The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-07-30 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NUMBER 24.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 30, 1805.
[VOLUME 2.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C. D. C.     TOBACCO 5 50 a 6   FLOUR: superfine 9 50 a 10   do middlings 8 a 8 50   WHEAT OLD 1 50 a none   NEW 75   INDIAN CORN 5 a 5 25   WHISKEY 62 a 67   BACON 15   HEMP 180 200   BAR IRON 110  
FAMILY FLOUR.
A CONSTANT supply of NEW FLOUR in half barrels, for sale by SAMUEL MYERS, on the street leading to Maye's Bridge. ALSO, MUSCOVADO SUGAR, GERMAN STEEL, and WHITE GINGER. July 26.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of Judson and Burr being dissolved by the death of P. Judson, the business will be carried on by the subscriber; to whom the creditors and debtors of the late concern are requested to apply for settlement of their accounts. D. J. BURR. July 26.
THE subscriber wishes to purchase a negro woman, about thirty years of age, who is cleanly and understands something of cooking. For a woman of this description cash will be paid. GEORGE HAY. July 26.
IN pursuance of an act of the General Assembly of this commonwealth, entitled, an act authorising the appointment of a mathematical surveyor of the city of Richmond, and for other purposes, passed the eighth day of January, 1805.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that in virtue of a writ of ad quod damnum issued from the court of the county of Henrico, and to me directed, I shall on the 15th day of August next, with a jury, meet on the lands through which the common council of the city of Richmond, propose to extend the cross street of said city to James river, to connect that part of the town lying on the east side of Shockoe creek, with that on the west side thereof, by a continuation of the several streets already laid out across the said creek till their junction with each other; and to lay out and extend the way new used as a street from the northern boundary of the city of Richmond, to run by Tate's tan-yard to the market-house, and from thence continued along Robert Mitchell's Tenement to the river, and extend the street from the old flax factory near the margin of the river to Rockers landing as the same is now used; and there to view the lands and carry into effect the said writ of ad quod damnum. N. SHEPPARD, Deputy for William Mayo. July 19.
TO RENT.
THE HOUSE lately occupied by Thomas Gilliat, and immediate possession given; apply to GILLIAT & KIRBY. July 2.
ELLIS & ALLAN
Have received by the Rolls from London, part of their SPRING GOODS, among which are the following articles: LONDON Superfine Cloths and Cashmerees, Quiltings and Dimities, Handsome fashionable worked & laced Mullins, 8-4, 8-4 and 10-4 Damask Table Cloths, Gentlemen's white and brown Cotton Stockings, Ladies' elegant laced white do. Do. Tortoise-shell bone and braid Combs, Chinzees, Callicoes and Furniture Gentlemen's black fashionable Hats, Do. drab beaver do. Do. patent silk do. Umbrellas, Boy's Morocco Caps, plain and furr'd, Belt Hemp Ropes, English White Lead, Spanish Brown, Yellow Ocre, ground in oil, and Verdigris, Prussian and Pig Blue, Belt Boiled Oil in jars, Durham Mustard, &c. &c. Which, added to their present stock, and those expected (daily) from Liverpool, will render their assortment general. May 7. (epf)
TO BE SOLD.
To the highest bidder, on the premises, on the last Saturday in August next. So much of the LAND, whereon John Kelso lives, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the balance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams, of £160, with its interest, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by the said Peter Francisco, for that purpose. CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. May 17. (cpds)
From the badness of the day, the sale, has been postponed, of the above property, until the first Saturday in August next; when it will certainly take place, if fair, if not, on the next fair day. July 9.
OUR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. (spf.)
MILITARY CERTIFICATES.
FOR SALE, Certificates of this state, bearing interest of 6 per cent. and receivable at the Treasury, for all arrears of taxes, prior to the year 1798. WILLIAM PRICE, Cashr. Genl. M. A. S. May 10. tf.
TO BE SOLD.
On the 24 day of August next, at James Lewis's Tavern, in the town of Charlottesville. JOHN HENDERSON's interest in the following Negroes, to wit: Ned, Titus, Harry, Cloe, and her five children, Cate, Annaky, Silvia, Jenny, (or Janetta), and Rachel, with their increase: or so many thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy a debt due Thomas Garth, Senr. of £355 18/ 10d. with interest thereon from the 17th March, 1802, together with the legal costs attending the sale. JAMES LEWIS, THOS. GARTH, Jr. Trustees. July 16. (cp8w)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
BENJAMIN DUVAL,
AT THE SIGN OF THE GOLDEN MORTAR, RICHMOND,
HAS just received a very large and extensive assortment of fresh MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, DRUGS and DYE-STUFFS, PAINTS of all kinds, OIL, VARNISHES, PUTTY, &c.
Also a complete assortment of
HATTERS' MATERIALS,
   Hatters' Irons Crude Tartar   Logwood Bacon Irons   Coppers Row-Strings   Vindigreas Limings   Fullic Galons   Spanish Indigo Taffet Bands   Oil of Vitriol Rubbing Dishes   Aq. Fortis Stampers   QuickSilver Trenchers, &c.  
Which added to his former stock, completes an assortment that was never equalled in his line of business, in this city.
He thanks his customers for past favors, and hopes to merit a continuation of their custom. His former attention to the quality of his Medicines, importing them in their crude state, that he might be able to judge of their quality, and powdering and preparing them under his immediate inspection, have contributed to his present establishment; and opposition he presumes will not relax his exertions to give general satisfaction in future.
His experience for more than 12 years past, as Apothecary and Druggist in this city, added to a small stock of Medical Information acquired before, enables him, he thinks, to form a tolerably correct judgment as to the quality of Drugs and Medicines, although he cannot boast of honors conferred on him, greater than the confidence of numerous and respectable customers.
In regard to his wholesale prices, he promises to furnish each of his wholesale customers with a printed price current, as soon as possible, and feels himself confident in their approbation, knowing that no one in this state can afford to under-sell him. This he intends to do, not to get others' customers from them, but to secure his own.
Any articles that may be ordered, and not approved of as to quality, may be returned if in good order, and in a reasonable time. June 7. (3w&tf)
VALUABLE COAL LANDS,
To be let upon a lease for years.
THE Coal Lands at Dover in the county of Goochland, joining Doctor John Adams's coal pits and Mr. Graham's, belonging to the subscribers. The situation is uncommonly advantageous for coal works. The distance from Manhattantown ferry, on James river, about 300 yards—the slope so advantageous as to render it extremely easy to construct waggon ways for transporting the coals to the river at little or no expense. There is a very fine landing on the river bank, belonging to the estates, for depositing the coals, from whence they can be conveyed into the boats by a wooden trunk, with great expedition and ease. The situation is such as to enable the coal-miner to carry on the works for many years without interruption from subterraneous water to trouble him and expensive at coal pits. The body of coal is considered very abundant, and not in the smallest degree exhausted, as there has been only one small shaft made on the edge of the land, and works to far as to prove the excellent quality of the coals and the ease with which they may be raised. We will attach to the colliery a SMALL FARM, if required, within one mile, with useful improvements. For further information apply to the subscribers at the city of Richmond. DAVID ROSS, JAMES CURRIE. July 19. (4w.)
WILL BE SOLD at public auction to the highest bidder for ready money, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester, on Saturday the 3d day of August next, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Richardon Harris, late of the county of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due to Lyle and McCredie, and the expense necessarily incurred; five negroes, viz: Sally, Killus, Charles, Phillis and Anaky, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the debt, interest and cost.
RICHARD B. GOODE. July 2. ep4w.
NOTICE.
THE Partnership now carrying on under the firm of PUMFREY & FITZWYLLSONN, will be dissolved by mutual consent, on the 31st day of this present month. All those having claims against the said concern, are requested to bring them in to John Pumfrey for adjustment, and those indebted thereto, to make immediate payment to him. JOHN PUMFREY, W. H. FITZWYLLSONN. July 9. (cp4w)
THE subscriber takes this method of informing his friends and the public, that he intends carrying on the STATIONARY & BOOK-BINDING business in all their various branches, as usual.
JOHN PUMFREY.
JOHN PUMFREY returns his most grateful acknowledgements to his friends for the unbounded patronage which he has obtained in the line of his profession; and he trusts no exertion on his part will be wanting to merit a continuation of their favors.
July 9. (cp4w)
Just received, and for sale at T. Ritchie's Book Store.
Price one dollar and fifty cents.
A NEW SYSTEM OF MODERN GEOGRAPHY:
OR a general Description of the most remarkable countries throughout the known world; their respective situations, extent, divisions, cities, rivers, mountains, falls and productions; their commerce, manners, customs and religions, together with their principal historical events and political importance in the great commonwealth of nations; compiled from the most modern systems of Geography, and the latest voyages and travels, and containing many important additions to the Geography of the United States that have never appeared in any other work of the kind, illustrated with eight maps, comprising the late discoveries, and engraved by the first American artists, designed particularly for the use of schools. BY BENJAMIN DAVIES.
RAGS.
THE HIGHEST PRICE (IN CASH) WILL BE GIVEN AT THIS OFFICE FOR
CLEAN LINEN & COTTON RAGS.
July 5.
A VALUABLE FARM FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber wishes to sell his FARM adjacent to the town of New-Castle, in the county of Hanover, containing three hundred acres: situated within one quarter of a mile of Pamunkey river, where there is good navigation for vessels of fifty tons burthen, and distant from the city of Richmond eighteen miles. This farm is remarkably compact, and nearly a perfect level; adjoins the lands of Messrs. George and Thomas Blakey, Capt. Parke Street, and Mr. Dibdol Tally, and bounded next the river by the Lane leading from New-Castle to Hanover Town; is in quality not inferior to any land on said river, as any person disposed to purchase, doubtless, will be satisfied of on examining the premises. On this farm there is a very good Overlooker's house, a small granary, and some good quarters.
The subscriber, now living in the town of New-Castle, will treat with any person disposed to purchase until the 10th September next; when, if it is not sold, it will be offered For Sale at PUBLIC AUCTION, to the highest bidder, on the premises, for one third cash, one third in twelve months, and one third in six months after.
There is as much of this land now in corn, as will admit of the sowing of 120 bushels of wheat.
At the same time will be offered for sale,
THE STOCK of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, &c. ALSO, Two TENEMENTS in the town of New-Castle, one of which the subscriber now occupies, consisting of a commodious house, calculated for a Tavern, (being the best stand in the place), with necessary and convenient out-houses; annexed to this tenement is an excellent garden, a stable and stable lot, and one suitable for clover. The other Tenement, situated in the centre of the town, consists of an acre Lot, a dwelling house, kitchen and meat house, all calculated for a private family.
Will also be sold,
The Subscriber's Household and Kitchen FURNITURE.—On the last mentioned property the terms will be made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM COCHRAN. New-Castle, July 16. (14 s.)
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, living near the Bowling Green, on the 23d inst. a negro man named PETER, between thirty and forty years old, about five feet ten inches high, he is black and rather spare made; had on when he went off, a light coloured drab coat, a red striped waistcoat, corduroy or checkered breeches and dark mixed stockings—has left the greater part of all his togs on the left foot, and when spoken to, is apt to appear surprised.
I will give the above reward if taken out of the state of Virginia, and thirty dollars if taken in the state, and out of this county, and ten dollars if taken in this county or confined in any jail so that I get him, or if brought home all reasonable charges paid.
JOHN G. WOOLFOLK. July 2. (St.)
ON Saturday the 3d day of August next, will be sold to the highest bidder at public auction for ready money, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester, a likely negro BOY, about 19 years old, by the name of Harry, conveyed to me in trust by Thomas Branch, of the county of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due to Lyle and McCredie, and the expense necessary to carry the trust into execution.
RICHARD B. GOODE. July 2. ep4w.
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
Four hundred pieces House Paper, Philadelphia Beer by the barrel, a small quantity of first quality New-England Cheese; also 400 barrels Corn.
EDWARD HALLAM. ALSO—5000 wt. Salt Petre'd BACON;—and a constant supply of FRESH CORN MEAL. June 18. (cp) 12t
THE subscriber will sell at public auction to the highest bidder for ready money, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester, on Saturday the 3d day of August next, two likely negro BOYS Nelson and Harrison; conveyed in trust by the deed of Andrew Scott, dec'd, to secure the payment of a debt, interest and cost therein, acknowledged to be due Lyle and McCredie.
RICHARD B. GOODE. July 2. ep4w.
HOUSE AND LOT—FOR SALE.
THE subscribers offer for sale, the House and Lot, in the neighborhood of Mr. McCreary, and Linton Underwood, on the Hill, which they lately purchased of Mr. John S. Moore, in which a bargain may be had. This lot has just been newly inclosed, and all the buildings consisting of a dwelling house with two good rooms and a passage below, and 8 rooms and an entry above, a good cellar for cooking, and a lock room adjoining, a kitchen and smoke-house, have undergone a complete repair, and are fit for the accommodation of a genteel family.
The terms of sale—one third in six months, another third in 12 months, and the balance in 18 months. Bonds with approved security, with a deed of trust on the property, to secure a punctual payment of the instalments as they become due, will be required.
If it is not sold, any person inclined to rent, may be accommodated. N. B. cf. J. SHEPPARD.
Approved bonds or notes due or to become due from persons residing in Richmond or Henrico, will be taken in payment for the above property, should any person prefer that way of purchasing to the above. July 19. tf
BENJAMIN STETSON,
INFORMS his friends and the public in general he has for sale, 400 gallons Holland's Linseed Oil, White Lead and Spanish Brown ground in Oil, Patent Green ground in ditto, Verdigris and Spanish Brown, dry; 8 by 10 Window Glass & Putty; 2d, 3d, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, and 20d Nails, two Casks Spike Nails, Bar Iron, German and Blistered Steel; general assortment of Iron Hollow Ware; 10 Hds. Molasses, French Brandy, West-India and New-England Rum, Tea, Coffee, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Chocolate, Mens, fine and coarse Shoes, Ladies Kid & Morocco and Leather Slippers; 8 Boxes Cotton and Wool Cards assorted; half pint and quart Tumblers, small invoice elegant cut glass, stone ware, German Ozenburgs, 60 faces Salt, Novacita Grind Stones, and many other articles in store, which he will sell cheap for cash or country produce. April 2. (law12m)
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by William Davis, to secure the payment of a debt due William W. Hening, as expressed in the said deed, now of record in the county court of Albemarle, will be exposed to public sale on the premises, on the tenth day of August next, one LOT, with its appurtenances, in the town of Charlottesville, number twenty; or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy so much of the said debt as is now due, as in the said deed is mentioned, together with the costs of advertising and attending the sale.
JOHN KELLY, Trustee. July 5. (cp4w)
Pleadings of Council,
ON THE
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 23.
MR. MARTIN.
MR. PRESIDENT,
I only appear in defence of a friend, with whom I have been in habits of intimacy for nearly thirty years, I should feel less anxiety on the present occasion, though that circumstance would be a sufficient inducement; but I am, at this time, actuated by superior motives. I consider this cause not only of importance to the respondent and his accusers, but to my fellow citizens in general, (whose eyes are now fixed upon us,) and to their posterity. For the decision at this time will establish a most important precedent as to future cases of impeachment.
In the discussion of this cause, I fear I shall occupy a greater portion of your time than I could wish, but, as the charges are brought forward by such high authority as the House of Representatives of the United States, it becomes necessary to bestow upon them more attention than they would deserve, were they from a less respectable source.
We have been told by an honorable manager, (Mr. Campbell) that the power of trying impeachments was lodged in the Senate with the most perfect propriety; for two reasons—the one, that the person impeached would be tried, before those who had given their approbation to his appointment to office. This certainly was not the reason by which the framers of the constitution were influenced, when they gave this power to the Senate. Who are the officers liable to impeachment? The President, the Vice-President, and all civil officers of government.
In the election of the two first, the Senate have no control, either as to nomination or approbation. As to other civil officers, who hold their appointments during good behaviour, it is extremely probable, that, though they were approved by one Senate, yet from lapse of time, and the fluctuations of that body, an officer may be impeached before a Senate, not one of whom had functioned his appointment, nor one of whom, perhaps, had been nominated after their election, would have given him their sanction.
This, then, could not have been one of the reasons for thus placing the power over these officers. But as a second reason, he alleged, that, if any other inferior tribunal had been entrusted with the trial of impeachments, the members might have an interest in the conviction of an officer, thereby to have him removed, in order to obtain his place; but that no Senator could have such inducement. I, sir, disclaim, I hold in contempt the idea, that the members of any tribunal would be influenced in their decision by unworthiness, to false a motive; but what is there to prevent this Senate, more than any other court, from being thus influenced? Is there any thing to prevent any member of this Senate, or any of their friends, from being appointed to the office of any person removed by their conviction?
I speak not from any apprehension I have of this honorable court. In their integrity I have the greatest confidence. They will discharge their duty to my honorable client with uprightness and impartiality. I have only made these observations, to shew, that the reasons assigned by the honorable manager for vesting the trials of impeachment in the Senate, are fallacious?
I see two honorable members of this court, [Messrs. Dayton and Baldwin] who were with me in the convention, in 1787, who as well as myself, perfectly know why this power was vested in the Senate. It was, because, among all our speculative systems, it was thought this power could no where be more properly placed, or where it would be less likely to be abused. For instance, fir, in which I perfectly concurred; and I have no doubt, but the event of this trial will shew that we could not have better disposed of that power.
Let us now, fir, examine the constitution on the subject of impeachments, and from thence learn, in what cases, and in what only, impeachments will lie. To have correct sentiments on this subject, is of infinite importance. An error here, would be like what is called, an error in the first conception, and would pervade the whole system.
By the constitution, it is declared, that "the House of Representatives shall have the sole power of impeachment." That section, however, doth not declare in what cases the power shall be exercised. This is designated in a subsequent part of the constitution, and I shall contend, that the power of impeachment is confined to the persons mentioned in the constitution, namely, "the President, Vice-President, and all other civil officers."
Will it be pretended, for I have heard such a suggestion, that the House of Representatives have a right to impeach every citizen indiscriminately? For what shall they impeach them? For any criminal act? Is the House of Representatives, then, to constitute itself into a Grand Jury to receive information of a criminal nature, against all our citizens, and thereby to deprive them of a trial by jury? This was never intended by the constitution.
The President, Vice-President, and other civil officers, can only be impeached. They only in that case are deprived of a trial by jury; they, when they accept their offices, accept them on those terms, as far as relates to the tenure of their offices, relinquish that privilege; they, therefore, cannot complain. Here it appears to me, the framers of the constitution have so expressed themselves as to leave not a single doubt on this subject.
In the first article, section the third, of the constitution, it is declared, that judgment, in all cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honour, trust or profit, under the United States. This clearly evinces, that no persons but those who hold offices are liable to impeachment. They are to lose their offices; and, having misbehaved themselves in such manner as to lose their offices, are, with propriety, to be rendered ineligible thereafter.
The next question of importance, is, in what cases the House of Representatives have a right to impeach the President, the Vice-President, and the other civil officers?
It has been said, that a judge cannot be impeached for the same crime, for which he may be impeached; for, says the honorable manager,
(Mr. Campbell) it would introduce the absurdity, that a person might be twice punished for the same crime.
This honorable court will observe, that the two punishments, which may here be inflicted on impeachment and subsequent indictment, amount to no more than in England takes place on a single prosecution; for there, on a single conviction, a judge may be removed from office, and also fined, imprisoned, or otherwise punished, according to the nature of his offence. But the whole of this power the United States have not vested in the same body.
To the Senate they have confined the punishment of removal from office, and disqualification of the person from holding offices in future; but can there be a single doubt that a person, by impeachment, removed from office, cannot afterwards, according to the nature of his crime, be punished by indictment? Can gentlemen suppose a removal from office was intended to wash away all crimes the officer should have committed? What are the crimes for which an officer can be impeached? "Treason, bribery, and other high crimes and misdemeanors."
Suppose a judge removed from office, by impeachment, for treason, would that wash away his guilt? would he not afterwards be liable to be indicted, tried and punished, as a traitor? Undoubtedly he would, for in the case of bribery. Yet, if the gentleman's idea is correct, a removal from office on impeachment, for either of these crimes, would free the officer from any other punishment. Consider the monstrous consequences which would result from the principle suggested by the managers, that a judge is only removable from office on account of crimes committed by him as a judge, and not for those, for which he would be punishable as a private individual! A judge, then, might break open his neighbour's house and steal his goods;—he might be a common receiver of stolen goods; for these crimes, he might be indicted, convicted and punished, in a court of law; but yet he could not be removed from office, because the offence was not committed by him in his judicial capacity, and because he could not be punished twice for the same offence.
The truth is, the framers of the constitution, for many reasons which influenced them, did not think proper to place the officers of government in the power of the two branches of the legislature, further than the tenure of their offices. Nor did they choose to permit the tenure of their offices to depend upon the passions or prejudices of jurors. The very clause in the constitution, of itself, shows that it was intended the persons impeached and removed from office might fill be indicted and punished for the same offence, else the provision would have been not only nugatory, but a reflection on the enlightened body who framed the constitution; since no person ever could have dreamed that a conviction on impeachment and a removal from office, in consequence, for one offence, could prevent the same person from being indicted & punished for another and different offence.
I shall now proceed in the enquiry, for what can the President, Vice-President, or other civil officers, and consequently, for what can a judge be impeached? And I shall contend that it must be for an indictable offence. The words of the constitution are, that "they shall be liable to impeachment for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors."
There can be no doubt but that treason and bribery are indictable offences. We have only to enquire then, what is meant by high crimes and misdemeanors. What is the true meaning of the word "crime"? It is the breach of some law,

essence. The offence for which a judge is liable to impeachment, must not only be a crime or misdemeanor but a high crime or misdemeanor . The word "crime" as distinguished from misdemeanor, is applied to offences of a more aggravated nature, the word "high" therefore, must certainly equally apply to misdemeanors as to crimes. Nay, Sir, I am ready to go further, and say, there may be instances of very high crimes and misdemeanors , for which an officer ought to be impeached, and removed from office; the crimes ought to be such as relate to his office, or which tend to cover the person, who committed them, with turpitude and infamy ; such as those there can be no dependence on that integrity and honor which will secure the performance of his official duties.
But we have been told, and the authority of the state of Pennsylvania has been cited, by one hon. manager (Mr. Rodney) in support of the position, that a judge may be impeached, convicted, and removed from office, for that which is not indictable, for that which is not a violation of any law.
What, Sir, can a judge be impeached and deprived of office, when he has done nothing which the laws of his country prohibited? Is not deprivation of office a punishment? Can there be punishment inflicted where there is no crime? Suppose the House of Representatives to impeach for conduct not criminal —the Senate to convict, doth that change the law? No, the law can only be changed by a bill brought forward by one House in a certain manner, assented to by the other, and approved by the President. Impeachment and conviction cannot change the law, and make that punishable which was not before criminal .
It is true, it often happens that the good of the community, requires that laws should be passed, making criminal and exposing to punishment conduct, which antecedently was not punishable; but even in those cases, government has no power to punish acts antecedently done; it can only punish those acts done after the enactment of the law. The constitution has declared, "no ex post facto law shall be passed."
Should such a principle be once admitted or adopted, could the officers of government ever know how to proceed? Admit that the House of Representatives have a right to impeach for acts which are not contrary to law, and that thereon the Senate may convict, and the officer be removed, you leave your judges and all your other officers at the mercy of the prevailing party. You will place them much in the unhappy situation as were the people of England during the contest between the white and red roses, while the doctrine of constructive treasons prevailed. They must be the tools or the victims of the victorious party.
I speak not, Sir, with a view to censure the principles or the conduct of any party, which hath prevailed in the United States since our revolution, but I wish to bring home to your feelings what may happen at a future time. In republican governments there ever have been, there ever will be a conflict of parties. Must an officer, for instance a Judge, ever be in favor of the ruling party, whether wrong or right? Or looking forward to the triumph of the minority, must he, however improper their views, act with them? Neither the one conduct or the other is to be supposed but from a total dereliction of principle. Shall then a Judge, by honestly performing his duty, and very possibly thereby offending both parties, be made the victim of the one or the other, or perhaps of each, as they have power? No, Sir, I conceive that a Judge should always consider himself safe while he violates no law, while he conscientiously discharges his duty, subomaverit he may displease thereby.
But an hon. manager (Mr. Campbell) hath read to us an authority to prove, that a Judge cannot in England be proceeded against by indictment for violation of his official duties but only in Parliament, or by impeachment; his authority was the new edition of Jacob's Law Dictionary. Let me be indulged with reading to this hon. court the case from 12 Coke, the case of Floyd and Barker, to which Jacob refers, and it will be found that the reasons there assigned, however correct they might be as to Judges in England, can have no possible application to the Judges of the United States; [Here Mr. Martin read the following part of the third resolution in that case, to wit:]
"It was resolved that the said Barker who was judge of assise, and gave judgment on the verdict upon the said W. P. and the sheriff who did execute him according to the said judgment, nor the justices of peace who did examine the offender, and the witnesses for proof of the murder before the judgment, were not to be drawn in question, in the Star-chamber, for any conspiracy; nor any witness, nor any other person ought to be charged with any conspiracy in the Star-chamber, or elsewhere, when the party indicted is convicted for attainder of murder or felony and although the offender upon the indictment was acquitted, yet the judge, be he judge of assise, or a justice of peace, or any other judge by commission and of record, and sworn to do justice, cannot be charged for conspiracy for that which he did openly in court as judge or justice of peace; and the law will not admit any proof against this vehement and violent presumption of law, that a justice sworn to do justice, will do injustice, but if he hath conspired before, out of court, this is extrajudicial, but due examination of causes out of the court, and enquiring by testimony, and similar, is not any conspiracy, for this he ought to do; but subornation of witnesses, and false and malicious prosecutors, out of court, to such whom he knows will be indictors, to find any guilty, &c. amounts to an unlawful conspiracy."
"And as a judge shall not be drawn in question in the cases aforesaid, at the suit of the parties, no more shall he be charged in the said cases before any other judge at the suit of the king, and the reason and cause why a judge, for any thing done by him as judge, by the authority which the king (concerning his justice) shall not be drawn in question before any other judge, for any form of corruption, except before the king himself, is for this; the king himself is de jure to deliver justice to all his subjects; and for this, that he himself cannot do it to all persons, he delegates his power to his judges, who have the custody and guard of the king's oath."
"And forasmuch, as this concerns the honor and conscience of the king, there is great reason that the king himself shall take account of it, and no other."
him, was looked upon as an offence of so heinous a nature, that it was sometimes punished as high treason, before the 25th Ed. III. and at this day it certainly is a very high offence, and punishable, not only with the forfeiture of the offenders office of justice, but also with fine and imprisonment, &c."
Mr. President, the principle I have endeavored to establish, is, that no judge or other officer can, under the constitution of the United States, be removed from office but by impeachment and for the violation of some law , which violation must be, not simply a crime or misdemeanor, but a high crime or misdemeanor .
But an honorable manager (Mr. Rodney) who has this morning referred to some authorities, as to other parts of the case, has also confessed the correctness of the foregoing principle, and has introduced the constitution of the state of Pennsylvania, by which he hath told us a judge may by the governor be removed from office, without the commission of any offence, upon the vote of two thirds of the two Houses for his removal; notwithstanding that constitution hath a similar provision for removal by impeachment as hath the constitution of the United States. To this I answer as we have no such provision in the constitution of the United States, the reverse is to be inferred, to wit, that the people of the United States, from whom the constitution emanated, did not intend their judges should be removed, however obnoxious they might be to any part , or to the whole , of the legislature, unless they were guilty of some high crime or misdemeanor, and then only by impeachment, it is also well known, that the governor of Pennsylvania, hath not considered those words in the constitution of that state "that he may remove the judges on such address," as being imperative . For in a recent instance, where he did receive such address, instead of admitting the construction to be, as was contended, "you must " he determined it to be "you may " and I have had the pleasure of seeing that judge, sometime since that transaction, on the bench with his brethren dispensing justice. I again repeat that as the framers of the constitution of the United States, did not insert in their constitution such clause as is inserted in the constitution of Pennsylvania, it is the strongest proof, that they did not mean a judge or other officer should be displaced by an address of any portion of the legislature, but only according to the constitutional provisions. The same gentleman (Mr. Rodney) has told us, that the tenure by which a judge holds his office, is good behaviour, therefore that he is removable for misbehaviour, and further, that misbehaviour and misdemeanor are synonymous and co-extensive. Here I perfectly agree with the honorable gentleman, and join issue with him. Misbehaviour and misdemeanor are words equally extensive and correlative; to misbehave or to misdo is precisely the same; and as I have shown that to misdo, or in other words to be guilty of a misdemeanor, is a violation of some law punishable, so of course misbehaviour must be the violation of a similar law.
The same honorable gentleman has mentioned the impeachment and conviction of Judge Addison, and hath told us that he was not impeached for the breach of any law, but only for rude or unpolitic conduct to his brother judge; that this objection was made with much energy on his defence, but that the Senate were convinced by the great talents and eloquence of Mr. Dallas, and some other gentlemen, that the objection was groundless; they therefore convicted and removed him. I have not here the proceedings against Judge Addison, and therefore it is possible the Senate of Pennsylvania created themselves into a court of honor to punish what they might consider breaches of politeness; but doth this honorable court sit here to take its precedents from the state of Pennsylvania or any other state, however respectable? I should rather hope that this honorable court should furnish precedents which might be respected and adopted by the different states. I would also ask, when was that precedent established? Was it not at a time when there is too much reason to believe that the warmth and violence of party had more influence in it than justice; and, that the Senate of Pennsylvania overleaped their constitutional limits?—but if we are to go to Pennsylvania for a precedent why should we not be guided by that, which the same state has so recently given us in a trial in which that gentleman bore so conspicuous a part? a precedent of acquittal , a precedent which we are perfectly willing should be adopted, and which we trust will be adopted on the present occasion.
(To be continued.)
West-Indies. Many and various are the conjectures respecting the destination of the combined fleet, since their leaving the W. Indies, that those who are fond of conjecture, may have some data to work on, these dull times, we have collected the different Latitudes and Longitudes they have been seen in, that our quinquages who are able, may work a traverse and find out their destination. June 9, left light of Antigua lat. 17, 30, long. 62. 16 were seen in lat. 27, 30, long. 60. 23 do. do. 94, 38, long. 62, 28. By the above there appears little easting in their course, but a good deal of nothing, and if as it is said, lord Nelson flood a N. E. course, it is now probable they will meet very soon. Since writing the above, arrived here, the brig Commodore Barry, captain Meade, from Havana, which he left the 4th of July, and informs, that on the 2d or 3d inst. a vessel arrived there express, with dispatches to the governor, from the combined French and Spanish fleets. After the arrival of which, it was reported that a fleet of 21 sail of French and Spanish ships with 10,000 land troops were to windward, and that they meant a descent on Jamaica, which caused great joy among the Spaniards, as they seemed not to doubt the truth of it. Phil. Pap.
BOSTON, July 15. Captain Marshall, arrived at quarantine from St. Bartholomews, reports, that he spoke a vessel from Guadalupe, the master of which informed, that the Antigua fleet of merchantmen captured by the French and Spanish squadrons, had arrived at that place; and that in consequence thereof, the markets for sugar and coffee had experienced a deep depression, the former having been reduced to 4 dollars, and the latter to 12.
SANTO DOMINGO, June 10. We are informed that the fleet at Martinico is composed of 31 sail, 18 of which are of the line; they are waiting for a reinforcement of 17 sail, four Dutch, five Spanish, and eight French, which were to depart from Europe in the month of May. It is said admiral Gravina, who commands in chief, has orders not to open his last orders until after the arrival of this last fleet. Gravina and Lamitton, the general commanding the land forces, composed of 12,000 men, had several private conferences with the emperor, and it is generally supposed they are alone entrusted with the secret of the expedition, which it is the general opinion is intended against Jamaica. By official dispatches from Laguira, we are informed that admiral Gravina had dispatched
the sloop of war Phillipina, to order a million of rations to be kept ready in the ports of Laguira, and others on the main. From HAVANNA, July 6. "Advises have this moment been received here, that the government of New-Providencia have passed a decree, granting liberty to privateers, &c. to feed in for adjudication all American and other vessels which shall have for their return cargoes, produce of the out ports in this island, unless proof can be exhibited that such ports are ports of entry in time of peace. You will please to make public this circumstance for the information and government of our friends adventuring this way." N. Y. Pap.
Friday arrived at N. York, brig Eliza, Burgess, in 12 days from Havana. By her we have undoubted information, that the combined fleet, or that part at least, under Admiral Gravina, were confidentially expected at Havana. It is no doubt true, that letters were recently received there, addressed to the Spanish Admiral Gravina, directed to the care of the Capt. General of marines. It was currently reported and believed, that the Spanish part of the fleet, supported by some French ships, would go to Le Vieux Cruz, take in the treasure there (about 20 millions of dollars) and touch at Havana on the homeward-bound passage. This object is doubtful, important enough to justify the report—it was not doubted at Havana. Gaz.
The following article occurs in the constitution of Hayti, lately published— "At the first firing of the alarm gun the cities will disappear and the nation rifle." The meaning of this language is not very obvious; a friend has given us an explanation of it which he had from a gentleman who lately arrived here from St. Domingo, and who is well acquainted with the situation of the island. When the enemy appears off a Haytian port in such force as seems adequate to the reduction of the place, an alarm gun is to be fired, and the blacks are instantly to envelope the city in flames and retreat to the mountains, which in certain places are so fortified by nature and art as to bid defiance to the strongest force. Defended by artillery, numerous and weighty, and supplied with ammunition calculated to serve for eighteen months, the gentlemen consider these interior fortresses impregnable, and of opinion that the negroes can never be subdued, and that any force sent against them would inevitably perish piecemeal, by the climate and the enemy. Daily Advertiser.
Domestic Intelligence. The legislature of New Hampshire, by an act passed June 14, 1805, have annexed a penalty of Twenty Dollars, to be recovered by indictment, upon any person who shall after the first day of August next, issue or pass any note, bill, order or check of the bank of the United States! Portsmouth Pap.
MORE "BRITISH AMITY!" A Schooner from Marblehead, commanded by capt. Smithurst, drifting out of the harbor of Palfamaguddy, whilst her papers as usual were in the custom house, was met by a British armed brig, her. Some gentlemen from Eastport and the custom house officers who had gone down for the purpose of taking the papers on board the Ichr. went along side, were at first forbidden to come on board; whilst the British midshipman, (pointing to a particular man) ordered him on board; he refusing they lashed him and another man round the neck and dragged them on board the brig, at length the custom house officer was suffered to come on board, after relating the circumstance, demanded a reason for the Ichr's. detention, and informed them they were under the America flag, and had the vessels register and peoples protections; the Lieutenant damned their flag, register and protections, and ordered all of them, except the two men they had lashed, on board the boat. The captain of the Schooner requesting to see the custom house officer, received a violent blow from one of the British. Through the intercession of the gentlemen of Eastport and St. Andrews, the two men were released, after having been in prison three days; but the vessel is still detained at St. George. The conduct of the British officers towards our countrymen, would disgrace an Algerine. N. Hamp. Gaz.
An arrival at Boston, which spoke the U. S. Gun Boat No. 8, was the bearer of the following letter from the Commander. "Gun Boat No. 8, at Sea, lat. 37, N. long. 16, 20, W. May 27, 1805." "Sir—The day I failed from Boston, (4th May) we had strong S. W. winds. In crossing the Gulph Stream, the wind blew hard from the N. W. W. we did not however ship much water. On the 12th and 14th inst. we experienced a very heavy gale of wind from N. W. to N. N. W. towards the close of which, we had a succession of as heavy squalls as I have experienced for many years. Several times we bore up and scudded before the storm; the boat behaved well, and I pronounce her perfectly safe to cross the Atlantic."
"While scudding in the height of the gale, a sea struck and broached us to, owing to the carelessness of the man at the helm. Our form square sail was split, and blown to atoms, and our top-fall yard, which was lashed on deck, was by the force of the sea, broken into three pieces; we then set the storm fore-sail and made very good weather." "With the wind a little free, we fail eight miles an hour." "I am with the greatest respect, your obedient humble servant, NATHANIEL HERADEN. Commodore EDWARD PREBLE, Boston."
By authentic information from Paris, of the 6th of May, it is ascertained that the drawing of the Bills under the Louisiana Convention, commenced on the 3d of May. The brig Exchange, from Bordeaux, (arrived at New-York) on the 20th ult. in lat. 43, long. 44, passed through the English fleet steering east. Ref's Gazette.
Died in Europe, the Rev. THOMAS COKE, L. L. D. one of the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States of America. NEW-YORK, July 28. When the Dart left Cadiz, the port was blockaded by three British frigates and 4 brigs. Markets were very dull, flour 10 dols. tobacco on the decline. Mer. Adv.
Capt. Howell, of the brig Eliza, from Leghorn, via Gibraltar, bears dispatches for government from Capt. Decatur, of the Congress. It was expected that an immediate war would take place between the Emperor of Morocco and the United States. There were already two Moroccan frigates out cruising for Americans. The United States brig Syren, capt. Stewart, had taken her station off Gibraltar, and was ordered to cruise between Cape Spartel and Magadore, to intercept any prizes that these frigates might make. On the 16th May, capt. Howell was chased and fired at by a Tripolitan Xebec of 17 guns, but escaped by superior sailing; at this time she was only 4 hours full from the Congress. The Algerine fleet were out, consisting of the Glory, of 44 guns; Horzum Mustapha, of 44; Hassan Basha brig of 18; and a Xebec of 18, and were cruising for Neapolitans and Genoese. They treated capt. H. with particular politeness. A Portuguese fleet of two 74's and a frigate were cruising in the Gut of Gibraltar.
Captain H. is the bearer of dispatches from the American captives at Tripoli to their relatives and friends in the United States. Great apprehensions were entertained at Gibraltar that the British shipping there would be destroyed by five sail of the line from Algiers, who lay off the harbour. Eight days ago, off Bermuda, was boarded by a French privateer only 10 days from Baffetere (G.) who informed that the French fleet under Admiral Villeneuve, had taken on board all the white troops both at Martinique & Guadaloupe, and that their destination was positively for Ireland. Merc. Adv.
From the NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. There is no fact more undoubted than the universal evils resulting from war, as well to the victorious as the vanquished nation; & yet there is scarcely a nation in modern times that has by her conduct illustrated the truth of the maxim. The United States have the rare felicity, the distinguished honor of having maintained in this respect with equal harmony and vigor her theory and practice. It is probably to this deportment that she owes more eminently her present prosperity than to any other circumstance that can be named. We may add, that the will continue to be more indebted to this circumstance than to any other for the duration of her liberties and happiness. It becomes then an object of the first rate consequence to secure to a distant period this great result. How shall this be accomplished? In no way so effectually as by producing in the whole nation the strong and permanent conviction that peace ought to be maintained with the utmost care by all means consistent with national honor. We have seen, in many ages & in several parts of the world, that few barriers, so efficient, can be raised against the abuse of power, as the deep rooted opinions of a people, even when those opinions were the offspring of prejudice. If prejudice, universally diffused, has such extensive power, can we doubt the irresistible weight of truth, under similar advantages?
It becomes from this consideration a duty of no light obligation in all who possess the power to use the means of enlightening the public on this point—This can only be accomplished by uniform conduct, and by proper explanations and illustrations unintermittently made. Such are the insidious and seducing charms of war, and so potent the passion of resentment for injuries, that there is a constant tendency in nations to abandon conciliatory measures, and to rush into an appeal to arms. To check this unreflecting spirit, to chain the passions into subordination to reason, is an arduous effort, requiring the constant, vigorous, and united exertions of wife and good men.
If these remarks be just, it is at all times seasonable, by facts and argument, to shew, not only the general superiority of peace to war, but likewise the peculiar benefits which the United States have derived from peace, comparing their situation with that of Europe. There, if we pass in review the different nations, what do we behold but a prostration of their liberties, a destruction of their happiness, and an extinction of their hopes. Never, perhaps, has that quarter of the globe lowered with a blacker sky, and never has the more afflicted victim of war than during a few past years. To go no further back than the era of the French revolution, we behold at that period, compared with this, a relative elysium. Then the different nations rested in security. There were some causes of animosity among them, for the ultimate adjustment of which an appeal might, perhaps, have been made to the sword. But, had that been the case, there was little prospect of the flames of war being marked by any considerable extent, or producing those dreadful scenes which have since disgraced the annals of humanity & justice. Never did reform wear a brighter aspect than at the commencement of that revolution. The whole French people, with holy enthusiasm, rose at one instant from their slumbers, and nobly vied with each other in patriotic sacrifices to liberty and their country. Under these splendid auspices the good work went on until the allies, who had received no injuries, without cause carried their arms to the borders of France, and dared to invade ground sacred to liberty and human happiness. Here began to be unfolded the bloody scene, which is still vivid in the recollection of the reader.
This was the Pandora box from which ten thousand plagues instantly rushed into the world. It is unnecessary to dwell on the successive acts of murder, rapine, and desolation which covered the greater part of Europe. It is sufficient, for our present purpose, to observe that not a nation who rose in arms against France has not rued the rashness of their conduct. Belgium, Holland and Italy have sunk into vanquished provinces, where personal distress only keeps pace with national dishonor. Austria, Prussia, and Portugal are subdued into perfect insignificance. Russia, secure in her distance, surrounded by her fatellites, Sweden and Denmark, alone maintains her station among the powers of the earth. England, unfortunate England, worthy of a better fate, is doomed to a war, without the prospect of an end, and to exertions destructive of her peace, her safety, and her prosperity. With a people towering in their habits of enterprise and industry, above all the nations of the old world we behold the dreadful spectacle of an oppressive tax, and more individual distress than is presented by any other region of the earth.
It may be computed, on a very moderate estimate that in Europe there are now under arms two millions of soldiers or sailors, and that their maintenance, with the incidental expenses of war, costs the annual sum of five hundred millions of dollars. This, independently of its effects in withdrawing such a large portion of effective men from the plough and the loom, in leaving so many millions of wives and children to the precarious subsistence derived from their own labours, and of the increased consumption of those, who raising nothing themselves, are occupied in destroying the productions of others. Who does not perceive that the inevitable effects of these things is to abridge the circle of innocent enjoyments of the lower classes of society, by raising their value so high as to deny them means of obtaining them? How different would be the result if all the effective labor of communities were directed to the production of articles of utility—There would then be enough wholesome food and good raiment for all. No man would be poor, unless disabled from working by bodily infirmity, or unusual misfortune. Combining all the circumstances enumerated, we may safely estimate the loss of withdrawing two millions of men from labor, and the effects incidental to it, at an equal sum with that required for their maintenance, making together the annual amount of one thousand millions of dollars. Who is there that seriously considers the magnitude of this sum, and views the effects of the extensive deprivation (of which it is the representative of the power of nations and the happiness of their subjects, that does not see that it is a million round their glory, destined ultimately to be attended by incalculable mischiefs.
With this rapid sketch, let us compare our own situation; and we shall be enabled to form a faint idea of the advantages and superiority of a pacific over a warlike policy. For twenty three years past, we have maintained, amidst the distractions of Europe, a state of peace, which can scarcely be considered as disturbed by our differences with the Indians or the pirates of Tripoli. During this period we have at no time had an army of more than three thousand men, nor incurred, it is believed, an annual expense of more than two millions of dollars. Taking the succession of years, the average expense did not exceed seven hundred thousand dollars. During the whole of this time we have been exempt from the carnage and desolations of war, and scarcely a human life has been sacrificed. Every man has been employed, according to the bent of his genius, in advancing his own interest. In a moment of light, the condition of the United States has been so essentially different from that of the nations of Europe, that there are too few points of resemblance to form any comparison between them. The difference is at almost infinity.
In a pecuniary view more definite ideas may be formed. The population of the United States was five millions during the period of time referred to. That of Europe may be estimated at two hundred millions. During this period, in maintenance of her peace the U. States have employed three thousand soldiers; while Europe for the carrying on her wars has employed two millions. According to this proportion, an equal population in Europe has engaged 50,000 soldiers. The expense of supporting the army of the United States has been about 700,000 dollars a year; that of supporting the army of an equal European population twelve millions five hundred thousand dollars. Computing the loss sustained from the subtraction of labor occasioned by the military establishment at the same sum, it will follow that it has virtually cost the United States per annum one million four hundred thousand dollars while it has cost an equal population in Europe the sum of twenty five millions, leaving an annual difference in favor of the United States of twenty three millions six hundred thousand dollars.
Supposing Europe to have been half the above term involved in war (and she has in fact been engaged in war more than half) and her peace to be one half of her war establishment, it will follow that the military expenses of a population of five millions in Europe during the past twenty three years have been 431,000,000 And those of the United States 24,000,000 407,000,000
Making a difference of four hundred and seven millions in favor of the United States, and in favor of the pacific over the warlike nation. The effect will be the same, as if this immense treasure were taken from the one nation and transferred to the other; independently of the increased population of the one nation over the other. This sum is little, if at all, short of the whole amount of the wealth of a nation composed of five millions!
RALEIGH, (N. C.) July 22. A respectable Correspondent of Wayne county, has sent us the following melancholy and alarming account of the conduct of the negroes in that quarter, and the proceedings lately had against them. The statement is published in the gentleman's own words. "Waynesborough, July 15." "DEAR SIR, "I take the liberty, from a sense of the danger which the white people of this state are in, to communicate to you one of the most shocking plots by the blacks imaginable. If you think it worthy a place in your paper, it might serve to put people on their guard." "We have been engaged in this country in the trying of Negroes for poisoning the Whites since Monday last. One suffered death at the stake (was burnt alive) on Saturday last, for poisoning her master, mistress, and two others; two more are under sentence of death, and are to be hanged on Wednesday next. Thirteen are imprisoned under guard, a part of whom, from the evidence, I expect will suffer death, and we are daily making new discoveries. Some have been brought from Sampson, others from Johnston, so that the plot appears to have been a general one. It is said by some of the prisoners, that the head men are to be poisoned first, and the rest are to be subdued; and after obtaining a sufficient number in slavery, the balance if refractory, are to be put to death."
"We proceeded this morning with the trials, and God only knows what the event will be. Six or eight Light Horsemen are continually on duty, to bring up charged negroes, besides a strong guard of Infantry about the prisoners. What raised the first suspicions in this business, was the death of one or two respectable men."
"We understand that one of the persons poisoned was a Mr. Jernigan."
The ship Two Friends of Charleston has been recaptured and sent into the Bahamas.
VINCENNES, (I. T.) June 19. The following is a letter from Capt. Clark, to his excellency governor HARRISON. Fort Mandan, 1609 miles up the Missouri, lat. 47° 21' 47" N. long. 101° 25'—April 24, 1805.
DEAR SIR, By the return of a party which we sent from this place with dispatches, I do myself the pleasure giving you a summary view of the Missouri, &c. In ascending as high as the Kansas river which is 334 miles up the Missouri on the S. W. side, we met a strong current, which runs from five to seven miles an hour, the bottoms extensive, and covered with timber, the high country is interspersed with rich handsome prairies, well watered, and abounds in deer and bear; in ascending as high as the river Plate, we met a current less rapid, not exceeding 6 miles an hour; in this distance we pass several small rivers on each side, which water some fine diversified country principally prairie as between Vincennes and the Illinoi's, the bottoms continue wide, and covered with timber, this river is about 600 yards wide, at the mouth, not navigable, it heads in the rocky mountains, with the North River, and Yellow Stone river, and passes through an open country; 15 leagues up this river the Otros and 30 Missourians live in one village, and can raise 200 men, 15 leagues higher up the Panes and Panca republicans live in one village, and can raise 700 men; up the Wolf fork of this river the Pania Loufs live in one village and can raise 230 men; these Indians have partial ruptures frequently. River Plate is 630 miles up the Missouri on the fourth west side. Here we find the antelope or goat; the next river of five ascending, is the Stone river, commonly called by the Ingalees, Little River Defoux, it takes its rise in lake Defoux 15 miles from the river Demois, and is 64 yards wide; here commences the Sioux country, the next river of note is the big Sioux river, which heads with the St. Peters and waters of lake Winnipeg in some high wooded country; about 90 miles still higher up, the river Jacque falls in on the same side, and about one hundred yards wide, this river heads with the waters of lake Winnipeg, at no great distance east from this place; the head of the river Demon is in Pilican lake between the Sioux rivers and the St. Peters, the country on both sides of the Missouri from the river Plate to that place has very much the same appearance; extensive fertile plains containing but little timber, and that little principally confined to the river bottoms and streams, the country east of this place and off from the Missouri as low as Stone river contains a number of small lakes many of which is said to be so much impregnated with alum salts as to produce all its effects, certain it is that the water in the small streams from the hills below on the fourth west side possesses this quality. About the river Jacque Bruff a country contains great quantity of mineral, Cobalt, Cinnabar, alum, copperas and several other things; the stone coal which is on the Missouri is very indifferent. Ascending 52 miles above the Jacque the river Quicoum falls in on the fourth west side of this river, is 1026 miles up, 150 yards wide, not navigable, it heads in the black mountains which run nearly parallel to the Missouri from about this head of the Kansas river and ends S. W. of this place. Quicoum waters a broken country 129 miles by water higher. White river falls in on the fourth west side, and is 300 yards wide, and navigable, as all the other small streams are, which is not particularly mentioned, this river heads in some small lakes, short of the black mountains. The Malan and Poeman nations roves on the heads of this river and the Quicoum, and can raise 230 men, they were very numerous a few years ago, but the small pox and the Sioux, have reduced them to their present state—the Sioux possess the fourth west of the Missouri, above White river; 132 miles higher, and on the west side, Teton river falls into it, it is small and heads in the open plains; here we met a large band of Sioux, and the second which we had from called Tetons, these are great rovers, and may be justly termed the pirates of the Missouri, they made two attempts to stop us, they are subdivided & scattering on the river to near this place, having reduced the Ruaras, and Mandans, and drove them from the country they now occupy, the Sioux bands rove in the country to the

Mississippi. About 47 miles above the Teton river, the Chyenne river falls in from the south west, 400 yards wide, and navigable to the Black mountains, in which it takes its rise, in the 4th range. Several bands of Indians but little known, rove on the heads of this and the river Plate, and are stated to be as follows. Chayenne, 300 men, Stahens 100 men; Canenaviech, 400 men; Cayawwa and Wethahwa, 200 men; Cutaha, 70 men; Detawne, 90 men; Memehcou, 50 men; Cassahana, 1300 men; it is probable that some of these bands are the remains of the Padouca nation; at 1440 miles up the Missouri, (and a short distance above two handsome rivers which take their rise in the Black mountains) the Ricaras live in three villages, and are the remains of ten different tribes of Panes, who have been reduced and drove from their country lower down, by the Sioux, their number is about 500 men, they raise corn, beans, &c. and appear friendly and well disposed, they were at war with the nations of this neighborhood, we have brought about a peace; between the Ricaras and this place two rivers fall in on the south west, and one on the north east, not very long, and take their rise in the open country; this country abounds in a great variety of wild animals, but a few of which the Indians take, many of those animals are uncommon in the U. States, such as white, red and grey bears, long ear'd mule or black tail deer, (black at the end of the tail only) large hare, antelope or goat, the red fox, the ground prairie dogs, (burrow in the ground) the beaver, which has a head like a dog, and the size of a small dog, the white beaver, marmot, calmet eagle, &c. and many others are said to inhabit the rocky mountains. I have collected the following account of the rivers and country in advance of this, to wit: a two days march in advance of this, the Little Missouri falls in on the south side, and heads at the north west extremity of the Black mountains, six days farther a larger river joins the Missouri, affording as much water as the main river, this river is rapid, without a fall, and navigable to the Rocky mountains, its branches head with the waters of river Plate; the country in advance is said to be broken. The trade of the nations at this place is from the N. W. and Hudson's Bay establishments, on the Athabasca river, distant about 150 miles; those traders are nearly at open war with each other, and better calculated to destroy than promote the happiness of those nations to whom they have lately extended their trade, and intend to form an establishment near this place in the course of this year. Your most obedt. Servt, Wm. CLARK.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 30th JULY, 1805.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR, If, in your opinion, the enclosed extract can, at any time, supply the want of more important communications from your other correspondents, or an occasional deficiency of other matter, in the Enquirer, you will publish it. If not, the writer only requests that you will defer it: for which, perhaps, he might have more reason to be obliged to you, than for its publication.
JOSEPH.
Extract from Memorandums Political, Historical, &c. for the county of — in Virginia.
Of the political opinions and conduct of the people of this county.
It is universally known that the people of the United States have long been divided into two great political parties. This division took place very soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution; and the members of the adverse parties have applied to each other various epithets of distinction and reproach. Whilst the friends of one party styled their adversaries, aristocrats and monarchists , they received, in return, the appellations of Jacobins, anarchists, and disorganizers . The two parties are, however, generally known and distinguished by the names of the federalists on one side, and the republicans on the other. In the opinion of the writer of these memorandums, a very just and luminous account of the origin, principles and conduct of these two parties, may be seen in the introduction to a speech on the judiciary bill, delivered in the house of representatives of the United States, on the 18th February 1802, by Mr. Giles, member from Virginia. "It must be obvious," says that ingenious and found politician, "to the most common observer, that from the commencement of the government of the United States, and perhaps before it, a difference of opinion existed among the citizens, having more or less reference to these two extreme fundamental points: ( monarchy and republicanism ) and that it manifested itself in the modification or administration of the government, as soon as it was put into operation. On one side it was contended, that in the organization of the constitution, a due apportionment of authority, had not been made among the several departments; that the legislature was too powerful for the executive department; and that to create and preserve a proper equilibrium, it was necessary to infuse into the executive department, by legislation, all artificial powers compatible with the constitution, (upon which the most diffusive construction was given) or in other words, to place in executive hands, all the patronage it was possible to create, for the purpose of protecting the president against the full force of his constitutional responsibility to the people. On the other side it was contended, that the doctrine of patronage was repugnant to the opinions and feelings of the people; that it was unnecessary, expensive and oppressive; and that the highest energy the government could possess, would flow from the confidence of the great mass of the people, founded upon their own sense of their common interests. Hence what is called party in the United States, &c."
The party here described by Mr. Giles, as favoring a system of extensive patronage, to strengthen the arm of government, is composed of the politicians called federalists ; and that which advocates a fair responsibility of all representatives, and a reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of the people, consists of those who are called republicans . From the moment that these parties were clearly distinguishable, to the present day, a majority of the people of this country have uniformly adhered to the latter. But, like most of their fellow-citizens of this state, and perhaps of the United States, they generally pay too little attention to the policy and laws of their country; and it is uncommon for them to make considerable exertions on these subjects, except when they conceive some very important object of political principle, or pecuniary interest to be at stake. But whenever they are impressed with a belief, that a subject of this kind is likely to come before their representative, you instantly see all their vigilance, and all their power brought into action. It is then that family connections, personal friendships, and the powerful arts of electioneering, are nothing. The soundest integrity, the most extensive experience, and the most splendid talents, are almost invariably rejected, if their possessor holds political opinions contrary to those of a majority of the electors, or if he is an advocate for any measure of considerable expense, which does not receive their approbation. On these occasions, if the sentiments of the rival candidates, on the great question which agitates them, are the same with their own, they not unfrequently prefer abilities to moral character, and almost every other qualification. Except political fins, which are never forgiven by them, there are scarcely any errors in the morals of a candidate which will not, at these times, receive pardon. The man, who on ordinary occasions would have the catalogue of his vices daily repeated in his ears, or be reproached with the haughtiness and austerity of his manners, will now, if he has abilities, be promoted by the suffrages of the anxious freeholders, trembling with the apprehension of impending ruin to some political or civil right, for which they or their ancestors have fought and bled, or dreading the unnecessary waste of some portion of the property which they have earned and accumulated by years of labor and frugality.
The regard which is paid, at these times of emergency, to superior abilities, in preference to moral character, might be improved by those who are not intimately acquainted with the conditions of the people, to endanger the liberty and prosperity of the country. It is probably true that direct injuries to the public interest, do sometimes proceed from this cause; but as it respects the policy of our own state, they are neither so frequent nor so important as the nature of the cause would, at the first view, seem to threaten. Nor will this result appear strange to those who attentively consider the structure of our constitution. In an house of delegates, consisting of more than one hundred and eighty members, elected annually by the people themselves, and in a senate of only twenty four members, elected once in four years by the same electors, is concentrated the whole power of our government. Of these two branches, the house of delegates is far the most powerful; for all laws must originate with them; and appointments to almost all the lucrative and important offices in the state, being made by a joint ballot of both houses, the great superiority in number of the house of delegates, places this power also almost entirely in their hands. It is upon the numbers of this branch of our legislature, and their direct and frequent responsibility to the people, that the liberty and safety of Virginians rest. Their great number chokes up that fatal channel of corruption, which would lead them to multiply unnecessary and expensive offices merely for the purpose of providing profitable places for themselves or their friends; for in a body so numerous, before the majority can become interested in promoting any iniquitous scheme of that kind, such an extensive scene of glaring villainy must be opened, as would, in a few months, bring down on the heads of the detected actors, thro' their quick responsibility, the indignation and vengeance of an injured and exasperated people. Perhaps in no other government in the world, is the maxim that "magistrates are the servants and trustees of the people," more literally and practically true, than under the present
constitution of Virginia. For, except the members of the judiciary, there is scarcely a public officer in the state, who does not stand continually within arm's length of the people's power. By these truly democratic and excellent provisions of our constitution, and by the rigid, (perhaps extreme) ideas of public economy, which prevail almost universally among our citizens, the wild doors of corruption appear to be nearly closed, even against those "representatives who might feel no restraint from their own sense of moral obligation. We have not however the same instantaneous control over our interests in the federal government. Possibly, the nature of the duties which devolve on our federal representatives, may render it impossible that we should; and as long as the people of the United States continue to be virtuous, a sufficiently democratic character in their state constitutions may be a powerful and proper defence against corruption and usurpation in the government of the union. For dictating to all those who administer the general government, yet it would seem, from the late memorandums of Kentucky and Virginia, and the incontrovertible reasonings by which they were justified, that they may rightfully give them the most useful admonitions.
It would be propitious indeed for the permanency of liberty and happiness in Virginia, if the pardon, which we have had is sometimes granted to immorality in the characters of our representatives, were confined to extraordinary men, on extraordinary occasions. The boundless genius and enchanting manners of Alcibiades, might excite the infatuation that blinded the Athenians to the ruinous example of his immorality; and the transcendent talents and ardent patriotism of a Fox may justly redeem his fame from the "deep damnation" of a thousand vices. But with us, it must be acknowledged and deplored that this forgiveness is too frequently extended, on the most common occasions, to the most ordinary men. And though the people may seldom have cause to lament the willful misconduct of their representatives, yet this indifference to their moral characters by frequently extending public patronage to the vicious, is, every day, disseminating and nurturing evils the most mischievous to society, and hostile to the existence of republican government. In no other country in the world, perhaps, in no other part of the United States, are the principles of liberty more predominant in the constitution, in the laws, & in the affections of the people, than in Virginia. But the general mass of our fellow-citizens do not know, or they regard with criminal and fatal indifference, the causes from which those principles, if they ever perish amongst us, are destined to receive their mortal wound. It is not from the seductive arts of ambitious demagogues, nor from the treachery and usurpation of public servants, that our liberties are most in danger. Our political ruin can proceed only from venality and corruption in the morals of the people. It is in the general abandonment of morals, the prolific nursery of national calamities, that those fiends have arisen, who in all other countries have overthrown liberty, and who, as long as they are produced in such numbers, will forever prostrate our aspiring republicanism. It is in this dreadful contemplation of principles that those monitors have been generated, who could, with time-serving veracity, be slaves and despots with Louis the 16th, reformers and republicans with Payette and Condorcet, bloodthirsty jacobins and disorganizers with Danton and Robespierre, and usurpers and tyrants with the first consul and the emperor.
The citizens of this country, are at present, generally men of good intentions, and of upright and prudent conduct in the management of their private concerns; but it is very common for them to commit the all-important interests involved in the powers of legislation, to men whom a majority of them would never consent to trust as the husbands of their daughters, the guardians of their sons, or the executors of their wills. This absurd conduct, so perplexing and distressing to the enlightened lovers of freedom, cannot perhaps be more rationally accounted for, than by considering it as the effect of a want of general information among the people, and of that political apathy which is the constant concomitant of their ignorance. But if there be any, who, perceiving its fatal tendency, still persist in "sinning against light and knowledge," how deep and infinite is the condemnation they deserve! There is certainly no purity of private conduct that can compensate for this public abuse of the right of suffrage. The father in his own family may set an example of virtue to his son, and the lessons of the tutors may inculcate the soundest principles of morality; but if the father and the tutor, before the face of the aspiring youth, bestow what he is taught to believe is honor, on men whose morals are notoriously the reverse of what he is told his should be, the private example of the father and the moral lessons of the tutor, are of no avail; and the youth, who learns from the occurrences of every day, that vice is no obstacle in the pursuit of honors and preferment, is hurried by the volubility of his imagination and the impetuosity of his feelings, into the vortex of dissipation, where he contracts, for his future course thro' life, the most incurable and deadly habits of excess. The contagion of vice decked in public honors, is dreadfully epidemic; and if freedom is inevitably the victim of its general propagation, how much is it the interest, and how sacredly the duty of the only free people in civilized society, to resist its progress with vigilance and boldness!
That "virtue is the soul of a republic," is a maxim founded in the nature of things, and is pregnant with eternal truth. It continually and imperiously calls upon every republican to practise and encourage its principles. But, from the general conduct of our fellow-citizens in this respect, it would appear to be too literally true, that virtue is its own, and almost no other reward. For if a candidate for public office, no matter how base and ignorant he may be, practises a low, and even vicious familiarity, spending in electioneering and in intemperance, the time and means which ought to be devoted to the improvement of his own capacity for usefulness, or which perhaps are due to the wants, the comforts and education of a family that is dependent on him, how rarely and with what difficulty do we see him excluded, to make room for a man whose improved understanding and correct principles will not suffer him to use the same means of success! But if men whose dissolute morals bring ruin on themselves and their families, & whose baneful example corrupts the principles & blunts the hope of the rising generation, receive the countenance & patronage of the people whenever offices of trust and emolument are to be disposed of, the strongest excitement to virtue, and the most powerful check to vice, is wanting, and the only sure & lasting foundation of liberty, is broken up and destroyed. In vain do moralists and divines display the beauty, and inculcate the importance of justice, temperance, industry and economy; in vain do they draw in hideous forms, and paint in odious colors, the vices of idleness, drunkenness, gambling, and every species of debauchery, with ruin and misery in their train. It is only by "the audible pronunciation of public opinion," I constantly repeated with rigorous discrimination, that virtue will become the object of general estimation and pursuit, and that vice will be despised and banished from society. For there is no motive of our actions that has a more general influence, than the desire of obtaining the approbation and confidence of those with whom we associate; nor is there any penalty which has been annexed to a departure from our duty, more efficiently operative than the fear of censure and reproach from those who by their acquaintance with it, ought to be best qualified, and who, by the principles of our government, have a right, to be our judges. But if these judges abuse their right, and prostitute, in their decisions, that approbation and confidence, which has ever been esteemed the chief reward of merit, in republican governments, the general morals of the citizens will soon correspond with the erroneous and mischievous judgments of their own tribunal; and the calamitous peri-
od must rapidly approach, when a depraved and wretched people, abandoned and betrayed by the servants whom their own example has corrupted, will be unable to find any in whom they can confide.
JOSEPH.
The editor has been unable to compose his remarks on "The Tour to the West" from the want of satisfactory documents. It was not until the last evening that a friend promised him the use of Vancouver's voyages.
In place of these remarks, he has substituted a very elegant production which he received yesterday morning by the Western mail.
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP.
THE CO-PARTNERSHIP heretofore existing under the firm of RITCHIE & WORSLEY, will be dissolved on the 1st of August, by mutual consent. All those who have demands against the said firm, are requested to present them for payment, and those indebted are also requested to make payment, to THOMAS RITCHIE, who is duly authorized to settle the affairs of the concern.
THOMAS RITCHIE, WILLIAM W. WORSLEY.
July 29, 1805.
The Editor solicits the indulgence of his readers, while he explains the reason of this dissolution. It was from no want of harmony between himself & his partner; it was not because their separate qualifications could not promote their mutual interests; that they have determined to dissolve their present connection; but because their mutual interests did not keep pace with their mutual wishes; because they found it necessary to sacrifice the advantages of a friendly connection to the necessity of providing for their happiness by separate exertions. It is of course with no inconsiderable regret, that the Editor yields to this necessity and dissolves his connection with his partner. In him, he has found every qualification that he had expected or could have wished for. A man of mild and conciliatory temper; of an integrity, which no one will dare to question; intimately versed in the common as well as the accomplished operations of the art of printing; from such a man no considerable effects could induce the Editor to separate. May a more auspicious fate attend him wherever he goes or whatever destination he may pursue, than that it would have been his fortune to have enjoyed, had they continued together!
TO THE FRIENDS OF THE ENQUIRER.
"I thank you for past favours—I have found in you a kind and generous master—you have found in me an unprofitable servant." Such are the opening words of Mr. Grafton's eloquent address to the citizens of Dublin, and such with a little variation of phrase is the manner in which I would address myself to you. He expressed himself thus, when he was about to retire from the public service. But I speak thus at a time when I am once more to profess my former labours and to come forth to you under a new character.
If there had been even no conviction in my mind, that there was something due from every man to the happiness of others, gratitude alone would have been sufficient to have bound me to your service. When I first came forth in the character of an Editor, I was unknown and almost unsupported. I assumed my functions with every doubt and apprehension, which a scene of so much novelty and so much importance was calculated to inspire. To your friendship I owe it, that those trembling emotions have been partly dispersed. Your judgment has partly confirmed my own latent hope, that I might one day prove myself worthy of the public cause. The patronage of your pure and enlightened taste, those anxious apprehensions, which are incident to almost every man who does not feel himself independent of the world. Instead of a few more than 500 subscribers, who first volunteered their names for our encouragement, I can now say with a modest exultation that there are not less than 1150 names on the subscription book of the Enquirer, and among them are the names of the most respectable and meritorious men in the state. These have not been friends in name only, but in essence. There are not more than 130 delinquent subscribers on our book, and from all that I can discover of their character and credit, I may safely calculate upon the punctuality of at least two-thirds of these. On the whole there have, perhaps, been few papers established in the United States, which have experienced so rapid, so effectual, and I can say such an unexpected success. To despair then under such auspicious circumstances; not to be animated to continue my exertions, feeble though they be, and incommensurate to their reward; would be the extravagance of folly as it regards my own interest, and the height of ingratitude as it relates to you. If you have hitherto found any merit in the selections or lucubrations of the Enquirer, this shall surely receive no diminution from the event, which makes me the sole proprietor of the establishment.
My political opinions are different from those of above one sixth of the supporters of this paper. These opinions I can never consent to abandon so long as I believe them to be true, or to conceal them so long as I continue to entertain them. If there be then any among you, who continue to support this paper because they continue to hope for its fancied reformation, I am bound by honor to inform such men that they are greatly deceived. So long as I continue the firm friend of American Independence so long shall I think myself bound to oppose Tory men and Tory measures. So long as I contemplate with disgust and indignation the privileged governments of Europe, so long must I hold the same sentiments towards those Apostates and impostors among ourselves, who attack with particular hands the republican institutions of our country. So long as Mr. Jefferson shall continue to shape the measures of his administration by the maxims of his inaugural speech, so long must I continue to be the enemy of his enemies. These opinions it would be the pride and pleasure of my life to propagate throughout the world: how then is it to be expected that any transitory considerations of interest, that either threats, suspicions, or reward, can induce me to abandon them for a moment?
But if there be any among you who think, that because I am opposed to them in opinion, I shall couch those opinions in the language of irritation and abuse; that if I do not attempt to convince, I shall with to exasperate my opponents, they too will find themselves greatly deceived. It shall never be my ambition to imitate those obnoxious scribblers and foreign Editors who abuse the privileges of the press, and make even the propriety of setting it free from the law, a questionable problem. Surely the duties of an Editor are not incompatible with the decorum of a gentleman; surely there are opinions which he may controvert with the most respectful consideration for the feelings of his opponent. When men speak from conscientious conviction, though they should aim their blow at our most favourite measures or most meritorious patriots, they deserve the compliment of a respectful reply. But there are cases indeed of a very different description. There
are some modes of making an attack, which no virtuous man interested in the success of his own party can meet with placid indifference. There are some opinions so ridiculous in themselves and so obnoxious to the cause of liberty, that to view them without the most animated indignation, would indicate a head that could not think or a heart that could not feel.
When I see men declaring, for instance, that a republican government is not destined to endure; that the people are the worst enemies of themselves; that we are all advancing into the same grave with the democracies of Greece and Rome; I cannot look upon such politicians with any equanimity or patience. What I fail to compare together a government where almost every thing was administered by the people, with one, where every thing is done by their representatives? Shall we institute an analogy between nations that perished before the Christian era, and one that flourished 1800 years after it? Shall we say that a people that is free without being enlightened, or without the means of continuing so, is the same in situation, and its destiny with a nation which receives its streams of knowledge from the press? Ye, ridiculous as are such forebodings, there are too many of the federalists who think proper to indulge them. They were repeated by Mr. Dutton, the federal orator of Boston, on the 4th of July, and Mr. Dutton's speech soon found its way into all the federal prints of the north. Such sentiments should ever be my duty to controvert them, must always come and the most severe reprimand. It is my opinion that if they do not originate in the spirit of monarchy, they at least infallibly lead to it.
When I see the editor of the Charleston Courier and other federal prints attempting to find an analogy between the parties of revolutionary France and those in our own country; declaring that if there were Robespierres there, there are Robespierres here; that if there were one set of men among the revolutionists of France more daring and aspiring than the rest, there are the same malecontents among the republicans of America; and that the opponents of the present constitution of Pennsylvania and of Gov. Lewis in New-York, are becoming the Jacobins of their respective States; I am unable to repress my indignation for the deception which is thus attempted to be practiced. What! shall we compare a nation like France escaping out of complete bondage with one that is in the midst of freedom? Shall we compare a nation where popular suspicions and consequent proscriptions arose out of privileged orders, the acknowledged enemies of the people, with a nation which has no privileged orders to excite the cupidity or jealousy of the people? Shall we say that a nation which enjoys tranquility at home & peace abroad is as much exposed to anarchy and excess as one which, galled & encompassed by foreign nations, is forced to believe there are coadjutors and conspirators within its own bosom? Such far-fetched analogies; such dishonorable attempts to falsify the abuses of our existing constitutions by exciting our fears of innovation, I should attempt to controvert and expose with all the indignation which they deserved.
When, to take a more remarkable instance, I perceive a man like Mr. Jefferson attacked, satirized and traduced by an infuriated faction; not his public administration scrutinized and censured, but the recesses of his private life broken open, the events of 40 preceding years once more called out of oblivion, and more than ever mutilated and misrepresented by the spirit of party; I must confess that "an affair of such monstrous atrocity, such diabolical turpitude, of such extensive, continued, and deliberate villainy, defies the strongest power of my pen."
But it is useless for me to expatiate further upon the political principles of the Enquirer. To those who have already been in the habit of seeing it, any further exposition would be unnecessary; to those, who have never seen it, several columns would be sufficient to explain the sentiments of its Editor.
I have determined to adopt one rule, which you will probably consider as contributing to the value of the Enquirer. It has been a subject of considerable regret to thinking men and of frequent complaint among subscribers, that every paper, however valuable it may be in itself from its extent of useful information, is gradually injured by the increasing encroachments of its advertising custom. I am now convinced, if the friends of this paper will as punctually discharge their subscription dues as they have hitherto done, that I can afford to limit the extent of the advertisements. I have determined to limit them to 3 columns more or less, besides the introduction of new advertisements. Of course there will always be 15 columns for the amusement or information of its patrons.
I entertain no fear about the typographical execution of the paper. Unacquainted as I am with the details of printing, I have employed the services of a man who has principally superintended the printing in the office of the Enquirer, since its first establishment, and who will yield to few printers in the United States, in any qualification which may ensure the elegant, and expeditious performance of his work.
THOMAS RITCHIE.
*Has not T. Turner the candor to admit that this language must have escaped him in the moment of passion?
*Those who with to have their advertisements inserted in the Enquirer, are requested to send them to the office, before 12 o'clock on the day preceding the publication of the paper.
*Printing in all its variety will be executed at the office of the Enquirer, with elegance and dispatch. Script and all kinds of ornamental type have been procured, for the neat execution of Bills and Jobs. Those who have pamphlets and books to publish, may find it to their interest to apply at this office.
*Now opening at the Book store of the Enquirer, one of the choicest collections of Books which was perhaps ever expected to sale in Virginia. A Catalogue will be made out in a few days.
Patrick Gibson, a Federalist, is appointed one of the Directors of the Richmond Bank in the room of James F. Leitch, Federalist, resigned.
THE subscriber, intending to remove to a considerable distance from Richmond, wishes to dispose, at private sale, of the whole of his household and kitchen furniture.
W. W. WORSLEY.
July 26.
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Canning-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity.
THOMAS NORVELL.
HE HAS FOR SALE, VIRGINIA BANK STOCK, on a credit to suit purchasers. July 26.
ADVERTISEMENT. RICHMOND BANK NOTE of 100 dollars, was deposited with me by George C. Carter for safe keeping; this Note was taken from the possession of a slave in this place, who was unacquainted with its real value, and it is presumed he acquired it improperly. Any person who will declare the Note properly, or afford evidence of his ownership, will receive it upon application; otherwise, the Note will be delivered to the owner of the slave from whom it was taken. J. C. PROWN. (V3) March 24, July 30.
* Several eminent and enlightened politicians of our state have condemned, (perhaps with too much severity,) those parts of our constitution which give so much power to the legislature, and particularly to the house of delegates. Notes on Virg: 123.—Tucke, Black: Vol: part II page 112, 113.
* Resolutions of the Virg: Assembly in '98, on the Alien and Sedition laws; and Report of the select committee on them in '99.
* Such as the A. S. and B. T. the present minister of Genl.

European Intelligence.
BOSTON, July 17.
By the ship Belvidere, Capt. Schenk, arrived here yesterday in 48 days from Liverpool, we have received files of the London Courier, Messenger and Traveller, up to May 30, 1805, five days later than before received. They do not afford any addition of consequence to our former stock of intelligence, except the Dutch decree on commerce. This article, with others, of some interest, we have extracted.
LONDON, May 25.
An officer of one of the ships lately captured by the Bold gun brig gives an account of the number of the enemy's flotilla in the ports of Boulogne, Vimereux, Etaples, Calais, Ostend and Dunkirk. He swells the total amount to 5000; is confident that the attempt at invasion will be made this summer; that the French fleet will come out and fight ours, and that while they are fighting us with their ships of the line, their large frigates will release the flotilla from the different ports, & convey them to our shores. The number of men encamped on the Boulogne coast is 50,000.
May 26.
The foreign intelligence of the week is of trivial importance. Bonaparte is in Italy, alarmed little by the menaces of Russia; indeed, his fears from that quarter are about the same tone with our own, which have sunk a full octave within a few weeks. He knows there is little fear from paper proceedings, and this is the only artillery which the cabinet of St. Petersburg is likely to employ.
There is, however, a complete breach between Sweden and Prussia; the former power is supposed to be spirited up by Russia; and the latter is well known to have failed in a recent negotiation with that court. Austria is very jealous of the proceedings in Italy, and has augmented her cordon of troops to 30,000.
May 27.
The tone of defiance (says the Courier) which Sweden has lately held to Prussia has appeared to most persons extraordinary. Those who admired the spirit of his Swedish Majesty were compelled to doubt his prudence; and every person was prepared to expect that the wily councils of the Court of Berlin would find in his Majesty's avowal of his sentiments a pretext for commencing hostilities, and for sending an army into Pomerania which Prussia has so long looked upon with an eye of desire. But there is a report in circulation which would explain why Prussia had yet abstained from making any hostile demonstrations against Pomerania. It is said that his Swedish Majesty, hoping of being able to preserve much longer that province from the hands of Prussia, backed and supported by France, has surrendered it to a power perfectly able to protect it, to Russia. Whether it has been surrendered for a valuable pecuniary consideration, which we hardly think, or whether his Swedish Majesty has exchanged it for Russian territories contiguous to the North Eastern part of his Swedish Dominions, we know not. The placing of Pomerania in the hands of Russia, would of course be highly disagreeable to Prussia. But any speculation upon the probable consequences of such a measure would be premature, before we have ascertained whether the rumour be well founded or not. It is certainly not confirmed by the following articles brought by the Hamburg mail which arrived yesterday:
STOCKHOLM, May 13.
It is reported, that the Prussian minister has left this court and that a note has been published by the cabinet of Berlin, declaring all communication between it and that of Stockholm at an end for the present. It is thought that the king of Sweden having returned the order of the Prussian eagle has given rise to this coolness between the two courts.
The Leipzig Gazette of the 4th May, contains the following article: "His Majesty the king of Prussia persists, for an essential, in the declaration which he has made relative to Swedish Pomerania, without at all disputing the rights of the king of Sweden to the sovereignty. The arguments which he has used, the motives which he declared, are laid down in so friendly a manner, that they cannot fail to make an impression upon the cabinet of St. Petersburg. In the said answer his Prussian Majesty gives an assurance that he never had an idea of attacking the rights of sovereignty of the king of Sweden; but declares at the same time, that from the local position and the relations of Swedish Pomerania, and according to the principles adopted by the court of Stockholm, maintained by general Armfeldt, at Berlin, in October, 1804; there neither ought nor can arise, from this little country, any provocation whatever, and it is to that which the note of the cabinet of Berlin of the 24th January last, refers. The court of Prussia has given at the same time a formal assurance, that in the present state of things it has no hostile views upon Swedish Pomerania. M. de Brink from the Swedish charge des affaires, has received no other answer to his note of the 29th February, except a verbal declaration, importing, that seeing the close union which exists between Russia and Sweden, they should adhere to the correspondence which had been carried on with the former of these cabinets."
The complete cessation of diplomatic intercourse between the courts of Berlin and Stockholm which has taken place may be considered more as a misunderstanding between individuals than nations. It can have little effect upon the general interest of Europe. To the report that Russia has purchased the sovereignty of Swedish Pomerania, we cannot annex any credit.
the enemy had been seen in considerable force in that quarter.
May 30.
Dispatches were received last night at the admiralty from Admiral Lord Gardner, dated the 22nd instant, stating that on the 11th his Majesty's frigate Laboure in lat. 43, 44, long. 20, 48, west, fell in with five sail of the line and three frigates, (supposed from the West Indies) standing to the eastward. She proceeded to communicate the intelligence to the squadron off Ferrol, and vice admiral Sir Robert Calder immediately went in pursuit, but not getting sight of them, he thinks they have effected their return to a port in France.
The Channel fleet was left all well on Sunday last. Lord Gardner has divided it into two detachments, one of which cruises as the inshore squadron, and the other as the out.
The two last of the line which we announced some time ago as having slipped out of Rochefort
are gone to the West-Indies; they had about thirteen hundred troops on board.
It has been conjectured in consequence of a letter, received yesterday from Malaga, that Lord Nelson has passed the Straights, and blockaded Cadiz.
The notification mentioned in this letter was, we have every reason to believe, in consequence of the official notice of our Gazette. We have intelligence from Cadiz of the 30th ultimo, which takes not the least notice of any squadron being off that port, and we have not heard that any official intelligence has been received of Lord Nelson's having passed the Straights.
The more we reflect upon the designs of the French, upon which the curious intercepted correspondence lately published, has thrown such strong light, the more we are convinced, that an attack upon our Indian settlements, is one of their great objects. Some private letters received within a day or two from France, strengthen our opinion. They state in positive terms, that in a certain latitude, the combined fleets were to separate, and that seven sail of the line were to be detached to the East-Indies, with 5000 troops on board.
Lord Keith has left town from Ramsgate, to resume the command of the ships off Boulogne.
DUTCH COMMERCE.
The new code of commerce consists of nineteen articles.
1st. The repeal and abolition of all laws and resolutions existing before the decree against trading with Great-Britain.
2d. A prohibition of all indirect commerce from any of the Dutch ports with Great-Britain.
3d. Every vessel that shall arrive in any of our ports with false or forged papers direct from Great-Britain, or from any port or haven thereunto belonging, shall, together with every article of her cargo, be confiscated.
4th. On information that any vessel, having been under the necessity of putting into any of the British ports, shall have taken any additional articles on board besides her original cargo, she shall be confiscated; and the captain be liable to a fine of 1000 guilders, if he be found to have concealed the fact.
5th. A regulation respecting vessels from G. Britain (whose original destination may be represented to have been for a neutral port) putting into any of the Dutch ports; which shall, if the ship's passport does not clearly prove every part of her cargo to have been destined for such neutral port, be declared to be enemy's property, and confiscated accordingly, so long as free navigation and free commerce be not declared in England.
6th. A fine of 1000 guilders, to be paid by every captain or master of the vessel who shall be found to have any papers, or packets of papers, to be delivered to any of the military officers, or before their arrival in a Dutch port.
7th. All documents, or ship's papers of whatever description, shall, with the utmost care, be delivered, & also a written declaration by both the captain and master; declaring upon oath whence they came, whither defined, and that they have delivered all papers they had in possession, and that they have not brought over with them, or delivered before this their declaration, any letters or papers whatever. Further, all vessels shall be obliged to take a birth nearest the shore, where they are to remain under guard until they have received leave to weigh anchor.
8th. A prohibition of all importation of British manufacture, from any place and in any manner soever, under penalty of the articles being confiscated, and a fine of 1000 guilders. All indirect importation shall be punished corporally, and, if the case requires it, capitally.
9th. The term British manufacture comprises also coal and train oil.
10th. Goods manufactured in other countries will be admitted, provided they are accompanied with original certificates from the secretary of finance.
11th. No article is to be imported that shall not have been notified at the different offices of the secretaries of finance during the voyage.
12th. All direct communication and commerce between this republic and Great-Britain, shall henceforth be prohibited.
13th. Prohibits the exportation of ammunition without previous permission. Tar, salted meat, and cheese, are prohibited from being conveyed to any port on this side of the Wezer; and even then without special leave, and for a given quantity only.
14th. A fine of treble the value shall be imposed upon all such articles exported without leave, as shall require such previous specified permission; as likewise for rye, oats, beans, peas, split barley, grits, pork, and butter.
15th. Specifies the form in which the certificates are to be drawn.
16th. No vessel shall sail unless she be provided with a special permit from the commissary, &c. besides the other necessary papers.
17th. The captain, passengers, and crew, are prohibited from taking with them letters, packets, or any thing whatever, intended for any port or haven in Great-Britain, under the penalty of a fine of one thousand guilders, and one year's confinement; and for which purpose the captain is required to make his declaration before he sets sail.
18th. Prohibits the lading or unlading on any wharfs or by places.
19th. Forbids the casting anchor at any magazine or warehouse, during the passage, within certain limits.
The intelligence which on Tuesday was communicated from Holland, respecting the intended prohibition of all commercial intercourse between that country and England, has very naturally produced a considerable sensation among that part of the commercial world interested in the Dutch trade. That intelligence has been corroborated by several private letters received from the city, which state in addition, "that if a letter shall be received, and be opened and read upon in any manner whatever by any merchant, trader, person or persons of any description in Holland, from any one of the subscribers to the crown of Great-Britain, after orders shall be issued to the contrary, that every such person shall be liable for every such offence to the forfeiture of 1000 guilders (about 501. sterling) half of which is to be paid into the coffers of the state, and the other half to the informer."
Letters of the 4th May, from the coast of Spain, containing a caution of a nature rather extraordinary, have been received in town. They say, "in consequence of the rumours in circulation here respecting Portugal, we deem it prudent not to address you any longer by the way of Lisbon, but through the medium of Holland."
Madame Jerome Bonaparte has seen very little company since her arrival in London. A letter from Paris, dated May 19, says, "I suppose you have heard that many of the United Irish are quitting this country for America—Dr. M'Nevin has resigned his commission in the Irish Legion, and is going there; Emmett is already there; Sneyd is in the basin, & Sweeney, who killed Corbett in a duel, are also going."
It is reported, that some meetings of disaffected persons (some say of several thousand) have been lately observed in the county of Kildare, Ireland.
The Paris Moniteur says, that "an ambassador from the king of Persia had arrived at Constantinople to complain of the conduct of Three Tails, who refused to supply with provisions a Persian army of 100,000 men, who were purifying the Russians, while he had granted supplies to the Russians." The Moniteur adds, "the ambassador cannot obtain any thing from a court and enervated Divan, who seem to be the only persons in the world that do not see or dare to look at the state which attends Turkey; they dread to perceive that empire hasten to its ruin, and that those Ottomans, formerly so proud and brave, are on the eve of perishing without the honor of a war, so much are they prostrated and surrounded by the Russians."
Bonaparte in answering the address of the people of Milan, and speaking of Italy, says—"God has given me a good sword to scatter its enemies."
By a post-official report in the Paris papers of the proceedings of the Rochefort squadron in the W. Indies, it appears that the British vessels sent into Martinique, and sold, produced 100,000. and that many had been sent in, but not sold; a great number had been sent to Guadeloupe. They left at Guadeloupe and Martinique about 8000 troops of the line, and as many militia, plentifully supplied with ammunition. Their loss in all these expeditions is stated at 80 men. The total force of the squadron on board was 3550.
The king of Sweden has declared Straalsund a free port for the importation of British manufactures.
LONDON, May 27.
Rumours of Peace.—The Hamburg mail of the 21st arrived yesterday. It is confidently reported, that the mission of M. Novosilzof to Bonaparte has for its object the restoration of general tranquility, and that the conditions with which he is charged, are to be proposed on the joint part of Russia and Great-Britain—Should the Emperor Napoleon be in Italy on the arrival of the Russian minister at Paris, it is asserted that he will proceed to Italy.
Defensive operations.—All the naval officers attached to signal posts, sea-fences, &c. have received orders to hold themselves in readiness for embarkation, in case circumstances should occur to render their service on board necessary.
May 28.
Newfoundland Fleet taken.—It is with extreme regret we have to inform our readers of the capture of the greater part of the outward bound convoy for Newfoundland. The particulars of this event are given in the following letters which were received in Town yesterday:
"Cork, May 21.—I am concerned to inform you, that the Newfoundland fleet which failed hence the 9th instant, with convoy, being met by a French frigate, were all burnt or captured—two of them were taken by the Topaze and Rosarita, off the north west coast of Ireland. A Spanish corvette, of 20 guns, has been taken by the Topaze. She had captured the Young William, of London, Capt. Young from Cork to Waterford, with spirits and powder."
French Laws in Holland.—According to private letters from Rotterdam of the 25th instant, measures of increased severity were about to be adopted, under the auspices of Mr. Schimmelpennick, for cutting off all commercial intercourse between Holland and this country. A proclamation upon this subject was expected to be issued by the government on the 29th.
May 29.
In a subsequent column we have given an abstract of the report of the committee of the house of commons to whom was referred the consideration of certain parts of the tenth report of the commissioners for naval enquiry. It was presented yesterday evening by Mr. Leycester, the chairman of the committee, and ordered to be printed. On the motion for the latter proceeding, Mr. Whitebread gave notice of his intention to bring forward on Thursday next, a motion for the impeachment of Lord Melville, and also certain resolutions relative to the conduct of the chancellor of the exchequer, in the case of that nobleman.
Spanish Dollars.—The accounts of the English merchants having claims on the court of Madrid for balances due and detained in the bank of that city at the commencement of the last war, are shortly expected to be put in a state of payment with interest. We hear the payment is to be made out of that part of the specie ascertained to be the immediate property of the Spanish government, which was detained previous to the declaration of the war with Spain, most of which is now safely lodged in the bank of England. The claims, we understand, amount to about 800,000.
Richmond County Court, June 1805.
IN-CHANCERY"> VINCENT CHANCERY. Vincent Redman, Against Ann Y. McNeill, William R. Kel- Defts. fick, and Barnes Beckwith,
IT appearing to the Court, that the defendant, Ann Y. McNeill, is not an inhabitant of this state, and not having entered her appearance and given security according to law, and the rules of this court—on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said Ann Y. McNeill, do appear here on the first Monday in August next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in the Enquirer printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and a copy also posted at the front door of this court-house; and it is further ordered and decreed, that the defendants Riffick and Beckwith do not pay, convey away, or secrete the debts and effects due and belonging to the said Ann Y. McNeill, until the further order of the court in the premises. A Copy, teste, B. MCARTY, C. R. C. (CT2m.)
July 9.
TO BE SOLD, to the highest bidder for cash, by Virtue of a Deed of Trust, in King and Queen county, nine miles below Dunkirk, and eleven above the court house, at the dwelling of Joseph S. Fox's, on Thursday the 8th day of August, one tract of LAND, containing by estimation 123 acres more or less, and bounded as follows: (to wit) by Henry Smith, Polly Dehazau, General Henry Young, Edward Hill, James Dickie, and Reuben Clayton. Also six or more negroes, together with the flock of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, household furniture, kitchen en do, and plantation utensils, a number of which too tedious to mention, also one riding chair. HENRY BROWN. (EE2w.p)
July 19.
FOR SALE—BY THE SUBSCRIBER. COAF SUGAR, by the hhd. bbl. or single loaf, direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia: SOAL and UPPER LEATHER, on moderate terms. PRIME SPANISH HIDES. MICAH YAH DAVIS. 6th mo. 11th. '05. (CT4)
July 9.
FOR SALE—BY THE SUBSCRIBER.
COAF SUGAR, by the hhd. bbl. or single loaf, direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia:
SOAL and UPPER LEATHER, on moderate terms.
PRIME SPANISH HIDES.
MICAH YAH DAVIS.
6th mo. 11th. '05. (CT4)
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of ROBERT GAMBLE & SONS, will be dissolved by mutual consent, on Saturday, the 11th instant. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly entreated to make immediate payment to either of the subscribers. A compliance with this request will prevent the painful necessity of resorting to coercive measures.
The books will be placed in the possession of Messrs. John and Robert Gamble jun. who are authorized to settle all accounts due by, or to the concern.
RO. GAMBLE.
JOHN G. GAMBLE.
RO. GAMBLE, jr.
Richmond, May 6th, 1805.
The subscribers take this method of informing their friends and the public, that they intend carrying on the mercantile business, under the firm of
JOHN & ROBERT GAMBLE JUN.
They are now receiving by the ship Rolla, a choice selection of LONDON GOODS, and daily expect from Liverpool, a general assortment of HARDWARE, &c. suitable for the season—which will be sold by the piece, package or dozen, on the most moderate terms, for cash, merchantable country produce, or the usual credit to substantial and punctilious customers.
They have on hand Madeira and Sherry Wine, Cognac Brandy, West-India Rum, Whiskey, Sugar, Pepper, Allum, Copperas and Brimstone, (in pipes, hds. and casks) Cotton and Wool Cards, Patent Shot, Steel, Bar Iron, Hollow Iron Ware, German Scythes, Cutting Knives and Whetstones, Osnaburgs, Ticklenburgs and Brown HOLLANS, Saus, Cut Herring &c.
They also possess large and convenient Brick warehouses covered with slates, for receiving and storing Flour, Tobacco &c. Those gentlemen who favor them with consignments, will find their charges reasonable, and may rely on their best exertions to afford satisfaction.
The highest rates given for Bees-Wax, good Bear, Deer, and Otter skins, and other shipping Furs. JOHN G. GAMBLE. ROBERT GAMBLE, jr.
The subscriber (Robert Gamble, sen.) avails himself of this opportunity to thank his numerous friends for the very large share of patronage he has received in the Mercantile line—and hereby tenders to the public his future services as a Commission Merchant. He flatters himself, his long experience (with other circumstances unnecessary here to mention) entitles him to the confidence of those who may have business of that nature to transact in this city—affuring such of his best exertions to merit approbation.
Those who remain indebted to the late firms of Gamble and Gratton, of Staunton, of Gamble & Temple, Robert Gamble & Co. and Robert Gamble of the city of Richmond, are once more earnestly requested to make immediate payment of their respective balances. Such as continue regardless of this last notice cannot expect longer indulgence.
Richmond, May 10, 1805. RO. GAMBLE. (cp3w oawt.)
DOCTOR WILSON
HAS removed his Apothecary Shop to the lower floor of the Bell Tavern, where he has a general supply of
MEDICINES, PAINTS, & OTHER ARTICLES IN THE APOTHECARY LINE.
He takes the liberty to observe, that he has not an article of medicine but such as he uses in his own practice.
Physicians, merchants and others, who may be pleased to patronize him, shall be supplied on the most reduced terms.
Persons of needy circumstances, by paying the retail prices of his medicines, will be prescribed for gratis.
May 21. (ctf.)
FOR SALE,
THAT valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the county of King & Queen, late the property of Wm. Campbell, dec'd. called the Taylor's Bridge Tract; containing about four hundred acres, a large proportion of which is rich low ground, abundantly stocked with good timber, and well adapted to the cultivation of grain. It will be sold on the premises, on the fifth of September, if fair, if not, the next fair day, and may be divided to accommodate purchasers, on a credit of six, twelve, and eighteen months. Bonds with approved security, to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid, together with alien on the land, will be required.
Wm. & WILY CAMPBELL, Exe'rs. King & Queen, July 12. (ct3w.)
PRIVATE BOARDING & LODGING.
THE Subscriber (near Mr. Southgate's Store on Shockoe Hill, a fine healthy situation) will furnish genteel Board and Lodging for a few gentlemen until the first of December next, by the day, week or month, on reasonable terms:—And will then be prepared to receive the Members of Assembly, having a convenient house with seven fine rooms and fire places in each, which he intends to appropriate to the accommodation of the members, and reside, himself, in separate apartments near to it. This house is situated in a northeast direction from the Capitol, about 150 yards distance; the space between which is remarkably dry ground in any weather.
I flatter myself that the convenience of the house, its contiguity to the Capitol, and my unremitted endeavours to give satisfaction, will induce as many members of the next Legislature to put up with me as the house will commodiously entertain. Those members who with to engage previous to the session, will please signify the same by letter.
I with to rent 12 or 15 furnished beds, and to hire during the Session, 3 or 4 good Servants and Cooks, and to engage both immediately. JOHN MOODY. July 23. (ct3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscribers having purchased from Christian Venable the exclusive right of making, using and vending to others to be used, within the United States, his PATENT METALIC HONE, do hereby forewarn all persons from making or vending the said Patent Hone, without authority from them. They also beg leave to inform the public that they carry on the business under the firm of JEFFREY COBBS & Co. in the town of Warren, Albemarle county, Virginia, where orders would be thankfully received and faithfully executed upon the shortest notice. JOHN STAPLES, JEFFREY COBBS, DAVID COBBS. (18w8. 7)
Warren, July 2.
A TRACT OF LAND.
JOHN GILMER, wishes to sell a tract of land consisting of 330 acres, lying within half a mile of Charlottesville. Any person wishing to purchase, may see the land, and know the terms by applying to him in that place. June 4. (1aw8w.)
TO BE SOLD,
On liberal credit, and in lots to suit purchasers, FROM two hundred and fifty to three hundred acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, about four miles from Richmond—a distance which renders it but little liable to pillage, yet sufficiently near to one of the best and most improving markets in the United States. The advantages of small farms near large towns, are so obvious and generally admitted, as not to require particular enumeration. Persons residing in the city with large families, and who are obliged to keep horses, would be able in one year to save more than the original purchase. For further particulars enquire of Mr. Thomas Norvell. May 14. (watt.)
POLITE ACCOMPLISHMENTS FOR YOUNG LADIES,
AT WILLIAMSBURG.
TO those who are acquainted with the excellent Society of Williamsburg, a recommendation of it as an eligible scene for the education of Young Ladies, is unnecessary. Mr. & Mrs. ANDERSON, who continue to receive some pupils into their family, have endeavored to add to the advantages of the situation, by forming an establishment, intended to unite, under the same roof, the various branches of female instruction and improvement. Parents, who feel interested on this subject, are invited to enquire into the merit of their institution. Letters addressed to Mr. L. Anderson, Post-Master, Williamsburg, will be duly attended to. June 16. (T4)
MOUNT SIGN FOR SALE.
THE subscriber offers for sale, his Plantation in Northumberland county, known by the name of MOUNT SIGN. The above tract contains about 500 acres, all of which is equal to any land in that part of the country for fertility of soil, and has every requisite to make it a desirable situation for a genteel family. There is on the land an excellent brick dwelling house, with every convenient out-house; it is situated on the navigable waters of the Potomac, and commands an elegant view of the river: it is very convenient to fish, oysters, &c. and is within one day's sail of Alexandria, Norfolk, and Baltimore. Terms of the sale will be made known by application to Mr. Henry Bell, who resides on the land, or to the subscriber. JESSE JONES. May 3. (ctf.)
GEORGE WILY,
BROKER & COMMISSION MERCHANT, Near the Basin,
BUYS and sells all kinds of Produce—Also, Lands & Lots, and houses, Bank Stock, &c.
His lots for Sale, LOTS No. 141, 2, 3, 4, and 4, which make one entire square in Du-Val's addition—There is a good Spring attached to them. These lots are well worth the attention of any gentleman willing to build a summer retreat for his family. July 23.—4f.
TO RENT,
A BRICK LUMBER HOUSE on the Basin. FOR SALE,
German Osnaburgs, by the piece or bale, Gen. Mendock Claret, of vintage of '01 7 in boxes of Saturn Wine of the vintage of '00, 5 30 b. each. A few dining and desert sets of elegant French China.
The above Wines are such as can be particularly recommended, having been laid in last September at Bordeaux by one of the partners then on the spot, who took uncommon pains in the selection. PICKETT, POLLARD & JOHNSTON. July 23. (ctw.)
TO BE SOLD,
At Public Vendue, at Goffy's, Hatch, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock, at noon:
ALL that TRACT OF LAND, late Pretty Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac River. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—"It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land, extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a Large Brick Stable, Valuable Barn, Cow-House, and many other out-houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore, Alexandria, and Norfolk. There are two good mill seats for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the City of Washington."