The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-08-11 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 23.]
SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11, 1804.
[VOLUME I.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
FOR GLASGOW,
The British Ship JEANNE ,
JOHN COWAN , master; now at City Point; will be ready to receive Tobacco in a few days, and having part of her cargo engaged, will sail by the first proximo. For terms, apply to the captain on board, or to Robert & Allan Pollok & Co. Richmond, or to BUCHANAN & POLLOK .
Who offer for sale on board said ship, TEN THOUSAND BUSHELS LIVERPOOL STOVED SALT. Petersburg, August 6. t1Sep
NOTICE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by John Woodson of Hanover county, for the benefit of Giles Terrell, Esq. of the Rev. William Douglass, decd.
WILL BE EXPOSED TO SALE,
To the highest bidder, for ready money at Col. Goodall's Tavern, in the County of Hanover, on Saturday the 8th day of September next, the
TRACT OF LAND,
Whereon the said Woodson now resides, in the upper end of Hanover County, or so much thereof as shall be necessary to satisfy the balance due the said Executor, as also the costs attending the trust, by
DAVID BULLOCK , and FREDERICK HARRIS , TRUSTEES. July 31, 1804. (ep 8 Sept.)
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY,
To raise the sum of 5,000 Dollars, for the benefit of the Female Charity School of Fredericksburg.
  1 Prize of 5,000 D. is 5,000 D.   2 1,000 2,000   3 500 1,500   4 250 1,000   5 100 500   10 50 500   2750 8 22,000   18 Ticket having a blank drawn to its number after 3,000 100   1 4,000 200   1 5,000 300   1 6,000 400   1 7,000 500   1 Last drawn Ticket, whether blank or prize 2,000   34,850   Expenses of drawing, 150   Sum to be raised, 5,000   40,000 D.   2,776 Prizes   5,224 Blanks   8,000 Tickets, at 5 Dollars each, is 40,000 
In the above Scheme, it appears there are not two blanks to a prize, and no prize subject to a deduction. The Lottery will commence drawing on the first Monday in October next, and continue until the drawing is finished. All Tickets drawing prizes will be paid within thirty days after the drawing is concluded, and all prizes not applied for within six months after will be considered as donations to be applied to the purposes of the Lottery.
The Managers deem it unnecessary to say anything by way of inducement to persons to become adventurers in this Lottery, as the charitable purpose for which it is intended, will it is hoped insure a speedy sale of the Tickets.
Tickets to be had of the Managers and of Mr. Buck, the Treasurer of the Female Charity School.
 FRANCIS BROOKE,  JOHN MINOR,  ROBERT PATTON,  JOHN CHEW,  JAMES STEVENSON,  DAVID C. KER,  WALTER GREGORY,  WILLIAM S. STONE,  ROBERT S. CHEW,  HUGH MARSH, 
* * * TICKETS in the above Lottery may be had in Richmond, on application to the Rev. John D. Blair, the Rev. John Buchanan and Mr. Andrew Stevenson. ep-SW
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which the may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessel of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804.
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of five months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
We have received a small additional supply of MADIERA WINE ,
of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-hogshead. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 12. ep18
FOR SALE,
On liberal terms, by the Subscribers, THE HOUSE and LOT near the River Bank, at present in the occupancy of Mr. John Taylor, and distinguished in the plan of the city by the number 8, the property of the estate of Patrick Wright, dec. which, if not disposed of privately before the first day of September next, will on that day, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, be sold on the premises, for one half cash, and the other half on a credit of 90 days, for an approved endorsed note.—An indisputable title will be made before the money is received.
PROSSER & MONCURE. July 18. ep18
A WET NURSE.
WANTED to hire or purchase, a Wet Nurse without a child of her own. Enquire of the Printers. August 8.—tf
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE , HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and Yorkshire from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. if (1)
FOR SALE,
A TRACT OF LAND, IN Powhatan county, on Appomattox River, where it is navigable, known by the name of McCaul's Quarter , containing 420 acres: this land lies about four miles from the Court House, and is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, small grain and corn. Samuel Woodson, who lives near the land, will shew it to any person who may wish to purchase. If it is not sold before the 1st of September next, I shall sell it upon that day to the highest bidder, at Woodson's Tavern, near the premises. JOHN F. PRICE. Richmond, May 30, 1804. [Yanva-Sina.]
CASH SALE OF LAND IN ALBEMARLE.
On September 15th, WILL BE SOLD, in Charlottesville, to the highest bidder, for Cash,
THE TRACT OF LAND lying on the east side of Rivanna, over against Charlottesville, containing about 600 acres, with a new commodious DWELLING HOUSE. Two years of a lease under good restrictions have to run after this. The land is all of the South-West Mountain quality; and though much injured in parts, is in general still very good, and all reclaimable. The sale proceeds from a deed of trust to indemnify against loss as security and bail, which was executed in December, 1802, by William Bache, of Pennsylvania, to
THOMAS M. RANDOLPH. July 25. ep15Sep
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, will at their next monthly meeting, to be held on the third Monday in August next, proceed to appoint one fit and proper person to act as CAPTAIN of the NIGHT WATCH within the said City, for the term of one year: at which time all candidates for the said appointment are requested to attend. ANDREW STEVENSON, CLK. C. H. July 18. ep 1m
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.—And those whose lands have been sold in the district of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs.
Asmost of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me. JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D. July 7. ep-tf
VIRGINIA:
AT A SUPERIOR COURT OF CHANCERY, HOLDEN IN RICHMOND, MAY 19. 1804. BETWEEN
JOSEPH C. BROWN, RICHARD B. GOODE & WILLIAM BROWN, } Plaintiffs. AND ROBERT OMBERSON, Defendant.
HIS cause, by consent of parties, came on this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, to be heard on the bill and answer, and was argued by council: on consideration whereof, the court adjudged and decreed, that, unless the defendant on or before the twenty-fourth day of July next, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, one thousand four hundred dollars, with interest thereon, after the rate of six per centum per annum, to be computed from the twenty-fourth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and three, till payment, and the costs expended by the plaintiffs in prosecuting this suit, that Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, after giving three weeks notice in one or more of the Richmond newspapers, do expose to public sale by auction, for ready money, the Half-Acre Lot of Land, with the Appurtenances, lying in that part of the City of Richmond called Rockets, designated in the plan of the said City by the number (307) two hundred and seven, which had been conveyed in trust by the defendant, to the forenamed Joseph C. Brown and Richard B. Goode, for the purpose as is alleged in the bill and admitted by the answer, of securing the forenamed principal money and interest, the deed for which hath been destroyed as is also alleged and admitted; and out of the money arising from the sale, pay to the plaintiff, William Brown, the said principal money, interest and costs; and the surplus, if any, after deducting the expenses attending the sale, pay to the defendant, and report their proceedings in execution hereof to the court. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C.
WE SHALL PROCEED TO SELL, The
LOT & APPURTENANCES mentioned and described in the above decretal order, upon the terms therein mentioned, on FRIDAY, the 17th August next, upon the premises, between the hours of 10 and 2 of the clock. JOSEPH C. BROWN, RICHARD B. GOODE. July 21. tdayof
BY BILL OF LADING, SHERIFF'S BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
Foreign Intelligence.
[The 25th Number of this paper contained an address of the Conservative Senate of France to the First Consul, and his "most gracious answer." In this reply he invites them "to make known to him freely their sentiments." The following communication from the Conservative Senate was intended as a full exposition of their sentiments on the present state of France. The reader will remark, that this paper was addressed to Bonaparte before the late change in that government took place, it has not however, till very recently, appeared in the American prints.]
FROM THE PARIS ARGUS.
REPLY of the CONSERVATIVE SENATE to the FIRST CONSUL of the REPUBLIC. CITIZEN FIRST CONSUL,
You have by a memorable message just replied in a manner worthy of you and of the great nation which has appointed you its chief to the wishes which the Senate expressed to you, and to the solicititudes inspired in it by the love of the country. You desire, Citizen First Consul, to become acquainted with the whole of the opinion of the Senate, concerning those institutions of ours which we conceive should be improved, in order henceforth to secure the triumph of equality and public liberty; and to present to the nation and to the government, the double guarantee of which they are in want.
The Senate have assembled together and carefully compared the results of the meditations of its members, the fruits of their experience, the effects of the zeal with which they are animated for the prosperity of the people, whose rights they are appointed to protect.
Having recalled the past, examined the present and cast its looks towards the future, it now presents to you the will imposed on it by the safety of the state.
The French have conquered liberty; they wish to enjoy repose after their victory. For this glorious repose they will be indebted to the hereditary government of a single individual, who elated above all, invested with great power, surrounded by splendour, glory and majesty, will defend public liberty, maintain equality and lower his greatness before the sovereign will of the people who proclaim him.
It is this government which the French nation wished to give itself in the happy days of the year 1789, the recollection of which will be for ever dear to the friends of the country, whom the noble enthusiasm which the image alone of this government created, was involuntarily shared even by those whose interests were hurt by the revolution, and against which a pernicious foreigner dared to lift, up from afar his parricidal hands; and in which the experience of ages, the reason of statesmen, the genius of philosophy, and the love of humanity, inspired the representatives whom the nation had chosen.
It is this government, limited by the law which the greatest genius of Greece, the most celebrated Orator of Rome, and the greatest statesman of the 18th century, declared to be the best of all.
It is that alone which can put an end to dangerous rivalries in a country covered with numerous armies and commanded by great captains. History holds it up as an invincible obstacle to all rash efforts of a bloody anarchy, the violence of an audacious tyranny which believed itself to be absolved by strength, and to the perfidious attempts of a despotism still more dangerous, which spreading in darkness its formidable nets, waited with hypocritical patience for the moment to throw off the mask and to lift up the staff of iron.
It declares to a brave and generous nation, "You have lost your independence, your liberty and your name, because you would not renounce electing a Supreme Chief."
It unveils that long sequel of tumults, dissensions and civil disorders which have preceded or followed those periods when nations elected a new chief; happy when not condemned to the flame still more insupportable than death, or receiving a foreign power, conqueror or corruptor, a contemptible chief, cowardly, enslaved or basely perfidious.
It bids us to regard the city of the Cæsars, the capital of the world, a prey to all the disorders, crimes and furies, which the gold, the sword, and the poison of the competitors for the empire could create until an hereditary power replaced a monstrous assemblage of contested elections, ludicrous factions, uncertain decisions, unacknowledged adoptions and despised acclamations.
After the fifteen years which have elapsed since the year 1789, after all the catastrophes which have succeeded each other, after the numberless dangers which have surrounded the social body, and when we saw the abyss opened into which they seemed resolved to cast it, before the favour of France was restored to us, what other government than that of a single individual, regulated by the law for the happiness of all, and confided to a family whose destiny is inseparable from that of the revolution, could protect the fortune of so great a number of citizens become holders of landed property, which a counter-revolution would snatch from them, guarantee the heads of Frenchmen who have never ceased to be faithful to the sovereign people, and even defend the existence of those, who misled in the beginning of our political torments have claimed and obtained the indulgence of their country?
What other axis than that government, can forever repel those execrable plots, which reproducing themselves under every form, setting every spring at work, one day overturned and the next reappearing, might at length finish by tiring out fortune; and to which were devoted those blind zealots, who in their guilty delerium, conceive they have means once more to erect for a family whom the people have proscribed, a throne composed only of feudal trophies, and instruments of servitude, which the national thunder has reduced to dust?
What other government in short can forever preserve that acquisition so dear to a generous nation, those palms of genius, and those laurels of victory, which the enemies of France would with sacrilegious hands snatch from her august brow?
This hereditary government can only be confided to Napoleon Bonaparte, and his family. Glory, gratitude, love, reason, the interest of the state, all proclaim Napoleon hereditary Emperor. But, Citizen First Consul, the benefit of our social compact ought to endure, if possible, as long as your renown.
We ought to ensure the happiness and guarantee the rights of generations to come.
The Imperial Government ought to be unshaken.
Let not the forgetfulness of precautions called for by wisdom, suffer the forms of an ill organized regency, succeed the tempests of an Elective.
Liberty and Equality must be held sacred, the social compact must not be violated; the sovereignty of the people must be acknowledged, in order that at the most distant times the nation may not be forced again to seize its power and avenge its outraged majesty.
The Senate is of opinion, Citizen First Consul, that it is for the dearest interests of the French people, to confide the Government of the Republic to Napoleon Bonaparte, hereditary Emperor.
It develops in the memorial which it annexes to its message, the dispositions which appear to it the most proper to give to our institutions the necessary force to guarantee to the nation its dearest rights, by securing the independence of the great authorities, the free and enlightened vote of the nation, the security of prosperity, the liberty of individuals, of the press and of elections; the responsibility of the constitutional laws.
These tutelary dispositions, Citizen First Consul, will completely shelter the French people from the plots of their enemies, and from those agitations which take their rise from ambitious rivals. They will maintain the reign of the law, of liberty, and equality.
The love of the French for your person, transmitted to your successors with the immortal glory of your name, will forever connect the rights of the Nation with the power of the Prince.
The social pact will brave time. The Republic as immutable as its vast territory, will behold political tempests gather round it in vain.
To make it the whole world must be shaken, and posterity in calling to recollection the prodigies brought about by your genius, will continually behold erect that immense monument of every thing for which the country will be indebted to you.
Signed, FRANCOIS (de Neufchateau.) Vice President. MOBARD DE GALLÈS, JOSEPH CORTUDER, Secretaries.
The Chancellor of the Senate, Signed, LAPLACE.
FROM LATE FRENCH PAPERS.
Paris June 11. PREFECTURE OF POLICE. IMPERIAL DECREES.
CONTAINING ACTS OF INDULGENCE AND BENEFICENCE.
Palace of St. Cloud, 13 Prarial, year 12.
Napoleon, by the grace of God, and the constitutions of the republic, Emperor of the French, wishing to distinguish his accession to the Empire by acts of indulgence and beneficence.
Upon the report of the ministers having heard the council of state, Decrees:
TITLE I.
The setting at liberty of the individuals condemned by the correctional Police, who are only in confinement for the payment of their fines and expenses.
ARTICLE FIRST. The individuals now in confinement by virtue of the judgements of the correctional police, and who have remained so until the expiration of the period stated in their sentence, and who are still confined or liable to be so, after the said period, in default of payment of the fine or expenses, shall be dispensed from paying the said expenses or fines, and set at liberty at the expiration of the time fixed for the penalty.
TITLE II.
State debtors constrained, or liable to be arrested, who may be discharged from the arrest.
II. The ministers of the public treasure and of the finance shall make a report to the Emperor on each of the individuals confined for debt, on the demand of the agent of public treasure or of the public tax gatherers, in order for his majesty to determine who are those who may obtain, by favour of circumstances, their enlargement or discharge from arrests, and the conditions on which they may obtain one or the other.
TITLE III.
Payment by the treasurer of the civil list, of the nurse expenses due by the inhabitants of Paris, and of the jurisdiction thereof who shall be held incapable of paying them themselves.
III. The sums due to the nurse office of the city and jurisdiction of Paris, from the 1st Brumaire, year 6, by the poorest fathers and mothers, shall be paid on their discharge by the treasurer of the civil list.
IV. The minister of the interior shall appoint in consequence an extraordinary commission, which in concert with each of the officers of benevolence in Paris, and of the municipalities in its jurisdiction, shall draw up a list of the fathers and mothers who are to enjoy the benefit of the preceding articles.
V. The treasurer of the civil list shall keep the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand francs at the disposal of the commission.
VI. All the sums paid to the nurse office, by virtue of the present imperial decree, shall be employed without delay in payment of the nurses.
TITLE IV.
Granting a marriage portion to a poor and honest girl, in each arrondissement communal, and municipality of the cities of Paris, Lyons, Bordeaux, and Marfeilles.
VII. For each of the municipalities of Paris, Lyons, Bordeaux, and Marfeilles, and for each arrondissement communal of the empire, a sum of six hundred francs is granted, for the purpose of serving a marriage portion to a poor girl of good character.
VIII. The selection shall be made at Paris, Lyons, Marfeilles, Bordeaux, and in the arrondissement of the chief-town of the prefectures by the prefects; in the other arrondissements, by the under prefect.
IV. The marriages shall be celebrated on the day fixed for the coronation of the Emperor. (Extract of title V.)
Title V. grants an amnesty to all officers, and soldiers, in the land and sea service, condemned to hard labour, for desertion, and releasing them from the penalties incurred by them or their fathers and in others.
To enjoy the benefit of this amnesty, every deserter must present himself in the course of
one month after the publication of the imperial decree, before an under prefect or inspector of reviews and declare that he repents of his crime, that he wishes to serve again, and immediately to rejoin his corps.
In default of making this declaration of rejoining his corps by the above mentioned time, such deserters shall be brought before a council of war, and condemned to drag a cannon shot, as being guilty of desertion a second time.
BOULOGNE, May 21.
STAFF MAJOR GENERAL.
ORDER OF THE DAY.
Soult, General in-Chief of the Guard of Government, Commander in Chief of the Camp of St. Omer:
"SOLDIERS!
"Napoleon Bonaparte has accepted the Empire, to which the will of the people and of the army has called him. From this day commences for us a new era, and the happiness of France is secured for ever.
"SOLDIERS!
"We swear obedience to the constitutions of the Empire, and fidelity to the Emperor."
"At twelve o'clock, a discharge of 100 cannon will announce to the Army that Napoleon Bonaparte is proclaimed Emperor of the French. Here follows the ceremony to be observed upon making said proclamation at Boulogne. (Signed)
"Soult, Com. in Chief."
From our late English papers, received by the Montevideo, arrived at Boston.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 31.
DEFENCE OF THE NATION.
Mr. Pitt deferred till Tuesday, his motion on the defence of the nation.
Mr. Carr rose to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman (the chancellor of the Exchequer) whether, as his promised motion respecting the defence of the country was deferred till Tuesday, upon which day an order stood for a committee to consider several Petitions relative to the Irish linen trade, it was the Right Hon. Gentleman's intention that his motion should precede that order?—This question he was induced to put, from a consideration of the solicitude entertained upon the linen business by a vast and respectable number of persons in that country to which he belonged, and because, if the Right Hon. Gentleman meant to submit his motion, it must, from its superior importance, claim the precedence, and the consideration of the linen question must necessarily be postponed.—Being on his legs, the Hon. Member said he could not refrain from observing upon the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman, with respect to his long promised plan of provision for the national defence—a plan which above a month since the Right Hon. Gentleman himself told the House that not one moment should be lost in bringing it forward, and yet it seemed that it was still unprepared, nor was the House assured that it would be ready even by Tuesday.
The late administration, which he rejoined in the recollection of having supported, were often charged with tardiness and hesitation, and particularly by that Right Hon. Gentleman, who in this instance was guilty of the fault which he had imputed to his predecessors—delay, indecision, want of energy and promptitude, appeared upon this

garded by the Senators as very dangerous, and they have therefore advised the First Consul to exclude for the future, as much as possible, Generals from being members of the Senate. The Tribunes, on the contrary, jealous of the power and pay of the Senators, court the disaffected, and with the Legislative Corps, desire in their body as many Generals as possible; and, it is believed, that these two Constitutional Corps will, at any future vacancy of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic, join the faction of the Generals to exclude all Bonapartes from their future pretensions.
Even among his Brothers, Napoleon Bonaparte looks upon Joseph as his only friend, as Lucien is his avowed opposer, and Louis is led entirely by him. As to Jerome, he is in complete disgrace with all his Sisters and Brothers, for having married a woman who has English blood in her veins. General Duroc, is yet the First Consul's friend, though he covets Murat his place of Governor, and Talleyrand his place of Minister, a place to which he has promised to succeed, should Talleyrand resign or die.
Several thousand works and pamphlets have been printed, and, with large sums, distributed in the Armies among the Officers and Soldiers, and great presents are preparing for the day of Coronation.
NEW-YORK, August 2.
The arrival of the British Packet Prince Ernest puts us in possession of London papers to the evening of the 7th of June, two days later than our previous advices by way of Newburyport. They are rendered in a great measure uninteresting from our having received Paris papers of a later date; and the only political circumstances which now arrest universal attention are those connected with the elevation of Bonaparte to the Imperial dignity. The following articles comprise all that is interesting in the papers we have received. [N. Y. Mer. Adv.]
LONDON, May 29.
The different parties of both Houses of Parliament began at last to unfold themselves. If they do not at once demonstrate the motives of their conduct, they at least open to view part of the ground which they mean to occupy.
In the House of Peers, last night, a conversation took place on the Reassons offered by the Commons, at a Conference, for disagreeing to certain Amendments made by their Lordships to the Volunteer Bill.
Lord Hawkesbury introduced the subject, and supported generally the Amendments. On the question being put respecting the first alteration.
Lord Grenville condemned the measure as inadequate. He had already so often declared his sentiments on the Bill, that it would be needless now to enter into an investigation. This clause however, passed without any division.
On the disagreement of the Commons to the Amendment of their Lordships to the Clause which respects the delivering of the arms and accoutrements, &c. &c. of Members of Corps to the commanding officer, &c. Lord Grenville contended warmly, that the amendment of their Lordships should be insisted upon. His Lordship was supported by the Earl of Carlisle, who perfectly coincided with Lord Grenville.
The Lord Chancellor, Lords Auckland, Mulgrave, and Harrowby, together with the Duke of Montrose supported the clause.
The House divided. For Lord Grenville's Proposition 8. Against it 25.
Majority for the Minister 15 which may be considered as the proportion of numbers at this time most favourable to opposition on any great trial of strength. It was with pleasure we observed the vehemence of certain great and distinguished characters had very much abated; and all personalities were completely avoided. There were no Proxies.
The notice from the Marquis of Abercorn respecting his resolution to present a Petition against one of his Majesty's Judges in Ireland cannot fail to excite much attention. The Lords are summoned on the occasion.
In the House of Commons nothing of importance occurred.
May 30. Squadron under Commander Sir Sidney Smith. GENERAL ORDERS.
Antelope, off Oxfjord, May 23, 1804. The Commodore takes this opportunity, before the extension of the squadron to a greater distance from each other, to signify his entire approbation of the spirited and skilful manner in which the several attacks in the late actions were made by the Captains and Commanders of the ships and Vessels under his orders. He highly approves of the spirited manner in which Captains Dod and Mitchell engaged, immediately on their junction, without waiting for particular instructions, acting on the true British principle, sanctioned by law and practice, of doing "the utmost possible in pursuit of an Enemy, and to assist a friend in view." Without derogation from any other Officer, the Commodore feels it incumbent on him to particularize Lieut. Manderton, commanding the Minx, who led the attack on the Pram, and Lieut. Labble, commanding the Mariner, who seconded that attack; and to assure those Officers that he participates sincerely in the general admiration which their gallantry and address excited. The signals made and repeated to the Rattle "to get to leeward of the chase," at the same time that the general signal for action was flying, was the only one that occurred to indicate that there was water to leeward for that ship, although there was not water in the direct course which Captain Maffon's anxiety to close with the Enemy induced him to take. The Commodore is much gratified in being the first, among those who will approve the gallant exertions of the Officers, Seamen, and Marines of this squadron, to express that approbation. The fire kept up by the squadron was constant and well directed, and the Commodore hereby returns them thanks in the name of their country, of which they are at present the advanced guard.
(Signed) W. SIDNEY SMITH.
May 31. Letters from Copenhagen of the 8th May, state that the captain of the Danish ship Alvham , Osterburg, has been detained in Calais, with all his crew. The reason assigned for this proceeding is, that the vessel had been visited by an English cruiser, and that the English, according to their usual custom, had put a man on board in order to act as a spy in the French harbours. [Hamburg Correspondent, May 12.] It is a neat and summary mode of destroying English commerce, to hang up every English merchant found on board of neutral vessels as a spy.
The enemy's forces at Rochefort appears to be much more considerable than has been generally thought. The following extract of a letter from on board his Majesty's ship Defiance , contains some important particulars respecting the French squadron, both in that port and in Rochelle harbour.
"His Majesty's ship Defiance , off Rochefort, May 21, 1804." "We anchor on this coast occasionally and mostly within light of the land. Whilst in this
situation, we always dispatch a frigate to cruise in shore to count the shipping. Rochefort harbour, and to watch their motions. The last time they spoke us, they rated that the French force is much superior to ours—that the ships were full of troops, and completely ready for sea, with sails bent and top-gallant yards across. One of our vessels has been so close in as to observe them pointing some of them exactly like the Goliath. The Defiance having sprung a leak, put into a small bay close to Bellelle to endeavour to stop it. Whilst lying there we discovered an armed vessel close in shore, upon which we manned and armed our boats to bring her out, but before they reached her, two four gun batteries opened a fire on them, which killed two men and wounded three. Since writing the above, we have brought off Rochelle, when a schooner passed under our stern, which gave us an account of the ships lying in that harbour as follows—two three-deckers, one of 100 guns, and one of 110—four of 74, and a great number of gun boats, &c."
Several of the Morning and Evening Papers have positively asserted that an Expedition was on the point of sailing against the Cape of Good Hope, and the names, not only of the Commander, even of many of the inferior Officers who were to be employed, have been mentioned with the greatest confidence;—we can assure our Readers, that these statements are completely destitute of foundation. There is no Expedition in agitation against the Cape, of course no Officers can have been appointed to the Command. We mention this circumstance, to caution the public against giving credit to the assertions of those prints, which not having the means of obtaining authentic information, supply the deficiency by conjecture and invention.
A Hamburg Mail arrived yesterday afternoon, but brought nothing of material importance. An opinion is expressed, that some decided measures will shortly be adopted by the Court of St. Petersburg, but nothing further is known upon the subject. The Declaration of Austria and the German States, with respect to the German Territories, have been confirmed by some of the papers into evidences of pusillanimity, and a disposition obsequiously to submit to the tyranny of France.—No such inference can, however, at present fairly be drawn from them; since, whatever might be the wishes of those Powers, it was absolutely necessary for them to temporize until some plan of operations could be matured, and they themselves might rest upon the assurance of being enabled to proceed with vigour and effect.
June 6. From the account given in the Dutch papers, of the engagement between Sir Sidney Smith's squadron and their Flotilla, it appears that they have suffered very considerably; for though they acknowledge the loss of but two vessels, yet they confess that the loss of men and the damage done to the shipping was very great. We have every reason to believe that the number of their men killed and wounded exceeded 500.
It is with the utmost satisfaction we can positively assure our readers, that though His Majesty did not attend the Drawing-Room yesterday, as usual on the Anniversary of his Birth day, there was no reason on the ground of health to occasion his absence. It was His Majesty's anxious wish to gratify his people by his presence, but the extreme heat of the day, and the great crowd that were expected to attend, besides the fatigues necessarily attendant on such a ceremony, rendered it highly improper for him to expose himself to needless exertions, after the severe indisposition which so deeply interested the affections of the people. It must be highly gratifying to the people to find that His Majesty refrained his feelings on this occasion, in order to secure that health which has been so happily restored, and which they most fervently wish that he may long possess. Her Majesty, and the rest of the Royal Family, except the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Clarence, graced the Drawing-room on this interesting occasion, which altogether constituted a more brilliant & magnificent spectacle than has appeared for many years.
The King has been pleased to appoint Augustus Fosse, Esq. to be His Majesty's Secretary of Legation to the United States of America. The King has also been pleased to appoint Edward Thornton, Esq. to be His Majesty's Secretary of Legation to the Court of Berlin.
Yesterday Mr. Pitt brought forward his plan in the House of Commons for more effectually recruiting the army. It was opposed in part by Mr. Windham, Mr. Addington and Mr. Fox. No division, however, took place; the Bill was brought in, and (as we stated yesterday), was ordered to be read a second time on Friday.
A letter from Constantinople says, that General Brune had declared that France could not see, without resentment, the Turks forming any nearer connections with Russia and England, than those already subsisting. In consequence of this, the Turkish Government issued orders to augment both the Sea and land forces.
June 7. Mr. Livingston, the American Minister intends returning to France about the 10th inst. The Duke of Bedford, has invited him to pass a few days at Woburn during the ensuing Sheep Shearing .
Mr. Livingston, dined yesterday at Sir Francis Baring's, where a large party were assembled. Georges according to some accounts, is to be shut up for life in the unfortunate Toussaint's prison. Quere, is he not to be admired there for death?
Various reports are in circulation upon a subject of extreme delicacy and importance. Of these we have reason to believe the following is the most authentic. On Friday Mr. Pitt had an audience of the Prince at Carleton House, at which he stated it to be the opinion of the Physicians that quiet, and a total seclusion from business, were necessary to His Majesty's complete recovery, and therefore he wished to know how His Royal Highness would concur in an arrangement to relieve His Majesty from the temporary pressure of business. The prince observed that he was uninformed as to the real state of His Majesty's health, and that he could give no answer until he had consulted his friends. He accordingly called a meeting at the Marquis of Buckingham's on Saturday, when he communicated the purport of his conversation with Mr. Pitt. It was the general opinion of the meeting, that His Royal Highness could take no notice of Mr. Pitt's communication as to the King's health: but that the Prince should write to the Chancellor, desiring that a full statement of all the circumstances might be made to him. In consequence of this, the Lord Chancellor waited upon the Prince on Sunday morning, with a report, signed and sworn by all the Physicians, and also the depositions of some of the attendants immediately about His Majesty's person, which report agreed with Mr. Pitt's statement. Here we believe the matter rests for the present; but the report of a Regency, to which it appears to have been the opening, has gained ground since the birth-day. The Marquis of Buckingham, it is said, has had two interviews with the Lord Chancellor upon the subject; and, according to some accounts, Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey, on Tuesday, communicated to Mr. Pitt the Prince's answer, stating, that he
had applied to the Lord Chancellor, as the proper source of information relative to His Majesty's health, and that he should take such proceedings upon it, as he should think necessary. Others say, that the object of their visit to Mr. Pitt was to apprise him of their intention to move for a Parliamentary enquiry into the state of His Majesty's health, with a view to other proceedings. It is certain, however, that His Majesty held a private levee yesterday, and spent the day in a manner that ought to make us hear or read these accounts with great caution.
[British Press.] It has been asserted with confidence, that the interview which Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey had on Monday with Mr. Pitt, had no relation whatever to political or public concerns. If that be the case, we are to suppose that after all the long and violent animosities that have subsisted between these two leaders, a private friendship has been established between them, and that Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey went to Downing-Street, merely to pay a friendly morning visit to the Prime Minister. As they staid an hour and a half, we fear that, remembering only that they had no business to do themselves, they forgot that Mr. Pitt had. We would advise them not to make their next morning call so long.
But can it be supposed for a moment that such a conference had nothing to do with business of a political or public nature; now, in this heat and contention between the new Administration and the Coalition? when the latter accuse the former of having made them the ladder by which they have climbed into office? What private friendship can subsist between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, or what transactions that relate to private business have ever passed between them? We believe, therefore, either that Mr. Fox went to Mr. Pitt to communicate to him some measure of a public and delicate nature, which he meant to propose, or that Mr. Pitt requested to see Mr. Fox, to inform him of some measure equally public and delicate, which he meant to submit to the Legislature. A few days will certainly put an end to all uncertainty upon the subject.
A private letter from Paris, dated May 22, says—Befides the known disagreements in our Imperial family between his Majesty Napoleon and his Brother, Citizen Lucien Bonaparte, his Imperial Highness Prince Louis Bonaparte, has narrowly escaped an affair of honour with Citizen Beauharnais, Brother to her Imperial Highness, the Princess Fanny de Beauharnais, consort to prince Louis. This quarrel originated in the discontent of Citizen Beauharnais, who, though his mother was saluted an Empress, his father decreed an Emperor, his sister made a princess, & his brother in-law an Imperial Prince and a Constable of the Empire, in the same day; he received neither rank nor promotion, but only an annuity of 100,000 livres (4000. sterling in the month) , until he can be better provided for. In the challenge to Prince Louis, Citizen Beauharnais said, that he was a Viscount, when his Imperial Highness was only San-culotte ; and that he possessed property to the amount of 9,000 livres in the year, when the whole Imperial Bonaparte Family together did not possess an acre of land, or a cottage.
"Ch. Flahault, son to the guillotined Count de Flahault, aid-de-camp to his Imperial Highness Prince Louis, carried this letter to his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, who ordered the Field Marshal, Citizen Murat, to put Citizen Beauharnais under arrest; and notwithstanding the interference of her Imperial Majesty, Josephine, his mother, he has been exiled, and some say, to the army on the coast; or, as others pretend, to join the remainder of the disgraced Bonapartes at Rome."
"We have just received the news by the telegraphic train the Consulate of the Italian Republic has elected our cidevant First Consul, and their cidevant President, at present our Emperor, His Majesty Napoleon, their hereditary King of Lombardy; and that a deputation has left Milan, and is on its way to Paris with this offer."
"Each Field-Marshal has received from the First Consul a present, in ready money, of 300,000 livres (12,500. l.) to equip himself. Their regiments are to be the same as those of the late Marechals de France under the King."
By a recent inquiry into the state of mendicity in and round the city of London, it appears that the number of beggars, including their children, exceeds 15,000, and that they collect from the public, in the streets, about 100,000. l. annually. The present average charge on the rental of England and Wales for the support of the poor, amounts to 4s. 6d. in the pound.
Rumour, which the poet so well describes as a horrid monster, whose body is stagg'd with plumes, and whose eyes, tongues, mouths, and ears, equal the number of its feathers—this indefatigable monster has assigned ten thousand motives to the interview which took place on Tuesday last, at the Treasury House, in Downing-street, between Mr. Fox (accompanied by Mr. Grey) and Mr. Pitt. What the purpose of that meeting was, it would be presumption in us to pretend to know; what was not its purpose, there can be no difficulty in devising. It is not unreasonable to presume, that any object which could induce Mr. Fox and Mr. Grey to call upon the present minister, must be honest, upright and constitutional; the reverse of every thing juggling, intriguing and mysterious. We have already heard numberless reasons given for this unexpected conference. Some say that Mr. Fox's friends have again been induced to come into administration; but the true cause, in all probability, relates to some reciprocal communications which have lately passed between a very high Personage and the Keeper of his Majesty's Conscience—the primum mobile , according to popular supposition, of certain recent political operations, which have greatly disappointed and afflicted the bulk of this nation.—The above circumstance having given rise to a report that Mr. Fox and his friends were about to be called to His Majesty's Councils, the Funds it will be seen, experienced some rise. Upon this subject, we propose offering a few observations in our paper of to-morrow.
With respect to the present state of his Majesty's health, the extreme delicacy which we feel to prevail in our own, and which we know to prevail in the national heart, has hitherto taught us to shrink from any forward or unfounded observation upon a subject, in which the affections, as well as the interest of the nation, are immediately concerned, and which should not be approached without the most trembling awe. But the nature of the reports that have, within the last few days, gone abroad, render it an indispensable duty, on our part, to state the facts that have come within our knowledge, in order that the public mind may not be misled upon so interesting a topic. We have, then to state, that, contrary to what has been mentioned in some of the prints, the result of the examination of his Majesty's Equerries, and the consultation of the physicians, which took place on Thursday last, at the particular request of Mr. Pitt, was not transmitted to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, but simply laid upon the table of his Majesty, for his perusal. It was in substance, that it would be advisable for his Majesty, though certainly in an improved state of
health, to live as quietly, and as much secluded from business as possible. This opinion was naturally enough, immediately converted into a serious recommendation, on the part of the State Doctors, that a Regency should immediately be formed; and an intimation, to that effect, was in the course of Sunday last, indirectly made to the Prince of Wales. His Royal Highness, with that delicacy of feeling which has ever characterised his conduct, wrote a letter upon the subject to the Lord Chancellor, in which, deeply regretting the apparent necessity that existed, he, in the most temperate and dignified terms, expressed himself unable to account for the marked intention that had been observed towards him during the whole of his Majesty's indisposition, but hoped that the speedy and perfect recovery of his Royal Parent, would render inexpedient any temporary provision for the exercise of the Sovereign Functions. The Chancellor's reply was couched in terms of the most becoming deference and respect; but we do not at present consider ourselves at liberty to enter any further into the particulars of so extremely delicate a subject.
We shall therefore merely add, for the satisfaction of our readers, that since the report of the Physicians has been submitted to the King, an evident improvement is stated to have taken place in his Majesty's health; and we rejoice to find that in his morning airing of yesterday, he was again accompanied by his Royal and affectionate Consort.—Upon this subject a respectable Evening Paper contains the following article: "For some time past there have been rumours, which we did not chuse to notice ill after the Birthday . It has been reported that the Birthday was to be considered as a touchstone. Had it been deemed advisable for his Majesty to have honoured the Drawing-room with his presence on that day, a very different mode of conduct would have been adopted. As the Physicians did not seem it advisable, some inquiry, it is rumoured, is to be proposed in Parliament, as a preliminary step to other proceedings, if the result of that inquiry should be such as to render any further measures proper."
Private accounts state, that Bonaparte will on the 14th of July, be invested in the Camp de Mars, by the Grand Constable, with the Imperial Mantle, and receive from him the Imperial Sword, both of which will be previously consecrated in the Cathedral Church of Notre Dame, by the Cardinal Archbishop of Paris. It is said there will be no anointing or coronation.
Bonaparte, after receiving the Mantle, will take the oath attached to his high dignity, in presence of the Members of the Senate, those of the Tribunate, the Legislative Body, the Tribunals, and the other Constituted Authorities.
All the Prefects of the Departments will likewise repair to Paris, to be present at the solemnity of 14th July, as also a deputation from each of the different Corps of the Army, and the divisions of the Navy; all the Archbishops and Bishops, and the Presidents of the six principal Congregations at Paris, Bourdeaux, Lyons, Geneva, Marseilles, and Strasbourg.
We are assured that the Tribunate will receive a President for two years, and two Questioners, who will be appointed by the head of the Government, from persons presented by the Tribunates.
An article from Paris, in the Hamburg Correspondent, received yesterday, says, that the Coronation will probably take place at Lyons, where the Pope is expected.
Lucien Bonaparte passed through Genoa on the 21st of April, on his way to Rome.
It is said that he will take the Government of Parma and Piacenza, which is now administered as a French Department. [Lon. pap.]
PARIS, May 26.
An Imperial Decree, dated the 23rd of May, assigns a sum of 44,945 francs, to indemnify citizens for the losses they have sustained by the bombardments of the English of Calais, Boulogne, Havre, St. Valery-en-Caux, Dieppe, and Granville; and in consequence of the descent of the English in the Isle of Er, during the months of June, July and August, year 11, and Sept. year 12. The losses sustained by the bombardments and descents of the English in the above places, since the commencement of the present war being estimated at the above sum.
The Emperor has ordered our custom-house officers in Hanover to visit in the strictest manner all vessels from Tonnings-n, Glueckstadt, Itzehoe, &c. that pass Stade, on their way to Hamburg or Altona; and if any English property is found on board, confiscate both the ship and the cargo. The same measures are ordered on the river Weser. We shall certainly make the islanders beggars, if they do not soon consent to be our subjects. English goods seized by us during the present war, amount already to sixty-four millions of livres. [Clef du Cabinet.]
The Theatre Francaise, Rue de la Loi, at Paris, will be shut up for three months, during which period it will be improved in such a manner, that according to the plan of the National Institute, when finished, no other theatre in the world will surpass it in beauty and convenience. The first nation upon earth, possessing the first talents upon earth, in every branch of the useful or pleasing sciences; equally great in its civilization, as proud of its liberty; must have the best and the first in every thing, in its theatres, as well as in its museums. [Publiciste.]
To procure our legislative corps more respect, and make our representative system approach to that of England, no citizen can in future fill the place of a Legislator, if he does not possess landed property of the yearly income of six thousand livres (2501. l.) [Journal des Defenses.]
SWEDEN.
GOTTENBURGH, May 25.—A Russian Courier, with very important Dispatches for Count Woronzow in London, arrived from St. Petersburg yesterday, and will take his passage in the Earl of Leicester Packet with this day's Mail. He has been delayed a short time on his journey by the breaking up of the ice in the Gulf of Bothnia, as have been the Russian Mails, one of which reached this place to day. The Courier relates that the entrance of the French into the independent States in search of Emigrants, and the murder of the Duke D'ENGHIEU, have given great umbrage indeed at the Court of St. Petersburg, and that some strong measures will be taken in consequence.
Mr. ELsworth, the Messenger, also arrived here yesterday from St. Petersburg, with Dispatches from Sir J. B. WARREN, and takes his passage in the Earl of Leicester Packet.
The gun-boats destined for Stralsund, are fitting out here with all expedition. They are formidable vessels, carrying each a two and forty pounder in the bow, and another in the stern, besides a number of swivels, and from 60 to 100 men.
STOCKHOLM.—Copy of the Order for Court Mourning.—On Saturday, the 19th May, His Royal Majesty's Court is to go into mourning for eight days, for the late Duke LOUIS HENRI D'ENGHIEU. Princes are to be worn until the 24th, inclusively, and afterwards jewels and blonde-lace until the 26th, inclusively, when the Court is to go out of mourning.
VIENNA, May 16.
A letter from Constantinople of the 2d inst. explains the particulars concerning the destruction of the Mamelukes, and their activity
of the secret French police in all parts of the world. Elfi Bey left Egypt for England, with the consent of all the other Bays of the Mamelukes; but no sooner was his arrival in England known, than the French secret police agents at Cairo spread the rumour, that he had demanded for himself the exclusive sovereignty of Egypt, and, afterwards, that the King of England had guaranteed this sovereignty. His letters, proving the contrary, were, by the imbecility of Korkon Pacha, and the intrigues of French emissaries, intercepted; so that his countrymen heard the first news from him when he landed from an English frigate at Alexandria. No sooner was his arrival known, than the same French agents propagated a report, that an English fleet was expected at Alexandria with 7000 from Europe, and another with 9000 from the East-Indies, at Suez, and that these united forces intended to proclaim him the Sultan of Egypt, under the protection of England. Ibrahim Bey, hitherto the most powerful, though not the richest of the Mameluke Chiefs, then became jealous, and assisted by the other Bays, who attacked Elfi Bey's lieutenant, his faithful confidant, who, with all his adherents, were killed; and the treasures of his master, amounting to two millions of sequins, which he had guarded with such fidelity, were made a prey to the faithless afflants. Among the Arnauts, hitherto the allies of the Bays, are two French officers of artillery and one of the Engineers, who, according to their instructions from Gen. Brune, then held out this treasure to the Arnauts, both as a means to enrich themselves, and to make their peace with the Porte. Confiding in the treacherous advice of the French officers, they suddenly, on the 13th of last March, attacked the Mamelukes, and after a combat of thirty-six hours, at last, on the 14th in the evening, became victorious, after killing Ibrahim Bey, and all the other Bays superior to Elfi Bey, with most of the Mamelukes, encamped at or near Cairo, and possessed themselves of treasures in gold, diamonds, and silver, valued at five millions of sequins. These unfortunate occurrences took place when Elfi Bey yet resided at Alexandria; but no sooner was he informed of it, than he sat out for Cairo.—It is however hoped, that on further consideration he will take the road for Upper Egypt, as the only mean to prevent the total annihilation of the Mameluke power in that country.
WEST-INDIES.
Previous to the sailing of the brig Lydia capt. Johnson, from Gaudalope, orders had been issued there directing the capture of all American and other vessels bound for any of the ports of St. Domingo. Martinique continued in a state of blockade by one 74, two frigates, and an armed brig.
American produce at Point-Petre, July 9th:—Flour 10 to 12 dollars, Pork 14 to 16, Beef 12 to 14, Codfish 3 to 4 per quintal, pine lumber 40 to 50 per 1000, white do. 30 to 40 per 1000, bricks 15 to 18 per 1000, butter 3 to 4s. lb. hams 2s. to 2s. 6d. cheese 8s. lb. hog's lard 2s. wine in no demand, the market being overstocked. Coffee high and scarce. New-York paper.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
BOSTON, July 27.
Extract of a letter from Amsterdam, dated May 22.
"Last Tuesday, (13th.) a fleet of French and Dutch vessels failed from Flushing for Ostend. It consisted of 2 French ships of 16 guns, and 20 French schrs. mounting 7 guns each, viz. 2 on each side of 36 pounders one aftern and two on a head of 30; 50 Dutch gunboats of 3 guns, viz. one on each side of 12 lb. and one ahead of 24. These vessels are manned principally by soldiers, and men who had never been on the salt water before. The next day after their departure, (they being still in sight,) a frigate began, which lasted with some little cessation about 24 hours. I have not yet heard of the number of the enemy nor the result of the action; though from the silence of the papers I conjecture it has been rather unfavorable to the Republican cause. [Our London papers mention that Sir Sidney Smith fell in with this fleet, and drove several on shore, but the main body escaped towards Ostend, as the vessels of his squadron drew too much water to get sufficiently near to take or destroy them.]
To the Editor of the British Press.
MR. EDITOR, I have sometimes heard unqualified praise, and as often unqualified censure, bestowed on Bonaparte's abilities as a politician. I will not enter into the merits of the case generally—but am of opinion, that glaring misconduct may be proved against him in the instance of Louisiana. It cannot be denied, that the possession of Louisiana was of immense importance to France. Possessing a foil of extreme fertility, navigable rivers, almost unequalled in length of course, and climate to various, that the productions of the temperate zone, and the tropics, might have been reared in it with equal success, it could hardly have failed becoming one of the most important colonies which any nation ever possessed. It was also of great political consequence—it afforded to France the means of influencing a large portion of the American Union—placed her upon the frontiers of Canada, and gave a large portion of her fur-trade—it laid all the Spanish possessions of North America at her mercy; the gold mines of Mexico and California would have been held at her pleasure. Bonaparte has thrown away these advantages, and sold this important country for 15,000,000 of dollars; a sum, though large, yet paltry indeed in comparison with the advantages which he had given France to understand would have accrued to her from its possession. It may be said, that foreseeing a war with England inevitable, he felt that this circumstance, and the rising hostility of the North Americans, would render the retention of Louisiana difficult, and, for these reasons, preferred a substantial loan, to a colony which he was incapable of maintaining. But he could have pacified America, by ceding to her the Floridas, which would have removed all jealousy, by making the Mississippi the common boundary from Lake Superior to the Sea. Neither nation could then have obstructed the navigation of the other upon the river.
The occupation of Louisiana by France was pregnant with danger to England—it therefore rejoices at the cession of it to America; but it seems to me that the Floridas were all that the American Government should have in prudence demanded, or accepted. The banks of the Mississippi, &c. will be eagerly colonized by the Americans—the settlements will rise into importance with unexampled rapidity; for removed from the seat of Government they will feel their own strength; having no community of interest with the Atlantic States, and impelled by some ambitious demagogue, a separation will ensue at Kentuckey and the Western States will, as an inevitable consequence, follow the fortunes of Louisiana.—That these events must, in the natural order of things, take place must be obvious to every thinking person. Mr. Jefferson, by the purchase of Louisiana has deeply implanted in his country the seeds of dismemberment. The subversion of the Spanish Power in North America may possibly be a speedier effect of this measure. I am Sir,
Your obedient servant, G. R. I.
NEW-YORK, July 31.
We yesterday had occasion to mention the board of several American vessels and the capture of one

off the Hook, by the Canadian and Boston, British and American vessels. The following letter on this subject is put into our hands by a respectable gentleman, dated Sandy Hook, July 29, 1804.
"Since you left me I have witnessed the greatest insult that could be offered to a nation. The British frigate Cambrian has detained for some considerable time two inward bound vessels, while within two miles of American land. In fact I am informed by the person who keeps the light-house that no vessels, inward or outward bound, pass without molestation; and that within the jurisdiction of the United States. If this be permitted, we may expect shortly that our vessels will be taken at our wharves."
(From the Evening Post.) New-York, July 28, 1804.
To the Editor.
"In one of the papers introduced by Mr. V. N. in the correspondence which terminated in an event, which every real friend to his country must ever deplore, I observe the ill-fated deceased, charged with a 'setted and implacable malevolence' and with 'committing secret depredations on Mr. Burr's fame and character.'"
"Opposed to this are the declarations contained in the paper written by Gen. Hamilton immediately prior to the fatal interview with his antagonist—those made in his last moments, to the Rev. Bishop Moore—and the whole tenor of his conduct and conversation for many years past."
"To those who had the happiness of being intimately acquainted with Gen. Hamilton, it were needless to state, that 'distinct from political opposition proceeding from the most pure and upright motives,' there is every ground for believing that he never did harbour the least degree of personal ill will towards Col. Burr—they well knew that such was the General's native and distinguished magnanimity—such his superiority to selfish competitions and private interests—such his unalterable goodnes of heart, and universal philanthropy, that the charge of 'setted and implacable malevolence' is as little attributable to him as it would be to a HOWARD or a WASHINGTON."
"Yet, left any one from not knowing the elevation of his mind and the purity of his motives, should attach a degree of credit to the charge alluded to, I feel myself called upon in justice to a character which I shall ever venerate and love, to state the substance of a conversation I had with this excellent man a few years ago, but which is still fresh in my recollection."
"Some time early in the year 1801, while the question of who should be President of the United States, Mr. Jefferson or Col. Burr, was yet undecided by the House of Representatives, having one day called on Gen. Hamilton and finding him alone and disengaged I had a full and free conversation with him on the pending election, then the topic of the day. The respective qualifications of the two candidates for the Presidency, and the probable consequences likely to result from the election of the one or the other were considered. The Gen. did not for a moment conceal his decided preference for Mr. Jefferson; the reasons however, which led to this preference arose wholly from a regard to the public welfare."
"In the course of the conversation, I could not forbear noticing that his feelings had been wounded by an idea, which he learnt, had gone abroad, that his preference of Mr. Jefferson had arisen from motives of personal antipathy to Col. Burr. He did not merely disclaim the sentiments as unworthy and totally false, but entered fully into considerations to show that if motives of personal feelings could have influenced his judgement, they would have operated rather to the prejudice of the former than the latter of these Gentlemen."
"He observed in substance, that during the eventful administration of our first president, on various questions of the last importance to the country which arose from the critical circumstances in which our government was then placed frequent collision of sentiment had existed between Mr. Jefferson and himself, and that for several years they had been competitors for the respect and confidence, not merely of the first Magistrate of the Union, but of the National Legislature and the country at large. That between himself and Col. Burr, no personal competition could be supposed to exist, unless at the bar; but here, their respective circles of connections and sources of business were separated by so broad a line of distinction, that any interference, or rivalry on this ground, was incredible to a person of reflection. That if competition existed any where it was more likely to take place between himself and the more eminent counsel in the federal interest, than with Col. Burr. For the talents of this gentleman as an advocate, he professed a high respect; but as a political character, he frankly avowed the opinion, that if elected to the Presidency of the United States, Col. Burr would greatly disappoint the expectations of those gentlemen in Congress, who with the best views, were endeavouring to advance him to the highest office in the United States."
"In the whole of this conversation not a word escaped Gen. Hamilton in any degree indicative of the sentiment of 'malevolence' towards Col. Burr; had it existed, it would not probably have been disguised, when from the period, and confidential nature of the conversation, every ground of objection to the election of Col. Burr would have been stated by Gen. Hamilton, that impressed his own or was likely to influence the mind of another. I remain, Sir, with respect & esteem, your most obedient servant.
SAMUEL BAYARD."
It is said, that Davis and Wilson, who were committed to Bridewell by the coroner of New-York, for refusing to give evidence to the jury summoned to inquire into the cause of the death of general HAMILTON, have had recourse to a writ of Habeas Corpus to extricate themselves from confinement; but after a full hearing before his honour Judge Livingston (one of the judges of the Supreme court) they were both remanded to prison, where they are to remain until they give their testimony, or until the inquest be discharged.
[U. S. Gaz.]
The editor of the New-York Evening Post, states, among other interesting facts, that about two hours after Col. Burr had given Gen. Hamilton the fatal wound, he sent the following message to Mr. Prime, a gentleman well known as a broker, desiring to see him on business:
"Mr. Burr will either call on Mr. Prime or see him at his (Mr. B's) house, between 8 and 9 o'clock this morning, as may be agreeable to Mr. Prime."
"Mr. Burr hopes the ague has passed off and left Mr. Prime in health."
"July 11th."
To this the following remarks are subjoined by the Evening Post:
"Now it is to be under stood that the duel was fought a little past 7 o'clock, that the boats were nearly or quite an hour in crossing the river, so that Mr. Burr could not possibly have reached home till half past eight; but the purport of the above billet implies that it was written before eight—between 8 and 9 o'clock, 'leaves it to the option of the receiver to come any time as soon after 8 as he pleases. This billet, then, was either written before Mr. Burr went out in the morning, and left lying ready to be sent off immediately after his return from dispatching General Hamilton, or it was the first thing he did as soon as he reached home, and without being very attentive to the hour. We leave the choice to Mr. Burr and his friends."
"Mr. Prime went: he had heard nothing of the dreadful business of the morning; he continued with Mr. Burr for about a quarter of an hour, during which time he conducted himself towards Mr. Prime with all that ease and affability which are so peculiar to him. There was no distress, no regret, no embarrassment either visible in his countenance or discernible in any part of his demeanour. On the contrary, such was his cheerful and usual behaviour during Mr. Prime's stay, that when he afterwards was told, as he drove to the city, that Col. Burr had that morning shot Gen. Hamilton through the body in a duel, and wounded him mortally, he with much confidence assured his informant that it must be a mistake, for that he had but just left Col. Burr in as much good humour and unconcern as he ever saw him in his life; nor was it till the dreadful intelligence had been re-
peated to him in all its circumstances by a circle of half a dozen gentlemen, that he could yield to its credit. This account we had from Mr. Prime's own lips the same forenoon, in the presence of several gentlemen, and we now make it public with his express permission, as well to correct erroneous reports as for such other purposes as we think fair and right."
BOSTON, July 27.
TRIBUTE TO MERIT.
Yesterday, was the day assigned for the public demonstration of the esteem and respect of the citizens of Boston, for the meritorious and illustrious services of the late Gen. Hamilton. At half past 12 o'clock a procession was formed at the State-House. It consisted of the committee of Arrangement, Orator, Chaplain, His Honour the Lt. Governor, Judges of the Supreme Court, Foreign Consuls, Strangers of Distinction, and Citizens; and including near 1000 persons. The procession moved through Winter and Marlboro' streets, and a part of Cornhill and Court-street, to the Chapel Church where the Independent Cadets, under the command of Major Pierce. The Throne of Grace was addressed in an appropriate Prayer by the Rev. Chaplain of the House of Representatives, and an Oration suited to the occasion was sung, after which an Eulogy on the character of the deceased Patriot and Statesman was pronounced by the Hon. Harrison, G. Ois, Esq.
The hon. Mr. King, and judge Benton, of New-York, and the hon. Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, were among the auditors at the chapel yesterday.
Most of the public offices were closed; the flags of the shipping in the harbour, were suspended at half mast, through the day; and during the moving of the procession, minute guns were fired at Fort Independence.
The following highly interesting paragraph is taken from Lang's (N. Y.) Gazette of Friday last:
"The Coroner's Inquest, which has been sitting since the 18th ult. after a diligent and laborious investigation of witnesses and circumstances, relating to the death of Gen. Hamilton, last evening brought in a verdict of MURDER BY AARON BURR. We have not yet seen the official paper containing the verdict, but we understand that it amounts to Murder of the highest degree."
AUGUSTUS FOSTER, Esq., is appointed by his Britannic majesty to be his Secretary of Legation to the United States of America.
The direct object of Mr. Livingston's mission to London is said to relate to the concerns connected with the cession of Louisiana.
The Hon William H. Wells, a member of the Senate of the United States from Delaware, declines a re-election. His term of service expires in March next.
The British Packet which has arrived at New-York, came out in company with the British ship Leader, of 50 guns, and left her off Sandy Hook. The Boston frigate, it is said, will now go to Halifax. The Driver sloop of war had arrived there.
Capt. Peck, from Cadiz, informs, that news was received there on the 10th of June from the most respectable houses at Gibraltar, stating that Admiral Nelson had sent into Toulon Roads three sail of British ships of the line, soon freed upon the town and shipping. The French sent out eight sail to give them chase; when Admiral Nelson with four additional ships, which were in the offing gave chase to them and cut them off the land. The French commenced a running fight and bore away for Corsica—Nelson pursuing them. An American vessel arrived at Gibraltar from Marfeilles, passed them when in chase.
On the 10th of June, the French National ships of war at Cadiz, consisting of one 74, and some smaller vessels, hoisted the Imperial flag, and fired three Royal or Imperial salutes; and the French Consul administered to the people the oath of allegiance to his Imperial Majesty.
[Nor. Herald.]
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1804.
AN ADDRESS TO THE PUBLIC.
PART THE SECOND.
A new and more acceptable office now remains for us to perform. In the first part of this Address we have sufficiently explained to you the conditions on which this paper is hereafter to be conducted; and with a bold and unshrinking hand we have ventured to delineate some of those important duties, which are equally imposed upon you by our own interests and by the rights of the Press. It is now time for us to reverse the medal; and by presenting to your view a general plan of the design and topics of the paper, it is time to convince you that we have not yet forgotten and that we shall not probably neglect those correlative duties, which we (the proprietors of the Enquirer) owe to you (its zealous patrons). Having acquainted the guest with the cost of the entertainment, it is certainly proper to present him with the bill of fare, that he may determine the goodness and variety of the feast, of which he is invited to partake.
To those among you, who have had an opportunity of perusing the successive numbers of this paper, we can boldly venture to make the appeal, whether we have not in many respects executed the elementary plan which we had sketched out in our prospectus. With this preparatory model in your hands, let any one among you attempt to analyse the contents of our paper; taking care to observe the very same arrangements, making as many subdivisions as you will find in the model, and throwing into each compartment that only which properly belongs to it: and to that man we will boldly make the appeal, whether we have not in many respects at least succeeded in executing the scheme, which we originally presented to your inspection.
Have we not supplied you with a fund of "the most interesting news"? Has any event occurred in foreign countries or in our own, that was likely to affect the political destiny of any nation, to which we have not given an "immediate and circumstantial communication"? And have not these events generally appeared with all the advantages of a methodical arrangement of which they were susceptible, and always in the "order of their time"?
Have we not published most of the "official statements and public disquisitions" which have appeared on important subjects? On account of the recess of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, we know indeed that this part of the design has commanded but a small portion of our attention; but have we not extended our care to all the remaining topics which it embraced; to the communications of our different executives, to many of the proceedings and debates of the British Parliament; and we may also add, to the important revolutions of the French Government?
Have we not published several private dissertations on general subjects? An important difficulty arose in the highest court of Virginia on the
most interesting case, which could have been agitated in a court of judicature; did we not attempt to refute most of this elaborate and effectual investigation from that "oblivious pool," in which it was evidently sinking? The political character of Virginia was unjustly assailed by the federal editors of the northern states; have we not presented to the public a systematic but certainly a very imperfect vindication? A corporation of the most powerful influence upon the agricultural interest and trade of our state, is for the first time introduced into the statute-book of Virginia; have we not procured and published a general abstract of the different views, which have been taken by some of the political economists, of the nature and principal consequences of such an institution?
Have we not attempted to excite your curiosity, to amuse the fancy, and to enlarge the understanding by publishing several specimens of literature and science? Here we have presented you with "biographical sketches" of Jenner or Gilsbon, Day or Darwin; and there you will discover some interesting extracts from curious or useful books. Even the poet's lyre has not been neglected; and although it has not been often our pleasing office to record the inspirations of the Virginia Muse, yet we have sometimes lent a willing ear to the higher and more affecting strains of some distant bard.
Have we published any "article of intelligence, which has not been well authenticated by some evidence or other"? In most cases indeed we have attempted to subjoin the name of the paper, from which we have extracted our information; because we conceived it to be a duty which we not only owed to that paper itself, but to the readers of our own. In some cases, however, we have omitted to subjoin the source of our information; because that information did not originally appear in the paper from which it was our lot to extract it, and because that paper was not modest enough to acknowledge the obligation, by mentioning the source, from which it was taken.
Is there a man to be found, who can conscientiously accuse us of making our paper "the vehicle of personal abuse or of dishonourable slander"? Seldom indeed have we embraced the opportunity of bringing our political opponents within the scope of our animadversion: yet that duty has been sometimes imposed upon us, and never, we may venture to assert, have we forgotten those maxims of a polite intercourse, which are so eminently favourable to a calm & dispassionate investigation of political subjects.
From this brief retrospect of the different objects, which we have accomplished, you are not to imagine, that we are perfectly satisfied with the execution of our plan. We know too well, how extremely inattentive we have been to several parts of our design: we feel too sensibly, that many of those objects have been very superficially considered, while others we have not touched upon at all.
The Editor proposed, for example, to "lay open to his reader the secret springs and actual consequences" of great political events or public measures. This delicate duty he has seldom attempted to discharge; and he is not ashamed to avow as his reason that his powers are not sufficiently mature, nor his experience sufficiently extensive, to qualify him for the high office. The time may however arrive, and perhaps that period may not be far distant, when these difficulties may disappear, and when he shall conceive himself qualified to ascend with others, to the causes of political events, & to trace them to their "remotest consequences." That time, however, is not yet come, and he would rather at present shield his ignorance under the privileges of silence, than expose himself to the merited charge of a contemptible Scoliast, or a pretended Prophet.
Such then has been the plan, by which our labours have been hitherto regulated. We know that it is imperfect; and we are satisfied that the execution of it has been still more deficient. But we can perceive no sufficient reason for our deviating from it in many material points. From this plan there are two sources of Enquirer: will you be able to discern, the nature and extent of those correlative duties which we shall conceive ourselves bound to perform. In the execution of it indeed you may expect to discover several material modifications. Some of them you will find will evidently contribute to the improvement of the paper; while others compels us to observe, that a new change is taking place in its matter, which will plainly detract from its real utility.
You are perhaps to expect a certain improvement in the paper, from the improvement of the Editor himself. When he first undertook the duties of his office, he certainly had not acquired all the necessary qualifications. His mind had been little devoted to political researches; and his style of composition was as the unpolished pavior of a bird; too feeble to rise above an humble mediocrity. Already have you seen too many an illustration of this very obvious truth; & not you alone, for he himself has not been blind to the defects of his own composition. Few indeed are the sentences which have flowed from his pen, since he became the Editor of this paper, that he should be anxious to claim, or proud to acknowledge. He cannot however but indulge the pleasing presentiment, that like other men, he shall profit by the habits of thinking and writing; and this improvement will evidently redound to the value of the paper.
The Enquirer will derive new improvement from the literary contributions of scattered individuals. It has already had the honour of transmitting to the public, some valuable communications; and these may probably be expected to increase in number and in value. It will derive considerable assistance from a combination of gentlemen, of distinguished literary accomplishments, who have entered into an association for the following purpose:
THE following extract from the terms of a Literary Compact, recently formed by a society of gentlemen in the city of Richmond, will explain with sufficient perspicuity and precision, the design of a series of essays, under the title of "THE RAINBOW," which will be published in succession, once a week, in the Enquirer. The introductory number, on the utility of periodical and miscellaneous essays, makes its appearance this day.
* The subscribers, impressed with a clear conviction of the extensive utility of periodical essays, and sincerely believing that the Editor of the Enquirer is entitled, not only to the approbation, but to the assistance of his literary friends, in his manly, ready and energetic exertions to diffuse useful information, and awaken liberal curiosity—do deliberately pledge themselves to each other, and to him, to prepare, in rotation, and transmit for insertion in the Enquirer, a Weekly Essay, on some instructive or amusing subject.—Each subscriber will be guided by his own judgment in the choice of his subject, and the composition of his essay; and pledges his honour, that nothing but indisposition, or engagements which he can neither evade nor postpone, shall prevent him from furnishing his Essay, in the order of succession, which shall be adopted by the general consent of the subscribers. For the purpose of discrimination, their essays will be published under the title of the "Rainbow;" and regularly numbered by the Editor of the Enquirer. Any communication, which may be addressed to the writers of the "Rainbow," shall be submitted to the consideration of a Standing Committee, of three of the subscribers, and unless unanimously approved by them, shall not be published. It is understood that all discussions relative to Theology, Private or Political Character, and Domestic Politics, are to be excluded from the "Rainbow;"—Not because they deem discussions of this nature, when conducted with impartiality, ability and temper, unimproving or improper; but because, in executing a design, whose pri-
the husband or the father, prevented from inheriting that vengeance which the laws of honor, and I will add, the laws of justice too, command him to inflict; on the remorded villain who dares to blot the "fair leaf of virgin fame!"
EUGENIUS.
AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION.
KNOXVILLE (Tennessee) July 27.
This forenoon the legislature of this state, by the unanimous vote of both branches, passed the act, ratifying the amendment proposed to the constitution of the United States. The constitution of Tennessee has given the governor no legislative powers. The ratification of Tennessee was alone wanting to make this amendment relative to the choice of President and Vice-President, a part of the constitution. The legislature of Tennessee, it will appear by the following statement, completes the constitutional number of the three-fourths whose sanction is necessary to adopt any new amendment:
For its adoption, Vermont, Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, N. Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 12
Against its adoption, New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Delaware, and Connecticut, 4
17
Eddyville, on Cumberland river, Kentucky, July 18, 1804.
Yesterday the barge Experiment, with sugar, liquors &c. belonging to Mr. James Lyon, arrived here from New-Orleans after a passage of eighty two days. This circumstance is mentioned merely to introduce the subject of the Mississippi trade, to which it immediately relates. This barge carries 18 tons, and is manned, besides a captain and inter-cargo, with 10 oars-men. This is the first attempt to carry commerce from New-Orleans into the Cumberland river since the accession of Louisiana to the United States, and the result is highly favorable to the enterprise, which has proved that the expense of transportation from New-Orleans to Cumberland river, is but one third as much as the expense of transportation from Philadelphia, by the way of Pittsburgh, to Cumberland river.
It is believed that goods to the amount of 200,000 dollars have annually been carried from the Atlantic cities over land to Pittsburgh, down the Ohio, and up the Cumberland, at an expense of ten cents for every pound weight: it follows that 18 tons of goods brought up the river have the advantage by 2,688 saved in the expense of freight over the quantity brought from Philadelphia. There are several other barges employed in the same trade, some to the extent of 30, 40 and even 50 tons, manned with from 20, to 30 oars-men. Several of the independent merchants of this country are turning their attention to the Mississippi trade, and it is confidently believed that when the navigation is more thoroughly known and proper arrangements made, the voyage may be performed from New-Orleans to this place in 60 days, and with an expense of only two cents and an half per pound. It is believed that the waters might be ascended from New-Orleans to Pittsburgh at no greater expense per ton weight than is now paid for waggoning from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh. These facts lead to a conclusion that a very considerable change in the mercantile relations of this western country is approaching, and that the commercial importance of New-Orleans must be considerably elevated thereby.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR—Although pensioners have long been in the habit of substituting attorneys to receive their semi-annual payments at this office, I am now frequently constrained to refuse payment, in consequence of substantial defects in the Magistrate's Certificate, or, in Letter of Attorney.—To remedy this evil, and to facilitate payment to this unfortunate class of my fellow citizens, I have taken the liberty to request you to give the following forms a place in the ENQUIRER.
I am, Sir, your's very respectfully, MERIWETHER JONES. United States Loan-Office, August 8th, 1804.
INVALID PENSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES.
EVERY application for payment must be accompanied by the following vouchers:— 1st. The certificate given by the state, specifying that the person possessing the same is in fact an invalid, and ascertaining the sum to which, as such, he is actually entitled. 2nd. An affidavit agreeably to the following form:— A. B. came before me, one of the justices of the county of _____, in the state of _____, and made oath that he is the same A. B. to whom the original certificate in possession was given, of which the following is a copy:—(The certificate given by the state to be here recited.) That he served (regiment, corps or vessel) at the time he was disabled, and that he now resides in the _____, and county of _____, and has resided there for the last _____ years, previous to which he resided in the _____ day of _____, in the year _____.
In case an invalid should apply for payment by an attorney, the said attorney, besides the certificate and oath before recited, must produce a special letter of attorney agreeably to the following form:— I, A. B. of the county of _____, and state of _____, do hereby constitute and appoint C. D. of _____, my lawful attorney to receive in my behalf of _____, my pension for _____ months as an invalid of the United States, from the _____ day of _____ to the _____ day of _____.
Signed and delivered in the presence of Acknowledged before me on the _____ day of _____, in the year _____.
Applications of executors and administrators must be accompanied with legal evidence of their respective offices, and also of the time the invalid died whose pension they may claim.
Wants a situation as an OVERSEER for the ensuing year.
A MAN who can come well recommended for Honesty, Sobriety, Industry and Experience. Apply to the Printer hereof. August 11. 682w
AUDITOR'S OFFICE, 10th August, 1804.
THE Commissioners of the Revenue are requested to send, as soon after the 15th of September as possible, by post to this Office, a List of Liens granted to Merchants in their respective counties or corporations. SAMUEL SHEPARD, Auditor. 683w
SCOTTVILLE JOCKEY CLUB.
ON the second Thursday in September, will be run for, over the Scottville course, the Jockey Club Purse of £. 100—three mile heats. The day after, the Purse of the Proprietor of the Course, of £. 50—two mile heats. Weights as follows:
Age of Horse, 133 lbs. Six Years Old, 123. Five Years do. 117. Four Years do. 106. Three Years do. 90. Mares & Geldings allowed 8 lbs. Wm. ARCHER, Secretary. August 11. 683w
Printing.
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.

NO Literary Productions are more generally admired, or read with greater advantage and delight, than periodical and miscellaneous essays. Of this species of composition, the classical remains of antiquity do not furnish a single model, or solitary specimen. We shall not on this account, be disposed to entertain an humbler idea of its utility and dignity, when we retrace its origin and review its influence. Its descent, altho' not ancient, is sufficiently illustrious. It is the legitimate offspring of the art, that ennobles and immortalises every work of genius; preserves the lights of science from extinction, and the beauties of literature from decay; of the art, that promises to make truth triumphant, liberty universal, and society progressive. It claims its origin from the art of printing, and can only arrive at perfect maturity, produce its most wholesome fruits, and display all the luxuriance of its beauty, under the genial influence of a free press. Previous to the invention of the art of printing, there existed no means of bestowing on productions so fugitive and perishable, a form sufficiently permanent or a circulation sufficiently diffusive. Until the press was unshackled from restraint, periodical essays could not become the vehicles of intercourse between the enlightened and the ignorant, convey the maxims of moral and political truth, from the profound philosopher to the plodding ploughman, and transmit "the glowing sentiment and the lofty speculation" to minds of every grade and dimension. Nor have the effects of miscellaneous essays been less beneficial, than their origin was honourable. Their rapid multiplication, diversified enquiries, and extensive dispersion have made the benefits and pleasures of reading and reflection, common as light and air. They have opened a secure and easy access to the garden of literature, and invited the humblest of Adam's descendants, to pluck the ripe, wholesome, unforbidden fruits "of the tree of knowledge." They have fashioned and subdivided the bullion of science, before "monopolized by a few opulent minds," into a species of literary currency, of which the demand is incessant and the circulation universal.
The composition of large and elaborate works on scientific subjects, requires a portion of genius and learning which is rarely attained by the sons of men. The profitable perusal even, of such works, presupposes an improvement of intellect and an extent of information, to which those who enjoy the advantages, of what is styled liberal education, rarely aspire. But, to compose with correctness and elegance, and peruse with advantage and delight, a short essay, on some instructive or amusing subject, demands only a moderate degree of ingenuity, curiosity & culture. Publications of this nature, are admirably adapted to improve and amuse every description of readers, every class of society, every grade and variety of intellect. The indolent are allured by their brevity, the gay by their novelty and variety, the frivolous and superficial by the access they afford to some portion of rational entertainment and instruction, without persevering attention, or elaborate research. Even the sordid drudge of avarice, and the infatuated debauchee, who regard with indifference and disgust the voluminous depositories of science & learning, will be induced to animate the occasional intervals of business or dissipation, by the perusal of a lively or instructive essay. During these intervals, when the cares of selfishness are forgotten, when the senses are fated with indulgence, the "mental monitor wakes," and awakens liberal curiosity and serious meditation. In this state of mind, the man of business and the man of pleasure, look for something, which, whilst it agreeably exercises their mental faculties, may prove an opiate to the suggestions of "rancorous remembrance," and fill "the aching void" of apathy and inaction. In this situation the perusal of short literary and moral essays, seems to be happily calculated to enliven and amuse, a listless, weary or wounded mind: they communicate valuable information, suggest admirable reflections, and without requiring much earnestness of attention, or, occasioning unusual vehemence of emotion, imperceptibly enlighten the understanding and mend the heart. Could we trace, with accuracy and minuteness, and illustrate by biographical anecdotes, the influence of moral and literary essays on all the varieties of individual mind, the correctness of these observations might probably receive the amplest confirmation. But facts of this sort are rarely observed, recollected or recorded. Although essentially connected with social happiness and personal improvement, they are destitute of those attractions that awaken curiosity and captivate attention. The historian deems every event unworthy of commemoration, which has not occurred in the "gorgeous palace" or the "tented field." The biographer attracted by the vicissitudes of fortune, or the adventures of enterprise and genius, rarely possesses inclination or ability, to enrich his narrative by an analysis of the circumstances, that secretly fashion the character of the hero of his tale. Hence probably arises the difficulty of illustrating by particular instances and striking facts, the practical utility of periodical essays: not, because such facts and instances do not exist, but because like the subtle agency of elastic fluids, they become observable only in their remote and combined effects, and in their private simplicity and secrecy, elude alike the indifference of the vulgar and the pride of the curious enquirer. But although we may explore in vain the volumes of history and biography for details of this sort, yet I will venture to refer with confidence to a more authentic and accessible, though less dignified source of information, the personal experience of my readers.
Let any of my readers, how scanty soever his opportunities for intellectual improvement may have been, recollect the books, which originally awakened his sensibility to the beauties of literature and accustoming his mind to rational speculation on the affairs of life, the character of man, the history, structure and prospects of society. He will probably find, that he was indebted for these inestimable benefits and refined pleasures, to the labours of the miscellaneous essayist. When I retrace the progress of my own mind (and on this subject I shall not probably expose myself to the charge of improper egotism, by referring to my own experience) I can truly say that to the perusal of literary and moral essays, I was indebted for my most valuable juvenile acquisitions and enjoyments. They kept alive the flame of curiosity and the love of knowledge, which the jargon, rote, and discipline of an injudicious course of scholastic education had a direct tendency to extinguish. My mind accustomed to miscellaneous enquiries and logical analysis, gradually acquired sufficient vigour and penetration to comprehend those more profound and methodical disquisitions of philosophy, which without these preliminary attainments, I should neither have possessed ability to analyse, nor courage to explore. For it ought to be clearly perceived, by every patriot, and if possible by every parent in Virginia, that unless the youthful mind is stored with elementary
ideas, and exercised by miscellaneous enquiries, the truths deposited in the volumes of philosophy, will be inaccessible and useless "as the unsearched silver of the mine," and even the flowers that bloom in the garden of literature will "waste their sweetness in the desert air." There is probably no person who speaks the English language, however humble his capacity, or however narrow the range of his ideas, who has not imbibed some notion of literary and moral refinement from the essays of Addison, Johnson, Hawkesworth and Mackenzie. As well might it be believed, that the solar rays and genial dews, could penetrate the bosom of the earth without fertilizing the soil, as that the extensive circulation of such works as the Spectator, Rambler, Adventurer and Mirror should fail to improve and refine the general mind. Some are disposed to undervalue miscellaneous essays, on account of the light, curious and superficial ideas which they necessarily convey. They have a tendency, it has been urged, to breed frantatters, pedants and sciolists, and to enable ignorant pretenders to usurp the stations, and assume the privileges which are due only to those who have attained solid and extensive information. This objection is probably altogether fallacious. What is urged as a disadvantage, is in truth one of the principal recommendations of miscellaneous essays. The mass of the people cannot be profound: peasants and mechanics cannot become philosophers, critics and scholars.* But altho' the unalterable condition of society prevents a great majority of its members from attaining profound and comprehensive knowledge, it is desirable that they should be excluded from every degree of intellectual improvement? Do not the sobriety, industry, probity and intelligence of the active classes of society, essentially depend upon the ability they acquire, and the opportunities they enjoy, to devote some portion of their leisure to reading, conversation and reflection? Are not nations uniformly respectable, orderly and happy, in proportion to the degree in which they possess this ability and enjoy these opportunities? Surely, the general diffusion of useful knowledge is peculiarly desirable and even necessary amongst a people, who have recently organized a republican government; who possess individually a larger portion of liberty and leisure than any other upon earth; who, from the influence of pre-established habits and peculiar temptations to excessive sensuality, are obnoxiously prone to abuse these inestimable boons; and who are called upon collectively and at short intervals to discharge political duties, to the faithful performance of which discernment and intelligence are indispensable qualifications. And, are not miscellaneous essays, from their cheapness, intelligibility & brevity, singularly adapted to facilitate and second the agency of other causes, in the accomplishment of this valuable end? May not the literary essayist in Virginia, aspire, without vanity or presumption, to occupy an higher rank in the scale of public estimation and moral utility, than any of his European models & precursors could indulge a hope of attaining?
Whilst the nations of Europe are involved in war, distracted with factions, and overrun by oppression, we enjoy the blessings of peace, liberty, security and leisure. We rest in the shade whilst they are toiling in the tempest; we enjoy the substance, whilst they are pursuing a shadow; their sun is verging towards evening, whilst ours is ascending to his noon. All that seems wanting to ripen the harvest of national happiness, which exhibits so luxurious a promise, and realise every hope which human nature can rationally indulge, is a more extensive diffusion of useful knowledge. May not the regular infusion of miscellaneous essays on useful subjects, be employed with the happiest effects, for this important purpose? Periodical prints are more numerous, more extensively dispersed, read by a greater number of individuals & with greater avidity of attention in the United States, and particularly in Virginia, than in any other part, probably, of the civilized world. Does not this circumstance furnish the enlightened patriot with a great moral power for enlightening public opinion, and correcting anti-republican propensities and habits? By this means every intelligent citizen may communicate immediately and distinctly, his convictions, his feelings, his information, and may even propose his conjectures, enquiries and doubts on important subjects, to every other? The inviolable freedom of the American press; the sleepless vigilance of its guardians, and the general intelligence of the people, preserve the atmosphere of public opinion, pure, clear and pervious throughout to the light of truth, from whatever quarter its irradiations may proceed, whatever facts they may reveal, & to whatever conclusions they may conduct the enlightened mind.
May not periodical prints, hitherto devoted almost exclusively to the publication of facts, principles and sentiments relative to foreign and domestic politics, embrace a greater variety of topics and a wider range of usefulness? May not intelligent editors with the assistance of their enlightened friends & compatriots explore a richer field of enquiry & accompany their political details, with information more elementary, miscellaneous and instructive? Were the public prints uniformly conducted by men of genius, integrity and information; were a few columns of every paper regularly devoted to the insertion of useful or elegant essays, composed by the editors themselves, or furnished by their literary friends; were permanent associations formed by men of talents for the purpose of preparing successively, such essays for publication, how diffusive would be the influence of knowledge! how splendid the improvement of our national character! To how many noble purposes might not the judicious execution of a design of this sort be made subservient? Might not the composition of such essays and their extensive dispersion by the public prints, operate as a temporary substitute for the agency and an auspicious preparative for the introduction, (on a purer and more comprehensive plan) of those public establishments and literary institutions, from which the nations of Europe derive so many inestimable benefits? Might they not be employed to compare our codes, constitutions and legislative provisions, with the best existing standards of political truth and thereby accelerate the removal of every imperfection which experience may unfold, and the adoption of every improvement which facility may suggest, genius invent, or experience reveal, for the progressive melioration of our political institutions? May they not be employed to review literary works of celebrity and importance, to display the merits of books calculated to enlighten, and expose the pernicious and fallacious reasonings of such as have a tendency thus to corrupt the minds of young & inexperienced readers? Might they not thus contribute not only to encircle the number and extent of public and private libraries, but, (which is of infinitely greater moment) to facilitate the selection and circulation of useful books, and conduct ingenious and uninformed minds to the genuine fountains of improvement? Might they not thus assist in consigning to merited oblivion, those "volumes of delusion" which, whether from their antiquity, or their novelty, the charms of meretricious eloquence, the artifices of venal sophistry or the contagious enthusiasm of conscientious error, are at present so extensively injurious; which, unless strangled in their birth, or arrested in their progress, must in
every condition of civilized society, and especially under a republican government, greatly abridge and adulterate the benefits which the art of printing and the freedom of the press are so admirably adapted to dispense? For, of all the forms which the demons of darkness can assume to corrupt and destroy mankind, sophistical speculation and venal fictions are by far the most effectual. May they not be employed to accomplish (what is at present a desideratum in moral science) a correct analysis of the proper province and purposes of anusive literature, illustrating their reasonings on these important subjects by critical remarks on the mechanism & moral tendency of such literary productions in poetry and prose, as may attract any considerable share of general curiosity and admiration? May not enlightened men, thro' the medium of periodical essays, inserted in the public prints, call the attention of parents and patriots to the solemn consideration of that momentous and neglected subject, the establishment of public schools? Thro' this medium, may they not discuss with advantage the important question whether such establishments ought to be effected solely by the genius and enterprise of individuals, aided by local patronage and spontaneous contributions; or, whether academies should be established and endowed at the public expense, the various departments distributed into professorships, and instructors appointed by trustees incorporated by the legislature? In other words, whether the demand for juvenile instruction, like the demand for bread, should be supplied by the unfettered competition and unassisted industry of individuals, or adequately provided for by legislative interference and national institutions?
May not periodical essays be employed with peculiar advantage to improve the minds & manners of women, to extinguish that rage for expensive splendour & foreign fashions, & that fondness for scandal which must necessarily occupy the attention and dissipate the activity of uncultivated minds; and by exciting a taste for literature, reflection and rational conversation, banish those frivolous, unhealthy and unamiable amusements, which are at present so fatally fashionable amongst the fair? May not the reasonings of enlightened men through this medium, have a powerful tendency to divert the predominant passion of every generous and enlightened spirit, the love of distinction, into its natural channel, the acquisition of useful knowledge, the exhibition of liberal accomplishments, and the achievements of moral enterprise & expanded beneficence? In fine, might not an extensive combination and regular succession of such literary associations, speedily restore that simplicity of manners and dignity of soul, that characterised the ancient republics, and eradicate from the minds of our people their predilection for those expensive luxuries, which constitute the baubles of our colonial childhood, the badges of the aristocratical distinctions we have abjured and the idols of the abominable passions, which we have sworn on the altars of the revolution to expunge from our souls?
Can the enlightened patriot conceive or contrive a plan fraught with more extensive benefits to his country than this! Can a generous and heroic ambition, pant for a purer glory, or a more splendid prize than is here proposed!
P. S. The writers of the essays, the first of which is now presented to the public, will not probably attempt to investigate all or even any considerable number of the topics, which have been just suggested. The writer of the preceding essay however, induces a hope from the number of his literary associates, the corresponding diversity of subjects which will naturally divide their attention, and the abundant leisure which the intervals of rotation will afford, without an injurious or inconvenient interference with their professional duties, that their essays will afford some degree of amusement and improvement to every description of readers.
He indulges a hope that the title prefixed to the essays, will be found neither an unmeaning emblem, nor a faithless indication of their character and tendency. Not that the most attractive ornament of a vernal sky, the beauteous offspring of the glittering dew-drop and the solar ray, the welcome harbinger of fruitful showers and exuberant vegetation is chosen to allegorize & announce their high hopes of the literary attractions, or moral utility of their essays. The title of the Rainbow was selected on account of its novelty and for the purpose of discrimination. The Rainbow is intended to convey no other emblematic reference to the essays it discriminates and adorns, than as its varied hues and transient duration, may serve to indicate the diversity of amusing topics which they will embrace, and the fugitive form they will assume. Perhaps in another point of view, the Rainbow may serve to denote, vividly and justly, the intention of the writers of these, and the general tendency of, moral and miscellaneous essays.
We are taught by the traditions of our fathers to believe, that this lovely phenomenon, first made its appearance in the sky, to announce the cessation of a deluge, and the returning mercies of an offended God. The bow suspended in the celestial arch arching in sign of peace, presents to the Christian a mild memento of the former displeasure and a delightful token of the future benignity of his God, affords a beautiful subject of allusion to the poet and analyst to the philosopher, ravishes with its beauty even "the brute unconscious gaze," and is hailed by the peaceful husbandman as the pleasing pledge of vernal luxuriance and autumnal plenty. Is not the Rainbow, therefore, happily fitted to indicate the attractions and utility of a species of composition, which has an analogous influence in moral nature, which divides the "rays of science" into all their native and beautiful colours; captivates, by its novelty and variety the attention of every description of readers, and showers its prolific bounties on minds of every dimension and in all situations? May not the Rainbow afford an appropriate and auspicious title to a design, whose object it is to divert some portion of public curiosity to enquiries in which all parties and classes are equally interested, because in these the detection of error and the discovery of truth are equally desired by all?
* The writer of this Essay, performs what he feels to be, in the most emphatic sense of the terms, a social duty, when on this subject he recommends to such of his readers as may not have been fortunate enough to peruse "Essay on Population," by Malthus. From the perusal of this great work, he has derived more original and valuable information, on the most important subject that can excite superior genius, or attract the attention of an enlightened people, than from any other book, or from all the other books he has ever read. It is equally calculated to correct the gross prejudices of mere common sense, and dispel the splendid illusions of fanciful speculation respecting the immutable condition of man on earth, the productive causes and proper correctives of human misery and vice, and the future prospects of social improvement. To many of his readers this note may probably appear to be superfluous and perhaps impertinent. For surely a work of such inestimable value and celebrity must be already in the hands of every man who aspires to discharge the functions of an editor, legislator or instructor in Virginia.
† Were the writer of this Essay to conceive one of
those tutelary divinities, to whom the fiction of classical mythology, and the credulity of primitive ages, consigned the superintendence of the destiny of nations, to imbibe on consecrated tablets, or reveal from "a fatiated shrine" a monetary oracle to the narrators of America—It would be this—In vain have the people, whose prosperity is committed to your care, obtained the fairest part of the New World; in vain are their liberties established on a basis alike immoveable by foreign invasion and domestic conspiracy; in vain does an unfettered commerce extract from the collective industry of the world, whatever can supply their wants or multiply their enjoyments; in vain does the accumulated wisdom of ages deposit its treasures at their feet. These advantages cannot secure the happiness which the genius of Columbia has promised to bestow, until thro' the medium of a purer & more comprehensive plan of juvenile education, the rising generation shall adopt sentiments and habits suitable to the dignity of the characters they aspire to form, and the glorious career they are invited to pursue.
Miscellaneous.
FROM THE UTICA GAZETTE.
Rome, 23d June, 1804.
MR. EDITOR, Having heard much complaint among the Farmers, and others, of the destruction of their growing wheat by the Hessian Fly—and some from the rust or blight, as they suppose, by the easterly wind; I was led to examine my own fields, and endeavour to discover the cause of the yellow and rusty appearance of my own wheat; particularly a small field of spring wheat which at an early period, made a good shew of being a fine crop; but which, all at once—or at least in a very few days, seemed wholly to droop and put on the same sickly hue which I had previously observed to the eastward of Albany, and also in the county of Montgomery—I had never seen the Hessian fly, but had generally understood that its first appearance was that of a small white maggot in the stalk of the grain, about the first and second joint, and that the stalks, infested with the fly, or rather maggot, would easily be pulled asunder. Examining some stalks of my spring wheat, and finding them perfectly sound, and not to be separated, except by cutting them with a knife, and at the same time observing a yellow dust or rust on the decayed leaves, I hastily concluded that the defect in the grain was not owing to the Hessian fly but to a mildew, which had caused the stalks and leaves to grow rusty and perish. But accidentally observing that the roots of all the stalks which had pulled up, appeared dead and quite decayed like over-rotted flax, I was led to examine them with more attention, when I found a number of very small white worms, extremely fine, very lively, which I understand is never the case with the Hessian fly. But of this circumstance respecting the always torpid state of the Hessian fly I have no personal knowledge.
These worms were of different lengths, from an eighth to a fourth of an inch (as well as I could judge from the eye) and moved either end foremost; although evidently different as to the form of the head from the other extrinity—what I supposed the head being longer, and of a red colour—The body of some was nearly as white as a maggot in new cheese, others of the pale green colour of the stalk of wheat. In the roots of those stalks, most decayed, there were insects in a quiet or dead state, or more properly speaking, in the state of absolute rest, and of the colour of a ripe flax seed, though not that shape; they were rounder and longer, but in no instance as long as the live worm. I take this to be the second state of this destructive insect, and that the third state is probably a fly. The chrysalis or first remove from a worm, is not lodged in the stalk of the grain, but amongst the roots, or in the first infection of the leaves adjoining the root. The destruction of the grain appears owing to the ravages of the worm on the fine and tender roots under the surface of the earth, and the reason that so few are found in pulling up the wheat and examining the stalks, I imagine, is owing to the worm's being concealed by the dirt adhering to the roots, and their being shaken off with the dirt before the roots are examined. I am led to believe that this is a new species of worm, as it has made a more complete destruction of the spring wheat than the winter wheat. I have always understood that the Hessian fly was produced from eggs laid in the young shoots of wheat in the fall, and that wheat late sowed, and on highly manured lands, always escapes their ravages. By the way I would observe that some of these worms were discovered in my winter wheat which was very late sown, but they did it but little damage. My spring wheat was sown partly on lands, leaf mould in corn and potatoes, and was but an indifferent soil, the rest in a small adjoining field which had been one year in grass, and was this spring broken up in order to prepare the ground for planting an orchard.
The effect of this species of worm, on wheat, is precisely the same as a small white maggot, which last season, destroyed my melons, particularly water melons. Observing that the vines died in a manner not to be accounted for, from the drought, I pulled the vines up to observe if the black grub-worm had not destroyed the roots, when to my astonishment I found all the large roots, quite eaten through and through by a white maggot or worm, which had caused the vines to perish as effectually as if they had been pulled up and exposed to the sun. I hope these hasty remarks may serve to call the attention of more experienced farmers to this subject.
FROM THE LONDON COURIER.
To the Editor.
Sir, I have felt greatly interested in the account on the newly discovered planet; which so greatly extends our idea of the magnitude of our system.
As its diameter by the account must exceed that of Jupiter by about 1.85, and that of our earth, by about 15 times, and its distance is more than 50 times that of our earth, its apparent diameter must be about 12 or 13 min. and if its rights ascension had been stated as well as its declination, I think, it would have been more easy to find it than to find Mercury. But I must beg pardon for thinking that the Sun seen from it would not appear like one of the final effect of the fixed stars: on the contrary it would appear of the diameter nearly of Jupiter or Venus as it would be seen under an angle of 1 deg. 4 min.; and the Sun, though the distance would reduce its light to a 300th part, would still be amazingly more bright than Arcturus, Capella, Aldebaran, or even Sirius.
I am dear Sir, yours sincerely, (CAPEL LOFTT.) Sat. 19th May, 1804.
PHILADELPHIA, August 1.
MR. RILEY.
The process for the refining of Campher, published in your paper of Saturday evening, is extremely inaccurate. I have no knowledge of the author of that communication.
I am, Sir, with respect your humble servant, JAMES WOODHOUSE.
Hague, May 18.
General Marmont has made an experiment at Flushing to shoot hollow balls, in which letters may be conveyed during a siege or otherwise. A 24-pound shot reached a distance of 2250 toises.
Inventions, Discoveries, and Improvements. COMMUNICATION.
We understand that the Rev. B. Allison of Bordentown, New-Jersey, and Mr. Richard French of that neighbourhood, have invented a machine for making nails upon a plan entirely new, and very simple in its construction.
It is said that this machine cuts the nail, places it in a die, closes a vice on it, heads it by the action of hammers, and cuts burs at it by means of machinery. It is also further added that a boy can make, with this engine, from thirty to fifty pounds of nails per hour. We are informed that this machine is now actually at work near Bordentown.
[Aurora.]
ADVERTISEMENT.
On the 8th day of September next, at the late dwelling house of Capt. John Hedges, dec. on Chippewanie, near Poughkeepsie, WILL BE SOLD, on a credit of twelve months, as public sale, to the highest bidder.
TWO TRACTS OF LAND, situate in Prince William county, containing about twelve hundred acres, of good quality, well timbered and improved, and a large proportion of it low grounds suitable for meadow. Also, about 25 LIKELY SLAVES, and all the other personal property of the estate on the said Hedges.—Bond and approved security, together with a mortgage on the land sold, will be required of the purchasers. The land will be sold in tracts or lots, as may be most likely to produce the best price. SETH BOTTS, } Executors of John ISHAM F. HEDGES, } Hedges, dec. Chippewanie, July 5, 1804. e8d—21
VALUABLE HOUSES & LOTS.
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE OR RENT, THAT handsome BRICK TENEMENT in which he at present resides, beautifully situated on Shockoe Hill, a short distance from the Capitol, in a very healthy and agreeable part of the city. The house (built of the best materials & quite new) is 88 by 37 feet, two story high, in which are seven good rooms and a ten foot passage the whole width of the house, with convenient closets, and a cellar inferior to none in this city; attached to which are two half acre lots, one or both of which may be had with the house.
ALSO, FOR RENT OR LEASE, A small, neat, two-story BRICK TENEMENT, (in the neighbourhood of Mr. Thomas Rutherford) containing five good rooms, passages, closets, &c. &c. with the requisite out buildings, and a good well of water.
AND FOR SALE, Several handsome unimproved HALF-ACRE LOTS, eligibly situated on the Hill. A great bargain may be had in any part or the whole of the above property offered for sale, and liberal credit given for the greater part of the money.—For further particulars, apply to
SPOTSWOOD LIPSCOMBE. July 21. e8—tf
AT A QUARTERLY COURT CONTINUED AND HELD FOR PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, MAY THE 24th, 1804.
WILLIAM WHITE, & Co. Plaintiffs. AGAINST THOMAS GIBSON & ROBERT } Defendants. E. GIBSON, IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Thomas Gibson not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this State: on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas Gibson do appear here on the first day of August court next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A Copy, Teste, BENJAMIN WATKINS, D. C. e82m—16
LIQUID BLACKING.
TICE's improved shining liquid blacking for boots and shoes and all leather that requires to be kept black, is universally allowed the best ever offered to the public, it never corrodes nor cracks the leather, but renders it soft, smooth & beautiful to the last, and never fails. Black morocco that has lost its strength is restored equal to new by the use of this blacking.
To prevent counterfeits, the directions on every bottle will be signed J. Tice in writing, without which they are not genuine. Sold in Richmond at Edward Hallam's Grocery Store. July 28. Sst
VIRGINIA:
AT A HIGH COURT OF CHANCERY, HELD AT THE CAPITOL, IN THE CITY OF RICHMOND, 5th March, 1796.
BETWEEN Mary Ruffin, executrix, and Herbert Claiborne, James Ruffin and William Ruffin, executors of Robert Ruffin, and James Ruffin, William Ruffin and Sterling Ruffin, for prosecuting in their own behalf, Plffs.
AND William Martin, Isaac Wells and Nancy his Wife, William Gee and John Gee, Defs.
THIS cause, which abated as is the plaintiff Mary Ruffin, by her death, came on the fifth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety six, to be heard on the bill, answers, exhibits and examinations of witnesses, and was argued by counsel: on consideration thereof, the court did first one of its Commissioners to state an account of the payments made, if any payments were made, towards discharging the debt, interest and charges intended to be secured by the indenture in the bill recited, and also to examine the bills of credit allowed to have been tendered by John Jones, on behalf of the defendant William Martin, on the ninth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty one, in order to discover whether such bills of credit could be legally tendered at that time, and the Commissioner is empowered to examine the Plaintiffs in person, and require their acknowledgment or denial of such payments, and tender and to report the matters, as they shall appear to him, to the court, stating specially such as to him shall seem pertinent, or by the parties shall be desired to be so stated; and the bill is dismissed, as to the defendant John Gee, who hath by his answer disclaimed any title to the land conveyed by the indenture aforesaid. A Copy, Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE,
RICHMOND, May 25th, 1804.
The parties concerned are desired to take notice, that I have appointed Friday the twenty-third day of November next, for carrying into effect the within Decree, upon which day their papers and accounts ready for examination. (e8—840) Wm. HAY, M. C.
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern of Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the last quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30, (sp6m)