Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-03 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[FIFTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1622.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PAINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3 d 1809.
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[The price of this paper to subscribers four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance.]
ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
WEDNESDAY, January 25.
(Continued.)
An engrossed bill "To amend an act, entitled an act, to organise and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth," was read a third time a blank therein filled up and passed—Ayes 117—Noes 33.
An engrossed bill "Appropriating the money arising from the sale of the glebe lands of Lunenburg and Farnham parishes, in the county of Richmond," was read a third time, a blank therein filled up and passed.
An engrossed bill "Authorising the President of the United States to open an inland navigation from the Chesapeake bay or the port of Norfolk, to the channel of Currituck Sound, and from Lynhaven bay to the eastern branch of Elizabeth river," was read a third time and passed.
An engrossed bill "To explain the act, entitled an act for reducing into one the several acts concerning the Land Office; ascertaining the terms and manner of granting waste and unappropriated lands; for settling the titles and bounds of lands; directing the mode of processioning and prescribing the duty of surveyors," was read a third time, the title amended and passed.
Ordinary. That the clerk carry the said bills to the Senate and desire their concurrence.
The following resolutions (which lay on the table) were taken up and read.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the Govr's. communication as relates to the judiciary system of the state, have, according to order, laid under consideration, the subject to them referred, and have agreed to the following resolutions relative to the court of Appeals:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the judges of the said court be increased to six.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the judges at the commencement of each term, be divided by lot into two equal portions, and shall sit in separate chambers, the one portion to decide all causes at common law—the other all causes in equity.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the said judges shall assemble in one chamber at stated times, and constitute a full court of Appeals, to decide all cases which the said full court shall direct to be brought before them.
4. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the equity or common law chamber, may adjourn any cause to the full court of Appeals to be decided.
The said resolutions being read a second time, a motion was made to postpone the further consideration thereof to the 31st day of March next.
And the question being put on the said motion for postponement, it passed in the affirmative.
THURSDAY, January 26.
An engrossed bill "To amend the act passed on the ninth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight, to amend the several acts prescribing the mode of ascertaining the taxable property within the commonwealth, and for collecting the public revenue, and for other purposes," was read a third time, several blanks therein filled up, the bill amended by an engrossed clause by way of rider, and passed.
An engrossed bill (which lay on the table) "To reduce the width of certain streets on Shockoe Hill in the city of Richmond," was taken up and passed.
An engrossed bill (which lay on the table) "Allowing the executor of John Harvie, dec. to pay by installments, the judgment therein mentioned," was taken up, several blanks therein filled up, and passed.
Mr. Barbour from the committee of Finance made the following report: THE committee of Finance have, according to order, had under their consideration the several subjects to them referred, and have agreed upon the following report and resolution thereupon:
They find that including the money in the treasury on the 1st of January, 1809, amounting to $141,391 20, the probable resources of the government for the year 1809, as will appear by the annexed account, will be $510,383 83, and that the expenses will be $319,757 22, leaving in favor of the state a balance of $190,605 86. The committee as to the manufacturing of arms have left the appropriation blank, having before course would be adopted by the legislature as to that institution. If, however, it should remain upon its present establishment and the same sum should be appropriated this year as was the last, then to the expenditures should be added, the sum of $70,000, diminishing the balance in favor of the state to $120,605 86, and producing between the annual resources (from which is to be rejected the sum actually in the treasury, as are also the items of $23,771 1, for the balance of the tax for the year 1807 and the probable receipt from the arrears of taxes prior to that day, of $15,000, being incident to the annual expenditures, a balance against the state of $29,556 35. But inasmuch as there will be an excess for the present year, even if the armory should remain upon its present establishment, of the sum of $120,605 86, the committee are of an opinion that it would be inexpedient to raise (at this time) the taxes upon the present subject of taxation.
Resolved, That it would be expedient to levy a tax of fifty cents upon each dog; Provided however, that each house keeper may be allowed to keep two dogs free from tax, and also two upon each quarter or plantation where there may be no white family residing.
Probable amount of the expenses of government, between the 1st Jan. 1809, and the 1st Jan. 1810.
  Expense of the general government, $ 55,000   Officers of civil government, 67,500   Officers of militia, Adjutant General and Brigade Inspector, 3,932   Clerks, Adjutants, provost martial and musicians, 1,500   Criminal charges, 20,300 } 25,500   Guards, 5,200 } 5,500   Slaves executed, 2,000 } 3,500   Slaves transported, 3,500   Public services of county superior court clerks, 2,800   Lunatic hospital, 7,500   Public warehouses for inspection of tobacco, and inspectors' salaries, 12,000   Expense of removing criminals to the penitentiary, 5,500 } 20,841 12   Maintenance and other internal expenses, 12,000 } 3,341 12   Officers' salaries, 3,341 12   Interest on public debt registered, 5,800 } 5,800   do. on money due to those who paid British debts into the treasury, 500   Pensioners, 5,100   Sixth instalment for the state shares in the Virginia bank, 30,000   One year's interest at 4 per cent. to the bank, 6,000   Commissioners of the revenue, 13,453   Expense of representation to Congress, 360   Contingent expense of the government, 300   Wolves' scalps, 15,000   Building for the Manufactory of Arms,   Manufacturing of arms,   Officers' salaries,   Foundry and boring mill,   Expense of guard, for the protection of public property in the city of Richmond, 6,900 
This amount—a deficiency in the appropriation of the last year $61,178 32, of which $30,000 was appropriated on the day of the present month, leaving a balance unprovided for of
Amount of certificates issued to the county of Fairfax, by act of Assembly, 1805, and paid at the Treasury since 1st January, 1809.
Probable receipts of the government between the 1st day of Jan. 1809, and 1st day Jan. 1810.
   Dolls. Cts.     From Revenue tax on land, lots, personal property, merchants' licence, pedlars' do. after deducting the reform sheriff's commission, insolvents, &c. 260,000 00   Law process, county seals and appeals 15,700 00   Notarial seals 300 00   Ordinary licence 9,500 00   Register's fees 2,000 00   The purchase of waste and unappropriated land 400 00   The Redemption of land returned for the non-payment of tax 5,000 00   Militia fines 2,500 00   Interest on bank stock at 6 per cent. 18,000 00   United States for money advanced 6,145 67   Balance of tax (due 1st January, 1809) of 1807 23,771 01   Balance of tax (due prior to the year 1807,) $265, 364 97, probable amount to be received from which 15,000 00   The exportation of tobacco (probable amount) 12,000 00   William Price, late Register (balance due) 2,843 00   Judgment against William Fulcher and William Bell for purchase of slaves ordered for transportation, including interest to the 1st January, 1809, 4,881 63   Martin Mimms, bond for purchase of slaves ordered for transportation, including interest to 1st January, 1809 1,000 40   John F. Cock and others, bond for like purposes 686 65   Agents employed to sell articles manufactured at the penitentiary 5000 07   Haner Hictman's property escheated 4004 00   The Bristow estate (tobacco) 844 20   Fines, forfeitures and amercements 1,000 00   Advance to Appomattox canal, payable 1st Nov. next 2,500 00   James River Canal company, for money paid commissioners to examine James River 495 00   Dividend of State shares in James River canal, 9 per cent. 4500 00   Nicholas Hallam, late penitentiary agent 900 25   Money in the treasury on the 1st January, 1809, $141,391 20, out of which $30,000 was appropriated on the day of the present month, leaving a balance in the treasury of 111,391 20  
On motion, Ordered, That the said report be referred to the committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth, and that 250 copies thereof be printed for the use of the members of the General Assembly.
FRIDAY, January 27.
An engrossed bill "To explain the act, entitled an act, concerning Clement Shackleford, as administrator of the estate of John Allgood, deceased," was read a third time, the title amended, and passed.
An engrossed bill "Providing for the redemption of certain lands, forfeited by the non-payment of the taxes thereon," was read a third time, sundry blanks therein filled up and passed.—Ayes 96—Noes 48.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Jan. 17.
CANNING'S LETTER.
Continued.
Mr Bacon said, that he rose merely to correct an error of statement into which the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr Macon) had fallen, as to the source from which the first publication of the exparte letter of the British minister had originated. The gentleman had attributed it to a New York paper. This Mr B. believed was incorrect. Being desirous, if either honor or censure could be attached to any American press, from the circumstance of its being considered as the official organ of a foreign government, that it should lie at the right door, he thought it proper to state, that the first appearance of that letter was, as he understood, in a paper called "The New England Palladium" printed in Boston. There was one other fact which he mentioned with some regret, it was this, that by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, assuredly without any improper intention, the printers of this paper had been by the legislature of Massachusetts in the course of the present year, designated as the printers of their public acts, and their paper was a sort of state Gazette. On this unlucky coincidence, it would be as painful to him, as it might be indecorous to indulge in any comments. From the known patriotism of that honorable legislature, however there could be no doubt that if they should perceive any sort of incorrectness in the conduct of their subordinate agents, if it should strike them as an incongruity, that their servants should appear to be acting in a double capacity; they would so manifest their sense on the subject as should best accord with their views of propriety, and their feelings of national honor.
Mr Fisk thanked the gentleman from New York for his compliment to the people of New England on their "mischievous curiosity." The gentleman seems to suppose (said Mr. Fisk) that it would have been more proper for the President of the United States to have communicated these documents for the purpose of giving a correct view of our affairs, than for any other reason. I would ask the gentleman to point out what different view the present letter of Mr Canning, published first at Boston, has given, from the documents which have heretofore been published? Certainly none, sir. The only inference to be drawn from it, is the insincerity or intrigue of the British government; for if the fact was, that Mr Canning did not accept the offer of Mr Pinkney, because it appeared to be unauthorised, how happened it that Mr. Canning forgot to state it in his official formal letter, instead of those reasons which he has given for the rejection of the proposal? The gentleman regrets that newspapers or their editors should be noticed here. It is not from a disposition to give them importance beyond their merits, but we discover something from their publications, and it is for that that they are noticed; to shew, that there is an intrigue carrying on in this country; that the British government is endeavoring to divide the people, to separate them from their government through the means of the press. In the course of this session, sir, many insinuations against our own government have been thrown out on this floor. My colleague (Mr E.) made one the other night in the course of a long speech, which I cannot now notice. [Mr Gardener called Mr F. to order, for alluding to an argument which the gentleman (Mr. Elliot) was prevented from making by a decision of the Speaker that it was out of order.] Mr. Fisk said he alluded not to what his colleague had meant to say, but to what he did say. Mr F. said he had merely risen to ask, if the gentleman from New York considered his insinuations to be true, that he would show to the House how or wherein they were true. He hoped the documents would be printed, and sincerely joined with the gentleman from North Carolina, in wishing an universal diffusion of information.
Mr. Taylor observed, that altho' not opposed to printing a very considerable number of the documents sent to the House, yet in themselves he did not give them that importance which some gentlemen were pleased to give them; and he confessed that when a gentleman had handed him a paper containing the famous letter of Mr Canning, he had concluded from the paper itself, and the pitiful and pimping manner in which it was ushered into view, that it was a forgery. What is it? said Mr Taylor; a relation of conversations on particular topics, in which the writer himself assisted—not with a view it seems of bringing them to an issue by conversation, for he required that these conversations should be considered as nothing, by demanding that his propositions should be made in writing.—They were brought forward in writing by our minister; the authority of his government for them was vouched to the British minister; and of that proposition a rejection in the most insulting terms was returned by Mr Canning to our minister. And now, sir, the public mind here is to be misled by a relation of a conversation which took place at several meetings by this very polite gentleman, who has been convicted, by a whole nation, of falsehood, by asserting in June that no remonstrance had been made by this government against the orders in council. The facts that the orders in council will not bear examination. For the honor of the House I assert it, no gentleman has come forward on this floor and vindicated the orders in council; and yet the public mind, it is supposed, can be led from this great subject, in which the honor and independence of the nation is concerned; that the people are to be deceived by a table talk of Mr Canning. I could not have supposed that a man of his wit could have been concerned in so weak a project—he could not have been concerned in it. Since the effort has been made by some incendiary, let us pour upon this pitiful scintilla, this small spark of wickedness, the overwhelming torrent of conviction to the public mind which is contained in Mr Pinkney's answer to that letter. But we read eternally in the newspapers of a partiality to France in this government. Why, sir, the very circumstance of this letter being withheld from Congress by the administration is a proof of a disposition in the government not to put at hazard our present relations (precarious as they are) with G. Britain. The letter of Mr. Canning ought to have been, as it was, withheld till the answer was received—and why? Because the broad calumny which is uttered against this nation in this cowardly manner, when the whole truth in Mr Pinkney's letter comes out, is found to allude to newspapers, the very things we have been talking of. Taken unexplained, I ask whether it would not have set in flames the people of this nation? Read this clause:
"You gave me, on that account, the most satisfactory proof that such misrepresentation did not originate with you, by communicating to me that part of your dispatch, in which the conferences particularly referred to, were related correctly; but this very circumstance which establishes your personal claim to entire confidence, proves, at the same time, that a faithful report of a conference on your part is not a security against its misrepresentation."
As the thing stands unexplained, who are the persons supposed to be capable of making misrepresentations? The government, sir. The administration has had in this instance to suppress feelings in which, had the letter been published, all the honest part of the community would have participated till the explanation came. As this explanation has come, it does show that the persons alluded to are capable of making misrepresentations as the editors of newspapers. I do not, with the gentleman from New York, regret the particular notice taken of the editor of a newspaper on this subject, because the article alluded to bears a peculiar character. It does not proceed from the fumes of the cauldron or the pause of little devils alluded to the other day (by Mr. Pinkney). No, sir; an arch fiend had a hand in it; whether on this or the other side the Atlantic I care not. It is an appeal to the people of this country, made in favor of the British government against our own.
(Debate to be Continued.)

Monday, Jan. 30. A message in writing was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his secretary, as follows: "To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States." I transmit to Congress a letter recently received from our minister at St. James, covering one to him from the British secretary of state with his reply. These are communicated as forming a sequel to the correspondence which accompanied my message to both houses, of the seventeenth instant. TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 30th, 1809."
LONDON, Nov. 25, 1808. SIR, I have the honor to send enclosed, a copy of a letter, received last night from Mr. Canning, in answer to my letter to him of the 16th of last month. The tone of this letter renders it impossible to reply to it with a view to a discussion of what it contains; although it is not without further inadvertencies as to facts, and many of the observations are open to exceptions. I intended, however, to combine, with an acknowledgment of the receipt of it, two short explanations. The first will relate to the new and extraordinary conjecture, which it intimates, that my authority was contingent; and the second will remind Mr. Canning that my letter of the 16th of Oct. does not, as he imagines, leave unexplained the remark, "that the provisional nature of my offer, to make my proposal in writing, arose out of circumstances;" but, on the contrary, that the explanation immediately follows the remark. The Union is not yet returned from France. Lieutenant Gibbon arrived in London more than three weeks ago, and delivered your letter of the 9th of September, with duplicates of papers in the case of the Little William, and copies of letters which lately passed between the department of state and Mr. Erskine. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, SIR, your obt. humble servant, WM: PINKNEY. The Hon. James Madison, &c. &c. &c.
LONDON, Dec. 3, 1808. SIR, I have the honor to send enclosed, a copy of my reply to Mr. Canning's letter to me of the 22d ult. A copy of the letter, to which it is an answer, was transmitted a few days since by the British Packet, and a duplicate has been sent to Liverpool. The Union is not yet returned from France, and we have no intelligence of her. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, SIR, your most obt. humble servt. WM: PINKNEY. The Hon. James Madison.
FOREIGN OFFICE, November 22d, 1808. SIR, I regret exceedingly that an unusual and unintermitting pressure of official business has prevented me from finding an earlier opportunity to reply to your letter of the 10th of last month. The observations which I have to offer upon some parts of that letter are not, indeed, of such a nature, as to make it matter of any great importance whether you receive them a week sooner or later, as they refer less to any point of public interest to our two governments than to what has passed personally between ourselves. But I should have been much mortified if you could have been led to believe me deficient in attention to you; the manner, as well as the substance, of the communication which I have had the honor to receive from you, entitled it to the most prompt and candid consideration. Your understanding of the motives, which induced me to accompany my official note, of the 2d September, with my letter of the same date, is so far imperfect, as that you seem to imagine that the wish to guard against misrepresentation was the only motive which induced me to write that letter; and that, from that motive alone, I should, in any case, have troubled you with it. Whereas, I must have expressed myself very incorrectly indeed, if I did not convey to you the assurance, that, if what had passed between us in conversation had not been referred to by you in your official letter of the 23d of August, I certainly should not have thought it necessary or proper to preserve any written record of our verbal communications, which I understood at the time to be confidential; and which I certainly was so far from attempting to "discountenance," that I have no doubt but what I expressed myself (as you say I did) in favor of "the course which you adopted as well-suited to the occasion." But you state, at the same time, most correctly, that it was as a "preparatory" course that I understood and encouraged this verbal and confidential communication. I never did, or could understand it as being intended to supersede or supply, the place of an official overture. I never did nor could suppose that the overture of your government and the answer of the British government to it, were intended to be entrusted solely to our recollections. Accordingly, when the period arrived at which you appeared to be prepared to bring forward an official proposal, I did, without express my expectation that I should receive that proposal in writing. It is highly probable that I did not, (as you say I did not) assign to you, as the motive of the wish which I then expressed, my persuasion that written communications are less liable to mistake than verbal ones, because that consideration is sufficiently obvious, and because the whole course and practice is in that respect, so established and invariable, that I really could not have supposed that the assignment of any specific motive to be necessary to account for my requiring a written statement of your proposals previous to my returning an official answer to them. I had taken for granted all along that you would, and such must be, the ultimate
proceeding on your part, however you might wish to prepare the way for it by preliminary conversation. In tracing your note, I did not pretend to anticipate how much of what had been stated by you in our several conferences you would think it proper to repeat in writing. But, whatever the tenor of your note had been, I should have felt it right to conform strictly to it, in the official answer, avoiding any reference to any part of your verbal communications, except such as, by repeating them in writing, I should see that it was your intention to record as official. I confess, however, I was not prepared for the mixed course which you actually did adopt, I am persuaded (I am sincerely persuaded) without any intention of creating embarrassment, but of referring generally to what had passed in our conferences, as illustrative of your official proposition, and, as tending to support and recommend it, but without specifying the particular points to which such reference was intended to apply; a course which appeared at first sight to leave me no choice except between the two alternatives of either recapitulating the whole of what you had stated in conversation, for the purpose of comprehending it in the answer, or of conforming myself to your written note, at the hazard of being suspected of suppressing the most material part of your statement. The expedient to which I had recourse, of accompanying my official note with a separate letter stating to the best of my recollection, the substance of what I had heard from you in conversation, appeared to me, after much deliberation, to be the most respectful to you. Such having been the motives which dictated my letter, I cannot regret it was written, since it has produced, at a period so little distant from the transaction itself, an opportunity of comparing the impressions left on our minds respectively, of what passed in our several conferences, and of correcting any erroneous impressions on either side. There are two points in which our recollections do appear to differ in some degree. The first relates to the authority which you had, and that which I understood you to state yourself to have, at the time of our first conference for bringing forward a direct overture, in the name of your government, the second to the expectation which I stated myself to have entertained "more than once," of your opening an official correspondence on the subject of the orders in council. With respect to the first point you will give me credit when I assure you that my understanding of what was said by you, not only in the first, but in our second conference, was precisely what I have stated it to be in my letter; and you will (I hope) forgive me if, after the most attentive perusal of your letter of the 10th of October, and after a careful comparison of different passages in it, while I am compelled by your assurance to acknowledge that I have misapprehended you, I find grounds in your statement to excuse, if not to account for my misapprehension. According to your recollections, you told me explicitly, in our first conference, "that the substance of what you then suggested, that is to say, that our orders being repealed as to the United States, the U. S. would suspend the embargo as to G. Britain, was from your government; that the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject (upon which you had no precise orders) was your own," and you even quoted part of your instructions to me which was to that effect. In a subsequent paragraph you state, that "nothing can be more correct than my apprehension that you did not make, nor profess to intend making an overture in writing, before you had endeavored to prepare for it such a reception as you felt it deserved; and before you ascertained what shape it would be most proper to give to that overture, and how it would be met by the British government." And in another part of your letter you admit that, "when you expressed your readiness to make your proposal in writing, it was (as I have stated) provisionally;" and you informed me that "the provisional nature of your offer arose out of circumstances," the nature of which circumstances you do not explain, nor have I any right to require such an explanation. But comparing these several statements together, seeing that, in our first interview, you declared no intention of making a proposal in writing (that in our second interview, a month or five weeks afterwards) you described that intention as "provisional" and contingent, and protesting at the same time (as I do in the most solemn manner) that I cannot find any trace in my memory of any communications whatever of any part of your instructions, communicated to me as such, seeing also that whatever might be the nature and extent of your instructions from the president of the U. S. as to the substance of the overtures to be made to the British government, the manner, the time and the conditions of that overture were evidently considered by you as left to your own discretion—it surely may be pardonable in me to have mistaken, (as I most unquestionably must have done) the precise limits at which the authority of your government ended, and your own discretion began, and to have imagined, (which I very innocently did) that a proposition over which you appeared to have a power so nearly absolute was a proposition, in a great measure, of your own suggestion—I do not mean that I supposed you to bring forward such a measure without reference to the knowledge which you must of course have had of the general feeling, disposition and intentions of your government, but without its specific instructions, for that purpose, at that time. In attributing to you this exercise of judgement, in addition to the many others, and which it is confessed you were at liberty to exercise, I really intended to convey no imputation disrespectful to you; I can conceive abundance of cases in which it would have been, not only excusable, but highly meritorious. My mistake, at least, was a very harmless one; as, whether the fact were, that you had no precise authority to give in an official proposal, or that you had such an authority, but subject to contingencies
which had not occurred, the practical result must be, of necessity, the same. What these contingencies might be, it is not for me to enquire; but, if they were of the nature, of which I now cannot but conjecture they may have been; if the overtures, which you were authorised to make to the British government, was to be shaped and timed according to the result of any other overture, I am then at once able to account for those appearances, which misled me into a belief of the want of a precise authority on your part. This consideration leads me to the other point, on which alone there appears a difference between us, upon any matter of fact, but a difference by no means so wide as it appears. Admitting the general correctness of my statement of the expectation which I was taught to entertain of a written communication from you on the subject of the orders in council, you add that it was however only in November last, and immediately after the publication of the orders in council that you had directly announced to me your intention of opening a correspondence upon them; an intention from which you, afterwards desisted, "until you should receive the pleasure of your government." The correctness of this statement I do not dispute; but you, I am sure, will agree with me, sir, in recollecting how many times "more than once" since the period of that first intention of yours being announced & withdrawn, my expectations that you were about to "receive the pleasure of your government" upon this subject, have been excited, by the notification in America, and the destination hither, of ships employed by the United States, as it was generally supposed, for the special purpose of conveying representations or proposals, from the American government, to the government of France and G. B. upon the subject of their respective maritime decrees and orders. Such was the universal belief, both in America and in England, upon the arrival of the Osage, upon that of the Hope, of the St. Michael, and of another vessel, named, I think, the Union. I have certainly no right to affirm that you shared in the expectation which so universally prevailed. I have no right to say the government of the United States designedly created that expectation. But that it did prevail, and that I very sincerely believed it to be well founded, you I think must do me the justice to recollect; as, in one instance at least, that of the Osage, so strong was my persuasion that you must have received instructions from your government, that I took the liberty of sending to you to enquire whether you had not some communication to make to me; and received for answer that you had none. It was to these missions that I particularly referred when I said that I had "more than once expected you to open a correspondence with me upon the orders in council." This expectation it was, that alone prevented the sending instructions to Mr. Erskine to reply to the note addressed to him by Mr. Madison on the 25th of March, in answer to that note of Mr. Erskine's in which he communicated the orders in council, and in allusion to these missions, particularly to that of the Osage, and to the expectation which had been founded here upon the return here of that vessel, after its voyage to France, it was, that I made that declaration in parliament which, I see, has been the subject of some misapprehension, (I will not say misrepresentation,) in America, that "since the termination of Mr. Rose's mission, the American government had not made any communication here in the shape of remonstrance, or in a tone of irritation." I am not aware, sir, that there is any other part of your letter which requires that I should trouble you with many observations. Your report of your answer to the enquiry, which I took the liberty of making, "whether the orders in council of November were known to the government of the United States previously to the message of the president proposing the embargo, so as to be a moving consideration to that message;" does not appear to differ, in any material degree, from my statement of it. That your answer to such an enquiry was official, or authorised by your government, I did not assert nor presume. I have already said, that it was not till you had, in your official letter of the 23d of August, referred to what passed in conversation, that I should have thought any such reference allowable on my part; & even then the generality of your reference precluded me from judging correctly, how much of what you had stated in conversation was from official authority, how much from your own personal information or opinion. You inform me that your answer to this question was of the latter description only. But, even if it were only from our own individual authority, it was very material, and highly gratifying to learn, that the embargo, which had been sometimes represented, both here and in America, as the direct and immediate consequence of the orders in council of November, and as produced solely by them, was in your opinion "a measure of recrimination against reasonably anticipated peril." The purpose of this letter is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear up any misunderstanding which had existed between us in the course of that discussion. I cannot conclude it, however, without advertising very briefly to that part of your letter, in which you argue that the failure of France in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuance of the retaliatory system of Great Britain. This impotency of the enemy to carry his projects of violence and injustice into execution, might, with more propriety, be pleaded with him, as a motive for withdrawing decrees as once so indefensible and so little efficacious for their purpose than represented as creating an obligation upon Great Britain to desist from the measures of defensive retaliation which those decrees have necessarily occasioned. If he foundation of the retaliating system of Great Britain was
(as we contend it to have been) originally just, that system will be justly continued in force, not so long only as the decrees which produced it are mischievously operative, but until they are unequivocally abandoned. And if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for perseverance, that a premature departure from it, while the enemy's original provocation remains unrepealed, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion: A result which, not Great Britain alone, but all commercial nations are deeply interested in preventing. I have now, sir, only to express my sense of the candor and liberality with which this discussion has been conducted on our part, and my acknowledgments for the justice which you render to my disposition to treat you at all times with reciprocal respect, and to listen to you with the attention, to which personally as well as officially you have every claim. I cannot forego the hope that it may yet fall to our lot to be instrumental in the renewal of that understanding between our two governments, which is as congenial to the feelings, as it is essential to the interests, of both countries; which nothing but the forced and unnatural state of the world could have interrupted; and which there is, on the part of the British government, the most anxious and unabated desire to restore. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, SIR, your most obedient humble servant. GEORGE CANNING. William Pinkney, esq. &c. &c. &c. GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE, November 28, 1808. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 22d inst. and to transmit a copy of it to my government. Without desiring to protract a discussion in the conduct of which neither your sincerity nor mine, will, I feel assured, be doubted by any one, I may be permitted to say, that the authority under which I acted in our late communications, was not contingent, as you now appear to conjecture; and that the remark, contained in my letter of the 10th of October, "that the provisional nature of my offer, to make my proposal in writing, arose out of circumstances," will be found explained in the same letter, by passages which immediately follow the remark. I have said in my letter of the 10th of October, that "I had no precise instructions as to the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject" confided to my management; but you will suffer me to enter my friendly protest against all suppositions that "the manner, the time and the conditions of the overture were left to my own discretion," that I had the power nearly absolute over it, or that it was "in a great measure of my own suggestion." I will trouble you no further, sir, on this occasion than to assure you that nothing could give me more sincere pleasure than to see fulfilled the hope which you express, that it may yet fall to our lot to be instrumental in the renewal of a good understanding between our two governments. I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, &c. (Signed,) WM: PINKNEY. The Right Honorable George Canning, &c. &c. The said message and the papers transmitted therewith were read and ordered to lie on the table. The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the motion made by Mr. Nicholas on the 24th instant relative to a repeal of the Embargo laws, & defending our neutral rights on the high seas, to which committee of the whole house was also committed on the 27th instant a motion of Mr. Bacon, for arming the merchant vessels, and to authorise the crews of said vessels to repel by force any attempt to "search, restrain, or seize" the same by any French or British armed vessel,—and after some time spent therein, the committee rose, Mr. Macon, the chairman, reported progress, and had leave to sit again. The house adjourned about half past three o'clock. NEW-YORK, Jan 26. THE EMBARGO TELLS. Extract of a letter from Liverpool, N. S. dated Jan. 1st, 1809. "Your embargo is severely felt here.—We shall be deprived of bread during the present winter. All our flour has been consumed, and we have no hopes of receiving a supply. The people have attributed their distress to the British government. They are satisfied that the measures of your government are in support of your just rights, and there are hundreds here ready to emigrate to the United States if they possessed the means."
[The authenticity of the above cannot be doubted for a moment. It is well known, that every barrel of flour which reached Nova Scotia through our traders at Passamaquoddy, was eagerly bought up by the West-India agents, and shipped for the islands—thus leaving the inhabitants of a bleak and barren soil the choice of starving or of emigrating to a more hospitable climate.]
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 24. From United, let us be, Rallying round our liberty; As a band of Brothers joined, Peace and Safety we shall find.
TOWN MEETING. Agreeably to public notice, the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, yesterday assembled in the State-House Yard, "to express their opinions of the late measures of the General Government." The weather having been extremely inclement, and the ground covered with snow, some doubts were entertained as to the propriety of holding the meeting; but as the hour approached, the evidences of the public anxiety became so strong, that it was determined the meeting should take place. A stage was prepared in the State-House Yard, between the State-House and the South wall, and before two o'clock, the hour appointed, the throng of citizens was immense and unprecedented. The oldest inhabitant of Philadelphia never saw such an assemblage. It had been believed that the attack on the Chesapeake had aroused public feeling in this city in such a manner as to have assembled a greater number of citizens than any subsequent event could produce. The meeting of yesterday, however, shewed the fallacy of that opinion, and demonstrated, that there never was a period when the citizens of Philadelphia were more deeply impressed with the necessity of rallying round their government than at the present. At a few minutes after two o'clock, Capt. WILLIAM JONES was, by an unanimous vote, called to the chair, and Col. ROBERT McMULLEN appointed Secretary. The crowds which were, at this time, at every avenue, pressing into the State-House Yard, induced the meeting to postpone further proceedings for half an hour. During that half hour, at least 40,000 citizens entered the yard. The chairman was about to address the meeting, when the sound of a band of martial music arrested attention, and in a few minutes, the band playing "Hail Columbia," and an immense number of citizens entered the yard. Calculations varied with respect to the number present; the opinion averaged somewhat between EIGHT and TEN THOUSAND.
The chairman opened the business of the meeting, with the following address:— Fellow Citizens, We are assembled by invitation in the public prints, to "the Friends of American Liberty and Independence" to express our opinions of the late measures of the general government, and solemnly to pledge all that is dear to us as men and citizens to "support it in every measure necessary or calculated to advance the happiness, the dignity, and independence of these U. S." It is not now a question of party—of internal policy, or support of a favorite candidate; it involves the union, the independence, the commercial rights and honor of our beloved country; and the vital principle of free government: the voice of a majority constitutionally expressed. Your government assailed by the power and subtlety of foreign foes, and placed in a situation of unparalleled difficulty and embarrassment, wisely adopted a pacific, honorable, and impartial policy, calculated to avert the calamities of war, and preserve the persons and property of citizens from depredation and bondage. The consequent privations of this system have stimulated the more insidious internal foe, and the clamors of avarice and discontent. There have been meetings in other parts of the Union, the tenor of whose proceedings imperiously called on our citizens to support the laws, and to aid in bringing to punishment any miscreant, who, for the sordid purpose of avarice, should endeavor to evade or break through them. The laws which have been rendered inevitable by foreign aggression and domestic infraction, have been charged upon your government as acts of wanton oppression, with the view of destroying commerce by perpetuating the embargo. The commerce of this great country cannot be abandoned—your national representatives have made this solemn declaration, and they are eminently entitled to your confidence. While the present system continues, every good man is bound to support the laws, and detect, expose, and bring to justice every violator. The system is evidently temporary, & in a few short months must be superceded, either by the peaceful enjoyment of our commercial rights and independence, or their maintenance at the point of the sword. When I contemplate this vast assemblage of freemen, and this hallowed spot on which the sages and heroes of our revolution, animated by their eloquence and example, their fellow citizens to deeds of patriotism and valor; the analogy of the present occasion, is to me a certain pledge that every heart present beats in unison. I presume that some of the gentlemen, who have been, very properly, instrumen-

tal in calling this meeting, may have something matured for your consideration, which I now invite them to propose.
The address of Capt. Jones was delivered in a nervous and manly manner, and was approved by several hearty cheers. WALTER FRANKLIN then addressed the meeting as follows—
Fellow Citizens, The object for which this meeting has been called was fully stated in the invitation which has been published—it is to express our opinions of the late measures of the government of the U. S.
It is notorious that the wicked and unprincipled rulers of the European world have endeavored to extend their despotism to these free and happy shores. They have attempted to shackle and to destroy the freedom and independence of our beloved country. They have seized our property, annihilated our commerce, and imprisoned our brave and hardy seamen—thousands of whom are at this moment pining away their wretched lives in the floating prisons of their oppressor—In addition to these injuries they have wantonly and barbarously murdered our peaceful and unoffending fellow citizens within the jurisdiction of our own waters.
The constituted authorities of the union with the illustrious Jefferson at their head have firmly and undauntedly opposed themselves to these unprovoked aggressions, and after the failure of every attempt to procure the amicable adjustment of our differences, they have been obliged to resort to more decisive and vigorous proceedings—Proceedings which in the view of our best patriots appear to be well calculated to advance the happiness and to secure the dignity and independence of the nation. But they have excited the high displeasure of our enemies, and have drawn down upon the government the general hatred and indignation of every foreign partizan and domestic traitor in the country—They are using every effort to animate the people in opposition to the government of their own choice—they are daily vilifying and insulting our rulers in their speeches, their publications and their public meetings, and appear determined to overwhelm the administration with a torrent of falsehood and detraction—And shall we remain silent spectators of such traitorous conduct, and not express a single sentiment—No, my fellow citizens, I rely too much on your virtue and patriotism to suppose you would hesitate a moment on the occasion.
I will ask you then my fellow citizens, on this public and solemn occasion—Are you not willing to pay millions for defence rather than a single cent for tribute?
Do you approve of the measures of the general government, and are you determined to support them?
Shall we pledge to our rulers and to one another our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor, to preserve and maintain the freedom and independence of our country?
The answers which you would make to these questions could never be doubted, and in conformity to sentiments so fully and nobly expressed certain resolutions and an address to the President of the U. States have been prepared, which I beg leave to propose to the consideration of this meeting.
Shall they be presented to the chair? The several questions put by Mr. Franklin were answered by thousands of voices repeatedly exclaiming—“Yes—Yes—Yes.”
Whereas Great Britain and France in their fury to destroy each other, have set at nought the obligations of justice and the law of nations, & by their Decrees and Orders have annihilated the commerce of neutral nations, and greatly injured the United States—And whereas the government of the United States has on every occasion manifested a sincere desire to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, by maintaining in all their intercourse, the principles of justice and neutrality, and also by a wise and patriotic conduct have sought to promote the happiness and preserve the honor, liberty and independence of the people by whom they were elected—And Whereas notwithstanding those notorious and well established facts, there are some men so lost to virtue, truth, and patriotism as to advocate the cause of a foreign government, and endeavor to criminate their own—men who by their writings and speeches and public meetings, are zealous to bring into hatred and contempt our free form of government, and to stir up strife and contention in our land—Therefore it is the duty of all good citizens to rally round their government, express their determination to support its laws, and to preserve holy and unbroken the band which unites these States—Therefore, Be it resolved by the citizens of the City and County of Philadelphia, in general Town Meeting assembled, and it is hereby
Resolved, That “these United States are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States”—That we will pay “Millions for Defence rather than one cent for Tribute,” and that to preserve the freedom and independence so nobly achieved by our gallant forefathers, we will not only pour forth our treasures but our hearts best blood.
Resolved, That the Embargo as a measure of prudence, policy, and patriotism has our entire approbation, and that in our opinion, had it been rigidly observed, it would have produced all the good hoped for by its friends, and have prevented the necessity of a recurrence to any other
means to insure us justice from the belligerent nations.
Resolved, That Congress in their late measures to enforce the embargo law, and to establish a system of non-intercourse between us and our enemies, as well as in making preparation for the defence of the country, and for giving energy to the nation by preparing for war, have done their duty to their constituents.
Resolved, That we will strictly and faithfully and willingly obey the laws which the wisdom of Congress has devised, or may devise, as means to restore to our country the free navigation of the ocean, and we will cheerfully aid in bringing to justice any man or men, who shall violate such laws; further we pledge ourselves to be at all times ready to assert the lawful authority of the country in carrying into effect the laws.
Resolved, That our government being a government of the people, it is the duty of every citizen to see that the laws thereof be duly enforced, particularly those which are intended to operate against the enemies of our country; therefore we do declare that every citizen, having knowledge of a violation of our laws, particularly our embargo laws, and who shall give due information thereof to the proper officer or officers, so that the offenders may be brought to punishment, merits the thanks of this meeting, and deserve well of his country.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the members of the house of Congress, who constitute the Majority that have faithfully discharged their duty, by their unremitting endeavors to promote the best interests of the United States.
The question on the preamble and Resolutions being put by the Chairman, they were unanimously adopted.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES.
SIR—The citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia, in general town meeting assembled, “to express their opinions of the late measures of the General Government,” embrace the occasion to tender to you the assurances of their respectful & affectionate attachment.
The resolutions which we have this day adopted, appropriating the Embargo, the system of Non-intercourse, the preparation for defence and offence, and expressive of our fixed determinations to support the laws of our country, and bring to justice the violators thereof, will we trust, bear ample testimony that our opinion of the late measures of the general government, is, that they are the offspring of an enlightened and pacific policy, well calculated to advance the happiness and preserve the dignity and independence of these United States.
We enclose you a copy of our resolutions, which we respectfully request you will cause to be laid before Congress.
We feel a melancholy sensation in the belief that this is the last public testimonial of respect and esteem we shall transmit to you, as the Chief Magistrate of our country. The motive which prompts your retirement, has our unqualified approbation. We review your administration with self-satisfaction, doubting not but our children and our children's children will feel grateful to their ancestors for having selected a Jefferson to preside over them, and will hail for ages as a holiday, the day on which he was inaugurated. We are too proud and too sensible of the efficacy of principle and public opinion, to express a belief that the tide of happiness which has flowed in upon us, as a people, since March 1801, and the peace which has been preserved to us, amidst a warring world; has been the work of one man; but we are too just and too grateful not to acknowledge that on many, very many important occasions the measures you have adopted and recommended, have been replete with national good.
The repeal of many obnoxious and oppressive laws—a reduction of the national expense of upwards of a million of dollars annually—and the payment of many millions of the principal of the national debt; are evidences of your attachment to republican principles and economy. The purchase of the immense and fertile territory of Louisiana, and the thus peaceably acquiring, and for ever securing, the right of navigating the Mississippi and its tributary rivers and streams forms a new and illustrious era in the intercourse between independent nations, and opens to the U. States inexhaustible sources of wealth.
The kind and friendly disposition manifested by your administration to our Indian neighbors, and the judicious means taken to induce them to renounce habits of dissipation and indolence, open to them the book of knowledge and win them to the comforts and felicities of domestic and civilized life, are conclusive proofs of your humanity, and of a system of sound policy, which will daily more and more, bring forth the fruits of peace and plenty, and add to the sum of human happiness.
These are among the measures of your domestic administration which claim the homage of our respect, and against which the stormy billows of faction shall beat in vain.
Our foreign relations, embracing an interest wide as the habitable globe, have exposed us not only to the conflicting claims and opposing views of whole classes of men, but to the still more tremendous passions of despots, and have thus been to the nation and to the administration, a source of deep disquietude. Yet in all our prospects, our confidence in you has been as unshaken as your official conduct has proved you to be the worthy representative of a free and independent people.
With deep regret and indignant spirits we have marked the insults, the injuries, the outrages to which our fellow citizens and our government have been subjected, by the insolence, the cupidity and tyranny of foreign governments—we have read the letters of their ministers and their decrees and orders, and the spirit of our ancestors has stirred within us, and we have resolved
to follow their example, and never pay tribute or submit to the decree of any earthly authority, save the government of our choice. It would be ungrateful to your feelings and to ours, to glance at the thousands of our impressed fellow-citizens, who at this very moment, pine in slavery on board the floating prisons of Britain—it would avail nothing, but to weary our patience, were we to endeavor to sum up the account current of our wrongs, and it would goad the nation beyond endurance to detail the tyger-like attack on the frigate Chesapeake, the murders of our countrymen, and the thousand other evils which have been inflicted upon us.
These things have passed away, but they are recorded in our hearts and on our memories. To you, the beloved chief magistrate of our country, and to our countrymen, we “pledge our lives, our fortunes & our sacred honor,” that we are ready, & at times will stand prepared, either to suffer privations, or to lift the sword of vengeance never to be sheathed, till we receive indemnity for the past and security for the future.
Let not the enemy presume upon our forbearance. Ours is the forbearance of humanity not the shivering irresolution of cowardice. We indulge not in vain boastings or in pointing to the laurels won by our fathers and our friends, but we do glory in courageous hearts and well nerved arms. We pride ourselves, that we live in a country where all will fight, and where all who do fight, will fight for their own homes and fire-sides. Here are no mercenaries, all are free men, and every man who girds upon his thigh the sword of battle, will go forth determined to conquer or to die.
It is our wish that the measures of your administration may be productive of the ends intended, should they however fail, you Sir, and your fellow-citizens, will have the satisfaction of knowing that all has been done which Wisdom and Patriotism dictated. Whatever be the determination of the disturbers of the world's repose may you, Sir, in the peaceful shades of Monticello, enjoy those calm delights which conscious rectitude and purity of motive are certain to bestow; and to these be superadded the benedictions of your grateful fellow-citizens.
Signed in the name, and by order of the meeting.
WM. JONES, Chairman, ROBT. McMULLEN, Sec'y.
The address was received with loud plaudits, and adopted by an unanimous voice.
A motion to return the thanks of the meeting to the Chairman and Secretary having been unanimously agreed to, Capt. Jones made his acknowledgements in nearly the following words:—
I thank you most sincerely. Nothing can be more grateful to my feelings than to see thousands of my fellow citizens assembled, animated by the love of country, and determined to maintain its independence and rights and laws. The order with which this meeting has been conducted, is the best refutation of the calumnies of your enemies, and the surest pledge that under all circumstances, you will do your duty. Minor points must be sacrificed to the general interests of the nation. The principles we have acted on this day, are those of ninety-nine hundredths of the people of Pennsylvania. On this question she is sound to the core.
The meeting having adjourned, the citizens retired peaceably to their respective homes. It is gratifying to know that notwithstanding the slipperiness of the streets and the multitudes assembled, no accident happened to any individual.
To William Price Edrington, Who is not a resident of the state of Virginia.
SIR, TAKE notice, that by virtue of a commission from the Circuit Court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, I shall proceed on the second Monday in March next, between the hours of 8 in the forenoon and 5 in the afternoon, at the office of Clement Biddle, Esq. Notary Public, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, to take the deposition of Daniel Lamont, Jr. to be read in evidence in a suit now depending in said court, wherein we are Plaintiffs and yourself and others Defendants. Should the evidence not be completed the first day, we shall proceed between the same hours of each succeeding day until it is finished.
your obedient servant, SMITH, CALHOUN, &c., Jan. 26 1809.
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY, COMMENCES DRAWING IN THE CITY OF NEW-YORK IN APRIL NEXT.
THE HIGHEST PRIZES ARE: 1 prize of 30,000 Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 10,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 5,000 Dollars, &c. &c. &c.
TICKETS & SHARES for sale at eight and a half dollars each at G. & R. WAITE's truly fortunate Office in New York, where was sold in the last New-York Lottery the three highest prizes.—Distant adventurers by inclosing the cash, may have tickets and shares forwarded with punctuality and despatch. During the drawing G. & R. Waite will send their weekly prize list to the printer of this paper.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1809.
We regret very much that the great mass of matter which presses upon us in this day's Argus, prevents us from presenting to our readers the truly patriotic proceedings of the citizens of Charleston at their late meeting. The conduct of the people of Charleston when contrasted with that of the people of Boston, renders their political character brilliant and lovely to the eye, whilst it casts around the latter the darkest shades of ignominy and disaffection. Their address seems with the genuine sentiments of republicans, and the most spirited determinations to support the laws of their country.
Let the following resolutions which we have extracted, speak for themselves— 1. Resolved, that we will by every legal and honorable means in our power, endeavor to frustrate the wicked designs of those unprincipled characters who shall presume to violate the laws. 3. Resolved, that we who compose this association, are ready and willing upon all emergencies to risk our lives, persons and property in defence of the rights of our common country.
5. Resolved, that the chairman of this association be requested to wait on the collector, and tender our services agreeably to the 11th section of the act “to enforce and make more effectual an act laying an embargo,” approved 9th of January, 1809.
—How opposite is the address of the select men of Boston on the 20th of January, to summon a meeting of the freeholders “to take into consideration the alarming situation of our public affairs, to express their solemn opinion thereon, to address the legislature of this state (if they shall see cause) to interpose for their constitutional relief against the late arbitrary, unnecessary, and unjust violations of the rights of the people; and to take such other peaceable and orderly measures as to the said inhabitants may seem proper and expedient.” This almost amounts to an appeal to their legislature for re-division . We trust, however, that the legislature will frown upon the attempt with the most expressive indignation.
We owe an apology to the author of the following luminous and philosophical production for not having inserted it in a preceding paper. But as it is not of that stupendous importance, we must supplicate his pardon for the delay. The delightful morcello is now presented to our readers. We would fain enquire of this redoubtable champion of Scotch faith and principle , what induces him to say that he does not believe “that the remarks in our paper of the 20th were written by us.” We are always obliged to our correspondents for their communications, but we never have yet passed them to our own credit by shuffling them under the editorial head. We will not say “that we never wrote a word which when dying, we could wish to blot out,” but we do say that the remarks alluded to in this elegant vit bit , were written by us, and that if we had nothing more to answer for than those, we might with safety make use of the exclamation. But, most potent, grave and reverend critic, what are we to understand from the following remarks—“it is well known, (speaking of the Scotch) that their conduct when they come here, is strictly moral, and that when they exhibit a contrary conduct, they have abandoned their first faith, and suffered the influence of example to corrupt their first principles.” The inference is no less unavoidable, than it is truly astonishing, that when these mercenary adventurers first arrive, they are fully possessed of their native purity and excellence , and that if they should perchance become corrupted, it arises from the influence of our example! American corruption! There is so much ignorance betrayed by the interrogative “Who is Pius?” that we shall forbear to give any answer. It is true that a contrariety of opinion exists in regard to the embargo. Where this opinion is honest, the individual cannot be censured, but if under the influence of this opinion he violates the laws of his country or encourages any other person to do it, he is guilty of moral and political turpitude. If an American conceives that the embargo is an impolitic measure, his love for his country ought to forbid his violation. This restraint, however, we must acknowledge, has been frequently disregarded. But with respect to Scotchmen and Englishmen, the disciples of monarchy, and the enemies to free government, they will of course censure any measure which is calculated to retaliate upon British perfidy and injustice. People of this description who feel no restraint from patriotism in violating the laws of a country, and indeed whose proverbial love of pelf, almost excludes the idea of hindrance where the object is attainable, ought at this critical and embarrassing period, to be viewed with extreme diffidence and distrust. It is easy to perceive from the tenor of this scroll of words, that the writer is not an American, for none, we believe, would pronounce a person a Reprobate , for comparing the base and unprincipled ministry of Britain to those of Pandemonium . We have already taken up too much time with this half-witted production, but the writer seems so very anxious to display his literary prowess, that we could not forbear from indulging him. We will therefore leave him to his meditations by only reminding him of a poetic distich.
“Some have at first for wits, then Poets past, Turn'd critics next, and prov'd plain fools at last.”
NOTE. We are not so intolerant as to intend by the above remarks an unqualified denunciation of all Scotchmen. We know very well that there are good and bad belonging to every possible denomination.
We mean those however who take an active and hostile part in politics, and who would wish to see us again re-colonized . Of this description we fear that there are too many.
FOR THE ARGUS.
Mr. PLEASANTS, It is thought that the political and other remarks which appear in the Virginia Argus without any mark of distinction, are dictated by you, but I do not believe that you wrote the remarks dated January 20th, 1809; you never would say that the Scotchmen possessed native corruption of mind, neither is there any man who regards truth that would say so, as it is well known their conduct, when they come here, is strictly moral, and that when they exhibit a contrary conduct, they have abandoned their first faith , and suffered the influence of example to corrupt their first principles.
In the remarks referred to, it is said that the Scotchmen are the votaries of Pius, but that the Englishmen are not so completely so. Who is Pius? I have not heard of him, but I have read that Pluto was the name given by Heathens to their imaginary God of Hell. If the author wishes his remarks to deserve any rational consideration or belief, let him forsake such asperities and malignant accusation, for there is not any native or adopted citizen, democrat or federalist, who will believe that Scotchmen or Englishmen worship the Devil; but the author has given us an instance of it by saying the Scotchmen and others argue against the Embargo, and say “that it is neither want of morality or patriotism to break it!” Native citizens the most enlightened with respect to the welfare of their country, argue against the embargo; I know not whether these citizens have broke the embargo, or encouraged other citizens to do so, but I am sure their arguments will have much more influence for that purpose than the silly speeches of any Scotchman.
We hear that many men have broke the embargo in many places of the United States, who in all probability, know not a Scotchman, and if they did, would scorn to act at his instigation; whether such men as break the embargo, be Devils or only worshippers of the Devil, or whether such accusation be perfectly ridiculous or not, or whether those who argue against the embargo be deserving of praise or blame, are questions on which opinions will vary; but there is nothing more certain than that the embargo is very distressingly felt by a great majority of the inhabitants of the United States.
The author of the remarks referred to is so full of enmity to Great Britain that he has called the British Parliament, (it must be so understood,) the British Pandemonium ; now Mr. Pleasants, there are many readers of your paper who know not that Pandemonium is a name given to the Devil's palace in the infernal regions,—so the inference is, that Great Britain is Hell, and consequently all that are there are damned: it is an easy matter for any repartee to utter such assertions or execrations. Two young men in the street had some dissention, the one said God damn you , the other replied God damn you and damn all those that don't damn you . What think you Mr. Pleasants, of these young republicans? If morality be the basis of a republican government, and that the government of the United States rests on such a basis, the basis is likely to be destroyed by a superstructure of immorality.
The Aurora advises the Argus, “Let not the Virginia Argus look abroad for miscreants ,” the advice is good, it is best to amend our own faults and correct the misdeeds of those nearest to ourselves. Go not abroad to look for miscreants. Who are miscreants? “Wretches, unbelievers,” says my dictionary. Let not the author of the remarks referred to, go abroad to look for miscreants.
When a printer publishes invectives against any description of men, if he wishes his press to maintain the least character of freedom, he must publish the reply to them,—it is a matter which justice demands. I shall extract a sentiment from Mr. Guerrant's address in the Argus of the aforesaid date. “A liberal and generous mind will respect the freedom of opinion in others, so long as the principles of a free government, shall continue to influence the human heart.”
M. DIED,—on the 9th inst. in the seventy sixth year of her age, in the county of Cumberland, Mrs. MARY SIMS, after a lingering illness, which she bore with christian fortitude; she has left seven children, and a numerous connection to mourn her death. She has not lived in vain, Tho' age like winter has the stock removed, Yet in the fruit the tree is still rene w'd.
IN COUNCIL, February 1st. 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive on Wednesday next, for the purchase of two
Negro Men Slaves, now under condemnation confined in the Penitentiary, reprieved for sale and transportation.
DANIEL L. HYLTOM, C. C.
ANY person having in their possession, any Book or Books belonging to the late Pleasant Younghusband, dec. will be very obliging if they will return them or give information to the editor of this paper or the subscriber.
SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 2d Month 3d. 1809.
Buckingham county, to wit:
TAKEN up by Thomas Burnett, a bay mare, with one hind foot white, a small white streak down her face, has had a fistula, docked but not branded, supposed to be nine years old last spring; appraised to £12. A copy teste,
R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C., Sept. 24th 1803.
ROBERT H. HUBBARD, having had dealings with me for
Groceries,
and after an indulgence as long as necessary, I was under the necessity of warranting him; and he finding no other means to elude the payment, plead the act of limitation, by his counsel.
I. NUBY.
January 13. 1809.
Bills of Lading
For Sale at this Office.

WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes. Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808. tf  Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary, have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pill Box, by Pantaloons. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler, Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. tf  MATRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. tf
Deserter. DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst. a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair. He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry. A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't Infantry. ember 23, 1808. tf
FOR SALE, A SECOND HAND Coachee, Large and strong-built, well calculated for a public stage or hack. Also a pair of well-broke, gentle
Bay Horses. They will be sold low for cash, or on a credit of ninety days, the purchaser giving an approved negotiable note. Apply to the printer. tf  For sale or Rent, AN eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road—known by the name of Hall's-Borough—the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Fackler, Richmond. 12 Jan. 1809. tf
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Pleasant Younghusband, dec. bearing date on the 28th day of March last, and duly recorded in the court of Henrico county on the sixth day of June, WILL BE SOLD, To the person who takes the same for the shortest period, and pay two thousand dollars, with legal interest thereon from the first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and the costs of executing the trust, that
Brick Tenement, On the South side of the Main Street, adjoining the lot or ground sold by the said Younghusband to Joseph Marx, and extending from the said Main Street back to the alley which extends through the square, it being the lower tenement of those two belonging to the said Younghusband's estate, under the same right. The sale will take place on the premises, on Monday the sixth day of February next, at the hour of 12 o'clock, and the lease executed to the purchaser on the payment of the said sum of money, by
WILLIAM MARSHALL, Trustee. January 5th, 1809. 2m  One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. tf
Boarding for Youth. THE subscriber having rented a large and convenient portion of the tenement in which the youth, composing Mr. Gerdin's academy are instructed, intends boarding young gentlemen on very moderate terms. No exertion that can be reasonably expected, shall be omitted to render the accommodations satisfactory. The morals of the young boarders shall be under the peculiar care of Mr. Doyle, who is himself to board with the subscribers, and Mr. Gerdin likewise promises to extend his attention to a point so truly important. Application to be made either at the school, or with the subscriber. PAUL G. G. JONES. January 19, 1809.
Just received at this office, Part 2d of vol. 9th—or No. 18 of Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. * * Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. * * Subscription still open.
Select Speeches. Just received by S. Pleasants, jr. RICHMOND, SELECT SPEECHES, FORENSICK AND PARLIAMENTARY, With Prefatory Remarks. By N. CHAPMAN, M. D. In this selection will be found the most celebrated speeches of Lord Chatham, Edmund Burke, Lord Mansfield, William Pitt, the elder and younger, Sir Robt. Walpole, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Fox, Mr. Curran, Mr. Thomas Erskine, Mr. Wilberforce, H. Gratton, &c. &c. The work is adorned with handsomely engraved portraits of Burke, Curran, Sheridan, Fox, and Pitt. tf
Gerard Banks, HERETOFORE the Editor of the Virginian, has opened a SCRIVENER'S OFFICE in the house immediately opposite the Market. Writing of every description will be executed with correctness. Besides the usual instruments which may be required, he offers to draw Bills of Injunction, &c. at a moderate price.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, Mr. Giles' Speeches DELIVERED ON The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the Embargo Laws.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by S. Pleasants, Richmond, THE GENTLEMAN'S Pocket Remembrancer, FOR THE YEAR 1809. CONTAINING an almanack, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, government of the United States, executive, legislative and judiciary, federal courts of law, departments of the federal government, territorial government of the U. S. patents, intercourse with foreign nations, diplomatic department, ministers, consuls, &c. from foreign powers to the U. S. navy, marine corps, navy yard at Washington, post-office establishment, coins, duties on importations, drawbacks, bounties, custom-house of Philadelphia, wardens of the port, officers of the customs of the U. S. light-houses, tables, &c. &c. The Ladies' Pocket-Book Contains a view and description of the natural bridge in Virginia, an almanack, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, select pieces in prose and poetry, new and celebrated songs, and several useful tables. The above books are neatly bound in red leather with pockets. tf
Negroes for Sale. By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Mr. Wm. Wilburne, on the 21st day of May last, for the purpose of securing to Mr. Colin M'Rae, the sum of £190 10s 11d. which debt has been assigned by said M'Rae to Mr. John Gilchrist, of the town of Manchester, we shall, at Powhatan courthouse, on Friday the 20th January, 1809, proceed to sell, the following slaves, viz: David, Biley, Anthony, & Frank, or so many of them as will be sufficient to raise the said sum of £190 10s 11d. with interest from the 25th inst. and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect. WM. MOSELEY, JOHN HASKINS, } Trustees. December 30, 1808.
N. B. William Wilburne having failed to produce Frank, on the day of sale, we shall, on Friday the 17th February, proceed to execute the trust in us reposed, by selling said slave Frank; also, David & Anthony, agreeably to the tenor of the above advertisement, deducting £82 10s. being the price given for Biley, by valuation of the commissioners. Wm. Moseley. John Haskins. } 3w
NOTICE. By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the 4th of next month, at the hour of 12 o'clock, All that Ground & Houses, Situated on the North East side of the Main Street, formerly called M'Call's Old Store, nearly opposite the house and lot bought by R. Cantor of P. M. Mara, containing sixty-five feet front, extending back half the depth of the square, on the following terms, to wit—one third cash, one third in six months, and the remaining third in twelve months; notes negotiable at the bank of Virginia, and a deed of trust on the property to secure the payment of said notes, will be required. And on the 6th of March, at the court house of Henrico county, (being court day) WILL BE SOLD, a Tract of Land. Containing 400 Acres, more or less, situated on White Oak Swamp, adjoining the bridge over the swamp, whereon Thomas Goodwin lives, who will show the land to any person wishing to purchase. There is a good mill seat, with a constant stream on said land. The land will be sold for one third cash, one third in 12 months, and the remaining third in two years; bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they are due, and a deed of trust to secure the payments will be required. Eliza T. Younghusband, Adm'x. Samuel P. Parsons, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 1st Mo. 27th, 1809.
A BOUT the year 1790, John Williamson of the county of Fluvanna, sold to Linton J. Johnson, of Richmond, a small Tract of Land lying in Fluvanna County. If the present owner wishes to sell it, and the price is reasonable, he may find a purchaser by letting his terms be known to the Post Master, At Warren, Va. 3w. January 2d, 1809.
R A G S. THE SUBSCRIBER WILL PAY THE HIGHEST PRICE FOR CLEAN LINNEN or COTTON R A G S; AND will contract with country Store-keepers for all they may be able to collect, which will be paid for in cash, on delivery at my store, near the Courthouse; where may be had a general assortment of GROCERIES, BOOTS, SHOES, & PA-TENT NAILS. WILLIAM FARR. Richmond, 22d Jan. 1809. w12m
GOLD MINE. THE subscriber wishes to sell or exchange for property in Richmond, his plantation in Hanover, called GOLD MINE, On the South Fork of Pamunkey River, opposite to Col. Charles Dabney's, and adjoining Colonel Syme's Rocky Hill tract, containing by a late survey 809 1-2 Acres. On this tract is an excellent and commodious dwelling house, with seven rooms and a large passage. &c. The out houses are all convenient and in good repair, all together insured against fire at $2500. There are from three to four hundred acres of wood land, some fine low grounds, a pretty good orchard, &c. But a minute description of the land is deemed unnecessary. Those therefore who feel inclined to purchase or exchange, are invited to view the premises. The terms will be made known on application to the subscriber near Goodland courthouse. Daniel Couch. January 25, 1809. w6ft
30 Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from Benjamin Moore's in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, about the 14th of August, 1807, A NEGRO MAN, named TOM; he is about twenty-nine or thirty years old, five feet seven or eight inches high, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a scar on his right cheek, occasioned by the tooth-ache; he has rather a down countenance when spoken to; and was purchased from Edward G. Hill of Spottsylvania County, by Benj. Moore, who gave him to his son William Moore, of whom I purchased him. It is very probable he has obtained a free pass, and is at this time in Spottsylvania, where I expect his relations and acquaintances are, or lurking about Richmond. He ran away about twelve months before his last elopement, and crossed the Blue Ridge, and was apprehended in Berkeley County, & put in Martinsburg Jail. He may have aimed for that course again, but I think it most probable from some circumstances that he has gone below where he was raised. Any person that will deliver the said negro to the subscriber living in Warminster, Nelson County, or Capt. Benjamin Moore, living in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, shall receive the above reward, or I will give twenty Dollars to any person who will apprehend and secure him in any jail, and give me such information so that I get him again. All masters of vessels are forewarned from carrying him out of the state at their peril. Robert Moore. Nelson County, January 12th, 1809. wtf
NOTICE IS hereby given, that I forewarn any persons or persons from trespassing on the shore from the upper lock gates belonging to the Columbian Mills, and from thence below, to where the water from the basin comes into the river. Any person offending herein will be dealt with according to law. FIVE DOLLARS REWARD, will be given to any person or persons giving information of any villain or villains who turned a boat loose belonging to the said mills on the night of the 24th inst. SAMUEL LEECH, Acting for John Granbery. Columbian Mills, Jan. 27, 1809. } 2
To Aaron Burr, Who is absent from the State of Virginia TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from Henrico County Court in a suit therein depending, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant, I shall proceed on the first Monday in April next at the house of Isaac Watkins, Shelbyville, Kentucky, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon and between the same hours of each succeeding day until all the testimony is taken, to take the deposition of Abraham Owings, J. Winlock, Stephen Smith, and Wingfield Bullock, to be read in evidence in said suit. Henry Schroeder. January 24, 1809. w4t
14,870 Acres of Land FOR SALE, ON SENECA CREEK, IN THE COUNTY OF FREDERICK. By virtue of a deed in trust executed by Robert Barklay to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the seventeenth day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land, being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. January 22d, 1809. ids
Training Stables. THOMAS LARKIN, LATE TRAINER to Mr. Ralph Wormley & John Taylor, Esqrs. of Mountainy, begs leave to inform those gentlemen who have colts and horses which they wish trained, that he has rented Maj. Ball's Stables at Broad Rock, which will be opened for the purpose of taking in Horses on the first day of March next. The terms of which will be made known before that day. January 21st, 1809. 3w
NOTICE. I SHALL offer my services the ensuing election, to the freeholders of the Senatorial district composed of the counties of Albemarle, Amherst, Nelson, Fluvanna and Buckingham. If the people think proper to elect me to represent them in the Senate, I will strive with all my abilities to serve them faithfully. WM. WOODS, Baptist Albemarle, Cloverfields, } January 19th, 1809. } 2w
Dr. TISSOTT'S Celebrated GOUT & RHEUMATIC DROPS. A certain cure for the Gout, Rheumatism, Lumbago, weakness of the joints, and all kinds of Strains; for gleet, be they of ever so long standing, and for the stone and gravel; it is perhaps the most active, penetrating, and effectual remedy in the world; in the cramp and all kinds of pains in the head, face and body, it is without an equal. This medicine [which justly claims a pre-eminence over all others, as being decidedly adapted for the speedy removal of those complaints above mentioned] owes its discovery to the celebrated Tissot, a physician of most exalted eminence in his profession, and is chiefly the extract of an herb, peculiar to Europe, to whose powerful, healing, restorative and balsamic qualities this great man, by the administering, owed much of his fame. It is peculiarly excellent for most disorders attending warm climates, and keeps for any length of time. Bottles, at two dollars each, with copious directions. The following are a few, of the many respectable certificates, which the proprietor has in his possession. CERTIFICATE OF GENERAL RIDGELEY, of Hampton.
I certify, that having received a blow on my knee, which induced severe pain and swelling, I was advised to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, and on bathing the part with them only a few times, agreeably to the directions, they effected a perfect cure. At another time my wrist was affected with rheumatism to such a degree as rendered my hand for the time useless, when on making application of the same remedy in like manner, the disorder in the course of 24 hours was entirely removed. I therefore from the experience I have had of the efficacy of said medicine, consider it as a beneficial act to recommend it in similar cases to others. Signed, C. RIDGELY, of Hampton.
CERTIFICATE OF MR. THOMAS CAMPBELL, Harness maker. It would be an act of injustice to withhold my testimony of the salutary effects of Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, as I have experienced a very unequivocal instance of their virtue and efficacy. I was affected with two severe attacks of what is usually called dead palsy, from which I partially recovered, but was obliged to use crutches to aid me in walking when I left home, to this were joined violent rheumatic pains, the result of the affliction, and I had feared the disorder would accompany me thro' life, but providentially was recommended to apply at G Dobbins and Murphy's for Dr. Tissot's Drops, and after using only one bottle, found myself perfectly liberated from my disorder, and am now, thank God, as free from pain as if I never had been affected; finding this medicine operate so powerfully on myself, I determined to apply it internally to my child [a boy only eleven months old] who was then reduced almost to a skeleton, with the bowel complaint, after administering it four or five times to him, his complaint was entirely removed, and he is now recovering his strength with great rapidity. Signed, THOMAS CAMPBELL. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
CERTIFICATE OF MR. THOMAS KELSO, Butcher. About three weeks since I was most violently attacked with Rheumatic pains throughout my whole frame, in so severe a manner as not to be able to turn in my bed without assistance, proceeding, I suppose from a severe cold; on being advised by a friend to apply Dr. Tissot's Gout and Rheumatic Drops, I accordingly obtained from the agents, (Messrs. G Dobbins and Murphy) two bottles, the application of which (under God) have perfectly restored my health. I am therefore induced with confidence to recommend this medicine as a certain cure for the above disorder. Signed, THOMAS KELSO. Baltimore, July 22, 1806.
AFFIDAVIT OF MRS. ANNE TIFER. No. 107, Green-street, Old town, Baltimore. Being ever desirous of rendering assistance to my fellow creatures, as far as my abilities will permit, and also give additional credit to DR. TISSOTT'S GOUT AND RHEUMATIC DROPS, which from their powerful efficacy, I have received such surprising benefit, are the only motives for my offering a statement of my case to the public, under the following attested affidavit. Upwards of five years I had been afflicted with Rheumatic pains, which were seated principally in my loins, shoulders, and right arm; which at last I lost the use of, so that for a considerable time, I could not lift it to my head; at one period it confined me to my bed, in which I could not turn without assistance, and from the violent and agonizing pain in my loins, my cries could often be heard by the neighbors. Every remedy that I could think of, or prescribed by my friends were tried; I also had medical assistance both French and English, but they gave relief only for the moment, so that I despaired of ever being cured, and had resigned myself to be a cripple during life. When I was advised by a friend to make trial of DR. TISSOTT'S GOUT & RHEUMATIC DROPS, I accordingly applied at Love's Drug and Patent Medicine Store, No. 15, Sign of the Mortar, Centre Market-space, where I purchased a bottle for two dollars, from which I do positively declare, I received more benefit than I had from all the remedies attempted for 5 years past; but fearing a relapse, I procured another bottle and was perfectly relieved. ANNE TIFER. Sworn before me this 17th day of November 1808. JAMES WILSON. Witness, James Norris, Jun.
CAUTION. No Gout and Rheumatic Drops being known excepting those invented by Dr. Tissot. The public are requested to notice that none are genuine unless the names of Dr. Tissot, and the proprietor Henry Ward, are cut in the glass of the bottle, and the outside cover of each bottle signed by the said proprietor himself. Sold by H. WARD, sole proprietor, Philadelphia, and at the Book-Store of S. PLEASANTS, jr. Richmond. ALSO, Dr. TABB'S Nature's Restorative Balsamic Cordial. The certificates attached to the bills which inclose each bottle of the above medicine, are from characters of respectability, on whose testimony the fullest confidence may be placed by those who labor under complaints of the Gout, Rheumatism, &c. also those of consumptive habits, general debility of the nerves and various other complaints incident to the human body.
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office.
NOTICE. I wish to employ a Deputy in the County-Court Clerkship of Amherst. As none are wanting excepting those who are well qualified in every respect to conduct the business of the office, it is presumed that no other but of this description, will make application. To such liberal wages will be given. Wm. S. Crawford. 3w
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book-store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS, CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf. Price to subscribers $5—to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
Royster & Bohannan, Have For Sale, at their Store near the Market Bridge, Richmond, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries, AMONG WHICH ARE— Brown Sugar in hds Whiskey by the bbl or tierce Loaf Sugar, in do French Brandy Best Green Coffee Salt by the Sack Imperial, and A quantity of excellent Young Hyson TEAS, Lard by the firkin Chocolate, by the box A large assortment of Pimento Iron Castings, every Pepper description Ginger An assortment of Stone Rice Ware Mustard Queen's Ware W. I. Rum Soap and Candles by Jamaica do box N. England do Leiper's Snuff Molasses by hhd Writing Paper —Sherry and Malaga Wrapping do Wine Decanters Holland and Country Tumblers Gin Wine Glasses Spanish Segars by box Leading Lines or retail Bed Cords, &c &c &c Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town. It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given.
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN.) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equally good terms as heretofore. Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and sole leather, &c. &c Boots and Shoes Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling
BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit.
Virginia: At a Court held for Halifax county, on Monday the 26th day of December, 1808. John Wimbish, Plaintiff. AGAINST Gardner Mayes and Isaac Medley, de-puty sheriff for Thomas Watkins, sheriff of Halifax, Defendants. THE defendant Gardner Mayes, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant, Mayes, do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste
For sale at S. Pleasants' printing office HENING'S New Virginia Justice, CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
Pamphlets, CARDS, HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.