Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1798-10-12 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
No. 50 of VOL. VI.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[WHOLE No. 571]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. NEAR THE VENDUE OFFICE OF M. VANDEWALL.
[Four Dollars per Annum.]
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1798.
[Ten Cents Single.]
Oyster and Porter HOUSE.
George Watson
KEEPS a house of the above description, near the Basin of the Canal in this City, for the Entertainment of such Gentlemen as may please to call on him.
Richmond, October 5.
FOR SALE AT THE VENDUE OFFICE, German Osnaburgs, Per Bale or Piece; 3d and 4th Proof
R U M.
M. Vandewall.
Richmond, Oct. 3, 1798. (6)
EDUCATION.
THE subscriber has opened his SCHOOL in the brick building next to the dwelling house of Mr. Matthew Jones, Esq. where he is determined diligently to attend to the instruction of Youth, of both sexes, in the following branches of learning—viz. The Latin and Greek languages, the English language Grammatically, History, Geography, and the use of the Globes, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Book Keeping, Surveying and the various branches of Mathematics.
JAMES JOHNSTONE.
Richmond, 1st October, 1798.
HAMPDEN-SIDNEY College.
THE TRUSTEES with pleasure inform the public, that the flourishing state of this Seminary, under the care of the Reverend ARCHIBALD ALEXANDER, bids fair to answer the most sanguine expectation: notwithstanding the number of students has considerably increased, the College buildings, (which are in good repair) afford sufficient room, for the accommodation of a still greater number. The price of Board is Twenty Pounds a year, (exclusive of the vacations); Tuition Six Pounds, and Room Rent, Eighteen Shillings the year; the proportion for each session to be paid in advance. The fall session, which continues six months, commences the first day of November, and it is earnestly recommended, that students then regularly attend, as well on account of their own peculiar benefit, as for the more easy and advantageous arrangement of the class.
Prince Edward County, Sept. 21, 1798.
R A N A W A Y
FROM the Subscriber living in Cumberland county near Cartersville, on the night of the 9th of May last, a likely Mulatto Man, known by the name of
JIM STOVALL,
aged 45 years, about 5 feet 7 inches in height, tolerably well set, a full beard and bushy hair when combed; one of his legs much larger than the other at the ankle, a little above which place it is somewhat flattened and crooked, caused by losing some of the bones from it by a white swelling; this defect I make no doubt he will endeavor to conceal by wearing overalls or trousers—He is a very handy fellow at most business, a rough carpenter and coarse shoemaker, he is loud and talkative, and very important where he thinks he may take the liberty. The above described fellow I have reason to suppose was some time since in Richmond, where he will perhaps endeavor to make his escape by water. I therefore caution masters of vessels from employing or carrying him out of the state.—I will give a reward of TWENTY DOLLARS for securing him in any jail so that I get him again.
RICHARD JAMES.
September 17, 1798. 4w
Journals, Day-books and Ledgers, May be had at S. Pleasants' Printing-Office.
STRACHAN & MAURY, Of Spottsylvania County, Have a large number of very thriving Grafted Apple Trees,
For Sale, at Nine Pence each, composed of the following kinds:
  New town Pippin Hereford Red streaks   Rholl's Janette Ellis's Ditto   Lambert's Whitlock's Chees   Pryor's Reds Apple   Gloster White Ap. Lewis's Ditto   ple Bell Apple   Robinson Ditto Herndon Ditto   Smoothskin Leather. Vandivers   coats Queen Apple   Mylum's Pearmain May Ditto   Greenings June Ditto   Hughes's Crabs Spice Ditto   Lewis's Ditto 
The most pointed attention paid to orders for trees, and great care used in preparing them for removal. Letters by post, or otherwise, to said Strachan & Maury, addressed to the care of Mr. Fontaine Maury, of Fredericksburg, or Mr. John Barnett, of Richmond, will be properly attended to.
Said Strachan & Maury will deliver their trees on the following terms—Within 50 miles of the nursery, they will deliver 1000 or upwards, at a given time and place, at their nursery price; and at any distance between 50 and 100 miles, not less than 2000 on the same terms.
Thomas Strachan is now at Mr. John Barnett's in this city, and will continue there till the 16th inst.
Richmond, Oct. 5, 1798. (3)
Doctor Philip Laros,
Surgeon & Dentist,
RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond and its vicinity, that he intends to remain at Capt. Richard Bowler's tavern for a few weeks, where he will be happy to wait on those who may need his services.
Oct. 7, 1798.
I shall attend at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, on SATURDAY the third day of November next, to receive PROPOSALS
For furnishing at the place intended for the public Manufactory of Arms,
149,372 Feet of
Pine Timber, Plank &
Scantling,
For the Houses necessary for those works;
And 35,119 Feet of
TIMBER, PLANK and SCANTLING (chiefly of white oak)
For the Machinery and its appendages, of the said Manufactory.
JOHN CLARKE.
Sep. 22d, 1798.
LEATHER FOR SALE.
The subscriber has a few Bundles of excellent Northward
Sole-Leather
for sale, either by the bundle or smaller quantity.
ALSO—Most kinds of other LEATHER, at his Carrying shop, opposite Richard Bowler's tavern.
James Lownes.
Richmond, 1st Oct. 1798.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE,
L A W S
OF THE
United States,
From the commencement of the Federal Government to the end of the Second Session of Fourth Congress, with all the Treaties, and a Copious Index, (3 vols. 8vo. price 6 dollars.)
Just received
And for Sale at this Printing Office,
A FEW COPIES OF
Monroe's View
OF THE
Conduct of the Executive.
FROM THE GENIUS OF LIBERTY, TO THE FREE-HOLDERS OF THE DISTRICT OF
Culpeper, Fauquier and Stafford.
Fellow-Citizens,
Mr. NICHOLAS, your present Representative, has made me acquainted with his determination, to withdraw at the expiration of the term, for which he has been elected:—It is with respect and diffidence that I now offer you my services to succeed a Representative, in whom you have to justly confided, but at a period so critical and momentous, an additional Candidate by encircling the objects of election, will at least give greater scope to that free and decided development of political sentiment, which is now indispensable.
My life from youth upwards has been spent in public service—in Arms and in the Public Councils of the Union under appointments from this my native State, and your sister State of Maryland;—passing now its meridian, I look back and can recollect no change of political opinion, from the period when I first took up Arms in support of the REVOLT from Great-Britain—No relinquishment of those principles that gave Birth to, and grew out of the Revolution of Seventy-Six; and amidst that vicissitude of opinion that has arose from succeeding Revolutions and events, the operations of my mind have remained uniform.
I do not condemn those that pursuing the dictates of upright conscience have been involved in the temporary and sometimes irresistible currents of prejudice, to which all political considerations will long remain liable—but I assert that close attention, constant reflection, some study and long experience, have offered no evidence to my mind, that mankind are incapable of self-government, and whenever I quit that darling idea, I hope to quit it with my life.
To explain fully my political sentiments, to free them from misrepresentations, would exceed the limits proper for this address—Offering to represent you, it becomes my duty to make myself personally acquainted with you as far as circumstances will permit, to offer you my unequivocal opinion on those important public questions which you must soon decide, and to ask of you, yours in return—For this purpose I shall attend your public meetings at your quarterly courts, when, I hope, the integrity of my views will meet your candor, indulgence and approbation.
J. F. MERCER. October 3, 1798.
AT a very numerous meeting of the people of the county of Orange, state of Virginia, at their court house on the 24th of September, 1798, it being court day, convened in pursuance of notice to that effect, to take into consideration the alarming situation of the United States. James Barbour, jun. having reminded the meeting of the necessity of appointing a chairman and secretary, recommended Wm. Moore as a fit character for the former, and James Taylor, junior, for the latter. Upon which they were both unanimously elected: Whereupon the following address was presented, discussed, and agreed to by the meeting with only one dissenting voice, and by order of the meeting, a copy of it is to be furnished the representatives of this county for the state legislature, to be laid before that body.
To the General Assembly of the State of Virginia.
Moved by the strongest motives which interest the human mind, we cannot refrain from an expression of those alarms, inspired, by the political circumstances of America, which most men acknowledge, and all feel. Foreign peril and domestic usurpation propound to us these momentous questions.
Shall we all, or shall we perish?
Shall usurpation threaten us by war into its measures?
Is it necessary to submit to one of these evils as the only means of escaping the other?
A nation unable to distinguish between truth and pretext, may be seduced by the
complexity of politic expediency to conclude, that its choice is confined to a string of evils, and buoyed up by a delusive hope, that there is one of them out of which time will beget good, may sacrifice a portion of human rights, more likely to be long deplored than soon recovered. But a nation of capacious mind, discerning to be the victim of craft, or the dupe of quibble, will make strong, unadulterated principle its fortress, out of which it will hunt fraud through every subterfuge, instead of opening for it a breach for qualifying principle with error.
It requires only to recite the leading features in the measures of the general government, to ascertain the motives which produced them, and the fatal tendency with which they are pregnant.
The debt contracted in defending ourselves against English oppression became a pretext for an artificial increase of public debt, through the instrumentality of the assumption law, and the means of invigorating an English influence. The taxes necessary to pay this debt, were used as the means of creating a labyrinth of financial prodigality, for partialities between geographical interests, and for pouring forth a swarm of officers patronized by power, and paid by the people, to corrupt and decay the principles of liberty—an impatience to bring the people, by weight of taxation, to object submission, has begotten under various pretences, a succession of additional taxes, year after year, with a rapidity unexampled in the financial annals of mankind, exhibiting a disregard of the public right to understand the expenditure of the public money, as total as that shown to the public feeling in the selection of modes for raising it, the most offensive and unpopular. The prospect of war used as a pretext, is a glossary exhibiting the significance of those previous measures. The ardor with which it has been seized to complete a system, has left nothing to be misunderstood. To use it as a means for raising a standing army, more likely to awe the people than face an enemy, and for establishing a navy, sonorous in number and names, and efficacious only in expense, was sufficient to excite suspicion of covert design. But to make an expressed attack from abroad, the pretext for attacking the principles of liberty at home, has drawn aside the curtain and clearly illuminated all who are willing to see.
Revolving, fellow citizens, those alarming considerations in our minds and reflecting, that as it is at all times the unquestionable right, so on certain occasions it is the indispensable duty of the people, peaceably to assemble, consult and express their sentiments on the state of public affairs, and the conduct of public agents; and that the discharge of this duty is at present strongly urged by the critical circumstances of the United States; and by the pretexts drawn therefrom, as well for establishing arbitrary and unconstitutional precedents, as for inculcating a blind and servile confidence in every public department, and proceeding in exclusion of that vigilance and enquiry, which, among a well informed and well disposed people, are as friendly to good government as to the preservation of public liberty, we beg leave to represent as the opinion of this meeting.
That whilst the constituted authorities ought to be held to a reasonable responsibility for their respective proceedings, and the probable consequences thereof, a full reliance ought to be placed on the determination of the American people (disregarding all difference of opinion otherwise existing) to maintain the sovereignty and safety of their country against every foreign invader of either; and that all insinuations of a want of such determination, are as impolitic as they are unfounded.
This meeting hesitates not to declare, that it will be a deplorable infatuation to make a war, or the prospect of a war with France, the occasion of forming a political connection with the British monarchy; whether regard be had to its deep rooted enmity to republicanism, wherever it can be found, or to the awful crisis under which its destiny is labouring, or to the evident tendency of such a connection to plunge the United States into the vindictive and inveterate passions which are now raging between those rival powers, and thereby to create new obstacles to an early and separate accommodation between America and France; such as may be hoped from the interest which both parties have in hastening such an event.
Fellow citizens, we have seen with painful reflections the power over the sword and the purse, vested by the constitution in the legislature, and withheld from the executive, cautiously granted by the former and readily accepted by the latter, whereby the constitutional checks of the legislature on the executive, and the people on the legislature are impaired; and thus are the rights of the American people to be invaded by a transfer to the executive of the legislative right to incur public debt to a vast amount, and by underwriting a prop of the state governments, by the selection of a volunteer militia modelled by party spirit, and officered by executive pleasure, by which the due proportion between those two departments is endangered, and that system of influence and patronage, so apt to overgrow in the progress of human affairs, & so baneful to the purity of republican cause, is unnecessarily fostered and extended.
But, fellow citizens, there are two laws which passed the last session of congress that infringe the constitution both in letter and substance, to which your particular attention is called. The laws alluded to are.
1st. "An act concerning aliens," which violates the constitution in the several articles thereof, which vest all legislative powers in the congress, all executive power in the president, and the judicial powers in the supreme & other courts of the United States; in as much as the said act confounds the three kinds of power in the hands of the president alone; & that it is a like violation of the several articles of the constitution which prohibit exportation of slaves, which provide guards against "unreasonable searches & seizures," & against the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, unless in case of rebellion or invasion," which declare "that no person shall be deprived of his liberty and property without due process of law;" that in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury; to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence;" in as much as the said act arms the president with power to arrest persons & to banish them (perhaps from their families and property to the despotism from which they have escaped, into the asylum opened in this country for such persons) without any trial whatever, without evidence, without counsel, without a hearing, without even assigning a reason for the information of the party or in responsibility to the public: And although the persons thus subjected to arbitrary will are aliens, not citizens; yet as alien friends residing within the jurisdiction of the United States and owing allegiance in that quality, they are as well as citizens under the protection both of the laws and Constitution of the United States, and of the Laws, Constitutions and Declarations of Rights of the individual States; and consequently the precedent may be considered as ready to be extended to the case of citizens whenever any particular description of them hereafter may become sufficiently obnoxious to those in power—The said act is likewise a violation of that part of the Constitution, which declares "that the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808;" it being in substance the same thing whether the admission of such persons be prohibited or they be banished after admission: And the arbitrary excited by the violation of this part of the Constitution is the greater, as a particular invio ability appears to have been attached to it by the fifth article thereof, which renders it not even amendable like the other parts until the year 1808.
2dly. The act entitled "An Act in addition to the Act entitled "An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," is a violation of that part of the Constitution which declares "that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of Religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of Speech, or of the Press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances;" inasmuch as the said act by prohibiting and punishing the printing, publishing, uttering or reading any thing whatever that may be construed to defame, or bring into disrepute, or excite the hatred of the people, against the President, the Congress or either house thereof; into which may be construed any expression of censure issuing from the Press, or even found in the written correspondence of individuals, doth manifestly tend to stifle that freedom of opinion and of publication concerning the proceedings of the legislature, which was clearly intended to be recognized and secured by the said articles; a freedom which has ever been deemed essential both as a powerful and salutary check against public abuses, and as a means of promoting a proper remedy thereof: a freedom which has been fully enjoyed in this country under the guarantee of the state Constitutions and which has been claimed and exercised even in a country where the Executive is held to be sacred and the Legislature omnipotent with respect to all agents in the government who are responsible, as is happy the case with us public agents whatever in the United States. And although the said act hath not proceeded to violate other parts of the said article, yet those parts not being more sacred nor better guarded than the part violated, the others are all bro't into jeopardy by the precedent established. These are not the only consequences which are to flow from the violation of that act; for the said act by interfering with the freedom of the press in favour of persons in high office, undermines that freedom of Election which is the basis of our government, and the pillars of our other rights.

For if in favor of persons actually in office, he is to be first against every innovation on their conduct, and characters, which cannot be formally proven in a Court of Justice, whilst it is open for all the ordinary charges against the conduct of other Candidates; if the dread of public prosecution is to paralyze the efforts of the friends of the latter, whilst the friends of the former are not subjected to a like danger, there is an end of all essential responsibility in public Agents to their constituents; there is an end to that fair appeal to the choice of the People, which is to decide between rival claims to their confidence; there is an end of that free and equal conduct of elections which constitutes their value and can alone preserve an attachment to them. And there is one great step taken towards that independence and self continuance in office against which the Constitution has so guardedly provided. Our ablest Fellow Citizens, are greatly heightened when we reflect that the establishment of these arbitrary precedents are in the face of a Constitution, fresh from the sovereignty of the People, and by men chosen by the People to execute that Constitution, and when no foreign invasion existed or could be immediately apprehended, and that no rebellion or insurrection or danger thereof could be pretended; when on the contrary the laws had their full quiet operation, the great mass of the people had every where given conspicuous proofs of their ability in supporting the constitution and enforcing the laws. These considerations we think should inspire every good citizen with deep affection for a form on the American character and Republican cause; and moreover with the best founded alarm, attending to break down the ramparts provided for limiting the powers of the Federal Government, for defending those reserved to the individual states, and for securing the rights unalienated by the People; and finally to disorganize the whole system of order and liberty established by the constitution.
We cannot avoid taking notice of the fallacious which marks the measures of which we complain, to shield the members of the general government against the censure of the press, and the indifference which has been shown to daily publications, endeavouring to defame the people themselves, and to bring into disrepute the Constitution of the United States by calumniating the republican principles on which it is founded, and by extravagant praises on the superior excellences of a foreign government, comprehending hereditary orders. Fellow-citizens, conceive it would be a criminal weakness, and false patriotism to be lulled into silent acquiescence under the most alarming infractions of the great palladium of public liberty, by exertions drawn from existing emergencies; it being undeniable that the Constitution has itself made ample provision for greater emergencies than have happened, or are likely to happen, and it would be an unmerited reflection on it to allege the contrary; it being well known, also that the times of danger and alarm have ever been the seasons in which precedents enfeebling the liberties of the people have taken their rise, and consequently it is the duty of the people during such seasons to combine with becoming ardor in defence of their country, a steady regard to the safety of its free constitution; and it being certain that in proportion as the people can be rendered indifferent to encroachments on their rights as individuals, they must lose the spirit and interest they ought to feel, in vindicating their rights and sovereignty as a nation. We, Fellow-Citizens, in contemplating the black catalogue of public grievances, find some consolation in a hope that the sentiments expressed by this meeting are in harmony with those entertained by their fellow-citizens in general, and that the disposition to rally round the constitution with their voices united against every invasion of it, will equal that honorable zeal, which they every where evince to fly with their arms to the standard of their country the moment a foreign enemy may render it necessary. To your wisdom, Representatives of the People, we refer these observations, relying that you will take care of the Commonwealth, and pledging ourselves to support as far as we are able such remedial measures as are firm and temperate, and which in your wisdom you may adopt.
WILLIAM MOORE, Chairman. Test, JAMES TAYLOR, jun. Sec'y.
To the Inhabitants of Louisa County. Gentlemen, ON my return to this place on last Saturday evening, I received your very flattering letter, addressed to me as your Representative in the Congress of the United States.
Estimating highly the opinions of my constituents, this testimony of their approbation of my political conduct by the inhabitants of the county of Louisa, affords to me much pleasure and will animate me to pursue with zeal those principles, of which they approve, to which I have ever been devoted, and from which I will never depart.
Whenever attempts are made to violate the Constitution, which the people of the United States have chosen for their government, it becomes the duty of their Representatives to oppose with all their decision and firmness, because they threaten the existence of that liberty which the constitution was intended to guard, and
subject that instrument, which ought to be sacred, to the passions and prejudices of party, and to the designs of aspiring individuals.
Whatever laws vest the executive with powers not granted to it by the constitution, give to that department an undue patronage, which by extending its influence, will lessen the weight the people, through their immediate representatives, ought to have, and which will, sooner or later, as has ever been the case, subvert the great principles on which all free governments are formed.
For these reasons, and because I was persuaded, that neither existing circumstances, nor the character of the American people, rendered them necessary, the law entitled "An act concerning aliens," and the law entitled "An act in addition to the act entitled "An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," were most abhorrent to my mind, met with my decided opposition, and my feeble talents shall be exerted for their repeal.
Never will I, by my voice, sanction an opinion, that my country, which has been considered as an asylum to the patriotic and unfortunate, shall henceforth be viewed as a tabernacle, the doors of which are shut against the oppressed, and a stain fixed on the holy principles of our revolution, or that my fellow-citizens shall not freely express their sentiments on the acts of a government of their own, and the conduct of men whom they have honored with their confidence.
To many other laws, which in my judgment, unnecessarily increase the expenditure of public money, accumulate the public debt, and provoke hostility, I was also opposed. They are now, however, the law of our country, and while it is our duty cheerfully to submit to them, we may indulge the hope, that they will be repealed, should future events point out the impropriety or inutility of them.
To do justice, to reward virtue, to pour the oil of comfort into the wounds of the unfortunate and patriotic, I have considered as sacred duties, the discharge of which adds dignity to our republics. In advocating, therefore, the just claims of general Kosciusko, who has nobly contended for liberty in this and his own country, while I performed a duty, most grateful to my own heart, I well knew, I should meet with the approbation of my fellow-citizens, and of all, who admire the brave or feel for the unfortunate.
I accord in sentiments with you, that the situation of the United States, as it regards a foreign nation, is and has been for sometime, extremely awful and delicate. What the difference of opinion may exist, as to the causes which led to that situation, I trust, that we are all united in the support of our liberty and independence. And while we are resolved to support those against all foreign attacks, we shall guard well against all internal usurpation—that we shall look to our own constitution, as the rock of salvation; that we shall, with that freedom which is the birthright of all examine into all public measures and the conduct of all public men, and that we shall consider him as an enemy to our constitution, and a traitor to our liberties, who shall endeavour to abridge this invaluable privilege.
JOHN DAWSON.
October 18, 1798.
At a very numerous and respectable meeting of the Inhabitants, and Freeholders, of the County of Orange, at their Court-House, on the 24th of September; being court-day, the following address was unanimously voted:
To JOHN DAWSON, Esq. Representative in Congress, from the District of Orange, Spotsylvania, Madison and Louisa.
SIR,
After an arduous and faithful attendance, on the longest and most important session of Congress, which the country has ever experienced, you have returned to the Body of the People, to the bosom of your constituents. When, Sir, the important trust of a Representative of the People was delegated to you, it was with the firm persuasion that you would watch over our interests, guard our rights, and protect our Constitution. With anxious solicitude have we regarded your conduct, during the late trying session of Congress, and with satisfaction do we declare, that our hopes have not been frustrated, nor our expectations disappointed. We have seen you nobly supporting the rights of your fellow-citizens; in every shape opposing the aggrandizement of executive authority, and strenuous in advocating the cause of unfortunate merit. This conduct has entitled you to our esteem, and approbation, and has excited the warmest emotions of gratitude in our breasts. The principles, Sir, upon which you have acted, though different from those of a majority of our Legislature, are nevertheless dear to us, we esteem them as congenial with our own, and we trust that they will finally triumph over all opposition, and redound to our advantage. The right of instructing their representatives, is one of the noblest privileges of freemen, and we trust that the expressions of our wishes, will be sufficient to call forth decided exertions, for their fulfilment. It is our desire that the principles which have hitherto influenced your conduct, may still continue to be the basis of your actions, and as you have opposed the ALIEN and SEDITION LAWS in their progress; so you will not fail to use your utmost endeavours to obtain
their repeal. The first of these we consider as a manifest encroachment on the powers of the state governments, and the second by divesting us of the privileges of investigating, and freely speaking our opinions on public men, and public measures, takes from avarice and ambition one of their greatest restraints, by freeing them from the dread of public censure. The joint tendency of the laws, is to subject every individual to the powerful resentment of offended authority, while it takes from the unhappy sufferer even the sad privilege of venting his complaints. The press, the safeguard of a free people, will no longer be the protection of virtue, and the scourge of vice, but will be rendered subservient to the vices of a corrupt and ambitious administration. The constitution which secures to us the important blessings of Liberty, Peace, and Happiness; is now but an empty name, and the remembrance of it only serves to render our present prospects, more gloomy and disastrous. The Executive part of our Government, armed on the one hand with the dread of banishment, and on the other with the terrors of imprisonment, will watch over our conduct with the scrutinizing eye of despotism, and if we sigh or murmur; the sigh is sedition, and the murmur banishment.
That nice equilibrium between the different departments of government, so essentially necessary to the prosperity of the whole, with regret we have seen destroyed, and with astonishment have beheld the enormous aggrandizement of executive authority. We hope, then Sir, that every nerve will be strained on your part to obtain the repeal of these, and to oppose all other unconstitutional laws. Thus Sir, you will be entitled to our esteem, and approbation, while you secure to yourself the suffrages of the people of this country.
WILLIAM MOORE, Chairman. JAMES TAYLOR, jun. Sec'y.
We are informed that similar addresses are preparing in the counties of Spotsylvania and Madison, to be presented to Mr. Dawson.
To WILLIAM MOORE, Esq. Chairman of the meeting in Orange, on the 24th of the last month. SIR,
The approbation of my fellow citizens I have ever considered as the most grateful reward for public services, and I rejoice to find on my return to the body of the people, to the bosom of my constituents, that my exertions to merit, have obtained their confidence, and affectionate esteem, as declared in the address of the inhabitants, and free holders of Orange, which you, as their Chairman, have been pleased to forward to me.
When elected for the district, although a stranger in person to many, my political principles were known to all. They are principles which I have been confirmed, and when I cease to avow them, I will cease to be your representative.
I have ever thought that the greatest dangers which threaten republican governments, arise from an increase of executive patronage, by which that nice equilibrium, so necessary to the prosperity of the whole is destroyed; and therefore have always been opposed to the enlargement of powers to that department, not expressly granted by the constitution.
Surely, in a government like ours, which originated from and belongs to the people, this truth is evident and all important, and it is the bounden duty of their immediate representatives, vigilantly to watch, and firmly to oppose every attempt made to involve it.
The law entitled "An act concerning aliens," and the law entitled "An act in addition to the act entitled "An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," will, in my judgment, have this tendency, and are open violations of the constitution of our country, which neither existing circumstances, nor the character of our countrymen, gave countenance to. They were, therefore opposed by me; and although a majority has thought proper to establish them as the law of the land, nothing has convinced me of the error of my opinion, and a coincidence of views, will stimulate me in my exertions to procure their repeal, and to oppose all others of a similar nature; fully convinced that a sacred adherence to that instrument, which we have chosen for our government, can alone render permanent the residence of that unfortunate traveller, Liberty.
For advocating the cause of unfortunate merit, I am simply repaid by the reflections of my own mind, and I anticipated the applause of you, and all, in whom ambition and avarice have not extinguished those sentiments and feelings which ought to be the boast of every American.
I beg leave to offer you, and through you to present to the individuals and freeholders of Orange, an assurance of much esteem and respect.
J. DAWSON.
Fred'g's, Oct. 5, 1798.
Mr. Gerry's Answer TO TALLEYRAND'S LAST LETTER.
Letter from Mr. Gerry to the minister of foreign relations of the French republic.
Mr. Gerry having been in the Redactor of this morning the publication of a letter to him from the minister of foreign affairs of the French republic, dated the 24th Messidor, requests him to order a just translation of the answer dated the 20th of July, to be also published.
Mr. Gerry being on the eve of his departure from Paris, presumes the minister will readily comply herewith, to prevent partial and undue representations against him in his absence.
Paris, July 25, '98. Mr. Gerry's answer to the minister of foreign affairs letter of the 24th Messidor.
Paris, July 20, '98.
Citizen Minister, I received on the 27th Messidor, your letter of the 24th (the 12th July) on which permit me to make some observations.
You alleged that in the United States the French republic is accused of not wishing for peace, and to show that it was always desirous thereof you recur to the arrival of M. Genet in America. Far from accusations of any kind, I wish to cultivate harmony between the two governments as the solid basis of peace. From that epoch to the departure from the United States of M. Adet, the correspondence of the Secretaries of State of the United States with the French ministers in America and the American ministers in France, contains the history to that time of the unhappy differences between the two republics, and evinces the sincere desire of the government of the United States amidst the inevitable embarrassments resulting from the convulsive state of Europe, to preserve harmony and friendship with the French republic, and to perform with scrupulous attention the duties of neutrality. If by any unfortunate events France had sustained injuries during that term, still the manifest disposition of the government of the United States to justice and moderation, was a sure pledge of redress.
When Mr. Monroe was recalled, a minister was sent to supply his place, and you say he could not be received because he was not in a situation to fulfil the conditions necessary for the renewal of the political connections! Had he been received he could have applied for other powers if necessary; nothing is more usual. The application which you have so frequently urged on my part must have been for the renewal of powers annulled by the act of sending away the other envoys; surely then your arguments would have applied with much more force to the case of a minister whose powers were only supposed inadequate to the objects of his mission. The act of rejecting this minister, accompanied with circumstances of high displeasure on the part of the government of the French republic, could not fail to wound deeply the government of the United States, and to produce observations on such an important event. Let the cause and effect be buried in oblivion, the remembrance thereof cannot promote harmony. This you will readily accede to when you consider the amicable and attentive conduct immediately adopted, by the American government in sending three envoys extraordinary with adequate powers to effect a reconciliation and a renewal of the commercial intercourse between the republics.
From the arrival of the envoys at Paris to the departure of two of them, the objects of their mission were defeated by insuperable bars arising from demands of loans, which would have involved them in an immediate war, and of pecuniary reparations for the observations hinted at. Towards the end of that period, after imposing on me secrecy, you stated the embarrassments and dissatisfaction of the executive directory, on account of the opinions and conversations of my colleagues, its determination not to treat with them, and its desire to negotiate with me; and you added, that my departure would produce an immediate rupture. Astonished as I was at this communication, I informed you I had no powers to treat separately, the measure was impossible, and that had my powers been adequate a treaty made under such circumstances could never be ratified by my government.
You differed from me, we reasoned on the subject, and each adhered to his opinion. I urged in vain the unreasonableness of admitting prejudices against my colleagues without informing them of the causes thereof; the good effect in removing these which result from such information, and the necessity of making known to them all that had now passed between us. You held me to the promise of secrecy, adding, that if I would negotiate, we could soon finish a treaty, for the executive directory were not in the habit of spending much time about such matters. You desired another interview, in which, after a discussion of the subject, I confirmed and adhered to my determination.
In this state of affairs remained for some time, and I flattered myself with the hope that falling in the proposition for negotiating with me separately, your next step would be to accredit the three envoys; in such an event the secrecy mentioned would have been proper. This expectation was strengthened by the two subsequent interviews which they had with you, and you may judge of my surprise on the receipt of your letter of the 28th Ventose, containing a refusal to treat with two of the envoys, and renewing the proposition to treat with one. Finding that I was the person alluded to, and that all hopes of our being jointly accredited were at an end, I again refused in the most positive terms to negotiate separately; Another proposition was then made, that to prevent a rupture I should remain here till information could be sent to my government of these events.—Embarassing as such a state was, I submitted to it rather than to bring on a war.—You afterwards sent me your note of the 14th Germinal (31 April), proposing that I should resume our reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French republic and the United States. To this I replied on the 4th April that I could only confer informally and unaccredited on any subject respecting our mission, and communicate to the government of the United States, the result of such conversations, being, in my individual capacity, unauthorised to give them an official stamp. The day after the departure from Paris of the last of my colleagues, I again addressed you and quoting the above paragraph, informed you, that this I considered as the line of conduct well understood to be observed on my part; to this you made objection verbally or by writing, and thus acquiesced in it; had you not I should have immediately demanded my passport. At one of our first interviews after that letter, you stated a difficulty in adopting the plan proposed by my letter of the 20th of April, from your not being informed of the wishes of the government of the United States in regard to a treaty; these were to reasonable that I thought it best to communicate them to you, and accordingly to your own opinion since expressed, they would require little or no time for discussion; nothing can exceed them for moderation or justice.
Believing that you were seriously disposed to bring forward the plan of a treaty for the consideration of the government of the United States, and being also convinced that the subject had been fully discussed, and was to well understood, not to require much time to accomplish it, I informed you that I should embark for America in June, and although you objected to it in the first instance, you afterwards appeared to be fully convinced of the necessity of it, & promised to send it to me for examination. I conferred with you at different times on the expediency of sending a minister to Philadelphia to complete the negotiation, and you promised to consider it.
At length the Sophia arrived, and in a few days afterwards you informed me that I might make myself quite easy; that France did not wish for a war with the United States; that she had no thoughts of it. That the American affairs were then before the Executive Directory, and that every thing would be arranged to my wishes. I again stated the necessity of sending a minister to America to complete the negotiation; you said you would propose one to the Executive Directory. This I could not suppose was for the purpose you have since stated, of resisting thereafter the ratification of the treaty.
Thus were matters circumstanced until the arrival of the Gazettes, containing the dispatches of the envoys to their government, which gave a more than momentary turn to your correspondence with me. When I informed you that I should embark in the Sophia, as soon as she could be fitted for sea, there was still time to finish the plan of the treaty, and to send it by me, if expedient. You desired me to return here; I told you my return was indispensable—and gave you no other reason; I thought that sufficient. You conceive it depended on me to be publicly received by the Executive Directory; but our opinions are different on this point. A government sends three envoys to treat with another government; this rejects two of them and proposes to treat with the third;—candid must admit, I think, that the latter cannot accept the proposal, without transferring, in this instance, the Executive authority of his government, who would otherwise have nominated three envoys to the foreign government who would have appointed one of them. You say that, if my powers were altered by the department of my colleagues, yet on my own hypothesis, I ought to have referred to the question to my government, and in the interim to have fixed with you, by a calm and amicable discussion, all the contentious points of our differences. If my government, as you repeatedly have alleged, was apprised before the 20th of March of the proposition to treat with me separately, it is evident that it was not disposed to send me new powers; for the Sophia sailed on the 28th of that month, and knowing this you still urged me to make the application. I have been always ready, and, had you come forward with the project of a treaty would have entered into a calm and amicable conference with you on every part of it, but not into a formal epistolary discussion, which was not proposed till some time after I was ready to embark, was only relative to the consular convention, which will soon expire, was contrary to my stipulation relative to conferences, in which you acquiesced, and would have required months to be completed. You were the first, you affirm to press seriously the negotiation; you will agree with me, that the merit would have been greater, had the measure itself been feasible. You frequently remind me of your exertions, which I am disposed as much as possible to appreciate; regretting at the same time their circuitous direction. On my part I think you will be convinced that every thing has been done, which circumstances herein truly detailed would admit.
It is with pleasure I learn that the Executive Directory is still ready, and is as much disposed as ever to terminate by a liberal negotiation, the difference which subsists between the two countries. This disposition has always existed on the part of the government of the United States. A negotiation then, if set on foot, free from all propositions of loans, and explanations of speeches, to be held if necessary in a city of some neutral nation, and providing for a decision by three or five commissioners, of all points which may not be determined by direct negotiation, would still be accompanied, in my opinion with success, but having no authority, I cannot make the proposition.
A preliminary measure appears to be requisite, in which the dignity of this government is as deeply concerned as the interest of the United States. The depredations, outrages, and cruelties committed on our commerce and citizens in the West-Indies, and on our coasts, by French privateers, some of which it is said have no commission, are perhaps seldom paralleled amongst civilized nations. It is said that this government has not been early apprized of those events, which have been a great source of irritation in the United States, and a principal cause of the repressive measures adopted by them. A recall of the commissions of the privateers, and restraining them by severe penalties to the proper objects of capture, cannot fail to have a happy effect.
You claim a promise of my good offices as

a private citizen in America. These shall not be wanting to represent truly every measure of this government, and to render successful all such as may be well adapted to effect a reconciliation. This is all that can be expected of me, and the duty which I owe to my country will require it. And now citizen minister, having given you a testimony of my esteem, such as result from a frank and candid conduct, I bid you adieu, wishing sincerely a speedy renewal of amity and commerce between the two Republics.
Accept, Citizen Minister, the assurance of my perfect consideration.
E. GERRY. The passport, said to have been sent with the minister's letter to Mr. Gerry of the 24th Messidor, were not delivered to him till several days afterwards, and the last of them not until the 6th of Termidor.
PARIS, July 22. It is almost certain that the courier who arrived lately from Constantinople, has come to demand some explanation respecting the destination of our fleet in the Mediterranean. The Ottoman Ambassador had a few days ago a conference with the Minister of foreign affairs.
People here have for some time fostered themselves with the hopes of seeing Poland rise once more from its ruins. Kościuszko receives at Paris every testimony of esteem and respect.
July 26. Letters from Toulon dated 1st, says, that Admiral Nelson was seen at Syracuse only on the 29th of Prairial, and not on the 25th. A report prevails that Buonaparte has arrived at the place of destination.
It is said that a cutter, called le Lodi, going to Malta, having on board Tallien, has been taken by the British.
LONDON, Aug. 6. Government, we understand, have received advices from Lord Macartney, by the ships lately arrived from India, which state that the French have, for some time past, been purchasing all the ships which they could procure in the Red Sea; and ministers, it is now said, are convinced that the object of Buonaparte's expedition is the East Indies.
Admiralty Office, July 26, '98. A letter of which the following is a copy, has been transmitted by Admiral Lord St. Vincent, commanded in chief of his majesty's ships and vessels off Cadiz, to Evan Nepean, Esq. secretary of the Admiralty.
Sea-Horse, June 27, '98, Isle of Pantellaria, W. N. W. 12 leagues.
My Lord, After a chase of twelve hours, and a close action of eight minutes, his majesty's ship under my command, this morning at four o'clock captured the Sensible, a French 36 gun frigate, 12 pounders and 300 men, commanded by Monsieur Bourde, Capitaine de Vaisseau was now coppered, copper fastened, and had a thorough repair at Toulon two months ago.
A general of division, Baraguey d'Hilliers, with his suite, was on board, going to Toulon with an account of the capture of Malta.
The Sea Horse's officers and men conducted themselves much to my satisfaction and I received that assistance from Mr. Willmott, the first lieutenant, which I might naturally expect from an officer who had been in nine actions, and received eight wounds.
Two masters mates and nine men belonging to the Cullenens evinced the same steady courage as the crew of that ship have on every occasion.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) EDWD. JAS. FOOTE. Sea Horse.—1 Seaman, 1 drummer killed.—M c Willmott, first lieutenant, slightly, 13 seamen, 1 corporal of marines, 1 private marine, wounded.
Sensible, 18 killed, Mons t Bourde, Capitaine, capitaine de Vaisseau, second captain, 35 men wounded.
La Sensible is detained by Lord St. Vincent. She is a fine frigate.
Such was the dispatch used in sending her to sea again, that she was manned and re-commissioned on the very evening the arrived off Cadiz.
There were six very beautiful stands of silk colours found on board La Sensible. Just after she went into action, the French captain applied to General d'Hilliers to allow some troops that were on board to assist in boarding the British frigate, to which he consented; but this was a mere galeade, as, after eight minutes fighting close along side each other, the captain came to Gen. d'Hilliers and told him he must strike, as his men could fight no longer. The general answered by observing that he thought the honor of the republican flag demanded a longer struggle.
FALMOUTH, July 26. Yesterday arrived the Prince of Wales, extra packet, with a Foreign Messenger, with Despatches of importance for government, and about 22,000. in specie.
GLASGOW, July 31. Thursday arrived a Hamburg mail. Almost every article of intelligence brought by this Mail, creates war.
August 7. In a Vienna Gazette it is stated, that Ad. Nelson's ship Medina Light on the 20th June. Another account says he did not leave Messina harbor till the 23d; and that the British Admiral had declared he would sink every ship that would bring provisions to Malta.
Passawan Oglou has been besieged. Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Wexford, dated July 31, to his friend in town.
We are completely rejoiced at the important news of this day, namely, the confirmation of Sir Horatio Nelson's defeat of the French fleet, and his capture of the great General of the Great Nation, Buonaparte. This is a very important thing to this distracted country, as, I think, it will tend greatly to ensure tranquility during the winter, which otherwise, was not much to be depended on.
Accounts from St. Marcon, dated the 29th ult. state that Sir R. Strachan continues to block up Havre, whence the enemies frigates are expected to hazard an attempt to escape during the spring tide. Sir R. Strachan has with him the Diamond, Cabrilla, Niger, and Cynthia. A flag of truce was sent from the islands on the 28th, for the exchange of some prisoners, but did not succeed.
Letters from Jersey and Guernsey, by the mail that arrived on Saturday, represent those islands as tranquil; the fears of the inhabitants had subsided; the activity of the enemy, whose wide extended system of preparation of St. Malo, Grenville, and Cherbourg, appeared wholly abandoned.
Our letters from Dublin continue the prospect of returning tranquility in that quarter.
His Majesty in council has been pleased to order, that the Parliament, which stands prorogued to Wednesday the 8th day of this instant August, should be further prorogued to Tuesday the 23d day of October next.
The voluntary contributions at the Bank amount to 1,439,262. 13s. 3d.
According to the returns to the war office, on the 1st inst. the military establishment of this country comprises 300,000 effective men.
Overland dispatches from India, arrived on Saturday in town: they brought intelligence from Calcutta to the 7th of March, and left Bombay about the middle of April. Every thing was then tranquil.
By this conveyance the Calcutta papers to the 22d February were received. Their contents are of little importance. Lord Mornington had not arrived at Calcutta, but was hourly expected.
It was yesterday reported in some of the higher circles, that intelligence had reached government from Vienna, that the two hostile fleets were in sight, to the eastward of Sicily.
Mr. Fox has yet proceeded no further on his western tour, than to Turnbridge. He remains there a few days for the purpose of administering consolation to his afflicted relative Lord Henry Fitzgerald.
DUBLIN, August 1.
The rebel banditti, which but a few weeks since, were composed of a body at Vinegar hill, of nineteen thousand strong; at Laukin town hill, of fifteen thousand; at the town of Wexford and in its vicinities, near the sea side, of eight thousand; and at Enniscorthy, Carnow, and other parts of the county of Wexford, of about ten thousand more, independent of the numerous hordes in the counties of Kildare, Wicklow, Carlow, Meath, the Queen's county, &c. are now reduced to parties of plundering Marauders, from thirty to sixty in number, some of which have been already cut to pieces, and others separating and accepting the terms of pardon, already graciously offered. So much for rebellion in its former and present state, and thus are its purposes entirely blasted.
Thursday last, a detachment of the Kilkenny cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Fitzgerald, brought into Limerick from Ennis, and lodged in jail, William Pilkington, William Walsh, John Allen, Pat Power, Francis Taylor, and John Enright, all of whom had been tried and convicted of being defenders, and are to be transported to the West-Indies.
Yesterday 50 men escorted by a party of the 9th Dragoons and Bucks militia, convicted of being concerned in rebellious practices, were put on board one of the tenders.
WATERFORD, July 31.
We are sorry to be obliged to add another horrid act to the dark catalogue of crimes which has disgraced this country since the present rebellion. On Wednesday last five of Captain Cornick's corps of yeomanry were found murdered in a most inhuman manner in Killoughran wood, near Enniscorthy: Whether they had been dragged in there by the assassins, or had followed a straggling party which might have been concealed there, is not exactly known—the latter is, however, deemed most likely to be the case.
A variety of reports being in circulation, relative to the effects found on board the Sensible, we can state from the best authority, that these consist in the trophies with which General Baraguey d'Hilliers was charged to present to the Directory: a brass cannon taken in ancient times from the Turks, with which Louis XIV presented the order of Malta, and a gilt silver model of a galley; and a vast quantity of naval stores found at Malta.
KILKENNY, August 6.
The detachment from this garrison which marched on Tuesday evening against the deluded insurgents, who had assembled at nine miles house, returned here on Wednesday, after an ineffectual but sagacious pursuit, they having dispersed upon hearing of the approach of the army. With infinite pleasure we add, that numbers of these deluded people have since come to a proper sense of their danger and delusion, and have laid down their arms. Many hundred are
brought in their arms on Thursday the Commanding Officer at Offaly, under proclamation, and obtained protection.
BOSTON, September 21. Died lately at Bath, in England, Mr. Ingall, aged one hundred and twenty years. He had resided at the lodgings when he died, but one week. The reason he assigned for leaving the Abbey, where he had been a servant, and chiefly in the capacity of Butler, near 95 years, is said to be that in nurse used him ill, and fearing that she would shorten his days by some act of violence, founded, most probably, on the childish conceit of old age. He was very fond of snuff, which being indicated to Prince William of Gloucester, when he lately visited him, his Highness presented him with a pound of best Scotch, accompanied by a one pound Bank note, which the old man apparently received with great pleasure.
RICHMOND: FRIDAY, OCTOBER 12. FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS. TO JOHN MARSHALL, Esquire.
Sir, Having in your letter of September 20th, admitted the "right of every citizen to know the political sentiments of the man who is proposed as his representative," you will oblige one of those citizens, by giving him further satisfaction relative to your's, in answer to the following Queries.
1st. From your having said that you "do not think the Alien and Sedition bills fraught with all those mischiefs which many gentlemen ascribe to them;" and also "that you would have opposed them because you think them useless, &c." I have inferred that you do not think them unconstitutional:—otherwise you would certainly make that ground the principal basis of your opposition. Be pleased to say whether this inference is correct or not?—If it is, please also to put your finger upon that clause of the Federal Constitution, which confers on Congress a power over either of the subjects of the said laws?—I mean the freedom of the press and trial by jury.—If you cannot point out such a clause, but yet infer the power, under any general clause in that instrument, be pleased to say, what security we have for any other most essential rights which Congress may deem it expedient to invade?—And if such is your opinion, how it can be reconciled with that noble and excellent defence of the liberty of the American press, which is contained in the late letter of our Envoys to the French Minister of Foreign Relations?
2d. You have also said "that you believe if these laws had been opposed on your principles, by a man not suspected of intending to destroy the "government," or of being hostile to it, they never would have been enacted." Says, Sir, if you please, it is already come to this, that the political party with whom you act, regards more the quarter from which any measure shall come, than the rectitude of the measure in itself?—This is precisely the definition of an unprincipled faction: and although I have long feared that such an one did exist in our public councils, this is the first time I have heard it admitted by its friends. But if by "government" you mean the "constitution," what right have you to suspect those members of a design to destroy that constitution, who have advocated the same, in opposing the above laws, and on many other eminent occasions, on grounds which are believed to be unanswerable?—On the contrary, are they not hostile to the Constitution, who under ambiguous clauses of that instrument (to admit the most) assert a power, not warranted by any fair construction, and in the highest degree subversive of the rights of the state governments, and the people?
3d. Admitting with you, that the danger of being invaded by a foreign enemy is great, which danger however you seem to think, may be averted by the reasonable aid of the British fleets, is there not equal danger, in augmenting in an excessive degree the power of the President;—in the rapid progress of the funding system and public debt;—and in the system of patronage lately adopted by the government?—which has, in many instances, rewarded with lucrative offices, the most active members of the court-party, and thus may tend to seduce from their fidelity, the immediate representatives of the people.—The appointment of Messrs. King, Smith, Elsworth, Murray and Sitgreaves, may, for the present, serve you as examples.
4th. As you seem to be of opinion, that the five directors of France, with their enormous standing armies, have prostrated the liberty of that country; and as human nature, and the tendency of Executive power, is every where the same, is there no reason to fear that our one director, with his unlimited power to borrow money, his standing army, navy, and long train of executive dependents, may have produced the same effect?—If you choose an example of Mr. Adams's apostasy in politics, be pleased to read the signatures to the declaration of Independence in 1776, and then turn to his book entitled "A Defence of the American Constitution."
5th. Do I understand you rightly as approving, in your 3d answer, the whole of the British Treaty? If so, what good policy could have dictated the ninth article thereof? Are the British subjects therein mentioned, guaranteed their rights to remain here, as well as in their native country to the lands therein contemplated? If not, why does the power given the President, by the Alien law, to banish alien friends, have upon such British subjects? Or is it the policy of the general government, that British subjects are the only aliens to be protected in their right to reside here?
A FREEHOLDER. October 11th, 1798.
to the Freeholders of the Congressional District of Henrico, &c.
FELLOW CITIZENS: AN attempt having been made, by drawing from General Marshall's declarations what gave the appearance of conformity with the general opinion of the country, on the subject of the Alien and Sedition Bills, to quiet the just alarms of the people at the exercise of the government of the United States; and to remove their just apprehension of the consequence of increasing the force of Executive influence, if they should elect a Representative of this District, out of the uniform admirers of administration; it is due to truth, to enquire, how far the well founded objections to those laws, have received General Marshall's support. It is to be presumed, from the character of General Marshall, that the publication has been produced in the way it pretends, by questions really propounded to him; but it is also fair to suppose, that the answers were so carefully digested, as to afford a knowledge of General Marshall's opinion on the common topics, arising out of those laws.
The people of Virgin have been alarmed, at a supposed infraction of the constitution of the United States, in passing the two laws in question; and as such, it has been considered by the great body of the people, as far as can be understood from common intercourse; and as such it has been treated, by every public meeting, of which we have been informed.
The query which relates to these two laws, is, to be sure, general, as to Mr. Marshall's approbation of them; and his saying they are useless, and indeed productive of unnecessary disquiet, is unquestionably an answer to the inquiry: but it cannot be denied, that the query goes equally to the power of congress to pass such laws; and, as the constitutionality of a law must always be considered of more importance than its expediency, as it naturally precedes the expediency in the investigation of the merits of a law; and, as it must have been forced on the mind of General Marshall, by the anxiety felt on this subject by his district; it is fair to presume, that General Marshall is of opinion that the laws are constitutional; and, that he has been silent on this part of the subject, because he apprehended his opinion would not be acceptable to the district he wishes to represent.
That this is his opinion, may be also inferred from another declaration concerning these laws; that if an unsuccessful attempt is made in the next session of congress for the repeal of them, it would be better that it should not be renewed in the succeeding congress; although a new election will have taken place, and the decision of that congress, will be a decision by the people on the important question.—Even if the laws were to expire, by the time they could be repealed; it must be presumed, if General Marshall thought them dangerous assumptions of power, that he would not wish to see such precedents pass off without impeachment; it would be certainly running the risk of affording authority for the revival of them at some future time.
If it is fair to presume, that General Marshall has no opinion unfriendly to those laws, but that which he has expressed, it remains to be examined, how far that is equivalent to the one which prevails in the district; how far those who think the laws unconstitutional, should be satisfied by a declaration that the laws are unwise; which evidently leaves a possibility, that in his opinion, different circumstances may make them proper.
The provisions of the constitution which are supposed to have been violated are of such a nature as to require a more jealous guardianship than any other; more especially that which forbids the interference with the liberty of the press: because the administration of a government, will be constantly urged by their own feelings to disregard it.—The use of this liberty can only be disagreeable to them, and the provision of the constitution, is nothing more than saying, that the presses of the United States shall not be given up to be scourged, according to the passions of the administration. Consider how unsafe it will be, to sacrifice the constitutional barrier, to the repeal of the present laws. Will it be any thing less, if when a candidate gives you room to presume that he thinks congress have a power to pass such laws, you give him your suffrages? Will it not establish the principle as far as it is in the power of this district? Suppose a law to pass, repealing the present laws; declaring the same reasons General Marshall has given, for being against them; could any thing more strongly confirm the right of congress to pass such laws anew, when they thought it expedient? If we may be allowed for a moment to believe that there is an inclination to extend the bounds of the constitution in these respects, are you not giving it your sanction, and are you not receiving as an equivalent for granting a dangerous power, the mere forbearance to use it for the moment? Do you not show the means of extending the powers of the general government at their pleasure? Let them assume a new power, and it will only be necessary to give up the present act, to obtain your confirmation of the right.—But in this extravagant traffic, where is your assurance of present success? Will you confide in the hopes General Marshall would raise, that not being suspected of being the enemy of the Government, he should have great power of preventing such acts?—If the inducement was strong enough to prevail on you to become parties to this important change of the constitution, you will find on a moment's reflection, that the security is not a good one, for the repeal of the laws.—General Marshall intimates that the opposers of the laws, are supposed to be enemies of the government.—Why are they suspected, but
because they do not concur in the measures of government?—Look at the persons who compose the opposition in and out of congress, and at yourselves if there are not a great number who can boast every thing rich in this country and its happiness, which General Marshall does, or can boast: All you have is if they could have received the appearance of enemies of their country, but from their ignorance of men, who will not suffer their conduct to be impeached, even as to wisdom. If then, such complaisance is necessary to protect us from this obliquity, how can General Marshall expect to escape it, if he should thwart the administration in its favorite measures.
But can you rely, that General Marshall could even set up to the opinions which he has given, and which there is no reason to doubt are his present opinions; or that in the situation in which he will be placed, he will not feel the change he speaks of,—a change in the common walks of life, how uniform the division is on political subjects, and still more is it conspicuous in congress, when connected by good or bad views, are inevitably brought to act with this uniformity, rather than hazard a decision, which would produce the loss of their favourite object; and you must not expect, that Gen. Marshall would be independent of this influence.—In a good cause, this sort of accommodation is the result of the purest patriotism; and those personal feelings, which may be supposed to be likely to promote it amongst the best men, will be found as strong in the case of General Marshall as any other.—He has already received honors from administration, which must have greatly strengthened the connection formed by similarity of opinion, and it is hardly to be expected, that a new political relation will fail to confirm it.
The picture which General Marshall has given of the persons on whom he is to vote, this change, would make you despair of his success.—He tells you that the laws would never have passed, if they had been opposed by men, not suspected of enmity to the government.—What, must you think of the men with whom he will necessarily be associated; and how little way can you suppose he will be able to go in correcting them.—Laws which he confesses could do no good, and which were calculated to produce great disquiet, are passed: and for what reason? Because a particular class of men would not vote for them? How were they produced? Not by the opposition: They must have received their birth and early nourishment, before they could have been opposed.
Pause before you act on this momentous subject; and you will see no consent to make a probable addition to men who can act with so little reason; but above all, you will never give up your security under the constitution for the precarious hope, that such men can be made to do right, when there is so much danger, that in the same situation, the passions of the person on whom you are to rely may be damned; and that he will inhibit the sentiments of others, rather than communicate his own.
ANOTHER FREEHOLDER.
From the Baltimore Intelligencer of last Friday.
At the close of the poll, last evening, the votes for the candidates for representative from this district for the House of Representatives of the United States, were as follows:
Smith, in county 1288 city 1322 Winchester, in co. 2610 city, 1010 901 1911
Majority in favor of Smith, 699
At the close of the poll, last evening, the friends and supporters of General Smith, to express their joy for the honorable election which they had gained, received the General from the Hollings, in an elegant arm chair, supported by his fellow citizens; from whence they formed procession in the following
C O R D E R. A detachment of Horse, Citizens with branches of candles, One hundred Citizens with lights, Four Lanters, with inscriptions, supported by mechanics, Citizens, six abreast, A LUSTRE. GENERAL SMITH, crowned with a wreath of flowers, Mechanics with lanterns, Light Horsemen, and An immense concourse of Citizens.
They marched through every principal street, amidst continued acclamations.—The houses in general were handsomely illuminated; and in these windows which a light at the procession obliged to be raised, the want of candles was brilliantly supplied by immense crowds of ladies, whose native charms received additional lustre, from the lively satisfaction which beamed in their countenances, in viewing the signal respect justly paid to the man whom the people delight to honor.
Arrived at General Smith's house, he lighted, and returned his most hearty acknowledgments for their attention; and the citizens dispersed. There never was a popular procession of equal magnitude, in which peace and harmony was more predominant; and it was pleasing to observe many friends of Mr. W. mix with their fellow-citizens, and like good republicans, cheerfully honoring the choice of the people.
On the night excepting Saturday, was the most brilliant and cheerful of the season. "The Constitution Loveth."
For Tiffey's left there, and about 1000. On the night excepting Saturday, was the most brilliant and cheerful of the season.

*****  The Subscriber Intending to remove into the country, offers for SALE his  House and Lots IN THIS CITY. J. PENDLETON. City of Richmond, } 20th July, 1798. }
John Myers BEGS leave to inform the Pub- lic that he has opened a  BOTTLE CELLAR, near the BRIDGE, Where Gentlemen can be supplied with  Bottled Porter and Ale at a reasonable price. N. B. Gentlemen who live in the Country may have Porter put up to carry any distance without breakage. RICHMOND, May 3, 1798.
Lately Published, AND FOR SALE AT SAMUEL PLEASANTS' PRINTING OFFICE, RICHMOND, [Price 2 Shillings]. A SELECTION OF  H Y M N S AND  Spiritual Songs FROM THE BEST AUTHORS, BY ANDREW BROADDUS, V. D. M. May 14.
Advertisement. On the 20th October next, on the premises, will be RENTED, private- ly or publicly, for one or more years, as the proprietors may determine, That Valuable  TAVERN At the place called the NEW STORE, in the county of Buckingham, at present occu- pied by Mr. Lewis Wilkinson.
—Also— The STORE and LUMBER- HOUSE at present occupied by Mr. John Epperson. Possession given the first day of December next.—Its situation for a Tavern and Store is equal to any up the country—a further description is unnecessary, as any person in- clined to rent will first wish to view the premises. The PROPRIETORS. Sept. 24, 1798. (4w)
COPPER & TIN WARE Manufactory. THE subscriber returns his sincere thanks to a generous public, for the very great encouragement he has met with in his line of business; and begs leave to in- form his friends & customers, that he has on hand a quantity of STRONG STOUT COPPER IN SHEETS and bottoms, that they may be supplied with STILLs on the shortest notice, either with PATENT, COPPER or PEWTER WORMS. He has a number of STILLs of all sizes finished and ready for delivery, made on the best and most improved principles, which he is determined to sell at the most reduced prices. WILLIAM COOK. N. B. All kinds of TIN WORK as us- ual. The highest cash price given for old BRASS, COPPER, PEWTER or LEAD.
For Sale at this Printing Office,  A PLAN Of the Invasion of England and Ireland, BY the combined naval and military force of France, Spain and Holland.—An engra- ved copper-plate, showing the several points of junction of the combined fleets, the strength of each Squadron, their several routes to the grand rendezvous off Brest; also the several plans of debarkation, both in England and Ireland; likewise the stations and strength of the several British fleets in Europe, according to the most accurate information. To which is annexed, an explanatory letter, accompanying the plan from Europe to Phil- adelphia. Also, the Instructions from the Executive Council to the several Commissioners, re- gular business, with comments, &c. &c.
FOR SALE. 200 gals. Old Red Port-Wine of fu- 20 pipes; superior quality; Madeira Wine in pipes; Teneriffe do. do. Porter packed in casks of 3 doz. each; Old West India Rum; French Brandy; Apple Brandy; 2000 gallons excellent Whiskey; Loaf Sugar; Brown Sugar; Coffee; St. Louis, and 100 barrels excellent cut Herrings: The above articles have just come to hand, and being principally on consignment, will be sold very low, for cash, by  Gamble & Temple, Who have as usual a good assortment of  DRY GOODS on hand, which will be sold on equitable terms. Richmond, June 11, 1798.
JUST RECEIVED and for Sale by the Subscriber on reasonable terms, THE FOLLOWING  GOODS, BY WHOLESALE OR RETAIL, German Linens,—viz. OZNA BURG'S Bed-ticking Brown Hempten Oil-cloth.  Ironmongery. Mill-saws Screw-nuggets Hand do. Gimblets Plane-irons Compasses Chisels Trowels Gouges Mark-drawers Draw knives Wafel-irons. Coffee Mills  Hollow Glafs. Decanters plain & Tumblers plain cut & out Cage Glases Wine Glases do. Medicine Phials Nuremberg Goods, Among which are a great variety of chil- dren's Toys, Snuff Boxes, Black Lead Pen- cils, Slates and slate Pencils, Cloth Brushes &c. &c. &c. Likewise, A large assortment of Looking Glasses, Violins and Violin Strings. JAMES THOMPSON. Richmond, March 27, 1798. if.
SADDLERY. The Subscriber, Respectfully informs his Friends and the Pub- lic in general, that he has just Received, and is now opening at his  Saddlery store In this City, A large and elegant Assortment of well bought  SADDLERY, Consisting of Mens, womens' and chair saddle trees; Plated, polished and tinned bridle bits; Stirrup irons, buckles, bits and tips, of various patterns and newest taste; Worsted & linen, furriego, girth, harness and boot webbs, of all kinds, elegantly tied and figured; Turkey stripes, swanskin, cross barred, plain and fancy stripes for saddlecloths; Hair cloth of different colours; Plated and brass coach and chair harness mountings; Clouts and tack of all sizes; Secret steel and brass locks, for saddlebags and portmanteaus; Horseman's pistols, with brass barrels and mountings; Ladies' and gentlemen's silver, plated and brass mounted switches, loaded & trumpet whips; Plain and fancy, plated and steel spurs, of various and elegant patterns; Red and green morocco leather, sheep and lamb skins for welting; Shot belts, boot garters and spur leathers; Dog collars and chains; Saddlers' tools of every description; Worsted bindings and sercettings of different colours; Curry and mane combs; Brushes and sponges, &c. &c. He continues still to carry on his BUSINESS as usual in all its various branches, and has now on hand  Saddles & Bridles, Plain and mounted of all kinds; Phaton and chair harness; Draught collars; Waggons' whips, &c. all of which is offered to the public on moderate terms. John McEnery. Richmond, August 10, 1798. N. B. The highest price to Cash will be given for good BEAR-SKINS.
A Partner Wanted. THE Subscriber's Tanyard & Curying Shop being a considerable distance a- part, renders it inconvenient for him to attend to both,—he therefore wishes to take as a PARTNER in the  Tanning & Curying BUSINESS, a person who has a competent knowledge of either of the branches, and can put in an equal stock.—For further particulars, en- quire at his Curying Shop opposite Richard Bowler's Tavern, or at his Tanyard near William Hay's Brewery; where he means to continue the said business as usual, and will Tau Hides on Shares, give Leather in Exchange for Hides or Bark at moderate prices, or give Cash for said articles. JAMES LOWNES. Richmond, 7th Mo 10th, 1798.
ANOTHER STRONG PROOF, Of the great and unparalleled effi- cacy of  DR. CHURCH'S  COUGH DROPS, IN THE CURE OF Coughs, Colds, Asthma, and Con- sumptions. New-York, July 10, 1798. To DR. CHURCH. SIR, For upwards of Twelve years I have labour- ed under a severe Cough, shortness of breath, spitting up of matter from my lungs, and of- ten of clotted blood, till at length I was so reduced as to be unable to walk across my room, and swing to the violence of my cough and shortness of breath, could get no rest day or night. Hearing of your excellent me- dicine, the Cough Drops, I procured a bot- tle I took a dose as soon as I got it, from which I found instantaneous relief, and by continuing it for three days, I bled God I am restored to perfect health. As I believe you to have been the instrument in the hands of Providence of saving my life, I must insist you to publish this for the benefit of any who may be in my situation, as I am confi- dent it is one of the best medicines in the world for those complaints. Your grateful servant, NICHOLAS STAGG, Little Robinson Street. Church's Cough Drops Are prepared and sold by the inventor and sole proprietor, Dr. CHURCH, at his dis- pensary, Washington Street, New-York, and at his office, No. 1, South Third Street Phi- ladelphia, and sold by appointment by Mr. B. Du Val, Richmond; William Moore, Petersburg; John Roberts, Norfolk; T. Green, Fredericksburg. October 1, 1798.
FOR SALE, A NEW DOUBLE GEARED  MILL, With ten acres of LAND, LYING in Henrico county, adjoining the lands of William Randolph of Wilton, and Col. William Heth, five miles below Richmond and one from James river. A good Dwelling House at the Mills lately repaired which will accommodate a small family. This mill is on a never failing stream, and watered by a canal which has flood the greatest freshest without dam- age, and there is no danger of her ever being damaged or blown up by floods of water. This mill was set to work in Janu- ary last, and has ground upwards of 600 barrels of corn, all country grit. A great bargain may be had in this property, as my state of health will not allow me to pay that attention to business which it requires. The many local advantages attending this property, make it unnecessary to give any fur- ther description. Persons wishing to pur- chase will view the premises, and judge for themselves. One third of the purchase mo- ney will be expected in hand, one third in eighteen months, and the remainder in two years. Interest from the date will be re- quired if not punctually paid. A security on the property to insure payment will be taken, and an undoubted title will be given HALE'S SHARPE. Henrico county, Four } Mile-Creek, August } [11] 2, 1798.
The Lectures, AS usual in the College of WILLIAM and MARY, will commence on the THIRD MONDAY in October. Blank Bonds For Sale at this Printing- Office. Stamp Act. A correct Table of Duties, payable on Stamped Vellum, Parchment and Paper agreeably to the above act (which began to operate the 1st July last) may be had at a Pleasant's Printing Office.
WILL BE SOLD TO THE HIGHEST BIDDER, On the Twenty-Fourth day of October next, at the Subscriber's STORE HOUSE near Difficult Creek, in Halifax county, Between twenty and thirty Likely  NEGROES, Consisting of Men, Women, Boys & Girls. About one half or one third of the pur- chase will be required on the day of Sale, the balance in two or three payments at a con- venient credit to suit purchasers. THE SUBSCRIBER WILL ALSO SELL, 1000 Acres of Land
In the same county, lying on Flat Creek and the road leading from Bibb's ferry to Terry's bridge.—This land is well suited to the cultivation of tobacco, corn, wheat and other grain.—On it is a fresh plantation sufficient to work five or six hands to advan- tage, the rest in woods.—A good bargain may be had in this land and the credit made to suit a purchaser. The above property is conveyed to the Subscriber for a special purpose—and indisputable titles will be made. JOHN B. SCOTT. Halifax county, Aug. 16, 1798.
LOUIS A. DUPUY, RESPECTFULLY informs his Pupils and the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that his  Dancing School will be open again on WEDNESDAY the 3d of October next.—Days of attendance will be on Wednesday, Thursday, Friday & Saturday, from 10 in the morning to one in the evening, and from 3 to 6 of every third week. For the accommodation of those who cannot with convenience attend the day school there will be an EVENING SCHOOL, from 6 to 9 the same day as a- bove. N. B. L. A. Dupuy being desirous to do any thing in his power to de- ferve the encouragement that he has already met with, and to give general satisfaction, respectfully informs the Ladies and Gen- tlemen that he will, in imitation of all the large cities in the north, have a PRACTISING BALL on Saturday in every week of his school, in which he will by particular desire teach new SET DANCES and FRENCH COTTIONS, &c. P. S. Entrance Money will be expected only from new scholars. Richmond, Sept. 14.
Louis A. Dupuy's First Practising Ball Will be on Saturday the 27th instant at 7 o'Clock. O. A. S. FOR SALE, BY William Russel & Temple, At the store lately occupied by Wm. Russel, Op- posite Mr. Thomas Gilliam's. OLD Spirits; Jamaica, Antigua, Bar- badoes and Continental Rums; French, Apple, and Peach Brandy; London Particu- lar, Madeira, Lisbon, Old Port, Sherry, Te- neriffe and Malaga Wines; Holland Gin; Back Country Whisky of superior quality; Claret in cases; Cordials; Honey; Molas- ses; Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson, Hy- son Skin and Southong Teas; Coffee; Coo- colate; Loaf and Brown Sugars; Soap; Spermaceti; Mould and Dip'd Candles; Spanish Segars; Chewing Tobacco; To- bacco Pipes; Double Gloucester, Pine Ap- ple, Brick, &c. Cheeses; London Porter; Salt Peter; Fig Blue; Starch; Pearl Barley; Rice; Pomegranate; Hair Powder; Linseed and Spermaceti Oil; Window Glass; Putty; Keg & Box Raisins; Almonds; Crackers; Anchovies; Capers; Olives; Olive Oil; White rice and Ground Ginger; Pepper; Pimento; Cinnamon; Nutmegs; Mustard; Crockery and Glass Ware of various kinds; Bar Iron; Bed Cords; Leading Lines; Le- mons; Oranges; Sugar Candy; Barley Su- gar; with many articles in the GROCERY LINE too tedious to enumerate, which will be sold low for Cash or Country Produce. Richmond, June 21st. 1798. Just Received, And for Sale at this Printing- Office,— Gallatin's speech UPON THE Foreign Intercourse Bill, GRATTAN'S ADDRESS
To his Fellow-Citizens of Dublin, on retiring from Parliament— with his Answer to the In- dependent Citizens of Dublin.
LAW BOOKS For sale at SAMUEL PLEASANTS' PRINTING OFFICE. Ambler's Reports Runnington on En- Gilber's Reports judgments Berke's Nisi Prius Attorney's Pocket Barker's Reports Book. Bownan's Trial Vroman's Chancery Milford's Pleas Strange's Reports Schuffler's Practice Richardson's Prac- tice Sayer's Reports Wayne's Entomus Havel's Precedents Wilson on Fines Andree's Reports Moseley's Re. ors Hargrave's Tracts Gilbert on Devises Jac. & Scott's Keeper Swift's System Sayer's Law of Coffs Crompton's Practice Lawyer's Magazine Veleys Reports Miller on Govern- Sullivan's Lectures ment Hale's Common Law Morgan's Effays Natura Brevium Quare on Utes Veleys Jun. Cower's Reports H. Blackstone Douglas's Reports State Trials Cases in Equity Bonyon's Reports Sheppard's Touch- Bankrupt Laws stone Batten on Con- Saunders on Utes & victions Trusts Barton's Suit Tidd's Practice Linsay's Reader Titulus per pass Comyn's Reports Pigot on Recoveries Harradon's Chancery Soller's Guide Hale's Pleas Dyer's Reports Mallory's Entries Doctor & Student Rigaud of English Mellon's Analysis mep Davel's Reports Yeatman's Reports Peader's Assistant Gilbert on Tenur g Shovver's Reports Wilton's Reports Vatte's Law of Na- Taiton's Cites tions Peere Williams's Re- Hood's Chancery ports Reeves History En- Frazar on Elections glish Law Halket's Law of Newman's Convey- Coffs ancing Gilbert on Repre- Sayer's Pleas sentatives Pearce on Remain- Sheridon's Practice ders Poyntz's Summary Hale's Pleas Folger's Crown Law Rigney on Bail Ridgeway's Reports Attorney's Vade Cooke's Bankrupt Mecum Law Couray's Reports Powell on Powers Pochet's Practice Sayer on Damages Powell on Devises Kelyng's Reports Peixins' Convey- Heywood's Disput ancing Green's Bankrupt Sayer's Reports Law P. Raymond's Re- Kyn on Awards ports Every man his own Soller's Nisi Prius Lawyer Law of Partnership Dogherity's Crown Raymond's Reports Circuit Clerk's Instruction Barlemaqu on Law Finch's Chancery American Justice Cruise on Fines Morton's Law of Na- Woodeson's Lec- tions tures Ward's Law of Na- tions Wright's Tenures Espinasse's Nisi Pri- Jones on Bailments us Laws of the United Kyn on Bills of Ex- States change Hennings's Justice Vinet's abridgement Boscawen on Penal (24 vols.) Statutes Atkyns's Reports Brown's Dictionary Andrews's Reports Coke on Littleton W. Blackstone Crown Circuit Com- Croke's Reports panion Modern Reports Fonblanque Burges' Law Diction- Gilbert on Executio- ary ons Burges' Notes Rents Blackstone's Law 's Practice Tracts 's Law of E- Williams's Convey- vidence ancing on Repre- Williams's Justice Noy's Maxims Criminal Law Powell on Contracts Leach's Crown Law Mortgages
September 7. J. Prosser & Wm. Moncure Have connected themselves, to transact business in the Auction and Commission line, under the firm of  Proffer & Moncure in the house lately occupied by Messrs. Hicks, CAMPBELL and CURRIE; at which place Goods will be thankfully received, and advances of cash made if required.— Any business intrusted to their management will be strictly attended to and the utmost punctuality observed. JOHN PROSSER. WILLIAM MONCURE. Richmond, 14th June, 1798.
Wants a Place, IN a genteel family, either in town or country, a person of good char- acter, who will teach Children Reading, Writing and Working—and if required, shift in the stairs of the family.—Enquire of the Printer. Sept. 20. A choice parcel of  MUSIC For Sale at this Printing Office. —Also— Writing and Wrapping paper by the ream.

Supplement to the Virginia Argus
FRIDAY, October 12th, 1798.
LONDON, August 18,
The following is the last Letter which Mr. GERRY received from the Minister of Foreign Affairs before his departure:
PARIS, July 22, 1798. Allow me, Sir, to confine my attention particularly to the two last paragraphs in your reply of the 20th of this month to my letter of the 18th inst. However easy it must be for me to reply to those which precede them, it would be entering into unnecessary digressions. It is my duty to feel a sense of what you imagine you owe your country; and this consideration alone would be sufficient to influence me, if I felt less value on a reconciliation than I now do.
You repeatedly inform me that the U. States have always been disposed to terminate in an amicable manner the differences subsisting between the two republics. This new assurance, at a moment when its appearance is hostile, is certainly calculated to temper the effect of that appearance. But let an act of frankness, generosity and real friendship, prove the truth of that disposition. Although such a disposition is by no means to be perceived in the reply of the President to the addresses which have been presented to him from different parts of the United States, I wish to consider these replies as dictated by political expediency. I am not less inclined to augur favorably of the good intentions which you profess in his name, and I should not even have required you to give a proof of it in the first instance required of you, if the Directory had not made up its mind in a determined manner on that subject. A negotiation may then be resumed even at Paris, where I shall myself you cannot but have remarked the proofs of esteem showed you, and where an Envoy possessing such talents as yourself cannot fail of meeting with a favorable reception.
I am ignorant, Sir, for what reason you think it necessary to inform me that it is necessary to strike out of this negotiation all preliminary articles respecting loans, and explanations to be required respecting the Speech of the President. Have the goodness to read over the propositions which I transmitted to you on the 13th June, and which contain the whole opinions of the French government. You will not there find one word on these two points. An odious intrigue had interfered in the negotiation; the dignity of government could not suffer such a proceeding to be mingled with its actions, nor such pure conduct to be associated with that of bad men.
As the preliminary measures which you suggest, Sir, government has anticipated your wishes. The information which has reached the Directory, satisfies them that in fact violence has been offered to the citizens and commerce of the United States in the Antilles and on the Coast. Do them the justice to believe, that it is only necessary for them to be informed of these facts, to disavow all acts contrary to the laws of the Republic, and to its orders. They are employed in remedying them, and orders have been sent to the Antilles to restore everything to its former situation, until the moment when an amicable arrangement between France and the United States shall have respectively re-established them in the enjoyment of their treaties.
The moment, Sir, cannot be too near. I can only regret that you refuse to hasten it, convinced as I am that you are furnished with full powers to that effect.
Accept the assurances of my best wishes for your happy passage, and of my highest consideration.
Signed, C. M. Talleyrand Perigord.
Accounts from different quarters, agree, that a part of Buonaparte's squadron has reached Alexandria (in Egypt), and that the town is in the possession of the French.
NEW YORK, Oct. 2.
POSTSCRIPT.
[Per the Factor, 24 days from Portsmouth.] After our paper went to press we received London papers to the 15th August inclusive, nine days later than by the Fanny; on a cursory perusal we find nothing of very great moment; we shall however give every thing interesting as soon as possible. By the Factor we learn that Mr. GERRY had arrived at Portsmouth, (England) from France.
Mr. Rutledge, Secretary of the French Embassy, came passenger in the Factor. Accounts by the Factor, mention the execution of Mr. Oliver Bond in Dublin. Ship Alliance, Wood, of N-York is taken by the French.
From the New York Gazette and General Advertiser, of October 2, 1798. First of the Convoy.
Yesterday arrived here, the ship Factor, Captain Kemp, from London. We are now furnished with London papers to the 1st of August—nine days later than before received; but we are still in the dark respecting the fate of Buonaparte, after the affair of Malta.
The London prints are filled with contradictory accounts of the Mediterranean fleet. We shall notice some of them.
Captain Kemp sailed with the full trade for America, from Portsmouth, on 17th of August, under convoy of the Cleopatra frigate and Pheasant, sloop of war.
The ship Nancy, Goodrich; Holland, Johnson; Charlotte, Hedges; and Molly, Jappie, of this port were of the convoy.
The brig Sophia, with Mr. GERRY on board, from Havre, had put into Portsmouth, and sailed from that port for America, the day before the Factor. August 16—He may therefore be hourly expected.
Oliver Bond, Esq. it seems, was executed agreeable to respite.
There is a talk of a war between France and Austria—Preparations for a rupture are made.
The rebellion in Ireland seems at an end—The trials of those concerned are going on—and many executions have taken place.
London, August 24. The Hamburg mail due on Wednesday last arrived this morning. It brings no certain intelligence from the fleet in the Mediterranean.
The proceedings at Rastadt go on slowly as ever.
The revolutionizing spirit having shown itself in Turkey, The Porte has taken alarm and is pursuing vigorous measures to prevent its spreading among the people, many of whom have already been put to death.
Leghorn, July 12. On Friday last, arrived here a Russian ship, which informs, that the fleet under the command of Buonaparte had failed from Malta in three divisions on the 18th, 19th, and 20th of June.
Venice, July 16. Accounts have been received here from Leghorn, that Buonaparte and his convoy had arrived safe at Alexandria in Egypt.
Gravesend, August 12. Passed by, the Carolina, from Savannah, and the Friendship, from Virginia.
August 13. Passed by, the Two Sisters, from Virginia. The ship Alliance, Wood, is said to be taken by the French.
The death of Dr. Treadwell, makes the eleventh physician—all sacrificed to the raging epidemic in this city. We mentioned the death of Anderson, instead of Andrews, in our paper of Friday.
We are informed by a gentleman from Staten Island, that fifteen or sixteen persons have died there of the prevailing epidemic, who have not been in or near the city.
ELIZABETH TOWN, Sept. 25.
A letter from Trenton, dated September 18, says:
"A man died yesterday in this place, and also a woman in Lambertville, I believe with the Yellow Fever."
Accounts from Burlington, mention great apprehensions of the raging epidemic spreading there.
A Compendious View of the MITCHELLIAN Doctrine and Practice in the prevailing Epidemic; being an extract of a letter from Samuel L. Mitchell, M. D. F. R. S. E. &c. to William M. Rofs, M. D. of Elizabeth Town, New-Jersey.
New-York, Sept. 17, 1798.
MY DEAR SIR, "We are here in the midst of difficulty again. The longer any spot of ground is dwelt upon, the more will it be tainted with foreign impurities, and until proper measures are taken to remove them, the more the earth, the air, and the water, will be contaminated."
"The history of all great cities shews this. Rome, London, and all the well regulated modern cities, shewed that the collected foulness may, in a good measure, be carried off. But Cairo is miserably cleaned, and has been for ages the site of a city; and Cairo is the focus of pestilence. Under the present regulations, New-York and Philadelphia will ere long progress very far towards the pestilential condition of Cairo. When I consider all the things with which I am acquainted here, my wonder is not that so many die, but that the number of deaths is so small. There has been no dispute about LOCAL ORIGIN, this time. All parties agree, it was bred at home. As it manifestly arose in particular from rotten provisions, it has been called, by way of distinction, the BERRY-FAVER."
"I think more than half the inhabitants
are gone. Maiden lane, Pearl, Water, and Front streets, and the neighbourhood of Fly market, are almost entirely deserted. Beckman, John, and William streets, have few inhabitants left. Cherry, James, Oliver, and Catharine streets, are now very thinly peopled. And indeed they have fled from every part of the city, not excepting Broadway and Greenwich streets. We find in alimentary and gastric cases, great advantages in Alkaline remedies. In nausea, vomiting, diarrheas, and dysenteries, Potash and Soda are grand remedies. And so is Lime! This practice has been so in vogue here, that contending practitioners have shown a strong disposition to take to themselves the credit of it. Where the heat and blood vessels are under strong action, we practice blood letting, and, when judiciously done, with advantage; I have, however, been obliged very much to circumscribe the use of the lancet, and in a multitude of cases not employ it at all."
"There is another form of the disease which I find to come on by degrees, frequently with rigors, or heats, or increase of pulse; yet accompanied with yellowness, great muscular debility, habitude of sensation, and sometimes with hemorrhages, scabs, and salivation, resembling scurvy. I have considered this form of yellow fever as truly a Scorbutus. And it ought to be named Acute Scurvy. It is evidently induced by living in foul air, excessive gorging of animal food, and the liberal use of brandy or other ardent spirit, and of malt liquor."
"In addition to your and to Dr. Trotter's opinion of scurvy, I suppose there is a surplusage of Seroton in the constitution of the nerves and muscles. The indication of cure then is the subject septon and furnish Oxygen. And I am now treating a number of such patients with citrate of potash, lemonade, ripe fruits, &c. and with promising prospects."
PHILADELPHIA, October 1. We have the pleasure to inform the public, that Doctor MEASE and Doctor STEWART have perfectly recovered from their late severe attacks of the prevailing fever.
MR. BEADFORD, For the benefit of my fellow-citizens, I think it my duty to inform them, that eight persons in my house, have lately been confined with the prevailing fever; all of whom (except a boy) have recovered, by the moderate and judicious use of bleeding, mercury, vomits, purges, and sweating remedies. The design of making this communication, is to endeavour to remove prejudices against the above remedies, and to prevent persons from depending exclusively upon any one of them, in a disease so violent, as frequently to require the use of all of them.
GEORGE BUNTER.
An attempt was made yesterday morning by two of the criminals in the jail to undermine the wall of the East dungeon. They had nearly effected their escape when discovered. The jail is now under the care of Mr. Peter Helm.
October 4.
YELLOW FEVER. Though little diminution has taken place in the number of our deaths, yet the accounts of the last week mark a great decrease of new cases. From this pleasing circumstance, as well as from the large portion of the diseased that has died, the most rational hopes are indulged that the disease is rapidly disappearing.
But while Philadelphia has reason to rejoice, other towns have before them the prospect of increasing distress. In Boston the disease has greatly increased, one hundred cases have occurred in a few days. Wilmington is even more severely scourged than Philadelphia, eight persons dying in a day. The mortality at New-York and New-London is stationary; in Providence it has abated.
Among the liberal donations received at the Hospital we notice with pleasure the receipt of 3,000 dollars, from the Citizens of Baltimore, in part of the sum subscribed.
  Total Burials in the City and Suburbs.   Sept. 26th to the 27th at noon 86   27th to the 28th 106   28th to the 29th 57   29th to the 30th 85   30th to Oct. 1st 85   Oct. 1st to the 2d 83   2d to the 3d 49   Total 569   Of whom 59 were Children. 
CITY HOSPITAL.
   Admitted Died     Sep. 27 13   28 13   29 9   30 10   Oct. 1 11   2 20   3 16   Total 92   Cured 63   Remaining in Hospital 51   Of whom are convalescent 117   New Cases from Sep. 27th to Oct. 3, 1798 442  
DEATHS AT NEW-YORK.
  Sept. 24th 48   25th 51   26th 60   27th 54   28th 38   29th 49   30th 48   Total 343 
The total number of deaths in Philadelphia, this year from Aug. 8, to Oct. 3d 2776 Total number in 1793, the same time 1847
Excess this year 929 It does not yet appear (says the Massachussetts Mercury of Friday last) that Lyon is re-elected.
BALTIMORE, October 3.
The brig David Stewart which arrived this day left Gibraltar on the 27th August. It does not appear that any certain intelligence had at that time been received respecting Buonaparte's fleet. Seven Portuguese frigates passed Gibraltar in July to join Nelson. Cadiz still continued to be blockaded by Admiral Jarvis.
October 6.
Elkton, 4th October, 1798.
At the adjournment for dinner at two o'clock this day,
Mr Thomas had 866 Mr Christie 475
Majority in favor of Thomas 391
A letter from Kent, dated the 3d inst. gives nearly the same state of the polls at published yesterday and adds,
"The general opinion is, that Queen Anne's will be nearly divided. The majority probably for Mr Sney From 450 to 500 are calculated on as the majority for Mr Bindman in Talbot. Caroline rather in favor of Mr H."
HALIFAX (N. C.) Oct. 1.
Return of members of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, chosen at the late election in this state.
  Gen Dickson, vice Gen V'Dowell   Archibald Henderson, vice Matthew Locke   William H Hill, vice James Gillespie   Governor Spaight, vice Nathan Bryan, deceased.   Judge Stone, vice Dempsey Burges   Willis Alston, vice Thomas Blount   William B Grove, re-elected   Robert Williams, ditto   Richard Sanford, ditto   Nathaniel Maceo, ditto   Among these we reckon Seven Federalists. 
The people of New-England, are so frequently desirous of putting the Sedition Bill into operation, that an honest magistrate in the vicinity of Quincy, has committed a man to prison for saying "John Adams was born without a shirt"!!!
Another man was apprehended for calling the President's dogs, a son of a b——h; but for want of sufficient proof, was discharged!!! (BAL. INTEL.)
September 29th, 1798.
SIR, YOU will please to take notice, that I shall on Wednesday the 21st day of November next, between the hours of ten in the fore, and two o'clock in the afternoon, attend at the house of Mr. Daniel Bates, in the county of Chesterfield, and state of Virginia, in order to take the deposition of the said Daniel Bates; which deposition when taken, to be read in evidence on the trial of my suit against you, now depending in the district court, heretofore holden in the town of New-London, in the county of Campbell and state aforesaid: your attendance you may give if you please.
HENRY BELL, Mr. Jacob McCraw, in the } state of N. Carolina. } (aw)
THERE will be a petition presented to the next General Assembly for raising the storage on Tobacco lodged in the Public warehouses. Peterburg, Sept. 1, 1798.
Sales at Auction.
Will be Sold on Monday next, the 15th instant, without reserve, for Cash—Four Likely Young
HORSES.
Proffer & Moncure, v. m. Richmond, Oct. 11th, 1798.
BOOKER'S Patent Threshing Machine,
EXPERIENCE has enabled the subscriber to introduce several material improvements in the construction of his Patent Threshing Machine; he has contracted the size, and rendered the whole more simple, whereby it is less liable to get out of order, & may be erected & wrought by less skillful hands than formerly. It is now so reduced in size & so joined together, that the largest may be taken down with it injury and removed in a common waggon—the sizes are so varied that one or other will suit any Farmer, being made from two to five feet drums. The different sizes will thresh nearly in proportion to the length of their drums—a four feet drum machine will certainly with ease get out clean from the straw, one hundred bushels of wheat, of middling quality in one day, four now in use have threshed above two hundred bushels in a day, but the quantity threshed will depend a good deal on the quality of the grain and length of straw as well as management in the operation. In consequence of the above mentioned improvements, the subscriber is enabled to furnish them at his shop in Richmond, at the following prices:
a two feet drum machine (the large wheel excepted) at 24 Dollars, a three feet do. do. do. 32 a four feet do. do. do. 40 a five feet do. do. do. 50 The large wheel is so simple, that any carpenter can build it from having had a slight view of one.
Or where the employers choose to build on their own farms, they finding all materials and board for the workmen, a two feet drum machine (including large wheel) at 24 Dollars, a three feet do. do. do. 32 a four feet do. do. do. 40 a five feet do. do. do. 50 For those that choose to build for themselves, he will furnish the small machinery, viz:
wheels, whirls, &c. for a two feet drum machine complete, 7 dollars. & iron & 6 dollars do. for a three feet do. 8 do. for a four feet do. 9 do. for a five feet do. 10 Bands are not included in the foregoing prices, different persons choosing bands of different materials, as well as of different sizes; but the subscriber decidedly recommends raw hide bands, for the making of which he will give directions, or will furnish them at twenty cents per lb. a band for the three feet machine ought to weigh about 60 lbs.
Licenses for using Booker's Patent Threshing Machine, are not included in the foregoing charges, they will be granted at the following rates:
For a two feet drum machine, 10 Dollars. a three feet do. do. 14 a four feet do. do. 18 a five feet do. do. 21
Early applications by those who intend furnishing themselves with machines for next crop, will not only insure such as will be well executed, but will also much oblige the subscriber by enabling him to make adequate preparations in laying in materials and engaging proper workmen to execute what may be necessary in good time, for want of timely applications it was not in his power to build as many as were called for in the latter end of last summer.
The patentee would dispose of his patent right in some of the distant counties, and in the other states.
WILLIAM BOOKER, Richmond, 10th October, 1798.
THE SUBSCRIBER Has for sale at his house on Shocco hill several
BALES OF WOOLLENS,
CONSISTING of Yorkshire plains, Keryseys, Coatings, 6/4ths & 7/4ths coarse & fine Cloths from 3/7 to 15/Sterling pr yard—as they came to him from the Manufacturers, he is enabled to sell them on low terms, which he offers to do payable in Notes, of 4 and 6 months, in this city—He has also for sale one BALE consisting of Durants, Saloons, Wildbore, Camblets, Swandowns, Tollenet, and Kerseymers.
WILLIAM WISEHAM, Richmond, Oct. 3, 1798.