The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-09-01 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
VOLUME 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 1, 1807.
[NUMBER 33.]
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.....101.
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C.     TOBACCO, : : : : 4 3/4 00   WHEAT, NEW, : : : : 92 100   ROUR-SUPERFINE, NEW, : : : 5 00 3/4   FINE, : : : : : 4 50   CORN, PER BARREL, : : : : 1 4   ONION PER 100, : : : : : 18   BAR IRON-PER TON, : : : : 110 120   HEMP-PER TON, : : : : 200 210   WHISKEY-PER GALLON, : : : : 54  
FOR LONDON,
THE NEW COPPER FASTENED SHIP, POWHATAN, WILLIAM COTTLE, MASTER, Burthen about 500 Tons. Tobacco, SHELL is daily expected at City Point. Having part of her cargo already engaged, she will take the balance on moderate freight. For terms, apply to Mr. Edmund W. Roates, Richmond, or NASH & MUNROE, Petersburg. August 4.
Sales at Auction.
WILL BE SOLD,
By the subscribers, at their VENDUE OFFICE, on THURSDAY, the 2nd Inst. without reserve, for approved endorsed notes, payable the 25th of December, 1808, ONE elegant imported CHARIOT, with new plated Harness, and COACHES with Harness. PROSSER & MONCURE. 2nd & 11th Sept. August 21.
Sales at Auction.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us by Moses Davis and Mary his wife, bearing date the 4th of March, 1807, to secure the punctual payment of three thousand four hundred and forty-five dollars, expressed in said Deed, and by consent of said Davis, will be sold on TUESDAY the 8th of September, on the premises. NINE valuable LOTS, formerly the property of Mr. Thos. Bullock, in the valley and on the Creek leading from the Market to Duval's village, together with the improvements thereon, consisting of a very large and convenient Dwelling House with a kitchen, &c. The above property is very valuable, inferior to none in the valley, and well worth the attention of any person inclined to own property in that part of the town. One third of the purchase money will be required in cash, and for the remaining two thirds, a Deed of Trust on said Lots will be given, a Deed will be given to the purchaser on the 2nd of October next, with a Deed of Trust to secure the two last payments. GEORGE W. SMITH, Trustee. August 21.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT:
At a County District Court, held in the City of Williamsburg, the 23rd day of April, 1807. Robert Edwards, and Priscilla his wife, Plaintiffs against James Rwell and Ann Robertson, executors of Andrew Robertson. Defendant. THE defendant James Rwell, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth day of October term next, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the City of Richmond, for two months successive, and posted at the front door of the former Capital in this City. A Copy, True, ANTY ROBINSON, c. s. July 17.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed on the 24th day of May, 1808; whereby David Roff conveyed to us, a tract of Land called Cokes, in the county of Goochland, containing by a then late survey, 1510 acres; also, another tract of small distance from that called Cokes, containing 200 acres, more or less, including the same lands, that the said Roff purchased from John Hughes & wife, and also the tract of land called Mount Prospect, the greater part of which lies in Fluvanna, containing by estimation 1200 acres, except 225 acres heretofore sold by the said Roff, out of the said tract, to Samuel Pettit, to raise the sum of seven thousand and four hundred dollars, with interest thereon from the 1st January, 1807, together with all charges and expenses of sale; and in pursuance of a requisition made in writing, under the provisions of the said deed: I shall on the 22nd day of September next, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell for ready money, all and singular, the land and others above-mentioned, at which time and place, conveyances will be made to the purchasers. A more particular description of the above property may be seen by tracing the references contained in the said deed now of record, in the general court, under an acknowledgment of the same in court, on the 12th June 1806. THOS. MORVELL, tdf. August 24.
SCOTT RACES.
1st Day—THURSDAY 17th September, will be run for, the Jockey Club Purse of one hundred Pounds—Three mile heats. 2nd Day—The Proprietor's Purse of about fifty Pounds—Two mile heats. 3rd Day—An elegant Gig: free for any Horse, never having won a purse—One mile heats—Entrance 50 dollars. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six years 128 do. Five years 118 Four years 106 lbs. All three years, &c. 90 Mares and geldings allowed 2 lbs. WM. ARCHER, Stew. N.B. On Thursday the 3rd Sept. a sweepstakes will be run for. Three horses entered, 20 guineas each, August 25.
Printing,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
TO BE RENTED,
THE TENEMENT opposite the post-office, at present occupied by Mr. John Southgate. On the lowest floor are a store and counting room, and under them is a dry cellar. The upper apartments are adapted to the accommodation of a family. Attached to this tenement are a kitchen and smoke-house, and a piece of ground, immediately back of it, extending to the Capitol Square, and having upon it a final wooden lumber house. Possession will be given the first day of October next. For terms enquire of Messrs. Taylor & Brown. August 26. JOHN BROWN. ep4t
Europe.
[Soon after the election for Members of Parliament, for the city of Westminster was closed, Sir Francis Burdett published an address to the Electors. This address has been attacked in many of the London papers as containing expressions highly blameable.—We give it this day with some remarks on these attacks, by William Cobbett.]
Sir Francis Burdett's Address to the Electors of Westminster, after the Election.
"Gentlemen—next to the consciousness of endeavoring sincerely to serve my country, nothing can be more pleasing to my mind than the public approbation of my endeavours. Accept my grateful thanks. At the same time forgive me for feeling something like despair of any good to the country; whilst I see the regular expenses of corruption greatly exceed all the expenses necessary for any war, which we can be justified in pursuing: whilst I see attempts to delude the public mind, by COMPARATIVELY petty and insignificant enquiries into what is termed PECULATION; whilst those enquirers themselves think it not dishonorable to seize greedily every opportunity of enriching themselves out of the public spoil, by any other means not termed by them PECULATION. Such wretched notions of public honor and honesty can afford no signal benefit to the public, nor can give us any relief to our distress. They appear to me to resemble the notion of chastity entertained by the prostitute, who boldly challenged any one to say, that she ever went out of the regiment. According to them, all within the regiment, all within the RED BOOK are honorable and virtuous. And they insult us by declaring that they have as good a title to the RED BOOK, as any of the people can have to the fruits of their industry, or to the inheritance of their ancestors, from which industry, and from which inheritance, we are remembered, and from them alone, the RED BOOK itself takes every thing that it has to bestow. So that they pretend as good a right to all which they can contrive to take from us, as we have to the remainder—till they can take that too. Gentlemen, figure to yourselves a gang of robbers combined to plunder the peaceful and industrious inhabitants of several surrounding parishes; and agreeing amongst themselves to share the booty in such different proportions as the leader of the gang shall appoint to each. From time to time it will happen that some thief or other among them will purloin a part of the booty, and clandestinely appropriate to himself more than his appointed share. The plunderer is detected; and the gang with open mouths exclaim against the atrocity of cheating the regiment; the only crime of the kind which they acknowledge to be so. Would it not be ridiculous in these plundered parishes to take any part in such a dispute; and to divide themselves into parties for the accusers or the accused? As long as the thieves in common take all they can seize, what is it to the plundered people who share the booty? How they share it? and in what proportions? ought they not rather to destroy the gang and abolish the combination? Such is my conception of the different corrupt ministers we have seen, and their corrupt adherents. And unless the public with united voice, shall loudly pronounce the abolition of the WHOLE of the present SYSTEM OF CORRUPTION, I must still continue to despair of my country. You, gentlemen, by this unparalleled election, have loudly pronounced your sentiments. May your voice be echoed through the land. In the mean time, though an individual is almost as nothing in the scale, I will carry with me your sentiments into the House of Commons. And I assure you that no rational endeavour of mine shall be omitted to restore to my countrymen the undisturbed enjoyment of the fair fruits of their industry; to tear out the accursed leaves of that scandalous RED BOOK; and to bring back men's minds to the almost forgotten notions of the fair crediting of private property; which ought no longer to be transferred from the legitimate possessors by the corrupt votes of venal and mercenary combinations—I will continue, gentlemen, disinterestedly faithful to the interests of my country; and endeavor to prove myself your zealous Representative. FRANCIS BURDETT. May 23rd, 1807."
I shall now proceed to make some remarks upon the false and malignant interpretation, which has, by the hireling prints, been given to Sir Francis Burdett's last address, taking as a sufficient specimen, a paragraph in the Morning Post of the 27th inst. "It is now understood, that the chairing of Sir Francis Burdett is to take place on the day of the meeting of parliament, and that as a further insult, he is to be conveyed in triumph, by the mob, to the grand council of that nation, which in his cowardice and treason, he wished to lay at the feet of a foreign invader, and whose envied constitution he now calls upon the people to destroy. It will, however, be a question for parliament to decide, whether a man of such principles, who has at length thrown off the delusive mask of patriotism, and presented himself in the undisguised character of a revolutionary demagogue, be a fit and proper person to occupy a seat in the great constitutional council of the British empire. Certainly it is, that the records of the house of commons afford many examples of persons being expelled the house for acts of comparative barbarity and inhumanity, and in times too, when Europe was undisturbed by the machinations of the worst description of mankind, and Great Britain enjoyed an enviable state of tranquility, which the designs of the wicked alone have been able to interrupt. To this question are shall probably, ere long, be induced to turn our serious attention. In the mean time, it may not be unnecessary for us to afford some elucidation of what
we have already said, in respect to the means by which his partisans have succeeded in forcing him into the representation of Westminster. Whatever assertions we have made upon this subject, we can be at no loss to prove. The proof can only expose those whose names and descriptions we have it in our power to lay before the public; though we would do it with reluctance, because from the numerous applications of Sir F. Burdett's address, we see that many of those, who as tradesmen, aspire to any thing like respectability of character, already repent the blind precipitation of their zeal, and even to deprecate the dragging of their names before the public, as abettors of a cause, now confessed to be outrageously disloyal and unconstitutional, by every one who has read the opinions expressed to the electors of Westminster by Sir Francis Burdett—opinions, which every man, of any character among them, must reject, as adding insult to ingratitude. We cannot think of disgracing our columns by a detailed enumeration of all the voters in favor of Sir Francis Burdett; but the few whose names and occupations we have it in our power to give, will be fully sufficient to ascertain and characterize the description of persons in which his partisans should be classed."
Now the first assertion here made, is a downright falsehood. Nothing at all has been settled upon, or even proposed, of the purport here stated. But I am far from thinking, that a triumphal chairing ought not to take place; and, if I were the manager of it, most assuredly, I would have it on the very day of the opening of parliament, and would have the procession end (if there be no law or usage or legal order to the contrary) at the very door of the House. The king has ordered us to be told, that in this dissolution of parliament, he has "recurred to the sense of his people." The people of Westminster, the people of the first city in the kingdom, have expressed their sense in choosing of Sir Francis Burdett; & when they have done this by so very decided a majority, shall they be called a mob? Was it to a mob that the king appealed? And shall the people be deterred from showing their regard, in any lawful manner they please, for the object of their choice? The hirelings never cease to tell us, that the times are critical; and shall they blame the people for acting as if they thought them so? They are continually calling upon the people to show their energy; and shall they represent them as having designs to destroy the government and constitution, because they have shown that they felt uncommon interest in an election? Were there ever known popular proceedings so marked by tranquility and propriety, as those of the electors of Sir Francis Burdett? Not a single act of violence have they committed, or attempted to commit. Nothing inflammatory has appeared from any man of them; and are they now to be represented as a sanguinary mob, while in almost the very same columns, the violence of the deluded rabble of Liverpool and Bristol are cited as marks of loyalty and religion? Indeed, one of the offences of the electors of Westminster appears to be, that they were not to be deluded by the hypocritical cry of "no popery." It is an offence, in the eyes of the champions of corruption, that this cry was justly eliminated; that it was clearly seen to have been invented, for the purpose of turning the attention of the people from the real grounds of the contest between the fashions; and that accordingly, it was treated with contempt.
Entitled to equal credit is the assertion, that some of the electors have applied to the editor of the Morning Post not to publish their names as electors of Sir Francis Burdett. This is another downright falsehood, invented for the purpose of deluded persons, who live at a distance from London; or near the spot, such an assertion will gain no belief. The address of Sir Francis Burdett is perfectly in character. It is precisely what his electors expected; and, if it had not excited clamors amongst the books of corruption, it would not have answered its purpose. "Every one I met," said a person to me, the other day, in Oxford Street; "every one I met reprobrates the address of Sir Francis Burdett." "Which way did you come said I. "Why," replied he, "from White-Hall, across the Parade through St. James's Palace, and up St. James's and Bond-Street." "Well, then," added I, "now go to Somerset Place, the Change, the India House, Lloyd's, the Custom House and the Exchequer Office, and you will meet with exactly the same story. But, when you have heard the hundreds at these places, go and hear the thousands and hundreds of thousands in the money market, in the shops, in the workshops, upon the river and in the gardens. Go and hear those, whose labour, whose industry, and whose industry in every way are taxed to support the effeminate whom you have heard; go hear the laborious father whose means of provision for his children is taken away by the income tax; go hear the merchant who is compelled to make an expenditure of all his most private concerns, and who, by the taxes, is frequently not believed upon his oath; go hear the numerous annuitants from whose scanty means of subsistence one-tenth is annually taken in a direct tax, while no greater a proportion is taken from the man of freehold estate; go hear, in short, all those who have nothing but their labor, of one sort or another, to furnish on, and who have no share in the taxes; go hear these, and then come and tell me, on which side you find the majority." Well then, there they clamors against this address! Look at the Red Book. Only look at the outside of it. Look at its bulk. See it swelled to the thickness of a duodecimo bible, and wonder not that the address has excited clamor. It is bigger than both army and navy list put together. The several lists in it comprise numbers, including relations and dependents, forming, perhaps, the number of persons employed in the agriculture of the kingdom. Well there may be a clamour against an address, which points to the reducing of their lists! To deny the truth of the facts inferred by this address seems to have been, for some reason or other, thought unnecessary. It was more easy to assail it with a misinterpretation. To represent it as a declaration of a wish to overturn the king's government, because, forsooth, the names of the Royal Family are inserted in the Red Book! What a scandalous, what a base misrepresentation! These misrepresentations know that the author of the address has no such wish, and that his address contains no such meaning. They know, that he wishes to overturn nothing which belongs to the constitution of England. They know that his wishes are to reform and preserve, and not to destroy. They know that he wishes to deliver the king from the arbitrary power of any and of every faction; and that he would not, if he had it completely in his power, deprive him of any prerogative which the constitution has given him. It is against the fashions, which, in its turn, has ruled, by the means of a parliament, bothering the people, in the manner that we have seen, that Sir Francis Burdett is at war, much less against the person of the king, whom he has never attempted to impute any degree of blame. It is curious to perceive how ingeniously the hirelings of the fashions find an application of every thing of this sort to the French Revolution. When I made some observations upon paragraphs published relative to the festival of the matron Jordan, at Bully Park, these hirelings told the world, that it was Viva that the authors of the French revolution began. Now we are told, that the attack upon the Red Book itself resembles the attack upon the Livre Rouge , which were the beginning of a revolution that finally led, "an innocent and amiable king and queen to the scaffold." But why stop here? Why stop at the death of the king and queen? Why not go on to say, "a revolution which has made France the mistress of Europe?" This trick of referring to the causes of the French revolution is as dangerous as it is malignant. But, upon the supposition, that it was by attacks upon the Livre Rouge that the French revolution was begun, would it not be wise to begin by times in reducing our Red Book to a bulk that would make it no longer an object of attack? This way, however, of securing the government never seems to be thought of. In private life, the way to avoid the consequences of exposure and consequent animadversion, is, to cease to do that which is the subject of such exposure. Why not act upon the same principle in public matters? Why not nullify the attacks of Sir Francis Burdett, why not stop up his mouth, by removing the evils of which he complains? He makes no attack upon the form of the government. He expresses no hostility to any established authority. He asks you to overturn nothing but abuses, which are a hostile alike to all governments, and under which no government, whatever may be its form, can long exist. Indeed, he complains of nothing, which the whole nation do not, at some time or other, complain of; and of what the fashions themselves, in their mutual accusations, do not complain of. We have recently heard them accuse one another of coming into office for the sole purpose of getting possession of the public money. What have they not said in this way? They have charged one another, in open parliament, with every thing which we, even by implication, have charged them with. They have, over and over again, declared that the dissolution of parliament, in the two last instances, was for the sole purpose of effecting what he has said the hirelings reflectively wished to effect, and that is so well known that it need not be named here. In the several addresses that have been published by them, they have charged one another with a determination to protect peculators. "NO PECULATION" is written even upon the election carriages of Mr. Byng. And, in short, it is quite impossible to say of them more than they have said of each other. "Aye," will they reply, "but this is all in the regiment. We have a right to say what we please of each other; but you, the People, have nothing to do with the matter. It is not the thing that we dislike, but the distribution of it; and that remonstrance, Sir Francis Burdett, would destroy the thing itself." Some persons who acknowledge the truth of Sir Francis Burdett's address, and who are as great enemies as he is of abuses and corruption, doubt of the "policy" of speaking his sentiments so plainly just at the time. This doubt arises from want of due reflection. He has no "policy." He will never gain any point by policy. It would be contrary to his character to attempt it. To form all disguise, to speak the truth in defiance of clamor, there it is, that have gained him all the political power that he possesses, and which he will convince the nation he wishes to possess for their good. It is curious enough to observe, that every address, or speech of his from the first to the present, has for its time excited equal clamor. When a few lines come out from his closet, they have, upon the preceding day, an effect, in part at least, similar to that which is produced by quick time-dull falling upon the backs of flags or caterpillars. They twive, they writhe, they foam at the mouth; a d though they have not, as yet, begun to disgorge their prey, or to desist from their devourings, as the less callous vernon of the garden do in consequence of such an application, let us hope, that, in time, the similarity will be rendered complete.
The writ in whom I have quoted, anticipates an expulsion of Sir Francis from the House of commons. The House of Commons will be found, whenever it meets, much too coarse, even to hint at such a step. But it is not unseemly to observe, that this very writer, at the outset of the election, asserted, that there was not the least ground for fearing, that Sir Francis Burdett would be elected; when elected, the same writer asserted, that it was owing to the contempt in which the people held him; and that, as to the numbers, they wished him to be in parliament, because there he could do them no mischief. His talents being of that miserable cast that he must soon sink into nothingness. Now, however, this writer has found out that it would be wise and just to expect him from parliament, and to throw him back again into that situation, where he is now able to do mischief? The truth is, that such men know not what to say. The whole tribe of speculators, of every description, are thrown into alarm indistinguishable. And well they may, for, from the day of his election, they may date their decline and fall. The Morning Chronicle said, that the dissolution of parliament could give no pleasure to any but the agitators of Middlesex and Westminster. Not one, not a single soul of those persons, whom he had in his eye as agitators, has interfered at all, in this election. It has been carried on by the people themselves. By the people alone. It was not until the tenth day of the election that Sir Francis Burdett heard that a poll was opened for him. Not one of his intimate friends meddled with the matter. And, with the exception of the letters written by me, who was, all the while, at seventy miles distance, and which letters, probably, had little or no effect, not one act was done by any man who, by any fair construction, could possibly be deemed an agitator. The act was wholly on the part of the people, originating in the suggestions
of a few sensible men of fair reputation, who took the lead and who were followed by the rest of the electors. No unfair means were resorted to—There was even no regular canvass. The committee told the people in their advertisements, that the business was their own, and that, therefore, they should not thank them for their votes, while the other candidates sent round letters of thanks. In these advertisements there were no appeals to the passions. There were no revivings of any body. "You know Sir Francis Burdett, choose him if you will," was the substance of all that was said. The whole expenses of the election amount to little more than seven hundred pounds. A considerable part of this sum came in half crowns and shillings. Let the hirelings be an influence of the kind, if they can; and if they cannot, let them hold their tongues. This election, let them be assured, is the beginning of a new era in the history of parliamentary representation; and my confident hope is, that it will lead to the reformation of that dependence and purity in the House of Commons, without which it is impossible that we should be happy at home, or secure from abroad.
BOSTON, August 19. Letters from Holland, though they mention the absence of the King and Queen of that kingdom, make no mention of the abdication of the crown. The government is executed by the ministers. The death of the King has never been good; and he has gone into Piedmont, to take the waters for his recovery. The Queen has been with her mother, the Empress Josephine, in Paris, but has lately set out for the waters of Bagnères, near the foot of the Pyrenees. The accounts, via Europe, of the revolt of the Spaniards at Buenos Ayres, in March last, and of their having declared themselves an independent nation, are enabled to state, on the authority of advice from the River Plate of dates two months later, are wholly unfounded. The Emperor Napoleon has broken and disgraced Admiral Lefevres, for his conduct in the action off St. Domingo, Feb. 23 1806, when his squadron was destroyed by Admiral Duckworth. Not one word has been recently mentioned of the restoration of Poland to the map of Europe. Kosciuszko had not joined the grand army, but remained in Paris. Prince Jerome Bonaparte is to be created grand duke of Hanover. Admiral Holloway is appointed commander in chief and governor of the British colony of Newfoundland. He is to come out in the list, of 50 ships, capt. Langhorne. Sir Francis Gower is now on the station.
The London papers state, that the proposed British ministry very promptly and pointedly disavowed the impenitence of captain Love, at the Driver's loop of war, shown in his answer to the letter of the American Commandant at Charleston. This looks well; and we infer from it, if the reparation which president Jefferson says, he has demanded for the attack on the Chesapeake, has been sought in the spirit which dictated the proclamation, and is disconnected with other subjects, that the British government will with equal promptness and efficiency comply with the demand. Our expectation, that we shall have NO WAR is on account of the outrage on the Chesapeake, is thus strengthened. We find by Steele's list for April, that the Driver was then commanded by Capt. Love; but by the list for June, that he is removed, and that the Driver is commanded by capt. Clarke.
The author of an English pamphlet entitled "A demonstration of the necessity and advantages of a free trade to the East-Indies; and of a determination to the present monopoly of the East India Company," asserts as truth, "That the trade of the U. States alone to the East Indies and China, actually exceeds that of Great Britain." Gen. Dumourier is said to hold the pen of one of the readiest writers in Europe. He has recently published several military works, one of which is an "Analysis of the character & military conduct of Bonaparte," addressed to the French army, and the people of Europe. In this work he endeavors to show that Bonaparte is not a great General! It would be well for the world if he could prove that he was not a fortunate one!
FRENCH NOBILITY.—The "Legion of Honor" in France, like the "Knights of the Bath," in England, is an order of merit or nobility, which we believe is not hereditary. But this was only a stopping them to the introduction of orders of nobility, which Bonaparte, in a late decree, says, are "to give fresh support to our throne, and surround our crown with a new luster." By recent decree a number of duplicates are to be created, as a reward for each of Bonaparte's favorites and "cousins," as he shall think fit to honor. Of these most nobles, the Marshal LeFebvre, whom the Emperor recognizes as having done him great service "on the first day of our reign," is the Premier Duke.
CHARLESTON, August 18. Mr. H. James, a passenger in the brig Coeur de Lion, from Senegal, informs, that the English frigate Favorite & the Argo were at Goree on the 15th June last; the Argo was daily expected; it was supposed that the Diamond brought dispatches for government, but he could not learn what they were. The first night the Diamond anchored, six of her men stole a boat, and deserted; it was supposed they were Americans, and went up the Gambia, to get home in some American vessel. Most of the Guineamen were short handed, as well as the cruisers, who distressed them by harassment; 1 of the Guineamen, a large ship, had only 14 or 15 men left; the capt. threatened to abandon the ship and protect against the Diamond. All the soldiers at Goree, were extremely anxious to hear peace proclaimed with France.
August 20. His excellency Charles Pinckney having lately made earnest application to the general government for a large supply of cannon, muskets and other military stores to be sent here; we are informed that his Excellency has just received a letter from the Secretary of the Department of War, informing him, that he has directed a large supply of these articles to be immediately forwarded to Charleston, to be ultimately stored in the magazine at Rocky Mount, if not immediately wanted for actual service. Among the articles are five thousand muskets; no part, however, of those stores, except the heavy cannon on traveling carriages, can be put into the hands of the Militia until called into the field for actual service by the President of the United States; which shows the necessity there is for exertion on the part of the individual states for having their militia well armed and equipped.
Major General Butler, commanding the first division of the militia of this state, on receiving the Governor's orders, through the adjutant general, for the draught of his division, immediately wrote to his Excellency, offering his services as a volunteer. LONDON, June 28. We hear, that there is no prospect of an evacuating Alexandria. The hostilities from Sidi Barrani,

we understand, that Gen. Moore, with very considerable reinforcement, was to be dispatched to that city, where he was to assume the chief command. It is with much concern we learn that the daughter of the 2d battalion of the 60th regiment, of Royal Highlanders, in Egypt, was so great, that the battalion was nearly annihilated. Private letters received from St. Petersburg state the probability of a speedy settlement of differences between Russia and Turkey, and of course between England and Turkey. The French interest is said to be upon the decline.
NEW-YORK, August 26. By the ship Ann-Alexander, from London, we have completed our regular file of London papers to the 4th of July, inclusive, and Lloyd's Lists to the 2d. Extracts from the latter will be found in our marine department. The former afford nothing new or interesting, if we except the following articles. In the House of Commons on Friday, July 2d. Mr. Rose moved the Order of the Day for the House going into a Committee on the American Trade Indemnity Bill. Some conversation took place between Mr. Eden, Mr. Rose, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Howick, in which the Noble Lord suggested, that a provision should be introduced into the Bill, authorizing his majesty in Council to suspend the American Trade Act, if the American Legislature should think fit to put in force the Non Importation Act.
LONDON, July 2. At the Court of Queen's Palace, the 27th of May 1807; Present, the Kings Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Whereas it is expedient, that the liberty of Navigation and Commerce between his Majesty's subjects and the subjects of the United States of America, should, for the present, continue in the same manner, and under the same limitations, as are specified in the Act of the 27th of his present Majesty's reign, entitled "An Act for carrying into execution the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, concluded between his Majesty and the United States of America, and in the Act passed in the 46th year of His Majesty's reign, for continuing the said Act of his 27th year of His Majesty's reign; His Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, is hereby pleased to direct, that all the Regulations contained in the said Acts shall be duly observed, until other provisions shall be made respecting the matters aforesaid; and the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them may respectively appertain. (Signed) W. FAWKENER.
A Tonnigen mail arrived in town in the afternoon of yesterday; but all the articles brought by it are of too early a date to convey any intelligence with respect to the battle of the 14th. It does not appear that there was any other foundation than report for the statement in some of the papers, that official dispatches had been received by government from Lord Hutchinson. No such dispatches have been received, nor does it appear that government are better informed upon the subject of this intelligence than the public at large.
Nothing further, therefore, has transpired with respect to the disastrous intelligence contained in the accounts previously received; and, in this absence of official confirmation, the town is beginning to revert to its original hopes, that even the reports of the Tonnigen mails may refer rather to the previous skirmishes than to the general engagement. It is certainly sufficiently characteristic of the French and Dutch accounts, thus to aggravate partial successes into a general victory; but it must not be concealed, on the other hand, that some of the facts have received a collateral confirmation by the mercantile letters from Hamburg. We wait, therefore, with impatience, for the arrival of the next Monday's One thing, however, seems almost certain:—it is almost evident, that the defeat has not been so decisive as was at first apprehended. The Russians have certainly retreated; but it is not stated in any authentic shape, that the army has been broken. But as long as Bennington can keep his army together—as long as, though repulsed, he is not dispersed—to long shall we continue to retain our hopes.
The retreat of the Russians after the battle of Auersperg, has taught us that a Russian army is not ruined by being defeated. Bennington has never fought better than when he has been driven into a corner. The French drove him before them to Eylau—when then?—why he turned upon his pursuers, and avenged himself on them by a signal defeat. Why may not this occur again? Bennington has been repulsed;—granted; but he has effected his retreat, without the dispersion of his army. He will continue to retreat, perhaps, till he finds another position like that of Eylau; when he will once again face his enemy, and perhaps retrieve the fortune of the war. One thing appears somewhat singular:—Government has not attached sufficient credit to the accounts hitherto received, to countermand the sailing of the expedition. In this uncertainty, we can only repeat our impatience for the arrival of official dispatches.
In the meantime, the details of the previous skirmishes are not very clear. It is stated for example, in all the accounts hitherto received, that the Russians made an attack on the French line on the 14th, and some ensuing days. This attack certainly did not succeed in the extent which had been expected; but it certainly was not repulsed in a manner which would compel the hasty flight of the Russians. Two important questions, therefore, here occur:—What was the object of the attack? and what was the object of the retreat?
The report of general Clarke, as given in the Berlin Telegraph, seems to contain a very probable answer to one of these questions: "The Russians," says this report, "had already evinced their weakness when they were unable to relieve Danzig; their retreat from Heilsberg is a new evidence of it."
If this reason be well founded, it will follow that the attack of the Russians on the French line was but a mask to cover their retreat; that they found themselves unable to maintain their position in front of the French army; and that, in consequence, they deemed it prudent to retreat.
A letter from Koningsberg, dated June 17th, was circulated upon the exchange in the afternoon of yesterday, which states, in express terms, that the battle of the 14th was very different to what it has been described; that it was fought with great obstinacy on both sides; that only part of the Russian army had been engaged; and that they retreated, rather from a pre-concerted plan, than as compelled to it by defeat. It is further added, in the same letter, that many French prisoners had been brought into Koningsberg, and that no serious apprehensions were entertained that the town would fall into the possession of the enemy. The Russian corps of reserve is stated to exceed fifty thousand men; it may not, therefore,
be improbable, that one of the objects of Bennington's retreat is to fall back upon his reserve. But to confess the truth, all is obscurity and confusion, until the official account shall reach us. Mecklenburgh was ordered after the battle of the 14th, to be treated as a neutral country. In consequence of peremptory orders from Government, the fleet of Transports, with the troops which form the second division of the Expedition got under weigh yesterday morning about nine o'clock, and sailed from the Downs, under convoy of the Mutine and Paulina sloops of war.
The following is a correct list of the troops on board, all belonging to the King's German Legion: The 2d Regiment of Light Dragoons (or Hussars) commanded by Col. Ruden. The 2d Battalion of the Line, commanded by Colonel Hinuber. The 4th Battalion of ditto commanded by Colonel Lanweeth. The 5th Battalion of ditto commanded by Col. Dryberg. The 1st Light Infantry Battalion, commanded by Col. Allen. Five Companies of the 2d Light Infantry Battalion of Riflemen. One Brigade of Horse Artillery and the 2d foot ditto. The Transports amount to about 100 sail: viz. Fifty-two sail, with horses, embarked at Ramsgate. Three sail, namely, the Maria, Elizabeth, and Reliance, with five Light Infantry Companies of 2d Rifle Battalion of the German Legion. Twenty sail, with Ordnance, Victuallers, Purveyors, Stores and Camp Equipage. Two sail with artillery, from Portsmouth. The Heart of Oak, from Deptford, with Lord Cathcart's horses, and about Twenty sail, having on board the 2d, 4th & 5th Battalions of the German Legion of the Line.
JULY 4. There were no arrivals yesterday from the Continent, and we are of course without any further advices respecting the posture of affairs in the North of Europe.
Colony of Scotchmen in Russia. An article in the foreign papers, dated St. Petersburg May 4, says, "His imperial Majesty has been pleased to grant a charter to the colony of Scotchmen who have settled, for the last four years, in the mountains of Caucasus. The rights and privileges accorded to these Scotchmen who form a settlement in a district to themselves peopled, and bordering on the territories of so many uncivilized tribes of Mahometans and Heathens, are intended to increase their activity in extending trade and manufactures, and to place them on the same footing with the evangelical Society of Sarepta. They are to have the requisite allotments of land, as near as possible to the village already founded. His majesty secures to them the perpetual possession, promising that no part of that allotted to their community shall ever pass on any pretence into the occupation of strangers. They are exempted from all burdens, for 20 years, at the end of which they are to pay 15 copecks of rouble for each acre of arable land, and to pay their proportion of the land tax, but to remain exempt from all other imposts, from the civil and military service of the State, and from the billeting of soldiers in any of their villages. The free exercise of their religion is confirmed to them, and the internal affairs and police shall for ever be administered by a Magistrate chosen from among themselves. His passport will be a sufficient authority for them to travel and traffic in every part of the empire, but not for leaving the country. The Chief Magistrate is not, with special permission, to admit to the privileges of a colonist any Russian subject, but is at liberty to receive, as settlers, Kabardians, Circassians, and every other description of Mahometans and Heathens, being freemen, and taking the oath of allegiance. These may also become converts to the religion of the colony. The colonists may also buy and keep Kabardian, Circassian, and other Mahometans and Heathens, as slaves. They may freely exercise any trade, art, or manufacture, and, within their own limits, distil and vend spirituous liquors. The colony is placed under the protection of the Civil Government of Caucasus."
The following observations by Lord Auckland, which we copy from the debate in the British House of Lords of the 29th of June, as given in the Globe on the 30th, shows that the rejection of the treaty between the U. S. and G. B. was "not accurately ascertained" in London, at that date. "Laying money without the consent of Parliament." Lord Hawkesbury rose to lay before the house the order of council, bearing date the 27th of last May, authorizing the continuance of the trade with the United States of America, under the specific limitations of the expired act of Parliament, which had heretofore regulated it. He informed their lordships that it was the intention of his majesty's government to revive the act for regulating that trade, and to insert a clause of indemnity, for the exercise of those powers, which, under special circumstances, his majesty's government had conceived it advisable to exert, although contrary to law.
"Lord Auckland declared himself unwilling to enter into a premature discussion of the question; at the same time he thought it but fair to apprise the noble secretary of state, that there was no intention with his majesty's late government of continuing the legislative act which regulated the commercial intercourse between this country and the U. S. of America; and that for the most obvious reasons, the most striking of which was that in the present situation of the world, it was fixed to restrict the carrying trade with our East India possessions. Indeed, the situation of the late treaty, which the Commissioners for the two countries had signed, put it out of the power of any administration to act definitely, until either the approval or rejection of that treaty by the respective governments was accurately ascertained."
Domestic.
From MONTREAL, Aug. 10. We learn that there are three full regiments on their way to Quebec; and that Montreal will be the head quarters of the 41st regiment, and the Canadian Fencibles; so that in case of any sudden attack from the United States, we shall not be found unprepared to give at least Five Thousand Militia a warm reception.
Travellers from Canada, say that the people in that province were in expectation of being attacked by troops from the United States, and were taking measures of defence. The garrison at Montreal had been reinforced. A gentleman recently from Montreal, informs, that while there he heard it reported, that the government had chartered 6 vessels for taking down to Quebec the cannon and military stores which were at Montreal, St. Johns, &c. and that it was the prevailing opinion, that if a war broke out between England and the United States, no attempt at defending that province would be made except at Quebec, where a vigorous and determined stand would be made; and for which purpose it would be immediately
put in the high state of defence. He further adds, that when leaving St. Johns, &c. on his way to Albany, he observed the military extremely busy in removing the cannon, and stores, which he understood was to be sent down to Quebec with all possible dispatch. Albany Gaz.
BOSTON, August 19.
COMMUNICATION.
Halifax, August 1, 1807. A considerable sensation is excited in this province, in consequence of a trial on Wednesday last, the 29th ultimo. The British Schooner Eleanor arrived here not long since in distress, and was seized by the collector of this port for being in distress, & brought before the inquisitorial vice-admiralty court here, which inquisition, without the least hesitation, condemned the vessel and cargo. An act so repugnant to humanity could not fail to excite resentment in the breast of every man of feeling, and has given rise to enquiries and discussions which are not very favorable to the British government. It seems this court is not authorized by the laws of this province, but consists of one man sent from England, who undertakes to rob people of their property without a jury, without examining witnesses, or any other legal proceedings. The attorney-general undertakes the prosecution; accuses people of every thing he can think of, without being obliged to bring proof in support of his accusations, but forces people to prove that they are innocent! The people of this province have revived the discussions that took place at the beginning of the revolutionary war; the right of the English parliament to pass its infamous law as deprives them of trial by a jury, and establishes a court among them that is a disgrace to the jurisprudence of a civilized country. The British government is using its utmost exertions to force people to be its enemies.
August 19. Commodore PABBE, we learn, has returned to Portland, from his late aquatic excursion; and we lament to hear that he has derived but little benefit from it; and that very little hope are entertained of the life of that able and gallant officer.
NEW-YORK, August 22.
"We have from our friends at Halifax, admiral Berkeley's account of the affair of the Chesapeake, sent on at the instance of the Admiral for us to make what use of it we thought fit. It varies little from what we had previously understood. The only thing of moment we learn by it is, that the measure emanated from himself—that it was no act of his government—strong hopes are entertained that the matter will be accommodated."
PHILADELPHIA, August 22. The Porto Rico Gazette, speaking of Miranda, the Would be King of South America, says, he is now reduced to the station of an overseer or Negro driver of a sugar plantation, and a great part of his artillery and military stores have been purchased at less than half price, by the Spanish government and are now at Porto Rico.
August 24. The subjoined extracts of letters will be read with interest, by all descriptions of citizens. We pledge ourselves for the authenticity and correctness of that which has been communicated for the Register. It establishes the opinion we have heretofore expressed on this subject.
Extract of a letter received in town from a gentleman at Halifax, dated Aug. 24th. "Respecting peace or war with the United States, opinions here in general are, that matters will be amicably adjusted. They are however not without their fears. I assure you and with good reason. I have breakfasted and dined with admiral Berkeley, and had more than once an opportunity of hearing him relate many particulars respecting the unhappy dispute with the U. S. particularly the causes that brought on the unpleasant business with the Chesapeake; which he assured me might as well have happened in the Mediterranean (where he was bound) as here, as he had no doubt but that the same orders were sent out there. The ship of war Milan, of 44 guns, falls this day for the Capes of Virginia. Boston Chronicle.
If the Chesapeake had failed to the Mediterranean unopposed, it is probable she would have been attacked there, unless the commander had given up the men claimed as deserters—as a description of the men was sent to the British commanders from Halifax, probably with a request (which was all admiral Berkeley could find to officers not under his command) that the men might be obtained by some means. Bost. Pal.
BRITISH VOLUNTEERS.
A distinction without a difference is made by the British papers here as to Americans compelled to serve, and those who volunteer. In this paper a publication lately appeared, to prove, that in the very nature of things it was highly improbable, that there was any such character in the whole British Navy as a volunteer American seaman. Since that article was published, a respectable Captain in the merchant's service communicated to me the manner in which American seamen are made Volunteers in the Navy of England.
So soon as an American is impressed, the impressing officer tears his protection. He is then brought before the Captain who haughtily demands, "what fellow is this?" "He is a defter please your honor!" "No, sir, I am an American citizen." "You are, are you? Pray then, for, where is your protection?" "It was taken from me by the officer of the party that pressed me." "Ah! that's the old story with all you runaways. Is there any one on board has any knowledge of this fellow?" The business being perfectly understood, and regularly solemnized, a British Sailor steps forward, makes his bow and says, "Yes, please your honor, I know him very well, he was in the same mess with me for 18 months, on board his Majesty's ship the — There's Tom Randle there, who knows him as well as I do." Tom immediately takes the hint, steps up and confirms the story of his mate with a due seasoning of oaths. The American thunderstruck at such balafers, vainly endeavors to be heard; he will not be permitted to speak. He is commanded, and compelled to be silent, and this scene of inquiry is concluded by his being ordered below for further examination. He is not brought up again for several days, if he is refractory, and in the mean time he is treated with the rigorous severity, the bitterest tauntings, and the most cruel threatenings. In this manner surrounded by enemies and with out a friend his spirits sink and he enters, with a fixed determination to embrace the first occasion to escape from his bondage. Will any man presume to say, that men thus impressed into the service, are volunteers, or will he pretend that such a contract is, or ought to be, binding?
The Captain who communicated the above facts concurred in the statement something in this way. "American seamen volunteers in the British Navy, are such volunteers as I once saw in Dublin. I was walking on one of the quays,
when I met a parcel of Soldiers, guarding a number of men who were handcuffed and walking in the center. I stopped up to one of the guards, and enquired who those men were that they were thus conducting in handcuffs. Indeed then said the soldier, with perfect gravity of countenance, they are volunteers going to serve his Majesty! Democratic Press.
EXTRACT
From a order, directed to the Commanders in the Navy of the United States, from the Navy Department, Esq. Benjamin Stoddart, dated Dec. 29. 1798. "It is the positive command of the President, that no pretence whatever , you permit the public vessel of war under your command, to be detained or searched , nor any of the officers or men belonging to her, to be taken from her, by the ships or vessels of any foreign nation, so long as you are in a capacity to repel such outrages on the honour of the American flag . "If force should be exerted to compel your submission, you are to resist that force to the utmost of your power , and when, overpowered by superior force, you are to strike your flag, and thus yield your vessel as well as your men—but never your men, without your vessel . Here is an explicit, unequivocal claim of exemption from search on any pretence whatever . For who will advance the ridiculous idea, that government should yield the principle, and yet instruct its officers to defend it at the cannon's mouth?
NORFOLK, August 26.
The executive of the state have detailed the cavalry, artillery, grenadier, light infantry, and volunteer corps, in such a manner that when called into service, they will go by companies under their own officers. The companies of captains Maurice and Mallory, are to take the first routine of duty. The former had previously volunteered under the act of 1807. Captain L. W. Tazewell's company is to take the fourth routine; capt. P. Nesbitt's artillery the fifth; capt. Jones's infantry the sixth; capt. Pollard's artillery the seventh; and capt. Taylor's cavalry the tenth routine. The companies who have, or may hereafter volunteer, will be received notwithstanding this arrangement for the term which they have offered. Ledger.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 18 SEPTEMBER.
In Council, August 29th, 1807. The Governor laid before the board a letter from Foushee G. Tibbs, captain of a volunteer company of Light Infantry, in the county of Essex, requesting information respecting the nature and objects of the association of the Virginia Legion of Volunteers, and stating the fears entertained that the officers appointed to a command in the said legion, will be entitled to precedence in rank over the officers of the main body of the militia; whereupon, It is ordered , That the Governor be requested, in answer to the said letter, to explain fully the principles upon which the said legion is formed, for the purpose of removing the misunderstandings which exist concerning it; and that a copy of the said letter be published in the newspapers of this city, for the general information of the officers of the militia.
Extract from the journal, DANL. L. HYULTON, Clerk of the Council.
RICHMOND, August 30th, 1807.
SIR, I have received your favour of the 18th, enclosing the resolutions of the Light Infantry company under your command. They manifest a spirit of patriotism honourable to them, and honourable to our country. The zeal and ardour evinced by the voluntary tendering their services, will receive a high reward, in the thankfulness of their country, and are the surest pledges of the most efficient exertions whenever they may be called into the field. I perform a pleasing duty when I announce to you and to them, that I accept, for any country, the tender of their services. But as there are two acts of Congress under which the executive are authorized to accept the service of volunteers, viz. the act of the 18th of April, 1806, and the act of the 24th of Feb. 1807, the former requiring a service of six months, the latter a service of twelve months, you will be pleased to state under which act your tender is made—and I beg leave to state to you most explicitly and unequivocally that not only the officers of your company, but of all other companies, whose services may be tendered and accepted under either act of Congress, will retain the same rank, in every respect, that they now hold. I enclose both acts for your consideration.
I am sorry to observe by your letter, that much dissatisfaction has been given in the part of the state in which you reside, by the commissions that have been granted to certain persons as officers of the "Virginia Legion of Volunteers." You express a fear that their operation will be to throw into the background, the present old and experienced officers who have encountered much trouble, and devoted much time, in training and disciplining the militia. You say, however, that the subject is fully understood, and expect that the executive will give some explanations. I assure you, Sir, it will always afford me much pleasure to give, to any of my fellow citizens, a frank and honest explanation of any part of my official conduct, whenever it shall be asked in the spirit and manner which mark your letter.
The act of Congress of the 24th of February last, authorizes the President of the United States "to accept of any company or companies of volunteers, either of artillery, cavalry, or infantry, who may associate and offer their services for the service, not exceeding 50,000 men," whose term of service shall be twelve months after they shall have arrived at the place of rendezvous. It also authorizes the President to organize them into battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, &c. But the President having called on the Executive to hold in readiness 11,568 of the militia of this state, being our quota of the detachment of 100,000, he has given to the executive, the power of accepting, for him, volunteers under this act, in lieu of the 11,568 militia directed to be held in readiness; and has likewise transferred to them the power of organizing them into battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, &c. He has moreover urged as a matter of the first importance, the necessity of encouraging, by all the means in their powers, each volunteer association as contemplated and authorized by the above act of Congress—A moment's reference to the act, will evince that it contemplates and authorizes volunteers of two descriptions; first, such companies, battalions, &c. already organized, and forming a part of the militia, as shall voluntarily tender themselves; and secondly, such companies of volunteers, not already organized, "as may associate and offer themselves for the service;" and may be formed of individuals not only from different companies, but from different regiments and counties; for there is no restriction in the act of Congress; on the contrary it clearly holds forth the idea that the associations may be thus formed, for it provides that "until called into actual service,
such companies shall be bound to do regular military duty as required by law in like manner as before the passage of this act." The law of Congress positively declares that volunteers of the first, that volunteers of the first description shall continue to be commanded by the officers holding commissions at the time of making the tender of their services. Should your company or any other organized company in the militia, tender themselves under this law, they will come within this description, and the officers and companies will be accepted, and will hold in every respect their present rank and grade.
But to associations of the second class, not being already organized, it is necessary that officers should be appointed. By whom that power to be exercised? The act of Congress will decide. Congress might, on this, as on a former occasion, have given this power to the President alone in some cases, and to the President and Senate in others. But a different policy has been pursued. The President does not claim, nor can he claim any agency in the appointment of the officers of any grade, for there is no clause of the law which can give such agency, even by implication. On the contrary, a just regard to the sovereignty and independence of the states, has provided that this important power should be confided to the state authorities , by declaring that the "Commissioned officers shall be appointed in the manner prescribed by law in the several states and territories to which such companies shall respectively belong." By this clause we must clearly understand, not that these associations, shall remain without officers until an act of the state legislature shall be passed for the express purpose of appointing them; but that the officers shall be appointed in the manner prescribed by law the manner prescribed by law for the appointment of similar officers in the militia. In referring to our state laws, it must be evident to the most superficial observer, that all officers of the militia below the rank of Brigadier General, are appointed by the Governor with the advice of the Council, or on the recommendation of the respective county courts. The act of Congress therefore, authorizes the same courts to be pursued with regard to the officers of these new associations. If however an association be so extensive as to require a command as high as that of Brigadier General, that appointment must be made by the Legislature, to whom only it belongs. In making the appointments to officers in these volunteer associations it has been already announced, that the Executive will regard the wishes of the persons associated, by appointing the objects of their choice.
This is believed to be a principle that ought to be held sacred in the formation of such associations. It is not departed from by granting commissions previously to the associations, because all who enter them with the knowledge that they will be commanded by the persons holding such commissions, give them the most unequivocal evidence of their approbation. Such commissions have been granted, and will still be granted, as the means of facilitating and encouraging volunteer associations. And it is confidently believed that there is nothing in this practice contrary to law or to justice. Every body knows that the laws of this state give to the Executive, the power of granting commissions to officers of volunteer companies in the militia, before the companies are actually raised ; (see acts of 1808, ch. 1. sec. 14.) the act of Congress declares that the officers of the volunteer associations authorized by it, shall be appointed in the manner prescribed by the state laws; and the President has transferred to the Executive, the power of organizing them into battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, &c. Where then is the illegality of these previous commissions? They give no power except to raise and exercise the corps; they do not at all interfere with the militia arrangements of the state; they do not change or affect the situation, in the militia, of those who hold them, for the act of Congress expressly declares that "until called into actual service, such companies" (even after they shall be raised and organized) "shall be bound to do regular military duty, as required by law in like manner as before the passage of this act." Nor is there in this practice any thing contrary to justice; for the field originally was, and still is equally open to all our fellow citizens, and there is ample room and much necessity for their patriotic exertions. It is not for me to defend the policy of the act of Congress in authorizing these associations. Its policy is obvious. It is not founded upon a distrust of the zeal, activity or patriotism of the militia or their officers; for these associations will be formed of persons who now compose a part of the militia. It is founded on a wish to relieve the militia from the inconveniences that would necessarily arise from an indiscriminate draft; to have in the public service only such of our fellow citizens, to whom the public service would not be inconvenient; and above all to have, at the commencement of hostilities, a body of men whose period of service will give time for the formation of a regular army, should such an army be deemed necessary. It will be recollected that under the general law of the United States for calling out the militia, they cannot be "compelled to serve more than three months after their arrival at the place of rendezvous, in any one year." (see 2d. vol. of the laws of the U. States, page 190) and by the act of Congress of the 18th of April, 1806, they cannot be compelled to serve longer than six months after arriving at the place of rendezvous. Although this term of service might be amply sufficient for ordinary cases, yet it is difficult to imagine an occasion in which it would be totally incompetent for any effectual exertion? Suppose a formidable attack shall be made on a very remote part of the Union, to the defence of which, the militia of the state, or Territory attacked, should be insufficient; or suppose they engaged in a war with an European nation having possessions bordering upon ours, it should be deemed advisable in us to carry the war into those possessions, is it not obvious that a body of men raised only for three or even six months, however well officered, however well disciplined and patriotic, would be incompetent for our purpose. The act of Congress of the 24th of Feb. last was intended to provide for such cases, by authorizing volunteer associations whose term of service should be sufficiently long. The "Virginia Legion of Volunteers" is nothing more than one of the associations contemplated by, and established under the authority of that law. It is termed the Virginia Legion, for no other purpose than to point out the particular nature of this corps, as containing a mixed force of Infantry, Cavalry &c. as was the case with other Legions established during the revolutionary war. It was planned by four gentlemen of respectability, William Witt, Alexander Stuart, John Clark, and Dabney Carr, who on the 11th of this month submitted to the Executive a petition, stating that they had "associated together, and with many others, for the purpose of raising four regiments to consist of two Battalions and ten companies each, under the act of Congress of the 24th of Feb. 1807; and in addition to the engagements to that act, they pledged themselves, in the event of war, to tender their services to the government of the United States for and during its continuance; and requested, if the plan was approved, that the Executive, that commissions might issue

the persons proposed as officers, in order to enable them to carry it into effect... The A.S. Congress authorizing volunteer associations... The Executive therefore in approving the plan of the "Virginia Legion of Volunteers" approved the first that was offered for their consideration...
as alleged in the indictment. Being leagued in the general conspiracy and performing a part... The court admitted the second and third propositions to be correct. On the fourth point, the court gave a very long and a very elaborate opinion...
The Boston journals say that for this, the Virginians deserve to be called... Having failed in cunning and vulgarity they have attempted to contemptuous expressions... Extracts from a REPORT made by CAPT. JOHN CLARKE, to the GOVERNOR, dated Richmond, June 26, 1804.
was along side; when being asked what he wanted, he said he wanted to see the master... At day light the next morning, while the crew were employed in getting up the anchor... I immediately took my trumpet, and hailed him to know what he wanted...
In King William County Court, August 25th, 1807. Landon Carter, Compt. Against Thomas Reeves and John Temple, Defendants. THIS day came the complainant by his counsel, and the defendant, Thomas Reeves, not having entered his appearance...
TRIAL OF AARON BURR. (CONTINUED BY ADJOURNMENT, AND HELD AT THE CAPITOL IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.) FOR HIGH TREASON AGAINST THE UNITED STATES. On Friday Mr. Martin resumed the discussion on the important motion before the court...
VIRGINIAN PATRIOTISM, vs. BRITISH EMISSARIES. There is a British Emiciary now employed in pending pieces under the signature "Pacificus," which made their appearance in the Columbian Centinel... As no body of common sense, will ever think of answering these pieces in other papers...
CAPTAIN GLOVER'S STATEMENT. Particulars of the detention of the ship Othello, Russel Glover master, in the Chesapeake Bay, by a French Privateer. The above ship sailed from Liverpool on the 29th June, with a cargo of dry goods, bound to Baltimore.
FAIRFIELD RACES. ON MONDAY, the 5th of October, will be run for over the Fairfield course, the sweepstakes of two hundred dollars each... Subscribers: John Hoomes, William Ball, Ralph Wormley, Miles Belden, Sen., Wm. R. Johnson.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. In pursuance of a Decree of the High Court of Chancery, for the Richmond District, by consent of parties, the following property, belonging to the estate of James Anderson, deceased, will be sold to the highest bidder... THE GENTLEMEN, who, while I was on Saturday last, addressing the court, took my Cape from the feet behind me...

Miscellaneous
To the Editor of the Commercial Advertiser.
I observe that many of our citizens, who are attacked with the prevailing influenza, consider and treat it as a disease which requires no more attention than a common cold.
My object, in this communication is to remind our citizens of the consequences which followed the former visitation of this disease, and thereby to call their attention to those remedies which alone are calculated to prevent the evils to be apprehended.
It was remarked, and will be readily remembered, that an unusual number of deaths, occasioned by Consumption of the Lungs, succeeded the influenza of 1799-1.
The influenza, like catarrh, measles and whooping cough, by the inflammation it induces in the lungs, will, in many instances, lay the foundation of consumption;
Persons of such habit of body, whether hereditary or acquired, cannot be too early in their application for medical aid, even where the attack is apparently slight;
ONE OF THEM.
NORFOLK, August 27.
The following Certificate, made before the Collector of this port, has been in type for some days, but owing to the press of interesting matter was omitted.
I, Ichabod Goodrich, do certify and declare, that Joseph Fuller, master of the Sloop Friendship, of Providence, did, on his arrival in this port on or about the 19th inst.
ICHABOD GOODRICH.
In consequence of the above certificate Fuller was tried before the Mayor and Aldermen, and acquitted on the following affidavit:
Joseph Fuller master, and Benjamin Haytizer, mate of the Sloop Friendship of Providence, (R. I.) being sworn, did depose and say, that on the 7th inst.
EXTRAORDINARY PRODUCTION.
Mr. Benjamin Raze, of Stamford, informs that he planted four potatoes, the seed derived from South America, which produced seven bushels.
New-York paper.
Melancholy case of Shipwreck. Our readers will not fail to participate with us in the feelings of admiration excited by a perusal of the following letter.
GERALTON, April 19. — On Sunday, the 5th inst. I witnessed a scene of horror I never can forget.
The crew consisted of 315, out of which there are 116 survivors.
He and myself had many hair-breadth escapes; he was, at one time, swept from his feet by a breaker;
The Nautilus, a new Sloop of war, has had a fate attended with still more terrible circumstances than the Ajax.
LOAN OFFICE, STATE OF VIRGINIA, JUNE 3, 1807.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT, in conformity with the provisions of the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States,"
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock,
The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock,
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE.
Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive,
A STRAY HORSE.
A BAY HORSE, about 4 feet 5 inches high, 3 or 4 years old, a star in his forehead, and a crop inclining to the right nostril,
FOR SALE.
A VALUABLE TRACT of Land, in Hanover county, containing 307 acres, lying on Chickahominy Swamp, about one mile below Mr. James Mann's,
FOR SALE.
ABOUT four acres of LAND in Adams's Valley, a beautifully situated, as a retreat from town, although within the corporation;
CHEAP GOODS!!
Under the impression of the most lively gratitude for the liberal support which his new establishment has met with, since its commencement in Richmond.
JOHN KING. RETURNS his sincere acknowledgements to the public, and hopes to merit a continuance of their patronage.
SEASONABLE GOODS.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.
THAT in pursuance of a Resolution of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, at a meeting held on the 29th day of March 1807,
TO BE SOLD, FOR READY MONEY.
In pursuance of a Deed of Trust, from David Ross, Esq. bearing date on the 5th day of July, 1806, and recorded in the general court,
HOSE well known MILLS,
The Columbian Mills & appurtenances, are subject to a ground rent to Samuel Overton;
WILSON ALLEN, Trustee.
TO RENT.
A VALUABLE FARM, in the upper end of Hanover county, and at present in the occupancy of John Hay, Esq.
DABNEY MINOR.
WILLIAM HART,
OPPOSITE THE SCALES-HOUSE,
5000 Wt. Salt Petre B... con. 3000 Wt. Coppers, 30 Boxes Liverpool Pipes, short and long, 30 Barrels Shad.
DRUMS, Fife, Swords, Belts, Nets, Pans, Stock and Cocks, to be had at Enoch Sal.
WANTED.
FOR THE ENSUING YEAR. AN OVERSEER—None need apply but one whom some well recommended for honesty, industry & a thorough knowledge of farming.
FOR SALE.
THE following PROPERTY, belonging to Robert Alexander, Esq. of Woodford county, in the State of Kentucky:
JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE, BY FITZWYLLISON & POTTER,
A TREATISE on the Nature and Subjects of CHRISTIAN BAPTISM.
LIKEWISE a new edition of the AMERICAN PRECEPTOR, and a general assortment of other School Books,
ANDREW STEVENSON,
HAS been commissioned by the Governor and Council of Virginia, Notary Public, in and for the District of Richmond.
HOSE persons having claims against the estate of the late Lewis Harris, are requested to bring them forward for settlement.
WASHINGTON TAVERN!
ODEN & MOORE have taken the WASHINGTON TAVERN, adjoining the Capitol Square, lately occupied by Edward Hallam.
FOR SALE.
THAT well known Tavern, in the town of Charlottesville, Albemarle County, formerly the property of Messrs. Miller, and now in the occupancy of Mr. Triplett T. Eyles.
FOR SALE.
TWO hundred and fifty acres of LAND, situate in Henrico county, on the Williamsburg road, about three miles from Richmond, and adjoining the plantation of Alex. George, Esq.
FOR SALE.
175 Ton Liverpool Stoved Salt, 80 Do. Do. Common Do. 60 Pieces Sacking. 50 Crates well assorted Earthen Ware.
MARSHAL'S SALES.
WILL be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States for the fifth circuit, in the Virginia district, between Rhoades Bond, attorney in fact for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David son and others, defendants,
BEN. MOSBY, D. M.
JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D.
PROPOSALS.
For carrying MAILS of the UNITED STATES, on the following routes, will be received at the General Post-Office, until the 15th of October next.
1st. From Petersburg by Hartsville, Goldsboro, Drummondville, Warrenton, Lewisburg, Raleigh and Averysboro, to Fayetteville, three times a week.
2nd. From Fayetteville by Lumberton, Barefield Mills, Ports ferry, Calcutta and Georgetown to Charleston three times a week.
Leave Fayetteville every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 4 a.m., arrive at Ports ferry on Friday and Monday by 6 p.m.
Return. Leave Charleston every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 1/2 a.m., arrive at Georgetown same days by 6 p.m.
Leave Georgetown every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 4 a.m., arrive at Fayetteville same days by 6 p.m.
NOTES.
1. The post master general may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract... 2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mails at all offices where no particular time is specified. 3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the time prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar... 4. Newspapers, as well as letters, to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals for what sum he will carry with the emolument... 5. Should any person making proposals desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposal the alteration desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of the contract. 6. Persons making proposals are desired to date their price by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of August, November, February and May, in one month after the expiration of each quarter. 7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 8. Where the proper intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposal. 9. The post master general reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever one failure happens which amounts to the loss of a trip. 10. The contracts for the above routes are to be in operation on the first day of January next, and to continue in force until the 31st day of March, 1810.
GIDEON GRANGER,
Post Master General.
General Post-Office, Washington, July 31.
HAVE JUST RECEIVED A SUPPLY OF COLOGNE MILL-STONES,
or different sizes, which will be disposed of for CASH or approved negotiable Notes at 60 days.
TAYLOR & BROWN.
TO BE SOLD.
BETWEEN five and six hundred acres of the most valuable Tract of LAND in the neighborhood of New-Castle, and county of Henrico, whereon Captain Nicholas Syms now resides.
The Land will be surveyed to the purchaser.
The purchaser, who lives in New-Castle, will have the Land so far as to mean to purchase, and in his absence it will be shown to such, by John W. Tomlin, Esq. whose residence is very near.
Wm. CUNNINGHAM.
New-Castle, August 25.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
DESERTE from my recruiting rendezvous, in this city, on the 12th of the present month, PETER E. BUTLER, who was in the army of the United States.
EDM. V. GAINES,
Captain 2d U. S. Infantry.
Richmond, August 25.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS,
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.