Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1805-09-25 00:00:00

NOTE
From his Excellency Baron Novosiltzoff, to his Excellency Baron Hardenburg, Minister of State.
When his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, in compliance with the wishes of his Britannic majesty, had resolved to send the undesigned to Bonaparte, to meet the pacific overtures which he had made to the court of London, his Russian majesty was guided by two sentiments and motives of equal force with which you are acquainted, namely, his desire, on the one hand to support a sovereign who was ready to make exertions and sacrifices for the general tranquility, and, on the other hand, procure advantages to all the states of Europe, from a pacific disposition, which from the form in which it was announced must be considered as very sincere.
The existing disagreement between Russia and France could have placed insurmountable obstacles in the way of a negotiation of peace by a Russian minister; but his imperial majesty of Russia did not hesitate, for a moment to pass over all personal displeasure and all usual formalities.
His imperial majesty of Russia availed himself of the mediation of his Prussian majesty, when he requested the passports for his plenipotentiary. He declared that he should only receive them on that particular condition, namely, that his plenipotentiary should enter directly upon a negotiation with the chief of the French government, without acknowledging the new title which he had assumed; and that he was still animated by the same wish for a general peace which he had appeared to show in his letter to his Britannic majesty.
This preliminary assurance was the more necessary, since Bonaparte had assumed the title of King of Italy immediately upon receipt of the answer given by his Britannic majesty to his letter of the 1st of January; a title which itself put a new obstacle in the way of the desired restoration of peace.
After his Prussian majesty had transmitted the positive answer from the Cabinet of the Tuileries, that it persevered in the intention sincerely to lend its hand to a pacific negotiation, his imperial majesty of Russia accepted the passports the more readily, because the French government showed so strong an inclination to transmit them.
By a fresh transgression of the most solemn treaties, the union of the Ligurian republic with France had been effected. This event of itself, the circumstances which have accompanied it, the formalities which have been employed to hasten the execution thereof, the moment which has been chosen to carry the same into execution, have all formed an aggregate which must terminate the sacrifices which his imperial majesty of Russia would have made at the pressing request of Great Britain, and in hopes of restoring the necessary tranquility to Europe by the means of negotiation.
Without doubt his imperial majesty of Russia, would not have insisted so strenuously on the conditions fixed by him, if the French government had fulfilled the hope that it would respect the first tie which holds society together, and which upholds the confidence of engagements between civilized nations; but it cannot possibly be believed, that Bonaparte, when he granted the passports, which were accompanied with the most pacific declarations, seriously intended to fulfil them; because, during the time which would necessarily elapse between the granting of passports and the arrival of the undersigned at Paris, he took measures which, far from facilitating the restoration of peace, were of such a nature that they annihilated the very grounds of peace.
The undersigned, in recalling to the recollection of his excellency Baron Hardenburg, facts with which the cabinet of his Prussian majesty is very minutely acquainted, must at the same time inform him, that he has just now received from his Russian majesty an order dated the 9th (21st) June, to return the annexed passports immediately, and to request your excellency to transmit the same to the French government, with this present declaration, since no use whatever can be made of them in the present state of affairs.
The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to renew to his excellency the assurance of his respect.
(Signed)
N. VON NOVOSILTZOFF.
Berlin, 29th June, O. S. (July 10, 1805.
The above note was immediately transmitted by all the ministers, except M. Laforest, the French envoy, residing here to their respective courts, by messengers and express.
This day or to-morrow Baron Novosiltzoff will leave Berlin, on his return to St. Petersburg.
ANSWER TO M. NOVOSILTZOFF'S NOTE.
Paris, July 25.—The Moniteur of yesterday contains the following article, which is particularly worthy of remark in the present circumstances:—
Berlin, July 15.
M. Novosiltzoff left this capital yesterday for St. Petersburg. He had a long conference with Mr. Jackson, the British Envoy at Berlin.
The mission of that Russian Envoy was announced to all Europe several months before it commenced; and this was sufficient to render it abortive. It also became the subject of many discussions.
Calculations and intrigues. After M. Novosiltzoff had been represented rather as a bearer of orders, than as a negotiator, his mission was represented under another colour, to render it less hateful. He was to negotiate, they said, with none but the Emperor himself. They, who propagated those idle reports, well knew, that all demands of that nature, deviating from the regard due to a great Power, must on that very account frustrate a mission, the purport of which was not very evident; and what fully proves the uncertainty and obscurity of it is, that it was successively an object of orders and counter orders. Now, every thing well considered, the counter-order which calls M. Novosiltzoff back to St. Petersburg is probably more favorable for peace than the order by which he was sent to Paris.
If the object of his mission was to allay the coolness existing between France and Russia, he would probably have succeeded. What, indeed, have France and Russia to do with each other? Independent of each other, they are unable to hurt, but all powerful to do good to one another. If the Emperor of the French exerts great influence in Italy the Emperor of Russia exerts a much greater influence on the Ottoman Porte and in Persia. The former has a limited influence, which does not extend beyond the discussions on the subject of her boundaries, and does not much increase her power; the latter, on the other hand, exerts her influence over two powers of the first rank, which have long stood in the same political rank with France and Russia, and which rule over Arabia, the Caspian, and the Black Seas. If the Russian cabinet thinks it has a right to fix the just boundaries by which France is to be limited on all sides, then that cabinet will undoubtedly allow the Emperor of the French to fix the boundary by which it is to be limited in its turn. When it views with Herschell's telescope from the terrace of the palace of the Tauride, what happens between the Emperor of the French and some Tribes in the Apennines, it ought not to demand that the Emperor of the French should not see what becomes of the ancient and illustrious empire of Solyman and of Persia; that he should not see that for ten years past the whole Caucasus has been united with Russia, at the solitary request of a few families of that country; that Wallachia and Moldavia are entirely dependent on Russia; that she has subjected to herself the Mouths of the Phasis, and constructed forts there; that thereby obliging the Porte to suffer her conquests, she has procured great advantages to herself for pursuing her conquests into the centre of Persia.
Is then the Emperor of the French lowered to that degree of weakness, that he must coolly listen to a Russian Commissary, calling him to an account for what he does in countries unknown to Russia, and with which she has no relations? that he must close his eyes from seeing, and refrain from answering, when Sultan Selim has less to say in Constantinople, than a simple Envoy from St. Petersburg; when the Bosphorus is violated, and the consequence of the occupation of the Crimea, and of the mouths of the Phasis, are felt in full force; when the cries of the Seraglio, although fettered by fear, awaken all Europe; and lastly, when there is not a Pacha in the Morea, not a Mussulman in Constantinople, but expects every morning to see a fleet from the Black Sea casting anchor at the foot of the Seraglio, and a herald reading the Declaration of War, and to hear the reports of muskets in the garden of the Grand Seigneur?
But if a Russian Commissary, coming to Paris to say, that a diminution of influence in Italy was demanded, should say, at the same time, that a guarantee should be given for Persia and the Porte—that the Bosphorus shall no more be violated, but remain shut, according to the practice of all times, against the ships of all Powers; that the Treaty of 1798 shall not be renewed; that the subjects of the Porte shall no longer navigate under Russian colours; that the regiments enlisted for the Russian service in Albania, at a great expense, shall be disbanded; that the ships in the Black Sea shall never be so numerous as to endanger the Porte of being menaced in her own capitol, before the Powers of Europe can be informed of her danger; that the Phasis shall be evacuated and the Caucasus restored to the Shah of Persia, and that tranquility shall again be given to that Empire after so many years of internal wars and calamities; then it would be easy to conceive what would be the effect of such language; and although we are not in the secret of the Cabinet of the Tuileries, we dare say the Emperor of the French would be ready to meet so noble an agreement; he would listen, not to menaces, but to a desire to consolidate the independence of nations and the happiness of mankind. Whatever sacrifices he should make for the independence of the Porte and of Persia, he would still be a gainer; posterity, for which he labors, would acknowledge him its deliverer, and admire the acuteness of that reason which made him discover before hand that the Russians would be the oppressors of the whole world, even as they now oppress the North, and the establishment of that Universal Monarchy, with which Europe has been so much frightened, and which has so long been held up to its view as the aim of the French nation, which comprises every thing in itself, and can never be dangerous to the independence of other countries.
If the Russian Plenipotentiary came with a message from England, who is
there but sees the difficulties, the ungratified trouble, which instructions, new pretensions of Russia would introduce? Of whatever nature the objects may be, which divide England and France, those nations would then be obliged to expect the decision of their differences from a far distant country, to which the interests of both is so little known.
When the Cabinet of London applauded the mission of M. Novosiltzoff, it did so, because it hoped not only to bring over Russia, but also to draw in Austria and Prussia along with her; for it knows full well, that the concurrence of Russia alone will not allow it to think of the insane plans of partition which it has formed against France, and of which, in its madness, it never ceases to dream. If the English government is desirous of peace, it will recollect that it can reply to a French note, by an English note. These two languages are easily translated, and the intervention of another would only render the negotiation more intricate.
Could M. Novosiltzoff himself be accurately acquainted with such knotty affairs? Did he know, that at the time of the Treaty of Amiens, the Empire of Mysore was not wholly united to the English possessions? that the Empire of the Mahrattas was annihilated; that England had doubled her Power in India; and that no European ship can sail in those seas? Did he think that France would give up the commerce with India forever? Did he also see that that commerce alone was not the main point—that England has obtained that point which Catharine never would suffer, by her cannon, at Copenhagen—that, what France never will allow, was obtained of Russia, by Nelson, in the Gulph of Finland—that, since that treaty, so contrary to the rights of which even the nations the least bold are jealous, various interpretations have been made of the right of blockade; that whole rivers have been blockaded; that Cadiz was blockaded, even when our squadrons were masters in the Straights; that Venice is blockaded, although no English ship has been seen there for six months past, and that no neutral vessel was seen there neither during six months; the effects of a strange connivance in other Powers? At Venice, Trieste, Lisbon, and in Northern ports, all shipments for Genoa were stopped from the moment that port was declared in a state of blockade.
Did that Plenipotentiary come to say that Russia had procured the liberty of the Indies, and of the European commerce in India; the recognition of the universal sovereignty of the seas; the renunciation of all interpretations concerning the right of blockade, henceforth limited to countries attacked, or in danger of being taken, and (in the true sense of the word, to blockade) surrounded on all sides? Did he at the same time come to demand, that the Crown of Italy should be placed on another head, and to require the surrender of some parts of the territory on the other side of the Alps? If this was the case, he should have been welcome; he would have met with no obstacles, and his undertaking would have been crowned with success.
But if he, approving what England does, recognizing her right to search all ships, to place whole kingdoms in a state of blockade, applauding the immense increase of her power in India, come to represent to France, that she ought to evacuate Parma and Genoa, and renounce the Crown of Italy; then it would appear that it was evidently intended to oppress France; then it would be France which they would wish to bring back to those times when Poland was partitioned without its own consent, when means were found to terrify a degenerate race, to deprive it of the consciousness of its worth, and even of the will of opposing the oppression. France has arms, courage, and armies; yea, of whatever nature the coalition shall be, which the English Ministers may find means to form, France, though regretting the influence of English gold on the Continent, will dissolve that Gordian knot as well as the two preceding. As often as they shall step in between both to reduce England within equitable and decent bounds, no sacrifice will be too hard for France; but if they will lay the whole weight upon her, she will see in these intentions, nothing but hatred, and insult, and one must be very ignorant in calculating the power and the state of affairs, to hope to succeed always.
Poland has been partitioned; France must have for it Belgium, and the Banks of the Rhine. The Crimea has been occupied, the Caucasus, the mouths of the Phasis, &c. France must have a compensation in Europe; the principles of self-preservation require it.
Is a General Congress of Europe wished for? Well! Let each power place at the disposal of that Congress the conquests which she has made within the last fifty years; re-establish Poland, restore Venice to its Senate, Trinidad to Spain, Ceylon to Holland, and the Crimea to the Porte; withdraw to a distance from the Phasis and the Bosphorus; to give up Caucasus and Georgia; let the Porte, after so many disasters, take a little breath; let the dominion of the Mahrattas, and the kingdom of Mysore be re-established, or no longer remain the exclusive property of England—then shall France recede within her ancient boundaries, and in so doing, France assuredly will not be the greatest loser. Whence then this furious outcry, this summons to a crusade against a power which, for the last fifty years, has derived less advantage than any other from the revolutions of states, and the changes which have taken place in every part of the Globe, and which, un-
formly victorious, has retained nothing of her conquests, but what was necessary to form an equitable compensation.
Europe had sustained several dreadful shocks; social order had revived; the peace of Amiens had established the general system. A feeble ministry, an unexampled arrogance, have kindled the flames of war anew, and exposed the peace of all nations to a state of uncertainty. The continental Prince, who shall first join in this project of general subversion, who shall first give the signal for war, will be answerable for all the calamities which may ensue from it, and subject himself to the merited curse of the existing generation.
It is the opinion of every intelligent person, that the result of a war upon the continent can have no other tendency than to increase the power of France. They are also persuaded, that she will not always have the weakness, from a pure feeling of generosity, and the vain hope of promoting the happiness of mankind, and the peace of the whole world, to evacuate numerous and populous conquests.
It is the fashion at present to inveigh against the ambition of France; had she however, been disposed to retain the territories conquered by her arms, the half of Austria, the States of Venice, the Kingdom of Naples, Switzerland, and Holland, would still have been subject to her dominion. The real boundaries of France are the Rhine and Adige. Did not the French penetrate beyond the Adige & the Rhine? Were they prevented, by the force of arms, from taking the Salza and the Drave as their boundaries? Or did they not forego those boundaries, from a generous moderation? It is in the natural course of things, that men such as Woronzoff, Thugut, and Aclon, (to whom Europe gives as little credit for capacity, as it ascribes to them hatred against every thing that is great and liberal, and who have sold their consciences for English gold) should exert all their influence to re-produce all the calamities of war. The prosperity of nations has occasioned the loss or diminution of their credit; and this too is fortunate for princes. There are some who have ceased to reign, in consequence of listening to their counsels.
The calamities of a continental war would fall neither upon Russia nor England, inasmuch as the scene of action would lie in Germany or Italy. What interest then can the French, the Italians and the Germans take in the mediation of powers, which would employ the moment, when they were engaged in the most sanguinary attacks on each other, to accomplish the downfall of the Turkish and Persian empires? The constant policy of the Northern States has been to provoke wars from which they themselves had nothing to dread. Thus it was that Catharine, for several years, permitted Austria and Prussia to carry on the war, still promising them assistance, which however could not prevent the French armies from appearing before the gates of Vienna.—Thus it was that the late emperor of Russia extended the calamities of war, by furnishing Austria with auxiliaries, at a time when Austria would, without them, have acquired many advantages—auxiliaries, however, who, upon the first reverse, trod back their steps, and in the middle of a campaign, left their allies to sustain alone all the pressure of war, which they had promised to share in common with them.
In a word, France and Russia can gain nothing by a misunderstanding; they can inflict on each other no injury by a war; and whatever may be the policy of either, there is nothing in which they can find so much advantage as in maintaining a good understanding with each other. We have already declared and once more repeat it, that if Russia evacuate the Bosphorus, Caucasus, Phasis, Georgia, &c. France will accede to any arrangements which can be required with respect to Italy. But unfortunately, it is too well known, that no one finds pleasure in sacrifices of this nature, and hence France must be allowed to indemnify herself so as to compensate for such advantages as are obtained by the other powers.
As to England the treaty of Amiens is still in force. It was concluded after a deliberate and long investigation of the reciprocal interests of the two states; it was broken unexpectedly, and upon idle pretences. Re-establish that Treaty, and both states are at peace. But if England requires new conditions; if she wishes to enter into a discussion respecting the frontiers of France on the side of Italy, let her give to France a share of the Mahratta territory; let her, in short, adopt maxims consistent with the independence of the other powers. But the English will perhaps say, 'It is better to sink than to consent that the flag shall protect the cargo—that a vessel for whatever she contains or whatever is done on board her, shall be accountable only to the Sovereign of the State to which she belongs; that the Indies shall cease to be our property, or that any power whatever shall have a right to share with us in our superiority in the Indies.' Do not you then expect that France shall enter into discussions with you upon points which do not concern you, or do you consent to enter into discussions with her upon points which involve the sacred interests of all nations?
France duly appreciates the advantages of peace; but she will carry on the war as long as it shall be necessary towards maintaining the honor of her flag, and the preponderance which it has acquired; and until she has obtained the assurance, that in whatever quarter of the world a Frenchman may shew himself, he shall not have occasion to blush in consequence of the
insults and arrogant assumptions of the English."
LONDON, August 2.
"Our best informed Politicians, have no expectation of peace, until some material charge takes place, or a blow has been struck."
"In the mean time, America is reaping a rich harvest. Mr. Monroe is returned from Madrid—report says, 'venista.' But I cannot conceive what induces the Spaniards to act hostily, as they appear to do, and as I think they would not dare, unless encouraged elsewhere."
"August 8."
"The probability of a war on the continent, is of late greatly increased; the contents between Austria and France are fast ripening to a rupture—and the return of the Russian Minister, Novosiltzoff, without entering on negotiation, is considered as decisive of the disposition of the Emperor Alexander, and as marking the ascendancy, which Great Britain and Austria have obtained at the Court of St. Petersburg."
"The annexation of Genoa to France, and the disposition discovered by the Emperor Napoleon to extend his dominion in every direction, has excited great alarm among the continental Powers; even Prussia is said to be dissatisfied."
"Fears are entertained for the safety of Portugal, now threatened with invasion by a French and Spanish army. The show of invading this country is also renewed on the coasts of Holland and France, where all appears to be activity and preparation—but I believe it is mere show."
"The present military force of Great Britain and Ireland, is greatly superior, both in numbers and appointment, to that of any former period—and is certainly more than a match for any army that could steal a march across the channel; as to forcing the passage, in the present state of the marine defence, it is altogether out of the question. It is even supposed by professional men, that the British gun boats and other small vessels which line the shores, and defend the harbors, would be more than sufficient to prevent a landing, should the enemy's flotilla escape the cruising squadrons, which occupy the channel in every direction."
"You may form some idea of the naval force, when I tell you that, without counting Lord Nelson's fleet, or the ships in the Mediterranean, there are upwards of sixty sail of the line from Ushant to Finisterre, besides the fleets in the Downs and North Sea. Numerous cruisers are stretched along the western part of England, and the Irish coast—and, from the Lizard to the North, the men of war are every where within signal distance of each other."
"The attitude of this country, compared with its population, and contrasted with the physical force of its adversaries is truly disguised and formidable."
"The expense, however, attending this defensive war is enormous but the nation consoles itself by saying that all is at stake—that the money is levied on a monopoly of commerce—and that the expenditure is altogether at home. There may be truth in these remarks; but it is scarcely possible that any commerce should continue to nourish such an expense, or that a war conducted on these principles should not be ruinous."
"A war on the continent, which is anxiously looked for, would relieve the pressure, and enable England to act with powerful effect, by means of her large disposable military force."
"There have been considerable dissensions in the Cabinet, and in Parliament; but Mr. Pitt's influence has triumphed even in changing the prosecution of Lord Melville to an impeachment, and it is not supposed that his influence will decline during the present reign. The retirement of Lord Sidmouth, who is personally, a favorite with the King, is a strong proof of Mr. Pitt's predominance."
"The account of sir Robert Calder's victory over the combined fleet of France and Spain, has given an additional spring to the naval character, and greatly elated the spirits of the people.—That it should operate an opposite effect on the enemy, may be readily supposed."
ST. PETERSBURGH, July 3.—For some days nothing has been talked of here but an approaching war. A courier has been sent off to M. Novosiltzoff, with orders to discontinue his journey. It is said that a considerable body of troops are assembling on the frontiers of Prussia and Galicia.—Notwithstanding all this, however, we see no military preparations, nor any indication to confirm these reports of war.
VIENNA, July 6.—The preparations for war still continue with great activity, and transports of artillery and ammunition are daily passing into Inner Austria. The regiments in Garrison here have received orders to be ready to march by the 25th inst. There is now in Inner Austria, in Italy and the Tyrol, an army of from 180,000 to 200,000 men.
On the 3d arrived here, a courier from St. Petersburg, & the next day one from Berlin. In general the exchange of couriers between Vienna, Berlin and St. Petersburg, is extremely frequent.
We are assured that in the course of the ensuing month, there will be an extraordinary levy of recruits to complete the army.
His Imperial Majesty has been pleased to appoint Field Marshal Lt. Count Bellegarde to be commandant of Venice; Field Marshal Lt. Stimbchen to be commandant of Division at Padua; Field Marshal Lt. Auffenberg, to be commandant of Division at Vicenza; and Field Marshal Lt. the

Count of Lusignan, to be commandant of Division at Brunn. They write from Italy, that a report prevails there, that letters between persons in a high station, have been intercepted, which appear to have been written with intention to excite commotions in the country. CONSTANTINOPLE, June 16.—The English consul general at Constantinople, has received fresh advices from the East Indies, which not only confirm the accounts received by the last, of the defeat and entire ruin of the army of Holkar, but also bring intelligence of further progress made by the English, and the complete subjection of all the petty Princes of the Mahrattas.
AMSTERDAM, July 20.—In our Courant under the head Paris, it is said, that another commander has been appointed to the Rochefort fleet, in the place of Rear Admiral Missiessy, who is gone to Bordeaux, and who notwithstanding his splendid expedition, has drawn on himself some discontent.
PARIS, July 24.—The Official Journal of yesterday contains the following remarkable observations relative to the mission of the Russian Chamberlain Novosiltzoff, which are sufficient to convince us that we are not to expect the arrival of that gentleman in this city.
"Russia, through the mediation of Prussia, had applied for passports for a Chamberlain, whom she was disposed to send to Paris to his majesty the Emperor. Passports were accordingly furnished, as they ought to have been, without demanding any explanation. Since that period the English papers have discovered to us somewhat of the object of Monsieur Novosiltzoff's mission. After many orders and counter orders, the Chamberlain, who arrived at Berlin, has returned to St. Petersburg, and his mission appears to be at an end. If Monsieur Novosiltzoff was to have been the bearer of proposals for England, it is for her to consider what course she will now pursue. Are we to consider the overtures made by the Emperor of the French, six months ago, to that power, as already answered, or does England still reserve the answer? This question, it must be obvious, can be resolved only by the cabinet of London."
July 25.—The Emperor is still at St. Cloud; every thing, however, is in readiness for his departure. The general opinion here is, that within a very short time some attempt will be made upon England.
July 26.—According to a private letter from Rochelle, dated the 18th instant, the squadron at the Isle of Aix, consisting of eight sail of the line and several frigates, under the command of Monsieur Lallemand, put to sea the day before, and shaped its course to the southward, in line of battle, with a very favorable wind. Four and twenty hours after, nothing further had been heard respecting it, and it was therefore inferred that it had met with no obstruction. As the wind still continued favorable, it is probable that it has already made considerable progress on its voyage.
The Monitor of the 20th ult. contains the following:—
"LEGOONS, July 8.—Yesterday arrived a vessel at this port from Algiers, after a passage of three days, with an account that the inhabitants of the mountains of Cabail, situated about thirty or forty miles from that capital, rushed unexpectedly and with great impetuosity upon it, and made themselves masters of it, in spite of the resistance that was opposed to them. Their first act was to seize the person of the Dey; after which they plundered all the houses of the Jews, and murdered all the Christian slaves. The banditti wear no other covering than cloaks, and cords wound round their heads, in imitation of turbans. About 700 persons, who were so fortunate as to escape the massacre, are expected at Leghorn."
"Another account states the arrival of 170 Jews at Leghorn, from Algiers, who were so fortunate as to escape the slaughter, although in the utmost distress, having scarcely a rag to cover them."
HAMBURG, July 19.—Baron Novosiltzoff cannot have left Berlin on his return to St. Petersburg, till the 17th inst. and he must have held some more conferences before that time. Copies of the note transmitted by Baron Hardenburg, have been communicated by the latter to all foreign ministers residing at Berlin, to be transmitted to their courts, which they all did, with the exception of the French envoy, M. Lafosse, who refused to receive the said copy. The king of Prussia, it is asserted, has thereupon transmitted, by his ministry, a Note to the said envoy, containing the strongest assurances of a friendly towards the French Government, and the most flattering expression to the envoy."
ALEXANDRIA, September 20. The United States frigate PRESIDENT, from the Mediterranean, (via Hampton Roads) passed by this city this morning, at ten o'clock, on her way to Washington.
TAKEN up by the subscriber in Amelia County, on the road leading from Patten's to Skewey's mill, a dark sorrel HORSE, with a blaze in his face, which extends to the lower part of his nostrils, the right hind foot white, and the left about half round on the inside, some rubbed with a collar on his neck, docked but not branded, shot all round, trots, paces and gallops, about 4 feet 11 inches high, about seven years old next spring, valued at £24. SAMUEL ALLEN. 26th July, 1805. 34
VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1805.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Tobacco, 33s to 36s Cash. Wheat, 7s do. Flour, fine, new, 40s 6d do. Flour, super fine, 46s 6d do. Corn, 27s do. Hemp, (clean) £ 50 do. Iron, £ 33 do. Bacon, 15d do. Whiskey, 3s 9d do.
An official statement of all the bills drawn by the American Minister to satisfy the claims adjusted under the Louisiana convention, up to the 3d of July, 1805, is published in the National Intelligencer. It is probable a suspension of further drawing for a month, will have taken place owing to the absence of the French minister of the treasury, who had gone to Italy.
Extract from the Law concerning Weights and Measures, now in force in the state of Virginia.
Forasmuch as the buying and selling by false weights and measures is of late much practiced in the City of Richmond, to the great injury of the citizens:— BE it enacted, That, from henceforth there shall be but one weight, one measure, one yard, and one ell, according to the standard of the Exchequer in England; and whosoever shall sell or buy, or keep any other weight, measure, yard, or ell, whereby any corn, grain, salt, or other thing is bought or sold, shall forfeit for every offence twenty shillings, being thereof lawfully convicted, by the oath of one witness, before any Justice of the peace where the offence shall be committed; and in default such Justice shall commit the said party to prison there to remain, without bail or mainprize, until he shall pay such forfeitures as aforesaid. The above section shall continue and remain in force, until the congress of the United States shall have made provision on that subject.
On Saturday evening arrived at this port, the fine fast sailing ship London Packet, capt. M. Dougall, in 39 days from London. To capt. M's attention in procuring papers while at the Downs, we are indebted for London dates to the 10th of Aug. being 14 days later than any previous accounts. The contents of these papers (given in detail in this day's Phila. Gaz.) are unusually interesting, and forebode events of superior importance. The note of the Russian minister, assigning as the motive of his recall, the assumption on the part of Bonaparte, of the title and prerogatives of the king of Italy, and his other acts of ambitious aggrandizement, evince that Russia no longer remains an indifferent spectator of the all-grasping policy of France. Bonaparte's reply to this note is couched in terms of much asperity and irritation! "What!" says the document, "is then the emperor of the French lowered to that degree of weakness that he must coolly listen to a Russian commissary calling him to an account for what he does in countries unknown to Russia, and with which he has no relation!"
Next in importance to the foregoing correspondence, are the details of the engagement between the combined fleets and that under sir R. Calder. We have given all the particulars which appear in our London papers.—Phil. Gaz.
In the preceding columns, we have given the answer of the French government to the note of M. Novosiltzoff. It is a manifesto of the views of France, in which Bonaparte not only justifies all the measures he has recently taken in Italy, but in the furious and menacing language of triumph and insult, boldly claims as the basis of a general pacification the full and complete execution of the treaty of Amiens and the right of augmenting and extending his power whenever and in whatever he thought proper."
Bell's Weekly Messenger of the 4th Aug. after alluding to some former observations on the subject of the Russian negotiation, remarks: "In a word M. Novosiltzoff is fled—fugit! quasi erupit! He left Berlin on the 19th June, and his departure is considered as the signal of mighty wars in Europe. He took leave with the usual decorum of a retiring Envoy: he left a manifesto behind him, which is no contemptible proof of the talents and spirit of the Court. It is an indictment of Bonaparte (properly so called for the word Emperor is stifled) in the face of all Europe, of having made swindling professions of peace, & granting passports to facilitate negotiation, at the very time he was entrapping Genoa into a act by which she was to extinguish herself for ever, & laying a snare for the subjugation of every power in Italy."
We learn by the London Packet, that the British have sent a 64 up the Mediterranean with a large sum of money supposed for Constantinople or Russia.
That the British have sent orders to their cruisers to seize and send in for adjudication, all American vessels bound for France or Holland, carrying to those countries the produce of East and West Indies—to this our minister has remonstrated, but the answer is not known.
That Admiral Villeneuve of the Rochelle squadron not having satisfied his master in the expedition to the W. Indies, was superseded.—P. T. A.
ANOTHER FRENCH FLEET OUT.
Capt. Hartwell, of the ship Lewis Wm. on the 16th Aug. lat. 44, 10, long. 15, 30 fell in with a French fleet consisting of 34 sail. He was taken on board the admiral's ship, and his papers examined. At the same time saw a ship on fire, which one of the officers informed was an English letter of marque which they had taken in the morning and set fire to. The fleet, when capt. Hartwell left them, was steering W. S. W. supposed then bound to the West Indies.—Pb. pa.
COMMUNICATION.
Dr. THOMAS EWELL of Virginia, the author of a Dissertation on the Stomach and Secretion, which was much approved of on its publication in Philadelphia, and of several essays in the Medical Repository, is about to engage in a new work on chemistry. His object is to give a general and plain view of the principles and improvements of the science, with a particular description of such parts as are the more common objects of attention. The work will be adapted for the use of the citizen generally. The advantages resulting from such a performance, are too great to need any commendation. (Nat. Intel.)
Extract of a letter dated Tunis, April 14, 1805. "Tunis at this moment exhibits a scene of misery and distress (occasioned by famine) beyond any description. The mountaineers fed on the few herbs which the country affords, and many, as the only means to support life, on the putrifying carcasses of famished animals. The streets are crowded with naked bedouins, rendered ferocious by despair, whose importunate clamors call for charity, and not only render it painful, but even dangerous for a christian to walk out. These are not evils inflicted by Heaven, they originate in the avarice and despotism of the government, and still civil commotion has not yet reared her standard. Our public affairs have been in so critical a situation for some time as not to render the decision of peace or war for one week certain."
Extract of a letter from Havana, dated 27th August, from an American merchant there to his friend in Washington City. "A few days since our consul suddenly closed his office, and refuses granting any certificates or other consular documents, alleging as his reasons for so doing, that some circumstance had occurred between the governor and himself, in consequence of his representing to the latter the capture of an American vessel, which would render it very imprudent and unsafe for him to continue the exercise of his official duties. This circumstance has thrown us in the utmost confusion and anxiety, as it causes considerable changes in the routine of business, and excites apprehensions that property shipped from hence, accompanied with the usual certificates, may be subjected to capture and detention by the privateers and ships of war of the belligerent powers. Although I lament the cause which should have occasioned this measure, yet I believe he has very good reasons for adopting it; for having two examples before him of the arbitrary imprisonment of American consuls in this island, it would be extreme imprudence in him to continue the exercise of his functions, subjecting himself to insult and injury, and to the ruin of individuals, and exposing his personal liberty and property to the arbitrary power of a capricious government. It is said he is determined on not resuming his functions, without he can have assurances of proper aid and protection in the exercise of them."
Captain Cazneau, arrived at New York from Cadiz, sailed from thence on the 5th of August, when signals were hoisted for the Spanish fleet from Caghabena, consisting of eight sail of the line; in consequence six sail of the line dropped down to the mouth of the harbor to join them. On the following day he heard a heavy cannonading. Captain C. adds, that Cadiz was strictly blockaded.
According to the last accounts, the combined Fleet reached Vigo bay about the time lord Nelson reached Gibraltar. Vigo in the Portuguese charts, is given at 42° 13, N. L. at the Cape Passaro while Ferrol is given at 43° 34, and Cadiz at 36° 35. The difference of longitude, between Ferrol and Vigo is about half a degree, and about two degrees between Vigo and Cadiz. While the English threaten severely the commerce of Spain, by the most vigorous blockade of its principal ports, the Spaniards have prohibited English manufactures with the same penalties as in Holland.—Salem paper.
On the 17th inst. Capt. Bainbridge on his way from this city to Fredericksburg, was met a few miles from that place by the Spottsylvania troop of Cavalry accompanied by a number of other citizens, and escorted into town; where his arrival was welcomed by the discharge of 17 guns from a field piece. "Never (says a Fredericksburg paper) have we witnessed on any former occasion, such general joy; the streets were crowded, and the houses handsomely illuminated."
On the day following Capt. Bainbridge accepted an invitation to partake of an entertainment, furnished by the citizens, at the Town-Hall.
The fever continues to prevail in New York and Philadelphia—The health office reports state generally from 15 to 20 new cases for each day.
An interesting case.—The following is a copy of a letter from Mr. S. Williams, to the late owner of the Essex of Salem, dated
LONDON, June 22, 1805. "Sir—I am sorry to inform you that on a hearing of the case of the Essex this day, the lords of appeal affirmed the sentence of condemnation pronounced by the vice admiralty court. The court was not satisfied that it was not your intention, at the commencement of the voyage to send the vessels to Havana with Spanish produce."
The case of the Essex was as follows: She had taken in a cargo at Barcelona, 3 or 4 years since, under orders to proceed from thence to Calcutta; but owing to the impossibility of procuring there the specie necessary for the fulfilment of the object, the master ventured to return to America,
and the cargo was landed in Salem; but it was afterwards under the idea of its being completely neutralized, re-shipped & the vessel sailed with it for Havana. On this 2d voyage, the Essex was taken and sent into N. Providence where vessel and cargo were condemned.
The decree however was provisionally reversed in England, requiring in the mean time the owner to produce proofs that the cargo was not originally intended for the Havana. Documents were therefore forwarded, supposed fully to establish this proof; and among them the letters of the captain, stating his difficulties and the necessity of going counter to his orders by returning to America, instead of proceeding to Calcutta. Notwithstanding this, we see the lords of appeals have affirmed the sentence of condemnation in the V. A. court. What makes this decision the more important & alarming, is, the principle constantly acted upon by our merchants, that property imported into America, and landed, might afterwards be legitimately exported to the dominions of the same power from whom they were originally brought; and in this predicament we presume is now a vast amount of American capital; which, upon the principle adopted by the lords of appeal, is in danger of sharing the same fate with the Essex.
The following account of a melancholy catastrophe has been received from a respectable source & vouched for as a true statement:
Last evening, about the hour of 11, Mr. Lindsey, mate of the ship Persia, called at the lodgings of Mr. Chamberlain, midshipman on board the U. S. brig Horne, and desired him to take a walk, taking him at the same time by the lapel of the coat.—Mr. Chamberlain walked a few paces with Mr. Lindsey, when Mr. Lindsey struck him with his fist and kicked him several times. Mr. Chamberlain immediately drew a pistol from his side and shot Mr. Lindsey through the head. The ball passed just above his left eye, and lodged in the brain.
After the above had taken place Mr. Chamberlain immediately gave himself up to Capt. Chauncy.—Balt. Fed. Gaz.
Extract of a letter from Laguira, dated Aug. 9, 1805.—"The ports of this island are positively shut against all neutral vessels, and are likely to continue so until the spring, say March or April. There have been 60 or 70 vessels already turned away from this place within the last 25 days."
By a gentleman just arrived from Orleans (says a Lexington paper of Aug. 30) information has been received, that a body of the Chickasaws, headed by capt. Colbert, had made an attack upon the Osages, but were cut to pieces by the latter. This warfare, in some measure confirms the various accounts hitherto published relative to the hostile intentions of the Indians east of the Mississippi towards the Osage nation. Colbert escaped and has returned home; but capt. Underwood a distinguished chief of the Chickasaws, who was well known in the U. States as the traveling companion of the late capt. Lewis the agent of Indian affairs, fell in the conflict.
Extract of a letter from Gibraltar, (published in a London paper.) "The garrison is very healthy, and the strongest hopes are entertained, that the infectious malady, so long our scourge, has made us a lasting aid. In my last I gave you an account of the construction and formidable appearance of the Spanish gun-boats. Since then I have seen those of the Americans, which are very superior both in their construction and warlike appearance. I understand their plan is taken from those constructed for our service last year, by a British officer in America; but being much larger are consequently better adapted to encounter the enemy."
"Provisions are becoming cheap, from an increased confidence in the traders, resorting to the garrison, we have little to apprehend, from any attack of the enemy, but much to hope, (should such be attempted) on the score of honor, the Soldier's idol."
NAVY AFFAIRS.
We understand considerable activity prevails in the Navy Department of the United States. Orders we believe have been given to put a respectable force in a state of preparation. We have hopes speedily to hear the old music of the axe and the hammer in our vicinity. We learn, that two Bomb-Ketches, and two more gun-boats are building at Newburyport and Portland.—Bost. pap.
We are frequently amused with the various modes of dunning which meet our observation. The following, from an Eastern paper, is somewhat novel:—
"THE OLD ADAGE SAYS,
It is a cross dog that bites before he barks. The subscriber has been alternately growling and barking at some of his customers for two years past, and he is confident if he is now obliged to bite, the objection of being a cross dog cannot with justice be affixed to his character."
DIED—On the 15th inst. Capt. ANDREW MCCOMBE. He died in obscurity—but he was an honest, and a benevolent man, and he possessed true and genuine courage. It is not known that he ever intentionally injured any one. Let then eloquence exhaust her powers, and let poetry and prose gild her efforts, with a view, to immortalize, the great, or would be great, yet they cannot speak in higher, nor in more just terms, than does this plain sketch, which records the virtues of Andrew McCombe.
Should a tomb-stone ever be placed over him, perhaps these lines of Pope, would not be inappropriate. This simple stone, what few vain marbles can, May truly say here lies an honest man.
Several advertisements and other articles omitted to make room for the able reply of the French government to Novosiltzoff's note.
BY THE LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears that the cities of New York and Philadelphia, the West India Islands and other places are now unhappily afflicted with an infectious and malignant disease, which without due caution may be brought into this commonwealth, by vessels arriving therefrom; I have thought it, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby calling upon the superintendents of Quarantine of the different ports of entry and delivery of this commonwealth, to use every exertion on their part to prevent the introduction of so great a calamity among the good people of this state. To effect which they are hereby particularly enjoined to demand of all masters of vessels coming from the said cities of New York and Philadelphia, the West India Islands, or any other place afflicted as aforesaid, the requisite declaration of the state of health of their respective crews, &c. according to the law in that case made and provided. And if the result of such enquiry shall satisfy the superintendent of the port which such vessel may wish to enter, that the public safety requires their performance of Quarantine, he is hereby required to see that the same be done at the place heretofore appointed, convenient to the said port for a time not exceeding twenty days; And I do hereby strictly enjoin and require that until such vessels shall be discharged from their Quarantine, all persons coming or goods imported therein, come not on shore, or go on board any other vessel, or be landed or put on board any other vessel whatsoever, within this commonwealth. And moreover, that no person or persons go on board any vessels ordered to perform Quarantine, in pursuance hereof, without permission first had and obtained in writing from the said superintendents. And the said superintendents are hereby authorized to use the proper means of obtaining the most early and accurate information of the situation of all vessels coming from the said cities of New York and Philadelphia, the West India Islands, or any other place afflicted as aforesaid, with an intention of entering in any of the ports, rivers or harbors within the jurisdiction of this state. And all pilots are hereby required and enjoined to give notice, unto some one of the said superintendents, of the arrival of any vessel from the said cities of New York and Philadelphia, the West India Islands, or any other place afflicted as aforesaid, and are inhibited from conducting the same into any of the ports of this state until due examination is made as aforesaid.
Given under my hand as Lieutenant Governor, on the seal of the Commonwealth, at Richmond, this 21st day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and five, and of the commonwealth the thirteenth. (Signed) JOHN GUERRANT Jr.
AT a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings of the State of Virginia, held at the General Office, on the 21st September, 1805.
The following section was added to the Rules and Regulations of the Society, which is by order of the Board, published for the information of all persons concerned, viz—
ARTICLE 31.
SECT. II. WHEREVER the revaluation of a building already insured, shall be made, if it shall have so happened, that the proprietor thereof shall have departed this life, antecedent to the date of the revaluation—in such case, the new declaration, to be executed after such revaluation shall be made and subscribed by all the parties then having title to such building in like form, and agreeably to the Rules and Regulations, which are prescribed to parties holding a similar interest in any building and disposed to effect an original insurance therein.
ALEX. M'RAE, President M. A. S. Teste—LEWIS M. RIVALAIN, CR. B. D.
At a Court of Quarterly Session, continued and held for the county of Amelia, on Friday the twenty-third day of August, 1805.
Daniel Wilson, ex exr. of the last will and testament of Claiborne Anderson, dec'd. Against Thomas Webster and Peter Webster, defts.
THIS day came the complainant by his counsel, and the defendant Thomas not having appeared, his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly in such case made and provided, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the said Thomas is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth. Therefore on the motion of the complainant by his counsel aforesaid, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas do appear here on the fourth Thursday in November next and answer the bill of the complainant and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county or two several court days. A copy—Teste. JAMES TOWNES J. G. C.
FOR SALE.
ON Wednesday the twenty-third day of October, (if not the next fair day) at the late dwelling house of Capt. Howell Lewis, dec. of Goochland county, situate the Fork of HORSES, CAT TLE, HOGS & SHEEP, the present Crop of CORN & FODDER, & HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE, PLANTATION UTENSILS, &c. —Twelve months credit will be allowed for all sums above five pounds, the purchaser giving bond with approved security to bear interest from the date if not punctually paid.
All those having claims against the estate are requested to come forward on the day of sale with their accounts properly adjusted, that provision may be made for discharging them as early as possible. It is expected the plantation will be leased for seven years on the same day. RANDOLPH LEWIS. 18th September 18, 1805.
To all persons Owners, and Manufacturers of FURNITURE. The subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he has purchased the stock of FRENCH BURR PIECES from Mr. Thomas Donavan, and has again commenced the making of BURR MILL STONES, near the Basin of the Canal, and opposite the Hay Scales, where he has a large quantity of good materials and expects further constant supplies.
The best workmen are employed, and will be constantly attended to by himself. The experience he has had induces him to believe that he will be able to give general satisfaction. He also hopes that his old friends, and the public will again favor him with their commands.
Being acquainted with the manufacturing of Burr, he will give the purchaser of stones the best information how to put the stones to work to advantage—and will also shew those who desire it, both g. Cloths adapted to the quality of the stones. Orders sent to Messrs. James C. Anthony, Royser & Bohannon, merchants, Richmond, or to the factory, will be faithfully and punctually complied with. JOHN MOODY. Richmond, Sept. 12, 1805. 4w