The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-30 00:00:00

FOR THE ENQUIRER. TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
I took the liberty of addressing you, my fellow citizens, on the 19th inst. through the medium of this paper, for the purpose of repelling some suggestions, which had, as I conceived, been very unwarrantably levelled against Mr. Monroe.
I repeat to you, my countrymen, that my course shall be very different. Let every man among the people honestly and fairly declare his real opinion, and we shall then and only then obtain a fair expression of the will of the nation.
which aimed at binding down to England that power, thus subjugated, degraded, and applauding, as it were, every thing that had happened.
Still less did the emperor foresee that it would be proposed to him to guarantee that submission, and to promise that that act of violence should not be attended with any mischievous consequences to England.
The emperor declares that he abrogates every act hitherto concluded between G. B. and Russia, and particularly the convention concluded in 1801.
The emperor gives warning, that nothing shall be re-established between Russia and England, until the latter shall have given satisfaction to Denmark.
NORFOLK, Jan. 26. ADMIRAL SIR JOHN BORLASE WARREN had not arrived at Bermuda on the 7th inst.
Yesterday morning we were informed, that a ship was in Hampton Roads from London, in consequence of which we dispatched a boat down, and had the satisfaction to find that the ship Powhatan, Capt. Cottle, was in the Roads in 47 days from London.
We have confined our extracts for this paper principally to the official documents relative to war and commerce.
Although we have delayed the publication of our paper, we are only enabled to present a part of the various orders of council of the British government, modifying, explaining, and abating the rigor of the order of the 11th November, published in this day's paper, all these will be given next.
The Russian fleet, or rather a part of it, after leaving Gibraltar put into the Tagus, more it is believed from accident than design, and owing to tempestuous weather.
The British forces are stated to have evacuated Egypt and Sicily.
Provisions in Portugal were very scarce and dear, Flour was at 16 2-3 dollars per barrel, and likely to rise.
Letters from Holland to England, stated that serious disputes had arisen between our Minister at Paris Mr. Armstrong, and the French government, on account of the latter having demanded that the U. States should exclude British commerce from their ports.
Six new orders have appeared, in addition to the three which we have now published in the Enquirer; four of them are explanatory of the three first. These three are dated Nov. 11th, the six on Nov. 25th.
cases of origin, signed by the French consul at the place of shipment, for all articles attempted to be introduced here.
WAR WITH RUSSIA! The ascendancy of French influence at the court of Petersburg, is at length complete.
My Lord—I have the honour to inform your lordship that dispatches have been this morning received from his majesty's ambassador at the court of St. Petersburg.
The above information was furnished by Sir Robert Wilson, who arrived in town an early hour yesterday morning from St. Petersburg.
The dispatches from St. Petersburg were sent from that place on the morning of the 9th inst. at which time no embargo had been laid upon the British shipping in the ports of Russia.
IMPORTANT STATE PAPER. Declaration of Russia against England.
The higher the value in which the emperor held the amity of his Britannick majesty, the keener the regret he must feel at the complete alienation of that monarch.
Twice has the emperor taken up arms in a cause in which the interests of England were most immediately concerned; but he has solicited to no purpose her co-operation to produce the accomplishment of her own objects.
But what sensibly hurt the feelings of his Imperial Majesty was, to see that in violation of the faith and express stipulations of treaties, England annoying the maritime trade of his subjects; and at what period was this proceeding adopted?
When the two emperors made peace, his majesty, notwithstanding his just causes of displeasure at the conduct of England did not however refrain from endeavoring to render her services.
The peace between Russia and France was likely to bring about a general peace, but it was at this moment that England suddenly awoke from that apparent lethargy in which she had slumbered;
Her fleets, her troops appeared on the Danish coast, to execute an act of violence of which history, so fruitful in example, records no parallel.
A power distinguished for its peaceful and moderate conduct, and for a long and unexampled course of wise neutrality, and who sustained, amidst surrounding monarchies, a kind of moral dignity, finds itself treated as if it was engaged in secret plots, and was meditating the downfall of England;
The emperor, wounded in his dignity, wounded in the affection he feels for his people, wounded in his engagements with the courts of the north, by this act of violence committed in the Baltic, a close sea, the tranquility of which has so long depended on the court of St. James, and is reciprocally guaranteed by both powers, did not disseminate his resentment against England, and warned her that she should not remain indifferent to such a proceeding.
His majesty did not foresee, that while England, having successfully employed her forces, was on the point of seizing on her prey, he would offer a fresh outrage to Denmark, in which his majesty was to bear a part.
clear out to any port whatever, to be specified in such clearance, and with respect to the aforesaid articles to export the same to such ports, and under such conditions and regulations only, as his majesty, by any licence to be granted for that purpose may direct.
And the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, his Majesty's principal secretaries of State, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Judges of the High Court of Admiralty and the Courts of Vice Admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them shall respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER. DEGREE. No. III. At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 11th November, 1807.
PRESENT. The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas, the sale of ships by a belligerent to a neutral, is considered by France to be illegal; and Whereas, a great part of the shipping of France and her allies, has been protected from capture during the present hostilities, by transfers or pretended transfers, by neutrals; and Whereas, it is justly justifiable to adopt the same rule in this respect towards the enemy, which is applied by the enemy to this country.
His Majesty is pleased by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, that in future, the sale to a neutral of any vessel, belonging to his Majesty's enemies, shall not be deemed to be legal, nor in any manner to transfer the property, nor to alter the character of such vessel; and all vessels now belonging, or which shall hereafter belong to any enemy of his Majesty, notwithstanding any sale or pretended sale to a neutral, after a reasonable time shall have elapsed, or receiving information of this, his Majesty's Order, at the place where such sale or pretended sale was effected, shall be captured and brought in, and shall be adjudged as lawful prize to the captors.
And the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, his Majesty's principal secretaries of State, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Judges of the High Court of Admiralty and Courts of Vice Admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them shall respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER. LONDON, November 23. ORDERS OF COUNCIL. The committee of merchants trading to America met on Saturday last, to receive the Report of the special committee, appointed to confer with the board of trade on the subject of the late orders of Council.
That American vessels cannot sail in any instance direct from the ports of the United States to any port of the enemy in Europe. American vessels may proceed from the ports of the United States to the ports of the colonies belonging to the enemy, and direct back to the ports of the United States. The order does not prohibit them from going direct from the ports of this kingdom to the colonial ports in the West-India Islands and even from proceeding from this kingdom with colonial produce to the enemy's ports, whenever Parliament shall have decided on the duties to be imposed on such exportation.
Certificates of origin will not be required to be delivered up which may be on board vessels which shall have sailed previous to the notice of this order, at the port from whence they sailed. There is also reason to believe that no duty is intended to be laid on the re-exportation of any articles which are the produce of the soil of neutral nations, with the exception of cotton; and that the trade between this country and the ports of the enemy's colonies by neutrals, will be regulated by licence, and continued to the export of British manufactures, until the meeting of Parliament; and that the trade between this country by neutrals, with the colonies of the enemy in the West-Indies and South America, will be placed on the same footing.
JOHN GRAY, Sec. November 24. On board the American brig Caroline, Capt. Doak, detained on her passage from New-York to Cherbourg, and sent into Falmouth by the Mars privateer of that port, Captain Vinicombe, were found a packet of dispatches from the French Charge des Affaires in America to the Prince of Benevento, (Talleyrand) and the other French ministers of state.
They are immediately sent off to London, for the information of the British Cabinet. November 26. AMERICAN COMMERCE. The following is a copy of the Circular Letter addressed to the consul of the United States at Hamburg, to the masters of American ships bound to that port.
It discloses fully the precarious nature of the understanding which subsists between France and America. The measures to which the French have had recourse, in the port of Hamburg, are marked by their usual treachery.
American Consulate, Hamburg, Nov. 4, 1807. To masters of American ships bound to Hamburg.
In the present unprecedented crisis, such great and almost daily changes take place, and the measures of the belligerents affecting commerce are put into such immediate operation, that it is impossible for the most prudent, with the best intentions, to avoid the injuries which, on every side, lay in wait for fair neutral trade.
It is therefore by no means my intention to assume any control in the destination of your ships, but merely to state such facts as it is important you should know. In this measure my own opinion has been fortified by those of the most respectable merchants here in connection with my country, expressed to me in their written request.
Clarke's evidence (as it is called) shows the reports of others, instead of his own knowledge in some instances; it cannot be unfair to mete out of his own measure. Aurora.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 23d, 1808. In pursuance of notice given to the republican representatives of each House of Congress, the number of eighty-nine members convened in the Senate chamber at the Capitol; and at half past six o'clock, P. M. STEPHEN R. BRADLEY was appointed President, and RICHARD M. JOHNSON, Secretary.
The meeting proceeded to recommend persons to the citizens of the United States, to fill the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States. The ballot being taken first upon a recommendation for the office of PRESIDENT—John Milledge and Joseph B. Varnum being appointed tellers—the votes were as follows:
For James Madison, 83. For George Clinton, 3. For James Monroe, 3. The ballot being then upon the recommendation for VICE-PRESIDENT, the votes were as follows: For George Clinton, 79. For John Langdon, 5. For Henry Dearborne, 3. For John Q. Adams, 1.
Upon motion of Wilson C. Nicholas, a committee of correspondence and arrangement was appointed, in case of the death or resignation of the persons recommended; to consist of the following persons, viz. Mr. Milledge of Georgia, Mr. Taylor of S. Carolina, Mr. Franklin of N. Carolina, Mr. Giles of Virginia, Mr. John Montgomery of Maryland, Mr. Smilie of Pennsylvania, Mr. Kirtland of New Jersey, Mr. Kirkpatrick of New-York, Mr. Howland of Rhode-Island, Mr. Varnum of Massachusetts, Mr. Parker of New-Hampshire, Mr. Bradley of Vermont, Mr. Tiffin of Ohio, Mr. Pope of Kentucky, Mr. Anderson of Tennessee.
Upon motion of Mr. Giles, the following resolution was adopted unanimously: Resolved, As the sense of this meeting that James Madison of the State of Virginia, be recommended to the people of the United States, as a proper person to fill the office of President of the United States, for four years from the 4th of March, 1809; and that George Clinton, the present Vice-President, of the state of New-York, be recommended as a proper person to fill the office of Vice-President for the same term.
Upon motion of Mr. Montgomery, the following letter was received and read: Being too unwell to attend the republican convention this evening, agreeably to notice, I hereby constitute my friend Mr. John Montgomery, my proxy, to vote for me in favor of James Madison as President and George Clinton as Vice-President of the United States. Given under my hand and seal this 23d of January, 1808.
LEMUEL SAWYER. And then the meeting adjourned. STEPHEN R. BRADLEY, President. RICHARD M. JOHNSON, Secretary. * Mr. Sawyer's proxy was not received.
EUROPE.
DEGREE No. II. At the Court of Queen's Palace, 11th November, 1807.
PRESENT. The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas, articles of the growth and manufacture of foreign countries cannot, by law, be imported into this country, except in British ships, or in ships belonging to the countries of which such articles are the growth and manufacture, without an order in Council, specially authorising the same.
His Majesty, taking into consideration the order of this day's date, respecting the trade to be carried on to and from the enemy, and deeming it expedient that any vessel belonging to any country in alliance, or at amity with his majesty, may be permitted to import into this country articles of the produce or manufacture of countries at war with his majesty.
His Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy Council, is hereby pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, That all goods, wares and merchandise, specified and included in the schedule of an act, passed in the 43d year of his present Majesty's reign, entitled an Act to repeal the duties of customs, payable in Great Britain and to grant other duties in lieu thereof, may be imported from any port or place, belonging to any state not at amity with his Majesty, in ships belonging to any state at amity with his Majesty, subject to the payment of such duties, and liable to such drawbacks as are now established by law upon the importation of the said goods, wares or merchandise, in ships navigating according to law, and with respect to such of the said goods as are authorised to be warehoused under the provisions of an act, passed in the 43d year of his present Majesty's reign, entitled, an Act for permitting certain goods imported into Great Britain, to be secured in warehouses without payment of duty, subject to all the regulations of the said last mentioned act, and with respect to all articles which are prohibited by law from being imported into this country, it is ordered, that the same shall be reported for exportation to any country in amity or alliance with his majesty.
And his majesty is further pleased by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all vessels which shall arrive at any port of the United Kingdom, or at the port of Gibraltar or Malta, in consequence of having been warned pursuant to the aforesaid order, or in consequence of receiving information in any other manner, of the said order, subsequent to their having taken on board any part of their cargoes, whether previous or subsequent to their sailing, shall be permitted to report their cargoes for exportation, and shall be allowed to proceed upon their voyage, to their original ports of destination (if not apprized before the issuing of the said order) or to any port at amity with his majesty, upon receiving a certificate from the collector or comptroller of the customs at the port at which they shall so enter, which certificate the said collectors and comptrollers are hereby authorised and required to give; setting forth that such vessels came into such port in consequence of being so warned or of receiving such information as aforesaid, and that they were permitted to sail from such port under the regulations which his majesty has been pleased to establish in respect to such vessels;
but, in case any vessel so arriving shall prefer to import any part of her cargo, then such vessel shall be allowed to enter and import the same upon such terms and conditions as the said cargo might have been imported upon according to law, in case the said vessel had sailed after having received notice of the said order, and in conformity thereto. And it is further ordered, that all vessels which shall arrive at any port of the United Kingdom, or at Gibraltar or Malta, in conformity or obedience to the said order, shall be allowed in respect to all which may be on board, to import into this country, sugar, coffee, wine, &c.

mere matter of sentiment, not deducible from any sound principle of constitutional law or national policy. My object in mentioning the fact is to show, that whatever influence this admonition might have been intended to produce on the friends of Mr. Madison, it has had none on the friends of Mr. Monroe. One course was recommended in conversation, before the meeting of the legislature, but a very different course has been since pursued. In fact, the very first movement in the United States towards this subject, before our sister states had expressed a wish either individually or by a general caucus, was made in this city by the friends of Mr. Madison. I allude to the card of the 16th inst. published in the Enquirer of that date. This, it seems universally agreed, came from them. But to this procedure, no exception could be taken by the supporters of Mr. Monroe. The meeting being general, they could make their nomination. It was in truth distinctly understood that Mr. Monroe would not only be nominated, but zealously and ably supported. Whether the advocates of this nomination would have acquiesced in its rejection, if such had been its fate, cannot now be decided. Their conduct no doubt would have been, as it ought to have been, governed by circumstances. If they acted from pure motives and believed that by fair and honorable exertions, his election could be secured, they would have been guilty of treachery to their country, to themselves and to him, if they had deserted the cause in which they were engaged. But the right of deciding and deliberating on this point was suddenly taken from them. They were most unexpectingly placed in a situation where they had no alternative. Before the day indicated by the card of the 16th had arrived, another card was circulated in the Hall of the legislature, inviting the friends of Mr. Madison, and them only to repair to the Bell-tavern on that evening. The friends of Mr. Madison, generally, and some of the friends of Mr. Monroe, who probably from letters sent from Washington had taken up the idea that the former would be supported by a great majority out of the state, attended the meeting and made the requisite arrangement for the next election. I say the friends of Mr. Madison generally attended: for all did not go—Some of them attended at the Capitol, and one of them, after expressing his approbation of the just and liberal principles on which the meeting was there convened, voted in favor of Mr. Madison. In this state of things, I appeal to that sentiment of delicacy and honor, which belongs to the character of a Virginian gentleman, whether the friends of Mr. Monroe would not have brought disgrace on him and on themselves, if, because they were in a caucus-minority in one of 17 states—they had tamely, silently and passively abandoned the man of their choice—the man, who but a few days before had been received on his return to his native state, with every mark of affection and respect, and who had so recently been honored by the addresses, unanimous addresses I believe, and of the council, and of both houses of the legislature—expressing their confidence in his integrity and talents, and their gratitude for his services. If they had done so, their conduct would have been despicable in the eyes of the world, and what is infinitely worse, despicable in their own. They were willing to have met men personally and politically their friends, on a question of such high import to the character and best interest of their nation. They would have nominated Mr. Monroe, and in making that nomination, they would have done justice to the valor of his youth, recorded in the blood of his own body—spilt in one of those battles which gave us the right of voting which we are now to exercise—and to the constant able and faithful services of his maturer age. They would have given his character in the plain language of sincerity and truth; he would have spoken of his modesty, his perseverance, his integrity, his approved ability, his patriotism, his unswerved labor, his unadulterated and unqualified firmness; and they would have claimed for him, what I admit him to deserve; the gratitude and confidence of his country. In doing this they would have said, perhaps, one word which the supporters of Mr. Monroe do not cheerfully concede. The most zealous among them, may be counted among the personal friends of Mr. Monroe, and are the constant advocates of his real worth. But it was feared, it is said, that the friends of Mr. Monroe might not only advocate his pretensions to the presidential chair, but they might object to those of Mr. Madison. This they certainly would have done: and this they certainly ought to have done: if they believed that the objections on which they relied, placed Mr. Madison on lower ground than that which they conceived Mr. Monroe might justly occupy. In truth, there are objections to Mr. Madison's election, but it is to be presumed, that they would have been stated, in terms to which no exception could have been taken, even by that sensibility which his friends have so palpably displayed, and in fact, so openly acknowledged. It is believed that nothing would have been said, having even a tendency to derogate from his character, for purity of heart, excellence of understanding, extent of information, or fidelity in supporting the great principles of our constitution, and the great interests of our country. That this would have been the complexion of the debate in favor of Mr. Monroe, at least that nothing would have been said injurious to the feelings of Mr. Madison or his friends, ought to have been presumed. But the contrary, it seems, was apprehended, and the fear that the discussion should lead to consequences which all might deplore, that a Virginia caucus might terminate like a Polish diet, it was thought advisable, as it is said, for the friends of both parties to meet in separate assemblies. Thus this was the real motive of many, I have no doubt. They have said so, and I readily believe them. But that other considerations had no influence, I have seen too much of the political world, and too much of it, on the subject of this very election, entirely to admit. It might have occurred, and no doubt did occur to some gentleman, that there was a majority already disposed to vote for Mr. Madison, and that while nothing could be gained, something might be lost, by a free and independent discussion. The indication in the second card of a day, so long anterior to that pointed out in the first, for which change no reason has yet been given, seems fully to justify this observation. It is probable, that remarks would have been made, derogatory from the diplomatic merits of Mr. Monroe, in the late negotiation. These remarks were expected from what was occasionally hinted out of doors, but they were not feared. His friends did not display, because they did not feel any solicitude on that point. The charge suggest-
ed against him on the subject of impressment, if seriously brought forward would have been completely refuted. On some points he was not very distant, this subject will be understood and his merits will be correctly estimated. But while I do justice to him, I take pleasure in doing justice to his political opponents here, all of whom, within the circle of my acquaintance, seem to avail themselves of every opportunity of expressing their very high sense of his exalted merits. I have made this statement and these remarks, my fellow citizens, that you might see distinctly the very different ground on which the two caucuses, friendly as the members composing them are to each other, really stand: and that you might be convinced that the friends of Mr. Monroe proposed to do nothing, but what they had a right to do, and that they have already done nothing but what they were in some measure compelled to perform. In truth no mischief can result from it. The friends of Mr. Monroe are the friends of their country, and will give him up whenever the public good requires the sacrifice. It is but justice to the supporters of Mr. Madison to say, that they use the same language, and I have no doubt with equal sincerity. At some future day, perhaps, I shall say a few words to you about caucuses generally, the caucus at Washington particularly, the importance of the approaching election, and the real merits of our own two citizens in nomination. You will not shut your ears. The character and great interests of the nation are involved in the question now before you, and you will hear, even if you do not approve, the advice which from the best motive, and with the most sincere good will, is respectfully submitted to your consideration. HORTENSIUS. Geo. Hay FOR THE ENQUIRER. No. III. In the contemplation of the Presidential character, there is an ideal perfection, which, like that in painting, can never be found in any one human being—Friendship sometimes fancies, that she discovers it in her favorite—but mankind at large will not be so credulous—nor do the people expect it—They demand, indeed, with great reason, that a President shall possess a soul, which coolly pursues public good with firmness; and a head, which comprehends the past in all its bearings upon their happiness; is able to manage the present with systematic prudence, instead of fluctuating with the will of a party; and, above all, can penetrate into what may be the best in future, by that wisdom, which, acting upon an extended scale, can accommodate itself to every exigency. That Mr. Madison enjoys these qualities, his whole life has demonstrated. It is in the conduct of public business as a necessary instrument of success, the proof is complete, when we recollect, with what multitudes, and under what circumstances he has acted; and yet has never made a single personal enemy. He served for many years in the old congress, where Virginia was watched, calumniated, envied and hated; defended her and her vacant territory against every assault—refuted those, who argued—quelled those, who were petulant, and yet, in the affections of his opponents, was always separated from the cause, which he espoused. In the new congress, of which he was long a member—irritations were heaped upon irritations—and intrigue was busy in undermining him. Through this ordeal too he passed without a personal enemy. How did he accomplish all this? Not by unworthy compliances, or soothing concessions; but in addition to the omnipotence of truth, by disdaining to indulge vanity—ultimated passion—the pettiness of slander, and airs of superiority—He stood upon his own talents and virtue. If an exception exists to the assertion, that he has never made a personal enemy, it must be in the breast of such, as have poured forth their gall against Mr. Jefferson; and transferred to Mr. Madison, as his bosom friend, a portion of their virulence. Consistency of political character will be next selected for a standard, by which Mr. Madison shall be measured. To the charge of inconsistency which his former opponents invented, some of those, whom the times array against him, have given a deeper coloring, by whispering that he has shown a want of perseverance in maintaining, when and where he ought, the principles, which he professed. How wonderfully has accident thus joined opinions, which god seemed to have put asunder! The foundation of an American character is the spirit, which led to independence; and the practical love of equal rights which communicated it. Mr. Madison first appeared on the public theatre in the Virginia convention of 1776. His modesty prevented him from being heard on the floor; but he was heard most usefully in private & in committees upon the arduous and dangerous subjects of the day. The constitution of Virginia received some of its eminent democratic features from his suggestions. The venerable Pendleton, and the illustrious Henry did not scruple to admit, that he brought into that body a fund of republican theories, which no other member had extracted from the numerous books on government. To follow him step by step through his unremitting endeavours to prop American credit—to support Washington, when he needed support, for his army or for himself—to guard the projected peace with Great-Britain from any sacrifice, to which the proudest nation might not accede with honor; until the moment when the luminous idea of a general government first dawned to public view—are the part of the historian. Here therefore it will only be affirmed; and, if contradicted, it will be maintained, that his uniformity of character was thus far unbroken. In the federal constitution itself, it is true, that many suspicions were entertained of departures from republicanism; and for almost every part of that work Mr. Madison is in no small degree responsible. But what says the voice of twenty years? Let it be purely administered—and, (to use a term of its own) it "guarantees" a republican government. Nothing can be farther from my purpose, than to depreciate the memory of the enlightened man, who chiefly co-operated with Mr. Madison in the efforts of the Federalist. But the remark is obvious to a moderate attention; that when Madison treated of federal powers, he defined them in a manner, which cut off the hope of usurpation, thro' the medium of subterfuge—when the other gentleman touched them, he wound them up to the highest pitch, of which they were then capable—and provided a chance for a construction, which might hereafter strain them to a more lofty tone. * In the preceding number we have seen one class of his political enemies.
Whatever advantages written constitutions hold over those, which are always liable to modification, by the legislature, existing at the time; those very advantages are of a precarious nature, if the constitutions be originally put into motion, with a spirit contrary to that of its formation. In giving a just republican direction to the new federal government, Mr. Madison distinguished himself. In crushing the attempt to establish titles of Supremacy for the President and Vice-President; in the first defeat of the funding system, and exhausting the whole artillery of argument against it, until argument would scarce longer be heard; in restricting the powers of Congress to the objects expressly, or incidentally granted to it; in endeavoring to secure to the war-worn soldier, the fruits of his danger and blood, and in short, in preserving the republican soul, infused into the government by its creators; these were his primary anxieties—these were the exertions of his faithful guardianship. That he never swerved from this sacred line, the debates of Congress from the year 1789, to a period beyond 1796, when compared will vouch. About this period, he was assailed for violating that consistency of character, which we assert to have been his polar star. The operations of the constitution had very distinctly announced, how flexible it might be rendered in the hands of dexterous artists, and how subservient to the aggrandizement of party—if some of its republican severity was filed off. An adherence to its genuine sense, covered Mr. Madison with invective, but did not shake him. Let the assailants of this denomination deign to specify, in what he abandoned his first principles; and it can readily be proved, that Madison persisted in the worship of the true God of Republicanism, while some of his former compatriots apostatized to Baal. His toils in public service have been duly appreciated and revered and as yet revered by the republicans. But some of them too, affect recent decay. Inconsistency or lukewarmness in his retirement from Congress, when his opposition was necessary to succour their oppressed cause. Censure which darts at an act of this kind, must be eager for its prey. Had not Mr. Madison spent eight years in Congressional warfare? Had he not abandoned for the public service, the opportunity of acquiring a lucrative profession, of which, he could not fail to be at some day the ornament, the chief? Was his eminence to impose upon him the perpetual tax, of never attending to his private affairs? If the government could have been checked by the remonstrances of Mr. Madison in what he deemed an improper course, it would scarcely have commenced, before it would have ceased. But all his remonstrances had been unavailing; and he must have foreseen, that the feelings of the people were the only remedy for the disorder of the state, and when generally expressed, would of themselves be decisive. The event verified the anticipation; altho' perhaps it was forwarded by that celebrated assembly of Virginia, in 1798, to which he was deputed—from a belief that his reprobation of the alien and sedition law, there would be more fortunate, and effectual than it could have been in Congress. It is questionable, however, whether the pen ought to have been detained in answering this objection, when we have arrived at the most important topic—the pledge which the numerous demonstrations of his wisdom have afforded, that of his capacity for the Presidential Chair. Since the publication of the second number, a circumstance has occurred in Washington, which will excuse a momentary interruption in contemplating Mr. Madison. The justly renowned patriot, George Clinton, of New-York, has been named by a few, as the successor of Mr. Jefferson. It is not my intention to retract my first opinion, that Virginia ought to yield to any other state, a citizen of which can obtain an important number of suffrages. And to myself nothing could be more cordial, than to place on that veteran brow every civic honor, which he can desire, and public safety can bestow. Does that venerated man really desire a post, from which Washington retreated under the pressure of sixty-nine years—and which Jefferson is about to relinquish, from wearied faculties, at sixty-five? He cannot. Some youthful friend perhaps, who understands, how little human nature is encumbered with nearly eighty years, can resist the opportunities of an impetuous adviser, doubtless conceals from his sight that page in the constitution of New-York, which limits the continuance in some offices to the age of sixty; and time has perhaps blotted from his memory some declarations, which he has himself made, of the necessity of repose from public cares. That venerated man cannot seek the chief magistracy of the union. If he does, he has been hoodwinked in his observation, while he has presided in the Senate. He has there seen, in the exercise of his legislative and executive functions, that a triumphal car altho' it sustains a hero does not necessarily carry a statesman. But if such be the will of fate; if the great Clinton be no longer his modest and prudent self—the people must—with the tenderness and delicacy due to him—with the gratitude, which his desert inspires—they must pay the homage of a Mausoleum; not the jeopardy of a nation. Forgive most highly respected general, this effusion of friendship to you; a warm voice has saved thousands from destruction. MARCUS. J. Randolph COMMUNICATION. The result of the caucus at Washington seems not to have been sufficiently understood by the advocates of Col. Monroe. They are welcome to all the triumph and congratulation, which the following short sketch promises them: Whole number in both Houses of C. 176 Deduct Federalists in both Houses 28 Republicans 148 Deduct Rep. absentees from town 10 N. York members not present 18 R. in town, exclusive of N. Y. delegation 120 Present at the caucus 89 31 Thirty-one republicans in the city and not at the caucus to be accounted for. Of these, 14 or 15 are minority men, friends of John Randolph, most of whom I regard as the envioned opponents of Mr. Madison and as bitter enemies of the present administration, as the federalist themselves. What becomes of the remaining 16 or 17 republicans? A letter which I have in my hand from a most respectable Senator in Washington, states "that seven republican members who could not attend, would have voted to Madison—and several who object to this mode of selecting, and did not attend, are in favor of Mr. Madison." A letter from a most respectable representative confirms the same suggestion—O.
this number then let us put down 12 to Mr. Madison. Of the 10 republican absentees, let us put down 8 to Madison: The three from Virginia, who were absent, we have good reasons to believe would have voted for him. What is the result? Republicans at the caucus in favor of Madison 83 In Washington and not at the caucus 12 Absentees 8 103 So that he would have had 28 votes more than a majority of the republicans in both houses of Congress, and 14 more than a majority of all the members in both houses. I will not examine Mr. Monroe's account. Let his supporters deduct the New-York delegation (who it is absolutely certain will support the venerable Clinton) and what portion of the Congressional recommendation would he have received under all circumstances? At a meeting held at the Capitol, on last Thursday night, by the Members of the Virginia Legislature, friendly to the election of James Madison, to make further arrangements for effecting that object; Robert Taylor, Esq. was called to the chair, and Thomas Ritchie appointed Secretary. Mr. Smyth (of Wythe) moved, that Abraham B. Venable, Esq. be added to the permanent Corresponding Committee of this city. Agreed. The following resolutions were then moved by him, and after some little discussion & some few amendments, were all carried: Resolved, That the said corresponding Committee, write immediately to each person nominated as an Elector of President & Vice-President, requesting him to say explicitly, whether he will vote in favor of James Madison as President of the U. States. Resolved, That the said Corresponding Committee be requested to strike from the list of Electors the name of any gentleman who shall not explicitly declare, that he will if elected, give his vote in favor of James Madison, as President of the U. States. And in case of a vacancy so occasioned or occurring from any other cause, the said Corresponding Committee are requested to recommend some other gentleman qualified to be elected, who will vote for James Madison, as President of the U. S. Resolved, That the said Corresponding Committee in the City of Richmond, have power to encrase the number of members of each county committee, to seven. [It was understood, that the delegates or senators were to deposit a list of such as they preferred with the standing Committee.] On motion of B. Harrison, Esq. (Prince George) it was carried, that the name of John Goodrich, Esq. (of Isle of Wight) and one of the Electors in 1804 be inserted in the list of Electors, in place of Mr. Harrison, who requested to resign, and that the Corresponding Committee be requested to write to Mr. G. to ascertain whether he would vote for Mr. Madison. On motion, it was carried that the name of Edward Pegram, sen. Esq. (of Dinwiddie) (who was one of the Repub. Electors in 1804) be inserted in the list of Electors, in place of Geo. Dillard, Esq. who requested to resign, and that the standing committee be requested to write to Mr. P. to ascertain whether he would vote for Mr. Madison. It is understood, that if Mr. Goodrich and Mr. Pegram refuse to serve, then the names of Mr. Harrison and Mr. Dillard are to be replaced on the Ticket. Resolved, That John H. Foushee be appointed Treasurer to this meeting. After appointing a few county committees, on motion of Mr. Barbour, the meeting adjourned till Thursday night, 4th February. COMMUNICATION. From letters just received in Norfolk, by a vessel directly from Jamaica, it unhappily appears, that Mr. David Yancey and Doctor William Kimbrough, of Louisa county in this state, lately died in that Island. Mr. Yancey was carried off by a pulmonary disease; which, after baffling all the efforts of medical skill, had induced him to take leave of his friends, and to make a last attempt at recovery, by trying the influence of foreign voyages and travels: but he had scarcely arrived at the Island of Jamaica, when he sank under the weight of his inexorable disorder. His nephew and friend Dr. William Kimbrough, who accompanied him in his travels unfortunately followed him to the grave, the day after his death. He fell a victim to the yellow fever. The death of David Yancey will be deeply lamented by his friends.—It will be deplored in the middle country. It is a real loss to Virginia. He was among the most valuable of the young men of first promise in this state, who in the course of a few years past, have gone to an early grave. Those who knew him well, (and many there are in Virginia) will say, that for the united virtues of the head and the heart, for all the qualities which render a man interesting to his family and friends, to society and to his country, David Yancey was eminently distinguished. The companions of his early studies, the associates of his more advanced researches at the College of Wm. and Mary, the professional gentlemen who practised with him, at the Bar of Louisa, and in the adjacent counties; In short, the whole circle of his extensive acquaintance, will long remember him, with a degree of respect and affection, that rarely falls to the lot of any individual. Doctor Kimbrough, though younger and less known to him, who performs the painful task of announcing Mr. Yancey's death to his other friends, is understood to have been a young gentleman of the most amiable character, and to have exhibited marks of intelligence from which his friends derived the most flattering expectations. G. Britain is at length about to suffer retribution for her political sins. In this day's paper, we announce a most important event; and what appears to us to be tantamount to a Declaration of War by Russia against G. Britain. Russia forbids all communication or relations with that power, until they shall make satisfaction for their unwarranted attack on Denmark; she proceeds to abolish the convention of 1801, and to re-assert the principles of the Armed Neutrality.—May not the U. S. be soon called upon to come to some decision on the same proposition? A letter from Washington says, "I never witnessed in all my life, more order and harmony" (than prevailed at the caucus). "John Quincy Adams" (son of the late President) "was present. It is believed he has discovered that the true interest of America cannot be discerned by looking through a federal medium. The patriotic and venerable Sumpter was there."
From Colvin's Weekly Register. In order to give the reader some idea of the general reputation of this T. Power, I now insert the following extract of a letter from William Wilson, lieutenant of Tillary in the army of the U. S. to his friend, another officer high in rank in the same army: "New-Orleans, Sept. 8th, 1807. "Sir, "Since your departure, Powers and party have sailed. He has publicly declared he will ruin the General. Indeed, I have no doubt in my mind but that he has been bribed. He is a RASCAL, who can be bought & sold to answer any purpose. It will be well to keep a good watch over him; I think, with proper management, he can be made to discover his own villainy and that of his party. The governor arrived a few days ago. I have had a conversation with him respecting Powers, & his intended disclosures. He informed me he had it in his power to defeat any thing which he might say respecting the General, as he had made to him (the governor) a solem declaration that he knew not one single thing against the General. "WM. WILSON." Not General Wilkinson. SINCE STUDYING FACTS are introduced as STUBBORN FACTS, by G. L. Haller, I must state to the public that when I went to G. L. Haller's on the 26th of April last to enter my three daughters to his school, I was invited into the music room where I communicated my business: he replied, that owing to what Mr. Hudgi had told him, that he would be very moderate in his charges, that he hired his music-master, dance master and all his teachers by the year, and that he would teach and have taught my three children all the above mentioned branches, after a pause and calculation of some minutes, for the sum of $45 per quarter. I immediately paid him his quarter in advance. My children at times missed at times took lessons at music. The quarter expired during my absence from this place, while on the turnpike. I heard nothing of extra charges for near five months after the first quarter—in the beginning of the Assembly I was applied to by G. L. Haller to accommodate him with some more on the balance of my account, I thought it very extraordinary at such a request, but without strictly examining what I had paid or his account, signed the note at present in contest; supporting it was given for the year's schooling of my daughters. The business rested so for some days, until I found my children were treated with so much contempt that I was forced to withdraw them from the school; then on examining his account minutely, I found it was only for the last six months and a charge for writing desks I never directed to be furnished, a heavy charge of $10 25 cts. for quills and paper. He said Haller mentioned his liberality manifested towards me. It is true, he did undertake while a bargaining to manifest a great deal of friendship, and enjoined me to secrecy; now he has undertaken to make me pay nearly double what we fairly bargained at. Three-quarters pay, agreeable to bargain would have been $135 00 Say books, paper, quills, pen-knives and rules, 14 81 Making the sum of $149 81 for nine months. But I am charged with the sum of $289 31. Pray where is Haller's friendship! if this be the Swiss mode of friendship, shun me from such in future. It is understood I am not able to write with a complete book-worm, so I shall make this my last, as litigation I despise. If the gentleman thinks he is entitled to the sum of $119 75 on the note given him, the laws of our land are open for him to obtain justice. I do assure him one cent will not be paid by me without the law will give it to him on a fair trial; if he wishes satisfaction to this I live in Richmond and can be found at my house at any hour of the day. So the public need not be pestered further with litigation. JOHN P. SHIELDS. Jan. 30. EDUCATION.—The Trustees of the WARRENTON ACADEMY respectfully inform the public that this institution was opened on the 18th instant for the reception of students, under the superintendence of Mr. WILLIAM CRAWFORD, (late one of the professors of William and Mary College) a gentleman highly recommended, and who has produced from the Right Rev. Bishop Madison the most satisfactory testimonials of his abilities. His literary acquirements and unexceptionable moral character, are so confidently stated by that gentleman, as to justify the trustees in recommending this establishment as well calculated to promote the improvement of youth in the Greek and Latin Classics, Natural and Moral Philosophy, Laws of Nature and Nations, Political Economy, Mathematics, Geography and the use of the Globes, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. The healthy situation of Warrenton is well known, and the trustees conscious of the necessity of paying strict attention to the morals and orderly behavior of pupils, have devoted their time during the late vacation to this object, by making arrangements for a regular and close inspection of the Academy in all its operations; Feeling, as many of them do, all the interests of parents, is an additional pledge to the public for the exertion of their intentions for promoting the welfare of the institution. To avoid the ill effects occasioned by students having more money than is sufficient to meet the necessary disbursements during each session, a list of the established expenses of the academy is subjoined. For the classes and various other branches above mentioned, $20 per annum; 12 in advance for the first session, ending the 1st of July; and 8 for the second, ending the 1st of December. For English Grammar, &c. $9 for the first and 6 for the second session. Board for the first session $40, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1—For the second session $35 for board, washing $4, bed hire $4, candles $1. By order of the Trustees, J. HALL, President. R. DAVISON, Secretary. Warrenton, N. C. Jan. 30. [T&S2w] I WISH to purchase twelve likely MILERS BATHURST RANDOLPH. Ames, Jan. 14. (U)

(Documents concerning Briga. Gen. Wilkinson, continued.)
Natchez, June 14th, 1797.
Sir, As it is probable that this will reach you before my dispatches of the 27th of last month, by the way of New Orleans, I have enclosed duplicates.
About seven days ago, twenty-five Spanish soldiers arrived at this place, where they continued one night, and then proceeded up to the Walnut Hills. On the 28th of May, I received a letter from governor Gayoso, No. 1, to which I replied on the 31st. No. 2. From governor Gayoso's letter, it appears that the baron de Carondelet is not well satisfied with his conduct; they are at this time not on good terms, and the breach has been widened by the artful management of a certain Mr. Power, now at this place, who was last season intriguing in the state of Kentucky for the Spanish government. He is particularly patronised by the baron. The transactions which the baron alludes to, I suspect are the arrangements I made with governor Gayoso, by which the troops of the United States were brought into this district with his consent, and apparent approbation. The difficulty of getting them away is now obvious both to himself, and the baron, and as it was done without consulting the latter, he feels an inclination to condemn the conduct of the former.
It is now reported by the Spaniards, that a minister plenipotentiary has been sent by the court of Madrid to the U. States, to inform our executive that the country, and posts, now held by his Catholic majesty on the east side of the Mississippi, above the 31st degree of north latitude, are not to be given up until a general peace take place in Europe, and that from the uniform pacific disposition of the U. States, there can be no doubt of his success. This report is credited but by few.
The citizens of the U. States who are trading on the Mississippi, are frequently treated with great insolence at the Spanish posts, and their property taken for the use of his Catholic majesty when wanted, and always at a reduced price. About three weeks ago, a cargo of flour, consisting of between three and four hundred barrels, was taken at the Walnut Hills from a Mr. McClure, of Washington county, in the state of Pennsylvania, against his will; to be paid for in New Orleans at such a price as the officers of government see proper to give, which is generally three dollars per barrel less than the current price in market. A few days ago Mr. Francis Baily, a citizen of the U. States, who had lately come on here with some goods, had a tender of a commissary's certificate payable at the treasury in New Orleans, which species of paper was passing at a discount of twelve per cent. Mr. Baily declined taking the certificate as payment for the debt, and appealed to governor Gayoso for redress, who immediately decreed that the tender was legal. These cases are not singular, they are particularized because both the gentlemen mentioned will be in Philadelphia in the course of a few weeks, and I expect will make a point of substantiating the facts: both cases being a violation of the late treaty between his Catholic majesty & the U. States.
From the jealous, and suspicious disposition of the Spaniards, I do not think it possible that any treaty or compact can be lasting between that nation and our western people, while the former have any possessions on the east side of the Mississippi.
Dr. Watrous is now here; he was on his way from Fort Hamilton on furlough to the state of Connecticut; but captain Pope and myself prevailed upon him to stay with us, till we have some intelligence respecting our continuance in this country.
I am sir, with great esteem And respect, your friend and Humble servant,
(Signed) ANDREW ELLICOTT. Secretary of State of the United States.
P. S. At the moment I was folding this, the enclosed proclamation, No. 3. by the baron de Carondelet, was put into my hands. The various and contradictory reasons, assigned by the Spanish officers for their delay in carrying the late treaty into effect, are too obvious to need a comment. A. E.
Natchez, June 5, 1797.
Sir, I have this moment received private information that Mr. Powers, who I have mentioned to you in my communication of yesterday, is by order of the baron de Carondelet, to proceed immediately through the wilderness to the state of Kentucky. There is every reason to believe that his business is to forward the views of Spain, by detaching the citizens of Kentucky from the union. It has been hinted to me that Mr. Powers will, in the first instance, pay a visit to general Wilkinson, who we are informed is now in Cincinnati.
I am, sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) ANDREW ELLICOTT. Secretary of State of the United States.
(COPY)
Darling's Creek, Nov. 8, 1798.
Sir, On the 16th of last month, having opened the boundary between the U. States and his Catholic majesty, from the Mississippi river to the thin pine country, we ceased carrying the line on in that accurate, scientific manner in which it was begun, and from the end of the line, designated in the report which accompanies this, the work will generally be done with a common surveying compass, and corrected at the different navigable water courses which it may happen to cross.
The line mentioned in the report is opened sixty feet wide, and passes through a country impervious to any but Americans. The labor has been equal to what would, in our country, have opened at least one hundred miles. The business, it is evident, will not go on with that rapidity we could wish; nothing however will be wanting on our part, and I think it will be completed the ensuing season. Governor Gayoso has evidently been brought into a co-operation very reluctantly, and certainly has no desire of having it pushed. Mr. Power, a gentleman well known for his intrigues in Kentucky, and other parts of the U. States, is the surveyor on the part of the crown of Spain; he has attended but one week on the line, and I do not believe that he will attend another during the execution of the work. He has however, employed a deputy, who is Mr. Daniel Burnet, the same person who carried Mr. Hutchins' papers to congress last winter; he has yet behaved very well. The others
employed, major Minor excepted, are of little consequence except to disorganize and talk politics. The acting commissary is a Mr. Gensack: he was taken by the British at the Cape and carried to Jamaica, from whence he made his escape to the U. States, where he found safety; but in the true character of his nation he equally hates both Americans and British. He is sullen, reserved and intriguing. There are no Spaniards concerned in the business, but a few of the common soldiers. Major Minor and Mr. Burnett are Americans. The others, including the laborers, are generally French, or descended from French ancestors, or Roman catholic Irish. When I look over this strange heterogeneous collection, I cannot help asking this question: "Can the Spaniards really be serious in carrying the treaty into effect?" If they are not, it is very extraordinary that there is not one of that nation employed above the rank of a common soldier.
I have always been of opinion that it was a happy circumstance for both countries, that major Minor was appointed the commissioner on behalf of the crown of Spain; his prudence and sound judgment will, in all probability, enable us to carry the work through, which I am confident would not have been the case, had Mr. Power been appointed to that trust, as was proposed by governor Gayoso, and to which I pointedly objected, as did Mr. Dunbar also.
If our surveyor had been a man of prudence and talents, our difficulties would have been much less; but his want of information, extreme pride, and ungovernable temper, constantly furnishes the opposite party with weapons. He has insinuated that the work is erroneous, and that major Minor and myself have combined to injure both governments, and wantonly lavish away public money. He himself has been the only idle person on the side of the United States; his whole attendance on the line as surveyor was, I am confident, would have but little weight with the people of the United States; but the case is very different with the Spaniards, naturally jealous, and uninformed in science, particularly so far as it relates to astronomical operations.
On Friday the 12th of last month, general Wilkinson arrived at our camp, and continued with us till Sunday the 14th. We had much conversation on the state and situation of the country; his ideas respecting both appeared very correct, so far as I was able to determine. He informed me that he had seen some of Mr. Freeman's correspondence with captain Guion, which, in his opinion, came fully within the meaning of the late sedition law; and recommended, in the most serious manner, that he should be immediately suspended from his employment on the line. This, added to the opinion of governor Sergeant, (who spent a number of days at our camp) colonel Bruin, and many other respectable gentlemen, determined me in taking that measure. The surveying at present is done by Mr. Gillespie, the chain carrying by Ellicott and Walker. General Wilkinson has removed Mr. McClary from the command of my escort. His conduct was far less exceptionable than that of Mr. Freeman, and when he did err it was generally the effect of bad advice.
Mr. Freeman left our camp on the 30th September, at the very time we were changing our system of carrying on the work, and in which the compass only is used, without giving me any notice of his departure, that arrangements might be made to meet the want of a surveyor. He was absent till the evening of the 17th ultimo, and on the morning of the 18th he was furnished with a note of suspension. He has constantly conducted himself in that same independent way.
The reference, No. 9, which was in cypher, in my communication of the 14th of November last, contained an account of an extraordinary plan; but that plan, in my opinion, is now given over, and the knowledge obtained of the country, its strength, and the disposition of the inhabitants, will be turned to the advantage of the United States, by some of the principal characters concerned. It is the best they now can do. That the plan is given over may be collected from No. 1, which for particular reasons is in cypher, and ought to be secret. It cannot be considered as a literal translation, which you will see by the introduction, but it conveys accurately the ideas contained in the letter from which it is extracted.
The plan of baron de Carondelet mentioned in my communication of the 27th June, last year, was correct as there stated; the particulars I have since obtained, and will be detailed to you by a gentleman in the course of a few months, who was in the secret of the whole business. That you may not be at a loss when that gentleman calls upon you, he will have a letter of introduction from me, with an official communication, and a number of questions in the same cypher with reference No. 1. His answers to those questions will convince you that my information has constantly been correct.
I shall leave this place (where I have only halted to draw up this communication) tomorrow, and proceed to the Pearl river, where the guide line will be corrected. I shall then proceed down the river to lake Meripaus, from thence into lake Pontchartrain and to New Orleans, where I expect to arrive about the first of January next. From New Orleans I shall follow the coast to Mobile, and again correct the guide line as run by the surveyors. From Mobile I shall follow the coast to Pensacola; I shall pursue the coast to the Chatetucka, and ascend the river to the guide line: as soon as that is corrected, I shall proceed to the mouth of Flint river and from thence to St. Mary's.
You will easily perceive that my design in following the coast is to obtain an accurate knowledge of its situation, the navigation of the different rivers we shall have to ascend, and to correct the geographical positions where it may be necessary. My map of the Mississippi, corrected by a great number of observations, is now made out in the rough, and ready for copying.
The astronomical observations which I have made since I left Philadelphia, will make a large and not uninteresting publication.
Our business now goes on with the greatest harmony. That part near the coast, in which, as an American & friend to my country, I feel myself the most interested, will be nearly completed before Mr. Freeman can join us, if the president should disapprove of the measures which have been taken with him; and in that case I must request the favor of being permitted to return home. All that his friends general Mathews, colonel Pannell and a few others can say of him, must be negative evidence; they may say what he has not done; but what they say he has done in forwarding our business must be from his own report. They have not been visitors at our camp where the only information founded upon facts could be had. He
has not made a single observation since we came into this country, though he endeavored, after my course at the beginning of the line was finished, one whole week without success. He is, nevertheless, by general Mathews and colonel Pannell, declared not inferior to Newton! This is not strange—they may possibly have less scientific knowledge than he has, and the solemn air and dictatorial manner of a professional school-master, may have contributed much to establish his character with them. His abuse of me I disregarded, till his caballing got into the camp; the consequences then became more serious, and the measure which I took was founded upon the best of motives, the service of my country, and I have but one, added to a natural desire to live in peace with all mankind. I have but few observations to add to the depositions respecting his conduct which are forwarded with this. Mr. Robins, one of the deponents, is superintendent of the laborers, and always with them. Mr. Collins, another of the deponents, is as worthy a man as any in the United States, and assistant to Mr. Anderson; he constantly resides in the laborers camp; Mr. Lindsay likewise resides in the camp; he is a gentleman of veracity, and agent for the contractor. These gentlemen have been with us from the commencement of the business to the present time, and perfectly acquainted with the conduct of Mr. Freeman, and superior to his art, which he frequently exerted with them in vain. Similar depositions to those forwarded might be obtained from the gentlemen of the Spanish camp, but it appeared to me imprudent. You will see I have omitted taking those of Mr. Gillespie and the chain bearers; it be said they were interested. And, as Mr. Anderson has been equally abused with myself, on that account his has not been taken. You will see by the depositions that I rise early; it is generally before the break of day; from that time till dark I rarely sit down one hour; after candle light I am generally engaged till 10 o'clock in writing, and arranging my observations.
I hope the citizens of the U. S. begin by this time to be weaned from their attachment to the French nation. For my part I have experienced so much want of principle and integrity among them, and their partisans in this country, both individually and collectively, that my prejudices against the whole nation are so strong, that it is with difficulty I can guard my expressions so as not to give offence.
The arrival of general Wilkinson has created considerable alarm in the Spanish colonies below, and governor Gayoso has directed that the militia within his government be immediately armed. The fears and jealousies of the Spanish nation will certainly, in the course of a few years, occasion the loss of all the country on this side of the Mississippi, to the crown of Spain.
The whole of my correspondence on various subjects, since my communication of the 29th July last, would make a large volume, and as there is but little of it immediately interesting to the U. S. I shall only refer you to Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5.
I am sensible you will perceive a great want of arrangement in this communication; but at the same time I am equally so, that you will excuse it, when I assure you that the whole packet, except Mr. Clark's letters and the correspondence with governor Gayoso, is the work only of two nights and one day, and that in the woods without any other table than a small instrument box, the weather cold and windy, and all my young men who used to aid me in copying, many miles ahead on the line.
I am sorry that the report mentioned in the beginning of this is not forwarded: my part has been done some time, but the Spanish part is not yet ready, owing to the absence of Mr. Power. I shall write to you again from New Orleans. In the mean time believe me to be, &c.
(Signed) ANDREW ELLICOTT. Hon. Secretary of State.
P. S. Daniel Clark, esq. of New Orleans, has lately spent a number of days with me in my camp; from him I have received much valuable information, which it will be unnecessary for me to detail, as he will give it to you himself in Philadelphia the ensuing winter. He intends to visit that city immediately after our interview in New Orleans.
There is not a gentleman of literature, or science, and scarcely one of respectability in this country with whom I have not been upon the most intimate footing ever since I came into it: And every attack that has been made upon me, has arisen either from envy, or misconception; to which I should never have paid any attention had the principles of opposition not entered our camp, and began to embarrass our business. A. E.
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807.
Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff—Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants.
The defendant Wm. Weir, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. Dec. 19. (law8w4f)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry.
The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law4w4f)
NOTICE.—If JAMES MOYLAN, who came to this Country from Ireland, in the year 1770, and who taught a School in the Counties of Albemarle and Prince George in 1777 and 1778, will make application to Wm. C. Holt, he will receive Intelligence of a Brother with whom he once corresponded.—If application be not made before the rising of the Legislature, it must be made to John O'Connor, near North-West River Bridge, Norfolk County. January 14. [law4w4f]
IN CHANCERY. At a quarterly court, continued and held for the county of Prince Edward, November the 17th, 1807.
Martha Deshazor, against Zachariah Rice, Executor of John Deshazor, dec'd.
John Deshazor, Zachariah Rice, guardian of James Deshazor, Martha Deshazor, Susanna Deshazor, Wm. Deshazor, Polly Burgess, lately Polly Deshazor, Elizabeth Paunton, late Elizabeth Deshazor, and John P. Burgess, husband of the said Polly Burgess.
The defendant William Deshazor, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainant, by her counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendant, William Deshazor, do appear here on the first day of February court next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the Court-House of this county. A Copy. Teste, F. WATKINS, c. c. Dec. 4. (F8w)
Dec. 4. F. WATKINS, c. c. (F8w)
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Wednesday the 10th day of February next, will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland court-house, the tract of LAND whereon Edward Bolling at present resides, lying on James river, in the county of Goochland, about three miles above the court-house, containing by estimation one thousand acres, be the same more or less, or so much of the said tract as shall be sufficient to discharge the following sums of money, the payment whereof has been secured by three several deeds of trust on the said Land, executed by said Bolling as follows; to wit: One executed to Frederick Harris and William Miller, bearing date the 14th day of July, 1806, for the purpose of securing the payment of a sum of money due to John L. Harris & Co. the balance whereof amounting to between two hundred and fifty and two hundred and sixty pounds has been assigned to Charles Smith. One other executed to Charles F. Bates and Wm. Miller, bearing date the 20th day of October, 1806, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of five hundred and nine pounds with interest thereon from the 1st day of November, 1806; and one other executed to William Miller and Joseph Shelton, on the 23rd day of June, 1807, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of fourteen hundred and sixteen dollars, due the 1st day of November last; all of which deeds have been duly recorded in the county court of Goochland. A sufficiency of the said Land will be sold in pursuance of the aforesaid deeds of trust, to satisfy the sums of money aforesaid or the balances remaining due thereof, together with all interest accruing thereon, and the costs attending the drafting and recording said deeds, and of advertising and selling said land, by THE TRUSTEES. Jan. 7. [1swtds]
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAIL.—The United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Mil-ton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday at 6 a. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m.
2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m.
3. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Mil-ton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m.
4. From Lancaster by Elizabethton, Middle-town, Karrisburg, Carlisle and Snippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week.—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m.
5. From Chambersburg by McConnells-town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 8 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809.
2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. [2aw6w.]
General Post-Office, Jan. 7.
ADVERTISEMENT. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (if fair, if not the next fair day,) at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND; one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 205 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James Meaux, which was some years ago bought of a Mr. Harry Shackelford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Stills, very little injured, and a large Boiler. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them—those indebted will please to settle theirs as soon as possible—the estate not being in a situation for long indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE. Adm'r with the will annexed of Col. Wm. Nelson. (712aw4f)
By virtue of a deed in trust, executed by Thomas Gibbons and Ann his wife, bearing date the 14th day of September, 1805, to John Patterson and Thomas Smith, to secure the payment of one thousand two hundred and two dollars and ninety-four cents, with interest from the date of said deed, due Richard Billings, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect; will be sold at Matthews court-house on the second Monday in March next, being court day, at public auction, for ready money, the tract of LAND conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid, containing two hundred and twenty acres, more or less, situated lying and being in the county of Matthews aforesaid, on North River, whereon the said Thomas Gibbons lately resided, and was formerly the property of Doctor Frederick W. Hearn, dec'd and by him purchased of John Hayes. BY THE TRUSTEES. Jan 23. (law3w)
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite Col. May's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz. An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold d. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, and gold gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Dirks, Pen Knives, Spoons and Ladies, Sissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ivory Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands, and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily dispatched. December 4. [eptf.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, irs.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Hollands Gin, 4th pf. Cognise Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto, Best green Coffee, Brown & Leaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers. JAMES BRIDGES, Wm. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (tf)
NOTICE.—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price; which consists of a large and superb assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper-hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. W. HAIGHT. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [tf]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky, in the forks of Great Sandy river; 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river; 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks; 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river; Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. (tf)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milch Cows, two Horses, a small Waggon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r of the estate of Alex'r Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (bds.)
FRESH TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas. Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gantzes and young Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. H.) Jan. 12.
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 3rd Dec. 1806, and recorded at the Hastings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807) will be sold without reserve, for ready money, on Thursday the 4th February next, the sloop ALEXANDRIA, burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts. SAMUEL TURNER, DANIEL EPES, } Trustees. January 14. (tfe)
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg in Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order; so that persons inclined to adopt that method of travelling, (but many of whom have been heretofore deterred on account of part of the line having been out of repair) will in future meet in future with a certain, speedy, & comfortable conveyance.—From Petersburg to Fayetteville, the proportion of the line for which the subscribers have contracted, the rate of fare will be seven cents per mile, with a privilege to each passenger of 20lbs. of baggage. Every 150lbs. of baggage over that privilege will pay as one passenger in proportion; but while every attention will be paid to the baggage, there will be no responsibility for its loss. WM. GHOLSON & WALLACE. Brunswick, (Va.) Jan. 14. [10t]
TO RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armory. For MINE, Two SAWMILLS. E. J. HARVEY. Jan. 2. [optf.]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawlegh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending hiselopment, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and if taken within the state and delivered here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jan. Richmond, Dec. 29. [eptf.]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [eptf.]