The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-10-07 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
Vol. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1808.
[No. 46.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE UNION TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
FOR RENT, several number HOUSES at the Basin, together with a large and commodious Dwelling adjacent. Also, several elegant new brick Tenements on Cary Street. These buildings are all calculated for the best accommodation of merchants and traders in produce. In my absence, apply to either of my friends, Jas. C. Anthony, Thos. Wilson, or Wm. Wirt, Esqrs. D. BULLOCK.
AN AWAY from the subscriber's Farm, near Charles town, in Jefferson county, in April last, a Negro Man called JOHN ROMAN—he is about 27 years of age, about five feet five or six inches high, well made, and has a small scar between his eyes; he wore a blue cloth long coat and pantaloons, a striped cotton waistcoat, shoes and black woolen stockings, and is, by trade, an excellent black smith and gun-smith. I purchased him of Major Scott of the city of Richmond; he formerly belonged to Mr. David Ross, and lived (I am told) at Columbia on James river, employed at his trade. He was apprehended in Maryland in May, and in my absence, was brought home and placed by my overseer, in the jail of Jefferson county, from which he made his escape in a few days. He had when apprehended, a forged pass, and I am since informed, can write a tolerable hand. I will give a reward of twenty dollars, to any person who will apprehend and secure him so that I get him again. BENNETT TAYLOR. Charles town, Jfc. Co. Va. Oct. 4. [5w]
NOTICE.—The change in the Mail Establishment, from this place to Fredericksburg, which was to have taken place on the first day of October, cannot, from the loss of Burks's bridge be carried into effect, sooner than the 7th of the month. Oct. 4. [1U]
FOR SALE, 15 barrels of fresh Philadelphia Clover SEED. WHITE & SHELTON. Oct. 4. [2U]
BOARDING, LODGING, AND ENTERTAINMENT. The subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious and conveniently situated house, formerly occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main-street opposite to Harris's brick building, where she will accommodate Ladies and Gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter, or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part to give satisfaction to those who will favour her with their company. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, Sept. 30. [epit]
NOTICE.—I shall petition the Virginia Assembly, at their next session, to vest me with the right of erecting a dam across the Rivanna river, in the county of Fluvanna, for the purpose of working a water Grist Mill, from my lands on the North side of said river, to the lands of George Pickett, (late the property of David Ross,) on the opposite shore. The public are informed that the petitioner, will erect the proper locks, so as not to impede the safe navigation of said river. JOHN ASHLIN. Fluvanna, Oct. 4. [coaw4w]
DOMESTIC.
ADDRESS OF THE NEW-YORK REPUBLICANS, TO THE REPUBLICANS OF THE U. STATES. Fellow-Citizens,
An interesting crisis has taken place in the affairs of your country. The war which during many years had agitated the nations of Europe, has at length extended its baneful effects to us. In the course of an arduous contest, France had acquired the absolute dominion of the European continent, while Great Britain has maintained an unrivalled ascendancy upon the ocean. Impregnable and invulnerable to each other by the operations of an ordinary warfare, the high contending parties have been driven to a conflict of policy rather than of arms. England on one hand resolved to interdict the furnishing supplies to France, and her dependencies. While France on the other, determined to assail the commerce of her rival, which she perceived to be the foundation of her power and the sinews of her maritime greatness. A contest so desperate in its nature, so peculiar in its character, has interrupted or destroyed the intercourse of nations. Laws that have followed the footsteps of civilization, principles rendered venerable by their justice and antiquity; rules which during centuries had established and confirmed the relative rights and duties of neutrals and belligerents, have been openly disregarded. The moral code of nations has been sternly prostrated, and every privilege of independent states, subverted by the arbitrary will of despotism and by the power of the sword.
Far distant from these dreadful scenes of contention and of blood, pursuing an equitable and peaceful policy; reposing itself upon the wisdom, justice and impartiality of its measures, our administration fondly hoped, that the distant tempest would not approach; or but slightly affect our shores. Extending our national hospitality to every people, rendering equal justice to all; conferring upon none, a privilege or favor that was denied to another; considering them alike as friends in peace, and enemies alike in war, it was the only wish of our government to afford security to the citizen, and to protect him in those useful pursuits of agriculture, commerce and industry which are equally essential to subsistence and to happiness.
The farewell advice of the great and excellent WASHINGTON should be deeply impressed upon our minds. "OBSERVE," said that enlightened patriot, "good faith & justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened and at no distant period, a GREAT NATION, to give mankind, the magnanimous and too novel example, of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it
be that providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?"
"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connections as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop."
"Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or in the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities."
"Our detached & distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel."
"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the trials of European ambition, rivalry, interest, humor or caprice?"
"Such was the sage advice afforded by the man, who has been distinguished by the name of father of his country, upon the eve of his retiring forever from public life. We cannot doubt the sagacity of his judgement, nor question the disinterested purity of his intentions. Such also has been the outline of the system pursued by our republican administration with undeviating firmness and fidelity."
At the commencement of the war, which with a transient intermission, has so long ravaged the finest countries of Europe, the government of these United States, determined to adopt and maintain a system of rigid neutrality. At an early period of the contest, Great Britain calculating upon the formidable strength of the coalition, openly avowed a war of conquest and extermination. On the 8th June, 1793, she issued her celebrated orders in council, declaring among other infractions of the right of neutral commerce, that it should be lawful to seize and detain all vessels laden in whole or in part with corn or meal destined to any port in France, or to any place occupied by the French armies. Notwithstanding the rigor and injustice of this interdict; and notwithstanding the rapacity and spoliation of all the belligerents, captures during the first war were comparatively less frequent. Our differences were submitted to negotiation and settled by treaties. Commerce, though greatly harassed, continued to flourish and remained a source of national revenue as well as individual emolument.
The peace of Amiens, which had promised to restore repose to the world, was of but short duration. In the year 1802, hostility became renewed with equal asperity and vigor. From that period until after 1805, American commerce continued with but little variation upon the footing of the former war. A change in the British ministry took place. Former ministers were considered to have been too favorable to the United States. A spirit of jealousy was indulged against our trade. We were accused, with having fraudulently covered enemy's property, and of being the mere carriers of an enemy's commerce. A system of severe commercial restriction was, under that pretext, meditated and avowed by the present cabinet.
While the court and cabinet of Great Britain, regardless of every consideration of national right, had thus determined to restrain the commerce of the United States, the decisive victory at Austerlitz, conferred upon their warlike rival, the absolute dominion of the continent. On the 21st November 1806 at Berlin, the conquered capital of Prussia, an imperial decree was passed, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, and prohibiting commerce and correspondence with them. This decree however was a subject of explanation, and remained for a considerable period, unexecuted, or but partially enforced, against the United States. On the 7th of January, 1807, the cabinet of England issued retaliating orders and on the 11th of November following proclaimed those decisive and arbitrary orders of her privy council, by which all trade directly from America to every port and country of Europe, at war with Great Britain, or from which the British flag is excluded, is totally prohibited. The prohibition included every part of the continent of Europe, with the single and precarious exception of the barren kingdom of Sweden.
The United States were indeed permitted to export their own produce, directly to Sweden alone; but in every other case our cargoes were ordered to be first landed in a British port, a British permission for re-exportation to be obtained and British duties paid. Those new orders, by the confession of an English writer, were of a description to produce a revolution in the whole commerce of the world, and a total derangement of those neutral rights and relations by which civilized nations have hitherto been connected.
The orders of the British privy council were immediately followed by the counter-vailing regulations passed at Milan, December 17, 1807. By the decree of Milan, every vessel which has been visited by an English ship, or which has submitted to make a voyage to England, or has paid any duty to the English government, is declared denationalized, to have forfeited the rights of her flag, and to be deemed and taken for British property.
Every vessel of whatever nation she may be, or whatever description her cargo may be, which is cleared out in the harbors of England or in English colonies, or in places
in possession of English troops, or steering her course to England, English colonies, or to places in possession of the English troops, shall be considered good and lawful prize. The Milan decree was enforced by a proclamation of the King of Spain, dated from Aranjuez, the 3d January last.
You will readily perceive that adverse orders and decrees so comprehensive in their extent, produced of necessity the total annihilation of commerce. We were the only neutral nation that aspired to commercial commerce; it was therefore perfectly understood, and must have been contemplated by the belligerents, that these decrees and orders should be and were, principally directed against us. There scarcely remained a port in the world to which a cargo could be shipped, or a spot upon the ocean that could be navigated with safety. With the single exception of that of Sweden, the whole sea coast of continental Europe, from the Archipelago to the farthest extremity of Norway, was in the possession of France or of her allies. If we destined a vessel to the continent, we violated the orders of privy council; if we sent a ship to an English port, we infringed the Berlin decree; if the vessel was bound to Clear Britain in the first instance with a view of lading her cargo and paying duties there, and from thence proceeding to the continent, we contravened the decree of Milan. In either event, there was no escape from capture and from condemnation. The direct operation and manifest intention of the British orders were to abrogate every ancient principle that had been settled by the law of nations; to render American commerce dependent upon the mandate of her privy council, to impose a tax and to create a revenue from our trade. We could not submit to these innovations without consenting to become the tributaries of England. The decrees of France, on the other hand, being equally an infraction of the laws of nations, sought the destruction of a commerce which her enemy had resolved to abridge, or to regulate in such a manner as to render it subservient to its own resources. In a state of affairs thus desperate and humiliating, a continuance of commerce would have amounted to a surrender of our independent rights, equally degrading and ruinous. Such an acquiescence could neither have been reconciled with the duties of our government, the dignity of the nation, the interests of our citizens in general, or even with those of the merchants in particular.
From the stern and arbitrary regulations of the cabinets of Europe, we direct the attention for a moment to the conduct of belligerent cruisers on the coast of the United States. Our West-India trade, had long been infested by the privateers of New-Providence, and in proportion to their means by those of the French. But with respect to the English, to retrospect no farther than to 1804, detachments from their regular navy were stationed along our shore. Our principal sea ports were closely blockaded, our vessels watched and intercepted, our native as well as lawfully naturalized seamen impressed by violence and the whole of our commerce subjected to their abuse. Not contented with attacking private vessels, they fired at the revenue cutter, stationed at New York, and commanded by captain Brewster, within our own waters and acknowledged jurisdiction. On the 25th of April, 1806, the murder of Pierce was perpetrated within the limits of the port of New York. To injure the feelings and prostrate the dignity of our country, the offender capt Whitty of the Leander, instead of being punished, is stated to have been elevated to a superior command. On the 22d June, 1807, our national frigate the Chesapeake, unprepared for an attack, her commander believing his country to remain in a state of peace, relying upon the inviolability of our jurisdiction and the protection of our laws, was forcibly attacked by the Leopard ship of war, commanded by capt. Humphreys, under the superior direction of the British Admiral, Berkeley, several of our fellow-citizens killed and some of her seamen, proved to be Americans, impressed by violence. Such has been, and such exists the state of our affairs. Atrocious injuries have been aggravated by marked and repeated indignities. Each belligerent without exception or distinction, had determined that our commerce should be its victim, but England in particular, exulting in the strength of her navy, openly discarded every semblance of equity and every appearance of moderation. She blockaded our harbors. She captured our merchant ships. She attacked a national vessel. She impressed and impresses our native mariners and by the tenor of her conduct evinces obdurate and unrelenting hostility.
The concerns of our country had arrived at an unexampled crisis. It was necessary to determine upon peace or war. The latter was to be sustained with fortitude, if rendered inevitable. The former, unquestionably preferable, if possible to preserve it, by policy, by the force of reason, or even by moderate sacrifices. Government was compelled to elect between its pacific and neutral system, and an immediate recurrence to hostility. It has succumbed to preserve the liberties, and cherish the interests of our country. Commerce rigorously interdicted by foreigners could not have been pursued with advantage, to any class of our citizens. An equal and impartial intercourse with the powers at war, was sternly prohibited by all; a partial intercourse with one, must have immediately terminated in an open and immediate rupture with the others.
Fellow-Citizens! Our fathers and our elder brothers would not submit to taxation by the British Parliament. In justice to their memories, to our cause and to our nation, we cannot submit to commercial taxation by an English Privy Council.
Fellow-Citizens! We are now a respectable, and in the language of WASHINGTON, will shortly become a great nation. We have received the inestimable and dear bought prize of independence, we now enjoy its blessings, and shall we not preserve them?
Fellow-Citizens, our fathers and our elder brothers were strictly virtuous. They voluntarily abandoned the bosoms of their families and every profitable pursuit of life. They cheerfully encountered the dangers
and hardships of a dreadful and protracted war—and shall not we, enjoying a free and fruitful country, endure a temporary suspension of trade, which, with ordinary fortitude, must bring our enemies to terms? Have we in a few years been rendered so degenerate? Do we value the inestimable blessings of freedom and independence? Can we expect to retain those blessings, if we cease to strive for and to deserve them?
We entertain no partiality, we cherish no preference; we indulge neither causeless prejudices nor partial affection towards France or England. Each of those powers have deeply injured us, they have equally violated the laws and invaded the sovereign rights of nations. As it is our duty, so let it be our determined resolution, to resist the injurious Decrees of the one, with as much energy as the arbitrary Orders of the other. The interests and the honor of our country demand this course.
Fellow-Citizens, our national character and our public interests are at stake. If we surrender now, we may yield forever. This is the proud and decisive moment, in which we must determine the question, whether we can maintain our real independence? Such is the hapless condition of society in that quarter of the Globe, that the nations of Europe will be constantly warring against each other. Our country is too important to remain unnoticed. We must determine to maintain our neutral stand at present or remain exposed to their intrigues and attempts to involve us in their incessant struggles, for ever. Should they succeed, their attempts will be perpetually renewed—if they fail, their present privations and disappointments will deter them from similar endeavors in future times. In maintaining our own, we are in fact, contending for the neutral and commercial rights of every people. Our own posterity will bless, and future nations regard us, with approbation and applause.
But indulging a more limited and interested view of this important subject. Disregarding for a moment the dignity of our nation, the honor of our flag, the permanent rights of commerce, our substantial interests and future security. What, we may enquire, would have been our present condition, if the government of our country had adopted any different plan? Could we in any case or by any different course of conduct, have experienced a more beneficial result?
We must be satisfied in the first place, that our government has determined from the best and purest intentions. Indulging no favor or fear, no partiality, affection or preference towards either of the powers at war; it has cherished no interest separate from the welfare of its country. If the path which it has pursued with integrity has been marked by wisdom, shall it not receive our gratitude and approbation?
However aggravated the injuries and provocations we have received, however justifiable the measure might have been; suppose that abandoning every present prospect and wish of Peace, we had resolved upon immediate war, would any additional good have been obtained, or the interests of any portion of our country been better cherished? War would not have promoted agriculture, or have restored our commerce. It would have multiplied our expenses, impelled us to taxation and added its every calamity to our present comparatively inferior privations.
Neither was it possible to have continued our accustomed commerce under the severe restrictions and injuries it had experienced. Our vessels would have been captured, their cargoes seized and all inevitably condemned. Our brave and unoffending mariners would have been exposed to long and hopeless captivity, and absent from their families and homes, been immured in foreign ships, or confined in distant prisons, during times in which their services may be most necessary to their country, and finally when deprived of our vessels and stripped of our property; when so great a portion of our resources, incautiously exposed had fallen, perhaps into the hand of the enemy, without possessing one rational prospect of advantage, we must of necessity, have been driven into war.
It is impossible that we should speak of the existing opposition to government, in terms of adequate indignation and sensibility. If an opposition, thus wanton and unfounded in principle, has not been able to embarrass the administration, it has at least increased the obstinacy of belligerents and impeded the progress of negotiation. We are common partakers of the benefits of our country, we should sustain its distresses with fortitude and fidelity. Your government, your countrymen and friends, look to you for support. The eyes of foreign nations are steadfastly directed towards you. The interesting question is now to be decided whether the people of America, possess sufficient intelligence and public spirit to support the measures of their administration, or whether they will tamely abandon their every estimable right to the hand of violence and rapine. Let us decide this point with dignity and virtue. When France and Britain behold our steady resolution, they will probably be constrained to yield their arrogant pretensions.
In the midst of these difficulties, the government of our country has pursued a course equally distinguished by firmness and moderation. In the pursuit of a pacific system, it has studied the interests and regarded the sentiments of the people. The unprejudiced world must be convinced that it has been actuated by a sense of justice, and not influenced by terror. In all its negotiations it has respected the proper claims of other nations, but it has also evinced a full determination, never to surrender the essential rights of our own. The last treaty attempted to be formed with Great Britain, is acknowledged by an English author to have been even less favorable to us than that which was granted by Mr. Pitt, and it was principally rejected because it contained no substantial provision for the security of our seamen. In the last negotiation with England, it was desired by our government that every subject of difference should have been settled and nothing left to future controversy. At the request of Mr. Rose, we cheerfully consented to separate the affair of the Chesapeake from other topics of dispute; but that minister neither
consented to afford a previous satisfaction nor would he condescend to inform us what terms were contemplated by his government as a just and necessary reparation. The correspondence upon this occasion has been communicated to the public. It evinces the utmost spirit of justice and frankness on the part of our government, but an unconciliating disposition and total want of candor in the opposite party.
Representations have been made that our administration is adverse to the interests of commerce. Every suggestion to that effect is foreign to the truth. Instead of being hostile to trade, its best endeavors are exercised to maintain our commercial rights; such has been its regard for commerce, and such its voluntary dependence upon it, that it has relinquished every species of direct tax, and placed its reliance upon the resources derived from trade. Your own intelligence must determine who are the best friends of commerce, those who are able and firmly maintaining our commercial rights, or those who for the sake of a temporary and precarious traffic at the risk of war, are willing to surrender them to a foreign power? Gladly would our government remove the embargo. Ready it is to renew our accustomed trade and intercourse with nations the moment it can be done, without the sacrifices of principles and privileges which a virtuous people, and an enlightened administration can never abandon.
Fellow-Citizens, it is hoped that we need not apologise for having trespassed thus long upon your attention. We are the inhabitants of a common country, we possess a mutual interest and are bound by reciprocal obligations. Our nation has been injured, our administration has faithfully performed its duties. Let us examine the measures that have been pursued with candor and impartiality, and let us afford to a virtuous government that support which is worthy of a generous, free, and enlightened people.
And now to you, as republicans, as friends of the constitution, and advocates of the union of our country, permit us to make a candid appeal. We sincerely believe, that upon the preservation of the general republican party under providence, the liberties and happiness of these United States depend. Let us cherish virtuous and salutary principles. Let us promote a spirit of union. Let us discountenance contentions and jealousies between state and state—and consider ourselves citizens of one nation, one free and happy country. In the choice of our general officers, let our councils be unmingled by personal preferences and local partialities. Let us remember forever, this solemn truth, that our union is the palladium of our civil liberty. Let us resist and prostrate faction, by whatsoever persons, under whatsoever form, or with whatsoever pretext, its base may be erected. Let us never violate that sacred rule, which freedom cannot survive, that the will of a majority ought to be pursued, and finally, let us remember that the existence of our Republic depends upon its virtues. And let us therefore, fellow citizens, support the government of our choice. Let us also, support such candidates for offices in the general government, as are regularly selected and recommended by a republican majority of the union. Steadfastly pursuing the path of patriotism, convinced that we are promoting the happiness of our country, however we may lament the errors of opposition, we shall feel happy and tranquil in the exercise of rectitude, and cheerfully entrust the final success of virtue to heaven and to you.
On Monday 19th instant, the Freemen of Connecticut met in their respective towns for the purpose of choosing their representatives in the national and state Legislature, and of making out a nomination from which in April next are to be chosen the assistants and counsellors for the next year. The present delegates in Congress, viz. Champion, Dana, Davenport, Mosely, Pitkin, Sturges, and Talmadge, are all re-chosen without opposition. The federal ticket for nomination of assistants, has wholly prevailed, with an increased majority. In the House of Representatives, consisting of 199 members, there will be 149 federalists....Conn. Courant.
NEW-YORK, September 30. A letter received in this city from Baracoa, via Havanna, dated 2d September, says, "A vessel arrived here this morning from St. Jago, brings advice that the inhabitants of St. Thomas are evacuating the Island, on account of the great scarcity of provisions."
Our attentive correspondent at Havanna has favored us with a list of SEVENTY-FIVE American vessels at the port of Havanna on the 12th inst. Twenty three of which belong to this port.
BALTIMORE, October 1.
Yesterday a Barbacue was given on the hill on the east side of Jones's Fall's opposite general Striker's mill, at which the citizens of the city and county, of every political character, were invited to attend. Nearly 4,000 attended.
Mr. Pollock opened the business of the day, upon a stage previously erected, and after some observations, declined a poll in favor of Mr. McKim.
Mr. McKim then rose and addressed himself in a concise but energetic speech, in which he lamented the absence of his opponent, a circumstance that prevented him from going so minutely into a discussion as he could wish. Mr. McKim was frequently interrupted, with shouts of applause.
General Smith was then called upon from all quarters, and obeying the popular impulse, rose and addressed the audience in a handsome, energetic and pertinent address, on the subject of the present election. Times will not permit us to go into a detail of the general's speech. The general, however, concluded by expressing a hope that his fellow citizens would generally attend the polls on Monday next, and support those sentiments they then expressed, not only by their own votes but those of their friends. The general was almost momentarily interrupted with bursts of applause.
After the general retired, capt. Chambers was called upon, who spoke in his usual pox-

tinence and eccentricity, well calculated to merit the applause of his fellow citizens.
After which a procession was formed of foot and horse, consisting of nearly 3 000 active republicans, who marched into the city, accompanied by the American standard and martial music.
Together with a standard on which was inscribed "No Winder—no Tribute"—Moore and M'Kim, and American Independence. The procession entered the city through Howard Street, marched down Market, through South and Water Streets, until they arrived at General Smith's, where they gave three cheers and quietly dispersed. They gave three cheers in passing Mr. M'Kim's counting house. Indeed yesterday afternoon was somewhat portentous of the defeat which federalism will experience on Monday.
PORTSMOUTH, Sept. 24.
When Gen. Dearborn, Secretary at War, was in town last week, he received a letter from the President, which informed him that dispatches had been received from Mr. Pinkney at London, advising that the English Cabinet were disposed to settle the differences existing between the two governments, and that the prospect of accommodation was flattering. This is the substance of the important news. As far as it goes, we are glad to hear it, but its importance is much more derived from its indicating the disposition of the President than its giving any evidence of disposition, or any thing new across the Atlantic.
We are happy to learn (says a late Boston Chronicle) that his Excellency the Governor is so far convalescent, as to be able to ride.
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in Havana, to another in New-York, dated Sept. 11th.
A brig arrived here yesterday from St. Thomas. An express from Barbadoes, which has reached St. Thomas, brings dates as late as the 31st of July from Cadiz, and 1st August from Gibraltar, mentioning that a force of 300,000 Spaniards had marched to the frontiers of the Kingdom; that the French in Spain were nearly exterminated; and that Murat and every other general of note were held as hostages for the safe return of the King Ferdinand VII.
(The story about Murat must be false. According to English accounts he was in France, going to some mineral springs for the restoration of his health.)
WASHINGTON, October 3.
Yesterday the President of the United States, arrived from Monticello.
Mr. Madison Secretary of State, Mr. Gallatin Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Smith Secretary of the Navy arrived last evening.
AN ACT, to regulate the trade between Great Britain, and the United States of America until the end of the next session of Parliament. June 23.
1. WHEREAS, it is expedient to permit goods, wares, and merchandise, being of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the United States of America to be imported directly from thence into Great Britain, in British or American ships or vessels, subject to such duties only, as are payable on the like commodities when imported from other foreign countries;
Be it enacted, That from and after the end of the present session of Parliament, it shall and may be lawful for any person, or persons, to import into Great Britain, directly from any of the territories of the United States of America, in British built ships or vessels, owned, navigated, and registered according to law, or in ships or vessels built in the countries belonging to the United States of America, or any of them, or in ships or vessels taken by any of the ships or vessels of war belonging to the government or any of the inhabitants of the said United States, having commissions or letters of marque or reprisal from the government of the said United States, and condemned as lawful prizes in any court of admiralty of the said United States; of which Condemnation Proof shall be given to the commissioners of his majesty's Customs or any four or more of them in England or Scotland respectively, and owned by the subjects of the said United States or any of them; and whereof the master and three fourths of the mariners at least, are subjects of the United States; any goods, wares, merchandise, the growth production and manufacture, of the said United States, which are not prohibited by law to be imported from Foreign countries to enter and land such goods, wares, and merchandise, upon payment of the duties and subject to the Conditions and Regulations herein after mentioned, any Law, Custom and Usage to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding.
2. And be it further enacted, That all such goods, wares, and merchandise, imported into Great Britain, either in such ships or vessels or in British built ships or vessels, owned, navigated, and registered, according to Law, shall and may be entered and landed upon payment of such Duties of Customs and Excise and no higher, except as herein after is provided as are payable on goods, wares, and merchandise, of the like denomination or description upon their importation into Great Britain, from any other foreign country, and in cases where different duties are imposed, upon goods, wares, and merchandise of the like denomination or description imported from different foreign Countries, these upon payment of the lowest duties which by law are now required to be paid on the importation of any such goods, &c. from any other foreign Country. Provided always, that when any goods, wares, or merchandise, are imported from the said United States, in any ship or vessel not being British built, owned, navigated, and registered, according to law, such goods, wares, and merchandise, shall be liable and subject to the duties due and payable on similar articles when so imported from any other foreign country.
NOTES.
Tobacco to be subject to the same duty as if imported in the British colonies, &c. Snuff subject to the same duty, as if imported from Europe.
Drawback to be allowed on the exportation of such goods.
Duties payable to Corporations not to be affected.
Duties to be levied and applied as their duties of Customs and Excise.
His Majesty in Council may suspend the provision of this Act.
And this Act shall continue in force to the end of the next session of Parliament.
Elevated Warfare. —A singular species of duel has lately taken place at Paris. M. Grandpre and M. Le Pique, having quarrelled about a celebrated Opera dancer, who was kept by the former, but had been discovered in an intrigue with the latter, a challenge ensued. Being both men of elevated minds, they agreed to fight in balloons. On the day appointed, the parties met at a field adjoining the Thuilleries, where their respective balloons were ready to receive them. Each, attended by his second, ascended his car, with loaded blunderbusses, as pistols could not be expected to be efficient in their probable situations. A multitude attended, hearing of the balloons, but little dreaming of the purpose; the Parisians merely looked for the novelty of a balloon race. At 9 o'clock the cords were cut, and the balloons ascended majestically, amidst the shouts of the spectators. The wind was moderate, blowing from the N. N. W. and they kept as far as could be judged, within eighty yards of each other. When they had mounted to the height of about nine hundred yards, M. Le Pique fired his piece ineffectually; almost immediately after, the fire was returned by M. Grandpre, and perforated his adversary's balloon; the consequence of which was its rapid descent, and M. Le Pique and his second, were both dashed to pieces on a house top, over which the balloon fell. The victorious Grandpre then mounted aloof in the grandest style, and descended safe, with his second, about seven leagues from the place of ascension. (London paper of July 24.)
During some late excursions at Rome, there was discovered a subterraneous passage, by which the emperors could go from their palace to the Flavian theatre, without being observed. Close to this passage there were erected about 20 fornices, or small chain bars lighted from above. Ibid.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, OCTOBER 7, 1808.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR,
I HAVE read with no small degree of surprise, the address of the Monroe Committee to the people of Virginia. Their long silence on the subject of the election, and the unequivocal proofs which have been given, that Mr. Monroe is not the choice of the people of this state, had led me to suppose, that his cause had been abandoned in despair. Whether this perseverance is to be ascribed to a real belief that Mr. Monroe can be elected, is a question which it is unimportant to decide. The friends of Mr. Madison, if they have reason to dread the success of any rival candidate, have surely nothing to apprehend from Mr. Monroe. Had the committee, therefore, confined themselves to the usual topics which are resorted to on such occasions; had they only reiterated their old objections to the caucuses which were held last winter; had they merely displayed in ostentatious colours the transcendent virtues of their favorite, not forgetting the negative merit of having given no offence, while he filled the harmless station of a governor of Virginia; or had they simply paid a cold and unmeaning compliment to Mr. Madison, which, by suppressing every single act of his illustrious career, leaves the false inference to be drawn, that his services are of an ordinary stamp; had this been the course of the committee, they could not have provoked a reply. These are the common arts of zealous partisans, and the public well know how to appreciate them. They have already spent their force; all the benefit or mischief which they are capable of producing, has long been obtained; and they have sunk into neglect by their own imbecility.
But the committee have gone further than this. They have connected the election of Col. Monroe with certain questions of public policy, which now divide and agitate this country. They have placed him, in some degree, in opposition to the present administration, and recommend his election upon the ground, that he alone can redeem the country from the evils into which it has been plunged.
It is very singular that this disclosure should have been reserved to so late a period. Col. Monroe has been held up as a candidate for more than nine months. During all this time, the people have been left without any certain information as to his opinions on some of the most important subjects which can engage the attention of the American public. The most anxious enquiries have only ended in disappointment. The cause of this anxiety will be readily perceived by those who are acquainted with the events of the last two or three years.
While Col. M. was absent in Europe, a schism took place in the republican party. This originated at first in a mere question of expediency; and although the leader of the minority evinced even then, a great hostility to the administration, yet it was hoped that time and reflection would again restore harmony. But every hour since that period has widened the breach, until it can no longer be denied that a re-union is impracticable. From that time until the present, no measure of the government has escaped the determined opposition of the minority.
When Col. M. returned to the U. S. he was hailed with joy by the whole republican party. It was not then known that any difference of opinion existed between him and the administration on the subject of our foreign relations. Nor was it believed that he had any connection with the opposition. Under these circumstances, many warm friends of the administration supported his election as President. When the treaty appeared, however, it was apparent that Col. M.'s views were diametrically opposite to those of the government. It was no longer possible to support him as President without condemning the course which had been pursued. Those of his supporters therefore, who still remained attached to the administration and preferred principles to men , were under the necessity of withdrawing from his cause. Their confidence in his integrity was unimpaired; but they could not give their sanction to a system of policy which they regarded as subversive of the best interests of this country.
These considerations, however, did not deter the minority from persevering in their support; on the contrary it animated their exertions. It was natural that suspicions should have been excited by these circumstances, of a coincidence of opinion between Col. M. and his supporters. These doubts might have been dispelled by a single word from that gentleman. But even that word was denied. I will not determine on the propriety of this course of conduct. It may have been dignified and wise. But every
rational man must admit, that a doubt on so important a subject, is a sufficient objection to a candidate for the Presidency. In our ordinary county elections, we take care to bind the candidate by the most explicit declarations. Can it be less necessary in the choice of a President, that the people should understand the principles upon which he is to act?
But whatever doubt may exist as to Col. Monroe, there can be none as to his standing committee. I speak of these gentlemen only in their public characters. As individuals, they are deservedly respectable; and there can be no doubt that their aberrations are honest mistakes. If their publications are to be received as a criterion of their principles, it is apparent that they are dissatisfied with the administration, and that they wish for a radical change of measures. Their first address to the people contained some imperfect hints to that effect; but the last breathes the whole spirit of the minority. These opinions in themselves, certainly afford no ground for censure; but it is much to be regretted that the disclosure of them should have been reserved for so late a period. Had they been avowed at first, it would have been distinctly understood, what were the grounds upon which Col. M. was supported. It would then have appeared that neither his honorable scars during the revolution—nor his capacious mind—nor his unrivalled merits as governor of Virginia, were the only operative reasons for his election. The people would then have known, that opposition to the administration was one very essential ingredient. They had a right to know this, because representative government is but a shawl, where the people do not understand the principles of their public agents. Let it not be said that the minority do not form a party distinct from the republican majority. The more candid of that party admit the fact. If an uniform opposition to the measures of the majority; if violent denunciations of all who have any part in the administration; if these are just criteria of distinct parties, then are the minority and their opponents antipodes to each other.
Perhaps I shall do injustice to Col. M. when I suppose that his sentiments are the same with those of his committee. If it shall appear that I am mistaken in this, I shall cheerfully retract. But in the absence of the sun, we must be content to be guided by a taper. Until his opinions are given by himself, we can only rely on the vote of his proxies.
But the address of the committee merits a more particular examination. They have now introduced the embargo, for the first time, as an argument in favor of Col. Monroe's election. They have described in dolorous strains, the complicated evils which have resulted from that measure; and hold forth the pleasing prospect, that the election of their candidate will extricate us from all our difficulties. They have not condescended to give us their opinions in explicit terms, about the original expediency of the embargo; nor do they inform us what are the sentiments of Col. Monroe himself, on that subject. Indeed they declare that it is unimportant to enquire into the causes which led to that measure.
Sir, the time has arrived when it is the sacred duty of every American citizen to speak his sentiments without reserve. If we are involved in great difficulties, it is necessary to enquire whether this situation has been produced by uncontrolable events, or whether it has proceeded from the imbecility or wickedness of those who administer our affairs. If the former shall appear to be the just conclusion, it becomes us to support the government with manly firmness, in defiance of the clamors and artifices of designing or mistaken men. On the other hand, our minds are brought to the conviction of the truth of the other alternative, it is no less a duty to denounce the men and the measures which have led us into these misfortunes. To a mind which is unbiased by party or personal feelings, there can be no middle course. At this moment neutrality is a high political offence. While the conflict of parties is raging with unexampled violence, no man can be permitted to stand aloof from the storm, in order that he may take advantage of the event, whatever it may be. Every citizen has his post assigned him, either of attack or defence. It is not therefore without painful reflections, that we find such respectable characters as the Monroe Committee, withholding their sentiments as to the wisdom and expediency of the Embargo, and coldly telling us, that whatever may be the causes which produced it, the evils which we actually feel, are sufficient inducements to change our system of measures. Were the gentlemen ignorant that this question had engrossed almost the whole of the public attention? Every Gazette must have informed them of this. Have they not yet formed an opinion on the subject? Their talents forbid the supposition. Did they believe the embargo to have been originally wrong? Then the objection to its expediency would have been so much stronger than the argument derived merely from the pressure it has produced; that their sagacity could not have failed to urge it. Did they believe it to have been originally right, the effect of prudence if not of necessity? If this be their opinion, it is not for them to complain of its necessary effects; and candor required them to avow the sentiment and bear testimony to the wisdom of those who enacted the law. But without expressing approbation or censure, they endeavor to draw from the consequences of the measure, some advantage to their candidate.
The discontent which the embargo has created, seemed too favorable a circumstance for those who wish a change of measures, to be lost. The friends of Col. Monroe, hoped to draw some adventitious aid from a measure, which neither he nor his committee, (as far as the public are informed,) had any merit in promoting or opposing, in approving or condemning. In this conduct they are by no means singular. The advocates of all the other candidates (except those of Mr. Madison,) have acted in the same manner. The friends of Mr. Pinkney and of Mr. Clinton, both unite in their execrations of the embargo and endeavor to catch a little popularity, by promising its repeal. Thus is a measure of great and vital importance made the stalking-horse of party, and subservient to electioneering views. But the supporters of Mr. Pinkney have one great advantage over the friends of Mr. Clinton and Mr. Monroe. They are not restrained by any considerations from condemning the embargo in its principles and objects as well as in its consequences. But the committee of Col. Monroe, sensible that the public have never been informed of his disapprobation of the measure, find it expedient to wave all enquiry into the causes which produced it; and unable to give an
unequivocal assurance, that he will change the present system, are driven to the ridiculous necessity of saying, that he "will stand a better chance" of extricating us, than his competitor.
It is a perfect novelty in political reasoning to say, that a measure is to be condemned without considering the causes and reasons which produced it. However great the distresses of the embargo may be, no man will place them in competition with the sufferings of the people, during the revolutionary war. Had the United States reasoned at that period, as the committee now do, our independence would never have been achieved. If they had only confined their views to the actual evils they endured, without looking back on their original cause, it would have been preposterous to persevere in a contest which brought them to the brink of ruin. But they were animated through their arduous trials, by the recollection, that they were contending for National Independence and every thing that the human heart holds dear. They kept their eyes steadfastly fixed on the cause of the conflict, and preferred the worst afflictions which the imagination could conceive, to a base submission to tyranny. The cause of that contest and of the present, is the same; it is National Independence . I trust that our conduct will prove that we are the legitimate children of those illustrious men, who poured forth their great souls in defence of their country's honor; and that in the extremity of our sufferings, we shall never forget the noble cause in which we are engaged.
But it is urged as an unanswerable objection to Mr. Madison, that he "stands committed by his writings and acts on a very question between us and foreign nations."
When men differ on a plain principle of conduct, it is evident that one side or the other must be warped by the unfortunate influence of some passion or prejudice. If an action which appears highly meritorious to one, seems only worthy of censure to another, one of the parties must have assumed a false standard of morality.
That Mr. Madison stands committed on every question between us and foreign nations, is undeniably true. If he has committed himself in a bad cause, or upon wrong principles, this would afford an unanswerable objection to him. But if the cause is a good one, if he has placed it upon correct grounds, then his committing himself is not a cause for censure but approbation. In the present contest with foreign powers, the question relates to the extent of neutral rights. If Mr. Madison has claimed greater privileges for neutrals than the law of nations will warrant; if he has made exorbitant demands on belligerent powers, which they ought not, in justice, to grant; then indeed it would be improper to place him at the head of our affairs. On the other hand, if he has made a firm and manly stand against the encroachments of foreign nations, he has a double claim on our gratitude as well as our justice, that he shall not be abandoned. Had the committee therefore boldly contended, that the principles on which Mr. Madison has committed himself, were untenable, however we might have thought them mistaken, they would at least have been intelligible. But they have not done this. They have thrown out of the question the right or wrong of the subject. They have asserted that the mere circumstance of Mr. Madison's being committed, is a sufficient objection to him. In what system of ethics the gentlemen have found this doctrine, it is impossible to say. But there is a moral sense deeply implanted in the heart, which revolts with horror from the idea of abandoning a faithful officer whose only crime it is, to have vindicated with ardent zeal and unrivalled talents, the dearest rights of his country.
But is Mr. Madison the only man who stands committed? No. The legislature of the union are placed in the same predicament. Nor is this all. The whole American people have pronounced their judgment on the questions between us and foreign nations. No man can have forgotten that tempest of addresses and remonstrances which assailed the executive from every quarter, when this subject was first agitated. And it is a fact worthy of being recorded, that among those who are now most clamorous against the government, and who speak in the gentle strain of concession towards foreign nations, there are many who were formerly the loudest in their indignation at the wrongs we had received. The object of the committee then will not be answered by a mere change of the President. They must effect a revolution in Congress itself and throughout the country. But supposing this end attainable, would the committee wish us to retrace our steps and descend from the high ground we have taken? Would they wish to see their country, after having committed itself on every point in dispute with foreign nations, meanly retract its principles, because it has not fortitude enough to bear the evils of an embargo?—When they are presented with national degradation on the one hand, and an embargo or war on the other, will they hesitate as to the choice?
The situation of Col. Monroe is placed in contrast with that of Mr. Madison. We are told that he is not committed by his acts or writings , on the questions between us and foreign nations; & therefore he is left with greater freedom of action, than his competitor. This remark conveys an insinuation on Col. Monroe, which even his political opponents would not have made. It supposes that he would be more governed by a regard for the reputation of consistency, than by the honest dictates of his judgement. But an honest patriot pursues the impulse of conscience without attending to the censures of the world. He does not feel himself bound to persevere in an error merely because he may have committed it to writing; and on the other hand, he does not imagine that he has greater latitude, because he may never have expressed his opinions. Whatever may be Col. Monroe's opinions, he little deserves the high character he possesses, unless he will pursue them under all circumstances. If therefore he has formed any judgement on the subjects in question, he is to every purpose committed until his convictions shall be altered.
But surely the evil genius of the committee must have prompted them to declare that Col. Monroe has never committed himself. To a certain extent, this is not correct. The treaty which he signed and unquestionably how far we ought to go, in his opinion, in concessions to Great Britain; and we can hardly expect better terms from him as President, than he was willing to accept as minister. But admitting the assertion in the utmost latitude, can it deserve encomium that he has never given an opinion on subjects of such vast magnitude as those which now divide
the American people? It is surely so great a virtue, that it entitles us to a more minute examination of the address of the committee than it would otherwise deserve, because I deem it important that the public should distinctly understand the grounds on which the several candidates are supported. This labor would have been superfluous, if the Monroe committee had avowed explicitly the whole extent of their pretensions. If I have succeeded in this attempt, the Presidential election will be no longer a question about men , but principles . The people will decide, not merely whether Monroe or Madison shall be President, but whether they will support or abandon the present system of measures. Under the cover of a contested election, attempts are made to introduce principles of which the people are not apprised. The whole system of politics seems to be completely disorganised. The two parties opposed to the administration, however they may differ from each other, unite with equal zeal to inflame the popular prejudice, against those who now administer the government. They both make use of the embargo, as a fit instrument for their purpose. But even here the administration shines conspicuous above their enemies—Whether that measure was expedient or not, they have at least done something to express their resentment at the outrages committed upon us. But the opposition! What have they done? Let the records of the last session of congress be searched for any proposition they have made as a substitute for the embargo; let the debates be ransacked for any hint they have thrown out to that effect; and we shall find that amidst all their inflammatory harangues & a feeble stream of abuse, not one of them has even pointed the way to a better course. We can easily forgive Mr. Key for his conduct. The British pensioner is true to his allegiance. But from Mr. John Randolph better things were expected. His talents and standing justified the hope, that he would for a moment suspend his animosities, and aid the country with his advice. His ablest advocates may be challenged to defend the versatility of his conduct. He it was who first proposed an embargo; next he opposed an embargo differing a little from his own—then he discovered that an embargo was unconstitutional; and lastly, at the close of the session, he voted for an unqualified repeal without offering any thing like a substitute. When the administration are thus assailed from every quarter, it is criminal in its friends to remain silent. The people can safely decide whether they have reason to anticipate any very essential benefits from a transfer of power to the hands of their opponents.
AN AMERICAN.
SCRAPIANA.—At a democratic convention held at Trenton (N. J.) for the purpose of fixing upon candidates for Congress and collectors of President of the U. States, a ticket was formed, embracing Gen. James Cox of Monmouth, and Jacob Duffy Esq. of Salem, in place of Messrs. Lambert and Sloan.—What says Gascow to this?
A scribbler in the Fredericksburg "Herald" who addresses the Freemen of the district of Stafford &c. & signs himself "Pierlock" from Farnham Parish, has the hardihood to assert, that "those who favor the election of the French Citizen James Madison" say, "that if Mr. Jefferson should yield the government of our country to a General of Bonaparte's appointment, we ought to stonewall ."—Some call this the iron age ; others the age of revolutions ;—let us give it a more appropriate name; the age of lies .
The U. S. circuit court met at Chillicothe, in Ohio, on the 15th ult. Neither Barr nor Blemmerhasset appeared to answer the indictments found against them at the last term.
The "Herald" from Rutland, Vt. of the 24th September, states, that according to Returns already received from 154 towns, Tichenor had 11,631 votes, and Smith 11,423; that there were yet 35 towns to be heard from, of which, 29 had been republican, and 36 federal; and it ventures to predict from these calculations that there would be no election of Governor by the people , for that the scattering votes would doubtless exceed 500;—that the members of assembly would probably be 109 Republican, and 94 federal, and that the republican ticket for Councillors would probably prevail.—However, nothing on this subject seems as yet certain and conclusive.
LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM EUROPE.
Placed as we are in an island town , and distant from the Sea-Board , it is very rarely our good fortune to present the " latest news " from the old Hemisphere.—Such, however, is our lot on the present occasion. On Monday night last, the government Brig, the St. Michael's , whose arrival has been so long anxiously expected,—put into New Point Comfort.—Mr. Nourse, the bearer of dispatches to Europe, immediately landed, came through York, and arrived in this City on Wednesday Forenoon, on his way to the Federal City.—Yesterday morning he proceeded in the stage, with his dispatches.
We had the pleasure of conversing with this gentleman for a few moments.—In addition to a few articles of intelligence which he verbally stated relative to the events in England and France, he was polite enough to present us with London prints of the 4th and 21st of August, and to lend us the London "Courier" of the 9th, four days later than the previous advices from that quarter.—The intervening dates are consequently wanting.—From these prints, we have gleaned a few extracts and ideas for the amusement of our readers.
The St. Michael's was 50 days from Falmouth, and 42 from L'Orient. She left the latter port on the 21st August.
Mr. Nourse was completely and properly reserved on the state of our own affairs in Europe. He made not the slightest allusion to the contents of his Dispatches. He was perfectly silent as to the existence of the proposition, which has been so often said in the public prints to have been offered by Bonaparte to ourselves or to G. Britain; he was equally silent as to the cause of the long detention of the St. Michael's in England.—He made no other remark on the subject, than that the rumour of such a proposition had followed in the wake of the St. Michael's to England, & that almost immediately after the intelligence of the detention of the American vessels in England, he had also reached that country.
The St. Michael's at L'Orient, during her stay there, her seamen were not permitted to go on shore. Of course, though the St. Michael's was

off to our Minister at Paris, there was not time enough to receive any communication in reply. The last dispatches from our Minister in France, are supposed to bear date about the 14th or 15th of August. These dispatches were not in the possession of Mr. Nourse.
The belligerent powers do not appear well disposed to their acts, to respect the rights of the U. States. Condemnations and sequestrations are obtained upon the most flimsy pretexts. Two facts will illustrate the practice of both countries. In England, the Tiger, an American vessel which had sailed from Philadelphia, with the Marquis d'Irujo, and other passengers on board, and without any cargo, was condemned by the Court of Admiralty; because she was bound to Bordeaux or some other French port, without touching at England, &c. &c. according to the requisitions of the Orders of Council. In France, a few days before the St. Michael's went into L'Orient, an American vessel from Martinique with a cargo of coffee, &c. was sequestrated in the port of L'Orient. She had not touched at England. Nor had she been visited by the English cruisers, though they had hunted her through the English Channel into port. We presume that this act of sequestration was effected under the Decree, Arrêt, Orders or instructions, which Bonaparte is said to have issued at Bayonne. It is astonishing, that this document, if any such exists, has never yet been published in this country, verbatim et literatim .
Under such extraordinary circumstances, unprecedent in the annals of the World, what better course could our government have pursued, than to have laid on an Embargo on our vessels and property? When the American flag can scarcely fly on the Ocean without insult or aggression; when our vessels can scarcely sail to a port in continental Europe, even though destitute of a cargo, without submitting to touch at England, or incurring the almost certain risk of confiscation; when France launches her thunders on equally frivolous principles; what safety, or what honor could the American people derive from submission? It is an astonishing phenomenon, that every man in the United States should not have felt the necessity of supporting and clinging to the wise system, which our Government has pursued.
The federal merchants in England approve of the Embargo. The wisest men in Europe, conceive it to be the wisest course, which we could have steered. The old English Ministry, in particular, have lavished their eulogiums upon it. Even the English Princes , themselves, though warped by the feelings and prejudices which surround them, have not sometimes hesitated to give it the tribute of their applause!
Mr. Nourse devoted some of his time to travelling in England. He was at Manchester during the period of their riots. These movements were accompanied with some alarms, until the British government had introduced a few thousand bayonets into that town. It was the use of force and not the voice of reason, which quelled the rising tempest.
It has been a favorite idea among some politicians in this country, that the Embargo would have produced its desired effect upon the British government, but for the unfortunate clamors and opposition of the enemies of the administration. The federal prints of the Eastern States are principally dispatched to and diffused through England. These papers maintained the spirit of the British government. The Cabinet and their friends were led to believe, that the American people had not virtue and spirit enough to bear up under the pressure of the embargo. They anticipated commotions and risings in our country. Rumors of mobs and insurrections were readily circulated and eagerly believed. The opposition of a few smugglers in Vermont to the laws of their country, was magnified into a rebellion. Clamor produced alcohol; and falsehood contributed to nerve the heart and arm of injustice. Yes, the people of England and the nations of monarchy were taught to believe, that the republican men of America were disposed to make fewer sacrifices in the preservation of their just and most sacred rights, than they were prepared to make in the assertion and continuation of their infamous wrongs.
The Revolution of Spain however gave a somewhat new aspect to the political horizon. A new market was opened in the mother country and her colonies for the consumption of British manufactures. The manufacturers were set to work. And the riots of Manchester were no longer encouraged by the murmurs of her workmen.
Let us forbear to speculate upon these interesting circumstances. The facts which are yet to be told, are sufficiently important to invite our attention. The British government continue to levy their impositions upon our commerce, and to exact a tribute from our country under the name of ad valorem upon Exports. All vessels that were permitted to sail from Holland, were compelled by the laws of that country to take in at least a certain part of their cargo in some article, as Gin &c and they were subsequently compelled by the British orders to touch at Great Britain, and contribute to her treasury by the payment of stipulated duties on these articles. There were forty or fifty American vessels in Europe, which would not return to the United States and were disgracing the flag of their country, by sailing under British Freight, British licence, and British tribute. An instance is given of an American vessel, that assumed to carry a cargo of Coffee &c. to Holland, under cover of false papers, and a firm in New-York. The American consul in Holland discovered 100 American seamen on board of her, under the supposition that she was returning to the United States. When she was at sea, the Captain pretended to spring a leak, and put into Sheerness; the seamen were set a drift and the vessel was ready with a set of false papers to sail on a new expedition.
What has become of these unfortunate seamen?—If the pencil of a Sterne, which has so pathetically described the miseries of a poor captive, were employed in tracing out the destinies and disasters of these unhappy seamen, it would be at no loss for the darkest forms and hues of misery. It would pursue most of these unhappy men from the unlovable vessel, which had disgorged them upon the shores of Sincerity, to some British merchant vessel, into which necessity had driven them for an asylum, or some floating dungeon, where the same inexorable indifference or the equally inexorable power of a press-gang would have confined them. Such has probably been the fate of most of those American seamen, who have been turned adrift from the vessels which have been condemned in France and England. Such would have been the fate of most of those, who would have been exposed to similar disas-
ters in the greater number of vessels which a submission to British Orders and French Decrees would have let loose upon the ocean. But if these encroachments had produced the very natural effect of limiting the extent of our commerce, then many of our vessels and our seamen would have been thrown out of employment. Some of the latter would have found a refuge, where they are now said to find it, in the British navy. So very just and consistent is the assertion of the opponents of the embargo, that this very measure has only driven all our mariners into the service of Britain.
It was understood by some of the merchants of London, that the late English orders relative to Spain, were intended to apply only to British vessels; and to those of his Majesty's Allies; that is, to those of Sweden, and of the King of the two Sicilies. If this be a just suggestion, what will become of the addresses of the Essex Junto to the President of the U. S.?
Aaron Burr and Francis Miranda were in London. Burr's designs were wrapt in the obscurity which always enshrouds him.
We have not received many verbal accounts of the transactions in Spain. It was asserted at L'Orient in letters from Bayonne, that Joseph Bonaparte had left Madrid, on his return to Bayonne. There is a strong presumption, that this step has been dictated by the dangers of his remaining in the Metropolis, or in Spain. The French army in Spain, is said to have been very sickly. There were large reinforcements on their march to that country. The Emperor of France had returned to his capital, to attend the celebration of his birth-day, which took place on the 12th or 15th of August. This day is celebrated as a grand national fete throughout the Empire. According to the London Courier, great preparations had been made at Paris. Her Imperial Highness, the mother of the Emperor, and the Princess Borghese, had arrived before the first of August. The Emperor himself had proceeded from Pau to Toulouse, and from Toulouse he was to have descended the Garonne to Bordeaux. The Courier observes, that it was not impossible that he might thence return to Bayonne—but it seems, the Courier was mistaken.
Accounts of the surrender of Dupont's army had been published in the London prints of the 8th of August. The Courier states that the division of 8000 troops going to Dupont's assistance, was included in the capitulation, but on different terms; the former are to be sent back to France by sea, and are supposed not to serve against Spain till regularly exchanged; the last are to be considered as prisoners of war, and as such to be kept in Andalusia. To make the battle of Baylen an exact imitation of that of Pavia, to which the Comte de Tilly compared it, the present ruler of France should have been in Andalusia, and should have been made prisoner like Francis. Had Dupont been joined by the force between the Sierra and Baylen, no doubt the troops under Gens. Freire and Wredel, and then defeated Castanos, he would have pushed on to Seville and Cadiz, and taken signal vengeance on those towns; the S. of Spain would have been dispirited, and the N. Western provinces, which now have a communication with the E. and N. E. provinces, would have been cut off from them. The French would have intersected Spain from S. to N. stretching from Navarre through the Castiles to Andalusia and the straits of Gibraltar. The Spaniards have time now to occupy the passes of the Sierra Morena. They have no fear of French reinforcements by the sea; as the British navy commands the ocean. But it is not only Andalusia, but Valencia, and Tarragona and Grenada, that are cleared of French troops. Their forces may now unite and press forward towards Madrid.
The Courier trusts that the surrender of Dupont will be speedily followed by that of Junot to the British. Sir A. Wellesley had landed, and was within two day's march of Lisbon. But it was said, he did not land at Figueira, as it was supposed he would; he called there for the marines, who had been debarked some days before, and proceeded immediately to Macena, according to some accounts, between Peniche and Mafra, where he landed, and immediately began his march to Lisbon. This seems to have been a better point for landing, than Figueira; it shortens the march very considerably, and enables him to commence his operations sooner against Junot. His first object of attack will be the forts, the possession of which by the British will secure their fleet a free admission into the Tagus, and consequently the power of paying a visit to the Russians." Junot is said to occupy a chain of forts from St. Julian's to St. George's, a distance of about ten miles, along the river.
The Decade at Portsmouth, was taking on board a million of dollars for Oporto! Accounts had arrived from Gijon and St. Andero, which state, that a nobleman had come from Madrid, whence he escaped on the 25th July. Joseph Bonaparte had then arrived there, but he had not more than 12,000 troops, with which he was fortifying the Retiro. The city was in a wretched state. Many of the new ministers had contrived to make their escape. The Dog Del Infantado was supposed to be among the number.
EXTRACTS from London Papers, received at the Office of the ENQUIRER.
LONDON, August 5. GRAND DINNER, BY THE MERCHANTS AND BANKERS OF LONDON AT THE CITY OF LONDON TAVERN.
This sumptuous Feast, indicative of the sympathy which England feels in the glorious cause of Spain, was yesterday attended by a company of Noblemen and Gentlemen, comprehending a very large proportion of the mercantile wealth of the British metropolis. No former occasion, within our memory, was equally distinguished by the respect and opulence of the company. It was not a party meeting, for men of all parties were equally ardent and zealous in the cause which has aroused the people of Spain. And we saw, therefore, embodied the heads of all the great companies of the first mercantile and banking-houses, together with several Ministers of the County, Statesmen out of place, Foreign Ministers, and other illustrious characters—all eager to testify to the illustrious Deputies from Spain, the interest which they felt in the deliverance of their country.
The company did not set down to dinner till 7 o'clock. There were six tables lengthways, and one cross-table in the large room, in which 323 Noblemen and Gentlemen sat down: and in the adjoining room there
were 72, making together 400 persons: and it is not an exaggeration to say, that their united property was not less than fifteen millions of money. The decoration of the head table was splendid.
The Parterre, or Sand Work, represented in one place Britannia offering her assistance to Spain, in another, Fame supporting a medalion, on which was inscribed the Names of the different Provinces of Spain, who have stood the foremost in resisting the common enemy: in another the figure of Time crowning the Spanish Patriot's Flag with Laurel; in another, the figure of Hope leaning on the Rock of Justice; in other parts, the Arms and Standards of Spain intermixed with those of England, with different mottoes, such as "Vencer O! Morir," "Success to the Spanish Heroes," &c. &c. The ornaments stood from seven to eight feet high, portraying in one part the Battle of the Nile, with the blowing up of L'Orient; in another, Trophies of Flags, &c. &c. at the tops of all the Royal Standards of England and Spain, the whole finished with garlands and bouquets of flowers, China figures, vases, &c. &c.
The dinner consisted of one full service with removals—a plan of dinner for so large a company infinitely better adapted to comfort than that of division into several courses. It was served with the regularity and alacrity of a private Board. There was dress for the day 2500 lbs. weight of Turtle, and the intervals between the courses had every delicacy in season—the removals were Ranches of Venison. The desert was extremely magnificent in ices and fruits, and contained about 600 pieces.
Sir FRANCIS BARING was in the Chair. After Non nobis Domine , he gave,
1. The King.—2. The Queen.—3. The Prince of Wales and the rest of the Royal Family.—All which were drunk with three times three. He then gave, 4. King Ferdinand VII.—A toast which was received with enthusiasm. 5. The Patriots of Portugal, and may the house of Braganza never cease to reign.—With three times three. 6. The King of Sweden and the glorious cause in which he is engaged.—With three times three. 7. Ferdinand IV. King of Sicily.—Which was drunk with three times three. 8. The President of the United States of America.
This toast given among those Sovereign states who are struggling in arms against the tyrant of France, was not received with approbation by the company. A loud and continued hiss was heard from every part of the rooms.—A Glee from the band of Vocal performers restored the company to good humor.
The President then gave, 9. Success to the Gallant Heroes of Spain & Portugal, our brave Associates in Liberty and Arms.—Which was drunk with the most lively acclamations.
Mr. DIGNUM sung the following song—to the tune of Captain Morris's "Je ne scis quoi."
Long by Anarchy, Faction, & Treason defaced, The Order and Peace of the World had been broke; And Nations, by chains of Oppression disgraced, Had shrunk from their Duties, and bow'd to the Yoke. By Cunning o'erreach'd, or by Terror dismay'd, A Despot's decrees had unstrung ev'ry nerve; And, Virtue or Courage no longer display'd, Men shrunk into Slaves, and were willing to serve. Entrench'd deep in Crimes now the Despot's assail'd, And his arts shall no longer his Tyranny guard; Thine example, blest Britain! at last has prevailed— Thy Firmness at last shall obtain its Reward.
Gallant Spain has her cruel Oppressor defyd: To Freedom, Religion, and Glory a Friend, Her Children once more with us Britons ally'd, The Plame they have caught 'sail thro' Europe extend.
Thus the true Sons of Valor all over the earth, By wishes long since, and by sympathies link'd, Their Rights shall assert, and, with Liberty's birth, Usurpers shall fall, and their fame be extinct.
The President then, in a short and appropriate address, congratulated the country on seeing a company assembled on this occasion so interesting to Liberty, such as from the experience of fifty years, he never saw equalled in point of respect. It did honour to the feelings of the nation, and must be gratifying to their illustrious guests, as it was a proof of the sympathy which the British people felt in the glorious cause in which they were engaged. He was sure the company would all join him in the toast he was now to propose.
10. Our illustrious Visitors, and may they find their loyalty and love of their country crowned with success, on their return to their native land.—This Toast was drunk with repeated bursts of applause.
Mr. CANNING rose at the request & in the name of the illustrious persons, to express the lively sense of gratitude with which they received those marks of affectionate interest from the English people. They felt them the more sensibly as coming from a people who knew the value of the blessing for which they were contending. Their reception in England had not been advantageous to themselves only, and to their country, of which they were the Representatives, but its influence, they trusted, would extend to and be felt in other places. It would not be received either as truth or flattery by the English people, if they were to say that without their aid and countenance, they would not have made an effort to deliver themselves from the yoke of the tyrant. Alone and unaided, they certainly would have made the effort, and they have no doubt but that they would have succeeded. But after the warm and universal expression of sympathy by the English nation at large, and after the frank and instantaneous promises and performances which they had already received in the most handsome way from the king, they felt conviction in their hearts that their difficulties were rendered less; and they had no doubt but that, from this disinterested and generous proceeding on the part of England, there would be derived such an intimate future connection between the two nations as would be productive of the greatest advantages to both. The sense of acknowledgement and gratitude with which they were filled, made them anxiously desirous to express their respect for his Majesty in the most marked way. They wished to disburthen themselves of their feelings, & to embody them in a sentiment the most congenial to those of the Company—and they therefore prayed him to propose again as their toast—
The King, which was again drunk with enthusiasm—and God save the King played by the Band for the second time.
THE PRESIDENT then gave—
May the united efforts of Great Britain, Spain, & Portugal, rescue the Continent of Europe from oppression and tyranny.
Mr. Taylor sung the following Song:—
'Mid the Tempest that o'er her Horizon is spread, 'Mid the bolts that around her in Thunder are hurl'd, Behold! where Britannia raises her head, And stands like a Tow'r, the last hope of the world! The nations of Europe, ah! where are they gone, They that shrunk from the lightning or bow'd to the blast! Still nearer and nearer the Deluge rolls on, High swolln with the Rums o'er which it has past.
But mark where at length a new promise of day Breaks bright in the East, and bids Anarchy cease:
As it rises in Splendour, the gloom shall give way, To Freedom's calm breeze, and the sunshine of Peace.
True sons of Iberia, boldly you arm, Your home and your altars from Robbers to save,
While beauty excites you, & mingles her charm, E'en in Chivalry's land, to inspire the Brave.
Tis in proud Usurpation's and Tyranny's spite, 'Gainst ambition most lawless, 'gainst Treason most foul:
'Tis for Loyalty, Laws, and Religion, you fight, For all that can rouse or enoble the soul.
And shall you not conquer? Oh hear us, kind Heaven, (Thy aid we invoke, as in Thee is our trust,) To Spain be the Harvest, to us be but given, The Glory of aiding the Cause of the Just.
Then think not in idle profusion we feast, While our Hearts with our Toasts in pure union flow;
New hope shall inspire each illustrious Guest, And the story they tell shall prove death to the foe.
Henceforth false Interest shall never no more The Queen of the Indies and Queen of the Waves,
They honor their King, their Creator adore, And of Tyrants the scourges, will never be Slaves.
THE PRESIDENT then gave— May Spanish, Portuguese, Swedish & British valor join in the support of religion, liberty, and humanity.
Earl CAMDEN then proposed— The Health of the President—which was drunk with the warmest applause.
Sir FRANCIS returned thanks in a very neat speech. He said that he had no other merit than that of filling the chair, for the Committee had originated the very proper measure of testifying the sense which the merchants and bankers had of the glorious exertions of Spain and Portugal. He had retired, but being applied to to come forward, the occasion was irresistible. He thanked them for the flattering way in which they had honoured his name when proposed to them by the noble Earl; and he begged leave to drink all their healths.
The Noble Visitors, And afterwards—
Mr. Canning, Who, in a short address said, "When I last addressed you, I was the interpreter of strangers; now, when I am called upon to express my own feelings, I can only say, Gentlemen, I thank you."
The Spanish deputies, accompanied by many of the Noble and Right Honorable Persons who sat near them, rose to depart amidst the loud and grateful testimonies of respect from the company at large. Sir Francis Baring was succeeded in the Chair by Beeston Long, Esq. Governor of the Bank of England who kept up the festivity of the night to a late hour.
August 9. To the rumours of an immediate rupture between France and Austria, have succeeded the report of hostilities having actually taken place, with an attack by the Austrians upon the French in Poland, in which the latter were defeated, with the loss of 12,000 men, and with an attempt of Davoust to enter Austrian Galicia, in which he was unsuccessful.—We cannot say we attach any credit to these reports.—It is not on the side of Poland, that either Austria or France will strike the first blow. Besides, we do not believe that Austria has any considerable military force on her Polish frontiers.
PORTSMOUTH. Yesterday, the Fylla, with the 18th Dragoons, composing a part of the Cavalry of the Expedition, arrived at Portsmouth from the Downs; and this day Brigadier General the Hon. Charles Stewart, accompanied by Captains Dashwood and Wade, Aids-de-Camp, embarked on board the sloop of war, and sailed for St. Helen's.—It is understood that Brigadier Gen. Stewart is to command a brigade of Cavalry in the expedition.
The Victory, merchant vessel, is arrived from Pernambuco in 60 days. According to her, every thing was going on well at the Brazils. A considerable force was collecting at Rio Grande, for the purpose of protesting against the River Plate; but the expedition was suspended, in consequence of the arrival of intelligence, that a material change had taken place in the relations between Spain and G. Britain. A fleet of merchantmen consisting of nearly 200 vessels were to sail for England, under a strong convoy, about 20 days after the departure of the Victory.
Oporto, July 23.
The French General Loison, nick-named Manet (name of one hand) retreated to Lisbon, and afterwards advanced with 4000 men as far as Pinal d'Azambuja; but he became alarmed, and again returned to Lisbon. It is certain that there are 15,000 Spaniards at Abrantes, waiting the orders of Government, as to their advancing to attack Lisbon.
HEAD QUARTERS AT MANZANAL, July 29.
The army of Galicia extends from this place to very near Astorga, occupying a space of more than three leagues, including the encampments in the adjoining villages.
Our General, Seignor Blake, is here forming his dispositions. The Post-Office for the army is established at Membrillo. Yesterday arrived here the famous Volunteer Battalion of Vizigota, with their black colours bearing the inscription, 'Victory or Death'. With this motto, and their determined spirit, it may well be supposed, that they strike terror into the enemy. It is said, that they neither take nor give quarter. All of them seem resolute fellows. The battalion of Students remains at Villa Franca.
BADAJOZ, July 18.
A supplement to the Diary of this date, gives the following details of the military events at Valencia:
(This statement appears, that Seignor Blake had attacked Mancey's army at B. and made great havoc among his Cavalry, and Infantry; that after this defeat, Mancey retreated to between Quarre and Mislatat, where he was attacked a second time by Caro, and sustained considerable loss; that during the night of the 27th, Caro advanced to cover and defend Valencia; that the enemy directed his march towards that city on the 28th and made a furious attack upon it; that the continued firing from the Citadel & the resistance made by Caro's army who charged with their bayonets, occasioned so great a slaughter among the enemy, that at 8 they were obliged to retreat to their head quarters between Quarre and Mislatat, which was defended by strong batteries.)
On the 29th the forces under the command of Seigniors Cervelon and Llamas advanced towards the enemy in order to attack him on all sides, by placing him between the fire of the city and Murcian and Valencian armies, and it is at this moment thought, that there is not a remnant left of these robbers, who to their own losses, have to add that of 6 pieces of cannon.
Since writing the above, the Post has arrived, and brings the intelligence that the French were entirely destroyed, with the exception of from one to 20,000 men who were wandering about the country and endeavoring to make their escape, but who were expected to share the same fate as the rest.
The Congressional Election in Maryland, took place last Monday.—The election for Governor, in Pennsylvania takes place on Tuesday next.—Congress meets on the 1st Monday in next month.
The Remarks addressed to the Editor of the Enquirer by the Editor of "The Spirit of '76," bear such a love and malignant spirit upon the face of them, as induces him to pass them off in silent contempt.
MARRIED, in the county of Albemarle, Geo: HAY, Esq. of this city, to Miss ELIZA MONROE, eldest daughter of JAMES MONROE, Esq. late minister to Great Britain.
DIED, after a lingering indisposition, at Fincastle, Va. on the 28th ult. Gen. WM. MOSELEY, of this city, the Treasurer of this Commonwealth. He was in every situation, the ardent Friend of his country; the object of the love and respect of all who knew him. He has left a disconsolate family, to mourn their irreparable loss.
DIED, at Major John Price's in the upper end of Henrico county, on Monday the 5th September, a man who called himself THOMAS P. HAYS.
TO be sold for cash, to the highest bidder, at Thos. Perkins's store, on Friday the 21st inst. by virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to me by Miller Waddill, and recorded in the county court of Prince Edward: Two Negro Girls, named ELIZA & SUELLY, for the purpose of discharging a debt due Thos. Perkins, specified in said deed, and costs accruing.
PETER RISON, Trustee.
Amelia, Oct. 7.
NEGROES FOR SALE.—By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us, by Miller Waddill, of Prince Edward county, bearing date the 16th of May, 1808, for the purpose of securing to Sterling Smith, and to Sterling Smith and Co. sums of money therein expressed.—We shall on Wednesday the 16th day of November next, at the dwelling place of the late Miller Waddill, deceased, proceed to sell for ready money, the following SLAVES, to wit: Luce and her children, Winney and Taylor, or as many of them as may be sufficient to discharge the purposes of said deed.
JAMES DICK, JR. { Trustees. Wm. WHITE, {
Oct. 7.
LAND AND NEGROES to be rented and hired.—On Monday the 19th day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, I will let for the term of three years, a tract of LAND in the county of Louisa, known by the name of the Healing Springs, containing about 1300 acres.—On this tract there is about 800 acres of open land, in good order for cropping, 120 acres of which are creek and river low-grounds, of prime quality.—120 bushels of bearded wheat will be immediately and carefully seeded, one half of which will be sown in tobacco land. The Mineral springs on this tract were much frequented when kept as a public place, their virtues are attested by Physicians of the first eminence, and some late and surprising cures, have, beyond all controversy, established their value and their powers. There are several roomy and convenient houses, all of which (except one small house or chamber kept for my own use,) will be let with the land. At the same time and place, will be hired 20 valuable crop hands, consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls. I am willing to divide the land in parts, and hire the negroes separately, but should be better pleased, and would make some abatement, if I could meet with any proper person who would undertake the whole. At the same time and place, will be sold 12 valuable work Mules, the stock of Cattle, Sheep & Hogs, plantation Tools, 200 bbls. of Corn, Tops and Blades, 300 bushels of Oats, and some Hay, one light Coach, with harness for two horses, one Still, several articles of valuable Furniture, consisting of Mahogany Tables, Chairs and Couch, sundry Walnut Tables & Windsor Chairs, large Looking Glasses in gilt frames, a quantity of China, Queen's and Glass Ware, Kitchen Furniture, &c. &c. too tedious to enumerate. For all purchases under 15 dollars cash will be required—for all between 15 and a 100, twelve months credit will be given—and for all purchases over 100 dollars, I will wait two years, but in every case, bonds with the most undoubted security will be required, bearing interest from the date, unless punctually paid.
GEO: FLEMING.
Healing Springs, Oct. 7.
THE Hanover Fall JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence on the second Wednesday in October next. First day's race, three mile heats—The second day's race, two mile heats—Each day free for any horse, mare or gelding, to run, according to the rules of the Fairfield Course.
BAITHURST JONES, Treasurer.
Oct. 7.
FOR SALE, 300 acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, 6 miles from the city of Richmond, on the waters of the Uffam Brook, and on each side of the stage road, leading from Richmond to Fredericksburg. On the above Land is a Manufacturing Mill, with two pair of stones, one of Burr and the other of Colidon, on an excellent stream.—17 acres in the county of Amherst, on the waters of Tye River, first rate tobacco. Col. Jos. Shelton will give every information as to this Land. Terms of sale.—One third in cash—1-2 in nine months—and the balance in 18 months; or they will be varied to suit the purchaser. The Land in Henrico will be laid off in Lots, for the accommodation of purchasers—and any information as to price or situation, will be given on application to THOS. H. PROSSER. Oct. 7.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES, at a moderate discount, By SIMPSON MORRIS, October 7.

FRIDAY, APRIL 9, 1808.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
SPEECH OF MR. GILES.
(CONTINUED.)
The first observation made by the gentleman from Massachusetts upon the contents of this letter, was, that it appeared wonderful to him that this letter should have been read in Mr. Smith's good opinion, after some doubts of his views had been excited in Mr. Smith's mind, by the general clamor of the country against him. The impression produced upon my mind, by observing the contents of this letter, is just the reverse. I think the letter written with great art and address, and well calculated to produce the effect on Mr. Smith's mind, which he states it did produce, the restoration of Burr to his confidence. To form a just opinion on this point, it should be recollected, that Burr had previously insinuated himself into Mr. Smith's confidence, and that Mr. Smith was not at that time apprised of his illicit objects; because at that time they were not generally disclosed; and because it appears from several passages in the letter itself, that Burr had not disclosed them to Mr. S. Since Burr's objects have been generally known, we may find passages in the letter obscurely pointing towards them; of this description is the one referred to by the gentleman from Massachusetts. Speaking of the separation of the union, Burr writes, "Indeed I have no conception of any mode in which such a measure can be promoted, except by operating on the minds of the people, and demonstrating it to be their interest." The very mode, says the gentleman, which he was then pursuing. This is very true, but of that it is certainly not in proof that Mr. Smith had any knowledge; and this letter serves to demonstrate, in connection with many other circumstances, that he had not. But in the very next sentence, Burr proceeds: "I have never written or published a line on this subject, nor ever expressed any other sentiments than those which you may have heard from me in public companies at Washington and elsewhere." And immediately preceding it he thus writes: "If there exists any design to separate the western from the eastern states, I am totally ignorant of it—I never harbored or expressed any such intention to any one, nor did any person ever intimate such design to me."
Now, sir, take these sentences together, and let any candid mind say, circumstanced as Mr. Smith was, in relation to Burr, whether it was not perfectly natural for him to draw the conclusion he did? Whether these sentences do communicate to Mr. Smith any illicit object on the part of Burr? Whether they do not contain a denial of any intention or effort on his part to effect a separation of the union? To my mind they do. I am not therefore surprised that Mr. Smith drew the inference from them which he did; and I should have been much surprised indeed, if from them alone he had drawn any inference of improper views on the part of Burr. I said there were passages in this letter which furnished the strongest presumption, that Mr. Burr had not communicated his illicit objects to Mr. Smith. Let me now call the attention of the Senate to some of them. One has been already mentioned. After speaking of his intention to settle the Washita lands, Burr writes thus: "I have some other views which are personal merely, and which I shall have no objection to state to you personally, but which I do not deem it necessary to publish; if these projects could any way affect the interests of the United States, it would be beneficially, &c. &c." If Burr had already communicated his views to Mr. Smith, why should he say in this letter, "I shall have no objection to state to you personally" certainly if he had already stated them, this profession would not only have been unnecessary, but foolish. Burr again writes: "This is the first letter of explanation which I have ever written to any man, & will probably be the last. It was perhaps due to the frankness of your character, & to the friendship you once bore me. I shall regret to see that a friendship so greatly valued must be sacrificed on the altar of calumny. Be assured that no changes on your part can ever alter my desire of being useful to you, and I pray you to accept my warmest wishes for your happiness." Here follows this: "It may be an unnecessary caution, but I never write for publication." From the whole tenor of this letter, the real connection between Mr. Smith and Burr, may be easily discerned; but it is particularly demonstrated by these last sentences. In them the real state of Burr's mind may be clearly seen. They discover a man, conscious of having abused the unguarded confidence and misplaced friendship of another, which he was about to lose by the public exposure of his views. They display despondency and regret at the circumstance, and attempt to make a miserable atonement by a renewal of professions. They demonstrate too, that there was no participation in the conspiracy. In further corroboration of these conclusions, it ought not to escape notice, that on Burr's next visit to Cincinnati, he looked for lodgings at a tavern and avoided Mr. Smith's hospitality, which would doubtless have been still open to him; he having been more successful in regaining Mr. Smith's confidence, by the artful letter written by him than he had expected. This, I believe, to be the plain, obvious and natural import of this letter. To suppose that it was the effect of a preconceived arrangement between Burr and Mr. Smith, and intended to disguise the real connection between them, would be a strained, improbable, unnatural supposition, and therefore in my judgment, ought not to be relied upon in any case; but especially upon a question of guilt or innocence. The postscript of the letter itself, furnishes another strong presumption against this conclusion.
The next circumstance in point of time, from which inferences injurious to Mr. Smith are drawn, happened on the 2d or 3d of December, at Frankfort, in Kentucky. At this time and place, Burr was attending on the court upon his second trial. Mr. Smith was drawn thither by business, when a short interview took place between himself and Burr, very immaterial in its objects or consequences. The ground of crimination deduced from this circumstance is, that Mr. Smith did not voluntarily attend the court as a witness against Burr, and testify to the disclosures which Burr had made to him upon his last visit to Cincinnati. Mr. Smith stated at the time his willingness to attend, but believed he knew nothing relevant to the ground of charge against Burr.
The gentleman from Massachusetts differs from Mr. Smith in opinion on this point, and conceives that if Mr. Smith had attended that court, and disclosed what he has since disclosed in relation to Burr's last communications to him, it would have been sufficient for Burr's conviction. I differ entirely from the gentleman on this point. All that we know relative to Burr's disclosure of his views at that time, is furnished by Mr. Smith himself. What was disclosed, it would probably be best to take, it from Mr. Smith's own words:
"The candor discovered in the above recited letter (of October 26, 1806,) inspired my confidence, and when he made his second visit to Cincinnati, in November last, he disclosed his plan fully to my view, as I thought, which added strength to my confidence. He being about to take his leave of me, observed—Mr. Smith, my object in a few months will be disclosed; you will not find it dishonorable or inimical to this government. I feel superior to the mean artifices which are ascribed to me; calumniate me as you will, for as fast as you put one down, another will spring up. This much I will venture to tell you, if there should be war between the U. States and Spain, I shall head a corps of volunteers, and be the first to march into the Mexican provinces; and if peace should be preserved, which I do not expect, I shall settle my Washita lands, and make society as pleasant there as possible. In this government I have been persecuted, shamefully persecuted, and I am sorry to say, that it seems to be nearly destroyed. He saw me a deed for a large tract of land on Red river, and said if I would consent to let my sons go thither, he would provide well for them, to which I gave consent, though I never communicated it to my eldest son till last Saturday, the day on which he returned from Marietta, and not till he expressed a disinclination to co-operate with Col. Burr's object, till he knew whether it was hostile to the government of the United States or not. Col. Burr told me further, that very many of his friends in different parts of the United States would remove and settle with him, and that he would be the best neighbor this country ever had, and repeated that his object was not hostile to the people of the United States, or dishonorable himself, and further, that in a few months many of his enemies would be proud to call him their friend."
(Mr. Giles's Speech to be continued.)
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court continued and held for Albemarle county, 1st day of August, 1808. Alexander Garrett, Complainant—Against William Cornelius and Joseph Bishop, Defendants. The defendant William Cornelius not having entered his appearance, & given security according to the act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state—On motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered by the court, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond two months successively and posted at the front door of the court house of said county. A copy. Teste, JOHN NICHOLAS, C. C. [1aw6w] September 2.
SEATON GRANTLAND. For the year 1809, is just published by SEATON GRANTLAND, and for sale at his Printing-Office, by the gross, dozen or single; containing sketches of the early life of PATRICK HENRY, Esq. a variety of entertaining matter, and many useful tables, beside the usual astronomical calculations—Price five dollars per gross, fifty cents per dozen, or six cents single. Also, just published, and for sale as above, THE DEVOUT MONITOR, a work deserving the attention of Christians of every denomination. The subscriber, agent for the Battersea Paper-Mills, near Petersburg, will give the highest price for clean linen and cotton RAGS, delivered at his Printing-Office. Richmond, Sept. 23. [1aw4w]
VALUABLE MEDICINE FOR SALE by Moses Davis, at his store, a short distance above the court-house in Richmond. Moses Davis begs leave to inform his friends & the Public generally, that he has purchased at an advanced price from the Patentee, DR. LOZARUS'S PATENT ANTIPHLOGISTIC STOMACH CORIAL, justly estimated as one of the most valuable medicines in the whole materia medica. The heretofore great and rapid Sale, with the increasing demand for this invaluable cordial; the high esteem it is in through every part of Virginia, and some other of the United States; together with its singular and uncommon virtues in restoring weak and decayed constitutions, with those complaints so very common in the Spring and Fall, such as Autumnal and bilious fevers, dysentery, &c. proclaim too loudly its intrinsic worth, to admit even of doubt. It will be sold at the reduced price of one dollar per bottle, & a lengthy dissertation on its peculiar properties furnished gratis—And when taken, to be well shaken. Richmond, August 23. [epim&1aw1m]
IN consequence of a Circular Letter from a Committee of the officers of the late Pennsylvania line, addressed to me as well as to several other officers of the late army; it has been suggested to me as a proper measure, to call a meeting of all the officers of the former continental line, who continued in service to the end of the Revolutionary war. I have therefore appointed Monday the 12th day of December next, at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, for such meeting; being the day to which the society of Cincinnati stands adjourned. JAMES WOOD. [1aw1stD.] Sept. 20.
SAMUEL MYERS, has removed to the store lately occupied by Richard Brooke, opposite to J. Brown's vendue office, where he offers CASH FOR COUNTRY PRODUCE. Richmond, Sept. 23. [F10w]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran-away from the subscriber living in the lower end of Buckingham on the 19th day of this month, a Negro Man named JACK GOING; he is about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, 30 or 35 years of age; he is cross-eyed and has a down cast look when spoken to. It is very likely he will forge himself a free pass, as he could write and read previous to his escape; he bought himself a horse, stole a saddle which has a plate on the pommel. It is highly probable that he is lurking about in Powhatan, where he has relations, he took with him a fine black coat, new swarow boots, and many other good clothes. I will give the above reward to any person who will apprehend and secure him in any jail, and all reasonable charges paid for bringing him home. M. C. HILL, Adm'r. of Ro. Hill, dec'd. September 2. [1aw6w]
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the Estate of Batchelder Valentine, late of the City of Richmond, dec'd. are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated, as provision may be made for discharging them. Those who are indebted to the said Estate are desired to make immediate payment. ANN VALENTINE, Administratrix, of B. Valentine, dec'd. September 13. [1aw4w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [0aw1w]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Joseph Pollard, bearing date the 15th day of November, 1804, and recorded in the county court of Spottsylvania, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt or debts due from the said Pollard to David Bullock, will be exposed to sale, on the premises, for ready money, on the 4th Nov. next: One moiety of the Mill, commonly called and known by the name of Rogers's Mill, in the lower end of Spottsylvania county—together with one moiety of fifty acres of Land adjoining thereto, and the houses and other appurtenances thereon erected, together with fifteen Slaves, as named and conveyed in the aforesaid deed of trust, or so much of the aforesaid property as shall be sufficient fully and completely to carry the said debt off and into effect, according to the true intent & meaning thereof. CHARLES SMITH, } Trustees. FREDERICK HARRIS, } Sept. 30. [0aw1w]
N. B. This property has been often advertised, but will now certainly be sold, unless the amount due at this time be paid.
WILLIAMSBURG, September 1, 1808.—The Subscribers have entered into partnership, under the firm of COLE & HENDERSON, and have supplied themselves with a general and well selected assortment of superfine and fine Cloths, Woollens, Manchester stuffs, Cambrics, Hosiery, Hardware, Sadlery, Stationery and Groceries; which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or on short credit to customers who are punctual in their payments. ROSCOW COLE, JAS. HENDERSON. N. B. For the accommodation of the Students and Scholars of William & Mary College, they will keep a constant supply of the Books used in that Seminary. C. & H. Sept. 13. [ep1f]
WANTED, as a tutor in a private family, a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic—Apply to the Printer. Sept. 20. [tf]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said Company on the 20th September, 1808, Resolved, That the shares of all delinquent Stockholders in the Company be sold at auction, at the Swan Tavern in Richmond on the 25th of next month at 4 o'clock in the evening of that day. Resolved, That a call of three dollars on each share of the Stockholders in the company be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 25th of next month. A Copy, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Sept. 23. [12350]
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Warner and Sons, Philada. India, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLOCK. Petersburg, July 5. (U) Bank of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birchett President thereof or Bearer, B No. 332 9th February 1805, $ 100 C. 866 6th July, 100 D. 153 7th February, 100 394 9th — 100 700 6th May, 100 753 7th — 100 788 — — 100 $ 700
FOR SALE.—650 Sacks Salt, 23 bds of prime Molasses, 24 Crates well assorted Earthen Ware; with a very general assortment of Groceries, which will be sold low for cash, Country produce, or approved paper. WHITE & SHELTON, Sept. 23. [ep1m]
WISH to purchase a middle aged WOMAN, without children, who has been accustomed to house business and nursing. BENJ. JAMES HARRIS. Richmond, Sept. 23. [ti]
WILL be sold at the door of Buckingham Court-House, on the tenth, say, 10th day of October next, being court day, for cash, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Chastain Lesueur, for the purposes in said deed of trust mentioned, one tract or parcel of LAND, (lying and being in the county of Buckingham) whereon I now live, containing by estimation 2 hundred acres, viz. The Land whereon my dwelling-house now stands and adjoining thereto, adjoining the lands of Roife, Eldridge and others. (To use the expressions of said deed of trust) being only interested as trustee for the benefit of others, will only convey title to said Land as trustee. GEO: PERKINS, trustee. Sept. 15. [tds]
GERMAN GOODS.—The subscribers have for sale a general assortment of German Goods, consisting of Osnaburghs, Ticklenburghs, Hessian, Brown Rolls, Dantzic Rolls, Dowlas, Liquor Cases, Quarts, Pint and half Pint Decanters, and a General assortment of Looking Glasses. BORN & HUBNER. September 13. [ep1stn.]
BURR'S TRIAL,
[To be had at the Office of the ENQUIRER.] THE subscribers to the Report of BURR'S TRIAL, are respectfully informed, that the first volume has arrived from Philadelphia, and is now ready to be delivered at Petersburg and Richmond. A sufficient number of copies will be forwarded as speedily as possible to different parts of the country, and deposited at places convenient to subscribers; of which notice will be duly published. Gentlemen who have been so obliging as to take subscription papers, will confer a great favor on the Reporter, by transmitting them immediately to him at this place, or to Hopkins & Earle, booksellers at Philadelphia, as may be most convenient, in order that the books may be distributed accordingly. The second volume is in the press, and every exertion will be made to have it speedily ready for delivery. As the expenses and labor attendant on the publication, have been very great, the price to non-subscribers will be unavoidably raised—The moderate addition of fifty cents per volume will be required of them. DAVID ROBERTSON. Petersburg, Sept. 15, 1808. (B.)
FOR CASH.—To be sold on Monday the 10th day of October next, at Powhatan Court-House, one certain Lot or Tenement of LAND, with its appurtenances, containing one acre and 600 square feet—adjoining the Town of Scotville on the north; conveyed to me in trust by John Wells, to secure the payment of certain sums of money, due from him to Seth Ligon of the county aforesaid. JAMES POINDEXTER. Sept. 23. [ep3w]
FOR SALE, a valuable plantation in Dinwiddie County, four miles from Petersburg, containing 232 acres of Land. It is under good fences—the improvements are handsome, commodious and in excellent repair; it has besides, the advantages of an agreeable neighborhood, good water, &c. &c. &c. Apply to THOMAS NORVELL. Richmond, Sept. 20. (tf)
NOTICE.—I shall petition the next General Assembly, to be exonerated from keeping up the Causeway opposite my Ferry and through the Marsh of Moore Fauntleroy, deceased. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Sept. 20. (tf)
UNITED STATES' STOCK LOST!!!—Notice is hereby given, That the following certificates of the United States' Stock, in the name of John Baird, bearing date 16 March 1791, have been lost or mislaid, and due application will be made at the Loan Office of the U. States for their renewal. Six per Cents No. 210 $711 33 Deferred 210 $355 67 Three per Cents 185 $211 03 WILLIAM BAIRD, Esq. Of John Baird. July 19th. ep3m
THE subscriber intending to remove into the country, will expose to public sale, at his dwelling-house, on Saturday the 8th of October, a part of his Household Furniture, consisting of a variety of handsome articles. Also two Lots on Richmond Hill, delightfully situated. They adjoin the Lots of Mr. Samuel Pleasants. The articles of Household Furniture will be sold at sixty days credit, for all sums above fifty dollars—The Lots on two years' credit. At the same time will be sold a Negro Woman, who is a good cook, wash-woman and ironer, at 12 months credit. The sale will commence precisely at 11 o'clock. CH: JOHNSTON. September 30. (4t.)
NOTICE.—A PETITION will be offered to the next General Assembly of Virginia, to authorise the sale of that tract of Land, which was used as a Glebe for the parish of Drysdale, lying in the parish of St. Stephen, and county of King and Queen. Sept. 30. (0aw6w)
FOR SALE, a valuable tract of LAND, in the County of King William, belonging to the estate of William Brooke, deceased; containing by a late survey, 703 acres of highland and upwards of 100 acres of valueless wet land. This land is of very good quality, and lies extremely well on the Mattapony river, two miles above Frazier's ferry. I consider a particular description of this land unnecessary, as those who are inclined to purchase, will undoubtedly view it. This Land will be sold on a liberal credit, and the sale will take place on the premises on Monday the third of October next. RICHARD BROOKE, Executor. Sept. 30. (4w)
N. B. If not sold on that day, it will be rented for the ensuing year to the highest bidder. R. B. LAND—For sale a valuable tract of Land in Gloucester county, on the waters of Beaver Dam creek; containing 469 1/2 acres. This is excellent farming Land; part lie in the produce of grass, corn and wheat; of the latter, a large crop is just put in. Its improvements are comfortable and convenient; but the purchaser will first see it, by applying to Mr. Branch, on the premises. The terms will be easy; the greater part of the payment will be received in negroes from ten to twenty five years of age. The subscriber will inform further those who apply. He resides about 6 miles from the Land. RO: SAMPSON. September 30. (ep3w)
THE STAGES SOUTH OF ALEXANDRIA.—On the first day of October next, the Mail Stage will commence running as follows, between Alexandria and Petersburg in Virginia. Will leave Alexandria, every day at 6 o'clock in the morning, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 in the morning. Leave Dumfries at 6 and arrive at Fredericksburg by half after 11 in the morning. Leave Fredericksburg at 12 at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next morning by six, leave Richmond at half after 6, and arrive at Petersburg by half after 11 in the morning. Returning will leave Petersburg every day at half after 12 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria in the same time. This stage will carry no more than two passengers on any account whatever, and not more than 14lb of baggage can be allowed to each passenger. An accommodation Stage between Alexandria and Petersburg will also commence running at the same time, every other day throughout the year, without regard to Sundays, and will travel only in the day time. On this line, it is the intention of the owners, to study the wishes and convenience of Passengers. Still, however, regard must be had to time—Going south from Alexandria, they will breakfast at Occoquan, dine at Stafford Court House, and lodge at Fredericksburg. The next day will breakfast at the Bowling Green, dine at the Oaks, and lodge at Richmond. And on the third day, will breakfast at the Half Way House, and dine at Petersburg. Returning, will dine at the Half Way House and lodge at Richmond. Early in the morning, breakfast at the Oaks, dine at the Bowling Green, and lodge at Fredericksburg. Next morning, will breakfast at Stafford Court House, dine at Occoquan, and lodge at Alexandria. The owners on this line too, have to request that passengers will be as moderate as possible in the quantity of their baggage, as any thing more than a small trunk or parcel which will go within the body of the stage, will be an extra charge. THE PROPRIETORS. The greatest attention and care will be paid to baggage and bundles that are entrusted and paid for—But whether with or without the owner, to be at his risk. Every 150 weight of baggage the same as a passenger. Sept. 20. [ep3w]
DESERTED.—From the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON—30 years of age, 5 feet 5 1/2 inches high, a warily complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, high, sickly appearance. He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour, blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt; and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES, 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair—when spoken to has a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer—He wore a way round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg. Infantry. Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [tf]
BENJAMIN & SARAH HARRISON, beg leave to inform the public, that their BOARDING SCHOOL will commence on the 15th January next, in Mecklenburg county, Virginia, within one mile of Safford's bridge, on Meherrin river, near the road leading from Huskins's ferry to Petersburg; where they have erected a new and commodious dwelling-house for the reception of boarders; together with suitable and separate school-houses for pupils of both sexes. They will teach the English language grammatically, Arithmetic and needle work in its various branches. The boys will lodge in a separate house from the young ladies. The situation is healthy and agreeable. Particular attention will be paid to the health and morals of the children that may be entrusted to their care. Each boarder must be furnished with a pair of sheets, a bed, blanket, one towel and a Counterpane. Terms as follows:—Board and Tuition 21/2 per annum; 5 dols. of which must be paid in advance—5 dols. more at the commencement of the vacation, viz. on the first July, and the balance at the expiration of the year. N. B. The vacation will continue four weeks. Sept. 27. (0aw6w)
ELLS & ALLAN have received per the ship Hero, a supply of full GOODS, making their assortment consist of napt Cottons, Plains, Forest Cloths, Duffil and Rose Blankets, best superfine London Cloths and Kerseymere, double and single milled, Swansdown and Toilets, Flannels, Baze, coatings and Frizes, gentlemen's net Shirts and drawers, gentlemen's and ladies Angola and lambs wool hose, ladies fine cotton and silk hose, Muslins, Cambrie, Dimities & printed Muslins, Calicoes, and a few pieces furniture Chintz, silk Shawls, elegant Muffs and Capes, Veils and laced Turbans, thread and cotton Laces, English Lutstrings, Satins and Florentines, very fine black Bumba reene, elegant worked Robes, a few Irish damask Table Cloths, Irish Diapers, 5-4 Irish Sheetings, a few pieces very fine 4-4 Irish Linen, Ivory Knives & Forks, Smith's Bellows, Anvil, Vices and Hammers, Hominy Mills with fly wheels, brass and iron Rim Locks, &c. &c. &c. A few cases Hibble's best brown Stout, Hardham's Stout, No. 3, of superior quality, a few boxes gentlemen's fashionable London made Hats, gentlemen's and ladies Gloves of very good quality, best steel plate, mill, pittand cross cut saws, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 20/2, nails, and 20/2 flooring Brad, each Salt (Liverpool filled) White Lead, Yellow Ochre, and Spanish Brown. Wheat and Tobacco will be received in payment, at liberal prices. Sept. 27. (4t.)