The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-27 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, JUNE 27, 1809.
[No. 14.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
RICHMOND PRICES CURRENT.
   D. C.     Tobacco, from 4 7   Flour—Superfine, 5 50   do. fine, 4 50   Corn, per barrel, 2 50   Wheat, 1 00   Bacon, per lb. 0 10   Whiskey, per gallon, 0 44   Bar Iron, per ton, 120 00   Hemp, per ton, 180 200   do. per lb. 25   Wool, per lb. 45  
NOTICE. —The partnership of Chaigneau & Freemont, was dissolved the 15th instant. Those indebted to the said partnership, are requested to come & settle their accounts; & those who have any demands against them, will please to call immediately for payment.
B. CHAIGNEAU, F. FREEMONT.
June 23. A NELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE. —The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided.
This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighbourhood.
For terms apply to Mr. Wm. Long who is fully authorised to contract for the same.
J. PENN.
June 23. PURSUANT to a deed of Trust executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Parsons and Sarah his wife, for the benefit of William Cooke and Thomas and Amos Ladd, and other creditors of the said Parsons, will be sold, at public Auction, on the respective premises, on Monday the 17th of next month, (July) the following property situated in the city of Richmond, viz. Nearly three fourths of the half-acre of ground, designated in the plan of the said City by lot No. 436, between Thomas Ladd and the Hay-Market square, bounded on the North East, by the street which passes between the Hay-Market square and the public Warehouse.
All that part of lot No. 413 on the North East side of the Basin which is bounded by the street running by the Bank and Robert McKim's, to Cary Street, thence by the latter street to the Brick House occupied by Mr. James Smith as a Bicker-thence at right angles to the alley between the said lot of Robert McKim's thence by the said alley to the first mentioned street. This lot is held by a deed which conveys all the interest of Byrd's Trustees and Heirs. But is subject to the appearance of a Ticket. The title papers of both lots will be exhibited at the sale. The grounds will be sold entire, or divided, as may appear convenient.
Ten shares in the Richmond Turnpike Company—also a Coach and pair of horses, together with sundry articles of Household and kitchen furniture and other personal property.
Terms of sale will be twelve months credit of the lot, or Notes negotiable and payable at the Bank of Virginia satisfactory endorsed, & Titles to be withheld as further security until the notes be fully paid; or at the option of the purchasers, one fourth in hand, and deeds of Trust on the property sold to secure the other three fourths. The Turnpike shares and the personal property will be for cash or a short credit, as may be deemed fit on the day. The sale will commence at 12th o'clock on Lot No. 413.
E. CARRINGTON, RICHARD ADAMS, GEORGE GREENHOW } Trustees.
June 23.
NOTICE. —That on the 17th day of next month, will be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises in this city, (unless privately sold before,) a three story brick house, (unfurnished) 20 by 40 feet, together with the ground of the same width, extending back to an alley; situate on Cary's Street, running parallel with the Basin, and opposite to Nicholson and Heath's Coal yard. Terms of sale, $1000 in hand, $1000 in six months; the remaining balance, divided equally in 12 and 18 months from the first instant. A Deed of Trust, on the said property, and bonds of the purchasers, will be required to secure the three last payments.
SAMUEL PARSONS.
6th mo 29, 1809. A REWARD of twenty dollars will be given for the delivery, to us, of a TRUNK, which was put in charge of a negro waterman, on the 14th ult. to be carried to Milton. It was a hair trunk of about 7 or 8 feet cubic contents, labelled on a card on the top T. L. No. 28, and contained principally writing paper of various qualities, but also some other articles of stationery, a pocket telescope with a brass case, a Dynamometer in steel and brass, or instrument for measuring the exertions of draught animals, a collection of vocabularies of the Indian languages, & some other articles not particularly noted in the memorandum taken.
GIBSON & JEFFERSON.
May 30. PROPOSALS for furnishing materials, and building a POWDER MAGAZINE—in pursuance of an advice of the Council of State, proposals will be received by me, until the first day of July next, for furnishing materials and building a Powder Magazine.
The plan and dimensions will be made known by application to
ATM. DOUGLASS.
June 20.
A PAIR OF HORSES STOLEN—TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Stolen from the common of Manchester, on Thursday night, the 8th inst. a pair of black HORSES—one a brown black, very thick set, and well made, his left hind foot white—the other, a jet or deep black, of rather slender make; both nearly the same age, eight or nine years, about five feet high—they pace, trot and gallop, and run well in harness. I will give ten dollars reward with reasonable expenses, to any person delivering them to me, or five dollars for such information that I get them again, and twenty dollars for the apprehension and conviction of the thief.
CORNELIUS BUCK.
June 20.
SWEET SPRINGS, VIRGINIA. —The subscriber has been at great expense and trouble to render this much esteemed place comfortable and pleasant for the present season. Gentlemen and ladies who are desirous of visiting those waters, may depend upon every exertion on the part of the subscribers, to make their time agreeable.
O. TOWLES, Jr.
NEW GOODS. —JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Spring and Summer
GOODS. —Selected from the late importations, and which are now opening for sale, at his Cheap Cash Store.
May 19. TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ransom, about the 14th of last month, from the subscriber, residing in the city of Richmond, a Mulatto Man named GEORGE, about 23 or 24 years of age. He is, I believe, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with rather large limbs, and a little knock-kneed; his complexion is tolerably bright, and his hair is rather more straight than that of mulattoes generally. He has lost the first joint of his middle or fore finger of one of his hands, which, I think, is the right hand, but the finger is perfectly cured. I do not recollect any other visible mark by which I can describe him. I am informed that he has changed his name, & it is probable that he will, with forged papers, attempt to pass as a free man.
All boatmen and masters or skippers of vessels, are particularly cautioned against carrying him away. The above reward will be given to any person who will bring the said slave to me, or apprehend him so that I may recover him.
J. ROBINSON.
June 13. LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Scammon, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Boxes Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Port and Madeira Wine IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havana Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT.
January 17.
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. J. BURR, offers for sale, at the same house in which is kept the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle-Tavern, a COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF HATS. Including Gentlemen's black, drab and patent Silk BEAVERS, CASTORS, RORUMS, &c. Clip and Lophorn Hats, Mens' and Boys' Wool do. Servants' Glazed Leather do. Hatters' Trimmings and Materials.
SHOES. Ladies' Morocco and Kid Slips and Ties, Gentlemen's superfine press Shoes and Pumps. Constantly on hand a large stock of Boston Porter, Ale and Cider, Philadelphia Beer, &c &c April 18.
HAVING executed a deed of trust to Benjamin Oliver, Jr. William Cunningham, and Samuel Richardson, conveying certain property mentioned, to them, for the purpose of making sale thereof, in order to discharge all debts for which I am bound for my father and my own debts—It is their wish that all such creditors may as soon as possible, make their respective claims known to the above named gentlemen, that they may know how far to carry the sales, which will take place the 1st of August next.
JOHN M. SYME.
June 9.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to us, by John M. Syme, of the County of Hanover, for the purpose of satisfying all debts for which he is bound for his father's & his own debts—we shall, on Tuesday, the first day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, upon the premises, proceed to sell, four hundred and sixty three acres, (by a late survey) of prime and valuable land, adjoining the Town of New Castle, upon Pamunkey River, and the ferry across that river. Also, ELEVEN NEGROES, consisting of MEN, WOMEN, BOYS and GIRLS, all the stock of HORSES, CATTLE, HOGS, SHEEP, and implements of Husbandry, &c. conveyed by the said instrument. Such title as we hold as trustees will be made the purchaser of purchasers, and possession of the land given at Christmas with the privilege of seeding wheat this fall. The terms of sale will be one third cash, one third in six months, and the balance in 12 months, from the day of sale. Interest will be expected upon the distinct payments. Bonds with approved security will be required of the purchasers of the personal property, and Bonds with deeds of trust upon the land and ferry of the respective purchasers. The land &c. will be shewn by Mr. Wm. CUNNINGHAM, living in New-Castle, or either of the Mr. SYMES, to any person wishing to view the premises. Creditors will be allowed to purchase, and their claims discounted.
According to Mr. John M. Syme's notification above, we or either of us, will receive the amount of any claim, and it is our wish that they be made known prior to the day of sale.
There are some previous liens upon this property, or some of it, to secure certain debts, which will be first paid, according to their several dates. Proposals for any part of the above property will be received by either of the trustees prior to the sale.
BENJAMIN OLIVER, JR. W. M. CUNNINGHAM. SAM. RICHARDSON.
New-Castle, June 9.
A TUTOR WANTED. —The Trustees of the town of York, are anxious to employ a gentleman of character, & literary acquirements, to conduct a SCHOOL in the said town. The branches of Science to be taught are, reading, writing, English grammar, arithmetic, geography, use of the globes, the Latin and Greek classics. The situation of York is pleasant and healthy. From twenty to forty pupils can be procured. A comfortable house will be furnished the Tutor free of expense. A person who shall produce testimonials of his sobriety, discretion and acquirements, which shall qualify him for the conduct of the school, will meet with encouragement on application to
CORBIN GRIFFIN, } Committee TH. GRIFFIN, } of ROBT. NELSON, Jr. } Trustees.
May 2.
WANTED TO HIRE, by the week, month, or for the remainder of the present year, a sober industrious man to superintend a parcel of labourers, in the vicinity of this city. Enquire at the office of the Enquirer.
June 20.
NEGROES FOR SALE. —Pursuant to the power vested in us by a deed of trust executed on the 14th day of Dec. 1807, by Nicholas Syme and John M. Syme, will be sold conformably to the act entitled "An Act concerning executions and for other purposes," On Tuesday, the 1st of August next, at the day and place above, the next that does, at the tavern of Wm. L. Dougle in the town of New-Castle, in the county of Hanover, the following Slaves, to wit Jack, Tom, Davy, Arthur, Spencer, Patty and child Rachel, Sukeey, Lavinia and Joe, with the increase of the females, or such of the said slaves as are living, to satisfy and comply with the purposes mentioned in the said deed.
May 25. THE TRUSTEE.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers for lease or sale his MERCHANT MILL, in the upper part of Hanover county, on the south fork of Pamunkey river, about twenty-two miles from Richmond, and in either case, would annex (if desired) from fifty to two hundred acres of land. The mill was lately repaired, and is ready for business, possession may be had at any time. In case of a sale, landed property, conveniently situated would be received in part payment; or long credit may be had on paying interest.
6th Mo. (June 13.) MICAJAH CREW.
A NAIL MANUFACTORY is established at Petersburg, where two men of good character and ability, for cutting nails, are wanted who will receive good wages and constant employment. Apply at the head of High-Street, Petersburg.
June 13. 4t
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Monday, May 29.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Randolph's motion for approving the late conduct of the President of the U. States—Continued.
(Mr. Randolph's speech concluded.) Although, sir, it be no part of my intention, as I said when I rose, to enter into the merits of the main question, I think it necessary to say a few words in explanation of what fell from me a few days ago, when unprepared to discuss this subject, when perhaps, I was misunderstood, and very probably, because I may not have expressed myself as accurately as I could have wished. It has been stated that this offer on the part of the British government and acceptance on the part of ours—this truce, or call it what you will, patched up between the two countries, is more disadvantageous to Great Britain, than the late offer to suspend the embargo as to Great Britain and keep it on as to France, would have been, if accepted. This is one of the cases in which my argument is fairly met, as fair at least as it can be met by mere assertion; and after the decision of this motion for indefinite postponement (which I perceive will be lost) on the discussion of the main question, all I ask of gentlemen is, to state the argument as it really was offered, and if they refute it, they shall have my best thanks; I shall listen to them with a mind perfectly open to conviction. But if gentlemen state something else, they cannot suppose that I will interrupt them in the course of their career of success against arguments, not of my creation but of their own. I shall therefore in the course of this discussion take no kind of notice of any statement of my argument that can be made, unless it be a perfectly fair statement, and the true matter to be met, any further than finally to recapitulate by way of reply what I conceive to be the true points in dispute. Here is one point; that as far as we have gone in the present adjustment, it is more disadvantageous to G. B. than the proposal for suspending the embargo. That is a fact on which every man in the house is competent to decide, and one on which I deem the arguments offered by me to you so irresistibly conclusive, that I will not notice any thing in the way of assertion on this point farther than to suggest, that this has been thrown out in the spirit of the proverb, that good wine needs no bush. Nothing is more common, in the state which I represent, than for a horse dealer having two horses to dispose of, to give praise to the most indifferent, in proportion precisely as it is inferior to the other, because it is supposed that the good horse will always sell himself, and it is necessary to recommend the other by all the address of which that sort of people are never destitute. Now in the present case of the late adjustment of which nobody openly complains, it is supposed to be one which meets so general an approbation that it is not worth while to say much in its commendation. Now, sir, as this old horse is to be linked in the same team, if the jockey can once establish that he is a better nag than the grey mare, than that which is generally acknowledged to be good, his point is gained. That is the question in dispute; and until I hear the argument which I submitted to you last week answered, I shall say no one word upon it. To be sure, sir, if we allow that the proposition to suspend the embargo as to Great Britain was more advantageous for her than the late one, we must admit that it is more advantageous to Great Britain to have her ships excluded from our waters than admitted into them; that it is more advantageous to have the old non-importation act in force than to have it repealed; that it is more advantageous for her to have a difficult and hampered trade, and her ships of war excluded whilst those of France were admitted in perfect freedom, than to have her trade with us put on the footing on which it stood prior to the old non-importation act, and our trade to France cut off, and French ships excluded. If gentlemen believe this, it is very well; I admire their faith. There is a point of fact on which it unfortunately happens that there has been and does exist in this House too much difference of opinion. It is a fact which can be established conclusively by your journals, and the reading of the documents received from the Executive, when he recommended the embargo will convince gentlemen of it. Gentlemen say that the fact of the existence of the orders in council was known here, when they are compelled to confess the President intimated nothing of it in his message. Produce the National Intelligence; produce the passage so often alluded
to in relation to these orders—and what conclusion is to be drawn from it? Why, sir, that some speculation might have been hazarded on the subject, something in the way of conjecture. Do gentlemen believe, that the late President of the U. States had a peculiar confidence in the National Intelligence? Had he any peculiar confidence in that paper, of all the papers in the world, that when he sent the proclamation cut out of a British newspaper, he would not have sent us a file of the National Intelligence or that article from which they say went to establish the existence of the orders in council? Had any cause for peculiar confidence in the National Intelligence, that he would not send us an extract from that paper while he sent us extracts from others—even British papers. Or are gentlemen prepared to say that certain information on the subject of our foreign relations is possessed by the President of the United States himself? I hope not, sir. The fact of the orders in council being known in this country by our Government, they might have been known by the British minister—but their being known by our government and by us, and the embargo growing out of them is the point at issue. A gentleman told me the other day, "You forget that though they were not known, the probability of them was known." This is a new discovery; what kind of knowledge is this same knowledge of probability, sir? their probability might have been conjectured; but did that imply a knowledge that orders had been issued or would issue? And if you assume that fact without throwing the late president of the U. S. a degree of imputation which in my opinion he is not fairly entitled to. I think it is treating him unjustly and cruelly to suppose that they were known. For, in supposing it, you suppose that he has failed in his duty in communicating it in that message which recommended the embargo. The orders in council were known in this city, or in this House, when the President of the U. States recommended the embargo. I protest upon my honor that they were not known to me; nor did I hear them mentioned on that day. As to their having been known in N. York you might as well say that they were not known in Quebec or Halle, or even London itself. What does the fact of their having been known in New York, but that they were known in N. York at the time that knowledge at N. York induced the President to recommend the embargo. Let the proofs produced, and though I should not be willing to vote either approbation or disapprobation on this subject, I should be at a loss to refuse a vote of disapprobation on the conduct of the late President of the U. States for neglecting to apprise us of the existence. But he did his duty. He knew of any orders in council, and the state of affairs which existed when we were in fact ignorance of the orders in council, of the correspondence from Paris in relation to the Berlin decree, and the British proclamation respecting seamen. Sir, in taking of the amendment moved by the two gentlemen from Massachusetts whom, in his place, and my reluctance to vote it, my meaning may have been misunderstood, and probably because it was not correctly expressed. When we speak of government of the U. States, what do we mean? Do we mean the President of the United States and his Secretaries, or the Executive legislature and Judiciary, but more especially the Executive and Legislature? Now I spoke of the disposition of the government of the United States, I had particular in my eye the manifestation of a spirit in other house of congress and in this also which demonstrated most conclusively to my mind that notwithstanding our celebrated "OF AND FOR FRANCE"—bringing up France as the rear like a needled snake, the latter part of a long—that there under all this smoke of hostility to both belligerents exist a cool deliberate disposition to go to war with one branch of the legislature and motions and a proof of such disposition. I infer the disposition of government not merely from declarations of the Point of the U. States himself, but from semi-official oracular sayings of gentlemen supposed to be, and in fact, known to be, in confidence. I did hear, and I confess I sit with some pleasure, that there exists difference of opinion on this subject in the set at the late session of congress; & that the President of the U. S. (God bless him) on that question was with us, and not to be driven into a war with England—that the leaders of the war party were deeply chagrined and disappointed by it. So, I speak of the government of the U. S. I wish not to be understood as alluding any disposition which the late President of the U. States had to go to war with Great Britain. But, sir, I do think, after the report of the late committee of relations, declaring that there were alternatives, embargo or war, and seeing the members one of these nations was supposed to have the mission the most base and subjection and then hearing gentlemen declare, that they were for war with those nations; the conclusion is irresistible, they were for war; that they had submitted to other nations; or that it was more holy poetry for covering the design of going to war with one of those belligerents and succour to the other. I should be childish not to believe that there did exist a disposition to the gentlemen from Virginia (Mr. Lee) intimates did not exist in what is the government of the U. S.
One other subject I must touch before I sit down. The change in the relation of the U. States to the non-importation law. Against that law I most certainly, the merit of that change is to be had to the non-intercourse law, be it so what it will. But who were the savages that poor, miserable measure of the chairmen of the committee of foreign relations (Mr. Eppes) portrayed, and colours the horrible features of it, and another gentleman from the same state (Mr. Jackson) made motion after motion till a very late hour in the night to defeat the law, last stage; and I voted against it eventually, on the ground which those gentlemen did, the embargo as I believed, we had not got rid of but because I felt those terms, that we should sort of negative opposition to the law; theirs a positive and unqualified—they said it was absolute disgrace. Now, therefore, sir, if the change in our foreign relations is to be ascribed to that law, I wish the advocates of it to rise up and assert their share in it in presence of the house. The fact is that nobody would advocate it; that though it was carried by a majority of two to one, those who finally voted for it condemned it, and all parties seemed ashamed of it; and that prior to the late restoration of good understanding, all the high toned men and high-toned press in this country denounced the majority of this house for passing this law, as having utterly disgraced themselves. If, therefore, any credit be due to the non-intercourse law, I do not wish it to be run away with by those who were enemies to the measure. I voted against the law because I thought we could have got rid of the embargo on better terms. Are those to have the credit of it, who said, that if their opinion was followed, they were for immediate war with Great Britain—but who, finding their friends could not be screwed up to the war pitch, had made a sort of compromise of their wishes and agreed to accept this stupid unmeaning non-intercourse law by way of appearing to be doing something? No, sir. Are those to have the merit of the re-reconciliation who moved to issue letters of marque and reprisal, a scheme, which thank God, I had some share in defeating? Are those to have the merit of the good consequences which are alleged to have flowed from the non-intercourse law? Certainly not. I really think, sir, that if there be any merit any where, it belongs to those men who prevented the other house of congress, a party too dragging the executive against his will, and Great Britain. It is those men who deserve the credit—and I for one, although a desultory kind of partisan, acting on my own responsibility, claim my share; for if the great leaders could have been gratified according to their own showing, they would have dragged this country into a war with Great Britain, which certainly would have closed the door to the present happy arrangement. Their war speeches were printed by subscription, bound up—and I venture to say, that some fifty years hence they will form a curiosity in literature—they stand on record against their authors. Now, to be sure, sir, those persons who undertook to stop their wild career, were composed of heterogeneous materials—even those who have been designated (I know not why) as ultra-federalists, and citra-federalists, if any such there be, united on this vote. There were minority men, caucus men, protestants—in fact, sir, all parties, catholics, protestants, seceders and all, were united in the effort to prevent the leaders of both Houses from plunging the nation into a war—with one power, and knocking to the other the chains of French alliance, upon us. Thank God that their designs were proclaimed to the nation, that the President did not give his consent, which would have made the beam—Yes, sir, federalists, mitted the beam, protestants and all, would have from the cabinet, if it had ever emanated from it. It was as much as old Nestor, with his steeds, who were hurrying the state carriage down the precipice of French alliance. Suppose that we had given them the reins, where should we have been and what doing at this time, sir? We should have been here indeed—discussing abstract propositions, as they are called? No, sir, we should have been voting supplies; we should have gone in full committee of supply and of ways and means, and come out of it almost as soon as we did, out of the committee on the state of the union, on the President's message—for our whole arena of raising money, appears to consist in borrowing loans, loans, loans, are the alpha and omega, the sum and substance of our system of political economy; and the worthy gentleman who presides at the head of the committee of ways and means, would now have been calling for loans with all his might. We should have been marching troops to Canada, passing acts for the relief of sufferers in the bombardment of N. York, discussing whether the owners of slaves, stolen from the sea board, should be compensated by the general government, or not—This is the situation in which we should have been, in fact, instead of being in the situation in which we now are, the merit of which, if any there be, is not due to those who arrogate it to themselves, but to the late President of the U. States and that majority, however discordant the materials composing it, who defeated the CABAL in the two Houses of Congress, that was determined to plunge us into a war—who restrained what have been called (and it is no nomenclature of mine,) the invincibles—who curbed what has been called (and I am not the sponsor,) the family compact.
Before I sit down, sir, permit me to state expressly and unequivocally, and I deem it more especially my duty at present, that in the course of that discussion and the votes on the subject, the chairman of the committee of foreign relations (Mr. G. V. Campbell,) did act, as I conceive, a consistent and open part; that after declaring that we could not go to war without going to a war with both France and England, that we could not go to war with one, without the most abject submission to the other; he was not willing, if I understood him aright, to make that submission by going to war, with that other. Other gentlemen, perhaps, to whom my attention was not so much called, not being placed in so conspicuous a station in the House as that gentleman, may have done the same. There was another gentleman in the House,

in respect to whom I feel it incumbent on me to say something. He was one of those who have been marked and branded, and are suspected of being minority men—I allude particularly to a worthy friend of mine, now no longer a member of this House. (Mr. D. R. Williams.) than whom, I believe, there is not a more honest man breathing, who was not only a minority man, but, worse than all, "One of the Protesters," and whose speech was very much relied on as the best speech made in favor of the war party. Sir, you recollect that, that gentleman declared his disposition, together with my friend who sits before me, of clinging to the embargo, and that was the great point of difference between us; and as to the gentleman who sits before me, (Mr. Macon,) it is only the third point, on which I have had the misfortune to differ with him, since I came into public life. When they, therefore, advocated this war-like doctrine, it was under the belief that nothing was left, if the embargo was raised, but submission or war—and they preferred the embargo to war, but they preferred war to submission. It was particularly the doctrine of the gentleman from S. Carolina, who is no longer a member of this House, to whom these observations, loose and unsatisfactory as they may be, are more especially applied. But there is no other point of contact, (as far as within my knowledge,) but his partiality to the embargo, and his disposition to go to war, if it were raised, between him and those who (thank God) defeated the war purposes. On the subject of a desire to excite a war-spirit, I think it necessary to state, that motions and speeches were not only made with that tendency, but with that avowed disposition in both Houses of Congress—and I repeat it, to whatever source the present situation of the country is to be ascribed, it is not to those who were termed thorough-going men in this House, in the last Congress, nor to those of the same description in the Senate—though they have been checked, to be sure, by an opposition of the strangest kind; but it is unimportant of what materials it was composed, since it had the effect of saving the nation from war with one of the belligerents, and of producing the present state of things, which gentlemen themselves tell us, was the consequence of our having avoided war.
(Debate to be continued.)
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, June 19.
Mr. Gild offered a resolution for appointing a committee to enquire into the expediency of providing, by law, for ascertaining and settling the boundaries of the public lands at West Point. Agreed to.
Mr. P. B. Porter reported a bill for the relief of Joseph Wilkinson, jr. which was twice read and committed.
BATTURE AT NEW-ORLEANS.
Mr. Macon called for the consideration of the report of the Committee recommending a reference to the Attorney General of the papers on the subject of the Batture in the suburbs of St. Mary's. On this proposition a very wide debate took place, not confined to the question before the House, but embracing, in some degree, the merits of the claim and of the law authorizing the expulsion of intruders on the public lands by military force.
Messrs. Burwell , Poydras , Sheffey , Macon , Ross , Troup , Boyd , Randolph , Lyon , Good , W. Alston , Gholson , Holland , Fisk , Bibb and Rhea , took part in the debate, which shall be noticed in course.
The debate was extended till near five o'clock, when the proposition contained in the report of the committee was negatived, ayes 25, apparently on the ground that it would produce delay, and that the Attorney General had already given an opinion against the claim.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
A bill was received from the Senate to amend and continue in force certain parts of an act, entitled "An act interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and for other purposes." Twice read and committed to a committee of the whole.
TUESDAY, June 20.
On motion of Mr. Randolph , a committee was appointed to superintend the expenditure of the annual appropriation for the use of the library of Congress.
NEW-ORLEANS BATTURE.
Mr. Bibb , according to intimation given yesterday, offered the following motion, which, on suggestion of Mr. Montgomery , was laid on the table for one day:
Resolved , That it is expedient to vest in the corporation of New-Orleans, whatever right, title or claim the United States may possess to the Batture in front of the suburbs of St. Mary's, and adjoining the city of New-Orleans.
SEA-LETTER VESSELS.
Mr. Macon observed, that there was known to the laws of the United States, a species of vessels called sea-letter vessels, foreign built, but belonging to this country. They appeared to be a mongrel species of vessel, of which he wished to get rid. Those who wished to encourage American ship-building would be in favor of the following motion, for it would go to encourage it:
Resolved , That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorizing the registering anew of vessels built in the United States, which are owned in whole by citizens of the United States, any disability incurred by such vessel to the contrary notwithstanding, and also into the expediency of forbidding, by law, sea-letters or any custom-house documents being granted to vessels not registered or licensed according to law, or not owned by citizens of the United States within a limited time after the passing of such a law.
The House agreed to consider the motion, ayes 72.
On the suggestion of Mr. Montgomery , the motion was ordered to lie on the table for one day.
BARRED CLAIM.
Mr. Johnson made a report on the claim of General Arthur St. Clair, for monies due to him by the United States, stating that the claim is barred by the statute of Limitations, and therefore recommending that the prayer of the petition ought not to be granted.
A motion was made by Mr. Eppes to commit the report, because it rejected the in merely because within the operation of the statute of limitations, without enquiring into its merits; and because the principle had already been settled in the case of the report on the petition of Hannah Foster,
made a few days ago, which was re committed on the same ground, and a report required on the merits of the case.
After debate, the report was ordered to lie on the table, (presumed to be equivalent to a refusal to act on it during the present session.)
BRIGADIER GENERAL'S PAY.
Mr. Jackson offered the following resolution:
Resolved , That the committee of ways and means be instructed to bring in a bill declaring that the compensation to the Brigadiers General of the army of the United States, fixed by the 4th section of the act of Congress, entitled "An act fixing the military establishment of the United States," shall be no more than two hundred and twenty-five dollars per month, including all rations and every other species of emoluments heretofore claimed or allowed, except the usual allowance for stationary.
The House agreed to consider the motion, ayes 72.
After an hour's debate, in which Messrs. J. G. Jackson and Eppes supported, and Messrs. Randolph , Livermore , Nelson and Tallmadge opposed it; Mr. Jackson withdrew the motion, to prevent its occupying the whole day.
FINANCE.
The engrossed bill to amend the act, entitled an act for the support of the public credit and for the reduction of public debt, was read the third time, opposed by Messrs. Pickman , Livermore , Lyon and Randolph , and passed by yeas and nays, 74 to 51—majority, 23.
Mr. Dana moved to amend the title, that it might correspond with the real design of the bill, by adding at the end of it, the words "and therein to make provision for borrowing money." Motion negatived—yeas 83, nays 38.
The bill to alter the road from Baltimore to Annapolis, by Rockhall, was read the third time, and supported by Mr. Montgomery and opposed by Messrs. Stanford , Goldsborough and Livermore , and postponed indefinitely, ayes 65.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Basset in the Chair on the bill from the Senate, to amend the intercourse act, but after remaining a short time in session, the committee rose and reported progress, and the House adjourned.
WEDNESDAY, June 21.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.
Mr. Newton , from the committee of commerce and manufactures made the following report:
The committee of commerce and manufactures, to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the revision of our commercial laws for the purpose of protecting American manufactures of the U. S. and to the petitions & memorials of sundry manufacturers of hats, of cotton goods, of hemp fibers, of woolen cloths, and of salt-spectfully submit the following
REPORT.
The committee are fully impressed with a conviction of the importance, dignity and delicacy, of the subject submitted to it, a mine which even the industry of laborious researches of philosophers cannot exhaust. The committee are apprised, on this subject, men of great science and experience have supported, and do still support, diversity of opinions. With such impressions, they cannot approach it without suspicion. On a review of the res made on the policy of fostering and protecting our manufactures, the committee feel that the plan therein recommended and that has received the support of Congress; and likewise the countenance of the pub. if silence on, and long acquiescence in that plan, can authorise them to infer it, giving to our manufacturers the support necessary to withstand foreign competition, and capital, the committee have on all occasions endeavored to avoid the danger of resting on the community oppressive exactions. For a manifestation of the solid which they have at all times felt and caution which has always presided over their deliberations on this interesting subject, they beg leave to refer to the following res, which they solicit may be taken as 5 of the present.
REPORT on the memorial and petitions of sundry manufacturers of Gun Powder &c. &c. &c. 10th Feb. 1802 vol. of Reports, page 217.
—on the petition of sundry manufacturers of paper, &c. &c. 8th February, 1802, Ibid. p. 219.
—on the petition of sundry manufacturers of paper, &c. &c. 8th March, 1802, Ibid. p. 226.
—on the petition & memorials of certain calico printed dyers, &c. &c. 25th January, 1802.
—on the petition of the president and directors of New York Dutchess County State Colleges. 15th of November, 1804, p. 49.
—on the memorial and petition of the Philadelphia Graphical Society. 22d January, 1805.
—and on petitions and memorials of Paul and J. W. Revere, and sundry copper sm. 21st January, 1808, 2d vol. p. 121.
The like spirit which dictated those reports maintains without any diminution, its influence over the committee, and represses every disposition to depart from restraint, the observance of which becomes indispensable, if the good be the sole object in view.
The shortness of the present session, and the want of data, preclude the committee from giving a full investigation. They have availed themselves of the advantages that would result from a judicious encouragement of manufactures. Yet they cannot refrain from expressing an opinion that additional duties on the importation of certain articles—It must be so to every person, on the slightest reflection, that the citizens of the U. States possess sufficient ingenuity and skill to sup all the articles of wearing apparel—sufficient ingenuity that may be wanting for use, no less clear that shot over and above consumption, can be supplied and their manufactures, in which lead is the chief value, have progressed so rapidly as to deserve the fostering care of government. The importation of cotton manufactures from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, not only with our own cotton manufactures, but also comes into competition with fabrics imported from Europe, in the production of the U. States. Manufactures are in great forwardness for in-
creasing the supply of coarse cotton manufactures. If some encouragement be given to establishments of this description, the probability is that the quantity of these manufactures, equal to the demand, may be supplied. Bed ticking, of a quality superior to that which is imported, can be had in abundance.
The use of salt as a necessary of life cannot be dispensed with. To keep in the market a quantity commensurate to the consumption of the nation, is certainly an object of moment. At times of peace importations of this article are abundant, and the price low; but should the U. States at any time be forced into war by a concurrence of inauspicious events and they have no power to prevent it—the scarcity consequent on such a state of things would greatly increase the price of this article, and the pressure would of course be sensibly and severely felt by that portion of the community least capable of bearing it. The scarcity and high price of salt during the American war, produced no little distress. The apprehension lately entertained, that deficiency in the necessary supply of this article would be the consequence of an interruption of commerce with the belligerents of Europe and their dependencies gave rise to some objections, not easily removed, against the adoption of that measure. To prevent effectually a want of salt, on the occurrence of any event, is certainly an object deserving the serious attention of Congress. Assurances are made with confidence that a supply of this article can be furnished by our own manufactures, equal to the demand, if encouragement be given by a morator duty on imported salt. A nation erects a solid basis for the support and maintenance of its independence and prosperity, whose policy is to draw from its native sources all articles of the first necessity. As the encouragement sought can be given, it is very respectfully submitted to the consideration of the house, whether the manufacture of salt is not, in a national point of view, an object of primary importance, and highly deserving its patronage.
The committee with great deference submit the following resolutions:
Resolved , That additional duties ought to be laid on the following articles imported into the U. States, viz.
On ready made clothing and millinery two and one half per cent ad valorem.
On cotton manufactures from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on bed ticking and on corduroys and fustians, two and one half per cent ad valorem—and on shot and other manufactures in which lead is the article of chief value, one half cent per pound.
Resolved , That a duty of eight cents per bushel on imported salt, would give encouragement to the manufacture of that article in the U. S.
A motion was made to refer the report to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Slefford wished to move to postpone it indefinitely—but the motion for commitment being first made; the question on it was first put.
The motion for commitment was opposed by Messrs. Sheffey , Van Horn , Ross and Macon , on the ground that it was useless in name to pay attention to a subject which in fact could not be considered at this late period of the present session; that a call having been made on the secretary of the Treasury for information as to manufactures, it would be improper to act partially on the subject till it could be put in a proper train to be acted on generally; that it was a question which admitted of much doubt and probably would excite much debate, how far it was proper to force any part of the capital of the country from its natural channel into an artificial one; that the tax proposed to be laid on salt, was objectionable and obnoxious to the constituents of most gentlemen in the House; being so, it could not be expected that it would now be decided on.
The motion was supported by Messrs. Newton , McKim , Southard , Dana , Boyd and Pickman , on the ground that it was the ordinary course of legislation to refer reports to a committee of the whole, except they were so objectionable on the first blush as to be wholly unworthy of consideration; and that, whatever objections gentlemen might have to any particular part of the report, they were not committed to vote for it by referring it; that, even were the report not to be acted on during the session, the House might refuse to take it up when called for, and a reference of the subject would be more respectful as well to the numerous petitioners for the legislative aid in manufactures, as to the committee who made the report.
Mr. Stanford called for a division of the question, so as to take it on the reference of each resolution separately, being in favor of referring the first and against the last.
Mr. Randolph renewed the motion indefinitely to postpone the report.
The Speaker decided it to be out of order, the motion for commitment, first made, having preference.
Mr. Randolph appealed from the decision of the Speaker, which was confirmed by the House, 63 to 31.
After further debate between Messrs. Goldsborough , Southard , Rhea , Smilie and Holland , the motion for commitment of the first resolution was carried by Yeas and Nays, 77 to 41, and made the order of the day for the first Monday in August next, 57 to 52.
The question on referring the second resolution came next under consideration.
Mr. Randolph contended that a motion to commit a report was not a divisible question—that it was unsuscceptible of division as a motion to adjourn. He asked the Speaker whether a question could be taken on referring the remainder of the report, seeing that a question had already been taken on referring a part of it?
The Speaker decided that it was in order to take a question on referring the remainder of the report.
From this decision Mr. Randolph appealed and after debate, it was affirmed by the House, ayes 72.
The motion to commit the second resolution to a committee of the whole was negatived, ayes 35. It lies on the table of course.
The result of the proceedings on the subject is presumed to be, that nothing will be done in relation to it during the present session.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
On motion of Mr. J. G. Jackson the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, ayes 80, Mr. Basset in the chair, on the bill from the Senate to revive and amend the non-intercourse act, &c.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to add to the end of the first section the following words, as defining with greater precision one of the provisions of the bill: "or to prohibit the entrance of the waters of the United States and territories thereof to any public ship or vessel belonging to Great Britain or France."
Messrs. Gold , Livermore and Randolph , opposed the motion on the general ground of objection to the principle of admitting into the waters of the United States the armed vessels of both belligerents; it was supported by Messrs. Lowe and J. G. Jackson . About four o'clock, a motion was made by Mr. Smilie that the committee rise, and carried.
Mr. Finley from the committee of Elections, to whom was re committed the special report on the contested election of William Baillies, made a report concluding with a resolution declaring that Charles Turner, jun. is entitled to a seat in this house.
The report was read and referred to a committee of the whole.
THURSDAY, June 22.
Messrs. Upham , Kenn , Goldsborough , Tallmadge and Ely , obtained leave of absence after Saturday and Monday next. Several other members have heretofore obtained leave of absence.
Mr. Gold reported a bill to authorise the Secretary of War, by means of commissioners, to settle the boundary line of the public lands at West Point, &c.—Twice read and referred.
ALLUVION ON MISSISSIPPI.
Mr. Miller observed that it had been stated to the House in the course of the debate, a day or two ago, that the attorney general had given an opinion that the title to the Batture at New Orleans was in the U. States. If that were true, it must be equally true, (without deciding the correctness of the opinion) that the U. S. must be entitled to other parts of batture or alluvion on that river. He was against a partial investigation of a general right; he therefore wished to know if there was not other property in the same situation, and therefore moved the following resolution, which at his suggestion was ordered to lie on the table:
Resolved , That the President of the U. S. be requested to take measures to ascertain the title of the U. S. to all the alluvions, islands, accretions and banks on the river Mississippi, designating particularly the title to those opposite the city of N. Orleans, and the several suburbs laid out and adjoining the same.
ADJOURNMENT.
On motion of Mr. Basset , the House took up for consideration the resolution of the Senate authorising the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives to adjourn their respective houses on the 20th inst.
That day having been stricken out, Mr. Basset mentioned Monday next, and Mr. Livermore Thursday next, as the day to be substituted.
Messrs. Basset , Newton & Macon , spoke in favor of the earliest day possible, and Messrs. Livermore , Cutts , Lyon and Smilie in favor of a later day, from the belief that the business could not be completed within the time first mentioned.
Thursday was disagreed to, 59 to 43.
Wednesday next was agreed to—Ayes 58.
And the resolution thus amended, was passed without opposition.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
On motion of Mr. Cutts , the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Marion in the chair, on the bill concerning the naval establishment.
[The bill provides, "That the President of the U. S. in the event of a favorable change in our foreign relations, be and he is hereby authorised to cause to be discharged from actual service and laid up in ordinary, such of the frigates and public armed vessels, as in his judgment a due regard to the public security and interest will permit, and that so much of the first section of an act, entitled "An act to authorise the employment of an additional naval force," passed at the last session of Congress, as requires, the public armed vessels to be stationed on the sea coast of the U. S. and territories thereof, be and the same is hereby repealed.]
Mr. Pitken moved to amend the bill by inserting after the word "authorized," the following: "to cause to be sold all the gun-boats belonging to the United States, except such as he may judge requisite for the public service; and also"
Messrs. Pitken , Livermore and Dana supported the motion, and Messrs. Burwell , Cutts , Holland , Lyon and Rhea opposed it. The motion was negatived in committee, and being renewed in the House, was decided by yeas and nays—53 to 73.
Previous to the question being taken on the amendment, Mr. Macon moved to amend it so as to include the frigates not necessary for actual service—Motion negatived without a division.
Mr. Nicholson moved to amend the bill by inserting after the word "ordinary," the words "or to be sold." The motion was declared not to be in order, being the same in substance as that which the House had just decided.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading to-morrow, without opposition.
NEXT MEETING OF CONGRESS.
On motion of Mr. Basset , the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Macon in the Chair, on the bill to fix the time for the next meeting of Congress.
After various unsuccessful attempts made by Messrs. Basset , Macon , Fisk , Gholson , J. G. Jackson and Stanford , to obtain a later day than that mentioned in the bill, (the 4th Monday of November next) the bill as received from the Senate, was ordered to a third reading; and was accordingly read a third time and passed. The House refused five times to alter the day proposed, by an average majority of about 30.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Cutts in the Chair, on the bill making appropriations for the contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress.
A motion was made by Mr. Randolph to amend the bill by inserting a provision for an appropriation of 4000 dollars annually, in addition to the present annual appropriation of 1000, for the increase of the library of Congress. This motion was carried in committee; and after eight or ten unsuccessful motions to adjourn, and great opposition made to it, carried by yeas and nays, 54 to 31. The bill, as amended, was then ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
And the House adjourned about 6 o'clock.
We are informed that our government have declined to recognize Mr. de Vilar as joint Encargado de Negocios with the Chevalier de Foronda, to which he had been appointed by the supreme central junta, acting in the name of Ferdinand VII.
North American.
NEWHAMPSHIRE.
On the 14th inst. Mr. Smith , the federal Governor of New-Hampshire was evor-
tea into Concord by an armed cavalcade to meet the legislature. In the Senate there are found to be 7 federalists and 5 democrats—and in the House 93 federalists and 78 democrats.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, June 22.
LATE AND IMPORTANT NEWS FROM EUROPE.
By the ship Virginia , Captain Crocket , in 46 days from Amsterdam, the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received an Amsterdam paper of the first of May, containing important news, of which we have given a translation.
From this it will appear that the "dogs of war" are again let loose in Germany; and that a bloody engagement took place on the 20th of April, at Rhot, between the French and Austrian army, in which the latter was defeated with great slaughter.
We learn, verbally, from Captain Crocket , that the victory of the twentieth, was obtained by a ruse de guerre ; the Emperor Napoleon, under cover of a feigned retreat, having drawn the Archduke Charles into a very unfavorable position. The Archduke John was advancing to meet the French at the head of eighty thousand men, so that a second general engagement was daily expected.
The Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia continued neutral.
The ship Mentor , Captain Ward , arrived in France from N. York, about three weeks before the calling of the Virginia .
Capt. Crocket , we understand, has brought dispatches for government from Mr. Armstrong , who it was reported in Amsterdam, was about leaving Paris, and would probably return in the Mentor .
Nothing new had been received from Spain.
The embargo on American vessels in the ports of Holland, was raised early in April.
The Emperor of Austria had returned to Vienna from the army.
Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser from an Amsterdam paper of May 1st.
DRESDEN, April 19.
We have at present no other intelligence of the belligerent armies, than that the French are concentrated on the banks of the Danube.
DONAWERTH, April 18.
The moment his majesty the Emperor arrived here, he issued the following proclamation to his army:
"SOLDIERS—We have fixed the territory of the confederacy; yet the Austrian General imagines, that on appearance of his army, we shall precipitately retreat, and leave our allies to their mercy. The bird of power hovers around me: I am surrounded by my soldiers. When the sovereign of Austria visited our cabinet, you saw him depart with vows of eternal friendship. In three wars we have conquered Austria, and she has repaid with perfidy the debt of gratitude she owed us. Let us march! At the approach of our armies she will once more acknowledge her conquerors."
(Signed) "NAPOLEON."
BACH, April 20.
"I have the honor to inform your majesty, that during three days we have repulsed the enemy. Your troops have distinguished themselves."

We have now in the PRESS, a very interesting Work, published in London, under the Title of "Letters on the subject of the Catholics, to my brother Abraham, who lives in the country." By PETER PLYMLEY.
This tract abounds with the liveliest sketches of the Ministers and Measures of G. Britain, couched in the severest spirit of just Satire—Of this, the reader has a specimen in the following just and nervous description of British injustice.
LETTER VI.
DEAR ABRAHAM,
WHAT amuses me the most is, to hear of the indulgences which the Catholics have received, and their exorbitance in not being satisfied with those indulgences: now if you complain to me that a man is obtrusive, and shameless in his requests, and that it is impossible to bring him to reason, and I must first of all hear the whole of your conduct towards him; for you may have taken from him so much, in the first instance, that, in spite of a long series of restitution, a vast latitude for petition may still remain behind.
There is a village (no matter where) in which the inhabitants, on one day in the year, sit down to a dinner prepared at the common expence: by an extraordinary piece of tyranny (which Lord Hawkesbury would call the wisdom of the village ancestors), the inhabitants of three of the streets, about an hundred years ago, seized upon the inhabitants of the fourth street, bound them hand and foot, laid them upon their backs, and compelled them to look on while the rest were stuffing themselves with beef and beer; the next year, the inhabitants of the persecuted street (though they contributed an equal quota of the expence) were treated precisely in the same manner. The tyranny grew into a custom; and (as the manner of our nature is) it was considered as the most sacred of all duties, to keep these poor fellows without their annual dinner: the village was so tenacious of this practice, that nothing could induce them to resign it; every enemy to it was looked upon as a disbeliever in divine providence, and any nefarious churchwarden who wished to succeed in his election, had nothing to do but to represent his antagonist as an abolitionist, in order to frustrate his ambition, endanger his life, and throw the village into a state of the most dreadful commotion. By degrees, however, the obnoxious street grew to be so well peopled, and its inhabitants so firmly united, that their oppressors more afraid of injustice, were more disposed to be just. At the next dinner they are united, the year after allowed to sit upright, then a bit of bread, and a glass of water; till at last, after a long series of concessions, they are emancipated to ask in pretty plain terms, that they may be allowed to sit down at the bottom of the table, and to fill their bellies as well as the rest. Forthwith, a general cry of shame and scandal: "Ten years ago, were you not laid upon your backs? Don't you remember what a great thing you thought it to get a piece of bread? How thankful you were for cheese parings? Have you forgotten that memorable era, when the lord of the manor interfered to obtain for you a slice of the public pudding? And now, with an audacity only equalled by your ingratitude, you have the impudence to ask for knives and forks, and to request, in terms too plain to be mistaken, that you may sit down to table with the rest, and be indulged even with beef and beer: there are not more than half a dozen dishes which we have reserved for ourselves; the rest has been thrown open to you in the utmost profusion; you have potatoes, and carrots, suet dumplings, soups in the pan, and delicious toast and water, in incredible quantities. Beef, mutton, lamb, pork and veal are ours; and if you were not the most restless, and dissatisfied of human beings, you would never think of aspiring to enjoy them."
Is not this, my dainty Abraham, the very nonsense, and the very insult which is talked to, and practised upon the Catholics? You are surprised that men who have tasted of partial justice, should ask for perfect justice; that he who has been robbed of coat, and cloak, will not be contented with the restitution of one of his garments. He would be a very lazy blockhead if he were content, and I, (who, though an inhabitant of the village, have preserved, thank God, some sense of justice) most earnestly counsel these half-fed claimants to persevere in their just demands, till they are admitted to a more complete share of a dinner for which they pay as much as the others; and if they see a little attenuated lawyer squabbling at the head of their opponents, let them desire him to empty his pockets, and to pull out all the pieces of duck, fowl, and pudding, which he has filched from the public feast, to carry home to his wife and children.
You parade a great deal upon the vast concessions made by this country to the Irish before the Union. I deny that any voluntary concession was ever made by England to Ireland. What did Ireland ever ask that was granted? What did she ever demand that was refused? How did she get a mutiny bill—a limited parliament—a repeal of Poyning's Law—a constitution? Not by the concessions of England, but by her fears. When Ireland asked for all these things upon her knees, her petitions were rejected with Percevalism and contempt: when she demanded them with the voice of 60,000 armed men, they were granted with every mark of consternation, and dismay. Ask of Lord Auckland the fatal consequences of trifling with such a people as the Irish. He himself was the organ of these refusals. As secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, the insolence and the tyranny of this country passed through his hands. Ask him if he remembers the consequences. Ask him if he has forgotten that memorable evening, when he
came down booted and mantled to the House of Commons, when he told the House he was about to set off for Ireland that night, and declared before God, if he did not carry with him a compliance with all their demands, Ireland was forever lost to this country. The present generation have forgotten this; but I have not forgotten it; and I know, hasty and undignified as the submission of England then was, that Lord Auckland was right, that the delay of a single day might very probably have separated the two people forever. The terms submission, and fear are galling terms when applied from the lesser nation to the greater; but it is the plain historical truth, it is the natural consequence of injustice, it is the predicament in which every country places itself, which leaves such a mass of hatred, and discontent by its side. No empire is powerful enough to endure it; it would exhaust the strength of China, and sink it with all its mandarins, and tea-kettles to the bottom of the deep. By refusing them justice, now when you are strong enough to refuse them anything more than justice, you will act over again, with the Catholics, the same scene of mean, and precipitate submission which disgraced you before America, and before the volunteers of Ireland. We shall live to hear the Hampstead protestant pronouncing such extravagant panegyrics upon holy water, and paying such fulsome compliments to the thumbs and offals of departed saints, that parties will change sentiments, and Lord Henry Petty, and Sam Whitbread take a spell at No Popery. The wisdom of Mr. Fox was alike employed in teaching his country justice when Ireland was weak, and dignity when Ireland was strong. We are fast pacing round the same miserable circle of ruin and imbecility. Alas! where is our guide?
You say that Ireland is a mill-stone about our necks; that it would be better for us if Ireland were sunk at the bottom of the sea; that the Irish are a nation of irreclaimable savages and barbarians. How often have I heard these sentiments fall from the plump and thoughtless squire, and from the thriving English shop-keeper, who has never felt the rod of an Orange master upon his back. Ireland a mill-stone about your neck! Why is it not a stone of Ajax in your hand? I agree with you most cordially, that, government as Ireland now is, it would be a vast accession of strength, if the waves of the sea were to rise, and ingulph her to morrow. At this moment, opposed as we are to all the world, the annihilation of one of the most fertile islands on the face of the globe, containing five millions of human creatures, would be one of the most solid advantages which could happen to this country. I doubt very much, in spite of all the just abuses which has been lavished upon Bonaparte, whether there is any one of his conquered countries, the blotting out of which would be as beneficial to him as the destruction of Ireland would be to us: of countries I speak differing in language from the French, little habituated to their intercourse, and inflamed with all the resentments of a recently conquered people. Why will you attribute the turbulence of our people to any cause but the right—to any cause but your own scandalous oppression? If you tie your horse up to a gate, and beat him cruelly, is he vicious because he kicks you? If you have plagued, and worried a mastiff dog for years, is he mad because he flies at you whenever he sees you? Hatred is an active, troublesome passion. Depend upon it, whole nations have always some reason for their hatred. Before you refer the turbulence of the Irish to incurable defects in their character, tell me if you have treated them as friends, and equals? Have you protected their commerce? Have you respected their religion? Have you been as anxious for their freedom as your own? Nothing of all this. What then? Why you have confiscated the territorial surface of the country twice over: you have massacred and exported her inhabitants: you have deprived four-fifths of them of every civil privilege: you have at every period made her commerce and manufactures slavishly subordinate to your own: and yet the hatred which the Irish bear to you is the result of an original turbulence of character, and of a primitive, obdurate witness utterly incapable of civilization. The embroidered inuendos, and the sixth-form effusions of Mr. Canning are really not powerful enough to make me believe this; nor is there any authority on earth (always excepting the Dean of Christ-Church) which would make it credible to me. I am sick of Mr. Canning. There is not a happier of bread to all his sugar, and sack. I love not the cretaceous and incredible countenance of his colleague. The only opinion in which I agree with these two gentlemen, is that which they entertain of each other; I am sure that the insolence of Pitt, and the unbalanced accounts of Melville, were far better than the perils of this new ignorance.
None fut sitas fristes Amaryllidis iras Atque superba pati fustidia—nomine Menalcas, Quoniam sic magis?
In the midst of the most profound peace, the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit, in which the destruction of Ireland is resolved upon, induce you to rob the Danes of their fleet. After the expedition sailed, comes the treaty of Tilsit, containing no article, publick or private, alluding to Ireland. The state of the world, you tell me, justified us in doing this. Just God! do we think only of the state of the world when there is an opportunity for robbery, for murder, and for plunder; and do we forget the state of the world when we are called upon to be wise, and good, and just? Does the state of the world never remind us that we have four millions of subjects whose injuries we ought to atone for, and whose affections we ought to conciliate? Does the state of the world never warn us to lay aside our infernal bigotry, and to arm every man who acknowledges a god, and can grasp a sword? Did it never occur to this administration, that they might virtuously get hold of a force ten times greater than the force of the Danish fleet? Was there no other way of protecting Ireland, but bringing eternal shame upon Great Britain, and by making the earth a den of robbers? See what the men whom you have supplanted would have done. They would have rendered the invasion of Ireland impossible, by restoring to the Catholics their long lost rights: they would have acted in such a manner that the French would neither have wished for invasion, nor dared to attempt it: they would have increased the permanent strength of the country while they preserved its reputation unsoiled. Nothing of this kind your friends have done, because they are solemnly pledged to do nothing of this kind; because to tolerate all religions, and to equalize civil rights to all sects, is to oppose some of the worst passions of our nature, to plunder, and to oppress is to gratify them all. They wanted the buzzas of mobs, and they have for ever blasted the fame of England to obtain them. Were the fleets of Holland, France and Spain, destroyed by larceny? You resisted the power of 150 sail of the line by sheer courage, and violated every principle of morals from the dread of 15 hulks, while the expedition itself cost you three times more than the value of the larcenous matter brought away. The French trample upon the laws of God and man, not for old courage, but for kingdoms, and always take care to be well paid for their crimes. We contrive, under the present administration, to unite moral with intellectual deficiency, and to grow weaker, and worse by the same action. If they had any evidence of the intended hostility of the Danes, why was it not produced? Why have the nations of Europe been allowed to feel an indignation against this country beyond the reach of all subsequent information? Are these the times, do you imagine when, we can trifle with a year of universal hatred, daily with the curses of Europe, and then regain a lost character at pleasure, by the parliamentary persiflations of the Foreign Secretary, or the solemn asseverations of the pecuniary Rose? Believe me, Abraham, it is not under such ministers as these that the dexterity of honest Englishmen will ever equal the dexterity of French knaves—it is not in their presence that the serpent of Moses will ever swallow up the serpents of the magicians.
* This is now completely confessed to be the case by ministers.
by them all. They wanted the buzzas of mobs, and they have for ever blasted the fame of England to obtain them. Were the fleets of Holland, France and Spain, destroyed by larceny? You resisted the power of 150 sail of the line by sheer courage, and violated every principle of morals from the dread of 15 hulks, while the expedition itself cost you three times more than the value of the larcenous matter brought away. The French trample upon the laws of God and man, not for old courage, but for kingdoms, and always take care to be well paid for their crimes. We contrive, under the present administration, to unite moral with intellectual deficiency, and to grow weaker, and worse by the same action. If they had any evidence of the intended hostility of the Danes, why was it not produced? Why have the nations of Europe been allowed to feel an indignation against this country beyond the reach of all subsequent information? Are these the times, do you imagine when, we can trifle with a year of universal hatred, daily with the curses of Europe, and then regain a lost character at pleasure, by the parliamentary persiflations of the Foreign Secretary, or the solemn asseverations of the pecuniary Rose? Believe me, Abraham, it is not under such ministers as these that the dexterity of honest Englishmen will ever equal the dexterity of French knaves—it is not in their presence that the serpent of Moses will ever swallow up the serpents of the magicians.
Lord Hawkesbury says, that nothing is to be granted to the Catholics from fear—What! Not even justice? Why not? There are four millions of disaffected people within twenty miles of your own coast. I fairly confess, that the dread which I have of their physical power, is with me a very strong motive for listening to their claims. To talk of not acting, from fear, is mere parliamentary cant. From what motive but fear, I should be glad to know, have all the improvements in our constitution proceeded? I question if any justice has ever been done to large masses of mankind from any other motive. By what other motives can the plunderers of the Baltic suppose nations to be governed in their intercourse with each other? If I say, give this people what they ask because it is just, do you think I should get ten people to listen to me? Would not the lesser of the two Jenkinsons be the first to treat me with contempt? The only true way to make the mass of mankind see the beauty of justice, is by shewing them in pretty plain terms the consequences of injustice. If any body of French troops land in Ireland, the whole population of that country will rise against you to a man, and you could not possibly survive such an event three years. Such, from the bottom of my soul, do I believe to be the present state of that country; and so far does it appear to me to be impolitic and unstatesmanlike to concede anything to such a danger, that if the Catholics, in addition to their present just demands, were to petition for the perpetual removal of the said Lord Hawkesbury from his Majesty's councils, I think, whatever might be the effect upon the destinies of Europe and however it might retard our own individual destruction, that the prayer of the petition should be instantly complied with. Canning's crocodile tears should not move me—the hoops of the maids of honor should not hide him. I would tear him from the bannisters of the back stairs, and plunge him in the fishy fumes of the dirtiest of all his Cinque Ports.
DUTIES vs. DUTIES.
The heavy war duties which have been imposed for years in Great Britain, and the new tariff that is levied on the import of some of our staple articles into her ports, calls upon us to resort to certain means of redress. It is an important question, which will of course demand the consideration of the next congress—how far and in what way it is their duty to adopt countervailing measures?
It is most seriously to be regretted, that they have not called on the Sec'y. of State to prepare a Report, similar to the luminous Report of Mr. Jefferson of the 16th of December, 1793, "on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries"—in the same manner as they have directed the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare his Report on the manufactures of this country. These two documents would have been of essential utility to the next Congress. The one would have pointed out the nation, whose restrictions on our commerce were principally to be resisted by countervailing measures on our part. The other would have pointed out those particular goods of the offending nation, on which the flourishing condition of similar manufactures in our own country, might have permitted us to lay these restrictions. On this great question, so deeply interesting to the honour and prosperity of our country, we shall begin to collect and to disperse all the lights within our reach. The question is, "in what way may the restrictions on the commerce and navigation of the United States be best removed, modified and counteracted?" It is plain, that there are two methods which may be resorted to: "1. By friendly arrangements with the several nations with whom these restrictions exist—2. By the separate acts of our own legislatures for countervailing their effects."
According to the statement of the board of
trade of G. Britain, she has determined to lay an import duty of 12. 6d. sterling on 100 lbs. or 13d. sterling on a pound of cotton, more in our ships than in her own. One effect of this duty may be, that as a large part of our cotton wool is there spun into yarn for the German market, it may lead at no distant day to the spinning of the cotton wool in the U. States; and the direct transportation of the yarn to the German market. More spinning machines may be erected amongst us—and more German houses—and fewer British ones, may be established.
Many of those articles, which are now sent to Great Britain as an intermediate emporium to supply the continent, will change their destination. Thus in some respects, the merchants of that country will cease to be the factors of our own.
The Public Advertiser of New York asserts that, "the story of General Armstrong, our Minister at Paris, intending to return in the Monitor, is false."—The ship Virginia was boarded by an officer from a British 74, who impressed three seamen! This is a fine proof of the conciliatory tone of the British government!
Another proof of the same disposition! A merchant in London under date of 14th April, writes to his friend in Montreal, that "an order in council would appear in the next or following Gazette, laying duties in the West India islands upon the vessels and imports of neutral states, with the view of encouraging the British American colonies." It is at least a fact, that the Colonial Assembly of Jamaica have taken a hint from this prominent tone of the "mother Country"—and have really passed an Act laying "a heavy duty upon our produce, imported into that island, in all but British bottoms—and also a tonnage on vessels under the flag of the United States." This law is now in force—the following are given as the import duties, on such articles as are subject to those exactions:
Shingles, 6s. 8d. per M.—Staves 15s. per M.—Pitch pine Lumber, 15s. per M.—Common do. 10s. per M.—Wood Hoops, 15s. per M.—Horse, Cattle 10s. per cent.—Tonnage, 6s. 8d. per ton—Flour, 6s 8d. per bbl. Corn Meal, 3s. 4d. per bbl.—Corn, Beans & C. 10d. per bushel—Rice 3s. 4d. per Cwt. Boston Chips, 3s. 4d. M.—Thus it seems, that the British Cabinet are attempting to repair their exhausted resources, to extend their commerce at the cost of our own, and to levy new impositions upon us, by laying exorbitant duties on our vessels and productions as well in the ports of G. B. as in her colonies.
IMPROVEMENTS IN MANUFACTURES.
The United States are making daily advances in those arts—which are connected with the manufacture of Cotton and Wool. A Mr. McBride of Tennessee has invented a Machine, which gins, cards, and spins "by one continued operation." The fly shuttle begins to be used in our common looms. Mr. Cooper of the town of Lebanon, Dauphin county, state of Pennsylvania, has obtained a Patent from the President of the U. S. for a Double Loom, of an entirely new construction. Such looms are already in use in Great Britain—of which there is a description in the "Register of Arts," printed in London. Mr. C's loom is so constructed, "that one person may weave two pieces of cloth, of any size usual on a common loom." It makes a border on all sides of the cloth. In the space of 12 hours, 40 yards of linen have been woven, the yarn of which counted 2 doz. and 7 cuts to the pound. The patentee engages to weave about 30 yards every day in the week. But a much more important improvement in looms has been effected at Exeter, in the state of New Hampshire. The machine is called a Water Loom, from its being put in motion by that power. This sort of improvement is worthy of notice. The arts begin to assume their finest finish, when the innate powers of nature are called in to their assistance. It is then that water, & wind, & steam, are made to take the place of the hands & muscles of man—the expence of labour is almost superseded—and those labour-saving machines, part forth, which enable one man to do the work of many. The Water Loom is the first great step, that we have seen in the art of weaving. The sister branches of ginning, of carding, and spinning have long since surpassed it, by means of the various engines which have been invented for these purposes. It may now be expected, that the business of weaving will recover that just proportion of improvement, to which it is entitled, with its sister arts. This Water Loom is said to weave excellent Duck from Cotton, instead of Hemp—and the owner has in consequence "engaged to furnish canvas for a number of vessels now fitting out." It is capable of weaving bed-ticks, and every kind of figure, including velvets, corduroys &c. In a former letter the owner had observed, that a woman or child might tend two looms—but he is now convinced on further trial, that an active woman may tend four. It weaves yarn from 4 to 13, & works as well in high numbers as in low. This account is given by Mr. Mussey of Exeter.
LOOK OUT!
It is likely that Great Britain may comply with the engagements of her Minister. The Orders of January and November may have been rescinded on the 10th of June. But let us still be on our guard. Let us keep a watchful eye over her movements. She knows too well how to be cautious in her measures—how to move by gradual as well as by instantaneous advances—to creep as well as to leap—and to veil her ultimate designs under successive encroachments. It is not probable, that this may be the course of her ministry—to begin anew by proclamations of blockade—extend them from one port to another—until they envelope almost the whole of our trade, that was interdicted by her obnoxious Orders, in similar restrictions? This would indeed be to violate the very spirit and substance of the solemn engagements of her minister. She must not pretend to blockade any port, but by actual force. A blockade upon paper is as much a direct breach of her contracts with us as it is of the established law of nations.
Again we say—Let us be on the watch. When such ministers as the Jenkinsons, the Dundases, the Percivals, the Canning and the Castlereagh sway the sceptre, what is it that we can expect? It is not those who are tainted by corruption, that usually respect the dictates of virtue. Are Melville and Castlereagh of that incorruptible cast, that they will shrink from the violation of any pledge however sacred it may be? Great Judaeus Apelles, non ego. Men, whose private hands are steeped in corruption & crime, are not the men to preserve their country from dishonor.
Texas, as they might have been expected!—The "Virginia" from Holland informs of an important victory of the French over the Austrians—By this time, it is probable, that the fate of the house of Lorraine is sealed for ever—that Austria has become another fief of that great confederacy of states, which the French Empress has knit together—her Sceptre transferred into the hands of the king of Bravaria, one of his brothers or of the great dignitaries of his Empire. Hungary will make the firmest stand—Hungary, who has hitherto shown such distinguished gallantry in the defence of her hereditary monarchs—who presented the last asylum to the fading fortunes of Maria Theresa—and sent forth that "Sacred Insurrection," to guard the throne, which appeared before the treaty of Leoben. But what will all their efforts avail? They want means—they want a leader like Bonaparte—they want the skill, discipline and tactics of
the French troops—Were every Hula Trench, they would be defeated—This last resource of Austria will be lost to her.
In all probability, the Turkish crescent will glitter in the conqueror's train. The late treaty with England has sealed the fate of the Sultan. Russia will not stand by, an inactive spectator. Her ambition, is too deeply interested, not to participate in the spoils.
It is too romantic to suppose that Egypt, that favorite object of Bonaparte, may again attract his ambition & his arms—that on this delightful spot he may seek to gratify his thirst "for ships, colonies and commerce"—that he may there seek for new compensations for the losses, which he has sustained in the W. Indies—that the shores of the Nile may once more become the fighting-ground of the English and the French?
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
I would beg leave to enquire of you, if the late conduct of the British Government in the case of Aaron Burr does not involve a principle which may be adduced with considerable force and propriety upon the subject of impressment. Permit me however to remark, that I am one of those who have always been of opinion, that the Revolution which destroyed the connection between this country, and Great Britain, placed us upon the footing of an Independent Nation, and gave us as it were a Charter of Rights, to every American, (no matter whether he was one of the Antenuati or the Postnati,) which she could not violate upon any principle of National Law or Political Justice. It is known to every person, that Great Britain refuses the rights of expatriation as being of the most vital importance to her existence; and that the moment a subject is born, his feet incorporate with the soil, and he is incapable of shewing himself from it. I do not mean to investigate the justice or policy of the law, but merely to ask if this deduction is not to be drawn from their refusal to admit Burr as a subject; that it is at least a partial revocation of the principle which has been hitherto claimed by the ministry, and one indeed that has found its advocates in this country, in those very persons who themselves are liable to its operation, that Great Britain has a right to impress those citizens who were born anterior to the revolution; That they were to all intents and purposes before that period, subjects of the realm, and that no purification whatsoever could wash away the original sin; that once a citizen always a citizen. This surely is the principle for which she has contended with such unrelenting perseverance. The revolution then according to their theory could not dissolve the allegiance due to the Crown, and of course it must be thrown out of view, and the question taken in its naked and unperplexed position. Has not Great Britain receded in some measure, in regard to her principle of expatriation? That she will either claim her citizens, or she will not, according to her views of it, in rest or perhaps the search of the individual. I believe it is a correct principle in the Laws of Nations, that where every Law is passed, not having exclusively some municipal object in view, but extends its relations to the concerns of other countries, that it must be general, positive and definite, else those other countries can give no offence, if they are betrayed into its violation by the versatility of its principles or the arbitrary constructions of its authors. G. Britain then must adhere rigidly to her system; else other nations will be innocently involved. If she has given way to any relaxation, she must ascertain the definite points, which it is presumed upon this subject would be next to impossibility. She would be obliged to put badges of slavery upon those she intended to claim, and others upon those whom she might consider as outlaws. Aaron Burr, had certainly every right according to the avowed doctrine of that country, to claim his citizenship. But it was denied. And why, no satisfactory reason was assigned. If he had been guilty of any offence, which incurred the penalty of banishment, or transportation, he would have been at least tried by a jury of his country. This may be considered a trifling circumstance to invite any remarks upon that great principle of impressment, but, sir, it is in which in fact gives rise to it. And as Great Britain may be said to be a nation of precedents from her readiness always to refer to them, and least availed ourselves of the same right, and ask them with what sort of consistency they can claim the right of impressment, when no body can possibly know who are their subjects, and who are not, those whom they will suffer to go into expatriation. Ex. Gr. Suppose according to their doctrine they had violated our flag for the purpose of pressing that miscreant, & after arts should have denied him the liberty of remaining in the Empire as a citizen. Would not this be the most impardonable inconsistency? and accompanied in its full extent with an illiad of aggressions and insults?
The citizens of Richmond are requested to meet at the Capitol on this evening at 5 o'clock, to make arrangements for the FOURTH OF JULY.
NOTICE—All persons indebted to the firm of Gilliat and Kirby, by bond or open account, are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances, on or before the first day September next, as suits will be instituted against all those who are delinquent at that time.
Those who have any claims against the said firm, are requested to make them known to the subscriber.
THOMAS GILLIAT, Acting partner of GILLIAT & KIRBY. N. B. In my absence, Francis R. Stroble is fully empowered to receive and discharge all debts due to and from Gilliat and Kirby.
THOMAS GILLIAT. June 27. WIS.
THE Stock of GOODS on hand, belonging to the Subscribers, consisting chiefly of GLASS & CROCKERY WARE, & GROCERIES, will be sold at auction on Friday, the 30th inst. at their store. The conditions of sale will appear in printed bills, which will be handed about prior to the day of sale. DANIEL TRIPLETT & SON. N. B. There will also be sold at the same time and place, one thousand dollars value of handsome Mahogany furniture well assorted, & quite new. THE Partnership of Daniel Triplett & Son, will be dissolved on the first July next. DANIEL TRIPLETT, JOHN R. TRIPLETT. ALL persons indebted to D. Triplett & Son, are requested to make payment to Daniel Triplett, and those to whom the concern is indebted, are requested to call on said Triplett for settlement, &c. DANIEL TRIPLETT, JOHN R. TRIPLETT. June 27. CASH given for VIRGINIA MILITARY LAND WARRANTS granted for services in the Continental Line. Apply to GEO: GREENHOW. June 27.

DOCUMENTS.
Accompanying the bill providing for the sale of gun boats, reported by Mr. Anderson to the Senate, June 8, 1809.
Committee Room, May 29th, 1809. The committee to whom has been referred a resolution of the Senate, authorising the committee to enquire whether it be expedient at this time, to make any modifications of the laws relating to the army and navy of the U. States, have directed me to ask information of you upon the following points:
How many gun boats have been built under the existing laws? What has been the average, or aggregate cost of building them? In what situation are they now placed, or contemplated to be placed? How many of them are laid up, and how many in actual service, and where stationed? What will be the annual expense of taking care of those laid up? What will be the probable state of those gun-boats, at the end of one year, which may be laid up or unemployed? What will be the probable state of those at the end of one year, which may be kept in service, on the coasts, or in the harbors? Which would best promote the true interest of the nation, and of the navy department; to continue the system of gun boats hitherto adopted, and dispose of them in the manner now authorised by law, or to authorise the President to cause them to be sold, except as many as he may think expedient to be retained in service? What would be the difference in the expense of keeping one, or more frigates on our coasts, or sending them to the Mediterranean, should it be considered expedient to keep any armed vessels in the Mediterranean seas? Upon the foregoing points the committee wish you to give as full a view as you can, from such data as you now possess. Is it at this time expedient to make any modification of the laws of the United States, in relation to the navy department? If so, what are the modifications you deem expedient, so far as you have had time and opportunity to examine them? Accept assurances of my high consideration, JOS: ANDERSON, Chairman of the Committee.
NAVY-DEPARTMENT, June 6, 1809. Sir, I have received your letter of the 29th ult. requesting information which I have now the honor to give, upon the points therein stated.
There have been built, under the existing laws one hundred and seventy-six gun-boats & bombs; and the average cost of building them may be calculated at 9000 dollars [1,584,000.] The paper A. herewith sent, affords the requisite information, as to the situation in which these boats are now placed; the number laid up, the number in actual service, and where stationed. Paper B, is an exhibit of "the annual expense of taking care of those laid up." Paper C, is an exhibit of the annual expense of maintaining one gun boat and 25 of them on one station; for instance, New-Orleans, in actual service. As to the "probable state of those gun-boats at the end of one year, which may be laid up, or unemployed," I will observe, that with all the care that can be taken of them, they will unavoidably decay in a greater or less degree; those built of green, will of course decay much sooner than those built of seasoned timber. To keep a gun-boat in a state of preparation for service, we shall very frequently be subjected to the expense of repairing her; an expense to an amount which cannot be foreseen. The sails & standing and running rigging at present belonging to these laid up, will probably, at the end of one year, be so much injured as to be unfit, unless well protected from the rain and sun, will sustain considerable injury in the course of the same time; and they cannot be so protected without expense. If a gun-boat is suffered to lie in port for one year, without giving her any repair, she will probably be found, at the expiration of that year, wholly unworthy of being repaired. With respect to those kept in service, they also will decay, if not occasionally repaired; tho' it is observed by professional men, that vessels in service, especially in salt water, are less subject to decay than they are lying in port; and universal experience does, I believe, sanction this idea.
In reply to your query respecting the gun-boat system, as relating to the "interest of the nation and of the Navy Department," and as to the propriety of continuing that system or the abandoning of it by a sale of the boats, I am to observe that much must depend on the species of policy which in the event of war may be adopted. If that event should shortly occur, and it is determined that a plan of operation merely defensive shall be pursued, there can be no doubt that gun-boats will aid materially, if properly managed; but if on the contrary, our marine should be directed against a foreign trade and to the convoying and protection of our own, a system of well armed fast sailing frigates, and smaller cruisers, would on every principle, be preferable in point of effect; and comparatively rapid per gun and number of men to be employed, would be much less costly. It must also be observed that it is only on board of vessels suited for sea service, that good seamen are to be formed, and that those calculated merely for ports, afford no opportunity for improvement in naval science. As to the expediency of selling or retaining of the gun-boats, reference to the preceding exhibits, affords some information; but I beg leave to remark, that nothing short of knowledge of the policy which events may induce, could enable me to give a decided opinion on this point.
"The difference of the expense of keeping one or more frigates on our own coast, and sending them in the Mediterranean," would in my opinion be inconsiderable. On our own coast, they will, especially in the winter and spring months be subject to numerous accidents from causes universally known, and not existing, it is believed, in an equal degree in any other part of the world, such as frequent and sudden heavy squalls of wind, numerous shoals, thick fogs, & the irregularity of the motion of the gulph stream which in misty weather renders the approach to our coast peculiarly hazardous. For our vessels stationed in the Mediterranean, we should be subject to the expense of transporting certain articles of provisions and naval stores, not to be obtained in that sea; but this is, I believe, the only additional expense to which they would be subjected, and this expense may be more than counterbalanced by the accidents to which our vessels would be subject on our own coast, and the comparative cheapness of certain supplies which can be obtained in the Mediterranean ports; & I am persuaded that if Congress would authorise the building of a suitable vessel for the transportation of provisions from this country to the Mediterranean, for the use of any of our vessels that might be stationed in that sea, the expense of maintaining them there would be less than the expense of maintaining them on our own coast. As you have not required my opinion on the expediency of sending some of our frigates to the Mediterranean, I will only venture to suggest for consideration, that we have in that sea, a valuable trade at stake, subject to the depredations of a lawless people, whose dispositions might be effectually restrained by the presence of a few vessels of respectable force; and that I consider professional knowledge, on the part of our
officers, which can best be acquired abroad, as of high national importance. With respect to the expediency of modifying the laws in relation to the navy department, it appears to me that some alterations are necessary. By the act authorising the employment of an additional naval force, passed at the last session of congress, it appears that the executive is restricted from sending our vessels, equipped under that act, beyond our coast. If it shall now be deemed expedient to send any of them to the Mediterranean or any other foreign station, this restriction ought to be removed or so modified as to give the executive power adequate to the purpose.
I avail myself of this occasion respectfully to submit to consideration the memorial of the officers of the navy, some time since presented to Congress, a copy of which, with copies of a letter from my predecessor to Mr. Montgomery, chairman of the committee of the H. of Representatives, dated 1st April 1808, and of a letter from captain Bainbridge to me upon the same subject, are herewith transmitted and marked D. Having attentively perused this memorial, I cannot withhold the expression of my opinion that the prayer there is perfectly reasonable. National considerations ought surely to induce us to foster that just and honorable pride, that truly patriotic ambition, to which our navy officers, and especially those well skilled in seamanship, obviously sacrifice their pecuniary interests. To another and not an uninteresting subject, embraced by the queries which you have pronounced to me, I will also invite your serious attention. By the act further to amend the several acts for the establishment and regulation of the Treasury, War and Navy Departments, it is provided, that the commissions to navy agents shall not exceed 1 per centum, nor in any instance the compensation allowed by law to the purveyor of public supplies. The treasury construction of this statute will appear by the papers E and F herewith sent. That construction prohibits any allowance under any circumstances, for either clerk hire, porters, office rent, fuel or stationery. The whole receipts of the agents are confined to Paper centum, and the product of that per centage is limited to 2000 dollars per annum. In our large sea-port towns, and especially in Norfolk, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New-York, our purchases will necessarily be extensive; often so much so, as to occupy exclusively the time of the agent. In these places clerks must be indispensable, and porters highly useful; and whenever we have an agent it appears to me proper, that the public should allow whatever the agent may reasonably pay for office rent, fuel and stationery. It is not probable that the commissions to the agents will in any other places than those mentioned, viz. Norfolk, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New-York, amount to 2000; and in neither of these places will the clear receipts of either of the agents amount to more than 250 per annum, as will more particularly appear by the accompanying exhibit marked G. In other places the commissions will not amount to as much as is now given to the most common clerk in a merchant's counting house. To make the commissions amount to 2000 dollars, it would require that 200,000 dollars should be disbursed; & if an agent should disburse one million of dollars, or any sum exceeding that, the gross amount of his pay for such disbursements is limited to 2000 dollars; the nett amount of which cannot reasonably be calculated at more than 550 dollars.
With this view of the subject, I cannot rely upon the present agents continuing to hold their appointments, or upon other fit persons accepting such appointments, without the law in question being so modified as to make them a reasonable allowance for their services, and the expenses necessarily connected with the discharge of their official duties. In disbursing so large a sum of money, as an agent must disburse to entitle him to the small compensation of $ 550 per annum, he hazards the loss of ten times as much, from irregularity in vouchers, erroneous calculations, misinterpretation of instructions, from not strictly conforming in each and every purchase to the specific restrictions of the existing law, and from various other causes to which the most correct men are & ever will be liable in a greater or less degree. The copy of a letter from Gen. Stricker, now agent at Baltimore, a gentleman justly of high standing in society, & I am told as good an agent as could be procured in any country, herewith sent and marked H, will explain to you his situation under the existing law; and other agents, of equal merit, are similarly situated. Deeming it my duty, under the latitude you have allowed, to be perfectly explicit and full in my communication to you upon this subject, and being sincerely anxious to manage the business of the department in such manner as to promote the interests of the nation, I trust I shall not be thought presumptuous when I suggest the indispensable necessity of being aided by able assistants. I flatter myself, sir, with a belief, that I have afforded the information required, and I regret that I have not been able to do it at an earlier moment. I am, with great respect, Sir, Your obt. servt. PAUL HAMILTON. Hon. Joseph Anderson, Chairman of a Committee of the Senate. (G) Estimate of the annual expense of maintaining 1 Gun-Boat in actual service; and of the annual expense of maintaining twenty four Gun-Boats in actual service at N. Orleans. ONE GUN-BOAT. PAY AND SUBSISTENCE. 1 lieutenant commanding, $ 50 per month, 4 rations per day. 802 1 lieutenant 40 do. 3 rations 629 2 midshipmen, 19 do. 1 ration 602 1 boatswain, 20 do. 2 rations 386 1 gunner, 20 do. 2 rations 386 1 steward, 18 do. 1 ration. 289 1,254 Deduct one ration per day, for each officer, it being estimated in the article of provisions, because each officer will draw one ration in kind, 2,555 rations at 20 cents, 511 2,743 8 able seamen, 12 dis. 1150 rations? 2,686 16 ordinary do. 8 dis. 1596 do. Marines, 1,500 Provisions, 3,570 Repairs, &c. 750 Medicine and hospital stores, &c. 250 Dols. 11,499 (Pay, 11,500 dols.) As one Gun Boat will cost 11,500 per annum, twenty-four Gun Boats will cost 276,000 Estimate of the annual expense of maintaining in actual service 24 Gun Boats at N. Orleans. 1 captain commanding, 100 dols. per month 16 rations per day 2,568 5 surgeons 50 dols. per month, 1 purser, 40 do. 3,000 4 surgeon's mates, 30 do. 1,440 5,110 rations at 20 cents, 1,022 8,310 Annual expense of 24 gun boats, not including the above essential officers 276,000 Total amount, expense of 24 gun-boats in actual service of New-Orleans, dols. 284,310
Note.—In the above estimate, full crews are allowed to the gun-boats; but orders have been given to reduce the crews of the gun-boats at New-Orleans, to a number merely sufficient for their navigation and safety. The reduction is left to the commanding officer at New-Orleans, who from a full view of all circumstances, can form the most satisfactory judgement upon this point. We have not had time to hear from him what the actual situation has been; but we may estimate that this reduction, from the time it shall be made, will reduce their annual expence to dols. 250,000.
WILMINGTON, (N. C.)
On Monday the 5th inst. the federal district court commenced its session in this town, before the hon. HENRY PORTER. The case which excited the most interest was the U. S. vs. John Clarke, jun. He was prosecuted & his ship libelled, for a violation of a section in the embargo enforcing act, which makes the putting of goods on board, with an intention to violate the embargo act, penal. The following facts appeared in evidence: That, before the passing of the law, under which the suit was brought, the defendant, intending to violate the embargo act, had put on board his ship a large part of the cargo, and that about $ 300 worth more of the cargo had been put on board within two or three days after the enactment of the enforcing act. The defence was upon the grounds that the law was unconstitutional, and that this case did not come under the operation of the law, inasmuch as the greater part of the cargo was put on board, when there was no law punishing the mere intention of violating the embargo act, that intention having never been put in execution and as the passing of the enforcing act, which makes the intention penal, having taken place but two or three days before the latter part of the cargo had been put on board, it was impossible that the defendant could have known it. The Judge in his charge was candid, clear and decided; and the jury, without leaving the box, pronounced a verdict of acquittal.
NEW INVENTION.
On Saturday last, Mr. Stephen W. Dana, of Hubbardston, Vermont, exhibited a Wagon, constructed on his new improvement in wheel carriages, (the right of which is secured to him by letters patent.) This new improvement, in the constructing of all kinds of wheel carriages, consists in fixing an iron or metallic axle-tree to each wheel, which turns with the wheel in its revolutions. These axle-trees are driven through the hub or nave of each wheel in its centre; the part within the hub being square or such form as to prevent its turning in the hub or nave. From the wheel this axle-tree extends under the bolster or body, to near its centre, where one end rests in a centre box of metal, properly secured. That part of the axle-tree which lies near the wheel, is supported by and turns in another metal box, through which it passes, and which is firmly secured to the bolster or body, by a strap of iron going under the box and round the bolster. Hence each of the wheels, having its own revolving axle, the inner end of which turns under the centre of the bolster or body, they can turn independently of each other and every way, and the line of the axle-tree may have any required degree of inclination by elevating or depressing the centre box—the axle-tree is prevented by a key set therein, from being forced out of its proper position by the motion of the carriage. There are conducting passages or holes cast in the boxes, for the purpose of introducing oil, or any other proper matter for lessening the friction.—Vermont paper.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
To continue in force "An act declaring the assent of Congress to a certain act of the state of South Carolina passed the twenty first of December, one thousand eight hundred and four." BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act of the twenty eighth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and six, entitled "An act declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the state of South Carolina, passed on the twenty first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and four, so far as the same relates to authorising the city council of Charleston to impose & collect a duty on the tonnage of vessels from foreign ports," be and the same is hereby continued in force from the passage of this act for five years, and thence to the end of the next session of Congress thereafter and no longer. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives, GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. June 15, 1809. APPROVED, JAMES MADISON.
AN ACT
Making further appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the ports and harbors of the United States, and to erect such fortifications as may be necessary for the protection of the Northern and Western frontiers of the United States. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of completing the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the United States, and territories thereof; and for erecting such fortifications, as may, in the opinion of the President of the United States, be deemed necessary for the protection of the northern and western frontiers, there be and hereby is appropriated the sum of seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to be paid out of any monies in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives, GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. June 14, 1809. APPROVED, JAMES MADISON.
AN ACT
Supplementary to an act, entitled "An act making appropriations for carrying into effect a treaty between the United States and the Chickasaw tribe of Indians; and to establish a land office in the Mississippi territory." BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of the land described in the act, entitled "An act to cede to the United States by the Chickasaw Indians, as lies within the Mississippi territory, and for which a land office was directed to be established, by the second section of the act to which this act is a supplement, shall with the exception of section number sixteen in each town-ship, which shall be reserved for
the use of schools within the same, and with the exception of the salt springs and land contiguous thereto, which, by the direction of the President of the United States, may be reserved for the future disposal of the said United States, be offered for sale to the highest bidder, under the direction of the register of land-office and where the receiver of public monies at the place where the land-office is established; or on the day or days which shall have been designated by proclamation of the President of the U. States for that purpose, the sales shall remain open for six weeks and no longer; the lands shall not be sold for less than two dollars an acre, and shall be sold in tracts of the same size, and in all respects on the same terms and conditions as have been or may be by law, provided for the sale of the other public lands in the Mississippi territory. All the lands of the United States in the said district, with the exceptions above-mentioned, remaining unsold at the close of the public sales, may be disposed of at private sale, by the register of the land-office, in the same manner, under the same regulations, for the same price, and on the same terms and conditions as are or may be provided by law, for the sale of the lands of the United States in the Mississippi Territory; and patents shall be obtained for lands sold in said district, in the same manner, and on the same terms as are provided by law for other public land sold in the Mississippi Territory. Sec 2. And be it further enacted, That the superintendents of the public sales, directed by this act, shall each receive six dollars a day for every day's attendance on the said sales. J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives, GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. June 15th, 1809. APPROVED, JAMES MADISON.
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court, held in the City of Williamsburg, the 14th day of April, 1809. Kendall Lee Poff against Ann Spiller, widow of Benjamin Spiller, deceased, Benjamin Spiller, Susan Hurst, George Smith and Nancy his wife, and Grace, Patrick, Roxiliana and James Spiller, infants, by the said Benjamin Spiller their guardian, and William Spiller and Hickman Spiller Defs. The defendant, William Spiller, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; On the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy, ANTY ROBINSON, C. C. May 9. w8w
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court, held in the City of Williamsburg, the 15th day of April, 1809. Wm. McFeters and James Woodlawn Piffs against John W. Fox and Elizabeth L. Fox, infants, children and heirs of John Fox the younger, and John Lewis Administrator of the said John Fox, Ann Fox, Thomas B. Fox, William Fox, Henry Fox and Isaac Shelby Defs. The defendant Isaac Shelby, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; On the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A Copy, ANTY ROBINSON, C. C. May 9. w8w
IN CHANCERY.
In Henrico County Court, June 5th, 1809. John Lynch, Compt. against John Bernard, Def. The defendant not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth; On the motion of the complainant, by his Counsel; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first Monday in August next, and answer the complainant's Bill; And that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy posted at the door of the Courthouse of this County. A Copy. Teste, J. B. WHITLOCKE, Ctf. June 6. w8w
LAND FOR SALE.
Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the 19th day of July next, the tract of Land, whereon the late David Owen, dec'd. lived, containing 475 acres, lying in the county of Powhatan, about four miles from the court-house. There are two settlements on this Land, on each of which is a good orchard, from which a considerable quantity of excellent cyder is annually made: the quality of the Land is such as is usually to be found in the neighborhood; it will be divided into two lots, or sold in one, as may be most conducive to the interest of the estate. The terms will be, 500 dollars paid on the day of sale, 500 dols. in six months, and the balance in two equal annual payments. Bond with approved security, and a deed of trust will be required of the purchaser, the bonds to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession given the first day of Dec. next, with the privilege of sowing small grain the first of September next. Mr. George Owen, living on the land, will show it to those who may wish to view it. JOSEPH MAYO, Exec't of the late will and testament of DAVID OWEN, Fstm. June 13.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
Ransaway from the subscriber two NEGROES, to wit Burrell Gates and Lony; Burrell Gates is about thirty years of age, five feet, eight inches high, rather slender-made, well proportioned except he has a very large foot, he was purchased of Mr. Wilkinson (Chesterfield,) & has a wife at Mr. John Spear's in the same county; Lony was purchased of Mr. Richard E. Armstrong, Hanover County, he is about 16 years of age, has a film over one of his eyes, this fellow I suppose is lurking about this City. The above reward will be paid for delivering them to Mr. Chan H. Saunders, Richmond, and ten dollars for either of them, or if secured in any Gaol in this Commonwealth so that I get them again. JACOB EACKLER. wtf
FOR SALE.
Upon liberal credit, for cash or good bonds, 315 acres of LAND, in Middlesex county, advantageously situated upon the Pissankatuck, being the House Lot of Shooters Hill Farm. This Land is of a good quality, has a good Fishery, Oysters at the door, and wild Fowl in abundance. If not sold before the first of Nov. next, it will be leased for a term of years, with or without 615 acres adjoining. For terms apply to Major Paulin A. Blackburne of that county or to JUSTIN BROCKENBROUGH. Tappahannock, April 7. w8w
NOTICE.—Pursuant to a trust executed to the subscriber by Robert Saunders of Buckingham, and recorded in the said county court, bearing date the fourth day of Jan. 1808, in order to secure the payment of a debt due John Lankland, proceed to sell, agreeable to an act of the Virginia Assembly, entitled "An act concerning executions, and for other purposes," at the house of Mr. J. Hendricks, Buckingham, a negro man named CLEMM, to satisfy and comply with the purposes mentioned in said deed. Wm. M. THORNTON, CLABON WEST. June 20. w8w
FOR SALE.
A Negro MAN, that has been regularly brought up to the House Carpenter's and Joiner's trade, is an excellent workman and would suit a gentleman that is about to make improvements on a plantation, or one who carries on that branch of business in the country—Enquire at this office. June 13. w8w
VIRGINIA.
In the Staunton Chancery District Court, the 28th day of Nov. 1808. Between Samuel W. Barrett, plaintiff, & Wm. Hylton, sen. Wm. Hylton, jr. Micheubie Campbell, George Lawrence, Luke Tiernan, & defts. Between Daniel L. Hylton and Wm. Foushee, plffs. and Samuel Werdon Barrett, Wm. Hylton sen. and Miles King, defts. These causes came on together this 28th day of Nov. in the year of our Lord 1808, to be heard on the bill, answers and exhibits in the original cause, and the bill, answer of the defendant King, and the proceedings had against Samuel W. Barrett and Wm. Hylton, as absent defendants in the cross bill, and upon the report of Commissioner Hay, to which there is no exception—Whereupon, it appearing to the court, that the plaintiffs have duly proceeded, by publication according to the rules of the court, against the first defendants, and they still failing to appear and confess against them, and it is further appearing to the court from the exhibits and reports of master commissioner Hay, as aforesaid, that the defendant, Wm. Hylton, is justly entitled to the defendant King, and to the plaintiffs in the following sums, to wit: To the defendant Miles King, the sum of £ 2951 6s. with 5 per cent interest on £ 225 10s. part thereof from the 14th day of July, 1808, until paid; to the plaintiff Wm. Foushee, the sum of £ 1563 18s. 9d. with 5 per cent interest on £ 1000 10s. 9d. part thereof from the said 14th day of July, 1808, until paid; and to the plaintiff, Daniel L. Hylton, the sum of £ 1629 18s. 4d. with 5 per cent interest on £ 664 1s. 11d. part thereof from the said 14th day of July, 1808, until paid; and the court being of opinion, that these debts are justly chargeable on the Rich Neck Estate—Therefore, without pronouncing at this time any decree on the merits of the question made by the original bill between the plaintiff Barrett, and the defendant Wm. Hylton, it is adjudged, ordered and decreed that the defendant Wm. Hylton, do pay unto the said King, Foushee, and Daniel L. Hylton, respectively, the said several sums of money with interest, and on the payment thereof; it is further adjudged, ordered and decreed, that the said Miles King, Wm. Foushee, and Daniel L. Hylton, do execute a sufficient deed of conveyance for the said Rich Neck Estate, to the said Wm. Hylton, and deposit the same in this court, subject to its future order; and unless the said Wm. Hylton shall pay the said several sums of money with interest as aforesaid, to said King, Foushee and Daniel L. Hylton, or the defendant, Barrett, shall pay the same for him, or on before the first day of February next, then it is further adjudged, ordered & decreed, that Robt. Saunders, Robt. Greenhow of Williamsburg, and Robert Nelson, of York, be appointed commissioners, any two or more of whom may act, who are hereby authorised and required, after duly advertising the time & place of sale for six weeks in some news paper published in the city of Richmond, and some other news paper published in the Borough of Norfolk, to proceed to sell at Public Auction, for cash, in such manner, either in parcels, or in whole, as they may think best calculated to enhance the value of the property in the market, the Land, together with the Mills and appurtenances thereunto belonging, called the Rich Neck Estate, mentioned in the proceedings in this cause, and lying in the county of Warwick; and out of the proceeds of said sale, after defraying the costs and charges attending the same, the said Commissioners are directed to pay in the first place, to the said Miles King the above said sum of £ 2951 6s. with interest on a part thereof as aforesaid; and next pay to the plaintiffs Foushee and Daniel L. Hylton, the respective sums above mentioned, to wit: to Daniel L. Hylton, the sum of £ 1038 18s. 4d. with interest on part thereof, as aforesaid; and to William Foushee, the sum of £ 1563 18s. 9d. with interest also on a part thereof, as aforesaid; and that they retain the residue of the purchase money, if any, in their hands, subject to the future order of this Court. If the Commissioners proceed to make sale under this Decree, concerning the continuance of an Act of Assembly, relating to the sale of property under execution and incumbrances passed the first day of February, 1808, they are required to proceed according to the provisions of that act, and not otherwise. And, on the motion of the plaintiffs in the cross bill, it is ordered that Humphrey Garrett, the representative of Charles Graves and William Fenwick, the Creditors of Rich Neck Estate, mentioned in the aforesaid Commissioners report, be made parties to the said cross-bill, and they are hereby required, on service of a copy of this order, to adjust and state their respective claims before Commissioner Hay, who is authorised and required to settle and report the same to this Court, with such matters as he may deem pertinent, or the parties may require. A Copy. Teste, HENRY J. PETTON, c. c.
* NB. The 14th Section of this law, directs that Property so circumstanced shall be sold on a credit until the rising of the next Legislature—This will probably be about the beginning of February next—Such valuable property is seldom at Market and Merits attention.
PRINTING,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.