The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-09-08 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1802.
INTERESTING.
** To remove Predisposition; is curing the Disease.
AT this season of the year, when crowded cities, and irregular, and various modes of living, constitute an almost universal predisposition to bilious, inflammatory, yellow, and malignant fevers, it would greatly mitigate the prevalence of epidemical or paroxysmal fevers, if the citizens would generally attend to their health, by the frequent use of mild bilious purgatives, and avoid all those circumstances which excite a predisposed habit into a general disease; such as intemperate debauch, excessive fatigue, exposure to alternate heats and colds, &c. Accordingly, the best medicines ever yet discovered, to answer the above indications, and to remove the first stages of fevers, as has been experienced for four years past in all the various cities and towns in the United States, where yellow and other fevers have prevailed, is found to be
DOCTOR LEE'S
PATENT NEW LONDON Bilious Pills;
Prepared only by SAMUEL H. P. LEE, NEW-LONDON, MEMBER OF THE CONNECTICUT MEDICAL SOCIETY.
Their good effects and virtues are particularly described in the bill of directions, given with each box, and are too well known to need being inserted here; the extensive sale, and increasing demand from all parts of the United States and West Indies, is a sure proof of their superior merits above all others; no family should be a day without them; and if used once in 8 or 10 days (which will occasion no interruption in business) will preserve health, and remove the cause of many plants which occur.
The above Pills are for Sale
By WM. PRICHARD.
P.S. Purchasers must be particular to ask for "Lee's New London Bilious Pills," or they will be liable to be mistaken in procuring the true Genuine Patent Pills.
Also for sale as above,
AROMATIC PASTE FOR TEETH & GUMS. Richmond, August 30th, 1802. (61.)
Patent Medicines.
A FRESH SUPPLY IS LATELY RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE AT WM. PRICHARD'S BOOK STORE. DOCTOR SOLOMON'S
CORDIAL BALM OF GILEAD.
THE celebrity and great efficacy of this Medicine is generally too well known to require a lengthy description of its virtues; it stands unrivalled as a sovereign relief in all delicate, weakly and relaxed constitutions, lowness of spirits, hypochondria, horrors, tremblings, weakness of sight, loss of memory, impaired vigour, nervous consumptions, and the numberless symptoms of impaired and tettering constitutions, whether arising from a life of inactivity, intemperance, or inattention to health; it cheers, braces, and invigorates the whole nervous system, and gives new tone to all the vital functions, of which numberless instances can be vouched.
Doctor Solomon's ANTI-IMPETIGINES.
A most excellent and sure remedy for land and sea scurvy, rheumatic gout, ulcers, sore legs, and all scrofulous eruption. Great and various are the instances of the healing virtues of this specific, in all disorders originating in an impure state of the blood.
Doctor Solomon's GUIDE TO HEALTH. OR
ADVICE TO BOTH SEXES.—Price one dollar.
This work, in a concise manner, recommends the most simple and efficacious remedies with a proper mode of treatment for the asthma, loss of appetite, barrenness, bilious complaints, consumption, female diseases, &c. &c.
Doctor Andrew's SPECIFIC LOTION FOR THE FACE.
This Medicine is a safe, certain, and speedy cure for pimples, blotches, freckles, sun-burns,
ring-worms, and all eruptions and humours of the face and skin.
*** A general catalogue of Wm. Pritchard's stock of books and stationery to be had gratis at the above store, where the literary articles, &c. therein contained, as well as those that monthly accumulate, shall be offered to his fellow citizens and others on equally moderate terms, the same as can be purchased in any of the northern cities.
Teachers at seminaries of learning, and country store-keepers who buy by wholesale shall have a liberal discount.
Richmond, August 30th, 1802. "A saving of time, is a saving of money, for time is even more precious than money."
FRANKLIN.
MATO'S
TOLL BRIDGE
THE Public is respectfully informed, is now completely and permanently finished; is furnished with good, strong, and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by Day, or by Night, with the utmost safety, and most unbounded confidence.
When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the whole community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel north or south, and particularly to the whole country south of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and the belief that it will always receive, until such time as the government shall take it into their own hands, will ensure its exclusive patronage.
As it is the only mode of crossing the river, the small difference of the expense of going by an other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety, and expedition, which this excellent and useful bridge affords.
SAMUEL JONES. Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4th, 1802.
DAVID LAWRENCE
LATELY from Pennsylvania, has just commenced business on his own account in Manchester, at the entrance of the town, where he carries on all branches of Wheelwright business, in the cheapest and most approved manner, and is well supplied with excellent seasoned timber.
Waggons and Ploughs he makes or repairs after the genuine construction, and the latest improvements. He also carries on the Smithery in all its various branches (except cutlery,) and will thankfully and faithfully serve with dispatch those who will oblige him with their custom. He expects daily a complete master cutler, who will make all kinds of edge tools suitable and commonly in use in this country, and warrant them good.
Manchester, Sept. 6th, 1802.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
TO THE
Revised Code,
Now publishing by Messrs. PLEASANTS and PACE, are respectfully informed, that the printing part of the work will be finished by October. Several professional gentlemen have already sent orders to have their copies interleaved with blank paper, for the purposes of annotation; the charge attending this addition to the book will be moderate, a trifle compared to the convenience. Should any other gentlemen wish to avail themselves of it, a line, post paid, addressed to the subscriber, who is to have the binding of the work, will be thankfully received and punctually attended to.
JOHN PUMFREY.
Richmond, August 12, 1802. N. B. A general assortment of STATI-ONARY and BLANK BOOKS, kept constantly on hand.
*** BOOK-BINDING, in all its various branches, executed in the most approved manner, and with the greatest dispatch. J. P.
10 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN AWAY,
From the Subscriber, the 15th instant, A NEGRO WOMAN, FANNY,
ABOUT thirty years old: she is of a middle size, speaks quick and short, with a pleasing countenance, walks with her toes turned in. No doubt but what she may have got a forged pass, and will endeavour to pass for a free woman. I expect she will endeavour to get to Frederickburg, or Richmond, where she has been before, and attempted to pass as a free woman. Her dress was a black petticoat, with a white jacket. Took with her sundry other clothes, among which were a striped Virginia cloth petticoat, generally wears a silver ring; wears a neat pair of leather shoes. I rather expect she will endeavour to get on board of some vessel or other, if possible, as she made the attempt once before. I therefore forewarn all masters of vessels and others from harbouring of the said negro, or taking of her off.
I will give Ten Dollars reward to any person who will bring her to me in Louisa County.
JAMES YOUNG.
Louisa, August 17th, 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Prouder and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city.
THOMAS BARKER.
Richmond, August 25, 1802.
TO BE SOLD
of a deed of trust, for cash, on the 10th of October next, on the premises, a tract of land, containing two hundred and seven and an half acres, whereon Robert Dabney now resides, (lying in the county of Louisa, on the North Anna River) or so much thereof as will satisfy a debt due James Dabney.
JOHN OVERTON LANCELOT MINOR } Trustees, SAMUEL DABNEY. } August 12, 1802.
THIRD NOTICE.
IN THE CASE OF MOODY & PRICE, BANKRUPTS.
THE Commissioners appointed under a Commission of Bankruptcy awarded and issued, and now in prosecution against Moody and Price, of this City, late Merchants, will attend at the Rising Sun Tavern, on the 4th Day of September next, at the Hour of Nine o'Clock in the Forenoon, at which time and place the said Bankrupts are hereby required to surrender themselves for their final examination. The Creditors who have not yet proved their Debts, may then attend, for the purpose of proving the same; and those Creditors who have proved their Debts, under the said Commission, will then attend to assent or dissent to the allowing of the Bankrupts a Certificate of discharge.
DAVID LAMBERT HENRY BANKS } Comm's. JOHN DIXON } Richmond, August 7th, 1802.
FOR SALE,
A Capital Young Horse, Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder, Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
SOMETHING
FOR
BOTH PARTIES.
From the INDEPENDENT WHIG; A new Philadelphia Paper.
Nothing can equal the stupidity of some federal editors, but their baseness. They tell lies with facility, and propagate them
with avidity. Nothing can be more stupidly false than their asserting that it was Callender's Prospect Before Us, which turned out the late administration. That publication was seen but by very few in Pennsylvania. There was not a bookseller in Philadelphia would sell it under Mr. Adams's sedition law. We are promised there were not more than one hundred copies sold in Pennsylvania. Many of these were purchased by people from curiosity, who take no active part in politics; it is, therefore, absurd to say, that Mr. Jefferson owes his election to its pitiful and paltry publication. He owes his election to the foolish, extravagant, tyrannical, and unconstitutional measures of Mr. Adams and his friends, and the good sense of the citizens. For surely never did a people discover more wisdom than those of the United States, in the change which they have made.
With respect to Scott, we think him too pitiful for serious criticism. He appears to have picked up an idea from somebody, who had previously formed it upon one or more of Duane's lies.
Scott, among writers, is exactly what a cobbler is by the side of a shoemaker; what a digger of dirt is to an architect; he is a composition of shreds and patches, a mere Autocrat that breathes.
Scott, to be sure, is a bookmaker; just as one of our preachers is a printer. The instrument which he uses with most success is a pair of scissors; just as we have done in bringing his own paragraph into this paper.
Scott, as an editor, and Wood as an historian, are exactly matched. The first says that the Prospect Before Us is both paltry and pitiful; the other now confesses that it formed one of the most substantial parts of his compilation.
Scott asserts that "it is all Mr. Jefferson's own business" to suppress a publication. The democratic newspapers, from north to south, execrate and denounce Mr. Burr for suppressing Wood's history, which was formed, in a great measure, upon the Prospect. Bailes and Ward were willing to have given 1000 dollars to Wood for his book. Scott perhaps knows better than all these.
If the Prospect Before Us had been a work of such insignificance, is it likely that John Adams and Co. would have employed the most unprincipled of men, the most unfeeling, impudent and tyrannical of all the judges, a second Jeffreys, to have chased the author into the very recesses of a private retreat? Would the federal marshall have profaned the sacred right of confidential hospitality in pursuit of the author, and in the execution of his warrant? Would the learned and elegant judge, (Chase) just tottering into the grave, have at once prostrated all pretensions to character by the vindictive severity of his career, if a Scott says the Prospect Before Us was both pitiful and paltry? No. No. The tyrants would have been quiet.
This is fully enough, and much more than Scott deserves, (if his talents should be the test of reply,) from any man who is capable of composing three succeeding paragraphs, which are exactly two more than can be composed and properly arranged by this political straw-cutter.
Concerning the judge of whom we have been just speaking, our opinion will be understood by the following quotation from the Prospect Before Us. Vol. 2. part. 2. page 86.
"And it was for the publication of truths, so harmless and useful like this, that Samuel Chase, in an whole hour of feeding, declared that he did not think that there had been upon the continent so bad a man as your humble servant. Upon the day that shall close this mortal scene, when the heaven and the earth shall pass away when time like a drop of water shall be lost in the ocean of eternity, and the god of justice shall judge mankind, upon that day, this felon, while he seeks for mountains to hide him from the vengeance of his maker, shall find reason to wish that his life had been as innocent as mine."
With respect to Duane. Wood speaks as follows:—"The champion and hero of duellists is, however, Mr. Duane. To secure the various tricks and schemes this fellow has practiced since the death of Bache, and to him the editorship of the Aurora, would compose a nauseous detail of several volumes; but I shall here restrict myself solely to those circumstances in his conduct, which are

connected with the History of the Administration of President Adams. I have already stated, that, in general, all the circumstances furnished by Mr. Duane in his letters to me, proved afterwards to be the grossest falsehoods, most probably fabricated by himself, like his stupid tale, respecting an intercourse which general Hamilton and I are said to have carried on by the means of a Scotchman, a tutor in Mr. Hamilton's family, as if Mr. Hamilton, were he even inclined to communicate his sentiments to another living in the same place, could not do it but by the medium of a third person. Mr. Duane was particularly unfortunate in this invention, as it happens Mr. Hamilton never employed a tutor in his family, neither Scotch or Irish, his children having been educated at the public schools of New York."
We have unfortunately had so much to do with tyrants, scoundrels, liars, &c. upon both sides, that the picture on each is equally disgusting. When the political affairs of a country require to be propt or promoted by such men as Chase and Hamilton upon one side, and by Duane, Giles, Cheetham, &c. upon the other, the prospect to the community must be deplorable indeed. It is the constitutional disgust which Callender ever feels and manifests towards such matchless turpitude and depravity invariably manifested by him to Duane, and such others, that has induced Duane, that model of every thing which is vile and despicable to say "that Callender has a hatred to his species."
If Duane and Giles for a moment should divest themselves of that superfluous vanity, arrogance and self love, which are their inseparable companions in every thing which they think, say, or do, it would be discovered that the contempt and disgust of Callender, which has produced the words which we have just put down, should be attributed altogether to themselves.
What man, who regards truth as the very first of moral attributes, can keep his temper towards men whose invariable practice shews that they regard it not at all? Do not the United States ring at present with the lies of Duane? Is there a man to whom Giles is known, who has not often heard him offer his never-failing plea, "but this is the fact, Sir." Is there a man who reads the Recorder, who does not remember that we have proved that he would not say upon his oath before Chase, what Callender had said on his authority?
Let this be forever remembered, that and to baseness so low, in order to mislead, or to disappoint another, or to propagate a countenance falsehood, is fit for any other mischief, or wickedness. He deserves not only discountenance, but abhorrence.
Although we believe that there is not a printer, or editor in the United States, who will not find something in this article which pleases him, yet we do not believe that there is one who possesses sufficient independence to print the whole entirely.
At the outset of this paper, among its patrons, there were some of the most ardent fools, and initiated of the democratic party. When we declared and supported our neutrality, by some paragraphs and columns, which could not misunderstand, some of these wiseacres withdrew, and refused to receive or read the paper. This circumstance procured for us a great many federalists, some of whom are perhaps to the full as violent in favor of their party. We should not be surprised, if this very publication should give offence to some six or twelve upon each side, though we hope and believe that this evil will be greatly repaid by an influx of patrons who care for neither party, who will encourage our work, because we profess and publish without regard to either. Of the 250 subscribers obtained within these four weeks, we do not expect that this article will be offensive to more than five individuals. Their subscribers, as far as we can judge, are pretty nearly equally divided. From this, and many other strong circumstances, we expect that the factions are sinking fast into weakness and contempt. The time, perhaps, approaches when there will not be a man who values his time so little as to read a paragraph in the Aurora, or to stop a moment, even though Giles should bawl with Stentorian lungs, "but this is the fact Sir."
* Vid. Recorder upon Giles.
From the Virginia Gazette.
MR. CALLENDER.
THERE are some persons, who habituate themselves to the most offensive and scurrilous language concerning Mr. Callender, one of the Editors of the Recorder. There are other persons, who think that these expressions are not only improper and unjust, but highly imprudent.
The following paragraph, taken from the Gazette of the United States, will
show the estimation in which Callender was held in June, 1798.
"On the 4th of June, 1798. Mr. Thomas Leiper, of this city, upon his solemn oath, declared that "he had been acquainted with James Thomson Callender for the space of four years then last past and upwards, during all which time the said James Thomson Callender had, to the deponent's knowledge, behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same."
Shortly after the date of Mr. Leiper's affidavit, Callender went from Philadelphia to reside at the house of Mr. Stevens Thompson Mason, one of the senators for Virginia. Callender continued at Mr. Mason's until May or June 1799, at which time he came to this city, and resided with Mr. Jones.
Those who knew Mr. Mason, do not expect that he would have supported Mr. Callender so long in his house, without some object or consideration. It is believed by many people that the first Vol. of the "Prospect Before Us" was prepared for the press, and obtained the approbation of Mr. Mason, during this period. It is also believed that Callender was warmly recommended by Mr. Mason to several persons at this place, a circumstance which could not have happened if Mr. Mason had discovered him to be unworthy.
Before Mr. Jones and Callender quarrelled, and during the imprisonment of the latter, there was published in the Examiner a piece which shewed that Mr. Jones entertained a high opinion of Callender's integrity.
Thus it seems that Callender's character has been well sustained ever since he came to America until he was liberated. Since that time, he has resided alternately at Petersburg and Richmond, at the last of which he now resides. If Callender has been guilty of any action at either of these places, which entitles him to such harsh appellations, it is a duty which they owe to society to prove and promulgate it; if nothing of this sort can be proved, it is a duty which every one truth and good manners to denounce such injustice and foolishness.
Let it be remembered that Callender holds a strong pen; that he has a newspaper at command, which now circulates throughout the United States, and is every where read with great attention, and that there is nobody concerning whom something unpleasant may not be said.
There are a great many persons who pretend to a great deal of chastity of character, who could not stand such a scrutiny, who could not bear up against such misfortunes as have fallen to Callender's lot. If neither a sense of justice nor the feelings which belong to men of sensibility and humanity, can have an influence with them, perhaps, after reading this prudence may.
Callender's moral character stands fair. It will be time enough to form an opinion of his character as the editor of an independent newspaper, after time and observation have afforded a reasonable opportunity.
A PLAIN DEALER.
From the NEW-YORK EVENING POST.
The National Aegis, which we have just received, joins with the Citizen and the Aurora in reducing Mr. Jefferson's shameful and wicked conduct in paying Callender for libelling Washington and Adams to a mere peccadillo; nay, they attempt to palliate, excuse, and at length openly justify and applaud it. We want no better criterion of the morals of these editors. As soon as we shall have disposed of the pamphlet which now occupies the editorial department, we shall resume the consideration of this worthy deed in their idol, and tell the world once again what we think of it.
"Nay, I will, that's flat... I will find him when he lies asleep, As in his ear I'll hold. CALLENDER! Nay, I'll have a darling lie! be caught, o speak
Naming but CALLENDER, and give it him To keep his shame alive!
From the Gazette of the United States.
Callender has given us to understand that Mr. Jefferson read in sheets his well known Sketches of the History of America; and that he paid TWENTY FIVE DOLLARS towards defraying the expense of publication.
We are at a loss to know in what terms to couch our conceptions of the meanness of the acts imputed to Mr. Jefferson. When a man betrays his country, we call him traitor , and consign him at once to the execration of posterity. When a man, by artifice and fraud, obtains our property, we call him swindler , and thereby designate his character. When a man, whose services, in a time of peril, are demanded by his country, dastardly quits his post, and shrinks from danger and the conflict, we call him coward ; and sometimes commiserate his weakness . For the midnight robber, for the petty plunderer of the purse, for the seducer of female innocence, for the slave of intoxication, for the hellish incendiary, and for the common assassin of reputation, we are at no loss for names which will designate their characters and describe their atrocities: but who will tell us what epithet, what terms, what name, what words multiplied upon words, are adequate to portray a character, and to give to it an appropriate name, upon the facts thus set before us? The chosen chief and ruler of the freest, most enlightened, and most virtuous people on God's earth, depicted as coolly, covertly, meanly, and malignantly buying, with paltry ore, and with the lowly prostitution of his personal countenance and support, the damnation of superiors, whose lofty merits he despairs of obtaining, and as then rising, upon the wreck of fair reputation, made by malice and by cunning. The weapons are falsehood and calumny: the price of the purchase is gold, condescension, and flattery. The purse opened; hoops to the society hiring : the shaft to honest fame ts of office and
the means of...
The Democrats are in a woful dilemma; respecting their former friend Callender. For he is either an honest and true man, and must be believed; or he is a liar and a scoundrel; and his words deserve to have no credit attached to them. Take your choice, ye mild lovers and supporters of the new philosophy. If Callender be an honest and true man, then he is to be believed in his representation, and that representation sinks your chief to a level with the meanest and basest of created beings. Your cause goes with your chief, for as he has risen, so have you risen, and as he sinks, so must you sink. If Callender be a lying scoundrel, then how stand ye? Did ye not cherish him and support him, did ye not draw slanders and lies from his pen and disseminate them? Did not individuals among you swear to his moral character, support him with your purses, receive him into your houses, and propagate his falsehoods? Did not the last administration, fall, and have not you risen, in consequence of the calumnies which Callender has been eager to invent, and active to disseminate? And must you not have known him, when you were proud of his talents, and zealous for his services, to have been a liar; and has not your cause thus flourished and been perfected by the basest means?
In the one case, it is fair to say, that if Callender is honest and worthy of belief, Mr. Jefferson is sunk below the reach of even a mean man's commiseration: in the other case, if Callender is false, the whole world may see, that ye knew him to be a liar, that ye used his lies and profited by the deadly injury they wrought, that your system has been a lie from the beginning, that your ascendancy is founded on a lie, and that like a lie and the works of the father of lies, your glory will be dissipated by the rays of truth.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
SEPTEMBER 8th. 1800.
CORRESPONDENCE.
No. I.
FOR THE RECORDER.
YOU printed, some weeks ago, an account that I sent you, of the money which had been paid out for the armoury. Jones was dirty enough to copy this article from your paper into his, without making the least acknowledgement of where he got it. A few days before this, he had told us, in his Examiner, that the auditor would not let him have a copy of it, or words to that purpose. This shews that he must have pilfered it from that "Recorder," which he so much despises. The following particulars refer to Samuel Coleman, who costs the commonwealth much more than his services are worth. I cannot swear to the exactness of the figures. They are believed to be correct. If they are five or ten dollars above, or below the mark, Jones, who seems to have formed his title from that of his footy-featured goddess, will tell the world that "thou art a liar of the first magnitude."
Before the last meeting of the assembly, Coleman, as deputy clerk to the council, had
  per annum £. 125, or Dols. Cts.   To which, at the last election of principal clerk, or soon after, there was added £. 75 416 87   250   He receives, and has done for I do not how long, as clerk to the war department £. 100 666 67   333 93 3/4   Total £300 1000 
This is thought to be correct. When the executive council were going to turn out Blair, they were divided. Pendleton, Wood, and White were for keeping Blair in his place. Foushee, Stuart, and one other, whose name I do not know, were for Mr. Hilton. The two others for Co organ. I wish I knew the names of men who could think of preferring such a malignant perulant wasp, as Coleman is, to such a good natured man, and what is more, to a man of such tried and proved integrity, as major Hilton. On the first ballot, the votes stood as above. On the second, the Hilton party, to make sure of the old gentleman's election, agreed with the Coleman party to vote for the major, and thus they got them in raising Coleman's salary. This, it is believed, was the cause.
I have also been assured that, when the committee, appointed by the last assembly, came to this augmentation, they boggled a little.
Thus far our correspondent. The committee did not perceive the reason that Coleman should, at once, have two hundred pounds a year for an office, which he had been very glad to accept of at an hundred and twenty-five, and which one of the clerks in the land office, just below the council, would fill with great promptitude, for an hundred pounds. It is impossible to give a reason for such things. When we see that the council are suffered to proceed in their own way, with nothing but a mere nominal examination of their expenditures, does any body wonder that the treasury of the commonwealth is empty, and that money is very scarce? Clark has two thousand dollars per annum, as architect. If John Guberrant had to pay this sum out of his own pocket, he would contrive to make six hundred serve the turn; and instead of an hundred pounds to the clerk of the war department, he would have that work done for thirty.
Jones got twelve hundred and fifty dollars for his pamphlet, mentioned in our last, by the following juggle. When an editor publishes five hundred or a thousand copies of a book, or pamphlet, the sale is uncertain, and hence, he must make a large allowance, for risk, and for the expense of printing, which is great, when compared with that of paper, for so small an edition. But when five thousand copies are to be paid for, as soon as they are worked off, this makes all the odds in the world. Jones charged the full retail price for every one of these five thousand pamphlets. Of course he got an immense sum more than he should have got. Vid. last week's paper. It is in this way that the public is robbed, that taxes are multiplied, and that drafts upon the treasury are often sold, for ready cash, at a considerable discount. Explanations like this account for the scurrility of the Examiner. Jones is one of the pillagers of the treasury; and the whole posse would rejoice in hearing, that this office was reduced to ashes. Do you not see, fellow citizens! how wretchedly your business has been done?
No. II.
Messrs. Allen & Bernard,
WE return your letter. We consider the postage that you have cost us, as

little more nor less than a deliberate act of robbery. Your Newbury-Post Herald is, to be sure, a very valuable publication; but it can be of no service to the editors of "The Recorder." When you can find any body in Richmond, who will pay us two dollars for your subscription, and twenty-five cents for your postage, you may have the paper. Are you not ashamed, you, who are yourselves printers, to play such a mean trick; and especially after we have so repeatedly advertised that we pay no such postage as yours, and that we can have nothing to do with such a sort of subscribers as you appear likely to be!
PACE & CALLENDER.
Richmond, Sept. 2d. 1802.
No. III.
SOME weeks ago, notice was taken of an expression Mr. Jefferson employed: "I think I see John Adams twirling off his wig, and stamping on it." Duane denied that the president could have made use of such a vulgar phrase. Bronson, in reply, produced a quotation from the Notes on Virginia , wherein the author speaks of twirling a distaff . This small discussion produced the following piece.
For the Recorder.
I find that the gentleman who, in his moments of pleasantry, speaks of twirling wigs , also speaks, in his gravest compositions, of twirling a distaff . I have examined my dictionary; in order that I might discern the meaning of these words " twirl a distaff ." I happened to consult Johnson, and there I am, whether I understand him or not, the gentleman, who is very fond of hard words, will not reject his definitions.
"Twirl" says the oracular author of the dictionary, signifies to move "by quick rotation."
"Distaff," he explains to be the "staff, from which the flax is drawn in spinning."
And "spindle" he defines to be "the pin, by which the thread is formed, and on which it is conglomerated."
If all this is correct, distaffs are never twirled ; and I conclude that the gentleman, when writing in his closet, and at leisure, used words, of which he did not know the meaning.
A PLAIN MAN.
No. IV.
THE following letter comes from a gentleman of independent fortune, and an irreproachable character. Previous to the revolution, he was a member of the royal council of Virginia. It is printed here as a complete set off against the rubbish of such banditti as Duane, Cheetham, and the Joneses. The origin as been seen by Mr. Davis, printer of the Virginia Gazette , and by several other gentlemen, to whom the author is well known.
To Mr. Callender.
Rosegill, near Urbanna, July 19th, 1802.
SIR,
I agree in this instance with the president, that "you are one of the best writers of newspaper paragraphs, that I have ever seen, either in America or Europe." The Recorder is a conspicuous proof of the truth of the above encomium. Many pieces contain wit; many information; most of them sound and home truths; and not a few, of great point. You are, in my idea, the instrument to tear off the bandages, which have surrounded the intellectual eyes of our citizens, and abused their credulity, and blind confidence. I sincerely wish you success in your present laudable undertaking, and that your paper may have the most extensive circulation. I hope, quo virtus tua te ferat, i pede fausto, Grandia laturus meritorum premia.
I am with much respect, Sir, Your most obedient And most humble servant.
No. V.
SOMETHING FROM THE GILESITES.
SIR,
I am told you are a bad man or you must be a damnd foul and every man nose you to be not worth notice I am determined to come to Richmond and kick you out of that ploize Mr. Thos. Jefferson is well none to his country and it is more than you ar in the place we chuce a king of fence is Jefferson and your kin is a damnd fool that more that you can over king
BURWELL BOUGH
James T. Callender
August 17th 1802
THIS week's Recorder contains a variety of pieces, which had been laid aside for a considerable time. Upon that account, we cannot in the present number finish two essays which were begun in the last one. They must stand over till next week. We have sent, however, a post letter to Coleman, editor of the New-York Herald to be published in his two newspapers. This letter will cut short a great part of the debate be-
between him and the letter-stealer , and the National Egis . We expect to see this letter come back in ten days, in the New-York papers, and passing through a dozen others in its way.
This Egis , which was quoted at length in last Recorder, and to which we shall again reply in our next, was set up, not long since, at Worcester in Massachusetts. Its founder and promoter is Levi Lincoln, attorney general of the United States. This is the man who calls himself a lawyer, and who at the same time, says that public money does not become public property, by being collected from the people. At any time previous to its being placed in the treasury, the president may order it to be paid back to the persons from whom it was collected. A doctrine like this is too absurd for criticism.
The Egis is conducted by one Mr. Blake, of whom we nothing but that he is very ignorant, very stupid, and often very scoundrelous. If Sally, the coast of Guiney wench, had not been sufficient, by her own weight, for tending Jefferson to the bottom, two such defenders as Blake and Cheetham would have despatched the business. They have taken a ground which is indefensible, and from which they cannot fail to be driven. They declare that, if certain facts can be proved, they will give up the President. Some of these facts have already been proved; and others will be proved in a few days. Thus, Mr. Jefferson, like an old Roman, falls upon the point of his own sword. What agonies of shame and consternation must the president feel at seeing himself so wretchedly defended! Never did such pangs of terror convulse his bosom, since the day when that heroic Governor of Virginia fled from Charlottesville to hide himself in Carter's Mountain! The dagger of truth has struck his character through the heart! He dies at the first blow!
City of Richmond Sc.
THIS day came before me John Foster mayor of the city aforesaid, Henry Pace and James T. Callender, editors of the paper, which is called the Recorder, free will and accord, declar avangelists and before almighty ry Banks esquire of the city aforesaid, nor ever was directly or indirectly concerned in the aforesaid paper, or ever proposed to take a share in it, that he has no right or power or ever had to control or direct the publications which appear in that paper.
That the said Banks never used any expressions or conduct which were calculated to produce or promote the controversy between the editors of the Recorder, and the editors of the Examiner, so far from it, that he did, before the controversy took place, caution these affiants against a controversy, and has frequently since used arguments and persuasion with the affiants to put an end to it, or if that could not be done, to confine it to subjects of a public or political nature. The said James T. Callender also declares that he is persuaded that the said Henry Banks called frequently at the office of the Recorder for no other purpose. And that the said Banks has prevailed upon him to forbear upon several occasions, when otherwise, acrimonious articles would have appeared in the Recorder which by his persuasion were suppressed. These affiants do not believe that the said Banks ever called at the office of the Recorder more than twice in one day, and that happened for the purpose of examining the proof sheets of his own writings under the head of the Virginian Correspondent, writings which every one who has read will admit contain no personal attacks.
The said affiants further declare that the hon. John Marshall, chief judge of the supreme court of the United States, so far as they know, was never at the office of the Recorder; he is not a subscriber to the paper, has never furnished an article for publication in the Recorder, has never had any conversation, intercourse or correspondence with either of the editors, so far from it his person is not even known by them. Given under my hand this 6th day of September 1802.
JOHN FOSTER Mayor.
MAHOGANY.
THE Examiner of Saturday last, has the following passage:
"Is there such a wretch breathing? Yes, Richmond contains that wretch! The Philadelphia twelfth-street mahogany dealer is that wretch! Callender is that wretch! Yet this is the defender of the rights of MARRIED WOMEN!!"
Upon this paragraph I shall institute an action for defamation. The gentleman of the law, whom I design to employ is not at pre-
sent in Richmond; but he is expected home in a short time. I shall not commence this action for the romantic purpose of attempting to recover damages from a bankrupt, who there is no chance to recover. Neither shall such a step be taken from the still rainer conceit of annexing additional ignominy to the character of a detected and detested scoundrel. I shall do it merely for the sake of giving a fair opportunity of ascertaining the degree of estimation which the charge deserves. Duane, in one of his late letters in the Aurora, has stated that I knew something of such an act of theft, and of such a thief. But Duane, infamous as he is, was too wise to hazard any direct assertion at my expense, and which might have involved him in the most formidable consequences. Jones, with his cunning, has plunged right forward, into the pitfall of personal accusation and assertion. He well knows that, as public printer, he is completely broke up; and that, by the loss of three thousand dollars a year, a man whose credit is already gone, has no prospect before him, but the city bounds, or the jail. As to the certainty of his expulsion from the service, both he and I know much more than either of us has thought proper to print. To a man, who stands upon the brink of irrevocable ruin, it can be but of small importance what he prints, or whether a verdict for twenty cents, or for twenty thousand dollars shall be given against him. In the mean time, I invite this man to specify any one circumstance connected with the pretended crime; when it was committed; in what manner it was detected; what was the name of the proprietor of the timber; or what was the name of the person who prevented fifty dollars upon the nail, if he can ascertain in what house in Twelfth Street, Philadelphia, either I, or my family, ever resided for a single day.
Other passages in this Examiner of the 4th inst. are more villainous than any thing that I remember to have seen in print. Jones violates the asylum of the grave to attack the memory of a person, who certainly never offended him, and who has been four years in eternity. Admitting what he says to be as true, as it false, the perusal of his piece alone, without farther explanation, or answer upon my part, is sufficient to convince any human being that it can have issued only from the pen of a monster.
JAMES T. CALLENDER.
From the Washington Federalist
Several persons fill with a disbelieve that Jefferson, would ever be guilty so flagrant a breach of the confidence to pay Callender two hundred dollars to the Public Treasury, for Washington and others. Those are so incredulous should reflect, on the man, who could openly profess the most ardent friendship and unbounded esteem, towards persons, whilst he was making use of the most infamous means of stabbng their reputations, would feel very little remorse in breaking the constitution, or of destroying that solid basis of our union and harmony. Those who are acquainted with the means, which Mr. Jefferson has made use of to obtain power, cannot suppose he would be very scrupulous in those adopted for its preservation. It is not necessary in the present instance, to rely upon general reasoning. The reader is referred to the following correspondence and documents, which are sufficient to convince the most stubborn unbelievers.
[Here Mr. Rind inserts the letters between Mr. David M. Randolph, Mr. Lincoln and J. T. Callender, concerning the omission of the fine.]
FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER. SECRETS WORTH KNOWING!
[In the controversy between JAMES T. CALLENDER and MERIWETHER JONES, proprietor of the Richmond Examiner, Mr. Callender is charged with having injured the reputation of the Examiner by his editorial contributions. To combat this charge—to vindicate his literary character—Mr. Callender wrote the letter of which the following is an extract. With the dispute between Mr. Callender and Mr. Jones, we are no way interested. But the facts, respecting the agency of Mr. JEFFERSON in the publication of " The prospect before us ," are of public concern, and merit the serious attention of our readers. If the facts be accurately detailed, they indicate an inconsistency of character—a means of disposition—that we ought never to find in the character of the Chief Magistrate of the Union. Can it be possible that Mr. JEFFERSON, who has publicly deplored "the lacerations of the
"press," could privately (at a time two when he was held up as a candidate for the exalted station which he now holds) give a doozur of one hundred dollars to encourage the author of " The prospect before us " to lacerate the character and administration of Mr. ADAMS? Can it be possible that Mr. JEFFERSON could secretly exult—nay, meanly triumph—in the expectation of the pain which those lacerations would give to Mr. ADAMS? The solution of these queries we will leave to our readers.]
Here follows not an extract but a copy of the 7th letter to Jones. The above little piece has failed, at the head of this letter, through at least fifty new papers.
From Bronson's Gazette of August 24. CHARACTER OF MR. DUANE.
IN the Aurora of the 18th inst. we are favoured with Mr. Duane's " Letter III. " to Callender. Mr. Duane commences his letter by a rhetorical flourish, in which he attempts to overwhelm his adversary with a sense of his inferiority, and to give him a deep impression of the honor done him by the humility of such a man as himself condescending to notice him. For this purpose, Mr. Duane gives us the following character of himself, which we extract in his own words, for the entertainment of our readers. We earnestly invite some poetical correspondent to throw it into measure, and have it sung to some tune. "We love a ballad but even too well, if it has doteul m tair merrily set down, "or a very pleasant thing indeed, and sung "lamentably;" or as Muppi says in the play "We love a ballad in print, for "then we are sure they are true." Now, Callender, read, and never again while you live, venture to open your mouth against such a man.
"One possessed of the estimation of "good men, whose public and private "character is invulnerable to the assaults of all that is profligate in the country; one enjoying all that is desirable of domestic blessing in the median of life, often clouded, or never corrupted by adversity; whose mind or body never suffered from the contagion of debauchery" (very well! we feared he was going to cry, "of a public "jail"—very well!) "can look at his offspring without reproach; who has no pangs of conscience to annoy his pillow;" (Whole consciences are seared as with a hot iron.—New Testament.) "No domestic duties disengaged; no parental and connubial obligations forfeited even in the last gasp of created misery, and on the verge of a premature grave."
Alas! Alas! that we should be kept in ignorance of those who "created misery" for this incomparable man! and that we should not be informed where and on what occasion it was, that the world was so near losing all this virtue by means of a cruel gallows and a "premature grave."
Now, gentle reader, what do you imagine could induce the paragon of virtue, in the meridian of life, enjoying all that is desirable of domestic blessing, to stoop from this enviable height upon which Mr. Duane has placed himself, and to condescend to notice such a man as Callender?—Why, truly, the most patriotic of all possible motives. You shall hear it in his own words, as addressed to Callender.
"I conceived it to be an obligation which my situation and the CONFIDENCE OF A GREAT PORTION OF THE COMMUNITY imposed on ME to undertake the irksome duty of making you better known than you are at present!"
More in the same strain. "He (Mr. Banks) should know, as well as yourself, that I am superior to your united censure, by the tenor of my private life, as you are imprudent [don't ask for the meaning of this] and unfitted by yours to assist ME. As for yourself, the ground I stand on is too elevated for your approach; the remainder of your life, (if its tenure is not shortened by debauchery) devoted to penitence, temperance and probity would not bring you back from the immense depths to which a course of vice has sunk you below ME."

Kisum teneatis, amici? ---Already we see our readers rubbing their eyes and exclaiming, why, who have we here! --- Hats off! --- Be quiet, friends; it is the same fellow you at first supposed, William Duane --- it is indeed: you need not be alarmed; his name is subscribed to the whole of it. Surely, you cry, this man who is now elevated to such a monstrous height, cannot be the same Duane who about seven years ago fled to this country to take refuge from the laws of his own, who mistook a summons from Sir John Shore, to surrender himself a state prisoner, for an invitation to breakfast, found himself exported from the country in irons; who since his residence here has been horse-whipped for his unmannery insolence; and who, within twelve months, has suffered an ignominious punishment in the public jail of this city, for violating the laws of the country which affords him protection. Surely, it will be said, this cannot be the man who is now vaunting of the obligations which his situation and the confidence of the community impose upon him. Yes, reader, rely upon it, he is the very same, and this need not give surprise, if you will call to mind that within six months after he found himself secure upon our shores, from the avenging laws of his own country, he assumed the name of Salpé Dwight, and addressed to the immortal Washington, then President of the United States, a printed letter, in which he applied to general Washington a language very similar to that in which he now addresses Callender, and charged him with the same kind of debasement and immorality. Take the following, extracted from the 24th page of that letter, as a specimen.
"Would to God you had retired to a private situation four years ago, while your public conduct threw a veil of sanctity round you, which you have yourself rashly broken down . Your fame would have been safe, your country without reproach, and I should not have had the mortifying task of pointing out the blind remedy with which YOU come forward to defend the religion of Christ, who exists in the violation of its most SACRED OBLIGATIONS, of the dearest ties of HUMANITY, and in defiance of the sovereign call of MORALITY and LIBERTY. "
Such is the modest manner in which, a few months after his importation, and while he was known only to those who employed him at daily labour, he condescended to address the President of the United States, the father, and (under providence) the saviour of his country. Who then can be surprised at the importance and elevation which he now assumes, while reaping, under Jefferson, the reward of that labour which he bestowed in cankering the fame of Washington?
POSTSCRIPT TO THE ABOVE.
THE joint efforts of Coleman and of Bronson will save a great deal of labour that we designed to take with the printer of the Aurora . At open war with all parties, and with almost all printers, we cannot strike upon every side at once. We therefore accept with gladness the assistance of an enemy.
In last week's paper, it has been observed that Duane was certainly errect in the head . Every word in Bronson's extracts evinces that our conjecture was correct. Duane boasts of the estimation of good men . What sort of goodness must their be? Every body knows that Duane published an extract from a stolen letter; and that when Bronson advertised him, as a villain, he kept in silence, or something very like it, from January last till about three weeks ago. He then came out with a denial that he had been the first printer of the stolen letter, and this denial struck in the face of the file of his own newspaper. As a convicted liar, therefore, he stands upon record . He has never yet told us how he got hold of the treasury books. If he had been caught in Wolcott's office, at midnight, he would most assuredly have been sent to the betting house . For such an offence in England, the combined interest of Middlesex and Yorkshire, of Kent and Devon, could not have saved Duane from the halter.
Yet such is the contrast in the police of the two countries, that here, the act of house breaking has been committed with applause and exultation. In this country the Jefferson party exult in a performance, which, if acknowledged or proved in England, would, most infallibly, damn its patrons, and bring its author to the gallows. --- In my whole life I have seen but six people hanged, and four of these were hung for tampering , as DUANE and CHEETHAM did with, the contents of a sealed letter. Such is the system of Scotch police. But here, to intercept, to break up and publish a private letter, is an object of exultation. Three years ago, a Jefferson member of the Executive Council shewed me a post letter of his which had been broke up in its passage to him by some federal fingers. About the very same time, the same person shewed me a letter from an Inspector of revenue officers to Oliver Wolcott. At the top of the first page was this word " CONFIDENTIAL ." It referred to the misconduct of a revenue officer at Fredericksburg, of which it gave a ludicrous description. I wish to know whether the interceptor of that official and confidential letter pretends to any sort of moral character; and I shall be very well satisfied if any member of the executive council, who feels me treading upon his toes , will bolt forward and deny the anecdote.
From the New-York Gazette. SALUTARY ADVICE.
THERE are some defences which are worse than none at all. There are some things which will not admit of a defence. Such I apprehend, is the case of Mr. Jefferson and Callender, and the defence which is made in the American Citizen . Had I been favourable to the election of Mr. Jefferson, I would give at least fifty dollars to this writer to withhold his pen. As it is, it is disagreeable to have to disgraceful an action in one who is the Chief Magistrate, daily brought before the public view. The facts are not honorable ; they are not denied by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, they will remain forever on record the annals of this country ; no colouring can alter their nature; their deformity. Better to say not, unless an open and ingenuous confession is made. To vindicate crimes is to repeat them; 'tis repentance only which is entitled to mercy and forgiveness.
Great as my indignation is, at the abuse poured upon Washington and Hamilton, and every name of which my country boasts, I would not unneccessarily torture the despicable instrument. Let it suffice to prevent their slander from imposing upon any, and to warn them against future transgressions. Mr. Callender is certainly the most innocent of all. Bringing with him from his own country a love of liberty, caressed here by its pretended friends, knowing nothing of characters but from those who thought it their interest to deceive him and conscious of his own talents, it is not to be wondered at, if he deviated for a moment from the path of rectitude; or rather he acted sincerely all the while and like an honest man, whenever he discovered the base impositions practised upon him, he takes vengeance upon his deceivers and upon himself. Very one who is attentive to the present aspect of public affairs, cannot but remark how constantly and strangely hidden things are bringing to light.
PITY.
WHEN Callender was punished, the Democrats wailed his fate, scolding about the sedition law that punished men for wilful lies; now for telling truth against the government , the consistent 'American' says he 'ought to be impaled alive; his flesh torn from his bones with red hot pincers, and his blood drunk by the savage Patagonian .' What then ought to be done to your Jacobinic printers, that persevere in lies, as Callender has not?
From the Virginia Gazette. ANSWER
TO WILLIAM DUANE CONCERNING TORIES.
THERE have lately appeared in this
paper two essays concerning Tories and Toryism. In one of these there was a request that if Mr. Duane, the editor of the Aurora , should make any remarks, that those remarks should be published in this paper, so that the subject might come fairly before the public. No such publication having appeared, I concluded that Duane had deemed it most prudent to say nothing about it, and according to his usual custom in cases of difficulty to flout something else as bad or worse .
It has been just discovered by me, that Duane has afforded more than a column of his far famed Aurora to this subject, which he offers as an answer to these essays. This I have now sent to you, and request that it may be published with these remarks; so that they who are desirous to obtain full information, may have the benefit of all that has been said, or perhaps will be said, by this Generalissimo of the democratic or self called republican corps of newspaper editors and printers .
This may be considered as the final answer of Duane upon the subject; because I believe he has said nothing more about it in his succeeding numbers.
Is it not singularly impertinent in Duane to say, "that it will not do for this trifling declaimer to set up an expression of Mr. Jefferson's, and say the editor, [meaning himself] dare not give his own opinion, if it differed from his," (meaning Mr. Jefferson's) and at the same time make several lengthy quotations from the writings of Mr. Adams, which he offers as authority against another, when that other has no connection with, nor had not referred in the remotest degree to Mr. Adams?
When those offensive words were written, I did not mean to say; or insinuate that "Duane's vanity and forwardness" would not induce him to prefer himself to Mr. Jefferson, and indeed to the whole world of science and scientific men. But I did expect that this sufficient Editor would have reflected, that his own popularity and circulation of his writings depend very much upon the patronage of Mr. Jefferson, and that he would have discretion to discover this, and prudence enough, upon this particular point, to keep out of view "his own matchless personal infallibility."
If I had preferred to Duane a system of conduct, to be well calculated to destroy or depreciate himself, or his Aurora , it would have been to act just as he has done; it would have been (by a blow of surprize) to put him off his guard, and induce him to assume a pre-eminence over Jefferson himself; it would have been to urge him to say as he has almost done, "Great and learned as Jefferson is, I am his superior. "Jefferson may be king, but I will be king over him." "Yes, I William Duane."
I am not disposed to discuss the comparative merits or demerits of these associates and rivals for social, moral, literary or political pre-eminence. Their admirers and partisans are left to assign the preference as they please. A rupture between the Jeffersonians and the Duanites, will be more important and more entertaining, than that which exists between the Clintonians and the Burrmites. While these contending parties or their partisans are engaged in the struggle, the good people of America will perhaps see that they should all be superceded; they may then have more time to discuss and understand their own political Catechism, before they undertake to lead, or rather mislead, the community.
Several discussions concerning the words Tory and Toryism have already been exhibited. We have seen the great Mr. Jefferson and the infallible Mr. Duane in opposition to each other; and I shall now shew Mr. Jefferson in opposition to himself. It appears in answer to the 16th Query, that a Tory was then considered as a "Traitor in thought, but not in deed." Mr. Jefferson seems to have thought, in the year 1798, that the supporter of administration was a Tory . So that the two definitions are quite opposite to each other. A Tory formerly
was a traitor; a Tory now is the supporter of government. Nay more, one who was formerly a traitor both in thought and deed, has been preferred to a revolutionary officer. Notwithstanding all this, Duane comes forward with an opinion which he says is more orthodox than either; in order to shew it, he describes the character and qualifications of a whig , and concludes by saying "to define a tory , take the reverse of this character." These are stated at full in the preceding quotations.
The following extract from the Columbian Centinel , will also shew how much President Jefferson and Editor Duane are at war with each other.
MR. JEFFERSON'S DEFINITION.
"In the year 1798, Mr. Jefferson held, though Virginia was a republican state, several of her most distinguished officers were Tories . As some of these had acted in pre-eminent military and political situations during the revolutionary war, they waited on Mr. Jefferson to enquire the intent and meaning of the epithet, as he had applied it. An explanation took place; the philosopher is said to have replied, "That he meant by Tories no more than those who zealously supported an administration, and were apologists for its conduct: That such was the definition of the word, in the best Lexicographies, and that it was opposed to Whig , which was an epithet that usually applied to the opposers of power, and the fomenters of faction." Such was Mr. Jefferson's definition, when in the calm retirement of philosophy! Let his tools beware how they disgrace the talents of their master by their application of the epithets."
"Dean Swift defines a Tory to be one "who adheres to the constitution and government of the state." Whereas, he says, a Whig is "the name of a faction."
I shall be glad to know whether it belongs to the character of a whig to aid and abet in stealing and publishing stolen letters? Whether it is right to bribe, and corrupt a confidential clerk to obtain access to his employer's books and papers, and to publish related and garbled extracts, knowing at the time that they are untrue? Whether it be right to profane the asylums of his fellow citizens in the dead or the night for the sole purpose of fabricating something which might destroy the character of a neighbour? Whether it be right to publish untruth, knowing it to be so, and to permit an innocent man to receive irreparable injury in his peace, fame and fortune?
After Duane has prated something more about Whig and Tory , he says, "the writer, if he were to make himself a little acquainted with what and whom he pretends to judge of, might know that the editor [meaning himself] is not a slave to any man's opinion." No! No! Mr. Duane, neither you nor the subject were introduced by the writer without the fullest consideration. He did not proceed "like a man playing at biladman's buff." He knew enough of you to expect, that you would place yourself above your master; above him whose patronage and succour have made you all that you are; at this in cautious moment you forgot the thousands of dollars which you drew from the treasury of the United States, within a few months.
But pray, Duane, how is it, that you are so much noticed, when the opinions of Mr. Jefferson are quoted as better authority than that of YOURSELF, when at the same moment, you insist that opinions of Mr. Adams should be authority for another? If you conclude that every man who is dissatisfied with the numerous calumnies and misrepresentations which appear in the Aurora is, or will of course be a disciple of Mr. Adams, and it should so turn out; then indeed you are, by far, the most successful advocate and partizan which Mr. Adams, ever had or perhaps ever will have. If conviction should go on as it has done of late, the popularity of Mr. Adams will soon be co-extensive with the circulation of the Aurora .
TRUEMAN.