The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-04-13 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE... AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... payable in advance.
NUMBER 106.]
FRIDAY MORNING, APRIL 13, 1805.
[VOLUME I.]
Auction Sales.
THOMAS TAYLOR & Co.
Will in future sell at the store occupied by M. W. Hancock & Co. on Wednesdays in each week; and at their office, on Tuesdays and Fridays as usual. Dec. 1, 1804. epf
FASHIONABLE LINEN, DRAPERY, HOSIERY, &c.
JAMES BREAM, FROM LONDON, RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their vicinities, that he intends opening a STORE on the Main-street, lately occupied by Mr. John Sandilge, and directly opposite the Vendue Store of Messrs. Thomas Taylor, & Co. on Monday next, the 15th inst. with a new and elegant assortment of SPRING GOODS:
CONSISTING OF  Printed Cottons and Cambricks, Copper-plate, and Chintz Furnitures, printed on Cottons and Cambricks.  Black and Coloured Chambray Muffins, Warranted superior quality.  Black Twill'd Cypresses, do. do.  Cambrick Mullin Shawls and Handkerchiefs; 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linens, Belt Fabricks; French Cambricks, Long Lawns, and Irish Diapers; 5-4, 6-4, 7-4, 8-4, 8-10, and 10-12 Table Cloths; all prices;  Real Yorkshire Huccabacks for Towels and Table Cloths, 3-4 and 6-4 wide, and 30 yards long;  Furniture Dimities, all prices;  Corded do. for Ladies, Dresses, curiously fine; 4-4, 9-8, and 6-4 Cambrick Mullins, very fine; 6-4 Super Super Laced do. do.  4-4 and 6-4 Tambourd, Book, Mull, Cobwebb, and Jacquet Mullins;  6-4 Fancy Japan Mullins;  4-4 and 6-4 India, Mull, Jacquet and Terrandam Mullins;  Book, Mull, and Jacquet Mullin Handkerchiefs;  Lawn Bordered Pocket Handks.  Lace and Edgings;  Cotton Counterpanes;  Black and Coloured Silk Gloves and Hose;  Plain and Ribb'd Cotton Hose.  With a great variety of other articles too numerous to infer.
N. B. The whole of these goods have been purchased by J. B. with immediate cash; and the major part of them, of the real manufacturers; and will be sold as cheap as in any city in the United States. The lowest price will be fixed on every article for ready money only, and no abatement made.
TO RENT,
The House lately occupied by Mr. Francis Follett first door above Mr. Charles Spencer's. Apply as above. April 11.—(epf).
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
Will be SOLD to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the third day of April next, at 12 o'clock, an undivided moiety in the two lots of ground, formerly the property of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. fronting the Basin of the James River Canal, near the centre of the city of Richmond, with an undivided moiety of all the valuable buildings thereon, consisting of a large three story BRICK BUILDING, eighty feet in length, with four tenements, twenty feet wide and forty-five feet in length, with fire places on the first and second floors, roomy garrets in each, with large wheels fixed for hoisting and lowering packages, &c. with dispatch and ease, good dry cellars, with fire places in each. This house has been lately built and in good repair; adjoining is a well finished two story framed dwelling house, thirty eight feet square, with two good cellars, with fire places in each for cooking, in the first and second floors are eight rooms and six fire places—Also, a small two story Brick House with four rooms, with fire places in each, convenient for a store or small family, likewise a small wooden building with a cellar, built for a kitchen, and may be used as a shop; also two stables and a carriage house. The buildings except the kitchen, stable and carriage house, are insured in the Mutual Insurance Company against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. The lots front the basin on one side, and are bounded by Cary's street, and the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, on the two other sides of them, and are as convenient for commercial or other business as any in the city.
The terms of sale, will be seventeen thousand dollars in ready money, the residue payable the fifth day of August next, for which residue, bond with approved security will be required. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, to those who reside in this city, but for the information of strangers, the subscriber begs leave to state, that the aforesaid property is immediately opposite the lower part of the basin of the James river canal, where all the produce of the upper country is landed; and to any person desirous of carrying on the commission business extensively, perhaps is superior to any other in this city.
WILLIAM AUSTIN.
February 8.—tf
From circumstances not attended to when the above valuable property was advertised for sale, the subscriber has postponed the day of sale, till Wednesday the Eighth day of May next, at which time it will certainly take place at 12 o'clock on the premises; when one fourth of the purchase money only will be required in hand, and a credit of three, six and nine months given for the balance, the purchaser to give bonds and security to carry interest from the day of sale, and a deed of trust on the property to secure the payment. Wm. AUSTIN. March 12.
ADVERTISEMENT.
To be SOLD to the highest bidder, on a credit of twelve months, FIVE TRACTS OF LAND, belonging to the estate of Thomas Anderson, dec. viz:—One in Campbell county, of 100 acres, lying on both sides of the main road, on the branches of Beaver Creek; this tract to be sold at next April Campbell court, being the 8th day of the month.
One in Botetourt county off 60 acres, lying on Cartwheeler creek; this tract to be sold at next April Botetourt court, being the 11th day of the month; these two tracts to be attended by Mr. Anthony Dibrell, who is hereby fully authorized to act for the executors of the said Thomas Anderson.
One of 400 acres, one of 147 acres, and one of 50 acres, lying in Buckingham county, the two former on the waters of Rock Island creek, and the latter one on Irving's Ferry road. These three last tracts to be sold at next May Buckingham court, being the 13th day of the month. Bond with approved security will be required, to bear interest from the date, but if paid annually the interest shall be remitted.
NATHAN ANDERSON, & ROBERT RIVES
Ex'rs of Thos. Anderson, dec. Albemarle county, March 19, 1805. tds.
J. WARRELL.
RESPECTFULLY acquaints his friends and patrons, that for the convenience he has removed his DANCING ACADEMY to the Bell-Tavern. The next Dance will commence on Thursday the 18th inst. April 9. (4p).
TO BE SOLD.
PURSUANT to a Deed of Trust, executed to me by the late Henry Randolph, Esq., to secure the payment of certain sums of money in the said Deed, acknowledged to be due from him to Lytle and McCrede, merchants, a parcel of land situated in the county of Chesterfield, within the distance of four miles from Manchester, and estimated to contain about three hundred and fifteen acres. This land, commonly known by the name of Scott's tract, or the Camp tract, will be left up for sale to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the first of May next, between the hours of eleven A. M. and two P. M. at Zachariah Brook's Tavern in Manchester, on the following terms, viz:—One third of the purchase money to be paid down, one third in six months, and the remaining third in twelve months from the day of sale.
Bond and security will be required for the punctual payment of the credit installments, on which payment being made, a proper conveyance will be executed by JOHN HEVENINGHAM. Chesterfield, March 28.—(epds).
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
The subscriber desires to close his business in this place as soon as possible, is induced to offer for sale, the following valuable property, viz:
A CONVENIENT two story dwelling house, 24 feet square, having one room and a passage on the lower floor, two rooms on the second floor, and two good rooms in the garret, a cellar with plank floor, and divided into three apartments, one used for cooking; the yard inclosed with a brick wall seven feet high, the whole in good repair. This tenement is situated near the Bell-Tavern, on the cross street leading to the Rock Landing, and is insured in the Mutual Insurance company, against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid.
Eleven unimproved half acre Lots, on Shockoe-Hill, six hundred and fifty feet in width, on the waters of Oldtown creek, abutting on Ohio river, being a grant made to George Mark, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis and others, in the year 1772.
25 tracts of Land in Montgomery county, containing 32,172 1/2 acres, the whole patented in my name, viz:
4000 acres surveyed 3d April, 1786 in Montgomery county, on Cole river.
3080 acres surveyed 24th July, 1786 in same county, on 16 mile creek, adjoining the late General Washington's survey on Kanawha river.
3062 1/2 acres surveyed 23d July, 1786, in same county, on Loop waters, waters of New-river.
1000 acres surveyed 18th May, 1786 in same county, on the Ohio river.
3210 acres surveyed 5th April, 1786 in same county, south of a creek running into Cole river.
2138 acres surveyed 21st February, 1787 in same county, on Cole river.
320 acres surveyed 3d February, 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek and Little Blue stone.
1300 acres surveyed 16th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of the south fork of Cole river, that heads against Guyandott.
95 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Glade creek.
78 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on a branch emptying into Glade creek on the south side of the fame, and about one mile above the ford of said creek.
500 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the north fork of Mud river, that heads against Guyandott.
1500 acres surveyed 12th May, 1786 in same county, on Ohio river.
2000 acres surveyed 8th May, 1786 in same county, on the great Kanawha.
1000 acres surveyed 16th May, 1786 in same county and on ditto.
263 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head of Glade creek.
214 acres surveyed 7th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Glade creek, on the south side thereof.
185 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the west end of Joe's Ridge, and on the waters of Glade creek.
154 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county on Joe's ridge.
228 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on Joe's ridge, and the waters of Glade and Cooper's creek.
414 acres surveyed 22d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the second fork of Cole River, on the road crossing from Piney river to Guyandott.
2000 acres surveyed 26th Feb. 1787 in same county, under the big pipe stem knob, and running down both sides of the creek.
416 acres surveyed 4th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Coopers creek, and Joe's ridge.
850 acres surveyed 3d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Cooper's creek.
3338 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the south fork of Cole river.
1345 acres surveyed 3d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Little blue stone, about half a mile north from the White Oak creek.
Three tracts of land in Monongalia county, patented in my name, viz:
250 acres by survey 1st June, 1796 in Monongalia county, adjoining Matthew Richey's land, and the Randolph county line, on waters of Cheat river.
400 acres surveyed 20th October, 1797 in same county, adjoining lands of Abner Harper, above the mouth of White Day creek.
400 Acres surveyed 15th Nov. 1797 in same county, adjoining Peter Drago, on Finche's run, to include an improvement made in the year 1773.
1000 acres in same county, on the west of Cheat river, above the lands of Thos. Butler.
800 acres in same county, on Buffalo creek, on a preemption right of David Gray.
250 acres in Greenbrier county, on Little Deer creek, adjoining lands of Joseph McClung.
891 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 1st August, 1787, on the waters of Piney river & Paint creek, waters of Kanawha river.
435 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 30th June 1786, joining the lands of Joseph Eaton, Richard Mule, and James McCord.
230 acres in Wythe county, surveyed 4th Nov. 1795, on the Led Myne Mill creek.
180 acres in Albemarle county, patent dated 5th July, 1787, on William Hill creek, waters of Buck Island creek.
One undivided moiety of five lots, in the town of Winchester, No's 89, 90, 100, 101, and 109. The above will be sold very low, and the terms made known on application to Wm. AUSTIN. Richmond, April 9.—(tf).
A few copies of the following BOOKS, just received and for sale at the Office of the ENQUIRER.
Johnson's Dictionary, with Walker's pronunciation Life of Sir William Jones.
Medical Theles.
Wettenhall's Greek Grammar translated.
Cobbett's French Grammar.
Stephens's History of the wars of the French Revolution.
Burke's Works, Superb Edition.
Horace Dolphin.
Virgil. Do.
Cesar. Do. &c. &c.
Also, a small assortment of STATIONARY.
THE CELEBRATED WARM SPRINGS IN VIRGINIA.
THE subscribers have taken a lease of ten years, of the highly celebrated MEDICINAL SPRINGS in the county of Bath, called the Warm Springs, so justly famed for their great cures and general relief in many complaints.
THEY are now preparing every necessary comfort and accommodation to suit the amusement of those who have health, (and to promote the recovery of those who want it,) and it is deemed necessary to make these things widely known, because complaints have heretofore been made against the entertainment which has been offered.
Preparations are made for at least one hundred constant boarders, besides transient guests, for the accommodation of which, the subscribers will make all possible exertions; and they flatter themselves, that those who may place confidence in this advertisement, will not find the smallest cause for regret or complaint. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER.
The editors of the National Intelligence and Baltimore Federal Gazette, are requested to insert the above four times in their respective papers. March 28.—(epdw).
TO BE SOLD—FOR READY MONEY,
IN pursuance of a decree of the Circuit Court of the United States, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross, and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 7000 dols. 40 cents, with the expenses of sale, A NUMBER OF SLAVES and so much of that valuable Estate in the county of Campbell, known by the name of the OXFORD IRON WORKS, as shall appear sufficient to raise the said sum of money and the said expenses; the said land being now in the occupation of the said David Ross, and the slaves aforesaid, being on the land.
The sale will take place at the Oxford Iron Works, in the county of Campbell, on Thursday the 11th of April next.
The slaves are represented to be very valuable. The land is so well known, as to render a description unnecessary. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. V. D. J. S. SCOTT, M. V. D.
At the request of Mr. Ross, the sale of the property above mentioned, is postponed until Thursday the 9th day of next month. April 8. Im
WILL BE SOLD,
At Public Auction, on Saturday the 20th day of April next, at the Rawleigh Tavern, in the city of Williamsburg;
That valuable Plantation called YARMOUTH, lying in James City county, on Chickahominy River, ten miles from Williamsburg. The improvements are, a two story brick house, with two rooms and a passage above and below; porticoes on each side; a large and capacious barn, and three other out-houses. The whole tract, including an Island, in view of the house, high and low land with marshes, contains about 2700 acres; scarcely one third of which is cleared. Two thirds of the Island is arable, which, with the land adjoining the house, is of superior quality. Adjacent to the Island are two bold and navigable creeks, with a convenient landing to each. The range for cattle is very extensive, and the marshes and meadows will supply an abundance of hay. Fish and wild fowl, in their respective seasons, may with ease be obtained at your door. The orchards, consisting of the greatest variety of all kinds of fruit, selected with care, are now in their prime. The terms of sale are one third cash and one, two and three equal annual payments, for the balance. PEYTON RANDOLPH, jr. For ELIZA INNES. Feb. 19. (eptds)
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. C—round the Calf. B—the pitch of ditto. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. eptf
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
FRIDAY, Feb. 15.
(Continued.)
Mr. Harper. Did the counsel for the traverse state a case on this offer of the Judge?
Mr. Marshall. Those were the observations of the court, but I do not recollect that the counsel said any thing in reply.
Mr. Randolph. You mentioned that no person of Mr. Giles's politics was on the jury; did I understand you when speaking of Mr. John Harvie as being of those politics, as meaning Mr. Harvie of Belvidere?
Mr. Marshall. Yes Sir.
Mr. Randolph. What do you conceive to have been his politics at that time.
Mr. Marshall. I thought, from his opinion on the sedition law, which I had understood was, that it was unconstitutional, he might have been of the same politics as Mr. Giles.
Mr. Randolph. What was your opinion of Mr. Radford?
Mr. Marshall. I understood his politics to have been of the same kind.
Mr. Randolph. Did you ever hear that Mr. Marshall on the jury for the trial of Callender, that Mr. Randolph had denied that he was on the jury?
Mr. Marshall. I have understood that he denied ever having been summoned.
Mr. Randolph. Did Mr. Harvie answer to his name when called on the jury list?
Mr. Marshall. Yes Sir, and he was excused as being high sheriff of the county of Henrico.
Mr. Randolph. Did Mr. Radford answer to his name?
Mr. Marshall. I believe not Sir. Mr. Vandewall I am certain did not.
Mr. Randolph. Were you well acquainted at the time with Mr. Radford and Mr. Harvie?
Mr. Marshall. I was with Mr. Harvie, and tolerably well with Mr. Radford.
Mr. Marshall. Not very intimately. Mr. Randolph. Were you well acquainted with Mr. Marks Vandewall.
Mr. Randolph. Do you know, or believe, that, at the election for members of the House of Representatives in the spring of the year 1799, whether Mr. Vandewall did vote for your brother, the present chief justice?
Mr. Marshall. I believe he did not vote at all, but if he had voted, I believe it would have been for him.
Mr. Harper. Colonel Tinsley appears upon this panel, I would ask you if his political opinions were at that time the same as they are now?
Mr. Marshall. I do not know what were his political sentiments at the time—but I remember that he had been hostile to the adoption of the federal constitution.
Mr. Martin. The panel of the petit-jury is never returned, if I understood you right, by the marshal, until the jury appears in court, & the clerk of the court knows nothing of it? Did you learn any thing of the panel that had been summoned by the marshal on the morning you were with him at Judge Chase's lodgings?
Mr. Marshall. I did not.
The President. Did you know whether Mr. D. Randolph had or had not made out his panel?
Mr. Marshall. I knew nothing of it.
Mr. Wright. When was it that the conversation took place at Judge Chase's lodgings, when you met Mr. Heath there?
Mr. Marshall. I do not recollect the precise day, but I think it was the 27th or 28th of May.
DAVID M. RANDOLPH Esq. m.p.
Mr. Harper. Were you marshal of the United States for the district of Virginia in 1800? I was, Sir.
Mr. Harper. Did you attend the circuit court held in May of that year, as marshal?
A. I did, Sir.
Mr. Harper. Did you summon the panel of the jury that served on the trial of Callender.
A. I did.
Mr. Harper. Had you any conversation with Judge Chase on the forming that panel? I had no conversation with him on that subject. There was a conversation offered to me by Judge Chase.
Mr. Harper. What was it.
A. The Judge recommended to me that I should get persons generally from the country—represented that they should be twenty-five years of age, of fair characters, untainted by party prejudices.
Mr. Harper. What were his reasons for taking them from the country.
A. I do not know—I replied that the mode of summoning jurors was looser in Virginia than in other states—of course I did not with his instructions.
Mr. Harper. If at that period you had been disposed to form a jury of the political opinion of those then in power, would you have taken them from the town or country.
A. I knew very little of the political sentiments of the citizens. There were, however, in town a great majority of those whose politics were called federal.
Mr. Harper. Was that the case in the country?
A. I cannot say. I never meddled with politics in any way except in private conversation. Not attending at public meetings, I had but little acquaintance with the politics of individuals.
Mr. Harper. Did you, in forming the panel, summon any persons you knew to be opposed to the then administration.
A. I believe I did several. I summoned the best and fairest characters, without respect to their political opinions. I employed two deputies.
A. I did by my duty.
Mr. Harper. On what day was he summoned?
A. I received directions from the bench on Friday to be prepared with two juries of 24 each on the Monday following.
Mr. Harper. When did you proceed to form the jury.
A. I proceeded the moment I was directed. I summoned several in person while in court.
Mr. Harper. When did you complete the panel?
A. I completed it on Monday morning following while the court was sitting.
Mr. Harper. Did you complete the panel before?
A. Never. It might have been considered as an incomplete state at that period.
Mr. Harper. Why so?
A. It is never the practice in Virginia for the jury summoned to consist of any precise number of persons.
Mr. Harper. Did you ever show the panel to Judge Chase?
A. Never at any time or place. The list was handed

A. The democratic party, as they are called. Mr. Randolph. Did I understand you to say you were not positive to which party he belonged? A. I was not positive at that time. Mr. Campbell. I wish you to state when you showed the panel of the grand jury to the judge? A. On the first day of the court after it was formed? Mr. Campbell. Had he never seen it before? A. Never, sir—I had never seen it before myself. The practice is for the returns to be handed in by the deputies, and a list formed and given to the clerk, who hands it to the court. Mr. Campbell. Have you any recollection of seeing Mr. Heath at the Judge's lodgings, and when? A. I have no recollection of seeing him at the Judge's chambers at any time, or of seeing him in Richmond during that session of the court, until it was called to my mind by Mr. Marshall's questions. Mr. Nicholson. Then you recollected by presumption that he was there—Did you see him? A. I rather think I saw him—but I have no recollection of seeing him in Judge Chase's chamber, or with Judge Chase alone. Mr. Randolph. Did Judge Chase lodge at Crouch's—Is it not a tavern? A. It is a boarding house, and no wife distinguished from a tavern. I had never been in the house before Judge Chase's arrival. Mr. Randolph. Did you ever receive any instructions, verbal or by letter, from Judge Chase in relation to the grand jury. A. Never.
SATURDAY, February 16.
JOHN MARSHALL, foreman .
Mr. Harper. Please to inform this honorable court whether you did, or did not, on the part of Col. Harvie, make an application for his discharge from the jury; and on what ground that application was made. Mr. Marshall. I was at the bar when Col. Harvie, with whom I was intimately acquainted, informed me that he was summoned on the jury. Some conversation passed, in which he expressed his unwillingness to serve, and stated that he was an unfit person; for that his mind was completely made up, that he thought the [sedition] law unconstitutional, and that whatever the evidence might be, he should find the traverse not guilty; and requested me on that ground to apply to the marshal for his discharge. I told the marshal that Col. Harvie was extremely desirous of being discharged, and on his discovering great repugnance to his discharge, I informed him that he was predetermined, and that no testimony could alter his opinion. The marshal said that Col. Harvie might make his excuse to the court; he observed that he was watched, and to prevent any charge of improper conduct from being brought against him, he should not interfere in discharging any of the jurors who had been summoned. I informed Col. Harvie of this conversation, and it was then agreed, that I should apply to the court for his discharge, upon the ground of his being sheriff of Henrico county, that his attendance was necessary as that court was then in session; I moved the discharge of the juror on that ground, and he was discharged by the court. Mr. Harper. Did you communicate to Judge Chase, or to the court, the reasons which first induced Col. Harvie to make this application? Mr. Marshall. I only stated that he was sheriff of Henrico county, and that it was unusual to require the attendance of sheriffs on juries. I believe the marshal was at that time obtaining jurymen, he had at that time a paper in his hand, and appeared to be setting down the names of persons within his view. Mr. Randolph. Were you in court during a part of the trial, or during the whole of the trial? Mr. Marshall. I think I was there only during part of the time. Mr. Randolph. Did you observe any thing unusual in the mode of conduct on the part of the counsel towards the court, or the court towards the counsel, and what? Mr. Marshall. There were several circumstances that took place on that trial, on the part both of the bar and the bench, which do not always occur in trials. I would probably be better able to answer the question, if it were made more definite. Mr. Randolph. Then I will make the question more particular by asking whether the interruptions of counsel were much more frequent than usual? Mr. Marshall. The counsel appeared to me to wish to bring before the jury arguments to prove that the sedition law was unconstitutional. And Mr. Chase said that that was not a proper question to go to the jury; and whenever any attempt was made to bring that point before the jury, the counsel for the traverse were stopped. After that there was an argument commenced (I think) by Mr. Hay, but I do not recollect positively, to prove to the judge that the opinion which he had given was not correct in point of law, and that the constitutionality of the law ought to go before the jury; whatever the argument was which Mr. Hay advanced, there was something in it which Judge Chase did not believe to be law, and he stopped him on that point. Mr. Hay still went on, and made some political observations; Judge Chase stopped him again, and the collision ended, by Mr. Hay sitting down, and folding up his papers as if he intended to retire. Mr. Randolph. There were many preliminary questions, such as, with respect to the continuance of the cause, the admissibility of testimony, &c. Did the interruptions take place on the part of the court only when the counsel pressed the point of the unconstitutionality of the sedition law? Mr. Marshall. I believe that it was only at those times, but I do not recollect precisely. I do not remember correctly what passed between the bench and bar; but it appeared to me that whenever Judge Chase thought the counsel incorrect in their points, he immediately told them so, and stopped them short; but what were the particular expressions that he used, my recollection is too indistinct to enable me to state precisely; what I do state is merely from a general impression which remains on my mind. Mr. Randolph. Was there any misunderstanding between the counsel and the court, and what was the cause of that misunderstanding, or what was your opinion as to the cause, or did you form one? Mr. Marshall. It is impossible for me to assign the particular cause. It began early in the proceeding and increased as the trial progressed. On the part of the judge it seemed to be a distrust with regard to the mode adopted by the traverse's counsel, at least I speak as to the part which Mr. Hay took on the trial, and I tended to increase also with him as he went on. Mr. Randolph. When the court decided the point that the bar had not a right to decide upon the constitutionality of a law, did the counsel for the traverse begin an argument to convince Judge Chase that the opinion which
he had delivered on that point, was not well founded. Is it the practice in courts when counsel object to the legality of an opinion given by the court to hear the arguments of counsel against such opinion? Mr. Marshall. If the counsel have not been already heard, it is usual to hear them, in order that they may change or confirm the opinion of the court, when there is any doubt entertained. There is however no positive rule on this subject, and the course pursued by the court will depend upon circumstances; where a judge believes that the point is perfectly clear and settled, he will scarcely permit the question to be agitated. However it is considered as decorous on the part of the judge to listen while the counsel abstain from urging unimportant arguments. Mr. Randolph. In the circuit courts of the United States, after a circuit is opened for any district, is the practice of such courts to adjourn over from time to time, in order to hold a court in another district in the intermediate time, and then to return back; or is not the uniform practice to postpone causes when they cannot be conveniently tried, to the next term? Mr. Marshall. I can only speak of courts where I have attended, in which the practice is, that the business of one term shall be gone through as far as possible, before any other court is held. Mr. Randolph. Was it ever the practice of any court, in which you have practised or presided, to compel counsel to reduce to writing the questions which they meant to propound to their witnesses? Mr. Marshall. It has not been usual; but in cases of the kind, the conduct of the court will depend upon circumstances. If a question relates to a point of law, and is understood to be an important question, it might be proper to require that it be reduced to writing. Unless there is some special reason which appears to the court, or on the request of the adverse counsel, questions are not commonly reduced to writing, but when there is a special reason in the mind of the court, or it is required by the opposite counsel, questions may be directed to be committed to writing. Mr. Randolph. When these questions are reduced to writing, it is for a special reason, it is after the court have heard the question, and not before the question has been propounded? Mr. Marshall. I never knew it requested that a question should be reduced to writing in the first instance in the whole course of my practice. Mr. Randolph. I am aware of the delicacy of the question I am about to put, and nothing but duty would induce me to propound it. Did it appear to you, sir, that during the course of the trial, the conduct of Judge Chase was mild and conciliatory? Mr. Marshall. Perhaps the question you propound to me would be more correct, if I were asked what his conduct was during the course of the trial; for I feel some difficulty in stating in a manner satisfactory to my own mind, any opinion which I might have formed; but the fact was, that in the progress of the trial there appeared some. Mr. Cooke. (a Senator) here interrupted Mr. Marshall, by observing that he thought the question an improper one. Mr. Randolph said he would not press it, if there were any objection to it. Mr. Harper. We, sir, have no objection; we are willing to abide in this trial by the opinion of the chief justice. Mr. Randolph. Did you ever, sir, in a criminal prosecution, know a witness deemed inadmissible, because he could not go a particular length in his testimony, because he could not narrate all the circumstances of the crime charged in an indictment, or in the case of a libel; and could only prove a part of a particular charge, and not the whole of it? Mr. Marshall. I never did hear that objection made by the court except in this particular case. [Some enquiry here made relative to the above question put by Mr. Randolph, and objected to by Mr. Cooke, which Mr. R. answered, by observing that he withdrew it.] Mr. Harper. Please to inform this honorable court, sir, whether you recollected that Judge Chase during any part of the proceedings made an offer to post one of the trial of Callender, and if you do, to what time? Mr. Marshall. I recollected at the time a motion was made for the continuance till the next term; that Judge Chase declared, as his opinion, that it ought to be tried at the present term. A good deal of conversation took place on the subject. The counsel for the traverse stated several circumstances in favor of their client, particularly relative to the absence of his witnesses; but the whole terminated at that time by a postponement for a few days; so many days, as I thought at the time, were sufficient for obtaining the witnesses residing in Virginia. I do not now recollect what the time was, nor do I say it was sufficient. I simply recollected that I thought it was. When the cause came on again, there was no proposition that I recollected on the part of the traverse's counsel for a continuance, but a desire was expressed of a postponement for a few hours, in order to give their witnesses time to arrive at Richmond, as it was possible they had been impeded by the badness of the roads; a considerable quantity of rain having fallen the preceding day. There was a declaration on the part of the court that they might take until the next day, and they went on to say that they might have a longer time, if they thought it was necessary, but the precise length of time offered, I do not recollect; but I do remember that they said the trial must come on before the present term closed. Mr. Harper. Is it the practice of the circuit courts to hold an adjourned court, and is not in the power of the circuit court to adjourn the jury, and direct them to meet again at some subsequent time? Mr. Marshall. That is a question of law I have never turned my mind to. Mr. Harper. Do you know an instance in which it has been done? Mr. Marshall. I do not know any instance in which it has ever been done. The President. Do you recollect whether the conduct of the judge on his trial was tyrannical, overbearing, and oppressive? Mr. Marshall. I will state the facts. The counsel for the traverse persisted in arguing the question of the constitutionality of the sedition law in which they were constantly repressed by Judge Chase. Judge C. checked Mr. Hay whenever he came to that point, and after having repressed repeated checks, Mr. Hay appeared to be determined to abandon the cause, when he was desired by the judge to proceed with his argument, and informed that he should not be interrupted thereafter. If this is not considered tyrannical, oppressive, and overbearing, I know nothing else that was so. Mr. Randolph. Was the check given to the traverse's counsel more than once? Mr. Marshall. There were several interruptions, as I have stated, for whenever the counsel attempted to show the unconstitutionality of the sedition law, Judge Chase observed that it was a point which should not go before the jury, and he would not permit a discussion upon it. Mr. Randolph. Then it was these checks that induced the counsel to abandon the cause of the traverse. I understood that the counsel were endeavoring to show, without any regard to jury, that the opinion of the court was incorrect. Mr. Marshall. That was my impression. Mr. Randolph. Is it not usual when the opinion of the court is not solemnly pronounced, to hear counsel? Mr. Marshall. Yes, sir. President. Is it usual for a trial to take place on the same term that the presentment is made? Mr. Marshall. My practice, while I was at the bar, was very limited in criminal cases, but I believe it is by no means usual in Virginia to try a man for an offence at the same term at which he is presented. Mr. Randolph. Did you hear Judge Chase apply any mutual epithets such as young men, or young gentlemen to the counsel? Mr. Marshall. I have heard it so frequently spoken of since the trial, that I cannot possibly tell whether
they recollected of the terms is derived from the expressions used in court or from the frequent mention made of them; but I am rather inclined to think that I did hear them from the judge. Mr. Randolph. Are you acquainted with Mr. Wirt; was he a young man at that time; was he single, married, or a widower? Mr. Marshall. I am pretty well acquainted with him; he is about 30 years of age, and a widower. Mr. Randolph. Do you know Mr. Norborne Nicholas and Mr. Hay; they practised with you at the bar; did you observe anything in their conduct that required the interposition of the court to check or prevent its consequences? Mr. Lee, objecting to this question. Mr. Randolph said he would decline putting it. Mr. Marshall then withdrew. Mr. Randolph. The managers think themselves entitled to put to any witness, however respectable his standing in life, any questions which they deem necessary to bring out the whole facts. The President. It is not objected to by the counsel for the respondent, nor decided by the court to be irrelevant or improper, the managers will be gratified by having their questions answered. At the instance of Mr. Randolph, Chief Justice Marshall was again called. Mr. Randolph. Is it the practice of the courts in Virginia to proceed against a person when indicted for an offence less than felony, say for a misdemeanor, by issuing a capias in the first instance? Mr. Marshall. My practice I before stated, had not taken this course, I therefore cannot well say what the usual practice is. Mr. Harper. I will ask you a question, sir. When Mr. Hay was interrupted by the court at the commencement of his argument to the jury, that they were the judges of the constitutionality of the law, was the interruption that took place, one which went to the argument, or barely reminding them of some erroneous opinion delivered? Mr. Randolph. I believe it was the latter; though I am not certain. Mr. Randolph. Do you recollect, sir, whether it was as to the matter, or whether the impression has not been made on your mind by some conversation which you have heard since? Mr. Marshall. My impressions are, sir, that Mr. Hay pressed the matter of the constitutionality of the law in the manner I have heretofore stated. (To be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
BOSTON, March 27.
The John Adams. Capt. Wood, arrived here yesterday, in 41 days from Liverpool. The late prospect of peace had wholly vanished at the last dates;—And had given place to notes of active and general war, louder than had before been heard. The debates in the British Parliament breathe nothing but preparation and hostility.—Ten thousand additional men had been voted for the present year;—the regular force, and troops in pay, had been augmented to 500,000 men, independent of the Volunteers; and recruiting both for the army and navy was continued with spirit and success. The Stocks continued stationary at about 50;—and the Loan for 1805, it was supposed, would exceed twenty millions.—while vast quantities of Spanish dollars continued to arrive in Spanish prizes, which were immediately exported to the Bank, or Mint. It was generally thought in London, that the proposition of peace, made by Bonaparte, and mentioned in the British King's speech, was a mere stockjobbing manoeuvre of Talleyrand. No new movement had been made in Russia: nor were many to be expected in those ice-bound regions during the winter.—But we do not find that he had relaxed in her warlike preparations;—or in her avowed hostility to the aggressions of Imperial France. Sweden continued her menacing attitude.—Austria appeared dissatisfied; but Prussia and Denmark were anxious to maintain a strict neutrality. There were no additional accounts of movements in the Mediterranean.—Lord Nelson, it was said was besieging Minorca; and a French squadron, of considerable force, was on the point of sailing from Toulon. The British government at Malta continued to bestow every attention on the American squadron there. Their prints speak highly of the spirit of our seamen before Tripoli; and lament the issue of the campaign. The menace of besieging Gibraltar was continued in Spain and France; and the rock had received a considerable reinforcement of troops. Lieutenant General Fox—brother of Charles James Fox—now commands that fortress; which the British have held since the year 1704.
FROM LATE LONDON PAPERS.
The late accounts from India announce a severe action to have been fought on the banks of the Jumna, between a strong corps of Holkar's cavalry, which had been scouring the country, and an equal force of Scindea's the battle lasted nearly two hours, and terminated in favour of the latter. Holkar's army is stated to have suffered greatly from a want of provisions, and that vast numbers of his followers had been carried off by a flux. He expected some French officers by way of Persia, but the Persian monarch, alarmed at the insurrections which French emissaries had excited at Cabul, and other parts of India, issued an order for the apprehension of all persons coming under that denomination, throughout his empire; several of these French officers were in consequence taken into custody, and the passage of others, who intended to follow, has been prevented. The Brahmin town of Nassurka having refused compliance to an enormous contribution demanded by Holkar, he sent a corps of 500 foot and 300 cavalry, to pillage the place, and put all the principal inhabitants to the sword. The king of Cabul is creating an immense army, but for what for what object is not known. He has induced several powerful Seick Chieftains to enter his service, by promises of great booty. The invasion of Hindostan was long a favourite project of that court and was twice attempted by Zemaun Shah, at the instigation of Tippoo Sahib. The termination of the war with Holkar was preceded with some serious losses on the part of our army, which, with several interesting circumstances relative to the origin of hostilities, & the success of Holkar's operations, are detailed in private letters. Amar Khan, one of his adherents, commenced hostilities by an interruption into Bundelcund, where he suddenly surrounded and cut in pieces two companies and some artillery under the command of a captain. There was, it is said, at the time, a stronger force than those with which General Lake and Wellesley gained the victories of Delhi, Laswarri, and Assaye; but owing to the absence of one officer, the death of another, and the conduct of the third, which remains to be accounted for, no effectual opposition was made to the predatory effort of the enemy. The battalion which should have supported the detachment that was cut off, saw the catastrophe without advancing. The victorious Mahattas afterwards surrounded this body; but the officer who commanded it effected his retreat a perfect order, and without loss joined the camp. Thus united, the whole corps retrograded; and in one day, & in the middle of the month of May, performed a march of twenty two miles, in which they lost more men than
would have fallen if they had charged the enemy. The senior officers who commanded the battalion, were both put under arrest, and the commander in chief immediately set out to take the command of his army. The governor general was much mortified, it is said, at having his plan for the reduction of Holkar thus thwarted. He proposed to attack the chief as soon as the rains should begin in the north western provinces. All that was necessary in the mean time, was to resist his predatory incursions; but that unexpected event had compelled the army, which had been under canvas since July 1805, to move forward at a season of the year the least favourable for offensive operations in an Indian climate. General Wellesley having returned to the army, concentrated his forces in a very advantageous position, and Holkar found himself so closely pressed by detachments, which pushed on in different directions on his flanks, as to be reduced to submission. It appears from the India Gazettes, that the King of Candy perishes in carrying on hostilities; and that, notwithstanding the successful incursions of our troops, there is no probability of peace.
LONDON, February 2.
The Emperor of Austria is according to the foreign journals, making every exertion to create a naval force in the Adriatic. The arsenals and dock-yards of Venice will, of course, be once more in a state of activity; though, even with all the vast resources of the Austrian Monarchy, there is no probability of their recovering their ancient splendour. In the course of the 15th century they were capable of furnishing a military navy of 44 vessels, manned with 91,000 seamen, and a mercantile navy of 3000 vessels, navigated by 17,000 seamen. Pridal slavery has been finally abolished in Denmark. The only parts indeed, of the Danish territories in which it lately prevailed, were the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and the Serfs of both these districts were emancipated by royal edict on the 19th of December.
SALEM, (Mass.) March 29.
We apprehend the account by the way of New-York, of admiral Liniois having taken 14 British East-India ships, is not strictly correct. Captain Ward, of the Minerva, left Bourbon the 1st of January; he informs us, that Liniois had arrived some time before the Isle of France with 5 prizes, country traders, of inconsiderable value.—The English squadron was off the island when Liniois's appeared; and taking the prizes for a reinforcement, and two of their frigates being absent in pursuit of a dispatch vessel which had gone from the island for Batavia, they kept aloof; and the French took advantage of it, and slipped into an out port, where the admiral's ship, the Marengo, got aground, and received some injury. Captain W. also informs, that a privateer from the Isle of France, the Henrietta, had got in three prizes of immense value, which she had picked out of a fleet under convoy in the Persian Gulf, and that other prizes had been taken by other privateers.
NEW-YORK, April 5.
We have the pleasure of laying before the readers of the Mercantile Advertiser the interesting LETTER OF NAPOLEON I. TO HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY, proposing Peace; alluded to in the Speech to the Imperial Parliament, at the opening of the present session. We find it in the Moniteur (the official Journal of the French government) of the 5th of February, with which we have been favoured by capt. Hazard, of the brig Patty from Bordeaux. The Patty, we understand, is the bearer of dispatches to the President and to the secretary of state.
Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser. CONSERVATIVE SENATE. PARIS, 4th February.
The senate assembled this day in grand costume, under the presidency of his serene highness the arch-chancellor of the empire. His excellency M. Talleyrand, minister of foreign relations, was introduced, and presented the following report:— M. Talleyrand. The national solemnity of the coronation, that noble and necessary completion of our social institutions, attached to it sentiments too profound and too universal not to occupy the whole attention of all classes of the state; at the near approach of this great internal event, which has just assured for ever the destinies of France, in consecrating by the voice of men and heaven all that we have acquired of glory, of greatness, and of independence, the interest of all other events was generally, as if by one common impression, felt to diminish and grow feeble; even the thought of war seemed to vanish from the bosom of a nation which owes so much to its victories. All is accomplished; the empire is founded; and in re-assuming the cares of the exterior, and re-calling genius to the interests of war, the first sentiment of the Emperor has been to elevate himself above all the passions, and to justify the great destiny for which Providence reserves him, by showing himself inaccessible to hatred, to ambition, and revenge. If there exist men who have conceived the project of combating us with the weapons of crime; who have, as much as lies in their power, realized that cruel thought; who have hired assassins; and who, even at this moment, subsidize our enemies, it is over these very passions that the Emperor has wished to triumph. The more natural and common it is to men to be irritated by personal attacks, and to show sentiments of resentment, so much the more he has felt that it was the part of a great soul to rise superior to them. This determination prevails in every instance, but it is far removed from the ordinary rules; and in so singular a case, I must forget, for a moment, the principles of courtesy which at any time would forbid me from offending by encomiums the sovereign to whom I have the honor of being minister. Here, I cannot explain the steps of a generosity which supposes a forgetfulness of the common laws of prudence, without justifying them; and, without intending it, my justifications are eulogiums. The Emperor has made the first advances towards a government which has the guilt of being the aggressor; which has manifested, without motive and without reserve, towards him and towards us, sentiments of an inveterate hatred. To comprehend well this moderation, it will be necessary to retrace the events which are passed, and to follow the march of our august sovereign to the extent of his noble career. Men who have studied his character, have they not acknowledged by the boldness of his conceptions and the vigorous and constant execution of all his enterprises, a calmness of mind and a prudence by which they were tempered, a reserve which prevented all avowal, an effectiveness, in short, of justice and of humanity which tended incessantly to moderate the effects and to cut short the term of necessary violence? Thus, after a train of advantages obtained upon the borders of the Danube, far from abandoning himself to hopes which the most liberal fortune seemed to hold out for his intoxication, he calculated that it would be more useful to France and to her enemies to understand each other. He combated the great allurements of glory with the full greater interests of humanity. He heard the cries of the victims who were speedily
to be immolated during the last struggles of an implacable war, and he made overtures of peace. From this time, with that view of futurity which outruns events, and distinguishes them from the causes by which they are produced, he had seen all the blood which was to flow on the field of Marengo, on that of Hohenlinden; and regardless of the prefaces which promised to France and to her brave armies new laurels and new conquests, he listened but to the dictates of wisdom and humanity, which legalize glory, but command sacrifices. The same principle inspired him, the same magnanimity, when, being called to take the reins of government, he united the title of First Consul to the fame of his generalship, and the powers of the first magistrate to the immense influence of the story he had acquired. Every where, he addressed the words of peace, and he succeeded in making himself heard. The Continent pacified, there remains yet an enemy to France. On the 5th Ventose, year 8, he proposed peace to the King of England. The generous conqueror of the year 5, the First Consul, pacificator of the year 5, was again to be found with the same magnanimous moderation in the august sovereign to whom heaven has entrusted our destinies. The degrees of power, the diversity of situations, change none of those eminent qualities, which might justly be termed virtues of character; and the Emperor owed it to himself to propose peace the third time, to prove that it was not in vain he had used on a solemn occasion these ever-memorable expressions: "Soldier and First Consul, I have had but one thought; Emperor, I have no other." For these two years War is declared, and could not yet be begun. All have been preparations and projects; but the moment being come when their execution was to bring on real events, and give birth to the most terrible hazards, the Emperor has thought that it was in the principles of that polite religion, which no doubt draws down upon the thoughts and the efforts of just and generous princes the assistance of heaven, to do every thing in his power to prevent great calamities by making peace. I am ordered to communicate to you the letter, which, in that view of moderation and humanity, his Majesty the Emperor has judged it proper to write to his majesty the King of England. Letter from the Emperor to the King of England. SIR MY BROTHER, Called to the throne of France by Providence, by the suffrages of the Senate, the people and the army, my first sentiment is the wish of peace. France and England are wearing out their prosperity; they may contend for ages. But their governments, do they fulfil faithfully the most sacred of their duties? and so much blood shed unnecessarily and without any prospect of an end, does it not acule them in their own conscience? I attach no dishonour upon making the first step. I have sufficiently, I think, proved to the world that I fear not any of the chances of war; it offers me nothing of which I ought to be afraid. Peace is the wish of my heart; but war has never been adverse to my glory. I conjure your majesty not to refuse to yourself the happiness of giving peace to the world; let not this sweet satisfaction be left to your children. For, in short, there never existed a fairer opportunity or a more favourable moment to put an end to all the passions, and to listen only to the sentiment of humanity and of reason. This moment once lost, what term of duration can be assigned to a war which all my efforts shall have been unable to bring to a close? Your majesty has gained more in territory and in riches during the last ten years than the whole extent of Europe; your nation is at the highest point of prosperity. What is she to expect from war? to coalesce some of the powers of the Continent? the continent will remain tranquil. A coalition would only increase the preponderance and continental grandeur of France. To renew the troubles in the interior?—The times are no longer the same. To destroy our finances? Finances founded upon a good agriculture can never be destroyed. To deprive France of her colonies? The colonies are with France only a secondary object; and does not your majesty possess already more than you can maintain? If your majesty will think seriously, you will perceive that the war is without an object, and without any presumable result. Alas! what a melancholy prospect, to make men fight for the sake of fighting! The world is large enough for our two nations to live in, & reason is sufficiently powerful to find out the means of reconciliation if a suitable disposition to be reconciled exists on both sides. I have meanwhile fulfilled a duty holy and precious to my heart. May your majesty believe in the sincerity of the sentiments I have just expressed to you, and in my desire of giving you proofs of it. Paris, the 12th Nivose, year 13 (2d Jan. 1805.) Signed, NAPOLEON. In calculating the advantages of our position, and in thinking upon that unanimous burst of affection and of respect which in the late circumstances have shewn to us all France disposed to devote itself to maintain the honour of the French name, the glory of the throne, and the dignity of the empire, I shall not conceal that being the only one admitted, as minister, to the confidence of such a determination, it was my duty to appreciate it wholly, considering it less in itself than in its heroic principle, and to view it rather as a consequence of character than as the application of a maxim of state. Had any other prince manifested to me such a disposition, I would have thought that the honour of my place, and my personal devotedness, would have indispensably required me to oppose it by my counsels. And, in truth, what is our position? and on which side are the advantages of war? We have lost nothing either abroad or at home; every thing has improved amongst us. Our allies, whose creation appeared a chimera, whose semblance seemed impossible, have been created and collected as if by magic. Our soldiers have become sailors; it seems as if the ports and the coasts of the ocean had transformed themselves into cities, where our soldiers of land and sea, in full security, as during a time of peace, devote themselves to the terrible and perilous exercises of war. We have, without doubt, a smaller navy than England; but their number, when united and wisely directed, is sufficient to strike a mortal blow to the enemy. Spain drawn into the contest by provocations without pretext or excuse, has given to us for auxiliaries the disapprobation of Europe against an unjust aggression, the indignation of a generous people, and the forces of a great kingdom. Invulnerable upon our own territory, we have experienced that vigilance, and an enemy which is never at variance with itself, are sufficient for our security. Our colonies are sheltered from all attack; Guadalupe, Martinique, and the Isle of France, would resist an expedition of twenty thousand men. Our cities, our fields, our manufactures, are prospering; the regular and easy collection of the taxes attests to the never failing resource of agriculture and of industry; commerce, accustomed during the last ten years to dispens-

with the costly intercourse with England, has taken another direction, and finds in it communications more profitable, more independent, and more safe. No new imports; no loans; a debt which cannot increase, but must diminish; an accumulation of means sufficient to maintain during ten years the actual state of the war. Such is the position of France.
This war has been very little on the offensive; but it has been far from inactive. France has been secure. She has raised up a force until this day unknown. She has planted in the very bosom of the enemy's country a principle of inquietude without remedy; and by a prudence and an energy unceasing she has secured for ever the confidence of the continent, a little shaken at the outset of an incendiary war which might have set Europe in a blaze, and whose progress has been arrested by the assiduous efforts of watchfulness, moderation, firmness, & wisdom.
What is the situation of the enemy? The people are in arms; and whilst want, assisted by genius, has prompted us to invent a new species of marine, want and fear have compelled the English cabinet to substitute every where irritation instead of the ordinary weapons of war. The cabinet is divided between two projects, those of invasion and defence. It is prodigal of useless intrenchments; it covers the coasts with fortresses; it incessantly builds up and takes down its batteries; it searches for some method to arrest or turn aside the course of the mighty torrent. It projects inundations on its own fields. The indolence of the cities is transferred to the camps, and the turbulence of the camps is in the cities.
Ireland, the Indies, even the shores of England, are an object of perpetual and indeterminate inquietude. Whatever appertains to England is unceasingly menaced by 1500 vessels which compose our flotilla, at present by sixty ships of the line, and by a valorous army commanded by the first generals of the universe. The most alarming of all menaces, would it not be that of a flexible patience, by which we might persist during ten years in that state of rest and of expectation which would leave to our operations the knowledge and the choice of places, of time, and of the means of annoyance?
These considerations, and this contrast, ought, in my opinion, to have inspired the English government with the wise resolution of making the first advances to prevent hostilities; it has not done it. It has left to the Emperor all the advantage of that honourable beginning. It has, however, replied to the propositions which have been made to it; and if we compare this reply with the disgracefully celebrated declarations of Lord Grenville in the year 8, I must acknowledge it is not destitute of moderation and of wisdom. I have now the honour of reading it to you.
Letter from Lord Mulgrave to his Excellency M. de Talleyrand, minister of foreign affairs.
"His majesty has received the letter which has been addressed to him by the Chief of the French Government, dated the 2d of the present month.
"There is no object which his majesty had more at heart than to seize the first opportunity of procuring anew to his subjects the advantage of a peace founded on a basis not incompatible with the permanent security and the essential interests of his states. His majesty is persuaded this object cannot be attained but by arrangements which must at the same time provide for the future safety and tranquillity of Europe, and to prevent the renewal of those dangers and misfortunes by which she has found herself surrounded. Conformable to this sentiment, his majesty feels it impossible to reply more particularly to the overture which has been made to him until he has had time to communicate with the sovereigns with whom he is engaged in confidential intercourse and connection; and especially with the Emperor of Russia, who has given the strongest proof of the wise and dignified sentiments with which he is animated, and of the lively interest he takes in the safety and independence of Europe.
Downing-street, 14th January, 1805.
Signed, MULGRAVE. The character which prevails in this reply is vague and indeterminate. One idea only presents itself with precision, that of recourse to foreign powers; and that idea is not of a pacific nature; a superfluous intervention ought not to be required, if there is no wish to embarrass the discussions and to render them endless. The ordinary result of all complicated negotiations is to sour the mind, to weary the good intentions, and to throw the states again into a war become more violent by the disappointment of not having succeeded in bringing about a reconciliation.
In a question, however, which embraces a multitude of interests and of passions, which have not always been at variance, it would not be proper to stop at one single point. Time will soon unfold to us the secret of the resolutions of the English government. If these resolutions are just and moderate, we shall see an end to the calamities of war; if, on the contrary, this first appearance of reconciliation should prove a feint calculated only to serve speculations of credit, to facilitate a loan to give time to collect money from abroad, to make purchases and enterprizes, then we should know with certainty how far the dispositions of the enemy are implacable and obstinate, and we should have no other alternative than to reject with disdain the hopes of a dangerous allure, and to commit ourselves to the goodness of our cause, the justice of Providence, and the genius of the Emperor.
Until a new light shall brighten the obscurity of the present situation of affairs, his majesty the Emperor has thought that the imperfect disclosure which his majesty the King of England has judged proper to make of the first advances of France, required on his part a complete exposition of what he wished, of what he has done, and the answer of the English government.
In the mean time he has charged me to announce that he will find a satisfaction real and dear to his heart in acquainting the Senate and his people by frank communications, full and free from doubt, with every thing which concerns the great interests of their prosperity and glory, whenever such communication shall be compatible with the principles of policy and the rules of prudence.
After this report a member moved an address to his Imperial majesty, thanking him for this new testimony of confidence which the Senate had just received, by the communication of a report so remarkable and so important; which was referred to a special committee consisting of Messrs. Barthélémy, Cécile, Hédonville, their excellencies M. le Maréchal Pérignon and François Neufchâteau, president of the Senate.
West-Indies. NEW-YORK, April 5. Captain Rutgers, from Martinique, informs us that on the 11th of March, in the evening, he saw the French fleet off Guadalupe under easy sail, apparently standing for Dominque; and that the day following he passed Basse Terre,
St. Kitts, and Brimsone Hill, at each of which places the forts and vessels were under British colours. The English troops had evacuated Diamond Rock.
April 6. Captain Amazee, from Guadalupe, informs us, that an embargo of 14 days, which had been laid in consequence of the arrival of the French squadron, was taken off just before its sailing; that the French had carried into Pointe à Pitre three large ships captured at Dominque, one of them the Marquis of Lansdowne (an old East-Indiaman), another a large Guineeman laden with sugar and coffee, which they sold for forty-five thousand dollars; and that they had taken into Basse Terre (Guad.) 15 sail of British merchantmen, most of them having very valuable cargoes.
Captain Brown, of the brig Rolia, informs, that the French squadron were to the northward of Antigua, bound to the Windward Islands, when he left Guadalupe.
A respectable mercantile house in Philadelphia has received a letter from St. Thomas, in which it is stated, that a few days before it was written, a French and Spanish fleet of 17 sail of the line, was seen off Porto Rico, standing to leeward. It was supposed they were bound to St. Domingo.
Letters received in New-York by the way of Boston, state, that Gen. Christophe has been appointed commander of the army of St. Domingo, and left Cape Francois on the 19th of February, to take command of said army, then on its march against the city of St. Domingo.
Domestic Intelligence.
A gentleman who arrived in the state yesterday from Philadelphia, informs us, that in Francis' Hotel, on Tuesday evening, a French gentleman publicly mentioned, that intelligence was received in town of the death of M. Talleyrand, Prime Minister of France.
[N. Y. paper 5th April.]
We learn, from an authentic source, that our government have received official notice, that our trade with the blacks of St. Domingo is absolutely prohibited, and that all neutral vessels bound to or from any port in their possession, will be seized, and the crews tried under a military commission and EXECUTED. This intelligence may be relied upon. It will soon be in our power to state it more minutely.
[United States Gazette.]
PENNSYLVANIA. Lancaster, April 4.
During the present Session, a Bill, entitled, "An Act to alter the Mode of appointing the Comptroller and Register-General," was passed by the legislature, and sent to the Governor. His Excellency returned the Bill, with his Objections: Upon which it was re-considered, by the House of Representatives, and passed. Yeas 55, Nays 20.
On Friday last, said Bill was re-considered by the Senate, and lost; 15 Members voting for, and 9 against it. The Constitution requires a majority of two thirds to pass a Bill rejected by the Governor.
The Judiciary Bill, as lost in Senate, was revived in the House of Representatives; and, after being amended passed both Houses, and was sent to the Governor; who returned it with Objections.
The Bill was re-considered, on Monday, in the House of Representatives; when 51 Members voted for, and 26 against it.—It is consequently lost in the House in which it originated.
CHARLESTON, March 28.
Yesterday arrived the Portuguese brig Union, Antonio de Medeiros, from Fayal. In this vessel came passengers—Madame Turreau, lady of his excellency General Turreau, minister plenipotentiary of France to the United States, and her two children; Mr. Perry, first secretary of the legation of France to the United States; Mr. de Cabre, belonging to the said legation; Mr. Lequeque, private secretary of the minister; Mr. & Madame Mauny, Miss Bourgelau, Messrs. Pollet, Monsefat, Parkin, Appleton and Manuel Ignacio Sivera.
April 2. Lieutenant Izzard arrived here on Saturday last from Philadelphia. We understand he is appointed to the command of Gun-Boat No. 2, and is to proceed in her shortly to the Mediterranean, to join the American squadron there.
[Ibid.]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishing to turn some real property into more active use, would sell, on terms highly advantageous to the purchaser, A TENEMENT on the cross street near the Market's Hall—pleasantly situated for a family. TO RENT, a Store and Counting Room, a few doors below the market house, at present occupied by Benjamin Hooper. Possession will be given the 16th of May; the rent is, for a grocery, inferior to but few in the city.
M. GRANTLAND. April 13.—[4toaw.]
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, by John B. Goodrich of Cumberland, for the purpose of securing two several debts due to James Anderson; one for eleven pounds four shillings, with interest from the 28th of December, 1803; the other for fifty-six pounds eighteen and five pence, with 6 per cent interest from first day of October, 1804, and the costs, and the expenses attending the execution of this trust—WILL CERTAINLY BE SOLD to the highest bidder, for ready money, on the 18th day of May next, on the premises, a certain TRACT OF LAND, containing twenty-five acres lying in the county of Cumberland aforesaid, and bounded by the lands of Joshua Cayce, Samuel Charlton and others. THOMAS JOHNS & T. TRUSTEES. WILLIAM RUSSILL, Adm's. Cumberland, 2d April, 1805. 3p
The public are hereby notified, that on Thursday, the 2d day of May next, (if fair; if not, the next fair day) will be sold publicly, at this place:
ALL the moveable estate of John J. Grosjean, deceased, (the Negroes excepted) consisting of a well built fast sailing Schooner, of about 50 tons burthen. The stock of GOODS on hand, which were sufficient for a country store:—Also a CHARIOT and RIDING CHAIR; the stock of HORSES and CATTLE, and all the HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, and sundry other articles too tedious to mention. The terms of sale will be twelve months credit for all sums above ten dollars, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date; but if the principal is punctually paid, the interest will be remitted.
At the same time and place will be hired for the balance of the year, four NEGRO MEN belonging to the said estate, three of whom are tailors. MARY GROSJEAN, Adm's. New-Castle, 2d April, 1805.—(tdw)
N. B. All those having claims against the said estate, are requested to bring them in properly authenticated for settlement, and those indebted are requested to come forward and make payment to MARY GROSJEAN, Adm's.
Printing. IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, APRIL 13, 1805.
In the former part of the eighteenth century, talents and learning, at least, if not virtue, were thought necessary in the conductors of political journals. Few ventured to intrude into this arduous office, but those who had some claims to literature. Towards the close of the century, however, persons of less character, and of humbler qualifications, began, without scruple, to undertake the high task of enlightening the public mind. This remark applies, in some degree, to Europe; but it applies with particular force to our own country, where every judicious observer must perceive, that too many of our gazettes are in the hands of persons, destitute at once of the urbanity of gentlemen, the information of scholars, and the principles of virtue. To this source, rather than to any peculiar depravity of national character, we may attribute the faults of American newspapers, which have been pronounced by travellers, the most profligate and licentious public prints in the civilized world.
These considerations, it is conceived, are abundantly sufficient to account for the disagreeable character of American newspapers. In every country the selfish principle prompts men to defame their personal and political enemies; and where the supposed provocations to this are numerous, and no restraints are imposed on the indulgence of the disposition, an inundation of filth and calumny must be expected. In the United States the frequency of elections leads to a corresponding frequency of struggle between political parties; these struggles naturally engender mischievous passions, and every species of coarse invective; and, unhappily, too many of the conductors of our public prints have neither the discernment, the firmness, nor the virtue to reject from their pages the foul ebullitions of prejudice and malice. Had they more diligence, or greater talents, they might render their gazettes interesting, by filling them with materials of a more instructive and dignified kind; but wanting these qualifications, they must give such materials, accompanied with such seasoning, as circumstances furnish. Of what kind these are no one is ignorant.
Such is the present state of the American Press, as it has been delineated by a faithful and intelligent observer! A picture, which every friend of this country must contemplate with the most poignant distress, because it derives all its effect from the correctness of its colouring. Considered as a vehicle of the most extensive communication, or as a permanent record of the transactions of society, the PRESS has received the unbounded eulogium of the philosopher, and the warmest gratitude of the statesman. The speculative observer regards it as the last resource of civilized society against the returning revolutions of barbarism. The enlightened politician has considered it as the stanchest pillar of a republican government. By some writers it has been compared to a nerve of the most exquisite sensibility, running through the body politic, and thrilling at the slightest touch of despotism: whilst others have likened it to the imaginary figure of Fame, with her hundred ears and her hundred trumpets, catching the least sound of approaching danger, and alarming the slumbering multitude. By all it has been regarded as an inexhaustible fountain of useful or amusing information; as the patron of literary pursuits, of elegant manners, and of ingenious taste. What then must we think of the perversion of such an inestimable instrument in this delightful country, which some have considered as the last asylum of persecuted liberty, and which all have desired to make the favourite of literature and science? What must we think of the destination of an instrument, which, capable of producing the most salutary impressions in this country, is so frequently considered to weak or worthless superintendents? Let any one examine the qualifications of our newspaper Editors, and then let him pronounce upon the accuracy of this criticism. Some of these men are to be considered as mere automata, without the understanding to form, or the spirit to express, an opinion on general subjects.
There are others, who, flying from the British dominions, have come here in quest of an asylum to screen them from persecution, or a theatre to display their talents: men who have not always the good fortune to love our country and to understand its local politics, and when thrown into a printing office, are almost indifferent to the factions which they may excite, and obliged to substitute personal abuse and rancorous quarrel in place of comprehensive views & extended details. There is another class of native Editors, who unfortunately pursue the same furious and rancorous system, though their talents and attainments would render them worthy of a worthier cause. If such be the general character of our Editors, it is not surprising that the preceding picture of the American press should be correct in its representation: it is not surprising that we have so few Editors among us, who are capable of composing any proper, and valuable essays.
Were the Editors of our newspapers even distinguished by more extensive and useful attainments, they could scarcely be expected to compose such valuable productions. A newspaper Editor in this country, has not sufficient leisure to give that undivided attention to his subjects, which their complexity may require. When he sits down to write, his mind is bewildered by a multitude of ideas idly digested: the calls of his compositors are pressing and unremitted; and an essay, coarsely expressed and feebly supported, is too often the production of his pen.
But if these essays are generally feeble, the comments and attacks of editors upon each other's productions are much more improper. A mutual examination of principles is at all times commendable: But such is not always the object of newspaper altercation. The editor commences with reasoning, but generally ends in personal invective. And this useful controversy has scarcely any limits. Each editor continues it, because he is supposed to acquire the victory, who is fortunate enough to give the last blow.
It is for these various reasons, that the editor of this paper has scarcely taken any notice of the criticisms and comments of his typographical brethren. Squibs have exploded: The cannon of longer essays have been pointed against him: But he has generally passed them by without a remark.
The following remarks from the Aurora are however entitled to more particular attention: They are published by the best paper in the union: They charge this paper, with a solemn dereliction from principles: They involve some points of peculiar importance. For these reasons, we have noticed the following remarks:
AURORA, April 4.
We have perused with much surprise and regret, in a paper that has since its establishment been distinguished for literary purity and correct political doctrines, an essay, which if we are not greatly deceived, is the production of a wolf in sheep's clothing. The paper we allude to is the ENQUIRER of Richmond, Virginia. In that paper of the 28th March, there is an essay, which under the specious pretence of exposing "the perfect policy of the federal party,"
assumes as a granted position, monstrous, unfounded, and unfathomable, such only as a thinking man could not well bear to grapple with, but which an artist or an ambitious man might calculate to possess with some prospect of success.—We infer from one striking fact, that this essay comes from a source which we should not have expected to find following the pure colouring of the Enquirer: we allude to the accommodation style in which the Yazoo speculation is treated of—as a matter involving no question connected with republican principles! We had ever considered virtue as the basis of republics, and could hardly have expected to find in the Enquirer any essay temporising with a scheme of plunder and iniquity so far as it concerns the design, the execution, the progress to consummation, the immeasurable and comprehensive scope of its corruption, the disregard of national right, of private reputation, of human life as far as it was involved—in all these points equal in iniquity to any scheme of fraud and corruption that has ever disgraced society; we know that to consummate this plunder the majority of a whole legislature has been corrupted—Indian wars have been excited, and human blood cruelly spilled, to facilitate its accomplishment—by its baneful influence the votes which riveted at us the British treaty were obtained—and by it at this moment the glory and the virtue of the American republic is put in danger of eternal disgrace. It is not a question of federalism or torvism, of this or that party, of this or that ambitious man.—But we maintain that it is a question in which every man who feels the glow of the glory of republican principles, must feel a deep and immovable interest; it is a question with which no man of morality can compromise, no man who loves virtue above gold can hear of without abhorrence. We shall take an opportunity very shortly of going into an examination of the Yazoo question in a manner in which all classes of readers may comprehend it.
The Editor of the Enquirer avows himself the author of the Essay "on Federal Policy:"
— in me convertite ferrum, mea frons omnis.
And for what, has this suspicion, this political anathema gone forth? Is it that the Editor of the Enquirer has made the slightest attempt to countenance the stupendous speculation? To deny, or to palliate this monstrous and principled and most unexampled corruption of the legislature of Georgia? Is it that he has attempted to vindicate or to conceal the profligate audacity of those speculating harpies, who dared to contaminate the holy temple of legislation? Is it that he desired to conceal the viles and hypocrisy of those adventurous agents, who, having extorted the patents of the Yazoo country from the cupidity of legislators and the trembling spirit of the Governor, extended their tales and their subterfuges to the remotest corners of the union, enlisting all into their service who were profligate enough to advance their scheme of rapacity, and imposing upon every man who was too honest and simple to suspect the fraud? In this disgusting catalogue of bribery, corruption, impenetrable intrigue and profound hypocrisy, was there a single incident which the Editor of the Enquirer attempted to deny; to modify or palliate? Was it for this, that he has derided the opprobrious epithet of "a Wolf in Sheep's clothing"? Had he indeed advocated these damnable heresies, he would have deserved all the censures, maledictions and curses, which the Aurora could have pronounced upon him. The phial of wrath could not have been too full to be poured upon his devoted head. But such sentiments are not to be attributed to the Editor of the Enquirer. He has never avowed them; he has not once entertained them. He knows, as well as the Editor of the Aurora, that "virtue is the (only) basis of republics;" and he knows, that his virtue would be "but an empty name" if he could think for a moment of temporising with (such) a scheme of plunder and iniquity.
Was it that he stood forth the champion of the rights of the present claimants? Was it that he insisted upon their right to retribution from the justice of Congress? Did he even mention the frauds which they had suffered, the fortunes which they had lost, the irretrievable ruin which hovered over them; and did he then invoke the compassion and the charity of Congress? No; had this been the question, he would have gone as far in his opposition to a compromise or a donation, as the Editor of the Aurora himself, & even further than some republicans, whom the Aurora would not dare to suspect of "artful or insidious" designs. It is his decided conviction, that Congress should not give a single cent to the present Yazoo claimants. Let them seek their indemnity from the men, of whom they purchased their deeds. Most of these sellers have the ability to refund the purchase money; and there is not a court of justice in the union, who would not force them to make retribution. It is true, that these men when they draughted deeds for the land, had the precaution and the cunning to introduce into their body not a general but a special warrantee; but it is equally clear, that the fraud which they employed upon the innocent purchasers would sufficiently invalidate every obligation, which they would otherwise have possessed. The patent itself was originally defective, because it was obtained by the most corrupt means. No title could have resulted from the deed which embraced it, and each purchaser was consequently entitled to retribution from the preceding seller. But the instances and the proofs of fraud were not confined to the original sellers. The whole drama appears to have been consistent in its progress, and fraud was its predominant feature. It is an indubitable fact that the agents of the Georgia companies, who traversed the New-England states in search of purchasers, were at first baffled in their speculating project; that they had afterwards the cunning to effect by a deep-laid policy, what the act of Georgia of '95, and the patents which they carried with them, could not accomplish: that they made a gift of some choice and extensive tracts to some influential characters who would not consent to purchase, and that other persons, who believed that they had purchased this land from a high opinion of its value, and who reposed considerable confidence in their judgment, were thus prompted to partake of the speculation, from the hope of partaking of the profits. Men who were thus made the victims of an extensive system of deception, may surely demand retribution from the avaricious impostors. But even should they be able to obtain no redress from the administration of the law, what right have they to apply to the justice or the generosity of congress? Would they appeal to that justice because their title to the land is unexceptionable? No: for the claim which is originally obtained by corruption can never be sanctified by succession or by time. Would they appeal to that generosity, because they have been reduced to ruin by the profligacy of fraud? Upon this principle, every unfortunate victim of an unprincipled body of speculators, might seek his indemnity in the compassion of a Congress. Mr. Morris's creditors might produce their bundles of his depreciated notes and they have only to make out a consistent tale of corruption and of ruin, and Congress would dispose with compassion and retrieve their ruined fortunes.
With these views, I have been opposed to the claims of the present Yazoo speculators. Had I been a member of the last Congress, I would have opposed the report of the committee of claims. "I would have even voted for a
law forbidding the admission of such evidence into our courts. If nothing else would do, I would have even given my voice for imposing a heavy penalty on the man who should dare to assert such a defensible claim to the inalienable property of the nation, and thereby disgrace such property." I would have even advanced a step further. I would have carefully excluded from my bosom every sentiment of compassion, and I would not have yielded from my soul, what justice could not have found. In this respect the Editor of the Enquirer would have gone as far as the Editor of the Aurora himself, and he would have gone further than some (ther unsuspicious republicans).
"Let us go further, and display the same readiness for the future reputation of the American people of our time, which we individually feel for our private fame hereafter. We may afterwards yield to the impulse of charitable feelings, and relieve by moderate grants of land, (and land only I hope) all those claimants, who were entirely innocent of this fraud, and sincerely ignorant of its perpetration. That innocence and ignorance, or the contrary guilt or knowledge of the fraud, may be collected with considerable certainty by attention to the times and places where they are named on the written evidences of the pretended claims; as those must display the information about the origin of the transaction, which might have been, and therefore probably was, possessed by the purchasers. Some argument was due from the state of Georgia for the perjury of so many of her exiled citizens. She has acknowledged that it was due; she has provided for making it by placing five millions of acres of land in our hands, as a fund for that purpose. The task of supplying that fund we have voluntarily assumed. Is it possible we should coolly resolve in performing the confidential service, to inflict, most grossly to insult, that respectable state, by granting a part of the fund to men whom it has liquidated; whose conduct in this affair has been solemly pronounced infamous, and whom its representatives on this floor continue, by the part they take in this question, to denounce? It is not possible, surely, we should give this insult to the state of Georgia; we know the mult have intended, that if not an actual discrimination, at least an exclusion of all the parties to the original fraud, and all notorious propagators of the mischiefs of it, should be carefully made. What would we think ourselves, if trustees who should co-constrain an instrument of trust, as to bestow upon the robbers or incendiaries themselves the best part of a donation placed in their hands, by charitable persons, for the relief of sufferers by robbery or by fire? I trust we shall apply the fund for the relief of the real sufferers, I know it to be both ample and apt enough for that purpose; and I hope the United States will not be forced to contribute to a farther and unnecessary appropriation, by a large creation of stock, for an indefinite indemnity: A stock it is true, apparently to be redeemed through the proceeds of the lands granted by Georgia, but really to be paid directly from the treasury; as those lands will remain unsold, or an equivalent portion elsewhere must remain so, till a period immensely beyond the time of payment of the principal of it.
But will the Aurora presume to say, that Mr. T. M. Randolph is not an inflexible republican in heart and in sentiment? Will he denounce him as "a wolf in sheep's clothing?" Will he declare that he too, "temporises with a scheme of plunder and iniquity?" And yet the Enquirer has the same authority to apply these expressions to Mr. R. at the time when he delivered this speech, as the Aurora has to apply them to the Enquirer. Mr. R. and the Enquirer differ on the question of relief: because Mr. Randolph does not go so far in his opposition to the Yazoo claimants.
What then are the surprising and reported facts, on which the Aurora has erected these solemn denunciations. Let us quote them from the original essay.
"It is not "every difference of opinion" which is "a difference of principle;" and the character of the advocate does not always confer its imperfection upon the opinion he supports. Where then, let me ask, was the justice of calling upon the conscientious advocates of a Yazoo compromise, the charges and reproaches of federal corruption? Where was the propriety of entering Mr. Findley upon the list of proscriptions, until some satisfactory opinion had been collected, that he also had partaken of the corruption of the Yankees, or imbibed the tenets of federalism?"
Does this extract assert, that the Yazoo claim was not founded in corruption? No. That the present claimants ought to be remunerated? No. That the men who voted for referring them to the arbitration of commissioners, were correct in their decision? No. What then does it declare? Merely, that some of the "advocates of a Yazoo compromise" might have been "conscientious;" that Mr. Findley might have been in that number; and that it was improper to proscribe him, until some satisfactory testimony had been collected, &c. &c. Is the editor of the Aurora yet to learn, that there is a broad discrimination between the motives and the actions of men? That the very men who may have performed the most detestable actions, may have been actuated by the most conscientious motives? Mr. Findley's vote was improper. Were I an elector of Pennsylvania, I would use every exertion to exclude him from a seat in Congress, so long as this Yazoo question was pending. But I would not on that account, proscribe Mr. F. I would not at once declare that he was actuated by federal or corrupt principles. But the Aurora may say; the immorality of the motive is apparent from the innate impropriety of the act: No man could conscientiously support a measure, which was so notoriously vicious. If an impartial man however will examine the debates of Congress on this subject, he will discover that a great deal may be said in favour of the Yazoo claimants. Let him, for instance, peruse Messrs. Root's & Jackson's speeches, & he will at once perceive the very numerous and specious arguments by which they have been supported. But it may be said that the character of the men, who advocate them, is at once sufficient to demonstrate the profligacy of their motives.
Who then are these advocates? Is Mr. Findley the only one? No: James Madison, Albert Gallatin and Levi Lincoln, the three commissioners of the U. S. have also declared their belief, "that the interest of the United States, the tranquillity of those who may hereafter inhabit the territory, and various equitable considerations, which may be urged in favor of most of the present claimants, render it expedient to enter into a compromise on reasonable terms." It is certainly worthy of eternal regret, that such men should have lent the sanction of their names to a title, which they admit "cannot be supported;" but who will venture to accuse all these men of "artful or insidious" designs?—There are too, several republicans within my bosom acquaintance, who are friendly to a Yazoo compromise; must these men too be represented as "wolves in sheep's clothing?" And after all, who is this Mr. Findley? Has he ever proved a traitor to the republican cause? Has he even been previously suspected?—On the contrary, has not Mr. R. been uniformly distinguished for the correctness and comprehension of his political opinions? Has he not reduced those principles to practice, and rendered several illustrious services to the republican cause?—If then a single act is sufficient to bring a man into suspicion; an act too, for which so many strong or specious reasons have been assigned; an act too, which several republicans of the most rigid virtue have been known to support; up a what feeble foundation does the political reputation of a man rest! !!!

HOLLAND.
In the Secret Assembly of the Batavian Legislative Body, held on the 21st Dec. in consequence of the extraordinary Petition sent up from the State Directory, and the proposal made by the same, for conferring, in order to cover the deficiency in the revenue, to a third of the extraordinary contribution on property and income for the year 1804. Citizen VAN HASSEL delivered the following opinion: "From the report of the committee it appears, that this Assembly, having found the nullity of their resistance, must consent to the ulterior proposals of the State Directory, requiring, (without advertising to the remittance they have returned) our consent to the raising of 1 per cent. on the national property, by granting, provisionally, for the term of three months—upon account of the probable deficiency in the 16,370,000 florins granted for sundry items; and also on account of the fame deficiency, our consent to a third installment of the extraordinary contribution for the year 1804; and, in order to compel us thereto, I hear reasons alleged, which appear to be suggested by the most extreme necessity—a flagation in every department of government and of Administration, an infa- redaction of the army and navy, a general bankruptcy, and, moreover, the displeasure of our high Ally."
"I do not doubt for a moment, but the committee of this assembly for financial affairs, is convinced, after many deliberations and conferences, of the urgent necessity, and of the danger of our dreadful perplexity. I do not even doubt for a moment but a complete anarchy, introduced conditionally in 1801, places the state now at the point of entire annihilation: and I am very certain, that, without the disinterested zeal and co-operation of individuals (true lovers of our country), all exertions to save it would have been fruitless long since."
"Thus, in order to defer that ruin, so long prevented, alas! for three months longer, are we under the deplorable necessity of declaring to the Batavian people, that the state is lost, unless they give up provisionally, for three months, one per cent. of the value of their property; that, all maturely considered & pondered, there remains nothing else, no other means than to repeat this expedient over and over again; and while we give them to understand pretty plainly, that all this is to be ascribed to our connection with France, through which we are involved in so long and expensive a war, by which we are obliged to fulfil the most extravagant engagements."
"Sensibly affected by the dismal fate of our country, and the fate of a nation, which appears to have freely made (but, alas! in vain) such unprecedented sacrifices for the acquisition and preservation of its liberty and independence, for no other purpose, than to purchase, at the expense of such treasure, its entire destruction and erasure from the list of powers, I find myself obliged, before I give my vote, in a case where another great sacrifice is again demanded from that nation, to ask, whether the grounds for it do actually exist? Whether we can in conscience declare, that it is impossible for us to save the country by other means? And still further, whether we, as honest men, can ascribe this folly to the consequences of our connection with France?"
"The state directory, however, to persuade us to grant, for a period of three months, a considerable extension of the exigencies of the state for the present year, and to be enabled to decree provisionally a third installment of the extraordinary contribution for 1804, to provide for the deficiency, say, in their letter of the 7th inst., which is insinuating to this assembly, that there remains no choice for them but either to fulfil the engagements entered into with our high ally, or to see the state ruined past recovery; that the reasons for refusing to grant the extension are weak; that they do not know what retrenchments this assembly has in view; and thus, convinced of the force of these arguments, they threaten this assembly, that they will leave us to answer for the dreadful consequences which are to be apprehended from a further refusal; and that they will inform our high ally that they are unable, from the want of the necessary consent for, and the means of, raising money, to fulfil their engagements. Although this letter has been retracted by the directory, yet the impression it has made on me, and many members of this assembly, has not been effaced; the grounds, indeed, are again urged in the present proposal. But with whatever durgin I may regard this letter, yet am I obliged to confess, that matters are arrived at an extremity; I must own, that there appears to be no alternative; it is not a cruel mockery, however, of our oppressed and impoverished countrymen, on whom you impose this additional burthen, in cold blood, with a profession of sincere condolence, in addition to the heavy burthen which oppresses them already, if, while you make this proposition, you feel to whom, and to whose unaccountable conduct it is owing that the nation has no other means left, and that no other choice remains, if you are resolved to fulfil the engagement entered into with France?"
"Is the nation, I ask, the people already so greatly oppressed and impoverished, to submit to this command of the directory? Shall the nation, whose known and approved faith, and whose readiness to contribute to the utmost of its power, has ever been most manifest, and which nobly endures the more hardships, and suffers the greater cruelty on that very account—shall that nation admit that the reasons of the directory are well founded? Shall the nation allow it to be laid to its charge, that the directory is not satisfied, if the legislature does not resolve blindly to grant its demand? Has that nation (offended and provoked at its being declared to the whole world, that they linger under an oligarchical administration, without love of their country, under which their colonies and foreign possessions have been sold and delivered up to the common enemy) no just cause to ask 'are the reasons given by that administration such as can be depended upon, and ought to be submitted to?'"
"Will it not ask, how this measure is to be reconciled with the directory's promise to use all possible parsimony? And will it not find, during this investigation, even without looking into the deeds and resolutions which prove this more plainly, that the waste of money not only continues, but increases every day from different sources? Will not the nation on seeing such continued negligence, begin to doubt whether this assembly, assenting to the reasons of the directory, acts honestly, or otherwise?"
"It cannot be denied, that the sentence in the directory's letter, where it affects not to know what this assembly means by retrenchment, is a mockery, when their committee for financial affairs has so frequently pointed it out in their name; and if the directory is really ignorant of it, let them be convinced and shown in every page of that so voluminous exposition, what possibility, what certainty there is of many important savings."
"In order to be convinced, that, far from thinking of savings, the exigencies of the state should not so extravagantly exceed its income, they rather act as if the republic were at its most splendid pitch; it will only be necessary to look into the expenses of the last year, and to compare them with the resolution of the Generality, on the expenses of the alliance of 1792, may, even with the expostulations of 1799, 1800 and 1801: whence the progressive increase of expense will appear. You have to compare only, except the item for the legislative body, all the items of disbursements, to be convinced of expenses which exceed all the preceding ones, without any greater advantage derived therefrom."
"Will not the nation, tracing this increase up, why such an enormous expense is incurred for the ostensible defence and guarding of colonies which are declared to all Europe to have been twice sold and delivered up to the enemy? The nation will ask, whether the different offices, especially that of the directory themselves, of the secretaries of state for foreign affairs, of war, and of the navy (not to mention the unnecessary expense of the departments and others) work better and harder now, than formerly, although they cost a far infinitely greater. The nation will enquire whether it agrees with our situation, to maintain such expensive ministers every where? and if it were not better to follow the example of the American government, and to keep only diplomatic agents at such courts as are of the greatest importance? It will be asked, whether it accords to our situation, to maintain
such a number of fortresses, with their magazines and appurtenances, as we never can occupy? And why they are so much increased of late years? The nation will be astonished, on perusing the list of pensions, at the numberless officers (to say nothing of the innumerable and very questionable political pensioners) placed on the pension list during the latter years, most of whom were fit and willing to serve?—What occasion is there for four schools of Artillery, when we have but one Corps of Artillery? And what will the nation say, whose desire it is to revive once more their ancient naval fame, on beholding the immense sums which are required for the building and maintenance of new ships of the line, whilst roofs are constructed over those we already have, in order to preserve them until peace?"
"Our countrymen will, on tracing the organization of the naval council, of the high military tribunal, and the colleges, as well as the official departmental and very expensive administrations, with the appurtenances; and on asking a thousand other questions, be convinced, that, provided only there be no new profits and salaries created at their expense, for individuals and their friends, savings enough may be made to enable us, in a great measure, to fulfil our engagements as allies; that the nation need not remain in distress on that account, provided the administration only wills it so; may it not be asked, whether this has ever been the case since the year 1801, whether a single saving has been made since that time? Let the directory name it, and leave the nation to judge to whom the terrible consequences that are to be apprehended are to be ascribed."
"Have not many circumstances rather tended to show since that period, that the ruin of the state must result from the classings of the different sovereignties, restored within our little one and indivisible republic, in such an expensive manner, and that they must increase the expense and waste of money; and have the directory, since that period, ever seriously set about introducing one of the greatest savings, namely, the establishment and putting in activity of general imports? Have they ever endeavoured to give great and generally salutary establishments to the nation?"
"And shall this assembly, by decreasing the proposal of the directory, agree that there are no other means left, than that of burthening the nation continually with forced impost? But if the assembly, in its wisdom, should decree otherwise, and concur in the measure proposed, then I am of opinion that although every thing alleged cannot be controverted; that although the state directory ought long since to have proposed to our high ally measures for easing the burthen of the war, by abolishing all unnecessary expenses by the utmost parsimony in government and administration; and that (although the directory have not done this, but the reverse) the necessity is now urgent, and the more pressing, as they did not sufficiently foresee the means for satisfying the increased demands, before they granted them; and that this necessity is still more urgent also because, though we should not use the utmost parsimony, and introduce the general imports, as the only means of saving the country, yet this cannot immediately operate towards a present relief. I, for my own part, am not at liberty to give my assenting voice to the measure: I must also declare against the proposed anticipation; because that the former instalments of the contribution of 1804, are far from being cleared, and the second instalment remains nearly all due; by the employment of which (if care be only taken that it terminates together with the expensive committees of enquiry) there will be funds sufficient to answer the most pressing demands, and that it is unnecessary to give away a premium, which would again lessen the national income of this proposed third installment; and this is, moreover, a reason why I, who do not see the pressing nature of the matter, think myself obliged to declare against the proposal of the directory, and leave one of the dangerous consequences with which this proposal threatens us, entirely to their account, as it is not required of this assembly, but of the executive power, to take care, that all fulfil the law equally in these their engagements."
"Let the directory freely say to the Emperor or of the French, who no doubt is very well informed of the state of affairs, what the Batavians have done, borne and suffered, since the year 1795, for the recovery and preservation of their liberty and independence, in obtaining and being true to their alliance with the French republic; and let them actually shew, by the application of the strictest economy, that it is impossible to continue to load the people with burden, because from the course of events, and the pressure of particular circumstances, the fountain of their property and prosperity, is dried up, or subjected to daily exhaustion. Let the directory, by an open and magnanimous behaviour, as an enemy to the general enemy, prove, in their dealings with the Emperor, that they are worthy of his personal good disposition towards the Batavian people: let them, in case any ministerial intrigues have been, or are still carried on, for combining with the enemies of the state, punish the guilty by way of example, and I feel myself assured, that the very interest which our high ally, takes in this commonwealth (at present so low, so degraded) will produce the best consequences, will acquire us esteem, and, in our situation, will procure us relief, support, and even assistance, by respecting the national independence. Lastly, that this proposed measure of the directory will be rendered unnecessary, and that we shall be relieved from the painful task of decreeing it."
LAND FOR SALE. A TRACT of about 850 acres, lying on James River, adjoining the town of Lynchburg; one hundred and forty of which is low ground, and said to be of the first quality; a considerable proportion of the high ground lies well, and well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. It has an excellent lead and rock fishery on it; a small apple orchard, a good dwelling house and convenient out-houses; a mill seat, supposed to be superior to any in that part of the country—the mill house would let within thirty-six poles of the river, on navigable water. Likely negroes would be received in part pay, and a generous price allowed for one or two blacksmiths that are under 30 years of age, and good workmen. For further particulars, apply to the subscriber on the premises, or Mr. William Brown, merchant, in Lynchburg. LEWELLEN JONES. March 1.
A TRACT OF LAND. The subscriber offers for sale, a TRACT OF LAND, on which he at present resides situated in the county of Westmoreland, and bounded by the rivers Potomac and Rappahannock. This tract contains about seven hundred acres of strong low ground, one half of which is thickly covered with very valuable pine and oak timber, and its soil well suited to the culture of corn and small grain; the situation a very healthy and handsome one, commanding an extensive view up, and a boundless one down the Potomac. The waters to which this land is immediately attached afford an abundance and with great convenience the finest oysters and wild fowl in their season; and fish in great variety and of the finest kinds throughout the year. The purchaser may have the flock of cattle, sheep and hogs, together with the implements of husbandry on the plantation. One half the amount of purchase must be paid at the time of taking possession, which may be had with the close of the present year, with interest on the balance for the remainder, twelve months credit will be given on payment being satisfactorily secured. ALEXANDER PARKER. Westmoreland, March 10. (epv.)
By Authority. LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. AN ACT, In addition to "An act to make provision for persons that have been disabled by known wounds, received in the actual service of the United States during the revolutionary war."
BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the provisions contained in the first section of "An act to make provision for persons that have been disabled by known wounds, received in the actual service of the United States, during the revolutionary war," passed the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and three, are hereby extended to all those persons in the service of the United States, who, in consequence of their disability by known wounds, received in actual service, during the revolutionary war, resigned their commissions, or took discharges; or who, after incurring their disability, were taken captive by the enemy, and remained either in captivity, or on parole, until the close of the war; or who, in consequence of known wounds received in the actual service of the United States, have at any period since, become, and continued disabled, in such manner as to render them unable to procure a subsistence by manual labour. Provided, that every person of the several descriptions herein mentioned, applying for a pension, shall in all other respects, conform to the requirements of the act, to which this is an addition.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JOS. ANDERSON, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 5, 1805. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT, To amend the act entitled "An act for the government and regulation of the seamen in the merchant service."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all the provisions, regulations, and penalties which are contained in the eighth section of the act, entitled "An act for the government and regulation of seamen in the merchant service," so far as relates to a chest of medicines to be provided for vessels of one hundred and fifty tons burthen, and upwards, shall be extended to all merchant vessels of the burthen of seventy-five tons, or upwards, navigated with six persons or more, in the whole, and bound from the United States, to any port or ports in the West-Indies.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. March 2, 1805. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
FAIRFIELD RACES.
ON Monday the 6th day of May, The FAIRFIELD JOCKEY CLUB CUP will be run for, free for all ages—the horses to be bona fide the property of members—distance, two mile heats. The day following, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. On the third day, the PURSE OF THE PROPRIETOR OF THE COURSE, of two hundred dollars, three mile heats. On Thursday, a SWEEP STAKE for Colts of 3 years old, for a pipe of best Madeira Wine; distance, two mile heats. Four Colts are entered, and the subscription closed.
WEIGHTS AS FOLLOW: Aged 138 lbs. 6 years old 128 5 do. do. 118 4 do. do. 106 3 do. do. 90 Mares & Geldings allowed 5 lbs.
ESME SMOCK, who is now proprietor of the Course, informs gentlemen of the Turf, that the money to be run for each day, will be placed in the hands of the Judges; He is willing to rent the Dining House, and the Booths in the Field. Persons will be placed at the gate to receive Tolls, as usual.—He will also furnish stables and litter for race horses gratis; and board servants at 30s pr. day. March 26. (epv.)
BROAD-ROCK RACES.
ON Tuesday the 30th instant, will be run for, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE of Four Hundred Dollars, four mile heats. The second day, the PROPRIETOR'S PURSE of Two Hundred Dollars, three mile heats. The third day, a SWEEP STAKE for 4 year old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats; entrance 100 Dollars, half forfeit; Subscription to be kept open until the evening of the first day's Race. The money to be run for each day, will be placed in the hands of the Judges by the Proprietor of the Course. WILLIAM BALL, Proprietor of the Course. April 6th. (ept30th.)
TO RENT,
AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY. TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house now occupied by Mr. John McCredie, lately possessed by the Subscriber. There is on it a convenient Wooden House with two rooms, a closet and a passage, on the first floor. Two rooms and a closet above, a kitchen and three cellars below with a Smoke House and Garden. WM. LONG. January 17th 1805. epf.
STORED AT THE SUBSCRIBER'S
TWO Casks Marked (C.) shipped at New-York, on board the Schooner Father and Sons, Henry Aberdeen master. The owner is requested to call, pay charges, and take them away. SARAH LESTER.
WHO HAS FOR SALE, Boards, Plank, Scantling, Cypress Shingles, Cedar Posts, Rhode Island and Philadelphia Lime in bldgs. and tiers, Black and Bright Parnish, Tar, Wheat Fans, Wove Wires, and Wire Sifters, &c. March 28. (epv.)
DURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON. near the Market. Dec. 4. (epf.)
NOTICE.
THAT Mr. Anthony Dibrell of Buckingham county, is hereby fully authorised to make sale of one TRACT OF LAND, in Patrick, containing 5000 acres, lying on Dan river—three ditto in Grayson county, lying on the waters of Little Reed Island creek—two of a thousand acres each, and one of 500 acres; the said Dibrell will attend at next April Grayson court for the sale of the said lands for and on behalf of NATHL. ANDERSON. Albemarle county, March 12, 1805. tds.
CASH WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 16. (epf.)
VALUABLE LANDS—FOR SALE. I WISH to sell a HALF SHARE in the Dismal Swamp Company—also, SHARES in the Canal from Albemarle Sound, to Elizabeth river—Also, one third of three Tracts of LAND, lying on Nausamund river near Suffolk, the three Tracts amounting in the whole, to about 1200 acres. Any person inclined to purchase, may be informed of the terms of sale by directing a letter to the Subscriber, living near the post-office at Lindsay's Store, Albemarle county. FRAS. WALKER. March 20. (2aw6w.)
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the first day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five— Between Marcus Elcan and William Temple, as- signees of Hooper and Toler Bankrupts, } Plaintiffs. And Thomas Stewart and company and William McKenzie and Company. } Defendants. The defendants Thomas Stewart and company not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country; on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and polled at the front door of the capitol in the said city. P. Tinley, C. C. March 5. (ef2m)
TO THE PRESIDENT & DIRECTORS OF THE JAMES RIVER COMPY.
I FIND that our last Legislature has directed that you shall have the Navigation of the Canal connected with Tide-water by means of Locks. Much has been said on this subject, and many have suggested their doubts as to the practicability of erecting such Locks as will be permanent, and answer the purpose. In my opinion, it is practicable, plain, and easy; but the cost will far exceed common computation, but not more than some of you calculate. As I have made myself well acquainted with two plans that will answer, differing from each other only in the materials, I hereby offer myself to you as a superintendent of the building of them on the following terms, viz:
Ten thousand dollars for my services, to be paid at the end of five years from the time the Locks are finished, provided they stand; otherwise, nothing. It will be equally agreeable to me, to take a larger or smaller sum, on a longer or shorter time, adding or deducting at the rate of one thousand dollars per ann.
If you wish to have my plans explained to you, you will please to address me through the medium of this paper, and I will attend you in person at any time and place you may appoint.
Should you conclude that my price is more than you will give, in the event that you shall approve my plans, nothing need be said by you to me on the subject.
Your silence for three months, I shall consider as full disapprobation to my proposition. A CITIZEN OF RICHMOND. March 1. (ef2m)
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE,
SIX hundred and forty acres of the well known TRACT of Land called "THE SEATON'S FERRY TRACT," lying upon the Peankatanik river in Goochland county, adjoining the land of Mr. Johnston, the estate of Benjamin Marable, dec. and others. This land is heavily timbered with the best chestnut, oak, hickory, dogwood, and a second growth of pine, capable of being converted into common plank or scantling. There are not more than two hundred acres of cleared land upon the tract. A stream runs through the body of this land, upon which an over-thill mill might be erected at a small expense. No situation in the low Country of Virginia, has more the advantage of good water, fish, oysters, & salubrious air, than this. The improvements are inconsiderable. The dwelling House has lately been in part repaired, and consists of three rooms and a passage below, and two above flairs. The terms will be made known upon the premises by JAMES R. MICOU. Seaton's Ferry, Feb. 19. ef3m.
A VALUABLE PLANTATION,
Lying on Fighting-creek, in this county, will be offered for sale to the highest bidder at Powhatan April court, which is the 17th day of the month. It is supposed to contain 803 acres, but previous to the day of sale, a survey will be made thereof, and a plot exhibited on that day; in the mean time, it will be shown to any person desirous of viewing it, either by myself or my overseer living thereon. It is distant from Richmond 30 miles, Petersburg 40; James river 10; Appomattox 1, and is thought by judges to contain a body of coal. A small proportion of the purchase money will be required in hand, one half of the remainder on the 1st day of January next, and the balance in two equal annual payments, for which security on the land or otherwise will be expected. BRETT RANDOLPH. Fighting-creek, Powhatan county, Feb. 17, 1805. ef8w.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighbourhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulty, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to subscribe credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the above mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half percent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will enclose duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esqrs. now in Congress, at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 15, 1804. (e5m May.)
FRESH SUPPLY OF SPANISH HIDES.
FOR SALE. A LARGE quantity of prime Spanish Hides, on moderate terms. Apply to the subscriber opposite the Post-Office, Richmond. MICAJAH DAVIS. 4th Mo: 4th. ef.
HATS AND SHOES. AN ASSORTMENT JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY JUDSON & BURR. Second door above the Eagle—ALSO, THREE Bales India Cottons, 1 Cafe 4-4 fine Irish Linens, 2 tons country refined Bar Iron. March 28. (e p 6t.)
BROKER'S OFFICE. THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. He has for sale—A FEW SHARES IN THE MANCHESTER TURNPIKE. Also—Old State Certificates, bearing six per cent interest. March 12. ef
MAP OF VIRGINIA.
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A Map of Virginia: FORMED FROM ACTUAL SURVEYS, AND THE LATEST AS WELL AS THE MOST ACCURATE OBSERVATIONS. BY JAMES MADISON, D. D. PRESIDENT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
TO which will be added, A MAP of the greater part of the State of Ohio, from actual surveys; including the whole of the Virginia Military Tract; with all that part of the State West of the Ohio River, to the Indiana boundary line. The north-east corner of the Map will be ornamented with an interesting View of the City of Richmond.
The size of the MAP will be five feet six inches in length, and three feet eight inches in breadth. An ingenious and skillful Engraver is engaged to execute the work, in a style not inferior to any similar work in the United States.
CONDITIONS. The price to subscribers will be eight dollars, neatly mounted, colored and glazed.—One dollar, (to lighten the great expense of publication,) to be paid on subscribing. To non-subscribers the price will be ten dollars. [COPY RIGHT SECURED.]
In offering the above work to the public, the proprietors are sensible that excellence is not often attainable; but with candor and truth, equally remote from arrogance and partiality, they can say, that they conscientiously believe it has a just claim to the confidence and patronage of the people.
A Map of Virginia has been long and anxiously looked for: None has been published, on the plan of the one now offered, for many years, when Augusta was the frontier country.
The labor, expense, and apparent difficulties, in accomplishing so interesting a work, have deterred several from the arduous undertaking. The proprietors, finding that most of the other states had recently given encouragement to similar productions, and entertaining a high sense of the real dignity and importance of Virginia, embarked in the business, from a well grounded belief that the magnitude and utility of the work, would insure, if accomplished, a remuneration. And while Virginia is powerfully stimulated with the love of science and virtue, they hope and believe she will view domestic productions, which prove eminently useful, with a generous pride.
Those gentlemen who take subscription papers, are requested to return them to the subscriber, in Petersburg, by the first day of May. The maps will be ready for subscribers in the course of the ensuing summer. WILLIAM>
WILLIAM PRENTIS, Petersburg, February, 1805. Subscriptions received by RITCHIE & WORSLEY and others with whom subscription papers are lodged.
FOR SALE,
By the Subscriber, at their PAINT & OIL MANUFACTORY, Water-Street, Norfolk:
WHITE LEAD, Yellow Ochre, Venetian Red, Spanish Brown, Black & Lead Colour for painting roofs, Blue and Green in pots of 1, 2 & 3 lbs. each, Vermilion, Prussian Blue, Patent Yellow, Red Lead, Litharge, Sugar of Lead, White Vitriol, Ivory Black. Ground in Oil and in 28 & 14lb. kegs.
ALSO 1200 gallons Dutch Linseed Oil, Spirits of Turpentine, Copal and Turpentine, Varnish and Window Glass, of all sizes. Orders for any of the above articles, left with Messrs. Prosser & Moncur, Richmond, will be attended to immediately, by JOHN RORKE & CO. Norfolk, March 1, 1805. (eptf.)
By virtue of a deed of trust executed by the late Richard Duglis, to secure a debt due to the late firm of Dunlop Pollock & Co., Will be sold on twelve months credit, on Tuesday the 23d. instant, before the tavern of Mr. Brook, in the town of Manchester;
FIVE likely NEGROES, to wit: Frank, Adam, Joe and Joan and her child Charity. Bonds with approved security will be required, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. ALLAN POLLOCK, THOMAS TREDWAY, } Trustees. April 2. epf.
CHOICE LANDS—FOR SALE.
DIVISION of the famous Saurtown Lands having taken place between the heirs of James Park Farley, Esq. dec'd. and Col. John S. Farley and his sister Mrs. Elizabeth Morison, the subscribers, Robert Taylor of Norfolk, and Charles Duncan at Roslin, near Petersburg, are fully empowered by the said Col. Farley and Mrs. Morison, to dispose of their proportion, containing 12,802 acres, which are surveyed and laid off in eight lots, containing from 500 to 2600 acres, agreeable to plots in the possession of the said Duncan. The four largest lots are of excellent quality, each containing a considerable proportion of the richest low grounds, which produce tobacco of the very first quality, as has been experienced by one of the subscribers, who flipped it for a number of years.
Those lands lie on Dan and Smith's rivers, in Rockingham county, on the borders of North Carolina, about 170 miles from Petersburg and Richmond. As there are seldom such lands for sale, they must be an object to those who want to purchase such as will produce fine tobacco, hemp and small grain. One third of the price must be paid in ready money, one third in twelve months, and the other third in two years, the purchaser giving bond with unexceptionable security bearing interest from the date if not punctually paid. Those who wish to purchase will be shown the lands by Doctor John C. Cox, living at Leekville, near Rockingham Court-House, and the terms made known by ROBERT TAYLOR, or CHARLES DUNCAN, Petersburg, Nov. 21. epf.
FOR RENT:
THE Large White House at Rocketts, formerly occupied by Mr. William Fenwick, and afterwards by Mr. Braxton Cradlock. For terms apply to GALLEGO, RICHARD & CO. January 11. (f)
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, FOUR hundred pieces Houie Paper, Philadelphia Beer by the barrel, a small quantity of first quality New-England Cleefer; also 400 barrels Corn. EDWARD HALLAM. April 6. (lawtf.)