The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-20 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 20, 1808.
[No. 69.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Giles's Speech continued)
It is only on this side of the Atlantic, that we hear it described as a weak or a wicked measure. But what of all this, sir? Will this French expression change the real character of the measure? Shall we change our own opinions of the true character of the measure, because the French government has thought proper to pronounce an opinion upon it? Are we to abandon our own right of judging of our own measures, because the French government officiously undertakes to judge for us? Sir, to me it is perfectly indifferent, what the French government thinks upon the subject; I shall take the liberty of exercising my own judgment upon it, perfectly exempt from any extraneous influence whatever.
Mr. Canning, sir, has also undertaken to say something respecting the character of the embargo laws. Let us hear what he says upon the subject.
"If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty, to have been manifestly unjust, as according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility, which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made, not to America, but to France."
"If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the United States, the embargo only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regulation, which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it; and he has made none."
"His majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the U. States its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people."
"Let me now ask you, Mr. President, what feelings must rush themselves into your bosom, upon hearing this last, this arrogant insinuation? What must be the feelings or every war-torn veteran, who has so long enjoyed the pleasing consciousness of having been instrumental in achieving his country's independence? What must be the feelings of every young American who has not baselessly degenerated from his father's virtues?—Do you not see, Sir, in this sentence almost a direct overture of the interference of his most gracious majesty in our political concerns? Do you not see the vain and idle effort to encourage discontent by the expression of his majesty's good disposition to interpose his good offices to relieve the American people from the inconvenient restrictions imposed on them by their own government? What indignity, what insult could be greater upon the American people?"
What could more clearly demonstrate the infatuation, the intoxication of Mr. Canning's mind, produced by the unfortunate flood of misrepresentation which had poured in upon him? The American people will repel the overture with indignation, with disdain; and, Sir, as a sure and pleasing anticipation of this result, I rejoiced to see the indignant resentment manifested by the gentleman from Delaware (Mr. White.) It was the more honorable to him, Sir, because it was the triumph of his American feelings over a host of prejudices with which I fear he is surrounded. I always knew that gentleman to be a patriot, and when it shall become necessary, I expect to see him amongst the foremost in the ranks of honor, in the defence of his country's rights."
Yes, Sir, this insulting overture will doubtless burst the strong fetters of the prejudices of thousands of other American patriots, who will rally to the standard of their own government, and will teach Mr. Canning, how little he knows of the American character, or the American sensibility, when he thus ventures to insult both.
Sir, the sentiments contained in this extraordinary note of Mr. Canning's, are new to me. I have seen them for some months in some of the Boston newspapers—it contains nothing more than the ridiculous intimations contained in them, reduced to the form of a diplomatic note, not at all improved, nor better calculated to effect their object, by the sarcastic insolence of Mr. Canning.
Upon an impartial review of the whole of his part of the subject, Mr. President, I think I am warranted in the conclusion, that the embargo laws have not been without materially beneficial effects upon both the belligerents—that they have presented strong appeals to the interest of both; but that these appeals have not produced their complete effect—I have no hesitation in saying, Sir, that when the proper time shall arrive, if these orders and decrees should unfortunately be persevered in, I shall, for one, be ready to make still stronger appeals to their interests—appeals limited only by the whole force and energy of the nation.
I think also, Sir, I am warranted in concluding, that if the embargo laws have failed of complete success, their failure has been owing to extraordinary causes, which could neither have been foreseen nor anticipated at the time of the adoption of the measure, and therefore cannot furnish any imputation against its policy or wisdom.
Permit me, now, Sir, to make some observations upon the general character of the measure, as well as regards some of the
more general objections brought against it. I have said, Sir, that there are no substitutes for the embargo, but war or submission—I will now proceed to prove this position—a repeal of the embargo without a substitute, is submission, if with a substitute, it is war.—Gentlemen in the opposition, seem fully sensible of the delicacy and urgency of this part of the question. When pressed for their substitute, they manifest vast reluctance in producing it.
The gentleman from Delaware, indeed told us, he was not the pioneer of the administration; I never knew that he was called upon to act in that character; but I hope he will not voluntarily act as the sapper, nor the miner of the administration, especially when he must behold the administration assailed by the two most powerful belligerents in the world, unfortunately aided I fear, too, Sir, by an host of domestic sappers and miners, and underminers in the bargain. I am sure, Sir, the gentleman will not take upon himself such a character.—The gentleman, however, did not withhold from us an intimation, at least of his substitute—an intimation which could not be mistaken. It was war with France. The question, therefore, as to him is at an end upon this point. War is the substitute.
But, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) after protesting against furnishing any substitute, intimates merely that he is in favor of an armed commerce.—Why, Sir, so gentlemen in the opposition manifest such a reluctance in producing a substitute, if they have one? They seem to be laboring under an impression that this is a mere question, between themselves and the administration; an unimportant question of ins and outs. The question is certainly of a very different description. It is a question between this nation, and foreign nations. It is a question involving our national existence and independence, and the dearest rights of the people.
Let me tell these gentlemen, Sir, that the people have a right to demand a substitute from them, if they have one: not merely a vague insinuation to fill up a chasm in a defective argument, but a written proposition, reduced to form, presented for serious consideration; that every word may be examined, & all its bearings seen; then, Sir, we should be in a state of preparation to make a choice between such substitute, and the measures of the administration.
Besides, Sir, if this obligation were disregarded, every rule of criticism, every principle of common sense would require a substitute. If you criticise upon a sentence in writing, the criticism is incomplete until you show a better. In law pleadings, if you object to a plea, as defective, you are bound to show a better. And, certainly, Sir, the magnitude of the question, does not lessen the obligation imposed by the ordinary rules of common sense. Again, Sir, I hardly could have supposed, that gentlemen of such lofty pretensions to wisdom and talents would have contented themselves with the humble office of finding fault, without furnishing the proper correction. This inactive conduct, this doing nothing for the people, in these dangerous and critical times, can furnish but a poor claim to the people's gratitude and applause.
But, Sir, I will consider the gentleman's substitute, even with the glimmering view of it, which he has presented. His substitute is an armed commerce. Would he extend it to acts of reprisal? If so, it is immediate war. Would he stop short of that? It would still be war; but of a more inefficient kind. If our vessels are to arm, I presume their arms are to be used in self-defence; they would be used against both the belligerents. In the present temper of Great Britain, the first gun fired in a spirit of hostility, even with a blank cartridge; or if it were a pop-gun, would be instant war. It would be the signal to her navy to seize upon the whole of our commerce, which would be spread upon the ocean, the moment of raising the embargo. The gentleman's substitute, I therefore believe to be war, and war of the most efficient kind. A repeal of the embargo without a substitute is submission—Submission to what! to colonization, to taxation, to tribute!!
That this is the true character of the British orders and acts of parliament, we not only know from the measures themselves, but we know it was so understood in the British parliament, at the time of their adoption. As an evidence of this fact, let me call your most serious attention, Sir, to some of the observations made in parliament, at the time of their adoption, particularly the observations of Lord Grenville in the House of Lords.
His lordship said, "as to the duties proposed to be evied under these orders of council, he should only say, that when the peace of 1762 took place, he never thought that he should have lived, or that the British parliament should have lived to see the day when a proposition should be made to tax America!" And when a similar suggestion was made in the House of Commons, what was Mr. Canning's reply? Did he deny the object? No, Sir; but he begged the gentlemen in the opposition not to tell the secret to the Americans! Hush, gentlemen, was, in substance, his reply. Thus adding indignity and insult to the arrogant pretension. Upon this part of the subject, I shall make no comment! It is impossible to improve the eloquence of this parliamentary language! It must strike deep into the heart of every true American!!
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) says, no tribute will be paid, because there will be no inducement to pay it. France will not receive vessels into her ports, which have submitted to such disgrace. It is admitted that the tribute is imposed; and to avoid the payment of it, we are to look to France; to give up our national character, and our national honor to the safe keeping of the French emperor. [The gentleman rose to explain. He protested against making any such inference.] This was admitted. He only stated the facts, and I supplied the inference. The inference from the facts is a delectable one. I dislike Sir, this miserable subterfuge. Let us act like a nation of freemen. Let us be the conservators of our own honor and character. We should be the gainers by it upon the most economic calculation, in pounds,
shillings and pence. Our national character gains held out by this miserable commerce; & would sell for more in every market: submit to this disgraceful tribute, it would not be worth a cent, and would not sell for it in any market.
The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse,) says, that the embargo is submission to the mandates of both France and Great Britain, and therefore dishonorable. He makes this statement—France says, you shall not trade with Great Britain—Great Britain says, you shall not trade with France—and we say, we will not trade with either, and therefore gratify both. The fallacy of this argument consists in the misstatement. France says, you may trade with me, and I am anxious you should do so, but you shall not trade with Great Britain; we say, we will not trade with you, nor with Great Britain. Now, Sir, is this yielding to the mandate, or gratifying the wish of France? Certainly not—Great Britain uses the same language, and meets with the same reply.—Now I contend, that we have neither yielded submission, nor gratified the wish of either; but have resisted the wishes and mandates of both; and I have no doubt that both are astonished at the honorable and dignified attitude we have assumed and hitherto persisted in.
But, Sir, the gentleman intimates, that the government of the United States, has suspended a rod over the head of Great Britain, and asks, whether any American would negotiate with a rod suspended over his head? Let me ask in turn, Sir, if the gentleman's proposition, is not submission; not indeed, while the rod is suspended over our heads; but whilst it is applied with the most unrelenting severity to our backs? I was really hurt, Sir, to see that any gentleman could make an observation which would bear the most distant tint of an apology for Great Britain; and I cannot conceive how any gentleman can reconcile it to himself, when he reflects upon the many outrages committed by Great Britain against the United States, before even any attempt was made to do ourselves justice—and that these outrages were increased, in proportion to our patience under them.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) expresses his fears of some design for the destruction of commerce. He tells us, our commerce has grown to an enormous size, and warns us that it is not to be trifled with. The gentleman from Connecticut, too, tells us, that the avowed, was not the real object, of the embargo laws; and that he so prophesied at the time of passing them—that their real object was to encourage manufactures, at the expense of commerce. This charge of insincerity is a serious one. It is of a nature to impose a re-traint upon the feelings, against making the merited reply. It has excited my surprise more than anything I have heard fall from that gentleman; and the only apology I can find for it, is, that he unfortunately prophesied it. It is a painful effort of the mind to admit ourselves false prophets. By this time, it is impossible, but the gentlemen must be convinced, that this was a false prophecy. He reminds us of two lines in Hudibras:
"A man convinc'd against his will, Is of the same opinion still."
The gentleman must be convinced, but retains the same opinion. Sir, whether it be a suspicion or jealousy, or whatever delusion the gentleman is laboring under, I peremptorily deny the existence of the fact he has insinuated. How has it happened, that the commerce of the U. States has become so exerting influence of the federal government?—What act of hostility against commerce, has ever been shown by the government? I challenge the gentleman to name one, or a single act from the southern members unfavorable to our commercial prosperity. On the other hand, have we not always concurred in the stimuli given to commerce by discriminating duties, both on tonnage and merchandise, by the drawback system? and many other acts not material now to mention. It has been from these causes, added to the enterprizes of our people, that commerce has arrived at such a pitch of prosperity. They certainly do not warrant the charge brought against the government.
But what has excited my surprise, more than anything else, respecting this suggestion, is that the delusion upon the gentleman's mind, should be so strong as to banish his recollection of the local interests of the different states in the union. He seems to suppose that the southern are manufacturing states—This is not the fact.—The fact is, that the commercial are, also, the manufacturing states. The southern states are agricultural and commercial, not manufacturing, except in the household way; and that, is not the species of manufacturing, that has excited the gentleman's alarm. The peculiar organization of society in the southern states, will, for a long time, forbid large establishments of domestic manufactures.—This is the kind which gives the gentleman so much alarm; and in this kind, the southern states have no local interests whatever. They have, however, an essential interest in commerce, although, generally, the merchants carrying it on, may not reside within them. The agriculturists know, that a prosperous commerce is essential to good prices, and, therefore, they have always contributed to its protection and prosperity. In this state of facts, the gentleman may find a perfect security against his extravagant, & unfounded jealousies. But the gentleman is alarmed, because he has discovered in the President's replies to sundry addresses from the manufacturers, expressions of satisfaction at their prosperity and improvement in the manufacturing system. But the President has no where expressed an intimation or a wish, that this improvement or prosperity should be encouraged and promoted at the expense of commerce. And if he were to indulge so extraordinary an inclination, he could not expect to get a vote south of Potomac, in favor of the system. Suppose the merchants had addressed the President, in the days of his prosperity, would he not have expressed his satisfaction at the circumstance? And would such expression have been just ground, or any ground, of alarm and jealousy to the manufacturer? Certainly not, Sir. Every patriot must rejoice at the prosperity of each,
and every class of citizens. Indeed, Sir, did not the gentleman himself, in the course of his observations, with a laudable animation, express his high satisfaction at the doings of his own legislature, giving encouragement to colonel Humphries, in his attempts at introducing manufactures into the state of Connecticut? Proceedings highly honorable both to the legislature and colonel Humphries; and which I have also seen with great satisfaction. But, Sir, would it be correct to infer from this circumstance, that commerce is to be assailed and prostrated? Such an inference would be as idle and absurd in this case, as it is in relation to the views of the general government. Indeed, Sir, I concur perfectly with the gentleman in the opinions he has expressed upon the manufacturing system, in relation to the commercial. I have taken more pains in repelling this extraordinary jealousy or suspicion, in the hope that in correcting the public sentiment, in this respect, it would, at the same time, dissipate a great portion of the objections to the embargo laws, which seem to me, at this time, to be imperiously demanded, by the extraordinary crisis of our foreign relations.
I am now approaching a part of this subject, Mr. President, which fills me with regret—I know its delicacy, Sir, and deeply regret the necessity which impels the examination of it. It is however rendered indispensable, perhaps, by exterior events; but certainly by observations made in the course of this debate. I allude, Sir, to the inexecution of the embargo laws; or, rather, Sir, to the suggested incapacity of the government to enforce their observance. The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us, directly, that the government has not power to enforce the execution of these laws. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) even points out the mode of resistance. He tells us, they may be resisted, first, by town meetings, then by petitions, then by legislative resolutions, and, finally, by insurrection and rebellion. [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said, "he did not say that this would be the course of events. He only stated them abstractly, as probable results from those laws."] The gentleman is correct in his statement. I meant to be understood as stating his observations in that way. It cannot escape observation, however, Mr. President, that this is the practical process now going on in the state, the gentleman has the honor to represent.
It is submitted to the patriotism and good sense of those gentlemen to determine, whether mentioning these circumstances, even in that way, may not have some tendency to produce effects, which must be so much deprecated by all; and permit me to hope, Sir, by none more than by those gentlemen. And whether, Sir, they are not calculated to keep up the delusions in foreign nations, which, I believe in God, to be the principal causes of our present embarrassments—These circumstances were the less to be expected from gentlemen, who, a few years ago, arrogated to themselves the exclusive appellation of lovers of order and good government, whilst their political opponents were denounced as anarchists and disorderly and not even possessing virtue and honesty enough to be trusted with the public treasury. This, Sir, was an imposing appellation; and as long as its sincerity was confined in, it preserved these gentlemen in the dominion of the United States.
It was hardly to have been expected that these gentlemen would now be found the first to sound the alarm, in favor of anarchy and confusion: nor was it to have been expected, Sir, that the eastern states, which were the first to press the constitution upon us, and which have reaped a golden harvest from its operations, should be the first to wish to absolve themselves from its sacred obligations.
But, Mr. President, I believe this government does possess power sufficient to enforce the embargo laws. The real character of our government seems to be entirely misunderstood by foreigners and not fully appreciated by some of our own citizens. It has all the strength of execution, with the most despotic governments upon earth. It is aided, too, by the knowledge of every citizen; that when its will is pronounced, it is the fair expression of the will of the majority.—The checks of this government are exclusively upon its deliberations, not upon its powers of execution. So far from it, that the constitution has expressly provided, that the government should possess all means necessary and proper for executing its specified powers. There is no limitation, whatever, upon the means of executing the general will, when fairly and deliberately pronounced. Nothing could be more absurd than to suppose, that when so many checks had been imposed upon deliberation in pronouncing the public will, after that will was thus pronounced, that any means whatever, for its execution, should be withheld.
Again, Sir, the fundamental principle of our government is, that the majority shall govern. This principle is known and respected by every citizen, and by none more than the people of Massachusetts. They are taught to respect from the cradle to manhood. First in their town meetings—then in their legislature—and finally, in their general government. They know too well the fatal consequence of resisting it. I have perfect confidence, therefore, in the people of Massachusetts; and, if their electioneering leaders and partisans, should unfortunately stimulate some of them into insurrection, I have no doubt but that the militia of that state, when lawfully called on, will obey the call, and will do their duty. Such a movement would share the fate of all similar attempts, which have preceded it; and its only consequences would be, that its authors, as they would be the first to merit the fate, so they would become the first victims of the movement. But, Sir, I have but little apprehension from these threats of insurrection and rebellion, for other reasons.
The peculiar interests of the people of Massachusetts, forbid the attempt. A few leaders may, perhaps, propose their interests to their love of power—but few, however, could enjoy the power under any new order of things, and the people at large would soon see that their interests were sa-
crificed to the indulgence of this infatuated ambition of the few.
Let this subject, Mr. President, be a little further examined, in reference to the local interests of the eastern states, as members of this union. Potomac may be considered as the boundary line between the commercial and agricultural states.
When our first difficulties with the belligerents occurred, it respected merely a commercial right. What was the conduct of the merchants, and commercial states, upon the subject? You have heard, Sir, their memorials read, calling upon the government, in a voice too loud to be suppressed, to protect them in their commercial rights; the call was obeyed—As I think this part of the subject ought to be well understood, I beg the indulgence of the senate to read their own proceedings thereupon.
"The senate resumed the consideration of the report of the committee, made on the 5th instant, on that part of the message of the President of the United States, which relates to the violation of neutral rights and the impressment of American seamen.
On motion, To commit the second resolution, reported;
It passed in the negative. On motion, To strike out the following words in the second resolution, reported.
"Demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by those captures and condemnations, and to"
It was determined in the negative, yeas 13, nays 16.
The yeas and nays having been required by one-fifth of the senators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are,
Messrs. Adair, Baldwin, Bradley, Gail-lard, Howard, Logan, Maclay, Moore, Plumer, Smith, of Vermont, Sumner, Turner, Worthington.
Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Bayard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Kitchel, Mitchell, Pickering, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, of New-York, Smith, of Ohio, Smith, of Tennessee, Thruston, Tracy, White, Wright.
And several amendments to the said second resolution having been adopted;
On motion, To agree thereto as amended. It was determined in the affirmative, yeas 23, nays 7.
The yeas and nays having been required by one-fifth of the senators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are,
Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Gail-lard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Howard, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Mitchell, Moore, Pickering, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, of New-York, Smith, of Ohio, Smith, of Tennessee, Tracey, Turner, White, Worthington, Wright.
Those who voted in the negative, are, Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Plumer, Smith of Vermont, Stone, Sumner, Thruston.
So it was. Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to demand the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations; and to enter into such arrangements with the British government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations (and particularly respecting the impressment of American seamen,) as may be consistent with the honor and interests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled."
At this time the question involved only a commercial right—What was the conduct of the merchants then? They came forward and pledged their lives and fortunes to support the government in any measures for its protection. The question is now changed.—To the original question, is added a question of national sovereignty and independence—What is now the conduct of these same merchants? They tell you, Sir, to tread back your steps, give up the contest, and disgrace your country. These merchants too, threaten you with insurrection and rebellion unless you yield implicit obedience to their mandates.
Again, Sir, I have little apprehension from these threats, for the following reasons:—First, many of the individuals engaged in these excitements, I am told are gentlemen of property and families. They are therefore, now, in the enjoyment of every political and domestic blessing; their infatuated passions to the contrary notwithstanding. I think persons of this description will pause, before they hazard all these blessings; and a moment's impartial reflection will be sufficient to check their career. In the next place, there are many local advantages accruing to the people of the Eastern States from the operations of the general government. They consist principally of the following, although there are others.
1. The protection afforded to their carrying trade, by discriminating duties, both on tonnage and merchandise. 2. Protection and facility afforded to the coasting trade. 3. Protection to their fisheries by duties on foreign fish. 4. Affording a good market for their surplus manufactures and other articles. 5. Payment of the public debt at par, which was bought up at very low rates. 6. As a result from all these advantages, the protection of their population on the seaboard by lessening the inducements to emigration.
Permit me, Sir, to remind the gentlemen from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd) that these advantages are not to be trifled with.
But, Sir, I have heard it intimated that these advantages could be compensated by a connection with Great Britain. Indulge me, Sir, with an examination of this idea.

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
In obedience to the direction of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department," the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits the following.
REPORT AND ESTIMATES.
THE net revenue arising from duties on merchandise and tonnage which accrued during the year 1806, amounted to $ 16,615,430
And that which accrued during the year 1807, amounted as will appear by the statement (A) to 16,059,924
The same revenue, after deducting that portion which arose from the duty on salt and from the additional duties constituting the Mediterranean fund, amounted during the year 1806, to 14,848,784
And during the year 1807, to 14,372,855
But it is ascertained that the net revenue which accrued during the three first quarters of the year 1808, did not exceed eight millions of dollars, and is daily decreasing.
The statement (B) exhibits in detail the several species of merchandise and other sources, from which that revenue was collected during the year 1807.
It appears by the statement (C) that the sales of the public lands have, during the year ending on the 30th of September, 1808, amounted to about 200,000 acres; and the payments by purchasers to near 350,000 dollars. The proceeds of sales in the Mississippi territory, being, after deducting the surveying and other incidental expenses, appropriated in the first place to the payment of a sum of 1,250,000 dollars to the state of Georgia, are distinctly stated.
It appears by the statement (D) that the payments on account of the principal of the public debt, have during the same period, amounted to only 2,335,000 dollars. But the payments from the treasury for the annual reimbursement of the six per cent. and deferred stocks, and for the final reimbursement of the 8 per cent. stock will (exclusively of a sum of 730,000 dollars already in the hands of the treasurer as agent for the commissioners of the sinking fund) amount, during the last quarter of this year, to 3,376,000 dollars. Making the total of public debt reimbursed from the 1st of April, 1801, to the 1st of January, 1809, about thirty-three millions six hundred thousand dollars, exclusively of more than six millions paid during the same period, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty and convention with Great Britain, and of the Louisiana convention.
The public debt will, on the first day of January, 1809, amount to 56,647,663 dollars consisting of the following items:
  Old six per cent. stock, nominal amount, 20,706,608 22, unredeemed $ 11,919,877 57   Deferred stock, do. 11,717,476 92, do. 9,386,627 08   New six per cent. stock exchanged at par for old six and deferred, 5,992,343 50   New six do. do. arising from conversion of three per cent. stock at 63 1,859,770 70   new six per cent. stock, 80,000   1796, six per cent. stock, 11,250,000   Louisiana do.   Total six per cent. stock, 40,489,618 85   Three per cent. stock, 16,158,044 42   56,647,663 27 
The interest on the whole debt and the annual reimbursement on the six per cent. and deferred stocks, will, for the ensuing year, amount to 4,226,000 dollars, leaving in order to complete the annual appropriation of 8,000,000 of dollars, a sum of 3,774,000 dollars, applicable to the reimbursement of the new exchanged six per cent. stock. The whole of that amounting together to 7,853,000 dollars, would thus be reimbursed within two years. And if the annual reimbursement, could not, during the seven ensuing years, exceed 3,756,000 dollars. But under existing circumstances, it is believed that the reimbursement of that new six per cent. stock will be nominal and must be effected by incurring a new debt to an equal amount.
The actual receipts into the treasury, during the year ending on the 30th September, 1808, as they principally arose from the revenue accrued during the preceding year (and the payments on account of draw back having been diminished by the embargo,) have been greater than those of any preceding year, and amounted to $ 17,952,419 90
And the specie in the treasury on the 1st October, 1807, amounted to 8,329,375 08
Making together 26,481,992 98
The disbursements during the same period have amounted to $ 12,635,275 46, consisting of the following items:
  Civil department and miscellaneous expenses, $ 1,258,961 18   Foreign intercourse and payment of American claims assumed by the Louisiana convention, 406,499 27   Military and Indian departments, including fortifications and the expenses of the new army, 2,023,759 55   Naval department, including the appropriation of dollars 677,064 47, to cover the deficit of the preceding year 2,257,064 47   Public debt, principal and interest (the greater part of the payments for the year 1808, falling as already stated in the last quarter) 5,688,984 89   Leaving a balance in the treasury on 30th September, 1808, of 12,635,275 46   13,846,717 52   $ 26,481,992 98 
The cash in the hands of collectors and receivers, and the outstanding revenue bonds, which will almost altogether fall due prior to the first of January, 1810, may, after deducting the debentures yet unpaid, and the expenses of collection, be estimated to have amounted, on the 30th September, 1808, to 10,500,000
Making, together with the balance in the treasury on that day of 13,846,000
An aggregate of 24,346,000
Although the expenses of the present quarter cannot at present be precisely ascertained, they will not, including the reimbursement of 3,376,000 dollars, on account of the principal of the public debt, exceed 3,346,000
Leaving on the 1st day of January, 1809, a sum of 16,000,000
Sixteen millions of dollars in cash or bonds payable during the year 1809, and applicable to the expenses of that year. It is presumed that the receipts arising from importations and payments for lands subsequent to the 30th September, 1808, will not be greater than the deductions on account of bad debts and of the extension of credit on certain articles.
The expenses of the year 1809, would, according to the appropriations already made, and to the usual annual estimates amount to thirteen millions of dollars consisting of the following items:
  I. Civil list and miscellaneous expenses, 900,000   II. Foreign intercourse, 200,000   III. Grants by congress and other miscellaneous unforeseen demands, 150,000   IV. Military and Indian departments, 2,736,000   V. Naval department, 1,014,000   VI. Annual appropriation for the public debt, 8,000,000   $ 13,000,000 
Leaving a surplus of only three millions of dollars for defraying all the expenses for fortifications, military stores, increase of the army and navy, or otherwise incident to a state of actual war or preparations for war.
The annual appropriation on account of the public debt, amounting to eight millions, and the interest for the year 1809, being less than three millions of dollars; an authority to borrow five millions would only create a new debt equal to the principal of old debt reimbursed during that year, and appears sufficient to provide for any deficiency arising from the extraordinary expenses which may be thus authorised by Congress.
It thus appears, that notwithstanding the general warfare of the belligerent powers against neutral nations, and the consequent suspension of commerce which took place in the latter end of the year 1807, and notwithstanding the increased rate of expenditure naturally arising from that state of things; the ordinary revenue will have been sufficient to defray all the expenses of the years 1808 and 1809, including for 1808 a reimbursement of debt exceeding six millions of dollars, and without making any addition to that debt in 1809. The measures necessary to be adopted in order to make a timely provision for the service of the ensuing years, depend on the course which the United States will pursue in relation to foreign aggressions. And that being yet unascertained, it becomes necessary to examine the several alternatives left to the choice of Congress.
Either the navigation of the ocean will be abandoned by the United States; or it will be resumed.
The first supposition is that of a continuance of the embargo of the vessels of the United States, and admits of two alternatives.
1. Either a provision generally forbidding exportations, may continue to make part of the system, in which case, importations, whether expressly interdicted or not, must, for want of the means of payment, be also discontinued;
2. Or exportations and corresponding importations may be permitted in foreign vessels. The second supposition also offers two, and only two alternatives. It may indeed be admitted, that the decrees of France can be enforced only in her own territories and in those of her allies; that however efficient in preventing any commerce between the United States and herself, those decrees cannot materially affect that between her enemies and the United States, and may therefore in that respect be disregarded. But Great-Britain having the means of enforcing her orders on the ocean, the navigation of that element cannot be resumed without encountering those orders; and they must either be submitted to or resisted. There can be no middle way between those two courses.
3. Either America must accept the portion of commerce allotted to her by the British edicts, and abandon all that is forbidden, (and it is not in her power whether this be done by legal provisions limiting the commerce of the United States to the permitted places,) or by acquiescing in the capture of vessels, stopping beyond the prescribed bounds.
4. Or the nation must oppose force to the execution of the orders of England; and this, however done, and by whatever name called, will be war.
Of those four alternatives, the second and third offer neither in principle, nor in their effect on the revenue. As both plans consist in providing partial expiations and importations, it must be acknowledged, that objectionable as that course may be in other respects, if considered merely in relation to the fiscal concerns of the union, it will for the moment be attended with less difficulty than either the present system or war. For how-narrow the limits to which, on that plan, the exportations and importations of the United States may be reduced, yet there will still be some commerce, and some revenue arising from commerce. And as, in pursuing that humble path, means of defence will beget themselves, as there will be no occasion for either an army or a navy, it is believed that there would be no difficulty in reducing the public expenditure to a rate corresponding with the fragments of import which might still be collected. If that course be adopted, no other provision seems necessary, than an immediate reduction of expenses.
The system now in force, and war, however dissimilar in some respects, are both consigned to resistance. Nor is it believed that their effect on national wealth and public revenue would be materially different. In either case, a portion, and a portion only, of the national industry and capital, heretofore employed in the production, transportation, and exchange of agricultural products, or in the foreign carrying trade, can immediately be diverted to other objects. In case of a continuance of the embargo, and non-exportation, either a less quantity of commodities must be produced, or a portion will accumulate until the freedom of commerce shall be restored. In case of war, that surplus will be exported; and although a part must be lost by capture, a portion of the returns will be received. If the embargo and suspension of commerce shall be continued, the revenue arising from commerce will, in a short time entirely disappear. In case of war, some part of that revenue will remain; but it will be absorbed by the increase of public expenditure. In either case, that amount which will be nearly the same in either of the two alternatives of embargo or war, is correct only on the supposition, that the embargo and non-exportation are, after a rendering, therefore, preparations for war necessary, they require a rate of expenditure far beyond that of a peace establishment.
If, however, the embargo and non-intercourse are to have equal continuance with the belligerent edicts, indefinite as that is; if it be determined to rely exclusively on that measure, and at all events not to risk a war on account of those aggressions, preparations for war will become useless, and the extraordinary expenses need not be incurred. In that case, the expenditure for the year 1809 ought not to exceed the sum of thirteen millions of dollars, which, as has been stated, is requisite for the support of the present establishment. And this would leave, for the service of the year 1810, the above-mentioned surplus of 3 millions, and the proposed loan of five millions, which, together, would be sufficient to defray the peace establishment, and to pay the interest on the public debt during that year. Thus two years more would be provided for, without either increasing the public debt, or laying any new taxes. It is certainly only with a view to war, either immediate or contemplated, that it will become necessary to resort, at least to any considerable extent, to extraordinary sources of supply.
Legitimate resources can be derived only from loans or taxes. and the reasons which induce a deferment, that loans should be principally relied on, in case of war, were stated in the annual report of last year. That opinion has been corroborated by every subsequent view which has been taken of the subject, as well as by the present situation of the country. The embargo has brought into, and kept in the United States, almost all the floating property of the nation. And whilst the depreciated value of domestic produce increases the difficulty of raising a considerable revenue by internal taxes, at no former time has there been so much specie, so much redundant, unemployed capital, in the country. The high price of public stocks, and indeed of all species of stocks, the reduction of the public debt, the unimpaired credit of the general government, and the large amount of existing bank stock in the United States, leave no doubt of the practicability of obtaining the necessary loans on reasonable terms.
The geographical situation of the United States, their history since the revolution, and, above all, present events, remove every apprehension of frequent wars. It may therefore be confidently expected, that a revenue derived solely from duties on importations, though necessarily impaired by war, will always be amply sufficient, during long intervals of peace, not only to defray current expenses, but also to reimburse the debt contracted during the few periods of war.
No internal taxes, either direct or indirect, are therefore contemplated, even in the case of hostilities carried against the two great belligerent powers. Exclusively of the authority which must, from time to time, be given to borrow the sums required (always providing for the reimbursement of such loans within limited periods) and of a due economy in the several branches of expenditure, nothing more appears necessary than such modifications, and increase of the duties on importations, as are naturally suggested by existing circumstances.
1. Although importations have already considerably diminished, and may under the system now in force, shortly be altogether discontinued, no reasonable objection is perceivable against an increase of duties on such as may still take place. Had the duties been doubled on the 1st January, 1808, as was then suggested in case of war, the receipts into the treasury during that and the ensuing year, would have been increased nine or ten millions of dollars. Those articles of most universal consumption, on which an increase of duty would be inconvenient, are generally either free of duty or abundant. It is therefore proposed that not only the Mediterranean duties, which will expire on the 1st day of January next, should be continued, but that all the existing duties should be doubled on importations subsequent to that day.
2. The present system of drawbacks also appears susceptible of modifications. The propriety of continuing generally that provision of the embargo laws which allows a drawback on articles exported more than one year after they have been imported, is doubtful. A modification might check speculations and monopolies. The diminution of importations has afforded sufficient profits on most of the articles which had been imported: and a provision which would have a tendency to bring into market, and to lessen the price of those articles, would be generally beneficial.
3. The causes which induced the adoption of a partial non-importation act, have ceased to exist. The object then in view has merged into a far more important one. The selection of interdicted articles was founded on the possibility of obtaining them in other countries than England, and does not agree with existing circumstances. The act producing now no other effect than to increase the temptations, and to produce habits of smuggling, impairs and injures the revenue. A general non-intercourse with that country would supersede that partial measure, and might be executed with greater facility. And it is believed that, under every event, its repeal will be beneficial, and that a permanent increase of duties on articles selected with a view to those which may be manufactured in the United States, would be preferable.
4. It is believed that the present system of accountability of the military and naval establishments may be rendered more prompt and direct, and is susceptible of improvements which, without embarrassing the public service, will have a tendency more effectually to check any abuses by subordinate agents. Provisions to that effect are rendered more necessary by the probable increase of expense in those departments.
All which is respectfully submitted. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, December 10, 1808.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
TUESDAY, Dec. 13.
A motion was made that the House should agree to the following preamble and resolutions:
At a moment when the rights of our country have been assailed by the encroachments of foreign nations, whose conduct towards the United States has been regulated by no law of nations, or by any principle of justice; at a moment when our commerce is menaced by the iniquitous edicts of Great-Britain and of France, our flag insulted, the great highway of nations, which nature and nature's God have allotted for the use of all countries, has been actually turned back by the tolls and the tribute of the British Government, for the benefit of the British Exchequer; at a moment when it becomes every American to rally around the measures of his government, to vindicate the undoubted rights of his beloved country, and to declare "for his country, or against his country."
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare an address to the Congress and President of the United States pledging every nerve and every exertion of this legislature to support the rights of the United States, to endure every privation and pain, and to resist upon the ruins of our country, rather than abandon its rights, its honor and its independence.
At a moment when THOMAS JEFFERSON, now President of the United States, is about to retire from the Chief Magistracy of this nation, from a magnanimous disposition to sacrifice all the advantages of political elevation to the sound principles of the republic; at a time when the appropriation of his past official conduct cannot possibly be construed into adulation or flattery; at a time when, retiring from office, it becomes necessary and proper for the legislature of Virginia to express their general sentiments upon the retrospective history of the measures of his wise and virtuous administration:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare an affectionate, appropriate and laudatory address to Thomas Jefferson, now President of the United States.
On motion, Ordered, That the same be referred to Messrs. Pope, Semple, Baker, Robertson, (of Amelia) W. Brockden, Preston, E. Watts, Wirt, Archer, Mordaugh, Graham, Peyton and Struther.
Mr. Semple, from the committee for Courts of Justice, presented the following report:
The Committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration several motions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee,
that the petition of sundry persons, owners of lots in Planter's Town, praying that a further time may be allowed for improving the lots in the said town, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the free-holders and house-keepers of St. Mary's parish, in the county of Caroline, setting forth, that they have directed the proceeds, arising from the sale of the glebe of the said parish, to be applied to the establishment of an academy in the same, and praying that an act may pass providing a constitution for the said academy, and securing for the benefit thereof, the property which may belong to the said academy, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that so much of the petition as is to them referred, of the mayor, recorder, aldermen and common councilmen of the town of Petersburg, as prays that the citizens of the said town may, in future, be authorized to exercise their electoral franchise at their court-house in the said town, be rejected.
4. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that such other part of the said petition as is to them referred, as prays that the jurisdiction of the court of instings of the said town may be extended, be rejected.
The said resolutions being severally twice read, were agreed to by the House.
Ordered, That bills be brought in pursuant to the first and second resolutions, and that the committee for Courts of Justice do prepare and bring in the same.
Mr. Yerby from the committee of Propositions and Grievances made the following report:
The committee of Propositions and Grievances have, according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Hampshire, praying that a law may pass, increasing the reward for killing wolves within the said county, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Monroe, praying that all that part of the said county contained within the following bounds, to wit, beginning at the top of Peter's mountain where the road crosses above Jacob Miller's and running to the most north-easterly corner of the tract of land the said Miller lived on, thence a direct line to the mouth of Indian creek, may be added to, and made a part of the county of Giles, be rejected.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that a petition of sundry other inhabitants of the county of Monroe, in opposition thereto, is reasonable.
...the New England and Old England would only be for the benefit of the latter. They are essentially rivals in every occupation. First, in navigation—second in exports. The exports of New England are principally fish and beef. It would be a great object with Old England, utterly to destroy the New England fish market; and the Irish beef would come into an advantageous competition with the export of that article.
These are permanent points of competition, unalterably fixed in the nature of things. They cannot be altered, nor destroyed by any sudden ebullitions of passion; nor by any connection resulting therefrom. (Mr. Giles's Speech to be continued.)
WASHINGTON, Dec. 16.
The Senate, after adopting several amendments to the bill, making further provision for enforcing the embargo, ordered it to a third reading.
Nothing else of consequence has been done in the Senate for the two last days.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 14.
OHIO ROAD.
A message, received from the President of the United States yesterday, inclosed documents respecting the great Cumberland road, was read, and with the documents accompanying it, referred to a select committee.
REVENUE BONDS.
A bill from the Senate supplemental to "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds and for other purposes," was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
The second resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations, (relative to non-intercourse) being under consideration—
Mr. Milnor opposed it in a speech of about an hour; and Mr. Fisk supported it in a speech of an hour and a half.
The House adjourned at 5 o'clock without taking a question.
THURSDAY, Dec. 15.
On motion of Mr. Thomas, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The second resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration—
Mr. Ulfham spoke against it for about three quarters of an hour.
Mr. Livermore followed on the same side in a speech of about an hour.
Mr. Boyd spoke in support of it for about twenty minutes.
Mr. Taylor followed on the same side in a speech of about an hour.
Mr. Cook spoke a few minutes in explanation of his former remarks.
A motion was made to adjourn and negatived—54 to 49.
Mr. Pitkin said that he wished to deliver his sentiments on this important subject, and did not wish to commence at this late hour; and renewed the motion to adjourn—Carried 57 to 51.
FRIDAY, Dec. 16.
Mr. Gourdener moved that when the House adjourned, it adjourn till Monday.
Mr. J. K. Smith, asked for the ayes and noes on this motion. It was negatived—58 to 48.
Mr. Lewis, from the committee of the district Columbia, reported a bill to amend the charter of Alexandria. Twice read, and made the order for Monday.
Mr. J. Montgomery, reported a bill making compensation to Maj. Z. M. Pike.
The Speaker laid before the house the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. It was referred to the committee of ways and means, and two thousand copies ordered to be printed.
The house took up the consideration of the non-intercourse resolution. Mr. Newton spoke about three hours in support of the resolution, when the house adjourned.
New-York, Dec. 13.
MORGAN LEWIS vs. COL. FEW.
On Saturday morning last was brought on at a sitting of the Supreme Court for the City of New-York before Mr. Justice Thompson, the important cause of Morgan Lewis vs. Col. Few. Col. Few had two years since presided at a public meeting held at Marling's, at which an address was passed, which gave Mr. Lewis (as he believes) his political quietus; and for the alleged libel, contained in the address, this action was brought. Messrs. Colden, Griffin, and Slosson, appeared in court, with Mr. Lewis, as his counsel. On the part of Col. Few, Messrs. Emmet, Riker, Sampson and Van Wyck were concerned.
After the testimony on the part of the plaintiff was

The said resolutions being severally twice read, were agreed to by the House.
A petition was presented and read from Philip B. Thompson, D. Jamieson, and Samuel Slaughter, on behalf of the Culpeper county society, for the promotion of agriculture and domestic manufactures, praying the passage of a law to incorporate the said society.
Also a petition of Lucy Day of Essex county, praying the remission of a fine inflicted on her by a judgement of said county court.
Also a petition of Edwin James Harvie, acting executor of John Harvie, dec'd, praying the remission of a judgement, obtained against him as executor aforesaid, in the General Court; or that he may be permitted to discharge the same by instalments.
Referred to the committee for Courts of Justice.
A petition was presented and read from sundry persons praying certain amendments to the law authorizing the removal of obstructions to the passage of fish down James River.
Mr. Thompson presented, according to order, a bill "Allowing persons arraigned of misdemeanor, in certain cases, the right of challenge;" which was received and read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To reduce the fees of Sheriffs in certain cases;" and that the committee appointed to bring in a bill concerning the fees of clerks of courts, do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To extend the jurisdiction of the quarterly terms of county and corporation courts in certain cases;" and that Messrs. Peyton, Barbour, Wirt, Holt, Graham and Tyler, do prepare and bring in the same.
BALTIMORE, Dec. 14.
Suppose—a certain native born American, now an admiral in the British service notorious for his cruelty towards the American seamen, dubbed Sir Isaac Coffin, was to be seen prowling through our country in disguise, dressed in a light blue coat, round hat and coarse jacket, with a bandanna handkerchief round his neck and covering his chin?
Suppose—this man at Gadsby's tavern, in the city of Baltimore, should regret to his friend the accidental discovery of his name as a most 'UNFORTUNATE' event, and take himself off immediately as if to efface a recollection of his having been in this city?
Suppose—he were to enquire of a citizen of this place, if the far famed tory and British pensioner, Key, was at Washington, and say that he had some most important affairs to adjust with a member of Congress?
Suppose instead of going from hence direct to Washington, he was to visit Annapolis, and examine its harbour and the fortifications now erecting at that place for the defence of the Severn?
Suppose—that all these suppositions are true, and draw your own conclusions.— Even Post.
The following is copied from the London Packet of October 14:
"THE Brazil Committee, have received from his Majesty's Ministers the IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION, that it is their intention to allow all goods, the growth, produce, or manufacture of Countries or Colonies in Amity, to be imported either in British ships, or ships of the Countries in Amity, without being liable to the EXPORT DUTY, under the Order in Council Act."
[The above applies to the United States, if we are considered in amity, and we have no doubt we are according to diplomatic usage—but whether we shall be after our non-intercourse law is passed, may admit of a question. However, under a non-intercourse, embargo, or the French decrees, the British Order of Council Act could have no effect against our interest; but as the duty gave pain, we trust its abolishment will afford pleasure—and so far as our new measures, or the continuance of the old, were promoted by the cry of tribute, they now lose that support. A portion of the cause having ceased, why should not a portion of the effect? If we were not now considered in amity, we should be if our embargo were raised and intercourse renewed.]— Post. Pal.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 20, 1808.
MR. DANIEL'S RESOLUTION (Laid before the H. of Delegates on Saturday.)
"RESOLVED, that a committee be appointed to enquire, whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the Ordinance of this Legislature, restrictive of the appointment of its members to office."
Referred to Messrs. Daniel, Peyton, Moncure, McFarlane, Hooe, Wirt, Watson, Harris and Wooding.
If the object of this resolution be understood, few can be more patriotic and proper. A similar one was three years ago proposed by T. Bolling Robertson, Esq. then a delegate from Dinwiddie, now Secretary to the territory of Orleans; but from some cause or other it was lost or neglected.—It is time that the object of this measure should be engrafted into the rules and regulations of the Legislature. Such a measure is essential to preserve the purity and chastity of that body, as far as respects the power of making appointments.
The law alluded to in the Resolution of Mr. Daniel, does not go far enough. This law, passed on the 24th of November, 1794, is in the following terms:
"An act concerning appointments to civil offices."
1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that no Senator or Delegate, shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time."
2. This act shall be in force, from and after the passing hereof."
A similar restriction occurs in the Constitution of the U. States, Art. 1. Sec. 6. in these words: "No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time." An admirable provision against venality. (See Judge Tucker, Appendix to Vol. 1. p. 198) but which, it is to be feared, is not sufficiently guarded to prevent evasion.
The same provision occurs in the Constitution of Pennsylvania, (formed upon the model of that of the U. S.) and in the very same words.—A similar one is found in the Constitution of Kentucky, with an additional guard against corruption: for there no Senator or Representative shall take an office which shall have been created—not during the time for which he shall
have been elected"—but "for one year after wards."
With this restriction added to it, perhaps the constitution of the United States, would have gone far enough. So far as it respects the House of Representatives, this regulation would not be so important as it respects the Senate. For as the power of making appointments, vests in the President and Senate of the United States—as no part of it vests in the H. of Representatives—this body could not have so much inducement to abuse its trust. Its power is confined to creating or carving out new appointments.—The same remark is not equally true of the Senate of the U. S. which may not only concur with the H. of R. in creating and carving out new offices, but may concur with the President, in creating vacancies in such offices as have been already created.
These observations apply to the General Assembly of Virginia. It is the pride of our constitution, that our executive is endowed with so little power. One of the causes of this effect is, that the power of making all high appointments in the state vests in the Legislature immediately emanating from the people. To that body belongs the right of filling by "joint ballot" all the great offices, in the state, as well as all the vacancies that are "created."
The act of Assembly therefore falls short of its object. It should extend to VACANCIES, as well as to new OFFICES, which may be "created." The term "created," is used to distinguish such vacancies as are produced by the Legislature itself, from those which may constitutionally be legally vacated during the period of their session.—The post of governor, for example, is vacant every year—and it would be so, independently of the influence or votes of the members of any particular Legislature. The same office may be vacated by removing the present incumbent from his chair to some other appointment.
The act of Assembly as it now stands, helps to wrest from the members of the Legislature all improper inducements to multiply the number of offices.—The Act as it ought to stand, would equally deprive them of the greatest temptation to multiply vacancies.—To these vacancies, neither they, nor their allies, nor their partisans in the Assembly would be permitted to rise.
I feel the highest respect for the purity of the Legislature of Virginia. There is not perhaps in the whole world a representative body more perfectly pure or chaste in its proceedings. No illusion is therefore made to any one of its transactions. But, sir, may not this rage for filling vacancies be sometimes carried even to a ludicrous length? A, for instance, is the tenant of an office which B or D may want, and one of them holds an office, which E, F or G may want. May not then B, C & D, E, F and G, and the friends of each, co-operate in promoting A to another office, so that B, C and D may acquire a chance of filling the vacancy of A: and E, F, and G of filling the vacancy left by B, C or D?
Sir, the power of filling such vacancies out of their own body is calculated to lead to mischievous effects upon the members of the Legislature. These gentlemen should be disabused of all selfish inducements to abuse this trust of appointment vested in their hands.
This permission to fill vacancies out of their own body, is likely to produce an intrigue, an electioneering spirit, a kind of political gambling, which are unworthy of the members of an independent body.
This effect is not even confined to the candidates themselves. Their friends too are apt to plunge into this vortex of political chaffering and speculation. The allies of A may agree to support B for one office, if his allies will return the compliment. This compromise is not even confined to elections, but great measures may sometimes be supported by the friends of one candidate, if those interested in the measures will support him for an office.
Even where this compromise of interests does not take effect, the spirit of electioneering will give its tint to the measures brought before the house. Questions may not always be supported because they are proper, but because they are sometimes popular.
These vacancies too are not always filled with a regard to merit, but sometimes from favor, and that esprit de corps, which is apt to pervade all masses of men. Ceteris paribus, a member of the Legislature, if he be a man of pleasing manners and doughty perseverance, will bear away the palm from all his competitors. He is every moment with his colleagues; mixing and mingling with their sentiments and pleasures; he has an opportunity of cultivating their acquaintances and conciliating their feelings.
These and other reasons—particularly the necessity of concentrating the confidence of the people by the disinterestedness of appointments, and of leaving no part of them unrepresented by a translation of their representative to other offices—imagine me most strongly to advocate this measure, which is understood to be the object of Mr. Daniel's resolution.
A CALM OBSERVER.
Yesterday, in the House of Delegates, Mr. Pope from the Special Committee appointed for that purpose, made the following REPORT, in part:
The Committee to whom were referred sundry resolutions touching, among other things, our Foreign Relations, and the measures of the administration consequent thereon, beg leave now to report on this branch of the subject:
That the French Edicts and British Orders of Council, although the immediate causes of the Embargo, were not the first grievances of which we had to complain against those nations: they were the last links, only, of a long chain of indignities and oppressions, which they had previously conspired to cast upon us. Agreeing in nothing else, those powers, seem to have agreed, at least, in the point, of heaping insults and injuries on the United States, in total disregard of the relations of amity which subsisted between us, and in direct and gross violation of the best settled principles of the Law of Nations.
As to Great-Britain, it seems to your committee, that, ever since she was, reluctantly, compelled to acknowledge our independence, she has been pursuing a system of measures calculated to regain the ground which she had lost; to bring us back to our colonial subjection and dependence on her, and thus to effect, by her policy, what she was unable to accomplish by her arms.
Availing herself of the identity of our language, she has extended her laws of impressment to us; and, as if we were still her colonies, has forced us to contribute to man her fleets. At this moment, at least, three thousand free-born American citizens, perhaps many more, are mooring, on board the British fleet, a hopeless separation from all the connections of their hearts; are pining
and expiring in a captivity, worse than African, because its immediate consequences are to involve in a war of plunder against their own country, and, in the end, too probably, in a war against the lives of their countrymen. Great-Britain not only refuses to release these men, but she refuses to adopt any regulation whereby the outrage may be prevented in future. On the contrary, her board of admiralty, in answer to a proposition to this effect, from a late minister, Lord Holland, has declared that the existence of her navy depended on the continuance of impressments as theretofore practised. Your committee see, in this declaration, the avowal of a firm and settled purpose, that so long as the United States shall speak the same language, with G. Britain, they shall contribute to nourish and support the British fleet, although the power of that fleet is to be turned against themselves. Your committee, deem it an idle and ridiculous mockery to vaunt of the sovereignty and independence of our country, while the persons and liberty of our citizens are insecure; while a foreign nation is permitted, at her pleasure, to come among us, to seize on our countrymen, and take off, for the purposes of war, whatever number her occasions may require. Tribute, in any form, has been thought a badge of independence and servility: but never can it assume form so humiliating and degrading, as when it is a tribute of men and freemen, too, furnished to fight the battles of a foreign prince; battles in which, if directed against other foreign powers, they feel no interest; but which may be directed against their own country, and thus force them to imbrue their hands in the blood of a Brother or a Father.
Again, Great-Britain not only with the actual power of her navy, has, without any addition thereto, contrived the means of multiplying its operations and extending the range of its action to the great annoyance and even ruin of neutral commerce. The law of nations has declared that a blockade cannot exist without actual investment by the ships of the enemy: and in this state of things, it is admitted, on all hands, that a neutral has no right to enter the port, since, by carrying in supplies, he might defeat the object of the blockade. But Great-Britain was not satisfied with this legitimate restriction on the commerce of neutrals—Not able with all her ships, numerous as they are, to invest all the ports of her enemy, she has invented a species of blockade unknown to the law of nations, by which she avoids the expense of an actual siege, keeps her ships free for other operations, harasses her adversary most effectually and extensively, by blocking all his ports at once, and (what, alone, is of immediate importance to us) drives neutral commerce from the ocean, or fills her coffers by its plunder. Your committee allude to the new mode of creating a blockade by proclamation in each of actual investment. To say nothing of the principle, the injury which American commerce has already sustained by the practice of this innovation, is immense.
When a blockade has been formed according to the law of nations, the appearance of the belligerent fleet is sufficient warning to neutrals; who, with such notice, are in no danger of committing a breach of blockade without intending it. But where neutrals have no such appearance, no such warning, no notice to guide them; where the blockade, instead of being actual is merely ideal, existing no where but upon paper; they incur the penalties without intending the offence and find themselves ruined by the imputation of a crime, which they would disclaim to perpetrate. Nor is this innovation objectionable only on the ground of the surprise which it practises upon neutrals: in its principle, it is still more obnoxious: it gives to belligerents the power of implicating peaceable nations in the consequences of foreign wars to an extent, denied to them by the law of nations; to an extent, which, if the peaceable nation be dependent on commerce, goes directly to her ruin, as certainly & immediately as if she were a party in the war. For according to this new invention, it is just as easy to blockade a whole island as a single port, and a whole continent as a single island. It is but necessary to declare the island or the continent blockaded and neutrals must believe the fact, whether it be so or not, or take the consequences.
Upon this principle it is obvious that where belligerents, as at the present time, have involved almost every commercial country upon earth in their contests, it is easy for them, by reciprocal declarations of blockade to say to neutrals, "neutrals," you shall not trade at all." This idea, extravagant as it would have appeared a few years back, has been actually realized in relation to this country. G. Britain has by her declaration put a whole continent in a state of blockade. France while her ministers have been continually declaring this pretence of blockade "absurd" "monstrous" "indefensible" "a mockery of right" and "an insult upon reason," has nevertheless proceeded to do the same things, and, without a ship afloat upon the seas, puts the British isles in blockade by her simple proclamation. Great-Britain treats that proclamation as an empty menace, which France had no power to carry into effect, and boasts that the ascendancy of her navy had locked up the ships of France in their ports; she proceeds, nevertheless, by way of return, to blockade on paper, the island of Zealand, two hundred miles in extent; and she calls this, "retaliation," as if France & not herself had been the mistress of this invention. To us however, it is immaterial by whom it was invented; since by whomsoever invented or whomsoever practised, it is a gross and intolerable usurpation on our rights. The spirit of this nation will never submit to the idea that because France and Great-Britain are at war, the commerce of the United States shall perish: that we shall become the victims of their mutual animosities and insatiable lust of power and dominion.
But this extravagant and monstrous invention of blockade by proclamation was not sufficient for all the purposes of Great-Britain: being an innovation and a bold one too, it required a gradual introduction and extension—a process, it would seem, too slow for all the views which she meditated. Hence the resort to those instructions to her cruisers and her judges in admiralty, sometimes so secretly issued as to justify the belief, that they were intentionally concealed for the purposes of plunder. These instructions or orders of council, began to prey upon our commerce so early as the year 1793, and were continued with little variation down to 1798. They were not pretended to be justified by the law of nations, they were regulations merely promotive of the British interest, & which she relied upon the power of her navy to enforce. A key to the character of such instructions, has been candidly furnished, by one of her own writers of considerable eminence. Marshall in his treatise on the law of insurance, (page 322) speaks of the subject thus—
"In every maritime war, the belligerent powers take upon themselves to make various marine regulations, adapted to their own respective situations and interests; but often contrary to the law of nations, and inconsistent with the independence of other states. And though it may be prudent for the subjects of neutral states which are unable or unwilling to contend with such belligerent powers to conform to these regulations, for their own safety, yet it seems to have been so settled, that they are not found by them."—The feelings which will arise in the bosom of every American on reading this extract and comparing it with the practice of the country to which the writer belonged, will supersede the necessity of any commentary on the part of your committee. The policy of the British instructions, now under consideration, so far as it relates to American commerce, seems to have been to cut it up by the roots, or to force it into British channels and thereby to bring about that monopoly of our trade, which she claimed as a right while we were her colonies; the immediate effect of those instructions was to fill the British coffers, by the lawless plunder of American property. Scarcely ever before, has the world been called to witness such a scene of insolent rapacity, on the one hand, and of patient remonstrance and forbearance on the other.
France totally regardless both of the subsisting treaty and the laws of nations, and pretending that by submitting to British impressment and spoliation, we were strengthening the hands of her enemy against her, (at a time when our government was making every exertion, short of war, to obtain the redress of those wrongs,) came out, with what she pronounced to be measures of retaliation, and by her imperial edict of Berlin arrogantly forbade us to trade with Great-Britain. From the impotence of the French fleet, that decree had very little other effect towards us, than to display the hostility and injustice of the government from which it proceeded. To G. Britain, however, it answered an important purpose; it furnished her with a pretext to crown her grand project of re-colonizing the United States. Accordingly, on the hackneyed and iniquitous pretence of retaliation, she issued against us her orders of council of January and Nov. 1807. By these, under pain of seizure and confiscation, she totally interdicts us from trading with every port or country at war with her, or from which the British flag is excluded: except, indeed, we choose to land our goods in G. Britain, and re-export them on the payment of such duties, as shall be imposed by the British Parliament. This is precisely the inducement which we had while we were colonies; and if the British parliament have the right to impose this tax on our trade, the principle of the revolution has vanished from under us; we relapse into subjection, and the blood of our fathers has been spilled in vain. We return to the ground which we occupied before the declaration of our independence, taxed by a British parliament in which we are not represented, and that, without even the old correlative claim of maternal support and protection.
Nor is it merely of commercial restrictions and spoliations that we have to complain against those nations: they seem to have vied with each other in adding insults to our injuries. G. Britain comes within the line of our jurisdiction, to violate the sovereignty of our nation by burning a French ship stranded upon our coast. France arrogates to herself the right of dictating our course towards Great-Britain, and by way of enforcing her dictate, she seizes and burns our ships upon the high seas, and threatens a confiscation of all American property seized by her order of His Imperial Majesty. Britain determined not to be behind in this noble contest of insulting and outraging a nation whom she calls her friend, attacks an American ship of war within sight of our coast, and in a manner, at once, the most perfidious and dastardly, murders a part of her crew, and carries off others of them to bondage or death.
If ever the wrongs and sufferings of a nation would justify a declaration of war, that declaration had long since been made on the part of the United States. But war, if it can be avoided with honor, is not the policy of this nation. It is their true policy, as it is their sincere wish, to cultivate peace with all the world. The administration of the U. S. influenced by this spirit of conciliation and friendship, has laboured with equal zeal and energy to obtain the redress of our wrongs by amicable adjustment. These efforts have not, in the opinion of your committee, been either too often repeated or too long continued. They will convince the world, that peace is, indeed, our wish; and if at length we shall be forced into war, we shall take the field with that animated and firm determination which injured honor feels, when every effort at peace has been fully exhausted and no alternatives remain but war, on the one hand, and disgrace and oppression, on the other.
Our negotiations both with France and Great-Britain, protracted to a length which only the purest spirit of peace could reconcile to itself, had sometimes worn the most pleasing aspect: when, in the course of the last winter, information of the hostile construction of the French edict, and of the meditated orders of the British councils arrived in this country. At that time prosperity of American citizens to a large amount, & a great number of American seamen were upon the ocean, embarked in commerce still active in spite of all previous restrictions. But these new measures, which G. Britain, at least, had the power to enforce, and which seems to have been projected by her with reference to the rich plunder then presented to her grasp, made it necessary on the part of our government to adopt a countervailing policy & save our citizens and their property from the ruin which hung over them. A declaration of war, considering the ascendancy of the British navy, instead of preventing, would have hastened that ruin. To have carried on our commerce, subject to the capture and confiscation, menaced by those edicts and orders, would have been to have made that ruin certain. To have turned our trade into the channels pointed out by G. B. and to have pursued it on the conditions prescribed by her, would have been to return, with our eyes open, to the degrading state of colonial vassalage. To have accepted the protection either of France or England would have been to truckle to an aggressor, to have been precipitated at once into the war of Europe, which if we survived, we might have had the consolation, at the end of it, of finding ourselves French or British Provinces.
Under these circumstances, your committee believe that the administration of the U. States adopted the only measure of relief, compatible with our power, and at the same time with our honor. They savaged the embargo, and it met the approbation of congress, as it had done, under similar circumstances, during the administration of Gen. Washington. As a source of persuasion, it has been completely successful. It has failed, in any degree, as a measure of constraint, your committee believe that it is not because our enemies have not felt its force, but because they believe we have felt it too sensibly: because the ardent opposition with which the mea-
sure has met in some parts of the union, has inspired them with the fallacious hope that we, ourselves, either could not or would not bear its privations. Your committee entertain a firm persuasion that those of our citizens who, from the dictates of their judgment and a sense of duty, have written or spoken against this measure, will themselves, regret the opposition, when they see the manner in which it has been seized, and the insulting light in which it has been viewed by the British governor of Canada and the British prime minister. The first, by inviting the citizens of this country to a breach of the embargo and promising them the protection of the British government, has evinced his impression that the opposition made to that measure did not proceed from objections to its policy, but from hostility to our own government & attachment to that of G. Britain. He would not otherwise have dared so openly to make a discrimination between the people of this country and their government, to interpose himself between them, and insult them by a tender of British protection in violation of the laws of the government of their choice. The British minister, George Canning in his letter of September 23, 1808, to Mr. Pinkney, repeats the indignity in terms still more offensive. He renders the sympathies of his Gracious Majesty to the people of the U. States, and, in effect, expresses his willingness to interpose, in any manner, in his power, for their relief, even if it should be by placing the British shield between them and their government. It is believed that there is no man in whose bosom the spirit of an American resides, who can read and compare the Canadian address and ministerial letter, without remembering that although there is an ocean between us and G. Britain, there is none between us and Canada. As to the graciousness of his majesty, we have had sensible experience of that, from the year 1763 down to the present day. We desire no more of it. We have no reason to be solicitous for any farther exertion with a Prince, in whose vocabulary friendship and hostility mean the same things: as to his friendship, it is written in the plunder of our property and the blood of our citizens.
The construction placed by the British governor and minister on the opposition made to the embargo in this country, is one which we should all feel an interest in repelling. It contains an insult the most direct and poignant not only to those citizens who have made the opposition, but to the country to which they belong. It is, in effect, saying to them, that his Gracious Majesty regards them still as his subjects, and will suffer them to return to their allegiance as soon as they please; and this insolent overture is addressed to American citizens: addressed, to them, at a time too, when the bones of those who fell in the war of our revolution, are still bleaching on our fields, and warriors live, who still recollect to us the incidents of each battle.
To return to the Embargo:—Your committee believe that its privations in this state, at least, have been borne with a firmness worthy of the patriots of '75: And they cannot forbear the expression of the hope, that the very prompt manner in which Congress has determined to continue it, with the addition of non-intercourse, with the offending powers, will dissipate the delusion under which they seem to have labored, in regard to the stability of the union of these states, will convince them that, however distinguished by shades of political difference, the people of the U. States are but as one man in repelling and punishing foreign aggressions, from whatever quarter they may come.
Your committee have thought it expedient, thus briefly, to bring together, to the recollection of the house, the most prominent features of that system of oppression, which France and G. Britain have practised upon us in order to shew that it is a system, which involves the prostration of our most sacred rights, & if permitted to go on, the final subjugation of our country. Your committee cannot withhold the expression of the sentiment, that by the repeated concessions of those two great belligerent powers, the civilized world seems to have been thrown back, many centuries, into ancient barbarism and darkness. The rights, furnished by those great luminaries who have written on the Laws of Nations, and who, (in the language of a Virginia Patriot, now no more,) "have held up the torch of science to a benighted world," have been totally thrown aside, obscured and extinguished; and the mild law of reason and right has given way, to the law of brutal fury and force.
It is by the operation of these causes, that the U. States have been brought to the crisis in which they have now to act: our commerce, in the full tide of its prosperity, arrested and stagnated; our most valuable and sacred rights invaded and torn from us; our citizens murdered or imprisoned and held in bondage; our sovereignty, as a nation, trampled on and despised. Under these circumstances, what remains for us, but to give our government the assurance that we are with them, and that we will support them, so long as the God of our Fathers shall vouchsafe to give us life and strength? Wherefore,
 1. Resolved, That it is better for us to cease to exist as a nation, than to exist under dishonor & violated rights—  2. Resolved, That the aggressions of G. Britain and France, have infringed our honor; have violated our rights, have usurped upon our sovereignty as an independent nation—  3. Resolved, That we will stand by the government of our country; and that we will support them with the last cent of our treasure, and the last drop of our blood, in every measure, either of defence or offence, which they may deem expedient, to vindicate our injured honor and our violated rights— 
The preceding Resolutions were passed UNANIMOUSLY.
After a short debate, the Preamble was ordered to be laid on the table.
A short sketch of these proceedings in our next.
Doctor M. LEIB has been elected to the Senate of the United States from the state of Pennsylvania, for six years after the 4th of March next. Mr. Maclay had declined a re-election.
The votes were as follows: Michael Leib, 90 votes. Scattering, 10 Joseph Hemphill, 24
On the authority of a letter to a respectable gentleman in this city we announce the death of his excellency, JAMES SULLIVAN governor of the commonwealth of Massachusetts on Saturday the 19th; a man justly admired for his virtues and his talents. Lieutenant governor LINCOLN, assumes of course, we understand the reins of government.— Monitor.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Gerard Banks, to secure the payment of several sums of money, due to John L. Harris & Co. which deed has been transferred to Wm. G. Poindeexter, will be sold on the premises, on the 21st day of January next, to answer the purposes specified in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money, so much of a tract of LAND, in said deed mentioned, containing seven hundred and eighty-four acres, lying in the county of Goochland, adjoining the Lands of Geo. W. Payne, Douglass Mims, Gideon Mims, and others, as may be necessary to pay the balance due on said deed, which is about $1200, and the expenses attending the sale. The subscribers acting as trustees, and being no way interested, will convey to the purchaser, such title only as accrued to them by virtue of the deed of trust aforesaid. Wm. MILLER, FREDERICK HARRIS, Trustees. Dec. 20.

EUROPE.
EXPOSITION
Of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the Crown of Spain...
At a period when the nation has made and continues to make the most heroic efforts...
To attain this end, there is no sacrifice which Spain has not made...
The conduct of Spain towards France, since the peace of Basle, a very interesting portion...
To attain this end, there is no sacrifice which Spain has not made...
The treaty of Tilsit, in which the destiny of the world seemed to be decided...
At this very time, the emperor was reviving, in his mind, some designs fatal to Spain...
The enterprise of making himself master of Spain, was not so easy as Napoleon imagined...
Nevertheless, being accustomed to act with that disregard to delicacy in the choice of his means...
The latter, though perhaps not initiated in the grand secret of his master...
A few days after our beloved Prince wrote this letter...
It is already known, that on the imprisonment of the prince of Asturias...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
As the imprisonment of the Prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree...
It is a word of observation, that the department of the Ministry...
The result of this was to render the emperor master of Portugal...
The favorite was to have for his portion the Algarves and Alentejo...
The intimate relations which the favorite maintained at that period...
Now it was that the favorite began to discover clearly how much his credit had sunk...
Meanwhile the Emperor of the French, appeared to be much dissatisfied...
This imperial majesty set off on a journey to Italy...
This article and dissimulation did not, however, prevent the discovery...
All this appears from the correspondence of the favorite with the Grand Duke...
In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers...
BANK OF VIRGINIA, December 15th 1808. The Stockholders are hereby notified...
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern...
Those persons indebted to the concern by open account...
RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The Subscriber takes this early opportunity...
JUST RECEIVED, a few trunks of BOOTS & SHOES, assorted.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ransaway from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county...
The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county...
CHAS. CORDLE.
AN OVERSEER'S PLACE WANTED. The Subscriber offers himself to any gentleman...
TO JOHN FOWLER of Kentucky, and JORDAN HARRIS, of Virginia, GENTLEMEN.
JUST RECEIVED from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATHER, consisting of...
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR. At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street...
NAPT COTTONS & KERSEYS. The Subscriber has received a consignment of Napt Cottons and Kerseys...
NOTICE. In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia...
The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties...
THOS. DIGGES, Merchant Boston. GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company...
MR. WM. E. WEBB, Administrator of Benjamin Edwards, decd. North-Carolina.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lester's new Wharf...
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST. In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol...
CLOVER SEED, &c. For Sale, by the Subscriber, a fresh supply of CLOVER SEED...
NOTICE. That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled...
HOBDAY & SEATON, adjoining the City Hotel, on the Cross-Street from the Brick-Row...
THOMAS WATSON, BOOT & SHOE-MAKER, with sincere thanks to his friends for their former patronage...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
Henrico County Court, November 8, 1808. Wm. Taylor, Jr., Complainant against Price and McCutchen.
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOVEMBER 20th, 1808. The members of the Diana Swimming Company, are requested to meet at Shuffill's...
RANAWAY from the Subscriber, a negro Lad, by the name of ZINDEVILLE, he is about 17 years old...
MUTUAL ASSURANCE SOCIETY. The General Annual Meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society, against Fire on buildings...
NOTICE. On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia...
NOTICE. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required.
EDUCATION. The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher...
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market...
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. &c. For sale, a large supply of Men's and Youth's HATS, of the best quality.
NOTICE. That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
IN CHANCERY. Louisa County Court, October 19th, 1808. Charles Hudson, Plaintiff against John Fisher, James Treadwell & Samuel Hudson, Defendants.
IN CHANCERY. Louisa County Court, October 19th, 1808. Robert Yancey & Co. Plaintiffs against William Meriwether and Robert Dickinson, Defendants.
EDUCATION. The Subscriber intends to continue his SCHOOL the ensuing year, at the Green Springs in Louisa county...
NOTICE. On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia...
NOTICE. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required.
EDUCATION. The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher...
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market...
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. &c. For sale, a large supply of Men's and Youth's HATS, of the best quality.
NOTICE. That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...
NOTICE. Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount...