Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-07-08 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No 1566]
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REPORT
OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC ROADS & CANALS, MADE IN PURSUANCE OF A RESOLUTION OF SENATE OF MARCH 2.
(Continued.)
INTERIOR CANALS.
Under this denomination will be included all the canals of which any knowledge has been obtained, and which are not immediately on the rivers opening communications with the western waters, or with those of St. Lawrence, altho' some of them may be considered as extending those communications to more remote sea ports. The documents from which the information is extracted will be found under the letters (C. C.)
I. MERRIMACK.
The navigation of that river, which rising in the state of New Hampshire, falls into the sea at Newburyport after a course of 130 miles, is interrupted by several falls. A canal called Blodget's canal has been opened around Asmawoske falls. Lower down, and about 40 miles from the sea, the Essex canal, 4 miles in length, and admitting boats drawing 3 feet and a half, will open a communication around the Patucket falls, effecting through 3 locks, a descent of 34 feet. From the lower extremity of the canal, the river is navigable to the head of the tide at Haverhill, although the fall be 45 feet within that distance. No particular account has been received of the capital expended; but it is believed that the work will be profitable to the undertakers.
The Middlesex canal, uniting the waters of that river with the harbor of Boston, is, however, the greatest work of the kind which has been completed in the United States.
That canal, 12 feet wide and 3 1-2 feet deep, draws its supply of water from Sudbury or Concord river, a branch of the Merrimack, and from the summit ground extends six miles with a descent of 28 feet to the Merrimack above the Patucket falls, and 22 miles with a descent of 167 feet to the tide water of the harbor of Boston. The descent to the Merrimack is effected by three, and that to tide water, by nineteen locks. They are all 90 feet long, 12 feet wide, of solid masonry and excellent workmanship.
In order to open that canal, it was necessary to dig in some places at the depth of 20 feet, to cut through ledges of rocks, to fill some valleys and morasses, and to throw several aqueducts across the intervening rivers. One of these across the river Shawshine is 260 feet long, and 22 feet above the river. All those obstacles have been overcome, and boats of 24 tons, 75 feet long and 11 feet wide, can navigate the canal. Those in most general use are of smaller dimensions, and are drawn by two horses at the rate of three miles an hour. A raft of one mile in length, and containing eight hundred tons of timber, has been drawn by two oxen, part of the way at the rate of one mile an hour. Common boats pass from one end of the canal to the other in 12 hours. The capital expended on the work is stated at 478,000 dollars, and the water rights and necessary land cost a further sum of 58,000 dollars. The total expense has exceeded 550,000 dollars—the tolls have never exceeded 17,000 dollars a year, but are increasing.
Several other canals have been contemplated in the state of Massachusetts, intended to unite the waters of Providence or Patucket river, with those of Charles river, which falls into the harbor of Boston, and of the river Connecticut. The grounds have been surveyed, but no particular description has been obtained, and the works have not yet been commenced.
II. SCHUYLKILL AND DELAWARE.
A company was incorporated several years ago by the state of Pennsylvania, for opening a canal from Norristown, on the river Schuylkill, to the tide water of the Delaware at Philadelphia. The distance is 16 miles, the fall 53 feet, and the canal deriving its water from the Schuylkill, would have been carried on a level to Philadelphia, and in its descent to the Delaware supplied the city with water, and the shipping with docks. The expense had been estimated at 353,000 dollars; the work was commenced, one third part of the digging effected, and a considerable sum expended. But, either from want of funds, or from an improper selection of the ground, or from other causes not fully understood, the undertaking, if not altogether abandoned, has been suspended for several years.
This canal was intended as the first link of an extensive western communication. The Schuylkill, from Norristown to Reading, 46 miles higher up the river, being
navigable a great portion of the year, was considered as the next link.
III. SCHUYLKILL AND SUSQUEHANNAH. Another company was incorporated, for the purpose of opening an inland navigation between Reading, on the Schuylkill, to Middletown, on the Susquehanna. Both towns are in the great Lime stone valley, beyond the Blue Ridge, and the distance is seventy miles. It had been at first supposed that it would be sufficient to cut a canal four miles in length, on the summit level between the two rivers; and thereby to unite the Tulpehocken which falls into the Schuylkill, with the Quitapahilla, a branch of the Swatara, which empties into the Susquehanna. But it was soon ascertained that the original plan of improving by a succession of dams the navigation of those small rivers was erroneous, and that it would be necessary to cut a canal the whole way.
The summit level is an elevation of 310 feet above the Schuylkill, and of 308 feet above the Susquehanna. Adjacent springs are considered sufficient for the upper locks; and the creeks would after a short descent afford an abundant supply. The proposed dimensions of the canal were a breadth of twenty feet at the bottom, and a depth of three feet and a half; and the expense was estimated at nearly 1,500,000 dollars.
The work was commenced: the canal has been cut the whole distance of four miles on the summit level; five locks made of brick have been constructed; land and water rights have been purchased, and a considerable capital has been expended. But although the state of Pennsylvania has permitted the company to raise 266,000 dollars by lottery, and is bound to pay them 350,000 dollars whenever the work shall have been completed, it remains suspended for want of funds.
The great lockage necessary for this canal, is the principal objection to that line of communication: and it has been suggested that a canal from Columbia, on the Susquehanna, to tide water or to the great Delaware and Chesapeake canal, would be much less expensive, and equally beneficial both to the interior country and to Philadelphia. This question, as many others suggested in this report, cannot be decided by any but practical and skillful engineers.
IV. ALBANY.
A company has been incorporated for opening a canal from the upper end of the falls of that river, which is the south branch of James river, to Petersburg, on the head of the tide. The distance is five miles, and the descent more than thirty feet to a basin, about sixty feet above the tide, in which the canal will terminate. The water is drawn from the river; and the canal sixteen feet wide, three deep, and admitting boats of six tons, is nearly completed. The capital already expended amounts to sixty thousand dollars. But the company owns thirty negroes, and suppose that their labor, and a further sum of ten thousand dollars, will be sufficient to build the locks, and to dig about half a mile which remains to be cut in order to open the communication between the river and the basin. This work which has been carried on with much zeal, and at a small expense, will open an important navigation of near a hundred miles.
(To be Continued.)
Extract from evidence of the British Orders, delivered before the English Parliament.
(Continued.)
Mr. Wm. Bell called in again.
Had you any occasion to know of or to effect an insurance here of any vessel from Virginia to any port in Sept. 1805? I rather think I had.
At what premium did you effect the insurance? At four guineas per cent. to any port in Europe, with liberty to call for orders.
In July, 1805, had you occasion to effect an insurance from Virginia to any market? I had.
At what premium? At five guineas per cent. to return two per cent. if she discharged in Great Britain, and one per cent. if at any port out of the Baltic, which came to the same thing.
In January, 1807, and after the Berlin decree, had you any occasion to effect an insurance from Virginia to Nantes or Bordeaux? On the 21st January, 1807.
At what premium? At four guineas per cent. to Bordeaux or Nantes, with liberty to call at the island of Rie for orders.
On the first of January, or early in January, 1808, from Virginia to Nantes, what was the premium? I paid fifteen guineas; but in about six days from that time, it would have cost, I believe about thirty; I think that was what they told me; and that same ship was warned from Falmouth, and is now discharging her cargo in the port of London.
What do you conceive to be the premium at this time from America to France, if a British clause were added, and cargo American? I do not imagine it could be done at any price, not at ninety per cent. provided you are determined to send the ship on.
Have you lately had any letters from your correspondents in Holland, containing information respecting the execution of the French decree in that country? On the 17th of Sept. I had a letter, dated the 7th of September, from our friends in Rotterdam, saying "We are able to assure you, the late decree does not affect Americans that may have called in England, provided they have
not loaded in England, and that they declare the last port they came from."
Have you had any letter subsequent to that from Holland? On the 22d of Sept. received on the 17th of Oct. I had one from the same house, saying, "we repeat, ships touching in England, are admitted here as before."
Have you any letter dated late in October? I have one dated Rotterdam, 29th of October, and saying, "prices mean time seem at their level, without some new difficulty or broils," if nothing new had occurred.
Suppose that the embargo in America were removed altogether, both as far as it respects the continent and as it affects this country, and suppose that in this case the orders in council were continued; would you resume your shipments? No, I should not.
For what reason would you not resume your shipments, since you could receive shipments from America here in such cases? I conceive I answered that question before; I have already stated that I do not conceive that this country consumes more than one third of American produce; I mean that the American produce consumed in this country does not amount in value to more than one third of the exports from this country to America; therefore I should certainly not execute that proportion, was that to be the case.
Do you conceive that you should ship the whole of that one-third, notwithstanding the continuance of the orders in council, and the prohibition of the exportation of manufactures in cotton to the continent? If it is to be supposed that America would submit to the orders in council, I should, if the thing was to remain as it does, in uncertainty, conceiving that it would lead to war, I certainly should ship nothing; supposing America to submit, I certainly should.
You did insurances in September, 1807, from America to the continent of Europe? I did.
Did you do no insurances in October or the month of November? I did but one, I think, in October, a further insurance on the Phoenix to Bordeaux; but from the general tenor of those letters I have received from Holland, I have no doubt, I could have done them on the same terms as in August.
Do you not know that in point of fact, a much higher premium was given in Oct. 1807? No, I do not know it.
Does it come within your knowledge, whether any American ships which had commenced their voyage prior to the orders in council, and had been warned to discontinue their voyage to a restricted port, had been warned to proceed to a port not within those restrictions? I have heard of ships which have been warned into British ports having proceeded, and 25 or 30 per cent. paid upon them.
Do you know what their vessels which have been warned not to proceed to ports included, have proceeded to a port not included, Sweden for instance? They have generally come to Great Britain, I believe; I understand that the notice which has been given is this, "You may go home or go to G. Britain;" that they have an option of returning or coming to G. Britain; I never heard of Sweden.
That they had no other option? So I understood.
Mr. Alexander White.
Did it happen to you in the month of January, 1807, to charter two American ships for Amsterdam? In Jan. one, and in March another.
Two American ships? With what were those ships laden? Chiefly cotton, produced by America and West-Indies.
Did you hear of the success of those voyages? Yes.
Did the ship arrive safe in Amsterdam? Yes.
Did they discharge and sell their cargoes? I know nothing of their sale, but I know of their discharge, and that the ships were paid for their labor.
Did you receive your commission as ship and insurance broker? Yes.
Do you recollect the premiums at which you insured? Yes, it was six guineas per cent. against all risks, I have the policy in my pocket.
Did you effect any other insurance during the same year on a similar voyage, on Americans sailing from this country to Amsterdam? Yes.
At what premium and times? None later than March, & at the same premium. Six guineas per cent? Yes.
Where did those ships, which cleared out from this country with the intention of sailing from Amsterdam, clear to nominally; what papers had they? That is a question I beg leave to decline answering.
At what rate could you effect a similar insurance at present, on the same voyage? In the month of Feb. last, I had occasion for two ships to go on similar voyages, and I tried to get an insurance done on their cargoes and ships for 30 guineas or 35 guineas, and I could not.
Do you mean that you attempted last Feb. to effect insurances on ships from this country to the continent with similar papers, and could not do it? Yes.
How much did you offer from this country? Thirty-five guineas.
And no one would underwrite? Some few, but not sufficient to make up a cargo.
Do you know of any means of getting English cargoes into the continent, pre-
vious to the orders in council, which have been cut off by the issuing of the orders in council? There have been means such as cannot be explained.
Can you, without specifying, what those means were which are now cut off by the orders in council, state the reason why they have been cut off? I must submit that question to this honorable house to determine.
Do the means to which you have alluded no longer exist? I conceive not.
What is the reason, in your opinion, why those means no longer exist of sending British goods from this country to the continent? The reason in my opinion is, because there is no longer any connection between the U. S. and the continent direct.
Prior to last Nov. do you know that American ships used to clear out regularly from this country to the continent, and there land their cargoes? Yes.
Do you know more particularly that in the months of Sept. and October, several American vessels went on those voyages and landed their cargoes? I was not immediately connected with any myself, therefore I cannot pretend to speak to that point.
Do you know that since the month of Nov. last, any American vessels have gone upon this voyage, with cargoes from this country for the continent? Not that I am particularly acquainted with.
Do you know of any American vessels, since Nov. last having touched at this country, discharged their cargoes, and gone in ballast to the continent? Yes.
But none with cargoes? None that I am particularly acquainted with.
Do you know that considerable quantities of West India produce have been taken in American vessels to the continent since the Berlin decree in the month of Nov. 1806? Yes.
Do you know of any such cargoes having been taken to the continent since the month of Nov. 1807? No.
Abraham Mann.
Did the French decrees of Nov. last, affect your shipments to America? They did not.
Was the reason of this that you could still receive remittances from the continent? Before the appearance of the orders in council, we considered that the course of our remittances was very little interrupted, therefore we had no objection to continue the general line of business, making shipments to America.
Have you made any spring shipments this year? We have made none.
On what account have you made none? On account of the orders in council conceiving that they may issue in a war between this country and the U. S. we have on that account abstained from making any shipments.
Is there any other way in which the orders in council prevent your shipments, in case they should not lead to a rupture? The consignment of American produce being made to the continent, from which we receive remittances.
The whole of your extensive trade is stopped up by the orders of council? Totally so far as respects our disposition to proceed.
I am also to understand you, that in so far as respects what has actually taken place, the shipments, for the spring season, being half your annual shipments, have been totally stopped by the orders in council? Totally so; for we have not made any spring shipments nor do we intend.
This is a matter of fact? Yes.
Previous to the 11th of November, was it pretty well known among mercantile men in the city that such a measure was intended? It was a general subject of conversation among persons concerned in the American trade.
Had they a definite knowledge of the nature of the orders in council? They appeared to be pretty much of the nature that was expected.
Do you recollect a current expression that you heard on change? Yes, I do recollect an expression I heard on change for some days that government had a rod in pickle for the Americans; which was considered as a harsh measure on their commerce.
Did you communicate to your correspondents in America this rumor you heard about the orders in council? Generally as postscripts to commercial letters.
Do you recollect the dates of those letters? Early in November, probably towards the middle of November, certainly before the orders in council appeared.
You say you suspended your shipments to America in consequence of the orders in council; had you no other reason for suspending those shipments but the orders in council? None whatever.
Had you heard of the embargo in America? We heard that as a matter of course.
Did not that operate with you to suspend your shipments? I viewed it as a precautionary measure of the Americans to keep their property from the ef-
fects of the English orders in council, believing that the Americans had an intimation that such orders were in contemplation on behalf of the British government.
Was the non-importation law in America no inducement to you to suspend your operations? Certainly in some small degree we considered it as a measure which carried with it some hostility, and therefore would curtail our shipments in some degree, but that would not altogether have induced us to relinquish our shipments, had not the retaliating measures of the British government taken effect.
Do you conclude that the embargo was in some measure owing to the orders in council? I have no doubt of it.
Is it your opinion, that the embargo in America was not a measure directed against France, or any measure taken by France, but solely against this country? I conceive against them both; that the Americans seeing their property exposed by the measures, which were taking place by the two great belligerents of Europe, month after month, and that the risks were becoming so imminent, took precautions to protect their property, as much against the French edicts as the English orders in council.
Did you not, before the month of February, hear of a decree of the French, called the Milan decree? Certainly.
Would that have had no share in preventing your expectation of the repeal of the American embargo? I conceive it would, but that measure was viewed as a measure consequent on the British orders in council.
Did you not know that in the month of August last, a great many American vessels were seized and embargoed in the ports of Holland and France? A great many were seized and condemned, but none that I heard of embargoed under what is called the Berlin decree.
Have you no conception that that proceeding on the part of France had influenced the American embargo? I conceive it was owing to what are termed by the Americans, aggressions proceeding from both France and England.
Do you know when the orders of council were printed so as to reach Cowes, from whence Mr. Monroe embarked? No, I do not; but the substance of them was in a paper supposed to be under the influence of government, I mean the Morning Post three weeks before; I think they afterwards in a measure retracted what they had stated, and said that they might have made a mistake.
Are you aware of the construction given by Mr. Regnier by order of the Emperor of France, of the Berlin decree? I am not.
Then you are not aware that that explanation is supposed to have been communicated to America by Mr. Armstrong, and to have had some considerable influence in determining on the measure of the embargo to be to protect themselves against both France and England.
In the course of your business, did you ever stop your shipments to America in consequence of the Berlin decree of 1806? We certainly did not go to the extent we had done before, conceiving that it might lead to difficulties with this country.
(Abraham Mann's evidence to be continued.)
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If according to the doctrine of Mr. William Spence, Great Britain can continue to flourish in wealth and prosperity from her internal resources, independent of commerce, we may prepare to pay the most profound homage to this mistress of the world. It is an alarming picture, and becomes more so, as we examine its most prominent feature of political morality, which frowns upon the most sacred principles of justice, whenever they impose the least restraint upon her wild career. As soon would we trust the mighty power of Jove, with a maniac, as to give to the British ministry, the destiny of the world. It is, however, consoling to the feelings of humanity, and the friends of neutrality, to know that these calculations exist in fancy more than in fact, in vanity more than in truth. It would indeed be a copious source of universal regret, if this bare atom in nature's eye, possessed the supreme power of controlling the nations of the earth with a fleet without mercy, and a council that seems to have adopted the maxim of the Emperor Joseph, that lives are of no consequence. Nature, however, has wisely ordained that her maritime power should not be independent of her commerce, and her commerce independent of honor and justice. When then she entrenches upon this code of nations, we have only to limit her commerce, to diminish her power. It is perfectly infeasible (and peculiarly so at this time) that Great Britain can support herself from her own income, in adopting the system of agriculture proposed by this writer. He seems to imagine that a nation can throw off its character, habits and professions, with as much expedition as he could his dress. The work of ages he has embraced in a moment, and fancies that the titled orders would almost throw away their garters and cornets and trinkets, which they have been accustomed to revere with as much faith and respect, as the ancients their penates: that they would expunge from their list of expenditures, every article of foreign luxury, and that their long rentals, so necessary to their pride, would be instantly paired and diminished to suit national economy. The thousands who support their families by the pointing of pins, the texture of lace, and the dyeing of colors, are instantly to handle with skill the axe, the plough and the grubbing-hoe—A million of mechanics or more, who have been taught in their profession and voluptuous mode of life, to look with indifference, upon agriculture, and with contempt upon the husbandman, are to dazzle with their agricultural grandeur, which has been so long concealed by commerce and manufactures. In order to effect his wonderful reform, nature must be as plastic and yielding as in the creative mould of the Deity; to teach, in so short a time, the prodigal, frugality, the epicure, the abstemious of a Brahmin, the vicious and noisy mechanic the plain, plodding habits of agricultural industry, and every paired butterfly of the court, to become the busy ant of the field. In short, he would have to conquer the most deep-rooted habits and inveterate passions of nature, by the "still small voice" of admonition, and which to an infinite number would seem the delusion of folly. It is almost beyond the power of time to induce a people, who for almost two centuries, have delighted in commerce and all its train of luxuries, to become suddenly the followers of agriculture. From the history of men and nations, we cannot hesitate to pronounce it impossible. True trade is indispensably necessary to Great Britain, is a truth accompanied by the resistless evidence of her history from the sixteenth century to the present crisis. We would fain enquire how has this country supported its continual and extravagant wars, but from the wealth she has derived from commerce? It is evident from this recurrence to the rise and progress of her naval and commercial prosperity, that before England became a trading country, she was in a state of considerable impoverishment, the general price of her land was 12 years purchase, and the legal interest for money was 10 per cent. As we pursue this part of her history from the commencement of foreign traffic, we find her navy, constantly increasing, her land rising in value, and interest lowering in per cent. This, then, must be received as conclusive testimony of the wealth and prosperity which commerce bestows upon that country, for in all rising and flourishing countries the price of land will be high, and the interest of money low. In exploring the sources of her grandeur and wealth, we can find no other than commerce. Is it possible then, that she can stop this vital stream, without sensible shocks of dissolution?—If it were within the compass of probability, that her internal resources, with every exertion, could afford her wealth and safety, it is beyond the bounds of possibility, that she can avail herself of them in so short a time, as to preserve her fleet upon its present footing. To make a country which has been completely commercial, suddenly agricultural, is a task of infinite difficulty, if not an attempt at impossibility. We may be told that her commerce is already gone, for according to Mr. Brougham, in his speech, "the commerce of this once flourishing country is now brought down to a state lower than it ever was expected to reach, even in the most gloomy prospects, in the worst times of our history." We may be told also, that her navy is growing with additional vigor, because it has not yet felt, the melancholy effects of the want of commerce and materials for ship-building.
Notwithstanding the safety of Great Britain, most evidently depends upon her commerce, and her commerce upon national faith and justice, we are told by this new-fangled writer, "that the idea is most humiliating and distressing, if our commerce be really the source of our vigor, of our very life, that the continuance of its commerce is dependent on events wholly out of our power to control." The vanity of the writer caught alarm at this
circumstance, which suggested to him that his country was not so entirely supreme, when he observes, "that he feels pity for the poor inhabitants of the countries who are prevented from buying our manufactures, than as that are hindered from selling them." If the writer of this article were acquainted with the spirit of indignant patriotism which has seized the mind of our countrymen; if he could but look upon our national pride in wearing homespun cloth; if he could know the contempt which is felt for English drapery; instead of leaning forward with pretended pity, he would start back with amazement at his folly, about the poor inhabitants of other countries. 'Tis in vain that the deluded and delusive friends of that country, affect or endeavor to hide the dependency of Great Britain upon trade; it is a fact too deeply identified in her history, and too strongly supported by her best friends and her best politicians. They may pretend not to regard the embargo, and they may hypocritically bend to the Orders of Council, but their joint effects will soon unite the tongue of candor, and tear the mantle of prejudice from the mind. They may smile in all their vanity, and deride with all their severity, the finger that points to their National Bankruptcy; but they will only prove their want of foresight in this as in many other calculations. Even according to this high-minded patriot, they have been most woefully deceived. "The idea (says he) which a few years ago would have been laughed at, that any man could acquire the power of shutting the whole continent against our trade is now realized;" and if the same administration is pursued upon the same principles, other ideas infinitely more tragical, will be realised, which are now regarded as chimerical. It is high time that the people of England should take off the bandage from their eyes of vanity and immortal security, and drive into the grace the bloody Council of their kingdom.
FOR THE ARGUS.
There is a set of Clintonian libellers in New York who level every little mound of truth and decorum—they banish even probability from view, to gratify their thirst for slander. It surely must be disagreeable to the venerable Mr. Clinton to hear his name wafted to the skies upon the breath of adulation and folly, and to hear himself at the age of 70 admired for talents which he never possessed. It would seem that he is benedict round with hypocrites and rulers, else he would certainly fly away these summer insects that pester his repose. It is true that some minds are larger in acquiring notoriety than others, but we never knew nature so long about it before. According to this instance it is even possible that the stupidity of George III will be lost, as he is just arriving to this men at age of 70. What can this party mean when they decry Madison, political virtue and acutely ordinary talents and assert that his "supporters are without understanding and integrity!" These bold strokes of calumny and unblushing misoene, will never make the people believe Madison a dolt or Clinton a statesman. It is wonderful that Mr. C. has never rec-eked upon his situation and determined to withdraw; it would be a rainbow of glory in the evening of his life. But perhaps he may calculate upon Presidential immortality; his true we shall have a great age, but we fear not an illustrious one. When the friends of Mr. C. speak in their exalted strain about his talents, how forcibly are we reminded of Mirabeau's remark: "There are men who have acquired a certain reputation nobody knows how; who are called to fill certain offices nobody knows why?"
On the 4th of July, Mr. Munford introduced the reading of the Declaration of Independence, nearly as follows:
Fellow Citizens, The duty has been assigned to me of reading to you, on this day, when we are joyfully celebrating the Anniversary of our Freedom, that glorious instrument by which the heroes and sages of America, in the year 1776, solemnly declared to the Universe her Independence, and gave to the United States their stand among the nations of the earth. In the present situation of our public affairs, the reading of this Declaration appears to be peculiarly proper. The plain and strong language, in which those Fathers of their Country, (most of whom have now descended to the silent grave,) eloquently proclaimed the manifold acts of oppression and usurpation committed for the purpose of reducing them to slavery, by the Tyrant George 3d, and their noble determination, (so forcibly and sublimely expressed,) to throw off its yoke forever, and encounter all the hardships of War, in defence of their violated rights, must, on this occasion, when the same King is endeavoring to deprive us of that Independence which they proclaimed and asserted, sink deep in our hearts and serve as a useful lesson to encourage our resistance to his multiplied insults and injuries. On such an occasion, I could have wished that some person of talents and leisure had composed an Oration in honor of the day; but my regret that this has not been done is diminished, when I consider that every thing that could be said would still fall short of what we all feel, and, necessarily, be inadequate to the grandeur and impressive interest of the subject. I shall, therefore, proceed to read the ever memorable Declaration of Independence, to which I know that I need not exhort you to listen with attention.
Mr. Munford then read the Declaration; after which he subjoined the following observations. Such, my friends, was the magnificent Declaration of our forefathers; and such the list of oppressions and enormities which, by stimulating them to resistance, led to the establishment of American freedom. And here, perhaps, (having finished the task imposed upon me) I ought to say no more; but, taking a view of the situation of
my country at this time, and of the many wrongs we have received at the hands of the British nation, even from the moment when our Independence was acknowledged to the present hour, I cannot refrain from giving way to the spirit which, on this day of enthusiasm, animates my bosom. Under its influence, I have hastily committed to writing, a few of the injuries which have been inflicted upon us by that nation, since the peace of 1783; injuries the more intolerable, because they were totally destitute of any excuse or palliation. There was some sophistical plausibility in favor of the principles contended for by the British king and parliament at a time when these now United States were only colonies, and the people now free were considered as subjects; at a time when those who opposed their tyrannical measures and usurped authority, were regarded as rebels; but, after that king, by a treaty, had relinquished all pretensions to dominion over us, after our rights of sovereignty and independence were solemnly acknowledged and ratified by himself, it was scarcely to have been expected, even from him, that claims and pretensions would have been set up which are altogether incompatible with the existence of our independence. It may appear presumptuous in me to attempt to imitate, or make an addition to the admirable instrument I have just read; but I hope it will be considered that the people of every generation are best acquainted with the transactions of their own times, and, feeling most sensibly their own injuries, are best qualified to enumerate them; in the same manner as the patriots of 1776, being deeply impressed with their own grievances, stated them with more accuracy and energy than could have been done by any person not living then. I shall, therefore, without farther apology, take the liberty of reading the sketch I have prepared.
LIST OF INJURIES INFLICTED BY THE BRITISH NATION ON THE UNITED STATES SINCE THEIR INDEPENDENCE.
First—They failed to restore our property, which they carried away in violation of the treaty of 1783. In like manner, they long retained our western posts, and made use of them as instruments to excite the Indians to commit devastations and murders on our frontiers. They issued orders in 1793, which subjected our trade to merciless vexations, and led to the disgraceful treaty of 1794. They invented the new system of imaginary blockades; and, under that pretence, captured a multitude of American vessels. They have interpolated into the law of nations the false and unjust principle, that a trade, between a neutral nation and the colonies of a belligerent, which the latter prohibited in time of peace, could not lawfully be carried on by such neutral in time of war, notwithstanding the permission of the belligerent; which principle has been used as the pretence of innumerable condemnations of American vessels and cargoes. They have cruelly and tyrannically impressed our seamen, and compelled them to fight their battles. They blockaded the port and harbor of New York, wantonly and lawlessly murdered one of our citizens, and insulted our government. They have, in a cowardly and atrocious manner attacked our national frigate the Chesapeake, murdered four of our seamen, and wounded many others. They, insolently, (as if this unparalleled outrage) continued within our waters, in defiance of the president's proclamation; blockaded, and even threatened to burn the borough of Norfolk. They sent an envoy extraordinary to this country, only for the purpose of insulting our government still further, by making an empty parade of regret for the violence committed on the Chesapeake, and by demanding a repeal of the president's proclamation as indispensable, before any offer of atonement for that violence would be made. Lastly, and almost at the same moment when that envoy was dispatched, they issued the detestable orders in council of November 11th, 1807, by which they assume the power of regulating, and unlimitedly taxing our commerce without our consent; orders which have left us no alternative but to relinquish trade altogether, or to declare war against them; orders, submission to which, would involve the complete abandonment of our independence. Having thus briefly enumerated the wrongs which the United States have received from Great Britain, happy should I be, if she was the only nation of whom we had just cause to complain: but the government of France has followed her example, and, by a similar system of arbitrary and fictitious blockades, tyrannical restrictions and unjust confiscations, has, to the utmost of her power, contributed her assistance to the destruction of American commerce. In this state of affairs, the wisdom of our government, (resolved to support that in dependence which we are now convened to celebrate,) has had recourse to an embargo, as the best measure that could be adopted, for the purpose of saving the property of our merchants from spoliation, of preventing the farther impressment and slavery of our seamen, and of compelling both the powerful nations, by whom we are injured and oppressed to do us justice from a sense of their own wants. The effects of that embargo we all now feel. But I trust that those who are here assembled, are determined to bear its inconveniences with patriotic firmness and fortitude. It should teach us to rely altogether upon our own resources—to encourage domestic manufactures—to glory in appearing always, as we do to day, clad in homespun clothes, and thus to be really independent of foreign nations; the permanent blessings of the embargo will greatly over-balance its temporary inconveniences. If war must follow, (which may very probably be the case,) I firmly believe that that spirit which dictated this declaration is now alive, and in full vigor. Not the smallest doubt can be entertained, that the patriots of 1808 will present an invincible phalanx against the enemies of their country, and resolve, like those of 1776, to conquer or die.
HENRICO, July 6, 1808. MR. PLEASANTS. I have heard of the patriotic display of homespun dresses in which the Republican Citizens of Richmond appeared when they celebrated the glorious birth-day of their country. See, and consider then, if a simple resolution that those citizens would wear on that day Virginia cloth, and not any imported cloth, could give such a spring and activity to the spinners and weavers, as we have seen, and so as to fill the market almost every day with excellent and beautiful cloths, what may be expected if it be once generally known that every patriot may every prudent man and woman, will forever wear them in preference to the best productions of any other part of the world? I say every prudent person who calls himself a citizen of these United States, will wear them; for all such who will dare to strut in foreign dresses, will soon be looked on not only as foreigners, but as enemies to the happiness and independence of the United States. I am told that Virginia spirits, porter and cyder, and American sugar, were used at the Hay-Market, and no imported article: and that a quarter cask of wine made by Mr. Hill of King & Queen County, strongly resembling Madeira Wine in color, taste, &c. and which was perfectly clear, having been well refined, and was not to be distinguished from Madeira Wines, which are sold in Richmond at 21s 6d per gallon, was sold on that day. The present spirit of our countrymen is of more value to us than twenty ships of the line and twenty thousand of the best regular troops would be for we shall now establish our Independence. Britain and France may grumble, but they have no more right to complain that we will use our manufactures and not theirs, than we have that they will use their own and not ours.
I AM AN ASSOCIATOR OF 1774. The Fourth of July.
THE MANCHESTER REPUBLICAN BLUES commanded by Capt. McKee, after parading with their brothers in arms on the Capitol square, retired to their ground, and enjoyed this day in military style—They partook of a sumptuous Dinner prepared for the occasion, and drank the following Toasts:
1. The day we celebrate: May those firm, manly and patriotic principles which gave birth to it, animate the bosom of every man. 1 Gun, 17 Cheers. 2. The United States: The only nation upon this Globe that enjoys the blessings of a free Government, and practically understands what is meant by the majesty of the people. 1 Gun, 9 Cheers. 3. The Congress of the United States: The people repose confidence in the virtuous majority of that body. 1 Gun, 5 Cheers. 4. Thomas Jefferson: The real patriot who has ability to discern and virtue to pursue the true interest of his country. 1 Gun, 9 Cheers. 5. The Vice-President of the U. States: The great and good esteem and admiration, the bad are obliged to yield the unwilling tribute of respect to his character. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 6. James Madison, Secretary of State: Amiable in private life, useful in our public councils. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 7. James Monroe: The honest statesman, the firm supporter and able advocate of his country's rights. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 8. The Governor of Virginia: The people are pleased with him and he with the people—This is republican reciprocity. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 9. The public functionaries throughout the Commonwealth of Virginia: We believe them to be virtuous. 1 Gun, 3 Cheers. 10. The Embargo: A harsh but necessary remedy, may it continue as long as our enemies "feel force and forget right." 1 Gun, Cheers unlimited. 11. Peace and good will towards mankind, but should we be compelled to maintain our rights by force of arms, may our success be equal to the justice of our cause. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 12. The 17 United States: They are rich co-parceners under an act passed the 4th day of July 1776: They are wise Virgins, will trim their lamps and watch their inheritance. 1 Gun, 17 Cheers. 13. The memory of that truly great and good man, Gen. George Washington: He was amply clothed with power and never abused it. 1 Gun, 13 Cheers. 14. The memory of Benjamin Franklin and David Rittenhouse: The one like Prometheus elicited fire from Heaven; the other had like to have made a World. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 15. The memory of Warren and Montgomery: Die nobly, die like Demigods. 1 Gun, 9 Cheers. 16. To the next meeting of Congress, let Patience be our watch-word, Honor our Centinel, and Firmness our Post. 1 Gun, 6 Cheers. 17. The Fair Sex: They will cheerly spin and weave at home to the tone of "None but the Brave deserve the Fair." God bless them!—1 Gun, Cheers unlimited.
GOOCHLAND, July 5, 1808.
Yesterday being the anniversary of that day which gave a political existence to the United States of North America, a number of several gentlemen from the adjacent counties (amounting in the whole to about 100) excited by those feelings which gave birth to our ever glorious revolution, assembled at the tavern of Col. George Payne, at Goochland Court-house, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. The company being animated by the presence of about 50 ladies, the troop of horse commanded by Capt. Wm. Bolling, which made a handsome parade in complete uniform, and also by good music, spent a joyous day in dancing and other amusements. It was no small addition to their pleasure, that nearly the whole of those present were clad in the manufactures of our beloved country. The ladies in particular, in their dresses afforded many specimens of their own ingenuity and elegant handy work. About 3 o'clock the party sat down to an excellent dinner prepared by Col. Payne, at which there was nothing eaten or drank but of the production of the
U. States. After dinner Col. Joseph Shelton presiding, assisted by Capt. Wm. Bolling, the following toasts were drank, amidst the animated plaudits of all present. 1. The day we celebrate; may the recollection of it revive in every bosom the spirit of 76—6 cheers. 2. The United States: may they never forget that independence, liberty and happiness are their grand object; union and concord the certain means of their security—9 cheers. 3. The President of the United States, the enlightened friend of man; may his patriotic labors for the happiness of his country be crowned with the deserved success—9 cheers. 4. The congress of the United States, the guardians of our peace and happiness; may they be mindful of the importance of their charge. 5. The memory of WASHINGTON; may the recollection of his virtues be embalmed in the hearts of his countrymen, and operate as a stimulus to the emulation of his deeds—12 cheers. 6. The heroes & patriots of the revolution; they have delivered to us the sacred boon of independence; we will defend it to the last extremity—6 cheers. 7. The Militia, the true Palladium of our liberties; its improvement an object of primary importance—3 cheers. 8. The embargo, a disagreeable but necessary measure; temporary inconveniences must be borne when their object is permanent prosperity—9 cheers. 9. The individual states; may each bear with manly firmness those partial evils so necessary to the general good—6 cheers. 10. Agriculture and commerce, the pillars of our prosperity; may they revive with tenfold vigor from the temporary check of the embargo—9 cheers. 11. Domestic manufactures, one certain source of national independence; worthy of our greatest attention—9 cheers. 12. The ocean, the birthright of nations; may its freedom be bounded by nothing but its limits—12 cheers. 13. The law of nations, the connecting chain of the civilized world; may the propriety of its observance be impressed upon all nations in language irresistible—3 cheers. 14. France and England; may they be taught by the lessons of a severe experience, that "honesty is the best policy"—6 cheers. 15. The next presidential election; may public spirit and wisdom direct our choice; and the happiness of our country crown the result—12 cheers. 16. Foreign influence? the bane of free governments; may the wretch who is tainted by it be driven from amongst us by the hiss of universal execration—12 cheers. 17. Our fair countrywomen; may success crown their efforts in that course of ingenuity and industry, this day so handsomely displayed—17 cheers.
After the toasts of the day were gone through, the following volunteers were given. By Doctor Nicholas M. Vaughan, John W. Eppes, our faithful representative in congress. By Doctor Richard C. Bowles, Wilson C. Nicholas who develops to his constituents the true causes of the embargo. By Capt. Wm. Bolling, Wm. Gray of Massachusetts. By Dr. Jas. Carter. The memory of Jno. Thompson. By Col. Jos. Shelton. John Quincy Adams. By Thos. Miller, esq. The minority in the legislature of Massachusetts amounting to 169; may their patriotic conduct in protesting against the resolutions offered & adopted by a majority of that body, cause the citizens of the state to examine into the merits of the said resolutions before their next election for representatives. By J. S. Pleasants, jr. esq. Governor Sullivan of Massachusetts, the steady patriot. By Mr. Jno. Brown. May we never sacrifice our independence, purchased by the blood of our ancestors. By C. P. Edward Bolling. An incessant attention to preserve inviolate our rights and liberties. By Archibald Brice, esq. May we live to enjoy many happy returns of this Anniversary, and may we all be a part in peace. About sunset the company separated in that good will and harmony, which through the day had marked this truly American festival.
The following paragraph is extracted from the answer from the Senate of the state of New Hampshire to the Governor's speech at the opening of the session.
From the view we have been able to take of the subject, we have the highest confidence in the virtue, integrity and ability of those who administer our general government; a confidence which we feel a bounden duty, particularly at this time to express in this public manner. A confidence, which if universally expressed by the citizens of the U. S. would give new nerve and energy to government.—We believe our general government has taken that commanding and dignified, yet that conciliatory and amicable stand, in relation to its general conduct, towards the great belligerent powers of Europe, which under the smiles of our Heavenly Guardian, has and ought to preserve us, and we most ardently hope, may long continue to protect us from the numerous evils incident to and inseparable from war."
The following is an extract of the answer of the House of Representatives to the same address.
Your opinion respecting the measures of the general government coincides with our own; we believe the President of the U. S. wise, patriotic and faithful. We believe the objects of his administration, from the time of his elevation to the Presidential chair until the present day, have been the honor and happiness of his country. And we rest satisfied, that at the present crisis in our affairs the measures pursuing, are founded in wisdom and the purest patriotism; and are consistent with a regard to our own safety.

and honor, to a love of justice and to a desire of peace with all nations."
By a late trial before the U. S. circuit court for the district of Georgia, the principle has been established, that the individual states have a right to impose a tax on the U. S. Bank, or its branches, established within their territorial jurisdiction. It is said, however, that an appeal will be made to the supreme court.
(Balt. Evening Post.)
FROM THE AURORA.
THE PROGRESS OF AMITY.
The order of the British council, published in yesterday's Aurora, is considered only as a matter of course.
By the British proclamation of blockade of May, 1806, they undertook to shut our ships out of the continent of Europe; and Bonaparte seconded the motion by his Berlin decree of the following November.
Then followed the British declaration of the 31st Dec. 1806, as a rider upon negotiation, and negotiation totally negative—but mark the words of the declaration: "If the enemy should carry his threats into execution, (that is, the Berlin decree) and if neutral nations (America) should, contrary to all expectations, acquiesce in such usurpations, his majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate, in his own just defence, and to issue orders to his cruisers, to adopt towards neutrals any hostile system to which those neutrals shall have submitted from his enemies."
That is in plain English, if America did not oppose the French decrees by arms, or in other words, go to war against France, although it appears America was not included, the British cruisers would be ordered to plunder American ships.
Next the British finding that no one could second their motions and carry their plans so effectually into execution; issued the orders of council of the 7th January, 1807, by which the British prohibited neutrals a coasting voyage in Europe.
Bonaparte happened to be at Milan when he heard of the British orders of council of Nov. 11, 1807; and as those British decrees declared all vessels, with every thing on board, trading to or from any port of Europe except England, prize; he determined on a little bit of retaliation also; he did not indeed go quite so far as to say they should be prize for carrying their own productions; but that no vessel that entered an English port should enter French ports, afterwards; and as all the colonial produce of France, wherever found, was determined to be good prize by the British; so all British manufactures of productions, wherever found, should be bon prize.
The orders of council were followed by a proclamation sanctioning the outrage on our ships, and authorising the imprisonment of persons from on board neutrals in time of peace.
But the subject is better exposed in the following resolutions, moved in the British house of lords, on the 29th March last, by lord Holland—
1. That it appears to this house, that his majesty has been advised, without any alleged provocation from the United States of America, to issue orders in council, on and subsequent to the 11th of November, 1807, for interrupting nearly the whole of the commerce of the said states with the continent of Europe; for limiting such trade to be carried on in future through British ports only (with the exception of neutral and allied ports in certain cases) the by exposing it to such restrictions and duties, and even prohibitions, as the government of Great Britain may think fit to impose upon it; and for confiscating the property of the citizens of the said states, in all cases where the same shall be accompanied by particular documents certifying the place of its growth or manufacture.
2. That it appears to this house, that previous to the issuing of the said orders in council, a negotiation had been carried on between this country and the United States of America for the maintenance of peace and friendship between them, and that a treaty had been actually signed respecting some of the most material points in discussion; that a desire had been expressed by the government of the said United States for the addition of certain other provisions to the said treaty, and that a proposal was made for renewing the negotiation for that purpose; but that this offer was abruptly and intemperately rejected by his majesty's ministers.
3. That at the time when the said orders were issued, his majesty's ministers had recently received from the ministers of the United States in this kingdom assurances that the injudicious decrees of his majesty's enemies had not, in any one instance, been executed against the commerce or navigation of the United States; and that from all that had passed subsequent to the issuing of the said decrees, his majesty's ministers had every reason to conclude, that any attempt of the enemy to execute the same, would be decidedly resisted by the government of the United States; whereby it must have happened, either that the said decrees would have continued to be wholly nugatory and ineffectual, or that the enemy, by endeavoring to enforce the same, would have driven the United States into a closer connection with this country.
4. That it appears to this house, that the order issued by his majesty in council, on the 7th of January, 1807, was not intended to interrupt neutrals in a commerce of discharge from port to port of the enemies' territories; that such was
understood to be its legal construction by those who were in his majesty's service at the time the said order was issued; and that an explanation to that effect was given by them to the Danish minister, in an official note dated on the 17th of March, 1807.
That in a note from the American secretary of state to Mr. E. Skine, dated on the 20th of the same month, considerable uneasiness was expressed, under an apprehension of a contrary interpretation of the said order; that although the above mentioned note was actually received by his majesty's present ministers in the month of April last, yet no steps have been taken thereon up to the present hour, for removing the unfounded apprehensions of the American government on a point to which they appear to have attached so much importance: That by this omission, much unnecessary irritation has been suffered to prevail in America, long after it was in the power of his majesty's ministers to have effectually removed the same; and fresh obstacles to conciliation and friendship have thus wantonly been interposed.
5. That it is, therefore, the opinion of this house, that the said orders are in themselves unjust and impolitic; that the issuing of them at the time, and under the circumstances above mentioned, was an act of the utmost imprudence and rashness; and that by abruptly breaking off a friendly negotiation, and withholding a satisfactory explanation on a point, on which it might have been given with so much ease and advantage, his majesty's ministers have acted in disregard of our true policy, which is to cultivate the friendship of a nation, whose interests and prosperity are so intimately interwoven with our own; and have conducted themselves in a manner the least adapted to enable his majesty to maintain that maritime superiority, on which the greatness, and even the existence of this empire so much depends.
DIED, at Alexandria, on the 28th ult. after a short and severe illness, MRS. ANN WARREN, consort of Mr. WILLIAM WARREN, one of the Managers of the Philadelphia and Baltimore Theatres. This lady was the delight of her friends, the ornament of the American Stage, and altogether one of the most interesting actresses of her times. Her original name was Brunton.
From the New-York Gazette. An interesting Speech, in support of the numerous petitions against the famous "Orders in council," was lately delivered before the House of Commons by Mr. Henry Brougham. The following brief sketch of the author is taken from the American edition of this pamphlet recently published in Philadelphia.
"In the list of extraordinary men, of whom the British Isles have produced more than any other section of the world, may be enumerated Henry Brougham, the author of the present speech. At a very early period of his life he gave presages of his future eminence. For in the sixteenth year of his age he became known to the public, by a series of papers in the Transactions of the Royal Society in London, on an abstruse point of physical science, which were written with such purity of style and manifested so much acute and diligent investigation, that he was immediately elected a member of that, perhaps, the most learned institution of Europe. Not long after receiving this honourable testimonial of his precocious attainments, he commenced a course of legal studies, and having completed them, was called to the Scotch bar. We still vividly recollect the powers of Eloquence which we have heard him there display.—But the cares of his profession did not wholly engross Mr. Brougham's attention. With these he mingled habitually the cultivation of polite literature, and the study of politics.
In 1803, when only twenty four years old, he published a work in two large volumes, entitled, "The Colonial Policy of the European Powers," which, though it may not have widely circulated in the U. States, has undoubtedly been better received in Europe than any production on political economy since "Smith's Wealth of Nations."
Nearly about the same time, he in conjunction with several literary friends, without any venal motive, established the Edinburgh Review, to which he has liberally contributed. The articles on moral and political subjects are principally executed by him.
Of the general merits of this celebrated journal, or of the particular excellence of Mr. Brougham's composition contained in it, we shall say nothing; public sentiment having already assigned to each, confessedly, the highest rank in the department of criticism.
Two years ago, he quitted the Scotch metropolis, and settled in London, as a theatre more auspicious to the exercise of his superior talents. Since the exchange of his residence, he has published a well known pamphlet, "On the State of the Nation."
Recently, Mr. Brougham was retained, at the express recommendation of Lord Grenville, as counsel for the petitioners against the orders of council, and in that capacity, delivered in the House of Commons, the ensuing speech, which throughout Britain has been admired and approved.
This speech, we presume, must be equally interesting to this country, as treating of topics in which every portion of our community, has a lively proximate concern. It exhibits pretty nearly the same views as Mr. Baring's admirable pamphlet, but being a subsequent production, it has added to the matter, which the industrious research of his predecessor had collected, many new proofs and illustrations supplied by his own sources of information, and the thorough examination of the subject held at the bar of the house of commons.
The neutral rights of America, have, indeed, found in Mr. Brougham a most intelligent and able defender. It they be not
ultimately recognized, it cannot be imputed to any deficiency in their vindication. This speech alone furnishes them with a shield round and complete.
Mr. Brougham is now in the twenty-eighth year of his age. He has already attained very great consideration among the leading men of this country. To complete his reputation it only remains for him to enter parliament, which, we understand he will shortly do. When this event shall happen, we predict, from his various and profound knowledge, especially of the complicated fiscal and commercial interests of the British empire, combined with an eloquence, at once strong, copious and embellished, that he will be pronounced the most able debater, and accomplished statesman of that great and enlightened assembly.
The following extract from the speech of R. Brougham, Esq. clearly demonstrates, that the permanent effect which Commerce now experiences, result not from our "permanent" embargo, but solely from the "permanent" British orders in council. This extract plainly proves that while those orders exist, it is much cheaper and less hazardous for us to let our "produce rot at home" than in foreign ports, and the only effect that could possibly be produced by raising the embargo at the present juncture would be to glut the British and W. India market, and to expose our commerce to the ravages of the cruisers of France and England, under the sanction of their countervailing decrees. Balt. Amer.
"The house will do me the justice to recollect that I have uniformly been treating this question as it has been made out by the evidence at your bar, and have abstained from stating any argument unless grounded upon the supposition that the Americans acquiesced in the orders in council. I have indeed a large case before me, where I disposed to enquire into the probability of their resisting our measures, and to prove how much more likely they are to persist in their embargo than acquiesce in your decrees, by calling witnesses to show what the effects of that embargo would be upon our trade. But I have uniformly proceeded upon the supposition that the embargo is to be revoked, and that the Americans have acquiesced in your decrees—I say, I have stuck to the proof this proposition, that if that embargo were revoked to-morrow, and the orders in council still continued in force, they must be the means of ruining the commerce of the country. Now, I am to shew you more distinctly how merchants are affected by that embargo, and how the Orders in Council independent of, and contrasted with, the embargo.
I am to set forth to you their apprehensions upon this supposition, to point out how it affects them in their mercantile transactions, and consequently to show you in the strictest possible mode, what effect your own measures alone will have on the trade of the country. The evidence of Mr. Bell, in pages 54 and 53, is what I particularly request the house may attend to on this point. I put the case to that gentleman: Suppose the American embargo were removed as to the continent, but not as to this country, and the Orders in Council to be revoked; and I then asked whether he would resume his exports to America? Mr. Bell, one of the greatest exporters to America in this country, and partner of the largest Virginia house in London, states in answer, that he certainly would begin again to export in such a case to America, and to a greater extent than if the embargo were removed as to this country, and continued as to the continent. On his being asked his reason for saying so, he states, that he conceives the Americans could not pay us for more than one third of the manufactured goods exported from this country without the market of the continent, as we consume very little of their produce ourselves. On being asked if he had written his correspondence in America, respecting the shipments of the American produce to be sent to this country, he says that he has. To what effect has he written? He has desired that if America should think proper notwithstanding those orders in council to continue her trade with this country, his correspondents should nevertheless suspend for the present all business. The reasons he states are, that the produce they would send in return would not net any thing at all. He conceives that he must even get himself into debt by paying the necessary charges. Mr. Bell has been asked, what would he do supposing the embargo was wholly removed, and the orders in council continued; he answers, that he might ship in the expectation that the embargo would be taken off; but he still desires his correspondents or customers to be ruled in their conduct solely by looking at the orders in council. "Never mind the embargo," says he "don't look to any American or French decree, but so long as you see our government persist in those orders in council, do nothing, sur a step, while they continue in force; it is these that molest us, these that render all traffic impossible, although the Americans should be reconciled to us, allied to us, although they should become fond of this country." The reason for this being asked, it was repeated as formerly; it was the very reason which I have so often urged to you this night. In page 53, Mr. Bell was again questioned, but more particularly to this effect: You told the house that you were a great shipper of goods to America, and were paid partly by consignments of American produce, and partly by remittance of bills to the continent on American account. Now suppose the embargo were to continue in America with respect to this country, and further, that the orders in council in this country were revoked, would you under these circumstances resume the shipments from this country to America? He answers that he should resume his shipments to a great extent were this country to permit the trade from America to the continent. What! would you resume your shipments, whether the embargo were continued or not, provided the orders in council are revoked? Yes, because I should get the two-thirds as before, although the remaining one-third should be wholly stopped or as is most likely by a circuitous channel. This intelligent witness was then questioned as follows, and I beg your attention, sir, most particularly to it. Suppose
that the embargo in America were removed altogether, both as it respects the continent and as it affects this country, and suppose that in this case the orders in council were continued, would you resume your shipments? "No," says Mr. Bell, "I would not." What! although the embargo were removed, and although there were nothing to frighten you in America from trading freely to that country? Certainly not, because the orders in council, by this supposition, are to be continued; those orders in council, which are established for the purpose of retaliation upon our enemy, of retorting upon him the evils of his own arbitrary called this sort of operation, those very orders in council which are made for the protection of our trade, because they continue, I am cut out from all traffic. What! are you to tell us that such would be the consequences of what we, with fostering and jealous care, have been enacting for the very purpose of making your commerce sprout and flourish? Are you to tell us that those orders in council actually stop your trade, suddenly put an end to your commerce, mercilessly stub it up, though sent down for its protection? Most unquestionably, says this witness, if they continue, I can trade none.—I may send my goods to Scotland or to Ireland or the colonies, but while these orders continue in force, I cannot possibly trade to America; I am locked out, by our own government, by those means which it has devised in its wisdom for my benefit; in its bounty, poured down upon me to the number of some dozen and a half, and is executing with its accustomed vigour, for the encouragement of my commerce and navigation. To state what the other witnesses said upon this subject would be exactly repeating the same words; better to refer in general to those parts of the printed evidence of Mr. Phillips, in pages 85, 10. Mr. Bell, 34, 35. Besides these, the testimonies of Mr. Glennie, Mr. Mullett, and Mr. Mann, may all be referred to for the purpose of confirming this incontrovertible proposition, that but for the orders in council the enemy's decrees could have had no effect whatever, but to excite our ridicule, and if even the American embargo were to be taken off, your trade would not be revived, unless these orders are at the same time repealed."
PHILADELPHIA, June 28. We have seen measured, and with pleasure announce it to the public, some Goose-berries growing in the Garden of Mr. Bernard McMahon, Seedsman, of this city, three inches and three-fourths in circumference, bearing very abundantly; and we perceive by his advertisement, that he means to exhibit specimens of them at his Seed-store, No. 39, South Second street, this day, for the gratification of the lovers of American Horticulture.
July 1. On the 14th inst. the frigate Nemesis arrived at Hifax from Cork and England; and the Halifax, sloop of war, from the W. Indies. The Nemesis brought, under her convoy, two transports, and two ordinance store ships. The transports brought 100 artillery, and 150 car artillery and drivers.—We understand it was reported, that the store ships brought 6000 stand of arms for the militia, 6,000,000 ball cartridges, and 5000 barrels of gun powder.
WASHINGTON CITY, July 1. The following paragraph is from a Charleston paper of the 17th of June: "A letter from Savannah, to a gentleman in Charleston dated the 12th instant states, that the French privateer L'Exchange and La Jeune Estelle, boarded, off Amelia island, a brig from Baltimore, capt. Brownlowe, and took from her 203 barrels flour, and a quantity of other provisions, upon which they fixed their own prices, and gave the captain an order on a person in Charleston, for the amount."
There is but too much reason to believe that this is another case of violation of the embargo laws; the property having been taken by connivance of the captain of the brig. Indeed a Charleston paper states that it is known that the capt. had declared, previous to leaving port, that he would sell his whole cargo to the privateersmen, if he could get a good price for it. These instances of "plunder" and "barbarity," have not been rare of late.
July 4. After a full investigation of such evidence & circumstances as have come to the knowledge of the court in the course of its proceedings, a correct statement of which is hereunto annexed, and after mature deliberation upon the same, the following opinion on the amount of the testimony is respectfully submitted.
It has been proved to the satisfaction of this court, that Brigadier General James Wilkinson had been engaged in a tobacco trade with governor Miro of New Orleans, before he entered the American army in 1791; that he received large sums of money for tobacco delivered in New Orleans, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and that a large quantity of tobacco, belonging to him, was condemned and stored in New Orleans in that year; but it has not been proved, and after the fullest investigation and comparison of testimony in possession of the court it does not appear, that he has received any money from the Spanish government or any of its officers, since the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, or that he has ever received money from that government or its officers for any other purpose but in payment for tobacco, and other produce, sold and delivered by him or his agents.
It has been stated by the General that after his damaged tobacco had laid some years in store at New Orleans, his agent there received for it and remitted to him, the several sums, credited in the copy of an account current presented by him and marked No.——, and under the impression that the letters accompanying the said
account were written by his said agent Philip Nolan, the court think it highly probable that the statement is correct. They however do not consider the verity of it of the least importance in the case, since if he did receive the money as stated, the transaction was fully justified, and if he did not so receive it, there is no proof of his having received it at all.
It is therefore the opinion of this court, that there is no evidence of Brigadier General James Wilkinson's having at any time received a pension from the Spanish government, or of his having received money from the government of Spain or any of its officers or agents for corrupt purposes; and the court has no hesitation in saying, that as far as his conduct has been developed by this enquiry, he appears to have discharged the duties of his station with honor to himself and fidelity to his country.
City of Washington, June 28, 1808. (Signed) H. BURBECK, President. T. H. CUSHING, JONA. WILLIAMS, Members.
July 2, 1808. APPROVED, (Signed) TH. JEFFERSON.
Messrs. Joseph and Jesse Dabbs.
As each of you reside out of the state and have no agent residing in the state who is known to me, I have taken this mode to give you notice that I shall on the first Monday in August next, between the hours of 10 in the morning and 4 in the afternoon of the same day, at Chancery court-house, proceed to take the depositions of Thomas Read, Jr. Joseph Venable, Brooke Balke, Henry Lester, Chesley Daniel and Thomas Harris Spencer, to be read as evidence on the argument of exceptions taken to a report of commissioners in a suit in chancery depending in Charlotte court, wherein Joseph Dabbs and others are plaintiffs, and Catherine Dabbs and others, defendants, when and where you may attend if you please.
Charles Noel. June 15, 1808. By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is represented to the executive, that Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker, late of the county of Louisa, and who were committed to the jail of the district court held at Charlottesville, charged with highway robbery, have escaped from the said jail on the night of the 19th instant; and whereas it is also represented to the executive that Reuben Marshall, late of the county of Albemarle, who was committed to the jail of said county charged with maiming and putting out the eyes of Francis Taliaferro, has also, on the night aforesaid, escaped from the jail of the said county of Albemarle; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars each for apprehending and conveying to the jail of the district court aforesaid, the said Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker, and I do hereby offer a reward of one hundred and fifty dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey to the aforesaid jail of the county of Albemarle, the said Reuben Marshall. And to the end that the laws may be duly executed, and justice administered by the punishment of such crimes as the courts allow to be charged with, I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of this commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the jails respectively as aforesaid the said Henry Thacker, David Thacker and Elisha Thacker, and Reuben Marshall.
Given under my hand with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 25th day of June, 1808. Signed, Wm. H. Cabell.
Henry Thacker is slender, about 25 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, very narrow faced, as are also the other two, all three being brothers. David Thacker is very slender, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high. Elisha Thacker is also very slender, and perhaps about the height of David. Reuben Marshall is an active fellow, about 36 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, black eyes and light hair, and tolerably proportioned. He speaks quick, is impudent and subject to drink hard.
To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE that I shall apply on the 5th day of the August term of Henrico county court, which commences on the first Monday in August next, to award commissioners to take depositions in Kentucky to be read in evidence in three suits depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your obedient servant, Robert Miller.
July 5, 1808. To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE that I shall apply on the 5th day of the August term of Henrico county court, which commences on the first Monday in August next, to award commissioners to take depositions in Kentucky to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your obedient servant, Henry Schreeder.
July 5, 1808. MYER MARKS, Respectfully informs the Parents & Guardians of Children, that he has OPENED A DAY SCHOOL,
In the cross-street leading to Court's Ferry, a few doors below Joshua West's coach shop, where he will teach READING, WRITING and ARITHMETIC. He assures those who think proper to favor him with their children, that the strictest attention will be paid both to their morals and education. His School room is in a pleasant and healthy situation. The terms are such, that he believes will meet with the approbation of all.

WE the Subscribers, Judges of the General Court, have pursuant to law allotted the Judges of the respective District Courts as follows:  Robert White, Jr. and Archibald Stuart, esqrs. to the districts of Winchester, Hardy and Montgomery counties;  Richard Parker and John Tyler, esqrs. to the districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick, and Southampton counties;  Edmund Winston and Paul Carrington, Jr. esqrs. to the districts of Prince Edward county, Louisa, Franklin, Washington courthouse, and the Sweet Springs in Botetourt county;  Joseph Prentiss and William Nelson, esqrs. to the districts of Northumberland, King & Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack counties;  And Francis T. Brooke and Hugh Holmes, esqrs. to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket districts at the next succeeding terms thereof.  Witness our hands and seals this eleventh day of June, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
John Tyler, (Seal.) Wm. Nelson, (Seal.) Robt. White, Jr. (Seal.) Arch'd. Stuart, (Seal.) Frs. T. Brooke, (Seal.) Hugh Holmes, (Seal.)  Published by order of the Judges. Wilson Allen, C. G. C. June 18, 1808 4w
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.  SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered.—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke House, Stable, Ice House &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble.—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements.  For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garaut, or to  Carter Wood, Mount Comfort. June 1, 1808
Left with the Subscriber  by Capt. John Jeffries, about two years past, A PAIR OF SADDLE BAGS, containing sundry articles of wearing apparel.  The owner may have them by proving his property and paying the expense of this advertisement on application to  Wm. Goodwin. Richmond, June 22, 1808 2w
MATTRESSES  OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.  J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808
Joseph Marx & Co.  Have on hand an assortment GERMAN OZNAEBURGS, TICKLENBURGS, DOWLASS, and TOWELLING, by the bale, box or piece. COGNAC BRANDY and MOLASSES, SACK SALT, coarse and fine. Which they will sell for cash, tobacco, or approved paper.  Richmond, April 28, 1808. tf
TO RENT,  A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins. ISAAC WEBSTER.  February 18.  Mr John Warren, administrator of Joseph Fuqua, deceased:  As you are not an inhabitant of the State of Virginia, and have no known agent therein, I take this method of giving you notice that, on the first Monday in August next, between the hours of nine in the morning and of sunset of that day I shall, at the Charlotte court house, in the state of Virginia, proceed to take the affidavits of William Morton, Francis Scott, and others, witnesses in my favor, in support of an injunction which I have obtained from the Superior Court at Chancery for the Richmond District, to stay proceedings on a judgment of Prince Edward District Court entered in your favor against me as executor of William Price, dec'd.  I am, Sir, your's, &c. William Price. Amelia county, Virginia, May 26, 1808. 4w
WIRT'S SPEECHES.  The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memin.  TO RENT... THE HOUSE & LOT,  LATELY occupied by Mr Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family.—Possession may be had immediately.  Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 27th May, 1808 1aif  JUST RECEIVED,  A few hundred barrels cut & whole Herring Antigua Rum by the hogshead & Best Green Coffee by the bag.  FOR SALE BY C. H. SAUNDERS, June, 1808. wjm
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country.—To pay for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres.  Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808
Penitentiary Store.  SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.  D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
Valuable Lands.  THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:  822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.  Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.  Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.  Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond.  THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 23d, 1808
A New Novel,  JUST RECEIVED AT S. PLEASANTS BOOK STORE.  CORINNA, OR ITALY;  A New Novel, by Mad. De Stael Holstein, in 2 vols.
For Sale,  A VALUABLE TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Powhatan, containing by a late survey, Five Hundred and Forty One Acres—two hundred and seventy six acres of which is prime woodland—about 20 acres of first rate Meadow Land, which may be rendered very valuable with a small expense. This is the tract whereon Col. Wm. Mayo, late of Powhatan county dec'd lived, lying about 3 miles above Powhatan courthouse, within four of James and four of Appomattox rivers, in a healthy neighborhood and convenient to several merchant mills. This land is well watered, with excellent springs, and is suitably adapted to the balance of corn, wheat and tobacco.  The improvements are a dwelling House 48 by 22 feet, with a passage and three rooms on the first floor, and a passage with two rooms on the upper, with a twenty two feet square wing with two rooms, some necessary out buildings—all of which want some repairs.  I shall proceed to offer this land for sale at Scottsville, the seventeenth day of August next, being Powhatan court day, on the following terms—The sum of seven hundred and fifty pounds cash in hand, on the day of sale, and for the balance, a credit of two years will be given the purchaser; bond with approved security will be required, carrying interest from the day of sale, if not punctually paid; also a deed of trust on the said land to secure the payment of the balance.  It is deemed needless to say anything more, as it is presumed, that those who may wish to purchase, will first view the premises, which will be shown by Capt. Benj. Mosby, or Mr. Thos. T. Swann, living near there—or to the Subscriber living near Powhatan Courthouse.  Wm. MAYO, Janr. Powhatan County, June 10, 1808 3w
TO RENT  The Tenement,  OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleasants' Book Store. For particulars, apply to  WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808
THE TRIAL  OF THOMAS O. SELFRIDGE,  ATTORNEY AT LAW FOR KILLING CHARLES AUSTIN, On the Public Exchange, in Boston, August 4th, 1806.  This work, is said to contain some of the best specimens of New-England Eloquence.  By virtue of a deed of trust executed in us by Drury Childers, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money, due to William and Daniel Thompson, and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect, we shall on Saturday the sixteenth day of July next, at Mr Peter Francisco's tavern, proceed to sell, for cash,
Four Negroes, viz.  Isham, Phillis, Rachel and Phillis, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purpose of said deed.  Tarleton Williams, Trustee. Stephen Hooper, } Buckingham, June 10, 1808. w3t
NOTICE.  ALL persons to whom the estate of the late Judith Robinson, dec. of Cumberland county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of October next, to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, that provision may be made for payment, and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. A division of said estate among the legatees will be made on the above day.  JOHN HATCHER, Ex'r. March 17, 1808. earn 10c
Just Published,  By C & A Conrad, & Co Philadelphia, and for sale by Samuel Pleasants, Jr. Richmond;  The Columbiad;  A Poem in 10 Books—By Joel Barlow.  THIS title announces a work of the highest interest that the resources of our country or of any other can furnish. With regard to the merits of the execution, it would ill become us, the publishers, to speak in that strain of commendation which alone would give utterance to our sentiments. Of this, the public, to whom it is now offered, will judge for themselves. We will only state one circumstance, which ought to be understood by the purchaser before we solicit his patronage. The ancient Juvenile Poem of Mr Barlow called the Vision of Columbus, is so far absorbed in this, as henceforward to disappear from the list of his works. All that he has thought worthy of the subject in that Poem has been incorporated in this—which may amount to one fourth or one third of the former work. He has now in his mature years and judgment, taken a much wider range over the immense regions of fact and fancy, than the fortunes of this hemisphere have opened to his view, and "the work is now probably destined to stand, the epic song of his country."
No pains or expense have been spared to give it a dress and ornament suitable to its intrinsic merit.  It is in one volume royal quarto illustrated by twelve engravings on the following subjects: I. Hesper's appearance to Columbus in prison. II. Capar and Oella instructing the savages in agriculture and the domestic arts—III. Zamor killed by Capar—IV. Inquisition—V. Cesar passing the Rubicon—VI. Cruelty presiding over the Prison Ship—VII. Murder of Lucinda—VIII. Cortuza resigning his sword to Washington—IX. Rape of the Golden Fleece—X. Initiation to the Mysteries of Isis—XI. Final resignation of prejudices.  These eleven subjects were painted by the celebrated Smirke, expressly for this poem. The pictures are now exhibited in the Philadelphia Academy of Fine Arts, where the public can examine their admirable execution, and form some idea of the expense and labor bestowed on the decorations of this work. They were engraved by the first artists in England: and the engravings were in such high estimation among the amateurs, that several proof copies were sold in London at six guineas a set. To these is added a portrait of the author, painted by Robert Fulton, and finely engraved by Arthur Smith.  The paper, we believe, is better than any before made in this country; and the printing by Fry & Kammeyer, may be regarded as a specimen of typography hitherto unsurpassed, and seldom equalled in the world.
Buckingham County, June Court, 1808.  Thomas and Francis Deane, for the benefit of Archd. Womack, Plaintiffs, AGAINST John Francis, Silas Flournoy and Samuel and Drury M. Allen acting partners of Hughes Allen & Company, Defendants.  ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants, Drury M. Allen and Silas Flournoy, are not inhabitants of this state. It is ordered and decreed, that unless they shall appear here on or before September court next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to them, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the court house of this county.  A copy—Teste, R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C.
Strayed or Stolen,  FROM the subscriber living near Wm M. Watkins store, in Charlotte County,  A BAY HORSE,  about four feet eight or nine inches high, supposed to be about nine or ten years old, marked as nearly as can be recollected, as follows: a small star in his forehead, some saddle spots, a small piece off of one of his upper eye lids. He is also supposed to have been docked. His usual gait is pacing.  A reasonable reward will be given to any person who will return the said horse or secure him so that I get him again.  John H. Rice. N. B. He was missing the 2d or 3d day of this month. June 13th, 1808. oaw5w
Nicholas Hallam,  Few Doors Above The Swan Tavern HAS FOR SALE, on equally good terms as sold in Richmond,  360 wax and fair Calf Skins, } Philadelphia manufacture. } First quality Cossack boot legs } do. do. Long, three quarter } skin and Cordovan, do. } Calf and Cordovan roundings } and binding skins } Bridle leather, &c. &c. } Boots and Shoes.  Nails of all kinds.  Family Bacon, Butter, Cheese, } Lemons and Apples. } A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES.  Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis.  April 12. lawtf
20 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber on the night of the 10th inst., a negro man named JOHN STON, about 5 feet 7 inches high, slender made, one or perhaps more of his fore teeth decayed, bushy hair; he is a very active fellow, and of considerable address; he took with him an old fur hat, brown broad cloth coat, olive constitution cord roundabout, with pantalettes at the same, patched at the knees, a new mixed Virginia cloth round about and pantalettes, two new brown linen shirts, and some muslin shirts, a new madras handkerchief, and many other articles of clothing not recollected. It is supposed that he will make towards Richmond, as he was brought from that place last winter by Benjamin Hayden, who says he was purchased from a Mr Bell, grocer of Richmond. The above reward will be given to any person or persons for apprehending the negro and securing him in any jail, so that I get him again, or if brought home, all reasonable expenses paid. He is about 25 years of age.  Calvin Morgan: W/the courthouse, Virginia, } June 12, 1808. wtf
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE,  The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by E. Gibbon, 8 vols. The Life of Gen. Geo. Washington, by David Ramsay, M. D. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic, by Adam Ferguson, 3 volumes. The Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. The Travels of Anacharsis, 4 vols. Kening's New Virginia Justice.
THE Elements of Chess;  A TREATISE COMBINING THEORY with PRACTICE, And Comprising the whole of Philidor's Games, new modelled; and arranged upon an original plan.  Nos. 5, and 6, of THE American Military Library OR, Repository of Modern Tactics: THE MEMOIRS OF
WILLIAM SAMPSON,  Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe; his confinement in the dungeon of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS, Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Domination in that country; and a few observations on the state of manners, &c in America.
A Winter in London; or Sketches of Fashion. a novel, in 2 volumes, by T. S. Surr.  Time's a Tell Tale: a Comedy, in five acts, by Henry Siddons.  Rural Philosophy; or Reflections on Knowledge, Virtue and Happiness; chiefly in reference to a life of retirement in the country, by Ely Bates Esq.  Corinna, or Italy; by Mad. De Stael Holstein, in 2 vols.  Ira and Isabella; or the Natural Children; a novel, by the late W. H. Brown, of Boston.  Historical Grammar; or a Chronological Abridgement of Universal History, by C. Bingham, of Boston.  Ballads and Lyrical Pieces, by Walter Scott, Esq.
Penitentiary Store.  THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.  CUT NAILS.    Wholesale prices  Retail prices.    3d  13 cents.  14 cents per lb.    4  12 1-2  13 1-2    6  11 1-2  12 1-2    8  10 1-2  11 1-2    10  10  11    12  10  11    20  10  11    Slating nails  11 1-2  12 1-2    CUT BRADS.    8d  10 cents.  11 cents per lb.    10  9 1-2  10 1-2    12  Do.  Do.    20  Do.  Do.    SPRIGS.    3d  39 cts. per lb.  50 per m.    4  22 1-2  67    6  17  84    WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS.    6d  13  14 per lb.    8  12 1-2  13 1-2    10  12  13    12  11 1-2  12 1-2    20  11  12    30  11  12    Spikes of all sizes same price as 30d. nails. Broad and narrow Axes, Hatchets, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes.    Fair tops, back straps,  $ 9    Ditto  8    Suawarrows,  7    Half Boots,  5    Plantation and light fine shoes,  10 3/4 a 12 3/4    Do. second & third qualities,  7 3/4 a 9 3/4    Negro shoes (strong)  6 3/4 a 7 3/4    Girils do.  4 3/4 a 4 3/4    Boys do.  3 3/4 a 6 3/4    Childrens' shoes, etc.,  3 3/4 a 4 3/4    Fire Buckets  $ 4 3/4 a $ 5 per pair    Bridles, Sarsngles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambro and Fishing lines. Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern.  D. J. BURR
April 26, 1808. (2aw1m lawtf)  THE Shoes are reduced much below the former price.
Virginia, to wit:  At a court of Appeals held at the capitol in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.  GENERAL RULE—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court, shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket: and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through—and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term.  Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week, until the first day of October next.  A Copy—Teste, J. Brown, C. C.  Blank Notes  AND POWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.
20 Dollars Reward.  Ranaway from the Subscriber living in Halifax county, at the fork of Dan and Banister river, on or about the 23d day of August last, SHADRACK, a negro man slave, aged between thirty five and forty years. He is a sensible well informed fellow, is an excellent house servant, to which business and that of a groom he was principally applied for some time by capt. John A. Fawkes his late master, previous to my purchasing him of his executors, which was only two days before his elopement. His complexion is not entirely black, but yellowish, yet of the negro yellow; has a defect in the right eye which is nearly if not quite blind, occasioned by an inflammation, and both eyes generally shew inflamed symptoms—he also has had an arm broken, but this will not be perceived without particular examination—he has a bold, open appearance, is well made, about five feet six commonly complacent and conversable for a slave, and capable if he attempts it of much deception. He carried away with him a considerable variety of good clothes, a snuff colored cloth coat is particularly recollected, is very fond of dress, and it is expected will appear well as to that article and attempt to pass as a free man; to effect which, it is probable, the indulgence afforded him by his late master and particularly the confidence placed in him in his last illness, was made use of to supply himself with cash—and that he has since procured from some evil disposed person false papers against which the public are cautioned in confiding. The above reward will be paid to any person delivering him to me, at my residence, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again as well as all legal and reasonable expenses.  William Owen. w12p January 4, 1808.
Richmond Tile Manufactory.  THE subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harrowell's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of Thirty Five Dollars per thousand, delivered at his factory.  He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction on these tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.  Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side of the vessels, at the expense of carriage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid.  BENJAMIN DU VAL. Richmond, March 12, 1808. N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other states. wtf B. D.
Royster & Bohannan  Mave For Sale, at their Store near the Market-bridge, Richmond,  A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries,  AMONG WHICH ARE—    Brown Sugar in hds  Whiskey by the bbl, or here    Loaf Sugar, in do  French Brandy    Best Green Coffee  Salt by the Sack    Imperial, and  A quantity of excellent    Young Hyson TEAS,  Lard by the firkin    Chocolate, by the box  A large assortment of    Pimento  Iron Castings, every description    Pepper  An assortment of Stone    Ginger  Ware    Rice  Queen's Ware    Mustard  Soap and Candles by    W. 1 Rum  box    Jamaica  Leiper's Snuff    N. Eng and do  Writing Paper    Molasses by hhd  Wrapping do    Sherry and Malaga  Decanters    Wine  Tumblers    Holland and Country  Wine Glasses    Gin  Leading Lines    Spanish Segars by box or retail  Bed Cords, &c &c &c    Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town.  It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given.  17th June, 1808 wtf
FOR SALE  at the ARGUS OFFICE, A FEW DOOR BELOW THE BALL TAVERN, [PRICE TWO DOLLARS.]  A SYSTEM OF Military Tactics,  CONTAINING THE PRINCIPLES OF Discipline & Movements, CHIEFLY ADAPTED TO INFANTRY, WITH THE Rules and Regulations DESIGNED FOR THE Forces of the United States. TO WHICH IS ADDED THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS.  ILLUSTRATED BY 16 COPPER-PLATES, SHEWING UPWARDS OF ONE HUNDRED MOVEMENTS.  By DANIEL FISHER.