Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-24 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1019.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON PUBLISHED) BY DANIEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, JANUARY 24, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
  Tobacco, 8 3 50 CASH   Wheat, new, 0 75 do.   Flour, superfine, new, 4 85 do.   Flour, fine, 3 75 do.   Corn, 2 00 do.   Hemp, clean, (per ton) 220 00 do.   Iron, 110 00 do.   Bacon, 11 do.   Whiskey, 44 do. 
From the National Intelligencer.
In our last we laid before our readers the insidious letter of Mr. Canning, published by the emissaries of the British government, (it not penned by Mr. Canning himself) to divide the people from their government by impressing upon their minds absolute untruths—to animate faction, to excite rebellion. We defy any man, attentively to examine the letter, and consider the place where it first appeared, (Boston) and the season of its appearance (when the government was about vigorously to enforce the embargo) and to doubt the inference we have drawn. We have now the satisfaction of presenting an ANTIDOTE, of whose complete efficacy we entertain no question. Like the factious attempt of Genet, this diplomatic artifice will recoil on its authors. The President yesterday laid before Congress the following important MESSAGE, which by a great exertion we are enabled to publish entire. A short but animated debate arose in the House of Representatives on the proposition to print the Message, not from any difference of opinion on this point, but from the universal indignation felt at this audacious foreign effort to interfere with our concerns. This feeling was not expressed alone by the Republican, but likewise by several Federal members of the house. Mr. Key in particular, did himself great honor by the many terms in which he avowed his abhorrence of the attempt. 5000 copies were ordered to be printed. The debate shall be given in our next.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I communicate to Congress certain letters which passed between the British Secretary of State, Mr. Canning, and Mr. Pinkney, our minister plenipotentiary at London. When the documents concerning the relations between the United States and Great Britain were laid before Congress at the commencement of the session, the answer of Mr. Pinkney to the letter of Mr. Canning had not been received, and a communication of the latter alone would have accorded with propriety nor with the wishes of Mr. Pinkney. When that answer afterwards arrived, it was considered that as what had passed in conversation had been superceded by the written and formal correspondence on the subject, the variance in the statements of what had verbally passed was not of sufficient importance to be made the matter of a distinct and special communication. The letter of Mr. Canning, however, having lately appeared in print, unaccompanied by that of Mr. Pinkney in reply, and having a tendency to make impressions not warranted by the statements of Mr. Pinkney, it has become proper that the whole should be brought into public view.
TH: JEFFERSON.
January 17, 1809.
LONDON, Sept. 24, 1808.
Sir, I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August.
This answer was accompanied by a letter, of which also a copy is enclosed, recapitulating what Mr. Canning supposes to be "the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews previous to the presentation of my official letter."
To the accompanying paper I think it indispensable that I should reply without delay—Supporting with politeness, but with firmness, the statements, which I have already had the honor to make to you, of the conversations in question, and correcting some errors upon points, which Mr. Canning has thought fit to introduce into his letter, but which I had not supposed it necessary to mention in detail in my dispatches.
I shall not detain Mr. Atwater with a view to this reply; but will take care to forward a copy of it by an early conveyance. My official note and the answer to it being perfectly explicit, Mr. Canning's misapprehensions (for such they are) of previous verbal communications can scarcely be very important in a public view; but it is, nevertheless, of some consequence that, whatever may be the object of his statement, I should not make myself a party to its inaccuracies, by even a tacit admission of them.
I do not perceive that a formal reply to the more official paper can now be of any advantage; but I shall probably take occasion to combine with my reply to the one paper some observations upon the other.
I regret extremely that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this government, have not been met by it as I had at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place in a strong light the just and liberal sentiments by which our government is animated, and in other respects to be useful and honorable to our country.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient humble servt. Wm. PINKNEY. Hon. James Madison, &c. &c.
[Here follows the letter of Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, published in last Friday's Argus. If, on examination, there should appear to be any variation between the original and the copy, we shall notice it in our next.]
Great Cumberland Place,
Sept. 24, 1808.
Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your answer to my official note of the 23d of last month, relative to the British orders in council of January and November, 1807, together with a statement of "the substance of what has passed between us at our several interviews previous to the presentation of that note."
I shall lose no time in transmitting to my government copies of both these papers, upon the last of which I will take the liberty, in the course of a few days, to trouble you with some observations.
I have the honor to be, With the highest consideration, Sir, your most obedt servt. Wm. PINKNEY. The Right Hon. Geo. Canning, &c. &c.
LONDON, Oct. 11, 1808.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit enclosed a copy of my reply to Mr. Canning's letter to me, of the 23d of last month, accompanying his official answer of the same date to my note of the 23d of August.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant, Wm. PINKNEY. Hon. James Madison, &c. &c.
TO MR. CANNING.
GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE,
Oct. 10, 1808.
Sir, If my reply to the letter, which you did me the honor to address to me on the 23d of last month, should be of greater length than the occasion may be thought to require, you will, I am sure, impute it to its real cause, an earnest desire on my part, arising from a feeling of sincere respect for you, that the statement, which I am to give of facts deemed by you to be important, should be full as well as accurate.
I will not fatigue you, sir, with assurances that no person could be less disposed than I am, to find fault with the object of your letter, which appears to be to guard against all misrepresentation of "what has passed in our last interviews beyond what you find recorded in my note." You have told me, that I have, personally, no concern in that object, and I did not require to be told that my government has as little. I understand, indeed, that the circumstance, which has suggested a peculiar motive for this proceeding, was one of those newspaper misrepresentations, which every day produces where the press is free, which find no credit and beget no consequence, and for which it is greatly to be feared your expedient will provide no remedy. Of my conduct, when that circumstance occurred, in giving you unsearched proofs that I had transmitted to Mr. Secretary Madison, a faithful report of our conferences, mistaken by public rumor or private conjecture, it is not necessary for me to speak; for you have yourself done justice to it.
The motive, to which I am indebted for the honor of your letter, appears to have been instrumental in producing another effect equally unexceptionable. But you will allow me to say, that, until the receipt of that letter, I had not been apprised, by the slightest intimation, that it was in any degree owing to such a cause that you declined, on the part of his majesty's government, after two conferences in which I had been suffered, if not encouraged, to unfold myself, individually as well as officially, at great length and with perfect frankness, to give an answer to my verbal overture.
At our first interview (on the 29th of June) verbal communication was not countenanced, but commenced:—For, after I had made myself understood as to the purpose for which the interview had been requested, you asked me if I thought of taking a more formal course, but immediately added that you presumed I did not; for that the course I had adopted was well suited to the occasion. My reply was in substance, that the freedom of conversation was better adapted to our subject, and more likely to conduct us to an advantageous conclusion, than the constraint and formality of written intercourse, and that I had not intended to present a note. At the second interview (on the 22d of July) it did not occur to me that I had any reason to conclude, and certainly I did not conclude, that verbal communication had not continued to be acceptable as a preparatory course; and it was not until the third interview (on the 29th of July) that it was rejected as inadmissible. But even then I was not told, and had not the smallest suspicion, that this rejection was to be ascribed, either wholly or partially, to the motive which your letter has since announced to me. That this motive had, nevertheless, all the influence now imputed to it, I am entirely confident, and I take notice of it only because, as I have not mentioned it to my government in my official account of our conferences, I can no otherwise justify the omission, either to it or to you, than by shewing that I had in truth no knowledge of the fact when that account was transmitted.
I may take occasion to set forth, in the present letter, the import of all that can be material of our several conversations, according to my recollection of them; but there are some points to which I ought to
pay a more particular attention, because you have thought them entitled to it; although I should myself, perhaps, have been inclined to think that they had lost much of their importance by the presentation of my note, and the receipt of your written answer; both of which are perfectly intelligible, upon these points at least, without the aid of the conferences that preceded them.
You observed, that "the principal points, in which the suggestions, brought forward by me in personal conference, appear to you to have differed in some degree from the proposal stated by me in writing, are two; the first, that in conversation the proposal itself was not distinctly stated as an overture authorised by my government; the second, that the beneficial consequences likely to result to this country from the acceptance of that proposal, were 'pursued' through more ample 'illustrations'."
With regard to the first of these supposed differences, I feel persuaded, sir, that upon further recollection, it will occur to you, that, at our first conference, I told you explicitly that the substance of what I then suggested, that is to say, that your orders being repealed as to us, we would suspend the embargo as to Great Britain, was from my government; but that the manner of conducting and illustrating the subject, upon which I had no precise orders, was my own. I even repeated to you the words of my instructions as they were upon my memory; and I did not understand, either then or afterwards, that there was any doubt as to their existence or their sufficiency, or any desire to have a more exact and formal communication of them while the result of our discussions was distant and uncertain. I said undoubtedly that I had been directed to request the revocation of the British orders in council; but I said also that, although the government of the United States, still supposed itself to be authorised to expect their repeal upon the ground of right as it existed from the first, (a subject, however, which I informed you I did not wish at that time to agitate,) I was notwithstanding empowered to give you the abovementioned assurances, which would, as I presumed, hold out inducements to Great Britain, as well on the score of policy as on that of jus, to fulfil that expectation. I should scarcely have undertaken to offer such assurances as from myself, or upon my own "conviction," that the president would act in conformity with them. And I should still less (if that were possible) have ventured to ask of you that you would make them, in that form, the subject of repeated conferences, and even of reference to others, as placing the question of a repeal, or continuance of the orders in council, upon new grounds of prudence and equity.
It is merely intended! (as I doubt not it is) to say that I did not make, or declare my intention to make my overture in writing, before I had endeavoured to prepare for it by personal explanations such a reception as I felt it deserved, and before I could a certain what shape it would be most proper to give to it, or how it would be met by this government, nothing can be more correct.
It was my sincere wish that my proposal, which I believed to be advantageous to Great Britain, as well as honorable to the United States, should be accepted; and accordingly I preferred a mode of proceeding which, while it was calculated to avoid unprofitable discussions, upon topics of some delicacy and great difficulty, would furnish opportunities for frank and friendly communication upon all the bearings of my proposal, and lead to the result at which I aimed, if that result should be practicable, in such way as, upon mature reflection, and after a liberal interchange of sentiments, should be found to be most for the honor of our respective governments. These views were laid before you without reserve, and seemed to be approved; and I confess to you, sir, that when I was afterwards informed that, if I would obtain an answer to my overture, I must make it in writing, and that I must not look for any previous intimation of the nature of that answer, I did not allow myself any longer to anticipate with much confidence such an issue as I desired.
The second difference which your letter supposes to exist between my note and verbal suggestions, cannot, I think, in any view be very material, I will say something upon it however.
My note declares that if I forbear to pursue certain ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because our personal conferences, as well as the obvious nature of the idea, themselves, render it unnecessary. This implies undoubtedly, that more had been said in our conferences explanatory of these ideas, than is to be found in the note itself; and that implication can scarcely be otherwise than true, if I "expatiated largely," as you very justly say I did,
"upon the consequences of a suspension of the embargo as to Great Britain, while it still continued to be enforced against France."
The general idea to which the note refers is that justice and interest conspired to recommend that you should take advantage of my proposal. The particular positions are, that, if your orders and our embargo should be rescinded in the manner suggested, our commercial intercourse would be immediately revived; that, if France followed your example and retracted her decrees, the avowed purpose of your orders would be accomplished; that, if France refused to retract, the American embargo, continuing as to her, would occupy the place of your orders, and perform their office, even better than they could perform it themselves, without any of the disadvantages inseparable from such a system.
It is certain that in our conversation I endeavored to prove that these general and particular notions were founded in truth, by a variety of arguments, thrown out in a very desultory way, with more zeal than precision, and with that entire freedom which unlimited confidence in your candor, and a firm opinion that the views of my government would derive new titles to respect from a full examination, were calculated to produce.
I should not deal ingeniously with you, sir, if I were to pretend that I think myself able to recapitulate these disjointed arguments as they were actually delivered. And I am quite sure that I shall consult your gratification, as well as my own credit, by declining such an undertaking. But I think I can state, in a condensed form, what I intended you should understand; and I presume that what I did say was not very wide of my real impressions.
Upon the footing on which my overture would place the justice of the British orders, I did not go into much detail, at any one of the three interviews mentioned in your letter. But combining my unconnected and occasional observations on that point as they were made at different times, and more especially as they were afterwards given and enlarged upon when I had the honor to see you on the 26th of August (of which, however, it is proper to say I have only a very scanty memorandum) their import will not, perhaps, be found to be much if at all mistaken in such parts of the following statement as relate to that branch of the subject.
I meant to suggest, then, that upon your own principles it would be extremely difficult to decline my proposal, that your orders inculcate, as the duty of neutral nations, resistance to the maritime decrees of France, as overturning the public law of the world, and professedly rely upon that duty, and an imputed abandonment of it, for their inducement and their justification; that, of these orders, that of the 7th of January 1807, (of which the subsequent orders of November are said, in your official reply to my note of the 23d of August, to be only an extension, "an extension in operation, not in principle") was promulgated and carried into effect only a few weeks after the Berlin decree had made its appearance, when the American government could not possibly know that such a decree existed, when there had been no attempt to enforce it, and when it had become probable that it would not be enforced at all to the prejudice of neutral rights, that the other orders were issued, before the American government, with reference to any practical violation of its rights, by an attempt to execute the Berlin decree, in a sense different from the stipulations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and France, and from the explanations given to general Armstrong by the French minister of marine, and afterwards impliedly confirmed by general Champagne, as well as by a correspondent practice, had any sufficient opportunity of opposing that decree otherwise than it did oppose it; that your orders, thus proceeding upon an assumed acquiescence not existing in fact, retaliated prematurely, and retaliated a thousand-fold, through the rights of the U. States, wrongs rather threatened than felt, which you were not authorised to presume the United States would not themselves repeal, as
their honor and their interests required; that orders, so issued, were, to say the least of them, an unreasonable interposition between the injuring and the injured party, in a way the most fatal to the latter; that by taking justice into your own hands, before you were entitled to do so, at the expense of every thing like neutral rights and even at the expense of other rights, justly the objects of yet greater sensibility, and by inflicting upon neutral nations, or rather upon the United States, the only neutral nation—injuries infinitely more severe and extensive than it was in the power of France to inflict, you embarrassed and confounded & rendered impracticable, that very resistance which you demanded of us; that my proposal destroyed all imaginable motives for continuing, whatever might have been the motives for adopting this new scheme of warfare; that it enabled you to withdraw, with dignity and even with advantage, what should not have come between France and us; that its necessary tendency was to place us at issue with that power, or, in other words, in the precise situation in which you have maintained we ought to be placed, if it should persist in its obnoxious edicts; that the continuance of our embargo, so modified, would be at least equivalent to your orders; for that, in their most efficient state, your orders could do no more, as regards the United States, than cut off their trade with France and the countries connected with her; and that our embargo, remaining as to France and those countries, would do exactly the same; that if the two courses were barely, or even nearly upon a level, in point of expediency, Great Britain ought to be forward to adopt that which was consistent with the rights and respectful to the feelings of others; that my proposal, however, had powerful recommendations which the orders in council had not; that it would establish, without the hazard of any disadvantage, before new habits had rendered it difficult if not impossible, a traffic which nourished your most essential manufactures, and various other important sources of your prosperity; that it would not only restore a connection, valuable in all its views, but prepare the way for the return of mutual kindness, for adjustments greatly to be desired, and in a word for all those consequences which follow in the train of magnanimity and conciliation, associated with prudence and justice.
Among the observations intended to illustrate my opinion of the certain, probable, and possible effects of the concurrent acts which my proposal had in view, were those to which you allude in the 6th paragraph of your letter. Having stated that renewed commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the United States would be the first effect, I remarked, in the progress of the conversation, that the edicts of France could not prevent that intercourse, even if France should adhere to them, altho' G. Britain, by her superior naval means, might be able to prevent the converse of it; that the power of France upon the seas was in no degree adequate to such a purpose, and if it were otherwise, that it was not to be supposed that the U. S. resuming their lawful commerce with this country, after a recall of the British orders, in council, would take no measures against systematic interruptions of that commerce by force and violence, if such should be attempted.
If, when I was honored with the different interviews before mentioned, I had been able to conjecture the nature of the arguments which were to have an influence against my proposal as I now find them stated in your answer to my note, I should probably have ventured to suggest, in addition to the remarks actually submitted to your consideration, that, if "the blockade of the European continent," by France and the powers subservient to or in combination with her, to which your orders as "a temperate but determined retaliation" were opposed, has been "raised even before it had been well established," & if "that system," so opposed, "of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, has been broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible," there seems scarcely to be left,

In your own view of the subject, any intelligible justification for perseverance in such of the retaliatory measures of G. Britain, as operate through the acknowledged rights of a power confessedly no party to that combination, and ready to fulfil her fair neutral obligations, if you will suffer her to do so. Under such circumstances, to abandon what is admitted to have lost its only legitimate object, is not "concession;" it is simple justice. To France, indeed, it might be concession. But it is not France, it is the government of America, neither subservient to France, nor combined with France, a third party, whose rights and interests your orders deeply affect, without adequate necessity according to your own shewing, that requires their recall; and that too upon terms which cannot but promote the declared purposes of these orders, if any remain to be promoted. I say "without any adequate necessity according to your own shewing;" for I am persuaded, sir, you do not mean to tell us, as upon a hasty perusal of your answer to my note might be imagined, that those rights and interests are to be set at nought, lest "a doubt should remain to distant times of the determination and the ability of G. Britain to have continued her resistance," or that your orders may, indefinitely, give a new law to the ocean, lest the motive to their repeal should be mistaken by your enemy. If this might indeed be so, you will perhaps permit me to say, that highly as we may be disposed to prize the firm attitude and vast means of your country at this eventful moment, it would possibly suggest to some minds a reluctant doubt on the subject of your observation "that the strength and power of G. Britain are not for herself only, but for the world."
It might have been intended to intimate that my proposal could apparently lose nothing by admitting that "by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without a hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of the before mentioned blockade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success." Yet I should probably have thought myself bound to remind you that, whatever may be the truth of this speculation, the same embargo withheld our tonnage and our productions from that communication with the colonies of your enemies and with the European continent, which you had asserted your right to prevent; which as a direct communication (with the continent) you had in fact prohibited; which even through British ports or in other qualified forms, you had professed to tolerate, no as that which could be claimed but as an indulgence that could at any time be withdrawn; which as a traffic for the U. S. to engage in, you had at least discouraged not only by checks and difficulties in the way of its prosecution, but by manifesting your intentions to mould it in all the shapes which the belligerent, fiscal or other peculiar policy of G. B. might require, and subject it to the exclusive jurisdiction of her municipal code, armed with all the prerogatives of that universal law to which nations are accustomed to look for the rights of neutral commerce.
In giving an account of our second conference you say "that though not stating myself to be authorised by my government formally to offer the suspension of the embargo, as an immediate consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, yet I did profess my readiness to take upon myself to make that offer, provided that you would give me before hand an unofficial assurance that, coupled with that offer, so made, the demand of the repeal of the orders would be favorably received; that you of course, declined to give any such previous assurance; but, as I appeared to attach great importance to this suggestion, and you were led to think that a compliance with it might relieve me from a difficulty in executing the instructions of my government, you consented to take a few days to consider of it, and to reserve your definitive answer until you should see me again." You then observe that you "never doubted, in your own mind, as to the inexpediency and impropriety of encouraging me to take an unauthorised step, by an unofficial promise that it should be well received." I am sure you did not, sir, but I must take the liberty to say that I am equally sure that I never thought of asking you to give me encouragement to take an unauthorised step of any kind. I am, indeed truly mortified, that my conduct has appeared to you in that light; and I should not be readily consoled if I did not reflect, that in condescending to listen, even for a moment, to what must have struck you as an irregularity, as vain and nugatory in its purpose as reprehensible in its principle, you must at least have given me credit for good intentions, and for a strong desire, sincerely felt although errone-
ously obeyed, that our countries should find themselves in that relative position which suits the interests and tends to the happiness of both.
When I professed a readiness, to make my proposal in writing, it was, as you state, provisionally; but I did not intimate that I was acting without authority, nor did I comprehend that such was, as I now know it to have been your impression. The provisional nature of my offer arose out of circumstances, and was afterwards pressed upon conviction, that, if it was meant to adopt the views of the President, nothing more could be necessary. I understood you to be desirous of ascertaining, whether I was empowered and disposed, with a view to a final arrangement, to present, what I had suggested, in a written form, as an overture originating with my government? I said of course, that, every thing being first matured, a note should be presented, but that I would, with your permission, take a little time to consider of the manner and terms. I did not at that time suppose that we were conversing about a written proposal, which was to be made only to be rejected, or even for the purpose of deliberation, and consequently, in professing my willingness to make it as soon as we were prepared for it, I presumed that I had done all that you had desired. And I was confirmed in this opinion not only by your saying nothing, as I supposed, to the contrary, but by your requesting me, as I was about to leave the room, to employ myself, before the next interview, upon such a note as we had been talking of, and then retracting that request by observing, that I would doubtless first desire to know what were your ideas and intentions upon the subject of it, with which I was given to understand I should be made acquainted at another conference.
At the third interview, after speaking of a transaction upon the Lakes, of which your traders complained, and of another occurrence in the Bay of Passamaquoddy, you observed, that you had thought long and anxiously upon what I had suggested to you; that the subject had at first struck you as being much more simple than upon careful examination it had been found to be; that, in the actual state of the world, it behoved both you and me to move in this affair with every possible degree of circumspection; that, without some explicit proposal on my part in writing, upon which the British government could deliberate and act, nothing could be done; and, finally, that you must leave me to consult my own discretion whether I would make such a proposal.
It appeared to me that, if this determination should be persisted in my overture was not likely to be successful, and I urged, accordingly, the propriety of going on in a course which would lead us to a better issue. That course was, that we should understand one another as to our respective views, and that a concise note, which I had in fact prepared since the last meeting, should then be presented and acted upon. You informed me that my wish in this particular, could not be acceded to; that, if I presented a note, you must be left at perfect liberty to decide upon what it proposed; that you could not give me even an intimation of the probable consequences of it; and, in a word, that you would neither invite nor discourage such a proceeding. You added that there were some points, belonging to the subject, which it would be proper to discuss in writing; one of which was the connection between our Embargo and your Orders of November, supposed to be implied by my proposal. I remarked that, with an actual result in view, and with a wish to arrive at that result without delay, it could not be advisable to entangle ourselves in a written correspondence, undefined as to its scope and duration, upon topics on which we were not likely to agree; and that if I were to frame my note, with a knowledge that it was to provoke argument, instead of leading at this crisis to a salutary change in the state of the world, you must be conscious that I too must argue. And where would this end? To what wholesome consequence would it conduct us? At the close of the interview I observed that, as the footing, upon which the subject was now placed, made delay of no importance, I should take time to prepare such farther proceeding as the occasion required.
On the 26th of August I had the honor to see you again, and, after entering more at large, than I had before believed to be proper, into a consideration of the effect of my proposal on the equity of adhering to your Orders in Council, and, after reading to you parts of my instructions, I delivered an official note in which the proposal was made in the form required.
Something was said at this interview of the affair of the Chesapeake, and the Pre-
sident's Proclamation which, it is not, I presume, necessary to repeat. It will be sufficient to state, that you asked me what was to be done with these subjects? and that my reply was, that they had no connection with the present; but that I could say, with confidence, that my government had every disposition to attend to them, with a view to such an adjustment as would be honorable to both parties. I did not suppose that it was expected (for you did not intimate such an expectation) that renewed negotiation upon these points should as well as the repeal, upon terms, of your orders in council, be invited by a formal overture from the government of America.
I will not trouble you with many observations more.
You state in your letter that "there was one point upon which you were particularly anxious to receive precise information, and upon which, from my candor and frankness, you were fortunate enough to obtain it." This was "whether in fact the orders in council of November, had been known to the government of the U. States, previous to the message of the President proposing the embargo, so as to be a moving consideration to that message." I quote this passage, principally, that I may recal to your recollection, that my suggestions, upon the subject of it, were not made officially, or as being authorised or furnished, by any communication from my government, or in answer to any direct enquiries on your part. They were very briefly made, near the close, as I think, of our third interview, in consequence of your intimation, intended perhaps to amount to an enquiry, that my proposal implied, that the embargo had been produced by the orders of November; to which you added that this could not be admitted, and (as I comprehended what you said) that it even required to be made the subject of some notice or discussion in writing as intimately connected with my proposal, if it should be brought forward in that shape; and I understood you to assign this as one of the reasons why a written overture was indispensable. In replying to that intimation, and the remarks which followed it, I professed to speak, as I did in fact speak from general information only, and disclaimed, as it was my duty to do, all authority to say more, upon the nature and origin of the embargo, than I had sometimes before communicated to you, in obedience to the orders of the President. The purpose of my observations was chiefly to shew that there was no inducement for embarking in formal discussions not this point; and I assured you that it was upon my power, either as respected instructions from my government, or knowledge of facts, to do so. My opinion was, and I spoke accordingly, that it was one of those questions which might be left completely at rest, without the least injury to the wisdom or the justice of our conclusions, upon the great object of our conferences. There could be no objection however, to my giving you on this head such conjectural information as I was able. On the contrary, by fully disclosing to you my own materials for forming an opinion upon it, you would be enabled more distinctly to see that I could take no part in any discussion which you might propose to apply to it, and I could not but be assured, that any anxiety you might feel to obtain a knowledge of the facts in question, sprung from considerations which had every claim to my respect; for I knew that your mind was far above the reach of prejudices which would ascribe the American embargo to participation in the councils or views of your adversary, or of any foreign power whatever.
My suggestions were to the following effect: that I believed that no copy of your orders of November had arrived in the U. S. at the date of the President's message; that a recent change in the conduct of France to our prejudice did appear to be known; that intelligence had been received, and belief entertained, of your intention to adopt some further measure, as a measure of retaliation against France, by which our commerce and our rights would be affected; that there was reason to conclude that you had actually adopted such a measure; that (as I collected from America newspapers) this had appeared from private letters, & the newspapers of this country, received in the U. States some days before the message of the President, and probably known to the government; that, in a word, various information concurred to shew that our trade was likely to be assailed by the combined efforts of both the belligerent parties; and that the embargo was a measure of wise and peaceful precaution, adopted under this view of reasonably anticipated peril.
You observe, in another part of your letter, "that you have always rather wished to refer the argumentative discussion of the subject of the orders in council to the official correspondence which you have more than once been taught to expect me to open upon it." If I should object to any part of this statement, of which the substance is undoubtedly correct, it would be to the words "more than once." Your wish has always appeared to be such as you now represent it, and you had reason to expect that I would commence a written discussion of the orders of November soon after their publication. I had told you that I should do so, and you had said that there could be no objection to it. But you were afterwards informed that, upon reflection, I had determined to leave the subject where it was until I should know the pleasure of my government.
The orders had been officially communicated, not to me, but to Mr. Madison, through the British minister at Washington. It seemed, therefore, to be proper (unless my instructions should make it otherwise) that the view which the government of the U. S. took of them, should find its way to you through the same channel; and, accordingly, the letters of Mr. Madison, to which I have referred in my note of the 23d of August, did open, at great length, a discussion, which I could
have no inducement to shun, although I did not continue to think myself authorised to commence it.
It only remains to add that your share in our several conversations was, what you represent it to have been, no considerable, and that your manner, although reserved, was as it always is, perfectly friendly.
I need not say that, if in this letter, written under the influence of sincere concern that the proposal I had the honor to lay before you has been unsuccessful, anything is to be found which you could wish to be otherwise than it is, I shall be the first to regret, that I have not been able to do justice to my own feelings and intentions.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration,
Sir, your most obedient, Humble servant, WM. PINKNEY.
NEW YORK, Jan. 13.
The following ships sailed on Wednesday from the city of Jersey, all of which got out to sea, the same evening, viz. the Carmelite, Sampson, Rolla, Rover, Neptune, Ambition, Halcyon, and Marshall. We understand all the above vessels cleared out for Boston.
On Wednesday last we took occasion to notice the quantities of produce that had been for a week past transported from our city to the Jersey shore. This produce, no doubt has gone to supply the wants of our good friends the British. To the astonishment of every square rigged vessel actually took their departure from the city of Jersey within the two last days; ten of them were ships laden with the produce of our country, viz. cotton, tobacco, flaxseed, naval stores, fish, &c. most of them cleared for Boston, which clearance they obtained from the collector at Amboy. While our laws are thus evaded, by the enemies of our country and our own native traitors, what hopes can we have of obtaining justice from the belligerents? Is it not inviting Britain to hold out and persist in the repeated violation of our rights and the dignity of our national sovereignty and independence? 'Tis a shame to the country.
Pub. Adv.
JANUARY 14.
At a meeting of many thousands of such Citizens of the city of New York, as disapprove of the recent measures of the administration, particularly of the "Act making further provisions for enforcing the Embargo," at Mechanics Hall, on Friday the 13th January, 1809.
On motion of Judge Pendleton, The hon. EGERT BENSON, Esq. Was chosen Chairman, and Mr. EDWARD DUNSCOMBE, Esq. Secretary.
Pendleton, in behalf of the committee appointed to prepare and submit to their fellow citizens certain resolutions for their consideration, in the present alarming crisis of our public affairs, informed the meeting that the committee was prepared to report. Ordered, on motion, the same be received and read, and thereupon the following resolutions were read:
"Resolved, That it is always the right of the people, and in times of immediate danger their indispensable duty, peaceably to assemble and declare their opinions upon the measures of government, and the state of public affairs."
Resolved, That the U. States, placed along an extreme Sea Coast, and upon the banks of great navigable lakes and rivers, have, by a successful pursuit of commerce, risen in wealth and power with a rapidity, unexampled in the history of nations: a prosperity, which, under Divine Providence, was owing to the wise and prudent policy of former administrations; who, while they resisted injustice with firmness and energy, cultivated, with good faith and impartiality, peace and friendship with foreign nations.
Resolved, That the conduct of the government in 1798 supported by the people in the measures then adopted, was completely successful, and in an illustrious instance, which can never be forgotten, fully demonstrated that it is always both wiser and safer to repel first aggressions with spirit, than by a tame and submissive acquiescence invite a repetition of injuries and insults.
Resolved, That if the like conduct had been pursued by the present administration on the promulgation of the Decree of Berlin the consequences would, in all probability have been the same, and the national interests would have been promoted and the national honor preserved.
Resolved, That the Acts of Congress laying a permanent embargo are repugnant to the habits, and injurious to the welfare of the people; not to be justified by the state of public affairs, and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution.
Resolved, That this and other ruinous measures of the administration have paralyzed every branch of industry, reduced the value of property, distressed all classes of our fellow citizens, extinguished commerce, discouraged agriculture, nearly annihilated the public revenue, and must eventually lead the people with heavy and oppressive taxes.
Resolved, That the amendments to the Constitution of the U. S. declaring that "the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches & seizures shall not be violated; and that no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized," and that "excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines imposed," are essential to the enjoyment of liberty and property, but that the act making further provision for enforcing the embargo is a violation of the same. Inasmuch as the executive officers are authorised, upon their own mere suspicion, to enter any place (not excepting even our dwelling houses) where specie or goods of domestic growth and manufacture are deposited, and take the same into their custody, or may stop and detain any vessel or any sort of carriages by land apparently going towards the territories of a foreign power or towards the vicinity thereof: all which they may do without oath, without the interposition of a civil magistrate, or process of law, and without being obliged to assign any reason for such violence: Inasmuch as the President or even any person he may choose by a simple man-
date to appoint, may call out the land and naval forces of the U. States to assist in enforcing this provision of the act. Inasmuch as the President is vested with the power to give secret instructions at his will and pleasure to his various deputies, which are to be their guide in the execution of the said act; which they are bound to obey, and which are to be their complete protection against any appeal to the law of the land at the suit of the aggrieved: Inasmuch also as in many cases excess of bonds are required, and the citizens subjected to enormous penalties and vexatious suits, in which innocence is no defence, followed by ruinous judgments against which there is no relief, but by application to the mere discretion of the very ministerial officer at whose recommendation this odious law was adopted; in all which and several other provisions of the said act, it is in our judgment arbitrary, oppressive and unconstitutional.
Resolved, That we are ready to expose ourselves to every hazard, & every sacrifice of life and fortune to preserve the safety, the honour, peace and liberties of our country.
Resolved, That whilst we cannot forbear to express a want of confidence in the wisdom and the impartiality of our present rulers, yet in a period of so much difficulty & danger, we feel it our duty, solemly to call upon our fellow citizens, how-soever aggrieved to act with the utmost caution & moderation, and to abstain from every thing that might endanger the peace & safety of the country, or put the union of the states in jeopardy.
Resolved, That it be recommended to our fellow citizens throughout this state, peaceably to assemble in their several counties, to take into consideration the alarming crisis of our public affairs; to unite with us in our endeavors to obtain a redress of grievances, and, by averting the calamities which threaten our beloved country, restore it to that elevated prosperity and honor, which it enjoyed under our immortal Washington.
EGERT BENSON, Chairman. EDWARD DUNSCOMBE, Secretary.
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 17.
We are authorised to state, says the Philadelphia Gazette, that the following correspondence is genuine:
M. DE BEAUJOUR is charged by the Plenipotentiary of France, to communicate to the Chevalier DE FORANDA, the constitution of Spain. He takes advantage of this opportunity to assure the Chevalier of his most distinguished consideration.
Philadelphia, Jan. 14, 1809. The above note was received at 11 o'clock in the morning of Saturday last, and at 12, the following answer was dispatched:
The Charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VII. the Beloved, has received the note which the Chevalier Beaujour sent him by order of the minister of France, enclosing what is entitled the constitution of Spain and the Indies, by which it appears that Joseph Napoleon is king of Spain and the Indies. But being informed that Spain and her American possessions (excepting only that part of the Peninsula, which French bayonets have deprived of the liberty of choice) demand with the greatest affection that their beloved king Ferdinand may be restored to Madrid, to whom they have sworn fidelity and offer to sacrifice their tranquility, property and lives for the purpose of restoring him to the throne of his predecessors; and strongly reprobating what is called at Bayonne, the constitution of Spain and the Indies, the Charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty, returns it to the Chevalier de Beaujour, because to accept it would be an act of High Treason to the Spanish nation. He avails himself of this opportunity of tendering his respectful consideration.
Philadelphia, Jan. 14, 1809.
BALTIMORE, Jan. 18.
IMPORTANT.
To the politeness of a respectable merchant, we are indebted for the following extract. It will be remembered that the last accounts from London (of Nov. 10, in yesterday's Federal Gazette) stated that information had been received of WAR BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND FRANCE. The following letter informs us that the Austrian port of Trieste, which was closed by Buonaparte's mandate, is again opened to neutral trade. If this be true, and it appears very probable, then it will favor the belief that Austria has joined the glorious cause of Spain and Freedom. In which case, we may suppose that a power resulting from the close union of oppressed and indignant nations will yet be adequate to humble the world's Great Foe.
Extract of a letter, dated CADIZ, Nov. 7.
[Communicated for the Federal Gazette.] I have just received a letter from Mr. Erving, an extract from which follows under date the 25th ult.
"I received the most prompt and satisfactory assurances when at Aranjuez, both from Mr. Cevallos the minister of state and the president of the junta, that the ship at Algeciras should be liberated without any difficulty or delay. I shall return to Aranjuez on Friday or Saturday, and may perhaps then write to you more particularly on this subject."
We have just received an express from Gibraltar, giving information that the port of Trieste is open for all vessels. This circumstance augurs favorably for colonial produce, which rises in consequence—Already up to:
SUGAR, white 16 dolls. brown 13 FLOUR, 8 a 10 TOBACCO, 25.
Extract of a letter received at Philadelphia, dated Cadiz, Nov. 6, 1808.
"In point of politics I have little further to add than that the cause of the Spanish patriots gain vigor daily, and bears every appearance of terminating as gloriously for them, as it will be disgraceful to the French."

WAR IN SPAIN.
We have given in this day's paper as many of the details which are contained in the London papers, in respect to the war in Spain, as we could. It will appear from both the French and Spanish accounts, that the battle of Sornosa, on the 31st Oct. had terminated in favor of the former—but as neither appears to attach much importance to its result, it may be concluded that nothing important was gained. But there appears to be a considerable anxiety respecting a battle which is supposed to have been fought on the 6th or 7th of November, of which, accounts are so contradictory, that it is impossible to arrive at any conclusion from them, or indeed to say with certainty if there was any battle. The very quick passages of the last vessels from Spain, render it probable that no certain accounts had been received before the London sailed, though she brings, we understand, papers to the 26th of November. Verbal accounts say that the Spaniards had been successful.
[Ledger.]
Foreign Intelligence,
From papers received at the office of the Public Ledger, by the British ship Louisa, Capt. Amory, from Liverpool.
BATTLE OF SORNOSA.
Private communications from an officer of rank in the Spanish army
VALMASEDA, Nov. 21
At daybreak yesterday morning, the enemy, who had received very considerable reinforcements from Vittoria, attacked the Galician army, posted about a league and a quarter in advance of Sornosa, in the following order:
The first regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia, being part of the vanguard, occupied a hill to the right of the road leading to Durango.
The third division, commanded by gen. Riquelme, was stationed on the heights to the right of Sornosa, to support the vanguard, and defend the right flank of our position.
The vanguard, commanded by general Mandizabal, defended the road leading to Durango.
Our centre was drawn up in a line on an eminence to the left and rear of the vanguard.
Our left, commanded by brigadier gen. Figueroa, possessed themselves of a hill to the left of the road. The base of the hill was joined to that occupied by the fourth division and reserve.
During the night of the 30th, the enemy advanced his force in very large columns, opposite to the different points which he meant to assail. The next morning at daybreak, the different columns moved forward to the attack, their approach being concealed by a very heavy and thick fog, which in these parts is prevalent in the morning.
The first attack was made on our right. Two large columns advanced, with the intention of surrounding that part of our force. The enemy was opposed in a most steady and gallant manner by the 4th regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia—this valiant corps kept up a tremendous and incessant fire by platoons, and for a considerable time kept in check a force upwards of four times its own number. Two battalions of marines, and the tiradores or sharpshooters, of the third or fourth division, reinforced the regiment of Catalonia; however, being overpowered by numbers, they were obliged to retire on the 3d division; this enabled the enemy to place a column on the right of the 3d division, while another column attacked in front. The enemy advanced in force along the road, and attacked the vanguard, which defended the road and valley leading to Durango. The enemy was most gallantly and vigorously opposed, and compelled to retreat to a considerable distance, by the vanguard, headed by gen. Mandizabal. The enemy, however, having considerably reinforced his numbers, in this point, advanced a second time, accompanied by a howitzer and a four-pounder, & succeeded in gaining a sufficient advance on the road, to enable him to bring his gun to bear (within about three quarters of a gun shot) on the centre and the left division.
Whilst these operations were carrying on against our right and centre, the enemy advanced two very strong columns against the front of our left position; and at the same moment, a very numerous corps of sharpshooters (volunteers) advanced under cover of a wood which ascended from the road to within less than musket-shot of the right flank of the left position. This obliged gen. Figueroa to throw back one or two battalions upon his right, to oppose the enemy's light infantry. Nothing could be more gallant or more orderly than the enemy's attack at this post; he advanced in the greatest military regularity, under a most tremendous fire. The gallantry of the enemy's attack could only be equalled by the intrepidity of the defence made by the first division. It is impossible for me to do justice to the soldier like conduct of this division. Attacked on their side by a very superior force, and occasionally fired on by the howitzer and four pounder, they defended their post with determined obstinacy. The enemy were equally obstinate and persevering, and being enabled by their very superior numbers to nearly surround the hill occupied by this gallant division, gen. Figueroa felt himself called upon to order a retreat; which was effected with as much order as existing circumstances would admit of. Whilst the first division was thus engaged, the enemy kept up a heavy fire of shot and shell, and some musketry (from the woods in our front) on the centre division and the reserve. The guns
were supported by two very large columns, and a disposable reserve.
Nothing could exceed the soldier-like steadiness with which the fourth division and reserve remained at their post under this heavy fire, this courage will not be wondered at when I mention that the commander in chief himself was at the head of the centre division, animating the soldiers by his presence and example. When the first shell burst, there gen. Blake reappeared, and placed his horse on the very spot, displayed his division into two lines, part of the reserve remaining in column. His address to the soldiers was simple, and spoke to their feelings—"Remember you are Spaniards; be firm, soldiers." Never did the most veteran troops, or those most accustomed to cannon, remain more cool, steady, and determined. After an action of nearly nine hours incessant fire, and it became evident that the enemy had received very great reinforcements, and having been enabled, by the assistance of his cannon (of which this army was entirely destitute) to push forward a strong force against our centre, and having in consequence occupied the woods flanking the right of our left position, it was deemed advisable to retreat. General Blake placed himself at the head of the fourth division and part of the reserve, and in person superintended and directed the covering of the retreat of his army, which was effected in order, the enemy not appearing inclined to molest our movements. By 11 o'clock on the night of the 30th Oct. the most part of the troops arrived at Bilbao.
Early in the morning of the 1st (yesterday) gen. Blake arrived in that town with the fourth division, and lost not a moment in proceeding to the great square, where he superintended in person the issue of bread and spirit to the troops. Nothing could exceed their joy at seeing their general return to them, a false report having obtained that he had been cut off in covering the retreat.
No language of mine could do sufficient justice to the gallantry and ardor of the officers and soldiers of this army in the action of yesterday. I trust, however, the statement of facts which I have given, in a plain unvarnished manner, will give some idea of their brave conduct.
Nothing can exceed the patience, and I may add, the cheerfulness of the Spanish soldiers, under difficulties and privations of all sorts.
The impression left on my mind from the account of yesterday, is decidedly most favorable to the Spanish soldiers.
The effect produced on their bosoms from yesterday's defence, is a manly and soldier-like pride, arising from a self conviction of their having done their duty.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
MONDAY, Jan. 16.
An engrossed bill "Concerning the service of warrants for small debts," was read a third time and several blanks therein filled up and passed.
An engrossed bill "Appropriating a sum of money, for repairing and providing additional furniture for the use of the Governor of this commonwealth and for other purposes;" was read a third time and passed.
An engrossed bill "To incorporate a company to establish a turnpike from the town of Leesburg, in Loudoun county, to the Little River Turnpike," was read a third time, and a blank therein filled up and passed.
A motion was made that the House should come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That _____ be appointed an agent on the part of this commonwealth, to proceed forthwith to the city of Washington, for the purpose of renting to the general government, the armoury of this state for years, and disposing of such materials appertaining thereto, as may be conveniently spared: Provided that any contract made by such agent shall not be obligatory until it receive the approbation of the Legislature of this state.
On motion, Ordered, that the said resolution be laid upon the table.
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY,
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on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and a half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke House, 2 Stories, brick Office, Coach House, Barn, Stable, and Ice House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and lives as retired as they could wish.
November 25. JOHN ELLIS. wtf.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, JANUARY 24, 1809.
It is with mingled sensations of pride and delight that we lay before the public in this day's Argus the interesting letter of Mr. Pinkney, on account of its luminous order of illustration and the conviction which it must fix upon every mind that the conduct of our government is beyond the reach of insinuations either at home or abroad. The malicious and insulting attempt of Mr. Canning to excite suspicions and to spread distrust in regard to our executive, would disgrace any man much less a British minister. Yes, there can be little doubt but that this base artifice was intended to co-operate with their no less base scheme of endeavoring to promote civil disturbances among us, by inducing the people to believe that Mr. Jefferson has been insincere in his professions of peace. This manly and dignified letter exposes the design to the ridicule and contempt of every American. But what is the grand inference to be drawn from Mr. Canning, when we observe how deeply it is-timed with meanness, chicanery and falsehood? Most evidently that they expect to gul us, and that they have no serious intention of acceding to any terms of submission.
We will not arrest the attention of the reader with editorial comments—We hasten to exchange his attention to this valuable document which commences in our first page.
The very best comment which can be made upon the conduct of the late meeting in New York, is the extract which we have taken from the Public Advertiser. The picture which it presents to the view must excite every faculty of the soul with the most lively indignation. That at this unexampled crisis when our country is contending for her stand among the society of nations, and those unquestionable rights which belong to her as such, we should see the torch of tyranny lighted up, and blazing in one of our principal towns. The smallest snare of discretion or the least feeling of patriotism ought to have prevented this shameful procedure. Great Britain is looking upon us with intense anxiety, and forms her calculations according to the temper and determinations of the people. She has already avowed that she relied with great confidence upon our own divisions and disturbances for the repeal of our embargo, and so long as this hope remains she will not rescind her odious orders of council. She is aware of the many streams of corruption which emanate from her, and which we with shame must confess, flow copiously in some of our seaport towns. Under these circumstances, can any individual be entitled to the name of patriot or republican, who, in stead of maintaining our rights and cherishing our virtue, shall dastardly abandon the one, and endeavor to destroy the other. It is in fact, doing both to make head against the administration at this embarrassing period. That is, in fact, declaring to Great Britain that rather than submit to the embargo, we will submit to you, that rather than support the present administration, we will promote all the horrors of civil commotion. Our country is in that peculiar state of circumstances that she may truly exclaim, "You that are not for me are against me." But it affords some consolation to the American in heart, and sentiment, to believe that a party of men of this character could not have been formed of real Americans, but entirely of British partisans, factors, and agents. We trust that the republicans of New York will tear away the mask of patriotism and moderation which this meeting has endeavored to assume, and expose them in their naked deformity to public abhorrence. We have thought for a considerable time that our policy demanded some energetic measure in relation to aliens. The British agents in this country are infinitely more numerous than is generally supposed. Their scheme of corruption no longer hides in the alley and the counting house, but spreads its disastrous influence in the broad day. If Great Britain has been induced to continue this inflexible in her injustice from the anticipation of our divisions, the course of conduct which is pursued by her partisans and agents in this country, in fomenting discord and encouraging insurrections, is calculated to inspire her with additional confidence. It is time to administer some remedy to this disease.
We are unable to present our readers with any recent intelligence from Spain—The accounts which are furnished by the last London papers are so extremely confused, uncertain and deeply stained with prejudice, that we shall not impose them upon their attention. It would appear indeed, from the portrait of France, which is sketched in one of those papers, that she was absolutely expiring in famine and distress. The writer remarks, "the ports are without activity, the manufacturers without employ, and the merchants ruined—Examine its features, there is not one that does not betray the paleness, the wretchedness and the squalor of poverty." According to the French exchange, so far from sinking under the pressure of the times, she is cheerful and prosperous. The arts of industry are progressing with rapidity, and have attained a degree of perfection before unknown.
In regard to the public treasurer and finances, the document observes, that "regularity, and a judicious administration prevail in every department of the public treasury, and the national accounts are reduced to a system the most scientific and luminous. The finances have been gradually brought by the emperor, from a state of disipidation and confusion, to a state of order and prosperity, unknown in the governments the best administered." The only article which we have thought proper to select from this volume of news in regard to Spain, is the account of the battle of SORNOSA.
ANDREW MOORE, Esq. is elected a Major General in the place of Gen. John Preston, resigned.
Address of the Baptist General Meeting of Correspondence of Virginia, to the President of the United States.
OCTOBER 25th, 1808.
SIR, ACTUATED from pure motives, as we believe you are, about to retire from public life, the applause of his constituents, in their different relations, must be a pleasing reward to a retiring statesman. We, as a religious society, offer you, sir, our applause. We do it cordially. You may receive approbation from sources that are more conspicuous; but from none, we believe, that are more sincere. Attached to a church government of the freest kind; we must be friends to him, who is a friend to the rights of conscience. Many say they are friends to these rights; we believe them, because they say it. But from you we have better proofs. The whole tenor of your public life exhibits undeniable evidence of your unwavering friendship to religious liberty. Your enemies admit it, and some of them, we fear, are enemies for that very reason. The heterogeneous union of church and state, was never congenial to our principles. But when we remember, that, from that source, the persecution and imprisonment of many of our ministers arose; we must declare that this union is as repugnant to our feelings as to our principles. Your exertions very much contributed to its final dissolution. Since you have ascended the presidential chair, we know of no measures of yours, which do not completely square with your former line of deportment. Of the whole, then, of your public life, we desire to express our approbation. Your enemies charge you with holding unfriendly sentiments to the Christian religion. We do not believe it. Your conduct, in our judgment, has evinced the contrary. And we think it was better to answer them by actions, than by declarations. Situated as you have been for a considerable time, any declarations upon that head would have been ascribed to popular views. So amiable does the Christian system appear to us, that we can scarcely imagine, how any man who is willing to restrain his unlawful appetites, can be unfriendly to its doctrines. Of our political state, though not immediately within our province as a religious body, we wish as citizens, to express our sentiments. We are persuaded, that nothing on your part has been wanting, either as it respects wisdom, integrity or exertion, to have placed us in the most eligible condition. 'Tis true we suffer evils, but we bear them cheerfully, hoping that they may finally operate, as remedies, to other and worse evils. If we are disappointed in this, we are ready to support the government of our choice, in stronger and more efficient measures. Some nations, like some individuals, do justice only when coerced to it. Trusting in a God of Justice, we do not fear the issue. We once struggled for our rights, and we gained them. We are almost to a man, favorable to that successor who is most likely to preserve the spirit of the present administration. We hope he may fall on more propitious times than his predecessor, or that he may be equally capable to avoid their evils. In your retirement from the bustles of public life, we devoutly wish you every blessing; the smiles of Heaven, the approbation of a virtuous mind, the affection of a grateful people; and that after many years of health and happiness, your grey hairs may go down in peace to the grave.
Signed by order of the Baptist General Meeting of Correspondence of Virginia, in which Six Associations were represented by their delegates.
RO B. SEMPLE, Moderator.
His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. States.
N. B. The above address was sent on immediately after its date. The President's reply was also, without delay committed to the mail, but thro' inattention in the post office, it did not come to hand until the 9th inst. This explains the reason why they have not been published sooner.
RO: B. SEMPLE. King & Queen, January 13th, 1809.
THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
To the General Meeting of Correspondence of the Six Baptist Associations, represented at Chesterfield in Virginia.
I thank you, fellow-citizens, for your affectionate address, and receive with satisfaction your approbation of my motives for retirement. In reviewing the history of the times through which we have past, no portion of it gives greater satisfaction, on reflection, than that which presents the efforts of the friends of religious freedom, and the success with which they were crowned. We have solved, by fair experiment, the great and interesting question, whether freedom of religion is compatible with order in government, and obedience to the laws: and we have experienced the quiet as well as the comfort which results from leaving every one to profess freely and openly those principles of religion which are the inductions of his own reason, and the serious convictions of his own enquiries. It is a source of great contentment to me to learn that the measures which have been pursued in the administration of your affairs have met your approbation. Too often we have had but a choice among difficulties; and this situation characterises remarkably the present moment. But, fellow-citizens, if we are faithful to our country, if we acquiesce with good will, in the decisions of the majority, and the nation moves in mass in the same direction, altho' it may not be that which every individual thinks best, we have nothing to fear from any quarter. I thank you sincerely for your kind wishes for my welfare, and with equal sincerity implore the favor of a Protecting Providence for yourselves.
TH: JEFFERSON. November 21, 1808.
TORY MEETING!
Among the group that attended yesterday at Mechanic Hall we observed more lawyers with their clerks than merchants. We observed several men that were attended at treason during our revolutionary contest. We observed some of the tory members of the Branch Bank, attended by their cashiers. We observed many Scotch and British agents, and factors, attended by their newspaper editors, Lang, Coleman and Lewis. We observed several Pasmamaquddy traders and bankrupt Connecticut merchants; the preceding were the warm supporters of the resolutions. Of the people who were addressed in the street, we are confident from the conversation we overheard, that more than two thirds were in favor of the measures of the administration, and went there merely to satisfy their curiosity and to mark those who are doing their utmost to cause us to pay British tribute. Such meetings will enable us to identify the friends from the enemies of their country. N. Y. Pub. Adv.
WAR OR PEACE. The public affairs of this country are approaching their crisis, the DERNIER RESORT in national disputes, with regular and certain steps. The embargo having been found not entirely sufficient, non intercourse is the next alternative naturally called for by the state of things. This act, perhaps, has been delayed too long, while an incessant stream of British agents are carrying the specie of our country into Canada with impunity. But, with the additional embargo law, it will check this drain upon our banks, and but off the communication with inimical countries. In this situation of affairs, however, the patience of the people will soon become exhausted. Our legislators in congress well know this, and temper their sentiments and demeanor accordingly. And we are well satisfied that the touch of March will hardly pass over, without a resolution by our government to burst the bands they have laid upon our navigation, and assert our man time rights from the mouth of cannon. The public mind, impatient of restraint, & indignant at the accumulated wrongs and insults sustained from foreign aggressors, will difficulty be persuaded to longer forbearance. Notwithstanding our love of peace, the greatest of national blessings, the popular pulse already beats high for war; and nothing but a repeal of the piratical edicts against our commerce, and that speedily, can avert that dire appeal to the sword as certain as we are determined to remain a free and independent nation. If we can discern ought of the signs of the times in the proceedings of congress and other public bodies, and the general feeling as expressed in public prints, we are correct in the foregoing remarks. And yet we do not consider hostilities as inevitable. For we have a strong hope, that a sense of personal interest will have induced our antagonists to avert a rupture by a settlement of existing disputes in an amicable way. But if concessions and reparation are not made to the United States, what American will submit to TRIBUTE to no earthly power, we firmly believe can prevent a brave and high minded people from once more proving their valor and essaying their prowess in arms—B.R.
Capt. JOHN SAUNDERS, Commandant of Port Nelson, is appointed a Major of Light Artillery. TULLY ROBINSON, Esq; one of the Representatives of Princess Ann county to the Legislature of this State, we are informed is appointed a Major in the 5th regiment. Norfolk Herald.
A SALE.
THE PERSONAL ESTATE of the late Mr. David Owen, dec. of this county, consisting of Horses, Cattle, Shep, p. Hogs, Corn, Wheat, Oats, Fodder, Plantation Utensils, and Household and Kitchen Furniture, &c. will be sold at the late dwelling, on Thursday the 2d of next month (February) on a credit of one year for all sums above fifteen dollars cash for all sums under. Bond with approved security, carrying interest from the date, if not punctually paid, will be required. A sale of the Land is also contemplated, but the terms not yet determined. There are two settlements on it, with good apple orchards, about fifty bushels of wheat sown; the part of the land which is not cleared, is prim, the cleared part is such as usually to be found. JOSEPH MAYO, Exr. Powhatan, 18th January, 1809. 1p
Boarding for Youth.
THE subscriber having rented a large and convenient portion of the tenement in which the youth, co-posing Mr. Geraudin's academy are instructed, intends boarding young gentlemen in very moderate terms. No exertion that can be reasonably expected, shall be omitted to render the accommodations satisfactory. The morals of the young boarders shall be under the peculiar care of Mr. Dyle, who is himself to board with the subscriber, and Mr. Geraudin likewise promises to extend his attention to a point so very important. Application to be made either at the school, or with the subscriber. PAUL G. G. JONES. January 19, 1809.
WANTED to employ by the 1st day of
March next, fifteen or sixteen MILL-WRIGHTS, for the purpose of building Threshing Machines. Enquire at the next door to the stage office, in Petersburg. BENJAMIN B. BERNARD. January 23d 1809. 3t
For sale at the Office of the Argus.
Dr. FABB'S
Nature's Restorative Balsamic Cordial. The certificates attached to the bils which inclose each bottle of the above medicine, are from characters of respectability, on whose testimony the fullest confidence may be placed by those who labor under complaints of the Gout, Rheumatism, &c. also those of consumptive habits, general debility of the nerves and various other complaints incident to the human body.
Fifa & Casa Executions,
For sale at this office.

WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes.
Enquire of the Printer. November 30 1808
Penitentiary Store.
SHOPS at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent.
10th May, 1808.
FOR SALE,
On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Mill Box, by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unraced, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler.
Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808.
MATTRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants.
May 31, 1808.
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst. a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair. He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry.
A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States.
EDWARD DILLARD, Capt.
5th U. S. Reg't Infantry.
FOR SALE,
A SECOND HAND
Coach,
Large and strong-built, well calculated for a public stage or hack. Also a pair of well-broke, gentle
Bay Horses.
They will be sold for cash, or on a credit of ninety days, the purchaser giving an approved negotiable note. Apply to the printer.
For sale or Rent,
An eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road—known by the name of Hall's-Borough: the survey contains 113 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to
Jacob Fackler.
Richmond 12 Jan. 1809.
THE Subscriber having furnished himself with an elegant assortment of mountains and other materials, begs leave to inform the public that he has commenced the
Cabinet Making Business,
upon an extensive scale, in the house near Shadwell bridge, next door to Samuel Pleasants, Jr's, printing office, where he will keep a constant supply of furniture for sale upon reasonable terms—and where furniture in his line will be made upon the shortest notice, and in the most approved fashions, or upon any model which may be directed. The subscriber will also keep on hand, a constant supply of Fancy and Windsor CHAIRS of all descriptions, for sale upon reasonable terms.
C. M. PERRY.
Richmond, November 22th, 1808. (it) N. B. Coach and Sign Painting, done at his shop on the shortest notice and in the very best manner.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Pleasant Younghusband, dec. bearing date on the 28th day of March last, and duly recorded in the court of Henrico county on the sixth day of June,
WILL BE SOLD,
To the person who takes the same for the shortest period, and pay two thousand dollars, with legal interest thereon from the first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and the costs of executing the trust, that
Brick Tenement,
On the South side of the Main Street, adjoining the lot of ground sold by the said Younghusband to Joseph Mark, and extending from the said Main Street back to the alley which extends through the square, it being the lower tenement of those two belonging to the said Younghusband's estate, under the same right. The sale will take place on the premises, on Monday the sixth day of February next, at the hour of 12 o'clock, and the lease executed to the purchaser on the payment of the said sum of money, by
WILLIAM MARSHALL,
Trustee. January 5th, 1809.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the printer.
December 8, 1808.
Just received at this office,
Part 2d of vol. 9th—or No. 18 of
Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia.
Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books.
Subscription still open.
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND, THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE Revised Code, (Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.—Price to subscribers $5.—to non-subscribers $6.)
BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS OF THE General Assembly OF
VIRGINIA
Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801:
TO WHICH ARE ADDED APPENDICES,
CONTAINING
A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies,
Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges,
A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings, Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794, and 1808,
Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters,
Laws establishing ferries,
Laws concerning the public guard,
Titles of private and local acts—And
A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular objects.
With a complete Index to the whole.
Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Gerard Banks,
HERETOFORE the Editor of the Virginian, has opened a SCRIVENER'S OFFICE in the house immediately opposite the Market. Writing of every description will be executed with correctness. Besides the usual instruments which may be required, he offers to draw Bills of Injunction, &c. at a moderate price.
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE,
Mr. Giles' Speeches
DELIVERED
ON
The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the Embargo Laws.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for sale by S. Pleasants, Richmond,
THE GENTLEMAN'S
Pocket Remembrancer,
FOR THE YEAR 1809.
CONTAINING an almanack, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, government of the United States, executive, legislative and judiciary, federal courts of law, departments of the federal government, territorial government of the U. S. patents, intercourse with foreign nations, diplomatic department, ministers, consuls, &c. from foreign powers to the U. S. navy, marine corps, navy yard at Washington, post-office establishment, coins, duties on imports, drawbacks, bounties, custom-house of Philadelphia, wardens of the port, officers of the customs of the U. S. light-houses, tables, &c. &c.
The Ladies' Pocket-Book
Contains a view and description of the natural bridge in Virginia, an almanack, ruled pages for memorandums and cash accounts, select pieces in prose and poetry, new and celebrated songs, and several useful tables.
The above books are neatly bound in red leather with pockets.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust from John Woodfin to the subscriber, bearing date the 24th day of March 1808, and duly recorded in the county court of Henrico, will be sold to the highest bidder on Thursday the 2nd day of February next for ready money at the House of John Woodfin in Henrico county one Negro Boy named Coker, to satisfy the debt &c. mentioned in the said deed.
Waller Ford, Trustee.
January 6, 1809.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Robert M. Tye, for the purpose of securing a sum of money due John Baker, ex'or of Solomon Gordon, dec. will be sold, to the highest bidder (according to the tenor of the said trust) on Saturday the 4th day of February next, the LOT in Manchester including all its appurtenances, called LEATHER'S OLD TAVERN, now occupied by Nathaniel Childers. Terms ready money.
Nath. Childers, } Trustees. Thomas Cheatham } Manchester 10, Jan. 1809.
Select Speeches.
Just received by S. Pleasants, jr.
RICHMOND,
SELECT SPEECHES,
FORENSICK AND PARLIAMENTARY,
With Prefatory Remarks.
By N. CHAPMAN, M. D.
In this selection will be found the most celebrated speeches of Lord Chatham, Edmund Burke, Lord Mansfield, William Pitt, the elder and younger, Sir Robt. Walpole, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Fox, Mr. Curran, Mr. Thomas Erskine, Mr. Wilberforce, H. Grattan, &c. &c.
The work is adorned with handsomely engraved portraits of Burke, Curran, Sheridan, Fox, and Pitt.
PATENT MEDICINES,
FOR SALE At S. Pleasants' Book Store.
PUBLIC confidence has never been more liberally and firmly reposed, and perhaps in no instance more justly, than it appears in the efficacy of HAMILTON'S WORM LOZENGES prepared and sold, wholesale and retail, by DANIEL FISHER, No. 56, Maiden-lane, New York and in Richmond, (only) at S. Pleasants' Printing-office.
The proprietor has lately presented to the public eye the testimony of the Hon. A. G. Hanson, Chancellor of Maryland, the Rev. Mr. Melcher, and of other distinguished and respectable characters. The following cases, of more recent occurrence, are now respectfully submitted.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCES.
THE wife of Mr. Wm. Stillwell, merchant, Water street, New-York, had been in a poor state of health for several years past, and was often confined to her chamber by indisposition: her symptoms were various, though generally attended with great debility; sometimes they were supposed to indicate dropsy, at others a disease of the liver. Having suffered a very severe attack, without obtaining any relief from her physician, and almost despairing of recovery, she was induced to make trial of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges; having heard of its performing cures in several complaints that could not be accounted for. Two doses were taken, which brought away a large worm, nearly half a yard in length, and a great quantity of matter evidently pieces of worms, &c. On taking the third or fourth dose, an entire animal shaped like a crab, was expelled: its parts were examined with the aid of a microscope, when the claws, feet, &c. appeared perfectly formed; different in but few respects from the common crab. Mrs. Stillwell began from that time to recover her health; three months have since elapsed, and she has been free from her former complaints, and has acquired a degree of health and strength which for years before she had been a stranger to. She being free to extend the knowledge of a medicine from which so much benefit has been received, has authorised Mrs. Lee, the present proprietor, to state these particulars for the good of others.
New-York, June 5, 1807.
Philadelphia, May 22, 1806.
TO H. LEE.
Having in a most singular manner, experienced in my family the astonishing efficacy of Hamilton's Worm Destroying Lozenges, prepared by the late Mr. Lee, I feel it my duty to add the following curious case to the list of remarkable cures performed by that celebrated medicine. My daughter at the age of 17 months was taken ill with those symptoms which are supposed to denote worms: after having tried a number of things which are said to be good in such cases, without any benefit, we had the attendance of a respectable physician; but she still continued to decline in health, and at the end of six months became so weak that she could not walk, nor keep food on her stomach, it was so extremely disordered. At this interesting period, one of our neighbours recommended your Lozenges so earnestly, we were induced to send to Mr. Birch's for a box of them; on her taking the third dose, according to the printed directions, there came from her a living animal about three quarters of an inch long and of a most frightful appearance, being very white, with a great number of legs, and something which resembled wings, by which it appeared to spring; and which it did repeatedly, to our great surprise, about the same distance that a small toad can hop on the ground. Its form was altogether unknown to every person who saw it. It lived in water about 18 hours. We afterwards put it in spirits, and it is now in the possession of Dr. Bleight of this city. The child grew better from that day; in a very short period began to walk again, and is now in perfect health.
Yours, &c. WM. BRADLEY,
Callowhill street, between 8th and 9th sts.
Any person may be satisfied of the accuracy and authenticity of this singular occurrence, by making enquiry in the neighborhood: many of the neighbors saw the creature alive, and are well acquainted with the above particular.
W. B.
Among the symptoms attending worms, are disagreeable breath, especially in the morning; bad and corrupted gums—itching in the nose and about the seat—convulsions and epileptic fits and sometimes privation of speech—starting and grinding of the teeth in sleep—irregular appetite; sometimes loathing food and sometimes voracious; purging, with slimy and foetid stools; Vomiting; Large and hard belly; Pains and sickness at the stomach; Pains in the head and thighs, with lowness of spirits; Slow fever, with small and irregular pulse; A dry cough; Excessive thirst; Sometimes pale and unhealthy countenance, and sometimes the face bloated and flushed.
Persons afflicted with any of the above symptoms, should have immediate recourse to
HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES, which have been constantly attended with success in all complaints similar to those above described.
A dose of this medicine given occasionally during the warm season, will effectually prevent the "vomiting and purging of children," a dreadful disorder which, annually destroys thousands of the infant part of our citizens.
Children generally take this medicine with eagerness; having a pleasing appearance and an agreeable taste.
FOR SALE AS ABOVE, Hamilton's Essence and Extract of Mustard,
A safe and effectual remedy for acute and chronic Rheumatism, Gout, Rhenmatic Gout, Palsy, Lumbago, Numbness, White Swellings, Chilblains, Sprains, Bruises, Pain in the Face and Neck, &c.
AN OUNCE OF PREVENTION IS WORTH A POUND OF CURE.
For the prevention and cure of Bilious and Malignant Fevers recommended
Hahn's Anti-Bilious Pills.
The operation of these pills is perfectly mild, so as to be used with safety by persons in every situation, and of every age.
Hamilton's Elixir,
A foreign remedy for Colds, Obstinate Coughs, Asthma, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumption.
For Parents who may have children afflicted with
The Hooping Cough.
This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.
The Restorative Powder for the Teeth and Gums.
HAHN'S GENUINE EYE WATER,
A sovereign remedy for all diseases of the eye, whether the effect of natural weakness or of accident, speedily removing inflammations, defluxions of rheum, dullness, itching and films on the eye; never failing to cure those maladies which frequently succeed the small-pox, measles and fevers, and wonderfully strengthening to weak sight. Hundreds have experienced its excellent virtues when nearly deprived of sight.
NOTICE.
I wish to employ a Deputy in the County Court Clerkship of Amherst. As none are wanting excepting those who are well qualified in every respect to conduct the business of the office, it is presumed that no other but of this description, will make application. To such liberal wages will be given.
Wm. S. Crawford.
3w
ABOUT the year 1790, John Williamson of the county of Fluvanna, sold to Lain J. Johnson, of Richmond, a small Tract of Land, lying in Fluvanna County. If the present owner wishes to sell it, and the price is reasonable, he may find a purchaser by letting his terms be known to the
Post Master,
At Warren, Va.
3w
January 2d, 1809.
A LIST of one Hogshead Tobacco remaining in Wico-comico Warehouse over two years, inspected the 5th day of February 1805, marked Royston B. Covington, R. B. C. No. 75. Gross 1081. Tare 118, Net 963, which if not applied for before the 15th of April, 1809 will on that day be sold to the highest bidder for cash, at Northumberland court house agreeable to law.
JAMES HARCUM.
GEORGE BARRETT.
January 9, 1809
3w
Valuable Land for Sale.
FOR SALE,
1034 Acres of Land,
Lying on James River, in Powhatan County, 32 miles above Richmond and 10 below Cartersville, 70 acres of this land is James River low grounds, with a good shell fishery, several apple and peach orchards of choice fruit; 500 acres of this land is uncleared and of good quality; the cleared land is well adapted to corn, wheat and Tobacco. The present occupant sends to market from this land annually 1500 bushels of wheat. The improvements are superior to any in the county, the payments will be made easy to the purchasers. For further information apply to
Chan: H. Saunders.
Richmond, Jan. 9, 1809. (w3m)
To Rent,
AND possession given immediately, a neat small brick dwelling house on the Church Hill, near Mr. Samuel Adams's, with an acre of land attached for a garden; this house contains two rooms below, and a closet large enough for a bed, table and two or three chairs, two rooms above and a small closet; two rooms underneath, with a fire place in each, one used as a kitchen, the other as a servant's room; there are also two other apartments adjoining the kitchen, one used as a dairy, the other as a meat cellar; there is also on the lot, a very excellent smoke house. No situation can be more desirable for a small family, near two excellent springs, and commanding a beautiful view of the city. Manchester, the falls, and as far down the river as the eye can reach, with a rich, luxuriant, agricultural scenery in front. It may be had for one, two or three years; for terms apply to the Rev'd. John Ellis, or Mr. Thomas Harris, living near the premises.
Dec 12th, 1808. fawtf
For Sale,
AN elegant second hand CHARIOT, with two sets of harness. Also, a second hand well toned PIANO FORTE. Enquire at the Argus Office.
December 26, 1808. w6t
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to Edward P. Chamberlayne, now deceased and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure and satisfy sundry debts due by the said James B. Littlepage to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge, together with expenses of this trust, which said deed is duly recorded in the County Court of King William, I shall on Wednesday the 8th of March, 1809, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain Tract or Parcel of LAND lying and being in the Parish of St. Johns, and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmer, containing by estimation, four hundred and fifteen Acres of High Land and one hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Custis, and John Quarles, dec. and Mataponi River.
Bernard Lipscomb.
December 5th, 1808. w4d
Blank Notes
AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for sale at S. Pleasants' Office,
History of Episcopacy,
IN FOUR PARTS,
From its rise to the present day.
1st. Its rise and progress in the Church of Rome.
2d. A short account of its proceedings in the Church of England.
3d. The rise and progress of the Methodists in Europe.
4th. The rise and progress of Episcopacy among the Methodists in America.
BY WILLIAM GUREY,
Minister of the Gospel.
Subscribers are requested to send for their copies.
Just received from Philadelphia, a few copies of the celebrated Pamphlet, entitled,
A VIEW
OF THE
Rights and Wrongs,
Power and Policy
OF THE