The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-29 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1808.
[No. 111.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OFFICE OF THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NOTICE. —By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Rawleigh, dated the 25th day of December, in the year 1807, and recorded in the district court of Richmond; made to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Rawleigh to Samuel Myers—Will be exposed to sale, at Auction, on the premises, on Saturday the 7th of next month, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, all that lot or parcel of ground or tenement on Shockoe-Hill, in the city of Richmond, which the said Rawleigh bought of Simpson Bryan. This piece of ground is twenty feet and a half in front, on the street, and runs back 110 feet. There is on it a new three story Brick- House, lately built by said Rawleigh—Sixty days credit will be allowed for twelve hundred dollars of the purchase money, and twelve months credit for the residue; the purchasers giving negotiable notes, with approved endorser: But the title to the property, as well as the possession, will be retained until the note for 1200 dollars is paid; and if not paid at the Bank of Virginia at the time it falls due, the said lot or tenement will at any time thereafter, when the subscriber shall think proper, be sold by him at auction, under the deed of trust aforesaid, for ready money: And if on such second sale, it shall produce less than it sold for at the first sale, then the first purchaser, together with the endorser or endorsers to his notes, will be liable for the deficiency; but if it shall sell for more, the surplus will be paid to the first purchaser. In case of a second sale, ten days notice thereof shall be published in one of the news-papers printed in the city of Richmond.
NOTICE. —By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Rawleigh, dated the day of this month, made for the benefit of his creditors, whose names are annexed to the said deed—Will be exposed to sale, at Auction, at 12 o'clock of the day mentioned in the above advertisement, four horses, a Man, two Women, and a Girl—A Wagon and four Horses—Six Mules and three Carts—Two Cows, and all the Household and Kitchen Furniture of the said Rawleigh. Six months credit will be allowed for all sums above 50 dollars. The purchasers giving negotiable notes, with approved endorser, payable at the Bank of Virginia. And cash must be paid for all purchases under fifty dollars: no article will be delivered till the money is paid, or a note given as above.
IMPRESSED SEAMEN. —It has been represented to the Secretary of State, that Nathaniel Thompson, Thomas Williams, Benjamin Bagwell, Joseph Setta, Joseph Cox, Charles Redding, Samuel Henshaw, A. Girdon, Samuel Clapson, William Thompson, John Brant, Thomas Webben, Matthew Soderborn, F. Race, George Smith, William Brown, Minor Smith, William Bender, Robert McCord, William Price, Henry Muller, David Porter, Benjamin Young, Charles Anderson, Isaac Ganges, Thomas Cook, William Jones, John Galloway, Peter Lewis, Thomas Marcum, John Markle, Daniel M. Hogan, James Boggs, William Tice, John Jason, James Carney, John Lemont, William Lindsey, Nicholas Miller, John Porter, Peter Murphy, James Patterson, John Skinner, Thomas Allen, Christopher Syron, J. C. Breckner, Jno. Swaine, Jno. Jarvis, Wm. A. Jennings, Theodore Young, James Hoyt, Joseph Rosey, John Tilt, Joseph Haswell and John Williams, who call themselves American citizens, have been impressed and are now detained in the British service. The friends of these men are hereby notified, that upon their transmitting to this department, proof of the citizenship, together with a description of the persons of the above named seamen, measures will be taken to procure their discharge.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE. April 13, 1808. The Editor of the National Intelligencer, and the Editors of such other papers as publish the laws of the Union, in the Atlantic States, are requested to insert the above notice three times, in their respective Gazettes.
SPRING & SUMMER GOODS. —RICHARD BROOKS has just received a full assortment of GOODS, suitable for the present and ensuing season, all of which he will sell low for cash—Among which are— Superfine and second Cloth, Superfine and second Cassimeres, Twilled and Tabby Velvet, Hunter's constitution and silver Cords, Cotton Cassimeres and English Nankeens, India Nankeens, Bandannah, Romall and Madras Hdkfs. White and coloured Janes, do. do. Marseilles, Calicoes and Chintz, Pink, blue and purple Ginghams and Muslins, Dimity and Cambric & Dimity, Furniture do. Linen and Cotton Checks, 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linen and shirting Cotton, 9-8 and 6-4 Cambricks, Plain and Figured Lenoes, Elegant mill full Robes and short Dresses, Worked and Figured Sarsnets and Crapes, Real Lace Veil, black and white, Narrow and broad black Laces, Fashionable Scarfs and Shawls, Gentlemen and Ladies' silk and cotton Hose, 7-4, 10-4 Damask Silk Shawls, and 1 case fashionable Bonnets and Head Dresses, just from Paris.
THE TAPPANANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstake for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows—Aged horses 130lbs. 6 years old 120lbs. 5 do. 110lbs. 4 do. 100lbs. 3 do. do. 80lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. March 25. [ept24-28]
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
A MONUMENT TO THE MEMORY OF WASHINGTON. —A subscription book is open at the Bank of Virginia. None but citizens of the United States will be allowed to contribute; nor will more than ten dollars be received from one individual. April 23. [1t]
LOST OR MISLAID. A bundle of papers, wrapped in a piece of dressed sheep-skin, either between my house & Richmond, or Chesterfield Court-House—amongst the papers are, three bonds from Duty and John Porter, to Joff Estes, for £47: 10s each, payable one in April 1805, 1806 and 1807—one other bond from Maj. William Brown to myself for £34: 10s: 3d—one some old paper money; say one $2000 bill, a number of other papers of various description, that I get them, shall be reasonably rewarded—I likewise caution all persons taking an assignment for said Bonds. Wm. LOGWOOD. Chesterfield County, April 29. (2t)
SELECT SCHOOL. —This school is removed to the former Loan-Office, opposite to the Swan-Tavern. The instructions given are in the Latin and Greek languages, Rhetoric and Mathematics, &c. The School hours are from 8 o'clock in the morning to 3 in the afternoon. The pupils are limited to twenty, and as that number is not filled up at present, a few will be received. The fees of tuition are fifteen dollars a quarter, payable in advance. There is no additional charge upon the Scholar's first entering, nor is there any for fuel. FRANCIS S. O'REILLY. Richmond, April 8. [ep1m.]
ENGLISH GOODS. —APPLETON & Co. By the John Adams, St Johns, from Liverpool, 15, Calvert-Street, have received their regular supply of GOODS calculated for the present and approaching season. Cambric and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Cords, Grandville, Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Haricot and Check do. Plain and Figured Mull do. Leno, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4-4 Plain Book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Sattins, Persians and Sarsnets, Bonne Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces. do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. &c. In store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. Baltimore, April 19. (10t)
THE BROAD-ROCK SPRING RACES will commence the 11th day of May next. The 1st day, the Jockey Club Purse of $400, four mile heats.—The 2d day the Proprietor's Purse of $300 three mile heats.—The 3rd day, a purse of $100 two mile heats.—Entrance $20. For this purse, any person may run a horse whether he be a member of the Jockey Club or not—Agreeable to the Jockey Club weights, winning horses for the first and second days' races not allowed to start for the third day's purse. WM. BALL, Proprietor of the Field. April 19. [6t]
FOR SALE. —30 ton country and Sweden Iron assorted, 2 ton Nail Rods, a few Hds. Northern Whiskey, and a few Bales prime Cotton. Likewise, just receiving 27,000 weight of choice Bacon, among which are 750 hams—All of which we will dispose of on reasonable terms, for cash or a short credit. RUSSELL & WALLACE, Left corner of street leading to Byrd's Warehouse. April 22. [ep1m.]
MAHOGANY. —The subscriber has nine logs Mahogany for sale on low terms for cash or good paper. EDWARD JOHNSTON. Rochester, April 22. [4t]
NOTICE. —The subscribers having formed a connection in Business, under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, offer for sale (at the store lately occupied by Mr. C. J. Macmurdo) the following articles, viz: 50 bds. N. E. Rum, 25 bds. Loaf and Lump Sugar, 12 bags of Pepper, 2 ton of Bar Lead, 10 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, 25 boxes Candles, 15 boxes New-York Chocolate, 25 trunks of Shoes assorted, 50 tierces Stone Lime. HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZER. April 5. [ep5w]
All persons who are indebted to the subscriber are requested to make immediate payment—No further indulgence will be given to those whose bonds and accounts have been due 6 months. HENRY HOVEY.
FITZWHYLSONN & POTTER have just received a very extensive supply of Foolscap and Letter PAPER, which they offer for sale on terms advantageous to the purchaser. They have on hand a great variety of Day-Books, Journals, and Ledgers, Record and Sheriff's Books, Music, and Music Books, Musical Instruments and Strings, Paper Hangings for rooms. With a general assortment of articles in the Blank Book and Stationary line. Richmond, April 19. [T3w]
BOOKS AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf.]
DOMESTIC.
A LETTER TO THE HON. HARRISON GRAY OTIS, A member of the Senate of Massachusetts, ON THE PRESENT STATE OF OUR NATIONAL AFFAIRS; With Remarks upon Mr. PICKERING'S LETTER, To the GOVERNOR of the COMMONWEALTH. BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. WASHINGTON, March 31, 1808.
DEAR SIR, I HAVE received from one of my friends in Boston, a copy of a printed Pamphlet, containing a Letter from Mr. Pickering to the Governor of the Commonwealth, intended for communication to the Legislature of the state, during the session, recently concluded. But this object not having been accomplished, it appears to have been published by some friend of the writer, whose inducement is stated, no doubt truly, to have been the importance of the matter discussed in it, and the high respectability of the author.
The subjects of this letter, are the embargo, & the differences in controversy between our country and Great-Britain—subjects upon which, it is my misfortune, in the discharge of my duties as a Senator of the United States, to differ from the opinion of my colleague. The place where the question upon the first of them, in common with others of great national concern, was between him and me, in our official capacities, a proper object of discussion, was the Senate of the Union. There it was discussed, and, as far as the constitutional authority of that body extended, there it was decided. Having obtained alike the concurrence of the other branch of the National Legislature, and the approbation of the President, it became the Law of the Land, and as such, I have considered it entitled to the respect & obedience of every virtuous citizen.
From these decisions, however, the letter in question is to be considered in the nature of an appeal; in the first instance, to our common constituents, the Legislature of the State—and in the second, by the publication, to the people. To both these tribunals I shall always hold myself accountable for every act of my public life. Yet, were my own political character alone implicated in the course which has in this instance been pursued, I should have forborne all notice of the proceeding, and have left my conduct in this, as in other cases, to the candor and discretion of my country.
But to this species of appeal, thus conducted, there are some objections on constitutional grounds, which I deem it my duty to mention for the consideration of the public. On a statement of circumstances attending a very important act of national legislation, a statement which the writer undoubtedly believed to be true, but which comes only from one side of the question, and which I expect to prove, in the most essential points, erroneous, the writer with the most animated tone of energy, calls for the interposition of the commercial states, and asserts that "nothing but their sense, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin." This solemn and alarming invocation is addressed to the Legislature of Massachusetts, at so late a period of their session, that had it been received by them, they must have been compelled either to act upon the views of this representation, without hearing the counter statement of the other side, or seemingly to disregard the pressing interest of their constituents, by neglecting an admonition of the most serious complexion. Considering the application as a precedent, its tendency is dangerous to the public. For on the first supposition, that the Legislature had been precipitated to act on the spur of such an instigation, they must have acted on imperfect information, and under an excitement, not remarkably adapted to the composure of safe deliberation. On the second, they would have been exposed to unjust imputations, which, at the eve of an election, might have operated in the most inequitable manner upon the character of individual members.
The interposition of one or more State Legislatures, to control the exercise of the powers vested by the general Constitution in the Congress of the United States, is at least of questionable policy. The views of a state legislature are naturally and properly limited in a considerable degree to the particular interests of the state. The very object and formation of the National deliberative assemblies, was for the compromise and conciliation of the interest of all—the whole nation. If the appeal from the regular, legitimate measures of the body where the whole nation is represented, be proper to one state legislature, it must be so to another. If the commercial states are called to interpose on one hand, will not the agricultural states be with equal propriety summoned to interpose on the other? If the East is stimulated against the West, and the Northern and Southern sections are urged into collision with each other, by appeals from the acts of Congress to the respective States— In what are these appeals to end?
It is undoubtedly the right, and may often become the duty of a state legislature to address that of the nation, with the expression of its wishes, in regard to interests peculiarly concerning the state itself. Nor shall I question the right of every member of the great federative compact to declare its own sense of measures interesting to the nation at large. But whenever the case occurs that this sense should be "clearly and emphatically" expressed, it ought surely to be predicated upon a full and impartial consideration of the whole subject—not under the stimulus of a one-sided representation—far less upon the impulse of conjectures and suspicions. It is not through the medium of personal sensibility, nor of party bias, nor of professional occupation, nor of geographical position, that the whole truth can be discerned, of questions involving the rights and interests of this extensive Union. When their discussion is urged upon a state legislature,
the first call upon its members should be to cast all their feelings & interests, as the citizens of a single state into the common stock of the national concern.
Should the occurrence upon which an appeal is made from the Councils of the Nation, to those of a single state be one, upon which the representation of the state had been divided, and the member who found himself in the minority, felt himself impelled by a sense of duty, to invoke the interposition of his constituents, it would seem that both in justice to them, and in candor to his colleague, some notice of such intention should be given to him, that he too might be prepared to exhibit his views of the subject upon which the difference of opinion had taken place; or at least that the resort should be had, at such a period of time as would leave it within the reach of possibility for his representations to be received, by their common constituents, before they would be compelled to decide on the merits of the case.
The fairness and propriety of this course of proceeding must be obvious, that it is difficult to conceive of the propriety of any other. Yet it presents another inconvenience which must necessarily result from this practice of appellate legislation. When one of the Senators from a state proclaims to his constituents that a particular measure, or system of measures which has received the vote and support of his colleague, are pernicious and destructive to those interests which both are bound by the most sacred of ties, with zeal and fidelity to promote, the denunciation of the measures amounts to little less than a denunciation of the man. The advocate of a policy thus reprobated must feel himself summoned by every motive of self-defence to vindicate his conduct; and if his general sense of his official duties would bind him to the industrious devotion of his whole time to the public business of the session, the hours which he might be forced to employ for his own justification, would of course be deducted from the discharge of his more regular and appropriate functions. Should these occasions frequently recur, they could not fail to interfere with the due performance of the public business. Nor can I forbear to remark the tendency of such antagonizing appeals to distract the Councils of the State in its own Legislature, to destroy its influence, and expose it to derision, in the presence of its sister states, and to produce between the colleagues themselves mutual asperities and rancours, until the great concerns of the nation would degenerate into the puny controversies of personal altercation.
It is therefore with extreme reluctance that I enter upon this discussion. In developing my own views and the principles which have governed my conduct in relation to our foreign affairs, and particularly to the embargo, some very material differences in point of fact as well as of opinion, will be found between my statements, and those of the letter, which alone can apologize for this. They will not, I trust, be deemed in any degree disrespectful to the writer. Far more pleasing would it have been to me, could that honest and anxious pursuit of the policy best calculated to promote the honor and welfare of our country, which, I trust, is felt with equal ardor by us both, have resulted in the same opinions, and have given them the vigor of united exertion. There is a candour and liberality of conduct and of sentiment due from associates in the same public charge, towards each other, necessary to their individual reputation, to their common influence, and to their public usefulness.
In our republican government, where the power of the nation consists alone in the sympathies of opinion, this reciprocal deference, this open-hearted imputation of honest intentions, is the only adamant at once attractive and impenetrable, that can bear, unshattered, all the thunder of foreign hostility. Ever since I have had the honor of a seat in the National Councils, I have extended it to every department of the Government. However differing in my conclusions, upon questions of the highest moment, from any other man, of whatever party, I have never, upon suspicion, imputed his conduct to corruption. If this confidence argues ignorance of public men and public affairs, to that ignorance I must plead guilty. I know, indeed, enough of human nature, to be sensible that vigilant observation is at all times, and that suspicion may occasionally become necessary, upon the conduct of men in power. But I know as well that confidence is the only cement of an elective government—election is the very test of confidence—and its periodical return is the constitutional check upon its abuse; of which the electors must of course be the sole judges. For the exercise of power, where man is free, confidence is indispensable—and when it once totally fails—when the men to whom the people have committed the application of their force for their benefit, are to be presumed the vilest of mankind, the very foundation of the social compact must be dissolved. Towards the gentleman whose official station results from the confidence of the same Legislature, by whose appointment I have the honor of holding a similar trust, I have thought this confidence peculiarly due from me, nor should I now notice his letter, notwithstanding the disapprobation it so obviously implies at the course which I have pursued in relation to the subjects of which it treats, did it not appear to me calculated to produce upon the public mind, impressions unfavorable to the rights and interests of the nation.
Having understood that a motion in the Senate of Massachusetts was made by you, requesting the Governor to transmit Mr. Pickering's letter to the Legislature, together with such communications, relating to public affairs, as he might have received from me, I avail myself of that circumstance, and of the friendship which so long subsisted between us, to take the liberty of addressing this letter intended for publication, to you. Very few of the facts which I shall state will rest upon information peculiar to myself. Most of them will stand upon the basis of official documents, or of public & undisputed notoriety. For my opinions, tho' fully persuaded, that even where differing from your own, they will meet with a fair and liberal judge in you, yet of the public I ask neither favor nor indulgence. Pretending to no extraordinary credit from the authori-
ty of the writer, I am sensible they must fall by their own weakness, or stand by their own strength.
The first remark which obtrudes itself upon the mind, on the perusal of Mr. Pickering's letter is, that in enumerating all the pretences (for he thinks there are no causes) for the embargo, and for a War with Great-Britain, he has totally omitted the British Orders of Council of November 11, 1807—those orders, under which millions of the property of our fellow-citizens, are now detained in British hands, or confiscated to British captors—those orders, under which tenfold as many millions of the same property would have been at this moment in the same predicament, had they not been saved from exposure to it by the embargo—those orders, which if once submitted to and carried to the extent of their principles, would not have left an inch of American canvas upon the ocean, but under British licence & British taxation. An attentive reader of the letter, without other information, would not even suspect their existence. They are indeed in one or two passages, faintly, and darkly alluded to under the justifying description of "the orders of the British government, retaliating the French imperial decree," but as causes for the embargo, or as possible causes, or even pretences of War with Great-Britain, they are not only unnoticed, but their very existence is by direct implication denied.
It is indeed true that these orders were not officially communicated with the President's Message recommending the Embargo—They had not been officially received—but they were announced in several paragraphs from London and Liverpool Newspapers of the 10th, 11th and 12th of November, which appeared in the National Intelligencer of the 18th December, the day upon which the Embargo Message was sent to Congress. The British government had taken care that they should not be authentically known before their time—for the very same newspapers which gave this unofficial notice of these orders, announced also the departure of Mr. Rose, upon a special mission to the United States. And we now know that of these all-devouring instruments of rapine, Mr. Rose was not even informed. His mission was professedly a mission of conciliation and reparation for a flagrant—enormous—acknowledged outrage. But he was not sent with these orders of Council in his hands. His text was the disavowal of Admiral Berkeley's conduct—The Commentary was to be discovered on another page of the British ministerial policy—On the face of Mr. Rose's instructions, these orders of council were as invisible, as they are on that of Mr. Pickering's letter.
They were not merely without official authentication. Rumours had for several weeks been in circulation, derived from English prints and from private correspondences, that such orders were to issue; & no inconsiderable pains were taken here to discredit the fact. Assurances were given that there was reason to believe no such orders to be contemplated. Suspicion was lulled by declarations equivalent nearly to a positive denial: and these opiates were continued for weeks after the embargo was laid, until Mr. Erskine received instructions to make the official communication of the orders themselves, in their proper shape, to our Government.
Yet, although thus authenticated, and even although thus in some sort denied, the probability of the circumstances under which they were announced, and the sweeping tendency of their effects, formed to my understanding a powerful motive, and together with the papers sent by the President, and his express recommendation, a decisive one, for assenting to the embargo. As a precautionary measure, I believed it would rescue an immense property from depredation, if the orders should prove authentic—If the alarm was groundless, it must very soon be disproved, and the embargo might be removed with the danger.
The omission of all notice of these facts in the pressing enquiries "why the embargo was laid?" is the more surprising, because they are of all the facts, the most material, upon a fair and impartial examination of the expediency of that Act, when it passed. And because these orders, decrees of France and Spain, have furnished the only reasons upon which I have acquired in its continuance to this day. If duly weighed, they will save us the trouble of resorting to jealousies of secret corruption, and the imaginary terrors of Napoleon for the real cause of the embargo. These are fictions of foreign invention—The French Emperor had not declared that he would have no neutrals—He had not required that our ports should be shut against British commerce; but the orders of Council, if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of Colonies. It resisted, would have fattened the wolves of plunder with our spoils. The embargo was the only shelter from the Tempest—The last refuge of our violated Peace.
I have indeed been myself of opinion, that the embargo must in its nature be a temporary expedient, and that preparation against these outrageous violations of our neutral rights, ought at least to have been made a subject of serious deliberation in Congress. I have believed and do still believe that our internal resources are competent to the establishment and maintenance of a naval force public and private, if not fully adequate to the protection and defence of our commerce, at least sufficient to induce a retreat from these hostilities and to deter from a renewal of them, by either of the warring parties; and that a system to that effect might be formed, ultimately far more economical, and certainly more energetic than a three years embargo. Very soon after the closure of our ports, I did submit to the consideration of the Senate, a proposition for the appointment of a committee to institute an enquiry to this end. But my resolution met no encouragement. Attempts of a similar nature have been made in the House of Representatives, but have been equally discountenanced and from these determinations by decided majorities of both houses, I am not sufficiently confident in the sup-

riority of my own wisdom to appeal, by a topical application to the congenial feelings of any one—not even of my own native section of the Union.
The Embargo, however, is a restriction always under our own control. It was a measure altogether of defence, and of experiment. It was in judiciously or over-hastily laid, it has been every day since its adoption open to a repeal; if it should prove ineffective for the purpose which it was meant to secure, a single day will suffice to unbar the doors. Still believing it a measure justified by the circumstances of the time, I am ready to admit that those who thought otherwise may have had a wiser foresight of events, and a sounder judgement of the then existing state of things, than the majority of the National Legislature, and the President. It has been approved by several of the State Legislatures, and among the rest by our own—Yet of all its effects we are still unable to judge with certainty. It must still abide the test of futurity. I shall add that there were other motives which had their operation in contributing to the passage of the act, unnoticed by Mr. Pickering, and which having now ceased will also be left unnoticed by me. The orders of Council of 11th Nov. still subsist in all their force, and are now confirmed, with the addition of taxation, by act of Parliament.
As they stand in front of the real causes for the Embargo, so they are entitled to the same pre-eminence in enumerating the causes of hostility, which the British Ministers are accumulating upon our forbearance. They strike at the root of our independence. They assume the principle that we shall have no commerce in time of war, but with her dominions, and as tributaries to her. The exclusive confinement of commerce to the mother country, is the great principle of the modern colonial system; and should we by a dereliction of our rights at this momentous stride of encroachment, surrender our commercial freedom without a struggle Britain has but a single step more to take, and she brings us back to the stamp act and the tea tax.
Yet these orders—thus fatal to the liberties for which the heroes of our revolution toiled and bled—thus studiously concealed until the moment when they burst upon our heads—thus issued at the very instant when a mission of atonement was professedly sent—in these orders we are to see nothing but a “retaliating order upon France”—in these orders, we must not find so much as a cause—nay, not so much as a pretence, for complaint against Britain.
To my mind, sir, in comparison with those orders, the three causes to which Mr. Pickering explicitly limits our grounds for a rupture with England, might indeed be justly denominated pretences —in comparison with them, former aggressions sink into insignificance. To argue upon the subject of our disputes with Britain, or upon the Embargo, and keep them out of sight, is like laying your finger over the unit before a series of noughts, and then arithmetically proving that they are all nothing.
It is not however in a mere omission, nor yet in the history of the Embargo, that the inaccuracies of the statement I am examining have given me the most serious concern; it is in the view taken of the questions in controversy between us and Britain. The wisdom of the Embargo is a question of great, but transient magnitude, and omission sacrifices no national right. Mr. Pickering’s object was to dissuade the nation from a war with England, into which he suspected the administration was plunging us, under French compulsion. But the tendency of his pamphlet is to reconcile the nation, or at least the commercial states, to the servitude of British protection, and war with all the rest of Europe. Hence England is represented as contending for the common liberties of mankind, and our only safe-guard against the ambition and injustice of France. Hence all our sensibilities are invoked in her favor, and all our antipathies against her antagonist. Hence too all the subjects of difference between us and Britain are alleged to be on our part mere pretences , of which the right is unequivocally pronounced to be on her side . Proceeding from a Senator of the United States, specially charged as a member of the executive with the maintenance of the nation’s rights, against foreign powers, and at a moment extremely critical of pending negotiation upon all the points thus delineated, this formal abandonment of the American cause, this summons of unconditional surrender to the pretensions of our antagonist, is in my mind high alarming. It becomes therefore a duty, to which every other consideration must yield, to point out the errors of this representation. Before we strike the standard of the nation, let us at least examine the purport of the summons.
And first, with respect to the impressment of our seamen. We are told that “the taking of British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, by British ships of war, is agreeable to a right, claimed and exercised for ages.” It is obvious that this claim and exercise of ages, could not apply to us, as an independent people. If the right was claimed and exercised while our vessels were navigating under the British flag, it could not authorise the same claim when their owners have become the citizens of a sovereign state. As a relic of colonial servitude, whatever may be the claim of Great Britain, it surely can be no ground for contending that it is entitled to our submission.
If it be meant that the right has been claimed and exercised for ages over the merchant vessels of other nations, I apprehend it is a mistake. The case never occurred with sufficient frequency to constitute even a practice, much less a right. If it had been either, it would have been noticed by some of the writers on the laws of nations. The truth is, the question arose out of American Independence; from the severance of one nation into two. It was never made a question between any other nations. There is therefore no right of prescription.
But, it seems, it has also been claimed & exercised , during the whole of the three administrations of our national government. And is it meant to be asserted that this claim and exercise constitute a right? If it is, I appeal to the uniform, unceasing and urgent remonstrances of the three administrations—nay, I appeal to the sound sense and honorable sentiment of the British nation itself, which, however it may have submitted at home to this practice, never would tolerate its sanction by law, against the assertion. If it is not, how can it be affirmed that it is on our part a mere pretence?
But the first merchant of the United States, in answer to Mr. Pickering’s late enquiries has informed him that since the affair of the
Chesapeake there has been no cause of complaint—that he could not find a single instance, where they had taken one man out of a merchant vessel. Who it is, that enjoys the dignity of first merchant of the United States, we are not informed. But if he had applied to many merchants in Boston, as respectable as any in the United States, they could have told him of a valuable vessel and cargo, totally lost upon the coast of England, late in August last, and solely in consequence of having had two of her men, native Americans, taken from her by impressment, two months after the affair of the Chesapeake.
On the 15th of October, the king of England issued his proclamation, commanding his naval officers, to impress his subjects from neutral vessels. This proclamation is represented as merely “requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries,” and then “it is an acknowledged principle that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war.” Is this, sir, a correct statement either of the proclamation, or of the question it involves, in which our right is concerned? The king of England’s right to the service of his subjects in time of war is nothing to us. The question is, whether he has a right to seize them forcibly on board of our vessels while under contract of service to our citizens, within our jurisdiction upon the high seas?—And whether he has a right expressly to command his naval officers to seize them?—Is this an acknowledged principle? Certainly not.—Why then is this proclamation described as founded upon an acknowledged principle? and why is the command, so justly offensive to us, and so mischievous as it might then have been made in execution, altogether omitted?
But it is not the taking of British subjects from our vessels, it is the taking under color of that pretence, our own, native American citizens, which constitutes the most galling aggravation of this merciless practice. Yet even this, we are told is but a pretence—for three reasons.
1. Because the number of citizens thus taken, is small. 2. Because it arises only from the impossibility of distinguishing Englishmen from Americans. 3. Because, such impressed American citizens are delivered up, on duly authenticated proof.
1. Small and great in point of numbers are relative terms. To suppose that the native Americans form a small proportion of the whole number impressed is a mistake—the reverse is the fact. Examine the official returns from the Department of State. They give the names of between four & five thousand men impressed since the commencement of the present war.—Of which number, not one fifth part were British subjects.—The number of naturalized Americans could not amount to one tenth—I hazard little in saying, that more than three fourths were native Americans. If it be said, that some of these men, though appearing on the face of the returns, American citizens, were really British subjects, and had fraudulently procured their protections; I reply that this number must be far exceeded by the cases of citizens impressed, which never reach the Department of State. The American Consul in London, estimates the number of impressments during the war, at nearly three times the amount of the names returned. If the nature of the offence be considered in its true colors, to a people having a just sense of personal liberty and security, it is in every single instance, of a malignity, not inferior to that of murder. The very same act, when committed by the recruiting officer of one nation within the territories of another, is by the universal law and usage of nations punished with death. Suppose the crime had in every instance, as by its consequences it has been in many, deliberate murder. Would it answer or silence the voice of our complaints to be told, that the number was small?
2. The impossibility of distinguishing English from American seamen is not the only, nor even the most frequent occasion of impressment. Look again into the returns from the Department of State—you will see that the officers take our men without pretending to enquire where they were born; sometimes merely to show their animosity, or their contempt for our country; sometimes from the wantonness of power. When they manifest the most tender regard for the neutral rights of America, they lament that they must have their complement. When we complain of these enormities, we are answered, that the acts of such officers were unauthorized; that the commanders of men of war, are an unruly set of men, for whose violence their own government cannot always be answerable; that enquiry should be made—A court martial is sometimes mentioned—and the issue of Whitby’s court martial has taught us what relief is to be expected from that. There are even examples I am told, when such officers have been put upon the yellow list. But this is a rare exception. The ordinary issue when the act is disavowed, is the promotion of the actor.
3. The impressed native American citizens however, upon duly authenticated proof are delivered up. Indeed! how unreasonable then were complaint! how effectual a remedy for the wrong! An American vessel, bound to an European port, has two, three or four native Americans, impressed by a British man of war, bound to the East or West Indies. When the American capt. arrives at his port of destination, he makes his protest and sends it to the nearest American minister or consul. When he returns home, he transmits the duplicate of his protest to the Secretary of State. In process of time, the names of the impressed men, & of the ship into which they have been impressed, are received by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men may be delivered up. The Lords of the Admiralty, after a reasonable time for enquiry and advisement, return for answer, that the ship is on a foreign station, and their lordships can therefore take no further steps in the matter. Or, that the ship has been taken, and that the men have been received in exchange for French prisoners. Or, that the men had no protections (the impressing officers often having taken them from the men) Or, that the men were probably British subjects. Or, that they have entered, and taken the bounty; (to which the officers know how to reduce them.) Or that they have been married, or settled in England. In all these cases without further ceremony, their discharge is refused. Sometimes, their lordships, in a vein of humor, inform the agent that the man has been discharged as unservicable . Sometimes, in a sterner tone, they say he was an impostor . Or, perhaps, by way of consolation to his relatives and friends, they report that he has fallen in battle, against na-
tions in amity with his country. Sometimes they coolly return that there is no such man on board the ship ; and what has become of him, the agonies of a wife and children in his native land may be left to conjecture. When all these and many other such apologies for refusal fall, the native American is discharged....and when by the charitable aid of his government he has found his way home, he comes to be informed, that all is as it should be....that the number of his fellow-sufferers is small ....that it was impossible to distinguish him from an Englishman....and that he was delivered up, on duly authenticated proof.
Enough, of this disgusting subject—I cannot stop to calculate how many of these wretched victims are natives of Massachusetts, and how many natives of Virginia—I cannot stop to solve that knotty question of national jurisprudence whether some of them might not possibly be slaves, and therefore not citizens of the United States—I cannot stay to account for the wonder, why, poor, and ignorant and friendless as most of them are, the voice of their complaints is so seldom heard in the great navigating states.—I admit that we have endured this cruel indignity, through all the administrations of the general government. I acknowledge that Britain claims the right of seizing her subjects in our merchant vessels, and that even if we could acknowledge it, the line of discrimination would be difficult to draw.—We are not in a condition to maintain right by war, and as the British government have been more than once on the point of giving it up of their own accord, I would still hope for the day when returning justice shall induce them to abandon it, without compulsion. Her subjects we do not want.—The degree of protection which we are bound to extend to them, cannot equal the claim of our own citizens. I would subscribe to any compromise of this contest, consistent with the rights of sovereignty, the duties of humanity and the principles of reciprocity; but to the right of forcing even her own subjects out of our merchant vessels on the high seas, I never can assent.
(To be Continued in our next.)
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
PART III.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the U. States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, May 30, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, Under the third article of the treaty of 1794, as it had been expounded, Indian traders on each side have a right to resort to and trade with the tribes within the limits of the other party; with an exception of the country covered by the charter of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
This article is found in its operation to be very seriously detrimental to the United States.
1st. It gives to the British traders dealing with the Indians on our side of the boundary, opportunities of gaining an influence, which it cannot be doubted, that they have frequently employed in stirring up the Indians against the United States.
2d. The mixture of the British traders with the American traders, produces collisions and heart-burnings, with mutual efforts to make the Indians their partisans, and sometimes their avengers, against the property and persons of their rivals.
3d. The animosity of the British traders in such cases against their rivals, is easily extended against the United States, and the Indian partisans still more readily pass from a vindictive spirit against the American traders, to a hostile one against the nation to which they belong.
4th. The intrusion of these foreign traders among the Indians, by disturbing harmony and good order, and above all by clandestinely introducing ardent spirits, counteract the benevolent provisions and steady efforts of the government of the United States, to abolish the savage manners of those tribes, and to substitute the arts of civilized life, not less conducive to their own happiness, than to the peace of our neighbouring settlements.
5th. These evils are not even attended with any real reciprocity of advantage to the American traders; it being a fact that they never go among the Indians on the British side for the purpose of traffic; and it being moreover known that such a traffic is rendered unsafe by the sway possessed over the Indians by the North West Company of British traders, and by the preventive measures employed by their interested jealousies. It is indeed certain that no British trader, not of the company, can with advantage, or as is said, even with safety, participate in the trade with Indians within the British limits.
These observations, which are strengthened by the unlimited duration of the stipulation, sufficiently explain the importance of amending the article in such a manner as will mutually authorise the parties to confine Indian trade within their respective limits, to their own traders.
The British government, though vigilant and habitually rigid in maintaining every commercial advantage, may perhaps, in a moment of liberality and of general adjustment, listen to such an amendment; and it is the wish of the president, that the experiment be made. In recommendation of the change, you will be able to remind them, 1st. That it will have the valuable effect of cutting off forever one source of jealousy and ill will. 2d. That as the stipulated privilege does not extend to Louisiana, but is limited by the treaty to the small tracts eastward of the Mississippi, and by circumstances still further limited to those north west of Ohio, the trade is in itself of too little weight to be put into the scale against the advancement of friendship and harmony. 3d. That the value of the privilege to Great Britain is reduced to almost nothing, by the consideration, that whether this scanty portion of Indian trade be carried on by American or British traders, the goods furnished will be of British manufacture, and that if furnished by the former, the peltries and furs taken in return, will be added to the surplus of those articles now exported free of duty, from the United States to Great Britain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MADISON.
Mr. Madison, secretary of state, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the United States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, June 11, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, Since the date of my last, (May 30,) I have obtained from the secretary at war, the inclosed copies of a correspondence between an officer of the United States, and an agent of the British North West Company, for the Indian trade. The correspondence may be of use in explaining the inconveniences resulting from the constructive permission given by the treaty of 1794, to British traders, to carry on trade among Indians within the limits of the United States; and the importance of such an amendment of the treaty, as has been suggested to you.
Inclose also, as connected with the subject, copies of two letters from this department to Mr. Merry, and of the opinion of the attorney general,
in answer to a claim of British traders, to carry supplies of merchandise to the Indian tribes within the limits of Louisiana; and to certain immunities in their general trade with our Indians.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
Mr. Madison, secretary of state, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the United States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Nov. 28, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, Your dispatch of the 11th of September, has been duly received. Although the tenor of the discussions which it recites does not exhibit, on the part of the British commissioners, the readiness in yielding to the justice of our claims, and to the energy of your statements, which might be wished; yet, the general spirit of conciliation with which they profess, and appear to have met you, cherishes a hope that further explanations on your part, and reflection on theirs, will have brought the negotiation to a favorable result. In this hope, and in consideration of the amicable views and manner in which a suspension of the non-importation act is pressed, the president has not hesitated in his determination to recommend the measure to congress, whose session will commence on Monday next. This will be done, not in his first general message, which has been already put into its final form, but in a message appropriated to the subject, which will follow as soon as the course of business will conveniently admit.
In your communication of this compliance, so far as depends on the president, with the object of the British commissioners seconded by your recommendation, you will not fail to let it be understood, as a proof of his earnest desire to smooth the way to a happy adjustment of all differences between the two nations; and to make every sacrifice for the purpose which may be reconcilable with that consistency and just policy in the national proceedings, which cannot be abandoned.
This letter, with another to Mr. Monroe, will be put into the hands of Mr. Merry, who, in consequence of the arrival of Mr. Erskine, is now on his return. I have made him acquainted with the general posture of your negotiations, and with the intention of the president to recommend to congress, the proposed suspension of the prohibition act.
I have the honor to be, &c.
Mr. Madison, secretary of state, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the United States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Dec. 3, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, The president having this day complied with the recommendation in your letter of September 11, by a special message to congress, on the subject of the non-importation act of the last session, I lose not a moment in forwarding to Mr. Merry a copy, the inclosed copy. Hoping that it will either find him still at Alexandria, or overtake him before the vessel gets out of reach. I remain, &c.
JAMES MADISON.
Mr. Madison, secretary of state, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the United States, in London.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Dec. 6, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, The detention of the Leonidas, enables me to enclose a copy of the bill, suspending the non-importation act of the last session; as it was passed by the house of representatives this day, with only five dissenting voices.
In the object, the house is supposed to have been unanimous, the difference of opinion being produced by a disagreement, about the time to which the suspension should be limited. As the bill passed with unusual celerity, it is not improbable that the suspension may be further extended by the senate, especially as a proposal to suspend, till the 30th December next, was lost by a majority of six to forty, in the house.
Inclosed, I transmit a copy of the documents referred to in the president’s message, respecting the approaches of the Spaniards upon the Orleans territory, and a few printed copies of the special message, recommending a suspension of the non-importation law.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Dec. 20, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, You have seen by my letter of the 6th, which went by sundry other conveyances, that the bill, suspending the non-importation act, had passed the house of representatives. I now inclose it in the form of a law, with an amendment, providing for a further suspension by the executive, in case the state of things between the two countries should require it. In the senate, the vote for the bill was unanimous—I add a continuation of the news-papers, and refer to them for the current information of a public nature.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Feb. 3d, 1807.
GENTLEMEN, The triplicate of your communications of Nov. 11th has just been received.—Those of September 11th had been previously received in due time.
The sum which the negotiation has taken, was not expected, and excites as much of regret as of disappointment. The conciliatory spirit manifested on both sides, with the apparent consistency of the interest of Great Britain with the rights, seemed to promise as much success to your efforts on that subject as on the others, and, notwithstanding the perseverance of the British cabinet in resisting your reasonable propositions, the enlarged policy will finally overcome scruples which do less justice to the more enlightened opinion and official caution, than from an unbiased regard to all the considerations which enter into the true merits of the question.
In the mean time the president has, with all those friendly and conciliatory dispositions which produced your mission, and pervade your instructions, weighed the arrangement held out in your last letter, which contemplates a formal adjustment of the other topics under discussion, and an informal understanding only, on that of impressment. The result of his deliberations, which I am now to state to you, is, that it does not comport with his views of the national sentiment or the legislative policy, that any treaty should be entered into with the British government which, whilst on every other point it is either limited to, or short of strict right, would include no article providing for a case which, both in principle and in practice, is so readily connected with the honor and sovereignty of the nation, as well as with its fair interest; and indeed with the peace of both nations.
The President thinks it more eligible, under all circumstances, that if no satisfactory or formal stipulation on the subject of impressment be attainable, the negotiation should be made to terminate without any formal compact whatever; but with a mutual understanding, founded on friendly and liberal discussions and explanations, that in practice each party will entirely conform to what may be thus informally settled. And you are authorised, in case an arrangement of this kind
shall be duly respected in practice by the other party, more particularly on the subject of neutral trade and impressments, it will be earnestly, and probably, successfully recommended to congress by the president, not to permit the non-importation act to go into operation. You are also authorised to inform the British government, that the president, adhering to the sentiments which led him to recommend to congress at the commencement of the session, a suspension of that act, and trusting to the influence of mutual dispositions and interests in giving an amicable issue to the negotiation, will, if no intervening intelligence forbid, exercise the authority vested in him by the act of continuing its suspension from the first day of July, to the time limited by the act, and which will afford to congress, who will then be in session, the opportunity of making due provision for the case.
You will perceive that this explanation of the views of the president, requires, that if previous to the receipt of it, a treaty not including an article relating to impressments, should have been concluded and be on the way, the British commissioners should be candidly apprized of the reason for not expecting its ratification; and that on this ground they be invited to enter anew on the business, with an eye to such a result as has just been explained and authorized.
Having thus communicated the outline assigned by the president as your guide in the important and delicate task on your hands; I proceed to make a few observations which are suggested by the contents of your last dispatches, and which may be of use in your further discussions and your final arrangements.
THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT is under an egregious mistake in supposing that “no recent causes of complaint have occurred,” on this subject. How far the language of Mr. Lyman’s books may countenance this error, I cannot say, but I think it probable that even there, the means of correcting it may be found.
In the American seas, including the West-Indies, the impressments have perhaps at no time been more numerous or vexatious. It is equally a mistake therefore to suppose “that no probable inconvenience can result from the postponement of an article,” for this case.
The remedy proposed in the note from the British commissioners, however well intended, does not inspire the confidence here which gave it so much value in their judgment. They see the favorable side only, of the character of their naval commanders. The spirit which vexes neutrals in their maritime rights, is fully understood by neutrals only. The habits generated by naval command, and the interest which is felt in the abuse of it, both as respects captures and impressments, renders inadequate every provision which does not put an end to all discretionary power in the commanders. As long as the British navy has so complete an ascendancy on the high seas, its commanders have not only an interest in violating the rights of neutrals within the limits of neutral patience, especially of those whose commerce and manners are unguarded by fleets; they feel more over the strongest temptation, as it is well known from the occasional language of some of them, to covet the full range for spoliation opened by a state of war. The rich harvest promised by the commerce of the United States, gives to this cupidity all its force. Whatever general injuries might accrue to their nation, or whatever supposition of reprisals might result to American cruisers, the fortunes of British cruisers would not be the less certain in the event of hostilities between the two nations.
Whilst all these considerations require in our behalf the most precise and preemptory security against the propensities of British naval commanders, and on the tender subject of impressment more than any other, it is impossible to find equivalent or even important provisions on the British side for declining such a security. The proposition which you have made, aided by the internal regulations which the British government is always free to make, closes all the considerable avenues through which their seamen can find their way into our service. The only loss consequently which could remain, would be in the number at present in this service, with a deduction of those, who might from time to time, voluntarily leave it, or be found within the limits of Great Britain, or of her possessions; and in the proportion of this reduced number, who might otherwise be gained by impressment. The smallness of this loss appears from the annual amount of impressments, which has not exceeded a few hundred British seamen; the great mass consisting of real Americans, and of subjects of other neutral powers.—And even from the few British seamen, ought to be deducted those impressed within neutral ports, where it is agreed that the proceeding is clearly unlawful.
Under this view of the subject, the sacrifices which Great Britain would make, dwindles to the merest trifle; or rather there is just reason to believe, that instead of a loss, she would find an actual gain, in the excess of the deserters who would be surrendered by the United States, over the number actually recoverable by impressment.
In practice therefore, Great Britain would make no sacrifice by acceding to our terms; and her principle, if not expressly saved by a recital, as it easily might be, would in effect be so by the tenor of the arrangement; inasmuch as she would obtain for her forbearance to exercise what she deems a right—a right to measures on our part, which we have a right to refuse; she would, consequently, merely exchange one right for another; she would also by such a forbearance, violate no personal right of individuals under her protection. The United States, on the other hand, in yielding to the claims of Great Britain, on this subject, would necessarily surrender, what they deem an essential right of their flag, and of their sovereignty, without even acquiring any new right; would violate the rights of the individuals, under the protection of both; and expose their native citizens to all the calamities, mistakes, voluntary and involuntary, of which experience gives such forcible warning.
I take for granted that you have not failed to make due use of the arrangement, concerted by Mr. King with Lord Hawkesbury, in the year 1802, for settling the question of impressments. On that occasion, and under that administration, the British principle was fairly renounced in favor of the right of our flag. Lord Hawkesbury having agreed to prohibit impressments altogether on the high seas, and Lord St. Vincent requiring nothing more than an exception of the narrow seas, an exception resting on the obsolete claim of Great Britain, to some peculiar dominion over them. I have thought it not amiss to enclose another extract from Mr. King’s letter giving an account of that transaction.
In the note of November 8, from the British commissioners, the security held out to the crews of our vessels is, that instructions have been given and will be repeated, for enforcing the greatest caution &c. If the further instructions are to be repetitions of the past, we well know the inefficacy of them. Any instructions which are to answer the purpose, must differ essentially from the past both in their tenor and their sanction. In case an informal arrangement should be substituted for a regular stipulation, it may reasonably be expected from the candor of the British government, that the instructions on which we are to rely, should be communicated to you.
COLONIAL TRADE. It may reasonably be expected that on this subject the British government will not persist in attempting to place the United States on a worse footing than Russia. In agreeing to consider the storing for a month, and changing the ship, as a naturalization of the property, the concession would be on our side, not on theirs; and in making this a condition on which alone we could trade with enemy colonies, even directly to and from our own ports, beyond the amount of our own consumption, we should make every sacrifice short of a complete abandonment of our pri-

people, while they would retain as much of their pretensions as is compatible with any sacrifice whatever a pretension, which they have in so many ways fairly procured themselves from the maintenance of the war. In addition to the many authorities for this remark, already known to you, will find one of the highest grade in 5th vol. Tomlin's edition of Brown's cases in parliament, p. 328. Hendricks and others, against Cunningham and others, where it was expressly admitted by the house of lords, in a war case before them, that "it is now established by repeated determinations, that neither ships nor cargoes, the property of subjects of neutral powers, either going to or coming from the French West-India islands, with cargo purchased there, are liable to capture; and therefore, when a ship and cargo so circumstanced are seized and condemned, the seizure and condemnation shall be reversed, and the value of the ship and cargo accounted for and paid to the owners by the captors."
As it has generally happened that the British instructions issued to the vice admiralty courts and naval commanders have not first come to light in British prints, I enclose one of November 14, which has just made its appearance in our press. As it relates to the present subject, it claims attention as a proof that all questions as to the legality of the voyage, in a Russian trade with the enemies of Great Britain, is excluded, by limiting the right of capture to cases where the innocence or ownership of the articles are questioned. The instruction may at least be considered as co-extensive in its favorable import with the article in the Russian treaty, which you have been authorized to admit into your arrangements; and in that view, as well as on account of its date, the instruction may furnish a convenient topic of argument or expostulation.
If the British government once consent that the United States may make their ports a medium of trade between the colonies of its enemies and other countries, belligerent as well as neutral, why should there be a wish to clog it with the regulations suggested? Why not, in fact, consent to a direct trade by our merchants, between those colonies and all other countries? Is it that the price may be a little raised on the consumers by the circuit of the voyage, and the charges incident to the port regulations? This cannot be presumed. With respect to the enemies of Great Britain, the object would be unimportant. With respect to her neutral friends, it would not be a legitimate object. Must not the answer then be sought in the mere policy of lessening the competition with, and thereby favoring the price of British and other colonial productions re-exported by British merchants from British ports; and sought consequently not in a belligerent right, or even in a policy merely belligerent—but in one which has no origin or plea but those of commercial jealousy and monopoly.
BLOCKADES. On this subject, it is fortunate that Great Britain has already, in a formal communication, admitted the principle for which we contend. It will be only necessary, therefore, to hold her to the true sense of her own act. The words of the communication are, "that vessels must be warned not to enter." The term warned , technically imports a distinction between an individual notice to vessels, and a general notice by proclamation or diplomatic communication—and the terms not to enter , equally distinguish a notice at very near the blockaded port, from a notice directed against the original destination or the apparent intention of a vessel no wise approaching such a port.
MARGINAL JURISDICTION ON THE HIGH SEAS. There could surely be no pretext for allowing less than a marine league from the shore; that being the narrowest allowance found in any authorities on the law of nations. If any nation can fairly claim a greater extent, the United States have a claim which cannot be rejected; and if any nation is more particularly bound by its own example not to contest our claim, Great Britain must be so, by the extent of her own claims to jurisdiction on the seas which surround her. It is hoped at least, that within the extent of one league you will be able to obtain an effectual prohibition of British ships of war, from repeating the irregularities which have so much vexed our commerce and provoked the public resentment; and against which an article in your instructions emphatically provides. It cannot be too earnestly pressed on the British government, that in applying the remedy copied from regulations heretofore enforced against a violation of the neutral rights of British harbors and coasts, nothing more will be done than what is essential to the preservation of harmony between the two nations. In no case is the temptation of the facility greater than in ships of war, for annoying our commerce, than in their hovering on our coasts and about our harbors; nor is the national sensibility in any case more justly or more highly excited than by such insults. The communications lately made to Mr. Monroe, with respect to the conduct of British commanders, even within our own waters, will strengthen the claim for such an arrangement on this subject, and for such new orders from the British government, as will be a satisfactory security against future causes of complaint.
EAST AND WEST-INDIA TRADES. If the West-India trade cannot be put on some such footing as is authorized by your instructions, it will be evidently best to leave it as it is; and of course with a freedom to either party to make such regulations as may be justified by those of the other. With respect to the East-India trade, you will find a very useful light thrown upon it, in the remarks of Mr. Monroe, of which several copies were forwarded in October. They will confirm to you the impropriety, as explained in your instructions, of putting the trade under the regulations admitted into the treaty of 1794. The general footing of other nations, in peace with Great Britain, will be clearly more advantageous; and on this footing, it will be well to leave or place it, if no peculiar advantages of which there are intimations in remarks, can be obtained.
INDEMNIFICATIONS. The justice of these ought to be admitted by Great Britain, whenever the claim is founded on violations of our rights, as they may be recognized in any new arrangement or understanding between the parties. But in cases, of which there are many examples, where the claim is supported by principles which she never contested, the British government ought to have too much respect for its professions and its reputation, to hesitate in concerning in a provision analogous to that heretofore adopted. It is not satisfactory to allege that in all cases, redress may be obtained, in the ordinary course of judicial proceedings. If this were true, there would be no sound policy, as well as true equity and economy, in transferring the complaints, from partial tribunals occupied with a great mass of other cases, to a joint tribunal, exclusively charged with this special trust. But it is not true that redress is attainable in the ordinary course of justice, and under the actual constitution and rules of the tribunals which administer it in cases of captures. Of this, the facts within your knowledge, and particularly some, which have been lately transmitted to Mr. Monroe, are ample and striking proofs; and will doubtless derive from the manner of your presenting them, all the force with which they can appeal to the sentiments and principles which ought to guide the policy of an enlightened nation.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. (To be continued.) A writer in a Baltimore paper has attacked the political conduct and speeches of Mr. John Randolph; another writer in the same paper by way of reply, insists that Mr. Randolph is a man of talents, and calls for the publication of his speeches to prove it. We apprehend that the writers on both sides, for
and against Mr. Randolph, mistake the question—admit Mr. Randolph to possess all the talents that the warmest friend he possesses, will claim for him, and what then—what are talents wasted, or worse than wasted, employed to inculcate in the same day, often the same hour, the most preposterous notions of foreign policy, and the most perverse practices of domestic policy; whose talents are indeed displayed in eloquence, but obscured by passion and prejudice?
Mr. Randolph once held a high place in public opinion—is that the case now? What has been the cause of this declension—the same cause that ever will sink any man, however splendid his talents; the sacrifice of the public interests to personal antipathies.
It is not saying too much to assert, that Mr. Randolph has had credit to the full extent of his claims for talents; it is saying the truth that he owes the decline of his standing as a politician to his own conduct—a conduct, by the bye, which by no means goes to sustain the reputation for talents which public feeling is always ready to confer on genius however moderate, and on talents when fairly, openly and liberally exercised. The letter of Mr. J. Q. Adams is a strictures more severe on Mr. Randolph's speeches in Congress on British affairs, than could be uttered even by a man possessed of Mr. Randolph's powers of rhetoric.
The same writer who attempts to cover Mr. Randolph's political errors under the shield of his talents; puts up the buckler of Mr. Clinton's name, in order that he should be doubly fortified.
If the partiality for Mr. Clinton had not been known to be of a new creation; or rather, if Mr. Clinton was not disparaged, by being taken up as a forlorn hope , when there was a certainty that there was no chance of carrying the place by open assault, a liberal man would not be backward in bestowing applause; but Mr. Randolph can derive no aid from that quarter; it lays him open on all sides, the shield of Clinton is in this case like the bow of Ulysses; it will not bend ; and on looking at it, it becomes transparent, and it is seen through.
The less said about things of this kind, the better—like Pickering's letter, it may produce new lights— Aurora .
EUROPE. (For PRIOR DATES, see the last page.) LATEST FOREIGN NEWS. NEW-YORK, April 23. Since the publication of the foreign intelligence in yesterday's MERCANTILE ADVERTISER , the Editor has been favored with French papers to the 7th of March, inclusive and an irregular file of London papers to the 10th.
A Senatus Consultum of the 19th of February declares that such foreigners as shall render or have rendered eminent services to the state, or who (possessed of particular talents) shall settle in France and introduce there any useful invention or branch of industry, shall after twelve months residence enjoy all the rights of French citizens.
The government of France and Spain have given notice that no Danish, Dutch, French, Spanish, or other ships of their allies, shall be permitted to sail from any French or Spanish port, that they may not run the risk of being captured by the English.
Nearly all the powers of Europe, have now followed the example of the decree issued by the French Emperor for the exclusion of England from intercourse with the Continent.
All Algerine vessels have been embargoed in France, in consequence of the refusal of the Dey to give up Genoese prisoners.
Letters from Vienna state that the English Ambassador, Mr. Adair, has received an intimation from the Austrian government to quit Vienna.
The ship Ocean, capt. Bunker, arrived at this port at a late hour last night, in 24 days from Plymouth, England, and capt. B. has politely favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of London papers to the 24th of March inclusive, being 9 days later than before received. The following summary, and the few articles under the London head, is all our time would permit us to give in this morning's paper:
The trial of Gen. Whitelocke had been concluded; but the sentence was not made public. It was understood he was to be severely censured and cashiered. Lord Collingwood was at Syracuse on the 9th of Feb. The Rochefort and Carthagena squadrons have not joined, as the latter put into Palma-Bay, Majorca, in a gale of wind. On the 17th February, (the British cruisers having been blown off the coast of Sicily) the French got down some heavy guns, took possession of Fort Scylla, & made 1000 prisoners. Russia has declared war against Sweden. The declaration states, that the Emperor of Russia could not remain insensible to the conduct of G. Britain against Denmark. Prussia and Denmark, have also declared war against Sweden. Bonaparte has created several Princes, Dukes, Barons and Knights; all the dignitaries of the empire have been raised to the rank of princes, and their eldest sons are to be Dukes. Letters from Holland of the 15th, and Paris of the 9th ult. state, that Bonaparte had left Paris for Spain, and it was supposed he would fix his residence at Valladolid. A contribution of a million of francs, was to be levied on the people of Holland. Great dissatisfaction was said to prevail in the manufacturing towns in France, particularly among the cotton factories. The bill on the subject of the orders in council had not yet passed both houses of Parliament, and had met with great opposition. The papers are filled with debates on this important subject. The British Expedition to the Baltic, is countermarched. The following is from the COURIER , of the 24th of March (a ministerial paper):— "Upon the subject of the Embargo, opposition, contradicting the assertion, that it had been laid on before notice of the orders in Council had reached the U. States, affirm that the truth turns out to be, that a commercial house in London, had sent intelligence to America of the intention to issue such orders, giving at the same time, an accurate description of their general provisions. This intelligence reached America 6 days before the laying the Embargo, and in all probability was the principal cause of it. Lord Grenville stated this in the House of Lords, as a thing generally known, and he challenged ministers, if they doubted the fact, to call the merchant to the bar, who would confirm it on oath."
LONDON, March 19. The guards who were ordered to hold themselves in readiness for service in the Baltic, have been countermanded; and it is generally understood that the project of sending an army to Sweden has been relinquished. Several ships will proceed as soon as the wind permits.
Sir James Cockburne will proceed, early in the ensuing month, to take on himself the government of Curacoa.
A Spanish squadron of six sail of the line escaped from Carthagena on the 11th ult. and on the 25th were seen snug in Palma Bay, Majorca.
CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, April 20. Mr. Bibb, after observing that there were 8 Counties in Georgia which had no Post-Office, offered a resolution to appoint a committee to bring in a bill to establish several, which after some debate was agreed to.
Mr. Pickett from the committee appointed on the petition of Sir James Jay, made a report recommending that the President of the United States be authorized to purchase from him the secret Sympathetic Ink. His report, on motion of Mr. D. R. Williams was postponed indefinitely.
The House took up the report made yesterday respecting judge Innis.
Mr. Smith moved that the report be referred to a committee of the whole. His intention was, that it should not be acted on during the present session. He did not think the evidence yet before the House was sufficient to justify an impeachment. It was his wish, however, that the inquiry should be pursued.
Mr. Rowan opposed this motion. He thought the testimony before the House was abundantly sufficient to impeach judge Innis; & it was important that the malconduct of public functionaries should not only be punished, but punished with dispatch.
Mr. Pickett said it was admitted that all evidence expected to be proved was before the house. He contended that this was not sufficient to justify an impeachment. After a debate of about three hours, the question was then taken by ayes and noes on Mr. Smith's motion to the report to a committee of the whole house, and it was carried, ayes 48, noes 25. It was made the order of the day for Friday.
The senate have passed another additional supplement to the act laying an embargo! Also, a bill fixing the first Monday in Nov. for the next meeting of congress.
THURSDAY, April 21. A bill from the Senate to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress, was read three times and passed by Yeas and Nays, 61 to 30.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill making an appropriation for the support of an additional military force for the year 1808.
The blanks in the bill were filled to the amount of $86,000 dollars.
The bill being gone through, was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill making an additional appropriation for the support of government for the year 1808, and to meet expenses of valuation of houses, lands, &c.
[The first item in the bill is 7000 dollars for contingent expenses of the House of Representatives during the present session.
The second item is 5401 dollars a balance of a former appropriation which had been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, and was now deficient.]
The bill having been gone through was reported to the House and ordered to a third reading.
Mr. Macon offered the following resolution on which was adopted without objection:— Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to this House at the next session of Congress, every sum of money drawn from the Treasury and not accounted for on the 30th of June next.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 45 to 28, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill for relinquishing to the corporation of the city of Orleans the right to the bature in front of the suburbs of St. Mary's.
Some debate ensued on striking out the 1st section—during which the statement of the case, and opinion by counsel in New Orleans was read—The motion for striking out was lost Ayes 23.
The committee then rose and reported the bill.
Mr. Rowan moved to postpone the report indefinitely. It was extremely hard after the widow claimant had already obtained one decision at the expense of 12,000 dollars that a new trial should be granted, for this was in fact granting a new trial.
Mr. Effies stated in reply that the land was now in possession of the U. States from whom it could not be taken; this law prescribed the only way in which this widow woman, if she had a title, could have it confirmed; for the United States could not be sued. The gentleman had controverted the right of the United States on the ground that there was no proof of title in the United States. Mr. E. said the property had been always claimed by the Spanish government, and held as public property by Spain; and various instances were upon record in which application had been made by individuals and objected to, 1st because it was public property, and 2nd, because buildings might affect the health of the city. Individual rights were not in question; for he trusted in God that such a body as this would never attempt to try rights between man and man.
The motion to postpone lost—Yeas 29, Nays 55.
Mr. Bibb moved to strike out the 2d section of the bill. [This section provides for an appeal from a final decree on this subject in any court in Orleans to the supreme court of U. States.] He thought it went to establish a principle by which the Yazoo claimants may hereafter bring their claim before the supreme court of the U. States. For whenever it came before that court, it was not difficult to foresee how it would be decided.
Much discussion took place on this question—Mr. Eppes contended that this section itself showed that this was only a particular case of appeal authorized by a special law. How could an appeal be had, except by a special law, passed for that purpose? Or how, if at any time hereafter, the House determined to allow an appeal, could it be prevented, even supposing this bill not to pass? In the present case, there were various reasons to authorise such an appeal. In a case that involved property
to the amount of perhaps a 1,000,000 $, it being the only spot of land, whence the ditches which kept the Mississippi from inundating the property, could be constructed—where every cart-load of sand constantly renewed by the Mississippi was worth 25 cents and the property therefore almost invaluable—in such a case it would be perhaps impossible to expect a fair and impartial trial on the spot. A decision at a distance would promote justice between the individuals and the U. S. If he thought that this law could in any shape bring the Yazoo case before the supreme court, he would be the last to support it.—Mr. Bibb contended, that it established a precedent for such an appeal.—Mr. Randolph admitted it as his opinion, that the right was in the United States or in the corporation; if in the United States, he wished to transfer it to the latter. He was willing to give the corporation the right of the U. S. and let them establish it if they could.—But he thought this bill squinted at Yazooism; it was a precedent which might hereafter be transferred to a Mississippi court. He had always thought, that cases of empires he might say, not of hundreds of acres, but of thousands of square miles, were not subjects for judicial decision. He would as soon think of trying, whether the declaration of independence was a lawful act, before a petty jury with appeal to the supreme court.—Mr. Trott (from Georgia) could not see the danger apprehended by his colleague. What the legislature were disposed to do indirectly, they would not hesitate to do directly. If they would give the Yazoo claimants a right of appeal from the courts of the Mis. Ter. to the supreme court, they would not hesitate to make a donation in fee simple of 30 millions of acres. It was clear as the noon day, that if a legislature were disposed to do one or the other, they would be as corrupt as the Yazoo claimants themselves.—Mr. Bibb persisted in his construction.
A quorum of members not appearing within the bar, the House adjourned 33 to 23.
FRIDAY, April 22. On motion of Mr. Newton, the House resolved into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bill in addition to the several acts laying an embargo.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved a section, requiring every vessel, required to take out a licence, to be loaded under the immediate inspection of the Revenue officers.—He said if any district comprised many ports or places of loading, which the Collector could not superintend, it would become the duty of the Sec. of the Treasury to appoint additional inspectors. Carried, Ayes 55.
A section authorising the collectors of the U. S. to detain vessels suspected of an intention to violate the embargo, having been reported by the committee of the whole.
Mr. Goldsborough called for the Yeas & Nays on concurrence with it; which being taken there were Yeas 64, Nays 25, FIVE O'CLOCK.
A message from the President of the U. S. was read as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States.
I transmit to both Houses of Congress a letter from the envoy of his Britannic majesty at this place to the Secretary of State on the subject of certain British claims to lands in the territory of Mississippi, relative to which several acts have been heretofore passed by the legislature.
TH: JEFFERSON. April 22, 1808.
After some objection on account of G. B. keeping claims by us of much greater magnitude unsettled; The message was referred to the committee of Public Lands.
The House then took up the amendments made in committee of the whole, to the bill supplementary to the Embargo law.—The amendment authorising the collectors to take into safe keeping any collection of certain produce which shall be gathered together under suspicious circumstances, was carried Ayes 58, Nays 36.
An amendment respecting Indian trade, providing that nothing in these acts shall be construed to prevent transportation by land or inland navigation from the territories of the U. S. to those of G. Britain, of furs the property of subjects of G. Britain and by them purchased of the Indians, or from the territories of Britain into the U. S. of property of British subjects imported for the use of the Indians.
This amendment was opposed by Messrs. Rowan, Montgomery and Rhea, and supported by Messrs. Newton, Dana, Eppes, and Campbell. Mr. Rowan called for the yeas and nays on it.
The opponents contended that while such great differences existed between this country and G. Britain it was not well to yield up any commerce to her when she hastily interdicted ours. If it were for the exclusive benefit of the Indians, they would not object to it; but it went to admit G. Britain to pursue in our territories a trade of considerable value, and it certainly was the interest of the U. S. to give a clear preference to the American trader. From very good information it was said, that there is now arrested within the territory of the U. S. peltry to an immense amount, which by this amendment would be taken out. The British trader was more benefited by this amendment than the Indians could be; for without it, the trade would be diverted in its course from the British to the American trader.—In the present situation of affairs, to act a benevolent part to either European power was wrong; whatever part other nations pursue we ought to mete out to them the same.
On the other hand it was said by the friends of the provision, that it was not to yield our commerce to Britain, but to permit trade with unoffending tribes of Indians, & would but deprive G. Britain of a powerful weapon which she might possess in the distress of the savages in consequence of our measures. That various tribes of Indians had become habitually dependent on the British provinces for supplies; and a stoppage of them by the U. S. would only have an ill effect on their dispositions towards us. That if there were any race of human beings who could not be made to understand an embargo system, it was the native Indians of America; in vain then would it be attempted to convince them of the necessity of cutting them off from their supplies. A rejection of this amendment would be in fact tantamount to a declaration of war against them; and, to save a few thousand dollars value of trade, we should have to spend millions in an Indian war.
The amendment was agreed to, 60 to 32.
SATURDAY, April 23. The bill amendatory of the embargo law passed this day by Yeas and Nays, 70 to 22. The bill from the Senate authorizing and requiring the President to equip all the armed
vessels of the United States was, after debate, postponed indefinitely by Yeas and Nays, 52 to 45.
ENQUIRER OFFICE.
We conceive it to be our duty, under present circumstances, to omit our own portion of original matter. The foreign intelligence, the state papers and documents now to be presented to the public are too important, and furnish too much of the great facts and opinions from which the sentiments of the people are to be drawn, not to be laid before them as early as possible.
When the proceedings of Congress and these public documents have been exhausted, we shall ourselves find sufficient opportunity to come before the public. We shall come prepared to express our own opinions on the negotiation with Great Britain, on Mr. Monroe's treaty and Mr. Monroe's vindication. We shall attempt to demonstrate, that his letter is but a defec. apology for the important and melancholy defects of that treaty.
It would not be doing justice, at this time, to our readers, if we were to present them with his letter, before they have had an opportunity of perusing the preliminary documents to which Mr. Monroe refers, and Mr. Madison's official letter rejecting the Treaty, to which his letter is professedly a reply.
John Quincy Adams's reply to Tim Pickering is one of the ablest and most eloquent political papers, which has been addressed to the people of the U. S. for several months. The old Sinner must feel the vigor of the blow, unless he is deficient in sensibility as he is in understanding.—We require no other evidence than this paper to convince us, that Mr. Adams is the author of the celebrated Report of the committee in the case of John Smith. It is enforced by the same comprehensive views, and adorned by the same ease and superior elegance of language, which distinguished that admirable Report.—If Mr. Adams is sincere in his conversion, he is certainly one of the ablest proselytes, which the present administration has acquired.
Congress adjourned on last Monday night
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
Prince Edward—John Purnall, * Tarlton Woodson. New-Kent—Robt. Christian, * John Hunt Christian. Wythe—Daniel Sheffey, * Jos. Crockett. Montgomery—John McHenry, Jas. Craig. Campbell—E. Watts, * A. M. Norman. Goochland—James Carter, John Underwood. Amherst—D. S. Gulan, * Joseph Cabell. Norfolk County—William C. Holt, James W. Murchough.
State of the poll for Westmoreland: For Stephen Bailey 155 " Peter P. Cox 130 " Richard E. Parker 131 " Gerard McKenney 127 " James Bankhead 30
The following is the state of the poll at the close of the election for the county of Dinwiddie, on Monday last.
Robert Pegram, 385 Wright Tucker, 182 John Nicholas, jr. 142 B. W. Leigh, 130 Joseph Goodwyn (senate) 437 James Trevant, 5
State of the Poll for Hanover County, at the election held on Wednesday last: Brockenbrough 276—awake 268—Sturke 190—McCall 60.
* New Members.
The christian name of Mr. Hancock was inadvertently made in our last paper, John instead of Michael W.
ATTENTION!!! —The Members of the RICHMOND RIFLE VOLUNTEERS, are hereby noticed to appear on the Capitol Square on Monday morning next, precisely at 8 o'clock, A. M. in uniform, without arms. By order of the Captain, BENJ. TURNER, 1st Sergt. April 29. (1r)
NOW OR NEVER!!
A LIVING ELEPHANT to be seen at the WASHINGTON TAVERN, from Monday the 2d, to Saturday the 7th of May.—Those that wish to gratify their curiosity by seeing the WONDERFUL WORKS OF NATURE, will do well to call previous to that time, as the ELEPHANT positively will be removed the next Morning. Perhaps this generation may never have the opportunity of seeing the ELEPHANT again, as this is the only one in the United States, and the last visit to this City.—ADMITTANCE, 25 CENTS. April 29.
STOLEN out of Mr. Moseley's stable on the night of the 20th inst. a new SADDLE, with round plated stirrups; also, a new double rein bit and Bridle, with plates on the head and cantle. Whoever will deliver the Saddle, Bridle, &c. at the bar of the Union Tavern, will be liberally rewarded. April 29. (1r)
JOSEPH MARX & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Dowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cognac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. April 29. (1r)
INTENDED to commence the practice of LAW immediately, in the County Courts of Henrico, Charles City, New-Kent, Surry and James City, and in the District Court held at Williamsburg. The strictest attention and punctuality will be paid to any business entrusted to my care. NATHL. NELSON.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, 200 hogsheads of TOBACCO of a dark greenish colour, for which a greater price will be given than for the bright-coloured tobacco. Enquire at the Eagle-Tavern at Richmond for the subscriber. PETER LORILLARD.
IN consequence of the death of William Black, the Co-partnership of NORVELL, WATTS & BULLOCK of this place, and NORVELL, WATTS & Co. of Lynchburg, is dissolved—all persons indebted to the said Company, are desired to make payment to either of the Partners, or to Edmund Norvell. Those having claims against them, will apply to John F. Watts of Richmond, or William Norvell of Lynchburg for payment.
WM. NORVELL, JOHN WATTS, JOHN F. WATTS. Richmond, April 29. [24]

EUROPE.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
NEW-YORK, April 21.
A Gentleman arrived in the Protection, confirms the intelligence of the failure of crops throughout Ireland. Provisions of every description, are extravagantly dear. The Protection literally hurried off on account of a report that an EMBARGO had been laid upon all American vessels in the British dominions. Markets for American produce very high. Flaxseed, from 11 to 15 guineas per bag. The linen business very much stagnated, and on account of our non-importation act, the sale was very dull.
From Belfast Papers to March 19.
LONDON, March 2.
Letters from Gottenburgh by the last conveyance state, that General Steding, brother to the late Swedish Ambassador at the court of St. Petersburg, has proposed a plan to the Swedish Government, by which he pledges himself with 20,000 Swedish troops, to defend Finland against the invasion of 100,000 Russians. This General's professional talents are much esteemed.
March 3.
AMERICAN TRADE.
A numerous meeting of the merchants and other inhabitants of Liverpool interested in the trade to America was held on Friday last, in the town, in pursuance of a requisition for that purpose, when the late orders in council were taken into consideration. Mr. Rathbone detailed the various advantages this country derived from the American trade, stating that nearly 500 voyages were made from America to Liverpool alone, in the course of a year, in ships the burden amounting to more than 125,000 tons; that the amount of British manufactures annually exported to America was not less than £10,000,000; that Government derived from the Liverpool portion of the trade alone, not less than £1,000,000, a year; and that the average due from America to this country, is not less than £12,000,000, the payment of which is now interrupted by the embargo in the ports of the United States. Mr. Rathbone next took a view of the American trade to the West-Indies, and stated the dependence of those Islands on America for provisions. He then adverted to the trade of America to the East-Indies and China, the exports to which of 500,000 in silver only, and the facility which this was admitted to give to the trade of our East-India Company. Mr. R. concluded with lamenting the interruption of all these sources of revenue, and with exposing the mischievous effects of the late Orders in Council. He was followed by Mr. Richardson, Mr. Martin, and the Chairman, Mr. G. Cropper; the last of whom added, that the supply of Flax sent to Ireland, this year, was only 10,000 casks, whereas the usual annual supply was about 60,000. Two petitions against these orders, the one to the Lords and the other to the Commons, were then agreed to.
A letter from Dover says, they are persuaded there are some measures of preparation going on in France, which had occasioned an embargo; as, for several days, not a single vessel of any kind has come out of their ports.
March 5.
We learn by a letter from Vienna, that the Russian troops in Italy, who were under marching orders for Russia, have received counter-orders in consequence of the Emperor Napoleon finding it necessary that they should, for the present, remain in Italy.
According to accounts from Vienna and Holland, the British have taken possession of several Islands in the Archipelago.
The Members of the confederation of the Rhine have received orders to hold their contingents in readiness. It is conjectured they are to replace the French in Dalmatia, should they be obliged to march to India.
Ministers have refused to place the British squadron intended to act in the Baltic under the command of the King of Sweden. The army which is going to his assistance will be upon the footing of auxiliaries. This army which is preparing with creditable promptitude, will comprise twenty thousand men, and is to be followed by a considerable reserve. The King of Sweden has stipulated to co-operate with an active army of equal force in the field.
The ships destined for the Baltic are to sail immediately under the command of Sir J. Saumarez.
Tranquebar, it is thought, is at present occupied by a British garrison. The government of Goa is to be assumed by the President of Bombay under the same conditions that Madeira has been occupied by our troops.
March 7.
We have just received Dutch papers and letters to the 24th ult. An article dated Rotterdam, the 23d, states, that the cargoes of the detained vessels had been sold at an enormous price. Three American vessels, that had been originally refused permission to come into harbor, have at length obtained it, and were selling their cargoes to great advantage.
The Dutch accounts bring nothing else that is new, of any moment. Every kind of trade was at a stand, and there was a great scarcity of colonial produce.
Lord Gower is, it is said, to have the command of the Channel fleet, in which Admiral Harvey is to hoist his flag. The French too, are reported to have made some demonstrations of moving in Brest harbor. This may probably be with a view to mask their other naval operations.
We understand that it is in the contemplation of government with a view to render the Volunteer force of the empire as efficient as possible, to call out the entire of four divisions, during four months of the ensuing summer, each division of corps to be encamped in their respective counties for a month.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 7.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The order of the day having been read for taking into further consideration the report of the Committee on this bill, the question was put "that the bill be engrossed?"
Sir J. Newport thought that these orders might produce an effect in America, which would be very injurious to this country. Ireland at present imported four-fifths of its flaxseed from America, and the greatest part of its potash. These were articles of the first importance to the linen manufacture of Ireland, which was the staple of that country. It should always be recollected by Parliament, that the staple of Ireland was originally the woolen manufacture for which she possessed the raw materials; but she was forced to give up that manufacture for the benefit of England. It was therefore incumbent upon parliament to take care that she should not be deprived of the linen manufacture by want of the raw materials. It would be dangerous, if to the just discontents of the South of Ireland, were added the discontents of all the manufacturers of the North driven out of employment. He was just informed that our silk manufacturers would suffer materially; that there was not at present silk enough in the country to employ them for six weeks; and that probably 60,000 manufacturers would be turned out of employment in a short time.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, there was no reason to suppose that his Majesty's ministers were inimical to the state of the manufactures in Ireland; but it would be recollected, that if Ireland could import no more flaxseed from America, the cause was not from those orders.
ders of council, but from an embargo laid on exportation in America, unconnected with those orders of council, and antecedent to them. As to silk, we imported it both from India and the Mediterranean; but as to the supply from Italy, to which he supposed the Hon. Baronet alluded, it was not those orders of council which cut off the supply, for the supply had been before cut off by the means taken by the enemy to prevent the exportation of what they conceived would be useful to us. He deprecated any arguments being used in that House, which could have no other tendency than to make the enemy and the world believe we were distressed, to mislead our manufacturers in persuading them that it was the measures of government which deprived them of the raw material, which was only kept from them by the measures adopted by the enemy. The object of these orders of council were to oblige the enemy to relax from a system which they had adopted for the purpose of distressing our manufacturers.
Mr. Ponsonby thought, that the Right Hon. Gentleman had unfairly imputed motives to his Hon. friend, which never could actuate his conduct. Could it be supposed that America was ignorant that Ireland imported flaxseed from that country to the amount of 40 or 50,000 hogsheads annually? We must therefore well know that Ireland would feel the loss of such a supply being cut off.
The bill was ordered to be read a third time on Thursday.
March 8.
Private letters represent that France entertains some dissatisfaction at the conduct of Austria and Russia; and they even suggest the possibility of a renewal of hostilities. With the experience of so many confederacies, this expectation would not cheer much. Bonaparte, it is said, is gone to Bordeaux, from whence it is conjectured, he will proceed to Spain.
The Toulon squadron is said to have quitted that port on the 18th of January, the day after the Rochefort squadron escaped from its harbour. Admiral Thorneborough is stated to have immediately sailed in pursuit of the former, which had been seen off Malta on the 24th ult. The Archipelago was believed to be its place of destination; and with a view to obstruct its course, Lord Collingwood was himself said to be going, with the rest of the fleet under his command, to take his station off Zante. Others, however, think, and with some probability, that it may be bound for Alexandria.
To add to the distresses already experienced at Dantzic, a great part of that city was destroyed by fire, on the first and second ult.
The embargo is taken off at Antwerp and Flushing. A vessel arrived at Dover yesterday morning from the latter port, which she left on the preceding morning, having been detained there 14 days by strong northerly winds, which prevented her from putting to sea. She left the former port as soon as the embargo was taken off, which was three weeks since. She brings intelligence that eight ships of war are now fitting out at Flushing with great expedition, and are expected to be ready for sea by the beginning of next month; but states, that at present there are no seamen to man them. These are the ships which were built at Antwerp, where others are now building.
March 10.
Some intelligence from Naples mentions the renewal of hostilities in Calabria. An engagement is said to have taken place between some of our troops and the French, in which the latter claim the victory.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 10.
Mr. Alderman Combe presented a petition from certain Merchants of the city of London, carrying on the trade with America, against the late orders in council, praying to be heard by council at the bar against the said orders. He moved that the petition do lie on the table. This produced a long desultory conversation; after which the petition was ordered to be on the table.
General Gascoigne presented a petition from certain merchants in Liverpool, against the orders in council, and praying to be heard by council on Thursday next.
Mr. Whitebread moved as an amendment that the counsel should be heard now.
On a division, there appeared, for hearing Counsel immediately 66—against 193; majority 33.
March 12.
Letters have been received from Genoa of the 15th ult. which state that a French squadron had arrived at Toulon from the ocean. After remaining in that port till the ships already lying there were ready for sea, they all departed, but in what direction is not intimated, some time between the 6th and 10th of February, yet it has been said that one squadron sailed from Toulon on the 18th of January. At the same time, the French papers publish an account of one of their squadrons being seen off the Cape de Verd islands, on the 29th of January, by a Danish East-India man. These latter articles of intelligence have again rendered doubtful the correctness of the statement that it was the Rochefort squadron which passed the Cape de Gatte on the 30th Jan. though it is not a matter of doubt that it was an hostile squadron.
Several American vessels have been brought into Leghorn by French privateers, and there condemned as in the ports of France. That place as well as Civita Vecchia and Ancona, according to rumours contained in the foreign papers, is to be united to the kingdom of Italy. The feeble protest of Pius VII. against the occupation of this territory by the troops of Bonaparte, probably refers to this.
The British squadron off the Brazils, it is said, is to remain for the present under the command of commodore Moore.
EXPEDITION TO SWEDEN.
The preparations for this expedition are going on with great alacrity. The force will exceed that which went to Copenhagen. Among other regiments, the following are mentioned as destined for that service.
Lord Cathcart's regiment life guards, Horse Guards, blue, 1st and 2d Dragon Guards, Scots Greys, 13th, 15th, and 16th Light Dragoons, a very large force of foot and horse artillery, 3d foot, 9th do. 31st do. (2d battalion) 42d or Royal Highlanders, (2d battalion) 71st Highlanders, 73d do. 74th do. 87th, or Irish Heroes, (2d) 92d, Gordon Highlanders, (2d battalion.)
March 14.
It is said, the first Lord of the admiralty is about to retire from his situation, and is to be appointed a governor-general of India in the room of Lord Minto. It is not yet known who will be his successor at the admiralty board; but the name of Lord Melville has been mentioned among others.
A French officer, distinguished as a Persian merchant, was lately apprehended at Lahore, and amongst other papers found in his possession, was a minute survey of the country from Herat to Candahar and Cabul.
Persia appears at this moment to be torn by civil commotions. The Subadar of Sind and the Uzbeks, have both been renewing their attacks on Persia; and in December there were commotions in Herat and Khorasan.
The French troops at Lisbon on the 9th ult. amounted to 34,000 men; the weekly mortality was estimated at 30 men.
THE POPE'S PROTEST AGAINST BONAPARTE.
Notice of the Secretary of State, Cardinal Casani. "His Holiness Pius VII. being unable to conform to all the demands made on him by the French Government, and to the extent required of him, as it is contrary to his sacred duties, and the dictates of his conscience; and being thus compelled to submit to the disastrous consequences
which have been threatened and to the military occupation of this capital, in case he should not submit to such demands: Yielding, therefore, with all humility of heart, to the inscrutable determinations of the Most High, he places his cause in the hands of the Almighty; and being unwilling to fail in the essential obligation of guaranteeing the rights of his sovereignty, he has commanded us to protest, and formally protests in his own name, as in that of his successors, against any occupation whatever of his dominions, being desirous that the rights of the holy chair should remain, now and henceforward, uninjured and untouched. As the Vicar on Earth of that God of Peace, who taught by his divine example, humility and patience, he has no doubt but his most beloved subjects who have given him so many proofs of obedience and attachment, will make it their peculiar duty to preserve peace and tranquility, private as well as public, which his holiness exhorts and expressly commands; and that, far from committing any excesses, they will rather respect the individuals of a nation, from whom, during his journey and stay in Paris, he received so many flattering testimonies of devotion and regard."
Rome, February 2.
NEW-YORK, April 22.
Capt. Rosseter, from Bristol, has favored the Editors of the New-York Gazette with London papers one day later than those by the Protection. They afford the subsequent additional articles.
Dr. Leghman, of Philadelphia, who arrived here yesterday, in 40 days from Bordeaux, is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Armstrong at Paris. He informs, that the people of France were much pleased with the American Embargo, because they supposed it was done in compliance with the wishes of Bonaparte, believing, as they did, that it would humble, if not ruin, "THE PROUD ISLANDERS," as they stile the British.
Jerome Bonaparte, the new king of Westphalia, has issued a decree, declaring, that English commodities and manufactures shall not only be seized, but burnt. The decree has already been carried into execution.
It appears by the Pilot, of the 2d ult. that the British are in complete possession of the Western Islands.
News was received in England on the 10th ult. by an American vessel arrived at Marseilles, that the Prince Regent, &c. arrived at Rio Janeiro about the first of January. (This corresponds with the Boston account.)
The Globe of the 2d of March says, "We understand that the American Minister, Mr. Pinckney, has stated, that unless the Orders in Council are revoked, a war between this country and the United States must inevitably take place."
The editor of the London Courier, of the 15th ult. speaking of the junction of the Rochefort squadron, Toulon and Carthagena fleets, observes, "These accounts make us most anxious for the next arrivals. We are on the eve of great events, yet the attention of our ministers is to be diverted daily and nightly to objects of secondary importance, and while the powers of Europe are whetting their swords against us, while abroad at home our security is threatened, and our destiny bespoken (with impudent prediction at all events) while we stand destitute of a friend in almost any region of the Globe, & even brought to deliberate how we shall by our patience and fortitude, our patriotism & heroism, repel a confederated world, the opposition are employed in motions upon Persian bark, and the punishment of three licentious soldiers."
The same paper says "Rome has passed away from the dominion of the Pope—an event for which the Pope in his protest had prepared us. He informed us that Bonaparte had threatened him with the military occupation of his capital if he declined acceding to his demands. The menace has been carried into execution; Gen. Miollis, with the troops under his command, entered Rome on the 2d ult. and occupied the Castle of St. Angelo. The Officers are quartered upon the nobles, and the soldiers upon Monasteries. The Pope, it is supposed, will soon leave Rome, and retire to such place as Bonaparte shall think fit."
FROM FRANCE.
An intelligent friend who has arrived at New-York from Bordeaux, has favored us with the following communication.
Phil. Gaz.
April 21.
I arrived here this morning, in 43 days from Bordeaux, in the brig George, captain Chester. I intended to have brought some of the latest French papers, but at the time of my departure from Bordeaux, I could not procure any that contained anything worthy of republication.
No event of importance had occurred upon the continent immediately before my departure—the guard of honor at Bordeaux were daily parading in expectation of the arrival of the emperor. Immense numbers of French, Swiss and Italian troops were marching to Spain and Portugal, all apparently confident of victory and zealous to act in whatever manner their chiefs were disposed to direct them. Eighty thousand additional troops (the whole number of troops will exceed 200,000) were expected to march through Bordeaux the middle of March. The immediate object of this great army was perhaps only known to Bonaparte and his cabinet—the conjectures of some directed it towards Gibraltar, others towards Africa, and others towards England. It is, I believe, pretty certain that the churches of Spain are about to be pillaged, and a considerable portion of their treasures to be applied to other than holy purposes. It is thought by intelligent persons in France, that the emperor will not expose his person in Portugal or Spain—all his troops, it is supposed, might not protect him against the poison or stiletto of the infuriated monks and priests, who are about to be plundered. The so called "army of England" was forming at Boulogne.
It was reported in France that the pope was about to retire to a convent, and that he was cast from "his high estate," in consequence of an honest & firm refusal to aid his master in the execution of a certain project, not exactly consonant either with the civil, moral or divine law. It was universally said and believed, that 50,000 French and Russian troops were on their full and unopposed march to the British possessions in India; but the press and every other political right or privilege of man is so schlaughtered all over the continent of Europe, that any thing of a political nature, louder than a whisper, is scarcely to be heard.
Dec. 19.
MARK!—If the U.S. be patient, the Embargo will be omnipotent. Mark its effect in the stagnation of the manufactures of G. B. from the want of the raw materials, in the threatened ruin of 60,000 manufacturers, in the bold remonstrances of American merchants, in the distresses of Ireland, and in the rise of American produce. At Belfast about the 5th of March.
Tar-pentine had risen from 13s. to 30s per cwt. and this "article of the first necessity" (says a Belfast paper) to our manufactures, is almost exclusively the produce of the U. S.
Tar had risen from 18 to 40s. per barrel. In these two articles, the rise was more than 100 per cent. In cotton, rice, tobacco, &c. the rise has been equal to 50 per cent. For LATER DATES, see the third Page.
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Muscovado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira London P. Teneriffe Wines, Holland Gin, Demijohns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wineglasses and decanters and an assortment of the best quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. (F64)
TO RENT—and immediate possession given, the HOUSE lately occupied by Messrs. Roberts and Allan Pollok & Co.—Also, two other commodious TENEMENTS, near to the Bank of Virginia—and one small do. pleasantly situated on the hill in the neighborhood of James Brown, esq. Enquire of ROBERT M'KIM, or ALEXR. M'KIM. (oaw3w.)
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best butt and 1 pair cornstones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Annsley, April 19. (1awtf.)
VALUABLE LANDS—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 322 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1090 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. (1awtf.)
BORRAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS—The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business intrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. (1awtf.)
All persons are forewarned from taking an assignment of a bond for 40s. given by John Heath to Peter P. Blagrove, late of Northumberland County. The above paper it seems fell into the hands of a certain Richard Walker, & has since been passed off by him without his consent having received a regular assignment thereof. The said Walker has a small claim against the estate, and it appears from information since obtained, that this bond was put into his hands, either to collect, or deposited with him by the deceased, in his lifetime, for some other purpose. Steps have been taken to prevent the payment thereof to any other person than the ADMINISTRATOR. April 22. (oaw3w.)
NOTICE—All persons having claims against the estate of Cunningham Burton, dec'd are requested to produce them at the next June Hastings Court for the City of Richmond, properly authenticated, as the court will then proceed to make distributions amongst the creditors. JOHN F. PRICE, Curator. Richmond, April 22. (1aw24M.inj.)
THE subscriber having closed his business at the Tan-Yard, has remaining on hand a large parcel of well-finished Slaughter and Spanish SOLE LEATHER—Among which a considerable part will answer for holster leather, being light, which he offers for sale at reasonable prices on liberal credits for approved endorsed notes. MARCUS ELCAN. April 22. (1awtf.)
BY virtue of eight deeds of trust executed to the subscribers by Thomas Cheadham, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Tuesday the tenth day of May next, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and ninety three pounds, ten shillings and four pence, due by the said Thomas Cheadham to James Gamshall, John Lilly, Peter Murdock and Waller Ewing McCray, together with interest thereon from the first day of March, 1804, including expenses of sale, &c. the following eight Tracts of LAND, to wit:
 One tract containing one hundred and ninety eight acres eighty-nine poles—part of the tract called King's land slashes formerly belonging to James Wardrope, dec'd.  One do. containing 66 acres nineteen poles.  One do. containing one hundred and twenty three acres twenty-nine poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty five acres, one hundred and forty two poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty two acres ninety one poles.  One do. containing one hundred and forty-eight acres seven poles.  One do. containing two hundred and fifty three acres, one hundred and nineteen poles.  One do. containing five hundred and sixty one acres eleven poles.  JAMES BROWN, WILLIAM TEMPLE. April 15.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL.
MINELANDS FOR SALE—The subscriber will sell a Tract of LAND containing 2731 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of iron ore of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition.
Also—A tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 238 acres—107 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky.
Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal-Pits or the subscriber at Gules, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. March 18. (ep4w4w.)
REMOVAL—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN FOLLOK & Co. March 8. (cp4w.)
IRON WORKS—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on Saturday the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 23,543 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Cluckner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct.
The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The patents may be seen by application to the subscriber. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. PRICE. Trustees of the Patentees
CERTIFICATE.
I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned Lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 3/4 of a mile from the banks, and a force that may be worked with iron hammers: about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White Limestone near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/4 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of iron Works) the above property has, more advantageous in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. (ep4w.)
NOTICE, to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A. M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court.
The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend.
For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall institute any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred of, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled, either as surviving partner or as an individual." Wm. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAML. M'CHAW, } Richmond, March 8, 1808. (ep30A.a.)
A LIBERAL price will be given for an unexceptionable Male COOK—One of a middle age would be preferred—Enquire of Prosser and Moineure. April 5. (cp4w.)
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed by George Loving to me, and recorded in the county court of Amherst, for securing a debt therein expressed, I will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Loving, on Thursday the 5th day of May next, two male NEGROES, to wit: Harry and Guy, and one Negro Woman named Silvy, or so many of them, as may be sufficient to pay the aforesaid debt and interest, and the necessary expenses attending the execution of this trust. I only warrant the title to those negroes against myself and those claiming under me. RICHARD POWELL. Warmroster, April 5. (ep4pw.)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & ANNO'S LADD