The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-05 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPP- SITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
DOMESTIC.
DOCUMENTS ACCOMPANYING THE MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF MARCH 22, 1808.
(CONTINUED.)
From Mr. Canning.
No. 16.
Foreign Office, Sept. 23d, 1807.
SIR—I have laid before the king my master the letter which I had the honor to re- ceive from you, on the 8th of this month.
Before I proceed to observe upon that part of it which relates more immediately to the question now at issue between our two governments, I am commanded, in the first instance, to express the surprise which is felt at the total omission of a subject, upon which, I had already been commanded to apply to you for information: the pro- clamation purported to have been issued by the President of the United States. Of this paper, when last I addressed you upon it, you professed not to have any knowledge, beyond what the ordinary channels of pub- lic information afforded, nor any authority to declare it to be authentic.
I feel it an indispensable duty to renew my enquiry on this subject. The answer which I may receive from you, is by no means unimportant to the settlement of the discussion which has arisen from the en- counter between the Leopard and the Ches- apeake.
The whole of the question arising out of that transaction, is in fact no other than a question as to the amount of reparation due by his majesty for the unauthorised act of his officer: and you will, therefore, readily perceive that, in so far as the government of the United States have thought proper to take that reparation into their own hands, and to resort to measures of retaliation, previously to any direct application to the British government, or the British minister in America, for redress; in so far the Bri- tish government is entitled to take such measures into account, and to consider them in the estimate of reparation which is ac- knowledged to have been originally due.
The total exclusion of all ships of war be- longing to one of the two belligerent parties, while the ships of war of the other were pro- tected by the harbors of the neutral power, would furnish no light ground of complaint against that neutral, if considered in any other point of view, than as a measure of re- taliation for a previous injury: and, so con- sidered, it cannot but be necessary to take it into account in the adjustment of the original dispute.
I am therefore distinctly to repeat the en- quiry, whether you are now enabled to de- clare, sir, that the proclamation is to be considered as the authentic act of your gov- ernment? And, if so, I am further to en- quire, whether you are authorised to notify the intention of your government to withdraw that proclamation, on the knowledge of his majesty's disavowal of the act which occa- sioned its publication?
The light in which you are directed to represent admiral Berkeley's conduct, and the description which you give of the char- acter of the measure imputed to him—that "he acted as if he had the power to make war, and to decide the causes of war;" sufficiently evince the necessity of compre- hending in this discussion, all the circum- stances which have led to, or have followed the action with the Chesapeake.
Undoubtedly the attack upon a national ship of war, is an act of hostility, and the very essence of the charge against admiral Berkeley, as you represent it, is the having taken upon himself to commit an act of hos- tility without the previous authority of his government.
The provocation which may have led to such an act, without such previous authori- ty, if it cannot justify, may possibly exten- uate it; as the steps which have been taken in reprisal, though they cannot alter the character of the original act, may and do materially affect every question concerning the reparation claimed for it.
On this ground it is, that, while I am commanded to repeat to you (what you com- manded as so satisfactory) that the general & unqualified pretension to search ships of war for deserters, is not asserted by this country, "I am precluding from concurring in the "inference, that therefore the national char- "acter of the men who were violently taken "from on board the Chesapeake, makes no "part of the present question."
If the right to search ships of war for de- serters is not insisted upon by this country, it is not because the employment and deten- tion of British mariners on board the na- tional ship of any state are considered as less injurious towards Great-Britain, than their employment on board of merchant vessels (a proposition which would be manifestly absurd): It is not intended to allow that the sailors of Great-Britain may be justly em- ployed, against her consent, in foreign ships of war; but merely that redress is, in that case, to be sought for by government from government; and not to be summarily en- forced by the unauthorised officer of any of his majesty's ships of war.
It follows from this reasoning, that not only, the "national character" of the men taken out of the Chesapeake is matter for consideration; but that the reparation to be made by the British government to that of the United States, would depend, among o- ther circumstances, on the question whe- ther an act, which the British government would be justified in considering as an act of hostility, had been committed by the gov- ernment of the U. States (in refusing to discharge the British seamen in their na- tional service) previously to commission of an act of hostility of an officer of his majes- ty.
The act of the British officer would still be an unauthorised act, and as such liable to complaint and disapprobation; but the case, as between government and govern- ment, would be materially varied.
At the same time that I offer to you this explanation of the principles upon which his majesty has authorised me to discuss with you the subject of your representation, and that I renew to you the assurances of the dis- position to conduct that discussion in the most amicable form, and to bring it to a con- clusion satisfactory to the honor and to the feelings of both countries; it is matter of regret that you should have been instructed to annex to the demand of reparation for the attack of the Leopard upon the Ches- apeake, any proposition whatever respecting the search for British seamen in merchant vessels; a subject which is wholly uncon- nected with the case of the Leopard and the Chesapeake, and which can only tend to complicate and embarrass a discussion, in itself of sufficient delicacy and importance.
In stating the grounds upon which your government expect with confidence that "the whole subject of impressment shall be taken up at this time," and that in making the reparation which is claimed for the particular injury alleged to have been sustained by the U. States, in the late un- fortunate transaction off the Cape of Vir- ginia, "a remedy shall be provided for the whole evil," you appear to have been directed to assume, that this act of violence (such as you describe it, is the natural and almost necessary result of the practice of impress- ment of British seamen from merchant ves- sels of other states; and to represent the particular transaction and the general ques- tion of impressment, as "identified in the feelings and sympathies of your nation, as well as in the sentiment of your govern- ment."
With every attention due to the feelings of the people of the United States, I am sure you will readily allow that those feel- ings cannot properly be considered as affect- ing the merits of the case.
The first ebullitions of national sensibility may very naturally have communicated an impulse to the proceedings of the Amer- ican government; but it cannot be expect- ed, that they should guide the deliberate o- pinions and conduct of the government with which you have to treat. I would farther observe to you, that your government cannot reasonably claim any advantage in argu- ment from the expressed sense of its own people, unless it be prepared at the same time to take upon itself a responsibility (which there is no desire of attributing to it) for the outrage and indecency, with which upon the late occasion, that expression has in too many instances been accompanied. It is better for temperate reasoning, and as- suredly it is more advantageous for the gov- ernment of the U. States, that the con- sideration of popular feeling should be wholly omitted in this discussion.
The right and the practice of which you are instructed to complain, as irreconcilable with justice, and intolerable in all their parts, have been exercised by Great-Britain from the earliest ages of the British naval power, even without any qualification or ex- ception in favor of national ships of war. The grounds upon which such a distinc- tion has been admitted in later times, and upon which, for the course of nearly a cen- tury, the crown has forborne to instruct the commanders of its ships of war, to search foreign ships of war for deserters, I have al- ready had the honor to explain to you:— And you will have perceived, that those grounds are wholly inapplicable to ships in the merchant service.
That a foreign power will not, know- ingly, retain in its national service, mariners, the natural born subjects of his majesty, who have been recalled by public proclamation, may be regarded as a presumption ar- ising out of the hostile nature of the act, and out of the probable consequences to which such an act of hostility must lead.
But with respect to merchant vessels, there is no such presumption.
When mariners, subjects of his majesty, are employed in the private service of for- eign individuals, under private civil con- tracts, the king's subjects, and the foreign individuals with whom they serve, enter into engagements inconsistent with the duty of his majesty's subjects towards him; but to those engagements the government of the foreign nation has not made itself a party.
In such cases, the species of redress which the practice of all times has admitted and sanctioned, is that of taking those subjects at sea, out of the service of such foreign in- dividuals; and recalling them to the dis- charge of that previous and paramount duty which they owe to their sovereign and to their country.
That the exercise of this right involves some of the dearest interests of Great-Bri- tain, your government is ready to acknow- ledge, and has accordingly authorised you to propose certain regulations, which you apprehend would be equivalent in their ef- fect for the preservation of the interests concerned.
There will be no indisposition here to en- tertain, at a proper time the discussion of such proposed regulations. But when you recollect that many proposals to this effect have already been brought forward, and have been found wholly inadmissible; when you have, yourself, had recently occasion to experi- ence the difficulty of framing any satisfac- tory arrangement upon the subject; with all the anxiety which is properly felt by both governments for the speedy adjustment of the difference between them, and for the "healing of that deep wound which you "state to have been inflicted on the nation "at honor of the U. States;" surely it is not well-advised to make the termination of that difference, and the healing that wound, de- pend entirely on the complete success of an attempt, which has already been made so often, and which has hitherto uniformly failed.
Your own reasoning shews that you are aware of the more than ordinary difficulty which must attend any arrangement for the prevention of desertion, between two na- tions, whose similarity of manners and ha- bits, and whose identity of language, inter- pose so many impediments to the discrimi- nation of "national character."
To these circumstances, and not (as you almost seem to insinuate) to any peculiar harshness towards the U. States, it is owing,
that the exercise of the right, as with re- spect to them, is necessarily more frequent; than with respect to any other nation; and is felt by them to be more rigid and vex- atious. But these circumstances cannot fur- nish an argument for the suspension of the exercise of the right with respect to Amer- ica; unless it be contended, that multipli- city of frauds and difficulty of detection are reasons against suspicion or motives for acquiescence.
As little foundation is there for the com- plaint that the practice has grown out of the recognition of American independence; and that the character of that event is affected by its countenance.
It is needless to repeat that those rights existed in their fullest force, for ages previ- ous to the establishment of the U. States of America as an independent government:— and it would be difficult to contend that the recognition of that independence can have operated any change in this respect; unless it can be shewn that in acknowledging the government of the U. States, G. Britain vir- tually abdicated her own rights as a naval power; or unless there were any express stipulations by which the ancient and pre- scriptive usages of G. Britain, founded in the soundest principles of natural law, though still enforced against other independent na- tions of the world, were to be suspended whenever they might come in contact with the interests or the feelings of the Ameri- can people.
I would now recall your attention to the consideration of the question respecting the late transaction between the Leopard and the Chesapeake; which till the receipt of your letter, I imagined to be the only ques- tion actually in discussion between us, and in consideration of the delicacy and pressing importance of which, we had, by common consent, waived the consideration of all other matters pending between our two govern- ments.
Into the discussion of this question I am prepared to enter; with what disposition, on the part of his majesty's government, to consult the feelings and the honor of the gov- ernment of the U. States, it is not necessary for me here to declare—for you have your- self done justice to the sincerity of that dis- position.
The difficulties in the way of such adjust- ment are already smoothed, by the disavow- al, voluntarily offered, at the very outset of the discussion, of the general and unquali- fied pretension to search ships of war for de- serters. There remained only to ascertain the facts of the particular case, and to pro- portion the reparation to the wrong.
Is the British government now to under- stand, that you, sir, are not authorised to en- ter into this question separately and distinct- ly; without having obtained, as a preliminary concession, the consent of this country to enter into discussion with respect to the practice of searching merchant vessels for deserters?!
Whether any arrangement can be devised, by which this practice may admit of modification, without prejudice to the essen- tial rights and interests of G. Britain, is a question, which as I have already said, the British government may, at a proper season, be ready to entertain; but, whether the con- sent of G. Britain to the entering into such discussion shall be exacted at the price of an amicable adjustment, as the condition of being admitted to make honorable repara- tion for an injury, is a question of quite a different sort, and one which can be answer- ed no otherwise than by an unqualified refusal.
I earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to consider whether the instructions which you have received from your government, may not leave you at liberty to come to an adjustment of the case of the Leopard and Chesapeake, independently of the other question, with which it appears to have been unnecessarily connected.
If your instructions leave you no discre- tion, I cannot press you to act in contradic- tion to them. In that case there can be no ad- vantage in pursuing a discussion which you are not authorised to conclude; and I shall have only to regret that the disposition of his majesty to terminate that difference amicably and satisfactorily, is for the present ren- dered unavailing.
In that case, his majesty, in pursuance of the disposition of which he has given such signal proofs, will lose no time in send- ing a minister to America, furnished with the necessary instructions and powers for bringing this unfortunate dispute to a conclu- sion consistent with the harmony subsisting be- tween Great-Britain and the United States. But, in order to avoid the inconvenience which has arisen, from the mixt nature of your instructions, that minister will not be empowered to entertain, as connected with his subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels.
It will, however, be far more satisfactory to his majesty to learn, that upon re-consi- deration, you think yourself authorised to separate the two questions.
I hope you will allow me to express, at the same time, the sincere pleasure which I should feel in having to treat with you, sir, personally for the re-establishment of a good understanding between our two coun- tries.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING.
Portland Place, September 29, 1807. SIR—I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 23d of this month, and shall transmit it without delay to my gov- ernment.
I perceive by it, with great regret, that his Britannic majesty's government is not disposed to enter into an arrangement at this time, of all the differences that have a- risen between our governments, respecting the impressment of seamen from American vessels by British cruisers; that it is wil- ling to look to one object only, the late aggression, and provide for it, while the other is left to depend on future adjustment. My government had presumed that his ma- jesty's government would have seen in the recent and greater injury, a strong motive for bringing the whole subject into one view, and providing for it at the same time. The excess of the latter outrage could not fail to
revive in the mind of the suffering party a high sense of former injuries, and it was reasonable to infer that the great injustice inseparable from the practice, of which the incident furnished so striking an example, would have produced between our govern- ments the most prompt and friendly co-ope- ration in the means of suppressing it. That the United States have suffered a greater in- jury by a recent occurrence, than they had done before, cannot be a good reason, and ought not to be a motive for delaying redress of the others, especially when it is consider- ed that they were already in a train of ami- cable accommodation and arrangement. Since, however, you inform me that his ma- jesty's government is unwilling to take up the subject in a combined view, it is unneces- sary for me to press it.
You ask whether I am authorised to se- parate this latter incident from the general practice, and to treat it as a distinct topic? On this point I have to state, that my instruc- tions, which are explicit, enjoin me to con- sider the whole of this class of injuries as an entire subject; and indeed so intimately are they connected in their nature, that it seems to be difficult, if not impossible, to separate them for any useful purpose to either party. My government being sincerely desirous to place the relations of the two powers, on the solid basis of permanent friendship, is satis- fied, as well by what has occurred in the ge- neral practice, as by the more awful admin- ion derived from the late incident, that that can only be done with effect, by mount- ing to the source of the evil, and providing an adequate remedy for it. In pursuing this great object, it is my duty to repeat, that my government does not seek to confine the re- medy proposed to the injuries which the U- nited States have suffered, and continue to suffer, but is desirous to extend it to those al- so which are complained of by Great-Bri- tain.
Experience has shewn, that both parties complain of injuries, though certain- ly of a very different character and less ur- gent nature. How much more advisable then is it not, in every view, for them to enter in- to an arrangement which shall provide an adequate remedy for their respective inju- ries; which shall bind the honor of each gov- ernment to do what is just and right in respect to the other, and enlist the feelings of each nation on its side, than to suffer things to remain longer in their present state? How much more advantageous would not such an arrangement be likely to prove to Great-Britain, in the particular object which she has in view, than her adherence to a practice which rejects a mean, which could not fail to be more productive; a prac- tice which cannot be maintained in princi- ple; which leads by immutable causes, that ought to inspire different sentiments in the parties to each other, to great and constant abuse, and which is also considered by the United States as subversive of their rights, and degrading to their character as an in- dependent power.
So much I have thought it proper to state, in order to place in a just light the conduct of my government on the present occasion, on this great and very interesting subject of im- pressment. Well knowing its desire to cul- tivate the most friendly relation with Great- Britain, on just and honorable conditions, it would be highly improper that any doubt should be suffered to exist on that point.
You inform me that his majesty has deter- mined, in case my instructions do not per- mit me to separate the late aggression from the general practice of impressment, to transfer the business to the United States, by committing it to a minister who shall be sent there with full powers to conclude it. To that measure I am far from being dis- posed to raise any obstacle, and shall im- mediately apprise my government of the deci- sion on to adopt it. Under such circumstances, I perfectly agree with you in the opinion, that it would be useless to pursue a discussion, which it would be impossible for me to bring to a satisfactory conclusion.
It is still my duty to give the explanation which you have desired, of the motives which induced the President to adopt the measures announced in his proclamation of the 2d July last. However great the injury which the United States had received by the aggression complained of, it is just, that it should be shewn that the President did not lose sight in those measures of the friendly relations subsisting between the two powers. When the hostile nature of the attack on the Chesapeake, is taken into view, and the general conduct of the British squadron within the waters of the United States, be- fore and after the attack, I am persuaded that there was no limit to which the Presi- dent would not have been justified in going, which he might have thought essential to the honor and safety of the nation. Before the attack, the British squadron had violated the jurisdiction of the United States, by the impressment of men within it, whom the commander had refused to surrender; and after the attack, the attitude which he as- sumed continued to be of a very menacing and hostile character. An act of hostility, it must be admitted, justifies any act of a like nature towards the party who commits it.
The President, however, did not believe that his majesty's government had authori- zed the conduct of the British squadron, and his measures were evidently founded on that belief. They were marked by no circum- stance of hostility, or of retaliation towards Great-Britain; but were intended simply to preserve order within the jurisdiction of the United States, to which end the removal of the British squadron without their limits became indispensable. After the acts of violence which had been committed by that squadron, it was impossible that it should remain longer there without encrasing the irritation and widening the breach between the two nations, which it was the earnest object of the President to prevent. There certainly existed no desire of giving a pre- ference in favor of the ships of war of one belligerent party to those of another. Be- fore this aggression, it is well known, that his Britannic majesty's ships lay within the waters of the Chesapeake, and enjoyed all the advantages of the most favored nation; it cannot therefore be doubted that my go- vernment will be ready to restore them to the same situation, as soon as it can be done
consistently with the honor and rights of the U. S.
I cannot conclude this communication without expressing my earnest hope, that the differences which have unhappily arisen between our governments, may soon be set- tled, on conditions honorable and satisfactory to both the parties. To have co-operated with you in the accomplishment of so great and useful a work, would have been highly gratifying to me. The disposition which you have brought to the discussion, and the sen- timents which you communicated on the principal transaction, when the first intelli- gence of it was received, inspired me with great confidence, that we should soon have been able to bring it to such a conclusion. To have been a party to it, would have ter- minated my mission to his majesty in the mode which I have long and sincerely desi- red.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
TO MR. CANNING.
Portland Place, October 9, 1807.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and requests that he will be so good as to inform him, whether it is intended that the minister whom his majesty proposes to send to the government of the United States, shall be employed in a special mission without having any connection immediate or eventual with the ordinary legation. Mr. Monroe has inferred from Mr. Canning's note, that the mission, will be of the special nature above described, but he will be much obliged to Mr. Canning, to inform him whe- ther he has taken a correct view of the mea- sure. Mr. Monroe would also be happy to know of Mr. Canning at what time it is ex- pected the minister will sail for the United States. Mr. Canning will be sensible that Mr. Monroe's motive in requesting this informa- tion, is, that he may be enabled to commu- nicate it without delay to his government, the propriety of which, he is persuaded Mr. Canning will readily admit.
Mr. Monroe requests Mr. Canning to ac- cept the assurance of his high consideration- —
The right hon. GEORGE CANNING, &c. &c. &c.
FROM MR. CANNING.
Foreign Office, Oct. 10, 1807.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe; and in acknowledging the honor of his note of yesterday, has great pleasure in assuring him that he is at all times ready to answer any enquiries to which Mr. Monroe attaches any im- portance, and which it is in Mr. Canning's power to answer with precision, without public infor- mation. But it is not in Mr. Canning's power to state with confidence what may be the eventual determination of his majesty in respect to the per- manent mission in America. The mission of the minister whom his majesty is now about to send will certainly be limited in the first instance to the discussion of the question of the Chesapeake.
Triplicate. London, October 10, 1807.
SIR, I have the honor to transmit you by doc- tor Bullus, a copy of my correspondence with Mr. Canning on the subject which was committed to my care, by your letter of the 6th of July last. You will find by it that the pressure which has been made on this government, in obedience to the instruction contained in that letter, has termi- nated in a decision to send a minister to the U- nited States, to adjust the business there. What the powers of that minister will be; whether it is intended to confine them to the sole object of reparation for the special outrage, or to extend them, in case the proposed separation of that from the general topic of impressment, is admit- ted, to the latter object; it is not in my power to state. Mr. Canning has given me no information on that head in conference, and his note is not ex- plicit on it. It states that the minister who shall be sent to the United States, to bring the dispute relative to the attack on the Chesapeake to a con- clusion, shall not be empowered to entertain, as con- nected with that subject, any proposition respect- ing the search of merchant vessels—a presumption is authorised by those terms, that the minister will have power to treat on the general topic after the special one is arranged. But it is possible that that presumption may have been raised for some other purpose, or that the terms which excited it, were introduced merely to convey the idea that the mission should be confined to the special ob- ject.
In the discharge of this delicate and important trust, I thought that I should be able more effect- ually to promote its object, by opening the sub- ject to Mr. Canning in conference, than by an of- ficial note. As the attitude taken by my govern- ment, which was evidently supported by the whole nation, was of a very impressive nature, it seemed probable from the feversish state of the public mind here in regard to us, that a tone of conciliation, which should not weaken the pres- sure, would be more likely to succeed in obtain- ing the reparation desired, than an official and peremptory demand. Under this impression, I had several conferences with Mr. Canning, the substance of which, in each, I will endeavor to state with precision. A knowledge of what passed in these interviews, in aid of that which is afforded by the correspondence, will enable you to form the most correct idea of the object of the proposed mission, that present circumstan- ces will admit of.
The first interview was on the 3d of Septem- ber, as soon as it could be obtained, after the re- ceipt of your letter of July the 6th, which was on the 30th of August. I informed Mr. Can- ning, that as I wished the discussion in which we were about to enter, to be initiated amicably and honorably to both our governments, I had asked the interview, for the purpose of promot- ing that desirable end; that by explaining to each other fully, in friendly conference, the views of our respective governments, relative to the late aggression, I was persuaded that it would be more easy for us to arrange the business, to the satisfaction of both parties, than by any other mode which we could pursue. He expressed his sensibility to that which I had chosen, & his readi- ness to concur in it; I then stated in detail, in explicit terms, the reparation which my govern- ment thought the United States entitled to, and expected that they should receive, for the injury and indignity offered by the late aggression; that the men taken from the frigate should be restored to it; that the officers who had committed the aggression should be exemplarily punished; that the practice of impressment from merchant vessels should be suppressed; and that the re- paration consisting of those several acts should be announced to our government, through the
(Continued on last page.)

(Continued from last Page.) NO. III. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. MADISON AND MR. ROSE.
Washington, Jan. 26, 1808. Sir—Having had the honor to state to you, that I am expressly precluded by my instructions from entering upon any negotiation for the adjustment of the differences arising from the encounter of his majesty's ship Leopard and the frigate of the United States, the Chesapeake, as long as the proclamation of the President of the United States, of the 2d of July, 1807, shall be in force, I beg leave to offer you such further explanation of the nature of that condition, as appears to me calculated to place the motives, under which it has been enjoined to me thus to bring it forward in their true light.
In whatever light that instrument was issued, it is sufficiently obvious, that it has been produced, as a considerable prejudice to his majesty's interests, as confined to his military and other servants in the United States, to the honor of his flag, and to the privileges of his ministers accredited to the American government. From the operation of this proclamation have unavoidably resulted circles of retaliation, and self-assumed redresses, which might be held to affect materially the question of the reparation due to the United States, especially inasmuch as its execution has been preserved in after the knowledge of his majesty's early, unequivocal, and unqualified disavowal of the unauthorized act of Admiral Berkeley, his disclaiming of the pretension exhibited by that officer to search the national ships of a friendly power for deserters, and the assurance of prompt and effectual reparation, all communicated without loss of time, to the minister of the United States in London, so as not to leave a doubt as to his majesty's just and amicable intentions. But his majesty, making every allowance for the irritation which was excited, and the misapprehensions which existed, has authorized me to proceed in the negotiation upon the sole discontinuance of measures of so invidious a tendency.
You are aware, sir, that any delay which may have arisen in the adjustment of the present differences, is not imputable to an intention of procrastination on the part of his majesty's government; on the contrary, its anxiety to terminate as expeditiously as possible the discussion of a matter so interesting to both nations, has been evinced by the communication made to Mr. Secretary Canning to Mr. Monroe, before that minister of the United States was even informed of the encounter, and now, by the promptitude with which it has dispatched a special mission to this country, for that express purpose.
I can have no difficulty in stating anew to you, with respect to the provisions of my instructions, calculated as they are to insure an honorable adjustment of the important point in question, and to remove the impressions which the late cause of difference may have excited in the minds of this nation, that I am authorized to express my conviction, that they are such as will enable me to terminate the negotiation amicably and satisfactorily.
Having learnt from you, sir, that it is solely as a measure of precaution, the provisions of the proclamation are now considered, I must persuade myself, that a due consideration of his majesty's conduct in this transaction, will remove as well any misapprehensions which may have been entertained respecting his majesty's dispositions towards the U. States, as the grounds upon which that enforcement rests, and the more so, as it has long been a matter of notoriety, that the orders issued to the officers of his majesty's navy, in his proclamation of the 15th October, 1807, afforded ample security, that no attempt can be made to assert a pretension, which his majesty from the first disavowed.
I may add, that if his majesty has not commanded me to enter into the discussion of the other causes of complaint, stated to arise from the conduct of his naval commanders in these seas, prior to the encounter of the Leopard and the Chesapeake, it was because it has been deemed improper to mingle them, whatever may be their merits, with the present matter, so much more interesting and important in its nature: an opinion originally and distinctly expressed by Mr. Monroe, & assented to by Mr. Secretary Canning. But, upon this more recent and more weighty matter of discussion, upon which the proclamation naturally and materially rests, his majesty's action in each instance are unequivocally evinced, it is sufficiently clear, that no hostile disposition can be supposed to exist on his part, nor can any views be attributed to his government, such, as requiring to be counteracted by measures of precaution, could be deduced from transactions which preceded that encounter.
In offering these elucidations, I should observe, that the view in which I have brought forward the preliminary, which I have specified, is neither as to demand concession or redress, as for a wrong committed: in such, the claim to a discontinuance of hostile provisions cannot be construed: but it is simply to require a cessation of enactments injurious in their effects, and which, if persisted in, especially after these explanations, must evince a spirit of hostility, under which his majesty could not authorize the prosecution of the present negotiation, either consistently with his own honor, or with any well founded expectation of the renewal or duration of that good understanding between the two countries, which it is equally the interest of both to foster and to ameliorate.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant, (Signed) G. H. ROSE.
(Copy.) Department of State, March 2, 1808.
Sir—I have had the honor to receive and lay before the President, your letter of the 26th January, in which you state, that you are "expressly precluded by your instructions from entering upon any negotiation for the adjustment of the differences arising from the encounter of his Britannic majesty's ship the Leopard, and the frigate of the U. States, the Chesapeake, as long as the proclamation of the President of the 2d of July, 1807, shall be in force."
This demand, Sir, might justly suggest the simple answer, that before the proclamation of the President could become a subject of consideration, satisfaction should be made for the acknowledged aggression which preceded it. This is evidently agreeable to the order of time, to the order of reason, and, it may be added, to the order of usage, as maintained by Great-Britain, whenever in analogous cases, she has been the complaining party.
But as you have subjected to the preliminary demand, certain explanations, with a view, doubtless to obviate such an answer, it will best accord with the candor of the President, to meet them with such a review of the whole subject, as will present the solid grounds on which he regards such a demand, as inadmissible.
I begin with the occurrences from which the proclamation of July 2d, recited—These are in general terms referred to, by the instrument itself. A more particular notice of the most important of them, will here be in place.
Passing over then, the habitual, but minor irregularities of his Britannic majesty's ships of war, in making the hospitalities of our ports, subservient to the annoyance of our trade, both outward and inward, a practice not only contrary to the principles of
public law, but expressly contrary to British ordinances enforced during maritime wars, to which she bore a neutral relation, I am constrained, unwelcome as the task is, to call your attention to the following more prominent instances.
In the summer of the year 1804, the British frigate the Cambrian, with other cruisers in company, entered the harbor of New-York. The commander, captain Bradley, in violation of the port laws, relating both to health and revenue, caused a merchant vessel, just arrived, and confessedly within the limits and under the authority of the U. States, to be boarded, by persons under his command, who, after resisting the officers of the port, in the legal exercise of their functions, actually impressed and carried off a number of seamen and passengers into the service of the ships of war. On an appeal to his voluntary respect for the laws, he first failed to give up the offender to justice and finally repelled the officer charged with the regular process for the purpose.
This procedure was not only a flagrant insult to the sovereignty of the nation, but an infraction of its neutrality also, which did not permit a belligerent ship thus to augment its force within the neutral territory. To finish the scene, this commander went so far as to declare, in an official letter, to the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, and by him communicated to this government, that he considered his ship, whilst lying in the harbor of New-York, as having dominion around her, within the distance of her buoys.
All these circumstances were duly made known to the British government in just expectation of honorable reparation. None has ever been offered. Captain Bradley was advanced from his frigate to the command of a ship of the line.
At a subsequent period, several British frigates under the command of Capt. Whitby, of the Leopard, pursuing the practice of vexing the inward and outward trade of our ports, and hovering for that purpose, about the entrance of that of New-York, closed a series of irregularities, with an attempt to arrest a coasting vessel, on board of which an American citizen was killed by a cannon ball which entered the vessel, whilst within less than a mile from the shore.
The blood of a citizen thus murdered, in a trade from one to another port of his own country, and within the sanctuary of its territorial jurisdiction, could not fail to arouse the sensibility of the public, and to make a solemn appeal to the justice of the British government. The case was presented moreover to that government by this, in the account which it required; and with due confidence that the offender would receive the exemplary punishment which he deserved. That there might be no failure of legal proof of a fact sufficiently notorious of itself, unexceptionable witnesses to establish it were sent to Great-Britain at the expence of the U. S.
Capt. Whitby was, notwithstanding honorably acquitted; no animadversion took place on any other officer belonging to the squadron; nor has any apology or explanation been made since the trial was over, as a conciliatory offering to the disappointment of this country at such a result.
A case of another character occurred in the month of Sept 1805. The Impetueux, a French ship of 74 guns, when aground within a few hundred yards of the shore of North-Carolina, and therefore visibly within the territorial jurisdiction and hospitable protection of the United States, was fired upon, boarded and burnt, from three British ships of war, under the command of capt. Douglass. Having completed this outrage on the sovereignty and neutrality of the United States, the British commander felt no scruple in proceeding thence into the waters near Norfolk, nor in the midst of the hospitalities enjoyed by him, to add to what had passed a refusal to discharge from his ships, impressed citizens of the United States not denied to be such, on the plea that the government of the United States had refused to surrender to the demand of Admiral Berkeley, certain seamen alleged to be British deserters; a demand which it is well understood your government disclaims any right to make.
It would be very superfluous to dwell on the features which mark this aggravate. I insist. But I must be permitted to remind you, that in so serious a light was a similar violation of neutral territory, by the destruction of certain French ships on the coast of Portugal, by a British squadron under the command of admiral Boscawen, regarded by the court of Great-Britain, that a minister extraordinary was dispatched for the express purpose of expiating the aggression on the sovereignty of a friendly power.
Lastly presents itself, the attack by the British ship of war, Leopard, on the American frigate Chesapeake; a case too familiar in all its circumstances to need a recital of any part of them. It is sufficient to remark, that the conclusive evidence which this event added to that which had preceded, of the uncontrolled excesses of the British naval commanders, in insulting our sovereignty, & abusing our hospitality, determined the president to extend to all British armed ships, the precaution heretofore applied to a few by name, of interdicting to them the use and privileges of our harbors and waters.
This was done by his proclamation of July 2, 1807, referring to the series of occurrences, ending with the aggression on the frigate Chesapeake; as the considerations requiring it. And if the apprehension from the licentious spirit of the British naval commanders, thus developed and uncontrolled, which led to this measure of precaution, could need other justification than was afforded by what had passed, it would be amply found in the subsequent conduct of the ships under the command of the same capt. Douglass.
This officer, neither admonished by reflections on the crisis produced by the attack on the Chesapeake, nor controlled by respect for the law of nations, or the laws of the land, did not cease within our waters to bring to by firing at vessels pursuing their regular course of trade; and in the same spirit which had displayed itself in the recent outrage committed on the American frigate, he not only indulged himself in hostile threats, and indications of a hostile approach to Norfolk, but actually obstructed our citizens in the ordinary communication between that and neighboring places. His proceedings constituted in fact, a blockade of the port, and as real an invasion of the country, according to the extent of his force, as if troops had been debarked, & the town besieged on the land side.
Was it possible for the Chief Magistrate of a nation, who felt for its rights and its honor, to do less than interpose some measure of precaution, at least against the repetition of enormities which had been so long uncon-
trolled by the government whose officers had committed them, and which had, at last, taken the exorbitant shape of hostility and of insult seen in the attack on the frigate Chesapeake? Candor will pronounce that less costly not be done; and it will as readily admit that the proclamation comprising that measure, could not have breathed a more temperate spirit, nor spoken in a more becoming tone. How far it has received from those whose intrusions it prohibited, the respect due to the national authority, or been made the occasion of new indignities, needs no explanation.
The President having interposed this precautionary interdict, lost no time in instructing the minister plenipotentiary of the United States to represent to the British government the signal aggression which had been committed on their sovereignty and their flag, and to require the satisfaction due for it; indulging the expectation, that his Britannic majesty would at once perceive it to be the truest magnanimity, as well as the strictest justice, to offer that prompt and full expiation of an acknowledged wrong, which would re-establish and improve both in fact and in feeling the state of things which it had violated.
This expectation was considered as not only honorable to the sentiments of his majesty, but was supported by known examples, in which, being the complaining party, he had required and obtained, as a preliminary to any counter complaints whatever, a precise replacement of things, in every practicable circumstance, in their pre-existing situation.
Thus in the year 1764, Bermudians and other British subjects, who had, according to annual custom, taken possession of Turk's island for the season of making salt, having been forcibly removed with their vessels, and effects by a French detachment from the island of St. Domingo, to which Turk's island was alleged to be an appurtenance, the British ambassador at Paris, in pursuance of instructions from his government, demanded, as a satisfaction for the violence committed, that the proceedings should be disavowed, the intention of acquiring Turk's island disclaimed, orders given for the immediate abandonment of it on the part of the French, every thing restored to the condition in which it was at the time of the aggression, and reparation made of the damages which any British subjects should be found to have sustained, according to an estimation to be settled between the governors of St. Domingo and Jamaica. A compliance with the whole or its demand was the result.
Again—in the year 1789, certain English merchants having opened a trade at Nootka Sound, on the north west coast of America, and attempted a settlement at that place, the Spaniards, who had long claimed that part of the world as their exclusive property, dispatched a frigate from Mexico, which captured the two English vessels engaged in the trade, and broke up the settlement on the coast. The Spanish government was the first to complain, in this case, of the intrusions committed by the British merchants. The British government, however, demanded that the vessels taken by the Spanish frigate should be restored, and adequate satisfaction granted, previous to any other discussion.
This demand prevailed; the Spanish government agreeing to make full restoration of the captured vessels, and to indemnify the parties interested in them for the losses sustained. They restored also the buildings & tracts of land, of which the British subjects had been dispossessed. The British, however, soon gave a proof of the little value they set, on the possession, by a voluntary dereliction, under which it has since remained.
The case which will be noted last, though of a date prior to the case of Nootka Sound, is that of Falkland's Islands. These islands lie about one hundred leagues eastward of the straits of Magellan. The title to them had been a subject of controversy among several of the maritime nations of Europe—From the position of the islands and other circumstances, the pretension of Spain bore an advantageous comparison with those of her competitors. In the year 1770, the British took possession of Port Egmont in one of the islands, the Spaniards being at the time in possession of another part, and protesting against a settlement by the British. The protest being without effect, ships and troops were sent from Buenos Ayres by the governor of that place, which forcibly dispossessed and drove off the British settlers.
The British government looking entirely to the dispossession by force, demanded as a specific condition of preserving harmony between the two courts, not only the disavowal of the Spanish proceedings, but that the affairs of that settlement should be immediately restored to the precise state in which they were previous to the act of dispossession. The Spanish government made some difficulties; requiring particularly a disavowal, on the part of G. Britain, of the conduct of her officer at Falkland's islands; which, it was alleged, gave occasion to the steps taken by the Spanish governor;—and proposing an adjustment by mutual stipulation in the ordinary form.
The reply was, that the moderation of his Britannic majesty having limited his demand to the smallest reparation he could accept for the injury done, nothing was left for discussion but the mode of carrying the disavowal and restitution in execution;—reparation losing its value if it be conditional, and to be obtained by any stipulation whatever from the party injured.
The Spanish government yielded. The violent proceedings of its officers were disavowed. The fort, the port, and every thing else were agreed to be immediately restored to the precise situation which had been disturbed; and duplicates of orders issued for the purpose to the Spanish officers, were delivered into the hands of one of the British principal secretaries of state. Here again it is to be remarked, that satisfaction having been made for the forcible dispossession, the islands lost their importance in the eyes of the British government, were in a short time evacuated, and port Egmont remains with every other part of them in the hands of Spain.
Could stronger pledges have been given than are here found, that an honorable and instant reparation would be made in a case differing no other wise from those recited, than as it furnished to the same monarch of a great nation, an opportunity to prove, that adhering always to the same immutable principle, he was as ready to do right to others, as to request it for himself?
Returning to the instructions given to the minister plenipotentiary of the U. States at London, I am to observe that the President thought it just and expedient to insert as a necessary ingredient in the adjustment of the outrage committed on the American fri-
gate, a security against the future practice of the British naval commanders, in impressing from merchant vessels of the U. States, on the high seas, such of their crews as they might undertake to denominate British subjects.
To this association of the two subjects, the President was determined, 1st, by his regarding both as resting on kindred principles; the immunity of private ships, with the known exceptions made by the laws of nations, being as well established as that of public ships; and there being no pretext for including in these exceptions the impressment (if it could be freed from its enormous and notorious abuses) of the subjects of a belligerent by the officers of that belligerent. The rights of a belligerent against the ships of a neutral nation, accrue merely from the relation of the neutral to the other belligerent, as in conveying to him contraband of war, or in supplying a blockaded port.
The claim of a belligerent to search for and seize on board neutral vessels on the high seas, persons under his allegiance, does not therefore rest on any belligerent right under the law of nations, but on a prerogative derived from municipal law; and involves the extravagant supposition, that one nation has a right to execute at all times and in all cases, its municipal laws and regulations, on board the ships of another nation, not being within its territorial limits.
The President was led to the same determination, 2dly, by his desire of converting a particular incident into an occasion for removing another and more extensive source of danger to the harmony of the two countries; and 3dly, by his persuasion, that the liberality of the propositions authorized with this view, would not fail to induce the ready concurrence of his Britannic majesty; and that the more extensive source of irritation and perplexity being removed, a satisfactory adjustment of the particular incident would be the less difficult. The President still thinks that such would have been the tendency of the mode for which he had provided; and he cannot, therefore, but regret that the door was shut against the experiment, by the peremptory refusal of Mr. Canning to admit it into discussion, even in the most informal manner, as was suggested by Mr. Monroe.
The President felt the greater regret, as the step he had taken towards a more enlarged and lasting accommodation, became thus a bar to the adjustment of the particular and recent aggression which had been committed against the United States. He found, however, an alleviation in the significant purpose of his Britannic majesty, to charge with this adjustment a special mission to the United States which, restricted as it was, seemed to indicate a disposition from which a liberal and conciliatory arrangement of one great object at least might be confidently expected.
In this confidence, your arrival was awaited with every friendly solicitude; and our first interview having opened the way by an acquiescence in the separation of the two cases insisted on by his Britannic majesty, notwithstanding the strong grounds on which they had been united by the President, it was not to be doubted that a tender of the satisfaction claimed by the United States for a distinguished and acknowledged insult by one of his officers, would immediately follow.
It was not, therefore, without a very painful surprise, that the error of this expectation was discovered. Instead of the satisfaction due from the original aggressor, it was announced that the first step towards the adjustment must proceed from the party injured; and your letter now before me, formally repeats, that as long as the proclamation of the President, which issued on the 2d July, 1807, shall be in force, it will be an insuperable obstacle to a negotiation, even on the subject of the aggression which preceded it; in other words, that the proclamation must be put out of force, before an adjustment of the aggression can be taken into discussion.
In explaining the grounds of this extraordinary demand, it is alleged to be supported by the consideration that the proceeding and pretension of the offending officer has been disavowed: that general assurances are given of a disposition and intention in his Britannic majesty to make satisfaction; that a special minister was dispatched with promptitude for the purpose of carrying into effect this disposition; and that you have a personal conviction that the particular terms, which you are not at liberty previously to disclose, will be deemed by the United States satisfactory.
With respect to the disavowal it would be unjust not to regard it as a proof of candor and amity towards the United States and as some presage of the voluntary reparation which it implied to be due. But the disavowal can be the less confounded with the reparation itself; since it was sufficiently required by the respect which Great Britain owed to her own honor; it being impossible that an enlightened government, had hostility been meditated, would have commenced it in such a manner, and in the midst of existing professions of peace and friendship. She owed it also to consistency with the disavowal on a former occasion in which the pretension had been enforced by a British squadron against the sloop of war Baltimore, belonging to the U. S.; and finally to the interest which G. Britain has, more than any other nation, in disclaiming a principle which would expose her superior number of ships of war, to so many indignities from inferior nations.
As little can the general assurances that reparation would be made, claim a return which could properly follow the actual reparation only. They cannot amount to more than a disposition, or at most a promise to do what the aggressor may deem a fulfilment of his obligation. They do not prove even a disposition to do what may be satisfactory to the injured party, who cannot have less than an equal right to decide on the sufficiency of the redress.
In dispatching a special minister for the purpose of adjusting the difference, the U. States ought cheerfully to acknowledge all the proof it affords on the part of his Britannic majesty of his pacific views towards them, and of his respect for their friendship. But whilst they could not, under any circumstances, allow to the measure more than a certain participation in an honorable reparation, it is to be recollected that the avowed and primary object of the mission was to substitute for the more extended adjustment proposed by the U. States at London, a separation of the subjects as preferred by his Britannic majesty, and you well know, sir, how fully this object was accomplished.
With respect to the personal conviction which you have expressed, that the terms which you decline to disclose would be satisfactory to the U. States, it is incumbent on me to observe that with the highest res-
pect for your judgment and the most perfect confidence in your sincerity, an insuperable objection manifestly lies, to the acceptance of a personal and unexplained opinion, in place of a disclosure which would enable this government to exercise its own judgment in a case affecting so essentially its honor and its rights. Such a course of proceeding would be without example; and there can be no hazard in saying that one will never be afforded by a government which respects itself as much as yours justly does; and therefore can never be reasonably expected from one which respects itself as much as this has a right to do.
I forbear, sir, to enlarge on the intrinsic incongruity of the expedient proposed. But I must be allowed to remark, as an additional admonition of the singular and mortifying perplexity in which a compliance might involve the President, that there are in the letter of Mr. Canning, communicating to Mr. Monroe the special mission to the U. S. pregnant indications that other questions and conditions may have been contemplated which would be found utterly irreconcilable with the sentiments of this nation.
If neither any nor all of these considerations can sustain the preliminary demand made in your communication, it remains to be seen whether such a demand rests with greater advantage on the more precise ground on which you finally seem to place it.
The proclamation is considered as a hostile measure, & a discontinuance of it as due to the discontinuance of the aggression which led to it.
It has been sufficiently shown that the proclamation, as appears on the face of it, was produced by a train of occurrences terminating in the attack on the American frigate, and not by this last alone. To a demand therefore that the proclamation be revoked, it would be perfectly fair to oppose a demand that redress be first given for the numerous irregularities which preceded the aggression on the American frigate, as well as for this particular aggression, and that effectual control be interposed against repetitions of them. And as no such redress has been given for the past, notwithstanding the lapse of time which has taken place, nor any such security for the future, notwithstanding the undiminished reasonableness of it, it follows, that a continuance of the proclamation would be consistent with an entire discontinuance of one only of the occurrences from which it proceeded.
But it is not necessary to avail the argument of this view of the case, although of itself entirely conclusive. Had the proclamation been founded on the single aggression committed on the Chesapeake, and were it admitted that the discontinuance of that aggression merely, gave a claim to the discontinuance of the proclamation, the claim would be defeated by the incontestible fact, that that aggression has not been discontinued. It has never ceased to exist; and it is in existence at this moment. Need I remind you, sir, that the seizure and asportation of the seamen belonging to the crew of the Chesapeake, entered into the very essence of that aggression, that with an exception of the victim to a trial forbidden by the most solemn considerations, and greatly aggravating the guilt of its author, the seamen in question are still retained, and consequently that the aggression, if in no other respect, is by that act alone continued and in force.
If the views which have been taken of the subject have the justness which they claim, they will have shown that on no ground whatever can an annulment of the proclamation of July 2d, be reasonably required, as a preliminary to the negotiation with which you are charged. On the contrary, it clearly results, from a recurrence to the causes and object of the proclamation, that, as was at first intimated, the strongest sanctions of G. Britain herself, would support the demand, that previous to a discussion of the proclamation, due satisfaction should be made to the United States; that this satisfaction ought to extend to all the wrongs which preceded and produced that act; and that even limiting the merits of the question to the single relation of the proclamation to the wrong committed in the attack on the American frigate, and deciding the question on the principle that a discontinuance of the latter required a right a discontinuance of the former, nothing appears that does not leave such a preliminary destitute of every foundation which could be assumed for it.
With a right to draw this conclusion, the President might have instructed me to close this communication, with the reply stated in the beginning of it; and perhaps in taking this course, he would only have consulted a sensibility to which most governments would, in such a case, have yielded. But adhering to the moderation by which he has been invariably guided, and anxious to rescue the two nations from the circumstances, under which an abortive issue to your mission, necessarily places them, he has authorised me, in the event of your disclosing the terms of reparation which you believe will be satisfactory, and on its appearing that they are so, to consider this evidence of the justice of his Britannic majesty as a pledge for an effectual interposition with respect to all the abuses against a recurrence of which the Proclamation was meant to provide, and to proceed to concert with you, a revocation of that act, bearing the same date with the act of reparation to which the United States are entitled.
I am not unaware, sir, that according to the view which you appear to have taken of your instructions, such a course of proceeding has not been contemplated by them. It is possible nevertheless, that a re-examination, in the spirit in which I am well persuaded it will be made, may discover them to be not inflexible to a proposition, in so high a degree, liberal and conciliatory. In every event the President will have manifested his willingness to meet your government on a ground of accommodation, which spares to its feelings, however misapprehended he may deem them, every concession not essentially due to those which must be equally respected; and consequently will have demonstrated that the very ineligible posture given to so important a subject in the relations of the two countries, by the unsuccessful termination, of your mission, can be referred to no other source, than the rigorous restrictions under which it was to be executed.
I make no apology, sir, for the long interval between the date of your letter and that under which I write. It is rendered unnecessary by your knowledge of the circumstances to which the delay is to be ascribed.
With high consideration and respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
(Signed) JAMES MADISON. George H. Rose, Esq. His Britannic majesty's minister, &c.
(To be continued.)

NEW-ORLEANS, February 27. Gen. Moreau had called this morning upon Mr. Bradford, in order to return him his best thanks for his politeness, in not inserting in his paper, an article respecting the general, which appeared in one of the Charleston papers, without previously communicating the said article to the general; but upon the perusal of said paragraph, Gen. Moreau finds it so absurd, that he wishes Mr. Bradford to insert it in his paper—mentioning only it by his peculiar desire, which he considers as the only suitable answer. [This notice was produced, in consequence of an article which appeared in Lang's paper of the 21st January, relative to the intercepted dispatches, in which Gen. Moreau was said to be concerned in a plot against the United States.]
March 4. Gen. Moreau and Gov. Folch, sat out yesterday for Pensacola, from whence Gen. Moreau will proceed thro' the country of the Creek Indians, to Charleston S. Carolina.
It is with deep regret we record the death of John Ward Gurney, esq. late Attorney General of this Territory, who fell in a duel with Philip L. Jones, esq. yesterday afternoon. He was shot dead the first fire, and Mr. Jones received a flesh wound in his leg. His death is sincerely regretted by numerous and respectable acquaintance and friends.
The Military court of inquiry in the case of General Wilkinson met again on Tuesday last, when the depositions of Governor Wright and of James L. Donaldson, Esq. were taken.
PHILADELPHIA, March 29. The Rochefort squadron, it appears, has gone up the Mediterranean, being spoken with off the island of Formentera, near Ivice, this is the direct track for Toulon, and probably the squadron may be destined for that port to join the squadron of eleven sail of the line en route to that port. We should hardly suppose, however, that this squadron would pass Carthagena, without taking up the squadron of seven Spanish sail of the line there—for Formentera is near 140 miles N. E. of Carthagena, and about 400 miles S. W. of Toulon.—Aurora.
ADAMS vs. PICKERING. The following is an extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, to his friend in Boston: "That Rose will go away without effecting any thing—that the object of his mission was only delay—that notwithstanding the British orders of November last were determined on before he left England, yet he had nothing to say on that subject—that the treaty returned by President Jefferson would, if ratified, have destroyed our commerce, and our independence as a nation—that the conduct of our government had been truly impartial, and perfectly correct and upright towards the European powers, and unindulgent by either—that under existing circumstances with both nations, nothing but an Embargo could preserve us from war; the little finger of which would be more heavily felt than the joints of an Embargo. That the stories of Bonaparte's having told General Armstrong 'we must take one side or the other' were without foundation—That of upwards 40 members of Congress who were originally opposed to the embargo, that minority is now reduced nearly to one half of its former number whose violence increases as their number diminishes; consequently the late Duel. That all the French decrees, we know of existing against neutral commerce, may with propriety be said to be retaliating for those issued by the English, who were the first aggressors, in 1792."
SALEM, March 29. Capt. B. Fletcher, of the brig Swallow, who arrived at Beverly, the 17th inst. from Leghorn, on the 30th January in lat. 28, N. long. 1, E. off the island of Formentera, fell in with a French squadron of 5 line of battle ships, 1 frigate and a brig; the boat of the frigate boarded him and carried him alongside the Admiral's ship where he was detained two hours; they examined him and his crew very critically to discover if he had been boarded by any English ship—if he had, they said he should not be released; the officer in command capt. B. they had a little before released an American ship which they had kept with them three days; that they were from Rochelle, but did not mention their destination. He said if capt. B. should speak an English ship, and they knew he had been boarded by a French ship, they would carry him in.—[Not so, Moniteur.]
On Monday last, in the House of Representatives of the United States, Col. Monroe's vindictory letter was read by Mr. Randolph; who is considered the warm advocate of Mr. M. M. R. could not help betraying by his manner, and by the peculiar emphasis with which he read certain parts of the letter, the great interest which he felt, under the impression, no doubt, that the observations it contained should be a skewer in some vital part of the administration. This letter makes 60 pages of close written M S on letter paper.—Date. Paper.
EUROPE. NEW-YORK, March 29. By the fast sailing ship Oliver Ellsworth, which arrived at this port on Saturday evening from Liverpool, the Editor of the MERCANTILE ADVERTISER has completed his files of London papers to the 22d February, inclusive, Liverpool papers to the 24th, and Lloyd's Lists and Prices Current to the 10th. The papers are principally occupied with the debates in the Imperial Parliament of G. B. on the late Orders of Council against neutral commerce; the expedition to Copenhagen; the proposed mediation of Austria between England and France; the negotiation with Portugal; the expedition to the Dardanelles; and the improper use which his Majesty has made of the Droids of Admiralty, by granting the sum of 20,000. sterling to several of his profligate children, at a time when the pressure of the public burthens became almost intolerable to the great mass of the nation. For the late orders of council the ministry have had recourse to a bill of indemnity.—In the House of Peers, when the subject of these orders was under consideration, Lord Erskine (the late Chancellor) observed that they must lead to the most calamitous consequences. America, it was generally acknowledged, was the main source of British commercial prosperity, and these measures would inevitably dry it up, and compel the people of the U. States to turn their thoughts
to navy and manufactures, contrary to the advice of the great and good Washington, and thereby fix permanently their attention on what may ultimately ruin England. On a motion in the same House for an "Address to his majesty praying for the production of official information touching the execution of the French decree of blockade previous to the 11th November" the ministry were left in a minority of 9.
A bill was before Parliament at our last dates, for "more effectually carrying into execution certain orders in council made for the protection of the trade and navigation of Great Britain, and granting duties of customs, on certain goods exported from G. Britain;" and a meeting had been called, by twenty-two of the most respectable houses in Liverpool to petition parliament against its passing into a law until the objectionable parts of it should be expunged or modified. Among other articles of taxation the bill proposes an export duty of 2s. 6d. sterling per bushel on Salt, which is considered as a staple branch of the export trade of Liverpool. This port it is computed, carries on three-fourths of the trade between the United States and Great Britain; and some idea of its importance may be collected from the fact that the annual export of British manufacturers to the U. States exceeds ten millions sterling, and the demand constantly and rapidly increasing. In the port of Liverpool alone, during the year 1807, entered 459 American vessels, averaging 232 tons, and paying a tonnage duty of 36,968l. In addition to which, the amount paid in dock duties, port charges, and disbursements among the tradesmen of Liverpool, is estimated at 149,300l. exclusive of any charge or expense on the cargoes.
From London papers to February 22d, received at the Office of the Mercantile Advertiser. LONDON, February 19. Letters from St. Petersburg of so late a date as the 22d ult. having arrived by the mails. But little respecting the state of public opinion in Russia can be collected from them, or they are written under evident constraint. They inform us, however, that General Suvorow's influence over the mind of the Empress Alexander continued unabated.
An order was issued that no letters from this country to any part of the Continent should be allowed to pass through Russia. Those letters only which are addressed to the inhabitants of the Russian Empire, are to be forwarded through any Russian post-office. So vigorously has Bonaparte persisted in cutting off all communication with England, that not a single letter was suffered to be brought over by the Flag of Truce vessel which returned from Calais on Monday. The strictest examination is now entered into of passengers who entered Ireland by the packets at Dublin, Donaghadee, Milford, and Newry; and no foreigner of whatever nation, Americans excepted, are allowed to remain in that Country, unless it clearly appears, they are properly employed, or have regular business that calls them to that part of the United Kingdom. An application is said to have been made by Ministers to the Court of Directors of the East India Company, to furnish annually 20,000 tons of hemp for the use of the navy. A large quantity of hemp is growing in India; but it is supposed to be of rather an inferior quality, from its being cultivated on the poorest soil. There is a general disposition among the principal agriculturists of Ireland to grow Hemp, but they are unfortunately retarded in this national object from the want of seed, it having been found impossible to procure more throughout the British dominions than is requisite to sow 300 acres.
February 19. The Gotterburg Mail due on Wednesday last, brings the following important intelligence: "Gotterburg Feb. 12.—The Stockholm post of to-day brings the important intelligence that Russia has declared war against Sweden, and some accounts state that the Russians have already entered Swedish Finland.—Both M. Alpeus, the Russian Minister, and Count Meolke, the Danish Minister, are about to leave Stockholm. The Officers and Staff of the Swedish army, in Finland had received orders to join with all possible expedition. "Copenhagen Jan. 28.—According to a notification published by the Regency of Norway, by order of the highest authority, the late Ordinance relative to foreign privateers is not to be in force when the prize is English. The principle laid down, free ships make free goods, is to be observed with respect to all neutral ships and those of friendly Powers which may put into the ports of Norway, and the cargo shall not be opened or broken into, but if an English cargo be found in a free ship whether discharged or transhipped, or a ship so laden be stranded, it shall with its cargo be treated as enemy's property." Feb. 6.—By an Estafette arrived this morning, intelligence has been received that Money has entered Spain, and is marching to Tulesa; that an immense number of cloisters and convents are to be secularised in Portugal, and that France intends to purchase quantities of Russian commodities in the course of this year. (Copenhagen Gaz.)
February 20. The Russian troops, it is said, have actually passed the Swedish frontier; and on the part of Sweden the utmost activity prevails in that province. All officers are ordered to join their corps without delay. The number of troops already collected we have heard estimated at 14,000 men; a number capable of maintaining a very formidable defence, aided by the natural strength of the country. In a short time we may expect interesting intelligence from the North; for as the season is rapidly ameliorating, operations will in all probability speedily take place. A former report is again set afloat in Russia, that Bonaparte has demanded the hand of the Emperor's sister. Alexander, it is said, wavers between dread and disgrace. Eager as our enemy has ever evinced himself to consolidate and establish his self-acquired power, by entwining it with the interest of others, we by no means regard this report as totally undeserving of credit. Murmurs prevail in St. Petersburg amongst the merchants. To remedy part of the inconvenience under which they labour from the interruption of trade, France means to purchase largely of Russian goods. The English merchants in St. Petersburg entertain considerable alarm, lest in the end they should lose their liberty. Ministers, we understand, intend to muster all their forces in the House of Lords, on a motion for rescinding the resolution passed on Thursday night contrary to their wishes. The grounds on which they mean to justify this proceeding is, the non-existence of that information which they have asserted, in the preamble to the Orders of Council, to be in possession of them; and which the vote of their Lordships call upon them to produce. The unfortunate King of Prussia has at length made one step towards his capital. He has transferred his residence from Memel, where he had taken up his abode since the peace of Tilsit, to Konigsberg. Proceeding at this rate, it will be some time before he reaches Berlin.
February 22. A report has been in circulation since Saturday, that Mr. Canning, disgusted with his colleagues, & indignant at the insults he has received, means to take ample vengeance for his wrongs by immediately resigning. Strong hopes, however, are still entertained, that this catastrophe, so pregnant with national mischief, may be averted; and that the wrath of our Secretary, like a storm in Spring, will, after an evanescent bluster, give place to sunshine and tranquility. For our
own part, we have no hesitation to confess that such is our decided opinion, for although we have no doubt that Mr. Canning would have great satisfaction in mortifying or injuring his colleagues, even to the violence of every patriotic feeling, we are well convinced that he is by no means inclined to quarrel with his bread and butter. And the latter, we are enabled to assure our readers, would, as affairs are at present situated, be the inevitable consequence of the former. We believe that we may announce, as the first fruits of the happy alteration that has taken place in the internal economy of the cabinet, the speedy sailing of a grand armament for the purpose of more effectually enforcing the regulations of the orders of council by a strict blockade of the Atlantic ocean; and a formidable military mission to the West Indies, to subdue and convert some of the more remote tribes in the northern extremity of America. We are sorry to announce the death of General Lord Lake.
HANOVER, Jan. 8. By order of the French government, the intendant officer gave notice in the course of last month of a forced loan of 9,000,000 francs—which, in case of non-payment, is to be levied by the most rigorous means of execution. VIENNA, Jan. 12. The Archipelago is now full of English ships, which threaten Smyrna, and blockade all the Turkish ports. TRISTE, Jan. 4. Several French privateers are now cruising off this port, who take all ships bound hither from Sicily and Malta, and carry them into Italian ports. VENEZ, Jan. 7. On account of the considerable orders for olive oil, which have been received from Germany and the north of Europe, the said article is now conveyed from the kingdom of Naples by land to Ancona, and from thence in oil casks to this place and Trieste, from whence it is further dispatched.
According to letters from Lisbon, the quantity of Brazil cotton amounted in that place, on the arrival of the French, to 25,000 bags, which are now exported to France.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, APRIL 5, 1808. "Our anxiety to lay before our readers as large a portion of the documents as possible and the late foreign news, has induced us to exclude the usual quota of original matter. Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Rose, is among the ablest State Papers, that have ever been published. With what triumphant ability does he recal the miserable cruelties of the B. Government, and the still more contemptible sophisms of its imbecile Minister! Mr. M. could not have wished a better foil than Mr. Rose.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated March 30th, 1808. "The committee nominated by the general caucus, held a meeting last evening—They appointed four of their number to wait on Messrs. Madison and Clinton, for the purpose of knowing whether, if elected, they would serve in the stations for which they would have been nominated—I do not know the precise words in which either Mr. Madison or Clinton answered—Mr. Madison will serve if elected—Mr. Clinton, I am told, made in substance, the following declaration:—"That he had never sought public employment, nor had he ever refused to obey the call of his country—that whenever the voice of his country should be constitutionally expressed, he would obey it, and serve in any station to which he might be called"—We may therefore consider that he will serve either as President or Vice-President, and leave the decision to the voice of the people. "Recent accounts from Pennsylvania, render it probable, that all parties there will unite in supporting Mr. Madison as President."
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE. Henrico—Gervas Storrs, Nathaniel Selden (This election was held in this city yesterday. Neither of the gentlemen elected was in the last Legislature.)
(Note to Mr. Duane's Letter, re-published from the Argus.) ADDITIONAL. —The publication of a paper, called a prospect against caucusing , by a caucus of seventeen members of Congress, has completely drawn the line, and made the question of president, a question whether the public of America would approve of or condemn the measures of the present administration. So it has the impression which the volumes of that publication made on the members of the convention of this state at Lancaster. Engagements in attending courts of Law, have hitherto prevented us from attending to that publication in particular, and to many others—but there is ample time between this and October. Aurora.
DIED —On Friday the 4th March, 1808, MR. SAMUEL M. COOKE, of Gloucester County, aged 22 years, a young man of amiable qualities, beloved by every friend to growing virtue—In him we have lost a promising youth, an affectionate friend, and a zealous Republican. How soon the brightest prospects fade, And vanish in an hour— Fruit, transient, as a fleeting shade, Or as a drooping flower. So Cooke, the much lov'd gen'rous youth, Has fled our earthly sphere— Affection mourns the friend of TRUTH, And sheds the pearly tear. FRIENDSHIP and LOVE full oft shall weep, And mourn his early doom, And where his peaceful relics sleep, Unfaded flowers shall bloom.
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, March 30. Last night arrived the ship Baltic, Delano, from Liverpool, which port she left the 22d of February, and on the 27th, in lat. 49, 11, long. 17, 20, was boarded by a French lugger, who examined her papers, but permitted the Baltic to proceed, as her cargo was of no value to them. They informed captain D. they had captured the Mars, of New-York, they had captured the London; and the Mars, from Savannah for and for Philadelphia, and had sent them for a French port. On the 18th of March, in lat. 42, 12, long. 56, 24, captain D. spoke the ship Pocahontas, Norris from Liverpool, for Boston, which had been captured on the first of March, by two French frigates (the Herminie or Ortance) from Martinique, on their way home; they having a few hours before captured the Brutus, of Dunbury, from Liverpool, for Boston, and after stripping her of sails, &c. set her on fire. The frigates
permitted the Pocahontas to proceed, after discharging the crates between decks into the sea; upon condition that captain Norris would take on board (without any supply of provisions,) the officers and crews of the ships Eliza, William and Brutus. The Eliza, Dunbar, New-York, from Liverpool, for Charleston, was captured on the 17th of February, and set on fire, allowing the crew only time to get their clothes. The William, Rockwell, of New-York, from Liverpool for Savannah, was captured on the 29th of Feb. and after stripping her of her provisions, bales and some crates, set her on fire. The Pocahontas was short of Provisions and had been on short allowance from their leaving the frigates. Captain Delano, relieved them by taking on board his ship captains Dunbar and Rockwell with part of their officers and crews, who arrived in the Baltic. The frigates had captured 2 British and 1 Portuguese vessel which they burnt.—M. Ad.
The ship Ceres, Green arrived at this port late last evening in 34 days from Bordeaux, and has brought Paris papers to the 20th of February, but they do not contain any news of importance. We are informed by a gentleman passenger, who left Paris on the 13th of February, that Mr. Armstrong was officially advised of our embargo after the 10th of the same month that it was the opinion in France, that America could not remain in a neutral situation much longer; and that it was reported in Paris and Bordeaux, that the Toulon and Rochefort squadron, consisting of 17 sail of the line had formed a junction, and put to sea. (1b.)
GEORGETOWN, April 2. IMPORTANT. Among the documents accompanying the confidential message of the president of Wednesday last was a letter from Champagny to gen. Armstrong, which, should the people of this country be ever favored with a knowledge of its contents, will excite at once their astonishment and indignation. He here declares, that both the duty and interest of this country require that we should join France and her allies, or rather subject nations, in the system which they have adopted against Great Britain—that if we do adopt this course of conduct, the property seized under the decree of Milan will be restored—but that, if blind to interest & duty, the government refuse to unite in this policy, that decree will be rigorously enforced, and the property already seized, condemned. This we state as a fact. (The above is from a Federal paper)
The case of JOHN SMITH yesterday came on in the SENATE. It will probably occupy a number of days.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, March 30. The House went into a committee on the report of the select committee to whom was recommitted the bill for raising an additional force. The amendment reported by the select committee was, after a few objections by Mr. Rhea, agreed to, Ayes 66. The bill being now open to amendment. Mr. Rowan moved to amend the bill by striking out that part relating to cavalry.—This motion was supported by himself, and opposed by Messrs. Tallmadge, Smilie, Durrell, and Findley. A message was at this moment received from the President of the U. States. Mr. Gardner said that possibly the message might throw some light on the subject now before the committee. He therefore moved that the committee rise. The committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again. The Speaker having opened the President's message, declared it to be of a confidential nature. The galleries were cleared, and the doors remained closed till a few minutes past four, when the House immediately adjourned, the injunction of secrecy not having been taken off.
THURSDAY, March 31. On this day the resolution for an enquiry into the conduct of Harry Innes was taken up and passed. The bill for raising an additional military force was ordered to a third reading to-day. After which. Mr. Randolph said, that according to the rules of the House, though the business was not to be sure very important, yet he had a report to make, which required that the galleries be cleared. They were cleared accordingly, and so remained until four o'clock, when the House immediately adjourned. Rumor says, that Mr. Canning, the prime Secretary of England, has resigned. If Mr. C. has resigned, a general change may be expected in the political concerns of Europe. Oracle.
The Legislature of Nova-Scotia, at their late session, passed a vote, appropriating 100l. to purchase a sword or piece of plate, to be presented, in behalf of the province, to Admiral BERKELEY. Gov. Wentworth returned the vote to the Legislature with the following Message: "Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, "Having fully considered the Vote communicated to me, for granting one hundred pounds to Vice-Admiral Berkeley, for a Sword or Piece of Plate; it appears to be objectionable in so many respects, that I feel it my duty to decline giving my assent to it. J. WENTWORTH." Government House, 28th Jan.
Gov. Wentworth has offered 1 guinea to masters of vessels for each British seaman they may bring, and 40 per day for each while on board the vessel. British vessels at Halifax now find ready freights; 5 or 6 sail every week for the W. Indies.
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD. —Runaway from the subscriber, living in New-Kent county, on 6th March last, a Negro Man named GIBSON, about five feet 9 or 10 inches high, sallow complexion, he lips a little in his speech, has rather a pleasing countenance, and had on when he went off dark Virginia Cloth clothing, he is 22 or 23 years old and very likely. It is probable that he has gone up James River in some of the boats, and may be lurking about Cumberland or Goochland, where he has some acquaintances, and I believe some relations at Mr. Thomas Wilkinson's in Cumberland. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in New-Kent or to Mr. Joshua Crump living in Richmond, and ten dollars to secure him in any jail so that I get him again. New-Kent, April 5. JOHN F. CRUMP. [epu]
SALES AT AUCTION. THIS DAY at 4 o'clock, at my Auction Store, (to close a Consignment) will positively be sold, without reserve, 12 Bgs. COFFEE, 3 Barrels and 1 hhd. SUGAR. M. M. MYERS. April 5.
NOTICE. —The subscribers have formed a connection in Business under the firm of HOVEY & SIZER, offer for sale (the store lately occupied by Mr. C. J. Macmurdo) the following articles, viz: 50 hds. N. E. Rum, 25 hds. Loaf and Lump Sugar, 12 bags of Pepper, 2 ton of B. Lead, 10 boxes Cotton and Wool Cards, 25 boxes Candles, 15 boxes New-York Chocolate, 25 trunks of Shoes assorted, 50 tierces Stone Lime. HENRY HOVEY, JAMES SIZER. [epw]
April 5. All persons who are indebted to the subscriber are requested to make immediate payment—No further indulgence will be given to those whose bonds and accounts have been due 6 months. HENRY HOVEY.
RAN-AWAY, on Wednesday last, from the subscriber residing in the City of Richmond, a negro boy named BILLY, about twelve or thirteen years of age, remarkably black, with short knotty hair, and a sensible countenance—He is noted for smiling when spoken to—When he went a way, he had on a brown drab Jacket, the sleeves of which were ragged, Pantalettes of the same, patched in several places with light grey cloth, and an India cotton shirt; but, was barefooted, and without a hat—He has relations at Shirley in Charles City county, and may perhaps have gone to that place; or he may have gone into Chesterfield, or farther south, as a Gentleman says he believes he saw him, on Thursday last, following a waggon on the Manchester Turnpike Road—Any person who will deliver him to the subscriber, if he apprehends him in this City, shall receive a reward of five dollars; and, elsewhere, of ten dollars, and reasonable expenses paid. There is reason to believe that he stole, and has either sold, thrown away, or carried with him, the following valuable articles, viz; a large miniature picture set in gold, with hair in the back; and pin; the gold a little dented by a file; being the likeness of a young lady, dressed in white, of fair complexion, black eyes, and light curling hair, parted on the forehead, and howls on the shoulders; with red and white beads round the neck; a small miniature picture (set in gold with a pin) of a young Lady, with black hair and eyes, and a beautiful face; the frame in the shape of an Octagon, and bent a little on the side, in consequence of having been trodden upon; also a small gold breast pin, intended for hair, which was never put in, but black silk in its stead.—Whoever will bring either of the said articles to the subscriber shall receive a liberal reward. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, April 5. [tf]
ONE CENT REWARD. —Ran-away 12th ult. from the subscriber, an apprentice boy, the name of LEMUEL HAMLETT, about 18 years of age, stout made, surly look, dark bushy head of hair, thick eye brows, rather inclined to be lazy. It is expected that he will endeavor to make out of the state—by this, I forward all persons from harboring or employing the said apprentice, as I am resolved to put the law in force against such offender. Since his escape, I understand that he has undertaken to work with some person in Halifax county, as his trade, which is the house joiners business, if so, I shall thank that gentleman to discharge him or abide by the consequence, as he has yet about eleven months to serve me. ARMSTRAD MILLER. Prince Edward, April 5. [2]
MILLINARY. —Mrs. Davidson has just received a case of handsome spring BONNETS, with sundry other articles in the fancy line. Richmond, April 5. [epf]
A LIBERAL price will be given for an unexceptionable MALE COOK—One of a middle age would be preferred—Enquire of Prosser and Moncure. April 5. (cpf)
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to us by Elisha Estes of the county of Amherst, for the purpose of securing a debt therein particularly mentioned, we will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Estes, on Thursday the twenty-eighth instant, a tract or parcel of LAND, lying or being in the aforesaid county of LAND, lying or being in the head waters of Rucker's-run, and containing by survey 573 acres, and adjoining the lands of Abraham Warwick, Thomas Statham, William Breedlove and others, it being the same land whereon the said Elisha Estes now lives.—Although we believe the title to this land indisputable, we will only convey the title vested in us as trustees, and against the claim of any claiming under us. RO. MOORE, JAMES VICERS, JR. } Trustees. Warminster, April 5. (cp3w)
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed by George Loving to me, and recorded in the county court of Amherst, for the purposes therein expressed, I will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the dwelling house of said Loving, on Thursday the 5th day of May next, two male NEGROES, to wit: Harry and Guy, and one Negro Woman named Silvy, or so many of them, as may be sufficient to pay the aforesaid debt and interest, and the necessary expenses attending the execution of this trust. I only warrant the title to those negroes against myself and those claiming under me. RICHARD POWELL. Warminster, April 5. (cp4w)
SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz: 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotton Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, Ladies silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Sarcenet, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequies, linen & cotton Cambric hks. white & Black French hks, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wilshire, Bennet's patent Cord, Casimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. ep2m.
FOR SALE. —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber, by Richard H. Armstrong, to secure the payment of a debt due to Richard Gambill, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the thirtieth day of April next, before the door of Thomas Willis, in the town of Milton, one half acre LOT with its improvements, in said town, No. 28, being the same Lot sold by said Gambill to said Armstrong, as per deed of record in the county court of Albemarle. Acting as trustee for others, will only convey the title vested in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Milton, April 5, 1808. (co3w.)

(Continued from first page.) medium of a special mission, a solemnity which the extraordinary nature of the aggression particularly required. I observed that as the aggression and the principle on which it was founded had been frankly disavowed as soon as known, by his government, I was persuaded that there could be no serious objection on its part, to any of the acts which it was desired should constitute the proposed reparation; that to the first act, the restoration of the men, there could doubtless be none, as the least that could be done, after such an outrage, would be to replace the United States, as far as it might be practicable, on the ground they held before the injury was received; that the punishment of the officers followed, as a necessary consequence, to the disavowal of the act; that the suppression of the practice of impressment from merchant vessels had been made indispensable by the late aggression, for reasons which were sufficiently well known to him. I stated to him that the mode in which it was desired that the reparation should be made, by a special mission, was that which had been adopted by other powers, and by Great Britain herself, for injuries less severe than the one alluded to, of which I gave him the examples, furnished me in your letter of July 6th. Mr. Canning took a note of what I had stated, and made some general remarks on the whole subject, which were intended to give his view of it, on each point, but without committing himself in a positive manner on any one. He said that, by the Proclamation of the President, and the seizure and detention of some men who had landed on the coast to procure water, the government seemed to have taken redress into its own hands; he complained of the difference, which he said, had been made between France and England, by restoring deserters to the vessels of the former, and not the latter; he insisted that the late aggression was an act different in all respects from the former practice, and ought not to be connected with it, as it showed a disposition to make a particular incident, in which they were in the wrong, instrumental to an accommodation in a case where his government held a different doctrine. I urged in reply, that the proclamation could not be considered as an act of hostility or retaliation for injuries, though the aggression had provoked and would have justified any the strongest act of reprisal, but as a mere measure of police, which had become indispensable for the preservation of order within the limits of the United States; I informed him that the men who had landed from the squadron, in defiance of the proclamation, and of the law on which it was founded, had been restored to it; that with respect to the other point in difference, said to be made in the case of deserters from British and French ships, I was unacquainted with the fact, but was satisfied, the statement was correct, that the difference was imputable to the local authorities, and not to the national government, because as the U. States were not bound by treaty to restore deserters from the service of either nation, it was not presumed that their government would interfere in the business. I observed, however, that if such a preference had been given, there was a natural and justifiable cause for it, proceeding from the conduct of the squadrons of France and England, on the coast of the United States, and on the main ocean, it being a well known fact that the former did not maintain as a right or adopt in practice the doctrine of the latter, to impress seamen from merchant vessels. I then discussed at length, and urged with great earnestness the justice and policy of his terminating at this time all the differences which had arisen between our governments from this cause, by an arrangement which should suppress the practice on the part of Great Britain, and remedy the evil of which she complained. I said of those reasons which were applicable to the merits of the question, I urged the example given by the late ministry, in the paper of Nov. 8th, presented to Mr. Pinkney and myself by the British commissioners, which had, as I thought, laid the foundation of such an arrangement. I stated that as it was stipulated by that paper, that the negotiation should be kept open for the purpose of arranging this great interest without prejudice to the rights of either power, it was fairly to be understood as the sense of both parties, that our rights were to be respected, till that arrangement was concluded; whence it would follow that the same effect would be produced in practice, as if it had been provided for by treaty. I relied on this paper and the construction which I thought it admitted, with which, however, the practice had since in no degree corresponded, to show the extent to which the former ministry had gone in meeting the just views of our government, and thereby to prove that the present ministry in improving that ground, had nothing to apprehend from the preceding one. Mr. Canning admitted that the view which I had taken of this paper derived much support from its contents and the time and circumstances under which it was presented, but persisted in his desire to keep the subject separate. I proposed as an expedient to get rid of his objection, that we should take up and arrange both points informally, in which case, provided it was done in a manner to be obligatory, I offered to frame my note which should demand reparation for the outrage, in general terms, so as that it should not appear by official document, that the subjects had any connection in the negotiation. I urged that unless it was intended to make no provision against impressment from merchant vessels, I could see no objection to his meeting me on that ground, as after what had passed, it was impossible to take up either subject without having the other in view, and equally so to devise any mode which should keep them more completely separate, than that which I proposed. Mr. Canning still adhered to his doctrine of having nothing to do with impressment from merchant vessels, till the affair of the Chesapeake was disposed of, after which he professed his willingness to proceed to the other object. In this manner the conference ended, without having produced the arrangement which I had hoped from it. Mr. Canning's conduct was in all other respects conciliatory. My note to Mr. Canning was founded on the result of this conference. As it had not been in my power to come to any agreement with him on the general subject of impressment from merchant vessels, I considered it my duty to combine it with the affair of the Chesapeake, in the paper which I presented him to claim reparation for the outrage. I thought it best, however, to omit the other acts, of which it was desired that the reparation should consist. It seemed probable that a specification of each circumstance, in the note, would increase the indisposition of the ministry to accommodate, and give it support with the nation, in a complete rejection of the demand. I expressed myself therefore in regard to the other acts, in general and conciliatory terms, but with all the force in my power. The details had been communicated to Mr. Canning in conference too recent to be forgotten. Still it was just that no improper inference should be drawn from the omission of them. To prevent it, I obtained an interview of Mr. Canning immediately after my note was presented, in which, after reminding him of the omission alluded to, the motive to which I presumed he could not mistake, I added that my object in asking the interview had been to repeat to him informally, what I had stated in the former one, the other acts of which my government expected that the reparation should consist. In this interview nothing occurred without the limit of the special object for which it had been obtained. Mr. Canning did not lead the conversation to any other topic and I could not initiate it. Mr. Canning's answer to my note was declared more than a fortnight. Having refused to treat the subject in connection, and intimated in plain terms, that if I was not authorized to separate them, it would be useless to prolong the discussion, I thought it improper to press it. My reply was equally explicit, so that with the negotiation ended. The measure which he announced, as being determined on by the King, in case I could not agree to the separation, is completely the act of his government. You will observe that it is announced in a form which precludes in a great degree, the idea of its being adopted at my suggestion, as an act of reparation, and in a tone of decision which seemed equally to preclude my holding any communication with him on it. My mission being thus brought to an end, has afforded an opportunity for me to return to the United States as I have long desired. Nothing but the great interest which I take in the welfare of my country, and my earnest desire to give all the aid in my power to the present administration, in support of the principles of our most excellent constitution, would have detained me here so long. In the present state, however, it is not possible, if it may not be, for me to render any service by a longer continuance here. As soon, therefore, as I had answered Mr. Canning's note, I communicated to him my intention to return, and requested that he would be so good as to obtain for me an audience of the King for the purpose of taking my leave of him. This was granted on the 7th of this month, in which I renewed the assurance of the sincere desire of my government, to preserve the most friendly relation between the United States and Great Britain, which sentiment was reciprocated by his majesty. Mr. Pinkney succeeds me by an arrangement with Mr. Canning; which will appear in the enclosed copy of my correspondence with him, and which I have full confidence the President will approve. I regret that in transferring the business, into his hands, I do not leave him altogether free from difficulty. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant, JAS. MONROE. JAMES MADISON, Esq. Secretary of State. P. S. Not being satisfied with the undefined character of the proposed mission to the United States and Mr. Canning having communicated nothing new to me on the subject, in my interview with him on the day I was presented to the King, although an opportunity was offered for the purpose, I wrote him a note after the commencement of this letter, to make certain enquiries on that head, a copy of which note, and of his answer, is herewith enclosed. You will observe that he still holds himself aloof on it. I thought it my duty, and that it comported with strict delicacy, to make the enquiry, and I cannot but consider his reserve as affording cause for an unfavorable inference. It is probable, however, as the door is left open for further communication between us till the moment of my departure, that he will take some other occasion to explain himself more fully on the subject. You may be assured that I will seek every favorable opportunity to obtain such explanation of him.
FROM MR. CANNING. Foreign Office, Oct. 22, 1807. SIR—Having seen in the American newspapers, an official article (of which I have the honor to enclose a copy) prohibiting all intercourse between the inhabitants of the United States and his majesty's ships of war unconditionally ; I have the honor to request that you will have the goodness to inform me, whether this prohibition will extend to the ship of war, in which a minister accredited from his majesty, and charged with a mission to the American government, shall arrive in any of the ports of the United States? Or whether you, or Mr. Pinkney, can undertake to furnish Mr. Rose with such documents, as shall ensure his admission into the American ports, and a reception therein suitable to the character with which he is invested? I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. JAMES MONROE, Esq. &c. &c. &c. TO MR. CANNING. Portland Place, Oct. 23, 1807. SIR—I have the honor to state in reply to your letter of yesterday, that the case to which you alluded, is specially provided for by the proclamation of the President. You will observe, on a view of that document, that an exception is made, from the prohibition it contains on other vessels, in favor of such ships of his majesty as may enter the ports of the United States with dispatches from his majesty's government. Had the case of a public minister, employed in a special mission to my government, not been comprised in that exception, as it clearly is, I have no hesitation in stating that he would be received without delay, at any port at which he might arrive. Have the honor to add, that Mr. Pinkney and myself will be happy to give to his majesty's minister every facility in our power, to secure him at the port of his destination the reception which is due to his public character; and promote his speedy arrival at the seat of the government of the United States. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. The Right Honorable GEORGE CANNING, &c. &c. &c. FROM MR. CANNING. Foreign Office, Oct. 23d, 1807. 1 part 10, P. M. SIR—I have to acknowledge the honor of your answer to my letter of yesterday evening. It appears to me to be so important to have a clear understanding on the subject, to which that letter refers, that I cannot forbear requesting you to have the goodness to call at the foreign office tomorrow at two o'clock, if that hour should suit your convenience. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. JAMES MONROE, Esq. &c. &c. &c. London, Oct. 28, 1807. SIR—I have the honor to send you a copy of a correspondence with Mr. Canning, touching a difficulty, which he supposed Mr. Rose might experience in entering the bay of Chesapeake, in consequence of the proclamation of the President. In the interview invited by his last note, I expressed my surprise, that any doubt should exist on the subject of it, and assured him, that Mr. Pinkney and myself would be responsible for Mr. Rose's prompt admission into our harbors, and arrival at Washington, without suffering the slightest molestation; on the contrary, that he should receive every attention and facility on the route which he might require. I told him, that no document from us would be necessary for that purpose; but that to put the question beyond all doubt, we would give him a passport, which should go to every object in detail, and that we would also give him letters of introduction to the Governors of Maryland and Virginia, the states through which he would pass, to be taken advantage of, if he found that they would be useful. With this explanation and arrangement, Mr. Canning was satisfied. I also send you a copy of a letter from Mr. Rose, senior, and my answer, relative to the mission of his son to the United States. Although Mr. Rose's letter is unofficial, I have thought it proper, in consideration of his near connection with the minister, and station in the government, to communicate it. I leave this to-morrow, to meet in the channel the Augustus , the ship in which I propose to sail with my family to the United States. She has left this port, and is on her way to Portsmouth, where she will receive us. Mr. Rose, by going in a frigate, will most probably arrive before me, and even before Doctor Bullus. It is important that you should possess all the information which I can give respecting the business in which I have been lately engaged with Mr. Canning, and of Mr. Rose's mission, at the moment of his arrival. I have therefore thought it advisable to commit to him this letter, and a copy of my correspondence with Mr. Canning, as I expect to be at sea in a week from this date, and shall proceed to Washington immediately after my arrival in the United States, to communicate to you such further information, as I may have, relative to the important concerns of our country in which I have been employed. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. (Continued on second page.)
VALUABLE LANDS. —The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 430 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indispensible titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. Jan. 28. [law6w] ADVERTISEMENT. —I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Esq. of Jacob Williamson, decd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1808. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson. March 15. [law6w] BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law6w] NOTICE. —The subscriber having been appointed Master Commissioner for the Chancery county court of Henrico, informs those who may have cases referred to him by order of the court, that he is now ready to act on them. His office is kept at his residence nearly opposite the Swan Tavern. JAMES H. GORDON. Richmond, March 15. [law6w] REMOVAL. —GEORGE WATT has removed to the main-street, next door above the Bell-Tavern, where he offers for sale the following ARTICLES: 20 hds. Brown Sugar, 30 hds. Molasses, 8 tiers and 8 barrels best green Coffee, 20 hds. Antigua Rum, 5 pips Holland Gin, 4 pips Cognac Brandy, 2 hds. and 20 bbls. Northern Whiskey, 15 qts. casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Y. H. Tea, 6 chests Hysom Skin do. 5 chests Souchong do. and 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, March 18. [law6w] CANNON BALL & GRAPE SHOT. —Proposals will be received at this office for a quantity of Cannon Ball and Grape Shot for 24 pounders, and Cannon Ball and grape or Canister Shot for 6 pounders, to be delivered on navigable water in the state of Massachusetts. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in the state of New Jersey or New York. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in Virginia or Maryland. The election to have the ball and shot cast in iron moulds or otherwise, is desired, as the articles must be perfectly globular & smooth, & for that purpose, will undergo a strict inspection before receipt or payment. Dimensions of the several kinds of ball and shot will be given. TENCH COXE, Purveyor Of Public Supplies. Philadelphia, March 22, 1808. [law4w] BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, that he has established himself in the above line. Any business entrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [law6w] NOTICE. —This subscriber being by a power of attorney authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following different co-partnerships, formerly of this city, viz. Montgomery and Allan, Alex. Montgomery & Co. Montgomery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's and Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms to call and pay their respective balances to him. GEO: WATT. Richmond, March 29. [law6w] VIRGINIA. —At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808. Robert Birchett, Peter Puryear and Edmund Birchett, merchants and partners, under the firm of Birchett and Puryear, Plaintiffs—Against Thomas Stokes, administrator of Wm. Stokes, deceased, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. March 29. [law8w] IN PURSUANCE of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland court house, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. JOSIAH ELLIS, } Commissioners. WM. MANN, } one. March 15. [law2m] AT PRIVATE SALE , at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Muscovado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira and London P. Teneriffe Wines, Holland Gin, Demijohns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters; and an assortment of the best quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. March 25. [F6t]
MINE LANDS FOR SALE. —The subscriber will sell a Tract of Land containing 2791 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 30 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of iron ore of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition. Also—a tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 258 acres—197 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky. Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal Pits or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. March 18. [ep124] SALE BY AUCTION. —The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on Saturday the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 23,343 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clachner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patente. March 25. [ep124] CERTIFICATE. —I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 1/2 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White Lime Stone near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/2 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACHNER. March 25. [ep124] FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. —for two Bay HORSES that were stolen from the subscriber Friday night last; they are both bright bays and more well, the largest one has both hind feet white, and at times has a spring halt with one of them; the other has a star in his forehead, and a black streak along his back—they are both square docked. It is supposed that they are now straying in the neighbourhood of Richmond, if however, they should be stolen, I will give the above reward on prosecuting the thief to conviction or twenty dollars for the horses if delivered to Dr. D. W. Sackrider, Richmond. MARTIN GILLET. March 29. [ep1] NOTICE. —The Officers and Privates who performed patrol duty in the months of June and July, 1807, are hereby notified that they will receive their pay on application to SAML. C. ADAMS, Paymaster 19th regt. March 29. [4t] LANDING this day from the schooner Richmond, capt. Isaac Seaman, at Lester's wharf, seventeen hds. best green COFFEE and twenty hds. MOLASSES, for sale by GEO: WATT. Richmond, March 29. (4t) ONE HUNDREDDOLLARS REWARD. —Ranaway from the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of trim consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his employment, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ep1t.] NOTICE. —to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A. M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court. The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend. For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall insist in any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred of, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled, either as surviving partner or as an individual." WM. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAML. MCRAW, } Richmond, March 8, 1808. [en30A] REMOVAL. —We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOK & Co. March 8. [ep1f]
FOR SALE. 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shoccoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [1t] THE SCOTTSVILLE RACES will commence on the 3d Thursday in April—The 1st day's Purse is about £100—The 2d day, (Proprietors Purse) £30—The 3d day, an elegant Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar, will be run for. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six years 128 do. Five years 120 do. Four years 110 lbs. Three years, do. 90 lbs. Mares and geldings allowed 5 lbs. WM. ARCHER, Secy. March 25. [ep124] THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES will commence at the Union Tavern on the 20th April next. 1st DAY—A play or pay sweepstakes for 5 years old Colts & Fillies, 6 subscribers at $30 each. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 52 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats. 3d DAY—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of cart, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each 2 mile heats. Weights agreeably to the Rappahannock Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Secy. Caroline, March 25. (120thA) THE TAPPANHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows—Aged horses 130 lbs. 6 years old 120 lbs. 5 do. do. 110 lbs. 4 do. do. 100 lbs. 3 do. do. 80 lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3 lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed in to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. March 25. [ep25thW] TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS of the CITY OF RICHMOND authorised to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the sixth day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonward at the Court House, in Madisonward at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroeward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. March 11. [ep4thW] NOTICE. —By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 15th September, 1807, to me executed, by John Sabb, to secure the payment of a sum of money as therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell for cash, to the highest bidder, on the 14th day of April next, the two LOTS or GROUNDS in this city, whereon said Sabb resides, known by the Nos. 107 and 108, in Duvall's addition, together with all appurtenances—The sale to take place at 2 o'clock on the premises. JOHN SATCHELL, [ep4thA] March 15. RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY. —The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at this Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penent rating rains and snows are considered, it cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of the continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tiles with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [ep2w&law6t] N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D. EDUCATION. —ANTHONY PELZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he has removed his day and night school to a large and commodious apartment in the lower part of the house occupied by Mr. John P. Shields in the vicinity of the Capitol. He, therefore, can invite more pupils of both sexes, to share his instruction, whom he will teach the French and Italian languages English Grammar, Reading & Writing, together with Arithmetic, Geography and the minor Latin Classics. His object is to be useful and his success in teaching French has been proved by experience; for he does not merely impress on the minds of his pupils the verbal science of Grammar, but renders the language familiar to their ears, their tongue and their pen. Terms—Eight dollars per quarter, payable half in advance. Pupils from the country may obtain board at very moderate terms of Mrs. Shields, who offers likewise the use of her Piano-forte to those who would wish to receive instruction on that instrument. April 5. [3t] THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [1t]