The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-07-28 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JULY 28, 1809.
[No. 23.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
This Day Published,
FROM THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER, PRICE 56 CENTS: LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT OF THE CATHOLICS, TO MY BROTHER ABRAHAM, WHO LIVES IN THE COUNTRY. BY PETER PLYMLEY. FROM THE ELEVENTH LONDON EDITION.
Sold, also, at the Book-Stores of Messrs. Pleasants—Adams—and Jones. NOTICE—All persons indebted to the late mercantile concerns of Thos. & W. Friend, Joseph and W. Friend & Co. or Jos. & W. Friend—are hereby notified that James Robertson, jr. attorney at law, Amelia, is alone authorised to receive money and grant discharges, and those who have claims against either of the above mentioned firms, are requested to make them known to the said Robertson, in order that provision may be made for payment.
THOMAS BRANCH, Exec'r of Wm. FRIEND, who was surviving partner of J. & Wm. F. & Co. and Thomas and Wm. Friend. EDWARD FRIEND, adm'r of JOS. FRIEND, Dec'd.
July 25. J. ROBERTSON, jr. Im THE Subscriber solicits payment as speedily as possible, from all those who are indebted to the firms above mentioned, as the situation of the business, will not admit of longer indulgence than has already been given. The books, accounts, &c. which were lately in the possession of C. F. Bates, Esq. are now in my possession.
July 25. J. ROBERTSON, jr. Im TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD, for apprehending the thief, who, on the night of the 21st inst. stole from the boat of Daniel Jackson, in the basin of the canal, a small Seal Skin TRUNK, marked at the bottom, in black, I. D. Lynchburg, Va. No. 1. or for the safe delivery of said trunk to me, with its contents. It is supposed to contain Jewelry. THOS. GUY. 2t
July 25. THOS. GUY. 2t IN DEBT—in Goochland county court 20th March, 1809. James Camp, Plt against William Shepard Deft. This day came the plaintiff, by his attorney, and the sheriff having returned the plura capias awarded in this cause "not found" and the defendant although solemnly called, not appearing to answer the plaintiff's action. Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the third Monday in August next, and answer the plaintiff's action aforesaid, or that judgment will then be rendered against him in default of his appearance according to his specialty with interest and costs, and it is further ordered that this order be published at three successive court days at the door of the court house of this county, and also three times in the Virginia Gazette. A Copy. Teste. Wm. MILLER, C. C. C. July 21. 3/4
IN DEBT—At a quarterly sessions court, held for Goochland county at the courthouse on Monday, the 20th day of March, 1809. L. N. & James Brantham, Plt against James Pace Deft. This day came the plaintiff by his attorney, and the defendant not being arrested on the plura capias awarded in this cause and not appearing to answer the plaintiff's action although solemnly called. Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the third Monday in August next, and answer the plaintiff's action aforesaid, or that judgment will then be rendered against him in default of his appearance according to his specialty with interest and costs, and it is further ordered that this order be published at three successive court days at the door of the court house of this county, and also three times in the Virginia Gazette. A Copy. Teste. Wm. MILLER, C. C. C. July 22. 3/4
WILL BE SOLD, on the 28th day of August next, at Cumberland court-house, (being Cumberland court day,) agreeably to an Act of Assembly, passed on the thirty-first day of January last, entitled an act concerning executions and for other purposes; by virtue of a deed of trust, made to us by David Copleland, & legally recorded in the county court of Buckingham, for the purposes in the said deed of trust mentioned, one certain tract or parcel of LAND, it being a part of the tract on which the said David now resides, containing one hundred and fifty acres, lying on the lines of George Anderson and Charles Wheeler, jr. beginning at Wilson's, and running to the north of his house, to his back line, as expressed in said deed of trust. Being only interested as trustees for the benefit of others, we will only convey for the benefit by virtue of said deed of trust. SAMUEL ANDERSON, } Trustees JAMES WILSON, } 4w
COLUMBIAN MILLS—The subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he will purchase WHEAT delivered at the Columbian Mills, or he will receive wheat there to be manufactured on very moderate and advantageous terms to the holders of this article—viz. for every 340 pounds of good merchantable wheat, he will engage to deliver one barrel of good superfine flour, or he will receive wheat at six shillings and six pence per bushel of 60 pounds and deliver superfine flour at six dollars twelve cents, with a small proportion of fine flour at five dollars sixty cents per barrel; all to be inspected and delivered in good order at the mill. The flour made at this mill has always been held in high repute, and it is the intention of the present proprietor to sustain its character. The Corn Mill is in complete order—every attention will be paid to the customers sending their Corn there to be ground on toll at the usual rate. Good fresh Meal for sale in small or large quantities at very moderate prices for cash. Apply to Mr. Samuel Leech on the premises or to JOHN GRANBERY, Norfolk. Cash given for Corn delivered at the mill. July 18. 4w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away, about the 14th of last month, from the subscriber, residing in the city of Richmond, a Mulatto Man named GEORGE, about 23 or 24 years of age. He is, I believe, about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with rather large limbs, and is a little knock-kneed; his complexion is tolerably bright, and his hair is rather more straight than that of mulattoes generally. He has lost the first joint of his middle or fore finger of one of his hands, which, I think, is the right hand, but the finger is perfectly cured. I do not recollect any other visible mark by which I can describe him. I am informed that he has changed his name, & it is probable that he will, with forged papers, attempt to pass as a free man. All boatmen and masters or skippers of vessels, are particularly cautioned against carrying him away. The above reward will be given to any person who will bring the said slave to me, or apprehend him so that I may recover him. J. ROBINSON. June 13.
HAVING executed a deed of trust to Benjamin Oliver, jr. William Cunningham, and Samuel Richardson, conveying certain property therein mentioned, to them, for the purpose of making sale thereof, in order to discharge all debts for which I am bound for my father, and my own debts—It is therefore my wish that all such creditors may as soon as possible, make their respective claims known to the above named gentlemen, that they may know how far to carry the sales, which will take place the 1st of August next. JOHN M. SYME. June 9.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to us, by John M. Syme, of the County of Hanover, for the purpose of satisfying all debts for which he is bound for his father's & his own debts, we shall, on Tuesday, the first day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, upon the premises, proceed to sell, four hundred and sixty three acres, (by a late survey) of prime and valuable land, adjoining the Town of New Castle, upon Pamunkey River, and the Ferry across that river. Also, ELEVEN NEGROES, consisting of MEN, WOMEN, BOYS, CATTLE, HOGS, SHEEP, and implements of Husbandry, &c. conveyed by the said instrument. Such title as we hold as trustees will be made the purchaser or purchasers, and possession of the land given at Christmas with the privilege of seeding wheat this fall. The terms of sale will be one third cash, one third in six months, and the balance in 12 months, from the day of sale. Interest will be expected upon the distant payments. Bonds with approved security will be required of the purchasers of the personal property, and Bonds with deeds of trust upon the land and ferry of the respective purchasers. The bond &c. will be shown by Mr. WM. CUNNINGHAM, living in New-Castle, or either of the Mr. SYMES, any person wishing to view the premises. Creditors will be allowed to purchase, and their claims discounted. According to Mr. John M. Syme's notification above, we or either of us, will receive the amount of any claim, and it is our wish that they be made known prior to the day of sale. There are some previous liens upon this property, or none of it, to secure certain debts, which will be first paid, according to their several dates. Proposals for any part of the above property will be received by either of the trustees prior to the sale. BENJAMIN OLIVER, jr. WM. CUNNINGHAM. SAM. RICHARDSON. New-Castle, June 9. tis
NOTICE—On Monday the 23rd day of October next, will be sold at WHITBY, in the County of Chesterfield, upon a credit of 12 months; the personal estate of the late Col. Robert Golde, consisting of the present crop of Corn, Wheat, Oats, Fodder and Hay; the stock of Horses, Cows, Sheep and Hogs; the plantation Utensils and Household and Kitchen furniture. Bonds and approved security will be required of the purchasers to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. It is particularly requested that all those who may have claims against the Estate, will make them known immediately, to either of the subscribers, in order that provision may be made for payment. RICHARD B. GOODE, } Adm'r of the FRANCIS GOODE. } Will annexed.
THAT valuable and well-known Estate called Whitby, on James River, about three miles from the town of Manchester, will also be sold by private contract; it contains 1262 Acres of Land, about 220 acres of which are of the first rate low-grounds, and more than one half of the residue thereof is heavily timbered. To this Estate there is attached one of the best Fisheries on James River, and every convenient and necessary House for the accommodation of a Family. An indisputable title will be made and possession given on the first day of December next, with the liberty of sowing small Grain at any time, agreeable to the purchaser. The terms may be known on application to RICHARD B. GOODE, } Manchester FRANCIS GOODE, } Petersburg. July 14. WILLMO
HENNING & MENFORD'S REPORTS. LEWIS ADAMS has just received fresh supplies of BOOKS from Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, which with those on hand and others daily expected, he flatters himself makes his assortment more valuable and extensive than any other collection in Richmond, all of which he would cheerfully exchange for cash at the regular prices. Vol. 1 and 2 Henning and Munford's Reports royal 8vo. cf. at $6 50 per vol from the press of T. Kiley, New York, who has the copy right. Woman or Ila of Athens, 2 vol. 23 and 1 75 boards. In recommending this interesting Novel to the literary world, it is only necessary to observe that it is from the pen of the celebrated Miss Owenson, and ranks among the first of her productions. Essay on Sepulchres by Godwin; The complete Farrier; Reliques of Robert Burns, by Cromek; Memoirs of an American Lady, by Mrs. Grant, author of Letters from the Mountains &c. &c. John de Lancaster a Novel by Richard Cumberland; The Hungarian Brothers by Miss Porter; author of Thaddeus of Warsaw. This is an interesting novel, the style of which, as 'tis from the pen of one whose heart is the seat of every virtue, is pure, sprightly and unaffected. Vol. 1 American Law Journal; Newland on Contracts, Selwyn's Nisi Prius, Kirk on Awards and a few of every law publication from the press of Messrs. Farrand & Co. Philadelphia.
The History of the Administration of John Adams. Memoirs of the hon. Thomas Jefferson, 2 vols. 8vo. 5 $ 1-2 bound; $ 4 50 boards, a new work. A large assortment of children's books. July 14. 8w
NEW BOOKS.—Just published, and for sale at JOHN J. JONES'S NEW BOOK STORE, N. W. corner of the Main street, and that leading to the Eagle Tavern, the following new and interesting works: JOHN de LANCASTER, a novel by Richard Cumberland, Esq. 3 vols. $2. LOVERS OF LAVENDEL, or Revolutionary Tyranny, 2 vols. price $2. RELIQUES OF ROBERT BURNS, consisting chiefly of original letters, poems, and critical observations on Scottish songs, $1 25. WOMAN, OR IIA OF ATHENS, by Miss Owenson, 2 vols. price $2 neatly bound. AN ESSAY, on the history of Civil society by Adam Ferguson, L. L. D. 8vo. 75. THE HUNGARIAN BROTHERS, by Miss Porter, author of Thaddeus of Warsaw, 2 vols. neatly bound $2. THE COMPLETE FARRIER, or gentleman's pocket Companion, with three elegant plates, price $1 25. ESSAY ON SEPULCHRES, or a proposal for erecting some memorial of the illustrious dead in all ages, by Wm. Godwin, 50 cents. AMERICAN REGISTER, or General Repository of history, politics, from July to Dec. 1808, vol. 4. $3 25. COLUMBIAD, a poem by Joel Barlow 2 vols. $2 50. POEMS, by the Rev'd. George Crabbe, $1. NEW SYSTEM OF GEOGRAPHY, for a school, by J. O'Neill-maps, $1 50. John R. Jones has also received a large edition to his assortment of school books and stationery per captains Lewis and Penison from Philadelphia, which he offers to his friends and the public on the most reasonable terms. Orders from the country executed with promptitude and fidelity. BOOKBINDING, in all its various branches carried on as above, where merchants accounts, books of every description, Sheriff's books, and all kinds of blanks may be had at the most reasonable rates. July 21. W. S.
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior court of Chancery held at the Capitol in Richmond, June 26th 1809. George Fisher, Elizabeth Fisher, Jane Fisher, Bolling Fisher, and Elizabeth Fisher, executrix of Daniel Fisher dec'd Pltfs, against John Fisher and Edward Fisher executors of Daniel Fisher, William Stark, James Dennison, Archibald Gracie, Mary Fisher, David Robertson and Richard Smith. This cause was this day partly heard on the bill, sundry exhibits, and the report of Commissioner Wilder, pursuant to the order of the 25th day of February last, with exceptions thereunto by the plaintiffs, but none on the part of the defendants. On consideration whereof the court confirming so much of the said report as states an account of the legacy due to Elizabeth Fisher, and of the Annuity to Jane Fisher two of the plaintiffs, doth adjudge, order & decree, that the defendant John Fisher pay to Elizabeth Fisher, daughter to Daniel Fisher, the elder, deceased, two thousand and thirty three pounds twelve shillings and six pence with interest at the rate of five per centum per annum, on one thousand two hundred and thirty two pounds ten shillings, from the first day of January one thousand eight hundred and nine until payment, and to the said Jane Fisher, another plaintiff, one hundred and ninety pounds with like interest on one hundred and fifty pounds from the same time, unless the said John Fisher, on or before the 10th day of the term next after he shall have been served with a copy of this decree shew, cause to the contrary, and as to the residue of the said report, the court doth recommitt it to Commissioner Wilder, with these instructions, to state specially the amount of the real and personal estate of the testator, including that which hath reverted by the death of the defendant Mary, and how the same hath been disposed of, to state likewise the amount of each debt due to, and from the said estate; and with respect to Mr. Randolph's debt, to state the original amount, how it was secured, what part hath been paid, how much remains due, and whether the security hath been changed and by whom; to state the advances made to the children of the Testator, by him in his lifetime after they were of age; and those which have been made since his death, and after making the several statements aforesaid, to present the same in one general account, shewing the balance due to and by each legatee, and report the same to the court with any special matters deemed pertinent by himself, or required by the parties to be specially stated. And to enable the Commissioner to perform this order, he is authorised to examine any of the parties in solemn form, for which purpose they are ordered to attend the commissioner when by him required. COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE. PETERSBURG, July 5, 1809.
THE Parties to the foregoing order are desired to take Notice, that I have appointed Monday the 14th day of August next, to carry the same into effect: On which day they are required to attend at my office, and there to exhibit the proofs necessary to enable me to comply with the directions therein contained. JOSEPH G. WILDER, M. C. July 13. eplm
IN DEBT—At a quarterly sessions court, held for Goochland county at the court house on Monday the 20th day of March, 1809. John James, administrator of William James, dec'd Plt against James Pace, Deft. This day came the plaintiff by his attorney, and the defendant not being arrested on the plura capias awarded in this cause and not appearing to answer the plaintiff's action although solemnly called. Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the third Monday in August next, and answer the plaintiff's action aforesaid, or that judgment will then be rendered against him in default of his appearance according to his specialty with interest and costs, and it is further ordered that this order be published at three successive court days at the door of the court house of this county, and also three times in the Virginia Gazette. A Copy. Teste. Wm. MILLER, C. C. C. July 21. 3/4
THE subscriber residing in Williamsburg will practice law in the Chancery District Court held in that place; he continues to do business in the county courts of Charles City, New Kent, James City and York. Wm. BROWN, Jun. July 21. 1m
FOR SALE OR RENT—That valuable property adjoining the city of Richmond, called the COLUMBIAN MILLS. Mr. Samuel Leech, living on the premises, will show the property to any person inclined to rent or purchase. The terms will be made known by application to the Subscriber residing in Norfolk. JOHN GRANBERY. July 11. tf
FOR FREIGHT OR CHARTER. The fine New Ship AVERICK, daily expected at City Point, burthen about 500 bbls. For terms apply to Mr. Robert Pollok at Petersburg, or to POLLOK & TREDWAY. Manchester, July 18. 2w
NOTICE—The creditors of the estate of John J. Watt, deceased, are hereby requested to send their respective accounts or claims for settlement, and those indebted to make payment to the subscribers without delay. HENRY TOMPKINS, } Adm'rs. D. S. BURR. July 18. lawew
THE different business concerns heretofore existing in this state, under the firms of Buchanan and Pollok at Petersburg, Robert and Allen Pollok at Richmond, and Pollok and Tredway & Co. at Manchester, are this day dissolved by mutual consent. The partner residing at each place, is charged with the collection of the debts due to the concern hitherto under his arrangement, and we earnestly request those indebted to come forward and make satisfactory arrangements for the discharge of their debts. Those having claims against either of the concerns, will please apply accordingly. DAVID BUCHANAN, by Robert Pollok, his Atty in fact. ROBERT POLLOK, ALLEN POLLOK, THOS. TREDWAY. Virginia, July 13.
The subscriber having purchased the stock of Goods on hand at this place, will continue business in his own name, and for his own account, at the former residence of Buchanan and Pollok. ROBERT POLLOK. Petersburg, July 18. 2w
The subscribers have renewed their connexion in business, and mean to prosecute it in this place under the firm of Pollok and Tredway. ROBERT POLLOK, THOMAS TREDWAY. Manchester, July 18. 6w
MANN'S FELD FOR SALE—The Subscriber offered for sale the elegant and highly improved estate called Mann'sfeld for sale—it is situated within less than two miles from the Town of Fredericksburg—The quantity of Land proposed to be disposed of is about 1909 acres—The mansion-house and out-houses are equal to any in the state. A considerable credit will be allowed for the greater part of the purchase money. The incumbrances on this property will be discharged out of the proceeds of the Sales, so as to leave to the purchasers an unincumbered Title. MANN PAGE, BENJ. BOTTS. Fredericksburg, July 6. 1 1/2
POLITICAL.
POLITICAL VIEWS.
The Edinburgh Review has derived and merited great celebrity, wherever the English language is cultivated; we have before us the Review of October, 1808; and copy from it a considerable portion of the article in this number, which arises out of a review of a work which has been reprinted in the United States, entitled—'Exposition of the practice and machinations which led to the usurpation of the crown of Spain, &c. by Don Pedro Cevallos.' We pass over the particular criticism, to afford more ample room for the more comprehensive and sagacious disquisitions on the general policy and effect of the military events which arise out of it—Aurora.
FROM THE EDINBURGH REVIEW.
That Bonaparte will ultimately succeed, we apprehend is highly probable; that he will succeed without great efforts and losses, is absolutely impossible; and no man beyond the precincts of a court, is frantic enough to suppose, that the utmost success of his arms can subdue the people of Spain into a nation of willing and peaceful slaves. This he knows as well as we do; and we may be assured, that he will not only offer them good terms, after the tide of fortune has begun to turn in his favor, but will finally grant them such a capitulation, as their gallant resistance at once deserves, and renders it absolutely necessary for the conqueror to allow. He will rule Spain with a very light rod, if he ever rules her at all; because he knows there is no other chance of ruling her long. We ascribe here, nothing to his virtue; we only give him credit for some of that prudence, which never forsakes him before the march into Spain, and of which, there is too much reason to dread, he has long etc now regained possession.
Having sketched out hastily and imperfectly, some of the consequences which we deem most likely to flow from the present state of affairs in Spain, whatever may be its ultimate issue, we shall now bring these remarks to a close, by turning our attention towards the policy which this country should adopt with respect to its new allies. And here it unhappily is, as upon every former occasion, our lot to complain against all that has already been done for Spain, and to confine our recommendations to the generosity of the intentions manifested by the British government. We shall state our objections plainly, at the risk of repeating the doctrines we formerly advanced (Review of Gentz's last work) because their application to the present question, is extremely obvious, and because it is now more important than ever, to inculcate them.
When any operation of war is to be performed by our allies, whether they have to attack the common enemy, or to defend themselves against his invasion, we hold it to be self-evident, that England can assist the common cause, only in one of three ways—by subsidy, by direct operation, or by diversion. We might almost lay it down broadly, that having chosen one of these ways, none of the other two should be combined with it; and for this simple reason, that it is much better to exert our whole power in one way, first choosing, of course, the one most beneficial to the cause, than to fritter away and distract our force, by attempting all at once. It is scarcely possible, in the present state of our finances, that we should safely afford large sums to an ally, & pay the expense, also, of large expeditions to assist him. Better employ the whole money either in helping him to draw forth his own resources as he best thinks he can (for without implicit confidence all confederacies are worse than nugatory,) or wholly direct the same sums to fit out such expeditions as may really influence the fate of the general operations. In like manner if it is deemed most advisable to aid the cause with troops of your own, choose well between the only two ways in which those forces can act. You have no chance of raising such armies as may suffice, at once, to influence the fate of the campaign, in the quarter where the great effort is making, and assist the operations of the other
arms, by diversion, in other quarters. Attempting both plans, is sure to frustrate both, and spoil the whole effect. You will send the show of an army to be beaten with that of your allies, should it reach the field in time to partake of the common disaster; and your diversions will be, on the mass of the enemy's forces, only so many feeble punctures—infinitely costly to you—altogether harmless to him—hurtful only to your allies, by depriving them of more effectual support.
Having laid down these plain and incontestible principles, so obvious, indeed, that only the utter neglect of them which prevails in our councils could have justified us for stating them at any length, we need not examine which of the three modes of assisting our ally is the best adapted to the circumstances of this country. This is a question which can only be resolved by weighing the peculiarities of each case. And, also, some general positions might be laid down applicable to every state of our foreign affairs; as, for example, that the subsidy system is liable to the greatest risk of abuse, and, in general, gives the worst return in proportion to the expense:—that it is scarcely possible to apply it so exactly, as to escape, at once, the danger of bribing an ally to premature operations of hostility, & to avoid on the other hand, the risk of delay; that it requires, perhaps, too great a degree of submission to the plans & views of our ally, & that the other two modes of co-operating, the direct one is generally the most effectual; that it gives our voice a greater weight in the common councils of the confederacy; that it produces, in this way, the inestimable advantage of making that party, in some sort, an umpire among the allies, whose views are necessarily the most free from all suspicion of sinister and selfish policy; that it more often tends, more than any other plan, to the radical improvement of our own military system, whilst it, above all modes of arming, raises our name, and increases our real influence, in the affairs of Europe; although these, and other maxims equally general, could be illustrated at length in such a manner as to bear upon almost every case that might be supposed; yet we shall forbear pushing the statement further, and hasten to offer a few observations on the branch of the subject, more immediately connected with the present crisis of affairs.
If, then, at any time, it is deemed most expedient (as it must almost always be) to aid the allied cause with troops, what would any man of plain common sense conceive to be the most effectual way of doing it? He would ask himself, where are our allies in the greatest straits? Where does the pressure of the war fall heaviest? Because it is morally certain that in that quarter, wherever it be, the enemy is most anxious to succeed, and will be most injured by failure. It may indeed so happen, that he shall carry on a general system of attack, and make a great variety of smaller efforts in different places. In that case, however, the allies will naturally choose one of these points, and endeavor to overpower him, until in short time, the contest comes as it were, nearly to an issue—to a struggle at one important point, subordinate to, and depending upon which main struggle, every other movement of the war must prove. The next question will be, are our allies in this grand point quite secure? If they are not, it is there that we can best help them; and that they can never be sufficiently strengthened there, without our assistance, is manifest from this consideration, that were it so, the enemy would not there have made his push; and if our allies are equally strong in other points, then we have only got an extreme case, in which no assistance of ours is of any use. But in truth no war was ever waged on the continent, in which the fate of the whole did not turn upon some grand operation in one quarter, carried on by the bulk of the contending forces. Upon the fate of the cause in that quarter, every thing else hinges in the most distinct scenes; and if we attend to the constant, steady, masterly, resistless policy of our enemy, from the attack of a post, up to the combination of entire campaigns, we shall find it built upon this single view of the subject.
He means to gain several objects, we shall say, in different parts of his extensive dominions—to drive the English out of Portugal, for example—to reduce the King of Sweden to an amicable acknowledgement of his title—to expel the Neapolitan family from the continent, or to defend his new kingdoms in Italy—to take a province or two from the German princes—and to punish, perhaps, destroy Prussia. Now, if Bonaparte's counsellors were taken from the English political case, it is very plain what method he would adopt to gain all those points. He would, in the first place, take care to make war without the shadow of a pretence, and put himself clearly in the wrong before all Europe—he would next delay in doing any thing until the season for operations was nearly gone by—he would then probably treat a little, and be duped by his allies, and cavil and wrangle a good deal, and quarrel with some of them, and excite a hatred of all of them, and of himself, and a contempt of his plans, among his own subjects. But all these preliminaries of failure being settled, he would at last come to his operations; and his policy would be, to get up a number of neat little expeditions, equal in number, to the things he wants to take, just one for each thing. He would send an expedition towards Sweden; and the sea not being his element, it would probably fail of itself—he would then send a tolerably large, and intolerable expensive expedition to some part of Germany—another towards Italy—a smaller expedition to Portugal—a nice little one to take a slice off Bavaria—besides a sort of by-expedition to plunder Hamburg; and burn for stage effect, some other capital in alliance with him, merely to astonish the people and look vigorous.
Instead of inquiring, what would be the probable result of all this drivelling, which is indeed too plain to require any statement, let us remark rather, how Bonaparte does act, not having English politicians to advise him. He leaves Naples alone; if Joseph can support himself, well; if not, he will restore him after the campaign is won. He leaves Sicily alone, filled with English troops, who are just as usefully employed for him as if he had them in his depot of prisoners—filled too, with the sapienties and intrigues of his faithful allies, the old royal sovereigns and courtiers of Europe. Portugal he leaves to the English army, there assembled for the precise purpose of examining the battle of Bonaparte, and indeed all of all the great commanders of France, and you will find that the plan of each engagement is similar to the general system of their military policy. They direct a vast column to one weakly charmed point; break through the line at that quarter, (as we do at sea,) defeat the neighbouring parts of it; and then the rest falls before them. This is true of Austerlitz, but not of Marengo or Jena; in the latter, both the Prussian ranks were turned at the same time; and before the main attack on the centre; the interval of time was indeed short; at Marengo, both armies attempted to turn the left of the other, and withdrew their right; Jena was withdrawn too far, and suffered the French to recover; at the same moment that the French left was for each to retreat, and in that retreat driven to a point where it was necessarily occupied and used by Murat.

pose of doing all sorts of nothings against him. He cares not if the English are mad enough to make a descent upon Calabria in his absence, or childish enough, because it may have a partial success to reward those who ventured on so useless an enterprise, instead of calling them to an instantaneous and severe account. All other objects of subordinate importance, he leaves in like manner to themselves. The Swede is allowed to strut his little hour of squib, manifesto, and bulletins. The Turk is unmolested—except by his allies. Egypt is occupied by none but English forces. Eager for ships, colonies and commerce, he defers all trading speculations till the season of victory and peace; nor envies us all the plunder and the rajahs of the east; nor once throws away a thought on all the sugars of the west.
But his game is not the less sure for being more contracted in its sphere. He singles out the vital part of his whole adversary, and that point of it which is most exposed. In that vulnerable heart he plants his dagger: and he knows full well, that the remotest limb will quiver with the shock. He sends forth his host, in the plenitude of its array, to sweep over the interjectant regions, and to pour itself in one grand, deep, and contracted, and therefore irresistible torrent, into the centre of the strength of Europe. Here—as near Berlin and Vienna as he can, he fights his battle; and while you are menacing the Western departments—or landing and embarking in Italy—or capitulating in Holland—or idling in Portugal and Egypt—or butchering your friends in the north—or buying your own men, and planting the slave trade in the West-Indies—he is playing that great game which must place in his hands, the sweep of all those small stakes for which you are pretending to throw. Do you doubt whether he shall win the game he plays for? If you do, why then don't you send your men there to meet him? Think you that he ever doubts of his success? It may be, that he does—but he knows that the only way to gain it, is to think of nothing else but victory, and at any rate, to think of no other contest than this;—above all he feels the folly of being either victorious or vanquished in a little way. He knows, that if he conquers the imperial or the Prussian arms in the centre of the empire, he shall find no difficulty in carrying all the other points—no trouble but in preventing the escape of your forces from the little posts which they have been senselessly occupying; and if he should be overcome in Germany, he must make up his mind, not merely to the loss of those petty objects, but to being overcome in Germany—to the utter ruin of his foreign power. Plain and simple as this consideration is, and constantly as we have seen him act upon it, we have never yet been able to profit by his example, and by the sight of those victories which he has achieved, so as to alter, in the very least degree, our own fatal policy towards all our allies.
After so much experience of the errors of our way, and the uniform proofs of the enemy, beating us by an opposite line of conduct, is it not lamentable to see the very same blunders committed, and within the past three months, the very last chance of saving Europe from the grasp of France, in all human probability, is squandered away? The Spaniards were struggling against the French armies; and from the latter being obviously unprepared to meet their resistance, great hopes of success might have been entertained, provided some important assistance could suddenly have been given to the common cause—Seeing the unprepared state of the French forces, and their inadequacy to the crisis, and aware that no unusual state of things could only last for a moment, our business was, to have strained every nerve to pour a large force into Spain, as near as possible to the seat of the war. Had such a force as England could raise—had an army of 60 or 70,000 men, the best equipped and best led in the world, been ready to land in Spain at the moment when Dupont surrendered, and Joseph fled in confusion from Madrid—who shall say that the whole remains of the French army in Spain, would not most probably have been overpowered, and the peninsula swept clean of invaders? But no such thing. The tricky British policy was steadily persevered in. A fine army of 35,000 men was sent to Portugal—as far as possible from the scene of real action. It happens, unfortunately, that this army has been brought to shame by the conduct, say the friends of government, of its commanders—by the unskilful arrangement of the expedition, and choice of those commanders, say their enemies. But it signifies little, what has become of the enterprise, or to what its fate is owing, in our view of the subject. The dishonor of the British arms, and the conveyance of a large army to fight against our allies, are no doubt most dreadful aggravations of our loss; but we objected to the expedition from the beginning. We demand the reason for locking up our army in the south-west corner of Portugal, when the great battle was fighting in the north-east extremity of Spain? We ask, why so silly a measure was thought of, as turning away our force to conquer an army, necessarily in our power, should our allies be successful and the conquest of which was worth nothing, should our allies be beaten? We ask, what justification can be offered of so dastardly a conduct, as avoiding the arduous part of the contest, the struggle with the enemy's main body—for the poor temptation of attacking an inferior and in situated body of his men, and making sure of beating them, as a miserable kind of hedge in case our real and only game, the game of our allies, should be lost? The Spaniards are fighting the battle of Spain and Portugal, as well as of all Europe, in the north: they are almost overwhelmed by their enemies: a reinforcement of their strength may decide the day for them. But, unfortunately, there happens to be a detachment of the French cooped up in Portugal; cut off from all supplies; hemmed in on every side; and utterly unable to escape. If the Spaniards are successful, this little force must fall if they are beaten, it weighs not as one grain of dust in the swift-moving balance of their fate; what happens to the French in Portugal. Nevertheless, it is to this wretched outpost of the French power that all the efforts of England are pointed, and instead of succouring our allies, or, as we term it, "before proceeding to succour them," we must be running away to seize hold of a few thousand soldiers—barmless prisoners, in a hostile country! Suppose the utmost success had attended our folly, we should have taken those troops, delayed our march for three critical months of the Spanish campaign, and left a large part of the army in Portugal, which was so much wanted in Spain. If we had wholly failed, we sacrificed the power of helping our allies, for the chance of doing ourselves some little good, gaining a little paltry scat , without the remotest possibility of assisting the common cause by the attempt.
This folly is nothing new, to be sure, in our foreign policy; but it is now applied to a case infinitely more important than any that it ever before ruined. It is the very same blunder, or rather the same narrow, interested method of starving the common cause, for fear of being greatly defeated, or for the lucre of gaining a few British objects —which, since the year 1793, has excluded England from all real share in the management of continental affairs, and left Europe a prey to the enemy—which sent thousands of our finest forces after sugar islands and spice islands, and to hunt down rebels, and to find out and repair worn out moguls, while France was raging beyond the Alps and the Rhine—which detached to the most distant corners of Europe, to garrison old palaces, or make a show of defending allies never attacked, and if attacked, utterly indefensible, those troops that might have saved Austria and Italy—which paraded an army in the north of Holland, to make head against the myriads pouring along the Danube—which filled Naples with British soldiers, while the Archduke Charles was struggling for Vien-
na on the Gulf of Trieste—which amused the people of London with a senseless skirmish in Calabria, and a procession of stolen silver on the eve of the annihilation of the Prussian monarchy—and, leaguing at last its selfish self with open, unprincipled violence, raised up the clamors of the whole world against the English name, by the massacre and pillage of a defenceless friend, while the air of Europe yet rung with the crash of all its most ancient and illustrious thrones. Let us not deceive ourselves, we have done all that lies in our power for the ruin of our allies. With the phrases of justice and generosity on our lips, our hearts have been filled with coldness and selfishness. With the cry of helping to put out the fire on the continent, we have been caught in the act of pilfering for ourselves; and the consolation which we now have, is to reflect, that, besides our detection, we have been stopped in our petty thefts, and are now, perhaps, about to be soundly beaten for them. It is lamentable to think, that this last opportunity of saving Europe, which, if improved, would have even covered all our past misdeeds, has been thrown away like all the rest; and that our policy has proved consistent to the latter end.
We are now, it is said, about to assist the Spaniards in good earnest; that is to say, by sending a great force into Spain. Something, we would fain hope, may be done, even yet, to protract the defeat of that great and good cause, and to obtain better terms for the patriots, if they ultimately fail. Upon a cordial and disinterested union of councils between the two governments, and of operations between the commanders of the two armies, every thing will depend in the prosecution of this attempt. Never were rulers or generals placed in so arduous a predicament; and never did more weighty interests depend on their right conduct. But is there no possibility of gaining even more than the utmost probable success can secure, by availing ourselves of the offer lately made to open a negotiation?—Would it be impossible to offer Spain, as we formerly suggested, a dereliction of every one British object , and oblivion of all our separate causes of quarrel with France, on condition that good terms should be granted to the patriots? Would not such an offer, if successful, be the salvation of Europe, and, though it failed, strengthen our union with Spain? The late communication from France, affords an opening to such views; and we devoutly pray, that it may not be presented to us in vain.
To say that the affair of Maida did infinite honor to the English army, is only to record that English troops fought there. It is the unprofitable lavishment of such valor that excites our indignation.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, July 21.
IMPORTANT NEWS.
The Editors of the New-York Gazette have received by the brig Nancy, from Bristol, a file of London papers to the 30th of May, from which they make the following interesting extracts:
We learn by the passengers in the Nancy, that Mr. Jackson, whose appointment is mentioned below, was to sail in a frigate for America, about the first of June. It is probable he has already arrived in Hampton Roads.
LONDON, May 22.
It appears from the Gazette of Saturday night, that Mr. Erskine is recalled from America. Mr. Jackson is appointed minister to the U. States, and will set out upon his mission without delay.
The Gazette also contains an account of the occupation of the Danish Island of Anholt, in the Baltic, by a British force.
We understand that the marquis Wellesley's embassy to Spain is merely complimentary. He is to remain only two months with the Junta; and his brother, the hon. Henry Wellesley is, we hear, to succeed Mr. Frere as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary.
It is reported that the emperor Alexander refused to see the envoy sent to him by the duke of Sudermania (new king of Sweden) and had ordered the renewal of hostilities. The Falmouth papers received this day, say, under date of the 27th ultimo, "A rumor has reached us of the surrender of the whole of Soult's army to sir Arthur Wellesley; but we know not what credit is due to it."
A vessel is arrived at Penzance, that spoke a ship on Wednesday from Cadiz, who informed, that Madrid was in possession of the Spaniards.
STOCKS—3 pr. cent Consols, 67 3-8 1-2 to 68 1-8—Omnium, 1/2 premium.
PORTSMOUTH, May 27.
An expedition is forming, which is going to the Baltic; six gun brigs are ordered to Woolwich to take in mortars.
Marquis Wellesley, ambassador to Spain, is expected here in a few days; the Donnegal being fitted up to take him to Spain.
The secret expedition sailed yesterday. The command is entrusted to Brigadier General Crauford.
GOTTENBURG, May 19.
The following is a list of American vessels captured by the Danes and carried into Norway, the cargoes are taken out and sold, but it is expected they will not be condemned, viz: Packet from Marblehead; Ann, from Boston; Edward and Henry, from Massachusetts; Swarrows, from Beverly; America, from Portland; Good Friend, from Philadelphia; and another ship unknown.
At the Court of the Queen's Palace, the 24th of May, 1809.
Present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty IN COUNCIL.
WHEREAS his Majesty was pleased by his Orders of Council of the 26th of April last, to declare certain ports and places of the countries which have been lately styled the kingdom of Holland, to be subject to the restrictions incident to a strict and rigorous blockade, as continued from his majesty's former order of the 11th November, 1807, and whereas advice have been received of a certain provisional agreement entered into by his majesty's envoy extraordinary & minister plenipotentiary in America, with the government of the United States, whereby it is understood that his majesty's orders in council of the 7th of January and of 11th November, 1807, shall be withdrawn, so far as it respects the United States on the 10th of June next.
And whereas, although the said provisional agreement is not such as was authorized by his majesty's instructions, or such as his majesty can approve, it may already have happened, or may happen, that persons, being citizens of the said United States, may be led, by a reliance on the said provisional agreement, to engage in trade with and to the said ports and places of Holland, contrary to, and in violation of the restrictions imposed by the said orders of the 7th of January & of the 11th of November, 1807, as altered by the order of the 26th of April last; his majesty, in order to prevent any inconveniences that may ensue from the circumstance above recited, is pleased, and by
with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, That the several orders shall be suspended, so far as is necessary for the protection of vessels of the said United States, so sailing under the faith of the said provisional agreement, viz: That after the 9th day of June next, no vessel of the United States, which shall have cleared out between the 19th of April last, and the 20th of July ensuing, for any of the ports of Holland aforesaid, from any port of the U. States, shall be molested or interrupted in her voyage, by the commanders of his majesty's ships or privateers.
And it is further ordered, That no vessel of the U. States, which shall have cleared out from any port of America previous to the 20th of July next, for any permitted port, and shall, during her voyage, have changed her destination, in consequence of information of the said provisional agreement, and shall be proceeding to any of the ports of Holland aforesaid, shall not be molested or interrupted by the commanders of any of his majesty's ships or privateers, unless such vessels shall have been informed of this order on her voyage, and shall have been warned not to proceed to any of the ports of Holland aforesaid, and shall, notwithstanding such warning, be found attempting to proceed to any such port.
And it is further ordered, that after the said 9th day of June next, no vessel of the said United States, which shall have cleared out, or be destined to any of the ports of Holland, from any other port or place not subject to the restrictions of the said order of the 26th of April last, after notice of such provisional agreement as aforesaid, shall be molested or interrupted in her voyage, by the commanders of his majesty's ships or privateers, provided such vessel shall have so cleared out previous to actual notice of this order at such place of clearance, or in default of proof of actual notice, previous to the like periods of time after the date of this order, as are fixed for constructive notice of his majesty's order of the 11th November, 1807, by the orders of the 25th Nov. 1807, and the 18th of May, 1808, at certain places and latitudes therein mentioned, unless such vessel shall have been informed of this order on her voyage, and warned by any of his majesty's ships or privateers, not to proceed to any port of Holland, and shall, notwithstanding such warning, attempt to proceed to any such port.
And his majesty is pleased further to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the said several orders of the 7th of Jan and 11th of Nov. 1807, as altered by the said order of the 26th of April last, shall also be suspended, so far as is necessary for the protection of vessels of the said United States, which shall clear out to any ports not declared to be under the restriction of blockade from any port of Holland, between the 9th day of June and 1st day of July next: Provided always, that nothing that is contained in the present order shall extend, or be construed to extend, to protect any vessels or their cargoes, that may be liable to condemnation or detention for any other cause than the violation of the aforesaid orders of the 7th of January and the 11th of November, 1807, as altered by the said order of the 26th of April last.
Provided also, that nothing in this order shall extend, or be construed to extend to protect any vessel which shall attempt to enter any port actually blockaded by any of his majesty's ships or war.
And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury, his majesty's principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the judge of the high court of admiralty, and the judges of the courts of vice admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
STEPH. COTRELL.
The gazette also contains two other proclamations, one allowing the importation into Newfoundland of bread, flour, indian corn, live stock, &c. from the territories of the U. States, for which licences are to be granted; the other for continuing the prohibition of the exportation of gun powder, saltpetre, & ammunition, and any sort of arms for six months, from the 6th of June.
LONDON, May 26.
A message from his majesty was last night delivered to both houses of parliament, stating the restoration of the ancient relations of friendship between his majesty and the emperor of Austria, and his desire to be enabled to afford his Imperial majesty, all convenient assistance in the contest in which he is engaged against the common enemy, as well as to continue his succours to the cause of Spain and Portugal. It is intended to move a vote of credit for three millions for these important objects.
In the House of Lords yesterday (May 27th) Lord Sidmouth wished to be informed whether it was intended to make any communication to parliament respecting the state of our relations with America.
Earl Bathurst said, the negotiation being still pending, it was not intended to make any communication to parliament. The arrangement which had been entered into by his Majesty's minister in America and the government of the United States was unauthorized, the former having made concessions without demanding any of those conditions, the compliance with which ought to have been made the basis of granting such concessions.
Lord Sidmouth asked if he was then to consider the arrangement made by his Majesty's minister in America as wholly unauthorized?
Earl Bathurst answered in the affirmative.
Earl Grey thought from the expression used by the noble Earl that some instructions had been given to Mr. Erskine to make certain concessions, which the latter might have misunderstood. From the arrangement as published in the newspapers, it seemed as if the measures adopted had been preconceived, for every thing followed in such order, that it was almost impossible to believe but what Mr. Erskine, of whose ability he had the highest opinion, conceived that he was acting strictly according to his instructions. It must be evident that by the disavowal of this arrangement, the difficulties in the further negotiation with America, would be materially increased & when known in America, it might give rise to some imputations against the character & good faith of this country, under the impression that a trick had been resorted to for the sake of obtaining a little temporary advantage for ourselves. A fearful responsibility, therefore, rested upon ministers, & investigation might take place.
The Earl of Liverpool agreed that the disavowal of this arrangement must necessarily increase the difficulties in the negotiation with America; but that could not be imputed to ministers, as in making the arrangement, Mr. Erskine had not only acted
unauthorized by his instructions, but in direct contradiction to his instructions; he thought it necessary to state this distinctly, as the Noble Earl appeared to have misunderstood his Noble Friend. Care would be taken in the Order, which would appear as soon as the course of business would allow, that those vessels which, in the mean time, had sailed in consequence of the confidence reposed in the arrangement made in America, should be excluded from the operation of that order, and that those persons who had thus embarked their goods should not be losers. As to the discussion of the subject, Ministers would be anxious, when the proper time arrived, that every possible information should be given to Parliament.
We have already stated that a communication has been made to a deputation of merchants, stating that although our government have found themselves under a necessity of disapproving of the proceedings of Mr. Erskine, they feel themselves bound in order to the preserving the public faith, to make an order to protect all American vessels which shall sail from the United States subsequent to the 9th of June, for a limited time; that innocent individuals meaning to carry on a legitimate trade, may not be surprised by condemnations in an intercourse they had reason to believe lawful. And in order to put British subjects as nearly as possible on the same footing as Americans, a communication has also been made to the merchants, that Licences will be granted to all who shall apply for them, to export freely to Holland, during such time as that trade shall be opened to America. It appears to us, however, that the relief will be very short of what could be wished, because the Americans must have a great advantage in a direct intercourse for Colonial produce, &c. but we are not aware that much more could by any possibility be done, under the distressing circumstances in which this country is placed, by what has lately occurred in America.
Since writing the above, we have been made acquainted with some further particulars; a deputation of merchants waited yesterday upon the Board of Trade, to learn what was meant in relation to themselves and their commerce, under the present circumstances, whereby it should appear, that America was to be admitted for a limited period to the unrestricted trade of the Continent, from which they had been so long excluded. The proposed order of council, was first read to them; from which they learned, that Mr. Erskine had entered into arrangements for which he possessed no authority whatever from his majesty's government at home, which arrangements could not of course be ratified; yet that his Majesty being still disposed to grant as great indulgence as the present circumstances would admit to the merchants of the United States, had therefore made it known, that all vessels sailing from America upon the strength of Mr. Erskine's void agreement, between the 9th of June and the 9th of August ensuing, would be permitted to proceed to Holland direct, with their cargoes unmoistened, notwithstanding the ports of Holland are declared to be in a state of blockade. This being the case, the next topic of inquiry was, what concessions were to be made to British merchants trading to the same ports, in order to place them on an equal footing with the Americans; they were informed, as we have already said, that they were to have licences granted them for that purpose. The deputation considered this relief to be extremely inadequate. Lord Bathurst said to the gentlemen, "You are nearer to the Continent than America, and therefore, with facilities which we shall grant you, your merchandise being first there, the market will be glutted with it before the American ships arrive." To this it was replied, that America being able to supply articles at a much less expense, the continental traders would wait the arrival of their ships. This may be the case; but we do not see that any measure government could adopt could remedy this evil, except the measure of interdicting American vessels from proceeding on their voyage to Holland and other places, in consequence of Mr. Erskine's arrangement; a measure which could not be adopted with any propriety towards the American merchants, who, believing, as of course they could not do otherwise than believe, Mr. Erskine to have acted according to the orders of his government, had shipped articles for Europe. We confess, however, that we should rather have seen a less time allowed than two months from the 9th or 10th of next June. It would, perhaps, have been better to have sent out a disavowal of Mr. Erskine's arrangement as soon as possible. It would have reached America by the end of June, and the liberty to proceed to the ports of Holland should have been refused to all ships that should not sail within a fortnight or three weeks after the notification of our disavowal should have reached the different American ports.
Another hardship was laid before the Board of trade, the hardship of those who had filled Heligoland & various other depots, with merchandise to be imported into Holland and the North of Europe as occasion might serve, which merchandise could no longer be sold at a very reduced rate indeed, after it was known that American vessels were to be permitted to proceed to the continental ports. This, no doubt, is a great hardship upon our merchants, but here again we ask, whether government could apply any remedy for it, except interdicting American vessels from proceeding at all to Dutch ports; an interdiction that would be manifestly unjust to those Merchants in America who have given full credit to, and acted upon, Mr. Erskine's arrangement.
A general meeting of the merchants was to be held this day upon the subject.
May 27.
At a meeting held yesterday of Merchants interested in the trade of Holland and the Baltic, 160 gentlemen being assembled, Mr. Wilson (of the firm of Wilson and Agassie) was called to the chair. The object of the meeting was then stated to be, to take into consideration the probable effect of the concession in point of time proposed to be made by government to shippers from the United States who embarked their property in the confidence of the late arrangement with Mr. Erskine. It had been on the preceding day suggested by the board of trade, that all commodities shipped from thence destined to Holland and elsewhere, which under the orders of council would have been liable to seizure, should not be exposed to sequestration, if put on board in America, prior to the 10th of August, in order that the merchants of the United States should not be detrimented by the misunderstanding of the British minister resident at Washington.
Mr. John Hall, and several other gentlemen stated the inconveniences that would arise to the Dutch Trade, if Americans were
permitted in the interval to be allowed to pour their produce into Holland, and thus supply the market directly from the United States, under advantages which could not be enjoyed by the British merchant, who had all the difficulties of a contraband intercourse to struggle with. The matter, they said, was not taken up on the particular interests of any individual merchants, but on the general ground of the justice demanded of his majesty's government, that the citizens of a foreign state, of the republic of America, should not derive from the indulgence of this crown a benefit to the injury of the subjects of the country. On these grounds they proposed a series of resolutions, to be laid before the board of trade, explanatory of their views of the fit line of conduct to be observed in the present embarrassing circumstances.
Mr. Heybert said, that if government had got into a scrape, either from the inaccuracy or ambiguity of its own instructions, or from the misconception of its public agent, it was not equitable to compound the affair with America, by giving indulgence to the merchants of the United States to the prejudice of our own. He did not even see which ever way the matter might be determined, whether more or less time were given to the Trans Atlantic trader, that the permanent interests of the West India merchants were concerned in the result; he did however, discover, that by the supply directly from America to Holland a great number of respectable buyers of colonial produce here would be taken out of the market; and thus the immediate sales of that species of property would be obstructed. Perhaps in preference to resolutions, the ground of complaint would with more propriety be stated in the form of a memorial; but probably if more solemnity in the proceeding were required, this might be done in a future stage.
After some further remarks from Mr. Heybert, Mr. Coor, Mr. Atkins and from the Chairman, the Resolutions of which the following is the substance, were passed unanimously:
That the Order in Council of the 26th of April would probably arrive about five days before the arrangement of Mr. Erskine could have taken effect, and that by this order the Americans would be apprized that such an arrangement would not be sanctioned—that the time proposed to be given to the Americans, would prejudice the British merchants by enabling them to pour in their produce to the ports of Holland and the Baltic, at much lower prices than we could supply them—that good faith is as necessary to be exercised by government to the natives, as to aliens, and that the Orders of Council of November 1807, were a pledge to the British Merchants, that the system of rigor adopted in these orders should be exercised against France and her dependencies; as long as the Effects of Berlin continued.
That the Order of Council of the 26th April last was inconsistent with that pledge and militated against the interest of the British merchant. That it is essential to the West India trade that the Americans should not ship colonial produce to Holland direct. That there is a great quantity of colonial produce in America ready to be shipped off—which will be sent to Holland if the time proposed be conceded to the Americans, by which the markets will be glutted, and closed upon the British Merchant. That, at all events, the ships which have sailed, or may sail from America, which have not, or shall not be, under the late arrangement destined to Holland, should not be permitted to enter the ports of Holland, or take out licences from thence for such a purpose. That the Committee do this day (Friday) attend the appointed interview with the Board.
With the preceding instructions, the committee, at their past two, visited on the board of Trade, when Lord Bathurst informed the gentlemen attending, that the particulars they had stated would be immediately taken into consideration, and that an answer would be given if they would favor him with an interview, at the same hour this day. It was, however, intimated by his Lordship, that the board would probably so far accede to the wishes of the merchants, as to vary the time of the proposed concession from the 10th August to the 20th July, and further, "that at all events the shipping which have sailed or may sail from America, which have not been, or shall not be under the late arrangement, destined for Holland, should not be permitted to enter the ports of Holland, or take out licences from thence for such a purpose."
Below, 6 brigs and 4 schooners.
We received this morning Paris papers to the 22nd, Dutch to the 25th, and Hamburg to the 20th. They contain the following information: Vienna was not surrendered without resistance. The Archduke Maximilian, the Governor of the city, had invited the citizens to make a vigorous defence, & when Lannes, who commanded the French advanced guard, summoned it to surrender, the populace fell upon the aide camp, and wounded him. The suburbs of Vienna are incapable of any defence, but a brisk fire was kept upon the French from the ramparts, and the summons to surrender was repeated. The city was then bombarded and set on fire in several places; but measures having been taken to cut off the Archduke's retreat, and the French having passed an arm of the Danube, his royal highness retreated with the troops, and a negotiation was entered into for the surrender of the city. The capitulation was signed on the 12th in the evening, and on the 13th the French were put in possession of Vienna.
May 29.
The dispatches received by government, and by the Austrian ambassador are not of so late a date as the last French bulletins. All the Austrian armies seem to be taking the direction of Hungary. Gen. Bellegarde is at Pilsen, and the Archduke Charles behind the Radbrunz with about 120,000 men. The Archduke Ferdinand remains at Warsaw, but will probably abandon it to strengthen the main Austrian army. Gen. Hildebrand, with 50,000 men was on the borders of Moravia. The army of the Archduke John falling back in good order, has recrossed the Tagliamento and will proceed to Hungary. The brave Tyrolese making incursions into the heart of Suabia have pushed their parties almost to Augsburg and Munich. They have been at Memmingen, Kempten and Kaufern. The French army is thus distributed—
The main body under Bonaparte is at Vienna. Bernadotte and Davoust are in Bohemia, watching the Archduke Charles and General Bellegarde. A battle was expected to take place at Pilsen. The Duke of Danzick's division, with the division under General Wrede, are marching from Salzburg to attack General Bellegarde and the Margrave of Baden. Eugene Beauharnais is following the Archduke John, who, if he had not been obliged to weaken his army by

On Friday we received Dutch Gazettes to the 24th, and series of the Hamburg Correspondent to the 10th. We select the most important articles:— ROTTERDAM, May 23. The Paris news of the 18th states, that M. Daroff, belonging to the Russian Legation at Vienna, has arrived at Paris with the intelligence that Russia had declared war against Austria. HAMBURG, May 10. A formal declaration of war, by the Russian court against Austria, has just been published. The court of Vienna is gone to Ossen.
ROTTERDAM, May 23. The Paris news of the 18th states, that M. Daroff, belonging to the Russian Legation at Vienna, has arrived at Paris with the intelligence that Russia had declared war against Austria. On Sunday at noon, we received the following intelligence, transmitted at 8 o'clock on Friday by telegraph by order of the prince Chancellor. PARIS, May 19. The French army made itself master of Vienna on the 13th of May. The above is confirmed by the following letter. "PARIS May 19. "The Moniteur of this day states as follows: Yesterday evening col. Guebelen, aid-de-camp to the duke of Montebello, arrived at the arch-chancellor's palace with dispatches from the emperor, with accounts that the French army entered Vienna on the 12th, when the following proclamation was issued: "SOLDIERS! "A month ago the enemy passed the Inn. On the same day, and at the same hour we have entered Vienna. "Their nation, their general insurrection, their butcheries, which have been raised by the power of the princes of the House of Lorraine, have not been able to withstand your presence. The Princes of that House have abandoned their capital, not as war-riors of honor, but as egotists who are pursued by their self-reproaches. Flying from Vienna, their adieu to the inhabitants has been fire and murder. Like Medea, they have destroyed their own children. "The people of Vienna shall be the object of your regard. I take the inhabitants of this town under my particular protection—but any disturbance or irregularities, I shall exemplarily punish. "Soldiers, behave well to the people of the Country: Let us take no pride in our success: Let us only regard them as a proof of Divine Justice, which punishes ingratitude and the want of faith. "NAPOLEON"
It is said the Austrians before they left Vienna were guilty of some horrible excesses. On the 11th the emperor Napoleon was at Schönbrunn, a pleasure house of the emperor of Austria's near Vienna. It is said the grand French army is in two divisions one of which proceeds to Hungary, and the other to Moravia and Bohemia; while the archduke Charles is retreating to cover those countries. The emperor has set at liberty a great number of Hungarians who were made prisoners. On the 25th of April, the Russians were to be in motion to attack Galicia. MILAN, May 13. A part of the army, commanded by Prince Eugene, is already on the Tagliamento.—The enemy flies with great rapidity.
WEST-INDIES. FROM THE NORTH AMERICAN. ADDRESS. To the Merchants of the United States, and the Indigenous who have taken refuge on the continent of America. HENRY CHRISTOPHE, PRESIDENT, and Generalissimo of the land and sea forces of the State of Hayti. It is time to make known the truth and to bring to light the falsity of the infamous impostures my enemies have spread with so much profusion against me. The unhappy circumstances of the embargo in the United States has prevented a communication between the continent and Hayti from furnishing opportunities to confute these despicable calumnies. It is not only to day that my character is known; in vain would be the attempt to tarnish it; my actions alone will prove the falsity of their assertions. I appeal to you American merchants that have been established numbers of years in the towns and ports under my command! Say if your property and your persons have ever suffered any injury, either from the misfortunes of civil war or from the defect of police and civilization. When I entered into contracts with you, have I not always religiously fulfilled the conditions? Have not you at all times carried on commercial transactions with the greatest security at the places which acknowledge the legitimate authority? Compare the police and the subordination that prevail from Port Liberty to St. Marc with the licentiousness and the disorder you find at the Port of Crimes (Port-au-Prince) and all the places which are still in possession of the rebels; judge if where justice is revered, and where property and persons are as much respected as they are under my authority, such disorders can take place. The rebel Petion and his accomplices, defeated by sea and by land, are aware of the danger of their situation. Lies and calumnies alone are henceforth their last refuge; they endeavor by the force of perfidy to keep up an odious rebellion, insufferable even to those who have the misfortune to be enveloped in it. These wretches try to attract your benevolence, the better to betray you—they make you vain promises which they are incapable of fulfilling—they never knew any thing else than to deceive! Your property is gone, if you continue to confide in their insidious reports. Merchants of the U. States, you cannot be ignorant how much I have always had at heart to protect your commerce and your fellow citizens, who trade with Hayti! My dispositions are immuable—they will never change. Come to the Cape, Port Depaix, Jean Rabel, Port Dauphin, to Gonaïves and St. Marc, till I reduce the other towns—and I will always find the same facility and the same justice—as to the ports subject to my authority, and you will judge for yourselves of the truth of which I declare. The prosperity of the cultivation, the happy dispositions of the government & the inhabitants, are the guarantees of the advantages, which will be offered to you by the state of Hayti. Done at the palace of the Cape, the 2d July, 1809, sixth year of independence. HENRY CHRISTOPHE. By the President. ROUANÉZ, junr. Secretary of State.
DOMESTIC. NEW-YORK, July 21. [TRANSLATION.] We are authorized to announce to the merchants of the United States, that American flour will not be admitted into the port of Maracaibo, as will be seen by the following letter from the governor of that place, to his excellency the Chevalier de Forouda, dated May 22, 1809. "The American nation expected to do us an injury by depriving us of its commerce; but they will now know, that this prohibition has only served to make us acquainted with our own resources, and to the great injury of the principal branches of the American commerce. For the want of American imports, we have had to resort to our own produce. For two years past we have been consuming no other than that of this province; and in the ensuing year, we expect the harvest will be so abundant as to enable us to export a considerable surplus; and to give all possible encouragement to the cultivation of wheat; this city has demanded, that the introduction of American flour should be prohibited, which request has been granted by the government. Your excellency, if you think proper, may give notice accordingly to the American merchants." We learn from Halifax, that on the 26th ult. there were there 5,000 troops; and 18 pendants flying in the harbor; and that admiral Cochrane's squadron is expected from the West Indies, to pass the hurricane season. By a British order in council, issued in April, the governors of the West-India Islands are authorized to permit, for twelve months, the importation from neutral countries, in neutral vessels, of staves, lumber, horses, mules, asses, neat cattle, sheep, hogs and every other species of live stock and live provisions, and also of every kind of provisions whatsoever, (beef, pork and butter excepted,) which are the growth or produce of the country to which the vessel, importing the same, shall belong—and the exportation of rum and molasses, and of any other articles, goods and commodities whatsoever, except sugar, indigo, cotton, wool, coffee and cocoa—a tonnage duty must exist at such Island, and a duty on fish. PHILADELPHIA, July 21. Mr. Erskine, the British minister arrived in town last evening, from Washington city.
The following American vessels were at Cadiz May 22:—Intrepid, Saratoga, Sheffield, Calpe, Rolia, Georgiana, from Southern ports—ship Complanter, from Philadelphia—six other vessels from eastern ports, and several in the bay. The President's Proclamation, permitting the trade to English ports, was received at Cadiz by the Complanter from Philadelphia; in consequence of which, several vessels loaded with tobacco, were preparing to sail from Cadiz for England by the 10th June.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JULY 28, 1809. LAST BRITISH ORDER. As the instructions of Mr. Erskine have been published in England, we may expect them in a few days. We shall therefore lay over the question, how far he has transgressed them. But even on the supposition that Mr. Erskine has really transgressed his instructions—the British government have equally transgressed the most solemn obligations of justice and good faith. Even if they were not bound by the unauthorized acts of their minister—they are at least bound to replace us, as near as possible, in the same situation from which they had drawn us. What right have they to take an advantage of a situation, into which the acts of their minister had betrayed us? Here is an arrangement, which we had concluded with their own agent—with one who represented the sovereignty of his country.—It was merely from a full confidence in the character, with which they themselves had invested him, that this arrangement is formed. Is it not then most infamous to say, that they have a right to make this very agreement subservient to their own end and to our injury? Do not these things speak for themselves? Is there a man of common sense or honesty, who will not pronounce the same decision?—Is it not the only basis, on which that branch of the law relating to contracts through Agents, can fairly be built? Have not the writers on the laws of nations, as far as they have touched this case, taught the very same doctrine?—Vattel declares, that "when a state believing that it has concluded a peace with the enemy's general, has, in consequence of this, delivered up one of his strong places, or given a sum of money, the sovereign of that general ought to restore what he has received, if he is unwilling to ratify the agreement. If he acts otherwise, he enriches himself with another's property, and detains that property without having any title to it." Few discussions however of this sort present themselves in the books—because it is now the general practice of sovereigns to keep a check upon the acts of their ministers, by reserving to themselves the right of a ratification of those acts. Surely Mr. Canning is not weak enough to say, that this Act is not binding upon his majesty—because it wants the seal of Ratification. Yet there is an expression in the late orders of the 24th of May, which seems to show that the British ministry would even descend to this miserable subterfuge. Why is this contract of Mr. Erskine called a "provisional agreement?" Is it not customary to use PROVISIONAL, in opposition to FINAL; that is an instrument either not dependent upon, the ratification of a sovereign, or that has already passed through it? Does not however the very nature of the transaction at Washington evidently prove that it must have been a final adjustment? It was not, as in the case of a Treaty to have been laid over for ratification. The interest of both countries required that it should go into effect as soon as possible. The letter of Mr. Erskine itself forbade a ratification. It was on the 10th of June that this agreement was to take effect. And there was not time enough to receive the ratification on the part of Great Britain, before the 10th of June was past, and the deed was done for ever.
What is there, then, in all these refinements to change the true state of this question?—If the British minister has transgressed his instructions, the British government is bound to replace us as nearly as possible, in that situation from which he has seduced us—or at least, to let the blow fall as slightly upon us as possible. This principle is so very clear, that even the British ministry themselves dare not openly deny it. Mr. Canning is all alive to the interests of the merchants! He forsooth wishes to "prevent any inconvenience or detriment to them"—and to secure them indemnity in their speculations? And the subsequent order of May 24th; in pursuance of the same hypothetical system of mercy, is gravely introduced "to prevent any inconveniences that may ensue from the circumstance above recited."
What is the fact? In consequence of the most solemn pledges of an accredited minister at Washington, the American Merchants feel a new spirit of confidence and adventure—50 or 60 millions of our property are shipped upon the high seas, for different ports and markets—there are insurances against the dangers of the seas, but not against the cruizers of Britain—for on that head the word of a British minister is supposed to be a sufficient protection. What then is the species of indemnity which the British government are now tendering to us? They permit us for a short time to carry on one branch of trade—they prohibit a great many others. They suffer the vessels which clear out from the U. S. between the 19th April and the 20th July for "certain ports and places of the countries which have been lately styled the kingdom of Holland," to pursue their destination. But on the other hand, extraordinary orders are sent to Portsmouth and Plymouth to fit out all their privateers with all possible dispatch—and these like hungry hounds are let loose upon every other American vessel, which equally sails "under the faith of this provisional agreement," but which may be bound to ports interdicted by the orders of April—these very orders too which were declared by their accredited minister at Washington to have had not the "least connection" with his agreement. Is this the "indemnity which is secured to our merchants?" Is this the "inconvenience and detriment," which is prevented? Is this the generosity of Mr. Canning? What will our East-India Merchant say to it, when his vessel has been taken on her way to Batavia—$3,000,000 of our property, perhaps much more, are computed to have been sent beyond the Cape of Good Hope—not a cent of it is protected by the order of May. Millions have gone into the Mediterranean—how much of this is safe? Already has the proclamation of his Britannic Majesty, disavowing the agreement of his minister, been seen at Antigua.—Already are his cruizers let loose upon us in those seas. As to the favored ports of Holland themselves, what wonderful immunities will our merchants enjoy? This order is not "to extend to protect any vessel which shall attempt to enter any port actually blockaded by any of his majesty's ship of war." Will the British admiralty be so much under the influence of mercy or inactivity, as not to lay all the important ports of Holland immediately under blockade? What then? If our vessels attempt to go in, they are bon pris—if they go into British ports for a market, their cargoes will almost be sacrificed for a song—British merchants will purchase it, procure a license, and smuggle it into the continent. Thus they will run off with all the profits of our cargoes—and we shall receive indemnity with a vengeance! It seems scarcely necessary to notice the short date at which the clearance of vessels in this country for Dutch ports is to expire.—Amidst such a mass of atrocities, one feature may at least be spared from the group.—Still it is a fact, that the Orders of May will not arrive in many of our ports until after the 20th July—all those vessels, of course, which may happen to sail within this interval, are "good prize."
Mr. Jackson has been misnamed the Copenhagen Negotiator —from the share which he had in that atrocious transaction. According to the Merchants of London, we must not carry on the trade to Holland—We, being neutral, can do it on better terms than they, who are belligerents & smugglers. This is in truth one of the great keys to the measures of their government. The following is from the BOSTON REPERTORY—handed to us last evening.—Let the reader take it for what it is worth! BOSTON, July 21. GREAT NEWS!!! Yesterday, the Schooner Eagle, Capt. Robinson, arrived in 4 days from Halifax. A friend has lately favored us with a paper of the 14th inst. containing news by the packet, in 28 days from Falmouth—London dates to the 10th of June. BONAPARTE DEFEATED. AUSTRIAN OFFICIAL BULLETIN, OF THE DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. Published by order of his Imperial Highness, the Archduke CHARLES. In pursuance of the command of his Imperial highness, the generalissimo, the following preliminary report of the brilliant victory, obtained the 21st and 22nd May is issued on the 23d, from the head quarters of Breitenfeld. On the 19th and 20th the Emperor passed the greater arm of the Danube, with the whole of his army, to which he had drawn all the reinforcements of his powerful allies. He established his main body on the island of Lobau, whence the second passage over the lesser arm, and his further offensive dispositions were necessary to be directed. His Imperial highness resolved to advance with his army to meet the enemy, and not to obstruct his passage, but to attack him after he had reached the left bank, and thus to defeat the object of his intended enterprise. This determination excited throughout the whole army, the highest enthusiasm. Animated by all the feelings of the purest patriotism and of the most loyal attachment to their sovereign, every man became a hero, and the smoking ruins, the scenes of desolation which marked the track of the enemy in his progress through Austria, had inflamed them with a just d'sire of vengeance. With joyful acclamations, with a cry a thousand times repeated of—"Live our good Emperor!" and with victory in their hearts, our columns at noon, on the 21st, proceeded onward, to meet the reciprocal attack of the advancing enemy; and soon after 3 o'clock the battle commenced. The emperor Napoleon, in person directed the movement of his troops, and endeavored to break through our centre with the whole of his cavalry; that vast body of horse he had supported by 60,000 infantry, his guards, and by 100 pieces of artillery. His wings rested upon Aspern and Esslingen, places to the strengthening of which, the resources of nature and of art had, as far as was possible, contributed. He was not able, however, to penetrate the compact mass which our battalions presented, and every where his cavalry shewed their backs, while our cuirassiers unhorsed their armour-equipped cavaliers, and our light horse carried death into his flanks. It was a gigantic combat, and is scarce capable of description. The battles with the infantry became immediately general, more than 200 pieces of cannon exhibited on the opposite sides a rivalry in the work of destruction. Aspern was ten times taken, lost, and again conquered. Esslingen after repeated attacks could not be maintained. At 11 at night, the villages were in flames, and we remained masters of the field of battle. The enemy was driven up in the corner, with the island of Lobau and the Danube in his rear. Night had put an end to the carnage. Meanwhile fire boats which were floated down the Danube destroyed the bridge, which the enemy had thrown over the principal branch of the river. The enemy, however, conveyed over, during the night, all the disposable troops which he had in Vienna, and on the upper Danube, made every possible effort for the reconstruction of his great bridge, and attacked us at 4 in the morning, with a furious cannonade from the whole of his artillery, immediately after which, the action extended along the whole of the line. Until 7 in the evening every attack was repelled. The perseverance of the enemy was then compelled to yield to the heroism of our troops, and the most complete victory crowned the efforts of an army, which in the French proclamations was declared as dispersed, and represented as annihilated by the mere idea of the invincibility of their adversaries. The loss of the enemy has been immense; the field of battle has been covered with dead bodies, from among which we have already picked up 6,000 wounded and removed them to our hospitals. When the French could no longer maintain themselves in Aspern, the brave Hessians were obliged to make a last attempt and were sacrificed. At the departure of the courier the Emperor Napoleon was in full retreat to the other side of the Danube, covering his retreat by the possession of the large island of Lobau. Our army are still engaged in close pursuit. The more particular details of this memorable day shall be made known as soon as they are collected. Among the prisoners are the French General Duruel, Gen. of Division, and Foullet Boyer, first Chamberlain to the Empress; also the Werntemberg General Roder, who was made prisoner at Nardorf by the second battalion of Vienna Landwehr. We have likewise an abstract of the French Bulletin, of the same date. It would be judged by every reader to confirm the main points of the above. It mentions Lasnes and St. Hilaire as seriously wounded.
Verbal reports say, that the French loss was 5 gen's. and 25,000 in killed and wounded. MR. ERSKINE. The instructions to Mr. Erskine have been called for in Parliament and published. Mr. Canning said he was perfectly willing, as it would appear that no minister ever went wider of his powers. On inquiry whether Mr. Erskine had sent no justification, it was answered he had; but the House could judge, from his instructions, how far they coincided. His account of his reasons, would be left for him to produce on his trial. Mr. Canning said, Mr. Erskine had been instructed to make concessions to America, arising out of such concessions as they should propose of their part to him, and in such a manner as should make the concessions mutual. Instead of this, however, Mr. Erskine had made every concession on his part, without attaining one stipulated concession on the part of America. The instructions of his majesty's government had been explicit, and would throw the necessary light on the subject.
NEW MINISTER. The British Government have appointed Mr. Jackson Envoy extraordinary to the United States. He is coming over in the Frigate Phoenix, 44, Captain Mudge, immediately.
RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA. The Russian declaration of War against Austria, of April 25th, has been published in London—but no hostilities are announced.
VIA BOSTON. SEVILLE, May 25. The Supreme Central Junta has decreed the Assembly of the National Cortes; and that a day shall be set apart in each year for public prayers for the restoration of FERDINAND VII. and to expiate the remembrance of the Tyrannical conduct of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. LISBON, May 23. The Asturians have taken St. Andero; and are proceeding towards Biscay. Victor still commands the French in Estremadura; Sebastiani in La Mancha—the celebrated Gen. Reding is dead—and Blake has succeeded him in the command of the army in Catalonia. Marshal Beresford has published an attested copy of an intercepted letter from General KELLERMAN, the French commander in Chief in Upper Spain to Marshal SOULT; it is dated VALADOLID, March 31, and announces that the Duke of IBERIA (BERSIERES) & all the Imperial Guards had set off from Spain, to join the Emperor.
AN EXAMINATION of the youth instructed at the subscriber's Academy, will take place on Tuesday and Wednesday next, (1st and 2d August). The Young Gentlemen will be examined in the morning of each day, and the Young Ladies on Wednesday afternoon. On Thursday, at half past nine, A. M. original Oration on interesting subjects will be delivered at the Capitol, by four of the senior Students. Parents, Guardians and, in general, the friends of Juvenile instruction, are earnestly requested to attend. N. B. The examination will be held at the Academy, and commence on each day at nine in the forenoon. L. H. GIRARDIN. July 28 2t
LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscribers, attorneys in fact, for Col. John Morton Farley, and his sister, Miss Elizabeth Morton, residents in Great-Britain, offer for sale their remaining proportion of that valuable TRACT OF LAND, In the county of Buckingham and state of North Carolina, called the Southampton Estate. This land lying contiguous to one of the branches of Roanoke River, and in the midst of a wealthy country, is represented to be of great fertility, and to unite so many advantages as to be well worth the attention of the purchasers; it contains from 10 to 12,000 acres, and will be sold in one whole, or in distinct parcels, at the option of those who may wish to buy; for which purpose it has been laid off in separate lots. A plot of the land is left in the possession of Wm. Edward Broadnax, esq. of Brunswick county, Virginia, who has purchased a part of it, and to whom, for more correct information as to its quality, situation and other advantages, purchasers are referred, as well as to Mr. Isa Ellis, who lives on the spot. Mr. Broadnax will also make known the terms of sale, and any contract entered into with him for the purchase of the above land, or any part thereof, will be obligatory on ourselves, and our principals. G. K. TAYLOR, JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, Va. July 28. 6w
PASSAGE FOR LONDON. THE SHIP PATRIOT GROENING, Mathias Probst, Master; Will sail for London, on or about the 15th of next month, and can accommodate eight or ten Passengers; she is a remarkably strong and well built ship, of about 500 tons, almost new, and has a roomy and elegant Cabin. Her cargo being engaged, apply for Passage only, to the Master on board, or to NIEMETTER & VON KAPFF. Norfolk, July 28. 1m
JOHN LE TELLIER—DENTIST—(No. 4 door to Edmund Randolph's, near the Capitol) has returned to Richmond, and will continue his practice, in the different branches of his profession, i. e. in setting artificial teeth, in the most approved manner; restoring natural ones, to their proper elegance, without injuring the enamel. He plugs the cavities of teeth as are decayed.—Like wise extracts those that are too far gone to be saved, in which operation, he makes use of Bruff's Patent Extracting Instruments, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, & with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use. He has DENTIFRICE, of a superior quality. July 28. 4t
VIRGINIA HONES —may be had at E. Hallam's, Archibald Hughes, Prosser and Moncure's, and several other places in this city, and at John F. Robertson's and Miles Botts', in Manchester, at from 1s 6d to 3s. They are found on a fair trial, to answer a better purpose for putting a razor in order, than any thing now to be obtained. They are finest used with oil, and quickest with water; their dust, if scraped off, is fine for a strap. Any one purchasing, that don't like, has liberty to return them and get his money again, if within 2 months. WM. THURMON. July 28. w8w
IN COUNCIL, July 26, 1809. —Proposals to be received, by the Executive, until the 10th day of August next, for furnishing 1400 white oak Spokes, 700 hickory oak Bolts, 120 black gum Naves, and 60 hickory Ax-trees; All of seasoned Timber, and of such dimensions as shall be described by Alexander Quarter, to the persons disposed to make such proposals. DANL. J. BYLTON, Clerk of the Council. July 28.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JULY 28, 1809. LAST BRITISH ORDER. As the instructions of Mr. Erskine have been published in England, we may expect them in a few days. We shall therefore lay over the question, how far he has transgressed them. But even on the supposition that Mr. Erskine has really transgressed his instructions—the British government have equally transgressed the most solemn obligations of justice and good faith. Even if they were not bound by the unauthorized acts of their minister—they are at least bound to replace us, as near as possible, in the same situation from which they had drawn us. What right have they to take an advantage of a situation, into which the acts of their minister had betrayed us? Here is an arrangement, which we had concluded with their own agent—with one who represented the sovereignty of his country.—It was merely from a full confidence in the character, with which they themselves had invested him, that this arrangement is formed. Is it not then most infamous to say, that they have a right to make this very agreement subservient to their own end and to our injury? Do not these things speak for themselves? Is there a man of common sense or honesty, who will not pronounce the same decision?—Is it not the only basis, on which that branch of the law relating to contracts through Agents, can fairly be built? Have not the writers on the laws of nations, as far as they have touched this case, taught the very same doctrine?—Vattel declares, that "when a state believing that it has concluded a peace with the enemy's general, has, in consequence of this, delivered up one of his strong places, or given a sum of money, the sovereign of that general ought to restore what he has received, if he is unwilling to ratify the agreement. If he acts otherwise, he enriches himself with another's property, and detains that property without having any title to it." Few discussions however of this sort present themselves in the books—because it is now the general practice of sovereigns to keep a check upon the acts of their ministers, by reserving to themselves the right of a ratification of those acts. Surely Mr. Canning is not weak enough to say, that this Act is not binding upon his majesty—because it wants the seal of Ratification. Yet there is an expression in the late orders of the 24th of May, which seems to show that the British ministry would even descend to this miserable subterfuge. Why is this contract of Mr. Erskine called a "provisional agreement?" Is it not customary to use PROVISIONAL, in opposition to FINAL; that is an instrument either not dependent upon, the ratification of a sovereign, or that has already passed through it? Does not however the very nature of the transaction at Washington evidently prove that it must have been a final adjustment? It was not, as in the case of a Treaty to have been laid over for ratification. The interest of both countries required that it should go into effect as soon as possible. The letter of Mr. Erskine itself forbade a ratification. It was on the 10th of June that this agreement was to take effect. And there was not time enough to receive the ratification on the part of Great Britain, before the 10th of June was past, and the deed was done for ever.
What is there, then, in all these refinements to change the true state of this question?—If the British minister has transgressed his instructions, the British government is bound to replace us as nearly as possible, in that situation from which he has seduced us—or at least, to let the blow fall as slightly upon us as possible. This principle is so very clear, that even the British ministry themselves dare not openly deny it. Mr. Canning is all alive to the interests of the merchants! He forsooth wishes to "prevent any inconvenience or detriment to them"—and to secure them indemnity in their speculations? And the subsequent order of May 24th; in pursuance of the same hypothetical system of mercy, is gravely introduced "to prevent any inconveniences that may ensue from the circumstance above recited."
What is the fact? In consequence of the most solemn pledges of an accredited minister at Washington, the American Merchants feel a new spirit of confidence and adventure—50 or 60 millions of our property are shipped upon the high seas, for different ports and markets—there are insurances against the dangers of the seas, but not against the cruizers of Britain—for on that head the word of a British minister is supposed to be a sufficient protection. What then is the species of indemnity which the British government are now tendering to us? They permit us for a short time to carry on one branch of trade—they prohibit a great many others. They suffer the vessels which clear out from the U. S. between the 19th April and the 20th July for "certain ports and places of the countries which have been lately styled the kingdom of Holland," to pursue their destination. But on the other hand, extraordinary orders are sent to Portsmouth and Plymouth to fit out all their privateers with all possible dispatch—and these like hungry hounds are let loose upon every other American vessel, which equally sails "under the faith of this provisional agreement," but which may be bound to ports interdicted by the orders of April—these very orders too which were declared by their accredited minister at Washington to have had not the "least connection" with his agreement. Is this the "indemnity which is secured to our merchants?" Is this the "inconvenience and detriment," which is prevented? Is this the generosity of Mr. Canning? What will our East-India Merchant say to it, when his vessel has been taken on her way to Batavia—$3,000,000 of our property, perhaps much more, are computed to have been sent beyond the Cape of Good Hope—not a cent of it is protected by the order of May. Millions have gone into the Mediterranean—how much of this is safe? Already has the proclamation of his Britannic Majesty, disavowing the agreement of his minister, been seen at Antigua.—Already are his cruizers let loose upon us in those seas. As to the favored ports of Holland themselves, what wonderful immunities will our merchants enjoy? This order is not "to extend to protect any vessel which shall attempt to enter any port actually blockaded by any of his majesty's ship of war." Will the British admiralty be so much under the influence of mercy or inactivity, as not to lay all the important ports of Holland immediately under blockade? What then? If our vessels attempt to go in, they are bon pris—if they go into British ports for a market, their cargoes will almost be sacrificed for a song—British merchants will purchase it, procure a license, and smuggle it into the continent. Thus they will run off with all the profits of our cargoes—and we shall receive indemnity with a vengeance! It seems scarcely necessary to notice the short date at which the clearance of vessels in this country for Dutch ports is to expire.—Amidst such a mass of atrocities, one feature may at least be spared from the group.—Still it is a fact, that the Orders of May will not arrive in many of our ports until after the 20th July—all those vessels, of course, which may happen to sail within this interval, are "good prize."
Mr. Jackson has been misnamed the Copenhagen Negotiator —from the share which he had in that atrocious transaction. According to the Merchants of London, we must not carry on the trade to Holland—We, being neutral, can do it on better terms than they, who are belligerents & smugglers. This is in truth one of the great keys to the measures of their government. The following is from the BOSTON REPERTORY—handed to us last evening.—Let the reader take it for what it is worth! BOSTON, July 21. GREAT NEWS!!! Yesterday, the Schooner Eagle, Capt. Robinson, arrived in 4 days from Halifax. A friend has lately favored us with a paper of the 14th inst. containing news by the packet, in 28 days from Falmouth—London dates to the 10th of June. BONAPARTE DEFEATED. AUSTRIAN OFFICIAL BULLETIN, OF THE DEFEAT OF THE FRENCH. Published by order of his Imperial Highness, the Archduke CHARLES. In pursuance of the command of his Imperial highness, the generalissimo, the following preliminary report of the brilliant victory, obtained the 21st and 22nd May is issued on the 23d, from the head quarters of Breitenfeld. On the 19th and 20th the Emperor passed the greater arm of the Danube, with the whole of his army, to which he had drawn all the reinforcements of his powerful allies. He established his main body on the island of Lobau, whence the second passage over the lesser arm, and his further offensive dispositions were necessary to be directed. His Imperial highness resolved to advance with his army to meet the enemy, and not to obstruct his passage, but to attack him after he had reached the left bank, and thus to defeat the object of his intended enterprise. This determination excited throughout the whole army, the highest enthusiasm. Animated by all the feelings of the purest patriotism and of the most loyal attachment to their sovereign, every man became a hero, and the smoking ruins, the scenes of desolation which marked the track of the enemy in his progress through Austria, had inflamed them with a just d'sire of vengeance. With joyful acclamations, with a cry a thousand times repeated of—"Live our good Emperor!" and with victory in their hearts, our columns at noon, on the 21st, proceeded onward, to meet the reciprocal attack of the advancing enemy; and soon after 3 o'clock the battle commenced. The emperor Napoleon, in person directed the movement of his troops, and endeavored to break through our centre with the whole of his cavalry; that vast body of horse he had supported by 60,000 infantry, his guards, and by 100 pieces of artillery. His wings rested upon Aspern and Esslingen, places to the strengthening of which, the resources of nature and of art had, as far as was possible, contributed. He was not able, however, to penetrate the compact mass which our battalions presented, and every where his cavalry shewed their backs, while our cuirassiers unhorsed their armour-equipped cavaliers, and our light horse carried death into his flanks. It was a gigantic combat, and is scarce capable of description. The battles with the infantry became immediately general, more than 200 pieces of cannon exhibited on the opposite sides a rivalry in the work of destruction. Aspern was ten times taken, lost, and again conquered. Esslingen after repeated attacks could not be maintained. At 11 at night, the villages were in flames, and we remained masters of the field of battle. The enemy was driven up in the corner, with the island of Lobau and the Danube in his rear. Night had put an end to the carnage. Meanwhile fire boats which were floated down the Danube destroyed the bridge, which the enemy had thrown over the principal branch of the river. The enemy, however, conveyed over, during the night, all the disposable troops which he had in Vienna, and on the upper Danube, made every possible effort for the reconstruction of his great bridge, and attacked us at 4 in the morning, with a furious cannonade from the whole of his artillery, immediately after which, the action extended along the whole of the line. Until 7 in the evening every attack was repelled. The perseverance of the enemy was then compelled to yield to the heroism of our troops, and the most complete victory crowned the efforts of an army, which in the French proclamations was declared as dispersed, and represented as annihilated by the mere idea of the invincibility of their adversaries. The loss of the enemy has been immense; the field of battle has been covered with dead bodies, from among which we have already picked up 6,000 wounded and removed them to our hospitals. When the French could no longer maintain themselves in Aspern, the brave Hessians were obliged to make a last attempt and were sacrificed. At the departure of the courier the Emperor Napoleon was in full retreat to the other side of the Danube, covering his retreat by the possession of the large island of Lobau. Our army are still engaged in close pursuit. The more particular details of this memorable day shall be made known as soon as they are collected. Among the prisoners are the French General Duruel, Gen. of Division, and Foullet Boyer, first Chamberlain to the Empress; also the Werntemberg General Roder, who was made prisoner at Nardorf by the second battalion of Vienna Landwehr. We have likewise an abstract of the French Bulletin, of the same date. It would be judged by every reader to confirm the main points of the above. It mentions Lasnes and St. Hilaire as seriously wounded.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JULY 28, 1809. LAST BRITISH ORDER. As the instructions of Mr. Erskine have been published in England, we may expect them in a few days. We shall therefore lay over the question, how far he has transgressed them. But even on the supposition that Mr. Erskine has really transgressed his instructions—the British government have equally transgressed the most solemn obligations of justice and good faith. Even if they were not bound by the unauthorized acts of their minister—they are at least bound to replace us, as near as possible, in the same situation from which they had drawn us. What right have they to take an advantage of a situation, into which the acts of their minister had betrayed us? Here is an arrangement, which we had concluded with their own agent—with one who represented the sovereignty of his country.—It was merely from a full confidence in the character, with which they themselves had invested him, that this arrangement is formed. Is it not then most infamous to say, that they have a right to make this very agreement subservient to their own end and to our injury? Do not these things speak for themselves? Is there a man of common sense or honesty, who will not pronounce the same decision?—Is it not the only basis, on which that branch of the law relating to contracts through Agents, can fairly be built? Have not the writers on the laws of nations, as far as they have touched this case, taught the very same doctrine?—Vattel declares, that "when a state believing that it has concluded a peace with the enemy's general, has, in consequence of this, delivered up one of his strong places, or given a sum of money, the sovereign of that general ought to restore what he has received, if he is unwilling to ratify the agreement. If he acts otherwise, he enriches himself with another's property, and detains that property without having any title to it." Few discussions however of this sort present themselves in the books—because it is now the general practice of sovereigns to keep a check upon the acts of their ministers, by reserving to themselves the right of a ratification of those acts. Surely Mr. Canning is not weak enough to say, that this Act is not binding upon his majesty—because it wants the seal of Ratification. Yet there is an expression in the late orders of the 24th of May, which seems to show that the British ministry would even descend to this miserable subterfuge. Why is this contract of Mr. Erskine called a "provisional agreement?" Is it not customary to use PROVISIONAL, in opposition to FINAL; that is an instrument either not dependent upon, the ratification of a sovereign, or that has already passed through it? Does not however the very nature of the transaction at Washington evidently prove that it must have been a final adjustment? It was not, as in the case of a Treaty to have been laid over for ratification. The interest of both countries required that it should go into effect as soon as possible. The letter of Mr. Erskine itself forbade a ratification. It was on the 10th of June that this agreement was to take effect. And there was not time enough to receive the ratification on the part of Great Britain, before the 10th of June was past, and the deed was done for ever.
What is there, then, in all these refin

[TRANSLATED FOR THE AURORA.]
OFFICIAL PAPERS.
Accompanying the report of M. Champagny, Secretary of State, to the Emperor Napoleon.
(CONCLUDED)
No. 11.—Letter from his majesty the emperor of Austria, to his majesty the emperor of the French.
Presburg, Sept. 18, 1808.
SIR, MY BROTHER, My ambassador at Paris informs me, that your imperial majesty is about to depart for Erfurth, there to meet the emperor Alexander. I seize with promptitude, the opportunity, which your approach to my frontiers offers, to renew to you the assurances of the friendship and high esteem which I have vowed for you, and I send my lieutenant general, baron Vincent, to be the bearer of the invariable sentiments which I have thus expressed. I flatter myself that your majesty has never ceased to be convinced of this, and that, if the false interpretations which have been given to the interior institutions organized in my monarchy, have for a moment created any doubts of my perseverance in my intentions, the explanations presented by the count de Metternich on the subject, will have entirely removed them. The baron de Vincent is also instructed to confirm this to your majesty in detail, and to add all the explanation that can be desired. I pray you to shew him the same kindness, as that with which you had the goodness to receive him at Paris and at Warsaw. The new marks of favor that you may shew him, will give me an unequivocal proof of the entire reciprocity of those sentiments, and will confirm that entire confidence, which has left no effort untried to give mutual satisfaction.
Have the goodness to accept the assurance of the unalterable attachment and high consideration, with which I am, sir, my brother, the good brother and friend of your imperial and royal majesty.
(Signed) FRANCIS.
No. 12.—Letter from his majesty the emperor Napoleon, to the kings of Bavaria, Saxony, Westphalia and Wirttemberg, the grand duke of Baden, and prince primat.
SIR, MY BROTHER, Assurances have been given by the court of Vienna, that the militia should be disbanded which were lately raised, and that no other armament should take place calculated to disturb the repose or excite the apprehensions of the Rhenish confederation: the subjoined letter, which I have received from the emperor of Austria, the reiterated assurances given by the baron de Vincent, and, above all, the commencement of the fulfilment of those promises, which has been already witnessed, induce me to inform your majesty, that I believe the tranquillity of the states of the confederation is not in any way threatened, and that your majesty may break up your camps and order the troops into quarters, in the manner that has heretofore been followed. I think it is advisable that our ministers at Vienna should be instructed to hold this language—that the camps will be re-organized, and the troops of the confederation and its protector will be placed in a hostile attitude, whenever Austria shall make extraordinary, or unusual armaments; and, in fine, that we desire tranquillity and safety.
(Signed) NAPOLEON.
Erfurt, Oct. 12, 1808.
No. 13.—Letter from his majesty the emperor Napoleon, to his majesty the emperor of Austria.
Erfurt, Oct. 14, 1808.
SIR, MY BROTHER, I thank your imperial and royal majesty for the letter, which you had the goodness to send me, and which M. de baron de Vincent has delivered. I have never doubted the good intentions of your majesty; but nevertheless feared at one moment that hostilities were about to be renewed between us.
There is at Vienna a faction, which affects purity and good intentions, the readier to precipitate your majesty into such violent measures, as would produce misfortunes much greater than those which have heretofore been experienced. It was in my power to dismember the monarchy of your majesty or at least to render it less powerful—I did not wish to do so. Austria is as I wished it to be. That was the best proof that all accounts between us were closed, and that I desired nothing from her.
I have been always ready to guarantee the integrity of your monarchy. I have never done any thing prejudicial to the primary interests of your state. But your majesty should not now introduce for discussion that, which a war for fifteen years has already determined. You should interdict any measures likely to produce war; the late levy en masse would have produced a war, if I had had the least apprehensions, that that levy, and those preparations were in combination with Russia.
I have disbanded the troops of the confederation of the Rhine:—One hundred thousand of my troops are preparing to march to Boulogne, to renew my purposes upon England. I pray your majesty to abstain from all armaments, that can give me uneasiness, or that should create a diversion in favor of England.
I hoped, when I had the honor to see your majesty, and when the treaty of Presburg was concluded, that our differences were finally adjusted, and that I might then without hazard or mistrust turn the whole of my attention to a maritime war. Why does your majesty associate with those, who in telling you of the dangers of your monarchy, assail your own honor, as well as that of your family and people. Such men alone are dangerous to you; those only speak of danger who feign to apprehend it.
By a conduct, honest, frank and open, your majesty will render your people happy, you will yourself enjoy the comfort you must stand in need of after so many troubles; and you will be sure, to find in me a man determined never to do any thing contrary to your primary interests. Let your actions shew a confidence, and they will inspire it. In our days, the best policy is honesty and truth. Tell me your complaints, & if I have power or influence over their cause, I will instantly remove them. Let your ministry attend to my words; reflect upon my opinion and sentiments, they are much superior to those of your counsellors.
I pray your majesty to read my letter in the disposition with which it is written, and that you will see nothing in it, that has not for its object, the peace and welfare of Europe and of your majesty.
NAPOLEON.
No. 14.—Report of M. Count de Champagny, to his majesty the emperor.
PARIS, March 2, 1809.
SIR, I have the honor to submit to your majesty, a minute of a conversation, which I had to day, with the ambassador of the court of Vienna.
I beg your majesty to accept the assurance of the respect, with which I am, &c.
(The Ambassador of Austria called on the minister to day, March 2, and at three o'clock entered his cabinet where the following conversation took place.)
Ambassador. Count, I am come to announce to you the arrival of the count de Mier; he has been nine days on his journey from Vienna to Paris. He found the road covered with snow and with troops. I am authorized to inform you, that the next courier will bring me the answer of my court, to the different notes you have addressed to me, respecting the Italian officer insulted at Trieste; and the violence committed upon an inhabitant of Udina. His majesty, the emperor, my master, ordered enquiries to be made on those points, the result of which had not yet been known at Vienna.
Minister. I hope, Mr. Ambassador, that your court will also announce the stoppage of those measures, against which I regret to have been obliged to complain to you so often.
Ambassador. I have also received orders from my court, to inform your excellency that, as I had foreseen, the return of his majesty, the emperor Napoleon, to Paris, the orders given to the princes of the confederation of the Rhine, and lastly, several articles inserted in the French and German newspapers, have given to my court just uneasiness, and that it considered itself bound to organize for war those troops, which until now, had remained on the peace establishment. But the emperor, my master, always animated by the same sentiments, takes this measure, only because he is compelled to take it, and still entertains pacific dispositions towards France.
Minister. Then, you mean to make war upon us, Mr. Ambassador?
Ambassador. We wished to make war, we would not have waited a moment; before the mouth of January, our troops would have been upon the Rhine.
Minister. That would not have been so easy, Mr. de Metternich; the means we now have to oppose you, existed in January.
Ambassador. But the emperor was in Spain.
Minister. Yes, but in 1805 you were at Ulm, when he was at Boulogne, and he did not arrive too late—is not this true? If you march your troops, 'twill be because the English faction has the lead at Vienna; they pretend to be alarmed in order to seduce and ensnare your emperor. Those who govern every thing, who direct your affairs, do not appear or shew themselves; if they did, matters would be differently situated. How does it happen that you are more alarmed now, than you were in the month of August last? The emperor was not then in Spain; he then covered all Germany with his troops; he occupied in your rear, Silesia and the dutchy of Warsaw; the troops of the Rhenish confederation were encamped; and, yet, you remained tranquil. You wished to wait for events; you actually feigned uneasiness;—you seemed to be alarmed at the emperor's return, as if he were always to remain in Spain; you complain of the advice given to the princes of the Rhenish confederation, as if that advice rendered necessary by the continuation of your armaments, had any other object than to hold themselves in readiness; and you now announce that you are about to march your troops. Not a man belonging to France or its allies has stirred. If you have not made war upon the emperor, you have removed the security of peace; you have hastened his return; you have prevented him from pursuing the English in person, and cutting off their retreat by sea; you have retarded the expeditions intended against England; the troops that were on their march for Toulon and Boulogne, were ordered to halt at Lyons and Metz, in consequence of your threats:—you have served England. Shall I say any thing further to you of the ferment agitating the Austrian states? Of the spirit excited against France? Of the insults given at Trieste to French and Italian officers? Of the assassination of our couriers, so long unpunished? Of the publications in the Pressburg Gazette? Of the falsehoods circulated respecting Spain? Of the reception given at Trieste to the officers of the Spanish frigate, dispatched by the insurgents? Of M. Cevallos's libel, so extensively circulated at Vienna?
Ambassador. That pamphlet, sir, was sent to me from Munich.
Minister. Could it not have come from Vienna? Besides, the book was sold at Vienna, sold by permission of the police: I saw the public advertisement stating it among the number of the books permitted to be sold. I proceed.....above all, your agents have shown themselves to be enemies of France. I will shew you extracts from a correspondence, that will exhibit the conduct of your minister at Constantinople, and of your consul in Bosnia.
Ambassador. But have we not on our part, complained of M. de la Tour-Maubourg, who, I may say, declared war between France and Austria by breaking offensively all communication between the ministers of the French and their allies, and the Austrians?
Minister. What should M. de la Tour-Maubourg have done? Promoted the triumph of the English? Truly, that would have been rather too complainant.—Such then, are the grievances we have to allege against you, and yet you know how pacific our conduct has been. Have we made a single demand of your court, that could militate in the least against your interests? Have we said a word of which you can complain? You have circulated a report that we demanded Trieste, Fiume and Croatia.
Ambassador. 'Twas in the German Gazette, that that was published.
Minister. But by order of your cabinet, and according to letters received at Vienna from Presburg. It was printed in Austria also, and, if it was so easy to dissuade your people, have you said a word on that subject?
Ambassador. But here, could we not have spoken of it? If the emperor really was uneasy respecting what are termed our armaments, why, instead of saying nothing to me, and of calling out the troops of the confederation, did he not speak to me? They might probably have been explained and understood.
Minister. And what purpose would this have served? What did similar steps, taken for above six months, effect? The emperor no longer spoke to you, sir, because when he
did speak, it was in vain, because you lost in his estimation, by faithless promises, all the credit due to the character of ambassador.—Recollect, you promised your military measures should be stopped; that the exercises of the militia should cease with the fine weather; that the acknowledgement of king Joseph should be made without any difficulty; and all these promises were made on the authority of your court. Besides I will answer in one word; the emperor considered himself bound to be reserved to a minister, who may be said to have been disavowed by his government, and who was besides considered as the author of several statements which facts contradicted; the emperor has not called out a single man of the Rhenish confederation; the order to hold themselves in readiness is very different from that ordering them to march, which you have said was given. The troops that were on the Meurthe and Saone are there yet, not one of them has stirred.
Ambassador. But one part of those promises was performed, there has been no addition to the military organization.
Minister. Every thing has been done to give uneasiness.
Ambassador. I do not believe that the exercises were continued during the winter.
Minister. At Trieste the militia were exercised in the old theatre.
Ambassador. If king Joseph has not been acknowledged, it must be attributed to the conference at Erfurt. Most certainly, if the emperor had desired to admit the emperor my master, to the conference, or if he had merely allowed me to go as I proposed, the recognition would have been made. My master has not made the acknowledgement; because that conference excited suspicion; because Russia intervened; because its language, far from being friendly gave offence; because the junction of two great powers, whose views and resolutions were entirely unknown, created a belief that the affair, of the acknowledgement of king Joseph, was connected with other arrangements, the nature of which there seemed to be room for exaggerating.
Minister. Your promise was absolute; it was made when the conference of Erfurt was foreseen; it was made in return for a promise of France to evacuate Silesia, a promise which was fulfilled. Besides, the result of the conference of Erfurt was known to you: you know very well it was not directed against you:—Why then have you not made the acknowledgement?
Ambassador. But general Androssy rejected the conditional acknowledgement which we offered. Besides if we have not made the acknowledgement, we have declared we would maintain amicable relations with king Joseph as king of Spain.
Minister. Mr. Ambassador, I fear you have not deceived yourself; those terms are not in the answer of your court. Was it by having the libels of the insurgents printed; was it in quitting Madrid, and following the insurgents; that your charge des affairs proved that he had orders to be the friend of king Joseph? Besides what did France and Russia expect by requiring that acknowledgement? To facilitate peace with England—to deprive that power of any chance of troubling the continent; and by that means, to give the whole world a peace of which it is so much in want. You have disappointed us; you have adopted the language, and undertaken the defence of England. You publicly announced that you were arming; your gazettes, usually so circumspect, have been filled with the grossest London libels; peace with England has not taken place; she triumphs at Constantinople, to see you recurring to war. What do you expect?
Ambassador. Really, that when our troops abandon a state of peace in which they have been placed, the difference between that state and the one they are about to enter, will be seen.
Minister. The effect of nine months preparation will be seen. Do you really imagine they will be able to make any impression or make us tremble? Once more I repeat, the emperor, who requires nothing of you but that you should yourselves, and permit others to enjoy the security of peace, does not wish for war; but he will wage it if you compel him to do so:—he has not given you the slightest pretext. I will give him an account of the communication you have made. I know not how far your measures will carry you; but should war take place, it will be because you desired it.
Ambassador. (As he was departing)—I will never speak of myself—but you know how I have been treated in the circles of the court. I have heard that the emperor has complained of the treatment which his ambassador experienced at Vienna. I protest that, to the very last moment, general Androssy was honorably treated by the emperor my master.
Minister. You know, Mr. Ambassador, that he had not the rank established at court. The emperor does not complain of M. Metternich; but he could no longer place so much confidence in a minister, whose own court contradicted his statements, as he had done prior to that event: your court alone, in refusing to execute your promises, lowered the dignity of your character."
Paris, March 2, 1809.
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the firm of Gilliat and Kirby, by bond or open account, are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances, on or before the first day September next, as suits will be instituted against all those who are delinquent at that time.
THOMAS GILLIAT,
Acting partner of
GILLIAT & KIRBY.
N. B. In my absence, Francis R. Strobla is fully
authorized to receive and discharge all debts
due to and from Gilliat and Kirby.
THOMAS GILLIAT.
June 27. WILS.
RICHMOND CITY, VIRGINIA, July 7th 1809.
CAPT. JOHN RUST.—SIR.—Your not being an inhabitant of the state of Virginia, I take this method of giving you notice that between the dates of the 21st day of August next and Thursday the 31st day of said month, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Col. Alexander Parker, at the Coffee house in the city of New Orleans in the territory of Orleans, to be read as evidence in an injunction pending in the Williamsburg Chancery district court, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendant. In order to prevent disappointment, I have taken the time as above specified. You will also take notice that I shall proceed to take the deposition of Mr. George Moore between the 28th and 31st of the said month of August, at the court house of the county of Middlesex, in the state of Virginia, to be read in evidence in the aforesaid suit. Yours respectfully, PETER RUST.
Richmond County, July 7. WILS.
FOR SALE—525 ACRES FAMES RIVER LAND.—On the 10th December next, (if fair, or otherwise the next fair day,) the Subscriber will offer for sale on the premises, a Tract of LAND situate in Buckingham county, immediately opposite the mouth of Rock-fish river—thirty acres of which are prime low ground, & the residue strong, finely timbered upland, well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Corn, and Wheat.
A credit of one, two and three years will be given, payable at equal instalments, with interest from date, to be remitted if the payments be punctually made. Bonds with approved security will be required. A clear title made, & possession given on the day of sale.
The above Tract of Land has been conveyed to me by Patrick Rose, Jun of Buckingham, to be sold for the payment of his debts.
ALEX. F. ROSE, Trustee.
THE SUBSCRIBER, offers for sale, that legant and valuable Estate, called WILLIAM, lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state: the offices are commodious; the Garden and yard handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed to purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss however to observe, that James River runs 100 yards from the door of the house, that vessels of five hundred horse power have loaded at Warwick, one mile above it, that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good Shad and Herring fishery, and that Wild Fowl are frequently procured. A small Grist-Mill, is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation.
Also two thousand acres of LAND, lying on Fighting Creek, Powhatan County, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco.
For terms apply to the Subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH.
WILL be sold on the first day of August next, at William M. Douglass's Tavern in the Town of New Castle, TEN NEGROES to wit: Reuben a mulatto man, Miller Jack, Carpenter Davy, Tom, Spencer, Sukey, Patty and child, Lavinia and Susan, eight head of horses, and all the cattle, sheep and hogs and the plantation utensils, conveyed by deed of trust from John M. Syme to me, to secure the payment of debts due from the said Syme to Parke Street; which deed bears date in December last, and is of record in the county court of Hanover; Or so much of said property will be sold as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said trust.
SAMUEL GRANTLAND.
WOOD LAWN for Sale.—The Subscriber offers for sale, the tract of Land on which he now resides, lying throughout, on the main fork of Pamunkey river, in the County of Orange, 35 miles from Fredericksburg, and 60 from Richmond, containing 763 acres—a full proportion of which consists of valuable low grounds. About one half the land is cleared, a large part of which is, now fresh. The Wood land is all prime tobacco land, heavily timbered, and peculiarly adapted to the growth of that kind of Tobacco, which commands the highest Richmond market price. There is, perhaps, no land in this part of the Country, on which the planter or farmer can rely with more certainty for a crop, than this, as from the nature of the soil, there is no land on which a crop is sooner matured. The improvements are considerable. The dwelling house is of two stories, 52 by 20 feet, divided so as to admit of convenient residence, and with a large and convenient kitchen, laundry and washing house, the whole comprising six ground rooms, are contained under one roof, and with other out-buildings, an Ice-house—a Well of excellent water in the yard, affords every convenient requisite for the accommodation of a large and genteel family. A stable of 13 Stalls—the first story of granite stone, with apartments above for grain, fodder &c. has just been completed. No buildings in fact, necessary for the securing of a crop, or for the comfort of a family are wanting, and what enhances their value, is they are all new and of choice materials; the land abounding in the best of timber and lying within one mile of a saw mill. One third of the purchase money, will be required in cash.
Western lands, provided they are situated on navigable water in the lower parts of the states of Kentucky or Tennessee, or on the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio, will be received in payment, for the balance of the purchase money, if, upon a view of them, their quality and price suit. Those, therefore, who hold lands in the above range, and are disposed to barter them in this way, are requested to make immediate application, in person, or by letter post-paid, directed to the Orange Springs Post-Office, and addressed to DABNEY MINOR.
June 16. W8W7
IN CHANCERY.—In Louisa County Court,
April 10th 1809.
George Mettewether and Charles Thomson, administrators of John Hawkins dec. Plffs. against William Mettewether and Robert Dickinson Defs.
The defendant William Mettewether not having entered his appearance and given security, according to an act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by their attorney: It is ordered and decreed, That the said defendant Mettewether do appear here on the second Monday in July next, and file his answer to the complaint's bill, and that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the court house of this county, on some court day, and published in some one of the news papers printed in the City of Richmond for eight weeks successively.
A Copy. JOHN POINDEXTER, C.L.C.
June 30. 1aw8w7
VIRGINIA, to wit: At a Court of Appeals
held at the Capitol in Richmond, the twenty
third day of May, 1809.
RULE.—Great inconveniences and delays having arisen from motions to alter, and amend the decrees and special entries of this Court, after they have been entered of record, it is expected that in future the Counsel will respectively in all cases where a special decree or entry shall be deemed necessary, prepare notes of such decree or entry as they may think ought to be made on the decision, to be considered as part of their statement and delivered to the Judges, with the record, at the final argument, in each cause.
A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c.
June 9. w1st4.
GEORGE WATT has just received, and offers FOR SALE, Sherry, Madeira, and Sherry WINE, by the Hhd. and Qt. cask, Green Coffee, Orleans Sugar by the Hhd. or case, German Plantation Simplex by the piece or case, half pint Glass Tumblers in cases of 1000 each, and New York Soap & Candles.
ON HAND, Madeira Wine, Orleans and Muscovado Sugars, Green Coffee, Molasses, Prime Pork, Liverpool and Stone Ware, Souchong, Hyson, Shin, and Gunpowder Tea, Spanish Segars, Raisins, Almonds, Nutmegs, Window Glass, Men's & Women's Shoes, which he will dispose of by wholesale on reasonable terms.
July 22. if.
A NELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE.—The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided.
This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighbourhood.
For terms apply to Mr. Wm. Long who is fully authorised to contract for the same.
J. PENN.
June 23. if.
War Department, July 8, 1809.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN:
THAT separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon on Wednesday the 25th of October next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of June 1810 inclusive, to the first day of June 1811, within the states, territories and districts following, viz.
1st. At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago and in their immediate vicinities, or at any place or places, where troops, or are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan.
2nd. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
3rd. At Little Fontaine, Fort Osage and Belle Vue and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and the Illinois, Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinities.
4th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.
5th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire.
6th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Vermont.
7th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted.
8th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island.
9th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara & its dependencies excepted.
10th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Jersey.
11th. At any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.
12th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland & Delaware.
13th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia.
14th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North Carolina.
15th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South Carolina.
16th. At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia.
17th. Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of June 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit & Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all & every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of losing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, & the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States, of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have