The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-07-14 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PAGE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, JULY 14, 1802.
ADVERTISEMENT.
IT is necessary to observe, that this is the 52d Number of "The Recorder," which completes one Year's Publication, and ends the first Volume. Many Subscribers, who commenced with the first Number, have yet only paid one half Year, which was the advance money required upon the setting up of this Paper. Agreeably to the conditions, their Papers should have been stopped at the conclusion of the advance money; but that has not been the case. We, therefore, hardly need to shew the propriety of our discontinuing to send Papers to those who do not pay up their arrears, and advance money. The advance is now two dollars, and pays for 52 numbers of this Paper. When the public consider the degree of labour attendant on a well conducted periodical work; when they reflect that the expense of Paper, of Journeymen, of the wear and tear of materials, and a thousand ceteras, is a great burden on two individuals, who are labouring for the benefit of the Public; but is nothing divided among those individuals, who receive that benefit, there is not one person but will easily excuse an advertisement, which is to inform them, that, if they would wish to see this paper, there is no other way of supporting the great expenses attending it, than by the Subscribers paying punctually.
We mean to inform our readers, by this advertisement, that no labour or expence shall be spared to render the Recorder every way interesting and instructive. And we also mean to inform them, that no Papers will be forwarded but to those Subscribers who keep up their regular payments.
June 30th, 1802
I HEREBY forewarn all persons from crediting my Wife SUSANNA TONEY on my account, she having for a long time quitted my Bed and Board without cause.
ARCHIBALD TONEY. June 24, 1802.
NOTICE.
IN THE MATTER OF THOMAS HOOPER, BANKRUPT.
THE Subscribers, being appointed Assignees of the Estate and Effects of THOMAS HOOPER, late Merchant of Richmond, Bankrupt, all Persons indebted to the said Thomas Hooper, or who have any of his Effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any other person, or persons, than the Subscribers; or to such as are or shall be duly authorised by them.
RICHARD DENNY CHARLES SPENCER } Assignees. Richmond July 6, 1802.
ON TUESDAY, the 20th of this Month, will be Sold at Auction, at the late Dwelling-House of GEORGE NICOLSON, Deceased,
THE Household and Kitchen Furniture of the said decedent; a Chariot and pair of Horses, a Chair and Harness, and two Milch Cows. And on the next Day, at the Lumber House of the deceased, at Rockets, will be Sold, several Half Pipes of old Madeira Wine; the Sloop Thomas, and one moiety of the Schooner Favorite. Twelve Months credit will be allowed the Purchasers for all Sums above Twenty Dollars. Bond and approved Security will be required.
The Executors will treat with any Person inclined to Purchase the Sloop Thomas, or the one moiety of the Schooner Favorite at private sale, at any time before the 21st instant.
All Bonds given for Purchases, will bear Interest from their date if not punctually paid.
T. NICOLSON, A. NICOLSON, } Executors. Richmond July 6, 1802.
N. B. On the First Day of Sale, several House Servants will be hired until the end of the present Year.
WANTED,
As an Apprentice,
To the Printing Business, A Young Man, of good Character and Connections, from the age of 13 to 16. Apply at this office.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer
OPPOSITE Messrs. MITCHELL & GARDNER'S Main Street Richmond. TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO A constant supply of STATIONARY. June 24, 1802.
Stone Lime IN HOGSHEADS AND TIERCES. Cut Herrings & Shads, For Sale at Rockets, by JOHN CRADDOCK. June 16, 1802.
JOHN PUMFREY, BOOK BINDER AND STATIONER.
HAS just received by the late arrivals from Europe, such an addition to his former STOCK, as to make his ASSORTMENT general and complete.
Merchants Account Books, of all descriptions, Record, Sheriff's Books &c. &c. kept constantly on hand. Books ruled to any pattern, and Binding carried on in all its various branches.
IT is earnestly requested, that should there yet remain any unfulfilled claims against the late Co-partnership of CURRIE and PUMFREY, they may be brought in for payment. Those indebted thereto, are also requested to come forward and discharge the balances due by them, no farther indulgence can be given.
The debtors to the estate of Archibald Currie decd. and the creditors if any there now are, are solicited to make immediate application to the subscriber in order to a final adjustment of their accounts, as he is anxious to close the business of his administration.
JOHN PUMFREY. Surviving Partner of C. & P. and Administrator of Archibald Currie, decd. Richmond June 4th, 1802.
N. B. Subscriptions received for publishing the DEBATES on the Virginia Convention. A few copies of Henning's Justice for sale.
FOR SALE, Mount Comfort Farm,
In view of the City, and about one mile from the Capitol, it contains fifty six acres of Land, eight or ten whereof are excellent meadow. The whole well enclosed with rail and separated into convenient lots. The house is a large two-story Brick Dwelling, with four rooms on a floor, with convenient passages, closets, and parlour, and a large Cellar with two rooms, Kitchen, wash-house, dairy, stables, granary, coach-house, and all other houses, which are necessary for a family, and for farming use.
The advantages resulting from a well conducted farm, so contiguous to the City, are so numerous and so well known, that I shall not undertake to describe them. It evidently is one of the most pleasant and healthy situations within the vicinity of Richmond. Persons wishing to purchase, are invited to view the premises, and for terms, apply at my Office, in this City.
THOMAS WILSON. Richmond. 15th June, 1802. (4. w.)
JAMES LYNCH, Horse Shoer & Farrier, FROM DUBLIN,
RETURNS his thanks to his Friends and the Public for their encouragement, since he commenced Business; and hopes, by his assiduity, to have a continuance of their favours. He takes this method of informing them that he has removed from MANCHESTER to the CITY OF RICHMOND, below the Court-House, and near Mr. John Taylor's; where Gentlemen may have their Horses Nicked, Foaled, Docked, Cropped, &c. in the neatest and most approved manner. Low for cash. Every Disease in Horses treated with care and attention; which shall be warranted under special contract.
ALL KINDS OF SMITH WORK, At reduced Prices.
N. B. Good Stables, and wholesome Food for Horses, cheap near the Smith Shop. Richmond June 27th 1802.
GENUINE PORT & SHERRY WINE
By the Pipe Hoghead, Quarter Cask, or Gallon.
Bordeaux Claret in Boxes of 3 Bottles each. A few Dozen of Black, White, and coloured Silk Stockings.
White and coloured Kid Gloves. French Silks of different colours. 140 pieces of Hanging Paper of the most elegant patterns.
Post Paper by the Ream. 100 Kegs of Derby White Lead, And a few Hogheads of Molasses.
For Sale by JOHN FOSTER. [37.] Richmond, July 10, 1802.
FROM A VIRGINIAN CORRESPONDENT. No. IV.
THE defence for Mr. Stoddert is ended. It has taken a much more extensive scope than I at first designed, proceeding from the introduction of collateral subjects, which appeared necessary to the elucidation. If any reader is not satisfied with my statements, arguments and conclusions, I request he will, before he forms a final opinion, read again. It has been my intention to avoid personal offence, and I hope that I have succeeded.
This defence was equally unknown and unexpected by Mr. Stoddert. Having introduced his name without his approbation into a newspaper, in an investigation, wherein public interest as well as his public and private character were concerned, I did not think it right to abandon the subject, until I had fully satisfied myself of having arrested, and in some degree counteracted, a torrent of error and calumny, which was circulated with equal industry and success.
Concerning myself, I will now say a few words. I was never attached to, or confided in either of the parties which have for some time disturbed and threatened to desolate this country. I never was nor never will be a member of any party, faction, club, political society, or caucus, either to support or counteract either of the present factions, or any others which may hereafter exist. My opposition shall be open, fair, and above board. I hold the inflexible partizans of each, to be equally obnoxious and dangerous. I think that I have a sufficient portion of federalism and republicanism, as they are now taught and understood, to stand somewhere between the two parties. And it is my opinion that the true spirit of federal republicanism will ere long once more dawn upon this benighted and distracted land.
I am equally an enemy to the settled principles of an established, hereditary or artificial aristocracy, and to the wild theories of an unrestrained and licentious democracy. The first of these is a tyranny. It is a deprivation of political right. Not only the principles, but the persons who meditate to establish them, should be opposed and abhorred. With respect to the second, it is but little better than anarchy, decorated with the pleasing and splendid names of liberty and equality, and some times metamorphosed into republicanism. Factious and ambitious demagogues, will lead, or rather mislead, the public opinions, either by the propagation of falsehood, or by the suppression of truth; while upright and modest men stand aloof, and disdain to mingle in such scenes of deception, and turpitude.
My opinion is that our political happiness may be established without the aid of the torrid effervescence and ardent ambition of a Hamilton, or the cold, selfish, anchoritish, and inflexible plans and habits of a Gallatin. Neither of these hierophants suit the general temper, wishes, and habits of our citizens.
Every reader's memory will convince him of how much importance and influence in the opposite political scales these men have been, and yet are. The individuals in society who wish to discountenance the principles of the one, throw themselves into the scale of the other. To escape a Scylla, they rush upon a Charybdis. To avoid one poison they swallow another. In China, when persons have lost the public approbation, they lose their places. In this country, a man who gives to one half of the community the most causes to dislike him, is in the fair road to popular pre-eminence. It is better to be an infuriated partizan than to possess unbounded merit, connected with moderation.
Gracious heavens! Is the flock of intellect in this country so small, that our political
machinery cannot be managed without the aid of an individual whom chance has brought hither? What if Mr. Hamilton had never left the torrid regions of St. Croix, or if Mr. Gallatin was still reading geometry, and astronomy, among the snows of Switzerland? Should we in either case have no government? I make no accusation against either of these persons. It is sufficient for me that neither of them have the public confidence. Let us then endeavour to act without them. Let us revive those principles of patriotism, harmony and confidence, which made us a people. It is from these, and these only, that we can expect or hope for political happiness and private repose.
My approbation of some important measures, and objection to others, during the administrations of the first and second presidents, procured for me alternately the epithets of federalist and anti-federalist, just as suited the opinions, or wishes, of different individuals. This happened because I did not regulate my opinions to suit every popular blast, or political measure, which might be advocated, or promoted, by either of the prevailing parties.
The approbation of my own mind was and shall always be my political touchstone. When this is obtained, I care but little for the opinions, applause, or censure of others. With nothing to fear, and as little to hope, I have habituated myself to view with calm indifference, the transitory clamour, and evanescent praise of the numerous ephemeroes who have succeeded each other. There are a few, but alas! how few! who have acted upon the political stage, whose examples can be entirely recommended. This, in one sense, may be considered as a misfortune; in another, as a blessing. It shews clearly, that it is by far better that every man should form his own opinions and rules of conduct, than that he should become the humble dependant or vassal of another. Let any man take the whole vocabulary of names from A to Z—Let him weigh each of these separated from his party.—Let him then put the question, is this a proper person to be selected as an example? An instantaneous NO will be the answer.
Does it, therefore, follow that the human character is incapable of affording proper examples for imitation? Not so. It only shews the imbecility, and uncertainty of every thing, which is human. It shews that, generally speaking, one man is but little better than another. It should rouse us all to explore the hidden treasures of our own minds, to purify them through the crucibles of enquiry, to polish them by reason and reflection, to hold them in constant use, at constant command, to make them the anchors of our hopes, and the pivots of our decisions.
If there be any thing in which I am an enthusiast, it is in this hope, that reason, reflection, moderation and toleration, may take the lead; that the whole community may be roused to a proper sense of their own religious, moral, political, social rights, and duties; that every individual will use the best means in his power to obtain information, and to consider it with seriousness and impartiality. If a spirit like this should once prevail, there would be no occasion to look into other hemispheres for the spurious aid of ambitious adventurers. We should not be polled between champion A. and champion B. between demagogue C. and demagogue D. they would all be hissed from the public stage.
In fine, let this be for ever remembered, that he who can descend to baseness so low, in order to carry his own point, or disappoint another, as to suppress truth, or propagate or countenance falsehood, is fit for any other mischief or wickedness. He deserves not only discountenance, but abhorrence. Instead of this, such is now the influence of faction, that, if it be said of a man that he has been sometimes a federalist, there are thousands of weak people who consider it as a reproach! What puny souls must such men have? Is it not the most honorable testimony that such a man belongs to no faction? That he has the independence to think for himself, and the honesty to assert his opinions? For every one of such characters, I wish from my soul, that there were an hundred thousand. Party spirit and the ambitious who endeavour to mislead the unthinking multitude, would dwindle into nothing, and these defilers of public peace would be driven from the public stage with shame, disgrace, contempt and contempt.
CANDIDUS.
Turn over, and see Note.

NOTE.
* We do not agree with our author, unless he admits of numerous exceptions to his rule; and these exceptions we presume that he is ready to make. The history of every country will attest that it has received much advantage, as well as injury, from the ambition of foreigners. To be convinced of this, if any man can be supposed to stand in want of conviction, he has only to turn over a few pages of Bayle's Dictionary, the Biographia Britannica , or any compilation of the same kind. He will there see how universally the empire of science has been extended by the ambitious communication of foreigners; and how frequently even the independence of a whole people, has been saved from extinction by a handful of foreign hirelings. In the fourteenth century, Henry, the fifth of England, had almost completed the conquest of France. The progress of English victories was stopt, the deluge of blood was inverted upon its authors, by the Earl of Buchanan, at the head of a few thousands of Scotsmen. In the sixteenth century, the royal family of France was saved from the daggers of the Hugonots, (and the loss of such a family to mankind, could not have been very great!) by a detachment of Swiss household guards. The most fortunate and famous of Roman emperors was a Spaniard. And Rome was long preserved from destruction by a succession of emperors from Dalmatia. The woollen manufactures of England were introduced from Flanders by foreigners; and the United States themselves are almost immediately indebted for their existence, for every thing which they are, or can hope to be to a source of the same kind. What was it which brought Penn to the Delaware, Smith to James River, and Raleigh to the Chesapeake? It was the necessities, or the ambition of foreigners! Lord Bacon has handled this subject of adopting foreigners. "Never any state," says he, "was in this point so open to receive foreigners into their body, as were the Romans; therefore it fared with them accordingly; for they grew to the greatest monarchy. Their manner was to grant naturalization, which they called jus civitatis , and to grant it in the highest degree; that is not only the rights of commerce, of marriage, of inheritance, but also the right of suffrage, and of bearing public offices. And this not to singular persons alone, but likewise to whole families: yea, to cities, and sometimes to whole nations."
The opinion of Lord Bacon, and the practice of the Romans are undoubtedly of importance in the scale of decision. If Charles V had been present in the American army, previous to the battle of Long Island, the poor soldiers would not have been so wretchedly penned up in a corner. The previous arrival, the abilities, the ambition of this foreigner, were eminently serviceable in saving the remainder of the army from destruction.
On this point of adopting foreigners, the Recorder of April 3d contains most of what we have to say. But, after all, it is not wonderful, if Americans do sometimes murmur at their conduct. Such discontent has occurred in all countries. But surely the partizans of Hamilton, and especially the printer of Bronson's Gazette, should not profess a general abhorrence of foreigners. That paper could not have existed but for the patronage of such people; and therefore they are wrong in reproaching Duane with his imaginary birth in Ireland. We shall grant, as we must, that he has, for some time, been in the habit of compiling a crowd of calumnies, that he is eternally addressing forged extracts of letters to himself, that he publishes copies of stolen letters, and, as the climax of hardness, that he glories in this act of felony. We shall also grant, what Duane himself will hardly deny, that THE RECEIVER is as bad as the thief, and that, if the act of congress had been put in execution, he would have received a severe punishment. But surely these matters of record afford no exclusive ground for carping at foreigners. The republican president patronizes this printer; and it is not easy to see that the agent is less innocent than the principal. At New York, also, you have James Cheetham, another berry from the same bush. Mr. Jefferson patronizes him likewise. The republican cause must surely be in a desperate condition; if we are to judge from the presidential selection of its defenders. But all this does not justify Bronson in the publication of lies. And when the New York Herald tells you that general Mason shook hands with Callender at his trial, when Miss Smith, in her federal misrepresentations, affirms that six seventy-four gun ships can be built all at once in the little navy yard of Philadelphia, such impudent fables destroy the force of any scraps of truth, which they may chance to scatter. When all credit and confidence are gone, the pander becomes useless to his employer; and a more decent selection of impostors will become necessary for the purpose of deceiving and robbing the public.
We cannot dismiss this note, without acknowledging our uncommon obligations to this Virginian Correspondent. Several of his pieces have been reprinted from the Re-
corder, at New York, Washington, Philadelphia, and other places. In the eyes of reasonable men, the report of the committee of investigation has received a severe wound. This has provoked the venom of Duane, of Cheetham, and of Jones. The last, in particular, has behaved with remarkable meanness, cowardice, and ingratitude. To the pen of the Virginian Correspondent Meriwether has often stood indebted for eminent services. He was well acquainted with the real writer. Conscious of an identity, that was perfectly known, the Examiner of June 26th speaks thus:
"This spawn of the Scots Correspondent , if he possessed his wrangling talents formed for foul debate, would become as conspicuous as causa INFAME , as his preceptor. It is rumoured that he is joint editor, pro-prietor, and tale bearer in ordinary to Callender. We should like to know the truth of this matter. We have a rod in pickle for any such creature." Compare this vulgarity with the stile of our correspondent; and say which of the two writes most like a philosopher and a gentleman! Jones brings an African, back into the apartment and the bed of his own lady. He condescends to accept from this hussy the most ignominious species of cuckoldom. He submits to embrace what so many black fellows would have rejected with abhorrence. He first denies, and then confesses the advertisement of a murderer. With a sinecure of three thousand dollars a year, he complains of poverty, and runs in debt to his own black and tawny pressmen. He attempts to ruin Dr. Read, and then he boasts of the Doctor's friendship. He publishes a thousand invectives against John Adams, and then he declares that these invectives were a crime. He destroys the reputation of his own newspaper, which had been thrust into importance almost in spite of him. To his own slave, Lewis, he preaches the blessings and the right of emancipation. He parades in his kitchen with a drawn cutlass. He gives drafts on the treasury, and then he upholds the money which was to have paid them. It is not worth while to speak much longer, either of Jones himself, or of his rod in the pickle.
[The following Note was intended for No. III, of the VIRGINIA CORRESPONDENT; but came too late for last week's paper.]
IT is true that in England government has docks, which are contrived for building ships. They are found to answer well. In these, after the ship is finished, the water is introduced through gates. The ship floats without the risque and labour of launching. A dock of this sort must cost an immense sum of money, and must be connected with a navy yard for the convenience of shops, and materials. It is evident that congress did not contemplate docks of this sort in the law which directed the purchase of two; otherwise they would have directed the ships to be built in succession.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JULY 14th, 1802.
DEFENCE OF AARON BURR.
THE Republican Watch Tower, and a whole army of other newspapers are engaged in assailing the character of the vice president. We are very willing to allow, that Mr. Burr is no better than his neighbors; but, from any thing that has yet appeared about him, we flatly deny that he is worse.
One of the charges, that the breaker up of Brannon's letters advances against Burr, is this:—On the 2d of February last, some federal members of congress had a tavern dinner at Washington. After dinner the vice president came into the room: he spoke to the federalers with respect and civility: he gave as a toast, An Union to all Honest Men . For this sentiment, and its implications, Cheetham arraigns Burr as a criminal. Cheetham is the present government-printer at New York; He publishes the acts of congress, and, as an appendage to this employment, it is understood that he must publish all sorts of filth upon the Jefferson side of the question.
The Watch Tower has represented Burr's visit at the tavern, as a kind of secret. From a newspaper so full of ignorance, of nonsense, and of calumny, as the Republican Watch Tower, we are not going to quote any article as positively authentic. It is very possible that no such tavern meeting ever existed. But we shall follow the cock to his own dung-
NOTE.
* When Meriwether borrows Latin, his creditors should teach him how to spell it. † A few days ago, madam was at a barbecue, with Jones's picture hanging at her neck. Such things are a disgrace to the state. They cannot disgrace him.
hill, and then kick him off it. If the vice president had gone to the tavern, and if he had then, and there, declared, that he was a federalist, the story would have been an hundred times more shocking than it is; and to be sure it is a very dreadful thing to drink a glass of good wine, or even to sit five minutes in the same room with one of those frightful federal creatures.
Now, Mr. Jefferson, upon the day that he was made president, declared, in his address to congress, that, "We are all Republicans; we are all FEDERALISTS." After this declaration upon the part of the president, it is certainly the very summit of impudence in this man, Cheetham, to blame the vice president for going to a federal dinner, because the very same reason would prevent Mr. Burr from dining with Mr. Federalist Jefferson.
To shew that the president was perfectly in earnest, in his professions of federalism, we have only to look at Thomas Nelson, the present federal attorney general, for the state of Virginia. David Randolph was turned out of his office, as marshal for this state; and the cause was said to have been his misconduct upon Callender's trial for sedition. But if the conduct of Randolph was bad, we have always considered that of Nelson as being infinitely worse. It was, indeed worse, if such a thing could be, than that of Chase himself. We stood close by him, during the trial, and one of his observations was to this effect:— "Mr. Callender may say that he prefers Mr. Jefferson, as a president, to Mr. Adams. He has a right to say so. But he must not say that Mr. Adams is a violent, or passionate man, for that is injuring his character." We were, at the time, extremely struck at the stupidity, and effrontery, of this observation; for you will observe, that to charge a man with having violent passions, does not imply the smallest accusation against his morality. We very seldom hear of a great man without violent passions; and as for your dirty centry-box virtue, that affects to exist without any passions at all! We have constantly considered Samuel Chase as a more intelligible character than Cyrus Griffin.
We return to Thomas Nelson.—In conducting Callender's trial, he broke every part of his duty. If Mr. Jefferson approved of Nelson's official conduct, it was his duty to retain him as attorney general. If he condemned Nelson's conduct, it was his duty to have turned him out. And as Mr. Jefferson has not discharged Nelson, we must infer, that the president approves of his conduct. Of course, Mr. Jefferson approved of the Richmond trial for sedition; for he could not condemn the trial, and, at the same time, approve of those who conducted the prosecution. Our general conclusion is, that Mr. Jefferson spoke truth, when he told congress that he is a FEDERALIST. The retention of Thomas Nelson goes a great way to prove the fact. Upon this ground, we infer, that Aaron Burr is just as good as his neighbors.
The discharge of Mr. David Randolph does not prove that Mr. Jefferson disapproved of the trial. An uncommon racket had been made in the newspapers as to the necessity of discharging this marshal. A great deal of popularity was to be gained by a very trifling sacrifice. Accordingly that sacrifice was made. We had farther stated in the newspapers, that Mr. Randolph had a connection by marriage with some of Jefferson's relations. We had observed, that this circumstance would not save him from expulsion. You must know, that Mr. Jefferson is particularly fore and jealous upon a charge of preferring any of his own relations. It was but a few weeks after he became president, that he refused a very trifling situation to his own sister's son. We had this anecdote from one of the best men of the state, to whom the nephew made this explanation. There is another circumstance, which helped to send citizen David to the bottom. He had taken great liberties with his tongue in speaking of Mr. Jefferson. The result of the whole is, that some other motives, than those arising from republican principles, must have combined in the discharge of David Randolph. Nelson, who was much more culpable, is kept in his office.
The result of these reflections is that, so far as the glass of wine story goes, Mr. Jefferson appears before his employers in a much more questionable shape than Mr. Burr. The Vice President slides into a private federal company, where he drinks to a correct sentiment. The President himself ascends his official chair, and plumply and plainly [a phrase from Governor Giles] declares himself a FEDERALIST. As an evidence of the sincerity of his recent conversion, and of the bitterness of his repentance for past errors, Mr. Jefferson retains in his office, Thomas Nelson, a person whom all his friends have reprobated, as one of the most execrable agents of federal tyranny. Now, it is evident that either Mr. Jefferson is in the wrong; or his friends are in the wrong. They condemn the sedition trial. The Republicans turned Mr. Jefferson into the presidency for this, as the capital reason, that he might turn their persecutors out of office. Hence, the Republicans find themselves reduced to this single choice! They must either part with their principles, or they must part with Mr.
Jefferson. The attorney general, his sedition trial, and his President must stand, or they must fall, together. To complete the condemnation of Thomas Jefferson, it is not necessary to condemn the Richmond trial. The rules of logic, and the state of facts, require not such an assumption. It is quite sufficient to say that Mr. Jefferson obtained his office upon the ground of his detesting that scene, and other scenes of the same kind; that he has retained in office, Thomas Nelson and a multitude of other active and effective enemies of the Republican interest; in a word, that he has trampled upon his part of a contract, which, although neither signed, nor sealed, was absolutely understood and required, by those who made him president. Mr. Jefferson has retained in his service news-printers of notorious profligacy; Cheetham, the self-advertised letter-stealer; Duane, the printer of stolen letters, and Jones, that assembly of whatever is cowardly, perfidious, or brutal. Agents, like these, cannot have been reserved in pay for an honest, or honorable purpose; nor is their any power of thought peculiar to them, which could not have been found in more reputable partizans.
The great quantity of our original materials, added to the inconvenience of our printing only once a week, has compelled an omission of some interesting articles. It has been proposed by the Senate of France to make Buonaparte Consul for life. This is just what might have been expected.
An explanatory explanation as to Collector Heth—A little more about Republican economy—Something as to William Giles—Memoirs of the Richmond Armory—Deputy Sheriffs—The Virginian Correspondent, to William Duane—The same upon Foreigners—An address to the public by the Editor of the Recorder—Remarks upon the Western expedition, of 1794—and a variety of other pieces are postponed till our next. Our Virginian Correspondent seems to have completely cured Miss Smith of publishing FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATIONS. It has been proved, and it is now reprinting from the Recorder, all over the continent, that his attacks were full of absurdities, and fictions. He has, accordingly, never ventured to answer one word.
It would be endless to take notice of all the whimsical stuff that has of late rung through the American newspapers concerning one of the Editors of this paper. The Republicans and aristocrats are equally violent. Among the former is William Pechin, a sort of Baltimore Editor. He has solicited an exchange of papers with us; and as we do not chuse to give a sheet containing something, for another containing nothing, he has begun to attack us, tooth and nail. Pechin is beneath notice, either as a printer or as a private man; and as an editor, he is not able to write three sentences. Out of a multitude of these classical productions, we select the following from The New-York Herald.
"We did not perceive, till the error was pointed at by Callender himself, that we had made a mistake in calling him the editor of the Richmond Examiner, instead of the Richmond Recorder. The former is his particular, personal and political enemy; and they have begun a battle royal in their several papers. Callender improves an opening to repeat, that he was informed that Mr. Jefferson should have once said that the paper which he (Callender) then edited; was the best conducted newspaper in America, and that Mr. Maddison said, that he held the strongest pen in America. Very likely those two great men may have said so, and although we cannot go this length, yet it must be allowed that he certainly has a faculty at "hitting that particular knack, which is the soul of a newspaper." Poor Jones has been so cut and bruised and mauled, and gouged, in the battle, that he must be toughened itself, if he can carry it all off, without lasting and irreparable injury.
In private conversation, Meriwether says that his brother was satisfied with the apology offered at Bloody Run , by Mr. Selden; that he did not want to shoot him; that he was compelled to do so by the obstinacy of one of the seconds. This apology, if it is correct, serves only to make bad worse. We received it in conversation from one of their acquaintances. It fixes upon Skelton the guilt not of a passionate, but of a voluntary, a deliberate, and an unprovoked murder.
Our executive council have attempted to bury in silence this enormous transaction. Some of them very likely did so, because the elder Jones could occasionally give them a good dinner; others, who are much above that temptation, may have consented, because the criminal is a good republican; a third set from their mere insipidity of constitution; and a fourth set from their fear of contradicting the majority. This is your precious batch of a republican executive council. Meriwether

himself would have gloried in making Mrs. James Rind a widow, and her children orphans; but providence, or fortune prevented this previous murder.
ABOUT ten days ago, we got some news-papers from the editor of the Aurora. He requested an exchange. We have, accordingly sent him the two last numbers of the Recorder; and, as he sends us three papers per week, the exchange is in point of bulk, much in our favor.
The Aurora of July 1. has commenced a violent attack upon the Recorder. We do not know precisely the reason of this, unless it be that we, some time ago, gave a rebuff to Duane's friend, and associate, Mr. Cheetham, the advertised breaker up of letters. The one stole and broke up letters. The other printed them, knowing that they were stolen. We said that, in England, Cheetham would, for his share of the business, infallibly have swung. Perhaps Mr. Duane thought that this censure might, in some measure, be applied to himself. He was probably in the right. His invectives against the Recorder, if they operate at all, must be more likely to serve than injure it. And till we have time and patience to give him a dressing, he is extremely welcome to rail and falsify, as much, and as fast as he pleases.
THE quarterly salaries are just due. There is not money in the treasury to pay them. Claims on the treasury are falling at a considerable discount. The 50,000 dollars collected some time past by the deputy sheriffs for the tax on merchants, are retained in their hands. Usury is going on at five per cent. per month. Are these things lies?
IN the three last numbers of this paper, we took some notice of the fabrications of the Norfolk Herald about risings of the negroes. We also adverted to the subsequent rubbish that has been heaped upon this basis by forgeries at New York. These vile fables are now running through all the newspapers from state to state.
In his Herald of July the 6th, Willet reprints from a North Carolina newspaper, the two following letters. Behold! in them, the diminutive egg from which this Crocodile of false intelligence had been hatched. The public begins to be tired of our stupid lying extracts of letters from St. Domingo, which WENSTER and DUANE hammer out by the dozen. The invasion of Turkey is also becoming stale; and you know such editors as these must have something wonderful to tell you.]
HALIFAX (N. C.) June 28.
ON Monday last, Mr. Gilmour's Toney, and Mrs. Foor's Sam, were tried and condemned in this town, for having been concerned in the plot, said to be contemplated by the negroes. A petition for a pardon of Toney has been sent to the governor, signed generally by the inhabitants of this town, who were well convinced of the hardships of the conviction.
Hertford County, June 24.
To Mr. A. HODGE,
I HAVE observed, by your last paper, that you were not acquainted with the particulars respecting the intended conspiracy of the negroes in this county. The latter part of May, we had a search of the negroes houses, for arms, &c. but no preparation for carrying any hostile design into effect was discovered. On the 2d of June, a party who were making a search in Bertie county, found in the house of a negro woman at Colerain, a small piece of paper, containing the names of about 14 negro men. This woman confessed that the paper was left with her that morning by Fed—and Fed declared it was given to him the night before by Summer's Frank, to carry to Brown's King. It appeared to be a letter from Frank to King—for it began in this manner. "Captain Frank, Summer is to command," (and then names the men and the 10th of June, was the time) "You are to get as many men as you can.—To Capt. King, Brown, &c." The negroes named on the paper, belonging to this county, were apprehended, and the court sat to try them on the 10th inst. when Frank was found guilty of conspiracy, and has suffered death; a second was cropped, branded, and whipped, and the remainder whipped—there appearing nothing against them, only their names being on the paper. I have from the best of my recollection, detailed the most material circumstances respecting the business. It is to be lamented that so many false and exaggerated accounts should be circulated over the continent, on this subject—but I know of no preventative.
I am with esteem, Your humble servant, THOMAS WYNNE.
PETERSBURG, July 2.
THE following anecdote has been related to us.—A short time ago a report was in circulation in the town of Winton, N. C. that
the town of Windsor had been burnt by the negroes. An express was sent off towards Windsor to ascertain the truth of the report. On his way, he met a person coming from Windsor, and on enquiring of him the news, was informed, that he was on his way to ascertain the truth of a report in Windsor, that the town of Winton had been burnt by the negroes. On mutual explanations they soon found that the reports were groundless, and returned much pleased with their interview. There is no doubt but a variety of familiar alarms are equally untrue—and although a vigilance on all occasions is truly laudable and praiseworthy, yet, it would be highly commendable to trace the authors of such false reports, and severely punish those who, from base and unprincipled motives, should dare to invent them.
In last Recorder, an extract was given from a speech of Mr. Giles on the Judiciary bill. He therein referred in plainative terms, to Callender's trial for sedition. The words were printed in Italics; and, to be sure, such a complaint, as coming from Giles, equalled any thing, in the shape of IMPUDENCE, that had ever been heard of before. Will you chuse an atrocious hypocrite, a breaker of his constitutional oath, will you chuse, as governor, a poltroon, who can nod and smile in the face of the person whom he has in vain attempted to ruin? No! by Jupiter. You should as soon vote for the benefactor of your North Western Territory, for the profound statesman that, in the convention of Richmond, opposed his ignorance and simplicity to Patrick Henry's knowledge and sagacity. You should as soon vote for the man, who by his majority of ten votes, forced you to adopt the federal constitution without amendments, and who, at the same time, acknowledged that amendments were necessary. In a word, you should almost as soon vote for the father of your calamities and your taxes, for JAMES MADISON himself! If you had kept hold, you know, of your immense North Western Territory, which Mr. Madison, that great politician, and that amiable man, coaxed you to give up to Congress, then, you must have been as absolutely exempted from state taxes, as the state of New-York, at present is.
In the debates on the Judiciary bill, Mr. Giles received a small rub from one Dennis, a member of Congress from Maryland. The speech of the latter is full of impertinence and untruth. But here follows the passage to which refer.
"Such a genius is the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Giles.) That gentleman we all know has light in abundance, and if the path we have to explore be dark and intricate, he might have taken his lantern and have gone before us; we should have been glad to have followed him, and had the benefit of his illumination. But he has departed from the highway leading to the place of destination, and like an ignis fatuus, has attempted to lead us through bogs and morasses, in order that we might be mired, or get lost, on the way; "The gentleman commenced his observations by giving us a retrospective narrative of the rise and progress of political parties, their respective views, and their different tendencies. And truly, Sir, the history which he gave us was such a one as I have long since read in Callender's history of the United States, and his Prophecies Before Us; but such a one as I had not expected from the Gentleman of Virginia."
PROVIDENCE, June 10.
Arrived, brig Eliza, captain Manchester, from Marseilles. The third day after they left Marseilles, (being in sight of Barcelona) they were chased and brought to by a Barbary corsair, which came up with them just after the sun had dropped below the horizon; and when within a few rods, run up her bloody flag, in a language which could not be understood. At length, in broken English, their boat was ordered out and the papers brought on board. Before this could be done,
she had dropped considerably astern, and while capt. Manchester with two of the people, were gone in the yawl, the passengers (with Mr. S. Aborn her supercargo, and three servants) got out the long boat, and under cover of the dusk of the evening made their way for the Spanish shore: it being then calm, they rowed about a mile from the brig, where they lay on their oars, for some time, impatiently waiting the result. At length they espied a lantern hung in the shrouds as a signal for their return; this having been previously agreed on in case the captain should return, and all prove well.
The papers of the Eliza were very closely examined, and for some time it was pretended that none of the counterparts would agree with the Eliza's Mediterranean pass; at length, however, the American one was brought forward, which directly corresponded; after which they politely dismissed capt. Manchester, wishing him a pleasant passage. She proved to be an Algerine schooner of 16 guns, crowded with men, whose turbaned heads, shewing themselves above the bulwarks, had not the most agreeable appearance; she was 5 days out from Algiers, on a cruise. The captain and passengers of the Eliza, were at first apprehensive that she was a Tripolitan; it having been reported at Marseilles, for sometime that two corsairs were actually in quest of Americans, which was a circumstance sufficient to cause them the most alarming sensations.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1.
Capt. Dove, of the brig Hiram, arrived on Friday, at the Lazaretto, from Guadaloupe, has furnished the Editor of the Philadelphia Gazette with the following information:
"I suppose you have already heard of the fate of Guadaloupe. The blacks have burnt and destroyed the principal part of the plantations; only five having escaped in Grande Terre. They have even destroyed the cotton and coffee trees, by pulling them out of the ground by the roots, or cutting them down. When I failed, and after the battle of Banbridge, the blacks had generally taken to the woods in the adjoining country. The action which took place the 26th of May, begun about 7 o'clock in the morning, and continued unremitted until 5 in the afternoon, when the French carried the fort, and took about 200 prisoners. Three hundred blacks escaped, and reached the woods. In this action, there were 200 blacks killed and of the whites 100 killed and wounded. The French immediately shot all the prisoners in the public square. Peleg was second in command during the action, and he is in every engagement very conspicuous."
An account of the loss of the ship Anna Wren, of New-York, commanded by Joseph Fitch of Nantucket, with all her crew, except Meshech Sapp, of Philadelphia, and William Moulton of Baltimore.
The ship failed from the Texel the 3d of January last, about 9 o'clock in the morning, bound to the Isle of May for a load of salt, the wind being to the Southward and Eastward, nothing happened to them until half past 4 in the morning on the 4th of Jan. when she struck on a sand bank about 2 miles from Dunkirk; they immediately cut away the mizen mast—they then got the yawl out, she filled the first sea; they with a great deal of difficulty, got the long boat out, the captain, two mates and three hands were in her but she filled the second sea; the captain and chief mate were lost—the three men got into the vessel again. Soon after this, the mainmast went over the side, they all then went into the fore top, except two boys who stayed on the quarter deck, who were soon washed overboard. The people stayed on the fore top and fore rigging about one hour, when the mast went over the side; one Peter, a Dutchman, and Joseph Clark of Nantucket, were then lost; then held on to some part of the rigging to the windward or upper part of the ship forward. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon they saw a pilot boat run out of Dunkirk, which came within about two
miles of them, but the sea run so heavy she was not able to run any nearer; in about an hour after the boat put back—they all perished except one man, and the two before mentioned. They still continued in that situation all that night and all next day, until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when a fishing boat went out and took them off, and carried them into Dunkirk.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1. SINGULAR ESCAPE.
The brig America, Avery of East Haddam (C.) arrived at Isle May, April 15. Five days after leaving port, the brig was overset by a gale of wind the mate and four hands were swept into the sea and lost, and the captain dangerously wounded, the gale leaving the vessel a mere wreck. After this dreadful accident, there were only the supercargo, 2 men and a boy left to work the vessel; who by great exertions succeeded in getting her in port—the captain was in a fair way of speedily recovering.
PARIS, April 27.
"All Paris has been for some days in anxiety respecting Madam MOREAU, the lady of the celebrated General. She received a stroke on the breast from a soldier, in attempting to get into Notre Dame on the day of the fete. She had lately been brought to bed, and was nursing her infant; her life was for some time in danger, but she is now much better. The wife of such a man was certainly entitled to more attention. He is beyond all comparison the most popular man in France, to which the purity of his conduct has, perhaps, contributed as much as his consummate skill. He has lately bought the estate of General Bois, near this city, which formerly belonged to Monsieur; and so little had he profitted by his victories, that though the purchase money amounted only to 4000,000 francs, (£16,000) he was obliged to borrow from his mother-in-law the greater part of the sum. The First Consul appears to be an altered personage ever since the business of the Concordant has been carried into effect. He wears a face and air of gaiety, and departs himself like a man who is relieved from the pressure of an immense burden. The Parisian wage lay, that he has been carrying the heavens on his shoulders for the last two years; but that, like Hercules, he has resigned the load to its former Atlas. This is an approach at least to the former mode and conduct of the Parisians, when every sensation evaporated in a calembourg, or a jeu de mot ."
ERRATUM.
In last Recorder, was inserted a Census of the people of the United States. One line dropt out, which was not observed till the Paper had been sometime at press:— "Kentucky, - - - - - 220,000"
REMARKS, SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA
(originally printed in 1796)
It deserves notice too, that in those counties where there are strong jails, the debtors are not upon a footing with those where there are none. A man in Henrico may lose his land, but in Chesterfield or Dinwiddie, as well as many others, he need not.
It has been observed, that jails will seldom retain a debtor. In truth they ought not. No honest man, however indiscreet he may have been ought, to be thrown into one even for a moment. The wretch condemned to death for the vilest crime ought to breathe, while the law allows him to exist, a purer air than most of our jails afford. Yet to places like these, to imprisonment, to filth, and to dishonor, do the advocates for freedom, the real friends of the people, doom themselves and their fellow citi-

zens, rather than subject their lands to sale for the fairest considerations.
The fourth objection, though true in fact, proves nothing to the purpose. Those who urge it forget, that tho' slaves constitute a fund for the payment of debts, they furnish the readiest means of contracting them, and that credit is generally proportioned to the aggregate stock of property which a man may possess, without much regard to the materials of which it is composed.
Thus the objections which have been brought forward under this division of the subject, having been answered, it might appear unnecessary to proceed farther. If it be just that lands should be sold for the payment of debts, the policy and expedience of the measure ought not to be enquired into. But in the present investigation, considerations founded on the supposed welfare of the community having been brought forward, it is necessary to notice them. Perhaps, no case can occur, in which duty and interest are in more exact coincidence.
To shew the inexpedience of the law, it is observed, that extensive credit has been hurtful to the citizens of this commonwealth; that they are eternally involved in debt, and harassed with law suits; and that, therefore, it would be impolitic to increase this evil, by subjecting lands to sale by execution. On this point many rest their opposition to the law.
The idea that extensive credit is injurious, has within a few years past, generally prevailed in this country. It has been adopted by the legislature, and can be traced in their proceedings, to the year 1779. By the law now in force, actions on store accounts, must be brought within one year after the delivery of the articles, or the cause of action accrued: a penalty is denounced against those who postpone any item of an account; and verdict is to be given and judgment pronounced, only for such articles as were delivered within twelve months before the commencement of the suit.
Thus the existence of credit, and the reality of the evils resulting from it, are ideas apparently so firmly impressed on the public mind, that it may be difficult to remove them. The ear of the people, however, being always open to the reception of truth, they will listen to the argument, which attempts to prove,
1. That credit does not exist in this state in a proper degree.
2. That where it exists in the highest degree, it is not an evil; and,
3. That the mischiefs arising from the prevailing system of credit, can be remedied only by a policy directly opposite to that hitherto observed. To prove the first position, little more is necessary than to define the term; credit is a confidence existing in the mind of the seller or lender of a commodity, in the ability and honesty of the purchaser or borrower. When this confidence is complete, when the seller or lender knows that he will receive payment at the appointed time, unless some unexpected calamity befalls the purchaser or borrower, he will be content with a profit exactly proportioned to the inconvenience which he sustains, by parting for a given time with a portion of his property. With this profit he must be content, because the man who purchases on credit, with the means and intention to pay, with punctuality, will never give more for an article which he may want, than the real value or price of that article, with a reasonable compensation for the use of it, until the price is paid. It seems obvious that this consideration alone, must regulate the difference between sales for cash, and sales on credit. Under the supposition which has been made, there is no other circumstance which can influence the transaction.
But if this confidence does not exist, if the seller of a commodity supposes that there is a possibility that he may not be paid at all, that there is a probability that he will not be paid at the appointed time; that in fact the laws of the country, by excepting lands from the payment of
debts, and barring actions on store accounts of more than twelve months standing, put him entirely at the mercy of his debtor, he acts absurdly indeed, if he trusts out his money, or his property, without being paid for the risk that he encounters. The debtor too, in such a state of affairs, is tempted to buy more than he really wants, to promise more than he can punctually perform, and to allow a higher price than he can afford to pay. He is not obliged to make nice calculations. He is sensible of the apparent advantage afforded him by the laws, buys what his fancy approves, means honestly, at the time, to pay if he can, but if he cannot, foresees that the inconvenience falls on the creditor alone.
Let us compare this theory with facts. In the ordinary transactions of this country, there is a difference of nearly 25 per cent. between sales for cash and sales on twelve months credit. I appeal for the truth of this assertion, to circumstances within the knowledge of all. To what cause is this difference to be ascribed? To the majority of men, even money is not worth more than seven and a half per cent. Property is worth still less. The residue, therefore, that is seventeen and an half per cent. of course are paid for nothing. This fact cannot mislead. Credit never can exist on a right footing in any country, where so exorbitant a premium is paid in order to obtain it.
That a considerable difference is made by merchants, between the cash, and the credit price of articles, is a fact of universal notoriety. This difference is liable to great fluctuation, and depends on various circumstances: but a man who will deal during one year entirely for cash, and during another entirely on credit, will probably find it well worthy of his attention.
The want of confidence which produces this difference, has an effect no less sensible on all pecuniary transactions. In fact, it is a matter of great difficulty to procure money on any terms. Merchants have occasion for all that they possess, and those who acquire it by their industry and labor, are afraid to lend it. The Farmers and Planters know, if their money gets out of their hands, that they cannot command it again. They, therefore, suffer it to lie useless in their chests, until they can realize it.
If however, they engage in a negotiation of this kind, they take care to receive an enormous premium. Instead of transferring specie, they sell tobacco for 4 or 5s. in the hundred, above the current price. Thus a large quantity of capital, either lies unemployed, or is brought into operation only on terms ruinous to the holder.
The rate of interest in every country depends on the inconvenience of parting with money, and the hazard of not getting it again. It appears that in Virginia, this inconvenience and hazard are estimated by law at 5 per cent. but by the people four or five times as high. Perhaps there cannot be a more unequivocal symptom of the adverse situation of our domestic affairs. The rate of interest is said to be the true barometer of a state, and its lowness is a sign, almost infallible, of the flourishing condition of a people.
Extract from the 2d. Vol. of THE PROSPECT BEFORE US.
CHAPTER XXXII.
THE FUNDING SYSTEM.
ONE of the numberless blunders in the formation of the federal constitution was that boundless permission of borrowing money which has been granted to congress. Your estate cannot be called your own, when your overseer may burden it as much as he pleases. This privilege of contracting a national debt is so prone to be abused, and it involves such immeasurable consequences, that it should have been conceded with a sparing hand. Such a right is vastly more dangerous than an unlimited permission of imposing taxes; because a new tax is immediately felt; those who feel it are
provoked to enquire for what purpose their cash is wanted; and this counter check is certain to produce at least some portion of economy. The master of a tavern is most likely to present a moderate bill when he knows that every cypher of it will be canvassed with severity. But farther, when your overseer wants money to buy negroes, or horses, it is safer that he should apply directly to yourself, than that he should wander among your neighbours to pledge your credit. The case is exactly the same with Congress and their constituents.
It is a practice peculiar to modern times to lend money to government, from one generation to another, without an effort or even a hope for its repayment. The Romans conquered the world without funding a shilling. This custom of funding has proved one of the greatest curses that mankind ever saw. It has both multiplied the number and extended the duration of modern wars, very much beyond what they otherwise could have had. In the feudal ages, when a king of England commenced a campaign, he trusted entirely to what he could wring from his subjects, and pillage from his enemies, or what could he raise by pawning his crown, or his other personal property. His course was, therefore, short, and his expence trifling, when compared with those that arise from the funding system. The war of 1689 lasted for nine years. Seven hundred millions sterling were spent; and eight hundred thousand men perished. The condescending tyrants could not have raised by taxes one half, nor perhaps one fourth part of the money. In 1703, Pitt could not have attacked France with out the help of credit. All his ready money would not, on the scale that he proposed, have supported six months of war. Yet if the French had invaded England, the positive defence of the country would not have been crippled by the want of public credit. On such great occasions every man feels that every thing is at stake. With the mechanical impulse of a horse in a loaded cart, a nation brings forward its whole strength, as effectually, and much more cheaply, than by the resource of loans. A government almost always borrows upon exorbitant terms. In whatever way public credit may begin, it universally proceeds in a job, and ends in bankruptcy. The creditor sets out with cheating the nation, and the nation concludes with cheating the creditor. In the two last centuries, this scene has been often acted.
As the most complex operations of arithmetic can always be resolved into four primitive rules, so the actions of statesmen are, in the same way, to be traced up to two or three first principles. Most of the enjoyments that life affords arise from the pleasure, first of getting money, and thereafter of spending it. The masters of mankind have constantly bent their utmost attention to this double source of happiness. The object of every government always has been, and always will be, to squeeze from the bulk of the people as much money as it can get. The very small number of exceptions to this remark does not warrant its being rejected. We might as well deny the existence of a millstone, because there is a small hole in the midst of it. We must observe, then, that the man who will not give
* I speak here with various exceptions and qualifications, that will occur to the reader. But, in general, the distinction is clear and striking. When the present system of standing armies first began to succeed the feudal militia, those troops were incessantly revolting for want of pay. See, for instance, the history of Charles the fifth. The gradual completion of the funding scheme has put an end to this kind of mutinies.
† Sir John Dalrymple's Memoirs, Vol. 1.
‡ The late King of Prussia carried on four very active and offensive wars, without the help of the funding system. But, in the longest of them, he had a British subsidy; and besides, he was in all respects, an exception to common rules.
one dollar in a present, or, if he can help it, pay one dollar as a tax, is often both able and willing to lend ten thousand, when he can find proper security for the repayment of them. On the other hand, a disposition for borrowing is as natural as that of lending. To defer the season of economy and retrenchment is often very pleasing. Like the comrades of Ulysses, when they tasted the fruit of the lotus, the man who has once acquired a habit of contracting debt, can seldom get out of the practice.
This is more especially true with regard to kings, their ministers, and the other immediate holders of the public purse, under all forms of government. Providing that they can serve themselves, they seldom feel interest in the situation of those that are to come after them. They are like the tenants of a lease, that expect soon to be turned out. Their own exclusive accommodation is the grand object. They are constantly surrounded by a swarm of ravenous dependents who gorge without mercy the largest morsels of prey, who conceal the robberies committed by their patrons, and themselves. (Burke says that government is a contrivance of human wisdom. But it is likewise a contrivance of human villainy. This practice of borrowing money, upon the particular scheme of funding, has always, since its discovery, been a favorite with governments, because no other device in the shape of a loan offers such facility for evading payment. The greater the sum that a governing party can get into their hands, the stronger is the hold by which they keep their places. Money makes money , says the proverb. It also creates power. A premier, with a full exchequer, is sure of being surrounded by partizans; and for this eternal reason, he always keeps it as full as possible. Want of money was the immediate cause of the French revolution. Voltaire, and others, had partly prepared the minds of the people. In the mean time, the very worst management wrenched the screw of taxation until it broke. The recoiling jerk overturned the throne.
A large share of public money constantly remains in the possession of those that handle it. This accounts for the voracity with which every administration gapes for new taxes, and new loans. On this subject, Mr. Paine has made a significant observation. He says that taxes are not so much imposed for the sake of carrying on wars, as wars are carried on for the sake of imposing taxes. This is a remark of universal application. It is one of a small number of political axioms, which boys at school ought to learn by heart. I do not say this for the particular purpose of arraigning the six per cent. battalion. It has been proved, indeed, that American public money is scandalously wasted. But more or less of peculation must take place in every government.
For, put the case, that the United States are to be blessed with a president of splendid talents, and inflexible virtue. As the climax of wonders, let us suppose that he shall be seconded by ten such ministers as the duke of Sully. Even this combination of abilities could only prevent a part of the complicated robbery that is constantly going forward. In collecting the national revenue, every customhouse officer, and exciseman has opportunities, more or less, of filching of it, every colonel, captain, and sergeant in the army, every contractor for a plank of wood, or a barrel of beef and upwards, has a squeeze at the public purse. This always has been the case, and it always must be so; for in all ages and nations, human nature is the same kind of luggage.
Thus, you see, that corruption is one of the first elements of government. This again proves the necessity for an impartial and independent press; because government exists but by the support of public opinion, and the press is the axis around which public opinion may be said to revolve.