Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1800-09-02 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[No. 39 of Vol. VIII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[WEEKLY No. 39.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR.
[FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM—PAID IN ADVANCE]
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2d, 1800.
[12 1/2 CENTS SINGLE.]
MR. JEFFERSON.
A pamphlet has recently appeared in Philadelphia, entitled " an address to the people of the United States, with an epitome and vindication of the public life and character of Thomas Jefferson. "—This pamphlet is written with every evidence of conviction, and with a candor and plainness, that forms a very conspicuous contrast with the stile and reports of writings to which it is opposed. After answering in an irrefutable manner every objection worth notice, which has been made to the moral, religious, or political character of Mr. Jefferson, he concludes as follows—with a very useful outline of Mr. Jefferson's history. The author it appears was an officer during the revolution, and was an eye-witness of the movements of the enemy during the memorable transactions in Virginia.
THOMAS JEFFERSON
Was born in the year 1743, in the county of Albemarle in Virginia where he now resides. His father was a reputable landholder of that county, and gave him , his eldest son, a college education at the university of William and Mary, in the city of Williamsburg. After passing his degrees, being designed for the bar, Mr. Jefferson commenced a student at law, under the guidance of George Wythe, now the venerable judge and sole chancellor of Virginia.
In 1766, Mr. Jefferson came to the bar of the supreme court of his native state, and continued to practise therein with great success and reputation until the commencement of the American revolution in 1775, and the consequent occlusion of the courts of justice: during this period of active practice, the industrious mind of Jefferson found time to digest the first volume of reports of adjudged cases in the supreme courts of Virginia, which were ever exhibited in that state, and to this day, are admitted authority in those courts, remaining a monument of his early labours and useful talents.
In 1774, when all America were roused into action by the aggravated wrongs of the British government, Mr. Jefferson stepped forward a bold & able champion of his country's rights, and published his much admired pamphlet, " Summary View of the Rights of British America, " addressed to the king, which brought forward against the author, threats of prosecution for treason, by lord Dunmore, then governor of Virginia; threats which produced no other effect on the independent mind of Jefferson, than publicly to avow himself the author, prepared to meet all consequences.
About this time Mr. Jefferson married the daughter of Mr. Wayles an eminent counsellor at law, and continued to enjoy uninterrupted domestic felicity in the society of one of the most amiable of women, until the year 1780, when by her death he became the mourner of her virtues, and the guardian of their two daughters and surviving issue, to whose education and settlement in life, and the service of his country, he has ever since faithfully devoted himself, still remaining a widower.
In the year 1775, Mr. Jefferson was elected a member of the Virginia convention, and on the 4th of August, in the same year, one of the
members to represent the state, then colony, of Virginia, in congress.
In that memorable year 1776, the natal year of American emancipation from British tyranny, and of the independence and sovereignty of the United States, Mr. Jefferson was one of a committee of five, to wit, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and R. R. Livingston; appointed by Congress to draught the Declaration of Independence and it was from the pen and enlightened mind of Jefferson, first named of the committee, that that glorious instrument proceeded, which was reported by the committee, and unanimously adopted by congress, entitled " The Declaration of Independence, &c. " An instrument which so long as the records of time shall endure, will perpetuate the fame of its author, and preserve, in the American mind, forever and inseparable , the names of Independence and Jefferson.
In the same year, 1776, the ardent mind of Jefferson eagerly pursuing the glorious principles of the revolution and foreseeing that so long as the corruptions of British systems existed, we were independent in name not in fact, produced for the adoption of the legislature of his native state, the four following important acts, to wit:
 1st. An act for establishing religious freedom, published in this essay.  2nd. An act to regulate descents, to prevent estates entail and the rights of primogeniture.  3rd. An act for the apportionment of crimes and punishments.  4th. An act to establish public schools. 
The influence of these acts upon the relative principles they embrace will be universally seen and felt by those who prize civil liberty as a primary blessing, and regard the preservation of it as among the first behests of God to man—whilst systems of universal operation in matters of religion; for an equal distribution of property, and in subversion of the aristocratic and unnatural principle of entail and primogeniture right; for ameliorating the languinary code of criminal law; and for extending to the poorest class of our citizens, the benefits of education at public expense, will be viewed as the emanations of a great and good mind, zealously endeavouring to promote the happiness and improve the condition of his fellow-beings.
Equally evincive of watchful regard to the rights of his countrymen, was the scheme and suggestion made by Mr. Jefferson for the formation and adoption of the constitution of Virginia, in the same year, for prefixing thereto " A Bill of Rights, declaratory of the natural and unalienable rights of man, " which was accordingly done.
In the year 1778, Mr. Jefferson being then a member of the Virginia legislature, presented to that body the act " to prevent the importation of slaves, " which was enacted into a law in the month of October in the same year, and was shortly after followed by another act " to authorise manumissions, " being the commencement of a system of gradual emancipation, also proposed by him.
In the year 1779, Mr. Jefferson, at the age of 36, was chosen governor of Virginia, and continued in that office until June 1781—during which time the state experienced three invasions, and was also brought into a critical state of collusion re-
passing its boundary lines with two neighbouring states, North-Carolina and Pennsylvania. His conduct in that station amidst the jarring conflicts and trying difficulties of foreign invasion and domestic disquietude, was such, as secured to him, six months after he left the office, and upon the fullest public enquiry, the unanimous vote of thanks of the legislature, consisting of 130 members, " for his attentive administration of the powers of the executive whilst in office. "
It was during the same year, 1781, amidst the cares of government and scenes of private affliction that Mr. Jefferson prepared his celebrated work, afterwards published in France, and which he modestly titled, " Notes on Virginia. " In this work, so justly admired by all the learned world for its philosophical research, ingenious theory, and able disquisition, equally evidencing an enlarged, liberal and pious mind, the author, in a superior stile of eloquence, boldly attacks and fully refutes the fallacious theories of Mr. Buffon and the Abbe Raynal, which tend to disparage the animal and its species, both man and beast, of the American world, and reduce them to a scale smaller than those of Europe; vindicating with truth and intelligence the equal distribution of nature's blessings to America.
In the year 1783, Mr. Jefferson was again appointed to a seat in congress from his native state, and in the following year, on the 7th of May, was nominated by that honorable body minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the court of France, as the successor of our illustrious Franklin, whither he embarked early in the same year, and remained absent from the United States in the execution of the duties of that important trust, until the month of October 1789, when he returned home by permission of the then president, Washington, who, upon being elected to the chief magistracy of the federal government, immediately desired Mr. Jefferson to fill the next most honorable and confidential station in the executive government, near his own person.
During his mission to France, Mr. Jefferson with that peculiar address, intelligence and attention to promote the essential interests of the United States, which directs all his conduct, obtained from the French king an arrete, highly beneficial to the American commerce, for the free admission, exempt from the customary foreign duties, of oil, fish and whalebone, the product of the American fisheries, into certain ports, and for the sale of American built ships in all the ports of France, benefits, which our eastern brethren continued to reap the peculiar advantage of until the commencement of the revolutionary convulsions which have agitated that nation.
About the same period also, Mr. Jefferson, in conjunction with our immortal Franklin, negotiated with a minister from the court of Prussia, then at the Hague, that celebrated treaty known by the name of the " Prussian Treaty, " in which an astonished world has, for the first time, seen a public avowal and positive provision by treaty, between two sovereign and independent nations, for the establishment of those two great and glorious principles, promotive of universal peace and happiness, to wit, 1st. " That free ships shall make free goods; " and 2nd " That privateering in time of war shall be abolished; " principles which it
were to be wished could be rendered universal and eternal.—Mr. Adams, now president of the United States, was one of the commission for negotiating this treaty, and on its completion it was sent over to London, where Mr. Adams then resided as minister of the United States, for his signature. It is greatly to be regretted that Mr. Adams could not be content to retain to himself a share of the glory which reflects on the authors of this celebrated treaty. But, unhappily for our country, since he became president of the United States, we have seen him nominate his son John Quincy Adams, as minister to the court of Prussia, for the express purpose, as declared, of renewing the treaty with that nation, which having been limited to continue in force for ten years only, had expired. Accordingly another treaty has been made by his son with Prussia, which has been approved by a majority of the senate and ratified by the president, but which instead of renewing and continuing the old treaty, is in itself a new one, expressly abandoning and renouncing the two inestimable principles, 1st " That free ships make free goods; " and 2nd " That privateering in time of war be abolished; " principles which, it appears, from the correspondence accompanying the negotiation, laid before the senate of the United States by the president, the wife and enlightened ministers of the Prussian monarch, were brought with great difficulty and reluctance, to abandon on the earnest solicitation and reiterated demand of the American negotiator, under the suggestion that the maritime powers, particularly G. Britain , would never sanction or permit them.
In the year 1789, Mr. Jefferson being returned to the United States and appointed by president Washington, secretary to the department of state, immediately entered on the arduous duties of that important station, having previously stipulated with the president, that in consideration of the many years absence from his family and estate, he might be permitted, at the expiration of the constitutional term for which the president was elected, to retire from the public service.
The first result of the labours of Mr. Jefferson in the department of state, were exhibited to congress in the following reports, to wit:
 1st. A report on the fisheries of the U. States.  2nd. A report on coins, weights and measures.  3rd. A report on the waste and unappropriated lands of the United States.  4th. A report on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the U. States in foreign countries. 
Each of these reports display the usual accuracy, information, and intelligence of the writer.
But it was reserved for a more critical and delicate period in the affairs of the United States, that the pre-eminent talents of the American secretary should become most conspicuous, and interestingly useful to his country: The non-execution of the treaty of peace with the United States, on the part of Great-Britain, her detention of our Western Posts, and the attendant depredations on our commerce, both by Great-Britain and France, then at war with each other, aided to the intrigues of the minister of the latter, Genet, all conducted to a situation difficult and perplexing. Besides which, Spain continued to
withhold from us the free navigation of the Mississippi, to all parts of all Western America. In this state of things, the just confidence which the discriminating mind of Washington, had reposed in Mr. Jefferson, was amply repaid, by that promptness, zeal and ability with which the American secretary, contributed by his labours, to relieve the executive from embarrassment. Through a series of masterly and unequalled diplomatic correspondence, which he maintained, at the same time, with the respective ministers of Great-Britain & France—namely, Hammond and Genet; he traversed and rebutted their respective causes of charge and complaint against the United States, and having fully proved the various aggressions and infractions of treaty on the part of their respective governments pointed to the means for preserving the honor and maintaining the rights of his own country, whilst alike superior to the intrigues of G. Britain or of France, he fully manifested that he held no particular attachment to any foreign nation, but was equally prepared, with the decision, firmness and intelligence of a true American, to oppose and resist the aggressions of all. The recall of Genet and appointment of his successor, with the subsequent proceedings between the United States and France, the appointment of Mr. Jay, his treaty with Great-Britain, and the recall of Mr. Hammond, appointment of Mr. Linton and subsequent proceedings with Great-Britain are all well known. In respect to Spain, the labours of Mr. Jefferson were more immediately effective and complete. Having possessed the commissioners of the United States then at Madrid negotiating a treaty with the court of Spain, with the most ample & pointed instructions, and also of the form and provisions of a treaty predicated on the basis of the free navigation of the Mississippi, it remained only for Mr. Thomas Pinckney, then minister from the United States at London under special instruction from the President, and appointed envoy for that purpose, to repair to Madrid and seizing the favorable moment for effecting it, to accomplish this desirable work. This was accordingly done, with equal promptness and decision on his part, and jointly to that, and the labours of the American secretary in the cabinet, are the United States indebted for the most liberal, honorable, and beneficial treaty, they have ever yet entered into with a foreign nation. Here the review of the public life and labours of Mr. Jefferson ceases.
About this time, having at the pressing entreaty of the then President Washington, remained one year longer at the head of the department of state, than he had before stipulated to do, he resigned his office, & retired with the warmest thanks and regret of the President, Washington, to his estate at Monticello, in Albemarle county, Virginia, where he continued for upwards of two years uninterrupted ease, and a respite from the fatigues of public life following with avidity his favorite pursuits of philosophical research and agricultural improvement, until the voice of his country again summoned him to the more active scenes of public duty, and placed him in nomination for the presidential chair, as the successor of Washington. The issue of that election is well known, and but for a false return in one

...the suppression of a return in another, Mr. Jefferson would have been declared President, as the returns however slow before Congress, it appeared that he had 68 votes, and Mr. Adams 71, consequently the latter was declared President, and the former Vice-President of the United States.
In the month of January, 1797, Mr. Jefferson was elected President of the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia, as successor of the great and virtuous Rittenhouse, who was the immediate successor of our immortal Franklin, the founder of that Society.
And now, for the second time, the voice of his country has placed Mr. Jefferson in nomination for the Presidential Chair.
Fellow-Citizens of the United States, In the foregoing address you are presented with two very opposite characters of Mr. Jefferson.
The first, written by the pen of his enemies, conceived in malignity and malevolence, under the powerful influence of party feeling and political resentment, exhibits him to you as the worst of men, an enemy to his God, an enemy to his country, an enemy to the human race. It derives a momentary support from the basest fabrications and wicked falsehoods. It cannot long deceive, since it fully betrays the jealousy, fear and anger of its authors—jealousy, of his unrivalled talents; fear, that on his elevation to the Presidency, every vestige of monarchy and aristocracy in our country will dissipate at the electrical touch of his republican virtues, and anger, that notwithstanding all their detractions and efforts, he continues to possess the unshaken and undiminished confidence of the American people.
The latter character of Mr. Jefferson is drawn not by the partial hand of a friend, nor under the influence of political or party prejudices, there is no need of fabrication, falsehood or deception. You see in the faithful and unerring record of his many great and virtuous deeds; in the public usefulness and eminent services of a well spent life; in the numerous testimonials of his country's approbation, and, by the universal suffrage of the foreign world, in their acknowledged tributes of respect and esteem for the talents of his head and the virtues of his heart. Its leading features present to you a man of pure, ardent & unaffected piety; of sincere & genuine virtue; of an exalted end and a superior wisdom; the lover of our God; the patriot of his country; and the friend and benefactor of the whole human race.
And such, fellow-citizens, is the true and real character of THOMAS JEFFERSON, unaided by artificial solo-songs or the false varnish of deceptive flattery.
AMERICANUS. Pennsylvania, July, 1800.
FROM THE NEWARK GENTINEL.
Halloo! Messrs Printers, AS the crew of the Federal Ship will shortly be piped on deck to choose a commander for the next quadrennial voyage, I wish you to tell them my reasons for not holding up my hand for JOHN ADAMS, our present commander.
Because he promised the ship's crew, when he took the command, that liberty should be his polar star, and the constitution his compass; instead of which he has been guided by the false meteors of commentaries and speculations, by the misconceived advice of a professed adorer.
Because, when he got out of his latitude, and every sea showed rocks which rose in every tide, and threatened to wreck us, when some of our old seamen, who had been many a voyage, and understood the use of the compass, and navigation perfectly, proved to him that if a head wind did not prevent him, he would be drawn into the whirlpool of faction, or have to run his vessel into the harbour of monarchy—he threatened to hang them at the yard arm if they ever interfered again; and actually confined some of our ablest hands under the hatchways for many months, merely for speaking a little disrespectfully of him and his mates.
Because, when he law a ship in distress, and her hands leaving her in boats, he refused to take them on board, unless he was permitted to throw them over, whenever he might choose to "suspect" them of the intention of raising a mutiny; so that many of these poor fellows, rather than trust to his caprice, chose to stay on the wreck though it was every moment expected to sink.
Because, he gave orders for battle, ordered the hands on deck, formed a corps of marines and midshipmen, and hung out the bloody flag, when not an enemy was in sight; he having mistaken a large merchantman, who had some turbulent fellows on board, that had hung out a signal for chase merely to try the mettle of our commander, for an enemy's ship.
Because, he suffered an enemy to board us, press part of our hands, and rob us of our provisions, insult our flag, and abuse the crew, without even remonstrating with the captain of the enemy, or showing any resentment; though he knew him to be a pro-
fessed pirate, and though his own men and officers were far superior to the pirates, that he might have took him at one broad side, to the bottom of the ocean, and thus prevented any future insult or piratical depredations.
Because, he chooses to many mates, and makes so many officers, who all have extra wages and double rations, that all our sea forces will be contained, and our naval chief exhausted, long before we get to the port of destination.
Because, so far from making a profitable voyage, we shall have lost several millions of dollars; the expense of hands to work the vessel, since he took the command, has been so great.
For these, and a number of other reasons, I think it the duty of every American tar, to withhold his vote from John Adams; and for the following reasons I think it his duty to bestow it upon Thomas Jefferson:—
Because he was the man who laid the keel of our first rate ship independence, and assisted at the launch of the Federal ship.
Because, when he was Steward of the Federal Ship, in her first voyage, George Washington commander, he kept fair accounts open to the inspection of any of the crew, paid their wages regularly, tho' not before they were due; and behaved in a honest and honourable manner when attempted to be boarded by a Frenchman and an Englishman, that they both fled out of the ship, after receiving a discharge of small arms under his direction.
Because, in the present voyage, in which he is mate, his behaviour has been conciliating and peaceable; and knowing that our vessel was not rigged for fighting, and that she had a very valuable cargo on board, he has uniformly, though prudently opposed coming to an engagement, as we had every thing at stake, and could gain nothing.
Because he has uniformly proved himself to be a courageous and judicious seaman, & one under whose conduct we may make profitable voyages and happy returns. One who, while he will avoid an unnecessary action, will never suffer any ship to be boarded while he has a shot in her locker, or a man on deck; one who will never tack, but making the constitution his guide, and true to his compass, will bring us peacefully at last into the port of perfect national happiness and freedom where we may live on our own; and toast our girls in bunches of unexcised whiskery.
Now all you American tars who prefer the latter for your captain, throw up your weather-beaten hats, and shout,
BUZZA FOR AMERICA, JEFFERSON, and LIBERTY! JACK OAKHUM. Federal Ship of Constitution Roads, 4th year of third quadrennial voyage.
FROM THE (Barnstable) GENIUS OF LIBERTY.
Reflections in reference to the next Election of a President and Congress of the United States.
LYCURGUS—No. VIII.
THE questions originally proposed to be considered formed a chain, which is irreparably broken, by suffering the third to elude our attention. It was necessary to have ascertained, whether the government of the United States had suffered any modifications from the men in power, before it was possible to consider whether such modifications would lead to other changes, and whether these changes are likely to be effected, without calamitous national convulsions. Having neglected the first question, we must also pass over the other two, and in lieu of discussing them, the public shall be presented with an essay, founded upon English example and hypothetical cases.
Within less than two centuries past, James the first endeavoured to deprive the English parliament of the freedom of discussion; this attempt attracted public attention to the subject of civil liberty, and laid the foundation of a struggle between tyranny and reason, which produced three revolutions—brought one king to the scaffold—banished another—caused sundry rebellions, and foreign wars, and shed as much human blood as the struggles of aristocracy and democracy did in Greece.
The whig party, or republicans, according to the ideas of Mr. Adams, finally succeeded, and brought in a new dynasty, which said it was a whig too—But mark the issue.
William of Orange, within a century, formed the project of a standing army. Walpole, minister of George the first of the dynasty, within seventy years past, conceived that of a funding system and national debt; and the parliament which had obtained the right of free discussion for itself, made sedition laws to take it away from the people. And so effectually have these measures destroyed the influence of public opinion, that now, after a victorious termination of violent struggles for liberty, both whigs and tories have become even callous to the goadings of excessive taxation, which must ever constitute the main pillar of the force and corrupt system at present pursued by England. Whereas previous to its establishment, the national influence often restrained the profaneness of the parliament, and the will of the parliament, the profaneness of the crown. National insensibility of taxation or profaneness, is the strongest of all proofs, that efficacious mea-
asures have been taken for suppressing public opinion.
If in a limited monarchy it is true, that the representatives of the people ought to possess freedom of discussion and opinion, respecting the conduct of the monarch and aristocracy, in order to preserve the check mediated by that form of government, it is certainly true also, that in a government throughout elective, the people themselves ought to possess freedom of discussion and opinion, respecting the conduct of their representatives, because it is the essential check mediated by an elective form of government. It is more indispitably true, since to representation is annexed the idea of inferiority of agency; whereas in hereditary power no such idea is necessarily implied, nor is it generally acknowledged.
Supposing such measures had been commenced in America, as have annihilated the influence of public opinion in England, in the course of less than seventy years, they must have destroyed the freedom of election here, and have produced a rapid change in the principles of our constitution, if they survived the violent resistance which they would have to encounter. All the measures in England having a tendency to establish a government upon the principles of force and bribery, were opposed to learned and patriotic men, who conjectured their consequences, but the opposition was defeated because their conjectures were not believed. The English were like a blind man, who falls down a precipice; if the Americans should hurt themselves after the English, with their eyes opened, they would be mad-men.
Such measures would have been opposed with more constancy in America than in England; in proportion to the difference of importance between the objects of parliamentary and national freedom of discussion; one is a remnant of liberty; the other her essential principle. If the English preferred three revolutions; the decapitation of one king; the expulsion of another; and wars civil and foreign, to the loss of this parliamentary freedom, it is difficult to estimate what the Americans would undergo, for the preservation of national freedom.
Had such measures been introduced here, the wisest individuals would have united for suppressing them in their infancy. Each taking his stand upon the undeniable principles of Mr. Adams that similar causes will produce similar effects, would have resisted thus.
A man warmly devoted to our present constitution, would zealously contend for the abolition of measures, which by controlling public opinion would otherwise abolish the constitution. Can we, he would have said, too leisurely commence our opposition to attempts gradually undermining the beautiful temple of freedom which we have erected? Or shall we be frightened from defending the object of our views, the pledge of our happiness, by apprehending the consequences of our efforts? Do we not know, that the only way of escaping national calamity, is to arouse national effort and correction in the infancy of abuses? And do we not know, that if our temple is undermined, it will fall to the ground and grind us into dust and ashes.
This man's soliloquy being overheard by a limited monarchy—man of common prudence, would have produced such reflections as these. Altho' we think the republicans are much too warm as they think us too cold in the cause of liberty, yet their opinions are not to be disregarded—by hastening forward revolutionary measures, before public opinion is thoroughly disciplined, a long train of national evils, will be produced, in which we also may be involved. A strenuous opposition to such measures, must beget correspondent efforts on our side, and place both parties in a state of precipitation towards tyranny, into which either might have been hurled, even at the moment of victory, just as a ponderous rock once set in motion upon a declivity; whilst it destroys whatever shall approach its progress, never stops until it settles at the abyss below, from whence it can never rise, except by a convolution of nature. To despotism we are inimical—we are friends to a limited monarchy—and are of that class of whigs which fixed the reigning family upon the English throne. Let us not like our predecessors in party, introduce principles more inimical to our own, than those we destroy. For it must be confessed, that the army, funding, and sedition system of England, built up under various pretexts, but designed to secure the Hanoverian whigs in the throne, have completely abolished the fundamental principle which placed them there, namely, national opinion. So that after a scene of revolution—blood shed—rebellion—foreign wars—oppressive taxation and party rage, with which the English have been afflicted, the object for which all this misery was laid out has not only eluded their grasp, but left them with less real liberty now, than they enjoyed under the Stuarts. It is madness to inflict stripes upon ourselves to day, for the sake of having them doubled by others to-morrow. Should we succeed by introducing a monarchy, we may be lashed by the enemies incident to the struggle; yet after it is over, whoever shall have seized upon the supreme power during the confusion, will lash both parties by armies, corruption, borrowing, taxes, and sedition laws.
The holders of the national debt would have listened very attentively to these two parties, and would have considered what line of conduct their interest dictated. They would discover, that the latter party did not view the funding system as a mode of paying their debt, but as a political measure designed to aid in operating a gradual revolution; and that if they themselves should concur, in erecting this system into a political machine for such a purpose, both the system and themselves would become criminal if the pur-
pose itself was criminal; and that this criminality would have been followed by punishment, should a project for gradual revolution prove unsuccessful. They would discover, that those who would use them as the keeping-stone to victory, would not hesitate to sacrifice them as a peace offering to defeat. They would therefore conclude to stand aloof from hazardous experiment, and to prove that they aspired only to the character of public creditors, by adhering to that system, the object of which was to pay them, that payment was their whole right, to evade which for political ends was a great wrong to the nation. That this wrong would be more calamitous to the nation, than the loss of their debt would be to them; by exposing it to the heavy taxes to pay, that which would never be paid; and by making these taxes, inflicted to relieve that nation from the burden of debt, the instrument to bring on it the burden of tyranny. That if they would have thought the nation culpable, had it robbed them of their debt, the nation would think them culpable, by suffering their debt to be used as the means of robbing it of its liberty. And that upon the whole their safest course would be to adhere to that system of principles which considered their claim simply as a debt—rightfully due; honestly capable of being paid in a few years by economy in public expense, and a proper management of western lands—and swerved from a project gradually to change the principles of the constitution, as liable to no possible risk.
Such reflections ought to have occurred in America, from an attentive survey of the mirror of expense, in case the various leading measures of English policy had been introduced here.
LYCURGUS.
PROVIDENCE, August 4.
DREADFUL EXPLOSION AT NANTES.
NANTES, May 26.—Yesterday, at noon, one of the towers of the castle, containing about eight or nine hundred thousand pounds of powder blew up with a tremendous noise. The buildings attached to the tower have been partly, destroyed. In a moment the great court of the castle, the ditches, surrounding trees, and several quarters of the town, were covered with ruins; several houses were violently shaken, and some thrown down. A 4-pounder was carried beyond the ditch to the foot of the terrace of the court, the wheels of the carriage were carried another way; another 4-pounder with its carriage and wheels was blown to the top of the ci-devant church of the Carmelites. A bar of iron, very thick, and long, was twisted and felt into the court of the prison of Bouffay, with some bolts and other wrecks.
An incalculable quantity of panes of glass was broken. Many pieces of furniture were thrown down. Several trees in the courtyard were much damaged; windows and doors were burst open, and many houses unroofed.
One universal scream of terror was heard throughout the city. The alarm became general in a moment; almost all the inhabitants ran out of their houses. The report spread with the quickness of lightning, and the castle was blown up. A thick and dark cloud rose from the place of the disaster, and redoubled the consternation. There was reason to fear that the whole building would take fire, and that the flames would catch the grand magazine of powder. The houses were immediately abandoned, and between 15 and 20,000 persons of all ages and sexes fled towards the barriers to escape this scene of horror.
The Prefect and General Gilbert gave orders. Strong detachments of the garrison and national guard proceeded towards the castle, got possession of all the avenues, and assisted the firemen, who distinguished themselves in a very extraordinary manner. Order was soon re-established. The number of victims of this fatal accident is considerable. The grand cross, behind the altar of the church of Sainte Croix, was thrown down, wounded the priest, who was saying mass, and killed the clerk. Yesterday, evening it was said that the number of killed and wounded was between 150 and 200. The wounded have been sent to the hospitals.
It is not known how the fire began. The explosion took place at noon, when happily the workmen had left off work.
The church of St. Nicholas having been much shaken by the explosion, at the time of the celebration of mass, the people hurried to the doors, and several were thrown down and wounded. The same accident took place at the church of St. Laurent.
The ditches of the castle are filled with vast ruins. Fragments of wall of great thickness, mark, at the same time, the strength of the building thrown down, and of the explosion. These enormous masses have driven out a great volume of water from the ditches below the parapet.
NEW-YORK, August 23.
TRIAL OF HADFIELD.
After the examination of a number of witnesses, Lord Kenyon asked Mr. Erskine if he had any more; Mr. Erskine said about ten or a dozen.—Lord Kenyon then said, that in his opinion the evidence that had been produced went clearly to prove, that the Prisoner was certainly in a deranged state. If the Attorney General, and the Counsel for the Prosecution were of that opinion, it would be needful to go any further.
The Attorney General said, that he did not with the light that he saw in the same light that his lordship did, and did not for a moment conceive that a false coloring had been given to the case by the evidence for the prisoner.
Lord Kenyon then told the jury, they must acquit the prisoner, as his insanity was proved; but he must not be discharged; it was absolutely necessary, as well for his own sake, as for the sake of the community, that he should not be let loose on the Public.
The jury immediately returned a Verdict of Acquittal on the Plea Insanity . The Prisoner was then remanded, under the care of Mr. Kirby, to Newgate.
(London paper.)
ALBANY, August 21.
When an American citizen avows political sentiments, incompatible with the existing republican constitution of his country, the avowal derives more or less importance according to the degree of influence which the author of it possesses in society. In this point of view, the recent declarations of two distinguished characters deserve to be made known generally to their fellow-citizens; although there are many to whom this information, correct as we believe it to be, is not wanting to convince them of the anti-republican principles of the men we allude to.
On his late return from the seat of government to Braintree, the President of the United States expressed himself to the following effect to a gentleman in Connecticut:— That we never should have a happy government until popular elections of the President were done away and that office rendered permanent!! He remarked, at the same time, in substance, that the people possessed the rights of establishing government agreeably to their own ideas; that the people of America had established the Federal Constitution; and that as long as they chose to entrust him with the executive administration of it, he should, notwithstanding his opinion as above stated, do his best to administer it faithfully.
Alexander Hamilton, while on his late eastern tour, is said to have declared repeatedly, that our government ought to be made stronger, and that he should on all proper occasions exert his influence to strengthen it. Or Mr. Hamilton's attachment to strong government, and what kind of strength he wishes to impart to our present federal system; Mr. Endicott, in his History of the Whiskey Insurrection, has given several striking proofs and specimens; and it is to be lamented that the book has not been more generally read.
Thus we see, that notwithstanding the difference laid to exist between the President & the Inspector General on certain measures of administration, they agree too well in their wishes for a change of the Constitution, such as would assimilate it to that "stupendous fabric of human invention," erected in a certain island across the Atlantic, & which with the President in particular has long been an object of admiration.
With the people of America it remains to decide whether the Administration of a government, founded on popular elections; a government in which there are no permanent offices, but wherein they, the people, have reserved the right of choosing and changing periodically all their officers or agents; can be fatally entrusted in the hands of men who are conscientiously opposed to such a system—who wish for a "strong government," or in plain English (for the present government is strong enough to answer all good purposes) a Constitution under which the executive administration, having nothing to fear from "popular elections," would necessarily be independent of the people, and might consequently tyrannize over, and oppress them with impunity.
PHILADELPHIA, August 20.
PATHE TIC.
The following incident requires not the aid of the pencil to awaken every feeling congenial to humanity, nor, in exciting our tenderest sympathy for the unhappy sufferers, can it fail to rob the keenest indignation against the authors of such inhuman wrongs.
Two vessels, belonging to citizens of the United States, concerned in the infamous traffic of human flesh on the coast of Africa, have been lately captured and sent into this port by the Ganges sloop of war.
Taken at different times, they arrived separately at the quarantine station, the one having on board one hundred and eighteen, and the other sixteen unhappy victims.
With a view to their health and convenience, it was deemed proper to land and encamp these unfortunate people. Scarcely had this benevolent measure been effected, and the miserable Africans mingled with their fellow-sufferers, when a husband and wife, who had been torn from their home and happiness, and hurried on board separate vessels by their brutal oppressors, met and recognized each other. Lost, for a moment, in an ecstasy of surprize, they exhibited a scene of tenderness, which would have softened even the savage hearts of those who had occasioned their separation. But the meeting was more than the unhappy female could support; her frame, shaken by the influence of her affections, yielded to the shock, and she was prematurely a mother!
Let the monsters, who encourage and who practise this horrid traffic, reflect on the vengeance of an offended God. An appeal to their conjugal or their parental feelings were a lost hope, and a mockery of humanity. To console the feelings of our readers, we can assure them that the beneficence of the abolition society, and the general sympathy

of our citizens, have greatly alleviated the sufferings of these much injured people; and we are happy in knowing that the unfortunate woman is recovering.
August 21. Extract of a letter, dated Boston, 8th August, 1800.
"Thank God! Sir, even in this city of British corruption, the anglo federal faction is dumb—insurance offices, hotels, and chat-teans, which at this time last year, were thronged with the enemies of American liberty; and where exterminating measures, were continually plotting against the patriots, are now as silent, as the tomb, and the brave Mr. Otis with his Essex junte , have retreated to their hiding holes, covered with mortification and disappointment; but not with remorse or shame. The election of Mr. Jefferson, is now seen to be certain, and will give the final death blow, to the British faction in this country; the virtues of that confident and able patriot, are more dreaded by the junto , than a host of patriots; I pray he may have the honor of making this beloved country, in ratifying her liberties and peace with all nations. As a proof of British friendship, I heard you a list of American ships, recently captured, under new orders , which has excited universal alarm and apprehension here."
Brig Sally, Capt. Dawson, from Batavia, to Philadelphia, carried to Halifax. Brig Alert, Rich, from Cadiz, to Boston, carried to London. Brig Peacock, Crats, from Cadiz, to London, carried to London. Brig King Solomon, Hewitt, from Amsterdam, to Cadiz, carried to London. Brig Hind, Ropes, from Salem, to Cadiz, carried to Gibraltar. Brig Friendship, Rodgers, from Boston, to the Mediterranean, carried to Gibraltar. Brig Pinckney, from New-York, to the Mediterranean, carried to Gibraltar. Brig Georgia Packer, Dunham, from New-York, to the Mediterranean, carried to Gibraltar. Brig Sea Nymph, M c Keever, from Philadelphia, to St. Sebastian, carried to London. Brig Sulannah, Spencer, from Charleston, to Cadiz, carried into London.
"These valuable vessels, were captured in the short space of 30 days; and British depredations have become so extensive, that our own ports do not provide sufficient protection for real and bona fide American property—Also in Liverpool, a number of valuable ships have been seized by the officers, under the pretext of finding tobacco, among the sailors."
August 22. We copy the following article with all its typographical distinctions from that paper, which has so long been the organ of Britain , and the enemy of American liberty and peace. Whether the Law Report which it professes to be, is accurate or a forgery, we will not take upon us to determine; if it should not be a correct report, there can no evil arise from it, it ought to be passed over with that contempt which similar publications of the British faction now daily receive; but should it be accurate, then indeed it is a paper most important and momentous to this country.
1. It is momentous, in as much as the Judiciary assert, and maintain that this nation is at war, contrary to the constitution of the United States sec. 8, par. 11. which provides that Congress alone can "declare war," and Congress never has declared war. 2. As it concerns the present state of a negotiation carrying on, to prevent war. 3. As it tends to afford a judicial decision, whereupon in the negotiation with a foreign power, that decision may be employed greatly to the disadvantage of our citizens who are seeking remuneration for their goods and vessels, which if we were in a state of war according to the usage of nations they would not lay an authorized claim to. If this report and the opinions of the Judges, therefore, be faithfully given, in our opinion every Judge who asserted that we were in a state of war contrary to the rights of Congress to declare it, ought to be IMPEACHED —Upon the remaining merits of the case we lay nought.
From the Gazette of the United States HIGHLY INTERESTING. Supreme Court of the United States LAW REPORT.
In our report of Saturday respecting the proceedings before the Supreme Court of the United States; we stated erroneously, that no judgement had yet been rendered in the case of Bass against Tingey . A decision, in fact took place on Friday, in which the judgment of the Circuit Court which decreed one half the value of the ship Eliza and cargo to the captors, by way of salvage, was affirmed. The Court pronounced their opinion, SEPARATIM , and the question of WAR OR NO WAR , as it respects the relative situation of the United States and the French Republic received a solemn AFFIRMATIVE & unanimous adjudication . The period at which this state of things commenced, was dated on the 7th July, 1798, when Congress, by law, declared the treaty between the United States and France, no longer binding. From that time, a qualified and restricted state of war has existed, and the French nation have been ever since entitled to the appellation of " enemies " to the American nation. The construction necessarily brings the French, within the meaning of the expression used in the 7th section of the act of Congress, entitled "an act for the government of the Navy of the United States" which says, "that for the ships or goods, belonging to the citizens
of the United States, or to the citizens or subjects of any nation in amity with the United States, if retaken from "the enemy," within 24 hours, the owners are to allow one eighth part of the whole value for "salvage, &c. and, if above ninety-six hours, one half." The ship Eliza , recaptured by the Ganges, had been more than ninety six hours in possession of the French—and this decree of the Supreme Court affirming that of the Circuit Court, establishes the construction, that a retaking from the French, is a retaking from "the enemy," which under the law of Congress, in force at the time of this recapture, entitles the captors to one half, the whole value as salvage.
JONATHAN ROBBINS. It is now well understood that gross and wanton deception was practised upon the public and upon Congress in the certificates obtained at Danbury, after this unfortunate American had been delivered up for murder.
The indecent fraud was committed of alleging as evidence, that no such person as Jonathan Robbins was born at Danbury , because no such name appeared on the records, although no records of that town exists, but such as have been created since the revolution, the British General Tryon having burned Danbury and the Records in it. The letter of Mr. Pickering directing the Judge to deliver up a Citizen, we do not recollect to have been published until within a few days by G. Duval Esq. of Maryland, who gave it to the public in a series of able and elegant discussions on the subject of ministerial errors. As Mr. Pickering is now before the public in many papers , and as Mr. Adams is said to have denied that he had authorized this letter dictating to the judiciary which would be a violation of the constitution, we now publish that letter, as we have reason to think it will prove an important article in a public impeachment.
(copy) Of a letter from the Secretary of State to JUDGE BEE.
Sir, Mr. Liston, the minister of his Britannic majesty, has requested, that Thomas Nash, who was a seaman on board the British frigate Hermione , and who he is informed is now a prisoner in the gaol of Charleston, should be delivered up. I have stated the matter to the president of the United States, he considers an offence committed on board a public ship of war, on the high seas, to have been committed within the jurisdiction of the nation to whom the ship belongs. Nash, is charged, it is understood, with piracy and murder, committed by him on board the abovenamed British frigate, on the high seas, and consequently "within the jurisdiction" of his Britannic majesty; and therefore by the 27th article of the treaty of amity with Great Britain, Nash ought to be delivered up, as requested by the British minister, "provided such evidence of his criminality be produced, as by the laws of the United States, or of South-Carolina would justify his apprehension and commitment for trial, if the offence had been committed within the jurisdiction of the United States." The president in consequence hereof authorized me to communicate to you "his advice and request" that Thomas Nash may be delivered up to the consul or other agent of Great Britain, who shall appear to receive him.
(Signed) TIMOTHY PICKERING. The Hon Thomas Bee, Esq. Judge of the District of South-Carolina.
August 23. ANGLO FEDERAL FINANCE, ILLUSTRATED By GALLATIN. During the last session of congress it will be remembered, that we published a rough sketch of the state of the National Debt ,—That sketch, as it ought, excited the attention of every part of the union. An increase of debt so enormous in the very season when the fabricators of the evil were boasting of our national prosperity—when we were at actual peace; when they were attempting by the most wicked devices to plunge us into a war, which could produce no effect to us but ruin of our property, and perhaps the destruction of the federal constitution by the hands of those who were appointed to preserve it—and at a season, when we had imposed on the country a ruinous loan at 2 per cent above legal interest, and were making another at the same enormous rate—such a statement we say, merited the earnest attention and solicitude of every man who felt a spark of affection for his country.
The good sense of the country, the sensibility of the people to their safety, and their jealousies of the men who were progressing in such palpable extravagance, was never more clearly perceived than on that occasion. And their voice was soon felt on the floor of congress. In the first abolition of irritation and rashness of some blockheads in power, on our publication of that statement, they had the folly to menace, and to take the first steps in a prosecution against the Editor of this paper for giving that statement to the public. The ridicule which would obviously have followed the further prosecution of the business however prevailed, and it was withdrawn.
Another measure however was adopted, to counteract the harmful influence of the perplexing Aurora —No less than the authority of congress was to be made use of to counteract an arithmetical speculation, and
to sophisticate an absolute subject so as to deceive and mislead the country. A committee was selected by Mr. Sedgwick composed of Roger Griswold, S. Sewall, R. Goodloe Harper, &c. truly to report and faithfully upon the finances of the country—and a report, they did indeed make, wherein they not only shewed by implication that the Editor of the Aurora was a great fool, but that Oliver Wolcott was a great knave; inasmuch as according to the report of this committee they had both greatly exaggerated the public debt.
It would have been a folly to enter into a contention with such a committee. The statement was left naked to support itself against a volume of false reasoning, and ridiculous assumptions brought out by the committee. For once Oliver Wolcott and the Aurora agreed (tho' not to a fraction,) in differing from the committee of Mr. Sedgwick's selection.
A pamphlet has just appeared, however, which puts the whole subject upon fair, perspicuous and comprehensible ground. The fallacious assumptions, the deceptions inferences, and the errors and ignorance of the committee are calmly and justly exhibited; and it is clearly shewn that the debt had increased to the amount of seventy-nine millions and upwards on the first day of January, 1800.
The Secretary of the Treasury Mr. Wolcott on the 22d January, 1800, gave it as his opinion to Congress, that the "principal debt of the United States had increased since the establishment of the federal government, 1,516,338 dollars 50 cents." The committee selected by Mr. Sedgwick, in their report of the 1st May last, gave it as their opinion—that instead of having increased, it had "diminished," in the same period, "1,092,841 dollars 48 cents."
Now, the people of America should always remember that Mr. Wolcott is a public servant responsible, and SWORN OATH . That Mr. Sedgwick , as Speaker , and as a member of Congress was under the obligation of two oaths, and that each member of the committee whom he selected were also sworn to do their duty to their constituents. These men and all their adherents are very clamorous about religion and morality —and that they are moreover well paid for the duty they are sworn to discharge.
Yet it appears as plain as the noon day sun, that these men are either wholly unfit for their stations as financiers or legislators, from ignorance, or they have betrayed their trust wilfully and knowingly—either of these consequences are inevitable, for upon as clear and limber a display of the subject, as perhaps ever appeared from the pen of man, it is demonstrated by Mr. Gallatin that the public debt on the first day of January, 1800, was 79,202,631 dollars 15 cents. In order to contrast them more clearly, we shall restate the amount of increase and diminution of the three several accounts, according to each authority.
NATIONAL DEBT, January 1st, 1800.
Encumbered according to Wolcott Dols. 1,516,338 50 Diminished according to Harper & Co. 1,092,841 48 Encumbered according to Gallatin 9,462,264 88
This monstrous suppression of the true state of the financial affairs of the country ought to be combined with the whole system of the anglo federal party —It should never be lost sight of that Pickering retained out of only five accounts, half a million of dollars; that Dayton without even a contingent expense to pay, retained immense balances in his hands; that more than TWENTY MILLIONS of dollars, at this moment lie in the hands of Loan Officers, Collectors, Supervisors, Banks, &c. belonging to the public, and that in the books of the account of the War-Office alone above FOUR MILLIONS of dollars remained to be accounted for when congress rose!
We have offered these observations as they arose, upon a perusal of Mr. Gallatin's book, which we earnestly recommend to every man who is desirous of obtaining a fair and an uncommonly dispassionate view of the finances of the country. Every man may understand this masterly production—Every man should ask himself if the authors of the abuses it exposes ought not to be put out of the public confidence, and not suffered longer to hold stations, which they have so much disgraced.
By an order of the Board of Health, guards are to be stationed at the Blue Bell , King's Ferry , where all stages, passengers, &c. from Baltimore and Norfolk, are to be detained and examined.
ordered me to go on board the frigate with my papers directly, and treated me very impolitely. I went on board with my papers, where they detained me five hours, broke open all my letters, and then in a very uncivil manner ordered me to return on board of my vessel, threatening at the same time to send me to Halifax, plundered us of every thing they could, and then left us. By what I could learn, while on board of the frigate, she was called the Cleopatra ; but that her name and the captain's were kept a secret, for they meant to take and plunder every American they could meet with. They also informed me that they had taken eight sail of American vessels a few days before, and sent them to Halifax; but I could not learn their names, nor the captains. As she never hauled down the American colours while in sight I think she may well be called a pirate on our coast.
The Schooner Adventure , who was in company with me, was treated in the same manner."
August 16. The brig Henry and Charles , Bates, from this port, is arrived at Amsterdam, 47 days passage. In the English channel, he was brought to by a French privateer of 22 guns, which treated him with great civility; the officer would not permit his men to leave the boat.
American vessels under adjudication at New Providence, August 6. Schooner Swift , Cromwell, from Charleston to Havana; cargo condemned, vessel detained until further proof from owners. Schooner Nimble , Clarke, from do. to do. vessel and cargo will be condemned, being contraband. Ship Tanner , O'Brian, of New-York, from Vera Cruz to Cadiz, in ballast. Ship Margaret , Coward, from Batavia and Isle of France to Baltimore.
RALEIGH, (N. C.) August 26. ELECTIONS. Representatives in Congress for this State. For this District.— Nathaniel Macon, Esq. Wake county, 819; Franklin, 421; Warren, 525; Granville, 456; Nash 415; total, 2706.
Hillsborough District. Richard Stanfield, Esq. Major Strudwick. Orange, 644 217; Person, 482 134; Chatham, 649 249; Randolph, 562 235; total, 2237 1455. Majority for Mr. Stanfield 882. Fayetteville District, Wm. Barry Grove, Esq. Halifax District, Willis Allison, Esq. Wilmington District, William Hill, Esq. Newbern District, by a majority of 856 votes, John Stanley, Esq.
NORFOLK, August 28. It appears by the various newspapers from the neighbouring states, that considerable alarm has been excited respecting the alleged existence of the yellow fever in this borough. We feel it our duty to say something on the occasion, in order to calm the fears of our countrymen, which we find have been played upon in the most wanton manner, by some of our own fellow citizens. That a fever prevails here, which has proved fatal in a variety of instances, is an undeniable fact; but whether it is the same fever which has so often ravaged our populous cities, or the common bilious fever incident to this season, is a question on which our physicians have not yet given an opinion. It is certain however, that it differs in many respects from the fever which has prevailed in New York and Philadelphia. Here, those who are habituated to the climate, say, who have lived here one or two years in town, are very rarely attacked with it; there, the contagion is general, and the consequences the same. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the disease is not so contagious as to alarm our neighbours; that it exists rather, if it may be so expressed, in our atmosphere than among our citizens, and is not so easily transplanted as some have imagined. Those strangers who have taken the proper precautions in regard to their habits have held in taken the disease; nor is it by any means general, even with the most neglected. In most cases the aid of the physician proves effectual, when called in time, and his instructions obeyed. In order to be more satisfactory, we have visited the several burying grounds, and by making the necessary enquiries, have found that there have been interred in the last 12 days ending this morning, 56 persons, about 15 of whom have died with a fever not particularly interesting to the public. It is observable that this period has been the most sickly of any that we have experienced this year.
20 Dollars Reward
RAN AWAY from the fabricatory, living in the lower end of Hanover, about the 10th day of May last, a tall straight, black Negro Woman, by the name of POLLY ; about 24 or 25 years of age, with large, heavy white eyes, speaks very soft when a little agitated, and has sustained a small injury to the end of the middle finger of her right hand by a whiplash. She had formerly a husband in George, a mulatto man servant belonging to John Mayo, Esq. near Richmond, and who eloped from his master about twelve months ago, and is not yet recovered. It is supposed that the above woman has been enticed or taken off by him. Whoever will deliver the said negro woman to me, or secure her in some jail so that I get her again, shall receive the above reward.
John Williamson. Richmond, August 23, 1800.
THE VIRGINIA ARGUS RICHMOND: Tuesday, September 2, 1800.
Extract of a letter from New-London, dated August 20. On Saturday arrived in this city two gentlemen from Martin's Vineyard, who came passengers from Rochelle. (France) in the ship Columbus , Captain Joseph Skinner, from this port. We learn from these passengers that the ship sailed from Rochelle, the 12th of June, and brought particulars from our enscons; nothing particular respecting the mission had been made public, but it was understood that the negotiations were likely to have a favorable issue. Our informant saw Mr. Ellsworth on the 6th of June, he was in good spirits; Mr. Ellsworth did not enjoy good health. The commissioners it was expected would depart for America about the first of August.
Some uncautioned federal partisans have made a great deal of noise about the gratuitous for the electors of President, in Virginia. It is well known that the feudalists passed laws in Pennsylvania, by which the first electors, and afterwards the second electors, and finally the third set of electors, of the President were to be chosen. New York by a federalist State Legislature chose all the electors federalists, and partisans of Thomas Pinckney , the last time, viz. in 1796—so did New Jersey—so did Delaware—and so did Vermont—Connecticut chose in like manner, and Rhode Island—But now that the Republicans reform, for justice and safety to the same measure, these federal partisans pretend to talk of it as unfair, and even in Pennsylvania , where they began it! These modest politicians purify a measure thus for twelve long years, while it serves their turn —but when their general conduct has awakened, disgusted and alarmed the people, and the same measures proves against them, they have the shameless impudence to clamor against it. ( Aurora )
FOR SALE, A tract of Land, CONTAINING upwards of 1000 acres, lying on the South side of the Sugarloaf Mountain, and head of the Dutch Creek, in Amherst county; a large proportion of which is thought to be as rich tobacco land as any in the mountains of Amherst. It is also particularly productive in wheat, which no weevil have ever been observed to injure on this mountain—There are several plantations on the tract, the principal of which is in fine order for cropping, with fresh cleared land sufficient to work 6 or 8 hands to advantage. There is a tolerable Dwelling House for a small family, and other buildings for planting, &c. also orchards of apples and peaches. The land is well timbered and watered, and lies within about 10 miles of two tobacco inspect ons, viz. Warrenton and New Market, on James river. The tract is already divided into lots to suit purchasers, and which will be sold this season. The terms will be moderate, and will be made known, and the land shown on application to the subscriber on the premises.
RICHARD C. POLLARD. August 2, 1800.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS satisfactory information has been received that some contagious disease exists at Norfolk, which without due precaution may be communicated to other parts of this commonwealth, and it being the duty of the Executive to prevent the spreading of the said disease, by causing the laws made and provided for that purpose to be faithfully executed, I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this Proclamation, inhibiting all vessels coming from the said port of Norfolk up James river, to pass the Quarantine at Jordan's Point, and all other vessels coming from said port to any other port within this commonwealth, to perform Quarantine at the places heretofore designated for such ports respectively, for the term of fifteen days, to be computed from the times they severally failed from the said port of Norfolk. If captains and masters of vessels, failing from the port of Norfolk, to any other port of this commonwealth, are required to comply with this injunction, otherwise they will expose themselves to the penalties inflicted by the law in case of disobedience. And I do hereby call on the Superintendents of Quarantine at the said several ports, to be vigilant and active in the discharge of their duty, observing that due examination be made of all vessels before they enter their respective ports, to ascertain whence they came, and that they cause those coming from Norfolk to be forthwith confined to the station appointed for the port to which they are bound, and also see that the quarantine above imposed be strictly and faithfully performed, in all other respects according to law.
GIVEN under my hand, and under the seal of the Commonwealth, at Richmond, this twenty third day of August, 1800. (L. S.) one thousand eight hundred, and of the commonwealth the twenty fifth. James Monroe.
Notice is hereby Given, To the Share-holders in the Upper Appomattox Company, That an ELECTION OF TRUSTEES , will be held at JAMES TOWN , in Amherst county, on THURSDAY the SECOND DAY of OCTOBER next. All holders of shares are required to attend in person or by proxy, as no election can take place unless votes should be given for a majority of the whole number of shares. Thomas Mumford, Clerk. 23d August, 1800.