The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-23 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JUNE 23, 1809.
[No. 13.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, TAKE LEAVE TO INFORM THEIR FRIENDS AND THE PUBLIC IN GENERAL, THAT THE
EAGLE-TAVERN,
IN the City of Richmond, will hereafter be conducted under the immediate management of GEORGE TURNER, they having formed an engagement for this purpose. They entertain the most sanguine hopes that their unremitting exertions will entitle them to patronage and favor. Every comfort which necessity may require, or which taste may suggest, will be procured with facility and pleasure. They are determined, if possible, to render the EAGLE, in every department of their business, agreeable to their guests, and a pleasant abode to the stranger. Their solicitude upon this score has induced them, at considerable expense, to make some important changes in the arrangement of the rooms. They feel a great share of confidence in assuring their friends that they will meet with every convenience and attention that a house of this character is calculated to afford. Their Bed-Rooms are furnished with an entire new set of beds and furniture, with a suit of curtains to each, and the floor covered with carpets. Their stables are large & commodious (which will always be furnished with a full supply of the best provender the country affords) stands within twenty steps of the house, with a pump of excellent water at the door, for the purpose of watering and washing the horses.
They take leave further to state, that a COFFEE-ROOM has lately been established in one of the rooms of the Eagle, in which the newspapers from all the principal towns on the continent are to be seen. With these advantages, & these determinations, in which they are resolved never to relax, they can but hope for the most flattering success.
GEORGE TURNER. JAMES S. SMITHERS.
N. B. The printers throughout the U. States who now direct their papers to Jas. S. Smithers, are requested to insert the above one week, and in future direct to Turner and Smithers.
G. T. & J. S. S.
May 9. A REWARD of twenty dollars will be given for the delivery, to us, of a TRUNK, which was put in charge of a negro waterman, on the 11th ult. to be carried to Milton. It was a barrel trunk of about 7 or 8 feet cubic contents, labelled on a card on the top T. I. No. 28, and contained principally writing paper of various qualities, but also some other articles of stationery, a pocket telescope with a brass case, a Dynamometer in steel and brass, or instrument for measuring the exertions of draught animals, a collection of vocabularies of the Indian languages, & some other articles not particularly noted in the memorandum taken.
GIBSON & JEFFERSON. May 20. NEW GOODS.—JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Spring and Summer
GOODS. Selected from the late importations, and which are now opening for sale, at his Cheap Cash Store. May 19.
PROPOSALS for furnishing materials, and building a POWDER MAGAZINE in pursuance of an advice of the Council of State, proposals will be received by me, until the first day of July next, for furnishing materials and building a Powder Magazine. The plan and dimensions will be made known by application to
ABM. DOUGLASS. June 20.
A PAIR OF HORSES STOLEN.—TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Stolen from the commons of Manchester, on Thursday night, the 8th inst. a pair of black HORSES—one a brown black, very thick set, and well made, his left hind foot white; the other, a jet or deep black, of rather slender make; both nearly the same age, eight or nine years, about five feet high—they pace, trot and gallop, and run well in harness. I will give ten dollars reward with reasonable expenses, to any person delivering them to me, or five dollars for such information that I get them again, and twenty dollars for the apprehension and conviction of the thief.
CORNELIUS BUCK. June 20. SWEET SPRINGS, VIRGINIA.—The subscriber has been at great expense and trouble to render this much esteemed place comfortable and pleasant for the present season. Gentlemen and ladies who are desirous of visiting those waters, may depend upon every exertion on the part of the subscriber, to make their time agreeable.
O. TOWLES, Jr. June 20.
NOTICE. All those having unsettled accounts with the estate of the late John Lockland, dec'd are requested to present them for adjustment, to Mr. Robert Dubney, who is authorized to settle any accounts relative to said estate. Also, Mr. S. Scott is fully empowered to settle, receive payment, or grant discharges for any accounts for or against said estate, that he may think proper.
ZADOCK LOCKLAND, Ex'r. Buckingham, June 20.
Those indebted to John Lockland & Co. are requested to discharge their respective balances, and those having claims, will present them to SAMUEL SCOTT, Surrogate partner of JOHN LOCKLAND & Co. Buckingham, June 20.
MANCHESTER Turnpike Company.—Wanted to hire—Four Negro Men, till the end of the year. A liberal hire will be allowed, on application to the subscriber. JAMES BRANDER, Treasurer. June 13.
NOTICE.—Pursuant to a deed in trust, executed to us by John Harper of Nottoway county and recorded in the same court, bearing date the first day of July, 1808, in order to secure the payment of a debt due Owen Smith: We shall, on the first day of July next, at Jennings's Ordinary, proceed to sell, to the highest bidder, the following SLAVES, to wit: old John, Betty and her increase, young John and Rachael, or as many of them as may be sufficient to satisfy the principal debt and cost securing. JOHN BOOTH, JOHN P. SMITH. June 2.
PHILADELPHIA, June 15. FROM THE AURORA.
Our files of London papers, abound with matter of curiosity in various respects, as they relate to the government, policy, morals, corruption, and universal profligacy that prevails in Great-Britain.
The development of the nefarious corruption and profligacy of the "hopes of the family" of Great-Britain, the general in chief of the British army, has forced him to make another retreat; but there ends the punishment of this royal criminal, while poor rogues and poor men, who are not rogues, are sent to the gallows or to close confinement.
Meetings have been held in most of the counties, towns and cities of England, expressing by votes, their thanks to a member of the house of commons, who, upon his own manly and virtuous determinations, undertook to bring the royal profligate to a strict test. At the meeting in Westminster, for the purpose of thanking col. Wardle, sir Francis Burdett, contrasted the iniquity that escaped, with the innocence that was punished, in the person of a Mr. Lomax, a mathematical instrument-maker, who was taken up upon a ridiculous allegation of meditating to shoot the British king with a pop-gun; this man had been confined under the mere fiat of a minister, detained without further accusation, he had gone into prison a youth, in the prime of life, and with skill in his profession, had come forth with his head bleached by wretchedness, want, and seclusion from society. The living witness of this fact stood by sir Francis on the hustings.
He also referred to the case of Mr. White, the editor of the Independent Whig, who for exposing the abuses of power, was sentenced to a cruel confinement, and this injustice aggravated by his removal from his family, to the jail of Dorchester, above 100 miles from London. Upon his trial the jury was packed, the clerk of the crown having taken the roll from the sheriff, and packed the panel.
These and other oppressions, he contrasted with the patronage held and exercised by prostitutes over the three departments, the military, the civil and the ecclesiastical—Five different clergymen were detected in obtaining patronage by bribery of the kept mistress of the duke of York.
Numerous military commissions. Places in the customs and colonies. Placemen and jobs, all sold by this conchicine.
Another of the royal dukes, that of Cambridge, was implicated in the same way.
The duke of Portland and one of the archbishops were likewise implicated. Lord Castlereagh president of the board of control, and a cabinet minister, was charged, and audaciously confessed the fact, with having employed corrupt means to secure a seat in Parliament for another lord and member of the board of control, of the title of lord Clancarty. He not only admitted but justified it, and determined to maintain his station of minister, and what was not more extraordinary—he had a majority of the House of Commons in his favor on a vote of censure being offered. Castlereagh was openly alleged to have been the agent who distributed two millions of pounds to bribe the Irish Parliament into the union.
The same profligacy had extended to the military and civil promotions in the East-India company's service. Thellison, one of the directors, had obtained in a short period the nomination for appointments of three writers (the title given to young men who go in the East-India company's service to India) the laws forbid the sale of such appointments by the directors; Thellison presented the right of nomination to his cousin, and this cousin sold the appointments for about 50,000 dollars! And this man set up again for a director. What but the plunder of Asia, would repay such anticipation of plunder; what but the plunder & debasement of mankind could uphold such profligacy as the British government exhibits?
Among the plunderers detected in this rage for investigation, the notorious John Boddie, the apostle of Anti-Jacobinism, the great terrorist, who recommended himself by instituting clubs of proscription in London, and instituting the detestable system of espionage; who in a book published by him, declared parliament and people wholly incapable and unentitled to power or any other rights, but such as the king thought fit to allow, but the king was the tree, and the parliament and people only the branches, which might be cast off and the tree still flourish. This man, prosecuted by Pitt, indicted for his offences, was acquitted by a jury of true born Englishmen—And this man has been found, in common with others of the same carte, plunderer and dilapidator of the public money.
The boasted judiciary of England (we never could discover any thing but matter of detestation in this boasted British judiciary) had been proved to be as much contaminated as the other branches of the government; all the places of the courts being matter of barter and sale, the proceeds of which, found their way to the pockets of the judges.
Debauchery, licentiousness, and extravagance were never at so great a height; and what was deemed horrible a few years ago, when St. Morne Took in his petition, undertook to prove a que bar of parliament that seats were bought in the house of commons, like stalls at a fair; the same facts are now reiterated in open debate, heard without denial or emotion, and justified as essential to the support of the government.
We subjoin a few extracts from the speeches on this subject.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, APRIL 20.
BILL TO PREVENT THE SALE OF PLACES.
The chancellor of the exchequer moved the order of the day, for the second reading of the bill for preventing the sale of places.
On the question being put. Lord FOLKESTONE had but a few words to say on the subject. He observed, that these sorts of preventive bills very rarely did any good. As long as temptations were suffered to remain, offences would be committed. Notwithstanding the provisions of such bills, the ingenuity of offenders would continue to evade them, at a little more expense or trouble. If the inquiry he had proposed a few nights since had been gone into, there would have been no occasion for the present measure. As to the offices connected with the courts of law, he found they had been for a long time regularly bought and sold, but he could see no reason why this practice should be suffered to continue. There was another omission, however, in the act, which appeared to him of more material moment. The attention of the house had been much fixed to East India writer-ships and cadetships, but there was another thing of much more consequence which had not been noticed. It was most notorious that there was a traffic for other places, and also for seats in parliament—(Hear! Hear! Hear!)—This was a thing most contrary to every idea of the
constitution, and yet it was most notorious; and as it was most notorious, he thought the right honorable gentleman would do well to introduce a clause in his bill to prevent trafficking for seats in parliament. The treasury was the place where this traffic went on to the greatest and most corrupt extent. The secretary of the treasury was generally the agent in all those transactions on the part of the government. (Hear! Hear!) If gentlemen meant by this cheering to imply a doubt of his statement, he should be very happy to be allowed a committee to examine into the fact. At every dissolution of parliament, there was an office open at the treasury, where the friends of administration stated their terms, and where persons made their bargains on different terms, according to the abilities with which they were supposed capable of supporting the government. This was his firm belief, and he believed it was also the belief of the public. He thought the house should correct abuses of this magnitude, at the same time that they were passing a bill with respect to minor offences.
Mr. BANKES observed, that as to the abuses in the East India company, he, as chairman of the committee appointed for the consideration of that subject, had brought down a recommendation to the house, that it was not necessary to pass any specific legislative measure on the subject. Although the system of the government of this country changed with the hands to whom it was confided, it was not so with the East India company. One of their regulations was, that at any distance of time, an appointment obtained corruptly would be set aside. He conceived that the present bill must be useful, as rendering this sort of corruption more difficult than it was before.
Mr. CREVEY said, that the noble lord was perfectly correct in stating, that seats in the parliament had been notoriously bought and sold by the treasury. He would say, that this was not only his belief, but that it was within his knowledge. The treasury not only bought and sold these seats, but marked. It was a great degree of monopoly of that market. If this was attempted to be denied by ministers, he should be glad to have the opportunity of proving it, and he could easily prove it from the lips of any one who had ever been secretary of the treasury. It was absolute nonsense and delusion on the public, for the house to spend their time in considering abuses in the commissioners of the lottery, and every other minor department, when they knew, and the public knew, that the greatest of all abuses was constantly practised by every secretary of the treasury, in buying and selling seats in parliament. To talk of a dissolution of parliament, as an appeal to the people, was mere mockery and imposition. It was perfectly well known that a dissolution of parliament was not an appeal to the people, but to the treasury (Hear! Hear! Hear!)
Although he had great respect for the last government, and owed some personal favors to them, yet he must say, that their dissolution of parliament, at the end of four years, like the dissolution by the present ministers, at the end of about four months, was not an appeal to the people but to the treasury, (loud cries of Hear! Hear! Hear!) Until the house was disposed to suppress the odious and unconstitutional traffic, the legislating on those minor abuses was mere mockery and delusion.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he was happy to find that the noble lord (Lord Folkestone) had attributed whatever there was of obscurity in the bill, to the desire of making it as comprehensible as possible. He was also glad that the noble lord had admitted that the bill would render the commission of these offences more difficult in future. As to the purchase and sale of places connected with the courts of justice, that had prevailed from remote times, but he believed that it would not be said that the practice at all interfered with the purity of the administration of justice. As to what had been suggested with respect to the prevention of the traffic for seats in parliament, this would be a matter which might fairly be stated when the bill should come into a committee. If the noble lord or hon. gentleman would then bring forward any proposition of that sort, the house would be very ready to take it into their consideration. The noble lord had stated his firm belief of the existence of such transactions, and the honorable gentleman had gone further, and stated, that it was within his absolute knowledge. The hon. gentleman, to be sure, might have some knowledge from the confidence which was reposed in him by the late administration, with whom he was connected. (Loud cries of Hear! Hear! Hear!)
He could not recollect, however, at the time when a specific charge was brought against a secretary of the treasury for such interference, given the house the benefit of his knowledge. The house would perceive, that the case he alluded to was when a charge was brought against the secretary of the treasury, (Mr. Fremantle,) for interference in the election of Hampshire, where he was undoubtedly a freeholder. The hon. gentleman did not then tell the house a word of that practice which was within his own knowledge, of secretaries of the treasury corruptly interfering in the election of members of parliament. When he had that knowledge, how did it happen that his patriotism was asleep on that remarkable occasion?—(Hear! Hear! Hear!)
The world, however, then bring forward impartially those specific cases that were within his own knowledge, he would probably find the house very ready to attend to them.
Mr. CREVEY, in explanation, said, that what he had stated was not as a charge against any particular administration, but a mere matter of fact. The knowledge which he spoke of by no means proceeded from any confidence which had been reposed in him by his friends.
Mr. WHITBREAD said, that he was happy that the suggestions of his noble and honorable friends appeared to be received with so much cordiality by the right honorable gentleman (the chancellor of the exchequer,) and that it seemed to be admitted that the practice of trafficking for seats of parliament was a thing which ought not to be tolerated. He supposed that when the right honorable gentleman (the chancellor of the exchequer) called upon an honorable friend of his (Mr. Crevey) to bring one set of cases before the House, he was also ready to practise that impartiality which he recommended, and bring forward those cases which were within his knowledge. (Hear! Hear! Hear!)
It was nonsense to pretend to be ignorant of those abuses. What member of parliament was there that did not know that such things were done? Did not he know, did not the right honorable gentleman know, did not every body in the house know, that there were many members who sat there, that were representatives of nothing but their own money? (Loud cries of Hear! Hear! Hear!)
to him and to every other member of the House, who had long known that those things were done and yet never brought it forward to Parliament in a proper shape. As to the case of the Hampshire election, the right honorable gentleman (the chancellor of the exchequer) happened about that time, for a very short portion of his life, to be in a minority. He (Mr. Whitbread) had been for nineteen years generally in a minority, and therefore he was apt to think minorities right; but the right honorable gentleman who had been so seldom in a minority in that house, should rather be induced to suspect that he was wrong, when he acted so contrary to his usual practice. Without, however, meaning to arraign any particular secretary of the treasury, he would state generally, that under the present system, all secretaries of the treasury find themselves under the necessity of acting in this manner, and that there is always an open market at the treasury for bargains of this nature. If, however, the house was disposed to make it a misdemeanor to traffic in East India writer-ships and cadetships, they would certainly take some notice of traffic which was equally notorious, but more scandalous and unconstitutional. If the right honorable gentleman would appeal to his noble neighbor (Lord Castlereagh,) that noble lord would inform him, that in Ireland, about a million and a half had been paid for the purchase of boroughs, which was a decisive proof that those things were considered as money's worth, as a marketable commodity. It was impossible for him not to know that the practice which had prevailed to such an extent in a neighboring kingdom, also prevailed in this country. If this practice was not destroyed, it would be in the end destroyed us. As to the tale of judiciary situations, he did not pretend to say that it affected the policy of the administration, but he would still say that it was an anomaly, which should be removed. It would be easy to place the fees of their offices in a general fund, for increasing the salaries of the judges. He agreed perfectly with his honorable friend, (Mr. Crevey) that a dissolution of parliament, was not an appeal to the people but to the treasury. On the last dissolution ministers endeavored to set the people mad, and then talked of appealing to their sense. The sense of the people had certainly some slight influence at a general election; but the great preponderating influence was the influence of the treasury.
Mr. WYNN approved of the principle of abolishing the sale of judicial offices in the manner stated by his honorable friend (Mr. Whitbread). He could not, however, approve of the conduct of the East India Company in dismissing persons who had served them long and well, if it should be discovered that any thing of money transactions had passed at their original appointment, although entirely without their knowledge or privity.
Mr. H. THORNTON said, that the committee of finance had first suggested that the abolition of the sale of judicial places, precisely in the manner mentioned by the honorable member, (Mr. Whitbread) In their report, they had recommended the applying the fees of these offices to a fund to remunerate the judges for any loss they might sustain. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Tuesday se'nnight.
LATEST FROM CHINA. PROVIDENCE, (R. I.) June 10:
CHINESE CORRESPONDENCE.
In our Gazette of the 27th ult. we gave an account of the British expedition from Bengal and Penang, under admiral Drury, to Macao, a Portuguese settlement in the vicinity of Canton, but which is held under the Chinese government. By the arrival of a friend from that remote section of the globe, we have been favored with a part of the correspondence which took place on that occasion, and which we insert for the amusement of our readers. It may also afford some information relative to the ideas entertained of the British by that singular and very numerous people. The Americans are by the Chinese sometimes called second chop Englishmen , but Europeans and Americans are generally classed together, and called "FAN-QUIS," or "WHITE DEVILS." The viceroy of Canton is commonly distinguished by the name of John Tuck, which is by some supposed to correspond with his title. He is considered as a very great man, and is as inaccessible as the grand seclusion itself, inasmuch that admiral Drury could not be permitted in his presence.
TRANSLATION. A memorial of the viceroy of Canton, to the commanders and agents of Merchants at Whampoa.
I, the Incontoe, direct this chop to you let you know that you belong to an Island in the middle of the sea. Your subsistence depends on your manufactures. From the goodness of our emperor, you are permitted to come to Canton to trade. This is a favor of the highest importance and most extensive kind. But your admiral has disobeyed the laws, by introducing soldiers into Macao without permission; and your chief has joined with him in creating disturbances. I have informed the emperor, and he has issued his decree in return. I have directed the Mandarins to make you informed of the same, & to impress on you, with the utmost force the meaning of it. If the troops still persist in remaining here, I shall be obliged to send a great many soldiers, to destroy them all; and this they will owe to the admiral, and the chief; but as to you, I hold you all blameless. You must all remain peaceable, and continue to pay respect to the laws.
When the troops shall be removed, then I shall direct a memorial to the Emperor, begging him to have the kindness to restore the trade to you as formerly—but if you have the audacity to give ear to the admiral and the English chief, and unite with them in creating disturbances, then I shall send numerous forces, in order to entirely destroy you—and which they will do, if you are as hard as rocks or jasper—and when it must be so, I shall be able to show you no indulgence. Obedience to the law is the first thing necessary—this is the chief object and meaning of this address.
In the reign of Kia-Hing, 20th or 8th December, 1808.
Reply of the Incontoe of Canton, to the petition of the agents and commanders of the country ships.
TRANSLATION. I, the Mandarin, vice-incontoe of the two provinces of Quantong and Quangsi, deputed from the tribunal of war, &c.
In reply to your letter, I have to inform you, that you are private merchants, who come here to carry on your business—and in regard to the consequences of the disorders which the English have come here to make, you are not included, but as you came here under the English flag, I can not help interrupting your business with theirs.
In regard to the goods you have landed, the Celestial Deity protects strangers of distant countries. We can never retain or keep back your merchandise—therefore if you have no disposition to trade with this country, I shall order the merchants to restore entirely every thing that belongs to you—but if you wish to continue your commerce as heretofore, and you have any goods to land, you must wait till all the soldiers are embarked, and then you shall take in and deliver cargoes—therefore you must remain peaceable, and be quiet—waiting the conclusion of this business, without its being necessary to repeat your request.
In the reign of Kia-Hing, 21st or 8th December, 1808.
NOTE. Meaning in the Chinese language, watch-making.
FROM THE MONITOR.
MR. COLVIN. The following sketch of the character of Mr. Canning, is extracted from a work lately published, entitled "Letters on the subject of the Catholics, to my brother Abraham, who lives in the country." By Peter Plymley." This production is said to be from the pen of Mr. Sheridan. Every person who recollects the note from Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinfrey, must perceive the striking similarity between this outline, and some parts of that note. The whole of these letters are well worthy of perusal, as they contain a great number of sound political observations, and many neat touches of humorous satire.
LETTER VII.
"DEAR ABRAHAM," In the correspondence which has been passing between us, you are perpetually alluding to the foreign secretary; and, in answer to the dangers of Ireland, which I am pressing upon your notice, you have nothing to urge but the confidence you repose in the discretion and sound sense of this gentleman. I can only say, that I have listened to him long and often, with the greatest attention: I have used every exertion in my power to take a fair measure of him, and it appears to me impossible to hear him upon any arduous topic, without perceiving, that he is eminently deficient in those solid and serious qualities upon which, and upon which alone, the confidence of a great country can properly repose. He sweats and labors and works for sense, and Mr. Ellis seems always to think it coming, but it does not come: the machine can't draw up what is not to be found in the spring; Providence has made him a light jesting paragraph writing man, and that he will remain to his dying day. When he is jocular, he is strong; when he is serious he is like Sampson in a wig; any ordinary person is a match for him—a song, an ironical letter, a burlesque ode, an attack upon Nicholls eye, a smart speech of twenty minutes full of gross misrepresentations and clever turns, excellent language, a spirited manner, lucky quotation, success in provoking dull men, some half-information picked up in Pall Mall in the morning; these are your friend's natural weapons; all these things he can do; here I allow him to be truly great: nay, I will be just, and go still farther, if he would confine himself to these things, and consider the facets and the playful to be the basis of his character, he would, for that species of man, be universally regarded to be a person of a very good understanding; call him a legislator, a reasoner, and the conductor of the affairs of a great nation, and it seems to me as absurd as if a butterfly were to reach bees to make honey—That he is an extraordinary writer of small poetry, and a diner out of the highest lustre, I do most readily admit. After George Selwyn, and perhaps Tickell, there has been no such man for this half century. The foreign secretary is a gentleman, a respectable as well as an highly agreeable man in private life; but you may as well feed me with decayed potatoes, as console me for the miseries of Ireland by the resources of his sense and his discretion. It is only the public situation which this gentleman holds, which induces me to say so much about him. He is a fly in amber—no body cares about the fly; the only question is, how the devil did he get there; Nor do I attack him for the love of glory, but from the love of utility, as a burgher-master holds a rat in a dutch dyke, for fear it should flood a province.
"This is the secretary, whose genius, in the estimation of brother Abraham, is to extinguish the genius of Bonaparte. Pompey was killed by a slave, Goliath smitten by a stripling. Pyrrhus died by the hand of a woman; tremble thou great Gaul, from whose head an armed Minerva leaps forth in the hour of danger; tremble thou scourge of God, a pleasant man is come out against thee, and thou shalt be laid low by a joker of jokes, and he shall talk his pleasant talk against thee, and thou shalt be no more."
* The attack upon sirte and morals in the debate upon Copenhagen, is brought forward with great ostentation by this gentleman's friends. But is harlequin less harlequin because he acts well? It was present; he leaped about, touched facts with his wand, turned yes into no, and no into yes, it was a pantomime well played, but a pantomime! harlequin deserves higher wages than he did two years ago; is he therefore fit for serious parts?
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The following letter is copied from the last No. of the Medical Repository of N. York for February, March and April—it gives us pleasure to see, that the sages of France are doing justice to the illustrious Jefferson, and that his eye is ever fixed upon the advancement of the sciences—The Federalists, who some months since attempted to sneer at him for making this contribution to the National Institute, and to twist it into a new evidence of his love for France herself, gave only a proof of their own ignominious disposition. They seemed to have forgotten the sublime truth, that Science knows no country—that the race of sages is co-extensive with civilized society—that every man of genius is a member of this illustrious brotherhood—its interest in its progress to advance—that mind owns no distinctions of soil—circles of the earth—and that the same philanthropy, which led the court of Versailles to respect and convoy the voyages of Cook, in the midst of a war with G. Britain—has led our countryman to send a curiosity, which we have, to those who want it. They forget

besides, that he was a member of the Institute of France, and that the same objections would not have been made to this act, if he had only been a Fellow of the Royal Society of London:
Translation of the Count Lacepede's letter to D. B. Warden, &c. concerning the Fossil Bones, presented to the National Institute by the President of the United States, Dated Paris, 1st September, 1808.
SIR, I hastened to communicate to the Institute, in their sitting of Monday last, the letter which Mr. Jefferson was pleased to address, and which you had the complaisance to deliver to me.
The Institute, penetrated with gratitude for this new mark of interest which its illustrious member has manifested, has resolved that an expression of thanks shall be solemnly addressed to him by its proper officers. It has also engaged me to testify to Mr. Jefferson the value it attaches to his attention. The Institute has decided, that the fossil bones and other objects of natural history, which Mr. Jefferson has had the goodness to put at its disposal, shall be placed in the Museum of Natural History; the only place where the public can conveniently and usefully examine this fine present of Mr. Jefferson.
In consequence of this decision of the Institute, I shall immediately make known to my colleagues of the Museum, what you have communicated to me, Sir, concerning the arrival of these Bones; and as they come by the river, from Havre, and are, by their nature, susceptible of being injured, perhaps you may think proper to debark them at the bridge of Austerlitz, at the northern gate of the garden of plants, across which these precious objects can be easily transported to the apartment destined for their reception.
Accept, Sir, the new assurance of all the sentiments you merit, as also the renewal of my thanks for all that you have been pleased to communicate to me.
I have the honor to salute you, Signed, COUNT DE LACEPEDE. Monsieur Warden, Secretary of the American Legation.
P. S. I shall have the honor of sending to you, according to your permission, my answer to your Illustrious President.
PRESIDENT MADISON'S REPLY To the Resolutions of the Republican Citizens of several towns in the County of Hancock, dated Washington, March 15, 1809:
SIR, I have received the resolutions of the 23d of February, conveyed through you, by the meeting of inhabitants from the towns of Eden, Trenton and Mount Desert, in the county of Hancock, in the state of Massachusetts.
The determination expressed by the meeting to maintain the authority of the laws and the national rights, becomes citizens who know their duty, and love their country.
In referring the Embarrassments of our public situation to the wrongs of foreign powers, they have equally shown that they understand the real source of them, and do justice to their own Government, which has been CONSTANT IN ITS ENDEAVORS TO AVERT, OR TERMINATE THESE AGGRESSIONS.
I cannot too much applaud the attachment which these resolutions manifest to the Union and that respect for the will of the majority, exercised through the constitutional organs, which alone can preserve that of any other system of free government. The union of these states, cannot in truth be too highly valued, or too watchfully cherished. It is our best barrier against danger from without, and the only one against those armies and taxes, those wars and usurpations, which so readily grow out of the jealousies and ambition of neighboring and independent states. These reflections are proper at all times, but they ought at the present, more particularly to repress even an appearance of disorganization, tending to encourage a perseverance in foreign aggressions, or designs against our peace, our rights, or our honor.
For the personal regard and confidence expressed towards me, I tender my thanks and good wishes.
JAMES MADISON. DAVIS WAGGAT, ESQ.
The celebrated Surcouf, who for the last six or seven years, has committed devastations in the Indian seas on the British commerce in that quarter to the reported amount of twenty-seven millions sterling, arrived at St. Maloes on the fifth February last. The French Frigate la Semillante, was condemned at the Isle of France as unfit for national service, and was there sold. Surcouf purchased her; converted her into a merchant vessel of the name of "Charles," and sailed for France on the 20th November last. His passage from the Isle of France to St. Maloes, was effected in 73 days, without molestation. The following is a schedule of the Charles's cargo with the value of each article in French money, at a very low computation; being the proceeds of his depredations in the Indian seas where his success had been such as to induce the British government in India to lay a general embargo on their shipping in that quarter. Surcouf is a young man, rather illiterate, but brave even to a fault. He has it is believed, retired to enjoy the fruits of his enterprize.
  307150 Coffee of Bourbon, a 4 45 1670899 54804 Coffee of Moka 4 60 250098 40   23765 Isle of France Indigo 18 427770 61054 Island Cotton 770 f 470113 20   190611 Bengal ditto 27 2716197 93235 Bengal do. 750 708262 50   13916 Elephants Teeth 10 139160 50197 Pepper 3 40 170669 80   9750 Pieces of Nankeen 10 97500 102186 Brown Sugar 195 192262 70   2507 Tortoise Shell 49 100280 6278 Cloves 3 53824   436 Nutmegs and Mace 10 5360 2997a Ebony Wood 4 119968   1197 H. bpb 15 17955 4030 Nut Crabs 75 3037   702 Horns of Rhinoceros 270 189540 360 H. Tea 400 144000   138 Bundles China Ink 70 11060 75 Ostrich Feathers 97500   1115 Campher 1 115 743 Vermilion 10 7480   1801 Raw Silk 36 64836 237 Teeth of Hippopotamus 10 2370   500 Gum 3 10500   7577057 20 Equal to dolls. 1444010   Balt. American. 
FROM THE ALBANY REGISTER, N. Y.
  Who has the Majority now?   This question is answered by a reference to the official returns in this paper, by which it appears, that the average majorities of the Senatorial votes in each district are as follows:   REPUBLICAN MAJORITY.   Southern District, 840   Middle District, 802   1642   FEDERAL MAJORITY.   Eastern District, 523   Western District, 330   853   Average republican majority in the state, 789 
NEW-YORK, June 17. Yesterday arrived at this port, the U. S. schooner Enterprise, Captain Tripp, Commander, from Norfolk. The Enterprise is to be immediately dispatched to the Texel, for the purpose of informing the commanders of American merchantmen, what ports in the north of Europe they can proceed to with safety.
From Poulton's Philadelphia Advertiser.
COMMUNICATION.
A stranger of a good mean and interesting appearance has engaged the sympathies of a number of the respectable inhabitants of Blockley Township, for a fortnight past. He was taken ill with the SMALL-POX, at an inn near the first gate, road. On enquiry by the host and hostess, he informed them, that his name was Williams , and that he had been in the city making large purchases of goods, which he had dispatched for Pittsburgh, on their way to Kentucky, 800 miles distant, where he had a large store and valuable possessions. He was unmarried, and many very dear relations. He was unprovided by the benevolent host and hostess to permit intelligence of his situation to be forwarded; but he requested it might not be done. His mother would be inconsolable, and his relations would hurry on their way to visit him. Before they could arrive, his fate would, one way or other, be determined, and their toil and great inconveniences would be fruitless. A Physician of talents was immediately sent for, and attended his patient with skill and regularity. Lest the qualifications for nursing of the females of the family, should not be competent, a respectable relation of the landlady was sent for. The patient took an uncommon attachment to her, as he said she exactly resembled his mother. All medical aid and every kind and incessant attention were afforded. A stranger far from his relations and friends excited the compassion, and received the humane assistance his situation demanded. But in vain was every endeavor. He died on Friday last of the SMALL-POX of the confluent and most inveterate kind. A proof of the folly and danger so fatal to those who neglect the easy and sure means of safety modern practice, both of inoculation and vaccination, affords. Whatever had been his life, let his death be monitory. Reader—before you drop a tear of regret, know that of remarkable and distinguished character. He has been often portrayed in our public prints, in terms of peculiar description. He had escaped the destiny decreed for him, through the tender mercies of the pardoning power exercised in a neighboring state, where he was condemned to die; but reprieved under the triple tree. His qualifications for deception did not forsake him in the hour of death; which did not now wait for legal forms. This celebrated personage was the noted Williams, the Horse Thief ; too well known for his achievements in the way of his profession, in the southern states, and too little known to those who afforded him their assistance in the last act of his drama. Their benevolence to this inconsistent miscreant is not the less meritorious, because he was undeserving of it. Their reward must be found in Heaven; for his history is all he has left. This was discovered on enquiry after his death, in the city, where he spent some time lately, at a reputable lodging house, under an assumed character.
The following is from the Commercial Advertiser of New-York—Communicated to that paper by a mercantile house of that city.
LIVERPOOL, May 2d, 1809. "It gives us pleasure to advise you of an important, though a very unexpected alteration in our commercial policy. The orders in council of the 11th November, 1807, and several orders subsequent to that period, have been with certain exceptions, revoked and annulled. Their operation, with respect to America and other neutral powers, has ceased to exist from and after the 26th of April, 1809. In their place, a new Order, of that date, has been substituted, if similar in principle, at least greatly modified in extent. That you may be in possession of every requisite information respecting such provisions as are connected with the regulation, we have annexed a copy of the order, and also of a communication from the board of Trade, explanatory of the leading points of the new arrangement. From these documents, it will be perceived, that all ports & places under the Government of France & Holland, together with their respective colonies and settlements, and all the ports of the kingdom of Italy, properly so called, are still subjected to a strict and rigorous system of blockade. A free trade is, of course, allowed with Embden, Bremen, Hamburg, Tommingen, all the ports of Norway, Denmark and Russia, and various ports and places within the Mediterranean. The Board of Trade has also intimated, that government, desirous of giving every facility to the introduction of American produce, under existing circumstances, will grant licences until the first of August next, admitting its importation from these ports or places which have been made general depots.
A new consolidation Act is contemplated by which a duty of £1 1s 6d per 100lb. is proposed on Cotton, not the growth of British colonies, and also an additional duty of 12s 6d per 100lb. if not imported in a British vessel—Should this be carried into effect, it will fall peculiarly heavy on the inferior descriptions of Cotton. Although your commerce, it must be confessed, will still be greatly restricted, yet we cannot but hope that the new regulations are a prelude to a more friendly understanding with the United States, and will prepare the way for the restoration of an intercourse, the suspension of which has been highly injurious to the interests of both countries. From the official documents which have been laid before the public, it appears reasonable to conclude, that as several of the objectionable parts of the late orders are rescinded with regard to America, the embargo will be raised with respect to this country. That this course of procedure will be adopted, is the general impression—and in contemplation of direct supplies, your produce has again experienced a very great and serious depression. Old Upland Cottons have been sold at 12d—new at 14d a 15d, and New Orleans at 16d per lb.—Some
small parcels of York and James's River tobacco have obtained 4d a 5d—and stemmed 7d a 1 1/2 per lb.—Wheat supports the price of 14s 6d a 14s 9d per 70 lb. In other articles so little has been done, that no quotation can be given with certainty. Since the establishment of our present firm, we have had occasion to observe several important changes in our market, arising from unexpected occurrences. The subject of our present communication, in this respect, stands particularly conspicuous—so little did the public anticipate any relaxation in the policy of our government, that measures of increased rigor were considered as extremely probable. Under this persuasion, the intimation, which was given by the Lords of Trade, was received with surprise and astonishment. It was, however not the less gratifying to perceive the existence of a disposition to restore in some degree, that freedom to commerce, of which she has been so long divested. We hope the period will yet arrive, when the powers of Europe, abandoning their anti-commercial restrictions, will be actuated by a more wise and liberal policy."
NORFOLK, June 5. The Haytian brig Victor, whose arrival was noticed in our last, has been understood, seized by the Custom House as a French vessel, whose entry is forbidden by law. This case will present an important question upon the independence of the Island of Hayti. It is certainly true that in obedience to the views of the late administration, and compliance with the wishes of the grand Emperor, our laws have said, that St. Domingo is not independent; how far policy may direct to refuse to acknowledge the independence of that colony, we undertake not to say, but the consequence of the condemnation of this vessel, as a French vessel, will most probably bring a piratical war upon our commerce.— Ledger. It is said in a subsequent paper, that this vessel has not been libelled, but that her case has been referred to the Treasury Department.
Some doubts have been suggested as to the liberation of American ships in the ports of France, from the embargo laid upon them. The power vested in general Armstrong, to regulate their departure, and to see that bonds were given for their proceeding to the United States, while it was an unexampled evidence of confidence in the minister and respect for our government, may, in the abuse that has been made of it, tend greatly to the future injury of our commerce with Europe. That the American ships have left France is certain; that none of them have reached the U. S. is equally certain. In the San, a ministerial print of London, we find the following article.
FALMOUTH, April 30, 1809. "Arrived the American brig George, captain Rudge, from Bordeaux ten days, with brandy for N. Orleans, stopped for orders." This single fact proves that the American vessels had free egress from the ports of France on the 20th April; but it also proves that the bonds given to our minister have been disregarded.
What may be the consequence of this, those who may make one good voyage do not care, but future occasions may arise in which good men may suffer, by this breach of good faith.— Aurora.
NEW-ORLEANS, May 15. There is no doubt but the French will be obliged to quit St. Jago de Cuba, and all that part of the Island, as well as Havana. A vessel which is in the river, announces that two vessels sailed before her, and that several others were to follow, with passengers solely. No pillage nor act of violence had taken place there, as at Havana. They are to emigrate agreeably to the terms mentioned in the proclamation, printed in this paper of the 19th April.— Monitor.
May 16. A duel was fought yesterday morning, between Lieutenants Bowie and Haig, of the U. States' Light Dragoons. The third fire took effect on both sides. Mr. Bowie's wound is mortal, and Mr. Haig has his left arm much shattered, near the wrist.
LIGHT ARTILLERY EXPERIMENT. Captain PETERS, with a detachment of two pieces of Horse Artillery, fired a salute at the Willow Grove, on the evening of the 12th instant, proceeded three miles down the Levee, and fired a second salute in the short space of twenty-two minutes. First salute fired in 1 min. 10 sec. slow match. Second salute fired in one minute—quick match. Three miles travelled—including the limbering, men mounting and dismounting from their horses, and unlimbering—nineteen minutes fifty seconds.
AN OBSERVER. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Wayne county, dated May 16. "I was informed a few days past, that in the neighborhood of Colonel Newell's, (a citizen of Wayne county,) that in a large cave, not far from his house, was found an Indian, wrapped up in straw. At what time he was there deposited, it cannot be ascertained; but the Indian appeared to be entirely uncorrupted. He had his natural appearance; his flesh had in a great measure dwindled away; his skin appeared almost to cleave to the bone, and to feel hard and firm; which must have been so preserved, either by the due and equal temperature of the subterraneous air, or by some means of embalming and preserving their dead bodies. He was found by a party in pursuit of a salt-petre cave."
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, May 29.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Randolph's motion for approving the late conduct of the President of the U. States—Continued.
Mr. Randolph having this morning called for a consideration of his motion, at a time when the Speaker conceived it to be out of order, Mr. R. appealed from the decision of the chair, which was confirmed by the house. Mr. R. then renewed his motion for consideration, which being then declared to be in order, was agreed to. The question being on indefinite postponement. Mr. Randolph said it was no part of his intention now to enter into any thing like a consideration of the great points supposed to be in dispute between those who approved the conduct of the President of the United States, in issuing his proclamation, and giving the construction which he had given, to the non-intercourse act. And indeed, if on the last vote which had been taken (for considering his motion) he could with any sense of decorum or propriety have voted against himself, if he could have voted in the negative on his own motion, he should have taken pleasure in so doing. For he as much as any member of this house wished to hear the communications lying on the table, but he was also anxious to see a question of right with respect to himself decided; and to his perfect satisfaction, the house had supported the decision of the chair, and yet the course which the business would take was precisely the same as if the house had admitted his motion in the first instance to be in order, except that some three quarters of an hour or more had been occupied in discussing the point of order. I wish (said Mr. R.) to make some answer to the objections of a very venerable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Findley) on the motion which it is now proposed to postpone. I think the principal objection of that gentleman was, that it was improper at any time to discuss or entertain such propositions—that motions in approbation or disapprobation of the conduct of the Executive of the United States ought not to be agitated here: that they are wrong in principle; and that how much so ever he might be disposed to applaud the conduct of the President in this or in that particular, he would not countenance a motion approving that conduct. What weight it will have with the other members of this house (said Mr. R.) I know not, but there is a precedent on file which ought not to be destitute of weight with that gentleman, from the first session of the third Congress, which met at Philadelphia in November, 1793, soon after the late General Washington had issued his celebrated proclamation of neutrality—and I beg the house to carry along with them in their minds the similitude of the two occasions & the dissimilitude too, & to keep in recollection that wherever there is a difference between the two cases, the advantage is on the side of the motion which I have had the honor to lay before you. For example, in the year 1793, previous to the first session of the third Congress, the late General Washington conceiving himself to be required by his duty as president of the United States to issue a certain proclamation—and recollect that the present motion is relative to a proclamation, and hinges entirely on it—which proclamation General Washington was not required to issue by any law of the land, I find that at that time the gentleman from Pennsylvania and another gentleman from Pennsylvania, an ancient colleague of his (Mr. Smilie) and several other members of the present Congress were then members of the house of Representatives; and it appears on the journal that on that very day the committee of elections did report that the credentials of these gentlemen entitled them to their seats. I am consequently to suppose their presence, except I were to suppose (what I have no right or disposition to do) that there was some dereliction of duty on their part, and they were absent from their seats. The yeas and nays indeed were not taken; but on Friday the 26th, the house resolved unanimously to address the President of the United States in the words following—I do not mean to fatigue the house or myself with reading the whole of it, but will read extracts.
"The United States having taken no part in the war which had embraced in Europe, the powers with whom they have the most extensive relations, the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded, as one of the most important duties of the magistrate, charged with the faithful execution of the laws. We accordingly witnessed, with approbation and pleasure, the vigilance with which you have guarded against an interruption of that blessing by your Proclamation, admonishing our citizens of the consequences of illicit or hostile acts, towards the belligerent parties; and promoting, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation."
Now here, sir, is a vote of approbation, proposed on the subject of a Proclamation, which the President of the United States was called upon, by nolar of the land, to issue, and on the execution of which duty, in a manner comporting with their sense of that duty, depended the approbation or disapprobation of this House—and surely, sir, if it was competent for the House of Representatives, in the year 1793, to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and other gentlemen, now members of this House, to approbate the conduct of President Washington, in issuing that proclamation which he was not required to do by any specific statute, it is surely at least as proper now to approve the conduct of president Madison, in a case in which it was his special duty to do it. Where there is a variance between the two cases, it is in favor of the motion which I have the honor to submit. But perhaps I shall be told by some of those youthful spirits, who have lately made their appearance in this House, that this is a precedent taken from federal times; and therefore ought not to be relied on by good democrats. But, sir, it unfortunately happens for those gentlemen, who would thus evade the force of it, that in the very zenith of democracy, a precedent perfectly analogous or even stronger than the one now contended for, was entered upon our journal. At the second session of the seventh Congress, (the first which convened after the election of Mr. Jefferson to the chief magistracy,) the House of Representatives were moved to come to the following resolution, in relation to the obstruction of the navigation of the river Mississippi, and of the right of deposit at New-Orleans, by the Spanish government of Louisiana.
"Resolved, That this House receive with great sensibility, the information of a disposition, in certain officers of the Spanish government at New-Orleans, to obstruct the navigation of the river Mississippi, as secured to the U. S. by the most solemn stipulations."
"That adhering to that humane and wise policy, which ought ever to characterize a free people, and by which the U. States have always professed to be governed; willing at the same time to ascribe this breach of compact to the unauthorized misconduct of certain individuals, rather than to a want of good faith on the part of his Catholic Majesty; and relying, with perfect confidence, on the vigilance & wisdom of the Executive, they will wait the issue of such measures, as that department of the government shall have pursued, for asserting the rights & vindicating the injuries of the United States: Holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries and the rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, as established by existing treaties."
On that occasion it did unfortunately happen, that there were gentlemen in this House, who had no disposition to express any such confidence in the President of the United States, as I am afraid, and do verily and in my conscience believe, there are now gentlemen who have no disposition to express approbation (because they feel none) of the late conduct of the President of the United States—these gentlemen then moved to strike out these words (the words in Italie in the above resolution)—which passed in the negative, yeas 30, nays 53. Mr. Randolph here read the names of those who had voted for or against. Now, he said, he was not at all surprised, that the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana,) and others who did not feel that confidence in the late President, therefore voted against expressing it; and now also, he presumed, the gentleman would vote, as others would, according to the sentiment he felt. But, said Mr. Randolph, we who did feel confidence, and had none of that punctilious repugnance, at expressing what we felt, and could not see any thing in principle against expressing it, (not having at that time, the benefit of the lights shed on this subject by the venerable and reverend gentleman from Pennsylvania,) voted in the negative. So much upon the question, whether there ever existed a case in which this House undertook to approve the conduct of the Executive of the United States in a delicate and critical juncture, particularly on our foreign affairs; the evidence which I have produced is conclusive; and the fact is, that if we get rid of this motion after the precedents which have been cited, I do not say that they are binding; I do not feel them so; if I thought it wrong, I should vote against it without reference to former precedents—but if we do become all of a sudden, and in this particular point, so very squeamish—the fact is, that the President of the United States, if endowed with half the penetration which I presume he does possess, must take the hint; he must feel that there exists in this body, a disapprobation of his conduct, although there be no disposition to express that disapprobation. For, sir, we should not have to go far back to seek for precedent, to find a case where, in point of practice, a decision is condemned, and in point of vote upheld.
We have gotten all of a sudden, sir, into a sort of phobia of abstract proposition, we hear a great deal of passing votes, out of which nothing is to grow. I would ask the worthy gentleman from Pennsylvania—I would not put that question to any other member, but the worthy gentleman from Pennsylvania, because I understand his ground to be, that there does not exist the right, it there exists the power in this House, to enter into a series of propositions which lead to no law.—Now, sir, at the last session, when a member got up and moved, that the thanks of the House be given to the Speaker, for the faithful and able discharge and so forth of his duties—that was not intended to originate a bill; nothing was to grow out of it, except a very unpleasing situation to the House and the gentleman in the chair.—Would the gentleman from Pennsylvania then have contended, that such a motion was inadmissible, and therefore ought to be indefinitely postponed? If I am not much mistaken, there was a motion indefinitely postponed that proposition, which was negatived. Then it seems, sir, that we have an unlimited power of complimenting ourselves, that we may be guilty of self-flattery to any extent—for what is the Speaker of this house, in fact, but ourselves? He is the creature of the House; they make him. When they compliment the Speaker, they compliment their own sagacity in selecting a person so competent to the discharge of his duty. For what does the Speaker say, when conducted to the chair? That he will discharge the duties of his office agreeably to the wishes of the House; for which, I presume, he receives the vote of thanks.
Now in this case the President of the U. States has discharged the duties of his office, if not agreeably to the wishes of the house, certainly agreeably to mine; and therefore I would express my approbation—why? that it may stand on the journals as an expression of my opinions; although, let me tell you, Mr. Speaker, that some twenty or thirty years hence, when the little bickerings of this day are past and forgotten, that vote will be of value. It will tell—sit will weigh heavily in the estimate of the character of the person in respect to whom it is passed; for when we go back to the journals, and look at the administration of Gen. Washington twenty years ago, do we think of the little party disputes of that time? We scarcely give ourselves trouble to consider how men were moved to their actions. It is of consequence to posterity too. What will the historian do in relation to the transactions of this administration? He will find that the first act was to restore harmony and intercourse between the United States and a foreign nation. Is he to be met at the threshold, is this conduct to be qualified by a vote upon your journals, from which he will inevitably draw this inference—that although there did not exist a disposition openly to condemn the ministry, there existed a majority of a different way of thinking, and who therefore got rid of this question as dextrously as they could? No, sir; this vote (I hope I shall be pardoned for saying so) differs to its advantage from the vote for returning thanks to the speaker of this house at the end of the last session of Congress. It is a vote out of which some practical good is to grow—a vote by which the president of the U. States is to be strengthened in the course which he is now pursuing, and encouraged & invigorated in persisting in that course hereafter. It is not a mere motion in course, like a motion for a vote of thanks to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, which is at last considered as a matter of form, and has ceased to be a source of any thing but unpleasant sensation to the house; for I believe that from the time of the first speaker, a member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Muhlengberg) who was succeeded by a member from Connecticut (Mr. Trumbull) and afterwards by a gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Dayton); subsequently by a colleague of yours, Mr. Speaker, (Mr. Sedgwick) and finally until the last Congress, by my worthy friend from North Carolina, in every case this motion—thanks to the speaker, which if my motion be abstract, is equally abstract, has been made and carried—although I believe that the first time the motion was made after I obtained a seat in congress, it was merely accidental that it was carried at all—although no practical result upon gentlemen's own principles could ensue, and it ought therefore (as they say,) to have been quashed. I on the contrary contend that practical good can ensue from my motion, and I think that my friend from North Carolina, whom I do not see in his place, (and I am glad that he is not in his place) must have felt his toil in the chair and even a broken constitution to have been amply compensated by three di-

and unanimous votes of three several houses of congress, returning thanks to him for his able and impartial conduct in the chair.
Mr. Randolph's speech to be continued.
FROM THE MONITOR.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, June 16.
Mr. Lewis presented a petition from sundry citizens of the city of Washington, praying that the road from Spalding's tavern, in Prince George's county, to the line of the District of Columbia, may be declared to be a highway. Referred to the committee for the District of Columbia.
Mr. Macon, from the committee to whom was referred the report of the attorney general, relative to the Batture , at New Orleans, moved that the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the same. Carried—52 to 30.
Mr. Macon then moved, that the various documents and petitions relative to the same subject, be again referred to the attorney general, with instructions to investigate the merits of the respective claims of the United States and Edward Livingston to the Batture , and report thereon to the House, at the next session. Resolution ordered to lie on the table one day.
Mr. Johnson, from the committee of claims, to whom was recommitted the report on the petition of Hannah Foster, made a second report, unfavorable to the petitioner. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Potter obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session, from Monday next.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill making further provision for the support of the public credit and the redemption of the public debt—Mr. Pitkin in the chair.
Mr. Dana's amendment varied so as to make it a little more explicit, still under consideration.
Messrs. Dana, Gold, Randolph and Wheaton opposed the bill, and Messrs. Eppes, Sheffey and Montgomery supported it.
The question was taken on the amendment and lost, only thirty-two members rising in the affirmative.
Mr. Dana moved another amendment, to prevent any loan being made under the bill previous to notice being given in the public gazettes. Disagreed to.
The question was then taken on agreeing to the bill in its original form, and carried by a large majority.
The committee rose and reported their agreement to the bill.
Mr. Randolph moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That the discussion of the bill supplementary to the act entitled, "an act making further provision for the support of public credit and the redemption of the public debt," the secretary of the treasury be required to give information touching the same to this house in person.
The question on considering this resolution was taken by yeas and nays, and decided in the affirmative—60—59.
Messrs. Dana and Randolph supported the resolution, on the ground, that it was necessary the house should know the construction which was intended to be put on the bill now under its consideration by the treasury department; that the officer, who was to execute the law was the person best to explain it; that it would save the time of the house to have the personal attendance of the secretary of the treasury department; that his oral explanations of the various questions involved in the correctness and policy of passing this bill, would remove every cause of doubt and objection to it, or show the impropriety of passing it; that as to the novelty of such a resolution, it had been common, about the time of adopting the funding system, for the secretary of the treasury to appear on the floor of his own mere motion, without the request of the house; that the constitution had debarred him from exercising the privileges of a member; that consequently, he could not have a seat in the house like the British chancellor of the Exchequer.
Messrs. Findlay and Smilie opposed the resolution, because of its novelty; because the information desired might be obtained in writing; and because they had no wish to see the secretary of the treasury appear in the house, particularly as he could not have the privilege of vindicating his opinions as a member. At the time the secretary formerly appeared in the house, there was no committee of ways & means. The existence of this committee prevented the necessity of the personal attendance of the secretary. The republican party had considered it too, a great point gained by them, when they obtained the establishment of this committee. Mr. Findlay remarked that if the house wanted the secretary of the treasury to attend in the house, let the thing not be half done: let him take his seat as a member.
The question was then taken on the resolution itself by yeas & nays, & lost—Yeas 41—Nays 83.
YEAS.—Messrs. Baylies, Blaisdell, Breckenridge, Campbell, J. C. Chamberlain, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Cobb, Dana, J. Davenport, jr., Ely, Emot, Goldsborough, Good, Hale, Hubbard, Jackson, Knickerbacker, J. Lewis, jr., Livermore, Livingston, Lyon, Mathews, M'Bride, M'Kee, Mosely, Nicholson, Pearson, B. Pickman, jr., E. R. Potter, Randolph, Sammons, S. Smith, Stanley, Stephenson, Swoope, Taliaferro, Upham, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer.—41.
NAYS.—Messrs. I. J. Alston, W. Alston, jr., Anderson, Bacon, Bard, Bassett, Bibb, Boyd, J. Brown, R. Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cochran, Cox, Crawford, Crist, Cutts, Dawson, Desha, Eppes, Findlay, Fisk, Franklin, Gannett, Gardner, T. Gholson, jr., Goodwyn, Heister, Helms, Holland, Howard, Hasty, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kennedy, Love, Lyle, Macon, Marlin, M'Kim, Miller, Milnor, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Nichols, T. Pitkin, jr., J. Porter, Quincy, John Rhea, (Pen.) J. Rhea, (T.) Richards, Roane, Root, Ross, Sage, Sawyer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sheffey, Smilie, G. Smith, J. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Taggart, Taylor, Thompson, Tracy, Troop, A. Van Horn, Weakly, Wheaton, Whitefield, Winn, Witherspoon.—83.
On motion of Mr. Eppes, the house took up the report of the committee of the whole on the bill making further provision for the support of public credit and the redemption of the public debt.
Mr. Dana moved, that the report lie on the table, with a view of offering a resolution requiring the information in writing, which the house had refused to receive in person from the secretary of the treasury.
The question was then taken on the motion, and lost—59—68.
Mr. Dana moved to amend the bill so
as to authorize the commissioners of the sinking fund to borrow whenever the product of the imports should not amount to eight millions six hundred thousand dollars.
Mr. J. G. Jackson renewed the motion for the bill and amendment to lie on the table.—Lost 42—54.
M. Pitkin rose to speak, but gave way for the purpose of adjournment. And the house adjourned.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
SATURDAY, June 17.
BATTURE AT NEW ORLEANS.
Mr. Sheffey laid on the table, the following resolution, premising that he did not mean to call it up this day, but at a future day, when he conceived that he should be able to prove to the satisfaction of the House, that this was the proper mode of disposing of the subject:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire in a bill authorising the president of the U. States to appoint commissioners to try, and determine the dispute between the U. States and the person who was ousted from the possession of a certain portion of land called the Batture at New Orleans, on the 25th January, 1808.
FINANCES.
Mr. Dana moved in substance, that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House such information as may be in the Treasury Department, touching the exercise or construction of the authority given to the commissioners of the sinking fund to borrow money on account of it; and also copies of any correspondence with the Bank of the U. States touching any loan or loans for the redemption of any stock under the act for the support of public credit, and for the redemption of the whole of the public debt.
Mr. Ross moved that it lie on the table. Motion negatived by yeas and nays; 56 to 51.
Mr. Taylor objected to the motion for the reason that it could produce no new information in addition to that contained in the Secretary's annual report.
Mr. Dana's motion was adopted by yeas and nays; 65 to 46.
The House then took up the unfinished business of the report of the committee of the whole, yesterday under consideration; 61 to 45. When the House adjourned, Mr. Dana's amendment was under consideration.
Mr. Pitkin advocated the amendment at length, and opposed the bill.
Mr. Quincy spoke at length against the bill.
Mr. Sheffey replied.
Mr. Randolph moved that the bill and amendment be indefinitely postponed, & spoke at length in support of the motion, and against the bill. When he concluded, the motion for postponement was negatived; by yeas and nays 75 to 59, being a majority of 23 against thus putting the bill to sleep.
Mr. Cook moved to adjourn. Negatived, ayes 30.
Mr. Dana's proposed amendment was negatived; 77 to 45, by yeas and nays.
Mr. Dana proposed the following amendment: "Provided, That no money shall be borrowed in virtue of this act until at least months previous to public notice of such loan." Negatived by yeas & nays, 74 to 47.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next, ayes 70.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
June 16.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill for the remission of certain penalties and forfeitures.
On motion of Mr. Reed, the following section was struck out—Yeas 19—Nays 9.
And be it further enacted, That every owner of any such slave may have and exercise the same rights of ownership over the same as if the act aforesaid never had passed, until the legislatures of the several states and territories thereof within which any such slave or slaves may have been brought as aforesaid, shall have disposed of the same according to the provisions of the act aforesaid.
The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for third reading—Yeas 20—Nays 5.
After consideration, the bill to direct the sale of gun boats was, on motion of Mr. Anderson, recommitted; The committee are Messrs. Anderson, Turner and Hillhouse.
June 17.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill to amend and continue in force the act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. B. and France and their dependencies.
When, on the question, "shall the bill be engrossed and read a third time," it was resolved in the affirmative.
The bill for the remission of certain penalties and forfeitures, was postponed till Monday.
Mr. Brent, with leave, introduced a bill to appropriate certain public lots in the City of Washington for the erection of baths.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JUNE 23, 1809.
It is a circumstance much to be regretted, that there are so many small springs in our complicated machine of government; so many details in the exercise of its powers, which have been left unsettled by the Constitutions and laws of our states. When there are occasions for the exercise of such powers, party spirit never fails to acquire a new excitement. Some party of men always arises, who are more solicitous to "order these things," in a way which is best calculated to promote their own interests, than according to the general principles of the government. Maryland is at this moment a melancholy monument of this truth. She is now shorn of half her constitutional influence in the Senate of the U. S. Gen. Samuel Smith has retired from his seat; and Maryland has now but one representative in that body. Nor does this defect appear to admit of an immediate remedy; for the Legislature of that state have adjourned, without making any appointment.
As we view this subject, the Federalists alone are the authors of this evil. The facts are these:
Gen. Smith's term of office expired on the fourth of last March. The Assembly of Maryland, during its winter session, not being able to agree about the mode of supplying this vacancy, adjourned—without making any appointment. The majority of the House of Delegates was federal—that of the Senate was republican. The majority of the Senate was, however, so much greater than that of the other body, that on a joint
vote, the republicans would have borne off the palm. What course then did the federalists of the H. of D. pursue? They refused to go into a joint vote, although they were aware of the present extraordinary session of Congress. Their pretence was, that as the election of both Houses of Assembly were to take place in October next, it was but fair to consult the people themselves on this occasion. There was some force in this remark—but their calculation was, that the people themselves would be so completely frightened by their mischievous clamors against the embargo, as to return a majority of their own party, to both branches of the legislature—in which case, they were determined to exclude Gen. Smith, the worthy hero of Mud-Fort, from the Senate of the U. S. and to place some man in that body, whose views and principles were rather more congenial with their own.
The constitution of the U. S. requires, that "if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof, may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature; which shall then fill such vacancies." Agreeably to this provision, the Executive of Maryland appointed Gen. Smith; this appointment, it is plain, was only a "temporary" one, "until the next meeting of the Legislature."
In the mean time, Mr. Wright resigns the office of Governor of the State—the Legislature is convened to make a new election to that office.—From this time, the appointment of Mr. Smith is at an end—the words of the constitution of the U. S. states become imperative upon the Legislature—they "shall then fill such vacancies."
The federal House of Delegates, however, contrive to escape from the dilemma, in which they are placed. They agree to go into the election—but they embrace a new expedient for ousting the obnoxious and formidable Smith. Their proposition is, to elect a Senator not by a joint vote, in which they would have been foiled—but by a concurrent vote. In pursuance of this idea, they nominate a Mr. Howard to the vacant post, and request the concurrence of the senate. On their part, the senate insist upon a joint appointment—and as neither branch recedes from their position, an adjournment takes place—neither Smith nor Howard is appointed—and Maryland is thus deprived of half her influence in the Senate of the U. States.
As to the point in contest, the constitution is profoundly silent. It merely requires that the state legislatures should make the appointment, without pointing out the particular mode in which it is to be made. The constitution of Maryland had been framed before that of the U. States; there is of course no provision in it, as to the mode in which the state legislature is to exercise this power. It however requires, that all the state appointments which are made in furtherance of its provisions, should take place by a joint & not a concurrent vote,—as those which are made by the legislature of Virginia, are made by a joint vote of both houses. Nor is there any law in Maryland, nor any standing resolution to supply this case omissus in the constitution—the resolutions which have been heretofore adopted, being merely temporary and framed for a particular occasion only. But in all the appointments of a senator, which have been actually made, the resolution has uniformly been for a joint vote—and every election has accordingly taken place in this manner. Nay, on one occasion, when the House of Delegates was republican, and the senate of the opposite description, the former never dreamt of pursuing a different rule, although a senator was elected from the federal party.
So, that in the present instance, the federalists of the house of delegates have not only violated all the precedents which have been set them by state appointments, but all those which have been heretofore set on this very subject.
Is this course too more agreeable to the sound principles of the republic? Is it not the basis of such constitutions, that the will of the majority should govern? In the enactment of laws, indeed, it is within the power of both branches of the Legislature to check each other—but this arrangement has been made from a persuasion, that it would check the spirit of party, and the violence of the passions, and procure that due deliberation and revision, which are so essential to great Legislative measures. But these reasons, are not equally applicable to the appointments of office—it is plain that in such cases, the sceptre may be safely confided to the majority of both branches. The plan of a concurrent appointment evidently places the small body of the Senate on the same footing of power, with the numerous and popular branch of the House of Delegates. It enables eight members of the Senate of Maryland "to defeat or controul the united voices of eighty members of the H. of D. the immediate representatives of the state at large, and during a term of five years, to prevent the election of a Senator of the U. States, in opposition to the united voice of the people of Maryland." There is besides no state, in which this conclusion is more obnoxious to the spirit of a republican constitution, for there is none in which the structure of the Senate makes it less responsible to the people. The members of the Senate of Maryland are appointed for a period of not less than five years, within which period all the vacancies in that body are supplied by themselves.
Such are the absurdities, to which the federalists of the H. of D. of Maryland were compelled to push their principles!
AARON BURR is perhaps the only man in the U. S. who has stooped so low as to avow himself a British Rebel. The course which he has lately traced in Great Britain—if there were no other—would be enough to damn him to all eternity as a man of honor & of spirit. What must be thought of the poor wretch, who would now stoop to claim protection under the British law against expatriation—and who would even qualify himself for such protection, by pleading that he has always been a subject of G. B. even during the war in which he had opposed her injustice, & since the peace, though he has discharged the duties and enjoyed the honors of the second Magistrate of the American Republic? Such a plea is just as disgraceful to common sense as it is to common honesty. It shows the depths of desperation, to which the worst of men may be driven. A trip to Gottenburg is much too good for the wretch who uses it. He is worthy of the Rebel's fate—to hang between the heavens and the Earth."
It was too infamous even for the present ministry of Great Britain to adopt. They dared not to countenance an assumption, that every American Citizen was at this day a British subject;
In what light now must "his worthy friend" Burr, appear even to Mr. L. Martin?—A few months since, this man wrote a long essay to prove that no one could be a citizen of the U. S. before the year '76, because at that time there were no U. S.—no republic, of which he could be a citizen—but that every man necessarily became such, who was in this country during the revolution, and adhered to the cause of America, and contributed his efforts to achieve her independence.—In what a despicable light then, must such a renegado as A. Burr, appear even to such a man as Mr. Martin!!
The Earl of Liverpool declared in the House of Peers on the 28th April, that "the PRINCIPLE, upon which the orders in council were issued, was STILL RETAINED—and should circumstances render it necessary, that principle would again be fully enforced." What was this principle? RETALIATION—a resolution to RETORT upon the enemy "the evils of his own injustice."
This principle would, therefore go to the extent of preserving the Orders in Council, until the Decrees of France were rescinded. The whole course of documents, published on this subject, is in strict concurrence with this idea.
It is true, that neutral nations might rid themselves of the operation of these Orders, by a due resistance to the decrees of the enemy:—as in the note annexed to the treaty, where the idea is held out, that "if the enemy should carry these threats into execution, and if neutral nations, contrary to all expectation, should acquiesce in such usurpations," such orders would probably be issued—or as in Mr. Erskine's letter of Feb. 23, 1808, where his majesty harps upon the disappointment of his just "expectation," & the alleged submission of neutral nations—or as in the preamble to the orders of November, where it is said that those of January, "had not answered the desired purpose, either of compelling the enemy to recall those orders, or of inducing neutral nations to interpose, with effect, to obtain their revocation." But it is not less true, that the kind & degree of resistance were not prescribed, nor whether any thing short of war would answer their expectation. But what is more to the point, it is likewise true that this miserable requisition of resistance on the part of neutrals, has been lately dropped, & that the only ground, on which for several months, they have avowed their intention of rescinding their retaliatory Orders, was the previous "recall" of the enemy's decrees. In his reply to Mr. Pinkney of Sept. 22, wherein he rejects the late proposition of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Canning is most explicit on this subject. He avows his determination to adhere to these orders, "so long as the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved." "These considerations, says he, compel his majesty to adhere to the principles on which the orders in council of the 7th of Jan. and the 11th of Nov. are founded, so long as as France adheres to that system , by which his majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified." And yet in the very teeth of all these professions, have the British ministry lately rescinded their orders, as it respects the U. States. Will the Earl of Liverpool then repeat that the "principle of these orders is still retained?"
The British ministry say, that their late orders are adopted "in consequence of divers events, which have taken place since the date of the first-mentioned orders, affecting the relation between Great Britain and the territories of other powers." How shallow is this pretext! Where are those new events? Is not the British flag still excluded from the ports of Russia, Prussia and Denmark? The ports of the German ocean are not open to them—neither are the Italian ports to the south of Orbiteilo and Pisaro.
The probability is, that these new orders have arisen, partly from a wish to relieve the pressure upon their commerce, in case our non-intercourse law was kept in force; and partly to save the credit of the ministry. They had pledged themselves not to rescind their orders, so long as the French decrees remained.
There is nothing said of this condition in the new orders. They have shifted the ground. It seems as if they thought it better to have it believed, that they had changed these orders, and the ground on which they had stood, as if they had been moved to it of themselves and from a choice of their own interests, than that they had done it as the condition of their contract with this country.
We presume, that the new British Envoy will not leave Great Britain, for the U. States, until she has heard of the adjustment at Washington. We may of course expect him in a few weeks. The terms of the treaty, which he will be instructed to form, will depend upon the tone of Great Britain. That tone will depend to a certain degree only upon the success or defeat of the Austrians.
The design of our government, in stationing the Enterprise off the ports of the Texel, seems to be a wise one. Should the views of France shift for the worse, instructions may be sent by our government or agents in Holland and France and she may be on the spot to warn our vessels not to enter the Dutch ports.
We hear, that it is understood among the members at Washington, though no formal resolution has been passed on the subject, that Congress will adjourn on Monday next.
The luminous Essay on the last page is recommended to the attention of our readers.
CRITICUS, No. 2, is postponed to our next.
On Sunday the 18th inst. departed this life, at his house in Williamsburg, about fifty seven years of age JOSEPH PRENTISS, Esq. a Judge of the General Court of this Commonwealth; an office which he filled with dignity, & discharged with fidelity & impartiality for more than 20 years.—It was his happiness, in all the walks of life, to conciliate the esteem & affection of those around him, and the respect and regard of all others. The genuine benevolence of his heart, the unassumming modesty of his manners & deportment, the unfeigned sincerity of his Religion, and the uniform and steady practice of morality, on all occasions, shed a mild lustre over his character, which none so highly appreciated as those who knew him best. To his family, his loss is irreparable; to his friends, the occasion of sincere grief and sympathy. If to have lived beloved, and to have died respected, constitute happiness in this life, such has been his well-earned reward here; a far greater awaits him hereafter.
On Sunday the 18th inst. DIED in this city, Mr. RICHARD SMITH, late of New York, formerly an inhabitant of this city.
I WISH to hire ten or twelve able strong Men, to work at the water-works, & on the streets of Richmond. For such I will give a generous price, for two or three months.
JOHN P. SHELLDS.
THE SUBSCRIBER, offers for sale, that elegant and valuable Estate, called WILTON, lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state; the offices are commodious; the Garden and yard are handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed to purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss, however to observe, that James River runs 100 yards from the door of the house, that vessels of five hundred hogheads have loaded at Warwick, one mile above it, that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good Shad and Herring fishery, and that Wild Fowl are frequently procured. A small Grain-Mill, is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation.
Almost two thousand ACRES of LAND, lying on Fighting Creek, Powhatan County, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco.
For terms apply to the Subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH.
IN PURSUANCE of a resolution of the Common Council, for the City of Richmond, Notice is hereby given, that the said Common Council will proceed on Monday next, to appoint a Master of Police for the City, in the room of Capt. William Richardson, deceased.
N. SHEPPARD, Clk.
NOTICE.—The partnership of Chaigneau & Freeman, was dissolved the 15th instant. Those indebted to the said partnership, are requested to come & settle their accounts; & those who have any demands against them, will please to call immediately for payment.
C. B. CHAIGNEAU.
FOR SALE—325 ACRES of JAMES RIVER LAND.—On the 10th (December next, or fair, or otherwise the next fair day,) the Subscriber will offer for sale on the premises, a Tract of LAND situate in Buckingham county, immediately opposite the mouth of Rock-fish river—Thirty acres of which are prime low ground, & the residue strong, finely timbered upland, well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Corn, and Wheat.
A credit of one, two and three years will be given, payable at equal instalments, with interest from date, to be remitted if the payments are punctually made. Bonds with approved security will be required. A clear title made, & possession given on the day of sale.
The above Tract of Land has been conveyed to me by Patrick Rose, Junr. of Buckingham, to be sold for the payment of his debts.
ALEX. F. ROSE, Trustee.
AN ELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE.—The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided.
This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighborhood.
For terms apply to Mr. Wm. Long, who is fully authorised to contract for the same.
J. PENN.
LIPPER'S best SCOTCH and RAPPLE SNUFF, in pound and half pound bottles, for sale by
JOHN H. STROBIA.
PURSUANT to a deed of Trust executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Parsons and Sarah his wife, for the benefit of William Cooke and Thomas and Anas Ladd, and other creditors of the said Parsons, will be sold, at public Auction, on the respective premises, on Monday the 17th of next month, (July) the following property situate in the city of Richmond, viz. Nearly three fourths of the half acre of ground, designated in the plan of the said City by lot No. 436, between Thomas Ladd and the Hay-Market square, bounded on the North East, by the street which passes between the Hay-Market square and the public Warehouse.
All that part of lot No. 413 on the North East side of the Basin which is bounded by the street running by the Bank and Robert McKim's, to Cary Street, thence by the latter street to the brick House occupied by Mr. James Smith as a Bakery—thence at right angles to the alley between the said lot of Robert McKim's—thence by the said alley to the first mentioned street. This lot is held by a deed which conveys all the interests of Byrd's Trustees and Heirs. But is subject to the appearance of a Ticket. The title papers of both lots will be exhibited at the sale. The grounds will be sold entire, or divided, as may appear convenient.
Ten shares in the Richmond Turnpike Company—also a Coach and pair of horses, together with sundry articles of Household and Kitchen furniture and other personal property.
Terms of sale will be twelve months credit for the lots, or Notes negotiable and payable at the Bank of Virginia satisfactorily endorsed, & Titles to be withheld as further security until the notes be fully paid; or at the option of the purchaser, one fourth in hand, and deeds of Trust on the property sold to secure the other three fourths. The Turnpike shares and the personal property will be for cash or a short credit, as may be deemed fit on the day. The sale will commence at 12 o'clock on Lot No. 413.
E. CARINGTON, } Trustee. RICHARD ADAMS, } GEORGE GREENHOW. } June 23. tds.
NOTICE.—That on the 17th day of next month, will be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises in this city, (unless privately sold before,) a three story brick house, (unfurnished) 20 by 40 feet, together with the ground of the same width, extending back to an alley; situate on Cary's Street, running parallel with the Basin, and opposite to Nicholson and Heath's Coal yard. Terms of sale, $1000 in hand, $1000 in six months, the remaining balance, divided equally in 12 and 18 months, from the first instant. A Deed of Trust, on the said property, and bonds of the purchasers, will be required to secure the three last payments.
SAMUEL PARSONS.
FOR SALE—A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, lying on the banks of James River, nearly opposite to the Westover Estate; consisting, between eight and nine hundred acres, & situated on the river upwards of a mile; by the hands of Mr. Harrison of Mayencks and Co. a road leading from Cooke's ferry to Petersburg; about one fourth part of the tract is cleared; it has some good land and affords a good range for Cattle; has a good Landing place and a profitable fishing place might be made on it, at a small expense; it has no improvements except an old dwelling house. This land, with proper tillage, would make a good wheat farm. One fourth part of the price will be expected on giving possession, and for the residue a credit of two, four and six years will be

POLITICAL.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
THE NEW BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The letter of Mr. Erskine explanatory of the late orders in council of the 26th April, and containing the assurance that the British government would execute with good faith his agreement at Washington, must be a source of satisfaction to every real American. The virtuous mind must rejoice in the brighter prospect it holds out of an amicable adjustment of every subject of difference between this country and Great Britain. It will have no interest in the question, yet its moral point of view, it would be painful to contemplate a perpetual recurrence of injury, without one act of magnanimity or justice to lessen the balance of crime. The character of a minister has been held sacred by all nations, and it would have required more than ordinary wickedness to have degraded and disgraced that character in the eyes of the universe. Such an awful and horrible example, so destructive in its consequences to the preservation of social order between nations, even the unprincipled ministry that governs that unhappy country, could not have been expected to give. It would have left them exposed to the execrations of the civilized world, and us no alternative but submission or war.
Yet although this intelligence is a subject of real congratulation to the lovers of peace, it ought never to be forgotten, that what has already taken place at Washington is but a prelude to future negotiation. Every material subject of difference is yet to be adjusted, and they are too numerous, too complicated, and too important to induce the belief, that their final settlement will be either speedy or unattended with serious difficulties. The intelligence of the arrangement at Washington, and the renewal of intercourse with Great Britain, diffused universal satisfaction throughout the country. We seemed ready to bury the past in oblivion, and renew once more the most friendly intercourse with her, in the persuasion that a returning sense of justice, if it did not indemnify us for past, would secure us against future aggressions. Feasts in commemoration of the event were daily announced. The public prints teemed with felicitations on the auspicious change in our affairs, and even the Hall of Congress re-echoed the glad tidings.
I do not mean to condemn altogether, any manifestation of satisfaction, at the glimpse of returning peace, afforded by that agreement; but I do condemn in the most unqualified terms, the extravagant demonstrations of joy, which burst forth on the occasion. The cause and the effect were eminently disproportioned—and the public mind was let down from the tone, it ought ever to preserve, until a treaty—an honorable treaty, is signed and ratified. One would have thought, that with a little attention to the subject, without suffering the recollection of the past to press too heavily on our minds, it might have been seen, that there was nothing in the overture of Great Britain, or in the prospect of accommodation held out by it, that would have justified so powerful an impression on the public mind.
The overture itself, although explicit as to the withdrawal of the obnoxious orders of January and November, 1807, on the 10th of June, yet afforded no sufficient assurance, that the principle of those orders was totally abandoned or would not hereafter be revived. On the contrary, the "reference of any difference of opinion which might arise in the interpretation of the agreement to future negotiation," afforded reasonable ground for the apprehension that some principle might be asserted by Great Britain, even before a final adjustment of differences, which to the American people would seem to violate the spirit and meaning of the contract, then entered into by Mr. Erskine on the part of his government. No such provision could have been necessary, if Great Britain meant to withdraw her infamous orders, absolutely to abandon the principle by which they attempted to justify them, and to set up no other pretensions, equally incompatible with neutral rights. Besides this, with however good faith the agreement of the 18th of April had been performed, however liberal its interpretation, and however rigorously scrupulous its execution, yet there was contained in it no assurance that satisfaction would be made us, for the robberies that British cruisers had for so many years been committing on American property—that the right of search would be relinquished—that Impressions would be abandoned or even regulated—that American citizens confined in British prison-ships would be restored to liberty, to their friends and family—that Blockades on paper would cease; or that any of the many evils we have experienced at her hands would be redressed, and conduct more just and conformable to the law of nations, be substituted in their place. Until this, or something like this had been done, there was no reason for extravagant demonstrations of joy, for public dinners, or for felicitation on the happy change of our affairs; unless the American spirit is sunk so low, as to triumph and exult in having obtained from her oppressor, something short of justice in one or two instances, when so many important principles are yet to be settled, and so many unprovoked injuries to be atoned for. Until this had been done, a dignified and even indignant silence, such as a brave man would preserve towards one who should offer him a pitiful apology for the greatest injury, would have better become our situation.
Yet, feast, and exult, and triumph we did; and if this was not a proof of our wisdom, it was at least an evidence of our sincere and friendly disposition towards the "Mother Country."—It was an evidence to Mankind that we have too much of the milk of human kindness to bear malice towards our enemies—that we are not easily moved to resentment, so we are at all times ready to forgive, and that a promise of apology is sufficient atonement for wrongs the most atrocious.
The orders of April, as we may now fairly presume, having ceased to operate on American property on the 10th of June; it may seem a work of supererogation to enquire into their spirit or tendency. Yet inasmuch as they will have been for some time in operation, as one federal paper has defended them on the ground that our government had no right to expect any thing better, as by all they have been considered as very favorable modifications of the previous orders, it may not be entirely useless to examine them with some attention.
With all the consideration I have been able to bestow upon them, they do not appear to me, to differ materially from those which were in force against neutral rights on the
18th of April last—a brief analysis of them will, I think, fully prove this assertion.
By the order of council of the 7th of January, 1807, the trade from one port of France or her allies to another; or from any port so far under the influence of France or her allies as that British vessels could not trade thereat, to another such port, is prohibited; and any vessel engaged in such trade, after a sufficient time had been afforded for receiving information of the order, is subjected to capture and condemnation.
By the order of the 11th of November 1807, all the ports of France and her allies and of every other country at war with Great Britain, and all other ports in Europe from which the British flag was excluded, and all ports in the colonies of Great Britain were declared in a state of blockade, and the trade thereto and therefrom and in all articles of the produce or manufacture of the countries, and colonies strictly prohibited—and all vessels engaged in such trade with their cargoes, are liable to capture and condemnation with the following exceptions.
 1. The direct trade of a neutral, from a neutral port or British colonial port, to a port in the colonies of the enemy, or from those colonies direct to the country to which the vessel belongs, or to a British colonial port with a lawful cargo, is permitted.  2. The direct trade of a neutral clearing out from a British port, under such regulation as might be prescribed, or from a port belonging to the allies of Britain, to any port specified in her clearance, or from any blocked port direct to any port in Europe belonging to G. Britain, is also permitted. 
By another order of the same date, neutral vessels were permitted to import into Great Britain articles of the produce or manufacture of countries at war with her, subject to certain duties and drawbacks.
This regulation was a relaxation of the navigation act, in so far as it went—in aid of the previous order of Nov. the 11th.
By an order of the 25th Nov. 1807, neutral vessels were permitted to lade in G. Britain with British produce or manufactures, and to export the same to the enemy's colonies in the West-Indies or America, subject to the payment of the duties fixed by law—and to lade, clear out with, and export in the same manner any articles of foreign growth or manufacture, lawfully imported into the kingdom, his Britannic majesty's licence being previously obtained for conveying such foreign produce or manufactures.
By the same order, British goods or produce lawfully imported, (except foreign sugar, coffee, wine, snuff, and cotton) might be exported from a British port to any port under the restrictions of the order of the 11th of Nov. Foreign sugar, coffee, wine, brandy, snuff and cotton, lawfully imported, might be exported with his majesty's licence previously obtained.
No vessel was permitted to clear out from any port of Great Britain to any blocked port, with goods laden on board the importing vessel, (after notice of the order;) nor to clear out from any such port to any port whatever, with enemies goods, laden after notice; nor with any goods whatever, laden in the importing vessel in an enemy's port, without first duly entering and landing the cargo, unless the cargo consisted wholly of flour, meal, grain or any article or articles the produce of a neutral country, except cotton, and which had been imported direct from the neutral country to G. Britain, in a vessel belonging to the country wherein the goods were grown or produced.
These were the most material regulations prescribed subsequent to the 11th of Nov. to carry the order of that date more fully into effect; except one which regulated the trade to Gibraltar and Malta, and permitted therefrom, the re-exportation of neutral goods in neutral bottoms, under the same restrictions, or nearly the same prescribed to the mother country.
On the 28th of March, 1808, the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain passed an act recognizing the principle avowed by the orders of the 11th and 25th of November, as their basis; and in furtherance of their provisions, laid certain duties of customs on the goods, &c. exported from G. Britain—These duties however, did not extend to any goods, wares or merchandise unmanufactured in whole or part, of the growth or produce of a neutral country, imported in neutral or British vessels directly from the neutral country, except on certain articles, the most material of which to our trade is cotton wool or yarn.
No other subsequent act of Parliament materially affected the interests of the American farmer, manufacturer or merchant. The exportation of cotton wool from Great Britain was indeed afterwards absolutely prohibited under heavy penalties, and the direct trade between this country and that, placed on the footing of the most favored nation.—But neither of these acts could have had or were intended to have, any very favorable effect on our trade.—They were the offspring of British policy to favor British interests alone.
By these orders and statutes then, there was open to the American trade, on the 18th of April, 1809, if our government had been base enough to have submitted to them, the following branches of trade:
 1st. The direct trade between this country and the colonies of the enemy, or between a British colonial port and any port in the colonies of the enemy.  2dly. Thus an American vessel might have traded between the port of Boston and any port in the island of Martinico, Guadaloupe, &c. or between any free port in Jamaica or Barbadoes, and any other colonial port in the possession of France or her allies, or from which the British flag was excluded.  3dly. The direct trade, under certain regulations, and on the payment of certain duties, from a British port or from a port belonging to an ally of Britain (Sweden, Spain, Portugal,) to any other port whatever, or from any port blocked by the orders of council, to a British port. 
Thus the carrying trade between Great Britain and her allies, and France and her allies, of the growth or produce of either, was permitted to the neutral under certain conditions.
4thly. The direct trade under a British licence from a British port, with foreign goods or manufactures first imported into Great Britain, to the enemy's colonies.
5thly. The trade between this country in our own productions, to the countries subject to the restrictions of the orders of council, through the ports of Great
Britain, upon paying a transit duty, on some articles, the only material one of which to our trade, was cotton, and without any transit duty on the rest; and the same trade in the colonial produce of the enemy from the U. States to any port of Europe, through a British port, on the payment of certain duties.
These several permissions were considered as modifications of the broad principle, asserted in the first six paragraphs of the orders of the 11th of November; and it is worthy of observation, that Mr. Erskine, in his letter to the Secretary of State of the 28th of February, 1808, communicating the existence of these orders, notices them as a proof of the "sentiments of moderation, by which his majesty's conduct had been uniformly governed, and of the motives of consideration which actuated him for the particular interests of America."
Let us now examine whether his majesty had the same consideration for the "particular interests of America," when the order of the 28th of April was made.
By this order the kingdom of Holland, as far north as the river Ems, and all ports and places of France, together with the colonies, &c. in the possession of those governments, and all ports and places in the northern part of Italy, to the ports of Orbiteilo and Pesaro, are subjected to the same restrictions, in point of trade, as if they were actually blocked in the most rigorous manner; and every vessel trading from and to the said countries or colonies, with all goods on board, is subject to capture and condemnation.
Under this order the branches of trade, which Mr. E. noticed as qualifications of the general principle, and as "peculiarly favorable to the interests of the U. States," are entirely prohibited.
The direct trade between the U. States and the colonies of the enemy—from the U. States to Europe, through a British port—and the transportation of American produce, with the exception of cotton, through a British port into those of the enemy, without the payment of a transit duty, no longer exists.
How then can the order of April be considered as a proof of the friendly disposition of Great Britain, or as a relaxation of former orders, extremely favorable to American interests? Is it because the ports to the north of the Ems, to the south of Orbiteilo and Pesaro, are open to American enterprise? The most important of the northern ports, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen, are under the power of Bonaparte, and it is said, that all trade to and from them, is already strictly interdicted. The ports of the Baltic, through which Great Britain would obtain naval stores in American bottoms, it is probable would not long remain open to our vessels, and if they were, very little of our produce would find a market in those ports. Besides which, the articles we should receive in return, such as lumber, timber, tar, pitch and naval stores, so far from adding any thing to our national wealth, would but come in competition, in British ports, with articles of the same nature of our own production, and sink their price. That the British cabinet foresaw this effect, and intended to produce it, is not to be doubted.
The northern part of Italy, interdicted to our trade by these orders, includes the two important ports of Genoa, and Leghorn, the principal markets for our productions.
The southern part of it, comprehending some part of what was termed the States of the Church, and the kingdom of Naples under Murat, is not sufficiently important to merit serious consideration, and the policy by which it is governed, would probably soon exclude even the small part of our produce, for which there would be a demand.
Thus the advantages to be derived to our commerce, from a some-what greater extent of territory and a few additional markets, under the late orders, would probably be more than counterbalanced by those restrictions from which, under the previous orders, it was exempt.
The idea, that the orders were intended to come in aid of our non-intercourse law, is too preposterous to need serious refutation. Besides the obvious policy, that seems to have dictated them, the very exception of so large and important a country to our trade as Holland, noticed by one of our Editors, is a sufficient proof to the contrary, unless he would contend, that exceptio probat regulam . Spain and Portugal too are made exceptions by Mr. Gallatin, upon the same principle, I presume, that Holland is one;—but by the orders of April, such ports of these countries, as are in the possession of France, are included in the restrictions thereby established. So that under our non-intercourse law, we might have traded to Holland, Spain & Portugal—but under the orders of April, to neither, except to the ports of the two last named countries, not in the possession of France.—Yet why do I advance these proofs? For he who can coolly advance such an opinion, without indignantly exclaiming against the arrogance of any government's aiding in the execution of our own laws, has not the soul of a Free-Born American.
HARMODIUS.
* Of this, however, we have no certain accounts.—From the two following slips, from two London papers, it would seem, that some or all of those ports are or will be opened to the U. S. in whole or in part. It is said, that for a greater certainty of the market, our merchants are about to send their ships to the river Jude, &c.
"By a gentleman just arrived from Hamburg, we are informed, that the American Consul at that city, obtained leave for the American ships there, to depart in ballast; and hopes were entertained, that they would be permitted to load with German goods for the United States."
Sun, 4th April.
TONNINGEN, April 12. The King of Denmark has allowed all neutral and friendly ships to sail from his ports.—Those of the Hanse towns are expressly named. The intelligence has been officially notified here.
NEGROES FOR SALE. WILL be sold to the highest bidder on twelve months credit, at capt. Nat. Perkins's Tavern, on Saturday the 30th day of July next—Three Negroes viz. a woman and two likely girls—belonging to the estate of Henry Hopkins dec'd.—Bond & approved security will be required to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
ROBERT FRENCH, Administrator. Goachland, June 9. wtds
A NAIL MANUFACTORY is established at Petersburg, where two men of good character and ability, for cutting nails, are wanted; who will receive good wages and constant employment. Apply at the head of High-Street, Petersburg.
June 7. 4t
WOOD LAWN for Sale. —The Subscriber offers for sale, the tract of Land on which he now resides, lying throughout, on the main fork of Pamunkey River, in the County of Orange, 35 miles from Fredericksburg, and 60 from Richmond, containing 763 acres—a full proportion of which consists of valuable low-grounds. About one half the land is cleared, a large part of which is now fresh. The Wood Lawn is all prime tobacco land, heavily timbered, and peculiarly adapted to the growth of that kind of Tobacco, which commands the highest Richmond market price. There is, perhaps, no land in this part of the Country, on which the planter or farmer can rely with more certainty for a crop, than this, as from the nature of the soil, there is no land on which a crop is sooner matured. The improvements are considerable. The dwelling-house is of two stories, 52 by 20 feet, divided so as to unite convenience with elegance. To one end is attached a wing of 20 feet square. A large and convenient kitchen, laundry and weaver's house, the whole comprising six ground rooms, are contained under one roof, and with other out-buildings, an Ice-house—a Well of excellent water in the yard, affords every convenience requisite for the accommodation of a large and genteel family. A stable of 14 Stalls—the first story of granite stone, with apartments above for grain, fodder &c. has just been completed. No buildings in fact, necessary for the securing of a crop, or for the comfort of a family are wanting, and what enhances their value, is, they are all new and of choice materials; the land abounding in the best of timber and lying within one mile of a saw mill. One third of the purchase money, will be required in cash.
Western lands, provided they are situated on navigable water in the lower parts of the states of Kentucky or Tennessee, or on the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio, will be received in payment, for the balance of the purchase money, if, upon a view of them, their quality and price suit. Those, therefore, who hold lands in the above range, and are disposed to barter them in this way, are requested to make immediate application, in person, or by letter post-paid, directed to the Orange Springs Post-Office, and addressed to
DABNEY MINOR. wtds
By Virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us on the 13th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, by John Clarkson, and William Clarkson, (and recorded in the County Court of Albermarle,) to secure the payment of the debt, therein expressed to be due by the said Clarkson, to William Brown and Co. Will be sold, (as the law directs,) on the 17th day of July next, at the dwelling house, at present occupied by the said William Clarkson, on the premises; one tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in said County of Albermarle, containing 430 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of George Twyman, Mrs. Owens and Hudson Barkedale, or so much of said Land, as may be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and thirty seven pounds eight shillings and four pence, being the sum declared to be payable on the 15th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eight, with interest on the same from the 15th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven. We will convey to the purchaser or purchasers, such title only as is vested in us as trustees.
JOHN WATSON, S.M. DYER. wtds
FITZWYLLSON & POTTER, have just received a large supply of Stationery, Elegant Ladies Work-Trunks, Travelling-Trunks, Pocket-books, Pen-knives, Patent and Common Suspenders, Conversation, Playing and Embossed Visiting Cards, Music, Violin Strings, &c. They have on hand, an extensive assortment of Blank Books of all kinds; a few copies of Mathews on Population, Fox's Historical Work, Fisher's Military Tactics, Sampson's Plea for Religion, Illustrations of Prophecy, and a variety of School Books.
BOOK BINDING, in all its branches, carried on as usual. Orders from the Country, duly attended to. June 16. w6w
ADVERTISEMENT. —By virtue of a deed of Trust executed by John Ball, sen. to the subscribers, to secure the payment of £ 273 9 7, with the interest due thereon to John Lewis: Will be sold, on Saturday, the 22d day of July next, on the premises, to the highest bidder, a tract of LAND, containing by estimation, 275 acres, lying part in Halifax county, and part in Pittsylvania, upon Dan river, at the mouth of Sandy creek, about two miles from the town of Milton. There are some river and creek low-grounds on the above tract, which, as well as the high land, is of good quality.
Bond with security, will be required of the purchaser, payable at the repeal or expiration of an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed at their last session, entitled "An act concerning executions, and for other purposes."
FRANCIS DABNEY, Trustee. GEORGE DABNEY, w4w
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in Richmond, the twentieth day of May, 1809.
RULE. —Great inconveniencies and delays having arisen from motions to alter, and amend the decrees and special entries of this Court, after they have been entered of record, it is expected that in future the Counsel will respectively in all cases where a special decree or entry shall be deemed necessary, prepare notes of such decree or entry as they may think ought to be made on the decision, to be considered as part of their statement and delivered to the Judges, with the record, at the final argument, in each cause.
A Copy Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. wist.
COMMITTED to the Jail of King William county, a Negro Man named TOM, a runaway, who says he belongs to a Mr. Christie, living in the state of Tennessee, and escaped from the said Christie in Bedford county, in the state of Virginia, some time in the month of August last, and says he was sold to the said Christie by a Mr. Bradley of Pittsburgh: The said fellow is about five feet eight or nine inches high, and of a yellow complexion; the owner is desired to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and take him away.
H. LITTLEPAGE, D. Sheriff. For Wm. GREGORY, Sheriff. April 18. w3mp
A TUTOR WANTED. —The Trustees of the town of York, are anxious to employ a gentleman of character, & literary acquirements, to conduct a SCHOOL in the said town. The branches of Science to be taught are, reading, writing, English grammar, arithmetic, geography, use of the globes, the Latin and Greek classics. The situation of York is pleasant and healthy: From twenty to forty pupils can be procured: A comfortable house will be furnished the Tutor free of expense. A person who shall produce testimonials of his sobriety, discretion and acquirements, which shall qualify him for the conduct of the school, will meet with encouragement on application to
CORBIN GRIFFIN, TH. GRIFFIN, ROBT. NELSON, jr. } Committee of Trustees. May 2. w
WANTED TO HAVE, by the week, month, or for the remainder of the present year, a sober industrious man to superintend a party of labourers, in the vicinity of this city. Enquire at the office of the Enquirer. June 20. 4t
HAVING executed a deed of trust to Benjamin Oliver, jr. William Cunningham, and Samuel Richardson, conveying certain property therein mentioned, to them, for the purpose of making sale thereof, in order to discharge all debts for which I am bound for my father, and my own debts.—It is therefore my wish that all such creditors may as soon as possible, make their respective claims known to the above named gentlemen, that they may know how far to carry the sales, which will take place the 1st of August next.
JOHN M. SYME. June 9.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to us, by John M. Syme, of the County of Hanover, for the purpose of satisfying all debts for which he is bound for his father's & his own debts—we shall, on Tuesday, the first day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, upon the premises, proceed to sell, four hundred and sixty three acres, (by a late survey) of prime and valuable land, adjoining the Town of New Castle, upon Pamunkey River, and the ferry across that river. Also, ELEVEN NEGROES, consisting of MEN, WOMEN, BOYS and GIRLS, all the stock of HORSES, CATTLE, HOGS, SHEEP, and implements of Husbandry, &c. conveyed by the said instrument. Such title as we hold as trustees will be made the purchaser or purchasers, and possession of the land given at Christmas with the privilege of seeding wheat this fall. The terms of sale will be one third cash, one third in six months, and the balance in 12 months, from the day of sale. Interest will be expected upon the distant payments. Bonds with approved security will be required of the purchasers of the personal property, and Bonds with deeds of trust upon the land and ferry of the respective purchasers. The land &c. will be shown by Mr. Wm. CUNNINGHAM, living in New-Castle, or either of the Mr. SYMES, to any person wishing to view the premises. Creditors will be allowed to purchase, and their claims discounted.
According to Mr. John M. Syme's notification above, we or either of us, will receive the amount of any claim, and it is our wish that they be made known prior to the day of sale.
There are some previous liens upon this property, or some of it, to secure certain debts, which will be first paid, according to their several dates. Proposals for any part of the above property will be received by either of the trustees prior to the sale.
BENJAMIN OLIVER, jr. Wm. CUNNINGHAM. SAML. RICHARDSON. New-Castle, June 9. tds
NEW ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BELLE-TAVERN.
THE exclusive management and superintendence of this House, has devolved upon the Subscriber, who, with Dr. Wm. Hoomes: Wilson Allen, are alone interested in it. No pains or expense has been spared to render this establishment one among the first upon the continent—and nothing, on the part of the subscriber, shall be wanting to support its reputation and deserve public patronage. There are 40 rooms in and attached to the tavern. The largest and most commodious Stable in the City, and every convenience necessary to render the House a good one. It has lately undergone considerable changes, and thorough repair. The Subscriber has laid in an assortment of the best Liquors, and hopes, from his experience, to merit and meet with public support.
RICHARD C. WORTHAM. Richmond, May 12. wf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Away, about the 14th of last month, from the subscriber, residing in the city of Richmond, a Mulatto Man named GEORGE, about 33 or 34 years of age. He is, I believe, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with rather large limbs, and a little knock-kneed; his complexion is tolerably bright, and his hair is rather more straight than that of mulattoes generally. He has lost the last joint of his middle or fore finger of one of his hands, which, I think, is the right hand, but the finger is perfectly healed. I do not recollect any other visible mark by which I can describe him. I am informed that he has changed his name, & it is probable that he will, with forged papers, attempt to pass as a free man.
All boatmen and masters or skippers of vessels, are particularly cautioned against carrying him away. The above reward will be given to any person who will bring the said slave to me, or apprehend him so that I may recover him.
J. ROBINSON. June 13. tf
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine.
IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havannah Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hysn, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
CAUTION. —All those who are indebted to Henry L. Seayres, either by bond, open account, or otherwise, are hereby cautioned against making payment to him, as I have purchased, agreeably to deed, bearing date the 26th of January, Anno Domini, 1809, all his rights, titles, claims and demands, suits, judgments, bonds, open accounts, debts, dues, &c. of all and every description whatsoever, real and personal, to which he was then entitled, (a claim to a certain tract or parcel of Land, in the county of Henrico, only excepted.) Those who were then indebted to H. L. Seayres, are therefore desired to make payment to me.
JOHN SEAYRES. Caira, June 16. 3tf
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. D. J. BURR, offers for sale, at the same house in which is kept the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle-Tavern, A COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF
HATS. Including Gentlemen's black, drab and patent Silk BEAVERS, CASTORS, FORUMS, &c. Chip and Leghorn Hats, Mens' and Boys' Wool do. Servants' Glazed Leather do. Hatters' Trimmings and Materials.
SHOES. Ladies' Morocco and Kid Slips and Ties, Gentlemen's superfine press Shoes and Pumps. Constantly on hand a large stock of bottled Porter, Ale and Cyder, Philadelphia Beer, &c. &c. April 18. tf
Merchant's, Lawyer's, Sheriff's and Constable's
BLANKS, For Sale at this Office.