Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-12-09 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1319.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
THE GOVERNOR'S LETTER, Addressed to the Legislature, at the commencement of December Session, 1806.
RICHMOND, December 1st, 1806.
SIR, NO object is more grand or pleasing, in the estimation of the philanthropist, than an assembly of the representatives of a free people, looking up to them as the fountain of all power and the depositary of the sovereignty of the country. History affords no proof of the existence of a system similar to our own, in any age or nation of antiquity, nor does it appear that such a plan ever formed a part of the speculations of their greatest sages; and if we turn our eyes to the present state of three quarters of the globe, we shall find nothing to console the friends of representative democracy. It is in the United States only, that we acknowledge the power, and bow to the sovereignty of the people, in the respect which we pay to their representatives. The General Assembly of Virginia, convened from every portion of its territory, bringing with them the wishes, the principles, and the intelligence of their constituents, the guardians of the public interests, and superintending every department of our political concerns, are approached, through you, with all the respect due to their character. It is the business of the Executive to attend to the faithful execution of the laws; it is right that they should render to the representatives of the people, an account of the manner in which they discharge that duty, and communicate to them such defects in the laws as may have been discovered in their operation; and although there is no express provision in our constitution authorising the Executive department to communicate its opinions on any measures of improvement, or promotive of the public welfare, I am well assured that such opinions, when imparted in the proper spirit, will always receive a due attention. Influenced by these impressions, I beg leave to make the following communication to the legislature.
The duties of the Executive imposed by the constitution or the general laws of the land, they trust, have been faithfully executed, but have not been diversified by any remarkable incident worthy of communication. They rejoice at the happiness of the people under the operation of equal laws provided by the wisdom of the Legislature for the protection of their liberties and property.
The public institutions in this city have been objects of the particular attention of the Executive. The manufactory of arms has been conducted, as heretofore, under the superintending vigilance and skill of the ingenious Major John Clarke, with a success equal to the most sanguine expectations of the friends of that useful and valuable establishment. A detailed report of its operations will be prepared as usual, by the superintendant, and will form the subject of a subsequent communication. At present I beg leave to observe that by the act of the fifth of February last, the sum of forty thousand dollars was appropriated for the expense of manufacturing arms, including officers' salaries, with an express restriction that the operations should be so conducted as to prevent the expenditure of a greater sum, and that it should not be lawful for the Auditor to issue warrants to a greater amount. It was manifest that to keep the institution in operation, and at the same time to keep within the limits of the appropriation, there would be a necessity for retrenching the expense of the establishment. Accordingly, those of the artificers were discharged whose services could be spared with the least injury, and every exertion was made to comply with the wishes of the Legislature, by keeping within the limits of the restriction imposed. But in an establishment so extensive as our Manufactory of Arms, it is impossible, on the first experiment, to foresee, with certainty, what particular systems of operation will keep the institution in motion for a given time, on a given sum—and it was found, some time in the month of October, that the expenses had already equalled the appropriation which the Executive were bound not to exceed. Thus situated, the proper course to be pursued, became an important object of anxious enquiry. To have permitted the establishment to remain idle, by discontinuing its operations until the meeting of the Assembly, would have been attended with the most serious inconvenience and injury. Waving the consideration of all other disadvantages of such a procedure, it will perhaps be sufficient to observe that the most of the Artificers had been induced, by the promise of employment, to come to Virginia from remote parts of the union, and in many instances there were actual contracts still in force between them and the Commonwealth. It was conceived that if we failed to furnish them with employment, by discontinuing the operations of the Manufactory of Arms, they would be absolved from their obligations to the public; and depending on employment for subsistence, they would have been compelled to seek it elsewhere, and to abandon the institution. They had been procured, after much trouble, with great difficulty and expense; they had arrived at great skill in their respective branches of business, and had become attached to the institution. Had they been compelled to abandon it, their loss could not have been supplied but at great expense and after a considerable lapse of time, during which this important establishment would have languished or remained idle. It was therefore conceived by the Executive to be their duty to retain the services of these valuable men, provided it could be done without a departure from the intentions of the Legislature, which they hold in too high respect ever knowingly to violate. It was communicated to them that the Artificers were willing to continue in the public employment in carrying on the operations of the Manufactory of Arms, although they knew that there was no law to provide for their payment, and that the Executive had no right to make any contract to compromit the public faith. They demanded no such contract, and if demanded, none would have been made. They were willing to throw themselves on the liberality of the Assembly, provided the Executive would permit them to proceed in their usual employment, and would promise to state the case and recommend them to the consideration of the Legislature. The Executive could not hesitate a moment to accede to these terms, and directed the operations to be carried on as usual, and such articles to be purchased by the Superintendent as should be absolutely necessary to the progress of the establishment, the persons of whom they were purchased agreeing to rest their claim for payment on the same footing with that of the claims of the Artificers. The Superintendent had also, a considerable time before, requested some merchants of this city, to procure a quantity of steel, files and flints, essentially necessary for the future use of the Manufactory of Arms, and although the merchants who had procured these articles had expected immediate payment, yet they also, consented to wait until it should be provided for by the Assembly. I now take much pleasure in most heartily recommending the claims of the Artificers to the early con-
sideration of the Legislature, as also the other claims above mentioned. I most solemnly assure the General Assembly that the course pursued by the Executive has not arisen from any wish to evade the law of the last session by expending on this object a larger sum than was appropriated—and it is hoped that their conduct will be approved when it is remembered that the subject is completely within the power of the Assembly, and that the expenses incurred since the last appropriation was exhausted, may justly be considered as forming items in the expenses of the new year; over the appropriations of which the Legislature have full control, and may enlarge or limit them at pleasure. If the present Legislature should pursue the same policy which influenced the last, in restraining the expenses of this establishment within certain limits, I have the pleasure to assure the General Assembly, that the experience of the last year will enable the Executive to continue the operations, and at the same time to keep within the bounds prescribed. But I beg to be indulged with some further observations, and to recommend to the fostering care of the Legislature, this noble institution, which arrests the attention of every stranger, extorts even from the European traveller the tribute of high admiration, and if put into the extensive operation of which it is capable, would ensure to us the all important object of placing in the hands of the whole of our militia, arms equal, if not superior to any in the world. The blessings which we enjoy under our free constitutions have been procured by the blood of our ancestors, and can never be too highly estimated. Do we not undervalue them when we remain without the means of defending them? The history of nations teaches the melancholy truth that justice and propriety of conduct towards others will afford but poor guards for our future safety. To be protected from insult, injury and invasion, we must depend on means, which, in the estimation of other nations, are more substantial. We must be able to repel force by force; and when inevitable necessity points to war, we must be prepared with the instruments of destruction. With this view the Legislature have erected at great expense, this noble establishment, in a situation the most eligible that can be conceived, and it is superintended by genius and skill that need not shrink from any comparison. I therefore most respectfully submit to the consideration of the Assembly, whether we ought not to avail ourselves of all the advantages of our situation, by putting this institution into full and extensive operation.
But while I recommend the fabrication of new arms, it is my duty to state to the Legislature, that of the arms heretofore distributed to the militia, there has been a loss and destruction truly alarming, which will no doubt attract the serious attention of the Assembly. I have not yet received official information sufficient to pronounce with certainty on the extent of this loss—should it be received before the close of the session, it shall certainly be communicated. The Assembly however may be assured that the actual loss is very great, and of those remaining, many are so damaged as to be unfit for service. Various applications, from different parts of the state, have been made to the Executive, to prescribe the mode of repairing these arms, and particularly to allow a portion of the militia fines to be applied to that object. But the Executive conceived they had no power to adopt measures more effectually, to prevent the loss of arms, and to provide for repairing them when damaged.
The Penitentiary establishment has demanded and received much of the attention of the executive. This institution, founded on benevolence, and on which the friends of humanity have dwelt with so much pleasure, has not yet been sufficiently long in operation to receive all the improvements which may be dictated by experience and observation. I have the pleasure to communicate, for the information of the General Assembly, a report from the keeper of the Penitentiary, exhibiting a statement of the number of convicts received in each year since the commencement of the establishment, and the crimes of which they have been convicted. It will be seen that of 233, the total number of convicts that have been sent there for punishment, 152 have been discharged, 5 have escaped, 14 have died, and that there are now 112 in confinement. It exhibits a result which must be pleasing to the friends of the institution, that the number of crimes has not increased since its establishment; and holds out the consoling hope that the introduction of all the amendments which may be suggested by the lights of experience, will occasion a diminution of the number of criminals, and that many of them may be restored to the community useful members of society. Early in the last spring the Executive appointed a committee of two of their own body, Alexander Stuart and William W. Hening, esquires, "to visit the Jail and Penitentiary House, and examine minutely into the manner in which the rules and regulations of the said jail are carried into effect, and also into any other matter which they might judge proper relative to the institution." These gentlemen made their report on the 12th of April, to which I invite the attention of the Legislature as exhibiting those causes which, in the opinion of the Executive, have contributed to render the system expensive to the Commonwealth, and in some respects, unequal to the sanguine expectations of its earlier admirers. One great cause is the "want of co-operation and attention on the part of some of the gentlemen appointed inspectors." "When it is considered that no measure of importance can be adopted by the keeper without the approbation of the acting inspectors," it is manifest "that the want of a regular attendance on their part must be attended with the most serious inconvenience." On this subject, permit me to observe that, the office of inspector is not only a very unpleasant one, but, if properly executed, will require much time and attention; and experience proves that we have no reason to hope for a more regular attendance of the inspectors; unless it shall be induced, or enforced by some other regulations to be adopted by the Legislature. Another cause mentioned in the report, is "the difficulty of enforcing obedience to the rules and regulations prescribed for the government of the convicts, from the necessity imposed by law, of calling in the aid of two inspectors and the Mayor of the city of Richmond, before any adequate punishment can be inflicted." On this subject, I speak more positively, because I speak from experience and actual observation. We have given to the system of mild treatment the fairest trial, and sad experience teaches us, that in many instances nothing but the most rigorous punishments allowed by the law, can restrain the ungovernable spirits of some of the convicts. To the friend of humanity and of the dignity of human nature, it is painful to be compelled to inflict corporal punishments. But, when no other will answer, and necessity requires them, the humanity which would forbear, is misplaced, and becomes injustice to the community.
Five convicts, who had been discharged from the penitentiary, have been returned for second offences, thereby manifesting that no change or reformation had been wrought upon them, by their previous confinement, and the discipline of the institution. I beg leave
to suggest that the 24th section of the act of 1796, which was intended by the Legislature to apply to such cases, and to inflict an increased punishment, is defective, and has never been carried into effect, because it prescribes no mode of legally ascertaining the former conviction of the same person. I submit for the consideration of the Assembly whether it be not advisable in such cases, to direct an investigation in the District Court of Richmond, where may be easily procured the records of the former conviction, and the evidence of the identity of the person.
There is one circumstance, in relation to this institution, which, I conceive, is highly worthy the attention of the Legislature. It is the frequency with which the most desperate and daring attempts are made by the convicts to effect their escape. These plans, although well conceived, and deeply laid, have not succeeded, in any instance, since your last session; but they have sometimes approached the very moment of execution before they have been discovered. Disappointment seemed not to discourage them; and it was at length found necessary to encase the detachment of the Public Guard stationed at the Penitentiary, and to require the constant presence, both day and night, of one of the commissioned officers. It has not since been found advisable to lessen the force stationed there, nor to dispense with the presence of the officer; so that although escapes are thus prevented, the object is accomplished at a vast expense to the community, and greatly to the public injury, by so weakening the Public Guard as to render it less competent to protect the public property in this city, for the preservation of which it was originally established. It is therefore respectfully submitted, whether sound policy does not require an increased severity of punishment for escapes, or attempts to escape.
On the training and disciplining the great body of the militia, so frequently the subject of communication to the Assembly, I forbear to make any observations; not because I deem the subject uninteresting, but because its importance at all times, and particularly in the present aspect of our foreign relations, is so obvious, that it is impossible any thing I could say could increase the impression already existing on the mind of every member of the Assembly. I beg leave, however, to remark, that the rules of discipline as established by Congress in their resolution of the 29th of March, 1779, and which, by the directions of the Assembly, have been distributed among the officers of the militia, have no relation to cavalry exercise or discipline; nor has any system of discipline ever been furnished the officers of cavalry for their information. Permit me to recommend to the consideration of the Assembly a small "Treatise on the new sword exercise for Cavalry," which is said to have been digested, partly from the Prussian and partly from the Hungarian exercise for hussars, and to be universally introduced into the armies of Europe; and is believed to contain the best system of cavalry exercise now extant. I am indebted for this treatise to Major John Clarke, the superintendent of the Manufactory of Arms, who included it to me in a very sensible and well written letter, with the patriotic wish that it might be published and circulated among the officers of cavalry, with the addition of engravings executed in the style of those in Steuben's discipline, exhibiting the horseman in all the various attitudes of performing the motions and evolutions described in the treatise. The Executive approved the plan, but determined, before its execution, to submit it for the consideration of the Assembly.
The increasing expense, with the increasing number of courts martial, arising from the latitude of construction given to certain parts of the militia law, is, I conceive, worthy the attention of the Legislature. Their interposition is the more necessary, because, the construction given to the law varies with different officers in different parts of the state, and even with different officers in the same neighborhood. By the 23d section of the militia law, passed in the session of 1803, it is directed that "any officer who may be guilty of disobedience, or other misbehavior, when on duty, or shall, at any time, be guilty of any conduct unbecoming the character of an officer, shall be put under arrest by his commanding officer, and tried as hereafter directed." Some officers have given a very broad construction to the general words of this section, and have not considered them restrained by any thing to be found in other parts of the same law. Their construction authorises and requires the arrest of officers, for acts which are mere violations of morality or law, in no manner relating to their official character or conduct; and it is believed, that in some cases, simple violations of the rules of decorum have been exhibited as the foundation of arrests. Other officers have given to this section a more limited construction, believing it to be restrained in its application, by the 27th section, which in prescribing the organization of courts martial, speaks of them as being "instituted for the trial of offences as they are to be viewed in a military light," and therefore, in the estimation of the advocates of the limited construction, precludes courts martial from enquiring into acts, which, although they may be violations of the laws of honor or morality, and even of the positive laws of the land, have no relation to the official conduct of the accused. I beg leave to represent that it is believed, the facility of procuring arrests, has in many instances been wantonly abused, to the vexation of individuals, and the injury of the public, and unless restrained, bids fair to absorb a very considerable proportion of the fund usually appropriated to the contingent expenses of government. On some occasions, courts martial have been erected into courts of chivalry, for the trial of nice points of honor, which although important to the parties, did not interest the community; while on others, it is believed they have been made

ments of private pique, resentment or malice, to wound feelings, and obscure for a time, the reputation of meritorious officers, by the exhibition of charges which frequently were groundless, or, if true, ought never to have been made the subjects of investigation before a military tribunal. I therefore invite the attention of the Legislature to this subject, and beg leave to submit whether it has not been necessary to define, with more precision, the offences for which an officer may be tried, and to require that the charges shall be supported by affidavit, before an arrest shall be ordered.
By the 14th section of the militia law, it is declared that every officer who shall be appointed to command any volunteer company, and shall fail to complete his quota within six months after receiving his commission, shall be discontinued at the discretion of the Executive, unless good cause be shewn to the contrary. But it very often happens that officers, after having completed their quotas, suffer their companies or troops to be reduced far below the legal standard, without making successful exertions to complete them again. It is not believed that the Executive have any power to discontinue officers thus situated, although the public interest might require it. Ought not the same policy which directs the discontinuance of an officer for failing to complete his quota in the first instance, also to direct such discontinuance when he permits his company to be reduced, and then fails to complete it again?
Our act of Assembly of the 28th of January, 1804, section 28, declares that in the trial of militia officers, the courts martial shall proceed according to the rules and articles of war as established by a resolution of Congress; and the 45th section of the same act, also provides that the militia, when called into actual service, shall be governed by the articles of war which govern the troops of the United States. But the act of Congress, of the last session, "for establishing rules and articles of war for the government of the armies of the United States," makes several important changes in the articles of War. It is therefore submitted whether our militia law ought not to be so amended, as to have reference to the articles of war as at present established.
Presuming it will be satisfactory to the Assembly, I transmit a list of slaves condemned to be executed, but by the humane provisions of our law, reprieved and sold by the Executive on condition of their being carried out of the United States. This document embraces every case that has occurred since the passage of the act of the 15th Jan. 1801, giving that power to the Executive. It is believed that the conditions of this law have, in some instances, been improperly evaded, by the purchasers of slaves, who, in compliance with the letter of the law, have carried them out of the United States, but, in total violation of its spirit, have there made sham sales of them to their agents, brought them immediately back into some of our sister states, and imposed them on their citizens. It is submitted whether the provisions of this law might not be so guarded as to prevent such improper practices.
By the act entitled "An act to reduce into one all acts and parts of acts relating to the appointment and duties of sheriffs, it is declared that if any person appointed as sheriff shall not, within two months after his appointment, give bond and security as required by law, the clerk of the court of such county, shall within one month transmit to the Governor, a certificate, of such neglect or failure, and on receiving such certificate, the Governor, with the advice of Council, is authorized and required to issue a commission to some other person nominated by the court, which commission shall supersede the former commission. The Executive have lately had occasion to act under this law, and although they were perfectly satisfied as to the cause of the failure, decided that the language of the law was so express, positive and mandatory as to leave them no discretion, but that they were absolutely bound to supersede the former commission. As this construction, which the Executive consider is the only one the law will bear, may operate to deprive meritorious magistrates of the only reward for their services, even where they may not have been guilty of any intentional neglect, it is submitted whether the law ought not to be so amended, or explained, as to authorize and require the Executive to issue a commission to some other person nominated by the court, unless good cause be shewn to the contrary.
In consequence of the death of the virtuous, the patriotic and venerable George Wythe, whose services will long be remembered by a grateful country, the office of Judge of the Chancery Court, for the Richmond District, became vacant. The Executive would have manifested a criminal inattention to the interests of the public, had they permitted this very important office to remain vacant until the meeting of the Legislature; and therefore, after allowing themselves sufficient time to look around for a suitable successor, the office was conferred on Creed Taylor, esq.... But this appointment depends, for confirmation, on the will of the Assembly.
The office of Brigadier General of the 13th Brigade has become vacant by the death of Brigadier General John Bowyer, and the office of Brigadier General of the 14th Brigade has become vacant by the resignation of Brigadier General Henry Young. I have also to announce that a vacancy has been occasioned in the Privy Council or Council of State, by the death of Lyne Shackleford, Esquire. It belongs to the General Assembly to fill these vacancies.
I have received from the Governor of Maryland, a resolution of the General Assembly of that state, proposing an amendment to the Federal Constitution, so as to authorize and empower the Congress of the United States to pass a law, whenever they may deem it expedient, to prevent the further importation of slaves from any of the West-India Islands, from the coast of Africa, or elsewhere, into the United States or any part thereof. I have also received from the Governor of Tennessee a resolution of the General Assembly of that state, proposing the same amendment to the Federal Constitution. I have the honor to lay them both before the General Assembly.
I transmit, herewith, the Auditor's statements of the taxes for the year 1805, including the different branches of the revenue, accompanied with an account of expenditures, together with a list of balances due from sheriffs and collectors to the first of October, 1806. In relation to this subject, there is one circumstance which I deem it my duty to bring to the view of the Assembly.... It is the fact, that as early as the fourth of April, the public treasury was so exhausted as not to afford the means of paying warrants drawn on it by virtue of legal appropriation. I now enclose a list of warrants amounting to 21,198 dollars, and 66 cents, presented at the treasury between the 4th of April, and the 16th of July, and which at the time of their being presented, the treasury could not discharge. It is also a notorious fact that many other warrants, the amount of which cannot be precisely ascertained, were held up & not presented on account of the known inability of the treasury to discharge them. I have thought it my duty to communicate these facts for the information of the Legislature; but I forbear to make any comment, because I conceive the important business of revenue belongs exclusively to the consideration of the representatives of the people.
It is also my duty to communicate that the fund "for the contingent expenses of government," the fund "for the expense of removing criminals to the Penitentiary, and their confinement therein, including officers salaries," the fund for the public services of District Court Clerks," and the fund "for payment of the expense incurred at the several Warehouses for the inspection of Tobacco," have been exhausted; and that several warrants drawn on each of those funds and now in circulation, cannot be paid until some further appropriations shall be made by the Legislature. I enclose a list of these warrants for the information of the Assembly.
Before I conclude this communication, I beg leave most respectfully to call the attention of the Legislature to the importance of schools for the more general diffusion of knowledge. I shall not speak of the influence of education on individual happiness, by enlarging the mind, extending our views and desires, opening new sources of enjoyment, and multiplying the means of gratification. I speak of its influence on the national character; and in this view it is, I humbly conceive, an object of great national concern. The history of other nations, the wisdom of whose policy has been directed to this important subject, bears the most indisputable evidence of its vast influence in promoting a spirit of industry, adventure and enterprize; in early implementing the principles of virtue, and more effectually preventing the commission of crimes than any other expedient that has ever been resorted to in any country. The liberal and humane policy of the Legislature of Virginia has erected at an expense of 135,000 dollars, a Jail and Penitentiary house for the confinement and punishment of criminals, and it is supported at an annual expense of about 6,587 dollars, exclusive of the sum of 28,714 dollars and 31 cents, paid for criminal prosecutions, and the sum of 3,686 dollars and 24 cents, paid for removing criminals to the Penitentiary.
The object of this policy is the prevention of crimes by the reformation of offenders, and by deterring others from their commission by the influence of example. Shall we expend so much money in the uncertain hope of preventing crimes by a system of punishment, and shall we give nothing to the establishment or support of a system of education, which would prevent them more effectually by inspiring a love of virtue and giving an early strength to its principles? Shall we expend so much in the efforts to reform malefactors, and shall we give nothing to encourage, to the virtuous poor, the facility of education; to draw forth, from obscurity and indigence, the exertion of the intellectual powers of those who might be useful, but are now lost to the community; or the still more splendid talents of others, who, but that "their lot" forbids, might become ornaments to their country, and "read their history in a nation's eyes." I hope it will not be inferred from these observations that I am inimical to the Penitentiary establishment. I admire it as an excellent system for the reformation of offenders. But I more admire a system for the general diffusion of knowledge, because it will more effectually prevent crimes, and produce other most substantial benefits. That it is essential to the preservation of a republican government, is a remark not less true than common. A people, once free, can never be enslaved, so long as they remain enlightened. With arms in the hands of a well regulated militia, they may defy invasion; and elevated by virtue, and inspired with the knowledge of their own rights and of the duties of their Representatives, they will have nothing to fear from the intrigues of faction or the designs of ambition; for "the voice of the people" will then be heard as "the voice of God." Our present situation is favorable, in the extreme, to the introduction of great and useful improvements. By the most happy organization, our foreign relations are entrusted to the Federal Government; and they are now under the guidance of an administration whose wisdom, virtue and unceasing solicitude for the public welfare, command all our confidence, and leave us at leisure to devote our attention to internal and domestic improvements.
The observations which I have thought it my duty to make, have been dictated by a regard to the interests of our country, and I beg leave to assure you that they are submitted with the profoundest respect for the General Assembly. There are several other subjects, which it will be my duty to lay before the Legislature, and which shall be embraced by a subsequent but early communication.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Sir, your most obed't servant, WILLIAM H. CABELL.
A. The Auditor's statements. B. Report of the Keeper of the Penitentiary. C. Report of the Executive Committee. D. List of Slaves condemned, and sold for transportation. E. List of Warrants not paid when presented to the Treasury. F. A new Treatise on Cavalry Exercise. G. Amendments to the Constitution, proposed by Maryland and Tennessee. H. General Young's resignation. I. List of Warrants drawn on certain funds which are exhausted.
CONGRESS.
SENATE.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 1.
Nineteen members being present, and forming a quorum of the Senate, the Vice President of the United States (Mr. Clinton) took the Chair.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, DECEMBER 1.
About noon the speaker took the chair. The Clerk having called over the names of the members, eighty-nine appeared to be present.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the legislature of the territory of Orleans, transmitting the credentials of Daniel Clarke, elected a delegate from that territory.
The credentials of William A. Burwell, elected a representative of the state of Virginia, in the place of Christopher Clarke, resigned, were read.
Whereupon Mr. Claake and Mr. Burwell, having been qualified to support the constitution of the United States, took their seats.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, Resolved, That a message be sent to the Senate, to inform them that a quorum of the House are assembled, and are ready to proceed to business.
A message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, their secretary, informing the House, that they had formed a quorum and were ready to proceed to business.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House came to the following resolution:
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed on the part of this House, to join with such committee, as may be appointed by the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States, and to inform him that a quorum of the two houses are assembled, and are ready to receive any communications he may be pleased to make.
Messrs Dawson & G. W. Campbell were appointed the committee. A message from the Senate was received stating that they had adopted a similar resolution, and had appointed Messrs. Mitchell and Stone, a Committee on their part.
Mr. Sloan laid on the table a resolution, so to alter the rules of the House that the standing committees shall in future be chosen by ballot, and that committees shall be called over by the speaker every Monday.
This motion, according to the rules of the House, was ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Elliot moved that the House should proceed to appoint its several standing committees.
The Speaker observed that while the motion made by Mr. Sloan was pending, he did not consider it in order to take up the motion last made.
On the suggestion of Mr. Alston that the object of the mover might be attained in a different way, Mr. Sloan withdrew for the present his motion.
Mr. Alston then moved that the standing committees should be appointed by ballot.
Mr. J. Clay moved to strike out the words "by ballot." This motion was supported by Mr. J. Clay—and opposed by Mr. Alston and Mr. Sloan.
The motion to strike out was carried—Ayes 44—Nones 42—when the motion to appoint the committees was agreed to.
On motion of Mr. J. Clay a resolution was adopted, directing the clerk to supply each member with the usual number of newspapers.
Mr. Dawson, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported that they had waited upon the President, and received for answer that he would make a communication to the two houses to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
Adjourned.
Thursday, Dec. 4.
The House proceeded to the choice of a chaplain. On the first ballot, Rev. Mr. Elliot, 52—Rev. Mr. Laurie, 50—scattering 2—no choice.
On the second ballot: Rev. Mr. Elliot 50; Rev. Mr. Laurie, 42; Mr. Sloan, 1.
Mr. J. Randolph, chairman of the committee to whom was referred the president's message of yesterday, reported a bill for suspending the non-importation act. It was twice read, and referred to the committee of the whole to-morrow.
Mr. Lewis observed that for several sessions the clerk's table had been loaded with papers relative to the erection of a bridge over the Potomac. A bill for that purpose had passed the house the last session, but owing to pressure of business or some other cause, was postponed in the senate. He would take the liberty of moving that the reports of the former committee and all the papers, be referred to a committee, to report by bill—carried—37 to 30, and a committee of five appointed.
MESSAGE.
From the President of the United States, recommending the suspension of the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise."
Referred to Messrs. John Randolph, Marion, Van Cortlandt, M'Creery, & Chandler.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America.
I have the satisfaction to inform you that the negotiation depending between the United States and the government of Great Britain, is proceeding in a spirit of friendship and accommodation which promises a result of mutual advantage. Delays indeed have taken place, occasioned by the long illness and subsequent death of the British minister charged with that duty. But the commissioners appointed by that government to resume the negotiation, have shewn every disposition to hasten its progress: it is however a work of time; as many arrangements are necessary to place our future harmony on stable grounds. In the mean time, we find, by the communications of our plenipotentiaries, that a temporary suspension of the act of the last session, prohibiting certain importations, would, as a mark of candid disposition on our part, and of confidence in the temper and views with which they have been met, have a happy effect on its course. A step so friendly will afford further evidence, that all our proceedings have flowed from views of justice and conciliation, and that we give them willingly that form which may best meet corresponding dispositions.
Add to this, that the same motives which produced the postponement of the act till the fifteenth of November last, are in favor of its further suspension: and as we have reason to hope that it may soon yield to arrangements of mutual consent and convenience, justice seems to require that the same measures may be dealt out to the few cases which may fall within its short course, as to all others preceding and following it. I cannot, therefore, but recommend the suspension of this act for a reasonable time, on considerations of justice, amity, and the public interests.
TH: JEFFERSON.
December 5th, 1806.
BOSTON, November 25.
Last night arrived ship Resolution, Brown, 15 days from Liverpool. London papers to Oct. 9th inclusive.
LONDON, Oct. 9.
RUPTURE OF THE NEGOTIATION.
MESSAGE TO THE MAYOR.
Lord Howick presents his compliments to the Lord Mayor, has the honor to transmit for the information of his lordship a so
py of a message just received from Deal.
Downing-Street, Oct. 8.
"Telegraph message from Deal 7 minutes past one, P. M. 8th of October, 1806—A messenger arrived—Lord Lauderdale quits Paris to-morrow—Clyde frigate ordered to attend."
(Signed) "JAMES SHAW, Mayor." "Mansion-house, half past 4, P. M."
The Courier says ministers must have been certain the negotiation had completely failed before they would have made a communication like the above.
Wherever the intelligence was spread, it was received with joy. On the exchange repeated hurrahs were given.
Fresh orders were issued to the British Naval commanders on the news that Lord Lauderdale was coming home.
Bonaparte left Paris September 25, and had arrived at Mentz. The French and Prussian armies were within a days march of each other. No declaration of war had been made. A French minister was still at Berlin.
The Prussians were advancing. On the 26th of September the embargo on vessels for Prussian ports was raised in England.
The British have appointed an envoy to adjust their differences with Prussia.—
It was reported the British had gained another victory in Italy.
The French frigates Minerva, Indefatigable, Glory, Aramide and President have been taken by the British.
Lord Percy had been elected for Westminster. Mr. Whitebread was appointed Secretary at War.
BOSTON, November 25.
INTERESTING.
SOME FURTHER PARTICULARS OF COL. BURR'S TREASON.
Various insinuations have appeared concerning the movements of Col. Burr. We have heard a statement from General Eaton, now in town, which he gave in a considerable circle, with no injunction of secrecy—28 follows:—
That early last winter, at the city of Washington, Col. Burr opened to him a project of revolutionizing the western country; separating it from the Union; establishing a monarchy there, of which he was to be the head; organizing a force on the Mississippi, and extending conquest to Mexico; and proposed to give him (Eaton) a distinguished military command. Eaton felt indignant at the proposition, considering it an insult to his honor; but tho' manifest resentment: and he suffered Burr to betray his whole scheme. Burr had the preceding season made a tour through the western country, had procured accurate charts of every important position on the waters of the Mississippi, and of the country extending to Mexico; had formed an intercourse with sundry influential foreigners in the Spanish territory, and together with some persons of influence on the Ohio and Mississippi, had fixed on a plan of operations.
Burr pointed to Eaton, the injury he had suffered from certain observations which had been made on the floor of the House of Representatives, concerning his operations in Africa, and from the delays of Government in adjusting his claims for expenditures on the coast. Here was an opportunity to indemnify himself. A separation of the union would certainly take place—and that country become independent of the Atlantic States. It was a right they inherited from constitution—and nature had situated them peculiarly for the enjoyment of it. The present moment favored the measure. There was no energy in the Government to be dreaded—and the divisions of political opinions throughout the country was a circumstance of which he should profit. There were very many enterprising men among us, who aspired to something beyond the dull pursuits of civil life, and who would volunteer in this project. And the vast territory which offered to adventurers, and the means of Mexico would bring strength to his standard from all quarters. He had no doubt but that inducement might be offered to the army to embark with him.—Double pay and double rations—a prospect of plunder and the ambition of achievement would do much with garrison soldiers. Eaton satisfied himself that Burr was resolute in the project and put himself on expedient to defeat his views without exposing facts. He accordingly waited on the President, and used the freedom to mention Mr. Burr as a suitable person to conduct our negotiations at London or Madrid. The President seemed to express an apprehension that the confidence was too high. Eaton thought that Burr, when put on his honor, would act with fidelity—his capacities were unquestionable—and signified that if he remained in this country he would become dangerous. The President did not understand this insinuation. Eaton expressed himself plainly that if Burr were not disposed of, we should within eighteen months, have an insurrection if not a revolution on the waters of the Mississippi. The President said "he had too much confidence in the information, integrity and attachment to the union of the people of that country, to admit an apprehension of the kind."—No further conversation was had here on the subject. But Eaton took leave, waited on two or three gentlemen of Congress, and detailed the whole plan of Burr. They all agreed that the fellow deserved hanging; but thought the project too chimerical, and Burr's circumstances too desperate to give it the merit of serious consideration. Eaton said nor heard no more of the affair till he was accidentally informed of Burr's movements on the Ohio, when he spoke publicly of the facts.
Within a few weeks, a letter was received by a young gentleman in Brimfield from his friend in Marietta, stating that Col. Burr had by his agents, contracted for the building at that place of 15 or 20 boats constructed for the navigation of those waters; and that he had offered commissions to sundry enterprising young men of that vicinity, for a secret expedition, which promised great advantages to that country.—As the foregoing statement was examined

by Gen. Eaton before it went to press, the public will now be relieved from their suspense on this subject.
A friend of General Eaton, on hearing this detail, asked him how Burr (in case he should extricate himself) would receive the exposure of those facts. He answered, "As he pleases—I never solicited Burr's friendship nor his confidence. He ought to have known me better than to suppose me ever sufficiently abject to become the instrument of his ambition. And he ought to have known himself better, than to flatter himself possessed of capacities to seduce me to an act of treason."
RALEIGH, (N.C.) December 1. On Thursday last, Nathaniel Alexander, Esq. was re-elected Governor of this State for the ensuing year, without opposition.
The balloting for a Senator of the United States, fixed for the same day, was postponed till Tuesday, and the names of Gen. H. Smith, Gen. Thomas Blount and John M. Binford are added to the nomination. The bill for establishing a Superior Court in every county in the State, after much debate on Friday passed a second reading in the House of Commons, 72 votes to 53. It will be in order for a second reading in the Senate this day. It is understood that house will be nearly equally divided upon it.
FROM THE AURORA.
THE CONSPIRACY. The proclamation of the executive of the United States, renders every sort of reserve on the part of the public papers friendly to the government no longer necessary—the matter is now established upon the clearest and most authentic foundation—the official authority and act of the chief magistrate.
Hitherto in this paper, we have preferred offering suggestions and hints by which the public mind would be gradually prepared for the actual unravelling of the plot of Mr. Burr and his associates, than to go forth at once with express declarations of facts of which we had information from persons of the most unquestionable character—and in the most solemn and authentic form.
The public now explicitly know that a conspiracy has actually existed. In our paper of yester we suggested; under the form of suppositions facts , a variety of facts which we knew to be true, and of some of which we have made communication long ago to the chief magistrate of the union.
We may now, with propriety, enter upon a more detailed investigation; and offer, without reserve, both the facts with which we are acquainted, and the obvious consequences and consequences of the designs which have been for nearly two years hatching.
The designs of Mr. Burr, we are credibly informed, arose from an application made to him to favor the seizure and occupation of the Yazoo territory, under colour of law, but by force and arms. To this project Mr. Burr objected not at first to pay much attention—it was considered as not of sufficient moment, nor affording adequate objects to tempt ambition, nor to reward such facilities as were best adapted for brilliant and hazardous enterprises; that the object could neither produce in advance the means for its own accomplishment, nor reward those who should engage in it but by the slow and precarious means of agricultural labor; that it was likely to meet national opposition, while it encrusted the hazard—that men who would lead, and by whose talents great enterprises are always conducted and prove successful, would not enter upon such a project alone, while lands were to be had so easily in the states and new territories, or in the new acquisitions of Louisiana, without any such hazards; but that under all considerations there were obstacles on the threshold which were insuperable, where there were it is presumed, men, arms, and money .
It was represented that from the eastern states a great number of men could be procured, that in the capital cities , there were many persons ready to advance money , and that other resources could be provided by means well understood—what these means are we may possibly be able to point out, & we know that the executive is fully apprised of certain means which were already put in operation and with apparent success.
We have heard very lately of 6,000 stand of arms, shipped from Baltimore, for that direction—but we have also heard of a stratagem by which it was intended under specious and apparently patriotic pretences, to arm the insurgents with the weapons of the general government , and from its arsenals. The reader will observe that in this article we have blended facts of which we possess the evidence , with other inductions from the facts, which concur with each other, and render the whole coherent and complete.
New suggestions that men and money could be procured, were the dawning rays of the conspiracy—and upon an assurance of these being forthcoming on demand , this great fabric which we are now to expose to the world's indignation was founded.
It was determined to search the receptacles of desperation and disappointment in every part of the union—and to seize upon every species of disaffection, discontent, avarice, and corruption, and from the mass to form the ingredients for establishing a new empire , and of this empire , he who was in the third party paper, the Morning Chronicle of the fall of 1805, pointed out as being a resemblance of Bonaparte , was to be chief.
The scheme of empire was more comprehensive, than any man not well informed can conceive—but it is demonstrable, that is, the editor of this paper can demonstrate beyond a shadow of doubt—and in spite of the most confirmed incredulity—that the design conceived and intended by Mr. Burr , extended to—
 1. The establishment of a despotic government on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico.  2. That Mr. Burr was to be the despot.  3. That from among his friends in the U. States were to be selected, the materials of new nobles—no doubt conservative senates and legions of honor!  4. That among his designs of empire were fundamentally pre-determined, a formidable, military and naval establishment, and that it was to be reared from the materials of the United States, combined with other foreign materials. 
establishment, and that it was to be reared from the materials of the United States, combined with other foreign materials.
 5. That, of course, the sea coast, on an extensive line, was to be seized and occupied.  6. That offers of honor and emolument were to be held forth for adventurers, and to every description of persons from all parts of the world. 
This vast and dazzling project was communicated to very few—but we know to whom it was communicated—we can prove it, if the great culprit should be brought to the bar of national justice. The readers of this paper know we have never hazarded a declaration of this nature, without assurance doubly sure : the executive of the union is fully possessed of the facts.
But as the extremes at which the rapacious & treasonable seizure of the Yazoo speculation is placed from the erection of a new empire, may shock the judgments of men who are either not accustomed to reflect, or who look to others to reflect for them, we shall endeavor to pursue the clue which unites these extremes, and therein reveal the intermediate members which unite and make them one.
In our cities there are, and ever will be in large opulent cities, a number of men of desperate circumstances—men reduced by extravagance—by gaming—by the failure of complex speculation—by bankruptcy—by foreign contaminations—by hostility to the government—by vicious and irregular habits— fit instruments for any daring enterprize , in which their despair may find a resource for hope or a termination.
These men are always easily known—where good fare and fair promises find a ready access and a firm hold—men with that kind of honor which is proverbial even among thieves, which unites and chastens and sanctifies as it were the approach and the co-operation in treason.
In the territories of the United States, the baleful spirit of inordinate speculation in lands —that rapacious spirit of accumulation of immense tracts of land, such as first infected the Roman patricians, and inflamed the Roman people to seek, by an agrarian law, the security of liberty against the all devouring influence of partial monopoly—such a spirit of speculating rapacity throughout the nation, has formed a mass of corruption in every state of the union, which menaces the safety of the nation, and pointed out to the great conspirator the resources from which he was to draw the fuel for that flame which Granger said would soon rise in the western country.
In the new settled countries of the United States there are hundreds of persons who hold lands for which they have not paid.
There are others who hold lands for which heavy state taxes are due.
There are others whose titles to lands are bad, and some precarious.
There are others who are discontented because they are not elevated to power or place in the general or state governments, whose booms engender discontent and are prepared for revolt.
To these men of every description the overtures of a specious and daring incendiary could never be mistaken or misapplied—Mr. Burr who has been a speculator upon the most comprehensive & always overdone scale , was better qualified, perhaps, than any man in the country to know and obtain the sympathy of such men .
He made a journey, last year to Kentucky in search of these materials.
His friend, Jonathan Dayton, was also in the western country.
The intrigues of the Spaniards, and the British, to dismember the western country, seventeen years ago, pointed out the ready means to ascertain the quantity of similar disaffection which yet existed.
In Tennessee, and in the Mississippi territory, the same means have been resorted to.
But it will be a natural suggestion to the reflecting man—How can the occupation of the Yazoo—and the separation of the Western country—and the riddance of state taxes, and the assurance of doubtful titles, be combined in one project?
The question is certainly reasonable—but the congruity is not the less in conformity with all the experience of mankind.
The personal object of Mr. Burr must be considered as the primary one. It is to be supposed that either his usurpation or his cunning would suffer him to unravel his whole scheme to many—perhaps not to a dozen persons.—We know that one man of celebrity he has proposed one species of project , the erection of a new government be-and the Ohio.
We also know, that to another gentleman much more distinguished and eminent in the eyes of the country, and the world, he suggested another project —which extended even so far as the seizure of Vera Cruz . Neither of them would listen to him with patience.
There is nothing incongruous in the two projects—nor in that of seizing the Yazoo as connected with them.
The only matter which Mr. Burr wanted was to collect the force—with the requisite stores, arms, and funds—and when collected, it would be too late for those who had embarked to become counsellors—they had flown in the face of their country—they had alienated themselves from its sacred laws and protection, and like every desperate and deluded banditti, the will and the caprice of their leader must from that moment be their law.
To the Yazoo therefore he held out the realization of their speculations—and behold they have not only deposited immense sums in the western country—but they have conveyed through British Canada, brass field pieces to be ready for a great occasion .
To the disaffected and disappointed few (for in Kentucky they are very few indeed) he held forth the temptation of a new and separate government—and the vast advantages to be derived to their trade by a disconnection from the Atlantic states.
To others who had views and speculations in Louisiana, he held out the name of Baton Brastrop's grant.
To others the idea of a new government comprehending East Mexico and Louisiana, under an emperor —which emperor he was to be!
The grand temptation in the first instance when the force was marshalled and the plot ripe, and to seduce all the deluded into an overt act, was seizure upon the treasures of Mexico—this was to be the prelude to all the subsequent political establishments—they were to plunder Mexico and build up cities and navies with the rapine.
Our readers may think this mere fancy—but that it is most solemnly the truth , such as we have it in the most sober and creditable form, we declare in the face of heaven—and the executive of the United States is already in possession of the evidence of the principal facts to which we allude, and upon which their development is founded.
To the foregoing sketch, we shall only subjoin a few remarks for the consideration of the people of the United States. In this conspiracy is to be found none but men of what has been called the third party , the adherents of Burr.
With this man Burr, is connected Dayton and other federalists.
From these men the late Spanish ambassador (or incendiary) Yrujo received the information of the secret proceedings of our government at the last session of congress.
With this Yrujo, Burr was secretly closeted for hours together when last in this city.
By the dispatches of this Yrujo (and they have been regularly sent at stated periods for several months) the Spanish troops on the frontier of Louisiana have been put in motion.
This plot was communicated to the court of Spain, and although a successor was nominated to Yrujo, he has after having agreed for his passage, been induced to stay, to see the project consummated.
We shall not offer a word upon the political connections of Burr in any part of the union—the public know them—and every honor that is due to the connection will certainly never be refused to them.
It is presumed however, that the Marquis Yrujo is at least entitled to another Bush Hill dinner from Dallas and Co. by way of proving beyond all doubt their very sincere attachment to the chief magistrate of the union.
VIRGINIA ARGUS. RICHMOND: TUESDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1806.
CITY ELECTION!
NOTICE is hereby given, that in virtue of a writ issued by the Speaker of the House of Delegates, the Freeholders of the city of Richmond are requested to convene themselves on Thursday next, at the court-house of the said city, and then and there to cause to be elected one fit and able person qualified according to law, to represent the said city in the General Assembly now sitting.
JOHN F. PRICE, Seng't. Richmond, 8th December, 1806.
J. H. FOUSNEE offers his services to the Freeholders of this city as their representative in the General Assembly, at the election which has been directed by the warrant of yesterday. Tuesday, 9th Dec. 1806.
WE are authorised to say that major GEORGE W. SMITH will be a candidate at the election to be held on Thursday next, for a member to represent this city in the present General Assembly, in the room of Lewis Harvie, Esq. appointed a member of the Privy Council.
TO THE PUBLIC. THE Legislature of Virginia having hitherto declined passing a law, subjecting lands to be sold under execution, it is time for the people to take the subject under consideration; and if it should appear to them that it would be conducive to the public good, instruct their representatives accordingly. I have ever been of opinion that such a law could be a benefit to the community, and in no respect injure the interest of individuals.
It has been urged by some, that it would have a tendency to create an accumulation of property, in the hands of individuals, favorable to the growth of aristocracy. If there be any reason to apprehend this mischief, the law ought not to pass; but I think there is not. The legislature could easily regulate the sale of land in such a manner as to do much for the creditor, and but little for the land speculator.
So long as the situation of things with us remain as they now are, and in fact have been, since the revolution, that class of people (the farmers) who it is said would be so materially injured by the passage of this law, have been great sufferers for the want of it. Virginia consumes more European goods than any other state in the union, and these goods are purchased principally on credit; now there is no position whatever clearer than this: that the seller will have a profit upon his goods, in proportion to the risk he runs in obtaining payment; and this risk being greatly increased by exempting lands from sale under execution, we may fairly conclude, we now pay a higher price for every article we purchase, than we should pay, if there existed a law to sell lands for debt. I have heard some of the most experienced importers say, that goods shipped to Virginia are charged on an average at 7 1-2 per cent. higher than those shipped to the northern ports, and that no other cause can be assigned for this extra charge, but a defect in our laws. I am of opinion that 7 1-2 per cent. extra, on the price of goodshipped to this state, is not an extravagant calculation, but for the sake of the argument, let us take a less sum. Let us suppose goods imported into Virginia pay 4 per cent. higher than those imported into the northern states. Four per cent. to the shipper, become 8 in the hands of the importer.
misdeemeanor of such magnitude has rarely occurred.
IMPORTANT.
Capt. Gilchrist, from Rotterdam, arrived at Boston, sailed on the 14th ult. Paris Papers to the 7th had been received.—It was understood, that the Negotiations with Great-Britain were broken off, & that Lord Lauderdale was to leave the French capital on the 13th.—No battle had taken place between the French and Prussians; but it had been agreed, that the Sovereigns of France, Prussia and Holland should have a conference on the 8th. War on the continent was however, confidently expected, as Russian troops were advancing rapidly to join those of Prussia. The markets were improving in Holland.
According to all accounts, nothing can exceed the enthusiasm with which the Prussian army is equated.—So general is the call for war at Berlin, and so much is the public mind incensed against the French, that the use of the French language which was generally spoken in the Prussian capital, has been suddenly discontinued. At a dinner given by the Queen of Prussia to the Officers of her regiment, her Majesty appeared in full uniform. The Prussian Army of Silesia, which has entered Saxony, is 30,000 strong.
FOR THE ARGUS.
ARMORY.
MR. PLEASANTS, THIS is an institution which met my warmest approbation at its commencement, and yet I think favorably of it, excepting that it has been planned upon a scale too large to be supported by an individual state, without incurring demands upon the citizens that would be oppressive, in order to carry it completely into effect.
I have seen the Governor's communication made a few days ago, to our now sitting Legislature, and must confess, that I regret to find that a large portion of these buildings cannot be used by the present resources of the state, and that in all probability, will be still less used, unless further demands upon the people are made in taxes, in order to have it effectually carried on. Whether this is a time or not to raise the taxes, must be left entirely to the deliberate wisdom of that honorable body—but if we were to judge from the complaints almost universally be- every part of the state, in my humble opinion there could never be a more unfavorable time for a measure of that kind. To suggest an expedient, therefore, cannot be deemed criminal, altho' it may be considered useless or improper; and to this end, let us suppose this most valuable building was disposed of to the union; let the compensation be in money—or let it be in arms to supply our militia; either in my opinion would be the same—and an institution intended for the best of purposes—situated too almost in the centre of the population of the union—in a country where materials can be had upon the best of terms—but built upon too large a scale to be carried into effect by an individual state, would be suitably used, and be equally beneficial to our neighbors and ourselves, and the money expended for the supply of arms to other parts of the Union, circulated among us. Some may be alarmed at giving into the hands of the General Government, an extensive armory—but why this jealousy? Could the two or three hundred workmen employed, injure us?—Will the giving a few acres of ground in the City of Richmond for an Armory, be more dangerous to the Commonwealth, than the giving of ground for a light house at Point Comfort, or a fort at Norfolk?—I think not, and upon fair grounds would be willing to sell my Hobby.
A CITIZEN. Richmond, Dec. 6 1806.
FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
TO THE PUBLIC.
ter, and perhaps 10 to the retailer. Ten per cent. upon all the goods consumed in Virginia, will amount, annually to a sum little short of three hundred thousand dollars, and the greater part of this enormous sum is paid by the farmers.
The commerce of Virginia, already very great, is daily increasing; and it is incumbent on the legislature to pass such laws as will facilitate that commerce, not only amongst our own citizens, but such as will place the credit of the state upon the highest footing abroad. In all the United States, credit is a substitute for capital; this is more particularly the case in Virginia; if any other state possesses a better credit than Virginia, that state has so much better capital; and since this capital depends in a great degree upon the municipal laws of each state, surely it is a subject which ought to engage the attention of the legislature. It really appears to me that from a defect in the laws of Virginia, the citizens pay an annual tax or tribute of nearly three hundred thousand dollars.
But, not only does good policy require the passage of this law: the sacred principles of justice also demand it. That greater injuries have not resulted from the want of it, reflects the highest honor on the citizen, but is certainly no apology for the legislature. A man may at any moment convert the whole of his personal estate into land, and compel his creditor to resort to a court of justice for his claim; after a course of law (none of the shortest) a judgment is obtained—an execution issues against the property of the debtor; the sheriff returns the execution unsatisfied for want of effects: and perhaps it is at the same time, known to every person in the neighborhood, that the debtor possesses a valuable real estate, purchased with the very property, for which this debt was contracted. It is impossible to reconcile this with any principle of justice with which I am acquainted.
A CITIZEN. LEWIS HARVIE, Esquire, of this City, was on Saturday last, elected by joint ballot of both Houses of the Legislature of this Commonwealth, a member of the Privy Council or Council of State, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of LYNN BRACKLEFORD, Esquire.
On the same day, Col. JOHN HUNGERFORD, of Westmoreland county, was elected a Brigadier-General of militia of this State, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of General Henry Young.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
Wednesday, December 3, 1806.
(Concluded)
Also, a petition from a number of the inhabitants of the county of Amherst, was presented and read, praying for a division of the said county;
Also, a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Bedford and Franklin counties, praying the passage of a law authorizing the removal of obstructions to the passage of fish in Staunton river;
Also, a petition from a number of the inhabitants of the counties of Monroe, Greenbrier, Botetourt, Giles, Montgomery, Kanawha and Mason, praying that the place of holding courts for the district composed of the said counties, may be removed from the Sweet Springs to the town of Lewisburg in Greenbrier county;
Also, a petition of Thomas Burchinal of Monongalia county, praying the passage of a law authorising the establishment of a town on his lands in the said county;
Ordered, that the said petitions be referred to the committee of propositions and grievances; that they do examine the matter thereof and report the same with their opinion thereupon to the house.
A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Augusta county, praying the legislature to pass a law, making compensation to William Britton for certain injuries sustained by a horse, his property, which was impressed for the purpose of assisting in bringing a convict to the penitentiary, and also praying a revision of the laws on the subject of impressments, and amendment of the same—Referred to the committee of claims.
A petition of John Lynch was presented and read, praying that certain lands of his adjoining the town of Lynchburg, may be included within the boundaries thereof, and further praying that he may be authorised to erect a toll bridge near the said town of Lynchburg across James river; which was ordered to be laid upon the table.
And then the house adjourned till to-morrow 12 o'clock.
Brockhurst Livingston, Esq. of New-York, has been appointed by the President an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, in place of Judge Patterson, deceased.
DIED. in Raleigh, on Tuesday evening the 27th ult. Mr. CHARLES STORY. Comedian—for some time attached to the Virginia Company.
THE GRAND LODGE of VIRGINIA met yesterday evening and adjourned until this evening 6 o'clock.
For the PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, see 4th page of this day's Argus.
To make room for the President's Message and the Governor's Letter, we have been compelled to omit a number of advertisements and the proceedings of the legislature, which shall be particularly attended to in our next.
And'w Stevenson
HAS REMOVED his Office to the large room immediately above Mr. Jacob Packer's Store, on the main street, and nearly opposite the Auction House of Taylor and Brown. Richmond, Dec. 6. 1806
MY SCHOOL , in Hanover, will commence the 20th of the first month (January); those who wish to engage with me are requested to make early application. BENJAMIN BATSON. 11th mo. 27th, 1806.

President's Message.
On Tuesday last, at 12 o'clock, the President of the United States communicated by M. Coles, his Secretary, the following Message to both Houses of Congress.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled.
It would have given me, fellow citizens, great satisfaction to announce, in the moment of your meeting, that the difficulties in our foreign relations, existing at the time of your last separation, had been amicably and justly terminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely to bring them to such a termination, by special missions, charged with such powers and instructions as, in the event of failure, could leave no imputation on either our moderation or forbearance. The delays which have since taken place in our negotiations with the British government, appear to have proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that during the course of the session I may be enabled to lay before you their final issue. What will be that of the negotiations for settling our differences with Spain, nothing which had taken place at the date of the last dispatches, enables me to pronounce. On the Western side of the Mississippi they advanced in considerable force and took post in the settlement of Bayou Pierre, on the Red river. This village was originally settled by France, was held by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only as a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed at the moment of re-delivery to France and the United States, that she continued a guard of half a dozen men, which had been stationed there. A proposition has been lately made by our commander in chief, to assume the Sabine river as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the two nations until the issue of our negotiations shall be known; this has been referred by the Spanish commandant to his superior, and in the mean time he has withdrawn his force to the Western side of the Sabine river. The correspondence on this subject, now communicated, will exhibit more particularly the state of things in that quarter.
The nature of that country requires indispensably that an unusual proportion of the force employed there should be cavalry, or mounted infantry. In order, therefore, that the commanding officer might be enabled to act with effect, I had authorised him to call on the governors of Orleans and Mississippi for a corps of five hundred volunteer cavalry. The temporary arrangement he has proposed may perhaps render this unnecessary. But I inform you with great pleasure of the promptitude with which the inhabitants of those territories have rendered their services in defence of their country. It has done honor to themselves, entitled them to the confidence of their fellow citizens in every part of the union, and must strengthen the general determination to protect them efficaciously under all circumstances which may occur.
Having received information that in another part of the U.S. a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary by proclamation as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action, in public as well as in private transactions; it was due to good order and regular government, that, while the public force was acting strictly on the defensive, and merely to protect our citizens from aggression, the criminal attempts of private individuals to decide for their country, the question of peace or war, by commencing active and unauthorised hostilities, should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.
Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force, will depend on the result of our negotiations with Spain. But as it is uncertain when that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that and to meet any pressure, intervening in that quarter, will be a subject for your early consideration.
The possession of both banks of the Mississippi reducing to a single point the defence of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes highly necessary to provide, for that point, a more adequate security. Some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the arched vessels which may be stationed there for defence; and, in conjunction with them, to present an insuperable obstacle to any force, attempting to pass. The approaches to the city of New Orleans, from the eastern quarter also, will require to be examined, and more effectually guarded. For the internal support of the country, the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be worthy the consideration of the Legislature.
The gun boats, authorised by an act of the last session, are so advanced, that they will be ready for service in the ensuing spring. Circumstances permitted us to allow the time necessary for their more solid construction. As a much larger number will still be wanting to place our sea port towns and waters in that state of defence to which we are competent, and they entitled, a similar appropriation for a further provision of them is recommended for the ensuing year.
A further appropriation will also be necessary for repairing fortifications already established, and the erection of such other works as may have real effect in obstructing the approach of an enemy to our sea port towns, or their remaining before them.
In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people, directly expressed by their free suffrages, where the principal executive functions and those of the legislature are renewed by them at short periods, where under the character of jurors, they exercise in person, the great
test portion of the judiciary powers, where the laws are consequently so formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and favor on all, restraining no man in the pursuit of honest industry, and securing to every one the property which that acquires, it would not be supposed that any safeguards could be needed against insurrection or enterprise on the public peace or authority. The laws however, aware that these should not be trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishment for these crimes when committed. But would it not be salutary to give also the means of preventing their commission? Where an enterprise is meditated by private individuals against a foreign nation, in amity with the U.S. powers of prevention to a certain extent, are given by the laws. Would they not be as reasonable and useful where the enterprise preparing is against the U.S.? While adhering to this branch of law, it is proper to observe that in enterprises meditated against foreign nations, the ordinary process of binding to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it be extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction of the U.S. would be effectual in some cases, where the offender is able to keep out of sight every indication of his purpose, which could draw on him the exercise of the powers now given by law.
The states of the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present to respect our peace and friendship. With Tunis alone some uncertainty remains. Persuaded that it is our interest to maintain our peace with them on equal terms, or not at all, I propose to send in due time a reinforcement into the Mediterranean; unless previous information shall show it to be unnecessary.
We continue to receive proofs of the growing attachment of our Indian neighbors, and of their disposition to place their interests under the patronage of the United States. These dispositions are inspired by their confidence in our justice, and in the sincere concern we feel for their welfare. And as long as we discharge these high and honorable functions with the integrity and good faith which alone can entitle us to their continuance, we may expect to reap the just reward in their peace and friendship.
The expeditions of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, for exploring the river Missouri, and the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean, has had all the success which could have been expected. They have traced the Missouri nearly to its source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific Ocean, ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication across our continent, learnt the character of the country, of its commerce and inhabitants; and it is but justice to say that Messrs. Lewis and Clarke and their brave companions, have by this arduous service deserved well of their country.
The attempt to explore the Red River under the direction of Mr. Freeman, conducted with a zeal and prudence meriting entire approbation, has not been equally successful. After proceeding up it about six hundred miles, nearly as far as the French settlements had extended while the country was in their possession, our geographers were obliged to return without completing their work.
Very useful additions have also been made to our knowledge of the Mississippi, by lieutenant Pike, who has ascended it to its source, and whose journal and map, giving the details of his journey, will shortly be ready for communication to both houses of congress. Those of Messrs. Lewis, Clarke and Freeman, will require further time to be digested and prepared. These important surveys, in addition to those before possessed, furnish materials for commencing an accurate map of the Mississippi, and its western waters. Some principal rivers however, remain still to be explored, towards which the authorisation of congress by moderate appropriations, will be requisite.
I congratulate you, fellow citizens, on the approach of the period, at which you may interpose your authority constitutionally, to withdraw the citizens of the United States, from all further participation in those violations of human rights, which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best interests of our country, have long been eager to proscribe. Although no law you may pass can take prohibitory effect till the first day of the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, yet the intervening period is not too long to prevent, by timely notice, expeditions which cannot be completed before that day.
The receipts at the treasury during the year ending on the 30th day of September last, have amounted to near fifteen millions of dollars, which have enabled us after meeting the current demands, to pay two millions seven hundred thousand dollars of the American claims, in part of the price of Louisiana; to pay of the funded debt upwards of three millions of principal and nearly four of interest, and in addition to reimburse in the course of the present month, near two millions of five and an half per cent. stock. These payments and reimbursements of the funded debt, with those which had been made in the four years and an half preceding, will at the close of the present year have extinguished upwards of twenty-three millions of principal.
The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease by law at the end of the present session; considering however, that they are levied chiefly on luxuries, & that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which otherwise is so important, I recommend to your consideration the suppression of the duties on salt, and the continuation of the Mediterranean fund, instead thereof, for a short time; after which that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation. When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished, there will still, ere long, be an accumulation of monies in the treasury beyond the instalments of public debt which we are permitted by contract to pay. They cannot then without a modification assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt and the complete liberation of our revenue, the most desirable of all objects. Nor, if our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing
purpose. The question therefore now comes forward, to what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated? and the whole surplus of impost after the entire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures. On a few articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression, in due season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid, are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance, and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement, as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers.
By these operations, new channels of communication will be opened between the states; the lines of separation will disappear, their interests will be identified, and their union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal; but a public institution can alone supply those sciences, which though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation. The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because, if approved, by the time the state legislatures shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed, and other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand, and without employment. I suppose an amendment of the constitution, by consent of the states, necessary; because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the constitution, and to which it permits the public monies to be applied.
The present consideration of a national establishment for education particularly, is rendered proper by this circumstance also, that, if Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it, with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage of being independent on war, which may suspend other improvements by requiring for its own purposes the resources destined for them.
This, fellow citizens, is the state of the public interests, at the present moment, and according to the information now possessed. But such is the situation of the nations of Europe, and such too the predicament in which we stand with some of them, that we cannot rely with certainty on the present aspect of our affairs, that may change from moment to moment, during the course of your session, or after you shall have separated. Our duty is therefore to act upon the things as they are and to make a reasonable provision for whatever they may be. Were armies to be raised whenever a speck of war is visible in our horizon, we never should have been without them. Our resources would have been exhausted on dangers which have never happened, instead of being reserved for what is really to take place. A steady, perhaps a quickened pace, in preparations for the defence of our sea-port towns and waters, an early settlement of the most exposed and vulnerable parts of our country, a militia so organized that its effective portions can be called to any point in the union, or volunteers instead of them, to serve a sufficient time, are means which may always be ready, yet never praying on our resources until actually called into use. They will maintain the public interests, while a more permanent force shall be in course of preparation. But much will depend on the promptitude with which these means can be brought into activity. If war be forced upon us, in spite of our long and vain appeals to the justice of nations, repud and vigorous movements, in its outset, will go far towards securing us in its course and issue, and towards throwing its burthens on those who render necessary the resort from reason to force.
The result of our negotiations, on such incidents in their course as may enable us to infer their probable issue; such further movements also on our western frontier may show whether war is to be pressed elsewhere, while negotiation is protracted elsewhere, shall be communicated to you from time to time, as they become known to me; with whatsoever other information I possess or may receive, which may aid your deliberations on the great national interests committed to your charge.
TH: JEFFERSON. Dec. 2. 1806.
GREAT BARGAIN in two hundred and fourteen acres of Chickahominy Rich low Grounds,
near Mr. Kid's mill, Hanover county; part of it in corn to the Main run, some of the meadow ground cleared—There is on it an Apple orchard, Frame house, Kitchen, Corn house, &c. Also 120 acres of good land, 20 of it Chickahominy low grounds, adjoining Col. Seiden's land, with a good mill seat on it, in Henrico county. Also 30 or 50 feet of ground on the cross street leading from the main street to the Basin. Also a house to suit a family, near the Bank. The above I will dispose of for part cash in hand and the balance in two annual payments.
JAMES TERNAN. December 1st, 1806.
NOTICE.
THE price of TUCKER'S BLACK-STONE after the first of January, 1807, will be twenty two dollars and fifty cents. The subscribers to that work who have not yet taken their copies will not after that time be entitled to the subscription terms. Philadelphia, July, 1806. 1st Jan
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to me on the 27th September, 1805, by Fleming Gaye, to secure a debt due John Gilliam, & Co. by him. I shall on the premises, on Friday the 9th January next, proceed to sell, for ready money, to the highest bidder, the TRACT OF LAND on which the said Gaye resides, with a negro woman named Nancy, and her three children, Ann, Harriett and Sally, or as much of the said property as will comply with the purposes of the deed, reserving that part of the said Land conditionally released to J. Higginbotham, & Co.
J. MICHAUX, Trustee. Cumberland, 10th November, 1806. w7t*
Powhatan county court, October 16th, 1806.
Alexander Marshall, executor & heir, or devisee of Mary Mary Marshall, deceased, Plaintiff. AGAINST Josiah Thompson, executor of Josiah Thompson, deceased, who was administrator of Patience Thompson, deceased, and Thomas Watkins, Defendants.
THIS day came the plaintiff by John Lane, esquire, his attorney, and the defendant Josiah Thompson not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this state; therefore, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney aforesaid, It is ordered, that the said defendant Josiah Thompson, appear here on the third Wednesday in February next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county for two successive court days.
A copy—Teste, JAMES POINDEXTER, CLK.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald Foster, for the purpose of securing a debt due Abel Jackson;
WILL BE SOLD,
On Monday the 22d December next, to the highest bidder, for cash, on the premises, a
Tract of Land,
In Amelia county, containing by estimation 24 1-2 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Daniel Walthall, Senr. and Zucr. Morris, Senr.
JOHN H. CRADDOCK, Trustee. 29th November, 1806. w3t*
GREENHOW & COLE,
MERCHANTS in Williamsburg, most respectfully inform their friends and countrymen, that by the ships Father and Sons from London; the Laura and the Juno, from Liverpool; they have received a select, and well chosen assortment of useful, and fashionable
GOODS;
Particularly adapted to the demands of the times—They are purchased with ready money, from the manufacturers themselves, with whom Robert Greenhow has long been in the habit of dealing, and whose custom to preserve, they have manifested particular solicitude. Being thus obtained good in their respective kinds, and on the very best terms; they will be sold as low as possible for cash, and at their usual credit, to punctual customers. October 10th, 1806. 2m
Land for Sale.
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 9th of January next, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, at the house of Mr. John Swinny, adjoining the premises, the LANDS belonging to HAMPDEN SYDNEY COLLEGE, which lie in the upper end of Prince Edward county. The said lands are situated on the South and North Forks of Appomattox river, near where the Buckingham road crosses the river, and are very convenient to some of the James River Inspections, being within fifteen miles of that creek. There are by a late survey between twelve and thirteen hundred acres, and may be conveniently laid off into four different tracts to suit purchasers. The whole of this land lies remarkably well, is of fine quality, and highly recommended to purchasers, as well worthy of their notice. The sale will be on one, two and three years credit, the purchasers to give bonds with good security, to carry interest from their dates. Those inclined to purchase, will have an opportunity of viewing the land by applying to Mr. Nathan Scraggs, living thereon, or Mr. John Swinny. By order of the Trustees. James Morton. Charles Scott. William M. Watkins. Isaac Read. November, 25th, 1806. wtds.
THE PARTNERSHIP OF Macmurdo & Fisher,
WILL terminate with the 31st day of December next. The affairs of the company, after that period, will remain in the hands of Charles J. Macmurdo for settlement. CHARLES J. MACMURDO. GEORGE FISHER. Richmond, Nov. 14, 1806. t1Jan*.
A BARGAIN MAY BE HAD IN A Chariot, Harness and Pair of Excellent Horses.
Enquire of the printer. Richmond, August 2, 1806. tf
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w
NOTICE.
WILL terminate with the 31st day of December next. The affairs of the company, after that period, will remain in the hands of Charles J. Macmurdo for settlement. CHARLES J. MACMURDO. GEORGE FISHER. Richmond, Nov. 14, 1806. t1Jan*.
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Edward Lewis, of Buckingham county, to George S. Hare, of said county, and John Erwin, of Pendleton county, to secure the payment of four hundred dollars, due from said Lewis to Thomas Peabody, of Fayette county, and state of Kentucky, will be SOLD, on the tenth day of January next, in the town of Duiguidsville, Buckingham county,
One Negro Man
Named Charles, the property of said Lewis, is, to satisfy the said debt. The sale will begin at 10 o'clock in the forenoon—due attendance will be given by JOHN ERWIN, One of the trustees. Nov. 9th, 1806. 3w||
FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the county court of Albemarle, made in the case of Micajah Chiles' executors against Menah Mills, WILL BE SOLD FOR CASH, on the premises, on Friday the 19th day of December, 1806,
A Tract of Land,
Lying in the county of Albemarle, situated about 11 or 12 miles above the town of Charlottesville, and about two or three from the late dwelling of Richard Woods, and on the road leading from Charlottesville to Amherst courthouse, in a healthy neighborhood, and is well calculated for a Farm. Also by virtue of the same decree, will be sold for cash on the premises, on Saturday the 20th day of December 1806, A LOT OF GROUND with the improvements thereon, in the town of Charlottesville, being the Lot formerly the property and dwelling of the late Micajah Chiles, deceased—the improvements consist of a Dwelling-House two story high, three or four rooms below stairs, and several rooms on the second story; on this lot is also an Office-House, Stable, and several other convenient out-houses. Martin Dawson, Charles Yancey, David I. Lewis, Alex. Garrett, Commissioners. Richmond, Nov. 24th 1806. tds w4t
THE Subscriber informs his friends, and the public in general, that he has taken the house commonly called the City Tavern, where he flatters himself that from the accommodation and attention that will be paid to those that may favor him with their patronage, and the moderate charges that he will exact from them; that they will be as agreeably satisfied. N. WHITE. November, 24, 1806. 4w
N. B. I have accommodations for eight or ten members of the Assembly, with their horses on the lowest terms. N. W.
WILL BE SOLD,
TO the highest bidder, for ready money, at John Anderson's tavern, in the town of New-Canton, on Thursday the 18th December next,
One Negro Woman
Named Aggy, made over to us in trust, to secure the payment of a debt due from Charles Matthews to Walter Irvine. Samuel Bransford, John Irvine, Trustees. New-Canton, Nov. 17th, 1806. 3w Walter Irvine.
ALSO, at the same time and place, a likely NEGRO LAD, about 17 or 18 years of age, for Cash.
Walter Irvine.
Richmond Old School.
THE subscribers take the liberty to inform their friends, and the public generally, that their School will be continued the ensuing year, and will be open for the reception of Pupils, on Monday the fifth of January, at their School room, on the back-street, near the Court-house and immediately below Col. Adams'. Terms of Tuition, for Reading, Writing, &c. 65 per ann. Reading and Writing, with Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography, or any one of the last mentioned branches of education 65 per ann. to be paid quarterly, and one dollar entrance with each Scholar, to defray the expense of fuel. Hours of attendance as usual, and until eleven o'clock on Saturdays for the Grammar and Geography classes. Eliza Richardson. William Richardson, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 1st, 1806. t1Jan
ANDREW JAMIESON'S Alexandria Crackers.
NOW landing, a consignment by Mr. Jamieson, direct from the Bakery of his "far famed excellent CRACKERS," in barrels, half barrels and kegs. Also Superfine
PILOT BREAD.
And for sale (at the bakery in Alexandria, and charges) at the store lately occupied by Messrs. Granberry and Hancock, by JAMES SMITH, Who has in store low priced Blue, sack list Cloth, and assorted FLANNELS, which he will sell a bargain. Also INFANT PIECE GOODS very cheap. Richmond, Dec. 1, 1806. tf
Negoce for Sale.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Stephen Smith to the subscriber for securing to William Hundley, the payment of sixty pounds, with interest, and charges of executing the said trust, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Union Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on the 13th day of next month (Dec.) three Negro Slaves, to wit, Suke, and her child Nelson, and a Girl named Suke, with the increase of the said Suke's born since the 1st day of January 1805, or so many of the said slaves as will be of value sufficient to pay and satisfy the debt, interest and charges aforesaid. WILLIAM POLLARD. Hanover, November 25, 1806. 3d
NOTICE.
THE Subscriber, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a good assortment of SADDLERY & HARNESS ARTICLES, in his line of business—likewise Good Skirting, Hog Skins, Bag and Upper Leather, Coach Glass 20 by 24, 22 by 20 and 20 by 18. JOHN MCENERY. Richmond, Nov. 12, 1806. 4w