The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-22 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 22, 1808.
[No. 70.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
BANK OF VIRGINIA. December 15th 1808—The Stockholders are hereby notified that the election of Directors of the Bank, and the several Offices of Discount and Deposit, for the ensuing year, will be held on Monday the 2d day of January.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS , at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town.
Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17.
JUST RECEIVED, a few trunks of BOOTS & SHOES , assorted. They will be sold together very low, or bartered for Produce. Enquire at the store of Messrs. Hovey and Sizoo, D. M. CURTIS.
AN OVERSEER'S PLACE WANTED. The Subscriber offers himself to any gentleman, who is wanting an Overseer; he has had long experience in this line of business, and can be highly recommended. Application to be made by letter or otherwise, to the Subscriber, in Jas. City county, near to Williamsburg. TIMOTHY RICHARDS.
TO JOHN FOWLER of Kentucky, and JORDAN HARRIS, of Virginia, GENTLEMEN, Take notice, that on Thursday the 12th of next month, at John Anderson's Tavern, in New-Canton, I shall proceed to take the depositions of Robert Moseley and others, to continue from day to day, until finished: And on Friday, the 20th of next month, I shall, at Buckingham court-house, again proceed to take the depositions of Daniel Guerrant and others, which depositions are to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendants. PETER GUERRANT.
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR— At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11.
NAPT COTTONS & KERSEYS— The Subscriber has received a consignment of Napt Cottons and Kerseys , which he offers at a reduced price, for cash, or indorsed negotiable notes. ROBERT JOHNSTON.
NOTICE— In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Briggness near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the ship Jane and Rachel , capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1758, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Petersburg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland. GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. His name was spelt Milts or Milnes.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY— At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 3d of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected, the Board of Directors, at their last meeting, on the 29th ultimo, postponed the sale of Shares belonging to delinquent subscribers, generally denominated Stock-Holder, which were advertised to be sold on that day: Resolved, That the Shares of delinquent holders which may be reported as such by the treasurer of this Company, on the 7th day of January next, be on that day sold, at public auction, at the front door of the Swan Tavern in this city. NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, CLK. December 6.
MR. WM. E. WEBB, Administrator of Benjamin Edwards, deceased, North-Carolina— —Please to take notice, that on the second Monday in January next, I shall take the deposition of Mr. Spencer Ball, jr. of Northumberland county, in Virginia, at the court-house of said county, at the tavern occupied by Joseph Rogers at that place, to be used as evidence in the suit depending in chancery in the United States circuit court, held in Richmond for the district of Virginia, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. CHARLES J. LOVE. Nov. 18.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lester's new Wharf: 23 Crates Earthen Ware, 25 Hds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens, IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 Bales green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 5 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Segars, 8 bags Rice, 1 bag Ginger, 1 bag Sassafras, 1 bag Sassafras and Young Hops. For sale by GEORGE WATT. Nov. 4.
MUTUAL ASSURANCE SOCIETY— The General Annual Meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society, against Fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, will be held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, on Monday the 2d day of January next. SAMUEL GREENHOW, Principal Agent. Richmond, General Office of } oawt21J Assurance, Dec. 1, 1808.
* All the Printers in Virginia, and in the town of Alexandria, are requested to publish the above once per week, until the second day of January next. S. G.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST— In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRAFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house.
He deems it unnecessary to say anything concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak.
He has DENTIST'S PREPARED by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. Mr. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place.
A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality for sale. Nov. 29. [1m]
NOTICE— That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "An act concerning the sale of Property under executions and incumbrances," I shall, on Saturday, the 7th day of January next, upon the premises, expose to sale, by public auction, for ready money, the BRICK TENEMENTS , and the Ground thereto belonging, as now occupied by Messrs. Webster, Poore & Prusser, and John B. Walton, opposite the City Hotel, in this city; or so much thereof, as may be necessary to satisfy Debt Call, Esq. acting Executor of Robt. Means, dec'd. the several sums of money now due, and unpaid under the said deed. SAMUEL MCCRAW, Trustee. December 6.
HOBDAI & SEATON, adjoining the City Hotel, on the Cross-Street from the Brick-Row to the Governor's house, respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have commenced business in FANCY & WINDSOR CHAIR-MAKING, TURNING, SIGN-PAINTING, GILDING, &c. and solicit patronage. Intending always to employ the best materials & the best skill in the line of their profession, they hope to give universal satisfaction. December 10. oaw3w
THOMAS WATSON, BOOT & SHOE-MAKER, with sincere thanks to his friends for their former patronage, respectfully informs them and the public, that he continues to carry on business in the various branches of the above Manufactory, 3 doors east of the Bank; where he has on hand, a complete assortment of fashionable BOOTS & SHOES , for sale, on reasonable terms. Orders attended to on the shortest notice. December 8. oaw3w
NOTICE— Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, Sept. 14. (1f)
IN Henrico County Court, November 8, 1808 Wm. Taylor, jr. Complainant—against Price and McCutchen & Hugh Chambers Defendants. The defendants, Price and McCutchen, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this commonwealth: On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered , That the said defendants, Price and McCutchen, do appear here on the third day of the next March term, & answer the complainant's bill: and that a copy of this Order be forthwith inserted in some one of the news-papers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the door of the court-house of this county. A Copy. Teste, J. B. WHITLOCKE, Clerk. December 6. oaw8w
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS.
First resolution under consideration.
Mr. Burwell. I feel bound by the course the debate has taken to express my sentiments upon the resolutions, and place in a proper point of view my conduct and opinions. The view taken of the subject by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) is, to be sure, an extraordinary one; he seems to have considered it a question whether we shall have a free trade or not. Can he seriously believe that to be the true question before the House? Can he hope to impose that belief upon us? In the course of my remarks I will endeavor to show that the question stands upon very different grounds, and that heretofore we have had but a choice of evils, and have but the same hereafter. He has presented as a high-wrought picture of the distress and sufferings of the New-England states generally. Is this intended to operate upon us in favor of free trade? or does the gentleman expect by unfolding to Europe these dreadful calamities, to awaken the tenderness of Mr. Canning, and dispose him by withdrawing the orders of council, to facilitate the removal of the embargo as a measure of inconvenient restriction to the American people? Will this language have a more beneficial effect upon France? No, sir, it requires a firm and decisive tone, manly fortitude to command respect from those governments. But the gentleman, like an indiscreet officer, in a state of siege, while endeavoring to form an honorable capitulation tells his adversary he can hold out no longer, his provisions are exhausted, his men disheartened, and his works of defence tottering. Others have taken a retrospective view of this subject, and say that the government might have avoided the present difficulties if a different course had been adopted. I could have wished that all which is past should be forgotten, and that we should now take the course best adapted to secure the honor and independence of our country;—
but as this government depends upon the will of the people, and derives its strength from their approbation, it is necessary they should know the truth of things urged on this part of the subject. The gentleman from New-York (Mr. Masters) told us yesterday all our difficulties might have been averted by the ratification of the rejected treaty of Monroe and Pinkney; without deciding the merits of that treaty, at the same time yielding every tribute of respect to the talents of the negotiators; I altogether deny the assertion—I beg leave to recal to the attention of gentlemen a single fact. By a reference to the note of Mr. Canning of 23d of September last, you will find the orders of January, 1807 and November 11th, rest upon the same ground, and are defended upon the same principle, the "unquestionable right of his majesty to retort upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice." You well know that of January was issued in seven days after the signature of the treaty, and before its reception in the United States; and supposing therefore the treaty had been ratified, it proves that the same measures would have followed; that part of the argument is completely done away by a reference to that note. With respect to the conduct of our government in relation to G. Britain, the proclamation interdicting your ports and harbors to British ships of war, and the non-importation act, deserve some consideration, particularly the proclamation. It has been stated that all our difficulties have been protracted upon a point of etiquette. The proclamation was not a departure from our neutrality with Great-Britain and France, because it inflicted a penalty for the violation of a general statute, passed in 1804, without reference to a particular nation, and applicable equally to any power that should offend against it. If the ships of France had committed similar outrages, they would, I am confident, have received the same treatment. Do you doubt the violation of the law? Look at the conduct of the squadron. I cannot be reconciled with the independence of the United States, and the proclamation was the hostile rights of sovereignty in this country.
They stopped our vessels, impressed our seamen, attacked our flag, threatened the destruction of Norfolk, and arrayed themselves in complete hostility against us in our own waters. I do not mention these circumstances to excite strong feelings against the nation; I would ask if the United States, could suffer the officers of a foreign government to exercise this power within our territory, and whether, if the French had done the same acts, it would not have been considered blamable to permit them to remain there. If the British navy had conducted themselves right, they would have been entitled to and received the customary hospitality. Is it too much for the U. States to ask as a condition for revoking the proclamation, and inconsistent with the dignity of the British government to give an assurance that their hospitality shall not be again repaid by the violation of their peace? As to the non-importation act, I would ask, can gentlemen believe if it had not passed, the system pursued by G. Britain would have been different? Had not the policy which terminated in the orders of council commenced previous to the passage of your law? Mr. B. contended that the measures adopted by that government grew out of the state of things in Europe, and the peculiar character of the present war. The non-importation act could not have given offence to the English cabinet, because it was a commercial regulation justified by previous injuries, and the discrimination made in England of four per cent. more on goods exported to the U. States, than the continent of Europe; and this country had an undoubted right to countervail it in any way they pleased. England had the less right to complain, as she was in the habit of excluding from her ports, such articles as were objectionable, and in her colonies had placed the exports of the U. States upon terms by no means reciprocal.
Admit for argument's sake, that the act was improper, its policy equivocal, it was not enforced; and therefore the English never experienced any injury from that act. It does not constitute an apology for them. Why ascribe the conduct of England to these causes, when your ministers, Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, have declared to you there were strong and powerful interests in that country, anxious for a war with you; they have told you these interests combine power and wealth sufficient to control the government; and you have been cautioned by Mr. Monroe, in the most propitious moments of his negotiations, against this spirit; that the liberal views of the minister must yield to the clamour of the West India planters, and ship holders, and the impatient avarice of the navy. It is the ascendancy in the cabinet of these influences, thwarted by the war on the continent, which menaces your country with extermination, and your country with servitude. It kept pace precisely with the progress of these events. The first cause of complaint you had was the obstructions to the exportation of foreign articles to the continent, the surplus of similar articles became multiplied in the hands of the British merchants, and the means of disposal gradually lessened, with the conquests of France, and her occupation of the continental sea ports. In order to counteract these effects, they tried to destroy our trade, by declaring the contiguity of the voyage between the colonies and mother country illegal; your vessels were then required to stop in the U. States, change the cargo, and pay or secure the payment of the duties, before they could proceed to the continent. These regulations obviously tended to destroy the superior advantages of the commerce of the U. States, & when France had succeeded in cutting out the British entirely from the trade of the continent, a report of the West-India committee declared, that unless all West-India and colonial produce, was compelled to reach the continent through England, they could not cope with the American merchant; and the planters in the British colonies could not compete with their rivals without absolute loss. To secure the interest of her
planters the American commerce must be depressed. It was the same object which revived the rule of 1756, and extended its application to us, upon principles totally new, and the orders of the 11th November, which followed the execution of the Berlin decree, were intended to give efficacy to this project. Upon this point the gentleman from Massachusetts is good authority; he admitted one of the objects was the annihilation of neutral commerce; he seems however to have forgotten that it was impossible for an American vessel to reach the continent; and argues as if your commerce were perfectly free, overlooking the actual situation of the U. States. You are told by the gentleman from Massachusetts, you have effectually yielded to the operation of the French and British edicts, by withdrawing from the ocean, in conformity to them. I would ask him if we had armed against both powers, in addition to the embargo, whether that would be submission? Yet according to the gentleman's logic, submission consists in refusing to trade with the belligerents. Let us take him upon another ground; he says take off the embargo, and let your vessels go to sea. Well, suppose that to be done; your vessels go to sea, and trade exclusively to G. Britain; for she says you shall go no where else; would that be submission or resistance? Unquestionably submission. But, sir, grant your present system to be submission, is it of that abject kind recommended by the gentleman, which renounces the character of your flag, abandons your property and citizens to the mercy of every picaroon & plunderer on the high sea? Upon the subject of tribute , you are told by him, it will not be paid, if you first go to England—because your merchants will not afterwards go to the continent, as he knows France will confiscate his property. Is it come to this, and are we to be indebted to France, our bitter enemy, for protection? Is the national honor to be deposited in such hands? It is asked, could we not trade to Russia, Denmark and Sweden? Yes, you could go direct , but for the orders of council, which compel you to touch first at a British port, and pay the duty which requires for permission to carry on that commerce to which you have an undoubted right, without imposition or obstruction from that government. In this case who will save your honor , and your people from paying tribute? The gentleman from Mass. admits the trade of the U. States must stop in England; it was upon that ground he endeavored to prove we need not pay tribute—what will be the consequence to the U. States and the New-England people themselves? Why, as England does not employ or consume more than one-third or one-fourth of all your exports, of course you will lose the employment of your shipping in that proportion; what will become of the vessels usually employed in the export trade, in exporting the remaining produce to the continent, when they are absolutely prohibited from approaching it. They will be useless; and it is absurd, in the present state of things, to imagine they would be relieved by taking off the embargo. He tells us, in speaking of the relative importance of the commerce of Massachusetts and Virginia, that the state of Massachusetts exported to the amount of twenty millions of dollars, 15 in foreign and 7 in domestic produce. Great part of the latter is actually the product of Virginia, whose resources he has endeavored to underrate.
In the report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will find the whole U. States exported a little more than one million and a half of foreign produce to England; this is all she wants—will Massachusetts alone export thirteen millions; several other states export as much foreign produce. Can it be necessary to say what will be the consequence of carrying all these goods to G. Britain? Instead of enhancing the value to the proprietor, the loss and depreciation in the price are inevitable. You must pay an export duty of 17 per cent. ad valorem, the consumption in that country being prohibited; and according to the gentleman's account the trade closes there. But admit it may be sent abroad, that it escapes the fangs of French privateers and unprincipled confiscation in French ports—in that case you cannot in addition to the expence of a circuitous voyage, pay 17 per cent. and come into competition with British merchants trading in similar products favored with consumption of the home market, and aided by the drawback, in foreign markets. Sir, you would lose upon the property at least as much as you do here, where by the progress of internal consumption it is gradually going off at its full value. When the gentleman talks about a disposition to sacrifice commerce, a disposition which never did or can exist, what would he say if instead of the British repealing our drawbacks we were to do it? The drawback given by the U. S. to the eastern merchant upon exportation to foster navigation, the British government has undertaken to repeal, and that which we give as a stimulus to enterprise, they extort as a tax upon it. You will find the drawback has been made the standard for the duties imposed by England on foreign exports.
I would again demand, what would these gentlemen say if we should repeal the drawback? They would say you paralyze our commerce, suspend the employment of our capital, and sacrifice us to our rivals. Yet when the very thing is done by a foreign government having no jurisdiction over us, they see nothing hostile to commerce, not a murmur is heard; but they tell you, let the merchants trade, they will not pay tribute, France will prevent that—they are determined upon free trade in spite of drawbacks, circuitous voyages, exposure to captures, new duties and total exclusion from a market. "Every thing," says the gentleman from Massachusetts, "stops in England." How does this affect the remaining branch of your navigation? Such is the amount of the discriminating duty in favor of British vessels & against American, by giving them the preference in the transportation of some of your own produce, you save the whole freight without including other charges incident to the voyage. Can you ships come into competition when it is the interest of the shipper of every article to give your adver-
ry fifty per cent. more than you can carry it for? This fact is demonstrable with the certainty of Arithmetical calculation, and if gentlemen will take the trouble to calculate the discriminating duty upon cotton, they will be satisfied. It is proper to observe a discriminating duty is not a recent thing, the duty is relatively now what it was before; but as the gross amount of duty imposed on American produce by the act of Parliament carrying the orders of Council into effect, has increased, this effect has resulted. Let us examine how the fisheries will be affected, which to some gentlemen are a source of tremendous uneasiness. For these fishermen I sympathise with all my soul, because they are precisely in my own situation. They impose on stock fish 2s. 6d. sterling per cwt. and on every other species 4s. sterling per cwt. Now gentlemen have always told you the fisheries cannot subsist without some special bounty from government.
Will they now contend that that branch of industry can maintain itself against a duty of the fourth part of the value of the fish? Cut off too from its natural market, and forced into one in which there is no demand? The merchant who has patronised the fisheries, and vested his capital in the transportation, will no longer find it his interest to pursue his accustomed traffic in this article to Europe. On the subject of the fisheries I remember a remark of Alexander Baring, who is considered one of the most intelligent merchants in England, that the cutting off our trade with the continent would effectually destroy their own fisheries, because he said they used to sell their fish to the American merchants who sent them to Spain and Portugal, &c. under the neutral flag. How much greater must be the injury when to the loss of the market must be added the expence of double freight and insurance, and a prohibitory instead of a protecting duty? Gentlemen will hardly call this a matter of bounty from his royal majesty. What will be the effect on the planter? I believe I have shown the interests of the eastern merchants and fishermen are completely destroyed. It will be found that similar duties are laid on lumber, and other important articles, operating in the same way as on the fisheries. With respect to the productions of the southern country, let us take tobacco, an article in which I am personally interested. We export annually about 85,000 hds. from the U. States, of which it is stated by Mr. Baring the consumption in England is about 12,000 hds. annually. What will become of the surplus? If lodged in England it will not sell, because the quantity exceeds the demand in England, while the risque of capture and the duties on exportation must confine it to that country & destroy competition among the purchasers. On this subject I beg leave to read a calculation of the tribute to which that article is liable.
  A cargo of Tobacco may be said to consist of 400 hogsheads. For the sake of round numbers we will suppose each hd. weighs only 1000 lbs. and the account stands thus: 400,000 lbs. tobacco at 1 1/2 sterling per lb. is 2,500,000 sterling or $11,100 00   Tonnage at 12s. per ton on 400 ton is 2405 sterling, or 1,065 60   Light money, and about fifty other charges will amount to 800 00   Amount of tribute on each cargo 12,965 60   Deducting the quantity of tobacco consumed in England, and which would go direct but for the orders in council, is compelled to touch in England and pay besides double freight duties, which calculated as above, stands thus—say 63,000, though the real quantity is 74,000 hds. weighing 1000 lb. at 1 1/2 sterling per pound, is 425,000 or $1,998,000 00 each $40,000 00 
Amount of tribute on Tob. $2,338,000 00 The amount of tribute then on 74,000 hogsheads, the quantity consumed on the continent, is 2,338,000 dollars, nearly one half the value of the whole article when shipped from the United States, estimated on the custom-house books at 6,000,000. After having destroyed its value, by depriving us of a market and hindering its consumption, I venture to pronounce that if the embargo was removed, it would not pay the risque and freight, much less the duty. The planter would receive no reward for his labor, and the merchant undertaking the shipment would be ruined. But the gentleman from Massachusetts talks about navigating the ocean as a matter of perfect safety. What are the facts so far as they have transpired? Mr. Gray, (of Salem,) a man whose patriotism has honorably triumphed over the prejudices of party, and whose commercial accuracy will not be questioned, has stated, that out of seven vessels which sailed from that port in the month of December, only one reached the continent, and she had to pay heavy charges to escape confiscation; she was, to use a vulgar saying, whipped and cleared. I have seen a list from a single insurance office in Baltimore, of vessels cleared out from the 1st of September to the 22d December, and out of fifteen which sailed for the continent, in that time only two escaped—two were condemned, two acquitted, and nine remain in jeopardy. Why then will gentlemen tell us we can carry on commerce, when such vessels as have sailed have been devoted to certain capture? In the case of the Insurance company to which I have alluded, the loss of property was calculated at a risque of 60 per cent. on its whole value, and in the case of the port of Salem, at a risque at least as great. With respect to the trade with the French and Spanish colonies, which was open when the embargo was laid, every body knows we had enough of some of their articles to serve this country for five years to come—we were overstocked—they would be of no value in the U. S. and why then bring them here? For I have before shown if they had been brought, they could not have been re-exported with safety or profit.
This then being the state of affairs at the time the embargo was laid, it becomes proper to speak of the policy which governed my vote. It has been echoed from every part of the House, that the embargo has failed in its purpose; that it has not started and

droit England and France to our feet; I had no such expectation. As far as I recollect, what I thought or said at the time of its passage, no such consequence as starving the belligerents was anticipated—I advocated it as a precautionary measure; in that point of view it has not disappointed my expectations. It has answered then fully, because it has saved the property which was in port, and got in that which was out; a sum equal to 100,000,000 of dollars.
It has yet saved us from war, and what is equally important, it has saved us from tribute. I had another object; to give an opportunity to appeal to their interests, & ascertain whether the belligerents would respect our rights or not. As for what Mr. Canning insinuates, that we looked for the downfall of the British nation from our measures, I did not anticipate such an effect, neither did I with that view support the present system. I contend for nothing but free trade, and ask nothing more of them, nor will I ever be content with less. I am one of those who have always considered the British nation safer than it has been within an hundred years; her relative situation is incontestably more firm than it was at the commencement of the French revolution. Is there a navy on the ocean to oppose her? No. She has swept from that element every thing under the name of a ship of war; a danger of internal commotion which threatened her at the commencement of the present war, no longer exists from the example of the French revolution; no man can suppose that the example of France could now invite emulation; it has ceased to be contagious; the systems resemble too much—all honest men loath and detest with abhorrence, the habitual violation of national rights, whatever may be her internal regulations. In estimating the policy of the embargo when laid, and the effects it would have produced, we should bear in mind the situation of Europe, that was peculiarly favorable for an appeal to the commercial interest of G. Britain. Mr. C. himself admits it was a state in which such an attempt was most likely to succeed; at that time she was excluded from the continent of Europe, and the want of the commerce of the U. S. would have been sensibly felt by her. If the coercive effects of the embargo have been partially defeated by the change which has since occurred in Spain; no one can consider it as an error in our calculations at the time, because it could not be foreseen. (Mr. Burwell's speech to be continued.)
Table with 3 columns: State, Republican, Federal. Rows include N. Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, N. Carolina, S. Carolina. Totals for Vice-President: G. Clinton, R. King.
In New-York, for President, Mr. Madison 13, Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3, Mr. Monroe 3. The Electors of Vermont have given 6 votes for James Madison as President, and 6 for John Langdon as Vice-President.
The following extract of a letter from a member of the legislature marks the triumphant ascendancy of republicanism, and places the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency beyond all doubt, his actual votes now amounting to 161.
Columbia, Dec. 6.—We yesterday proceeded to the election of Electors for President and Vice-President of the U. States, and it gives me great pleasure to state that not a shadow of opposition to the republican nomination was made—136 votes were given and several of the electors had 134, 133, 132, and so on. We have about fifteen federalists in both houses, some of these voted for the ticket, and about seven did not vote. The electors have just opened their door & declared that they have given an unanimous vote for James Madison, as President, and George Clinton, as Vice-President; so that you see this business has ended here as we all wished. Indeed it is a pleasing reflection that may be made on our state, it can be said that nothing like division exists in it.
The following are the Electors chosen: Joseph Gist, John Wilson, John McMorris, Wm. Strother, Wm. Limmerman, Joseph Bellinger, Langdon Cheves, Paul Hamilton, Samuel Mays, Wm. Roue. The legislature of South-Carolina have elected John Drayton, a decided republican, Governor.
On the 14th inst. a deputation of Cherokees, consisting of six chiefs, two of whom have with them their wives, accompanied by their agent, col. Meigs, arrived in this city. Their object is we understand, to consult with the President of the U. States on subjects interesting to them, and particularly to manifest the respect and affection of their nation for him before his departure from office. Nat. Int.
In reply to the enquiries of a committee of the House of Representatives, the Secretary of the Navy has returned the following answer:
NAVY DEPARTMENT, December 7, 1808. Sir—I have received your letter of the 31st. inst. and, in answer, have the honor to state, that the accompanying paper, marked A, exhibits the additional number of officers and seamen required for the public service; none of which could be employed without the authority of a special act of Congress. The same paper also exhibits the number of marines required, in addition to the present establishment; for the employment of which provision by law will be necessary. Paper B, exhibits a view of the annual expense of maintaining in service the number of officers, petty officers, seamen and
Table with 2 columns: Item, Amount. Rows include For pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, 1,077,834; For provisions, 490,554 31; For hospital account, 30,000; For repairs of vessels, 445,000; For contingent account, comprising freight, store rent, commissions to agents, travelling expenses, &c. 150,000; For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, 186,520 70; For clothing, 44,699 50; For military stores, 6,706; For hospital account, 3,000; For contingent account, 19,035; For navy yards, 60,000; For ordnance, 150,000. Total: $2,662,949 51.
I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant, R. SMITH. Honorable R. Nelson, Chairman of the Committee on military & naval establishments. A, states the additional number of officers, seamen and marines, required for the public service, which cannot be employed without the authority of a special act of Congress, as follows—234 midshipmen, 2,000 seamen, 144 corporals, and 162 private marines.
SENATE—DECEMBER 17. The bill to authorise and require the President of the United States to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. States, was read the third time and passed. The bill appropriates 400,000 dollars. The bill making further provision for enforcing the embargo, was read the third time; when a debate commenced on its passage. Mr. Goodrich spoke at length against the bill, when the Senate adjourned without taking the question.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. FRIDAY, December 16. A motion was made by Mr. Gardenier, that when the House adjourn, it do adjourn to Monday. Negatived by yeas and nays, 58 to 45. Mr. Lewis reported a bill supplementary to an act, entitled, "An act to amend the charter of the town of Alexandria." PIKE'S EXPEDITION. Mr. J. Montgomery reported a bill making compensation to capt. Z. M. Pike and his companions. These bills were twice read and referred to committees of the whole House. REPORT ON FINANCES. The Speaker laid before the House the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The report having been read— Mr. Randolph said, as this was an extremely interesting report, he hoped means would be taken for expediting the printing, and that more than the ordinary number would be printed. Mr. G. W. Campbell moved that 2000 copies of the report be printed, and the usual number of the documents accompanying it. Carried.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The second resolution (relative to non-intercourse) reported by the committee of the whole being yet under consideration— Mr. Newton supported it, and the report generally, in a speech of about two hours and a half. When the House adjourned, 53 to 52.
SATURDAY, December 17. SALT. The following resolution offered by Mr. Livermore, was ordered to lie upon the table. Resolved, That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting certain vessels to depart from the harbors of the United States, for the purpose of importing SALT, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise. QUESTION ON NON-INTERCOURSE DECIDED. The following resolution again under consideration: Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit by law, the admission into the ports of the U. States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great-Britain—or France—or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States—and also the importation of any goods, wares and merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either. Mr. Rhea (T.) supported it in a speech of two hours. Mr. Taggart opposed it in a speech of the same length. The resolution was divided into different questions as marked by the dashes (—) in the resolution; and after many motions to adjourn, and amendments offered, which were withdrawn or declared out of order, about 9 o'clock the question was taken on the following member of the resolution: "Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain," and CARRIED by Yeas and Nays, ninety-two to twenty-nine. Previous to taking the first question, Mr. Gardenier spoke for half an hour against the part interdicting British vessels. And the question being taken on the next member—"or France," was CARRIED, ninety-seven to twenty-four. And the question being taken on the next member—"or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States"—was CARRIED, ninety-six to twenty-six. Mr. Randolph now made a speech of two hours and half against the remaining clause of the resolution. When, at near twelve o'clock, the question was taken on the last clause in the following words—"and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either," and CARRIED, eighty-two to thirty-six.
Marines, required, in the opinion of the President, in addition to the number already estimated for in the annual estimate presented to the House through the Secretary of the Treasury. This additional estimate, added to the estimate presented through the Treasury Department, will make the different items of the necessary appropriations as stated below, viz. For pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, 1,077,834; For provisions, 490,554 31; For hospital account, 30,000; For repairs of vessels, 445,000; For contingent account, comprising freight, store rent, commissions to agents, travelling expenses, &c. 150,000; For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, 186,520 70; For clothing, 44,699 50; For military stores, 6,706; For hospital account, 3,000; For contingent account, 19,035; For navy yards, 60,000; For ordnance, 150,000. Total: $2,662,949 51.
EUROPE.
EXPOSITION. Of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the Crown of Spain, and the means adopted by the emperor of the French to carry it into execution—by Don PEDRO C. VALLOS, first secretary of state, and dispatches, to his Catholic Majesty, Ferdinand VII. (CONTINUED.)
WHILST the Emperor kept Europe in suspense by his journey to Milan and Venice, he thought fit to answer the letters, which he had some time before received from the Royal Father, assuring his majesty, that he never had the slightest information of the circumstances which he communicated respecting his son the Prince of Asturias, nor ever received any letter from his Royal Highness. Nevertheless, his majesty consented to the proposed intermarriage with a Princess of his family, undoubtedly with an intention of amusing the Royal Parents; whilst he was sending into Spain, under various pretexts, all the troops which he had then disposable, and was studiously propagating an idea that he was favorable to the cause of the Prince of Asturias, and thus endeavoring to captivate the good opinion of the Spanish nation.
The Royal Parents, struck with the terror which this conduct of the Emperor naturally inspired, and the Favorite being still more astonished, opposed no obstacle to the entrance of the French troops into the peninsula; on the contrary, they gave the most effectual orders, that they should be received and treated even on a better footing than the Spanish troops. The Emperor, under the pretence of consulting the security of these troops, ordered his Generals, by stratagem of force, to get possession of the fortresses of Pampeluna, St. Sebastian, Figueras, and Barcelona, which alone could present any obstacle to an invasion. They were accordingly taken by fraud and surprise, to the indignation and sorrow of the whole nation, to which the French still affected to profess friendship and alliance.
The Emperor, conceiving himself already master of all Spain, and thinking the time had arrived for accelerating his measures, thought proper to write a letter to the Royal Father, complaining, in the bitterest terms, that his majesty had not renewed his application for an Imperial Princess for his son the Prince of Asturias. The King was pleased to return for answer, that he adhered to his former proposal, and was willing that the marriage should immediately take place. Some important proceeding was still necessary to carry the project to a proper degree of maturity, and the Emperor not willing to trust it to writing, thought he could not find a better instrument than Don Eugenio Izquierdo, whom he had detained in Paris in a state of great dejection and terror, that had been artfully impressed upon him for the purpose of his more effectually executing his commission, by impressing the Royal Parents and the Favorite with the same feelings.
In this state of things, the Emperor ordered Izquierdo to repair to Spain, which he accordingly did, in a very precipitate and mysterious manner. According to his verbal statements, he brought no proposal in writing with him, nor was he to receive any, and he had orders to remain only three days. At his arrival, under these circumstances, at Aranjuez, the Favorite conducted him to the presence of the Royal Parents, and their conferences were conducted with so much secrecy, that it was impossible for any one to discover the object of his mission; but soon after his departure from this capital, their majesties began to shew a disposition to abandon the Metropolis and the Peninsula, and to emigrate to Mexico.
The recent example of the determination taken by the Royal Family of Portugal, seemed to have fully corresponded with the views of the Emperor, and there is reason to think that his imperial majesty promised himself a similar success in Spain. But he must have been very ignorant of the Spanish character, to flatter himself with such expectations. Scarcely had the first reports gone abroad, of the intention of the Royal Family to abandon their residence, a resolution clearly indicated by the many preparations which were going on, when discontent and fear were depicted in the most lively colors in the features of all the inhabitants of the capital, and of all ranks and classes of persons. This alone was sufficient to induce their majesties to refute the rumor, and to assure the people that they would not abandon them.
Nevertheless, such was the general distrust—such the magnitude of the evils which must have resulted, and such & so many the symptoms of a determination to emigrate, that every one was on the alert, and all seemed to be impressed with the necessity of preventing a measure pregnant with so many mischiefs. The danger increased, and the fears of the public kept pace with it. The consequence was, that the commotion of Aranjuez, on the 17th and 19th of March, burst forth like a sudden explosion; the people being led by a sort of instinct of self-preservation. The result was, the imprisonment of the Favorite, who, without the title of king, had exercised all the functions of royalty. Scarcely had this tempestuous scene taken place, when the Royal Parents finding themselves deprived of the support of their Favorite, took the unexpected but voluntary resolution which they had for some time entertained to abdicate the throne, as they accordingly did in favor of their son and heir the Prince of Asturias.
The Emperor, ignorant of this sudden event, and perhaps never supposing that the Spaniards were capable of displaying such resolution, had ordered Prince Murat to advance with his army towards Madrid, under the idea that the Royal Family were already on the coast, and on the point of embarking, and that far from meeting the slightest obstacle on the part of the people, all of them would receive him with open arms, as their deliverer and guardian angel. He conceived that the nation was in the highest degree dissatisfied with their government, and never reflected that they were only dissatisfied with the abuses which had crept into the administration of it. The instant the grand duke of Berg was apprized of the occurrences at Aranjuez, he advanced with his whole army to occupy the capital of the kingdom; intending, no doubt, to profit by the occasion, and to take such steps as
Compare this statement, with the contents of the letter (No. 3) from his imperial majesty to King Ferdinand, in which he acknowledges having received the letter written to him by the Prince of Asturias, on the suggestion of Ambassador Beauharnais.
he had best calculated to realize, by and as soon as, the plan of making himself master of Spain. In the mean while, the mysterious obscurity of the emperor's projects, the proximity of his troops, and the ignorance in which Ferdinand VII was, of the real object of the emperor's approach, induced the King to adopt such measures as appeared to his majesty best calculated to conciliate the good will of the emperor. Not satisfied with having communicated his accession to the throne, in the most friendly and affectionate terms, the king appointed a deputation of three grandees of Spain to proceed to Bayonne, and in his name to compliment his imperial majesty. He also appointed another grandee of Spain to pay a similar compliment to the grand duke of Berg, who had already arrived in the vicinity of Madrid.
One of the contrivances which the French agent immediately had recourse to, was to assure the king, and to spread the rumor in all quarters, that his imperial majesty's arrival might be expected every moment. Under this impression, necessary orders were given for preparing apartments in the palace suitable to the dignity of so august a guest; and the king wrote to him to the emperor how agreeable it would be to him to be personally acquainted with his majesty, and to assure him with his own lips, of his ardent wishes to strengthen more and more the alliance which subsisted between the two sovereigns.
The grand duke of Berg had in the mean time entered Madrid at the head of his troops. He was no sooner acquainted with the state of affairs than he began to sow discord. He spoke in a mysterious manner of the abdication of the crown, executed by the royal father in favor of his son, amidst the tumults of Aranjuez, and gave it to be understood, that until the emperor had acknowledged Ferdinand VII it was impossible for him to take any step that should appear like an acknowledgement, and that he must be under the necessity of treating only with the royal father.
This pretext did not fail to produce the effect which the grand duke intended. The royal parents, the moment they were informed of this circumstance, availed themselves of it to save the favorite, who remained in confinement, and in whose favor Prince Murat professed to take an interest, for the sole purpose of flattering their majesties, mortifying Ferdinand VII, and sowing fresh matter of discord between the parents and the son.
In this state of things the new king made his public entry into Madrid, without any other parade than the most numerous concourse of all the inhabitants of the capital and its environs, the strongest expressions of love and loyalty, and the applauses and acclamations which sprung from the joy and enthusiasm of his subjects—a scene truly grand and impressive, in which the young king was seen like a father in the midst of his children, entering his capital as the regenerator and guardian angel of the monarchy.
The duke of Berg was an eye witness of this scene; but far from abandoning his plan, he resolved to persist in it with greater ardor. The experiment upon the royal parents produced the desired effect; but whilst the beloved King, who came to the throne under such good auspices, continued to be present, it was impossible to carry the plan into execution. It was, therefore, necessary to make every effort to remove Ferdinand VII from Madrid.
To accomplish this purpose, the grand duke every moment spread reports of the arrival of a fresh courier with accounts of the emperor's departure from Paris, and that he might be speedily expected to arrive in this capital. He directed his efforts in the first instance to induce the infant don Carlos to set off to receive his imperial majesty, upon the supposition that his highness must meet him before he had proceeded two days upon his journey. His majesty acceded to the proposal, being influenced by the purest and most beneficent intentions. He had no sooner succeeded in procuring the departure of the infant, than he manifested the most anxious desire that the king should do the same, leaving no means untried to persuade his majesty to take this step, and assuring him that it would be attended by the most happy consequences to the king and the whole kingdom.
At the same time that the grand duke of Berg, the ambassador, and all the other agents of France, were proceeding in this course, they were, on the other side, busily employed with their royal parents, to procure from them a formal protest against the abdication of the crown, which they had executed spontaneously, and with the accustomed solemnities, in favor of their son and legitimate heir.
His majesty being incessantly urged to go to meet the emperor, painfully hesitated between the necessity of performing an act of courtesy to his ally, which he was assured would be attended with such advantageous results, and his reluctance to abandon his loyal and beloved people under such critical circumstances.
In this embarrassing situation, it can assert, that my constant opinion, as the king's minister, was, that his majesty should not leave his capital until he received certain information that the emperor was already arrived in Spain, and was approaching Madrid; and that even then, he should only proceed to a distance so short as not to render it necessary to sleep one night out of his capital.
His majesty for some time persisted in the resolution of not quitting Madrid until he received certain advice of the emperor's approach; and he would have probably continued in that determination, had not the arrival of gen. Savary added greater weight to the reiterated solicitations of the grand duke, and the ambassador Beauharnais.
Gen. Savary was announced as envoy from the emperor, and in that capacity demanded an audience from his majesty, which was immediately granted. At this audience he professed that he was sent by the emperor merely to compliment his majesty, and to know whether his sentiments with respect to France were conformable to those of the king his father, in which case the emperor would forego all consideration of what had passed, would in no degree interfere in the internal concerns of the kingdom, and would immediately recognise his majesty as king of Spain and the Indies.
The most satisfactory answer was given to gen. Savary, and the conversation was continued in terms so flattering, that nothing more could have been desired. The audience terminated with an assurance upon his part, that the emperor had already left Paris, that he was near Bayonne, and on his way to Madrid. (To be continued.)
LONDON, Oct. 17. DIVISION OF TURKEY.
The following project for the dismemberment of European Turkey, is the substance of some observations made by the French General Lauriston, while speaking of the distracted state of the Ottoman government, and is communicated by an officer of L'Unite frigate, cruising off Ragusa;—
France to have Albania, Greece, the Morea and the islands. Russia to retain its conquests in Moldavia and Besserabia. Austria (in the event of her acceding to the confederacy) to receive Bosnia, Servia and Macedonia—Austria ceding to France the Lithorage. The provinces of Wallachia, Bulgaria and Roumelia, to be erected into a separate kingdom for the Grand Duke Constantine, with the title of King of Thrace; Constantinople to be his capital.
The disposition of the Asiatic provinces is not mentioned, and they are possibly reserved for some future arrangement.
REPORTS FROM INDIA. The late dispatches from India are said to be of a less pacific character than those previously received. An unusual activity of negotiation among the native powers has induced apprehensions that the emissaries of France have, to a certain degree, succeeded in estranging some of the chiefs from their connexion with the company. Scindea lately sent some valuable presents to Holkar, and circumstances have arisen to induce suspicion in the British government as to the object of the intercourse at present carrying on between those princes.
The British residents have, in consequence, been instructed to watch the progress of their negotiation, and measures have been adopted to guard against any possible hostility on their part. There appears to be a new and extensive intercourse amongst other of the native powers, particularly the Rajahs of Jodpore and Jypore, but the object or result has not transpired. Scindea has obtained possession of the fort of Islamabad, with the lands adjacent, and has taken up his residence there, for the purpose of making various civil and military arrangements which he states had long been in his contemplation. Observer.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 14. Yesterday morning arrived within the Hook, the ship Favorite, Pierce from Cadiz, which port she left the 11th of Oct. The passengers came up from the ship in a pilot-boat. One of them is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Irving, to the Secretary of State.
We have received by the above arrival Madrid and Seville Gazettes, to the 8th of October; but their contents have been anticipated, through London papers. We learn by the passengers that the American vessels detained under the Berlin decree, at Algiers, had not been released. They further inform us, that the patriots of Spain were confident in the belief that they should eventually succeed in expelling from their territories the disturbers of Europe. The harbor of Cadiz was full of British merchantmen, laden with rich cargoes, which would not bring more than first cost. The French fleet remained in Cadiz, with the exception of one 74, which had been dispatched to Lima by the Spanish government.
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated 10th Oct. 1808.
The Junta of Seville has opened the trade of the Province to the English. Cotton manufactures, formerly prohibited, are allowed to be imported on paying a duty of 15 per cent. Sugar, coffee, and cocoa, in English or American vessels, are admitted (provided the property is British) paying double what is paid when imported in Spanish vessels. This harbor is full of British vessels, loaded with West-India and British productions, on which an immense sum must be sunk.
Provisions of every kind are extremely low. Tobacco would bring 22 to 25 dollars; but the moment the embargo is raised in America, it will probably fall to 10 dollars or less. I would caution all my friends in America against shipments to this, or indeed almost any foreign country, immediately after the embargo is raised: as such immense shipments must be made to all parts that every market will be over-stocked.
From accounts from the Havana, as late as the 20th of Nov. by the ship Four Friends, it appears that the late acting American agent there closed his office on the 18th of that month; declining in the present difficulties of the times to take upon himself the risk of exercising the duties of his office, whilst such an exercise was obnoxious to the Spanish government, rendered more so at this time. It is also understood that the British agent, major Foster, had been refused an acknowledgment by the government in that capacity, although otherwise very respectfully treated. This latter event is no doubt founded upon the principle, which was suggested a short time since in this Gazette, which led to the supposed answer given to the British commissioner, col. Williamson; that the government would not agree to any new commercial propositions, until they should see what, in the new state of affairs, would be hereafter proposed or adopted in Old Spain; the laws of which forbid the formal recognition of any foreign agents in their colonies. The departure of major Foster therefore from the Havana, who holds another office—as aid-de-camp to the Duke of Manchester, the governor of Jamaica, is not to be viewed as having been occasioned by any unfriendly conduct towards him or his government. Accounts were also received by the Four Friends, that flour had fallen, at the Havana, to 20 dollars per bbl.
DOMESTIC.
From the N. York Gazette, Dec. 16. The British Packet Chesterfield, Capt. Gibson, sailed yesterday morning at 11 o'clock with a fine breeze from N. W. direct for Falmouth—Upwards of 40 passengers went out in her, among them were—
Col. Trumbull and lady, Mr. Maitland, Mrs. Charles Ogden, Mr. W. Witherspoon, Mrs. Mann, Mr. Smith and 2 children, Mr. Alex. Gilispie, Mr. Walker, Mr. Coquerebert, two Mr. Browns from Baltimore, and Mr. Richard H. Morris and nephew.
We are assured that our government has lately received official accounts of the late revolution in Spain, as well as copies of all the acts and proclamations of the Junta of Seville, and of the organization of the central government; as also an account of a correspondence between Mr. Irving, our charge d'affairs at Madrid and the new government. From which correspondence it appears that Mr. Irving has conducted himself with great prudence in his official capacity. While the ambassadors of all the other powers at Madrid, acknowledged Joseph Bonaparte as king, Mr. Irving, much to his praise, had the fortitude not to commit his government by such an acknowledgment. The central government assures Mr. Irving, that the American vessels in the ports of Spain under sequestration shall be delivered up. ib.
THE MILITIA—DELAWARE QUOTA. We are informed, that the governor of Delaware, who received orders to draft the quota of 100,000 militia, replied that he should issue no orders on that subject until he had been informed of the object for which the troops were to be raised. As commander in chief of the state forces, he considered it, as well entitled to such a

formation. He also wrote to one of the state representatives, Mr. White, to procure the information, who accordingly made a motion to the senate with the view of drawing forth the real object of the measure. The information, however, was not rendered, nor has any step been taken to organise the quota of Delaware.— Pol. Register.
Extract of a letter, dated Leghorn Aug. 26. "The American schooner, John, Chayton, from La Guaira, with a cargo of 200,000 wt. of coffee, 100 ceros indigo, and cotton, was seized here by the French government, her sails and rudder taken away; and she will probably be condemned under the Banne decree." The last decree of Bonaparte was issued in consequence of the American embargo, which enabled him to declare, that all American vessels found at sea, or arriving in any port, after a certain period, must be concerned in an illicit trade; and therefore liable to French condemnation.— Merc. Adv.
A gentleman in Cadiz, under date of October 9, says, it is rumored that the Supreme Junta of this government are about to take into consideration the propriety of reclaiming from the United States the territory of Louisiana, which had been clandestinely exported from Spain by France, and by the latter, illegally transferred to the U. States. Flour at Cadiz only 7 dollars.—West-India produce abundant and but little demanded.— Phil. Gaz.
In the Constitutional Court of the state of South Carolina, November Term, 1808. At the unanimous request of the bar, the Court ordered the rule, which requires the members to appear in court with black coats and gowns, to be so far altered, as to permit any other colour to be worn, provided it should be of the growth and manufacture of the United States. The members of the bar thereupon agreed to appear in Court in future, dressed in full suits of domestic manufacture and recommended the adoption of Dark Grey as a color the most grave and the easiest to be procured.
FROM WASHINGTON, Dec. 13.
The second resolution of the report of the committee on our foreign relations passed, a little before one o'clock this morning (Sunday) after every endeavor on the part of the minority to adjourn without taking the question. Mr. Gardenier spoke a considerable time after dark, and Mr. Randolph occupied the floor for about two hours and an half in a speech abounding with sarcasm and pique, in which the majority were not sparingly dealt with. Several questions of order were taken, and ten for adjournment were negatived after candle light, on eight of which they had the yeas and nays taken. The house adjourned at the time above-mentioned, the speaker having occupied his chair for above twelve hours.— Alex. Daily Gazette.
Our Letter from Washington states— "After various frivolous motions for the purposes of delay by different members of the House, Mr. John Randolph at about half after nine rose, as usual very feeble and unwell and delivered what he called desultory observations for about two hours and a half." Enquirer.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 14.
Mr. Sempie from the Committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration, so much as is to the referred, of the petition of sundry inhabitants of Frederick county, and have come to the following resolution thereupon:
Resolved, That such part of the said petition as prays that an act may pass appointing trustees of an Academy in the town of Stevensburg in the said county, investing them with power to receive and hold property for the benefit thereof, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
Mr. Sempie from the committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Elizabeth Sponsler, alias Kimberland, to them referred, and have agreed upon a report and come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee that in a short time after the marriage of the petitioner, in the year 1799, with her husband Martin Kimberland, without alleging any reason therefor, he absent himself from her about eighteen months; that some time after his return to the county of Wythe, where the petitioner resided with her father Daniel Sponsler, the said Martin was charged with an attempt to shoot the said Daniel, examined therefor, but acquitted; that some time afterwards he abandoned the petitioner & removed to the state of Kentucky, where he was convicted of horse stealing, and was for some time imprisoned therefor; that he afterwards removed from that state, but has not returned to Virginia, and has now been absent therefrom about five years; Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the said Elizabeth Kimberland, praying that an act may pass for dissolving her said marriage, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
Mr. Yerby from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, made the following report:
The committee of Propositions and Grievances, have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Campbell, to them referred, and have come to the following resolution thereupon:
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of Campbell and the adjoining counties, praying that the inspection of tobacco heretofore established in the town of Brookneal, within the said county of Campbell, may be revived, and the owners of lots within the said town may be allowed the further time of five years to build on and improve the same, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
Mr. Yerby from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, presented the following bills:
A bill "For dividing the county of Harrison."
A bill "For dividing the county of Kanawha, and for other purposes."
A petition was presented and read from Wm. Carrilers, praying the interference of the Legislature, with respect to the arrearages of taxes due to the Commonwealth, on certain lands purchased by him under the law of the U. States, for laying and collecting a direct tax.
Also a petition of Robert Gilmore, of Lancaster county, praying that the amount of a judgment against the petitioner, in the district court of Northumberland, at the suit of the Commonwealth on an indictment, which has been paid into the public treasury, may be refunded to the petitioner.
Also a petition of Sarah B. Campbell, widow of Robert Campbell, dec'd, praying the passage of a law to vest in her the Commonwealth's right to the lands of which said Robert Campbell died possessed.
Also a petition of the inhabitants of the town
of Manchester, praying that trustees of an academy or seminary of learning in the said town may be incorporated and vested with necessary powers to effect the purposes of the institution.
Referred to the Committee for Courts of Justice.
A petition was presented and read from the trustees of the town of Martinsville, praying further time to be allowed to the owners of lots in the said town to improve the same.
Also a petition from sundry inhabitants of Nelson county, praying the passage of a law, making provision for changing the place for holding courts in the said county, from that selected by the commissioners appointed for that purpose, under the law for dividing the county of Amherst.
Referred to the Committee of Propositions & Grievances.
A petition was presented and read from Richard M. Chichester, praying to be relieved from the consequences of a judgment obtained against him at the suit of the Commonwealth, in the district court of Hay-Market; and the question being put on the reference of the said petition, it passed in the negative.
A petition was presented and read from Richard Royall and Worsham Anderson, acting executors of John Clarke, dec'd, praying to be relieved from the consequences of a decision of the Court of Appeals against them as executors aforesaid, at the suit of James and Archibald Freeland.
On motion, Ordered, That the said petition, with the accompanying documents, be laid upon the table.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To establish public warehouses, and for other purposes;" and that Messrs. Willis, Graham, Tyler, Grubbs, Barbour, Strother, Murdaugh, Noland, Sligh, Purnell, and Sheffey, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To make provision for opening a road from Botetourt courthouse to the Sweet-Springs;" and that Messrs. Sempie, Estill, Beirne, Dickenson, Blair, McLaughlin, Morrow, M'Farlane, Lundy, Jeffries, Rowland, and M'Clanahan, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To amend the several laws regulating elections;" and that Messrs. Daniel, Cabell, Watson, Walker, Slaughter, Lundy, Ritchie, and Hairston, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To amend an act, entitled an act, concerning public roads;" and that Messrs. Noland, Strother, Pope, Sheffey, J. Allen, Graham, Miller, Peyton, Corbin, Congleton, Willis, Edmonds and Barret, do prepare and bring in the same.
On motion, Resolved, That the committee appointed to enquire into the state of the Manufacture of Arms, be authorised to send for persons papers and records, for their information.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 23, 1808.
A BRIEF SKETCH of the Proceedings in the H. of D. on Monday last, on the Report of the Special Committee, published in our last paper.
After reading the Preamble and Resolutions, the question was put on the first Resolution.
Mr. Noland stated, that whatever might be his opinions of the sentiments contained in the Preamble, or the causes which had led our country into its present embarrassments, he wished the resolution to meet with the Unanimous vote of the House. He therefore moved, that the word "Unanimously" be inserted after the word "Resolved."
Mr. Pope seconded the motion.
Mr. Wooding moved, that the Preamble and Resolutions be referred to a Committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth—On so important a subject, there ought to be ample time for deliberation.
Mr. Banks seconded the motion.
Mr. Murdaugh opposed the reference. He believed there was not a man in this nation, who was not ready to set his blood as a seal to this resolution.
Mr. Ote opposed the reference.
Mr. Sheffey approved it. Though he did not know whether there was a single fact or point in the report, to which he had the slightest objection, yet he thought it entitled to mature reflection. The most common subjects pass this inquisition. But is not this the most important subject? Our independence itself is involved; and the more important the subject, the more worthy it is of deliberation.
Mr. Pope quoted the adage, that the woman who deliberates, is lost. The nation that deliberates upon the assertion of its rights, in the midst of a heap of injuries, was undone.
Mr. Frantz. Some of the Eastern States are said to have disapproved of such resolutions. Let them not then have to say, that we have rapidly run into this measure.—Let it be adopted on cool deliberation only.
Mr. Storrs. The facts stated in the Report, are notoriously true. They have run through every section of this country. Why then coldly sit down to deliberate on facts, which are known to all? He trusted that the House would act off-hand on this subject, which had been introduced into every cotage in the U. S.
The question of reference was put and lost.
The first Resolution was then carried, & the word "Unanimously" inserted.
The second Resolution was then read—and Mr. Noland moved the insertion of the word "unanimously" after the word "Resolved"—carried without opposition.
The 3d. Resolution was then read, and on the motion of the same Gentleman, the same amendment was made—carried without opposition.
The question was then put on agreeing to the preamble.—Mr. Noland called for the ayes and noes.
Mr. Murdaugh moved that the words "too often repeated" be stricken out in the following sentence:
"These efforts"—("to obtain the redress of our wrongs, by amicable adjustment") have not, in the opinion of your committee, been either too often repeated, or too long continued.
Speaking as a man, who felt for the honor of his country, he had no hesitation in saying, that she was degraded in her own eyes, and could only recover her standing, by inflicting revenge on her assailants. She had drunk the cup of humiliation to the dregs. She should before this have drawn the sword.—After inspecting the Report itself, Mr. M. moved to strike out the whole sentence.
Mr. Wirt begged leave to show, that the sense would be utterly broken and abolished, unless other sentences in the same paragraph were also stricken out—so closely were its parts interwoven together.—Here Mr. W. read the whole paragraph, at the end of which occurs the following sentence,
immediately succeeding the one which formed the subject of Mr. M's. motion:
"They"—("these efforts") "will convince the world, that peace is indeed our wish; and if at length we shall be forced into war, we shall take the field with that animated and firm determination which injured honor feels, when every effort at peace has been exhausted, and no alternatives remain, but war on the one hand, and disgrace and oppression on the other."
Mr. W. desired unanimity on this subject. He suggested whether it would not be best to commit the preamble, that the committee might attempt to model it in such a way, as to produce this desirable effect.
Mr. Barbour was also solicitous to obtain unanimity. If he thought that there could be any compromise on such a subject, he would also agree to a commitment. But believing such an expectation to be absolutely hopeless, he should oppose the reference.—He was opposed to delay. If it was important to act on the subject at all, now is the proper moment. Speculations were forming on the other side of the water, that the Embargo would not be supported. Similar suggestions were pervading the Eastern States. Let us give to this report a cordial and immediate support.—This sentiment in the Report, met his warmest approbation. The efforts to obtain redress by amicable adjustment, had not been "too often repeated."
Mr. Murdaugh enquired of the Chair, whether the preamble could not be committed.
The Speaker thought, that after the House had decided against committing the Preamble and Resolutions, the Preamble itself could not now be committed.
Mr. Murdaugh appealed from the decision of the Chair.
The House confirmed the decision.
Mr. Sheffey enquired, whether the Preamble could not be laid on the table.
The Chair thought it would be in order.
Mr. Sheffey had desired a mature deliberation on this subject, and was originally in favor of the recommitment of the Report. The discussion now before the House would show the propriety of that motion.—It was best to allow time for consideration. The gentleman from Norfolk thought that the sword ought to have been sooner drawn, he would hereafter be able to show it. For his own part, he approved of the Report as it now stood; but still he wished to give gentlemen an opportunity of showing, that another course of measures would have been the best. Even in the most petty business, all bills are read three times. Why? To give ample time for deliberation. But here, in the most important matter, where the great laws of nations are referred to, gentlemen are for precipitating the decision. The committee may have examined these points, but no gentleman should take their opinions on trust. Some may have so brilliant a genius, as to penetrate this mass of matter at once. But for his own part, he could not boast of such an intuitive perception. He should have to examine it paragraph by paragraph.—He hoped, therefore, the Preamble would be laid on the table.
Mr. Pope was of opinion, that instead of there being any precipitation on the subject, there had been too much delay.—He had not consulted the brilliancy of genius, but his own heart. Why, while over a subject, which was familiar to the heart and mind of every American?
Mr. Yerby. If there were any chance of obtaining unanimity, by this motion, he should be in favor of it. This preamble was predicated on a chain of facts, which must be familiar to all. Why then attempt to deliberate on a subject, which was known to every cotager in the country?
Mr. Sheffey. If the report embraced facts alone, they might be known to every cotager in the U. States.—But it involved also the principles of the law of nations, in which he would venture to say, that the cotagers whom he represented, were not deeply versed.—There is already a difference of sentiment among gentlemen on this floor. Already some gentlemen say, the sword should have been drawn.
Mr. Peyton would be the last man in that body, to refuse any gentleman the opportunity of a due deliberation. But there had not been a single objection pointed out in the report, except one by the gentleman from Norfolk.—That, to be sure, was most important, as it related to the general course of measures, which the administration had pursued, with respect to Foreign Relations.—But as to this point, there was no man in the house, who was not ready to express his opinion. This course was familiar to all. It was sufficiently explained in the President's Message and Public Documents.
Mr. Banks. It had struck him when this preamble was read, that it went to approve of the whole course of the administration as to our Foreign relations. If such was its aspect, he was not prepared to go along with it.—He thought deliberation on this subject was necessary. Though some gentlemen were acquainted with it, there were others not prepared to give an expression of their deliberate opinions.—There were some principles, and perhaps facts in the preamble, on which there might be a contrariety of opinion. He for one, desired time. If on investigation, he should discover that the course of the administration had been dignified & proper if the Embargo should appear an alternative preferable to War—he would then give his sanction to the Report. But if he found that the sentiments of the nation had been in favor of war—unqualified war—he should pronounce a different opinion. He thought there had been such a time—a time, when the sentiment of the nation was for more energetic measures.—He hoped, that the preamble would be laid on the table.
Mr. Pope thought proper to remind the House, that this was only a Report in part—The committee who presented this, had also to prepare an approbatory, valedictory Address to the President of the U. S.—Gentlemen might express a difference of opinion on that. But on this, he hoped for unanimity. He thought the House should show its determination to rally round the government.
Mr. Wirt. If he could believe, that laying the Preamble on the table could have the effect contemplated by the gentleman from Powhatan (Mr. Pope)—that it would leave a doubt on the mind of the General Government of our disposition to support it—he should not certainly concur with him. But the house having unanimously passed the Resolutions annexed to the Report, he thought there could be no objection to laying the Preamble on the table. It for one, being on the committee which had prepared it, was now ready to express his decided and deliberate sentiments upon it. But he thought other gentlemen should be indulged with an opportunity of reflecting on its contents. The composition was a long one; it perhaps re-
quired some time to friends of the administration need not fear the most rigorous scrutiny into its measures. He was for laying the Preamble on the table.
The Question for laying it on the table was carried—and 250 copies of the Report were directed to be printed for the use of the members.
We have promised a Copy of all the Presentments, which were made by the Federal Grand Jury of this district, for violations of the Embargo Laws. These presentments, however, are found to be so completely similar to the one which appeared in this paper of the 2d instant, that it is unimportant to publish them in full. The following brief statement of facts will be sufficient for the public curiosity.
On the 1st Inst. Messrs. Leslie, J. Lynch, Hall, and Barclay were presented for a violation of the Embargo Laws. This presentment has already appeared in this paper.
On the 13th additional presentments were made, against the following persons:
Against John K. Hill, James Falkner, and John Hollingsworth, Jr.—on the testimony of Laurence Muse, Esq. Collector of the Port of Tappahannock.
Against William Smith, Edmund Brown, and James Badger—on the testimony of Messrs. Laurence Muse, Anderson McWilliams, and David K. Benson.
Against John Brownlow, Robert Brownlow, and Hezekiah Collier—on the testimony of Messrs. Laurence Muse, Anderson McWilliams, John Hall, Jr. and John Alcock.
An additional presentment was made against Messrs. John Leslie and Robert Brownlow; the first, on the testimony of Major James Gibbon and others; and the last, on the testimony of Mr. L. Muse and others.
The Grand Jury adjourned on the 14th Inst.
We have seen the Speech of Mr. T. Pickering in the Senate of the United States, on Mr. Hillhouse's Resolution. This extraordinary composition shall appear in its proper place in the Series of Speeches.
More than one-fourth of this speech is devoted, to the proof of a position which Mr. P. assumed in his letter addressed during the last winter to the governor of Massachusetts, and which Mr. John J. Adams has so triumphantly refuted. This proposition is, that the British Orders in Council "were not known, and that the news-paper reports concerning them never entered into the views of the President and Congress, as a motive for laying the Embargo; and that as no subsequent disclosure has been made of other dangers known at the time the message was communicated, the real cause or motive for the embargo has been and yet is veiled from the eye of Congress and the nation."
This question is certainly of very little importance, considered on its own merits alone; because, as Mr. Giles says, whether the embargo be considered "as a lucky hit or a dictate of wisdom," the subsequent appearance of these orders in council has established its policy and propriety beyond the reach of cavil. This view of the question, however, does not suit the genius or purposes of Mr. P. This insidious diplomatist, affecting to believe, that the "real cause of the embargo has been veiled from the eye of Congress," has pretended to hunt out its real motives. The gentleman's insinuation is, that "the people of the U. S. would have been shocked at an open proposition to shut their ports against the English commerce, at the command or intimation of the French Emperor; they would not have endured it. The measure could be accomplished only by an embargo, and that wrapped up in the mystery which he has endeavored to unfold."—This advocate is certainly worthy of the cause which he supports. The Logic of Mr. Pickering and the charges of French influence are just adapted to each other.
In spite of the reasonings of the hon. Senator, however, it is still true, that the idea of the British Orders of Council did really enter into the motives which dictated the Embargo. The existence of these orders was not officially known in this country, but there are other circumstances known of "great pith and moment." It was known,
1st. That the principal members of the present ministry, were long attached to that system of encroachments on which the Nov. Orders were built; that on the 4th February, 1807, in debating in the H. of Commons, on the "Restrictions on the trade of France by Neutral Vessels," Mr. Percival ridiculed the mildness of the retaliating Orders of January 7, and insisted upon their extension on a plan nearly similar to those of Nov.; that Lord Castlereagh in the H. of Peers, at the same time, avowed the same sentiments; & that in this paper of May 10th, 1807, measures breathing the spirit of the Orders of Nov. were predicted to come into effect against the trade of the U. States.—The mind therefore that was familiar with this course of events, would naturally and easily have acceded to the truth of those reports, which the prints of London had poured so thickly upon us last winter.
2d. It is known, that these reports were published at the Seat of Government, from various public, respectable Journals of London—several days before any proposition was made for an Embargo.—Various extracts of this purport are now on the files of the Enquirer.
3d. But what places this point beyond the possibility of a doubt, are the sentiments prevalent among the members of Congress, before the Embargo had been recommended by the President.—What will Mr. Pickering say, to the two following extracts of letters, which appeared in this paper, before the Embargo was known in this City? These letters were written by two of the best informed and most enlightened members of the H. of R. Each of them was written on the 17th December, & it was not until the next day, the 18th, that the President's message was laid before Congress:
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to a gentleman in this city, dated Washington Dec. 17.
"Another proclamation of the British government declaring all France, its allies and dependencies in a state of blockade, may be considered as positive proof of the determination of that nation to stop short of nothing but general piracy on the ocean. To encroach upon our difficulties, information is just received, that the French decree will be enforced against this country.—The information is not official, but comes in a way not to be questioned.—Between France and England our commerce is thus entirely cut up.—No remedy will be left us but to adopt what is emphatically called here the Tarrapin policy—To shut up and bring the question to a fair
trial; whether we can remain as long without luxuries as they can without food."
Extract from another Letter.
"In my letter of yesterday, I mentioned the instant arrival at this place of Dr. Bullus, who left Cherbourg in France on the 15th Nov. in the Revenge."
"The French government has prohibited our trade with all the British ports, & the British either have or certainly will prohibit by a similar decree of blockade, our trade with all the rest of Europe, worth trading to; between the two, there is a suppression of our trade generally."
"Abundant cause of war is thus furnished, by both nations, while war with either would strain our utmost resources."
"How far then are we to go in risking the great territorial and agricultural interests of this extended republic in support of such a commerce? It is true that high prices have been given for all our produce, and we have commanded in consequence many of the luxuries of distant climates; but it is not our true interest cheerfully to forego these, to live for a time on our own comfortable means, to exert our patriotism in bearing with the loss of a few crops, vigorously to prepare for the defence of our country, and by the most vigorous restrictions, to withhold from all the world the produce they so much need!"
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
FROM WASHINGTON, Dec. 15, 1808.
Congress has as yet done nothing. There appears to be a strange mania in that body, for making long speeches. The republican members are firm to their principles, steadfast in opposing the federal phalanx, manly and independent in the course of government ought to pursue towards the European powers.—Their views are firm and patriotic. It has been falsely stated, that there were no men of talents belonging to the "good old Republican School." The talents of the House are as ten to one on our side; the administration have many able and learned advocates. On the other hand, you would, I will venture to affirm, be astonished at the impotence and imbecility of the opposition. Randolph, Gardenier, Dana, and Quincy are the leaders of the Federalists. Mr. R. is an illogical declaimer, without the smallest faculty for reasoning. In listening to him, you are often struck with the entire want of connection between his premises and his conclusions. The only recommendations which he possesses as a public speaker are, now and then a happy selection of phrase and pretty quotations from Play writers, with a manner unique and a shrill, feminine voice. Gardenier has had an unmerited reputation. He is nothing of the orator and a most uninteresting speaker. Dana is by far the best among them at a speech; he vociferates loudly, and there is some point in the man. As for my lord Angloise Quincy, nothing you have ever heard, can give you an idea of this man; the mind sickens and lothes at his laboured, analytical, critical and hypercritical disquisitions; his syllogisms without sense, and his distinctions without difference.
There was a letter received in this city last night from a Liverpool merchant, who states, that Mr. Pinkney will soon be with us; that provisions of all kinds were high in England; that the manufacturers were in the greatest distress, and that the government had to contribute to their daily support; that it was believed in England by all the well-informed, that the Spaniards had sustained a defeat almost fatal.—That the Baltic would be shut against England.
This is the substance of the news and I give it to you as I receive it.
* A gentleman in the lobby has made this remark on Mr. R. that his voice is feminine, his language is masculine, and his argument neutral.
The following sketch of the electoral votes of Kentucky is furnished to the Enquirer in the form of a letter, dated Shelbyville (K.) Nov. 21, 1808.
"The election for electors to vote for a president and vice president are now over in Kentucky, and there is not the smallest doubt, but that Mr. Madison will not lose a single vote amongst them. Indeed there was but one candidate who pretended to declare in opposition to the republican party: I allude to Joseph Davis, who within seven or eight years has metamorphosed himself into Joseph Hamilton Daviess. This is the former attorney for the Kentucky District, who shamefully commenced the mock and ridiculous prosecution against Burr at Frankfort, at a time when he knew he could not procure evidence to support it. Yet this man with all his Federalism, and an additional load of suspicion hovering around him, had the boldness and effrontery to offer himself as a candidate for the important office of Elector, to a free, honest and republican people. The district in which he resides, elects four electors, being composed of one half the state; yet enlarged as his sphere of electioneering is, I may boldly assert, that he has not received one hundred votes. I have heard from several counties. In some he had no votes, in one he had nine, and in another, one."
"But I am mistaken, sir, Davis was not the only Federal candidate. Matthew Lyon formed an electoral Ticket, but the result has proved so contemptible to the progenitor, that it had slipped my recollection. Matthew's ticket has received still less support than Davis. In Nelson county where one of them resides, his honorable poll amounted to one vote!! In short, Republicanism is here, as usual, completely triumphant, and I trust will ever remain so."
MUSEUM WAX-WORK.
MR. BISHOP, the proprietor, respectfully, acquaints the public, that his celebrated collection of WAX-FIGURES, will be exhibited for this week only. Probably so elegant a Museum will never again visit the state of Virginia, as he is on his return, and going to establish them with all his collection as a permanent Museum, in the city of Philadelphia.
december 22. ep34
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent.
DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAME P. PARSONS. dec. 22. ff
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. dec. 22. ff
** We are authorised to state, that Bathurst Jones, is a Candidate for the Senatorial District, composed of Caroline and Hanover. sec. 10. 104

CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Giles's Speech concluded.)
Again, sir, what would be the effect of such a connection upon the rest of the United States? In that case, the discriminating duties now in favor of the New England states would be turned against them, and would probably be given to the middle states, and thus New England would be effectually excluded from carrying the bulky and heavy productions of the southern states.
In the southern states we feel no resentments nor jealousies against our eastern friends. There are no inducements with us to foster and encourage such unpleasant and mischievous feelings. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) has ventured to interpose an opinion between Great Britain and France, respecting the character of the quarrel between them.
In my judgement, sir, the United States have nothing to do with the character of the quarrel of the belligerents; but I differ entirely with the gentleman on this point.
The difference to us consists only in the different degrees of force they can bring to bear upon us—in this respect Great Britain does us most injury.
I rejoice that I have heard no apologist for France on this floor, nor any where else. I feel, sir, a condescension in introducing, for the purpose of denying the idle and ridiculous tale of French influence, which has so disrespectfully and disgracefully to our country, been circulated by news-papers.
I have heard it said, and believe it to be true, that the governor of Nova-Scotia, made the suggestion, in a letter addressed to certain British partizans in Boston.
I have now, Sir, gone through this unpleasant, and I fear, unprofitable discussion, respecting the character of measures heretofore adopted by the government; the only hope I have from it is, that it may put us into a better temper for deliberating on the measures now proper to be adopted.
The United States are now left alone to protect neutral principles against the belligerent encroachments of a warring world. In all former wars, the belligerent encroachments have been proportioned to the influence of those remaining at peace; but I believe history presents no example of the belligerent powers at any former time putting at defiance all neutral rights, all public law.
to the United States close to bear the weight of this sort of things imposed on them a great, a sacred obligation. The obligation of protecting neutral principles—Principles which lessen the inducements to war, and mitigate its rigor—Principles highly interesting to mankind; not only to the present, but to future generations, and in a peculiar manner, to the people of the United States.
The British orders of council, now sanctioned by an act of parliament, direct all vessels, laden with the produce of the United States destined to any of the ports of the enemies of Great Britain, to call at a British port, there to pay an enormous transit duty, and accept a license for the further prosecution of the voyage; and upon refusal, they are forced to do so by British armed ships.
"Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations," &c. Now, sir, permit me to read an extract from an act of Parliament, and see whether it does not only impose a tax upon American productions, but also exercises this act of national sovereignty delegated by the people to congress.
"And whereas it is expedient and necessary in order effectually to accomplish the object of such orders, that duties of customs should be granted upon certain goods exported from Great Britain; we, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of the United Kingdom, in parliament assembled, do most humbly beseech your majesty that it may be enacted; & be it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the passing of this act, there shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid unto his majesty, his heirs and successors, upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, enumerated or described in the tables (A.) (B.) & (C.) annexed to this act, exported from Great Britain, the several duties and customs, as the same are respectively described and set forth in figures in said tables."
Again, sir, Great Britain has attempted by this act of Parliament to lay an export duty upon the productions of the United States, a power not even entrusted to the discretion of congress—I find in the constitution, these words: "no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state."
I regret that so much respect was shown to this proposition, as to forward it to our government.
It is true Mr. President, that the export duty, to be collected in London, and not in Charleston, but, sir, it is not the better in principle on that account; and it is worse in practice. A vessel sailing from Charleston, is to be forced into London, for the purpose of paying this tribute—better would it be to collect it in Charleston; because the circuitry of the voyage would be saved, and many other vexations and expenses avoided which are now incurred by being forced into London, to make the payment; and if this measure were to be submitted to, I should not be at all surprised to see his gracious majesty in the spirit of a mitigated retaliation, send out his collectors to the ports of the U. S. for the accommodation of our merchants.
Mr. President, the eyes of the world are now turned upon us; if we submit to these
indignities and aggressions, G. Britain herself would despise us; she would consider us as an abject amongst nations; she would not own us for her offspring; France would despise us; all the world would despise us; & what is infinitely worse, we should be compelled to despise ourselves!!!
Mr. President, our fate is in our own hands; let us have union and we have nothing to fear. So highly do I prize union, at this awful moment, that I would prefer any one measure of resistance with union to any other measure of resistance with division;
NOTE. It was intended in the course of the foregoing observations, to shew, that the British board of trade had, at length, undertaken to regulate our commerce with foreign nations, even when it did not pass through British ports.
"The lords of the committee of council, for trade and foreign plantations, having authorized us to make public the following answers to certain questions proposed by us to their lordships, we publish them for the information of all whom they may concern."
THOS. BAKING, A. GLENNIE, THOS. MULLETT. London, 15th Aug. 1808.
Question 1. His majesty's order in council of the 4th July, 1808, having ordered, that all hostilities against Spain on the part of his majesty shall immediately cease, and that the blockade of all the ports of Spain, except such as may be still in possession, or under controul of France, shall be forthwith raised—
Can an American vessel proceed from a port in the United States of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or colonial produce, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal, not being in the possession of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal, without being liable to capture and condemnation, under the orders of council of the 11th and 25th of November, 1807, and the several acts of parliament passed to carry them into effect?
Answer. American vessels may proceed from a port in the United States of America, with a cargo, the produce of the United States, or colonial produce, provided such produce be not the produce of the enemy's colonies, direct to any port of Spain or Portugal; Such port not being in the possession, or under the control of the enemies of Great Britain, and return back to a port in the United States direct, with a cargo the growth or produce of Spain or Portugal.
Question 2. Can an American vessel, having entered a port in Spain, previous to the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the enemy, proceed from such port with a cargo, the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being liable to a seizure and condemnation as above?
Answer. An American vessel having entered a port in Spain, previous to the commencement of hostilities by the patriots against the enemy, may proceed from such port with a cargo the growth and produce of Spain, direct to a port in the United States, without being liable to seizure and condemnation as above, unless the vessel entered in breach of the orders in council.
From the London Times. "We this day enter on the publication of a state document, of as much interest and importance as any which has been offered to the public within our recollection. It is a circumstantial narrative, supported by official documents, of the artifice, hypocrisy, treachery, and tyranny, by which Bonaparte drew the virtuous and unfortunate king Ferdinand from Madrid to Bayonne, compelled him to descend from the throne of Spain, and renounce his right to it."
TO JULIA.
Wilt thou call me Cousin? No: Prithce do not call me so. Do not call me dearest, neither; JULIA, do not call me either. Call me something, dearest love, Both thy rosy lips approve. Call me love—O no—I see, JULIA, how they disagree. Wouldst thou see them reconciled? Call me, call me Brother, Child, JULIA, when thou callest me Brother, The little rubies kiss each other.
WILLIAM SCOTT begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has commenced the BOOT & SHOE cleaning business, in the little wood House of Col. Bullock, to the left of her brick tenement-houses, and opposite the Basin, where he will be ready to accommodate gentlemen at all hours. He has on hand a quantity of the first quality Liquid Blacking for sale at 6d per bottle, he will also clean Boots of any color at 3s. per pair. nov.25. [oaw3w]
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808. Nimrod Brantingham, Plaintiff—against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett heir of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Minnie Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clifton Rodes and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants. The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public news paper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX'R. GARRETT, D. C. december 13. [oaw8w]
GORDON, TROKES & Co. have put a stop to the sale of their GOODS, on the long credits heretofore given; and are desirous to close, as soon as possible, the debts due to them, and the former firm of R. Gordon & Co.—Those indebted to them, who are unable to make immediate payment, are requested to close their accounts by bond. They offer for sale, their assortment of DRY GOODS & GROCERIES, for cash, or on short credit to punctual people. nov. 23. [law6w]
JUST LANDING from the ship Trident, from Canton via New-York, and for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery Store, between Messrs. Kirby, Drake and Taylor's Store, and Messrs. Gallego, Richard & Co. Fresh Gumpower Tea in 24 lb. lead canisters. Do. do. Eshing do. in 14 lb. boxes. Do. do. do. do. single pound. Do. Imperial do. Do. Hyson Gomee, Hyson Chulang & best Hyson, Do. Young Hyson and Hyson Skin, Do. Souchong Pate and common Souchong, All warranted to be very good. Also, a few tea and coffee Sets, elegant and high gilt Seia Porcelain, some sparkling Champagne, and Burgundy du Clos de Vangeot, Claret and Cote Rotie, of the very best quality. AUBIN LAFOREST. nov. 15. [law6w]
EDUCATION.—The Subscribers, living in the county of Louisa, at a place called the Roundabout, about 60 miles from Richmond, having employed a Mr. John Duke, to instruct a small number of pupils, including their own children, propose taking a few boarders, to complete his school. Mr. Duke has in his possession, satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications.—He teaches the Greek, Latin & English Languages, together with Geography, Reading, writing and Arithmetic. The price for board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be $80, to be paid at the expiration of the term, to commence on the first Monday in January, and expire on the first of December next. JOHN POINDEXTER, FRANCIS JOHNSON [oaw4w]
THE Subscribers, having commenced the BOOT-MAKING business, in the house lately occupied by David Ross opposite to Mr. Neil McCall's, they offer their services to the public and do assure those that favor them with their custom, that their work shall be done in the best manner. They have also, on hand, a general assortment of SHOES, of all descriptions. Also they make and sell the real Egyptian VARNISH, for cleaning Boots or Shoes, that will preserve the Leather, &c. SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. December 2. [oaw3w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oaw15]
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge,) Part 3 of Vol. I of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. nov. 1. [law6w]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the fourth day of January next, on the premises, a BRICK HOUSE, and half of the LOTT, No. 22, in the city of Richmond, which formerly belonged to the estate of John Pendleton, Esq. dec'd. and is situated between the tenement now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Turner, and the house of Mr. Oris Paine's, in which Mr. Esmond resided. At the same time and place, will be sold, 89 acres LAND, lying on the three notched road, being the upper part of the tract formerly belonging to said Pendleton's estate, & distinguished in the survey made by Richard Young, by number 5.—A credit of 6 and twelve months will be allowed the purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date, and a deed of trust on the property. P. P. & JOHNSTON. nov. 23. [oaw15]
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to WINSTON & PRIDDY. nov. 4. [law6w]
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, which all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, december 10. [oaw3w]
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken. JUST received from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATH, consisting of—Worsted Calf-Skins, Coarse, Fair-Tip, and Cordovan Boot Leg, String, Running etc. India Skins, etc. etc. at low price. D. J. BURR. Nov. 18. 2m-2c1aw4w]
IN pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, by John Harper, to secure the payment of the sum of $ 50 : 0 : 11, due to Thomas Parkinson, will be exposed for sale, for cash, to the highest bidder, at Thomas Parkinson's Store, in the county of Amelia, on Friday, the 6th day of January next, the following SLAVES, to wit: John, Rachel and Betty, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt, with the interest and the cost necessarily incurred, by carrying the said Trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Nottoway. SNO. MOTTELL, J. THOMPSON SCOTT, } Trustees. PETER RISON, } dec. 17. [oaw3w]
RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The Subscriber takes this early opportunity of informing the public, that he has leased the RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, and he pledges himself that no pains or expense will be spared on his part, to give general satisfaction to those who may visit said Springs. There are six additional houses now building, which, together with the buildings already completed, will enable him to accommodate one hundred Boarders, with their servants, comfortably. He deems it unnecessary to say anything of the valuable properties of said Waters, as the benefits experienced by persons visiting them, have already spread their fame through the greater part of the United States. Letters and News Papers directed to the visitors at said Springs, will be delivered at the place once a week. There will be a Store kept at said Springs, containing a general assortment of Goods, Medicine, &c. ISAAC ESTILL. dec. 17. [oaw5w]
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or six years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, stout made, has a burn on his left elbow, which prevents him from straightening his arm, and always carries it crooked; one of his under fore teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place and Hagerstown, in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any goal in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same. CHAS. CORDLE. dec. 17. [oaw2m]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808. Robert Yancey & Co. Puff.—Against William Meriwether and Robert Dickinson, Defendants. THE plaintiff, Robert Yancey & Co. deans and the defendant, Meriwether, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the news papers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. Nov. 1. [law8w]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber intends to continue his SCHOOL the ensuing year, at the Green Springs in Louisa county, where a course of Education, embracing the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages will commence on the 9th of January. This healthy situation, entirely removed from every kind of vice, offers particular advantages to gentlemen who live in towns, (too commonly the scene of dissipation,) or the unhealthy parts of the lower country, and wish to have their sons educated without incurring the risk of having their morals corrupted or their health impaired. The subscriber will pay the strictest attention, both to the morals and education of his pupils, which he will be enabled to do at all times, as none will be admitted, except such as live with him in the boarding-house, kept by Col. Morris, exclusively for the accommodation of the boys. The subscriber has in a former publication, produced testimonials of his attention & qualifications as a Tutor, which will, upon application, be enclosed to any person wishing to entrust pupils to his care. The terms will be, for board $28 per annum, (each boarder finding his own bed,) washing and mending $4 and tuition $10.—One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. No scholar will be admitted for a shorter term than one year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county. FRANCIS F. MAURY. nov. 4. [law5w]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber will continue his SCHOOL at Mr. Wm. D. Taylor's, in the Forks of Hanover, which will commence the 9th day of January next, where he will teach youth to Read and Write, the English and Latin Languages Grammatically, and will also instruct them in Arithmetic and Geography. Mr. Taylor will furnish board for sixteen pupils. The terms of Board and Tuition will be ninety dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly, if Mr. Taylor furnishes board, bed and candles; but where the pupil finds his own bed, washing, mending and candles, a deduction of ten dollars will be made. The terms of tuition alone, will be twenty dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly. Particular attention will be paid to the health and morals of such pupils as may be entrusted to the care and instruction of the Subscriber. HENRY ROBINSON. nov. 25. [oaw9j]
NOVEMBER 30th, 1808.—The members of the Dismal Swamp Company, are requested to meet at Suffolk, on the 25th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the Land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company, than at any other place. Those who may not attend, will be pleased to give power to others to act for them. WM. NELSON, JOHN BRACKEN, } Managers. CORBIN GRIFFIN, } dec. 6. [oaw4w]
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher, and solicits a continuance of their patronage; he hopes, that from his experience and diligence in his profession, he shall be able to give general satisfaction. He proposes to continue his SCHOOL, the ensuing year, for the instruction of boys in the Greek, Latin and English Languages, Geography, and the use of the Globes, the elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying, also the elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the sixteenth of January, and expire on the tenth of December following. THO. NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, } december 13th, 1808. [oaw4w]