The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-04-17 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every SATURDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum;
SATURDAY, APRIL 17, 1802.
THE Subscribers to this Paper, who have not yet paid their Subscriptions, agreeably to conditions of Subscribing, are respectfully requested to forward the same to this Office. Numbers have not yet paid any money since their commencement of receiving from the first Number of this Paper, although the terms are one half Year in advance. We can only say, that those Gentlemen must see the propriety of our discontinuing to forward their Papers any longer, if the money is not immediately remitted, which can be done by the means of Bank Notes, by letter. The little Profit arising from this Paper, on account of the quantity of original matter contained in it, renders prompt payment necessary. The Post-Masters, who have Subscriptions on hand, are respectfully requested to forward the same, as above mentioned, or many Subscribers who have paid, will otherwise be in danger of having their papers discontinued.
April 3, 1802.
CHARLES SMALLWOOD, TAYLOR,
RETURNS his respectful Thanks for Favors already conferred on him by a generous Public, and begs Leave to inform them, that he has
REMOVED
His Business to the Street leading up to Shockoe Hill, next Door to Crouch and Webster's CITY HOTEL, where all Orders committed to his Care will be thankfully received.
Every Article in the above Business executed with neatness and dispatch, and on the most reasonable Terms.
A PERSON that is well acquainted with the Branch of Gardening,
Wishes to employ a great Part of his Time with two or three Gentlemen, in or near the CITY of RICHMOND, or MANCHESTER, by Way of superintending their Gardens.
For further Particulars enquire of the Printer. RICHMOND, Jan. 21, 1802.
WM. MCAY, CLOCK & WATCH-MAKER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
RESPECTFULLY informs his Friends, and the Public in general, that he continues to carry on the Clock and Watch-Making Business in Part of the House occupied by JAMES COLLETT, Breeches Maker, where all Orders from the Country will be punctually attended to.
A Variety of Watches, Watch Chains, Keys, Trinkets, &c.
The Laws of Virginia,
TO BE PRINTED By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jun. And HENRY PACE.
AMONG other numerous and important Improvements in the proposed Richmond Edition of " The Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia ," the following will be particularly attended to:—The Act of Assembly, for convoking the Convention of this State, in Order to discuss the Question of the Federal Constitution;—the Law, respecting the Acceptance and Ratification of the Federal System;—the Laws concerning Canals, the Patowomac, the James River, and other Companies.
This edition will also comprehend the Compact with the State of Maryland, respecting the River Patowomac; and, that regarding the Boundary between Pennsylvania and Kentucky; with other Additions, too numerous for Insertion in this Place.
It has already been stated to the Public, that this Work will cost only SIX DOLLARS, elegantly bound and lettered, in one large octavo Volume.
Stone Lime,
in Tiers, LOW FOR CASH, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, Near the Market House.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his Friends and the public, that he has just received a quantity of
Plaister of Paris,
of the very best quality for manure, which he proposes selling on Reasonable terms, either ground or in the Stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond April 12th 1802.
FOR SALE,
ON the fourth WEDNESDAY in the present Month (April) the Subscriber will sell, at public auction, his LEASE of FOUR Years from September last, of the Cross Keys Tavern , two Doors below the Court-House , in the City of Richmond, and give immediate possession.
There is attached to this tenement, a good Stable, and a very large Lot of LAND, newly-enclosed with Posts and Rails, a good Garden, a commodious Yard, and Hen House. The whole subjected to a Rent of 84 Dollars per Annum, to be paid Monthly throughout the whole Term of the Lease, which is Seven Dollars per Month. The Buildings are all in good Order; and all, except the Dwelling-House and Kitchen, put on the Place at the Expence of the Subscriber, which cost him upwards of One Hundred Pounds. He will treat with any Person privately in the Interim.
There can be no better Stand in this City for nearly one-third of each Month in the Year, being two Courts held at the Court-House (which is in Twenty Yards of the Place), in every Month, Eight of which are Quarterly Courts, that held Six Days each.
Should the Person who purchases wish to purchase a Quantity of suitable Furniture, the Subscriber will supply them as it stands in the House.
NATHANIEL CHILDERS. Richmond, April 7th, 1802.
Revised Code.
THE Publishers of the new edition of " THE REVISED CODE of the LAWS of VIRGINIA ," had advertised that the Subscription for this work was to close on the first of March. They have since found it advisable to keep the Subscription open till further notice, as a number of Copies of the printed proposals, which had been sent into the country, for the purpose of collecting Subscribers, have not yet been received back; and while the editors are accepting of lists of Subscribers from different parts of the State, they do not consider it as proper to decline the acceptance of Names in Richmond.
It has already been observed, that this edition will be rendered much more valuable than the former, by the addition of the Statutes of a public nature of EIGHT succeeding Sessions. In these, a considerable number of the Laws, inserted in the former edition have been revised, altered, or repealed. The whole will now be comprehended within a single volume, whereas the possessors of the former edition can only have recourse to them, at the expence of purchasing the entire sets of the Laws of all the former Sessions; of which an immense majority are of a private nature. Of course, these are totally uninteresting to magistrates, or lawyers; and besides the expence of the purchase, they are of a very unmanageable bulk.
CALEB WILLIAMS.
[Continued from our last.]
THIS reflection augmented the violence of his resolutions, and determined him to refuse no means by which he could transfer the anguish that now preyed upon his own mind to that of another.
Meanwhile, the composure and magnanimity of Emily had considerably subsided, the moment she believed herself in a place of safety. While danger and injustice assailed her with their menaces, she found in herself a courage that distained to yield. The succeeding appearance of calm was more fatal to her. There was nothing now powerfully to foster her courage, or excite her energy. She looked back at the trials she had passed, and her soul sickened at the recollection of that which, while it was in act, she had had the fortitude to endure. Till the period at which Mr. Tyrrel had been inspired with this cruel atrocity, she had been a stranger to anxiety and fear. Uninjured by misfortune, she had suddenly and without preparation been made the subject of the most infernal malignity. When a man of robust and vigorous constitution has a fit of sickness, it produces a much more powerful effect than the same indisposition upon a delicate valetudinarian. Such was the case with Miss Melville. She passed the succeeding night sleepless and uneasy, and was found in the morning with a high fever. Her distemper resisted for the present all attempts to assuage it, though there was reason to hope that the goodness of her constitution, assisted by tranquility and the kindness of those about her, would ultimately surmount it. On the night of that day she was arrested at the suit of Mr. Tyrrel for a debt contracted for board and necessaries for the fourteen last years.
The idea of this arrest, as the reader will perhaps recollect, first occurred in the conversation between Mr. Tyrrel and Miss Melville, soon after he had thought proper to confine her to her chamber. But at that time he had probably had no serious conception of ever being induced to carry it into execution. It had merely been mentioned by way of threat, and as the suggestion of a mind whose habits had been long familiarised to the recollection of every possible medium of tyranny and revenge. But now that the unlooked-for rescue and escape of his poor kinswoman had wrought up the thoughts of Mr. Tyrrel to a degree of insanity, and he revolved in the gloomy resources of his mind how he might most effectually shake off the load of disappointment that oppressed him, the idea recurred with double force. He was not long in forming his resolution; and, calling for Barnes, his steward, immediately gave him directions in what manner to proceed.
Barnes had been for several years the instrument of Mr. Tyrrel's injustice. His mind was hardened by use, and he could without remorse officiate as the spectator, or even as the immediate author and director of a scene of vulgar distress. But even he was somewhat startled upon the present occasion. The character and conduct of Emily in Mr. Tyrrel's family had been without a blot. She had not a single enemy; and it was impossible to contemplate her youth, her harmless vivacity, her guileless innocence, without emotions of sympathy and compassion,
Your worship?—I do not understand you! Arrest miss! miss Emily!
Yes, I tell you! What is the matter with you? Go immediately to Swineard, the lawyer, and bid him finish the business out of hand!
Lord love your honor! Arrest her! Why, she does not owe you a brass farthing; she always lived upon your charity!
As! Secondrel! I tell you she does owe me, she wes me eleven hundred pound. The law justifies it. What do you think laws were made for? I do nothing but right, and my rights I will have.
Your honor, I never questioned your orders in my life; but I must now. I cannot see you ruin miss Emily, poor girl! nay, and yourself too, for the matter of that, and not say which way you are going. I hope you will bear with me. Why if she owed you ever so much, she cannot be arrested. She is not of age.
Will you have done sir? Do not tell me of it cannot, and ic can. To my knowledge it has been done before, and it shall be done again. Let him dispute it that dares. I will do it now, and stand to it afterwards. Tell Swineard, if he make the least boggling, it is as much as his life is worth, he shall starve by inches.
Pray, your honor, think better of it. Upon my life, the whole country will cry shame of it.
Barnes?—What do you mean? I am not used to be talked to, and I will not bear it! They have driven me already, with their parleying and their disobedience, to the very end of my patience. You have been a good fellow to me upon many occasions. But, if I find you out for making one with them that dispute my authority, damn my soul, if I do not make you sick of your very life!
I have done, your honor! I will not say another word, except this. I have heard as how that miss Emily is sick a bed. You are determined, you say, to put her in jail.
You do not mean to kill her, I take it.
Let her die, if she will! I will not always be insulted. She had no consideration for me, and I have no mercy for her. I am in for it! They have provoked me past all bearing, and they shall feel me! Tell Swineard, in bed or up, day or night, I will not have him hear of a minute's delay.
Such were the directions of Mr. Tyrrel, and in strict conformity to his directions were the proceedings of that respectable limb of the law he employed upon the present occasion. Miss Melville had been delirious through a considerable part of the day on the evening of which the bailiff and his follower arrived. By the direction of the physician whom Mr. Falkland had ordered to attend her, a composing draught was administered; and, exhausted as she was by the wild and distracted images that for several hours had haunted her fancy, she was now sunk into a refreshing slumber. Mrs. Hammond, the sister of Mrs. Jakeman, was sitting by her bedside, full of compassion for the lovely sufferer, and rejoicing in the calm tranquility that had just taken possession of her, when a little girl, the only child of Mrs. Hammond, opened the street door to the tap of the bailiff. He said he wanted to speak with miss Melville, and the child answered that she would go tell her mother.
To be continued.

ON Monday last, the 12th instant, the following persons received sentence, at the district court held here, by the honourable judge Tucker, and judge Carrington, junior, viz. David Middleton of this city, for stealing a watch, at Mr. Painter's house; grand larceny; one year's imprisonment in the Penitentiary.—William Cochran, Henrico county; petit larceny, by stealing an odd unmatched pair of shoes, value two dollars; nine months of imprisonment.—Overton Burton, a taylor of Hanover county, for stealing a watch; grand larceny; twelve months of imprisonment. This is one of the notable consequences of gaming. Butler, who is a taylor, had been playing at cards one evening; by which he lost his watch. In the morning he picked her up, and attempted to get off. His defence was that he had been in liquor, over night, and forgot his having lost her.—Anderson Phillips of Chesterfield county, for horse stealing, three years of ditto.—John Whitis of this city, for stealing one dollar from a store in Richmond; petit larceny; one year of ditto.—Jack Harris, a free black man of this city, convicted upon three several indictments, for grand and petit larceny; six years. One sixth part of each term of confinement is to be passed in a solitary cell. It came out upon the trial of the black man, that he acted under the direction of one Peter Berry, a late store-keeper on the canal; and who decamped from Richmond some weeks ago, without either drums beating, or colours flying. SIC TRANSIT GLORIA MUNDI.
IN this day's Recorder, the reader will observe an essay signed CIVIS. There follows after it part of a small pamphlet respecting the tax, imposed by this state, upon merchants. This was printed some time last winter. The author is Mr. George Hay, one of the candidates for representing Richmond. CIVIS denies all merit to Mr. Hay's pamphlet. The best way to determine that point, is to let the author and his critic speak for themselves. The remainder of Mr. Hay's piece will be given in extracts, till the whole shall be reprinted.
CIVIS objects to the Letters of Hortensius and Franklin. We have always esteemed these productions. But variety is the beauty of the world, and, as far as the matter admits of it, we are disposed to give room for both sides. The Republicans have condemned the federal party, for attempting to crush all opposition to their own sentiments. The former have as little right as the latter to claim a monopoly of the press. Yet every day makes it more evident that there exists a set of men, who wish to tread down all opposition to their own conceits; who wish to forestall the circulation of political doctrines, and to say to the public mind, thus far shalt thou go, and no further.
Such is the project that has got into the heads of some people, and last week, we saw this hopeful babe roaked and christened in its cradle. We refer to what past in the meeting of Citizens at the Capitol.—You Sir! have dared to differ from the sentiments of the republican majority of congress! You think Sir, like Mr. Madison, that congress have no title to turn judges out of their offices. You are a defector. You are not worthy to be chosen as a member of the next Assembly. You, James Rind, have dared to think, Sir, that a Congress majority should answer and explain when called upon by their opponents; that they should give their reasons for voting as they do, before they give their votes. This doctrine is rank aristocracy; and you that hold it, Sir, are not fit to be trusted, either at this time, or at any future time, with the lowest public office whatever.
This is exactly the substance of the late speech of Mr. Lewis Harvey. We heard him with dillindness, and we listened with attention, as well as with astonishment. Nor is it for the petty purpose of contradicting Mr. Harvey, nor yet for the object of vindicating Mr. Rind, that the merits of his harangue, have, in this place, been submitted to the candid reflection of the public. The plain fact is that the right of thinking as we please is one and the same common cause with every honest man.
CIVIS shews, that in the case of the Merchant Tax, Mr. Hay opposed his own opinion to that of the republican Assembly of Virginia. That Assembly we hold to be quite as respectable in itself, as the present, or any former majority of Congress. If Mr. Rind ought to be rejected, because in one instance he differs from the latter, Mr. Hay, also, should be rejected, because he differs from the Assembly. There is no end of such nonsense. Mr. Rind wrote against the merchant tax, at the time when it was originally passed, to that he, also, as well as Mr. Hay,
Vid. last Saturday's paper.
has rushed into the guilt of dissenting from a republican majority.
A remark at parting with Mr. Harvey. In the Capitol he spoke these very words "Can you think, my fellow citizens! that throwing away this* pearl more precious than all the Federal tribe?" This young man's own father, colonel Harvey, has frequently been a Federalist.
* Mr. Hay.
We have been forced to leave out several extracts of letters from St. Domingo, two of which are impetuous; as also several shipwrecks, fires, and other small articles. These, along with the case of Mr. Lillie, printer of the Bolton Telegraph, &c. &c. shall appear in our next.
There has been a hard bout in Congress about the quantum of public salaries. The out with to bring them down; and the in with to keep them up. Such is human nature. The British prints are venting the gall of envy at the first Consul; for having accepted the presidency of the Cisalpine Republic; and they are predicting a fresh revolution in France. With great modesty, they tell us, at the same time, that the people of Malta are going to force George the third to accept of the presidency of that little rock. This it goes. The person eats like a farmer, and the farmer eats like a parson.
THE EXAMINER EXAMINED.
THE Examiner of the 14th current has a series of remarks respecting the merit of Mr. Rind. We shall quote the most material part of them, interspersing observations in answer. "How does it happen that Mr. Rind has acquired the reputation of being a federalist?" [He has acquired no such reputation. It is true that a number of federalist newspapers have received his address, as that of a defector; but Mr. Jones well knows that these people distort every thing, when they think that falsehood will suit their purpose.] "How is it that he is filled an enemy to the present administration?" [This is but an echo of the former assertion.] "It cannot proceed from his opposition to the repeal of the late judiciary law; because Dr. Eustis, Mr. Calhoun, and several other decided republicans, and the friends of Mr. Jefferson, were equally opposed to that measure; it is presumable, therefore, that those who confide in his federalism, have some stronger ground on which to build their hopes of his opposition to the majority in the next assembly." [We do not believe that any body confides in Mr. Rind's federalism; if this word implies a general opposition to the professed principles of the present administration. Some stronger ground! There is no ground of this kind, either strong or weak! It is just like the marriage of Almanschar, the glass merchant,* with the grand Vizir's daughter; it is the mere sport of imagination, without one peg upon which you can hang even a rag of probability.]
The principles of a man should not rest, cannot rest, upon the precarious movements of a party with whom he may generally have coincided in opinion. They are immovable; if therefore Mr. Rind thought that the repeal of the judiciary law was a flagrant and palpable breach of the constitution of the United States, and had declared this to be his opinion; if, under the conviction that the majority in Congress and the President had sacrificed their integrity from motives of revenge and retaliation, he had declared that he would not again vote for one of them; still if he had qualified this declaration by averring that he never would support the principles advocated by those to whom he was opposed in 98, the federalists would never have promoted his election.
[This passage appears to be somewhat perplexed. The short answer is 1. that Mr. Rind does not pin his principles, like a dabbler, at the tail of any party. 2. He has his frank declared his opposition to the repeal of the law that established the sixteen additional judges. 3. Mr. Rind has never said that "congress and the president had sacrificed their integrity from motives of revenge and retaliation; nor has he declared that he would not again vote for one of them," &c.—All this is not merely travelling, but even jumping from the record. Mr. Rind, both in print, and at the meeting in the capitol, has made an apology more than ten times sufficient for some expressions that escaped him in the vivacity of confidential conversation. We do not know that the federal party have promoted his election. We never heard one word of it before.]
Upon this subject, the people may have been informed by Mr. Rind; if they have not, they ought to be informed. If no change of principle has taken place, the fed-
NOTE. * A famous story in the Arabian tales. We cannot imagine by what means Mr. Jefferson got into this business. He has never interfered; nor has Mr. Rind been so much as reported to have alluded to him, in any such shape whatever.
eralists cannot be flattered in the success of the candidate in question. Can Mr. Rind occupy that untenable point, which stands between error and truth?"
[Mr. Rind can occupy the ground between the two parties. He can defend the rock of truth; or, if mistaken, the rock of an honest conscience.]
TO MY FELLOW-CITIZENS OF RICHMOND.
THE attack of Mr. George W. Smith on me, at the Meeting convened at the Capitol on Wednesday Evening last, is generally known. Peculiar reasons compel me to forbear any comment on it. It will be sufficient to a liberal and generous Public, to recollect, that when I repelled the charges of Mr. Smith, he named Mr. George Fisher of this City as his AUTHOR. I subjoin Mr. Fisher's Letter to me of Saturday last on this subject. I deem it conclusive to disprove the assertions which were made, and I flatter myself that it will be so considered by those who shall take the trouble to read it. I regret most poignantly that the time of my Fellow-Citizens at that Meeting, should have been principally taken up in personal altercation, but I have the consolatory reflection that I did not commence it, that it was as totally unprovoked as unexpected on my part, and that my course was simply the defensive one.
April 13th, 1802.
JAMES RIND.
MR. JAMES RIND,
Sir, BEING informed on the morning subsequent to the last meeting of the Republican Citizens of the City of Richmond, that Mr. George W. Smith, had given me as the author of certain expressions made use of by him to me, which expressions I had no knowledge of; I thought it proper that the misstatement so far as I was implicated should be corrected. Accordingly on that very day, I obtained from Mr. Smith a promise that he would correct it, being satisfied that he had been mistaken in what he had on the evening before declared to have been stated by me. This is the substance of what I told you in the evening of the same day, with this addition, that if it should be believed that I had made use of the expressions which Mr. Smith had understood me to have done, that I should not hesitate to declare that you never made use of them to me.
I am, Sir, Your most obedient Servant, GEORGE FISHER.
A sketch of occurrences at Tacouel, from the 6th to the 15th of February, 1802; together with a few transactions at the Island of Heneaga, communicated for publication in the Baltimore American.
ON the 6th of February, an embargo was laid on all the vessels in the harbour. On the 7th, the Schooner Philip, Benjamin Jenne, arrived; and on the 11th, all the captains and most of the crews were ordered on shore by general Desflaines, who arrived in the town the same day, and every American as well as all the citizens, were marched to the parade; many of the former at the point of the bayonet; when Desflaines delivered a long and authoritative oration, threatening vengeance to all those who would not exert every nerve in defending the island from the present invaders, (the French troops) and at the same time disarming all the white people then on the ground, and sending the police to examine every house, and take from them every kind of arms found therein and delivering them to the blacks. At the conclusion of this, they were ordered to their respective habitations. It is scarcely possible to describe the situation of the whites at this juncture, when the fate of the whites at the Cape threatened them with immediate destruction. The Americans remained on the ground, some time after the departure of the inhabitants, waiting their instructions, when positive orders were received to repair on board their respective vessels and there remain.
On the 12th, the sails of every vessel in the port were ordered to be unbent and sent on shore; likewise, the captains of the port had special orders to repair on board every American vessel, and strictly examine for boots, which the general at that time stood in much need of as well as his aids-de-camp. The orders were quietly and strictly executed, and not a pair of boots left on board any of them.
On the same evening (say the 12th) about midnight, the general left the town; but not before he had secured to himself ten thousand dollars from the treasury, to pay his travelling charges! Joy brightened the eye of every citizen on the news of his departure, which was not known until the morning of the 13th. On the same day, captain Benjamin Jenne, by special permission, got his sails on board and commenced bending them. It is impossible to describe the general consternation that this occasioned among the American captains, they not being able to unravel the mystery.
why one captain should be allowed greater privileges than the others.*
Too much cannot be said in favor of Dieu Donne, the principal commandant; for in the height of the confusion (which was certainly very great) he pledged his word and honor, that none of the Americans should be molested, and should it be requisite he would protect them in person (a proof of which happened about this time.) A Mr. Enoch Robbins, an American merchant, being at breakfast with several friends, was intruded on by a new citizen, who gave him very indecent language. On Mr. Robbins making application to Dieu Donne, and stating the facts, he sentenced the negro to be shot, but the accuser interceding, the culprit was pardoned.
On the 13th, we failed in company with the Schooner Experiment, captain Joseph Jenne, who it is believed, was permitted to fail by orders of the commandant, above mentioned, and that every American would be allowed the same privilege in rotation, although it is generally believed, it was the orders of Desflaines to detain them. It was likewise conjectured, that Desflaines's intentions were to burn, and destroy by other means, every place in his possession, previous to the arrival of the French troops. Witness Leogane and L'Archange; the former was entirely destroyed by fire together with the adjacent plantations.
There is reason to believe that the Schooner Philip proceeded to Port Republican with dispatches, of whatever nature or kind is not yet known; where she arrived on the 20th. During our stay at the above place, we learned, that a few days previous to our arrival, a 74 gun ship and a frigate had attacked the fort at St. Marc, and after an hour and a quarter, close action, was obliged to retire, owing to her receiving some shot from the fort, which had set her on fire; this information was given by an American captain, who was on board the 74 during the action.
At the time of our leaving Port Republican, which was on the 22d, St. Marc and Gonie were closely besieged by the French troops by land, and several men of war by sea; the 74 formerly mentioned, together with two heavy frigates, left Port Republican a few days previous to us.
St. Marc and Gonie are defended by the former governors, Toussaint, and Desflaines; and it is generally supposed, will make an obstinate resistance, it being their stand, for from thence the mountains must be their retreat, should, at Heneaga, an escape be obtained.
On the 25th of the same month, at half past three, P. M. we came to anchor under the N. W. point of Heneaga, where lay five vessels, viz. one brig, three Schooners, and a sloop. The boat was hoisted out, the captain, myself, and two of the people, went on shore for the getting fire-wood. The remainder of the crew remained on board for the purpose of putting the vessel in order for proceeding on our voyage. While we were on shore, three men, passing for the masters of the brig, Schooner, and sloop—the names of two of them were recollected—Prudans and Roberts—the third was not known, came on board the Philip and behaved in a very rude and indecent manner. After much conversation in favor of their country—and finding they were not coincided with to their satisfaction, they proceeded to abuse the mate, Mr. Willis, with kicks and blows, and ordered him to hand his sails and open his hatchies, as they intended to give the vessel a thorough overhaul, by virtue of a commission he held from New Providence; according to his information, he was authorised to overhaul every American vessel he fell in with. All this transpired previous to the captain and myself coming on board. On our arrival we were accosted by three Bermudian rebels or Providence pirates, in a very austere and abusive manner; ordering the captain to produce his papers, to which he at first refused. The one whose name is not known immediately ordered his people, who were then on board, to proceed to his brig and bring with them sixteen men, to take possession of the Schooner; in fact the boat had pulled off for the purpose of executing his orders, when captain Jenne thought it most prudent to reconcile the enraged desperadoes by offering to produce his papers on condition the boat would be called, which was agreed to. At this time the never-failing cordial gin, was introduced, and after a few glasses had circulated, the conversation concerning the papers was entirely forgot, and they appeared extremely satisfied in giving a concise detail of the plunder they had obtained in the present cruise; which I have no doubt was taken when opportunity offered, from vessels afloat, as well as those who might be so unfortunate as to be wrecked on any of the adjacent islands. They continued on board until half past seven, when they retired in tolerable drunken order; when we got under way and bid adieu to that board of robbers and pickpockets.
How degrading it must be to any nation to protect such out-lawry as is carried on in that nest of villainy, New Providence.
NOTE. Captain Jenne obtained this permission to sail, on condition of touching at Port Republican, with Desflaines's dispatches, for which he also received a handsome compensation.

INVASION OF CHINA
BY THE TARTARS.
RECENT accounts from Canton state, that a strong body of Tartars had made an incursion into China, near Sohow, and had proceeded along the borders of the desert, almost as far as the mountains of Hobo-Nor; they were well appointed and disciplined, and excited general terror, the more especially, as this invasion seems to have been connected with internal commotions.
The Tartars have in consequence made a retrograde movement, with a view, it is stated to concentrate their force, and to wait for reinforcements.
Several districts were at the same moment in arms, but the emperor's troops, by a prompt movement, brought the insurgents to action before they could be joined by the Tartars, and routed them with immense slaughter.
In the Eastern districts of China, owing to the prevalence of an uncommon drought, the natives have been reduced to the necessity of abandoning whole tracts of country in quest of food. The emperor has exerted his authority for their relief; but the general situation of the country opposes much difficulty to his benevolent purposes.
[WE have some doubts about this whole story. The fatal termination of the French war has put the newsprinters of London to prodigious difficulties. The emperor of China is himself a Tartar; and he possesses an extensive portion of that immense country. That these Tartars are well disciplined is, no doubt, a London embellishment. There may possibly have been, at Canton, some such vague report of an invasion; but it seems just as unlikely as that the Scots Highlanders would invade Yorkshire.]
NEW-YORK, March 31.
St. Peter's Church in Barclay street was robbed a few days ago of part of the plate belonging to the communion table. On Monday last, a young man, (who says his name is Smith, and that he is from Poughkeepsie) was apprehended on suspicion of having committed the sacrilege; and after examination, committed to Bridewell, to take his trial at the next circuit court now sitting. The plate was traced to the person to whom he is supposed to have sold it, and was broke in pieces. It was a present, we understand, from the king of Spain to the Roman Catholic Church in this city, and was highly esteemed.
An accomplice of the said Smith is apprehended, and is now in Bridewell on the same charge.
The number of deaths in this city, from the 20th to 27th inst. (one week) amount to fifty three—11 of whom died of consumptions, 13 of measles, 1 of dropsy, 2 of worms, 2 of fits, 1 in child bed, 1 of Palsy, 1 of scartat fever, 1 of old age, 1 of jaundice, 1 of apoplexy, 1 of debility, 1 of convulsions, 3 of syphilis, 2 accidents, and 13 of diseases not mentioned. Of the above number 22 were children.
ALEXANDRIA, March 19.
ON Friday evening last, two men arrived at the tavern at the Four Mile Run, with three negroes and some horses which they had purchased in Maryland, and which they were conveying to Georgia. During the night, the negroes, probably with some assistance loosened their handcuffs in such a manner, as to be enabled to knock them off with facility, whenever a favorable opportunity should occur of effecting their escape. On Saturday morning about two miles and an half from town, the negroes suddenly shook off their handcuffs and attacked their masters. One of the owners, after a considerable contest, with much difficulty, escaped from the negro, with whom he was engaged. The other, being attacked by two was soon overpowered and thrown into a ditch, where he was beaten with stones in a most shocking manner, and left for dead by the negroes, who, after having rifled his pocket of what cash it contained, 117 dollars, ran into the woods. They have since been seen on the road to Baltimore. The owner has been brought to town, and is in a fair way of recovery.
LONDON, January 31.
GOVERNOR WALL.—After having been twice respited, Joseph Wall, who was convicted at the Old Bailey on the 20th inst. underwent the sentence of the law yesterday, at the usual place of execution. A council was held on Wednesday at St. James's, to take his case into consideration, and it was there decided that the law should take its course.
At five minutes past eight Mr. Wall ascended the scaffold, dressed in apparel far inferior to his condition; an old light brown mixed coat and black velvet collar, pantaloons and slippers; he held a handkerchief in his hand. His appearance being unexpected, produced a powerful sensation in the public mind; he was received with three distinct huzzas on coming out; this appeared to agitate him much. On coming forward, he did not seem to wish to speak to the populace, but
took Mr. Sheriff Cox by the hand, and said to Dr. Ford, the ordinary, "I beg that I may be pulled by the heels." This Dr. Ford communicated to the executioner. At the falling of the platform, another expression of public opinion took place, which we hope will never be repeated: a great number, scembled on the occasion, joined in a huzza. The act was highly indecorous, and but ill accorded with those humane and generous feelings which have characterised the name of Britons.
By the rope slipping, the knot came to the back of the convict's neck, and prolonged his sufferings; he was observed to struggle longer than any sufferer has ever been observed to do, and at the expiration of 11 minutes, it was found necessary to pull his legs. At the end of the usual time, being about ten minutes after nine, the body was cut down, and conveyed into a cart to the theatre of dissection on Saffron hill, escorted by the city marshal and his attendants.
After trial he did not return to his old apartment, but was conducted into a cell; he was so far favored as not to have irons put on, but a person was employed as a guard to watch him during the night, to prevent him doing violence to himself. His bed was brought to him in the cell, on which he threw himself in an agony of mind, saying it was his intention to rise until they called him on the fatal morning.
Mrs. Wall, the wife of the prisoner, accompanied by her sister, Mrs. Howard, a relative of the Duke of Norfolk, went to the prison on Wednesday evening. The former only saw him; and, about 11 o'clock, she took an affectionate adieu of her husband; they at last parted, never to meet more; and in this trying and critical interview, when the mind is engaged in testimonies of the greatest endeartments, they acquitted themselves with that interesting pathos and affection which defy the power of language to represent. In an agony of despair, his last words to his loved partner were—"God bless you, my dear! take care of my children; and endeavour to represent me to them in as favourable a way as possible!"
Mr. Wall was only lieutenant governor of Goree, but acted as chief, the first appointment being vacant. It was an office he held but a short time, not more than two years. His emoluments were very considerable as, besides his military appointments, he was superintendent of trade to the colony. He was a native of Dublin.
NOTE.
* This compliment might well have been spared. Think of Ireland, of Bengal, of your attempt, even in time of peace, (December, 1793,) to starve the whole French nation. The Gibraltar Gazette, Vid. last Saturday's Recorder, mentions the murder of some Egyptian Mamelukes, as a circumstance that would strike every English reader with horror. What stuff is this!
GOVERNOR WALL.
GOVERNOR WALL, who was lately executed in London, was a captain in the British army, and governor of Goree, an island on the coast of Africa. He was succeeded in his place in July, 1782, when he prepared to embark for England. Some time preceding, there had been a scarcity of provisions in the garrison, in consequence of which, they had been put to an allowance. It is the custom of the British army, when soldiers are not allowed their full rations, to have it made up to them in money. As the commissary was about to depart with the governor, the men waited twice on the governor, in a body of twenty or thirty each time, and requested that he would see justice done to them, before the commissary left the island. The second time they waited on him, he became offended and drove them to their quarters. Soon after he ordered the long-roll to be beat, to summon the garrison on the parade. They immediately repaired there, where the governor and the officers met them.
He ordered a circle to be formed; he ordered a gun-carriage to be drawn into the centre, and called sergeant Benjamin Armstrong, who was stripped and tied to the carriage. The governor then ordered him to be flogged by black men, not belonging to the garrison, who inflicted eight hundred lashes on him with the end of a rope, and not with a cat o' nine tails. The governor was heard to say, while the punishment was inflicting—"Lay on him; cut him to the heart; cut him to the liver." He was afterwards taken to the hospital, where his wounds mortified, and he died in three days. Governor Wall was not apprehended for this until the year 1784. He was then taken at Bath, but on the way to London he escaped from the messenger who had him in custody, and got off to the continent, where he resided for upwards of sixteen years.
In October last, he wrote a letter to lord Shelburne, stating his readiness to take his trial,
and for after repaired to England for that purpose. As soon as he delivered himself up, a special commission was ordered to try him, at which he was found guilty of murder. Many of the witnesses were dead; still there were several found who were present at the transaction. The governor in his defence, endeavoured to prove that the men were mutinous, and that Armstrong was tried by a regimental or drum-head court-martial, but neither of these allegations was substantiated. General Forbes, general M'Kenzie and many other respectable characters appeared in behalf of the prisoner's character. They stated, that he had always behaved as a gentleman and an officer; was a man of great humanity and good temper; and a most tender and affectionate husband and father. After his condemnation, considerable interest was made to obtain a pardon, but in vain.
TAKE NOTICE.
IN last week's paper, under the head of British Jacobins , there was stated an account of the cool barbarity of William Pitt to certain persons, whom he did not like. The preceding narrative places the British government in an opposite light. It shews that, even at the distance of twenty years from the commission of his crime, a British officer may be hanged for the murder of a common serjeant.
With much concern we perceive that the federal government has not always deserved a familiar encomium. In summer, 1799, commodore Sterret engaged with a French frigate. In the heat of the action, Samuel Sterret ran one of the common sailors through the body. He wrote home an account of the engagement, and with the most inimitable impudence, the assassin boasted of the murder. This letter, with his name affixed, appeared in all the newspapers. And the Examiner , The Prospect Before Us , &c. &c. spoke of his conduct with all the horror which it demanded.
Mr. Adams was highly censured by the democrats, because he did not bring this ruffian to trial. Nothing of such an infamous nature has ever been heard of in the British navy, during the midst of battle. And pray what is the situation of an American seaman, if he may be shot like a snipe, or a woodcock, by one of his own officers! An act of congress expressly forbids the punishment of a sailor, till he has past a trial, and received sentence. John Adams promoted sixteen of his friends to the office of additional federal judges, with salaries, which, to be sure, was the main object, of two thousand dollars a piece. Their adversaries, having vaulted into the saddle of authority, are now kicking them out again; and many worthy people believe that this expulsion puts an end to the federal constitution.
Quere. Was not the blood of Neale Harvey of equal value to him with a salary of two thousand dollars to one of these sixteen judges? Is not murder, and especially such cowardly, such wanton murder, the most horrid of all crimes? If the federal constitution is yet above ground, for what reason has not Samuel Sterret been tried, sentenced, and hung?
When Mr. Jefferson got into the chair, we did expect that Samuel Sterret would be turned out of the navy. But notwithstanding the very numerous dismissions and reductions, no such thing has been thought of.
In the course of last year, Captain Sterret, fell in with a Tripolitan corsair; he fought and took her. The president wrote a letter of thanks for his gallantry; and as Mr. Jefferson had never heard of the murder of Neale Harvey, his conduct on this occasion, is highly commendable. On the 31st of December, the senate sent a message to the house of representatives, in which they refer to captain Sterret. They propose a set of resolutions, that were said to be drawn with much spirit, and in which they request the president to present the captain with a gold medal with suitable emblems. The representatives altered this medal into a sword; and we presume that it has by this time been, or that it very soon will be presented.
Governor Wall was hanged, as aforesaid, for the murder of Armstrong. His lady is sister to lord Seaforth. She is allied to the duke of Norfolk, who ranks as the very first peer in England. She is connected with many other noble families. But all this could not save her husband from the halter. A privy council was held on purpose; and the king's pardon was finally refused. Compare the justice of the British privy council with the barbarous negligence, the marked contempt of justice, which pollutes the journals of an American congress.
The story had made so much noise in the newspapers, and produced such general disgust in the common men of the navy, that Sterret, if he had felt himself innocent, must have demanded his trial. But in truth it is impossible that he could have been acquitted.
When a British sailor discovers improper treachery in time of action, he is hurried off deck; and tried at leisure. This corresponds with office and humanity. Citizens of America! let us hide our faces, when we think of the contrast.
For "The Recorder."
A PUBLICATION has appeared in the Examiner of the 2d. inst. under the signature of Republicanus . The design of this writer is to shew to the freeholders of Richmond, that Mr. George Hay, one of the candidates to represent this city, ought to be preferred, not only to his competitors, but also to the whole community. Although this pre-eminent ground has been taken for Mr. Hay, yet, if the writer had been contented with the terms which were sufficient for the purposes of recommendation, without showing the circumstances on which he relied; and particularly as to things in which many people differ widely with Mr. Hay, he might, without interruption, have indulged himself, and amused the public with such matters, as long as it had been convenient for him to write, and for them to read. If this had been the case, it would have been as uncivil to have questioned that sort of eulogy, as the eulogist himself has been uncivil, not only to the other candidates, but to many other persons, who, it is known, differ materially with Mr. Hay, and to whom public opinion has ascribed high talents, correct principles, and zealous and faithful conduct. I mean, James Madison, John Taylor, William Branch Giles, besides an host of others, who united with, or have trodden in their steps; and how this is, I will endeavour to explain.
Mr. Hay, it is said, is the author of many excellent political essays, but those for which he is most recommended, are distinguished by the names of " Hortensius " and " Franklin " and " A Letter addressed to the Legislature concerning the Tavern Merchants ." As to the two first of these, they have had their day; the subjects are settled. There were a great many persons of the very first talents, who did then, and who will for ever differ with Mr. Hay; who thought they were the effusions of a party writer, who did not seem disposed even to concede that he was such; of a writer, who never departed from his side; who made every thing yield to his conclusions, without showing, or offering a libelary excuse for opposite opinions. This mode of writing may be allowed in an advocate, but cannot be tolerated in a politician. If Mr. Hay wrote in the first of those characters, he is entitled most surely to credit for his zeal; yet, I believe, that if he should calmly investigate those subjects, as a politician, or judge, he would find much to condemn. But he this as it may, it is a fact, that there are a great many men, who have read these performances, who deny their merit, and who considered them as too impotent, and harmful, to make a general denial necessary. Republicanus has made it so; because he urges the merit of these as inducements to elevate the political character of the author to the important office of legislation.
With respect to the applause given for the letter, or essay, concerning The Tax on Merchants , that is of more consequence, not because it has more merit, but because it relates to a question of importance, concerning which, Mr. Hay, if elected, will have an opportunity of voting; and if, as Republicanus lays, he has such transcendent talents, he may have the power of dictating. This essay, therefore, may affect us more, and for that reason ought to be noticed.
I have said that Mr. Hay, in his Hortensius , and Franklin , has written precisely as a lawyer would have done, who had engaged to advocate a particular side; and so far as I can judge, he has pursued the same course with respect to the essay now under consideration.
It is not my intention at present to follow Mr. Hay through the whole of his dissertation on the Tax on Merchants ; but I expect to shew, from the performance itself, to the apprehension of many, that it is possibly wrong ; and, to the satisfaction of others, that it is absolutely so .
Every body admits that government should be supported by taxes. Policy dictates, that they should be imposed on subjects which are most sure to be productive, with the least injury or inconvenience to the community. By our government, these considerations are submitted to the representatives of the people, who are supposed to know their wants, and to feel their evils. It is by these, that the tax on merchants has been imposed, and has been continued year after year, since 1797. And what is remarkable, it has met the approbation, not only of Messrs. Madison, Taylor, and Giles, who have been members of the Legislature during, or within that period, but, what is still more remarkable, the law was revived by that patriotic band, who called the attention of America to their Resolutions ; and who past upon themselves an eulogy, which it appears Mr. Hay has engrafted in his essay, sanctifying it by the addition of his own plaudit. Although he has done so; and although we are told in numberless other writings, that these politicians are entitled to our fullest confidence and even; although we are

It is said, that Mr. Hay, more than any other citizen, deserves public favor, yet, it seems to be forgotten, that these very gentlemen were either very negligent, or very wicked, in passing, and repeatedly re-enacting this tax upon merchants, which, according to Mr. Hay, was neither constitutional, nor just. Such is the opinion of Mr. Hay, so, that upon this merchant tax, we find him not only at war with Mr. Madison, and his friends, but as acting in opposition even to himself.
Page 1. "This law passed in 1797; has been renewed every year since; it is neither constitutional nor just; the amount is considerable; the collection is easy, and those who feel power forget right."
Page 11. "The virtuous servants of a free people will not perform a single act of power, unless they are absolutely sure that they are authorized to perform it, by that sacred charter, whose precepts they have pledged themselves to God and to their country to observe."
Such was once the language of Republicanus .
The reader is requested to notice, that the last is a quotation from the Resolutions of the Legislature of 1798, which were confirmed and applauded by every succeeding assembly; that the same patriots who passed this Resolution, passed also the law which imposed a tax on merchants. This law, then, which Mr. Hay says is neither constitutional nor just, was passed by Madison, Taylor, Giles, and the rest, at the very time when they declared that they would not exercise a single act of power, unless they were sure that it was proper to do so.
As we cannot believe that such ardent and intelligent patriots would have suffered this law to pass, without a thorough examination, so it is reasonable to conclude that they did examine it; and did moreover think that it was not only constitutional and just, but expedient also. If this be denied by Mr. Hay, it will follow, that they were either very negligent, or very incapable to judge of the constitutional, or the justice of the law: and in either case, that they do not deserve the applause which appears in the foregoing extract. If, on the other hand, the law is constitutional and just, Mr. Hay has raised, as the lawyers express it, "a false clamour," and for doing so, he cannot be entitled to the applause which his eulogist has thought proper to bestow on him.
If it was not in my power to oppose the essay on this subject by such authority, and by such odds, it would be a duty to shew, by argument, that it is extremely fallacious; and however it may deserve credit for ingenuity, or zeal, it surely has no intrinsic merit. It may pass for an advocate, logician, or partisan; but it will not pass for a judge, a politician, or a legislator.
Having thus armed myself with the high authority of such characters, sanctioned by the continued approbation of a great portion of the community, and by nobody more than by Mr. Hay himself, I will leave him to extricate himself, as he best can.
This is evident, that if Mr. Hay is right, Madison, Taylor, Giles, and the rest, are wrong; and do not deserve that applause and confidence which are bestowed upon them.
Thus it is, that we are called upon to bow down to two descriptions of characters, whose opinions upon the same questions are in direct opposition to each other; and we are gravely told, that such is the pre-eminent talents and unrivaled merit of their political competitors, that even to hint at, or doubt, will be to sin.
We all know, that it is much easier to destroy than to create; to pull down than to erect: it is not difficult to cry down any public measure, or to assert that a law ought to be repealed.
When, as in this case, a law produces with ease and certainty a great deal of money; when it acts as a corner-stone to our political edifice, the schemer, who recommends it to be withdrawn, should either prove that the building will do without it, or that another can be substituted which will answer better. Until one of these shall be done, it naked recommendation to destroy that which exists, and which is admitted to be of great importance, is ridiculous; just as much so, as to expect that a man in his senses would divest himself of a coat which was necessary to his preservation, before he either knew where, or by what means, he could obtain another.
I presume, that Mr. Hay has intended his Essay on the Merchant Tax , as an exemplification of his ingenuity, and a testimonial of his talents. If so, it ought not to be relied on as the sheet anchor to secure his popularity. To recommend for that which is not meritorious, is an injury which ought not to be forgiven, even though it proceeded from the most disinterested friendship. It is like assisting a man to mount an eminence, and then leaving him either to perish on the spot, or to be crushed in the fall; which means, the ardent of friendship is converted into an hostile battery, which will not fail to prostrate and level to the earth every thing which it can reach.
CIVIS.
Richmond, April 15th, 1802.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE TAX ON MERCHANTS, Respectfully submitted to the consideration of the General Assembly of Virginia.
No date, nor Publisher's name.
In December, 1797, a law was passed by the Legislature of this Commonwealth, subjecting wholesale dealers in articles of foreign growth or manufacture, to an annual tax of forty dollars, and retailers of such articles, to a tax of fifteen dollars. This law has been regularly renewed, every year, since its adoption, and it may be presumed, will be again re-enacted, if the important question which it presents, shall be passed over with the same silence that has been hitherto observed.
The object of the present address, is to prove, that this tax is neither constitutional nor just.
The revenue brought into the Treasury, from this source, is certainly an object of some importance. The amount is considerable, and the collection easy; but if either branch of the foregoing proposition can be supported, if it can be proved, that the law, under which it arises, is either an infraction of the Federal Constitution, or unjust, arguments founded on convenience, ought to have no influence in the decision, which the Legislature, must pronounce. It is believed that they will have no influence: the attachment to principle, which hitherto has been generally, if not uniformly, manifested by the Virginia Assembly, justifies this belief; but whether our experience at home, is not sometimes to prove, what it has already told us, from abroad, that "those who feel power forget right," * is a question which time alone can determine.
The tax under consideration, being imposed, on wholesale and retail dealers, in articles of foreign growth or manufacture, it is an obvious truth, that it is either a duty on those articles, which like all other duties enhances the price of the commodity, and is finally refunded by the consumer; or, it has no influence on the price, and is therefore a poll tax, on the individuals engaged in the business of selling foreign merchandise.
This position appears too clear to require illustration, and will therefore be assumed as true.
If the tax operates, as a duty, on foreign merchandise, it is contrary to the Constitution of the United States, and particularly to the 10th section of the eighth article. If on the other hand it operates as a poll tax, it is like all other poll taxes, unjust; and the injustice in the present case is attended by circumstances of peculiar aggravation.
But there is no difficulty in deciding that this tax operates, almost universally, as a duty on foreign goods, and not as a poll tax, on the sellers. The instances in which it can come under the latter designation, are few in number, and will hereafter be noticed. In fact, it requires no argument to prove, that in all the pursuits of human life, where the capital, as in trade, is money, the expenses attending these pursuits must be taken into calculation, and that every man of common discretion, will obtain the ordinary rate of profit on his stock, or divert his capital, into some other channel of employment. These expenses whether produced by taxes or any other cause, are therefore generally reimbursed. Even if a tax of four thousand dollars, instead of forty, were imposed on wholesale dealers, the rate of mercantile profit in this country would continue the same, that it now is, or be increased. The latter most probably would be the result. The number of wholesale dealers, would certainly decrease, and business in the wholesale way would soon fall into the hands of a few wealthy individuals. Now, increase of profit is always the effect of monopoly, and rises exactly in the ratio, in which competition is diminished. The tax itself thus paid by the merchant would be re-
funded by the people, with a profit on it, equal at least to the profit, on any other parts of his stock. These principles are so well understood, by those who are at all conversant in political economy, and are indeed in themselves so obvious, that a farther exposition of them here must be totally unnecessary. It will be sufficient to refer to a writer whose opinions are universally entitled to respect, but particularly in this country, where a question of the first magnitude, has been decided, by his authority, and where, it is said, the framers of the Constitution have taken his acceptance of a very important word, although that acceptance is peculiar to himself. † "A tax of this kind" says Doctor Smith, ‡ "where it is proportioned to the trade of the dealer, is finally paid by the consumer, and occasions no oppression to the dealer. When it is not so proportioned, but is the same upon all dealers, though in this case too it is finally paid by the consumer, yet it favors the great, and occasions oppression to the small dealer."
It is taken for granted therefore as a general truth, that a tax on wholesale or retail dealers in foreign goods, is finally paid by the consumers of those goods. Where then is the difference between a tax on the merchant, which tho' advanced by him, is placed on his merchandise, and is finally paid by the consumer, and the duty imposed by Congress on imported goods? The difference is nominal only. The duty is advanced by the merchant, enhances the price of his goods, and falls ultimately on the consumer. This is precisely the history of the tax. In every essential point, there is the most exact resemblance, and a tax on merchants is in effect, a duty on goods.
To be continued.
* Gallatin on the finances of the United States, p. 3.
† Wealth of Nations, 2, 380.
MARENGO; OR, THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY;
[Continued from our last.]
THE clock at Marengo struck ten, when we were returning slowly towards San Giuliano. Numbers, harassed with fatigue, but more for want of sleep, dozed upon their horses backs, but were every instant roused by the painful cries of those who were borne upon firelocks, or temporary hand barrows; or of those who, abandoned and scattered in the field, implored our aid. Thus every humane and sensitive heart was penetrated with that melancholy to which the true soldier is no stranger, and which does him so much honour. Horses, limping here and there, upon three legs, called to our own by their instinctive neighings; at every step too it was necessary to turn out of our way, so as to avoid treading upon the wounded. The ditches and the road often presented the scene of caissons, and other carriages, as well as cannon, overturned. Further off we beheld houses devoured by the flames, and tumbling upon the heads of the wretched owners, half dead by the fears which had driven them to the expedient of hiding themselves in the cellars and other subterraneous places. The total darkness which surrounded us, made the picture addionably frightful. Prisoners, not knowing where to go, but with the hope of escaping, wandered at random. If they were met with by French soldiers, bending under the weight of their comrades, they were forced to turn back, and bear on their shoulders those respectable burdens.
At length arrived at head-quarters, which served as the Ambulance to the army, every one stowed himself as he could, among the dying and the dead, without the piercing cries of the former being able any longer to surmount the violence of sleep. The next morning, hunger taking its turn to prevail, I in a melancholy condition, entered the great court, to look for something for myself and horse to eat. I was there struck with a sight so horrible, that I shuddered
all over. More than three thousand Frenchmen and Austrians, heaped one upon another in the yard, in the granaries, in the stables and out-houses, even to the very cellars and vaults, were uttering the most lamentable cries, blended with the severest curses against the Surgeons, there being too few to dress all the wounded at once. Every where I heard the languishing voices of comrades, or of my particular friends, who begged of me something to eat or drink. All that I could do was to fetch them some water. In truth, forgetting my own wants, and those of my horse, I, staid more than two hours, running backwards and forwards, performing, by turns, the part of a surgeon and an hospital attendant.
Prisoners were brought in from every part: which increased the number of the famished. In short, this was a day that appeared of an insupportable length to all of us. However, an event which gave birth to a great many conjectures, moderated in some degree, our endless inquietudes. An Austrian officer came to parley, and a French aid-de-camp set out immediately to Alessandria. No one knew any thing of this business and yet every one made a gazette of it after his own manner. Berthier went off to that place about noon, leaving us all in the greatest expectation, for no one dared to hope for that which we learned the next day to have been obtained. We were early in the morning informed of the news of the armistice, which filled the French army with a joy never before experienced: whilst that of the Austrians, storming with rage, filed off the next and succeeding days before us, on the field of battle, still reeking with their and our blood, and where the dead carcasses began to taint the air with their purid exhalations.
And now a supply of subsistence and other necessaries began to arrive, as well as carriages for the conveyance of the sick. A fraternal partition of these comforts was made among all the victims of that bloody day.
Without any inquietude or jealousy, the Austrian was seen with the Frenchman, who, two days before, would have cut one another's throats. They were seen to receive from the same hands, under the same roof, in the same chamber, the required help and the urgent care of succouring humanity.
XXIV. Departure of the Consul for Milan.
The 27th Prairial (June 16) the prisoners made from us, were restored, and the Consul set out for Milan in haste, escorted by chasseurs. The rumour of our being defeated, which ran through the city had distressed the friends of liberty, and filled their hearts with chagrin and horror: but the contrary news of the great events which had just taken place, the publication of our exploits, still more the presence of Buonaparte, changed their sad uncertainty into real enthusiasm. The national guard, and the provisional government, were directly organized. The Consul, General Berthier, and all his chief staff were present, with an immense number of people, at a Te-Deum which was sung in gratitude for our triumphs.
XXV. Surrender of the Citadel.
THE citadel of Milan agreeing to surrender, the garrison, to the number of 4000, marched out with the honors of war, the half of which deserted immediately after. A Piedmontese battalion came over to us with arms and baggage, and colors flying; all the French soldiers of Bussy's and Rohan's entered our ranks also, none but the officers remained: and I am sure that in eight days not less than fifteen thousand men deserted, almost all Frenchmen, taken in the retreat of Scherer. There were found in the hospitals also, near fifteen thousand sick and wounded; the number of dead, had been pretty nearly as many, making the whole loss of the enemy (including those taken prisoners since our descent from Mount St. Bernard) in the course of this rapid campaign, sixty-five thousand men; a loss which however enormous it may appear, is nevertheless not exaggerated.
* See Mr. Jefferson's first address.