Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-10 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1457]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, MAY 10, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
  (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)    TOBACCO, $ 3 75 CASH  WHEAT, new, 0 67 do.  FLOUR, superfine, new, 4 50 do.  FLOUR, fine, 3 50 do.  CORN, 2 do. do.  HEMP, clean, (her ton) 170 00 do.  IRON, 110 00 do.  BACON, 10 do. do.  WHISKEY, 04 do. do.  
Nicholas Hallam,
FEW DOORS ABOVE THE SWAN TAVERN, HAS FOR SALE, on equally good terms as sold in Richmond, 360 wax and fair Calf Skins, } Philadelphia manufacture. } First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quar- ter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. } Calf and Cordovan roundings } and binding skins } Bridle leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes.
Nails of all kinds.
Family Bacon, Butter, Cheese, } Lemons and Apples } A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL-CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. April 12. lawtf
The Subscriber,
Having closed his business at the Tan Yard, HAS REMAINING ON HAND a large parcel of well finished SLAUGHTER and
Spanish Sole Leather,
among which a considerable part will answer for holsters, being light, which he offers for sale at reasonable prices on liberal credit, for approved endorsed notes,
Marcus Elcan.
April 18, 1808. oawtf
To Rent,
and immediate possession given, A Two Story Brick Tenement, nearly opposite the Methodist Meeting House, lately the property of George W. Dixon. For terms apply to the subscriber.
Samuel White.
April 20. lawtfw
The Subscriber
Begs leave to inform his friends and the public generally, that he continues to carry on the Painting Business
in all its branches, at his shop, on the cross street leading from the main street between Col. and Dr. Adams's, where all kinds of painting and gilding, shall be executed with neatness, punctuality and dispatch, on the lowest terms for cash.
Kilbee Wren.
April 20. w6
GUN POWDER
FOR SALE, and SALT PETRE, WANTED.
THE Subscriber have become partners in the GUN POWDER WORKS, in the neighborhood of this city, formerly carried on under the firm of Hugh Warden and Sons—the said firm being dissolved by mu- tual consent.
The partners whose firm is hereunto subscribed, will contract for a large quan- tity of Salt Petre, either crude or refined of the best quality, to be delivered to them in this city, or to Mr. John Lesslie or Mr. Joseph Darmstadt, merchants, who will keep samples of the gun powder man- ufactured at the works and receive orders for it. Letters addressed to the subscribers in Richmond will be duly answered. They assure the public that their powder has met with general approbation, it is made gazed and clean, equal in quality to imported powder, and they will furnish it in large or small quantities of every description, according to orders which may be sent to them; it will be delivered new from the works, and on such reasonable terms as they hope will procure it a preference to powder from abroad or from other states.
As the said works have been establish- ed at considerable expense, and are superi- or in several respects to any in the upper country, so as to make the powder in a more perfect manner, the partners hope they will meet with that encouragement which improvement deserves from a gene- rous people.
JOHN ELLIS AND
HUGH WARDEN.
Richmond, 18th April 1808. w2m
Was committed to the jail of Surry county the 15th of February last, a negro woman named NANCY who says that she for- merly belonged to Emanuel Robertson of Prin- cess Ann County, Va. and was sold by him to Nathaniel Bowring of Kentucky, and that she made her escape from the said Bowring in the county of Nansemond on her way to Kentucky. Nancy is from eighteen to 20 years old, of a rather a light complexion, four feet ten in- ches high, had on a calico jacket and Virginia cloth petticoat. The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges and take her away, otherwise she will be dealt with as the law directs.
Benj. E. Browne,
Sheriff.
15th April, 1808. 3w
Two Elegant Rooms
TO RENT.
Enquire of the Printer. May 2, 1808.
For Rent,
AND possession given immediately, the HOUSE and LOT, adjoining the tea- sement occupied by the Hon. Creed Tay- lor, and late in the occupancy of Phineas Blake and Jasen French. Apply to E. W. TRENT.
May 2d, 1808.
LAND FOR SALE.—Pursuant to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, will be sold upon the first Monday in January 1808, for cash upon the pre- mises, a tract of land, mentioned in said deed by being upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris's creek, in the county of Prince-Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, freeing all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon good plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual. Prinne Edward, Oct. 16, 1807.
CHARLES WOODSON, JAMES MADISON, Trustees.
** The above sale is postponed till Tues- day the 28th day of June next. April 20, 1808. 10w
REMOVAL.
WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Musc-vado Sugar by the hogshead barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and new cases Old Cider of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN HOLLOK, & Co. March 8, 1808. (tf)
Joseph Marx & Co.
Have on hand an assortment GERMAN OZNAUBURGS, TICKLENBURGS, DOWLASS and TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece.
COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper. Richmond, April 28, 1808. tf
TO RENT,
A GOOD TENEMENT on Mark- Alley, opposite the Market House. It is among the best stands in the neigh- borhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkin. ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15. tf
For Sale or Rent,
THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining in Major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to JASPER ROBBINS, at Mr. JOHN M'ENRY's. Feb. 24, 1808.
NOTICE.
WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND,
LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 80 or more prime low grounds, which never is overflowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready to go to complete the mill upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one be- tween this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. January 5, 1808. John H. Saunders. tds
Valuable Lands.
THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or ex- change for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of Oct. 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise ly- ing in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland ri- ver, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Ma- son, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indispensible titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN January 23d, 1808. tf
JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE, No. 4, of the American Military Library or, Repository of Modern Tactics; Adapted to the use of the Militia of the U- nited States.—Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manoeuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents.) March 20
Map of Virginia
For Sale at this Office. NEWTON FORD THOMAS DOWDY } Trustees. Cumberland, May 24, 1808. (St.)
Just Published, and for sale at S. Grantland's Printing office, oppo- site Dr. Duvall's Medicine Store,
MILITARY TACTICS,
or, The Soldier's Companion.
teaching how to form companies — With directions for the formation and exer- cise of a battalion and regiment; AND THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS, &c. Evolution for the Cavalry and Artillery, with explanations and improvements upon Buron Steuben. By SAMUEL J. WINSTON, Brigade Inspector for the second brigade.
Subscribers will receive their books at the printing office of Seaton Grantland, where they are requested to call or send for them.
The House and Lot,
AT present occupied by Mr. Ezekiel Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a fa- mily.—Possession may be had on the 31 March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan. 1808. tf
Charlotte Court, 9th March, 1808. Nathaniel Tournay and Mary his wife, Charles Tournay and Martha his wife and Thomas Estis, Plffs AGAINST Anthony Handley and Mary his wife, Ja- cob Heading and Mildred his wife, William Cockrum and Nancy his wife, Edwin Sneed and Elizabeth his wife, Carter White, executor of John White and guardian of the orphans of the said John White, Frances White, Sarah Walker, and John Estis, administrator of Elisha Estis, Defs
THE defendants Anthony Handley and Mary his wife, Jacob Heading and Mildred his wife, William Cockrum and Nancy his wife and Sarah Walker, not having entered their appearance according to the act of assembly, and the rules of his court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state; on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney.—It is ordered, that they appear here on the first day of August court next and enter their appearance; and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively and post- ed at the front door of the court house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, Thomas Read, clk. (8p)
Land, Negroes, &c.
FOR SALE. PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, a tract will be sold at pub- lic auction, at his dwelling house, in Han- over county, on Thursday, the 19th day of May next, if fair, if not the next fair day, on 9 months credit, the purchaser giving bond with approved security, carrying interest from the date if not punctually paid. About Ten Likely Negroes, among them a valuable Blacksmith, Shoemaker, bricklayer, and Cooper.—At the same time and place, on six months credit, for all sums above twenty dollars, for bond and security as above, and cash for all sums of twenty dollars and un- der, will be sold, his HOUSEHOLD and KIT- CHEN FURNITURE, among which is an ex- cellent Eight-Day Clock, two copper stills of 120 gallons each, a Stud Horse, by Lamplighter, called Ready Rhino; a Waggon and Team, two riding and several other Horses and Mules, a single Gig and Harness.—And on Monday the 30th day of the same month, if fair, if not the next fair day, on the premises, will be sold, a valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the upper end of Hanover county, commonly called David An- derson's Store, containing 365 and a half acres, more or less, and immediate possession given, for which one third of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale, and one and two years credit will be given for the balance, the purchaser giving a deed of trust on the premises, to secure the two last payments, with bonds and approved security, carrying in- terest from the date, if not punctually paid. Bond Creditors will find their interest to attend those sales, that some arrangements may be made for discharging their claims. Tho' having legal claims against the said estate, will please make them known, and those indebted will please make immediate payment, as no in- dulgence can be given.
MATHEW TOLER, Adm'or with the Will annexed. Hanover County, April 20, 1808. wtf
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, some
time in May, 1807, a negro man named SAM, aged about 23 or 24 years—he was purchased of Mr. Freeland of Manchester, and belonged formerly to the estate of Mr. Macon, of Powhatan—about 6 feet high, very likely, stout and well made. He lived with Mr. Joshua Brotherhood in the year 1806, and had a wife at Mr. Gentry's who was then overseer for Doc. Currie near this city. Any person who will deliver the said negro to me in Rich- mond, or secure him in jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. HENRY METTERT, Butcher. Richmond, May 2, 1808. (2)
Pursuant to a deed of trust executed to
the subscribers by Creed Haskins of Cumberland county, to secure a debt therein- mentioned, due Thomas Mosby of said county, will be offered for ready money, to the highest bidder, at the premises, on Saturday the 21st inst., a TRACT OF LAND, lying on the wa- ters of Great Guinea creek in Cumberland coun- ty, and containing one hundred and twenty three acres, with suitable accommodations for a fam- ily. NEWTON FORD THOMAS DOWDY } Trustees. Cumberland, May 24, 1808. (St.)
By Authority.
AN ACT,
In addition to the act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States" and the sev- eral acts supplementary thereto, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress as- sembled, That during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and har- bors of the United States, no vessel of any description whatever, and wher- ever bound, whose employment is con- fined to the navigation of bays, sounds, rivers and lakes within the jurisdiction of the United States, (packets, ferry- boats, and vessels exempted from the obligation of giving any bond what- ever only excepted) shall be allowed to depart from any district of the United States, without having previously ob- tained a clearance, nor until the mas- ter or commander shall have delivered to the collector or surveyor of the port of departure, a manifest of the whole cargo on board, including articles of domestic growth or manufacture, as well as foreign merchandise. And it shall also be the duty of the owners, agents, or master of every such vessel, to produce within two months thereaf- ter, to the collector of the district from which the vessel departed, a certificate of the landing of the whole of such cargo, in a port of the United States, within the bays, sounds, rivers or lakes, to which the navigation of such vessel is confined, signed by the collector or surveyor of the port where the cargo shall have been landed.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of the act lay- ing an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supple- mentary thereto, no ship or vessel of any description whatever, other than those described in the next preceding section, and wherever bound, shall re- ceive a clearance, unless the lading shall be made hereafter under the in- spection of the proper revenue officers, subject to the same restrictions, regu- lations, penalties, and forfeitures, as are provided by law for the inspection of goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into the United States upon which duties are imposed, any law to the contrary notwithstanding; provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect vessels la- den in whole or in part, on the receipt of this act by the respective collectors.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That if any vessel described in the first section, shall depart from any district of the United States, without a clear- ance, or before the manifest of the cargo shall have been delivered to the col- lector or surveyor, in the manner there- in prohibited, or if a certificate of the landing of the cargo shall not be pro- duced within the time and in the man- ner therein provided, such vessel and cargo shall be forfeited, and the owner, or owners, consignee, agent, factors, freighters, master or skipper of such vessel, shall respectively forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding five thousand dollars, nor less than one thousand dollars: provided always, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to bar or prevent the recovery of the pen- alty on the bond given for such vessel.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and ves- sels in the ports and harbors of the U- nited States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, it shall be the duty of the master or person having charge or command of any vessel, flat or boat intended to enter that part of the river Mississippi, which lies be- tween the southern boundary of the Mississippi territory and the river Ib- erville if going down the said river to stop at Port Adams, and if going up the river to stop at Iberville, and at each place, as the case may be, to de- liver to an inspector of the revenue, to be stationed there for that purpose, a manifest of the whole cargo on board, and also, to produce to the same offi- cer within two months thereafter if going down the river, and within six months thereafter if going up the river, a certificate of the landing of the same in some part of the district of Mississip-
pi, and within the jurisdiction of the U- nited States, which certificate shall be signed by the collector or one of the surveyors of the district of Mississip- pi; or if the cargo shall be landed more than thirty miles from the place of re- sidence of any such officer, by a state or territorial judge, having jurisdic- tion at the place of such landing.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That if any vessel, flat, or boat, shall enter that part of the river Mississippi as prescribed in the next preceding section, without stopping and deliver- ing a manifest in the manner therein provided, or if a certificate of the lan- ding of the cargo shall not be produced within the time, and in the manner therein provided, such vessel, flat, or boat, and cargo shall be forfeited, and the owner or owners, consignee, agent, factors, freighters, master or skipper of such vessel, flat or boat, shall res- pectively forfeit and pay a sum not ex- ceeding five thousand dollars, nor less than one thousand dollars.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That no ship or vessel having any cargo whatever on board, shall, during the continuance of the act laying an em- bargo on all ships and vessels, in the ports and harbors of the United States, be allowed to depart from any port of the United States, for any other port or district of the United States, adja- cent to the territories, colonies or pro- vinces of a foreign nation; nor shall any clearance be furnished to any ship or vessel bound as aforesaid without special permission of the President of the United States. And if any ship or vessel shall, contrary to the provi- sions of this act, proceed to any port or district adjacent to the territories, colonies or provinces of a foreign na- tion, such ship or vessel with her cargo shall be wholly forfeited; and if the same shall not be seized, the owner, owners, agents, factors, and freighters of such ship or vessel shall, for every such offence, forfeit and pay double the value of such ship and cargo; and the master and commander of such ship or vessel, as well as all other persons, who shall knowingly be concerned in such prohibited voyage shall each respect- ively forfeit and pay, not exceeding three thousand dollars, nor less than five hundred dollars for every such offence, whether the vessel be seized or not.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the commanders of the public armed vessels and gun-boats of the United States, shall, as well as the commanders or masters of the revenue cutters, and revenue boats, be autho- rized, and they are hereby authorized to stop and examine any vessel, flat, or boat, belonging to any citizen of the United States, either on the high seas or within the jurisdiction of the United States, or any foreign vessel within the jurisdiction of the United States, which there may be reason to suspect to be engaged in any traffic or commerce, or in the transportation of merchandise of either domestic or foreign growth or manufacture, contrary to the provi- sions of this act, or of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels, in the ports and harbors of the United States, or of any of the acts supple- mentary thereto, and if upon examina- tion it shall appear that such vessel, flat, or boat is thus engaged, it shall be the duty of the commander to seize every such vessel, flat, or boat, and to send the same to the nearest port of the United States for trial.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That the comptroller of the treasury be, and he hereby is authorized to re- mit the duties accruing on the impor- tation of goods of domestic produce, or which, being of foreign produce, had been exported without receiving a drawback which may have been, or may be reimported in vessels owned by citizens of the United States, and which having sailed subsequent to the first day of October last, and prior to the twenty-second day of December last, may be or have been stopt on the high seas by foreign armed vessels, and by reason thereof have returned, or may hereafter return into the United States. And the said comptroller is likewise authorized to direct the ex- portation bonds given for foreign mer- chandise, exported with privilege of drawback, in such vessel, and reimport- ed in the same, in the manner afore- said to be cancelled, the duties on such reimportation being previously paid, and on such other conditions and re- [For continuation see last page.]

LETTER To the Hon. HARRISON G. OTIS, Esq. By JOHN Q. ADAMS. (Concluded.)
Such was the basis upon which arose the far famed rule of war of 1756—such was the foundation upon which Britain claimed and maintained this supposed right of adding that new instrument of desolation to the horrors of war—it was distressing to her enemy—yet! Had she adopted the practice of dealing with them in poison—Had Mr. Fox accepted the service of the man who offered to rid him of the French emperor by assassination, and had the attempt succeeded, it would have been less distressing to France than this rule of the war of 1756; and not more unjustifiable. Mr. Fox had too fair a mind for either, but his comprehensive and liberal spirit was discarded, with the cabinet which he had formed.
It has been the struggle of reason and humanity, and above all of christianity, for two thousand years, to mitigate the rigors of that scourge of humanity, war. It is now the struggle of Britain to aggravate them. Her rule of the war of 1756, in itself and in its effects, was one of the deadliest poisons, in which it was possible for her to tinge the weapons of her hostility.
In itself and in its effects, I say—for the French decrees of Berlin and of Milan, the Spanish and Dutch decrees of the same or the like, and her own orders of January and November—these alterations of officious pillage, this eager competition between her and her enemies for the honor of giving the last stroke to the vitals of maritime neutrality, all are justly attributable to their assumption and exercise of this single principle.—The rule of the war of 1756, was the root, from which all the rest are but suckers, still at every shoot growing ranker in luxuriance.
In the last decrees of France and Spain, her own ingenious fiction is adopted; and under them every neutral vessel that submits to English search, has been carried into an English port, or paid tax to the English government, is declared denationalized , that is, to have lost her national character, and to have become English property. This is cruel in execution; absurd in argument. To refute it were folly, for to the understanding of a child it refutes itself. But it is the reasoning of British jurists. It is the simple application to the circumstances and powers of France, of the rule of the war of 1756.
I am not the apologist of France & Spain; I have no national partialities; no national attachments but to my own country. I shall never undertake to justify or palliate the insults or injuries of any foreign power to that country which is dearer to me than life. If the voice of reason and justice could be heard by France and Spain, they would say—you have done wrong to make the injustice of your enemy towards neutrals the measure of your own. If she chastises with whips, do not you chastise with scorpions. Whether France would listen to this language, I know not. The most enormous infractions of our rights, hitherto committed by her, have been more in menace than in accomplishment. The alarm has been justly great; the anticipation threatening; but the amount of actual injury small. But to Britain, what can we say? If we attempt to raise our voices, her minister has declared to Mr. Pinkney that she will not hear. The only reason she assigns for her recent orders of council is, that France proceeds on the same principles. It is only by the light of blazing temples, and amid the groans of women and children perishing in the ruins of the sanctuaries of domestic habitation at Copenhagen, that we can expect our remonstrances against this course of proceeding will be heard.
Let us come to the third and last of the causes of complaint, which are represented as so frivolous and so unfounded—"the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake." The orders of admiral Berkeley, under which this outrage was committed, have been disavowed by his government. General professions of a willingness to make reparation for it, have been lavished in profusion; and we are now instructed to take these professions for endeavours ; to believe them sincere, because his Britannic majesty sent us a special envoy; and to cast the odium upon our own government.
I have already told you, that I am not one of those who deem suspicion and distrust, in the highest order of political virtues. Baseless suspicion is, in my estimation, a vice, as pernicious in the management of public affairs, as it is fatal to the happiness of a domestic life. When, therefore, the British ministers have declared their disposition to make ample reparation for an injury of a most atrocious character, committed by an officer of high rank, and, as they say, utterly without authority. I should most readily believe them, were their professions not positively contradicted by facts of more powerful eloquence than words.
Have such facts occurred? I will not again allude to the circumstances of Mr. Rose's departure upon his mission at such a precise point of time, that his commission and the orders of council of 11th November, might have been signed with the same pen full of ink. The subjects were not immediately connected with each other, and his majesty did not choose to associate distinct topics of negotiation. The attack upon the Chesapeake was disavowed; and ample reparation was withheld, only because with the demand for satisfaction upon that injury, the American government had coupled a demand for the cessation of others; alike in kind, but of minor aggravation. But had reparation really been intended, would it not have been offered, not in vague and general terms, but in precise and specific proposals? Were any such made? None. But it is said, Mr. Monroe was restricted from negotiating upon that subject apart; and therefore Mr. Rose was to be sent to Washington, charged with this single object; and without authority to treat upon or even to discuss any other. Mr. Rose arrives—The American government readily determine to treat upon the Chesapeake affair, separately from all others; but before Mr. Rose sets his foot on shore, in pursuance of a pretension made before by Mr. Canning, he connects with the negotiation, a subject far more distinct from the butcher of the Chesapeake, than the general impressment of our seamen, I mean
the proclamation, interdicting to British ships of war, the entrance of our harbors. The great obstacle which has always interfered with the adjustment of our differences with Britain, has been that she would not acquiesce in the only principle upon which fair negotiation between independent nations can be conducted, the principle of reciprocity, that she refuses the application to us of the claim which she asserts for herself. The forcible taking of men from an American vessel, was an essential part of the outrage upon the Chesapeake. It was the ostensible purpose for which that act of war unprovoked, was committed. The president's proclamation was a subsequent act, and was avowedly founded upon many similar aggressions, of which that was only the most aggravated.
If then Britain could with any colour of reason claim that the general question of impressment should be laid out of the case altogether, she ought upon the principle of reciprocity to have laid equally out of the case, the proclamation, a measure so easily separable from it, and in its nature merely defensive. When therefore she made the repeal of the proclamation an indispensable preliminary to all discussion upon the nature and extent of that reparation which she had offered, she refused to treat with us upon the footing of an independent power. She insisted upon an act of self degradation. On our part, before she would even tell us, what redress she would condescend to grant for a great and acknowledged wrong—This was a condition which she could not but know to be inadmissible, and is of itself proof nearly conclusive, that her cabinet never intended to make for that wrong any reparation at all.
But this is not all—it cannot be forgotten that when that atrocious deed was committed, amidst the general burst of indignation which resounded from every part of the union, there were among us a small number of persons, who upon the opinion that Berkeley's orders were authorised by his government, undertook to justify them in their fullest extent—these ideas, probably first propagated by British official characters, in this country, were persisted in until the disavowal of the British government took away the necessity for persevering in them, and gave notice where the next position was to be taken. This patriotic reasoning however, had been so satisfactory at Halifax, that complimentary letters were received from admiral Berkeley himself highly approving the spirit in which they were inculcated, and remarking how easily peace, between the U. S. and Britain might be preserved, if that measure of our national rights could be made the prevailing standard of the country.
When the news arrived in England, although the general sentiment of the nation was not prepared for the formal avowal and justification of this unparalleled aggression, yet there were not wanting persons here, ready to claim and maintain the right of searching national ships for deserters. It was said at the time, but for this we must of course rest upon the credit of unofficial authority, to have been made a serious question in the cabinet council; nor was its determination there ascribed to the eloquence of the gentleman who became the official organ of its communication—add to this a circumstance, which without claiming the irrefragable credence of diplomatic note, has yet its weight upon the common sense of mankind; that in all the daily newspapers known to be in the ministerial interest, Berkeley was justified and applauded in every variety of form that publication could assume, excepting only that of official proclamation. The only part of his orders there disapproved was the reciprocal offer which he made of submitting his own ship to be searched in return—that was very unequivocally disclaimed—the ruffian right of superior force , was the solid base upon which the claim was asserted, and so familiar was this argument grown to the casuists of British national jurisprudence, that the right of a British man of war to search an American frigate, was to them a self-evident proof against the right of the American frigate to search the British man of war. The same tone has been constantly kept up, until our accounts of latest date; and have been recently further invigorated by a very explicit call for war with the U. States, which they contend could be of no possible injury to Britain, and which they urge upon the ministry as affording them an excellent opportunity to accomplish a dismemberment of this union . These sentiments have even been avowed in parliament, where the nobleman who moved the address of the house of Lords in answer to the king's speech, declared that the right of searching national ships, ought to be maintained against the Americans, and disclaimed only with respect to European sovereigns.
In the mean time, admiral Berkeley, by a court martial of his own subordinate officers, hung one of the men taken from the Chesapeake, and called his name Jenkins. There was, according to the answer so frequently given by the lords of the admiralty, upon applications for the discharge of impressed Americans, no man on board the ship . The man thus executed had been taken from the Chesapeake by the name of Wilson. It is said that on his trial he was identified by one or two witnesses who knew him, and that before he was turned over he confessed his name was Ratford and was born in England; but it has also been said, that Ratford is now living in Pennsylvania; and after the character which the disavowal of admiral Berkeley's own government has given to his conduct, what confidence can be claimed or due to the proceedings of a court martial of his associates, held to sanction his proceedings. The three other men had not even been demanded in his orders; they were taken by the sole authority of the British searching lieutenant, after the surrender of the Chesapeake. There was not the shadow of a pretence before the court martial that they were British subjects, or born in any of the British dominions. Yet, by this court martial, they were sentenced to suffer death. They were reprieved from execution, only upon condition of renouncing their rights as Americans by voluntary service in the king's ships; they have never been restored. To complete the catastrophe with which this bloody tragedy was concluded, admiral Berkeley himself, in sanctioning the doom of these men; thus observed—thus tried—and thus sentenced—read
them a grave moral lecture on the enormity of their crime, in its tendency to provoke a war between the U. S. and G. Britain. Yet amidst all this parade of disavowal by his government; and amidst all these professions of readiness to make reparation, not a single mark of the slightest disapprobation, appears ever to have been manifested to that officer. His instructions were executed upon the Chesapeake in June. Rumors of his recall have been circulated here. But on leaving the station at Halifax in December, he received a complimentary address from the colonial assembly, and assured them in answer that he had no official information on his recall. From thence he went to the West Indies; and on leaving Bermuda for England in February was addressed again by that colonial government, in terms of high panegyric upon his energy, with manifest allusions to his achievement upon the Chesapeake.
Under all these circumstances, without applying any of the maxims of a suspicious policy to the British professions, I may still be permitted to believe that their ministry never seriously intended to make us honorable reparation, or indeed any reparation at all for that "unfortunate affair."
It is impossible for any man to form an accurate idea of the British policy towards the U. S. without taking into consideration the state of parties in that government; and the views, characters and opinions of the individuals at their helm of state; a liberal and a hostile policy towards America, are among the strongest marks of distinction between the political systems of the rival statesmen of that kingdom; the liberal party are reconciled to our independence; and though extremely tenacious of every right of their own country, are systematically disposed to preserve peace with the U. S. Their opponents harbor sentiments of a very different description; their system is coercion; their object the recovery of their lost dominion in North America; this party now stands high in power; although admiral Berkeley may never have received written orders from them for his enterprise upon the Chesapeake, yet in giving his instructions to the squadron, at Norfolk, he knew full well under what administration he was acting. Every measure of that administration towards us since that time has been directed to the same purpose; to break down the spirit of our national independence. Their purpose, as far as it can be collected from their acts, is to force us into war with them or with their enemies; to leave us only the bitter alternative of their vengeance or their protection.
Both these parties are no doubt willing that we should join them in the war of their nation against France and her allies.—The late administration would have drawn us into it by treaty, the present are attempting it by compulsion. The former would have admitted us as allies, the latter will have us no otherwise than as colonies. On the late debates in parliament, the lord chancellor freely avowed that the orders of council of 11th November, were intended to make America at last sensible of the policy of joining England against France.
This too, sir, is the substantial argument of Mr. Pickering's letter. The suspicions of a design in our own administration to plunge us into a war with Britain, I never have shared. Our administration have every interest and every motive that can influence the conduct of man to deter them from any such purpose. Nor have I seen any thing in their measures bearing the slightest indication of it. But between a design of war with England and a surren- der of our national freedom for the sake of war with the rest of Europe, there is material difference. This is the policy now in substance recommended to us, and for which the interposition of the commercial states is called. For this, not only all our outrages of Britain are to be forgotten, but the very as- ersion of our rights is to be banished with odium— Impressment—Neutral trade—British taxation —Every thing that can distinguish a state of national freedom from a state of national vassalage, is to be surren- dered at discretion In the face of every fact we are told to believe every profession. In the midst of every indignity, we are pointed to British protection as our only shield against the universal conqueror.— Every phantom of jealousy and fear is in- voked—the image of France, with a scourge in her hand, is impressed into the service, to lash us into the refuge of obedience to Britain—insinuations are even made that if Britain "with her thousand ships of war," has not destroyed our commerce, it has been owing to her indulgence, and we are almost threatened in her name with the "des- truction of our fairest cities."
Not one act of hostility to Britain has been committed by us, she has not a pretence of that kind to allege—but if she will wage war upon us, are we to do nothing in our own defence? If she issues orders of universal plunder upon our commerce, are we not to withhold it from her grasp? Is American pillage one of those rights which she has claimed and exercised until we are fore- closed from any attempt to obstruct its collection? For what purpose are we required to make this sacrifice of every thing that can give valor to the name of freemen, this abandonment of the very right of self-pres- ervation? Is it to avoid a war! alas! sir, it does not offer even this plausible plea of pusillanimity—for, as submission would make us to all substantial purposes British colonies, her enemies would unquestionably treat us as such, and after degrading our- selves into voluntary servitude to escape a war with her, we should incur inevitable war with all her enemies, and be doomed to share the destinies of her conflict with a world in arms.
Between this unqualified submission and offensive resistance against the war upon maritime neutrality waged by the concur- ring decrees of all the great belligerent powers, the embargo was adopted, and has been hitherto continued. So far was it from being dictated by France, that it was cal- culated to withdraw, and has withdrawn from within her reach all the means of com- pulsion, which her subsequent decrees would have put in her possession. It has added to the motives both of France and England for preserving peace with us, and has diminished their inducements to war. It has lessened their capacities of inflict- ing injury upon us, and given us some repara- ration for resistance to them—it has taken
from their violence the lure of interest—it has dashed the philter of pillage from the lips of rapine. That it is distressing to our- selves—that it calls for the fortitude of a people, determined to maintain their rights, is not to be denied. But the only alterna- tive was between that and war. Whether it will yet save us from that calamity, can- not be determined, but if not, it will pre- pare us for the further struggle to which we may be called. Its double tendency of promoting peace and preparing for war, in its operation upon both belligerent rivals, is the great advantage, which more than out- weigh all its evils.
If any statesman can point out another al- ternative, I am ready to hear him, and for any practicable expedient to lend him ev- ery possible assistance. But it is not that ex- pedient be submission to trade under British licences, and British taxation. We are told that even under these restrictions we may yet trade to the British dominions, to Africa and China, and with the colonies of France, Spain, and Holland. I ask not how much of this trade would be left, when our intercourse with the whole continent of Eu- rope being cut off would leave us no means of purchase, and no market for sale? I ask not, what trade we could enjoy with the co- lonies of nations with which we should be at war? I ask not how long Britain would leave open to us avenues of trade, which even in these very orders of council, she boasts of leaving open as a special indulgence? If we yield the principle, we abandon our pre- tence to national sovereignty. To yearn for the fragments of trade which might be left, would be to pine for the crumbs of com- mercial servitude. The boon, which we should humiliate ourselves to accept from British bounty, would soon be withdrawn.— Submission never yet sat boundaries to en- croachment. From pleading for half the empire, we should sink into supplicants for life—we should supplicate in vain. If we must fall, let us fall freemen; if we must perish, let it be in defence of our RIGHTS.
To conclude, Sir, I am not sensible of the necessity for the extraordinary interference of the commercial states, to control the ge- neral councils of the nation. If any inter- ference could, at this critical extremity of our affairs have a kindly effect upon our common welfare, it would be interference to promote union, and not a division; to urge mutual confidence, and not universal distrust; to strengthen the arm, and not to relax the sinews of the nation. Our suffer- ing and our dangers, though different per- haps in degree, are universal in extent. As their causes are justly chargeable, so their removal is dependent not upon ourselves, but upon others. But whilst the spirit of independence shall continue to beat in un- ison with the pulses of the nation, no danger will be truly formidable. Our duties are, to prepare with concerted energy, for those which threaten us, to meet them without dismay, and to rely for their issue upon Heaven.
I am, With Great respect and attachment, Dear Sir, Your friend & humble serv't. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Hon. HARRISON GRAY OTIS.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS. March 11, 1808.
[While the orders in council were un- der discussion, Mr. Grattan rose in his place and made a speech, of which we now give a sketch. It will be read with uncommon interest by every American.]
Mr. Grattan, in a speech replete with sound argument and eloquent expressions, declared his decided hostility to the mea- sure in discussion. He felt that, to Great Britain her name, her principles, and her moral character, at all times necessary, were now indispensable; because whatever diminished the credit of her reputation, whatever rendered a disregard for moral principle the measure of her actions, how- ever it might afford a temporary benefit to her interests, must, in the result, prove degrading to her character, and consequent- ly irrecoverably impair, if not destroy the source of her power. With such an im- pression fixed upon his mind, he depreca- ted the system which should force, by an impolitic and unjustifiable violence a war, between this country and America. No measure could be more imprudent, and no more precipitate minister could exist, than him who should propose it. It went to associate our cause with the vic- ies and principles of France, and carried in the fleets of England the spirit of domination across the waves of the Atlantic. Indeed, however highly it might be rated for im- mediate commercial profits, in its ultimate effects upon England, and the world, it was the extreme of insanity. The Right Hon- orable gentleman next proceeded to the consideration of this measure, as regulated by the public law of nations, he did not see that Ministers had attempted to prove the only justification on which their measures could be supported, namely, the acquies- cence of America in the French Decree. It was true, they had recommended their policy with an abundance of zeal, only to be equalled by the deficiency of the argu- ment. They totally forgot that paramount consideration, the manner in which it was administered. Had they afforded a single case where that nation had submitted to the requisitions of France? Surely in such an absence of reason, law ought not to be violated, and the character and policy of this great empire forfeited and disgraced, by its wanton imitation of French violence and French oppression. Had America such a system of conduct to expect from this country? On the contrary, did not the mild yet dignified, the forbearing yet determined dispatch of Lord Howick, de- clared to the American government, that as long as they abstained from an acquies- cence in that decree, so long would this country abstain from the adoption of the measures of a justified retaliation. To pro- cede otherwise was assimilating your poli- cy to that of a power, who respected no right, or admitted of no neutrality. Still, however fraught in the abstract, there were circumstances with respect to Ire- land, which ought to have recommended a more safe and a more honest policy. That country depended upon the importation of flaxseed from America, for the raw mate- rial of its staple commodity, the linen trade. It depended upon America for a great consump- tion of that manufacture. In what way, then,
was that manufacture, so vital to the in- terests and prosperity of Ireland, affected by these orders of commercial rigor? It had this ef- fect, that at the last linen markets in the No- rth of Ireland, not one fifth of the linens ex- posed for sale were purchased, and what were sold were at a deduction of 50 per cent. for foreign and 10 per cent. for home consumption. There were also a considerable want of polish for that branch of the Manufacture, as a considerable deficiency of staves, so much wanting for the South of Ireland. On every view, he knew of no greater addition to the calamities of the world than an American war. In the present circum- stances of the distracted globe, that nation which yielded most to avoid such a state of hostility, was the nation of most understanding. In such a contest, victory and defeat were synonymous terms; as whatever, in point of success, each should obtain over the other, would be nothing more than the accumulated gain of France. Much had been said of the hostile zeal of the American congress, and of the warmth with which its members debated the nature of the re- lations existing between the two countries. Have we not had, angry debates in the British parliament? Is it to affix an evil character to the warm contemptions of this house? Let us, then, recollect, that America was animated by a spark of the same spirit, that the attack would be worse because it would then be freedom ar- rayed against its kindred spirit. Depend upon it that such a war will give the title deed of inhe- rance to the dynasty of Bonaparte. It will place these two islands, the last vesting place of liberty, between two hostile hemispheres, and ultimately sacrifice the last spot of that sacred soil where it will be possible for a freeman to tade. And for what purpose shall we realize such an evil on England, on the world, on the last resource and future hopes of mankind? For- sooth, to get a market for sugar—Michievous policy! Can the British parliament so soon for- get, that the imposition of a tea tax on America brought on a property-tax upon England? Beware how you establish France in America, and by your frantic quarrel with that nation, culat the way of England in the service of Bonaparte. The ocean protests against such a calamity, and will an infatuated ministry proceed?
Mr. Banks argued ably on the same side, and conjured the house to pause ere it proceeded in that career of violence against neutral states.
Mr. Wilberforce supported the measure and Lord H. Petty rose at 2 o'clock, when he entered into a most perspicuous statement of the con- sequences which would result from these mea- sures, and cautioned ministers of their responsi- bility for the system of political empiricism which they are pursuing.
Mr. Secretary Canning conceived that the measure would ultimately tend to support the Bri- tish commercial constitution and her naval supe- riority at sea. He entered at large into a refu- tation of the doctrines laid down by the noble lord, and concluded with strongly urging the ne- cessity of the measure.
Mr. Whitbread answered Mr. Canning in an animated speech; he considered the principle laid down by the right hon gentleman who pre- ceded him as totally subversive of the commer- cial policy of the country. He was anxious the house should vindicate its character by an almost unanimous opposition to the measure proposed by his majesty's ministers.
Mr. Rose explained; after which a division took place, when there appeared for the bill—
Ayes 163 Noes 63 Majority 100
The house adjourned at six o'clock this mor- ning [Saturday] till Monday next.
Horses for sale.
FOR SALE at the Stable of the Bell- Tavern, THREE ELEGANT SAD- DLE HORSES, each 4, 5 and 6 years old. Apply to ROBERT TURNER, Bell Tavern, 9 h May, 1808.
TAKEN UP by the Subscriber in Prince-Edward County, near Spring Creek, one BRINDLE STEER, a- bout 3 years old, marked with a crop in each year and two slits, with a white back and mostly his tail and under his flank and belly. Appraised to five dollars and a half. It has been at my house best part of two winters. NATH: THACKSTON. 30th April, 1808. w3p
Advertisement.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Wil- liam Hutchinson to the subscribers, on the 24th day of October, 1805 which deed hath been since duly proven and recorded in the county court of Henrico, and in conformity to a request in writing, made by Charles Ellis, for whose benefit the said deed of trust was executed. The subscribers will, for the purpose of raising sufficient sum of money, to discharge the amount due on two bonds, [given by the said Hutchinson to the said Charles Ellis] mentioned in the said deed of trust, and for other purposes therein spe- cified, proceed to sell at public auction for ready money, on the premises, on Thursday the 16th day of June next, all that Tract of Land in the deed aforesaid mentioned, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to satisfy the debt aforesaid and other objects of the trust. The said Tract of Land is situated in the upper part of Henrico county, on the waters of Tuckahoe-Creek, be- ing the same Land on which the said Charles Ellis formerly resided, and is particularly described in the deed of trust aforesaid, and in the deed by which the said Charles Ellis conveyed the same to the said Hutchinson, both of which deeds, or copies thereof, will be shown on the day of sale.
JOHN PATTERSON, STEPHEN ELLIS. w3p
10 Dollars Reward
RUNAWAY from the subscriber on the 11th of December last, a negro woman named CHARLOTTE late the property of a Mrs. Timberlake of Hanover county. She is of a light complexion about five feet high, has a scar on her forehead, supposed to be 35 or 36 years old. It is supposed she is harbored in Rich- mond by her husband who is hired at the Ar- mory, or in New Kent by some of his relations, or acquaintances.
The above reward will be paid to any person who will deliver the said woman to the subscri- ber or secure her in any Jail.
WILLIAM W. DICKINSON Richmond, April 27, 1808. [if.]
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has this day published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of AARON BURR, and others.
Map of Virginia
For Sale at this Office.

trictions as may be necessary for the security of the revenue.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, no foreign ship or vessel shall go from one port in the United States to another, and should any foreign ship or vessel, contrary to this section, go from one port of the United States to another, the vessel with her cargo shall be wholly forfeited, and the owner or owners, agent, factors, freighters, and master of such ship or vessel, shall forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding three thousand dollars, nor less than one thousand dollars.
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That no vessel, flat, or boat, comprehended in this act shall be obliged to pay more than twenty cents for each clearance.
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That the collectors of the customs be, and they are hereby respectively authorized to detain any vessel ostensibly bound with a cargo to some other port of the United States, whenever in their opinions the intention is to violate or evade any of the provisions of the acts laying an embargo, until the decision of the President of the United States be had thereupon.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That if any unusual deposits of provisions, lumber, or other articles of domestic growth or manufacture shall have been, or shall be made in any of the ports of the United States, adjacent to the territories, colonies, or provinces of a foreign nation the collector of the district shall be, and he hereby is authorized to take the same in his custody, and not to permit such articles to be removed until bond with sufficient sureties shall have been given for the landing or delivery of the same in some port or place of the United States.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That any ship or vessel owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States, loaded or in part loaded with the produce of the United States before the act laying an embargo was passed, and by said act detained in any part of the United States, may be permitted to proceed to any other port of the United States, and there to remain with such cargo on board, subject to such other restrictions and bonds as are prescribed in the act laying an embargo, and the several supplementary acts thereto.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures, incurred by force of this act, may be mitigated and remitted in the manner prescribed by the act, intitled "An act to provide for mitigating and remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities accruing in certain cases therein mentioned;" and all penalties and forfeitures which may be recovered in pursuance of this act, in consequence of any seizure made by the commander of any public armed vessel of the United States, shall be distributed according to the rules prescribed by the act, intitled "An act for the government of the navy of the United States," and all other penalties and forfeitures arising under this act, shall be distributed in the manner prescribed by the act, intitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage."
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That nothing in the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, or in the several acts supplementary thereto, or in the act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise, shall be construed to prevent the exportation by land, or inland navigation from the territories of the United States, into those of Great Britain, of furs and peltries, the property of subjects of Great Britain, and by them purchased from the Indians; or to prevent the importation by land, or inland navigation, from the territories of Great Britain into those of the United States, of merchandise the property of British subjects, and by them imported solely for the use of the Indians aforesaid.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. April 25, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT, Concerning invalid pensioners. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of war be and he is hereby directed to place the following named persons, whose claims have been transmitted to congress, pursuant to a law passed the tenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, on the pension list of invalid pensioners of the United States, according to the rates, and to commence at the times herein mentioned, that is to say:
Thomas Lamar Davis, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Albert Chapman, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Ambrose Homan, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and six.
Richard Scott, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the fifth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Francis Blood, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and six.
Jonas Green, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
William Green at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Seth Weed, at the rate of six dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Samuel Lathrop, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty second day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Peter Smith, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and six.
William Johnson, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
James Houston, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the thirteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Jedediah Hyde, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the third day of August one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Samuel Nisbet, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eighteenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Shepherd Packard, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Richard Kisby, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Jonathan Wilkins, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Waterman Baldwin, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fifth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
John Clark, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
John Venus, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the eleventh day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
John Holcombe, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Richard Steads, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the ninth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Alexander Jones, at the rate of three dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four.
Benjamin Saddler, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and three.
Benjamin Jenkins, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
William Scott, at the rate of twenty five dollars per month, to commence on the twelfth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
James Bruff, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Nathan Taylor, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Aaron Stevens, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Simon Morgan, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the second day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jonathan Patch, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the
eleventh day of July, one thousand eight hundred and six.
Ebenezer Rowe, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Benjamin Kendrick, at the rate of three dollars, thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the first day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six.
Nicholas Hoff, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Samuel Shaw, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the thirteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Nicholas Lott, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-third day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Humphrey Becket, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the eighth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Silas Parrott, at the rate of six dollars per month, to commence on the tenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jared Hinkley, junior, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Francis Davidson, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Andrew Waggoner, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the second day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
George Richardson, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the tenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
William Wallace, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Joseph Bird, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John St. John, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Abner Snow, at the rate of three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the twenty-seventh day of January one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Aaron Craine, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
James Hawkey, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Elijah Morse, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixth day of January one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Van Anglen at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
James Borden, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Isaac Burnham, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and three.
Benjamin Hillman, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the fourteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Silas Pierce, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Randel M'Allister, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eleventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Durnal, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jabez Church, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Thomas Machin, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
David Richey, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the second day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the pensions of the following persons already placed on the pension list of the United States, whose claims for an increase of pension have been transmitted to congress, pursuant to the
act aforesaid, be increased to the sums herein respectively annexed to their names, the said increase to commence at the times herein mentioned, that is to say:
James Campbell, four dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fifth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
John Beardsley, jun. five dollars per month, to commence on the thirteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Thomas Bistol, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Josiah Smith, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Joseph Wace, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Daniel Buck, five dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Lemuel King, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-third day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
William Wallace, five dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Joseph Saunders, five dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
William Hastings, five dollars per month, to commence on the eleventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Joshua Lovejoy, five dollars per month to commence on the fifth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Isaac Higgins, three dollars thirty three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Reuben Dow, fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Joseph Harrup, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
David Ranney, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
John Whitehorn, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Richard Sherman, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Noah Sinclair, three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Nathaniel Church, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Gershom Clark, five dollars per month, to commence on the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John M'Kinstry, twelve dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Ebenezer Perkins five dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Henry Ten Eyck, fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-first day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Thomas Simson, thirteen dollars, thirty-three and one third cents per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and six.
John Rybeck, four dollars per month, to commence on the eighteenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Lemuel Dean, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Thomas Johnson, five dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Levy Chubbuck, three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the twentieth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
George Walter, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Samuel Rossetter, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jeremiah Pritchard, thirteen dollars, thirty three and one third cents, per month, to commence on the sixth
day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Abner Gage, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty sixth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Devoe, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Nathaniel Bradley, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Thaddeus Seely, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the ninth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Herron, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Peter Nevins, four dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Hampton, six dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Reswell Woodworth, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
David Hulbell, five dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John M'Coy, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Caleb Hunt, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Henry Gates, five dollars per month, to commence on the ninth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
David Hall, five dollars per month, to commence on the twelfth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jonah Cook, five dollars per month, to commence on the fourth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
William Nelson, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary at war be, and he is hereby authorized and directed to place on the pension list of the United States, all persons who now remain on the pension list of any of the states, and who were place on the same in consequence of disability occasioned by known wounds received during the revolutionary war, whether such person or persons served in the land or sea service of the forces of the United States, or of any particular state, in the regular corps, or the militia, or as volunteers: Provided, That in no case the pensions allowed to such person or persons, shall exceed the sums specified by the sixth section of the act, intitled "An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war," passed the tenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six: And provided, That in every case where application shall be made, to have such person or persons placed on the pension list of the United States, under this law, satisfactory documents from the proper officers of the state, shall be adduced to establish the fact of such person or persons having been placed on the state pension list in consequence of disability occasioned by known wounds received during the revolutionary war.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any officer, non-commissioned officer, musician or private, who has been wounded or disabled since the revolutionary war, while in the line of his duty, in the actual service of the United States, whether he belong to the military establishment or the militia, or any volunteer corps, called into service under the authority of the United States, may be placed on the pension list of the United States, at such rate of compensation, and under such regulations as are prescribed by the act entitled "An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war," passed April the tenth one thousand eight hundred and six.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the pensioners becoming such in virtue of this act, shall be paid in the same manner as invalid pensioners are paid, who have heretofore been placed on the pension list of the United States, under such restrictions and regulations in all respects, as are prescribed by the laws of the United States, in such cases provided.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro tempore. April 25, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.

The following patriotic articles of association unanimously resolved upon & agreed to by the delegates from the different counties in the colony of Virginia, at Williamsburg, in August 1769, we recommend to the serious consideration of our readers. On an attentive perusal, we will venture to say, that there are but few of the true and genuine sons of the ancient dominion, who would not cheerfully at this day subscribe to a similar association.
1st. We do hereby resolve and declare, that we will not either directly or indirectly, after the 1st day of November next, import from G. Britain any goods, wares, or merchandise whatever, medicines excepted; nor will we after that day, import any British manufactures, either from the West Indies or any other place, nor any article whatever which we shall know, or have reason to believe, was brought into such countries from G. Britain; nor will we purchase any such articles so imported of any person or persons whatsoever, except such as are now in the country, or such as may arrive on or before the said 1st day of November, in consequence of orders already given, and which cannot now be countermanded in time.
2dly. We will neither ourselves import, nor purchase any slave or slaves, imported by any person after the 1st day of November next, either from Africa, the West Indies, or any other place.
3dly. Considering the article of tea as the detestable instrument which laid the foundation of the present sufferings of our distressed friends in the town of Boston, we view it with horror; and therefore resolve, that we will not from this day, either import tea of any kind whatever, nor will we use, or suffer even such of it as is now on hand to be used, in any of our families.
4thly. If the inhabitants of the town of Boston, or any other colony, should by violence or dire necessity be compelled to pay the East India company for destroying any tea, which they have lately by their agents unjustly attempted to force into the colonies, we will not directly or indirectly import or purchase any British India commodity whatever, till the company, or some other person on their behalf, shall refund and fully restore to the owners all such sums or sums of money as may be so extorted.
5thly. We do resolve, that unless American grievances are redressed before the 10th day of August, 1775, we will not, after that day, directly or indirectly, export tobacco, or any other article whatever, to Great Britain; nor will we sell any such articles as we think can be exported to G. Britain with a prospect of gain to any person or persons whatever, with a design of putting it into his or their power to export the same to G. Britain, either on our own, his, or their account. And that this resolution may be the more effectually carried into execution, we do hereby recommend it to the inhabitants of this colony to refrain from the cultivation of tobacco, as much as conveniently may be; and in lieu thereof that they will, as we resolve to do, apply their attention and industry to the cultivation of all such articles as may form a proper basis for manufactures of all sorts, which we will endeavor to encourage throughout this colony to the utmost of our abilities.
6thly. We will endeavor to improve our breed of sheep, and increase their number to the utmost extent, and to this end we will be as sparing as we conveniently can in killing of sheep, especially those of the most profitable kind: and if we should at any time be overstocked, or can conveniently spare any, we will dispose of them to our neighbors, especially the poorer sort of people, upon moderate terms.
7thly. Resolved, that the merchants, and other vendors of goods and merchandise within this colony, ought not to take advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by this association, but that they ought to sell the same at the rates they have been accustomed to for twelve months last past; and if they shall sell any such goods on higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any device whatever, violate or depart from this resolution, we will not, and are of opinion that no inhabitant of this colony ought, at any time thereafter to deal with any such persons, their factors or agents, for any commodity whatever. And it is recommended to the deputies of the several counties, that committees be chosen in each county, by such persons as accede to this association, to take effectual care that these resolves be properly observed, and for corresponding occasionally with the general committee of correspondence in the city of Williamsburg. Provided that if exchange should rise, such advances may be made in the price of goods as shall be approved by the committee of each colony.
8thly. In order the better to distinguish such worthy merchants and traders who are well-wishers to the colony from those who may attempt, thro' motives of self-interest, to obstruct our views, we do hereby resolve, that we will not, after the first day of November next, deal with any merchant or trader who will not sign this association, nor until he hath obtained a certificate of his having done so from the county committee or any three members thereof. And if any merchant, trader, or other person, shall import any goods or merchandise after the first day of November, contrary to this association, we give it as our opinion that such goods and merchandise should be either forthwith re-shipped or delivered up to the county committee, to be stored at the risk of the importer, unless such importer shall give a proper assurance to the said committee that such goods or merchandise shall not be sold within this colony during the continuance of this association; and if such importer shall refuse to comply with one or the other of these terms, upon application and due caution given to him, or her, by the said committee, or any three members thereof, such committee is required to publish the truth of the case in the gazettes, and in the county where he or she resides, and we will thereafter consider such person or persons as inimical to this country, and break off every connection and all dealings with them.
9thly. Resolved, that if any person or persons shall export tobacco, or any other commodity, to G. Britain, after the 10th day of August, 1775, contrary to this association, we shall hold ourselves obliged to consider such person or persons as inimical to the community, and as an approver of American grievances ; and give it as our opinion, that the public should be advertised of his conduct, as in the 8th article is desired.
10thly. Being fully persuaded that the united wisdom of the general congress may improve these endeavors to preserve the rights and liberties in British America, we decline enlarging at present; but do hereby resolve, that we will conform to and strictly observe, all such alterations or additions, assented to by the delegates for this colony, as they may judge necessary to adopt, after the same shall be published and made known to us.
11thly. Resolved, that we think ourselves called upon by every principle of humanity and brotherly affection, to extend the utmost and speediest relief to our distressed fellow subjects in the town of Boston; and therefore most earnestly recommend it to all the inhabitants of this colony to make such liberal contributions as they can afford, to be collected and remitted to Boston in such manner as may best answer a desirable purpose.
12thly, and lastly, Resolved, that the moderator of this meeting, and in case of his death, Robert Carter Nicholas, Esq. be empowered on any future occasion that may in his opinion require, to convene the several delegates of this colony, at such time and place as he may judge proper; and in case of the death or absence of any delegate, it is recommended that another be chosen in his place.
A New York paper of the 2nd inst. says, that on the evening of the last day of the present session of Congress [and only one hour before the adjournment] Mr. Randolph, asked, and obtained leave of absence. Previous to his leaving Congress hall, he went round and in the most impressive and affectionate manner, shook hands with each without a single exception, the speaker continualy calling him to order, which, however, had no effect on Mr. Randolph.
THE fanatic spirit of the French court gave rise to the celebrated edict of Nantz, expelling the Huguenots or Protestants from the dominions of France, in the reign of Louis the 14th. France at this period was the first manufacturing nation in Europe, but her artisans and manufacturers, who were principally Protestants, sought an asylum in the more genial climes, where the spirit, if not of liberty, at least of toleration, existed. Great Britain in a great measure owes her manufacturing and commercial glory to this circumstance. More than a century has passed away, and France has hitherto not been able to recover from the effects of this short-sighted policy. The maddened thirst for naval domination has given rise to the late unprincipled and unjustifiable orders of the British council in November last, violating the rights and threatening the independence of neutral nations. This short-sighted policy of the Cabinet of St. James is likely to become as beneficial to the commercial and manufacturing interests of the U. S. as the edict of Nantz was to that of Great Britain. For like causes produce like effects. —American
It frequently happens that the best effects are produced from the worst intentions. The British orders of council have given rise to a national spirit in America to become as well the manufacturers as the consumers of her own raw materials. The suspension of trade in neutral bottoms, while it proves the alma mater of the American tradesman, is likely to inflict a deadly blow on the manufacturing towns of Great Britain. It is certain that the nation who wishes to maintain its independence and at the same time be a commercial people, must also be a manufacturing and agricultural one. The U. S. have hitherto lost sight of this grand object, and for years have been endeavoring to grasp the carrying trade of the civilized world. The present posture of affairs has fully evinced the state of dependence resulting from such a spirit, and an important era is likely to happen in the commercial history of the country from a state of things unexpected and unsought for. Baltimore first set the example of raising a manufacturing society with adequate capital; Philadelphia followed; and Petersburg (Va.) is found in the train. The Petersburg (Va.) manufacturing society have unfolded the objects of their institution in a constitution, comprising twenty articles, relating to its government and operation, and have appointed a committee of four persons, who have addressed the public in hand some and appropriate language on the benefits & necessities of such an institution.
We cannot but approve, in the highest strains of eulogy, this patriotic manufacturing spirit which so generally pervades our common country. Since the manufactures of Great Britain have raised her to the highest pitch of commercial glory, so will her orders in council and the subsequent Milan decree of the French emperor, raise a spirit of rivalry in the American hemisphere, which from the short-sighted policy of the British cabinet, must eventually terminate in the ruin of the trading towns of that ill-fated island and its dependencies.— ib.
Extract of a letter from a respectable gentleman to his friend in Philadelphia, dated "Havanna, April 10, 1808." "The object of the present serves to inform you, that flour is up now to 26 dollars per barrel, and that all kind of Silesia linens sell to a good advantage, the market being quite bare of this article; wherefore, if you had an opening to make a shipment thereof, before any other shipments arrive, you will avail of the favorable prices offered at present, but soon after the embargo is off with you, imported goods will decline, and our products rise at least 25 per cent. which please let serve for your government. As that I am most respectfully."
DANIEL CLARKE of New Orleans, has published a letter in the National Intelligencer, in relation to the charges which he some time since adduced against General Wilkinson, and in farther vindication of his own conduct. In this letter, Mr. Clarke asks for "a suspension of the public opinion for a short time, 'till it will be in his power to lay before them, in one perspicuous view, a statement of testimony and facts relative to Gen. Wilkinson, that shall leave no doubt as to his criminality." He concludes by saying, "I regret indeed that it was ever my misfortune to be placed in a situation to become perhaps better acquainted than any other man now in the United States, with General Wilkinson's transactions and connections with the Spaniards, under the disclosure of which he must sink. Yet it has so happened, and the consequence is unavoidable."
Thus it appears the matter is completely at issue between General Wilkinson and Daniel Clarke. The latter asserts that Wilkinson has been the pensioner of a foreign government, and Wilkinson says that Clarke has been guilty of forgery, perjury and treason. Time, the great unraveller of all things, will perhaps tell us which is the best man of the two.
NEW YORK LEGISLATURE.
WORTHY OF IMITATION.
"In the list of printed statutes (says the New-York American Citizen) I have counted upwards of 15 for the encouragement of religious and charitable institutions—a number relative to education—and near seventy laws relative to state roads, turnpike companies and canal improvements. But in this extraordinary crisis, the attention of the Legislature appears to have been particularly devoted to manufactures. Great beds of iron ore lie in the county of Essex, and never failing springs of salt water in the county of Onondaga, sufficient to supply the whole country with those indispensable articles. Acts were passed concerning the public salt works and extending that establishment, also, a large portion of the public woods was set aside in order to promote the manufacturing of iron. The useful invention of steam boats was also held out for the introduction of the Irish mode of pulling up and preserving beef and pork."
"Large premiums from 150 to 50 dollars are offered for the best specimens of woollen cloth manufactured in this state, to be determined by the Society of Useful Arts at Albany—and smaller ones to be distributed for a similar purpose by the Courts of Common Pleas in the several counties. Money was also loaned by the state for the encouragement of a Woolen Manufactory at Poughkeepsie, a Linen Manufactory at Schenectady, and a Cotton Manufactory at Waterford—and the overseers of certain useful factories are exempted from militia duty.—Thus these three great and important Manufactories of Woolen, of Linen, and of Cotton, have been most munificently patronized. The cloth manufactured at Poughkeepsie is equal to the best imported."
"The introduction of Merino sheep into the United States by Chancellor Livingston and Col. Humphries, is an object of incalculable importance and eminently entitles them to the public gratitude.—The French Emperor, ever attentive to the promotion of the power of France, has imported into that country upwards of a million Spanish sheep of that breed. Our Legislature have not neglected this subject. They have offered premiums for bringing Merino rams into each county, and each town is authorised to levy a tax upon dogs, for the purpose of purchasing that animal. Thus in a few years a new breed of sheep of incomparable excellence will be spread over the state, and a firm foundation is laid for supplying ourselves with the best materials for cloathing."
"The purchase of Louisiana has opened an extensive field for enterprize in the Fur Trade. This commerce, which is all important to secure the affections and to establish an influence over the Indian Tribes is now entirely in the hands of the British. This state has incorporated a Fur company, with extensive powers and large capital—but so restricted as to prevent any foreign participation—and we may expect that the waters of the Hudson instead of the St. Lawrence, will in future convey to the ocean the rich furs of the vast countries to the west. This is the first and the only attempt ever made since the declaration of independence to secure this valuable trade to ourselves."
"Nor have the Legislature been inactive to the cultivation of the fine arts. An Academy of that kind has been incorporated in the city of New-York and part of the Government House has been assigned for the accommodation of that institution, and for the exhibition of their choice collection of casts upon the finest models of ancient sculpture, and of architectural and other works, the gift of the French Emperor, constituting altogether a museum unrivalled in America and equalled by few on the continent of Europe."
"Thus a republican legislature has had in view every principal ingredient of individual comfort, and of public prosperity—No object was too small to escape their notice, nor too great to prevent their exertion—Our immense frontier to the north and west—our commercial emporium, are protected—arms and artillery are distributed in every direction—armories and arsenals established—the necessities of the people relieved, and the seeds of the
most important manufactures planted, which will spring up into an abundant harvest of national wealth."
From the Genesee Messenger.
We are informed by undoubted authority, that colonel Close the British agent in Canada, lately sent an elegant war-belt of wampum to the chiefs of the Seneca nation at Buffalo, on which was represented a figure emblematical of the British nation presenting a tomahawk to the Indians, and other hieroglyphics of war—accompanying this, were intimation that the British were about to engage in war with the United States, and requested the Indians to join them. The Indians held a council at which they resolved not to take any active part in case of war.
Since writing the above, we have received the following communication from captain J. Parish, Indian interpreter, residing in this town, on the same subject.
As many persons, in consideration of the threatening aspect of our relations with Britain, and the intimate intercourse which exists between several tribes of Indians on our borders and the British provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, entertain very serious apprehensions of hostilities, it may, perhaps, be acceptable to the public, and have a tendency to remove such apprehensions, for me to state the transactions of a council of Indians, held at Buffalo creek, on the 31st day of March last, and on the 1st and 2d days of April inst.
In the early part of March, a deputation of two chiefs from the seven tribes of the Cahnawaga nation, residing in Lower Canada, appeared at Buffalo, inviting the six nations to meet with them in council, for the purpose of coming to a final decision upon what part it was expedient for them to take, in the war, which they had been informed was shortly to be expected, between Britain and the United States. Accordingly a very respectable delegation of chiefs from the six nations assembled, together with the Cahnawaga delegates, at Buffalo creek.
Erastus Granger, esq. Indian agent for the United States, and myself being apprized of the meeting of this council, and having business to transact with the six nations, took the opportunity of this meeting to confer with them.
After having completed our business, the chiefs voluntarily communicated to us the proceedings of their council.
They said that the Cahnawaga delegates were duly authorised to meet the six nations in council for the purpose above specified—that the unanimous decision of the council was, that in the event of a war, they would resolutely remain neutral, and use all their influence with the other tribes connected in any way with them, to induce them to remain neutral also. The chiefs then exhibited to us a bet , which they said had been presented to them by col. Close, superintendent of Indian affairs for the British in Upper Canada. On this belt was wrought, with beads, an emblematic representation of the British nation handing to the Indians a tomahawk, which they understood to mean, that, if the British did engage in a war with the United States, they requested the Indians to aid them in it—that the council, however, had unanimously determined to retain the belt and to inform col. Close, that if his nation would go to war with the United States, they must fight their own battles and not look to them for any assistance—for in such a war, why should they become a party?
They once had suffered themselves to be persuaded into a war with the United States without any sufficient reason, the consequences of which they well remembered to have been the destruction of many of their villages and the loss of many of their warriors—that since that war has ceased, they had entered into various advantageous treaties with the United States, and that the stipulations of all these had been faithfully observed.
JASPER PARRISH, Interpreter. April 8, 1808.
FROM THE BALTIMORE EVENING POST.
A brief notice of things which ought not to be forgotten
On the 21st day of November 1806, the emperor of the French issued his decree, declaring all the British islands in a state of blockade. By its provisions it appeared that the convention between France and the U. States of September 30, 1806, was most materially affected, and our minister at Paris immediately addressed a letter to the minister of marine, Decree, stating the probable injuries which would arise to the American commerce from its operation. On the 24th of the same month he received an answer which satisfied him and the American government that but little, if any, inconvenience would result by its construction, and after events justified our expectations. The decree was a dead letter as regarded the ingress or egress of American vessels to or from British ports, and therefore gave us no trouble. But when a treaty was about to be framed with Great Britain, the agents of her government insisted that we should resist a decree which done us no harm, or be denied an acknowledgment of certain rights of sovereignty and independence, which the treaty was intended by our government, especially to secure. In consequence of this requisition, the paper called the treaty, after being considered by the president, was sent back without being laid before the senate, as he felt convinced they could not ratify it; justly believing that the decree of the emperor of the French, which did not affect us, had no concern in our treaty with Great Britain, for obtaining indemnity for past aggression and security against future imposition.
In this uncertain and disagreeable state of things a new cause of complaint oc-
curred—the attack upon the Chesapeake, in consequence of this, and of other wrongs previously committed, the president issued his proclamation, forbidding British vessels of war to enter our ports, and denying to them the right of hospitality, and sent a special messenger to London, charged with dispatches demanding reparation for the offence. The British government for some reason best known to itself, rather chose to negotiate on the subject at Washington than at London, was sent hither. But before his arrival our government received such assurances respecting the line of conduct likely to be pursued by Great Britain, and having also reason to apprehend certain irksome commercial restrictions on the part of the emperor of the French, as induced the reversal, and before he has completely sat himself down at Washington, information is received of the British orders of council of Nov. 11, which is to the entire destruction of our trade to the continent of Europe, and the imperial decree, dated at Milan, Dec. 17, follows, in consequence, to harass it to and from the British islands. The latter, however, from some late accounts, appears to be a finesse of Bonaparte to induce the British to commit themselves by a rigid execution of their orders of council.
But Mr. Rose is sent here to make reparation for a crime, and opens his negotiation by demanding a concession —that British vessels of war from entering our ports should be rescinded before he had power to offer for the offences which caused it! To this proposition our government could not, nor would not agree, and Mr. Rose has gone home to tell his masters, that if the "honor of his majesty" would not permit him to atone for a crime, that the honor of America would not permit our government to acknowledge itself in an error, in forbidding the rights of hospitality to those who abused them. Thus stands the case at present—though some believe that in consequence of the late dispatches from England, Mr. Rose will return to the city of Washington, enabled to accommodate the affair of the Chesapeake.
NEW-YORK, April 29.
A GREAT AND GLORIOUS VICTORY—Last evening the election in this city for Members of Congress for the senate and for the Assembly of the state, closed gloriously for the Republic. The votes were but partially canvassed when this paper went to press, and the canvassing will not be completed until this morning; but the state of the poll is sufficiently ascertained to warrant the assertion that the REPUBLICAN candidates for the Assembly are elected by a majority of from EIGHT HUNDRED to ONE THOUSAND Votes. The Republican candidates for Congress and for the Senate are elected in this district by a much larger majority. Last year the Republican Assembly Ticket succeeded by a majority of but four hundred and twenty-four. So much for the EMBARGO, on which the federalists have been distinctly met and gloriously defeated.
The city, during the night, was all animation. Nothing was heard but huzzing for the REPUBLICAN TICKET and the EMBARGO. The rejoicing was however entirely innocent. No injury was attempted, for in the midst of victory, Republicans, regarding their own rights, know how to respect the rights of others.
May 4.
New York City Election.
The election has terminated—and in favor of the Embargo Ticket. The votes for Congress were, for
  Mumford (repub.) 5514   Denning (do) 5329   Gardener (Fed.) 4350   Henderson 4362 
Republican majority 1167
The federal senators for the city have been elected by an average majority of eight votes. The highest on the Republican assembly ticket, 5629—highest Federal 4521—majority 1108.
BALTIMORE, May 4.
The last dispatches for the brig going by orders from government to France and England, were received this morning from the secretary of state, when Mr. Baker, (the messenger) received his instructions to sail immediately; the wind is ahead. These dispatches are said to be highly important; but their contents are unknown to us.
MARRIED on Sunday the 1st of May, the Revd JOSEY SNIPES, to the amiable and accomplished Miss POLLY GILL, second daughter of Col. David Gill, all of Charles City County.
DIED, on Tuesday last, after a lingering illness, Mr. MARCUS ELLAN, an old and respectable inhabitant of this city.
On the first day of this month, departed this life at Red Hill, in Charlotte county, Mrs. ANN HENRY, consort of La Fayette Henry, esq. & daughter of Mr. Lion Elcan. Death, in singling out this lovely victim, bereft an affectionate husband of his dearest earthly stay; a tender infant of its mother, and an amiable family of a daughter and a sister in whom were united under an exterior of beauty, all those virtues that rendered their possessor happy in herself, and excited the admiration and love of others. This sainted being had not attained her nineteenth year, and thro' the deluding vision of prosperity beheld herself possessed of every blessing that can attach a virtuous mind to this sublunary state; but when death threatened a privation of all earthly blessings, her last moments exhibited the calmness and resignation of a soul that looks forward to eternal beatitude.