The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-19 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY — Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 20 do. of 200 - - - 4,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000.
1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening of wool, worsted & open wrought woolen cloths, valued at one hundred dollars each, (Patent right included) 100,000. 3,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $ 200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000.
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James O'Callaghan, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the Bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
TICKETS at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Fitzhugh and Fitzwhylson and Potomac.
The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses.
Note. The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (eptf.)
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807.
Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife—Andr. Andr. and Polly his wife, and—Meriwether and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants.
Happening to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; On motion of the complainants by their counsel, It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH; MUSE, c. m. c. Jan. 14. [2aw8w.]
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Friday the 5th day of February next, the tract of LAND in Amherst county on which Cornelius Thomas, late of that county, resided. It lies about four miles from the town of Warminster, and contains 2200 acres. Great part of it is tobacco land, equal in quality to any land in that or any other county in this state; some fine meadow land and a plenty of timber, a tolerable mill on a never-failing stream, 80 or 100 acres cleared and in order for cropping. I will sell the whole together or in lots to suit purchasers. My terms are one fourth in cash, and the balance in one, two, and three years. Bonds with approved security, or a deed of trust on the land will be required. REUBEN B. PATTESON, Attorney in fact for Cornelius Thomas. Buckingham, Jan. 9. [1aw4w.]
FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Goodman Barkdale, to secure the payment of a debt to William Galt, will be exposed to sale, at public auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 30th this present month (January) at Cloudens Buxter's plantation, where Christian W. Baker now resides, tract of L. N. No. 10 in the county of Albemarle, containing one hundred and twelve and a half, being the same land said Goodman Barkdale purchased of Douglas Barkdale: Also, two negro Gals, Maria and Morning, or so much of the above named property as will be sufficient to discharge the debt, interest, and cost of sale; acting as trustee for others, will only convey the title acquired in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Milton, January 7. [2aw9m.]
PROPOSALS for carrying the Mails of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 6 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethton, Middle-town, Karisburg, Carlisle and Snippensburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnells town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh 3 times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return. Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 5 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2d. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. [Ow8w.]
LOST, between Hanover Court House, and the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, this day, a red Morocco Pocket-Book, with Bank Notes, to the amount of ninety-five dollars—one fifty dollar note of the U. States' branch at Savannah, No. 5563—two twenty dollar notes of the Virginia Bank, and a five dollar, the numbers of the three last not now recollected; with two Bonds of Warner L. Wornley's of a thousand dollars, given to Robert B. Gaines of King and Queen, one of the hundred due the first of January 1810, and the other also of five hundred dollars due in January 1811, with sundry other papers that can be of no service to any person but the owner. Who ever will deliver the said Pocket-Book with the ninety five dollars and all the other papers that were in it when lost, to Mr. Politiaux of this city, or to the subscriber residing in King William near Hanover Courthouse, shall receive twenty dollars. THOMAS CARY NELSON. Richmond, Dec. 23. [2awtf.]
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act entitled, "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot. The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid. JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans. NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 — Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 — If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st December, 1807, 833 62 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 — Being the unredemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 630 dollars of new six. J. P. Com'r. Lns. Milton, January 7. [1aw9m.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY, Jan. 5.
DEBATE. On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson.
(CONTINUED.) Mr. Milnor felt great doubts as to the propriety of proceeding on the resolution itself, and still greater of referring it as was proposed, with power to send for persons and papers. If they were about to try general Wilkinson, if he was to be brought to the bar of the House, and his guilt or innocence was to be there determined, Mr. M. should be willing to appoint a committee to send for persons, papers, &c. to act as a grand jury and enquire whether there were a sufficient degree of guilt to warrant a trial. But as he believed the House had no right to call general Wilkinson before them, he had no idea of proceeding in this way to collect evidence when they had no authority to act upon it. It had been said that a court of enquiry had been called: Mr. M. had heard himself, and had reason to believe the information was correct, that an enquiry had been asked for and ordered. If so, was it proper that the House should go into the subject? Was it right, when a court of enquiry was called, when every evidence would be sought for on this and every other charge brought before the court, that the House should endeavor in an ex parte manner to ascertain the guilt or innocence of any person about to be tried by the proper tribunal? It was extremely improper, to go into any enquiry on the subject. If, when the gentleman from Virginia bro't his resolution forward, he had laid the papers he had read on the table, he should have had no hesitation in voting that they should be transmitted to the executive, and should have voted for a motion to that effect, because he believed that when any information came before the House with respect to the conduct of any officer, it should be laid before the proper authority. But a positive declaration of the House that inquest ought to be held on the conduct of any officer would convey to the public mind and to the court a strong impression of his guilt; and this would be giving an undue influence in an enquiry.
Believing that it would be improper in the House to investigate the subject, or to influence an enquiry by virtually saying that they believed gen. W. to be guilty, he hoped the present motion would be agreed to, and afterwards that they would decide against the reference. He had no hesitation in saying it would be improper to constitute any committee or court of enquiry on this subject, and under this impression should vote. Mr. Gardnier was somewhat surprised at the opposition which the motion he had made had met with, and was also surprised that the propriety of pursuing the course which he had recommended, (to appoint a committee of investigation) had not struck gentlemen more forcibly than it had. He was therefore reduced to the necessity of stating the reasons which induced him to make the motion, and which now compelled him to persist in it. The charge brought against gen. Wilkinson was calculated not only to occupy the attention of the House, but of the whole American people. Whether they considered that he was an officer no less than commander in chief of the army of the U. S.—whether they considered that department of government by which he had hitherto been protected and cherished, no less than the Executive—whether they considered that this charge was no less than against a general or commander in chief for bargaining and selling himself, his army, and his country to a foreign or a hostile power—whether they considered the time when this accusation was brought forward, a time when the destiny of the nation, its slavery on one hand and its liberty on the other, depended not on the capacity alone, but dreadful to say, on the fidelity of the commander in chief—when they considered to whom this charge was submitted, to the grand inquest of the nation, that body whose duty it was to watch with unceasing vigilance the safety of the commonwealth, to use the language of an ancient writer, ne quid Respublica detrimenti Capiat—in whatever view they considered it, its decision required assuredly all the wisdom, all the patriotism, and he would add, all the independence of this body. The original resolution of the gentleman from Virginia had been met at its threshold by an objection, the more surprising as it proceeded from those who had hitherto affected an exclusive and almost hysterical jealousy of Executive power—to his mind an objection more to be execrated, as it struck at the very root of republican government; as it went to deprive those of the right of instituting an enquiry into the conduct of an officer, who possessed the right of impeaching the President himself who appointed that officer. The lesser power was included in the greater. If they had power over the master of Gen. Wilkinson, if they were master of the superior, they were master of the servant also. He could never reprobate in terms of sufficient abhorrence, the position assumed that this House was the only body which could not lay a request before the President. When he had seen the President of the United States benignly receiving addresses from the legislatures of different states (he could not say with smiles) requesting him to extend his paternal and affectionate care over the country for another constitutional period, from bodies who had no constitutional power to make this request, he could not believe that the President would shew less attention to a request from this body than he had shewn a disposition to do requests from the legislatures of particular states. On a question of this kind he could not descend to reason. It was too plain, palpable almost to the sense, that this enquiry was within the limits of their constitutional power. There could be no question that the House possessed a right to lay a request before the President—a right which was possessed by the meanest individual in society. It only then remained for the House to determine whether they would act upon this subject, so important in every point of view—after a deaf ear had been turned to this accusation in the palace, it remained for them to say, whether they would suffer venality and corruption to run through this body unhurt. He hoped never to see that day when the House would so much disgrace itself as to refuse to do what became a duty. If documents submitted to the House by the gentleman from Virginia were authentic, if these documents spoke the truth, there could be no hesitation in saying that a continuance of gen. W. at the head of the American army, was not only disgraceful to the nation, but inconsistent with its security. It was true that the gentleman from Orleans territory had it in his power to give evidence still more convincing than any that could be found in the documents which had been submitted by the gentleman from Virginia, and Mr. G. had much reason to believe, and indeed had no doubt that the gentleman had it in his power, it would be proper to obtain that evidence; and if the course had been pursued as stated (and he did not question the fact) to institute a committee before the proceedings of the House had terminated on the subject, an enquiry to be carried on by persons possessing no such powers as that now proposed to be delegated to a committee, (to send for persons, papers, &c.) and if the gentleman from Orleans persisted in his word as he always did; this enquiry would appear, if not intended, at least calculated to mislead. For, as he understood it, this committee, this band of officers, this trio of the President's had not the power, if authorised to pursue the enquiry to the utmost extent that the nature of the case demanded, to enforce their process; they were a substitute for the reality, a mere make believe. It was therefore that he was not to be taken in by this; it was therefore that he was bound to do his duty to his country by persisting in an investigation; that at least if he could not satisfy the Executive, he might satisfy the American people; for when its nature was known, the calamity would not be so great.
This disposition for enquiry seemed to be manifested on all sides of the House. They wished to ascertain with unerring certainty whether this charge was true or not. If the mode which they were now told (on what authority they did not know) was pursued by the government—if that mode would not reach the object which was now aimed at, why refuse to delegate this power to a committee? This measure of appointing a court of enquiry was not communicated to the House officially as it ought to be in order to stop their proceedings, nor in such a way that they could place confidence in it, not meaning at the same time any disrespect to the gentleman from Kentucky who had stated the circumstance. It was sufficient for Mr. G. that such a court was not competent; and here he pledged himself, as upon a rock from which he would not be removed, that it was not in the power, if it was in the disposition of the President, from his own authority to go on with an enquiry of this sort, except the House gave him the authority on which to support it. He did not know whether the President had the power to compel the attendance of witnesses, except in cases of military matters and military men. How then was the evidence of the gentleman from Orleans to be got at? How, but by the intervention of the great constitutional power of this House—the only way. If then those gentlemen were sincere who wished to give gen. W. an opportunity of shewing his innocence, or those who doubted it, and wished to have an opportunity of giving evidence of his guilt, the mode which Mr. G. proposed was the only one; if not the only, assuredly the most proper way.
What was the accusation? Not for an overt act or crime—not for an offence committed in the face of day, or which was capable of open proof. The crime was secret, if committed at all. The very nature of the act, being done in secret, carefully avoiding public attention, acting with such precaution as not to permit his name to be written or spoken, required a particular mode of proceeding. There was no other mode which would give satisfaction to the people of this country than a candid, fair, impartial, and unprejudiced investigation. If gen. W. could walk unhurt through the flames of such an ordeal, he deserved the confidence of the people; if not, it became the duty of the house to enquire further.
It had been said by some that the papers read by the gentleman from Virginia should be sent to the executive; but nothing had been said about the gentleman from Orleans. Mr. G. would ask the gentleman from Tennessee why would he send these papers to the Executive? As what? He should suppose as evidence which the President was to communicate to the board of enquiry which had been instituted. If the gentleman considered it proper that any evidence should be sent, why not send the whole of the evidence which it was in the power of this House to acquire? If they sent any, why not send all? And if they would send all, why not take measures without which they could not procure it? It did strike Mr. G. that the thing admitted of no other course; that if they sent any, they should send the whole. He would in this case particularly, if there were the most distant prospect of being able to accomplish the object sought for, place before the President such evidence as could not be resisted.
The gentleman from Tennessee was pleased to remark that the House had no more business with this enquiry than the President of the U. S. had to recommend any act which exclusively pertained to the House of Representatives of the U. S. He did not know what he might call the peculiar province of the President; but he knew that it was the peculiar province of the House of Representatives to originate impeachments, and yet he had seen in the message from the President to the House an implied recommendation to them on that subject. Mr. G. did not object to this; he thought the different branches of government did well to sustain each other in all events. The President, said he, has given us evidence that he thinks himself competent to advise us; and I really wish to be equally civil, and return him the compliment; to shew him that we can advise him, and give him the means of acting efficiently. It
was in this way that the House would effectually perform its duty. He wanted no half measures; they had appropriated money for half-fortification this session; he wanted no half-way enquiry into the conduct of the commander in chief, for this half-way business would not answer.
The power of the House to do this was unquestioned; it has exercised that power in a variety of cases. The only question was, whether this was one of those cases in which the House should exercise that power? Was this the only mode in which they could convict Gen. Wilkinson if he was guilty, or satisfy the community of his innocence if he were not guilty? If this were the case, he thought friends and enemies should take this plain course; this was the object and the only object they ought to pursue. Mr. G. was not influenced by any personal dislike to Gen. W. for he had no acquaintance with or knowledge of him. Gen. W. had never injured him or any of his connections or friends, and he felt himself therefore free to decide; but he should ill discharge his duty to his country if on an occasion like the present he did not advocate the most effectual means for an enquiry. He should express on all occasions what was his opinion, and he would say that the present case was a test of the impartiality of the House. If not withstanding party attachments, and deference to the Executive, the House should exercise that impartiality which should of right attach to them, he should have hopes of the salvation of his country. It was here, within these walls that the fate of the country was to be decided; it was here that corruption was to be arrested and exposed, if not here, he was afraid no where.
He was more desirous of seeing this enquiry take the proper course, from events which had recently taken place, in which this officer had been charged with violating the constitution of our country. The bleeding chapter of our rights, and the oppression of our citizens, had long ago called upon the House for interference. If the constitution was for no purpose, mere paper works which a military officer could with impunity trample under foot, it was time the people should know it, that they might submit. But when he found in the declaration of independence, that among the causes of our separation from the mother country were these: "He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to the civil power—He has given his assent for transporting beyond the seas to be tried for pretended offences"—that these among others were assigned as reasons for destroying the political bonds of society, as sufficient reasons for throwing off our allegiance—when we had seen not a great and powerful government committing these enormities, but a mere military commander committing them with impunity—when the spirit of the nation was so base as not to cry out with unceasing sensibility at these violations of its rights—when he saw this, he was disposed to think that the officer would not be too much injured by an enquiry into this particular charge, which was, to say the least of it, important. On consulting the constitution, he found that the people of the United States were not sufficiently content with the original articles of the constitution, but other articles had been added, in which it was declared that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law—a right which one would think did not require the sanction of a constitution to secure it. This right which the people had so sedulously guarded as to include it in an additional article, had been violated wantonly and without occasion. He wanted no evidence of this; it had been done at noon day, before the whole American people. He must himself express his astonishment, that after conduct of this sort, the person who had dared to commit these acts had been suffered to exist as a military commander; and he conceived that he who had suffered him to do these things in a country of civil law, was scarcely less culpable than the offender. He expressed his surprise that at this day it was necessary to institute the enquiry now proposed. When was the cup of guilt to be full? When was the wounded constitution of the country to receive its balm? He would not have it in this case understood that he believed the Executive had gone through with the whole business; he believed it would have been content if the effect alone of certain measures had been produced, without the means which were employed.
"Would ever a case exist in which a military commander would not render himself independent if he could? Would a case exist in which he could not find a pretence?—They had seen the Emperor of France go forward step by step, and had he ever been at a loss for plausible pretences? No; nor ever would be. A nation which submitted to the first violation was ruined forever. Let us, said he, once become familiar with the violation of our national honor, and we are familiar with it forever—if we ever suffered the constitution to be invaded more particularly by a military power. Those military gentlemen who acted in their proper sphere, protecting and fighting for their country, should have his zealous support as long as their conduct was proper. He wished they might gather laurels in profusion; he wished they might be well provided for; and at the present crisis he would go so far as to say, that better provision ought to be made for their support than they received at present; but whenever they went out of the line of their duty, whenever they violated the constitution of the country which it was their duty to defend, they would become the foe of every honest man; he was persuaded that but few of our officers were entitled to this appellation.
Upon the whole he thought that every gentleman on the floor was satisfied that the nation demanded that an effectual enquiry should be instituted; that even they who apologized for the conduct of this officer could not rest satisfied unless an opportunity was given to enquire. As a member of the grand inquest of the nation, he could say that he had seen enough to induce him to enter his vote in favor of the propriety of effectually enquiring. The people were now arrived at that point where they could neither turn to the right or the left. If an enquiry were had, the commander in chief of the army of the U. States on one hand might have the
power of the House to do this was unquestioned; it has exercised that power in a variety of cases. The only question was, whether this was one of those cases in which the House should exercise that power? Was this the only mode in which they could convict Gen. Wilkinson if he was guilty, or satisfy the community of his innocence if he were not guilty? If this were the case, he thought friends and enemies should take this plain course; this was the object and the only object they ought to pursue. Mr. G. was not influenced by any personal dislike to Gen. W. for he had no acquaintance with or knowledge of him. Gen. W. had never injured him or any of his connections or friends, and he felt himself therefore free to decide; but he should ill discharge his duty to his country if on an occasion like the present he did not advocate the most effectual means for an enquiry. He should express on all occasions what was his opinion, and he would say that the present case was a test of the impartiality of the House. If not withstanding party attachments, and deference to the Executive, the House should exercise that impartiality which should of right attach to them, he should have hopes of the salvation of his country. It was here, within these walls that the fate of the country was to be decided; it was here that corruption was to be arrested and exposed, if not here, he was afraid no where.
He was more desirous of seeing this enquiry take the proper course, from events which had recently taken place, in which this officer had been charged with violating the constitution of our country. The bleeding chapter of our rights, and the oppression of our citizens, had long ago called upon the House for interference. If the constitution was for no purpose, mere paper works which a military officer could with impunity trample under foot, it was time the people should know it, that they might submit. But when he found in the declaration of independence, that among the causes of our separation from the mother country were these: "He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to the civil power—He has given his assent for transporting beyond the seas to be tried for pretended offences"—that these among others were assigned as reasons for destroying the political bonds of society, as sufficient reasons for throwing off our allegiance—when we had seen not a great and powerful government committing these enormities, but a mere military commander committing them with impunity—when the spirit of the nation was so base as not to cry out with unceasing sensibility at these violations of its rights—when he saw this, he was disposed to think that the officer would not be too much injured by an enquiry into this particular charge, which was, to say the least of it, important. On consulting the constitution, he found that the people of the United States were not sufficiently content with the original articles of the constitution, but other articles had been added, in which it was declared that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law—a right which one would think did not require the sanction of a constitution to secure it. This right which the people had so sedulously guarded as to include it in an additional article, had been violated wantonly and without occasion. He wanted no evidence of this; it had been done at noon day, before the whole American people. He must himself express his astonishment, that after conduct of this sort, the person who had dared to commit these acts had been suffered to exist as a military commander; and he conceived that he who had suffered him to do these things in a country of civil law, was scarcely less culpable than the offender. He expressed his surprise that at this day it was necessary to institute the enquiry now proposed. When was the cup of guilt to be full? When was the wounded constitution of the country to receive its balm? He would not have it in this case understood that he believed the Executive had gone through with the whole business; he believed it would have been content if the effect alone of certain measures had been produced, without the means which were employed.
"Would ever a case exist in which a military commander would not render himself independent if he could? Would a case exist in which he could not find a pretence?—They had seen the Emperor of France go forward step by step, and had he ever been at a loss for plausible pretences? No; nor ever would be. A nation which submitted to the first violation was ruined forever. Let us, said he, once become familiar with the violation of our national honor, and we are familiar with it forever—if we ever suffered the constitution to be invaded more particularly by a military power. Those military gentlemen who acted in their proper sphere, protecting and fighting for their country, should have his zealous support as long as their conduct was proper. He wished they might gather laurels in profusion; he wished they might be well provided for; and at the present crisis he would go so far as to say, that better provision ought to be made for their support than they received at present; but whenever they went out of the line of their duty, whenever they violated the constitution of the country which it was their duty to defend, they would become the foe of every honest man; he was persuaded that but few of our officers were entitled to this appellation.
Upon the whole he thought that every gentleman on the floor was satisfied that the nation demanded that an effectual enquiry should be instituted; that even they who apologized for the conduct of this officer could not rest satisfied unless an opportunity was given to enquire. As a member of the grand inquest of the nation, he could say that he had seen enough to induce him to enter his vote in favor of the propriety of effectually enquiring. The people were now arrived at that point where they could neither turn to the right or the left. If an enquiry were had, the commander in chief of the army of the U. States on one hand might have the
power of the House to do this was unquestioned; it has exercised that power in a variety of cases. The only question was, whether this was one of those cases in which the House should exercise that power? Was this the only mode in which they could convict Gen. Wilkinson if he was guilty, or satisfy the community of his innocence if he were not guilty? If this were the case, he thought friends and enemies should take this plain course; this was the object and the only object they ought to pursue. Mr. G. was not influenced by any personal dislike to Gen. W. for he had no acquaintance with or knowledge of him. Gen. W. had never injured him or any of his connections or friends, and he felt himself therefore free to decide; but he should ill discharge his duty to his country if on an occasion like the present he did not advocate the most effectual means for an enquiry. He should express on all occasions what was his opinion, and he would say that the present case was a test of the impartiality of the House. If not withstanding party attachments, and deference to the Executive, the House should exercise that impartiality which should of right attach to them, he should have hopes of the salvation of his country. It was here, within these walls that the fate of the country was to be decided; it was here that corruption was to be arrested and exposed, if not here, he was afraid no where.

vidence of the people; on the other, the army would be governed by a man of more fidelity and integrity.
Mr. Holland wished to be indulged with a very few remarks on this subject. It appeared to be completely admitted by gentlemen who had spoken on the subject, that this House had not the power to try the offence charged. But although this point was given up, they were asked to enable the Executive to try Gen. Wilkinson—to procure testimony for the President to enable him to convict that officer, and asked to send for persons and papers for that purpose. The gentleman last up had told them that this was the only way in which they could convict Gen. W. that he knew of no other way, and was solicitous at all events to convict him. Mr. H. said it was honest in him to state his designs so candidly. It appeared that the gentleman wished an enquiry into the conduct of Gen. W.—that he thought it was high time to make an enquiry, lest he should overwhelm the country and drive every thing before him, and the greatest reason for this and the greatest fault he found with his conduct was in taking into custody Swartwout and Bollman, Col. Burr and others, and not paying due regard to the constituted authorities of the country. If the gentleman's feelings were so exceedingly excited by this, Mr. H. did not participate in them. Gen. Wilkinson had acknowledged that he had been and still was responsible to the civil authority. Let those gentlemen whose individual rights had been injured apply to courts of justice, to the civil authority, and if Gen. W. could not answer for his conduct, damages would be awarded against him. The law of the country was competent to punish every offence wherever the laws had been violated. Under this belief he thought it was not now necessary to take up this enquiry for his civil conduct. If he had acted improperly as a military officer, he was answerable to military courts or to the Executive. And was it necessary to take this measure to enable a military court to examine into the conduct of Gen. W. on this occasion? Why enquire into the business? Because the laws were not competent? Were there no laws which would operate on the case? It was not pretended to say that the testimony to be procured was to be a ground on which to fix a law. If it were, he should not object to it. Let us examine our laws, said he, and if they are not competent to punish offences such as that charged, let us amend them.
Gentlemen talked much of the strong evidence adduced to the House. Mr. H. had examined the evidence, and it was not of that kind entitled to credit, certainly not stronger evidence than that produced to the court of Richmond against the conspirators. And what had resulted from that testimony? Those persons charged with conspiracy had been discharged from the court, who had paid no respect to the evidence, and set at liberty the persons accused. If what had been read could be called evidence, it was, to say the best of it, very vague. A paper had been produced (he could not say what it contained, for it was not in his possession) said to be a translation of a Spanish letter. Had the translation been sworn to? Had the person who certified it been sworn to? He believed not: if not, the evidence it contained, if any, was neither valid nor legal. How did it come into the House? How was it brought here? They knew not how it was procured or how it was brought forward.
With respect to the evidence of Power, it was not entitled to credit. He had certified one way, and he had certified the other: it was Power versus Power; by one certificate he had done away another. The House were surely not prepared upon this testimony to enter into a measure of this kind—to ask the President of the United States, if indeed it were in their power, to do it, to make an enquiry. It would not be said that this testimony was of any force. True it was that a clamour had been raised throughout the union on the subject; and there was a time when Mr. H. himself thought that officer and the whole army were corrupted—that the conspiracy had proceeded farther than it had: but, thank God! he had been convinced of his error. It was to be supposed that those concerned in the conspiracy would endeavour to prosecute Wilkinson, and that those connected would endeavour to throw an odium upon him. Be that as it might, the House should not enquire, except they possessed authority to do it. Certainly this case was not similar to that quoted of an enquiry into the conduct of Gen. St. Clair; for that was not grounded on any specific charge.
It certainly was not a general principle, that where a power did not exist to consummate a trial, to prosecute it to a final end, the power of prosecution did not exist at all: it therefore followed that the power of enquiring into this subject did not exist in this House. Was it then proper that they should neglect former cases, to form a precedent which would not be correct? Each department of the government should exercise its own functions; and the moment the House commenced an enquiry of this kind, they travelled out of their course, and showed that they had not that confidence which they ought to have in that department of government competent to try the case. Why then proceed in this business? Certainly whatever the intention might be, it would have an improper effect on the trial of that officer. The House sending a resolution to the proper department requesting it to try a certain officer, operated as the opinion of the legislature on his guilt. Could it be possible that a person thus treated could have a fair trial? He should doubt the justice of a trial conducted by persons thus directed; the proper authority should remain unbiased and unprejudiced by such an influence as the passage of this resolution would operate. He was in hopes that the honorable gentleman who brought forward this motion would have withdrawn it when he had cooled; and as the gentleman had stated that he had gained his object, [Mr. Randolph explained that his expression had been, that one object was gained,]—The gentleman then, had obtained one object, probably the only object he intended—certainly the most valuable purpose he had in view.
Gentlemen who advocated this motion ought to show to the House, that they had power to proceed in this way; that the existing authority of this country was not competent to try this officer. But they had not shown it; and they had certainly shown a disposition to do it if they could. He considered such a measure as this, calculated to injure the officer, and in whatever point he viewed it as an improper measure. Had the gentleman from Virginia laid the evidence on the table, he would certainly have agreed to transmit these papers to the proper tribunal; which would have been sufficient notice of them, more perhaps than they deserved.
(Debate to be continued.)
The Speaker laid before the House a report from the Post-Master-General favorable to the petition of Samuel Whiting. Referred to a select committee, with leave to report by bill.
Mr. Wilbour presented a petition from sundry citizens of Rhode Island, praying for the erection of a light-house at point.
Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. M. D. Williams from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill making further compensation to the marshals of the districts of North-Carolina and New-Jersey. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dana begged leave to state to the House a proposition which had for its object the encouragement and the security of the seamen of the United States; by this expression he meant all who belonged to the national family, whether by birth or regular adoption. The proposition which he meant to offer, contemplated a measure of permanent policy, to which the United States might adhere in either alternative of peace or war. The adoption of the measure could not interfere with any stipulation which might be made in any treaty between the United States and any foreign power, or with any negotiation pending or expected; it did not propose to renounce any claim ever made by the government of the United States. It proposed no national degradation or acknowledgement of inferiority to any power whatever. Yet the proposition was of such a nature that he apprehended it would, if adopted, essentially diminish the range of controversy as respected seamen; and might be carried to such an extent as to annihilate it altogether. When he said this, he spoke as to those seamen who did in fact belong to the United States. The proposition proposed a marked distinction between our own seamen and those who were aliens to our country and our laws, and gave a preference to our own, over any other. It proposed that they should have better and more employment, that they should be known to a certainty and firmly protected. If he should be asked what this proposition was, it would be evident that it was a plain measure—it exhibited nothing of the magnificence of a learned and abstract disquisition; it was a proposition which addressed itself to the interest of the merchant and to the heart of the American seaman. That the House might understand how it was intended to accomplish this object, he would call their attention first to the revenue laws, and then to the navigation laws of the United States.
It would be sufficient to observe, as respected the revenue system, that the laws of the United States, marked a strong distinction between vessels of the United States and all others. The term vessel of the United States denoted a title to peculiar benefits and privileges, and exemption from the extraordinary duty on tonnage, and an exemption from a duty of 10 per cent. on all articles imported, this being levied as a discriminating duty, in addition to the ordinary impost, on all goods imported in foreign vessels. This duty was nearly equal to the average expense of freight across the Atlantic; so that it gave a decided preference, and of course a greater employment to American vessels. It was proposed to avail ourselves of the same principle for American seamen; making it requisite that a portion of the seamen should be American, thereby ensuring them employment by this duty of 10 per cent. to be incurred by the employment of foreign seamen in preference.
If the House would advert to the navigation law of the United States, they would see how the principle recognized by that could be applied to American seamen. That act speaks of certain qualifications which should entitle vessels to be named vessels of the United States. The qualifications are three. The first, for the encouragement of American ship building, requires that a vessel shall be built in the United States. American construction. The next, that this vessel shall be owned by American citizens—American construction and American property. The next, that a vessel shall not enjoy the privilege of American vessels, longer than commanded by an American captain—American construction, property and commander. These three qualifications were necessary for a registered vessel.
The addition which Mr. D. proposed to these qualifications, was, that these vessels should be navigated by a proportion of American mariners—this was the proposition which he should submit. As soon as the proposition was stated, its operation would be instantly seen. If it were adopted, American seamen would of course in preference be employed; it would give them a more comfortable means of subsistence. The merchant would be compelled to employ them, if his vessels could not otherwise enjoy the privilege of American vessels; and all his exertions to procure American seamen would be more than compensated by the diminution of duty, in consequence of their employment. It would then be the interest as well as duty of American seamen to point out impostors, as they might be kept out of employ by false swearing of seamen not citizens. In adopting this principle into our navigation law, Mr. D. felt perfectly willing to renounce the whole system of certificates and protections. He did not wish American seamen to carry protections while on board our ships; he wished that their being on board an American ship should be a proper protection; and if this peaceable means of protection will not answer, said Mr. D. let us take stronger measures. But in giving a man this protection with merely documentary proof, in giving him the complete protection of the American flag, it would be perceived that he would enjoy it no longer than he was faithful to his duty. In order to entitle a vessel to the character of a registered vessel, it would be necessary that it should appear that she had on board, a proportion of American seamen. It would be a plain regulation, no acknowledgement of inferiority, and its adoption would not interfere with any existing treaty or negotiation.
There was a reason why he felt disposed to have this subject considered at the present time. The operation of the embargo would no doubt throw out of employment a great many seamen; among them might be foreign subjects. Thrown out of employ by the embargo, and a portion of them being called home by the Proclamation of his Britannic majesty, Mr. D. should suppose it probable that foreign seamen might be induced to go into other service. He wished to hold out to American seamen, to our own citizens, the inducement of employment in preference to others, thereby giving them some cause to hope for brighter prospects and better times than the present. With these views he offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That for the encouragement & security of seamen of the U. States, it is expedient to make provision, that registered
ships or vessels, after a time to be limited by law, shall not continue to enjoy the benefits and privileges appertaining to ships or vessels of the U. States, unless some proportion of the mariners on board the same shall be citizens of the U. States.
Mr. D. moved that it be referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday next, that its principle might be fully discussed—Agreed.
Mr. Dana said it would be recollected that the Secretary of the Treasury had reported a statement of the tonnage in the U. States; this document he deemed very interesting & it might have an important bearing on the subject just referred. It was also important to know how many seamen were registered in the U. States as American, that the House might judge how the seamen were proportioned to the tonnage. He was not certain that the Secretary of State could give all the information desired; but all that he had Mr. D. wished to procure, and therefore submitted the following resolution, which was adopted.
Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to lay before this House a statement of the respective numbers of citizens of the U. States, registered as American seamen, and now belonging to the several districts of the customs, according to the returns made by the collectors, in pursuance of the law relative to the relief and protection of American seamen.
On motion of Mr. Bassett, the House went into a committee of the whole, on the bill incorporating a church at Alexandria; and after some time, the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into a committee of the whole on the report of the committee of Ways & Means on the petition of Edward Weid and Samuel Beebee; after a short time spent, the committee rose and reported their agreement to the report in favor of their petition which was referred to the committee of Ways & Means to bring in a bill in pursuance thereof.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the House went into committee of the whole on the bill authorising the payment of certain expenses attending the impeachment of Samuel Chase. The committee rose in a few minutes and reported their agreement to the bill, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Van Horn offered the following resolution which he conceived to embrace information connected with the resolution this day proposed by Mr. Dana:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to lay before this House a statement showing the amount of tonnage employed in the U. S. in the exportation of articles of the produce or manufacture of the U. States—Agreed to.
The report of the committee of Claims unfavorable to the petition of Peter Landais was taken up and concurred with.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill to remit the duties payable on the monument imported by the naval officers of the U. S. when Mr. Milner moved to add a new section to the bill to appropriate a sum of money for railing in and covering the monument. After some debate on this, in which Messrs. Milner, Lyon and Witherell supported, and Messrs. Stanford, Macon, and Smilie opposed it, the committee rose without deciding on it, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Blackledge laid before the House a resolution of the legislature of N. Carolina, requesting the representatives of that state to use their endeavours to procure the erection of a fortification or defence near Beaufort in that state, which was not contemplated in the report of the Secretary of War, made to the House.
After some discussion as to the proper mode of disposing of it, the House agreed, 60 to 17, to transmit it to the President of the U. S. in order that due provision might be made for the defence of that port.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JANUARY 19, 1808.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 6.
DEBATE on the Amendment to the Federal Constitution, respecting the Judiciary. (Mr. Smith in continuation.)
I will in the first place attempt to point out to this committee the manifest and glaring defects of the constitution of the U. S. as it fixes the responsibility of judges, and the tenure of judicial office. I beg leave to refer to those parts of the constitution which it will be necessary to examine, in order to learn on what basis our constitution places our judiciary—2nd sec. of 1st. article provides, that the House of Representatives shall have the "sole power of impeachment." 3rd sec. 1 article provides that the "Senate shall have the sole power of trying all impeachments," &c. sec. IV. art. II provides that the "President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the U. S. shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Sect. I article III provides "that judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour." From a recurrence to these provisions in our constitution, we shall find that our federal judges hold their offices during good behaviour; that they can be removed from office on conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors—that they must be impeached by the House of Representatives and tried by the Senate, &c. I cannot, Mr. Chairman, convey to this committee my ideas of the alarming defects in the constitution of the U. S., in a more forcible manner, than by enquiring what is the efficacy of this power of impeachment which is placed in the hands of the House of Representatives. I pledge myself to prove to this committee, that under our constitution as it now stands, a judge of the U. S. may be guilty of "high crimes and misdemeanors" and yet be honourably acquitted on impeachment, and that a judge may disgrace his office and not be impeachable. If these positions can be established to the satisfaction of the committee, I presume they will decide with me, that our constitution is eminently defective. A judge, I say, of the U. S. may be guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, yet he will be honourably acquitted by this high tribunal, the Senate of the U. States, who alone are authorised to try him. What is the tenure of judicial office in the U. S.? The constitution fixes "during good behaviour." These terms good behaviour, are easily understood by a plain man, who has not been in the habit of expounding musty statutes—such a
man would say, that while a judge held his office during good behaviour, misconduct would be a forfeiture of that office. But this is not the construction given to that phrase by those who are learned in law. Look, sir, to an important and disgraceful trial which, some short time past, attracted the attention of the people of the U. S. and excited their liveliest interests—A trial the result of which evidences the defects of the constitution of the U. S. I allude to the trial of Judge Chase an associate justice of the supreme court of the U. States. The managers of that prosecution, men selected for their intelligence and their integrity to conduct this impeachment—before the Senate, construed this phrase good behaviour, in its plain common meaning—they thought it was only necessary to convict Samuel Chase of misdemeanor—But the learned counsel for the respondent thought otherwise. The term good behaviour, said they, was a general term used in the constitution—it specified no offence of which a judge should be guilty to cause his removal from office. They contended that the fourth section of 2d art. of the Constitution specified the offences of which a judge must be convicted before he can be dismissed and that these offences were "treason, bribery and other high crimes and misdemeanors." And, Sir, is it not a great public evil that there should be a single phrase in our constitution, which is thus capable of bearing different constructions, and of being distorted to suit different purposes?—Is it not, too, sir, something remarkable, that an instrument so guarded, so cautious, so specific in all its expressions, and so limited in all its grants of power—should contain an expression, respecting the most important branch of our government, which is so perfectly incapable of being correctly understood or accurately defined?—But if this term good behaviour means any thing, it means to serve for life. So says Judge Tucker an able Judge of the highest court of this commonwealth—Tucker's Black. part 1st 333 declares that it has been settled by a long train of decisions in England, that tenure during good behaviour is tenure for life. Then, sir, if Judges in the U. States hold their offices during good behaviour, & tenure during good behaviour is tenure for life, unless the office is forfeited by treason, bribery or other high crimes and high misdemeanors; it is idle in the extreme, to boast of a power of impeachment hanging in terrorem over a judge.
Again—We find another powerful obstacle in the way of the salutary exercise of this power of impeachment. The intention with which any act is performed, constitutes an important part of the criminality of that act. So important is the intention to constitute a crime, that our laws do not punish acts attended with the most dreadful consequences unless they have sprung from vicious and diabolical motives. In all criminal prosecutions, the motive from which any doubtful or criminal conduct has proceeded, must be ascertained. This must be done as well when a judge is impeachable as when a felon is tried. When a judge, then, is brought before the Senate of the U. S. that grand inquest of the nation—it is not sufficient to prove that his conduct has been derogatory to the dignity and impartiality of his character as a judge—that his decisions have been incorrect and dangerous—that he has trampled on law and on justice. It must be incontestibly proved that he has been guilty of an intentional violation of his duties. If criminal conduct is alleged and proved and there is doubt as to the criminality of motive, that maxim of jurisprudence that in cases of doubt acquittal shall take place, comes to the aid of the accused. In cases where there is the smallest reason to doubt of the baseness of the motives of a judge, he will be acquitted; and almost 99 cases in an hundred will leave room for some doubt. As it is not, sir, expecting too much from any earthly tribunal; to expect that they can exercise the powers of omniscience itself—can penetrate into the human heart and see the baseness and corruption which circulates there? Here then impeachment fails.
Again—impeachment only guards against such offences as are indictable. When, sir, I wish to know any thing about the solid advantage of this vaunted power of impeachment, my eyes are involuntarily drawn to the trial of judge Chase. The learned respondent, whose capacious mind embraced every principle of law, in his answer to the articles of impeachment exhibited against him, lays it down as a correct position and supports it with all the energies of his mind,—that no judge can, on impeachment, be convicted of any offence, and removed from office unless that offence is indictable. The council for the accused judge contended also for the truth of this position, and I say the least that I can possibly say of their efforts, when I declare that in my opinion they sustained their doctrine with plausibility.—They knew that it was all important to fix the principle, that no judge could be removed from office, unless he committed some act, which would bring him down upon his guilty head the penalties of some law of the U. S. or of some statutory provision of the state in which he sat as judge. It is not a part of my duty now, nor is it my wish to examine the correctness of this doctrine. It will be sufficient for my purpose to say that it was relied on in Chase's trial—that it was the pivot, on which that prosecution turned and that it will always open a door for judicial corruption to stalk through.
If,Text"> If, Mr. Chairman, reasoning of this kind will not convince members of this committee of the total inefficacy of the power of impeachment placed by our constitution in the hands of the House of Representatives; They need only recur to experience that abundant source of human knowledge—They need only refer to the history of our own country.—They need only enquire what were the articles of impeachment exhibited against that great delinquent Chase.—What was the evidence in support of these charges and what was the result of that famous prosecution—permit me, slightly to animadvert on some of the charges alleged and proved against that judge.—That high judicial officer knew well that the doctrine of constructive treason, was odious in the U. S. He knew well what oppressions, what persecutions, it had given rise to in other countries. He knew what torrents of blood it had caused to flow. He knew that the constitution of the U. S. had excluded this doctrine by defining the crime of treason. This learned judge also, sir, knew well that when an offender against the laws of his country is brought to his trial, he is to be treated with the utmost lenity and allowed every privilege which the laws of his country permit him to enjoy, till his guilt is substantiated by evidence—with these impressions on his mind he presided at the trial of an unfortunate, humble individual, accused of treason, in one of the courts of the U. S. Fries was this culprit—what was the deportment of this associate justice on that occasion?—He delivered a prejudged
and written opinion on the law of Treason and applied this opinion to the individual case of Fries—He thus discovered to the unfortunate prisoner that the court had prejudged his case without hearing evidence in his behalf. He thus prejudiced the minds of the jury against Fries and in effect deprived him of that right of trial by an impartial jury which the constitution of his country had guaranteed to him.
This judge denied the able counsel of Fries, the right of citing such English authorities and such American statutes as they deemed applicable to their client's case, and essential to his defence. He denied to them, the right of addressing the jury as well on the law, as on the fact which were to determine the guilt or innocence of the accused. Thus were the counsel of Fries driven from his defence—thus was he left to rest on the mercy of a court who had prejudged his case—thus was he convicted by a jury without bearing hard in his defence—a jury, too, who had been prejudiced against him by a written opinion of the court. Suppose, sir, that such a case as this should be stated to a man who possesses common understanding and common probity, what think you, would be his opinion of such conduct in a judge? Would he not say that he was more deserving of punishment than even a deliberate murderer? Would he not say that such a judge had prostrated his functions to the purposes of judicial vengeance? Would he not abhor the character of this judge more than that of a midnight assassin? Would he not deplore the situation of that country, which could not protect even the humblest individual from the frowns and persecutions of judicial tyranny? Would he not believe, that, if there was any thing like justice in that country, the wretch who had thus disgraced the bench—would be hurled headlong from his seat and his monstrous iniquities punished?—Yet for offences like these judge Chase was honourably acquitted! Let us pursue that judge one step farther—He came to this city, in which we are now deliberating, and presided at the trial of Callender, a man accused of the violation of a law odious and unconstitutional, What was his conduct here? did he evince patience for his former crimes? Did he attempt to conceal his former sins by covering them with a mass of virtuous actions? No, Sir, he pursued the same highly oppressive & arbitrary measures which he had before adopted. He drove eminent counsel from the defence of Callender—he manifested an indecent, dishonourable solicitude for the conviction of the accused—he established new principles of evidence never before heard of; and Callender was convicted. Yet, sir, was Judge Chase honourably acquitted by the Senate of the United States. Follow this important character one step further, Sir; in another state we find him ascending the bench and delivering violent and inflammatory political harangues—we saw him convert the judgment seat into a retrum, and descend from the dignity of his station to the low level of a political partisan—we saw him avail himself of his high office to disseminate his own creed and to excite that very crime, (the crime of sedition) which on another occasion, he had succeeded in punishing. Yet for all these offences he was honourably acquitted. Since the result of this impeachment has been known in the United States, it has been thought idle and childish in the extreme to talk of the power of impeachment. Since that time I have believed that the commission of high crimes and misdemeanors, will not always bring down punishment on a judge—I have believed that the strong ties of responsibility, which bind other officers of our government, are mere ropes of sand to our judges—I have believed, that our Constitution does not take from them indefinite independence, or guard against the exercise of arbitrary power. Is there any unprejudiced man in the United States, who will declare conscientiously that he believes Judge Chase perfectly innocent of every charge against him? not one. If then, sir, he was guilty, and at the same time honourably acquitted; what are we to think of our Constitution? I recollect to have seen somewhere, an account of the impeachment of Warren Hastings in England—I remember to have seen that he was accused of the "Murder of Princes and the plunder of Empires." The accusation was supported by evidence—the prosecution was upheld by the resistless eloquence of Edmund Burke. And, Sir, to the disgrace of the justice of that country, Hastings was acquitted—As, sir, I should be the last man on earth to say that Warren Hastings was no offender, because he was acquitted—so I should be the last to say that Chase was an innocent, persecuted man, because he escaped punishment. His acquittal was no evidence of his innocence; but, it was strong proof of the defects of our Constitution.
I presume, then, Mr. Chairman, that a judge may, in the United States be guilty of high offences against his country and escape impeachment with impunity, under the operation of our Constitution as it now stands. But, may not a judge be guilty of highly reprehensible and injurious conduct, not even be impeachable under this Constitution? To illustrate my ideas on this subject, I will suppose a case, which the members of this committee, if they please, may consider as a fiction, but, which presents to my mind, the sad features of reality: I will suppose that an individual, in the United States, possessed of a clear and unclouded mind, celebrated for his great legal attainments, and the wide range of his political information, has been, under a former administration, appointed to the highest judicial office in the United States. I will suppose, that he had abandoned his former opinions and principles, that he had abandoned his former political friends and the only compensation he received was the favour of an administration and the honors of office—I will suppose, that after this appointment has taken place, there happens a great revolution in the sentiments of the people of the U. States—a new administration comes into power, which (without speaking of the views of either) produces measures more congenial with the true interests of this great nation, than the former did: This judge retains those prejudices and opinions, which raised him to office and to honour—he feels a partiality for those measures which he, as a politician, had once so zealously advocated—I will suppose, Mr. Chairman, that after this new administration gets into office and becomes secure in the affections of a numerous people, a daring, ambitious and aspiring man plots a dangerous conspiracy against the government of his country; he does not assemble a few miserable followers to resist the execution of an excise law, but organizes a well laid plan of rebellion, which threatens destruction to the whole fabric of our government.—The judge, whom I have already mentioned, is called upon to preside at the trial of this traitor—from the first to the last of this trial, he discovers an anxious

disposition to acquit the prisoner... he thinks him guilty, nor because he is attached to treason... but because he is under the dominion of an over-ruling, controlling wish, which his better judgment cannot counteract, to foil the prosecution and attach censure to the administration...
one of them, he should not only be pure and spotless, but he should not be suspected of being corrupt; malice should not dare to breathe an aspersion against him, which he should not wipe out in a moment. Female character is scarcely more delicate than that of a judge...
thirds of the House of Representatives, and a majority of the Senate. This, I am inclined to believe, will be the most salutary amendment. Permit me now, sir, to make one or two additional remarks which I have omitted, and which seem to show the necessity of amending our law.
drawn from a retrospect of his conduct for the last thirty years of his life. In truth it cannot be doubted that he would serve, because it would be his duty to do so. Where that is concerned, Mr. M. has never been known to hesitate.
a view to the public safety, and to prevent the action of any of its members in a case of extreme necessity, and it has a right to cut them off from the body, if the public safety requires it. See Vattel B. 1. Ch. 21 § 264, 265 B. 4. Ch. 2. § 11.
Last Evening's Mail.
Mr. Randolph's Resolution. The house proceeded to consider the resolution (respecting the enquiry into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson) on Monday. Mr. Daniel Clarke then laid on the clerk's table the statement in writing which he promised on Friday last.
ALEXANDRIA, Jan. 14. Mr. ROSE has at length arrived at Washington: he took his passage, with his suite, on board the packet Montezuma, Capt. Palmer, who left Hampton Roads on Sunday last, bound to this place, notice of his route having arrived at Washington: yesterday government dispatched a barge down the river to meet the minister; the barge fell in with the packet in Washington's reach, on board of which Mr. Rose and suite immediately embarked, and reached the city last night.
SALES AT AUCTION. On Tuesday the 24th day of February next, at the V. office of the subscriber, will be sold positively, without reserve, a large and general assortment of DRY GOODS—Imported last fall, consisting of Cloths, Coatings, Rose and Duffel Blankets, Cashmeres, Hosiery, Kennebec, Half-Thick, Negro Cottons, Plains, Checks, Irish Linen, Brown Holland, Drogheda, Irish Sheetings, Diapers, Hats, Cambricks, Dimity, Wilders, Durant, Manchester Stuffs, Carpets, Seine Twine, Tapes, Bobbins, &c. &c.
NOTICE—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Ridell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walter Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, on the subway the 10th of next month, at the Store-House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna.
No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior incumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that incumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 137 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Barnersburg, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Payne. No. 4. A tract of 155 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 184 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 88 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hardesty. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the store-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Muckuck creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of this tract he bought from William Ballinger.
Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third; except for the tract No. 3; for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior incumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold.
ADVERTISEMENTS. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February, (if fair, if not the next fair day), at the plantation of the late Col. Wm. Nelson, of King William, two parcels of LAND, one of an hundred acres more or less, adjoining the estate of Col. John Taylor, known by the name of Horn Quarter—the other of 205 acres, adjoining Mr. William West and Mr. James Meaux, which was some years ago bought of a Mr. Harry Shackleford. At the same time and place will be sold for cash, three large imported Stills, very little injured, and a large Boiler. The administrator being anxious to pay off every just debt against the said estate, earnestly requests the creditors to bring in their claims authenticated, that arrangements may be made to satisfy them—those indebted will please settle theirs as soon as possible—the estate being in a situation for indulgence. CHARLES C. PAGE (712AWT) with the will annexed Col. Wm. Nelson
What then, sir, is the remedy for these glaring defects? How are we to guard against the evils of judicial tyranny and corruption? By the adoption of some such amendment, as that now proposed to be engrafted on the constitution of the U. S. An amendment of the constitution will ensure us many important advantages. Among these advantages, it certainly will not be the most inconsiderable one—that judges will have placed over them, their true and proper guardians of the people. It is something remarkable, sir, that in the U. S. judges are the guardians of the people. Who is to inspect the conduct of these our protectors? Who is to have a controlling power over them? Quis custodit ipsos custodes? They are to administer that portion of justice which we have on this side of the grave. Is there to be no retribution for their sins but in another world? I anxiously hope, that they will here meet with a permanent reward for their virtues & an effectual punishment for their crimes. Is it not to be wished for in the U. S. that judges should, in some measure, feel that controlling power which other officers of our government feel? And how do the se officers stand? The President of the U. S. has important duties to discharge—gentlemen, here, complain that his duties are too laborious and his powers too great. He is eligible and responsible at the end of every four years; and the very friends of the to irresponsible of judges, wish to exclude him from office after a second term of four years. Why, sir, this inconsistency? Why not if gentlemen wish to be consistent, elect a President during good behaviour or for life? What is the situation of the other department, of the federal government? One branch of the legislature, after six years, return to the body of the people. The other branch, at the end of two years after the time of their election, are liable to be removed, by (what gentlemen have been pleased to call) "the whims and caprices of the people." It is unnecessary to tell me, that should the proposed amendment become a part of the constitution, a judge may be removed from office without a trial. When a President of the United States is removed from office, what tribunal is established by your constitution for his trial? Is there any criminal court established who have jurisdiction over him? Does our Senate assemble in all their majesty, and pronounce sentence on him? No, sir, he is removed from office by the expression of the people's will. Mr. Adams was not tried by the Sen. or by any other than the awful tribunal of the public when he went out of office. Our Senators and members of the House of Representatives, are not formally impeached and tried when they are dismissed—Counsel are not heard in their defence—and I cannot see the indispensable necessity of placing judges in this respect on higher ground, than our legislative and executive functionaries stand on.
Another important advantage which we shall have reason to boast of, if our constitution is amended, will be this; we shall have it in our power to remove a judge for misconduct. It will be no longer necessary to enquire whether or not he has been guilty of a violation, or intentional violation of some positive law. But the enquiry will be—has he discharged with fidelity the duties of his office? There is an infinite variety of misconduct which will not be comprehended in this enquiry. Is it not, too, sir, important that a judge should not ever be suspected? We have heard a good deal of the exalted qualifications which are requisite in a judge. This is
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA. Mr. Jefferson having announced to the public, his truly patriotic determination to return to private life, after the expiration of the present term of his presidential office, the duty of selecting a successor is now devolved upon the people. This duty, always interesting, is at this time in the highest degree interesting. The ground on which we stand in relation to France, Spain, and Great Britain, and most especially to the latter, is surrounded by difficulties, the removal of which will require all the talents, virtues, and firmness of the first character in the Union. There are three distinguished citizens whose merits and services have directed the public attention to them, whenever the question occurs, "who shall be the next president of the United States?" Mr. Monroe, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Clinton. It seems to be generally understood that one of these three will be elected. But which of them is to be the person on whom the choice shall fall, is a point, which, according to the forms of our constitution, cannot be settled by the direct and immediate agency of the people. It becomes therefore the sacred duty of those, on whom the right of nomination has practically devolved, to lay aside every consideration, which is not warranted by patriotism and by truth, and to recommend to the people for their suffrages, him whose appointment will be most conducive to the general good. Upon this subject, it is my intention, at a future time, if circumstances shall require it, to submit to your consideration a few remarks, in a style which all may understand, and in a temper which none can condemn. But the object of the present address is merely to place the gentleman first named on the ground which he has a right to occupy, and from which some attempts have been made to exclude him.
There have been recently in the public papers, two communications, relating to Mr. Monroe, which my concern for the general welfare, as well as my very high respect for his character induces me to notice. In an extract of a letter from Washington, published in the Enquirer of the 13th inst. it is said, but not positively asserted, that Mr. M. while in the city, declared, "that those who expected to attach him with his old friends were totally unacquainted with his real character, and that he would not be placed in any situation which could justify the idea, that he himself intended, or that he countenanced those who calculated on such a separation." The writer of the letter then proceeds to state, that "Mr. Madison, if a caucus is held, will, as he has heard, be nominated with the almost unanimous vote of the republicans, New-York alone excepted." The language of this letter is not very perspicuous. Its meaning perhaps I have mistaken: but the object seems to be to impress upon the public mind a belief, that Mr. Monroe had voluntarily resigned, in favor of Mr. Madison, his pretensions to the presidential chair. If such was the meaning of the writer, the information which he had received, was incorrect. Mr. Monroe has set up no pretensions to any office, and therefore cannot have made the nation supposed. In not offering himself as a candidate for the high trust in question, you evidently discern that he is actuated by that purity of principle and delicacy of sentiment, which have adorned his character, and marked his conduct through life. Upon this subject he has acted with his usual discretion. He has thought it his duty, upon a question in which the people alone are concerned, to maintain the utmost silence and reserve, even when it was pressed upon him by the most zealous of his friends. He has contented himself with saying, that he was not a candidate for any office; that he was about to fix his residence in Richmond, principally for the purpose of attending to his private affairs, and partly with a view to professional pursuits; that the election belonged to the people, and that he took it for granted, they would select the man whom they preferred. When asked, whether he would serve if elected, he has replied, that the question whether he was disposed to serve his country, in any office, to which his fellow-citizens might call him, must be answered by the inference to be
drawn from a retrospect of his conduct for the last thirty years of his life. In truth it cannot be doubted that he would serve, because it would be his duty to do so. Where that is concerned, Mr. M. has never been known to hesitate. A communication of a very different aspect is noticed in the Argus of the 13th inst. It is there said, that letters have been received from Washington, stating "that several ex-cusees had been held by the friends of Messrs. Clinton and Monroe, and that it had been agreed to support the former as President, and the latter as Vice-President: that the latter is to have a voice in the cabinet, and to be elected the successor of Mr. Clinton." It is not alleged that Mr. Monroe has been consulted on this subject; and the Editor of the Argus emphatically and very properly observes, that he has too much respect for the integrity and sound judgment of Mr. Monroe, to doubt for a moment his decisive rejection of such a plan, if it should ever be communicated to him. The public may rest assured, that Mr. Monroe knows nothing of such a caucus: that he is not privy to any arrangement of any sort, if indeed an arrangement has been made, and that his undeviating attachment to principle as well as his regard for his own character, would make him disdain to ascend even to the first office of the government by any means, except by the voluntary suffrages of a virtuous and independent people. The public therefore, will not suffer themselves to be led by letters from Washington, into a belief that Mr. M. has made any declaration by which he may be considered as yielding to one candidate, or that he has directly or indirectly assented to any arrangement for the purpose of combining his interests with those of the other. It is the right of the people to elect the man whom they prefer, and it is the sacred duty of those who are in nomination, to be silent until a decision is pronounced, and afterwards no less their duty to obey it. The political friends of Mr. Monroe who witnessed his reception on his return to his native state, and who heard the present most respectable and enlightened legislature of Virginia, as well as the Council, in solemn and unanimous addresses express their high confidence in his great integrity, patriotism and talents, and their gratitude for his long laborious and faithful services, certainly had no reason to suppose that any attempt would be made to place him at this crisis out of public view, or to injure him in the public estimation, by the suggestions already noticed. Still less could they have supposed that intimations would have been thrown out, calculated to place him in direct hostility with the present administration, and thus to bear him down by the weight of its well deserved popularity: an administration which, in his diplomatic character, he has served with fidelity and zeal, with whose most important acts his own character and conduct are intimately connected, and for which he has recently expressed his respect in the energetic and correct terms which our own legislature have always delighted to use. It is said that Mr. Monroe is the friend of John Randolph, and that his councils have had some influence on the course which that gentleman has pursued. That Mr. Monroe is the friend of Mr. Randolph, is true. It is equally true of every man who really knows him. His eloquence, his talents, his integrity, his independence, his courage command the admiration of his enemies: what then must be the sentiment of friends who know him to be in possession of qualities which the world at large can never see? who know the sincerity, the benevolence, the generosity, the high-toned sensibility of his heart? But it is not true that any such influence has been exerted. Mr. Monroe is one of the last men upon earth, who would make such an attempt, and Mr. Randolph is one of the last men on earth, on whom, by a person of common sense, such an attempt would be made. The truth is, that no man can seriously indulge a suspicion so disgraceful to the parties who knows the real character of Mr. Monroe, or who knows any thing of the agency of Mr. Monroe, in the most important foreign measures of the present administration. But it is needless to employ more words on this subject. No evidence of the truth of this suggestion has ever been offered. In reality none exists. The suggestion is not only not true, but it may be demonstrated to be false. Some insinuations have also been dropped as to Mr. Monroe's conduct during the latter part of the mission from which he has lately returned. These insinuations have not however assumed the shape of a specific charge, and cannot therefore be definitely answered. It is sufficient at present to remark, that from the manner in which the subject is mentioned to Congress by the President in his message of the 27th October, there can be no reason to doubt that he was entirely satisfied with the zeal and abilities of our negotiators; nor can there be any doubt, if it should ever be brought before the public, but that Mr. M. will be found to have acted, during his long residence in Europe in a diplomatic character, with the same integrity, intelligence, industry and zeal that have uniformly marked his public conduct at home and abroad. Let it not be inferred, from the tenor of these remarks, that because I am friendly to Mr. Monroe, I feel any thing like a sentiment of hostility to Mr. Clinton or to Mr. Madison. Of the former I know nothing. But his character as a revolutionary soldier, as a patriot, as a firm and genuine republican demands and receives the just tribute of my high respect. Of the latter I know much. The purity of his heart, the excellence of his understanding, the extent of his information, his long and faithful devotion to his country, and the important services which he has rendered, are cheerfully and sincerely acknowledged. But as Mr. Monroe is the man, who according to my best judgement ought to be the immediate successor of the truly good as well as great man, who is now at the head of our government, I have not the liberty of offering my little aid, to combat the very improper suggestions which have been thrown out against him, and to place him before his countrymen, on the ground on which he has a right to stand. January 16 1806. A. B. Geo May We are convinced, from particular circumstances, that A. B. is mistaken as to the object of the author of the letter published in the Enquirer. We are persuaded that the author's allusion was not to the next Presidential election, but to Col. Monroe's relations towards the minority. To the Editor. From your report of the speech of Mr. Tucker in the Enquirer of the 16th, it might be supposed that Mr. Smyth had said Congress may cede a state, and that the President and Senate may barter away a state. Mr. Smyth never said so. He knew the treaty-making power was not in Congress. And nothing said by him amounted to any thing like an assertion, that a state may be bartered away by the President and Senate. Mr. Smyth intended to convey this idea, that if a state was conquered, by an irresistible force, for example, by an army of half a million of men, the general government had power, to avert the total conquest of the nation, to make peace, and cede and abandon the conquered state to the conquerors. This idea he expressed in language that he supposed not liable to misconstruction. The following quotations are offered in support of Mr. Smyth's opinion, after premising that the constitution declares "no state shall enter into any treaty." "In every nation there must necessarily be some power with which others may treat on a sure basis." "The nation ought never to abandon its members but in a case of necessity, or with

REPORT
Of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred, on the fourth instant, the petition of sundry Merchants and Traders of the City of Philadelphia—Jan. 11, 1808. Read, and referred to a committee of the whole House, on Wednesday next.
The committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was referred the Memorial of William Haslett and others, Merchants and Traders of the city of Philadelphia, respectfully submit the following REPORT:
The committee entertain no doubts, Statement } that the facts are just and correct of the case } stated in the memorial. The object, the memorialists have in view, is to obtain permission for their vessels to proceed on their respective voyages.
The cargoes consist principally of flaxseed, an article depending on a speedy exportation, to ensure its value. The memorialists place great reliance, to obtain the permission sought, on the hardship of their cases, and also on the ground of having procured clearances for their vessels, from the custom-house, to proceed on their voyages, previous to the passage of the act, laying an embargo.
While the committee view, with becoming sensibility, the distressing situation in which the memorialists are placed; while with them they deplore and deprecate the events, which have brought to a pause the commercial intercourse of the United States with foreign nations—they cannot give their assent to the opinion, that the cases of the memorialists are entitled to exemption from the inconveniences and hardships, if not the losses, which result from a general embargo. The committee cannot see any reason, why the cases, now under consideration, ought to be discriminated from those of other citizens. They cannot perceive, how the mere compliance with the usual form of taking out clearances, for vessels to proceed on their voyages, can invest the memorialists with any distinguished privileges. From the distressing condition of the American commerce, liable, in its peaceful and inoffensive pursuits, to aggressions and outrages from the belligerent nations of Europe, it became the indispensable duty of congress, to inhibit, by an embargo, the departure, on foreign voyages, of our seamen, our vessels and merchandise. The republic feels vitally those injuries, which arise from the impoverishment of its citizens, and from the deprivation, by illegal imprisonments and detentions of its mariners. The strength of a republic, resides in the citizens it can number, and in their patriotism and valor. Impotent and inefficient would that government be, without the investiture of powers, in extraordinary times, to control and restrain the persons or pursuits of its citizens. Such a government, destitute of that natural and irresistible impetus and energy, indispensable to its preservation, would crouch to, and sink under the first blow that should be aimed at it. The enlightened and virtuous patriots, who framed the constitution, foreseeing the trials and conflicts the United States would have, in their political progress, to encounter, infused into that instrument all the vigor essential to the accomplishment of the end for which it was designed—the happiness and salvation of the nation. That the extraordinary powers here spoken of, and contended for, are given to congress by the constitution, cannot be denied. The acts of congress, recorded in the statute books, long acquiesced in by every description of citizens, afford a conclusive argument in support of the right to exercise those powers. The acts alluded to, are the embargo laid in 1794, and the several laws passed the 28th of February, 1806, and 1807, to suspend the commercial intercourse between the United States and certain parts of the island of St. Domingo.
The embargo laid in 1794, operated alike on all vessels, whether they were, or were not, cleared out prior to the time it was enforced; nor has such a distinction ever received the sanction of any nation, the peculiarity of whose situation imposed an embargo, as an act of imperious necessity.
With equal grace, and the same justice, could the farmer and planter, the mechanic and manufacturer, put in their claim to exemption from the sacrifices, which they are offering on the altar of patriotism: assigning as a reason for the exemption, that the products and articles of their respective vocations, were the acquisitions of their skill and industry, previous to the existence of the act laying an embargo, and that they have the right, if they should think proper to exercise it, to export those products and articles to foreign markets. If the position of the memorialists be sound, it would be absurd in the extreme ever lay an embargo, as it never could be bro't into action at the time, when all the energies of such a measure were required for the public safety and welfare.
Were vessels permitted to proceed on foreign voyages, congress would deservedly merit censure for inconsistency, and for wanting dignified stability and firmness in the day of trial. The committee can never be induced to recommend a policy, nerveless, and without a character, while they maintain a due regard and devotion to national honor, and to national interest.
The attention of the committee, having been directed to the memorial of the merchants and traders of Philadelphia, by an order of the house of representatives, they feel themselves constrained, in deciding on the embargo cases before them, to take a transient view of the causes, which led to that measure, and to express their opinion of the necessity, imposed on the United States, of adhering to it, until proper assurances are given, that their neutral rights shall be respected. Those who have bestowed any thoughts on the state of affairs in Europe, must have contemplated as probable a measure of this kind, on the pressure of insidious events.
The love of domination and the cupidity of commercial monopoly, have regularly and undeviatingly been producing and nurturing this extraordinary crisis, in which, without their accord, the United States are unwillingly involved. If a wise and prudent policy, tolerating and countenancing no measures or practices, which could compromise their peace, or interrupt the harmony of the United States, with any of the belligerent nations of Europe, could have preserved to them the advantages of an honest and impartial neutrality, our citizens and merchants would not now be lamenting that languor and inactivity, produced by a suspension of commerce. Congress had it in its option either to permit the continuance of commerce, or to resort to the score and precautionary measure of an embargo. If the continuance of commerce had been preferred, congress, from the existing state of things, would have been compelled, with an inadequate marine force, to afford some sort of protection to it, or to allow private ships to arm for their defence. If such a step had been taken, war must have ensued; if resistance to the execution of the decree of France, bearing date the 21st November, 1806, or of such orders as should be issued by the British cabinet, in conformity to the retaliating power contended for in the note of Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. Monroe, of 10th January, 1807, and of the proclamation of the 16th October, 1807—could produce it. In this state of affairs between the United States and the nations of Europe, a permission to arm private ships would be tantamount to a declaration of war. Individuals who had been injured by either of the nations, or who might be influenced by narrow prejudices, or short sighted views, would have it in their power to plunge the United States, without their consent, into a war with one of the belligerent nations, and to pave the way to an alliance with the other. From the considerations a precedent was given to another. On the 18th December, 1807, the 1st Congress of the U. States passed a confident Adjournment, since published by the Senate and House of Representatives, with "The following new measures,"
showing the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise, are threatened, on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe; and it being of the greatest importance to keep in safety these essential resources, I deem it my duty to recommend the subject to the consideration of Congress, who will doubtless perceive all the advantages which may be expected from an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the United States." This message from the executive magistrate, whose province it is to preside over our foreign relations, received from Congress that immediate and prompt attention which was due to its importance.
The evidences of dispositions manifested, and of measures adopted, and in execution, by the belligerent nations, left no doubt on the mind, of the certain prostration of neutral commerce. The embargo was laid as being the safest course: it was considered as the best means that could be resorted to, for the protection of our citizens, & for the preservation of our vessels and merchandise. That it is a measure that resulted from much deliberation. That it is the best which Congress could devise or adopt, is the solemn and profound conviction of the committee, on a review of the whole ground. No charge of partiality can be brought against it, as all nations are placed on an equal footing, their vessels being at liberty to enter our ports and to depart at pleasure. The embargoes laid in Europe, since the year 1793, never excepted from detention American vessels. The belligerent nations cannot raise the voice of complaint, as their injustice has made this precautionary measure an act of necessity. Should the embargo be rigidly persevered in, the advantages to be derived from its adoption, will amply repay all the sacrifices made to obtain them. New and important treasures, heretofore neglected, will be brought to light, and, what is more important, into use. The United States, regenerated by their own energies, will acquire a confidence in, and a reliance on, their own resources, without which it is in vain to endeavour to give effectual and commanding protection to the rights of the citizens, and those of the republic. The embargo, by teaching foreign nations the value of American commerce and productions, will inspire them with dispositions to practise justice. They depend on this country for articles of the first necessity, and for raw materials to supply their manufactures. The embargo will have no inconsiderable influence in breaking those municipal fetters which circumscribe the motions and liberty of commerce.
The committee are persuaded, that the national legislature has endeavored sedulously to perform the duties assigned to it by the constitution, in a manner to comport with the honor and welfare of a great and free people. The stand which a deliberate and dispassionate judgment recommended and approved, has been taken. The issue is in the hands of that God, who has never ceased pre-eminently to manifest his love to these United States; and whatever may be that destiny which his all-wise and superintending Providence has allotted for them, whether it is to be their happy lot to arrive at that destiny under the guidance & auspices of peace, or whether it is decreed that they shall pierce through war to reach it—to acquire with dignity and firmness becomes a duty. Despair can never dwell in the bosom of liberty. That God who led the United States victorious to independence, has given strength to, and inspired them with courage, to maintain and to perpetuate it.
The committee recommend the adoption of the following resolution:
Resolved, That the prayer of the memorialists, merchants and traders of the city of Philadelphia, is unreasonable, and ought not to be granted.
MR. JOHN HOPKINS, PLEASE to take NOTICE, That I shall, on the 37th day of February next, between the hours of 8 in the morning and 5 in the evening, at the Rising-Sun Tavern, in the City of Richmond—and on the 10th of March at the Tavern at New-Kent Court-House, during the same hours, proceed to take the depositions of sundry persons, to be used as evidence in a suit now depending and undetermined, in the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein myself and others are plaintiffs, and you are defendant.
THOS. BURLING. Richmond, Jan. 2, 1808. [law4w]
THE subscriber has opened an Auction & Commission Store in the house opposite Col. Gamble's, on the cross-street, where he will receive and dispose of Goods either at public or private sale.
He has now on hand, at Private Sale, prime Muscovado Sugars in hds and barrels, Loaf Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Holland Gin, French Brandy and Vidonia Wine; Pine Apple Cheese, Demijohns, and a few cases well assorted hollow Glass Ware.
Richmond, Jan. 14, 1808. M. M. MYERS. [2aw3w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage.
G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf]
FOR SALE, a few prime tracts of Military LAND, in the state of Ohio. Bank Shares wanted.—Apply as above! Dec. 13. [oawtm.]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry.
The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. [lawtf]
I TAKE this method of informing my distant clients, that I have relinquished the practice of law in the county courts of Northumberland and Lancaster, and the district court of Northumberland, and have transferred my law-business, except in those cases in which he was opposed to me, to Stokely Towles, esq. of Lancaster county.
Dec. 31. JOHN MILLER, Jun. [law4w]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Josiah Bingham and Elizabeth his wife to the subscriber, bearing date the 26th September, 1807, and recorded in the H. court, to secure the several sums of money and interest therein mentioned, will be sold on the premises, to the highest bidder, for ready money, the House and Lot on Shockoe Hill now occupied by said Bingham, on the twentieth day of this present month.
JOHN F. PRICE, Trustee. Richmond, Jan. 7. [law4w]
A GREEABLE to a deed of trust, executed to James Lewis and Matthew Henderson, by John Henderson, will be exposed to sale, for ready money, before the door of Elijah Gartin's Tavern in the town of Charlottesville, one Bay Horse, with a blazed face, on the first Monday in February next, being Albemarle court day, in order to satisfy said trust.
J. S. LEWIS, MATTHEW HENDERSON. Charlottesville, Jan. 7. [1aw3w]
EDUCATION.—My school will be open for the reception of students the ensuing year about the first of February; in which will be taught, English Grammar, Latin, Geography, History, Euclid's Elements, Elocution, Book-keeping, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. The price for tuition will be twenty dollars for the term, to be paid half yearly in advance.—Board may be had on reasonable terms in the neighbourhood.
Richmond, Dec. 24. RICH'D. M. SEGAR. [law4w]
THE SUBSCRIBER having purchased the patent-right of erecting, using, &c. (within the greater part of this state southward of the bay) one of the truest, best and most expeditious Nail-Cutting Machines that has ever been introduced into this state, by which much superior nails are made: any person residing within a sufficient distance from this place, who is desirous of purchasing such a machine, may have one at the same price that was given by the subscriber; and for a reasonable consideration may likewise possess an exclusive right of working it within any such district as may be agreed on.
Richmond, Dec. 15, 1807. At McCall's Manufactory on the Basin of the Canal, are sold Nails of a superior quality, at the following prices:—and where also is to be had, bar and hoop iron, Nail-Rods, &c. &c.
 WROUGHT NAILS.  dy. dy. Cents.  Spikes, 40, 50 and 20 nails, 12 1/2 per lb.  12 nails, 13  10 do. 14  8 do. 14 1/2 
 CUT NAILS & BRADS.  dy. dy. Cents.  24, 20, 12 and 10 brads, 11 per lb.  8 do. 11 1/2  6 nails, 12 1/2  4 do. 13  3 do. 14 [lawtf] 
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Wednesday the 10th day of February next, will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland court-house, the tract of LAND whereon Edward Bolling at present resides, lying on James river, in the county of Goochland, about three miles above the court-house, containing by estimation one thousand acres, be the same more or less, or so much of the said tract as shall be sufficient to discharge the following sums of money, the payment whereof has been secured by three several deeds or trust on the said land, executed by said Bolling as follows, to wit: One executed to Frederick Harris and William Miller, bearing date the 14th day of July, 1806, for the purpose of securing the payment of a sum of money due to John L. Harris & Co. the balance whereof amounting to between two hundred and fifty and two hundred and sixty pounds has been assigned to Charles Smith: One other executed to Charles F. Bates and Wm. Miller, bearing date the 20th day of October, 1806, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of five hundred and nine pounds with interest thereon from the 1st day of November, 1806: and one other executed to William Miller and Joseph Snelton, on the 22nd day of June, 1807, for the purpose of securing to Frederick Harris the payment of fourteen hundred and sixteen dollars, due the 1st day of November last; all of which deeds have been duly recorded in the county court of Goochland. A sufficient of the said land will be sold in pursuance of the aforesaid deeds of trust, to satisfy the sums of money aforesaid or the balances remaining due thereof, together with all interest accruing thereon, and the costs attending the drafting and recording said deeds, and of advertising and selling said land, by
THE TRUSTEES. Jan. 7. [law4w]
NOTICE.—If JAMES MOYLAN, who came to this Country from Ireland, in the year 1770, and who taught a School in the Counties of Albemarle and Prince George in 1777 and 1778, will make application to Wm. C. Holt, he will receive Intelligence of a Brother with whom he once corresponded.—If application be not made before the rising of the Legislature, it must be made to John O'Connor, near North-West River Bridge, Norfolk County.
January 14. [law4w]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR.—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings.
All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [optf]
THE subscriber renders his services to the citizens of Richmond, and flatters himself he will experience a share of their patronage as a professor of the French Language and Arithmetic. Those who may confide pupils to his charge may rest assured that the most unremitted attention on his part shall not be spared to insure their approbation. Application to be made at Mr. Francis Freeman's Confectionary on Shockoe Hill, where the subscriber may be seen at any time.—An evening school will be opened for those who cannot attend in the day. DELAPLANCHE. Jan. 14. [5]
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807) will be sold without reserve, for ready money, on Thursday the 4th February next, the sloop ALEXANDRIA, burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts.
SAMUEL TURNER, } Trustees. DANIEL EPES, } [1w]
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg in Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order; so that persons inclined to adopt that method of travelling, (but many of whom have been heretofore deterred on account of part of the line having been out of repair) will in future meet with a certain, speedy, & comfortable conveyance.—From Petersburg to Fayetteville, the proportion of the line for which the subscribers have contracted, the rate of fare will be seven cents per mile, with a privilege to each passenger of 20lbs. of baggage. Every 150lbs. of baggage over that privilege will pay as one passenger or in proportion; but while every attention will be paid to the baggage, there will be no responsibility for its loss.
WM. GHOLSON & WALLACE. Brunswick, (Va.) Jan. 14. [10]
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 21st inst. if fair, if not, the next fair day, on a credit of twelve months, at the plantation of the late Nathaniel Wilkinson, on Chickahominy swamp, all the personal estate of the said deceased; consisting of Horses, Mules, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; about 400 bbls. corn, a large quantity of sheave Oats, Fodder, Hay, &c. some household and kitchen Furniture, and farming Utensils.
Bond with approved security to carry interest from the date, will be required for all sums above ten dollars. But on punctilious payment the interest will be remitted by the ADMINISTRATORS. Jan. 14. [cp3w]
TO BE SOLD at Mr. Brooks's Tavern, on Thursday the 21st instant, one HORSE and CHAIR: Also, sundry other articles, the property of Francis Rabineau, dec'd. Cash will be required. COLIN M'RAE, Administrator of F. Rabineau, dec'd. Manchester, Jan. 16. [cp3w]
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHURCH of Urbanna, is authorised and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosby & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosby and Dr. George D. Spratt. JOHN MINOR, JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. [law4w]
CASH SALES.—To be sold for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, esq. bearing date on the 20th day of July, 1806, & recorded in the general court, in order to raise the sum of $30,000 and upwards, and the charges and expenses of sale.—These well known Mills, with the appurtenances, in the city of Richmond, called the Cincinnatian Mills. Two undivided third parts of the Deep Run Coal Pits, in the county of Henrico, containing about 1750 acres, more or less. Two undivided third parts of the Falling-Creek Coal Pits, in the county of Chesterfield, containing about one hundred acres. Two undivided third parts of the Dover Coal Lands, in the county of Goochland, containing about ninety acres, which three several tracts of Coal Land were held in partnership between the said David Ross, and James Currie, deceased. The Cincinnatian Mills and Appurtenances, are subject to a ground rent to Samuel Overton; and the said Mills and two tracts of Coal Land, first mentioned, are pledged for the security of sundry sums of money, due to Mrs. Frances Tabb and Wm. B. Giles, administrator of John Tabb, dec'd, a large proportion of which, is stated by the said Ross to have been paid, and other estates are pledged for the balance. For further information on this subject, persons inclined to purchase, are referred to the said Ross, or it may be obtained on application to the subscribers.—The sales will take place at the Eagle-Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Wednesday, the 30th of January, 1808.
E. W. ROOTES, } Trustees. WILSON ALLEN, } [cpf]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low.
Oct. 10. [tf]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Borrowing about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his employment, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars.
ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [cpf]
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz.—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold d. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, corallian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gift Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoise-shell Sagar Boxes, Dirks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies, Scissor Chains, Thumbies, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tootin Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases: Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate: All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and specially dispatched. December 4. [cpf]
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Moure's vendue, a large assortment of Merchandize, consisting of the following articles:—Carpenters and Joiners Tools, iron and steel Locks and Hinges, for house work and cabinet ware. I also carry on my Cabinet Manufactory, as usual, adjoining the fire insurance office, and have on hand three thousand dollars worth of furniture, finished in the best workman-like manner and in the newest fashion. Also, Windsor Chairs. I will sell all of the above goods, very low for cash, or good paper at a short date. Sept. 5. [cpf]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, jr's. A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Rum, Soap, Candles, Holland Gin, Risp, Spanish Indigo, 4th pf Cognac Brandy, Northern Cheese, Raspberry ditto, Best Spanish Segars, London particular Madeira Wine, Brown Stout, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto, English, Swedish and Country Iron, Nail and spike Rod, Pickled Salmon, F. G. Gun-powder in kegs, Raisins, Almonds, Pepper, Ginger, Queens-Ware, &c. &c. &c. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers.
JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON. (U)
Richmond, Dec. 4. [U]
NOTICE!!—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price; which consists of a large and superb assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper-hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [tf]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky county, in the forks of Great Sandy river:
24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants.
The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. Dec. 19. THOS: NORVELL. tf.
ENGLISH KID SHOES.—Just received and for sale by Dodge & Cobb, 3 trunks Ladies & Misses white, black, figured and lace pattern KID SHOES, of Jackson's manufacture, London; Also, Gentlemen's best superfine London HATS. Jan. 7. [tf]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [U]
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the late Alexander Banks, dec'd. of Manchester, are hereby requested to come forward, and discharge their accounts as speedily as possible: and those persons having claims against the estate will submit their claims properly authenticated, when provision will be made for their discharge, by
ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Manchester, Dec. 31.
PUBLIC SALE.—On Saturday the 20th day of January ensuing, will be sold, at the plantation of the late Alexander Banks of Manchester, the entire stock of Cattle, Corn, Fodder, Hay, Plantation Utensils, &c.
Terms of sale.—Cash for all sums under 20 dollars, over twenty dollars, six months credit, the purchaser giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds.)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of House- & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milch Cows, two Horses, a small Waggon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds.)
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP.—The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the room heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES: Amongst which are, 5 years old 15 months old ANTIGUA RUM, New, Brown and loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, H son and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cognac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hds. First quality Madeira in pipes, hds. & qr. caske, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, jr. Jan. 5. (U)
FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mountairy, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell: who will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography. The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January.
Terms.—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance: and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed nor for the necessary vacations. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17. [15w]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality: For sale by J. DARMSMITT. Oct. 23. [U]
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING