The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-05-26 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription: Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1802.
5 Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, OR STRAYED,
From Richmond Common, in the Blue Week,
A Bay Mare,
With Bob Tail; she is about Ten Years old; four Feet ten Inches high; has a Star on her Forehead, one Glass Eye, and a small White under her Neck.
Whoever will bring her to the Subscriber, at Richmond, shall receive the above Reward.
JOHN METTERT.
Richmond May 20th, 1802.
Mrs. Booth, and Co.
HAVE JUST RECEIVED,
By the ship Octavo, from London, an
Elegant assortment of
MILLENERY.
LIKewise
FASHIONABLE DRESSES,
Of all descriptions, now open for Sale at their house, next door to Mr. ROBERT MITCHELL'S, near the Market.
May 14th. 1802.
6 t.
Vauxhall Garden.
THE Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, are respectfully informed, that the Garden, attaining to the City Tavern, formerly occupied by Mr. Raphael, has been elegantly fitted out at a great expence, to render it a pleasing and agreeable
PLEASURE GARDEN,
Which will be splendidly ILLUMINATED
With COLOURED LIGHTS, every
MONDAY, THURSDAY, & SATURDAY,
In case of bad weather, the entertainment will always be on the next succeeding fair evening, when the visitors will be entertained with a
Band of Music,
And will find all sorts of
Refreshments
On moderate terms.
The price of admittance on these days only, will be Half a Dollar.
Tickets to be had at the Door and the tiker will entitle the bearer to the same value in any refreshments whatever, left at the bearer's choice.
The Garden will be opened every Day, but admittance charged only on the illumination days; and at all times refreshments of every kind will be kept ready.
Richmond, May 8, 1802.
WANTED, ON LOAN,
Five Hundred Dollars,
For twelve Months,
For which will be given very high interest, and indisputable security in the city of Richmond. Enquire of the printer,
April 27, 1802.
t f
STEPHEN BROWN,
GUN MAKER,
From LONDON,
Near the OLD CITY TAVERN, Main-Street, RICHMOND.
MAKES all sorts of Guns and Pistols, in the neatest manner, and on the most reasonable Terms. He returns thanks to his friends for their encouragement, and informs them he continues to clean and repair old Guns and Pistols.
N. B. Two Apprentices wanted. A small Premium will be expected.
April 22d. 1802.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a quantity of
Plaister of Paris,
of the very best quality for manure, which he proposes selling on Reasonable terms, either ground or in the Stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond April 13th 1802.
Coutts's Ferry,
At the FALLS of JAMES RIVER, Immediately below Col. Mayo's Toll Bridge,
WILL be constantly supplied with boats and hands, who will be always ready, at any moment, to ferry over the river, any number of men, horses, carriages, or wagons and teams,
At one-half the Price of the Toll Bridge.
Carriages, Waggons, and Carts, may be driven into the Lighters, without taking the Horses out.
SAMUEL MURRAY.
Richmond, May 10th, 1802.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 26th, 1802.
The following article is copied from the National Intelligencer, a newspaper printed at Washington by Mr. Samuel H. Smith. He has begun a series of pieces, which he terms FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATIONS; and the second article in the list is from the Recorder. Here follows first, the piece from our paper, as copied by Mr. Smith. Next, you have Smith's sagacious remarks upon it, which are posted through newspapers by the dozen. There comes, in the third place, our correspondent's Answer to the above; and which is written with his wonted candour and ability. Those newspapers which have copied the attack by Smith are bound in justice, to copy the answer; but we know some of them too well to suppose them capable of so much FAIR PLAY.
No. II.
FROM "THE RECORDER,"
Printed at Richmond.
Mr. Bayard—"Another important occasion of honest forbearance by Mr. Bayard may be recorded also, "Shortly before the administration of Mr. Adams ended, Mr. Bayard was recommended by him as ambassador to France; the senate approved; so that Mr. Bayard might have immediately drawn from the treasury, 15,000 dollars for one years salary and outfit. Instead of this, he did nothing until Mr. Jefferson took the helm. Mr. Bayard then discovered that the appointments would not be continued by Mr. Jefferson, and he with great propriety and honesty permitted the money to remain in the treasury."
"Thus it appears that the treasury of the United States, is richer by 32,000 dollars than it would have been, if Mr. Pickering and Mr. Bayard had used to their advantage the benefit which the law did allow. So that it appears that some of the most leading federal characters are not only much better than they have been represented, but have acted with a degree of honesty and honour which deserves public notice and applause."
Truth requires a notice of the above paragraph, which, with whatever motive penned, had a tendency to produce an unjust impression on the public mind.
The facts attending the nomination, (for we cannot call it an appointment,) of Mr. Bayard are these.
After Mr. Jefferson was declared President elect, and but a few days before Mr. Adams retired from office, the latter named Mr. Bayard minister plenipotentiary to France. The nomination produced such surprise in senate, the majority of which was at that time devotedly federal, that it was suffered to lie over for a day or two. When taken
up, a leading federal member, whose opportunities had made him peculiarly acquainted with the French character, rose, and addressed the Vice President (Mr. Jefferson) who then presided in Senate, substantially in the following words:
"Mr. President, before I give my approbation to this nomination, I should wish to know whether Mr. Bayard will be agreeable to the gentleman who is to administer the government from the 4th of March next. If the enquiry be answered in the affirmative, I shall most cheerfully acquiesce. But if this shall not be the case, and if the honorable gentleman go to Paris without such advantage, I have no doubt, he will be treated with the greatest politeness, he will be introduced to the best company, he will be taken to the various museums, and he will derive great pleasure from the embassy. But, inasmuch as a citizen other than the present president will be in power before the honorable gentleman shall reach Paris, I have as little doubt, that with whatever politeness he may be treated, the French government will ask him for his authority, and if they find he has none from the then President, they will refuse him their confidence."
Further conversation ensued, which that day terminated in a postponement of the nomination, under an offer from some of the federal members to obtain an explanation of the grounds on which it was made.
The next day, a leading federal member informed the senate that he was authorized to say that if the nomination of Mr. Bayard was approved, he would decline the appointment. The member also expressed a hope, that, under such circumstances, the feelings of Mr. Bayard would not be wounded by a rejection. The affair being thus understood, it is believed the concurrence of the senate was unanimous.
These facts would not have been published, but for the frequent attempts to mislead the public mind, on the circumstances attending this transaction.
ANSWER TO THE ABOVE.
ANY unprejudiced mind, disposed to allow a reasonable degree of credit to another, would expect, upon reading Mr. Smith's introductory paragraph, and a luding to the characteristic head which he has assumed that he would not, at the very outset of his course, commit, in a most flagrant degree, the fault which he promises to correct. How this is shall be presently explained.
The foregoing paragraph concerning Mr. Bayard stated that he was recommended, as the ambassador to France, by the late president;—that the senate approved;—that Mr. Bayard might have received 15,000 dollars for salary and outfit,—and that he did not receive this money. These were the facts alleged. As to the other circumstances which happened, whether they were, or were not, in the verbatim litteratim order, in which they occurred, an error in these could not invalidate those prominent facts, and if Mr. Smith's mind had been capable of analysing the case, he must have discovered it.
It was said that Mr. Bayard had a right to receive the money; that he did not take it, and it ought to be recorded as an instance of honest forbearance. These very facts are all supported by this identical explanation which Mr. Smith himself has given. It is perfectly immaterial, whether Mr. Jefferson's opinion was obtained, while he was vice president, or after he became president. It is equally immaterial, whether his opinion was given in the circle of one, or two dozen, as Mr. Smith alleges, or was communicated to a particular friend of Mr. Bayard, as others pretend. It is evident that he was nominated, and it is as
evident that he was approved by the senate, and thereby acquired the right to receive the money; notwithstanding any thing, which may be said by Samuel Harrison Smith to the contrary.
The community will be under great obligations to Mr. Samuel H. Smith, if he will employ his vast talents to "detect and expose those tales which have been so lavishly imposed upon the credulity of the ignorant." This is his promise, but mark his conduct! At the very beginning of his career, he attempts to impose a deliberate misrepresentation as to Mr. Bayard. He is silent, as to Mr. Pickering, although there was published in the same Recorder a paragraph, which was calculated to set the character of that meritorious man in a fair point of view.
Mr. Smith was not ignorant that the blackest and most injurious calumnies had been propagated against Mr. Pickering. He knew that Mr. Gallatin had acquitted him. He knew that Mr. Pickering deserved public thanks, and universal private esteem and confidence. He knew, also, that those calumnies had either been circulated, promoted, or countenanced, by "men who have sworn to support the government under which we live." And yet, as to Mr. Pickering, he has said nothing.
Mr. Smith has promised to execute the duties of a censor with temperance , and decorum . Why is it that he did not round his period, and say, with temperance , decorum , and truth ? The public will be under much greater obligations for the promulgation of truth, although the file should be both intemperate and indecorous , than for being misled by falsehood, or misrepresentation, with an invariable regard to temperance and decorum .
Whether Mr. Smith shall deserve the thanks, or the curses of society, for the labours which are promised, will depend altogether on what he shall do. So far as he has gone, it is as yet doubtful whether he deserves most to be pitied or blamed. He never can deserve applause for the suppression, or misrepresentation of truth; and it yet remains to be determined to what classification of character he is to be consigned.
WILLIAM BRANCH GILES.
WE have been informed that William B. Giles, that acme of republican perfection, has arrived in the midst of his dominions. We conclude that he will entertain his subjects for some time, with the many, and wonderfully important things, which he has performed, during the last portentous incubation of congress; and that, at the very moment, while we are writing this, if any one within his realm should dare to pinch him in argument, he will suppy what is deficient, on that side, with his invariable subterfuge, but this is the fact ; and then suppy what is wanting, by something which nobody ever dreamed or heard of before. By this corps de reserve , Mr. Giles can sometimes gain a battle, not because it should be so, but because nobody chuses to contradict him, with equal perseverance.
In using the words dominions, and subjects, we do not mean to impute an unfavorable sentiment towards the respectable people of the district which Mr. Giles represents. We mean only to prompt them to enquiry; to induce them to ask, first themselves, and then one another, the following plain question. Whether that man is fit to represent them in the grand council of this nation, whether he can have a sufficient love for justice, who would not ride a few miles to give his testimony in an important case, when the liberty, the character, the ALL, and perhaps eventually the life of a fellow citizen was in jeopardy? And when nothing was necessary, but to say, in court, before a jury, the same words which he had said before, with all the solemnity which belongs to his character; when that citizen, thus in jeopardy, had done no more than to write down, in plain strong language, a variety of things, which had been before told as facts by this identical William Branch Giles.
The matter is plainly this. A, who is a popular man, tells to B that C had committed a crime. B then sends a subpoena, commanding A to make his appearance, and testify as to the truth of his own assertions. A refuses to come, and leaves B to the mercy of the judges, and the jury, besides the injury

to his character, as a man of truth, by his being unable to support by testimony what he had laid upon the authority of A.
Such is the precise case between Mr. Giles and one of the editors of this paper, in so far as respects the memorable trial against James Thomson Callender, which was conducted by Samuel Chase, and the particulars of which are known to every body.
This being the case, will it not appear to every impartial man, that Mr. Giles either had asserted, as a fact, that which he could not swear to, or that he considered himself as above the law? Nay more, that his humanity was of that avaricious cast, that he chose rather to see an humble, honest, forlorn man in jail for a year, or perhaps for life, than put himself to the trouble of riding a few miles.
Although Mr. Giles is not yet a king, and God forbid that any such man ever should be so, yet according to our idea of that class of beings, he seems well fitted to be one; inasmuch as he thinks that he can do no wrong, that he is above the ordinary process of law, and as he would not deprive himself of a single gratification, to save another from destruction.
The people of Amelia &c. are desired to REMEMBER THIS. If they do so, the questions will sometimes arise whether the man who has done such things, or who is capable of doing them, deserves their confidence? and whether there is not some danger in believing and reporting what may be said by such a man, when it is to be expected, in case of a prosecution, that Mr. Giles would act just as he has done in the case now stated?
If any person shall have the hardihood to contradict us in one single title of this fact, we pledge ourselves to give, in reply, Chapter, Page, and Verse.
We are no strangers to Mr. Giles's real character. We have always regarded him, as one of the most able and useful political partisans, that Virginia ever sent to congress. In this light, we have always considered, and as such have represented him, throughout a variety of publications. But, as a private character, he certainly must have behaved better to most other people than he ever did to Callender, otherwise he would have been shunned and shot at by society, as a savage. We say that he must have behaved better to other people, for, upon this point, we speak only as far as we are authorized by personal experience.
It is now six years and an half, since Mr. Giles attempted to ruin the character and break up the employment of Callender. He did this without one spark of provocation, either of a public or private nature. The particulars will be found in the following extract from the History of the United States , for 1796. From prudent reasons, Mr. Giles is there treated with much more tenderness than he deserved.
As for his refusal to attend, as an evidence, upon the trial for sedition, it is impossible for any human being to vindicate his conduct.
The following extract not only displays a little of the character of Mr. Giles, but affords a picture, which is perhaps amusing, of congress itself. Here it follows:
On the 29th of January, the house went into a committee of the whole, on a report from a committee that had been appointed to find out a shorthand writer who was to take down their debates at full length, and print them. A person had, for almost two preceding sessions, attended the house to take minutes of its proceedings for the Philadelphia Gazette. In this wilderness of scribbling, many particulars transpired, which members were ashamed to confess, and afraid to deny. Four gentlemen were especially irritated, viz. Theodore Sedgwick, Dr. William Smith, Samuel Dexter, and Robert Goodloe Harper. Messrs. Dexter and Sedgwick were not able to forgive the figure that they had made in the nobility debates, as well as on some other occasions. Harper had disputed with col. James White, delegate from Tennessee, on the defence of the South Western frontier; and the particulars, which were not to his advantage, had been related with unfeeling accuracy. But Dr. Smith was by far more rancorous than the other gentlemen collectively. During the debate on Madison's resolutions, Mr. Abraham Clarke of New Jersey said, turning round to his right hand, and looking at Mr. William Smith, that a stranger in the gallery might suppose there was a British agent in the house. The nickname of British agent became general. Mr. Smith was burnt in effigy at Charleston. On the rising of the session, he found it convenient to shun a meeting with his constituents, by a tour for the ensuing summer, into the eastern states. The blame of this whole scandal was imputed to the pen of the guilty-taker of minutes for the Philadelphia Gazette. Influence was employed, but in vain, to procure his dismission. This occurred in January, 1794.
But, on the 2d and 3d of March, 1795, the representatives met in the evening, and some of them being in a state of unusual vivacity, Smith and Dexter arose and complained bitterly of the minutes in the Philadelphia Gazette. Neither of them said, because neither of them durst say, that any thing of their own had been misrepresented. The late Mr. Andrew Brown, knowing that mistakes were
unavoidable, had uniformly advertised that he was ready to receive and print corrections. The two members closed by proposing a resolution for appointing a committee to examine a stenographer. This passed by twenty-eight votes against twenty-six.
All this was in March, 1795. On the 29th of January, 1796, Mr. Giles and Dr. Smith, who had been appointed a committee, reported in favour of Mr. Robertson, a Scotchman, from Petersburg, in Virginia. He demanded four thousand dollars. Congress were to give him two thousand nine hundred, and Mr. Brown undertook for the rest of the sum. The debates were to be printed first in Brown's newspaper. This would likewise answer the object of Mr. Smith, in separating Mr. Brown, and his present reporter.
The plan was attacked from every part of the house, as impracticable, if useful; and as useless, if it could be practicable. Mr. Baldwin said that he had seen many printed sketches of speeches made in that house, and which he would not wish to see better done. Mr. Swanwick had often heard of miscellaneous compositions , but the strangest of all miscellanies that he ever heard of, was for the legislature of a country to run shares with a printer, in the publication of their proceedings. Even Mr. Sedgwick, also, opposed the plan. He honestly said, that gentlemen were apt to get into a passion, and then they were angry at seeing their expressions in print. Mr. Nicholas was for the appointment. He complained that a person who came often to that house, and who had a very good style of writing, once published a speech as his. "The language was much better than I could have made," said Mr. Nicholas, and here the member was mistaken. "The speech did not contain a single sentiment that I would have disowned, but still the speech was not 'mine.'" Mr. Harper attacked the debates in the Philadelphia Gazette, as disgraceful to the country, and full of falsehoods. He prattled away at this rate, for a considerable time. He had never complained of inaccuracy before; and his correction was immediately adopted. Mr. Harper possesses a readiness of invention, and a confidence of affirmation, which the public estimate at their proper value.
Mr. Giles spoke in favour of the report; but he seemed to lose courage, on finding that a large majority in the house entirely disapproved of the plan. He expressed regret at having been concerned in it. As an excuse, he complained, for the first time, of the inaccuracy of the debates. He had never before dropped a hint of that nature. The presumption is, that it was now brought forward to help him out with a lame argument. He felt evident chagrin at finding himself entangled in this prodigal and absurd project. The committee rose without a division. On the 2d of February, 1796, the subject was discharged by a resolution of the house. Mr. Robertson had come three hundred miles, from a lucrative employment, at the particular desire of the special committee, and he had staid in Philadelphia, waiting on this business, at a considerable expence. He was dismissed without compensation. The house ought, at least, to have paid the charges of his journey.
Thus far the printed volume. Mr. Giles was here treated with some delicacy, as the subject respected the individual concerns of the author. In another part of the work, notice is taken of the proposed application to the president for a copy of Jay's instructions . It is therein noticed that Mr. Giles made use of an argument, "which the orator himself held in sovereign contempt, and which every man who heard him knew that he despised."
Mr. Giles has repeatedly taken an oath to support the federal constitution. He disobeyed its orders, by refusing to attend the deputy Marshal to the Richmond trial. By his refusal, therefore, he not only broke the laws of justice, honor, and humanity; but he likewise broke his oath! as a federal citizen.
From the Baltimore Federal Gazette.
Messrs. Yundt & Brown,
HAVING frequently observed, in your Gazette, merit given to Mr. Pickering, for not applying to his own use a gain of 14,000 dollars, made on exchange during the time that he was secretary of state, permit me to observe through the same channel, for the information of your readers, (without any intention of insinuating that Mr. Pickering would have acted dishonestly if it had been in his power) that exchange is an article of commerce, which for some years past has been below par; that it was no more in Mr. Pickering's power to have charged the public more for exchange than he paid, without being detected, than it would be in the power of any officer, employed by government to purchase flour, to charge 12 dollars per barrel for that article, when the price is well known not to exceed 7 dollars per barrel. When bills of exchange are purchased for the use of the government, a bill with a receipt for the amount is delivered by the seller; the bill and receipt are the vouchers for passing the account, at the proper office.
For "The Recorder."
MR. ALBERT GALLATIN.
WHEN Mr. Gallatin was a Member of Congress, he stood in the very front rank of opposition, to every thing which was proposed or advocated by the friends of administration. It was by this means that he obtained a name and an influence among the party which now prevails. His constant song was economy! economy! It was with this view, that he opposed the law which allowed 5000 dollars per annum instead of 3500 to the secretary of the treasury. No arguments no reasons, were listened to. His noise, his clamour were incessant. A great revolution has since taken place, and Mr. Gallatin himself has become secretary of the treasury. This being the case, it might be expected that this political economist ,—this virtuous patriot —this friend of the people —this republican without fault , would have refused to accept of more, for his service, than what he had insisted was sufficient for his predecessors.
But how will his eulogists and admirers be confounded, how will his cloven foot be discovered, when all the world perceives, that they think it right to give, and that he thinks it right to receive the salary, which he thought too much for his predecessors? And will not all the world be astonished at his effrontery, when it is remembered that the opposition to this very measure was among the most popular feathers of his political cap !
How clearly does it appear that the reasons alleged by this man to depreciate his predecessors, did not proceed from a conviction that they were correct; but that they would serve his own purposes! They have done so.
It is impossible to conceive, how Mr. Jefferson can tolerate or countenance such barefaced and matchless contradictions in the same man? Or, how he can permit him to come into his presence?
The truth of the foregoing statement no one who has either eyes, ears, or memory, can doubt; nor can it be denied that the opposite characters which Mr. Gallatin has sustained prove that he has deceived the people, and therefore, that he deserves not their confidence.
What will Mr. Samuel H. Smith, the self-created censor, say to this? He, who has so boldly and so nobly pushed himself into the post of honor, who has promised to detect and expose falsehood , and to inform the ignorant ? If he shall offer a reply, it will be unavailing , unless it shall be supported by something more than temperance and decorum . Mr. Smith will be under the necessity of arming himself with that all powerful weapon called TRUTH .
ON Monday, the 10th current, the editors of the Recorder found it necessary to attend the City Court. Lewis Harvie was to appear upon that day, and if the magistrates thought it proper, he was to find bail for his good behaviour. Vid. the Recorder of the 5th current. In consequence of threats about breaking of bones , and instant death , he and another young man had been apprehended. The person who used the former expression sent a message announcing that he was sorry for what had happened; that as a young man just entering into life, he did not wish to be brought before a Court; and that, if his word could be taken for his peaceable behaviour, he was ready to give it. An answer was instantly returned that his word should be taken ; and farther, that no account of his name, or of his visit, should appear in this paper. In fact, nothing but peace was wanted; for what credit or profit is a printer to look for by squabbling with light-headed boys? At the same time, however, it was necessary to begin, where it was our resolution to end. In a word, it was our duty to shew all clubbluffs , all pugilists , and marksmen , that threats of personal violence did not prevent the shortest method for making an impression upon the file of this paper.
The misbehaviour of this lad, Harvie, had been highly aggravated. He not only threatened instant death , but in a letter, which has already been printed, he repeated his menace upon the following day, after he might have found leisure to hear his father's advice, and to become ashamed of his conduct. He had, also, upon a subsequent day, come down the street accompanied by two other Democrats , with a professed purpose of paying us a visit; and, it was in consequence of this parade, which attracted the notice of several people upon the street, that he, and one of his companions, were taken up. We had been informed, also, of what there was since found reason to believe, that he is bond fide , in the utmost want of personal discretion; and that, if he was not bound over, nobody could answer for what he was capable of doing.
Under these impressions, it was held as proper to bind Harvie over; and if he had consented, in silence, to a step so advisable upon our part, not one word more should have been printed, or even said, upon the matter. Mr. Harvie, however, thought proper to demand proofs of the personal danger. Upon his demand, the writer of this article, pulled out his genteel epistle, and read it to the Court, with a suitable commentary. I (for here it is proper to speak in the first person singular,) observed that the principal
ground of complaint was, my having said that "the young man's father, Colonel Harvie, had frequently been a Federalist." I asked if there was one person that heard me, who dared to contradict this assertion?
Mr. Harvie proceeded to examine Mr. Pace, and myself. He asked a number of silly questions, and said a number of silly things. He informed the court, for instance, that he had been at school with a young man, whom he named. Another young man was his relation. He was in habits of friendship with both. All this was mightily interesting to the court. He described the horror which he felt upon hearing that the constables had been in search of him. He was not used to such kind of people. [It may be so; but if he does not mend his manners, he will soon find himself in much worse company than a constable's, and as for such people, no man would be chosen to their office, by the magistrates, who had not more temper and common sense than Harvie has. By the way, Richmond contains, at this time, a constable, who, as a man of business, and as a gentleman, is altogether superior to this Republican pearl.] He affected to think that the speech in turned commas, which has been given as the substance of his, might, at some future period of his life, be quoted to the disadvantage of his reputation. He has no cause of uneasiness upon that score. The world will never give itself the trouble of enquiring hereafter, what he may have said. But the truth is that he had wanted to make a bustle. He was mortified, perhaps, because we did not, in his capitol exhibition, hail the dawn of his meridian splendor. The speech was spared, at that time, in mercy to his youth. But he discovered a vein of ill nature, which, in close grapple, he is incapable of bearing out; and it was this which induced us to give a slight sketch of his prattle. The sketch, although not hostile, was not very flattering.
In his address to the court, Harvie spoke of Mr. Pace and myself, as men of infamous characters. He dwelt, with particular emphasis, upon my being invulnerable to reproaches of any kind, as being entirely blasted, &c. &c. He urged that the court should take his word of honor for keeping the peace. He added that almost every thing published in the Recorder was a falsehood.
As soon as he had done, I rose and observed that his promise could not be taken , as he had, within the last five minutes, afforded complete evidence that he wanted the veracity of a gentleman, and that his word of honor was, in no respect, fit to be trusted. He had said that Mr. Pace and myself were men of infamous characters. He had said that the Recorder was full of falsehoods. The court was, by this time, tired of the business. The only wonder is that they had suffered Harvie to proceed so long as they did. He found bail.
When this Lewis Harvie shall next address a public audience, he will do well to be cautious of poaching for metaphors in Shakespeare. His pearl more precious than all the Federal tribe is a line botched from Othello. He may rest assured that the logical talents, and the correct file of Mr. George Hay require not an attestation like his . He may rest assured that the constitutional knowledge, the acuteness, the sound judgement, of James Rind are, and forever will be, as much above his rivalry, as the political independence of that gentleman is above the Lilliputian censure of Lewis Harvie. He will do well to remember also, that there is often a wide difference between noise and knowledge; that he, who is ambitious of teaching, must begin by condescending to learn; and that, to become an impressive orator, it is necessary to think, as well as to speak.
It was the more necessary to take up at the shortest cut, such insolent assertions, as those which this fellow made, because the Recorder seems likely to have almost all the newspaper-printers in the country upon its back. What between Cheetham and Dennison at New York, Prentis at Baltimore, Smith at Washington, Davis and the two Joneses in Richmond, and a crowd of other assailants, whom we are expecting to hear from by every post, this provoking sheet of paper promises, in a short time, to be nothing but a scene of hostility. The hacks, upon each side, cannot bear the supposition that there is an editor, who values not either side, or both sides. Perhaps their understandings are too contracted to comprehend the possibility of this kind of editorship. That there may be such a phenomenon is, however, the melancholy fact.
In one of his late eruptions , one of the brother marksmen says that I am welcome to harp upon the editor , "as long as Pace can furnish him with ink to scribble with." If the pecuniary credit of Mr. Pace were in no better condition than that of Skelton Jones, it would indeed be poor enough. While the editors were waiting at court, a judgement went against the two brothers for fifty-five pounds ; and one of the magistrates told us that such circumstances occur against Mr. Jones at every court. In short, Mr. Jones is indebted to as many persons as will trust him; a fact which is known to every constable in Richmond.
Formerly, the public printer's salary was paid in four quarterly instalments. But such was the pressure of Mr. Jones for money that,

last winter, he got an act of assembly pass, for more expeditious payment of his salary. When he went, some time ago, to receive it, he was accompanied by the representative of one of his creditors, by a gentleman, who has worn out no trifling quantity of sole leather, in visits to Mr. Jones. With the remainder of his salary, he set out, quamprimum , for Norfolk, to set up a newspaper.
And there are the people who dare to talk about the credit of Mr. Pace! To save the credit of this very individual MERIWETHER JONES , I did myself, about thirteen months ago, advance a sum of money, which, as it respects the extent of my finances, is considerable. He knows that I neither had, nor could have any motive but compassion, (for gratitude has long since been out of the question) when I committed this act of good nature and of folly. About two months ago, I began to think of getting this money from Mr. Jones. He called at this office. He made an apology for non-payment. He was surprised to hear that I had advanced the money for him; because I had used such a superabundance of delicacy, as not even to tell him that I had served him, till the time when I wished for payment. I sent Mr. Jones, at his desire, a receipt for the money. He returned it with a letter of apology, which I now have, and with a partial payment of ten dollars and an half, marked on the back of the receipt. This is the man, whose friends give out that I am under pecuniary obligations to him, obligations that have been cast in my face, in the most insulting style.
The balance that remains due to me will be sufficient, if I should ever get it, for the purchase of as much ink as any man, at present upon earth, will ever make use of in writing. As Mr. Jones values his soul, or, as he values the memory of his departed character, I dare him to contradict one sentence, one comma, one syllable, of what is here stated.
And for what reason, from what motive, has this man thrust his neck into such a noose of ruin? The cause is even more disgraceful than the consequences. The cause is a huffey as despicable, as the vilest drab, that Africa has ever vomited upon the New World. Cuckoldom is, in any case, an object of ridicule. But think of a husband who quits the embraces of a virtuous and amiable consort, that he may kennel in the lap of prostitution, and of African prostitution! Reflect that the very bunter whom he worships has long since become as common as the bridge of Richmond. Think that he has met with her sooty lover, in the apartments, which he pays the rent of. Behold him kindly drinking wine with the mulattoe footman that has corresponded with her, and with whom Mistress Examiner , as she calls herself, wanted to run off, and leave her republican admirer. This! this is INFAMY! The worst, the deepest, that man can sink to! To describe such a prodigy would require a pen dipped in aquafortis!
IN last week's Recorder, when speaking of the mint, it was remarked that Mr. Jefferson's report to congress, and Mr. Hamilton's act of congress had cost between them, two hundred thousand dollars to this country.
Newspapers are frequently so full of distortions, and fables of every kind, that it is perhaps hard to say whether they do most good, or harm. On this account, we are anxious, as far as possible, to give our reasons and authorities, for every thing which we advance.
The report of a committee of congress, was quoted in our last paper. This document says that on September 30th, 1794, the mint had cost forty two thousand five hundred and seventy-seven dollars, besides the price of the metals, which were coined. Mr. Boudinot states the round expence at twenty-four thousand dollars a year. From September, 1794, to May, 1802, there have elapsed seven years and an half. At this rate, the mint would have cost, within that period, exactly an hundred and eighty thousand dollars. To these, subjoin the previous forty-two thousand. You have then a sum total of loss amounting to two hundred and twenty-two thousand dollars.
But some out of expences were of a nature peculiar to the two first years of the job. Such, for example, was the price of some lands that were purchased. This went to reduce the annual expenditure below twenty-four thousand dollars. On the other hand much more business was done, at the mint, of late years, than formerly. This tended to raise the expence above twenty-four thousand. Consider both sides of the question, and then you will think us authorised in stating that this unlucky report, and this prodigal act must, between them, have caused a loss of at least two hundred thousand dollars. Superadd the positive damage arising from the collection of the money. This, at sixty-six per cent, makes an hundred and thirty-two thousand dollars more. The whole comes to THREE HUNDRED AND THIRTY TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS.
NOTE.
* The particulars on which this computation has been grounded, appear in the Recorder of March 27th.
The Norfolk Herald informs us that Mr. Jefferson is careless in his dress, and that he does not pay suitable attention to his visitors. The article is of some length, and of vast importance; but this appears to be the most splendid portion of its contents.
Now, it falls out, that Mr. Jefferson is a person eminently well bred; and this is known to every one that has been in his company. The first trait that strikes you, says The Prospect , "is an amiable and dignified simplicity." He is sufficiently attentive to dress, and to every one that visits him. But he has too much good sense, too much value for his time, to be strutting round a levee room, with a sword by his side. On this, as on some other quarters, Mr. Jefferson feels himself invincible. Dryden, the great English poet, says that he knew his writings to have many faults; but his enemies had not sense enough to find them out. He is just so with the greater part of those gossiping federal writers. They are eternally mistaking the proper points of attack. The grape shot of the king of Prussia was not heavier, the sabres of his dragoons were not sharper than those of Daun, or of Laudhon. But the king understood, beyond any man of his own, or perhaps of any former age, the science of tactics, the art of making the most of his strength, in a word, the art of choosing the proper point of attack. It was by this means, and only by this means that the Prussians, formerly an obscure people, ascended to an eminent rank among nations. What Epaminondas had been to antient Thebes, Frederick was to the motley dominions of Prussia. It was not by his bravery, and no man ever had more; it was merely by his skill, that Frederick vanquished the impetuosity of France, the savageness of Russia, the valour and the discipline of the German empire.
From this excursion we return to the federal newspapers. The greater part of them have a tolerable command of words. But they have not made themselves sufficiently acquainted with facts. Hence, it arises that they are so apt to invent stories, which we, as good Republican Editors, can so easily knock to pieces. Whereas, if they but knew one tenth part of the recorded truth, of truth, which nobody can deny, Mr. Willet would not be driven to the necessity of telling us, [now don't laugh,] that Mr. Jefferson wears coarse brown stockings, and a pair of old shoes, in a morning, instead of a pair of slippers!
The Norfolk Herald is remarkable for the depth of its researches, the expansion of its ideas, and the brilliancy of its style. A few days ago, Mr. Willet informed his admiring readers that Mr. Gallatin wants most of his fore teeth. He does so; but still he may be a good accompanist, even if he had not one stump in his gums. The Herald announces that Albert is as brown as a man of colour. A man of colour is not brown, but of a dirty yellow. His cheeks have something of the hue of an orange that is half rotten; and such is the colour of Mr. Gallatin. But, if the secretary's face were as black as the heart of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, and that heart is blacker than a crow, what is all this to the public, providing that Gallatin shall perform his duty? The Herald says that Mr. Gallatin is always either smoking, or writing. If he could smoke a hoghead of tobacco per day, what have we to do with it?
Mr. Willet says that Gallatin is a little man, with a monstrous nose. He is of a slender make, of a middling stature, and he flops a little, between the shoulders. His nose is very like the majority of other people's noses. But if Albert's nose, were as big as that of Solomon's Duchess, and her nose, you know, was like the TOWER OF LEBANON! This is a matter of no concern to any body, but those who come within thirty yards of him! In plain terms, and to have done with the subject, Mr. Gallatin is a cold, cunning, timid, interested character, with a great deal of ingenuity, and of diligence. His mind reposes in a centry box. He has some faults, without, perhaps, any positive vices; and he has many valuable qualities, without, perhaps, any positive virtues. This is just the man.
From the AURORA.
"IT appears, that there is a paper published in some part of Virginia, called the "RECORDER," and its Editor is James Thomson Callender ," "author of The Prospect Before Us ," "and it is said, that the author of that paper and book, become the panegyrist of Timothy Pickering . As we have only heard those things, and have not seen the papers, nor received any positive assurance of the facts, we forbear further remarks; but if any friend to the southward will favor us with a communication of the papers and suitable information on the subject, we shall be obliged---and then know what to say---as we can on that subject say perhaps a little in point."
ANSWER TO MR. DUANE.
THE successive defences of Timothy Pic-
kering, that have appeared in the Recorder, were not wrote by J. T. Callender; but by a person who holds many opinions very different from his. The remarks were introduced with a cautionary note, in the first instance, that they came from a Virginian Correspondent ; and, in the second instance, we brought them forward with a severe introductory censure upon the said Timothy. In this day's Recorder, the merit of Mr. Pickering is again defended, and attacked, by different writers. The Recorder is a paper open to both sides of the question, a kind of paper that has been much wanted, and that has hitherto been very favorably received by leading characters among the Republicans.
We have sent Mr. Duane a copy of this number. We expect, as an act of justice, that he will republish this explanation. It is only by chance, when we see the Aurora; so that we should thank the editor for sending us a copy of the republication of this article, if he chooses to make one. But the ground which this paper has taken is already well understood by every person, in whose approbation, or censure, we can feel ourselves materially interested. We could not, if so disposed, do any harm to Mr. Duane; and he can, assuredly, do as little harm to us.
A LITTLE MORE
ABOUT MR. BAYARD, MR. JONES, and MISS SMITH
In the first page of this day's paper, the reader will perceive that our Virginian correspondent has vindicated his defence of Mr. Bayard. Upon this subject, we are now to speak for ourselves.
Mr. Smith is one of the printers to Congress. He received this office under a stipulation which was not perhaps expressed; but which was, at least, very well understood. He was to defend all that wanted defence in the conduct of the present administration; and he was to do all the harm which he was capable of doing to the character of the last one. If he did this with temperance and decorum , so much the better; and he was extremely correct in forbearing to round his period by adding that short but significant word---TRUTH.
If the federal printers understand their business, they will advertise this circumstance all over the continent. They will explain to the American world what credit ought to be given to the assertions of a pensionary printer, who finds himself in the dependent and suspicious situation above described.
We do not affect to blame Mr. Smith for accepting the office of public printer. But so it always will happen while man is man, that interest biases the understanding. Upon this ground, and not from any picque against Mr. Smith, we affirm that his theories and affirmations, his censures, and his encomiums, are all to be taken as those of a bired advocate .
It has become the more essential to make an explanation like the present, in this part of the country, upon account of a recent and strange attempt, which has been made to exalt Mr. Smith above the level of his contemporaries. On the 17th of April last, Mr. Thomas Claiborne, member of Congress, addressed a letter to his fellow citizens of Brunswick district. This letter contains the following queer passage. "If you want truth, good sense, and complete information, take the disinterested paper of Samuel H. Smith, who condescends to nothing low, false or mean. When they abuse him, he leaves it to the good sense of mankind, which, left to itself, will always do him justice. The foundation of his education and manners, has been under the guidance of a father, scarcely equalled, in point of morality and personal virtue, in the present age. I am personally acquainted with him and his family."
When Mr. Claiborne wrote this encomium, we are satisfied that he believed it to be just. While we make this allowance, he will permit us to think differently from him. But as Mr. Claiborne is a gentleman of very inoffensive manners, and, as we take it, of extreme candour, his feelings shall not be wounded by a minute or acrimonious criticism. We only state in general terms, that the panegyric is entirely without foundation. We hope, with Mr. Claiborne, that "the good sense of mankind will always do justice to
"Mr. Smith;" and in doing this justice, they will of necessity condemn a considerable portion, although not the whole, of the original observations, which occur in Mr. Smith's newspaper.
It will hardly be said, and it never can be believed, that the republican party think themselves above newspaper assistance. Mr. Jefferson certainly does not think himself the worse for having it.
We shall try * to find room in the present number for a letter to the public. It will therein appear that, in Spring, 1798, Mr. Jefferson paid SIXTEEN DOLLARS, as his share of a subscription, for an assistant editor to Mr. Bache's Aurora. This fact proves that Republicans do not think themselves above the need of a newspaper auxiliary. It proves, or it goes very nearly to proving, that Mr. Smith must write upon one side, and upon one side only; otherwise he must lose his office. For a person thus fixed to speak of impartiality, offers an insult to common sense. That the labourer may be worthy of his hire, it is necessary that he should work for it.
As for this article concerning Bayard, it is such an absurd self-condemning attack, that if we had not known its author, one might have supposed that it came from the quill of Mr. Jones, or from the reputed assassin of ARMSTEAD SELDEN. Bayard was nominated by John Adams. He was approved by the Senate. He might, of course, have uplifted his eighteen thousand dollars; and we firmly believe that Smith, if in Bayard's place, would have taken the money. He did not take it. For a great part of this person's political conduct, we feel a peculiar, an unqualified, an irrevocable abhorrence. But, in the present instance, a respect for justice compels us to praise him. The verbiage that Smith has attempted to cast upon the business, serves only to discover his incapacity for the task which he has so perversely undertaken. It is not every feminine driveller, whom nature designs to shoot from the quiver of Juvenal, or of Junius. The admirer of a rotten African hag has transplanted this precious commodity from Smith's newspaper to his own. And truly, he did not act amiss; for, when Mr. Jones proceeds upon his own proper fund of intellect, he writes yet more forlornly than Smith himself does.
If Smith feels himself quite as impartial and independent, as he affects to be, why does he not give us the Antifederal , as well as the Federal misrepresentations? The very title of his performance announces it, as the work of party.
If Smith, in this piece upon John Bayard, wanted to injure the character of the federalists, his attack was most wretchedly planned; for, in the act of condemning Bayard, his argument went to prove that the federal majority of the Senate were capable of economy, of principle, and of shame. In attempting to stop one hole, says the proverb, the bungling carpenter made two. But Smith has attempted to make one hole, by attempting to stop twenty.
* Some of our readers do not perhaps know that the first and fourth pages of a newspaper are usually worked of, before the matter of the second and third has been made ready for the press.
[The following article should have been inserted in the second column of page 1st of this day's paper, after the words FAIR PLAY. It was omitted, by mistake, in its proper place.]
FEDERAL MISREPRESENTATION.
Under this characteristic head, it is proposed, in general, with conciseness, to detect and expose those tales, which have been so lavishly imposed upon the credulity of the ignorant. It is deeply to be regretted, that falsehoods of the most baneful nature, should be circulated through the union, and particularly to the extreme parts of the country; where they are not easily corrected. It is still more to be regretted, that those tales should take their origin in the metropolis, and that too many of them should proceed from men who have sworn to support the government under which we live. But the more ostensibly respectable the source from which they emanate, the greater the necessity of correction. This duty shall be discharged, notwithstanding the example that is set, with an invariable regard to temperance and decorum.

WINDHAM, (Connecticut) April 29.
HORRID MURDER.
"Died, at Canterbury, on Wednesday of last week, widow Jerusha Brewster, aged 62—She was poisoned with arsenick—living about eight hours after the fatal poison was taken, in the most extreme and racking pain, but the sympathy of feeling excited by her tortures, are mostly lost in the horror and disgust which seizes the mind, when it is forced to admit that it was done by design. Mrs. Brewster lived in the house with her son in law James Morse, quite unhappily; she had been absent from the family more than a fortnight; she left a bowl of flour in her cupboard, and the morning after her return home, she made some pan cakes of the flour; while she was preparing her breakfast, two of her grand children came into her room, to each of whom she gave a cake. Soon after her daughter, Mrs. Morse, who always treated her mother well, came in with her child of nine months old; she eat two, giving the child a piece, and went out. Mrs. Brewster then began her breakfast, and had nearly done when the children and the mother were taken with puking, the two children first, then the mother and infant. The daughter Mrs. Morse, sent to her mother not to eat any more of the cakes; she came into her daughter's room, and in about five minutes was taken with the most violent and racking vomiting. The physician was called, and by proper antidotes arrested the fatal progress of the poison in Mrs. Morse and her children; but had no efficacy upon the old lady. A jury of Inquest sat upon her body, and gave a verdict of "poison, and by design." The body was opened and a considerable quantity of arsenick taken out. The cakes that remained were examined, and pieces of the poison were found in them. In the enquiry after the murderer, circumstances fixed the public mind on the son in law, Morse.—He has been examined by the civil authority of the town, but no positive evidence appeared then, and he was set at liberty. "Mrs. Brewster's funeral was attended by a vast concourse of people on Friday.—The Rev. Mr. Lee being absent, of whose church she was a member, The Rev. Mr. Waterman, of Windham, preached on the occasion from 2 Cor. 5. 10.—For we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ."
DEDHAM, May 6.
On Tuesday last, at the review in this town, a very melancholy occurrence took place. The Company commanded by Capt. Everett, were going thro' the manual exercise and at the word fire, one of the company not knowing his piece was loaded fired, and shot the Captain dead.
From the Boston Telegraph May 1.
On the 7th of February, 1799, a bill was introduced in Congress for augmenting the salaries of certain officers of government, by Robert G. Harper. This bill was passed, with a limitation of three years. It had of course expired, and the propriety of renewing it was acceded to by all but twenty two members. The following is a list of the officers whose salaries are affected by the bill. The first column exhibits the salaries as they stood before the year 1799; the second, as they were fixed in Mr. Harper's, bill, and the third, as they now stand.
  Secretary of the Treasury, 3500 5000 5000   Secretary of state, 3500 5000 4500   Secretary of war, 3000 5000 4500   Secretary of navy 3000 5000 4500   Comptroller of the Treasury, 2250 4000 3500   Auditor, 1500 3400 3000   Treasurer, 1500 3400 3000   Register, 2000 2800 2400   Attorney general, 2400 3400 3000   Commissioner of the revenue 2400 3400 3000 
  Account. war department, 1200 2300 2000   Account. navy department, 1600 2300 2000   Postmaster general, 2400 3400 3000   Assistant postmaster general. 1200 1700 1700 
Thus it appears that the aggregate amount of the salaries of those officers, instead of having been increased by the late law, is actually 5000 dollars, less than it was under the administration of Mr. Adams.
From the Guardian of Freedom.
FRANKFORT, April 9.
We hear from various parts of the state, that the rains of last week have raised the waters to an unusual height. From Green river we learn that the waters are seven or eight feet higher than ever known; and considerable damage has been sustained therefrom.—The low lands around Bullit's and Mann's licks, are said to be overflowed, and the proprietors of those licks materially injured from the loss of salt, and damage done to the works.—In Shelby county most of the mills, and great quantities of fencing have been swept away, or so damaged as to need considerable repairs.—Since the 1st. inst, scarce a day has passed but the Kentucky river (which has been higher than it was ever known) has exhibited the unpleasant appearance of wrecks of mills, or the fragments of boats and their cargoes, floating on its surface.—Several adventurers are now here, re-packing such parts of their cargoes as have fortunately been taken up.
Form the same.
Saturday last, this place experienced the severest storm of hail that comes within recollection of the oldest inhabitant. The cloud came from the N. W. without the appearance of bringing with it a violent storm. Between 3 and 4 o'clock the hail commenced, which was generally about the size of an ounce ball, but some considerably larger—two or three that were measured, were from five to seven inches in circumference. About the middle of the storm (which continued near half an hour) the wind shifted to a S. S. W. when the hail seemed to descend with increased violence. The destruction of window glass was perhaps rarely ever equalled; there is scarce a house in town the windows of which looked towards the N. W. or S. S. W. but had them nearly demolished. The loss was generally from 10 to 100 lights of glass to each house; some lost as many as 107. Fortunately only one wing of the cloud passed over the town, or it is probable there would not have been a light of glass in the windows after its termination. Sunday evening, about two or three miles from town, where the body of the cloud passed, the hail lay in large quantities, and would measure generally from two to three inches in circumference. On Wednesday, similar storms were experienced in Scott and Woodford counties: but the damage in the country has not been so great as in town.
Yesterday morning a boat which was to take horses to New-Orleans, after a quantity of grain had been put on board and the horses were going in, sprung a leak and instantly sunk. The grain was materially injured, but no other damage sustained.
Ibid.
Extract of a letter from John Brown, dated Washington, March, 1802
"I this evening read a letter written by Mr. Livingston, our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, and dated the 14th of January, 1802, in which he states that Louisiana was ceded in March last to France, and that measures were taking by the First Consul to occupy and secure the possession of that important province."
Ibid.
NATCHEZ, Feb. 17.
Monsieur Ponsalba, brother-in-law of the late governor Miro, writes from
Paris, to his friend in New-Orleans, that the great nation will soon take possession of its ancient domains on the Mississippi and Ohio, as far as Pittsburgh.
Ibid.
From the Rockbridge Repository.
RELIGIOUS INTELLIGENCE.
Extract of a letter from a person in Bourbon County, Kentucky, to a friend in this County, dated Feb. 17. 1802.
"The character of the writer is such as to entitle the facts to full credit."
"An instance of the power of God has lately taken place in our Congregation truly miraculous.—A young woman was struck down at home in the time of family worship, who continued nine days and nights without eating or speaking; on the evening of the ninth day, a number of people collected where she was, for religious worship. There appeared to be an extraordinary outpouring of the Spirit of God. The exercise was wonderful a spirit of prayer was given to the people; after a considerable time the Christians united in a most solemn prayer to God in behalf of the young woman, which was concluded with a petition, that whatever God in his infinite wisdom saw best to do with her, should it be even to remove her from this world, that her mouth might be opened to speak, that she might bear testimony to the faithfulness of God, the reality of his work, &c.—A few minutes after she arose and spoke most beautifully. On being asked as to the state of her body, "she said that she was neither hungry, weak nor sore. Jesus Christ was her meat, and her drink."—During the time above mentioned, she drank a little Tea: she discovered no desire to eat; being urged to do so, she took one bite in her mouth, and her jaws were immediately closed that she could not chew, and with difficulty it was gotten out of her mouth.—The above is an undoubted fact."
EXTRACTS
FROM A REPORT.
By the Committee of Congress appointed to enquire and report whether monies drawn from the Treasury have been faithfully applied to the objects for which they were appropriated, and whether the same have been regularly accounted for; and to report likewise whether any further arrangements are necessary to promote economy, enforce adherence to legislative restrictions, and secure the accountability of persons entrusted with public money."
There are two previous requisites which are necessary to justify the expenditure of public money, and without which no legal expenditure can be made. First, that the expenditure for the object to which it is applied, should be authorised by law; and Secondly, that an appropriation should have been made to cover that authorised expense. In the war and navy departments, this rule does not appear to have been strictly adhered to in all cases: but for the reasons above assigned, the committee have been unable to ascertain how far it has been departed from. The most prominent instances which have yet presented themselves, are herewith stated:
By an act passed on the 25th day of February, in the year 1799, an authority was given to the President of the United States, to cause to be built six ships of war, to be armed with, and to carry not less than 74 guns each, and to build or purchase six sloops of war to be armed with 18 guns each. In part of the necessary expenditures for these objects, a sum not exceeding one million of dollars was appropriated by the same law. And by another act passed on the same day, it was declared that two docks should be erected in suitable places, under the direction of the President of the United States, for the convenience of repairing the public ships, and the sum of 50,000 dollars was appropriated for that purpose, and by another act passed on the same day, the sum of 200,000 dollars was appropriated to be laid out
in the purchase of growing or other timber, or of lands on which timber is growing suitable for the navy, and to cause the proper measures to be taken to have the same preserved for the future uses of the navy. Under this authority, only, the then secretary of the navy expended the sum of 135,846 dollars and ninety-two cents, in the purchase of six navy yards at Portsmouth, Charleston, [Mas.] New-York, Philadelphia, Gosport, [Virg.] and the city of Washington. For this expenditure the committee conceive that no authority was given by law, nor any appropriation made except for the two docks above mentioned, as the sum of one million of dollars was appropriated by the act of 1799, for building or purchasing the ships only, and the sum of 200,000 dollars for the purchase of timber. As public ships of war had been, before, built under a similar authority for the use of the United States, at private yards and as Congress did, at the same time that they authorised the building or purchasing the ships provide for the erection of two docks only, the committee are of opinion that four of the navy yards were purchased without authority and the money misapplied, which was paid for them.
In the war department there likewise appears to have been a transaction equally unauthorised. In the year a pile of buildings was commenced under the direction of the then secretary of war, on the banks of the Schuylkill near the city of Philadelphia, which have since been carried on in a manner highly expensive. These buildings have been called a Laboratory, and although yet in an unfinished state, have already cost the United States 152,608 dollars and five cents, which sum has been paid out of the appropriations heretofore made for the quarter-master's department. The committee are of opinion that this expenditure of money could not be justified at any time, but more particularly at a moment when the United States were borrowing money at a high rate of interest to meet objects which the legislature considered as necessary, and had sanctioned by law.
It appears, from a document herewith exhibited and marked P. that Mr. Tracy, was appointed "to visit and examine into the actual state of the garrisons, Indian trading houses, factories &c. in the North Western Territory, on the Mississippi and on the frontiers of Tennessee and Georgia," and that Mr. Tracy received for this service the sum of one thousand nine hundred and eighty five dollars and five cents, 753 dollars and five cents being for travelling and other incidental expenses, and twelve hundred and thirty two dollars for his compensation, from the sixteenth of June to the sixteenth of November, in the year one thousand eight hundred, at eight dollars per day. From the account exhibited by Mr. Tracy for his expenses, it will be seen that during these five months he visited Pittsburgh, Presque Isle, Niagara, Detroit and Michillimachinack, but did not fulfil the other objects of his mission.
The committee cannot forbear to remark, that Mr. Tracy's acceptance of this appointment has the appearance at least of inconsistency with that part of the constitution which provides that "no person holding an office under the United States shall be a member of either house of Congress." Mr. Tracy was at the time of receiving the appointment, during the whole of its continuance, and has ever since been a member of the senate of the United States; and from an inspection of the pay roll of the senate, the committee find that for the last seventeen days of the five months of his service, under the above appointment, he not only has his expenses borne by the public to a considerable amount, and received likewise eight dollars per day, but that he at the same time received, as a member of the senate, six dollars per day for travelling from Litchfield in Connecticut, to the seat of government; a distance of three hundred and forty four miles twenty miles being allowed for travelling one day.