The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-03-16 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16, 1803.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next. February 16th 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WITH the present number commences the Saturday's Recorder, the price being two dollars per annum, paid in advance. We shall often be unavoidably compelled to continue long articles from one paper to the other, so that the subscribers to the Wednesday's Recorder will find it extremely convenient to take the Saturday's likewise, in order that they may have articles always in their full and complete form. We shall now be able to take notice of a wide variety of foreign and domestic news, which we formerly were obliged to leave out for want of room. In doing this, we shall be particularly careful to select such articles as wear a serious appearance of authenticity, and are really worth reading. More cannot be demanded, and we shall endeavour not to do less. The three first numbers of the Saturday's paper will be sent round to all our subscribers. After that, they will be sent only to those who, in the mean time, have remitted money to pay for their new subscription. From those who do not chuse to take the Saturday's papers, these three numbers will be deducted in reckoning up their year.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
WHEREAS Lucretia Alford, has left my house and board in my absence, and resides in another man's family, I forewarn all persons from trusting or harbouring her on my account. THOMAS ALFORD. Richmond, March 8, 1803.
FOR SALE.
A few likely young NEGROES, For particulars enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March, 7th 1803.
WILL BE SOLD,
AT Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 25th instant, before the door of James McClure, in the city of Richmond, all the personal estate of JAMES STUART, deceased; consisting of a few articles of Household furniture, two hogheads of West India Rum, one crate of Rhenish-wine, a few barrels of Sugar, a small quantity of Northern Rum, and about 4000 lbs. Coals. Ninety days credit will be given for all sums above ten dollars, on the purchaser's giving notes with approved security, to HENRY REID, Adm'r. Richmond, March 9th. 1803. (15 M.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since its commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every kind of stones ready for delivery; also PLASTER OF PARIS ground and in the Rose. CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (16)
CITY OF RICHMOND.
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803. WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the increasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford. Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars. Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H. C.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN. That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn. After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground. As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is mealy and clean will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given. THOMAS RUTHERFORD. N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
FRESH FLOUR.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they are now ready to make Sales of FLOUR of their own manufacture, and are also desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour-Barrels, and Straw. Such as may want a supply of Meal, Hominy, Sifted-Straw, and Bran, are informed that they can be furnished at certain prices during the year, and that for the present quarter, ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. Meal, 3s. and 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 6d. They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore. They have also on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, & Co. Feb. 16th. 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING OF BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States. Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices. TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (17.)
N. B. For sale, PLASTER OF PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof. TO BE RENTED, THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street, and that leading to Col. Mays's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to ROBERT GAMBLE Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
A meeting of the Common Hall, for the city of Richmond, called by the Mayor, and held at the house of William Rose, in the said city, on Monday the 28th day of February, 1803. Resolved, that the Mayor give notice in the newspapers, that the Hall have adopted a plan for a POOR HOUSE, and will receive proposals from underwriters for building the same, at any time before the third Monday in next month. The plan is lodged in the hands of Mr. Robert B. James. The proposals must be made in writing. A copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H. C. R.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN. That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn. After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground. As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is mealy and clean will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given. THOMAS RUTHERFORD. N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
VIRGINIA.
At a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 28th day of November 1802. Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN, D. C. H. C.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
TO the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood. THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendue Master. Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
No. IV. CONCERNING MR. GALLATIN, AND THE SALE OF BANK STOCK. THE foregoing explanations would destroy the fame of any man, except that of Gallatin. There are very strong and contradictory circumstances, which entirely combine in their consequences, to preserve him and his. When they are left upon a naked assertion they would appear paradoxical, but when explained, will be self-evident, and convince every man who will entirely divest himself of prejudice. Although he may withhold his confession, yet he will tacitly admit that I am correct. My meaning is, that some of the leaders of each party, equally desirous, and have equally co-operated in imposing upon the world, the false
lacious and detestable opinion that he is a man of pre-eminent talents and political merit.
The associates of Gallatin know well that they owe their elevation, in a degree, to the dextrous and successful manner in which his jargon was metamorphosed into eloquent speeches. They know that the public were led astray by the delusion, that he possessed all the essential qualities which entitled a man to private esteem and public applause. The cunning and jesuiticalness of his life, afford but few opportunities to approach his character with offensive severity. His fellow labourers were better known. They had no pretensions to Messiahship. They knew that their schemes could not be effected without the establishment of a sect, who guided and influenced altogether by their faith, would not only forego the holy attributes of truth and reason, but would be as well satisfied with a jargon which they did not understand, as the Roman Catholics are with the latin dogmas which are repeated by the priests. It was this blind and misleading faith, which attached to Gallatin a popularity which has led to democratic success; and so great has been the deluding effect, that even Mr. Jefferson, with all the advantages of his station, power, personal popularity and office, did not venture to exercise his own judgement. Public justice was sacrificed at the altar of necessity, and individual convenience. From one end of the continent to the other, public expectation was turned towards a Gallatin as the successor of a Welcott, though from opposite causes. The most influential men of the prevailing party know these truths, and although there are not two who can disagree, yet they dare not avow it, because by doing so, they would destroy one of the pillars upon which their own power and popularity depends; they would, by the same act, either acknowledge, that they had been deceived, which would weaken their own tottering fabric, or else, they would acknowledge, that they had given to a stranger, an intriguer, a declaimer, and an orator, a false popularity for the most fraudulent purposes.
If this state of things is unknown to Mr. Jefferson, it proves him iniquity to sit at the helm of public affairs; if it is known, and he has found motives to yield to a delusive and destructive torrent of popular opinion in favor of an impostor then indeed may be discovered a want of firmness and candour which ought never to be found in the conduct or character of a chief magistrate. The leaders among the federalists are equally well convinced that these statements and reasoning are correct. They know that Gallatin is no less despatched by some of the leading democrats, than by themselves. They reflect with shame and mortification, that so humble a tool should have been so successfully used against themselves. Their pride prevents them from exposing the feeble means by which they were overthrown; because they know that in the same degree that they prove that an enemy, by whom they have been vanquished, is weak and despicable, so they would prove themselves to be still more humble and feeble. Hence it is, from these opposite causes, that the public councils of this country are disgraced by the presence, and the public revenues endangered by the controul of a man, whose every act has had an uniform tendency to destroy the social establishments and public respectability of a people, a majority of whom have absolutely yielded their faith, their confidence, their all, to his disposal.
Roused at last from a condemnable silence, Mr. Bayard has made an effort to extricate the community from this fascinating delirium. The resolutions which he offered concerning the bank stock exhibit a loss of 119,000 dollars. They were rejected by Congress. It is to be regretted that M. Bayard delayed this effort so long.
Hitherto it has been idle to urge the monstrous crime of setting up a great portion of the people to a rebellion against their lawful government. The notoriousof the fact was entirely veiled by the reputed purity of Gallatin's motives, by the transcendant and indefatigable talents which he has employed in the revolutionary drama. Honest men of good intentions throughout the country confiding in the general estimation of his negative integrity and virtues, were willing both to forgive and forget what was called an accidental circumstance, though it left a stain upon our national character, though it deprived innocent men of their lives, and though it had drained the treasury of about fifteen hundred thousand dollars.

Such is the man, whose conduct in selling the bank stock, is not only justified, but is applauded by the prevailing party. His partisans pretend to believe that public credit is in jeopardy; that there remained no alternative; that Mr. Baring was the only man in this extensive, rich, and flourishing country, who had the means to save it: that he knew how to take the advantage of his good fortune; he dictated the terms upon which he would act; and that Mr. Gallatin, driven to the last necessity, to the last shift, nay to the last moment, was obliged to yield; was obliged to humble the character, the resources, the credit of the treasury, nay every thing to the nod and dictatorial caprice and prescriptions of a stranger.
Before I proceed to the last scene of this detestable drama, let me ask the reader to reconsider the elevated position in which the secretary might have stood, from which he might have dictated his own terms. If Mr. Baring had an agency in the collection of the Dutch debt, if Mr. Baring demanded payment how easily and how properly could an answer have been given in this way? "I know that the United States owe a million of dollars which are payable in Amsterdam; our money is now ready in the treasury; a sufficient sum is appropriated for the purpose; we owe bullion; we mean to offer our money where it is, upon terms, for the payment of bullion at Amsterdam. I expect to have 5 or 6 per cent in the negotiation; if you think proper to allow this, the money shall be paid at once; if not, immediate orders shall be given to our agent in London, to obtain bullion, and if the negotiation cannot be made upon better terms, we will send the money in one of our frigates." By such means, the credit of the United States would have stood high, and no occasion would have been afforded by the imbecility and submission of Mr. Gallatin to complain of a transaction, which no argument can extenuate, no facts can justify.
Let it not be understood that any insinuation is intended against Mr. Baring. Far from it. Great credit is due to him as a negotiator in making such an advantageous bargain, when so many strong circumstances stood in his face. His duty was to render all the service which he could to his employers, and that duty led him to obtain from the United States as many advantages as their public functionaries would permit or afford.
The isolators of the secretary will perhaps be disposed to tolerate and bear with him, as they have done for his former political transgressions. If so, I will answer them in borrowed language. "It would be unjust to reproach a man with the narrowness of his capacity. Nature distributes her gifts as she will, and what is still more, men are not masters of their own education. But the inexcusable error is, to take upon ourselves burdens to which our strength is unequal, and to sacrifice the state at the shrine of our personal vanity. When an employment evidently demands a mass of information which we have not been able to procure, what demon urges us to accept of it?" My opinion is, that no man in such a case ought to be silent or inactive, while the honor, credit, character, or happiness of his country is sacrificed at the altar of folly, or is about to be overwhelmed in the storms of ambition. To the people the mischief will be the same, whether it shall proceed from weakness, or from crime, whether the author may be a visionary theorist, or an unprincipled demagogue.
To succeed as a partisan, it is necessary to have invention, cunning, watchfulness; to possess some promptness, and to be conversant in the routine of affairs, with presence of mind and of patience; such I think is Gallatin, who never seriously exerted himself for the benefit of the public, but has always endeavoured to make the public useful to himself.
While such facts, and such unanswerable arguments exist; while there is nothing left even for fear, hope, or doubt, how is it that there can be found a solitary individual who will not give his voice for condemnation and expulsion?
FEDERALIST. To be continued.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MARCH 16 th 1803.
SOMETHING about George Hay—Answer to a piece in the Virginia Gazette—Answer to an attack upon the Recorder, in last Saturday's Examiner—Ralph Wormley upon Junius—P.S. on the western waters—Defence of Mr. Coleman of New-York—and several small pieces, deferred till Saturday.
SEVERAL applications have been made at this office for sets of the papers of the Recorder from the commencement. We cannot gratify these wishes; but if any person will bring old numbers to this office, he shall receive an equal
number of newspapers for them. By this means, we shall perhaps be able to make up a few partial selections of the paper. Better small fish than none , says the proverb.
There is a vessel, now at Rocketts, the Rebecca of Providence, which has taken in a parcel of flour. The crew have opened each barrel, out of which some flour has been taken. When the Rebecca goes to market, the barrels will be sold, as containing the full weight. This abstracted flour has been brought ashore and sold. The story is no secret at Rocketts. We are authorised to say so by one of the flour inspectors at that place. There is no law of the state to prevent such fraud. Will it not be necessary for the next legislature to impose a heavy penalty, upon offences of so gross and scandalous a nature?
JAMES OGILVIE.
IN the Virginia Gazette of last Saturday, there appears a long advertisement from a person of this name. It is addressed to the friends of literary and moral improvement. The advertiser gives notice, that he is ready to deliver a series of discourses on interesting subjects, as soon as thirty persons shall have subscribed a guinea a piece, &c. &c.
The Recorder takes leave to ask this moral philosopher, whether he is acquainted with one James Ogilvie, who published, about five years ago, proposals for printing a Treatise on Education , and who, upon this pretence, collected a large sum of money from the liberal and unwary. We ask him to inform us when that book is to be published; and, if it is never to be published, we ask, at what time he intends to return the subscription money to his patrons; or whether he thinks it a branch of moral philosophy to retain money, for which he never intends to return the promised value? The punctual payment of debts, where practicable, is a very interesting department of moral philosophy. When your breeches are torn, fit still , says the proverb.
There have been numerous and very defensible instances, wherein authors have been obliged to suspend, and even to break their engagements to the public, after the receipt of subscription money. But, from a correct enquiry, we have not been able to ascertain that this case is one of them.
CORRESPONDENCE.
The two following pieces were received, and should have been inserted, some weeks ago.
LETTER No. I.
West of the Blue Ridge.
SIR,
NOTHING of late has happened, which has given me, and those around me, more concern than the information we have received respecting the very cruel treatment you have received, from the hands of a Mr. George Hay. This gentleman, we are told is a member of the executive council; it was therefore to be expected, if in any of your publications respecting him, you had violated the laws of your country, to those laws alone he should have appealed for redress; which procedure would have gained Mr. Hay more credit, (even amongst such ruffians as we are, on this side of the Ridge,) than that of an appeal to sticks, staves, &c. But, Sir, it is hoped that you will soon recover from the Richmond republican bruises; and that you will continue, as usual, to give us such information respecting the conduct of those gentlemen, who are placed at the head of our affairs, as may enable us to judge whether it will be most proper to continue them in, or dismiss them from office. In doing which, you will meet with support from those who wish to save the public money.
A MOUNTAINEER. Mr. J. T. Callender.
LETTER No. II.
FOR THE RECORDER.
West of the Blue Ridge.
HOLLA, Larkin! I have just been informed by the Recorder, that some day last month, you brought forward in the assembly a resolution for approving, by a vote of the whole legislature, of the character and conduct of Thomas Jefferson; and that the original draught contained a clause for the punishing those editors of newspapers, who might presume to censure the president. What the devil, Larkin, have you, or the legislature, to do with whatever the people shall please to say or think of Mr. Jefferson? Do we, the people of Virginia, send delegates to the assembly, and give them three dollars a day, for the purpose of telling us that our president is a philosopher, and a benevolent, patriotic republican? Or are they sent to punish those who shall presume to say that he does not possess all these good qualities?
No, Larkin, they are not. Nor do I think they were sent to show their generosity to
much at the expence of their constituents, as to be giving 27 hundred dollars for doing a piece of business, which they might have had done for 12 hundred. Oh, Larkin! I must say no more. I have this moment learnt that Callender is in jail. If I was certain that your resolution, which was first offered to the house, had not been again offered and passed, I would say he was put in confinement with a view of preventing him from becoming acquainted with our executive and legislative affairs; and to force him to quit Richmond, when it would be said by some, huzza, boys! we can do what we please; Callender is gone; our actions will be unobserved.—I shall conclude, Larkin, by saying, that through you I beg leave to present my compliments to Mr. George Hay, and inform him that he has gained but little credit on this side the mountain, on account of his ungentlemanly conduct towards Callender; and that it is probable, should he ever pass this way, he will be as roughly handled as poor Callender was. You will think from what I have said, (and you will not think wrong) that I am living in a part of the country where I am at liberty to speak freely, without the dread of George Hay's law, viz. club law, and that I am
A MOUNTAINEER.
NOTE.
* I have been taught to believe it was not a general rule to bring any thing before the house a second time, after being rejected; but as they broke this rule when they raised their wages, it may be done again.
ANOTHER HOISTING
OF THE BLACK FLAG; OR, THE PRESIDENT AGAIN.
AFTER the election of Mr. Jefferson to the presidency, the country was scoured by persons who had his picture to sell, or who took in subscriptions for such a publication. Several democrats, who had subscribed to the Examiner for this picture, remembered to forget to call and take it away. If they had only paid for it, the delay might have been supportable. But this they did not do. The issue was that, about six or eight months ago, Mr. Jones advertised that he would raise actions against all such delinquents. Perhaps the subscribers began to repent of their bargain. Perhaps they began to think that they had seen enough of the president in the Recorder, and elsewhere, to satisfy curiosity, without paying twelve additional dollars for his picture. Be this as it may, we are at present going to give a few more etchings of the moral portrait of this inestimable and inimitable man. The particulars have been furnished by a gentleman who resides in Albemarle county, and who, from his childhood, has known the Monticello family, with all its appurtenances. Our correspondent has been long and well known in the newspaper world. He is a man of property and of talents. We had hinted, a long time since, that something particular was to be said concerning a letter from a great personage to his nephew, Peter Carr. Here it comes.
Carr was a member of the late general assembly; and the son of Mr. Jefferson's favorite sister. He was adopted by his uncle, in his infancy; and received from him personally a part of his education. When Mr. Jefferson went to France, he directed by letters, the course of Peter's studies. The letters were long and numerous. They were handed about as master pieces of composition. In one of them, there are expressions to the following amount. Peter is admonished that, if his own reason does not convince him of the existence of a supreme being, he ought to doubt of the fact. Our correspondent's words are broader; but we wish to convey an indecent idea in the softest language that can be found.
It is difficult to conceive what good purpose was to be answered by instilling into the head of a young man, such as Carr, a doctrine so disreputable, and so dangerous; for the admonition in the letter can be considered as nothing more or less than a recommendation to impiety.* This was to let Carr at an
NOTE.
* An atheist is, like the deist, an individual whose opinions are involuntary. They are under the guidance of his judgement, or rather of his folly. Every thing around us announces the presence and agency of a superior species of being. The infinite divisibility of a grain of sand, the incomprehensible cohesion of its atoms, "forever distant, yet forever near," at once reduce a Newton and his investigations to the level of infancy. The infinite retrospective series of eternity, the conception of something which never had a beginning, at once burlesques the approaches of mortal comprehension. Under such circumstances, to deny the being of something superior in its intellectual endowments to man, is an absurdity. Of persons enjoying the capacity and habit of reflection, it is difficult to think that any one in his own mind, ever disbelieved the existence of some power totally superior to himself. An affectation of this sort prevailed in France; but it has been remarked, by Dr. Moore that, though these people talked more of infidelity than most of their neighbours, they at the same time be-
immortal variance with a very numerous proportion of mankind. The conduct of the young man himself, a few years after, seems to show that he was, in some respects, a forward pupil.
In Summer, 1797, Carr wrote a very insidious but flattering letter to the late general Washington. The obvious design of this ambuscade was to obtain an answer, which might injure the general's character. The letter seems to stigmatize as knaves, or fools, all his enemies. Among these, Carr's uncle and preceptor must of course have been included. Carr subscribed the name of JOHN LANGHORNE to this pretty letter. This is the name of a numerous and respectable family in a county adjoining to Warren in Albemarle, from whence his epistle was dated. The name of Peter Carr he knew would not do; as he had, not long before that time, been emphatically introduced to general Washington, by Mr. Madison, as Mr. Jefferson's nephew. The correspondence was detected and brought to light by COLONEL JOHN NICHOLAS, of ALBEMARLE. He has now in his possession THE WHOLE CORRESPONDENCE; and proofs of detection. He has said that, when all the circumstances shall be known and taken together, no doubt will or can remain, that a great personage was privy to the scheme, if he was not the prime mover of it. If he did not bring the child into the world, he at least rocked it in the cradle.
General Washington sent an answer to this Mr. John Langhorne, to this virtuous and republican letter writer, to this prompt surety, this solitary companion of our Richmond King of Clubs. This disclosure was withheld by colonel Nicholas for so many years, from a reluctance to engage in such personal charges. His political enemies in Albemarle and the neighbourhood, have observed no such delicacy towards him. He will not now, however, flinch from a judicial examination of all the foregoing facts, as governor Giles did from certain allegations, which had, upon his authority, been made in the Prospect . † He is ready, when called upon, to come forward with his proofs.
This notable transaction has since been brought into public observation, by this same JOHN LANGHORNE himself. How ever ridiculous, incredible, or mad, such conduct may appear, the matter is incontrovertible. The disclosure took place at Charlottesville, on the 15 th of April, 1801. At the commencement of the district court, for that place, Mr. LANGHORNE, alias PETER CARR, was making an electioneering speech. In this harangue, he openly confessed the writing of the letter to general Washington, under a fictitious name. The speech was answered, and the whole transaction was fully explained, by the gentleman who had detected it. The whole Jeffersonian party, that were present, and within cannonading distance of head quarters itself, shrunk from this explanation. Several of them had come prepared with notes and speeches to defend Carr, but they found that it would not do. Mr. Langhorne himself, at the close of the explanation, hung down his head. "He 'sneaked off,'" says our correspondent, "like a cur that had been detected in sheep-stealing; and a profound silence closed the scene. To these facts, three or four hundred citizens can bear testimony." If there can be a plainer, a better attested, or a more infamous story than this, we shall be glad to know where that story can be found.
Our correspondent has not specified the manner in which colonel Nicholas detected Peter Carr. We have heard that it was something in this way. Carr went to some post-office, perhaps a post office at Warren. He there enquired for a letter addressed to Mr. John Langhorne. The singularity of his enquiring for letters addressed to another person excited suspicion, which led to a discovery of the whole plot. All this is given as a report, which we have indistinctly heard but of which the substance, or something like it, is incontrovertibly true.
It is understood that colonel Nicholas designs to publish general Washington's answer to Mr. Jefferson's favorite nephew. It is most likely that our correspondent would have been able, before this time, to procure us a copy of it. But this manuscript has lain over in our hands for about five months. We hope, however, that it will soon make its ap-
peared more. When French atheists were examined on their grounds of belief, they got into a wilderness of words about the eternity of the world, the plaitic powers of nature, with other phrases which when explained, resolve themselves into an acknowledgement of a supreme being. The correspondence between Frederick and the famous D'Alembert affords a complete instance of this kind. Both professed an equal contempt for all religions. They believed as little as possible. In a series of letters they mutually attempt to explain their ideas, and the above is the result. Thus a doubt remains, whether there is such a character as an atheist." American Annual Register , for 1796 p. 220
† The author held Giles in too much abhorrence to have entertained any personal correspondence with him. The matter came at second hand.

pearance. It is said that president Washington's answer to Peter Carr is a composition of some length, and that its sentiments do him the highest honor. The public will undoubtedly feel impatience, as we do, for a perusal of this performance. Carr and his uncle are perhaps the only persons on the continent that would not wish to hear of it. We need not enlarge upon the baseness of addressing the president in a letter with a feigned name, in order to betray his confidence, for the project amounts to that. We trust that colonel Nicholas will think himself bound in duty to his country to hasten the publication of general Washington's letter, as well as of the circumstances which led to the detection of Peter Carr.
More about Peter Carr.
Since the above was prepared for the press, some additional intelligence has been received as to this person. Colonel Nicholas was informed by a post-master, that Carr had called at his office, for a letter under the address of John Langhorne. It was known that this letter came from general Washington. Upon this notice, the colonel wrote to the general, that Carr had taken up his letter, and advertising to the singularity of such a correspondence. In answer, the general sent colonel Nicholas a copy of Carr's letter, and of his own answer. He remarked that he thought it had been written by a pedant. He said that, in his answer, he had been upon his guard. Sometime after this, Nicholas questioned Carr. The latter said that he had heard much of the general's austerity, and wished to see whether he would answer a letter from an obscure individual. For this purpose he had copied a letter out of an English author of the name of John Langhorne, and had affixed the name of the real author to it. He afterwards told this story in the above mentioned meeting at Charlottesville. Every body laughed at Carr. The production of the book was demanded. At last, it was produced. But the title page was torn away; so that none of the company could tell whether Dr. Langhorne was the author or not. There is more of the story, but this will serve at present.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
MANDAMUS.
On Thursday, the 24th ult. the chief justice declared the opinion of the court, on the motion of C. Lee, for a rule to show cause why a mandamus should not issue to compel James Madison, secretary of state of the United States, to deliver to William Marbury, and others, their commissions of the peace, for the district of Columbia.
The questions considered by the court in delivering their opinions, were:
 1st. Has the applicant a right to the commission he demands?  2d. If he has a right, and that right has been violated, do the laws of this country afford him a remedy?  3dly. If they do afford him a remedy, is it by a Mandamus issuing from this court? 
On the first point it was the opinion of the court, that such right did exist, 2dly. That he was entitled to a remedy; but on the third question, it was determined, that the act of congress giving the power to the supreme court, to issue a writ of mandamus in such a case, was unconstitutional, and consequently void. The rule therefore was dismissed.
NEW-YORK, March 1.
A man who calls himself Jesse Barnett, and says he lives at the salt works on Sandy river, Kentucky, was on the 14th ult. committed to jail at Morgantown, (Penn.) About one hundred Spanish dollars have been found upon him, and he had passed several others. The inside of the dollars appear to be copper, and the date 1800, is badly executed. It is said a number of like dollars are in circulation.
EXTREMELY INTERESTING.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
On Saturday last, (26 Feb.) the house of representatives took off the injunction of secrecy respecting all future proceedings concerning two acts entitled 'An act making further provision for the expences attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations,' and an act 'for extending the external commerce of the United States.'
These acts have passed both houses, and have received the approbation of the president.
The first appropriated two millions
of dollars for defraying any extraordinary expences which may be incurred in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
The second act appropriates two thousand five hundred dollars for the purpose of extending the external commerce of the United States.
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
The titles to the above acts were exposed to the prophane eye of the public by a very laughable blunder. During the Secret Mania , which raged for some time with such violence in congress, it was not thought safe to trust these bills in the hands of the clerk, to report to the senate, as in other cases. Two members were therefore appointed as ministers plenipotentiary from the house of representatives to the senate, in order to deliver the house of the secret burthen with which it had been for several days in labor. The two plenipotentiaries executed the business entrusted to them with becoming secrecy and dignity. Mr. Wright was of opinion that such respectful conduct of the other house towards them, should meet with a suitable return; and the senate agreeing with him in opinion, that body appointed the honorable Mr. Wright to represent them in the house of representatives, cloathing him with proper powers, and conferring on him all the privileges incident to his high and important station. The bills were put into his hands, with the necessary instructions for his conduct. Thus clothed with the majesty of the senate of the U. States, out sallies the knight of secrets, clad no doubt in proper armour for the occasion.
It unfortunately happened that Mr. Moultrie had just obtained leave to be heard before the house, on some claim, and had accordingly taken possession of the passage through which our knight was to pass. In the hurry of business, the knight had forgotten to provide himself with a herald to announce his approach, and it would have been beneath his dignity to have imitated some modern legislators in becoming his own herald. Disregarding, however, all minor obstacles, he boldly pushed forward. Open flew the doors, in stalks our hero, Mr. Moultrie is removed, and and oh! horrible to relate, the secret labors of many days, are at once exposed to public view. The house was all in amazement, and the speaker almost petrified, at this prophane exposure. He endeavored to stop the senatorial orator; but the man who had proceeded thus far through so many difficulties, was not so easily checked in his career. It was therefore only left for the speaker to inform the wondering audience, in mingled accents of terror and despair, that the business just communicated was secret.
FROM THE GAZETTE OF THE U. STATES.
We shall soon have a few words to say about a secret cut of two millions of dollars , which are to be employed by Mr. Jefferson and the extraordinary minister, Monroe, in some nice speculations with a certain Mr. Bonaparte, and from which, it is most philosophically calculated, immense gain, both of interest and honor, will be derived to these United States. It is expected that the success of this speculation will silence forever all the clamour audaciously raised against the present administration for its economical disposition, so eminently manifested in the careful saving of the people's money.
The motive for secrecy in this undertaking, has been to enable the friends of the people to surprize the country, some ten or twelve months hence, when Mr. Monroe shall return, with an account of the eminently profitable expedition, and thus secure to the administration the permanent attachment and confidence of its present supporters, and confound and baffle the exertions of its enemies. This was indeed the plan; but its inventors were so sanguine in the expectation of success, and so pleased with the idea of a permanent establishment of
their power and popularity, that it became impossible to persist in their proposed secrecy, but, of their own free will and choice, revealed the whole scheme; and have thus saved the good people of the country from the unhappy effects which might have ensued from a too sudden excitement of wonder and joy.
AN additional extract from the Louisiana pamphlet, quoted in last Wednesday's Recorder.
"A careless observer may imagine that in a contest between the American States and France, the disadvantage must be wholly on our side; but this is a strange opinion; for in the first place the states are vulnerable in every way and at every point. They have extensive commerce, which is undefended by a navy. They have a long line of sea coast, on which all their great towns are situated, and which hostile armaments will find every where accessible.—The greater part of their national revenue flows from their foreign commerce." To molest or despoil that , therefore, is to aim at the source of all their strength. To pillage or destroy their great towns, is to inflict wounds equally mortal. Their inland frontier is a waste, destitute of all defence against invasion, and unitted for the maintenance, or march of armies into an hostile territory.
"But the great weakness of these states arises from their form of government, and the condition and habits of the people.—Their form of government and the state of the country, is an hot bed for faction and sedition. The utmost force of all the wisdom they possess, is exerted in keeping the hostile parts together. These parts are unlike each other, and each one has the individualizing prejudices of a separate state; all the puerile jealousies of the greatness of others; all the petty animosities which make neighbours quarrel with each other without cause. How slight an additional infusion is requisite to set this heterogeneous mass into commotion? to make the different parts incline different ways, on the great question of war?"
"The master of the Mississippi will be placed so as to controul, in the most effectual manner, these internal waves. It is acknowledged that he holds in his hand the bread of all the settlements west of the hills. He may dispense, or withhold at his pleasure. See we not the mighty influence that this power will give us over the councils of the states?"
"Nature has divided this nation, by the bills that run the great waters opposite ways. The interests of those who shall occupy the two slopes of the great valley are the same. Mountains separate mankind; rivers draw them together. The maritime and the fluvial states are combined by accident. The constant tendency is to part, while the tendency is no less strong in the states divided by the river, to coalesce.—These different tendencies, it is the easy province of France in her new colony, to manage so as to make their enmity or rivalry harmless to us. The peculiar colour of their factions is, also, extremely favourable to the designs of a powerful and artful neighbour. They quarrel about forms of government. These forms are not subtle threads, and scarcely visible, drawn from the bowels of their own inventions, but are the gross and clumsy models taken from European examples. The rivalry between France and England has extended to the speculations of this people, and by natural consequence, a prejudice is thus created, which makes one faction friendly to France, and the other to England."
One party is extremely sensible to all the encroachments of the English. Here their vigilance is all alive. They have great facility at discovering harm, when it comes from this quarter. They are prone to every thing which may give offence to the nation they bitterly hate. They rejoice at its distresses. They mourn at its triumphs. On the contrary, they are governed by a bias equally strong in favor of France. Their hearts are ours, even when their heads would
* All the revenue of the United States now flows from foreign commerce, since the repeal of the laws for collecting internal Taxes. Thanks to popularity!!!
disapprove. They conceal or palliate our crimes; they pity our calamities; they connive at injuries and insults from us. Suspicious, vengeful and irascible to England, their charity thinks no wrong endures much, and is easy of censure to Frenchmen. What obvious and convenient tools will these prove in any critical affairs! How easy to enforce this natural bias, by arguments addressed to their selfish passions, and personal interests. We have learned to set its true price on republican virtue and national spirit . The same glaring illusions that brought Holland, Switzerland, and Genoa into our snare, will, with as much facility, entrap republics that will be more at our mercy, and of which the members are more dilionant and motley.
"This party, always formidable in its spirit and numbers, has lately gotten the mastery. The majority of the people, and their present rulers, are pliant clay fitted for our use . From these we may exact neutrality to all our schemes. They will take pains to shut their eyes against future evils. They will be remarkably quick sighted to the dangers of a rupture with us. Their scruples against the violations of treaties and against offensive war, will be wonderfully strong. They will eagerly swallow the opiates that we shall provide for them, and thank us for any potion that annihilates their own fears, or enables them to lull those of the people."
"And not without strong reason may they deprecate a quarrel with France, whom its new position on their borders, will render a useful friend, but a fatal enemy. When war becomes the topic of discourse, this people will turn their eyes to the calamities of St. Domingo, and then to their own provinces, where the same intestine plague exists in a degree equally formidable, and where their utmost care is requisite to prevent the struggling mischief from building its bounds."
"Devoted to the worst miseries is the nation which harbors in its bosom a foreign race, brought, by fraud and rapine, from their native land; who are bereaved of all the blessings of humanity; whom a cruel servitude inspires with all the vices of brutes, and all the passions of demons; whose injuries have been so great that the law of self-preservation obliges the state to deny to the citizen the power of making his slave free; whose indelible distinctions of form, colour and perhaps organization, will forever prevent them from blending with their tyrants, into one people; who foster an eternal resentment at oppression, and, whose sweetest hour would be that when buried them and their lords in a common and immeasurable ruin."
"With what prudence can this nation attack a neighbor, who can fan at pleasure the discords of this intestine enemy; who can give union, design and arms to its destructive efforts at revenge; who can raise, at any moment, a Spartacus, or L'Ouverture, to distract the councils, and employ the force which might otherwise annoy himself; whose own sad experience has informed him of the power of this weapon against the public peace;—whom the maxims of war will justify in turning this weapon against his enemy; and whose local situation enables him to raise this weapon with most facility, and direct it with most force."
"This nation is not insensible to all those dangers. An example is before their eyes of a servile war . Their country is full of exits from the scene of such a warfare. Their travellers, their daily papers supply them with the picture, in all its circumstantial horrors. They are shaken by panics on this very account already, and no consideration would have a stronger influence on their conduct than this."
LONDON, January 7.
A letter from the Hague informs us, that the greatest activity is used in completing the expedition to Louisiana. The number of transports having been deemed insufficient, four more have been engaged. General Victor is printing at the Hague, the proclamations and addresses which are to be issued upon his arrival.

PARIS, Dec. 28.
I send you an account of the second meeting of the Swiss deputies.
As soon as the sitting opened, the deputation sent to have an audience of the first consul at St. Cloud, reported the particulars of the conference with which they had been honoured. The following is the substance of Bonaparte's address to them:
"The more I learn of your country, said Bonaparte, the more I am convinced, that you cannot, with advantage, have a single government. By the representative system, the democratic cantons would be subjected to payments to which they are unaccustomed. The descendants of William Tell must know neither the restraint of chains, nor the payment of imposts. But, on the other hand, for Berne, and the other great cantons, the attempts at pure democracy were absurd. Your different cantons, must, of necessity, have diversities of constitutional arrangement. With three leading exceptions, you must be re-established nearly in the same political order in which you were before. The inequality of rights which subsisted among the old cantons; the relations between sovereign and subject states; with the prerogatives of the Patrician families, must be abolished for ever. Under these corrections of the constitutions of the cantons, Switzerland may possess a federal government, of effective vigor."
"For the maintenance of an independent central government, your country, is, by the invincible parsimony of nature, too poor. Your government cannot be other than one which must be supported without a burthensome civil list. You cannot now act that part, among the great powers of Europe, to which you were formerly unequal; when those which constitute the great powers were subdivided into a multitude of petty states. Your real force would be enfeebled, your present militia would be lost, by the institution of a standing army. You might, indeed, become great by forming two departments of France. But from France you are separated by the internal indestructible barriers of nature. Between two powers, between which there is a balance of force and influence, you are safe. Preserve your neutrality, your laws, your political tranquility, your good morals, and your fortune cannot but be happy. Confederative governments enfeeble great states; but, by concentrating, invigorate the energies of those which are small. Besides, whom would you place at the head of your central government? If several persons, would there not be a division of their opinions and interests? If one man, who is there among you, whom you would all be willing to invest with the necessary confidence and authority? I, invested as I am, by the confidence of a great nation, with the power of a supreme magistracy, could not undertake to govern you. Should you choose a native of Zurich, the inhabitants of Berne would be dissatisfied. By the choice of a Catholic, offence would be given to the protestants. By the restoration of the government of the cantons, you may become happier than by any central government. During the existence of one single government for all Switzerland, what have you known but incessant and unavailing changes? Last year, you drove away a Diet, legitimately nominated by the people. Of your last constitution, of the 11th of April, I cannot approve; a central government cannot be maintained among you, without the presence of French troops. Your present government knows this by experience. Its members spoke the voice of patriotism, in consenting that the French troops should be withdrawn; but their prudence, in that consent, was not justified by the events which followed. As a French citizen, I cannot but add, that Switzerland, though independent in regard to its own affairs, must not be so in its relations to France."
"No English emissaries are to be entertained in Switzerland. With England the Swiss must enter into no treaty."
The government of Berne has been ever in the habit of seeking the support of foreign powers, hostile to France. This example was followed by Reding, and the other leaders in the last insurrection. Such fruit never again be the policy of Switzerland. France will never permit the Leman territory, of which the inhabitants are by blood and language allied to the French, to become again subjects to the Swiss. The basis of your new structure must be taken from the revolution and the will of the people. In the whole, the people must be satisfied, and no taxes must be imposed."
The Moniteur contains an article representing the revenue of the republic to be in a most flourishing condition. The revenues are near four millions sterling above the receipt of the preceding year. In consequence of those flattering statements, their funds continue to rise; they are 66 1. 60 c.
CURIOUS DISCOVERY.
Paris, Oct. 6, 1802.
The use which citizen Potel had made of the oxygenated muriatic acid gas, in the establishment he had formed for bleaching linen, has led him, by chance, to the discovery of a fact highly interesting to humanity. He was in his laboratory, when they laid down on a table, on which this gas was, rats, that had just been taken out of the water, drowned. A moment after, the rats disappeared, and hid themselves in a corner of the room; one only remained near the apparatus. It was restored to life again; but had not the power to follow the others, because its paws were broken. Citizen P. having taken them again, asphyxiated them anew, submitting them under the action of the gas, and saw them brought to life again. He tried several times experiments on cats; at last, like Storch who tried on himself the power of the henlock, this young man tried on himself the efficacy of this new means. His boldness was crowned with success. The academy of Dijon have nominated commissioners, in order to determine, in an undeniable manner, the property of the gas in the asphyxia .
PORTSMOUTH, January 5.
Last night arrived at the Motherbank his Majesty's ship Hound, from Gibraltar, in sixteen days. By her we are concerned to hear that a serious mutiny had broke out on board the Gibraltar of 84 guns, which sailed from Gibraltar for Malah in company with the Superb, Dragon, and Triumph. Soon after sailing the crew of the Gibraltar mutinied, and took possession of the ship. She was then run up under the sterns of the other ships, the crew cheering; but this signal not having the desired effect, the crews of the other ships retaining their loyalty and discipline, the mutineers became panic struck, and were then easily subdued by their officers, who behaved very gallantly. The ringleaders were immediately secured; three of them had been tried and executed before the Hound left the rock.
GREENOCK, Jan. 21.
Notwithstanding the severity with which the frost has set in, in the Elbe, a Hamburg mail has found its way to England; the only intelligence it brings deserving of notice is the following from Constantinople:
"The Porte has received the melancholy news, that the Turkish army in Egypt, under the command of the Pacha of Cairo, has been entirely defeated by the beys. The accounts which the government and the English ambassador lord Elgin, have received from Egypt, come down so late as the 2d of November, and contain the following intelligence:
"The beys were already surrounded by the Turkish army. The former made several sallies, but were every time repulsed by the Turks. Meanwhile, in the beginning of October, Omar Bey had sufficient art and address to escape from this situation, by marching his troops through the Turkish lines privately, and making to the Pacha; who had no intimation of his movements. Omar Bey then added considerable reinforcements to his troops:
he approached to the camp; and the other beys, who were acquainted with all his movements, made a sudden and furious attack on the Turks. At this moment Omar Bey fell upon the rear of the Pacha's troops, and the Turkish army being thus placed between two fires, was beaten, and almost totally destroyed. The beys took advantage of this success; for several days they pursued and killed the Turks in their flight; and would have wholly extirpated them, had not the commandants of the English and Turkish troops at Alexandria, sent out the military of the garrison to collect the fugitives, and stop the further progress of the beys."
"The Pacha of Cairo is now endeavouring to get his scattered troops into fortified places. But the beys have by far the advantage of him; and are now masters of the flat country."
NEW-YORK, February 28.
Summary of European Intelligence by the ship Jesse.
By the ship Jesse, captain Boag, in 34 days from Greenock, English papers have been received at this office to the 22d ult.
Nothing very interesting has occurred in the European world since our last advices. The account of general Le Clerc's death, had been received at Paris, and on the 11th January, at one o'clock, the ministers, the members of the senate, of the tribunate, and of the tribune of appeal, had audiences of the chief consul, and presented their compliments of condolence on this event. The corps diplomatique waited upon him at two o'clock for the purpose. The first consul went into mourning on this event, which he was to wear for ten days. Madame Le Clerc had arrived at Toulon in the Swiftsure, the same vessel which conveyed the general's remains. The journey of the first consul into the nine departments of the ci-devant Belgium , appears to be a thing certain. General Belliard had received orders from Bonaparte to make preparations for forming a camp of 12000 men in the environs of Brussels. Several political changes are mentioned as likely to take place on the occasion. Among the rest, it is said that the government of Holland has it in contemplation to send deputies to meet the first consul at Brussels, and offer him the supreme power of that country, under the title of president, or consul. The assumption of the title of emperor of the Gauls by Bonaparte, appears a probable event, and seems to announce the speedy concentration, into one united society, of the different branches belonging to that family. An English commentator humorously observes, "we only hope that the first consul will not look back beyond the time of the Romans, and lay claim to the property of the Gauls, who at this day inhabit the mountains of Wales and Scotland." The concentration of this powerful all-grasping family is likely to include a large portion of the new as well as of the old world. By choosing the central position of Louisiana, the emperor of the Gauls can extend his paternal embraces, east and west, as circumstances may favour. Accounts from the Hague state, that the most active exertions are making to complete the expedition to Louisiana and that a number of additional transports have been engaged. General Cæsar Berthier is appointed chief of the staff on the expedition.
[Of the first paragraph of the following letter, we hardly believe more than a line or two. We are, likewise, most firmly persuaded that the president did not believe it himself. He lays that the act of the intendant was unauthorised ; and that, since writing a former letter to the governor of Kentucky, he had received additional information to the same effect. If so, why did not Mr. Jefferson publish it? The intendant knew that, if he acted without authority , the joke would cost him his head. There is not an atom of probability, and far less of evidence, that he acted without a warrant.
At any rate, general Victor, with a French army, will soon be at New-Orleans. And after the atrocious toast lately drank at Petersburg, and drank by a federal collector of the customs, we cannot, with reason expect, or ask much favor from the French general.
The interposition of the Spanish ambassador is a tale only fit for children; and as the citizens of Kentucky are not children, they will receive and understand this story as a jest. The ambassador has no more controul over the intendant than the latter has over the stream of the Mississippi. By blocking up the river, the new colony will be able to buy provisions of all kinds from Kentucky dog cheap , as the phrase is; and then the French will sell the flour in the West-Indies at a profit of two, three, or five hundred per cent.
Before Mr. Monroe can arrive in Europe, the story of the two millions of dollars, and the profound bribery system, will get there before him. On this occasion, the first consul will perhaps act as the famous earl of March, afterwards Duke of Queenberry, once did. He was to have a horse race with one of his brother jockies. His groom informed him that he had been offered a sum of money to lose the race . "By all means take it," said his lordship. Next morning, when the parties came upon the turf, March observed that it was a very fine day; and said to his competitor, "I think, my lord, I shall ride myself." He did so, and won the race. Bonaparte, like March, will think and act for himself. He will permit his ministers to pocket whatever money Madison, and his master, may chuse to cast away. He will then dictate his terms, and, like the Scotsman, he will win the race .]
FRANKFORT, (Ken.) Feb. 10. By Tuesday's mail, the governor of this state received the following letter from the president of the U. States:
"Washington, January 18, 1803. "Sir—Soon after the date of my letter to you of December 16, the memorial of the senate and house of representatives of Kentucky, to the president of the U. S. and the senate and house of representatives of congress, came to hand. In that letter, I informed you that we had reason to believe that the suspension of the right of deposit at New-Orleans, was an act merely of the intendant, unauthorised by his government; that immediately on information of it we had taken measures to have it rectified, and that we had been seconded in these by the cordial interposition of the minister of his catholic majesty, residing here. Further information, shewing that this act of the intendant's was unauthorised, has strengthened our expectation that it will be corrected. [NO! NO!]
"In order, however, to provide against the hazards which beset our interest and peace in that quarter, I have determined with the approbation of the senate, to send James Monroe, late governor of Virginia, with full powers to him and our ministers in France and Spain, to enter with those governments into such arrangements, as may effectually secure our rights and interests in the Mississippi, and in the country eastward of that. He is how here and will depart immediately. In the mean time, knowing how important it is that the obstruction shall be removed in time for the produce which will begin to descend the river in February, the Spanish minister has at our request, reiterated his interposition with the intendant of New-Orleans."
"I inclose you a resolution of the house of representatives on this subject, which, with the measures taken by the executive, will, I hope furnish new grounds for the confidence which the legislature of Kentucky is pleased to express in the government of the U. S. and evince to them that that government is equally alive to the interests of every portion of the union."
"I pray you to accept assurances of my high respect and consideration."
TH: JEFFERSON.
"The gov. of Kentucky."