The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-03-19 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1803.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next. February 16th 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
WITH the present number commences the Saturday's Recorder, the price being two dollars per annum, paid in advance. We shall often be unavoidably compelled to continue long articles from one paper to the other, so that the subscribers to the Wednesday's Recorder will find it extremely convenient to take the Saturday's likewise, in order that they may have articles always in their full and complete form. We shall now be able to take notice of a wide variety of foreign and domestic news, which we formerly were obliged to leave out for want of room. In doing this, we shall be particularly careful to select such articles as wear a serious appearance of authenticity, and are really worth reading. More cannot be demanded, and we shall endeavour not to do less. The three first numbers of the Saturday's paper will be sent round to all our subscribers. After that, they will be sent only to those who, in the mean time, have remitted money to pay for their new subscription. From those who do not choose to take the Saturday's papers, these three numbers will be deducted in reckoning up their year.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
WHEREAS Lucretia Alford, has left my house and board in my absence, and resides in another man's family, I forewarn all persons from trusting or harbouring her on my account. THOMAS ALFORD. Richmond, March 8, 1803.
FOR SALE.
A few likely young NEGROES, For particulars enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March 7th 1803.
WILL BE SOLD,
At Public Auction, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 25th instant, before the door of James McClure, in the city of Richmond, all the personal estate of JAMES STUART, deceased; consisting of a few articles of Household furniture, two hogheads of West India Rum, one crate of Earthen-ware, a few barrels of Sugar, a small quantity of Northern Rum, and about 4000 lbs. Cobalt. Ninety days credit will be given for all sums above ten dollars, on the purchaser's giving notes with approved security, to HENRY REID, Adm'r. Richmond, March 9th. 1803. (1 25 M.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLASTER OF PARIS ground and in the stone. CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803. WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniencies which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars. Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h. c.
FRESH FLOUR.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they are now ready to make Sales of FLOUR of their own manufacture, and are also desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour-Barrels, and Sacks. Such as may want a supply of Meal, Hominy, Grits, and Bran, are informed that they can be furnished at certain prices during the year, and that for the present quarter, ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. Meal, 3s. and 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d. They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore. They have still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, & Co. Feb. 16th. 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLASTER OF PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street, and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rooted by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to ROBERT GAMBLE Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
A meeting of the Common Hall, for the city of Richmond, called by the Mayor, and held at the house of William Rote, in the said city, on Monday the 28th day of February, 1803. Resolved, that the Mayor give notice in the newspapers, that the Hall have adopted a plan for a POOR HOUSE, and will receive proposals from undertakers for building the same, at any time before the third Monday in next month. The plan is lodged in the hands of Mr. Robert B. James. The proposals must be made in writing. A copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, c. c. h. c. r.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are a pair of Burr stones for manufacturing MEAL, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
To the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood. THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendue Master. Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
No. V.
CONCERNING MR. GALLATIN, AND THE SALE OF BANK STOCK.
WHEN important accusations are brought against a man who is either high in office, or high in favor, they will be read and remembered by different classes and descriptions of characters; by some with invidious joy; by some with humane and benevolent sorrow; and by some with incorrigible and vindictive disbelief. A writer who is the cause of these different emotions, is very sure to procure for himself a very considerable degree of indignation and envy; it therefore requires, that his mind should be elevated above the petty considerations or consequences of the angry or groveling passions of others. He should, before he begins, analyze the motive and the effect. It will be fortunate, after he has proceeded too far to stop or retreat, if he finds nothing to check his course, nothing to disturb the tranquillity of his own repose. Nothing can so much contribute to this desirable event, as the most invariable regard to truth and justice.
The character of a public servant, so far as relates to his public deeds, is as much the property of the community as the subject in which it is engaged. This was Mr. Madison's opinion, when he inveighed against the sedition law. Among other objections, he alleged that it established a power which was levelled against the right of freely examining public characters, and measures, and of free communication thereon; which has ever been justly deemed the only effectual guardian of every other right.*
NOTE.
* Madison has since altered his opinion, or rather his profession. Croswell is prosecuted upon a maxim infinitely worse than anything in the sedition law, bad as it was. For the
If a public functionary expects immunity, he should resign and retire to private life. If he continues to hold his office, and pursue the measures which promise a continuation, then he must act without error, or expect the hostility of discontent and enquiry. To censure with effect we must censure with truth; and sometimes the proof of our truths should be either publicly exposed, or explicitly referred to.
It is a great deal in this stage of my warfare against Gallatin, to say so much. It is not done from any motive which is connected with him, nor from the dread of the most severe scrutiny, which incredulity and partiality can make. It is done that my readers may see that there has been bestowed upon the deeds which I have performed a sufficient portion of consideration to entitle them to credit. Here I might safely stop, and wait with a confident sense of the accuracy and justifiableness of my motives and deeds, until some discontented partisan should endeavor to support his falling greatness, his fading honors; and thus give me a new occasion to triumph over weakness and folly. But I write not for fame. My motives have been to untie the bandages from the eyes of my fellow citizens; to expose some facts which ought to fill them with astonishment and indignation.
There are many people who pretend to have character, respectability, information and independent sentiments, who tell us without reserve, that it is not absolutely necessary that the moral character of a public functionary should be good. It is enough, say they, if he will render to the community a faithful discharge of the duties which are attached to his office. It is not important whether a man be an atheist, or a christian; nor to what extent he may promulgate his infidelity, provided, in his public capacity he acts honestly. Surely there cannot be a more dangerous doctrine than this. How can we expect that any man who has pursued a course of the most flagitious and intolerable wickedness, in the various occurrences of private life, who finding himself unexpectedly, and as it were by surprise, at the head of affairs, controlling the resources of a people, whose wealth, and whose incorrigible blindness appear to be co-extensive, will, all at once, make a stop? Or what do Mr. Madison mean in the foregoing extract? Why should he talk about the right of examining public characters, if nothing was to succeed the examination? Did he not mean that they should be exposed, if they deserved it? Or do the Gallatinites set themselves above Madison and his doctrines? Such are the strange paradoxical tenets of modern republicanism, that it is very common to see them in hostility with each other. But to it is.
If Gallatin's elevation has been obtained by fraud or falsehood, will he become honest and candid, provided his integrity and truth will tend to sink him again into the rank of a private citizen? Or will he not, if it be necessary, either to perpetuate his power, or to make the most advantageous use of it, give way to practices like those by which his elevation was obtained? He will, most surely, prostrate every principle of truth and justice, rather than descend from his present eminence.
The Gallatinites will say and will pretend to believe, that these observations, cannot in any degree implicate their Messiah; that he is virtue personified; that his talents are equal to his virtue, and that the display of these in all public affairs is unexampled in the history of nations. What a delusion!
Will the readers bear with me, little, while I explain a circumstance of great importance and of much notoriety.
During the last year of the administration of Mr. Adams, certain publications appeared in the paper called the Aurora, over the head of which there appeared in capital letters, these words,
PUBLIC PLUNDER.
In these publications, there were positive assertions, accompanied by a statement in figures, accusing, and explaining the pretended frauds which had been committed upon the public, by the persons who then administered the government, and conducted the treasury. And they were so contrived, that every reader who
fake of five thousand dollars a year, at least it cannot be for the sake of his country, Madison retains his place, and countenances this internal despotism. His adherence to petty self-interest at once unveils the secretary's assumed purity of character. It plunges him down (an awful descent!) to the depth of Bob Harper and Garrison Otis! Note by the editors.

ERRATUM.
In the date of the paper, in a few copies, for Wednesday, March 23, read SATURDAY, March 19.
did not know that the whole was a fabrication, believed that the public had been defrauded out of more than five hundred thousand dollars. The fabrication was so contrived, as to fix this suspicion upon Mr. Adams, Mr. Pickering, and Mr. Wolcott. The mode in which the fabricators acted, was as follows. One of the clerks of Mr. Wolcott's office was debauched from his duty. He introduced into the treasury office, (or conveyed the treasury books to some other place) five or six of the Pennsylvanian democrats, to whom these books were exposed. They took down all the charges for money which appeared on the books against Mr. Pickering, &c. amounting to about 700,000 dollars, more or less. They paid no regard to credits, nor to the knowledge which every one of them had, that much of the money was assigned to Mr. Pickering for the purpose of paying a debt which the United States owed in Holland, though they knew that it would be perfectly improper to allow any credit upon the books to Mr. Pickering, until the payments, and other purposes for which the money was advanced, were fully exemplified. All this has since been done. Mr. Pickering stands acquitted; nay more, it appears that he negotiated the payments in Holland with so much ability and fidelity, that he saved in the price or rate of exchange more than 14,000 dollars, which sum he voluntarily gave an account of and surrendered to the public. The friends of Mr. Pickering were astonished that he should have borne in silence such defamatory publications. The reason was this. The money was appropriated to effect certain duties; as for instance, the purchase of bills of exchange. If Mr. Pickering had defended himself against the defamations, and stated that the money was appropriated for purchasing bills of exchange, he could at once have silenced the story about public plunder; but he would at the same time have exposed the secrets of government. The dealers in exchange would have discovered that the public wanted a large sum in bills upon Amsterdam. The exchange upon such would have risen, and instead of gaining 14,000 dollars, as has been done, he might have acted as Gallatin has done in a similar negotiation, so that the public might have been very greatly injured.
It was in Mr. Pickering's power to have aided with the bank stock as Gallatin has done. The law which authorised the sale passed in 1796. The 2220 shares had been left as an inheritance for the present blunderers, and they have been scarcely seated in the saddle of power, before it has been most disgracefully sacrificed. But let us return to the story about public plunder.
The reader will ask, how these diabolical transactions affected Mr. Gallatin. In the first place it has been reported and has never been contradicted, that Gallatin was one of the midnight party, which examined the books. But let this be as it may, Gallatin knew that the publications were false. It was his duty not only to have given his aid in detecting and exposing the falsehood but he ought to have discountenanced every man who had an agency in the disgraceful transaction. Instead of this, he took advantage of the public delusion. He pursued every means in his power to annihilate all confidence in the administration, by the means of those very publications. He has followed up the advantage with industry and perseverance, until he is now seated in the very power from which his virtuous predecessors have been driven. Whether Gallatin was or was not one of the midnight junto, who took the garbled extracts from the books, I consider him, in the eye of morality, in the eye of virtue, in the eye of justice, in the eye of integrity, and in the eye of truth, to be no less guilty. I consider also, that his elevation has been effected by fraud and falsehood, and I cannot believe that the place will be lost if it can be retained by similar means. Thus I have arrived at a plain and strong conclusion as respects Gallatin; here it is. I think this power has been obtained by falsehood, that it will, if necessary, be maintained by fraud, and I believe that it will end in disgrace. The first I have proved. The second I believe. And the third I foresee.
FEDERALIST.
To be continued.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MARCH 19th 1803.
EQUAL REPRESENTATION.
SOME of the democrats of Richmond have lately proved, in a striking instance, their attachment to this their boasted hobby-horsical basis of government. The city elects in one body, a common hall. They consist of twenty four members. The demos found the inconveniency of this arrangement. The choice fell, almost invariably, upon aristos. To disappoint this practice, the demos, last winter, got an act of assembly pass. This di-
rects the city to be divided into three wards. From each of these, eight members were to be chosen. The executive council entrusted the division of Richmond to five demos. They have executed, or rather murdered their commission. The Shockoe hill, or Monroe ward, contains an hundred and thirty-four white inhabitants, above the age of sixteen. The Madison, or Brick-row ward, has three hundred and ninety-five; the south of the bridge, or Jefferson ward, two hundred and three, or two hundred and five. Thus the Madison ward contains about sixty taxable inhabitants more than the other two wards put together; and yet, by this new order of things, these citizens only chose eight of the hall, while the two others chose sixteen. If any thing like justice, or fair play had been attended to, this ward should have chosen at least twelve and the others six, or eight a piece. This unequal division was made upon the principles of fraud and fashion. The object was to exclude the federals from a majority in the council. They possess an immense superiority of numbers in the brick-row ward, to petulantly christened with the name of Madison, with the name of a man who recommends the emancipation of slaves, and who persuaded a stupified assembly to give to Congress a free gift of two hundred and twenty millions of acres of land in the North Western Territory, besides forty-three millions of acres of water in valuable lakes and rivers. The details of this transaction stand straight up before your eyes in the statute book. No former or future assembly ever had or will have it in their power to commit such a consummate, such a monstrous, and unparagoned act of folly. If Virginia had kept her lands to herself, she would not have been harassed with such a load of taxes. The annual sale of a part of these lands would have paid all public burdens, the public printer, the armory, the penitentiary, and all together. The overplus would have filled the treasury with millions of dollars; instead of which it is frequently without one cent, for several months in the year. Virginia might have been by far the richest, as she is, at present, one of the poorest states in the Union. Madison is, in a very great degree, the exclusive father of Virginian taxation. The Recorder has often stated these facts. The only answer which the demos ever have made, or ever can make, is that the Recorder contains nothing but falsehoods and that its editors are infamous. Ye blockheads! Does the statute book tell lies? Is it infamous to show the country how grossly it has been, and continues to be plundered? It would have been a blessed light for Virginia, if such a newspaper and such editors had existed twenty years ago. Your bills upon the treasury would not, in that case, have been sold, as they frequently have been, and frequently will be, for a large discount.
Madison, above all men, helped to lead the commonwealth astray into all her distresses for want of money; and to him we are much indebted for that precious commodity, the black and yellow population of freemen. In any other part of the world, such a display of political talents would have secured to his name the profoundest contempt, and the most inextinguishable detestation. This man is the divinity of the democrats.
We return to the commissioners and the wards. These gentlemen have published an advertisement. In this they say that they had paid particular attention to an equality of the number of inhabitants in each ward. A person, by the help of a spy glass, might have made a more equal division, although standing a mile behind Manchester. Their advertisement adds insult to injury. A new list of the inhabitants is going to be taken, as the above is supposed to be incorrect, as to a few units, more or less. This will appear in the Recorder, so early perhaps as Wednesday next. The above, however, is in substance positively correct. The variation upon either hand will be but trifling, as the former one proceeds on an actual enumeration. No doubt remains with any mortal that the brick-row ward has more people, and pays more taxes than the other two wards collectively. Mr. Meriwether Jones was one of the commissioners. Last week, he published a striking instance of "Mr. Callender's want of veracity." Vid. p. 4 of this paper. He will find sufficient employment in defending his own. The commissioners were on the point of marking off a part of the brick-row ward, as part of Shockoe-hill ward. But they found out that it was full of federals, and that such an act of justice would give the federals a majority in two wards out of three. Report says that, upon this discovery, they altered their design, and crowded all the federal brick-row into one ward. So much for democratical equality of representation!
MR. COLEMAN.
Mr. Coleman, the editor of the New York Herald, and Evening Post, has been very much abused in that sink of infamy and pollution, The American Citizen, which is edited by James Cheetham. To this Coleman made proper answers. One part of the warfare is now closed. The libeller, John A. Graham,
or, colonel Graham, as he sometimes styles himself, has given in. He has made a very full acknowledgement and apology, which we have not room to publish.
This col. Graham has been lounging about congress, for some time, in hopes of getting a place. It was of great consequence to his wishes to show that he could render some service to the Jefferson cause. His vanity led him to attack Mr. Coleman; and now, behold where he is! Disappointed in the hopes of getting a place, dreading the horrors of punishment from an injured man, he adopts the only course which could save him from destruction, if any thing remained to him, which could be destroyed. He asks Mr. Coleman's pardon, and forgiveness. Mercy is one of the best attributes of heaven. It sometimes finds its way into the bosoms of men. This is a case of that sort, and colonel Graham has therefore both liberty and leisure to reflect upon his escape.
CORRESPONDENCE.
No. I.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Mecklenburg dated Feb. 14th. to the editors of the Recorder.
The proclamation of the intendant of New Orleans, respecting the shutting up of that port, has excited great disquietude in the western country. Not that we regard the power of Spain; for, if that was the only difficulty we had to contend with, the ocean would be as free to the people of the western country, as to its waters. We would think no more of driving into the sea the whole Spanish force, that could be collected, than of driving a hen and chickens from a garden.
In the cession of the Floridas, and Louisiana, as in every other instance, France controls the policy of Spain. If the French once begin to make a military establishment in that quarter, the Mississippi territory and Georgia must immediately fall. For the French will not only exert their own strength against them, but they will play off the Southern Indians against them also. [This has long since been foretold in the Recorder. It shews the weak and perfidious policy of the federal cabinet for the last fourteen years. The savages were nursed by rations and pensions, while they continued to butcher hundreds of families on the south western frontier. In Sketches of the history of America, as well as in other publications, we have often recommended the extinction of the Greeks and Cherokees, or their expulsion beyond the Mississippi. The federal cabinet wanted and still appears to want to compel the population to the westward, and bring the inhabitants more closely together, and more completely within their power. The tomahawk and the scalping knife were patronised for that purpose. We proceed with our correspondent.] The Indians alone, can by the best calculation, raise eight thousand men. They will no doubt, be dupes to French artifice. In fine, I see a great revolution, [there is no doubt of it, sir!] that is ready to burst upon our rising nation, from one end of the continent to the other. The shock will be terrible at first, wherever it may fall. The only way on our part to lessen its force, would be to strike the first blow. Were the executive power in my hands, I would immediately seize upon Louisiana, and the Floridas, and would place strong garrisons throughout all the country of the Southern Indians. Should they shew a hostile feature, I would let them see we are as terrible in war, as we are propitious in peace. There is no doubt but the United States have now the best pretence for adding an immense empire to their government, and keeping out a dangerous enemy. His insidious policy would keep our nation in a perpetual ferment, and would never subside but with a dissolution of our national existence. [Well, there is much truth in all this. But still if America were to invade the Spanish territory, the French would instantly fall upon our defenceless commerce, and might seize ten millions worth of property in less than six months. Thus our merchants would be ruined; and our frigates in the Mediterranean would never get home again.] Britain would not stand a silent spectator in such a contest. In a political point of view, she would rejoice at any measure that would disappoint the French nation in so dangerous an accession to their empire, and, as a commercial nation, she would feel the deepest interest in preventing any measure that would annoy the American commerce, because its injury would, of course, greatly affect the wealth of their manufactures and merchants, as well as the fiscal resources of the nation. [The British are as little to be trusted as the French. Witness their unprovoked and incessant piracies in the late war, and the buxom of compensation held out in their courts of admiralty! And while these robberies are yet unpaid for, and ever will be so, the uncle of Peter Carr, the patron of Thomas Paine,
the paste-board paymaster of Gabriel Toni, the hero of Carter's mountain, has consented to pay the British robbers six hundred THOUSAND POUNDS STERLING, for old British debts. The one claim should have been set off against the other. This absurd advance of money upon our part might have formed the extremity of national disgrace. But the two bribery millions of dollars just voted by Congress, and which Jefferson is never to account for, have, as Swift says, fear'd downward deeper by a yard! To call in British assistance may prove a necessary, but it will, at the same, be a desperate remedy. It will be almost as bad as the Swedish soldier at Bender, who to extinguish the flames, cast into them a keg of brandy.*] These ideas are hastily thrown together. I pretend not to much political wisdom. Any man, who will take the trouble, for a moment, to contemplate the ground on which our country stands, will see the alternative to which we are reduced.†
† It may be unpopular to say so; but to us it seems evident that America has only to choose the least of two evils; and that a war with France would be a war of ruin. The country ought to remember that we have to deal not with George the third, and sir William Howe; but with a second FREDERIC, surrounded by victorious veterans, and possessing at least five times more physical strength than Frederic ever possessed. The French navy could destroy our trade, and perhaps our seaports, long before a British fleet could be brought to our assistance. Note by the editors.
No. II.
Grenville, 28th Feb. 1803.
SIR,
I do not receive your paper regular, and many not at all. I do not think it is your fault, but possibly it is owing to some cursed post-master. I thought it my duty to give you this notice, so that you can take measures accordingly.
I am sir, your humble servant, WADSWORTH BULL.
MR. J. T. CALLENDER, Richmond.
FOR THE RECORDER.
No. III.
February 14, 1803.
GENTLEMEN,
I read your paper with some pleasure, as you seem to endeavor, to point out the blunders, whether hurtful or otherwise, of both parties. In a late one, you speak of the thanks of fifteen members of assembly being presented to a Mr. Hay, through a Mr. Quarrier, for committing a breach of the peace. I am a perfectly retired man, a true lover of peace and good order, and the full execution of our laws. We send members to the assembly, to make laws, and not to aid or rejoice in the breach of them. I confess, therefore, that I, with many others, shall be much gratified, by seeing the names of the members alluded to, in your next, that we may know the gentlemen.
Yours, &c.
AN INQUIRER.
NOTE.
We cannot tell the names of these fellows; but we conjecture that they were boarders with captain Quarrier. Perhaps, they may be found out by enquiring with whom they lodged. Fifty of the delegates, besides these were quite as capable of sending such a message. Heaven be praised! Richmond never saw such another assembly as the last one;
No. IV.
[Some days ago, there appeared, in the Virginia Gazette, a letter of which we hardly know what to make. The writer is angry at any public notice having been taken, in this paper, of Mr. John Walker's story; and he honors one of the editors of the Recorder with the title of a confessing culprit. Before that culprit meddled with the domestic matters of a certain great personage, it must be remembered that Duane had labelled this editor in the grossest and most indecent manner. He could only do this with a view to please the great personage. It was therefore nothing else than the quintessence of justice to retort upon the great personage himself, with the same kind of weapons, which had
NOTE.
* Vid. Voltaire's history of Charles the XII.

been employed by Duane, his table companion, his pensioner and his foot-fool. There was this material difference, indeed, that we offered and do still offer to prove every thing that, in its nature, admits of proof; while Duane, when called upon for his proof, shrunk into silence. He had laid that Callender wanted to sell himself to the British ambassador, with a crowd of additional calumnies. The latter appealed to Matthew Carey, Dr. Reynolds, and three others of his and Duane's common acquaintances, in Philadelphia. He desired the Calcutta poleman to get a certificate from them, whether they had ever heard any thing of the proposed sale, whether they did not know that Jefferson preferred Callender's assistance in the Aurora to that of Duane, and whether they did not know that Jefferson paid Callender six hundred dollars for Aurora paragraphs . Duane lives within two doors of Carey, that Billingsgate scribbler of the slumb pudding . Reynolds dabbles occasionally in the Aurora ; and the other three were all citizens of Philadelphia. Yet the presidential bag-pipe said that he did not know where to find them, and that Callender might seek them. It is not worth while to travel two hundred and seventy five miles to prove what Duane is. He shifted his battery, and charged Callender with a domestic crime, almost too shocking to be explained. Dr. Reynolds was appealed to for C's innocence; and fifty dollars of reward were offered to any body that could prove the accusation. Reynolds kept silence, and thus placed himself on the same level with his co-editor. Then C. was charged with stealing Mahogany , of which it is difficult to guess what use a man like him could have made. Then it was converted into some other wood . Then C. fled from Philadelphia for fear of the sheriff . When the felon, who stole Mr. Wolcott's books, had received his dressing, it became proper to look upwards to the great personage himself, who had connived at such enormous calumnies, and, to please whom, they had been written. This was the original and just cause for introducing the back ground scenery of Monticello. And every impartial person will say, that, after such connivance, Jefferson got nothing but what he deserved .
The writer in the Virginia Gazette might have known all this. In return to his politeness, the confessing culprit presents him with the following extract of a letter from Albemarle . It was received many months ago. Mr. Davis, printer of the Virginia Gazette , was present when the letter came to this office. He knows that it is authentic. ]
"The sagacious Holt , that insect that makes such a buzzing noise, under the emblematical figure of the Bee, has asserted that Mrs. Walker is devoted to Mr. Jefferson, in so much that she fairly woolships him. The truth is, Mrs. W. has never condescended to speak to that person, since the infamous attempt was made, which has been published. Mr. Walker is one of the most respectable, amiable and modestly sensible and well informed private citizens, whom this or any other country has to boast of. Perfectly unambitious, happy, and by far the most elegantly situated in his domestic affairs, of any man in the part of the country where he lives, he seldom mixes in the bustle of the world. He, of course, seldom says any thing of the person in question. When he does, to his confidential friends, it is of the most abhorrent kind. As to the other, the writer of this can assure the world, that, whenever he comes to the door of a room in which Mrs. W. is, he turns immediately pale with conscious guilt, hangs down his head, and retreats as precipitately as he did from Monticello to Carter's mountain, when Tarlton came to Charlottesville. Mr. Walker was early a member of congress, under the old constitution; and was a senator of the United States, after the very first appointments under the present government. His lady, as has been truly said, is in every degree fit to be the spouse of such a man. The writer of this has seen the letter written by Mr. J. on
this infamous transaction to Mr. W. and he can assure the public, that nothing which can be said of the hideousness and treachery of the attempt of his long pretended friend and old school-mate, whom this unsuspecting honorable man had taken to his bosom, can equal the humiliating and pitiful confessions in the letter itself. That letter itself also places the character of Mrs. Walker in as high a point of view, as the degraded situation of such a wretch, as its writer, can possibly place the character of any one."
To Mathew Clay, esquire, member of last Congress for the district of Halifax, Campbell, and Pittsylvania.
YOUR constant theme, in your circular letters, is declamation against British agents, speculators, Tories, &c. &c. From what did you take your first rise? How did you come by the interest warrants, and indents, with which you paid for a valuable tract of land below Richmond, purchased of David Allen? Was it not by speculation! How did you pay the British debt contracted by your wife's father, Mr. Joseph Williams of North-Carolina? Or are your constituents to do it for you? You dare not deny, that you possess all his estate, got by your wife? What have you done with the ***** + receipt, that you produced at New-London district court from col. Williams? Or why did not you produce it, the second time, when that gentleman, was brought, to prove that By what magic did you prevail on your too credulous mother in law, to confess a premature judgement for £5,000 in Pittsylvania court, the court to which the writ was returned? Had you not a number of ruffians, on your second election, and when you were first chosen, stripped to keep the doors of Pittsylvania court-house? And was not their first question who do you vote for? If the answer was for Mr. Coles, the uniform reply was Oh! damn you! there's no room; you can't get in. Had you not another banditti with doors to insult that worthy gentleman, on almost every vote he received, and who were only such as your ruffians dared not refuse admittance to?
Will you dare to compare your political or moral character, as you may please to call it, in your circular letter of the 22d of Feb. last, with that gentleman, whom you ousted by the above means?
What claim have you to political character; or what right have you to expect legislative power, who trample under foot, the dearest right of man, his free suffrage? With respect to Mr. Coles's political character, he never used any undue means to be elected. He was even above riding about soliciting votes; he would rather stay at home than be sent to Congress, by any other means than by the free, and independent voice of his constituents. His votes in Congress were always on the republican side, the only thing in which you bear any likeness to him.
With respect to his moral character, he has never been sued, either for slander, or assault and battery; therefore was not under the necessity of producing a receipt. He was not even sued for a British debt—No! As soon as our government assumed the payment of them, he immediately advertised eighty negroes for sale, and discharged his; and we believe he would have paid it at any rate.
CHRONONHOTONTHOLOGOS.
FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.
IRELAND. LIMERICK, Jan. 8.
Last week, Michael Marshall Apjohn, Esq. and captain R. Loyd, having received private information of a large quantity of iron, being brought into the village of Pallis-Green, in this county, they went in the dead of the night of the 14th. instant, to the forge of one Barkley, in said village, and observing five persons therein, broke in at the front door, but were only able to secure Thomas Tierney, the other four men having escaped; in the forge was found a number of unfinished pikes, quite hot. Tierney was on Wednesday evening brought in, adorned with some of those murdering weapons, and fully committed to the court goal, by capt. Lloyd.
For some days past, various letters were received and intelligence given, that a rising of disaffected persons would take place in this and a neighbouring county. On Thursday last, such intelligence was received, as rendered it the duty of those entrusted with the civil and military power, to take every precaution to prevent this city from being surprised by desperate rebels; in consequence of which crowds of loyal inhabitants, with the right worshipful mayor and sheriffs, resorted to the exchange, and remained there under arms. The non-commissioned officers of the city of Limerick regiment, under the immediate command of colonel Wreckner; those of the
NOTES. † Here a word in the manuscript is suppressed. ‡ Another blank.
county of Limerick regiment, under such of their officers as were in town; and the several corps of infantry yeomen, continued patrolling the city and suburbs all night, while the garrison, consisting of part of the 17th and 26th regiments, and a squadron of the 9th light dragoons, stationed at their respective posts, waited impatient for the entry of the rebels, who very prudently declined the hazardous enterprise. Had they entered, they would have met such a reception as should convince rebels, that the loyal city of Limerick, of all other places, is that where traitors will not meet with assistance.
On the above night, so early as even seven o'clock, a party of about fifty men, whom we hesitate not to pronounce rebels, attacked the house of lieut. col. Bourchier, late of the royal Irish artillery, at Kilfruch, near Hospital Barony of small county, county of Limerick, and within 14 miles of this city. On breaking into the house, the first person they met to oppose them, was a faithful servant whom the colonel brought with him from the regiment; this man they cut and hacked with swords in a barbarous manner; most fortunately the colonel was on this night in Limerick, and it appeared that he and his servant were their intended victims. Providence directed that lieut. M'Mahon, of the Queen's German Rangers, on that evening called, and remained at colonel Bourchier's house, and owing to his spirited conduct, Mrs. Bourchier and her children were protected; from the brutal rage of those rebels. After entirely destroying the furniture of the house, windows, &c. taking all the fire arms with them, they broke open the stables, took thereout the colonel's six horses, three of which were found at six o'clock next morning, on the road, by lieut. M'Mahon, on his venturing out to apprise James Gibbins, esq. a neighbouring magistrate, who with his son Joseph Gibbins, esq. instantaneously afforded him every assistance; but we are sorry to add that none of the rebels, as yet, have been apprehended. The faithful servant (whose name we do not wish to mention, having a wife in a distant part, to whom this may be the first intimation) lies in this city in a most dangerous state, attended by surgeons of the first eminence.
The above banditti declared at the attack at col. Bourchier's house, there would be a general rising, on that night, of their friends; and on the hill of Knockgreann, and other rising grounds, lights were visible, supposed to be signals.
FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.
[Continued from the Recorder of February 23.]
I should be sorry to say any thing reflecting on the professional skill of any gentleman, but it is impossible not to see that Mr. Hay must either have suspected the courts to which he applied, of ignorance or partiality, or else must have been strangely ignorant of the law himself, when he applied to bind over the press—a thing so contrary to law and common sense, that even the folly and wickedness of the Duke of Grafton's administration, aided by Mansfield's wily knowledge, stung to madness, as they were by Junius, never dared to think of it. The laws must be abominably defective, if they provide no penalties for the public libeller. If the law provides the penalties, they can only be inflicted when the crime is ascertained, but cannot be inflicted prospectively. Indeed, he must be grossly ignorant of the philosophy, or even of the elementary principles of laws, who can suppose the possibility of a legislature enacting laws for the prevention of any crime, for which, if committed, they provide no punishment. This is so clear that we doubt whether there is a negro in Virginia, who does not perceive it, though he has not the power to reduce his perception to a distinct shape, or give it identity in words. As Mr. Hay is a lawyer, it is but fair to suppose, that in this case he was swayed rather by passion than by reason. If thoughts went hand in hand with words, from the professions of the latter, in his speech, one would suppose that gentleman extremely clever indeed. But that this is not always the case, a thousand instances, and this speech among the rest, demonstrate. It is prolix without copiousness, as weak as prolix,—and all of it that is grounded in any thing like reason, is mere common place. Still we can suppose the same person in a case, not his own, where moderation presided, to be a reasonably sensible kind of a man. And that in this case, his talents were confounded by his passions—and that as Shakespeare says,
"His passions like a whale on the ground, Confound themselves wzen working."
With respect to the unconstitutional views disclosed, and the real hostility to the press, which peeps out from a chasm and lurking holes in the speech, and in the transaction, little can be said more than the reader will readily anticipate. The factious, who favoured the French principles, during the revolution, will, no doubt, endeavour to follow up their worthy examples to the day on which I speak. The grand Democrat of Europe has bound over the press in France; and if a change does not take place, some grand Democrat of America may bind it over here, also, and silence alike the Patriot, the Reasomer, the Libeller and the Calumniator.
CORREGIDOR.
STONINGTON, March 1.
Sloop Revenue , captain P. Noyer, sailed from Millic river the 15th ult. for Charleston, (S. C.) with a deck load of mules, &c. &c. The following day, at 3 o'clock, P. M. in a severe gale of wind, while scudding, she was struck by a sea on her weather quarter, and thrown upon her beam end; the captain, mate, and people being upon deck, they together with her deck load, were swept overboard; fortunately, however, by extraordinary exertions, all the people got on board, and she immediately righted; about fifteen minutes afterwards, another sea struck her, which washed the captain and one hand overboard. Providentially, they were again preserved. Her boat stove, sails split, and pumps choked with oats, the captain thought it advisable to put back; and arrived at Millic last Tuesday. Schooner Betty , Ich. Sheffield, master, arrived at Tobago, with the loss of eight head of stock. The people all well.
FROM THE NEW-YORK EVENING POST.
"Secrets worth knowing," cut at last.
A letter received from Washington, gives the substance of the following curious, amusing, interesting, important startling anecdote. Mr. Wright , a democratic senator, from Maryland, was appointed by the senate, on his own motion, to go down to the house with a message, as being more respectful than to send it by the secretary. When he came to the house, gen. Moutrie was speaking on the subject of his Georgia claim, but he insisted on entering immediately, and was introduced. In his perturbation of self importance, he forgot to have the galleries cleared, but in the midst of a thousand spectators, informed the speaker that he had been sent by the honorable senate to inform the house that they had concurred with the house in their secret resolutions, and passed a bill for placing two millions of dollars in the hands of the president, to be by him disposed of in any manner that to him may seem fit and best. And that they have passed another bill for appropriating two thousand five hundred dollars to the purposes of external commerce.
WE request that some of our friends will send us, free of postage, some circular letters of the Virginia delegates in congress. If they should contain any thing worth notice, it will afford us some amusement, during the next summer.
A FILE OF
"The RECORDER,"
TO BE SOLD, From the commencement, in July 11th, 1801, to March the 2d, 1803; by applying to one of the Apprentices at this Office. ALEXANDER C. M'KENZIE. March 19th. 1803.
STRAYED, or STOLEN,
FROM RICHMOND, On Sunday the 13th of March, 1803.
A LIGHT SORREL MARE,
EIGHT, or Nine years old; about five feet four, or five inches high; short switch tail. Whoever will bring the above Mare to Nathaniel Evans, in CHARLES CITY, shall receive a reward of FIVE DOLLARS, or THREE DOLLARS to any person who will inform the subscriber where she is, to that she may be had again. NATHANIEL EVANS. Charles City, March 17th, 1803.

WONDERS!
It was with the deepest surprize that, in the Examiner of last Saturday, we found the following paragraph :
"It has been insinuated in a new- paper of this city, that the editor of the Examiner was in favor of the common law doctrine, which prohib- ited the truth to be given in evi- dence under an indictment for libel. Nothing can be more unjust than this charge. He neither is now, nor was he ever an advocate for that doctrine. He has always spoken of it in terms of abhorrence, both in conversation and paragraphs. He has never ceased to think, that the state legislatures ought to perform its funeral rites; and to this end, he intended during the last session of the general assem- bly, to have suggested the passage of a law, but indispotion suppressed his design."
We are very glad to hear this ac- knowledgement. The whole tenor of the piece referred to announced that Mr. Jones approved of the common law doctrine as to libels. The quotations that appear in the Recorder of Wednes- day, the 9th inst. and of Saturday last, will plead pardon for our mistake. Mr. Jones undoubtedly knows his own opinions better than we do. He knows what it was that he wished to say; and we ac- cept with cheerfulness of his inter- pretation. We acquit him of all the reproach annexed to the defence of so diabolical a doctrine. But if Mr. Jones will shew his piece to an hundred impartial peo- ple, ninety-nine of them, and upwards, will understand it in the same sense as we did.
Having removed this rubbish of per- sonality, and, as we hope, to the Exam- iner's satisfaction, we proceed to some- thing more serious. The Examiner says that "he has always spoken of this doc- trine in terms of abhorrence, both in con- versation and paragraphs." Very well. Of course, he speaks in the same terms of Ambrose Spencer, and his prosecu- tion. For, if a maxim of law is, in it- self, grossly false and sophistical, the at- torney general, the judge and jury, are also culpable. When the republicans condemned the sedition law, they like- wise condemned the attorney generals and others, that acted upon it. The Examiner must do the same thing. He has it not in his power to do otherwise. He condemns arleian, as a poison. He must condemn the doctor, who gives it as a cure. The Examiner wishes the maxim to be both dead and buried. The transition is not violent to the charge that Ambrose Spencer and all his abettors were executed, and hung in chains. If hell is governed by a system of laws, the first of them must be that truth cannot be given in evidence. In the midst of all this abhorrence of the com- mon law maxim, it is singular that not one whisper of censure upon the prose- cution of Croswell is to be found in the Examiner's performance. From first to last, his object is not the condemna- tion, but the defence of Spencer's con- duct. He says that "the prosecution is correctly conducted, on the best established principles of the common law." These are his very words. They are assuredly the language of defence! He proceeds to complain that, in spite of all this, "not only the attorney ge- neral is bespattered, but the whole republican party polluted with the foulest abuse." If you abhor perjury, must you not abhor the man that is fore- sworn? You detest the principle upon which Spencer acts. You have, there- fore, no choice but to detest Spencer him- self.
The Examiner adds that, "with the most egregious folly and stupidity, too, or with the most criminal def- titution of candour, the republican party is charged with inconsistency in putting these prosecutions on foot, after their execration of the sedi- tion law." All this, and there is much more of it, amounts to an oblique defence of Spencer, and of those that act with him. It is in vain to deny this truth; and the Examiner may tell us, if he can, with what consistency he defends the actors of a scene, while he abhors the maxim upon which they act.
The Examiner says that he had enter- tained the design of suggesting to the last assembly the passage of a law, which was to perform the funeral rites of this common law maxim. We never heard of its exercise in this state; and Gervase Storrs, perhaps, or Cyrus Griffin ex- cepted, we do not believe that Virgi- nia contains a single judge of any class, that would bechase himself to all eterni- ty, by the sanction of such a doctrine. But, in all events, it is proper that the peo- ple should be put upon their guard. The man, who is capable either of promot- ing or conniving at such stark naked tyranny, deserves not to be trusted as a common constable. He deserves only to be hunted down, as the common enemy of mankind, and the eternal out- cast of his maker.
These facts are raised with a view to vindicate the character of our beloved president. If Mr. Jefferson disap- proves of the maxim, he will stop the prosecution. But the case that you are robbed on the highway. The supposed offender is dragged into court; and, without being heard in his defence, he is transmitted to the gallows. Whether he is guilty, or innocent, it is clear that the prosecutor and the court are greater criminals than him. If the person rob- bed can stop the execution, and forbears to do so, he is nothing better than a murderer. Apply this supposition to the case of Croswell. Assuredly, Mr. Jefferson, for his own sake, will make Spencer call a halt.
FROM THE EXAMINER AGAIN.
"A glaring instance of Mr. Callen- der's want of veracity is given in the last "Recorder," relative to Mr. Broc- kenbrough. He asserted, amongst other things not worthy of notice, that Mr. Brockenbrough accompanied Mr. Hay and Mr. McRae to judge Roan's, in the month of January."
In last Saturday's paper, we corrected the mistake as to citizen Croswell. The attack of Mr. Jones shews that the rest of the paragraph is correct; other- wise the answer of judge Roan would likewise have been denied. Mr. Jones speaks of other things not worthy of no- tice. This is a very convenient and concisely way to get rid of judge Roan's reprobation, of his remark that Hay and Macrae could neither be republicans, nor lawyers.
FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.
To the Editor.
SIR,
From a printed report of a trial which I send you, you will perceive that Mr. Hay, of whom honorable mention has been made in the communication of your correspondent Corregidor, published in the Courier of Tuesday and Saturday last, has again introduced himself or public notice, by an application to the court of Hulings, to discharge him and his security from their recognizance, in lieu of which he modestly proposed to them to accept his word and honor. The court, as in duty bound, refused to comply with his request; for which, it is proba- ble, both it and the laws will immediate- ly become, as the constitution, and its makers and supporters have already been, the object of democratic calumny. It is remarkable that Mr. Callender hav- ing declined to answer a question put to him in court by Mr. Hay, added, "I have an answer ready, and one which will not be very pleasing to him, but I should rather not." On which Mr. Hay waved insisting on the question. It should seem as if Mr. Hay's hopes, like Pad- dy's legs, were running away with him; with those hopes we trust that the people will not, any more than the court of Hulings, keep pace. Under their in- fluence, he was a little too precipitate for his own credit, as a lawyer, a citi- zen, or a man. We are not yet revolu- tionized. The good old laws yet remain unrepealed! Honor will not yet pass for security, in courts of justice! The press is yet out of the reach of the demo- cratic faction; and the bludgeon, the pistol, and the poignard, are not yet, thank God! to be the privileged arbi- ters of the lives and liberties of Ameri- cans.
Z.
FROM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
To T. RODNEY, Esq.
Dover, near Wilmington,
SIR,
I BELIEVE it is easier, even at this day to decide, who is not the writer of the celebrated letters under the signa- ture of Junius, than who is. I too, as well as you, have had many conversa- tions with General Lee concerning the author of these said letters. Without in- tending to question the veracity of your assertion, namely, "that he acknow- ledged to you, that he was the author of them," I mean to deny the fact; he told me himself he was not the author, by telling me, that Gerrard Hamilton (distinguished by the appellation of sin- gle speech Hamilton) was.
I have related the anecdote, in twenty years, to most of my acquaintances, when- ever the conversation happened to turn on this topic.
"I was one morning breakfasting with lord Thanet," said he, "and afterwards rode with him to Hyde- Park. Just as we were getting on, or after we had got on our horses, he observed to me, Lee! I have discover- ed who is the author of Junius. A few days ago, at this very spot, Ger- rard Hamilton said, when we were conversing on and criticizing the pub- lic political characters of our country, "My lord, take it from me, honor and honesty are no longer tickets of admis- sion at the court of St. James's." In a few days after this marked observa- tion, I saw in Junius* the very words. "A man of honor has no ticket of admis- sion at St. James's." "I was con- vinced," added lord Thanet, "from that day, that Hamilton was the au- thor." "And so was I," said general Lee." By questioning his assertion to you, we do no injury to his manes; for, if he were the author, by disclosing this circumstance, he forfeited his word to the public. In his dedication he pledges himself never to reveal it. "If I am a vain man, my gratification lies within a narrow circle. I am the sole depositary of my own secret, and it shall perish with me." Mr. Burwell of Richmond heard general Lee relate the above story, as I have stated it. You seem confirmed in the opinion of general Lee's being the author, not only from his assertion, but from the dilemma into which you brought him. "General Lee replied, to his certain knowledge lord Chatham was not the author; that no man, not even Woodfall, knew. That the secret rest- ed with himself, and forever would re- main with him. I replied, "No, general Lee, if you certainly know what you have affirmed, it can no longer remain solely with him; for, certainly, no one could know what you have affirmed, but the author himself." Any man, not under the obligation of an oath in a court of law, might have said, in the licentiousness of general conversation, that he certainly knew lord Chatham was not the author. I say so now; I am cer- tain he was not, and here is my authori- ty: "But unfortunately for this coun- try, Mr. Grenville was at any rate to be distressed, because he was minister; and Mr. Pitt and lord Camden were to be the patrons of America, because they were in opposition. Their declaration gave spirit and argument to the colonies; and while, perhaps, they meant no more than the ruin of a minister, they in effect divided one half of the empire from the other."
No man so truly and severely criticises himself, even in the cabinet; never in the press. Lee might safely say lord Chatham was certainly not the author. Woodfall always declared, as I have been informed, that he knew not who was the author; and upon the authority of Junius, said it never would be known. "He was the depositary of his own se- cret, and it should perish with him." Upon this declaration, it was common- ly said, that no man, not even Woodfall himself knew; that the secret rested with himself, and would remain with him for ever. So much for the dilemma.
The style of general Lee is very differ- ent from Junius, except where he mani-
NOTE:
*Vide 68th Letter on the bailment of Eyre.
†First letter, p. 33—London Ed: 1785.
festly aims at imitating him. General Lee's is a crowded style, strong, nervous, bold. His ideas flowed so quick, that he could not arrange, nor direct them; he had them not under command; hence his writing is replete with parentheses.
Junius could call up his ideas at plea- sure, had them in chaste order, and ne- ver suffered them to extravagate. In his writings you will see fewer parenthe- ses, than in almost any writer in our language, except Swift. His style has no looseness; it is always.
Teres atque rotundus,
General Lee was both a man of abilities and of acquirements; but his acquire- ments were different from those of the writer of Junius; and his abilities, tho' confessed, not equal to such a task.
The sentiments (political ones I mean) of these two men were variant. Junius ridicules the distinction between legisla- tion and taxation, and denies their sepa- rability. He considered the legislative power of the mother country, the right of parliament, in short, as supreme; but agreed with Mr. Burke in the inpo- licy of ever exercising it. General Lee denied the power and right of parlia- ment to tax the colonies, and all his writings, and arguments in conversa- tion, went to this extent. Junius was well versed in parliamentary learning, as his letters, concerning the decision of the house of commons on the Middlesex election, evince. Gen. Lee knew no- thing more of parliamentary affairs or history, than what he collected from reading the debates, and was more ig- norant of parliamentary learning than any man of his general knowledge and opportunity I ever knew; particularly the case of Middlesex, I remember, he did not understand, had never studied it, nor ever read the ablest argument by Ruffhead, under the inspection of Sir Fletcher Norton, the case of the Mid- dlesex election considered, before I lent it to him, and said he thought it was unanswerable. As to law, it was the daily object of his censure and ridicule. I doubt whether he ever read even Blackstone's Commentaries. I speak from knowledge when I say, learned as he was, a scholar, a man of Belle Let- tre, an historian, he was perfectly un- acquainted with law. Could he have written, or any man who had not studi- ed the law, the sixty eighth letter to lord Mansfield on the bailment of Eyre? I can venture to affirm, except in that letter, he never heard of "being taken with the manor," and would sooner have written in the style of Steadling versus Stiles, than in the learned argumen- tative manner of Junius in this elaborate composition. I conclude then, that gen. Lee, notwithstanding his assertion, from the anecdote he related to me; from his style of writing; from his sentiments, and from his learning and general acquire- ments, was not the author of Junius. I persuade myself, that I have offered to you by discussion no offence; if I have, it is not my intention. I rather think we both have the same end in view, the development of truth, and on our arrival at it, on this or any other occasion, we should feel similar gratification.
Quid verum, atque deceas curo, et rogo, et omnis in hoc sum.
I have the honor to be, with every consideration of respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant, RALPH WORMELEY.
Rosegill, 3d March, 1803.
VIRGINIA.
AT a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defend- ant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plain- tiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A copy—Test
BERRYMAN GREEN, D.C.H. e.