The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-03-02 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 2, 1803.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next.
February 16th 1803.
WILLIAM HARPER, SADDLER & HARNESS MAKER, MAIN STREET, RICHMOND,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends, and the public in general, that he still continues to carry on the above business, in all its various branches, in the house formerly occupied by Mr. William Cook, and nearly opposite Col. GAMBLE's store. He also returns his sincere thanks to his friends, and the public in general, for the encouragement that he has met with during two years residence in this place, and hopes for the long continuance of the same. He now offers for sale, on the most reasonable terms, for cash, a variety of Saddles, Bridles, Portmanteaus, and Velaces; Coach and Wagon Harness, of various descriptions, and other articles, too tedious to mention.
All orders from the country will be strictly attended to, and work executed in the neatest manner, and at the shortest notice.
Two or three Apprentices will be taken to the above business, if well recommended.
February 6. 1803.
BY a decree of the Court of Hullings, will be sold at the UNION TAVERN, to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Monday the 7th day of March next, ten Feather Beds and Furniture , six Mahogany Tables , ten pair of Window Curtains , one Mahogany Desk , one large Cupboard , or Beaufet , three dozen Windsor Chairs , one single Chair for travelling in, one Cart , one Dray , seven Buttercups , and three Bay Horses , to meet the demand of JOHN GRAHAM, against SAMUEL JONES, administrator of WILLIAM BOOKER, dec'd. JOHN GRINSTEAD, Comm'r. Richmond Feb. 21, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
HENRY TOLER Jun. having purchased of us the debt due, and owing to him before he became bankrupt, those indebted will therefore take notice, that we have no further interest in said debts, and that the said Henry Toler, has full power and authority to receive the same, and grant discharge, those indebted to the late concern of Hooper and Toler only excepted.
MARCUS ELCAN, WILLIAM TEMPLE, Assignees of Hooper and Toler.
Teste THOMAS HOOPER. Richmond, Jan. 15th 1803. (4.)
THE SUBSCRIBERS
TO the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood.
THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendee Master.
Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
WANTED, AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business. A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years.
Enquire at this Office.
Nov. 19th 1802.
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND.
Richmond, Nov. 2d. 1802. (2.)
VIRGINIA.
AT a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, son. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN, D. C. H. C.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street, and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
BURR MILL-STONE
MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 15th 1803. (1.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE
AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE
THE
CONDUCT
OF
MERIWETHER JONES,
IN
A SERIES OF LETTERS,
ADDRESSED
TO THE PUBLIC,
By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber intending to remove from this State, requests those having demands against him, to call for payment. Those indebted to him will see the necessity of making immediate payment.
ASHER MARK.
Manchester, February 18th. 1803. (4.)
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniencies which a well regulated institution of this kind would require, having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolve 1, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy
Teste
ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
BURR MILL-STONE
MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stones ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (1.)
TO MASTER BUILDERS.
A NEW THEATRE of Brick or Stone is designed to be built on the Lot of Ground, on Shackle Hill, where the old Theatre formerly stood, now the property of Mrs. West. The fund necessary for the completion thereof is raised partly by subscription, and partly from the private funds of the proprietor. Those disposed to undertake the building, or a part thereof, are requested to send in their proposals immediately, to Mr. Meriwether Jones, who will show the plan, and from whom more particular informations may be acquired.
February 1st. 1803. (2.)
N. B. The subscription for the above building is still open.
FRESH FLOUR.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they are now ready to make sales of FLOUR of their own manufacture, and are also desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour-Barrels, and Sacks.
Such as may want a supply of Meal, Hominy, Ship-Stuff, and Bran, are informed that they can be furnished at certain prices during the year, and that for the present quarter, ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. Meal, 3s. and 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD, & Co.
Feb. 16th. 1803.
WANTED,
TO hire, for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr Stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne Stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As one subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
No. II.
CONCERNING
MR. GALLATIN,
AND THE SALE OF
BANK STOCK.
SOME time has passed over, since I gave Mr. John Clopton any disturbance, in truth I expected that his conscience had espoused the cause, and would scourge him with much more severity. I left room too for him, in making his recantation, and confession, to make some important communications and discoveries to his deluded constituents. But he has not the fortitude, he does not possess that independence, that firmness, that candour, which can induce him to forego, or abandon the smallest trifle which belongs or relates to himself, whatever may be the admonitions of his conscience, or however plain and irresistible the cause.
In this new arraignment, so far as respects him, I shall not take a wide scope. It is, no doubt remembered, that in my concluding address which was directed to the public, the following expression was used: "there are many persons who have read these letters, to whom some subjects which have been alluded to are more familiar, and who have it in their power to finish with better abilities what I have only glanced at. For myself, but little more remains, and that shall be reserved, until more time shall mature some things which I do not at present well understand." Yes, Mr. Clopton remembers this, and he remembers every thing else which has appeared in the ten letters which have been addressed to him, not because the style was peculiarly impressive, but because he had a very intimate previous knowledge and acquaintance with all the facts which were alleged.
The third paragraph of Mr. Clopton's circular letter, dated on the third of April, contains the following sentence. "From correct estimates, it appears, that the retrenchments which are judged expedient to be made, will exceed the amount of revenue derived from those taxes, and therefore sufficient provision for all the exigencies of the government, as well as a punctual performance of all its engagements, will remain after they (meaning the taxes) are abolished."
My letter which was published on the 12th of January contains the following. "If the exigencies of government were so diminished, as to afford a fair occasion for repealing taxes, let me enquire how Congress will an-

ever it to their constituents, that the demands were such that Mr. Gallatin has been compelled to sell the shares which belonged to the United States in the bank. And how it is that the pressure was so great, that the sale was made not only in the most secret manner, but so much below the market value, that about 100,000 dollars have been lost in this way! There are only two answers which can be given, the first is, that you voted for, and justified the repeal of the taxes, because you fore saw that it would be well received by the community, and would operate to increase and strengthen your popularity. The second is that Mr. Gallatin has taken upon himself to sell the stock at a private sale, and a foreigner too; when there was no necessity, and when our own citizens would have given much more for it. I do not know what you will do, or attempt in this dilemma. On one hand, you are compelled to admit your own ignorance, or duplicity; on the other you are compelled to acknowledge that the high priest of your party, has not only acted with bad policy, but with bad faith, by which the public interest and character have been very much injured. I am not, at present, sufficiently acquainted with the business to press the subject as far as it ought to go; my present purpose is accomplished in placing you in a position, from which you cannot extricate yourself, without destroying your own political character, or that of Mr. Gallatin. The first, I presume you will not do, the second you dare not attempt. Until the whole truth shall be displayed, it will be improper to say any thing concerning Mr. Gallatin's having sold the stock; this I presume he will do during the present session of Congress. In the mean time, you may patch up some excuse in another circular letter, for not letting your constituents know, that in consequence of the repeal of taxes by the last Congress, the secretary of the treasury has been obliged, not only to sell the very best pearl which belonged to the United States, but also to sacrifice it at a loss of an hundred thousand dollars."
It so happened, that about the time when this was published, Mr. Gallatin, as was expected, made a communication to Congress concerning the sale of the stock, which was published in many of the newspapers, and may be seen in the Examiner of which is as follows: "of the five thousand shares in the stock of the bank of the United States originally subscribed by the United States, 2380 shares had been sold in the year 1790 by virtue of the act entitled, An act making provision for the payment of certain debts for the United States, and for the purpose of discharging a part of the debt due to the bank. The remaining 2,120 shares were now, under the same authority sold at 45 per cent advance, the 1,287,600 dollars which they produced, were, in conformity to the provisions of the said act, applied towards discharging an equal amount of that part of the debt, which had become due to the bank before, or during the year 1790; and the purchase of the stock, sold at the same time to the treasury an equal sum in bills on Holland at 41 cents per guilder, the securing of which large amount, at that rate, was the inducement on the part of government to dispose of the bank stock on those terms as the dividend usually received on the bank stock sold, and the annual interest payable on the debt due to the bank. Thus extinguished, were nearly equal, the July half yearly dividend on the stock, was in fact the premium paid for the purpose of effecting the remittance; and government has thereby been enabled to obtain, without raising the price of exchange, the whole amount wanted to meet the payments due in Holland, till the month of September 1803." It also happens, as was expected, that Mr. Clopton has justified the transaction in some of his late letters.
My compassion and feelings for Mr. Clopton, as a fellow man, compel me to pause. Yes, I have paused. I have gone back. I have read those condemning and blasting facts over and over, and even though every force of justice urges me to expose him, yet it was necessary that I should imbibe some new portions of disgust, before I could prevail upon myself to proceed. If I had been Mr. Clopton's personal enemy, I might rejoice at the humiliating manner in which he has exposed himself, and disgraced the high office which he fills. It is sorrow and remorse at the degraded state of my country, and the belief that Mr. Clopton either cannot, or will not administer proper antidotes which have urged me to worry him.
There is not a reader of common sense, who will not say that he has written his own condemnation. There wants not any additional fact or testimony. In his circular letter of the third of April, he boasted of the repeal of taxes in consequence of retrenchments. He did not then say that there would be a deficiency of more than two millions of dollars by this repeal; he did not say that this deficiency was to be made up by the sale of bank shares, which were themselves a fruitful source of certain revenues; he did not say, that if the market value could not be obtained that the
public exigencies would compel Mr. Gallatin to sell at all events; he did not give his constituents a chance of preparing their finances to take shares in the purchase, which he knew or ought to have known was inevitable. No, Mr. Clopton concealed all these important facts. He left his constituents in the dark. Almost a year passed away before any thing was said about it. The stock is gone forever. The public have lost by the transaction an immense sum of money, and he has had the matchless effrontery to justify the whole in his public letter.
One would suppose that Mr. Clopton does not think that there is a man in this district who has common sense, otherwise he could not expect that such an important contradiction, such a self evident detection, would pass without notice and exposure. Who can pretend to deny the preceding quotation? Or can any man however blinded by his personal esteem, or political enthusiasm, pretend to say that Mr. Clopton is not by his own words and deeds forever condemned?
I will now turn from a character of so much insignificance as that of John Clopton, and grapple closely with that grand Lama of democratic adoration and delusion. Gallatin pretends that there was no safety in selling the bank stock to the merchants of the United States, because their bills might be protested, and the government would thereby be injured. It is most likely that so far as respected Mr. Gallatin's associates and acquaintances, the story is true; that good bills of exchange could not be had among them. If so, Mr. Gallatin ought to have asked Timothy Pickering how to manage this affair and he would, as in his own case, have contrived to gain some 40 or 50,000 dollars by the negotiation, instead of submitting to a disgraceful loss. Mr. Gallatin's opinion of the bills, so far as it had a personal application, must have been derived from those only whom he knew. It would indeed be a very humiliating picture for the mercantile character, capital and credit of the merchants of the United States, if it were true that they could not be trusted on a purchase of between two and three millions of dollars. Gallatin surely forgot, that it was only the other day, that the merchants of the United States lent to government many millions of dollars, and were willing to have lent twice as much more if they had been wanted. It is only to be recollected that this calumny has come from the same Albert Gallatin, who not long since was accused of having fomented in Pennsylvania with discontent, riot and rebellion; and that the advocate for this disgraceful tale is John Clopton. These recollections at some future, and not very distant day, will sink him who made it, and all who repeat it, into the lowest pit of disgrace and contempt.
But let us enquire what was the necessity for selling the bank stock. If the stories which we hear are true, there was none. Are we not told that there was at the time a surplus of several millions of dollars in the treasury? If so, why could not some of those millions have been applied to the payment of the Dutch debt? It will be answered that there was no other way to induce Mr. Baring to undertake the payment of the Dutch debt; which is, as much as to say, that this gentleman was more trust worthy than all the Americans together. It would seem from this that the Dutch debt was payable in the bills of Mr. Baring, and in no other way. I have always understood that it was payable in money. If then it be true, that there was a surplus of 5 millions of dollars in the treasury; if one million was due in Holland; if our frigates were idle, would it not have been wiser to have sent one or two of them with hard cash? The cash might have been insured at 2 per cent; perhaps at less. In this way Mr. Gallatin could have avoided so much loss and so much disgrace; but the better way would have been to employ Mr. Pickering, who would have gained some 40 or 50,000 dollars by the operation. Instead of resorting to some rational expedient, Gallatin plunged into the contract. His own jesuitical and unintelligible report admits that there was a loss. The same report boasts of a full and overflowing treasury, with millions of idle dollars; and at the same time congress are invited to lay up 12 frigates in a dry dock, the building of which will cost more than a million of dollars. Can any reasonable man say, why a million of these idle dollars were not put on board one of these frigates and sent to Holland; if this had been done, or even threatened, the sagacious Dutchmen would have relained their whole sum at 4 per cent, with thanks, to the American government, and the 2220 shares of bank stock might have been preserved for some future emergency.
If the sale of the bank stock had been made for the purpose of discharging the 8 per cent loan, it might have been a justifiable transaction. But when we find that it has been kept and pared away by allowances & premiums (with the superaddition of the expense of the secretary's late tour), to the certain loss of 120,000 dollars; and when also we see this money invested in discharging a claim which the holders were willing to have relained; a claim bearing only 5 per cent. Our curiosity is tempted to make calculations, to ascertain
what is the extent of loss which the transaction has occasioned, including the additional difference between the paying of interest on a million of dollars at 5 per cent, and 8 per cent, for the short space of 5 years.
  1000,000 at 8 per cent } is 80000 per year D. 400,000   1000,000 at 5 per cent } is 50000 per year 250000   Loss by paying the 5 per cent debt in preference to paying the 8 per cent debt 150,000   Loss on selling stock at 7 1-2 per cent less than the market value 66,600   Half year's dividend given up 33,400   Over allowance on bills of exchange 20,000   Gains which might have been made by a prudent management of these negotiations as in the case of Pickering, at least 150,000   300,000   8 per cent per year on 150,000 dollars for five years 96,000   Intermediate interest upon the amount at 8 per cent. 304,000   A loss for five years, which might have been gained or saved. 96,000   Other intermediate interest computed at 54,000   Dols. 450,000 
I know well that the partisans of Mr. Gallatin, and particularly such as cannot, or will not make calculations, will pretend to treat this statement and these remarks with ridicule and contempt. It is not for such people that I have undergone the trouble and devoted my time to the investigation; and it is to silence their noise, and overwhelm their folly at once, that I have stated the particular data and the reasons upon each to support the statement. This plainness and simplicity will enable every reader to form an opinion for himself, and although some of the data may be rejected by different readers, yet it will not be possible that a single candid and unprejudiced individual will be found, who upon his conscience will say, that Mr. Gallatin has not, by this transaction, subjected the United States to a very great and irreparable loss, both in money and character. Let us suppose that Gallatin had told the Dutchmen in very plain terms that he would send their cash to them and pay it in Amsterdam according to the contract, unless they would relain it at 4 per cent. He had the power and the right; and he could have compelled them either to receive the money in Amsterdam, or to relain it. But instead of this, instead of gaining this great and fair advantage, he has fallen an easy prey into the hands of Mr. Baring, and then justifies his weakness by the excuse that bills of exchange could not be obtained from any other.
I will here tell a short story, but before it is read, I request that my readers will not be so imprudent, as to say that it either does or may possibly apply to any particular circumstance, or individual. I do not pretend to say, that they should not think about it, as often, and as freely as they chuse; my advice is only to be silent, because it would be very imprudent to say any thing about a man, who had a treasury at command, and a multitude of fools at his heels. But here comes the story.
Mons. ***** who is well known in this country, was appointed to negotiate the peace between another country and England. He was well acquainted with a merchant who happened to be on the spot. They agreed, that whatever advantages could be obtained by speculation in London, should be divided between the negotiator, this merchant, and any other person residing in London whom he might interest. Some days before the peace was absolutely announced, the intelligence that it would, or had taken place, was conveyed by express to the partner at London, who immediately made purchases in those subjects of speculation which would gain by that event. Three hundred thousand pounds were gained; so that each partner was benefited one hundred thousand pounds. If Mr. Gallatin's character was not as pure, as immaculate as unsusppected as the extreme of every thing which is good, great, wise, and virtuous can make it, I should be apt to say that I had suspicions about his cock and bull story concerning the sale of the bank stock. I do not intend to lay any such thing. My design is to impute the whole blame to the democratic members of Congress, who plunged headlong into the popular measure of repealing taxes, and to such an extent, that the poor Genovan had no alternative but selling stock; he was obliged to take the best offer at once, and then rather than expose his friends, the democrats, he has chosen to impute the whole blame to the American merchants, alleging that they
were such a shabby set, that they could not lay out about the 20th of a sum upon a good bargain, which they were the other day able and willing to lend to government upon interest.
It is true, that Gallatin might have extricated himself from the difficulty, by asking Pickering and Wolcott, how they used to manage such things; but this would have been not only an admission of their superior talents and integrity, but also of his own stupidity and incapacity.
The readers of this article, will recollect at some future day, that there was, at least, one man in society who was not only dissatisfied with this unintelligible and indefensible transaction, but also has made known his sentiments in a style which cannot be misunderstood.
The public will be able to judge from this explanation, whether the retrenchments concerning which, the democratic members of Congress have boasted and have written with such heartfelt gratification, were sufficient to justify the repeal of taxes, at the time and the manner in which they were repealed. If the sale of the stock had been made under imperious circumstances, no liberal or candid man would make an objection; if this be alleged, then all that is boasted about the overflowing treasury must be a fable; if the sale has been made from some capricious or worse motives, then let us hear no more concerning the wise, the economical and virtuous administration.
There are things, at which, even credulity will make a pause. Mr. Gallatin's report concerning the sale of the bank stock, and his motives for making that sale, appear to be of this class.
FEDERALIST:
FOR NEW YORK, or PHILADELPHIA,  The Strong and Fast Sailing Sloop,  JENNY, RUFUS JAMESON,  Now ready to receive Freight or Passengers. HAS EXCELLENT ACCOMODATIONS. For terms Apply to the Master on board, lying at the County Wharf. Richmond, Mar. 21. 1803. (2 00)
The RECORDER. RICHMOND. MARCH 24, 1803.
THE TRIUMVIRATE.
WE understand that, during the late daring attack upon the liberty of the press in this city, George Hay attempted to entangle the honorable Judge Roane in this disgraceful but memorable project.
The story, as we have heard it runs thus. Hay, M'Rae, and Brokenborough, all members of the executive council, went first to Hanover town, which is within two miles of the Judge's residence. Hay remained there. His compatriots waited upon the Judge. They made an application, in Hay's name, for a warrant against Callender, that he might be bound to keep the peace. Mr. Roane, as might well have been foreseen, rejected and resented the proposal. He sent Hay a very plain and laconic message to this effect: "that, in future, he should consider Hay as neither a lawyer, nor a republican; because, if he had been a lawyer, he never would have made an application so contrary to the fundamental principles of law; and, if he had been a republican, and if the law had even been as he pretended, he would rather have given his aid to abolish or alter it, than to promote the destruction of the press." If there is any mistake in repeating the words of the judge, we shall, upon evidence, correct it. But it is certain that Hay and his associates applied to the judge, and that a refusal was given; of course, the answer must have been in words to the same effect. This admits of no doubt. The answer is not only honorable to judge Roane, and congenial to his independent and enlightened mind, but it forms so powerful an argument in our favour, that we have not been able to suppress it. M'Rae, and our cross-eyed executive counselor, must have considered the answer as addressed to themselves, just as much as to the son of the bankrupt boots carpenter. Indeed, where can be the mighty difference between them? Brokenborough had been elected a member of the late assembly. He moved that Mr. Pace's memorial con-

cerning the public printing should not be read in the house; and a hopeful majority assented to the proposal. On this, and only this merit, he was elected executive counsellor. He had given a premature but explicit pledge that he would promote public plunder, as far as it might answer the views of a faction. Two hundred and fifty pounds per annum are not a large sum; but still they are double the wages of a journeyman printer. They are of primary importance to a needy lawyer. (We beg Judge Roane's pardon for the misnomer.) They are of primary importance to a sorry petitioner, whose practice is but little, and whose abilities are yet less.
As for M'Rae, in the fall of 1800, he lost his senses. It was not from sorrow for the death of his lady. For some time, the world was in daily expectation of hearing that this thunderbolt of democracy had been conveyed in irons to the cells of Williamsburg. He got better. But his timbers were originally weak, and there still remains a perceptible crack in his upper story. Insolent without firmness, and furious without strength, indecent, impious, ignorant, and brutal, this panegyrist of George Hay is, at the same time, too contemptible to be detested. Let him be pitied and forgot. Amidst the horrors of suspended insanity amidst the multiplying probabilities that he will end his life in bedlam, compassion and oblivion are the highest points, to which his ambition should aspire.
We wonder whether M'Rae and Hay will attempt any more to break each other's heads, or to browbeat the court of Chesterfield? As to the former, M'Rae, in his last encounter with Hay, attempted to bite him! extending at the same time the wicks of a mouth, which is at least four inches wide. As to the latter, we hope that the magistrates will not send them to jail, or to the stocks for the first attempt. As the courts which sit in Richmond, we suspect that the surest way for Hay, or M'Rae to carry any point, will be to take the opposite side .
Hay said, last Wednesday, that "he will never more read the Recorder; that he has formed an opinion against attacking C. and that, if he were to look into this paper, he might be provoked to break his resolution." At another time, however, he said that "he would still be glad to do C's business; if it could be done with safety." This report may have come from one of his numerous enemies; for general hatred, like the Jews at the siege of Ai, watched only for the signal to rush from its covert. We could wish to learn when he, or some of his coadjutors, played their last game at loo, with a young lady; and whether it is true that Hay's acquaintances begin to flown him on the street !
It is very much to the honour of Judge Tucker that, for several years past, he has done his utmost to suppress gambling. So far as relates to conspicuous gamblers, and their usual haunts and disciples in this city, we shall, at some future day, give the judge all the aid which this paper can afford; at least as to one house.
The rebuff, which the triumvirate met with from Judge Roane, along with the universal detestation which Hay has excited, may have prevented those publications in the Examiner that were lately promised. It is a happy deliverance for Jones. His paper could not be improved by columns of defences , which mankind would only have read that they might be the surer to condemn them.
FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
A HINT. FOR LEGISLATIVE INTERFERENCE.
The clerks of county courts should be placed on the civil list establishment; and this for the following reasons.
First. They often charge for services never performed.
Second. They charge fees not authorized by law.
Third. By placing them on the civil list establishment, at least an hun-
dred thousand dollars per annum, will be saved to the citizens of the state. This can be done, after paying a thousand dollars a year to the principal clerk, and five hundred to his deputy. Virginia has ninety one counties. In each of these, the clerk and his deputy, between them, cost, upon a medium, three thousand dollars a year. This comes in the whole, to the monstrous sum of two hundred and seventy three thousand dollars. At fifteen hundred dollars a piece, the ninety one counties would cost only one hundred and thirty six thousand five hundred dollars. By this estimate, an hundred and thirty six thousand five hundred dollars would be saved out of the two hundred and seventy three thousand. But to avoid exaggeration, the sum of saving has been limited to one hundred thousand dollars only.
Thus far our correspondent. He served, as an officer, in the last war. He has since acted as a public magistrate, with probity, and reputation. By his final deduction, the expence, of clerks of court for seventy three of these counties, has been reduced to two thousand and five hundred dollars.
But farther, we add, as our humble opinion, that the salary may, in most cases, be very safely reduced to seven hundred and fifty dollars. In nine tenths of the state, seven hundred and fifty dollars would go farther than twelve hundred in Norfolk, in Petersburg, or in Richmond. On this account, it might perhaps be found reasonable to reduce eighty of these clerks to seven hundred and fifty dollars, and as many of their deputies to four hundred and fifty. This would make an additional saving of twenty four thousand dollars, in whole an hundred and twenty four thousand dollars, which is double the produce of the merchant tax .
The money paid by the state to the clerks would thus be reduced from an hundred and thirty six thousand five hundred dollars to an hundred and twenty two thousand five hundred. To this may be added perhaps six or ten thousand dollars more, as the expences incurred by the state in collecting that part of the taxes, which are to pay the clerks.
Upon the whole, it is clear that there might, at least, be saved a very interesting sum. The clerks themselves would have the less reason to complain, because some of them endure at present, little more trouble by their office than that of collecting their perquisites. To pay a public officer three times more than his labour can be worth, is not always the surest method of making him perform it well.
By this cheap mode of litigation, lawsuits may be multiplied. As a complete antidote, let a tax be laid upon the prosecution of law suits. The fruits of this tax would repay the state for the payment of the county clerks. We do not enter into details. It would be needless to buy a pair of breeches for Hercules, while he is yet sucking, at the teat.
FROM THE SAME CORRESPONDENT.
Great complaints have been made, as to the weight of casks, or firkins, which contain butter. Would it not be advisable for the legislative body to pass a law ordaining that all butter shall be inspected, and the weight of the casks marked or branded by the marker; and that if any cask or firkin shall be falsely marked, or branded, that each cask or firkin, shall be liable to condemnation.
I have seen a firkin which contained eighty five pounds of butter, and which weighed twenty five pounds, when the weight should only be fifteen. The deception is done in this way. The maker has the staves three inches thick in the middle . Only fifteen pounds are allowed for it; and thus the purchaser, of the butter gets ten pounds weight of wood, instead of butter.
TO THE EDITORS OF THE RECORDER. It has generally been observed, that a change of men in office, is attended
with some advantages to the people at large, at least for a short time. However, the change of post master for this city, proves an exception to this general rule. When Mr. Davis was postmaster, the citizens of Richmond were allowed to put letters into the office, any time on Sunday, before one o'clock, as the mails were not closed before, 4 o'clock in the afternoon; but since Mr. Vandewall has been appointed post master, that indulgence is refused, and without the letters are put into the office before half past 3 o'clock, on Saturday evening, they must remain till the Wednesday's stage. The inconvenience attending this alteration, must be obvious to every person, as it is well known that it frequently happens that the stages arrive so late on Saturday evenings, that it is impossible to answer letters received that mail. Whether the postmaster general, has given orders for this alteration, or Mr. Vandewall being desirous to have as little trouble as possible, I am at a loss to determine, but am apt to think it must be the former, for every person in the city of Richmond well knows that Mr. Vandewall is a man of the greatest industry and application. However, I could wish to be informed whom we are indebted to for this alteration and perhaps you, or some of your correspondents, may be able to satisfy me.
ONE OF THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE. Richmond Feb. 25. 1803.
IN the Recorder of the 16th. of February last, some remarks were made on Congress and the President . The following paragraph was then forced to be omitted, after it had been made ready for the press. It is now presented as a sequel to the remarks above mentioned. They will be continued, at our first opportunity.
The passage quoted by Mr. Griswold exhibits in all their splendor, the talents of Mr. Jefferson. Till his elevation to the presidency the world had not a complete opportunity to discover in what his strength lay. Cunning, that sees not six inches beyond its nose, and deceit, which deceives nobody, form the sword and buckler of the president. Before you condemn this account of him, read the quotation. We are "blessed with peace and friendship abroad, law, order, and religion at home, good affection and harmony with our Indian neighbours; and lightened burdens, yet income sufficient for the public wants." Thomas! Thomas! Dost thou fancy that the gullet of the public is wide enough to swallow such gudgeons? Does the war with Tripoli, does the purchase of four additional sixteen gun ships assure us of peace? Does the blockade of the Mississippi promise friendship abroad? Or does it not promise to rend the Union asunder as completely as the prophet rent his mantle.*
FROM THE BOSTON COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
"The famous CALLENDER, who was for so long a period the apostle of jacobinism and democracy in the United States, and whom the democrats have been in the habit of accrediting; whose fine for a libel has been remitted by Mr. JEFFERSON; and who was the intimate friend of the Hon. STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON, of treaty memory—has
NOTE.
* In the Records of April 3d, and 10th; and of August 18th, all that has since happened at New Orleans, and that is now expected to happen was fully explained, and foretold. We have hardly another idea to add, even in this approaching maturity of the business. The Examiner combated our opinions. He could see no inconvenience that was likely to result to the United States from a French colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. It is needless, by this time, to say who was in the right. Yet, in defiance of geographical demonstration, of the most absolute knowledge and conviction to the contrary, Thomas Jefferson in the month of December following, brags to Congress of friendship abroad ! Can you trust the foresight of such a simpleton, or the sincerity of such a Hush.
lately volunteered a very handsome defence of Mr. STODDERT, late secretary of the navy, against the vile unmanly charges of the Investigating Committee ."
The answer we give to the above erroneous paragraph is this:
Mr. Stoddert's defence was written by a gentleman who neither respects nor fears either of the political factions which disturb the public peace. His sentiments upon this head are fully disclosed, in every thing which he says, or writes. They were stated at full length in our paper.
If the defence of Mr. Stoddert deserves the notice of this editor, it would be by far more proper to print it entire , than so much of the stuff with which newspapers are generally filled. If not, it was an insult upon his readers, for the Centinel to say any thing about it; and much more so, when the representation is incorrect.
We desire to be read, and understood, exactly as we appear. We desire to find our way, in our own language, to the hearts and understandings of every reasonable man in the country. But while there are so many editors of papers, who think themselves able to make reports in different language, we cannot hope to be fairly read or understood any where at a distance.
The New York Evening Post is an exception to this rule.
DEFENCE
OF MR. THOMAS NICOLSON.
WHEN a committee of delegates had been appointed to enquire and report concerning the salary of the public printer, they sent for several of the Richmond printers. Various estimates were given in. The lowest was that of Mr. Nicolson. He stated that he could do the laws for eight pounds ten shillings per sheet, and the journals for five pounds.
A member of assembly was brought before the committee. He affirmed that he had examined Mr. Nicolson's books. He found therein that nine pounds had been charged per sheet for the laws, and six pounds for the journals. The committee adjourned till next day. During this delay, evidence was had from Mr. Nicolson, that the prices charged to the public printer were the consequence of a voluntary offer made by that gentleman himself. The chairman, one Larkin Smith, was informed of this circumstance by a member of the committee. He was requested to convene them a second time, for the purpose of correcting the report. This he evaded, or refused, for the purpose of smothering Mr. Nicolson's information. When the report was laid before the house, in this false state, a motion was made for printing it, in order that the mistake might be amended. The house were made of other stuff. Amendment of any kind was the matter a theft from their heads. The member, who had given evidence before the committee, (I wish that I could tell his name) had the candour to come forward and inform the house that his evidence had been misunderstood by the committee; that it applied only to the printing of the journals, which makes but the smallest part of the story. The gentleman was refused a hearing by the saviours of faction, by the cream and essence of Virginian democratical virtue!
When Mr. Nicolson said the laws could be printed for eight pounds ten shillings per sheet, and the journals for five pounds, he expressly included the paper. Larkin Smith altered the title of Mr. Nicolson's report. In the head of his estimate, he stated, "printing, (including paper)" these words Smith struck out! He then made a new copy of the statement, and threw away the old one, which was since found on the street. He instructed, or suffered the committee to understand that the house would likewise have to pay for the paper of the journals. Upon this false conceit, the committee made an estimate of the supposed additional expence of the paper. They very soon found that the price of the paper would

make the whole charge very high. The committee, as above mentioned, adjourned. The mistake was immediately discovered. Smith refused to have it corrected; although desired to do so, by some of the committee. The house, as above remarked, would not hear an explanation. The blunder-pat master. If the committee had known any thing about the rates of printing, they could not have dreamed of any printers asking so wild a price. The deception past for a short time, but was almost immediately detected.
The question has been put, why did Mr. Nicolson charge nine pounds to Mr. Jones for the laws, and then offer to the committee to print them for eight pounds ten shillings? The short answer is this. Nicolson charged Mr. Jones five pounds for the bare printing . To this the latter added four pounds per sheet for the paper . When Mr. Nicolson gave in his estimate to the committee, he rated the paper at only three pounds ten shillings. This made up his sum total of eight pounds ten shillings. Thus his character and consistency come out of this transaction as pure as gold from the furnace. The price of paper fluctuates. No blame can attach to Mr. Jones for charging four pounds per sheet; and just as little to Mr. Nicolson for charging only three pounds ten shillings. The latter is personally independent. He had no particular reason for wishing to rival Mr. Jones. He has been established in business for twenty three years. The senate of the assembly, to whom he has long been printer, could have informed the committee that they are entirely satisfied with the propriety and probity of his conduct. He has abundance of employment. All these matters are known to every one that knows him, and why should a person in such circumstances wish to underbid, by a losing bargain!
The circumstances as to Larkin Smith were taken down under the immediate inspection of a member of assembly, whose character is quite as unexceptionable as that of any other in the house. Smith declared in the house that he would rather give Mr. Jones twenty seven hundred dollars for doing the public business than let Pace have it for five hundred. To defend his declarations and his conduct would require a front more impenetrable than the Vulcanian armour of Achilles, or the resendo of a Roman cohort.
The committee proceeded partly upon the authority of Mr. Davis, the former public printer. This gentleman estimates the net outlay expense at two thousand and forty six dollars. In this he includes nine hundred dollars as the wages of two compositors, for a year. The common price is eight dollars a week, which comes only, for the two, to eight hundred and thirty-two dollars. But farther, the journals begin to be printed at the sitting down of the session. The laws must be printed off in about a month after the session expires. In fact, the work both can be done, and is constantly done in three months, or thereby. This makes a deduction of three fourths of the sum, that is to say, of six hundred and twenty four dollars. Mr. Davis charges for two pressmen two hundred and sixty dollars per annum. They have, besides the laws, and journals, to work off some blanks. It shall therefore be allowed that the printer, may find employment for them during six months of the year. This allowance is liberal. This makes a second deduction of an hundred and thirty dollars from the estimate of Mr. Davis. For paper, for blanks to the auditor, to the executive, and the treasury, Mr. Davis charges an hundred and twenty dollars. But it seems that, at present, the two latter furnish their own paper. This makes a third deduction of probably eighty dollars. These three deductions amount in the whole, to eight hundred and thirty-four dollars. These details are indisputable; and they make a very severe mutilation, a mutilation of more than two fifths, from the before mentioned estimate of two thousand, and for-
ty six dollars. If a public printer chooses to hire journeymen by the year, instead of by the week, he must do this at his own expence, and not quarter them upon the treasury. He must do this upon an expectation of other public jobs; and from the profit of those other public jobs, must replace his own extra expences, if such expences ever have been incurred. One of these jobs is the printing of an edition of the laws of the last or current session of congress. To this business he can at all times, begin, the moment that he has finished the laws of the assembly. It is believed to be a very rare case, at least in Richmond, where a journeyman printer has been paid eight dollars per week, when his employer had no work to give him. The journals and the laws of assembly are regularly completed in about three months, and at any period of the year, fresh hands can be had upon a reasonable warning. Mr. Davis will read these remarks in the same coolness of temper, with which they have been written. His estimate can speak for itself. It appeared in this paper on the 16th ult. to which the reader is referred.
Mr. Nicolson, in his statement, offered, to do the whole work of laws, journals, blanks and all together, for three hundred and sixty three pounds ten shillings, or twelve hundred and twelve dollars. Mr. Pace, on the first day of the session, had offered to do the same thing for twelve hundred dollars. Why did not the assembly accept one of these two offers?
THE SPEECH OF GEORGE HAY, On the Trial of
HAY, vs. CALLENDER and PACE. Continued from No. 83
He thence inferred, that there could not remain the smallest doubt of the propriety of binding over Callender and Pace. That they were men of notorious bad fame. He appealed to the house whether there was one single individual who could come forward and deny this assertion. All were silent he said; they were convinced of the truth of what he stated, and they must also be convinced, if Callender was let loose, that he would riot more than ever in the field of calumny. That the peace of the community would be broken; that the society of the state of Virginia would exhibit a picture of wild disorder, and that the harmony and domestic happiness of private individuals would be interrupted. He declared that when he before stated that the editors themselves would repent if their hands were not bound up from slander, he did not allude to any designs that might be concerted by him for their destruction; but that it would happen that the general indignation would be so excited against them, that vengeance would be hurled on their heads. This, he said, Callender himself was sensible of, and knew it so well, that, according to his own confession, he was under the necessity of making a clandestine and precipitate retreat into jail in order to avoid the marks of that public contempt which he had so justly incurred. All parties and all men, said Mr. Hay, however they may differ in their political sentiments, agree in holding Callender in abhorrence. They agree in considering him as the vilest of mortals, as a slanderer, at the mention of whose name humanity shudders. What character of respectability does he not dare to calumniate? One he stigmatizes as an assassin, another he charges as a perjured villain. Not a single Recorder has appeared which has not contained some infamous libel, for which both Callender and Pace, were they indicted and tried, would suffer both fine and imprisonment. This is forsooth the mode of punishment which their counsel advise. I am not under the necessity to declare the reasons which have caused me to adopt the mode of binding them over in preference to a prosecution by indictment
or civil suit. But for the satisfaction of the court I will freely and candidly confess my motives. Were I to have prosecuted Callender by either of these methods, or by both, I should, during the period of eighteen months, or perhaps two years, have had all the calumny and venomous slander heaped upon me, which the infamous pen of that libeller could have produced. What satisfaction would the fine and imprisonment of Callender at the lapse of two years be to me, after I had received all the injury, and borne all the abuse, which he was capable of inflicting? Individuals are not to wait the tardy and uncertain issue of a law suit, and in the mean time, have their character and every action of their life, public and private, calumniated, perverted, and abused. Were Callender's pen now let loose, I would be the object of his foul and inveterate rancour for months to come. This he has declared. I do not speak from suspicion, but from the words of the Recorder. He has made no secret of his intentions; he has promised that he would expose my conduct both public and private, and to use his own virulent expression, that he was in possession of documents the most blasting and defamatory to my reputation. These documents, by Callender's account, related to a charge of suppressing evidence, of which he has accused me, and by which act Doctor Read had sustained the greatest injury. It happens, however, by the most singular coincidence of circumstances, that upon the very day, the 22d of December, when Callender was writing this libel on my character, Doctor Read, the gentleman whom Callender asserts became the victim of my deceitful conduct, was employed in writing me a letter, requesting me to become the guardian and instructor of his wife's son. Mr. Hay then read Doctor Read's letter. This gentleman, therefore, who by Callender's statement, received the greatest injustice from my hands, had singled me out from among all his acquaintances in Richmond, who entertain the same sentiments with regard to politics with himself, and they are not a few in number, in order to take the fatherly charge of this young man; in order to watch over him during that period, these four important years which the letter mentions, in which youth are most apt to be misled and to err from the path of rectitude.
Callender's counsel, the second on my left hand, (Mr. Rind,) expressed his fears, nay he declared that if the doctrine advanced should be found to be law, that the liberty of the press was gone, gone for ever. He attempted to intimidate the magistrates, I trust not intentionally, by picturing to them in the most dreadful manner, the consequences that would ensue from preventing the miscreant Callender from propagating his slander; he told them, that if a magistrate in the city of London dared to commit a printer to jail for not giving security in a case such as this, that his house would in a few hours be pulled about his ears, and that probably his life would even pay for his temerity. But I trust were this statement of Mr. Rind's even correct that the court now sitting would not form their judgment from the caprice of a London mob. The laws of England, and the decisions of the courts in that kingdom, are not to be determined by the whims or the actions of men heated by fury, and led on by ignorance.
But the magistrates of a monarchical country, and those under a republic are very differently situated. Those of the latter have a much greater discretionary power allowed them, then those of the former; in a monarchy such as Britain, every action of the civil magistrate is watched by the people with the eye of suspicion. They know the government are eager to lay hold of every opportunity, that may offer an usurpation of power, and they are therefore justly jealous of the most trifling invasion of their rights. The smallest deviation from the paths of legal rectitude in an English magistrate is severely punished. There occurred an instance about thirty
years since. I do not precisely at this moment recollect the particulars; but I think damages to the amount of 10,000l. sterling were recovered for the granting of an illegal warrant by one of the secretaries of state. In a monarchy the people ought always to be afraid and to guard over the conduct of the magistrate with the watchful eye of jealous suspicion. In a republic the reverse is the case; there the magistrate feels a dread of incurring the displeasure of the people, there are instances certainly to be found where magistrates in this country through ignorance have erred, I have known such instances myself; although I do not believe in the state of Virginia a single case can be produced.
Heretofore they are timid to an extreme. They never venture upon the most trivial act of authority without being first certain that they are treading in the path of Law. Mr. Foster, the Mayor of this city, is a striking instance of this extreme caution and timidity of giving offence to the people. When I applied to him for a warrant against Callender, although both Mr. McRae and myself assured him of the legality of granting it, and explained to him the law on that head, yet he was not satisfied; he was afraid of exceeding the limits of his authority. The magistrate who at last granted it was equally scrupulous at first; he read the law over and over until he was confident he was acting legally. There is not therefore the smallest danger that any magistrate in this country will ever exert his authority beyond the bounds of law and justice. If there should ever arise such an unfortunate instance, the vengeance of the community would assail him, and he would sink into eternal disgrace."
Mr. Hay next proceeded to state to the court the idea which he entertained of the liberty of the press. This liberty he said consisted in the entire privilege of making any strictures even of the severest nature, upon any of the public measures or acts of administration, or upon the conduct of any of the public officers or servants of government. He allowed that Callender was at full liberty to calumniate either him or any other public officer, so far as related to their official capacity, with impunity. He allowed that Callender had the right of accusing him of suppressing evidence although the circumstance was not true, as he was then in a manner acting officially. He said he hoped this liberty, would be always enjoyed in the fullest extent in this country. Nor did he ever wish to see the day when the smallest check would be attempted against the freedom of the press, in this respect. He hoped public measures as well as religious opinions would be allowed a free and fair discussion, and that the official conduct of public men would always be open to whatever observations or even undue censure which individuals might fancy to express. He trusted no restraint whatever would be laid upon the press. He argued that restraining the licentiousness of the press was not restraining the liberty of the press; for that no man had a right to be licentious or to advance libels upon private characters. That it was illegal, and that no person was authorised to do an illegal act. He therefore sincerely hoped that the court would confirm the decision of the magistrates to binding over Callender and Pace to the peace.
As Mr. Hay spoke upwards of three hours it is not to be expected that we could follow him closely, in every argument which he advanced; but we have given the leading features of his speech, as nearly as could be expected. At the conclusion of Mr. Hay's speech, the court adjourned until Tuesday morning.
Late on Tuesday afternoon, the court after hearing the arguments of counsel on both sides, discharged Messrs. Callender and Pace; the binding of them over being in their opinions an illegal act.