Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-09-23 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1586.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum.—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
The price of this paper to subscribers is four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance.
Advertisements, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.
Electoral Ticket.
THE following is the Madisonian Electoral Ticket, recommended for the information of the citizens of Virginia:
 Joseph Godwin, sen. Nansemond.  Benjamin Harrison, Prince George.  Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie.  Richard Field, Brunswick.  Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte.  Joseph Eggleston, Amelia.  Hugh Nelson, Albemarle.  Col. George Penn, Patrick.  Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City.  Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover.  John Roane, King William.  Robert Taylor, Orange.  Gustavus B. Hermer, Fauquier.  Robert Nelson, York.  Mann Page, Gloucester.  Richard Barnes, Richmond County.  John T. Brooke, Stafford.  Hugh Holmes, Frederick.  Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire.  James Allen, Shenandoah.  Archibald Stuart, Augusta.  Andrew Russell, Washington.  Gen. John Preston, Montgomery.  William McKinley, Ohio. 
Notice.
THE subscribers will petition the General Assembly of Virginia, at its next session, to complete to him the commonwealth's right in the following half-acre lots in the city of Richmond, known and distinguished in the ancient plan of the town of Richmond, by the numbers 63, 64, 65, 66, 77, 88, 102.
John Seabrook.
Hanover, Sept. 15, 1808.
Extract from an Oration, by JOHN PAGE Esq. delivered at Gloucester Courthouse, on July the fourth, 1794.
(CONTINUED.)
The British if oppressed by their Parliament, could petition and remonstrate so as to be heard; and so as to awaken either the compassion or fears of their representatives, and executive; but we, with the Atlantic ocean between us, when oppressed and insulted by that Parliament, wherein we were not represented, could neither excite pity or any idea of inconvenience to that omnipotent body, and the all-sufficient nation is governed. We had the mortification of seeing our petitions received with indifference, and our remonstrances treated with contempt; and of knowing that this was the natural consequence of that oppression against which we complained. For by loading the colonies with taxes, the Parliament hoped to diminish in time, that of their constituents; and by insulting and depressing colonists which was grateful to British pride, they thought they aggrandized their country, and secured the dependence of their colonies.
It was not enough for the insatiable ambition and pride of Britain, that her colonies were restrained, by every possible means, from injuring her, by their legislative acts: that they were satisfied with the small share of British freedom which they retained, imperfect as that boasted freedom was—that they even gloried in promoting her interest, as if she really were the affectionate indulgent parent of them all—not enough that her merchants received the produce of the colonies on the most advantageous terms, and sent there their merchandise in return on their own conditions—it was not enough that we imported from them the whole of the furniture of our houses; our earthenware; our wearing apparel; implements of husbandry; even scythe handles; a most all the cheese and malt liquors which they could spare; and in short, that we took of them almost every article of their manufactures which they had for exportation; no, all this was not enough. Britain was so ungenerous as to oblige us to take from her alone, several articles which her cold climate could not produce—and was so jealous of the few manufactures which we then had, and was determined that we should be restrained from manufacturing at all, that the famous Pitt, one of the most liberal of her statesmen, and one supposed to be a good friend to America, declared in Parliament that he would never consent that the colonies should manufacture a single hob-nail; and indeed although our country abounded in iron, we had been, and then were prohibited, by an act of Parliament from erecting slitting mills, or machines for facilitating the manufacture of nails—and although our country abounded also in furs, and particularly in that of the Beaver, the most excellent in the composition of hats, we were restrained from making hats for exportation even to a sister colony.
Our situation was so mortifying, and our condition so degraded, that it is evident, to me at least, that our oppressors thought, notwithstanding our sincere and solemn declaration to the contrary, that we must have considered it as intolerable; and that therefore, we must have resolved to shake off their yoke, as soon as we could—they resolved therefore to put our disposition as to independence to the test; and to make a bold experiment of our patience, loyalty, and attachment to the mother country—if these exceeded our love of liberty, then the precedent which our oppressors wished for, was to be established; and if we, seeing no hope of relief from oppression, but in open resistance; should resist, they saw, (it was tho')
a good excuse to call us rebels; and an easy and effectual method of reducing us to submission, and of putting it out of our power, to rival their commerce, or to resist their acts of Parliament. The British government therefore, took care to revive the discontent amongst us, which had subsided on the repeal of the stamp act, by enacting other laws equally oppressive. Indeed the act, known by the title of the declaratory act (by which it was declared, in direct opposition to the solemn resolutions of the Assembly, "that the Parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever," which was passed soon after the repeal of the stamp act, was of itself sufficient to have excited universal discontent amongst the colonies as in one comprehensive clause of a British act of Parliament, they were declared to be totally dependent on the will of a British Parliament; in short, to be as subject slaves as words could describe. The colonies however were so disposed to be upon good terms with the parent country, that they were willing to look upon this insulting tyrannical act, as a mere Salvo of Parliamentary honor for repealing the stamp act—and fondly hoped that the pride of the British nation would be satisfied with it; and that the wisdom and commercial interest of that nation would never consent to make any other use of it—Government therefore to carry into effect its system of oppression, was determined to raise the resentment of the colonies, and as Mr. Burke expressed it, even "to goad them into resistance"—and this they happily effected for, two years after the repeal of the stamp act, the Parliament finding that the colonies had universally agreed to acquiesce in their recitations of commerce, but had at the same time protested against taxation by the Parliament; distinguished in a pointed manner between external and internal taxation, saying that there was a wide difference between paying a duty in Britain on the articles they might choose to import, and being compelled to pay it in America, where they had not the money required by law for such duty—and that too required on articles forced upon the colonies, which they were not permitted to procure from any other country, and which too must come to them loaded with the high price which British taxes obliged British manufacturers and merchants to lay on those articles—it was had enough said they, to be reduced to the necessity of purchasing many necessaries in Britain on which were laid the sums necessary to lighten the burthen of taxes laid there on the manufacturers and merchants; but it would be an intolerable oppression after doing this to be called on here for further duties, and those too payable in specie, (say some of them) in sterling money, which we had not, and which with care was kept from us. I say at this time and in this situation of the American mind, the Parliament passed an act laying a duty on Tea, Paper, Paint and Glass, payable in America, attended with such circumstances in the act and the bold measures taken to enforce its execution as prove incontestably that not revenue but a precedent for raising it ad Libitum , was the great object of government; and that to excite discontent and resistance, in America, was deemed of more consequence to the power of the King and Parliament, than a pecuniary collection of revenue; unless it could be a revenue of such an amount as could satiate the greedy appetite of a corrupt and extravagant government, loaded with a debt of about 150 millions of pounds sterling; or the right of levying and collecting it at the pleasure of the Parliament were acknowledged, and a disposition to acquiesce in such acts shown by the colonies—if this were not the case, why was it insisted on by the Parliament that we should pay three pence per pound, on tea in America, when all America had declared no such duty should be paid, instead of twelve pence, which we had cheerfully paid in England? If revenue were the real object of the tea act, it ought to have added to the duties payable on tea in Britain on exportation to the colonies, and not to have taken off nine pence per pound from the twelve hitherto paid there, requiring only three paid in America—this was giving up nine pence on every pound of tea which ever could have been exported to the colonies to try the power of Parliament to collect three pence in America!
[TO BE CONTINUED.]
From the (N. H.) Political Observator.
It was astonishing! It was mortifying, to observe the apathy of the republicans. While federal runners were traversing every part of the state—while the little great men of the party, in every town visited every citizen in the sphere of their influence, for the purpose of intimidating by their threats, cajoling by their promises, or deluding by their falsehoods; the republicans, confident in their strength, calmly looked on, and suffered them in many instances to succeed, when a little exertion might have prevented—when a little activity would have saved many from delusion, and precluded the possibility of federal triumph.
By the culpable remissness of the republicans in this town, the federalists obtained a small majority of votes. Had every voter been present at the meeting, the republican majority would have been as great as the federal now is, if not greater.
In Keene, we are informed the most detestable means were made use of to influence the votes of the citizens. Besides such as are common to the party throughout the state, the Cheshire Bank, which is wholly controlled by federalists, was there made an engine of corruption; and, when other means failed, was ready at hand to be used as an instrument of bribery or intimidation. To some, favors were granted, as the price of their votes and influence. Others, who were indebted, were informed, by hints too plain to be misunderstood, that prosecutions would be commenced, or forbearance granted, according to their behavior at the election. Such conduct, though detestable, is not surprising; the characters of those who control the bank, have for a long time been known.
Pre-eminence thus gained, cannot be very enviable; nor can it continue longer than retrenching justice sleeps.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
SPEECH OF JOHN Q. ADAMS, CONTINUED.
Neither do I find them invested with the power of sequestering a member from his seat. The gentleman said, it was incidental to the power of expulsion. It so, the incident is much broader than the power itself. The superstructure far more extensive than the base. The power of expulsion operates only upon the member. The state retains all its right to be represented, and only suffers during the time, which it may require to supply the vacated place. But when you sequester a member from his seat, you also sequester his state from its proportion of representation. You leave her only one member, while all her sisters have two—and if this sequestration is to continue through all the impairances of a prosecution in a court at law, this suspension of the state's representation might last through a whole Senatorial term of duty. The same principle, in its application to the other house, would often sequester a district of people from their share in the national representation during the full congressional period—not to mention the opportunities it would afford to personal enemies and political opponents of taking an obnoxious member from his seat, by the mere institution of a criminal process against him. Another obstacle to this procedure arises from the danger of transferring the decision upon the qualifications of your members from your own body to a different, and perhaps a distant tribunal. It proposes to place the trial of the cause under one jurisdiction, and the sentence to be pronounced by another. Instead of acting upon evidence and information exhibited to your own view, you must take upon trust the correctness of proceeding of every county court of criminal jurisdiction throughout the Union, and resign the right of your members to their seats into the hands of every jury in a court of quarter sessions. This consequence is so obvious, and so incompatible with the clearest privileges of this body, that the counsel themselves perceived it, and shrunk back from their own conclusions. They admitted that after the trial at law, the verdict of the jury would not be conclusive, as a ground for the decision of the Senate on the question for expulsion—Nay, they admitted that even after a verdict of acquittal, the Senate might again enter upon the enquiry. If the acquittal were on fair & honorable grounds, they thought the Senate would be bound to abide by it, but if it should be obtained upon legal exceptions, or by the exclusion of evidence upon objections to the more legal competency of the testimony, we might resume the investigation, and proceed to expel the acquitted member, on such evidence excluded by the formal limitations of practice in the judicial court. But, sir, how are the senate to know, unless it be from the face of the record, upon what grounds the party was acquitted? His plea to the indictment is, 'not guilty.' This is the issue upon the trial, and under this issue the person accused is entitled to the benefit of every exception of legal form as well as of honorable substance. The jury are judges both of the law and the fact. The testimony, whether admitted or excluded, seldom appears upon the record. The jury on combining every point both of law and of testimony, find it insufficient to convict the party accused, and they return a general verdict in the two words of his plea 'not guilty.' They give no reasons for their verdict. The jury at Richmond, indeed, on the trial of Mr. Burr for treason, did assign a reason—but this was an extraordinary exception—they are not obliged to give their reasons, and they scarcely ever do give them. How then are we to know whether the acquittal was honorable or otherwise, by receiving testimony? Why then we return to that original foundation of our own sound discretion, upon which I have contended that our authority rests. We send the party to a court of law for trial, and the court sends him back to us for two—one for himself, and one for the jury which acquitted him. We go from discretion to law; and with an aggravated burthen return from law to discretion.
Let us however, for a moment suppose that this doctrine of Mr. Smith's counsel is correct, and that our authority to try this cause is appellate and not original. The consequence is, that we ought now to do, what they tell us we ought to have done at first. Their argument invites us now to sequester this gentleman from his seat, and send him to a circuit court of the United States for trial by jury, with directions to the proper law officer to commence a prosecution against him, and with the whole mass of evidence which has been here produced against him; that the personal attendance of the witnesses may be obtained at the proper time and place. If, sir, the object were to deprive Mr. Smith of his seat, for the remainder of his term, this process would answer as effectively as the adoption of the resolution before you. I must therefore believe that it cannot be Mr. Smith's desire, that we should on this occasion renounce our own course, to follow that inculcated upon us by his counsel.
Having disposed then of the objections to the jurisdiction of the Senate, let us pass to those which have been urged with equal solemnity against the species of evidence which has been received. I listened with great attention to the comparison drawn by a gentleman who insisted most upon this point, and in particular to the parallel which he drew between the relative merits of written and oral testimony. There are doubtless advantages to be derived from the examination of witnesses in person, which cannot be communicated to written depositions.
But theoretic perfection must necessarily yield to possible practice. The evidence on such an enquiry as this is from the necessity of the case all voluntary. The member whose conduct is implicated, has great advantage for defence, which he would not possess on a trial in a court of law. He is defended by the able counsel admitted at your bar when there is no legal counsel against him. He has the opportunity to collect with all the industry and activity inspired by his interest, every particle of evidence that can be brought in his favor, while that which appears against him, must come without search; must present itself uninvited. No member of this body can be charged with the duty, and surely none would spontaneously undertake the task of summoning witnesses to attend here in person from the two extremities of the union; nor, were they summoned, is it at all clear that they would be compelled to attend. To call exclusively for the evidence of witnesses in person, is therefore to strike at the root of the Senate's power to pursue such an enquiry as this. It is to make the power expressly delegated nugatory. So at least it would be in the great number of cases; and in the present instance it would require us to go through this whole investigation again. We must consider every thing hitherto done as an absolute nullity, and send for perhaps an hundred witnesses from New Orleans to Newtown, in Connecticut, to assemble here at some day of the next session, (we shall certainly not have time for it during the present) to testify to the conduct of Mr. Smith, and to the characters of the witnesses for and against him. This objection therefore if valid, would in its operation be as unfriendly to Mr. Smith, as the last. As that would send him to a court of law for the trial of a title, extinct before it could be confirmed, so this would postpone the question upon the right of his seat, until the seat itself will be vacated by the lapse of time.
It is I presume from this necessity of the case that in the British House of Commons, proceedings of this nature are always in a great degree summary, and that the evidence upon which they proceed is subject to none of the restrictions to which they so rigidly adhere in their courts of law. As our power of expulsion is granted in the constitution, and as it was no doubt originally derived from the English Parliamentary usage, I thought it my duty to consult with as much care and attention as a limited time would allow, the journals and debates of the House of Commons in England, to ascertain what the practice had been in these cases. Nor could I hear without astonishment, the assertions so confidently made by one of the gentlemen of counsel for Mr. Smith (Mr. Key) that no instance of this summary proceeding could be found in the British Parliament, unless it were in the time of Cromwell. Where the gentleman obtained his information, it is not my business to enquire; but I can say that in my examination of the journals, I have been unable to find a single instance in which any other than a summary process is pursued, or in which the judicial rules for authenticating evidence are required. That this however may no longer rest upon assertion, I shall now read you, sir, two cases which occurred; not in the time of Cromwell, but in that of Queen Anne.
The first is that of Thomas Ridge, which in the parliamentary debate is related thus—vol. 14, p. 177. "On the 3d (of January) Mr. Harley chancellor of the exchequer, acquainted the Commons, "that on examinations relating to the navy, taken before the lords commissioners of the treasury, some considerable abuse had been discovered in the victualling and that a member of that House was named therein; upon which the Commons resolved to present an address to the Queen, to have those examinations laid before them: which being done accordingly, and the same referred to a committee, Mr. Ridge, the member named therein, desired that he might attend that committee to make his innocence appear.
He attended the committee; they report against him, and afterwards on the 15th, "The Commons took into consideration the report from the committee appointed to enquire into the abuses of the victualling; and the said report being read, it was unanimously resolved, that it appears to this house that in the management of her majesty's brew-house, as well as in the contracts for furnishing the navy with beer, there have been many notorious embezzlements and scandalous abuses to the defrauding the public of great sums of money to the injury and discouragement of the seamen: and ordered that the commissioners of victualling have a copy of the said report.
"After this Mr. Ridge was heard in his place to the matter of the report relating to him, and being withdrawn it was resolved,
"1. That it appears to this house that Thomas Ridge, esq. a member of this House, is guilty of great frauds and abuses, by having contracted to furnish 5,513 tons of beer upon his own account, and 2704 of beer in partnership with Mr. Dixon, and having received bills for the whole, although he delivered but 2,213 tons of the first and 1,269 upon the latter contract.
"2. That Thomas Ridge, esq. be, for the said frauds and abuses, expelled this House.
"3. That an humble address be presented to her majesty, that she will be pleased to give direction to her Attorney-general to prosecute the said Mr. Ridge, for the said frauds and abuses."—p. 181.
Shall we now be told, Mr. President, that the practice of the English House of Commons, on cases of expulsion, is never summary; that they first send the member to a court of law for his trial; that they receive against him none but judicial evidence? Here is a case, not in times of violence and faction; not for political motives, or to remove an able and obnoxious member, but for mere fraud & embezzlement; the member is merely named in certain written examinations; on that evidence, after reference to a committee, and their report, he is expelled, and immediately after, an address to the Queen is voted, to direct a prosecution against him for the same acts.
The next case is that of Mr. Walpole. He was implicated in a report from the commissioners of public accounts; he was heard before them, and there had a witness sworn to an affidavit in his favor. On their report, they presented to the house the depositions of this witness, which were received and read. Another witness was called in and examined, apparently not on oath, before the house itself. Mr. Wal-
pole was heard in his place and withdrew; after which the house came to the following resolutions:
"That Robert Walpole, esq. (a member of this house) in receiving the sum of 500 guineas, and in taking a note for 500l. more, on account of two contracts, for forage for his majesty's troops quartered in North Britain, made by him when secretary at war, pursuant to a power granted to him by the late Lord Treasurer, is guilty of a high breach of trust and notorious [not convicted, but notorious] corruption."
"2. That the said Robert Walpole, esq. be for the said offence committed prisoner to the Tower of London, during the pleasure of this House; and that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant accordingly."
"Then a motion being made and the question put that the house should adjourn, it passed in the negative; and after a small debate it was resolved (though by a small majority of about 30 voices,) that the said Robert Walpole, esq. be for the said offence also expelled the house."
The only cases of expulsion which I recollect to have occurred during the present reign are those of Mr. Wilkes which occasioned so great a fermentation in that country, from a subsequent question raised by the House of Commons in their decision, that by mere fact of expulsion he was incapacitated from being elected again, I shall not refer to this case at all as a precedent, but will barely read to you a few remarks made on it by Mr. Belsham, an historian who has been censured as leaning to an excess in favor of republican principles.
He says, "It could not be denied that the House of Commons had ever exercised a judicial authority, which could in no other hands be so properly placed, in determining upon the validity of returns, and the qualifications of their own members. This authority might undoubtedly be abused, or indiscriminately exercised, but all power is in its own nature liable to abuse; and if so vague an objection be admitted, the powers vested in all political bodies, however constituted, must be annihilated, and the bonds of civil society at once dissolved. The power of expulsion for such offences as appear to the house, to render any of its members unworthy of the trust reposed in them, had been exercised in numerous instances, from time immemorial" and afterwards "It must nevertheless be acknowledged, that a discretionary power of expulsion is liable to be perverted to very bad purposes; and therefore it was judged proper by an act passed in the course of the ensuing session to specify the offences which shall in future render incapacitation the necessary result of expulsion."
There was one other observation of the same gentleman (Mr. Key) contesting a position in the report of the committee, which I think it necessary to notice, because it is the renewal of an objection already refuted upon this floor. In referring to the proceeding on the expulsion of Mr. Blount the report says "In that case the member implicated was called upon in the first instance to answer whether he was the author of a letter, the copy of which only was produced, and the writing of which was the cause of his expulsion. He was afterwards requested to declare whether he was the author of the letter itself, and declining in both cases to answer, the fact of his having written it was established by a comparison of his hand writing, and by the belief of persons who had seen him write, upon inspection of the letter. In all these points the committee perceive the admission of a species of evidence which in courts of criminal jurisdiction would be excluded." Very soon after the report was made, Mr. Smith, in a letter, I think, addressed to you Mr. President, asserted that this was a mistake on a point of law—that comparison of hands and inspection by persons who had seen the party write, was evidence admitted in every day's practice on criminal prosecutions at law. Part of this doctrine was afterwards disclaimed in debate on the floor—it was acknowledged that comparison of hands is never admitted as evidence on criminal trial—I know very well that inspection of the hand writing by persons who have seen the party write, is evidence at law; but it must be upon oath. In Mr. Blount's case, it was received by the committee, without oath, and it was in allusion to this, that the report included it as a part of the testimony admitted there, though it would have been excluded from a court of law. I know also that the same testimony was in that case afterwards given in Senate, upon oath—the report never meant to say that formal evidence was excluded—it only noticed the informal evidence which was admitted.
I have now finished my remarks upon that part of Mr. Smith's defence, which rests upon the supposed irregularity of the proceedings which have hitherto been sanctioned by the Senate on this investigation, and upon objections against the principles, maintained in the report of the committee. The question on the facts remains still to be discussed.
What then is the evidence of Mr. Smith's participation in the conspiracy of Aaron Burr?
Since the resolution now under consideration was first offered to the Senate, the state of the evidence has very considerably changed; in some respects favorably for Mr. Smith's defence, to my mind in others more inauspiciously. The testimony of Elias Glover, I consider as to all discredited; but since the deposition produced by Mr. Smith to the committee, with his answers to their queries, I gave very little credit to that witness, even before the answer was heard in his place and withdrew; after which the house came to the following resolutions:
"That Robert Walpole, esq. (a member of this house) in receiving the sum of 500 guineas, and in taking a note for 500l. more, on account of two contracts, for forage for his majesty's troops quartered in North Britain, made by him when secretary at war, pursuant to a power granted to him by the late Lord Treasurer, is guilty of a high breach of trust and notorious [not convicted, but notorious] corruption."
"2. That the said Robert Walpole, esq. be for the said offence committed prisoner to the Tower of London, during the pleasure of this House; and that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant accordingly."
"Then a motion being made and the question put that the house should adjourn, it passed in the negative; and after a small debate it was resolved (though by a small majority of about 30 voices,) that the said Robert Walpole, esq. be for the said offence also expelled the house."

Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1808.
O! TEMPORA! O! MORES!
We never perhaps had more cause to make this exclamation than now. Our republic seems to have arrived at its most critical stage, and what renders it more awfully interesting, is the evident decay of that virtue upon which it was originally constructed. The spirit of '76 is frequently invoked; but merely for the purpose of throwing its holy mantle, around that disastrous temper, which seems bent upon commotion and innovation. When we look at the picture of the times under past administrations, we shall perceive no features so deformed, as those which alarm our attention now. If we look further back to our situation, when we had just dissolved the cement that bound us to tyranny, we shall then see the pure majestic flame of patriotism: We shall see that our forefathers had placed themselves in the very situation of which so many now complain; they had in fact passed an embargo, and he that would not subscribe to it, was deemed wanting in love to his country, and he that was guilty of its violation, was published by name as a fixed figure for the hand of scorn to point at. As we come along down with the times we may observe a frequent conflict of opinion, and not unfrequently inflamed with harshness and intemperance; but we may look in vain for that party of men, who would barter their national glory for gold in one hand while the other was uplifted with the rod of injustice and chastisement. Even at that interesting period when one series of opinions gave way to the succession of another, when the federalists and republicans were almost sworn enemies, our prosperity was in finitely less danger. Soon after this the passions of parties seemed to subside into forgetfulness, and the federalists were apparently inclined to join with the republicans, in the support of that administration which at first they so vehemently opposed. So much so, that but a few years back the present administration was the most popular that ever existed. But it would seem that this was intended to decoy and deceive, that they watched in their slumbers, and became more covenomous in their apathy. Upon the first appearance of disaffection they threw off the drowsiness of desperation, and appeared more rancorous than ever, and perhaps more formidable. The federal character was once supposed to possess that kind of virtue which it would have been vice to want—a conscientious difference of opinion. But now they may be said most truly to have lost every trait of that character in the bold determination to destroy or to dictate. It may be asserted with fearless confidence, that there is more British bribery and affection in this country at this time than ever was known before. Whether federalism has been invigorated from this cause or no we cannot decide, but it has been proven to the north, that some one of the editors, who is almost the Apollo of the party, has been under this ignominious influence. We fear that there are too many of that cast who worship the British Midas, more than the American Eagle. And it is also much to be lamented that there are so many foreigners here from that kingdom whose object is only to acquire wealth which they consider as the apostolic key that opens upon every enjoyment. There is no doubt, but there are many of them, as well as many of the federalists, who are morally worthy, and politically virtuous; but there are others of a widely different stamp, who excrete the very government that fosters them, and who even bid defiance to the laws. In the late instance of the vessel which sailed from this port, and of which we gave an account in our last, we have been informed that a certain Scotchman acted the first character in the plot, and that whenever rebuked for his impudence and folly, say, "I don't care, I had defiance to the Embargo." This is indeed ingratitude of the deepest dye, particularly when it is recollected that this Mr. Lesslie has risen from the very dust and ashes of poverty into wealth, by literally making bread, and that light bread, too. Such appears to be the temper of foreigners, which if itself would almost justify us in adopting the course of the Athenians, who, at first, opened an asylum to all strangers, but soon afterwards found it necessary to expel them. This circumstance, we may surely calculate, has its due weight in the British cabinet, and more effectually, as they know that these people are fraternally embraced by the federalists. What then, Americans, ought you to expect from an opposition of this character? Are you credulous enough to believe that they are actuated by motives of purity, or principles of liberty? Will you believe that our administration is corrupt, because they say so? Will you believe, that while the administration is unalarmed at the roaring of a lion, that it should be frightened at the crowing of a cock? No—you cannot credit these things. It is impossible that you can abuse that government which you have espoused, from your hearts, merely to gratify the sinister views of these spurious politicians. Thus, we perceive, that when the system is pre-disposed by disappointment and resentment, how apt it is to receive the imputation of British infection. When fellow citizens, we take into view, our precarious situation abroad, it should serve to unite us. It should induce us to forget all party bickerings, and to cling close together in support of government, in order to convince the powers abroad, that, although we differ among ourselves, we do not wish the interference of any European power to set us right.
This, we should suppose, ought to be the course that every American heart should pursue. But how different! The pulse of patriotism seems to be still, and national independence seems no longer to be the To Triumph of Americans. We have so far gone in commercial luxuries, that rather than lose them, we are willing to bow down to that throne which we have been taught to execrate. We have been too long in the fashion of habituating our minds to foreign politics, and the idle fears of Bonaparte, until we have, in fact, imperceptibly contracted a blind attachment to Great Britain, without knowing why or wherefore.
This passion has so completely mastered the feelings of some of our northern brethren, that they have suffered the anglophiles in that quarter, (who have been no doubt inspired by the Essex Junta) to insinuate the dreadful hint, that unless public measures are accommodated to their taste, that a disunion may be the consequence. We entertain no doubt, but that this is merely the stratagem of a party who are determined to frighten and alarm, if they cannot persuade and convince. We trust and believe that this idea has never yet suggested itself to any American in heart and sentiment. The trite old motto, that united we stand, divided we fall, should never be forgotten. It is the very hoop that embraces the union, and as soon as it is taken off we must naturally expect to fall to pieces. But, fellow-citizens, this is not all—There is another danger which calls for your energy and virtue. You have a party to encounter which if not formidable in number is powerful in talents—and we might perhaps add reputation. These are men, who once gave an impulse to the vital circulation of the republican body, but are now at its coldest extremities. They are therefore more to be dreaded. It is a difficult matter to renounce our faith in those, whom we have been accustomed to admire for their talents and to revere for their patriotism. But their conduct requires it, the welfare of republicanism demands it. This party, which is emphatically styled the minority, has alarmed you with their clamors, without condescending to tell you why. They wish you to believe, that they have some foundation for their conduct, but they are afraid to expose it. They tell you there is something wrong, but they leave you to guess what it is. They tell you that patriotism no longer exists, or if it does, that it is nothing more than the poet's description of friendship, "a shade that follows wealth and fame;" or in the language of one, who considers himself a riding-leader of the party, it is in fact only another name for office hunting . They tell the friends of the administration, with affected independence, that they never will be so abject and hypocritical as to fatter, w're their hearts condemn. We fain would enquire, who are they that do? We never shall admit that our ministers hold their power Jure divino , or that they enjoy infallibility. There never was a government since the formation of society, whether despotic, monarchical or republican, that was administered so as to please every body, or that did not commit some act which would give plausibility to censure. While we admit this, we can but ask if there ever was any administration which pleased so many as that of Mr. Jefferson? If his course has not been in every particular, suited to the fancy of every individual, surely while they deny infallibility, they should make a due allowance to this natural frailty. We can but repeat, for it is a question which we delight to ask, where upon the annals of ancient or modern times will you find an administration more pure, more satisfactory, and more popular than that of Mr. Jefferson? It is even confessed by our enemies abroad—the very people who feel the force of his policy.
The minority, among other counts of accusation, pretend to say that he has tampered with his influence and popularity in order to elect Mr. Madison in exclusion to Mr. Monroe. This every body must know to be false. The style in which he speaks of Mr. Monroe about his late diplomacy is most conclusive evidence, and that gentleman himself would not hesitate to disprove it, if he considered it necessary. If they have any cause to be angry at the preference of Mr. Madison, they have the people to blame, and nobody else. The presidential election was never more fairly submitted to the people than now. At one time it was supposed that the caucus at Washington had given a tone and direction to their feelings, but they appear to have been perfectly uninfluenced by this consideration. In their voluntary assemblies they have expressed their decided preference in favor of Mr. Madison.
When we speak of the people in this point of view, we mean the true republicans. We are well aware that the federalists, together with other discontented who seem to have great skill in the business, are endeavoring to smuggle in a federal president. While, fellow-citizens, we express our regret and alarm at the inflamed state of the country, we console ourselves with the certainty that Mr. Madison will be elected. The times however require your utmost activity and virtue. Corruption has grown upon us, and we must endeavor to shake it off.
MR. PLEASANTS. From a paragraph in the last Argus, it would seem that some of your Richmond Merchants have been violating the embargo laws. It is the wish of a great number of your country subscribers as well as my own, that you would, as you have commenced the business, follow it up to some conclusion, and expose to public indignation and contempt all who are in any manner concerned in the transaction, whether they be American, Scotch or English. Plain country people, who are not accustomed to the refinement of manners and morals which seems prevalent among you town people, and particularly among the merchants, are silly enough to think that there is a certain degree of guilt attached to the wilful breach of any law, whether it be good or bad. They cannot very clearly see how the embargo laws can be violated without a very high degree of guilt, without in fact committing downright perjury. This may not be done by the merchants and shippers themselves, but they must procure it to be done by some body, either the captains, masters or supercargoes, and it will be acknowledged on all hands, that there is not and cannot be any difference in a moral point of view, in the man who actually takes a false oath, and the man who hires another to do it.
And now Mr. Editor, let me ask what credit does any man deserve, who would knowingly and wantonly, for the mere sake of a little money, perjure himself or procure others to do it for his benefit—ought he to be countenanced in any society; ought not the finger of contempt and scorn to be pointed at him wherever he may go? It is hoped, Mr. Editor, that no false delicacy will deter you from exposing by name, all who may have been concerned in such villainous transactions; they ought to be known; such an exposure may perhaps serve to deter others from committing similar acts. I do not know in what estimation such people may be held in your city, but be assured, that in this part of the country, they would live the life of a toad under a harrow.
A COUNTRY SUBSCRIBER.
MR. PLEASANTS. By publishing the following letter from a friend, in your patriotic paper, at this portentous period, you will particularly oblige many of your subscribers, and your obedient servant, A. Z.
Manchester, Sept. 17th, 1808.
DEAR SIR, You wish to inform you, why the people in this part of Virginia are so fond of horse-racing? A few weeks ago, observing in our public prints, many jockey club advertisements, I proposed to a neighbor of mine, who loves racing, the same question you have proposed to me. His answer was, "there is a very great pleasure in the business, I assure you, but it is a pleasure which I don't suppose myself able to make you understand." Now does this answer satisfy you? I dare say, it does not; for it did not satisfy me. Like oil thrown on fire, it inflamed my curiosity more than ever. Indeed, I have observed that when any subject of enquiry assumes an appearance of mystery, the enquirer, instead of giving it up, becomes more eager to get to the bottom of it. Having therefore studied the racing system as deeply as I could, and sought information from every quarter within my reach; I will give you, with all simplicity, the result of my lucubrations.
The whole system of horse-racing appears to be built on these two principles, viz. the pleasure of seeing one horse run faster than another horse—and the per-fit of taking as much money as you can out of your neighbor's pocket—because one horse runs faster than another horse . If there be any other pillar, which helps to support this grand fabric, I confess it has hitherto escaped my knowledge, and I should rejoice to be better informed. You must know that the patrons of racing, form themselves into societies, called Jockey-Clubs; each of which is officered with a president, treasurer, secretary, &c. Each member pays an annual, or semi-annual subscription; and the aggregate of these subscriptions becomes the deserved prize of him, whose horse runs faster than all the other horses . The club meets from time to time, to form its laws, and transact its affairs, with all the formality of a senate; and its records are preserved as carefully as the archives of empires. So that whoever chooses, may easily inform himself when, where, at any given time since the institution of the club, the bay horse ran faster than the sorrel, or the sorrel than the bay, or whether the grey mare was the best horse on the field .
For some weeks, perhaps months, before the periodical races, there is a mighty bustle in preparing the horses. Besides grooms, who are professionally trained to the business, servants are taken away from the vulgar, insignificant employments of the farm and the plantation, and devoted to the stable. Nay, our gardeners in raceland himself, becomes to a great degree, an important of the same elegant appointments with a horse. His eyes, his ears, and his thoughts by night, are probably fixed on them—and no wonder; for a very sublime object is in his view, namely, to ascertain whether his horse can run faster than his neighbor's horse .
Then come on frequent trials of the horses in running; these you may call the prelude to the grand exhibition, or the preparatory rehearsal of the play. The horses are exercised daily. But the evening of Sunday , is counted a favorite time for these preliminary races. Here you may see on a wide old field, a large mixed mob of great vulgar and little vulgar, men and women, white and black, promiscuously gathered from the neighborhood around, in order to see the horses run. It is true that common decency is prostrated, and the Almighty insulted by this profanation of the sacred day. But these are held to be small sacrifices for the pleasure of seeing one horse run faster than another horse .
The weights of the riders being precisely fixed by law, I have heard some curious hints about reducing a favorite rider to the proper weight, if needful, by artificial means; such as copious sweats, destroying the appetite by vinegar, and finally, by powerful cathartics. If the rider be a free boy, I suppose he is paid for these sufferings with money; if a slave, he may remunerate himself with the conscious pleasure of serving so meritorious a master. The riders, however, white or black, have one common prospect in common before them, namely, the chance, and it is a chance which has frequently been realized, of getting their limbs broken, or their brains dashed out in the experiment of trying to make one horse run faster than another horse .
But now the grand period arrives, the day of final decision; besides the honorable jockeys themselves, with their horses and riders, a vast crowd of people assemble, of every possible description, from the whole country, and even from several counties around. Every body takes a lively interest in the event of the day—bets are immense, rabble-roused citizens, who cannot give bread to their wives and children, must, at all events, find something to hazard on boy against sorrel, or gray against roan ; the company rushes like a cloud around the field to observe the movements of the horses; the judges sit aloft in imperial state, to give the decision of the contest. The winners have
accumulation of evidence against him, which Mr. Smith has since obtained, and recently exhibited to the Senate. Even then I thought the testimony of Glover could be of very little weight, otherwise than as it was confirmed by that of others. With the same exception, I now give to it no credit at all. Stripped of the confirmation it may receive from admitted circumstances from other testimony, and from Mr. Smith's own acknowledgments, I consider the case as if no affidavit of Glover belonged to it. But if the credit of Elias Glover has been annihilated, that of Peter Taylor has been beyond all controversy confirmed. In his answers to the committee, Mr. Smith solemnly denied almost all the material facts, (and material in the highest degree they are) attested by Peter Taylor, respecting him on the trials at Richmond; and he declared his belief that he could prove by witnesses of the first respectability, his want of character as a man of truth and veracity. Since then Mr. Smith has had the fullest opportunity to cross-examine the man himself, and to take testimony to his general character. And what is the result? The general character of Peter Taylor has risen purified from the furnace. In every witness of whom the question was asked, he has found a panegyrist. One or two mistakes of circumstances perfectly immaterial to Mr. Smith, or to any other person implicated, have been discovered in a lynx-eyed scrutiny of his testimony at Richmond; and the candor with which he instantly acknowledged them, and the fairness with which on Mr. Smith's enquiries he persevered in asserting all the important facts of his narrative, have given to his evidence a much greater weight than it could claim before. So decisive indeed is it, that Mr. Smith's counsel now solemnly admits those facts which Mr. Smith had so solemnly denied in his answer and argues with his usual ingenuity to dispel their effect.
NEW YORK, Sept. 17.
The United States frigate Chesapeake, Commodore Decatur, anchored at the quarantine ground last evening, from a cruise.
Extract of a letter from a Spanish gentleman of the first respectability, dated St. Sebastian, 10th July, 1808, to his friend in this city.
"Yesterday at ten o'clock arrived here Joseph Napoleon, who left Bayonne early yesterday morning with the title of King of Spain and the Indies, and this day he departed hence at 11 o'clock, on his way to Madrid. At the kingdoms of Galicia, Andalusia, Estremadura, Valencia, Catalonia and Arragon, have risen EN MASSE, and the French troops and Spanish Patriots near Saragossa, have had several very severe, horrible and bloody battles, in which the latter have uniformly had the advantage. The Couriers from most of the provinces have been intercepted for near two months past. An American ship detained in the ports of France have been declared good prize, and the same will take place in Spain if Bonaparte succeeds in his views. Your gun, which has been made four months in Victoria, would have been sent long since but for the danger of its being found upon any Spaniard on the road to a sea port, which would subject him to immediate execution."
PHILADELPHIA September 17.
The advices received in this city direct from Cadiz are to the 6th of July, and expose the absurdity and imposture of the greater part of the accounts, just received by the Susan from England. (Aurora.)
It appears from the advices received by yesterday's mail, that there is more foundation than we at first believed, for a total exemption of the American flag from molestation by the French; this however, tho' it may be the policy, and the sound policy of France, does not alter the case as it relates to the United States, while the British orders of council remain.—ib
Captain Main, of the Arcturus, declares that the alleged information which appeared in the tory prints concerning Miranda & Burr, having proceeded with the British fleet to Spain, is totally unfounded—Captain Main has very properly taken his character out of such bad hands.—ib
WASHINGTON CITY, September 15.
THE TWO MILLIONS OF DOLLARS.
Washington City, Sept. 13th, 1808.
Sir, Will you be so good as to state to me for the better information of my fellow citizens, any fact within your knowledge, relative to the payment of two millions of dollars to France by the executive of the United States? You have doubtless heard of the tales propagated on that head. It is my wish to put an end completely to the story by contradicting it under the authority of a name so well known and highly appreciated in the nation as yours. I apply to the comptrolling officer of the treasury, inasmuch as I presume no money could have been paid by the American government, or any number of it, in any shape, without your knowledge.
I am, Sir, With the most sincere respect and esteem, Your very humble servant, J. B. COLVIN. Editor of the Monitor. The Hon. G. DUVAL, Esq. Comptroller of the Treasury.
Sir, Your letter of yesterday's date was delivered to me late last evening. In the absence of the Secretary of the Treasury, I will answer your enquiry relative to the two millions of dollars appropriated by an act of congress; passed on the 13th of Feb. 1808. This sum of money was intended to be applied to the purchase of the Floridas, but our minister in Spain not having accomplished a treaty to that effect, it still remains in the Treasury. No part of it has been drawn out of the Treasury of the U. S. It could not have been done without my privy, as the warrant must have been issued and signed by the Secretary of the Treasury and countersigned by me as Comptroller, to authorise the payment of it; which has not been done. You will see, I expect, in a few days, an official certificate from the Register of the Treasury to the foregoing effect, published in the newspapers. It has been forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasury, at his request, by the Register. I am, respectfully, Your obedient servant, G. DUVAL.
Mr. Colvin.
FROM THE ALBANY REGISTER.
AN ANCIENT STORY.
The town of Eylaw, near the Turkish frontiers in Germany, was, in ancient times, much embarrassed in its foreign trade with other distant towns, by a very powerful band of highway robbers; who were in large squads on the road, very expert in war as well as numerous—they inhabited, at a distance, a small spot on the top of an inaccessible mountain, which was surrounded by a large wilderness, thro' which the several great roads passed. They had also some small settlements, not very many miles from the town. These highwaymen were continually attacking, seizing, and plundering, under various pretences, all the waggoners and horses and their loading, that were travelling out or in town—and seizing on and carrying off the waggoners and travellers of the place, and forcing them into their squads to fight, and also to wait on the captains of these highwaymen—often were the citizens murdered by these fellows—the government of the town had attempted every method, but war, to bring them to alter their conduct, but to no effect, and the robbers were the more bold and persevering, as they had many friends and abettors in the town, pensioned by them; and also, part of their gang were trading in town with baskets, and other useful truck, made by the old women and children who lived with and under the government of the robbers.
Things growing worse every day, especially as a new order was issued by the chief captain of the highwaymen, for seizing and carrying off every waggon load coming out or going into town, under some new pretence (no matter what) as history does not say—the government of the town was determined to try to starve the villains into terms, and ordered all the gates of the town to be closed, so as to allow no provisions to stuff to make skeletons. So of, to be exported; all foreign trade was forbid, for a time, so as to prevent any more plunder falling into the hands of the robbers. This falling very sore on the robbers themselves, their settlements, and their women and children who made the baskets, were likely to suffer for hunger, as there was neither any more plunder or even sale for their baskets—especially as other towns at a distance, with whom they had traded, had shut them out and forbid all trade, for the same reasons as actuated the town of Eylaw. The friends of the highwaymen in the town, and many misguided honest men, opposed the law for shutting up the gates; they said it would run trade...but all their clamor was of no avail—they could not raise a mob to open the gates—and at last, finding the robbers getting into a great hobble, for want of bread—they set about as a last resource, to stir the people up, as the times were dull, to get a respectful petition to the government, to have one of the gates open, which went to some distant towns called Hispania, which had offered a precious trade; any thing to relieve the robbers—but the people were too cunning; few were gulled. In the next place, they were constantly abusing the government of the town—saying they were enemies of trade, &c. and wished a change; many, however, some of whom might have meant well (being deceived) voted for the old government to be ousted, and a new one, composed of the secret friends and abettors of the highwaymen, to be chosen in their stead, in the town officers...they being not generally suspected—and also that the waggoners should again go forth loaded with provisions and merchandise to foreign places—some also voted for a change of government, hoping for another distribution of office.
But the great body of the citizens were honest, and did not like the robbers, and knew that no other way would reduce them to terms as soon as hunger, and did not wish to risk their waggoners on; so they stood firm and voted in a majority of honest citizens, who had passed the law for shutting the gates. The highwaymen seeing this, and losing all hopes—and they, and their women and children who made the baskets, &c. and also their settlements, being out of bread, and no sale for their wares, turned out their old captains and made new officers, who were obliged to come on terms, and agree to discontinue their robberies on the property and persons of the inhabitants of the town of Eylaw, and thereafter to be more honest with all people, and depend on their industry for a living. While many of the traitors in the town, who had abetted them and received part of the plunder from them, were pointed out by a mark set on them.

their pockets filled with money, and their hearts with exultation; the losers execrate their bad luck, & hope to come off better another time. When to all this, you add a rich garnish of noise & dust, hard drinking, profane cursing and swearing, quarrelling, fighting, bloody noses, black eyes and fractured limbs—the whole together forms a scene so delicious, so illustrious, that it absolutely baffles all power of description. And all these great things, you will remember, are but the accompaniments, the under parts to that still more splendid fact, that one horse runs faster than another horse.
The ladies too—don't lift your eyes with that stare of incredulity, for it is positively true—the ladies come in vast numbers, and from great distances, to the race field, to enjoy the scene. Fine ladies and coarse ladies, white, yellow and black ladies, some in carriages, some on horse back & some on foot, are jumbled together here with great sociability, to see one horse run faster than another horse.
They too, win and lose money by the races, as well as the gentlemen, nor are they at all deficient in helping forward the obstreperous noise and bustle of the scene. You probably suppose that the proper place for a woman, is the domestic fire side, and that a lady of delicate sensibilities and conscious dignity, cannot take a part in the boisterous tumult of a race field—but our ladies have sublimer ideas: your home-born delights are most eagerly exchanged by them, for the more exquisite and rational pleasure of seeing one horse run faster than another horse.
It would surprise you to learn how interesting a topic of conversation the races afford to our fashionable, for weeks and months after they are over. With unabating fervor, they perpetually recount the exploits of the day. The state of crops, the prices of wheat and tobacco, the news from abroad, and even the political discussions of the day; all give way to the events of the races. Courtships, marriages, births, deaths and scandals itself, are for a time, left to sleep in quiet; while the merits of the horses are minutely discussed, & the points ascertained how many seconds longer one horse was engaged running two or four miles, than another horse. And between ourselves, I am confident, there are some fashionable people among us, whose tongues must become, in a great measure, as less, for want of rational ideas, were it not, that they are enabled to become highly valuable, entertaining and edifying, by this inexhaustible theme of one horse running faster than another horse.
There are, nevertheless, a few strange, precise people, even in this part of Virginia, who peremptorily condemn the whole racing system. They assert that it is chargeable with all the guilt of any other species of gaming; that it is a nursery of idleness and a long train of deplorable vices and miseries; in short, that it is an employment, not only unfit for a christian, but even unworthy of a rational being. They express by turns, their astonishment, their indignation and their pity, at the imitation, as they call it, of their neighbors, who so unmercifully sacrifice their wealth, temporal and eternal, for the sake of seeing one horse run faster than another horse.
Having thus partly answered your inquiry, touching the hereditary excelsior on a most useful animal, by the spurs and whips of the riders—the great waste of precious time to the industrious citizens of large towns—the enticing excitements to gaming, drinking to excess, and indeed, to every species of dissipation. I leave you to your own reflections, and am, Dear Sir, Yours, &c. B. C.
CENSUS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND. Whites, 4241. Free coloured, 929. Slaves, 3394. 8,564.
*** WE, the undersigned, Magistrates of the City of Richmond, having convened, in consequence of a report said to prevail in the country, that some cases of Yellow Fever exist in the City, and having ascertained, from the information of the Physicians, and others, that no such case has heretofore, or does now exist, except in the instance of one family, in which a Bilious Fever of unusual violence, prevailed for some days, but which is again restored to perfect health—and being further assured, from the same sources of information, that the Inhabitants of the City enjoy better health than has been usual, at the same season of former years, do hereby certify the same for the purpose of dispelling the alarm.
David Bullock, Mayor. E. Carrington, Recorder. D. Lambert. John Adams. Benjamin Tate. Christopher Tompkins. Richmond, Sept. 21, 1808.
Vermont Election.—The returns from 74 towns, as given to the editor of the Albany Crisis on Tuesday last, were, For Dea. Tichenor, (Fed.) 6882 For Israel Smith, (Rep.) 5562 Majority for Gov. Tichenor 1320 For the General Assembly, the counties of Franklin, Chittenden, and Grand-Isle, are said to average 3 federalists to one republican.—Mer. Adv.
NEW YORK, Sept. 17. POSTSCRIPT. VERY LATE AND IMPORTANT NEWS FROM SPAIN. At a late hour last evening the ship Shepherdess, captain Doane, arrived at the Quarantine Ground in 43 days from Cadiz, and has supplied the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with Spanish papers to the 27th of July, from which at present we have only time to state summary, that (amongst other events of great political interest detailed in these papers) they announce officially two important battles, which took place on the 17th and 20th July; between the Spanish Patriotic troops under command of General Don Theodoro Reding, and those of the French Generals Gobet and Dupont, at the villages of Baylen and Andujar, sustained with great obstinacy, courage, and intrepidity by both armies, and terminating in the complete defeat of the French, who lost 2000 men killed, among whom was General Gobet, and a great number wounded; amongst the latter were General Dupont and two officers of distinction. The remainder of the French army capitulated. The Patriots are said to be successful in almost every direction, and are rallying under their victorious standard nearly the whole physical strength of the country. Particulars of these events will be given in the Mercantile Advertiser on Monday.
THE ADVERTISER with Spanish papers to the 27th of July, from which at present we have only time to state summary, that (amongst other events of great political interest detailed in these papers) they announce officially two important battles, which took place on the 17th and 20th July; between the Spanish Patriotic troops under command of General Don Theodoro Reding, and those of the French Generals Gobet and Dupont, at the villages of Baylen and Andujar, sustained with great obstinacy, courage, and intrepidity by both armies, and terminating in the complete defeat of the French, who lost 2000 men killed, among whom was General Gobet, and a great number wounded; amongst the latter were General Dupont and two officers of distinction. The remainder of the French army capitulated. The Patriots are said to be successful in almost every direction, and are rallying under their victorious standard nearly the whole physical strength of the country. Particulars of these events will be given in the Mercantile Advertiser on Monday.
BALTIMORE, Sept. 19. From our Correspondent.
NEW YORK, Sept. 17, 1808. "Capt. Doane, (in the Shepherdess) sailed from Cadiz on the 1st of Aug., and informs, that two days previous, the British Admiral off that port, received orders from England to raise the blockade of Cadiz; that the Spanish and French fleets lay in the harbor of Cadiz; that Madrid and Barcelona were still in possession of the French; that Junot held possession of Lisbon; and that the Russian fleet in the Tagus had not been attacked by the British. Markets dull, four eight dollars, and all kinds of provisions plenty. Capt. Doane has dispatches from the secretary of State. The ship Betsey, M c Gregg, of New York, sailed about 8 weeks before for London; brig—Shepherd, of Salem, from do. 15 days before for do. ship Rising Sun, Porgess, 10 days before for Boston—Left ship Delaware Farmer, of New York, for Greenock, in a few days; ship Camilla, Warren, of Philadelphia, for do. or New York, in 10 days; and ship Favorite, of do. waiting orders. Passenger, Mr. McClure.
TOULON FLEET. Extract of a letter from Cadiz, of the 28th July, to a merchant of this city.
"General Dupont has surrendered with his army of 16,722 men. "It is reported this day, and believed, that King Joseph, on his way to Madrid, with 15,000 men, was attacked by General Cuesta, and had to seek safety in flight, leaving on the field of battle the greater part of his army.
"A postscript to the above letter, of the 29th of July, says—"We have just received accounts from Malaga, of the arrival at that port, on the 25th inst. of a French frigate, (the Spanish Island in the Mediterranean) with news of the arrival there of an English frigate, which she had in consequence of an engagement which she and the fleet to which she belonged had in the Mediterranean, with a French fleet of eleven ships of the line, conveying troops from France, to be landed in Spain. When the French left the fleet, the English had sunk two ships of the line, taken two others, and were pursuing the remainder."
"A letter from Cadiz, of the same date, says—"We have just received accounts of the destruction of eleven sail of the line [Frenchmen] with troops from Toulon, by Admiral Strachan. Below, brig Alfred, Bryan, from St. Croix, and ten schooners. "The official details of the engagements between the Spanish Patriots and the French, [which are lengthy,] we shall send by to-morrow's mail.
It has been a subject of alarm with many good men in this country, that those possessions which are rendered by wealth and voluptuousness, would ere long, afford the historian another republic to record with the prostration of the glory of Greece & Rome. Late events have doubtless had a striking tendency to increase those fears. In the several states where Anti-Republicanism has lately prevailed—either that section of the people whose weight alone has caused the ascendancy, must have been grossly ignorant and credulous—or extremely contracted and selfish. Either are alike the bane of public liberty. Those passions may be prevented or eradicated hereafter by attention to the cultivation of the mind. It is a general and liberal system of EDUCATION which can alone save this country from the iron grasp of despotism. Let our youth be early taught the duties which appertain to the privileges of freemen—Let the people by degrees, resist the influence of a powerful order of men, who now make it a part of public education to scoff at "the people's rights;" by establishing Schools, Academies and Colleges upon a national scale, which shall animate the whole dignity of man. This will enable us (an able writer emphatically expresses it) to counteract an "Aristocracy of Talents," by a "Democracy of Information;" and our liberty may yet be handed to posterity, on an unshaken basis, and with redoubled splendor. [Democrat.]
MOVEMENTS WESTWARD. Detachments from the following corps are under orders for the north western frontier—all belonging to the new raised troops. Five companies of the sixth regiment of infantry commanded by colonel Jonas Simonds—to wit: Capt. Bennett, } Capt. Cherry, } Companies of the sixth Capt. Gock, } regiment infantry. Capt. Cross, } Capt. Townsend, light artillery. Capt. Rose, light cavalry. Capt. Anderson, rifle corps. Colonel Simonds we understand, is under orders of march, in the direction of Oswego.
Col. Burbeck of artillery is, we understand, ordered for Detroit—to which position, a respectable force, it is supposed, will soon be detached from the new raised corps. [Aurora.] From the New Hampshire Gazette. WHERE AS, a report has been industriously circulated in the country, that Gov-
ernor Langdon is opposed to the Embargo Laws; and has remonstrated with the President of the United States against certain regulations, necessary for carrying the same into effect; and has even sent a vessel to sea; and whereas it is the duty of every man to establish truth: therefore, I feel it incumbent on myself to declare, that the above reports, are founded in falsehood; and that, so far from disapproving of the Embargo Laws, I am FIRM in the opinion that they originated in the purest patriotism, are founded in wisdom, and are the only measures that could be adopted to preserve the honor and peace of the United States.
JOHN LANGDON. Sept. 9, 1808.
GOOD! The British are fitting out an expedition under Sir Sidney Smith, for the capture of Buenos Ayres! Thus they will be fighting for the Spaniards and against them. "The name of England is sweet and consolatory to the human race, she will be hailed as the deliverer of mankind, and the last shield of afflicted humanity." Monitor.
"A precious document for Embargo grumblers." If there is any merchant who would submit to the following impositions of Britain, he is not deserving the name of an American. Let the embargo snarlers look at this picture of British insolence:
"The Minerva, Jenkins, arrived in the Downs from Rotterdam, with 20 pipes; sent in to pay one shilling and three-pence per gallon duty & her whole tonnage duty, which is about twelve shillings per ton!!"
What say you to this, esq Christopher, Harrison and Jonathan? What think you now, Timothy!—Bon. Ch.
The Medical Lectures in the University of Pennsylvania, will commence on the first Monday in November.
CURE FOR THE SCROFULA, &c. From a late London Paper. Important Discovery made known—The advertiser has already informed the public, that after almost exploring nature to find out a cure for the Scrofula, Leprosy, Scrofula, and other diseases arising from the impurity of the blood, kind Providence has led him to the discovery of a Medicine which completely eradicates these diseases, and that, as he was not a man of independence, he thought he was in duty bound to those dependent on him, not to make the discovery known till the public had subscribed a sum equivalent to its value; but from the many distressing applications that have been made to him for immediate relief, and the strong impression on his mind, that numbers are daily dying of these dreadful maladies, the feelings of humanity have so overcome him, that every other consideration dwindles into nothing, when compared with saving the lives, and promoting the happiness of his fellow men. He therefore now rejoices to submit the discovery, the happy result of many years arduous experiments, that its beneficial effects may be universally diffused; & he invites to the generosity and gratitude of those who shall receive benefit from it, to give him what they may think proper. The Medicine is, four fifths common black pitch, one fifth rosin, and add about one sixth of flour, mix these well together, then make it into pills, to be taken a little before each meal, to the extent of an ounce per day for an adult; this, if strictly attended to, and persisted in, will complete a cure. The length of the advertisement prevents him from mentioning more particularly the easy method of making up, and taking the Medicine, and the happy effects it will soon produce upon the patient; but these he shall be happy to communicate to any person applying to him by letter, [post paid,] addressed to Passus, care of Mr. Francis Goadsby, druggist, Safford, Manchester.
MARRIED—On Tuesday evening last, JOHN BLAIR, Esq. to Miss MARGARET PAGE, daughter of JOHN PAGE, Esq. late governor of this commonwealth, all of this city.
Lately, in Buckingham county, Mr. ROBERT MOORE, of Mason county, and town of Warminster, to the amiable Miss JANE MOSELEY, daughter of Mr. Arthur Mosely.
In Buckingham county, Mr. ARCHIBALD AUSTIN, attorney at law, to the amiable Miss GRACE BOWKER, grand-daughter of Mr. Bernard Gains.
In King William County Court, April 22d, 1808. Daniel Elliott, Compt. AGAINST John H. Boswell and Judith Boswell, administratrix of William Boswell, dec. cey Defendants.
THIS day came the complainant by his attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that John H. Boswell, not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainant, is ordered, that he appear here on the fourth Monday in October next and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith insed in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county; and it is further ordered, that the defendant Judith Boswell, do not pay away or secrete any effects in her hands belonging to the said John H. Boswell, until the further order or decree of this court. A copy—Teste, Ro. Pollard, Jr. D. C. C. Just received and for sale at this office (PRICE THREE DOLLARS,) The Register of Arts, OR A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF SOME OF THE MOST USEFUL MODERN Discoveries & Inventions. BY THOMAS G. FESSENDEN
New-Market Fall Races.
THE RACES FOR FALL 1808, WILL COMMENCE, On Wednesday the nineteenth day of October. First day, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE, of six hundred dollars, warranted as here to fore, to be put up before starting. Second day, the PROPRIETOR'S PURSE, of two hundred and twenty five dollars; also warranted to be put up before running. Third day, a SWEEPSTAKES, two mile heats, for Colts and Fillies, three years old, and the advantage, carrying 35 lbs. entrance fifty dollars—half forfeit—Subscriptions may be made personally or by letter, to the keeper of the Course.—The Nags must be accurately described by the first of October, on which day it closes—it is expected that this race will be interesting to the spectators, and profitable to the winner, as its probable there will be a great number of subscribers.
Fourth Day, a HANDY CAP, under the regulations established by the Judges. THE SUBSCRIBER, who keeps the New Market course, has found from long experience, that to serve the Public advantage, and moderately, are the most certain means of being remunerated for his labor; he is therefore determined that every exertion shall be made on his part to promote the convenience and add to the amusements of those who may visit the Races—An elegant stand 100 feet in length, is already built on the field in which sumptuous dinners will be served up each day of the Races—the advantages of being protected from inclement weather or the hot Sun, feasting on the fat of our land, and quaffing the choicest liquors, all in full view of the contending COURSERS, must greatly add to the gratification of the gentlemen. New Market is so justly famed for the respectability of its Purse, and the punctuality with which it is paid; for the greatest show of fine horses on the Continent, and the superior beauty and improvement of the ground, that no doubt can be entertained of its always ranking at least with the most celebrated Turfs in our country. The stables will be all newly fitted up and the most suitable provender provided for Horses.
BLANKETS MOODY: P. S.—TOLL, will be collected at the GATES as heretofore. The undersigned engage to run sweepstakes, two mile heats, with colts and fillies, three years old and the advantage over the New Market course, the day after the proprior's purse, next full meeting, entrance 50 dollars, half forfeit, carrying 85 lbs. on each, three or more subscribers to make a race. The subscription will remain open until the 1st of Oct. next, and no longer. Entries may be made by letter or personal application to Black Moody, keeper of the course; in doing which, genl men have only to give in their names; but it is to be observed, that those who enter horses must accurately describe their nags on or before the day the subscription closes.
ENTRIES. Wm. E. Braddon, enters a bay filly by Stirling, her dam Camilla by old Wilfair. Thomas Goode.
Just received at this office, Part 2d of vol. 8th— or No. 17 of Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. * * * Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. * * * Subscription still open.
Also, Just received, THE TENTH NUMBER OF The Military Library. Just received and for sale at this office, A FRESH SUPPLY OF HAMILTON'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES.
Five Dollars Reward. I WILL give the above reward for apprehending and securing in jail a NEGRO MAN named BILLY, belonging to Mr. M. H. Owen of this county—he calls himself Billy White—he is supposed to be secreted by some of his acquaintances in town—he is a tall young negro, & speaks loud when spoken to—it is impossible to describe the clothing he took with him, as he had a large stock of clothes. Job Greene. September 22, 1808
FOR SALE AT THE ARGUS PRINTING-OFFICE, THE TRIAL OF THOMAS O. SELFRIDGE, ATTORNEY AT LAW FOR KILLING CHARLES AUSTIN, On the Public Exchange, in Boston, August 4th, 1806.
For sale at this office, the MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe, his confinement in the dungeon of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS, Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particular as it respects the spirit of British Domination in this country; and a few observations on the manners, &c in America
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, And for sale at his Printing Office, Richmond, by the groce, dozen or single, The Virginia Almanack, FOR THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1809: Being the first after Bissextile or Leap Year, and thirty-third of American Independence. Adapted to the latitude and meridian of Richmond. Calculated by Benjamin Bates of Hanover County, Virginia. Containing, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter. * * * A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.
JUST PUBLISHED, BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND, THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE Revised Code, (Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.—Price to subscribers $5. to non-subscribers $6.) BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL SUCH ACTS OF THE General Assembly OF VIRGINIA Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801: TO WHICH ARE ADDED APPENDICES, CONTAINING A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies, Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges, A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings, Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794, and 1803, Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters, Laws establishing ferries, Laws concerning the public guard, Titles of private and local acts—And A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amercements; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth, such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object. With a complete Index to the whole. Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
Notice. All persons having claims against the estate of John Gann are requested to have them adjusted as the law directs, and exhibited for settlement, on or before the twenty fifth day of December next, as which time a division will take place. This advertisement will be paid in aid against any claim which may come against said estate after that date. JOHN TURPIN Adminr.
FOR SALE, AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE, A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF Miranda's Expedition, Including the trial & execution of TEN OF HIS OFFICERS, AND an account of the imprisonment and sufferings of the remainder of the officers and men, who were taken prisoners. Up to the authority of a person who was an officer under Miranda, who was taken and condemned to ten years imprisonment, and who after suffering nearly two years, effected his return home.
Also, for sale as above, A Winter in London, Works of Edm'd Burke a new novel Salvo's Travels The Discarded Son or Pocket Atlas Haunt of the Banditti, Home's England by M's Roche Gass's Journal Coxe's New American Greek Latin & French Dictionary Grammars and Dictionaries Henry's Chemistry English ditto Bard's Midwifery Cavello's Philosophy Henry Tait Juvenal's Delphinus Lucky Mistake Fisher on the Prophecies Hey's Surgery Saul, a Poem Monitore's Precedents London's Testament Oddity's Commerce Conversations on Chemistry, a Comedy Mariner's Chronicle Fox Chase, do Popular Tales Tunc's a Tel Tale, do Burden's History of the Bible Cruise on Real Property Bible Johnson's Reports Chams of Literature Lidd's Practice To Morrow Robert's on Frauds Life of Pitt Runnington on Ejectment Life of Fox Azuni's Maritime Law Bancroft's Life of H. Blackstone's Reports Washington Holme's Music
THE 3d No. OF COL. TOUSARD'S AMERICAN Artillerists' Companion, Is ready for delivery to subscribers at this office. A few copies for sale.

TO RENT And possession given the first day of October next.  The Tenement, OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Plessant's Book-Store. For particulars, apply to
WILLIAM COOK. Richmond, 1st July, 1808. (tf)
Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment. THE subscriber will commence keeping a boarding house on the first day of September next, in the commodious & conveniently situated house at present occupied by Major James Gibson on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick building, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808. (tf)
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE. SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post-office at Montague's Tavern - there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered - The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill - And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary - all of which - except the Stable - have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands a good view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble - It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually - it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character - I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvement - For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort, tf June 1, 1808
CHILLOWEE, SITUATED in the county of Cumberland, and immediately between Farmville and James-town, containing by estimation 500 acres. For the cultivation of tobacco, wheat, corn, &c. perhaps it is inferior to no land in the middle country. The improvements on this farm, besides the local situation, would be objects of considerable importance with any gentleman who wishes to purchase a country seat. Also, at the same time and place, will be SOLD, on a credit of twelve months, a variety of valuable
Household Furniture, And Plantation Tools & Utensils. If the sale is not finished on the first day, it will be continued from day to day, until every thing is sold. WILLIAM RANDOLPH. tds August 21, 1808.
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent, tf 10th May, 1808.
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. PLEASANTS, tf May 31, 1808
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country - To say for Houses in this city - Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city - 2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky - 1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county - and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. tf Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808.
JUST RECEIVED, And for sale, by the subscribers, Imperial, TEAS, Gunpowder, } In small boxes, of Young Hyson, & } a superior quality. Hyson Skin, } Hyson Tea, in lead caddies, 2 1-4 lbs. each. Old Jamaica, An- } tigua, W. India } RUM. and N. England } 20 bbls Prime Green Coffee. Jamaica Sugar, in bbls. Half-bottle's double refined Havanna SUGAR. 15 Hhds. MOLASSES. Fresh RICE in tiers. BEST SPANISH SEGARS, wholesale and retail. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Paints, Oil, Spirits, Turpentine, Shoes, Hardware, &c. -ALSO- Daily expected, by the schooner Manchester, 10 Hhds. Antigua RUM, and SWEET OIL in cases of 30 bottles each. BRYSON & PARKHILL. 1m August 26, 1808.
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office. 312
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it appears to the executive by an inquisition held in the county of Northumberland, on the 21st day of September, in the year 1806, before John H. Fallon, Esq. coroner for the said county, that on the 24th day of the said month of September, in the year aforesaid, a certain George Gordon, late of the county aforesaid, stands charged with the murder of a certain negro slave named Bartley; and it appearing that after the perpetration of the said murder, the said George Gordon did immediately, and doth still fly from justice; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Northumberland, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey as aforesaid, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with in the manner which the law in such cases prescribes. Given under my hand, with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 5th day of August, 1808. Signed, WM. H. CABELL.
George Gordon is about five feet eight or ten inches high, is stout made, has light colored hair, blue eyes and a down look when spoken to. It is believed that he is frequently lurking in the county of Saint Mary's, Maryland: The editor of the National Intelligencer is therefore requested to insert this proclamation in that paper for two weeks.
By the Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, that on the fourth day of the present month, an atrocious murder was committed in the county of Mecklenburg, by a certain John Daws, an inhabitant of the said county of Mecklenburg, on the body of Francis Ballard, late of the same county; and that the said John Daws hath fled from justice; I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of two hundred dollars to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Mecklenburg, the said John Daws, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and carry before some justice of the peace for the county aforesaid, the said John Daws, that such proceedings may be had thereupon as are prescribed by law. Given under my hand, with the Seal of the L. S. Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 19th day of August, 1808. Signed, Alexr. M c Rae.
NOTICE. WHEREAS Mr. James Fisher, by a deed executed on the first day of July, 1808, and recorded in the county court of Henrico, has assigned to the subscriber as trustee for certain of his creditors therein named, the whole of his estate of every description, (except his household furniture, and some few debts transferred by him as trustee, subsequent to the execution of said trust, as will more fully appear by a reference to the schedule annexed to said deed;) consisting of some lots in the city of Richmond, together with all his bonds, notes and accounts - This is therefore to give notice to the debtors of the said James Fisher, that all judgments obtained against him, that money has not been paid, all suits now depending in the courts of this commonwealth, or elsewhere, all monies in the hands of attorneys, sheriffs or others, which may have been collected by virtue of any suit, debt or demand of the said James Fisher; that he is the only person authorized to receive such debts and demands and grant such acquittances and make such compromises as he may deem most advisable for the interest of said creditors. A hope is therefore cherished, that every effort on the part of said debtors, will be made, in order to a settlement of their accounts, and every indulgence will be given by him to those who manifest such a disposition. And whereas it is stipulated by the contracting parties to said deed, that certain creditors of said James Fisher, who from absence or other causes, could not signify their wish of becoming parties thereto; now, be it understood, that if they do within sixty days, from the said first day of July 1808, sign the said deed, that in that case, they are to be considered entitled to their respective proportion of such money as shall be collected from the sale of property and collection of debts - otherwise, if they do not, within the time specified, make known their desire, by subscribing to the terms agreed upon in the said trust, that the said trustee shall pay over such sums as they would have been entitled to if they had acceded to the said James Fisher. Edw d . W. Trent. (tf) 28th July, 1808.
Advertisement. Stolen out of my pasture on Friday night the 19th of August, A Small Bay Horse, About 4 feet 7 inches high, 5 years old, branded on the near buttock F. S. the S turned the wrong way, inclined to have a sorrel mane and tail, paces well, trots rough, goes well in a single chair or gig. I will give five dollars reward to him who brought home, and ten on conviction of the thief, if a white man. Francis Smith. 3w September 5, 1808.
William Lownes, Returns his thanks to his friends and the public generally for their liberal encouragement, and hopes his assiduity to business and punctuality will entitle him to a continuance of their favors. He has removed to the corner immediately opposite the Bell, formerly occupied by S. Grantham, where he intends carrying on the Book-binding business in all its variety and in the most modern & fashionable style, with punctuality, neatness and dispatch. Printed books bound in the most elegant manner in Morocco and Calf skin, full gilt and lettered; also in sheep skin, gilt, lettered and plain. Blank Books of every description ruled to any pattern and bound with the latest improved spring or patent backs. Orders from the country will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. Old books rebound. N.B. An appien ice will be taken to the Book Binding business, if immediate application be made, with good recommendations. August 23. tf
PIPING TREE. THE subscriber wishes to RENT for the ensuing year, that well known stand for public business, called the Piping Tree, together with the FERRY, which, for custom, is equal to any in the lower part of this state. On the premises there is a very convenient house, calculated for a tavern, with an excellent dry cellar underneath, and all suitable out houses, a fertile and well enclosed garden, a stable, coach house and granary under one roof, a store house with a cellar also, a lumber house at the water edge, where vessels from 4 to 500 bushels burthen, can load and unload. Also, from 4 to 500 acres of GOOD LAND, About 250 acres of which are arable, laid off in convenient fields and all under sufficient fencing, and on which is a very good barn. To those who are not acquainted with said place, it is necessary to observe that it is in a healthy and opulent neighborhood, and there is no tolerable assorted store within several miles of it. If said premises are not rented privately, on or before the 1st day of October next, it will, on that day, be rented publicly by
Mary King. (tf) September 5, 1808.
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Bill Box, by Pantaloons. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipice, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay in high health and perfect sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to John Tyler. tf Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808.
To Aaron Burr, Esq. SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from the county court of Henrico, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Gwathmey's tavern, in the town of Louisville, Kentucky, to take the depositions of Richard Cluff Anderson, William Croghan, James Breckenridge, Norborne Beale, and Stephen Smith, to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant. Your ob't. serv't. HENRY SCHROEDER. 4w Sept. 5, 1808.
To Aaron Burr, Esq. SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of commissions from the court of Henrico county, in three suits depending in that court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant, I shall proceed on the third Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Wilson's tavern, in the town of Lexington, Kentucky, to take depositions of Alexander Parker, James Morrison, Sam'l Trotter, John Bradford, Henry Clay, Abraham S. Barton, John Jordan, jr. Robert C. Nicholas, and William Todd, to be read in evidence in said suits. Your ob't. serv't. ROBERT MILLER. 4w Sept. 5, 1808.
MR. JOHN GUNN, in his lifetime, loaned the 2d. Ed. of the Life of Frederick the Great, by Thomas Holcroft - the person who has it in possession, will please to leave it at the book store of Mr. Samuel Plessants and they will confer a singular obligation on the owner. Richmond, August 30, 1808. 4t
Notice. MR. HENRY TURNER, of the city of Richmond, is fully authorized by me to transact all business relative to the estate of the late Peter Baker, (deceased) of Goodland county, Christenia Baker, Adm'x. 4w September 12, 1808.
GERMAN GOODS. The subscribers have for sale, a general assortment of German Goods, consisting of Oznaburgs } Pilas Ticklenburgs } Bed Tyke Messians } Damask Table Cloths Brown Rolls } Fine Shirting Linen Dantzic Rolls } Liquor Cases Dowlas } Quart, pint & half pint Rowan's Sheeting } Decanters Brown Holland And a general assortment of LOOKING GLASSES. Bohn & Huhner. (tf) September 19, 1808.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1808. tf
NOTICE. THAT a petition will be presented to the next Virginia assembly, held at the capitol, in the city of Richmond, to put down the ferry at Cat Point - Tonskey Little Bridge, Farnham Bridge and the Great Bridge over Tonskey he made a toll bridge; all in the county of Richmond August 30th, 1808. 3w
FOR SALE, A Likely Young Negro Man, WHO has been regularly bred to the Tanning and Currying Business, and is an excellent Workman, and of good qualities - For terms apply to the subscriber living near Louisa Court-house. John Edwards. wdt August 15, 1808.
Advertisement. TO RENT, And of which possession may be had on the 1st day of October next, that pleasantly situated TENEMENT, Of which the late Mr. William Nice died seized in this city. It is attended with almost every convenience required for the accommodation of a genteel family - but as it is presumed that any person wishing to rent, will first view the premises, a description of them is deemed unnecessary. Application may be made to Samuel Coleman, at the capitol, or to the subscriber, residing on the premises, who is guardian to the orphans of William Nice, deceased. Richmond, Sept. 15, 1808. Anne Nice. (tf)
Strayed from Richmond about the 20th of May last, A Small Sorrel Mare, With a blaze in her face, bob tail, a bunch on one of her fore feet, and has been nicked. Whoever will deliver the said mare to Benajah Thomas in Richmond, shall receive ten dollars reward. Azel Fitch. (tf) September 13, 1808.
PROPOSALS Will be received till the first day of December next, For Building a Bridge Across Appomattox at Farmville. It is 120 feet long, and to be supported by pillars and abutments of stone. A plan may be seen by application to TH. A. MORTON or WM. L. WOMACK, who are authorized to receive proposals Farmville, Sept. 12, 1808. w5t
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by James Pluman and Henninghim his wife, to secure the payment of a sum of money to Joseph Brackett as expressed in the said deed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in money, on the premises, in the County of Cumberland, on Thursday the 6th day of October next, a valuable Tract of Land, containing 718 Acres and eight likely NEGROES, consisting of men, women and children. The land is situated on Willis's river, not far from its confluence with James River, in the neighborhood of Catersville; the improvements consist of a good dwelling house and a her necessary out houses and one half of a good grist mill; possession as to 250 acres of said land can be given on the day of sale and a little made for the whole as agreeable to the powers vested in us by the said deed of Trust. JESSE MICHAUX } Trust. SAMUEL HOBSOON } Secy. Gumberland County, August 15, 1808. wds.
Should the above day of sale be so unfair as to prevent the sale, the next fair day is intended to carry the intent of the deed into effect.
100 Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber the 5th November, 1808, a Negro Man, named ANDREW; he is about 24 years of age, about 6 feet high, well made, of a dark complexion; he has a pleasing countenance, and when spoken to has a stoppage in his speech. He was raised by Dr. John Shore, of Petersburg; his father and mother are living in Manchester, where it is probable he is now lurking. The above reward will be given to any one who will deliver the said negro to me near Petersburg, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. Masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him off or harboring him at their peril. Drury Birchett. w3m* Richmond, August 25, 1808.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Richard C. Pollard to secure the payment of a debt due to Murphy, Brown & Co. as therein expressed, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in ready money, at Mrs. Ann S. Hopkins's, in the county of Nelson, on Saturday the 6th day of August next, Four Slaves, to wit:
Daniel a negro man, Phillis a woman, Squire a boy, and Pallas a girl; but as we are only trustees for the benefit of others, we will only warrant the title as to ourselves and those claiming under us. William F. Carter. Robert Franklin. Warminster, July 6, 1808. wtf
NICHOLAS HALLAM, (NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equally good terms as heretofore.
Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seal leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes. Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES.
Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling BACON. The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit. August 2, 1808. lawtf
JUST RECEIVED, A few hundred barrels cut & whole Herrings Antigua Rum by the hogshead & Best Green Coffee by the bag. FOR SALE BY C. H. SAUNDERS, 21 June, 1808. w3m FOR SALE AT S PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE, HENNING'S
New Virginia Justice, CONTAINING The Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, lease and re-lease, mortgage, trust, &c.
Penitentiary Store. THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 days credit at whole sale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes. CUT NAILS. Wholesale prices. Retail prices. 3dy 13 cents. 14 cents per lb 4 12 1-2 12 1-2 6 11 1-2 12 1-2 8 10 1-2 11 1-2 10 10 11 12 10 11 20 10 11 Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2 CUT BRADS. 8dy 10 cents. 11 cents per lb 10 9 1-2 10 1-2 12 Do. Do. 20 Do. Do. SPRIGS. 3dy 39 cts. h. lb. 50 per m. 4 22 1-3 67 6 17 84 WROUGHT NAILS and BRADS. 6dy 13 14 per lb. 8 12 1-2 13 1-3 10 12 13 12 11 1-2 12 1-2 20 11 12 30 11 12 Spikes of all sizes same price as 30dy. nails, Broad and narrow Axes, Hatches, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Fenders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes. Fair tops, back straps, $ 9 Ditto 8 Suwarrows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Plantation and light fine shoes, 10 6 a 12 6 Do. second & third qualities, 7 6 a 9 6 Negro shoes (strong) 6 a 7 6 Girls do. 4 a 4 6 Boys do. 3 6 a 4 6 Childrens' shoes, 3 a 4 6 Fire Buckets $ 4 a $ 5 per pair Bridles, Sursingles, Whip thongs, Spur leathers, Hame strings, Back Bands, Leading, Garden, Hambro and Fishing lines. Any of the above articles made to orders left at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR April 26, 1808. (2aw1m lawtf) The shoes are reduced much below the former price.
NOTICE. To all whom it may concern. A Petition will be preferred to the next General Assembly praying a release of all rights of the Commonwealth to the lands lying in Gloucester and Middlesex Counties, to the subscribers, of which Dr. Robert B. Spart and Dr. George D. Spart died seized, the subscriber Charlotte Gwathmey, being nearest of kin to the deceased. Richard Gwathmey & Charlotte Gwathmey. King Wm. County, Aug. 20 1808. w6t
NOTICE. ALL persons to whom the estate of the late Judith Robinson, dec. of Cumberland county, is indebted, are desired on or before the first day of October next, to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, that provision may be made for payment, and to all claims exhibited after that period, this advertisement will be plead in bar. A division of said estate among the legatees will be made on the above day. JOHN HATCHER, Ex'r. March 17 1808. nam 10c
Will be for Rent THE ENSUING YEAR, THAT WELL KNOWN TAVERN The White Chimmies, IN Caroline county, situate on the main stage road. Attached to the tavern is a convenient store house - the stand for a merchant excellent. For terms apply to Richard Bridges, near said tavern, or to John Bo sher in Richmond. July 27, 1808. oafbf
BROUGHAM'S CELEBRATED S P E E C H AGAINST THE BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL; - AND, Baring's Pamphlet, On the same subject, are just received and for sale at this office. Belles Lettres School. J. DAVIS
HAS opened a SCHOOL, in a pleasant house, at the corner of Elliot's lot, where he teaches the English, Latin and French languages, &c. &c. English and Latin, $8 per quarter - English and French, $8. Richmond, Sept. 20, 1808. 2w
A Tract of Land, Containing 120 acres, more or less, lying in the said county, about six miles from Williamsburg, and bounded as described in the deed of conveyance. A title will be made to the purchaser under the title deed. William Coleman. 2w September 10, 1808.
Blank Replevin Bonds, (agreeably to the law of 1806,) For sale at this office.
Pamphlets, CARDS, HAND-BILLS, LAWYERS, CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c. ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.