— "The late wreck of a vessel off here, called De Vriendenschap, gave birth to a deed of courage and philanthropy worthy of record. The wind and waves drove her, on the 16th, nearer shore. Preparations had, indeed been made to save the crew & cargo, but no one seemed inclined to go on the work, till one Gerrit Janz Bancaker, master of a vessel which had been damaged, and John Mets, a freeman of Flushing, repaired to the strand, opposite the wrecked ship; and, as the only means of getting on board, these two men stripped themselves quite naked, notwithstanding the severity of the weather, and swam between the pieces of ice, which obstructed their progress, till with great pains they got on board, where they beheld a most heart piercing scene. The enormous billows of the preceding night had filled the vessel with water, and constrained the people to seek their safety on the open deck, where they were in momentary danger of being washed overboard by the waves and pieces of ice which rolled over her sides. The captain, a little boy his son, and a sailor, overcome by cold and fatigue, were found lifeless, sitting pressed together near the mizen mast, the unhappy father, as it were, still pressing to his breast the clay-cold body of his child, where he had probably cherished him as long as his strength would permit. Three others, the mate, a pilot, and a sailor boy, lay in a pitiable state on the top of the cabin, where they would also shortly have breathed their last, but for the courage and humanity of their deliverers, who, fastening two of them on their backs, swam to the shore, and returned for the third, all of whom were by proper applications, restored to the use of their faculties."
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierces, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d. 1803.