The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-09-22 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1802.
THE SUBSCRIBERS OFFER FOR SALE,
That valuable Tenement in this City, lately occupied by GEORGE NICOLSON, DECEASED.
THE buildings on this tenement are a large convenient two story Dwelling House, 43 by 30 feet. In the lower story are three rooms, one of them 30 by 20 feet, a wide airy passage of 12 feet, and a large convenient Closet.
A two story brick Kitchen and Laundry lately built, 30 by 20 feet, the lower floors are neatly paved with brick, and the upper rooms afford fit accommodation for servants. A Smoke House, Spring House, Stable and Coach House.
The elevated and healthy situation of this tenement; the great variety of beautiful prospects it affords, and its commodious buildings, render it as comfortable and pleasant a situation for a private family as any in this city. And as three fourths of the proceeds of sale of the above tenement will belong to the three youngest children of the subscriber's testator, it enables them to accommodate a purchaser, if desired, with a long credit of four years for three fourths of the purchase money, and for the other fourth, 12 months credit will be allowed; bond and approved security will be required, to bear interest from the day of sale, if not punctually paid.
T. NICOLSON, } Executors. A. NICOLSON, }
Richmond, Sept. 15th, 1802. (31)
LOST.
On Saturday evening, the 11th of this Month, between Miles Selden's and Richmond, three
LATENTS FOR 1
TWO for 1000 acres each, and one for 833 1/3 do. signed by the governor of Kentucky, and TWO DEEDS, one executed by Henry Crogan, to Wilson Bouth, for 666 2/3s acres, and the other un-executed, together with a list of the same. As the above patents cannot be of service to any one but the owner, they shall be handsomely rewarded, by delivering them to Messrs. Pickett, Pollard, and Johnston, or William Wisnham, of Richmond.
Sept. 15th, 1802.
TO BE RENTED, THE TENEMENT
AT present occupied by Mrs. HERON, near the CAPITOL. Possession may be had the 15th of next Month.
CHARLES COPLAND.
Richmond, Sept. 11th 1802. (31)
CALL'S REPORTS.
SECOND VOLUME.
THIS Book is now ready for delivery, at the Printing Office of THOMAS NICOLSON, in the City of Richmond.
Sept. 15th, 1802.
DAVID LAWRENCE
LATELY from Pennsylvania, has just commenced business on his own account in Manchester, at the entrance of the town, where he carries on all branches of Wheel Wright business, in the cheapest and most approved manner, and is well supplied with excellent seasoned timber.
Wagons and Ploughs he makes or repairs after the genuine constructions, and the latest improvements. He also carries on the Smithery in all its various branches (except cutlery,) and will thankfully and faithfully serve with dispatch those who will oblige him with their custom. He expects daily a complete master cutter, who will make all kinds of edge tools suitable and commonly in use in this country, and warrant them good.
Manchester, Sept. 6th, 1802.
A FEW COPIES OF HYMNS, BY THE REV. E. CLAY, TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at J. PUMFREY'S, Stationers, Richmond.
A saving of time, is a saving of money, for time is even more precious than money.
FRANKLIN.
MATO'S TOLL BRIDGE
THE Public is respectfully informed, is now completely and permanently finished; is furnished with good, strong, and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by Day, or by Night, with the utmost safety, and most unbounded confidence.
When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the whole community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel north or south, and particularly to the whole country south of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and coming to the seat of government, are considered, a confident hope and belief is entertained that it will meet with, and always receive, universal patronage and support; exclusive of these considerations, ECONOMY itself points out this to be the CHEAPEST, (and surely it is the most AGREEABLE) mode of crossing the river; for the very small difference in the expense of going by any other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety, and expedition, which this excellent and the only one affords.
SAMUEL JONES.
Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4th, 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Proffer and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city.
HENRY BANKS.
Richmond, August 25, 1802. (1)
THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE Revised Code,
Now publishing by Messrs. PLEASANTS and PACE, are respectfully informed, that the printing part of the work will be finished by October. Several professional gentlemen have already sent orders to have their copies interleaved with blank paper, for the purposes of annotation; the charge attending this addition to the book will be moderate, a little compared to the convenience. Should any other gentlemen wish to avail themselves of it, a line, post paid, addressed to the subscriber, who is to have the binding of the work, will be thankfully received and punctually attended to.
JOHN PUMFREY.
Richmond, August 12, 1802.
N. B. A general assortment of STATI-ONARY and BLANK BOOKS, kept constantly on hand.
*** BOOK-BINDING, in all its various branches, executed in the most approved manner, and with the greatest dispatch.
J. P.
INTERESTING.
*** To remove Predisposition, is curing the Disease.
AT this season of the year, when crowded cities, and irregular, and various modes of living, constitute an almost universal predisposition to bilious, inflammatory, yellow, and malignant fevers, it would greatly mitigate the prevalence of epidemical or parodic cases of fever, if the citizens would generally attend to their health, by the frequent use of mild bilious purgatives, and avoid all those
circumstances which excite a predisposed habit into a general disease; such as intemperate debauch, excessive fatigue, exposure to alternate heats and colds, &c. Accordingly, the best medicines ever yet discovered, to answer the above indications, and to remove the first stages of fevers, as has been experienced for four years past in all the various cities and towns in the United States, where yellow and other fevers have prevailed, is found to be
DOCTOR LEE'S PATENT NEW LONDON
Bilious Pills;
Prepared only by SAMUEL H. P. LEE, NEW-LONDON,
MEMBER OF THE CONNECTICUT MEDICAL SOCIETY.
Their good effects and virtues are particularly described in the bill of directions, given with each box, and are too well known to need being inserted here; the extensive sale, and increasing demand from all parts of the United States and West Indies, is a sure proof of their superior merits above all others; no family should be a day without them; and if used once in 8 or 10 days (which will occasion no interruption in business) will preserve health, and remove the causes of most complaints which occur.
The above Pills are for Sale By WM. PRICHARD.
P.S. Purchasers must be particular to ask for "Lee's New London Bilious Pills," or they will be liable to be mistaken in procuring the true Genuine Patent Pills.
Also for sale as above.
AROMATIC PASTE FOR TEETH & GUMS. Richmond, August 30th, 1802. (61)
Patent Medicines.
FRESH SUPPLY IS LATELY RECEIVED.
DOCTOR CORDIAL BALM OF GILEAD.
THE celebrity and great efficacy of this Medicine is generally too well known to require a lengthy description of its virtues; it stands unrivalled as a sovereign relief in all delicate, weakly and relaxed constitutions, lowness of spirits, hypochondria, horrors, tremblings, weakness of sight, loss of memory, impaired vigour, nervous consumptions, and the numberless symptoms of impaired and fostering constitutions, whether arising from a life of inactivity, intemperance, or inattention to health; it cheers, braces, and invigorates the whole nervous system, and gives new tone to all the vital functions, of which numberless instances can be vouched.
Doctor Solomon's ANTI-IMPETIGINES.
A most excellent and sure remedy for land and sea scurvy, rheumatic gout, ulcers, fore legs, and all scrofulous eruption. Great and various are the instances of the healing virtues of this specific, in all disorders originating in an impure state of the blood.
Doctor Solomon's GUIDE TO HEALTH. OR ADVICE TO BOTH SEXES.—Price one dollar.
This work, in a concise manner, recommends the most simple and efficacious remedies with a proper mode of treatment for the asthma, loss of appetite, barrenness, bilious complaints, consumption, female diseases, &c. &c.
Doctor Andrews's SPECIFIC LOTION FOR THE FACE.
This Medicine is a safe, certain, and speedy cure for pimples, blotches, freckles, sun-burns, shingles, ring-worms, and all eruptions and humours of the face and skin.
*** A general catalogue of Wm. Prichard's stock of books and Stationary to be had gratis at the above store, where the literary articles, &c. therein contained, as well as those that monthly accumulate, shall be offered to his fellow citizens and others on equally moderate terms, the same as can be purchased in any of the northern cities.
Teachers at seminaries of learning, and county store-keepers who buy by wholesale shall have a liberal discount.
Richmond, August 30th, 1802. (61)
TO BE SOLD, FOR READY MONEY,
PURSUANT to a decree of the Federal Circuit Court of the United States, for the District of Virginia, in a suit between the executors of Hanbury's plaintiffs, and the trustees of gen. Nelson, and others, defendants, a tract of land in the county of Prince William, on the waters of Bull Run, containing 220 acres, now in the occupation of Mrs. Gwynn; or so much thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £259 with interest thereon from October 1797, and the costs & expenses of this sale, which will take place at Gadsby's tavern, in the town of Alexandria, on Saturday, the sixth of November next.
They above tract of land was purchased by Peyton Gwynn, deceased under the said decree, and the purchase money not being wholly paid, is again to be sold for the satisfaction thereof, in conformity to said decree, and terms of original sale.
D. M. RANDOLPH
Late Marshal, v. D.
Richmond, Sept. 15th, 1802. (141)
From the NEW YORK GAZETTE.
NO small circumstance has excited so much myriade faculties, as Mr. Callender calling Duane the "presidential bag-pipe." No allusion could be more happy in conveying to the mind a ludicrous image of the windy nature of the instrument, and its pliancy to the touch of the great player. Mr. Callender has certainly a knack of writing which few possess; and could Mr. Jefferson bring Tom Paine over, and his powers are not failed, I should like to see a wrestling match between him and Mr. Callender. Whatever the federalists may say about the weakness of Mr. Jefferson, it is a proof of his discernment, that he employed Mr. Callender. Why he was suffered to turn tail is somewhat unaccountable. Whether Mr. Callender is a bag-pipe or not, is a matter of indifference.
It demands whether Mr. Jefferson found himself too much of a bag-pipe; whether Mr. Jefferson having gained his object, wished to be rid of his instrument; or whether Mr. Callender was abhorrent from being longer employed in such dirty work; will engage the attention of the future historian.—Were I to deliver my opinion, it would be in favor of the last. This is, at least, the side which charity will take; and it is strengthened by the secrets which Mr. Callender is daily disclosing, and the confessions which he is making in the apparent bitterness of his repentance.
M.
From an Eastern Paper.
WHEN Mr. LINCOLN was appointed attorney general, those best acquainted with the scope of his talents, and the limited nature of his pursuits, foresaw the contempt which his opinions, upon questions of general law, would fix upon him. But they did not expect that his blind attachment to Mr. Jefferson would hurry him into palpable contradictions. They had no doubt he would be often wrong, through ignorance or incapacity, but presumed he would keep clear of giving opinions which flatly contradicted each other. His opinion relative to the duties upon refined sugars, after being opposed by that of the ablest lawyers of Philadelphia, has been abandoned by the government. We do not state this as a fact. But his opinion in the case of Callender, that before a fine is paid into the treasury, a pardon remits and restores it to the party, was undoubtedly made to suit an unconstitutional act of the executive. It goes to establish this as a principle, that the revenue, before it reaches the place of final deposit, is at the disposal of the president.—But if he can take money from marshals and collectors without the authority of law, he can take it from the vaults at Washington. The treasury does not consist in its locality. It is the collection, not the mere depositing of money in any particular place, that constitutes it a part of the treasure of the United States. The moment money is collected according to law, it is not to be touched without law; but if the absurd opinion of Mr. Lincoln should be sanctioned, the president may seize on the revenue in the hands of his new made marshals, collectors, &c. to bestow in largesses on renegado scriblers, or in promoting the election of his own adherents. You cannot lawfully rob a man of money lately deposited in his desk; but you may knock down his servant who is carrying it

time, and take it without breach of law! Surely a "second Daniel is come to judgment!" [A very sensible paragraph]
From the Gazette of the United States.
SINCE Callender has abandoned his old vocation and betaken himself to telling the truth of those who, like Buonaparte and his confidants, call themselves republicans, the ministerial points have, with one voice, cried out, villain, scoundrel, liar, and declared that their party always knew him to be such; that they never patronized him, nor confided in him. They have taken several distinct grounds on the subject of the "Prospect Before Us," but at last they unanimously agree, that it is an infamous publication, and that they always viewed it as such. Duane himself declares, that he could never read it without disgust. It is then asked, why did Mr. Jefferson pay him one hundred dollars out of his own pocket, and two hundred out of the pocket of the nation for this infamous and disgusting publication? Oh! say they, this was mere charity. Granted—and the complimentary note returned with the specimen sheets was very charitable also, becoming the munificence of a man who gives in charity one hundred dollars of his own money, and two hundred of the money of the people. This is a novel kind of charity; but let it pass. Mr. Jefferson, however, for the purpose of promoting the publication, furnished part of the materials for the work; and he knew the use which was made of them; for he read the specimen sheets as they were printed off. Was this mere charity? The ministerial papers choose to say nothing about this part of the business.
Mr. MADISON, also, after the Prospect was published, purchased FIFTEEN copies at one time. This was probably to save Mr. Callender's feelings. There would have been a degree of indeficiency in presenting to Mr. Callender the value of those fifteen copies, without receiving an equivalent. Strange that our democratic editors have not thought of this mode of accounting for the fact. As they appear to be in a perplexing strait upon every part of this affair, we offer them this suggestion gratis, and will consent to hear as many encomiums upon Mr. Madison's charity, as can reasonably be grounded upon this fact.
The RECORDER. RICHMOND.
SEPTEMBER 22. 1802.
The printers of the Virginia Gazette, and a republican in papers the letter inserted in this day's Recorder, addressed to DR. JAMES REYNOLDS.
MR. M. JONES.
I noticed your sorry efforts against me in Saturday's Examiner. In those efforts, the weakness of your mind is delineated by the wretched meannesses to which you resort. In next Wednesday's Recorder I shall again confute you. Till then, go on. And remember, that the effrontery of your pitiful refuge in denying my ability to write a plain letter to so poor a critic as yourself, can only be equalled by your vanity.
H. PACE.
THE Examiner of September 4, communicated to the public, that Callender wrote to Mr. Jefferson, informing him of his distress, and supplicating a loan that the cause of his sending any part of his manuscript, (admitting the facts) was to let Mr. Jefferson know, that he had a book on hand, the probable profits of which would enable him to return the money. The 'honest tale' has completed the destruction of the bribery story. Another filthy Recorder has been crucified by Callender, since the publication of the Examiner alluded to, yet he is mute as death. The fact is, that he can say nothing about it. How he has returned the money the public has seen. The debt of gratitude he has cancelled, with a dash of his pen."
The truth is that Mr. Jones writes fables with so much rapidity that, if I were to do nothing else, I should not be able to overtake him. It is not true that, at any time of my life, I ever wrote to Mr. Jefferson soliciting a loan. In the summer of 1797, the vice president called at the office in Philadelphia, where I was then printing the History of 1796. He gave me a joe. He said that I might expect the same sum from him upon every succeeding publication. He paid various compliments upon the singular, the forcible and correct point of view, in which I had, as he said, placed a multiplicity of public transactions. He spoke of my writings as of national importance. He expressed his hopes that I would persist in printing. A few months after this past, which was in June, or thereby, the city was visited by the yellow fever. There ensued a scene of alarm and desolation, that no strength of fancy can
conceive, and that no pen can fully describe. To comprehend this pestilence in all its horrors, a man must be in the midst of it. All kinds of business expire, at once, like a patient in an apoplexy. The streets so lately thronged with carriages, and passengers, become, in a few days, as solitary and dismal as the deserts of Lapland, or the rocks of Cape Horn. Every man is afraid of approaching within the reach of his neighbour's breath; for no man can tell, within how small a compass destruction may be lurking about him. The rise of markets is enormous. Money is not to be had. The first principle of animated nature, the omnipotent impulse of self preservation, compels every family to think only of its own welfare. A retreat into the country is always attended with extravagant expense. It is often utterly impracticable. As soon as the country has become alarmed, every ferry, and every high road is diligently guarded, and every one attempting to pass the barriers would be arrested, and sent back to confinement; or, if he struggled and resisted, he would be shot like a partridge. People, who, under such restrictions had escaped from New York, have been apprehended within three miles of Philadelphia, by the centinels that were posted to search for fugitives. Of a city visited by the yellow fever, the inhabitants, may well exclaim, in the words of Priam, This! This! is misery! The loss, the abyss, Which none can feel, man fated to be curst!
It was from such a dungeon of distress, that, in the fall of 1797, a letter was addressed to Mr. Jefferson. He was respectfully reminded of his promise to pay fifteen dollars for the succeeding volume. He was informed that the book was partly ready for the press; but that the pestilence had suspended all sorts of business. Thus I solicited the anticipation of the performance of a voluntary promise. If the reader chooses to call this the asking of a loan, he is welcome. Mr. Jefferson sent twenty dollars; so that he exceeded his promise by the amount of four dollars. In February following, when the book was printed, he paid twenty-five dollars more. But this latter money was both unsolicited, and unexpected by me. I do not, in any part of this transaction, perceive an extensive field for the exercise of gratitude. Mr. Jefferson considered that the books would be of service to the republican cause. He knew that, if this cause was ultimately successful, he would be the greatest gainer by it. He, therefore, advanced these and other small sums of money, upon the same principles, as he would have paid them for a share in the James River canal. The zealots and hirelings of his party may call this generosity, and they may upbraid the receiver of the money, as long, as they please, with ingratitude; but no man of candour will see any such thing. If it can be believed that Callender's for-
and federal printers have often said that he did more harm to their cause than any body else. It is certain that, in Virginia his trial did them infinite mischief. And if they had not been more afraid of him than of any other writer in the state, they would not have selected him for such a trial; nor would they have gone to such an uncommon expense of character and decency in the persecution of their victim. Chase displayed himself with as much parade of hostility, as a battalion, with fixed bayonets, forcing a redoubt. The story resounded through an hundred newspapers. This, and a few other scenes of the same kind, turned the scale of popular opinion, and gave the tyrants their mortal blow. It was the stroke of Abishai. It wanted not a second. And do the republicans fancy that five hundred dollars form a compensation for exertions like these? Not to mention the impertinent circumstance of nine months of imprisonment. Nor was it owing to republican friendship, that the door of this jail was always open, when I wanted to get out of it. Our shabby republican executive council refused to interfere. While they were giving Jones three thousand gratuitous dollars per annum, as public printer, and two thousand dollars per annum, to John Clark, while they were giving fifteen thousand dollars for the removal of dirt, they did not even send an hundred dollars to their victim, to assist in defraying his personal expenses. It is true that Governor Monroe sent repeated messages to enquire whether there was any way in which he could be of service to me.
* This is Pope's translation. The original Greek has an idea, which would not be sufferable in an English version. Yet many critics of distinction condemn Pope for adapting the thoughts of Homer to the taste and feelings of a modern reader. It is well known that the translators of the old testament have been obliged to assume various liberties of the same nature. The manner of taking an oath in Palestine, may be quoted as an instance. See the case of Abraham and his servant.
In the correspondence between Mr. David Randolph, and our National Regis attorney general, the term of confinement has been generously reduced from nine months to eight. These are the words of the president's pardon. A strange blunder!
This was a delicate manner of enquiring whether I was in want of money? In these messages, I recognised with satisfaction, the preserver of the life of Thomas Paine. His offers of service were declined; but that does not lessen the merit of having made them. In all this, we perceive that the state government sunk into the most spiritless desertion of the republican cause. The far famed resolutions of the assembly of the preceding winter were of no more service for the protection of an individual, who had acted upon their principles, than if they had been an old ballad. The natural consequence of cowardice and ingratitude is, that the party thus acting, will be deserted by their friends, and despised by their enemies. Future assemblies will find no man disposed to go such lengths as have been gone, in defence of the Virginia press.
More might be said to explain how very much or little, Callender has been indebted to the republicans; as a party; and, upon what side the balance of ingratitude turns. As a final answer to Jones, I was going to repeat that Mr. Jefferson was never solicited by me to advance a farthing on account of the Prospect; and that no letter of such a tenor can be produced, or ever existed. I conceived the story was a mere invention of Jones. But while just going to say for the Washington Federalist of September 15th has come to hand. This paper contains an article, which I consider as authentic. It shews, that Jones was not the inventor of this story, that money was solicited from Mr. Jefferson, to buy paper for printing "The Prospect." We shall first give the article, verbatim, as Mr. Rind gives it, and then add a few observations.
Jefferson & Callender.—When Mr. Jefferson first heard that Callender was exposing his conduct, he broke out into a violent passion, and so far forgot the dignity of office, as to call him a damn'd rascal, and damn'd eternal miscreant, and other such polite christian phrases. Here the prudent philosopher and cautious politician was overcome by the stings of a guilty conscience, and the shame of detected guilt. As soon as returning sense suffered him to collect his faculties, he began to make his defence; and how do you suppose a great philosopher and scholar, as Mr. Jefferson, attempted to clear himself from any intention of encouraging Callender, in writing and publishing the Prospect Before Us? His friends will answer, that, supported by his conscience, and the justness of his cause, his defence would carry conviction to every heart, and overwhelm poor Callender with shame and confusion. His defence no doubt did carry conviction, but whether of guilt or innocence, let the reader judge.
Jefferson.—I did give the damn'd rascal the hundred dollars, but it was mere charity. I had seen his Political Progress in Britain, and had conversed with him at times in Philadelphia, but I was always convinced that his writings injured the cause, from their scurrility and abuse. When he was at general Mason's, he wrote to me that he had sufficient materials ready for the press to form a volume, but that he was in distressed circumstances and had no money to buy paper for printing it. Out of mere charity I sent him fifty dollars. Some time after he wrote me he had materials sufficient for another volume. I understood him very well, and sent him fifty more; but it was a charitable donation, and not for the purpose of encouraging the Prospect Before Us, as I always condemned his writings. Reader! pause. We pledge ourselves for the truth of the above statement, as containing the substance of what Mr. Jefferson stated in his defence; for giving the hundred dollars to Callender.
(The remainder of our observations in our next.)
Did ever the annuals of patriotism read anything so very pitiful as the stoppage of the Caroline remittance to the prisoner, in the jail of Richmond; or the refusal to pay the balance of fifty dollars of board wages, due to Mr. Rose, for which four or five patriots had pledged their subscriptions. One good republican, who is a man of property, got forty seven copies of the first volume of "The Prospect" and in the course of two years and an half, it has been found impossible, either to get back one copy of the books, or one dollar of the price of them. In Buckingham county, the pulse of republican generosity beat so very high, that a collection was made for the relief of the sufferer. About twenty-five dollars were collected, and the ingenious collector never has, and never will, transmit one farthing of the money. It is the rankest folly to sacrifice one particle of your convenience for such people. They embrace the advantage of your services, and then laugh at your simplicity.
JOHN HEATH.
THE insignificance of the lawyer, upon the hill in Richmond, who the other day, sent an impertinent letter, is the reason why his name shall not take a tour through the United States. Indeed, we are not very sure if such a name as that of JOHN HEATH, would pay for the expence of carriage.
WHEN the next assembly meets, the first thing to be done by them is to ask John Guerrant, and John Clark, how much money will satisfy them next year for the armory? This being done, they may then proceed to find it, and instead of repealing the tax on merchants, that useful class of men will be fortunate, if they are not squeezed still more.
RICHMOND, September 22. 1802.
SIR,
IN the summer of 1798, you attended my family in Philadelphia, as a physician. I recat you to mention in a letter to me, whether you perceived in any person there, symptoms of a complaint, which it is hardly decent to name. You were the only medical gentleman, who was called in. I can, therefore, make this appeal to you, and to you only. The office may be disagreeable; but justice, as well as friendship, requires the performance of that duty. I shall also thank you for saying whether, at any period of our acquaintance, you had reason for believing that such a complaint had been communicated to me, or to any person belonging to me, in any manner whatever. If any medical practitioner in Philadelphia knows any thing of such a circumstance, if he will give the date, and other particulars, with his name annexed, he will afford me an eminent gratification.
I not only request as an act of friendship, but I think myself entitled to demand, as an act of justice, that you will give your opinion on the case. I choose to address you through the medium of the press, in preference to a manuscript letter by post, because I have no confidential communication, or qualification, to make, or to solicit. On this subject, I am still open.
I should be equally gratified by hearing from any respectable citizen of Philadelphia what he is acquainted with concerning any theft of mahogany, or, as Duane has recently explained, a theft of wood.
I have invariably considered Dr. Reynolds, as a gentleman of veracity, of probity, and of firmness. Upon this ground, I have a right to expect his answer. His silence will admit of an insinuation. It is therefore necessary that he should speak out. The secrecy and delicacy, which may be required from a professional man, must give way to the request of his alledged patient. What the supreme being, and his own conscience dictate, I invite, I welcome, I solicit Dr. Reynolds to say; and, if I did not consider him as my personal friend, I might add that I defy his almost assertions. But, between one honest man, and another, there is no room for such language.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
DOCTOR JAMES REYNOLDS, PHILADELPHIA.
MELANCHOLY.
DIED, at Norfolk, on Wednesday, the 15th current, of a rapid consumption, that amiable young creature, MISS COMMERCIAL REGISTER. She was only in the 14th number of her file, and in the fifth week of her age. Meriwether had collected all the subscription money, which was tangible. He then set out for Richmond; and left his unlucky subscribers to do their best, and their worst. Merry had probably collected some hundreds of dollars, by subscription. He packed them up, and set out for Richmond to meet the city serjeant, or perhaps the city constables; and so, Messrs. subscribers may whistle for the balance. This affair is so very like one of JEMMY LYON's manoeuvres, that one would almost suspect Meriwether of having stolen the scheme from him. As a complete swindler, JEMMY might have had room in the Recorder, a long time ago. But it is presumed that he will not, without serious reflection, present his nose, another time, in Richmond. If he shall shew his precious person at this office, where Jemmy has a pair of his creditors, that distinguished Republican shall retreat much faster than he advanced.

Something is to be published in tomorrow's Examiner, about one Richard Watkins, or some such name, who wrote to have his Recorder stop , as he did not like the paper. We have looked over our list a second time, and we cannot find a trace of him. He has, as he says, a receipt for subscription money. If he had called at this office, and shown such a receipt, he would have had a satisfactory answer. He chose to send an impertinent letter. He got a civil answer. The receipt is, very likely, a forgery. In to-day's Examiner, we shall have two or three other columns of ribbaldry from bipeds who do not deserve the name of men, who dance, and drink, with magnificently coloured huffies and who prefer their charms to the chaste elegance of a Virginian female.
FERDINANDO FAIRFAX.
SOME days ago, we received from the post office a tremendous packet, which was charged at no less than six shillings. As we did not care to incur such a penalty without being acquainted with the wherefore , this dispatch was returned to Mr. Davis, with a request that he would open it. This he did; and it seems that it came from FERDINANDO FAIRFAX. Of this gentleman we know nothing, but that he has wantonly attempted to defraud us of four shillings. His name had been placed upon our list, at the desire of a gentleman, with whom this Mr. Fairfax is intimately acquainted. We wish that Ferdinando had assigned his provocation for making this unsuccessful essay of robbery. If he did not like the Recorder, he might have announced his resignation, post-paid, in a civil letter. Does Ferdinando feel that any of the moral lectures which abound in this paper, apply with peculiar propriety to himself? Does he keep a negro girl? Has he five children, as brown as mahogany, or as black as ebony? Did our observations upon Mrs. Examiner excite the jealousy of Mrs. Fairfax? Or, if Ferdinando is a widower, did the reference to SALLY JEFFERSON exasperate the domestic sensibilities of some yellow SALLY FAIRFAX? When cited to appear before a court of justice, when cited to support upon oath what he had asserted in conversation, does Ferdinando like Giles refuse to attend? Is he, like Jefferson, in the habit of patronizing a letter-keeper, and of suffering a house-breaker to dine with him? Upon the other side of the question, does Ferdinando admire the sedition act? Does he think it proper that a man should be tried before he can compel the attendance of his witnesses? Does he think it fit that Virginia should be trode, as in that instance she has been, under the cloven foot of federal despotism? Does Mr. Fairfax feel himself satisfied, because two hundred storekeepers pay a tax of fifteen dollars a piece to make up the sinecure, and defray the African debaucheries of a public printer? If such are his political tenets, we can account for his aversion to "The Recorder." But we can find no bottom for explaining his intended pillage of four shillings. The press of Virginia has been too long under the respective bridles of two political parties. We shall endeavour to illustrate, to assert, and to confirm its importance, its independence, and its dignity.
We are sorry at being obliged to speak in this style to any person. But Mr. Fairfax attacked, and he must permit us to defend. He cannot fail of being disgusted, and so are we, at many scenes of depravity, which have been described in this paper. But whether does the voice of public censure exert itself upon the felon, who commits a crime, or the attorney general, who arraigns him? If William Duane entered, at the dead of night, into the office of the national treasury; if he printed partial and mutilated extracts from the official records; if he filled the whole continent with tumult and imposture, is it culpable to drag his deeds of darkness into day? Is the guilt of Nero's crimes transferred to the histo-
rian who describes them? And if a president of the United States can be found mean and base enough to press to his bosom this most abandoned of house-breakers, is it proper, that the citizens should be kept ignorant of such a monstrous alliance? Talk of the invidiousness of the press! For the same reason that Mr. Fairfax returned "The Recorder", the fancies of Juvenal excited enemies at Rome; and the poet was banished by the tyrant who esteemed and hated him. But, at the distance of seventeen centuries, the name of Juvenal commands our respect, while Domitian is mentioned with disgust and horror.
MORE ABOUT SALLY AND THE PRESIDENT.
FOR two days after the publication of the Recorder of September 1st, the democrats were at a loss what to say or think. The Phillistine priesthood were not more confounded, when they saw their idol Dagon prostrate and broke to pieces. The Demos set out with a sturdy denial of Sally's existence. They had been in this country during their whole lives. They had never heard a word of her. How then should Callender get hold of the story? Depend upon it, sir, the whole must be a lie. It cannot possibly be true. A thing so brutal, so disgraceful! A thing so foreign to Mr. Jefferson's character! The scoundrel has been disappointed and affronted, you know, and this way he seeks revenge. That Recorder was published on the same day when the district court sate down. Of course the capitol was full of people. Not one person at first would venture to say that he had ever heard a sentence of the matter. The Democrats considered this silence as the signal of victory, and rising in their tone, affirmed that the author of so vile a slander should get his ears cut off. Others were for hanging him. The house rung with clamours of execration and revenge. But alas! their triumph was very short. There was only one part of the statement wherein Callender was wrong. The negro wench did not go to France in the same vessel with the president. Mr. Jefferson himself saw her, with his elder daughter, in another vessel, with the president, as her waiting maid. As for her worthy FATHER, it is impossible to speak in proper words of him, till human nature shall produce a second GEORGE BUCHANAN, or a second JUVENAL. Mr. Jefferson is just in the condition of the prophet Jonah. Unless the republicans cast him overboard, the universal horror of mankind will sink their vessel. It is at present something more than two years till the next election for president. If this disclosure had been reserved for eighteen months longer, if it had been suffered to explode in the bustle of an approaching election, it must, with the velocity of a thunder-bolt, have smote and shivered the Republican interest. Their enemies must have dubbed them the mulatto party. Every store would have been decorated with prints of president Tom, and his mother, who is a slut as common as the pavement. Mr. Jefferson himself would have been exhibited with a whole forest of black and yellow horns, nodding upon his brows, and large enough to have embraced the skeleton of a mammoth. The arms of a Roman legion were useless without Romans to handle them. But under the management of a master pen, a tale hideous like this, and exploding, like Vesuvius, in the very focus of an election, would be quite sufficient for sinking any party.
The timely disruption of this unhappy secret gives room for the republicans to desert their chieftain, and to rally round the standard of a more decent leader. But if they hesitate, and trim, if they pretend to palliate or deny the charge, if they shall be mad enough to afford leisure for public suspicion and detestation to rush in battle against them, the republican party are gone forever. What signify ten thousand such men as Giles and Madison, or all the duellists in and
about Richmond; or if an effort of creative power could call into birth ten thousand such men as the immortal HENRY, what would all these signify, when contradicted by the omnipotent voice of nature, by the most established, the most sacred maxims of social and domestic life? But the case that every white man in Virginia had done as much as Thomas Jefferson has done towards the utter destruction of its happiness, that eighty thousand white men had, each of them, been the father of five mulatto children. Thus you have four hundred thousand mulattoes in addition to the present swarm. The country would be no longer habitable, till after a civil war, and a series of massacres. We all know with absolute certainty that the contest would end in the utter extirpation both of blacks and mulattoes. We know that the continent has as many white people, as could eat the whole race at a breakfast. In Pennsylvania, you may travel ninety miles, as I once did, without meeting a single black face. The whole state does not contain half as many black people as the single county of Henrico. But these ignorant simple creatures do not know one word of all this. Even very few of the white people know that the blacks and mulattoes, taken together are but as two to every three white persons in the state. This comfortable truth appears by every census; and we have had three that I know of, within these twenty five years. A reinforcement of four hundred thousand mulattoes to the population of this state would indeed be a valuable thing. At least, Mr. Jefferson is of that opinion. His personal exertions have produced his proportion of the number. And the man who has gone such lengths towards the ruin of his country is himself, the very flower and gem of republican principles. More of this in our next.
How stands the great account 'twixt me and vengeance?
Much has been done, but much does still remain.
And I will not give a single groan.
* Dr. Young.
NEW-YORK HERALD
Some little time ago, Mr. Francis Blake, alias ditto , Hector Ironside, Esq. the callow editor of Levi Lincoln, Esq. the Attorney-General of Mr. President Jefferson, declared, in so many words, that he wanted only to be convinced that Mr. Jefferson had been the Proprietor before he paid the money, and his defence of him, and we presume Mr. Lincoln's defence too, of course, should be at an end. Callender observing this, has very obligingly sent us the following letter for the perusal and amusement of these candid gentlemen. He will accept our thanks. Now, if words mean anything, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Blake will both "tore tail in a fit of contrition."
Richmond, September 2. 1802,
SIR,
I am extremely tired of these long stories, in Cheetham and the Regis , attempting to shew that Mr. Jefferson disapproved of the contents of The Prospect , and that he paid these hundred dollars without being aware what kind of a book it was to be . The first fifty dollars were not paid until he had seen a very large specimen of the book. This had been printed in Lyon's Magazine. It begins with the History of the Proclamation of Neutrality . The magazine sheets were inclosed in a letter. The answer came in a few days, with directions to call on George Jefferson. The second fifty dollars were not paid till four months after I was in prison. The second volume was then begun to be printed. I sent Mr. Jefferson a specimen: Mr. George Jefferson then called with the second fifty dollars. As soon as he was gone, I went out of jail to the house of the keeper, Mr. Rose, and lodged the money with him. The old gentleman was remarking to me, last evening,
the absurdity of grounding Mr. Jefferson's defence upon his being ignorant of the nature and title, seeing the work had been published, and I had been tried for it, so many months before the second remittance was made. For this latter circumstance, George Jefferson can bear witness. Duane, Cheetham, and the Regis may bark and grin as long as they please. But I am sure that no man of the least judgment will believe them, when they refer all these remittances to charity. I fancy that I shall finally be provoked to print one of Jefferson's letters on the subject, and lodge the original manuscript with the Mayor of Richmond.
SALLY's business makes a prodigious noise here. You may save yourself the trouble of a moment's doubt in believing the story. But what will your pious countrymen upon the Connecticut say to such African amours? After this discovery I do not believe that, at the next election of 1804, Jefferson could obtain two votes on the Eastern side of the Susquehanna; and I think hardly four upon this side of it. He will, therefore, be laid aside---As for Madison, he is a poor consumptive thing, 5 foot 2 or 3 inches high; deeply wrinkled, and nothing but skin and bone. He has not a constitution capable of supporting official fatigue.
I am, in haste, Sir,
Yours, &c.
JAS. T. CALLENDER.
ON Saturday next, may be had at this office a pamphlet entitled the conduct of Mr. Robert Jones . A more full advertisement will appear in our next paper.
From the Gazette of the United States,
Duane and Cheetham have had the indiscretion to make too free with the name of Callender, the consequence of which has been a succession of such drubbings from Callender, as would have compelled men who place the least value upon personal reputation to quit the country, and never again to visit this theatre of their deep disgrace. Who that is not completely hardened in infamy, could remain in
rich representation, following, without being able to repel or even to palliate them? Duane, speaking of Callender, says: "The same emotions which are excited by his personal appearance arise on the perusal of his writings."
"Callender replies" &c. Here there follows a long quotation from the Recorder of August 4th.
Duane has been so hard beset of late, by the exposure of his lies and calumnies, both by democrats, such as Wood and Callender, and by federal editors, that like a surly bull-dog, he lolls the tongue, pants and foams, but seems almost spent. From his reply to Callender one would suppose he had distilled his weakness, for it runs out STRONGER than ever.
From the Aurora.
[THE following extract from Duane has lain by us for several weeks. As for the proposed purchase of Callender, by Mr. Linton, we challenged Duane to appeal to five persons, who were publicly named, and who well knew the situation of C. at that time. Duane answers that he does not know where to find these people, and that "his own word is sufficient." We shall give this self-recorded house-breaker a longer hearing, as soon as we have balanced accounts with his paymaster, the President. In the mean time, we insert the following upon this principle. It shall never be said that Callender kept a piece out of the Recorder which was wrote against himself, because HE DID NOT KNOW HOW TO GIVE IT AN ANSWER.]
With regard to Callender, he never was respected by, nor obtained the confidence of the republican party; a few individuals, from various causes noticed him; some out of charity; others because, though they disliked his habits,

the; respected the talents which produced one of the first political tracts that ever was published, the Political Progress of Great Britain , the whole merit of which was exclusively attributed to him; others upon an after knowledge of his laxity of principle and hatred of his species, pitied him, and hoped that a change in his habits of intemperance might be made by acts of generosity; and some who despaired of his reform, or of his morals, sought to preserve his talents from being purchased and employed along with Porcupine. It is well known in this city, that such an overture was made, and the mode in which it was defeated, shall at a suitable time be made known. It was on this occasion that being founded, Callender, "said he, who pays me best is my best friend." The republicans despised him; they defeated his purchase by Litton, and they suffered him to sink in his own filth. With what justice Noah's paper can now assert that the tories have never taken a man without integrity up, the constant resort to Callender as authority by the whole round of papers of high tea , can explain. The applause bestowed on him for the most flagrant acts of baseness and ingratitude, must speak. They cannot deny that Callender is as vehemently opposed to the republican party as any tory in the country, equally gross and vulgar as Porcupine , with a double proportion of talent, of baseness of character and ingratitude.
From the Gazette of the United States.
The editor of the Aurora is in a most unhappy and deplorable condition. The characters of his principal patrons ruined, alas! for ever, by that merciless Callender. His sources of wealth and fame fast, very fast drying up; his paper rendered stale and uninteresting; and he cannot make it otherwise, because, if he lies, we shall publish an unfortunate letter of his. While all these calamities are pressing thick upon him, where can he look for solace? In the agony of his despair, he can think of but one remaining consolation: but this is an illusion. "Recitators will not take from him. LINC... father he surveys his family, and exclaims I have yet this comfort—LOOK AT MY CHILDREN."
IN the last Recorder we find an article respecting Mr. Jefferson, a certain black Sally, who went with him to France, and her yellow son named Tom. Those who wish to see the story at length are referred (for the present) to the Recorder . We have heard the same subject freely spoken of in Virginia, and by Virginian Gentlemen; but as we possess no positive vouchers for the truth of the narrative, we do not choose to admit it into the Gazette , while there remains a possibility of its being a calumny. If it is not true, it will doubtless be contradicted by proper authority, and Callender will be punished, as he ought, for so enormous a libel. It may not be improper to mention that, there is a story, the truth of which we do know, of a much more criminal and flagitious transaction than the one of which the president is here accused. It is to be hoped, for the honor of humanity, that there will be no occasion to relate it: as the time approaches for another election of president, it will be easy to discern whether the work must be told. A great man doubtless recollects the wife of a certain friend, who was, lest under his protection, while her husband was abroad. Verbum sat sapienti.
[Mr. Bronson hardly knows what he speaks about, when he conceits that, if this mulatto charge is untrue, the author of it could be prosecuted for a libel. If Bronson were acquainted with any transaction more flagitious than that of Sally, he would very soon ease himself of the secret. The latter part of his paragraph amounts to nothing but a silly attempt at looking wiser than his neighbours. There is no question but what Bronson is very willing to tell the very worst which he knows of Jefferson; and if he had been master of Sally's affair, the world would long since have been made acquainted with it.]
FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER FOR APRIL 1802.
LETTER FROM WILLIAM COBBETT, TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE
LORD HAWKESBURY,
His majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs.
MY LORD,
I now come to the 8th point, which I proposed to discuss; namely, the cession of Louisiana, and as an inevitable consequence, of the Floridas, by Spain to France.
Laying aside, for the present, the flagrant and criminal neglect to obtain, in the definitive treaty, a renunciation of this cession, I shall proceed to point out some of the consequences of the cession itself.
The acquisition I am now speaking of, may be viewed in three distinct lights; first, as giving to France an addition of dominion and of commercial and maritime resources; secondly, as subjecting the United States of America to the dictates of her interests, or her ambition, and thereby enlarging her commercial intercourse with a country which, at this time, consumes more than one fourth of all our exported manufactures; and thirdly, as a military and naval position, from which she will be able to annoy Canada, and the United States, to seize on the Spanish mines and to harass, if not cut off, a considerable portion of the trade of Great Britain.
What I have to say my lord, on all of these points, will perhaps amount to little more than what I have at different times already said; but, though I do not expect to produce an effect on your lordship, I am not quite destitute of hope with respect to others, who may not possess an "hereditary disposition to office," and, therefore, I am inclined to venture on repetition, rather than to lose the chance of a triumph to truth.
First, as giving to France an addition of dominion and of commercial and maritime resources, the acquisition of the Floridas (for one without the other)
is of the utmost importance. It will for a moment suppose her to hold these colonies merely as such, merely for the purposes of cultivation, for the sake of their produce, and as a marker for her own goods; in this view alone they are invaluable. The lands in Louisiana are unquestionably the richest in the world. From the borders of the Mississippi the whole of the French West India colonies may, at a very low rate, be supplied with provisions and lumber, which are the articles of the very first necessity to those colonies, and which our colonies are compelled to purchase, at a high price from the United States of America. The lands in the Floridas, and in the lower parts of Louisiana, produce rice and cotton in as great abundance, and with as little cultivation, as those of Georgia. The article of cotton is at this time in particular, of great moment. It is an article which feeds the most extensive and most profitable of all manufactures. By the peace we have stripped ourselves of all the colonies whence we imported any considerable quantity of cotton, and we must, in future, depend in this respect almost entirely on foreign countries, on countries, under the controul of our rival and enemy, while that rival and enemy, not only possesses her full share of the cotton islands in the West Indies, but has now added to her dominions cotton lands equal in goodness and greater in extent than those of Georgia itself.
Your Lordship will, perhaps, tell me that cotton plantations are not rendered productive in a day. No, my lord, not in a day, it is true; but, if your lordship or the board of trade, knows any thing about the commerce of American States (of which I very much doubt,) you must know, that it does not require a great many days to render such lands productive. Only ten years ago, America grew hardly any cotton. She wanted very little indeed of this article in the raw state, but what she did want she imported. This same country exported
last year 16 millions of pounds of this valuable material, more than nine-tenths of which grew in the state of Georgia, and your lordship will see from the map, that Georgia is divided from the Floridas by a mere land-mark, and from Louisiana by the Mississippi.
Should your lordship, or the sagacious Mr. Chalmers, ask how it comes to pass, that the Spaniards have never been able to make any thing of the cotton lands? I ask you, in return, how it comes to pass that they have not been able to make any thing of two-thirds of the island of St. Domingo, while the French have exported, annually, produce to the amount of seven millions sterling from the other third of the same island? But, my lord, the Spaniards have been able to make something of the cotton land, on the banks of the Mississippi. They have, in some degree, profited from the example of their more industrious neighbours, and the New-Orleans cotton is no less familiar to the ears of the merchants than that of Savannah. The cultivation has already been successfully begun, and there wants nothing but the enterprize of the French, and the market of Europe, which France has at her absolute command, to render the territory, now ceded to her, the first in the world for the produce of a commodity, in the manufacture of which we have long been an object of her envy. The fages of the board of trade may illuminate their houses, because the cotton lands of the Mississippi, and the manufactures of Belgium have passed together into the hands of the French; but the nation will finally feel the effects of this transfer, and it is feeling alone, my lord, that can teach them to estimate the merits of statesmen, who have an "hereditary disposition to office."
Secondly, this cession may be viewed as giving to the French a commanding influence over the will of the Government and people of the United States, to the prejudice of Great Britain. And here, my lord, I am particularly anxious to direct your attention to the map, which I have caused to be made purely for the instruction of your lordship. "How poor a thing a noble office!" Had she
been a garter at Garret at Garret, she would have been called ten months sooner to perform his task, your lordship's mind might have been enlightened, and a continent might have been saved from the tangs of France!
The states of Kentucky and Tennessee and the other districts which are not yet formed into states, together with the back part of the state of Georgia, contain a population of about half a million of souls; that is to say, a tenth part of the whole population of the United States. These people are separated from the Eastern part of the union, by a wilderness of three, four, or five hundred miles. Their produce, which is raised on the most fertile soil in the world, their beef, their pork, their butter, their Indian corn, their wheat, their lumber, their shingles, their staves, their boats and their sloops, all the produce of their lands and of their labour, must find its way to market down the river Mississippi, of which the French will now have the sole command, by being in possession of New-Orleans. This place, which has increased of late years in an astonishing degree, and which is very considerable in point of population and wealth, has not only the command of the river, but it is the only convenient place of deposit for goods coming down from the American settlements. By a treaty with Spain, which was, however, not obtained without some difficulty and a good deal of address, the Americans obtained the free passage of the Mississippi. But France has stipulated for a transfer of Louisiana, with all its
* The quantity of cotton exported last year, by the United States of America, surpasses the greatest quantity ever exported, in one year, by all the West India Islands put together. The land capable of bearing cotton in Louisiana reaches two hundred miles to the Northward, and towards the West they have no limits but those of the continent itself.
attendant rights of sovereignty, without any exception relative to the treaty entered into between America and Spain. A similar treaty must now be obtained from France, or the Mississippi may, at any moment be shut against the people of Kentucky and Tennessee. France, therefore, without any hostile attempts on this new and detached part of the Union, without even having recourse to threats, is at once placed in a situation to dictate terms to the United States. Besides this circumstance, she will have the people themselves in her favor. They have very little attachment to their eastern brethren; their interests are totally separate; they are, indeed, the rivals of the latter, and can be expected to make no sacrifices for the preservation of union with them. All the protection they want is, occasionally, against the Indians, which would be more effectually afforded by the legions of France, than by their own distant, and in a military point of view, feeble government.
As to patriotism, he must be very little acquainted with their history who expects to find it among them. Not one of those, what is arrived at years of maturity, was born upon the spot. They are entirely composed of emigrants, all speculators, or agricultural adventurers; men who understand fil indeed extremely well, but who know nothing of country ; who, like the late Duke of Bedford of glorious memory, can distinguish "with a learned spirit" all the various qualities of sand and gravel, and loam and marle, and chalk and lime, and mud and dung, but who have no more idea of national honor and independence, who think no more about their ancestors, or their posterity, than the gamblers of Change Alley, or the framers of the treaty of Amiens.
Such people, my lord, you well know, are not much disposed to make sacrifices for the good of their country. Yet, for many and weighty reasons, the government and people of the United States will be extremely loth to give up or endanger the allegiance of the western settlers. France too, for a time at least, can have no desire to receive them; but she will not fail to regard its existence in the hands of the United States as a pledge for their devotion to her will. When or how she may begin to turn this advantage to account, it is impossible to say; but when our commercial treaty with the United States expires, which will be in two years from the signature of the preliminaries between us and our new friend Buonaparte, I shall be very much astonished if British goods are suffered to enter the ports of America upon their present footing. Your lordship seems to think that commercial treaties are of no use; and I dare say, you rejoice at the prospect of our getting rid of one more of the few that remain to cramp our operations: with you, therefore it is useless to argue, but let me ask the manufacturers how they would like to hear that America has imposed a duty of ten or twenty per centum more on their goods, than on similar goods from Holland, Germany, or France? They will, perhaps, answer that they shall still endeavour to support a competition, and if they should fail, they can, as a last resource, transfer their capital to the more favored dominions of France; to which of course, I have nothing to reply.
The French will not, however, exert their influence in this respect openly and despotically. They will endeavour to give plausibility to their proceedings. They will alledge, that they will not to deprive Great Britain of commerce, but to make her give up her navigation laws, and to come into a system less harsh and hostile towards other nations, a system which shall in future prevent her from being "the tyrant of the seas." These reasons will be satisfactory to all the maritime nations, and particularly to America, the president of which was himself the original author of the very system that France has now adopted, and that she will spare nothing to enforce, because it is the only means by which she can destroy the foundation of our naval power, on which alone our national existence depends.
(To be continued.)