The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-14 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GOVERNMENT TAVEN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence at the Union Tavern in Caroline County on Wednesday the 19th of April next.
1st. day—A sweepstake for 3 years old colts & fillies, 8 Subscribers, 60 bushels of wheat each, and 10S. entrance.
2nd. day—The Jockey Club purse—50 Subscribers, 5S. each.
3rd. day—The proprietor's subscription of 50S. with the toll of that, and the preceding days, and 10S. entrance.
The Rappahannock Jockey Club Rules to govern. PHILIP SAMUEL, Secy. March 10.
TO RENT—THE HOUSE AND LOT on Shockoe Hill, formerly the property and occupied by John Hopkins. Possession to be given immediately. Apply to, THOS. GILLIAM, Sept. March 10.
BY Virtue of a deed of Trust executed to us by Robert Logan to secure the payment of three bonds due by the said Logan to Daniel and William Guerrant, each for the sum of £131 3s. 3d. and bearing interest from the 1st day of November 1804—We shall offer for sale at the Warehouse door in New-Canton, the LOT No. 1. in the said town, with the improvements thereon, viz. a two-story dwelling-house, kitchen, smoke-house, garden, &c.
The sale will take place on Saturday the 1st day of next month. STEPHEN GUERRANT, } Trustee. ROBERT MOSELEY, Jr. } March 10. law3w3f
EUROPE.
LONDON, Dec. 17.
Hamburg papers arrived this morning to the 30th. The following is the only article worth extracting from them:
VIENNA, Nov. 19.
"Within a short time six houses have stopped payment in this place and about 10 in Trieste.
AUGSBURGH, Nov. 18.
"Yesterday morning a Turkish courier passed through this city, on his way to Paris, attended by two Turkish officers. In the evening Prince Kuzmin arrived here, with a considerable retinue, and will set out to-morrow for the French capital, where he is to reside as Russian ambassador."
PARIS, Dec. 13.
Camp at Madrid, 4th Dec. 1807.
The town of Madrid has capitulated—Our troops entered it to-day at noon. [This article is contained in the Moniteur of the 13th and 14th instant.]
THIRTEENTH BULLETIN.
ST. MARTIN, NEAR MADRID, 24 Dec.
"On the 29th ult. the head quarters of the Emperor was removed to the village of Ponferrada. On the 30th, at break of day, the duke of Belluno presented himself at the foot of the Somo Sierra. A division of fifteen thousand men of the Spanish army of reserve, defended the passage of the mountains. The enemy thought themselves unattackable in that position. They had entrenched in the narrow passage called Puerto, with 16 pieces of cannon. The 9th Infantry marched upon the right, the 96th upon the causeway; and the 24th followed by the side of the heights on the left. General Benamont with six pieces of artillery, advanced by the causeway; the action commenced by the firing of musketry and cannon. A charge made by General Montbrun, at the head of the Polish light-horse, decided the affair; it was a most brilliant one, and this regiment has covered itself with glory, and proved it was worthy to form a part of the imperial guard."
"Cannons, flags, muskets, soldiers, all were taken or cut to pieces. Eight Polish light-horse were killed upon the cannon, and sixteen have been wounded; among the latter is Captain Dziewanowski, who was dangerously wounded, and lies almost without hopes of recovery. Major Seguin, marshal of the Emperor's household, charged among the Polish troops and received many wounds, one of which is very severe. Sixteen pieces of cannon, ten flags, thirty covered chests, two hundred wagons, laden with all kinds of baggage, and the military chests of the regiments, are fruits of this brilliant affair. Among the prisoners, which are very numerous, are all the Colonels or Lieutenant Colonels of the corps of the Spanish division. All the soldiers would have been taken, if they had not thrown away their arms and dispersed in the mountains."
"On the 1st of December, the head quarters of the Emperor were at Saint Agustin, and on the 2d, the duke of Belluno, with the cavalry, commanded the heights of Madrid. The Infantry could not arrive before the 3d. The intelligence which we have received, led us to think that this town is suffering under all kinds of disorders, and that the doors are barricaded. The weather is very fine."
PRESSBURG, Nov. 26.
They write from Constantinople that the conspiracies successively formed against the actual Grand Vizier, by the partisans of the late Sultan and the Janissaries, had induced Mustapha Baïractor to act with greater severity than he has heretofore done against his enemies; executions have greatly increased during the last six or eight weeks, at Constantinople, but as criminal justice is very expeditious, no publicity is given to these arrests, it is impossible to learn the details and facts which serve as a basis for condemnation. Besides they abstain, at present, with the greatest care from speaking at Constantinople of these different events—so that they remain enveloped in the most profound secrecy.
We are only assured that the confidence of Mustapha Baïractor has been cruelly abused, which has rendered him very distrustful. In fact, among the persons put to death or banished, there are many individuals who are thought zealous partisans of the revolution which placed Sultan Mahomet on the throne of the Osmanlis. We
are assured that Bache Aga, a restless man, who had always about him a troop of people headed in one of the public places, had taken the resolution of killing the Grand Vizier, but the project was discovered by one of his accomplices, & all the conspirators with their chief, were arrested.
We no longer have any talking at Constantinople of any new attempts of the English envoy, Mr. Adair, to enter into negotiations with the Porte. It appears that the categorical answers which the Turkish Government has made at different times to the applications which this Minister has made to the Divan, has induced him to renounce his projects. We are assured that he will himself immediately return to England, to inform his cabinet of the bad success of his negotiation. The public report at Constantinople is, that the Britannic cabinet had made some overtures to the Porte before it had received the news of the deposition of Sultan Mustapha, and that it the more flattered itself with the hope of succeeding, as it had corrupted some of the principal members of the Divan. It was upon the intrigues of these personages that England depended for detaching the Porte from its alliance with France; for to detach more easily Sultan Mustapha from France, the partisans of England endeavored to persuade Sultan Mustapha that it was France who had counselled Sultan Selim to annihilate by degrees the Janissaries, and to create an European army—but the revolution at Constantinople and the elevation of Mustapha Baïractor to the place of Grand Vizier, deranged all these plans.
Mr. Adair having heard of this revolution at Malta, informed his government of it, & waited new instructions. The British cabinet used every means to gain the new Grand Vizier, and his partisans; he then set out for the Archipelago, furnished with very large sums of money, but the means of corruption were destroyed, and he has returned greatly surprised that his offers would not even be listened to. They add, that the Turkish government is very well informed of all that England has done for the last year to sow discord on the continent, and that the Grand Vizier Baïractor has declared that he considers every power, who makes a common cause with England, as a lost power.
It appears determined that the Turkish fleet should not pass the Dardanelles; many ships have already returned to port, and been laid up for the winter; the others will lose no time in following them. It is said that two English frigates which were cruising in the Archipelago have returned to Malta. Smyrna and Alexandria are as little blockaded as Salonicca, & it is not thought that enemies intend to remove the blockade during the winter; but the commerce and navigation of these seas are still disturbed by the great number of privateers which infest them.
The Court of Inquiry on Sir HENRY DALRYMPLE, has concluded its sittings. The London papers state, that they believe it will be followed by a Court Martial.
A number of English Men of War have sailed from Portsmouth and Plymouth for Vigo.
An attack has been made upon the harbor of Diamante, a small port in the Mediterranean, by the British, and 38 vessels, including some gun-boats, were captured; they were loaded with contributions from the provinces of Calabria, for the Neapolitan government.
The American dispatch ship Union, Capt. Gordon, from L'Orient, arrived at Plymouth on the 10th of December.
The Earl of Liverpool, the father of Lord Hawkesbury, died at his house in London, on the 17th December. Lord Hawkesbury, being his eldest son, is now Earl of Liverpool.
INDIA.
The cultivation of mahogany in India, has been attended with great success. Two plants (the first known in India) were sent out by the Court Directors to the Botanic Garden at Calcutta, from these two, upwards of 1000 plants have been reared, and they succeeded so well, as to promise in a few years to be a valuable acquisition to the country. The two original trees were last year nearly four feet in circumference, and several of the others two or three feet. London Paper.
DOMESTIC.
PHILADELPHIA, March 2.
THE CASE OF OLMSTEAD. It seems as if information and folly had become epidemical at Boston, & had spread to Lancaster.
The following message, it is said, has been communicated to the state legislature. The Governor, no doubt, is sworn to obey and support the laws of this commonwealth, and there is a law on this special subject, which authorizes the executive to call out the militia and protect the parties.
But then there is this infelicity in the case, that the laws of the United States are also part of the laws of this commonwealth; and the decisions of the supreme court of the U. States are, and must be, a paramount authority to any such law.
The law of this commonwealth is, in reality, an ex post facto law, produced by intrigue to cover injustice, and to violate the first principles of human rights in human society.
It is further aggravated by the facts, that the money which is the hard earned and sole property of Gideon Olmstead, is now in the state treasury of Pennsylvania; and that the state has neither in law nor in equity, any lien, nor is there any pretence of claim on the part of the state, to the money of this injured man.
Gideon Olmstead, commanded an American armed vessel during the revolution, he
* See last Friday's Enquirer.
was captured and carried into Jamaica, and brutally incarcerated in a dungeon for several months; with one or two others he was put on board a vessel to be sent to New-York, and on the passage, by an enterprize, the spirit, intrepidity, humanity, and effect of which ought to have obtained for him a statute, and in Greece or Rome, he would have obtained one; he, with two other persons and a boy, seized the vessel, with twelve or fourteen men on board, and brought her into the Delaware. The vessel was now thirty years in law suits; the man has grown into years and into want; he has had decisions of the old Congress and of the state courts, and ultimately of the supreme court in his favor, and now rather than render this veteran of the revolution justice, or pay the man his money: which is his own—the militia is to be called forth! Lamentable indeed is the state of morals and justice in society, when such transactions as have been exhibited in Massachusetts, in Connecticut, and now in the case of Olmstead, can occur. Aurora.
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The resolutions offered by Mr. Banks, and seconded by Mr. Thompson, on the 27th ult. are a testimony of the respect for the laws of the Union, which pervades the state legislature, and which assures the rescue of the state from the reproaches to which it would be justly exposed, if the iniquitous withholding of the property of Mr. Olmstead were to be persevered in by the present legislature, as it was iniquitously attempted, whether by ignorance or design is not material, by the legislature which passed the law.
The features of the case of Olmstead are cruel in every respect in which it is viewed. A veteran of the revolution, in vindicating his country, and carrying retaliatory vengeance among its enemies, after a gallant resistance against a superior force he is captured—seized—placed in a damp dungeon in the insalubrious climate of Jamaica; his limbs are loaded with irons; his comrade countrymen perish along side him; and after several months, he is put on board a British vessel destined for New York, then in possession of the British, perhaps intended to be consigned to those prison ships there, where so many thousand Americans had perished by famine or poison.
Passing along the shores of his struggling and desolate country, his body emaciated but his mind unshaken, he conceives the daring design of seizing upon the vessel in which he is a prisoner, and thus at once rescuing himself from captivity and inflicting retaliation on the national enemy.
Two comrades only present themselves as worthy of confidence to accomplish this enterprize, and twelve or fourteen persons, the ship's company and passengers, are to be coerced in order to succeed. In the general course of human affairs, desperation, and the usage of the world, would have sanctioned any extreme—Olmstead determined to conduct his enterprize upon principles of strict humanity, and while he extricated himself, did it in such a manner as reflects the greatest honor on the man for the humanity and the courage which actuated him, and in which he triumphed.
The particulars of the transaction are curious and interesting—and would occupy at this moment more space than we can afford to the narration of the facts. In a word, he, without doing bodily injury to a single person, brought the vessel, with her captain, crew, passengers and cargo, into the waters of the United States; on entering the channe of the Delaware, he was hailed by a public armed ship of the state; who, being a commissioned ship, undertook to claim the vessel taken by Olmstead, as a prize, and upon the ground that Olmstead had no commission authorizing him to make captures! as if the laws of God did not allow him to release himself from bondage, and as if the laws of war were intended to punish a brave man for noble actions!
The vessel was brought in and condemned in the admiralty court of this commonwealth; and the Captain and owners of the Convention public ship, commanded by captain Houston, claimed the vessel taken by Olmstead as their prize!
Olmstead, for himself and comrades, claimed the capture—and there being a dispute at law, the proceeds of the sale were ordered to be deposited in the hands of a public officer in this state—deposited to be restored so soon as the course of law should determine the right of claim, which was disputed as here described.
It appears then, that the state became merely a depository for the security of the person in whose favor the law of the land should decide.
The capture, it will be recollected, was made in 1777—and it has been hanging on the tenter hooks of the law from that day to the present.
Mr. Olmstead obtained the decisions of the committee of the old Congress, forming the high court of admiralty, he obtained the decree of the district admiralty court in reparation of damages, and in opposition to all the arts of chicanery; but a stratagem, played off or McKean, and with his connivance, exhibits the length to which iniquity will proceed; and is the source of the odium to which the state is now exposed.
The evidence of the facts is given in the copy of the peremptory mandamus hereto annexed, which unfolds with perspicuity and calmness, the course of extraordinary proceedings in this case.
But Mr. Olmstead appears in a new and a more estimable light, when his conduct in pursuit of his right, is considered.
He abandoned a lucrative concern in trade, five and twenty years since, to a brother, in order to pursue his right and to secure the fruit of his sufferings and peril, and acquired and merited honor, in any situation, becomes from the inherent character of virtue itself, the more attached to that cause and to the source of that honor; his soul delights to dwell upon the virtues which it has exhibited; and the wealth of the earth obtained by indifferent
means, affords no joys compared with the little acquired with honor, and the consolations of a generous and noble spirit. Mr. Olmstead pursued that which he had acquired after suffering, and secured by a noble magnanimity. He abandoned the more enlarged pursuits of commerce in which he had before been engaged; and behold the contrast!
Mr. Olmstead's brother retired ten years ago with an ample fortune, acquired in the business abandoned to him.
While Mr. Olmstead himself, pursuing his own property, has wasted near thirty years of his life, and thousands of dollars, in law proceedings—and in the decline of his life, with scarcely a dollar to sustain him; with the decrees of the law, and the voice of justice on his side; he finds his property in the state treasury of Pennsylvania, and the militia threatened to be called out, to oppose the restitution of his property and to resist the supreme law of the land.
This fellow citizens, is the brief but indisputable statement, of the position in which you are placed, by a long course of iniquity, in which you had no participation, but which you are now called upon to release the state from the reproach of. The money of an individual is in your custody—you have no right to it, nor to any of it—and you are now placed in that position, which will render it impossible for you to stand neuter; justice, and public law; the rights of property; and the principles of the government, all appeal to you; and you will rescue two amiable and respectable ladies, from a situation, which, though they have no concern, but as being the heirs of a state officer, and having discharged themselves from any individual claim, are yet placed in a situation, that cannot but be perplexing; and from which the justice of the state should have long since released them.
The law of 1803, is a blank paper—there is not a court in the country, with a sense of justice or law, that would not so declare it, a violation of the constitution of the U. States in two several respects.
Independence, of all questions of constitutionality, what will be said of a state that will sanction a privation of property to such an amount—and yet frame laws in every session which send miserable wretches to saw marble, for acts less heinous—and often the result of need, or of vicious habits?
Is there a man in the legislature who would if his own property were converted into cash, and deposited for security in the state treasury; is there any man who would not say it was a robbery to appropriate it to state uses, and deny restitution to the real owner?
Morality is as much an obligation upon a legislator as upon any other man; and it is in vain that penitentiaries are erected, if the constituted authorities hold up such examples as the case of Olmstead has exhibited for thirty years.
This, gentlemen, is plain English; you will find wretches enough to vindicate any misconduct or any acts of oppression which men vested with power or patronage may indulge in; it is due to your characters and to the character of the state, and an independent press, not to blast at iniquity, not to conceal or connive, from the eyes of men in power, the character of events upon which they have to act; and upon which they cannot avoid acting; with honor or without infamy.
Mr. Olmstead has shewn a due respect for the legislature; the following is a copy of a memorial which he presented to the legislature in 1807-8; what order was taken on his memorial at that time is not within our knowledge; but, he appears to have had as much right to complain of legislative neglect as of the law's delay.
The whole case of Mr. Olmstead has been before the legislature, in a printed pamphlet, as we understand, accompanying the memorial of which this is a copy—Aurora.
TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA.
In Senate and House of Representatives. The solemn memorial and earnest appeal of GIDEON OLMSTEAD, to the justice and virtue of his country, by their representatives:
MOST RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH, That in the glorious war which terminated in American independence, your memorialist was active and useful in the service of his country, encountered great perils and hazards, underwent great hardships and injuries from the public enemy, by whom he was in a severe action taken prisoner, suffered cruel and rigorous confinement; & that he finally effected his escape by seizing upon a British sloop, which with her cargo he with the aid of three other persons, brought into the United States; where the said vessel and cargo were condemned; and the value deposited in the public treasury of this commonwealth; from whence your memorialist has never been so fortunate as to obtain his just and lawful property, though he has resorted to every means which the best advice pursued with the most respectful assiduity, could devise.
That it is now near thirty years since he brought in the British prize.
That with little intermission of time, he has been in the pursuit of this property, which lawfully belongs to him, during these thirty years.
That after risking his life in defence of the rights of his country; After fighting for the rights and independence of his country;
After suffering hardships, cruelty and ironies in British bondage, for his fidelity to his country;
After distressing the enemy by capturing a vessel and enriching the commonwealth by the value of the vessel and cargo; the proceeds were deposited in the public treasury of this commonwealth; and have been ever since held at the use of the commonwealth.
And after the capture and condemnation, your memorialist embarked again in public service, and continued to annoy the public enemy, without intermission, till the
peace; after which he suffered, and has continued to suffer with the increase of years, many privations, wants, and distresses, which the restoration of his property by the public might have averted.
That at this critical period, when the nation may be again involved in war, such a case affords a sad discouragement to men to enter into public service, and put life, and health, and all, to hazard, when the reward of service and fidelity, is the deprivation of property, and the waste of thirty years of the decline of life, in seeking for and supplicating from public justice, what public generosity, justice, and policy would seem to say ought not to have been detained an hour.
He most respectfully submits to the generosity and justice, to the wisdom and probity of the assembly, his woeful and distressing case.
When the delays of law and its small pace progress, have become proverbial—will the respectable and upright representatives of the Pennsylvania people, suffer their respectable bodies to exhibit an example that renders the proceedings of courts of law comparatively moral and benignant to their suitors?
That your memorialist, who has waited patiently near thirty years, now claims from your justice, the restoration of his property, which requires from the public nothing that belongs to the public; which requires from the legislature no more than their duty calls on them to perform; and which will ever, though it is but his right he asks, command his gratitude and his prayers as long as he lives.
GIDEON OLMSTEAD.
The following is the mandamus of the Supreme Court of the United States, to assist which is in full force and unequivocal rebellion.
GIDEON OLMSTEAD AND OTHERS, vs. RITTENHOUSE'S Ex'rs.
With great attention, and with serious concern, the court has considered the return made by the judges for the district of Pennsylvania, to the mandamus directing him to execute the sentence pronounced by him in this case, to show cause for not so doing. The cause shown is, an act of the legislature of Pennsylvania, passed subsequent to the rendition of this sentence. This act authorises and requires the governor to demand for the use of the state of Pennsylvania the money which had been decreed to Gideon Olmstead and others, and which was in the hands of the executors of David Rittenhouse, and in default of payment to direct the attorney general to institute a suit for the recovery thereof. This act further authorises & requires the governor to use any further means he may think necessary for the protection of what it denominates "the just rights of the state," and also to protect the persons and properties of the said executors of David Rittenhouse, deceased, against any process whatever, issued out of any federal court in consequence of their obedience to the requisition of the said act.
If the legislatures of the several states may at will annul the judgements of the courts of the United States and destroy the rights acquired under those judgements, the constitution itself becomes a solemn mockery, and the nation is deprived of the means of enforcing its laws by the instrumentality of its own tribunals. So fatal a result must be deprecated by all; and the people of Pennsylvania, not less than the citizens of every other state, must feel a deep interest in resisting principles so destructive of the union, and in averting consequences so fatal to themselves.
The act in question does not in terms assert the universal right of the state to interpose in every case whatever, but assigns as a motive for its interposition in this particular case, that the sentence, the execution of which it prohibits, was rendered in a cause over which the federal courts have no jurisdiction.
If the ultimate right to determine the jurisdiction of the courts of the union is placed by the constitution in the several state legislatures, then this act concludes the subject; but if that power necessarily resides in the supreme judicial tribunal of the nation, then the jurisdiction of the district court of Pennsylvania over the case in which that jurisdiction was exercised, ought to be most deliberately examined; and the act of Pennsylvania, with whatever respect it may be considered, cannot be permitted to prejudice that question.
In the early part of the war between the United States and Great Britain, Gideon Olmstead and others, citizens of Connecticut, who say they had been carried to Jamaica as prisoners, were employed as part of the crew in the sloop Active, bound from Jamaica to New York, and laden with a cargo for the use of the British army in that place. On the voyage, they seized the vessel, confined the captain, and sailed for Egg Harbor. In sight of that place the Active was captured by the Convention, an armed ship belonging to the state of Pennsylvania, brought into port, libelled, and condemned as a prize to the captors. From this sentence, Gideon Olmstead and others, who claimed the vessel and cargo, appealed to the court of appeals established by congress, by which tribunal the sentence of condemnation was reversed; the Active and her cargo condemned as a prize to the claimants, and process was directed to issue out of the court of admiralty commanding the marshal of that court to sell the said vessel and cargo, and to pay the net proceeds to the claimants.
The mandate of the appellate court was produced in the interior court, the judge of which admitted the general jurisdiction of the court established by congress as an appellate court, but denied its power to control the verdict of a jury which had been rendered in favor of the captors, the officers and crew of the Convention, and therefore refused obedience to the mandate, but directed the marshal to make the sale and after deducting charges, to bring the residue of the money into court subject to its future order.
The claimants then applied to the judges of appeals for an injunction to prohibit the marshal from paying the money arising from the sales into the court of admiralty, which was awarded and served upon him, in contempt of which, on the 4th January, 1778, he paid the money to the judge, who acknowledged the receipt thereof at the foot of the marshal's return.
On the 1st of May, 1779, George Ross, the judge of the court of admiralty, delivered to David Rittenhouse, who was then treasurer of the state of Pennsylvania, the sum of £11,220 10 in full office certificate, which was the proportion of the prize money to which that state would have been entitled, had the sentence of the court of admiralty remained in force. On the same day, David Rittenhouse executed a bond of indemnity to George Ross, in which, after reciting that the money was paid to him for the use of the

state of Pennsylvania, he binds himself to repay the same, should the said George Ross be there- after compelled by due course of law to pay the sum according to the decree of the court of ap- peals.
These loan office certificates were in the name of Mathew Clarkson, who was marshal of the court of admiralty, and were dated the 6th of November 1773. Indents were issued on them to David Rittenhouse, and the whole principal and interest were afterwards funded by him in his own name under the act of congress making provision for the debt of the United States.
Among the papers of David Rittenhouse was a memorandum made by himself at the foot of a list of the certificates mentioned above, in these words:
"NOTE.—The above certificates will be the property of the state of Pennsylvania, when the state releases me from the bond I gave in 1773 to indemnify George Ross, Esq. judge of the admiralty, for paying the fifty original certi- ficates into the treasury as the state's share of the prize."
The state did not release David Rittenhouse from the bond mentioned in this memorandum. These certificates remained in the private pos- session of David Rittenhouse, who drew the interest on them during his life, and after his death they remained in possession of his representatives against whom the libel in this case was filed, for the purpose of carrying into execution the de- cree of the court of appeals.
While this suit was depending, the state of Pennsylvania forbore to assert its title, and in January 1805, the court decreed in favor of the libellants; soon after which the legislature passed the act which has been stated.
It is contended that the federal courts were deprived of jurisdiction in this cause, by that amendment of the constitution which exempts states from being sued in those courts by individ- uals.—This amendment declares "that the judi- cial power of the United States shall not be con- strued to extend to any suit in law or equity com- menced or prosecuted against one of the U. S. by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state."
The right of a state to assert as plaintiff any in- terest it may have in a subject which forms the matter of controversy between individuals in one of the courts of the United States, is not affected by this amendment; nor can it be so construed as to oust the court of its jurisdiction, should such claim be suggested. The amendment simply pro- vides that no suit shall be commenced or prose- cuted against a state. The state cannot be made a defendant to a suit brought by an individual, but it remains the duty of the courts of the United States to decide all questions brought before them by citizens of one state against citizens of a dif- ferent state, where a state is not necessarily a de- fendant. In this case the suit was not instituted against the state or its treasury, but against the executors of David Rittenhouse, for the proceeds of a vessel condemned in the court of Admiral- ty, which were admitted to be in their possess- ion. If those proceeds had been the actual prop- erty of Pennsylvania, however wrongfully ac- quired, the disclosure of that fact would have pre- sented a case on which it is unnecessary to give an opinion; but it certainly can never be alleged that a mere suggestion of title to a state to prop- erty in possession of an individual, must arrest the proceedings of the court, and prevent their looking into the suggestion and examining the va- lidity of the title.
If the suggestion in this case be examined, it is deemed perfectly clear that no title whatever to the certificates in question was vested in the state of Pennsylvania.
By the highest judicial authority in the nation it has been long since decided, that the court of ap- peals, erected by Congress, had full authority to revise and correct the sentences of the courts of admiralty of the several states in prize causes. That question therefore is at rest. Consequently the decision of the court of appeals in this case annulled the sentence of the court of admiralty, & extinguished the interest of the state of Penn- sylvania in the Active and her cargo, which was acquired by that sentence. The full right to that property was immediately vested in the claim- ants, who might rightfully pursue into whoso- ever hands it might come. These certificates in the hands of Mathew Clarkson the marshal, and afterwards of George Ross the judge of the court of admiralty, were the absolute prop- erty of the claimants. Nor did they change their character on coming into the possession of Da- vid Rittenhouse.
Although Mr. Rittenhouse was a treasurer of the state of Pennsylvania, and the bond of indemnity which he executed, states the money to have been paid to him for the use of the state of Pennsylvania, it is pretended that he held them in his own right until he should be completely indemni- fied by the state. The evidence to this point is con- clusive. The original certificates do not appear to have been deposited in the state treasury, to have been designated in any manner as the property of the state, or to have been delivered over to the successor of David Rittenhouse. They remain- ed in his possession. The indents issued upon them for interest, were drawn by David Ritten- house, and preserved with the original certifi- cates. When he paid as part of the debt of the U. States, they were funded by David Rittenhouse and the interest was drawn by him. The note made by himself at the foot of the list which he preserved as explanatory of the whole transac- tion, demonstrates that he held the certificates as security against the bond he had executed to George Ross, and that bond was obligatory, not on the state of Pennsylvania, but on David Rit- tenhouse in his private capacity.
These circumstances demonstrate beyond the possibility of doubt that the property which re- presented the Active and her cargo, was in pos- session of the state of Pennsylvania, but of David Rittenhouse as an individual, after whose death it passed like other property to his rep- resentatives.
Since then the state of Pennsylvania had nei- ther possession of nor right to the property on which the sentence of the district court was pro- nounced, and since the suit was neither recommen- ced nor prosecuted against that state, there re- mains no pretext for the allegation that the case is within that amendment of the constitution which has been cited; and consequently the state of Pennsylvania can possess no constitutional right to resist the legal process which may be di- rected in this cause.
It will be readily conceded that the order which this court is enjoined to make by the high obligations of duty and of law, is not made with- out extreme regret at the necessity which has in- duced the application. But it is a solemn duty and therefore must be performed. A peremptory mandamus must be awarded.
Extract to the Editor—dated Lancaster, February 27, 1809.
The following resolutions were offered to the house this morning, by Mr. Banks, and seconded by Mr. Thompson, and are now on the table.
WHEREAS, There hath appeared in the public news papers, certain publications of a treasonable and malicious wicked charac- ter, tending to invite a disobedience to the laws of the United States, to inculcate in- surrection and invoking revolt and resistance to the supreme law of the land; and that cer- tain draughts, or proposed draughts of laws, said to be intended for introduction into the legislature of the commonwealth of Massa- chusetts, purporting or intending to forbid or impede the execution of the laws of Con- gress, and to inflict penalties and punish- ments on such persons as should in the fulfil- ment of their duty to the U. States, by aid- ing in the execution of such laws.
AND WHEREAS, For a long series of years the United States have experienced mani- fest wrongs, murders, oppressions and plun- dering of her good citizens; and their prop- erty and persons in repeated instances wan- tonly destroyed, and barbarously treated; their territory, flag and just rights violated by the ships of Great Britain; and for which, after repeated and pressing remonstrances, no redress hath been obtained, but on the contrary, contumely and insult have been added to the wrongs complained of.
AND WHEREAS, This nation did, in times of imminent danger, receive many and sub- stantial aids from France, in arms, money, ammunition, fleets, and armies, thereby en- abling us to establish our independence; and that during the desolating war that has afflicted Europe since 1792, we have also experienced severe wrongs and injuries from the same power; but although they have been such as ought not to have been com- mitted, having done nothing on our part to warrant them, and such as cannot be over- looked with impunity, yet, in comparison with the insults, murders, and outrages com- mitted by Great Britain, they are of far in- ferior consequence.
AND WHEREAS, The publications said to be copies of authenticated proceedings of the legislature of Massachusetts, do wholly overlook and conceal, (as far as omission can conceal,) and tacitly consent to submit to the outrages and wrongs done to us by the power of Great Britain, while the comparatively inferior wrongs done us by France, are strongly dwelt upon, and an o- pen declaration is urged to "abandon the embargo laws, and unfurl the standard of war, against France."
Resolved by the Senate, &c. That the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, will furnish whenever the government of the United States may think fit to call for aid in sup- port of the constitution and laws [supposed 34,000] militia.
Resolved, &c. That a repeal of the em- bargo laws at this time, would in our opin- ion, be an abandonment of the rights of the nation, and of the property of the citizens of the U. States, to the depredations and insults of G. Britain.
Resolved, &c. That we deprecate the un- constitutional and daring attempts uttered and published as draughts of proceedings in the assembly of Massachusetts, to usurp the powers and resist the authority of the union, in subjects which the Congress of the United States alone have the exclusive power and jurisdiction, and in which no other power can interfere without violating the laws & the national compact.
Resolved, &c. That as the first session of the eleventh Congress will be held in May next, that it be recommended to the mem- bers and representatives of this common- wealth in the present Congress, to use every legal and constitutional means in their power to prevent the repeal, or any altera- tion in the laws already passed for main- taining the authority, and enforcing the laws of the union during the present session of Congress.
Resolved, &c. That the thanks of the le- gislature be given to the members of both houses of Congress who have adhered to the wise and dignified policy of the execu- tive, in voting against a repeal of the em- bargo laws.—Aurora.
BOSTON, March 1. Gen. Dearborn, our new Collector, arrived in town yesterday from Washington; and we learn, yesterday reviewed the shipping at the wharves. He has appointed Mr. Benjamin Farris, his de- puty.
NEW BREACHES OF TRUST! In the Boston Centinel of the 1st inst., the following articles were inserted under the title of "Further suppressed documents." This, to every man whose mind is not jaundiced by the bile of party, would readily seem a contradiction; for, it is very manifest that if the articles are 'genuine' and were 'suppressed,' the editor of a Boston newspaper would not have been enabled to ob- tain them for publication; or, that, if genuine and 'suppressed,' and yet he did not obtain them for insertion in his gazette, they must have been published for him by some mischievous and de- terred by some foul heart, which 'no honorable motives of policy or prudence, no rules of diplomat- ic delicacy required.'
The Boston printer does not inform his readers whence from whom he procured the articles; but almost insinuates that they were clandestine- ly obtained from the department of state. If Mr. Russell will reflect one moment, he will per- ceive how very cruel it is, how very distinguish- ing, to subject the gentleman of that office to so vile an imputation. I have the pleasure of a very slight acquaintance with most of the clerks in the department of state; I know them all by rep- utation; and I have no hesitation in saying that there is not one base enough to betray his trust, or who would even countenance or connive at a breach of oath and duty.
If, then, they are incapable of it, and such do- cuments do really exist, whence could they have been taken but from confidential communica- tion made by the president to congress? Were they, indeed, in confidence communicated? Were they communicated at all? Suppose them to have been made known to congress, what kind of charge is it against the executive to say he has 'suppressed' them? Is it a suppression of docu- ments to communicate them to the representa- tives of the people—to one hundred and seventy- six men, who are specially chosen to manage the concerns of the nation!—Monitor.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. PARIS, Dec. 27, 1807. "I forward to M'Elhon a copy of a second and very extraordinary decree, [Milan decree of Dec. 17,] of this government with regard to neu- tral commerce. Whether it be meant to stimu- late Great Britain to the commission of new out- rages or to quicken us in repelling those she has already committed—the policy is equally unwise, and so decidedly so, that I know not a man of consideration who approves it. It is however not less true, that it is difficult to find one who will hazard an objection to it. T—, who in this way is permitted to go further than any other person, dare not avow his opinion of it, nor (bad as he thinks it) do more than state that the pre- sent moment would appear to dictate some me- morification. To this point he stands engaged to go; and I wait the result with much anxiety. The emperor is expected here on the last day of the month."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. PARIS, Feb. 8, 1808. [To follow the paragraph ending with the words, "pari passu with his enemy."]
"Whether these intimations have any refer- ence to the distinction between such parts of the French decree as operate municipally on shore, and such as operating on the high seas, violate the rights of neutrals, or to a distinction between the former restriction, and the late extension of the decree with respect to the United States, Mr. Erskine did not seem authorised to say. The probability is, that neither of these distinctions entered into the views of the British cabinet. But it is certainly neither less the duty nor the true policy of the emperor of the French, so to vary his decree, as to make it consistent with the rights of neutrals and the freedom of the seas, and particularly with his positive stipulations with the U. States. This may be the more rea- sonably expected, as nothing can be more clear, as has been already observed, than the effect of the decree, as far as it can be carried into effect, would not be sensibly diminished by abolishing its operation beyond the limits of territorial sove- reignty."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. PARIS, Feb. 22, 1808. "Mr. Patterson officing so good a conveyance that I cannot but employ it. Nothing has occur- red since the date of my public despatches (th- 17th) to give to our business an aspect more fa- vorable than it then had; but on the other hand I have come to the knowledge of two facts, which I think sufficiently show the decided char- acter of the emperor's policy towards us."
These are, first, that in a council of administr- ation held a few days past, when it was proposed to modify the operation of the decrees of Nov. 1806, and Dec. 1807, (though the proposition was sup- ported by the whole weight of the council) he be- came highly indignant, and declared that these decrees should suffer no change, and that the A- mericans should be compelled to take the posi- tive character of either allies or enemies; Sec- ond, that on the 27th of January last, twelve days after Mr. Champagny's written assurances, that these decrees should not be changed in the prop- erty sequestered until work done with En- gland was brought to a close, and seven days after he reported to the emperor these very as- surances, the emperor had by a special decision confiscated two of our ships and their cargoes, (the Julius Henry, and James) for want of a document not required by any law or usage of the commerce in which they had been engaged. This act was taken as I was informed, on a gen- eral report of sequestered cases, amounting to one hundred and sixty, and which, at present prices will yield upwards of one hundred million of francs, a sum whose magnitude alone renders hopeless all attempts of saving it. Does it, Portu- guese and Americans will be the principal sub- jects. If I am right in supposing that the empe- ror has definitely taken his ground, I cannot be wrong in concluding that you will immediately take yours."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. PARIS, March 9, 1808. "The conversation alluded to in the copy of the letter I did not take place till the 8th instant, when the emperor declared, that if it means could be found to make an exception to the November decree, that such exception should have his consent."
Extract from the same to the same. PARIS, March 15, 1808. "I stated in my last letter the substance of a declaration made by the emperor, viz. that it means could be found to except American prop- erty, from the operation of the decree of Nov 1806, without infringing the principles of the de- cree, he would immediately make the exception. No time was lost in communicating this declara- tion to me, and I was invited to point out the means it required, and assured that they should be immediately submitted to his majesty. Little as I liked the proposition, and much as I doubt- ed the sincerity of the declaration out of which it grew, I could not refuse any agency of mine in rescuing so much of the American property sequestered in the ports of France, as should come within this new rule. Accordingly wrote the note, (a copy of which is subjoined to this letter) pointing out in a few words the property to which that rule would apply. This note was put into the emperor's hand by the prince of Be- nevvento, who, though six days have now elapsed, has not yet received an answer."
The schooner Financier, captain Sloat, of Bal- timore, with capt. Dale's company of the U. S. troops, arrived at New Orleans from Annapolis, in the short passage of 15 days.
To the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the United States. I now lay before Congress a statement of the militia of the United States, according to the latest returns received by the depart- ment of war.
TH: JEFFERSON. February 25, 1809. Recapitulation of the Militia for 1809.
  New Hampshire 24,869  Massachusetts 71,259  Vermont 17,921  Rhode Island 7,848  Connecticut 20,917  New-York 91,564  New Jersey 37,925  Pennsylvania 104,208  Delaware 8,878  Maryland 39,007  Virginia 65,676  North Carolina 51,117  South Carolina 29,004  Georgia 22,697  Kentucky 32,256  Tennessee 16,822  Ohio 13,324  District of Columbia 2,245  Mississippi Territory 2,158  Indiana Territory 2,067  Orleans Territory 5,626  Louisiana Territory 2,435  Michigan Territory 1,028  Total 674,287  
FROM CONNECTICUT. Extract of a letter from a member of the Connecticut Legislature, to a Gentleman in Boston, dated Hartford, February 24th 1809.
"I send you the doings of our Assembly, as yet, in a packet accompanying this. You will see by the Governor's answer to Secre- tary Dearborn, that he takes high ground, and we have this day passed a resolution in the House approving of the call of the Le- gislature. The numbers were 142 affirm- ative, 41 negative. This will be the probable strength of parties. The Governor's con- duct meets with the most decided approba- tion. We have had communicated to both Houses the proceedings of your General Court, which are highly approved of; and have appointed a committee, to whom is re- ferred the Communications from your Legis- lature, the Governor's Speech, correspond- ence with Dearborn, &c. We are deter- mined to follow your example."—Faliadi- um.
Gen. Bright of the State Militia is appoint- ed to command the forces of the state against the U. S. in the dispute arising out of Olm- stead's case. In consequence of this, Gen. Bright has left his seat in the state senate.—Phil. Gaz.
NEWPORT, (R. I.) Feb. 16.—The hon. General Assembly of this State, will con- vene at East Greenwich, on Monday next agreeable to adjournment.
March 13, 1809.
From the Federal Gazette. The opinion of an unknown Correspondent.
MR. HEWES. Believing it a duty every individual owes to society to make known whatever may in any degree relieve the afflicted, you will please to publish in your paper the fol- lowing cure for that dreadful malady, the CROOP.
Take the juice of Garlic or Onions, and rub the STONE of the patient; repeat it as often as the cough or wheezing returns.—It will relieve in ten or fifteen minutes.—Query. Would it not be serviceable in the Whooping Cough?
The United States Frigate, Chesapeake, arrived at Boston on the 25th ultimo, from Hampton roads.
The appointment of Mr. Short, as minis- ter to Russia, has been rejected in the senate unanimously.
PHILADELPHIA, March 6. The Chevalier de Foronda, charge d'affaires and Consul General from his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VIII to the U. States, informs the Merchants and others, whom it may concern, that the Spanish Consuls are authorized to grant to American vessels papers and documents, which are indispensably requisite to obtain admission into the following islands and ports, viz. Puerto Rico, San Juan de Cuba, Havana, La Guaira, Marayacabo and St. Augustine de la Florida.
APPOINTMENTS, BY THE PRESIDENT AND SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ROBERT SMITH, of Maryland, Secretary of State.
WILLIAM EUSTIS, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War.
PAUL HAMILTON, of South Carolina, Secretary of the Navy.
THOMAS SUMPTER, jun. of South Carolina, Minister Plenipotentiary, to Rio Janeiro.
HENRY HILL, Consul at St. Salvador in Brazil.
DAVID HOLMES, of Virginia, Gov- ernor of the Mississippi Territory.
JOHN BOYLE, of Kentucky, Governor of the Illinois Territory.
NATHANIEL POPE, (K.) Secretary of the Illinois Territory.
FRANCIS XAVIER MARTIN, of N. Carolina, to fill the vacancy produced by the resignation of Peter Bryan Bruin, a Judge of the Mississippi Territory.
OBADIAH JONES, of Georgia, JES- SE H. THOMAS, of Illinois, territory, and ALEXANDER STUART, of Virginia, to be Judges of the Illinois territory.
THOMAS NELSON, Collector and In- spector of York, in Virginia, to be Commis- sioner of loans for the state of Virginia.
NAVY AGENTS. Samuel Storer, Portland, Maine.
Henry S. Langdon, Portsmouth N. Hamp- shire.
Francis Johonnot, Boston, Mas.
Joseph Hull, Middletown, Con.
John Bullock, New York.
George Harrison, Philadelphia.
John Striker, Baltimore.
Theodore Armistead, Norfolk, Nathaniel Ingraham & son, Charleston, S. C.
James Morrison, Lexington, Ky.
Keith Spence, New Orleans.
Archd. S. Bullock, Savannah, Geo.
Daniel Carmick, now a captain of Ma- rines, to be a Major of Marines.
James Thompson, Edward Hilt, and Michael Reynolds, now first Lieutenants of Marines, to be Captains of Marines.
Samuel C. Miller, now a Second Lieutenant of Marines, to be first Lieutenant of Marines.
Jasper Hardy, of Pennsylvania, to be a Surgeon in the Navy of the United States.
Samuel Elair, and Samuel Forsley, of Virginia, to be Sur- geon's Mates in the Navy of the U. States.
Among the nominations made by the President, we understand, that of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, as Minister Plenipo- tentiary to St. Petersburg, on which no vote was taken in the Senate, they having resolu- tion—Ayes 17; Nays 15; that such a mis- sion was in their opinion unnecessary.
The Senate of the United States adjourn- ed on Tuesday, having remained in Session by special call from the 4th of March till that period.
MILITARY APPOINTMENTS. Made previous to the 4th of March last. BRIGADIER GENERALS.
Wade Hampton, Peter Gansevoort.
REGIMENT OF LIGHT ARTILLERY. Lieut. Col.—Vacant, Major—John Saunders.
LIGHT DRAGOONS. Colonel—Wade Hampton, (promoted as above.)
Lieut. Colonel—Leonard Covington. Major—Electus Backus.
RIFFLEMEN. Colonel—Alexander Smith.
Lt. Col.—William Duane. Major—John Fuller.
THIRD REGIMENT OF INFANTRY. Colonel—Edward Pasteur.
Lt. Col.—John Smith. Major—Homier V. Milton.
FOURTH REGIMENT OF INFANTRY. Colonel—John P. Boyd.
Lt. Col.—John Whiting. Major—James Miller.
FIFTH REGIMENT OF INFANTRY. Colonel—Alexander Parker. Lt. Col.—William D. Beall. Major—Tully Robinson.
SIXTH REGIMENT OF INFANTRY. Colonel—Jonas Simonds. Lt. Col.—Joseph Constant. Major—Zebulon M. Pike.
SEVENTH REGIMENT OF INFANTRY. Colonel—William Russell. Lt. Col.—Robert Purdy. Major—Clyjah Strong. (Coordinate appointments hereafter.)
THE Subscriber takes this method of inform- ing the public, that he has obtained a com- mission of Notary Public for the district of Ab- ington, composed of the Counties of Grayson, Washington, Lee, Russell, Giles, Wythe and Montgomery, in which, he also intends, in a few weeks, to commence the practice of the LAW. Persons having business in that circuit and clos- ing to confide to him, may rely on his punctu- ality, and modality in the execution—Those wish- ing to employ him in the duties of his profession, will please make application by the twentieth day, as he expects at that time to leave the neighborhood. Letters addressed to him at Abington shall be duly attended to.
PETER MAYO. March 13, 1809.
LATEST FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. GEORGETOWN, DIS. COL. MARCH 11.
Mr. Gibbon, the messenger from England and France, arrived at the department of state yester- day forenoon, after travelling all night. We hear he was taken from on board the Union, some dis- tance off the coast, and landed at New-Castle. Since writing the above, we have received a handbill from Baltimore containing the news by the Union, which follows.—Wash. Fed.
BALTIMORE, March 9. Our concerns are said to have undergone no change with respect to France. England has, however, repealed her export duty on neutral pro- ductions, and is rather thro' the operation of her orders in council.
We learn that owing to a renewed indispositi- on in the king of England, a regency was con- templated, to consist of the prince of Wales, the queen, and the duke of Portland. This circum- stance was not publicly known at London.
At Plymouth, whence the Union sail- ed, in- formation was received from London, after the 25th Dec. that a great action was fought in Spain, in which the French were defeated with immense loss.
The greatest exertions were making, according to verbal accounts from Paris, for pouring in bodies of troops, to sweep the devoted country of Spain, and by terror, desolation and murder to overawe and reduce it.
From Papers brought by the Union, arrived in the Delaware.
LONDON, Dec. 28. At length intelligence has arrived from Spain, and we rejoice to say, that it is of a favorable na- ture. The Orestes is arrived at Falmouth in 11 days from Coruna.
The dispatches received by government from Coruna, are to the 14th December—and from sir John Moore to the 8th. It was known at Coruna, that the French were in possession of the Escurial, but it was believed in Galicia and Asturias, that they had been repulsed from Ma- drid with great slaughter.
Sir John Moore has pushed a corps to Zamora, and sir David Baird was on his march to join him. The united force of the British army would then be 40,000 men.—The marquis de Romana's army, at Leon, exceeds 20,000, and is daily increasing. The Spaniards, so far from being distressed, are full of spirits, and as determined as ever to perse- vere in their just and glorious cause.
The dispatches from sir John Moore stated that the latest intelligence he had received was, that Madrid held out.—What the date of that intelligence is, we have not heard.
Sir David Baird, he adds, was advancing tow- ards a junction with him.
We know not how to reconcile the above in- telligence with the statement in the last Paris pa- per received of the 14th inst.
Sir John Moore's account that the city still held out- held, would show that the French were be- sieging it—Yet according to the French papers it made no resistance—and capitulated as the enemy appeared before it. Salamanca is not more than 100 miles from Madrid and later intel- ligence than the 4th might have reached Sala- manca on the 8th.
The account does not mention that Madrid was in a state of siege—but that the enemy had been repulsed from it, and had marched to the Escurial, in order to place themselves between Madrid and our army, which might be advancing by that road to the assistance of the capital.
PRETENDED TRIBUTE REPEALED. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. The Gazette of last night, contains the follow- ing order of council, relative to two acts connect- ed with the orders of Nov. 1807:
"His majesty, in virtue of the powers reserved to him by two certain acts, passed in the 48th year of his majesty's reign, the one entitled "an act for granting to his majesty until the end of the next session

CAROLINE, Feb. 10, 1860.
Sir, I consider your letter of the 7th instant, as a flattering event of my life. The sum of a four months' collection of defamation, with which to assail an old character, almost proves that man may get through a void of offence, in spite of the revolutions of party and the zeal of partisans. The scrutiny of the agent violent, which could break open a closed pit of federal calumny, and draw from thence food, to be made into the republicans of that day, to repel those of this.
No subterfuge between what I had said to my Son and his letter to Mr. Stannard, (a copy of which I have seen) can turn the terms of either into any reprehensible meaning. You dashed out a calumny with the intention of deceiving the free holders and injuring Col. Monroe; you regretted, yet suffered the act to have its operation. Neither your regret nor my remonstrance, could prevail on you to repair an injury done to me, for the purpose of violating the rights of others, even after that purpose was effected. If it would have been right in you to have corrected yourself, how could it be wrong in me to correct you? My patience under the injury, will probably be thought more censureable than a demand for the publication of the defence in any form that could have been.
For this correction, if your protestation, that it was your first offence is true, I was entitled to your thanks. The gratitude to those who will check our first transgressions, ought to be guaranteed by the danger of habitual sin. But why do I mention gratitude to the Editor of Ritchie's Enquirer, in whom the new light still shines? If this was the first instance of your depravity, I attempted to make it the last. In vain. Four columns of falsehood demonstrate, that your first plunge beyond the confines of truth, has demolished your barriers against vice, and enabled you to satiate your natural appetite.
To nourish this appetite, which will render you more cadaverous, the more it is fed, you have employed a most formidable militia. The sages of Greece, the hero of Europe, Mr. Madison's popularity, the learning of Mr. McAlester, my anonymous neighbor, your anonymous correspondent, the secretary of the treasury, and a black crow are the auxiliaries you claim; and with the honorable design, no doubt, that the combat should be a fair one, you assign to me the existing prejudices against Mr. Randolph. Is this confidence or despair, or do you balance the unconscionable odds by the magnitude of truth?
Your defence of the profession of a schoolmaster, was not necessary to convince me of its respectability, nor can it convince others that my allusion was a sarcasm intended for the profession, and not for the pride of a pedant and the tyranny of a pedagogue. Employments could bestow honor where there is no merit, none, perhaps, could put in a stranger claim to the privilege. I esteem the schoolmaster, from whose brows you attempt to transplant to your own, the laurels won, you say, of me. Could the impression made upon me by Mr. McAlester's superiority demonstrated at parting, be conceived by a mind to which envy is natural and pride habitual, it would disprove the existence of the sensation attributed to me towards Mr. Madison, from a similar cause; and astonish you with the knowledge, that human nature can confess superiority with pleasure, and bestow praise which it is not entitled to receive. Plato and Aristotle were indeed scholomasters; but are you not a little mistaken in the modest imputation proclaimed by your laboured eulogy? To praise one like us, is a state device for praising ourselves. It is the living Plato who devours his own flattery, not the dead, who is insensible even to the flattery of others.
Conscious that no name would be a better confirmation of slander than your own, you have published a long letter concluding with the charge, that I am likely to betray my friends. Betray my friends! What—Have I been unknowingly enlisted by men and not by principles? Is it the case with you, Mr. Anonymous, or with you, Mr. Ritchie? Have my friends any vicious designs, that they entertain this fear? Are your friendships, gentlemen, liable to such risks, and would a disclosure of your secrets ruin your reputations? Is there then a band of friends somewhere, unassociated by principles and yet associated? If there is, I regret it, because to this species of friendship republicans often owe their ruin. But does the possibility that I may terminate my life, with betraying a political friend, justify you for almost commencing yours with bellying me? In free elective governments, every honest politician should wear his principles as openly as his face. I absolve every friend I possess from a loyalty which implies a fear of disclosure. The man who hides his opinions, retains the power of modeling them by his interest, and works by stratagem, is seldom a true disciple or a safe defender of republicanism.
Upon the strength of this letter, as I suppose, you have asserted that I am as variable as the winds. Yet I believe that the gentleman who wrote it, would have been better pleased with me, had I been even less steady; and I should be glad to learn of you, wherein I have changed my principles, that I may claim the merit of such a facility of temper, for the purpose of recovering the favor of several of my old associates.
To stretch the crime of my apprehending the course of the comet, at which all Europe at least trembles, you have descended to the fraudulent artifice of garbling and misrepresenting my words, and made an unphilosophical attempt to persuade the world, that a prospective calculation may be an object of persecution. That the tail of this comet, extended by the possession of the British fleet, might give us a brush, appears to me as probable, as a contrary calculation of its orbit, though made by the profound Mr. Ritchie. Nor can I discern with what propriety he who whispers his fears of the "vollied vultures of John Bull," should accuse me of wanting "enough of moral energy" for supposing that it would be a misfortune to us if your "French crows" should mount on
the backs of these dreadful "vollied vultures." But such you say, is the opinion of a majority. Admitting it to be so, this same majority will hardly convert my having said, that I would sacrifice a considerable sum of money, rather than these vultures and crows should be united, into an idea of submitting to English taxation, any more than my declaration, that I would give a small sum to make you a veracious man, into one of submitting to calumny.
It is not wonderful that you should appeal to style, as the test of truth, both to take a chance for the character of veracity, and also to gain the ground upon which you think yourself qualified to shine. Is it modesty or understanding which has taught you to think, that spurious sentences are pills able to disguise the taste of falsehood, or shameless assertions, evidence able to convert them into truth. To me, your string of impressions, calumnies, contradictions, petty furore, party furor, new light and vanity, appears like glass beads, painted in gaudy colours, to dazzle and cheat ignorance. But if your style approached as near to the elegance of a Junius, as it does to the invention of a Mandeville, still this feather in your cap has as little to do with truth, as the tiara of the pope, or the mitre of a bishop; nor are the privileges you have usurped from the distinction, of infringing the public right of fair election, and calumniating private character, consistent with the true, however, it may be with the refined republicanism, with which you have graciously crowned yourself. Far from emulating your style, I shall proceed by way of dialogue, in order to disentangle it from your meaning; that on the one hand your assertions may be understood, and on the other, that your style may stand blazing by itself, untarnished by a spot of sense.
Ritchie. John, you egregiously misunderstood the allusion of "private griefs." I meant that envy, and not the disappointment of getting an office, caused you to swerve from your public duty.
Taylor. You take it for granted, that four successive impressions in your own mind, make four facts. My impression of your allusion, and that of all I conversed with was, that it related to office. If one man's impressions, as your logic says, can make four facts, the impressions of some thousands certainly make one. And as you did not choose to remove this impression, which you made and allow to be false, you fraudulently gave it the force of a fact, as to all who imbibed it. You acquit me of not being corrupted by a motive which is very apt to corrupt, but is a calumny of equal vileness to be excused because it was not understood?
R. Undoubtedly; for if neither you nor any body else knew where the shoe pinched, it could not pinch you at all. But I will tell you what your private griefs were, since you knew not yourself. First, you have said that Mr. Madison is no republican in principle.
T. I wish I was a critic like you, Mr. Ritchie, that I might know whether this is really a grief, or only an opinion. If it is an opinion, in honesty you ought to have been less poetical, and ought I to have violated it, whether it was true or false? You have a way of mending as well as making facts. Mad I said, that a gentleman drank a glass of water, you would have turned it, if you needed the assertion, into Rappahannock river. This attempt to manufacture a disinterested opinion, supposing I had entertained it, into a disgraceful private grief, is a clumsy effort to make Mr. Madison's merit and popularity sponsors for your vices. As a trick, it is contemptible; as a matter of taste, however, it is eminently correct. An examination of the blemishes of a diamond, would be a far more agreeable employment, than an exhibition of the deformities of a cloud. But public opinion is not what I take it for, if it will suffer you to make of one gentleman a plaster for your character, and of another, a caustic for mine.
R. I will try to do it, however. You were in league with Mr. Randolph. The devil is in it if you don't allow this to be a private grief.
T. The devil must be a conjurer to make it one, but no conjuration is necessary to make it a public one. Mr. Randolph had disclosed his enmity to Mr. Madison before I happened at Washington on a law suit, and Mr. Jefferson informed me of it the day, I think, after I got there. Neither had read nor did I read the Federalist, until I was induced to do it long after, by some references to it in your paper, and in other public exhibitions; and I neither made nor furnished Mr. Randolph with comments on it, nor even conversed with him at all. I have sometimes derived very great pleasure from being in Mr. Randolph's company, but I never thought myself entitled to dictate to him, and indeed I hardly recollect having been three hours with him, except in other company, in my life. So much for the fact. I neither intend to condemn nor defend Mr. Randolph, and it is only to balance the first inference, which might possibly be made from what I have said, that I add, that I consider that gentleman's situation and yours in the public opinion, if yours is such as you suppose, to be as complete illustrations of the blindness of fortune, as have occurred since the revolution.
R. I told thee that my calumny was produced by the dash of my pen, and not the dash of my pen by the four columns, which I now say caused me to make that dash. Having to look for the private griefs after I asserted their existence, it is like a quibbling lawyer to except to my expression of editorial being made unpopular by editorial arithmetic; for if I can thereby make you enemies, will it not be a private grief to you, and establish my veracity as the lawyer's make bad titles good, nunc pro tunc? But now, sir, I mean to touch you with a divine spear, which will cause you to appear in your true colors. What say you to your envy, malice and hatred towards Mr. Madison for the "decided ascendancy and glaring superiority of his report over your resolutions? Damn me as a critic, and despise me as the grossest of calumniators, if the private grief which caused you to prefer Monroe to Madison, was not instilled into you by the vast difference between these rival compositions.
T. Mr. Madison wrote the resolutions as well as their defence.
R. Zounds. Many persons have long since known it. I submitted to become the reputed father of the child, because I liked it, and the real father did not choose to own it. Mr. Ritchie, I really pity you.
H. Blood and zounds! I will yet try to save a bit of timber to build on again. Therefore for the fourth and last time I assert, that your envy on account of Mr. Madison's having outwritten himself, slept many years, but was suddenly awakened by hearing that he had called you a shallow politician, or something like it, whereupon this new grief
awakened that old grief, and these adversaries to virtue joined together (like the thieves and united travellers whom Falstaff had robbed) and bore down your integrity.
T. I have been very near associating that I never was informed that Mr. Madison had dropped any such expression, but upon endeavouring to recollect, I have a confused idea that some such suggestion was made in your paper, by whom I never knew. If it was, I am positive that it was made long after it was generally known, that I was in favor of Col. Monroe. So that this last of my private griefs, influenced me, according to your logic, (and indeed the reasoning is as good as any you have used) a long time before it existed.
R. But this charge, and the expression "I trust, with the resolutions," discloses to me, I think, your anonymous correspondent. A gentleman in whose veracity I had the highest confidence, did once tell me, that a similar opinion had been applied to me by one of my friends, but without disclosing his name.
T. In my mind I pitched upon your correspondent, if I do not mistake him, because it was exactly the opinion I believed him to enter in. This belief was founded on considerable differences of political principles, particularly in relation to banking; and on a notion that the compliments he paid me, were a little too high for one, of whose understanding he had a good opinion. Nothing is more common, than for politicians both to think and call each other shallow, and nothing can be less offensive. Human nature abounds in shallows. It was, I think, a shallow thing to entrust you with the letter you have betrayed. An embargo, I think, is a shallow thing for coercing nations, however useful for saving shipping. "War, to rally the people round the government" was proved to be but a shallow device under Mr. Adams's administration; and nothing is more common in the history of politicians, than to see them floundering on the very shallows, wherein their predecessors have been wrecked.
T. Your correspondent does not, I think, consider Mr. Jefferson himself as free from this political malady, which may be called "the shallows," as one proof of which, I will give the history of the pamphlet he censures. It was written and sent to Mr. Madison, with an absolute power to use it for the old cause, or to burn it. He approved of it by a letter, laid it before Mr. Jefferson, and it was printed, but by whom I know not. I never saw it after parting with it. The last letter of Mr. Madison to me on the subject of that pamphlet, is transcribed merely to face my anonymous friend, as I see no impropriety in it.
"I informed you from Albemarle of the step taken with regard to the paper from your point. I was in the heat of composition for the instruction of the good people of Virginia; "my spirit glowed in my nerves, my impetuous imagination became ungovernable," the poetic furor seized me, and united with a furor arising from my impressions aforesaid against you; a match was put to these combustibles by a neighbour of yours, and out flew "what private griefs he has, alas! I know not." But I did know for all that, at least if not then, I do now. I did and I did not know. Either prove both false or allow half to be true. If you make the concession, our dispute is at an end, for it will establish my veracity "in my vocation" upon a much better foundation, than I ever expected to place it.
T. Sir, your fervour or your modesty has led you into a mistake. Your crow, the bird of Apollo, brought you his high priest, an effusion from the God, the supposed poetic furor was really inspiration, your glowing & struggling were Pythonian convulsion, and the delivery which gave you ease, a genuine oracle.
R. My dear Taylor, give me your hand, you are right; I always thought there was something divine about me. This, and this only, of all you have said almost "convincing my understanding and induces me to make atonement." I know very well what I said of you was not dictated by all that silly story of a Cock and a Bull, in my four columns, and therefore it must have been inspiration. Indeed I told the truth without intending it, which looks like inspiration too, for I say, that I would not have calumniated you, if I had known at the time, of your non-interference with the election; and of course your supposed interference, and none of those foolish tales, many of which I have since collected, produced that effluent extempore. I have a great mind to do right "your present politics notwithstanding."
T. Pray my dear Mr. Ritchie, what do you mean by the word politics?
R. Politics! What do I mean by the word politics? I wish I had looked into the dictionary for it. Oh! I have it. It means being for or against Madison or Monroe, thinking that an embargo is able to save ships, but not to coerce nations, and above all, taking my news-paper. My news-paper is my touchstone for politics, as Bayes's play was for wit. Whoever thinks it a wise one, has good politics, and whoever thinks otherwise, bad; and those who cease to take it have changed their politics. But John, the world are telling sad stories about your change of politics. You did not vote at the election of president, though you say that the calumny of a Gazette, and the bayonet of a soldier are almost equally hostile to its freedom. Of what use then was suffrage to you?
T. Sad stuff indeed, and as sad reasoning. If then the calumny or the bayonet produces the intended effect, there is no harm in them. It amounts to this. "If you had used your
right of voting, my calumny would not have deprived you of it; if you did not use it, it was of no use to you, and therefore my calumny, neither injured you or deceived others." Much stronger might be found for it, but the fact is that I did not go to the election, because I had for sometime thought that Col. Monroe's friends ought to yield, and because I had no idea of voting for myself, which I had never done on similar occasions. You first calumniated me for adhering to Col. Monroe, and then for not adhering to him; representing the same act as both right and wrong. You falsely insinuate that my neighbors said something disrespectful of me, and allow that you afterwards obtained letter information. Truly as you say I believe "that no man has made greater sacrifices of feeling" for party; but this does not make you a republican. At least I have never supposed that a sacrifice of feeling by uttering calumny, contradictions, low tales, and false insinuations constituted republicanism, however it might excite sensations requiring no small stock of pride to assuage.
R. But Sir,
Boreas came in all his blustering fury, And you came not to serve on Aaron's jury. Ah! this is indeed a bad story of the world's. It is however confounded hard that the prince of the air, having assailed me so unmercifully through one medium, should assail me again on account of the very injury he committed himself, through another, which boasts of its "enthusiasm for republican union." His majesty is preserving the republican union, by this enthusiasm, as he preserved the union of my houses and carriages by the enthusiasm of the wind, and will I fear soon cut out no little work. He overturned my fruit trees, demolished irreparably one house, took off the roof of another, and threw down a third which crushed my carriages. Mark what followed. The workmen called me, were as unable to repair the mischief of this species of enthusiasm, as political workmen will probably be to repair the mischief of that, of which you are made the vehicle; and the old union being destroyed, I was forced to build up a new one. The morning after the visit from this sable king, who has left the wind quiet since he has found another medium for playing his pranks, was that for my setting out as a juryman in Burr's case, and I had prepared to go, with a knee so swelled by long fit of the rheumatism, that I could not ride on horse-back. However my health, and the ruins lying around me, did actually keep the idea of borrowing a carriage out of my head.
R. Ah John, have I brought you to confess a charge to be true. You talk of Logic. If you ought to be acquitted of my other charges, because they are false, ought you not to be convicted of this, because it is true? There's conclusive logic for you. But John I have given a very pretty history of myself, and I demand yours in return, that the public may compare my splendor with your obscurity. Think of my bounding from a doctor, up to a schoolmaster! Ah the new lights of Godwin. To be useful and a patriot was my object, but my health wasted, and I sought a new mode of subsistence, my new lights notwithstanding; now is it not hard that you write in a style "requiring a mind "just a penetrating as your own to disentangle the involutions of its sentences and to "reduce the elements of Chaos into some "species of order" (I fear John you may be unable to disentangle the words and the sense of this passage of my letter, and therefore I stop to tell you it means, that your mind, after having made Chaos out of order, can make order out of Chaos, I say, is it not hard that such a mind should attempt to rob me of the fame of having soared above the narrow prejudices of the world, overleaped the opportunities of friends, and buoyed myself up to the summit of perfection for four whole years, by the force of a light, which though divine was near killing me?
T. History for history is fair. You shall therefore have mine. An old light induced me in 1776 to sell all my property—500 acres of land & 10 slaves—a credit carrying interest, to enable me to live in the army; to join it and never to be absent for about three years; to be present at every action in which my regiment was engaged, about half of which was killed or wounded in the time; to persevere until my purse was exhausted by expenses and depreciation, and until I became indebted; to seek a new mode of subsistence, and to serve about fourteen years in legislative bodies, without having ever asked a vote, solicited an office, or used any immoral energy to exalt myself or debase others. Will this egotism balance yours, if not, being placed by age hors du combat, I may in my next make up the deficiency. Now is it not as hard that you should, without provocation, attempt to rob me of the simple character of having done my duty for these seventeen years in the public service, by reviving one tale every part, modification and aspect of which is utterly false and by inventing sundry others; as that I should call you schoolmaster, and thereby revive the expiring honors you gained in that capacity?
R. You struck the first blow John—threw down the gauntlet—first used hard language—and descended from the conduct of a dignified mind.
T. The duce I did. This is sailing plump in the wind's eye. Was the charge of my betraying a public trust from private griefs, neither blow nor a bullet? As to dignity, I really did not think myself one of those kind of people made invulnerable by it, nor you so contemptible, according to your insinuation, as to be worthy only of silent contempt. Had you only underwritten "what private griefs he has, alas! I know not," with, "I think, sir, you ought to treat this with silent contempt;" I would have done so with all my heart. My want of dignity enough to treat you with silent contempt, is however a more reasonable charge, "than the violence of resentment" with which you have also charged me. Your calumny and your logic bear a great resemblance to each other. If an effort to obtain reparation for an injury, so excessively gross, as that it ought to have produced the silent contempt of a person of dignity, deserves the epithet of "violent," what term remains for describing the mind capable of committing so detestable an injury, without provocation? Is cold calumny a virtue, and the resentment it provokes, a vice? But another motive operates more forcibly on me than resentment, for endeavouring to defend myself. Neither silent contempt, nor legal persecutions have prevented the licentiousness of the press from making great encroachments on the happiness of society, and portending danger to our policy. It has struck me, that a penalty upon calumny compelling them to publish the answers to their assaults, might draw forth the injured to defend themselves, and that such discussions might teach the public to detect calumny and discern truth; for though lamps of
style, lated with falsehood and contradiction, should be erected to catch gulls, few could be so silly as to fall into them after the bait was removed. And it is of this idea I am now making an experiment.
R. Style baited with falsehood and contradiction to catch gulls! What an imagination! If ever there was fine writing, the last paragraph of my four columns was such. Like Ajax lifting a stone, I there raised my heaviest style, and hurled it at you, expecting it would have knocked out your brains. But you have none which such fine writing can reach. I will therefore disclose to you one rule, by which I seldom or never fail to exhibit it, namely to leave the ideas to flow from the words instead of making words the flow from the ideas; and then
My words like clouds fitting through the air, First touch the mind but leave no traces there. Exactly John as a bad smell serves the nose. Now as fine words make fine writing, and as I have the materials of all the words in the world, is it not as vain in you to wage war with me in words, as it was in me to wage war with Diane in ideas? Ah! I tried it once. But mum. Only may you succeed with me as I did with him! Remember my stock of types. Farewell, until I choose to attack you again.
T. Farewell. Whenever you do, you shall receive all the consolation in the power of, Your friend
JOHN TAYLOR.
Mr. Thomas Ritchie.
I shall reserve, for my next paper, my reply to the long communication of John Taylor, Esq. In that, I shall expose the contemptible casuistry, the me evasions, the low shifts and contradictions of this most venerable veteran—Confused in his style, sophistical in his argument, a pettifogger in his facts, he is not easily answered, because he is not always understood—but amidst all his frantic effusions, a lucid interval frequently breaks in upon us, and informs us "what the man would be at."—Put not the reader be alarmed by this promise of a reply. I shall dismiss Mr. T.'s communication in as few words as possible, and then on correspondence close in its paper. I shall make no new charge upon him. My wish to close this personal correspondence, induces me to confine myself to the first source which produced it. As to the allegations which are already past, we have calumny heard him out. He has said as much against me as the public prints as we have against him—I leave the world to judge, whether he has not at least as much of the abuse on his own side. The times are too important; the interests of our country are too much at stake, to be giving up the public prints to personal abuse and recrimination. Besides, whatever disposition Mr. T. may feel to be the butt & laughing-stock of the world, I have not the least ambition to share the honors of such a situation. I have too much respect for myself, to furnish a spectacle of fighting and brawling for the amusement of the public.
As to the ridiculous style and low conceits of the preceding communication, they speak for themselves. The man of taste will require no comments to point them out. I shall resign all the honor which it may confer upon my antagonist, without a struggle. They are the same miserable conceits, which even disgrace the lowest characters in Shakespeare. And if they do not raise Mr. T. to the rank of a great man or a statesman, they will at least confer on him the title of the American Laurence or the American Trinculo.
The London prints by the Union apprise us of a late modification of the British Orders of Council. It seems that all cargoes from the United States must still go directly to Great Britain before they are sent to the ports of the Continent—but a distinction is drawn between these cargoes. Those which consist of our native productions, "if they are imported direct from the United States, may be exported duty-free—those, on the contrary, which consist of colonial produce are still subject to the transit duty. It has been for some time predicted that this distinction would be taken—but still it does not go as far as was predicted. When the Orders of Council shall have been wholly suspended as to our native products, and retained as to colonial produce only, they will then completely meet those suggestions of the British W. I. planters, which produced those very orders—as is stated in Mr. Baring's pamphlet.
But mark! the late Order is a Suspension only.
Extract of a letter from the Havana to a gentleman in Richmond, dated 9th February, 1860.
"News has been received from Spain to the 7th December and even to later dates. It appears that our government has not thought proper to give them publicity.
"When I consider that our authorities belong to Old Spain, and are attached to it by the ties of relationship and fortune, that this city is inhabited by a great number of Biscayans and Catalonians, who, though not so great lords, have the same interest, I am persuaded that this colony will not be separated from the mother country—besides all the inhabitants of the interior, being determined to wait for the event of the great struggle."
A LETTER directed to us, and put in the Post-Office, at New-York, on the 16th ult. is missing, and contained the following BANK-NOTES, of the Branch Bank, (of Virginia) at Petersburg.
A. No. 807. 6th July, 1805 $ 100 D. 225. 3th Feb. 1805 100 Any information that may be received. JOHN CUNNINGHAM & Co. March 14. 35
LAND FOR SALE—I have for sale 500 acres of LAND, in the county of Cumberland, situate immediately on Appomattox river, adjoining the lands of Mr. Townsend, Mr. Skipwith and Mr. Hughes. It is an eligible little Farm, well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. Some valuable low-ground, and the advantage of navigation are attached to it. The place is very healthy, and the neighborhood very agreeable. Mr. Baker will, at any time, show the premises. ARCHIBALD THWEATT. Petersburg, March 14. 56
TO BE SOLD, a COACHEL and pair of HORSES, belonging to a gentleman who has no further use for them. To be seen at the Washington Tavern, where the proprietor may also be spoken to. March 10. 25
SALES AT AUCTION.
WH. BE. SOLD, at Public Auction, on Tuesday, the 20th inst. if fair, if not, the next day, the HOUSE & LOT opposite Dr. McClellan's, lately occupied by Wm. Bu-Vail, all the household and kitchen FURNITURE belonging to Alexander Stewart, Esq. and six very likely NEGROES, among them an excellent Maid Servant, and a good Gardener. Terms of sale—For all sums under fifty dollars cash; over fifty dollars and not exceeding two hundred, sixty days; for all sums over two hundred dollars 60 & 120 days credit will be given.—Notes with approved endorsers, negotiable and payable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required. THOMAS TAYLOR, Auctioneer.
P. S. Wanted to purchase, in families, about 40 likely NEGROES. M. T. 35

ORIGINAL ARTICLES
FOR THE ENQUIRER
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated February 23, 1809.
"Yesterday the H. of R. took up the Non-Intercourse bill on its third reading. This was the bill which had been received from the Senate. You will perceive by the last National Intelligencer the various propositions for amendment which had been made to this bill. Two were carried. The one was to strike out the 11th section, which gives to the P. U. S. the power to issue letters of marque and reprisal against one of the belligerents, in case that one adhered to its edicts and the other should recede, before the next session. The other amendment was, to remove the embargo partially on the 15th instead of the 4th of March. On Saturday last I again refer you to the papers—various efforts were made to assume a more manly and energetic attitude. Motions were made in various shapes to issue letters of marque and reprisal in case of a continued encroachment on the rights of the U. S. A motion was even made "after demand made and refusal on the part of his Britannic Majesty to withdraw" his obnoxious orders, that the President should be authorised to march regular troops and volunteer militia into his majesty's territories and to take possession of them—to issue letters of marque and reprisal against his vessels. The last proposition was made as to France and on the same conditions. In vain. These warlike projects were voted out by a dead majority. 48 to 74—49 to 73, were the ratios on the respective propositions for a manly resistance. Thus the business rested on Saturday night, 12 o'clock. After disposing of the Massachusetts Remonstrance yesterday, the House proceeded to the third reading of the bill. No body spoke in favor of it. No man raised a whisper in its defence. It was opposed by Milnor (a Federalist of Penn.) by James Sloan (of New-Jersey) and doubts were suggested by the conscience of J. Randolph, which he declared would induce him to vote against the bill, unless they were cleared up to his satisfaction. Randolph concluded his impressive and desultory speech with these terms, "that the bill before the House was a project for sneaking out of the Non-Importation and Embargo laws." Sloan, by stating, that tho' he did not like the bill, he should vote for the bill, because among other things it would decide, that the "Embargo law should be dead! dead! dead! never to be resuscitated again." For such is the inelegant and vulgar style in which this butcher of the English language usually speaks. After Sloan's short philippic, the question was taken by ayes and noes. A. 81 N. 40. Among the latter, were three Federalists; only; Key of Maryland, Lewis of Virg. and Culpepper of N. C. All the rest with Randolph voted against it. Garnett was for it.
"To-day, the bill with the amendments goes up to the Senate. They will most probably accede to them. And the President will sign—So that it will most probably become a law of the land."
"I cannot express my INDIGNATION at this measure. The Republican Delegation of Virginia sympathise with my feelings. But they say, they are unable to stem the current; they resemble the unfortunate animal that is tethered to the stake, without the possibility of relieving himself by all his exertions. Here is the clue—if they had not taken Non-Intercourse and Embargo as to France and G. Britain, they would have lost all. It was not our Cesar aut nullus . This was all they could preserve of the restrictive system—the only fragments and splinters which they could save from the wreck. The reason is simple. The Republican party is split into discordant sects. The republican representatives from the East, would have taken off the Embargo totally, without any efficient substitute, if the Southern and Western Representatives had not agreed to take it off in part. Not a man from N. Hampshire—four only from Massachusetts, Cuts, Dine, Seaver and one from Rhode-Island, Connecticut and New-Jersey; Fisk only from Vermont; Kirkpatrick only from N. York; perhaps about half from Pennsylvania, adhere to the rights of the nation. The rest tremble too much for their popularity, places and personal safety to deserve well of their country. These forming a virtual, not meritorious coalition with the Federalists and J. Randolph's puny hand, constitute a majority of the H. of R. Even in the Senate, there is not a majority in favour of a manly and efficient attitude of resistance. Such, I am told, is the clue to this miserable catastrophe."
Extract of a letter from the City of Washington, dated March 5.
"The Inauguration of James Madison into the Presidency of the United States, was a grand and magnificent spectacle. At an early hour in the morning, the flag of the Union was suspended on the top of the two wings of the Capitol, in one of which the Senate-Chamber, in the other the Hall of the H. of R.—Almost every body and every thing, in the City of Washington, was early in motion. The drum and fife sounded, the gun from various quarters. Several companies of Infantry from Alexandria, George-Town & Washington, appeared under arms. The troop of dragoons gave new life and embellishment to the scene."
"The H. of R. having adjourned on the preceding night, it was determined, in the Senate of the United States, that a committee of that body, should regulate the order of the Inauguration. It was not a day that some oriental body should preside, on the occasion, to preserve order and maintain the proper decorum. The Senate therefore determined to take this office upon themselves—to remove from their own contracted temporary chamber into the magnificent and spacious Hall of the H. of R.—and to place their President (Mr. Millidge) in the Chair of the Speaker of the H. of R. until the President should make his appearance, to which it was immediately to be surrendered. In order to prevent the confusion, incident to such curious occasions, the arrangement of the divisions of the Hall had been planned, printed & distributed among the people. The floor of the Hall was to be occupied by the late President, Representatives, Senators, Supreme Judges, their families, Foreign ministers and their suite. A part of the Galleries was set apart for the Ladies—part for the Common Council & inferior Judges of the U. S.—a part for citizens & strangers."
"About 10 o'clock, the doors of the Capitol were thrown open. Such was the throng of the citizens around them, that the torrent immediately poured in and overflowed the galleries appropriated to their use. Between 10 and 11, the floor of the Hall was nearly filled with Representatives, Senators, and the most brilliant collection of Ladies, which I have ever beheld. Gen. Turner and Suite entered, and placed themselves on the left of the Speaker's chair. The General
was dressed in the full suit of the Legion of Honor—his loat tassels and the lace around them of gold, with a vast profusion of gold-lace along the borders of his coat. Mr. Esikine and his brother, entered soon afterwards, accompanied by the Portuguese charge d'Affaires. Mr. Esikine placed himself on the left of the French Minister, after exchanging the ordinary civilities in a very distant manner. Mr. E. was dressed in a very plain state coat, and was somewhat eclipsed by the tremendous whiskers, and dazzling lustre of his competitor. The Speaker of the Senate was placed in the chair of the H. of R.—Mr. Otis, the Clerk of the Senate, below him—and below him, the Judges of the Supreme Court, arrayed in their robes of office—Chief Justice Marshall in the middle, supported by Judge Johnson on the right, and Washington and Livingston on his left. Opposite to these, were the three members of the Committee of Arrangements, Messrs Smith of Maryland, Gales of S. Carolina, and Bayard of Delaware. The red Galleries to the right and left were filled by Ladies, the members of the Corporation of Washington, and a few citizens."
"It was at this period of time, that an eye from the gallery would scarcely have been satisfied with the beautiful scene, which was spread before it. The Hall of the H. of R. is itself one of the handiest rooms in the world. The embellishments are extremely superb, costly, and in my humble judgment, unsuitable to the simplicity of a republican government. It is of a circular form supported by 24 stone columns, arranged around it. The finest workmanship. Five of their capitals are completed, and would certainly do no discredit to the taste of Grecian Architecture. The dome of the Hall is lofty, of an oval form, interspersed with small skylights, and the painting of the most costly and elegant description. The other embellishments of the hall are perfectly unique. The whole was beautifully decorated and set off by the rich and variegated dresses of the females, whose light countenances and unseated attire certainly were not in unison with the solemnity and importance of the occasion. As a piece of painting and theatrical exhibition, it was pretty enough. The eye of a connoisseur might have been delighted with the mere splendor and beauty of the spectacle—but if he had looked more critically upon the scene before him, he would have discovered that all was not happiness, which looked tranquility; that amidst this gay and animated group, there were some few, whose countenances were cold and venomed, as the asp's poison, whose minds surveyed this spectacle with a jaundiced eye, because they regarded it as the consummation of Mr. Madison's success, and the ruin of all their hopes."
"At half after 11, the late President of the U. S. entered the hall. The company rose to receive the man, who had so recently resigned the attentions of office, and returned to the mass of his countrymen, without a sigh. The countenance of Mr. Jefferson was light, and dignified. It was the air of the man, who has resigned the cares & burdens of state, from principle and from choice. It was impossible to survey this illustrious man without the deepest affection. And as he took his seat to the right of the Speaker's chair, the eyes of this congregated assembly pursued him with the most eager curiosity."
"About 12, the President of the United States appeared on the Pennsylvania Avenue, which leads from the President's house to the Capitol. He was in his own plain carriage, drawn by two horses, escorted by the troop of Horse. Upon his entrance into the Hall of the H. of R. the company rose, and in conformity with the arrangements, he immediately took the Speaker's chair. After sitting for a few moments, he rose and addressed the assembly. His voice was not loud enough to be heard distinctly in the galleries. But you have seen his speech: It is short, and its property so, for who can speak positively amidst the fluctuating aspects of these times? But though it is brief, it contains a most excellent creed of general principles. After its conclusion, he descended from his eminence, and took the customary oath, which was administered by the Chief Justice of the United States. After returning for a few moments to his chair, he again rose and left the Hall, accompanied by the Committee of Arrangement. The assembled citizens under arms, paid him the customary honors, and he retired to his own house, amidst the thunder of artillery."
"It is estimated, that from 7 to 10,000 persons were present, in and around the Capitol, during the inauguration. Very many were excluded from the Hall. Perhaps there were near 400 carriages present."
"In the evening, a Ball was given at Stello's Hotel, which was attended by an immense crowd. Mr. Jefferson was present, it being the first occasion of his appearing at a Dancing Assembly, since his return from France. Mr. Madison and his lady attended. Most of the former Heads of Department were there. Mr. Gallatin was not there. Bayard and R. G. Harper thought proper to grace the scene with their presence. Most of these things, you will say, are the miserable immunities of pomp, ceremony and fashion. It is true."
"But I could not forbear to give you a description of a scene, which has excited so much curiosity at a distance. Imagination also, is too apt to exaggerate the splendor of these scenes: & therefore it sometimes becomes an inexact duty to describe them, as they have actually happened. Amidst these scenes, however, one rising train of ideas never failed to present itself to my mind. These ideas were the great occasion which had produced such ceremonies, the services of the man to whom these honors were rendered, the critical situation of our country, and the ardent hope that the object of the people's choice would never disturb their interest or stain their honor by a single act of his administration."
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
"More than one million and a half of citizens are now in existence enjoying the blessing of a good government, than when Mr. Jefferson accepted the most respectable but most responsible office of Chief Magistrate—Let the American, rendered fastidious from unrestrained indulgence in perfect liberty, when any classification arises from trivial or imaginary errors, suppress it by contrasting the situation of his own happy country, with any one in Europe—Let him view the harvests borne away by remorseless soldiery, fires, out-houses, and furniture, and furniture consumed for fuel—Valor butchered, and innocence polluted—Here an impartial administration of equal laws, places every one in a happy medium above the miseries of impoverished Vassalage, and below the anxieties of unrestrained Power—Here no widows, no orphans lament privations and sacrifices by vain-glorious individual ambition. Here no wretches rotter about, and spectacles of destructive war—Mr. Jefferson has laid down the burthen of Chief Magistrate, conscious of having done his duty, and rejoicing that he can once more enjoy the sweets of friendship and retirement—Suspicion can no longer misconceive, Family can no longer calumniate—Hypocrisy can no longer deceive—the plague of patronage is extinguished. He has been a good and faithful servant of the public—he has that charity which forgives persecutors and slanderers, and he has that active benevolence and research, which will afford him intellectual pleasures exempt from ennui & disquietude—May he have health is all that we have to wish him."
Whilst others hail the rising sun We bow to that whose race is run. Lords the 14th said that when he made an appointment, he rendered 99 men dissatisfied and one ungrateful—and that his bitterest enemy was he, who had received nine favors and was refused the 10th he collected.
INTERESTING DISCOVERY IN VIRGINIA.
A copper mine has been discovered on a spur of the Blue-Ridge, about two miles from the base, & about 9 or 10 miles from Stauntonville in the county of Orange. It is nearly at the same distance from the South branch of the Rappahannock river. This mine is situated on the lands of a Mr. Zachariah Taylor, of that county—A person not in the most affluent circumstances, to whom this discovery may prove a valuable acquisition—On making this discovery known to the government of the United States, the late secretary of war, Gen. Dearborn, ordered an intelligent gentleman of Orange to examine the premises and make a report upon the situation of the mine, and the richness and abundance of the ore. This Report has just been transmitted to the Department of War, accompanied by various specimens of the earth, the ore, and the virgin copper itself. It has not been decided what steps will be taken by the government of the U. S. in consequence of this Report.
It is discovered, that this mine is of considerable dimensions. From the point, where it commences, it runs about 1/4 of a mile, North and then forms almost a right angle, whence it runs about 3/4 of a mile further—Being in all, about 1 1/4 miles long—It is from 25 to 60 or 70 yards wide—and though it has been dug down to the depth of 10 feet, the earth at this point is as much impregnated with the metal as at its surface.
The Soil, with which it is incorporated, is of a reddish and yellowish cast, interspersed with pieces of rock. Fragments of the virgin metal are found fixed in this rock, from which they are sometimes struck very fine. Fragments of copper. We have now a very beautiful specimen of it in our possession. A mass nearly 20 lbs. in weight, has been sent to Peale's Museum for preservation.
We have seen some of the specimens of the ore and the earth, which have been lately sent to the War department. No. 1. was the virgin ore extracted from a small rock about 50 grains from the point where it was said that Mr. Grant, now a co-proprietor of the mine, obtained the ore which he formerly exhibited in the City. No. 2. was extracted from a different part of the rock—No. 1. of the earth was taken from the bottom of a ditch about 9 feet below the surface. No. 2. about 8 feet below the surface. A great proportion of the rock, when broken to pieces, does not exhibit any signs of the verdigris, which encrusts a part of the specimen in our possession—nor any signs of the ore. These pieces of the rock from which the largest pieces of the copper were taken, preserve all the external appearance of common rock.
It is found, on exposing some of the earth, which exhibits not the least metallic appearance, to the heat of a common furnace, that the metal still separates from its earth & sinks to the bottom. From the size of the button thus obtained, the most favorable anticipations have been made by our informant of the quantity of pure copper with which the earth is impregnated. Nature has done a great deal towards facilitating the process of extraction. The whole country around abounds in fine woods of chestnut—and the mine is not so far distant from the market as to enhance the price of the metal to any very great degree.
Such a discovery is of immense importance—not only to the private manufacturer of Brass ware—but to the government itself, in its boundary for the casting of cannon. It is astonishing, that during the whole course of the last session of the Virginia Legislature, not a hint of this discovery was dropped—not a single step taken towards profiting by it—it is surely an object peculiarly worthy of the notice and patronage of the Legislature of Virginia. Enquirer.
A FAMILY PICTURE.
Seek not in public places for a wife, Be not deluded by the charms of sight, Retirement only yields the friend for life, Who shares your grief, and doubles your delight.  When orient rays within your curtain peep, And on her roseate face, enlivening play, What joy 'tis to see her round from peaceful sleep, Unfold her eyes on you, and welcome day!  What joy 'tis to tend the plants her hand has reared, To trace their foliage and their various hues, Some by domestic incidents endeared, Some by distinction of the moral Muse.  What joy 'tis to see your children gambol wild, Or hear them prattle with remarks acute, To hand amusement with instruction mild, And teach the young idea how to shoot."  What joy 'tis at evening, daily duties done, To saunter with your loved to Prospect hill, To catch the glories of the setting sun, Till wondering contemplation has her fill.  Now as you homeward bend your winding way, As fades the glimmering landscape on the sight, What joy 'tis to hear her quote the pensive Gray, Or name some favorite Author of the night.  What joy 'tis, that during day she leisure found, To give industrious poverty relief, To pour the balm into affliction's wound, And wipe the tear from furrow'd cheeks of grief.  Such are the joys a rural wife bestows, Each moment yielding something to admire, But most her goodness with affection glows, Should you (her first, last thought) her aid require.  See her when sickness lays you faint in bed, Gently remove the candle's painful glare, Or slowly walk, with softly stealing tread, Your medicine or nutrition to prepare.  All day, all night, her eyelids never close, But seated silent anxious by your side, How every breath is watch'd, if chance you doze, How quick, if restless, every want's supplied!  Her fond attention charms away your pains, Her gay encouragement your fears beguiles, And wistful her maid, a widow's thoughts sustains, Her looks beam confidence with cheering smiles.  Should pitying Heav'n concede her secret prayers, And threatening death withdraw his brandish'd dart, Glad to her banish'd children she repairs, With welcome tidings to each throbbing heart.  Now view her with her group of pledges dear, As on her pillow rous'd around they stand, Each glistening eye full of a rapturous fear, They kiss with glowing lip your wither'd hand.  Now gathering up her young, lest you should feel Oppress'd with her joy, to nursery they move, And there, by her example taught to kneel, Uplift their tiny hands to grateful love.  Song, Music, Dancing and the flowing bowl, Nay, even the youthful sports enamour'd kiss, Cannot so deeply interest the soul, As such a scene of pure domestic bliss.
LIST OF ACTS
Passed at the second Session of the Tenth Congress.
1. An act to authorise the transportation of a certain message of the President of the United States and documents accompanying the same. 2. An act authorising the President of the United States to employ an additional number of revenue cutters. 3. An act authorising the payment of certain pensions by the secretary of war at the seat of government. 4. An act for the relief of Andrew Joseph Villard. 5. An act to revive and continue in force for a farther time the first section of the act, entitled "An act farther to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers." 6. An act for the relief of Augustinerry. 7. An act authorising the proprietors of squares and lots in the city of Washington, to have the same subdivided and admitted to record. 8. An act to enforce and make more effectual an act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto. 9. An act supplementary to an act, entitled "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases and for other purposes." 10. An act for the relief of Edmund Beament. 11. An act to alter the time for the next meeting of Congress. 12. An act for the employment of an additional naval force. 13. An act for dividing the Indiana territory into two separate governments. 14. An act making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the United States, and to defray the expenses of deepening and extending to the river Mississippi, the canal of Carondelet. 15. An act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to amend the act entitled, "An act establishing circuit courts and abolishing the jurisdiction of the district courts of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio." 16. An act to revive and continue for a farther time the authority of the commissioners of Kaskaskia. 17. An act to incorporate a company for opening the canal in the city of Washington. 18. An act making appropriations for the support of government, during the year one thousand eight hundred and nine. 19. An act extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory, and for other purposes. 20. An act freeing from postage all letters and packets to Thomas Jefferson. 21. An act for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi territory, claimed under Spanish grants, reported by the land commissioners as ante-dated; and to confirm the claims of Abraham Ellis and Daniel Harregal. 22. An act for the relief of Daniel Cotton. 23. An act for the relief of certain Alabama and Wyandot Indians. 24. An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies and for other purposes. 25. An act making provision for the farther accommodation of the household of the President of the U. States. 26. An act farther to amend the judicial system of the U. States. 27. An act to extend the time for making payment for the public lands of the United States. 28. An act making a farther appropriation towards completing the two wings of the capitol at the city of Washington and for other purposes. 29. An act to extend to Amos Whittmore and William Whittmore, jun. the patent right to a machine for manufacturing cotton and wool cards. 30. An act for the relief of Jacob Barnitz. 31. An act supplemental to the act, entitled, "An act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes." 32. An act concerning invalid pensioners. 33. An act to authorise the making a turnpike road from Mason's causeway to Alexandria. 34. An act farther to amend the several acts for the establishment and regulation of the treasury, war and navy departments. 35. An act making appropriations for the support of the military establishment, and of the Navy of the United States for the year 1809. 36. An act supplementary to an act to amend the charter of George Town. 37. An act authorising the further augmentation of the marine corps.
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7.
THE Subscriber will practice the LAW in the county Courts of Goochland, Henrico, Chesterfield, Powhatan and Amelia. JOHN ROBERTSON. Manchester, March 7.
DANCING-SCHOOL.—J. LA-TASTE, respectfully informs his pupils and the public, that he has removed his School to the large and commodious room, in the house now occupied by Mr. Girardin for his Academy. The days of tuition as heretofore, Thursday, Friday and Saturday, every other week. (the next dance being on Thursday March ninth) His practising balls will be held in the same room every other Saturday, beginning Saturday March 11th. The room shall be well fixed for the purpose, and every kind of refreshment provided by Mr. Jones. Reels and Cotillions will be danced alternately. He also informs parents and guardians who send their children to Mr. Girardin, that he will attend his Academy on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in the same week. March 7.
TAKE NOTICE.—The Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has commenced the CLOCK-MILLING business near Prince Edward court house, where may be had CLOCKS of different descriptions, which he will warrant to perform to the satisfaction of the purchaser. Also, he intends carrying on the business of making and repairing the Piano Forte—Organ, both square and barrel, of every description, made to order. The subscriber from his experience in the above branches, flatters himself he shall be able to give entire satisfaction to those who favor him with their custom. Any of the above instruments he pledges himself will be faithfully made—and equal in point of melody, elegance and durability to any European manufactures. The patronage of the patriotic who wishes to encourage home manufactures, is solicited. ASA HOPKINS. February 24. N. B. Cabinet Work, of every description made on short notice.
A SIZZE or BREAD, for the City of Richmond, from and after the 8th day of March, 1809, till further orders: Superfine Flour being $74 per barrel. The loaf of superfine flour to weigh 22 3/4 ounces for 44 Do. of fine flour to weigh 26 oz. for 44 Double the above weights, 5d DAVID BULLOCK, Mayor. March 10.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND, authorised to vote for common councilmen, take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the fifth day of April next, the poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places: in Jefferson-ward, at the Court-House, in Madison-ward, at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroe-ward, at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick-House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the city of Richmond, ex-officio W.A. March 10.
FOR SALE.—On Wednesday March the 15th instant, at the house of the subscriber, all his household and kitchen FURNITURE, consisting of a variety of articles, also a mulatto GIRL, a mulatto MAN (who is a good house servant) two negro MEN, and two BLACK SMITHS.—Terms of sale for all sums over fifty dollars, a negotiable note payable at the bank, with approved indorser, all sums under fifty dollars cash. ORRIS PAINE. March 10.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
A YOUNG MAN, who can come well recommended, for industry, honesty and sobriety, that understands the management of Negroes, may hear of employment, on application at this office. February 14.
THE Subscriber is desirous of extending his practice to the Circuit Courts of Goochland, Chesterfield, Hanover and Henrico, in addition to the Courts in which he has practised heretofore. THOMAS MARSHALL, Attorney at Law. March 7.
THIS day is dissolved, by mutual consent, the partnership of Barret & Olds. SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. March 6.
The business will, in future, be carried on by S. BARRET.
THE Co-Partnership of Hancock & Wilson is this day dissolved, by mutual consent. All debts due to the said firm of Hancock and Wilson, must be paid to John Hancock, as he is the only person authorized to receive and give receipts for the same. Also, all debts due from the said firm will be paid by said Hancock, to whom application may be made for the same. JOHN HANCOCK, Wm. H. WILSON. February 10.
N. B. The business will, in future, continue to be carried on by John Hancock. J. H. March 3.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 59 Boxes Raisins, 19 Boxes Soft Sticked Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Port & Madeira Wine. IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Hay man Sugars, 3 Bales Welch Flannel, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hysun, Hyson Skin and Souconong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17.
FOURTEEN thousand eight hundred and seventy acres of LAND, for sale on Seneca creek, in the county of Pendleton—By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Robert Barclay to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the 17th day of March next, before the door of the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. February 10.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening, the 18th February, 1809: Resolved, That the Shares of all delinquent Subscribers, to the said company, be sold, at the Bell-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the 25th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. February 24.
ON Thursday, the 16th day of March next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, in the town of Manchester, at the tavern of Zachariah Brooks, upon a credit of twelve months, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of Wm. Friend, dec'd, viz. five or fifteen likely SLAVES, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, a WAGGON and harness, a GIG and harness, sundry articles of household, a few valuable Books, & a handsome Fowling Piece. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchasers. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10.
At the same time and place, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, sundry articles of valuable mahogany FURNITURE and PLATE, the property of Mrs. Ann Friend. All persons having claims against the estate of Mr. Friend, dec'd, are again invited to bring them forward properly authenticated, and those indebted thereto, will please make payment without delay. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10. Merchants, Lawyers, Sheriffs and Constable's BLANKS, For Sale at this Office.