The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-08-25 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, AUGUST 25, 1809.
[No. 31.]
Published by Thomas Ritchie, nearly opposite the Globe Tavern, Richmond, Virginia.
CONDITIONS. —Five dollars a year, to be paid annually in advance. Those who wish to be considered as annual subscribers, must hereafter designate it at the time of subscribing, otherwise their papers will be discontinued at the expiration of the first year. No paper can be stopped until all arrearages have been paid off—Good acceptances, in Richmond only, will be received in payment. The same rule as to Advertisements.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE:
The 5th Volume of the ENQUIRER, complete, bound in boards.
VIRGINIA DEBATES , in the Convention, bound in calf, sheep and boards.
BURR'S TRIAL , for Treason and for a Mis-demeanor, in boards—By D. Robertson.
LETTERS on the Subject of THE CATHOLICS —By Peter Plymley—from the 11th London Edition.
BLANKS , for Lawyers, Clerks, Sheriffs, Constables, Merchants, &c. &c. which will also be printed according to any form exhibited, at the shortest notice.
NOTICE. —In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber, there will be offered for sale, the 7th day of Sept. next, on a credit of six months, a small tract or parcel of LAND, lying on the Buckingham Road, about four miles above Powhatan court-house: Also, one negro man named BOB, the property of Archibald Conway, to satisfy a debt due to Major John Archer of Amelia.
HENRY ANDERSON, Trustee. Powhatan, August 15. 3w
TO THE PUBLIC. —Notice is hereby given, that at King William September court, a petition will be made for the discontinuance of a Road leading from the West-Point road, through the estate of Robert Slaughter, and that of James Ruffin, dec'd. to Ruffin's Old Ferry.
August 4. 8p
BOARDING-HOUSE , to be opened in Williamsburg. The Subscriber, being about to remove to Williamsburg, informs the public that she intends to keep in that city, a
BOARDING HOUSE, AND HOUSE OF PRIVATE ENTERTAINMENT , which will be opened on the 20th day of September next. Her house is large and commodious, and situated nearly in the centre of the town—She will have an entirely new set of Servants, & hopes, by the strictest attention and exertions to please, to give satisfaction to those who may favour her with their company. Her intention is to accommodate Boys, Girls, Students of William & Mary College, grown Gentlemen, or Ladies, with board and lodging, or board only, by the day, month, or quarter of a year, on reasonable terms.
Richmond, August 1. 120S
FOR SALE. —By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Pleasant Younghusband, in his life time, and recorded in the General Court:—Will be sold, on the first day of next month (September), at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, four hundred and ninety-three acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, being the tract of Land whereon Francis Lewis, dec'd. resided until his death, which Land was devised to said Younghusband, by Moses Davis and wife. The deed was executed to the subscribers, to secure to Frederick Harris, the payment of two thousand eight hundred and sixty dollars, with interest from the first of March, 1809.—It is mentioned in the deed, that the sale was to be made for ready money, but the deed is dated on the 23rd March, 1808, therefore subject to the act of the last session of Assembly of Virginia, entitled "An Act concerning executions & for other purposes."
DAVID BULLOCK, THOS. NORVELL, Trustees.
August 3. tds
GEORGE WATT has just received, and offers FOR SALE , Sicily, Madeira, and Sherry WINE, by the Hhd. or Qr. cask, Green Coffee, Orleans Sugar by the Hhd.; German Platillas Simplex by the piece or case, half-pint Glass Tumblers in cases of 1000 each, and New York Soap & Candles.
ON HAND , Madeira Wine, Orleans and Muscovado Sugars, Green Coffee, Molasses, Prime Pork, Liverpool and Stone Ware, Sackings, Hys. son, Skin, and Gunpowder Tea, Spanish Segars, Raisins, Almonds, Nutmegs, Windows Glass, Men's & Women's Shoes, which he will dispose of by wholesale on reasonable terms.
July 22. tf
BY VIRTUE of a deed of trust, from Richard Young to the subscribers, bearing date the 27th day of April, 1808, and recorded in the General Court, for securing a certain debt, therein mentioned: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the 29th September, next, before the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, (or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to satisfy said debt, with interest and costs,) the following valuable PROPERTY, viz. Lot No. 1, with the wharf attached thereto: No. 5, a water lot; No. 9, a lot with the yellow house, back of wharf No. 1; No. 13, back of water lot No. 5; No. 16, part of lot No. 178, in the plan of the city of Richmond, & No. 21, bought of the Executors of Francis Lewis, and on Bloody Run-street. The same being the said Richard Young's part of property, situated at Rocketts, which he held jointly with Pickett, Pollard and Johnston, & assigned to him by deed of partition, executed by the parties, on the 17th March last.
The said sale will be made agreeably to the directions in such cases, of the act of Assembly, passed the 31st day of January, 1809, entitled "An act concerning executions and for other purposes."
EDWARD JOHNSTON, JOHN FOX, Trustees. 1ds
WANTED to hire, for one or two months, a hand that has been accustomed to work in the field. For further information, apply to the printer.
August 18. tf
THE SUBSCRIBER will sell the HOUSE & LOT at present occupied by himself, and also, an unfinished House, with an half acre of Land, attached to it, near his residence.
If not previously disposed of by private contract, this property will be sold, at public auction, upon the premises, on the fourteenth day of September, ensuing. The improvements on the Lot, occupied by the subscriber, are plain, neat, comfortable, and in good repair.
If required, some time will be given for a part of the purchase money.
The situation of this property is eligible, both as regards health and a good neighbourhood.
SAM'L GREENHOW. August 18. 14Sep
FOR SALE , in the town of Cartersville, upon James River, Lots No. 6 and 24, being the same formerly owned by Messrs. Deanes—on the first is a good dwelling HOUSE , store and other improvements, and on the last, a good lumber house. A credit of one, two, and three years will be given: Bonds with approved security, to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid, will be required—For further particulars, apply to Messrs. John & E. Cunningham, at Carter'sville, who will show the premises, or to
JAMES & JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, July 28. 6w
THE different business concerns heretofore existing in this state, under the firms of Buchanan and Pollok at Petersburg, Robert and Allen Pollok at Richmond, and Pollok and Tredway & Co. at Manchester, are this day dissolved by mutual consent.
The partner resident at each place, is charged with the collection of the debts due to the concern hitherto under his arrangement, and we earnestly request those indebted to come forward and make satisfactory arrangements for the discharge of their debts. Those having claims against either of the concerns, will please apply accordingly.
DAVID BUCHANAN, by Robert Pollok, his Atty. in fact. ROBERT POLLOK, ALLEN POLLOK, THOS. TREDDWAY. Virginia, July 13.
The subscriber having purchased the stock of Goods on hand at this place, will continue business in his own name, and for his own account, at the former residence of Buchanan and Pollok.
ROBERT POLLOK. Petersburg, July 13.
The subscribers have renewed their connection in business, and mean to prosecute it in this place under the firm of Pollok and Tredway.
ROBERT POLLOK, THOMAS TREDDWAY. Manchester, July 18. 6w
RUNAWAY from the Subscriber in Amherst County, on the 24th instant, my noted Waterman: Robin, he is between 35 and 40 years of age, of black complexion, has very hollow cheeks, owing to the loss of his upper, and jaw teeth; he has been accustomed to run the river from Lynchburg to Richmond for many years, and has numerous acquaintances and it is highly probable that he will be harbored by some of them, I will give a reward of 10 dollars and pay all expenses to any person that will bring the said Fellow to me, otherwise will pay 5 dollars for putting him in the Jail of the County where he may be taken up.
THOMAS MOORE. August 22. 4w
NOTICE. —The Trunk which was advertised by the subscriber as stolen from the Basin on the night of the 21st ult. marked I. D. Lynchburg, Va. contained the following articles, viz: gold breast pins of oval, octagon, and other forms, with a glass to each, some of which are inlaid with pearl, others being plain and in the form of a key—gold ear-rings of new patterns, some of which are set with a topaz stone—also a parcel of plain half moon hoop, do. and some plain finger rings, with a small red stone in each—books of gold leaf—tortoiseshell combs—black high-topped buttons, and silk cord. A liberal reward will be given for the whole of the articles above mentioned, or a handsome compensation for such a portion of them as may be recovered—And should they be offered for sale, it is hoped they will be stopped, and information given to
THOMAS GUY. August 22. 4t
BY VIRTUE of two Deeds of Trust—one bearing date the 24th of November, 1804. Executed by Wm. Dalton to David Wood, as trustee for the purpose of securing the sum of three hundred and seven Pounds, thirteen Shillings and six Pence with legal interest from the date of said debt, due to Nimrod Brantham and Co. the other bearing date the 9th of January, 1808: Executed to Marshall Head as Trustee, for the purpose of securing the sum expressed in said debt, to Nimrod Brantham and Co. the sum of ninety-nine Pounds, eleven Shillings, and six Pence with legal interest from the 30th Nov 1807, and to Nimrod Brantham the sum of six Pounds, six Shillings and five Pence due 1st September, 1807 And further to secure to the said Nimrod Brantham what said Dalton may owe him at the close of this Indenture for dealings. Will be sold on Thursday the 7th day of September next—On the premises that valueable Tract of Land, whereon the said Dalton now resides in the County of Albemarle, bounded by the lands of Wm. Marshall, Benj. Robertson, Marshall Head and Col. Thomas Dickerson, containing 400 acres; there is a considerable quantity of said Land good low-grounds. On the above Tract is a dwelling house, and other convenient out-houses; the said Land will be sold according to the provisions of an Act Entitled an Act Concerning Executions and for other purposes passed 31st Jan. 1809. The subscribers will convey the Title to the purchaser or purchasers as vested in them as Trustees only.
DAVID WOOD, MARSHAL HEAD, } Trustees. August 22. 4t
MISCELLANEOUS.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
ENGLISH NEWSPAPERS.
Nothing more distinctly shows the difference between the governments of G. Britain and the U. States, than the conduct of each towards newspapers. In the U. States, there is no tax upon them, if issued from the Office—if sent by the mail, they pay a postage of one cent only, when confined to the state; if sent into another state, only 1 1/4 cent. This goes exclusively to the Post Master, and is merely intended to sharpen his vigilance in the delivery of them out of his office—a motion which was made a few years since, in congress being lost, upon that consideration only.—This indulgence to newspapers is an act of justice to the people.—Where public prints are the heralds of the acts of their servants, as well as the censors of their vices—where the existence of the constitution itself depends upon the light of the public—where so many men read scarce anything else.
"This folio of four pages, happy work," and treat it not merely as the guard of their liberties, but as the luxury of their leisure; it is fit that newspaper should be brought home to the doors of the people, as cheap and unincumbered as possible.—It is nearly the same thing in G. Britain. There the people have a smaller share in the management of affairs; the right of elective franchise belongs to fewer electors and reaches to fewer offices; but there are more corruptions to be exposed to be exposed and greater vigilance to be exerted. How different however is the state of the public prints in that country!
There, it seems to be the business of the government to fill its coffers, and to hide its own deeds in the dark, by levying a tax on the lights of the people.—A short time since, most papers were usually sold for a pence sterling—3 3/4 of which was paid, for the stamp. Thus, the state had a 3/4 more than the proprietor himself. In 1798, however, an act of Parliament passed, allowing a discount of 12 1/2 per cent. "which was to continue, provided the price of the newspaper did not exceed 6d." The exact present state of these discounts, however, is unknown to us.
Yet in spite of these impositions, so productive have they proved to the revenue, that, as Mr. Huskisson stated in the House of Commons on the 27th April last, "the stamps upon newspapers for the last year, had produced two millions"—a sum equal to 8,883,200 dollars. On this point the Philadelphia "Democratic Press," puts this very striking contrast: The report of the Secretary of the Treasury, of December 10, 1808, estimates the expenses of the U. S. for the current year 1809 as follows:
  1. Civil List and Miscellaneous Expenses, $ 900,000   2. Foreign Intercourse, 200,000   3. Grants by Congress, and miscellaneous unforeseen demands, 150,000   4. Military and Indian Departments, 2,736,000   5. Naval Department, 1,014,000   $ 5,000,000 
So that the mere Stamps upon Newspapers in Great Britain are $8,883,200 more than the whole amount of the annual expenses of the government of the U. S.
In the House of Commons on the 27th April last, a motion was made by Mr. Huskisson, to alter "the act limiting the price of newspapers at which discounts should be allowed," so as to allow the printers to raise the prices of their papers, without forfeiting the privileges of the discount. As an inducement to this, it was stated by Mr. H. that the price of paper had risen since 1801 from 38s. or 40s. the thousand, to from 63s. to 65s. And "all other articles, and journeyman's wages in the same proportion." This resolution was finally carried, and the act allowed a rise of one half-penny. So that Bell's Weekly Messenger, which was sold previous to the 28th May at 7 1/2 per no. now vends for 8d. And the four-paged prints, as the Morning Chronicle, which were at 6d, are now sold for 6 3/4.
In Great Britain, there are no established subscribers, as there are in the United States—but it is presumable, that each newspaper of a particular Office has standing customers, who pay the price of the paper, so long as they choose to take it.
One great difference in the contents of the London prints is in the mass of local scraps, anecdotalia of great people, and trifling intelligence from the World of Fashion, which they contain. A few of these may serve at least, to amuse—to instruct, they cannot—a Virginia Reader.
"The Duchess dowager of Newcastle had a splendid Assembly on Wednesday night, at her house in Charles-Street, Berkeley-square: amongst the Company were their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the dukes of Cumberland, Cambridge, Gloucester; the Duchesses of Bedford, Rutland; the Marchionesses of Stafford, Salisbury, Headfort; the Earl and Countess Camden, Earl and Countess Manners, Lord and Lady Melbourne, Lord and Lady Castlereagh, &c. &c. &c."
The Countess of Essex had a select party to Cards on Wednesday Evening, at his Lordship's house, in Hill-street, Berkeley-square.
The Archbishop of Dublin is at present confined by a severe fit of the gout.
Mrs. Hallett had a select Music party last night, at her house in Somerset-street.
The Marquis Wellesley will give a splendid dinner in the course of a few days to a number of his friends, previous to his departure for Spain.
Many very judicious improvements are going forward at Vauxhall Gardens.
Madame Catalani was yesterday morning safely delivered of a son. To use the appropriate language, she is as well as can be expected.
Morn. Chron. May 12.
The Countess of Louçon and Moira will shortly leave town for Cheltenham.
The Duke of Rutland arrived in town on Sunday night from Cheveley-Hall, Cambridgeshire. The Duchess is detained at her country house through the illness of one of her children.
Yesterday the birthday of the Duchess of York was observed with the usual demonstrations of joy, and at night the houses of several of the Royal tradesmen were illuminated.
Last night there was a select Music Party at the house of Mrs. Thompson, in Grosvenor-square.
Morn. Chron. May 9.
Receipt for curing butter. —Take one-half ounce common salt, one-fourth of an ounce of moist sugar, and use them in the proportion of one ounce to the pound of butter. On trial it will be found, that butter thus prepared will keep any length of time, and have a much finer flavor than butter salted in the usual way.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, August 18.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
By the arrival of the ship George, from Greenock, the ships Phocion and Anna, from Liverpool, the Editors of the New-York Gazette, have received Greenock and Liverpool papers to the 5th, and London papers to the 2d of July. These papers afford but little news of moment, the accounts from the continent not being so late as those
by the Mentor, from France. It will be seen by extracts from Lloyd's list, that American vessels continued to pour into the different ports of England, where the markets for their cargoes were bad indeed, hardly anything bringing more than first cost. Captain Clark, however, informs, that about the time of his sailing, the markets were getting better, and some articles had sold at advanced prices, owing to an apprehension, that our government would renew the non-intercourse in consequence of the objection to Mr. Erskine's arrangement.—
There was also a great demand for American vessels, to convey troops, &c. to accompany the new expedition which was on the eve of departure from England. A temporary embargo was expected to continue till after the sailing of the expedition, in which case American vessels, nearly ready for sea, will meet with detention.
We find nothing in the London papers about the sailing of Mr. Jackson, the new minister for America; but we learn, verbal-ly, that it was understood at Liverpool, that he had sailed.
For other news by these arrivals, we refer our readers to the subsequent columns.
LONDON, July 1.
This morning Government received, by one of our cruisers, arrived at Harwich, from the Dutch coast, intelligence of extraordinary exertions making by King Louis, to raise and embody all persons capable of military service. This force, when collected, was to be marched to the frontiers of Westphalia, where, it was not concealed, the situation of his brother Jerome had become very perilous. A letter from Rotterdam, dated on the evening of the 26th ult. says—
"It is expected that the King of Westphalia has, in consequence of a general commotion among his subjects, by this time taken refuge in Frankfort, the inhabitants of which city are even apprehensive of an hostile visit from the insurgents."
Letters were received from Amsterdam of so late a date as the 28th instant. They write, that no account of the second battle between the two grand armies had reached them; it was certain, however, that Bonaparte was in an awkward predicament.—He was completely kept in check by the Archduke Charles, while the whole of the Tyrol was up in arms, and the north of Germany in the possession of the Austrians. It was under-ood in Holland that all the Dutch ports would be closed on the 20th July, but on what account was not said. American vessels would not be admitted according to the present determination of the Dutch government.
The expedition, which is now in great forwardness, will certainly be ready to sail in a week. We lament to state, that government have experienced great difficulties in the procuring of transports. The American Merchants have this day been informed, that such American ships as can be at Deptford early in the week, may be engaged for a three months service, at 25s. per month.
A letter from Calcutta mentions, that eight American vessels have been seized in Russian ports and condemned.
PLYMOUTH, June 27.
Sailed, the Revenge 74, and Statira 28, to the westward. By the Cesar 84, Hon. Rear Admiral Stopford, from Basque Roads, is learnt, that all the French line of battle ships except those destroyed, are gone up the river near Rochfort to be repaired as fast as possible. One frigate is kept in Basque Roads as a guard ship.
LONDON, July 2.
We hear with much pleasure, that accounts have been received by Government, of the French having been repulsed with considerable loss in several attempts which they made on the 15th, 16th, and 17th ult. to cross the Danube, in the neighborhood of Presburgh. The details of these operations are unknown; but the fact of the defeat of the enemy is so far credited by ministers, as to have induced their communication of it to Prince Stahremberg; and to the Spanish Ambassador.
Yesterday we received an Amsterdam paper of Tuesday last together with several German Gazettes to the 20th ult.—The information which they furnish will be read with interest, principally as shewing the great embarrassment to which Bonaparte is reduced, and the successes which have attended the patriotic exertions of the Tyroleans.
So critical has Bonaparte's situation become, and so comprehensive are his expedients to reinforce his army, that the soldiers wounded in the battle of Ratisbon, Echl-mul, &c. who were left in the sick quarters at Munich, Augsburg, &c. have been obliged to appear before a Medical Commission charged with an examination into the condition of their wounds, and every man, sufficiently recovered to be competent to any kind of military duty, has been sent to the army in waggons. Between the 1st and 12th of June, Gen. Moulin sent from Augsburg, upwards of 300 wounded officers for Vienna. Many of those, who were unable to bear the fatigue of a land carriage, were conveyed by water.
The communication between Munich and Vienna has become so insecure from the incursions of the Austrians and Tyroleans, that five waggons loaded with specie, which were proceeding from Munich for the payment of the French army, had on their arrival at Markel, been obliged to return to Munich, and it was supposed would be sent for greater security to Augsburg.
The most important successes continue to crown the patriotic exertions of the Tyroleans. They have compelled the Bavarian Gen. Deroy to fly from the strong position of Kufstein, after two days fighting, and to retire by Wischbach towards Munich. Gen. Picard had at the same time, been driven from Rempfen, and been pursued as far as Kaufbeuren, within four posts of Augsburg, while the Wirttemberg corps, under Gen. Von Scheeler, has been beaten beyond the Schussen. Another corps of Patriots from Schernitz, had advanced into Bavaria as far as Abling, and had on their route been joined by numbers of the inhabitants.
The Archduke Maximilian, on retiring
from Vienna, carried with him the whole of his own corps, together with 6000 men who had joined him on the 11th, under the orders of Gen. Kienmayer, and this retreat, which is represented in the French Bulletin as the flight of a few individuals, was conducted with the greatest order.
Early in the last month several waggons loaded with presents from Napoleon to Alexander, passed through Frankfort, on their route from Paris to Petersburg.—They are valued at three millions of florins.
A considerable number of troops have been stationed along the Russian coasts, in the Baltic, under an apprehension of a descent from the British squadrons in that sea.
Lord Levison Gower, it is reported, is to have a seat in the cabinet attached to his War Secretaryship. The unusual association of appointments is imputed to Mr. Canning, with a view, it is added, to strengthen that Gentleman's influence in the Council.
The Earl of Chatham has it is reported, given the necessary order for his immediate departure as Commander in Chief of the intended Grand Expedition. His Lordship is not to be superceded in the Ordnance Department, Sir T. Trigg, as Deputy, undertaking to preside at the head of that office during his Lordship's absence.
Since the raising of the embargo in America, 150 sail of merchantmen have entered the port of Liverpool, whereas only two vessels have entered the port of London.
THE EXPEDITION.
The most active and unwearied exertions are now making at Chatham, Ramsgate, Deal, and Portsmouth, by the different boards to expedite the embarkation of the troops assembled at those places: and so anxious is the Commander in Chief to have all the force he can collect on the Grand Expedition, that he has directed all the detachments of corps assembled at the depot in the Isle of Wight to be formed into a battalion, and officered immediately. The command of this corps has been given to Col. Cochrane, who is to embark with them immediately.
Mr. J. Trotter, Gen. Brownrigg, Sir L. Pepys, and Commissioner Bowen, are going down to superintend at the points of embarkation.
A letter from Portsmouth of the 30th, says—"Many of the King's ships, which are to receive troops, have had their lower deck guns taken out, and will very soon be ready for the soldiers. Every exertion is making for Sir R. Curtis, Admiral Otway, Captain Patten of the Transport Office, and Mr. Poppleton the Commissary General. Five hundred of the Artillery with their guns, embarked on board the Resolution, 74. The Fifeshire Militia, which were a few days ago embarked here for Scotland, were this day disembarked, their transports being wanted for the Expedition in the Downs, whither every transport here, has been sent. The 35th, have marched into the camp at Stoke's Bay; the 26th goes into camp to-morrow."
A letter from Canterbury, of the 30th mentions, that preparations for the Great Armament continue to be made, without relaxation, in that district; and from the arrangements for the march of the troops, it was likely that the whole would be at sea at nearly the same time, three divisions, at Portsmouth, Harwich, and in the Downs, by which means a junction of the whole would be speedily effected. From the circumstance of the transports being victualled only for a fortnight, it was inferred that their destination was not remote; and from the embarkation taking place on the eastern coast, it was concluded that the object of attack was not to the Southward.
The artillery intended to accompany the Grand Expedition will exceed, by far, the largest force of this description that ever left the British shores. The battering train numbers 100 pieces, of the calibres up to 24 pounders, with mortars and howitzers in proportion. Eight more brigades of foot artillery—four from Woolwich, and four from the Eastern District, are also under orders; and the total will comprise 2000 effective men. Col. Terrot, with the rank of Brigadier, will take the command, with six Field Officers under him, of whom Lieut. Dixon will be one. Of the companies ordered from Canterbury, Capt. Munroe's set out yesterday, and the rest will follow this day.
The three great points of embarkation, are Deal, Ramsgate and Portsmouth. A great many more are to be armed en suite, to convey the troops; for example, 20 of the class of 74 guns each, carrying 300 troops, will at once convey a force of 12,000 men, complete with their staff, guns, ammunition, &c. Lord Chatham will, it is said, go out as Commander in Chief, and 25 General Officers of reputation, are named as likely to have commands.
The following is said to be an accurate statement of the effective strength of the corps to be employed on the expedition:—Cavalry 2,350—Infantry 34,403—When the artillery, engineers, &c. are added to this force, the amount will, as we have already stated, be not less than 40,000 men.
The following distinguished Naval Officers go with the Expedition: Sir R. Strachan, Admiral Stopford, Admiral Otway, Sir R. Keats, and Lord Cochrane.
LONDON, July 3.
We understand that the American Consul here has received information from the American Consul at Amsterdam, that the existing state of affairs between the U. States and France rendered it hazardous for American vessels, particularly with colonial produce, to proceed at this time to ports of Holland, as some, which had already arrived, were under difficult and embarrassing circumstances. Tobacco and pot-ashes, however, are allowed by law to enter;

ington Morton, who sailed in her from Portsmouth, with dispatches from the American Government, for that of France, landed there on the 27th ult. but it was with great difficulty that he obtained permission to go on shore.
RUSSIA.
UKASE TO THE SENATE.
It is known to the whole world, with what firmness the trade of neutrals has been protected by Russia, when the powers of Europe were at war; it is known with what valor she has guarded the interest of trading nations, in the time of peace, against the events of war. Following up this invariable principle, also during the present rupture with Britain, we entertained the fullest hopes, that the trade with friendly powers would not be carried on by forbidden means; but as experience, during last season, has proved to us, that the enemy has found it practicable, by means of neutral vessels, to supply himself with such produce as he stood in need of, and to gain strength by exchanging his own produce, we have been compelled to order two vessels seized. For these reasons, and to prevent various subterfuges and artifices, we have deemed it necessary to establish some rules; and hereby order:
 I. That all masters of neutral vessels, arriving at our ports, are to prove the propriety of their being neutral, by the following documents of the ship, viz: a pass, ship's register, muster-roll, log-book, cocket, manifest of the cargo, the charter-party, bills of lading, certificates of origin, whether the cargo, or part of the same, belongs to the captain, and by the invoices of such vessels as come from America or the Indies, or are bound there. In case, however, the master is not provided with any one of the documents, the ship is to be sent out of our ports, and not to be permitted to discharge.  II. In case of neutral ships being partly loaded with merchandise, which can be proved to be of the manufacture or produce of the enemy, the same to be stopped, the goods to be seized and sold by public auction for the benefit of government; but if more than half of the cargo consists of such goods, then, not only the cargo, but also the ship is to be seized.  III. A pass granted the ship, by a neutral, friendly, or allied power, is not to be considered legal, as soon as it appears that the master has acted contrary to the same; or if the ship is named in the pass differently to what she is in the rest of her documents, unless the alteration made is proved by documents attested by legal authority, at the place from which the vessel departed, and produced before the Magistracy of said place; in this instance the master is not to be considered guilty.  IV. A pass is not to be considered valid, if it should appear that the vessel to which it is granted was not, at the very time it is dated, at one of the ports of the power by which it has been given.  V. If the supercargo or master, or more than one third of the crew, of a neutral vessel, should be subjects of powers at war with us; or if such a vessel is not provided with a muster roll of the crew, duly attested by the Magistracy of such neutral ports from which the same departed; then both ship and cargo are to be seized, but the crew to be set at liberty.  VI. If it should appear, that the pass produced by the master has been counterfeited or altered, ship and cargo are to be seized for the benefit of government, and the master to be brought to trial, and to be dealt with as is prescribed by the laws for those who make false documents; the crew to be set at liberty.  VII. If it should appear that a vessel is provided with double documents, with different destinations, such a vessel and her cargo to be seized for the benefit of Government. In case the master wishes to justify himself, by having lost his documents, and cannot produce any proofs, his vessel to be detained, granting him time for procuring the same, proportionate to the distance, if he wishes it; else, if the master cannot wait so long, ship and cargo are immediately to be sent off; but if, at the expiration of the period fixed, the master does not produce the needful proofs, ship and cargo are to be seized for the benefit of Government.  VIII. No ship built by the enemy is to be considered neutral, unless, amongst other documents, a duly attested document is found, proving the sale or transfer to have taken place, before the declaration of the war; else ship and cargo to be seized for the benefit of Government.  IX. If the owner or commander of a neutral vessel happen to be a native of a nation at war with us, and is provided with passes of a neutral power, in such a case the pass is not to serve as a clearance, as long as he cannot prove having become a subject and resident of such a power, previous to the declaration of war; else he is to be sent off, with his ship, not allowing him to take in return a cargo. 
St. Petersburg, May 7, 1809.
NEW COMMERCIAL DECREE.
Extract from the minutes of the Secretaries of State.
 "IMPERIAL DECREE."  "From our Imperial Camp at Ebersdorf, 4th June, 1809."  "Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine."  "We have decreed, and do hereby decree as follows:"  "ART. 1.—The relations between France and Holland shall be re-established upon the same footing as before our decree of the 16th September, 1808."  "Our minister of Finances is directed to see the present decree put in execution."  "(Signed) "NAPOLEON." 
This Imperial prohibitory Decree of 16th September last, now repealed by the above decree, prevented the importation of colonial produce into France from Holland. But new and severe decrees against American Commerce are daily expected by the merchants in Holland.
Scrap from London Papers.
LONDON, June 28. Mr. Daniel Lambert, whose immense bulk attracted a great number of visitors, when he a short time since exhibited himself in London, died on Wednesday morning at Stamford. He arrived there on the preceding day, and sent for a printer in the evening to give instructions for printing some bills, announcing his intention of exhibiting himself; but this intention was frustrated by his sudden death early on Wednesday morning. He was in his 49th year. He weighed 52 stone 11 lbs. at 14 lb. to the stone, or 733 lbs. being 10 stone 11 lb. heavier than Mr. Bright of Essex. His coffin is 6 feet 4 inches long, 4
feet 4 inches wide; and 2 feet 4 inches deep. It was fixed upon two axletrees and four cogwheels, upon which his remains will be rolled to his grave. He measured 3 yards 4 inches round the body, and 1 yard 1 inch round the legs. His clothes cost him about 30l. a suit.
A female pauper died lately in a work-house at Liverpool, at the advanced age of 124 years. She retained all her faculties to the last, except her sight, which, two months previous to her dissolution, had been much impaired. A method of obtaining by calcination, from an unserviceable painted canvas, the whole of the color laid thereon, has lately been discovered. The result of several experiments tried before the Commissioners of the Navy in Portsmouth Dock-yard, was, that from one ton of such canvas, was obtained upon an average, 400 weight of dry color, in value 9l. 6s. while the expence of the process did not exceed 6s.
FROM INDIA.
Intelligence is received from Bombay so late as the 4th January; which we understand announces the expected arrival of the Imam of Muscat at that Presidency, for the purpose of making arrangements with the British government for defeating the projects of France in that quarter. We further hear, that the movements of the Persian armies, and the influence which France has obtained in the councils of Persia, have excited the greatest sensation among the Indian Princes on the Northern and Western frontiers; and that several British officers had been employed on missions to the different Courts, with a view to unite and direct the spirit of resistance which these Chieftains have individually evinced to the plans of the French.
The British government have received some accounts from Macao, in the Bay of Canton, which Island has been confided to the British by the Prince Regent of Portugal. It appears, that besides the Portuguese Authorities, a Chinese mandarin was stationed there, ostensibly to protect the town and territory; but actually with the view to prevent that intercourse between the Europeans and Chinese, which the Tartarian Princes of that Empire have always considered to be dangerous to their power. This watchful agent of the court of Pekin, has entertained some suspicions of the designs of the British, unfavorable to this arrangement. It is very probable, that the inactivity of the Portuguese of late years, which had converted an immense depot of trade, into an useless military post, with a small garrison, contrasted with the spirit of commercial adventure and monopoly, that actuates the new British visitors, has given rise to these jealousies.
BOSTON, August 16.
SPAIN.
On a more careful perusal of the Spanish Junta papers brought by the ship Golden Age , from Cadiz, which place she left 1st July, we find, in contradiction to part of the verbal reports by said ship, published in several papers, that the "Spanish army had advanced to within 10 leagues of Madrid." The latest paper, June 29th, mentions that the van guard of the French General Sebastiani's army was posted at Valdepennes, in La Mancha—a place famous for the best red wine in Spain.
The provinces of Spain in possession of the French armies, at the last date, were— Biscay, Navarre, Arragon, Catalonia, Old Castile, New Castile, Asturias, part of Galicia, Leon, part of Extremadura .—10. The remainder of the provinces of Spain, at the last date, in possession of the forces of the Junta of Seville , were— Valencia, Murcia, Granada and Andalusia .—4. The report of Cuesta's army being about 70,000 is about as correct as that "thousands of young volunteers from the Canaries were in daily drill in Cadiz," unless it is meant to include in Cuesta's army, the whole Portuguese and English forces. So much for verbal reports.
Translations from Spanish papers received at the Office of the Boston Gazette; and from French files received at the Athenaeum.
CATALONIA. LERIDA, June 2, 1809.
Letters from Saragossa, dated 24th ult. state that the unhappy inhabitants of that city had beheld with satisfaction the disorder and hurry of the enemy, who since the 19th had exhibited the marks of confusion and retreat.—On the 21st, 50 waggons passed from Alcaniz, and Cinca, loaded with their badly wounded, many of whom died on the road; and to make room for the residue, many of the sick in the hospital in Saragossa had been sent off towards Navarre. They also write, that many of the unhorsed cuirassiers had arrived there without their steel shoulder and breast plates;—that those who escaped the effects of the battle of Alcaniz were not so proud and haughty as they had been accustomed to be; which indicated that in the battle Gen. Blake had dealt them hard blows. They lost 2000 of their best troops in that affair, and retired in haste to Sampedro, from whence they continued to approach Saragossa.
MURCIA. MURCIA, June 17, 1809.
We have correct information that our beloved Sovereign Don Ferdinand VII. & his august brother Carlos, are permitted to take the air in the vicinity of the palace of Valencia; and are not refused the perusal of the French papers.
ARRAGON. BELCHITE, June 13, 1809.
General Orders. H. Q. Belchite, June 12. The French army commanded by Bonaparte in person, has been beaten the 22nd May. At the same time that Gen. Suchet was so shamefully beaten at Almonz by the brave troops of Arragon and Valencia; the Austrians our allies, overthrew the French on the French on the banks of the Danube. The battle of Elsing will be considered as one of the most memorable of the present age.
BLAKE.
* In Arragon, about 17 American miles S. of Saragossa.
ANDALUSIA. SEVILLE, June 20, 1809.
An intercepted letter from an officer of the French army in Germany, says, "Our Eagles having dipped their wings in the Danube are unable to fly fast.—Our loss has been great, and it will be some time before we recover from it."
BOSTON, August 17.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
This moment arrived the schooner Fair Trader , capt. Shackelford, 6 days from Halifax; By her, we have received papers and letters of that place to the 7th inst.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, dated HALIFAX, AUGUST 7.
Yesterday arrived the frigate Jamaica , in 29 days from Portsmouth, England, and has furnished us with London dates to July 5. These papers though several days later than before received, contain no information of importance. There
appears to be no news of moment from the continent. Both armies kept their station on the Danube, and were concentrating their forces.—The expedition in England, on the eve of sailing—St. Andrew taken by the Patriots, and two days afterwards was retaken by the French—King Joseph at Madrid—The Statesman of July 3, says, we understand orders have been issued for laying a general embargo in all the Ports of the United Kingdoms—Liniers, in South America, was declared in favor of Ferdinand VII.—Mr. Jackson had not sailed for America at the last dates.
Passengers in the Fair Trader —Edward Tuckermans, Esq. of this town; Foster Hutchinson, Esq. Mr. Roby and lady, Mr. Bond and lady, and Miss Stearns.
The schrs. Sally and Lois , & Eliza , from Boston, have arrived at Halifax.
A few foreign extracts from our Halifax papers.
PRAGUE, June 15.
According to official intelligence just received from the head quarters of the Generalissimo Archduke Charles, which still continue in Grafen Neudorf, no action had taken place between the two grand armies; but his imperial highness expected a battle would be fought the following morning, the 14th, and had taken the necessary measures for that purpose.
VIENNA, June 12.
On the 5th, a heavy cannonade was heard on the part of Kloster Neuburg. It is now known that the French had collected a large quantity of pontoons and other necessaries for the construction of bridges, which the Austrians destroyed by the above cannonade.
The French are employed in constructing numbers of large rats, which are all carried up the Danube to Ebersdorf.
Deputies have been sent to Hungary, in order to obtain a supply of provisions from that country, for the city of Vienna, where the utmost want begins to prevail.
A contribution of eighteen millions of Francs is said to have been imposed on that city.
LONDON, July 4.
From Holland, we have a repetition of the rumours of a battle on the Danube, to the disadvantage of the French—but of such an event, certainly no intelligence has been received.
THE EXPEDITION.
From the secrecy which has hitherto been preserved, there is not the smallest reason to believe that the numerous points of destination, which have been ascribed to the Expedition are announced on any better authority than that of mere conjecture. The quantity of artillery, both field and battering, is so numerous, as to render it extremely probable that a sudden attack is meditated on some great naval arsenal, or place of strength of some of our enemies. Heavy baggage is strictly prohibited; and although every officer employed, is as ignorant as the public, of the destination of the Expedition, it is the general opinion that the service will not be of longer duration than that against Copenhagen.
ARTILLERY.
Sixty 18 pounders battering; forty 24 do. 110 pieces of field artillery; ten 68 lb. carronades; 40 mortars; many howitzers; an immense number of congreve rockets; shrapnel shells, and an ample supply of ammunition for a siege.
Foot artillery 2,300 men. Horse do. 3 troops, 960 men. Sir Richard Strachan, Sir Samuel Hood, Rear Admiral Otway, and Sir Home Popham, it is said are already named to naval commands. With respect to the command of the land forces, there is no reason, at present, to doubt that the Earl of Chatham will be intrusted with the direction of this formidable force.
All such American and other neutral vessels as may be engaged by the transport board to serve, are to be commanded by British officers, and navigated by British crews. It is also said, that British merchants have a decided interest in such ships.
Orders are said to have been issued for a rigorous and general embargo in every port in the U. Kingdom.
July 5.
We are at this moment informed of the arrival in town, of the twentieth Bulletin of the French army, dated Vienna, June 18. It states that Rabbat was invested by the Italian army after the battle of the 14th & the Archduke John had crossed the Danube, near Comorn, and was endeavoring to take a position on the right of the Archduke Charles.
A letter from Augsburg says, that the duke of Valmy (Kellerman) had crossed the Danube, which movement, it was stated, had rendered the position of the Archduke Charles extremely critical.
DOMESTIC.
At a meeting of the citizens of Accomack county, Virginia, on the first day of May, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments relative to the late negotiation between our government and the British minister Mr. Erskine, Judge Evans was called to the chair, and the following resolution unanimously adopted. (It was forwarded to the President of the U. States, by their chairman, and to which he made the subjoined reply:)
Resolved , That we highly approve the conduct of the President of the United States, in meeting, in the spirit of conciliation, the proposals of Great Britain lately made through her minister, at Washington, to our government, and in amicably adjusting some of the main points of those differences, which have too long unhappily interrupted a harmony and intercourse which had been mutually beneficial to both nations. Regarding war as among the calamities most to be deprecated by the United States, we cannot but view, with emotions of pleasure, the prospect afforded by the communications between the British minister and our Secretary of State, of a speedy termination by treaty of the differences on all the points of the relations between the two countries. And while we confidently hope that in the negotiations pursued to be carried on with Great Britain, our government will not compromise the honor or interests of our country, we anxiously hope, that the friendly dispositions evinced by Great Britain towards us, will be met by a correspondent temper on our part, and that a restoration of friendship and commercial intercourse founded upon such mutual concessions and reciprocal advantages, as will insure its duration, will be the happy result. In such an event, we now make a solemn pledge to support, and defend as well the administration, as our government against all who may be disposed to disturb its tranquility.
WASHINGTON, May 1809.
SIR, I have duly received from you, a copy of the proceedings of the meeting of citizens at Accomack court house, on the first instant, on the subject of the late negotiation with Great Britain, and of the proclamation by which it was followed.
Next to the consciousness of a faithful discharge of public duty, is the satisfaction afforded by a public approbation of it. I cannot be insensible, therefore, to the favorable views of my conduct, expressed by my fellow citizens, at whose meeting you presided; however feeble the title is felt to be, which is limited to the honest execution of a duty, contemplated by law, and enjoined by the policy which has been uniformly exemplified by our public councils.
It will be happy, if, as we hope, the further negotiation with Great Britain should be equally successful, as the means of fixing on a liberal & lasting basis, friendship and commercial inter-
course between the two countries; & still more happy, if, in addition, a spirit of justice in other governments with whom differences exist, should concur with the conciliatory disposition of the U. States, in such a termination of them, as will guarantee our tranquility and commercial intercourse, against future interruptions.
In promoting this desirable state of our foreign relations, I trust there will be no failure of beginning endeavors on my part; and in that event only, will the support be merited, which, in that event, is promised to the administration of our government.
I tender to my fellow-citizens, who have made their communication through you, and to yourself, assurances of my respect and friendly wishes.
JAMES MADISON.
Thos. Evans, Esq. Chairman.
BRITISH SPIES.
We have known for a long time the passions and movements of several of the British spies in the United States, but have kept aloof from them for obvious reasons.
The noted CULLEN, alias Carpenter , whom we noticed some time ago, is now in Philadelphia, like Parke Borel , the Swiss book seller, who carried on the conspiracy between the prince of Conde and Pichegru ; Cullen's pretences are literary; he comes to Philadelphia, as he says, for materials to complete his travels thro' the United States ; travels like many others written by kindred characters, like Stuart's Belgian traveller , & court of St. Cloud, and others too contemptible not to be forgotten.
Cullen's last residence was near Brunswick, in Jersey, where he has resided since May last, and there he has left his baggage, while he visits Philadelphia; Cullen is a lean-visaged man, he dresses sometimes in a decent manner, but generally very slovenly; he has a forbidding and self-convicting look; he sometimes wears a wig, with two rows of curls, and sometimes a scratchwig; he affected for sometime to wear black and a long court neckcloth, as a member of the diplomatic corps; he also sometimes dresses as a sailor, and talk sailor slang with an Irish accent; his education is superior to his address, which is vulgar and abject; so that, altho' he has seen much of the world, and has been for fourteen or fifteen years an appendage to office, he appears overwhelmed by a consciousness of his depravity, and has derived little polish from the world, and no morals from experience. It is supposed that his real business here is to arrange with Bond and Stuart, and their associates in New York, the manner of conducting an attack in a consistent manner, on the government of the United States, so soon as the signal is given upon the arrival of the British minister, Jackson.
It is reported that the work lately published, containing (like the Memoirs of the court of St. Cloud ) an history of the rise and progress of French influence in America, was written by an Englishman (whether an emissary or not, we cannot before reading the book say,) of the name of Bristed ; it is certain that Mr. Bristed , or baron Sturton is not Mr. Bristed ; for Mr. Bond knows very well where the baron has lived for more than a year past, as he was his only visitor; but Mr. Bristed is living in New York, and for what we know is the very gentleman (all these are gentlemen!) who is employed in writing the history of Alexander Hamilton; which, although not written by the author of the History of St. Cloud , or the Revolutionary Plutarch , we make no doubt will be found though not quite so original, nor fruitful of events, nor so well written as the other, is equally authentic, being founded principally on the memorable evidence of Porcupine's Gazette , the essays of Luther Martin , and the raving turpitude and acrimony of the New York Evening Post . Mr. Bristed is an English gentleman, somewhat fat and heavy in his upper works, and from the first forty lines which we have glanced at, appears to be very fit for Mr. Bond's business; though we do not say he knows any thing about him, except through Mr. Barclay .— Ib.
WASHINGTON, August 21.
After the views which we have taken of the state of our relations with Great Britain, we are the better prepared to form a dispassionate estimate of the disposition of her ministry towards us, to decide whether that ministry has at any moment of its existence intended to respect our neutral rights, and whether there is the least reason to hope that they ever will be respected by them unless compelled by adversity to respect them. Look at the rapid succession of its acts towards us, the outrage on the Chesapeake still unatoned, the insidious mission of Mr. Rose, the order of October asserting the right of impressing seamen from our merchant vessels, that of November, blocking almost the whole world, the ignominious tribute that followed in its rear, the hollow arrangements made through Mr. Erskine coupled with the order of April, the unjust advantage taken of this arrangement, and the appointment of Mr. Jackson, and say whether it is not the determination of the ministry to monopolize by fraud or force the trade of the world, or only to allow us such a part as by her oppression and regulation shall yield her a greater profit than if exclusively enjoyed by herself.
To pass in review all these measures would be to write a volume, which, however, if ably written, would entitle its author to the gratitude of his countrymen. Such a tract ought to lie on the table of every American, and by a sady contemplation of the past admonish him of the future. It is delightful to forget injuries; but it is safe, so long as the arm of enmity is constantly ner-ved to inflict additional wrongs? Never did a nation drink more copiously of the waters of Lethe, than we have just done with regard to the injuries of Britain. But mark the consequences! We have been duped, old wounds have been opened, and new ones inflicted. Insult is added to injury, and we are laughed at for our credulity and confidence.
For our present purpose it is not necessary to take a wide retrospect of the past—We shall limit our view within a narrow circle.
The hostility of the British ministry is evinced—
1. By their refusal to make the reparation for the outrage on the Chesapeake, stipulated by Mr. Erskine. Of the existence of this spirit this circumstance is the most irrefragable evidence. From the occurrence of this event, Mr. Canning has professed a readiness to make an ample atonement. After a public disavowal of the act, he declared to our minister at London his readiness to make a suitable reparation.—Mr. Monroe, instructed in the mean time by our government, to avail himself of this occasion to obtain a recognition of our general rights on the head of impressments, requir-
ed security against the future exercise of impressment. Mr. Canning refused to negotiate on this ground, declaring that his government could not involve this particular case in the general subject. To detach it from the general subject, Mr. Rose was sent to the United States, where he no sooner appeared than he demanded the previous revocation of the proclamation of the President interdicting our harbors to British armed vessels. Going as far as an independent government could go, an immediate offer was made to make the revocation of the proclamation and the rendition of the reparation cotemporaneous acts. This was rejected, and Mr. Rose took his leave, expressing his deep regret at the inability of his government, under these circumstances, to make reparation for an acknowledged wrong, to which the Proclamation was the only obstacle. That obstacle is completely removed, and still the reparation is withheld. The agreement made with Mr. Erskine is wholly disavowed. Is it possible for actions to speak a plainer language? Do they not prove unequivocally, that it was not the intention of the British government to make the reparation even if the proclamation were rescinded, that this condition was insisted upon under the conviction that it would not be conceded, and that if it had been, they would instantly have haggled about the terms of the atonement, so as to have rendered the whole negotiation abortive? If this be not so, why does she now withhold, may refuse to make an atonement for an act, which she herself declared must stand alone freed from every obstruction? The only reason can be, her wish to uphold this insurmountable barrier, so long as it exists, to the unity of the two nations.
2. This hostile spirit is further proved by the insolent tone of Mr. Canning's note of the 23d January, a note, not confidential, but authorised to be shown to the Secretary of State, and which, therefore, is not unfair to infer was penned with this view.—Every paragraph of this note is couched in the language of insult, and aims a dagger at the bosom of our government.
"If" says Mr. C. "there really exist those individuals who are to have a leading share in the new administration of the United States a sincere disposition to come to a complete and cordial understanding with G. B. of which you have received from them such positive assurances."
Of the sincerity of these assurances Mr. C. doubts, makes Mr. Erskine the judge, broadly intimating that this sincerity, if it really exists, is confined to the new administration; who by the communication of this instruction, are told in the plainest language that Mr. E. is sitting in judgment upon the regard which ought to be paid to their veracity.
"That system [the system of retaliation] its majesty must unquestionably continue to maintain, unless the object of it can be otherwise accomplished."
The next clause will show us how?
"But after the profession on the part of so many of the leading ministers of the government of the U. S. of a sincere desire to contribute to that object in a manner which should render the continuance of the system adopted by the British government unnecessary it is thought right that a fair opportunity should be afforded to the American government to explain its meaning and give proof of its sincerity."
We are here insolently told (& we believe most falsely) of the profession of many of our leading ministers (not of President Jefferson or of the then government—mark this) but of many of the leading ministers, deriving all their power from him, "to contribute to that object" [retaliation against the enemies of England.] Their object is declared to be, not so much to get rid of the British orders, as to retaliate on France, to become a party with England by contributing to it, so effectively as to render the orders unnecessary, that is, in plain terms, to do that voluntarily which England by force had for a time attempted to coerce. But even after this strong profession, so explicit and unqualified, it is tauntingly added "that a fair opportunity should be afforded to the American government to explain its meaning and give proof of its sincerity."
Thus is Mr. Erskine authorised to tell our government to its face, notwithstanding your professions, my government still doubts your veracity, and designs to offer you another opportunity to explain your meaning and prove your sincerity! Gracious God! Was ever such language held to an independent government! Had Mr. Pinkney handed such a note to Mr. Canning would he not have very properly thrown it into the fire, or torn it into atoms?
The extent of the interdict of the American harbors to the ships of war of France, as well as of G. B. is an acceptable symptom of a system of impartiality towards both belligerents; the first that has been publicly manifested by the American government.
The strong measure, which in the affair of the Chesapeake had raised such a clamor, is no positive evidence of impartiality, it is no more than a "symptom;" and as if this sarcasm were not sufficiently envenomed, it is added that it is the "first" symptom publicly manifested by the American government, implying that there is a contradiction between the private and public character of the government, that it professes one thing and practices another—and this it is told to its face!
"The like extension of the non-importation act to other belligerents is equally proper in this view. These measures remove those preliminary objections, which must otherwise have precluded any useful or amicable discussion."
Not satisfied with extending the interdict of our harbors to French as well as English armed vessels, (altho' certainly differently circumstanced,) the extension of the non-importation act, passed expressly to party or countervail British aggressions, to France who had at the time committed none such, is made a preliminary, a sine qua non even of discussion. This non-importation law, let it be recollected, consists in the prohibition of certain British manufactures, which we had an absolute right to inhibit; a right which Britain has herself steadily exercised to a much wider extent. Yet the surrender of this indisputable exercise of sovereignty, or its absurd extension to France, is made the sine qua non, not of a treaty, but of treating.
"In this state of things"—that is, after all these concessions—"it is possible for G. B. to entertain propositions, which while such manifest partiality was shown to her enemies, were not consistent with her dignity or her interest."
Wonderful condescension! Astonishing politeness! You have heretofore behaved so partially that we would not listen to your propositions, although they should have gone

the length of an unconditional surrender of your rights of sovereignty, but now, in this state of things, it is possible for us to entertain them. We do not say that we will entertain them. It is not even probable that we will, but we possibly may, if all our hopes are blasted. Refuse French ships an asylum in your harbors, prohibit French goods; do this, and promise to contribute your best efforts to retaliate on our enemies the injuries they have done us, and we will assure you, that it is possible to entertain your propositions! As to pledging ourselves to agree to them, that must depend upon circumstances. If the triumph of our arms in Spain, and our money in Austria, shall give us new vigor and extent to our power, you may go and whistle for that. You must be satisfied with the possibility of entertaining your propositions! Can language be more insolent, or conduct more contumelious?
3. We have now, in the review of this note, reached the three celebrated propositions which Mr. Canning, with a legerdemain, peculiar to himself, puts into the mouth of Messrs. Madison, Gallatin, Smith and Pinkney. These embrace the substance of the views of the British government. On our formal engagement to adopt them, his majesty will recall the orders of January and November, 1807.
We have already seen, as detailed in previous articles, that our situation would be rendered much worse by the adoption of these propositions, than it would be under the orders of November. By their adoption we should have shut ourselves out from all commercial intercourse with the enemies of G. Britain, without the privilege of pursuing any portion of that trade, were we base enough to do it, under British licences, as tolerated under the orders of council; we should renounce, during the present war, and probably forever, the colonial trade with the enemies of France; and we should sink ourselves to the lowest depths of contempt by legalising the right of British ships to capture, and of British tribunals to condemn, our vessels contravening our laws, thus, perhaps, setting the first example among civilized nations of such a vast surrender of sovereignty.
All this we should do to purchase the revocation of orders, which, ipso facto , by the adoption of these propositions, spring again into instantaneous effect. A more absurd offer surely could not be engendered in the brain of a lunatic!
Is then the offer of such propositions evidence of the friendship or the hostility of the ministry to us? Is the liberty given to Mr. Erskine to communicate the note, containing them, proof of any thing but a purpose on the part of the ministry to offer, in the most exceptional shape, what it knew we could never agree to, with an avowal that this was the ground on which it was resolved forever to stand? And is not the publication of it proof of Mr. C's desire to widen the difference between the two governments so as to preclude all prospect of reconciliation?
Mr. Canning did not believe, for he has too much sense possibly to have believed, that our government could for a moment listen to the propositions offered.
But other concurrent and co-temporaneous facts remain to be added. If, we had been induced to make the large sacrifices of honor called for by these propositions, it must have been under the influence of a sordid interest; it must have been for the undisturbed enjoyment of a paltry trade. Now what degree of trade would we have enjoyed, had the orders been revoked, and these propositions been adopted in their stead?
We should have enjoyed the direct trade to England, and probably, that only. Every other trade would be too uncertain and precarious to reckon upon. Heretofore the French arms have triumphed wherever they have been carried; and is there any reason to doubt that they will continue to be crowned by a like success? And if they are, the direct trade to England will be our only resource.
This will be allowed to us. Let us enquire into its value. As if aware that in certain events, this might be the result, England has fortified herself against every event calculated in the least to impinge on her total monopoly of the profits of trade. The same candid and friendly ministry have taken special care to render the trade, thus benignantly allowed to the American merchant, worth nothing, by the imposition of duties of which the following are specimens:
Dolls. Cts. On Ashes 1 18 per cwt. Cotton 7 51 per 100 lb. Indigo 0 7 per lb. Rice 1 52 per cwt. Wheat 0 92 per bush.
Our other exports are taxed in the same ratio. The inevitable effect of these duties will be to diminish the consumption of the articles on which they are levied and give the growers of them in England, so far as they exist there, and the growers of them in those parts of Europe or other regions with which England maintains a commercial intercourse, a decided preference over the American merchant. Our products consequently, will be only in demand, when similar products are not to be had from any other quarter of the globe. Is this friendship, or sheer hostility?
Besides these duties, there are heavy tonnage duties imposed on American vessels, as well as high additional duties laid on produce imported in American, beyond those laid on that imported in British vessels, directly tending to give to the British merchant the transportation of our produce.
In addition to all this, the exportation of our produce from England is saddled with heavy burthens, by which it is confined to England, or exported at a grievous loss.
Such are the evidences furnished by the British ministry of their friendship to this country, for which they call upon us to surrender our sovereignty, make a common cause with them against the rest of the world, involve ourselves in a war of incalculable duration, and expose ourselves to self-contempt and the decision of mankind.... Nat. Int.
BOSTON, August 12.
At a meeting of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, on Wednesday last, hon. Josiah Quincy was elected Corresponding Secretary, in the room of hon. John Q. Adams, resigned.
Yesterday arrived here, the United States frigate, Essex, of 32 guns, captain Smith. She came from Hampton Roads for the purpose of taking Mr. Adams and suit out to St. Petersburg; but they sailed from hence last Saturday, in the Horae , and she has arrived too late. Letters from the South say, on receiving information that the Danes were capturing American vessels, and might possibly detain the Horae , the administra-
tion determined to send a public ship to carry the Envoy out. A son of gen. Smith, of Baltimore, who, we learn, was to go out Secretary of Legation, has arrived in town. The Chesapeake frigate yesterday handed into Charles' river, opposite the navy yard; where, we understand, she is to undergo repairs.
The Constitution frigate, we are told, has also, been ordered to this port. Tant mieux.
COMMUNICATION.
The following experiments on Tobacco are curious in themselves, and, if found to be correct, on repetition, may make a great innovation on the trade and manufacture of that vegetable:—Extract of a letter from one of the Seavans of Paris to the Hon. Samuel L. Mitchell, received by the ship Mentor , captain Ward.—"I am sorry I have not time to copy for you, as I proposed, an analysis of tobacco, in which I said M. Vauquelin. I shall only, mention, at present, that the actual principle of tobacco, differs from that of all other vegetables, whose properties are known. It can, by an easy process, be completely separated from the plant, either green or dried, and in a liquid state, so that it may be combined with the dried leaves of any tree, forming tobacco. The remains of the plant, after the acid principle is thus separated, have neither smell nor taste. The memoir on this subject will be presented in the next number of the Annales de la Ville , a work conducted by the Professors of the Garden of Plants. I have sent, for the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, a translation of it."
DIED, at Weymouth, (Mass.) very suddenly, GEORGE LITTLE, Esq. aged 55; formerly Commander of the United States' frigate Boston , and celebrated in the annals of our country, as an officer of distinguished capacity and worth, and undaunted bravery; and as a patriot in every crisis of our affairs.
We have been honored with a writ from Timothy, taken out of the U. States' circuit court, by his Right-Worthy attorney R. G. H. (Robert Goodloe Harper.) Timothy having instituted a suit for "trespass on the case"—damages laid at 10,000 dollars. If Timothy can dispose of his present character for ten thousand dollars, he will have made a most excellent bargain. But Timothy's suit will not gain one vote to the Junta in Maryland.... Whig.
We ought to do justice wherever it is due: The work to which we alluded a few days since, as the production of a British emissary, we have since perused; and we ought, from that perusal and the evidence which it affords, to remove the odium from the person to whom we were taught to believe it proceeded. We exonerate the person called Mr. Bristed, because, upon a perusal, we can trace it to the hand of the British paymaster of Guernsey ; the notorious STEPHEN CULLEN—alias CARPENTER. That iniquitous wretch who has concealed himself in this city, or made his escape since our publication, is the author of a work which is a satire on the American people, and disgrace to the press, and to human nature. But the hour of retribution is at hand. Aurora.
NORFOLK, August 18. FIRE!!!
On Wednesday night, between the hours of eleven and twelve o'clock, a FIRE broke out in an unoccupied Ware House situated on Southgate and Dickson's Wharf. It is said that it was discovered when in its first stage, by a STRANGER, who immediately gave the alarm, and after procuring assistance, repaired to the premises; but such were the combustible nature of the materials of the house, (being a wooden building) that before they could arrive it was enveloped in flames: the Ware Houses contiguous, being of the same nature, the fire communicated to them, & being filled with articles of merchandise, served to render the conflagration more rapid and awful. At its commencement, a dead calm prevailed—a brisk wind soon sprang up from the South, which, carrying the flames with great velocity towards Newton's Wharf, threatened the destruction of that valuable portion of our Borough; By indefatigable exertions, (such as wetting the houses, pulling off the planks, &c.) the flames were repelled without doing any material damage; and, providentially, the wind again shifting to the Northward, directed their course to Loyall's Wharf: here the means employed at Newton's were applied to this wharf, when the same success ultimately ensued.
But what commanded our admiration (if admiration could be excited when viewing the dreadful spectacle) was the Ware House of Mr. Thomas Dickson, adjoining the houses that were on fire. For nearly three hours did the flames beat with unabated fury against it, without producing any visible effect; It stands an imperishable monument of the policy & interest of erecting fire-proof houses; as, had it not been for this happy circumstance, Norfolk would this day present as gloomy an aspect as it did in the winter of 1804.
Fortunately the height of the tide enabled the crews of the vessels lying at the wharf, with those in the next dock, to remove them into the stream. Had the tide been low, the mischief that would have resulted in consequence, would be incalculable.
Five Ware Houses, with nearly all their contents, were consumed, and the Wharf is considerably injured. Messrs. Southgate and Dickson have sustained a heavy loss, as the houses destroyed and the wharf injured, belong exclusively to them—and Messrs. John Proudft and N. Heron have lost the contents of their stores, with all their books and papers.
Report has said that the fire was occasioned by the rain penetrating into some unslacked lime, which is well known to possess a spirit capable of communicating fire to other objects. We are assured by one of the sufferers that not a single bushel was in any Ware House; From this assertion, we are justified in saying, that the calamity experienced, originated by the hand of an incendiary.
The loss is estimated at upwards of 15,000 dollars; none of the property being insured.... Herald.
BALTIMORE, August 21. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
"BLACK IT STOOD AS NIGHT." So glibbed is the English market with American produce, that no cargo will pay prime cost, duty and freight. Though we have received a Liverpool Price Current of American produce, it is hardly worth while to refer to it. The following will explain in part the cause of depreciation:
"LIVERPOOL, 27th June, 1809. Since the 10th inst. 112 vessels have arrived here, from the United States, whose cargoes, consist of
33917 bales Cotton, 55675 barrels Flour, 671 half barrels do. 56317 bushel Wheat, 3659 bags, &c. Corn, 6679 Tierses Rice, 1210 half Tierses do. 5867 barrels Ashes, 8516 barrels Turpentine, 3770 barrels Tar, 25 barrels Rosin, 49 barrels Pitch, 388 thousand of Staves, 1792 hogsheads Tobacco, 11 cargoes Timber, 133 casks Flax Seed, 187 casks Clover Seed, 206 casks Quercitron bark, &c."
On the first arrival of these supplies, Rice, Naval Stores and Staves were sold about 10 per cent lower than our present quotations; the advances have been occasioned by a very brisk demand for these articles both from dealers and speculators.
The act for the regulation of new duties has passed, but is not yet printed, and we are again therefore obliged to defer our usual list of duties and regulations regarding importations. Till we can furnish you with this, we beg particularly to call your attention to what we have said in our letters of the 2d August, and 29th April last, on this subject, and to our former list of duties and regulations. We think it desirable to remark, however, that we are informed, that the duty on cotton will only be 3d per lb. and that Staves, under 1 1/2 inch thick, will after the 5th July, instead of the high duty mentioned in our letter of the 2d of August, only pay about
£ 1 11s. 0d. per thousand barrels 3 0 0 Hogsheads 5 0 0 Pipes
besides which an additional duty of 1s. per barrel on Flour is mentioned. A very large military expedition is at present preparing, the destination of which is variously conjectured. Some merchants however, under the impression that it is to be employed in the North, look forward to an opening for trade with the continent as a possible result.
We are, respectfully, Sir, Your obedt. servants, HUGHES & DUNCAN."
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, AUGUST 25, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
No. 1.
FOREIGN INFLUENCE.
"Who does not declare for us is against us.—He who refuses to associate with those, who have sworn to shed their last drop of blood for their country, is either an enemy, or one who is neutral, and in such a case neutrality is a crime against civilization."—Kosciusko's Address to the Poles, on the 24th March, 1794.
These memorable words, which Kosciusko addressed to his countrymen, it is time for us to use towards every man in the United States. He who does not stand by us now, is an alien in his interests & feelings—and deserves not to enjoy the light of that sun, or the dispensations of that government, which cheers the American soil.
We have reached a crisis, when the acts of the British government declare their resolution, to reduce us to a state of colonial vassalage on the seas—and to regulate our commerce at their discretion.
There has been much stress laid upon the nature of Mr. Erskine's Instructions—but that should not be the sole enquiry. Let not the mind be too much confined to this point, lest it should turn out—what is the most improbable of all suppositions—that he has disobeyed his instructions, the British government may seem to be acquitted, in this transaction, and gain reputation for its conduct. But the mind should not be turned from the most important point in this affair. It is the very terms of those instructions, which should draw down upon her the undivided resentment of this nation.
These terms prove it to be the design of the present ministry to come to no species of accommodation, with the United States, unless they surrender some of the dearest rights of their independence. The British Orders in Council are not to be rescinded, unless we pledge ourselves to continue our restrictions against France, relinquish the colonial trade, and suffer them to enforce our own municipal regulations by the capture of our vessels. To be sure, Mr. Canning has consented to abandon the last requisition—as he has avowed in the House of Commons that it is not to be a sine qua non of negotiation. Thus his only inference which can be drawn from his silence as to the two other stipulations, is, that they are to be the sine qua non .
The 2d of these concessions is derogatory to the rights and ruinous to the interests of the United States.—The first is equally vague and undefined—or if capable of definition, will be so construed by the British government, as to be inadmissible by the U. States. How long are our restrictions against France to continue? So long as her decrees shall operate against our rights. But if, once should give them a municipal interpretation only—or if she rescinds them, as respects the U. States—it is not enough for G. Britain. She will require them to be "unequivocally abandoned."
The whole system of the Present ministry has been, in fact, a series of injuries and insults against the U. States. And the grounds which they have now taken, evidently prove their resolution to come to no sort of terms with us—We shall have no peace with England, so long as her present ministry remains in power.
At this great crisis, it becomes us to be prepared for the worst extremities. He who is not for us is against us. He that does not step forth to rally around the rights of the Republic, is worthy of the chastisement of the law of Solon.—As to France, it is her turn to negotiate next—and the result will probably be learnt from the consultation of Messrs. Armstrong and Hauterive.
These are the times when our minds are painfully drawn towards the politics of the British gentlemen amongst us. Will they second the zeal of the government? It is to be feared not—generally speaking.
Few questions have been more warmly agitated in this country than the extent of foreign influence. The Republican party have held, that the causes and extent of British Influence have been the greatest. Their opponents have ascribed the superiority to French influence.
The question is a momentous one—let us touch it.
The natives of G. Britain—England and Scotland—are the great conduits of the former.
Trace them through our towns of trade and resort. They are like the frogs of Egypt—in our "houses, and in our bed Chambers, and upon our beds, and in the houses of our servants, on our people, in our Ovens, and our kneading troughs."
Their Consuls form one of the great arteries of their influence—accomplished in their manners, lavish in their giving, using the same language, dexterous in all the forms of a diplomatic seduction—they shoot the poison of their opinions into the very heart of society. Such men are Phineas Bond of Philadelphia, and David Barclay of New-York.
The Press, that sacred "palladium of our rights," does not escape them. Choice spirits are sent over amongst us to guide our prints—and teach us lessons on our rights and our liberties.—Such editors are picked out of "the mercenary Swiss of government."—Such were Messrs. Cobbett and Cullen—whose "sole purposes were to serve their king and their country."
British consuls do not want means to draw into some of the American Federal presses, into their service.—In some cases where the "Secret Service Money" of his Majesty is too palpable to be offered as a bribe, there are sly and delicate means of requisition, which bind the poor tool to the task, perhaps, without his being conscious of it. If he has used for a small sum of money for a time, the consul can easily accommodate him with a loan. If he be weak enough to be proud of the notice and acquaintance of great men, the consul can attack him with civilities until he enslaves him by the sullen ties of gratitude—and then sticks to him like the Leech, until he has drained him of the last drop of his political virtue. If his print has struck strongly the chord of opposition to the measures of his own government, this sympathy of opinions gives rise to a congeniality of interests and feelings. At every great crisis of affairs, his friend is vigilant enough to give him his Cue —glosses over the inquiries of his own government in such specious colours, and sometimes professes such warm attachment to the rights of the U. States, as even to satisfy the conscience of his victim, that the best thing he can do for his own country is to support the cause of Great Britain.
If these resources are either wanting or should fail in their effect, the spirit of British influence is armed with other means of controlling the Press. Some of our towns swarm with British merchants, agents and partisans in some shape or other. These patriotic spirits are at no loss for means of influence. They mix with the printers, and indirectly teach them what opinions to form, and what selections to make. Their patronage directly addresses itself to the interests of the printer—they subscribe for his paper, and favor him with their advertising custom, if he conducts himself according to their wishes and principles. And woe be to the unfortunate printer, who in a moment of enthusiasm for the rights of his country, elicited by the wrongs of G. B. is generous enough to consult his old American feelings—the altered manners of his patrons reminds him of the sins he has committed—the declension of patronage pathetically warns him of his ruin. The poor "devil" is soon whipped again into the ranks.
The natives of Great Britain swarm, as we have said, in our large sea-port and mercantile towns—to which they are principally drawn by the commercial relations of the two countries. These relations are built upon the great demand of the United States for manufactures, upon the exuberance and cheapness of those of G. Britain, and the long periods of credit, which are allowed on the sale of them.—But with the change of their residence, these men do not change their feelings and their creeds. The gratitude which they owe to the country of their adoption, is incompetent to counteract the ardent love which they have conceived for the soil on which they were born. There are few of them who ever part with that strong political magnetism, with which they were impregnated in their earliest years—but, true as is the load-stone to the pole, they point to the "king and the country" of Britain.
These men impart a tone to the manners of our cities—and occasionally produce a melancholy and almost proverbial discordance between the opinions of the town and those of the country.
They attempt not merely to raise an opposition between the mercantile and agricultural interests—but in every collision between the mercantile interests of G. Britain and the U. States, amidst the numerous encroachments of the former upon the latter, are sure to give the ascendancy to the former.
They insinuate themselves into our Chambers of Commerce—and fill the public ear with murmurs against the best measures of the government.
They even steal into the direction of our public libraries, and cull those compositions for our palates, which are so highly gratifying to their own.
There are, in truth, many honorable exceptions to this general character of the natives of G. Britain.—There are many of them whose comprehensive minds, and generous opinions would do honor to any country—many, who are an ornament to this soil of their adoption—but we are now speaking of the general rule, and not of the exceptions. Happy, certainly, would it be for the U. States, if all the genius and all the sagacity of the emigrants from G. Britain were enlisted in their service!
Besides these resources, the British government employs pensioners and spies amongst us, to misrepresent public events, and attack the characters of our best men, through the more heavy artillery of the press. Such are Charles Stuart, alias Stuarton, the author of the Revolutionary Pin Arch , and Cullen, the reputed writer of "the memoirs of Thomas Jefferson."
In fine, what are the means of British influence in this country? We may say with Mr. Giles, the following amongst others.—"Language, Jurisprudence, law books, literature; tories, and the descendants of tory families; blood connections, intermarriages; mercantile capital, mercantile partnerships; newspapers &c. &c. These influences are interwoven into society, & if we mean to preserve our independence, demand the most watchful vigilance of the politician."
Which of these means of influence belongs to France? Scarce one—and not one in an eminent degree. How many of her citizens are among us? How many pensioned writers to blacken the character of our countrymen? How many presses under her influence?—Not a little of proof has been produced to countenance such suspicions.
But it may be said perhaps, that the causes of attachment to G. Britain, are stronger than to France—that her respect for the rights of the U. S. has been greater—her feelings and her interests more congenial with those of the U. S. How stands this question?
What is said to be the interest of G. Britain? To support "an absolute maritime dominion"—to make the seas her own.—What are the interests of France? The
same as those of Russia—the same as those of the United States—to protect the liberty of the seas and the rights of neutrals.
Look abstractly at their respective situations.
The proud, avaricious tone of G. Britain is for ever embroiling her in wars with the continent. At the same time, she finds the great source of her prosperity in her navigation and commerce. It follows, that the leading point of her policy is to gratify this belligerent disposition, without impairing the means of her commercial prosperity. How is this to be done? In this way only.
During her wars, neutral bottoms have decided advantages over her own. In those branches of trade, therefore, which are open to both parties, neutral vessels enjoy a preference over her own.
Of course one of the great points of Great Britain is, to place her commerce as nearly as possible on the same grounds with that of neutrals. But as she cannot raise her own up to the same level with the natural commerce of neutrals, it becomes her policy to sink them down to her own level.—As she cannot equalise the advantages of the belligerent and the neutral, it is her course to bring down the neutral, as near as possible, to the situation of the belligerent.
It is hence those numerous restrictions have arisen, which she has imposed upon the trade of neutrals, as if they were belligerents. It is hence that she has swelled the list of contraband—given virtue to paper blockades—and interdicted a trade to neutrals, not open in time of peace, tho' she herself permits the enjoyment of it to her own cruisers.
These antiquated claims are, however, amplified to an infinite degree by her modern pretensions. The number of her ships of war—her triumphant ascendancy on the seas, have swept away almost every limit to her ambition. Under the auspices of her present ministry, she assumes to be the sovereign of the Ocean—and her policy is to leave no vestige of trade to neutrals, but what is carried on for her profit and under her permission. Those branches of trade, which are still left open, are merely respected, because she is excluded from them herself, and there are no other means of transmitting her own produce and manufactures, but under the shade of the neutral flag.—These are at least the real, though not the avowed objects of the measures of Mr. Canning—and he might as well adopt the advice of Cobbett, and at once avow his intentions.
But what is the interest of France? Directly the reverse. She has every possible inducement to protect the rights of nations, on the high seas. During her wars with England, her interest is to cherish, not consume our commerce. Her interests are the same as our own. She is not jealous, as G. Britain is, of the prosperity of our trade. It is not her interest to merge the privileges of the neutral in the restrictions of the belligerent. To give sanctity and expansion to the rights of the neutral flag—to add to the number of neutral bottoms—is the real policy of a power, whose merchantmen are swept from the seas, and whose rich and numerous productions are chiefly to be transmitted under neutral protection.
Look at it now through the medium of facts. Who has impressed 4000 of our countrymen? Who has burnt a ship of war within our neutral jurisdiction? Who has murdered one of our countrymen on our own coasts? Who attacked the Chesapeake? Who interdicts our trade with the colonies of her enemy? Not France—but Great Britain.
France, to be sure, has committed many aggressions upon our rights. She has manifested an overbearing ambition on the Continent of Europe. We should be the last people in the world to justify all her acts and all her atrocities. But, as has been emphatically said by John Q. Adams, whilst she has whipped us with rods, G. B. has scourged us with scorpions—whilst G. Britain has in scarcely one instance respected our rights, it is the interest of France to respect them—the liberty of the seas—and the rights of neutrals.
In consequence of the large supplies of salt which have arrived at Pittsburgh, by way of Lake Erie, the price of this article has been reduced to nine and a half dollars per bbl.
NOTICE.—The Subscriber intends to leave the state for a few months. During his absence, his professional business will be attended to, by his friends, Daniel C. Gill, George Hay and Wm. Wirt, Esquires. ALEXANDER M'RAE. August 25.
INTEND to be absent from the State a short time. JOHN CLARKE. August 25th, 1809.
TO all whom it may concern.—RICHARD SMITH, a native of Ireland, departed this life on the 18th of June, 1809, without leaving in this State, or in the United States, any relation by consanguinity, and possessed of some Estate in Lands within this Commonwealth, of which, as well as of the United States he had long been a Citizen. His intent was to give the whole to the subscriber, as his Nuncupative Will, now of Record, will sufficiently prove; but the Subscriber hath been advised, that a Will of that kind cannot effect a conveyance of Lands, how far soever it may prove the intent of the Testator, and that the Lands late of the said Richard Smith do of consequence, escheat to the Commonwealth, though contrary to his intent of bestowing them on a citizen thereof. For that reason, the subscriber shall request the General Assembly, at its ensuing session, by Petition, to carry the intent of the said Smith into execution, by releasing the interest of the Commonwealth in the Lands whereof he was possessed, or entitled to within the same, to the Subscriber. DAVID DOYLE. August 23.
MANCHESTER ACADEMY.—In consequence of the intended removal of Mr. John Wood, to the city of Richmond, on the 23th September next, the trustees of the above Academy, are desirous of engaging a Teacher of the Languages and Mathematics, to supply the station he now holds. On application to the Lecturer of the Academy, residing in Manchester, the terms will be made known to any gentleman of liberal education and moral conduct. August 23.
NOTICE.—That a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of this Commonwealth, praying that an act may pass, authorizing the Judge of the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Richmond District, to decree and order a sale of a part of the real Estate of STEPHEN SOUTHALL, Deed. if upon the case to be submitted to him, it shall appear, to be equitable, and for the interest of all parties concerned, that such sale should take place. August 25.
FOR SALE.—One SHARE, in the Richmond Theatre Company—Also, SHARES in the Richmond Turnpike Co.—Apply to G. GREENHOFF. August 26.

The late incidents in England have produced a strong ferment in the minds of the people. The result of the investigation respecting the D. of York, the rejection of the Reversion Bill, and the vote in favor of Lord Castlereagh, have diffused a general spirit of disgust and a loud cry for Parliamentary Reform. Many of the counties have passed votes of thanks to Colonel Wardle, and resolutions in favor of reform. This spirit has even penetrated into the recesses of Cornwall.
It is impossible to foresee what fate will attend these exertions. Every art is used by the Ministry, to rouse a clamorous suspicion against the Reformists, and to ensnare themselves behind the mists of prejudice. Where corruption is so flagrant, that it can neither be shrouded or denied, the minions of government do not blush to justify it by arguments of Precedent or Necessity. A striking example of the use of these two sorts of appeals is furnished in the Debate in the House of Commons on the 11th May, on the Charges of Mr. Madock against Mr. Percival and Lord Castlereagh. The facts turn out to be, that a Mr. Dick, who had purchased a seat for the borough of Cashel, through the agency of the Hon. Henry Wellesley, in behalf of the Treasury, had on a most important occasion determined to vote according to his conscience; & that Lord Castlereagh "intimated to him the necessity of either his voting with the government or resigning his seat." Mr. D. vacated his seat—and Mr. Percival connived at the transaction. Mr. Madock moved for an Enquiry into the case. And how did the minister rebut this allegation? Mr. Percival intreated the House to pause, before they lent their sanction to such a mode of introducing the entering wedge of parliamentary reform, and of feeding the popular appetite upon attacks on public men. "at a time when individuals were honored with crowded tributes of the nation's gratitude and applause for prosecuting such charges." Mr. Canning touched upon the same string, & called upon the House that might make a stand against the encroachments of the factious—and to remember that if the immolation of these two gentlemen upon his side of the House was successful now, they would be summoned on the morrow to sacrifice two stately victims from the other. Mr. Windham at once unblushingly avowed, that "Gentlemen seemed to forget that those corruptions, as they were called, formed part of the theory of the Constitution, for they were to be found co-existing with it in all times, even in the best of times—even in the days of the great Chatham, as he was termed—that he, no doubt made use of this species of traffic (in Consciences) and upon the principles stated, as a part of the defence of government—that he must have made use of corruption—that in fact, there was corruption in the country from top to bottom, differing only in this respect, that it was more dense at bottom, and became purer as you advanced to the top—that ambition had its full operation on public men, and a sort of corruption was sometimes necessary to gratify it." See Debate in London Morning Chronicle of May 12, 1809. What we ask must be the state of a country in which such sentiments are unblushingly avowed by the ministers—without their being immediately hurled from their seats?
As to the great question of Parliamentary reform—it is plain to those, who have examined it, that until it succeeds, "that boasted monument of human invention, the British constitution," must be viewed as a monument only of corruption, and the British parliament only as a pageant of ministerial influence—Let those who have not looked at this subject, turn only to the rotten boroughs. Each of those now returns members to the House of Commons. This privilege was only granted to them, because "they were at the time, places of the greatest trade in the kingdom, but many of them have now dwindled into miserable villages or hamlets." Other towns, on the contrary, which have since grown into prosperity and numbers, are now unrepresented. What must we think of a system which clothes Gatten or Old Sarum with the elective franchise, and denies it to Manchester? As a specimen of these rotten boroughs, we subjoin the following extract from Mr. Madock's Speech.
"The nature of that influence branched out into so many and various ways of misapplying the money taken out of the pockets of the people, that it was impossible to have an adequate idea of its magnitude and danger, or to be too vigilant in retrenching the one and guarding against the other. He had already signified his intention of taking an early opportunity of submitting to the consideration of the House the present state of certain boroughs in England. He trusted that the statement, he should then submit to the House, would induce them to a revision of the entire system of boroughs. He should take the liberty of advertizing at present to one or two instances of this Borough influence. The first was the Borough of Hastings, which consisted of only fourteen voters. The right of election being in the Corporation, this borough was the property of Mr. Millwood and his Son, who were agents for Government, and were the mayor of the town alternately. The younger Mr. Millwood was comptroller of the excise, with a salary of 1425l. per annum, a place which was nearly, if not quite, a sinecure, though by the 5th of William and Mary, chapter the 30th, collectors and officers in the excise were interdicted from any interference in elections. If the sum of 1425l. be multiplied by seven, it would be found that it cost the people for every Parliament 9,975l."
"With respect to the borough of Rye there were but six electors. Mr. Thomas Lamb was agent for the Treasury, and this gentleman was in the enjoyment of the lucrative situation of Tally, another in the Exchequer, and was also cursor of Hampshire. This borough was under similar restrictions as the last mentioned borough of Hastings."
"The next borough he should advert to was that of Cambridge. Here the agent for Government was Mr. John Mortlake, a banker, and resident at Cambridge. This gentleman was receiver general of the Post-Office, with a salary of 800l. per annum, and had a deputy, a Mr. Bowden, at a salary of 500l. a year, though by the 7th Anne, chapter 10th, officers of the Post Office were prohibited from interfering with elections."
"The next Borough he should mention was that of Queenborough. The influence of this Borough was divided between the Ordnance and the Admiralty. The amount of the salaries of the places held by the freemen of the borough under the Ordinance of the Na-
vy Boards was annually 2563l. So that the public money paid to the electors of Queenborough, during a Parliament of seven years or sessions, independent of other sorts of influence, amounted to no less a sum than 14,376l. Not to mention that the boroughs of Westbury and New Romney, were openly sold for money."
"But of all the various corruptions and abuses—but of all the fatal misapplications of the public money, none, he thought, so imperatively called for an immediate check as the corrupt interference to which he had already alluded, exercised by the Treasury to procure the return of Members to that House."
The following proceedings too, will contribute to shed light upon the subject:
FROM A LONDON PAPER OF MAY 24.
DINNER AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR.
Yesterday there was a dinner to commemorate the anniversary of the triumph of Westminster & the purity of election. Sir Francis Burdett was the Chairman, and the Committee who conducted the election were the stewards.
After dinner the following toasts were given, and drank with great applause:
"The King and the Act of Settlement;"
"Magna Charta;"
"The People and the Bill of Rights;"
"The Purity of Election, the first step to Parliamentary Reform."
The next toast which was given, was, "Westminster's pride, Sir Francis Burdett." This toast was drank with great applause.
Sir Francis Burdett then rose. He hoped that the pleasure and satisfaction which he then experienced would be often repeated, and that the sense of the electors would be annually manifested in the same way. As for himself, he had no way of returning the favor which had been conferred upon him, but by a constant, firm, and steady perseverance in that line of conduct which first recommended him to their notice. Their conduct upon the late election had conferred immortal honor upon them, although he felt how undeserving he was of that great partiality which had experienced.
He felt sorry, indeed, that upon anniversary, he could not hold out any prospects of advantage to the people from anything which lately passed in that House, which used to be called by many people, and which certainly always was called itself, the House of Representatives of the people of England. Although he had often met his constituents, still it happened that something new and extraordinary had occurred between every time of meeting. It was now unblushingly allowed in that House, that used to be called the House of Commons, by men detected in their iniquity, that corruption was constantly practiced by the Ministers of the Crown—This was not only unblushingly avowed by one party, but appeared fully to meet the sense of the other party. It had been supposed by many, that the example held out by the greatness of Westminster would have a powerful effect, on the other Cities and corporate towns in the kingdom. It would, however, be recollected that all were not in the same situation as Westminster, & were not capable of following such an example. It was useless for the electors of Westminster to talk to those whose circumstances did not allow them to follow the example. They might as well talk to prisoners shackled in Newgate of the advantage of fresh air and exercise. (Applause.)—If the example of Westminster had not operated much on the corporate bodies of the country, it had operated powerfully on the opinions of the great bulk of the people of England, many of whom, although possessing large properties, were not electors under the present system. They had no votes in rotten boroughs, & therefore the greater number of the people of England were excluded from their proper share of influence in choosing the legislature.
When the electors first applied to him to be their representative, he told them fairly that he was convinced that neither he nor any other person could do any service to the people at large in an assembly constituted as that was. Nothing certainly had been done in the session, except the exposure of abuses, which took place in consequence of the exertions of his Honorable Friend at his right hand (Mr. Wardle). As that Gentleman was present, he should not say much of him, but he thought that as he had all the risk, he should have all the honor. (Loud and long continued applause.)—His friend on his left hand (Mr. Madock) had also brought forward charges, and in a most tangible shape. The government, however, were not disposed to touch them. In the former business which his friend (Col. Wardle) had brought forward, they thought that by their tricks and contrivances, and by their decided majorities, they would be able to confound and get rid of the accusation; but in the latter business they were afraid to encounter the tangible shape of the charge, and therefore unblushingly avowed their corruption. It was curious to see the course that they pursued; at first they found fault with his Hon. Friend (Mr. Madock) for bringing forward vague and undefined charges, but the moment he produced those charges in a specific form, then both sides of the House agreed, that the practice complained of was so notorious, and affected all parties so equally, that no notice should be taken of it. It was most extraordinary indeed, that the very topic, which in other cases would loudly call for punishment, should in this case be stated as the motive for acquittal. The extent of the crime, and the dangerous consequences of it to the public, were generally supposed grounds for calling for punishment; but in that case a different doctrine was held. It was on that memorable day, the 12th of last May, (which was a day that ought never to be forgotten,) that the mask was thrown off, and the Borough-mongers declared themselves at issue against the rights of the people (Loud applause.) He could not avoid taking notice of a sentiment inculcated in THE TIMES newspaper, that even if the King were to yield to the united wishes and prayers of his people for a Parliamentary Reform, perhaps Parliament would not consent to it.—Now this was precisely the thing that he wished to see tried; he wished to see the King & his people at one side, & Borough-mongers on the other. If this was the issue, he would not be apprehensive of the result. He should really like to see the Borough-mongers at issue with the King and his people (Loud applause.) Since the petition of his friend Mr. Horne Tooke, who stated openly, that seats in Parliament were as notoriously sold as cattle in Smithfield, how many victims had there been to the fanciful purity of the House of Commons!
"How many state prosecutions had been commenced upon that idea! It was impossible not to remember the case of that unfortunate Timman (Hamby,) who was destroyed for suspecting the purity of Ministers. It certainly did appear to him a case, in which no man who possessed a spark of magnanimity in his mind would have prosecuted an unfortunate and ignorant man. He should, however, put it to the good sense of the company, whether it signified to the nation what places were bought and sold, as long as places in Parliament were notoriously bought and sold by the Ministers of the Crown. He knew no more pernicious treason than this practice, which killed the vital principle of every thing that was dear to the country. It was that alone which could protect innocence, ensure justice, and punish oppression."
Before he sat down, he would wish to say something respecting Parliamentary Reform, which was represented as something much more difficult and less practicable than it really was. The friends of Reform had loaded the subject with so many superfluous ornaments, with so much drapery and dress, such pomp and parade, that many well-wishers to it had begun to consider it as a
subject extremely complicated in its nature, and which required great strength of comprehension to understand. The enemies of Reform, on the other hand, held it out as an idea perfectly Utopian—as a projected state of things under which no country nor individual could exist; and so both friends and enemies equally terrified the country from adopting a thing which, according to their statement, was almost impossible to be understood.—Now it appeared to him, that the thing would be very easily explained.—It was allowed by all writers, that the judicial, executive, and legislative departments ought to be kept perfectly distinct and independent of each other. This did not depend upon any deep abstract principle, but upon that very obvious principle that in every bargain there were two parties.—This was a principle not only known to philosophers and writers upon constitutions, but it was also known fully as well by boys and girls at school. Here if they had an apple or any thing else to divide, they knew that it was fair that one should divide, and another should choose; but if any school boy or school girl should claim the right both of dividing and choosing, this (without any abstract philosophical reasoning on the subject) would be considered monstrously unjust, & would not be submitted to. (Laughter and applause.)—He would give another very familiar illustration, but which he believed would come directly to the point. They had all dined together that day, and there was a bill to be paid, and a reckoning to be made.—Now what was the principle of Jacobin in the company upon that question? They thought that as they were the persons to pay the bill, it should be examined by persons appointed by themselves, and not by persons appointed by any body else. That was simply and shortly the whole of the case with respect to Parliamentary Reform. (Applause.) But it meant both by all those who have places and those who are looking for places, that their objects are more clear and disinterested, and that it is only the Jacobins who have wicked motives. (Laughter.)—Now if any man had been seen guzzling at that dinner most voraciously, and feeding his appetite with every delicacy, he could lay hold of, and yet should cry out that he was a plain man, who preferred plain pudding to anything else, that man would be laughed at; and yet men whose pockets were swelling out with the public money, did every day cry out in Parliament how pure and disinterested their motives were, that their country was their only object, but that the Jacobins were the wicked men who had corrupt and selfish objects.
Among the enemies of those who had the wealth themselves friends to reform, Mr. Tierney now appeared one of the most decided. He found fault with them for exposing what he called "the shameful parts" of the constitution. It would be recollected, however, that that Gentleman was for many years of his life in the constant practice of exposing these shameful parts. He did not leave a rag to cover its nakedness, and he was the man to strip of all its filthy decencies. (Laughter.) That gentleman had, in Parliament, thanked his God that he was a party man. Now this phrase put him in mind of what Sir John Falstaff said to Hostess Quickley. He had called her a thing, and she, in great indignation, asked him, "What sort of a thing do you take me for, Sir John?"—"Why, a thing to thank God upon." He did not know whether Mr. Tierney meant to describe himself as a thing to thank God upon, when he avowed that he was a party man. For his part, he always professed not to be a party man; because he conceived, that the very word party, implied something less than the whole, and he was attached only to the cause of the people—the public at large. He should leave it, however, to impartial men to decide, between those who professed attachment to all parties in their turns. He remembered the charge, which in one of Shakespeare's plays the Constable Doughty gives to his associate: "if you find a thief, let him prove that he is, and steal out of your company." He trusted that such a charge could not be directed against him.
As to Reform, there was a spirit now arising in the country which would soon be universal. It was quite intolerable to hear it avowed, that seats in Parliament were openly trafficked for by Ministers. Up to the 12th of May last, these practices were always reprobated in Parliament, and punished whenever they could be detected; but no corruption was openly avowed on each side of the House. He would ask, was it to be borne, that this England which had so long triumphed over other nations, should now make a shameful conquest over itself; this country, for which the Russells and Sidneys bled, should now be supposed not worth using every exertion to save. It had been said in Parliament, that corruption extended from top to bottom, and that it pervaded every class: he hoped the people of England would not rest patiently under this stigma, that they would assert their own rights, and restore the antient constitution of the land.
The next toast given was "Lord Cochrane," which was drank with great applause.
Sir Francis Burdett then gave, "Mr. Wardle, and the 125 Members who supported him on his motion."—[This toast was drank with an extraordinary degree of enthusiasm.]
Mr. Wardle, in returning thanks, declared that he had never received an invitation which had given him more pleasure. He felt a particular satisfaction in paying every possible respect to the purest body of electors. (Applause.) He thought that the electors of Westminster had done themselves almost as much honor in the object they selected for their choice, as in their manner of doing it. (Applause.) After the very able speech they had just heard, he felt it would be unbecoming of him to say much.
The country certainly now stood in a new situation, when the practice of corruption was openly avowed in Parliament. This was a fact which he hoped would soon be known in every cottage throughout the kingdom. In this avowal of corruption, the two great factions, "The Talents," and the "no Popery" men both agreed. (Loud applause.) It was really astonishing that some of the members of the faction of the "Talents," expressed a wish, when they were in power, that they might live in a house of glass, that all their actions might be distinctly seen; & yet now these gentlemen who challenged the whole country to witness all their actions, avowed and justified corruption. It was, indeed, a curious treat to which they invited the people of England, to look into their house of glass, and see all their tricks and deceptions, all their contrivances for returning members friendly to their cause. He firmly believed that the first fruits of Parliamentary Reform, would be, that the burdens of the people would be most sensibly alleviated. If Parliament were really the representatives of the people, there would be no danger of the people becoming their own executioners. He had really studied the subject of finance, and was convinced in his mind, that if there was a House of Commons really representing the people, the income tax might be taken off the poor. (Applause.) It is in any hour, friendly to the people, he was called upon to say how this could be done, he would readily accept the challenge. He should also mention that new penal laws had been instituted to protect private merchants from breaches of trust in their servants. He should ask, was it not extraordinary, that the offices of Government, or rather of the nation, should not be protected against breaches of trust, as well as the office of the private merchant? If such penal laws were, however, to be enacted, it would cause the utmost desolation in all the offices of government. There would be hardly an anti-jacobin left in them (not even Mr. John Bowles) to revive such men as that meeting was composed of. It was full time for the people of England to enquire into the causes of the grievous burdens which they bear, when their annual expenditure had increased from 15 to 70 or 80 millions annually. He did not know how that waste-
ful system could be done away but by parliamentary reform. He hoped the nation at large would feel the necessity of moderation as well as firmness; for if any want of moderation was to be found either in their actions or their language, their enemies would not fail to take advantage of it. (Loud applause.)
Upon the health of Mr. Madock, being drank, Mr. Madock rose and returned thanks for the honor that was done him. He conceived it the undoubted right of the people to be fairly, justly, and truly represented in Parliament. As to Mr. Curwen's bill, he thought the nation ought to be in serious alarm respecting it, as one of the most dangerous measures which was ever brought forward in Parliament. The effect of this bill would be to leave no market to the Borough-mongers, but the treasury itself. They never could expect a quid pro quo , for returning a Member, except from the government. Both parties now seemed agreed that the corrupt influence of the Treasury was as notorious as the sun at noon day, and therefore it was ridiculous to attempt to prove it. If this be the case, he could not think that any vestige of the constitution was remaining. As to the rest of the boroughs following the example of Westminster, it was impossible. At Hazlemere, for example, some of the proprietors of tenements were Peers, who were disqualified from voting by their rank; others were excisemen, who were disqualified by their offices, and others were females disqualified by their sex. He did not know in such a borough, who were to be the voters called upon to imitate the example of Westminster.
After this, the 'Livery of London,' the 'Common Council of London,' and the 'Counties and Cities which had expressed their sentiments in favor of Parliamentary Reform,' were drank with great applause.
Some patriotic and convivial Songs were then sung, and the company remained to a late hour.
NOTICE. —The creditors of the estate of John J. Watt, deceased, are hereby requested to send their respective accounts or claims for settlement, and those indebted to make payment to the subscribers without delay. HENRY TOPKINS, } Adm'rs. D. J. BURR. } July 18. 1x6w
NOTICE. —All persons indebted to the firm of Gilliat and Kirby, by bond or open account, are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances, on or before the first day of September next, as suits will be instituted against all those who are delinquent at that time.
Those who have any claims against the said firm, are requested to make them known to the subscriber. THOMAS GILLIAT, Acting partner of GILLIAT & KIRBY. N. B. In my absence, Francis R. Stroble is fully empowered to receive and discharge all debts due to and from Gilliat and Kirby. THOMAS GILLIAT. June 27. w1S.
BATTESEA PAPER MILLS. —Those who wish to encourage the manufactures of their own state are informed, that they can be supplied with Paper Manufactured in Petersburg, in any quantities.
PRICES AS FOLLOWS: Fine Letter Paper Vellum, $ 4 75 Do. do. Laid, 4 50 Pools' Cap No. 1, 4 37 1/2 Do. do. No. 2, 3 37 1/2 Do. do. No. 3, 3 12 1/2 Folio Post Vellum, 9 50 Do. do. Laid, 9 Fine Printing Medium, 5 50 Do. do. 4 50 Excellent Wrapping Paper, 1 12 1/2 A liberal discount made to wholesale purchasers. Orders for any of the above qualities, addressed to the subscribers, executed at the shortest notice. BANISTER & Co. wtf August 4.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ran away from the subscriber, two NEGROES, to wit Burrell Gates and Lony: Burrell Gates is about thirty years of age, five feet eight inches high, rather slender made, well proportioned except he has a very large foot; he was purchased of Mr. Wilkinson (Chesterfield,) and has a wife at Mr. John Spear's in the same county. Lony was purchased of Mr. Richard E. Armstrong, Hanover county, he is about 16 years of age, has a film over one of his eyes, this fellow I suppose is lurking about this city. The above reward will be paid for delivering them to Mr. Chan. H. Saunders, Richmond, and ten dollars for either of them, or if secured in any Gaol in this commonwealth so that I get them again. JACOB FACKLER. wtf May 26
HENNING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS. LEWIS ADAMS has just received fresh supplies of BOOKS from Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, which with those on hand and others daily expected, he flatters himself makes his assortment more valuable and extensive than any other collection in Richmond, all of which he would cheerfully exchange for cash at the regular prices.
Vol. 1 and 2 Henning and Munford's Reports royal 8vo. cf. at $6 50 per vol. from the press of J. Riley, New York, who has the copy right. Woman or Ida of Athens, 2 vol. 25 and 1 75 boards. In recommending this interesting Novel to the literary world, it is only necessary to observe that it is from the pen of the celebrated Miss Owenson, and ranks among the first of her productions. Essay on Sepulchres by Godwin; The complete Farrier; Reliques of Robert Burns, by Cromek; Memoirs of an American Lady, by Mrs. Grant; author of Letters from the Mountains &c. &c.; John de Lancaster a Novel by Richard Cumberland; The Hungarian Brothers by Miss Porter, author of Thaddeus of Warsaw. This is an interesting novel, the style of which, as 'tis from the pen of one whose heart is the seat of every virtue, is pure, sprightly and unaffected. Vol. 1 American law Journal; Newland on Contracts, Selwyn's Nisi Prius, Kidd on Awards and a few of every law publication from the press of Messrs. Farrand & Co. Philadelphia.
The History of the Administration of John Adams. Memoirs of the hon. Thomas Jefferson, 2 vols 8vo. 3 $ 1-2 bound; $ 4 50 boards, a new work. A large assortment of children's books. July 14. w8w
ON Wednesday, December 27, 1809—At the late dwelling-house of Nathaniel Lancaster, dec'd. about ten miles above the court-house, in Prince Edward county, on Appomattox river: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of the deceased, a valuable stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs and Sheep, the plantation Utensils, household and kitchen Furniture, too tedious to mention.
Also: Nine valuable NEGROES: also, the crop of Corn, Wheat, Oats and Fodder. A credit of twelve months will be given the purchasers, on their giving bond, with approved security. All those who have legal claims against the estate of the deceased, will be pleased to exhibit them duly authenticated, on or before the day of sale, to enable the administrators to make provision for their payment. All those who are indebted to the estate, will see the necessity of immediate payment, as it must be evident no indulgence can be given. JOHN LANCASTER, } Adm'rs. ROBERT LANCASTER, } August 18. wtf
THE SUBSCRIBER, offers for sale, that elegant and valuable Estate, called WILL TON, lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state: the offices are commodious; the Garden and yard are handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed to purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss however to observe, that James River runs 100 yards from the door of the house, that vessels of five hundred bushels are loaded at Warwick, one mile above, that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good Shad and Herring fishery, and that Wild Fowl are frequently procured. A small Grist-Mill, is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation.
Also two thousand acres of LAND, lying on Fighting Creek, Powhatan County, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco.
For terms apply to the Subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan WILLIAM RANDOLPH. w3m June 23.
COMMITTED to the Jail of the county of Middlesex, the 6th of June last, a negro man, who calls himself HENRY FOX, and says he was born free and raised in the town of Norfolk: He is about thirty years of age, five feet seven or eight inches high, well proportioned, of a very dark complexion, and marked in his face, very thick with pits of the small-pox, had on when taken up, a light coloured mixed Virginia Cloth Coat, a striped Virginia Cloth Waistcoat, and blue nankien pantaloons, but has with him, a number of other clothes. As the said Negro is supposed to be a runaway, the owner is requested to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and take him away, otherwise, he will be dealt with, as the law directs. TH. HEALY, Sheriff of Middlesex county. August 11. w3m
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE. —Having again embarked in public life, as a publican at the Eagle-Tavern, which necessarily employs all my time; I shall proceed to sell, on the 5th day of Sept. next, several valuable brood MARES, COLTS & FILLIES, of the first stock in Virginia; about thirty head of Sheep, a part thereof of the improved Barbary & Merino breed—also, a young bull of superior breed, 2 mules, w. g. and gear, two carts and a variety of plantation Utensils; likewise some articles of household Furniture. The stock of Horses and Sheep are being inferior to none in the state. Also, will be sold several valuable Lots of Land, handsomely laid off, and well adapted for a country retreat. I wish to rent the House, Garden and Farm at Fairfield, all of which is now in complete order; the garden is now in a high state of cultivation & beautifully laid off. The sale will take place, on the premises, at 11 o'clock E. SMOCK. wtd August 11.
A N ELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE. —The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided. This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighborhood. For terms apply to Mr. Wm. Long who is fully authorised to contract for the same. J. PENN. tf June 23.
STAGES FOR SALE. —Will be sold to the highest bidder, at this place, on Friday, the 15th of next month, (September,) the line of STAGES, between Richmond and Fredericksburg. The terms will be one-fourth of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale: the balance in six, nine and twelve months. On the same day, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, several very valuable STUD HORSES, among which are, Archduke and Speculator. The purchasers to give bond with approved securities, to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of JOHN HOOMES, Dec'd. Bowling Green, August 11. 9t
COLUMBIAN MILLS. —The subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he will purchase WILL AT delivered at the Columbian Mills, or he will receive wheat there to be manufactured on very moderate and advantageous terms to the holders of this article—viz. for every 340 pounds of good merchantable wheat, he will engage to deliver one barrel of good superfine flour, or he will receive wheat at six shillings and six pence per bushel of 60 pounds and deliver superfine flour at six dollars twelve cents, with a small proportion of fine flour at five dollars sixty two cents per barrel; all to be inspected and delivered in good order at the mill. The flour made at this mill has always been held in high repute, and it is the intention of the present proprietor to sustain its character. The Corn Mill is in complete order—every attention will be paid to the customers sending their Corn there to be ground on toll at the usual rate. Good fresh Meal for sale in small or large quantities at very moderate prices for cash. Apply to Mr. Samuel Leech on the premises or to JOHN GRANBERY, Norfolk. Cash given for Corn delivered at the mill. July 18. tf
LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscriber, attornies in fact, for Col. John Simon Farley, and his sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Morson, residents in Great-Britain, offer for sale their remaining proportion of that valuable TRACT OF LAND, In the county of Rockingham and state of North Carolina, called the Sauratown Estate. This land lying contiguous to one of the branches of Roanoke River, and in the midst of a wealthy country, is represented to be of great fertility, and to unite so many advantages as to be well worth the attention of the purchasers; it contains from 10 to 12,000 acres, and will be sold in one whole, or in distinct parcels, at the option of those who may wish to buy; for which purpose it has been laid off in separate lots. A plot of the land is left in the possession of Wm. Edward Broadax, esq. of Brunswick county, Virginia, who has purchased a part of it, and to whom, for more correct information as to its quality, situation and other advantages, purchasers are referred, as well as to Mr. Ira Ellis, who lives on the spot. Mr. Broadax will also make known the terms of sale, and any contract entered into with him for the purchase of the above land, or any part thereof, will be obligatory on ourselves, and our principals. G. K. TAYLOR, JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, Va. July 28. 6w
VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscribers wish to dispose of that valuable tract of LAND called FORT LEWIS, lying in the Counties of Botetourt and Montgomery, and containing about 2,600 acres. They also wish to sell 3,130 acres of Land lying in the County of Fluvanna, on the south side of the Rivanna river, extending from Col. Cary's line, down the river, to within about a mile of Columbia. This last mentioned Land, being in five distinct tracts, will be sold separately or together, as may best suit any person desirous of purchasing. One-fourth of the amount being paid in hand, any reasonable credit will be given for the balance. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. Richmond, July 28. tf