The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-05-23 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 23, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction.
On Friday the 23rd inst. at the auction room of the Subscribers, will be sold for Cash, positively without reserve.
A Quantity of HARDWARE and CUTLERY, consisting of—scythe blades, sickles, X cut, mill, pit and hand-saw files, rasps, chisels, plane-irons, drawing knives, flock locks, ring latches, round bolts, iron riv. locks, carpenters' and shoe hammers, brass cocks, steel snuffers, ivory, bone and buck handle knives & forks, coffee mills, waiters, paddlocks, &c. &c. Also—Ladies' and mens' silk & leather gloves, ro-maul & pulicat handkerchiefs, muslinet, coarse thoes, mens' fine white and black hats &c. &c.
TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M rs . May 16. tdf.
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold, by virtue of a decree of the Hasting's Chancery Court, for the City of Richmond, at the Vendue Office of the subscribers, on Monday next, at 11 o'clock, A. M. for the benefit of those concerned:
THREE Hhds TOBACCO, from Woodson's Inspection, mark 1 P. No. 957 137 127 1221 On 60 days credit, for an approved endorsed negotiable note. 959 129 1163 958 120 1042
ALSO, at the same time for cash, will be sold, 1 Hhd. TOBACCO, Rivanna Ware-House, marked C. M. No. 160, 1134.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. May 20. (tdf)
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday 28th inst. at the Store of Mr. Henry McClatchy, will be sold by auction; ALL HIS STOCK IN TRADE, consisting of a complete assortment of dry goods, together with his Household Furniture.
Terms of sale for all furs not exceeding 20 dollars, cash: above 20 and not exceeding 100, ninety days: above 100, six and nine months. Notes with approved endorsements negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Aud rs . May 16. tdf.
WILLIAM GALT,
HAS just received, by the ship Protege from London, and by the ship Intrepid just arrived from Liverpool, his usual assortment of SPRING GOODS, which is now selling at his usual low prices for cash or country produce, also to punctual customers.
May 16. ep4w.
SPRING GOODS.
THE Subscribers have just received by the ship Protege from London, a part of their Spring Goods, the balance are daily expected by the Intrepid from Liverpool.
ELLIS & ALLAN. May 6. tm.
IRISH LINEN.
JOHN HENRY has just received, by the ship Monticello from Liverpool—7-8ths and 4-8ths wide IRISH LINEN, in well-assorted packages, each containing about 30 pieces; which he offers for sale at a low advance—Also, very fine 4-8ths wide ditto, by the piece.
LONDON PARTICULAR MADEIRA WINE in pipes. April 25. fowp.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
20 Hogsheads NORTHERN RUM, 20 Barrels do. do. 10 Hogsheads MOLASSES, 10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE, 15 do. do. MALAGA do. 12 Tierces Prime GREEN COFFEE, 20 Barrels LIVER OIL, 153 Boxes MOULD CANDLES, 80 Ream WRITING PAPER, 100 do. WRAPPING do.
THOMAS WHITE. May 9. (tf)
JUST RECEIVED.
A Few Pipes COGNAC BRANDY of the first quality;—also best MEDOC CLARET of the vintage of 1800; FRUITs preserved in brandy; for sale by
SAMUEL MYERS. April 8—tf
THE subscriber, is particularly requested by
Messrs. Abbott and Sheward (successors to Isaac W. Morris of Philadelphia in the Brewing business) to make known to the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that they mean to keep him supplied from time to time with sufficient quantities of PORTER & BEER from their Brewery, to answer the consumption of Richmond and the country trading therewith.
The subscriber can say with confidence, that judging from the sample heretofore received, that both the PORTER & BEER is of superior quality, and will be sold as low as it can be had in Philadelphia. Orders from the country will be promptly attended to.
DANIEL TRIPLETT. April 18. ep8w.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William M c Kenzie the acting partner of William M c Kenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made.
JOHN BUTLER. Wm. M c KENZIE & Co.
NOTICE.
All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are requested to make payment to Mr. Robert Atkinson, as he alone I have authorised to grant discharges for the same.
Wm. M c KENZIE. April 10. tf.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec d . of the Bowling-Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to
JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK. Executors of John Hoomes, dec d . Jan. 24. tf.
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HORN.
may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use.
December 12. tf.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
TO BE SOLD, for ready money, in a decree of the Court of the United States, for the 5th circuit in the Virginia District, between Phineas Bond attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards plff. and David Ross & others defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11450 dols. 94 cts. due & payable the 1st day of January last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt called Fort-Lewis. The sale will be made on the premises on the 5th day of June next.
BENJ. MOSBY, D. M. for, JOS. SCOTT, M. V. D. April 18. tdf.
FOR SALE.
An Excellent PAIR of HORSES, well broke to Geer. Enquire at the Washington Tavern. April 25. tf.
SPORTS OF THE TURF.
ON Tuesday the 27th instant, (May), will be run for, over Mr. Edmund Taylor's Course, in Hanover, a Sweepstakes of some consequence, between three favourite colts.
MILITARY LAND FOR SALE.
4000 acres on Trade Water state of Kentucky. 3000 do. Deer Creek & Green River do. 1000 do. Highland Creek do. 2033 do. Little Miami state of Ohio. 1000 do. Bush Creek do. 1000 do. West Fork of Sciota do. 666 do. adjoining the last tract do. 400 do. Pitman's Creek do.
THOMAS NORVELL.
N. B. 15 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY, are also offered for sale.
April 25. tf.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
AT a meeting of the Board of Directors on the 10th of May, 1806—Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay into the hands of the Treasurer, the further sum of four dollars on each share, on or before the 14th of June next.
Resolved, That the Clerk be instructed to call a meeting of the Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes, JAMES BRANDER, CLK.
May 13. tm.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 24, 1806.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
That sealed Proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 13th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz:—Eight per cent.: Old Six per cent.: and Deferred Six per cent.: Stocks, with the Dividends payable on the first of July next off.
Such persons, as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein, the unredeemed amount and species of said Stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same; which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law.
In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber in trust for the United States.
TH. T. TUCKER. Treas. Un. States. May 8. (tm.)
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD,
RAN away from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK; HARRY is about 5 feet six inches high, of a tawny complexion, 22 years of age; Dick six feet high, slim and very black, with large white teeth, wide apart, projecting out of his mouth, 18 years of age. When they went away, they had on home manufactured breeches and old grey jackets. I have been informed they are now dressed in blue jackets with sailor's trousers, and are making their way to Maryland with a free pass. They have relations at Reuben Beale's, Esq. of Richmond county, and Mr. John Turberville's quarter in Westmoreland, where it is probable they may lurk until they can procure a passage across the Potomac. Whoever will deliver them to me, or secure them so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or the proportion for either.
ELLIOTT MUSE. Duckingham lodge, Middlesex county. March 4. ep3m.
THE subscriber having relinquished all idea of removing to the Western Country, desires it necessary to inform his friends, that he intends practising in the courts of Richmond county, Essex, King and Queen, and in the district of King and Queen, and in the Chancery Court of Williamsburg.
JOHN HORACE UPSHAW. April 29. tf.
LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber, offers for sale on the premises in Caroline County, on Monday the 2d day of June next, to the highest bidder, the place he formerly lived at, called Mill Farm. It comprises two plantations divided by a public road, to be sold separately or united as purchasers may wish. Both have been considerably improved by inclosing & manuring for about 20 years. On one is a valuable grist mill with three pair of stones, a good dwelling house, and several offices. A Store and a Tavern have been heretofore kept at the place, for which it is well calculated. The overleaf thereon will show the land. Very long credits will be given, and good bonds received in payment; it being the subscriber's object to provide by this sale towards meeting a debt he has lately contracted.
JOHN TAYLOR. May 13. 2w.
TO MR. THOMAS BRADSHAW,
SIR, As you are not an inhabitant of this state, and have not any agent therein, known to me, to whom a notice can be given, be pleased to take notice, that on the last Saturday in June next, I shall, at the dwelling house of Nicholas Vaughan, in the county of Nottoway, between the hours of eight in the morning and seven in the evening of the above mentioned day, take the depositions of the said Nicholas Vaughan, of Jacob Seay, Nathan Fowles and Peter Knight, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the county court of Prince-Edward, wherein you, and others are plaintiffs, and I am defendant.
BENJAMIN BORUM. Prince-Edward county, April 22. ep2m.
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and
PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [epf.]
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where
I now reside, and possession given in time. J. PENN. April 11. tf.
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE and LOT belonging to Mr. Wm. Dandridge's estate, next above Mr. Wm. Price's large building. For terms apply to NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, Agent for the exec rs . April 15. tf.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manufacture.
Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH.
His name is AMPEY; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11. tf.
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED,
For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 4.
TO BE RENTED,
Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office. THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERIWETHER JONES. February 4. tf.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald M c Call, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Buchanan, bearing date the 25th day of May, 1789, for sundry purposes therein mentioned; will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27th day of June next, THREE LOTS, known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said M c Call at present resides; on these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with those lots and houses, &c.
Will be sold on the same day, on the premises, A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M c Call, situate in the county aforesaid, on Holkins's creek, adjoining the said town of Tappahannock, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, together with the water grist mill adjoining, which is at present out of repair, but may be rendered very valuable at a small expense, being one of the most valuable and convenient mill seats in all that part of the country, having a large & convenient mill-house two story high, built of stone, brick and wood, calculated for manufacturing on an extensive plan, situate on a never-failing stream, within one mile of tide water; belonging to this mill are two very convenient houses for the accommodation of a miller, cooper, &c. This tract of land is generally of good quality, lies well and is well timbered. Will likewise be sold on the 28th day of the same month, (June) at John Miller's Tavern, in the said county of Essex, A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M c Call, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Man, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said M c Call purchased of Richard Jeffries. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered.—Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTIE, and CHARLES THOMPSON, Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. M c Call. Louisa, April 18. (tdf)p
IMPROVED PROPERTY IN THE TOWN OF MANCHESTER, FOR SALE.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Alexander and Peter Field Trent, to the subscriber, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money, therein specified; will be offered to the highest bidder, for cash, or country produce, on the 26th May next; three improved TENEMENTS, on the Main street in the town of Manchester, viz: A two story yellow house, formerly occupied by Alhier Marx, containing two rooms below, and two above stairs and a large and convenient Lumber House. By expending a small sum in repairing the houses attached to this lot, it would be rendered the most eligible situation in that town for business. The house and lot at present in the occupancy of Mrs. Turner, containing three rooms, viz: a store, lumber and counting-room. To a person who is anxious to invest his funds in the grocery line, the eligibility of this tenement, as a stand, invites his most serious attention.—And the houses and lot adjoining Mrs. Turner, and at present unoccupied; this tenement is in good repair, and calculated to accommodate a small family, having a kitchen, stable, &c. Should any person with a view to the above property &c. before the day of sale, enquire of Edward W. Trent, Richmond. JOHN ARCHER, Trustee. Amelia, April 22. (tdf)
JOHN ALCOCK,
INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-Street leading up from Prosser & Moncure's Vendue-store, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials. He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. January 30. tf.
TO RENT,
FOUR ROOMS, in the house wherein I now live, a Cellar, Kitchen, and Stable with three stalls and place for a carriage; also a place to put coal and wood.—The situation is healthy and pleasant, near the Main street and Capitol; a small family will be preferred—immediate possession may be had. W. F. AST. May 1. oaw3w
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane. Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallegher—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz:
One tract containing one hundred and thirty seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parson Clopton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the south side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverley Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest, and approved security. M. B. POTTIAUX. (tdf.) April 15.
NOTICE.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Joseph Pollard, Jr. bearing date the 15th day of November 1804, and recorded in the county court of Spottsylvania, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt or debts due from the said Pollard to David Bullock, will be exposed to sale on the premises for ready money on Friday the 13th day of June next: one moiety of the mill commonly called and known by the name of Rogers's Mill in the lower end of Spottsylvania county—together with one moiety of fifty acres of land adjoining thereto and the houses and other appurtenances thereon erected, together with fifteen slaves, as named and conveyed in the aforesaid deed of trust, or so much of the aforesaid property as shall be sufficient fully and completely to carry the said deed of trust into effect, according to the true intent and meaning thereof. CHARLES SMITH, FREDERICK HARRIS, } Trustees. May 16. (oaw3tp.)
In Hanover County Court, July 30th, 1805.
IN CHANCERY.
Brown, Rives & Company, vs. Richard Richardson, & Dudley Richardson, Dfts.
THIS day came the plaintiffs by their counsel, and the defendant, Richard Richardson, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiffs, it is decreed, and ordered that the defendant, Richard Richardson, do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public Newspaper, published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the Court House of this county. A Copy. Teste. THOS. POLLARD, B. C. H. C. (f2m.) April 18.
Foreign Intelligence.
From a late London paper.
EXPOSE OF THE STATE OF FRANCE.
LEGISLATIVE BODY.
PARIS, March 4.
The interest of the proceedings of the legislative Body, after the solemn opening of their Session, was confined to the result of the scrutiny for the appointment of the Vice President and Secretaries, until the Minister of the Interior yesterday satisfied the impatient expectation of the Assembly, and of the Public, by entering more at large into the consideration of the important subjects that had been briefly touched upon in the Imperial Speech. M. Champagny, the Minister, accompanied by the Counsellors of State, Cretet and Bigot Premezen, presented himself at the last sitting of the Legislative Body, and expatiated, in detail, on the events that have taken place since the Coronation of the Emperor. The following are the particulars of this interesting Exposé.
EXPOSE OF THE SITUATION OF THE EMPIRE.
Gentlemen, deputies of the departments to the legislative body—I am commissioned by his majesty the emperor to give you an account of the situation of the empire during the year that has just been completed. Its destinies have been fixed upon an immovable basis: a ceremony, the recollection of which will make an epoch in the annals of our history, has raised the chief of the state, and his august family, to that dignity which was called for both by the wishes and the interests of France. Last year, you assembled in this place, which was consecrated by his presence. It was in the midst of you, that the first rays were seen, of that immortal lustre, with which the wishes of the people and the blessing of Heaven have surrounded him, a happy preface for you in the commencement of your labours, and your labours have answered his expectation, for they have been useful to the country. The love of the public good, and the inspiration of genius have guided all your steps; and the unity which is established in the empire, and has been so solemnly proclaimed, has increased the harmony which prevailed both in your sentiments and deliberations.
The emperor on his side, told you, that in his new honours he perceived a heavy debt which was thrown upon him. Every moment of his time has been consecrated to the discharge of this debt. You know whether he has fulfilled his promises, and how far he has surpassed your expectations. You know with what events, or rather with what prodigies, the year which has hardly been completed, has been filled. I shall recall them to your recollection, without pretending to detail them, or describe the immense importance of their results. Europe, still motionless with astonishment and fear, France transported with admiration and love, dispense me from the necessity of speaking what I should vainly endeavour to express.
Scarcely were your labours ended, when the emperor undertook to visit a part of France
If he has been every where saluted by the most lively and unanimous expressions of public affection; if the inhabitants of the towns and of the country have flocked to meet him, and presented him with the homage of their gratitude and love, he has experienced a pleasure no less dear to his heart, in seeing with his own eyes the happy result of an administration, constantly animated for the good of the people, and the restoration of public order. He has seen the traces of our misfortunes effaced, and the very recollection of them almost extinguished, the laws respected, the magistrates devoting themselves to their duties, the morals of the people grown more pure, religious sentiments in high esteem, and the urbanity of manners restored to its former delicacy. If there remained some improvements to be made, it was not from those acts which usually follow great misfortunes, but from those advances to perfection, which belong to a time of calm and prosperity. The emperor, however, wished to know them, and to accomplish whatever still remained to be done. He has called upon all who, by their situation or their talents, could second his views; he has admitted all those who had favour to solicit; he has heard them favourably; he has listened to all their observations; rewarded services, examined the most minute details, and every where has he left, in measures of the greatest wisdom, lasting monuments of his journey thro' his states.
Troyes was the first town which he visited, and obtained the first benefits from his attention. Those benefits promise a prosperity worthy its ancient celebrity. The project of making the Seine completely navigable from Paris to Chatillon (which is near the source of it) is already conceived: the details of the execution are resolved on, and decreed. The improvement of the navigation of the Saone is projected—the town that it washes are receiving improvements. The quays of Chalons, Tournes, and Macon are to be repaired and enlarged. Macon will see within its walls a new cathedral, which will be grander than that whose destruction it regrets. The emperor contributes to this edifice a considerable sum, taken from his private revenue. The making the river Seine navigable will be a new benefit to the department of Saone and Loire. The department of l'Ain revives at the sight of its sovereign, who gives to every thing new life, and who anxiously employs himself in increasing its industry, and rendering more salubrious a part of its territory.
Lyons, which has already received so many benefits from him who rebuilt its colisee, and re-peopled its manufactories, has no further any wishes to form for itself, and experiences no other feelings, but the desire of greeting, with the transports of gratitude, that deliverer, whom it is much esteemed.
But the solicitude of the emperor for this capital of French industry is not exhausted; and while it entertains no other sentiment but gratitude, his penetrating glance discovers the means of accelerating the progress of a prosperity which has been increasing during the whole course of his reign. The southern parts of that city will be rendered more salubrious: the Rhone will be confined within its banks, and brought near the city, from which it appears now to retreat; wise regulations now assure fidelity at the manufactories, and give confidence to the foreign consumer, without restraining the freedom of the industrious. Rewards, decreed by the emperor himself, redouble the emulation of the workmen; a school of drawing will secure the perfection of the art—Lyons, communicating at the sound with the sea, and soon with the Rhine by the Canal Napoleon; with the ocean and the channel by the Saone, the Loire, and the Seine; the market for Switzerland and Piedmont will become such a mart, that, with the advantage of its happy situation, will make it the centre of a vast commerce.
Savoy, so long oppressed by the policy of the

Imperial throne, spread around them the lustre of those honors which they have received. The great proprietors, without hoping the return of any privileges, have no longer to fear exclusion. Every thing resumes the place which wisdom and justice had marked out. Piedmont, which was formerly conquered by the force of arms, is now naturalised by kindness and benefits.
All the different districts of Piedmont will date, from this epoch, institutions of the utmost importance. Three cities have, however, fixed, in a peculiar degree, the attention of the emperor: Turin, Casal, and Alexandria. Turin, which was formerly the residence of a court; Casal, the ancient capital of Montferrat, which has been long connected with France by the recollection of events which have passed, by affection and by manners; Alexandria, upon which, as on a pivot, all the great military operations have turned, in all the wars of which this country has been the seat.
Turin, a widow, after the loss of its kings, is comforted by a splendid promise. A brother of the emperor will govern this fine country, and his known character is a guarantee of the happiness which he will confer upon it. He will reside at Turin. An amiable and brilliant court will amply indemnify that city for what it has lost. Its magnificent palace will become the residence of goodness and the graces. Formerly a melancholy fortress, surrounded with enemies; now it is open to France and Italy, of which intercourse it appears to be the central point; it will in future be surrounded only by friendly nations and commerce, and the arts will speedily settle there, and diffuse their benefits.
Casal, forgotten until this day, but entirely devoted to the chief of the empire, has only been heard by acclamations, and has not offered a single complaint. The emperor has anticipated all its wishes. A lyceum, the residence of a bishop, and the establishment of tribunals, give life to this handsome city, which has been enriched by grants. These benefits will rapidly develop the advantages that it derives from its happy situation, from a favourable climate, and from all the gifts of nature.
Alexandria, proud of receiving in its walls the same heroes whose victories it witnessed, and by whom it was conquered, celebrates their arrival as a triumphal feast. They are assembled within its walls! The conqueror of Marengo is surrounded with the companions of his glory, in that plain which was the illustrious theatre of it. The rewards of valour are distributed by the same hands that directed its achievements. A monument is consecrated to the manes of those who sacrificed their lives for their country. The people of Italy, hastening to this spectacle, celebrate, with the French soldiers, the anniversary of the day which fixed their destinies, in securing that of France. In those places Frenchmen are sure to conquer: there the bulwark of the empire will be raised, and the strongest fortifications in Europe will be erected. The rivers are altering their course, to protect the approaches to it; the most profound combinations of art are directing those immense works, on which more than twelve millions of livres have been already expended. The emperor has drawn the plan, and followed all the details. He makes Alexandria the seat of all the grand military establishments—but in giving it so great an importance in war, he wishes it to enjoy every advantage of peace. He has established its internal administration, and created for it that sort of commerce which the rivers that wash it, and the sources of which it is the centre, had originally designed for it. Its plains heretofore devastated by brigands, are delivered from the scourge which had desolated them for several centuries.
The blessings which attended the emperor have been re-echoed throughout the Appennine mountains. Genoa has heard them, and has hastened to present to the emperor its homage and its wishes: its wishes are to become French, which she in a great measure is by her affections and her habits: while a due attention to her own existence urges her to be so altogether. Confining herself to the sea which formerly maintained her, and of which, and of which our enemies, which are equally her's, have closed up the passage, and these mountains, which our laws have wisely determined to be a barrier for her, Genoa, wanting every thing, without strength, without laws, and almost without government, solicits the honor of an adoption, which may re-unite them to a great people, and let them enter into a share of its advantages, and which is the chief of them, its government. This wish has been accomplished: it proceeded from every class of citizens, and this re-union has been a blessing to them all. The emperor has consecrated it by his presence. He has been received by the transports which are awakened by the appearance of a deliverer. French Genoa receives the taxes of Piedmont, furnishes to France the produce of its industry, by which she is maintained and enriched, and promises in return, an increase of maritime power and commercial wealth. Several of its citizens, already known to the emperor, received from him the most flattering distinctions. The French laws have been introduced there, without counteracting any of those interests which caused its former prosperity. Its finances are improved—the debt of the republic is consolidated, its territory is enlarged; it is divided into departments; and that which is nearest France, receives a name, which recalls one of the first successes of the hero of France—one of the first crowns, with which victory has adorned that brow, which has been since so deeply shaded with laurels. The spot, where this first laurel was gathered, well deserved to be a part of France. The advantage of this organization is confirmed to Genoa, by the choice of a great dignitary named to establish it.
Parma and Piacenza, long in a state of doubt as to their destinies, and subject to Gothic institutions, have also been visited by the chief of the empire; and, from that moment date a code of laws, and a system of administration, conformable to the improvements of the present age. If false alarms have troubled for a moment certain valleys of these states, measures, full of promptitude, but without violence, have soon restored order among these mild people, who were themselves incapable of afflicting the motive of an almost childish agitation, and which has ceased from the moment that any pains were taken to suppress it.
Italy has, notwithstanding, changed its face, and the ancient kingdom of the Lombards is restored at the voice of Napoleon—Italy, reposing under the shade of the monarchy from its long convulsions, has no longer any cause to envy France. The same breath animates it; the same power protects it; the same spirit formed its new institutions accommodating them to its situation and its manners. Milan has saluted, in the name of its king, him whom it had called its deliverer. Mantua received with transport him who was, under its walls, the vanquisher of five armies sent to defend it. Assembled at Castiglione, the French soldiers recall to their memories the successes of the army of Italy. Into whatever part of Europe they shall be conducted by the genius who has so often led them to victory, they flatter themselves with still greater successes.
Italy"> Italy is proud of receiving laws from a new Charlemagne, and fancies that she sees springing up with her ancient glory, all the prosperity with which her climate and her soil entitle her to. Displaying a new character, she hopes to prove that her long weakness was the vice of her institutions, and not the fault of her inhabitants.
A prince, instructed by his lessons, previously adopted by his affections, as he was subsequently by his decrees, continues his labors in copying his example. Italy enthusiastically pursues his steps. Manifesting a new character, she hopes to evince that her long continued weakness has proceeded rather from the defects of her government, than the fault of her population.
France, which with avidity received the details of these grand operations, supposed that the emperor was still occupied in accomplishing them, when he was already at the gates of the capital, and occupied in taking an account of the internal situation of the empire. A few days after, astonished England, heard the coast of Boulogne resound with the cannon which announced his presence. It was there, amidst the flower of his army, and the best cares of these grand preparations, that he began to enjoy repose—His multiplied combinations were brought to a point; the army, full of impatience, conceived the moment had arrived which was to compensate their lengthened toils; but England, trembling, not for her glory or her commerce, but for her actual existence, prepared a powerful diversion on the continent. She gave a shriek of terror; the continent put itself in motion in consequence of her shrieks; its warriors took up arms—from all quarters they advanced against France; and already they menaced her frontier. Upon this unexpected aggression, the emperor changed his plans. England triumphed, in having poured forth upon the continent all the calamities which she herself dreaded. Vain triumph! She speedily learnt that she had only precipitated the ruin of those whom she looked upon as her supporters, and dug an abyss which must completely engulf her.
In a few days the emperor had transported his army from the borders of the channel to the Rhine; he had taken leave of the senate and the nation; he had passed the Rhine; at the same moment he was at Ulm, at Vienna, at Austerlitz.
I shall not attempt to inform you of actions truly admirable, which cannot be worthily related but by him who achieved them—these things that we all know, that we shall teach our children from the moment they begin to understand us; which our descendants shall speak of with pride, and which shall lay the eternal foundation of the nation, almost as great as that of its incomparable chief. Minister of the emperor, I abuse his intention in using this language, but I am a Frenchman; happy to be, I cannot speak coolly of him, who has fixed the glory and prosperity of my country.
I had commenced the summary of so many events from the epoch of the coronation, you know how glorious the termination of one year of this remarkable epoch has been; how his crown given by a great people, has been confirmed by God, and by victory upon a head so worthy to bear it.
That which you are the least informed of, is now most incumbent on me to tell you. It was in the midst of these immense and painful labours, when the emperor, given up to the chances and combinations of war; experiencing all the fatigues of a private soldier; exposed to all the intemperance of a vigorous season, and often having no bed but a truss of straw, no covering but the heavens—from whence all the fire of his genius seemed to emanate; even then, at the distance of three hundred leagues, he held the reins of the administration of France, carefully inspecting the smallest details; occupied equally with the good of his people, as with that of his soldiers; seeing all, knowing all, resembling that invisible spirit that governs the world, and who is only seen in his power and benevolence.—You have, as proofs of these assertions, the numerous decrees dated from Ulm, Munich, Vienna and Austerlitz.
The interior was stripped of troops—Paris did not contain a soldier, and yet never was public order more strictly maintained—never were the laws better executed. France obeyed the name of its sovereign or rather the sentiment of love and admiration which she felt. It was this sentiment which hastened the progress of the conscription, and made it produce threefold before the time when the contingent was expected to be raised. By it is formed the long rampart of volunteer soldiers which line our frontiers from the channel to the Alps; a new army, almost spontaneously formed, and which announces to Europe, that, at the voice of its chief, all France can become a great army. It is this sentiment of devotion and military ardor, which animates those young men, who prefer to enrol themselves in the emperor's guard of honor, and who alone in all France, may regret the rapidity of those exploits in which they had no part.
Peace was concluded before, in many parts of France, it was scarcely known that the war was begun; a war not so long as your annual session, and the consequences of which must embrace future ages, Europe, and the other parts of the world.
If the war has been conducted with courage and genius, the terms of peace have been dictated by generosity and moderation. A sovereign, unfortunate in war, has recovered by peace a great part of his states. His losses vanish into nothing, when compared to the dangers to which the monarchy of which he is the head was exposed. Princes in alliance with us have seen their power increased, and their titles exalted. The beneficence of the emperor has surrounded France with nations friendly to its government. Italy, that noble daughter of France, and which promises to be worthy of her, has reaped the benefits of the war. But her strength is ours; her wealth adds to our prosperity; our enemies are repulsed from her shores; they can no longer have any commercial connections with her. This rich quarry is snatched from their rapacity. Italy is a conquest made from England. She is united to Germany by the double tie of vicinity and friendship, and by that alliance which her prince has just contracted with the daughter of one of the most powerful sovereigns of the Germanic empire. Now it is, indeed, that peace is secured to the peaceable inhabitants of the mountains of the Tyrolese. Commerce will soon enrich her deserted valleys; and thus her conquest will prove to her a blessing.
The emperor, liberal towards his enemies and generous to his allies, has not been less liberal and generous to his people and his army. Never has there been a finer harvest of trophies offered to the view of men; never has a nation received a more magnificent present. The circle which contains the senate of the empire, the cathedral of this city, and the hotel de Ville, are filled and decorated with the ensigns taken from the enemy, offered by the noble and delicate liberality of the conqueror; a recompense equally honorable for the companions of his victory, and his people, who had followed
him with their prayers and had prepared themselves to second all his efforts.
The army has made several campaigns in three months. France reckons these campaigns by their successes, the emperor calculates them for the recompences which he bestows; the heroes who return with him return with new honors; those who have devoted themselves to their country, have left to him the interests of their families, and the care of their memory; he has been satisfied; but the most worthy recompence of the French soldier, is the regard of his emperor; it is the glory of the empire enhanced by his courage; these form the transports of the whole of the French people, with which they will receive the soldier upon his return. The emperor desires they may come and enjoy them under his own inspection; and that a triumphal fate may be given by the capital to the army—a spectacle worthy of the great events which will then be celebrated; where all the characters of glory, and all the accents of public joy, shall encircle the grand army, reunited under its worthy chief, and then shall form a brilliant retinue to these phalanges of heroes.
Such are the principal events of the preceding year, which I have but barely mentioned. [The exposé next proceeds to describe the various improvements in the interior administration, and the immense national works which are in contemplation.]
But here, and it is necessary to declare it boldly to the nation, that its safety requires that a numerous army should be kept on foot; that fleets should be constructed, and seamen raised to protect our commerce, our colonies and our rights. These circumstances require prodigious finances. The emperor thinks eight hundred millions will be necessary in time of war, upwards of six hundred during peace; as the fate of a country should never be left to the mercy of an obscure plot, nor any intrigue of a cabinet; but in all cases, it should be ready to make head against any form; and silence the jealous clamours of its enemies.
It is the will of the emperor, as well as the desire of the whole nation, to augment our navy; and, as we lost some ships in the late engagement, it is a new motive for redoubling our ardour. A great number of our cruisers are scouring the sea, and have attacked the commerce of our enemies in the remotest regions. Our whole flotilla shall shortly revive by the return to its banks of the conquerors of Ulm and Austerlitz. But all those warlike measures shall be nothing more than measures to peace, and even of a moderate peace, in which we shall secure the pledge of not being surprised and seized upon under the most vain and perfidious pretences; it were otherwise better to endure still the miseries of war, rather than make a peace which would expose us to new losses, and afford fresh aliment to the bad faith and avarice of our enemies.
The union of Piedmont with France, two years ago, rendered necessary the union of Genoa, which is a part of it. That of the city of Genoa, for a long time occupied by the French, and defended by them during the second coalescence is a consequence of the will and independence of the republic. This union does not increase our strength upon the continent; England alone had the right to complain of it; nor was it the cause of the war just terminated. The union took place in June, and in the month of April the cabinet of Peterburgh had been seduced by the intrigues of England. The abatement of France, the dispossessing her of her provinces, was decreed. It was not only the kingdom of Italy, of which they would deprive us; Piedmont, Savoy, the Duchy of Nice, even Lyons, and the United departments, Holland, Belgium, the fortresses on the Meuse, these were the conquests prescribed to the confederates by England; and to this they certainly would not have confined themselves, if they had triumphed over the perseverance of the French people.
England attaches no great interest to Italy. Belgium is the true ground of the hatred which she bears to us. But Holland, the hundred and ten departments of France, the kingdom of Italy, Venice, Dalmatia, Istria, and Naples, are now under the protection of the imperial eagle; and the union of those states only affords us the means of being formidable on our frontiers and coasts. Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Baden, and several of the principal powers of Germany, are our allies.
Spain, firm to its purposes, has manifested a laudable diligence, valour and fidelity.
In former wars, England and Russia had promised the emperor of Austria an augmentation in Italy, to draw him into war; but that monarch, better informed of the state of things, has acknowledged the danger of being in alliance with England, and leaves all the affairs of Italy to France—having merely gained re-possession of his states through the moderation and magnanimity of the emperor, he knows that he can only find in the friendship of France, the repose and happiness which his subjects want more than any other nation of Europe.
The emperor of Russia, unable to do us harm, will feel, that the true policy of his country is concentrated in the friendship of France; every thing, as well as his genuine glory, is in the refusal to recognize principles which are detrimental even to the smallest states, and which have led them to sustain bombardments & blockades, rather than submit to acknowledge those principles.
The emperor, after each victory, offered peace to Austria. He also offered it to Naples before the war; peace violated as soon as sworn, and which has produced the downfall of that house. He also offers it to England. He does not mean to force that power to recede from the prodigious changes made in India, as little as Austria and Russia from the partition of Poland; but he has a right to refuse to recede from the alliances and unions which form the new federative systems of the French empire.
Turkey has continued under the yoke of Russia; and it was the emperor's chief aim, by getting Dalmatia into his hands, to be ready to protect the most ancient of our allies, and to enable him to maintain his independence, which is of more importance to France than to any other power.
The first coalition terminated by the treaty of Campo Formio, had the favorable issue for France of the acquisition of Belgium, the frontier separation of the Rhine, the bringing of Holland under the federative influence of France, and the conquest of the states now forming the kingdom of Italy. The second coalition gave it Piedmont; and the third brings Venice and Naples under the federative system.
Let England be finally convinced by her inability: let her not try to operate a fourth coalition, if it were, in the nature of things, possible to renew it.
Such have been the exertions of government for the glory and prosperity of France; the emperor looks only to what remains to be done, which he considers as superior to what he has already performed; but it is not conquest that he projects. He has exhausted military glory. He wants none of those bloody laurels which he has been compelled to gather. To perfect the public administration; to make it a
source of lasting happiness for his people, as well as of an increasing prosperity; to render his acts the lesson and the example of a pure and elevated morality; to merit the blessings not only of the present, but future generations, whose interests ever occupy his mind: such is the glory which he aims to possess; such is the recompence which he promises himself, for a life devoted to the most noble, but at the same time, the most painful duties."
After the reading of the exposé , other communications took place between the government and the senate concerning the adoption by the emperor of the daughter of the senator Beauharnais, ambassador at the court of Florence, and her marriage with the hereditary prince of Baden. That prince arrived on the 3d instant at Paris, at the palace of the Tuileries, in consequence of the project for the alliance of the two families; two days afterwards the senate received on this subject the following imperial message:—
Message from the emperor and king. SENATORS—Willing to give a proof of the affection which we bear to the princess Stephanie, niece of our dearly beloved spouse, we have affianced her with prince Charles, hereditary prince of Baden, and have judged it expedient, under these circumstances, to adopt the said princess Stephanie Napoleon as our daughter. This union, resulting from the friendship which has for several years connected us with the elector of Baden, appears to us to be likewise conformable to our policy, and the welfare of our people. Our departments of the Rhine will contemplate with pleasure an alliance which will be to them a new motive for cultivating relations of commerce and good neighbourhood with the subjects of the elector. The distinguished qualities of prince Charles of Baden, and the particular affection which he has shown to us upon every occasion, are to us a sure guarantee for the happiness of our daughter.—Accustomed to see you partake in every thing that interests us, we thought we ought not to delay informing you of an alliance which is to us very agreeable.—Given at our palace of the Tuileries, the 4th of March, 1806. (Signed)
"NAPOLEON."
From late London papers.
Imperial Parliament, March 10.
The House, in a committee on the American treaty acts, resolved, on the motion of Mr. Vansittart, that the chairman be directed to move for leave to bring in a bill to continue the act of the 37th of the king, for carrying into execution the treaty of amity and commerce entered into between his majesty and the United States of America.—The report was ordered to be received to-morrow.
It is said that among the changes likely to be adopted in the military department, one of the first to be carried into effect will be a reduction of the cavalry. It is conceived, that the saving made by this reduction, will go far towards defraying the expense of a great increase intended to be made in the infantry.
British Navy.—The total number of ships in commission is 721: of which 128 are of the line; 15 from 50 to 44; 155 frigates; 176 sloops; 278 brigs.
By the ship Robert Burns, and other late arrivals at New-York.
LONDON, April 1. The Hamburg mail, due on Sunday, arrived at a late hour last night. The accounts which it brings are of a very different nature from the notice in the Moniteur , that the French army was returning to France, to be put on the peace establishment.
Sweden, it is said, is to experience a fate similar to that of Naples: the king is to be dethroned, and his dominions to be partitioned among his neighbours, Russia, Prussia and Denmark. Austria is to cede Silesia and the Gallicias, and to be indemnified from the Turkish empire; and lesser changes and transplantsations of the Mecklenburg branches, and of the duke of Brunswick's family, are also talked of.
Private letters from Holland state, that the Batavian government had received assurances from the Court of the Tuileries, that the Emperor Napoleon had determined to give to Holland the choice either to have a King at the head of its government, or to become a department of France; and this subject, it is supposed, would engage the attention of the Dutch Legislature, which had the commencement of its session fixed for this day.
It is confidently asserted, on the authority of private letters from Berlin, that the following proposals form a considerable part of the negotiations pending between France and Prussia. It is intended to obtain the consent of the Emperor of Russia, if possible, but in case that should not be granted, France engages, in conjunction with Russia and her other allies, to endeavour to effect more than square leagues of its possessions, and to receive in lieu thereof 700, which will consist of the following countries:
1st. The Duchy of Mecklenburg Schwerin, whose sovereign is to receive Barenth in exchange, with a proportionate pension to make up every deficit. 2d. The Duchy of Mecklenburg Strelitz, whose Prince is to be pensioned for life. 3d. The Duchy of Brunswick, whose Sovereign and descendants, in direct line, are to be pensioned; and the Duke himself permitted to remain as Sovereign, in his capital, during the remainder of his life. 4th. The whole of Austrian Silesia and Galicia, for which the Emperor of Austria is to be indemnified by the Turkish provinces of Servia, Bosnia, Wallachia, Moldavia, & the whole of Turkish Dalmatia. 5th. The King of Sweden to be dethroned, and part of his dominions to be given (if the Emperor Alexander consents to the plan of spoliation) to Prussia; the remainder of the kingdom of Sweden in Denmark, which on these conditions shall put Prussia in possession of Holstein and Swedish Pomerania.
According to the last advices from St. Peterburgh, these proposals have been rejected.
Private letters from Russia of the 18th ult. describe the roads of the country as covered with artillery, ammunition waggons and troops—on the frontiers an immense army is already collected, and the recruiting in the interior goes on without interruption. The armies that lately returned from Moravia, Austria, and Bohemia, are kept in readiness to act.
April 2. The condition of the cessions which have been extorted in Westphalia, from the Court of Berlin, has not long remained undetermined. Prince Murat, after having been proclaimed Duke of Cleves and Berg, made his formal entry into Dusseldorf on the 25th of March. The sovereignty of these territories is conferred upon him, with the same restrictions and limitations that Bonaparte has been pleased to set to the inheritance of the throne he has
usurped. It is to be descendible in default of a male issue on the part of Prince Joachim (the title of the new Duke) to prince Joseph and Prince Louis, and their respective heirs, but is in no case to revert to France.
From the latest London papers received at the office of the (Norfolk) Public Ledger.
LONDON, April 7. A flag of truce arrived off the harbour of Dover this morning at five o'clock, with dispatches from Boulogne, a man of war brig bearing in light, one of our boats took out the dispatches and the French officer, and is now carrying them on board of her, which will in all probability, convey them to the Downs as before.
Yesterday eight vessels arrived in the river from Hamburg. They form a part of a fleet of 24 sail of British vessels which were lying at Hamburg. The greater part of which have since arrived, according to our letters of this day.
On Sunday the 30th ult. about four o'clock in the afternoon, a sudden and peremptory order was communicated from the British vice-consul, desiring them to quit that place in 12 hours, and the Elbe without delay. This intimation was given in consequence of an official notice by the Prussian consul, declaring that all the ports in the north of Europe, where his Prussian majesty possesses any control, were to be shut against British vessels and British manufactures.
Great apprehensions were entertained at Hamburg that all British property would be confiscated. It is stated that the quantity of British property now there is not to considerable as it was lately. The British subjects are apprehensive for their personal safety.
We have received letters from Gibraltar of the 1st ult. which state, that on the preceding day the Flying Fish schooner, had arrived there from off Carthagena, with intelligence that the Spanish fleet, consisting of eight sail of the line, had quitted that port and put to sea. Their destination is not known. Lord Collingwood would probably have traced them before this time.
On Saturday a report was prevalent in the city, that accounts have been received by government from Bengal, dated early in December, which state, Scindia had rejected the proposals made to him by Sir George Barlow, and was preparing for war, and that the government paper was at six per cent. discount.
By a letter from Kinsale, it appears, that admiral Linoin in the Marengo man of war and a frigate was seen on the 7th ult. and kept in sight of till the 11th; there is no doubt that he will be fallen in with, as a man of war and a frigate are cruising for him.
Current Prices of Grain.
CORN EXCHANGE, April 7. Wheat, 47s. 6d. a 71s. 6d. Fine do. 72s. 6d. a 76s. 6d. Superfine do. a 78s. 6d. Fine Flour, 60s. a 65s. Seconds, 55s. a 60s.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Lord Auckland presented on Monday (April 5.) his proposed bill of indemnity to all such persons as had advised and carried into execution proclamations for suspending the laws which regulated the intercourse between the West-India colonies and the United States of America. He stated with great perspicuity the nature of that trade from the year 1783 to the present period, and the necessity which produced the occasional relaxations of the navigation laws, as applicable to the intercourse between America and the West-Indies. His lordship next explained the nature of the commercial relations between this country and America, and expressed his satisfaction in the growing prosperity of America, which he looked upon as the best security for the continuance of that peace and friendship, which he hoped would ever subsist between her and Great-Britain.
Lord Holland declared himself strongly in favour of a liberal intercourse between the West-India islands and America, and declared his intention of proposing a prospective clause to be introduced into the bill, the tenor of which should be to enable the governors to open the ports to American vessels by proclamation.
Lord Grenville professed himself in favor of the principle of occasional relaxation from the strictness of the navigation act, and he hoped the noble lord would bring in a clause to the effect he proposed. The bill was read a first time and ordered to be printed.
LIVERPOOL, April 9, 1806.
POLITICAL RETROSPECT.
RUPTURE WITH PRUSSIA.
The terror of the French arms, which is now omnipotent in the north of Germany, has at length torn asunder the few faint points of connexion which remained between this country and Prussia; the latter, sunk into the abject and wretched instrument of Bonaparte's desperate views against our commerce, may be considered in an actual state of hostility to our interest and our prosperity. This intelligence was brought by Mr. Jackson, who arrived on Thursday morning at the Foreign Office, from Berlin. It was soon after the subject of long and serious consideration at a full meeting of the cabinet ministers; and dispatches were sent off, in the course of a few hours, to all the out ports, for laying an embargo, not only on all Prussian vessels, but on those bound to Prussian ports, and belonging to the cities and towns of Germany contiguous to the dominions of his Prussian majesty, and within the grasp of his power. Hamburg is at this moment occupied by Prussian troops; and Cuxhaven is not only in their possession, but preparations are making to fortify it, and exclude all access to our trade. Whether the king of Prussia, terrified lest he should no longer exist as an independent power, has absolutely formed a coalition with France to seize upon Swedish Pomerania, and to deprive Denmark of Holstein, should the refusal to shut up the Sound against us, we cannot undertake to state, but that all intercourse has been cut off with the Elbe, &c. we do not entertain a doubt. The communications brought by Mr. Jackson would, we understand, justify much stronger measures than those adopted by his majesty's government. A complete stoppage to the Prussian shipping, to the shipping of all the free towns of Germany, and to all vessels bound to those ports, has by this time taken place in every one of the ports of England, and will be carried into effect in every one of the ports of Scotland and Ireland before the end of the week. The Baltic and Tonningen convoys have of course been prevented from sailing.
The dispatches, ordering the detention of all Prussian vessels of every description in Dover, Ramsgate, the Downs, and in every other port down the coast, reached Dover on Friday afternoon, and were instantly forwarded to Vice-Admiral Holloway, commanding in the Downs, and to Vice-Admiral Lord Keith, at Ramsgate. Similar dispatches were received the same day by the Port Admiral at Sheerness, who instantly countermanded the sailing of the Northern Convoys, and embargoed all vessels bearing the Prussian flag.

The effect of this intelligence upon the commercial world was felt in almost every branch of the trading and monied interest. The most serious apprehensions are justly entertained for the safety of great quantities of valuable merchandise at Hamburg and other ports, while colonial produce, bought up here to a considerable amount, will, it is feared, remain upon the hands of our merchants. Omnium, from the opening of the market, experienced a gradual depression; and, after a small fluctuation in its favour, finally sunk two per cent. in value. Consols fell one per cent.
A Council was on Saturday held at the Queen's House, which his majesty went purposely to town to attend. The whole of the Cabinet Ministers were present, except Earl Spencer who is confined by the gout, when his majesty signed an order for laying an embargo on all Prussian vessels in the different ports of the kingdom. Orders were in consequence forwarded from the Admiralty to the several Admirals at the Ports. The orders previously dispatched to the same effect, as we have already stated, were adopted and sent off by the discretionary power entrusted to Ministers, and his majesty's signature was necessary to confer on the measure all formality of State proceeding. The following is the order which appeared in Saturday night's Gazette on this important subject:
At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 5th of April, 1806, present, the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas his majesty has received advice that his Prussian Majesty the King of Prussia has taken possession of various parts of the Electorate of Hanover, and other dominions belonging to his majesty, in a forcible and hostile manner; and has also notified that all British ships shall be excluded from the ports of the Prussian dominions, and from certain other ports in the North of Europe, and not suffered to enter or trade therewith, in violation of the just rights and interests of his majesty and his dominions, and contrary to the established law and practice of nations in amity with each other; his majesty, with the advice of his Privy Council, is thereupon pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his majesty's subjects be permitted to enter and clear out for any of the ports of Prussia until further orders. And his majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo on all ships, now within, or which hereafter shall come into any of the ports, harbours, or roads within the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, together with all persons and effects on board, be laid on all ships and vessels; but that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board the said ships and vessels, so that no damage or embezzlement whatever be sustained; And the right honourable the Lords commissioners of his majesty's Treasury, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Lord Warden of Cinque Ports, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
STEPH. COTTRELL.
Domestic Intelligence.
BALTIMORE, May 15.
Extract of a letter to Gen. Rodgers dated Algiers, Dec. 10th, 1805.
The American Brig Friendship, James Clemmens, master, of Boston, was sent in here, on the 7th inst. by an Algerine Frigate, which met her off Ivice, bound from London to Leghorn with a cargo of fish; the cause of detaining and sending in said brig, was her want of the new Mediterranean passport, with which every American vessel should have been supplied on or before the month of July last, according to the Convention made with these Regencies, and the due notification given by the Secretary of State of the United States.
The reason which Captain Clemmens gives for not having the passport, is, that his vessel has not been in the U. States for three years past, and he [Mr. I. S.] imprudently thought the cruisers would receive that as a sufficient excuse, for his not being furnished with the new Passport; but he has found himself grossly mistaken, and (altho' he acknowledges that he had seen the notification of the Secretary of State) he has risked the property committed to his charge, and in some measure, endangered the peace of his Country, with this regency, for if they should have adhered tenaciously to their usage, the vessel would have been considered a good prize, the Passports being the essential paper of the vessel. But the high ground on which we now stand here prevented the idea of detaining the vessel, altho' the cruiser was perfectly justified in detaining her in, as they knew vessels only by their Passports. On her arrival I left the business entirely to the Government [knowing the grounds on which the United States [founded] who without hesitation, gave up the vessel and cargo, and the Dey gave a Passport, to protect her against further detention by his cruisers from this to Leghorn, and from thence to the United States; but for no other voyage in this Sea, as the Mediterranean Passport is indispensable. I can venture to say that no other nation would have got a vessel off, under the same circumstances for less than half the value of vessel and cargo, and we ought not to rely upon a repetition of like favors.
CHARLESTON, May 10.
GENERAL MIRANDA.
Captain Griffiths, arrived this morning from Rio Pongo, touched at St. Bartholomew's, from whence he failed 14 days since. The morning previous to his departure, accounts were received, via St. Kitts, that General Miranda had landed his forces at Margareta, whence he had crossed over to Cumana, which place immediately surrendered to his arms. It was further stated that wherever he erected his standard, the inhabitants and natives flocked to join him; that his flag was flying on every fort from Cumana to Lagunilla, and that he had obtained complete possession of the Provinces of Cumana and Caraccas, with little or no opposition. The whole of this fine country may now be considered as lost to Spain.
* MARGARETTA, or Santa Margareta de las Cumanas, an island of Terra Firma, in South America, from which it is parted by a strait 24 miles wide; 68 miles W. of Paria, or New Andalusia. Columbus discovered it in his third voyage, anno 1498. It is 40 miles in length, and 24 in breadth; and, being always verdant, affords a most agreeable prospect. It abounds in pasture, maize and fruit; but there is a scarcity of wood and water. There was once a pearl fishery on its coast, which produced one pearl, the finest ever seen, valued at 25,000. sterling, bought by the King of Spain. The inhabitants are a mixture of Indians and Spaniards, who are lazy and superstitious. Here are several sorts of animals, particularly wild hogs, with fish and fowl. N. lat. 11. 46. W. long. 64. 12.
† CUMANNA, or Comana, the capital of New Andalusia, a province of Terra Firma, South America. It sometimes gives its name to the province. The Spaniards built this city in 1529, and it is defended by a strong castle. This town, (says Dampier) stands near the mouth of a great lake, or branch of the sea, called Laguna de Caraccas, about which are several rich towns; but its mouth is so shallow, that no ships of burden can enter it. It is situated 3 leagues S. of the North Sea, and to the S. W. of Margareta, in about 10, 20, N. lat. and in 64, 20, W. long.
NORFOLK, May 20.
Captain Willis, who arrived here yesterday in the Ship Shepherd, from London, (via Cape de Verda) left London on the 6th of April, he left all his papers but one at the Cape de Verda, which he has favoured us with. Captain W. informs us, that at the time of the embargo on Prussian vessels, it was supposed there were three hundred sail of that nation in the River Thames.
Captain Vibert, of the ship Dean, from Gibraltar, in 45 days, arrived here yesterday, informs that the United States Frigate Essex, Capt. Campbell, and brig Fison, Capt. Smith, were at Gibraltar when he failed, from whence they were to proceed to Tangier. Sir Sidney Smith was at Gibraltar, on his way to Algiers, in order to settle the misunderstanding between Great Britain and that Regency.
THE FRENCH ADMIRAL LINCOLN TAKEN.
Saturday arrived in Hampton Roads His Britannic majesty's frigate Tartar, Capt. Hawker, from Bermuda. Three days since boarded the American ship Hunter from Lisbon bound to Alexandria. On the 16th of April in lat 25, long. 33, the Hunter was boarded by H. M. brig Raven, from the squadron, under the command of Sir John Borlase Warren, then in sight, with the French ship Marengo, admiral Lincolns, of 84 guns, and the frigate Belle Poule of 40 guns, captured by Sir John, on their passage from India to France, about the middle of March. The squadron consisted of 13 sail, including the two captured ships.
Lincoln was returning, laden with the spoils of a three years successful cruise. The Hunter went up the bay yesterday.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 23d MAY.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
It has been customary for the republican members of Congress to nominate the two candidates, whom they conceived their constituents would prefer, for the offices of President and Vice-President. No man will deny, that this plan has very considerable objections. It erects the majority of Congress into a sort of Polish diet. It confers upon every candidate, who happens to be employed in any of the departments of the government, a considerable superiority over his more distant and less powerful opponent. The one for instance may be in London; the other at Washington. But what argument is so strong as necessity? What other method is there so competent to embody the national sentiment? The members of Congress come from different parts of the country; they may be presumed to be acquainted with the wishes of their constituents. Though their vote may in some cases be swayed by intrigue, by the promise of promotion, or by the patronage actually exercised by the candidate in office, yet in what other way can the choice of the nation be so distinctly expressed?
"Leave it to the people themselves to select." But the people of one state would select one candidate, and the people of another state, another candidate. There must be some method of collecting the public voice; of producing unanimity and concert. The last election furnishes us with a memorable example in point. From the quant of this concert , Aaron Burr had precisely the same number of votes as Thomas Jefferson. Adopt this method, therefore, and no one candidate could obtain a majority of the whole electoral votes. The consequence would be, that the president would be uniformly elected by Congress, & in that body the choice is made by states. Delaware would have consequently as much influence as Virginia.
"Leave it to the majority of the republican members of each of the state Legislatures to select." But here the very same objection occurs. One legislature could have but one vote; & each legislature would have the very same influence. In other words, Delaware would have as much influence in the nomination of a President as Virginia.
"It would be better, it is said to have at once nominators appointed by the different states, who might convene at a central place. Nay: it would be better for the electors themselves to form one "Polish Diet," instead of meeting as they now do, each in their respective states." We will not contest the advantages of these plans. Indeed, it is much to be doubted, whether the latter plan is not better than the present irresponsible mode of congressional nomination. But this is not our constitution at present. We must therefore pursue the best system that our circumstances will permit.
It is admitted to be a very strong objection, that legislative and nominative functions should be kept separate; that a man should be elected into Congress with none of his qualifications for enacting good laws; & that this rare merit should never be confounded with the automatic power of nominating a candidate. No doubt this principle is very correct in the abstract; but how is its practice? Are not the powers of a President almost as important as those of Congress? Is it not almost as necessary to have a member who will nominate a good President, as a member who will enact good laws? Should not his qualifications for the first therefore be respected, as well as his qualifications for the last?
"But there is yet time enough to decide on this subject. It will be three years before the next president comes into power. Would it not then be a premature proceeding for the people to decide upon this question? What! if their favourite candidate should in the mean time prove himself unworthy of the office?" Let this argument be admitted to be irrefragable; it is still to be recollected that though the next president will not be installed before the 4th of March 1809, the electors will be appointed in 1808; the candidates will be nominated at the session of congress in 1807-8; and that the Virginia members of congress will be voted for at our next spring election. Is it not then time for us to consult the disposition of our candidates with respect to this great question? and to suffer this disposition to enter in a certain degree, into the estimate of their qualifications? If this precaution be not employed, is it not then incumbent upon the people to instruct their representatives?
Far be it from us to deny, that the project which we have ventured to develop is fraught with very serious objections. But there is one remedy only, which it is the duty of the people to prefer. Let them make the election of a President, a measure of much less importance than it is under our present constitution. Let the power of the Executive be abridged. On this grand innovation may depend the very safety of the republic.
At a time when Mr. Jefferson is soon expected to retire from the head of our affairs; at a time when the nomination of his successor is about to engage the attention of our country, a successor, whose administration perhaps may not be so favorable to useful innovation; at such a moment it behoves us to turn our attention once more to the great principles
of our government & the defects of our constitution But who could so affecting address his countryman on this very interesting subject, as the great man who bequeathed the following legacy for the instruction of his country? This letter is republished from the "Examiner;" whom it is impossible, to name without acknowledging the high gratitude, which it merits from the republican cause.
Although one of my age* can have little to hope, and less to fear, from forms of government, as rather belonging to the next world than the present; and possibly may be charged with intermeddling where he has no interest, whenever he utters opinions concerning social regulations; yet I feel impelled by an anxious desire to promote the happiness of my country, to submit to the public consideration, some reflections on our present political state.
It is far from my intention to damp the public joy, occasioned by the late changes of our public agents, or to disturb the calm which already prefaces the most beneficial consequences; on the contrary, I consider this event as having arrested a train of measures which were gradually conducting us towards ruin.
These changes will be matter of oft-repeated congratulation, if we make the proper use of them; If instead of negligently reposing upon that wisdom and integrity, which have already softened even political malice, we seize the opportunity to erect new barriers against folly, fraud and ambition; and to explain such parts of the constitution, as have been already, or may be interpreted contrary to the intention of those who adopted it.
This proposition does not argue a want of proper confidence in our present Chief Magistrate, but the contrary. It can be no censure to believe that he has a nobler destiny to fulfil, than that of making his contemporary countrymen happy for a few years; and that the rare event of such a character at the head of a nation, imposes on us the sacred duty of fixing the propitious opportunity, to do all in our power to perpetuate that happiness; as to that species of confidence, which would extinguish free enquiry and popular watchfulness, it is never desired by patriotism, nor ought to be yielded by freemen.
In pursuit of our purpose, we ought to keep in mind certain principles which are believed to be found; to enquire whether they have been violated under the constitution? And then consider how a repetition of those violations may be prevented—As thus,
I. Government is instituted for the good of the community, and not to gratify avarice or ambition; therefore unnecessary increase of debt—appointment of useless officers, such as stationary ministers to foreign courts, with which we have little connexion, and sixteen additional judges at a time when the business of the Federal Courts had greatly diminished—and engaging us in war abroad, for the sake of advancing party projects at home, are abuses in government.
II. The chief good derivable from government, is civil liberty ; and if government is so constructed, as to enable its administrators to assail that liberty with the several weapons most fatal to it, the structure is defective; of this sort, Standing Armies—Fleets—severe Penal Laws—War—and a multitude of Civil Officers, are universally admitted to be; and if our government can, with ease and impunity, array these forces against social liberty, the constitution is defective.
III. Peace is undoubtedly that state which professes to society the best chance for the continuance of freedom and happiness; and the situation of America is such, as to expose her to fewer occasions for war, than any other nation; whilst it also disables her from gaining any thing by war. But if, by indirect means, the executive can involve us in war, not declared by the legislature; if at ready may be made, which will incidentally produce a war, and the legislature are bound to pass all laws necessary to give it full effect; or if the judiciary may determine a war to exist, although the legislature hath refused to declare it; then the constitution is defective; since it admits constructions which pawn our freedom and happiness upon the security of executive patriotism, which is inconsistent with republican principles.
IV. Union is certainly the basis of our political prosperity, and this can only be preserved by confining, with precision, the federal government to the exercise of powers clearly required by the general interest, or respecting foreign nations, and the state governments to objects of a local nature; because the states exhibit such varieties of character and interest, that a consolidated general government would be in a perpetual conflict with state interests, from its want of local knowledge, or from a prevalence of local prejudice or interest, so as certainly to produce civil war and confusion. If then the distinct provinces of the general and state governments are not clearly defined; if the former may assail the latter by penalties, and by absorbing all subjects of taxation—if a system leading to consolidation, may be formed and pursued,—and if, instead of leaving it to the respective states to encourage their agriculture or manufactures, as their local interest may dictate, the general government may by bounties or protecting duties, tax the one to promote the other; then the constitution has not sufficiently provided for the continuance of the union, by securing the rights of the state governments and local interests.
V. It is necessary for the preservation of republican government, that the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers should be kept separate and distinct from each other, so that no man, or body of men, shall be authorised to exercise more than one of them at the same time; the constitution therefore, in confining to the Federal Senate, a participation in the powers of each department, violates this important principle, and tends to create in that body, a dangerous aristocracy. And
VI. An essential principle of representative government is that it be influenced by the will of the people; which will can never be expressed, if their representatives are corrupted, or influenced by hopes of office. If this hope may multiply offices and extend patronage—if the president may nominate to valuable offices, members of the legislature, who shall please him, and displease the people, by increasing his power and patronage—if he may be tempted to use his power and patronage for securing his re-election—and if he may even bestow lucrative diplomatic appointments, as the price of their independence and purity; then a risk exists, left the legislature should legislate—the judges decide—and the Senate concur in nominations, with an eye to those offices—and left the president may appoint with a view to his re-election; and thus may at length appear the phenomenon, of a government, republican in form, without possessing a single chaſte organ for expressing the public will.
Many of these objections were foreseen, when the constitution was ratified, by those who voted for its adoption; but waved then, because of the vast importance of the union, which a rejection might have placed in hazard—of the provision made for amendments as trial should
* Eighty.
discover defects—and the hope that in the mean time, the instrument with all its defects, might produce social happiness, if a proper tone is given to the government, by the federal agents in its operation: But since experience has evinced, that much mischief may be done under an unwise administration, and that even the most valuable parts of the constitution, may be evaded or violated, we ought no longer to rest our security upon the vain hope which depends on the rectitude of fallible men in successive administrations. But now that the union is as firmly established by the general opinion of the citizens, as we can ever hope it to be, it behoves us to bring forward amendments, which may fix it upon principles capable of restraining human frailties.
Having, I trust, shewn the utility and necessity of such efforts at this time, I will venture to submit to the consideration of my fellow-citizens with great humility and deference, whether it would not be advisable to have the constitution amended,
1st. By rendering a president ineligible for the next term, and transferring from him to the legislature, the appointment of the judges, and stationary foreign ministers; making the dispens of the latter to be no longer discretionary in the president.
2. By depriving the Senate of all Executive power; and shortening their term of service, or subjecting its members to removal by their constituents.
3. By rendering members of the legislature and the judges, whilst in office, and for a limited time thereafter, incapable of taking any other office whatsoever, (the offices of President and Vice-President excepted;) and subjecting the judges to removal by the concurrent vote of both houses of Congress.
4. By forming some check upon the abuse of public credit, which, though in some instances useful, like Fleets and Armies, may, like those, be carried to extremes dangerous to liberty, and inconsistent with economical government.
5. By instituting a fair mode of impounding juries.
6. By declaring that no treaty with a foreign nation, so far as it may relate to peace or war,—to the expenditure of public money—or to commercial regulations, shall be law, until ratified by the legislature; the interval between such treaty and the next meeting of Congress, excepted, so far as it may not relate to the grant of money.
7. By defining prohibited powers so explicitly, as to defy the wiles of construction. If nothing more should be gained, it will be a great acquisition, clearly to interdict laws relating to the freedom of Speech,—of the Press,—and of Religion: to declare that the Common Law of England, or of any other foreign country, in criminal cases, in criminal cases, shall not be considered as a law of the United States,—and that treason shall be confined to the cases stated in the constitution, so as not to be extended further, by law or construction, or by using other terms, such as sedition, &c. and
8. By making out with more precision, the distinct powers of the General and State Governments.
In the Virginia Bill of Rights is expressed this inestimable sentiment, "That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue; and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles." A sentiment produced no doubt, by the experience of this melancholy truth, "That of men advanced to power, more are inclined to destroy liberty, than to defend it: there is of course a continual effort for its destruction, which ought to be met by correspondent efforts for its preservation."
These principles and propositions are most respectfully submitted to my Fellow-Citizens, with this observation: "That it is only when great and good men are at the head of a nation, that the people can expect to succeed, in forming new barriers to counteract recent encroachments on their rights: and whenever a nation is so supine as to suffer such an opportunity to be lost, they will soon feel that THE DANGER WAS NOT OVER."
EDMUND PENDLETON.
Caroline County, Virginia, } October 5th, 1801.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
No. 1.
TO THE PEOPLE.
It is too customary, in republican governments for the people to turn their attention to that part of the constitution which bequeaths them their liberty, but to neglect the means by which it is to be preserved. By the blood of our fathers & brethren, & the measures of our country, our liberty and independence have been purchased; but what will these inestimable privileges avail us, if thro' a criminal negligence, we suffer our military killer to expire, and that martial spirit, which was the corner stone of our national existence and the bulwark of our liberty, to moulder into ruin?
We often please ourselves with the goodly prospect that the hand of a gracious God has spread around us. We see our country calculated for the improvement of the arts, of peace, and commerce; and how willingly would we beat the engines of death into the peaceful instruments of agriculture, and follow our ploughs till our productive soil should flourish like the garden of Eden—but vain are such pleasing expectations! The assassins of liberty; the destroyers of peace are abroad in the earth; and every manly, every noble principle impels us to keep forward, and to stand firm in the defence of the rights conferred upon us by our Creator. We have arrived at this ultimate point in politics, "that to preserve peace we must be prepared for war, and that if we with our neighbours to keep their sword in the scabbard, we must what our own."
It is a truth, written by the hand of time, that standing armies are dangerous to civil liberty. It is equally true in the present state of things, that national rights cannot be preserved without a well-trained, well-armed force. It is then incumbent on every friend of his country, to aid to the utmost of his abilities, in ascertaining that mode, by which our civil liberty can be best guarded, and our national privileges defended. We shall have tasted of the sweets of liberty and independence, only to lament their loss, unless some other measures than have hitherto been pursued, are adopted for their preservation. Our prosperity and happiness have excited the envy and avarice of the powers of Europe. By their lawless power they have grasped at our commercial advantages; by chicanery and intrigue they have sought to destroy our harmony and peace. Where then, is our armour to defend us against the insinuations of their power, or to guard us against the more fascinating influence of their pretended faith?
To this question but one reply can be made. Negotiation with one of the European nations is almost exhausted. A standing army is dangerous to our liberties. Our militia then is our only defence. But will the present state of our militia warrant a dependence on it? Every person who takes an impartial view of its present condition; every person who is old enough to recollect the fatal consequences of trusting to an untrained militia during the revolutionary war, must answer in the negative.
What does the present training of our militia amount to? A company is collected. The roll is called. The absentees are crossed. The rank is in a continual buzz of frivolous chat. The officers join in the general contempt of military duty. A few of the most simple manoeuvres are performed, in the most bungling manner. The social band of officers and soldiers, soon become weary of this useless farce. They devote the remainder of the day to the felicity of the convivial board, and return home with as much knowledge of military duty, and as surly a resolution to defend their liberty, as they brought to the parade. But the training of the mighty phalanx that must stand as a brazen bulwark for the defence of our liberties, does not end here. We have regiments and battalions field days. How far do they go towards preparing our militia for the defence of our country? Do they progress in military skill? Are they more punctual or active in the performance of the business of training on those days than they were seven years ago? Every man knows they are not. The day is appointed for a regimental or battalion field-day. Many of the soldiers have to ride fifteen or twenty miles and perhaps may arrive at the ground by 12 o'clock. The officers knowing that they have a talk to perform, that must proclaim their want of military skill to the whole regiment or battalion, procrastinate the business as long as possible, like a lazy school-boy "creeping like snail unwillingly to school," they are willing to shorten the period of contempt and ridicule. After tedious consultations, a couple of hours of the most egregious blundering in the performance of the most simple military manoeuvres, finish the sum of military exercise. And these are the militia on whom we are to depend for the defence of our country, and these the officers who are to lead them forth against any of the well-trained blood hounds of Europe, who may find leisure from the occupation of blood and plunder at home, to infest our shores, or drive us from our homes.
It is idle to pronounce such pompous encomiums on our patriotic militia, while they remain in their present undisciplined condition. In case of an invasion of any magnitude, we may, like the negroes of Hayti, skulk to the mountains and train our men in the recesses of the Alleghany, while the open country falls a prey to the foe. But no person dare hope that men without arms, or the skill to use them; frayed too to the life and habits of soldiers, can successfully oppose veterans, trained to war, and inspired by the hope of plunder. Yet such are the only foes, from whom we have any reason to expect an invasion. Those who are unwilling to exert themselves in the cause of liberty and independence, are unworthy of enjoying them. While other nations find it their interest to let us alone, we may roll in luxury, and bles ourselves in our prosperity, but it deserves to be recollected, that luxury and ease are the bane of liberty. Let the universal experience of nations bear witness to the assertion. Pay tribute to ready equipment and pleasure, and our posterity must sink into contempt and slavery. They will expiate our folly by the loss of every privilege worthy the pursuit of a rational creature. SOMETHING MUST BE DONE. Our present inert state is the prelude of the death of our liberty, unless it be removed. Congress has wisely and justly declined the business of regulating and training the militia. "Tribus cum est natura generi omnium animantium, ut si vitam conservare, noster," is a principle founded in nature. The framers of our constitution did not calculate on the want of public spirit and patriotism in the separate states. They expected, that on the universal principle of self-preservation, they would be armed at all points for the security of their liberties, and preclude the necessity of the general government legislating on the subject, unless it were in cases of general danger. It remains then with the states to arm, and train their own citizens for their own defence. How this can be best accomplished is a matter of doubt. The laudable plan of an armory in this state, if generously supported, will eventually remove any difficulty in arming our militia. Training them to the use of arms at present demands our particular attention. That the whole of the militia can be armed, trained, and officered, in such a manner as that a part of them may be called out in any sudden emergency for our defence, is taking a position that cannot warrant our confidence. Men constantly occupied in their farms and shops, or in the pursuit of common amusement, cannot, and will not consider themselves as soldiers, nor will they act as soldiers when called into action. A raw militia-man considers it a small disgrace to desert his post. As he never has assumed the character of a soldier, he cannot lose it. But let this man be inspired by a military spirit, let him know, that the world views him as a military character, and that character and his life will be equally dear to him. Let it not be thought I am an advocate for standing troops. No; let our citizens be soldiers, but let them be soldiers indeed.
MARCELLUS.
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 casks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived, in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred—
Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of JAMES MAURY Esq of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKET, POLLARD & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the Gubbertson, OVERTON ANDERSON.
May 23.
FOR SALE.
At public auction, on the premises, on Wednesday, 10th September next, (if not previously disposed of by private contract),
FIVE hundred and fifty acres LAND, situated in the upper end of Cumberland county, eighteen miles from the Court-House, three from Parrishville, and one from a good manufacturing mill on Appomattox, now navigable, almost to Petersburg.
This LAND lies handsomely, is in good order and inferior in quality to none east of the mountains; there is 10 or 12 acres meadow, handsomely set with timber, and about 200 acres more prepared for sowing next spring; in addition there is an extensive bed of Coal which to a person of capital would be highly valuable; one third the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in two annual instalments.
May 23.
JOHN KELSO.
SOME time in the latter end of 1801, or the early part of 1802, I purchased of Henry Fox, of the county of Gloucester, a Stud Horse, and paid him for said horse, except about 40 dollars; as no stamped paper could be obtained at the time, I gave him my obligation to execute a bond, when paper could be got. All persons are cautioned against taking an assignment of this paper; I will not pay it, as the horse was not found, and I was thereby materially injured in the purchase.
RICHARD HARRIS.
Louisa, May 23, 1806.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state.
RICHARD TERRELL.
May 23.

THE SAFEGUARDS OF CIVILIZED AGAINST SAVAGE SOCIETIES.
The following splendid specimen of philosophical eloquence, is extracted from Gibbon's celebrated history of "the decline and fall of the Roman Empire." We present it to our readers, because no essay has more accurately developed the interesting causes of the declension of ancient Rome; and because no other extract is at hand, which combines so much practical philosophy with such nervous and impressive eloquence. History has been beautifully pronounced to be philosophy teaching by example. Had all historians written with the fire of Gibbon, it might have been added, that it was philosophy teaching in the style of the Graces.
So far as the principles of the following essay are considered, they seem to have but little practical connection with the present state of Europe or America. There are no Scythians, or Tartars in either continent, which threaten the repose and subjugation of the civilized world.
The Indians are the barbarians of the new; the Russians, of the ancient continent. But the Indians occupy too small an extent of the Western territory, to make any serious impression upon the borderers of the Eastern Ocean, civilized as they are by innumerable arts, and initiated in all the discipline of defence. The Russians are themselves too far advanced in civilization, to pour like the ancient barbarians upon the cultivated scenes of Europe. They may be driven on by the policy of their government, but not by their own savage impetuosity. They may attempt the overrunning and subjugation of a part of Europe, but the well is too well prepared, to fall beneath their power, and perhaps a short period only will elapse before the column of the Russian strength itself is broke into pieces; one portion to flourish on the banks of the Black sea, another on the Baltic, and a third amidst the wilds of Siberia.
With respect to the destiny of the Russians, the reader will not fail to remark the extreme contrariety which prevails between the philosophical predictions of a Gibbon and the deceptions policy of a Bonaparte. The one has exempted them from the reproach of being considered as barbarians and as intending any future irruption into the South. The other has never ceased in all his Bulletins and Speeches to represent them under the character of Goths and Tartars, whom Austria has imprudently invited into the heart of Europe, acquiring a taste for the luxuries of civilization, and threatening at some future day, like their ancestors of old, to overturn every state with fire and the sword.
General Observations on the Fall of the Roman Empire in the West.
THE Greeks, after their country had been reduced into a province, imputed the triumphs of Rome, not to the merit, but to the fortune, of the republic. The inconstant goddess, who so blindly distributes and resumes her favors, had now consented (such was the language of envious flattery) to reign her wings, to descend from her globe, and to fix her firm and immovable throne on the banks of the Tiber. A wiser Greek, who has composed, with a philosophic spirit, the memorable history of his own times, deplored his countrymen's of this vain and delusive comfort, by opening to their view the deep foundations of the greatness of Rome. The fidelity of the citizens to each other, and to the state, was consumed by the habits of education, and the prejudices of religion. Honour, as well as virtue, was the principle of the republic; the ambitious citizens laboured to deserve the solemn glories of a triumph; and the ardour of the Roman youth was kindled into active emulation, as often as they beheld the domestic images of their ancestors. The temperate struggles of the patricians & plebeians had finally established the firm and equal balance of the constitution; which united the freedom of popular assemblies, with the authority and wisdom of a senate, and the executive powers of a regal magistrate. When the consul displayed the standard of the republic, each citizen bound himself, by the obligation of an oath, to draw his sword in the cause of his country, till he had discharged the sacred duty by a military service of ten years. This wise institution continually poured into the field the rising generations of free men and soldiers; and their numbers were reinforced by the warlike and populous states of Italy, who, after a brave resistance had yielded to the valor, and embraced the alliance, of the Romans. The great historian, who excited the virtue of the younger Scipio, and beheld the ruin of Carthage, has accurately described their military system; their levies, arms, exercises, subordination, marches, encampments, and the invincible legion, superior in active strength to the Macedonian phalanx of Philip and Alexander. From these institutions of peace and war, Polybius has deduced the spirit and success of a people, incapable of fear, and impatient of repose. The ambitious design of conquest, which might have been defeated by the reasonable conspiracy of mankind, was attempted and achieved; and the perpetual violation of justice was maintained by the political virtues of prudence and courage. The arms of the republic, sometimes vanquished in battle, always victorious in war, advanced with rapid steps to the Euphrates, the Danube, the Rhine, and the Ocean; and the images of gold, or silver, or brass, that might serve to represent the nations and their kings, were successively broken by the iron monarchy of Rome.
The rise of a city, which swelled into an empire, may deserve, as a singular prodigy, the reflection of a philosophic mind. But the decline of Rome was the natural and inevitable effect of immoderate greatness. Prosperity ripened the principle of decay; the causes of destruction multiplied with the extent of conquest; and as soon as time or accident had removed the artificial supports, the stupendous fabric yielded to the pressure of its own weight. The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and instead of enquiring why the Roman empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised that it had subsisted so long. The victorious legions, who, in distant wars, acquired the vices of strangers and mercenaries, first oppressed the freedom of the republic, and afterwards violated the majesty of the purple. The emperors, anxious for their personal safety and the public peace, were reduced to the base expedient of corrupting the discipline which rendered them alike formidable to their sovereign and to the enemy; the vigour of the military government was relaxed, and finally dissolved, by the partial institutions of Constantine; and the Roman world was overwhelmed by a deluge of Barbarians.
The decay of Rome has been frequently ascribed to the translation of the seat of empire; but this history has already shown, that the powers of government were divided rather than removed . The throne of Constantine was erected in the East; while the West was still possessed by a series of emperors who held their residence in Italy, and claimed their equal inheritance of the legions and provinces. This dangerous novelty impaired the strength, and fostered the vices, of a double reign: the instruments of an oppressive and arbitrary system were multiplied; and a vain emulation of luxury, not of merit, was introduced and supported between the degenerate successors of Theodosius. Extreme distress, which unites the virtue of a free people, embitters the factions of a declining monarchy. The hostile favourites of Arcadius and Honorius betrayed the republic to its common enemies, and the Byzantine court beheld with indifference, perhaps with pleasure, the disgrace of Rome, the misfortunes of Italy, and the loss of the West. Under the succeeding reigns, the alliance of the two empires was restored; but the aid of the
Oriental Romans was tardy, doubtful, and ineffective; and the national genius of the Greeks and Latins was enlarged by the perpetual difference of language and manners, of interest, and even of religion. Yet the salutary event approved in some measure the judgment of Constantine. During a long period of decay, his impregnable city repelled the victorious armies of Barbarians, protected the wealth of Asia, and commanded, both in peace and war, the important freights which connect the Euxine and Mediterranean seas. The foundation of Constantinople more essentially contributed to the preservation of the East, than to the ruin of the West.
As the happiness of a future life is the great object of religion, we may hear without surprise or scandal, that the introduction, or at least the abuse, of Christianity, had more influence on the decline and fall of the Roman empire. The clergy successfully preached the doctrines of patience and passivity; the active virtues of society were discouraged; and the last remains of military spirit were buried in the cloyster; a large portion of public and private wealth was consecrated to the specious demands of charity and devotion; and the soldiers' pay was lavished on the useless multitudes of both sexes, who could only plead the merits of abstinence and chastity. Faith, zeal, curiosity, and the more earthly passions of malice and ambition, kindled the flame of theological discord; the church, and even the state, were distracted by religious factions, whose conflicts were sometimes bloody, and always implacable; the attention of the emperors was diverted from camps to synods; the Roman world was oppressed by a new species of tyranny; and the persecuted sects became the secret enemies of their country. Yet party-spirit, however pernicious or absurd, is a principle of union as well as of dissention. The Bishops from each hundred pulpits, inculcated the duty of passive obedience to a lawful and orthodox sovereign; their frequent assemblies, and perpetual correspondence, maintained the communion of distant churches; and the benevolent temper of the gospel was strengthened, though confused, by the spiritual alliance of the Catholics. The sacred influence of the monks was devotedly embraced by a fervid and effeminate age; but if superstition had not afforded a decent retreat, the same vices would have tempted the unworthy Romans to desert, from baser motives, the standard of the republic. Religious precepts are easily obeyed; which indulge and sanctify the natural inclinations of their votaries; but the pure and genuine influence of Christianity may be traced in its beneficial, though imperfect, effects on the Barbarian proselytes of the North. If the decline of the Roman Empire was hastened by the conversion of Constantine, his victorious religion broke the violence of the fall, and mollified the ferocious temper of the conquerors.
This awful revolution may be usefully applied to the instruction of the present age. It is the duty of a patriot to prefer and promote the exclusive interest and glory of his native country; but a philosopher may be permitted to enlarge his views, and to consider Europe as one great republic, whose various inhabitants have attained almost the same level of politeness and cultivation. The balance of power will continue to fluctuate, and the prosperity of our own, or the neighbouring kingdoms, may be alternately exalted or depressed; but partial events cannot essentially injure our general state of happiness, the system of arts, and laws, and manners, which so advantageously distinguish, above the rest of mankind, the Europeans and their colonies. The savage nations of the globe are the common enemies of civilized society; and we may enquire with anxious curiosity, whether Europe is still threatened with a repetition of these calamities, which formerly oppressed the arts, and institutions of Rome. Perhaps the same reflections will illustrate the fall of that mighty empire, and explain the probable causes of our actual security.
I. The Romans were ignorant of the extent of their danger and the number of their enemies. Beyond the Rhine and Danube, the northern countries of Europe and Asia were filled with innumerable tribes of hunters and shepherds, poor, voracious, and turbulent; bold in arms, and impatient to ravish the fruits of industry. The Barbarian world was agitated by the rapid impulse of war; and the peace of Gaul or Italy was shaken by the distant revolutions of China. The Huns who fled before a victorious enemy, directed their march towards the West; and the torrent was swelled by the gradual accession of captives and allies. The flying tribes who yielded to the Huns, assumed in their turn the spirit of conquest; and the endless column of Barbarians pressed on the Roman empire with accumulated weight; and, if the foremost were destroyed, the vacant space was instantly replenished by new assailants. Such formidable emigrations can no longer issue from the North; & the long repose, which has been imputed to the decrease of population, is the happy consequence of the progress of arts and agriculture. Instead of some rude villages, thinly scattered among its woods and morasses, Germany now produces a list of two thousand three hundred walled towns: the Christian kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, & Poland have been successively established; & the Hanse merchants, with the Teutonic knights, have extended their colonies along the coast of the Baltic as far as the Gulf of Finland. From the Gulf of Finland to the Eastern Ocean, Russia now assumes the form of a powerful and civilized empire. The plough, the loom, and the forge are introduced on the banks of the Volga, the Ob, and the Lena; and the fierceness of the Tartar hordes have been taught to tremble and obey. The reign of independent Barbarism is now contracted to a narrow span; and the remnant of Calmucks or Uzbeks, whose forces may be almost numbered, cannot seriously excite the apprehensions of the great republic of Europe. Yet this apparent security should not tempt us to forget, that new enemies, and unknown dangers, may spring from some obscure people, scarcely visible in the map of the world. The Arabs or Saracens, who spread their conquests from India to Spain, had languished in poverty and contempt, till Mahomet breathed into those savage bodies the soul of enthusiasm.
II. The empire of Rome was firmly established by the singular and perfect coalition of its members. The subject nations, resigning the hope, and even the wish, of independence, embraced the character of Roman citizens; and the provinces of the West were reluctantly torn by the Barbarians from the bosom of their mother-country. But this union was purchased by the loss of national freedom and military spirit; and the servile provinces, destitute of life and motion, expected their safety from the mercenary troops and governors, who were directed by the orders of a distant court. The happiness of an hundred millions depended on the personal merit of one, or two men, perhaps children, whose minds were corrupted by education, luxury, and despotic power. The deepest wounds were inflicted on the empire during the minorities of the sons and grandsons of Theodosius, and, after those incapable princes seemed to attain the age of manhood, they abandoned the church to the bishops, the state to the eunuchs, and the provinces to the Barbarians. Europe is now divided into twelve powerful, though unequal, kingdoms, three respectable commonwealths, and a variety of smaller, though independent, states: the chances of royal and ministerial talents are multiplied, at least, with the number of its rulers; and a Julian, or Severinus, may reign in the North, while Arcadius and Honorius again slumber on the thrones of the house of Bourbon. The abuses of tyranny are restrained by the mutual influence of fear and shame; republics have acquired order and stability; monarchies have imbibed the principles of freedom, or, at least, of moderation; and some sense of honour and justice is introduced into the most defective constitutions by the general manners of the times. In peace, the progress of knowledge and industry is accelerated by the emulation of so many active rivals; in war, the European forces are exercised by temperate and undecisive contests. If a savage conqueror should issue from the deserts of Tartary, he must repeatedly vanquish the robust peasants of Russia, the numerous armies of Germany, the gallant nobles of France, and the intrepid freemen of Britain; who, perhaps, might confederate for their common defence. Should the victorious Barbarians carry slavery and desolation as far as the Atlantic Ocean, ten thousand vessels would transport beyond their pursuit the remains of civilized society; and Europe would revive and flourish in the American world, which is already filled with her colonies, and institutions.
III. Cold, poverty, and a life of danger and fatigue, fortify the strength and courage of Barbarians. In every age they have oppressed the polite and peaceful nations of China, India, and Persia, who neglected, and still neglect, to counterbalance these natural powers by the resources of military art. The warlike states of antiquity, Greece, Macedonia, and Rome, educated a race of soldiers; exercised their bodies, disciplined their courage, multiplied their forces by regular evolutions, and converted the iron, which they possessed, into strong and serviceable weapons. But this superiority insensibly declined with their laws and manners; and the feeble policy of Constantine and his successors armed and instructed, for the ruin of the empire, the rude valour of the Barbarian mercenaries. The military art has been changed by the invention of gunpowder; which enables man to command the two most powerful agents of nature, air and fire. Mathematics, chymistry, mechanics, architecture, have been applied to the service of war; & the adverse parties oppose to each other the most elaborate modes of attack & of defence. Historians may indignantly observe that the preparations of a siege would found and maintain a flourishing colony; yet we cannot be displeased, that the subversion of a city should be a work of cost and difficulty; or that an industrious people should be protected by those arts, which survive and supply the decay of military virtue. Cannon and fortifications now form an impregnable barrier against the Tartar horse; and Europe is secure from any future irruption of Barbarians; since, before they can conquer, they must cease to be barbarous. Their gradual advances in the science of war would always be accompanied, as we may learn from the example of Russia, with a proportional improvement in the arts of peace and civilization; and they themselves must deserve a place among the polished nations whom they subdue.
Should these speculations be found doubtful or fallacious, there still remains a more humble source of comfort and hope. The discoveries of ancient and modern navigators, and the domestic history, or tradition, of the most enlightened nations, represent the human species, naked both in mind and body, and destitute of laws, of arts, of ideas, and almost of language. From this abject condition, perhaps the primitive and universal state of man, he has gradually arisen to command the animals, to fertilize the earth, to traverse the ocean, and to measure the heavens. His progress in the improvement and exercise of his mental and corporeal faculties has been irregular and various; infinitely slow in the beginning, and increasing by degrees with redoubled velocity: ages of laborious ascent have been followed by a moment of rapid downfall; and the several climates of the globe have felt the vicissitudes of light and darkness. Yet the experience of four thousand years should enlarge our hopes, and diminish our apprehensions: we cannot determine to what height the human species may aspire in their advances towards perfection; but it may safely be presumed, that no people, unless the face of nature is changed, will relapse into their original barbarism. The improvement of society may be viewed under a threefold aspect. 1. The poet or philosopher illustrates his age and country by the efforts of a single mind; but these superior powers of reason or fancy are rare and spontaneous productions; and the genius of Homer, or Cicero, or Newton, would excite less admiration, if they could be created by the will of a prince, or the lessons of a preceptor. 2. The benefits of law and policy; of trade and manufactures, of arts & sciences, are more solid and permanent; & many individuals may be qualified, by education and discipline, to promote, in their respective stations, the interest of the community. But this general order is the effect of skill and labour: and the complex machinery may be decayed by time, or injured by violence. 3. Fortunately for mankind, the more useful, or at least, more necessary arts, can be performed without superior talents, or national subordination; without the powers of one, or the union of many. Each village, each family, each individual, must always possess both ability and inclination, to perpetuate the use of fire and of metals; the propagation and service of domestic animals; the methods of hunting and fishing; the rudiments of navigation; the imperfect cultivation of corn, or other nutritive grain; and the simple practice of the mechanic trades. Private genius and public industry may be extirpated; but these hardy plants survive the tempest, and strike an everlasting root into the most unfavourable soil. The splendid days of Augustus and Trajan were eclipsed by a cloud of ignorance; and the Barbarians subverted the laws and palaces of Rome. But the Scythe, the invention or emblem of Saturn, still continued annually to mow the harvests of Italy; and the human feasts of the Lestrigons have never been renewed on the coast of Campania.
Since the first discovery of the arts, war, commerce, and religious zeal have diffused, among the savages of the Old and New World, these inestimable gifts; they have been successively propagated; they can never be lost. We may therefore acquiesce in the pleasing conclusion, that every age of the world has increased, and still increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the knowledge, and perhaps the virtue, of the human race.
15th Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
To prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the fifteenth day of November next, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States, or the territories thereof, from any port or place situated in Great-Britain or Ireland, or in any of the colonies or dependencies of Great-Britain, any goods, wares or merchandise, of the following description, that is to say:
 All articles of which leather is the material of chief value;  All articles of which silk is the material of chief value;  All articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value;  All articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value, tin in sheets excepted;  Woolen cloths whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings sterling per square yard;  Woolen hosiery of all kinds;  Window glass, and all other manufactures of glass;  Silver and plated wares;  Paper of every description;  Nails and spikes;  Hats;  Clothing ready made;  Millinery of all kinds;  Playing cards;  Beer, ale and porter; and pictures and prints;  Nor shall it be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, from any foreign port or place whatever, any of the above mentioned goods, wares or merchandise, being of the growth, produce or manufacture of Great-Britain or Ireland, or any of the colonies or dependencies of Great-Britain: Provided however, That no articles which shall within fifteen months after the passing of this act be imported from any place beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on board any vessel cleared out before the passing of this act from any port within the United States or the territories thereof, for the said Cape of Good Hope or any place beyond the same, shall be subject to the prohibition aforesaid.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That whenever any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall, after the said fifteenth day of November next, be imported into the United States or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or shall, after the said fifteenth day of November next, be put on board any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention of importing the same into the United States or
the territories thereof, all such articles, as well as all other articles on board the same ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, belonging to the owner of such prohibited articles, shall be forfeited, and the owner thereof shall moreover forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall, after the said fifteenth day of November next, be put on board any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention to import the same into the United States or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, & with the knowledge of the owner or master of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, shall be forfeited, and the owner and master thereof shall moreover each forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, and which, boat, nevertheless be on board any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, arriving after the said fifteenth day of November next, in the United States or the territories thereof, shall be omitted in the manifest, report or entry of the master or the person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, or shall be omitted in the entry of the goods owned by the owner, or consigned to the consignee of such articles, or shall be imported or landed, or attempted to be imported, or landed, without a permit, the same penalties, fines and forfeitures shall be incurred, and may be recovered as in the case of similar omission, or omissions, landing, importation, or attempt to land or import, in relation to articles liable to duties on their importation into the U. States.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That every collector, naval officer, surveyor, or other officer of the customs, shall have the like power and authority to seize goods, wares and merchandise imported contrary to the intent and meaning of this act, to keep the same in custody until it shall have been ascertained whether the same have been forfeited or not, and to enter any ship or vessel, dwelling house, store, building or other place, for the purpose of searching for and seizing any such goods, wares and merchandise, which by or they now have by law, in relation to goods, wares and merchandise subject to duty; and if any person or persons shall conceal or bury any goods wares or merchandise, knowing them to be liable to seizure by this act, such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof, forfeit and pay a sum double the amount or value of the goods, wares and merchandise so concealed or purchased.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That the following addition shall be inserted to the oath or affirmation taken by the masters or the persons having the charge or command of any ship or vessel arriving at any port of the United States or the territories thereof, after the said fifteenth day of November next, viz. "I further swear (or affirm) that there are not to the best of my knowledge and belief on board [insert the denomination and name of the vessel] any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation or exportation of which into the United States or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law: And I do further swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of such goods, wares or merchandise, on board the said vessel, or which shall have been imported in the same, I will immediately and without delay make due report thereof to the collector of the port of this district."
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the following addition be inserted after the said fifteenth day of November next, to the oath or affirmation taken by importers, consignees or agents, at the time of entering goods imported into the United States or the territories thereof, viz. "I also swear (or affirm) that there are not to the best of my knowledge and belief amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation of which into the United States or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law: And I do further swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover any such goods, wares or merchandise, amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, I will immediately and without delay report the same to the collector of this district."
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures arising under this act may be sued for and recovered, and shall be distributed and accounted for in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports & tonnage;" and such penalties, and forfeitures may be examined, mitigated or remitted in like manner, and under the like conditions, regulations and restrictions as are prescribed, authorised and directed by the act, entitled, "An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities accruing in certain cases therein mentioned."
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore. April 18, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
THE SUBSCRIBER, OFFERS FOR SALE,
THE FOLLOWING PROPERTY, viz: THE HOUSES AND LOTS on Shockoe-Hill at present occupied by himself; the quantity of ground, is, two half acre lots and twenty-four feet. The Dwelling-House has a Cellar beneath perfectly dry, on the first floor are three good rooms, besides a Store-Room and Closet; on the second floor are two chambers with fire-places and a small Lodging-room.
The other houses on the Lots, are, a brick office 24 by 20 feet having a Cellar beneath, of the same size, a large and convenient room for business on the principal floor and a lodging room above stairs. A Kitchen having four lodging rooms besides a cooking room, a Smoke-House, a Hen-House, a Carriage-House, a Stable with three apartments, one containing Stalls for Horses, a second having Stalls for Cows, and the third being a Grainery and Harness room, above these is a capacious Hay-loft.
The well is plentifully supplied with water of the best quality; the yard about the house is neatly turfed and shaded with trees, and ornamented with flowering shrubs. The earth intended for cultivation is highly manured. The garden has in it every description of pot herbs, some fruit trees, and a number of Current, Gooseberry and Raspberry bushes, with extensive beds of Strawberries. The whole of these buildings are in a state of perfect repair; and whilst the occupant may with convenience attend to business in any part of this city, he will enjoy the health and retirement of the most pleasant country residence, and the society of an amiable, polished and intelligent neighborhood. It is proposed to sell this property for cash, United States Stock, Bank Stock, or Notes at their cash value.
The subscriber is likewise desirous of selling on a credit of six and twelve months, fourteen half acre Lots near the intended site of the Richmond academy.
91,730 acres of LAND in the counties of Kenhawa, Harrison and Montgomery, which will be sold at very long credit, or exchanged for property on the eastern side of the Blue-Ridge. This land is believed to be generally of inferior quality, but the very low price expected for it, and the probable appreciation of its value in the course of a few years, will, it is supposed, offer a sufficient inducement to persons surrounded by a numerous offspring, to give in exchange for it, lands which have already reached their ultimate price.
And 606 2-3 acres on the Little Kanawha river in Kentucky, on which the taxes have been regularly and fully paid, and to which a general warranty title will be made. The land is of excellent quality, and situated in a healthy and thickly settled neighborhood. Twelve months credit will be given to the purchaser of this tract of land.
SAMUEL GREENHOW, February 25. (Know how it.
REMOVAL.
DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell-Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCoull, where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of
MEDICINES, PAIN'S, &c.
The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to and carefully executed.
It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him.
 Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate—    Persian Bark Ransom's Bitters   Yalap, Calomel Stoughton's Bitters   Rhubarb, Scammon Turlington's Balsam   Magnesia Pungent Smelling Bottles   Manna, Salts Phosphorus   Campbor Rose Water   Spanish Flies Tooth Powder   Digitals Tooth Picks   Pink Root Tooth Brushes   Opium Greenbrier's Tincture   Arrow Root Imperial Wash for cleaning leather   ALSO,   Anderson's Pills Essential Salt of Lemons   Belman's Drops Lavender water   British Oil Rat Powder   Balsam of Honey Fine polishing Copal Varnish   Ching's Worm Lozenges White Varnish   Hamilton's do. do. Black do.   Cluett's Cough Drops Japan do.   Corn Plaster White Lead   Dalby's Carminative Linsed Oil   Effeney's Elixir Spirits of Turpentine   Effeney's Peppermint Adams' Cloves   Effeney's Spruce Turmeric, Ginger   Effeney's Mustard Long Pepper   Greenland's Lotion Indigo, Copperas   Church's Lotion Logwood, Fustick   Gossey's Cordial Nadder, Gold Leaf   Harlem Oil Silver Leaf   Hunuary Water Windfar Soap   Jamaica's Powders Wash Balls   Jessit Drops Gamal Hair Pencils   Jessit Pils Reeves's Water Colours   Peppermint Lozenges Hair Powder   Lip Salve Powder Puffs   Liquid True Blue Rich Ointment.   Sisars Opodeldoc   Orange Flower Water  
ALSO—A small supply of Medical Books for sale. February 4. Sif
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY
To raise the sum of four thousand two hundred dollars, for the purpose of establishing a Library and philosophical apparatus for the use of the Students of RUMFORD ACADEMY, in the county of King-William
2800 Tickets at 10 dollars each, dolls. 28,000    1 Prize of dlrs. 5000 is dlrs. 5000   3 of 1000 is 3000 do   5 of 500 is 2500 do   25 of 100 is 2500 do   60 of 50 is 3000 do   1000 of 12 is 12000 do   1094 Prizes.   1706 Blanks.   2800 Tickets 28,000 dollars. 
Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. equal to Dollars 4,209
  First drawn ticket having a blank to its number Dollars.   First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 750 tickets are drawn 100   First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 1000 tickets are drawn 500   First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 1500 tickets are drawn 500   First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 2000 tickets are drawn 500   First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 2500 tickets are drawn 1000   First drawn ticket having