The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-05-05 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum. WEDNESDAY, MAY 5, 1802.
THE Subscribers to this Paper, who have not yet paid their Subscriptions, agreeably to conditions of Subscribing, are respectfully requested to forward the same to this Office. Numbers have not yet paid any money since their commencement of receiving from the first Number of this Paper, although the terms are one half Year in advance. We can only say, that those Gentlemen must see the propriety of our discontinuing to forward their Papers any longer, if the money is not immediately remitted, which can be done by the means of Bank Notes, by letter. The little Profit arising from this Paper, on account of the quantity of original matter contained in it, renders prompt payment necessary. The Post-Masters, who have Subscriptions on hand, are respectfully requested to forward the same, as above mentioned, or many Subscribers who have paid, will otherwise be in danger of having their papers discontinued.
April 3, 1802.
RECREATION.
On THURSDAY NEXT. With Variations.
G. GREEN, M. D.
Respectfully invites the citizens of Richmond (including the Ladies) in its vicinity, to attend the Analysis of a LECTURE on
ELECTRICITY,
WITH EXPERIMENTS, to be delivered on THURSDAY Evening, May 6th, 1802, At FREEMASON'S HALL.
Also, a DEFINITION of the CREATION of the WORLD,
In seven distinct periods, illustrated with Transparent Figures, and particularly calculated to promote useful knowledge in the rising generation. Particulars of which will be expressed in the hand bills.
Tickets only half a dollar each; to be had at the Eagle Tavern, at the Hall; and at Mr. Davidson's, near the Bridge.
Doors to be opened at seven, and commence precisely at half after.
STEPHEN BROWN, GUN MAKER,
From LONDON, Near the OLD CITY TAVERN, Main-Street, RICHMOND.
MAKES all sorts of Guns and Pistols, in the neatest manner, and on the most reasonable Terms. He returns thanks to his friends for their encouragement, and informs them he continues to clean and repair old Guns and Pistols.
N. B. Two Apprentices wanted. A small Premium will be expected.
April 22d. 1802.
A PERSON that is well acquainted with the Branch of Gardening,
Wishes to employ a great Part of his Time with two or three Gentlemen, in or near the CITY of RICHMOND, or MANCHESTER, by Way of superintending their Gardens.
For further Particulars enquire of the Printer.
RICHMOND, Jan. 21, 1802.
The Laws of Virginia,
TO BE PRINTED By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jun. And HENRY PACE.
AMONG other numerous and important Improvements in the proposed Richmond Edition of "The Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia," the following will be particularly attended to:—The Act of Assembly, for convoking the Convention of this State, in Order to discuss the Question of the Federal Constitution;—the Law, respecting the Acceptance and Ratification of the Federal System;—the Laws concerning Canals, the Patowmac, the James River, and other Companies.
This edition will also comprehend the Compact with the State of Maryland, respecting the River Patowmac; and that regarding the Boundary between Pennsylvania, and Kentucky; with other Additions, too numerous for Insertion in this Place.
It has already been stated to the Public, that this Work will cost only SIX DOLLARS, elegantly bound and lettered, in one large octavo Volume.
GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
An Assistant wanted,
Who understands the Dead Languages.
Enquire of the Printer.
April 26, 1802.
WANTED, ON LOAN,
Five Hundred Dollars,
For twelve Months,
For which will be given very high interest, and indisputable security in the city of Richmond.
Enquire of the printer.
April 27, 1802.
Imported from London,
And landed this Day,
AND FOR SALE,
At Mr. BOWLER'S, near the Bridge, Richmond,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL,
An elegant assortment of fancy japanned chairs of a superior kind, with letters to match; a superb painted bedstead, some beautiful prints, mirror frames, &c. gentlemen's suspenders, or galloway breeches, likewise London made ladies and gentlemen's dress shoes of every description. A few pair of half boots of the present fashion, and finished by the best workmen in Great Britain; a pair of spurs in the New Market style, a few dozen pair of real cordovan English boot legs, very low priced; handsome shawls and muffs for ladies mourning dresses, and gentlemen's shirts; plain silk, oiled ditto, and oiled lawn umbrellas, parasols, &c.
The whole will be sold low, for cash, as the proprietors must return to Europe in a short time.
April 26, 1802.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a quantity of
Plaister of Paris,
of the very best quality for manure, which he proposes selling on Reasonable terms, either ground or in the Stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond April 13th 1802.
Stone Lime,
in Tierses,
LOW FOR CASH,
BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, Near the Market House.
FOR SALE,
ON the fourth WEDNESDAY in the present Month (April) the Subscriber will sell, at public auction, his LEASE of Four Years from September last, of the Cross Keys Tavern, two Doors below the Court-House, in the City of Richmond, and give immediate possession.
There is attached to this tenement, a good Stable, and a very large Lot of LAND, newly-enclosed with Posts and Rails, a good Garden, a commodious Yard, and Hen House. The whole subjected to a Rent of 84 Dollars per Annum, to be paid Monthly throughout the whole Term of the Lease, which is Seven Dollars per Month. The Buildings are all in good Order; and all, except the Dwelling-House and Kitchen, put on the Place at the Expence of the Subscriber, which cost him upwards of One Hundred Pounds. He will treat with any Person privately in the Interim.
There can be no better Stand in this City for nearly one-third of each Month in the Year, being two Courts holden at the Court-House (which is in Twenty Yards of the Place) in every Month, Eight of which are Quarterly Courts, that hold Six Days each.
Should the Person who purchases wish to purchase a Quantity of suitable Furniture, the Subscriber will supply them as it stands in the House.
NATHANIEL CHILDERS.
Richmond, April 7th, 1802.
CALEB WILLIAMS.
[Concluded, from our last.]
She burst into tears of transport, blessed the physician in the most emphatic and impassioned terms, and uttered a thousand extravagancies. Doctor Arnold seized this opportunity to press her to give herself a little repose, to which she consented, a chamber being first procured for her next to that of Miss Melville, and the having charged the nurse to give her notice of any alteration in the patient.
Mrs. Hammond enjoyed an uninterrupted sleep of several hours, when towards the afternoon, she was alarmed by an unusual bustle in the next room. She listened for a few moments, and then determined to go and see what was the occasion of it. As she opened her door for that purpose, she met the nurse who was coming to her. The countenance of the messenger told her what it was she had to communicate, without the use of words. She hurried to the bed side, and found Miss Melville expiring. The appearances that had at first been so encouraging were but of short duration. The calm of the morning proved to be only a sort of lightning before death. In a few hours the patient grew worse. The bloom of her countenance faded, she drew her breath with difficulty, and her eyes became fixed. Doctor Arnold had come in at this period, and had immediately perceived that all was over. She was for some time in convulsions; but, these subsiding, she addressed the physician with a composed, though feeble voice. She thanked him for his attention; and expressed the most lively sense of her obligations to Mr. Falkland. She sincerely forgave her cousin, and hoped he might never be visited by too acute a recollection of his barbarity to her. She would have been contented to live; few persons had a sincerer relish of the good things of life; but she was well pleased to die rather than have become the wife of Grimes. As Mrs. Hammond entered, she turned her countenance towards her, and with an affectionate expression repeated her name. These were her last words; in less than two hours from that time she breathed her last in the arms of this faithful friend.
THE FOLLOWING INTERESTING STORY
Is here copied from the Philanthrope, a small volume published at London, in 1797.
Mahomet Effendi, dey of Algiers, about the middle of the present century, was reckoned the most able and likewise the most equitable of those princes who have for many years governed the Algerines. His promotion to sovereign power was involuntary; for he, no doubt, dreaded the fate of his predecessors, of whom no less than 23 perished by violent deaths. He was compelled, nevertheless, by the janisaries, to accept of a dignity, which, notwithstanding his justice and sagacity, proved as fatal to himself as to former princes; for he also, a short time after his advancement, fell by assassination. The following instance of his justice, in which, however, his procedure was somewhat summary, was also, and certainly with as much reason, accounted an instance of his sagacity.—Slaves among the Algerines are permitted either by shop-keeping or otherwise, and on paying their masters a certain
sum, to earn a little money for themselves. This they may employ, and very frequently do employ, in purchasing their freedom. A slave named Almoullah, kept an oil-shop; and found his gains encrease so very fast, he soon accumulated seventy zequins, amounting to about thirty pounds sterling. Other fifty zequins would have procured him his freedom. Fearing however, as he was reckoned wealthy, that he might be robbed, and have no redress, he gave his money in trust to a moor, who lived in his neighbourhood; and in whose friendship, as well as integrity, he had the utmost confidence. His profits soon afterwards became considerable, that he found himself in possession of the fifty zequins he so earnestly wished for. He thus anticipated, with secret rapture, his delivery from bondage and return to his native land. Repairing therefore to his moorish friend, he said to him, "How much beholden am I, worthy Hadgi, to your goodness, in having taken charge of my little earnings! Now I recd, as I have gained wherewithal to procure my liberty, to make the best bargain I can with my master, and return to my friends and kindred. I will therefore relieve you of the charge you so kindly undertook." Hadgi beheld him, or pretended to behold him, with a look of astonishment; he affected to believe him mad; and denied his having any knowledge whatever of the transaction he alluded to. Almoullah, nevertheless, insisted peremptorily on having his money restored to him. So that, after much altercation, the moor apprehending that he could not otherwise secure the possession of what he had so unjustly retained ran to the palace of Mahomet, whom he found administering justice, and raising his voice, intreated that he would punish a slave for asserting his "untainted character." But Almoullah, conscious of his integrity, had undauntedly followed him, and obtaining leave of the dey, he told his story with circumstantial firmness; and then prostrated himself on the carpet at the foot of the throne. Mahomet, having heard him, beckoned to a Chiaoux, or minister of justice: "Go," said he, "to the house of Hadgi, search it narrowly, and bring hither all the money you find in it." The Chiaoux bowed, obeyed, and soon after returned. The dey having then ordered a new earthen pot with clean water poured into it, and a charcoal fire to be placed before him, he put the pot on the fire, and when the water boiled, he threw in the money. Soon after, having taken it out, and letting the water stand till it cooled, he found on the surface a thick greasy scum. This convincing him that the money belonged to the oilman, he instantly restored it to him: and at the same time gave a sign to the chiaoux, who, dragging away the self-condemned and convicted moor, fixed his head, without loss of time, on the wall of the city.
OF A SEA FIGHT.
Their blood, did as 'twere, fill the wrinkles of the sea's visage, which, it seemed, the sea would not wash away, that it might witness it is not always his fault when we condemn his cruelty.
Sidney's Arcadia.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SPRING.
When the earth begins to put on new apparel against the approach of her lover; and that the sun, running a most even course, becomes an indifferent arbiter between day and night.
Sidney's Arcadia.

The Recorder.
RICHMOND.
WEDNESDAY, May 5th.
The Recorder, which was to have been published on Saturday next, the 8th current, is published this day, being Wednesday, the 5th, and in future, the latter will be the day of our weekly publication. An alteration in the arrangement of the cross post roads has produced a change of this nature in the time of publishing all the other Richmond newspapers.
LAST FROM EUROPE.
The brig Mary has arrived at New York, with London prints down to March 12th. England has become seriously alarmed at the suspension of the ratification of the treaty with France. Immense preparations are once more making at Portsmouth, Plymouth, &c. A channel fleet was to put to sea in a few days. It was to consist of thirty sail of the line. Of these, fifteen were three deckers. On March 9th the house of commons voted the enormous number of ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY THOUSAND SEAMEN for the service of two months from March 25th to May 25th.
There is just now an important trial in the district court of Brunswick. Six men fell upon a seventh, and gave him about eight hundred lashes, of which he expired the next morning. Some of their abettors have also been imprisoned, and the whole gang are at present upon their trial for murder.
MAIL AND STAGE COACHES.
A GREAT number of newspapers of the last fortnight contain an article about the improvement of the Post Office system. These papers mention a report on this subject from the Senate of Congress; and a letter about it from Granger, the new post-master general. Mail coaches between Philadelphia and Baltimore have been established for several years; the project has proved lucrative. Granger proposes to extend them from New Hampshire to Georgia. The article concludes in the following words:
"It is very properly suggested by the Postmaster General, that all other carriages for the transportation of passengers should be compelled to give way to the MAIL COACHES."
With leave of Mr. Jones, or without it, we shall venture once more to meddle with this post-master general. To be sure, he is a democrat, and one of these cannot, you know, be in the wrong; and therefore, to criticise him, is what the Examiner calls apostasy; and what the Bloody-Examiner would call FIEND-LIKE MALICNITY.
Indeed, this Democratical liberty of the press, which is upon the point of being so happily established in this city, is one of the queerest commodities that we can remember to have met with. If the "expiring faction," as Skelton Jones calls them, proceed with as much promptitude as some of the true Republicans, it will be about impossible for a newsprinter to exist. To day, there comes one Scatterbrain to tell you that he will instantly put any person to death, who does not act entirely as to as please him. To-morrow, there comes a second, to break every bone in your skin (for these were the very words), unless you suffer him to insult you in your own house. Two days after, out comes a third with an advertisement, that a horsewhip would honor you. At this rate, a toad under a harrow would be more eligibly posted than a Richmond printer.
We return to Gideon Granger, and his mail coach. If Congress had not always been in the habit of breaking the federal constitution, we should feel some surprise at a proposal of such uncommon insolence. We should be glad to hear what part of that constitution authorises this project, and for what reason any printer gave it to the world, without exposing its consequences? But since such postmasters and such printers do exist, all that we can do is to take proper notice of them.
Why, for, the first and most probable consequence would be, that every man who entered a stage, or mail coach, would enter a field of battle. The mail coach driver would go out of his way to make a quarrel; and the rival stage-driver would go out of his way to meet with one. The two journeys would be very short; and the adverse jockies would, as Milton terms it, hurry into the midst of things. In a word, they would break each others bones, lame or kill each others horses, over set the carriages, and frighten the passengers out of their wits, if not out of their lives.
For what stage coach driver would stir an
* See the Examiner of April 28th. † Ibid.
inch out of his way, for the sake of such an act of Congress, or what jury, possessing common sense, would give damages for the breach of so insufferable a statute? Wherever two coaches drive upon the same road, there is always a spirit of jealousy between them. But a law like this would make matters ten hundred degrees worse.
The MULATTO DANCE* MARKSMAN has recommended us to the Enfant . We should rather advise him to recommend the proper of such a law to three or four gentle jerks between the shoulders.
Shakespeare Emilia says to Othello, "What should so great a fool Do with so good a wife?"
And, "The Recorder," in the same stile, begs leave to ask, - What so great a fool as Granger had to do with so important an office? And what Mr. Jefferson could be thinking of when he hoisted this human being into it?
* The quarrel which produced this unfortunate duel commenced at an African brother. It is some years since we asked this question: Why are not these receptacles of vice, these abyses of abomination, suppressed by the magistrates? What shame, what matchless disgrace, does their patronage reflect upon this city!
From the Wilmington Mirror.
A letter from capt. James Stevenson, dated Port Republican, March 16, 1802, received by a mercantile house in this Borough, states, That a merchant of St. Marc, who had made his escape from the camp of Dessalines, says, that he had seen capt. Guyer, of Wilmington; and a capt. Read, of New York, tied together, and brought into the camp, and murdered with the bayonet; that 16 Americans were murdered at the same time, together with all the white French, in their (the blacks) possession; 330 in number.
The merchant above mentioned owes the preservation of his life to the humanity of his blacks, who covered him with grass, where he lay concealed till the opportunity presented when he made his escape.
It is to be hoped that this story is a fit. How could this merchant, while he was hid under the grass , see two people brought into the camp, and murdered? Or how could he find the means of ascertaining that three hundred and forty-six other persons, were killed at the same time? There may be some foundation for the news; but part of it is evidently not true. Practice makes perfection , says the proverb. When an extract of a letter-monger is in the constant habit of telling fictions, one would think that he should learn to tell them with some portion of feasibility.
The Liverpool storm has either received great embellishment, or else, nothing like it ever happened before in England. A well built stone house could hardly be blown down by any conceivable storm that is known in that country. Toussaint's three messages to general Le Clerc, &c., are another piece of ware that we do not believe one word of. By the last accounts of Toussaint, he, and his Republicans, had been all beat to pieces; and nobody could tell what had become of him. There can be very little question, that, within six weeks, we shall hear of his being either shot or hanged.---Of all kinds of trumpery which can be published in a Virginia newspaper these vile romances from St. Domingo are the most execrable. How, in the name of common sense, could the black fellow be sending such messages to Le Clerc, when we know that he and Christophe, with all their followers, run away from Cape Francois, upon the very sight of the French fleet! We have been tolerably careful in the selection of our St. Domingo news, and yet, three fourths of all we have printed, has, in the issue, proved to be false. The consul tells the very disagreeable situation in which all these fables are calculated to place him.
The Polly and Phoebe, of this port, lately commanded by capt. Guyer, has not been sunk, as expected, and lately stated in this paper: she was driven on shore, previous to the taking possession of St. Marc, by the French, but after they had got possession, she was got off, safely moored, and has not been injured. She has been plundered by the blacks of 7 or 8000 dollars specie; about 20,000 wt. coffee, 40 tierces sugar, and 50 bales cotton have been plundered, lost, or destroyed.
Extract of a Letter from Cape Francois, March 22d, 1802.
In a few days there sails a squadron of French ships of war for the United States. This morning there were received three letters from Toussaint, one for the general in chief, one for general Boyer, and one for the municipality, advising the inhabitants and government to remove and embark their persons and property in eight days, or, at the end of that term he would come into the city, and massacre every white man, woman, and child, in it.
MONEY MAKERS.
A company of money makers have been routed within a few weeks past, at Hanover Mass. and the neighbouring towns, in whose possession were found two well executed plates, one in imitation of the United States branch bank ten dollar plate, and one in imitation of the Hartford bank five dollar plate; also, a complete set of tools for the coining of Spanish dollars. Four of the clan are secured for trial. It is supposed that this company had been organised more than a year, and great mischief would have accrued, had it not been detected at this time. The bills they have executed are badly done; and the dollars are principally of the dates of 96 and 97.
Extract of a Letter from Liverpool, Jan. 21.
"Thursday night. We were visited here by the most dreadful hurricane last night that can be remembered by the oldest inhabitants. A horrid night it was indeed, and the daylight opened a scene shocking to behold; many houses are quite blown down and demolished; innumerable others have had their chimnies thrown down in every part of the town; many lives are lost in the ruins; but the havoc made in the river Merse, surpasses all description: several vessels this day, at tide time, foundered in sight of the inhabitants and spectators on shore; and in some instances every attempt to save the perishing sailors proved abortive! The river, and all the Cheshire shore presented a dreadful scene indeed: dead bodies thrown up, pieces of wreck floating here and there! Horror has been depicted in every countenance; each person afraid either to go out in the street, for fear of being killed by the falling of bricks, slates, ridgings, &c. and equally apprehensive of his life, by constant expectation of his house falling down over him. You may rely on this hasty sketch being by no means exaggerated."
WILMINGTON, (Delaware) April 10th.
SHOP KEEPERS AND DEALERS BEWARE!
Two men were detected on Thursday last, in this town, in selling what is supposed to be Starch, which by some process, had been dyed so as to approximate so near in its appearance to Spanish Indigo, that several persons had been imposed on by the deception.
Some of the same kind as above mentioned, had been sold to some of the shop keepers in this borough some time since, by other hands than the present vendors, but who, no doubt, belong to the same honest company of indigo manufacturers.
This spurious indigo is easily distinguished from the genuine, by its porous quality, and the ease with which it is dissolved, by putting it in water.
We have thought it proper to say this much, to guard the public against such wretched imposition.
STAUNTON, March 29, 1802,
Michael Garber's Patent Nail Machine, erected in the town of Staunton, and state of Virginia, is now in practical operation. This machine receives the rod from the fire, into its important jaws; where the nail is formed, pointed, headed, and emitted in two seconds of time; and it is as perfect, as those produced from the hammer manufacturers: the preparatory time taken up by two attendants, (which are sufficient both for the machine and fire) between the formation of nail and nail, is calculated at two seconds more; so that on a moderate account, she will manufacture fifteen nails a minute; and consequently may be brought to a greater degree of activity, by the experience hands will gain in attending her. A small stream of water works her with sufficient force.
(Phenix.)
PORTLAND April 12.
Extract of a letter from Capt. Robert Storer, of the ship Sachem, of this port, to the editor, dated.
"HOLYHEAD, February 11. 1802,
"I am unhappy to inform you of my misfortune in the loss of the Sachem near Holyhead harbor, on the 21st and 22d January. As there have been many flying reports that the crew of the ship perished, which must cause much anxiety to their friends, you will be so kind as to publish in your Gazette that they are all safe. We are well treated by the inhabitants of this place. Our ship has been got off since she was wrecked, but her bottom is totally out. Her remains lie in the entrance of the harbor; I have sent you some late papers, and inclose you one with some account of our disaster."
The following particulars were in another letter from Capt. Storer, to his friends in this town.
"Twenty six days after leaving Vir-
ginia we had a most tremendous hurricane. We were but twenty miles from Dublin, when it came on W. N. W. at midnight (Jan. 21); we lay on our beam-ends 14 hours, driving on the coast. At 1 o'clock, on the 22d, we saw the land and breakers under our lee, which proved to be Holyhead, * not more than a mile distant; we attempted to make sail, but in vain. Most of our sails were blown from the yards, after being handed; and some of our men were beat out, and gave themselves up to the mercy of their master. Finding that we must perish in a few moments, or run the ship ashore, we put her head towards a small opening, surrounded with breakers, where we let go both anchors. The sea broke over our topmast head, and we rode but a few minutes before both our cables parted, and the ship fell round on the rocks, and upset. A most terrible sea hove her over the reef, but providentially no one was swept from the wreck; in a few moments she struck again when we cut away all three masts; she then went down head foremost and her stern hung by the rocks. Hundreds of people were on the shore, anxious for our relief, but none could be given, the sea making a breach over the wreck. At six o'clock in the evening, some gentlemen on shore gave fifty guineas to six brave fellows to take us from the wreck. Their boat took off our men, who had a narrow escape. I remained behind with my second mate and three seamen for fourteen hours, no one daring to venture again for our relief till the next day, by which time we had almost perished with cold and hunger. I then hove a rope on shore by which I had the good fortune to save myself, after being nearly exhausted. A boat soon after took the remainder ashore.
The storm was dreadful. Sixty sail of vessels lost, several houses blown down, trees torn up by the roots, and great destruction done in the country.
NOTE.
* Holyhead is a cape of the island of Anglesea, in the North of Wales, projecting westward into the Irish channel. It is in lat. 53. deg. 23. min. N. and long. 4 deg. 45 min. W. The shore is foul and dangerous.
ALEXANDRIA, April 26.
IN our paper of Saturday, we mentioned the arrival of the son of Mr. Lear as a passenger in the schooner Harmony from Cape Francois, and the intention of our consul general in St. Domingo of shortly embarking for the United States.---We are happy in having it in our power, by the publication of the following extract of a letter, to remove any impression which may have existed of the intention of Mr. Lear having arisen from his receiving improper treatment from the French government of the Island, or experiencing unnecessary impediments or embarrasments, in the discharge of official duties.
Extract of a letter, dated Cape Francois, April 8th, 1802, per the Schooner Harmony, Captain Levering.
"I send him now (Benjamin L. Lear,) as the hot weather is coming on, and I am apprehensive it will be very sickly in the city, from the ruins of the buildings, the numbers confined in the few houses and sheds, and a variety of other circumstances. I shall follow myself in about six or eight weeks, for a visit."
We can assure our readers, from unquestionable authority, that the accounts of the maltreatment of American seamen at Cape Francois are greatly exaggerated, and that the publications in American newspapers on the subject, have been a cause of serious regret to our consul at that place; * who assures that the declarations of the officers of the French government have uniformly been of the most pacific and friendly nature. The American captains are not compelled to dispose of their cargoes to government, and are not prevented should they disapprove of the terms offered them by gen. Le Clerc, from leaving the island. The exportation of specie is prohibited.
NOTE.
* The Recorder has always said that they were full of falsehoods.
POST CRIPT
Of a letter received this morning from Baltimore by a Merchant of this town.
"The Anthony Mangin, and Ranger, have arrived this day; the Anthony Mangin brings London papers to the 11th March. The British were then making every preparation for WAR, which was expected to take place."

April 27.
FROM A BALTIMORE PAPER.
By the ship Anthony Mangan, arrived here on Saturday from London, which place she left March 11th, we have received London papers to that date. The definitive treaty was not signed; a categorical answer was to be given on the 15th. Warlike preparations were going on in England, supposed by some as certain indications of approaching hostility, and by others as steps of precaution. The most profound secrecy with which the negotiations at Amiens is conducted, hides the causes of delay, or leaves them to conjecture, and excludes data by which to judge the issue of the negotiations: the opinion seems more prevalent that the treaty will not be signed.
Orders for victualling the channel fleet for five months, under Cornwallis, the immediate sailing of 10 sail of the line, &c. have given rise to the belief that the ministry do not expect the signing the definitive treaty: some of the London editors appear rather in the belief that the warlike preparations are merely cautious, and that the negotiations at Amiens will terminate according to the general wishes of the world.
We subjoin the remarks of the editor of the Sun of the 11th March.
"We view the situation of the country, at the present moment, not as some persons do with despondency, but certainly not without a great degree of anxiety. We are anxious, not so much to see the definitive treaty signed, not so much to be nominally at peace with France, but that we should be at peace with a reasonable hope of continuing so. The clamor raised against the former ministers was, they did not really wish for peace—the cry set up, amongst some persons, against the present is, that they wish for it upon any terms. These accusations are equally unfounded. If the pressure upon the people has been great, the circumstances of the times have been unprecedented. Not only have we been driven and forced to war, but no candid man will confidently say, that from its commencement to the present hour, we could have closed it without a sacrifice of our honor and independence. The spirit of party we know, has dictated another language. We have heard it said, that it depended upon ministers to terminate the war whenever they chose; but this assertion is contradicted by every notorious fact. The most favorable opportunity for obtaining peace, since the commencement of the war, appeared to be that which the present ministers so readily seized. We hope they will obtain it; but sure we are, that they will do every thing in their power for that purpose, consistent only with the honor and safety of the nation; and if they are required to sacrifice these, they will be as little ready to concede them as the country would be to justify them, if they ventured to make such concession. We do not presume to state, with any degree of accuracy, what may have passed in the course of the present negotiation. It has been generally understood, the two questions in the preliminaries which remained for discussion, that which relates to the settlement of the island of Malta, and that which respects the payment of the expence of prisoners of war, have not yet been brought to a point. As to the first, any settlement of it, which would in fact give to France the dominion over it, we should look upon as entirely inconsistent with the spirit of the preliminaries; the other we consider as a subject of less importance; but it is clear, that according to the law of nations, to which the question is referred, each nation is bound to pay the expence of the maintenance of its own subjects when prisoners in an enemy's country."
If, as we have heard it reported, new pretensions have been brought forward, by France, we should look upon such pretensions, according to the nature of them, either as evidence of infincerity in the whole negotiation, or as urged only to be again conceded as the price of some other condition, which it was the real purpose of the negotiation to obtain. If it is the object of Buonaparte to be acknowledged as president of the Italian republic, although we do not think the question itself of great consequence, yet even that point might be brought forward in such a disposition as to render it impossible to concede it; and it will always be recollected that there can be no justice in such a proposal, as it is a title acquired by the chief consul since the signature of the preliminaries. The quo animo must be as much the subject of consideration with his majesty's ministers, as the matter itself which is brought forward for discussion in the course of negotiation.
But we feel with many of our countrymen that it is essential to our interests that the negotiation should not be permitted to continue to be protracted. There can be no fair ground to lengthen it; and it is evidently disadvantageous to this country, that it should long continue in its present state. Ministers we know are aware of this, and we are satisfied that after having given time for the fair discussion of every unsettled point, after having offered every arrangement which a fair construction of the preliminaries called upon them to propose, they will insist firmly upon these fair and just pretensions, and that much time will not elapse before this important question is brought to a point. We might have inferred
ted this from their general character and dispositions, but we have stronger ground for asserting that such will be their conduct."
TO THE PUBLIC. LETTER II.
IN the first letter, it has been proved that nothing had been said in the Recorder which could be tortured into a reference to the duel between Mr. Seldon, and Skelton Jones. The paragraph has been reprinted at full length, from which this most absurd and groundless accusation was pretended to be drawn. It is evident, at the first glance, that nothing like such an allusion could be traced in the whole passage collectively, nor in any branch of it. You might as well search for the Mac Fingal of I rumbal in the Fingal of Ossian; or, for the seven Champions of Christendom in Simpson's Euclid.
It was at first proposed to take an oath before a magistrate with regard to the absolute innocence of the publishers of this paper, as to the fact charged against them. But a judicial oath is always a transaction of some weight, not only with a man that is religious, but indeed with any man that is tolerably serious. Upon further consideration, also, it was most firmly believed that the charge itself was totally incredible; that a judicial oath would only tend to give the tale an air of importance; and finally, that the brothers themselves, in advancing this imputation, acted in defiance of their own judgement and conviction.
The real cause of such a tempest of outrage appears to have been shortly this. The subscriber had embarked, about three months since, in the conduct of a Richmond newspaper. His principles were known to be not merely republican, but to be of that sort, which invites and challenges tyranny to inflict its utmost, without flinching for a moment from the ground that had been taken. On this account, it was to be supposed that a newspaper under the direction of such a person would, in the course of time acquire a considerable sale, and receive a reasonable share of the confidence of Republicans. The editor was a man to whom the cause was confessedly indebted for some part of its success in this state. Chancellor Wythe, Governor Monroe, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and a long train of other distinguished and tried characters, had been prompt in acknowledging the importance of his services. Two of the gentlemen just named had paid him a visit in Richmond jail. But, far above all, the marked kindness of THE GOVERNOR shall never be erased from his memory. More upon this subject might be said; but perhaps it would be felt as improper, and indelicate.
Mr. Jones, it would seem, apprehended some danger of rivalry from a brother near the throne. Such a rivalry might have produced inconvenient effects. Richmond, and its range of subscription, cannot afford much encouragement for more than three newspapers. The Examiner has twelve hundred subscribers, with an immense body of advertisements. After making an extensive deduction for outstanding debts, that paper must be worth four thousand dollars per annum. This fact may possibly be denied. The particulars are capable of demonstration; as well as that the office of public printer issues in a sinecure of about three thousand dollars per annum.* Upon the extent of Mr. Jones's income, no second person has, in ordinary cases, a claim to criticize. Candour would likewise overlook a solitary hysterical paragraph, which had been wrote, perhaps, on a rainy day. But, when affected poverty has been hauled forward, as a pretence for demanding the most undeserved compassion, the world has a title to examine the justice of the complaint. When hypocritical yelping about persecution is raised with a view to the defamation and the ruin of two honest men, they must be pardoned for pulling this impostor from his lurking place, and for holding him up to the scorn of mankind, in all his duplicity, and in all his dirt.
The means of accomplishing this generous conspiracy for the extinction of the Recorder was to represent the subscriber, as a trimmer, a rascal, and a coward; for that is the real object and essence of those four columns. As for any thing which these people can say concerning my political character, my trimmings, my treachery to the cause of freedom, the brothers are welcome, for me, to blow the trumpet of slander from the thirty-two points of the compass to the farthest extremities of terrestrial space.
I shall, in this part of my defence, begin with a few words to Skelton Jones; and after dispatching him, I shall proceed with his em
NOTE.
* "I shall close my life with as much tranquility as my declining health will permit; and, in my last moments, shall be amply consoled in the conviction, that, amidst POLITICAL PARTY and PERSECUTION, I preserved my political faith, my love for my fellow citizens, and an inflexible adherence to principle." MERIWETHER JONES, in the Examiner of the 28th ult. Of the two words printed in capitals, it is impossible to comprehend the meaning.
ployer. I have not seen, nor thought of that person for a long time past, when I chanced, some weeks ago, to call at his brother's house. He was there, and spoke to me. My astonishment at seeing him was so great, that, for some moments, I was incapable of making him an answer. In the language of his brother's favorite hero, Caleb Williams , I could not help saying to myself Surely, this man is a MURDERER! He went on to tell me that, in his brother's absence, he was editor of the Examiner; and it was partly upon the ground of this intimation, that I soon after took some freedom, as a critic, with the contents of that newspaper. In a tone of brutality which harmonizes with the complexion of his amours, this man refers the editor of the Recorder to the knout. If I hear much more of his noise, I shall have him apprehended, as I have done by two of my late visitors; or, if apprehension is found to be impracticable, I shall procure a motion to be made in the next general assembly for enquiring by whose BREACH OF DUTY it happens, that he has been suffered to walk at large. The assembly pays the salaries of our public officers, and if they neglect or despise the execution of their business, it is full time for the public to have done with them.
People talk of aristocracy! Was there ever a viler instance of its worst spirit than this, that a man who is understood to have killed another, under the most questionable circumstances, shall be endured to spit in the face of public justice, merely because he is the brother of a popular democratic printer? This is liberty and equality with a vengeance!
If doubt had rested in the public mind, as to the real features of his character, Skelton Jones's last production would determine the point. I have already shown that there was not even a shadow of ground for his alleging that I wanted to refer to his duel with Mr. Seldon. My readers are most earnestly requested to look at the passage over and over again; and if they can be convinced that the charge is just, THEN, let my name be enrolled as the head quarters of infamy. But they will perceive that there is not the smallest twinkling of probability that the two brothers themselves believed in the justice of their own accusation. Such being the case, it follows that the duel was to be brought forward, at all rates, as an evidence of family prowess, and as a gratification of family pride! My fellow citizens! again, I request, I conjure you! by all that is held sacred in this world, or, in the next one, to pause upon the whole paragraph; and if I stand convicted by your judgement of having started such an allusion, then, in God's name, let me become the focus for concentrating your contempt! BLAST ME TO ALL ETERNITY!
Skelton Jones had charged me with venality. His proofs were demanded. Here they follow:
"As to the writer's venality, and his twelve or fifteen federal subscribers, I received from several hands, among others from Mr. Henry Banks, that one of his essays concerning the post office, gained him about that number of subscribers, on that side of the political question."
There have been three pieces inserted in the Recorder concerning the post office. The object of each of them is to expose the illiberal and inrelling conduct of Granger. The first of them was published in the Recorder of March 6th. It complained, with some violence, of Granger's wanting to prolong domestic divisions. The federal party were mentioned with civility and respect. Mr. Jones reprinted this piece! Eh! In the very next number, however, it was visible that he repented of what he had done. Somebody had told him, that the piece was ironical; and that it approached too closely to the curtain of the democratical Sanctum sanctorum . It was necessary, therefore, to make a fresh protestation about the purity of his democratical principles. He did so.
As to Mr. Banks, that gentleman called at this office, last Thursday morning, just after the Examiner appeared. He assured me that he had never said what was imputed to him by Skelton Jones. He had told both Jones and myself that some one of these post office pieces would be sure of bringing a number of subscribers. But he never meant to say that twelve or fifteen federal names had been got; for, at the time when he spoke thus, that piece in the Recorder had been only just published. By what Mr. Banks said to Jones, he had no more design of injuring my character than I have, at this moment, of wronging his. I have been acquainted with Mr. Banks for about three years. He is a moderate, a well informed, and a consistent federalist.
The several other persons is a mere expletive expression. Who were those persons, or by what means could they ascertain what number of subscribers the Recorder had received within a given time, what were their political principles, or their motives for putting down their names? It is true, however, that several gentlemen of each party, or perhaps of none, have called lately, and have professed their satisfaction at the appearance of so impartial and independent a newspaper. One of these gentlemen is Dr. Adams; and if it is
disgraceful to accept of his subscription, the Recorder must plead guilty.
But would the brothers themselves refuse the subscription of any man, who was able and willing to pay for their Examiner? Is it not the very pinnacle of impertinence to condemn us for doing what is done by them, and by every new printer? Meriwether counts about his love for his fellow citizens; and he shews this love by doing his petty utmost for setting them by the ears. Were not the seventy-five freeholders that voted last Wednesday for Dr. Adams quite as much fellow citizens as himself? And does not his whole libel against us turn upon this pivot that the Recorder has dared to accept of federal names? If this be his inflexible adherence to principle, he had better give up such principles. His adherence to them will offend Mr. Jefferson, who, in his election speech, told the whole world, in express words, that the one party was just as good as the other.
In support of his charge of venality, Jones has produced only one witness; and that gentleman disowns, in effect, the words which have been ascribed to him. Here is, indeed, a most curious arrangement of evidence, and a process of demonstration which is perfectly original. If the creature can be said to have proved anything it amounts only to this that he had been telling a falsehood against me.
I quit, for this time, an adversary so loathsome as the man, who fights a duel with his friend for the possession of an African trumpeter.
We shall now walk up stairs from the duty to the principal, to that MASTER-EDITOR, who marshals the contents of his newspaper with as much dexterity as Buonaparte fights a battle. The arguments of Mr. Jones are like the armed men of Cadmus. The moment that they spring up, they knock each other upon the head. Mr. Jones, and Skelton toil through four columns to prove that the Recorder has deserted to the federal cause; and they both upbraid us with "your accession of federal patronage!" &c. As the parting stroke, they boast that Mr. Warden is a decided federalist, and that he will not pay for this paper! The syllogism, when compressed, stands thus: "A decided federalist will not pay for your paper: Ergo, it has acquired an accession of federal patronage."
Mr. Warden is old, rich, and without a family. He is remarkably violent in his opinions. To serve them, he values two dollars no more than two pinches of snuff. In point of political and constitutional knowledge, the two brothers, when compared with this old Scotchman, are but as two cock sparrow under the beak of a Turkey Buzzard. His refusal to take the Recorder, or, at least his refusal to pay for it, is, therefore, the best evidence that he does not think it a federal newspaper. The superiority of his knowledge ascertains that he is a far better judge of the matter than this little pair of Examiners.
Mr. Jones himself in his attack upon me has this passage: "Your sufferings interested me in your welfare beyond what all the federalists, and many even of the moderate republicans, thought you merited. But while I supposed that your conduct was dictated by principle, I was most forward to pardon errors, and to do justice to your services and merit. Even now I do not abandon you, or give you up for lost: humanity is frail; some allowance is due to circumstances and situations, which I shall never withhold from one who has in any degree possessed my confidence. It is only upon a full demonstration, that I shall yield my assent to your apostasy."
The length to which this letter has, already been extended, makes it impossible to give the above extract a suitable rebuttal in this day's paper. But as Mr. Jones says, that he was "most forward to pardon errors, and to do justice to your services and merit," it becomes a matter of necessity to explain, at least in some measure, what those services were, and what this justice proved to be. I lived in Mr. Jones's family till sometime in December following, to wit, about six months. In that period, I once, asked him to lend me five dollars. In accents more melodious than even the warbling of John Warden's wind-pipe, Mr. Jones answered, that he could give me FOUR. I did not, at that time, know, that the first of Mr. Jones's personal maxims was, to get into debt as far as possible; and that the second was, to keep in it as long as possible. He was never asked a second time for money by me, while I was in his house. When I came away, Mr. Jones sent a letter. He therein said that he would give three hundred dollars per annum for my services, besides paying for my board. Hence, from his own statement, it follows, that, in the preceding six months, and besides the charge of my lodging, I had been worth an hundred and fifty dollars to him. But for these six months of the summer and fall of 1799, there was never asked, there was never received one cent more than those FOUR DOLLARS. This is the rate of compensation that I have met with.
Richmond, May 4th. 1802. JAMES T. CALLENDER.
† Vid. page 2d of this day's Recorder.
‡ Vid. the former note.

OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
TAX ON MERCHANTS,
Respectfully submitted to the consideration of the General Assembly of Virginia.
(Continued from our last.)
latures therefore may impose a tax on those persons only, who import or retail certain articles, the home manufacture of which it may be thought expedient to encourage. Importers of hats or ladlery, and retailers of those articles, may be taxed so heavily for a license to sell them, that the importation might stop: and thus, indirectly the state Legislatures, might assume a controul over our commerce, which by the letter of the Constitution is expressly delegated to the Federal government alone.
But there is another point of view in which this subject may be contemplated. The interests of Virginia are almost entirely agricultural. We have no manufactures and but few ships. But in the eastern states, the labor of a considerable portion of the people, is employed in manufactures. It is therefore obviously more important to the New-England states, than to Virginia, to establish a principle, which will enable them without the aid of Congress, to encourage their own manufactures. The present condition of Europe, exhausted by a long war, and burthened with the enormous taxes, which that war has produced, and the present prospects of America, under an administration, whose only objects are peace and economy, justify a belief that in a few years our population will receive a very considerable accession, particularly by the migration of tradesmen and mechanics.
IF we may judge from the course of past events, this accession will take place principally in the northern and eastern states. The principle therefore which authorises the state Legislatures to assume indirectly a right to encourage home manufactures, will become every year, more important to these states. The example of Virginia, will then be followed, and precisely in proportion to the influence of that example, will be the mischiefs sustained by the impost revenue of the Federal government. Those who look forward to a cordial and permanent union of the states, (which may God preserve) will bestow on this subject their serious attention.
The foregoing arguments derive great force from a circumstance which must be contemplated by the Legislature of Virginia, with peculiar pleasure. The difference between this state, and the administration of the general government, is happily at an end. "The danger" of encroachment on the sovereignty of the states, "is over." The President of the United States, has pledged himself to his country, to support the state governments in all their rights. * While this wise and liberal maxim shall be observed by those who administer the affairs of the Union, is it not unquestionably the policy as well as the duty of the state Legislatures, to avoid every measure which may be construed into an encroachment on the rights of the general government, and thus interrupt that harmony, so auspicious, to the happiness of the people?
There is also a consideration peculiar to this state, calculated to shew the correctness of the preceding remark. It is declared by the Constitution that no state shall impose a duty on exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws. These are very imperious words, of which the import cannot be well misconceived; and if the clause containing them, should be resorted to as the basis of a claim on the part of the Treasury of the United States, for the surplus duty on tobacco, from the year 1789 to the present day, it would probably be as difficult to repel the claim by argument, as it would be certainly inconvenient to discharge it in money.
If these arguments have that influence which is claimed for them, a renewal of the law in question, cannot be ex-
pected from the Legislature of Virginia. When the Constitution stands in their way, they will without hesitation change their course; and thus perform that duty which they publicly and solemnly undertook to teach to others. † They will not themselves commence an assault on the Constitution, after having defended it for years with a degree of firmness and ability, no less honorable to themselves, than beneficial to their country. Even to doubt will be sufficient. "The virtuous servants of a free people will not perform a single act of power, unless they are absolutely sure, that they are authorised to perform it by that sacred charter whose precepts they have pledged themselves to God and to their country to observe." Such was once the language of Republicans.
THE END OF PART FIRST.
PART SECOND.
The argument which proves a measure to be unconstitutional, renders further discussion unnecessary; but as principles of some consequence to the community are involved in the last, as well as the first part of the enquiry originally proposed, the second branch of the proposition, stated at the commencement of this address, will be the subject of a few remarks.
The first objection, independent of the Constitution, which occurs, to the tax under consideration, and which occurs certainly not the less forcible, because it must occur, to every man, is that it is not just. He who who sells by wholesale, foreign goods, to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars, pays no more, than he who sells one half or one third of that amount. There are stores in Richmond and Petersburg, in which, more goods are retailed, in one day, at some seasons of the year, than can be found, in other stores, during the whole year. Yet in both instances, the money advanced to government in the same! The attempt to prove by argument, that this is unjust, would be a waste of words. To make the poor shop-keeper, pay as much for the privilege of selling 1000 dollars worth of goods, as the opulent merchant pays, for selling 50 or 100 times that amount is, to speak in plain terms, as tyrannical in principle, as it is oppressive in operation.
In fact this doctrine has been already recognised, by the Legislature of Virginia. In the year 1786, a law was passed subjecting "retail," merchants, belonging to the United States, or to nations, connected with us, by commercial treaty, to a tax of £.5 per annum, and all other "retail," merchants to the payment of £. 20 per annum. In 1788, these taxes were reduced one third. In 1789, they were reduced one third more, and in 1790 the law was entirely repealed. Thus we see, that the principle, whatever it may be, which gave birth to this tax, has been completely under the consideration of the Legislature; that, at three successive sessions, efforts were made to subvert it; and that the third effort was successful. If this principle be correct, if it can be justified, why was the law repealed? Were the necessities of the state less urgent then, than they are now? The reverse is supposed to be the fact. The law therefore was repealed for the best and strongest of all reasons, because it was unjust, and the same reason, if argument or the decision of the Assembly is to be respected, ought to prevent its revival now.
If the repeal of this law as to merchants, was not produced by a conviction, that it was unjust, it must have resulted from the influence of arguments similar to those urged in the first part of this address, from a belief, that it was an unconstitutional encroachment, on the rights, and revenues of the Federal government. The relinquishment of the tax so soon, after the adoption of the Constitution, renders this supposition extremely probable.
It has been stated that this law is not only unjust, but that this injustice was
attended by circumstances of peculiar aggravation. The aggravation is this. The law of 1786 above-mentioned, did not operate on merchants only. Clerks were taxed with a severity, without example even in that country where every species of capital or revenue is burthened with taxes of every possible description in that country; where, to use the language of A. Young, taxation of every kind is carried to a height cruel, shameful and tyrannical. * Lawyers, physicians, surgeons and apothecaries, were also comprehended in the law. The oppression was too great, and felt by too many to be borne in silence. The opposition, which immediately arose, produced first a partial and then an entire repeal of the law. The merchants had the benefit of this repeal, as well as the other classes of individuals who had complained. The Legislature, then, made no discrimination, but a discrimination is now made; and after a lapse of seven years, a tax odious, because unjust, is rendered still more odious by an arbitrary and partial application of it.
That it is arbitrary, that it is partial, cannot be doubted. Why, in a free country, should any one class of men be selected as objects of taxation from other classes of men, who stand, and who by the laws of 1786 and 1790, are acknowledged to stand, on the same footing. During the late discussions, concerning a convention, the government of Virginia has been frequently called an honest government. A change is not necessary, it was said, because equal justice is done to all men. That the government is honest, that is to say, that justice is meant to be done to all, is most readily admitted; and it is precisely on this ground that the government is now addressed, and called on, to rectify an error as to the Constitution, and to remove a grievance in its system of taxation; an error and a grievance which it is confidently believed, would not have been continued, if a serious investigation of this subject had ever taken place..
In opposing the discrimination between merchants and other classes of individuals, who stand on the same footing or in other words, who possess an income, which is not derived from the visible and taxable property, it will be readily understood, that the object is to procure for the former, that exemption which is allowed to the latter and not to impose on the latter, that burthen, which is borne by the former, but from which all should be free. The Gabelle or salt tax under the old government of France was worse than the tax of one tenth imposed on lawyers by the act of 1786; because its mischiefs were felt by millions; but it was worse for that reason only. It was scarcely more arbitrary in principle, or more oppressive in effect. While the law of 1786 operated in full force on the young and indigent candidate for professional reputation, who lost one entire tenth of the small tribute, that had been paid, to his yet doubtful merit, the wealthy and established practitioner, received the ample rewards of his integrity and talents, in a way which the law did not, could not, and never can effect.
There is another consideration on this point, which will not be thought unimportant by those to whom it is suggested. "Taxes of this kind" says Smith, "when the same upon all, favor the great, and occasion some oppression to the small dealer." Although the money advanced is finally repaid by the consumer, yet the inconvenience of parting with the amount of the tax, and the difficulty of getting it back, must always be increased exactly in proportion to the diminution of the stock. This is a truth so obvious, that it cannot but be a subject of surprise, how it could be overlooked. Can a tax of this description be continued by the Republican Legislature of Virginia? Will they give their sanction to a system of taxation, which by the rich shall be favored, and the poor oppressed?
* Young vol. 2. p. 483, applies these epithets to the taxation of Great-Britain.
To be continued.
The following was, upon Saturday, Apr. the 24th, published as a Supplement to that day's Recorder; and as many of our readers did not receive it, the piece is reprinted here.
SIR, UPON Your intimation this morning, that we had made it appear in 'The Recorder,' that the mention of Mr. Madison had been designed to be represented as coming from You," Mr. Callender dictated an explanation for the Paper; which explanation I wrote down, and to which I did not then, nor do I now differ, because I thought it proper that the public should be set right, if they had mistook our meaning. Mr. C. afterwards took up the pen, and wrote some lines, which you dictated, respecting Col. Harvie. I then made some objections; but dropt them, not being thoroughly acquainted with the nature and circumstances of the case, the piece being Mr. Callender's. I now, therefore, must take leave to inform you, that upon consideration, this last paragraph cannot be admitted into the paper.
I am Sir, Your very humble Servant, Lewis Harvie, Esq. H. PACE. April 22d.
SIR, I RECEIVED with surprise your letter, informing me that the last paragraph of the piece You agreed to insert yesterday would be omitted. As an honest Man you ought to make reparation for an assertion which was untrue. If any gentleman has informed you that the paragraph I dictated is not correct, you will be so good as to send me his name. I shall only further observe that if any attack is ever made on my Father, you have been informed what the writer has to expect.
I am, Yours, L. HARVIE.
SIR, I NOTE the contents of your piece of paper before me. My character for honesty is too well established in the opinion of every one with whom I have been acquainted, to be in the least injured by your assertion. With respect to Col. Harvie, I am sorry Mr. Callender thought his political character worth his attention; and as to your threats, you may put them into your pocket.
I am, your's, H. PACE. Lewis Harvie, Esq. April 23d.
ON Thursday last, Mr. Lewis Harvie, in this office, employed the following words: "I shall instantly put to death any person who attacks the name of my father." Hence it results that every man, who has a son to bully for him, is above truth. We had been disposed to give the young man every gratification that could be given, consistently with facts.
On Friday morning, Mr. Harvie has repeated his menace of being instantly put to death. See the conclusion of the second of the three foregoing letters. They are here printed in Italicks.
Thus Richmond is sent back to the situation of the aboriginal Indians, among whom every dispute run the chance of being decided by the hardest club, or the sharpest arrow. We had, in the first instance, a most unfavorable impression of the spirit of dictatorship, and of proscription, exhibited at the capitol. But the stuff about being instantly put to death exceeds, by ten thousand degrees, even our worst suspicions.
An active and worthy magistrate observed to us, some days ago, as his decided opinion, that it was much better to have no laws at all, than to have laws which were executed only occasionally.
It signifies nothing, to speak either of the enacting or the repeal of Judiciary establishments, if personal differences are to be decided by personal violence. This, no doubt, is a valuable specimen of political principles; if indeed, any reasonable man, of any party, could be found disposed to vindicate such dangerous eccentricity.
The laws of Virginia are somewhat lax with regard to breaches of the peace. What the law cannot, or will not do for us, we shall endeavour to do for ourselves; and we shall not flinch from the consequences.
† See the resolutions of 1798, and the report of the select committee of 1799.
* See his first Address.