The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-01-18 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 78.]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY MORNING, JANUARY 18, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday the 25th inst. at 12 o'Clock, on the premises, will be sold on a credit of 6, 12 and 18 months, for notes with approved security, the estate in the Bank of Virginia.
THE TENEMENT lately occupied by Mr. Yearman Smith, at Hay-Market, together with another tenement attached thereto.
PROSSER & MUNCUR, V. M's.
January 16. ep1d.
MARSHAL'S SALES.
To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Placida Bond, attorneys for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, p'st, and David Roff and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 967 dols. 89 cts. due and payable on the first day of July, 1805, and the interest thereon at 16 2/3 dols. 66 cts. due on the 1st day of January, 1805, that valuable and well known estate, in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEONIS, situate by and near the town of Botetourt.
The Sale will take place on the premises, on the 27th day of February next.
Also on the 4th day of March next, under the aforesaid decree, will be sold at the Oxford Iron Works, in the county of Campbell, a number of valuable SLAVES.
BENJ. MOSBY, D. M. for
JOHN SCOTT, M. V. D.
January 16. ep1d.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust made to the subscriber by John Kilby of the county of Henrico, to secure the sum of £115 due from the said Kilby to Thomas Cowley of the city of Richmond; will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in ready money, at the Auction Store of Taylor and Brown, in the city of Richmond, on Friday the 24th of this present month: four negro slaves to wit: Aggy, Purley, Emmanuel and Abraham or as many of them as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum aforesaid and all costs and charges attending the sale.
SAMUEL WHITE, Trustee.
January 19. (tf)
JOHN AMSDEN,
From New-York, a few doors below the Court-House
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has taken the house lately occupied by S. Osgood, as a blacksmith shop, where he is carrying on the above business in all its various branches. He makes Edge tools, Shop Tools and repairs Jack screws, Bellows and Saws. Railing made to any pattern; Horse-Work in general executed with dispatch. He flatters himself that by the attention he will pay to his business, and from the experience he has had in the best shops in the U. States, that he will give general satisfaction to those who are good enough to favour him with their custom.
January 16. TESTB 8p.
THE SUBSCRIBER,
INTENDS in addition to the courts of Richmond and King William, in which he now practices, to attend the county court of New-Kent.
WILLIAM FITZHUGH BRAXTON.
January 16. Tdw.
ANDREW STEVENSON, in addition to the courts of King William and Henrico; practices law in the county court of New-Kent.
January 16. TB & S. dt.
SLAVES FOR SALE.
ON Monday the 10th day of February next, at Hanover Town, will be exposed for sale, five or six likely SLAVES, to the highest bidder, for ready money.
January 16. ep1d.
THE subscribers offer for sale, their revolutionary right in a new fire-proof warehouse on Maxwell's Wharf in the Borough of Norfolk, described in the will of Doctor John K. Read, dec'd. as his uppermost warehouse.
In this property, Mrs. Helen Read has a life estate.
MERIWETHER JONES,
BENJAMIN F. READ.
It is probable that I may leave this estate ere long: in which event, Meriwether Jones will be fully authorised to act for me.
BENJAMIN F. READ.
November 1. tf
THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission.
His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's.
CARTER B. PAGE.
December 31. tf
I HAVE received direct from Bordeaux, 100 Boxes of PRUNES, which I shall sell very low: they are fine and very fresh. Those who feel an inclination to purchase a few boxes, will apply to the subscriber on Shockoe-Hill, in one of Judge Wythe's new brick houses.
LEWIS M. RIVALAIN.
December 27. & c. tf.
TO BE RENTED,
MY HOUSE and LOT, upon Shockoe-Hill, in an airy pleasant situation. For terms, apply to Mr. Samuel McGraw, who is fully authorized by me, to treat for the same, or to the subscriber. Possession may be immediately had. WILLIAM MANN.
April 30. (F.F.)
TUITION.
WINGFIELD Academy (in the forks of Hanover) will be opened the second Monday in January next. In this Seminary youth will be taught the Greek and Latin languages, English Grammar, Arithmetic, Geometry, Geography and the use of the Globes.
There will be two sessions in the year, the one to continue from the commencement to the 1st of June, the other from the 1st of July to the 10th of December. The price of board, tuition and washing for each boy under fifteen years of age, will be twenty-eight pounds, and for every other thirty pounds to be paid quarterly in advance.
The tuition and lodging house will be put in good order for the reception of twenty pupils, and ten or twelve may be accommodated with bedding at forty shillings each.
The greatest attention will be paid to the health, morals, and literary and scientific improvement of the boys.
PETER NELSON, and
WILLIAM NELSON, Jr.
December 14. Sdw
ENOCH SULLIVAN,
SILVER, GOLDSMITH AND JEWELLER,
RETURNS his grateful thanks to his friends and the public for the liberal encouragement afforded him in his line of business, and hopes by his punctilious attention to the business, to which he was bred, to insure a continuance of the favor of a liberal public. He offers now for sale at his shop adjoining the Eagle Tavern, a general assortment of silver ware and jewellery of the most fashionable kind, consisting of silver Tea Pots, cream Urns, Tumblers, Spoons, and mounting and fancy Earrings, Lockets, Finger Rings and Breast Pins, jet, white and coral Necklaces and Earrings, a general supply of Combs, plain and ornamental Pocket Knives, thread Cales, Miniature and ring Cales, gold and gilt Seals, Keys and Chains. Highest price given for old gold or silver. December 3. tf.
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Green's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. tf.
BURR MILL STONES, of ALL SIZES; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality FOR SALE, as usual, by WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [ep1d.] Dec. 4.
EDUCATION.
DURING the ensuing year Richard M. Sagar will pursue the professional instruction of youth at Col. Wm. Sagar's, Middlesex. His course of instruction will comprehend English Grammar, Latin, Geography, History, Euclid, Elements, Elocution, Book-keeping, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. His charge for tuition will be twenty dollars per annum to be paid half yearly in advance. Eight or ten boarders will be taken at seventy dollars per annum, to be paid as follows, viz. First quarter in advance, second quarter at the end of half the term, and the other two quarters at the expiration of the whole term. Each boarder must furnish his own bed and candles. The remoteness of this situation from every kind of vice renders it truly a desirable one for youth: Parents who may wish to place their sons under his tuition will make application to the subscriber or to Col. W. Sagar, in Middlesex. The school will commence on Monday the 20th January.
RICHARD M. SAGAR.
Th:20Jan.
NOTICE.
PROPOSITIONS will be received by the executive for the purchase of eight condemned negroes, reprieved for transportation under the act "to empower the governor to transport slaves condemned, when it shall be deemed expedient." Dec. 31.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed by subscriber by Andrew Cuffee, to secure to Archibald Hughes the payment of a sum of money, as expressed therein, will be sold, on Friday the 24th inst. for ready money, a LOT, with a brick house thereon, known in Duvall's plan of lot by the No. 40. The sale will take place on the premises, between the hours of twelve & two o'Clock, P. M. THOMAS UNDERWOOD, Jr. Trustee. January 2.
TO BE RENTED,
A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably attached to it is a half acre of ground well included. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
FOR SALE OR HIRE,
A Very excellent COOPER, a young man about 25 years old, of good character. Enquire of the printer. Jan. 7. ep2w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
TWO HOUSES and LOTS on Shockoe Hill, in a most desirable part of the city, and possessing every accommodation for a family. A long credit will be allowed, or Virginia Bank Stock at a very liberal price taken in exchange. I have 8000 acres of Virginia land warrants which I will sell low for cash. THOMAS NORVELL. Jan. 11. tf.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honored at any of the above-mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which this money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (cf)May.
GEORGE WILY, BROKER & COMMISSION MERCHANT, Near the Basin.
BUYS and sells all kinds of Produce—Also, auds Lots, and houses, Bank Stock, &c. He has for Sale, LOTS No. 14, 2, 3, and 4, which make one entire square in Du-Val's addition. There is a good Spring attached to them. These lots are well worth the attention of any gentleman wishing to build a summer retreat for his family. July 23.—tf.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY
5th REQUISITION.
THE shareholders of said company, are hereby required to pay into the hands of James Brander, treasurer, the additional sum of ten Dollars, on each share, on or before the 5th day of February next.
Delinquent shares on former Requisitions. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the 11th day of February next, at 12 o'Clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors, JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. December 27. f & c 11th E.
JOHNSON & REAT,
JEWELLERS, SILVER-SMITHS & VILBERS,
A few doors above the Bell-Tavern, Richmond:
RETURN the public in general their thanks, for the liberal encouragement they have received, and with confidence of giving general satisfaction, they hope for a continuance of it.
They have now on hand, a handsome assortment of work, consisting of the following articles, viz:—Table, Desert and Tea Spoons; Soup, Teddy, Sanges and Mustard Ladies; Salt Shovels; Sugar Tongs; Foot and Ear Picks; Pencil Cases; Pincushion Chains and Reams; Scissor Chains; Silver Thimbles; Tortoise Shell and Pearl-handled Penknives. Miniatures drawn and set upon the shortest notice; Mourning and Fancy Lockets; Rings ditto; Bracelets ditto; Breast Pins of various Sizes and shapes, mourning and fancy; Gold, Silver, Pearl and Conk Sleeve Buttons; Gold and Hair Watch Chains; gold Seals and Keys of different sizes and shapes; an elegant assortment of fashionable Tortoise Shell Combs, ornamented, of various sizes and shapes, just from Philadelphia; Ear-Rings of the most fashionable forms and sizes; Gold and Gold Mounted Jet Necklaces; Ladies and Gentlemen's Morocco Pocket Books; Gentlemen's Paste Knee Buckles & many other articles too tedious to enumerate—all of which they offer on the most reasonable terms. Persons wishing to purchase by the quantity, will be allowed a reasonable credit by giving approved security in the city. Orders will be strictly attended to, and discharged with dispatch, by the subscribers. JOHNSON & REAT. N. B. The highest price given for Old Gold and Silver. Nov. 10. ep1d.
FASHIONABLE GOODS.
READY made white Satin Pelisses; various dark colored Silk ditto; Florence Silk and Satin Spencers; elegant Soudie Dresses; Rich Brocades and figured Satins; Plain and figured Lenu and Figuet Mullins; A handsome variety of plain, checked and striped Sarisets; Ladies' Tamboured Neck Handkerchiefs; Shoulder Ornaments; Lace Sleeves and Gloves; which, with a general assortment of seasonable goods, are offered for sale, at moderate prices, by M. J. B. MYERS. December 28. f & c. tf.
McCABE & WALKER,
WATCH & CLOCK MAKERS,
At the corner house opposite Mr. Gables' Store
Richmond.
OFFER their services to the public. From their attention to all commands appertaining to their business, and the pains that will be bestowed in the execution of their work, they have full confidence to hope for a continuance of the favours they may receive. Great care will be taken in repairing all kinds of watches and clocks. December 3. (tf)
WARDLAW,
has received his fall supply
of Medicines, by the ship Rolla from London; also a great variety of Paints, Varnishes, Surgical Instruments, patent Medicines, &c. &c. And by the ship George from Liverpool, a large supply of vials and shop glass. Those who favor him with their custom may depend on being supplied with every article in his line on the most liberal terms. The citizens of Richmond are requested when they apply at his shop by a child or servant to put the name of the article wanted on paper to prevent mistakes. Nov. 1. tf.
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER,
MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. B—round the Calf. B—B—the pitch of ditto. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and flicka knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. ep1d.
NOTICE.
HAVING commenced the BURR MILL STONE MAKING, in September last, at my shop, near the Basin of the Canal, I have now finished for sale stones of 4 feet 4 feet 6 and 5 feet diameters of best quality and workmanship. I have a large proportion of Close Hand Burrs, suitable for grinding corn, and will shortly receive additional supplies of good materials. Those who please to favour me with their commands, will be served faithfully on reasonable terms. I will choose bolting Cloths for those who desire it, suitable to their purposes. I tender my thanks to the public for past favours, and hope for future encouragement. JOHN MOODY. December 24. T&Sdw.
TO SPORTSMEN.
THE executors of John Hosmer, deceased, late of the Bowling Green, are authorised to dispose of a part or the whole of his stock of horses, consisting of imported and Country Bred Stallions, Brood Mares, Colts, and Fillies, of the most approved Blood. Gentlemen, wishing to purchase, may know the terms either by letter or personal application to the executors. Should the Stallions not be disposed of by the middle of February, they will then be farmed out, until the 1st of August. Bowling Green, January 11. tf.
Seat of Government.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MEMORIAL
Of the House of Representatives of the Territory of Orleans, praying that an alteration may be made in the law of last session, respecting the titles of lands; and for a further encouragement to the culture of sugar. December 31, 1805.
Read and referred to Mr. Anderson, Mr. Tracy, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Bradley, and Mr. Adams.
IN THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Of the Territory of Orleans.
THURSDAY, THE 14TH NOV. 1805.
To the honourable the Senate, and to the honourable the House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, the memorial of the House of Representatives of the territory of Orleans,
RESPECTFULLY REPRESENTS—
THAT your memorialists have carefully considered the act passed at the 1st session of Congress, entitled "An act for ascertaining, & adjusting the titles and claims to land within the territory of Orleans, and the district of Louisiana;" and whilst they applaud the motive, which has thus early called your attention to that subject, they remain impressed with a conviction that many of the provisions of that act require amendment. Attributing these defects in the law to the want of that local information, with their remote situation from the seat of government, has rendered it impossible you should attain; your memorialists confidently trust, that upon exposing the injuries to which they would be subjected by the execution of that act, in its present imperfect form, your honourable body will apply the appropriate remedy.
The former governments of France and Spain, under whose dominion this country has successively passed, did not consider the vacant lands as a source from which revenue was to be derived, but as a means of increasing the population of the country, encouraging its agriculture, and gaining the affection of its inhabitants. Hence they were ever ready to grant lands to those who removed to the province and applied for them; and although the concessions generally contained conditions, that the lands should be settled within three years, that the roads and levies should be made, & that the grantee should not alien, unless the conditions were performed; yet it was well understood that these conditions, like those imposed by the British government, in many of her colonial patentees, were not designed for the purpose of compelling a rigorous performance of them, but with a view to impress upon the grantee with a sense of dependance upon that government from which his titles emanated, and to bind him to that sovereignty, upon whom they depended for ultimate confirmation. In no case were lands re-annexed to the king's dominion for want of a performance of the conditions, except where the grantee had manifested some decided disposition to abandon them, or to leave the province; and even then such lands were never considered as liable to be re-granted, until the surveyor general, who was ordered to make the necessary inquiries, reported that the lands in question were subject, in consequence of neglecting to perform the conditions, to be re-annexed to his majesty's domain. From this view of the subject, your honourable body will readily account for that want of a disposition to speculate in lands, which is manifested by the small tracts which are now held by all the ancient inhabitants, and for that negligence in obtaining complete titles, which would in other countries be inexcusable and unaccountable. Where government, professing immense tracts of land, were ever ready to bestow them on the first applicant, it is obvious that such property would never be considered as worth the expence of engrossing; and where new concessions were daily offered to strangers, it is not surprising that the old inhabitants should feel secure, even with imperfect titles, on the scanty portions which their ancestors or themselves had acquired.
The act to which we have called the attention of Congress, requires that, in order to the confirmation of incomplete titles, dated prior to the first day of October, 1800, it shall be necessary.
1st. That the person in whose favor the warrant issued, should at the time it emanated, have attained the age of twenty-one, or have been the head of a family. 2d. That the lands should have been actually inhabited and cultivated on the 1st day of October, 1800, by the grantee, or by some one for his use.
The instances where, after performing the conditions in the warrant of survey, the settlers have proceeded to obtain his patent, are comparatively few. Lulled into security by causes already briefly enumerated, he depended confidently on his possession, accompanied by his survey; and in numerous instances, after performing the conditions, the lands have been transferred by repeated sales, or have passed by testament or descent through numerous heirs or devisees, without any other written evidence of right, than a warrant, followed by a plat & certificate of survey. Aged invalids are now the proprietors of tracts, held under warrants granted to minors; and numerous families at this moment, subsist upon the productions of lands, formerly granted to those who were then unmarried and without families. Indeed infancy, celibacy, or the want of a family, were never thought of as objections to the emanation of patents under the French or Spanish governments, and your memorialists humbly presume, can never furnish a just reason for refusing a confirmation of incomplete claims under the equitable government of the United States.
Your memorialists, therefore, confidently trust, that your honourable body, aware of the injustice of changing the tenures, by which their lands have heretofore been held, will not make the titles of the citizens of this territory, depend upon conditions not known to them at the time of acquiring their property, nor inserted in their concessions, and not contemplated by the laws or usages of the government, from which their claims are derived.
An inspection of the concessions, or warrants of survey, issued by the Spanish authorities here, will prove that manifest injustice will be done to numerous claimants, should proof be required that the lands were actually inhabited and cultivated on the 1st day of October, 1800, by him in whose favour the warrant issued, or by some person for his use. In the form of these concessions or warrants of survey, little variety is discoverable. They state that the roads and levies, where there are necessary, are to be made within a year, that the land is to be settled before the expiration of three years, and is not to be aliened, until the conditions are performed. Upon the most strict construction of this instrument, it is clear that the holder of it is allowed three years to settle his land, and that this period cannot be abridged without an act of manifest injustice. In all instances, where the orders of survey are not dated more than three years anterior to the 1st day of October, 1800, this provision of the act, would operate to the great injury of the honest claimant. Your memorialists beg leave to be indulged in repeating that the Spanish government never refused their grants on account of the non performance of the conditions, unless the party claiming had evinced some disposition to abandon the land, or to emigrate from the province. It may be proper also to observe, that in many instances, where lands had been long settled, and every condition religiously performed, the proprietor had either settled on some other tract, which he had acquired by purchase, and had permitted his former acquisition to remain on the 1st day of October, uninhabited and uncultivated, either by himself, or by any person for his use. It would seem superfluous to observe on the injustice of refusing to confirm a claim under these circumstances, for want of residence and cultivation; and yet such is the actual state of numerous claimants within the territory of Orleans. Your memorialists therefore pray, that so much of the act, as requires actual residence on the land, and cultivation, may be dispens'd with, and the commissioners in confirming titles, shall be guided by the tenor of the title papers, and the laws & usages of the government from which their claims are derived.
Your memorialists have also discovered, with extreme regret, that no provision is made for recording and confirming any incomplete titles under Spanish warrants, dated subsequent to the first day of October, 1800, and prior to the period at which their territory was surrendered to the French republic. It is a fact well known to your honourable body, that after the treaty of St. Ildephonso, the Spanish authorities continued in possession of this territory, exercised their usual acts of sovereignty, and were supposed by her subjects to enjoy their former unlimited right of granting away the soil. Hence proceeded that confidence which allured adventurers to this country, induced them to accept surveys of land, to enter into possession, and faithfully to perform the usual conditions. That regard for equity, which prevails in the ordinary tribunals of the U. S. would, it is supposed, prefer a confirmation of titles commenced under such circumstances; and your memorialists hope that some provision will be made, by which claimants under Spanish titles, dated since the first day of October, 1800, shall be confirmed in their rights.
Your memorialists deem it a sacred duty, which they owe to themselves and to their constituents, to apprise your honorable body, that in consequence of repeated calamities by fire, and owing to the loss of papers and records, consequent upon the frequent political changes, to which this country has been subjected, the title papers of numerous claimants have been lost or entirely destroyed. It is some consolation under this misfortune, that the claimants who have suffered most in the loss of papers, are generally those who have remained long in peaceable possession, and who will be able to prove an acknowledged right, not disputed for a succession of years. Equity, however, and a just regard for the peculiar situation of those who have been thus deprived of the evidence of their rights, would seem to require that some specific provision should be made for their relief.
From reflecting on the extent of the districts, of the difficulty of travelling through them, and recollecting that the same individuals may necessarily have business, as parties or witnesses at each of the boards, your memorialists are induced to believe that the time allowed at present for registering, will be too short, and therefore pray that it may be extended.
In many parts of this territory, but particularly in the large and populous counties of Orleans, Iberville, and Opelousas, the inhabitants have generally settled upon bayous or rivers, where the soil is extremely fertile, but where there is not a sufficiency of timber for the purposes of fuel, and agricultural conveniences. Immediately behind these lands the prairies or natural meadows commence, and continue to different extents of from one to twenty, and even thirty miles. These prairies are destitute of timber, and terminate in marshes, or cypress swamps. The timber growing on these marshes, has been the only source from which the settlers have supplied themselves, and the Spanish authorities here convinced of the importance of reserving them, as a common for the use of the inhabitants, refused to grant them to individuals. The swamps at this moment belong to the United States, and severe penalties are annexed to the offence of cutting timber upon them. Without a continuance of the indulgent permission to use the timber on these swamps, the inhabitants situated near the prairies will be compelled to abandon their habitations. Your memorialists therefore pray, that the citizens of this territory situated as aforesaid, may be allowed the use of the nearest cypress swamps without incurring the penalties of the law; and that legal provision may be made, securing them in the right of common in such lands.
Another subject of incalculable importance to the most useful cultivations in this territory, is that which relates to the two borders of the river, below the Chafataye, and Iberville, forces itself upon the attention of your memorialists, and seems to deserve the tender consideration of your honorable body. The lands alluded to, are divided into small tracts, which are entirely cleared on their front, and have long been under cultivation. The grantees of these lands, at the moment of acquiring them, were at liberty to be gratuitously either a single concession, by which they acquired a depth from the river of forty acres, or a double concession, by which they acquired all the land between the river and the lakes, or morasses, which approach its bor-

ders on both sides. A few of the early grantees accepted double concessions, whilst the greater number, knowing that the lands between them and the lakes, would any time be co-ceded to them upon their application, and being ignorant of the future destinies of the country, contented themselves with single concessions. These settlers felt the loss anxious to extend their grants, when they reflected that the morals and swamps profited in every where behind their lands, so far as to allow in some instances more than thirty, and many less than twenty acres in depth, for culture. The lands behind these concessions, were scarcely served by the Spanish government for the proprietors in front, and they were at any time able to procure them by offering proof that an extension of their grants, would not injure the holders of double concessions.
The culture of sugar, a culture of the first importance to the prosperity and independence of the United States; a culture forbidden by nature to the other inhabitants of the Union, and confined exclusively to this favored spot, has on many plantations already nearly exhausted the timber, and will unless aided by the cypress groves, so long reserved by the Spanish government for the present inhabitants, greatly languish or be entirely abandoned. Should these lands be exposed for sale, it is obvious that they could be bought only with a view of harassing the proprietor of the front; because not one acre of them is fit for culture of any kind, and they can be approached only by passing thro' the cultivated lands of those who are the proprietors of the front. To promote the culture of sugar, to quiet the minds of the settlers, to even them from the rapacity of those who might purchase the lands between them and the lakes, and to fulfil their expectation founded on the immemorial usages, and solemn assurances of their former governments, your memorialists pray that the holders of single concessions, may be placed upon the same footing with those to whom double concessions were granted by the government of France and Spain.
Your memorialists, before they conclude this address to your honorable body, beg leave to direct your attention to a memorial transmitted by the late legislative council, relative to the establishment and endowment of public schools, and pray that the liberality which has been so honorably displayed towards the other territories, may be generously extended to the territory of Orleans; and your memorialists, as in duty bound will ever pray
JEAN NOEL DESTRIHAN, Speaker of the House of Representatives. ELIGIUS FROMENTIN, Clerk.
European Intelligence.
FRANKFORT, Nov. 1. It is positively asserted, that the archduke Charles is marching to Austria with 50,000 men from Italy, who will be replaced there by the Russians from Corfu.
AUSTRIAN OFFICIAL ACCOUNTS.
VIENNA, October 20. After the first official information respecting the events of war, was inserted in the Court Gazette of yesterday, dispatches were brought from the army, by Major Flachenfeld; in consequence of his arrival, the following accounts were published:
1. Battle of Wertingen, fought on the 8th of October, under the command of the field marshal baron Auffenburgh. In the evening of the 12th of October, field marshal baron Von Auffenburgh was detached from Guntzburg to Wertingen, with six battalions of grenadiers, three of cuirassiers, two squadrons of hussars, Albert's cuirassiers and two of Lituars light horse to observe the enemy who had passed the Danube near Donawerth—On the forenoon of next day, the enemy made various demonstrations against our divisions, near Wertingen, which gave reason to say, that they meant to advance against them in force. This was rendered more manifest by subsequent movements, and by the march of several columns to Zofmarhausen, and towards the causeway of Guntzburg. At length the battalions passed near Wertingen, at a great distance from the army, were attacked with vivacity by the enemy's cavalry in superior numbers; and one division of cavalry, notwithstanding all the bravery they displayed, and their repeated efforts in support of the infantry, were not capable of resisting such a force. The loss on our side consisted in one officer, 100 men killed; 12 officers and one thousand four hundred and sixty nine men made prisoners. The battalions of Spork's and the archduke Louis's grenadiers, suffered most. Three standards, six cannon, and several ammunition wagons, have also fallen into the hands of the enemy. On the following day field marshal Auffenburgh was missing, and it is supposed he was taken prisoner.
2. Battle of Guntzburg, on the 9th of October, between the royal and imperial army, and the 6th corps of the French army, commanded by marshal Ney. On the 8th of October, a part of the Austrian army advanced from Ulm on Guntzburg, for the purpose of collecting the regiments which had not yet joined, but were arriving from their cantonments; and afterwards, if circumstances should permit, of proceeding by the right bank of the Danube against the enemy, should he attempt to pass the river. On the 9th, the army encamped near Guntzburg, its right wing resting on the village of Limpach, and its left on Reiffenburgh. The bridges on the Danube were occupied as far as Leimham—The Austrian Gen. Von Apres was also posted on the left bank of the Danube with a corps of light troops, to detach parties and procure information respecting the enemy.—The camp at Guntzburg was, however, scarcely occupied, when the corps of gen. Von Apres was compelled to retreat beyond the Danube, after sustaining some loss, and the gen. himself being missing. The enemy, under the command of marshal Ney, then penetrated in force to the bridges of the Danube, endeavoured to pass them, and to drive our troops from the bank. During the whole of the afternoon these attempts were made in vain, but towards the evening, a strong column of the enemy succeeded in forcing a passage of the bridge of the causeway, near Guntzburg, and penetrated into that town. The division of Bikenstein's hussars attacked this close column of the enemy with great courage; but as it had in part reached the adjacent wood, the division was obliged to retire. At night the enemy remained masters of the right bank near Guntzburg. All further attacks or attempts to pass the river were renounced, and the retreat to Ulm was effected during the night. The loss we sustained in killed cannot yet be ascertained, as there has not been time for the regiments to make their returns. There are about 500 wounded in the hospitals of Guntzburg, and nearly 600 prisoners were taken by the enemy. One piece of cannon, belonging to Spork's regiments of infantry, fell into the hands of the enemy.
between the imperial and royal army, and the 6th corps of the French army commanded by marshal Ney. The right wing of the Austrian army, before Ulm, was attacked on the 11th October with great impetuosity, by the French army of observation, under the command of marshal Ney. The plan of the French was to take Ulm, by surprise, and the attack was made to favor the operation. Our right wing repelled the enemy on each attack, with the greatest firmness and valor. At the same time gen. Mack caused a considerable number of our left wing to advance, which succeeded in turning the right of the enemy, who had two regiments of cavalry and two of infantry almost entirely destroyed. The enemy retired in the greatest disorder descending the Danube. They left nearly 1500 dead on the field of battle. We made from 8 to 900 prisoners, and took 11 cannon & the baggage of gen. Dupont, fell into our hands, and 20 ammunition waggons. A great number of other waggons, and the baggage of the prince of Schwartzzenburgh, count Klenau, and Gislay, Albert's and Mack's cuirassiers, and Latour's light horse particularly distinguished themselves. All the gen's and officers, as well as the troops, displayed at once the greatest steadiness and activity.—We lost only a few hundred men. The battle and the pursuit of the enemy lasted all night.
Proclamation of the emperor of Austria, Francis II. elective emperor of the Romans, hereditary emperor of Austria. &c.
The emperor of France has compelled me to take up arms. To his ardent desire of military achievements—his passions to be recorded in history under the title of conqueror—the limits of France, already so much enlarged, and defined by sacred treaties, still appear too narrow; he wishes to unite in his own hands all the ties upon which depends the balance of Europe. The fair fruits of exalted civilization, every species of happiness which a nation can enjoy, and which results from peace and concord; every thing which, even by himself, as the sovereignty of a great civilized people, must be held dear and estimable, is to be destroyed by a war of conquest; and thus the greater part of Europe is to be compelled to submit to the laws and mandates of France.
This project announces all that the emperor of France has performed, threatened or promised. He respects no proposition which reminds him of the regard prescribed by the law of nations to the sacredness of treaties, and of the first obligations which are due towards foreign independent states. At the very time that he knew of the mediation of Russia, and of every step which, directed equally by a regard to my own dignity, and to the feelings of my heart, I adopted, for the re-establishment of tranquility, the security of my states, and the promotion of a general peace, his views were fully disclosed, and no choice was left between war, and unarmed, abject submission!
Under these circumstances, I took hold of that hand which the emperor of Russia, animated by the noblest feelings in behalf of the cause of justice and independence, stretched forth to support me. Far from attacking the throne of the emperor of France, and keeping steadily in view the preservation of peace, which we so publicly and sincerely stated to be our only wish, we declared in the presence of all Europe, "that we would, in no event, interfere, in the internal concerns of France, nor make any alteration in the new constitution which Germany received after the peace of Luneville." Peace and independence were the only objects which we wished to attain; no ambitious views, no intention, such as that since ascribed to me, of subjugating Bavaria, had any there in our councils.
But the Sovereign of France, totally regardless of the general tranquility, listened not to these overtures. Wholly absorbed in himself, and occupied only with the display of his own greatness and omnipotence, he collected all his force—compelled Holland and the elector of Bavaria to join him—whilst his secret ally the elector Palatine, false to his sacred promise, voluntarily delivered himself up to him; violated, in the most insulting manner, the neutrality of the king of Prussia, at the very moment that he had given the most solemn promises to respect it; and by these violent proceedings he succeeded in surrounding and cutting off a part of the troops which I had ordered to take a position on the Danube and the Iller, and finally, in compelling them to surrender after a brave resistance.
A proclamation no less furious than any to which the dreadful period of the French revolution gave birth, was issued, in order to animate the French army to the highest pitch of courage.
Let the intoxication of success, or the unhallowed and iniquitous spirit of revenge, actuate the foe; calm and firm I stand in the midst of 25 millions of people, who are dear to my heart, and to my family. I have a claim upon their love, for I desire their happiness. I have a claim upon their assistance; for whatever they venture for the throne, they venture for themselves, their own families, their posterity, their own happiness and tranquility, and for the preservation of all that is sacred and dear to them.
With fortitude the Austrian monarchy arose from every form which menaced it during the preceding centuries. Its intrinsic vigor is still undecayed. There still exists in the breast of those good and loyal men for whose prosperity and tranquility I combat, that ancient patriotic spirit which is ready to make every sacrifice, and to dare every thing, to save what must be saved—their throne and their independence, the national honor and the national prosperity.
From this spirit of patriotism on the part of my subjects, I expect, with a proud and tranquil confidence, every thing that is great and good; but above all things unanimity, and a quick, firm and courageous co-operation in every measure that shall be ordered, to keep the rapid strides of the enemy off from our frontier, until those numerous and powerful auxiliaries can act, which my exalted ally, the emperor of Russia, and other powers, who have formerly and recently experienced the insults of the emperor of France have declined to combat for the liberties of Europe, and the security of thrones and of nations. Success will not forsake a just cause forever; and the unanimity of the sovereigns, the proud manly courage, and the conscious strength of their people, will soon obliterate the first disasters. Peace will flourish again; and in my love, my gratitude, and their own prosperity, my faithful subjects will find a full compensation for every sacrifice which I am obliged to require for their own preservation.
In the name and at the express command of the emperor and king. FRANCIS Count SAURAU, Vienna, Oct. 20.
STATE PAPER,
Transmitted by the Baron de Hardenberg to M. Duroc and M. Laforet. The king has commanded me to communicate what follows to his excellency marshal Duroc, and to M. Laforet, envoy extraordinary
emperor of the French. His majesty is uncertain whether he ought to be more surprised at the outrages which the French armies have taken the liberty of committing in his provinces, or at the extraordinary arguments by which it is attempted at this day to justify them. Prussia had declared her neutrality; but adhering to the last to her prior engagements, all the advantages of which henceforth would be in favour of France, she made sacrifices to them, which might have endangered her dearest interests. This invariable integrity, this connection, which, without being in the least degree expensive to France, produced to her an invaluable degree of security on many essential points—how has it been repaid?—Justly jealous of that consideration which is no less due to his power than to his quality, the king has read with sensations, which he has in vain endeavoured to suppress, the justificatory dispatch communicated by the French ambassador to his cabinet. A justification is attempted upon the practice of the last wars, and the similarity of circumstances; as if the exceptions which were then admitted had not been founded upon positive acts, which have been since annulled by the peace; as if the emperor ever took those acts into his consideration, when he took possession of the country of Hanover, of a country that had been so long placed under the protection of Prussia! But ignorance of our intentions is pleaded, as if the intention did not exist in the nature of the transaction, so long as the contrary is not stipulated! As if the solemn protestations of the authorities of the province, and of the minister of his majesty to his highness the elector of Bavaria, had not sufficiently made known what was by no means necessary; and that I myself, with the map in my hand, in the conferences which I had with their excellencies M. Duroc and M. de Laforet, had not declared that no troops whatever should pass through the Margraviates; pointing out to them, at the same time, the route of communication that Bavaria had stipulated for herself, as the only one in which the march of the troops was not likely to meet with any obstruction! It has been said, that in matters of such importance, a positive explanation should take place, as if that were a duty incumbent on the power which reposed in confidence on the faith of a principle, and not upon that which intended to subvert it. In short, a pretext is made of facts which have never had any other foundation than in false reports; and in imputing outrages to the Austrians, which they have never committed, the observation of his majesty is only directed to the contrast which their conduct offers to that of the French armies. The king could have drawn from the contrasts, conclusions more unfavourable respecting the intentions of the emperor. He will confine himself to the reflection, that his imperial majesty had at least his reasons for considering the positive engagements which existed between him and Prussia, as of no importance in his eyes, under the present circumstances; and that he himself was consequently on the point of sacrificing every thing to adhere to his engagements. He considers himself this day absolved from all obligations antecedent to the present time. Thus restored to that state of things, in which he has no other duty than that of his own safety, and the maxims of common justice, the king will not the less evince that he is always animated by the same principles. To see Europe participate in that peace, in which he aspires to maintain his own subjects, is his only wish; to contribute, by all the means in his power, to re-establish it upon a solid basis, and to apply to this great work his active mediation, and his unremitting endeavours, shall be his chief duty. But impeded on every side in these his noble intentions, the king can no longer intrust to other hands than his own, the care of providing for the safety of his people. Without assurances, he finds himself compelled to order his armies to occupy those positions which are indispensably necessary for the protection of the state. Entreating their excellencies M. Duroc and M. de Laforet, to transmit these observations to his imperial majesty, I have to assure them of my high consideration.
(Signed) HARDENBERG. Berlin, Oct. 14, 1805.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, January 10.
Letters by the Volunteer, Wells, dated the 5th ult. to a respectable house in this city, announce that an order had the preceding week been issued at Leguria and Porto-Cavollo, totally prohibiting the further exportation of coffee, cocoa and hides.
(Misc. Adv.)
From the London Morning Chronicle of Nov. 15.
It appears that the numerous armies assembled in the North of Germany, where the last harvest was uncommonly bad, has created a scarcity of the most distressing kind. By the letters received yesterday from Hamburg, the price of corn has risen to an excessive degree. Our Ministers have wilely sent stores of biscuit for the maintenance of General Don's army; but it would be well if ships were instantly taken to send a supply of corn, which we can very well spare. The wheat which has been imported from the very countries which now want it, cannot find a market in this country at the price at which it was consigned; and yet not being entered for re-exportation, it cannot be sent back. Policy, as well as good neighbourhood, demand that we should relax from the law to serve them in their extremity.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
FRIDAY, January 10.
The engrossed bill providing rules and articles for the government of the army of the United States, was read a third time and passed—Ayes 58—Nays 11. Mr. J. G. Smith, from the Committee of Claims, made a report on the petition of George H. Lovelace, concluding with a resolution that the prayer of the petition ought not to be granted, in which the House concurred.
Mr. Holmes presented a memorial from the Common Council of Alexandria, praying that the provisions of the 3rd section of the act of Congress relative to quarantines, may be extended to the District of Columbia, that there may be erected at Jones's Point, the necessary buildings for the accommodation of sick and disabled seamen, and that a general quarantine establishment may be made at Jones's point at the public expense, which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Thomas presented certain proceedings of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, relative to the compensation of the mails and the imposition of postage, which was referred to the Post Office committee.
At about 12 o'clock the galleries were cleared, and the session closed until half past 3 o'clock.
SATURDAY, January 11.
A petition was presented from the inspectors of the Customs for the port of Philadelphia, praying for an increase of their compensation, and referred to the Secretary of the Treasury.
The speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary at War, exhibiting a statement of the number of fire arms, the property of the U. States, for which, designating the places where they are deposited, by which it appears, that explosion of the arms in the hands of the
119,501 muskets with bayonets. 3,666 pistols. 62 field pieces. 1,938 pair of pistols, and 918 carbines.
This communication was referred to the committee appointed on the arming of the militia.
A short time after eleven o'clock, the galleries were cleared. They continued closed until 4 o'clock when the House adjourned.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
Monday, January 13.
A communication from the Senate by their clerk:
The Senate have passed the bill, "Concerning a mill-dam authorized to be erected by Adam Hickman across the West Fork of Monongahela river."
They have also passed the bill, "Concerning the town of New-Market in the county of Shenandoah," with an amendment, to which they request the concurrence of the House of Delegates.
The house proceeded to consider the amendment to the said bill, and the same being read, was agreed to by the house.
Ordered, That the clerk acquaint the Senate thereof.
An engrossed bill, "To amend the act, entitled, an act, directing the method of proceeding in courts of equity against absent debtors and other absent defendants; and for settling the proceedings on attachments against absconding debtors," was read a third time.
Resolved, That the bill do pass, and that the title be, an act, "To amend the act, entitled, an act, directing the method of proceeding in courts of equity against absent debtors and other absent defendants; and for settling the proceedings on attachments against absconding debtors."
The house, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on a bill, "To amend the act, entitled, an act, for further continuing and amending the act, to reduce into one the several acts concerning executions and for the relief of insolvent debtors," and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Smyth (of Wythe) reported, that the committee of the whole house had, according to order, had the said bill under consideration, had gone through the same and made several amendments thereto, which he handed in at the clerk's table, where the same were read, further amended, and the said bill as amended, ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.
On motion Ordered, that the order of the day on a petition from the counties of Henry and Patrick, praying the Legislature to adopt means for calling a Convention to revise and amend the State Constitution, be postponed till Monday next.
Tuesday, January 14.
A communication from the Senate by their clerk:
The Senate have agreed to the resolutions, appointing a joint committee to call upon the president and directors of the bank of Virginia, for a statement of the amount of the capital stock of the company; of the debts due to the same; of the deposits in their coffers; of the notes in circulation and cash in hand; and for a view of the book or books containing the minutes of their proceedings, with an amendment, to which they request the concurrence of the House of Delegates.
The house proceeded to consider the said amendment, and the same being read, was agreed to by the house.
Ordered, That the clerk acquaint the Senate thereof.
The Speaker laid before the house a letter from the Governor, referring to an enclosure for the consideration of the General Assembly, which being read, were ordered to be laid upon the table.
Mr. Miller (of Powhatan) from the committee of Finance, made the following report:—
THE Committee of Finance have had the various subjects to them referred, under their consideration and beg leave to submit thereupon, the following report to the House:
Estimate of the expenses of the government from the first of October, 1805, to the thirtieth of September, 1806, including debts payable during that period:
   D. C.     Expenses of General Assembly 46,000   Officers of civil government 64,000   Officers of militia 3,400   Criminal prosecutions 23,000   Expense of guards 10,000   Slaves executed 3,000   Slaves transported 2,000   Lunatic hospital 6,500   Richmond guard 15,000   Building of manufactory of arms, including the expense of completing the foundery 14,000   Expense of manufacturing arms, including officer's salaries 40,000   For the completion of James river canal warehouse 760   For the completion of the penitentiary building 1,577   Expense of removing criminals to the penitentiary, and their confinement therein, including the salaries of the officers 7,500   Public services of district court clerks 1,700   Interest on public debt registered 6,000   Ditto on debt due persons who paid money into the treasury on account of British debts 21,000   Pensioners 5,500   Expense of representation to Congress, and the Senate of this state 800   An installment on the shares of the state in the bank of Virginia 50,000   Commissioners of the revenue 13,500   Contingent expenses of government 11,000   Upper Appomattox canal company 625   To pay the debt due James Prudden 906   To pay the debt due John A. Chevalier 1994   To refund money to Thomas Millan 65   To pay those persons who have killed wolves in various counties, agreeable to their warrants 400   331,716  
The committee report the following estimate of the Revenue of the Commonwealth, to meet the foregoing expenditures:
   Nett amount of tax on land, lots and other property, which tax was payable into the treasury the 1st of October, 1805 297,505 61   Ditto of surplus on tobacco exported 21,369 95   Ditto tax on law proceeds 14,241 37   Ditto register's fees 1,053 76   416,970 70  
The sum of $16,970 dols. 70 cents, constitutes the nett revenue of a year, which should have been paid into the treasury on the 1st of October, 1805, and would have formed the resources of the government to meet their expenditures, from the 1st of October, 1805, to the 30th of September, 1806. Of this sum, of $16,970 dols. 70 cents, $1,559 11, 62 cents were paid out previously to the 1st of October, 1805, in discharge of warrants against the treasury, drawn also, prior to that period; and as the sum of $1,839 dols. 62 cents were expended before the year (for which we have prepared estimates) commenced, it cannot be calculated in the revenue of the
The sum will then be 265,151 03 The whole amount of arrearages, including those of 1803, amount to the sum of 173,690 dols. 98 cents. From this sum, not more than 15,000 dollars will be probably received from 1st of October, 1805, to the 30th of September, 1806
Probable dividend on the stock of the state in the bank of Virginia 15,000
Probable sum which will be received from the sale of negroes for transportation 7,000
Nett proceeds from James river canal warehouse 2,000
41,584 95
The committee have not estimated the arrearages of the taxes in 1804, calculating on an equal deficiency in 1805; and supposing that the arrearages of 1804, coming in 1805, would meet the deficiency in the payments on account of the taxes of the latter year. The committee have not taken a separate view of the money on hand the 1st of October, 1805, that money being only such portion of the $16,970 dols. 70 cents, as was due the treasury on the 1st of October, 1805; and therefore in this sum of $16,970 dols. 70 cents, it is calculated.
The committee, agreeably to these estimates, which they believe to be correct, make the expenditures of the government greater than the resources, by the sum of 41,584 dols. 95 cents.
To obviate in some degree the inconvenience which results from the want of money in the treasury during the summer months, your committee beg leave to recommend to the house to make the taxes on lots, coaches, bages, chairs and merchants in the towns of Richmond, Petersburg, Norfolk, Frederickburg, Lynchburg, Winchester, Dumfries, Fincastle, Williamsburg, Portsmouth, Falmouth, Suffolk, Smithfield, Staunton and Manchester, and the common law process, hereafter payable into the treasury on the first day of June in every year. The greater part of these taxes is collected in May, and serve until October only as funds for speculation in the hands of the officers of the state who hold them. The committee further recommend to the house to take off the additional two and a half per cent. allowed sheriffs for collecting taxes on lots in the towns mentioned above. They also recommend, that the law for collecting taxes should be so framed as to compel serjeants of corporations to give security for the collection and payment of such taxes as they are authorized to collect, and that they and their securities, in case of failure, be liable to the same process with sheriffs in similar cases.
The committee cannot, consistently with their duty, conclude this report without suggesting to the house the necessity of preparing some resources to meet the excess of expenditure. Whether the Legislature will increase the taxes generally within this commonwealth, or search out new objects of taxation, such as toll bridges, mills, wharves and race-fields, the committee are unable to decide; one or the other of those measures they however beg leave to recommend.
On motion, Ordered, that the said report be referred to a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth; and that 200 copies be printed for the use of the members of the General Assembly.
Mr. Clarke presented from the committee to whom it was committed, a bill "To amend, the several acts concerning the inspection of tobacco," with several amendments;
Mr. Semple presented, according to order, a bill, "To amend the act, entitled, an act, reducing into one act all acts and parts of acts concerning taxes brought for settling money; and for ascertaining the form of exchange and damages on protested bills of exchange;"
Mr. Tazewell presented from the committee to whom it was committed a bill, "Concerning the borough of Norfolk," with several amendments;
Mr. Minor presented, according to order, a bill, "Altering the court day of Spottsylvania county;"
Mr. Miller (of Powhatan) presented, according to order, "a bill, "Concerning juries in certain cases;"
Mr. Brooke presented from the committee for Courts of Justice, a bill, "Allowing a further time to the Potomack company for completing the navigation of the Potomack river and for other purposes;" and
A bill, "To amend the act, entitled, an act, concerning the town of Charlottesville;" which were severally received and ordered to be laid upon the table.
Mr. Harrison (of Amelia) from the committee appointed to examine jointly with a committee from the Senate into the situation of the houses and make

Gentlemen, The resolutions of the Senate, of the 17th instant, which you did me the honor to inclose under cover of that date, have been this moment received. They are peculiarly pleasing to me at this time. I confess a want of expression to convey the very grateful sentiments which they inspire. At a very early period of my life I formed an attachment to the elective principle of republican government: upon this great principle, all the constituent parts of a republican government depend: it is (preferred unfilled) to a free government, what a pendulum is to a clock. My fellow citizens, among whom I was raised, knew my attachment to these principles; for when they were assailed by an administration, that threatened their destruction, in 1798, I was called upon by the republicans, to come forward as a candidate for the Senate. To have stood by like an idle spectator, at that time, would have been criminal: their call I obeyed. It was in opposition to a gentleman of different political principles; and in the spring of that year I was elected. Thus was I placed upon the floor of the Senate. When my term expired, in the spring of 1802—and in the two last sessions, I was called upon, to preside over the deliberations of the House. I considered these things as the best evidence that my past conduct had been highly satisfactory to my constituents, as well as to those among whom I then served. Inspired with this high testimony of public confidence, I had no other with to gratify, than to obey, at any time, the call of my country. Having briefly stated how I came into the Senate, with your permission, gentlemen, I will as briefly state how I have been taken from it. Early in November last, a public messenger called upon me, at my own house, with a letter from the Governor, in which was inclosed a commission, issued by the unanimous advice of council, appointing me one of the judges of the general court, subject to the approbation of the legislature, under a provision that yielded me annually more than twice the salary of a judge, you may reasonably suppose. I hesitated; and particularly as this was the first knowledge I had of the appointment. Thus hesitating between private interest, and public duty, I determined the former should give way to the latter; and that although the legislature was not positively bound to confirm the appointment, yet from the confidence which should be reposed in the Executive acts, done in pursuance of the constitution, I might fairly rely, under all circumstances, upon the legislature for a confirmation of it: under this impression I notified the executive of my acceptance—repaired to the seat of government, & served in the succeeding court—Was I not right? By this act of my own, I have been taken from among you. From any other cause I should have been mortified. Upon the rising of the court, I returned home, where I staid, until I was informed of the decision of the legislature, in the appointment of another gentleman, by a majority of thirteen votes.—I then went to the federal court. But as I did not obtain the appointment under any anxiety of mind, I have not lost it under any mortification. The conduct of many of my late constituents upon this occasion deserve my warmest approbation. They were anxious for my re-election, and the candidates offered opposition to withdraw, to insure it, without opposition: conduct like this, could but inspire me with sentiments of gratitude and respect for them, not easily to be described; they all received my thanks, and I declined it. This evidence of their confidence, followed by the resolutions of the Senate, declaring the high sense the members of that body entertain of my past services, on the floor and in the chair, as speaker, will not be received "as a small testimony of its respect" for my character; but as the most signal proof of their confidence and esteem, with which, at this time, I could be honored. It is the more gratifying to me, because it comes from that branch of the government, where I have served for the last seven years. Allow me, gentlemen, to assure you, that no act of my country shall ever make my attachment to it; and, whether among my fellow citizens, in private life, or placed remotely from them, in any public station, I will forever support those principles of democratic republicanism which should always be dear to my country, and from which I believe I have never deviated. In doing this, I shall always admire the government best calculated to insure equal rights upon just and equitable principles. I pray you, gentlemen, to present me affectionately to the Senate, and assure them, if you please, of the very high sense I entertain of them, individually and collectively; and that with unfeigned sentiments of esteem, I beg leave to reciprocate the very friendly and affectionate terms which they have been pleased to express, in their resolutions, for me. Accept too my cordial thanks for the very friendly part you have acted upon this occasion—And believe me, that each member of the Senate carries with him my best wishes for his future happiness and prosperity both in private and in public life.
CREED TAYLOR. Cumberland county, Needham, 27th Dec. 1805
NOTICE. ON account of the great increase of the insurance re-valuations, reforming the books, &c. we could not finish the general settlement until this day. The general meeting of the members of the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, has therefore been adjourned, and will be held next Tuesday the 21st inst. by 11 o'clock, A. M. in the committee room on the north corner of the Capitol.
W. F. AST. Principal Agent M. A. S. January 18.
A POINTER DOG, Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month; He is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled, with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are cut and he wears to the name of NERO: he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably flews marks on his throat occasioned by its friction.
"Tis conjectured the dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—If so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond, shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked."
The Editor claims himself answerable for the above rewards. "Tis hoped that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to hunting, will make this safe his own and if any news occurs in his power, to collect and notify such thereon; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 18. eptf.
The Enquirer. RICHMOND, 18th JANUARY.
It would have been fortunate, perhaps, if the bill "To prevent the PARTIAL emancipation of slaves," had been equally successful with the one, on which we have the pleasure of submitting the following debate. That bill, much to our own regret and much we believe to the injury of the commonwealth, was lost in the House of Delegates on Wednesday, by a majority of two only.
There are some, who may attribute our opinions on this subject, to a want of sympathy for the sufferings of the blacks; but the argument is without foundation. It is not, perhaps, the least evil which we have to lament in our political condition, that the imperious law of self-preservation must put to silence the suggestions of compassion; but it is a necessity, from which we may attempt in vain to escape. We must adopt all the necessary means of defence, unless we willingly become the victims of an evil that is fiercer than any crime in society, prisons, gibbets, and apparatus. If the era of a complete abolition of slavery should ever arrive, the folds at the barracks, and the restrictions of the statute-book, would be a needless precaution. But that era has not arrived. We are as yet only in the iron age, with crimes to punish, and calamities to prevent. What then is to be done, but to employ a fructifera but philanthropic policy? Indeed, to secure our own tranquility by imposing restrictions on those who may disturb it? It was written in golden characters on the front of the prison of Genoa: LIBERTAS.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES. Thursday, January 16.
The Bill "To prevent slaves being brought into this commonwealth," came to its third reading. On filling up the blank with the time, when the act shall go into operation, the first of May, the first of July, and the first of August were respectively proposed. Those who advocated a more distant day, insisted upon the inconvenience and loss, which the people particularly on the frontier would sustain, who had slaves in the neighbouring states. Those who advocated the fixing of an early day, insisted upon the policy of adopting the provisions of the Bill as soon as possible. The house fixed upon the first of May, by a large majority. On taking the final question "shall the Bill pass?"
Mr. Love rose and observed he should make two remarks only upon the Bill before the house. That Bill was both unjust and impolitic in its operation. It was unjust, because it was partial in its effects. It was impolitic, because it may lead to retaliation in our Sister States, and thus increase the very evil, it professes to remedy.—That it was unjust and partial in its operation required little argument to prove. It would operate upon those, who reside on the margin of the state without touching those, who are near to its centre. The last are supplied with this species of labourers; it is the interest of the former to obtain them from other states. A much greater degree of intercourse too prevails between the borderers & their neighbours in another state, than between the latter and those who reside farther from the borders. This intercourse naturally leads to the interchange of this as well as of other property: but it is the intention of the present Bill to put an end to this convenient and advantageous interchange. The act of '85 removed such slaves only as were brought from Africa or the west India Islands; this was a wise and salutary provision. But it still left them in the power of our own citizens to acquire or by demise, or of the inhabitant of any other state to remove hither with all the slaves which belonged to him. This also was a wise regulation. The man who removes hither with his family, brings with him not only his slaves, but all his other property. He adds so much to our riches. The present Bill will put an end to this source of prosperity.—The act of '85 was not intended to remove the evils of a black population imported from the other states: This is an inconsiderable evil; but that would arise from the importation of Africans. Hitherto the course of emigration has been from North to South and from East to West. From the North, however, Virginia had no reason to apprehend an influx of slaves; for the North is principally occupied by the Whites. And as to the East, we are bounded by the sea, on which side we are inaccessible circumstances we were to tell the West and the South; that we will no longer receive their slaves; would not the impolicy of such a law be obvious to every body? Would not the Western people retaliate, and say that they would not receive our slaves? This evil would thus grow upon our hands. For where there is one slave brought among us by the act of '85, there are one hundred exported. Every body knows that our citizens have connections with Kentucky and Tennessee. Parents dying may bequeath their negro property to their sons in Virginia. Would it not be a serious misfortune to the latter to be denied the privilege of removing them hither? It may be said indeed, why do they not sell their slaves? But to this it may be replied, shall the Legislature pretend to direct men, how to use their property? Mr. Love concluded by repeating that he thought the Bill unjust and impolitic in its operation; and should therefore vote against it.
Mr. THOMPSON agreed with the gentleman, just sat down. He well observed, that this bill venting population.—But there was another argument. Slaves produce revenue. Increase the number of our slaves, and we therefore increase the value of our taxes.—This bill too, will certainly lead to retaliation; and it would certainly be a great inconvenience to a planter whose farm runs on both sides of the boundary line between this and another state, not to be able to move his negroes from one part of the plantation to another.
Mr. BALL was warmly attached to the present bill. It had been said that it would injure the margin of the state, and promote the prosperity of the centre. But, said Mr. Ball, we came here to legislate for the general good.—We came here to pass such laws as the real and greater interests of the commonwealth dictated. The gentleman from Fauquier has said that the present bill will prevent the removal of many wealthy men from the other states. He has said that it will prevent the increase of our wealth. I hope, sir, this house will always regard our liberties more than riches. It is to prevent the dangers of an insurrection, that this bill will be adopted. And of how much greater weight ought such an object to be with us,
than any increase of wealth, which we can possibly receive?
Mr. TAZEWELL said if he had correctly understood the gentleman from Fauquier, he thought there was one position in which they could agree: that it would be good policy to adopt the present bill, if it did not lead to retaliation from our sister states. If we were passing a law which concerned ourselves alone; a law which did not operate beyond the confines of Virginia; and which would not call forth a counter-vailing policy from the other states; the gentleman from Fauquier admits that the policy of it could not be disputed. His opposition must therefore give way, if he can be convinced that such a consequence is not likely to arise from its provisions.
Examine the general situation in which the U. States now stand. Trace the current of emigration, from the point where it rises, to the point where it flows, we shall find it to be travelling to the west or the south. Enquire, now, whether any other state has adopted provisions similar to those in the present bill. Ask how many states are there which permit the introduction of slaves; and we discover that this privilege belongs to that district of the state of New-York, called the Genessee country. Georgia, too, admits this influx from any of the northern states. Tennessee and Kentucky do the same. These are the only states, into which it is certain that slaves may be introduced. In all the northern states, there is such a law as the present in force. All the New-England states have it. The state of New-York, with the reservation of the Genessee district, has it. N. Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, have this law. In North-Carolina, too, if we may put any faith in the public prints, there has been a successful attempt made during the last session of their Legislature to imitate their enlightened brethren. Where, then, have we any reason to fear the adoption of a countervailing policy? Is it from the Genessee, or from the western states? But these countries are wild, covered with difficulties, and requiring the hand of labour of every kind, to clear and improve them. Tennessee and Kentucky in particular, require the introduction of slaves; for it is this species of labour which has been generally employed by their inhabitants. There is no danger of a retaliation to be apprehended from these states. We have the strongest check upon them that we could desire. We have their own interest on our side. North-Carolina has already adopted this policy. South-Carolina has done the same: and it is the interest of the Genessee country not to adopt it. Wherefore, then, should we dread retaliation?
It has been objected to the present bill, that it would arrest the population of our state, for that in proportion as we prevent the introduction of the blacks, we shall prevent the emigration of the whites. But how does the current of emigration run? Is it from the south to the north, and from the west to the east? No; it is from north to south, and from east to west. The farmers of the north, however, have few slaves among them. Their emigration, then, to our state will not depend upon the right of introducing their slaves among us. As to the inhabitants of the west, no white man finds it to be his interest to bring his slaves with him. So far from shedding any surplus of their black population among us, the western states in fact require more than they have and more than we want.
If any argument was believed to be necessary, on the policy of preventing the introduction of slaves into any country, he could state a host of facts. He would dwell more intently than on any other, upon the condition of Saint Domingo and South-Carolina. South-Carolina in particular, should engage his attention. For many years that unfortunate state has been in the habit of receiving thousands of slaves. Not a paper arrives from Charleston, without being charged with advertisements of vessels arrived from the coast of Africa and laden with hundreds. Formerly the proportion between their whites and blacks was nearly equal. But now the blacks are nearly double of the whites. Unfortunately, too, the evil is every day increasing. There is no probability that this trade will be interrupted before the year 1808; for even during the last session of their Legislature, we saw an attempt made, and without effect, to put an end to it. South-Carolina inhibits the introduction of negroes from Virginia, and still she admits Africans. The consequence of this state of things, who does not perceive? Slaves are cheaper on the sea-board, than among us: and the time is thus not far distant, when even our own inhabitants will visit the markets of Charleston in search of labourers. The result will be, that though we have prohibited a direct traffic with Africa, we shall trade indirectly with her. We shall not, it is true, go to Senegal or Goree, but we shall go to Charleston. We shall have as many negroes introduced through this channel, as the act of '85 would have excluded.
Mr. Love said that it was seldom necessary to correct the statement of facts advanced by the gentleman last up; but it was often necessary to correct the ingenuity of his arguments. On this occasion he had made an erroneous statement of the number of states bordering on Virginia, who still permitted the introduction of slaves. He forgot to name that state with which we carry on, in fact, the greatest intercourse. Maryland, like Virginia, admits slaves. If this was not the case at the present time, the prohibitory law must certainly have been passed during the present session. At least it was the case during the last year. What then, said Mr. Love, is our situation? The states near to us have no laws to prohibit the introduction of our slaves. S. Carolina, it has been said by the gentleman last up, has a law to this effect, but we do not receive our slaves from S. Carolina; the course of emigration, as he had observed when he was last up, not being from the south to the north, but in a contrary direction. We consequently may get clear of our slaves through this channel. But if S. Carolina has no law to this effect, would it be politic to provoke her into the enactment of one? The gentleman has also stated, that the legislature of N. Carolina have just passed this law; still it is the road to Georgia: shall the latter state be excited to retaliation? If the states of N. and S. Carolina have really such a law, it only proves that the importation of slaves into these states is very small.
Mr. L. said we had no reasons to apprehend any increase in our black population by a foreign importation. From the West-Indies and Africa, we had no fears, because the law of '85 had prohibited it, and there were no attempts to violate the law by smuggling them in. From S. Carolina, there was no danger because their slaves were imported from Africa to cultivate the rice plantations, and cannot be spared. Every man too who wished to engage in this traffic must well know that it was forbidden by the act of '85 and that the moment a negro imported from Africa, was brought into Virginia for the purpose of sale, from that moment he became free. There are no evils then to be apprehended from the introduction of slaves from the south; this would in fact be contrary to the usual course of emigration. And as to the numbers brought from Maryland, they will be of little consideration. The connections established between families, may indeed some-
times render it convenient to transplant them into our state: But it may be safely asserted that for one that we received, we export ten.
Mr. L. said the gentleman from Norfolk had misunderstood his arguments, since he had confined them entirely to the expediency of the measure. That gentleman seemed to have forgotten the argument urged about the injustice of it. I have contended (said Mr. L.) that it was unjust, because it was partial in its operation; because it would operate on the margin of the state and not on the centre. Two grounds therefore he had taken; that it was impolitic, and that it was unjust; but the gentleman from Norfolk had only noticed the first.
Mr. THOMPSON said, that the gentleman from Norfolk had stated that negroes brought from the West-Indies or Africa, might be bro't here. He had forgotten, however, that the man who should wish to bring them in, was bound by oaths and liable to a penalty. Did not the law of '85 say so?
Mr. TAZEWELL said, the gentleman from Fauquier had tried to correct one of the facts, stated by himself. But he would take the liberty of observing that Mr. had not been once mentioned, in his own remarks.—A member near him had indeed affirmed him, that Maryland had such a prohibitory law; but as he was uncertain with respect to that fact, he had thought proper to place Maryland entirely out of view. With respect to the policy of the other states, he had not indulged the same scrupulous fineness. The 4 New-England states (it is admitted) have embraced this law. The whole of New-York, except the Genessee; New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, have done it. There was no doubt as to South-Carolina; and as to N. Carolina there can be as little, when it is recollected that even the Ayes and Noes were published. Ohio, is expressly prevented by its constitution from acquiring slaves. Twelve then out of 17 states have pursued this policy; the Genessee, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, are the only places, into which they can certainly be admitted. And yet we are told (said Mr. Tazewell) that we have to fear a countervailing policy. Tazewell states have actually thrown down the gauntlet to us. And what can the other four do? Will they countervail us? Are the people of these states so blind to their own interests, as to make the attempt? Will they see their country a howling wilderness, rather than permit the introduction of the black cultivator? The population there, is not so much from the North, as the South. They are used to the labour of the blacks. Will they so easily confess to give them up? Does not fact itself prove that they can scarcely do without them? Are there not continual drains from our own state, for the use of the West?
The present bill is said to be unjust because it is partial. But is there a single law, that is not so? Lay a tax upon any article whatever; can the wit of man devise a mode, which shall not fall more heavily upon some people than upon others? The tax upon slaves is so; because it operates with greater force upon the Eastern district than upon the western margin of the state; upon a part that has more slaves, than upon the part which has fewer. The tax upon lands is liable to the same objection: some tracts are rich in a district, which is taxed the lowest, and some are poor in districts that are the highest taxed. It is in fact one of the objections laid to our equalizing law, that it favours the western margin of the state, at the expense of the slave district. The present law is perhaps partial, but it is a necessary one. It may operate more powerfully upon the eastern; but the interest of the state will fill demand its enactment.
It was urged by the gentleman from Tazewell, that slaves are a source of revenue. Be it so. If the position be correct in one degree, it is in another. Open then the door completely for these people. Repeal that very law of '85, which prohibited the slave-trade; and let us have the inhabitants of India and Africa continually pouring in upon us.
It has been said that we have no dangers to apprehend from the right of introducing slaves. But attend to the condition of S. Carolina. Until 1808, the slave-trade of that state is likely to continue. What will be the effect? That state before that time being fully charged with slaves, will then at least be surcharged. If the slaves be cheaper there than they are here, will we not go there for them? If slaves be an article of commerce, will they not be subject to the same influence of the Market, with every other article of commerce? Does not the buyer always visit the best Market? If a Virginian farmer is in want of twenty labourers and he finds that the original price of a slave in S. Carolina added to the expense of transportation, is less than the price of him in our own state, will not his own interest carry him to S. Carolina? But it is said in reply, that there is an oath binding upon this man, not to introduce negroes imported from Africa. Is it necessary to state in answer to this argument that oaths themselves are sometimes vain things, when they are pulling against a man's interest? But at all events this argument does not apply to the descendants of the imported Africans. These Africans populate so fast, that their descendants in the first degree may soon flow in upon us.
It is said there is no danger that these imported Africans can be smuggled into the state. But, said Mr. Tazewell, even in my part of the country, two or three hundred have been brought in contrary to the strict letter of the law. I myself have been obliged to institute suits against 5 persons in the borough of Norfolk, who have imported slaves from Santo Domingo. Even therefore the present law is unable to prevent the introduction of slaves.
After a few remarks made by Mr. Love and Mr. Tazewell, the question was taken, and the Ayes and Noes were called. Ayes 129, Noes 96.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Williamsburg, dated January 18, 1806.
I have sometimes thought of requesting you to say a few words in the Enquirer, respecting the introduction of NATURAL HISTORY at College. You are fully sensible of the advantages that must result from these early seeds of Natural Knowledge, thrown into minds eager to receive them, and to cherish and assist their growth. The connection of Natural History with medicine, agriculture and the arts, is well known to you: The probable influence of a study, the objects of which open so many sources of pure gratification, and which at every step of its progress discovers some additional feature of benevolence in nature; the influence of such a study, I say, on the manners of youth, will be easily conceived, by you. In researches thus attractive, thus pure, and thus useful, mild and rational habits are contracted; the volcanic fever of the most ardent tempers is happily calmed, and the noxious propensities extirpated; all these effects, not only an acquaintance with, but even a taste for Natural History, must produce. I confess that we labour under great disadvantages; no museum naturae, no books, or scarcely any in the hands of our students on these interesting subjects; but, independently of other materials, we have the great book of nature, and plates for the most important classes of Zoology at least. It were worthy of the Legislature & of the citizens of Virg. to turn their attention
to the formation of a cabinet of Natural History, at Williamsburg. Specimens of all the most curious animals, mammals, birds, amphibians, fishes, insects, and worms, ought to be collected; which might easily be effected with a moderate degree of zeal and at a small expence. Our library should by some means or other be furnished with scientific works on these subjects. An elementary work on zoology, botany, and mineralogy; should be compiled and printed for the use of our youth. Collections of specimens of the principal fossils and minerals are sold in Europe (properly classified and arranged) at no very high price; such should be purchased, and introduced. Why should not diplomatic characters abroad be employed on procuring those abilities? Their mission would be neither the less useful nor the less respectable; and why should not states, &c. display a zeal for science, instruction, &c. Can any thing great be effected without national exertions and sacrifices?
"No situation can be more deplorable than that of the man, who is thus destitute of the scaffolding; of the external assistances of science. The endowments of a professor can hardly support him; he struggles between want and thirst for knowledge; half of his salary does not suffice to supply him with the necessary books; for you know that in the European world, science is making daily advances, of which, books alone can inform him."
"A museum, a good library, would preclude all those disadvantages; without these, no great result can be obtained; and these, national patronage alone can procure. We have an apparatus for Natural Philosophy; but it wants some of the more modern machines and instruments; those should be had; our library is also destitute of good modern scientific works; those also should be obtained; and then an observatory for astronomical purposes should be erected, and furnaces, retorts, &c. procured for chemistry. When we have those with a museum, & anatomical figures, properly fitted, injected, &c. for the due intelligence of the animal economy, we shall be able to make the sister sciences walk hand in hand. Much, however, very much has been supplied by the zeal and efforts of our worthy President, and of each professor; and the lottery may ultimately do something too."
* N. B. It appears that a museum is now forming in Norfolk, and shall the alma mater be destitute of one?
The following Epistle yields not in elegance and POINT, to the two which have preceded it. It is from the pen of a gentleman, who has happily learned to weave in the same chapter the profoundest attainments in science, with the captivating graces of the Muses. The first is admitted by a grateful country! Let the following Verses prove his claim to the second!
FOR THE ENQUIRER. TO MR. HICKORY CORNHILL. You've made such a racket, good sir, in our city, With the scandalous rhymes you, no doubt, think so pretty, Wherein you've presum'd, sir, to drag in my name, Or done in your spite, what amounts to the same! In return, I must tell you, I'm strongly inclin'd To tell Mr. Cornhill a piece of my mind: So pithless your satire, I'll prove and maintain, A dry Cornstalk, alone, hath no pithless a brain, We may guess at your realons for changing your name, Since it's very well known that most rogues do the same,
Who murder in one place and rob in another, Till no one can tell either father or mother; The gibbet escaping, till caught in the fact, When (like some on the gibbet of satire, they're rack'd). What a fuss do you make 'bout the ladies' fine things, Their muffs, and their tippets, shawls, gloves, combs and rings? Have the camel, the ostrich, the tortoise, the bear, Made a Cornstalk their spokesman, to rail at the fair? Or, have you been chosen by monkees to rail Against all other animals having a tail? Or, have paradise-birds brought a nest of their eggs, To bribe you to rail against creatures with legs? Our wise Legislators will see in a trice, What you mean when you talk of a council of mice; And I hope, in my conscience, they'll nibble your nose, As they once did old Scoto's, who talk'd of their clothes.
What wonder, good sir, if a lady supplies, A few of those articles nature denies! Did nature give petticoats, ribbands, or shoes? Then why not add tails, sir, whenever they chuse? And where in her bounty kind nature gives things To ladies, in common with heroes and kings, and all her bounty display, Why should heroes and kings all her bounty display, Yet ladies be bound to conceal them, I pray? Or, if heroes, or beaux, hide their legs in a boot, Where's the reason, good sir, that a lady should do't? From your families, if one might judge of your breeding, A hog-trough might very well serve you to feed in; But I'd have you to know, nor in hog-pen, nor house, sir, Did I ever pass for a fill-sow, or mouse, sir.
What harm, in an evening, an hour or two, To spend at a game so diverting as loo! I declare 'tis a treat which a cynic might please, To hear all the jokes and the smart repartees, Which pass 'twixt the ladies and beaux at the table, Whilst these talk, as loud,—tho', as fast, as they're able, Tom Shuffe, I'm sure, 's so diverting a creature, Not to laugh at his wit would be downright ill-nature; And none but a prude would look prim and demure, When 'Jack Rattle's' dispos'd to set all in a roar. What harm with a pony, to gallop away! Sometimes jump the dealer, and sometimes not play, Although one may have in their hand a poor knave, Provided one does not throw up just to save! Some folks I have known who can always command A knave at their elbow, if not in their hand: Such may take a crab-hop, whenever they please, And I doubt not, good sir, you can do it with ease. How charming a flush doth it raise in one's face, To take up of trumps, both the king and the ace, With another sure card, whenever the loo Is swell'd, to the bulk of an hundred or two! Or when e'er the grand-loo draws the game to a close, And dismisses the winners to pleasing repose! I'm sure I've gone home, & have dream'd the whole night, Of nothing at all, but so charming a fight; And doctors and clergymen all will agree, Pleasing dreams denote health, and a conscience that's free. So in spite of your sneers, Mr. Cornhill, adieu! A fig for your satire; only give me a loo!
TABITHA LOVE-LOO. Richmond.
MARRIED On the 19th ultimo, at Chilhowee, the seat of Wm. Randolph, Esq. RICHARD S. HACKLEY, Esq. of New-York, to the amiable Miss HARRIOTT RANDOLPH, daughter of the late Thomas M. Randolph of Tuckahoe.
Auction. The sale of Books will be continued this evening, to commence at 6 o'clock, at WILLIAM PRICHARD'S BOOK STORE. Catalogues may be had at the place of sale, January 18.
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.

MEMORIAL, OF THE MERCHANTS, OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK:
To the President of the United States, and the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled. The Memorial of the Merchants of the city of New-York.
Your Memorialists beg leave respectfully to approach the government of their country, on subjects of great importance, which have affected their minds with the deepest anxiety and alarm.
Confiding in the justice and friendly dispositions of the government of Great Britain and entertaining a correspondent expectation that no unusual restrictions would be imposed on Neutral Commerce, without adequate motives and the most ample notice; presuming especially, that commercial enterprises, commenced under the sanction of established principles, would on no account be affected by a change of system; your memorialists have employed a vast capital in importing various colonial productions, the surplus of which, exceeding the demands of this country, they have been accustomed to export freely to the different markets of Europe.
After this commerce had been prosecuted without restriction for several years, and had attracted a great proportion of their wealth; after their insurers had assumed immense responsibilities grounded on an opinion that this trade was strictly regular; having never received the slightest intimation, that it could be deemed incompatible with the rights of a belligerent nation, they have been suddenly confounded, by unexpected intelligence of the arrestation on the high seas, of a large portion of their property which had been embarked with the most unspotted confidence.
The feelings of your memorialists are not only excited by the losses which they have actually sustained, in consequence of a measure unsusceptible of previous calculation, but also from the state of uncertainty in which they are placed, with respect to future commercial operations.
Your memorialists have heretofore believed that commerce between the U. States and colonies subject to the enemies of Great-Britain, when bona fide prosecuted on their own account, would be perfectly safe from interruption: They have also believed, that all articles, which might be securely imported into the United States, might be as securely exported: with the exceptions well understood, both in respect to the import and export trade of commerce with places blockaded, or in articles contraband of war.
In a recent interpretation of what is considered by the tribunals of Great Britain as a direct trade, between the colonies and the parent countries of their enemies, your memorialists perceive with concern, the development of a principle, which, if conceded on the part of the United States, must prove fatal to their commercial importance.
It is understood to have been decided, that whenever it appears to be the intention of the importer of colonial produce, to export the same to Europe; or, whenever it is to be exported by the original importer, such intention or exportation, shall be evidence of a direct trade, and subject the property, though neutral, to confiscation.
Your memorialists consider it their bounden duty to themselves and their country, to express their most decided opposition to this decision.
As to the evidence arising from the supposed intention of an importer, they readily admit, that the great quantities of colonial produce, which are acquired by means of the American commerce, exceeding the demand for consumption in the United States, fairly justify a general presumption, that the surplus is ultimately destined for European markets. They assert, however, that the intention of a merchant, in respect to the future destination of his property, must, from the nature of things be inconclusive. All plans of business, formed by individuals, are liable to be affected by circumstances, not to be foreseen or controlled: these plans are therefore necessarily revocable by those who form them; and an intention which has not been executed, proves nothing more than might justly be inferred from a general presumption, arising from the course of our commerce. To apply such an intention, in a particular case, to the prejudice of an individual; to presume that he has voluntarily incurred an immense risk, which, consistently with the success of his main object, he might have fairly avoided, and to involve him in ruin for prosecuting a trade, which, if undertaken with a different motive, would have been declared lawful; would be, in the opinion of your memorialists, to confound and reverse the best established principles of reason, equity and law.
Your memorialists contend for no innovations on the law of nations; and, except where special treaties have prescribed a different rule, they admit that they may lawfully be restrained from transporting the property of the parties engaged in war. In the recent decision which prohibits an importer of colonial produce from exporting it to Europe, they however perceive with concern, either a nugatory and vexatious regulation, or a mediated blow, at what they deem an incontestible and valuable right.
Heretofore there existed clear and obvious circumstances of discrimination, between the direct trade, which Great Britain has assumed the right of denying to neutrals, and the indirect or circuitous trade, which she admits to be lawful. The direct trade could be performed by a single shipment or voyage; whereas, the circuitous trade subjected the property to double freights and imposts, to deductions in favour of the revenue, and various other expenses in this country.
In the arrival of a ship in the country to which it belongs; the landing of the cargo; the inspection of the Custom-house; the payment or security of duties; do not terminate a voyage; then we confess our ignorance on a point, which, never having been before questioned, has been assumed by us as an acknowledged truth. If the entry for exportation; the embarkation of merchandise; the re-inspection of the Custom-house; the bond for securing a delivery in a foreign country, and a public clearance do not indicate the commencement of a new voyage, then we are yet to learn the meaning of the expression. If all the formalities and fancies established for the security of our revenue; if operations of immense magnitude, transacted with the greatest publicity, and without any motive of concealment, are considered as unreal representations, and merely colourable and fraudulent contrivances to cover an illicit trade, between the colonies and the parent countries of the enemies of Great Britain; then it becomes necessary, both in regard to our characters and interests, to inquire, whether the new regulations establish a more definite criterion for the discovery of truth.
We repel with indignation the suggestion, that the transshipment of property for a foreign market, by the original importer, is evidence of fraud or chicanery or, that, unsupported by other circumstances, it can justify a suspicion, that it is other than neutral. In our opinion, any discrimination between the rights of an importing merchant, and a vendee in the United States, is manifestly fallacious, as it virtually asserts, that the former can exercise only an imperfect dominion over property lawfully acquired, and possessed in this country, while at the same time he can convey to the latter a title to a privilege not enjoyed by himself: in short, that a trade is unlawful, when the advantage is in result to one person, but may be rendered lawful, by being participated with another.
If the new doctrine is executed in the strictest form, its operation must be highly injurious, by originating new questions for litigation, and of coveting, subjecting all our commerce to new hazards of interruption. We presume not, however, to comprehend to what extent, or in what manner the principle will be applied; we perceive, that the ancient landmark has been removed, but we look in vain for a beacon to direct our course; if we remain whether a bona fide sale and delivery of merchandise, by an importer, being a citizen, to another known citizen of the United States, for a valuable consideration, will, as in ordinary cases, be conclusive evidence of a transfer of property, and the answer is affirmative; then we com-
plain that our ships have been detained, the rates of insurance enhanced, and our property confiscated, for the establishment of a rule, which, when once understood, will become nugatory, and cease to produce any commercial or political effect. If on the other hand, this evidence is not to be deemed conclusive, we profess ourselves to be utterly at a loss to discover, what proofs of ownership, and neutrality of property, can with safety be relied on.
But these embarrassments, though perplexing and vexatious, are not those which principally occasion our solicitude. We are compelled to consider the late decisions of the British tribunals, as preliminary steps towards a system for controlling the importations and exportations of colonial productions, and thereby annihilating the most lucrative branches of our foreign commerce.
If we owed this trade solely to the favour of Great Britain; still we might ask, what urgent motive, what imperative necessity, required that the favour should be refused, at a period when our commerce was spread over the ocean, and when a change so essential might destroy its security, and subject us to incalculable losses?
We deny, however, that the rights of commerce, as claimed by us, are to be deemed favours; on the contrary, if the law of nations is other than a temporary rule, prescribed by an arbitrary will, and enforced by power, then we appeal to its most universal and inviolable principle, in our defence. This principle is, that the Goods of a Neutral, consisting of articles not contraband of war, in a neutral vessel, employed in a direct trade, between neutral countries, and parts of a belligerent country not invaded or blockaded, are protected.
In the controversies which have existed at different times, for extending the privileges of neutral vessels, and limiting the grounds of capture, we take no part; we appeal to the old law. If neutral rights can be reduced within more confined limits than this law prescribes, we perceive not how, amidst the collisions of national interests, any neutral commerce can exist, even in our native productions.
If it be intimated, that neutrals should be confined to a commerce with such places, and in such articles only as were allowed in peace, by the municipal regulations of the countries engaged in war; the doctrine may be repelled by the notorious fact, that no such principle has governed the conduct of nations, during any wars in which they have been engaged; all war free to vary, and in fact all have varied, their commercial systems: whatever theoretical opinions may therefore have been advanced, there has existed no such practical rule, and to set up such a rule, under the unparalleled circumstances of the present war must infallibly destroy the commerce of this country.
It is a well known fact, that the people of the United States export to foreign countries a greater proportion of the aggregate annual value of the products of their industry, than any other people of the globe; they are consequently most deeply interested in the security and freedom of their trade: in short, being almost exclusively an agricultural and commercial people those parts of our country, which, from recent settlement, or from other circumstances, are wholly agricultural, are more immediately interested than any other, as they are in a greater degree dependent on foreign supplies, and consequently most liable to be affected, by any vibrations of the commercial system.
As our manufactures do not flourish in proportion to the progress of our population, wealth, and luxury, the necessity of extending our commerce is constantly increasing.
The basis of all our trade is the aggregate value of our native productions, exceeding what are consumed in the United States: there are exported to various countries, from which we receive supplies for domestic use, or other articles for exportation. A very great proportion of all the results of our commerce with the world centre in the dominions of Great-Britain, and we receive almost exclusively from that country, our clothing, and other necessary manufactures.
By the events of the late and present war, many countries with which we prosecuted an increasing trade, have been either diverted from manufacturing pursuits, or have been greatly impoverished, or conquered and subjected to the colonial system of Great-Britain.
With these preliminary facts in view, we request permission to detail some of the most important consequences of the assumed rule, that neutrals may be restrained, in time of war, to their accustomed trade in time of peace. The injustice of such a rule, in relation to the United States, will be more manifest: the individuals employed in commerce, would not alone be affected: all the internal relations of our country would be disturbed: the interests of those districts which are most remote from our principal ports, would, in proportion to their dependence on foreign supplies, be most severely depressed.
The effects of war cannot be confined to the countries engaged in war. The value of money; the price of labour; the rates of freight and insurance, are by war enhanced throughout the world; all articles of merchandise, both of export and import, are variously affected, in their quantities and value, by new wants; or by the relinquishment of former pursuits, and by the new direction which is thereby given to the industry of different nations. Other consequences result from the effects of war; as the impoverishment of some, and the aggrandizement of other countries; also, from the acknowledged right of belligerent nations to interdict commerce in contraband articles, and to institute blockades. This last right is highly injurious to neutrals, as it frequently restrains them from proceeding to the best markets. It is obviously impossible, therefore, to confine the United States, in time of war, amidst all these changes and disadvantages, to their accustomed trade in time of peace, without destroying all trade.
If, in consequence of the war, certain articles usually exported from the United States to countries from which we received necessary supplies, cease to be demanded in those countries, may we not export other articles, and thereby obtain the supplies we need?
If articles usually imported into the United States in time of peace, cease to be demanded by us in time of war, in consequence of our ability to obtain substitutes when we prefer shall we be required to renounce our export trade, by being forbid to import other articles for consumption or for commerce? or shall we be compelled to receive in exchange, articles which we do not require?
If, in consequence of an increased demand for our exports to particular countries, we obtain in exchange, articles of commerce exceeding our domestic wants, shall it be required that the surplus perish on our hands?
If Great-Britain permits commerce between her subject and the colonies of her enemies, may we not, with the consent of those colonies, participate in the same commerce?
If our commerce with the enemies of Great-Britain may now be confined to the system established in time of peace, may we not apprehend that this principle will be retained, in respect to our commerce with the colonies of Great-Britain? In that case, what can ensue but war, pillage, and devastation?
These are not imaginary suppositions; they illustrate the most important principles of our commerce; they evince the necessity of a circuitous trade, to enable us to realize the great value of exports in our native productions, by which alone we acquire the power to liquidate the balance against us, in our commerce with Great-Britain: they demonstrate, that the position against which we contend, is not a rule of the law of nations; the law of nations ordains no rule which is unequal and unjust.
But still we have other and more forcible objections; the concession which is required would deprive us of many advantages, connected with our local situation, our enterprise, our wealth, and our fortune; it would require us to divert much of our capital and industry to new employments; it would amount to an abandonment of views, as a commercial people, & might involve us in dangerous controversies, by virtue of admission, that any essential articles of supply may, at the pleasure of a belligerent nation, be placed in a state of禁运, equivalent to being declared contraband of war.
Hitherto we have regarded it as a peculiar felicity incident to our neutral situation, that it was equally
beneficial to ourselves, and to the parties with whom we are connected: the articles exported by us to the enemies of Great-Britain, being convenient supplies—promised to secure to our ships in their ports a welcome reception and hospitable treatment. As the direct returns for these exports were incon siderable, and as the products were almost exclusively remitted to Great-Britain, and thereby applied in payment for manufactures purchased on our account, we considered ourselves sure of receiving, from them, at least that degree of protection, which was recommended by a regard to mutual interests.
It is however with much surprise that we have recently discovered, that the very circumstances upon which our hopes of security are reposed, have been urged as arguments to justify an invasion of our rights, and that, having totally suppressed the external commerce of her enemies, Great-Britain is now counseled to appropriate to herself that other friends. If it be true that, as exporters of certain articles to the ultimate markets, our interests are in collision with hers—yet it ought to be recollected, that it is a particular and minor interest only which suffers, and that the disadvantage is a necessary consequence of her colonial system: that the general results of our commerce are greatly in her favor: that they invigorate her manufacturing interests, which are the great basis of her wealth; and that these interests can never be promoted by the empowerment of her best customers. Surely the security of neutral rights ought not to diminish, as their value is augmented: surely a maritime preponderance, which enables its possessor to blockade any of the ports of its enemies, conveys no just title to a monopoly of the commerce of the world!
In the lists of our complaints, we cannot forbear to enumerate the humiliating and oppressive conduct of ships of war, in the vicinity of our coasts and harbours. We respect the principle and emulate the conduct of Great-Britain, in regard to our own jurisdiction, and we will merely to claim for ourselves the same measure of justice which she exacts from others.
But while we contend that we ought not to be exposed to humiliating inquiries in the verge of our port, which by means of secret connexions with our city, may be rendered conducive to the indulgence of partiality, favor or malice, we disavow every wish to divert the belligerent nations of their rights. If, in particular instances, the American flag, and the character of an American merchant, have been prostituted to unworthy purposes, we declare the individuals thus guilty, to be our enemies, and we will not to screen them from the just consequences of their misconduct. We also assert, that a comprehensive view of our commerce affords conclusive evidence that of the property circulated through this port, the proportion which can possibly belong to the enemies of Great Britain, is an object unworthy the attention of a great power; especially, if in a rigorous pursuit of its strict rights, it incurs the hazard of forfeiting the esteem of its friends.
If, therefore, the mode in which the American commerce is prosecuted, is allowed by the law of nations; if irrefragable evidence arises from our situation, wants, and necessary connections with the rest of the world, that it is almost exclusively grounded on American capital; if the suggestions, that we are the mere agents of foreigners, are ungenerous insinuations, contrived as apologies for injuries; if frauds in relation to foreign trade, are not more frequent in this country than in Great Britain; and if no government is able wholly to prevent them: then our conclusion in the present, as in all other cases, ought to be deduced from general facts, and not from particular exceptions. This conclusion is, that the American commerce is one of the great links which connect those interests of civilized nations, which war ought not to disturb; that to break this link, will be to destroy all commerce; and therefore, that a serious misunderstanding with Great Britain would prove fatal to the most important interests of both countries.
This view of the subject, while it excites our anxiety, furnishes also a resource for our hopes. We with only for justice; and believing that a commercial nation which disregards justice, thereby undermines the citadel of her power, we rely on the effect of mutual interests and wishes in promoting a cordial explanation, and fair adjustment of every cause of misunderstanding: in particular, we rely on the government of our country, that our rights will not be abandoned, and that no argument in favour of an usurpation will ever be derived from our acquiescence.
If our personal interests and local attachments have not greatly mis-directed our opinions, the defenceless situation of the port of New-York, ought to excite the anxious solicitude of every friend of his country. Our river is the only commercial avenue to a fertile and populous country, which is rapidly rising into importance. It is here, that one-third of the revenue of the Union is collected; and this proportion is understood to be relatively increasing. But while we are grateful for these distinguished advantages of nature, our satisfaction is diminished, by reflecting on their insecurity; for in proportion as the resources of our country accumulate to this point is the hazard, that they may present a temptation to rapacity, and become the prize of violence. Without recurring to the experience of past times for proofs, that no nation can long maintain an excessive commerce, without well defended sea-ports, and an efficient military marine, we are admonished by the new and portentous aspect of Europe, and the alarming prevalence of piracy in the West-Indies, that energetic measures of defence have become indispensably necessary.
We presume not to express any opinion respecting the degree of force, of which the permanent may ought to consist; and being sensible that delays must attend the construction of suitable defences for our port, we shall rest satisfied, when we perceive that these measures are commenced in a manner, and upon a scale, which will assure us an efficient completion.
Such however, is the present organized force of the United States, that we should consider it inconsonant with the honor, interests, or security of our country, to parley with the pirates of the West Indies, whose conduct being inconsonant with any known rules of lawful warfare, cannot have been authorized by any civilized nation towards another nation, in a state of peace. Our vessels, while pursuing a lawful trade, have been piratically seized, their cargoes have been forcibly taken away and distributed, without even the form of a trial; the vessels in many instances sunk & destroyed, and the crews stripped, of all their property; all these outrages have been exercised upon innocent and defenceless men, aggravated by unprecedented circumstances of insult, oppression, and barbarity. Some of these violences have been committed on vessels, which, which were captured within sight of our harbors; and the great scene of these unparalleled enormities is the island of Cuba, which commands the only avenue by which we preserve a commercial connection with our brethren of the Western States: a connection which we cherish with ardor, as a source of mutual advantage, and a bond of permanent union.
But it is not on account of our pecuniary losses alone that we complain. The croftancy and valour of the seamen of the United States, are justly themes of patriotic exultation. From their connexion with us, we consider their cause as our cause, their rights as our rights, and their interests as our interests; our feelings are indignant at the recital of their wrongs; and we request, in addition to the protection of a naval force, that, at least in American seas, our brave countrymen, may be permitted to display their energy in their own defence.
Your memorialists conclude with remarking that they deem the present situation of public affairs to be peculiarly critical and perilous, and such as requires all the prudence, the wisdom, and energy of Government, supported by the co-operation of all good citizens. By mutual exertions, under the benign influence of Providence, upon this hitherto favored nation, we hope the clouds which threaten to obscure its prosperity, may be dispelled; and we pledge our united sup in favour of all measures adopted to vindicate and secure the just rights of our country. And your Memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.
Signed by the unanimous order, and on behalf of a general meeting of the Merchants of the city of
New-York, convened on the 26th December, 1805. JOHN BROWN, Chairman. Oliver Wolcott, John Franklin, William Edgar, Isaac Lawrence, Thomas Carpenter, Henry I. Wyckoff, John Taylor, Thomas Farmer, George M. Woolsey, David M. Clarkson, Robert Lenox, Good Hoyt, Eliza Cook, John B. Murray, Leffert Lefferts, Samuel A. Lawrence, Samuel Russell, Joseph Blackwell, John Murray, M. Clarkson, John B. Coles, Archibald Gracie, Wm. W. Woolsey, Benjamin Minter, William Bayard, Gulian Ludlow, Ebenezer Stevens, Ransfeller Havens, Wm. Lovett, Geo. Griswold, Henry Poll, jun. John R. Livingston, Daniel Ludlow, Wm. Henderson, James Arden, John P. Mumford, Benjamin Bailey, Wynant Van Zant, jun. John DePoyter, Isaac Clason, Edmund Seaman, Peter Schermerhorn, James Scott, Charles M'Evers, jun. John Kane, John Clendining, Wm. Codman.
Committee.
Louisa County Court, October 14th, 1805. Joshua Morris, Plaintiff. Against Ruth Nutt, & Stephen Perkins, Defendants. By Injunction. THE defendant Ruth Nutt not having entered her appearance, and given security according to law, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state. Therefore, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney; It is ordered and decreed by the court, that he appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some of the newspapers, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and published at the front door of this court house on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. L. C. November 15. (F2m.)
Louisa County Court, October 14th, 1805. Nathan D. Anderson, Plaintiff. Against Wm. Lourey and James Palliam and Thos. Dauphin, executors of John Palliam, deceased, Defendants. In Chancery. THE defendant Wm. Lourey not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state. Therefore, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney; It is ordered and decreed by the court, that he appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this decree be inserted in some of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively and published at the front door of this court house on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. C. November 15. (F2m.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD, For a Horse, &c. TAKEN from the street, (opposite the Post Office) in this city, between six and seven o'clock in the evening, of the 21st inst. a bright bay HORSE, (with Saddle and Bridle) supposed to be five years old, half spring, about four feet 10 or 11 inches high, two or three white spots on his back, (occasioned by the saddle) and an old hurt that is not healed over, (tho' well) a small white spot (I've been informed, on the inside of one of his thighs, he has rather a thick mane, and is coarse made, has a strong fleshy trot, carries his head low, and a sleepy countenance when still. The saddle is double skirted, and the stirrup irons plated, and has been in use about twelve months; a double reined bridle, with a leather curb. Whoever delivers the Horse Saddle and Bridle to me, near the Basin, shall receive the above reward, and five dollars for the horse alpine, if taken up out of this county, and half that sum if within the county. 'Tis supposed he was rode off, not with a view to keep. SAMUEL PARSONS. December 27. 1st.
PETER LAPORTE, BEGS leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has opened in this place a Fencing School for the small sword, and he intends also to open a dancing school, where the newest and most elegant steps shall be taught. Terms of tuition may be known by applying to him at Mr. Rivalain's on Shockoe Hill, in one of Judge Wythe's new brick houses. Jan. 7. tf.
A NEW TAVERN, REUBEN BURNLEY respectfully informs the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment in that commodious new building west of the Court-house. Attached to the premises is a new stone stable inferior to none in the state; and that he is in every respect, well provided for the accommodation of genteel company. N. B. Very liberal wages will be given for a good Cook—a male would be preferred. Charlottesville, Nov. 25. ep2m
VALUABLE PROPERTY. WILL be sold, to the highest bidder for ready money on the premises on Saturday the 15th day of February next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed by Richard Bate, to secure the payment of $333 dollars 33 cents, with interest thereon from the date, due to Rambaut & Gernou and George Pegram jun. and the expenses of the sale.
Two acres of land lying upon Appomattox river, within one mile of the town of Petersburg with the water grill and manufacturing mills, Bake house, Distillery house and other houses of improvements erected thereon.
PLEASANT AKIN, for Henry Cagney and Pleasant Akin. Petersburg, January 7. tdf.
NOTICE. THE Surveyors of the State Roads from Richmond to Charlottesville, are required to take notice, that repeated complaints have been made to me, of the danger to which the passengers in the Stage have been, and still are subjected to, from the badness of the roads, resulting most materially from the inattention or negligence of those, who ought to see them regularly repaired—therefore if on any further complaint of the difficult passage of the Stage, or obstruction as above, I shall proceed as the law directs to enforce the most exemplary punishment on those who are in default. The general good of society, the dispatch necessary for the conveyance of the public Mail, and my own interests, are motives alone, sufficient for such a determination. RICHARD TERRELL. December 17. (enclosed)
OYSTER HOUSE. GEORGE WATSON, HAS commenced his former and well known occupation of furnishing OYSTERS, BEEF STEAKS, COLD SNACKS, and RELISHES, at the white House near the Union Tavern, wherein the Post-Office was lately kept. He begs leave to assure those who may favor him with their company or commands, that nothing shall be neglected on his part which promises to give satisfaction. October 15.
THOSE Gentlemen who have been good enough to receive the subscribers proposition relating to the Chesapeake Bay State, will be pleased to transmit the subscription paper to Lawrence Mays, Esq. of Appomattox, so that they may arrive at that place previous to the 20th of next month, in order that it may be then advertised, whether or not, the whole number of shares have been subscribed for. JAMES R. MCGOW. January 2. 745399.
ADVERTISEMENTS. AS I intended next fall to remove to the western country, I will sell, a bargain in the tract of LAND, whereon I now reside, in Amherst county, containing 476 acres, with good improvements for the reception of a genteel family; the plantation is in good repair for cropping, and lies well for land in the upper country, and conveniently situated, being within one half mile of a manufacturing mill on Buff Joe river, three miles from the town of New-Glasgow, and the neighbourhood in every respect desirable; this land also lies within 16 miles of an inspection of tobacco on James river, and 20 miles from the town of Lynchburg. Any farther description is now deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with first to view the premises. The payment will be made easy to suit the purchaser. JOSEPH BURRUS. January 11. 80 p.
ELLIS & ALLAN Have just received from the Ships Proteus and George from Liverpool, and Suffolk from London, A SUITABLE and a well selected assortment of FALL GOODS—Amongst which are: Duffel and Point Blankets, Rote Blankets from 6-4 to 11-4, Napbed Cottons, Kennebec white and coloured Plans do. do. Yarn and Plaid Hose, Nails from 2d to 30d, Crown window glass 10 by 8, 11 by 9 and 12 by 10 Putty and Glue, Boiled Linseed Oil in Jars, English White Lead ground in oil, Yellow Ochre, Spanish Brown, Verdigrise in pots, Bellows, Anvils, Vices and Smiths hammers, Liverpool Filled Salt, Loudon Superfine Cloths and Cashmeres, single and double Mill'd Patent Woollen Cords, Velvets, Hunters and Constitution Cords, Corduroy, and Thickfets, Ladies London Kid and Morocco Shoes and Boots, Silk, Cotton and Worsted Hose, Silk Bath Indep do. White Angola Hose, very fine Gentlemen's Silk, Cotton, and Worsted Hose, Angolas and Lamb's Wool, Lamb's Wool Half Hose, Real Italian Saracens plain and checked, Chambray Mullins, Plain and Tamboured Jacquet Mullins, Calomade, Pique, & Laced Calomade & Cambric do, Coloured Cambrics and Calicoes, Elegant Silk Shawls, do. Cambric do, Brussels and Kidderminster Carpets and Carpeting, Gentlemen's Real Beaver, Fashionable Hats, Patent do. Ladies Trimmed do. Rich Black Molekin do. Rich figured do. Guns and Pistols, Elegant Fowling Piece, Sine Twine, 6-8 and 10-4 Dinger and Damask do. 8-4, 10-4, 10-18 Damask and Dinger Table Cloths, Irish Linens and 5-4 Irish Sheeting. Which will be sold on moderate terms. October 25. tf.
I WISH TO HIRE, TWENTY-FIVE or thirty likely active Negro Men to work on the Manabacher Turnpike road; for such I will give liberal prices, and assure those who wish to hire they will work under my own, and every attention paid them. Any person wishing to hire will call on me living in Richmond at present. I wish to rent the House I now live in, to a careful man; It is one among the best stands in the city of Richmond, as a Boarding House, or Public House. I will furnish a large number of Beds and other Furniture, or sell the Furniture, at two, four or six months credit. I can assure any person that there is not one house or lot in this place better fixed as to convenient out-houses: a stable for eighteen horses, in good order. My Mill, I wish also to rent, situated within three-quarters of a mile of the Market House. The mill has two pair of stones; one for wheat and one for corn. I will rent the mill low, to a man that will keep her in order, and take the rent in meal, at a fair market price through the year. I can assure whoever may wish to rent, there is no want of water in the dryest seasons, with a little care. JOHN P. SHIELDS. Dec. 31. 37.
To gentlemen in the country, and country merchants, in Virginia.
A N attentive and intelligent agent in a large commercial city, has an extensive opportunity of rendering important services to persons situated more remotely from the scene of business. The subscribers who have taken measures to obtain accurate information on the usual subjects of commission business, and who have paid particular attention to the object of selling produce, and purchasing goods on the most advantageous terms for cash, invite gentlemen in the country and others to make trial of their agency. Merchandise, books, elegant furniture, and fashionable or useful articles of any kind will be purchased at auction, are carefully selected, wherever they can be procured on the most advantageous terms; and every species of commission business will be executed with faithful attention to the interest of their correspondents.
The varied and extensive market of New-York, constantly offers to those who are enabled to advance cash, opportunities of purchasing goods at half their usual price; and the subscribers having formed their establishment expressly to embrace this advantage, can effectually serve the interest of their mercantile friends and others who may confide in them. LEROY ANDERSON & Co. New-York.
Further information may be obtained on application to L. ANDERSON, P. M. Williamsburg. December 7. 7 2.
This Day is Published, And For Sale at the Book-store of the Enquirer, and the Minerva Office: THE VIRGINIA ALMANACK, FOR 1806: PRINTED FOR T. RITCHIE AND COOK & GRANT, LAND-CONTAINING A considerable variety of matter; Political, Agricultural, Medical and Miscellaneous. Among others, an Essay on the Oratorical Character of Curran, attributed to the author of the British Spy.
THE HIGHEST PRICE (IN CASH) WILL BE GIVEN AT THIS OFFICE FOR CLEAN LINEN & COTTON RAGS.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE. Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.