The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-10 00:00:00

G Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1809.
[No. 78.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO THE LOVERS OF NATURAL HISTORY.
A NEW & SUPERB WORK...BEING THE FIRST OF THE KIND EVER ATTEMPTED IN AMERICA.
NOW PUBLISHING,
By Subscription, by Bradford & Inskeep, Philadelphia, in imperial quarto. Price $12, per vol. handsomely half bound in Morocco.—Volume 1. of
AMERICAN ORNITHOLOGY,
OR, THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE BIRDS OF THE
UNITED STATES;
Comprehending those resident within our territory, & those that migrate hither from other regions, among which will be found a great number of land and water Birds, hitherto undescribed—specifying the class, order, and genus to which each particular species belongs—following, with a few exceptions, the arrangement of Latham—describing their size, plumage, places of resort, general habits, peculiarities, food, mode of constructing their nests, term of incubation, migration, &c. &c. Illustrated with Plates, engraved & colored from original drawings taken from Nature.
BY ALEXANDER WILSON.
IT is now upwards of a year since the prospectus of this work was first issued; but owing to a train of unforeseen events, its publication has been retarded to the present time. During this temporary suspension, the author has had leisure to review and reconsider his plan, and to new-model it in such a manner as will render the work in point of elegance, not inferior to any of the kind that has appeared in Europe; and as the whole materials of its mechanical parts, are the produce and manufacture of our own country, the publishers trust it will stand not only among ourselves but with foreigners, as an honorable testimony of the state of the arts, in this young and growing empire.
The original design was to publish the work in Numbers, each to contain 3 plates; but the inconvenience of perceiving it out into such small parts, and the injury that both the engravings & letter-press, would inevitably sustain, in that detached and exposed state, induced the author to abandon it for a more commodious and respectable form, better suited to the nature of the publication. Those gentlemen, therefore, who were pleased to patronize the work under its first form, will, it is hoped, approve of the change; and are entitled to withdraw their names, or to extend their patronage to the present.
CONDITIONS.
The first volume being now ready for publication, will be submitted to the inspection of those gentlemen desirous of promoting the study of Natural History, and the progress of the arts in this country. It is printed in large imperial quarto, on a rich vellum paper, marked by Mr. Ames of Philadelphia. The type was cast by Binney and Ronaldson; and the general execution of the whole, it is presumed, will not be compared with the most finished European publication.
Vol. I. contains 9 plates, each 13 inches by 10, comprehending the figures of 38 of our native birds, of the size of life, engraved by Lawson and Murray, from the original drawing; and colored from nature with the most scrupulous attention to the true tints of the originals; the descriptive part consists of about 160 pages.
Ten volumes is expected to comprehend the whole; one of which—of the same size and price with the present, containing a like number of plates, and executed in the same style of elegance—will be published every six months until the whole be completed.
Any subscriber who, on the publication of the second volume, disapproves of the work, shall be at liberty to withdraw his name.
A list of the names of those who patronize this splendid national work will be printed in the last volume.
Subscriptions will be received at the Bookstore of Mr. Samuel Pleasants, Richmond, and by the Author, who is now in this city for that purpose.
January 7. [24]
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public for their liberal encouragement, and informs them that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post-Office, where all commodes, in his line, will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to—and that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2422242424
RUFORD ACADEMY—The same branches of Literature and Science, will be taught at this Seminary, the present year, that has been heretofore; and the terms of Board and Tuition will also continue the same, viz. $30 for the first, including Washing—and $10 for the latter—each to be paid quarterly, in advance.
Capt John Fox, will assist as Steward, and the Subscriber and his assistant as teachers.
CHILES TERRELL.
King William County, Jan. 5. 2422242424
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Scampster, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House.—Apply at this office. Dec. 20.
LAND, FOR SALE, on Saturday, the 14th of January next, on the premises, to the highest bidder, the Plantation whereon Mrs. Mary White, now decd. formerly lived, lying and being in the county of Henrico, about three or four miles below the city of Richmond, on the main road leading to Williamsburg, and adjoining the Lands of Wm. Street, Isham Godden and others, containing about two hundred acres, with good improvements thereon, with a little repairs sufficient for the accommodation of a genteel family. The terms of sale, will be one-third cash, and the balance in two annual payments, to be secured by a deed of trust, on the premises. Any person wishing to purchase the above property privately, will apply to the subscriber, who will take negroes in payment.
ROBERT WHITE. Hanover, Meadow Bridges, January 5, 1809. 34
GREAT COAT FOUND—It was left in the boxes at the Theatre, at the performance of Mr. Martin, last Saturday, 31st December, a Great Coat, which will be returned to the owner paying the charges of this advertisement. January 7. 4
NOTICE.—In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Brigg-house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753. Leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1798, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farley or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Peters-burg in Virginia.
The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c.
GEO. MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland.
GEO. W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. [34]
His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW [40047]
Dec. 15.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 2.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Giles's Speech Concluded.)
Permit me now, sir, to proceed with the discussion. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] proceeds to tell us, that Mr. Rose was sent here as a messenger of peace; that he brought the olive branch in his hand, but that it was designedly refused by the administration, and of course a subject of serious reproach and lamentation. Sir, I do not know what Mr. Rose brought in his hand; he never would tell the government what he brought. But let me ask the gentleman, what he left behind him? The gentleman has furnished me with an opposite figure. He left behind him a rod in pickle for us. He left behind him these very orders of council, which were designedly concealed from him, although they had been long debated upon, and were matured before he left London; and were actually issued almost as soon as he lost sight of the land. If, therefore, he brought in his hand the olive branch, he certainly left concealed behind him the scourge of our commerce.—Yes, sir, it was the besom which was intended to sweep, and would have swept our commerce from the face of the ocean. And the gentleman tells us in a tone of lamentation, that when Mr. Rose arrived here he was met by the embargo. Yes, sir, the judicious vigilance of the government had saved our commerce from the destructive influence of these concealed orders of council. Could you have supposed, Mr. President, that this would have been a subject of lamentation to any American citizen? Could you have supposed, sir, that it could have been made the subject of reproach against the administration? Could you have supposed, sir, that the most jaundiced passions could have deluded any American citizen so far, as to commit himself upon such a charge? Sir, we differ so much in our facts, that it would be more wonderful if we should agree, than differ, in our conclusions. Is there a gentleman here, sir, prepared to say, that this is not a correct statement of facts? And if it is, what is the result? Why, simply, that Great-Britain had, in the most insidious manner, issued orders for the entire destruction of our commerce; and that our government had completely disappointed their iniquitous object, by interposing the embargo for its protection.
But, sir, the gentleman, not content with the profusion of his invectives against the administration collectively, & the absent gentleman, whom I have defended with great pleasure, has directed his bitterest resentments against the secretary of state, individually. He, sir, has ventured to accuse the secretary of insincerity in his diplomatic correspondence. Permit me to tell that gentleman, that the secretary of state is incapable of an act of insincerity, either as a man or politician. The gentleman himself, sir, has been secretary of state; and even in the phrenzy of his passions, it is wonderful to me he did not see, that he was forcing himself into a most disadvantageous comparison. I think the instances of insincerity he has quoted partake nothing of that character. I think them perfectly proper, the gentleman's angry criticisms to the contrary notwithstanding. Let us attend particularly to the instances quoted. The first is, that the secretary had told the British minister, that the Berlin decree, so far as it professed to place all the British Isles in a state of blockade, was an empty menace. Now let me ask the gentleman if that was not, and is not, the fact? I believe that no gentleman is more strongly impressed with the truth of this fact, nor rejoices more in its truth, than the gentleman himself. But the gentleman infers, if this decree was a mere empty menace, as it respects the blockade of the whole British Isles, it could not furnish any inducement to the measure of the embargo. I differ entirely with the gentleman in his inference. The Berlin decree, after it was put into a state of execution against the U. States, would operate very differently upon the defenseless American commerce spread along the French coast, from its operation as forming the blockade of the British Isles; and therefore would be, as it in fact was an empty menace in that case; whilst it would have a most serious effect in the other; and would certainly furnish a just inducement to the government for the protection of the exposed commerce of the U. States. Here then, sir, I see a perfectly correct sentiment without any mark of insincerity upon it.
But, sir, the gentleman has brought into view another act of insincerity. Let that be also examined. The gentleman complains, that our ministers in London were instructed to tell the British minister only of the precautionary object of the embargo laws; and of course leave their coercive object to be inferred by the British minister. This was both polite and proper. It was an instruction to our minister in fact, to avoid touching the sensibility of the British minister and nation. What would the gentleman have done himself, sir? Would he, because there were two objects in passing the law, have instructed our ministers to have pressed both upon the British commissioners, although one of them would have touched their national pride and sensibility? This was unnecessary, and would not have been very unpolitic. It would have been an outrage upon every principle of diplomatic delicacy. I cannot therefore see the ground of objection to this instruction, unless it is, that the secretary of state has not taken the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Pickering] for his model; that he had not resorted to some of the gentleman's bold metaphorical flourishes; that he did not instruct our ministers to tell the British, "that the tiger crouches before he leaps upon his prey." Yes, sir, I am extremely happy to behold the striking contrast exhibited between the former, and present secretary of state; a contrast so highly honorable to the present secretary. Indeed, sir, I am the more astonished at the gentleman's driving us into this comparison so unfortunate to himself, when he must know, or certainly ought to know, that his own inveterate passions utterly incapacitated him from the discharge of the duties of that office, and finally expelled him from it. The gentleman seems to be still harping upon the miserable tale of French influence. I suppose, he also, unfortunately stands committed upon that idle suggestion. Sir, insinuations of this nature are degrading to the national character; and I always feel a condescension in being compelled to make a reply. Indeed, sir, it is necessary to impose strong restraints upon the feelings in making the reply the suggestion deserves.
But, sir, the gentleman, so intent, I suppose, upon his own self-justification, that he has manifested great labor and ingenuity in making a collection of scraps from the numerous documents before us; from which he has attempted to infer, not only, that the executive department was acting under French influence, but that this honorable body was also acting under the same influence—yes, sir, the body of which the gentleman himself is a member. Yet, sir, the gentleman knows, notwithstanding his jealousies, his surmises, and his inferences, that it is impossible; that the fact is not so. Let me ask the gentleman if he is prepared to say in his place, that any one member of this body, or that this body itself, is acting under French influence, or any improper influence? The gentleman must have too much respect for himself to make such an unfounded assertion. Why then, sir, all this labour at surmise, suspicion, and inference? I leave the gentleman to answer this question. Equally unfounded are the miserable insinuations towards the Executive.
Let me ask the gentleman, through what channel his unhappy, suspicious mind has taught him to suppose, that these dark, these invisible negotiations could be carried on? I suppose he would necessarily reply through Mr. Armstrong, our minister in Paris. Yet Mr. Armstrong has lately retrieved himself entirely from the gentleman's delusive suspicions. We are now told, Mr. Armstrong is a patriot; follow his advice. Again, sir, let me ask the gentleman if he has heard any apology for the hostile conduct of France, either in this house, or any where else? Has not every person declared, that the conduct was hostility itself? Mr. President, whether the gentleman intended to make insinuations, or inferences, or surmises, or suspicions, or assertions, if he please, of French influence, as operating either upon the executive, or upon this body, I here in my place do pronounce the whole to be utterly unfounded.—But, sir, the gentleman boldly says, there is something concealed.—I really should like to know what it is that he supposes can be concealed: I should really like to know what witchcraft it is, that has continually tortured the gentleman's mind with these unhappy, fantastic delusions. No, sir, there is nothing concealed: there is too much exposed; for, sir, in the present whirlpool of inordinate passions, all honorable confidence seems to be disrespected. I will not accuse this gentleman of acting under British influence: I feel too much respect for the American character to do so. I hope and trust he is not. I am willing to admit that his views are American. But, sir, this consideration will not deter me from expressing my wonder and astonishment at the extraordinary views that the gentleman takes of American interests; first in the unremitting labor he has taken to put his own government in the wrong upon every point of discussion between it and the British government; and in his strange misrepresentation or total disregard of facts; of outrages, sir, upon our dearest rights, by the British government; outrages which ought to rouse every American feeling into action. Secondly in the comparative view he has taken of the hostile acts of France and Great-Britain. Sir, he has used every effort to magnify, if possible, French aggressions, whilst he has faintly admitted British aggressions, and even palliated or excused them. Let us now see, sir, what is the true character of aggressions which are treated with so much tenderness? Sir, I said the other day, and I have not heard it contradicted, and I say again to-day, that the British government seizes and confiscates our vessels engaged in a lawful trade: that she has attempted, by an act of parliament, to colonize and tax us: that she has, in the same manner, undertaken to exercise acts of national sovereignty solemnly given by the people to congress: that she has undertaken to exercise an act of legislation over the people of the U. S. refused to congress, & retained to themselves in their highest sovereign capacity. Are these facts denied? No, sir, if true, let me ask the gentleman, what can be worse? what can be more injurious to our interests, or derogatory to our national character?—what can the French do, that is worse than this? Nothing, sir; these acts form the climax of outrages. But, sir, the gentleman tells us, that the French emperor has said, whether he has used that identical expression or not, I believe it is not the expression in the paper to which the gentleman alludes. But sir, suppose it is: what then? Is the gentleman so ready to obey the mandate of the French emperor, as to take part in the war, because he orders him to do so? I did not think the gentleman would take the yoke so quietly.
* See note at the end.
In effect, both Great-Britain and France have said, there shall be no neutrals; and I care nothing for the form of the expression. The first declaration to that effect which I have seen, is contained in the polite note of Lords Holland and Auckland, attached to the late unratified treaty. The language in effect is, if you do not make war on France, we will reserve to ourselves the right to make war on you, according to this treaty of amity and commerce. But, sir, because these two great belligerents command us to take part in their wars, are we bound to obey their cruel mandates? Are we to abandon the right of judging of our own interests and policy? I am disposed to think they will ultimately drive us into their wars; but let us keep out of them as long as we think our own interests and policy require the recession.
The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Hillhouse] has attempted to place our situation in a ludicrous point of view; he asks how are we to fight at triangles? Are we to fight France and Great-Britain at the same time? Why, sir, this is the very circumstance which increases our embarrassments. It is a situation perfectly novel and unexampled, and distinguishes it from all the cases put by the gentleman as analogous to it. At every other time we have had but one adversary; if we had but one at this time, there would be no difficulty in the choice of measures; but having two at the same time, and both so formidable, presents an unexampled difficulty in the choice of measures; and is the strongest argument imaginable in favor of the position we have assumed. This, sir, is made more evident by the gentleman's illustration. The gentleman says, if two men were to attack him at the same time, would he avoid the combat until he could get one by himself? I presume he would, if he were a man of prudence; especially if either of them were a full match for him; and he knew the moment he set on the one, the other would set on him and tear him to pieces. I think under such circumstances, a dignified retirement would be at least as honorable as being tumbled in the dust; and would certainly be more the dictate of prudence and wisdom. It therefore appears to me, that the gentleman's illustration is an extremely happy one, to justify the position assumed by the U. States, under the peculiarity of their difficulties.
The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Lloyd] I presume with a view of showing, that our supply of provisions can be of little consequence to Great-Britain, has favored us with a statement of her annual consumption of grain, and our annual exports. The annual consumption of Great-Britain, he states at one hundred and fifty millions of bushels, and our whole exports at seven millions. I am willing to take his estimate, although our whole exports are probably much more. From this statement, the gentleman seems to infer, that this small supply can be of but little consequence in a market requiring this enormous consumption. I draw a very different inference from these data given by the gentleman; and I am the more disposed to examine this point, as I have often heard the same inferences drawn by others.
According to this statement, if Great-Britain should raise barely enough for her own consumption, except seven millions of bushels, and it is probable she will not exceed this product this present year, she would want a supply for her whole population for about a fortnight in the year. This would be a serious deficiency; and to appreciate my argument, the gentleman should first make the experiment of starving a fortnight; and I think, before the expiration of that time, he would be willing to admit there was some force at least in my argument. It would be the same case with a nation, if the scarcity operated equally, and upon every individual in the nation, at the same time. But that is not the way in which a scarcity does operate. It operates by raising the prices of grain, and thus excluding those from the use of it, who have no money to buy. In the event of a scarcity in Great-Britain, Mr. Canning would probably not have a dish less to his table on that account; whilst the poor would suffer for the want of bread. As the scarcity increased, the greater would be the numbers excluded from the use of bread; and the stock in the nation would be exclusively consumed by those who had the means of purchasing a proportion of it. This would be the course of things as long as the order of society could be maintained, and the suffering poor compelled to bear their hard fate. But, sir, if this quantity of provisions should be wanted in Great-Britain this year, and it cannot be obtained any where, but from the United States; and if the want of it should drive the prices very high, and bear of course with great severity upon the suffering poor; would not these circumstances alone, furnish strong inducements to Great-Britain to relax her orders, and to do us justice? To do us justice, did I say, sir? No, sir, to do us half justice; we do not require more than half justice at her hands.
If the suffering poor could be apprized that the deficit of provisions could be made up by opening an intercourse with the United States, and that this depended upon the pleasure of the British cabinet, would there not be strong representations to them, to relieve the suffering poor, when nothing but an act of half justice would be necessary to effect the object? Under such a state of things, the cabinet could not withstand the representations of the people. May we not hope then, sir, if this should be the state of things in Great-Britain during the present year, that these appeals to her interest will not be unavailing? But, sir, I am ready to admit, that I derive the less consolation from this hope, from the apprehension that if even a relaxation of
these orders should take place in consequence of any coerced state of things in Great-Britain, the relaxation would be but temporary; and the moment the pressure ceased, the hostile measures would be resumed. Since Great-Britain has become intoxicated with this extraordinary project of re-colonization, I verily believe, we shall again have to fight her out of it; and I am inclined to think, that now is as good a time for the contest, as we can expect in any future time.—But, sir, we are told, that this subject has a commercial as well as a political bearing; the commercial must certainly be a subordinate one.
Let me however, bestow a few thoughts on its commercial bearings. I mean no disrespect to merchants; but upon this subject I do not think their statements ought to be confided in. I am sure they will excuse the observation, when I tell them, that I was taught this lesson at the time of laying the former embargo, by one of the most respectable merchants in the United States; and then a representative in Congress from the city of Philadelphia. That gentleman then told us, that upon the question of an embargo, the information of merchants was not to be relied upon; that without impugning to them any improper motive, their statements would necessarily partake of their calculations of their own particular interests.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Pickering) has favored us with mercantile information from the insurance offices at Boston and Salem; as well as information from some of his respectable mercantile correspondents. I am willing to respect this species of information as far as it extends & retain all the information I want; and as little as I know of mercantile principles, I know that it is essentially erroneous. Sir, the information from the insurance offices does not extend to all the objects it ought to embrace. I want to know in the first place, sir, if we repeal the embargo laws, without any substitute, and agree to trade under the British orders in council; what would be the premium of insurance upon our national character, and national independence? These important articles of barter seem to have escaped the attention of the offices altogether; whereas it appears to me to be the previous question. All others sink into insignificance before it. Sir, cent per cent. would not insure them. The policy must be made upon a calculation of a total loss. The insurance could not be done upon these essential articles of barter, in all the insurance offices in the United States. No, sir, as these are articles which I hold with others in trust, I can never violate the sacred deposit, or put it at risk, until I deem the policy perfectly competent to cover the loss. Again, sir, I wish to know the premium against the British orders in council, upon a voyage to France, or any where else, where an American vessel may go under the protection of the law of nations. Cent per cent. would not insure in the exercise of this right; and for one I would rather fight for it than abandon it. Again, sir, what would be the insurance against French captures to European ports, in case the embargo were raised? It would be difficult to make a calculation, until some experiments should be made. The reason of the low insurance now, is, that the French have no inducements to send out privateers, to deprecate upon our commerce, as long as the embargo restrains it within our ports: raise the embargo, and the temptation to plunder would fill the ocean with privateers. The commerce would stand little chance to escape the plunderers. These observations are sufficient to show, first, that the information from the insurance offices does not embrace all the articles of barter we have in the market; particularly those of the first necessity. Secondly, that the policies upon most of the articles embraced by it, are calculated upon incorrect principles, and not adjusted to the state of things which would exist upon raising the embargo without a substitute. Further, sir, with my little knowledge of commercial details, I will venture, without the fear of contradiction, to question the accuracy of the information furnished by the gentleman's respectable commercial correspondent (Mr. Thordike.) I am willing to admit, sir, that he is, as the gentleman describes him to be, a merchant of the first respectability; and as such I respect him; but I cannot, in all points, subscribe to his mercantile information. I will mention only two points in which he is evidently mistaken, and they will be important enough to vary the whole aspect of the calculation he has made, as to what trade we could carry on under the orders in council. First, he has made a calculation of our trade to Great-Britain upon the usual prices of American articles in British markets. This is an extremely incorrect standard of prices; because, if all American articles were driven into the British market, and excluded from the markets where they are consumed, they would bear no price at all. They would not defray expenses. Take the article of tobacco for instance. The United States export upon an average 75 000 hogsheads; of which Great-Britain consumes 14 000. The rest are exported to the European continent. What would be the price of an article, when there is five times as much at market as is wanted for consumption, or for any other use? The merchants examined before the house of commons unanimously agree, that this article would not defray expenses. They have not only sworn to this fact, but I would ask, if it is not the dictate of common sense, and the common result of every principle of barter? The same remark would apply to cotton and rice, and other American articles; but perhaps not in the same degree.—As to cotton, I am perfectly convinced, from the immense, and increasing quantities of that article, raised in the U. States, the only way to keep up its price, is to keep open all the markets in the world, where it is consumed. The gentleman also includes in his estimate, exports to the French West-India islands. They are now in a state of strict blockade, & of course the whole of the item ought to be expunged. There are probably other material errors; but these of themselves are sufficient to vary the whole aspect and bearing of his calculation. In-

deed, sir, I am of opinion, that little or no commerce could be carried on under the conflicting orders and decrees. All these calculations are made upon the assumed principle, that the rules prescribed in these hostile decrees and orders would be invariably adhered to in their practical operations. I entertain a very different opinion. The commerce which might strictly be permitted by the orders and decrees, would be subjected to so many vexations by the ignorance or artifices of the commanders of hostile armed ships, as to render all the remaining commerce dangerous and unprofitable; and I am perfectly satisfied, after incurring the disgrace of submitting to these arogant and unwarrantable impositions, we should, covered over with disgrace, be compelled to fight for the miserable pittance of commerce, apparently held out to us by these hostile and conflicting orders and edicts. This miserable and disgraceful commerce, affords no allurement to me; and it will disappoint all those who have made these delusive calculations upon it. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Pickering) in a great degree unraveled the mystery, which was before suspended over the calculations of his mercantile friend, by telling us that this friend had at this time several vessels laden with southern productions, ready to set sail the moment the embargo shall be raised. This circumstance, without any imputation upon the motives of the gentleman, may be fairly conceded to have had some bearing upon his calculations, and is a case in point to prove the correctness of the information derived from the gentleman of Philadelphia, on a former and similar occasion.
Before I sit down, Mr. President, permit me to explain some expressions which fell from me in debate a few days since, and which seem to have roused into action the indignant feelings of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Pickering). The gentleman might have saved himself these painful feelings, if he had been more attentive to my observations. He supposes, that I called his federal friends in Massachusetts, political demagogues. Now, sir, those gentlemen were not particularly alluded to, either in words or intentions. I made an observation in very general terms upon the structure of popular governments. I stated, as an inconvenient circumstance in the operations of such governments, that when the union and energy of the people were most required to resist foreign aggression, the pressure of these very aggressions would present temptations to political demagogues, to separate the people from their own government, and through the people's discontents, to find their way to office & to power. I applied this observation to the present & all future times. I then gave the late & present proceedings, under the pressure of the embargo laws, in evidence to prove the correctness of the remark. I made no particular application of it to any description of gentlemen, nor to any particular part of the U. States, nor was it intended to be so applied; it was intended to be general in its application to every part of the union. The gentleman himself has made the application to his friends; and I readily admit, without remanding him of the old adage, that he is better informed than I am, whether his own application suits his friends. But, I did not particularly allude to these gentlemen. I feel the same respect for the gentlemen of Massachusetts, that I do for those of any other part of the union. Nor have I any difficulty in saying, that a difference in political opinions is no ground of personal disrespect; and that I do not now, and never have made it one. On the contrary, I am willing to proclaim it to all the world, that I know many federal gentlemen for whom I feel great personal respect. I regret also, Mr. President, that some of the observations which fell from me the other day, have made so strong an impression upon the feelings of the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) for whom I do feel a high personal respect. Upon reviewing some of them, I fear they were calculated to have too strong a bearing upon that gentleman's feelings; but, sir, it will be recollected, that to his observations I was principally replying, and therefore, that my remarks had apparently a stronger application towards him personally, than in fact they were intended to have. It will also be recollected, that most of the remarks of this nature, were directed against the repeal of the embargo laws without any substitute, & which, in my judgment, would have been submission to foreign aggression. Since the gentleman has disclaimed all ideas of submission, and has come forward in the true spirit of '76, I am as ready as any gentleman to do honor to his patriotism. Mr. President, we have now made a fair comparison of opinion and information upon the measures heretofore adopted by the government. Gentlemen have been indulged with a full retrospect of these measures; may we not hope, that we are better prepared to see what measures are now proper to be adopted to save the nation from surrounding dangers? Sir, if we could prevail upon ourselves to act under the scriptural injunction; if we could first employ ourselves in taking the motes out of our own eyes, instead of being so busy in taking them out of our neighbors, is it not reasonable to expect, that we should see more clearly the course of conduct most proper to be adopted for the people's interest and the general welfare? If we could seriously turn our eyes in upon our own hearts, and impartially examine our own passions, might we not expect to find there, some of the errors which we delusively ascribe to others? Is it not to be feared, that this is the real source of our disunion? & it is not greatly to be regretted, sir, that union cannot be obtained, when it is all that is wanted to insure us complete success against our unjust adversaries? Let us then, sir, with a magnanimity becoming ourselves and our station, banish all personal animosities; let us act like brethren of one family united in interest, united in honor, united in affection. A knowledge of this circumstance alone might probably secure justice from our adversaries without striking a blow. But, sir, of unfortunately we should be compelled to engage in the bloody scene, how indispensable is it, that we should be able to exert the whole energy of an undivided nation.
NOTES.
French Influence. —What are the means of French influence in this country? None: the idea is absurd. British Influence. —What are the means of British influence in this country? The following amongst others: Language, jurisprudence, law books, literature; treaties, and the descendants ofatory families; blood connections, intermarriages; mercantile capital, mercantile partnerships; newspapers, &c. &c. &c. These
influences are interwoven into society, and if we mean to preserve our independence, demand the most watchful vigilance of the politician.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison, dated, London, May 17, 1806.
"After my interview with Mr. Fox, on the 25th ult. I waited a fortnight without hearing from him. This new instance of delay surprised me, because he had shown a sensibility to the former one, and did not seem aware of the necessity of adding to it. Independent of the general object, the war with Prussia, and blockades incident to it; the doctrine and practice respecting which it was necessary to arrange, furnished a new motive for a communication with him. On mature reflection, I thought it best to call informally, which I did on the 11th, with a view to enter on these topics in the familiar manner I had heretofore done. Mr. Fox was at the office, but did not receive me. He sent the expression of his regret at not being able to do it, being as he said, just going to attend the cabinet, who were waiting for him. I called again on the 13th, and experienced the same result, though I had left word that I should then be there. I was informed by his desire, that a summons from the king, to attend him at the palace, prevented his receiving me on that day. I met him on the 15th at the drawing room, but had no opportunity of speaking to him. Sir Francis Vincent, the first under secretary of state, being acquainted with my desire, promised to arrange with him an interview, and inform me of it. These are the only circumstances worthy notice that have occurred here since my last, till to day. I mention them that you may be better enabled to judge correctly, in all respects, of the light in which the incident of this day ought to be viewed."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison, dated, London, May 20, 1806.
"With respect to the delay to which I am exposed, it is utterly out of my power to explain to you the cause. I have no reason to change the opinion which I have heretofore expressed of Mr. Fox's disposition on the subject, though I have had no late communication with him. His present reserve is unfavorable, but it may be otherwise accounted for, and on principles which are quite natural, and therefore presumable. He may have experienced more difficulties in the cabinet than he had expected. Many of the members may be indisposed to an arrangement on such terms as can be accepted, and most of them willing to postpone any decision, until the result of the proceedings in congress is known. Under these circumstances he may find it most eligible to avoid any further communication with me for the present."
"It becomes, therefore, very difficult, if not altogether improper, for me to press the business at this time. It seems to be my duty to postpone such pressure to the same epoch, that is, till the final proceedings of congress are known. I shall doubtless receive with them the instructions of the president on the whole subject, which I beg to assure you, I shall use my utmost exertions to carry into effect."
"The foregoing observations in reply to Mr. Pickering, refer to two speeches delivered by that gentleman, one of which only has yet appeared in print."
WASHINGTON, January 6. We have received from Gov. Milledge, of the Senate of the U. States, a specimen of SUGAR CANE, now cultivated on the island of Sapelo, in Georgia. The cane is the same with that which grows at Oatfield, and is large and luxuriant. Three acres have been already cultivated by Mr. Spalding, from whom Governor Milledge has received this specimen. This experiment promises to be of the utmost importance, as it is believed that all the land that produces Sea-Island Cotton will grow cane. Our fellow-citizens will not fail to distinguish with their thanks the individual who has thus meritoriously added to the solid riches of his country. Nat. Int.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The senate have passed the bill for the continuance of the Mediterranean fund; have receded from their amendment to the bill for the employment of twelve additional revenue cutters, which bill is consequently passed; and have proposed amendments to the bill of the House authorising the employment of an additional number of seamen, so as to reinstate the provisions of their own bill for the entire equipment of all the public armed ships.
On Wednesday, Mr. Lloyd offered the following resolution:
"That the President of the U. States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate all the official as well as informal correspondence between Mr. Rose, the late British minister to the U. States and the Secretary of State or any other officer of this government, which has not already been communicated to Congress."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, January 4.
Mr. Lewis reported a bill conferring certain powers as to roads and bridges, on the levy court of the county of Washington, in the district of Columbia. Twice read and referred.
DISTRESSED SEAMEN.
Mr. Newton offered a resolution, directing the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire into the propriety of providing for the relief of distressed and disabled seamen.
Mr. Newton stated that he had been induced to propose the resolution from the following letter from the Secretary of the Treasury:
Treasury Department, Dec. 29th, 1808.
Sir, Whilst the fund for supporting sick and disabled seamen has during this year been considerably diminished, the expenses are actually increasing. For the fund consisting of 20 cents per month from the wages of seamen, must necessarily decrease in the same ratio as the number of Seamen actually employed; and, on the other hand, the number itself of those who are confined at home and deprived of employment, produces an increase of applications for relief.
All that had, by frugality in the expenditure, been saved during many years will be inadequate to supply the deficiency of the ensuing year, unless orders be immediately given to reduce, by some general and harsh rules, the number of persons heretofore admitted. I cannot believe that this would be consistent with the intention of the Legislature, and think it my duty to state the facts,
in order that a proper remedy may be applied.
Upon the consideration of the subject, it appears to me that the most simple and equitable plan would be to appropriate for the year 1809, in aid of the fund, an additional sum of about two hundred thousand dollars; such sum to be applied as the fund itself, under the general directions of the President but to be expended in the several ports in proportion to the amount actually collected in each on that account during the year 1807, and to be applicable to the relief, not only of the sick and disabled, but also of distressed seamen.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. T. Newton, Esq. Chairman of the Committee of commerce and Ma- nufactures.
The resolution was agreed to without opposition.
PUBLIC LANDS.
Mr. Boyle offered the following resolution, observing that the subject had been before the house several times, but a solemn decision had never been had on the subject; and these who had witnessed the mode of disposing of land on credit, had seen the ill effects of the present system.
Resolved, That the committee on public lands, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of reducing the price of public lands, and abolishing the credit on sales thereof; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise. Agreed to.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. Story said, that if the house did not wish to be considered as slumbering at their posts, it was proper that they should, after determining that they would not submit to the orders and decrees of the belligerents, adopt some more efficient system of warfare, if war must be the result. On this point he was decidedly of opinion that we could carry on operations to great advantage on the ocean. He held in his hand a resolution inquiring into the propriety of augmenting our naval force, which he submitted to the consideration of the House.
Resolved, That the committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the U. States, as relates to our military and naval establishments, be instructed to enquire into the expediency of increasing our naval establishment, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. D. R. Williams asked of the gentleman, against whom was this force to be applied? From what source could any considerable increase be made? He presumed, as the gentleman appeared to have his mind so fully made up on the subject, that he had made the necessary calculations, & would favor the house with them. For his part, Mr. Williams said, if we were to go to war to-morrow, he would not vote a single additional floating gun. What had been the consequence of augmentations of naval force in other countries? Were they not perpetually augmenting the British navy? The ministry would give but a small premium to ensure the gentleman's augmentation (should it be made) a safe birth in their ports. Did the gentleman wish to follow the example of Denmark, and have our towns Copenhagened?
Mr. Gardner observed, that a bill for putting our present navy into service was already before the house. He should prefer first acting on that, and therefore moved that this resolution lie on the table.
Mr. Story hoped this course would not be given to his motion, for it might not be perfectly proper not to order the whole naval force to be put into actual service, and yet it might be very proper to prepare an additional force. We were not, he said, at present at war; but we soon might be. The gentleman from South Carolina had supposed that any augmentation of our naval force must fall a sacrifice to the British navy. Mr. Story said, he could not so much doubt the courage or character of his countrymen, as to feel as the gentleman did. I was born among the hardy sons of the ocean, said Mr. S. They never will be guilty of a dereliction of their duty or their country's rights. They never will submit. If Great Britain ever obtains possession of our present little establishment, it must be at an expence of the best blood of the country, and after a struggle which would call for more of her strength than she had ever found necessary for an European enemy. He said, he did not wish our naval force to be increased for offensive measures; but it appeared to him, that the only force which could effectually protect our sea coast was a naval force. He wished a few vessels of war to cooperate with our fortifications. Such a force, too, with the known bravery of American seamen, would carry dismay wherever it went. The passage of this resolution would not decide the principle; it was barely for enquiry. Would not gentlemen enquire whether an increase of the naval force might not be proper? Would they hold out the language that they would permit the scene of the Chesapeake to be acted over again with impunity? That they would still remain on land? Mr. Story said, he could not believe that the gentleman from South Carolina wished to see this game played again. He hoped that we would prepare a force to protect us against every foe. The naval establishments of European nations, must be always maintained at an expence double of the proportionate expence which would be incurred in this country. He asked the gentleman from South Carolina, if we had fifty fast sailing frigates, whether the British nation would send an armament sufficiently powerful to endanger them? Mr. Story said we knew perfectly well the importance which they attach to their naval establishment. The thunder which rolled over their heads in terror was only that from floating batteries on the water. Believing that who never we have war it must be carried on at sea as well as on land, he was in favor of increasing our naval force.
Mr. D. R. Williams said, that the gentleman must excuse him for saying that he had pursued the Eastern mode of propounding other questions instead of answering those which had been put to him. He said he had meant no reflection on the hardy sons of Neptune; he believed them to be as courageous as the gentleman had represented them. The gentleman talks of fifty fast sailing frigates (said Mr. W.) Is it possible that any man in the nation can suppose that its safety depends upon fifty fast sailing frigates? They must, if sent out, either carry orders not to fight, or become what the Chesapeake has been—a disgrace to us. I feel regret that such is our situation; and I have no other consolation than the state of the nation. Yes, sir, it is a mortification to me that the British minister here has said, and perhaps to members of this House, that if fifty sail of the line were built, they
would soon be taken from us. We cannot command resources for such establishments. Will gentlemen consider, that our greatest annual revenue never amounted to seventeen millions of dollars? I ask then where are we to get money for the support of such immense establishments. Mr. Williams said, that 'twas on the shore that he would risk the salvation of his country; and of an invading foe there would not, he trusted, a single man escape to tell the tale of his comrades. Indeed he should tremble for his country if he thought its salvation depended on floating batteries.
Mr. Nicholas said there appeared to be a difference of opinion among gentlemen as to the mode of preparing for action. It was unquestionably necessary, he observed, that the House should come to some decision on the subject. Gentlemen who were in favor of naval force, when that question was fairly decided in the negative, would no doubt give up all idea of that force and join those in the majority in voting for that force which they deemed necessary. I do not, will not believe (said Mr. N.) that a difference of opinion as to the species of preparation to be made, will prevent us from making any. Until some decision be made, we shall be perpetually embarrassed in this way. I have not made up my opinion on this subject; but I am inclined to believe that in the event of a war we can do but little on water. I think it important, however, that the thing should be settled and not procrastinated. This question should be met and decided. I do not believe that I say too much when I say that I believe war to be inevitable. I say this upon the presumption that I am warranted in believing that it is the determination of this House and the nation to resist, as long as a man remains of us, the edicts of Great Britain and France. Having made this determination, what is our duty under the present aspect of our affairs, when it does not appear that either of these nations will recede? To prepare to meet the crisis as men determined to resist effectually. Shall we do this as long as we divide as to the means to be employed? We shall not, sir. Mr. Nicholas expressed a hope that gentlemen who thought land force the best, would, if it should not be agreed to by a majority, consent to employ naval force; and that, under similar circumstances, those in favor of naval force would consent to employ land forces. It was of the utmost importance that they should come to an understanding on the subject. If out-voted in the force which was best in his opinion, he would cordially assist in preparing the other species. He said he was for offence, not for defence merely, when thus vitally assailed. He hoped the House would at once settle the mode and commence the work of preparation.
Mr. Lyon said that it was well known that he had never been inimical to naval force. The rule which he had laid down to himself had been to give a great share of the revenue derived from commerce to the protection of commerce. He had never entertained the idea of manning a fleet, for the purpose of defying Great Britain on the ocean. He had wished to give that share of the proceeds of the commerce of the nation to its protection which should be deemed necessary. He said that sending out a navy with a view to meet that of Great Britain on the ocean, would indeed be a Quixotic expedition. He had always thought that this nation would be justifiable alone in defensive war. He would forever maintain the right to govern ourselves on land, and on the ocean too if he thought there was any probability of succeeding in such a contest. He censured the propensity displayed by gentlemen for making partial preparations, and wished to see a whole system at once.
The question on ordering Mr. Story's proposition to lie on the table was carried, 47 to 33.
EMBARGO.
Mr. Van Cortlandt observed that it was impossible for the House to get along with business till the question of repeal or continuance of the embargo was decided. He therefore called for the order of the day on Mr. Chittenden's resolution for the immediate repeal of the embargo.
Mr. Bacon made a motion which superseded this motion, viz. to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of it, and to refer it to the committee of the whole to whom was referred the bill on the subject of non-intercourse.
After a debate of near three hours this motion was negatived—Yeas 23—Nays 91. The debate was desultory in the extreme, including questions of order, &c. and the decision of the question appeared to involve no principle. Messrs. Gardner, Dana, Chittenden, Quincy, Upham, Lyon, Sloan, and Masters appeared to be in favor of the adoption of Mr. Chittenden's resolution; and Messrs. J. G. Jackson, D. R. Williams, Bacon, G. W. Campbell, Smilie, Alexander, Story, Bibb, Holland and Eppes opposed to it.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on motion of Mr. Van Cortlandt—Yeas 65, Nays 49—Mr. BASSETT in the chair on the resolution of Mr. Chittenden in the following words:
"Resolved, That the act passed at the last session of Congress, entitled, "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States and the several acts supplementary and additional thereto," ought to be immediately repealed."
Mr. Van Cortlandt moved to strike out the word "immediately" and insert "from and after the 4th day of March next."
Mr. Eppes called for a division of the question, so as to take it first on striking out the word "immediately." And the question having been so taken, was negatived—Ayes 35.
The motion to insert of course fell with the motion to strike out.
And the question on the resolution having been stated, (about 4 o'clock)
Mr. Livermore said he was agreeably disappointed in seeing this subject taken up; and was not therefore as ready to meet it as he might be. He then commenced an argument on the constitutionality of the embargo. The origin of the federal compact was chiefly the want of some general power to regulate commerce. There had, however, he contended, been no delegation by the constitution of a power to lay an embargo; consequently the exercise of it was an assumption of power to destroy the very object for the preservation of which they were associated. After Mr. Livermore had been speaking about ten minutes—
Mr. Gholson asked if the gentleman would not prefer being heard to-morrow.
Mr. Livermore answered that he should.
A motion was made that the committee rise and report progress which however was
soon changed to a motion to report the fact, that there was not a quorum present.
The motion for rising was supported by Messrs. Cook, Dana, Quincy, Elliot and Lyon, on the ground that time was not allowed for discussion; that it was late in the day, and no gentleman could be heard to advantage at this hour. It was opposed by Messrs. Macon, Blackledge, Alston, and D. R. Williams, for the reason that as they had consented to go into committee on the subject, they wished an immediate decision; that the subject had already been amply discussed, and a protraction of debate now would but keep the people in suspense.
The committee rose, but could not report; a quorum not being present.
A motion was then made to adjourn and carried—Yeas 40—Nays 38—a quorum being present at the vote, several members having, whilst the Yeas and Nays were calling, come into the House from the lobby & elsewhere.
THURSDAY, January 5.
SEAMEN.
A bill was reported by Mr. Newton, appropriating dollars for the relief of distressed and disabled seamen; and twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
EMBARGO.
The House took up the bill for enforcing the embargo, early in the day. The bill was gone through and reported to the House. About 5 o'clock an amendment was offered by Mr. Sturges, limiting the duration of the bill to the first of June next; and NEGATIVED, by the Yeas and Nays, seventy-five to twenty-seven.
Mr. Sturges then offered a new section, for REPEALING THE EMBARGO, on the 4th of March next.
Mr. Blount moved to amend this section, by giving authority to ISSUE LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL after that day, in order to express his sense of what must be done, under present circumstances, if the embargo were repealed. He withdrew the motion, however, to accommodate some of his friends, who wished a direct decision on the naked question proposed.
On the amendment of Mr. Sturges for repealing the embargo, a debate took place, which still continued when this paper was put to press, (twelve o'clock) without a decision having been had.
FRIDAY Morning, 2 o'clock.
We stop the press, to state that at one o'clock—the question was taken on Mr. Sturges's amendment to repeal the embargo, and lost, Yeas 55, Nays 81; and the house are now debating the bill for enforcing the embargo, having just referred to adjourn, 79 to 35.
7 o'clock a. m.—We again stop the press to say, that at this hour the House adjourned, after the final PASSAGE of the bill.
NEW-YORK January 4.
Last evening the British Barque Bell, capt. Templeton, arrived at this port in 52 days from Shields, & 32 from Stronsness—Capt. T. brought no English News-papers, or letters, excepting those to the consignees, which we understand do not contain any political news.
Capt. T. informs us that he read London papers of the 12th Nov. which were almost solely occupied with the trial of Sir Hugh Dalrymple, but had not terminated. The papers did not contain any news from Spain, no general battle having been fought, but such an event was daily expected. Merc. Adv.
LATEST FROM SPAIN.
By the British Brig Henry, from Malaga (which place she left the 16th Nov.) the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received Madrid papers to the 5th and Malaga papers to the 14th Nov. from which the following translations are made.
Capt. H. informs us, that no intelligence had reached Malaga of any reinforcement of French troops having arrived in Spain, nor that any recent general battle had been fought; but that the Patriots were generally successful against the French.
The American vessels in Spain, detained under the Milan Decree, had not been liberated.
Capt. H. is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Erving, to the Secretary of State. Ib.
Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
ARANJUEZ, Nov. 4.
General Palafox, a member of the Central Government, and the Count Montejo, are gone to Catalonia to review the troops and ground, and to make the necessary dispositions for the defence of the country and the expulsion of the enemy.
The Central government have decreed that each viceroyalty, of which there are 5 in South America, shall send two deputies to the general government. They have also directed that their President, Count Florida Blanca, shall have in his service the royal body guards.
The Marquis de la Romana has sent Villa-castin to Vittoria, to take command of the 9000 men who arrived from the Baltic and landed at St. Andero, and to form part of the army of General Blake.
GERONA, Oct. 20.
Last week 5000 men stationed at Roussillon, appointed to protect the coast and go to Bayonne to reinforce the army of Navarre, with 600 mountaineers, accompanied by some gens d'armes, most of whom were handcuffed, on the second day's journey from Perpignon, mutinied, cursing their regenerator Bona-part, attributing to his ambition all their misfortunes, laid down their arms, after killing some of the gens d'armes, and liberated themselves.
CATALONIA, Oct. 24.
We are endeavouring to concentrate the army, and particularly the line at Barcelona, from whence persons of the first respectability assure us that the head quarters are about to be removed to Servia, a mile and a half from Barcelona, still more to confine the French, who it is said are much divided amongst themselves.
MADRID, Nov. 1.
The French attacked our lines on the Ebro by Logrono, Lodosa, and Levin; the two first points very feebly. At the last point Gen. Moncey charged with his whole division, which was well resisted by riflemen from Cadiz, who suffered severely. General Blake dislodged the enemy at Zoranza, with great loss, and pursued them to Vergara, by which means the road to Irun is cut off, leaving the French no other means of retreating to France but by Roncesvalles. From the ardor of our troops we anticipate the most brilliant result. They wish for nothing more than for a general battle. Such is the impetuosity of the troops that their commanders find it difficult to restrain them.
Nov. 4. —The celebrated Valles and Count de la Quinbarilla have taken the oath as deputies to the central government from the kingdom of Leon.

Extract of a letter from Washington, dated Jan. 6, 1809.
"We had yesterday and last night severe duty to perform in Congress—The House met at eleven o'clock and closed its session this morning at six—This extraordinary session was produced by the federalists—The bill for enforcing the embargo law, when sent down from the Senate, was committed to a committee of the whole; after one day's discussion the committee of the whole was discharged, and it was referred to a select committee. The bill was again committed with the amendments, reported by the select committee, to a committee of the whole. The subject was again taken up in committee of the whole and discussed another day. On the ensuing day when it was generally supposed that the discussion of the supplementary embargo act would be again taken up, a motion was made to take up Chittenden's resolution, for an immediate repeal of the embargo—The object of the federalists, was to impress on the public an idea, that a majority of Congress wished to smother discussion on this subject—Their views were seen through, and much to their mortification and disappointment, the motion to go to committee on Chittenden's resolution, was carried. They were caught in their own trap, and shrunk from the discussion of the question. Mr. Chittenden himself, a modest and plain man, was not ready to speak. His alarm at being thus unexpectedly caught, was manifest—many of those who had heretofore expressed the greatest anxiety for getting at this question, preferred going to their dinner; and the committee for want of a quorum was compelled to rise and report the fact to the House. The ensuing day Chittenden's resolution was again left on the table, and the supplementary Embargo act taken up. After going through the amendments in the House, a motion was made to add to the law a provision repealing the embargo act and the several supplementary acts thereto, after the 4th day of March. By this motion the federalists expected to have put off the passage of the bill for enforcing the Embargo laws. It was a reasonable calculation, because the motion was not made until five o'clock in the evening. By discussion and reading books, they kept off the question until two o'clock at night—At this time the majority of the House were worried into such a state of determined perseverance, that after throwing out the proposition to repeal the Embargo laws on the 4th of March, they again returned to the bill before them—Here the federalists again made a stand. Every exertion was made to put off the passage of the bill. The event however proved, that those who hear only, can bear fatigue longer than those who speak. They kept up their fire until almost six in the morning, when the bill finally passed and the House adjourned, after having been in session from eleven o'clock the day before."
"This vote settles for the present & indeed for this session, the repeal of the Embargo. A very decided majority of the republican party are in favor of its continuance until the latter end of May or first of June. A proposition will be made to-morrow or the next day for convening the next Congress in May or June. If this proposition is acceded to, it may be considered as a last effort to preserve peace—and the new Congress will be left to decide the propriety of exchanging the embargo for war—All the republicans unite in the sentiment, that the removal of the embargo and the commencement of war, must take place at the same moment. I think I may state with confidence, that this is the undivided sentiment of the party. It is hoped that the last law for enforcing the embargo will be effectual—Three or four months more will leave no doubt on the mind of any man, as to the course which must be pursued. If finally we shall be compelled to exchange it for war, of which I have never had a doubt, we shall have the consolation of knowing that every effort has been made to preserve peace—that we have been driven from an honest and impartial neutrality by the violence and injustice of the belligerents."
The House of Delegates have been principally engaged during the 5 last days of their sitting, in discussing the bill concerning the suspension of executions. It is the only debate of any interest and importance which has taken place during this session. The greatest objection was taken to the 7th section of the bill; it being contended that it was contrary to the 10th sec. of the 1st art. of the Constitution of the U. States. Yesterday after some animated speeches, the question was put on the third reading of the bill, and carried in the affirmative. Yeas 109—Nays 54. The bill as it has passed the House of Delegates, and will go up to the Senate—is in the following terms:
Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that the defendant or defendants shall have power to stay execution upon any judgement or decree for money, which hath been or shall be rendered either by a Court or justice of the peace, by tendering to the Court or justice of the peace, by whom judgement was rendered, within sixty days after the rendition of any judgement hereafter to be rendered, or within sixty days from the commencement of this act, as to any judgement or decree heretofore rendered, bond and sufficient security, conditioned to pay the principal, interest and cost, provided always, the execution shall not be stayed till bond with security is given; and provided also, that if the Court be not in session, it may be given in the Clerk's office of the Court where judgement shall have been rendered.
And be it further enacted , that when any distress for rent due in money shall be made, the tenant may stay proceedings on such distress, by tendering bond with sufficient security to the Court, or to the clerk of the court—where the distress was made, to pay the sum due with interest and costs.
And be it further enacted , that no execution, shall issue upon any reply bond or forfeited forthcoming bond heretofore executed, provided the obligors or their legal representatives shall give bond and sufficient security in the estimation of the court where the judgement was originally pronounced, conditioned for the payment of the principal, interest and cost.
And be it further enacted , that all executions now in the hands of any officer, for money, or which may come into their hands, which are not satisfied before the passage of this act, may be stayed in the same manner as a judgement, upon the defendant, or defendants, his, her, or their legal representatives giving bond and sufficient security, with
the Clerk of the Court from which such execution issued, conditioned as above.
And be it further enacted , that when the parties shall agree, the defendant or defendants, may in the presence of the plaintiff or plaintiffs, their attorneys or agents, confess a judgement before the Clerk of any Court, having competent jurisdiction, which shall be entered of record, and shall become subject to the provisions of this act.
And be it further enacted , that the bonds taken in pursuance of this act, shall have the force of a judgement, can be assignable, and upon the expiration of this act, may be acted upon as twelve months reply bonds.
And be it further enacted , that all proceedings shall be suspended on deeds of trust and mortgages, except that upon the latter, the mortgagee may proceed to a decree of sale.
And be it further enacted , that if at any time the obligor or obligees of any of the bonds to be taken by virtue of this act, shall think the security insufficient or likely to become so, he, she or they, as the case may be, shall have power upon giving ten days notice to the principal, to move the court, to stay whose judgement the bond and security were awarded, and the defendant or defendants fail to give, the said defendant or defendants, shall be deprived of the benefit of this act, and the bond heretofore given, shall still remain in full force. The Landlord shall have the same remedy against his tenant, as to insufficient security, before the court of that county, in which the distress was made.
And be it further enacted , that securities bonds given by virtue of this act, shall have power (with like notice) to require counter security, and upon the failure of the principal to give such, he shall forfeit the privileges of this act, and execution may go against the principal for the relief of his securities who nevertheless shall remain bound to the original creditor in terms of their bond.
Provided always , that this act shall be construed to apply only to judgements for money arising upon contract heretofore entered into, and that it shall not apply to any judgement recovered by one security against another, or to any judgement recovered by a security against his principal, or to any judgement recovered by a client against an attorney, or to any judgement recovered by the state, or to any judgement recovered against a sheriff, under-sheriff or other public officer or their securities, or the heirs, executors or administrators of such sheriff, under-sheriff, or other public officer, or their securities, for any delinquency whatever.
This act shall continue in force till the rising of the next General Assembly. This act shall be in force from the passing thereof.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF JOHN RANDOLPH'S DISTRICT.
You will be called on, my Fellow-Citizens, at your next election, to discharge the most important duty that has ever been imposed on you, since you have enjoyed the privileges of Freedom; and I cannot doubt, but that you will discharge this sacred trust, in a way that will be honorable to yourselves, and promotive of your country's happiness. The eyes of all the people of America are turned towards you, at this eventful period, and you certainly will not disappoint them in their expectation. The conduct of your representative is inexplicable, nor is it possible to see in it, any thing but a disturbed imagination, excited to the highest pitch of rage against the ruling power. We have a strong pledge in the vote, given by your district, for the electoral ticket, in favor of Mr. Madison, as president of the United States, that you will not elect a man as your representative to Congress, who is the most inveterate enemy of Mr. Madison, and will throw every obstacle, he can, in the way of his administration. To elect one man as president, in whom you confide the greatest trust in your gift, and another as your representative to paralyze the government, would be impugning to you a want of principle, good sense and discretion, which, I am sure, you will never incur.
But independent of these considerations, it is only necessary to take a view of Mr. Randolph's conduct for the last four years; it has exhibited nothing but what it ought not to have been. His only object for that length of time, appears to be nothing more or less than to destroy the popularity of the present administration; opposing and ridiculing every thing, and never offering any plan or substitute of his own. The truth was, that he had none to offer, but such as would probably have brought on him the indignation of his country; this, however, he has at length accomplished, by a slower process.
Mr. Randolph has observed, that he had no agency in producing the present state of things, and that he would not exchange his feelings on this occasion, for those of any other individual in the United States. My view is a very different one indeed. I do most conscientiously believe that all the evils we are suffering under, at this moment, have been produced by Mr. Randolph—View his speeches, (I think they were in 1804,) where he tacitly abandoned our poor miserable fellow-citizens, impressed into the British service who are not only made slaves for life, under the most cruel despotism, but will probably be compelled to fight the battles of that country against their own Fathers and Brothers. He considered England as fighting for the independence of the world, and denounced our own government, for being directed by an invisible hand, (meaning French influence.)
Indeed the whole tenor of his remarks were such, as to induce the British government to believe, that we were a divided and distracted people, and that they might play off, as they have been trying to do, one party against the other, and to use us for their own purposes. These speeches of Mr. Randolph's were published and re-published in every loyal paper in England, and certain it is, that his conduct has been highly applauded by all British partisans in our own country.
This was the origin of our afflications, and Mr. Randolph has done every thing in his power to increase them from that moment to the present; and I consider this to be more completely exemplified by his conduct in the present session of Congress, than at any preceding period. When we are threatened with rebellion at home, against the government of our choice, and a probable war with two of the most potent powers on earth—What, let me ask, is the course taken by your representative? It has been his favorite one, of embarrassing and trying to destroy the government instead of turning his attention to the difficulties with which we are surrounded, and using his best efforts to promote the interest, and secure the happiness of his country. These considerations, all important as they are, are completely merged in the more favorite one of venting his personal spleen against the persons who direct the destinies of your country.
This gentleman has denounced Mr. Madison repeatedly in the grossest terms, and recently on the floor of Congress expressed his fears for the liberty of his country, and said that he was seriously alarmed, when he reflected that the man who is to direct our future destinies, is insufficiently acquainted with the state of the country, and favorable to a national consolidated government. Is it possible that Mr. Randolph can be serious in this charge? when there are so many stubborn facts staring him in the face to the contrary. As soon as the present government went into operation, until
General Washington's administration, Mr. Madison took a decided and energetic stand in favor of state rights, which he has not only unremittingly pursued until the present moment; and which is not more fully exemplified in any part of his conduct, than the very able report made by him in the Virginia Legislature, on what were called Taylor's resolutions. This masterly report is alone sufficient to disprove charges of this kind, and to hand down its author to the latest generation, as one of the greatest men that ever adorned the page of history; and will certainly immortalize Mr. Madison, when his present enemies will be mouldering in the dust, and forgotten by the world.
I deem it to be superfluous, my fellow citizens, to say more to you on this highly interesting subject. It is only important to command your attention, and the result cannot be doubtful.
A FOR TO DISCORD.
To the Freeholders of the Congressional District composed of the counties of Buckingham, Cumberland, Prince Edward and Charlotte.
The time is not distant, when we shall be called to exercise our elective franchise, in choosing a member to represent us in Congress. This right always of primary importance to Freemen, is, at this time, peculiarly interesting. It is conceded, on all hands, to be the very essence of representation, that the representative should strictly and faithfully speak the voice of his constituents. It is also, I believe, agreed that there is no District in Virginia more republican, more friendly to the present administration, than ours. To this administration, no person is more warmly and systematically opposed than Mr. John Randolph. It is to be lamented, that at a time like this, when union is so desirable, animosities should be indulged against an administration, wise, circumspect, and pacific—I have been much pressed to offer my services; this I have hitherto declined, because it did not suit my age, my feelings, or my convenience; and because I hoped that some man more equal to the task, would have undertaken it; seeing, however, that this has not been done, I, now, from the purest motives of patriotism, offer my services to the District.
I have known Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison for thirty years, and I do, in my conscience, believe them wise, virtuous and patriotic. I approve of the present administration, and firmly believe that it is, under divine providence, owing to its wise measures, that we are now in the enjoyment of peace and all its blessings, while war, with its dreadful ills, convulses Europe to its centre. I wish it to be distinctly understood, that should my offering interfere with any arrangements made by the friends of the administration, in the district; so far from dividing or embarrassing them, I will, with pleasure, decline, and unite my efforts with theirs, in promoting the common cause. My first wish is, that the district may be fairly represented. The man on whom the freeholders may fix for this purpose, shall be my choice, but if no other person will come forward, I conceive myself already pledged to our district, to use my best exertions to promote the wishes of my patriotic fellow-citizens. I am, my Fellow-Citizens, with high consideration and respect, Your devoted and obedient Servant: WM. DUVAL.
September 20, 1808. N. B. The above address was prepared for the press some time ago; but its publication was suspended, in the hope, that some person, nearer the prime and vigor of life, and better calculated to meet the crisis, would present his services for the district. It is only from the despair of such a proffer, that I now come forward, pledging myself to the district, at least, thus far—that if elected, I will certainly represent their sentiments. W. D.
Buckingham, January 1, 1809.
Those who read the following, will have to recollect the cautionary sentiment of the great Hume: "The passion of surprise and wonder, arising from miracles, being an agreeable emotion, gives a sensible tenuity towards the belief of those events, from which it is derived."
COMMUNICATION. —The emperor Bonaparte, like the cat, seems hitherto to have been endowed with the gift of nine lives. He has been killed at one time by a Mameluque; at another, he has feasted a crocodile, on the banks of the Nile, and at another, has perished on the field of battle. But an event has just taken place, which will excite the wonder and astonishment of the world, and will be deposited amongst the choicest legends of Romance. The British tower-guns will doubtless once more be set a-thrumming; for this wondrous magician has just fallen by the hands of the brave Spaniards, in a way more imagination of an ordinary observer. It is said, that the brave Iberian army, apprized of the approach of the French emperor, at the head of 50,000 troops, had entered into a consultation with the mountaineers of the Pyrenees, and by their advice and under their direction, had bored and undermined that whole mass of mountain, deposited immense quantities of Gun-Powder and Fulminating Gold, in its bowels; & as Bonaparte was entering the Pass of Bidaspoe, set fire to this enormous mass of combustible materials, and blew him with at least 40,000 of his troops into the air. What is still more wonderful, the quantity of exploded earth was so considerable, and the cavern thus formed so vast and gigantic, that the waters of the Mediterranean rushed through the Isthmus into the Bay of Biscay, and have completely insulated Spain. So that there are really no longer any Pyrenees, and Spain has only to adopt the policy of C. B. and build a large naval force, to protect herself from the invasion of her formidable neighbor.—Those who will please to consult a map of Spain, and see how near the Pyrenees are out that map, will certainly admit the possibility of this project. MUNCHAUSEN, Jr.
On Saturday last, RICHARD BRENT, Esq. of Prince-William, now in the Senate of this State from that district, was elected without opposition, by a joint ballot of both houses, into the Senate of the U. S. to supply the place of Mr. Moore—whose period of service will expire on the ensuing 4th of March, & who has declined being again considered as a candidate for that appointment.
Brigadier-General Martin, whose death was announced in the last paper, was a resident of the county of Henry, and died on the 19th day of December, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
LINES.
On presenting a bouquet of artificial roses to a little girl seven years old. Sweet bud of promise! much I love, To mark thy quick progressive mind; Where all the softness of the dove, Is with sportive wit combined.
Go on—and thus forever please, And thus like parent stem adorn; Preserving still thy native ease, And bloom a rose without a thorn. MALVINA.
THE JAMES RIVER COMPANY, at their Annual General Meeting, have declared a dividend of one and a half per cent. which will be paid on application to ROBERT POLLARD, Treasurer. January 10.
The army of Galicia on the 26th ult. attacked, and on the 27th continued dislodging, the French from all their posts; and on the 23d occupied the position of Durango. When the post set off the French continued retreating, and our troops pursuing them. The result is our arms will doubtless be glorious. Lisbon, Oct. 25.
The army now raising by the Regency of Portugal, for the defence of this country, consists of 100,944 Infantry and 7428 Cavalry, besides 4 Regiments of Artillery.
Extract of a letter from St. Domingo, dated the 25th of November. The government of Porto Rico, after several fruitless attempts, has at length succeeded in stirring up the Spaniards in St. Domingo—During the month of October some insurrections formed in the interior of the island had been speedily dispersed; but during the first day of November, 400 Spaniards from Porto Rico having landed in the east of the island; the inhabitants joined them & formed a corps of about 4 to 5000 men Gen. Ferrand at the head of the Spanish militia, and a detachment of French troops marched against those insurgents, but in the moment of action, having been abandoned by the Spaniards, he fell, as most part of the French who had accompanied him, a victim to the confidence which he had put in the people to whose happiness he had devoted his life, and whom fanaticism has stirred up against their own interest. General Barquier succeeds in command.
"At this moment it is hoped that the Spaniards of the interior understand their own interest; and that tranquility will be restored in this island."
ARMY OF ST. DOMINGO. GENERAL STAFF. Head-quarters, St. Domingo, 15th November, 1808.
ORDER OF THE DAY. The general in chief is no more, he fell a victim to his blind confidence. Let us pay to his memory the just tribute of tears and praise which we owe him. But let not grief enervate our souls: I do not conceal from you your danger, it is worthy of your courage. Preserve the attitude you have taken. Providence and the genius of France hover over us. Let us hope every thing—nothing is impossible to a firm and decided will. (Signed) BARQUIER.
Attest—The aide-de-camp, chief of a squadron performing the functions of chief of the staff. (Signed) FILLEUL.
Brigadier general Barquier is naturally called to succeed general Ferrand, and accordingly he takes the command in chief of the army and the reins of administration. The present orders of the day shall be read to the troops, assembled during the day, in their respective quarters. The aide-de-camp, chief of squadron, performing the functions of the staff. (Signed) FILLEUL.
In the Charleston packet which arrived last week at Philadelphia from Bourdeaux, came passenger capt. Sinclair, late of the ship Holland Trader of this port. Capt. S. informs, that his ship was seized at Charante, in France, in October last under Bonaparte's decrees, for having been at an English port, his mate and crew put into prison, and he would have experienced the same fate had he not secreted himself—The Neptune, Osgood, and the Two Brothers, were seized at the same time on a similar pretext, and the captains and crews were in close confinement at capt. S's departure.
Left at Charante 16th of October, ship Amsterdam Packet, Sifon of New-York; brig Canton, do. and 5 or 6 others all embargoed.
The seizure of the Holland Trader was in consequence of information given by two of the seamen belonging to her.—Capt. S. was under the necessity of embarking in disguise, and under an assumed name, to escape the vigilance of the officers who were in search of him.—N. Y. Paper.
PHILADELPHIA, Wednesday, Jan. 4. From the Jamaica Courant. Dec. 5. On Wednesday last, Mr. Perry laid before the house, a statement of the duties paid on the importation of new negroes from the year 1796 to March last; it amounted to the sum of $14,935. To provide for the loss of this revenue the new duties on American produce, on American tonnage, on tea and on imports from Great Britain and Ireland, were intended. If the American embargo is soon raised, the two first mentioned duties will be lost as to the first crowd of them.
At a meeting of the commissioners of account held on Friday, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to:—That in consequence of the prorogation, it was out of the power of the committee to provide for the subsistence of his majesty's troops after the 31st December next; a notice to which effect was sent to his grace the Governor.—To direct the proper agent to dispose of provisions, &c. for the subsistence of the white troops, that might remain on hand on the 31st December, and to pay the proceeds into the hands of the Receiver General for the use of the public:—They also resolved that they would not raise any money by way of loan or otherwise for the use of the public, until the next meeting of the Assembly.
Accounts from Lima (Peru), via Porto-Bello, state, that the influence of Bonaparte had so completely taken possession of the Viceroy of that province as to induce him to evince every mark of disloyalty to his country, and prevent Ferdinand VII from being proclaimed king. The loyal inhabitants, however, soon brought him to a proper sense of his duty, by assembling to the number of 3 or 4000, in the vicinity of his palace, all secretly armed and declaring that without a king, there should be no Viceroy. Fearful of his life he carried their wishes into execution, and has since remained from exterior appearances, disposed to acquiesce in their measures.—Phil. Gazette.
IMPORTANT. By the brig Friends, Metcalf, from Jamaica, arrived at this port, we learn that a serious misunderstanding has again taken place between the Governor and Assembly of that Island, owing to the excesses committed by the Military (not the Militia of the Island) in which a Planter is said to have lost his life—they demanded the assassins to be given up to the civil authority—it was refused by the commander in chief, and the Governor, joining him in resisting the assembly—they, on their part, immediately stop the supplies for the current year. The Governor finding this body refractory, prorogued them sine die. Whoever will seriously look at these proceedings and compare them with the assembly of Massachusetts, in the years 1773—4, may reasonably indulge a hope, that so important an island as Jamaica, will ere long shake off the yoke of the Tyrant of the seas.—Dem. Press.
PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 21, 1808. Sir, The board of managers of the Philadelphia Premium Society, by their minutes of the last meeting, instruct me to inform you, that the Premium No. 1 of fifty dollars, which
to obtain requires, "the best piece of superfine broadcloth twenty yards or more long, and six quarters wide, made from the fleece of living sheep, and which in dyeing and dressing shall come nearest to imported broadcloth," has been awarded to your exhibit.
The duty of communication I with great pleasure hasten to perform, and enclose the concomitant draft on our treasurer, Mr. Hugh Henry—an amount interesting to you only as an ascertainment of superiority, but incomplete and indefinite, as it marks not the grade of perfection.
It is therefore but doing justice to your honorable views to state the opinion of the judges, whose province it was to determine—it is.
"That the article of superfine cloth from the State of Connecticut, exhibited for the Premium No. 1 is not only superior to any other specimen, or to any idea they had entertained that cloth of such quality could be manufactured in the U. States, but that it is in goodness of workmanship, whether as it regards the spinning, weaving, dyeing or dressing, at least equal, and in fineness of wool much superior to the best broadcloth imported from any part of Europe."
Of the great good which must obtain from the introduction of so large a stock of the invaluable Merino fleece, and of the value of the manufacture therefrom into fabrics of indispensable necessity, the legislature of your native State appear most sensible; and in their exemplary edicts, in which they delight to honor you, they most honor themselves. May these prove the fair incentive to general emulation. With perfect respect, (Signed) J. DORSEY, President.
Legislature of New-Hampshire. We have been told that this body would not fail to recommend the repeal of the embargo. Of this take the following proof—On the 23d ult. Mr. Adams offered the following resolutions:
"Resolved, That the embargo system adopted by Congress is, in the opinion of the legislature of New-Hampshire, unnecessary, ruinous to the country at large, unprecedented in the annals of other nations, and a prostration of the honor of the U. States."
"Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested to make every possible exertion to effect an immediate repeal of the said obnoxious laws; and that his excellency the governor, be requested to transmit, without delay, a copy of the foregoing resolves to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress."
On these resolutions, after an animated debate, the question was taken, 25 members being in favor and 101 against them.
"By this vote," says the Patriot, "we ascertain the strength of the Essex Junto party in the N. Hampshire Legislature."
Mr. Pinkney, our Minister in London on the 3d November, dined with Mr. Canning, in company with the Spanish, Portuguese and Swedish Ambassadors, the Spanish Patriot Deputies, Earl Camden, Mr. Merry, Mr. Hammond, &c.
Mr. Skipwith, late Consul General of the U. States, in France, is on his return home. It is said he promises to reveal some secrets respecting one Armstrong, which will be worth hearing.—Boston Centinel.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
FREDERICKSBURG, January 5, 1808.
As surveyor of the customs for this place, I conceive it a duty incumbent on me, to expose to the citizens of my country, one of the most shameful Lies, that was ever published in any newspaper in the United States. The piece alluded to, you have enclosed—I have this day cut it out of the New-England Palladium, printed by Young & Minns, of Boston:
"More Virginia Patriotism.—The brig Marcus, capt. Brown, of and from Fredericksburg, Virginia, laden with flour, &c. cleared for Charleston, has been "blown off," and arrived at Kingston, Jamaica."
Edmund Brown, James Badger & Wm. Smith, if you recollect, were presented by the Grand Jury, for an evasion of the Embargo Law—Edmund Brown was master of the brig Marcus, James Badger was the owner; both of the town of Belfast, in the District of Maine, (Massachusetts,) and the name on the stern of the brig was as follows:—MARCUS OF BELFAST. See what the Editor of the Palladium says, states the vessel to be of and from Fredericksburg—Wm. Smith (of Orange) was their security. I wish you, sir, to be good enough to insert a direct contradiction in your next paper. Give me up as your author in the publication. Your friend and fellow-citizen, In haste, ANDERSON McWILLIAMS.
P. S. The brig Marcus cleared for Boston, and not for Charles Town. A. McW.
LINES.
Extempore by Thomas Paine, July, 1803.
Quick as the lightning's vivid flash, The poet's eye o'er Europe rolls; Sees battles rage—hears tempests crash, And dims at horror's threatening scowl.
Mark ambition's ruthless king, With crimson banners scathe the globe: While trailing after conquest's wing, Man's fest'ring wounds his demons probe.
Pal'd with streams of reeking gore, That stain the proud imperial day; He turns to view the western shore, Where freedom holds her bloodless sway.
'Tis here her sage triumphant sways, An empire in the people's love, 'Tis here the sovereign will obeys, NO KING but he who rules above.
MR. MARTIN'S PERFORMANCE: At a past 6 o'clock, this evening, at the theatre, will be exhibited a choice of the most curious experiments, and feats of dexterity and surprize, most of them not yet exhibited. January 10.
TWO Ladies and Gentlemen.—Mr. Martin offers for sale a fine assortment of elegant JEWELRY, viz: Neck-Laces, Earrings, Chains, Pins, the whole of the latest fashions of Europe, a few gold WATCHES of a peculiar perfection, horizontal and others, the whole is superior to any before brought here. It will be agreeable with Mr. Martin to wait on those Ladies who are desirous to see the above assortment, by addressing a note to him at the Globe Tavern, specifying the time and place. January 5.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers, by John P. Shields and Jane C. Shields, to secure the payment of several sums of money therein mentioned, to Henry Cary—will be exposed for sale, on the premises, for cash, on Monday, the 23d instant, the balance of that valuable tract of LAND, called and known by the name of Sallie's Hill, lying in the county of Chesterfield, and in the vicinity of the Coal Pits, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to meet the intention of said trust deed, together with the appurtenances of sale. BEV. C. STANARD, ARCH'D WOOLDRIDGE. January 10.

DOMESTIC.
Norfolk, December 28. LAW INTELLIGENCE.
District Court of the United States at Norfolk, December, 1808.
The United States vs. Hopkins and others. IN DEBT.
This was an action of debt brought to recover the sum of 1200 dollars, the penalty of the bond given by the defendants for the enrolment of the schooner Caroline.
The declaration set out the bond and the conditions, among which was the following: "and if the said schooner Caroline shall not proceed on a voyage to any foreign port or place without being duly licensed, according to law, for carrying on the cod or whale fishery, and without obtaining a permit to touch and trade at a foreign port or place during such voyage, or without previously surrendering the said certificate of enrolment to the collector or the district from which such foreign voyage shall be proposed to be made, then &c. This condition, it was averred, had been broken in this, that the said schooner Caroline on the
1808, proceeded on a foreign voyage, to wit: on a voyage to Antigua, which was a foreign place, without being duly licensed, according to law, for carrying on the cod or whale fishery, and without obtaining a permit to touch and trade at a foreign port or place during such voyage, and without previously surrendering the said certificate of enrolment to the collector of the district from which such foreign voyage was proposed to be made, viz. to the collector of the port of Norfolk and Portsmouth; by reason whereof, the said bond was forfeited & its penalty demandable.
To this declaration there was a general demurrer, in which the United States, having joined issue, came on to be argued by Hay , district attorney, for the plaintiffs, and by Taylor and Tawell for the defendants.
For the defendants it was contended—that the condition above stated for a breach of which alone, this action was brought, was, 1. a condition not authorized by the statute, 2. a condition contrary to the express provisions of the law which permitted and required the bond, 3. a condition hostile to the genius and spirit of all our laws upon the subject of navigation and commerce. And if so, that the condition was void, and no action could be maintained for a breach of it.
In support of those propositions it was said, 1. That the only law which permitted or required any bond to be given for the enrolment of a vessel, was the act of congress passed on the 18th of February, 1795, entitled "An act for enrolling and licensing ships or vessels to be employed in the coasting trade and fisheries, and for regulating the same"—2 vol. laws U. S. 166. That this statute contained in itself, no direction as to the former contents of a bond to be given for the enrolment of a vessel, and indeed contained no decree declaration that any bond should be given at all. The second section of that law declares, that "in order for the enrolment of any ship or vessel she shall possess the same qualifications, and the same requisites in all respects shall be complied with, as are made necessary for registering ships or vessels, by the act entitled "An act concerning the registering and recording of ships or vessels, and the same duties and authorities are hereby given and imposed on all officers respectively, in relation to such enrolments, and the same proceedings shall be had in similar cases touching such enrolments."
This law having directed the same requisites in all respects to be complied with, and the same proceedings to be had in the case of an enrolment, as has been required in the case of a register, by the act therein referred to, although that act concerning the enrolling of vessels contained in itself, no specific direction requiring a bond to be taken, or prescribing the form of such bond, yet as the act concerning the registering of vessels did make the execution of a bond a requisite to be complied with and proceeding to be had as in the case of a register; a similar requisite & proceeding was exacted in the case of an enrolment. Extinguishing this statute from our code and no bond can be required of an enrolled vessel—admit this statute and the only bond which it requires is a similar bond to that required in the case of a register.
The "act concerning the registering and recording ships or vessels," which is referred to as above, in its seventh section declares by whom to whom, in what penalty, and with what condition a bond for obtaining a register shall be executed. See 2d vol. laws U. S. 157—Compare this bond with that section, and you will discover their precise concordance, until you come to the condition, which is the foundation of the present action, and which is no where to be found in the law—Nay, it would be strange indeed, if we expected to find any such condition in a bond of registry, remembering as we must do, that the sole inducement for taking a register, is to qualify the vessel which receives it, to proceed on a foreign voyage. This condition, therefore, is not authorized by law.
2. By the 8th section of the Act of Congress, concerning the enrolling vessels, it is provided, "that if any ship or vessel enrolled or licensed as aforesaid, shall proceed on a foreign voyage without, first, giving up her enrolment & license to the collector of the district, comprehending the port from which she is about to proceed on such foreign voyage, & being duly registered by such collector, every such ship or vessel, together with her tackle, apparel and furniture, and the goods, wares & merchandise so imported therein, shall be liable to seizure and forfeiture." See 2d vol. laws U. S. p. 174. By this bond, a penalty of twelve hundred dollars, is imposed by the collector for the performance of the very same act. To support this action then, it must be contended, either that the collector, by his penalty, has repealed that imposed by the law, or that the offending individual is subject to two penalties for the same act, one imposed by the collector, the other by the law. But as both these propositions would destroy high legislative authority on a very humble ministerial officer of the executive, it is believe-
With condition, in each case, that the certificate of such registry, shall be solely used for the ship, or vessel, for which it is granted, and shall not be sold, lent, or otherwise disposed of, to any person or persons whomsoever; and that, in case such ship or vessel shall be lost, or taken by an enemy, burnt, or broken up, or shall be otherwise prevented from returning to the port to which she may belong, the said certificate, if preserved, shall be delivered up, within eight days after the arrival of the master, or person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel, within any district of the U. States, to the collector of such district; and that if any foreigner, or any person or persons, for the use and benefit of such foreigner, shall purchase, or otherwise become entitled to the whole, or any part or share of, or interest in, such ship or vessel, the same being within a district of the United States, the said certificate shall, in each case, within seven days after such purchase, change, or transfer of property, be delivered up to the collector of the said district; and that if any such purchase, change, or transfer of property shall happen, when such ship or vessel shall be at any foreign port or place, or at sea, then the said master, or person having the charge or command thereof, shall within eight days after his arrival within any district of the United States, deliver up the said certificate to the collector of such district.
ved that neither can be contended for, but that it must be admitted that the condition is contrary to the express provisions of the statute, which imposes another and a different punishment for this act.
3. To support the third position, viz. that such a condition was hostile to the genius and spirit of all our laws, upon the subject of navigation & commerce, the defendants' counsel entered into a critical and historical examination of all these laws. The characters of the various vessels engaged in the trade of the United States, were stated, and they were divided into the following classes, to wit: Foreign, Recorded, Registered, Enrolled and Licensed vessels. The privileges and duties enjoyed by, & imposed upon each of these classes of vessels, were also detailed & supported by a reference to the various statutes imposing duties on tonnage & goods, & regulating the collection of duties. It was then argued, that Congress, having distinguished these vessels as above, and having endowed them with different privileges, and imposed upon them different duties, it became necessary to establish some standard, whereby the one class might always be distinguished from the other by those who were authorised to exact the performance of these duties, or permitted to grant these privileges. Hence certificates of record, registry, and enrolment were introduced as constituting the sole evidence, and fixing the standard, whereby the different characters of vessels were to be ascertained. But as these documents might be misused, and others not entitled to the privileges which followed their possession, might enjoy such privileges by obtaining the documents required to be executed against such frauds, bonds were required to be executed by those who first obtained such documents. The sole object of these bonds being to preserve American documents in American hands, the condition of such bonds attained this object, and none other. A reference to the 7th section of the act, before stated, 2d vol. laws U. S. p. 167, would establish this position—There it would be found, that the only conditions annexed to a bond of registry, referred to the proper use of her documents, and similar proceedings were directed to be had in the case of enrolled vessels—These being the only kinds of American vessels which were capable of engaging in foreign trade, and therefore of misusing such documents, the bonds for these, referred to this object only. As to licensed vessels, being under twenty tons, and incapable of engaging in foreign trade, no misuse of their documents could be had to the detriment of the revenue; and, therefore, no such bonds were exacted from them as were required from the others. Frauds against the public revenue by smuggling, being the only mischief which such vessels were capable of committing, the condition of the bond executed by those concerned in a licensed vessels, referred to this object, and to none other. Hence it was concluded, that the insertion of such a condition, as was found in the present bond, was hostile to the spirit of all our laws upon the subject of navigation and commerce.
Having established these points, the counsel for the defendants observed, that no argument would be used to prove that such a condition not authorised by the statute, contrary to the express will of the Legislature, hostile to the spirit of all our laws upon this subject, was valid in itself—This point would be taken as granted, until it should be denied by the counsel for the U. States. If the condition was void, no action could be maintained for a breach of a void condition, and therefore as the only breach assigned for the forfeiture of the bond in question was a breach of this condition, the present action could not be maintained, and the demurrer must be established.
The defendants, counsel concurred the argument by showing the absurd effects and tyrannical consequences which would result from permitting public officers to insert in bonds which they have authority to exact from individuals any condition which they thought proper, and which the law neither required nor permitted.
The argument on the part of defendants being concluded, Hay , district attorney, said—That he should not pretend to deny the truth of the concluding argument which had been urged by the defendants, but would admit that a condition in a bond taken by a public officer, which was not authorized by the law, which required the bond, was void, and that no action could be maintained for the breach of such condition. Whether the condition in the present bond was of this description or not, he would pretend to say at present. If the laws referred to by the defendants' counsel were the only laws upon the subject, the argument which had been urged was unanswerable. But the bond in question had been taken in pursuance of instructions received by all the collectors in the United States, from the treasury department in the year 1795, shortly after the enactment of the laws which had been referred to by the counsel for the defendants—Supposing that the officer of that department was perfectly acquainted with the law, under which he was acting, when these instructions were given, and indeed being convinced of this, not only from the general character of the department itself, but from an universal acquiescence in the form of the bond by every individual who had executed such a bond for 15 years past, he had not deemed it necessary to examine the form of the bond and to compare it with the law which required it upon the present occasion. He therefore hoped the court would allow him some time not only to examine the various acts of congress upon this subject himself, but to consult with the officers of the customs whose duty it was more particularly to attend to such matters, in order to inform himself if there were any other provisions in the laws which had been cited, or any other statutes which applied to this case.—The Judge granted this application, and the cause was continued for several days.
On Monday last, Mr. Hay stated to the court that he had not only made every examination into the subject which he could, but had also applied to the officers of the customs for their aid in this research. It had been in vain, however, for no other laws could be found applicable to the case, but those to which the defendants' counsel had referred—The positions for which they had contended under those laws they could not deny, and therefore with the consent of the defendants' counsel he should dismiss the case. This was done accordingly, and at the same time several other causes which had been instituted in similar bonds, were also dismissed. The Judge expressed himself perfectly satisfied with the argument on the part of the defendants, and would have dismissed the prosecution, if it had not been done by the consent of the parties— Ledger .
MUSICK—JOHN J. ABERCROMBY, having returned from his tour to the North-West, begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public, that he still continues teaching, in this city, on the Piano, Violin and Guitar. He likewise teaches instruments as formerly, and respectfully solicits the favor of their patronage.
Applications at Messrs. Pritchard & Adams, Mr. Pizzant's, and Mr. Shields's, will be duly attended to. dec. 24. oaw1m
N. B. Mr. Abercromby could conveniently attend three or four pupils in Manchester.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Gerard Banks, to secure the payment of several sums of money, due to John L. Harris & Co. which deed has been transferred to Wm. G. Ponderdexter: Will be sold on the premises, on the 21st day of January next, to answer the purposes specified in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money, so much of a tract of LAND, in said deed mentioned, containing seven hundred and eighty-four acres, lying in the county of Gloucester, adjoining the Lands of Geo. W. Payne, Duguid Mims, Gideon Mims, and others, as may be necessary to pay the balance due on said deed, which is about $1200, and the expenses attending the sale. The subscribers acting as trustees, and being no way interested, will convey to the purchaser, such title only as accrued to them by virtue of the deed of trust aforesaid. Wm. G. PONDERTETER, } Trustees. dec. 20. oaw4w
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stores, Brick Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice-House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish in the country. JOHN ELLIS. [cont'd]
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808. Nimrod Bramham, Plaintiff against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett heir of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Miriam Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clinton Rodes and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants. The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public newspaper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX'R. GARRETT, D. C. dec. 13. oaw8w
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher, and solicits a continuance of their patronage; he hopes, that from his experience and diligence in his profession, he shall be able to give general satisfaction. He proposes to continue his SCHOOL, the ensuing year, for the instruction of boys in the Greek, Latin and English languages, Geography, and the use of the Globes, the elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying, also the elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the sixteenth of January, and expire after the tenth of December following. THOS. NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, dec. 15th, 1808. oaw4w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or six years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, straight made, has a burn on his left elbow, which prevents him from straitening his arm, and always carries it crooked; one of his under fore teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place and Hagerstown, in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any good in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same. CHAS. CORDLE. dec. 17. oaw2m
THE Subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale:— 10 Hogsheads, and 90 Barrels Loaf Sugar, 15 Hds. Brown Sugar of superior quality, 10 Tierces prime Green Coffee, 20 Bags of superior white do. 20 Hds. Molasses. 9 Casks old Port Wine, of superior quality in Bottles, 6 Cases Stoughton's Bitters, containing 2 doz. Pint Bottles each. 3 Do. Raspberry Brandy, 3 Do. Methelgen, Choice old Cogniac Brandy in Pipes, Holland and Country Gin in Do. Candles and Soap in boxes, Ground Ginger in Kegs, &c. &c. ALSO, 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, Woolens, with a very general assortment of coarse Wools, all of which will be sold low for cash, or on short credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MOUNCURE. dec. 27. oaw4w
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business, and an unexceptionable COOK; and for sale, the best male House Servant in Virginia: Also, 35 Virginia Bank Shares, for cash by P. & M. dec. 27.
NOTICE.—On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia, sundry valuable PROPERTY; to wit: The Stock of Cattle, Hogs, Horses and Sheep, the crop of Corn, Fodder, Shucks, &c. and about 200 bushels of Wheat, plantation Utensils, and about 20 likely young Negroes.—Terms of sale—one third cash, and the balance in 12 months. At the same time, will be offered for sale, the above mentioned tract of LAND, upon a credit of one, two and three years. Persons disposed to purchase this Land, had better view the same before the day of sale. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required. All those indebted to the said estate, will please make immediate payment, & those having claims, will present them on or before the day of sale. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, dec. 13. oaw6w
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
THE SUBSCRIBER wishes to know (by letter,) who is owner of a Survey made in the name of Philip R. Pendle, of 30,000 acres, in Wythe and Washington counties, Virginia, on the waters of Reed Creek and Holston River. SAMUEL GRAHAM. Wythe, Jan. 5. 1aw3w
THIS day is published, and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge, Part 3 of Vol. 1 of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost not part payment for the volume. nov. 1. [lawtf]
YOUNG LADIES' BOARDING-SCHOOL, WARRENTON.—Emboldened by the general approbation which was expressed by those patrons of Literature and Arts who honored this Institution, to their attendance in the late public examinations, and grateful for the encomiums they bestowed whilst viewing the exhibition of penmanship, needle-work, embroidery, &c. &c. I venture again to offer my services in the discharge of those duties which have occupied a material part of my latter years. Animated by the prospect of meeting the support I have hitherto received, and contemplating the pleasures I have in view, by further continuing to the benefit of the rising generation; I intend dedicating my whole time to the improvement and education of such Young Ladies as may be entrusted to my care: Assuring their parents, guardians, &c. that it shall be my constant study to discover the turn or bent of their minds; that where it is necessary, I may be able, by gentle and persuasive means, so to mollify their dispositions as to induce them to wish to learn; and where the propensity is already discernable, to heighten it by just commendation, that it may become more sedulously emulous. The utmost caution shall be used to preserve them in health, to impress them with just notions of piety and virtue, and to make them understand the necessity of attending to moral and domestic economy. In fine, such will be my pride to give entire satisfaction, that they shall know no other difference by being from home, than the absence from their parents, &c. and being obliged to attend diligently to the orders and regulations of this Institution. As viewing what has been done, is a better criterion than any other whereby to judge what may be attained, the subscriber begs leave to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that a Specimen, the performance of a Young Lady of that city, who was only eighteen months at the above Seminary, may be seen on application at Mr. Archibald Nisbet's, Merchant in Richmond. SARAH FALKENER. The School will be opened on the first day of January next. The terms for tuition, board, washing, lodging, &c. $50 are one hundred and five dollars. For day scholars twenty dollars per annum. The house is remarkably convenient and well constructed for the preservation of health. Warrenton, North-Carolina, } 1aw4w December 19th, 1808.
IN CHANCERY.—Northumberland County Court, 14th Nov. 1808. George & Thomas Brown, Complainants—against Jacob Walsh, jr. & Stokely Towles, Defendants. THIS day came the comp'lts, by their counsel, and the def't Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the comp'lts, it is decreed and ordered, that the said def't Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some news paper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the def't Towles, retain in his hands whatever money or property he may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest, FLEM, BATES, C. N. C. jan. 3. oaw8w
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808. James Goshen and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Parrott, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Wilson and John Groves, Defendants. THE defendants Joseph Wilson and John Groves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. jan. 5. oaw8w
BY virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "an act, concerning the sale of property under executions and incumbrances," executed to the subscribers, by Efford Bentley, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Thomas Perkins, as therein expressed—we shall, on Tuesday, the 17th inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, at Painesville in Amelia county, expose for sale, at public auction, for ready money, twelve NEGROES, as mentioned in said deed, to wit: Isham, Ned, Jack, Nancy and her children, Themy, Peter & Amy, Phoebe and her children, Tabby, Joshua and Nelson, and Rachael, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the debt mentioned in said deed of trust, with the interest & cost necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Amelia. ARMISTEAD T. TOWNES, } Trustees. PETER RISON, january 5. oaw3w
RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The Subscriber takes this early opportunity of informing the public, that he has leased the RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, and he pledges himself that no pains or expence will be spared on his part, to give general satisfaction to those who may visit said Springs. There are six additional houses now building, which, together with the buildings already completed, will enable him to accommodate one hundred Boarders, with their servants, comfortably. He deems it unnecessary to say anything of the valuable properties of said Waters, as the benefits experienced by persons visiting them, have already spread their fame through the greater part of the United States. Letters and News-Papers directed to the visitors at said Springs, will be delivered at the place once a week. There will be a Store kept at said Springs, containing a general assortment of Goods, Medicine, &c. ISAAC ESTILL. dec. 17. oaw5w
HAT MANUFACTORY.—GILBERT & CRAVEN, being about to establish a HAT MANUFACTORY in the city of Richmond, near opposite the street leading from Col. Mayo's Bridge, with a determined resolution to do justice to those who may favor them with their custom.—They flatter themselves that their knowledge and long experience in their business, together with the punctiliousness, neatness and dispatch with which their work will be executed, will justify their claim to public patronage.—They inform the public that they now have a large quantity of the best country made Wool Hats, and a tolerable assortment of Fine Hats. Their Manufactory will be in operation in a few weeks, when they will be able to make their assortment complete, and comply with any orders they may receive. dec. 24. oaw3w
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, to any person who will purchase the same, or a quantity of Land. It would be useless to say any thing about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. A communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3w
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Seabrook, dec'd, are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have claims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he intends closing his executorship. JAMES SEABROOK. dec. 31. oaw4w
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. dec. 17. oaw4w
LOST, a NOTE signed by Wm. Craddock, & endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond, dated the 1st of Nov. last, and due the 1st day of May, 1809, amounting to $505 1/2; it is supposed it has been dropped in the street. Any person having found the same will be liberally rewarded on leaving it with the subscribers. All persons are forwarded from receiving or trading for the same in any manner whatever. PROSSER & MOUNCURE. dec. 27. oaw4w
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Hanover court-house, on the 25th of January, 1809, being Hanover court day, by virtue of three Deeds of Trust, executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Richardson, to secure the payment of certain sums of money, therein expressed, a tract of LAND lying in the county aforesaid, containing 227 acres, more or less, adjoining the Lands of Wm. Vial and others. The terms will be, one-third cash, one-third in nine months, and the other third in twelve months, to carry interest from the day of sale. PARKE STREET, } Trustees. JOHN B. JOHNSON, } dec. 27. oaw4w
FOR SALE.—Will be sold, on Tuesday, the 16th Jan. to the highest bidder, on the premises, five valuable half acre LOTS, situated in Duvall's plan of the city of Richmond, and adjoining to the house and lot of Mr. Elias Price, & on the day following, will be sold, the HOUSE & LOT wherein the subscriber at present resides. Terms made known on day of sale. D. DORRINGTON. Dec. 31. oaw4w
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND at Lester's new Wharf: 23 Casks Earthen Ware, 25 Hds. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens, IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 15 tierces Green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sher. 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Segars, 8 bags Rice, 100 bags Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. nov. 4. [tf]
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Musician in the 8th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTEN, thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 5 feet 7 inches high, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amboy, (New-Jersey)—Hed on when he deserted, a drummer's uniform, which it is conjectured, he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, swansdown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States' service. COLIN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Port Norfolk, Dec. 31. if
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 20th ult. DANIEL LUCAS, a private of the regiment of Light Artillery, Virginia, (but whose parents now reside in Amherst) is 25 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, of a fair complexion, blue eyes, brown hair, and was by occupation a farmer. He had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of his regiment. The usual reward will be paid on his delivery to me at Fort Norfolk, or to any other officer of the United States' army. WINFIELD SCOTT, Capt. U. States' Light Artillery. dec. 31. oaw3w
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. dec. 22. tf
TO JOHN FOWLER of Kentucky, and JORDAN HARRIS, of Virginia, GENTLEMEN, Take notice, that on Thursday the 12th of next month, at John Anderson's Tavern, in New-Canton, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Robert Mosely and others, to continue from day to day, until finished: And on Friday, the 20th of next month, I shall, at Buckingham court-house, again proceed to take the deposition of Daniel Guerrant and others, which depositions are to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendants. Yours, &c. PETER GUELPANT. dec. 27. tf