The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-06-21 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OFFICE OF THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NOTICE TO CLAIMANTS UNDER THE CONVENTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN FOR THEIR AGENTS.—Such persons as propose, in pursuance of the Order of the Board of Commissioners of 11th October, 1806, to lay before the subscriber, during his residence in this city, any evidence in support of their claims, and have not yet given him notice of their intentions, are requested to do so without delay, in order that he may make the necessary arrangements for the business of this station. And it is further expected, that all concerned will after this public intimation, be in readiness to present their books and documents for examination at any time when required, so as to prevent delay and loss of time.
If there are any persons in this country who have charge of the claims under enumerated, they will please to communicate immediately the necessary information regarding them, to the agent of the board, viz:
 VIRGINIA CLAIMS. Gavin Alston for the Greenock saddle and shoe factory. Garstang Bradstock, in right of John Breakhill of Liverpool, mariner. Henry Clay, representative of Clay and Midgley of Liverpool. Droghom, Murdoch and Co. Mary Doyle and Margt. Mallory, legatees of J. Mallory. Representatives of William Duncan, James Hunter & Co. John Glassel. Richard Hanson. Wm. R. Lidderdale, executor of John Lidderdale. Saml. Lyde, for Lynnel and Saml. Lyde. Colin Ross, administrator of R. Jardine. George Russell, for Smith, son, and Russell, Joseph Stanfield, assignee of Syme. Robert Sheldon & Co. John Tyndale Warre, executor of Wm. Jones. John Tate, executor of Willings. Wakelin Welch, for Carey Moore and Welch, Peakes and others, executors of Waterman.  NORTH-CAROLINA CLAIMS. Edmund Fanning. Wm. Hamay, assignee of John Crudon & Co. Jos and Cath. Martyn, representatives of Thomas Cobham. Henry Eustace McCulloh. John Macdonell. Joseph Rutherford for Wm. Rome & Co. Eden.  ALEXR. DICK, Agent of the Board. Richmond, June 17. [3w]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed, executed by John Pierce, sen. to me, bearing date the 27th day of November, 1807, conveyed in trust, a Tract of LAND on which the said Pierce lives, in James City county; I shall proceed on the 2d Monday in next month to make sale of the said Land, before the door of the court house of James City, or so much as may be necessary to pay the sum of £344: 3: 10 with interest due to Mary Fitzhugh, Martha Burwell Digges and Roscoe Cole, besides incidental expenses. The sale will be for cash and a title made in conformity to said deed to the purchaser. RO: GREENHOW, Trustee. June 17. [24]
COMMITTED to the Jail of Hanover, a Negro man slave TIMOTHY, (as a run away) who says he is the property of the estate of John Royal, decd. of the county of Amelia, and that he ran away from John Jefferson to whom he was hired. The owner is requested to pay charges and take away the said slave. THE JAILOR. June 17. [1m]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday evening the 14th of June, 1808; Resolved, That a call of two dollars and fifty cents be made on each share held by the stockholders in the said company, and that they pay the same into the hands of their treasurer on or before the 1st day of next month. A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. June 17. [1st July]
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway from the subscriber on the 8th of this present month, a likely mulatto woman by the name of KITTY, about 20 years of age; she is stout made, and rather low for her bulk, her complexion is rather dark, has a knotty head of hair, more so than is common for one of her colour, she carried off a variety of clothing, of course a description of her dress is unnecessary. She was swindled off by her husband, by the name of James, the property of one Watkins near the coal pits, who is hired to a Mr. Trabue, to go in his coal boat; he has a good many relations in Chesterfield and Powhatan, particularly a father and mother, who, I am informed, are free, where probably she may be harbored, or she may be concealed at Mr. Augustine Davis's plantation in this county, where her husband and herself are very intimate; her father and mother belong to Mr. Jesse Smith of this county, they are both very artful and designing, and as her mother has more indulgence than generally falls to the lot of slaves, she may perhaps be concealed by her. I will give the above reward for her delivery, or secured in any jail so that I get her again. NATHANIEL W. PRICE. Henrico, June 17, 1808. [1w2w4]
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Thursday the 21st July next, at the house called Napier's Tavern, in the town of Columbia, a Tract of LAND whereon Abraham Shepard now lives, on the Rivanna, in the county of Fluvanna, containing by a late survey, 334 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Charles Adams, Richard Adams, Pleasant Blyce, and others, being land sold by David Ross to said Shepard, and conveyed by him, Shepard, to us in trust, to secure a debt due to said Ross, as stated in said trust deed, which said debt has since been assigned by said Ross to Henry E. Coleman.—We sell our right as trustees only. GEORGE HOLMAN, WILLIAM PASLUR, } Trustees. JACOB MYERS, } June 17, 1808. [ept.1s]
FOR RENT—The Brick TENEMENT on the main street, two doors above the Eagle Tavern, and at present occupied by Messrs. Gibson and Jefferson.—Possession may be had on the 15th July. SAML. MCGRATH. Richmond, June 7. [1f]
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS. June 3. [law4]
FINE fresh Hyson Teas, India Nankeens, Medlock Claret, of superior quality, in cases of 30 bottles. Sherry Wines, Sack Salt, Assorted Crates of Crockery, for sale by PICKETT, POLLARD & JOHNSTON. Richmond, June 14. [law4w4]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law4w4]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harrow's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other the heretofore made, or to the best of slates, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to any part of the continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tiles with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the jobs are of sufficient magnitude and their traveling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVALL. Richmond, March 22. [tpt2w4w4]
N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
NOTICE.—The subscribers are desirous to dispose of their settlements, one of about 170 acres of LAND, the other of about 230 acres, with tolerable improvements on each tract, and a very valuable Mill now in good repair, working a pair of Calloon and a pair of Burrstones; the mill is adjacent to the former tract of Land on Falling Creek, about four miles from the Coal Pits, and about eleven miles from Manchester. The terms are, one third part of the purchase amount to be paid down, and the other two thirds to be in three equal annual payments. We deem it unnecessary to say any thing further, as we presume that any person disposed to become a purchaser, would first view the premises, and will apply to the subscribers living thereon. The mill and four acres of land attached thereto may be sold separate. JOHN BAKER. THOMAS BAKER. Chesterfield, June 7. (law3w4)
EUROPE.
PHILADELPHIA, June 13. Last evening arrived here, ship America, captain Brown, from Liverpool, which he left the 29th of April, and by him we have a London Paper, of the 26th of April, most of which is taken up with Col. Pickering's letter, and other American articles, and only contains the following worth extracting. True American.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
Yesterday arrived the ship America, captain Brown, from Liverpool, and to-day ship Jane, capt. Liss, from London. By the former we have received Liverpool papers to the 28th, and by the latter London papers to the 27th April. They contain nothing particularly interesting. The politicians of England turn their eyes to this country for a decision of the question of peace or war. The public sentiment was fluctuating amidst a multitude of fears, hopes and conjectures; the predominant wish was in favor of preserving peace with this country.
Neither the Orange nor Mr. Nourse had arrived in England at the time of the Jane's sailing; and the deputation conceived of her being under-seizure in France, was daily obtaining credit. The British Parliament was to meet on the 1st of May.
Intelligent passengers arrived in the Jane, say, that the present British ministry will certainly never relax in the late orders of council, until Bonaparte recedes from practising on the principles avowed in his Berlin and Milan decrees; in retaliation of which the British orders were ostensibly issued. As Bonaparte no doubt will hold the same language with regard to England, the termination of the present disastrous state of things is beyond all ordinary calculation.
The Jane from London, brings dispatches from Mr. Pinkney to the Secy. of State. The expedition which sailed from England, about the 27th April, it was said, had for its first object a visit to Elsinburg, for the destruction of several ships of war, equipping in that port.
Admiral Berkeley, on his return to England, had a public audience with the king at his levee.—Capt. Humprey's of the Leopard, had sailed from England for the East-India Station. The pilot who boarded captain Bliss, on Saturday last, informed him that two hours before, was alongside of a French privateer ship, the appearance of which he concealed her to be the Superior, lately cleared from this port.—A trick for coming on prevented her from perceiving the Jane.—Phil. Gaz.
[EXTRACTS]
LONDON, April 26. PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. Consols, for money, 65 3/8.—for account 67 1/2.—Reduced 65 3/4-7/8, Exchequer Bills 65 to 78. prem. It was yesterday reported at the Stock Exchange, that Mr. Armstrong, the American Ambassador to Paris, had left that capital, and that Mr. Nourse had arrived in England. This rumour had the temporary effect of raising the funds about an half per cent. We could not trace it to its source. It was yesterday reported that the Orange had arrived from France with Mr. Nourse on board. There were rumours also that general Armstrong had left Paris. The latter very important event.
is altogether without confirmation. The former fact we could not trace to any authority; but the latter we have brought letters to Mr. Nourse, from whence we may infer that England was at least his destination.
We have already stated, in general terms, the result of Mr. Rose's mission. It is said, that the explanation he was sent to give was not in fact given, it being offered conditionally only, in case the President consented to annul his proclamation against admitting English ships of war into the American waters. At the same time it was expressly noticed, that this omission was to be considered as a mere affair of etiquette, not an expression of hostility.
In the mean while the embargo continues; and we find, from all accounts, that the sufferings it has produced are excessive: seventy-five houses are said to have failed in New-York alone.
We have received American papers to the 10th ult. and made extracts of various interest and importance. Our readers will perceive a disposition on the part of that government to increase their military force. A proposal has been made to raise 6,000 regular troops, and organise 24,000 volunteers. In the message from the President, introducing this measure, there was no pointed allusion to either of the European belligerent powers. In the accounts we have received, there is a reference made to the confidential correspondence of the American ministers which had been imparted to the legislative body: the injunction of secrecy was afterwards removed, but we have not yet seen the papers at full: they are alleged to contain the relative tone and style made use of by the American ministers to the English and French governments.
Mr. Pinkney has, it is said, been nominated by the President, and approved by the Senate, as the minister to our Court; and it is expected that Messrs. CLAYTON and MONROE will be elected President and Vice-President at the ensuing election.
April 27.
As far as Mr. Rose's mission tended to offer explanations with respect to the affair of the Chesapeake, these explanations were deemed satisfactory. His mission did not extend to the other points in dispute, but it is believed that he required the removal of the interdiction of the American ports and waters, which had been laid on in consequence of the affair of the Chesapeake. This request was refused, the President declaring that it would not be removed till all the other points in dispute had been adjusted. But this declaration was accompanied with an assurance that no hostile intentions were entertained against England, but situated as they were in regard to this country and France, they wished to continue in retirement from both. Fresh instructions have been sent to the American ministers at London and Paris.—Mr. Pinkney has been nominated by the President and approved by the Senate, as the minister to our court.—In this state affairs were at the departure of Mr. Rose.
The French Decrees having originated the system which our orders of council were merely intended to counteract, the President has applied to the French government in the first instance. Our government having, on this occasion, acted merely on the defensive, and in conformity to the strictest principles of justice, desirous only, as they were, of avoiding the certain ruin of carrying on so unequal a war as that of forbearance and moderation, opposed to violence and aggression, will return, as soon as circumstances will permit, to a system so congenial to the disposition and habits of Britain, as that from which it so slowly and reluctantly digressed. It remains, therefore, first to bring the French government to a sense of right, and America will be sure of justice from Great-Britain.
Mr. Rose took a friendly leave of Mr. President Jefferson on the 28th ult.: and no doubt was entertained of those moderate characters, Messrs. Clinton and Monroe, being elected to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, at the ensuing election. Mr. Erskine remains in America.
In the meantime the American papers which we have received to the 10th ult. and of which we have given extracts, hold a tone and language unfavourable to peace. In this they are encouraged by a recent message from the President, which recommends the raising 6,000 regulars & 24,000 volunteers.—In communicating this fact, one of the American papers adds, that "a number of French officers are said to have arrived at N. Orleans."
Gottenburgh, April 18.—Our last advices from Helsingborg mention, that as late as the 10th inst. no French troops were in Zealand. B. had C. and some other officers, had been in Copenhagen, but had left it, and proceeded to Odensee.
A detachment of the Swedish army has entered Norway.
Reports from Stockholm, brought by the Post of to-day, says, that the Russian army in Finland has halted for want of provisions.
A great quantity of English goods has already arrived here this year, but not a box or a bale can be sent to any part whatever.
Frankfort, March 12.—The English have already commenced hostilities against the Austrian flag, and carried into Malta 12 ships bearing that flag; some of which were coming from Corfu, and some from Apulia.
Brussels, March 2.—Adm. Gamtheau has been appointed to the command of the combined Toulon and Rochefort fleets, and has already in consequence set out for Toulon. Rear Admiral Lallemand commands the Rochefort squadron under him. According to late accounts, Adm. R'd Gamtheau sailed from Toulon with the combined fleets on the 12th of February.
MADRID, February 8.
An article in our Gazette states, that though there are eleven English ships of war lying in the roads before Cadiz, a fleet of fifty transports, under the escort of some armed ships, had lately sailed from St. Lucar. The Spanish fleet at Cadiz had received orders to join the French squadron lying here, and both had taken in provisions for three months, and were ready to sail at the first notice.
BANKS OF THE DANUBE, March 3.
In Servia, arrangements are made which seem to indicate that foreign troops are expected in the country. According to a letter from Bucharest, the Russian troops in Bender and Choczin, make all necessary preparations for a new campaign.
BANKS OF THE MAIN, March 12.
In pursuance of an order issued by the Auilic Council of War, eleven regiments of Croats and Pandours, are now assembling to form a cordon on the Turkish frontiers; this cordon is to consist of 70,000 men, and to be commanded by Archduke Ferdinand, brother of the Empress.
DOMESTIC.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, June 7. At 10 o'clock agreeably to notification, His Excellency the Governor preceded by the Sheriff, and accompanied by the Council, met the two branches and delivered the following
SPEECH:—
Gentlemen of the SENATE and Gentlemen of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Having been informed by your joint committee, that the two branches of the Legislature were ready to receive any communications from the Governor, which he might have to make to them; I requested you to allow me the honor of meeting you at this time and place. This practice has been respected in the days of safety and prosperity, as well as in the periods when our country was involved in dangers and difficulties. It might be justified by common usage to submit to your consideration the particular business which I conceive to be necessary to your deliberations in the present session, and to call your attention to no other subject.
The method which I am urged by the exigencies of the country to pursue, does by no means exclude me from laying before you, by special messages, the particular concerns of the commonwealth:—But in the present critical state of our national affairs, the communication made with this formality, to the Senate and House of Representatives, by the Governor, is to be understood as a communication to their constituents at large. Our fellow citizens stand anxiously waiting for that intelligence, which a speech from the chair, and the replies from the two Houses, may give them at this momentous crisis.
Holding in sacred respect, the morality and policy of the declaration of Independence (subscribed with unexampled fortitude, by the members of our General Congress, on the 4th day of July, 1776,) as the foundation of our national and state constitutions of government; I shall give you in as few words as possible, my ideas of the importance of supporting our rank in the full exercise of our sovereignty, as one of the nations of the world; my apprehensions of the dangers by which our national character may be overthrown; and my sentiments of the measures necessary to its preservation.
Though all true Americans would deprecate the idea of becoming subjects of a foreign power, yet our situation in regard to our foreign relations, is such, that the public opinion, formed from the pressing feelings of a temporary necessity, or from a mistaken view of the advantages of foreign connections, may betray us into errors, which may involve us and our posterity in disgrace and misery, for many years to come.
When our highly respected leader, President Washington, retired from the laborious charge of public duties, he did not lay aside his anxiety for his country, or cease to express his apprehensions of that danger, which might result from her foreign connections as well as from her internal divisions. The address of that Patriot, on his retirement, ought to be studied by succeeding generations, and held in high respect as the perfect creed of American politics.
Whatever may be the advantages of one nation over another as to climate, numbers, wealth or force, yet, in point of National Rights, all must be on the same grade of equality. To depart from this rule in the most minute degree, would lay the nation departing from it prostrate at the foot of another.—Sovereignty is the vital principle of national existence; and though in its exercise, over its own subjects, it may, for their convenience and safety, admit of modifications as to its coercive procedures, yet in regard to other nations, the principle must remain entire, exercised by its own will, controlled by itself alone, or the nation loses its character, and ceases to exist as a separate power.
From the erroneous impressions that may be made on the public opinion, in the present eventful age of the world, arise apprehensions of the dangers we may be in from foreign relations.
Foreign relations originate primarily, in the law of nature and nations—principles of this law establish the rights of separate powers.
But with the greatest part of the European nations, our relations as a foreign power, are enlarged or modified, by treaties of amity and commerce:—Yet the existing embarrassments of our trade, result, as well from unprecedented infringements of our claims, founded in the law of nations, as in the violation of those treaties, in which our government thought itself secure.
It would be tedious to detail, in this address, the Orders and Decrees of the two principal belligerent powers in Europe, up to this day; by which the rights of the United States, with those of other neutral nations, have been violated and trampled upon. Nor can it be material for us to examine which of those powers was original in the injury; since the unjustifiable conduct of the first can afford no justification as it regards us, for the other.—Much less is it our duty to inquire which of those powers is morally, or politically wrong in regard to the other; because they are equally independent of us, and have not submitted their controversies to our mediation.
But it still becomes us to be acquainted with those measures in which we are now obliged to feel so deep an interest.
The method which has been adopted by France and England against neutral nations, to blockade by orders and decrees, they both acknowledge, by their reciprocal charges against each other, to have no foundation in the law of nations.
These Orders and Decrees seem to have been first thought of in the year 1793; after which, and before the year 1806, a great number of cities, rivers and places, were declared, in that manner to be in a state of actual blockade. The injuries now suffered by the United States, originated in, and since that year.
On the 21st of November, 1806, the Emperor of France issued a Decree, in which
he charges England with disregarding the law of nations, and the rights of neutrality; "and with declaring places in a state of blockade, before which she had not a ship.—He declares all the British Isles to be in a state of blockade, and prohibits all trade and correspondence with them." He provides in that Decree for the capture and condemnation, as a prize, of English produce and manufactures, and denies to all neutral ships which are coming direct from England or the English colonies, or which should have been there, an entrance to the ports of France.
The charges made against the English government, were founded on an order of the King and Council of that nation, issued on the 16th of May 1806: declaring that all the rivers and ports from the river Elbe, in Germany, to the port of Brest, in France, both inclusive, should be considered as blockaded.—But "his majesty was pleased to declare, that such blockade shall not extend to prevent neutral ships and vessels laden with goods, not being the property of his majesty's enemies, and not being contraband of war, from approaching said coasts, and entering said rivers and ports, from Ostend to the river Seine, already in a state of rigorous blockade; provided such ships, or vessels shall not be destined to any port or place in possession of his majesty's enemies."
Thus by this new system, England blockaded more than nine hundred miles of sea-coast, and France blockaded all the coasts of England and Ireland, all the English West-India islands and all the English provinces.
Whatever ostensible easements to neutrals were interwoven with those novel Orders and Decrees; yet the whole were done away in the succeeding year.
By another order of the 7th of January, 1807, issued by the English king and council, it is declared, "that no vessel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another port, both which ports shall belong to, or be in possession of France or her allies, or shall be so far under their control, as that British vessels may not freely trade thereat."
On the 11th of November, 1807, the king and Council of Great Britain issued an Order in the preamble of which heavy charges, of a want of respect to the law of nations and rights of neutrality, are made against France and it is therein declared, "that all the ports & places of France and her allies, or any other country at war with his majesty, and all other ports and places in Europe from which a though not at war with his majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all ports and places in the colonies belonging to his majesty's enemies, shall from henceforth be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded by his majesty's naval forces in the most strict and rigorous manner."
The exceptions mentioned in the Order, extend to a lowing neutrals to "furnish themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption, and supply. It also extends to excluding from capture and condemnation, all vessels belonging to any country not at war with his majesty which shall have cleared out from any port or place in this kingdom or Gibraltar, or Malta, under such regulations as his majesty may think fit to prescribe; or from any port belonging to his majesty's allies, and proceeding direct to the port specified in her clearing; and also vessels and cargoes coming direct from any port or place declared to be in a state of blockade and destined to some port in Europe belonging to his majesty."
On the 26th of December, 1807, the Emperor of France issued a Decree, with a preamble, in which he charges Great-Britain with disrespecting the rights of nations and the laws of neutrality, in the Order of the 11th of November; and declares in the Decree, that every ship to whatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted to be searched by an English ship, or on a voyage, to England; that shall have paid any tax whatever to the English Government, is therefore (by that decree) to be denationalized to have forfeited the protection of its (King) government, and to have become British property."
By the same Decree, all the Islands of Great-Britain, are declared to be in a state of blockade.—All vessels trading to them, or to or from the English colonies, belonging to any nation whatever, are declared to be lawful prize, in virtue of that decree, to the French captors. This decree meets and encounters the English order in every point in regard to neutral Commerce.
Thus by the English Orders, and the French Decrees, the commerce of the United States is overthrown, in all its principal objects; and Canton, in China, with an inconsiderable part of the shores of the Mediterranean, of Asia, and Africa, left to our mercantile speculations; and even this suffrage may be done away by captures, on pretext by one nation, and confiscations by the other for submitting to searches which could not be resisted.
The Order of the 11th November, issued by the English King, and Council, has been since supported in Parliament, by a large majority in the House of Lords, and House of Commons.
Besides the Order of the 11th, another Order of the 25th November, has been issued by the same authority, and has been supported by the English Parliament as fully as the other was, in laying on goods entered and landed by neutrals, in England, in compliance with the first Order, a duty, called a Warehouse duty, which, if I have calculated accurately, will average more than thirty-two per cent, on the value of the goods.
The Government of the United States inviting public Ministers residing at the Courts of both these Belligerent Powers, has not failed to make every possible effort to convince them, as well of the injustice as the impolicy of these violent measures.
But the act of the British Parliament, before mentioned, having the sanction of the House of Lords, as the British Cabinet wished, on the 27th of March, leaves no hope of that nation's relaxing its measures at present.

The Emperor of France, on the 25th January last, through a letter from one of his Secretaries, gave notice to the Ambassador of the United States, of the Emperor's intention to enforce his decree of the 26th December; and undertakes to explain the aggression our nation has suffered from that of Great-Britain. He goes further: he declares, that a war, "exists in fact between England and the United States; yet considering the United States as associated with the cause of all other powers who have to defend themselves against England" declares that, therefore, he has not taken "any definitive measures against our vessels" which had, at that time, been captured by "his cruisers, under the decree of the 26th of December."
In a communication of this kind, it is impossible to be more particular, in stating our situation in regard to our foreign relations with those two powers. I have been faithful, and have endeavored to be correct. In this intricate and perplexed situation it may be apprehended, with great anxiety, that a false step, or an erroneous calculation, or a fallacious expectation of foreign aid may involve us, and our posterity, in irretrievable misery and disgrace.
It is natural to resort to the danger of placing confidence in foreign alliance, for the support of our national independence.
When we turn our attention to ancient and modern history, we are convinced, that there never was a nation, which had placed its hopes as to maintaining its sovereignty and independence, on other powers but what has been reduced to conquest and misery. To this truth, solemn and interesting as it is, we have proof, from numerous instances, which have very recently taken place. The whole face of Europe has been changed within a few years; some nations are erased from the list of monarchies and republics; and others, heretofore considered as respectable, and not a few of them invincible, if they had depended on themselves, have now the mere shadows of sovereign power. My sentiments of the means necessary to maintain our national character, may be communicated in a very few words.
A great politician in Europe, lays it down as a maxim, that "there can be no concord or unity, in 'anation' but where there is only one supreme power." This valuable sentiment is expressed by President Washington, in more beautiful language, in his valedictory address to the U. States: "The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also dear to you; it is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety of your prosperity; of that very liberty, which you so highly prize."
The benefits of this union, that great Soldier and Statesman had been a witness to. If in the revolutionary war, any one, even the smallest State in the Union had withdrawn itself from the confederation, it would have deranged, nay probably defeated all our efforts.
The contest arising from the opposition of one or more of the states to the authority of the national government, I call a national anarchy . This is a more dangerous and distressing evil than the anarchy resulting, in common instances, from the commotion of subjects rising against civil government; because the opposition in this case would, as each state has a separate form of government, be organized at the commencement of its insurrection, and the calamities would be increased in proportion as the states should become divided, as states, from the general government.
The scenes of blood and carnage, in other nations, seriously admonish us of our dangers, and ought to convince us, that we can avoid them in no other way but by the free exercise of the general government , in all concerns within its powers, as delegated by the people, and by restricting the state governments to those lines of power, which were designated when the federal government was carved out of them.
If the constitutions of our national and state governments are what they were intended to be, when established, they rest on the pillars of truth, and all deceptions, intrigue and misrepresentations are opposed to the nature of their existence.
Those nations which thus interrupt our commerce, do not act from enmity to ours; but from what they conceive to be necessary to their own interest and security; yet, as under the forms of orders and decrees, they have done it, they are thus far to be considered as common enemies, against whose aggressions our natural rights are to be defended. We cannot resign our neutral flag and our commerce to the direction of any power. No price is too great to be paid for the maintenance of our independence. No calamity can be so dreadful as subjection to a foreign power. The nations of Europe, though wasted by wars, are oppressed with an excess of population; their manufactures of those articles which they cannot afford to use at home, are their support under an intolerable weight of taxes. The United States exhibit a pleasing contrast. Spreading themselves through every climate, including every soil, and possessing every advantage of navigation; delighting in that commerce which returns the gold and luxuries of every nation for their raw materials; the energy of their innate enterprise must still encrase. Europe will not be inattentive enough to urge us to the habit of wearing the wool of our own flocks, instead of foreign cloths; spinning and weaving our own flax, for our own dress, weaving our own cotton instead of sending it to be manufactured and dyed in Europe for us; opening the bosom of our own acres for ores and coal, instead of bringing wrought and cast iron from Europe; and feeding on the sugar of our own cane, and the milk of our own kine, instead of foreign luxuries.
Though we ardently wish for peace, we ought to be prepared for war. Instead of calculating upon the fallacious aid of foreign alliance, our government is raising forces and expects to make six hundred thousand militia the source of our defence. These men, though not drilled in the ranks of battle, have been trained to subordination and habituated to the use of arms. They represent, in the field more than nine millions of free citizens, who are the fee-simple proprietors of the soil they cultivate; preferring death to slavery. Great provision is made for arming our militia, and the fortifications of our principal seaports are in progress.
The political speculators of France and England, calculate their success against us, without disguise, on our own factions and divisions.
It may be relied on, that neither the imprudent use, or abuse of the freedom of the press, can afford proof, by which a supposition so derogatory to our national character can be maintained; nor can the temporary arrangements of local or party divisions, or the op-
probrious appellations, adopted from the warm breath of partisans, evince the existence of a powerful faction against their national freedom. Foreign influence, and the subtle address of ambitious men, may lead too many astray; but on the nearer approach of public danger, the great body of the people will be again united.
We cannot forget, that while the United States were provinces & colonies, complaints in regard to violations of charter and stipulated right had no intermission—or that our independence has rolled on the smiling anniversaries of more than thirty years, exhibiting greater quiet, less commotions, more security to life and property, and less oppression by taxes, than have been found in any other country.
These observations naturally lead us to a recollection of a measure of our general government, to the expediency and propriety of which, not to its constitutionality, great objections have been made. The power of an embargo was exercised under the administration of president Washington, without scruple; but for the necessity of its exercise now, I have no authority to decide.
As in my official capacity, I would have no concern in the measure, I had no other knowledge in regard to it than what I had by the same means, and in common with my fellow citizens. I view the arrest of our commerce as a great calamity; but from the confidence I place in the government, I consider it as intended for an expedient to save our navigation from the unprovoked depredations of two mighty powers, and to preserve our national, if possible, from the calamities of a foreign war. I feel it my duty, therefore, as a citizen of the general government to submit to it, until the national authority shall dispense with it, and to participate quietly in the evils resulting from it. There were, no doubt, differences of opinion respecting the act, when it was passed; and oppositions were made, because the authenticated documents, orders and decrees from whence the expediency of the measure was supposed to arise, were not before congress; but the system pursued by France and England, in their war against each other, and against neutrals was well understood. To allow our merchants to throw their immense number of vessels on the ocean, without preparing for defence, notice of their danger, or assurances of protection, would have been unparadonable in the government. Those decrees and acts are now before us—I have referred to them in order to give my fellow citizens an opportunity to reflect on their own situation as it now is; and to decide each one for himself, what his own conduct ought to be, in the present threatening aspect of public affairs.
I rely upon it, that measures are taken, which will soon give our government official information of the dispositions of those nations towards us. As to their decrees, all the commerce of the United States with all the world, excepting two or three places, is interdicted by one or the other of them. If they shall not relax in their measures towards us, our general government will have the expediency of a continuance of the embargo, for a longer time properly before them. The idea of a perpetual embargo is inadmissible—there can be no inducement to it—no individual can derive any permanent advantage from the measure; the rulers can have none:—Whenever the difficulties from whence the necessity of the measure is supposed to arise, are removed, or the measure fails of producing the end proposed, the relinquishment of it is a thing of course.
Should the nations I have spoken of continue their aggressions, various questions must arise from our situation:—
Shall the vessels of our merchants traverse the ocean unprotected; or shall the flag of the United States have the protection of their artillery?
Shall unjustifiable depredations upon the property of our citizens, be borne with, or shall that property be defended by an open war, or by letters of marque and reprisal? Under what views, and against what nation or nations, shall the war be commenced?
These questions must arise with the national government—all attempts made by a single state to decide upon them, must tend to a national dissolution.
The legislature of the United States is adjourned to next November; but before the adjournment, congress passed an act authorizing the president of the U. S. to suspend the act laying the embargo. The act for authorizing a suspension declares, "That in the event of a peace, or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or such changes in their measures, affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgment of the president of the United States, he is authorised during the recess of congress, to suspend the act in whole or in part, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such security as circumstances may require." These are the words of the act;—upon the constitutionality or utility of it, I give no opinion.
In a concern so highly interesting to this commonwealth, as its commerce is, the intire arrest of its navigation, and the interruption of its trade, must produce great anxiety in all, and no doubt strong jealousies with some of the people. I therefore consider it my duty, to lay this simple statement, at this time, before my fellow citizens, without expressing any sentiment upon its consequences.
This commonwealth, with seven hundred miles of seacoast, principally full of inhabitants, must be much affected by an embargo; yet there has been, under its pressure, an exhibition of tranquility and good order, that could flow from no other source, than that of an enlightened understanding, and a pure love of liberty, conducted by law and government.
Though the controul of the act for laying an embargo is with the General Government, yet it may be well to inquire, whether it is not within the power of the legislature of this state to ameliorate the condition of the people during its continuance. I understand that attention has been paid to this in some of the states, but I do not feel myself authorized to say any thing more, than that I shall rejoice to unite with you in any thing more, than that I shall rejoice to unite with you in any measure which your wisdom shall point to, for the support of our fellow citizens under the embarrassment of the commerce, either by an embargo or by the aggressions of foreign powers. The act, as has been observed, was intended as an expedient, as well to save our immense navigation from the destruction which then was in wait for it, as to induce the nations with whom we had been in commerce to leave our rights intire; and not to involve our trade in the depredations of their wars. It is easy to conceive, that the appearance of division amongst ourselves on the propriety of the measure, if realised in Europe, may prevent one of the valuable effects intended to be produced by it; and I cannot therefore excuse myself from saying, that if the European governments shall rely on appearances
of this nature, they must be disappointed; that our nation will not yield its independence, or become tributary to any other power. In this solemn appeal to heaven, we must rely, under God, for the support of our national honour, upon our own internal strength, and in our own unconquerable situation; and defend ourselves with that energy, which our unanimity alone can produce.
JAMES SULLIVAN. Council Chamber, June 7, 1808.
BOSTON, June 10. The following communication was received from the Hon. JOHN Q. ADAMS: To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts:
GENTLEMEN, It has been my endeavour as I have conceived it was my duty, while holding a seat in the Senate of the Union to support the administration of the General Government, in all necessary measures, within its competency, the object of which was to preserve from seizure and depredation the persons and property of our citizens, and to vindicate the rights essential to the independence of our Country, against the unjust pretensions and aggression of all foreign powers.
Certain resolutions recently passed by you, have expressed your disapprobation of measures, to which under the influence of these motives I gave my assent—as far as the opinions of a majority in the Legislature can operate, I cannot but consider these resolutions, as enjoining upon the Representation of the State in Congress, a sort of opposition to the National Administration, in which I cannot consistently with my principles concur.
To give you however an opportunity of placing in the Senate of the United States a member, who may devise and enforce the means of relieving our fellow-citizens from their present sufferings, without sacrificing the peace of the nation, the personal liberties of our Seamen, or the neutral rights of our Commerce, I now restore to you the trust committed to my charge, and resign my seat as a Senator of the United States, on the part of the Commonwealth.
I am, with perfect respect, Gentlemen, your very humble and obedient servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
Boston, June 8, 1808. In consequence of the Resignation of Mr. Adams, the Senate proceeded to ballot for a Senator to represent this State in his room; and the votes were Hon. James Lloyd, 19—Hon. William Gray, 16—The House concurred, Hon. James Lloyd, 160—Hon. William Gray, 113.
The English prints and correspondents are very fertile sources of comfort to the English politicians in the United States—they appear on paper as potent as Bonaparte on land—they ruin America through want of British commerce—they starve the European continent through want of coffee—one half of the American people (that is in seven eighths of the newspapers) are ready to revolt in favor of England—the other half of the people, (and the remaining eighth of the newspapers) are sold to France—The American Ambassador at Paris is removed, by a stroke of legerdemain, from his situation, while he remains without any sort of knowledge of the fact, snug at Paris, or rambling among the curiosities which the conquests of sixteen years past, have accumulated at Paris;—messengers carrying dispatches, are translated into ministers plenipotentiary—and revolts and civil wars are made to break out in three or four points of the United States. (Aurora.)
The heads of departments, before the president and secretary of state went to Virginia, had made arrangements to assemble at Washington about the time when dispatches might be expected from Europe, in reply to those that went to England with Mr. Rose. Mr. Gallatin passed through this city to the eastward Thursday. 16.
The Creek nations of Indians, it may be remembered, are those with whom Liston tampered; and an interpreter from whom maintained a correspondence with Timothy Pickering , while he was at London; Doctor Romayne , of New-York knows the name of the Indian interpreter—but, having an unlucky defect of the faculty of memory in regard to names, we at present forget the interpreter's name who wrote to Pickering from London, and to whom Pickering gave a letter of introduction after his return from England to go among the Creeks . 16.
Mr. J. Q. Adams has committed an offence inexpiable, against the friends of a union between Great Britain and the eastern states—in order to reign over the people as Satrap, there is a faction in the eastern states willing to subvert the union; Mr. Adams has had the honesty to repel, resist, and expose them; and he is removed from the Senate. He has, in his removal, the consolation of a virtuous man, and the applause of his country, while those who would betray their country to the flagitious designs of Great-Britain, already meet the national execration. 16.
It is reported that col. Burr was a passenger in the British packet which sailed on Thursday last from New York.
The fact is, that this country is cursed with a set of men, who are continually undermining our independence, and setting our best laws at defiance. Among these, the partizans of Aaron Burr are the most notorious. The people little know how intimately Harper is concerned for Burr. They little know that as far back as the year 1800, a confidential intercourse subsisted between them. I shall shortly be able to furnish Mr. H. with the copy of a refreshing little letter of his own to Burr, concerning the contest between Mr. Jefferson and Burr in congress for the Presidency.
"My dear Colonel!"— "Keep the game perfectly in your own hands." Wash. Mon.
PORTSMOUTH, June 7. New Hampshire is still favored with a Republican Administration. His Excellency John Langdon, had about four fifths of all the votes for Governor. The five councillors are Republican. The Senate is composed of nine republicans and three federalists. The House of Representatives has a majority of Republicans—and the Secretary of State, the Treasurer and Commissary General, are all Republicans.
The Boston folks are said to be full of notions—The Massachusetts folks have chosen a Mr. Lloyd to the seat of the U. States, whose great merit is—that he is an avowed advocate of monarchy, and the son of a notorious tory of the revolution.
It is with pleasure we remark that the anti-embargo resolutions of Mr. Wheaton were opposed in the Senate by the Hon. WILLIAM GRAY, of Salem, and the Hon. WM. KING, of Bath; and in the House by Messrs. Benjamin Crowninshield, of Salem, and Abel Wood, of Wiscasset, inasmuch as it has been suggested that these four gentlemen own more tons of shipping than all the Boston host, and their federal adherents in both branches of the legislature. We believe the capital employed by the former gentlemen, in trade and navigation, considerably exceeds all that of the Boston seat. Messrs. Phillips, Brooks, Parker and Head, are capitalists, but they generally employ their money in other channels than navigation. Boat. Chron.
NORFOLK, June 15. Yesterday morning the United States frigate Chesapeake , Commodore Decatur , got under weigh and anchored in the bite of Craney-Island. This day, we understand, she sails on a cruise. Herald.
[COMMUNICATED.] Marlborough, June 8, 1808. On Monday last the inhabitants of this place, in order to celebrate the 4th of July with greater eclat, erected, by subscription, a superb LIBERTY POLE, ninety-five feet in height, adorned with an elegant Cap, and the following Motto:
MAY THE EMBARGO CONTINUE UNTIL EUROPEAN DESPOTS RESPECT OUR RIGHTS. 16.
PHILADELPHIA, June 15. Letters from Paris of 14th April, per the Ocean, state that the Osage was at L'Orient, to sail in a few days for England—that in the case of the Edward , Madison , Charles-ton Packet , and another American vessel, boarded on their passage to France by British cruisers, a special report was ordered by the Emperor—and that by a decree of the Grand Judge, dated the eleventh of March, (a copy of which has been received) the cargoes of all the American vessels detained under the Imperial Decrees, should be delivered to the consignees on bond, to wait the final decision, the valuation to be fixed by brokers chosen by the parties.
The following suspicious article is from a violent federal print. Enquirer.
June 16. We can assure our readers that the following interesting letter, which is of the latest date from the continent of Europe, is from a very respectable and well informed American gentleman to his friend in this city, it was received last evening by the ship Ocean, capt. Girdon.
[Register]
"ROTTERDAM, April 27. The Osage arrived at L'Orient in 23 days, and was there DETAINED 3 days, till the Police could determine what course should be pursued towards her, when the forms of the decree were pursued, and the ship having been boarded by an English vessel, was declared a GOOD PRIZE! and the Messenger and passengers suffered to land and proceed to Paris.
"The last news leave the emperor at Bayonne, on his way to Spain. You have heard without doubt the account of the revolution in that kingdom; what further we may expect rests upon conjecture. In the North, Russia has taken possession of all Finland, except Sweaborg (which is almost impregnable) and by proclamation, annexed that country to her own dominions. The province of Galicia is to be ceded by Austria to Saxony; and it is said to form, with the duchy of Warsaw the kingdom of Poland. The fate of Turkey is not yet decided. In Italy, the government of the Pope is at an end. "The brave troops of Rome," said the French general in the order of the day, quoting Napoleon, "shall no longer be commanded by priests or women." In Holland, Flushing has been given up to the French for a naval port, and they have assembled there a strong naval force. The fate of this kingdom is really deplorable, it is impoverishing every day; and if the war continues in its present mode, must be exhausted of all its capitol. A decree has been passed lately, to issue a new stock, bearing interest, of forty millions to defray arrears. Commerce is entirely at an end, as a few months ago, laid an embargo on all vessels in port, and prohibited the entrance of others; which with a few exceptions, has been adhered to. This measure was adopted, it is said, on the alternative of forty thousand troops in garrison or interdiction of commerce with G. Britain.
"The American property brought in according to the decree of Milan, remains without a decision. Leave is however given, to sell the cargoes, on giving bond for the same. A privilege however, of no use, as the bonds must be given according to the present prices which are too high, perhaps, for the sale of a single cargo.
"The two squadrons of frigates which got out a short time ago, have returned, after having burnt several American vessels which had been in England."
Captain Girdon brings dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, (who says, was still at Paris.) for our Government.
Thirty one men belonging to three American vessels condemned by the French, arrived in the Ocean.
GEORGETOWN, June 16. We hear that some of the West-India merchants have fitted out a vessel of 56 guns, which is now cruising on our coast, for the purpose of taking small coasting vessels laden with provisions—that she takes the cargo, pays liberally for it, and permits the vessel to return. The Chesapeake, captain Decatur, is ordered to sea, for the purpose, it is said, of capturing the English vessel. Wash. Fed.
Extract of a letter from Salem, dated June 9. "On Tuesday arrived schooner Raven , Thorndike, from Passamaquoddy, with salt. By her we have information that there is no relaxation of business at that place, notwithstanding the government force stationed there. The inhabitants were employed at two dollars per day to keep guard over the stores, and yet under cover of every fog, hundreds of barrels a day would find their way across to the British side, when the price was 12 to 15 dollars. So profitable was the booting business, and the standing guard, that the poor people had suddenly become rich.
Captain Dennis, who arrived on the 3d inst. at Newburyport, from Gaudaloupe by way of Antigua, states that several vessels which had sailed from New-York and other American ports by permission, had arrived at both of these islands; that those at Gaudaloupe would probably procure the cargoes
for which they were sent, but that none would be permitted to load at Antigua which had brought no cargo into the island. Coffee at Gaudaloupe was 20 sous and American produce high. Captain D. was taken by the Wolverine sloop of war, and sent into Antigua, where, after a detention of 18 hours, he was cleared on paying costs.
Capt. D. brought a note from capt. John Clough, formerly of Salem, who is now on board the prison ship Point Petre , where he has been confined 6 months; his ship the Northern Liberties of New-York, is condemned on account of his having in a former voyage, in the Julia Ann , brought away a man from Point Petre , who came on board him in a clandestine manner, 12 miles from the harbor. Capt. C. is treated in a cruel manner, and his situation truly distressing and merits the immediate interference of the American Government for his release.
MISCELLANY.
SUMACK. The season is now commencing for collecting Sumack. Large quantities of this article so important in manufacturing Morocco Leather, has hitherto been imported from Europe, at double the price for which it may be collected in this country, where it is native, growing spontaneously in every part of the United States. The annual supplies of Sumack collected in this country has never equalled the consumption, recourse has consequently been always had to Europe. Yet no species of labor has afforded the farmers more profit, nor any thing more easily collected and prepared; this article now sells current at 60 dollars per ton, of which 2 bays from 10 to 16 years of age may collect a ton per day where it grows plentifully.
The method of collecting Sumack is simple and may be accomplished by any farmer; it consists merely of stripping the bush of all the branches containing leaves only, these are spread out and made like hay, and when sufficiently dry so as not to heat it is put into a barn or stacks, after which it is put into a tanner's bark mill and sifted from the stems, in this state it is put into bags or casks and sold to the manufacturer or merchant.
Sumack is a bush or plant growing almost every where on barren or uncultivated grounds; it bears a large bunch of red berries, which however are not suffered to mix with the leaves. The time of collecting Sumack commences from 15th June, and continues till frost, the best however is collected early and bears a better price—Care must be taken that it does not get wet, a circumstance which materially injures the quality.
In the City of Philadelphia at least, One Hundred tons are consumed annually, and some hundreds of tons might, when the Embargo is raised, be advantageously exported to England, affording a good profit to the exporter—At present this trade is confined solely to the enterprise of one person who supplies one half of this city and New York, and who has accumulated a handsome fortune thereby.
Is not the present crisis favorable and promising to enterprise? Phil. Dem. Press.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JUNE 21, 1808.
A respectable meeting of the Citizens of Richmond and Manchester, held pursuant to Public Notice, at the Capitol, on Saturday the 18th inst.
The GOVERNOR was called to the Chair; and THOMAS RITCHIE was appointed Secretary.
JAMES MONROE, Esq. from the select Committee appointed for that purpose, presented the REPORT of "A Plan for the establishment of Manufactures, adapted to our particular situation."
This Report having been read from the Chair, it was, on motion, subsequently read, article by article, for the purpose of introducing such amendments into it, as might suit the sentiments of the meeting.
This Plan having been thus amended, was adopted by the meeting nemine contradicente ; and is in these words:
ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION OF THE RICHMOND MANUFACTURING COMPANY OF VIRGINIA.
WE, THE SUBSCRIBERS, do hereby agree to form a company, or limited partnership, and do also hereby associate and agree with each other, to conduct business in the manner herein after specified and described, by & under the name & stile of the RICHMOND MANUFACTURING COMPANY OF VIRGINIA, & we do further hereby mutually covenant & agree that the following are and shall be the fundamental articles of agreement with each other, by which we and all the persons who at any time hereafter may transact business with the said company, shall be bound and concluded.
ARTICLE I. The objects of this association are declared to be the establishment and carrying on of manufactures of Cotton, wool, hemp and flax, and the dying and fulling of cloths, and the promotion of such other domestic manufactures as shall be directed by a general meeting; but in the commencement of this establishment, the operations of the manufactory will be directed to the curing and spinning of cotton and wool, by means of the latest improved labour-saving machinery, to be erected in or near the city of Richmond, and put into motion by water—and to the dying and fulling of cloths.
ARTICLE II. The capital stock of the company shall consist of five hundred thousand dollars, to be raised by subscription on twenty thousand shares at twenty five dollars each share; one fifth or five dollars on each share shall be paid to the commissioners at the time of subscribing; and one fifth or five dollars more on each share shall be paid in sixty days thereafter, to the President and Directors if chosen, and if not, to the commissioners appointed for the city of Richmond; the residue of the subscription by installments of five dollars each, as it shall be called for by the authorities hereafter mentioned. Any proportion of the said capital stock not exceeding two-fifth parts thereof may be subscribed for by the state, if it shall be the pleasure of the general assembly at their next session to do so.
That books be opened on the first Monday of August next at the following places, viz:—
Richmond and Manchester, under the direction of William Forster, senr. Joseph Gallego, Robert G. Lee, Samuel G. Adams and Benjamin Hatcher—in

Norfolk and Portsmouth , under the direction of Theodoric Armstead, William Pennock, Luke Wheeler, Richard Blow, and Samuel Marsh—In
Petersburg , under the direction of James Campbell, Ebenezer Stott and John Shore—In
Fredericksburg , under the direction of Hugh Mercer, Robert Patton and George French—In
Williamsburg , under the direction of James Madison, Robert Greenhow & James Semple—In
Lynchburg , under the direction of Samuel Harrison, William Norvell, and Thomas Higginbotham—In
Staunton , under the direction of Alexander St. Clair, Peter Heiskell, and John Coalter—In
Lexington , under the direction of William Caruthers, John Leyburne, and Thomas Preston—In
Pincastle , under the direction of Mathew Harvey, James Breckenridge, and Henry Boyer—In
Charlottesville , under the direction of Dabney Carr, John Kelly, and Alexander Garrett—In
Stevensburg , under the direction of John Strode, Gabriel Gray, and Joshua Woodrow—In
Winchester , under the direction of Hugh Holmes, Daniel Lee, and Henry St. G. Tucker—In
Abingdon , under the direction of William King, Robert Craig, senr. and Francis Preston—In
That the commissioners aforesaid, shall open the subscription Books at 10 o'clock A. M. and they shall continue open until 5 o'clock P. M. and shall remain open between those hours for thirty days; then the commissioners in the aforesaid places (Richmond excepted) are to close the Books and transmit them, together with the money they may have received at the time of subscribing, unto the commissioners in the city of Richmond, within thirty days thereafter; should it so happen that more than the stipulated number of shares should be subscribed, then the commissioners at Richmond, are to apportion them among the subscribers, by deducting from the highest subscriptions until they are reduced to a proper number, or if more persons subscribe than there are shares, then the said commissioners are to cast lots to decide to whom they shall belong, which being ascertained, they shall issue receipts to the different stockholders, and their receipts with the original subscription shall be deemed good evidence, of the number of shares or amount of stock, to which each subscriber shall be entitled in this Company.
If the shares shall not be all subscribed for when the Books are returned to the commissioners in Richmond, these commissioners may permit any person or persons, bodies corporate or otherwise, to subscribe for any number of shares, until the whole number is complete, or the company, or agents appointed by them, shall otherwise direct.
ARTICLE III. The commissioners in Richmond shall forthwith deposit in the Bank of Virginia, subject to the order of the President and Directors when chosen, all the money so received, after deducting the expenses necessarily attendant on the subscription and the previous meeting.
ARTICLE IV. If any stockholder or stockholders shall fail to pay his, her, or their instalments to the amount of fifteen dollars on each share, at the time, or times, and in manner herein specified, such stockholder shall forfeit to the use of the company, all money paid antecedent to such failure or default, but no forfeiture shall take place after the third requisition, or fifteen dollars on each share shall have been paid; but as it is requisite that means should be taken to secure the regular payment of after calls, if any stockholder shall fail to make regular payment of any instalment or call, after fifteen dollars have been paid, such stockholder shall not be entitled to any dividend, until such instalment or call shall be made good; and the dividend thereafter to be paid to such stockholder, as well upon the money paid after default, paid, as upon the money paid after default, shall be calculated only from the time when the last instalment was made good.
ARTICLE V. This association shall take effect and be binding on the parties as soon as seventy-five thousand dollars shall be subscribed for—the commissioners at Richmond having ascertained this fact, shall call a meeting of the subscribers to be held in the capitol at some early and convenient day, giving due notice thereof, in the public prints or otherwise.
That a majority of subscribers being present or of shares being duly represented by proxy appointed under hand and seal and attested by one witness at the least, shall constitute a meeting—but fifty shares being present as aforesaid, may adjourn from day to day for ten days to obtain a meeting of the company, to wit: a majority of the subscribers, or of shares represented as aforesaid.
That a general meeting thus convened, shall have power to make such rules and regulations for the direction and government of the President and Directors, as to them shall seem proper, and to alter or amend the same at their pleasure.
A general meeting of the stockholders, for the purpose aforesaid shall be held annually on the second Monday in January, at such place in or near the city of Richmond as the President and Directors for the time shall appoint; at the said first general meeting, and at every annual general meeting to be held thereafter as aforesaid, there shall be chosen by the stockholders, by ballot, a President and as many Directors as they may deem necessary, to serve until successors to them be chosen and duly qualified.
Each general meeting may continue by adjournment until the business be gone thro'—the books, accounts, contracts, materials, machinery and all the property of the company, shall be subject to the inspection and examination of the stockholders, or a committee appointed by them at any general or called meeting.
ARTICLE VI. The number of votes to which a stockholder shall be entitled, shall be as follows: viz. For every share not exceeding ten shares, one vote; and for every three shares more than ten, one vote;—no share or shares, shall confer a right of suffrage, which shall not have been held four calendar months previous to the day of election, except at the first election.—None but stockholders being citizens of the United States and residing within the city of Richmond, or the immediate vicinity thereof shall be eligible as President or Directors.
ARTICLE VII. In case of the necessary absence, death, resignation, removal from the state, or by
any other means, the president shall be unable to act, the director standing first in order shall act as president; and the remaining directors may appoint from among the stockholders resident as aforesaid, another director; and in case of a vacancy in their own body from any of the foregoing causes, the remaining directors may fill up such vacancy, till the next election in course.
ARTICLE VIII. The president and directors and their successors, or a majority of them, under the rules and regulations which are, or may be entered into by a general meeting, shall have power,
1. To purchase and hold in fee simple, or otherwise lands and real estate suitable for the erection of the necessary works and for the accomplishment of their undertaking, as they shall judge necessary and proper.
2. To prepare or procure, adopt and execute, such plan or plans as they shall think most advantageous and effectual for establishing and carrying on the manufactories which are the objects of this association; commencing first with the carding and spinning of cotton and wool by means of the latest improved labor-saving machines, to be put in motion by water: and to the dying and fulling of cloths.
3. To make all bye-laws, rules and regulations, in conformity with such as are or may be fixed by a general meeting, for the well ordering and conducting the business of the company; and such internal bye-laws, rules and regulations, to alter, change or annul at their pleasure; subject nevertheless, to the revision and correction of the stockholders at a general meeting, or at a called meeting to be held for that purpose, by any fifty or more stockholders, provided there be present at such meeting stockholders holding two thousand shares in the whole, or their proxies—and that four weeks notice be given in at least two news-papers printed in the city of Richmond, of such meeting; and of the alteration or repeal intended to be proposed thereat.
4. To appoint and remove at their pleasure, all clerks, superintendants, agents or other officers appointed by them for carrying on the business of the said Company; to fix and pay out of the funds of the Company the compensations to all such clerks, superintendants, agents, other officers, artists and labourers as may be so employed.
5. To make contracts for all the necessary raw materials, engines and machines, and to dispose of the articles when manufactured in such manner, as to them shall seem most beneficial to the institution and interest of the company.
6. To call for the instalments on the shares at such times as they shall deem them necessary, provided, however, that after the second instalment shall be paid, four months at the least shall intervene between each subsequent call for payment.
7. To deposit all the money which shall come to their hands on behalf of the stockholders in the bank of Virginia, and to draw for the same as it shall be requisite to meet the expenditures of the company, by checks on the bank.
8. The president & directors shall receive for their services such compensation as shall be directed by a general meeting of the stockholders.
ARTICLE IX. The president and each director, before he enters upon the duties of his office, shall take the following oath or affirmation, as the case may be.—I do solemnly swear or affirm, that I will impartially, faithfully, diligently, and honestly, execute the duties of the office to which I am appointed, or articles of association of the same; and the trusts reposed in me, to the best of my skill and judgment. The clerks, book-keepers and other officers shall also take a similar oath or affirmation; and the said president and directors, as well as the clerks, book-keepers and other officers, shall, besides, give bonds with security: that is to say, the president and each director in such sum as shall be directed by a general meeting of the stockholders; and the clerks, book-keepers and other officers in such sums as shall be satisfactory to the president and directors, for the faithful discharge of their duties, in their respective stations.
ARTICLE X. The original subscribers to this association and the assignees, transferees and legal representatives of all such original subscribers forever, shall be taken and deemed to all intents and purposes to be members of the company, and shall be entitled to all the rights, benefits and advantages to arise in any manner therefrom, or from the property, works and capital stock thereof, in proportion to the amount of their stock and interests respectively; provided, that no transfer or assignment of the capital stock shall be valid, but in entire share or shares, and be made on the books of the company and in such manner as the president and directors shall appoint; and every person or persons having so transferred or assigned the whole of his, her, or their interest and stock in the said company, shall thereafter cease to be a member or members of the said company, to all intents and purposes.
ARTICLE XI. The president and directors, so soon as the progress of the works and the state of the funds will permit, shall make, declare and pay to the stockholders, or their legal representatives, yearly dividends on the stock of the company, reserving, however, out of the income of the company's property, such sum annually, as they shall judge necessary, or prudent, for repairs, improvements and contingencies; and for such further augmentations as shall be directed by a general meeting.
ARTICLE XII. The president and directors are hereby required and fully empowered to draft and present a petition in the name and on behalf of this company, to the legislature of the state of Virginia, praying that an act may pass to incorporate this company conformably to these articles of association.
ARTICLE XIII. It is hereby declared expressly, and made part of this association, that all persons who deal, or contract with the said company, or with the President and directors thereof on account, in any manner whatsoever, do so on the credit of the said company, and not on the private or individual credit of the said President and directors, or any of them, or of the stockholders or any of them, and do expressly relinquish and disclaim all right and pretence of right to look to or receive any thing from, the individual property or persons of the said President, Directors, or stockholders, or any of them, by reason, or on account of any such contract; to which effect there shall be a clause inserted in all contracts, writings, or obligations to be made by the President and Directors in pursuance of these
articles, with any person or persons whomsoever—unless an act of incorporation shall be obtained.
ARTICLE XIV. And in case any person or persons, or body, or bodies corporate, should wish to commence any action or suit at law, or in equity, against the said President and Directors, or either, or any of them, on account of any act, matter, or thing done by the said President, or Directors, in pursuance of the power to them hereby given, the said President shall be and is hereby authorised to receive, accept and acknowledge service of process in every such suit or action; and to cause all proper and needful defence to be made therein, at the cost of the company; or to submit the matter so in dispute to arbitration, in such manner as he shall think proper; and to pay and discharge out of the joint funds thereof, all and every sum or sums of money, that may be adjudged, deemed or awarded in any such action, suit or controversy, to be paid by the said President and Directors; and in every respect to perform, conform to, and fulfil every such judgment, decree and award, as can be done by means of the capital stock, joint funds, and common property of the said company.
ARTICLE XV. This association shall continue for twenty years from the day on which the first general meeting shall be held—but the Proprietors of two-thirds of the Capital Stock of the Company, may, by their concurring votes in that ratio, at a general meeting to be called for that express purpose, dissolve the same at any prior period, provided that notice of such meeting and its objects shall be published in four newspapers (if there be so many) or more, in the City of Richmond—and in some newspaper (if there be one printed) at each place respectively where Books have been directed to be opened, or by Handbills posted up at such places, for at least six months previous to the time of such meeting.
ARTICLE XVI. Immediately on the Dissolution of this association, effectual measures shall be taken by the President and Directors then existing for closing all the concerns of the Company, and for dividing the Capital and profits which may remain, among the stockholders, in proportion to their respective interests.
On motion, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to draw an Address or Preamble to be printed with the Articles of Association, and that they also superintend the printing of the necessary number of copies of the Association, to be furnished to the commissioners of Richmond for dispersion; one copy of which is to be the Heading of the Books of Subscription.
On motion, The following gentlemen were named for that purpose:
WILLIAM H. CABELL, WILLIAM WIRT, WILLIAM FOUSHEE, Sen'r. PEYTON RANDOLPH, and THOMAS RITCHIE.
The meeting then adjourned. (Signed,) WILLIAM H. CABELL. Attest,—THOMAS RITCHIE.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The following is an extract of a letter from a federal gentleman and a merchant of the city of Richmond, in Virginia, who is now in the city of London. The writer is himself a native Virginian, and the son of a native Virginian who was an officer of the line during the whole of the revolutionary war.
That no suspicion may be entertained of the genuineness of the letter, the original is lodged with the editor of this paper, and may be seen by any person who wishes it. Let the opposers of the embargo read this letter, and see in what light this measure is regarded by a man whose political principles are decidedly federal; whose interests are entirely mercantile, and who, being now in one of those countries on which the embargo was intended to operate, has an opportunity of seeing how the medicine works, and of judging of the wisdom of the measure from its practical effects. The view which he takes of the law has nothing subtle in it: On the contrary, it is a plain and manly appeal to facts. He demonstrates from a view of the British commerce and the state of those countries to which she has hitherto traded, that her existence depends on America, and that she has no choice between ruin and the retraction of those tyrannical claims which produced the embargo. He shows that nothing supports Great Britain under the embargo at present, but the idea that we shall not have force & patriotism enough to bear its inconveniences. G. B. he says, judging of the temper of America by a view of our northern prints, believes that the measure, so far from being borne by us, will produce a disunion of the states. Let Massachusetts and those who guide her counsels, mark this sentiment! Are they willing, in a question between Great Britain and their own country, to take the side of G. Britain? Are they not doing so at this moment? Are they not, by their resolutions and their newspapers, saying to Great Britain, "hold out against the embargo a little longer, and we will have it repealed for you, or we will rend the union asunder?" Is not this the very construction which G. Britain puts upon their conduct?—Whither is the spirit of '76 fled? Look not upon us from your graves, departed patriots! You could bear non-importation and non-intercourse, sooner than submit to British injustice. At a time when you were few and weak, and illly provided with the means of clothing yourselves, you were proud of the privations which you voluntarily assumed, and gloried in the virtuous cross which you bore. Look not upon your degenerate sons: who with all their increase in numbers, in wealth, and the inexhaustible means of domestic manufacture and internal supply, whimper and whine after foreign luxuries, and are willing to barter the honor and independence of their country for British baubles.
But if Massachusetts will fly off from us, let the rest of us stand firm to the charge; let Virginia at least set an example which her sister states may be proud to follow. In the war of 1776, the voice of Virginia was the first that was lifted against British arrogance and tyranny: let us support the glorious character which our forefathers have handed to us. At that period, the man who dared to break a syllable of discontent against the non-importation, was branded as a tory, and held up to public scorn and detestation: he was considered as a Briton at heart, and unworthy of the name of an American. In the same light let us regard those invidious men who are going through the country, labouring to spread among the people a spirit of discontent on account of the embargo, and of resentment towards the virtuous and prudent administration which advised it. Such men deserve to be regarded and treated as British emissaries.
LONDON, April 14. "It is with very great surprise that I have observed the opposition the embargo has experienced from the northern federatists. I trust my Richmond friends have not taken the same side. This opposition seems to be for opposition-sake alone; for I cannot believe it possible that the federalists themselves would have acted differently, had the administration been in their own hands. What with the Decrees of Napoleon and the British Orders of Council, I cannot see what middle course between the embargo and war, America could have pursued. And if the embargo has produced great embarrassments in the mercantile world, and has had the effect of lowering the value of the produce of the soil, it is fair to enquire whether a war would not have greatly increased those evils. The war must have been against both England and France; for certainly America will not suffer England to justify an aggression on her rights, by saying that France has also attacked her. I, for one, would have no hesitation in going to war with both, did I not think that without the expense and danger to ourselves of war, the embargo will produce all its effects upon our enemies. Those effects are severely felt in this country at this moment, and if the American people possess sufficient virtue and firmness to adhere to the measure, regardless of the privations which must attend it—there cannot remain a doubt that this country will have to retrace the steps she has taken. The manufacturers already complain bitterly at the loss of their spring trade; they have been obliged to turn off almost all of their workmen, for it is to be observed that it is alone through the American flag that the manufactures of England reach the continent, as there is at present no other neutral. Petitions against the Orders of Council have been multiplying daily, as their effects begin to be more and more felt. Several manufacturers, with whom I have conversed, declare that the distress among the lower class of workmen in the neighborhood of the manufacturing towns is almost incredible. The effects of the embargo seem not to have been sufficiently felt in the West-Indies, owing to the circumstance of there being a tolerable supply of provisions on hand; but if it continues six months longer, it will have an effect in those islands which will be ever after of substantial benefit to America. It will convince European nations who have West-India colonies, that those colonies are completely in the power of the United States, and that by refusing them lumber and provisions, we can at any time distress, if not starve them. And it must be observed, that any distress which the British colonies experience from the embargo, will have an immediate effect in producing the revocation of the Orders of Council. For it is worthy of remembrance that, although the preamble of these orders pleads the decrees of France as the cause and justification of their being published, that plea is a mere pretext, and the real object which the government had in view, was to relieve their West-India merchants and planters, who complain that they must be ruined, if American ships are suffered as heretofore to carry the produce of the French and Spanish Islands to the continent. While that trade is permitted, the Americans supply Europe with sugar and coffee at so low a rate, that the British West-India merchant cannot export from this island a pound of either article. And as the produce of the British islands far exceeds the consumption of this country, there is always a glut of the articles, which obliges them to sell at a loss, even for the supply of that consumption. By cutting off the supply usually received through the United States, they suppose that they can force their own West-India produce into the continent. A most absurd supposition! and I show how little value Bonaparte attaches to a supply of sugar and coffee, he has put a total interdict to its importation. Of the extent of the injury which a continuance of the embargo will do England, some idea may be formed from the exports for the last year. The whole exports of the kingdom amounted to about 40 millions of pounds sterling, including colonial produce. East-India goods, &c. as well as the manufactures of the country. Then she had the trade open to Russia, Sweden, Prussia, Denmark, Portugal, the port of Trieste, belonging to Austria, and the United States of America. To the latter country the exports amounted to 10 millions, or one fourth of the whole export of the country, and consisted altogether of manufactured articles. Of all the other powers with which the trade was open last year, there remains none to which an English ship can go, except Sweden—and there cannot remain a doubt, but that she must shortly be obliged to follow the example of her neighbors Great Britain cannot, therefore, trade with any of the above nations without the intervention of a neutral flag, and America is now the only neutral. There remains, therefore, only the trade to Spain, (which probably will soon be conquered by France,) to the island of Sardinia—to the Brazils, (for the supply of a population which does not exceed 300,000 whites,) to the East-Indies, (to which there is no export, but money) to the West-Indies, (for the supply only of the whites, because the slaves use none of the manufactures of England except a little coarse linen) and the trade to the North American colonies. If, therefore, the present state of things should last, the export trade of this country must inevitably fall short, more than three fourths of the usual amount.—What effect such a defalcation must produce in so commercial and manufacturing a country, may well be imagined. But the defalcation which will be experienced in the revenue, will more immediately affect the government, since it must lose not only the duties on export, but also the duties upon the imports, which are to a much larger amount. The single article of tobacco consumed in this kingdom, affords to the government a revenue of more than two millions sterling. The event then must be, that the present ministers must abandon their measures, or resign their places to persons who will pursue a different policy towards other nations."
"When the bill laying duties upon American produce brought into port in consequence of the Orders in Council, and prohibiting altogether the supplying the continent with cotton gets to America, I presume there will be perfect unanimity in favor of the embargo. It seems that the Orders of Council are justified by some, on the ground of retaliation against France, and on the ground that England had a right to blockade the continent, and of course the permission to proceed to the original port of destination, after having come into an English port and paid duties, is to be considered as a concession and favor granted to a neutral. These persons seem entirely to have forgotten that the right of retaliation (if admitted at all, where it operates on a neutral) is a strict right, and does not authorise the adoption of measures totally different from those adopted by the enemy—Bonaparte refused admission into his ports for any ship coming from or touching at an English port, which he unquestionably had a right to do; and in retaliation, England might have refused admission to any ship coming from a French port; but could not say that a neutral going to a French port must first touch at an English one. And allowing the right to declare the continent in a state of blockade, the neutral had still clearly a right to proceed to any other port not included in that blockade, viz: Spain, Sardinia, Africa, or Sweden, to dispose of her cargo—whereas, under the Orders of Council she is compelled to come into an English port and pay duties, or return directly home. The order declaring legal prize all ships having certificates of origin on board, is of all others the most preposterous, as this nation will not heretofore suffer an American ship to bring to England any one article which is not the produce of America, and it must be so certified. I hope the next accounts from America will show that there is but one sentiment, and that that is a determination to oppose every aggression which any nation may commit, and to submit to every inconvenience (for it is only an inconvenience) which the continuance of the embargo may produce. The government of this
country calculate upon our inability to pursue the system we have adopted, flattering themselves that those discontented, which they see expressed in the northern papers, will break out in such a way as will force the American government to abandon their system, or produce a disunion of the states."
"The Editor of the Enquirer completely vouches for the authenticity of the preceding Extract."
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Stemming tobacco or stripping the leaf from the stem, has within these few years become in Virginia a manufacture of some importance, by giving employment to children and supernumerary servants in the towns, who would otherwise remain idle.—Last year exclusive of what the planters stemmed at home, it is supposed there were 6,500 hogsheads leaf, stripped yielding a profit to the Virginia labourer of $43,000—that value being added to the article before exportation. It is also said that individuals engaged in this business as exporters have been great gainers; the stem, being prized up separate and shipped to the continent of Europe—the leaf to England, where the duty is 2s 1d sterling pr pound, equal to $46 pr 100, which the dealers there avoid paying on the stems, by purchasing the stripped tobacco, so that they can afford to give more than their actual difference in Virginia, besides the great saving to the shipper in freight, commission and other charges in England, which from custom is the same in a light, or heavy hogshead, stripped, or leaf. It however appears this business is likely to receive a check, as it is stated by late letters from London, tobacco stems that usually sold there for six or seven guineas a hundred have advanced to twelve, in consequence of the scarcity; a certain quantity being wanted for the inferior kinds of snuff, for which purpose they answer nearly as well as the low qualities of tobacco. This rise in tobacco stems must therefore diminish the difference in the price of leaf and stripped tobacco to the injury of the manufacturer here, until the supply of that kind is brought within its usual limits.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
PINDARIC ODES.
ODE IX.
TO "ONE OF THE PROTESTERS."
"Shuffling, cutting & turning upon another person?" "Murder will cut!" and so will non-use too— Yet-so, soft s't, why all this sad to do! Why! why, in such a piteous perturbation? Cheer up! cheer up! thou art not murder'd quite, Ye still have strength enough, I see, to write; But "Oh!" you cry, "I've lost my reputation!" "Ruined, exposed, cut up, yes, murder'd, ay!" "Annihilated," by one—"Mister Metaphor" Indeed! a metaphor do this!—O dear! Yet, 'twas a home-struck metaphor, I aver, But, sir! one might suppose, with somewhat fancy! Thou wouldst not care for metaphors a-fancy! Why should'st thou, even tho' they be "beyond" (Gad! what?) Give-em the "periphrasis," and "penultimate," "Driveller," "Creaker," "Glum and repulsive," Then "nequid nimis dulcedinem cernam." At 'em again—"bungling," and "dostorical," "Priggish," "dull your wits!" "philological," "Falstaff turned Lully!" (swee-air John I. Boney.) "Hydraulic-spirits!" "enigmatized," "Wire-drawing discussions," "typical," Yes, yes, such flitting would, like necromancy.
(That e'en unnerve the ponderous arm of giant,) See every metaphor, sir, at defiance.
SEDLEY.
The Philadelphia Gazette and True American, having stated apparently upon the authority of capt. Girdon of the ship Ocean from Rotterdam, that the American vessels in the ports of Holland had been condemned; we are authorised by that gentleman, to state that he gave no authority for such an assertion—that none of the American vessels had been condemned; but, that, being detained by the general embargo that existed in Holland, the masters of ten of the American vessels agreed to send their mates and crews home to save expense; for which purpose capt. Girdon had received special permission, from the king of Holland to depart for the U. States.....Aurora.
DR. WILLIAM FOUSHEE, Sen'r is appointed Post-Master of this city, in the room of Col. Vandewall, dec'd.
PASSPORTS.
Granted by the Department of State to citizens going into foreign parts, having been in sundry instances obtained from the persons receiving them, by others assuming their names; it has been thought proper to guard against the abuse by requiring the former to write their own names in the body of the Passports, and with this alteration they will be issued after the 21st day of June, 1808.
Department of State. } June 15, 1808. }
NO. V. ON THE EMBARGO IN OUR NEXT.
A private meeting of the RIFLEMEN will be held at the Bell, THIS EVENING, June 21, at 7 o'clock.
TO BE HIRED until the end of the present year, an excellent NURSE for children.—Apply at this Office. June 21. [U]
BURGLARY—ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. —Whereas the store of SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, was broken open on Saturday night the 18th inst. between the hours of 11 and 3 o'clock, and robbed to a considerable amount, consisting of the following articles, viz:
A quantity of Calicoes, Curtain Calicoes, India Cottons, a large quantity of Muslins, Cotton and Linen Cambrics, Irish Linen, Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Silk Gloves, Linen & Cotton Handkerchiefs, Broad Cloths, Checks and Dimity, and many other articles; and the bill robbed of about 30 dollars in cash, seven new French Gold Watches, with tortoise-shell cases; also, a parcel of Letters and Papers of no use to any person except the owner. Whoever will apprehend the offender or offenders, so that they may be brought to justice, shall receive the above reward, with an additional reward of 20 per cent for the amount of goods which may be recovered; or whoever will deliver the letters and papers to the owner, shall be handsomely rewarded, and no questions asked.
Richmond, June 21, 1808. [S4]
BLANKS, OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC ROADS & CANALS, Made in pursuance OF A RESOLUTION OF SENATE OF MARCH 2. [CONTINUED.]
COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN THE ATLANTIC AND WESTERN WATERS.
The Appalachian mountains, to use an ancient generic denomination, extend in a direction west of south, from the 42d to the 43d degree of north latitude, approaching the sea, and even washed by the tide in the state of New-York, and thence in their southerly course, gradually receding from the sea shore. Viewed as a whole, their breadth may be estimated at 110 miles, and they consist of a succession of parallel ridges, following nearly the direction of the sea coast irregularly intersected with rivers, and divided by narrow valleys. The ridge, which divides the Atlantic rivers from the western waters, generally known by the name of Alleghany, preserves throughout a nearly equal distance of 250 miles from the Atlantic ocean, and a nearly uniform elevation of 3,000 feet above the level of the sea.
The western chain, much broader, and generally more elevated, is known under the names of Cumberland and Gauley mountains, from its southern extremity, near the great bend of the Tennessee river, until it becomes in Virginia the principal or dividing mountain. Thence in its northerly course, towards the state of New-York, it discharges westwardly the Green-Brier river, which, in conjunction with the New river, forms the Kanawha, and the rivers Monongahela and Alleghany, which, from their confluence at Pittsburgh, assumes the name of Ohio. Eastwardly it pours into the Atlantic ocean, James river, the Potomac, and the Susquehanna. From the northernmost and less elevated spurs of the chain the Genessee flows into the lake Ontario; and in that quarter the northerly branches of the Susquehanna, seem to take their source, from amongst the inferior ridges, and in their course to the Chesapeake, to break through all the mountains. From the Susquehanna, the principal chain assumes a more eastwardly direction, and washed on the north by the lateral valley of the river Mohawk, whilst it gives rise southwardly to the Delaware, it terminates under the name of Catskill mountain, in view of the tide water of the Hudson.
The most elevated lock canal of which a correct description has been given, is that of Languedoc, and the highest ground over which it is carried is only six hundred feet above the sea. It is not believed that any canal has been undertaken, or at least completed in England, at an elevation exceeding 430 feet above the water's surface by it. The Alleghany mountain is generally, and from observations made in several places, about 3,000 feet above the level of the sea. The precise height of the dividing ridge was ascertained by the commissioners, who laid out the United States road from Cumberland on the Potomac to Brownsville on the Monongahela, at 2,260 above the first, and at 2,150 feet above the last river. Cumberland, from the levels taken by the Potomac company, is itself 733 feet above tide water. Although some more advantageous and less elevated places may be found, particularly amongst the ridges which divide some of the upper branches of the Susquehanna from the corresponding streams emptying into the river Alleghany, there is none which is not of an elevation much beyond what has ever been overcome by canals in any other country. The impracticability arises from the principle of lock navigation, which in order to effect the ascent, requires a greater supply of water in proportion to the height to be ascended, whilst the supply of water becomes less in the same proportion. Nor does the chain of mountains through the whole extent, where it divides the Atlantic from the western rivers, afford a single pond, lake or natural reservoir. It may be added as a general feature of American geography, that except in the swamps along the southern sea coast, no lake is to be found in the United States south of 41 degrees north latitude; and that almost every river, north of 42 degrees issues from a lake or pond.
The works necessary, in order to facilitate the communications from the sea ports across the mountains to the western waters, must therefore consist either of artificial roads extending the whole way from tide water, to the nearest and most convenient navigable western waters; or of improvements in the navigation of the leading Atlantic rivers, to the highest practical points, connected by artificial roads across the mountains with the nearest points from which a permanent navigation can be relied on, down the western rivers. The principal considerations in selecting proper directions for those communications, are, the distance from the navigable western waters, both to tide water, and the nearest navigable Atlantic river, and the extent of navigation, either natural or susceptible of improvement, which may be afforded by the rivers. Distance alone is mentioned, so far as relates to roads, because the mountains, however insuperable for canals, offer no important impediment to land communications. So far from being an insurmountable barrier to commercial intercourse, between the two great sections of the union, it is now ascertained that those mountains may, in almost every direction, be crossed by artificial roads, as permanent, as easy, and less expensive, than similar works in the lower country. For Congress having, contrary to current opinion, directed that the road from Cumberland to Brownsville should be laid out so that its ascent should not in any place exceed an angle of five degrees with a horizon; no difficulty has been experienced in
effecting the object without cutting through hills, and although the road thus laid out, be in a distance of 72 miles, two or three miles shorter than that heretofore in use. Although the distance from the sea to the principal dividing mountain through its whole length, between the western sources of the Susquehanna, and those of the Savannah, be nearly the same, yet the Atlantic bays, penetrating the coast at different depths, and to different directions, the distances from the sea ports to the nearest western navigable waters, vary considerably. Taken in straight lines from each port to the nearest branch beyond all the mountains, of each of the four great western rivers, they may be stated as follows:
Table with 3 columns: Port, Distance, Miles. Rows: From Philadelphia to the confluence of Conemaugh and Loyalhannan, branches of the Alleghany (220); From the City of Washington to the confluence of the rivers Monongahela and Cheat (150); From Richmond to Morris's on the Kanawha, below all the falls of that river (210); From Savannah or Charleston to any navigable branch of Tennessee, the distance exceeds (300).
The distance from the same western points, to the upper navigation of the corresponding Atlantic rivers, cannot be stated with precision, as the upper points to which the navigation of those rivers may be improved, is not yet ascertained. The shortest portage between the waters of the Potomac, and those of the Monongahela, in their natural state, from West-Point on the Potomac, to Cheat river below the falls, is about 67 miles in a straight line. But in order to secure a tolerable navigation, particularly on the Potomac, the route from Cumberland to Brownsville, (Red Stone old fort) has been preferred, and the distance by the road lately laid out is 72 miles. The portage between the north fork of the Juniata, a branch of the Susquehanna, and the corresponding waters of the river Alleghany, is somewhat shorter. That between Pattonborough on James river, and the falls of the Kanawha, exceeds one hundred miles. The most prominent, though not perhaps the most insuperable obstacle in the navigation of the Atlantic rivers, consists in their lower falls, which are ascribed to a presumed continuous granite ridge, rising about 120 feet above tide water. That ridge, from New-York to James river inclusively, arrests the ascent of the tide; the falls of every river within that space being precisely at the head of the tide. Pursuing thence southwardly a direction nearly parallel to the mountains, it recedes from the sea, leaving in each southern river, an extent of good navigation between the tide and the falls. Other falls of less magnitude are found at the gaps of the Blue Ridge, through which the rivers have forced their passage. Higher up the rapidity of the northern rivers, which penetrate through the inferior ridges of the great western chain, increases as they approach the dividing or Alleghany mountain; and their sources being nearly at the same elevation, their rapidity increases in proportion to the shortness of their course. For that reason the navigation of the Susquehanna above the Blue Ridge is better than that of the Potomac, which affords as has been stated, the shortest communication from tide water to the nearest western river. The levels of the last mentioned river having been taken by the Potomac company, the general result is annexed, as giving a more correct idea of the navigation of the Atlantic rivers, than could be conveyed in any other manner.
Table with 4 columns: Distance from mouth of Sa. river down to Cumberland, Thence down to Blue Ridge, Harper's ferry, or Shenandoah falls, Thence to great falls, Great and little falls to tide water, Total. Columns: Miles, Feet, Rate of fall, Ft. Pr. Mile.
The papers marked [C.] contain the information which has been collected respecting the works already or contemplated on the great rivers already enumerated. It has not been understood that any improvements of importance had been yet attempted on the Savannah and Pedee, nor on any of the tributary streams of the Ohio; and the communications received under this head, relate only to the Santee, Roanoke, James river, Potomac, Susquehanna, and Ohio.
1. SANTEE. The Santee or Catawba, is said to be occasionally navigable for near 300 miles, as high up as Morgantown, in North Carolina. Two companies have been incorporated by that state, and that of South Carolina, for the purpose of improving its navigation. The lower falls are above Camden, and not far from the arsenal of the United States, at Rock Mount. A canal had been commenced there, but either from want of success in the commencement, or from want of funds, the work appears to be suspended. The market for the produce brought down that river, is Charleston; and the river boats were obliged at the mouth of the river to enter the sea, and to reach that port by a navigation along the sea shore, for which they were not calculated. To remedy that inconvenience, and to insure a permanent navigation, a canal has been opened by another company, uniting the Santee with Cooper river, which empties into the harbor of Charleston.
The distance between the points united, is 22 miles; the highest intervening ground was 52 feet above Santee, and 85 feet above the river Cooper; but it has been reduced 17 feet by digging; the descent to Santee being 35 feet, effected by four locks, and that to Cooper 68 feet, effected by nine locks. The principal supply of water is afforded by springs arising from the marshy ground at the bottom of the canal, and by several drains which collect and bring from an adjacent swamp the sources of the river Cooper. The quantity is said to be seldom deficient; yet a steam engine has been contemplated as perhaps necessary in order to raise from the Santee an adequate supply. The canal was carried over some small streams by means of aqueducts; inconsiderable ravines have been filled, and the ground was dug in some places to the depth of sixteen feet, in order to preserve the level. But it appears that the roots of trees were the greatest obstacle encountered in digging the canal. Its breadth is 20 feet at the bottom, and 35 feet at top; the depth of water is 4 feet; and it admits boats of 20 tons. The locks made of brick, faced with marble, are 60 feet long and 10 feet wide.
The capital expended is stated at 650,667 dollars including sixty negroes and some acts of land belonging to the company. The canal has been completed six years; the annual tolls had never exceeded 13,000 dollars before the year 1807, and the annual expenses are stated at 7,000 dollars. The want of success in this undertaking, which, though completed, is very unprofitable, may be ascribed to several causes. The expense compared with the work is much greater than might have been expected, and probably than was necessary. The locks are too small for large boats, which are therefore obliged to pursue the former route down the Santee, and by sea to Charleston; and want of water is alleged as a sufficient reason for the size of the locks. But a canal in that situation cannot in America be profitable, unless the navigation of the main river with which it communicates, is rendered safe and permanent; and whenever that of the Santee itself shall have been improved, the utility and profits of the canal will be considerably increased. (To be Continued.)
(BY AUTHORITY.) LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. AN ACT
Extending the time for issuing and locating military warrants. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of War be authorised to issue military land warrants to such persons as have, or shall, before the first day of March, one thousand eight hundred and ten, produce to him satisfactory evidence of the validity of their claims; which warrants, with those heretofore issued and not yet satisfied, shall and may be located in the names of the holders or proprietors thereof, prior to the first day of October, one thousand eight hundred and ten, on any unlocated parts of the fifty quarter townships and the fractional quarter townships, reserved by law for original holders of military land warrants.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. MARCH 21, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT Making further appropriations for the support of the Navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for defraying the expenses of the Navy of the United States, during the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, the following sums, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that object, be, and the same hereby are respectively appropriated; that is to say: For the pay and subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, seventy-four thousand, seven hundred and fifty-four dollars and twenty-nine cents; For provisions, thirty-one thousand, four hundred and sixty-eight dollars and fifteen cents; For repairs of vessels, one hundred and forty-two thousand, eight hundred and eighty-four dollars and fifty-one cents; For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, eighteen thousand, five hundred dollars; For clothing for the same, ten thousand, one hundred and thirty-nine dollars, and forty-two cents; For medicines and hospital stores, one thousand, two hundred and sixty-three dollars and forty cents; For ordnance and military stores, three hundred and ten thousand, five hundred and fifty-four dollars, and sixty cents; For timber for the navy, eighty-seven thousand, five hundred dollars. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several sums herein specifically appropriated, shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. NOVEMBER 21, 1807. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT For the relief of the legal representatives of Thomas Barclay, deceased.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the proper accounting officers of the treasury be, and they are hereby authorised to liquidate and settle the account of Thomas Barclay, deceased, and that they allow for his services, while he acted as vice-consul in France, a salary at the rate of one thousand dollars per annum; and that while he acted as consul, commercial agent, commissioner or public accounts in Europe, and was engaged in negotiating the treaty concluded with the emperor of Morocco, in one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, they allow a salary at the rate of three thousand three hundred and thirty-three and one third dollars per annum, exclusive of his expenses; and that in the adjustment of his account with the public, which originated in consequence of his second mission, they credit him with the amount of goods purchased to take with him to Morocco according to the letters of David Humphreys, esq. (formerly minister from the United States to the court of Spain) to the secretary of state, and the invoices and memorandums transmitted by that minister to the government; and that they pay the balance, with interest, to the legal representatives of the said Thomas Barclay, out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. APRIL 13, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a court of Appeals held at the Capitol, in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.
GENERAL RULE—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket, and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through; and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week until the first day of October next.
A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. June 14. [1stO]
TO RENT—The upper APARTMENTS in the House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [if]
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the Revd. Matthew Maury, late of this county, are requested to bring them forward for settlement; and all persons indebted, are solicited to make engagements for payment at an early period, as (consistently with the terms of his will) long indulgence cannot be extended. MATTHEW MAURY, } Acting exec- THOMAS W. MAURY } cutors. Albemarle, June 14. [ep6w*]
NOTICE—All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elcan, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Ex'ors JOS. MARK, } Richmond, May 17, 1808. [if]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [if]
THE subscriber, hereby forewarns all persons from trading for, or taking an assignment of a bond or note, executed by him to John Smith of Rockingham county, Virginia; for one hundred and ten dollars; being the only bond or note executed by him to said Smith; because he will not pay the same; the said bond or note having been obtained from him by said Smith, by deception. LOUISA COUNTY, June 14. JAMES POINDEXTER. [2w]
NOTICE—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by William Newton bearing date the 13th day of May 1807, and recorded in the County court of Buckingham, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due from the said Newton to Hobson and St. John, will be exposed to sale on the premises for ready money on Saturday the second day of July next one hundred Acres of Land in the county of Buckingham adjoining on which the said Newton resides. ROBERT MOSELEY JUNR. June 10, 1808. [7w]
COW POX—The subscriber informs those persons wishing to be vaccinated, that he has lately received fresh matter from his friend Dr. Belfor, (Norfolk) that has succeeded in several vaccinations, and is in a proper state for inoculation. DANL. WM. SACKRIDDER. June 10. [4t]
NOTICE—The Co-partnership of Thomas Rutherford and Co. will be dissolved on the 30th June next: All those therefore, who may have claims against the said firm, or either of the partners, are invited in the mean time to apply for payment, and they earnestly request those indebted to them to settle their respective accounts as speedily as possible. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ARGYLE. Richmond, May 6. [Fisher's W.]
JOSEPH MARK & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Bowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cognac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. [if]
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Treasury Department, May 28th, 1808. It has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keas, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North-Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-Office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid; neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keas, and on one of the back of all or most of the notes was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
Table with 4 columns: No., Date, To whom payable, Dollars. Rows: 1401 20th July, 1804, Adam Gibson or bearer at Charleston, 100; 1428 20th July, 1804, Do. Do. 100; 2282 12th March, 1805, Do. Do. 100; 4722 27th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 2183 20th July, 1804, Do. Do. 100; 2583 12th March, 1805, Do. Do. 100; 1931 20th Jan. 1802, Do. Do. 100; 3061 16th April, 1806, Do. Do. 100; 3774 Do. do. do. 100; 2626 Do. do. do. 100; 2629 Do. do. do. 100; 2631 10th March, 1805, Do. Do. 100; 4790 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4791 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4792 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4793 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4794 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4795 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4796 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4797 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4798 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4799 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4800 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4801 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4802 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4803 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4804 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4805 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4806 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4807 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4808 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4809 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4810 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4811 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4812 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4813 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4814 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4815 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4816 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4817 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4818 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4819 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4820 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4821 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4822 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4823 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4824 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4825 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4826 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4827 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4828 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4829 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4830 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4831 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4832 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4833 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4834 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4835 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4836 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4837 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4838 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4839 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4840 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4841 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4842 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4843 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4844 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4845 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4846 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4847 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4848 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4849 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4850 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4851 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4852 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4853 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4854 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4855 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4856 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4857 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4858 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4859 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4860 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4861 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4862 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4863 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4864 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4865 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4866 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4867 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4868 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4869 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4870 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4871 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4872 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4873 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4874 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4875 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4876 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4877 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4878 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4879 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4880 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4881 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4882 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4883 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4884 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4885 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4886 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4887 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4888 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4889 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4890 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4891 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4892 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4893 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4894 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4895 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4896 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4897 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4898 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4899 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4900 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4901 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4902 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4903 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4904 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4905 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4906 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4907 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4908 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4909 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4910 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4911 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4912 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4913 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4914 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4915 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4916 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4917 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4918 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4919 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4920 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4921 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4922 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4923 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4924 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4925 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4926 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4927 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4928 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4929 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4930 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4931 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4932 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4933 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4934 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4935 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4936 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4937 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4938 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4939 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4940 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4941 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4942 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4943 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4944 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4945 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4946 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4947 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4948 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4949 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4950 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4951 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4952 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4953 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4954 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4955 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4956 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4957 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4958 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4959 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4960 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4961 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4962 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4963 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4964 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4965 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4966 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4967 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4968 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do. 100; 4969 10th Feb. 1807, Do. Do.