The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-06 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 9.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 6, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction.
On Tuesday the third, and Friday the 6th inst. will be sold at the office of the Subscribers, a quantity of ELEGANT MAHOGANY FURNITURE. CONSISTING of Ladies and Gentlemen's Secretaries, with Book-Cases, Sideboards, Bureaus, Swelled and Straight Desks, Portable Writing Desks, Curtain Bedsteads, Dining Tables, &c. &c. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. MRS. June 3. tdf.
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday the 7th inst. will be sold at the Venue Office of the Subscribers at 11 o'clock, A. M. ONE Bale Superfine Cloths marked N. M.C. One Case Seye Blades do. do. 13 One Case Harts do. do. 23 One do. do. do. 24 All damaged on board the ship Arrabella from Liverpool, James Little, master, and sold for the benefit of the underwriters. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. MRS. June 3. tdf.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
25 Hhds. Loaf Sugar 30 Hhds. N. E. Rum 250 Cases Stone Lime (branded Knox) 2000 lbs. Pepper 20 Boxes Cotton and Wool Cards 100 lbs. Spanish Flotant Indigo 50 Pieces White? Plantilla 20 Casks Cut Nails and Brads, assorted A few Casks of Raisins, assorted 8 by 10 Window Glass A general assortment of Shoes. HENRY HOVEY. June 3. (gl.)
WILL be exposed to sale to the highest bidder on the eighth day of July next, on the premises, the GLEBE LANDS of the Parish of Trinity, in the county of Louisa. THE COMMISSIONERS. June 3. ep3w.
In pursuance of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery, for the district of Richmond. WILL be sold on the first day of July next, at the Tavern of Mr. Zachariah Brooks in the Town of Manchester, the LOT & APPURTENANCES in said town, lately occupied by Mr. William Robinson. The sale will be on twelve months credit, the purchaser to give a bond, with security, to bear interest from the date. JOHN MINOR, Commissioner. June 3. tdf.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for sale by Thomas Nicholson, near the Capitol; THE THIRD VOL. OF CALL'S REPORTS. June 3. (tl.)
A CARD.
RE A New and Elegant Style of taking PICTURE LIKENESSES, Engraved in Gold , and framed for 3 dollars each. Specimens may be seen at the Eagle Tavern, by applying to C. P. POLK, who has just arrived in this city, and respectfully offers his professional services to the public. June 3. gt.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By the United States Marshal, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Philip P. Mason, attorney for the creditors of Richard Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,450 dollars, 94 cts. due and payable on the 1st Jan. last, that so valuable an unimpaired estate in the county of Botetourt, called
FORT LEWIS,
situated by the said Ross to contain 2803 acres. THE sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the files for merely announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Ross, this sale is advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement. The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be put off, the earliest public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble. BENJAMIN MOSBY, D. M. V. JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. May 30. 4t
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
BEING anxious to discharge all my just debts, I will sell a great bargain in two new BRICK BUILDINGS , on the Main-Street, on Shockoe-Hill; they are well calculated for stores and private families, and considered to be as good stands for business as any in that part of the city; they will be sold separately or together, to suit purchasers. If this property is not sold by private contract before Tuesday, the 24th day of June next, it will, on that day, be sold at public auction. Any person wishing to purchase, will be shown the property, and may know the terms, (which will be very accommodating), by application to the subscriber living adjoining the premises. I will also dispose of, by private contract, my half acre LOT in the neighborhood of Gen. Mosley, on which there is a two story Brick House erected, 43 feet long by 22 feet wide; this house is not finished in the inside, but can be finished to suit the purchaser. For terms apply to J. E. WINN. May 30. tdf.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
A meeting of the Board of Directors on the 10th of May, 1806—Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay into the hands of the Treasurer, the further sum of four dollars on each share, on or before the 14th of June next. Resolved, That the Clerk be instructed to call a meeting of the Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes. JAMES BRANDER, CLK. May 15. 1m
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where
I now reside, and possession given in time. J. PENN. April 11. tf
WILLIAM GALT,
HAS just received, by the ship Proteus from London, and by the ship Intrepid just arrived from Liverpool, his usual assortment of SPRING GOODS , which is now falling at his usual low prices for cash or country produce, also to punctual customers. May 16. ep4w.
SPRING GOODS.
THE Subscribers have just received by the ship Proteus from London, a part of their Spring Goods, the balance are daily expected by the Intrepid from Liverpool. ELLIS & ALLAN. May 6. 1m.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
20 Hhds. NORTHERN RUM, 20 Barrels do. do. 10 Hhds. MOLASSES, 10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE, 15 do. MALAGA do. 12 Tierces PRIME GREEN COFFEE, 20 Barrels LIVER OIL, 153 Boxes MOULD CANDLES, 80 Ream WRITING PAPER, 100 do. WRAPPING do. THOMAS WHITE. May 9. (tl.)
MILITARY LAND FOR SALE.
4000 acres on Trade Water State of Kentucky. 2000 do. Deer Creek & Green River do. 1000 do. Highland Creek do. 1000 do. Little Miami State of Ohio. 2000 do. Bush Creek do. 1000 do. West Fork of Sciota do. 666 do. adjoining the last tract do. 400 do. Pitman's Creek do. THOMAS NORVELL. N. B. 14 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY, are also offered for sale. April 25. tf
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 Casks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred— Which ship will arrive in Tobacco to the address of James MAURY, Esq., of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to M. MRS. PICKETT, POLLARD & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. May 23. tf
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald M'Call, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Buchanan, bearing date the 25th day of May, 1789, for securing certain debts, will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27th day of June next, THREE LOTS , known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said M'Call at present resides; on these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with those lots and houses, &c. Will be sold on the same day, on the premises. A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M'Call, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Mason, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said M'Call purchased of Richard Jeffries. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered.—Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTH, and CHARLES THOMPSON, Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. M'Call. (tdf.)p
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
3,000 wt. SALT PETER'D BACON, 1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE, 10 gross BOTTLED CYDER, A few bushels CLOVER SEED, 150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS. For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. Confidential for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horses—apply as above. May 27. eof
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE on the Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Henry McClatchy, and situate between Messrs. Ellis & Allan and Mr. Monuel Judah. Also—A HOUSE on the Main-Street Shockoe Hill, a few doors below Mr. Bootwright's and nearly opposite to Mr. Benjamin Wolfe. Possession of both Houses to be given immediately. Enquire of JOSEPH GALLAGHO. May 30. tf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his panatolons of plain purple, the same manufactured. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH. His name is AMPEY; he is accustomed to horse and serving in the house. April 11. tf
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND , being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz. One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parson Clifton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court. One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the south side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford. The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared. N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security. M. B. POITIAUX. April 15. tdf.
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER: An Extensive Assortment of GROCERIES —among which are the following articles: Muscovado Sugar assorted Tar West-India Coffee Thos. Leiper's Snuff Antigua & Jamaica Rum Macouba do. Country do. Havana Segars Cognac & Peach Brandy Salt Petre Holland Gin Brimstone, Madder, and W. India and Sugar-house Ground Ginger in small Molasses kegs L. P. Madeira Wine Log-wood Port, Sherry and Malaga Turkey Cotton Wine New-York Candles and Hibberts' Brown Stout Soap Martinique and Bordeaux Spermaceti Candles Cordials Oil Basket Salt Patent Lamps Do. in facks and loose Do. Cakes with plain Bullock's Cheese and gilt Bottles Caldwell, Frazier & Co. Castings assorted superfine Chocolate Earthen and Stone Ware Rice Writing & Wrapping paper Nutmegs, Pepper, Ginger Henry VIII. and Merry and Pimento Andrew Cards Mace and Cloves China Plates, do. Bowls Oil, Olives, and Capers of different sizes Gunpowder, Young Hy- Do. Tea and Coffee Cups son and Souchong Teas and Saucers Canners containing 17lb. and 3lb. Gunpowder Do. Chimney ornaments Tea Plain and cut qt. pt. and Pickled Salmon half pint Decanters Cut Herrings and Shad Pint, half pt & gill Tum- Patent shot assorted blers F and FF Gunpowder A few sets Table China. A regular supply of Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, at Philadelphia price. FISHER & LESUEUR. May 27. oawtf.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages, and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. tf
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 2d, 1806.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT sealed Proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 15th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz:—Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. Stocks, with the Dividends payable on the first of July next off. Such persons, as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned Stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the Subscriber, specifying therein, the unexpired amount and species of said Stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same; which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber in trust for the United States. T. H. TUCKER. Treasr. Un. States. May 8. (1m.)
TO PARENTS, TRUSTEES, &c.
A Young man from England who has been several years in the habit of teaching the English, French and Latin languages, &c. proposes to engage as tutor in a family, undertake an Academy in the country, or establish a School on a plantation where the neighborhood would render such an object eligible. He has studied both in England and France, and brings high recommendations. Apply at this office. June 3. 2t.
IN AN INJUNCTION IN CHANCERY.
William Thomas, Plaintiff. Against Moses Walker, Defendant. THE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff—and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Courthouse of this county. A Copy. Tdf. JOHN BARNSDALE, D. C. H. C. April 8. fomp
JUST PUBLISHED,
By David Longworth, New-York, and for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store, THE ADVENTURES OF TELEMACUS, son of ULYSSES; from the French of FENELON, by the celebrated John HENRY FOWLER, L. L. D. corrected and revised by T. Gregory, with a life of the author, and a complete index Historical and Geographical; embellished with engravings. Also—HUTCHINSON'S XENOPHON, HERMAN & DOROTHEA, &c. &c. &c.
FOR SALE, at the above Store, Ruddiman's RU-
DIMENTS of the LATIN GRAMMAR. May 27. gt.
CHARLES SPENCER,
HAS just received a supply of GOODS by the ships Proteus and Intrepid, amongst which is a very general assortment of HARDWARE and CUTLERY A few Horns and Wheat Mills, of a large size and on an entire new and approved construction, which may be worked by water, horse, or hand. May 20. neww.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co.
Are desirous to fill A Few Boxes 4-4 and 7-8 16th Linens, 30 Crates Queens Ware, and a quantity of Liverpool Salt loose and in facks, just received on consignment by the ship Herald from Dublin and Liverpool. May 27. eodm.
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER: An Extensive Assortment of GROCERIES —among which are the following articles: Muscovado Sugar assorted Tar West-India Coffee Thos. Leiper's Snuff Antigua & Jamaica Rum Macouba do. Country do. Havana Segars Cognac & Peach Brandy Salt Petre Holland Gin Brimstone, Madder, and W. India and Sugar-house Ground Ginger in small Molasses kegs L. P. Madeira Wine Log-wood Port, Sherry and Malaga Turkey Cotton Wine New-York Candles and Hibberts' Brown Stout Soap Martinique and Bordeaux Spermaceti Candles Cordials Oil Basket Salt Patent Lamps Do. in facks and loose Do. Cakes with plain Bullock's Cheese and gilt Bottles Caldwell, Frazier & Co. Castings assorted superfine Chocolate Earthen and Stone Ware Rice Writing & Wrapping paper Nutmegs, Pepper, Ginger Henry VIII. and Merry and Pimento Andrew Cards Mace and Cloves China Plates, do. Bowls Oil, Olives, and Capers of different sizes Gunpowder, Young Hy- Do. Tea and Coffee Cups son and Souchong Teas and Saucers Canners containing 17lb. and 3lb. Gunpowder Do. Chimney ornaments Tea Plain and cut qt. pt. and Pickled Salmon half pint Decanters Cut Herrings and Shad Pint, half pt & gill Tum- Patent shot assorted blers F and FF Gunpowder A few sets Table China. A regular supply of Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, at Philadelphia price. FISHER & LESUEUR. May 27. oawtf.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages, and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. tf
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 2d, 1806.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT sealed Proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 15th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz:—Eight per cent. Old Six per cent. and Deferred Six per cent. Stocks, with the Dividends payable on the first of July next off. Such persons, as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned Stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the Subscriber, specifying therein, the unexpired amount and species of said Stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same; which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber in trust for the United States. T. H. TUCKER. Treasr. Un. States. May 8. (1m.)
TO PARENTS, TRUSTEES, &c.
A Young man from England who has been several years in the habit of teaching the English, French and Latin languages, &c. proposes to engage as tutor in a family, undertake an Academy in the country, or establish a School on a plantation where the neighborhood would render such an object eligible. He has studied both in England and France, and brings high recommendations. Apply at this office. June 3. 2t.
IN AN INJUNCTION IN CHANCERY.
William Thomas, Plaintiff. Against Moses Walker, Defendant. THE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff—and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Courthouse of this county. A Copy. Tdf. JOHN BARNSDALE, D. C. H. C. April 8. fomp
JUST PUBLISHED,
By David Longworth, New-York, and for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store, THE ADVENTURES OF TELEMACUS, son of ULYSSES; from the French of FENELON, by the celebrated John HENRY FOWLER, L. L. D. corrected and revised by T. Gregory, with a life of the author, and a complete index Historical and Geographical; embellished with engravings. Also—HUTCHINSON'S XENOPHON, HERMAN & DOROTHEA, &c. &c. &c.
FOR SALE, at the above Store, Ruddiman's RU-
DIMENTS of the LATIN GRAMMAR. May 27. gt.
CHARLES SPENCER,
HAS just received a supply of GOODS by the ships Proteus and Intrepid, amongst which is a very general assortment of HARDWARE and CUTLERY A few Horns and Wheat Mills, of a large size and on an entire new and approved construction, which may be worked by water, horse, or hand. May 20. neww.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co.
Are desirous to fill A Few Boxes 4-4 and 7-8 16th Linens, 30 Crates Queens Ware, and a quantity of Liverpool Salt loose and in facks, just received on consignment by the ship Herald from Dublin and Liverpool. May 27. eodm.
Foreign Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, May 28.
The most interesting articles in our London papers, by the ship Fanny, are relative to the dispute between England and Prussia. The following message was presented, in the House of Lords, by Lord Grenville, on the 21st of April, together with certain papers explanatory of the conduct of his majesty with respect to Prussia. On the 23d, an address was agreed to be presented, "conformable to the message." GEORGE R.
His majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the house that he has found himself under the necessity of withdrawing his minister from the court of Berlin, and of adopting provisionally measures of just retaliation against the commerce and navigation of Prussia. His majesty deeply regrets the extension and aggravation of calamities already so severely felt by the nations of the continent, whose independence and prosperity he has never ceased to consider as intimately connected with those of his own people. But measures of direct hostility, deliberately adopted against him, have left him no alternative.
In a moment of confidential intercourse, without even the pretence of any cause of complaint, forcible possession has been taken by Prussia of his majesty's electoral dominions. Deeply as this event affected the interest of this kingdom, his majesty chose nevertheless to forbear on this painful occasion all recourse to the tried and affectionate attachment of his British subjects. He remonstrated by amicable negotiation against the injury he had sustained, and relied his claim for reparation on the moderation of his conduct, on the justice of his representations, and on the common interest which Prussia herself must ultimately feel to resist a system destructive of all the security of all legitimate possession. But when, instead of receiving assurances conformable to this just expectation, his majesty was informed, that the determination had been taken of excluding by force the vessels and the commodities of this kingdom, from ports and countries under the lawful dominion or forcible control of Prussia, his majesty could no longer delay to act, without neglecting the first duty which he owes to his people. The dignity of his crown, and the interest of his subjects equally forbid his acquiescing in this open and unprovoked aggression; he has no doubt of the full support of his parliament in vindicating the honour of the British flag, and the freedom of the British navigation; and he will look with anxious expectation to that moment when a more dignified and enlightened policy on the part of Prussia shall remove every impediment to the renewal of peace and friendship with a power with whom his majesty has no other cause of difference than that now created by these hostile acts.
C. R. message, consist chiefly of notes between Mr. Fox and Mr. Hardwicke, and other proceedings issued by his Prussian Majesty on his taking possession of Hanover.
It appears that Denmark is expected to join with France and Prussia, in hostilities against G. B. On this subject the Editor of the General Advertiser observes "Should Denmark, as there is but too much reason to fear, be likewise forced to adopt hostile measures, we should expect to see the vigour of administration exerted in an attack through the Great Belt upon the island of Zealand, upon which Copenhagen stands, the conquest of which would secure the passage of the Sound. Indeed there is a report of an armament getting forward, probably with this very destination."
LONDON, April 19.
At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 19th of April, 1806, present the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas His Majesty has received advice that his Majesty the King of Prussia has taken possession of his Majesty's Electoral Dominions in a forcible and hostile manner; and has also caused it to be notified to his Majesty's Minister at the Court of Berlin, that all British ships were thenceforth to be excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and from certain other ports in the North of Europe under the forcible control of Prussia, in violation of the just rights and interests of his Majesty and his dominions, and contrary to the established law and practice of nations in amity with each other; And whereas His Majesty by and with the advice of his Privy Council, has been pleased to cause an embargo to be laid upon vessels belonging to the subjects of Prussia, now within or hereafter coming into any of the ports of the United Kingdom of G. B. and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board the said vessels; And whereas, there is just reason to apprehend that the neutrality of the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems and the free navigation thereof, will not, under these circumstances, be duly respected by his Majesty's enemies, but will be rendered subject to the hostile measures above defined; His Majesty by and with the advice of his Privy Council, is pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that a general embargo or stop be made in like manner until further order from this Board, of all ships and vessels belonging to persons residing in any ports or places situated upon the said rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, save and except vessels under the Danish flag, and also save and except, that in respect to the goods and effects on board such ships and vessels which shall have been laden in, or are coming consigned to any ports of the United Kingdom, the same shall be forthwith liberated, and delivered up to the said laders and consignees respectively: And it is hereby farther ordered, that no property or freight money appearing to belong to any subject of Prussia, or to any persons residing as aforesaid respecting which proceedings are now depending, or shall hereafter depend in any of his Majesty's Courts of Prize, shall be decreed to be restored, nor shall the proceeds of any property or freight money belonging as aforesaid, which has already been decreed to be restored, be paid to, or on behalf of the claimants, until the same shall be kept in safe custody, until his Majesty's farther order herein: And it is farther ordered, that no person residing within his Majesty's dominions do presume to pay any freight money due or payable to, or on behalf of any person or persons being subjects, or residing within the dominions of the King of Prussia, or in the ports or places aforesaid, for the freight of merchandise laden on board any ship which is detained under the said

embargo, or which shall hereafter be brought into any of the ports of his Majesty's dominions, but that such freight money shall be forthwith paid into the said high court of admiralty, there to remain until his Majesty's pleasure shall be farther known, or until other provision shall be made by law: And whereas it has been represented to his Majesty that the goods on board several of the Prussian vessels so detained, or to be detained by the embargo, are the property of his Majesty's subjects, or the property of persons not being subjects of Prussia; It is farther ordered, that all goods on board any vessels detained under the said embargo which were laden in, or coming consigned to ports of the United Kingdom, shall be delivered to the disposal of their owners or their agents, upon affidavit being made and produced in the high court of admiralty, that the said goods were not at the time of shipment, nor are now, the property of subjects of Prussia, and upon paying the freight due upon such goods into the registry of the said court, and upon giving sufficient bail to abide adjudication in case any proceeding should be commenced against the said goods within two months from the date of such delivery:—And the Right Honourable the Lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, the Lords commissioners of the Admiralty, and Lord Warden of the cinque ports, and the judge of the high court of admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein as to them may respectively appertain. STEPH. COTTREL.
LONDON, April 6, 1806. A Gottenburgh mail arrived on Sunday. Private letters by this conveyance, report, that the emperor of Russia, determined to support the king of Sweden, had marched an army into Prussian Poland, which had taken possession of Warsaw. Without pretending to vouch for the accuracy of this statement, we think it highly probable. The same letters inform us, that the king of Sweden expected to receive the speedy assistance of a British squadron of 12 sail of the line; and that the Prussians had entered the Danish province of Holstein. The English ships detained in Prussian ports did not exceed seven or eight; whilst the number of vessels detained in the ports of this country, under Prussian colors, amount to several hundreds. A Gottenburgh mail has arrived, bringing accounts from thence of the 4th inst. which state, that the Russian army in Poland has been greatly reinforced; and that it is in motion towards the Prussian frontier. Indeed, letters from Embden, received on Saturday, state, that the city of Warsaw is actually in the possession of the Russians. It is stated that the Russian troops about to enter Turkey, amount to 75,000 men; and that a corps of reserve was forming on the frontiers of Bessarabia.
April 21. In our last we announced, from the most undoubted authority, that negotiations of a pacific nature had actually been commenced and were going on with all the dispatch customary in diplomatic affairs. We have now the pleasure of confirming that statement, by the arrival of another flag of truce from France, with dispatches which were delivered at Mr. Fox's office on Sunday. Of the issue of these negotiations, we are by no means sanguine in our expectations; but we have the utmost confidence in his majesty's ministers, that they will sacrifice neither the honor nor interest of their country, to obtain the momentary triumph of a hollow truce, which must shortly terminate either in the ruin of the British empire, or in a more desperate war.
April 28. Hamburg Papers arrived yesterday of the 16th and 18th inst. The passage through the Prionl to Dalmatia is said to have been granted to the French troops, whose number is rapidly increasing. Forty thousand are already in the province, a force we should think, equal to the commencing hostilities against the Russians. No attack however has yet been made upon them, and they remain in possession of Calle Nuovo, and all the forts and garrisons in Albania within 12 leagues. In contradiction to the assertion of the Moniteur , which stated that General Brady, with two thousand Austrians, had surrendered Calle Nuovo to 800 Russians, we find it stated in the Hamburg papers, that the Russians were superior in force to the Austrians. In the articles of capitulation by which the place was surrendered, it is expressly declared that Albania, being now considered to be in the hands of the French, is taken possession of upon that understanding. The French had advanced to the frontiers of Ragusa; but the appearance of a Russian frigate in the harbor induced them to retreat.
The report that Holland is destined to be given to Louis Bonaparte, seem to be on the point of receiving the fullest confirmation. A Deputation is even believed to have already set out for Paris, to prevail upon the Prince to honor them by the acceptance of the Sovereign power. The only arrival from the Continent yesterday was a vessel which reached the River under Papenburgh colours. She sailed from Embden on the 11th. The captain states that when he came away an order was posted at the exchange of Embden to the following effect:—“That no British vessel arriving at that port with a cargo, should be permitted to stay longer than twenty-four hours, and then to sail without landing any of her merchandise.”
From our Correspondent at Lloyd's. One Hamburg mail (the last of the two due yesterday) and four Gottenburgh mails reached town in the early part of this day. A letter from Elsinore, mentions a report very generally circulated there, that an engagement had taken place between some Prussian troops and those of Sweden, in Pomerania, and that the Prussians had taken an opportunity of quitting their standard and were gone over to the Swedes. Other letters say that a hundred thousand French and Prussian troops were proceeding against the Danish dominions, and were on their march to Jutland—if this be true, Tonningen must fall into their hands and that port be shut.
The trade at Hamburg and in its neighborhood, had, as might very naturally be expected, felt a very serious check, and goods from Britain had greatly advanced in price; the language generally held out is, that it is quite possible that things can long continue in their present state, and that one or other of the contending parties must shortly give way. Baron Hardenberg it appears, has at length formally resigned. Count Haugwitz has been appointed minister of foreign affairs. The intelligence of the detention and capture of Prussian ships has produced considerable agitation both at Berlin and Hamburg; where, however, hopes continue to be entertained that the Prussian rivers will not be blockaded!
GLASGOW, April 30. The following is an extract of a letter from Middleburgh, dated on Wednesday: Some serious misunderstanding has arisen between the French and Prussians in Westphalia, particularly at Werden and Essen. The French
had taken possession of those places, and pulled down the Prussian arms, substituting those of France in their stead. The Prussian Municipalities remonstrated in vain, until a Prussian corps arrived, forcibly re-occupied the towns, and taking down the French arms replaced the eagle of their sovereign.
LLOYD'S LIST, April 15. The Oelbaum, Gotten, from Charleston to Bremen, and the Betsy, Miller, from N. York, by the Happy Return privateer, are sent into Plymouth; Geo. Washington, from Calcutta to Salem, detained by the Ainsley privateer, of Liverpool; James and William, Poland, from the Isle of France to America, and the Nancy, Christie, from the Cape of Good Hope to America, are detained and sent into Bermuda.
April 18. —The Palace, Rice, from Hamburg to New-York, and detained by the Blazer, G. B. was sent into Dover the 14th inst.
April 22. —The Ocean, of and from N. York, Pinder, bound to Hamburg, detained by the Betsy privateer; Johanna Elizabeth, Berner, from Charleston to Hamburg, detained by the Staunch gun brig; ship Fidelity, Joy, from N. York to Amsterdam, detained by the Happy Return privateer; ship William, Crain, from Baltimore to Hamburg, is detained by the Miranda privateer, and sent into Falmouth.
April 25. —The Romeo, Bosquet, from Boston to Rotterdam, detained by the Mercury frigate; Three Sisters, from Bremen to Philadelphia, detained by the Antelope cutter; Indultry, from Baltimore to Amsterdam, detained by the Mercury frigate, and arrived at Portsmouth; ship Portsmouth, Lewis, from Africa, detained by his majesty's ship Arab; Economy (of Hamburg) Flint, from Charleston, detained by his majesty's ship Otter, sent into the Downs, both lost anchors and cables; the Prussian ship Hercules, Cose, from Charleston to Bremen, the General Eaton, from Boston to Bremen, have been detained and sent into Guernsey, and permitted to proceed, but not to go to any blockaded place; Walmsley, Van Muyen, from Charleston, is detained and sent into Crookhaven.
PRESBURGH, April 4. —The Gazette of this city contains the following article, dated Carlsbad, March 23:—
“We yesterday received positive intelligence of the occupation of Cattaro, and a part of Dalmatia, by the Russian troops. The Montenegrins had at first taken possession of some villages and had agreed with the inhabitants to defend the entrance of the country against the French till the arrival of the Russians. Six Russian ships and 200,000 troops soon after arrived. The necessary preparations were then made for a vigorous opposition to any attack on the part of the French. All the passages by which they could enter were fortified, and filled with troops and artillery, in such a manner that it appeared almost impossible to force them.”
“The number of the combined troops is said to amount to 20,000. They are defended by the nature of the ground, and have provisions for a long time. No Frenchman have yet appeared in these environs, and we are assured that they do not extend beyond Macarsco.”
“According to other accounts, the Montenegrins have risen in a mass to stop the efforts of the French, and we are assured that the Turks of the countries have joined them and the Russians.”
AUGSBURGH, April 10. The exchange of couriers between Paris, Munich, and Vienna, is so frequent, that yesterday, in the course of five hours, seven passed thro' this place.
Marshal Berthier, minister at war, remains at Munich; the late events appear to have retarded his departure.
BANKS OF THE LECH, April 12. The departure of marshal Soult from Bavaria is again countermanded. It is said that his corps has received orders to march to Dalmatia, and will be followed by that of general Marmont, which is in Iliria.
HAMBURGH, April 21. Letters have been received here which assert, that an English squadron of six sail of the line has passed the Sound, to cruise in the Baltic.
The embargo laid in England on the Prussian ships will do great injury to the trade of that country, because the commissions that had been given for the ensuing summer have been countermanded. We, however, flatter ourselves that the English will not blockade the Prussian ports.
LEIPZIG, April 15. It is said that the duke of Cleves, who has not a sufficient extent of territory to form a powerful state, will likewise receive the duchy of Juliers, which will be ceded to him by Bavaria. That power will also lose, as we are assured, the southern part of the Tyrol to Trent, which will be united to the kingdom of Italy.
VENICE, April 2. The Russians and English have blockaded this port for twelve days past, and suffer no vessel to enter or go out. The harbour is full of Venetian vessels, whose inactivity causes the greatest detriment to our commerce. Trieste profits, and is enriched by this, because its vessels sail under the Austrian flag, which is neutral. It is apprehended, not without foundation, that if the war continues, the Russians and English will blockade all the ports of Italy.
TRIESTE, March 24. Letters from Ragusa of the 15th, mention that the French have advanced as far as the frontier of this Republic, and that the French general Molter requesting provisions from the Senate, has had every thing granted; but upon the appearance of a Russian frigate in the harbour, which threatened the place, the French had retreated. Another Russian frigate is off Riune; and there are several others, with some English vessels, on the coast. Upwards of twenty French transports were on their way to Bocca di Cataro when they learned that the place was in the hands of the Russians and Montenegrins. We learn that the Emperor of Germany has granted the French a free passage through the Prionl to Dalmatia, till they shall have recovered the possession of Cattaro and Calle Nuovo. Letters from Turkey speak of hostile appearances between the Porte and another power.
ULM, April 7. Yesterday General Leopold Berthier passed through this City on his way to Paris. According to rumour most of the differences between France and Austria, have been amicably adjusted.
WESSEL, April 12. The French and Prussians are still at Essen and Werden, and live upon very friendly terms. At Essen the French keep no guard. At Werden the Prussians mount guard together. We learn that Lieutenant General Kalkreuth has again received orders to hold his corps in readiness to march at an hour's notice.
HAMBURGH, April 18. We know for a certainty that on the part of the Cabinet of Berlin no declaration has been issued against Sweden, as some papers have asserted. On the 16th Mr. Jackson, brother to the British Envoy at Berlin, passed through this city on his return from London, where he had been dispatched as a Courier.
DALMATIA, March 28. The following are the articles of the convention by which the Bocca di Cataro was given up to the Russians, the Austrians being too weak to resist the force that was brought against them:—
1. The Austrian garrison shall evacuate Calle Nuovo and all the forts and garrisons in Albania, within twelve leagues, and deliver them up to the Russian army. Albania being now considered as in the hands of the French, and, under this consideration, it is now taken possession of in the name of his Imperial Majesty of Russia. 2. The Austrian garrison shall march out with all the honours of war, consistent with a friendly power, and shall be permitted to carry all their property with them, but cannon, ammunition, &c. are to be delivered up to the Russians; as, according to the treaty of Presburgh, these articles were to be consigned to the French. Commissioners shall be appointed on both sides for the delivery and reception of the same. 3. The Austrian garrison with all its property, shall embark on board Russian vessels in the course of three days, and be landed at Trieste. 4. Those Catholics who may not chuse to remain in Albania shall be permitted to accompany the Austrian garrison. 5. The Catholic religion shall be respected in Albania, and protected according to the customs before observed. 6. The liberties and the property of the inhabitants shall be respected, & the form of government adapted to the morals and manners of the people. 7. The Montenegrins, under the protection and bearing arms for the Russians, must be received by the inhabitants of Albania as friends, but are not to be admitted into the forts.
BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 23.
On motion of Mr. Secretary Fox, the order of the day was read, for taking into consideration his majesty's most gracious message. The message was then read.
Mr. Secretary Fox rose, and spoke to the following effect:—“I am sure that it is impossible that the message we have now read can fail to excite the strongest sensation in every temper and disposition of mind which can exist in this House. In the first place, when we hear it stated that his majesty had abstained from appealing to his British subjects, on account of the violence and injustice which had been done to him in the seizure of his Electoral dominions, it is impossible not to feel grateful for that kindness and mildness which his majesty has always shown to the subjects of this realm. It was with the most extreme reluctance, that he could consent to involve them in war upon any ground, that was not immediately and directly connected with British interests. After the sentiment of gratitude to his majesty for this tender consideration of his subjects of this kingdom, the next feeling which must be strongly excited by the message, is a feeling of just indignation at the conduct of the court of Prussia—I hope that every member, while he feels this just indignation, will, at the same time, perceive the propriety of uniting the most vigorous measures, with a language temperate and moderate, and which does not violate that respect which had been always considered due to crowned heads, and ought not, in the present times, to be departed from. Indeed, to describe justly the measures which have been adopted by the court of Prussia against this country, they cannot be called the measures of the king of Prussia, for that sovereign is known to be of a mild and pacific disposition, nor could they be called the measures of his ministers, for no ministers could freely advise a proceeding so violent and injurious to the interests of that monarch. The measures must be considered such, as his Prussian majesty had been induced to adopt, from the pernicious counsels of the enemies of this country. Had it been my object to condemn, in the strongest terms, the decision of the Prussian cabinet, I might have tho't it necessary to lay some additional papers on the table, but that not being my object, I have moved but for few. More would have been unnecessary, as it was not my wish to give the strongest possible coloring to the accusation that the message contains. If we are to understand those proceedings which have terminated in an outrage, unprecedented in the history of the world proceedings of the worst times of Europe, it will be necessary to view the transaction a little earlier. The origin of this proceeding is to be traced to the convention concluded at Vienna, on the 15th of December, between count Haugwitz and the French Emperor; but when it is considered, what was the situation of Prussia, at the time that its sovereign concluded that treaty with France, it must be recollected, that its means of negotiation were still greater than what it derived from its own resources or its own armies.”
The armies of Prussia were undoubtedly numerous and respectable; but was it on them alone that the king of Prussia relied, when he was negotiating with France? Certainly it was not. He had a strong additional support, which gave weight to his negotiations. The Emperor of Russia after he had left Austerlitz, gave the whole direction of the Russian troops that remained in Germany, to the command of the king of Prussia. This country too had promised him a powerful assistance by pecuniary supplies, if he should be driven to a war with France. These were the means he possessed of giving weight to his negotiations; and how did he apply those means? Why, to seize a part of the territories of one of those powers which had been supporting him in that rank and situation, which enabled him to conclude his treaty. (Loud cries of Hear! Hear! ) After this treaty was signed a considerable difficulty remained in the execution of it. This difficulty proceeded, in a great measure, from the just scruples of the king of Prussia, who perceived that it would be very hard to prevail upon his Britannic majesty to ratify such a treaty, and who, therefore, felt that his title would be so bad as to make the acquisition of Hanover, under these circumstances, a poor equivalent for those provinces that he was obliged to give up to France. He felt, besides, that upon no principle of justice could he pretend to take it on other terms from those which France herself had held it on, and therefore, at first, he did not pretend to take Hanover absolutely, but with the power of restoring it.
France, in the mean time, pressed for the cession of Anspach and Bayreuth and Bayreuth. What then did the king of Prussia do? Certainly he could not expect that the French government would be able to negotiate between him and his Britannic majesty, that he should be allowed to retain Hanover; and therefore he finally resolved to seize it without the consent of his majesty, and under the pretence of an equivalent for Anspach, Bayreuth, and those provinces which were ceded to France. It cannot then be said, that this treaty, and the proceedings which followed it, were altogether the effect of fear, for what was the necessity under which his Prussian majesty was placed? Was it merely the necessity of ceding Anspach and Bayreuth? This might have been a considerable misfortune, yet it was one which might be justified by necessity.—But
the fort of necessity claimed by the King of Prussia is different, he says, 'because I have lost Anspach and Bayreuth, I therefore feel myself under the necessity of seizing the dominions of some third power, not only of a third power, but of one that, from all times, and by every circumstance, I was bound to respect.' This is the fort of necessity claimed by the Prussian Court, and it is this which makes the case of Prussia much worse than that of any other nation in Europe. As for Spain (I do not wish to revive the differences of opinion with respect to the Spanish war) but Spain, I say, would comply no farther with the wishes of our enemies, than by giving a sum of money.—Holland and other powers have been from terror, obliged to make cessions of territory to France, but no other power has been compelled by terror, to commit robberies or spoliations on its neighbours. (A cry of bear! bear! ) It is in this that the case of Prussia stands distinguished from that of all other nations. We cannot help looking with some degree of pity and contempt, on a power that can allege that it is reduced to such a necessity that would be, in itself, a considerable humiliation or degradation to Prussia, to be obliged to give up those provinces to which it was so much attached, and which had been called "the Cradle of the House of Brandenburg." The degradation of this cession was still much increased by the conduct of the people of Anspach, who entreated their Sovereign not to abandon them. Instead of listening the indignity of the cession, it was a great increase of dishonour, to sell a brave and loyal people for what was called an equivalent; it was an union of every thing that was contemptible in servility, with every thing that was odious in rapacity. ( Hear! hear! ) On the 26th of January, an official letter was written from Baron Hardenberg to Mr. Jackson, expressly stating it to be the intention of his Prussian Majesty to take possession of Hanover only until the conclusion of peace between England and France. To this letter his majesty was pleased to answer, that he placed the utmost reliance on the friendship and good faith of the King of Prussia, but that he wished for a more explicit declaration of the views which he entertained with respect to Hanover.
A more explicit declaration has indeed been made! It is the last treaty made by Prussia with France, in which Prussia consents—consents—as if she admitted that it was a French object, and not a Prussian one, to take permanent possession of Hanover? Sir, the house will easily see thro' all the pretences for arrangements laid to be convenient and necessary for the ports of the North, and which produced a declaration from Prussia, followed by shutting up those ports. Prussia subsequently intimated, that British manufacture might pass through a part of the Prussian Dominions. Soon afterwards this channel of communication was cut off, and then came the monstrous measure which Prussia resolved upon of taking Hanover as a present from France, of which country it was asserted that by right of conquest France had the disposal. Is there an instance on record of a conquered province having been assigned over as a boon before the termination of the war in which the conquest was made? And still more confident may I say it, is there an instance on record of such a transaction having taken place when the Prince to whom the territory assigned was in amity with the Prince to whom the assignment was made? Sir, to what extremity are we driven by this conduct of the court of Berlin! It would be idle in me to attempt to conceal, that the hostility of Prussia is a great augmentation of our calamities. Any increase in the number of our enemies must be an addition to our calamities, & this instance is a peculiarly severe addition. It is an aggravation, Sir, of those calamities, that what we can directly do to show our just resentment of the perfidious conduct of Prussia must in some degree affect the interest of neutral nations, must in some degree affect the interest of nations in amity with us, but in some degree affect our own interests. But, Sir, there are points when it becomes the duty of a country to sacrifice inferior interests to the manifestation of principle. ( Hear! hear! ) This is one of those points. If we allow the conduct of Prussia to pass unnoticed, we must calculate on the complete degradation of the character of the country. I am far from wishing to insinuate any of the suspicions of the honor of other continental courts; but, Sir, how would the question between them & us then stand compared with the way in which it stands at present? Now, when those Courts are compelled to concede their possessions, one after the other, to the increasing power of France, however we may lament their situation we can feel against them no displeasure. We must say to them, "Save yourselves as well as you can!" But if we permitted the conduct of Prussia to pass unregarded, is it not probable that these Courts would no longer be content to make cessions of their own territory to France, but would fall upon yours? ( Hear! hear! ) If so, Sir, then should we be exposed to the greatest of all evils (which God avert!) a war, with the exception of one great power, with all Europe. On the other hand, Sir, if the present case can be kept distinct and unmitigated—if an example can be made of Prussia, which in a great degree will depend on the exertions of other countries—but if a signal example can be made of Prussia, it may perhaps do more towards restoring a balance of power, and a just system of general policy in Europe than any alliances that have been formed, or that may be projected against France. I trust, and am convinced, that the house will see the propriety of acting upon this principle, namely, to show a spirit of forbearance, where, on the opposite side is shewn, a spirit of justice and honor, but no longer to forbear when justice and honor are no longer remembered. Let the Court of Berlin take the consequence. ( Hear! hear! ) Sir, it is possible that the king of Prussia may be so deluded as to imagine that he has gained a great deal by obtaining possession of Hanover. French reasoning, may, perhaps, assist in creating or confirming this delusion. What has he obtained? Every thing that can be wrung from Hanover is first grasped by the French, and they then permit the king of Prussia to gain a nominal possession of an useless country. In another point of view, Sir, Prussia has indeed lost. I cannot but look on her as more completely conquered by France than ever Austria has been. Austria was compelled by adverse circumstances to make a peace on conditions highly unfavourable to her; but, Sir, in ceding territory Austria at least took care to cede only her own. ( Hear! hear! ) The last instance of complete vassalage is to be the contemptible instrument of the injustice of a master. ( Hear! hear! ) And, Sir, can there be a stronger proof that the dominion which Prussia pretends to assume over Hanover is only nominal, than the mission of the French General Barbou to that country with the evident purpose of superintending the operations of the Prussian Ministers, and guiding them into the course most agreeable to France? Every body, Sir, has heard of the various insults which Prussia has received from France since her complete subjugation.—France has indeed treated her with as little ceremony as the deferves. Her towns have been occupied by French troops. Her remonstrances have been unheeded. How all this will end, whether good or evil will be
the result, I cannot pretend to say. But at least this country will avoid the greatest possible evil by refusing to sanction a principle so opposite to the welfare of society. ( Hear! hear! ) It will avoid the evil of appearing to be indifferent to the feelings of our gracious Sovereign, and to be insensible to the preservation of his rights. ( Hear! hear! hear! ) It will also avoid the evil, full of greater magnitude, of giving its consent and approbation to this odious mode which has been adopted, of transferring subjects from one Prince to another. Gracious God! I appeal to those who have felt the danger with which regular governments have been threatened by the mad opinions of visionary enthusiasts; can there be any thing found in the wildest scheme of the most daring speculator, so calculated to shake the stability of regular governments, as this power that has been assumed, whether in a republic or in a monarchy, is of no consequence, of transferring subjects, without any regard whatever to the character of those by whom they are to be governed; unmindful whether they are possessed of their attachment or their detestation? Exchange field for field, exchange flock upon your field, exchange cattle for cattle; but never exchange your people. ( Hear! hear! hear! ) Some attention and respect should surely be paid to the attachment of a government to its subjects, and some to the attachment of subjects to their government. This mutual attachment has ever, Sir, been considered by all reasoners on the social compact, as the fundamental corner stone of society. Truly has it been so considered. How else that has been shaken by this rude violence that has been offered to it, I leave to the judgment of gentlemen who have devoted their minds to the investigation of the subject. Feeling as I do on it, I must avow, I felt peculiar pleasure in finding that note to Baron Jacobi, in which I informed him of his majesty's unalterable determination never to consent to the transfer of his faithful and affectionate Hanoverian subjects. [ Hear! hear! ] I do not know that it is necessary to make any further observations; but before I sit down, I must state, that there can be no doubt, but that the shutting the ports of Prussia to British vessels, alone, is most clearly and unquestionably, an act of hostility against this country." Mr. Fox then concluded, by moving an address of thanks to his majesty, which [as usual] was an echo of the message.
Lord Castlereagh expressed his entire concurrence in the motion, which was afterwards agreed to nem. con.
On the motion of Mr. Secretary Fox, it was ordered to be presented to his majesty by such members as are of the privy council.
[From the Moniteur.] FRENCH EXPOSE.
PARIS, April 18. —“England has declared war against Prussia. All the King's ships have received orders to attack the Prussian vessels, and letters of marque have been issued to privateers. Is this a just proceeding on the part of the English government? Is it a politic one? These are questions which it is not our intention to examine. It is sufficient for us to discover, that this measure is advantageous to France; that one of its first consequences will be to shut the North against the English trade; and there is little wisdom on the part of England, in acting so towards a considerable power, whom the forces into a nearer connexion with France; and whom the determines to remove from her councils the agents and the influence of England. France and Prussia united can, if they please, shut the Sound. If England had learned how to accommodate her policy to circumstances, she would have maintained her party and her creatures in credit in Berlin. She would have rendered the blockade of the ports of the North less severe. She would have, in fact, preferred the advantage which she derives from the Prussian flag; for commerce has occasion for intermediate agents between the merchant and the consumer. But, however, it may be, we cannot consider this new political event but as tending to accelerate peace; for, assuredly Prussia is neither a weak enemy for England, nor a weak ally for France. We know that there are persons who accustom themselves with difficulty to the idea of these connections between France and Prussia, but they do not see that the hesitation which was first manifest by the latter Cabinet, depended upon temporary circumstances which have neither altered the principles of the King, nor those of his most faithful and intelligent servants. If there was any thing which gave offence to France, it could only be imputed to a frantic minister, who was sold to England, who was formerly in her service, and who quitted it for reasons which the dignity of this paper will not allow us to mention. It, perhaps, may be supposed, that England, in the new circumstances in which she finds herself with regard to Prussia, had no medium left her, and could not avoid declaring war. But the occupation of Hanover, by Prussia, was the only means of preventing the French from returning to that country; and if they had returned, the freedom of the English trade would not have been the greater. It may be said, that Prussia has not only shut the ports of the Elbe and the Weser, as they were by the French, but that the occupation was made in the name of the King, and in the same form as if he had determined to annex this fine province to his vast monarchy. However, there is nothing, in fact, to prove that this was the intention of Prussia; and it is very possible, that the cession of Cleves, Anspach, and Neufchatel, may relate to some other principles of arrangement, since the population of all the three does not equal a 5th of the population of Hanover. Some discussion, therefore, might have taken place between Prussia and England; and the wistest course would have been, not to have begun by declaring war. Supposing occupation to be equal to final incorporation, England, instead of avoiding that consequence, makes it more certain, for whatever loses the Prussian trade may experience during two or three years war, she will be indemnified by the more considerable loss which the trade of the enemy will sustain; and England submits to these losses for an interest which the English nation has always disowned. It has always considered Hanover as a foreign property, solely belonging to the House of Brunswick. How happens it that it has so suddenly changed its principles in this respect.”
“It appears that M. Schimmelpennick, the Grand Pensionary of Holland, has entirely lost his sight. Who is to be his successor? What effect will be produced by this change in the magistracy? These questions excite the attention and anxiety of all the Dutch, who are sincerely attached to the country. It is well known, that the Emperor never gave any positive sanction to the late changes in the Constitution of that country; and that he said, on that occasion, that the prosperity and liberty of Nations could only be assured by two modes of Government—either a tempered and constitutional Monarchy, or a Republic constituted according to the theory of liberty, and which should be the true organ of the public will.—All nations cannot, with safety, leave to the people the choice of their representatives; and when a nation has to apprehend the effects of alien-

bring the people; when the advantages which it expects are less than the inconveniences which it foresees; such a nation, which cannot find a protection under a republican form of Government, has recourse to the principles of a good and prudent monarch.
Under the present Constitution of Holland, the Grand Pensionary has more power than the King has in England—he has more than the Emperor has in France, or than any Sovereign has in any country; and, what is without example in a republic, their high Mightinesses, or the representative and legislative bodies, have been nominated by the Grand Pensionary. The defect of this Constitution cannot escape the observation of the sagacious. That cannot be called a republic, where the representative and legislative bodies are not nominated by the electors; and if there be any fear of the electors, it will be the best to renounce at once the republican form of government. A government, which neither having the advantages of a republic, nor of a monarchy, combines all the inconveniences of both, should not be absolutely preferred. Such being the situation of Holland, the state must be a gainer by any changes that the state may make in her constitution. If the landholders, the merchants, the enlightened men, are of opinion that they can have a representation made by the choice of the people without distinction of classes or religion, they will create a system much more proper than the present one. If that be not their opinion, and that they think it necessary to have recourse to a Constitutional Monarchy, they will do that which will be more advantageous to their country than the preservation of their existing constitution can be. It is their duty to examine their situation, to judge of the circumstances in which they are placed, and to choose between the two systems that which is best suited to them, and the most likely to establish, on a solid foundation, the public prosperity and liberty.
Bavaria has taken possession of the Margraviate of Anspach, and has ceded to France the Duchy of Berg, which, united with that of Cleves, is settled upon Prince Joachim, the Grand Admiral of the Empire. Wessel is a strong fortress on our frontiers. The Duchy of Cleves gives us an advantageous point of contact with Holland; and France for the future, will only find on the right bank of the Rhine Princes who are allied by blood to the imperial Family.
General Oudinot has taken possession of the countries of Neufchatel and Valengin. He found those countries loaded with English merchandise, heaped there by the merchants of Switzerland, and principally by those of Bâle. Of these the French army has taken to the amount of many millions: all the banks of the lake of Neufchatel were covered with French manufactures. This circumstance justifies all the prohibitory measures which may be taken with regard to Switzerland. That country is little more, at this moment, than a warehouse for English goods. When it shall be cleared of these manufactures, we shall perhaps have the means of giving a new check to our enemy. Is it possible that the Landamman was not struck with the danger to which he exposed the Country? Who will protect Bâle from a visit from the French army? Does this Magistrate, who sees smuggling carried on by wholesale under his eyes, suppose that he is not responsible? If the French consider these depots of prohibited goods so publicly made, and to such great extent, a real act of hostility—if the French Government multiplies prohibitory laws between Switzerland, France and Italy; will not the Landamman be the cause of evil! and will not all the complaints that the Swiss may make be unjust and ill founded?
Dalmatia is occupied by the French army. It is separated from the mouth of the Cataro by the Republic of Ragusa: the country is mountainous, and the roads are bad. The French troops have arrived at Ragusa, when the fort of Castel Nuovo was delivered to 300 Russians by Gen. Brady, who commanded 2000 Austrians. This general, whose ancestors were English has been wanting in respect to France and has betrayed his Master. Upon receiving this information, Marshal Berthier gave orders that Braunau, which defends the frontier of the Inn, and which was to have been given up on the 1st of April, should not be restored, and that it should be again garrisoned. The division of the grand army which was on its way to France has halted. The Prisoners of war that were to have been sent back to Germany have been detained, until further orders, in the places at which they were.
This outrage offered by Russia to the Austrian flag and arms, is the more inconceivable, because the Russians at Corfu, draw their provision from the ports of Trieste and Fiume a free communication with which has not been prohibited. The Court of Vienna has ordered, that General Brady should be arrested and tried. It has expressed its dissatisfaction to Russia. It will cause Castel Nuovo, and the mouth of the Cataro, to be delivered up to France, without having occasion to reply, by arms, to this act of hostility.
The Russians have evacuated Hanover, and returned home. The army which the Emperor Alexander commanded has also returned to Russia. After all the losses which it sustained, it is very natural that it should repair them by recruiting. A part of the troops which were at Corfu have returned to the Bosporus with General Lacy. A considerable part of those that were in Poland are marching towards Choczim and the Crimea. The illusion, with respect to the Russian armies, is no more. The French army which, in two months, dispersed the third Coalition, was then only on the Peace Establishment: at the end of the three months, which have since elapsed, it finds itself on the War establishment. It had nothing to fear from all the forces of Europe; but no person will be able to form a fourth Coalition. England knows full well that it would be money thrown away. She reflects with terror, that the first Coalition, which lasted five years, made France mistress of Holland, Belgium, the Rhine, and all the German country—that the second coalition, which lasted two years, gave to France Piedmont and Switzerland—that the third, which only lasted three months, gave her Venice, Naples, and Genoa—that the least she could expect from a fourth coalition would be Trieste and Riume, and the eternal exclusion of the English from all the ports of Europe. Russia, recovered from the vain illusion by which she was deceived, well knows what thirty millions of people scattered over an immense territory, and under the necessity of opposing the Persians, Turks, and Tartars, can do against forty millions of Frenchmen united on the same platform, brave, active, and intelligent, and more capable of conquering Russia than the Russians are of conquering France.
English, Russian, and Sardinian Envoys, and a knot of malecontents from all the countries in the world, had fixed on Rome as the centre of their machinations. The Emperor required that they should be driven from thence; and that a Sovereign, placed in his Empire, should do nothing contrary to the safety of the armies of Naples and Italy. The first care of an army should always be, not to allow itself to be surrounded either by spies or
those who encourage desertion. This demand gave rise to many difficulties, when the persons who were the objects of it did justice to themselves, and all evacuated Rome.
The kingdom of Naples is entirely conquered. The French troops are at Reggio, at Otranto, and at Taranto. Only a small body of the Neapolitan troops could embark and reach Sicily. That Island is defended by 4500 English. The presence of such enemies is an additional inducement for the French to go there. Gaeta, an insignificant fortress, with a garrison of 1600 men is besieged.
The Victory at Austerlitz has produced as much sensation at Constantinople as at Paris. The excitement there was sincere and universal. The Government of the Porte is neither ignorant nor bold. There may, at Constantinople, be some traitors, but they are not numerous; whilst, on the contrary, the multiplied measures of Russia for apprising the foundation of this vast Empire have not escaped the notice of the real Ottomans. They are not ignorant that the protection of France can alone be sufficient for the Porte; & that France is the only power interested in protecting her. This vicinity of the French in Dalmatia has inspired them with the liveliest joy. The emperor Napoleon has been acknowledged emperor. The Porte knows very well that its treaty with Russia was extorted; and that it is rather a treaty between a despot and his Vassal, than between Sovereign and Sovereign; that it is not the French who have excited the Greeks Serfs to insurrection; whose ships of War are anchored before Constantinople; and who are continually creating commotions in the Morea. This new attitude of the Porte has produced much uneasiness at St. Petersburg; and if the Porte shall be roufed to acts of energy against Russia, there will not be found between those two powers the great difference that may be supposed. The Mussulman is brave; and were he but directed and assisted, he would triumph over the Moscovite militia. It is not probable that the Porte will wish to go to war; but she has a right to prefer her independence, and to wish for protection against the insults of M. Italinovsky, every proceeding of whom, when he communicates with the divan, is only calculated to excite hatred and indignation.
We intend to collect in this way, every month, information of what is passing; and to throw some light into the labyrinth of false reports, by which the lawful operations of fair and honest merchants may be injured."
Domestic Intelligence.
VERMONT.—This year, in pursuance of a provision in their constitution, the citizens of Vermont choose 13 persons who are called The Council of Censors; it is the duty of this council to enquire whether the constitution has been preserved inviolate, and whether the legislative and executive branches of the government have faithfully performed their duty, &c. For these purposes they are empowered to send for persons, papers and records—pass public censors; order impeachments; recommend to the legislature the repealing of laws which they deem unconstitutional.—They may also call a convention for the purpose of amending the constitution, &c. Their power continues for one year. The following gentlemen are chosen for the present term:—Moses Robinson, Mark Richards, James Tarbox, Udney Hay, William Hunter, Samuel Huntington, Thomas Gros, Ezra Butler, John Noyes, Apollas Austin, Loyal Cate, Isaiah Fiske, Isaac Clarke.—They are all Republicans, and were elected by several thousands majority over the federal ticket.
Trenton Pap.
BOSTON, May 26.
From the Cape of Good Hope.—Through the politeness of Mr. Joseph Pierce, jr., who came to town on Saturday from Beverley, where he arrived passenger, in the Hope, capt. Lovett, from Calcutta, (via Cape of Good Hope) we have been favored with a file of papers to March 8, printed at the latter place, a very particular marine list, and sundry interesting documents relative to the capture of the Cape by the British. In the latter, Mr. Pierce observes, "that the Coastal of the United States, (John Elmslie, Esq.) who had remained in Capetown, unaccredited, for several years by the Dutch, was publicly announced and received as the American Consul, by the British Commander in Chief, as soon as the colonial government was reinstated. This circumstance, with many other evidences of friendship, renders it a duty to say, that in all the numerous applications which the Americans have made to Sir David Baird, on a variety of business, since he has acted as Governor of the colony, the most prompt attention, and gentlemanlike deportment, have always marked his conduct to the Americans; and a commercial intercourse between the United States, and the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, which will be reciprocally advantageous, may with confidence be expected, while such a man as Sir David Baird, administers the concerns of its government."
Extract of a letter from Halifax, dated the 14th May, 1806.
"There are five Americans here under advertisement, all detained by captain Whitby, of the Leader, who swears he will have them all liberated, as well as all he takes. And as he is going to sea again on Monday, to cruise, as I understand off the Hook, the probability is he will capture many more. His conduct is truly astonishing, and his treatment to American captives in every instance is abusive. He is void of all shame; is universally detested here; and it is expected will be ordered home immediately on his recent conduct being represented to his Government, and probably be deprived of his commission. It is thought he will distress and abuse every American he meets with on his next cruise, which we may suppose, (and which we fervently hope) will be his last."
N. York pap.
NEW-YORK, May 28.
Capt. Wadsworth, arrived this morning from Curacoa, which place he left on the 4th of May, informs that the day he failed, a dispatch-boat arrived there from Porto Cavello, with news of one of Miranda's fchrs. having been captured on the Spanish coast, on her passage from Aruba with the Leader and another fchr. The commander of the fchr. and several of the crew were killed in the engagement, which was desperately fought. Capt. W. confirms the news of Miranda's having flopt 12 days at Aruba.
BALTIMORE, May 31.
Arrived, fchr. Nimrod, Cathel, 25 days from Maracaibo. Left no Americans. Was embargoed from 18 March until May, in consequence of Miranda's expedition—no accounts had been received of his landing, when he failed. The port shut to all foreigners, the whole coast in a state of alarm. Fed. Gas.
PHILADELPHIA.
A private letter from a gentleman in London, to a friend in this city, mentions that the Board of Health of the city of London, had lately agreed in a belief that the Yellow Fever was not a contagious disease, and of course, that it could not be imported from one country into another.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 6th JUNE.
"Federalists in Office," No. 3, is postponed.
We have in this paper laid before the reader a large mass of Foreign Intelligence; among which Mr. Fox's frequently severe philippic against the King of Prussia, and the Monthly Expote of the French government, claim the first attention.—Much more intelligence is on hand, and more is set to be received. It will then be time enough to speculate upon the fate of Europe, and to enquire into the chances of a Fourth Coalition.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
On Saturday last Capt. Stephen Decatur, who signalized himself by the destruction of the Philadelphia frigate, in the Harbour of Tripoli, arrived in this town, and on the following morning a committee of four gentlemen being requested by a number of the citizens to solicit his company to a public dinner, wrote to him as follows:
Richmond, June 1st, 1806.
SIR, A number of the citizens of Richmond feel themselves happy in the opportunity, which your arrival affords, to testify their high and lively sense of the services which you have rendered to your country, during the late naval operations in the Mediterranean. They participate with the American community at large, in the respect and gratitude which your efforts have universally called forth.—They cannot forget, how much your conduct and courage have contributed to accelerate the conclusion of a war with a distant and barbarous enemy. Nor will they suppress the sentiment of pride which they feel, in reflecting on the glory which the American arms have acquired, in regions where the American name had been too long held in contempt and disgrace. Our infant navy has already displayed Herculean strength, & taught the world to respect the efforts which a free and enlightened people can make, to vindicate their violated rights. It is therefore with peculiar pleasure, that the undersigned committee, in behalf of themselves and their fellow citizens of Richmond, offer you this testimonial of their exalted respect, and beg you to afford them the further gratification of dining with them on Monday next, at the Eagle Tavern.
P. N. NICHOLAS, JOSEPH SCOTT, GEORGE TUCKER, WILSON ALLEN, } Committee.
To which he returned the following answer:
Richmond, June 1st, 1806.
GENTLEMEN, Feeling the most lively sense of gratitude towards the Citizens of Richmond, I beg leave to offer them my sincere thanks for the high opinion they have been pleased to express of my services while in the Mediterranean, which services their generosity has far overrated.—
I will do myself the honor of dining with the Citizens of Richmond agreeably to invitation.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of highest respect and gratitude, Gentlemen, your obed't serv't, STEPHEN DECATUR, Jr.
Messrs. P. N. Nicholas, Joseph Scott, George Tucker, Wilson Allen, }
On the following day a number of the most respectable citizens partook of a handsome dinner provided for the occasion, Dr. WILLIAM FOUSHEE acting as President, and P. N. NICHOLAS, Esq., as Vice President—after dinner the following toasts were drank.
1: The People of the U.S.—May they be as happy as they are free.
2: Thomas Jefferson—President of the United States.
3: The Heads of Departments.
4: The Union—Without it we have security neither for liberty nor peace.
5: The Navy of the U. S.—Few in numbers, in valor pre-eminent.
6: The Army & Militia—May our soldiers be citizens and our citizens soldiers.
7: The Constitution—Let it be changed, if defective, but never infringed.
8: The Congress of the U. S.—May it ever represent the interests and the will of the people, and not the jealousies of faction.
9: Neutral Rights—May they soon cease to need the support of neutral power.
10: War with all its evils, in preference to insult and injury with peace.
11: National bravery—They are unworthy to enjoy their country's blessings who will not defend them.
12: The Powers of Europe—Nature has given us no common interest in their disputes—then let us create none.
13: The love of country—That virtue in a republic, without which all other virtues are dangerous.
14: The memory of James Decatur and his brave companions—May their glorious example be as extensive as their country's gratitude and admiration.
15: The Tripolitan government—We have taught it to find its own interest in respecting ours.
16: Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures—They support and invigorate each other.
17: Our fair countrywomen—We shall never want defenders while they know that none but the brave can obtain their smiles.
The President having called on Capt. Decatur for a toast he gave:
The citizens of Richmond—As conspicuous for liberality as they are renowned for talents.
By Chief Justice Marshall—The military genius of our country—May the United States never permit it to languish for the want of cultivation.
By Judge Griffin—Capt. Bainbridge—the officer and the man.
By the President—Confidence in public servants; May it be founded on actions, as the truest and best criterion of talents, valour and virtue.
Capt. Decatur having retired:
Capt. Stephen Decatur, jun.—May his gallant services ever receive the reward of his country's gratitude.
By the Vice-President—May the nations of Europe respect the freedom of the seas, and the rights of neutral commerce.
By Col. Gamble—Commodore Preble.
By Mr. H. Marks—Somers, Wadsworth, and Israel—May their heroic conduct be engraved in the hearts of their countrymen.
COMMUNICATION.
THE NEW INDIAN TALE.
It has been often to me matter of surprise, that the popular prose writers of the United States, should have neglected subjects of national interest for those of a remote and unaffectionate nature. He who hopes to enchain attention by his works, must depict his scenes with the energy of immediate observation, and not thro' the medium of another author's mind, or, what Dryden significantly calls, the spectacles of books." Mr. Davis, therefore, discovered judgment when he began his series of Indian Tales, and left the banks of the Thames for those of
James River. In the Tale of Pokahontas, he embraced one of the most interesting stories in early Virginian history: he has restored Indian imagery; & recurring to scenes that cannot but charm by their familiarity, and treating them with some happiness, he has opened a source of elegant pleasure to the young people of this country. The finished history of Burk, copious, argumentative and sparkling with illustration, is for the matured mind susceptible of the higher energies: the Tales of Mr. Davis, embracing in their nature the allurements of romance, are for the youthful generation, & serve as a by-path of flowers and fragrance to the lofty vestibule of the historian. I am authorized to say that Mr. Davis has not relinquished his intention of prosecuting his series of Indian Tales. He is now involving the shade of Saint Pierre, and the genius of Chateaubriant; he is preparing for publication the Massacre of the Virginian Planters, which will correspond in size with his Tale of Pokahontas.
NANTAQUAS.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Remarks concerning General Kutusow's account of the battle of Austerlitz.
The Russian general Kutusow, has written a lengthy letter to Alexander, emperor of Russia, concerning the battle of Austerlitz. This letter is dated on the 14th January, Russian style, almost two months after the battle. Kutusow apologizes for the delay, as follows. "I thought it unnecessary to send to your majesty an earlier account respecting the circumstances of that affair, as I intended after the receipt of all the particulars, to transmit to your majesty a circumstantial relation." Thus introduced, it was reasonable to expect that an interesting and candid representation would be given. But instead of this, the whole appears to have been a premeditated fabrication, intended, no doubt, to appease and deceive the stupid and debased nations, over whom Alexander exercises despotic sway. So far as respected Alexander himself, much of the matter contained in Kutusow's letter was unnecessary, because Alexander was not only an eye witness, but, as has been published, was personally engaged in the battle. There can be no doubt that he knew much more than is contained in Kutusow's letter.
If reliance is to be placed on Kutusow's letter, we must believe that Bonaparte, in the action of Austerlitz, had twice as many men as the Russians; that the Russians after losing about 12000, in killed and wounded, and slaughtering 18000 French, were so kind-hearted as to stop their deadly blows; to turn about; to retreat; to abandon their ally and the common cause; to break their faith with Great-Britain, whose money was then in their pockets; to give up the field of battle, with about a hundred pieces of cannon, to their vanquished enemy, and to return to their homes, in such haste and confusion, that the commander and chief could not collect sufficient materials, to form a report, until the 14th of January.
The wife Solomon said that there was nothing new under the sun. But if Solomon lived at this day, he would speak a different language. He would to his astonishment behold, the victorious Russians all running away and abandoning their cannon, and the vanquished French, in possession of every thing which victors could take.
All this may do with the stupid and enslaved Russians, or with the infatuated English, but surely no enlightened American, will countenance such a palpable fabrication: a composition, which contains the means of its own destruction. But if it be admitted that one Russian is as good in battle as two Frenchmen, then the victorious Bonaparte is no more than a Bug-eat, and there is nothing to be feared from him. The population of France and Russia are nearly equal; and let Bonaparte do what he may with Spain, Italy and Germany, till he will be compelled to stop on the borders of Russia. There, all at once and as it were by enchantment, one man drawn from the plough is equal to two well-disciplined Frenchmen.
According to this opinion, one half of the 180,000 Russians which were hired or sold to Great-Britain, if they had been brought into the field, would have killed or driven away all the French who had crossed the Rhine, because even the English accounts do not pretend that more French troops crossed the Rhine than six divisions of 25,000 each; many of these were detached towards the Tyrol, into Swabia, and to Vienna, besides numberless small detachments which were dispersed in Germany, to support communications, and other necessary purposes. But without descending to particulars, there is no candid enquirer who will say, that Bonaparte upon that day commanded more than 80,000 men.
Now, if the Russians are so well pleased with themselves for their exploits at the battle of Austerlitz, if they could support an unequal contest of two to one—if they lost no more than 12000 men—There yet remain 168,000 which belong to the English. They according to Kutusow's account will be equal to 336,000 of Frenchmen. The British are still at war. They have the command of the sea. They are in constant alarms from the fear of invasion. Why do they not land these invincible men in Holland, in Flanders, in Brittany, in Provence, or some other parts of France?
Kutusow's account of the battle of Austerlitz, reminds us of the exploits of Suwarrows, in Italy and Switzerland. As long as he could overpower the French by numbers, he compelled them to retreat, but after all his victories and triumphs he gave up the field and surrendered his honors and glory to Massena. He was too light-footed for the French General. He entirely escaped, and hastily returned to Russia with the wreck of his army to render an account of the celerity of his movements, and by way of honorable reward was banished to Siberia where he died with a broken heart. The English historian Stephens says, "it is impossible to contemplate Suwarrows, without shutting the heart to compassion, even rejoicing that he was suffered to languish in disgrace, and die amidst those tortures he had so frequently inflicted."
It will not fare so badly with Kutusow. Alexander was present. He saw, knew, commanded or permitted every thing, and, it is very probable, has required the hoary-headed soldier to make out something to be published and circulated among the distant provinces.
All those who confide on Kutusow's account verbatim et litteratim, may from this day forward banish their fears as relate to Bonaparte. They may believe, if they can, that one Russian is equal to two Frenchmen, and that the same Barbarians of the north are about to perform, what has been inefectually attempted by the disciplined legions of the south.
Before the subject is dismissed, it is proper to notice, that Kutusow admits that three lieut. generals & ten major generals were either killed, wounded or taken.—We may suppose that these were above one third of the generals of those ranks, who were engaged in the action.—If so, there would be 30 divisions; suppose a division to consist of only 6000 men, and that there were only 15 divisions, the Russian army, would amount to above 100,000 men; but whether more or less, they lost or gave up every
thing that Bonaparte wanted. They now appear to be very angry, and will probably renew the war as soon as there is a prospect of success.—So much for Kutusow's report.
In case of another war, a few more exploits like the battle of Austerlitz, will shake even the Russian throne, and Alexander, with equal politeness may find himself, disposed to abandon Poland, the Baltic, and even resign his capital. He may be even so generous as to retire to Moscow. But if, as Kutusow says, and as many pretend to believe, that one Russian is equal to two Frenchmen, we may soon expect that Europe, from the Vistula and Danube to the extremity of Italy, will be overrun by Vandals and exposed to woe and desolation: These are evils which none but fools can believe; none but madmen can desire. These are evils which have been averted by the genius of Bonaparte; and by the exploits and heroism of the French armies. These are evils which threatened to substitute barbarism for civilization; the knout for a court of justice; muskets, bayonets, & swords, for the arts, & sciences. And it is for these disappointments, that there are some who weep and wail and gnash their teeth in the bitterness of sorrow.
MARRIED.—On Sunday the 1st inst. Mr. NATH. MCCULL, of the city of Richmond, merchant to the amiable Miss JULIA LOGAN, daughter of the late Charles Logan, Esq. of Hill Mead.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 2d of July next, will be sold by Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale.
THAT VALUABLE BRICK TENEMENT on Shockey hill, opposite to Mr. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch.
Terms of payment—one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property to secure payment of the purchase money.
TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M's. June 6. (tdf.)
Sales at Auction.
On Tuesday the 10th inst. will be sold without reserve, at the office of the fish-merchants:
12 bds. excellent St. Kitts' RUM, at 60 ds.
3 chfs Imperial TEA, 6 mo.
An invoice of Chintz, Muslins and coloured Cambricks, 4 mo.
Negotiable notes, with approved endorser, will be required.
TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M's. Young Hyson Tea (containing 14ining 14 bds), which will be sold for cash. June 6. (tdf.)
LAND FOR SALE.
On the second Tuesday in July next, will be offered for sale, at public Auction, at Ball Court House. (Warren Springs):
A TRACT OF LAND, containing 340 acres, lying between the Warm and Hot Springs, but nearer to the latter; the land is of good quality, and may be divided as to accommodate several families who might desire a residence contiguous to those valuable waters. One fourth of the purchase money will be expected on the delivery of the deed; the balance in two equal annual instalments, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and to be secured by a deed of trust upon the property.
JOHN ADAMS, Attorney in fact, for the distributees of R. Adams. June 6. (oawtdf.)
LAND FOR SALE.
On the second Saturday in August next, will be exposed for sale, at public Auction, at John Anderson's Tavern, in the Town of New-Canton,
SIX LOTS OF LAND, being parcels of a tract formerly held by Colonel Samuel Jourdan, which was lately divided by the subscriber, into several smaller tracts. Three of the lots are situated between James and Slate rivers; and the other three, on the north side of Slate river, adjoining the lands of Mr. Robert Nicholas, and Mr. Stephen Geraut. The land is well timbered, and is favorable for the culture of tobacco and wheat; and no part of it is more distant than three miles from an excellent merchant mill; and the whole is convenient to good navigation. Plots of the land will be left with Mr. Walter Irvine, of New-Canton, and the lines will be easily traced, as they are very generally known in the neighborhood.
One fourth of the purchase money will be demanded on the delivery of the deed; the balance to be divided into two equal annual instalments, secured upon the property, by deed of trust.
JOHN ADAMS. (oawtdf.) June 6.
THE subscriber has removed his Broker's Office to the middle tenement, in Doctor Terman's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him.
THOMAS NORVELL. FOR sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (if.)
NEGROES FOR SALE.
ON Thursday the 14th inst. will be offered at public sale for Cash, in the town of New-Canton, seven likely NEGROES, the property of William Cannon of the County of Buckingham, to satisfy a debt due from said Cannon to Samuel Jones of the County of Amelia, assignee of Wade Mosby.
WILLIAM CANNON, WADE MOSBY. June 6. (tdf.)
DR. FENDALL, OPERATOR UPON TEETH.
IS just arrived in this City and may be consulted every day during his stay at the Eagle Tavern. As Dr. Fendall's continuance in this City, is uncertain, those Ladies and gentlemen who wish to employ him will please to make immediate application. Upon request, he will wait upon those Ladies and Gentlemen, either in the City or its vicinity, who do not find it convenient to attend him at his lodgings.
Dr. Fendall cures the scurvy in the gums, be it ever so inveterate, in a short time, falls loose teeth, by making the gums grow firm up to them; renders teeth white and beautiful; prevents their decay; keeps such as are from becoming worse, even to old age; fills up those that are hollow with gold or lead, which will not only render them useful, but prevents their aching and further decay, extracts teeth and stumps with ease; makes and fixes artificial teeth. His Columbian antiseptic Dentifrice for preserving the teeth, gums, pockets, &c. and superior he thinks both in elegance and efficacy to any other, is sold by the Doctor. June 6. 2t.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
BROKE out of or was stolen from a lot near Maj. Benj. Wolfe's, a small Bay MARE, about a feet 8 or 9 inches high, a star in her forehead, one of her hind feet white, a small wart just below the throat-latch of the bridle on the right side; trots very short and carries her head low; had a swith tail and fresh blood before. Whoever will deliver the said mare to Thomas Stantop in Richmond, shall receive the above reward. June 6. 2t.

Seat of Government.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
[Several flagrant misrepresentations of the proceedings in the House of Representatives on the last day of their sitting having gone abroad, we have been induced, from the dictates of our own judgment, and from a deference to the request of others, so far as to anticipate the publication of those in course, as to anticipate the publication of those of this day.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, April 21.
DEBATE ON SALT BILL.
The House took up the amendments to the Senate bill repealing the tax on salt, and continuing in force, for a further time, the first section of the act, entitled "An act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers."
The amendments proposed striking out all the provisions of the bill relative to the repeal of the duty on salt.
Mr. ALSTON said he believed it would be in order to amend the amendment of the Senate. If it were, he would offer an amendment, which would go to take off the duty on salt to the amount of 8 cents.
The Speaker considering the amendment in the present stage of the business not in order, the question was put on concurring in the amendments of the Senate.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I understand this House to have passed a bill to the Senate repealing the existing duty on salt, and continuing for a further time the tax imposing a duty of two and a half per cent. on articles previously charged with ad valorem duties.
The Senate have returned the bill, retaining the supply we voted, as well as the tax proposed by us to be repealed. I hope we shall not agree to their amendment; and the reason I shall offer will not conflict with those drawn from expediency, but from my idea of the constitutional powers of this and the other branch of the legislature, which is, that it is the sole and indisputable prerogative of this House to grant the money of the people of the U. S. It is here only that a grant of money can originate.
It is true that the Senate have the power of amending money bills, but my idea of the extent to which that power can go, according to the true spirit of the constitution, is this—While the Senate may amend money bills to facilitate the collection of duties, or in other respects as to their details—they do not possess the constitutional power of varying either the quantum of tax proposed in this House, or the object on which it may be levied. I hope the House will never consent to give up this invaluable privilege, of fixing what supplies they will grant and the object on which they shall be levied. But even supposing this objection nugatory, I hope this House will not suffer itself to be entrapped on the last day of the session in agreeing to a grant which it was never in their contemplation to make. When we sent a bill to the other branch to continue the Mediterranean duty, we sent at the same time a bill to repeal the duty on salt. The amendment from the Senate can be viewed in no other light than as originating a money bill in the Senate—it goes to originate a tax on salt. Such an effect will be the object and tendency of the measure. Let us suppose, indeed, that the Senate had imposed a new tax, we had sent a simple bill to repeal this same tax upon salt. Could the Senate by an amendment, retain and continue the Mediterranean fund? And if they could, would not that be originating a money bill? I hope the House will disagree to the amendments of the Senate.
Mr. SLOAN. However I may expose myself to the censure of the gentleman from Virginia, I think it my duty to say something on a subject highly interesting to my constituents. Notwithstanding the rancorous eloquence of that gentleman, I differ from him on this subject. I will ask what chance there was of obtaining the repeal of this tax upon salt, when the measure was proposed at the head of a session, when it might have been offered three months ago, and connected with another thing which compelled us to vote for it. In my opinion it is a constitutional right to agree to an amendment of the Senate, as if the thing originated with us. I hope the House will agree to the amendment—the question of our affairs requires it, and I trust we shall treat with contempt the attempt to force down so important a bill at the end of a session.
Mr. ALSTON thought it would be advisable to accommodate with the Senate. In order to obtain an accommodation, he should vote in the first instance against the amendments of the Senate. On a conference they may agree to strike off the duty of 8 cents on salt; and the next year when we shall better understand the ground on which we stand, the House may be disposed still further to lessen the burthen.
Mr. RHEA (of Ten.) I do not consider this bill as in the nature of a bill originating revenue, but as one, on the contrary, deracting from the revenue. I contend that the Senate have the power at any time to say they will not consent to the repeal of a revenue law, else they are a trifling, insignificant body. Are they not as well as we to judge of the exigency of the country? This is not a question of expediency, but of necessity. Though we are desirous of taking off the duty on salt, such is the situation of the country, menaced with foreign danger, and particularly with a war with Tunis, that the revenue ought not to be diminished. For these reasons I shall concur in the amendment of the Senate.
The yeas and nays were then taken on agreeing to the amendment of the Senate—Yeas 24—Nays 20.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I hope we shall now adhere to our disagreement to the amendment of the Senate. I hope we shall not concur with the Senate under the idea of reducing the duty on salt from twenty to twelve cents. Notwithstanding a fear entertained by some gentlemen of a deficiency in the revenue, the House, by a vast majority, passed the bill repealing the duty on salt. The measure of the President was referred to the committee of Ways and Means, and that committee made a report recommending the taking off the duty on salt, and continuing the two and a half per cent. duty. Every objection to the measure that now exists then existed, and ought then to have been offered. We then sent to the other House a supply of money—a tax yielding 900,000 dollars, with the probability of its amounting the ensuing year to a million, in this same bill we proposed taking off a tax, which does not yield 600,000 dollars—we therefore made a grant of 400,000 dollars annually. It is said that the amendment of the Senate does not go to the imposition of a new tax, but that it continues the revenue as it is. There is some plausibility, but no solidity in this remark. If it goes to continue the revenue as it now is, where is the necessity of continuing the duty of two and a half per cent? It is therefore in fact a new money bill. Let me urge one thing to the House. If we ever mean to strike off the duty on salt, we must cling to the Mediterranean fund as the lever to lift this load from the shoulders of the people. It will be recollected that within five years we have taken off the internal taxes. I am glad of it; for I fear it would not now be done. They produced about 900,000 dollars, inclusive of the taxes which have expired, and 640,000 dollars exclusive of them. But we have granted a supply of two and a half per cent. duties, which yield annually, from 900,000 to a million dollars. This is a complete offset to the repeal of the internal taxes. What we have lost by their repeal we have gained with the addition of one, or 500,000 dollars beyond the sum we should have received, had they been suffered to remain, and no addition been made to the duties on imports and tonnage; and yet we hear of the growing demands of the government. But the growing demands of all governments are alike. Do gentlemen recollect the growing force of the government when this government was first put in motion, the duties on imports were not more than 4 or 5 millions. These resources are daily growing, and a fund accruing from the increasing prosperity of the people which their guardians are bound to account for. Though we have contracted a debt for New-Orleans, we have gained a revenue of not less than 200,000 dollars a year. From these circumstances I hope we shall adhere to our disagreement to the amendment of the Senate, and that they will in their justness and graciousness, yield a tax of half a million for a tax which produces a whole million. It is a new stretch of senatorial prerogative, for that body (The Speaker said the House had nothing to do with the conduct of the Senate—it was therefore out of order to make such remarks) Mr. J. Randolph, I would to have nothing to do with the Senate; and am therefore in favor of adhering to our vote; though I believe when there is a constitutional question as to the powers of the two branches, we may very properly examine their proceedings. It is said the Senate may strike out all but the title of your bill; indubitably; but will this House submit? Suppose you send a bill to the Senate laying a duty of 2 per cent. on salt, and they send it back to you, striking out this provision, and giving you a bill in lieu of it, laying a tax of four shillings in the pound on all the lands of the U. S. That, under the constitution, a fair exercise of their power? To my mind, if the position be admitted, that it is the sole privilege of this House to grant the public money, it is extremely indecent, to say no more, for that branch of the Legislature to tell the U. S. they will get all the money they can, whenever they may be the disposition of this House. Recollect how the salt tax was laid before—on the last day of an expiring Congress, after a proposition to lay the tax had been rejected, and members had gone home under the persuasion that no such attempt would be renewed. By some little modification of that proposition, a tax of 20 cents was laid on every 56 lbs. of salt, was laid and riveted on the people forever. When I say forever, I mean the period of its being taken off depends on a branch of the legislature, over which the people have but little control, who are the representatives, not of the people but of the state forsovereignties. Now if the House do with, as surely they shall, to get rid of this tax, and if they believe, as they must, that the present circumstances of the country admit of its repeal, else the bill would not have passed by so large a majority, I hope they will adhere to their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate, and put it in the power of the other branch to take as much of the public money, as it is our pleasure to grant, and not one cent more.
Mr. RHEA (of Ten.) As I do not appear to have been understood, it is necessary that I should say a few words in explanation. I said nothing of the Mediterranean fund. I said then, and I say still, I do not contemplate this bill, so far as it relates to imposing a duty on salt, as a money bill; and I consider the amendment of the Senate as only a negation to the repeal of laws affecting the revenue. I said, that House had a right to judge of the propriety of the repeal of a revenue law, and I say so still. We say we are in favor of a repeal of the law imposing a duty on salt—they say they are against it. What has that to do with originating a money bill? One is as distinct from the other as the effect from its cause. I agree that this House has the right to originate revenue laws; but once enacted, they have an equal right with us to judge of the expediency of retaining them. With regard to this law, when I came here, I found it in existence, and I think in the present state of our country it ought to be continued. I have not even every reason to believe that we shall be embroiled in a war with Tunis? Will not this take all the revenue we have to spare? I shall be glad if it will not take more. We have no information from the executive government, that this duty can be dispensed with—we have seen no report on the subject from the secretary of the treasury. It is not my duty to sit here & decide the government of the power of promoting the public interest. You may go on repealing one law after another, until the executive has but the mere name of authority left. It has been said that the demands on the treasury may increase—I believe they may justly increase; we know indeed they have increased. Since the meeting of Congress we have taken measures which may increase them for eventual good, for the benefit of the whole community. Being of this opinion I must vote against this bill in every shape in which it comes before me.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I understand that if the House do adhere, all conference with the Senate will be at an end. If they refuse to keep the duty on salt to having the Mediterranean fund, they will refuse to recede from their amendment. But I have no idea they will refuse a revenue of a million for half a million. I am as anxious as any man to vote the necessary supplies for the government, and perhaps more so; but I have been materially influenced, had a different vote prevailed on the bill relative to the public debt, which has been postponed. But when I find the hands of the commissioners of the sinking fund tied, and that there is a probability that they will be obliged to pour back into the treasury, a part of the fund vested in them, I feel altogether indisposed to this amendment. If all the surplus revenue could be applied to the discharge of the debt, I might be as liberal as any man in granting it; but as it cannot, I am for adhering to our vote.
Mr. CONRAD. I hope we shall not adhere, but try a conference. It will be then time enough to consider whether we will adhere. Anxious as I am to get rid of this odious tax, I will agree to reduce the duty to 12 cents, or keep the Mediterranean fund, and next session judge whether we are able to take off the whole of it.
Mr. RHEA (of Ten.) said he barely rose to let the gentleman from Virginia know, by stating that the hands of the commissioners of the sinking fund would not be tied for several years to come, and that Congress would be in session before any such great sum would be accumulated in their hands.
Mr. LYON said he felt great aversion to the salt tax as any man, but his strong with was to act in such a manner that the Executive government might not be distressed in discharging the duties devolved on it by the legislature. He should vote against adhering, that a conference might be had with the Senate. He should vote for taking off the salt tax, if he thought the government could do without it; and he had no doubt that most of the gentlemen who voted for dispensing with it, did it under the impression that the Secretary of the Treasury thought we could do without it. He said for his own satisfaction he had applied to the Secretary of the Treasury, who had told him the government could not do without it.
The motion to adhere was then disagreed to—Ayes 26—Nays 12—When the House agreed to it on their disagreement to the amendment of the Senate and appointed a committee of conference.
motion, the duties on imports were not more than 4 or 5 millions. These resources are daily growing, and a fund accruing from the increasing prosperity of the people which their guardians are bound to account for. Though we have contracted a debt for New-Orleans, we have gained a revenue of not less than 200,000 dollars a year. From these circumstances I hope we shall adhere to our disagreement to the amendment of the Senate, and that they will in their justness and graciousness, yield a tax of half a million for a tax which produces a whole million. It is a new stretch of senatorial prerogative, for that body (The Speaker said the House had nothing to do with the conduct of the Senate—it was therefore out of order to make such remarks) Mr. J. Randolph, I would to have nothing to do with the Senate; and am therefore in favor of adhering to our vote; though I believe when there is a constitutional question as to the powers of the two branches, we may very properly examine their proceedings. It is said the Senate may strike out all but the title of your bill; indubitably; but will this House submit? Suppose you send a bill to the Senate laying a duty of 2 per cent. on salt, and they send it back to you, striking out this provision, and giving you a bill in lieu of it, laying a tax of four shillings in the pound on all the lands of the U. S. That, under the constitution, a fair exercise of their power? To my mind, if the position be admitted, that it is the sole privilege of this House to grant the public money, it is extremely indecent, to say no more, for that branch of the Legislature to tell the U. S. they will get all the money they can, whenever they may be the disposition of this House. Recollect how the salt tax was laid before—on the last day of an expiring Congress, after a proposition to lay the tax had been rejected, and members had gone home under the persuasion that no such attempt would be renewed. By some little modification of that proposition, a tax of 20 cents was laid on every 56 lbs. of salt, was laid and riveted on the people forever. When I say forever, I mean the period of its being taken off depends on a branch of the legislature, over which the people have but little control, who are the representatives, not of the people but of the state forsovereignties. Now if the House do with, as surely they shall, to get rid of this tax, and if they believe, as they must, that the present circumstances of the country admit of its repeal, else the bill would not have passed by so large a majority, I hope they will adhere to their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate, and put it in the power of the other branch to take as much of the public money, as it is our pleasure to grant, and not one cent more.
Mr. ALSTON. Having done every thing in our power to repeal the duty on salt or to lessen it; the only question is whether we shall continue the Mediterranean fund until the next session or not. I call on gentlemen to take a review of the different estimates from the treasury during the present session, and to consider the expenses they warrant—I allude particularly to the appropriation of two millions towards the purchase of the Floridas, to decide whether we can do without the Mediterranean fund. The great object with me in advocating the repeal of the duty on salt was to obtain the Mediterranean fund. We have done our part to effect this object. I believe with the aid of that fund, though the duty on salt had been taken off, our revenue would have been sufficient—even then the greatest economy would have been requisite in the disbursement of the public money. Official documents on our tables from the proper departments will show that we cannot do without the Mediterranean fund; provided the objects for which we have made appropriations be carried into effect. At the next session, however, we shall know the measures taken by the Executive, and what our wants will be. This bill only extends the continuance of the fund to the next session, which will be on the 31st of March; and since it is now March, it will not expire until three months from the ratification of the treaty, this bill will only continue it for a period of six or seven months.
Mr. PINDLEY. Though I represent a district which suffers more perhaps than any other in the U. S. from the duty on salt, yet I confess myself astonished at the manner in which this bill has been brought before us. We have heard on a former occasion much about a cabinet. In this instance no cabinet has been consulted—but the measure has been smuggled in at the last period of the session. Are we sitting here to embarrass the character and credit of the U. S.? I thought the measure had come in on calculation; but I find since that it is founded on misrepresentation; and that it is a part of the system to throw the gauntlet, to destroy the administration. The people have offered us no petitions to repeal this tax. What have we done? The Mediterranean fund is about to cease, and it is now proposed to give up the salt tax for it. This mode of bargaining—this system of corruption I have always been averse to. I voted for the bill, because I thought it came from the treasury department, but instead of this, I find it part of a system to embarrass the administration. I will agree to continue the Mediterranean fund, for I am not at war with the government or any part of it. I know I am risking my popularity as much as any man; but I am not afraid of this, as I am convinced in a good cause I shall never suffer. There can be no good argument for the motion to adhere but adherence to destroy the administration.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS. No man can be more earnestly impressed with the proverbial duty of paying respect to age than myself; but my feelings have never been more hurt than by the gentleman's impeaching the motive of those who have acted a patriotic part. The gentleman has avowed the idea, that the Committee of Ways and Means have been actuated by the view of embarrassing the administration. I labor and drench such an imputation.
Here was a loud cry of order by a number of gentlemen, and among others by Mr. Thomas M. Randolph.
Mr. PINDLEY said he hoped the gentleman would be permitted to go on. He wished those who were opposed to the government to speak out.
The call to order was again repeated.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I hope we shall adhere to our vote, and I will give my reasons for indulging this hope. I do not profess to be so well acquainted with subjects of finance as some other gentlemen on this floor. But if the Mediterranean fund is to be continued for so short a time, it is obvious that the revenue to be gleaned from it will be proportionally small. The arguments of gentlemen therefore rebut themselves. They declare that they want a great revenue while they acknowledge that the continuance of this tax will produce but a small one. I hope that we shall keep the Mediterranean fund as a hostage for the salt tax. If between this and the next session a deficiency shall occur in our ways and means, to meet the demands of the government, it will not be the salt tax as I know it will not be the salt, in which I shall step forward to vote a supply to meet every honorable demand. If there shall be a deficit, as there is no reason to believe there will be, I pledge myself as one of those who will meet it. I wish to adhere to our vote, that the Mediterranean fund may be lost; for we have been told by those who, I presume, are well acquainted on such points, that such a course will enforce economy, and I with I could add, in the words of an honorable friend who has no longer a seat here, would insure economy. But what has thrown us into this heat? Is it the dinner we have just eaten? I hope no honorable gentleman, who has heretofore kept the nosebleed of his way, because we have adjourned for half an hour, has permitted his passions to indulge in an aspersion not thrown on any former occasion. I did hope that whatever contumely or hostility may have been manifested during the earlier period of the session, we would have been in the last moments of it neither the obsequious temper of age or youth; but that we should have parted like men not ashamed of what we had done, or afraid to meet the public award.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays on adhering—Yeas 40—Nays 17—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Ballenger, Bedinger, Betton, Caley, Dana, Davenport, Early, Elliot, Elkins, Elmer, Ely, Eppes, Garnett, Gray, Green, Holmes, Hough, Lewis, Moore, Mosely, J. Nelson, Olin, Picken, Quincey, J. Randolph, Rhea, Penn, Sammons, S. Smith, Taggart, Talmadge, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, T. W. Thompson, Van Rensselaer, Wadsworth, D. R. Williams, Wilson, Winn, and Winston—40.
NAYS—Messrs. Alston, Anderson, Barker, Bidwell, Blake, Chandler, Claiborne, Clayton, Conrad, Crownefield, Cuts, Darby, Dawson, Earle, Findley, Fife, Fowler, Green, Hulsey, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, Leib, Lyon, Marion, Matters, McCrery, N. R. Moore, Jr. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Pugh, T. M. Randolph, Rhea, Ten Russell, Sully, Schumann, Sloan, Smith, Southward, Thomas, Tracy, Varium, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill and N. Williams—17.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. It is true, as the gentleman says, I have not made much noise this session, and it is as true that he has made more than has been useful. I believe in the present stage of it that the advantage is on my side. I go home with a more contented mind, more tranquil feelings, and I may add also, I believe, a better heart, for not having engaged in the manner he has done, or in the character he has assumed, in the scenes exhibited before me in this House. Between the gentleman from Virginia and myself, I acknowledge there is in point of talents an immeasurable distance. I can never hope to attain that intellectual elevation, which he has long since reached. At my inferiority in that respect I do not repine. I am with nature made me, and I am perfectly satisfied with my condition. But although there is this intellectual difference between the gentleman and myself, and the superiority is so great on his part in that point, I maintain that in the point of true patriotism he is my inferior. I do not hesitate to pronounce that myself, and I do not fear the imputation of vanity for so doing. With respect to the usefulness of either to the public, there is no such difference in reality between us as may appear to exist. I insist that the tenor of the gentleman's recent conduct has been such, that, with all his extraordinary powers and the extraordinary exertion of them he has made, his utility to his country this session has not been superior to mine. The difference between us, in the effect produced by either upon the public affairs, has been, to speak the favorite language of the gentleman himself, the same with that between "arcturus coeli" and "nimius miter" upon the fields. To translate into the language of the gentleman's constituents, my influence on the national prosperity this session has been, when compared to his, what a dry summer is to a fresh, when a scanty crop is to an overwhelming inundation, confounding, fulfilling, impairing all things. The gentleman made use of the term "contumely." To this and other offensive terms with an allusion, which as to me, is as unoff as it is inflicting,
I am sorry to think myself obliged to reply in other language than what I ever expected to use towards him. I have long observed that this gentleman is apt to indulge himself while he has the shield of the dignity of this House extended over him, while he feels he is standing in the centre of this sacred asylum, in language to his equals upon this floor, which would be inadmissible in society, which he would not venture to make use of elsewhere. While saying this, I am fully aware of the consequences which may result from my expressions. My mind is arranged to meet them. I know the extreme irritability of the gentleman's temper, I know as well the principles which govern him upon occasions of this kind. I know the point to which he is disposed to carry disputes, with some persons. I inform him that I have the same principles and sentiments myself upon such subjects. I never will unprovoked seek a quarrel with any one; this is entirely unthought, and undefined by me; but I have always thought, and always shall think, that lead and even steel make very proper ingredients in serious quarrels, and I shall never be unwilling, when honor requires, to mix either or both in such as are forced upon me.
I have been hitherto a great admirer not only of the talents but of the utility of the gentleman in his public sphere. I am no longer; for the former are perverted, the latter has ceased. This gentleman had been from his first entrance into the public councils a kind of industrious, skillful, ready, and useful kitchen gardener in politics. His labor was constantly employed for the benefit of his country; it produced abundance of rich fruits and wholesome nutriment for its honor, its subsistence, and growth. He was beloved and cherished by it. Suddenly last year he grew fond of the business of the South, & took a distaste to the trade & manure which he had come to such extraordinary thrift. He became dazzled with the splendor of that new calling, and not only refused to charge his trade and let up in it, but conceived a strong contempt and aversion to such as followed the old. Behold, in one year's season he has reached the verge of bankruptcy. For myself I pronounce him bankrupt forever as a popular statesman.
The tenor of my course has been, I confess, little noisy. I have been encouraged in making it so by the improper length to which the gentleman himself has gone in the other extreme. If I were to say it was the unlucky example he has given which alone induced me to follow a contrary course I should not speak the truth. My diffidence, &c., no doubt, incapacity too for such exertions, have been the main reasons, and I am not a bit ashamed to confess it, for I have no hope to make myself taller than nature intended I should be, and no shame to appear as I am. I acknowledge that the gentleman's example and the situation to which he has brought himself influenced my conduct, by repelling my desire to be active in the House. When I saw him, like a ship at sea, without compass or rudder, tossed on the surges of his passions, driven at random by furious squalls which continually arose from unexpected quarters of the boundless horizon of his fancy, when I saw the wearisome appearance of his public character began to wear, his political morals, which I had been accustomed to look on with blandish feelings of delight, bleached and fluttering like tattered canvas in the wind, above all when I heard it whispered that he had become leaky, I confess my want of boldness was increased. I learned to trust my little bark to the rude sea of debate with the tempest he had raised on it. I made a determination that I would, to employ an apt term in use among seamen, hug the land, and hold a safe though ignominious course.
The House then agreed to recede from their disagreement to the amendments of the Senate—Ayes 45—Nays 36.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH, a short time after this, rose and made the following remarks: Mr. Speaker—A little while since I made use of some very severe and harsh language towards a gentleman of this House, such as I acknowledge altogether improper to be used in it. I did so, because I believed that certain expressions of a dispassionate nature which dropped from him, were directed to me. It struck me that they were, if not intended to insult, at least an unpardonable freedom with me. By a rapid movement of my mind, I came to a resolution not to go home with such a load on my feelings, as was imposed by the recollection that the treatment I had received was in the face of a company of a hundred men, who were to disperse to-morrow, and spread my disgrace through all quarters of the union. I took the resolution to run all risks; to brave any danger which I might possibly incur, and by a feverish resolution to shake off the load which oppressed my spirits. I made use of the language you heard, and I addressed it particularly to the gentleman who I contentiously believed had injured me. Since that I have been told by six or seven different gentlemen, that it was mistaken; that the words were not directed to me; that they were meant for another. I have not been able to find one who would agree with me that I was the object of them. I have even had the mortification to be asked if it was not a studied attack on my part on the gentleman for the course he has taken this session. I disclaim such an intention. Whatever may have been my secret thoughts, I had no wish to utter them here. I could not have done so with honor, unprovoked, for private reasons. I have never imagined such a design, nor could I to answer that end have used such language as part of what I uttered. I am conscious of the disrelish I have shown the House, and it appears that it is not, as I supposed, justified by the necessity of the case. My mistake was honest and natural—I regret it, and the expressions I used in consequence of it.
NOTE—Among them, one whose authority was beyond question.
By Authority.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
For the punishment of counterfeiting the current coin of the United States, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That if any person shall falsely make, forge, or counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, or willingly aid or assist in falsely making, forging or counterfeiting any gold or silver coins, which have been, or which hereafter shall be coined at the mint of the United States, or who shall falsely make, forge, or counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, or willingly aid or assist in falsely making, forging, or counterfeiting any foreign gold or silver coins, which by law now are or hereafter shall be, made current or be in actual use and circulation as money within the United States; or who shall utter as true any false, forged, or counterfeited coins of gold or silver as aforesaid, for the payment of money with intention to defraud any person or persons, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, any such person so offending, shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and being thereof convicted according to the due course of law, shall be sentenced to imprisonment, and kept at hard labor for a period not less than three years, nor more than ten years; or shall be imprisoned not exceeding five years, and fined not exceeding five thousand dollars.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall import or bring from any foreign place into the United States, any false, forged, or counterfeited gold or silver coins, which are by law made current or in actual use and circulation as money within the United States, with the intent to utter, or make payment with the same, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited; or who shall utter as true, any such false, forged, or counterfeited coins of gold or silver as aforesaid, for the payment of money, with intention to defraud any person or persons, knowing the same to be falsely made, forged, or counterfeited, the person so offending shall be deemed guilty of felony, and being thereof convicted according to the due course of law, shall be sentenced to imprisonment.
ment, and kept at hard labor for a period not less than two years, nor more than eight years; or shall be imprisoned not exceeding two years, and fined not exceeding four thousand dollars.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall fraudulently and for gain's sake, by any art, way, or means whatsoever, impair, diminish, falsify, scale, or lighten the gold or silver coins, which have been, or which hereafter shall be coined at the mint of the United States; or any foreign gold or silver coins, which are by law made current or are in actual use and circulation as money within the United States, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be imprisoned not exceeding two years, and fined not exceeding two thousand dollars.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act contained, shall be construed to deprive the courts of the individual States of jurisdiction, under the laws of the several States, over offences made punishable by this act.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore. April 21, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
To provide for the adjustment of titles of land in the town of Detroit and territory of Michigan, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the governor and judges of the territory of Michigan, shall be, and they, or any three of them, are hereby authorized to lay out a town, including the whole of the old town of Detroit, and ten thousand acres adjacent, excepting such parts as the President of the United States shall direct to be reserved for the use of the military department, and shall hear, examine, and finally adjust all claims to lots therein, and give deeds for the same. And to every person, or the legal representative or representatives of every person, who not owing or professing allegiance to any foreign power, and being above the age of seventeen years, did on the eleventh day of June, one thousand eight hundred and five, when the old town of Detroit was burnt, own or inhabit a house in the same, there shall be granted by the governor and the judges aforesaid, or any three of them, and where they shall judge most proper, a lot not exceeding the quantity of five thousand square feet.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the land remaining of the said ten thousand acres, after satisfying claims provided for by the preceding section, shall be disposed of by the governor and judges aforesaid, at their discretion, to the best advantage, who are hereby authorized to make deeds to the purchasers thereof, and the proceeds of the lands so disposed of, shall be applied by the governor and judges aforesaid, towards building a court house and jail in the town of Detroit; and the said governor and judges are required to make a report to Congress, in writing, of their proceedings under this act.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore. April 18, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
In Hanover County Court, July 30th, 1805.
IN CHANCERY.
Between, Rivers & Company, Plffs. Richard Richardson, & Dudley Richardson, Defs.
THIS day came the plaintiffs by their counsel, and the defendant, Richard Richardson, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiffs, it is decreed, and ordered that the defendant, Richard Richardson, do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public Newspaper, published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the Court House of this county. A Copy. Teste, THOS. POLLARD, D. C. H. C. (2m.)
FOR SALE,
A Tract of Land, containing 840 acres, extending upwards of a mile on James River, nearly opposite to the Westover estate; one fourth of it only is cleared; there is a Dwelling House on it, it has a good landing and fishing place. This land is worth the attention of any person who wants a farm on James River, or wishes to realize a great bargain may be had, as (to discharge an incumbrance) it will be offered at a much lower price than the last purchaser gave for it seven years ago. Fielding Lewis esq. of Charles City will be good enough to show the land; plots of it may be seen in the hands of Mr. Lewis, and Doctor Adams of Richmond, and terms known from T. G. Peachy of Williamsburg. Adjoining the above tract is one of the most beautiful farms on James River, which has attached to it about 1000 acres; this may be had also, if it should suit a purchaser to take the whole; the improvements on this estate are, a dwelling house with 4 rooms on a floor, a kitchen and laundry, a large barn and stable, an ice house, a smoke house, a large garden well inclosed, an orchard and many choice fruit trees. The purchaser may have, from 7 to 15 years credit, paying a moderate interest. T. G. PEACHY, (1amf.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Thursday night the 18th inst. a negro man named LEWIS, he is about five feet nine or ten inches high, stout and well made, has a scar on one of his hands (I believe his right) occasioned by a burn when small; he wears away a home-spun short coat and pantaloons dyed of a light olive colour, took with him a black broad cloth coat and vest, but I expect he will change his name and clothing, and attempt passing as a free man, and will attempt to make his escape to Norfolk by water. Masters of vessels and all others