The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-08-18 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 18, 1802.
RUN AWAY,
FROM the Subscriber, on the 2d. inst. an Apprentice, by the name of Henry Drake. He is about 18 years of age, and can do tolerable good Carpenter's work. All Persons are hereby forewarned against carrying him out of the State, harbouring of him, dealing with or employing him in any manner whatever. Those who do so, may rely on being prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the Law.
THOMAS PINCHBACK.
August 11th, 1802.
(2w)
THIRD NOTICE.
IN THE CASE OF MOODY & PRICE, BANKRUPTS.
THE Commissioners appointed under a Commission of Bankruptcy awarded and issued, and now in prosecution against Moody and Price, of this City, late Merchants, will attend at the Rising Sun Tavern, on the 4th Day of September next, at the Hour of Nine o'Clock in the Forenoon, at which time and place the said Bankrupts are hereby required to surrender themselves for their final examination. The Creditors who have not yet proved their Debts, may then attend, for the purpose of proving the same; and those Creditors who have proved their Debts, under the said Commission, will then attend to assent or dissent to the allowing of the Bankrupts a Certificate of discharge.
DAVID LAMBERT } Comm's. HENRY BANKS JOHN DIXON
Richmond, August 7th, 1802.
A CAUTION.
I Forwarn all persons from taking an Assignment on a Bond, I gave John Magee, in November last, for Two Hundred Pounds, as I have Discharged said Bond, and have a receipt for the same.
HUGH MCLAUGHLIN.
Richmond, August 7th 1802.
(3t)
NOTICE.
ALWOOD, A MULATTO BOY,
Came with me in the SALLY, from Maryland, who was going to see for his mother back from Richmond. Any one leaving information of him at the office of the "Recorder" will oblige
ROBERT GREEN.
Norfolk, July 26th, 1802.
THE Property heretofore advertised for Sale by the Subscriber, beyond the Basin, consisting of sundry Lots and Tenements, may now be Purchased from Three to Four Years Credit, at any time within Sixty Days from the Date hereof, on application to
D. M. RANDOLPH.
Richmond August 6th, 1802.
(3t)
FOR SALE,
A Capital Young Horse,
Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder. Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
FOR SALE,
A light, active NEGRO BOY,
About 20 years of age; has been accustomed to wait in the house, and take care of horses; he can drive a carriage; price 350 Dollars cash. For further particulars, enquire of the Printers.
Richmond, July 28.
tf
A FEW COPIES OF
HYMNS,
BY THE REV. E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at Pumpfrey's Stationer, Richmond.
A LITTLE MORE
ABOUT
REPUBLICAN ECONOMY.
WHEN a candid and well informed author sits down to write both sides of the history of the federal government, he may be compared with an elephant, or, if you will, with a mammoth, attempting to gallop over a fathomless quicksand. At the very first bound, the clumsy animal plunges over head and ears in the mud. In the very first volume, that the devoted historian attempts to compile, he finds his memory bewildered in such labyrinths of villainy, his imagination is so fatigued and confounded, by the mountains of guilt which arise in rapid succession around him, that, in painting the various scenes of ignorance and profligacy, he knows not where to begin, nor where to stop; how to cast aside his pen, or how to hold it.
In the celebrated folioquy of Richard III. before the battle of Bosworth Field, the deer-stealer introduces the king, as saying, that his conscience had a thousand tongues, and that each of them had a separate tale against him. If ten such men as Clarendon, or Davila were engaged to write a review of the last thirteen years of federal history, and to explain every blunder and every crime which have been committed within that very short period, they could not, with the best access to information, accomplish their task in thirteen years to come.
One of the most provoking features in this system of deformity, has been the wretched waste of public money; and in no instance has this waste of money been more remarkable, or more disgraceful, than in the whole mass of transactions, both civil and military, with the savages of the Western frontier. The talents and resources of the most fertile mind may be exhausted upon this single chapter; and even that is but one chapter of a thousand.
You must not, from any thing in this preamble, suppose that we are going to hazard even the twentieth part of one inuendo which may be against the Jefferson administration. No! That would be insolence, indeed! Besides, for the first twelve years, out of the thirteen, it is undeniable, that the republicans never mis-pent one farthing of public money. They have been but about seventeen months in office, at all! at all! Of consequence, they have only had leisure for doing one eighth part of as much mischief as the aristocrats had done before them.
We were led into those reflections by an act of congress, dated the 1st of May last, "making appropriations for a military establishment." One clause in this statute is, "for the Indian department, seventy one thousand, seven hundred and sixty dollars!"
One is naturally tempted to enquire to what purpose this money is to be applied. Not one farthing of it goes for the use of the federal army. Every supply, which they could stand in want of, has been provided for in other passages of the same act. Of those seventy two thousand dollars, every farthing then walks to perdition along side of eighty thousand dollars to his sublime highness, your great and good ally, the dey of Algiers. In a word, and to the eternal dishonor of this country, let it be remembered, that this large sum goes in the shape of a tribute to a set of barbarians, that have almost nothing of human nature about them, but the external shape; and most of them hardly that.
As for the North Western tribes, we fought against them for almost five years. In that space of time, we spent at least six millions of dollars, including the six hundred thousand that you got such a fine account of in the Recorder, of the 30th of June last. For these six millions of dollars, we had the pleasure of shooting about three hundred Indians, including a number of Canadian militia, whom your good friend, George the III d . sent to help them to fight us.
We all remember the prodigious splitter that was made about Wayne's wonderful victory, in August 1794. In this great and decisive action, and in the fourth year of the war, he killed about sixty Indians, and Canadians, with the loss of thirty-three federal soldiers. Here was a balance of twenty-seven lives in favour of the United States. The campaign, all together, cost but about one million of dollars! So that these twenty-seven scalps were purchased at the moderate sum of FORTY THOUSAND DOLLARS A PIECE!
If any gentlemen in Richmond, or any of our subscribers in the country, shall be so idle as to fancy that this is the language of banter and of fabrication, we shall thank them exceedingly for calling at the office of the Recorder, where we can convince them in five minutes, that all this is exactly true . But if they have not leisure to call here, governor Clarke can assure them that this is the fact , Sir. The statute of the 3d of May last has a third section. Forty thousand dollars are therein provided for the expence of holding a treaty, or treaties, with Indians, South of the river Ohio. Of the former seventy-two thousand dollars, a part goes to the North Western Indians, whom Wayne had so gloriously conquered, and to whom he thereafter promised to pay a tribute. These forty thousand dollars go to the South Western Indians, along with fifteen thousand dollars per annum for their civilization. Of this last sum, we did formerly give an account. These three sums collectively extend to an hundred and twenty-six thousand, seven hundred and fifty dollars of tribute per annum, which we pay to those virtuous aborigines.
That we may not be suspected of misquoting our illustrious legislators, here follows the clause of the act in question.
"Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, that a sum not exceeding 40,000 thousand dollars, including any unexpended balance of the sum of 15,000 dollars appropriated by the act approved on the 13th of May, 1800, entitled "an act to appropriate a certain sum of money, to defray the expences of holding a treaty, or treaties with the Indians," be, and the same is hereby appropriated for defraying the expence of any treaty, or treaties which may be held with the Indians South of the river Ohio. Provided, that the compensation to be allowed to any commissioner appointed, or that may be appointed, for negotiating such treaty, or treaties, shall not exceed, exclusive of travelling expences, the rate of eight dollars per day, during the actual service of such commissioner."
It would be interesting to know for what reason, so many treaties are held with these savages. On January 9th 1789, a treaty was made with the Wyandots, and other North Western tribes. They received six thousand dollars worth of presents. On September 30th, 1790, they defeated General Harmar! Every succeeding event confirms our first opinion, which was, is, and forever will be, that it is the height of folly to make a treaty with them; and that when war has once been declared, the whole tribe should either be destroyed, root and branch, or swept over the Mississippi. From what George Rogers Clark actually did, we can infer what he could have done. With one thousand riflemen, he would, in six or eight months, have cleared the whole Atlantic side of the Mississippi. Some tribes behave better than others. These are the Choctaws, a numerous and industrious people, and the Chickasaws. The six nations are asleep, or annihilated. Such tribes are of course to be excepted from the proposed proscription. But as for all the rest of the miscreants, there should be commenced, upon the very next murder, a general hunting of the tribe by whom it was committed; and whenever we shall have what we hardly ever had, viz. a federal congress which is worth its room, this, and only this measure will be adopted.
In the Recorder of August 4th. there was inserted, p. 4. a notable specimen of Indian treaties. In our paper of July 28th, it is said that a thousand or twelve hundred Indians had arrived at Fort Wilkinson for the purpose of attending a treaty; and that a meeting had taken place between the federal commissioners and the Indian chiefs, in a spacious apartment, &c. The meaning of an Indian treaty is this. The whole tribe assemble to get their bellies filled. They eat and drink as much as they can hold, and for as long a time as the federal commissioners can afford to cram them. This happy scene continues for perhaps two or three months. When the funds are exhausted, the negotiation breaks up, and it is found necessary to appoint a fresh meeting for next year. But the Indians would be very willing to negotiate, in this manner, from the first of January to the last of December, if they could only be supplied with proper stuffing. Instead of wasting money in this miserable way, it would be much better to offer fifty dollars a piece for the scalps of them. There is not a single savage in the Creek tribe who would not rejoice to
cut the throats of every white man, woman and child in America. On this subject there is in the Sketches just mentioned, the following passage:
"Indians have been spoke of in this chapter. On January 18th, 1798, an estimate was laid before the representatives of the Cherokees. The whole sum amounts to twenty-five thousand, eight hundred and eighty dollars. This includes fifteen thousand dollars for rations to two thousand Indians; and five thousand dollars for presents. It must be observed that these Indians, as well as the Creeks, have never kept a single agreement made with them. Their perfidy is equal to their cruelty. If a new treaty is to be framed, there can be no use for the presence of two thousand savages. Two hundred are sufficient; and this would save thirteen thousand five hundred dollars. The sums annually wasted on these people are very considerable. It is time to try another way of treating. Offer an hundred dollars per scalp for the first three hundred Cherokees warriors, who shall be cut, or shot down. The South Western riflemen will soon earn the money. This may be called inhumanity. But if one of these Indians had stabbed your father, and stuck the hearts of your children, on the point of his scalping knife, perhaps you might endure the proposal. Government is afraid of a frontier militia. Were the rampart of savages removed, thousands of families would instantly wander beyond the reach of customs and excise. The president and senate, supported by a party of representatives, chuse rather to give the Indians every possible measure of countenance and protection, to expend very large sums of money in the purchase of treaties that are sure to be broken, and to connive at some hundreds of annual murders."
In 1795, fifty thousand dollars were appropriated for trading houses with Indians; and in 1796, an hundred and fifty thousand more. This money as might well have been foreseen, has been utterly sunk, and wasted; and the trade has been given up. At least a report to congress was printed, some years ago, by which it appears that the capital had been sunk, and that the whole scheme was then in the last agonies of expiration. In the treasurer's printed accounts for 1796, p. 123, there is the following item. "To David White, more, on account of horse keeping, for sundry Indians 620 dollars."
We appeal to every candid man, whether it would not have been better to have kept this money, or to have paid it to some of those unfortunate frontier families, which had lost fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, or children, by the tomahawk and the scalping knife. Horses for Indians! And to these gentlemen must ride to Philadelphia, and back again! Must they? Why this is not one jot better than giving twelve hundred and fifty dollars to Jones for printing a pamphlet, which did not cost him four hundred; or the giving him sixteen hundred dollars for printing the acts of a session of congress, when the whole print and paper were not worth more than forty, five, or six hundred! The economy of the federal executive runs on the same level with that of the executive council of this state.
In return for such enormous sums of money, we are told, with an air of triumph, that, last year, fifty piows were delivered by the Secretary at war to the Creeks; that the savages make use of them; that five thousand peaches have been distributed among the Indians; and that the Creek squaws have received an hundred pair of cotton cards, and eighty spinning wheels. Three Indian women have completely clothed themselves. In the Winter of 1800, three hundred gallons of hickory oil were actually delivered for market! These are the wonders which have been performed for such a price as fifteen thousand dollars; besides five or perhaps ten thousand more, as the expence of collecting the money.
Upon my soul! this is too bad. Have we not abundance of poor people among ourselves, that would be glad of cotton cards, and of spinning wheels, of orchards and hickory oil? It is not worth while to repeat, what has already been proved, that no such work is authorized by the constitution. If there was a chance of real success, there would be the less cause of regret. But as soon as the French
NOTE
* Vid. the report of colonel Hawkins.
† Vid. Recorder of March 13th.

arrive in the Mississippi, and they will not be long out of it, they will act, just as they and all other nations of Europe have constantly acted. They will connect themselves with the savages. They will supply them with powder and ball. They will spur them on to conflagration and massacre. The Creeks will perceive their importance. They will become more insolent, more faithless, and, if possible, more mischievous than ever. In case that Bonaparte wants a quarrel with us, he has only to declare himself in alliance with the Creeks, and then he will very humanely build a few forts to protect these poor innocent natives, these rightful owners of the soil! You know, from the barbarity of federal depredations. The public will then begin to reflect whether the writer of the Sketches was right, or wrong, when he recommended the immediate expulsion or extinction of the savages.
We shall have a French quarrel very soon after the settlement of a French colony. The publisher of stolen letters affirms, indeed, that there is to be no such colony; and all those will believe his assertion, who can believe that William Duane has better information about this subject than the British parliament. As for the quarrel, Mr. Jefferson is doing every thing in his power to hasten it. The Aurora and Smith's Washington paper have, for some time past, been discharging all the dirt within their reach, and that is a great deal, against the first consul, against a soldier of fortune, who values blood but as ditch water. Under the very eye of the French ambassador, these unhappy tools are insulting Bonaparte as an usurper. They are provoking a man immeasurable in his power, inexhaustible in his resources, a man cool, determined, and who, if he shall be tempted to draw the sword, will set no limits to his rage and his vengeance.
The federal newspapers, for two months to come, will ring with the story of the two hundred dollars. For heaven's sake, gentlemen, drop the subject. It shews that Mr. Jefferson has some times acted in a pitiful manner; that he can occasionally shut out from his heart the common feelings of friendship and humanity; that he is capable of gross ingratitude; that he has learned the celebrated maxim of kicking away the ladder , as soon as he has got to the top of it. The worst part of the story must, for the present, remain incog. ; and the circumstances, which, at this time, have been suppressed, can be proved in a court of justice, if our witnesses can be compelled to attend. But all these things are not worth one moment of public attention. They are as motes in the sun, when compared with the wildness of provoking the favorite and master of the French nation.
Thirty-two thousand dollars were paid for reprinting the French frigate, the Berceau . We suppose that the money was properly expended. The professed object was to conciliate the favour of the French government. To borrow the emphatic language of our Virginian correspondent, it is not likely that the first consul will ever pass a thought upon the subject of the Berceau . But citizen Pichon is no stranger in America. He was in Philadelphia, when the federalists were acting, and the republicans were condemning the very part which Mr. Jefferson's editors are, at present, exhibiting to the public. The citizen was intimate with the late Mr. Bache. He is, therefore, acquainted with the mysteries of a government newspaper. He knows the farce of a pensionary printer, who pretends to publish invectives without the permission of his paymaster . We are to send the French ambassador a copy of this and of the last number of the Recorder . He must long since have become acquainted with the characters both of the president, and of his two aspen-leaf conductors. But it is very proper that he should be informed of the genuine ideas of an immense proportion of the people of America. All reasonable men have become sick at the very sound of the word revolution . Let France have twenty years of tranquility under the domination of that great, that more than common man, who has arisen to save her from an eternal routine of conspiracies, of rebellions, and especially of constitutions . We trust that he will secure France from executions, massacres and murders. In particular, it is hoped that neither the first consul nor his representative will consider the caterwauling of Duane and Smith, or the connivance and encouragement of Mr. Jefferson, as the legitimate sentiments of the people of America. With the exception of a few wrong heads, we are all very glad at the restoration of peace and order in France. The great objects of the revolution have been accomplished in substance rather than in form. An enormous aristocracy has been shivered into atoms. With a judicious and useful deference to popular superstition, the church has been restored. But this establishment is no longer the monster it formerly was. A system of equitable and moderate taxation has been introduced. And if the government is despotic, we may say, with the old woman of Syracuse, that one master is preferable to twenty thousand. For what period of the revolution, or of the ancient monarchy, would you wish to exchange the reign of Bonaparte?
From this long ramble we go back to the State of congress. For what reason have
these commissioners to the Indians the enormous salary of eight dollars per day, besides their travelling expenses? The cash alone comes to the rate of two thousand nine hundred and twenty dollars per annum. An exorbitant sum for such business! Even a member of congress is not half so well paid. He must live at a great expense out of six dollars. His employment, also, is, or should be, at least as important, and honorable as that of a frontier agent. A reduction to two dollars per day, besides expenses, would save a great deal of money; and after all, the agent would be much better paid than a delegate in the assembly of Virginia or Pennsylvania, with his three dollars per day.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND. AUGUST 18th. 1802.
A numerous quantity of letters is weekly sent to this office without paying the postage. We give the public this notice, that, in future, should any letters be addressed to this office, respecting "The Recorder," and not post paid, such letters will be returned to their original owners, under another cover.
As soon as this day's paper has got to press, we design to wait upon the Ex-marshall of Virginia. The object is to obtain from Mr. David Randolph a copy of his correspondence with Levi Lincoln, Attorney general of the union, upon the subject of Callender's fine. The reader may expect, in next week's paper, to see a publication of these documents. The Examiner of last Saturday affirms that the fine was repaid to Callender out of Mr. Jefferson's private purse . This correspondence will prove the contrary; as well as the very shabby and ungracious manner in which the remission was ultimately made.
One would think that all the Jefferson advocates in Virginia were annihilated. Except the barling , for it cannot be called the writing of the marksmen, there is not a chirrup to be heard in the newspapers on that side of the question. Numerous objections have been made by Mr. Davis and ourselves against the conduct of the present executive. They have been suffered to pass unresisted without even a whisper of opposition. The gossiping, calumnious report of the committee of investigation has been shivered into atoms. Never was there a more abrupt reversion in the tone of two political parties than what the last three months have exhibited. Our Virginian correspondent has long been a formidable writer, and under a variety of signatures. He deals his blows with force, coolness, and dexterity; and on the present occasion, with the flag of truce at his topmast, he has failed through an ocean of newspapers without meeting a single adversary. Duane is dumb; or he speaks but to hammer out an incoherent lie. It shall be our particular business to hunt him down . "But then," says the Alexandria Advertiser , "another draft upon GEORGE JEFFERSON may change the face of affairs ."
MORE ABOUT GOVERNOR GILES.
THE federalists have prohibited themselves from believing any thing that Callender says. A jury composed of respectable citizens of that party, have decided upon their OATHS, that Callender will publish scandalous falsehoods ! Yes, they have RECORDED him as a false, scandalous, and malicious writer . Has his reputation been whitewashed by any evidence of disinterested recantation? he has betrayed no such manly motive."
The foregoing accusations stand in the Examiner of the 17th of July.
We are surprised that the editors of that paper should compel us so frequently to bring forward the name of their patron, friend, and file-leader, GILES . They say, that the federalists, upon their oaths, have found that Callender will publish scandalous falsehoods . They have recorded him as a false, scandalous and malicious writer .
The short and plain answer is this. Callender published some things upon the credit which the word of William Branch Giles , a member of congress, had obtained with him. The federalists prosecuted Callender for these publications. Callender summoned Giles to appear and confess that his authority had induced Callender to write them. Giles refused to appear. Judge Chase, instead of sending out a process of compulsion, or postponing the trial, proceeded without Giles' testimony. This is not all. Chase told the jury exactly what they ought to do. And as they exactly complied with his directions, it is to be concluded that they thought him a very learned JUDGE, and a very upright MAN .
Every body, who considers this and the communications already made in this paper, upon that subject, will think, that it would have been better, if Giles, and others had been in the place of CALLENDER, with the nine months of imprisonment, &c.
The editor of the Examiner may be assured of this, that, if the federalists, or republicans, or any other sect, or faction, shall hereafter institute a prosecution against Callender for
printing or publishing falsehoods, it will not be for any thing which may have been or shall ever be asserted by William Branch Giles , or any of those, who are his friends, supporters, admirers, followers, or advocates.
We don't expect that Giles will thank his friend for this proof of his editorial and republican ardor. Giles would be glad if this story, as well as Callender, should be tied to a mill stone and sunk into the depths of the sea. But his wise friends say No. Agreed. They may bring it out, as often as they please; and in any form or way that they please. And we shall always try to give them tit for tat , or a laminitaire , to turn their artillery upon themselves.
DR. WALTER JONES.
THE Examiner of August 11th. has a long article concerning the Recorder . We shall very soon give over taking any notice of his babbling. For we shall very soon exceed him in the number of subscribers; and then it would be impolitic, upon our part, to advertise his sheet of brown paper.
The Examiner quotes a letter from a gentleman whom he does not chuse to name, but whose peculiar elegance of stile, added to the introductory description of him, sufficiently announces and ascertains the identity of its author. We have prefixed his name. We shall give this article at full length.
"Several of our correspondents have noticed the vile apostasy, and Tartarian ingratitude of Callender. They have at the same time, congratulated us, from various parts of the country, on the impotence of his calumnies. They have been considered, by every liberal and every respectable man of whatever political denomination, as contemptible assaults, very unworthy the Examiner's notice. Perhaps we may publish one or two of them. The following, particularly, as it comes from a character whose good opinion, has been one of our highest consolations—a character who has borne high offices under the state and federal governments, and who will be a member of the approaching state legislature."
The Extract.
"In times, when the doings and professions of the man ( Callender ) were calculated to make the most imposing impressions on me, I never could bear his presence. I had heard (whether truly or not, I cannot say,) that he was treacherous to his party in Scotland. I knew the horrible corruption of most of the political writers, by profession ; and adding to these the manners and appearance of the man, my imagination figured him, rather as a miraculously enlightened brute ,* than a man respectable for science and talents."
"You extended to him your confidence, nay, I believe in some degree your affection—he was domesticated, and availed himself of the warmth and openness of your temper, to obtain a knowledge of every failing by which you could be depreciated, and of every fibre by which you might be tortured. Thus equipped for the indulgence of his malignity, by the exercise of an art, in which practice has made him extremely dextrous, he came into the field of contest without risking any thing, while you put a great deal to hazard. He has no character, no honor, no sensibility, and his squalid impotence, shields him from the dread of personal chastisement. The abusive language, which from his pen wounds your feelings, and with some your fame, if retorted, dishonors you, and does him no harm. If you refute one fib or calumny, he picks up or invents, another in endless succession. In short, you could not play his favorite game for him more effectually, than by being provoked to prolong the controversy."
"In the bull-fights of Spain, it is said, that certain fellows are placed in round holes dug in the area, who, by waving a red rag, on a staff inflame the rage of the bulls to a greater degree, in order to make them fitter objects of attack for the cavaliers."
This to me seems applicable to Callender, yourself, and the rascally part of the federal party; for I must do the more respectable, the justice to say, that as far as I know, they think of Callender as they ought to do."
We have not room to dissect all the impertinence contained in this piece. In summer, 1798, Mr. Bache printed in his Aurora a long letter, or extract of a letter, from a Virginian member of Congress, to somebody in this state. Mr. Bache was surprised into this publication, as an editor sometimes will be. He was afterwards both concerned and ashamed at the insertion of an article so foreign to his own taste, and character. We have the original newspaper, and we could, if necessary, search for, and find it. Mr. Adams was therein reproached with all the infirmities of old age, and among others with the want of his teeth . In a word, the piece contained the grossest scurrility; and the public were so obliging as to father this dirty brat upon Callender.
* Those who have seen Callender, and heard him talk, cannot but admire the singular propriety of this description. His appearance is certainly calculated to impress one with the belief, that the author of his being, like Æsop and Phædrus , had fancifully endowed an Ourang-Outang with a few of the attributes of humanity.
It was impossible to get an article published in the Aurora , denying that he did write it; for this would have been to imply, that Mr. Bache and his friends were uneasy about it; and as the federal prints were harping upon Mr. Bache, as to the infamy of reproaching an old man with being toothless , it was by no means advisable to give the enemy a farther opening. An opportunity was, however, immediately taken to inform the public that Callender was not the author of many pieces which had been imputed to him. He could not, with a due regard to the interest of the Aurora , go farther.
After a great deal of watching and haggling, we got out of Mr. Bache that the author of this piece of Billingsgate was DR. WALTER JONES.
A short time before this discovery, Dr. Jones had subscribed five dollars, at the same time when Mr. Jefferson subscribed twenty-five , to assist in the publication of the SKE-CHES . When the author waited upon him with the five copies of the book, the Doctor, with an air of gravity, and solicitude, advised him to polish the roughness of his stile .
It certainly required an uncommon degree of firmness , or of what Churchill calls Hibernian intrepidity of face , for the Doctor to be, at the same time, writing such newspaper articles, and issuing such newspaper admonitions.
In his private manners, this Walter Jones is one of the most sulky and forbidding of mankind, at least where he dares to be so . Callender was never more than five times in his company. He always went into it with reluctance, remained in it with disgust, and left it with joy. If we hear much more either from him, or about him, we shall make a publication of this piece, from our chaos of republican correspondence, and other political curiosities. The bottom of the chest would, indeed, present an interesting exhibition to the federal Quidnunes . When we speak of either party, we do not mean the great body of plain honest people upon each side . We only mean the factious and worthless ringleaders upon each side; and upon which of the two sides, they are the most generally, and the most completely worthless, we cannot pretend precisely to determine.
The Doctor was once upon the point of being brought to bed upon the floor of congress of—a speech ! When lo! the question was abruptly called for; the Doctor was disconcerted, and posterity, as well as the present age, were forever deprived of something which would have made an ample compensation for the mangled condition of Cicero and Demosthenes."
We had this last anecdote from Meriwether Jones. The present admonition will perhaps teach his friend the Doctor to— let sleeping dogs lie still . No person in this office was meddling with Walter Jones. On the contrary, Callender, by submitting to bear the imputation of a piece which he detested, put the Doctor under a serious obligation to him. The story was never, to the best of our recollection, hinted to a living soul, but general Mason, and that was four years ago, in terms of confidence. It is very like a gentleman, to be sure, to reproach a foreigner with the colloquial accent of his native country. And the Doctor himself is such a paragon of personal beauty , that nobody can wonder at his squeamishness upon that score. A miraculously enlightened brute ! This is the language of a man who, at the same instant, pretends to delicacy. As for the horrible corruption of political writers, we believe that there is just as much to be found among other people as among them. If there were no buyers , there could be no sellers . But, under the rose, the Doctor himself wished to become an author. His hard bound brains stunted him in the outset. He was one of those incumbents , that, in summer, 1799, hovered around the Examiner , and felt their incapacity of commanding attention. The contempt which Callender did sometimes betray, at the intrusion of their abortions, was perhaps one reason for their disliking him. But, undoubtedly, it was a crime, not to be forgiven, to attack any person bearing the illustrious name of JONES, and who had the honor of being a second or third cousin to the Doctor. We should be glad to hear what services have been performed, what sufferings have been endured in the cause of republicanism, by this man of dignity, who has all the qualifications of Theorists , excepting his sincerity, his boldness, his eloquence and his wit. Good, bad, or indifferent, when was ever Callender known to disown, or to flinch from one syllable which he printed? And if Giles, or any body else, told him scandalous fables, which they durst not support in a court of justice, we should be glad to hear the Doctor's opinion whether they or Callender deserve the most to be despised. While Giles bends under such ignominious, such pointed, such demonstrated accusations, while he and his adherents are compelled to pocket them, without risking one syllable of an answer, it is hardly conceivable that the next assembly will attempt to extinguish the character of the commonwealth by chusing such a man as governor.
It is proper that the world should become better acquainted with the Doctor, with that cowardly, that skulking scribbler, who shoots his arrows from behind a hedge, and, did not his stupidity prevent it, would wound unseem.

To many good republicans , as they call themselves, it will appear quite shocking to have attacked a man of the Doctor's standing. Once for all, we take leave to tell them, that this paper shall not be insulted with impunity by the proudest or most powerful man within the four sides of Virginia. We know ourselves to be as honest as the best of them, and much more so than some of them. And be they who they will, they may rest assured of getting blow for blow. A pretty sort of liberty and equality, forsooth! when a set of pure proud republican aristocrats are to ride on the top of it.
When the first article of June 23d. in defence of Dr. Read, appeared in this paper, if we had not known Meriwether Jones, it might have been expected that he would reprint it. He did not do so; but, without taking notice of it, he published a kind of squeaking insinuation , (for he frequently endeavours to hint , what he dares not affirm ) that it was the wish of Dr. Read that any thing concerning his case should be published in the Examiner . The reader will remember that, within memory , Dr. Read, or some person for him, was writing in the Virginia Gazette , in defence of Dr. Read, against what Jones had been previously writing in the Examiner ; and in the face of all this, Jones, in his paper, brags of his friendship with Dr. Read of sixteen years standing. Why does not Jones republish the defence of Dr. Read, which was printed by Mr. Davis?
We know not what Jones meant by saying that it was the wish of Dr. Read that every thing concerning his case should be printed in the Examiner . If so, Meriwether ought to have reprinted the defence, as published in the Recorder . But this transplantation might have injured the literary reputation of the Examiner ; for he has of late repeatedly informed the public that we cannot write ibree coherent sentences .
When the Recorder of June 23d was sent to Norfolk, Dr. Read expressed the utmost pleasure. He observed, that the only person possessing the justice or generosity to defend him, was a man, whose name he had long been in the habit of cursing . We never had any correspondence with the gentleman; nor ever so much as saw him. We were induced to undertake his defence by no other motive than an habitual attachment to truth and justice. Our former article was reprinted at Norfolk, by Messrs. Willet and O'Connor, so that the Doctor has, in more than one instance, met with that spirit and candour from strangers, which he would seek without success in one rotten branch of his own domestic connections.
THE Aurora of August 4th, contains a letter from William Duane addressed to James T. Callender . We have not seen a performance that more strikingly demonstrates a derangement in the peritextum of its author. The three last numbers of "The Recorder ," have each of them, attempted to defend this man's absolute destitution of probity, of consistency, and of shame. To these papers, we must for the present, refer the reader. This day's " Recorder " is principally engrossed in repelling personal attacks; and, in the course of that amusement, citizen Duane will find, that he has not been altogether forgotten.
In the 55th and 56th numbers of this paper, specific charges have been advanced against William Duane . He has been charged with repeatedly misquoting and misrepresenting "The Recorder ." He has been convicted of calumniating Timothy Pickering , in the face of the clearest evidence. He has been convicted of attempting to deceive the public, in June, 1800, in his pompous articles, under the title of PUBLIC PLUNDER . He has been charged home as an impostor, as a calumniator, as a self-convicted scoundrel. This language was harsh; but the facts upon which it was founded were strong. The report from the committee of investigation was quoted, not in garbled commas, but in complete sentences. The contradiction is incontestible. Strip of his mask, and mangled with the gashes of honest criticism, the felon stood forward to mankind, in his erect and proper attitude of infamy.
In this letter of August 4th, Duane acknowledges that he had received the 55th and 56th numbers of the Recorder . They present every excitement which can arouse a human being to vindication and revenge. Duane is directly charged as a receiver and publisher of stolen letters. He is informed, that, in England his accomplice, James Cheetham , would infallibly have been hanged. We farther observe, that "You might as well attempt to split the beak of a musketo, as attempt to split the difference between Duane and Choetham ." These accusations are extremely distinct. They may possibly be incorrect, but they cannot be condemned as equivocal.
To these charges, Duane has affixed the seal of authenticity. He confesses that he received the newspapers containing these charges; and yet, his letter of August 4th, avoids the most remote reference to the
charges against him. That he is a calumniator, and a liar, has been ascertained upon the authority of the report of the committee of investigation. That he has been an accomplice of theft is a fact recorded by himself, in his own newspaper. If Duane could have produced the vestige of an answer, to such blatant accusations, he would have done so. Upon that subject he is careful to preserve a profound silence. By the laws of England, if a criminal, when brought to the bar, refuses to plead, he has been carried out of court, and pressed to death. Duane is exactly in the situation of such a person. He has been dragged to the bar. The articles of his indictment have been published. He answers not a sentence, not a syllable about it. From the perusal of his column of impertinence, you are to rise without entertaining the slightest suspicion of the existence of the serious and severe charges that have been urged against him. This dastardly and guarded silence amounts to an explicit confession of his guilt. But indeed the man cannot deny that he has been the accomplice and the publisher of one of the blackest acts of theft that is conceivable. He must have begun his defence by burning the file of his Aurora ; for in that paper, his own personal attestation stands right over against any possible system of defence.
Duane begins his letter with a rhapsody concerning the extent of Callender's abilities , the composition of the " Political Progress of Britain ," and the benevolence of lord Gardenstone towards its author. Of these matters, as much has been said in the last " Recorder " as an American reader can have patience to peruse. But why does Duane fly from the substance, to snatch at the shadow? He knows that he has been irreconcilably convicted as a forger of extracts of letters. This fact we can prove in a court of justice.
Thus far we had wrote for last Wednesday's paper. We could not get one word of it inserted. Since writing the above, we have received the Auroras of the 5th, 6th and 7th of August. Duane does not offer any thing in defence of himself, or of his refuted charges against Pickering . Here follows a copy of Duane's letter of August 4th. He shall have an answer in next week's paper.
TO J. T. CALLENDER.
The public do not yet know you. I was one of those upon whom writings, attributed to you, imposed, until I had an opportunity of examining your understanding and character personally. Your writings have derived their celebrity from one work, the first part of the Political Progress of Great Britain ; but though you are certainly not destitute of talents, though you possess a considerable share of a particular kind of knowledge; you have obtained more credit as a writer, and more reputation as a man of information, than you are entitled to, as I trust will be shown before I have done with you.
It has been remarked by many that no production of yours has equalled the Political Progress for chality, arrangement, and force; the second part, and the various alterations which it underwent, and the various writings issued by you since, demonstrate the first number not to be legitimately yours. And this fact establishes beyond doubt, that you owed even the reputation you obtained to the patronage of him whom you afterwards attempted to betray.
The benevolence of lord Gardenstone raised you from extreme indigence. He saw in you, as he conceived, the rude materials of genius. He encouraged and sought to advance you in society. But how did you reward him?
The public, Callender , do not yet know you. You have not, however, obtained that reputation as a writer which you suppose; and you want, what no man who attempts to write for a free people should be destitute of—moral character.
The first act of your life was an attempt to destroy your benefactor, Gardenstone . You had the baseness to threaten him with an information for the share which he had in the Political Progress , in order to extort money from him. The last corresponds with the first acts of your notoriety.
It is with infinite reluctance that I am induced to take any notice of you. But there is a duty to the public, as well as to myself, which renders it excusable, though mortifying. There are certain conditions in which to touch is infection. It is not possible to approach your person without apprehension, and the ex-
amination of your character, leads to an unfavorable opinion of human nature.
No expectation is entertained of working a reformation in you. The fine nerves which communicate the generous emotions of innocence and delicacy to the village, have long ceased from their functions in you. Your frame, under the action of Alcohol , and your mind, sunk by the consciousness of depravity, have long been insensible to shame or self-respect.
From personal experience, I know that an attempt to render you service would be the surest means to provoke your malice. You are in this respect, though not singular in an age, yet much more remarkable than the common class of misanthropes. The letters which I shall, from time to time address to you, are calculated for a different purpose. They are intended to make you better known. There are only two modes of argument which can alter your conduct, without changing your character. One of these I tried on you, in this city, with success; and you afterwards became my panegyrist. You, no doubt, intended to pay me a compliment; while I despised you, and pitied myself, for having unintentionally, extorted your praise.
The other argument, I was once the means of preventing the use of on you. I relinquished a situation, that you might be put into it, not from any admiration of your merits, but to prevent your being bought by Liston , and leagued against the morals and the character of the American press with the object of your admiration, Porcupine .
Two numbers, the 55th and 56th of your paper, have been received by me, and these, with three others which have been shown me, form the whole of your original  Recorders which I have seen. I regret it, because they flatter my vanity, which you say is very great. Your papers teach me at least to think well of my early discernment of your general character. Every paper that has reached me, is a justification of the opinion which my understanding forced me to form in opposition to my pity for your infirmities.
How is your withholding 54 numbers of your papers from me to be accounted for; your avoiding the proposal of exchange usual between country papers, and those of the populous cities; your neglecting a paper, which, in the service you are engaged, must from necessity, become the particular object of your attack; why, after my application by letter as a subscriber and by exchange as a printer, did you so long withhold your paper, which contained repeated attacks on me, and on others, who, being no longer among the living, you knew would be defended by me. I can account for it—you, who could never acquire courage enough to look an honest man in the face, dreaded the castigation which you know I would inflict on you. Your coward heart trembled, while you postponed the evil to a distant day; you calculated upon a long period of time before the knowledge of your audacity should reach me, and bring down on you the exposition which you are conscious you merit. I have now taken you up, and I trust, before I lay you down, that you shall appear in your true colours, a worthy associate of those whose characters you have described, among the most infamous of mankind.
W. D.
From the VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
EXECUTIVE CUNNING, OF DIPLOMATIC DEXTERITY.
The prevailing party are well aware that the continuation of their power and influence depends altogether upon the continuation of the deception which brought them in. It is of great consequence that the governors of the different states should be of the right sort.
In Pennsylvania, the same person can be re-elected. Thomas M c Kean is the present governor. His powers are very great, and they are exercised to the utmost extent. He is of course a candidate for the election. He is obnoxious to
every federalist, and almost to every other man of decent manners. He is very disagreeable to many of the republicans. These two circumstances were about to produce an opposition from General Muhlenburg . This gentleman's popularity among the Germans; his personal respectability, and excellent private character, made him extremely formidable to M c Kean. There remained but a single alternative, and that was to get clear of general Muhlenburg . This it seems is accomplished by the president of the United States, by obtaining from Mr. George Latimer , the office of Collector of the port of Philadelphia, and giving the appointment to general Muhlenburg . There is no other person among the republicans from whom M c Kean has any thing to fear. The election will then depend upon the numbers which the opposite parties can count. Senator Ross , one of the persons who was selected by Duane, as a proper subject for Aurora lies, is M c Kean's opponent. If Mr. Ross's conduct and character are as fair, and will bear as good an investigation in all other things, as they have done in the case now alluded to, it is to be hoped that he may succeed.
The president has payed another part of the same tune in Virginia. The constitutional term of Mr. Monroe will expire in a few months. It is of great importance to get a successor to suit the views of the president. A year ago, it was thought that Mr. Giles could not be opposed by any body with the least prospect of success. The community were led astray by an ignis fatuus ; the people were deluded by designs, which they did not suspect, and were not prepared to expose. While Mr. Giles was a clamorous member of Congress, nothing extraordinary was feared from him. The probability of his being governor of this state has roused the dormant, the slumbering energies of honest and virtuous patriotism. Good men of both parties contemplate such an event with horror. They consider the respectability of the state upon the totter. In this general temper of discontent which is extended to every federalist, and takes in a great many of the other party, the name of Mr. John Page has been mentioned as a candidate. There is an universal sentiment in favor of Mr. Page's election. Such is the excellent and amiable deportment of this virtuous, candid, upright man, that his election would be a great step towards healing the disturbances which have been produced by the factious. Every man who wishes to see social harmony, instead of factious discord, looked to the election of Mr. Page with joy. But short and transitory has been this joy. The president has all at once discovered that Col. William Heth ought to be removed from his office of collector, and that Mr. Page ought to have it. If Mr. Page goes into that office, the president, no doubt, thinks that Mr. Giles is sure of being elected governor. It is not necessary at this place to say any thing concerning col. Heth , except that there is not the shadow of complaint against him.
People of Virginia! Members of Assembly! Awake, arise, or be forever fallen! Do you mean to tolerate and give countenance to such bare faced imposture? Do you mean to stand by and see the man whom you have delighted to honor, bartering away your best privileges, that he may perpetuate his own ill gotten power? Do you mean to see every thing which is valuable and desirable prostituted to the will, the humor, the ambition of a few intriguers? Do you mean to permit Mr. Jefferson to barter away the honors and advantages of his high office, to promote the particular interests of a few individuals? Do you mean to make William Branch Giles your chief magistrate? I answer involuntarily, surely this cannot, must not be. The power of Mr. Jefferson , considering the purposes to which it is used, is by far too great. To make Mr. Giles governor of Virginia, is in fact giving the office to Mr. Jefferson himself.
BUCKSKIN,

After the publication of the report of the investigating committee, we had intended to enter into an examination of the charges brought forward. The unjustifiable manner in which the committee proceeded, as well as their illiberal attempts to injure the reputation of characters whom their own report completely acquits of any corrupt or fraudulent conduct, of men who had so long and so faithfully served their country, have been already so fully exposed, that nothing more is necessary to be added. The letter of Mr. Stoddert, the debate in the House of Representatives, the writings of Decius, in the Gazette of the United States, and of the Virginian correspondent in the Recorder, leave little to be said on this subject; and has already turned the instrument which was intended for the destruction of their opponents, with ten fold force, against themselves. The persons whom they accused of misconduct have not only been completely acquitted by the public voice, but have received the greatest applause for their conduct. What shall we think of persons, whose accusations serve but to acquit the accused, and leave disgrace only on the accusers.
We shall republish the pieces of the Virginian correspondent, not for the purpose of exculpating those persons whom Giles and Nicholson, thus wantonly endeavoured to injure, but to shew the baseness of these committee men, and to keep alive the recollection of their misconduct.
From the same.
Callender, the editor of the Recorder, has of late attracted much public attention. His former abuse of the administration had excited the indignation and contempt of the federalists, and the moderate part of the Democrats. He has at length opened his eyes, and sees that he was the mere tool of a party, the stepping stone of ambition; that those whom he labored so hard to exalt, were but seeking their own aggrandizement, unmindful of the means, as they now are of the instrument of their present power. Callender has disclosed his connection with Jefferson, Madison, Giles, and some other conspicuous persons of that party. He has promised to give much more on this subject, and to make public the sources from whence he drew the materials of his Prospect Before Us , and other writings. On the faithfulness with which he discharges this duty to himself and the public, will in a great measure depend the estimation, in which he will hereafter be held. If he has been lured by their promises, and deceived by their misrepresentations, Mr. Jefferson and his friends will at least share, if not become the sole proprietors of the disgrace formerly attached to Callender. As for Mr. Jefferson, the fleeting popularity by which he was raised to the chair of state, is already fading from his view. The means by which he attained, and the manner in which he has since conducted himself in that elevated station, have made him an object of indignation and contempt to some, and of pity to others; his blooming laurels already begin to fade upon his brow, and he will soon be left a monument, of the inconsistency of popular favor. His party are already anxiously looking out for a successor. Col. Burr is an object of dread and hatred to the Virginia Democrats, and their satellites. It is well known, whom they would wish to run. That person has hitherto behaved with such cautious circumspection, as to remain almost undisturbed; but he stands on the brink of a dangerous precipice. His very respiration shakes the tottering foundation of his power. He must even recede with caution, but to advance would be certain destruction.
Callender has promised to give some information of Mr. Madison. His attacks in this quarter, will be more led than in any other. Jefferson has already passed his meridian. The elevation of the Secretary of State is yet undetermined. Every intervening cloud,
therefore, will not only obscure his lustre but retard his progress. It is most probable, attempts will be made to divert Callender from his purpose, either by bribes or threats. Time will determine whether he will yield to these, or persevere in the attempt to arrest his name from the reproach his former writings had thrown on it. If he is sincere, he will not long delay fulfilling his promise, and fully disclosing the evidence on which he founds his accusations against Jefferson, Madison, Giles, and others.
From Coleman's New-York Herald, and Evening Post.
Thursday August. 5.
JEFFERSON AND CALLENDER.
NO. 3.
With much earnestness the Citizen next asks--
"What service could the "Prospect," render to the election of Mr. Jefferson? None. It may be truly affirmed that the work was never read by twenty persons on this side the Potomac. It is a Herculean task to get through the first volume, as Callender calls it, consisting of 184 octavo pages only. So much rhapsody and unmeaning vulgarity was never before condensed in so small a compass. The very name of Callender, with all his vices and his filth, were sufficient to prevent his works from being read by those who knew him; and those who knew him not could not but perceive the writer in his works."
Could we at this time of day be surprised at any thing in the American Citizen, we should really be so to hear him seriously ask what service the "Prospect," could render to the election of Mr. Jefferson? Surely he is too well acquainted with the arts of an able editor not to know the powerful manner in which reiterated falsehood has contributed to the temporary depression of the best men in the country, and to the elevation of the present chief magistrate. Have not the United States resounded from one extreme to the other with the basest aspersions and the grossest lies, not only against the past administration, but against every conspicuous individual who approved its measures or espoused its interests? It may be emphatically said that Federalism has been lied out of power. And yet this editor who knows so well from his own experience the truth of these remarks, who has himself taken no small share in the honorable employments of the mock patriot of the day, now erects his brazen frons and insolently asks of what use was that "Prospect?" which he says is "mere rhapsody and vulgarity," and adds, that the very name of Callender, with all his vices and his filth were sufficient to prevent his works from being read. He seems not to have been aware that this species of reasoning would alike prove that, Duane and himself have been and are useless to the republican cause; that their daily slanders are without venom, because the names of the authors, covered as they are with infamy, will prevent their being read. The fallacy of this argument we too well know. There are persons who will not only read but believe what they see so often repeated in the corrupted columns of the Aurora and Citizen; and it is the knowledge of this fact, that urges those editors to a perseverance in the unprincipled propagation of whatever is deemed useful to "their party" as they call it, at the expence of every appearance of decency, and every regard to moral obligation. It is to this system, interwoven with the very existence of anti-federal faction that they owe their present success; a system which originally sprung from Mr. Jefferson himself, and has been ever since patronized by him. He was not displeased with Callender's "rhapsody, or vulgarity;" he was neither offended at his "vices," nor disgusted at his "filth." Overwhelmed with the philanthropy of the new school he embraced him as a brother, and cherished him as his best friend. His la-
bors were approved of and rewarded, not merely with a gracious smile, or the promise of future preferment, but the more solid recompence of money in hand ; a sort of recompence to which, if we are not greatly misinformed, the President is not very prone. But on this occasion, Fufidius broke through the churlish habits of his nature, and became at once a Mecænas. This was not all; Callender was then represented in the democratic prints as a persecuted patriot, who had with difficulty escaped martyrdom in his own country, and had come to "this distant and peaceful shore," in the hope of finding "an asylum for oppressed humanity." The arms of the Republicans were all thrown open to receive him. How indeed could they "refuse to the unhappy fugitive from distress, that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land?" No, tender-hearted creatures! they could not, they were then full of commiseration towards the unfortunate stranger, for they found his political opinions in unison with their own, and gladly enlisted him in their service. Mr. Callender was then a man of virtue, a man of principle, an accomplished and forcible writer; but now alas! how changed in the ranks of republicanism; no sooner does he shrink from going the whole length of their commands , no sooner does he seem inclined to appear in vindication of some much injured Federal characters , and relax from his labours in the vineyard of democracy, than he is assailed by his former friends and admirers with all the torrent of virulence and obloquy which they have been accustomed to pour upon their adversaries.
No more a tender love they seem to feel; The devils for them may eat him at a meal-- With all their faults; they now with bitter raving Cry "Off," we hold no fellowship with knowing.
Yes, the man who had just before been extolled for his patriotism and his talents, is now declared to have been always "restless and unprincipled," one on whom no reliance could EVER be placed." Why then was he not at once discountenanced, and discarded? Not so; it is easy to trace Callender from the office of the Aurora to the mansion of S. Thomson Mason, of Virginia; it is not forgotten that it was at the express instigation of our worthy president himself, he began his literary career in this country, by a republication of "The Political Progress of Great-Britain." It is too late therefore for the "Republican" presses to teem with abuse of Callender. The attempt now to hold him up in the eyes of the community as unworthy of credit comes with a very ill grace from the same persons who have availed themselves, as long as they could, of that very turpitude, of which they now accuse him. For admitting Callender to be as base as they would make him, it is not pretended that he has all at once become so; indeed, in the heat of their zeal they do not hesitate to say that he has always been worthless. It is not our business to determine whether the charge be just or not; it is sufficient for the purpose of shewing the vile, unprincipled inconsistency of Mr. Jefferson, his admirers and advocates, that they have cherished in their bosoms, as long as he was thought useful to them, a man whom they now say, in the unguarded moment of resentment, they knew to be the very " pestilence of morals ." These editors forget, that in thus attempting to fix villainy upon Callender, they confirm their own.
Let candid and reflecting men of correct minds pause and ponder over this conduct. It affords a lesson of solemn importance to our country, and ought not to be hastily dismissed. Can that cause be just and righteous which requires the aid of means which we have their word for it, are base and unprincipled? Can they be " honest ," who without scruple, resort to such means to acquire power; and can they be " faithful to the constitution ," who have by such contrivances got into their hands its administration? These are questions which every man is capable of answering for himself.
The strictures which are now publishing by Callender, merit, in a particular manner, the serious consideration of Americans. Whatever may be the estimation in which his private character and deportment is held, it is certain, that as a public writer, he is forcible and poignant. The jacobins will not pretend to deny this. While his pen was prostituted to the purposes of malevolence and detestation, he was followed by their admiration, and caressed by their favors. Nor is it material to the truth which he develops what were his inducements for relinquishing his former opinions. As long as the charges which he advances are supported by proofs, un-denied by the jacobins themselves, his writings will deserve and receive their proportionate credit.
In a recent number of his Recorder, he gives an additional fact to prove that Mr. Jefferson was pleased with, and encouraged, by contributions from his purse, the propagation of abuse and calumny on the late administration. Callender himself has received 124 dollars from Mr. Jefferson's own purse as the wages of sin. This he confesses himself, and who will venture to dispute his evidence in such a case?
This fact, in itself, is not of much moment: But when we connect with it, other circumstances of Mr. Jefferson's conduct, and with these contrast his meek and milky professions of conciliation, we experience the inadequacy of language to express our indignation and abhorrence! While in his exterior he is pretending to apply the balm to the lacerations of party, we find him instigating by the most powerful of all incentives, to new and more bloody wounds. His lips drop milk and honey, while his heart is wholly engrossed with a savage triumph over a fallen and insulted competitor.
The Southern democrats have of late got wonderfully deranged--they don't keep organized half so well as our Jacobins do here. Callender, one of the principal, having perhaps a little more discernment than the rest of the clan, has, from a conviction of the baseness of it, entirely deserted their cause; but says [ precious confession! ] he has been as great a rogue as any of them. The Knight of the Aurora, and Wood, author of the " History of the Administration of John Adams ," have widely differed in some little doctrinal points, such as breaking open private letters, exposing those on public subjects, &c. Altho' Duane can see no harm in stealing and breaking one open, yet he thinks it was unpardonable in Wood, to expose his letters to Col. Burr, which have in fact, furnished the principal materials for Wood's pamphlet; but this not being in favor with the Vice-President, Duane was concerned to let it out that he had the chief agency in it. Wood has therefore now probably forfeited his confidence. But it must be known to those of our readers who are not already acquainted with the circumstance, that these champions of truth, order and open dealing, these builders up and supporters of the present administration, are not one of them native Americans! Duane, who has openly abused the name of Washington, drew his first breath on the banks of the Seine, and formerly dug potatoes in Tipperary; Wood is a Caledonian adventurer, a fortune-hunter, and, probably oppressed by justice in his own country, has sought an asylum in this; Callender, who we believe, has rather the best claim to respectability, is also a Foreigner, and Cheetham spent the best part of his days over a hatter's block in London, where he was born. Yet such are the men who have come to teach Americans patriotism! and one of them (indirectly) receives a salary for his services, out of the United States purse, the strings of which are held by another foreigner, of two thousand dollars annually. O tempora! O mores!