Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1800-09-16 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[No. 42 of Vol. VIII.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[WEEKLY No. 754]
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TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16th, 1800.
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From the [Baltimore] AMERICAN.
LETTER TO MAZZEI.
The following letter, in the opinion of some, is an objection to the election of Mr. Jefferson as President. It has been handed about, from one aristocratical paper to another, throughout the United States. The enemies of liberty have charged the writing of this letter directly to Mr. Jefferson, who has never condescended either to acknowledge or deny it.—They have expected to establish it by three points.
 1. That Mr. J. being the Vice-President of the United States had endeavored to disgrace his country, by declaring that an English party did exist in it.  2. That Mr. Jefferson was a violent enemy to our federal constitution, having declared, as alledged in this letter, that it had the form of the British government.  3. That, if elected, Mr. J. would attempt to destroy our constitution, inasmuch as he considered it a monarchical form . 
To expose the shameful fraud, and the fallacious reasoning of the publishers of this letter, I have attached to it the well written strictures which follow it, and feel confident, that if found argument and fair & candid reasoning, are entitled to cool and deliberate consideration, that they will meet the closest attention from every citizen that wishes to form his opinion on the firm and broad basis of truth.
THE LETTER TO MAZZEI.
Copy of a letter, said to be written by Mr. Jefferson, to Mr. Mazzei, resident in Tuscany.
OUR political situation is prodigiously changed since you left us. Instead of that noble love of liberty, and that republican government which carried us triumphantly thro' the dangers of the war, an anglo-monarchical aristocratic party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the substance , as they have already given us the form of the British government. Nevertheless the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to republican principles. All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles, as also the mass of men of talents. We have against us, the executive power, all the officers of government, all who are seeking offices, and all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty; the British merchants and the Americans who trade on British capitals, the speculators, persons interested in the bank and the public funds. I should give you a fever, if I should name the apostates who have embraced those heresies; men who were Solomons in council, and Sampsons in combat, but whose hair has been cut off by the whore of England.
They would wrest from us that liberty which we have obtained, by so much labor and peril; but we shall preserve it. Our mass of weight and riches is so powerful that we have nothing to fear from any attempt against us by force. It is sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break the Lilliputian ties, by which they have bound us, in the first slumbers which succeeded our labours. It suffices, that we arrest the progress of that system of ingratitude and injustice towards France, from whom they would a-
lienate us, to bring us under British influence, &c.
Strictures upon the letter imputed to Mr. Jefferson, addressed to Mr. Mazzei.
To the People of the United States of America.
Friends and Countrymen,
IT is the peculiar happiness of our country, that our public agents are to be the men of our choice. The momentous power of electing our officers of government, is attended with a duty proportionately serious and important. Those who persuade you to examine and consider, before you decide, must certainly be friends to reason and to you . A great occasion is approaching, when you will be called upon to declare in favor of some of the candidates for the presidential chair. It is not intended to go into a discussion of the separate merits of the several persons, who are before you. A single relative circumstance, out of which great heat and prejudice has been artfully raised, is proposed, on the present occasion, to be offered to your consideration.—Your candid attention is all that is requested, and it is your own concern.
A letter has been circulated, for some time, through the U. States, which has been represented as one written by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Mazzei, a native of Tuscany, who lived, as a faithful citizen, many years in Virginia.—He was a country neighbour of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Mazzei is a real whig, upon the great scale of human happiness. He loved America as a LAND OF FREEDOM; as a country which had produced a Washington, a Franklin, a Green, a Rittenhouse, and other worthies on your roll of fame. He was a man of polite literature, and extensive science. It would seem that Mr. Jefferson had received from him on his arrival in Italy, at least one letter of remembrance; and that Mr. Jefferson had written to him in return, upon the common principles of politeness.—Silence on the receipt of a letter from an old neighbour and acquaintance, is little less indecent, than personal silence, when a question or observation is addressed to us in company. Mr. Jefferson, however, wrote to Mr. Mazzei in reply, it would seem: for it does not appear certain. The letter, which he is said to have written, appears to have a turn to politics, with which Mr. Mazzei was well acquainted, having spent years of the revolutionary war in America, and being well known, as its friend, to many public characters in this country, and having written a work in two octavo volumes, full of love of freedom and America. The letter, imputed to Mr. Jefferson, has undergone one cunning alteration, by his enemies, differing nothing from a wicked and intentional forgery. He is falsely and craftily made to say, in effect, that an English monarchical aristocratical party has so far injured our system of national government, as to have rendered it the same as the British form of government, or the British constitution.—Now, these forgers have once published the letter, as they first got it, in the French language; translated in Europe from Mr. Jefferson's English, if he wrote it at all. In that French translation the words are, the forms (or ceremonies) of the English government. For for-
mes , in the plural.] That these British forms had been hastily adopted here will appear from the following truths: The king's birth day in England had been followed here by the president's birth day. The king's levee had been imitated by the president's levee. The queen's evening drawing room had been imitated by the same ceremonious meeting, in the drawing room of the president's and vice-president's ladies, from 1789 to 1793. The house of representatives had been called the "lower house," like the English house of commons. The senate had been called the "upper house," like the English house of lords. The ministers of state in England had held levees at their houses, and levees were set up, in 1789, by our secretaries in New-York, under cover of their ladies' drawing rooms. When the government of the U. S. removed to Philadelphia, the independent spirit of the people of fashion there refused a compliance with the whole of these forms, except as regarded to the president's family: and thus fully confirmed the just sentiments of Mr. Jefferson. Even an abortive attempt to establish lofty titles had been made by some of the senators.
But it was not in the levees alone that the forms (les formes) of the British government were displayed here. The president was cut off like an English king, from the accustomed hospitalities and social intercourse of our country. He was drawn to meet the legislature, with the four principal officers of the government, in five coaches or chariots. He was led to make a speech, like a speech of the English king from the throne. At his levees all were caused to stand, none were expected to sit. The mansion house of the president, in the plan of the Federal City, was called "the president's palace," until altered on the representation of Mr. Jefferson. A cabinet council, unknown to our constitution, was erected here, in practice; and, after the manner of the English cabinet, often influenced the president to measures and modification of measures, which, after free conferences with all the executive officers, he would not probably have pursued. Promises of the highest offices in the government were made, by the prevailing men in this cabinet, without the knowledge of the president; and engagements were also made for him, years before he could act upon them; after the fashion of the British administration. The vice-president was excluded from all there in the executive councils, as carefully as if he had been the English Prince of Wales. Adams was excluded (and since Jefferson) while a Wolcott, Pickering, Randolph, and M c Henry, were admitted as members of this cabinet council.
These and an hundred other facts might be mentioned, in which an English, monarchical, aristocratic party have given us the forms of the British government. But, was Mr. Jefferson right in saying there was an English monarchical party in this country? The proofs are strong and numerous. Would to God he had been mistaken. A formal and regular report was made, in the year 1791, by the lords of the British privy council, to the king of Great Britain, on the American politics, government, and trade; in which those lords expressly declare "that a party for Great Britain was formed in America." This paper was received, through
certain channels, from London, and laid before general Washington, by a person who was shortly after appointed to a respectable and confidential office by Gen. Washington, and continued there till he ceased to be president. But strange as it may appear, that very person was removed from office by Mr. Adams in some measure, as there is the best reason to believe, through the secret management of Mr. Pickering.
The correspondence of Mr. Pickering with Capt. Chisholm, the agent or instrument of Mr. Linton, and his and Mr. Adams' not directing a prosecution against Wm. Blount, after the power of the senate to try him was negatived, are very serious circumstances. The people should know, too, that this said capt. Chisholm was, afterwards one of the few licenced traders under our government, to hold intercourse with those very tribes of Indians, who were to have assisted in Mr. Blount's project unlawfully to aid and abet Great Britain. The authorities for believing an English party to exist in America are abundant. This printed report of the British Privy Council is, alone sufficient. The British recorded it forever in that sacred record of Council. Mr. Jefferson, as well as Mr. Adams, Mr. Hamilton, Gen. Knox, and many others in the executive, in the judiciary, and in congress to the evidence of this matter at large. It was in the year 1791. These opinions about a British party and influence here, were not confirmed to Mr. Jefferson. They were entertained by Mr. Adams himself, & inculcated with more variety and activity. He was wont to suggest this influence, particularly in regard to the monied interest and operations of this country. Hence it was, as it is generally supposed, that he negatived, by his casting voice, the bill in the senate for punishing persons, who might be guilty of the dangerous crime of counterfeiting the notes of the national bank, the bank of the United States. But Mr. Adams is known to have even entertained the opinion, that much British influence had been used upon our government, in a respectable appointment to that court. He certainly then has gone as far or farther than Mr. Jefferson in this respect. Nor is he blamed for it. No doubt he had good reasons for declarations so very frequent and serious. It would have been wrong to suppress or conceal his knowledge. But let not Mr. Jefferson be blamed for saying, in a letter to an old acquaintance, that we have an English party here: when Mr. Adams says, they have influenced the important business of diplomatic appointment; and when it is known, that the Lords of the British Privy Council, acting upon the information of their agents here, formally report to their king, that, "a party in favor of Great Britain is formed in America."
It is no matter whether Mr. Jefferson was right or not in saying, that the bank or funding interest are somewhat in the English politics. No man, who knows Mr. Adams intimately, can doubt that he thinks so too, and has often said so. It is certain that the English, Irish, and Scots, own more of the bank of the United States, than the Americans: and yet that bank is the great monied organ of this country; the heart in which the vital blood of the body politic is concentrated.—The writer of this
is no enemy to that bank: he is its sincere friend upon reflection; but yet he thinks, that every prudent American ought to wish our government corporations to be under the control of an American majority.
People out of the way of politics, have little notion of the lengths to which persons have gone on the subject of monarchy, in this country. It will not be denied by Mr. Pickering himself, that monarchical doctrines have been avowed by citizens holding great public trusts and employments. He knows it well. It is impossible for Mr. Jefferson, or any other faithful public officer or citizen, nor to be alarmed at such facts? Is he to be accused for such prudent alarms! Have we not seen a printed declaration of Mr. Adams, in Fenn's paper of the 3d July, 1798, in which Mr. Adams says, that "Republican Government may be interpreted to mean anything?" Is Mr. Jefferson to be utterly insensible to such wanton declarations, in print, under his very nose?—Did he wade through the dangers of the American revolution, to be afraid to notice so unwarrantable and monstrous a declaration by a citizen (Mr. Adams) holding the responsible trust of President of this happy and glorious Republic? But there is another important and memorable declaration of Mr. Adams, made when he was Vice-President, in the very Chamber of the Senate. He there declared in the presence of two of the Senators, from New-England and Virginia, that "he hoped or expected to see the time, when one of those Senators and his Friend would be convinced, that the People of America could not be happy, without an hereditary Chief Magistrate, and a Senate that should be hereditary, or for life." How rank and numerous, then were the weeds of monarchy here when they grew up through the floors of the Senate Chamber! How bold, how insolently bold are those monarchists, when they dare to revile the faithful Jefferson, for presuming to notice them! Well might Mr. Jefferson say to Mr. Mazzei, "Our political situation is considerably changed since you left us." But let it not be thought, that this declaration of Mr. Adams, is pretended and fictitious. Mr. Adams will not insinuate its fallacy in the smallest degree. He well knows it to be true, in every point of form and substance. If he has been opposed, in his last election, by those who knew these facts, let him not blame them. He is the true and sole author of all their opposition, by his own printed idolatry of the British constitution (not the forms, but the substance) by his verbal declarations, and by several of his answers to the addresses of 1798. When Mr. Jefferson finds Mr. Adams to be declaring the British government all perfection, and that the people of this country cannot be happy, without an hereditary chief magistrate; can Mr. Jefferson doubt that as the friends of these doctrines have given us the forms (les formes), so they will to impose on us the substance of the British Government? Let us not blame Mr. Jefferson, but rather applaud that sensibility to the life and safety of our constitution, which has thus put him and us on our guard. It is hoped, that he has not overrated his countrymen, when he believes that they will break, with equal spirit and resolution, the Lilliputian ties, in which an English Monarchical Aristocratical party have attempted to bind us."

Fellow Citizens, Look at the late attempt of the Penn- sylvania Senator James Ross, Esq. supported by too many of the Senators of other states to repeal the act of 1793, and some more from New-England and other States. In a bill to regulate the election of President and Vice-President, those unqualified and dangerous men attempted, in defiance of the constitution and of common sense, to make the Chief Justice and next Judge of the U. States, Members of a Grand Committee of the Federal Legislature! Absurd and un- warrantable attempts of some of the same men, whom Mr. Jefferson contemplated. Well might Mr. Jefferson say in his letter to Meigs, foreseing their course, that they would attempt to usurp from their coun- trymen that liberty which they had gained with so much toil and peril. But, says Jefferson (confident in the virtue and spirit of his fellow citizens) We shall preserve that liber- ty; we shall break their Lilliputian ties. Was it not perfectly natural in Mr. Jef- ferson to suppose, that it would give to Mr. Meigs (a caliph) a fever, were he to have mentioned the names of men, "Salvoni in revolutionary Council," like Mr. Adams, who were so changed as to suggest to two old soldiers, that this country cannot be happy, without an hereditary Chief magis- trate, and a Senate that should be heredita- ry, or for life; who thought, like Mr. A- dams, distinguished once for admiring, lov- ing and manifesting wisdom, on the subject of Republican institutions, had in later times, inconsiderately and rashly declared, that "Republican government may be inter- preted to mean any thing!" Let it not be supposed, that this publica- tion proceeds from a French Jacobin; for the writer is free to say, that he considers Bonaparte as a very daring usurper. Let it not be supposed that it proceeds from a passionate and wicked enemy of Great Bri- tain; for he does not think like Mr. Adams, Junior, in his Publicola , that "universal Corruption has pervaded (in Bri- tain) all ranks of the People." He does not believe the annihilation of Great Britain is necessary to the happiness of United A- merica, for he wishes to see her exist (in a reformed state, and with a less powerful na- vy it is true) to balance the other great Powers of Europe, without the trouble to us, of wars for that purpose. He wishes a just and friendly intercourse with all foreign nations, and Union and Friendship among our own citizens and States, from Georgia to Main; from the shores of the Atlantic, to the most interior settlements. GREENE.
LATEST European News.
VIENNA, June 28.
Austrian Account of the Battle of Maringo.
This day's Court Gazette contains the following account of the bloody battle of Maringo, on the 14th of June: On the 24th capt. Jakowdowitsch arrived here, as courier from general Melas, with intelligence that the enemy had likewise crossed the Scrivia, preparing for an attack with all his forces, which induced general Melas to draw up his army behind the Bormida: the divisions of Haddick and Keim, which had arrived at Alessandria on the 11th having joined the other troops on the 12th. Next day, on the 25th, major Lange arrived here with further accounts from general Melas, according to which the whole imperial army crossed the Teno on the 13th and encamped before Alessandria, between the Bormida and the Teno. On the same day the enemy made a very vigorous attack on the advanced posts near Maringo, who were repulsed by the superiority of the French. Early on the 24th, the imperial army crossed the Bormi- da, was formed in three lines of battle, a re- serve placed in their rear, destined at the same time to cover the right wing of the principal column, which had advanced against Maringo, and to observe the road to Novi, in which district the French general Suchet had arrived. Field marshal count Haddick led the first line of battle followed by lieu- tenant gen. Keim, and then the division of Morzin grenadiers, and the division of El- nitz cavalry. While the first line vigorously attacked the enemy near Maringo, the se- cond and third, and field marshal lieutenants Ottley and Ott, filed off against Tarcarola and Sale. Under continued furious attacks during the whole day, the fortune of war was now on one side, then on the other; the approach of night only terminating this bat- tle, extremely bloody for both armies. Gen. Melas speaks highly of the generals, staff and other officers, and of the troops, but par- ticularly of the regiments of Hanendorff and Bussy; col. Frimont and major Degenfeld, and principally of the excellent effects of the artillery, which was distinguished on every occasion. The loss of the imperial army, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, amounts to 9059 men, of which the wounded are estimated at 5274. We have lost 1493 horses, 683 of whom are wounded. The enemy's loss in killed and wounded was very considera- ble. General Delfaux remained dead on the field of battle, and several other generals are among the wounded. We made 2600 pri- soners. In the night, from the 14th to the 15th, those of the enemy's troops which had not yet advanced to the right bank of the Bormida. Gen. Melas had two horses killed under him, and the imperial army suffered a considerable loss in men and in the loss of their artillery.
of archduke John's dragoons, was killed; field marshal lieutenants count Haddick and Voyelssang; major generals Lattermann, Ger- telheim, Bellegarde and la Martiniere; colo- nels Kolbeck, Kuhn, Vermauti, Saudain, En- ros, Scholick, Belledy, Provencheres, and Reisner of the artillery; also, four lieutenant colonels and ten majors, were wounded. Ma- jor general Zack, executed the functions of a quarter master general, colonels Schia- vina and Weeber, four lieutenant colonels, ma- jor count St. Julian, commanded a battalion of Joseph Coloredo's grenadiers, and 60 o- ther officers, were made prisoners by the French.
Both parties having agreed on a period of 48 hours, for burying the dead and exchang- ing the prisoners, this affording an opportu- nity for entering into further convention disputes, the drawing up of the whole im- perial army along the Po and Mincio.
A private letter, same date.
In the dreadful battle of Maringo, the French, it is said, have lost twice the num- ber of men we did—the grape shot from 100 Austrian twenty-four pounders made terrible havoc among them. The imperial troops fought like lions, but were at length forced to give way to the superior French infantry. Melas would, perhaps, have re- newed the combat on the following day, had not the French received considerable reinforcements on the day of the action— The courier who arrived here on the 25th with the account of our losses in Italy, had passports both from general Melas and Ber- thier.
Copy of a letter from the General in chief of the Army of the Rhine, to the Minister at War.
"Gunsburg, June 29." The enemy, citizen minister, with the intention of preventing us from penetrating by Rain, assembled their army at Nueburg. As he was one day's march before us in his retreat, and as we had three defiles to pass, those of Vernitz, the Danube, and the Lech, the bridge over which took nearly twelve hours to repair, the general move- ment was retarded. The corps of general Lecourbe, however, effected a passage on the evening of the 16th, and on the 27th advanced into Bavaria; the division of gen. Gudia marching upon Poetmest, and that of general Montrichard upon Neuburg.
The latter found at Oberhausen a very considerable corps of the enemy, command- ed by Kray in person, with which a very warm action commenced. General Le- courbe came up at the very moment when our troops were forced to yield to thrice their number, and maintained the fight un- til the arrival of gen. Grandjean, who passed the Lech, and advanced with great rapidi- ty to the division of gen. Montrichard, which still kept its ground with distinguish- ed valour.
A battalion of the 14th light, two of the 46th of the line, and two of the 57th, attacked the enemy with an intrepidity which has been seldom equalled. The enemy, notwithstanding his considerable force, was defeated, and effected his retreat during the night towards Ingolstadt on both sides of the Danube, after burning the bridge of Neuburg.
The Austrian generals observed at Neuburg, as they were retreating, that army is invincible. Never did the French fight so well as now.
You will also soon receive, citizen mi- nister, interesting details respecting our marches and engagements at Nederheim and Nordingen, and the attempts made by the enemy to draw us into negotiations for an armistice, founded on the pretence of con- ventions entered into between the armies of Italy, by which means they might have an opportunity of establishing themselves in Bavaria.
This I have foreseen, and general De- cau had already set out by forced marches with his division for Munich, which place he entered yesterday morning.
A true Copy. (Signed) "MOREAU."
LONDON, July 16.
CONVENTION, Between His Majesty and the Em- peror of the Romans.
Signed at Vienna, June 20, 1800. His Majesty, the Emperor of the Ro- mans, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Majesty the King of Great Britain, having judged that it was conformable to the interest of their crowns and to the good of the common cause, to concert with each other on the best manner of giving effect to the union of their efforts against the common enemy in the present campaign. In confe- quence of which the Baron De Thugut, Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen, his Imperial Majesty's Minister of Confer- ences, and Commissary General and Minis- ter Plenipotentiary in his Provinces of Italy, Austria, and Dalmatia, &c. and the Right Honourable Gilbert Minto, Peer of Great Britain, one of his Britannic Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, and his En- voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- tentary to the Court of Vienna, being fur- nished on the part of their aforesaid Impe- rial and Britannic Majesties, with the powers requisite for discussing and arranging this important object; the said Plenipotentiaries, after having respectively exchanged their full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:— Article I. In order to relieve the pressing necessities of the Finances of his Imperial Majesty under the enormous expenses already incurred, and which remain to be incur- red during the present campaign, His Bri- tannic Majesty shall advance to his above- mentioned Imperial Majesty by way of loan, the sum of 2,000,000. Sterling. This sum shall be divided into three parts, and paid at three different periods preferably in specie; so that the first third of 666,666. 13s. 4d. shall be paid in the first days of the month of July; the second third of the like sum in the first days of September; and the re- maining third in the first day of the month of December.
Article II. During the whole continu- ance of the war, and during the six months which shall follow the conclusion of a peace between Austria and France, his Imperial Majesty shall not be bound to pay any in- terest upon the sum of two millions advan- ced, as stipulated in the preceding article, Great Britain consenting to take this charge upon her own account until the period a- bove-mentioned: But upon the expiration of the term of six months after the conclu- sion of peace, his imperial Majesty shall pay for the future to the British government, or to the individuals who shall be pointed out by the British government, an annual rent or annual rents, making altogether the amount of the interest of the two millions advanced, which interest shall be calculated at the same rate as the interests of the loan made on ac- count of the British government in the pre- ceding year. His imperial Majesty shall more- over pay annually to the British government the sum of 20,000. sterling at two periods, that is to say, 10,000. every six months, which sum shall be employed in the suc- cessive purchase and reduction of the principals of the two millions, according to the method adopted by the British government in its own loans.
Article III. Their Imperial and Britannic Majesties mutually promise each other to carry on the war against the French Repub- lic during the present campaign, with all pos- sible vigour, and to employ in it all their re- spective means by land and sea, concerted together, as occasion shall require, on the most advantageous manner of reciprocally employing their forces by land and sea to the support of their operations against the common enemy. His Imperial Majesty shall be careful to complete his armies of Germa- ny and of Italy, in proportion to the losses which they have sustained, in order always, as far as possible, to act against the common enemy with the same number of effective men, conformably to the statements which his Imperial Majesty caused to be confiden- tially communicated to the British govern- ment on the opening of the campaign.
Article IV. The Bavarian troops, those of Wirtemberg, and the Swiss regiments in the pay of Great Britain, shall be at the dis- position of his Imperial Majesty, to form a part of his army in Germany, and to be em- ployed there in operations against the enemy, in conformity to the conventions and capi- tulations concluded on this subject by the King of Great-Britain. His Britannic ma- jesty shall take the necessary measures for the further reinforcement of the army of his Im- perial Majesty in Germany by as great a num- ber as possible of German and Swiss troops.
Article V. Their Imperial and Britannic Majesties engage during the whole continu- ance of the present convention not to make a separate peace with the French Republic without the previous and express consent of each other. They engage likewise not to treat with the enemy, not to receive from him any overtures either for a private peace or for a general pacification, without mak- ing, mutually, communications of them with openness, and acting in every respect in per- fect concert.
Article VI. The duration of the present convention is fixed for the term of one year, to be computed from the 1st of March, 1800, until the end of February, 1801. From the month of December, immediately after the acquittal of the last payment of the stipulated advances the two high contracting parties shall enter into deliberation and confidential explanation upon the determinations that they think necessary to adopt for the future, according to circumstances, and their mutual convenience.
Article VII. The present convention shall be ratified in due form by their Imperial and Britannic Majesties, and the respective rat- ifications shall be exchanged at Vienna, in the space of six weeks, or sooner if possible.
In witness whereof, We, the undersigned, furnished with the full powers of their Impe- rial and Britannic Majesties, have in their names signed the present convention, and have affixed thereto the seal of our arms. Done at Vienna, the 20th of June, in the year 1800. (L. S.) LE BARON DE THUGUT. (L. S.) MINTO.
LONDON, July 5. An authentic account published at Pe- tersburg of the Russian force, states it, in- cluding 100,000 irregular troops, at 546,000 infantry, and 81,000 cavalry. The Austrian force, according to the statement submitted every three months to the Emperor consisted at the opening of the campaign, of 322,000 Infantry, and 62,000 cavalry.
Almost a perfect toleration is now al- lowed in France. The parishioners of a district lately petitioned the government for leave to be granted to their former pastor, who had emigrated to England to return to his flock. The application was instantly complied with by the following answer:—"Your pastor has leave to re- turn to his district, provided he consents to submit to the laws of the Republic." This answer was accompanied by the ne- cessary passports.
BOSTON, September 3. DOMESTIC MEMORANDA The Dysentery has been "the fever" of the interior country this year. In some parts of New-Hampshire, it has raged with afflict- ing mortality.
PHILADELPHIA, September 3.
LITTLE ROBBERS. Many people distant from Philadelphia, consider the accounts given in some of the papers, of the "Idle Society," as a sat- ire upon Messrs. Dayton and Tracy, and the rest of the Anglo-federalists who have made so much money without any visible profession. We assure our readers that there is no joke in the one any more than in the other. The only difference between them is this—the one set were great rogues, and the other little rogues, and from that particularity of dif- ference, the public need not be surprised to hear that Messrs. Stephens, Fitch, Bearman, and Co. may be employed for a few years at sawing marble, because they dealt only dollars by tens or hundreds, while the other gang who have traded largely to St. Domingo in the lands of McComb's tract, on the Ohio, and in the monies of the public treasury and of the poor old soldiers, may be exalted to the places of Governors of the N. Western territory, Senators, and federal judges!
Our correspondents are surprised that we do not publish the particulars of these pretty thieves—we do it to oblige them, but recom- mend it to our readers, to keep in mind what will be the fate of these idle and lazy robbers, in order that they may compare the issue with the fate of those whose example they follow.
The following are the circumstances rela- ting to a gang of petty robbers, of whom we published a few facts last week; since our former publication it appears that some o- thers of the gang have been taken up in New York.
We before mentioned the arrest of Robert Bearman, Levi Stephens, & Ephraim Fitch, for altering sundry Bank Bills from small to large amounts. Among the papers found upon Levi Stephens, was the following cu- rious commission now in the hands of the Mayor. It is thought to be the certificate by which the fraternity, concerned in this nefarious business, recognize each other. We understand that another of the members was obliged to loll upon the High Constable as far as the Mayor's Office; and, it is to be hoped, the whole will soon be discovered and prevented by our salutary law from e- ver again " pursuing the works of idleness. "
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. (L. S.) By his high and mighty Laziness,
EPHRAIM EAGER, Captain General and Commander in Chief of the Idle Society of the United States of America
To Levi Stephens, Gentleman, Greeting. You being appointed Colonel of the Idle Society in the city of New York in the coun- ty of York by virtue of the Power vested in me I do by these presents, (containing in your ever-aging Idleness and Laziness ) commission you accordingly. You are constantly to re- frain from all necessary labor, never to rise be- fore the sun; nor take off your boots when go- ing to bed; never to stand without leaning, nor walk without some person to loll upon; never to run in the most extreme and urgent cases, such as Fire, for a Doctor, nor when powerfully agitated by a dose of jalap, that you be constant in doing nothing, unwearied in drowsiness, and ever pursuing the works of Idleness ; that you observe such signs and gestures as shall, from time to time escape from your superior officers.
Given under my hand and seal of the Society at Philadelphia, the eleventh day of June, third year of the Idle Society . By his High and Mighty Laziness, EPHRAIM EAGER. OLIVER VON, Secretary.
September 6.
ANOTHER INTERESTING LET- TER.
We find in the Baltimore American the following letter. It was written by a gen- tleman of the first respectability in Connec- ticut, and who is in nomination for the le- gislature of that State eminent in the prac- tice of the law;—our readers will do well to compare this letter with other documents which have recently appeared in this and other papers.
"August 25, 1800 "DEAR SIR, "I assure you the proselytism to the re- publican cause is rapid here, and truly af- tonishing. The late election of Mr Adams, that "if the 12 regiments had been full, and "Alexander Hamilton at their head, two "years, the United States would have been "forced to raise another army to disband "the standing army;"—The declaration of "HAMILTON in Boston, that "if Pinckney "was not elected President, he would lose "his head, or be at the head of a victo- "rious and triumphant army within "three years;"—and the observation of "Tracy to Gen. Skinner of Litchfield, that "it is liberty enough for the people to chuse "their representatives; that the coalition- "on was not worth a farthing, and that we "must have a permanent and hereditary "Executive and Senate," have greatly aid- ed the progress of republicanism. I return- ed yet ere I from attending Litchfield su- preme court, and have had general infor- mation of the state of public opinion in every part of Connecticut."
September 8. Extra, dated New-York, Sept. 5th, 1800. "A curious affair has transpired here. The British packet Earl of Leicester , Capt. Sharp, has been seized in consequence of proof having been exhibited that some persons on board have been guilty of smuggling—the article, I believe, was flockings . The pack- age was landed in the night, and traced to the Merchant's store in which it was depo- sited, and taken possession of by an officer of the Custom House.
"The captain has made a great blunder- ing about the business, and declares himself en- tirely ignorant of the affair.—The Anglo-Fed- eral Merchants are buzzing about the Cof- fee-House in clusters—muttering menaces —and talk of the impropriety of seizing a King's ship ;—that it may interrupt the good understanding which subsists with Great- Britain; and with the business to be submit- ted to the HIGHER POWERS !—The citizen who has detected this base fraud, declares he knows of no higher powers than the Law. The ship has been given up on the British Consul's giving bail for the value of her, to abide the event of the trial."
Republicanism in Rhode-Island.
IN THE ROOM OF IMLAY THE DUELLIST AND JOHN BROWN, The Friend to Human Slavery, Lately Members of Congress, from Rhode- Island; at the election there, in the last week of August the country ticket of firm friends to the constitution, and liberty of the press, but opposers of oppressive, and unne- cessary Land taxes, THOMAS TIL- LINGHAST and JOSEPH STAN- TON, Jun. were elected Representatives to the seventh Congress.
The Editor of the London Gazetteer , well known by the Editor of the Aurora , to be one of the best informed men in Europe, says—"An ARMED NEUTRALITY is form- ing in Europe."
What a figure America will make upon the establishment of an armed neutrality , the principle of which was of greater service than an army of 20,000 men in our revolution, which was originally conceived and brought about by Dr. Franklin; but which under British influence , we have since aban- doned. It would not be at all surprizing, if the neutral powers should take no notice of us, whatever in the establishment of this important and salutary combination; it would be a reproach, to which our counsels defen- vedly subject us.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Fell's Point, to his friend in this city, dated September 2, 1800.
On Saturday I buried a young man, who lived with me between two & three years; on Sunday my wife was safely de- livered of a daughter; and I hope and trust will do well; on Monday I buried my el- dest daughter, and this day my only son; the woman we had to attend my wife has been sick for ten or twelve days; my next door neighbour's wife, her mother and four children, are down with the fe- ver, and no person to do any thing for them but himself, and he has just got up out of a severe attack of the fever; above half of the people have moved to the coun- try; yesterday and the day before the doc- tors all left this place, they have been ve- ry unsuccessful in this fever; there are one or two French doctors remain, and are said to have been of service to some that our doctors had given over. I ne- ver experienced such distress in my life before.
BALTIMORE, September 10.
DEATHS For the last 24 hours ending this morning at sun-rise—TWENTY.
SAVANNAH, August 29.
We have it from the most un- doubted authority that Colonel Hawkins has written from the Creek Nation, on the 14th instant, that, by letters which he had receiv- ed from St. Mark's, of the 17th July, Bowles had fled towards the point of Florida, and had carried four negroes with him, the proper- ty of Mr. Panton.
JUST RECEIVED, And for Sale at this Printing-Office,
AN ADDRESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES; WITH AN EPITOME AND VINDICATION OF THE PUBLIC LIFE AND CHARACTER OF THOMAS JEFFERSON. Sept. 4.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS I undertook in conjunction with Robert Craig and Archibald Campbell, to act as a trustee in the disposal of James Ryan's property, for the benefit of his creditors, and whereas from sundry circumstances it has become very inconvenient for me to act as a trustee in the case aforesaid: Therefore I do hereby relinquish all right to act as a trustee in the said case. William Paterson. Manchester, Sept. 8, 1800.

RICHMOND:
Tuesday, September 16, 1800.
Richmond, September 10, 1800.
Mr. PLEASANTS.
In a pamphlet, titled—An Address to the people of the United States, with an epitome and Vindication of the public life and character of Thomas Jefferson, printed by James Carey, Philadelphia, 1800, page 16, it is said,
"The second charge, "That Mr. Jefferson was a debtor to British Merchants, before the revolutionary war, and pursued measures to defraud his creditors," is refuted and disproved, in a manner highly honorable to Mr. Jefferson's reputation, by a publication of the 5th of April last, made in Philadelphia, by a gentleman who took particular pains to investigate the subject; and is as followeth:—Account of "Mr. Jefferson's British debts" &c.
The author of the foregoing pamphlet is entitled to much credit for the justice he has done to the character of Mr. Jefferson, basely calumniated; but it would certainly have been nothing more than justice to have acknowledged, that the refutation of the slander respecting Mr. Jefferson's British debts originated with the Editor of the Examiner , a paper published in this place on the 7th of March last. As this fact is within my own knowledge, I have deemed it just that it should be made known, and it would be but fair that the printers in the United States should give it notoriety, as it is proper that every editor should have credit for his industry.
With respect, I am, Sir, your friend, S. C.
On Friday were executed in this city, pursuant to sentence, five of the Negroes concerned in the late atrocious conspiracy and insurrection; and yesterday five others concerned in the same business. Several others are under sentence for Thursday next. 'Tis most devoutly to be wished, that these examples may deter all future attempts of this diabolical nature.
A most horrid Murder.
Miss ELIZ GARTHRIGHT, of Henrico county, a young lady of respectable family and fortune, not more than eighteen years of age, was on Friday evening, the 12th inst. murdered, & thrown under Bottoms' Bridge. Her body was found on Sunday the 14th, mangled in a most shocking manner. The particulars, as far as we have learned, are as follows:—Miss Garthright had been at her sister's, the wife of Mr. John Carter, who lives at Frayfer's old tavern, making two new dresses, and set out from Mr. Carter's about supper, to go to her aunt's, Mrs. Whitlock, which was not more than a mile distant, and almost in sight; she took with her the two dresses, but when the body was found the clothing was gone. It is supposed that she was murdered and robbed by a black man, who was met by a gentleman very near the place, with a bundle at his back, not more than half an hour after this unfortunate young woman left her sister's. We hope that the perpetrator of the horrid crime will be brought to justice, as every exertion is making in order to a discovery; and we trust that the dreadful scene that was on Sunday, the 14th inst. presented at Bottoms' Bridge will be a caution to ladies not to venture abroad alone.
NAPPER TANDY.
In the trial of the celebrated James Napper Tandy, Esq. in Dublin, in May last, his Counsel, Mr. Curran, stated as follows:—Mr. Tandy was arrested on the 24th Nov. 1798, and kept close until 1st Dec. in virtue of an order from the Senate of Homburgh. This order was obtained by Sir James Crawford, the British resident, who had been directed by Lord Grenville to demand, as the alternative of war, his delivery. It seemed as if Mr. Tandy, in the seventeenth year of his age, was a man of too much consequence to the moral and military system of his majesty's ministers, and the powers of Europe, to be allowed common indulgencies. It seemed as if the wisdom of the whole continent of Europe, the profound diplomacy of Germany, were put in requisition against this venerable man; even the Emperor of all the Russias, his majesty's glorious ally, against whom it would be an misprision of treason to speak disrespectfully, did not disdain to interfere; this contrivance of the North (compared with whom the Ursa Major was but a glow worm) above all virtue stood forth to combat and enchain this formidable old man. In short, belligerent and civilized Europe leagued together to render the tender mercy of his majesty's ministers inoperative in his behalf, or rather to defraud the gibbet of his body and the loyal rovers of his country, the feast of picking his bones. In pursuance of such a mighty confederacy of the European powers, an order was issued from his majesty's secretary of state, and the miserable inhabitants of Homburgh were obliged, in compliance with such a combination of kingly influence, to trample the laws of common justice and humanity, and to give up Mr. Tandy to those pre-eminent persons that demanded him at a price. He was thrown into prison, and as if the evils which were accumulated upon his aged body, did not sufficiently manifest the reverence and humanity which is due to age, as if religion and magnanimity for
which this glorious war was undertaken, could not be exemplified and portrayed by acts and deeds worthy of the Inquisition—he was loaded with chains—a wretched and boarded floor would have been indulgencies unworthy of the combined powers of Europe when opposed to so formidable a rival, as this grey-headed man, whose hoary locks vibrate not with the tremulation of fear or the reproaches of conscience, but the sensible evidence of a life verging upon eternity: this formidable age was thrown into a vault or dungeon—two soldiers, poor wretches, whose poverty or ignorance, perhaps whole crimes had dressed them up in the livery of murder, and given with their hands the protection of entombed virtue, two of these were stationed in his cell with their naked swords, and as if the venerable age of the sufferer was likely to soften the hearts of these, two others were stationed outside his door, as checks upon the humanity of their fellow-slaves, and the formidable power of this man of fourscore. Out of motives of mere humanity, no doubt, no person but these myrmidons of tyranny, were suffered to see him, the applications for that purpose always proved in vain; by an ingenuity which heretofore was considered as peculiar to the vaults of the Inquisition, the Bastille, or the Calte of Magdeburg, those chains which however intended, carried back to those who imposed them all the honour which they were meant to confer, were fastened from the right arm to the left leg, no doubt to save him the mortification of writing; but the ingenuity was not even limited here, for they were so short as to bend a body already bowed by age; and his limbs were in consequence severely and bloodily lacerated by his fetters; his dungeon, which would seem by its size to have been intended for a grave, measured 8 feet by 9; the walls were moist, green, and foggy; and as to repose, nature exhausted, was deemed sufficient to supply the absence of a bed—none was provided, not even a solitary straw—nothing but the bare moist stones to rest his wearied carcass, mangled and galled by rusty chains. His food, for who would suppose in such a state that delicacies would be provided, was not served to him in that style of pomp, that service of gold and precious vessels, which obliterates in the remembrance of emperors and kings the sympathy of humanity—no plate, not even the solitary humility of earthen or wooden ware, accompanied his meals—no knife, no fork, entered his dungeon—his meat was cut and thrown to him on the solid floor, as if it were a dog; nay, ten times more humanity would have been shewn to any beast! Is this the order which the combined powers with to promote? Is this, O God of Mercies, is this thy religion?
Mr. Tandy was attended in court by his son, James Tandy, Esq. Thomas Tandy, Esq. and John Tandy, senior and junior, of the county of Meath, and several other of his relatives, men of the most distinguished virtues, and all men of property. Mr. Tandy was acquitted on this trial, but remanded for a further trial at Donegal, for accepting a commission of general of brigade in the French service.
KOTZEBUE.
Extract from a private letter, dated Weimar, June 13. "But terrible is the fate which has befallen poor Kotzebue. To enable him to visit his son, who are placed in the Military Academy at Petersburg, as well as his estate at Friedenthal, situated within a few miles of Revel, in Livonia, the Emperor Paul himself, under his majesty's signature, granted him a passport, assuring him, at the same time, that he would have permission to return to Saxony about August. Kotzebue, highly rejoiced at this gracious communication, and not entertaining the least suspicion, made all possible expedition to depart from Weimar, with his wife and three children, having previously purchased a beautiful farm near Jena. The happy family arrived at Berlin, where Baron Von Kladder, the Russian envoy to the Prussian Court, gave Kotzebue another passport for Livonia. Yet no sooner had they reached Potenzen, which is a frontier town between Prussia and Courland, than Kotzebue was torn from his agonized family by four Cossacks, that had waited for him at that place, and who placed him entirely unaccommodated in a wretched vehicle called a kibitka, pursuing the road to Petersburg. Though perfectly acquainted with the various incidents of his life, we are at a loss to account for this proceeding. During his stay here he behaved with the greatest propriety, and was sincerely esteemed. His Imperial Majesty seems to be incensed against all men of letters, without exception, which is attributed to the famous publications of the Memoires secrets Sur la Russie , written by Malon, who under La Harpe, instructed the Imperial Princess, at Gatchina, and who now resides in Paris. At the last Easter fair at Leipzig, the sale of this book was prohibited by the Elector of Saxony, under a penalty of 100 Rix dollars. It is well known also, that the Emperor of Russia has issued an Ukase , forbidding the importation of any printed book or paper, not excepting even maps or new pieces of music, that have a single letter of the alphabet upon them."
An election Committee in the city of Philadelphia has made the following eloquent and pathetic address to the people of that State. It is seriously recommended to every man in the Union. "Fellow Citizens! this is an important crisis in the affairs of our country—The present moment is big with your fate, and on its successful employment depend every thing dear to man—Survey the precipice
to which you are brought—it presents an awful and an alarming view—a government, framed to preserve your freedom, and promote your happiness, has been prostituted to the purposes of wretchedness and oppression—In this boasted land of liberty, we behold citizens immured in prisons, as like slaves, permitted only to breathe through the lattice, for exercising the faculties of their minds, and questioning the measures of a public servant! We have seen, citizens, fathers of families, treated like villains by the military, under federal authority: the laws trampled upon by pretended supporters; outrages committed without redress; a portion of the community denounced, and in personal danger; and even a representative of the people publicly outraged, for daring to exercise his constitutional privilege—we have seen a judge display the malevolence of an inquisitor, enter the lists against a prisoner, with the most shameless and unprecedented effrontery prejudice cases, indecently dispense with the common courtesies of life; abuse the privileges of citizens, and absent himself from his duty for electioneering purposes, when his presence was indispensable to the furtherance of the proceedings of the Courts: we have seen the people of Pennsylvania robbed of an essential right, the right to a voice in the choice of electors, and the state thereby deprived of its vote, and its importance in the Union, by the intrigues and cabals of Federalists. We have seen the people of another State flitched of the same right, and this right usurped by a Legislature, to ensure an election of a President who is obnoxious to the people: We have seen an army of mercenaries fastening upon the labor of the community, without any other apparent object for their hire, than a depression of a part of the Commonwealth: We have seen enormous loans made at an exorbitant interest, while the nation was at peace: Oppressive taxes and imposts imposed to support measures of extravagance; public men submitting and fattening upon the plunder of the public treasury; and the treasure of the nation employed by speculators in office, whilst the people are groaning beneath the weight of impositions: We have beheld the most daring attempts to plunge us into war for party purposes, and to give to the ambitious and avaricious, opportunities of domination & plunder: We have seen the principles of monarchy openly avowed & defended, by the friends of the administration; republican government, and the sovereignty of the people derided, and liberty and equality held up to scorn, as contemptible and childish baubles—& to cap the Climax of oppression, we have beheld an attempt made to supersede the Constitution of the United States, by a law of the Legislature, by which the most estimable right of the people was to be transferred to the Chief Justice of executive creation, and a secret committee organized by intrigue, and acting without responsibility—all these things, may more have we beheld, fellow citizens—thouh we not then be wanting to ourselves, wanting to you, did we neglect to warn you of the present moment, as a crisis which has involved it: your future destinies? To your votes then on the day of election—encounter your enemy with constitutional weapons—let no pusillio or private avocation detach you from the scene—unite in a common cause act as becomes freemen—and liberty and happiness will be your reward."
We could wish, before our Negotiators return with the Olive Branch from Paris, that they would cross the Channel and have a talk with the British Minister about the depredations that are committed on our commerce in every quarter by his men of war. Nor should they forget to expostulate with the great War Minister on the injustice of his proceedings against our native citizens, who are daily impressed into the tyrannical service of George his master. Very possibly remonstrances in the old spirit of independent Americans may have a very good effect on our quondam tyrants, now especially, that the victorious Republicans of France threaten them with death and destruction.
(American Citizen.)
However ingenuity may vary the appearance of the question, the political dispute of mankind at present is, between monarchy and republicanism, between craft and honesty. The Idea that government must be supported by force and trick is sanctioned by despots and monarchists, the counter idea, that mankind are capable of reasoning, and of being governed by reason is the opinion of republicans. The one looks the many to a level with the brutes to raise the few to the rank of Gods; the other supports the natural dignity of man, equality of rights, and reciprocity of good offices; to effect which an expansion of the powers of the mind, an inculcation of virtue and honesty is indispensably necessary. In this view of the business, no man after inquiry can be a neuter. Every son and daughter of Adam is interested in this dispute which is simply this, whether force and fraud shall continue & predominate over man, or whether justice and public virtue shall take the lead, and honesty be cherished among men. It is this dispute that combined the despots of Europe against France, and deluged nearly half the world in human gore; and it was not France, but republicanism universally the monarchs meant to eradicate from the earth. May despots fail and trickiness be detected, while honesty and republicanism expand from pole to pole.
(Ver. Gaz.)
Mr. Gideon Granger of Connecticut, is said to report, that in a late conversation with Mr. Adams that gentleman declared, that if his countrymen honored him with a re-election he should serve them with pleasure, but he would rather that Mr. Jefferson would obtain the election than either Pinckney or Pickering; for he really believed there was a party in the United States who would wish to subject this country to British customs, and establishments similar to England, to whose views he was well assured Mr. Jefferson would never become the dupe. ib.
In order to deter the vile Jacobins in this country from eternally preaching up the utility, and even absolute necessity of a war with Great-Britain—Please to publish the following, that they may know what they are to expect from the tender mercies of this power in a state of open warfare.
From Harris's Salem Gazette of 1783. "To all Printers of Public Newspapers." "TELL it to the whole WORLD, and let it be published in every Newspaper throughout America, Europe, Asia and Africa, to the everlasting disgrace and infamy of the British King's commanders at New-York. That during the late War, it is said, 11,644 AMERICAN PRISONERS, have suffered death by their inhuman, cruel, savage and barbarous usage on board the filthy and malignant Brugs Prison Ship called the Jersey , lying at New-York—Britons, tremble, lest the vengeance of Heaven fall on your Isle for the blood of these unfortunate victims."
Petersburg x, 1800. Sir, IT seems as if the omnipotent to prevent our design, poured down his vengeance upon us:—This shall not prevent the cause of liberty, for those we espoused, being carried into effect; we shall appoint another time, of which you shall have the earliest information; keep up their spirits and procure the necessary implements—Conduit R. and B. rest with assurance of my steady perseverance, and stability. Health and respect for the poor devils. X. Mr. CHARLES PURCELL, Richmond.
WHEREAS some malicious person, wrote and directed the above letter to me, which letter after having been kept by the writer, until it was worn in the pocket, and then broken open and dropt in the Capitol, was found, and delivered to me by a gentleman; this is therefore to offer a reward of TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS, to any person, who will detect the author of the said infamous letter calculated to injure my reputation as a citizen, and to lessen the confidence of my neighbours in me. CHARLES PURCELL. Richmond, September 6, 1800.
Republican Preis.
WILLIAM DUANE, editor of the Philadelphia Aurora, being encouraged by many citizens to establish a Preis in the City of Washington—thinks it proper to advertise the citizens of the surrounding States, that should encouragement adequate to the bare support of the undertaking, be afforded, he will establish a Preis, under the superintendence of his Son, during the recess of congress; and will himself attend during the sitting of the legislature. Particulars of the plan proposed for the paper will be advertised in due time. Republican printers in the neighbouring states will please to give this notification a few insertions.
To be sold, for ready money, On Thursday the 9th day of October next, PART OF A Tract of Land, Lying in Louisa County, known by the name of BOSWELL'S ORDINARY to include the improvements and to contain two hundred and ninety three acres; designated by bounds to be made known at the day of sale; according to the last will and testament of Col. John Boswell, deceased. RICHARD C. JOHNSON, Exor of THOMAS JOHNSON MINOR, the only Executor of Col. JOHN BOSWELL dec. FOR SALE, (On 12 month's credit,)—THE COAL PITS, On the Buckingham road, known by the name of Woodridge's. THOMAS WOODRIDGE, At the said Pits Sept. 12, 1800. (2)
HAMDEN SIDNEY COLLEGE. THE Subscribers, Trustees, take the liberty of giving it as their opinion to such Parents and Guardians as are interested, that the Students who have lately left College under the impression that they were in danger from an infectious dysentery, may safely return to their studies—Mr. Alexander, the only person sick belonging to College, appears to be recovering, he lives in a house entirely separate from the College. Samuel W. Venable, Richard N. Venable. Prince Ed. Wd, Sept 13, 1800.
The following is a copy of a letter addressed by the General Committee of Correspondence to the corresponding Committees of each county in this Commonwealth. Richmond, Aug. 9th, 1800. Sir, WE have taken the liberty to advise you, to have the tickets for election of President and Vice-President of the United States written; and have thought proper to recommend to you the following form. We think it advisable that the committees in the different counties should procure to be written, a sufficient number of Tickets to be distributed among the Freeholders. In the formation of the Ticket particular attention should be paid, in discriminating between the Republican candidate William H. Cabell, and the Federal Candidate William Cabell.
We are happy to inform you, that we have received positive assurances from Colonel Elzey, that he will with pleasure serve as an elector, if he should be honored by the suffrages of a majority of his fellow citizens. We are Sir, Very respectfully, Your fellow citizens. Philip N. Nicholas, Chairman. Meriwether Jones, Sam. Pleasants, jun. Joseph Selden, Gervase Storrs, John H. Foushee, Secretary.
Form of the Republican Ticket.
The following persons are selected, by the Voter, whose name is written on the back of this Ticket for Electors of President and Vice President. George Wythe, of the City of Richmond. William Newsum, of Princess Anne. Edmund Pendleton, sen. of Caroline. William H. Cabell of Amherst. James Madison, jun. of Orange. John Page, of Gloucester. Thos Newton, jun. of Norfolk Borough. Carter B. Harrison, of Prince George. General Joseph Jones, of Dinwiddie. William B. Giles, of Amelia. Creed Taylor, of Cumberland. Thomas Read, sen. of Charlotte. George Penn, of Patrick. Walter Jones, of Northumberland. Richard Brent, of Prince William. William Elzey, of Loudoun. Andrew Moore, of Rockbridge. Gen. John Brown, of Hardy. Gen. John Preston, of Montgomery. Hugh Holmes, of Frederick. Archibald Stuart, of Augusta.
THE Subscriber having come into possession of the Shop lately occupied by THOMAS REYNOLDS, on the w side of Brandywine Bridge, adjoining the main post road, takes this method of acquainting the public, that he carries on the BLACK SMITH and SCREW-CUTTING BUSINESS, and will be thankful for any Orders in his line, particularly for any kind of Millstones; Also, Screws for Paper, Slitting and Pulling Mills—Screws for packing Hogs, raising millstones, timber heels and tobacconists;—Lewite, Branding-Irons, and all the inferior kinds of Smith-work. Orders by post will be particularly attended to, and faithfully executed, by CHARLES TATEM. Wilmington, Del. July 29, 1800.
N. B. We the Subscribers do certify, that the above named Charles Tatem, has for a considerable time past been employed by us, and his attention and workmanship has given general satisfaction. Samuel Canby, William Poole, Tatham & Lea, Isaac Jones.
20 Dollars Reward
RAN-AWAY from the publisher, living in the lower end of Hanover, about the 10th day of May last, a tall, straight, black Negro Woman, by the name of POLLY; about 24 or 25 years of age, with large, heavy white eyes, speaks very fast when a little agitated, and has sustained a small injury to the end of the middle finger of her right hand by a whitlow. She had formerly a husband in George a mulatto man servant belonging to John Mayo, Esq. near Richmond, and who eloped from his master about twelve months ago, and is not yet recovered—it is supposed that the above woman has been emigrated or taken off by him. Whoever will deliver the said negro woman to me, or secure her in some jail to be got her again, shall receive the above reward. John Williamson. Richmond, August 23, 1800.
WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on the 19 day of October next, on the premises, at three months credit, for approved notes, Two unimproved LOTS, In the city of Richmond, viz. LOT No. 486, commencing at the foot of the James river canal bridge, and south of Samuel Parsons' enclosed lot, No. 486, which lies opposite to said Parsons' dwelling house—And No. 487, lying on the canal street, adjoining the capital square on one side, and the canal street on the other, being the said lot and the lot that Mr. Stites had on another side, and lot No. 418 on the other side. Sept. 14, 1800.