The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-06-27 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 15.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. THE ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment will be FOUR DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 9th August, after which, the price will be FIVE DOLLARS, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
AS the regular course of the Mail has been suspended by the rising of the water, the Editor embraces the opportunity of re-publishing the original Proposals which were circulated—
FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION IN THE CITY OF RICHMOND, A NEWS-PAPER TO BE CALLED THE ENQUIRER.
THIS paper is intended to take the place of the EXAMINER. The proprietors of the ENQUIRER have acquired all the transferable rights of that establishment. No change is intended to be made in the distribution of the different labor which devolved upon the late proprietors of that paper. W. W. WORSLEY still preserves an exclusive control over the mechanical department. T. RITCHIE succeeds to all the duties of the former editor, Mr. JONES.
Prospectus of the Enquirer.
This paper will publish the most interesting News. The communication shall be immediate, and circumstantial. Whenever successive accounts arrive from the same place, the Editor will attempt to give them such an arrangement in the paper, as may exhibit the order of their time. Whenever different reports are made of the same event, or whenever different incidents relate to some more general event, he will attempt to reduce them all to the same head. Should the incident happen in any place, whose situation it may be necessary, yet difficult to know, he will generally give a short description of it from some Gazetteer or system of Geography. Should the accounts of any event, or should accounts of different events arrive at the same time, which may be too long for insertion in the paper, he will attempt to draw out a faithful and interesting SUMMARY. Should the event be Political, perhaps it may wish to trace its connection with some others which have produced or which may succeed it. Should the event be Scientific, he may perhaps aspire, with the help of some literary friends, to explain its relation to some general theory in that branch of philosophy, and to delineate its application to practical purpose.
This paper will publish all Official Statements and Public Discussions on important subjects. These will principally comprehend the communications of the Federal Executive, the communications of the Executives of the different States, the debates of Congress, the deliberations of the Virginia Legislature, when they can be fairly collected, and extracts from the proceedings and debates of the English Parliament. Should any public measure be involved in those documents & discussions, whose secret springs are not distinctly exhibited, or whose actual consequences cannot be immediately foreseen, the Editor will attempt to lay them open to his reader. He will endeavor to develop its connection with that party of men or that system of measures, whose success it was either design, or may tend, to affect.
This paper will publish all private discussions on general subjects. Whatever valuable Essays shall appear in other papers, or whatever shall be addressed to his own office; whatever composition shall contain any interesting argument on either side of an interesting question, shall be carefully selected for the public investigation. In the performance of this duty, more delicate in its operation, and more important in its effects, than any other, the Editor of the ENQUIRER will wish to explain the principle, by which his conduct may be regulated. Every Editor of a paper occupies two distinct situations, which impose upon him very different duties. He becomes the organ of public information, while he preserves his individual character, feelings, and opinions. So far as he is a public organ, he has no right to withhold any information, any new fact or new argument, which may shed its faintest ray upon any public question. It is not sufficient that he should communicate his own view of the subject, with the arguments which led to its adoption. For, as different minds draw very different conclusions from the same principles, the whole series of statements, which was or ought to have been present to his mind, when he formed his opinion, deserve to be drawn forth for the candid consideration of his readers. The Editor who gives a currency to incidents and to reasonings, which please his own party only, or which advance his own system of opinions, widely mistakes the nature of his functions. What is it, but to assume to himself the conclusive powers of a Judge, when he ought to be contributing only the auxiliary experience of a Witness? What is it, but to assume to himself the privilege of deciding for others, when he ought only to be furnishing them the materials by which they may decide for themselves? Such is the relation in which he should stand to the public.—But he owes to himself an obligation, equally important. He has opinions of his own on those different topics. He cannot relinquish the inestimable privilege of an explicit avowal. He can lay claim to no other privilege than this, but this is a privilege of transcendent importance, from the frequent use to which he may be induced to apply it. What direction it may receive in the office of the ENQUIRER; under what system of opinions it is likely to be enlisted; the Editor is not assumed to avow. He has devoted too little leisure to political researches; but as far as his reflections have extended, his political creed is congenial to the Constitution of his country and to its present administration. He rejoices that his country is independent of foreign powers, and free from despotic institutions. He believes that those illustrious benefits would soon expire without the faithful operation of the representative and federal principles. He admires the character and conduct of Mr. JEFFERSON. He thinks that his Inauguration Speech is not unworthy of the author of the Declaration of American Independence. He thinks that his official conduct has not disgraced the maxims of his Inaugural Speech.
This paper will publish, during the recess of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, abundant specimens of LITERATURE and SCIENCE. These may comprehend Moral Essays; Sketches of Biography; scien-
tific investigations; extracts from curious and useful books; select or original Poetry. Are not the Virginians too little attracted by these admirable pursuits? Why have so few eminent philosophers appeared among us? Why have we scarcely produced a single author of a elementary work? Why have we not witnessed the elementary traits of an American Shakespeare? It is because the desire of literary and scientific refinement has not yet been excited. It is because this desire has not yet obtained the means of its excitement. Why may not a News-paper contribute its humble labors to this exalted purpose?
This paper will NOT PUBLISH any article of intelligence, which is not authenticated by some evidence or other. In almost all cases, the source of the report and every accompanying circumstance shall be candidly submitted.
This paper will NOT condescend to become the vehicle of personal abuse; much less of dishonorable slander. Private character is too delicate a subject for any public print. There is perhaps one case only, which may call forth its animadversion upon a vicious man; when that man is about to become pernicious to his country.
For the information of the Frecholders of the State,
THE following correct list of the persons who compose the Republican Ticket of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, is published. The election for the choice of Electors will be held in each county and corporation on the first Monday in November next.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS, Chairman. JOHN H. FOUCHER, Sec'y. Richmond, May 25, 1804.
REPUBLICAN TICKET.
 Richard E. Lee, of Norfolk Borough.  John Goodrich, of Isle of Wight.  Edward Pegram, of Dinwiddie.  Dr. Richard Field, of Brunswick.  Thomas Read, of Charlotte.  Creed Taylor, of Cumberland.  William H. Cabell, of Amelia.  George Penn, of Patrick.  George Wythe, of City of Richmond.  John Taylor, of Caroline.  Larkin Smith, of King & Queen.  John Minor, of Spotsylvania.  William Elzey, of Louisa.  William Dudley, of Warwick.  Mann Page, of Gloucester.  John Taliaferro, jr. of King George.  Richard Brent, of Prince William.  Hugh Holmes, of Frederick.  James Dailey, of Hampshire.  James Allen, of Shenandoah.  Archibald Stuart, of Augusta.  James McFarlane, of Russell.  Gen. John Preston, of Montgomery.  William M'Kinley, of Ohio.  ** The Republican Printers throughout the state, are requested to insert the above one month.
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort.
The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg. The roads leading to them are remarkably good... they are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood.—There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern.
The subscriber flatters himself, that these inducements will not only operate on invalids, who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be justly said the society will be equal to any in the country.
No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable.
ANN GATEWOOD. Fredericksburg, May 19. 31/8/04.
Virginia.
At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, 14th of September, 1803—
 Between  Mary Ruffin, executrix, and Herbert Claiborne, James Ruffin and William Ruffin, executors of Robert Ruffin deceased, and the said James Ruffin, Robert Ruffin and Sterling Ruffin, protesting in their own rights.....Plaintiffs.  And  William Clack, and James Cargill Jones, and Richard Jones, infants by Charles Binns Jones, their guardian.....Defendants. 
IN this cause, as stated to the plaintiffs Mary Ruffin and James Ruffin, by their deaths, and heard on the bill, answers, exhibits, and examinations of witnesses, and argued by counsel, the fourteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, the court directs one of the commissioners to state and report the credits, to which the defendants are, if to any they be, entitled, exclusive of the paper money tendered, and justly rejected in November, of the year one thousand seven hundred eighty one, towards discharging the debt, for securing payment of which, the mortgage proposed to be foreclosed, was granted.
A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY. May 25th, 1804. (aw2m) (7)
On the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, John Jones is assigned guardian to the infant defendants, to defend them in this suit, in place of Charles Binns Jones, who is dead.
A Copy. P. TINSLEY.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE,
Richmond, May 26th, 1804.
THE parties concerned are desired to take Notice, That I have appointed Wednesday the twenty-fifth day of July next, for carrying into effect the within decree; upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with their papers and accounts, ready for examination.
WM. HAY, M. C.
An Apprentice to the Printing Business wanted at this Office.
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in the Richmond Gazette, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803.
RULE—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error, or otherwise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, unless good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804.
RULE—A clear and concise state of the case of each party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, special verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the points insisted on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly transferred, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing of the cause, that no error, other than such as shall be pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or judgment sought to be reversed. And that all depositions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particularly noticed in such State and recited, and a reference thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause made.
MAY 21st, 1804.
RULE—That after the end of this present term, all causes depending in this Court, which shall be ready for hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand on the docket.
TESTE, J. BROWN, C. C.
RICHMOND, June 15, 1804.
OUR clients in the Court of Appeals will perceive, that the foregoing orders require particular duties, expenses and attention, which were not expected when we were retained by them. As we cannot fail to comply with these requisitions of the court, without danger to their interest; and the rule, that causes shall be tried according to their standing on the docket, renders it necessary that we should be constantly present, and ready for the argument; we trust, that our clients will see the propriety of an adequate compensation for our services.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS. EDMUND RANDOLPH. JOHN WICKHAM. GEORGE HAY. DANIEL CALL. JOHN WARDEN.
BY AUTHORITY.
[LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.]
AN ACT Supplementary to the act, intitled An act providing for a Naval peace establishment and for other purposes.
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorised to attach to the navy yard at Washington, and to the frigates and other vessels laid up in ordinary in the Eastern Branch, a captain of the navy, who shall have the general care and superintendence of the same; and shall perform the duties of agent to the navy department, and shall be entitled to receive for his services, the pay and emoluments of a captain commanding a squadron on separate service. And the President of the United States is hereby further authorised to attach permanently to the said Navy Yard and vessels, one other commissioned officer of the navy, who shall receive for his services, the pay and emoluments of a captain commanding a twenty gun ship, one surgeon & one surgeon's mate of the navy, who shall be severally allowed for their services, the same pay, rations and emoluments as are allowed to a surgeon, and to a surgeon's mate in the army of the United States; one sailing master, one head carpenter, one plumber, one head blockmaker, one head cooper, two boatwains, two gunners, one sail maker, one store keeper, one purser, one clerk of the yard, and also, such seamen and marines, as in the opinion of the President shall be deemed necessary: Provided, That the number of seamen or marines, shall not at any time be greater than what is at present authorised by the act to which this is a supplement.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That that part of the act to which this is a supplement, which attaches to each frigate laid up in ordinary, one sailing master, one boatwain, one gunner, one carpenter and one cook, one sergeant or corporal of marines, and to the large frigate twelve, and to the small frigates ten, seamen and which declares that the sailing master shall have the care of the ship, and shall execute such duties of a purser as may be necessary, shall be, and hereby is repealed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 27, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT To erect a light house at the mouth of the Mississippi river, and also a light house at or near the pitch of Cape Look Out, in the state of North Carolina; and a beacon at the north point of Sandy Hook.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That under the direction of the President of the United States it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury, to provide by contract, to be approved by the President, for building a light house at the mouth of the river Mississippi, in such site as the President of the United States may deem most proper for the convenience and accommodation thereof.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That as soon as land sufficient shall be obtained at a reasonable price for the purpose and jurisdiction of the land to be obtained shall have been ceded to the United States by the state of North Carolina, it shall be the duty of a Secretary of the Treasury, to provide by contract, for building a light house on or near the pitch of Cape Look Out, in the said state, which contract shall be approved by the President of the United States, and it shall be the duty of the said Secretary to furnish the said light house on Cape Look Out and the mouth of the Mississippi, with all necessary supplies, and also to
agree for the salaries or wages of the person or persons who may be appointed by the President for the superintendence and care of the same. And the President is hereby authorised to make such appointments.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the sum of twenty five thousand dollars be, and is hereby appropriated for the purpose of defraying the charges and expenses which shall accrue in consequence of the two first sections of this act, to be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the treasury, as soon as the fee of the soil shall have been vested in the United States to cause a beacon to be erected on the north point of Sandy Hook, and the sum of two thousand dollars out of any unappropriated monies, is hereby appropriated for that purpose.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 26, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT Supplementary to the act, intitled "An act concerning the City of Washington."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the several compensations and allowances established by the act, intitled "An act concerning the city of Washington," shall be compensated from the first day of June, one thousand eight hundred and two, being the time when the services, so compensated and allowed, commenced under the authority of the President of the United States.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the surveyor of the said city shall receive as a compensation for his services an allowance of three dollars per day.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the superintendent of the city of Washington be, and he hereby is authorised to pay the said compensations and allowances, from the said first day of June, one thousand eight hundred and two, in conformity with the provision of the said recited act, until congress shall otherwise direct, and also to pay and discharge all expenses of an incidental nature, which have been or may be incurred in the discharge of the functions of his office and the office of surveyor which shall be approved by the President of the United States.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the said superintendent be and he is hereby authorised and directed to settle and pay the claim of Peter Charles L'Enfant for his services whilst employed by the late Board of Commissioners in the manner and on the terms heretofore proposed by the said commissioners.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the several expenses authorised by this act, shall be paid and discharged out of any funds of the city of Washington, in possession of the superintendent, which are not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 27, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT To ascertain the boundary of the lands reserved by the state of Virginia north west of the river Ohio, for the satisfaction of her officers and soldiers on continental establishment, and to limit the period for locating the said lands.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the line, run under the direction of the surveyors general of the United States, from the source of the Little Miami, towards the source of the Scioto, and which binds on the east, the surveys of the lands of the United States, shall, together with its course continued to the Scioto river, be considered and held as the westerly boundary line, north of the source of the Little Miami, of the territory reserved by the state of Virginia between the Little Miami and Scioto rivers, for the use of the officers and soldiers of the continental line of that state: Provided, That the state of Virginia shall, within two years after the passing of this act, recognise such line as the boundary of the said territory.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That all the officers and soldiers, or their legal representatives, who are entitled to bounty lands within the above mentioned reserved territory, shall complete their locations within three years after the passing of this act, and every such officer and soldier, or his legal representative, whose bounty land has, or shall have been located within that part of the said territory, to which the Indian title has been extinguished, shall make return of his or their surveys, to the secretary of the department of war within five years after the passing of this act, and shall also exhibit, and file with the said secretary, and within the same time, the original warrant or warrants under which he claims, or a certified copy thereof, under the seal of the office where the said warrants are legally kept; which warrant, or certified copy thereof, shall be sufficient evidence that the grantee therein named, or the person under whom such grantee claims, was originally entitled to such bounty land; and every person entitled to said lands, and thus applying, shall thereupon be entitled to receive a patent in the manner prescribed by law.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That such part of the above mentioned reserved territory as shall not have been located, and those tracts of land, within that part of the said territory to which the Indian title has been extinguished, the surveys whereof shall not have been returned to the secretary of war, within the time and terms prescribed by this act, shall thereafter be released from any claim or claims for such bounty lands, and shall be disposed of in conformity with the provisions of the act, "An act in addition to, and modification of the propositions contained in the act, entitled, "An act to enable the people of the eastern division of the territory, north west of the river, Ohio, to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the union, on an equal footing with the original states; and for other purposes."
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 23, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT For the relief of the legal representatives of David Valenzin, deceased, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of enabling the Secretary of the Navy to restore to the legal representatives of David Valenzin, deceased, the value of the property captured from him in the Mediterranean, by the American squadron, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three; a sum not exceeding two thousand six hundred and sixty-five dollars,
and seventy cents, be, and the same hereby is appropriated out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated: Provided, That the value of the said property shall be first duly ascertained by the proper accounting officers: And provided also, That the person or persons applying therefor, shall exhibit due proof of his or their being the true legal representative or representatives of the said David Valenzin.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted That the secretary of the navy be, and he hereby is authorised and directed to cause to be liquidated and paid the claims of those individuals who contributed to the maintenance and support of the said David Valenzin, during his imprisonment, and who have defrayed the expenses of his interment; and that for this purpose a sum not exceeding five hundred dollars be, and the same hereby is appropriated out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 26, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT Supplementary to the act, entitled An act relative to the election of President and Vice President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices of President and Vice President.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That whenever the amendment proposed during the present session of congress, to the constitution of the United States, respecting the manner of voting for the President and Vice President of the United States, shall have been ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, the Secretary of state shall forthwith cause a notification thereof to be made to the executive of every state, and shall also cause the same to be published in at least one of the newspapers printed in each state, in which the laws of the United States are annually published.—The executive authority of each state shall cause a transcript of the said notification to be delivered to the electors appointed for that purpose; who shall first thereafter meet in such state for the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States; and whenever the said electors shall have received the said transcript of notification, or whenever they shall meet more than five days subsequent to the publication of the ratification of the above mentioned amendment, in one of the newspapers of the state, by the Secretary of state, they shall vote for President and Vice-President of the United States, respectively in the manner directed by the above mentioned amendment, and having made and signed three certificates of all the votes given by them, each of which certificates shall contain two distinct lists, one of the votes given for President, and the other, of the votes given for Vice-President; they shall seal up the said certificates, certifying on each, that lists of all the votes of such state are contained therein, and deliver the said certificates to be transmitted and disposed of, and in every other respect act in conformity with the provisions of the act to which this is a supplement. And every other provision of the act to which this is a supplement, and which is not virtually repealed by this act, shall extend and apply to every election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, made in conformity to the above mentioned amendment to the constitution of the United States.
And whereas the above mentioned amendment may be ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states, and thereupon become immediately valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the constitution, on a day to be fixed by law for the meeting of the electors in the several states, that the electors shall not in every state be apprized of the said ratification, and may vote in a manner no longer conformable with the constitution, as amended; whereby several states might be deprived of their vote in the election of a President and Vice-President; for remedy whereof.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted That the electors who shall be appointed in each state for the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, shall at every such election, unless they shall have received a transcript of the notification of the ratification of the above mentioned amendment to the constitution, or unless they shall meet more than five days subsequent to the publication of the said ratification by the Secretary of state, in one of the newspapers of the state, vote for President and Vice-President of the United States, in the following manner, that is to say: they shall vote for two persons as President and Vice-President, in conformity with the first section of the second article of the Constitution. And in other respects act in conformity with the provisions of the act to which this act is a supplement; and they shall likewise vote for one person as President, and for one person as Vice-President, in conformity with the above mentioned amendment of the constitution; and in other respects act in conformity with the provisions of the first section of this act. But those certificates only, of votes given for President and Vice-President of the United States, shall be opened by the President of the Senate, for the purpose of being counted, which shall contain the largest lists of votes given in conformity with the constitution, as in force on the day fixed by law for the meeting of the electors, by whom the said votes shall have been given.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That whenever, by the provisions of the second section of this act, it shall be the duty of the electors for any state to vote in conformity, both with the constitution, and of the proposed amendment thereto, the executive authority of such state shall cause six lists of the names of the electors of the state to be made and certified, and to be delivered to the said electors on or before the day fixed by law for them to meet, and vote for President and Vice-President; and the said electors shall enclose one of the said lists in each of the certificates by them made and sealed, in conformity to the provisions of this, and of the act to which this act is a supplement.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore. March 26, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT Altering the time of the next meeting of Congress.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That after the expiration of the present session, the next meeting of Congress shall be on the first Monday of November next.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. DURR, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 19, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.

Miscellaneous.
The Baron HOMBOLDT, whose visit to this city we lately noticed, is about thirty-two years of age. At a very early period of life he commenced his travels; and for nineteen years past has been principally engaged in contemplating the physical and moral state of the different countries he has explored.
Passing through the Caribbean tribes of Indians, he reached Barcelona, and thence directed his course through Cumana to the Havannah; From thence he embarked and passed to Batobano and Cardahena; he then proceeded down the river Matelana to Honda; and then by land through the forests of Peru, where the trees, from which we derive the Peruvian bark, towers above the oak, with which it is mixed.
After exploring the country around Quito for about a year, he proceeded to Maynas and Lima. At Lima he embarked on the Pacific for the Bay of Guayaquil; whence he proceeded on the ocean to Acapulco in the province of Mexico.
The Baron proposes in a few weeks to return to Europe, attended by M. Bonpland, and M. Montufar, a respectable native of Quito. The result of his researches and learning will probably appear at Paris in the course of a year or two.
[Nat. Intelligencer.]
FROM A LONDON PAPER.
Substitute for Oak Bark in Tanning.
THE great demand and expence of oak bark, and the consequent destruction of trees, have long rendered an efficient substitute for bark in our tanneries, an object in the highest degree desirable: a discovery was made, during the last summer, by M. Klein, a member of the Royal Academy at Berlin, for tanning leather without the assistance of bark, and he has produced eight new sorts of leather thus prepared, which are equal or superior to that made under the old system.
Some of the Calmuc Tartars, that rove about towards the Great Wall of China tan the skins of their horses with four mare's milk. In Persia, Egypt, and some countries bordering on Africa, goat skins are tanned with the astringent and ligninous fruit of the true Acacia, which is gathered unripe.
M. Klein has tanned two sorts of calf skin with leaves of trees only—several others with aquatic plants—and he has made very fine Cordovan without sumach.
The following Plants, now for the greater part considered as weeds, may likewise be successfully used instead of Oak Bark, viz: Purple-flowered loose-strife, Yellow Wood do., Queen of the meadows, Red Marsh Cinquefoil, Male, Female and Water-lilies' Root.
Alder leaves, Wild Medlar; leaves, twigs, unripe fruit, Wild Rosemary, Wild Cornel; leaves, twigs and stones, Sorrel; root and seed, Water & sharp-pointed Dock; root, leaves, seed, Water-Flag-Root, Yellow & White Water-lilies' Root.
ter-Fern, Water-knot Grass, Snake-Weed, Wild Tormentil, Large Wild Pimpernell, Common Avens, or Herb Vennet, Water Avens, Goose-Grass, Large, Spring & Satin Cinquefoil, Clary, Agrimony.
Bloody Cranes-Bill, Meadow do., All sorts Plantain, Oak Moths, Black Worts, Dewberry, Strawberry, Red Saxifrage, Periwinkle, Burn Reed, Common Cudweed, Mountain do., Common Saint John's Wort.
The Herbs in flower, or even the flowers alone of the foregoing, to be used. There are doubtless other coriaceous plants applicable to the same purpose; the presence of the tan in them is thus easily ascertained: Reduce the plants to dust, and throw it into a solution of copras; or put some copras into an infusion or decoction of the plants, which has been previously filtered: the colour produced by this mixture is sometimes reddish, or of a dark red, and sometimes blue or black, and the colour may be wholly removed by pouring into it, drop by drop, a sufficient quantity of oil of vitriol.
NEW-ORLEANS. There are 96 boarders in the convent, and 36 orphan girls who are supported by the city. The nuns have also the care of more than one hundred scholars, to whose education and morals they pay great care.
The convent is of the order of St. Ursula; it was established in the year 1727; and has uniformly merited and received the confidence of the public. One of the vows of the nuns is, to devote their temporal care to the education of female youth.
The greater part of the ladies of New-Orleans, and many from other parts of Louisiana, have been educated in this convent, where piety, neatness, and economy universally prevail. It is therefore, greatly to be desired, and of which there can be no doubt, that under the government of the United States, this valuable institution will continue to prosper, and become more extensively useful.
BRAZER'S ADDRESS. Delivered at Worcester, May 12, is received by us. It must be admired for the beauty and eloquence of its language, the justice of its sentiments and the poignancy of its satire, as a chef d'œuvre of the kind. It is difficult to select from so finished a piece; but the following elegant and animated portrait of a republican is too striking and inimitably correct, to withhold from our readers. "A true Republican does not confine his regard to the narrow circle in which he may be placed. Enlisted in the holy cause of freedom, he traces her progress with equal delight, whether she wanders in the luxurious fields of Italy, or climbs the rugged heights of Switzerland; whether her footsteps press the vine-clad hills of France or the bleak mountains of Norway; whether to "redeem the rigors of the inclement clime," she scatters her dews on the arid plains of the equator, or melts, with her fires, the frozen fetters of the pole! To him, every advocate of the same glorious cause is a friend and brother. He groups, with an eye of impartial admiration, the worthies of ancient and of modern days who have fought under her banners. He views, with equal affection and respect, an Emmet on the scaffold, & a Brissot in the chair of state; a Camillus in banishment, and a Fayette in prison; a Cato on his sword, and a Brissot under the guillotine; a Curran defending the rights and lives of the victims of oppression, and a Jefferson protecting the peace and prosperity of the sons of liberty; a Roswell bending his exiled steps from the land of his nativity, and a Washington retiring to the scenes of his youth, laden with laurels and escorted by the acclamations of his countrymen."
[The Bee.]
SAMUEL MYERS, HAS FOR SALE, An assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
DOCTOR WILSON HAS taken as a temporary residence, the house lately occupied by Doctor Adams, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARIES BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecaries Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms. Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to. June 27.
SPRING GOODS. WILLIAM TEMPLE HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and York from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS. Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. (1)
ELLIS & ALLAN, Have received, from London, Liverpool and Bristol, A NEAT & VALUABLE ASSORTMENT OF SPRING GOODS. "The London Critical Review or Annals of Literature," from the year 1791 till 1803, bound in boards, 39 vols.—And 30 Numbers of "Ladies London Magazine." June 13. (5w)
Richmond County, June 1803. John Campbell, comp't. AGAINST William Morgan and Peter Northern defts. THE defendant Morgan not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on motion of the complainant, by his council, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bills of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be published in some newspaper printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and a copy also posted at the front door of the courthouse; and it is further ordered that the defendant Northern, do not pay, convey away or secrete, the debts and effects in his hands, due and belonging to the said Morgan, until the further order of the court, in the premises. A copy Teste. D. McCARTY, C. R. C.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, JUNE 27, 1804.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Vindication of Virginia.
NO. III.
HAVING examined some of the most interesting events of the American revolution; having attempted to show that all the querulous and illiberal efforts which have been made to tarnish the laurels of Virginia, have only terminated in bringing them forth into brighter lustre; let us now approach the next celebrated epoch in our political history, which has furnished the fruitful theme of declamation and complaint. They have pleaded themselves with thinking that the adoption of the federal constitution, and the first amendments which were proposed, have furnished them with the most satisfactory evidence, that Virginia has either acquired, or that she has been anxious to assume an exorbitant influence in the administration of the national government.
ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION.—The following quotation from one of the northern papers, will sufficiently explain the grounds of the present and the subsequent complaint. "Mr. Jefferson nor any of his "feet" have ever made the energies and dignity of the federal government a part of their plan. They take a different and a more certain road to power and patronage. In one of his Messages he says, that the particular states are invested with all the needful powers for internal government, and seems to assign to the government of the Union, only the scraps and parings, such as concern not ourselves merely, but are blended with foreign politics. To weaken the federal head, and throw back its proper authorities into the hands of the ruling faction—behold Jefferson unmasked! this has ever been the policy of Virginia, and ever will be. It was for this reason she came so late and so loath into the Union. She abhorred the constitution the moment it pretended to be a government, and the lost not one moment to insist that such amendments, should be added to it, as would reduce it as near as possible, to the insignificance of the old confederation; she wants servile tools, not lawful superiors." How far does the history of that period and the policy attributed to our state, go to support the statements and reasonings of this illiberal author?
Virginia was the first state in the Union, that proposed the expedient which ultimately led to the formation of the present admirable constitution. She was the first to propose any effectual remedy, for the various calamities which accompanied her peculiar situation, arising from a want of credit, and from a want of some general power to establish a proper system of commercial regulations. Commissioners were appointed in 1785, by the House of Delegates in Virginia, who should meet such as might be appointed in the other states, to form a system of commercial regulations for the U. States, and recommend it to the several legislatures, for their adoption. When the commissioners from several states had met at Annapolis in the summer of 1786, they discovered that all the states were not represented; and they believed that their own powers were too limited to propose a system of regulations adequate to the purposes of government. They agreed to recommend a general convention to be held at Philadelphia the next year, with powers to frame a general plan of government for the United States.
The convention met at Philadelphia in May 1787, and after four months deliberation agreed to recommend the plan of federal government which was originally adopted. Virginia was not the only state of the Union which hesitated to adopt this constitution. "In Massachusetts the opposition was large and respectable;" and it was finally adopted by its convention in the ratio of 187 to 168. "In New York two thirds of the Delegates in convention, were at their first meeting determined to reject the constitution;" & though many of the anti-federal members were induced to relinquish their opposition, when they heard that the 9th and 10th states had acceded to the proposed plan of government; the constitution was still ratified in the final ratio of 30 to 25. The opposition in Rhode-Island was so powerful that the constitution was adopted by a majority of two only. Indeed, in almost every state, the anti-federalists were powerful in numbers and respectable in talents. Bring then all these facts together; compare this violent opposition and these various majorities with the ratio of '89 to '79, according to which the constitution was adopted in the Virginia Convention, and then say what kind of justice is that, which selects Virginia from all the states of the union, and accuses her only of an illiberal opposition to the national compact? Why did her opposition exhibit a greater desire to "reduce the constitution to the insignificance of the old confederation" than the opposition in Massachusetts, New-York or Rhode Island?
Her opposition to this national compact did not demonstrate her violent attachment to the confederation, much less did it establish a general character of selfish ambition. Virginia was opposed to the present constitution, not because she was really devoted to the old confederation, but because the law or believed the law greater dangers in the former than in the latter. The form of government, which was now proposed to them, was a new subject for political experiment. The annals of the world had never before displayed the form of a federal constitution, which should operate upon the individual members of the society, & which should at the same time contain within its bosom several subordinate sovereignties for the administration of their internal & local affairs. It is no wonder then that some prophetic apprehensions should arise, lest in the progress of time the state governments should lose their individual and independent character, and that all their separate powers should be ultimately merged in the progressive usurpations of a consolidated government.
Their apprehensions were still further increased, when they looked into the constitution itself, & discovered that it wanted some effectual provisions for securing the most important rights of individuals. The liberty of conscience was not protected. The federal government might at any time by shackling the operations of the press have "laid its hand upon the spring that is in society, and put a stop to its motion." The inestimable rights of criminals had not been sufficiently guaranteed. The important question whether the powers conferred on the federal government, were general or specific, had not been settled; and a grand line of discrimination had not been drawn between the rights conferred on the general government, and those which were "reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." Is it surprising then that the members of the Virginia Convention, with a prophetic wisdom which reflects the highest honour upon their names, should pause, should meditate, should canvass all the provisions of this complicated system; and that many of them should finally vote against its adoption, until those important rights had been fortified by previous amendments? Is it surprising that Mr. Jefferson when he was in France should have mentioned to his friend in this country his great anxiety that "the four latter (states) which ever they be, may refuse to accede to it, till amendments are secured?" Could not the charity of the federalists of the North have discovered a more honorable excuse for the opposition of Virginia, than a ridiculous policy of preferring the "insignificance of the old confederation?"
Had Virginia even in the cradle of her government, indulged any unnatural desire of enlarging her own powers at the expence of her sister states; had she nourished a faction within her bosom, who required the aid of "servile tools, not lawful superiors," she would never have adhered to the rules of the old confederation. A form of government which communicated an equal power to all the states, and which reduced her to the same level with the small sovereignties of Delaware and Rhode-Island, could never have been an eligible instrument for the accomplishment of her ambitious projects. The 4th clause of the 5th article of the confederation expressly stipulates, that "in determining questions in the United States in congress assembled, each state shall have one vote." The 5th clause of the 8th article provides for the appointment of "a committee to fit in the recess of congress, to be denominated "a committee of the states," & to consist of one delegate from each state." It would surely have been a more sagacious policy to have exchanged this old confederacy for a new form of government, which should give her an influence proportionate to her population; which, instead of allowing her one vote in the enacting of a law, should entitle her to nineteen. Had Virginia looked forward to the possession of universal empire; had she been ambitious of becoming superior to the other states, instead of remaining contented with her own independent sovereignty, her most obvious policy would thus have been to adopt the constitution. But had she entertained some jealous fears for her own political salvation; instead of wishing to become the tyrant of other states, had she indulged an apprehension that the federal government would tyrannize over herself, she would have found her wisest policy in an opposition to this new government. It was this prophetic policy which induced some of her most enlightened statesmen to regard the new constitution with the most scrupulous attention; it was this which excited such a decided opposition; and not any ridiculous attachment to the "insignificance of the old confederation."
Had Virginia been really possessed with the insane ambition of rising above the other states, in political importance; had this produced all her opposition to the new government; a change in the circumstances of the times would surely have introduced a different policy. It would not have been true "that this box ever been the policy of Virginia, and ever will be." Surely she would not have purified the very same policy under the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which she purified under the administration of Gen. Washington and Mr. Adams. Their maxims were not altogether congenial with the democratic principles of Virginia; and hence it would have been her interest to have exerted every nerve "to weaken the federal head." But Mr. Jefferson's attachment to democratic principles, and to the Virginia interest would have ensured a complete support to all her ambitious projects. She could not have added too much strength to the arm of the federal government, because it would have been entirely converted to her own selfish purposes. Are not the federalists of the north even now continually complaining, that the interests of the Virginians are alone consulted in the administration of the government? That the repeal of the internal taxes, the continuance of the impost, the acquisition of Louisiana, and the amendment to the constitution, are multiplied proofs of this melancholy truth?
Can the federalists of the north consider all these facts and reasonings; can they review the discussions of that important period, when the Federal constitution was proposed to the consideration of the states; and any longer indulge the frivolous idea, that the deliberate & divided opposition of the Virginia Convention to the new form of government could have arisen from the absurd idea of preferring the "insignificance of the old confederation?" Do not all the facts which have been mentioned; her proposing some general system of commercial regulations; the opposition which the new form of government received from several states; the suspicions which she must have entertained of a constitution which might have terminated in a consolidated government; the obvious advantages which her ambitious projects might have derived from the substitution of an efficient government for an insignificant confederacy; do not all these facts contribute to prove, that she was sensible of the imperfections of the old government, but that she was apprehensive the new constitution might terminate in a general despotism? Can any impartial politician require a more satisfactory apology for the deliberate, wary and decided opposition, which the federal constitution experienced in Virginia?
FIRST AMENDMENTS.—There are three great points of difference between the old confederation and the present constitution. 1st. the former operated upon the states, and the latter upon individuals: 2nd. the former did not embrace such extensive powers as the latter: 3rd. the former gave an equal influence to each of the states in the legislative and executive departments, whereas the latter adjusted this influence in a certain ratio to the scale of population in the several states. No one will contend that any of these amendments, which Virginia so ably advocated, were designed to remove the first of those distinctions; that they were designed to substitute the feeble method of recommendation and requisition to a certain and effectual power exercised over individuals. If any one perceive a different tendency in any one of these amendments, let him produce it. No one can pretend to believe, that it was or ever will be the policy of Virginia to remove the last of those distinctions; to allow to all the small states an equal influence in the administration of the government, instead of an influence proportioned to a certain degree to their population.—If these amendments then do really "reduce the constitution as near as possible to the insignificance of the old confederation," it can affect it only by removing the second distinction; expressly given or not expressly, denied to the federal government by the constitution. Surely no one will venture to assert, that such amendments were not extremely proper, provided they related to powers, which the federal government would not be permitted to exercise. But let those amendments be examined; they will be found principally to protect the most important rights, which belong to individuals, or to states. They will be found to embrace almost every topic, which had excited so much opposition in the convention of Virginia to this national compact. The rights of conscience, speech and of the press; the privileges of individuals in all criminal proceedings; and the sovereign powers of States; have been particularly delineated. That man must be an extraordinary politician indeed, who would object to these valuable amendments because they secured the rights of the nation, by retrenching the powers of the government; and because they may in this manner have tended "to reduce (the constitution) to the insignificance of the old confederation."
verment, instead of an influence proportioned to a certain degree to their population.—If these amendments then do really "reduce the constitution as near as possible to the insignificance of the old confederation," it can affect it only by removing the second distinction; expressly given or not expressly, denied to the federal government by the constitution. Surely no one will venture to assert, that such amendments were not extremely proper, provided they related to powers, which the federal government would not be permitted to exercise. But let those amendments be examined; they will be found principally to protect the most important rights, which belong to individuals, or to states. They will be found to embrace almost every topic, which had excited so much opposition in the convention of Virginia to this national compact. The rights of conscience, speech and of the press; the privileges of individuals in all criminal proceedings; and the sovereign powers of States; have been particularly delineated. That man must be an extraordinary politician indeed, who would object to these valuable amendments because they secured the rights of the nation, by retrenching the powers of the government; and because they may in this manner have tended "to reduce (the constitution) to the insignificance of the old confederation."
* Boston Repository. † Morse's American Geography. ‡ Logan's Philosophy of History.
This day's paper slightly intimates, that a motion has been made in the legislature of Massachusetts, to amend the federal constitution so as to destroy the representative interest, which the southern and western states derive from their negro population. These resolutions shall be published at full length in the next paper. The author of the "Vindication of Virginia" who had just arrived at this part of the controversy, will examine them with some attention.
COMMUNICATION. The following gentlemen are recommended to the consideration of the Stock-holders of the Bank of Virginia, as competent persons to fill the important office of Directors.
REPUBLICAN. 1 Abraham Venable, 2 Benjamin Hatcher, 3 Joseph Gallego, 4 Joseph Selden, 5 George Jefferson, 6 Geo. W. Smith, 7 John Harvie, 8 Micajah Davis. FEDERAL. 4 Edward Carrington, 6 J. F. Leitch, 8 Jas. Penn, 10 John Graham, 12 Robert Pollard, 14 E. W. Rootes.
On Saturday morning JEROME BONAPARTE, his Lady, and their suite, embarked on board the frigate La Didon, which was to have failed immediately for Europe in company with the Sybille: but a strong head wind springing up, the vessels did not get under way. On the same morning the British frigate Cambrian, captain Bradley of 44 guns and 300 men, and the sloop of war Driver, captain Lyall, mounting 18 carronades, anchored in the narrows, in 7 days from Halifax. They left at Halifax the ship Leander, of 50 guns, repairing with all possible expedition, and it was supposed would be despatched for this fort immediately. The French frigate La Didon is remarkable for being the swiftest sailing vessel in the navy of the Republic, and for having "carried the defies of France" when the Frit Consul escaped from Egypt. [Mer. Adv.]
Extract of a letter dated Barbadoes, May 14, to a gentleman in Baltimore.
"I arrived at this port after a very rough and tedious passage of 30 days, and encountering some very heavy gales of wind. The Schooner that I came here in was immediately on her arrival, ordered away to Surinam, which it was supposed the expedition had gone against, and to day we have received the official accounts of its being in possession of the British. They took it after a very obstinate resistance, and one of the forts blew up after they had taken possession of it. A fleet is expected out here immediately."
Extract of a letter from Point Pitre, Gaudalope, dated April 25, to the Editor of the Salem Gazette.
"A short time since an English frigate appeared off Bassetre, and fired on the neutral and other vessels at anchor there, without approaching near enough for the fort to return it. The Governor General, ERNOUF, who has the confidence of every body here, astonished and angry at such conduct, wrote the Captain of the frigate a letter to the following purport, and sent it by a flag of truce, with all the English prisoners he had, amounting to 299:—That as he supposed from his meanness in firing upon neutrals under his protection, without approaching the land, he must be in want of men to attack the island, if the prisoners which he had could be of any service to him, he requested that he would receive them, without any ransom and attack the French on land, where he, Gen. ERNOUF, aspired only to the honour of dying at the head of a gallant regiment of young men in defending the colony. It had its effect; for the frigate immediately ceased firing; and the English Admiral, when he heard of the transaction admiring the honourable conduct of General Ernouf, sent him a very polite letter, with a proclamation that the blockade of Gaudalope should cease; and promised him that if any depredations, contrary to the most honourable usages of war, should be committed on the French by any English vessel whatever, if he would inform him, the most immediate and complete satisfaction should be made. The week following, a small boat of fishermen was taken near the shore of Gaudalope, by an English vessel, and carried to Antigua; and as soon as the Governor was made acquainted with it, he wrote to the English Admiral, who, faithful to his engagement, immediately sent orders to Antigua for their release."
WALTER POTTER, BOOKBINDER & STATIONER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
THANKFUL for the encouragement he has received since commencing business, hopes by his strict attention, and faithful execution of all orders which he may be favoured with, to merit a further continuance of Patronage. He has lately received a fresh supply of STATIONARY, and has now on hand a large assortment of BLANK & RULED BOOKS. Merchants accept BOOKS, ruled to any pattern, and BOOK-BINDING in its various branches, executed with neatness, accuracy and dispatch. June 27. [6w]
Twenty-five Cents Rewards. RAN-AWAY from my service, in the county of Louisa, about the middle of April last, an apprentice of mine named BENJAMIN JENKINS about 16 years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, of a sturdy make and very well grown for his age. His parents reside in the county of Hanover near the Merry-Oaks, where it is probable he is lurking. Any person who will take the trouble of apprehending and conveying the said lad to me, in the county of Louisa, shall receive the above reward, besides what the law will entitle him to. ROBERT KING. June 24th, 1804.
N. B. I do hereby forward all persons from harbouring the said apprentice, or in any manner concealing him, to prevent any recovering him again. R. KING.

THE FOLLOWING EXTRACT FROM "STEVENS'S WARS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION," WILL EXPLAIN THE SITUATION OF THE NATIONS OF EUROPE, AS IT STOOD AT THE CONCLUSION OF THOSE WARS.]
Negotiations for peace—Treaty of Amiens—Summary of Events—New Political Chart of Europe.
While every shore re-echoed with the thunder of hostile squadrons, and opposing fleets and armies by turns threatened the coasts of Britain and France with insult and invasion, the inhabitants of both countries had become heartily tired of a war long since devoid of any fixed or rational object. Luckily too, it was the interest of their respective rulers to close the scene of carnage, and either feel or affect sentiments of moderation. After so many splendid acquisitions on the continent, Bonaparte evidently panted for a peace, which, by restoring the islands of the West-Indian archipelago to the republic, would confer reputation and stability on his administration; while in England the new ministry became anxious to strengthen the protection of the crown by means of the gratitude of the people. For some time past an active intercourse had taken place between the two governments. Flags of truce and of defiance were actually displayed at the same time and in the same strait; so that while Boulogne and Dunkirk were bombarded or blockaded by hostile squadrons, the ports of Dover and Calais were frequently visited by packet-boats & the messengers of the courts of St. James's & the Tuileries. At length the secretary of state for foreign affairs, (a) after a long but secret negotiation with Mr. Otto, during which the humiliating intervention of a third person was not required to be on a former occasion, suddenly announced the signature of the preliminaries of peace between England on the one part, and France, Spain, and Holland, on the other. This intelligence was immediately communicated in a note to the lord-mayor, and diffused general satisfaction throughout the metropolis and the kingdom. At the end of eleven days subsequently to this joyful event, the ratification of the first consular was brought from Paris by one of his aids-de-camp, (b) who, as well as the French plenipotentiary, was drawn through the streets in his carriage by the populace. Amiens, the city assigned for the discussion of a definitive treaty, was visited in the course of a few months by the ministers of the respective powers: on which occasion the marquis Cornwallis represented Great-Britain; citizen Joseph Bonaparte counsellor of state, France; don John Nicholas Azarza, Spain; and Roger John Schimmelpennick, Holland.
After the lapse of a considerable time, during which the public expectation was amazingly excited by alternate hopes and fears, the long-expected treaty (c) was signed, ratified, and promulgated, according to the established forms. This event diffused the most lively joy throughout the British empire: all ranks and descriptions of men hailed the return of the halcyon days of peace with rapture; while bonfires, illuminations, and entertainments, exhibited but a faint expression of the general joy. Nor were the French less eager to celebrate a period, which to them might be considered less as a cessation from the innumerable evils of war, than a triumphal epoch, when the independence for which they had so long combated was not only ascertained, but their innumerable acquisitions solemnly recognised in the face of Europe and of mankind.
The sacrifices of England, upon this occasion, were both numerous and important; as the cessions on her part consisted of all the possessions and colonies captured or acquired during the war, with the solitary exceptions of the Spanish island of Trinidad and the Dutch possessions in Ceylon. It was however stipulated, in behalf of her allies, that the territories of her most faithful majesty were to be maintained in their integrity in the same manner as previously to the commencement of the war; but an agreement was entered into, in opposition to the spirit and letter of this article, that the limits of French Guiana in America should be extended and the dominions of Portugal in Europe curtailed, conformably to the treaty of Badajoz.
The house of Nassau was also to receive an adequate compensation for its losses in Holland, yet it appeared by a separate declaration, signed on the same day with the treaty of Amiens, on the part of the French and Dutch ministers, that the Batavian republic was not to furnish any portion of the indemnity; certain it is, that this interposition excited no little gratitude in the bosom of the prince of Orange, that he left England, after exhibiting the most unequivocal marks of his disapprobation in a letter addressed to the king.
The republic of the Seven Isles, erected under the protection of the Russian and Ottoman Emperors was at the same time acknowledged: Malta, Gozo, and Comino, were to be restored to the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and it was agreed that the forces of his Britannic majesty should evacuate those possessions in the course of three months after the exchange of the ratifications; but the stipulations were so numerous, and the arrangements so intricate, that this article has been productive of unceasing jealousies and misunderstandings.
The French princes, in behalf of whom England appeared at one time to have armed, and for whose cause the kings of the continent pretended to have first taken the field, were left unnoticed; while the unfortunate house of Savoy, the dominions of which had been specifically guaranteed by a solemn treaty, was left to its fate.
When this important subject was agitated in parliament, the opinions of the leading men in the house of commons were various; but a decided majority, acting in complete union with the nation, declared unequivocally in favour of the measure. The members of the opposition bench, who had so long contended against a war, respecting the origin of which they were dissatisfied, on this occasion cordially united with the ministry, declaring that they preferred any peace to a contest, with the precise object of which they had hitherto been ignorant. The late chancellor of the exchequer also, who had inspired the nation with the hope "of indemnity for the past, and security for the future," to the utter astonishment of the multitude, also declared his assent to the terms which had been obtained: but although one of his associates appeared to be ennobled into silence, two of his late colleagues, (d) in conformity to his original opinions, considered the peace as hollow and insidious, the terms as degrading & inadequate, and the whole transaction as equally disproportionate to the success of the war & unworthy of the character of the nation.
Thus ended one of the longest, most interesting, and most bloody contests, which modern times have witnessed. It is not a little singular that no one of the great objects originally aimed at by any of the belligerent powers was obtained by an appeal to arms; while, on the contrary, those new nations which stood aloof during the struggle, derived immense benefits from their prudence, or good fortune. The vanity
of Machiavelian statesmen ought to be mortified by the recollection, that no event has ever more notoriously belied their hopes and predictions; while those men who, reasoning from the analogies of nature and of history, calmly deduce effect from cause, and, under the name of philosophers, expose themselves to the suspicions of sometimes even to the proscriptions of ignorance and presumption clothed in the garb of authority, must be allowed to have possessed the rare merit of calculating the phases and foretelling the result of the revolutionary warfare.
The treaties of Lunéville and Amiens, by changing the relative situations of the various states in this quarter of the globe, have forced Europe to assume a novel as well as an ominous aspect. The boasted balance of power is changed, and the political chart is henceforth to be calculated by a new scale.
Two of the northern powers, profiting by the contentions of the neighbouring states, have cultivated commerce, manufactures, and the arts of peace, in the midst of the most calamitous struggles, and derived immense benefits from those conflicts that have beggared nations and destroyed kingdoms. Sweden, stripped of the precious metals, and obliged to recur to the wretched expedient of leather money, in consequence of the brilliant but destructive achievements of Charles XII. has increased her ships, her manufactures, and her commerce. Denmark also, by reaping the obvious advantages resulting from a politic neutrality, has added greatly to her prosperity; and the cities of Copenhagen and Altona, under the administration of a prince-regent, have received an immense accession of wealth. The cloud has passed away which threatened the navigation of the Sound; and the trade of the nations on its borders has been secured in case of a future contest by new and advantageous concessions.
Russia, towering like a Colossus above the neighbouring states, has neither added to nor diminished the extent of her dominions by the late conflict: but she feels a consciousness of her own power and preponderance; and while she acts even now, as a mediator, and the umpire, of contending nations, bids fair to realise those gigantic projects of ambition which originated in the genius of Peter the Great. Alexander Paulowitch appears to be preparing a new destiny for that immense empire, at the same time that he is acquiring stability for his own government. By removing the feudal prejudices against commerce, he has opened a new source of wealth and industry for the nation; while aware, by the dire experience of father and grandfather, of the evils as well as of the dangers of despotism, he ensures the continuance of his own power by sharing it with the senate.
But, if the north of Europe was fortunate enough to be in some measure exempt from calamity, the south has been pregnant with changes. The Cisalpine Republic, chiefly composed of territories dismembered from the house of Austria, has been at once created and protected by France; while the Venetian possessions on the continent are subjected in their turn, to the government of the cabinet of Vienna. Genoa, rescued from dependence by the wisdom and firmness of Andrew Doria, and once famous in the annals of war and commerce, is now known under the ancient name of Liguria; while, by an express convention between Russia and the Porte, the settlements in the Ionian sea, recently subjugated by their arms, are permitted, in consequence of the jealousy of two of the most arbitrary governments in Europe, to assume the name and outward forms of a commonwealth. To add to this singularity, by a solemnity in politics, it is expressly stipulated by treaty that the republic of the Seven Isles is to be at once free and independent; to be regulated by no superior, and yet to be tributary to the grand-turk. (e)
The prelate who had ascended the pontifical throne under the name of Pius VII. retains but a small portion of the patrimony of St. Peter, and in state and grandeur scarcely equals a cardinal during those times when the terrors of the triple crown appalled the most powerful sovereigns of Europe. Chiaramonti, more politic, more sage, and more humble, than his predecessor Braschi, is, at the same time, better acquainted with the spirit of the age in which he lives; and, in imitation of the primitive fathers of the church, knows how to bend like a willow beneath that form, which would root up the opposing oak, and scatter its branches in the air.
The situation of the house of Savoy, so prosperous during the early part of the preceding century, is peculiarly disastrous. Victor Amadeus III. after involving his dominions in an unnecessary and unfortunate contest, towards the close of a long and variegated reign endeavoured to find consolation in religion for the misfortunes occasioned by the want of policy & discernment! His eldest son, Charles Emanuel IV. overwhelmed with family misfortunes, and bereaved of his richest provinces, soon after his accession resigned all his pretensions to his brother Emanuel V. on whose head the crown of Sardinia is still permitted to totter. Disgusted with his fate, this prince, but little anxious to visit the unhealthy isle that constitutes at once his royalty and his territories, is content to live in Italy as a private gentleman; and, like Theodore Stanislau, the prince who assumes the name of Louis XVIII. and his own unhappy relatives of the royal line of Stuart, seems destined to fill up the catalogue of unfortunate sovereigns.
The situation of this monarch is wonderfully contrasted with that of Ferdinand the IV. who, flying before an insurgent people and an invading enemy, scarcely deemed Palermo safe from the vengeance of the Parthenopean republic. Aided however by the martial spirit of an adventurous priest, shielded by the protection of Russia, and supported by the victorious fleets of England, he returned to his capital in the course of a few months; after annulling a solemn treaty entered into in his own name, with his viceroy, he presented a new faint to the Lazzaroni, and threatened to annihilate the whole order of nobility from the golden book. Doomed to inevitable destruction by republican France, but spared by the consular government, he has cheerfully resigned a final portion of his dominions to obtain peace; but acquiescing in his lot, he forgets the cares that not unfrequently plant the pillow of royalty with thorns; and, while hunting the wildboar in the neighbourhood of Caserta, or patiently angling for mullets in the bay of Naples, happily ceases to remember his exile in Sicily.
The grand-duke of Tuscany, bereaved of Florence, Leghorn, and the adjacent territories, is now busily employed in searching the rent-rolls and monastic institutions of the German dignitaries for a compensation; while France, which had sworn an immortal antipathy to kings and to Bourbons, has conveyed his dominions to a stranger, and invested the son-in-law of the king of Spain with the ensigns of royalty. The Ottoman Porte, notwithstanding the incurable ignorance of its governors, the deplorable neglect of science on the part of its generals, and the notorious deficiency of discipline among its troops, is still suffered to enjoy a nominal independence. The late war has made but little alteration in its situation: and Egypt, whether conquered by the French or liberated by the English, no longer seems inclined to furnish Constantinople either with corn or treasure.
Incapable of chastising the Mamelukes in Africa, or of subduing the rebel bahas in Europe; and resorting to chicane, duplicity, and treachery, the usual resources of weak and declining states: this once potent empire is less indebted for its existence to the forbearance, than to the unceasing jealousies, of the surrounding nations. The epoch is not far distant, however, when the successors of Selim III. will be forced to cross the Bosphorus of Thrace, and the Turks once more, perhaps, become a pastoral tribe amidst the plains of Asia.
Nor must mention be wholly omitted of another quarter of the world. The new Continent, although exposed by turns to the spoliations of the principal maritime powers, has found means to preserve a prudent if not a dignified neutrality, amid the convulsions of the ancient world. Unmoved by the shock of nations, the adopted land of Penn, and the native soil of Franklin and Washington, calmly pursues its silent but successful career, & behold its population nearly doubled at the end of every 22nd lustre. The fates are preparing an exalted destiny for this nation, or rather this congeries of rising empires, which even in its cradle contended with the serpents that assailed its infancy, and now, invigorated almost into manhood, is ready, if prompted by necessity, to oppose the many-headed hydra at the fight of which Europe turns pale. The arts and sciences, ever following in the train of freedom, will soon ennoble those immense forests which have hitherto only resounded with the barbarous shouts of war and the chase; and when the sun of liberty sets to Europe, that luminous beam may perhaps still cheer with its departing beams a land walled on one side by the waves of the Atlantic, and enriched on another by the Mississippi, then become a tributary stream.
A considerable period must elapse before Austria can recover from a long and disastrous war, bequeathed as a patrimony to Francis II. by the emperor Leopold his father. The acquisition of Venice, Istria, and Dalmatia, affords but an inadequate compensation for the defeat of so many armies, the aggrandizement of a rival house, and the loss of Lombardy, Tuscany, and the Netherlands.
On the other hand, the king of Prussia, by maintaining the neutrality of the north of Germany, and taking advantage of passing events, has enabled a crown so lately ducal to rival the splendour of the imperial diadem. Even the father of Frederick-William the Second, altho' a slave to his pleasures towards the latter end of his reign, did not forget the ruling maxims of the house of Brandenburg; and the present protector of the Germanic liberties, will carve out a sufficient indemnification for the loss of his possessions on the left bank of the Rhine, in the more contiguous territories of some of the ecclesiastical co-estates.
In return for the immense sacrifices made by Charles IV. one prince, nearly allied to the throne of Bourbon, has been permitted to sit on the throne of modern Tuscany, now recognised as a kingdom under the ancient name of Etruria, while another of that race is still permitted to sway the sceptre of the Two Sicilies. It is but little more than a century since Spain acquired a new world for herself in America, and appeared at the same time to regulate the destiny of Europe. But the lustre of the ancient monarchy appears of late to have been clouded; and that kingdom which, while a primary planet, dazzled mankind with its radiance, has at last sunk into the satellite of a new republic, being attracted within its orbit, and regulated by its influence.
Portugal, on the other hand, dependent alike on the sale of her scanty indigenous productions and the produce of her distant colonies, recognizes that sceptre which governs the empire of the ocean. The late war has proved eminently disastrous to her prosperity; and she is indebted, perhaps, to the policy and forbearance of a neighbouring court alone, for the retention of her independence. But her finances have been deranged, and the prince regent has been forced, by an overbearing necessity, to relinquish a province of his dominions in Europe to a father-in-law, at the same time that a portion of his territories in America, have been resigned to an enemy as a boon for peace.
Holland, now recognised under the name of the Batavian commonwealth, and submitting to France like commercial Carthage to warlike Rome of old, is equally jealous of her new protector and her recent enemy. Abhorrent of war, and anxious as heretofore, to profit by the similes of peace, her industrious citizens only pant for liberty to plow the ocean with their merchantmen, and produce an interchange of commodities between the natives of the torpid north and the inhabitants of the rich but lazy south. Yet, being destitute of an army, deprived of a fleet, and bound in the golden manacles forged by a long and successful commerce, Batavia, which so long and so manfully resisted Spain, now seems fated like Switzerland to die under the superior force and influence of a neighbouring state.
France, at first persecuted into greatness, has, on the contrary, obtained every object which can be coveted by a great people, save that for which she originally contended. With the exception of one single nation alone, she has either terrified or overpowered every foe with her devouring armies, while countries hitherto accustomed only to the shouts of triumph, have shrunk and withered up beneath the ardor of her innumerable warriors. The Alps, the Apennines, the Pyrenees, have been scaled; the Rhine, the Trebia, the Inn, and the Danube, have been crossed by her adventurous legions.
The battles of Fleurus, of Lodi, of Maringo, and of Hohenlinden, have added a population of thirteen millions to an empire which, during the early part of the reign of Louis XIV. had nearly wrested the sceptre of independence from Europe associated against it. The narrow seas, the Pyrenees, the Mediterranean, and the utmost frontiers of Piedmont, convey but a feeble idea of the limits of consular France, armed with the support of Holland, Spain, and Switzerland, against every opponent in the north, and wielding the new republics of Italy against its enemies in the South of Europe. But this colossal state, great in arts and in arms, is still defective in her social institutions; and, with the barren name of a republic, inherits no portion of that freedom which can alone confer real happiness on individuals, or true greatness on nations.
While the costly sacrifices at the peace were made at the cost of two of her confederates, all the new acquisitions became her own. The catalogue of French conquests has been thus swelled at the expense both of her enemies and her allies.
From the house of Austria she has obtained the county of Falkenstein, the Frickthal, a portion of the isle of Elba, and the whole of the Belgic provinces. The empire surrendered all that important tract of country situated on the left bank of the Rhine, including the duchies of Deux-Ponts, Juliers, and the bailiwick of the Palatinate; even Prussia was obliged to yield a portion of her territories in the same quarter. The king of the Two Sicilies has ceded Porto Legano; his brother, the king of Spain, besides some advantageous arrangements for the extension of the French frontiers in Europe, relinquished part of St. Domingo, together with the whole of Louisiana. The Ottoman Porte, not
withstanding the recent outrages against its territories, granted certain commercial privileges; and in addition to similar ones on the part of Portugal, the prince regent has agreed, that the dominions of that crown in Guiana should in future be limited by the river Carapanatuba. The Batavian republic has surrendered Dutch Flanders, the right side of the Hondt, together with Maastricht and Venlo: France has also obtained an equal claim with Holland to the port of Flushing; and, in case of future hostilities, her garrisons are to be admitted into Breda, Bois-le-Duc, and Bergen-op-Zoom.
From the crown of Sardinia, the republic acquired Piedmont, Savoy, in short every thing valuable appertaining to the fallen monarch: she has also been enabled to confer part of her spoils on the kings and commonwealths which she had designed to associate in her fortune. Tuscany, together with the premedial states and the territory of Piombino, were accordingly transferred to the hereditary prince of Parma, at the expence of the grand duke and the court of Naples; while the Cisalpine republic, carved out of the Italian dominions of the pope and the emperor, is swayed by the same sceptre, or rather by the same sword, that regulates the destinies of France. All the possessions of the house of Austria on the left bank of the Rhine between Zarach and Basle have been ceded to the Helvetic republic: in return for this favour, a new constitution has been sketched out in the cabinet of the consular palace, recommended by an imperious mandate, and enforced by republican bayonets. Such are the triumphs of a people, whose territories are liberated from feudal bondage, whose agriculture is unfettered by ecclesiastical imposts, whose measure of military glory is complete, and who want civil liberty alone to rival the splendour and the happiness of the most famous nations of antiquity.
But although the herd of mankind are generally governed by events, and considers nothing unjust provided it be successful, it may be necessary to discriminate, and endeavour, if possible, like an enlightened and impartial posterity, to deliberate before we presume either to censure or to praise. The recent history of France presents no less than five grand epochs, all of which are interesting; but each varies in shape and feature from that which precedes, as well as that which follows, it. The characters too are entirely different: for while one confers honour on man considered as a social being, another covers the human species with opprobrium and disgrace. The gentle reign of orators, statesmen, and legislators, is soon forced to yield to the brutal sway of demagogues and men of blood; the warriors, accustomed to rule by the sword, and alike content in every age and country to overthrow the foreign foe or domestic liberty, then push the executioners encircled with civic oak from the scaffolds on which they sit enthroned, and almost obliterate their own misdeeds by the splendour of their victories.
The first period exhibits a numerous body of men, long retained in thralldom by the despotism of their monarchs, aroused from the slumber of ages, indignantly bursting their manacles, and declaring themselves free. The despot of the continent, decked in the recent spoils of violated Poland, immediately associate under pretence of assisting a prince more gentle, more amiable, and consequently more beloved, than themselves; a war ensues, the shock of arms takes place, and the forests of Argonne & the heights of Valmy decide a campaign pregnant with the fate of France and of Europe. How glorious the struggle of a liberated nation! how resplendent the victory of a confederated people against so many combined kings! But a sudden transition takes place, and all the horrors of civil war, seem fated to accompany all the disasters of a foreign war. A sovereign, revered as a martyr by one portion of the nation, and detested as a traitor by another, perishes by a violent death; monarchy itself is annihilated with Louis XVI. and a republic proclaimed upon his tomb. The founders of the commonwealth are doomed to perish in their turn, and that too by the same instrument employed for the decollation of the last of the Bourbon kings. Robespierre, adored by the populace during his life, and Marat, deified after his assassination, are then wasted along a sanguinary torrent to the possession of supreme power, and rule for a while by means of spies and executioners.
A less unfavourable epoch now presents itself, and the directorial government promises to repair the errors and the crimes of the tyrants. Immense armies take the field, decisive battles are fought, great victories are achieved, & Germany is prepared for dismemberment and Italy for subjugation.
At length a military leader arises, and conquers first for the republic, and then for himself. In consequence of a peace as brilliant as the war which he had achieved, he seems to consider Europe as too small a theatre for his ambition; and, arriving with a powerful fleet and a numerous army in Africa, meditates to imitate the Macedonian hero, and finish his career by the subjugation of Asia. After gaining many victories over the degenerate Turks and the warlike Mamelukes, he at length experiences a repulse before an ill-sorted city, garrisoned by the half-disciplined troops of a rebel pacha, and is reduced to the mortifying necessity of treating with the Ottoman Porte, whose faith he had betrayed, and whose dominions he had spoiled. Uncertain of his destiny, he leaves Egypt and his army by stealth, arrives suddenly in Europe, takes advantage of the corrupt and feeble government of those who happened to be invested with the Gallic purple, surrounds himself with a mercenary soldiery, and, uniting the treachery of Monk with the decisive conduct and victorious career of Cromwell, becomes sovereign under the name of consul.
Not yet safe, he flies into Italy by a route deemed impassable, again overwhelms veteran armies and ancient states, once more erects new commonwealths, renders his foes and his confederates tributary, extends the limits of France and of his own power, and is hailed first as the pacificator of the continent and then of the world!
After this, under pretence of protecting commerce and extending his paternal protection to the colonies, he violates the plighted honour of the nation to the unhappy negroes, who had armed and fought in behalf of France and their own liberty; while the veteran troops which had escaped the sword and the bayonets of the English, the Austrians, the Prussians, the Turks, and the Mamelukes, perish by the diseases of St. Domingo, and the vengeance of her fable inhabitants.
An African chief, who had risen, like himself, from obscurity, is first decoyed into a treaty by means of his paternal feelings; and the present of his children educated at the expence of the republic, becomes the signal of his own bondage. Carried a captive into France, under pretext of a breach of faith, he is excluded from the rays of the sun, and consigned to the gloom of a dungeon; while his countrymen fight amidst the moroes and ravines of a ruined colony, in behalf of that very cause which enabled France to combat and to triumph on the plains of Champagne.
Such is the brief epitome of a revolution which commenced under the mild despotism of a French king, and ended on the accession of an enterprising Corsican, who appears desirous of
no other titles to empire, than fortune and his sword. No man of modern, and scarcely one of ancient times, can be compared to him, whose life, short, brilliant, and glorious, resembles a romance rather than a history; who has subjugated the restless genius of the nation over which he rules by means of a military government, who holds consultas for the regulation of distant states, and forms codes for the direction of nations hitherto independent.
The exertions of Britain during the revolutionary war are unequalled perhaps in the annals of any nation. Two hundred sail of line-of-battle ships, a military force of more than half a million of men, near twenty millions sterling paid in loans and subsidies, a public debt, before deemed intolerable, enlarged in a frightful magnitude, and an immense annual taxation doubled: such have been the efforts of a people who had acquired vigour by the wholesome spirit of their ancient institutions, a generous love of liberty, a liberal toleration in respect to religion, the cultivation of manufactures, and an unrestrained commerce.
No nation ever suffered equal privations with greater manfulness. The rockholder beheld his capital diminished more than one half, the peasant saw the price of his loaf almost tripled, without a murmur; while the opulent cheerfully yielded to the fiscal regulations known by the detested names of the triple assessment and the income-tax. But enlightened men were shocked at the miseries inflicted by those who reclined their heads on pillows of down, while their fellow subjects were frequently arrested on suspicion, confined for months without trial, or tried without crime. It was considered as an intolerable outrage, that the punishment reserved for convicted felons should be applied to unconvicted traitors; and history has to record, without a blush, that solitary imprisonment, for the first time since the Revolution, was practised in one country by the express order, and torture inflicted in another by the tacit permission, of Englishmen.
During the course of this conflict, Britain was victorious in every sea, and successful in every naval battle; the capture of near five hundred men-of-war, of which upwards of eighty were ships of the line, fully attests this memorable fact, and exhibits nobler trophies than were ever won before by any other nation. Nor was any quarter of the globe exempt from her conquests. In America she acquired Tobago, part of St. Domingo, the whole of Martinico, St. Lucie, and Guadaloupe, from the French; Trinidad from the Spaniards; Demerary, Essequibo, Surinam, Curacoao, Berbice, and St. Eustatia, from the Dutch. In the East Indies, Pondicherry, Malacca, Ceylon, Amboyna, and Banda, yielded either to her arms or influence. In Africa, Goree, the Cape of Good Hope, Malta, and Egypt, by turns confessed the sway of the conqueror; while in Europe, Toulon, Minorca, Corsica, and Malta, either surrendered by capitulation, or were subjugated by force.
Scarcely any state in want of treasure or assistance, but was either supplied by the wealth, or protected by the fleets and armies, of this nation; and no less than two emperors, three kings, one queen, with a multitude of petty but independent princes, were occasionally ranked among her subsidiaries.
In addition to this, and by a rare instance of good fortune hitherto unexampled in any history, although the manufactures of England drooped, and many of her artisans were forced by dire necessity to yield those arms they had before fabricated, yet her commerce flourished and even increased during the war.
This tide of prosperity, however, has been productive of but little permanent advantage; for after the expenditure of at least one hundred and fifty thousand lives, and some hundreds of millions of money, the island of Ceylon in the Indian, and that of Trinidad in the Atlantic, ocean, are all that remain of her numerous conquests: nor ought it to be forgotten, that one of her allies has been stripped of his dominions on the continent; another has been driven into exile; and that the rest have consented to the most humiliating sacrifices to obtain safety and peace.
Ever prepared to avenge insulted honour, or redress national wrongs, it is to be hoped, that Britain will continue to combat by means of the same arms which have so frequently ensured success; and that with the extended trident of Neptune she will, as before, beat down the boasted spear of Minerva.
But, with these exceptions alone, it is her interest to sacrifice at the altar of peace; to ply the loom and the shuttle; to cultivate the earth for the purposes of agriculture; to raise the minerals from its bowels for the service of social life; to unbend the sail of commerce to the gale; to cover the ocean with her fleets; and never to engage in any but a just, necessary, and popular war, the aim of which is defined, and the object attainable.
(a) Lord Hawkesbury. (b) Colonel Lauriston. (c) See Appendix. (d) Lord Grenville and Mr. Windham. (e) The sum of 75,000 piastres is to be transferred annually to Constantinople by a solemn embassy.
THE Court of Huitings of the City of Richmond have established the following rules concerning applicants for licences to manufacture Tobacco within the said City; viz.
"All Applications to the Court for Licences to manufacture Tobacco, must be made one month at least, previous to the time of granting thereof, and the name or names of the applicant or applicants entered on the Records of the said Court, and inserted in all the Newspapers published in the City of Richmond."
IN PURSUANCE WHEREOF, PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That from the Records of the said Huitings Court, it appears that DANL. TRIPLETT and JOHN WIDELWIT intend to apply to the next succeeding Court for Licences, severally, to Manufacture Tobacco within this City.
By Order of the Court, AND W STEVENSON, D. C. June 23. (2d in July)
TURNPIKE SHARES.
Will be offered to the highest bidder, at the tavern of Mr. ZACHARIAH BROOKS, on MONDAY the 2nd day of July next.
THIRTY SHARES in the Manchester Turnpike Company, belonging to the estate of the late JOHN MACRAE of Peterburg.—There have been Fifty Dollars paid on each of the above mentioned shares, and I shall sell and convey only my Testator's interest in said shares, leaving the purchaser bound to pay all previous and future requisitions over and above the amount herein stated to have been paid. Bond and satisfactory security will be required for the purchase money, payable twelve months from the day of sale.
The sale will take place between the hours of 11 o'clock in the forenoon and 3 o'clock in the afternoon.
JOHN MRAE, JUNIOR, Executor of John M'Rae, deceased. Peterburg, June 15, 1804. tds-13