The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-15 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1808.
[No. 67.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR. —At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [1f]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at Myers's Auction Store, just received— 4 Bales Kendal Cottons, 3 Bales blue and white mixed Kerseys, 3 Bales Half-Flannels, assorted—white, blue, green and mixed, 2 Bales Welsh Plaids—white and blue, 3 Bales Coating—blue and red, 5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats, And an additional supply of the best Dutch BOLTING CLOTHS. Also, in Store, Prime Muscovado Sugars, in hds. and bbls. Loaf Sugar, Molasses, old Madeira Wine, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct. ous. Oct. 11. [Tf]
DESERTED —from the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON —30 years of age, a feet 9 1-2 inches high, swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had at the time of his desertion, a round soldier's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour; blue-striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt; and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES , 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1-2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair—when spoken to has a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer—He wore a way a round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DELLARD , Capt. 5th U. S. Reg. Infantry Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [1f]
A HORSE was brought to my stable, on the 27th ult. a Bay Horse about 9 or 10 years old, 4 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with a Saddle and Bridle. The said Horse, was delivered by a Negro, who said he had found him on the Common's of this town. The owner may get him by applying at the Columbian Inn, and paying charges. Posted and appraised to eighteen pounds. Z. BROOKS. Dec. 3. [1f]
NOTICE —In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Brigg-house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dale from London to Alexandria, in the year 1758, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is guessed to be near Petersburg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland. GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. [3m] * His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
NOTICE —That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "An act concerning the sale of Property under executions and incumbrances," I shall, on Saturday, the 7th day of January next, upon the premises, expose to sale, by public auction, for ready money, the BRICK TENEMENTS , and the Ground thereto belonging, as now occupied by Messrs. Webster, Poore & Prosser, and John B. Walton, opposite the City Hotel, in this city; or so much thereof, as may be necessary to satisfy Daul. Call, Esq. acting Executor of Robt. Means, dec'd. the several sums of money now due, and unpaid under the said deed. SAMUEL McCRAW, Trustee. december 6. tds
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST —In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house. He deems it unnecessary to say anything concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIST'S PREPARED by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, and of corrosive substance. Mr. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality for sale. Nov 29. [1m]
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
TUESDAY, Nov. 22. EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Crawford's speech concluded.)
We are told by the gentleman from Connecticut, not to be sure, in language equally strong with that of the Essex resolutions, that he repeal of the embargo will not involve us in war, unless indeed Bonaparte makes war on us; that we are not driven to that alternative; that we have yet an honorable and lucrative trade open to us. The same gentleman has said that he will not consent to go to war for rights not well established, but that he will never abandon a neutral right which is clearly established. From this it would appear that the gentleman thinks that the British orders in council are no infringement on the rights of neutral nations. [Mr. Hillhouse said he did not say so.] I did not say that the gentleman said so; but I draw the inference from the gentleman's position. [Mr. Hillhouse observed that he had said that he was doubtful whether the nation should go to war for doubtful rights; but for rights clearly indisputable he would permit the arming of our merchant vessels.] The gentleman's explanations Mr. Crawford said, did not change the inference he had before stated. He admits that he said that a repeal of the embargo would not involve the nation in war; and that in support of rights not clearly established, he is not prepared to say whether he would go to war or not. I here understood the gentleman to allude to that portion of the trade carried on by exporting the produce of enemies' colonies to foreign countries. I had thought that the right of an independent nation to trade with the whole world, except in ports absolutely blockaded, or in articles contraband of war was a right which could not be denied, a right in which no nation had heretofore attempted to control another. The gentleman from Connecticut says he will not go to war for doubtful rights; and that he will not go to war against the orders in council. I can draw no other inference from these observations, than that the gentleman conceives that the orders in council do not infringe our neutral rights; or, that all our rights are doubtful.
How are these orders and decrees to be opposed by war, except we keep without their reach? If the embargo produces a repeal of these edicts, we effect it without going to war. Whenever we repeal the embargo, we are at war, or we abandon our neutral rights. It is impossible to take the middle ground, and say that we do abandon them by trading with Great Britain alone. You must submit or oppose force to force. Can arming our merchant vessels by resisting the whole navy of Great Britain oppose force to force? It is impossible. The idea is absurd.
By way of ridiculing the embargo, the gentleman from Connecticut in his familiar way, has attempted to expose this measure. He eluded it by one of those familiar examples by which he generally exemplifies his precepts. He says your neighbor tells you that you shall not trade with another neighbor, and you say you will not trade at all: Now this, he says, is very magnanimous, but it is a kind of magnanimity with which he is not acquainted. Now let us see the magnanimity of that gentleman and see if it savors more of true magnanimity than our course. Great Britain and France each say that we shall not trade with the other. We say we will not trade with either of them, because we believe our trade to be important to both of them. The gentleman says it is a poor way of defending the national rights. Suppose we pursue his course. Great Britain says we shall not trade to France; we say we will not, but will obey her. We will trade upon such terms as she may impose. "This will be magnanimity indeed; this will be defending commerce with a witness." It will be bowing the neck to the yoke. The opposition to taxation against our consent the commencement of the revolution, was not more meritorious than the opposition to pay tribute and imposition at the present day. I cannot for my soul see the difference between tribute and a tacit acquiescence in the British orders in council. True, every gentleman revolts against paying tribute. But, where is the difference between that and suffering yourself to be controlled by the arbitrary act of another nation? If you raise the embargo, you must carry your produce to Great Britain and pay an arbitrary sum before you can carry it elsewhere. If it remain there, the markets will be glutted, and it will produce nothing. For it appears from the very evidence to which I have before alluded, that at least four fifths of our whole exports of tobacco must go to England, and pay a tax before we could look for a market elsewhere; and that out of 75,000 hogsheads raised in this country not more than 15,000 are consumed in Great Britain. Where does the remainder usually go? Why, to the ports of the continent. I ask then, if the whole consumption of Great Britain be but 15,000 hogsheads, if an annual addition of 60,000 hogsheads be thrown into that market would it sell for the costs of the freight? Certainly not. The same would be the situation of our other produce. But the gentleman says that he is not prepared to go to war for doubtful rights? What are these doubtful rights? Has the law of nations ever interdicted the trade with enemies' colonies, against the interruption of which the American merchants lately remonstrated with so much force and perspicuity? For the information of the Senate I will read a part of the memorial presented by the merchants of Boston. For my own part I have never considered it a matter of much importance whether we have suffered more from France or G. Britain. I have long been convinced that both nations intended to do us all the evil they could; and where there is a difference in the quantum, it only results from an inability in the least mischievous to do more. But it is attempted to be shown by the gentleman from Massachusetts that there is a great difference between the injuries received from one power, and those which we have received from another,
"While your memorialists have witnessed with mingled feelings of indignation towards the perpetrators, and of commiseration for their unfortunate countrymen, the insults and barbarities which the commerce of these states has sustained from the cruizers of France and Spain, it is their object in the present memorial, to confine their animadversions to the more alarming, because more numerous and extensive detentions and condemnations of American vessels by G. Britain; and to advert to the principles recently avowed and adopted by her courts, relative to neutral trade in articles of colonial produce. Principles which if admitted, or practised upon in all the latitude which may fairly be inferred to be intended, would be destructive of the navigation and radically impair the most lucrative commerce of our country."
After going into a train of reasoning to show that the pretensions of Great Britain are a manifest violation of the neutral rights of this nation, they conclude by saying "but whatever may have been the motives for the proceedings on the part of Great Britain, the effect is notorious. From her recent conduct great losses have been sustained, our commerce has been checked and embarrassed, and large quantities of produce are now remaining locked up in this country which were purchased for foreign markets, because our merchants cannot send it abroad, without taking risks on themselves which prudence would not justify, or without paying such rates for insurance as the trade of the country cannot afford."
This memorial is in support of the very trade which the gentleman from Connecticut says he would not go to war for. Now a different language is held by the signers of this petition, under the increased injuries we have sustained; and I am only sorry for the character of the United States that this difference of language has taken place.
The gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White) has said that by repealing the embargo, we can now carry on a safe and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths of the amount of our domestic productions. There is nothing more delusive and better calculated to impose on those who do not investigate subjects than these calculations in gross. If the gentleman will take the trouble to make the necessary enquiries, he will find that instead of Great Britain taking to the amount he supposes of domestic productions, she takes nothing like it. It is true that a large proportion of our domestic exports is shipped ostensibly to Great Britain—but it is equally true that a very large proportion of these very exports find their way into the continental ports. For the British merchants in their examination before the House of Commons, already alluded to, say that three fourths of their receipts for exportation to the United States have been usually drawn from the continent; and that even if the embargo was removed and the orders in council were continued, they must stop their exportations, because the continental ports would be closed against American vessels; because their coast was swarmed with English cruizers, the French must know that the American vessels attempting to enter have come from an English port. That they had facilities of conveyance to the continent prior to the orders in council, the merchants acknowledged; and when requested to explain the mode of conveyance, they begged to be excused. No doubt every gentleman has seen these depositions, or might have seen them for they had been published in almost every paper on the continent. They have opened to me and my constituents a scene perfectly new. They tell you that the Berlin decree was nothing. Notwithstanding that decree, they had a facility of conveying produce into the continental ports; but the orders in council completely shut the ports of the continent against the entrance of American vessels. On this point there was no contrariety of opinion; and several of these merchants declared that they had sent vessels to the continent a very few days before the date of the orders in council. This clearly shews that any conclusion to be drawn from the gross amount of exports must be fallacious, and that probably three fourths ought to be deducted from the gross amount. This statement of the gentleman from Delaware, which holds out to the public the prospect of a lucrative trade in four-fifths of their exports, will certainly have a tendency to render them uneasy under the privations which they are called upon to suffer by the iniquitous measures of foreign nations. Although the statement was extremely delusive, I do not say that the gentleman meant to delude by it. This however being the effect of the gentleman's assertion, I am certainly warranted in saying that the evidence of the British merchants who carry on this trade, is better authority than the gentleman's statements.
But admit, for the sake of argument, and on no other ground would I admit it, that these gentlemen's statements are correct, and that at the time the embargo was adopted, these orders in council, notwithstanding the trade of the United States, could have been carried on to this extent. What security have we, if the embargo had not been laid, after submitting and compromising the national dignity and independence, that the British aggressions and orders in council would have stopped at the point at which we find them? Have we not conclusive evidence to the contrary? Are we not officially notified that the French Lee ward Islands are declared by proclamation in a state of blockade? And do we not know that this but carrying into effect a report of the committee of the British House of Commons on the West India Islands, in which this measure is recommended, and in which it is stated that his Britannic majesty's West India subjects ought to receive further aid by placing these islands in a state of blockade? I can see in this measure nothing but a continuation of the system recommended last winter in this report, and published for the information of the U. States, I suppose. If the embargo should be repealed and our vessels suffered to go out in the face of the present orders in council and blockading decrees and proclamations, Mr. Crawford said they would but expose us to new insults and aggressions. It was in vain to talk about the
magnanimity of nations. It was not that magnanimity which induced nations as well as men to act honestly; and that was the best kind of magnanimity. The very magnanimity which had induced them to distrust our commerce would equally induce them to cut off the pitiful portion they had left to us. In a general point of view there was now no lawful commerce. No vessel could sail from the United States without being liable to condemnation in Britain or France. If they sailed to France, Mr. C. said they were carried into Britain; if they sailed to Britain, they were carried into France. Now, he asked, whether men who had any regard to national honor, would consent to navigate the ocean on terms so disgraceful? We must be cool calculators indeed, if we could submit to disgrace like this!
The last reason offered by the supporters of the present resolution, Mr. C. said, may properly be said to be an argument in terrorem . The gentleman from Massachusetts says by way of abstract proposition, that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the feelings and interests of the people may lead to opposition and insurrection, but the gentleman from Connecticut uses the same expressions as applicable to the embargo—it may be a forcible argument with some gentlemen, and most likely may have had its effect on those who intended by it to produce an effect on others. But I trust that this House and this Nation are not to be addressed in this way. Our understandings may be convinced by reason, but an address to our fears ought to be treated with contempt. If I were capable of being actuated by motives of fear, I should be unworthy the seat which I hold on this floor. If the nation be satisfied that any course is proper, it would be base and degrading to be driven from it by the discordant murmurs of a minority. We are cautioned to beware how we execute a measure with which the feelings of the people are at war. I should be the last to persist in a measure which injuriously affected the interest of the United States; but no man feels more imperiously the duty of persevering in a course which is right, notwithstanding the contrary opinion of a few; and though I may regret and respect the feelings of these few, I will persist in the course which I believe to be right, at the expence even of the government itself.
THURSDAY Nov. 24.
Mr. Giles—Mr. President —Having during the recess of congress, retired from the political world, and having little agency in the passing political scenes, living in a part of the country too, where there is little or no difference in political opinions, and where the embargo laws are almost universally approved; I felt the real want of information upon the subject, now under discussion. I thought I knew something of the general objects of the embargo laws, and I had not been inattentive to their general operations upon society, as far as I had opportunities of observing thereupon.
When I arrived here, and found that this subject had excited so much sensibility in the minds of many gentlemen I met with, as to engross their whole thoughts, and almost to banish every other topic of conversation; I felt also a curiosity to know, what were the horrible effects of these laws in other parts of the country, and which had escaped my observation in the part of the country in which I reside. Of course, sir, I have given to the gentlemen, who have favored us with their observations on both sides of the question under consideration the most careful and respectful attention, & particularly to the gentlemen representing the eastern section of the union, where most of this sensibility had been excited. I always listen to gentlemen from that part of the U. States, with pleasure, and generally receive instruction from them; but on this occasion, I am reluctantly compelled to acknowledge, that I have received from them less satisfaction, and less information than usual; and still less conviction.
It was hardly to have been expected, Mr. President, that after so many angry and turbulent passions had been called into action, by the recent agitations throughout the whole U. States, resulting from the elections by the people to almost all the important offices within their gift; & particularly from the election of electors for choosing the president and vice-president of the U. States, that gentlemen would have met here perfectly exempt from the feelings, which this state of things was naturally calculated to inspire; much less was it to have been expected, sir, that gentlemen who had once possessed the power of the nation, and who, from some cause or other, had lost it; (a loss which they now tell us they but too well remember, and I fear might have added, too deeply deplore) gentlemen too, sir, who at one time during the electioneering scene, had indulged the fond and delusive hope, that through the privations necessarily imposed upon our fellow-citizens by the unexampled aggressions of the belligerent powers, they might once more find their way to office and power, and who now find themselves disappointed in this darling expectation. It was not at all to be expected, sir, that these gentlemen should now appear here perfectly exempt from the unpleasant feelings, which so dread a disappointment must necessarily have produced. It was a demand upon human nature, for too great a sacrifice; & however desirable such an exemption might have been at the present moment, and however honorable it would have been to those gentlemen, it was not expected.
But, sir, I had indulged a hope that the extraordinary dangers, and difficulties pressed upon us, by the agitating belligerents; attended too, with so many circumstances of indignity and insult, would have awakened a sensibility in the bosom of every gentleman of this body, which would have wholly suppressed, or at least suspended, these unpleasant feelings, in all some measures, consulting the general interests and welfare of the people, could have been devised, to meet, resist, and if possible, to subdue the extra-ordinary crisis. But, sir, even in this hope too, I have been totally disappointed. I was the more encouraged in this hope, when upon opening this debate the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) seemed sensible of this sacred obligation, imposed by the crisis, when he exhorted us in conducting our deliberations, utterly to discard the influence of party spirit. It would have given me great pleasure, sir, if the gentleman had afforded us a magnanimous example of a precept so admirably suited to the present state of things. But in this too, sir, I have been unfortunately disappointed. That gentleman's observations consisted almost exclusively of retrospective animadversions upon the original objects & no effect of the embargo laws, without seeming to think it was worth his attention, to favor us with any reflections upon the people's interests, the public safety, and general welfare are so imperiously demanded. That gentleman represented the embargo laws, as mere acts of violation, impelled by no cause nor necessity; whilst the British orders, & French edicts, were scarcely glanced at, and certainly formed the least prominent feature of his observations. He represented these laws as a wanton and wicked attack upon commerce, with a view to its destruction, whilst he seemed scarcely to have recollected the extraordinary dangers and difficulties, which overspread the ocean indeed, sir, he described the ocean as perfectly free from dangers & difficulties, untroubled by any storms, and that we had nothing to do, but unload our canvas to the wind, that it would be filled with prosperous gales, and wafted to the ports of its destination, where it would be received with open arms of friendship and hospitality. I wish, sir, with all my heart, the gentleman could but realize these dreaming visions; their reality would act like a magic spell upon the embargo laws, and dissipate them in a moment! But, al. s, sir, when we come to look at realities, when we turn our eyes upon the real dangers and difficulties which do overspread the ocean, we shall find them so formidable, that the wisdom of our undivided councils, and the energy of our undivided action, will scarcely be sufficient to resist and conquer them. To my great regret, sir, we now see, that the U. States cannot even hope to be possessed with this union of mind and action, although certainly their dearest interests demand it.
Mr. President, perhaps the greatest inconvenience attending popular governments consists in this:—That whenever the union and energy of the people are most required to resist foreign aggressions, the pressure of these aggressions presents most temptations to distrusts and divisions. Was there ever a stronger illustration of the truth and correctness of this observation than the recent efforts made under the recent pressure of the embargo laws?—The moment the privations, reluctantly but necessarily imposed by those laws, became to be felt, was the moment of signal to every political demagogue, who wished to find the way to office & power, to excite the dismasts of the people, & thus to separate them from the government which they might by every exaggeration, misrepresentation, which falsehood could invent; nothing was omitted, which it was conceived would have a tendency to effect this object. But Mr. President, the people of the United States must learn the lesson now, and at all future times, of disrespecting the bold and disingenuous charges and insinuations of such aspiring demagogues. They must learn to respect and rally round their own government, or they never can present a formidable front to a foreign aggressor.—Sir, the people of the United States have already learnt this lesson. They have recently given an honorable and glorious example of their knowledge in this respect. They have in their recent elections, demonstrated to the nation, and to the world, that they possess too much good sense, to become the dupes of these delusive artifices, and too much patriotism to desert their government, when it stands most in need of their support and energy.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has made the most strict, and I had almost said, uncharitable scrutiny into the objects and effects of the embargo laws, in the delusive hope, I presume, of obtaining a triumph over his political adversaries. I purpose to follow the gentleman, in a fair and candid comparison of information and opinions upon this subject; and I shall do so in the most perfect confidence, that, whenever a thorough examination of the objects & effects of the embargo laws shall be made known, and the merits of the measure fully understood, that there is not a man in the U. States, who will not applaud and support the administration for its adoption, who has the unadulterated heart of an American, throbbing within his bosom.
Mr. President, I have always understood that there were two objects contemplated by the embargo laws. The first precautionary, operating upon ourselves. The second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents. Precautionary, in saving our seamen, our ships & our merchandise from the plunder of our enemies, and avoiding the calamities of war. Coercive, by addressing strong appeals to the interests of both the belligerents. The first object has been answered beyond my most sanguine expectations. To make a fair & just estimate of this measure, reference should be had to our situation at the time of its adoption. At that time, the aggressions of both the belligerents were such, as to leave the U. States but a painful alternative in the choice of one of three measures, to wit, the embargo, war, or submission. I know that this position has not been admitted, though but faintly denied in the discussion. I shall however proceed upon this hypothesis for the present, and in the course of my observations will prove its correctness by the statements of the gentleman in favor of the resolution.
Before the recommendation of this measure, the laudable and prudent circumspection of the administration, had obtained tolerably correct estimates of the amount and value of the ships and merchandise belonging to the citizens of the United States then afloat; and the amount and value of what was shortly expected to be afloat, together with a conjectural statement of the number of seamen employed in the navigation thereof.
It was found that merchandise to the value of one hundred millions of dollars was actually afloat, in vessels amounting in value to twenty millions more. That an annual

of merchandise and vessels equal to fifty millions more was expected shortly to be put afloat, and that it would require fifty thousand seamen to be employed to navigate this enormous amount of property. The administration was informed of the hostile edicts of France, previously issued, and then in a state of execution, and of an intention on the part of Great Britain to issue similar orders, the character and object of which were also known. The object was to sweep this valuable commerce from the ocean. The situation of this commerce was as well known to Great Britain as to ourselves, and her moderate cupidity could not withstand the temptation of the rich booty, she vainly thought within her power. This was the state of information at the time this measure was recommended.
The President of the United States ever watchful and anxious for the preservation of the persons & property of all our Citizens, but particularly of the merchants, whose property is most exposed to danger, and of the seamen, whose persons are also most exposed, recommended the embargo for the protection of both; & it has saved & protected both. Let us now suppose for a moment that the president possessed of this information, had not apprised the merchants & seamen of their danger, & had recommended no measure for their protection and safety; would he not in that case have merited and received the reproaches which the ignorance or ingratitude of merchants and others have so unjustly heaped upon him for his judicious and anxious attention to their interests? It is admitted by all, that the embargo laws have saved this enormous amount of property, and this number of seamen, which without them, would have forcibly gone into the hands of our enemies, to pamper their arrogance, stimulate their injustice and increase their means of annoyance.
I should suppose, Mr. President, this saving worth some notice. But, sir, we are told that instead of protecting our seamen it has driven them out of the country, and into foreign service. I believe, sir, that this fact is greatly exaggerated. But, sir, suppose for a moment that it is so, the government has done all, in this respect, it was bound to do. It placed these seamen in the bosoms of their friends and families, in a state of perfect security; and if they have since thought proper to abandon these blessings, and emigrate from their country, it was an act of choice, not of necessity. But what would have been the unhappy destiny of these brave tars, if they had been permitted to have been carried into captivity, and sent adrift on unfriendly and inhospitable shores? Why, sir, in that case, they would have had no choice; necessity would have driven them into a hard and ignominious service, to fight the battles of the authors of their dreadful calamities, against a nation, with which their country was at peace. And is the bold and generous American tar to be told, that he is to disrespect the administration for its anxious and effectual attentions to his interests? For relieving him from a dreadful captivity? Even under the hardships he does suffer, and which I sincerely regret, every generous feeling of his noble heart, would repel the base attempt with indignation. But, sir, the American seamen have not deserted their country; foreign seamen may and probably have gone into foreign service; and, for one, I am glad of it. I hope they never will return; & I am willing to pass a law in favor of the true-hearted American seamen, that these foreign seamen never should return. I would even prohibit them from being employed in merchant vessels. The American seamen have found employment in the country; and whenever the proper season shall arrive for employing them on their proper element, you will find them, like true birds of passage, hovering in crowds upon your shores.
Whilst considering this part of the subject, I cannot help expressing my regret, that at the time of passing our embargo laws, a proportion of our seamen was not taken into the public service; because in my judgement, the nation required their services, and it would have been some alleviation to their hardships, which the measure peculiarly imposed upon them, as a class of citizens, by affecting their immediate occupation; and the other classes, as well as the public treasury, were able to contribute to their alleviation; and I am willing to do the same thing at this time. Indeed, its omission is the only regret I have ever felt, at the measures of the last congress. I like the character—I like the open frankness, and the generous feeling of the honest American tar; and, whenever in my power, I am ready to give, and will with pleasure give him my protection and support. One of the most important and agreeable effects of the embargo laws, is giving these honest fellows a safe asylum. But, sir, these are not the only good effects of the embargo. It has preserved our peace; it has saved our honor; it has saved our national independence. Are these savings not worth notice? Are these blessings not worth preserving? The gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. White) has, indeed, told us, that under the embargo laws, the United States are bleeding at every pore. This, surely, sir, is one of the most extravagant effects, that could have been ascribed to these laws by the frantic dreams of the most infatuated passions. Blood-letting is the last effect, that I ever expected to hear ascribed to this measure. I thought it was of the opposite character: but it serves to show that nothing is too extravagant for the misguided zeal of gentlemen in the opposition—I have cast my eyes about in vain to discover those copious streams of blood; but I neither see nor hear any thing of them, from any other quarter. So far from the U. States bleeding at every pore, under the embargo, it has saved them from bleeding at any pore; and one of the highest compliments to the measure is, that it has saved us from the very calamity which the gentleman attributed to it; but which, thanks to our better stars and wiser counsels, does not exist.
The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) not content with describing the general horrors of the embargo laws, has addressed himself, in plaintive tones, to several particular classes of citizens, and has kindly formed each of his particular hardships and sufferings. The gentleman asks, what has become of the merchant? What has become of the farmer? I know something of the situation of the farmer; and, as to the merchant, I had felt serious apprehensions for his situation, until they were materially injured by the information given by the gentleman. The gentleman tells us, that the great capitalists do not suffer; they are in favor of the embargo; but the young, dashing, enterprising merchant, without capital, is destroyed. The statement is highly honorable to the embargo laws, and proves a great deal. The capitalist, who has prosperity, finds his security under the embargo; he is therefore in favor of the measure; but the merchant, who has nothing, is deprived
of an opportunity of making something out of that nothing. But his rights are not affected by the embargo; he is left in the enjoyment of the nothing he possessed; and has no reason to complain that the embargo does not give him something without laboring for it. I regret, however, that these merchants, without capital, have lost the chance of making their fortunes by the embargo; but the most of these, the gentleman tells us, would probably have become bankrupt, by their wild speculations, even if the embargo were not in being; & of course, their situation cannot be much worsened by it.
But, Mr. President, I am willing to admit, that there are many worthy merchants of small capital, who do suffer by the suspension of their employments; & I am very sorry for them: but this suffering is incidental to every coerced state of things; and is attributable, not properly to the embargo, but to the causes that rendered its adoption indispensable.
The gentlemen, however, tell us, with the most sympathetic feeling, that the ships of the great capitalists are rotting at our wharves, and yet these capitalists are in favor of the embargo. Why, sir, this is a very plain case, when strip of its exaggerations. The ships are precisely twelve months older than they were twelve months ago; and the owners would rather have them there with this difference of age and proportionate decay, than to see them torn away by lawless plunderers, and wholly lost forever. But, sir, what would have become of many of these capitalists if it had not been for the embargo? Their property would have been plundered, and they become bankrupts. Is it any wonder then, sir, that these men should be in favor of the embargo? Review, then, this statement made by the gentlemen, respecting the merchants, and what is the actual result? Why, this, sir, that although they do suffer by the necessary interruption of their particular occupation, (a suffering I deplore as much as any gentleman in the U. States) yet the real owners of the property do not complain; and almost the only grumblers are those who have nothing to grumble about.
But says the gentleman, what has become of the farmer? The gentleman knows that I am a farmer, and that I have long borne the appellation with sincere pleasure; I may therefore be presumed to know something of the situation of the farmer; and not only in my own name, but in the name of the whole happy, useful, and honorable fraternity of American farmers, I will tell the gentleman what that situation is at this moment—The American farmer is now enjoying the fruits of his honest industry, in peace and security, blessed at the same time, with every political, social and domestic enjoyment, perfectly exempt from all the vexations, and I had almost said taxation, and with pleasure behold a surplus of 14 millions of dollars in the public treasury after paying every debt which could be demanded of the honor of the government. All these blessings too, are sweetened by the noble consciousness that they are enjoyed by him as a freeman, and by a constant recollection, and perfect confidence, that he is protected in this enjoyment by a government, which will never basely surrender his rights, nor the national sovereignty, to any foreign aggressor upon earth. Blessed with all these uninterrupted enjoyments, I agree perfectly in sentiment with the gentleman from N. York (Mr. Mitchell) that with a heart overflowing with the most grateful affections, he should render thanks to the author of all good, that in the bountiful dispensations of his providence, he had been pleased to pour so many blessings into the lap of the American farmer! Grumbling and repining when thus favored, would in my judgement, be impiety to Heaven, and ingratitude to his own government. The gentleman does not tell you, Sir, that the farmer wants any thing, but that he has plenty over much. The puzzle is, to know what to do with the surplus plenty. And how does the gentleman advise the farmer to dispose of it?—Why, he tells him, raise the embargo and it will increase the price of your surplus produce; and for this supposed difference in price, he advises the farmer to sell his own freedom and his country's independence; and in this contemptible and miserable barter, to purchase his own, and his country's vassalage—to cease to be a freeman, and to become a slave! To give up the noble feelings inspired by liberty and freedom, and to descend to the abject and ignominious existence of a slave without any mental feeling whatever.—Sir, let me tell that gentleman in my own name, and in the name of every farmer in the U. States, that we would repel with indignity and indignation, the disgraceful golden allurements, even if it could be realized. But, sir, dishonorable as the allurements is, it is fictitious, it is visionary. It could not be realized—I believe, and every sensible farmer will believe, that he has for the last ten months obtained more for his surplus plenty under the embargo, than he could have done in any other state of things, which was the choice of the government.—Let us suppose that the immense mercantile capital which is admitted to have been saved by the embargo had been seized and carried into foreign ports and there condemned; what would have been its effects upon the mercantile capital of this country? It would have so crippled our merchants, that they would not have been able for a long time to purchase the surplus produce of the nation.
But that is not all, these merchants would have claimed indemnification from the government for losses which, in that case they would have urged, were sustained by its culpable neglect; and they would have plunged us into war, to repair so great an injury inflicted upon the nation; the foreign plunderers too, would have told us, that they cared but little about war, as they had taken from us sufficient means for defraying its expense. Thus, in that state of things, a war would have been inevitable; and would you tell the farmer, that he would get more for his surplus produce in time of war, than he has received since the embargo? Sir, the farmer knows too well the calamities of war, to be thus deluded by these visionary golden dreams. In the event of war, he would not have received as much for his surplus produce, as under the embargo laws: hence, it obviously appears from a fair estimate of pounds, shillings, and pence; (since we are compelled to resort to that standard, as the only orthodox test of our national honor, national sensibility, and even national independence) yes, Sir, even according to that sordid standard, the farmer would have been the loser. Besides, Sir, to say nothing of the increased taxes, and other burdens indispensable to the support of war, who can count its chances, or limit its duration? Who can calculate its demoralizing consequences?—But calamities as war is, the American farmer would with eagerness encounter all its terrors, rather than surrender their own li-
berties, and the nation's honor, independence, and sovereignty—let us then for a time, Sir, bear our present privations—let war be the last experiment.
But, Sir, I will mention another circumstance, which may be some alleviation to the farmer, for the difference in the price of his surplus plenty now, and in ordinary times. When the price of produce is low, the temptation to raise large crops will be lessened, and the farmer will turn a certain portion of his labor to the improvement of his farm. The high prices of produce heretofore have induced the farmer to impose too much upon his land; too great demands have been made on it, and it has been in some degree exhausted. The embargo has apprised the farmer of this important circumstance, and taught him his true interest in this respect. I have observed a great change in the application of labor in this respect, and I have no doubt a general sentiment exists in favor of a still greater change; a greater portion of labor is also converted into household manufactures, which will lessen our demand and dependence upon foreign nations. In both these respects, I believe the operation of the embargo is favorable to the farmer, at the present moment, and will certainly be favorable to posterity by transmitting to it a more fertilized soil for cultivation. It will be favorable, at the present moment, in this respect; that before the adoption of the embargo, the farmer was tempted to apply too great a proportion of his labor to the annual increase of crops, and too small a portion of it to the permanent improvement and fertilization of his farm. I mention this as an alleviation, not as a complete exemption from the effects of the embargo, and its so far producing a beneficial influence upon cultivation and internal improvement.
I hope by this time, Mr. President, that the gentleman will concur with me in opinion, that the situation of the American farmers is rather enviable than miserable—That he has good sense enough to make a just estimate of his own interests, and possesses too much honorable sensibility not to repel with indignation every attempt to seduce him into a disgraceful surrender of his own liberties or his country's independence.
(Mr. Gil's Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON, December 12. The following Letter from Mr. GILES to the Secretary of the Treasury, in the report made to the Senate, precedes the note with which the letter of the Secretary was introduced in our last paper.
Committee Chamber, Nov. 12, 1808. DEAR SIR, Under instructions from the committee appointed to consider the several embargo laws, I have to request the favor of your attendance in the committee chamber of the Senate, at 10 o'clock on Monday morning next, prepared to give such information to the committee, as your department affords, respecting the subjects embraced by the enclosed resolution.
Be pleased, Sir, to accept assurances of my high consideration and regard. (Signed) WM. B. GILES. The Hon. Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury.
SENATE—Dec. 9. Mr. Bradley, from the committee charged with a message of the President relative to the public buildings, reported a bill making a further appropriation towards completing the two wings of the Capitol at the city of Washington, and for other purposes. Mr. Giles reported a bill supplemental to an act entitled "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 9. REVENUE CUTTERS. The engrossed bill for authorizing the President to employ an additional number of revenue cutters was read the third time; and on the question on its passage;
Mr. Durell moved that it be recommitted for amendment. The reason which he assigned for the motion was, that the bill contemplated the procuring twelve additional revenue cutters whilst the Secretary of the Treasury had informed the House that three would be sufficient for the purpose of executing the ordinary revenue laws. He had no objection to employing as many vessels as might be necessary to enforce the embargo laws, but he wished that all those which were not necessary for the ordinary purpose of revenue cutters should be hired, not purchased, as he understood the bill to contemplate. The difference of expense between hiring and purchasing would be as 10,000 to 100,000 dollars. He wished the bill to be so amended as to authorise the purchase of three revenue cutters, and the employment, during the existence of the embargo, of as many more as would be necessary to enforce it. The motion for recommitment was supported by Messrs. Durell, Ely, Gardner, Sloan, and Updegraff; and opposed by Messrs. Newton, Blackledge and Dawson, who contended that a discretion was left with the Secretary of the Treasury by the word, employ, to hire or purchase, as he would think fit; and no doubt he would hire all those which were not necessary for enforcing the ordinary revenue laws; and that a re-commitment would but detain the bill, as the terms of it could not be made more explicit than they were at present. The motion to re-commit was negatived, Ayes 33.
The question on the passage of the bill was then taken, Yeas 90, Nays 26.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The report of the committee still under consideration— Mr. D. R. Williams spoke about an hour and a half in favor of the embargo system generally.
Mr. Culpeper opposed it in a speech of half an hour.
Mr. Cook moved to adjourn. Mr. J. G. Jackson called for the yeas and nays on the motion; but a sufficient number did not rise to justify the taking them. Motion to adjourn negatived. Mr. Cook renewed the motion, observed that he had some remarks to make, which might occupy the House some time. Carried 54 to 50.
SATURDAY, Dec. 10. Mr. Lewis from the committee of the District of Columbia, reported a bill supplementary to an act entitled "An act to establish a turnpike road in the county of Alexandria;" which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
SEAMEN AND MARINES.
Mr. Nelson from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill authorizing the President of the U. S. to employ an additional number of seamen and marines. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The report of the committee on our foreign relations being yet under consideration— Mr. Cook spoke for about two hours against the embargo system generally.
Mr. Folsom spoke for half an hour on the same side of the question. The question on the first resolution was loudly called for; but after many unsuccessful motions to adjourn, a motion to that effect made by Mr. GARDINER was carried, 53 to 48; and the House adjourned without taking a question.
BOSTON, Dec. 7. FROM FRANCE. Arrived, sch'r Mohawk, Atkins, 35 days from Liverpool, via Salem.
In the Mohawk, from Liverpool, came passengers capt. Folger, late master of the American brig Acorn, seized and condemned in France, under the Berlin decree; capt. Waterman, late of the Mentor, of N. York, whose vessel was burnt by the French privateers at sea, under the barcarolle decrees of their master; and another gentleman.
Capt. Folger informs us, that he left Paris the 20th of August, and escaped in an open boat from St. Maloes on the 18th of September, after a severe struggle with the guard boats. While he was at Paris, large bodies of troops were marching from the camps near that city for Spain, and it was represented that Bonaparte was sending forward upwards of 80,000 men for the conquest of that kingdom for his brother Joseph. There can indeed be no doubt but he will exert all the force he can spare from other objects, for this purpose. Capt. F. represents, that the conduct of the French prize courts is most infamous; that they do not even observe the forms that decency might require to cover their injustice—and that he has actually seen the summary process of the condemnation of several vessels, with so little ceremony or deliberation, that there was not even a pen put to paper in the business.
Capt. Waterman, of the Mentor, belonging to N. York, was from a Spanish port in the Mediterranean; on his passage, he was boarded from an English man of war, but suffered to proceed without any endorsement of papers; afterwards he had the misfortune to meet with two French frigates, and was boarded from one of them; after examination, they were about dismissing him, when one of his sailors, (a foreigner, who now calls himself a Frenchman) informed of their having been spoken by the English, on which, capt. W. was required to alter his declaration, or they would burn his vessel, and he and his crew be made prisoners of war; but he refused to make any alteration, and remonstrated against their yielding to the testimony of such a fellow, against all other circumstances—but in vain; part of the Mentor's cargo was taken out, the crew carried on board the frigate, and in the night, Captain W. was invited upon deck to behold his ship in flames!
On board the frigate they were treated worse than the English prisoners; they were afterwards carried into France—marched to Brest and imprisoned—from thence through other prisons to Verdun, his mate and some of his people handicuffed on their march. At length, after a tedious correspondence with gen. Armstrong, and assurances from him that he had done every thing in his power by petitions for their release; capt. W. insisted that he should demand it, in the name of his country; it was finally obtained, after being a prisoner for nearly five months, from March to July, during which time, he had been the tenant of 32 different prisons!
Such is the treatment Americans receive at the hand of France—our ships plundered & burnt on the ocean—our fellow-citizens carried into captivity, loaded with iron, imprisoned and treated like slaves—while the arms of our country are turned only against our own citizens, and the doors of secrecy are closed upon the enormities of the universal robber, to whom in America we burn incense as the head of the enlightened government of France!
NEW-YORK, Dec. 10.
The editor of the London Courier of the 21st of October, makes the following ridiculous observations respecting the President's answer to the Boston petition for the removal of the embargo:—
"The answer of Mr. Jefferson to the inhabitants of Boston, who prayed for the suspension of the embargo (which we inserted yesterday, and have re-published to-day,) is such as we expected.—There is an effectual moderation of tone and temper in it, which it is hoped will reconcile the Americans to a measure, which, without doing any injury to the belligerent powers, at least, to England, is rapidly working the ruin of the American trade—it will require, however, much greater talents than Mr. Jefferson possesses, to make the people of America look with applause on an act which may well be called an act of suicide. Is it not a great absurdity as if a man were to give himself a mortal wound, and then exclaim, 'see how I am revenged on the person whom I hate.' Through this veil, however, of moderation and sensibility for the distress of the American merchants, it is easy to see that Mr. Jefferson's sentiments are hostile to us, and that he does not view the exertions of the Spanish patriots, with any feelings of satisfaction.—Observe that in his scale of offence towards America, he always places us first—'The orders of England, and the decrees of France and Spain,' as if our orders had been the cause of the French decrees, instead of having been the consequence of them. He endeavors to keep out of sight that the trade with Spain is perfectly free to neutral commerce; that the English orders do not proscribe neutral commerce, and that it is to the American government alone, the American merchants are to impute the interdiction of their trade with Spain and her colonies.—It has been well & seasonably stated by a Brother Journalist, that the policy of the British ministers in relation to the commerce of America with Spain, was liberal, and really benevolent. In reply to a question which was put to them before the close of the last session, they declared that the United States was free to trade with Spain from the moment that Spain avowed her hostility to the tyrant of Europe; and that no circuitous voyage through England was henceforth to be required of them. But this Mr. Jefferson most unfairly keeps out of sight. He keeps out of sight too, every thing which is cheering and animating with respect to Spain."
"In Spain indeed a contest for the government appears to have arisen." An expression that would give the people of America to understand that the contest in Spain was between two domestic factions struggling for the direction of affairs—that parties had arisen in the state which had thrown every thing into anxiety and confusion. He does not do, as he ought to have done, state that in Spain there is but one party, of the whole people determined to throw off a foreign yoke, and to keep out a foreign tyrant—that is, all Spain is fighting against Bonaparte who wishes to impose on the Spaniards a king whom they are determined not to accept.—We should have thought that the American president who boasts of ruling over a free people would have scarcely been able to have found words sufficiently animated to express his joy at such a prospect—that giving a generous form to liberty he would have depicted her bestirring the vast Atlantic, sustaining with one hand the independence of America, and grasping with the other the energies of Spain, to direct them against
oppression. But no! All is cold and edgeless in Mr. Jefferson's letter—he sees nothing great or glorious in the struggle—it is merely a "contest for government!"
This editor seems to discover very little knowledge respecting the affairs of this country. The president had not by the power vested in him by congress, the ability to remove the embargo, until the causes which impelled the representatives of the people to enact the law, had ceased—these causes then continued, and until the present hour they are not removed.
He also attaches much blame to the president for speaking in such cold and formal language respecting Spain. As the head of a neutral nation he could not do otherwise; as a private individual however we venture to say that the cause of the Spanish patriots is as near to the heart of Thomas Jefferson, as that of any ministerial editor in London—but as the head of a neutral executive, he had no right to express his feelings. We are indeed sorry to see our old schoolmate with whom we once went hand in hand when each were attempting to drink deep from the Greek and Roman spring, so far changed with respect to the great principles of political economy—From 1790 a 1794, the distant sound of freedom, appeared to have kindled the patriotic flame in his youthful breast, which we expected could never have been extinguished by ministerial influence; but alas! how egregiously are we sometimes deceived! The sun when rising in brilliance, is often clouded before he reaches his meridian.
Another reason may be given for Mr. McLaughlin's [the editor] improper observations. It is the deception which is practised by a set of men here in the correspondence with their British friends.
As a proof of this, witness the following infamous letter published in the Courier (his paper) under the date of Aug. 25—said to be "from a gentleman of the first respectability in this city;" is dated—
Extract of a letter from New-York, July 16 "The American papers will inform you officially of the spirit of the American Councils and non officially though justly, of the feelings of the American people. You will see that neither British moderation nor Corsican insolence or the sufferings of the Americans, have been able to transform into justice and honor the partiality to Gallic principles of Jefferson and Co."
"The Democrats have quarrelled about the election of a future President, some of them desiring Madison, others Clinton.—Were their opponents as active and intriguing, they might profit by this broil, and get a worthy citizen Mr. Rufus King, to occupy this place. But here, as well as in Europe, all machination, all activity, as well as audacity and want of principle belong entirely to the democratic party, united only when plotting mischief or conspiring destruction. The Gallic faction has certainly been a loser by the embargo act, but still Madison is expected to be elected President."
Can any man after this, blame the editor of the Courier, with all the prejudices of a ministerial tool about him, for speaking harshly of our chief magistrate—when traitors lurking in this very city are deceiving both him and his government, by their diabolical communications? If from such corrupt sources as the "respectable" author of the above libelous letter, that the people & government of G. Britain, derive a great part of their information—and chiefly to this cause may be attributed the unwillingness of that Cabinet to do us justice as a nation. Let such traitors beware; the day of retribution is fast approaching.—Daily Adv.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
THURSDAY, Dec. 6.
After some other petitions, was presented. A petition of Thomas Hord and Robert Baylor of Essex county, praying to be relieved from a fine inflicted on them under the presentment of a grand jury in the court of the said county;
Also a petition which lay on the table, from sundry owners of lots in Planters' Town, in Buckingham county, praying an extension of the time for improving said lots;
Also a petition from certain officers & soldiers of the first battalion of the 47th reg't. of Virginia militia, praying that the commanders of reg'ts. may be authorized, in certain cases, to appoint sutlers;
Also a petition of Elizabeth Sponsler, alias Kimberrin, praying to be divorced from her husband Martin Kimberrin;
Also a petition from sundry citizens of Jefferson county, praying the passage of a law, authorizing the Executive to commission the officers of a company of cavalry, voluntarily associated in the said county;
Also a petition from the administrators of John Pendleton, deceased, praying provision to be made, by law, for the payment of certain certificates found among the papers of their intestate;
Referred to the committee for Courts of Justice.
A petition was presented and read from John Ashlin, of Fluvanna county, praying that he may be authorized, under certain restrictions, to erect a road across the Rivanna river.
Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Harrison county praying for a division of the said county;
Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Campbell county and the adjacent counties, praying that the inspection of tobacco in the town of Brookneal, in the said county, may be revived—and that the further time of five years may be granted to the owners of lots in the said town, to improve the same;
Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Hampshire county, praying the passage of a law authorizing a reward to be given for killing wolves in the said county, the money to be paid by the said county;
Referred to the committee of Propositions and Grievances.
A petition was presented and read from sundry inhabitants of the town of Fredericksburg and other places, praying the passage of a law to incorporate a company to open a turnpike road from Fredericksburg to Swift Run Gap, in the Blue Ridge, or such other point, as commissioners to be named in the said law may fix upon.
Ordered, That the said petition be referred to Messrs. Steward (of Spotsylvania) Crutchfield, Spencer, Wyatt (of Goochland) Roberts, Barbour, Mahony (of Orange) Watson, Harris, Garland, Hill and Madison.
A petition was presented and read from Sarah de Pass, at present in the city of Richmond, praying the passage of a law, authorising her to retain in bondage a negro girl slave, whom the petitioner brought into this state from South-Carolina, being ignorant of the law of Virginia upon that subject;
Ordered, That the said petition be referred to Messrs. Vint, Verby, Aylett, Pope, Estill, Norland and Smith (B. & Q.).
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "Allowing persons arraigned of misdemeanor in certain cases, the right of challenge;" and that Messrs. Thompson, Preston, T. Robinson, J.

Allen and Waller, prepare and bring in the same.  Ordered , That there be given to bring in a bill "Concerning the Courts of Chancery;" and that the committee to which is referred the subject of the judiciary system, do prepare and bring in the same.  On motion, Resolved , That it shall be the duty of the Public Printer, to print for the use of the members of the General Assembly, 250 copies of every act of Assembly, of a public nature, so soon as the same shall be enacted into a law.  Ordered , That a writ of election issue to the county of Brunswick, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the election of Thomas Gholson (one of the members from the said county returned to serve in this present General Assembly) to a seat in the House of Representatives of the United States.  FRIDAY, Dec. 9.  Ordered , That Mr. Archer be added to the committee for Courts of Justice.  A petition was presented and read from Richard E. Parker, of Westmoreland county, complaining of the undue election and return of Peter P. Cox, one of the members returned to serve in this present General Assembly from the said county;  Referred to the committee of Privileges and Elections.  A petition of Robert Ruffin, praying that he may be permitted to remove into this state certain slaves, his property, from North Carolina, was received and referred to the committee to which are referred the several petitions relating to the act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into this commonwealth.  A petition from a number of the inhabitants of Orange county, praying the passage of a law incorporating a company to establish a turnpike road from Fredericksburg to Swift Run Gap, was received and referred to the committee to which was referred the petition from the town of Fredericksburg on the same subject.  A petition was presented and read from Margaret Brough of Halifax county, praying to be divorced from her husband Thomas Brough;  Referred to the committee for Courts of Justice.  A petition was presented and read from the mayor, recorder, alderman, and common councilmen of the town of Petersburg, praying that the freeholders of the town of Petersburg, which is situated in three several counties, may be allowed to vote at the courthouse of the said town. Also, that the town of Petersburg may be annexed to the county of Prince George, under the law authorizing a superior court of law to be held in each county—and further praying an extension of the jurisdiction of the corporation court of the said town of Petersburg;  Ordered , That so much of the said petition as relates to comprehending the town of Petersburg, within the jurisdiction of the superior court of law directed to be held at Prince George courthouse, be referred to the committee to which is referred the subject of the judiciary establishment of this commonwealth; and that the remainder of the said petition be referred to the committee for Courts of Justice.  A memorial was presented from sundry persons, inhabitants of Virginia and other parts of the United States, stating the advantages to be derived from a water communication between the port of Norfolk and the state of North Carolina, by a canal to be run agreeably to a route laid down in said memorial, and praying the passage of a law authorizing the President of the United States to cause to be undertaken said work, and also to incorporate a company with certain powers to assist in the completion thereof.  Also a petition from sundry inhabitants of the county of Princess Anne and other places, with a similar prayer.  Also a petition from sundry inhabitants of the county of Monroe, praying that a certain part of the said county may be annexed to the county of Giles;  Also a petition from sundry inhabitants of the said county of Monroe in opposition thereto;  Referred to the committee of Propositions and Grievances.  On motion, Resolved , That the Executive be requested to lay the Journal of their proceedings before the General Assembly.  Ordered , That the Clerk carry the said resolutions to the Senate and desire their concurrence.  Mr. Wooding from the committee of Privileges and Elections presented the following report and resolutions:—  The committee of privileges and elections, have according to order had under their consideration the petition of William Jones, complaining of the illegality of the election of the members returned to serve as Delegates for the county of Caroline, to them referred, agreed upon a report and come to the following resolutions thereupon:  It appears to your committee from the return of John T. Woodford, sheriff of the county of Caroline, that the polls held at the last election of Delegates for the said county, by reason of bad weather, were kept open and continued for two days successively, and closed on the second day; that such proceedings on the part of the said sheriff, was in violation of the 2d. section of the act entitled "an act to amend the act concerning elections of members of Assembly," passed on the 17th of January, 1798, which requires, that if the polls be not closed the first day, they shall be kept open two days thereafter at least:  Resolved therefore, as the opinion of this committee, that the said election is null and void.  Resolved also as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of William Jones, complaining of the illegality of the election of the members returned to serve as delegates from the county of Caroline for this present General Assembly, is reasonable.  The first resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the house.  The second resolution being read a second time, was on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.  On motion, ordered, that a writ of election issue to the county of Caroline, to supply the vacancy in the representation of the said county, produced by the election of said county being declared void.  Mr. Sheffey from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, presented the following report and resolutions:  The committee of Propositions and Grievances, have according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:  1. Resolved , as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Kanawha, praying that all that part of the said county contained within the following bounds, to wit: beginning at the corner of Mason county in Tees's Valley, thence a direct line to the mouth of the Spruce Fork of Coal River, thence up said fork until it intersects the line of Giles county, and with said line to the Tazewell line, and with the same to the Tug fork of Great Sandy River, intersecting the state line of Kentucky, and with the same to the mouth of Great Sandy River, thence up the Ohio to the mouth of Little Guyandotte, and corner of Mason county, and with the Mason line to the beginning, may form one distinct county, is reasonable.  2. Resolved , as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Northumberland, praying that all that part of their said county, lying within the following bounds, to wit: beginning at the head of Mile Creek and running a direct line to Thomas Hutchings's gate, may be added to and made a part of the county of Lancaster, is reasonable.
3d. Resolved , as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Northumberland in opposition thereto, be rejected.  On motion, ordered, that the said resolutions be laid upon the table.  The order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth, being read, ordered, that the same be put off, till to-morrow;  And then the house adjourned, till to-morrow 12 o'clock.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 15, 1808.
Interesting Letter from a Member of Congress to the Delegates (in the Va. Leg.) from the counties in his District. (Communicated for the Enquirer.)
WASHINGTON, Dec. 6.
The Documents accompanying the President's Message and the Report of our Committee on foreign relations, (which I have heretofore transmitted to you) will have presented a view of the difficulties with which we are at present surrounded. The period has arrived when all those feelings (which tend to separate men attached to the personal liberty of the citizen & independence of the nation) should be sacrificed at the shrine of their country's good.
Many of the difficulties which at present overshadow our country, arise from the opinion confidently entertained by the Belligerent powers, that we are too much divided to pursue, with firmness our course, or to present to Foreign nations that undivided front which can alone render formidable a government whose force depends on the public will. Heretofore in this country only three parties existed.—Republicans—Federalists, and Tories.
A new party arose during the last year which can only be designated the Presidential party. It was composed of a mixture of all the three great parties. Men differing in every great principle of national policy, men personally hostile to, and despising each other, were thrown into one party, having no common object in which all united, except opposition to the nomination of President by the Republican party.
This extraordinary Union of persons was little felt in Virginia where we have few Federalists, and no Tories. Most of the Republicans in our state too withdrew from this unnatural connection, and the more violent who remained, have only been known in Court-House harangues, and in the addresses of persons residing in the City of Richmond, who having never mixed with the great body of the people, are equally unacquainted with their feelings and interests.
In the Eastern States however this extraordinary union has produced a singular effect. In those States and in Massachusetts particularly, the Republican and Federal parties were nearly equal. The Tories, a considerable party in number, possessed the confidence of neither the Republicans, nor Federalists, and were despised by both. By a dexterous management however the Tories in Massachusetts have attached themselves to the Federal party, and men heretofore despised as hostile to the independence of their country have crept into consequence during the Presidential contest. The Tories and Federalists have out-voted the Republican party in that State.
The EMBARGO has been the great engine employed, but the real object of the Tories of Massachusetts, is to throw the United States into the arms of Great Britain. Indeed the Representative in Congress from Essex in Massachusetts, (which county may be considered as the land of Tories) offered a Resolution during the last Session of Congress which amounted to a declaration of war against France. The people of that county have passed Resolutions in which they expressly declare we have no cause of complaint against Great Britain, and that the orders of Council are justified by the Lex Talionis. Nay more that Great Britain might lawfully have inhibited all our trade with the continent of Europe.
These Resolutions were passed under the influence of tales industriously propagated by the Tories. The people of Massachusetts were told that the Government was under French influence. The embargo was represented as a measure of wanton hostility to commerce on the part of the Southern States. We were represented as having no commerce, as not feeling the operation of this measure at all, although the five Southern States, viz. Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia, export of domestic and foreign articles 35,826,141 dollars and have a population of 2,195,425 persons; while the five Eastern States, viz. N. Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Massachusetts and Vermont export of domestic and foreign articles only 24,278,723 dollars—leaving in favor of the Southern States, 11,547,416 dollars. This statement too is made from the Treasury books, although we know that much of the produce of the Southern country is carried to the Eastern States, both for consumption and exportation, and that Massachusetts particularly imports annually for consumption large supplies of our flour.
The embargo law was passed at a time when the French Berlin decree had been actually extended to our commerce; and when it was well understood in this country, that the British orders of council of November would issue.—Under the French decree every American vessel trading with Great Britain, its allies and dependencies, was subject to capture and condemnation.
Under the British orders of council, every American vessel trading with France, her allies or dependencies, was subject to capture and condemnation also, unless the vessel first touched at a British port, paid a transit duty or in other words, tribute, and took a licence.
Every European power having become the ally of England or France, the whole commerce of the United States with Europe and European colonies was subject to capture and condemnation, either by one or the other of the belligerents. The exports of the United States Foreign & Domestic, amounting to 108 millions of dollars were reduced by these decrees to 7 and 1/2 millions of dollars, as will appear from the following statement of the places not affected by the French decree, and English orders of council, and
 the amount of exports domestic & Foreign to each place.    Domestic. Foreign.     Russia, 78,530 366,567   Sweden, 54,137 58,567   Swedish W. Indies, 416,569 911,155   Dutch, W. I. & A— 496,010 307,566   American colonies, 79,880 560,836   Dutch East Indies, 67,241 94,316   Cape of Good Hope, 4,520 424,855   Turkey, Levant, E— 8,358 34,984   Egypt, 84,022 113,258   Morocco & Barbary States, 369,924 1,026,632   China, 3,385 5,266   Africa, 517,163 593,443   South Sea, 10,777 92,933   East Indies generally,   North W. coast of America,   3,112,497 4,369,898  
This was all the commerce left to the United States by the decrees of the Belligerents which could be pursued with profit, honor, or safety. The foes to the embargo measure, however, keep out of view the effects of these decrees and attribute the destruction of our commerce and all the pressure caused by Great Britain and France to the embargo alone.
The destruction of our commerce however by these decrees is not so serious as the principle they involve. It is an attempt on the part of each of the belligerents to monopolize our commerce. The right of a nation to transport the produce of its industry to all places where the local regulations of the particular sovereignty permit, is as perfect a right as the right of soil or any other. It cannot be abandoned by any nation without a surrender of independence. Men of all parties united in the sentiment that these pretensions on the part of the belligerents must be opposed.
The only question is what course ought to have been adopted at the time the embargo law passed.
For war we were not at that time prepared.—Even if we had been prepared, its immediate declaration would have lost to the United States the commercial Capital at that time on float. At the time of the attack on the Chesapeake, we had upwards of 100 millions of dollars on float. In the East Indian trade alone 36 millions.—To have continued our commerce without arming our merchant vessels would have been impossible.
If the merchants had been permitted to arm, we might have forced against France a commerce with England and its dependencies, amounting to 31 millions of dollars, leaving 77 millions deprived of a market by the British orders of council. To have done this would have been to submit to the nation from whom we had received the greatest injuries and to make war on the other. It would have given to Great Britain the exclusive monopoly of our commerce, a deal while her resources insolence and power, while we were writhing under the lash.
Withdrawing from the ocean for a time, until the nation could be placed in a situation to assert and maintain its rights, was considered as the only practicable and honorable course.
The embargo has been represented as a permanent measure by the enemies of the administration, and as the only resistance which they meant to oppose to insult and blows.
It has never been supported as a permanent measure. It had two objects in view, the 1st. to preserve our commercial capital and give time to prepare the means for asserting our rights. The 2d. to withhold supplies for which the belligerents were considered as dependent on the U. States.
The first object has been completely effected.—Our commercial capital has been preserved and we have been and are still going on with our preparations.
The second object has not had a fair experiment partly from the circumstances which were brought to bear on the measure in the Eastern States, but principally from Great Britain's having the command of the ocean and affording a facility to her agents in this country for evading the law.—All the evasions that have taken place (which are worthy of notice) may be traced up to the authorised agents of that country and to persons who feel for the convenience and interest of Great Britain, more lively sensibility than for the honor or independence of the United States. This is the reason of the apparent contempt with which the agents of Great Britain affect to treat this measure.—Until it was found, that by means of the old Tories and of her subjects in our commercial towns, the embargo could be evaded, it excited serious alarm in Great Britain. This is the real secret and not the prospect of getting provisions from South America, which is just as chimerical as the idea of their establishing cotton plantations on the coast of Africa. We have the best authority for believing that this measure has been severely felt by Great Britain, and that it will be more severely felt if it can be properly enforced.
No change has taken place in Europe which holds out to the United States the prospect of a more lucrative or honorable commerce than at the time the Embargo law passed. The situation of Spain and Portugal is too uncertain to have any effect on the measures of the United States—and we export to both these powers only 3,527,253 dollars of Domestic articles.
The Senate rejected with only six dissenting voices, the proposition to repeal the embargo law.—It is probable it will be strengthened with new provisions and a total non-intercourse with England and France.
I have no hope that either of these powers will withdraw their decrees and orders, nor do I at present see any termination to our differences but War. To take off the embargo at present, would afford no relief to ourselves, would bring on war before we are prepared, and furnish one of the belligerents with supplies for fleets and armies to annoy us.—Great Britain has at present a fleet at Halifax with 4,000 men, which, whether intended for the United States or not, I have no disposition to supply either with comforts or necessaries.
The Report of the committee on Foreign Relations is still before the House.—It will be adopted by a very unanimous republican vote.—Every exertion will be made for placing the nation in a situation to call into action all its resources, and the period, I believe, is not distant when we shall be able to return some of the blows which have so justly excited the indignation of the American people.
The Electors of New Jersey have voted, 8 for Madison as President, 8 for Clinton as Vice-President.
And like a dew drop
It is not often that we have condescended to notice the aspersions of the able and enlightened Editor of the "Spirit of '76." It is one of our principles to avoid all petty contests with the brethren of our profession & it is besides a favorite sentiment with us to shun every encounter, from which we can expect to reap not a spring of honor.—But there is an attack upon the Editor of this paper, in the last Spirit of '76, so false and so illiberal in its complexion, that we cannot pass it by in silent contempt.
This attack is aimed at a few remarks, which were made in the Enquirer of the 10th Inst. on the election of John Tyler, to the Chief Magistracy of this commonwealth. This sagacious writer enquires "why (the Editor) did not come out before in a bold and manly manner, and espouse the election of Judge Tyler," if the opinions which he has expressed of that gentleman were "really his sentiments." Why; perhaps it was not convenient. It did not suit his humor. Perhaps he had no leisure for such discussions. Perhaps he was engaged in more interesting concerns. There might have been a thousand reasons for this conduct; but no man, except the liberal Editor of the Spirit of '76, would have construed this Silence into Duplicity.—It is, besides, a new species of logic, that because the Enquirer entertains very exalted sentiments of Mr. Tyler, he should therefore have espoused his election. Might he not have formed equally exalted sentiments of the competitor of Mr. Tyler? If this principle therefore be correct, must he not have espoused the election of both? The absurdity of this conclusion is eminently worthy of the logic of the Editor of '76.
These ideas of John Tyler, Esq. are not new to us. They have been long since uttered in this paper.—Let a series of Essays which we wrote three years ago on the "vindication of Mr. Jefferson," be consulted! It will there be seen, that our veneration for John Tyler is a matter of record.
But, says this ingenious writer, "was not the Enquirer, anxious for, and did he not advocate the election of Mr. Nelson?" These assertions are calculated to convey false impressions. The Enquirer felt little anxiety on the subject. Both Messrs. Tyler & Nelson stood high in his estimation. Each of those gentlemen seemed fitted to guide the destinies of the State. It was the equivocal support of the Editor of the Spirit of '76, and of a few such trimming politicians as himself, that ever created a doubt or solicitude on the subject. These doubts, however, vanished upon receiving information, that Mr. Tyler had been "a decided friend to the election of Mr. Madison." With these doubts, we should most certainly have voted for Mr. Nelson.—Under these impressions, we did express to two or three of his friends our opposition to Mr. T's election.
This candid writer goes further. He even insinuates that the Enquirer had been "worrying about and doing all that he could against the election of Mr. Tyler." This assertion is just as remarkable for its truth as its elegance. When did the Editor of this paper take an active part against Mr. Tyler? Where is the solitary paragraph in his paper to that effect? In what way were his exertions bestowed? Lavish as this gentleman is of assertion and sparing in the use of argument, he will be puzzled to produce a single proof of these bold and miserable insinuations.
The Editor of the Spirit of '76 shews his usual liberality in accounting for our "eulogies" of Mr. Tyler.—Is the gentleman solicitous to know the reasons of our having drawn a brief sketch of Mr. T?—The motives were obvious enough. The anxiety of this very "Spirit of '76," to secure the election of Judge Tyler, the praises which it had lavished upon his principles and on the very same page with its eulogiums upon the Hon. John Randolph,—these anxieties and praises scattered to the remotest corners of this State and perhaps of the United States—one or two other circumstances of similar import,—had blown a light cloud of suspicion around the political character of Judge Tyler, which for the honor and standing of this State, it became necessary to dispel. These things might have raised some doubts and apprehensions in the bosoms of others, as they had already done in the mind of the Editor of this paper. It was therefore proper to show through a medium equally public, that John Tyler was not the political friend of John Randolph; that he was a friend to the present administration, a friend to Mr. Madison's election, and of course would be a friend to his administration.
But there is no "doubt," says this busy Spirit, "but that if Mr. Tyler would have decided the election between Monroe and Madison, it would have been in favor of Col. Monroe." This assertion is without the least foundation. We solemnly assert that Mr. Tyler is, and has uniformly been a friend to Mr. Madison's election. The very gentleman, (Mr. Baker) who nominated him to the Chief Magistracy of this state, found it necessary to make this declaration in his place in the House of Delegates. Different gentlemen who have conversed with Mr. T. at different periods of the last twelve months, have assured us within the last two days, that the present Governor has been uniform in his wishes for Mr. Madison's success, a firm friend of the Embargo, and all the distinguished measures of the present administration.
But if these be not sufficient pledges—Mr. T. has firmness—he has discernment—he has the experience of the last twelve months before him—His country has no cause for doubts or apprehensions.—In such hands, "the destinies of the Republic are secure."
Virginia Legislature.
On Tuesday, Mr. Pope of Powhatan submitted some Resolutions relative to the General Government, "pledging every exertion of this Legislature to support the rights of the U. States," and their determination to "endure every privation and pain, and to perish upon the ruins of our country rather than to abandon its Rights, its Honor and its Independence."—also, a resolution "to prepare an affectionate, approbatory, valedictory Address to Thomas Jefferson, now President of the U. States."
After a short desultory discussion, these Resolutions were referred to a select committee, consisting of Messrs. Pope, Semple, Baker, Robertson (Amelia,) Brockenbrough (Hanover,) Preston, Watts (Campbell,) Wirt, Archer and Murdaugh.
Mr. Crutchfield moved for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the several Acts made and provided for the Relief of Special Bail in certain cases.—Referred to the Committee
to which was referred so much of the Governor's Message as relates to the charge of the Judiciary.
Mr. Watson moved for leave to bring in a Bill for reducing the fees of the Clerks in the courts of this commonwealth; Referred to Messrs. Watson, Harris, Banks, Morrow, Lightfoot and Semple.
Mr. Brockenbrough (H.) asked for leave to bring in a Bill to amend and explain the Act entitled, "An act more effectually to prevent malicious and vexatious Suits."—Referred to Messrs. Brockenbrough, Brent, Watts (C.) Cheatham, Tyler, Edmunds and Storr.
Mr. Crutchfield proposed the following resolution: Resolved , That so much of the Governor's Communication, as relates to the arming and organizing the Militia, be referred to a Select Committee, and that they be instructed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary in the several acts organizing and regulating the Militia of this commonwealth, and that they report by bill or otherwise.—Referred to a committee of thirteen, named by the House: Messrs. Crutchfield, Tyler, Orey, Woodson, Buckner, Segur, Underwood, Mason, Wooding, Barbour, Stanard (S.) Leitwich and Cheatham.
Mr. Sheffey asked for leave to bring in a Bill "to alter the Senatorial Districts within this commonwealth."—Referred to Messrs. Sheffey, Congleton, Kinney, Given, Mallory, (E. C.) Castlemann, Shannon, Simon, Lightfoot, Henderson, Holt, (Nor.) and Davis.
Yesterday the two houses of the Legislature proceeded by joint ballot to elect a Judge of the General Court in the room of John Tyler, Esq. appointed Governor of this commonwealth.
Messrs. Barbour, Brockenbrough (U.) and Allen (S.) nominated William H. Cabell, Esq. late Governor.
Messrs. Strother, Mallory and Murdaugh nominated James Semple, Esq. delegate in the present Assembly from the City of Williamsburg.
Result of the ballot was, William H. Cabell 144, James Semple 43, Scattering 1.
The Senate have adjourned till the 29th Inst.
The two Houses have agreed to postpone the removal of two members, from the Council of State, till the 2d January.
** We are authorised to state, that Barbour Jones , is a Candidate for the Senatorial District, composed of Caroline and Hanover.
COW-POCK.
Doctor Trent is now inoculating for this disease in its genuine form. RICHMOND, Dec. 10.
COW-POCK.
Dr. W. Foushee Jr. is now inoculating for this disease in its genuine form.
PURSUANT to a decree of the county Court of Chesterfield, will be sold, on Saturday, the 24th Inst. to the highest bidder, on the premises, on a credit of twelve months, the HOUSE & LOT , on the main-street, in the town of Manchester, belonging to the estate of James Montgomery, dec'd.—Bond and security will be required of the purchasers, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
THE COMMISSIONERS. december 15. 245
FORWARN all persons from trading for any Bond or Bonds, which I have executed to John Head, of the county of Orange, for the payment of money. The said bonds having been fraudulently obtained; as I do not intend to pay the same, or any part of them. NICHOLAS CRENSHAW. Culpepper, december 15. 245
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher, and solicits a continuance of their patronage; he hopes, that from his experience and diligence in his profession, he shall be able to give general satisfaction. He proposes to continue his SCHOOL, the ensuing year, for the instruction of boys in the Greek, Latin and English languages, Geography, and the use of the Globes, the elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying, also the elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetick, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the sixteenth of January, and expire about the tenth of December following. TITO NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, December 15th, 1808. saw4w4
RICHMOND THEATRE.—Mr. Alston and his company, have the honor to inform the citizens of Richmond, and its vicinity, that their next performance will be on this Evening, the 10th of December, when will be exhibited, TIGHT & SLACK ROPE-DANCING, TUMBLING, ITALIAN SHADES, &c. &c. with a variety of other Performances, as mentioned in the bills. ** The Performance will commence at 7 o'clock.—Admittance half a dollar.—Good Fires will be kept. december 10.
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS , lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be specially attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, december 10. saw5w5
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Elijah Dickinson to Wm. Lawrence, on the 18th day of February, 1802, and duly recorded in Louisa county, to secure the payment of a sum of money, and interest therein specified, due to Ludlow and Nimrod Bramham: Will be sold, to answer the purposes specified in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Louisa county house, on the 22d day of December next, one negro man TOM , and one negro woman PATTY . The title to these negroes is believed to be good, but as only act as trustee, I shall convey only such title as is vested in me. WM. G. POINDEXTER. Trustee appointed by decree of Louisa County, to act instead of Wm. Lawrence, dec'd. NOV. 19, 1808. law4w

EUROPE.
BOSTON, Dec. 6.
FROM ENGLAND—VERY LATE.
A gentleman who came to town last evening from Salem, informed us of the arrival there of the schooner Mohawk, of this port, in 28 days from Liverpool, and favored us with letters and papers from England to the 28th of Oct. inclusive. We are also indebted to Messrs. RUSSELL AND CUTLER, for the loan of a file of the London Courier.
LONDON, Oct. 24.
PACIFIC OVERTURES.
A Russian and French Messenger arrived from France on Friday morning, and returned on Sunday.
Nothing certain has yet transpired either with respect to the dispatches or the reply returned by our Government. — We have heard that the former are very short — that they consist of two Letters dated from Erfurth, and addressed by M. De Champagny, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, and M. De Romanow, the Russian Minister, to his Excellency George Canning, Esq. — that the two Letters are in substance the same, stating that his Majesty the Emperor of the French, being equally animated with a desire to put an end to the calamities of war, he (the Minister for Foreign Affairs) has it in command from his Majesty to request his Excellency, to communicate to his Britannic Majesty that desire, and if his Britannic Majesty be influenced by a similar desire, to propose that Plenipotentiaries shall be immediately named, to proceed to a place that may be fixed upon, to open a Negotiation with the Plenipotentiaries of his Imperial Majesty for the conclusion of a Maritime Peace.
If we be correct, the answer that will be returned by his Majesty's Ministers to such a communication is obvious. The epithet applied by the enemy to the kind of peace, which they are desirous of negotiating, shews us at once that they do not admit our interference in the affairs of the Continent. His Majesty's Ministers we should conjecture would reply to M. De Champagny, and M. Romanow, that his Britannic Majesty was animated by the desire which he had always expressed, and which was known to all Europe, to put an end to the calamities of war, whenever he could do so consistently with the security of his dominions, the honor of his crown, and the good faith he owed to his allies — that he was ready to enter into a negotiation in concert with those allies, and that he would immediately communicate the overture that had been made to him, to his Majesty the King of Sweden, to the Prince Regent of Portugal, and to the Central and Supreme Junta in Spain governing in the name of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VII.
Other persons have indulged very different conjectures. They imagine, we think contrary to all probability, that Bonaparte and his vassal Emperor, have at once rushed in median res — that they have proposed a basis in limine ; and that they have begun by mentioning terms. Some suppose, that in the overture to our Government, we are told we have no right to assist the Spaniards; that it is a mere family quarrel, with which we, as Islanders, have nothing to do. This he would hardly do in the first instance. It will be found, we dare say, that the overture which has been made us, is of a loose and general nature, and does not touch upon terms or basis.
The arrival of the Messengers had some effect upon the funds — but it produced disgust instead of pleasure in the public mind. Every body viewed the overture as an insidious attempt to detach us from the Spanish and Portuguese Patriots — there was not a man who did not say, "is Bonaparte ready, as a preliminary to negotiation, to withdraw his troops from Spain, and release Ferdinand the 7th — if he is not, let us have no negotiation — let us hear of no peace — let us send back his messengers and his overtures with disdain and defiance."
It is probable that we shall have another flag of truce over in a few days, with the answer to the reply of our Ministers.
LONDON, Oct. 26.
French troops under Marshal Ney, moved from Vittoria Sept. 27; and took possession of Bilboa — the Spaniards retreating. It is said, the French attempted to retreat from Bilboa Sept. 20, but found their retreat cut off.
There are frequent desertions from the French troops in Spain, of Italians, Germans and Portuguese.
LONDON, Oct. 27.
Latest accounts from Spain.
We have received Spanish papers to the 19th. The Spaniards hope to cut off the division of the French army that entered Bilboa. The general attack on the whole French line was also intended for the 23rd or 24th inst.
British troops under Generals Moore and Hope, marched from Lisbon, October 12, for Spain.
The troops under General Baird (15,000) were lying at Corunna Oct. 17, in transports.
Ferdinand, of Spain, his brother and uncle, are at Paris.
Castanos is to command the centre of the great Spanish Army.
The French still hold Barcelona; have declared it in a state of siege; proclaimed Martial Law; and issued one of their severe proclamations.
There are several accounts of inferior battles in Spain, between parties of Spaniards & French. They always ended in favor of the former.
Among the British officers in Spain, are forty members of Parliament.
The French troops embarked at Lisbon on the 15th.
The transports conveying the French troops from Lisbon to France, met with severe gales, soon after leaving port, which dispersed them. One was lost, and 287 soldiers perished.
The French General Kellerman, from Portugal, at his request, has been brought to England.
The late revolution in Turkey, has prevented the British envoy, who was on his way, from proceeding to that capital.
An expedition is preparing at Sicily, under Gen. Stuart, opposed against Naples.
Parliament is further prorogued to the 10th Dec.
Seven vessels bound to Heligoland, and five from the Baltic, have been taken by a French privateer.
The British squadron has quitted the blockade of the Russian fleet at Port Baltic, leaving three Swedish ships to watch it.
Report says, that twenty of our transports have been driven on the French coast in a gale. We presume they were light vessels without troops.
The Windsor Castle packet arrived in England
Oct. 19, from New-York and Halifax.
The Ath. brig Adamant, Allen, and ship Ann, Cranford, of Alexandria, have been sent into Malta.
Plymouth, Oct. 25.
Arrived, the Rowens from Corunna, which is said to have brought a report, that the Spaniards have gained a victory over the French, and that Corunna had been illuminated in consequence. 20,000 British troops have marched into Spain from Portugal. The rest there, are ordered to the Mediterranean.
The Hibernia, James, from Londonderry for Philadelphia, has been wrecked; no lives lost.
Colonial produce through Holland, is prohibited in France.
A new decree has been passed in Holland to prevent intercourse with England.
An embargo has been laid at Petersburg, where several American vessels are among the detained.
Our cruisers have just sent into Spain two valuable vessels from Guadaloupe.
American vessels are not admitted at Trieste, during the American embargo — in consequence, six bound thither have stopped at Malta.
The American sch. Betsey, Hooper, of Marblehead, from England to Spain, was captured by a French privateer, and re-captured. September 28, and arrived at Casiro, near Bilboa.
SANTAGO, Sept. 27.
Joseph Napoleon slept last night in a village near Durango, (3 leagues from Bilboa).
The Marquis de Portago, and generals Cuesta and Blake, command our troops in this vicinity.
ARANJUEZ, Oct. 1.
The Central Junta have ordered military succour to Catalonia, which is threatened with fresh forces from France.
The Junta have communicated their installation to the foreign ministers at Madrid, and their respective courts, and to all the courts of Europe whose friendship they could expect. They have appointed Don Juan Ruiz Apodaca, Charge d'Affairs of the court of London.
A military Junta has been formed, composed of five Generals, viz: Castanos, Marquis de Castanos, Moria, Sango and the Marquis de Palafox.
The Supreme Junta have formally demanded King Ferdinand of Napoleon.
RIVADEO, Sept. 30.
Yesterday arrived two transports with Spanish troops, rescued from the French in the North of Europe.
PORTUGAL, Sept. 15.
The establishment of the Regency will immediately take place. The loss of the French here, in battles previous to the capitulation are — killed 2236; wounded 1763; prisoners 2654; capitulated 26,368 infantry, 1633 cavalry, and 166 conductors, with 2868 waggons, and 32 boxes of cartridges. [The Regency was established Sept. 28; one of the principals in it, is the Archbishop of Oporto.]
PARIS, Oct. 5.
The day before yesterday, arrived here the seventy-sixth Regiment, on its march to Spain; — this is the last Regiment which is to proceed from the grand army to that country.
Within these last two days, no intelligence of any moment has been received from Spain. Gen. Lefebvre has arrived in Bayonne from that country, and is daily expected in this capital.
We see nothing regarding America affairs in the late papers, but the reiteration of the remark, that there is no impediment to a direct trade between the U. S. and Spain and Portugal, and their colonies.
The London papers say, that the French dispatches for America found on Mr. Young, the Consul, directed the procuring of Joseph Bonaparte to be acknowledged in the Spanish Colonies.
IMPERIAL INTERVIEW.
There has been a friendly meeting of the Emperors of Russia and France at Erfurth. They had continued there three weeks at the last dates. From thence the pacific overtures had been sent to England — and there the fate of Europe will be determined on.
Bonaparte was accompanied to Erfurth by Talleyrand and Champagny.
His M ty the King of Westphalia, his Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Constantine, and the Duke and Hereditary Prince of Weimar, have arrived at Erfurth.
Armistice between the Swedes and Russians. The proposition of Russia for an armistice with the Swedes, is conjectured to be because she wants to employ her troops elsewhere. A letter from Sweden says, there is nothing in this armistice to warrant a peace between Sweden and Russia. — The Swedish King, dissatisfied with his guards, has broke 4000 of them. The Swedes have suffered much latterly in Finland. The armistice is said to be confined to military operations in the north of Finland. It is for an unlimited time, and is dated September 17, 1808.
The Russian ships which capitulated at Lisbon, have arrived at Portsmouth, Eng.
There is no new indication of a hostile disposition on the part of Austria.
20,000 British troops having marched from Lisbon, 13000 having arrived at Bilboa, & others preparing soon to sail from England, it is probable there would soon be 40,000 English soldiers in the northern part of Spain, to assist against the French.
No military event of great consequence has occurred in Spain for some time past. Cuesta has been a little refractory, and is said to have resigned.
Castanos is said to be appointed commander in chief of the Spanish forces.
The French emperor in an address to his soldiers Sept. 19, says, "Let us carry our conquering Eagles to the Pillars of Hercules" (Gibraltar.)
The French troops in Spain had not been much reinforced. The northern army is not estimated at more than 43,000. The Patriot army opposed to it, includes double that number.
A Proclamation has been issued in Italy, by Bonaparte, forbidding the people to speak about the affairs of Spain.
Sir A. Wellesley had returned to England.
Sir H. Dalrymple, is also in England.
About the middle of Sept. the Spanish Patriots took Bilboa from the French. It was defended by 5000—2000 of whom it was said, was killed or wounded, and 3000 made prisoners. On the 27th the French, with a strong force, retook it.
Cevallos has published under his name, an account of the conduct of Napoleon towards the Royal Family of Spain.
Extract of a letter from Liverpool, dated Oct. 28, 1808.
"The affairs of the Spaniards go on well — They will doubtless make good their independence. But Russia, it seems, will be more closely leagued with France than before."
"We had intelligence a few days since from London, of the arrival of a French and a Russian messenger from the French coast. It is believed they were the bearers of some pacific proposition; but it is not expected any thing will arise out of it; as the proposals are understood to have been of an inadmissible nature."
"We have just heard of an armistice being concluded between the Russians and the Swedes in Finland — from which it is believed that Sweden, no longer able to resist, has consented to the terms of Russia, and agreed to exclude our trade. Timber has advanced in consequence."
The advices from Spain to the 20th of October, will exhibit a dismal picture of horrors, and determine the direction of the event.
The French force entering Spain was tremendous; the contingent of the Iberian confederation alone, which had entered France on the 24th Sept. amounted to 115,000 men. The French new conscription to 80,000 only, but the veteran force alone, is stated at 200,000 men, making the effective force very near, or perhaps quite, 350,000 men!
The Emperors of Russia and France had a conference at Erfurth, a town contiguous to the scene of the memorable battle of Jena Auerstadt, a contiguity which perhaps had its meaning. The result of this conference is only to be unfolded by events and future history; at present all that we conjecture is, that it is very possible the destiny of Turkey, connected with an observation of Austria, may have been discussed; these engagements being necessary to prevent any diversion by Austria during the tour of the French emperor and his court to the borders of the Pyrenees. — Balt. Amer.
DOMESTIC.
Extract of a letter from New York, dated Dec. 6
"There can be no doubt as to the result of the election to-morrow; the friends of Mr. Clinton perceive that they have not gained any thing by Cheetham; the talents of a Junius could not restore them to the election from which that fellow has pulled them down; as it relates to De Witt, I am as sorry as yourself, but the warnings he has had, have been thrown away or not valued."
"An English smuggler has been seized here, and we have advice of one or two more of them; the occasions of the law on the frontier towards Canada, have been enormous; goods to the amount of 75,000 dollars, have been carried to Kingston, only within a few days, but this was some time ago; there is reason to believe, that some of the officers of the revenue have had a concern; it is worthy of remark, that the greater number of those concerned in violating the laws, are Connecticut men; the greatest violations have been committed in Jefferson county in this state; and that county is settled wholly by people from Connecticut. It is a melancholy reflection on the religion of Connecticut, that with the boasting of more piety, it produces more profligacy of every kind, than all the continent besides."
"The insolence of the English consul and his messengers here, is excessive beyond even Purcell's impudence; one of them is, among others, conducted by a Connecticut man, one Lewis, who is called a parson; Coleman, though a man from Connecticut, is from the neighborhood, and for audacious and unmixed lying, rivals Macchausen ; the Gazette that was Livingston's , is conducted by a half blooded Scotsman, a poor creature very fit for a tool. I suspect however he has brought himself into a scrape, by the article enclosed, for it is with difficulty that myself and one or two friends, restrained a body of people from putting him in a suit of home spun — the materials were actually prepared; and the only argument that we could use with effect was, that the time was not come; that congress were in session, and it would be time enough to resort to such discipline after the line was completely drawn — and that would be soon."
"The following is the paragraph alluded to: — We understand from a respectable source, that the owners of vessels in Halifax and St. Johns, have a valuable piece of plate in forwardness, which is to be presented to President Jefferson, as soon as his term is up as an acknowledgement for the benefit they have received from the American embargo. Aurora. "
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lester's new Wharf: 23 Crates Earthen Ware, 25 Bds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens.
IN STORE — 100 bags Salt, 15 bds. Molasses, 10 tierces green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Sugar, 8 bags Rice, 10 bags Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. nov. 4. [u]
WANTING to rent, a small FARM, in the neighborhood of Richmond, containing from 150 to 200 acres, with a house suitable for a small family. For such a one, will be given a liberal rent. Enquire at this office. nov. 25. St
MR. WM. E. WEBB, Administrator of Benjamin Edwards, dec'd. North-Carolina — Str. — Please to take notice, that on the second Monday in January next, I shall take the deposition of Mr. Spencer Ball, Jr. of Northumberland county, in Virginia, at the court-house of said county, at the tavern occupied by Joseph Rogers at that place, to be used as evidence in the suit depending in chancery in the United States circuit court, held in Richmond for the district of Virginia, in which I am plaintiff and you a defendant. CHARLES J. LOVE. nov. 18. [u]
EDUCATION — The Subscriber will continue his SCHOOL at Mr. Wm. D. Taylor's, in the Forks of Hanover, which will commence the 9th day of January next, where he will teach youth to Read and Write, the English and Latin Languages Grammaticaly, and will also instruct them in Arithmetic and Geography. Mr. Taylor will furnish board for sixteen pupils. The terms of Board and Tuition will be ninety dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly, if Mr. Taylor furnishes board, bed and candles; but where the pupil finds his own bed, washing, mending and candles, a deduction of ten dollars will be made. The terms of tuition alone, will be twenty dollars per annum, to be paid quarterly. Particular attention will be paid to the health and morals of such pupils as may be entrusted to the care and instruction of the Subscriber. HENRY ROBINSON. nov. 25. [oaw4w]
JOSEPH BOYCE, Jr. (at the late Instance Office from Fire, on the Governor's Hill) having commenced the BOOK-BINDING business, respectfully solicits the favor of his friends and the public, and begs leave to assure them that any work committed to his care, shall be neatly and faithfully executed. N. B. Merchants Journals and Ledgers, Records, Sheriffs Books, and Books of all descriptions, ruled and bound to any pattern, on the shortest notice. Blank and ruled Books, for sale, at Mr. Pritchard's Book-Store, opposite to the Post Office, where all orders to the above address, will be duly attended to. nov. 29. law3w
REMOVED from the Subscriber, on Saturday, the 8th of this month, 2 NEGROES; a girl by the name of Chaney, fifteen years of age, and a man by the name of Zibb, about thirty years of age, branded on each cheek B. L. and his left leg cut a larger than his right, with a few scars on it. A liberal reward will be given to any person that will deliver them to me, or secure them that I get them again. CHARLES HUDSON. Butcher's Creek, Mecklenburg county, November 15. [law6w]
WALLER LEWIS, Jan. Lewis, November 18. [law4w]
GORDON, TROKES & Co. have put a stop to the sale of their COOKS, on the long credits heretofore given, and are desirous to close, as soon as possible, the debts due to them, and the former firm of R. Gordon & Co. — Those indebted to them, who are unable to make immediate payment, are requested to close their accounts by bond. They offer for sale, their assortment of DRY GOODS & CROCKERIES, for cash, or on short credit to punctual people. nov. 22. [law6f]
WILLIAM SCOTT begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has commenced the BOOT & SHOE cleaning business, in the little wood House of Col. Bullock, to the left of his brick lumber-houses, and opposite the Basin, where he will be ready to accommodate gentlemen at all hours. He has on hand a quantity of the first quality Liquid Blacking for sale at 6d per bottle, he will also clean Boot-Tops of any color at 3d per pair. nov. 25. [oaw5w]
JUST LANDING from the ship Trident, from Canton via New-York, and for sale by the subscriber, at his Grocery Store, between Messrs. Kirby, Drake and Taylor's Store, and Messrs. Gallego, Richard & Co. Fresh Compowder TEA in 21 lb. lead canisters. Do. do. do. in 14 lb. boxes. Do. do. do. single pound. Do. Imperial do. Do. Hyson Gomee, Hyson Chulang & best Hyson, Do. Young Hyson and Hyson Skin, Do. Souchong Patre and common Souchong, All warranted to be very good. Also, a few tea and coffee Setts, elegant and high gilt Seive Porcelain, some sparkling Champagne, and Burgundy du Clos de Vaugenot, Claret and Cote Rotie, of the very best quality. AUBIN LAFOREST. nov. 15. [law6f]
EDUCATION — The Subscriber, living in the county of Louisa, at a place called the Roundabout, about 60 miles from Richmond, having employed a Mr. John Duke, to instruct a small number of pupils, including their own children, propose taking a few boarders, to complete his school. Mr. Duke has in his possession, satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications. He teaches the Greek, Latin & English Languages, together with Geography, Reading, writing and Arithmetic. The price for board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be $80, to be paid at the expiration of the term, to commence on the first Monday in January, and expire on the first of December next. JOHN POINDEXTER, FRANCIS JOHNSON. [oaw4w]
THE Subscriber, having commenced the BOOT-MAKING business, in the house lately occupied by David Ross opposite to Mr. Neil McCall's, they offer their services to the public and do assure those that favor them with their custom, that their work shall be done in the neatest manner. They have also, on hand, a general assortment of SHOES, of all descriptions. Also they make and sell the real Egyptian VARNISH, for cleaning Boots or Shoes, that will preserve the Leather, &c. SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. December 2. [oaw3w]
WILLIAMSBURG, November 30th, 1808. No Male Patients can, until further notice, be admitted into the LUNATIC HOSPITAL, as the cells are all full. By order of the Court of Directors, WILLIAM RUSSELL, Clerk. december 2. oaw1m
WANTED as a TUTOR, in a private family, a single man qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic. Apply to Charles W. Dodson, Cumberland county, near Cartersville. Oct 25. [oaw4f]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS — The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oaw4f]
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge,) Part 3 of Vol. 1 of HENLING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume.
At the same price may be had the said volume (of 636 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in payment for the volume. nov. 1. [law6f]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE — Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the fourth day of January next, on the premises, a BRICK HOUSE, and half of the LOTT. No. **, in the city of Richmond, which formerly belonged to the estate of John Pendleton, Esq. dec'd. and is situated between the tenement now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Turner, and the house of Mr. Orris Paine's, in which Mr. Esmond resides. At the same time and place, will be sold, 89 acres LAND, lying on the three notched road, being the upper part of the tract formerly belonging to said Pendleton's estate, & distinguished by number 5. A credit of 6 and twelve months will be allowed the purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date, and a deed of trust on the property. P. P. & JOHNSTON. nov. 29. oawtds
CLOVER SEED, &c. — For Sale, by the Subscriber, a fresh supply of CLOVER SEED, five thousand lb. first quality New-England CHEESE, a few doz. salt-Petred HAMS, PIPES by the box, family FLOUR, by the barrel, &c. EDWARD HALLAM. december 8. oaw3w
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to WINSTON & PRIDDY. nov. 1. [law6f]
THE Subscriber respectfully thanks those who have hitherto favored him with the tuition of their Sons, and informs them and his friends generally, that his SCHOOL will be continued the ensuing year; in which will be taught the Latin Language, the English Language grammatically, Writing and Surveying. His terms are, for teaching the Latin Language $25, English Grammar, Geography, &c. $20. Reading, Writing and Arithmetic $10, Surveying $10. It will be in his power to accommodate 6 or 8 boarders at 20 pounds each, (each boarder finding his own bed,) or 22 pounds, if lodging is furnished — 25 dollars will be required in advance, and the balance at the end of the year. The School will commence on the 15th day of January, and end on the 15th of December: there will be a vacation of about ten days at Whitsuntide, and again from the 15th day of August, to the 1st day of September. He assures those who may think proper to board their sons with him, that good attention will be paid to them; and he hopes, from a strict attention to the duties of his function, to render satisfaction to those who may intrust the education of their sons to his care. WALLER LEWIS, Jan. Lewis, November 18. [law4w]
HATS. SHOES, PORTER, &c. &c. For sale, a large supply of Men's and Youth's HATS, of the best quality. Do. do. do. common do. Men's fine Shoes and Dancing Pumps, Ladies Morocco and Kid Shoes, Philadelphia bottled Porter, by casks or dozen, Do. Draft Beer in casks, by D. J. BURR, 2d door above the Eagle. december 6. 2aw2w
JUST received from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATHER, consisting of — Waxed Calf-Skins, Cowhide, Fair-Trip, and Cordovan Boot-Legs, Skirting, Reamings, &c. including Skins, For sale, at low price by D. J. BURR. Nov. 18. 2aw2w-1aw4w
HOBDAY & SEATON, adjoining the City Hotel, on the Cross-Street from the Brick-Row to the Governor's house, respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have commenced business in FANCY & WINDSOR CHAIR-MAKING, TURNING, SIGN-PAINTING, GILDING, &c. and solicit patronage. Intending always to employ the best materials & the best skill in the line of their profession, they hope to give universal satisfaction. december 10. oaw3w
THOMAS WATSON, BOOT & SHOE-MAKER, with sincere thanks to his friends for their former patronage, respectfully informs them and the public, that he continues to carry on business in the various branches of the above Manufactory, 3 doors east of the Bank: where he has on hand, a complete assortment of fashionable BOOTS & SHOES, for sale, on reasonable terms. Orders attended to on the shortest notice. december 8. oaw3w
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY — At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 3rd of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected, the Board of Directors, at their last meeting, on the 25th ultimo, postponed the sale of STRANES belonging to delinquent subscribers, generally denominated Stock-Holders, which were advertised to be sold on that day: Resolved, That the Shares of delinquent holders which may be reported as such by the treasurer of this Company, on the 7th day of January next, be, on that day sold, at public auction, at the front door of the Swann-Tavern in this city. NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, CPA. december 6. td
NOVEMBER 30th, 1808. — The members of the Dismal Swamp Company, are requested to meet at Suffolk, on the 28th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the Land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company, than at any other place. Those who may not attend, will be pleased to give power to others to act for them. WM. NELSON, JOHN BRACKEN, CORBIN GRIFFIN, Mana- gers. december 6. 2aw4w
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, a negro Lad, by the name of MANDEVILLE; he is about 17 years old, of dark complexion, slender make, and walks lame in consequence of having broken his thigh last spring. He has been seen lately in Manchester, and I have reason to believe has been secreted by his grandmother old Critty, who is well known in that place. Ten dollars and all expenses will be paid to any person who will deliver him to me, or commit him to jail, so that I get him again. W. BOLLING. dec. 6. oaw4w