Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-05 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1480.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
By authority.
AN ACT Extending the right of suffrage in the Mississippi territory; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That every free white male person in the Mississippi territory, above the age of twenty-one years, having been a citizen of the United States and resident in the said territory, one year next preceding an election of Representatives, and who has a legal or equitable title to a tract of land, by virtue of any act of Congress, or who may become the purchaser of any tract of land from the United States, of the quantity of fifty acres, or who may hold in his own right a town lot of the value of one hundred dollars, within the said territory, shall be entitled to vote for Representatives to the general assembly of said territory.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the general assembly of the territory aforesaid, shall have power to apportion the representatives of the several counties therein, or which may hereafter be established therein, according to the number of free white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years, in such counties: Provided, That there be not more than twelve nor less than ten of the whole number of representatives, any act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding, until there shall be six thousand free male inhabitants of full age in said territory; after which time the number of representatives shall be regulated agreeably to the ordinance for the government thereof.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the citizens of the said territory, entitled to vote for representatives to the general assembly thereof, shall, at the time of electing their representatives to the said general assembly, also elect one delegate from the said territory to the Congress of the United States, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the delegates from the several territories of the United States, any thing in the ordinance for the government of said territory to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO. CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. Jan. 9, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
SPEECH
OF ALEXANDER SMYTH, Esq.
In the House of Delegates of this Commonwealth—Concluded.
It has been said that ours is a government of checks and balances, and that the judiciary is a constitutional check on the legislature. I do not understand the design of the constitution to be, that one department of power should check or control another department of power. On the contrary I understand the departments are to be separate and distinct. If one department of power can interfere with the exercises of another, it is confusion. Each department of power has checks within itself. Thus in the exercise of the judicial power, the supreme court checks the inferior courts. In the exercise of executive power, the Senate are sometimes a check upon the President. And in the exercise of legislative power the two houses are checks on each other, and the President on both. These are the checks and balances provided by the constitution. The different powers are essentially distinct, and it is evidently the design of the constitution to keep them so. For their union constitutes despotism. And if a small body of men holding their offices for life, independent of every other body of men, and of the nation, have a right to establish rules for the exercise of the legislative, executive and judicial powers, and to decide on the acts of each in the dermier resort , then despotism is established. The judges of the supreme federal court, are the supreme rulers of the nation.
The consequences of the power claimed by the judges, deserve the most serious attention. Suppose a new social contract between a prince and people, a part of which should be that the people should choose legislators and the prince judges; whether would it be safest for the people that the judges chosen by the prince should have power to decide on the constitutionality of the acts of the legislators, or that the people themselves should judge of the constitutionality of those acts? In such a society would not the advocates for monarchical power contend that the prince's servants should fix the meaning of the social contract; & the advocates of democratic power contend that the people's representatives should possess that right, and exercise it, responsible to the people? Names do not alter the nature of things; and you may compare this supposed case with the actual situation of the United States. There has been a time when all the judges of the supreme federal court held their offices from the gift of the ruling President. A like case may again happen. Judges might powerfully second the designs of an ambitious President. Then shall men, elected by the President, decide on the meaning of the constitution, without any appeal, or shall men elected by the people and the state governments decide, subject to the revision of their constituents?
It is asked, what shall be done if congress violates the constitution? For instance, suspend the writ of Habeas corpus when
there is no invasion or rebellion. I answer, the people will change their Representatives, the states their Senators, and the law will be repealed. But this is putting an extreme case, which may never happen. I ask you, should a power to annul the acts of congress be conceded to the courts, what is to be done if the judges, in violation of the constitution, should declare the revenue laws not "propter," and therefore void, and congress satisfied they were right, should pass no other, and leave the dispute to be settled between the judges and the nation? A wrong opinion entertained by congress could soon be rectified by a change of that body; a wrong opinion entertained by the supreme federal court might remain unchanged for half a century. An intentional violation of the constitution by congress and the President, is about thirty times less probable than such a violation by the supreme federal court. In the one case only three men are to violate their sacred trust; in the other about ninety. And as to cases where it is doubtful whether the act of congress is constitutional or not, the court should presume that congress have not exceeded their powers.
Having presented you with an argument against the power claimed by judges, I proceeded to show that whether it be a constitutional, or usurped power, its proper exercise should be under the control of the nation. By maintaining false legal doctrines the judges may prove exceedingly dangerous. They are not less so, when they act as political preachers. Political preaching from the bench, alone, is a reasonable cause for removal of a judge. We have seen them laboring as the zealous Apostles of principles deemed by a majority of the nation hostile to liberty.
The judges of the supreme federal court lay down rules by which all the branches of the government are to be bound. It is of the utmost consequence that those rules should be the dictates of wisdom. The wisdom of the whole nation is more to be relied on than that of three men in the supreme court perhaps superannuated, and whose patriotism and integrity may be suspected. The nation will never be in its danger. In it there will always be great numbers of men of sound understanding, and uncorrupted principles. In the supreme federal court, perhaps not one. The nation will be under no undue bias; the judges may be actuated by a factional desire to counteract the other branches of the government.
It is impossible in considering this question to avoid reflecting on some past circumstances. We are bound to avail ourselves of the light of experience. Government was instituted for the purpose of securing justice. Ours is imperfect if it does not answer that purpose. Whatever be the institution if it does not answer the purpose intended, it ought to be altered. If those who have gone before us on the political theatre were mistaken, when they adopted the constitution, in their expectation that it would "establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, and preserve the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity," it is our duty to rectify their errors. We have the same right to amend the constitution that they had to make it; and we have experience of its defects, which they had not.
The supreme court have so proceeded uniformly, as to degrade every branch of the government but their own. Soon after the establishment of that court, they decided that the state governments were subservient to them, and endeavored to prove that there was really no difference between the government of a sovereign state, and that of a corporate town. The consequence of that usurpation was an explanation of the constitution by way of amendment. The nation has seen in what way criminal prosecutions have been managed, with a view to prop the authority of one administration, or to bring into contempt that of another.
It is better to prevent an injury than to punish it. If you have a servant that you suspect means to poison you, must you keep him until he effects it? If the nation should ever believe a judge has traitorous designs would it not be "folly and madness" to keep him in office until he has an opportunity to destroy the nation? You employ a physician, a lawyer, an overseer; you dismiss him if you suspect he is incapable, or unfaithful. You do not call for proof of his criminality. Has he a right to complain that you have judged in your own cause, and not given him a fair trial in court? It is you only who ought to judge in your own affairs. If you dismiss him without a reasonable cause, you injure yourself. So if the nation ever should cast off a judge without a reasonable cause, the nation only would be injured. The office is not created for the individual who fills it, but for the nation. Their opinion of truth and justice would direct them how to act, and they ought to be at liberty to follow it.
There is much less danger that Congress should usurp power than that the federal courts should. Because the court will consist of a small number, and the power usurped is to continue for life. Congress will be a numerous body, the power of any one of the number will be small, and to be executed for a short time only. They will have no interest, or ambitious motive, to govern them. They will consult only the interest of the people, in which their own will be comprised.
A power to dismiss the judges is necessary to be placed somewhere, even though they have committed no crime or misdemeanor. The opinions of a judge may be a reasonable cause of removal. I contend that "the safety of the people is the first law." If then the opinions of a judge have
a tendency to destroy the state, his removal on account of those opinions is proper, and ought to be provided for. It is not now provided for. A judge can only be removed for crimes or misdemeanors. The judgment rendered by a judge can be no misdemeanor, if agreeable to his conscientious opinions. I would have no man punished for his opinions. But as they constitute a very sufficient reason for refusal of office, so, in some cases, they ought to be a sufficient ground of removal.
I hope it is unnecessary for me to say that I do not mean such differences of opinion as exist between the different political parties in this country. I will put a case or two, that I may be fully understood.
While there was a pretender to the British throne, would a judge have been permitted to continue such, whose conscientious opinion was that the pretender's claim was good, and that the acts of parliament to which he did not assent, were unconstitutional, and void? Ought such a judge, whatever his integrity might be, to have been kept in office under the existing government? Certainly not. He ought not to have been punished for his own opinion, but he ought to have been removed from an office, which his opinions disqualified him to fill.
Judge Hale in the time of Cromwell declined, as it is said, to sit as a judge of the court of king's bench; because in his opinion, Cromwell had no good right to the sovereign power. He acted right. Suppose he sat in the king's bench, and there given a conscientious opinion, that as Cromwell had no good right to sovereign power, every war against the existing government was not treason, ought he to have been kept in office? Certainly not. His opinions were dangerous, and might have been fatal to the safety of the state.
I contend that any opinion destructive of the nation's rights, of which the nation should be the judge, should be a cause of removal of a federal judge from office.
Suppose a federal judge should now be of opinion, that the heirs of lord Grenville own a large part of North Carolina, Tennessee and Louisiana, that the Yazoo and other companies own the Mississippi Territory and that the Indiana company own the northern counties of this state and the western counties of Pennsylvania. Suppose also that the people and their representatives should be conscientiously of a different opinion; ought not the nation to have power to remove a man, whose opinions should have a direct tendency to endanger his country's liberties, and destroy her essential rights?
The nation which must keep in office, a man whose opinions are favorable to its enemies, and injurious to its own rights does not possess the power necessary to protect itself.
A judge ought to be impeached by the people to whom he is to administer justice, and whose government he is to protect against errors. Our laws from the multitude of adjudged cases, are extremely intricate and ambiguous. It was said some ages past of the laws of England, that "men of wit and learning may find what will serve for a presence, to justify almost any judgment they have a mind to give." If such was then the uncertainty of the law, it will follow that with us, at this time, a judge may give almost any judgment he pleases, and justify it by precedent and sophistry.
A power to remove is necessary; he cause conviction does not uniformly follow guilt; and "conviction" is required by the constitution. There are many cases wherein a prosecution fails, without establishing the innocence of the accused.—Smith and Ogden were acquitted of a misdemeanor in preparing the means of Miranda's expedition. Geo W Swinney was acquitted of poisoning Mr. Wythe. The charge of treason against Aaron Burr was dismissed. But public opinion has declared each of these persons guilty. Had any one of them been a federal judge, would it not have been proper that there should have been, some here, a power to remove them without conviction? If so, a power to remove ought to be granted.
The power of removal may safely be entrusted to congress. If the two houses concur in any act it cannot be regarded as the act of a faction. It must be regarded as the act of the nation. Public opinion will protect judges from unjust oppression. They who, without a reasonable cause, remove an able and upright judge, may dread the displeasure of the people.
It is essential to the liberties of a nation that they should have power to change their rulers. It is not that an actual change is necessary, but it is the power easily and quietly to make the change, whenever they please, that is necessary. Shall a people have a right to change a president, a congress, a host of legislators, and executive officers, but no power, without a revolution to remove from the office of a judge, a simple coward, a madman, or an artful protractor of traitors? Must the whole nation, against its will, submit to the doctrines and principles of the federal judges, suffer them to contaminate the streams of justice, and control the legislature and executive departments? The nation is now obliged to
submit; but ought not any longer to be obliged to submit.
Some gentlemen suppose that the reputation of a federal judge is a sufficient guarantee for his faithful performance of his station: But the contrary has appeared in the cases of Chase and Pickering. It has appeared in one thousand instances, that a regard for reputation is no security against usurpation or abuse of power.
And to a federal judge, reputation is of less importance than to any body else. He has an office for life, from which the nation cannot remove him, if he is cautious enough to furnish them with legal evidence of his criminality. He has a liberal salary, which cannot be diminished, and his ambition is gratified by the highest office in his country: An office from which he looks down with proud contempt on the president, whose acts he annuls at pleasure. If you would make reputation of some importance to a federal judge, pass the amendment proposed. And then a fair reputation will be really important to him. It will be necessary to keep him in office.
By giving congress the power to remove, the judge will be placed in the situation wherein he ought to stand. Judges appointed by the president ought not to be removable by him. If they were they would be too dependent on his will. As the president appoints, let congress have the power of removal. The president being the prosecutor of supposed offenders, might be displeased with a just opinion in favor of a defendant, and under an undue bias, remove an upright judge. And where an unrighteous opinion was given against some state prisoner, the president might be pleased with it, and protect the unjust judge.
It has been the policy of Virginia to place public officers under the inspection and control of the legislature. Several of her officers are now elected annually, who formerly were appointed for an indefinite time. If it is true that magistrates are public servants, the republic ought to possess the same power as an individual, to dismiss the incapable, the worthless, the suspected servant.
I therefore hope that the resolution under consideration will be agreed to by the committee.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
TUESDAY Jan. 26
Mr. Mumford, brought forward a memorial from the merchants of New-York, praying to be allowed further time to obtain the benefit of drawbacks, &c. which was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Morrow offered the following resolution, which was agreed to:—Resolved that the committee on public lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of extending the time for issuing and locating of military land-warrants, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Findley offered the following resolution, which was ordered to lie on the table. Resolved, that an assistant clerk be appointed by the house, who during the necessary absence, as in case of the death of the clerk, shall perform the duties of the said clerk, and for the faithful performance of the said duties shall be responsible to the house.
Mr. Gardiner, offered a resolution, directing the secretary of state to present the house with a statement of the names and places of abodes of persons, who have obtained patents, and the time they were issued, from the first of January 1806, to the 31st of December, 1807, inclusive—Agreed to.
Mr. Newton from the committee of commerce and manufactures reported a bill, allowing the importation of old copper free of duty. Referred to a committee of the whole house.
The house went into a committee of the whole on the Militia Bill. Mr. Clay, and R. Nelson, spoke at length in favor of classing the militia, as proposed by the bill; and Messrs. Varnum, (Speaker) and Vandike against it. The committee of the whole then rose, and reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Mr. Bassett, from the select committee, reported a bill concerning public contracts, which was referred to a committee of the whole house.
WEDNESDAY, January 27.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved for the order of the day on the bill from the Senate for increasing the military peace establishment of the United States.
[This bill contemplates the raising one battalion of riflemen, one battalion of cavalry, one regiment of infantry, and the increasing the number of men in each company now in service to the number of one hundred and twenty.]
Mr. Nelson moved that its future consideration be postponed till the first March. Mr. Chandler wished the gentleman to alter his motion so as to let it lie on the table.
Mr. Nelson. I cannot consent, for this reason: I expect to be absent for some time, and whenever the bill is called up, I wish to make some few observations upon it.
Mr. Chandler. I am opposed to taking up the bill at this time, because it will depend upon circumstances whether we ought to act on it or not. If we have peace with the powers possessing territory adjoining to us, it is unnecessary to add to our peace establishment, it being a subject on which we should be extremely cautious. Circumstances might arise which would render it necessary to add to our peace establishment before the first of March.
Mr. W. Alston. The views of both gentlemen would be answered by the bill's being referred to a select committee to examine into the propriety of passing it, which would be preceded by a postponement or by its lying on the table.
The Speaker. The bill has been already referred to a committee of the whole house; and therefore cannot at present be referred to any other committee.
Mr. Nelson. This bill sent down from the Senate contemplates adding a very small number of men to the peace establishment of the U. S. It is a little trifling bill which does not deserve countenance. On this great continent where there are now so few troops, it is contemplated to make to them an addition of two battalions, and increase the number of men in each company to one hundred and twenty. Such an addition will be but a drop of water in the ocean; the country will not feel the effects of it; it will be doing nothing. It is doing business by halves—a petty miserable measure, of which the United States will never feel the benefit. I have another objection. The committee to whom was referred the other day a resolution for increasing our war establishment, are prepared to report a bill to the House for that purpose. If the bill so to be reported shall pass, it will be unnecessary to pass this bill; because we shall be in war, and have no occasion for a peace establishment. It will be better to let this miserable going lie on the table, or postpone it till we see whether or not we shall pass the war bill. If that does not pass, little as this thing is, and much as I despise the principle of it, gentlemen may take their own way with it; but if the war bill does pass, certainly this should not.
Mr. Desha. The gentleman is mistaken as to the contents of the bill, for there are three instead of two regiments to be raised; and these are essentially necessary, whether we have war or not. Take into view the city of New-Orleans; unthreatened without, and we know it is said to be disaffected within, it is an object of the greatest consequence to the U. States to retain it in its neighborhood, whether in peace or war. I am opposed to postponement, though I should have no objection to its lying on the table.
Mr. Nelson. I should be very sorry if it is indeed necessary to keep a standing army to take care of New-Orleans. If the citizens of that city are so depraved as not to be kept in order without a military force among them, I wish I had never heard of them.
Mr. Desha. The gentleman has misunderstood me. I mean that they are so divided, that they may not be united to defend the place sufficiently against a foreign enemy; and advantage will be taken of this circumstance. New-Orleans is a very vulnerable point, and of as much consequence perhaps as any port in the U. S. and I believe it is necessary that there should be a strong garrison kept there at all times.
Mr. Dawson. A few days ago the House unanimously passed a resolution for increasing the military establishment of the U. S. having reference as I had supposed, to a war establishment; in pursuance of which, I am now prepared to report a bill, which, if passed, will render unnecessary the bill I therefore wish this business to lie on the table.
Mr. G. W. Campbell. I believe that we can act upon this subject as well at this time as at any other. The arguments of the gentleman from Maryland prove, if anything, that this bill may be immediately decided. He tells us, if we have war, this is nothing; if we have no war, it is not necessary to increase the peace establishment. & therefore, we can decide upon it now. I am not prepared to say that this addition ought to be made, but don't know why gentlemen should call this so little a thing. From the general features of the bill it is evidently intended to produce an addition to our peace establishment. My idea of it is, that it is intended to provide, as well against the hostility of the Indians on our frontier, as against the marauding parties of any foreign power. I think it a questionable point, whether our extended frontier does not require an additional force. You have been frequently told in the House that the Indians have of late threatened much; that the population of the territory of the U. S. in their vicinity is small and much scattered. This subject should be brought before the House, when also I should wish to hear what information gentlemen can offer on the subject.
Mr. Data. Perhaps it might be as well to refer this bill to a select committee, and therefore to vote against the present motion. Although the Gai of the bill be, "A bill supplementary to an act entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States," and although the first section provides for the erection of some forces in addition to our present peace establishment, I really never have imagined, when troops were raised for peace, that it would be contrary to law for them to fight in case of war. I did conceive that when on our peace establishment they could as well fight as if raised expressly for war.

If therefore there should be danger on our frontier, and if it is supposed that the regular forces there placed as a security against annoyance are not sufficient, and that more are necessary to preserve peace, I do not see any impropriety in raising an additional number; such as gentlemen from that part of the union, possessed of better means of information than myself, seem to imagine it to be at least worthy of consideration, I am not anxious for postponing it. The honorable gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon) seems to suppose that there is not more difference of opinion than there is in other parts of the United States between federalists and republicans. I fancy the gentleman must take these terms in a sense very different from that which is derived from a most authentic source; for, from very high authority the nation has been told that "we are all federalists; we are all republicans." If we are all of one character, we are certainly not contending one against the other; the gentleman's words must therefore convey a meaning different from this highly authentic definition. Could any one imagine that if one character is here applicable to all, though possibly there may be some slight shade of difference, that there is no more difference of opinion in the territories? As respects the inhabitants of some of these territories, biased by strong monarchical attachments, their habits of life have rendered them liable to foreign influence in a much greater degree than the people within the old U. States. It is therefore peculiarly necessary that this part of the country should have the assistance of regular troops to repel invasion.
Mr. Witherell. This postponement of business looks too much like getting rid of it altogether. I think we shall not be in a better situation to decide on the necessity for adopting this bill on the first day of March than we are now. If it should lie on the table or be left within our reach, I am not afraid that we shall lay violent hands on it. We are not generally in such a hurry to get through business that we tear it to pieces in getting hold of it. As this is the first time the subject has come under notice, I am as perfectly incapable of deciding on the bill as when it first came from the Senate. I should wish it to lie on the table, or that it may be referred to a select committee.
Mr. Rhea. I am as much opposed to a standing army as any gentleman in the House; but I shall act as I think right at this time, leaving other gentlemen to do the same. There may be times at which a larger military force is necessary than at others; and the present may be one of those times. An objection has been made to the bill because the number is too small. I do not know whether I shall give my vote for raising all the men proposed by the bill; but part of them are necessary. An objection has been made to the bill because it contemplates an addition to our peace establishment. As I consider that we are now approaching to a state of war, I do not see how the number proposed in addition to our present establishment can be objected to. If this number be raised, or even a further additional number, the number to be raised on a war establishment would be by so many diminished. It is well known that a bill has been passed this session, appropriating a sum of money for erecting and repairing fortifications. If erected they must be garrisoned; and although the number proposed may be considered as now too large, yet, when we advert to those places necessary to be garrisoned, they will not appear to be too many; and when we consider our extended frontier, more may be necessary, if only to guard against incursions of the Indians. I shall vote against the postponement of the bill, and hope it will be now considered: the committee now said to be about to report on a war establishment, may accommodate the number of men to be employed to the number to be raised by this bill for the peace establishment. For another reason I shall vote against postponement: I shall take into consideration every thing which comes before us on the principle of national defence, and make the best of it I can; and I shall consider this measure in that light. What may be the fate of the bill for a war establishment, to be reported by the committee, I do not know; and therefore intending to vote for every thing however small towards the great project of national defence, I shall vote against a postponement of this.
Mr. Rowan. The whole northern boundary of Orleans, the Indiana and Michigan territories, and the St. Louis country, are all exposed; and although the Indians may, in the prevailing language of the day, look up to their great father, much alarm has been excited in that country, special missionaries have been sent to enquire into the cause of their tumultuous aggregation, and it is not now known for what purpose they are convened. While that country is in its present unsettled state, until its population is such as to repel the attacks of the Indians, it is prudent to have a small force to co-operate with the militia. It is important that there should be a force established at Orleans for a while; it is the key to the whole western country. Men may talk of patriotism; but it must be known, that any power which possesses the mouth of the Mississippi river, will possess the whole western country. The amor patriae will do very well in theory; but in practice it often yields to private interest. The people in that country are much disaffected; their habits are not American or republican, but lead them to favor monarchical governments. In addition to this they have various causes of discontent. It is necessary to have a military force there, not to keep the people in order, but to prevent a foreign power from taking advantage of the dispositions of the people and using them to its own advantage. It certainly would be a desirable object for any foreign power to possess New Orleans. It will be known by an enemy that if they can once take footing in it, they can keep possession a sufficient length of time to allow them to receive reinforcements before it could be wrested from them by a force from the U. S. It would be well that the people should be assured that the country will be maintained in our possession. The time is not remote, I hope, when a chain of population will extend from the U. S. to New Orleans; but
ill that time, and more especially from the ease with which possession of the place once had can be maintained, it won't be good policy to have there some regular troops, and to control any disposition which exists against the interests of that country and of the U. S. Gentlemen ought not to be so much alarmed about raising an army. We seem unwilling to have them because they have ministered to the prostration of the liberties of the people, and served as an instrument to tyrants. But such an effect is only produced by an abuse of a great good; it is necessary to maintain our government and it may give a tyrant predominance and render him despotic. Let us take care not to abuse a thing which is useful; but not decline to use a weapon because its use may be perverted. We can disband an army when it becomes necessary. We have shown our power in this by an actual exercise of it; but, no doubt, had the same circumstances existed then that exist now, the army would not have been disbanded; we had not then this western country; this new world, if I may so express it. I beg gentlemen to consider the projects which have been attempted to the westward; they are worthy of the most serious attention. It has been said that the military were competent to defeat that of Aaron Burr. I wish to God it had been the case, and that it had not been necessary to violate the constitution to defeat that project. I would rather have maintained any given military force than sanction the violation of the constitution and of individual right. As to savages—gentlemen who do not live in the neighborhood of savage tribes cannot conceive the feelings of those who do, and who have still fresh in their recollection the ravages and depredations committed by these savages. It is of importance to keep up such an establishment as shall give tranquility to the feelings of the people there. The force contemplated by the bill, small as it is, may form many rallying points round which the population could collect themselves for immediate defence. At all events I think it is imprudent to postpone this bill to so late a period in the session. It may happen that in a very short time some forces may be required in the neighborhood of the lakes, to secure them from the savage tribes. We are in their neighborhood; we have no security that their attachment to America is permanent; they are capable of being excited by any person who will take the trouble, and who has influence. I am myself opposed in general to a standing army. I believe the citizen militia of America are competent to the preservation of good government and quelling insurrection; but are not properly calculated or used for protection against savages or for the defence of New Orleans. This place is near the Savannah, and our relations with that government are not very stable. My object is to prevent that place from coming into the possession of an enemy; and therefore wish to keep this bill at least within the power of the House.
Some further debate took place, when the question on postponement was decided in the negative—67 to 40.
THURSDAY, January 23. The House met. Mr. Southard. The melancholy duty devolves upon me to announce to the House the death of my colleague, Mr. EZRA DARBY, late a member of this House, from New Jersey. On motion of Mr. Holmes, Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a Representative from the state of New Jersey. Messrs. Southard, Masters, Porter, Helms, Newbold, and Lambert form the committee. On motion of Mr. Blount, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will testify their respect for the memory of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a member of their body, by wearing crape on their left arm for one month. On motion of Mr. Holmes, Resolved unanimously, That the members of this House will attend the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq. on to-morrow at 12 o'clock. On motion of Mr. Nicholas, Resolved unanimously, That a message be sent to the Senate to notify them of the death of Ezra Darby, Esq. late a member of this House, and that his funeral will take place to-morrow at 12 o'clock. Mr. Helms. In order to give time to make preparations for the last offices to our friend, I move that the House now adjourn—Agreed, nem. con. and the House adjourned at about half past 11 o'clock.
TRENTON, January 25. COMMON QUESTIONS, AND PROPER ANSWERS. When did leading Federalists first take up Aaron Burr? When he tried to climb over Mr. Jefferson's head to the Presidency. When did they discard him? On his killing their idol Hamilton, in a duel. When did they a second time take him into their favor? As soon as he was discovered plotting against the "Peace, Union, and Liberties" of the U. S. When did federal papers first denounce Gen. Wilkinson as a Traitor? The moment when he defeated the Conspiracy of Burr. When did Randolph first accuse Wilkinson to Congress of treachery? A day or two after Wilkinson had challenged him, and he had refused to meet him. Did Wilkinson appear to be afraid that his conduct should be investigated? No—he has often challenged his enemies to investigation and finally solicited of the President an enquiry. When is it alleged Wilkinson's Treason took place? Ten or fifteen years ago. Was nothing said about it at the time? Yes—Gen. Washington was informed of it while he was President, but appears to have convinced himself of his innocence, for he continued him in office. President Adams was also acquainted with it; and some investigation took place, the result of
which was an explicit declaration that he believed him to be innocent, and to deserve well of his country. Was any information ever lodged against him with Mr. Jefferson? It is believed there was not. What is Wilkinson in politics? He is thought to be a Republican now; but during the administration of Washington and that of Adams was a warm Federalist.—True American.
PETERSBURG, January 27.
THE EMBARGO. Daily experience convinces us, that there are men in this country—men who live and prosper under the protection of our laws—whose cupidity knows no bounds, and whose only aim is the accumulation of wealth, heedless of those political principles, and obligations of national law, which govern other men in their ordinary transactions.
A fact, which we are going to relate, has confirmed this opinion. A large sea schooner named the Good Intent (was there ever a name so perverted to evil purposes?) has, within a short time past, cleared out for Boston, loaded with 1000 bbls. flour. The necessary oaths were taken by the owner and captain, that the cargo should be re-landed within the U. States.
The vessel was permitted to depart, and no one (except the owners) not even the captain, dreamt of a cheat. The Good Intent proceeded to sea—about 3 leagues from the cape of Virginia, she was overtaken by a pilot boat, and the original captain and crew piratically forced from on board, and a new captain and hands took possession of the vessel, and changed her route evidently for the West Indies.
If we can procure a correct and complete statement of the transaction, we promise to publish the names, and hold those men up as infamous, who shall be concerned in this foul proceeding. Will the collector again receive their oaths? We imagine not.
NORFOLK, Jan. 30.
The sloop Diana, Capt. Newman, belonging to Alexandria, on her homeward passage from the Havana to Alexandria, with a cargo of Sugar and Molasses, was on Sunday night last cast away on Cape Henry, where the vessel and cargo were totally lost, and every person on board perished except Mr. Patten, the owner, who is now in this Town.
REPUBLICAN MEETING.
At a general and full meeting of the Republicans of the city of New-York, regularly convened by public notice, at Martling's long room, on Monday evening, January 13, 1808.
DE WITT CLINTON, Chairman. JAMES TOWNSEND, Secretary.
The following resolutions were unanimously passed: 1st. Resolved, That we retain the most full and undiminished confidence in the wisdom, patriotism and integrity of the president, vice president, and the congress of the United States.
2d. Resolved, That approving of the measures which the administration have pursued, we have seen with regret and indignation, that certain public prints (and some of them affecting to speak the sentiments of "NINE-TENTHS" of the citizens of New York) have stigmatized the general government, and attributed the measures of security which have been adopted, to the "undue influence and interference of one of the belligerent powers." These not being the sentiments of the republicans of this city, we feel ourselves called upon by the ties of honor and duty to the general government, in justice to our own feelings, and for the information of our fellow republicans elsewhere, to declare in this explicit and public manner, that the slanders circulated, of "FRENCH INFLUENCE" are in no wise credited by the republicans of New York; but on the contrary, we believe them to be base and infamous calumnies, destitute of the semblance of truth, and which have no other effect on our minds than to excite a just contempt and abhorrence of the authors and propagators.
3d. Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that the period has arrived when it becomes the duty of every American citizen, to submit to all deprivations consequent to the measures government may adopt to redress the violated honor of our country; and, therefore, the citizens here assembled, solemnly pledge themselves to meet every exigency which may result from the measures government may think proper to adopt, to obtain ample reparation for the past, and security against future wrongs.
4th. Resolved, That we sincerely sympathise with our fellow citizens, in this and the other states, who in common with many of ourselves, do, and may experience inconvenience, and in some instances distress, in consequence of the present Embargo. But when from information publicly and abundantly received, it appears that we had no alternative but a choice of evils, we have no hesitation in declaring, that we approve of the course which government has pursued, & we are ready to make ANY SACRIFICE in defence of our rights, or, to avenge the insults offered to our country.
5th. Resolved, That the proceeding of this meeting be published in all the public papers printed in this city. By order of the meeting, DE WITT CLINTON, Chairman. JAMES TOWNSEND, Secretary.
From the Petersburg Intelligencer.
That General Wilkinson has received money from some agent of the Spanish government, we believe he does not deny; but he declares it to have been the proceeds of a commercial speculation; and not a donative to withdraw him from his allegiance. In support of this assertion, several pieces have already appeared in the public papers; and of course the affair is now at issue between the statements made by the General's friends and that laid before Congress by Mr. Clark.
A writer in the Charleston "City Gazette" of the 12th inst. accounts for the money received by General Wilkinson, in the following way:
"The first voyage that General Wilkinson made to New Orleans, was in the summer of 1787, with a view to open a vent for the produce of Kentucky and the back country; which produce was then rigorously prevented from entering the port of New Orleans, or even from descending the river Mississippi. The General succeeded so far as to get both the then Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, to enter into a speculation of Tobacco with him, and they actually furnished him with cash to carry the speculation into operation—the plan succeeded—large parcels of Tobacco were sent from Kentucky, which were regularly received at New Orleans by the Spanish government, who paid for it the extravagant price of 8 dollars per cwt. This traffic was carried on with success, when Gen. Wilkinson was a simple farmer—and when he was again called to the army, no doubt but this lucrative plan of vending, not only the products of his own farm, but also that of his neighbors', was pursued."
"These mysterious plans of secrecy, and what ought, which have been adopted by the parties concerned, were no doubt, intended for the officers of government, at New Orleans, as well as for Gen. Wilkinson; neither of which wished to see their names appear in a mercantile transaction, it being contrary to the rules of every country."
From the New York Public Advertiser.
King George's Proclamation—Of millions that have read this proclamation, if one has understood it, it is a good deal. For our part we are at a loss to know in what language it is intended to be. If it is a foreign language why not give an English translation of it.—That part that affects to treat of indulgence to neutrals, is of a most refined and happy absurdity. It is impossible not to wonder why King George's proclamation should be no better expressed. Is nonsense essential to his majesty and good government. Must kings speak like children.—A little American republican child of three years old, speaks wiser, better and more intelligibly.—Wherever, and in such manner—except as hereafter excepted—and such and so forth, and in such place or places, and with intent not to be understood—as expressed, and expressed, so as not to be understood. As in such case may seem good and no better. Subject nevertheless to such restrictions, alterations, changes and conditions, as are no where expressed, and never to be understood, but by knaves and fools, and where it shall seem good, and in such manner and so forth. Oh! my son! if you knew by what men the world is governed.
Such is the dosage which pedlars and tinkers would extol, and introduce to the empire of these free United States—laughing dirty fellows.
From the Public Advertiser.
MY OPINIONS.
Our differences with Great Britain may be summed up in a few words. The British nation always tenacious of their own opinions, no matter how absurd, keep surreptitiously to the doctrine of non-expatriation, as respects other nations, but claim the right of taking the citizens or subjects of other nations on board their fleets, and after a service of only two years, extend to them the rights of British subjects. Our government admits expatriation. The naturalization law is engrafted in the constitution. Our independence as a nation, has been acknowledged by every civilized power in Europe, and in a particular manner by the British government. The treaty of peace, in 1783, left us free to make such laws as were compatible with the public good. But treaties are considered mere matters of expediency when they come in conflict with British views. They contend for the principal of non-expatriation, and America for the naturalization law. Here, and on this grand point the two nations are at issue. We say, on this great point—for it is possible all minor questions may be amicably adjusted by negotiation. The affair of the Chesapeake, it is said, is already disavowed as the act of the British government, and if they are sincere, they will make reparation, as far as the nature of the case will admit; but unfortunately they cannot restore to life our murdered citizens, or wipe off the stain of their innocent blood, which adds another crime to the black catalogue of that nation. Having shown the grand point of controversy, and a point which we cannot, nor ought not to surrender—let us next take a view how far we have right on our side.
The commentators on the law of nations all decide in our favor and fully admit the right of expatriation. Even the British nation have admitted the practice for upwards of twenty years, with a few solitary exceptions. But now that the unjust policy has brought that devoted country to the verge of dissolution—She proclaims to the world her determination to enforce the right of boarding our vessels—to search for and take out naturalized citizens of every description. No matter if they leave our ships floating on the ocean, without a man to pull a rope. We are now to negotiate on this subject a la Copenhague , with Mr. Rose. Should we not be on our guard, and prepare for the worst? Did not this same nation negotiate with the Danes with a strong naval force in the waters? We all know the result, and how deep that nation has sunk into political infamy by the single transaction of treachery and deception. Why have they so many ships on the American station with several vessels of war in all their American possessions? Why have they endeavored to let loose the savage nations upon us? Those things seem preparatory to the second act of the British tragedy as performed in the Baltic. These facts combined induce a belief that the negotiation of Rose will end in an open rupture between us and G. Britain. Let us then rally round our government and the constituted authorities of our country.
A WATCHMAN. BLANK BONDS For Sale at this Office.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
SATURDAY, January 23. Mr. Brooke, from the committee appointed on the part of this house, jointly with a committee of the Senate, to examine into the state of the Bank of Virginia, made the following report:
The committee appointed jointly with a committee of the Senate, to examine into the state of the Bank of Virginia, have according to order examined the books containing minutes of their proceedings—a statement of the capital stock of the company, of the debts due them, of the money deposited in their coffers, of the notes in circulation, and the cash on hand. And they beg leave to report, that the books exhibited, contain fair and distinct entries of the general concerns of the company, showing at certain periods not only their entire resources, and the demands which possibly may be made against them as an entire body; but showing also at stated periods, the transactions of the mother Bank with its different branches, whereby the committee were enabled not only to ascertain the general results but to discover the management and operations of the individual branches. The committee beg leave further to state, that the management of this valuable institution, is conducted on principles which must justify the most sanguine expectation of its success and prosperity.
Ordered, That the said report be laid upon the table.
WEDNESDAY, January 27.
A report of the committee appointed to examine the Executive expenditure of the last year (which lay on the table) was read in the following words:
The committee appointed to examine the executive expenditures for the last year, have, according to order, performed that duty, and have come to the following report and resolution;
It appears to your committee that from the first day of October 1806, to the first day of October 1807, warrants have issued on the contingent fund to the amount of $28,248 63 cents, being $14,493 63 cents more than the sum appropriated: of this sum, however, $11,649 39 cents were expended in calling out the militia to repel the threatened invasion at Norfolk; and, from the assurances of the President of the U. S. communicated to the Governor of this Commonwealth, we may calculate on having this money refunded, whenever demanded, the excess of warrants, therefore, drawn on the contingent fund for expenditures authorized by law and precedent, amounts to the sum of $3,849 24 cents only.
Your committee beg leave further to report, that among the items charged on the contingent fund within the above period, there is one of $5,579 86 cents for cartouch boxes, holsters, &c. purchased under an existing resolution of the General Assembly; and for the payment of which no specific appropriation has ever been made. As all articles of this kind since the first of April last, have been manufactured at the Penitentiary, and it is presumed, will hereafter be furnished from that institution alone, it is not probable that a similar item will again be found in the account of executive expenditures:—But may be necessary to increase the fund heretofore appropriated for carrying on the internal operations of the Penitentiary. Deducting the above sum of $5,579 86 cents, (which constitutes nearly one half of the sum appropriated for the contingent expenses of government,) and the monies advanced by the Executive on the faith of the United States, it will appear, that the ordinary charges on the contingent fund fall short of the appropriation, the sum of $4,831 43 cents.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the Executive in making the expenditures on the contingent fund in the last year, have been justified by law, usage, or necessity.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the house.
FOR RENT, And immediate possession given,
A Store & Lumber-House, That well known place the Piping Tree, in King William county. It is necessary to observe that few stands for a country store can excel it, it being situated in a wealthy neighborhood, on Pamunkey, a branch of York river—where vessels that will carry from 3 to 4000 bushels of grain can load at the door.
January 26, 1808 Mary King.
By virtue of a deed in trust executed by John Allen and Frances his wife, bearing date the 30th day of November, 1807, to Peter Wilkinson and Watson Patmon, to secure the payment of the sum of $92 18s 4d 1-2, with interest from the date of said deed, due George Mann, together with all legal costs and charges necessarily incurred by carrying the said deed into effect, will be SOLD, on the premises, on Monday the 22nd day of the present month, (Feb.) at public auction, for ready money.
100 Acres of Land,
Conveyed to us in trust by the deed aforesaid—situate, lying and being in the county of Henrico, on the north branch of the Brook whereon the said Allen now resides. The trustees will convey the land agreeable to the deed executed to them, which will be exhibited on the day of sale.
PETER WILKINSON, } Trustees. W. PATMON, } ids.
February 2, 1808.
I DO hereby forewarn all persons from taking up a negro man named Nathan, my property and in my possession and conveying to John Morgan of the county of Buckingham, or confining the said negro in any way for the said Morgan at their peril. Which negro the said Morgan advertised on the 8th inst. as having runaway from John Paris of New Kent county. Which negro the said Morgan stated was a valuable consideration paid for. The valuable consideration said to have been paid for the negro is not one fourth part of the purchase money. If the said Morgan will come forward and settle up the accounts standing between him and myself and pay the balance of the money due me, I will comply with the contract between him and myself.
Sylvanus Paris. January 23, 1808.
COUNCIL CHAMBER, Jan. 27, 1808. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive to furnish the Public Guard with Rations for the ensuing year, on the 3rd day of next month. DAN. L. HYLTON, C. C.

Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1808.
It is expected the General Assembly will close their session on Tuesday next.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to his friend in this city, dated January 28.
"A letter has been received from capt. Decatur, announcing a demand by the capt. of the Statira, of three seamen. It appears one of them has resided 20 years, another 15 years in the United States. Both have families. This is considered as a very unfavorable omen, as to the result of the pending negotiation."
Extract of a letter from Washington, to the editor of the Baltimore American.
The following facts may be relied on:—A landsman belonging to the Chesapeake, gave information to the consul at Norfolk, that he together with two other men on board that frigate, were British subjects. The consul informed the capt. of the Statira, who deemed it his duty under the proclamation of the king of Great Britain, to demand these men from capt. Decatur. They were of course refused. On enquiry, it appears that two of those men were residents of Baltimore, and have families in that city—that one has been a resident for fifteen years—the other for twenty years last past.
COMMUNICATION.
A Hint to the Wise is sufficient.
THE House of Delegates lately declared Mr. Billings disqualified from holding a seat in their body because he was a Coroner at the time he was elected, and therefore ineligible. This decision was correct, and results from the 14th clause in our constitution, which says, "all officers holding lucrative offices under the government, and all ministers of the gospel shall be incapable of being elected members of either house of assembly." Does not this clause operate to the exclusion of attorneys for the commonwealth in districts and counties as certainly as to the exclusion of sheriffs or coroners? The office of an attorney for the commonwealth is much more lucrative than that of a coroner, and therefore against him the reason of the constitution would bear with more weight. The houses of the general assembly are or ought to be the peculiar conservators of the constitution; and if there be any members among them disqualified by the constitution, is it not their duty to vacate their seats? There are attorneys for the commonwealth among you, who derive the greater part of their income from their offices—What should be done?
A Friend to the Constitution.
COMMUNICATION.
A Hint to the Hinters.
A FEW weeks ago, Citizen Virginian, you gave us a hint, concerning regal absurdities. You did wisely. But permit me citizen, to suggest, that you did not go far enough. You tell us that the celebration of the rites of matrimony by ministers of the gospel, or more properly speaking, by priests, is a regal absurdity; very true, citizen. But is not marriage itself a regal absurdity. Our forefathers, simple mortals, in order to confine men and women under the tyrannical yoke of marriage, gave it the sanction of what they called religion; and for this reason established the custom of marrying by priests. But citizen, in this age of reason, we have found these things to be nothing but the tricks of superstition; mere priestcraft. 'Tis time to abolish all these regal absurdities, and to establish the reign of reason and liberty; the golden age. Accept assurances, citizen Virginian, of my perfect consideration.
JACOBINICUS.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
Began and held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on Monday the seventh day of December, in the year of our lord, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and of the Commonwealth the thirty-second.
An Act, concerning the Sale of Property, under Executions, and Incumbrances. [Passed February 1st, 1808]
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, That so much of the act, passed on the tenth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, entitled "An act, for further continuing and amending the act, entitled, an act for reducing into one, the several acts, concerning executions, and for the relief of insolvent debtors," as directs, that when goods or other estate, taken in execution, cannot be sold for three-fourths of their value, the debtor or debtors, may give bond and security to pay the debt within twelve months, or that the said goods, or other estate, may be sold on twelve months credit, and every part of the said recited act, as concerns such executions, either in the appointment of commissioners to carry the same into effect, or for the direction of the sheriff or other officer, or the clerk of any court in suing out execution on any such bond, or of any other person whomsoever, and of every matter or thing therein contained, shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be in full force: And all courts, sheriffs and other officers, as well as the parties concerned, are to govern themselves accordingly, any thing in any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
Be it further enacted, That before any commissioners appointed by the decree of any court of chancery, to sell any real or personal estate, or any trustee under any deed of trust, hereafter executed, shall proceed to sell the estate decreed to be sold, or conveyed in trust, the commissioners directed to be appointed by this act, or any three of them, shall value the estate intended to be sold, on the request of the creditor, and if three-fourths at least of the estimated value, shall not be offered by the highest bidder, the estate shall not then be sold, nor shall it be at any time thereafter sold during the continuance of this continuance of this act, for less than three-fourths of such estimated value: The valuation shall be made and entered in writing, signed by the commissioners or any three of them, and delivered to the commissioners appointed by the courts of chancery, or to the trustees respect-vely.
The commissioners who may act by virtue of this section, shall be entitled to the sum of one dollar for each day they shall be employed, to be paid by the creditor, to be taxed, in the bill of costs.
The provisions of this act, shall not extend to executions, which may issue against any sheriff or other public officers, for deficiencies, or failing to pay money received on executions, nor to executions which may issue against any attorney at law, for money received in behalf of his client or clients. All valuations of property made or to be made by commissioners, shall be according to the ordinary value of property, before the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
The provisions of this act, shall not be construed to extend to any execution issued upon any judgment obtained by any bank established by law. The provisions of this act, shall extend to executions issued by any justice of the peace, mayor or alderman, for all sums exceeding ten dollars, exclusive of costs; and the constable or other officer, taking any bond, by virtue of this act, shall return the same within thirty days, to the clerk's office of the county, in which such execution shall have issued, to be proceeded on as other replevy bonds. And all executions which shall be awarded on forthcoming bonds executed, before the commencement of this act, shall be proceeded in as other executions; but the proceedings on all forthcoming bonds executed thereafter, shall be as heretofore.
So much of this act as authorises the appointment of commissioners, shall be in force from and after the passing thereof; And the several county and corporation courts, shall appoint such commissioners at their February terms, or as soon thereafter, as practicable; and the residue of this act, shall commence and be in force, from and after the first day of March next, and continue in force, until the expiration of 30 days after the discontinuance of the embargo, laid by the Congress of the United States during the present session. But so much of this, and the above recited act, as authorises and directs the manner of proceeding on replevy bonds, taken by virtue of this act, shall be, and the same is hereby made perpetual.
FROM COLVIN'S WEEKLY REGISTER.
SKETCH, OF THE PUBLIC CHARACTER OF JAMES MADISON.
MR. JAMES MADISON is a native of the county of Orange, in the state of Virginia. His family in all its branches are respectable, opulent, and independent. His father colonel J. Madison, was a man of great respectability; he provided handsomely for a large family, and to Mr. Madison, his oldest son, he gave a considerable estate, including his family seat.
Mr. Madison completed his education at Princeton College; where he was so much distinguished for his genius, application, acquirements, and amiable qualities, that he possessed the esteem and respect of the president, professors, and students of that seminary, in as high a degree, as any young man ever did.
Mr. Madison's first appearance in public life was in the year 1776. He was elected in the spring of that year a member of the convention of Virginia for his native county. By that convention the present government of Virginia was formed, and the delegates of Virginia were instructed in the month of May of that year, to vote in Congress for a Declaration of Independence. Mr. Madison, it is said, took no part in the business of that assembly, owing to his extreme diffidence. He was soon afterwards appointed a member of the executive council of Virginia, and continued a member of that board until he was delegated to represent that commonwealth in the Congress which sat in the year 1779. During all this time it is not known that Mr. Madison ever made a public display of his abilities, and it is presumed he owed his advancement to the strong pledge that was made by some of our most distinguished citizens for his talents. Of that number Mr. Jefferson is believed to have been the first to distinguish and the most active to bring into his country's service the superior mind of Mr. Madison, whose diffidence and backwardness were such, that it is possible his services might have been lost to the nation, if the utmost efforts had not been made to draw him into the active exercise of his powers.
It is believed by a gentleman who knew Mr. Madison well when he first went to Congress, that he would not in that body, small as it was, have been able to conquer his extreme embarrassment, if it had not been for the great pressure arising from the importance of the crisis, and his being sometimes associated with men who could not, without his aid, sustain the common burthen. From their first acquaintance to this moment, it is believed there has subsisted between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison the utmost intimacy and confidence, founded upon mutual esteem and respect.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783, when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia assembly. From the circumstance of Mr. Madison's having been educated out of the state, and his long service in Congress, when he took his seat in the Virginia assembly he found himself almost a stranger: But the very high reputation he had acquired in Congress, gave him a place in the confidence of those who did not know his person. The period was deeply interesting. It began then to be understood that the union of the states must be lost, or the government new modelled. In that session Mr. Madison made some efforts to give to Congress resources to comply with the engagements of the nation. To the state the time was peculiarly important. The revision of their body of laws, so as to make them conform to republican principles, had been referred to commissioners, had been reported to the legislature four years before, and had remained unacted on. That work was now taken up, and was carried through principally by the efforts of Mr. Madison. And in particular the bill for religious freedom, which made
a part of that work, was indebted mainly to his able and zealous advocacy, for its passage without any retrenchment of its liberal principles. Through all the interesting scenes of that session, Mr. Madison displayed such talents, integrity and patriotism, that at the end of that year there was no man who stood higher in the confidence and affections of all who knew him. In 1783 he was re-elected to the Virginia assembly.
During the session of that year he proposed and carried through that body a recommendation that deputies should meet from all the states, at Annapolis, for the purpose of making some change in the confederation. It is known that this effort did not produce all the good effects expected from it; but it is likewise known, that the recommendation of that meeting caused the convention of the convention at Philadelphia that gave us our present constitution.
Mr. Madison was, it is believed, elected a member of that convention by the unanimous vote of the legislature. It is said in that body there was no member more distinguished for wisdom and love of country. About the same time Mr. Madison was re-elected a member of the old Congress.
The evidence of the very able support given by him to this constitution is in print: Upon that subject the reader is referred to the Debates in the Virginia Convention. Mr. Madison was elected a member of the first House of Representatives that convened under the constitution. His services in that body during the eight years of the administration of General Washington are known to all. For several years before the establishment of this government and until the commencement of the war between France & England, there was no man in America in whom Gen. Washington confided more than in Mr. Madison; and if he was afterwards less frequently consulted by him, it was owing to the ascendancy which Col. Hamilton had obtained in the administration. He returned when Gen. Washington did, but had not been long reposing in the quiet of domestic life when, aroused by the danger into which the principles of administration pursued by Mr. Adams were evidently bringing our republican institution, sensible that the torrent could no longer be resisted in Congress, and that the state legislatures could alone arrest its course, he again took his stand in the legislature of Virginia, and there prepared and carried through his celebrated report against the alien and sedition laws. This we may affirm without danger of contradiction, to have given to federalism its first mortal blow, and to have first planted the standard to which the republicanism of the nation so rapidly rallied. With Mr. Jefferson he came into the present administration.
Mr. Madison has been in public life for thirty-two years. He is about fifty-five years of age. During his whole life it is believed there is not a single act for which he can be reproached as a man or as a citizen. He is a singular instance of a person who has been so much the object of envy to some, and so much in the way of the views and interests of others, escaping the imputation of having done an improper act from an improper motive.
It is believed Mr. Madison has not at this time, and that he never had a personal enemy, for a cause that could be avowed.
From the Aurora.
It is said that the meeting of members of congress, in caucus at Washington, have agreed to put in nomination, and recommend for public suffrage
JAMES MADISON, for president—and GEORGE CLINTON, for vice-president
The meeting is said to have consisted of 20 members of both houses—83 of whom were for the above ticket.
It is certainly not a period to bicker about men; and if we can only insure the pursuit of the same system of policy that has been pursued under Jefferson, it is a very subordinate consideration at this moment which is the man. The democracy will not divide—they will support the choice made in the usual manner, since no other or better manner has been provided by the constitution.
The Boston meeting of sailors has been represented to the selectmen & legislature, and it appears from this report, that it was a stratagem of the British contrivance, only six or seven men could be found of all the 110 names signed to a memorial: and it appeared that a man said to be a British editor at Boston, had taken a position where, as men dressed like sailors passed by, he invited them to sign it; when they were called upon, they were not to be found, and the names are supposed to be fictitious, as they were in the hand writing of this zealous advocate of charity and good works. [Aurora.]
If there be any person in the union able and willing to give an accurate description of the equipment, and use of "Flying Artillery," he will do an essential service at this time by a scientific and intelligent essay on that subject. This is now becoming an object of attention, and there are very few that understand it.—Democrat.
[The following excellent article from the Trenton True American, affords a wholesome antidote to the calumny of those malignant opponents of the administration, who ascribe the EMBARGO to FRENCH INFLUENCE.]
From the Trenton True American. "FRENCH INFLUENCE!"
The story of French influence is once more revived, to frighten the good people of these states.
We believe, however, they may rest assured that this story, like most of the stories from the same source, is total y devoid of truth—and is intended only as a cover for, and an engine of, what really exists, British influence.
Whence shall French influence arise? The French have no possessions surrounding our country—no "no rod," as Liston said, "over our back," as the British have.
The French have not the mastery at sea, and the power to affect our interests there; as the British have.
The French have comparatively no commerce, and therefore have not filled our cities and towns with commercial agents and political spies; as the British have.
The French have not the power of go-
vernouring our courts of law, by their judicial decisions; as the British have.
The French have not the advantage of the same language, by which to influence us in conversation and publications; as the British have.
In short, the French have not the opportunities nor the inducements to acquire an ascendancy in our country that the British have.
Nor do we believe, that in our country, nor in its councils, France has any influence, except what justice and impartiality require her to have.
Nor do we believe those who bawl the loudest about "French influence," think there is any such thing existing among us.
But they hope to draw off our attention from the operations and effects of the "influence" which Britain, by her provinces around us—her power at the sea—her trade among us—her innumerable agents and spies—sameness of language and habits—our reliance upon her judicial institutions for practices and precedents—a liberal distribution of 'secret service money'—and other correspondent means—has acquired among us.
CIRCULAR.
To the Freeholders in the Senatorial District of Botetourt, Washington, Montgomery, Russell, Greenbrier, Kanawha, Wythe, Lee and Grayson.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, THE electors of your district being called upon to vote at the next election for a member of the Senate, I take this method of declaring myself a candidate for that honorable and very important station.
As I have been bred from my childhood and resided upwards of thirty two years within the district, have been seven times elected (twice unanimously) and served six sessions in the legislature, it is to be presumed you will be readily enabled to decide on my pretensions.
It is not for me to make professions or promises. It is for you to examine my past conduct and determine.
Your most obedient,
ALEXANDER SMYTH.
A CHARITY SERMON will be preached on Sunday the 7th of February, at the Capitol, by the Rev'd. J. D. BLAIR, for the benefit of "THE FEMALE HUMANE ASSOCIATION OF THIS CITY."
Postscript.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, received by last night's mail, dated 2d instant.
"The following resolution was this day laid before the house of representatives. The yeas and nays were called on its being received, and carried by a majority of 21. A very animated discussion ensued. Adjourned without a decision."
"Resolved, That it is expedient, and the public good requires that the seat of Government be removed to the City of Philadelphia for years; and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose."
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
NEW YORK, Jan. 28.
Last night the ship Suffolk, Capt. Thompson arrived at this port from London. She left the Downs on the 28th of November, and brings papers to the 27th. Excepting the following highly important articles, the papers are barren.
A London paper contains a CIRCULAR from Mr. Forbes, the American Consul at Hamburg, warning all American Captains from entering the ports on the Rivers Elbe, Jade, and Weser, as all American ships had been STOPPED and the American property in store SEIZED; that one store containing property belonging to an American House had been sequestered, and seals put upon it by the French Commissary, in the presence of Mr. Forbes.
Accounts were received in London of the arrival of the Russian fleet at Lisbon—that all British property in Portugal was confiscated, that the prince Regent had embarked all his plate, jewels, &c. on board the Portuguese fleet at Lisbon, in readiness for sea, on board which he was determined to embark for Brazil, if the French army marched into Lisbon. A British Packet had returned from Lisbon, unable to land her mail.
The flag of truce (which we mentioned in our last) had sailed from England for France, but the Messenger remained at London.
SUMMARY.
Our mails furnish us with London dates down to the 27th November. Mr. Forbes, our consul at Hamburg, has issued a circular warning all American captains from entering the ports on the rivers Elbe, Jade and Weser, as all American vessels had been STOPPED, and American property in store had been SEIZED. A Russian fleet arrived at Lisbon—all British property in Portugal confiscated. The Prince Regent of Portugal had his fleet in readiness, with every thing on board, prepared to embark for the Brazils, in case of a domiciliary visit of the French armies at Lisbon. Letters received at New-York, by the brig Fame [which escaped in the night] from Bremen, state, that an embargo had existed there on all American vessels, and that none of them are permitted to sail but in ballast lest they should go to England. There was a war between the United States and France was looked for as certain. Captain Uran, arrived at Boston from Leghorn, which he left October 14. The Americans there had addressed a memorial to general Armstrong complaining of their detention by Bonaparte's decrees, under the pretence of saving cargoes of British growth or manufactures, praying his influence for their liberation. News of the embargo in the United States is said to have been received at the Havanna on the 7th ult. Flour was then selling at twelve dollars, but it was expected that it would rise shortly to thirty dollars. The death of lord Grey, and the intended resignations of lord Castlereagh and the duke of Portland, a new change in the British ministry will take place; Marquis Wellesley to be the Premier. A severe frost had, says a letter from Cork, set in and destroyed
more than one half of the crop of potatoes—they were selling from 30 shillings to 5 pounds the ton; oat meal not to be had; wheat advancing; but prospects of an increasing scarcity anticipated. Since the last spring the governor of Canada has issued orders, dated Quebec Decem ber, for the arrest of a Frenchman, of the name of Cazau, or Cassino, for attempting to stir up the Canadians to a revolt.—American
The following resolution was introduced in the House of representatives of the U.S. on Saturday last, by Mr. Campbell.
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring therein, that the following amendment to the constitution of the U. S. be proposed to the legislatures of the several states, which, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the said states, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution.
The judges of both the supreme and inferior courts of the U. S. shall, after the day of—be removed from office by the President of the U. S. on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the same, three fifths of each House concurring in such address.
This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.
Washington City, Feb. 1.
The military court of enquiry in the case of Gen. Wilkinson have had two meetings during the past week, without any evidence having been adduced. They meet again this day.
We have received by the last mail from Chillicothe the "Fredonian" of the 12th ult. on the margin of which it is said "Burr and Blemmerhasset arrived here last evening."
The committee, appointed by the citizens of Baltimore, to enquire into the expediency of establishing domestic manufactures, have made a long and very interesting report in favor of such establishments, which we regret being unable at this time to republish from the great length and interest of Congressional proceedings. We rejoice to perceive this spirit rising in the U. S. The time has certainly come when every effort in our power should be made to render ourselves independent of the nations of Europe, from all of whom we have every thing to expect but friendship.—Nat. Int.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Carter Wilkinson, to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned, to Austin Wharton, will be SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder for cash, on the 10th of March next.
The Tract of Land
Wit' the said Wilkinson now lives, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the said debt and costs
John G. Daniel.
Thomas H. Walton.
February 4 1808
Ten Dollars Reward.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber about the 15th of last month, a negro girl named CELELY, she is about the common height of women, spare made, round face, is a dark mulatto, and wears her hair plaited, which hangs over her eyes—her dress when she eloped was of a green color—she is between 18 and 20 years of age. I have every reason to believe she is concealed by some person in Richmond. The above reward will be paid to any person on delivering her to Mr. William Edwards, living near Pocahontas bridge. She was purchased of Mr. Samuel Parish of Petersburg. All persons are forewarned from harboring or concealing her at their peril.
Elijah Crouch.
February 4, 1808.
May be purchased on a long credit, and low terms,
The Tenement,
ON which the subscriber lives, sitated on Church Hill within about one half mile of the Richmond market—containing two acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved—The buildings consist of a large and well constructed dwelling house, laundry, kitchen, dairy, smoke house, two stores, brick office, coach house, barn and stable. All these buildings are well finished, and in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish.
John Ellis.
February 4, 1808.
Advertisement.
WILL BE SOLD, on Saturday the 27th day of February next, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable
Tract of Land,
lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing,
SEVEN hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Mosely, and mortgaged by Mosely to Robert Andrews and John Price, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June 1795.—At the same time and place, stock of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Mosely, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery, for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Mosely is defendant, and for the purpose of realizing the following sums, with interest, viz.—£ 108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. from the 1st of January 1793—£ 105 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1794—£ 101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795—£ 97 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796—£ 96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797—£ 81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July 1802 and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit—The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney. The COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, January 14, 1808. (3v)

For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allen, and now occupied by Mr. Pheasant. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO, Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807.
Notice!! THE Subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his STOCK, now remaining on hand, at a very reduced price—which consist of a Large and Superb Assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper Hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords &c. &c. W. HAIGHT. Richmond. Jan. 1, 1808. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the Main Street. W. H.
LAND In the state of Ohio—For Sale. THE subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer Creek, a branch of the Sciota, about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia; or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. WM. MUMFORD. Richmond, Sep. 24, 1807.
Land for Sale! PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned; will be sold upon the first Monday in January, 1808, for cash upon the premises, a TRACT OF LAND, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris' creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon good plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual. CHARLES WOODSON, } Trustees. JAMES MADISON, } Prince Edward, 16 Oct. 1807. 10w
ADVERTISEMENTS. Just Received, a General Assortment of Dutch Bolting Cloth, Of a superior quality. J. Darmstadt. Oct. 22, 1807. tf 100 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the first inst, from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired) a BLACK MAN, named JACKSON. A House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th, 1807. tf
20 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the 8th May from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address and very active, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small-pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his boat in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed)—he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail to get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Horsley. November 20, 1807. tf
For Sale, MY Dwelling House, and Four Half-Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised: On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take young Negroes at a fair valuation, and Land in the State of Ohio, Tennessee or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on—If the said property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARCHD CAMPBELL. Manchester, Nov. 30, 1807. tf
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will Sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 3 miles from Mason courthouse. Including titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN January 23th, 1808. tf BLANK BONDS For Sale at this Office.
WANTING, IN my family, a TEACHER of the English language. A liberal price will be given by Abner Nash. Prince Edward, Jan. 8. 1808 Just Published and for sale at this Office, MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe; his confinement in the dungeons of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS, Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Domination in that country; and a few observations on the state of manners, &c. in America. By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia. A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the Executive, on the evidence of Jacob Stealy, Peter Link, Jacob Myers and William Williams, taken before Benjamin Wilson, jun. esquire, one of the justices of the peace in and for the county of Harrison, within this Commonwealth, that a certain JOHN SOMMERVILLE did on the night of the third of December last, at the house of David Hews, in the town of Clarkburg, violently assault with a club, the body of John G. Jackson, esquire, and did feloniously, on purpose and of malice aforethought by lying in wait, unlawfully maim and disable the head and right arm of the said John G. Jackson, by fracturing the skull of the said Jackson, and by a violent blow on the said right arm of the said John G. Jackson inflicted; by which fracture and blow, and also by reason of divers other wounds, blows and bruises given said Jackson by said Sommerville, with the club aforesaid, the life of said Jackson became greatly endangered, and that the said Sommerville hath escaped from the justice of the law: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of FIFTY DOLLARS to any person or persons who shall apprehend and conduct the said John Sommerville before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the said county of Harrison, that he may be dealt with as in such cases the law directs: And I do moreover enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the Commonwealth to use their best endeavours to apprehend and conduct before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the aforesaid county of Harrison, the said John Sommerville to be dealt with according to law. Given under my hand, with the seal of the (L. S.) Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this fifteenth day of January, 1808. WM. H. CABELL. P. S. The abovenamed John Sommerville is a man of about six feet high, appears to be about twenty six or twenty seven years of age, rather spare but nervous, of light complexion and light hair.
New Publications. Just Received by S. PLEASANTS, Jun. Number 1 of The American Military Library, Or, Repository of Modern Tactics, Adapted to the use of the militia of the United States—Illustrated with numerous engravings. Price 50 cents. American Artillerist's Companion, Or, Elements of Artillery. Translated and extracted from the best memoirs, and most recent publications on this important branch of military science, in five numbers, with upwards of 35 copper-plates, carefully engraved. By LOUIS DE TOUSARD, Member of the Society of Cincinnati; late lieutenant colonel adjutant to the general staff in the armies of H. I. and R. M.—Late lieutenant colonel commandant of the 2d regiment, and inspector of the artillery of the U. States. Vol. 1 No. 1.—Price 2 dollars. Vol. V Part 2d. Rees's New Cyclopaedia. Subscribers will please call for their copies. HORNE TOOKER. DIVERSIONS OF PURLEY. Court and Cabinet of St. Cloud.
Land for Sale. WILL BE SOLD, at Louisa courthouse, on Monday the 8th day of February next, by order of the court, to the highest bidder, for ready money, a tract of LAND, lying in the said county of Louisa, on the waters of Deep creek, adjoining the lands of Col. Thomas Meigs (now Harwood Gooch) and Laurence Minor, and others, containing four hundred acres, be the same more or less; whereon Col. James Meigs lived at the time of his death. This land will be sold by virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by the said James Meigs, bearing date the 25th day of April, 1797, and admitted to record in the county court of Louisa, to secure the payment of a sum of money therein specified, due to John Poinsett, and the expenses of recording and carrying said deed into effect. A deed will be made to the purchaser conveying the title which the subscriber holds under said deed, which is believed to be indisputable. David Bullock. January 4th 1808. tds
The subscribers have for Sale, 300 SPANISH HIDES Of excellent quality. George Fisher & Co. Richmond, 26th January 1808. 3w FOR RENT, A SMALL HOUSE, On Shocoe Hill, in an agreeable neighborhood. Apply to George Fisher. Richmond Jan. 26th, 1808. 3w BETHLEHEM GABOR, OR THE Man-Hating Palatine; An historical Drama. By JOHN D. BURKE, of Petersburg. * * * A few copies of the above work are just received at this office, where also may be had. Fisher's Military Tactics FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE, Hening's New Virginia Justice, Containing the Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale lease and release, mortgage, trust, &c.
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807. NOTICE is hereby given, That in conformity with the provisions of the act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States, books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions or such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans. Those proprietors of the old six per cent and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. abovenamed, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovenamed) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot. The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid. JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six of subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 644 37 If subscribed between the 1st January and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62 If subscribed between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. J. P. Con't. Loans. w9m
THE subscriber wishes to SELL the LAND on which he resides, known to his friends by the name of OAKLAND. This land lies on the north side of the river Appomattox, in the county of Chesterfield, 25 miles above Petersburg, 3 below Bevil's bridge, and 28 south of Richmond. It contains about 1400 acres, of which nearly one half is low grounds, on the river level, handsomely situated and esteemed superior to any on that river. The high land lies very level, is covered with oak and pine timber, and is a free, fertile soil. The low grounds are mostly open, and the high land about two thirds in timber. The improvements are a dwelling house, with 7 good rooms, 4 of which are on the lower floor, with two passages, all finished in the neatest style of wainscoting—There are 4 rooms in the cellar, one with a fire place and plank floor; a kitchen, smoke house, wash house and dairy, and every thing necessary for a large family. Also, a large ice house, with a pond at the distance of 30 yards from the door. On the farm there are two granaries, large and convenient, with a wheat machine on the most approved construction in each—an overseer's house, stable and a tobacco house, with a brick cellar under it—also all the houses necessary for the crop hands. The fine water, the airy and salutary situation of the buildings, the fertility of the soil and the easy bearings of the produce to market, give to this property advantages which can be best appreciated on inspection. The terms of sale will be one third down, and the residue in three annual payment, or otherwise, as may be agreed on by application to the subscriber, on the premises, who would give possession any time after the 13th September next. GEORGE EVANS. Oakland. Jan. 13 1808. w8t
THE Imported Horse, Bedford, So noted for getting capital racers, will stand the next season at my stable in Chesterfield county. Further particulars will be made known before the season commences. THOMAS BRANCH. 14th October 1807. wtf DEBATES IN THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION * * * SUBSCRIBERS to the Debates in the Virginia Convention, who have not yet received their copies, may receive them on application at this office. (6w)
Map of Virginia. THE subscriber having been appointed agent for the Proprietors of Bishop MADISON'S MAP of VIRGINIA, for the city of Richmond, requests those subscribers who have not received their Maps, to apply to him at the Printing-Office and Book-Store of SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jun. where they are ready for delivery.—He has also some copies for Sale. J. C. W. PLEASANTS. December 4th, 1807. 3w
THE subscriber will SELL, or exchange for land in the state of Ohio, THE FARM WHEREON he now resides, containing 77 1-2 acres. This farm is particularly valuable for its contiguity to the city of Richmond, being near enough to give its occupant the advantages of a city residence, combined with the pleasure of a country life. The situation is high and beautiful, commanding a fine view of part of the city and canal, about 25 acres of this land is cleared and but little worn, is of a good soil, affords excellent water, and is believed to be remarkably healthy. It is a thrifty young apple orchard of choice fruit, beginning to bear, and the improvements a new, and being such as would accommodate a small family. Joseph Anthony. January 26, 1808. wtf
Take up by William Gillispie of Prince Edward County, three stray BARROWS; one white on a smutty white, the other a pld and color with a white bar around it, about three or four years old with a smooth crop and one ear in the right ear, and a hole in the left ear, appraised to five dollars each, also, one SOW of the same mark, with a white face, and seven Pigs, which are appraised to twenty dollars, and also four SHOATS, which are appraised, about one year old, appraised to five dollars each. William Gillispie. November 19th, 1807. w3t
Lunenburg October Court, 1807. James Smith & Pleasant Moon, merchants and partners, acting under the firm and title of Smith & Moon, complainants. Against George Locke and William Locke, executors of the last will and testament of John Locke, deceased and Thomas Locke, defendants. ON the motion of the complainants by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Thomas Locke is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, it is therefore decreed and ordered, that unless he appear here on or before the first day of January next, and answer the bill of the complainants, that the same will be taken for confessed, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers published in the town of Petersburg for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county: and that the defendants George Locke and William Locke, executors of the last will and testament of John Locke, deceased, be restrained and enjoined from paying, conveying away or secreting any goods, chattels, money, legacies or bequests, which are now belonging or due, or which may hereafter belong to or be become due to the said defendant Thomas Locke, until the further order of this court. A copy—Teste, WILLIAM H. TAYLOR, D. C.
Charlotte Court, Dec. 3, 1807. Patrick Connolly, plaintiff. Against Archibald Fowles & Traverse Brooks, defendants. THE defendant Fowles not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of March court next and enter his appearance and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond, for two months successively and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy—Teste, Thomas Read, Clk.
Charlotte Court, Jan. 4, 1808. John Haskins and Nathaniel Terry, plaintiffs. Against Jesse Hood & John Hood, defts. THE defendant Jesse Hood not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of April court next and enter his appearance and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers published in Richmond, for two months successively and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy—Teste, Thomas Read, Clk.
Charlotte Court, Jan. 4, 1808. Catherine T. Garden, Francis Scott, sr. and Joseph Scott, executors and executrix of John Garden, dec. plfs. Against Alexander Garden, deft. THE defendant not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, it is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of April court next and enter his appearance; that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers published in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A copy—Teste, Thomas Read, Clk.
VIRGINIA: At a Court held for Halifax county, the 28th day of December, 1807. Clement Jameson, plaintiff. Against Jesse Gresham & Peter Clark, defts. THE defendant Gresham, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Gresham do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that the defendant Clark do not pay away, secrete or otherwise dispose of any monies, goods or effects which he may have in his hands belonging to the defendant Gresham, so far as respects the sum of fifty dollars until the further order of this court; that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste, John Barkdale, d. c. h. c.
FOR SALE, OR EXCHANGE FOR CITY PROPERTY, NO. 1. 20,000 acres of land in Harrison county, state of Virginia, in 4 tracts of 5,000 acres each, on the waters of Elk and Little Kanawha, surveyed in 1784. 2. 2,500 acres on Hughes's river, in the same county, surveyed in 1783, being the moiety of a tract of 5,000 acres. 3. 1,200 acres of land in the district of Baird's Town, on Buck Fork, near Baird's Town, Kentucky. 4. A handsome Frame House, with 5 rooms on a floor, coach house, stables, smoke house, with the Lots on which they stand, and a garden adjoining, in a board fence, at Bath, Berkeley Springs, Virginia, suited for a family or a tavern. Also, one Out Lot of six acres, enclosed with a stone wall. Joseph Galleego. January 14, 1808. w3m
30 Dollars Reward. RUNAWAY from the subscriber on the 27th July last, one negro man named JIM, about 28 years of age, slender made, ab out 6 feet 2 or 3 inches high, of a yellow complexion, flat nose, very much marked with the small pox, speaks well when spoken to, inclined a little to be bawled, his fore teeth rather wider than common, and a scar on his lip and high occasioned by living on a mattress when he had the small pox: he is remarkably fond of music, and dances remarkably well. He is also, a good waterman and sawyer—He formerly belonged to Miss Bizz Elies, in Hanover county, near the Meadow Bridge. I have understood that he aimed for a free pass and has altered his name from Jim to Billy Burr, and said when he was in Richmond he should go to Alexandria, and no doubt, if he should not get there, he will go to the Federal City or some sea port town and take shipping, and intends to join some ship carpenter and follow the trade. The above reward will be given to any person who shall deliver the said negro to me at Bent Creek, or twenty dollars to put him in any jail in the United States and give me information as quick as possible. I forewarn all masters of vessels and others from harboring or carrying the said negro out of the state, as I shall put the law in full force against them. JAMES PHELPS. Buckingham county, near Duiguidsville, on James river Dec 22, 1807. 4t FOR SALE, AN ELEGANT HORSE AND GIGG, At the Bell Tavern, for which flour or tobacco will be taken in exchange. TO RENT, And possession given immediately, the well known TAVERN, On the Main Street, next the courthouse, belonging to Jacob I. Cohen—For terms apply to J. I. COHEN, Jr. Richmond, February 1, 1808.
WAS committed to the jail of Surry county on the 35th day of October last, as runaways, the following NEGROES—Pleasants, a negro woman & her four children, Billy, Catty, Joe and James—Pleasants is about 50 or 35 years old, rather a light complexion, her clothing being very much worn cannot be described. Billy, her son, is about 10 or 11 years old, of a mulatto color—Catty, her daughter, a bright mulatto, between 8 and 9 years old—Joe and James, sons of Pleasants, are both of rather a light complexion. The first is supposed to be between 5 and 6 years old, the last between 3 and 4 years old. Pleasants says she formerly belonged to a Major Clarke of the Eastern Shore, and was sold under execution by the sheriff, and was bought by a Mr. Rose, who brought her to Petersburg and sold her to a Mr. Henry Daniel. The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges and take them away, otherwise they will be dealt with as the law directs. (2w) Benj. E. Browne, Shff.
THE IMPORTED HORSES, Diomed & Robin Redbreast, Stand the ensuing season at my stables, to be let to mares—Terms made known in due time. Thomas Goode. Chesterfield city, Jan. 30, 1808. tf
Wirt's Speeches. The Editor of the Argus has this day published the SPEECHES OF WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the TRIAL OF AARON BURR, and Others; A PROPOSAL, FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION THE STUDIES OF NATURE, And other works of JAMES HENRY BERNARD, Esq. By Dr. St. Pierre. Translated by HENRY HUNTER, D. D. author of Sacred Biography, and Translator of the Works of Lavater. CONDITION OF PUBLICATION. It shall be printed in three handsome Octavo Volumes, from the last London edition, embellished with five engravings, executed in the best manner, and be delivered to subscribers, handsomely bound, price eight dollars. It will be put to press immediately and published in the month of March next. Subscriptions received at S. Pleasants Printing-Office and Book-Store. Dec. 8. wtf JUST RECEIVED, A FRESH SUPPLY OF CHURCH'S PATENT MEDICINES, including Cough Drops, Essence of Mustard, Scotch Ointment, &c. &c.