The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-10 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 10.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 10, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   Dolls. Cts.     Tobacco, 5 25   Wheat, 1 50   Flour—superfine, 6 75   fine, 5 50   Corn Meal—per bushel, 12   Bacon—per lb. 12   Bar Iron—per ton, 120   Whiskey—per gallon, 58  
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER,
 25 Hhds. Loaf Sugar  30 Hhds. N. E. Rum  250 Casks Stone Lime (branded Knox)  2000 Lbs. Pepper  20 Boxes Cotton and Wool Cards  100 Lbs. Spanish Plant Indigo  50 Pieces White Placillas  50 do. Brown do.  20 Casks Cut Nails and Brads, assorted.  A few Casks of Raisins, assorted.  8 by 10 Window Glass  A general assortment of Shoes. 
HENRY HOVEY. (3c.)
WILL be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, on the eighth day of July next, on the premises, the GLEBE LANDS of the Parish of Trinity, in the county of Louisa.
THE COMMISSIONERS. (3c.)
In pursuance of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery, for the district of Richmond.
WILL be sold on the first day of July next, at the Tavern of Mr. Zachariah Brooks in the town of Manchester, the LOT & appurtenances in said town, lately occupied by Mr. William Robinson. The sale will be on twelve months credit, the purchaser to give a bond, with security, to bear interest from the date.
JOHN MINOR, Commissioner. (3c.)
JUST PUBLISHED,
And for sale by Thomas Nicholson, near the Capitol; THE THIRD VOL. OF CALL'S REPORTS.
(3c.)
MARSHAL'S SALE.
To be held, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Primate Bond, attorneys for the creditors of Exekiel Edwards, plaintiffs, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,450 dolls. 94 cts. due and payable on the 1st Jan. last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Dinwiddie, called FORT LEWIS,
situated by the said Ross to contain 2600 acres.
The sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next.
This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Ross, the sale last advertised would have taken place but for a mistake in the advertisement. The subscriber has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be postponed, the early public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble.
BENJAMIN MOSBY, n. m. for JOSEPH SCOTT, m. v. d. (4c.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
Being anxious to discharge all my just debts, I will sell a great bargain in two new BRICK TENEMENTS, on the Main-Street, on Shockoe-Hill; they are well calculated for stores and private families, and considered to be as good stands for business as any in that part of the city; they will be sold separately or together, to suit purchasers. If this property is not sold by private contract before Tuesday, the 24th day of June next, it will, on that day, be sold at public auction. Any person willing to purchase, will be shown the property, and may know the terms, which will be very accommodating, by application to the subscriber living adjoining the premises.
I will also dispose of, by private contract, my half share LOT in the neighborhood of Gen. Mosley, in which there is a two story Brick House erected, 14 feet long by 22 feet wide; this house is not finished in the inside, but can be finished to suit the purchaser. For terms apply to J. B. WINN. (4c.)
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors on the 10th of May, 1806—
Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay on the hands of the Treasurer, the further sum of one dollar on each share, on or before the 14th of June next.
Resolved, That the Clerk be instructed to call a meeting of the Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's Tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes, JAMES BRANDER, CLK. (1m)
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time.
J. PENN. (4c.)
WILLIAM GALT,
HAS just received, by the ship Proteus from London, and by the ship Intrepid just arrived from Liverpool, his usual assortment of SPRING GOODS, which is now selling at his usual low prices or cash or country produce, also to punctual customers. (4c.)
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE and LOT belonging to Mr. Wm. Dandridge's estate, next above Mr. Price's large building. For terms apply to DANIEL SHEPHERD, Agent for the executors. (4c.)
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 sacks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred— Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of JAMES MAURY, Esq. of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKET, POLLARD & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. (4c.)
May 23.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
 20 Hhds. NORTHERN RUM,  20 Barrels do. do.  10 Hhds. MOLASSES,  10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE,  15 do. do. MALAGA do.  12 Tierces Prime GREEN COFFEE,  20 Barrels LIVER OIL,  153 Boxes MOULD CANDLES,  80 Ream WRITING PAPER,  100 do. WRAPPING do. 
THOMAS WHITE. (4c.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald M'Call, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Buchanan, bearing date the 25th day of May, 1789, for jointure purposes therein mentioned; will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27th day of June next, THREE LOTS, known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said M'Call at present resides; on these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with those lots and houses, &c.
Will be sold on the same day, on the premises,
A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M'Call, situate in the county aforesaid, on Holkins's creek, adjoining the said town of Tappahannock, containing by estimation, five hundred and two acres, be the same more or less, together with the water grit mill adjoining, which is at present out of repair, but may be rendered very valuable at a small expense, being one of the most valuable and convenient mills in that part of the country, having a large & convenient mill-house two story high, built of stone, brick and wood, calculated for manufacturing on an extensive plan, situate on a never-failing stream, within one mile of tide water; belonging to this mill are two very convenient houses for the accommodation of a miller, cooper, &c. This tract of land is generally of good quality, lies well and is well timbered. Will likewise be sold on the 27th day of the same month. (June) at John Miller's Tavern, in the said county of Essex.
A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said M'Call, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Mann, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said M'Call purchased of Richard Jeffries. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered.—Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTIE, and CHARLES THOMPSON, Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. M'Call. Louisa, April 18. (tdf)p
3,000 wt. SALT PETER BACON,
1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE,
10 gross BOTTLED CYDER,
A few bundles CLOVER SEED,
150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS.
For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM.
Conflantly for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horses—apply as above. May 27. eof
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE on the Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Henry M'Clatchy, and situate between Messrs. Ellis & Allan and Mr. Munnel Judah. Also—A HOUSE on the Main-Street Shockoe Hill, a few doors below Mr. Bootwright's and nearly opposite to Mr. Benjamin Wolfe. Possession of both Houses to be given immediately. Enquire of JOSEPH GALLEGO. May 30. tf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manufacture. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH. (4c.)
His name is AMPEY; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11. tf
TO MR. THOMAS BRADSHAW,
SIR, As you are not an inhabitant of this state, and I have no agent therein, known to me, to whom a notice can be given, be pleased to take notice, that on the last Saturday in June next, I shall, at the dwelling house of Nicholas Vaughan, in the county of Newkirk, between the hours of eight in the morning and seven in the evening of the above mentioned day, take the depositions of the said Nicholas Vaughan, of Jacob Sney, Nathan Fowles and Peter Knight, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the county court of Prince Edward, wherein you, and others are plaintiffs, and I am defendant. BENJAMIN BORUM. Prince Edward county, April 22. epdmf
FOR SALE,
At public auction, on the premises, on Wednesday, 10th September next, (if not previously disposed of by private contract),
Five hundred and fifty acres LAND, situated in the upper end of Cumberland county, eighteen miles from the Court-House, three from Farmville, and one from a good manufacturing mill on Appomattox, now navigable, almost to Petersburg. This LAND lies handsomely, is in good order and inferior in quality to none east of the mountains; there is 10 or 12 acres meadow, handsomely set with timber, and about 20 acres more prepared for sowing next spring; in addition there is an extensive bed of Coal which to a person of capital would be highly valuable; one third the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in two annual instalments. JOHN KILSO. (4c.)
May 23.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 24th of July next, will be sold by Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale,
THAT VALUABLE BRICK TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, opposite to Mr. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch.
Terms of payment—one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property to secure payment of the purchase money. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M'rs. (tdf)
June 6.
Sales at Auction.
On Tuesday the 10th inst. will be sold without reserve, at the office of the subscribers:
12 bhs. excellent St. Kitts' RUM, at 60 ds.
3 chds. Imperial TEA, 60 ds.
An invoice of Chintz, Mullins and coloured Cambricks, 4 mo.
Negotiable notes, with approved endorser, will be required. TAYLOR & BROWN, V. M'rs. (tdf)
June 6.
DR. FENDALL, OPERATOR UPON TEETH.
Is just arrived in this City and may be consulted every day during his stay at the Eagle-Tavern. As Dr. Fendall's continuance in this City, is uncertain, those Ladies and gentlemen who wish to employ him will please to make immediate application. Upon request, he will wait upon those Ladies and Gentlemen, either in the City or its vicinity, who do not find it convenient to attend him at his lodgings. Dr. Fendall cures the scurvy in the gums, he it ever so inveterate, in a short time, loosens loose teeth, by making the gums grow firm up to them; renders teeth white and beautiful; prevents their decay; keeps such as are so from becoming worse, even to old age; fills up those that are hollow with gold or lead, which will not only render them useful, but prevents their aching and further decay, extracts teeth and stumps with ease; makes and fixes artificial teeth: His Colombian antiseptic Dentifrice for preserving the teeth, gums, sockets, &c. and superior he thinks both in elegance and efficacy to any other, is sold by the Doctor. June 6. 2c.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
BROKE out of or was stolen from a lot near Maj. Benj. Wolfe's, a small Bay MARE, about 4 feet 8 or 9 inches high, a flat in her forehead, one of her hind feet white, a small wart just below the throat; a notch of the bridle on the right side; trots very short and carries her head low; had a switch tail and fresh fluted before. Whoever will deliver the said mare to Thomas Stanton in Richmond, shall receive the above reward. June 6. 3c.
STAUNTON STAGE.
The Subscriber respectfully informs the public, his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Eagle-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages, and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. tf
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz.
One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parson Clifton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security. M. B. POTIAUX. April 15. (tdf)
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 28th day of July next. M. B. P.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. tf
THE subscriber has removed his Broker's Office to the middle tenement, in Doctor Tackett's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him. THOMAS NORVELL. For sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (tdf)
NEGROES FOR SALE.
ON Thursday the 14th instant, will be offered at public sale for Cash, in the town of New-Canton, seven likely NEGROES, the property of William Cannon of the County of Buckingham, to satisfy a debt due from said Cannon to Samuel Jones of the County of Amelia, assignee of Wade Mosby. WILLIAM CANNON, WADE MOSBY. June 6. (tdf)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
May 23.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
6. From Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester and Dumfries, to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 11 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 P. M. in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 2 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 3 P. M. and arrive at Washington by 5 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 6 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 7 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 1 P. M.; leave Dumfries at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 P. M.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 4 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Washington City by 6 1/2 P. M.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Church, Hanover C. H. Richmond and Osborne's to Petersburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. & arrive at Richmond by 9 P. M.; leave Richmond at 4 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 P. M.
Leave Petersburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 A. M. & arrive at Richmond same day by 6 A. M. and leave Richmond at 6 1/2 A. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 A. M. and arrive at Richmond by 6 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 A. M. & arrive at Petersburg by 10 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Petersburg every day, save Sunday, at 2 P. M. & arrive at Richmond by 5 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, save Sunday, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 P. M.
8. From Richmond to Fraziers, New-Kent C. H. Williamsburg, Yorktown and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Hampton by 9 P. M. & at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 9 P. M. & arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 P. M.
9. From Petersburg by Cabbins-Point, Smithfield, Surry C. H. & Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 P. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 3 P. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 A. M.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 A. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 10 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 8 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Portsmouth by 8 A. M.
RETURNING.
Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 9 P. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Petersburg by noon.
From Lynchburg by Bethel, Pedlar mills & Winton, to Lexington, once a week.
Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Lexington by 6 P. M.
Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 P. M.
From Waterford by Snicker's gap, R. Braden's store, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week.
Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Upperville by 6 P. M.
Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Waterford by 6 P. M.
From Wythe C. H. by Tazewell C. H. Russell C. H. and Lee C. H. to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks.
Leave Wythe C. H. every other Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Wythe C. H. on Thursday by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The Post-Master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continues until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any persons, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
6. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail the

on the other hand, those men become the natural advocates of the people to the throne—it is therefore the interest of the state that, by the stability and splendor of their condition, they should be raised above all vulgar considerations. To these motives, the legitimacy of which cannot be denied, are superadded other advantages easily imagined, and which I believe it superfluous to analyse.
Such, Gentlemen, are the profound bases, on which the Emperor would establish the great political system, with the conception of which the Divine Providence has inspired him. It is thus assuring the happiness of the present generation, and in preparing the grandeur of future ages, that he incessantly adds to the sentiments of love, admiration and respect, which you participate in common with all the French.
LEGISLATIVE BODY, April 16.
PRESIDENCE OF M. FONTANES.
Continuation of the Sitting of the 14th.
M. Cretet, Counsellor of State, in presenting the project of finances, has explained the motive of them with much perspicuity. The Orator's reflections upon each part of this immense work have been heard with the liveliest interest. Our limits will not permit us to give them literally, but we shall offer that part to our readers which as the most intimate connection with the political situation of Europe, and particularly that of France and England.
"A trifling increase of the public debt, balanced by a redemption executed or prepared; resources derived from the reimbursement of the national domains; foreign loans, the fruits of victory, and wise policy , these, added to the ordinary public contributions, M. Cretet observed, might perpetuate to the latest term of glory a vast empire, but lately almost overwhelmed under the weight of a terrible revolution."
"It has been said, and unhappily it is but too true, that Europe seems as if she could no longer reckon upon the benefits of peace which have been promised her by unfaithful Treaties; she does not even enjoy the benefit of a truce, which is a necessary interval previous to the recommencement of hostilities. If we examine how it is that, in the midst of civilization, the people will feel all the effects of barbarism, we must be convinced that some extraordinary cause must have occurred to throw Europe into a state the most opposite to the repose and interest of the surrounding nations."
"The abrogation of the Right of Nations was prepared, at the commencement of the last age, by the contempt of an ambitious nation, which was disposing itself for the attainment of universal dominion; and it was crushed beyond remedy, when one of the Ministers of the Nation, lifting up the voice of audacity, dared to proclaim, 'that a single cannon-shot should not be fired in Europe without the permission of its Government.'
"Europe remained mute, and indifferent to this insulting declaration. She seemed as if she wished to conceal the fact, that this final dominion was the loss of her independence; and that as this nation had assumed the command, obedience was absolutely necessary—Imprudent lumber, which has since produced such melancholy consequence!
"The assertion made by the Minister Chatham, flattered the pride and ambition of his nation."
"England, favoured by unbounded events, pursued its designs with rapidity. London at this day would probably have been the metropolis of the universe if Heaven had not given birth to an extraordinary man; If Heaven had not charged him with the re-establishment of the law of nations, in endowing him with prudence, and every necessary means for accomplishing his design with success."
"His genius has laid those forms incessantly excited by our implacable enemy—his powerful hand has paralyzed her efforts—but at the same time he constructed a vast system, the only one which could remedy the evils of Europe."
"The struggle which subsisted between France and England appeared first as though it could not be terminated, but by reason or by force. The effects of reason will always vanish a proportion as our enemies pretend to the dominion of the universe through that of the seas; and as long as its Councils resound with those savage cries for a war of extermination, the means of force must be prepared against this nation; but nature opposes obstacles to their execution, the duration of which we are unable to ascertain."
"New combinations are upon the point of fixing the future and consolidating our hopes, sooner or later, for the return of a lasting peace. He has formed a power in the centre of Europe sufficiently strong to break the force of every attack it has received, as well as those that may yet be prepared against it."
"England, abusing its situation and its immense maritime forces, has itself indicated the points from whence she may be resisted with success. To the efforts that the makes by sea, it may be necessary to oppose greater efforts upon land; and since she pretends to isolate and cut off other nations, by laying the ocean under a contribution, just reprisals call upon us to isolate her, and to shut her out of the Continent to the greatest extent that may be possible."
"Thus till England shall console the weeping commerce of nations, and renouncing an universal monopoly, shall restore them their natural rights, and no longer pretend to dispute with them, except in respect of the advantages of its soil, and the perfection of its arts, her vessels, loaded with unproductive riches, shall throw themselves in vain upon those extensive coasts which that repulse them. England will at last be tired of this rigorous divorce; it shall restore to Europe the empire of reason, and with it a permanent peace."
"Such are the obstacles that oppose a peace so desirable; we ought to render ourselves worthy of it, by putting ourselves in a situation to obtain it by conquest."
THE CRISIS. —A new and very excellent paper, under the above title, has recently been established in London, and of which, by the politeness of a gentleman who came passenger in the ship Fanny, we have received several of the latest numbers. They contain many interesting articles relative to the occurrences of the passing time, which, when our limits will permit, we shall lay before the reader. On the subject of the Kings possessions in Germany , which have been lately seized by the house of Brandenburg, the Editor of the Crisis communicates the following interesting observations:—
N. T. Daily Adv.
There are few subjects less understood than the importance of Hanover to England. It must be still within the memory of many of us that the light regard of our kings to their elective dominions, excited a most general clamor. It is doubtless pardonable in subjects to be jealous even to excess of the affection of their foreign, but the real interests of this country were but ill understood when Hanover was th-
object of this grudge.—It may answer a good end to explain this more fully.
In the first place, Hanover is the first and connecting link in the chain of our constitutional system.
As long as England, depending upon her internal and agricultural forces, growing only sufficient for her own supply, and manufacturing only to the same extent—in a word, so long as England had not reached the utmost point of her civil progress, so long might England in safety preserve herself aloof from continental connection. The argument was then more than metaphorically good, that as an Island, nature had separated us from the continent, and given us a system of our own; that we were a lofty but fertile rock, rising from the bottom of the waters—a natural garrison, which, having sufficient within its walls for defence and consumption, might look securely on the world beneath.
But it is the part of commerce to withdraw us from the simplicity of nature. It forces its object not merely into contact, but into cohesion. In this condition, whatever affects the one, is almost exactly felt by the other. To nations thus mutually embracing and embraced, under the commercial system, that blow must be directed with more than common dexterity, which can fall upon the one, without communicating the effect of the violence to the other. Under the commercial system, nations cease to be individuals, and become members of a body, of which commerce is the vital principle—the blood which circulating equally through all the parts, maintains and cherishes all alike.
So much as to the general principle of the necessity of continental connection. The inutility of these connections was the favorite topic upon the commencement of the reign of the present king, and in the variety of political opinion even in the present day, there are not wanting those who still urge the same arguments and hesitate to consider as an evil the present separation of Hanover and England.—To these indeed there is a sufficient answer in the event which instantaneously followed this separation, i. e. the exclusion of British Merchants from almost all the ports of the continent .
It may, in fact, be considered as a fundamental principle, that the preservation of our continental connections is essentially necessary to us.
1. For the preservation of our commerce. 2. For the preservation of the very existence of our empire.
The loss of Hanover, therefore, is essentially injurious to us under this point of view. It diminishes what may be called the cohesion of our continental connection. It is a brick at least out of the general fabric, and the violent abruption of it has certainly shaken, in a slight degree perhaps, the structure. It has assuredly done something to diminish the integrity, and of course the strength of the whole.
Hanover was in fact the German seat—the Gothic Villa of England, it was here we kept an hospitable board, and had a kind domestic intercourse with our German neighbors—our continental friends were ever welcome to us, and seeing us live amongst them they consider us as one of themselves. England in possession, and in the friendly use of Hanover, was more than half German—a point doubtless of no inconsiderable importance, when we considered the necessity of German alliance.
Nor is this loss of one cord of connection the only evil of our loss of Hanover.—There is one still more important and more immediate—Hanover, so long as she was our own, was the rallying post of the northern confederacy; it was here that we sent our continental armies—here they found a home, and all the conveniences of being in their own country—Here they could wait till they were joined by their allies—Here they were in no want of supplies—in a word to comprehend every thing, here they were in their own country.
Such was Hanover then—What is Hanover now?
—Tenedos notissima fama Insula, dives opum, Priami dum regna manent. Nunc tantum sinus, et statio maestra carinis. L. et nunc put a final question—In any future expedition to the continent, where is our army to find a home or a harbour? Is it to depend upon the caprice, the fidelity, and what is still worse, on the prudence and exertions of our ally in procuring the necessary magazines, provisions, &c.? A most important consideration. The Russians found it so at Auerlitz.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
April 25.
HIS MAJESTY'S MESSAGE.
Lord Grenville moved the order of the day for taking his Majesty's Message into consideration. The message being read,
His Lordship rose and observed, that after the Message which their Lordships had heard it would not be necessary for him to take up much of the time of the house. He was persuaded that there could be but one sentiment among their Lordships respecting his Majesty's Message; he was convinced there could be but one feeling in the country, as to the line of conduct which it was necessary to adopt; & he believed there could be but one opinion throughout Europe respecting the conduct of Prussia. Had there existed no connexion between that power and G. B. if his Prussian Majesty had not been bound by ties of alliance, of blood, of friendship and of gratitude, still one might have supposed that his true policy, a sense of his real interest, would have induced him to pursue a course different from that which occasioned the Message which had been just read. It was not his intention to enter deeply at present into the particulars of the conduct of the Prussian Government; it would be necessary, however, to make some reference to them. That Court had been engaged in confidential intercourse with England previous to the battle of Auerlitz; and if any reliance could be placed upon assurances, if any faith could be reposed upon treaties, we had a right to expect that she would be found, not fighting on the side of the enemy, but sustaining the common cause of Europe against France. On the contrary, she acted as if, notwithstanding those assurances and those treaties, she had been leagued with France from the beginning. This was manifested in various instances. Her first open act was to occupy Hanover under pretence of covering the retreat of the British and allied army, and of securing her own frontier against the danger which might result from the establishment of a French force in the Electorate of Hanover. That this occupation was a flagrant outrage and violation of justice, no one could deny, and as such, his Majesty could not but feel it deeply. The insult and injury, however, affecting him more in his private than in his public capacity, he determined to apply to remonstrance and negotiation, rather than to measures of a more serious character.
What was the conduct of Prussia?—Their Lordships would scarcely believe it, if the facts were not notorious to all Europe.—Before time could be given for the first temperate representation, before any explanation was offered or received, she took forcible possession of his
Majesty's Electoral dominions. The country which she occupied a few days before; for the express purpose of protecting and guarding against the arms of France within one fortnight after, she appropriated to herself, as a cession and a conquest made by France. This was the second step in the gradation of the injuries offered to her Majesty. There was, however, a third step, more general and more injurious in its object and consequences. His Prussian Majesty caused it to be notified to the British Minister at Berlin, that in obedience to a requisition from France he must proceed to exclude the shipping of England not only from Prussia, but from the ports of all the countries within the reach of her controul or influence. It was in this situation we now stood. His Majesty could not but feel deep and lasting regret that the act of Prussia, over which he had no controul, should involve in the calamities of war not only the subjects of Prussia, but those of other countries. Whether any alternative remained to his Majesty, it would be for their Lordships to determine; to his mind there was none. He could not perceive what other measures than those which had been resorted to, could be taken against a country which was found, from choice or necessity, to yield to every requisition of the enemy. Such blind acquiescence did not become any country, and much less a great country like Prussia. It was obvious that, in point of honour and reputation, she could gain nothing by it; it remained to be proved whether, even in the inferior consideration of interest, she would find herself the better by it. He purposely abstained from making use of strong terms in speaking of the conduct of Prussia. If it could be the object of any one to irritate, to inflame the passions, to make it more difficult to renew hereafter the connexion between the two countries, how easy would it be for him to represent the conduct of Prussia in a much stronger light! One observation more remained for him to make, which related to the interest of Prussia herself. This appeared to him to be the kind of reasoning by which she endeavoured to reconcile herself to the strange line of policy she had thought proper to pursue. "I have no hostility against you; France insists upon my ceding to her a part of my dominions; I must indemnify myself somewhere, you are my weaker neighbour, and I will wrest my indemnity from you." What could there be more monstrous, more unjust, more contrary to the principles of the law of nations than such a proposition? He would allow that cases may occur, in which a country might be obliged to cede part of her territories; but though her interests were affected, still her honour might be preserved. There was no disgrace in being the victim of such necessity. It was not dishonorable to be obliged to bend to circumstances after an appeal to arms; the dishonour was in not contending against such an event, but in yielding without an effort or a struggle. The grounds upon which he would move the address to his Majesty, which he held in his hand, were these. First, the necessity of evincing that a connexion did ought to exist between England and Germany and that we felt deeply for her interests . He was also anxious to convince Prussia, that there was not a power in Europe who could exclude British ships from her ports with impunity; and above all, he wished to mark our abhorrence of that abominable principle, of one power indemnifying itself at the expense of its weaker neighbour. He would acknowledge also he had another powerful motive for proposing it, a motive in which he anticipated the perfect concurrence not only of every Noble Lord who heard him, but of every man in the country. He was anxious to convince his Majesty that they felt an insult offered to him as an insult offered to themselves, and that there was no part of his dominions in the possession of which they were not willing to defend and maintain him. In this loyal and patriotic sentiment he was persuaded every one who heard him would agree. He would trespass no longer upon their Lordships' time, but move that an Address be presented to his Majesty upon his most gracious Message. His Lordship then read the Address, which was an echo of the Message.
The Address having been again read by the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Hawkesbury expressed his entire and unqualified approbation both of the Address and the measures adopted on this occasion by his Majesty's Ministers. If Prussia persisted in her unjust conduct, he was convinced that the evil effects of that injustice would revert in a tenfold degree on herself. He also hoped that every proper measure would be taken which might tend to strengthen the good understanding at present prevailing between this country and two great continental powers, namely, Russia and Sweden.
LONDON.
Admiral Berkeley, is appointed commander in chief on the Halifax station, in the room of the late Sir Andrew Mitchell.
The trial of Lord Viscount Melville commenced at Westminster-Hall the 29th of April. The London papers state, that the curiosity excited by the trial of Lord Melville, was not exceeded by that which prevailed on the first day of the trial of Mr. Hastings. At 8 o'clock, many of those who had obtained tickets for this splendid spectacle, appeared at the entrance into Westminster Hall. By 9, the line of carriages extended from Palace-yard to the Admiralty. Near 11 o'clock Mr. Whitbread and the other managers appeared, followed by Mr. Fox, and the house of commons. The managers were all in court dress. After the Speaker had taken his seat, the procession from the house of lords began to enter the Hall. At this time Lord Melville entered the Court, from the bottom of the Hall, and proceeding round the Counsel's box, took his seat inside the bar. All the peers were habited in the full robes of their respective ranks. As soon as they were seated, silence was proclaimed by the crier, under pain of imprisonment. Proclamation was next made, that Henry Lord Viscount Melville, was about to take his trial for high crimes and misdemeanors, and calling upon all those who had any thing to allege against him to come forward. The articles of impeachment were then read, with Lord Melville's answer; also the 10th, or additional charge, and Lord Melville's answer and protest against it.—Mr. Whitbread then rose, and began to open the charges against Lord Melville.—By a resolution of the house of Lords, the editors of the London newspapers are prohibited from the publication of any proceedings on this trial till it is terminated.
The number of Peers who attended was very great; there were no less than 85 barons; all the Princes of the blood; and the box appropriated to foreign Ministers was nearly filled. There were not less than 7 or 800 ladies present.
LONDON, April 25.
The following extracts from our Hamburg Correspondent's letter, will be found interesting:
HAMBURGH, April 18.
"In the Correspondenten of this date is inserted an article, at the express request of the Prof-
hamburg here, containing an account of the Swedish Majesty had received a note from the Prussian Ministry, intimating a desire on the part of their sovereign that he would order his troops to evacuate the Hanoverian territories on this side of the Elbe. Notwithstanding this formal contradiction, the best informed persons here, continue to assert that a communication to the above effect was made. In the meantime his Swedish Majesty has given orders to Count de Lowenheim, to defend to the last his positions in the Lauenburgh. The Count was joined a few days ago by a reinforcement of several battalions from Swedish Pomerania. On the 10th inst. he moved his head-quarters from Ratzeburgh to Buchen, which is still nearer the Elbe.
"Private letters from Berlin, of the 15th, state, that the troops stationed under Count Kalckreuth, in Prussian Pomerania, are ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice."
"The Prussian troops are spreading themselves over every part of the Electorate of Hanover, on the other side of the Elbe. Within these few days, a party of them took possession of the celebrated University of Gottingen, where they immediately put seals on the presses belonging to the different Professorships. The names, arms, and mottoes of the different Colleges are to be changed. In the matriculation registers and diplomas, every thing has been erased which bears any reference to the House of Hanover or the British sovereign."
"Two mails from London being still due, and our merchants being uncertain whether their late purchases in England will ever reach them, many of them have found themselves under the necessity of withholding their acceptance of bills drawn on them by their English correspondents."
THE MACKS.
When the first news of the disgraceful surrender of Ulm was received at Dünries, the Colonel of the Volunteers of that District sported the following jeu d'esprit , as a complimentary tribute to his corps, in which the Mack's abound.
Vienna's Wits their brains may rack, In penning Pasquinades on Mack, T'excite the Mob to stone him; But here a nobler flame was caught Mackmab, Mackmab, Mackmab, Macnought, Who, one and all, diown him.  Mackie, Mackay, Macklugh, Macklure, The very name can scarce endure, Whene'er they think upon it; For, till that day at Ulm, no Mack Who met the French e'er turn'd his back, Or meanly dodd'd his bonnet.  Throughout the Globe, now ev'ry Mack, Who bears a Coronet or Pack, Or pinch of Snuff about him, Mackleod, Mackleish, Mackquhane, Mackwhann, All Mack's, and Mic-Mack's, to a man. Indignant, scorn and scout him!
Ms. Fox, who all his life, has been the clamorous defender of the people's rights has, by making the Lord Chief Justice a plannum , defaced the most beautiful feature in the British Constitution.
As Bonaparte aims at the destruction of the ancient dynasties of Europe, perhaps he may yet be buried in the ruins of the old houses he is pulling about his ears.
One of the propositions lately made by Bonaparte to the British government for an exchange of prisoners is to give three English for five French.
Bonaparte's Dumb Senate may be compared to the mutes in a Seraglio , ready to strangle at the nod of their Lord.
Domestic Intelligence.
The Society of Ship Owners of Great Britain.
At a meeting of the committee of ship owners for the port of London, held the 15th day of April, 1806, at the London tavern, to take into consideration such measures as may be legally adopted, to prevent any further suspension of the navigation laws of Great Britain; and in particular the bill intended to be brought before parliament, to authorize the governors of the British West-India islands, to suspend the same in favor of American bottoms whenever they think proper during the present war; and on other affairs:
Resolved unanimously , That it is the opinion of this committee, that it will be highly injurious to the shipping interest of Great Britain and Ireland , to authorize, by act of parliament, the governors of the British West-India islands to suspend at their discretion the navigation laws of the country, and to admit American vessels to trade with the colonies contrary to the provisions of those statutes.
Resolved unanimously , That it is the opinion of this committee, that no necessity exists for investing the governors of the British West-India islands, in future, with authority to suspend, at their discretion, the navigation laws of Great Britain in favor of American or other neutral vessels; and that to introduce such a principle into an act of indemnity, is novel and dangerous as it will inevitably tend to establish a system highly injurious to the maritime interest of the country, and lessen that responsibility which otherwise would attach upon those persons who may advise any infringement of the provisions of those statutes.
Resolved unanimously , That it is the opinion of this committee, that the frequent recent suspensions of the navigation laws of the country, have been highly injurious to its shipping interest, which is not so flourishing a state, or so adequately or profitably employed as it would have been, had not such facilities been afforded to neutral vessels by the frequent suspension of the navigation acts.
Resolved unanimously , That a petition be presented to both houses of parliament, humbly praying that the provisions of the navigation acts may be strictly enforced in future; and also that an enquiry may be made into the actual state of the shipping and navigation of Great Britain and Ireland; and also as to the expediency of altering or reviving the alien and other duties, so as to place British ships on an equal footing with foreign vessels, in order to lessen those evils, which have resulted from the great increased foreign competition British ship-owners have had, unfortunately for the general interests of this country, to contend with.
Resolved unanimously , That a sub-committee be appointed to prepare such petition; and that the same be submitted to the consideration of this committee at their next meeting, to be held at this place on Monday next, at one o'clock precisely.
Resolved unanimously , That the thanks of this meeting be given to the Chairman, for his attention to the general interests of the British ship-owners, and in particular for his conduct on this occasion.
MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION.
Verbal accounts, by the Schooner Traveller from Curacoa, state that the ship Leander, on board of
expedition, had a very severe engagement with Spanish force of war, but succeeded in beating her and forced to windward. Two of Miranda's Schooners, we understand, had been captured on the Main by Spanish brig of war.
ALEXANDRIA, June 4.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Curacoa, to his friends in this town, dated May 16, 1806, received by the Schooner Alert, arrived here in 13 days passage.
"Business of all kinds has been perfectly at a stand for some time, owing to an embargo on the Main, in consequence of Miranda's expedition. I believe the embargo will be removed immediately, as we have certain accounts of the capture of two of his Schooners, and the ship being forced to leave the coast."
In addition to the above, it is currently reported (in Alexandria) that Miranda has escaped to Jamaica. Thus then has ended an expedition, which appears to have been ill calculated, from its commencement, to produce the important effects intended.
Expatior.
CHARLESTON, May 23.
Extract of a letter from the Havana, dated the 5th inst.
"We have nothing new here except a late royal order from Spain ordering this government to exclude all American trade, except that particularly privileged, and even to lay an additional duty of 14 per cent. on such privileged vessels; but it is generally believed they will allow the trade as it now is, and add the 14 per cent. on all goods, provisions, &c., which will make in the whole 46 1-2 per cent. amounting to a prohibition. Should it take place, and it is generally supposed it will, I hope the Americans will not suffer themselves to be so duped, but relinquish the trade until they are brought to a proper way of thinking. At present, occasioned by the existing duties, much money must be lost to the adventurers to this port."
CHERBOURG, May 1, 1806.
To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser.
"Sir,—We have the pleasure of advising you that, in consequence of the solicitations of our house, and some friends, Government has just now given to this port the privilege of entrepôt, all permitted foreign goods in the private stores of the merchants, so that the duties thereon need not be paid before they are sold. This favour has been granted on the simple condition of renouncing the re-exporting, which is now the only difference existing between this port and the other regular entrepôts of France. All American produce are in demand and rising; Guadalupe and Martinique coffee 62 to 63s. St. Domingo 60s. upland cotton 45s. W. I. brown raw sugars 95 at 97 10s."
Captain Brown from La Vera Cruz, informs us that a shock of an earthquake, which threw down a church and killed several hundred people, was felt there about the middle of April, at the distance of ninety miles from the city. La Vera Cruz, and the adjacent ports were well fortified and strongly garrisoned and no apprehensions were entertained of an attack from any quarter.
Merc. Adv.
SALT!
The public are informed, that the works at the United States Saline below the mouth of the Wabash are now conducted with so much spirit and success that the quantity of salt now is greatly superior to the demand: several thousand bushels having been accumulated in store. The price is reduced to five shillings, Virginia currency per bushel.
Western America.
PUBLIC SALE
OF VERY VALUABLE FURNITURE, &
On Friday the 13th inst. at the dwelling house of Mr. W. J. STOTT, in Blandford, will be sold, at public sale,
ALL his household and kitchen FURNITURE consisting of Dining, tea, and toilet tables; side-board; a pair of large looking glasses; drawers; a few very elegant prints; two sofas with a set of elbow chairs, and window curtains; match; square-backed dining chairs; beds and fleeces of the best kind, one of which made in London, with window curtains to match; a book-case; mahogany and pine wardrobes; wall-basin stands; paper tea-trays, waiters, decanter slides, and bread baskets; plated table and chamber candle-sticks, with snuffers, trays, and extinguishers complete—table knives and forks, with eaters; dessert do. to match; a cut-glass dessert service; wine decanters and glasses; water carafes, rumblers and runners with covers; salts, mustard, butter tubs with covers and stand; cream pitchers, 12 large square flint bottles wine glass stoppers; a lobby lamp, with brass runners; plate warmers; fowl plate baskets; block tin diff. covers; coffee pots; soup do. with covers—a number of other culinary articles in tin and copper; kitchen utensils of iron, &c. complete set of fire-irons with brushes; tea china ware; Liverpool table do. extra large robe blankets; carpets; with a great variety of other articles too tedious to enumerate.
A Philadelphia made CHARIOT, of the very best materials, by Mr. Ogile, with plated harness complete and having been seldom used, is little or nothing the worse of the wear—also, a common Chariotte. A pair of Capital Carriage Horses, well matched and formed, active and sufficiently powerful—they are well worth the attention of private gentlemen, or those engaged in running public carriages.
Terms—for the furniture, 6 months credit for sums at and over 50 dollars, notes with approved security—cash for all sums under. For the carriages & horses, 9 and 12 months credit—notes with approved security also.
D. MACKENZIE & Co.
Petersburg, June 6, 1806. (11)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, living in Buckingham county, a mulatto boy named Jim, about 22 years old, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, had on a short negro cotton coat, striped Virginia cloth trousers. Whoever will bring, or secure said boy, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward.
LION ELCAN.
All masters of vessels and others, are forewarned from harbouring or carrying the said slave out of the state at their peril.
June 10. (over)
FOR SALE.
A Valuable Negro WOMAN, about thirty years of age, who is a good cook, and two Children the eldest a girl about eight years old, the youngest boy 10 or 11 months old. Enquire at the bar of the Union Tavern, or at the Office of the Enquirer. June 10.
JUST PUBLISHED.
By David Longworth, New-York, and for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store. THE ADVENTURES OF TELEMACUS, by of ULYSSES; from the French of FENELON, the celebrated John Hauveworth, L. L. D. corrected and revised by T. Gregory, with a life of the author, and a complete index Historical and Geographical; embellished with engravings. Also—HUTCHINSON'S XENOPHON, HERMAN DOROTHEA, &c. &c. &c.

The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 10th JUNE.
"Full of years; and full of honour."
On Sunday morning the 8th inst. departed this life, the venerable chancellor of the Richmond district, GEORGE WYTHE. Over the unspotted causes of his death, let us for a moment draw the veil. Every situation in life has its rights and its duties. Let us therefore refer to the rights of the accused.
But of the deen, the solemn, the almost unexampled impression produced by his death; we may be permitted to speak. Let the anxious solicitude manifested for his recovery; let that sorrow which buries beneath it all political distinction; let the solemn and lengthened procession which attended him to his grave; bequeath the loss which we have sustained. Kings may require mousmeums to consecrate their memory; faints may claim the privileges of canonization; but the venerable GEORGE WYTHE needs no other monument than the services rendered to his country, and the universal sorrow which that country feels over his grave.
When the news of his death was made public, the bells of the city were set in tolling; the executive council assembled in their chamber, and determined on the following order of procession. It was published for the information of the citizens:
COUNCIL CHAMBER, June 8th, 1806. ORDER OF PROCESSION, Preparatory to the Interment of George Wythe, late Judge of the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District.
A Funeral Oration will be delivered at the Capitol, in the Hall of the House of Delegates, to begin precisely at 4 o'clock, P. M. on to-morrow; after which the Procession will commence in the following order:
 1. The Clergymen and Orator of the Day.  2. Physicians.  3. The Executor and Relations of the deceased.  4. The Judges.  5. Members of the Bar.  6. Members of the High Court of Chancery.  7. The Governor and Council.  8. Other Officers of Government.  9. The Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of the City of Richmond.  10. Citizens. 
Need it be said, that the crowd which assembled in the capital was uncommonly numerous, and respectable? After the delivery of a funeral oration by Mr. Mansfield, a member of the executive council, the procession set out towards the church. It is no disparagement to the virtues of the living, to assert, that there is not perhaps another man in Virginia, whom the same solemn procession would have attended to its grave.
COMMUNICATION.
GEORGE WYTHE, the patriot, the philosopher, the philanthropist, is dead! Few have more strongly evinced the height of moral and intellectual excellence to which man is capable of ascending. In the knowledge of law, he was indeed profound! Under a pressure of business at the bar before the revolution, which would have monopolized the attention of others, and unassisted by personal tuition from others, (for except as a lawyer he was taught,) he acquired a knowledge of the ancient languages, critically correct. Not only was the father of poetry his intimate companion, but the philosophers, historians and even dramatic poets of antiquity were as familiar to him in their original dress as were almost all the meritorious works of the day in his vernacular tongue. The writer of this sketch has heard him denominated emphatically "the walking library."
At a period of life, which in others would be deemed at least the verge of old age, he applied to mathematics and natural philosophy, both which sublime subjects he pursued with an ardour and a depth seldom attained by the youthful student. When our rights were attacked by Great-Britain, at the beginning of what, if unsuccessful, would have been termed a rebellion, but which now we boast of as a glorious revolution, even at that time, venerable for age, as he was respected for talents and correctness of demeanor, he assumed the military garb and accoutrements of the volunteers, whom the divine spirit of patriotic enthusiasm had impelled to convene in the sacred cause of freedom.
The entreaties of the fond partner of his bosom could not retain him. He appeared before the soldiery, drawn up in military parade, on the arrival of an ominous vessel. An awful silence pervaded the ranks. The spectators looked with admiration on him. At length he commanding officer, with surprise, enquired to the cause of his appearing on the field thus accoutered? "I come, replied he, to offer my services to my country, and to do what I can with my command." With difficulty he was prevailed on to desist from his design, under a persuasion that he could render more essential service in the civil department.
The voice of his country called him to a seat in that congress, which declared the independence of America. He was not long an inactive member of that body. Much of the weight of the most arduous business was supported by him. He was a member of the grand convention which formed the constitution of the U. S. as well as of the State convention of Virginia which ratified that instrument. The ferocious devotion to justice, the strength of reasoning, and depth of research, which he manifested as chancellor, are known to all. Great as he was in literature, in science and in law, it is impressed that "knowledge without morals is vain" his superiority was more apparent in his conduct.
If to do no injury, but to do all possible good, be the summum bonum of morals, he reached it. Deeply informed in the various religions which have existed in the world, his mind was libe-
ral in the extreme to those who might differ from him. He brought into actual practice the purest and most useful tenets of morality and religion. If nature gave to him irritability, reason rendered him in general one of the calmest, the mildest of men. The infantine heart is not less fullied than that which beat in his bosom. Conscious of the equality of others' rights, there was generally a humility about him seldom found amongst those who were inferior to him in understanding and in morals. Every moment was beneficially employed, in his estimation, was criminally lost. He rejected with disdain every thing like excess, in which he comprehended all those things, not absolutely useful. His extraordinary temperance preserved or added to a strength of constitution which brought him to his eightieth year, with few attacks of sickness. To his country he gave his life exclusively for many years.
He had been blessed with the purest and warmest affection in the conjugal union; when this was dissolved, separating the cords fore his mind; when they were broken, he bowed to the hand which had cut them; but did not fall. He who had not received from others was liberal in communicating instruction. For some years the private tuition of youth was his favorite employment and amusement. The illustrious President of the United States, with gratitude and affection boasts himself a pupil of this modern Socrates. Hundreds in America are gratified in acknowledging themselves his disciples. From the President many of the various officers in the general government abroad and at home, and in the state government, owe to him their qualifications for discharging their duties. To him may be traced their conviction of the truth of the pure doctrines of genuine republicanism. In politics as in morals he with unswerving step pursued one course, and that the most correct. Was it wonderful then that not long before his death he should exclaim, "Let me die righteous!" Thus lived, and thus died this illustrious man.
Far be it from the editor of this paper to adopt all the sentiments contained in the following essay. He thinks it particularly his duty to protest against eulogiums which it delivers on the anticipated services of the emperor of France. In his opinion the time is not far distant when the veil shall be completely removed before the most fervent of Bonaparte's friends: when he shall stand forth to the eyes of the whole world a memorable monument of a deceit that shrinks from nothing however mean, & an ambition that grasps at every thing however extravagant. If the report be true, that his form of a federation of states is about to assume at last a settled character; that he is about to declare himself the "King of the Romans;" who will henceforth pretend to justify him who will not justify every thing that is at war with the prosperity of Europe?
Remarks concerning the present, and propositions as to the future state and division of Europe.
Never until now, did the continent of Europe exhibit a prospect, so big with events of the greatest magnitude. It is impossible to foretell what may be the issue—or to disentangle the mind from hopes, fears or prejudices, so far as to suggest what may be most beneficial for the present race—for posterity—for the world. Much indeed depends upon the will and genius of a single man. It is this which creates so much fear and uneasiness. Historians and politicians cannot persuade themselves that the invincible Bonaparte, whose name and whose deeds are recorded in the mind of every intellectual being, has long ago conquered himself; he has set bounds to his own matchless power; he has preferred his own no-plus-ultra. He has said thus far will I go and no further, these shall be the boundaries of invincible and magnanimous France. They cannot, they will not believe that the rapid, uninterrupted and unexampled successes which have elevated him from a private station, will be checked or stopped by the Rhine and the seas. They believe that his promises are meant to deceive—they compare the present with the past. They anticipate the future from his present power and past examples. They perceive that Bonaparte wields a semi-omnipotent sword. They behold his foes either to sink or fly before him. They know that powerful and numerous armies have been destroyed. They behold enemies converted into allies and allies strengthened and rewarded. They perceive that the half of civilized Europe are influenced either by veneration, by enthusiasm, or by an adoration which could only be inspired by the belief, that the past was unavoidable, that the present was necessary and that the future will be just and reasonable.
So much for public opinion, now let us deal with facts. Let us examine them with the eye of the most critical severity. Let us leave nothing for conjecture. Let us endeavor to disentangle our feelings and our desires from every thing which belongs to this planet, and examine its charts, its political, social and geographical relations; and let our decisions be such as will be given by an impartial historian, a century hence; or such as, one completely insulated in interest and feelings from every thing which belongs to this present state of things, would be supposed to do at the present time.
The map of Europe presents to the eye at a single glance a vast theatre, which has been for more than 20 centuries, but little less than an arena of blood and massacre. One nation has been overthrown and subjugated by another; one ruler has destroyed or supplanted his predecessor. Wars and disputes have been without end and frequently without any object which is capable of vindication.
The French revolution alone formed an important era. If all the nations of Europe had supported a calm and dignified neutrality. If they had allowed the French people to proceed without disturbance in the internal changes which were meditated, there is much reason to believe, that France would have passed through the tumultuary scenes, without giving cause of complaint to the most feeble power of Europe. The crowned heads of Europe would not permit it. They formed coalitions for conquest and dismemberment. They were defeated. One defeat succeeded another. One after another they were either overthrown or withdrew; Austria alone remained, and in the course of one year, the Austrians were driven with the loss of several armies from the boundary, between France and Italy, almost to the gates of Vienna. They fled for peace. It was granted. And vanquished Austria was restored to rank and independence. Such were the achievements, and such the clemency of the victorious Bonaparte.
It was not long before Austria smarting under her losses and disgrace, meditated vengeance in return for the benefactions which had been conferred. The emperor, instead of reflecting that he was a beneficiary of the kindness of a clement conqueror, began to form projects, by the means of the power which he received from the hand of a generous victor, to regain his losses. He intended to repay generosity with ingratitude; and to use that sword which he had been permitted to retain against his benefactor. Again Austria was vanquished. Again she fled for peace. Again she was forgiven, and once more she became a beneficiary
of the bounty, generosity and clemency of the same victorious Bonaparte.
It was expected that prudence or justice would have inspired the court of Austria with proper sentiments. The recent events of two bloody wars & the unexampled moderation of Bonaparte, ought to have inspired, not only confidence but gratitude and affection. Not so with Austria. That perfidious court, held forth the olive branch of friendship with one hand; and the sharpened sword of war with the other. These projects were discovered and Bonaparte gave notice that he knew all. Perfidious Austria dissembled and denied. She continued to speak in the accents of friendship while her heart was prone to war—and to the destruction of her benefactor. And while Austria supposed that Bonaparte was deceived and lulled by her falsehoods and blandishments, while she was organizing and collecting armies, she gave a new proof of his great qualities. He even surprised a powerful Austrian army in the heart of Germany. He killed took & dispeered the whole. He obtained possession of the capitol. He pursued his victorious progress so closely, that the Emperor of Austria could not concentrate as much force as would authorise a serious opposition. The emperor fled towards Moravia. His ally, the Emperor of Russia was on his march. The Russians were deemed invincible. A junction was formed. The combined Austrian and Russian armies offered battle. They assumed haughty and menacing language and conduct. They depended upon their numbers, and the vain delusion that the victorious and well disciplined French soldier, was about to fall prostrate and surrender his life without a struggle to the semi-barbarians of Russia. Vain delusion! Bonaparte concealed his intentions. The Russians became more and more insolent. They even presumed to dictate terms of capitulation, to a band of Heroes, accustomed to victory, commanded by Bonaparte. The delusion was of short duration, it was but a vision. A few hours terminated the war and again brought the Austrian Empire at the feet of Bonaparte.
Beware of the third time!! The Emperor of Austria remembered this apothegm. He could not expect that Bonaparte would again manifest new proofs of generosity, & clemency. The Austrian knew that he had forfeited every thing—and deserved degradation and expulsion. He is mistaken, he is again forgiven. He is restored to power and dominion. His capitol, his palaces, his archives, are all restored. New and extensive projects are opened to his view; & he receives the assurance from his benefactor and conqueror that he will be guaranteed in the new order of things. Thus terminated the war of the third coalition. Many persons calling themselves politicians pretended to fear that the Austrian Empire would be divided into provinces; that Bonaparte would give a French general to each as its governor, and that his empire would be increased by these successes and measures. They were mistaken. So much of the Austrian empire as afforded the means of forming and seconding the views of another military coalition against France were retained, and has been bestowed by the victor to German princes, who were faithful to their engagements. By this means independent governments of sufficient strength to make opposition, and guaranteed by France, intervene between Austria and France. The duke of Wirttemberg, who co-operated with Bonaparte, and to whom a considerable part of the conquered country was ceded, and who now enjoys its sovereignty, is the son-in-law of the king of England. So that while George the third sees all the barbarians and mercenaries of Europe to convert France into a channel house, the emperor of France, promotes the rank and secures the independence of the husband of George's daughter. In this act, there is something of novelty, of magnanimity, of pre-eminence, which is suitable only to the genius which conceived, to the heart which determined, and to the hand which has executed. It is an act which affords nothing for surprize, when we remember that it is the act of Bonaparte.
Previous to this event the French had conquered and then possessed Hanover, which was an appendage of the British throne; Bonaparte not desirous to hold German provinces, has transferred Hanover in full sovereignty to the king of Prussia, one of the allies of George the third, and he has annexed it to his dominions, in consequence of which war has been declared by Great-Britain against Prussia. In these things Bonaparte keeps nothing for himself, and so far as relates to the royal family of England, they cannot complain. The king of Prussia is the brother-in-law to the duke of York, so is the king of Wirttemberg. These brothers-in-law are great gainers by the exploits and liberality of Bonaparte. The duke of York therefore has no cause of complaint. The king of England ought to be satisfied, since to ample a portion has been given to his daughter. The nation ought to be doubly satisfied because Hanover has been given to their ally; but mostly because they are disentangled from the interests and wars of the continent. These wars, proceeding in a great degree from the royal attachment to Hanover, have frequently embroiled Great-Britain in wars, and has deprived the nation of peace, of many lives and much treasure.
Europe is now about to receive a new arrangement. Great Britain will be entirely excluded from the continent even for commercial purposes, unless she enters with good faith into the plans, which will be proposed. Although these plans may tend to lessen the influence and splendor of the throne, Great-Britain will sooner or later, with a good grace or by force be compelled to become a party, or expose herself to the dangers and injuries of a universal confederacy. Every body knows that her struggles will be great, they will be gigantic—the nation and her servants will do all that can be expected from wealth, anger, pride and bravery—but all the advantages which she possesses will be inadequate to the contest. The rest of Europe contains 240 millions of people and are equally brave. The United Kingdoms do not contain twenty millions. Russia and Sweden, may for a while make a considerable diversion in favor of Great-Britain—but Russia and Sweden will not be able to resist the force which will act against them—they also will have before them the choice of alternatives—union or conquest.
A general federation of Europe upon just and permanent principles ought to be desired by Russia and Sweden, indeed by every friend of civilization. The rulers appear to be infatuated. It is time that they should awake from their destructive errors. It is time that they should seek for peace, and teach their people the arts of industry and the benefits of civilization—Yet a little while the door is open—the thunder of war has not yet reached their capitals; St. Petersburg and Stockholm suppose that they cannot be approached. The fate of Austria, of Vienna, of all Germany has made no impression; but what will Alexander say when he finds the heroes of Austerlitz supported by others equally skillful and brave in Galicia; and a
Prussian army of equal strength on the north of the Vistula, or approaching to Riga.
Wherever these armies will go they will spread a contagion; the people instead of rising in mass will adore and respect them as deliverers. They will invoke their success. But even if this should not happen they will not be fired by that enthusiastic amor Patriæ; that contentaneousness of sentiment and patriotism which is apt to arouse whole nations in opposition of an invader. In these invasions, the defated and enslaved Russian boor will anticipate nothing worse than the miseries to which he has been long exposed; the miseries which are entailed by the very principles of his government. But what will be the astonishment of these degraded and miserable human reptiles, (for they cannot be called men) when they find that their invaders are about to emancipate them, and to elevate them to the rank of men. Ignorant and stupid as they are, they will distinguish between bread and the sword, between life and death, between personal liberty and slavery, between the knot and social kindness; the Russian boor will discover that their greatest enemies are their own masters, their greatest oppressors, their own government.
Some time ago an essay was published in this paper, which excited a good deal of notice. It was a philosophical speculation containing suggestions for the division and arrangement of Europe. Permanency, convenience, happiness and reciprocal security were considered. The writer suggested only those things which were most likely to conduce to those important and beneficial objects. There are many readers who will recollect the essay. It was read and regarded as the visionary effusion of a sanguine mind. When it was written, there was no certainty that the last coalition existed; but the unsettled state of Europe afforded room to conjecture that another war was then in embryo. The Rulers of France, Austria, Prussia and Russia, might have given a new destiny to Europe without drawing the sword. They might have been guarantees for that destiny without injuring themselves; and the erratiating prospects of a long and happy peace, might bid fair to rank them among the benefactors of mankind. Austria and Russia considered the subject in a different light. They envied, hated and feared Bonaparte. They pretended to consider him as an upstart and intruder. They even forgot that France existed, they also forgot the battles of Montevideo, Dego, Arcole, Lodi, Flurus, Genapae, Marengo, Hohenlinden, the battles of the Bertiheri, Massena's, Bernadotte's, Murat's, Brune's, &c. &c. And in the proportion as their animosity was roused against Bonaparte, they overlooked the considerations of reason and justice. The fate of this formidable coalition, so necessary to the existence of civilization and to the happiness and tranquility of Europe, is known to all the world; and now we behold the victorious Bonaparte preferring to Europe new divisions and governments like those which were formerly recommended in this paper. What does this prove? Why this; Europe is capable of certain divisions and arrangements. The former rulers denied to the inhabitants these conveniences. They proceeded upon projects which had no cohesion, which forever produced the means of internal disquiet, and banished from Europe the blessings of general tranquility. It was every where a system of oppression, of tyranny, of distrust and intrigue.
Since the peace with Austria, Bonaparte pursues a wise, safe, generous and permanent policy. He casts his eye upon the map of Europe, he counts the numbers, measures the distances, weighs the advantages and inconveniences of particular regions, and either prescribes or promotes such arrangements as will promote and secure the happiness of each.
Prussia, faithful to her engagement, acquires an extensive dominion; there is much reason to believe that she will be bounded by the Wefer, the Ocean and the Vistula; She will become a mighty empire. The electorate of Saxony, whose dominions are to be ceded to Prussia will be transferred to Poland, as the hereditary sovereign of that country.
Poland will be restored to the map of the world. Her boundaries and her independence will be guaranteed not only by France and Prussia, but by the general joy which will be diffused through those miserable and enslaved regions.
Austria will relinquish her former acquisition in Poland, and thus revive a confederate power, to be ruled by a wife and virtuous prince, which will preserve even Austria from the grasp of Russia.
Russia will oppose these arrangements. They will deprive that empire of valuable dominions. They will check her ambitious encroachments and projects towards the south. They will preserve civilized Europe from Vandalism. They will encain the bear of the north and prescribe limits beyond which she will be unable to advance. These things will be the occasion of war. Russia will be supported by Great-Britain and Sweden; the first from interest, the second from folly.
What will be the termination and consequences of this war? The Russians are brave; they are obedient; they are slaves. The life of every Russian is in the hands of his superior, and there is no choice in death between that which may be inflicted by the bayonet of a foe or the sword of a friend. They will perform exploits of valor. They will coolly meet, and bravely inflict the blows of destruction. They will do all that can be expected from the bravery of the people, and the ambition and anger of the sovereign. Prussia alone would not be a match for Russia; but the Prussian army as far then as numbers go will be their equals. They are equally brave, and more expert. Poland revived, Poland restored, Poland feeling the late oppressions and indignities which had been inflicted by Russia, will exert every nerve, so that little will remain for France. Yet France will not be idle. The same policy, the same genius which has conquered peace and restored tranquility to long agitated France, will be on the alert, and the Emperor Alexander will soon find that he has more to dread for the safety of his own throne than to hope from the risks and dangers of war.
Cast your eye reader, upon the map of Europe. You will behold that at this time the Russian empire contains more space than Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Austria, France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Great-Britain and Turkey. The government is despotic, the people are barbarous, they are warlike, & until the battle of Austerlitz were deemed invincible. It is with this despotic power and this barbarous nation, that Great-Britain confederates. It is by these means that the independence of France has been denied and opposed; that war was waged against that government and nation—and while the partizans of England pretended that France sought to conquer Europe, they forgot that much more was to be dreaded from Russia.
It is expected that the same partizans will invoke the good genius of Alexander; they will as far as their hopes and their folly can go, will decree to him, not only victories and the conquest and subjugation of Poland and Prussia;
and it is believed that some mean would decree to the Kutusow's, Buxhowdin's & Dalgaroukis all which lies between the Baltic & the Mediterranean.
They will be deceived. The battle of Austerlitz; the fate of Suwarow; the justice of the cause, the rights of civilized Europe, all are in array; and Alexander may yet find occasion to rejoice that he is not driven from his capitol. This is the first time when there appeared to be a prospect of giving security to Europe against the overgrown power of Russia, and greatly indeed is it to be hoped, that the opportunity will not be suffered to escape.
 What ought to be the results?  Spain and Portugal united.  France bounded by the Rhine.  Westphalia from the Rhine to the Weser cemented and guaranteed.  Prussia from the Weser to the Vistula united and supported.  Poland restored and protected.  Sweden and Norway united.  Russia bounded by Poland, the Danube and the Black Sea.  Austria indemnified with part of Turkey.  The rest of Turkey to be emancipated from the most oppressive and degrading government which ever existed. 
The rest of Germany and Italy to be disposed of as may be most conducive to the general interests of society and security of the rest of Europe.
Such are the projects which are suggested by philosophy; which are mutable to the geography and population of Europe. They promise durability and peace to each of the nations which may be thus organized. They will afford to the rulers of each an opportunity of promoting the advantages of peace. They may then, every where assume and pursue this found opinion and policy, where there is no equality, there can be no security; where there is no security there will be no peace; where there is no peace there can be no national prosperity.
In such a state of things, it will be asked what ought to be the conduct, what will be the fate of America; the answer is short and plain. Let us pursue a fair and even course; let us observe an exact neutrality; let us do justice to all, injury to none; and if per adventure, injuries should be inflicted, let us be prompt to make amends, and always remember that truth, honor, moderation and justice, will do more than we can expect to accomplish by war. It is not in mortals to command success, but we will do more, we will defend it.
PACIFICATOR.
From an anxiety to call the attention of our readers to the situation of Europe; by far the most interesting topic which can now engross the public mind; we have excluded several original articles on other subjects.
Massachusetts is about to be regenerated. It is Lazarus springing from the tomb. Its Legislature commenced its session on the 5th ult. In the lower house, the votes for Speaker were:    Perez Morton (Rep.) 237   Timothy Bigelow (Fed.) 204   Rep. majority. 53   In the Senate; the votes were:   For John Bacon (Rep.) 19   H. G. Otis (Fed.) 18   Scattering. 2 
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, June 4, 1806.
NAPOLEON, King of the Romans—We are informed that a letter from Napoleon to a gentleman in this city, dated April 23, states that a meeting of the Federative States is to take place, for the purpose of declaring Bonaparte "King of the Romans." The ceremonial of his installation is to be performed with great pomp; all the Kings, Princes, Dukes, &c. &c. Subject to the French Emperor, have received orders to attend in their proper persons.—The letter further states, that the Pope is to continue in the exercise of his spiritual function only; to receive a pension, and that he is to reside in France, the particular place of his residence, has not however, yet transpired.
This, no doubt, is the object of the meeting of the Federative States, alluded to in the Exposé of the Moniteur , published in the Daily Advertiser of the 29th ult.
Captain Bartlett, of the schooner Cornelia which left Currao on the 14th of May, informs us, that two schooners belonging to the expedition under General Miranda had been captured and carried into Porto Cavello, after an engagement of three hours, by two Spanish government brigs, and several gun boats fitted out for the purpose. The crews were sent to Caracas, where they were committed to prison. After the capture the ship Leander had been seen off Bonaire.
Merc. Adv.
Captain Zuill informs us that before his departure a Danish schooner had arrived at Currao, which had spoken Miranda's ship the Leander at Bonaire on the 15th of May.
Ibid.
FOR SALE,
THAT extensive and valuable property formerly owned by Presley Thornton, Esq. and late the property of Sharp Delany, Esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county, state of Virginia, three miles from the Court-house, lying on the Potomac, nearly opposite Point Lookout. This property consists of about 2,500 acres of LAND, 1,700 acres of which is fertile low grounds, well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco, and every kind of small grain, and highly important for grazing. These lands, naturally rich and fertile, are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weeds call on the shores easily obtained, and large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and Indian Banks in different parts of the land, some valuable marsh easily reclaimed, may be adapted either to grass or culture. There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house, two stories high, upwards of 80 feet front, well finished; two well built brick houses, forming a square with the dwelling house, and used as offices, upwards of 30 feet by 20, in good repair; a brick stable with stalls for 24 horses, and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy; a brick barn used as a Rill-house, and also an extensive frame barn. There is a good proportion of wood land included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of fine thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry. The high lands consists of 800 or more acres, of a good quality, level, and affords a good opportunity of improvement.
This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms to suit purchasers. Possession will be immediately given. A further description of this property is thought unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase no doubt will view the land.
Application to be made to John Murphey, Westmoreland county, or to James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same.
June 10. Lawton

STATE PAPERS.
RUPTURE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND PRUSSIA.
DECLARATION.
GEORGE THE THIRD, by the grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch-Treasurer and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. &c.
The court of Prussia has avowed those hostile designs, which she thought to conceal by her friendly professions.
The Note Verbale, delivered on the 4th of April by the Prussian envoy, baron Jacobi Kleist to the British minister, announces that the electorate of Hanover has been taken possession of, and that the ports of the German Sea, and of Lubeck, have been closed against the British flag.
This declaration gives the lie to all those assurances by which the cabinet of Berlin has hitherto endeavored to cloak its proceedings, to which it moreover adds the pretension, that his Prussian majesty has acquired, by his system of policy, claims to the gratitude of all the northern powers.
Thus actually dispossessed of the ancient inheritance of my family, and invited in my rights as a sovereign, I have ordered those measures to be taken which the honor of my crown requires; but I still owe it to myself, to Europe, and to my subjects, to make a public declaration of my sentiments as elector of Brunswick-Lunenburg, upon the unjust usurpation of my German possessions.
It is not necessary to prove how contrary this act is to the rights of nations, or to the laws of the German empire. Their infraction is too evident to require to be proved. It is the most sacred principle of good faith, of honor, and, in fact, of all the obligations upon which the reciprocal safety of different states among themselves, and of each civil society in itself, repose, which are trodden under foot in such a manner, that the world would have difficulty in believing it, if I did not cause the facts to be laid before them, which are authenticated in the narrative which I have ordered to be prepared.
The proceedings of the court of Berlin when the electorate was occupied by its troops in 1801; its conduct, far from being friendly during the negotiation for the indemnities which followed the peace of Luneville; the declaration which it made, when France prepared to invade the electorate; and, lastly, the burdensome conditions under which it endeavored to cause it to be evacuated, to substitute her own troops instead of France, had given too many proofs to the government of Hanover, not to oblige it to endeavor to avoid all sort of intervention on the part of this power, even at the moment that it was on the point of engaging in a dispute with France. The events which retarded the arrival in Hanover of the expedition, concerted between Great-Britain, Russia and Sweden, gave the Prussian troops an opportunity of anticipating them, after the French army had been obliged to evacuate the electorate.
This act was accompanied by the most friendly protestations on the part of Prussia. She invited the Hanoverian government to resume its functions in my name, and to collect the wreck of the army.
The country, already so unfortunate, doubly felt the weight of the numerous requisitions extorted by the Prussian corps, without the least regard to the situation in which the French left it.
After the unfortunate result of the campaign of the allies in the south of the empire, an attack in the north was to be expected. His imperial majesty of Russia, to obviate the dangers to which Prussia might be exposed, placed, in consequence of the convention of Poznam, his troops under count de Tolstoi, and the corps of general Bennigsen, under the orders of his Prussian majesty, and promised him, moreover, all the assistance for which he might have occasion. It was far from to be expected that Prussia would avail herself of this advantage, and of that which the promise of the subsidy she had asked of Great-Britain gave her, to obtain from France terms contrary to the interests which these resources were intended to protect. This, notwithstanding, has actually happened. The secret treaty, the effects of which are beginning to appear, was signed by count Haugwitz and the Russian general Durier, the 12th or 13th of December, 1805, the period fixed as the term when Prussia was to declare war against France, in case that power should have rejected the propositions which count Haugwitz was to make to her, in consequence of the convention of Poznam.
Seven days after, December 22, the cabinet of Berlin proposed to the British ambassador the arrangements to be taken in common with the Prussian generals, for the dispositions of the allied armies in Lower Saxony; and, dispatched, in consequence, lieutenant general baron de Krusemark, with a letter to the Hanoverian government, to induce it to furnish provisions for the French garrison at Hameln.
It was necessary to concur in this arrangement, (which was only provisionally terminated the 4th of January) because it was to prevent the French troops from undertaking any thing against Hanover during the negotiation.
Was the court of Berlin then ignorant in what manner count Haugwitz had concluded this negotiation? Did it not know, before the signature of the treaty, what would be the end of it? Or, did that minister dispose, as he pleased, of the good faith of his master?
It was on the 27th of January, that the cabinet of Berlin, announced to the Hanoverian government, that in consequence of a treaty signed and ratified by the two parties, my German possessions would no longer be occupied by the French troops; that they would be entirely evacuated by those who were still there, and delivered up, until a future peace between England and France should have decided their condition, to the protection of the troops of his Prussian majesty, and to his exclusive administration. The Hanoverian government was required, but to no purpose, to intimate to all the public officers, that they were, for the future, to consider themselves as finally responsible to the Prussian commission of administration, excluding all foreign reference.
The dispatch addressed the 25th of January to the Prussian minister, and intended to justify this proceeding, was signed with the king of Prussia's own hand. It ended with these words: "I think it necessary to observe how much the territories in question ought to be satisfied with this change of scene; and my wishes would be fulfilled, if in consequence of the disinterested views by which I am impelled, the administration I have taken upon me should turn out to the happiness of the country and its inhabitants; and by that means satisfactory to his Prussian majesty, to whom I desire nothing more than to give, in this instance, as in all others, all the proofs of consideration, of deference and of friendship, which circumstances may put in my power."
The experience of the past, and a well-founded apprehension of the future, did not allow me to hesitate about the part necessary to be taken; and my electoral government was intrusted not to enter into any negotiation, the object of which might have been to avoid a new French invasion, by allowing the Prussians to occupy Hanover.
The protest made upon this occasion by my electoral minister of state, was ineffectual. The king of Prussia caused the greatest part of the country to be occupied at the moment that my troops re-embarked; and his measures were executed without the least regard.
It was too easy to foresee that count Haugwitz would find means at Paris to bring back the arrangement between Prussia and France announced here as ratified by the contracting parties, to its original intention.
This was what took place; and the French troops took possession of Amspach, one of the objects of compensation, according to the treaty of December 15, the very day that the marquis de Lucchesini could reach Berlin, with intelligence that France required the execution of the articles agreed upon at Vienna.
The answer returned to the British cabinet to the communication of January 25, did not arrive at Berlin until after the minister of state, baron Hardenberg, had announced to the British envoy, the hostile measures which have compelled me to suspend my relations with a court which could so far forget itself.
The Prussian note of April 4, can furnish no good arguments to establish an unjustifiable measure. It begins by vaunting the pacific disposition of Prussia. This disposition is no further sincere than as it has for its foundation the principles of a just neutrality. The note delivered by the cabinet of Berlin to the French minister on the 14th of October, at the very instant that Prussia appeared to feel the affront which she received by the violation of the treaty of Amspach, acknowledges that the conduct which she had followed to that time had proved of advantage to France.
Her actions had much less pretensions to the character of impartiality. After having permitted the French troops who seized on the electorate of Hanover a passage through the Prussian territory, she declared herself ready to oppose, sword in hand, that which the emperor of Russia had demanded for his armies.
France herself forced the passage; she pretended to offer excuses for that step, but it was in a manner equally offensive. She had seen too clearly where the resentment of Prussia would terminate, which in fact appeared to be filled when her imperial majesty of Russia engaged in a personal communication with the king.
Prussia then demanded subsidies of Great-Britain, which were promised to her, and she signed the convention of Potsdam, the conditions of which she could doubtless, have been more disposed to fulfill, if I could have been far forgotten my duty, as to consent to the proposition of ceding the electorate of Hanover for some Prussian province.
Prussia affirms, that from the events of the war, she has not had the choice of means to secure the safety of its monarchy, and of the states of the North. She wishes to make it appear that she has been compelled to aggrandize herself, and to become the instrument, rather than the object, of the vengeance of my enemies.
Such an avowal does not become a great power. All Europe knows that it depended on Prussia, before the battle of Austerlitz, to give repose to Europe, if she had taken the part which her real interests and the outraged honor of her monarchy dictated to her. She can no longer be excused, after having missed such an opportunity; and even since the event of the 2d of December, did she not command an army of 250,000 men, who still remember the victories it obtained under the great Frederick, which was in the best disposition, and supported by the whole Russian army, two corps of which were actually under the command of the king of Prussia?
She would, without doubt, have been subject to certain risks; but she found herself in a situation, when every danger must be encountered to save the honor of the state. The prince who hesitates in making a choice, destroys the principle which serves as the basis of a military monarchy; and Prussia ought already to begin to feel the sacrifice she has made of her independence.
The note of April 4, affirms, that France had considered the electorate as its conquest and that its troops had been on the point of re-entering it, to make a definitive disposal of it.
The electorate of Hanover, as an integral part of the Germanic empire, is not concerned in the war between Great-Britain and France; nevertheless, it has been unjustly invaded by that power, which has not withstanding, frequently indicated the object for which she was disposed to restore it.
France was at length compelled to abandon the country, and forty thousand of my troops, and those of my allies, were established there, when the count de Haugwitz signed the treaty which disposes of my states. It is true, that the Russian corps was then at the disposal of his Russian majesty; but its chief, with the genuine spirit of an honorable man, was not the less determined to fight, if the allies of his master were attacked. We shall not speak of the French garrison which remained at Hameln, insufficient in point of number, deprived of the means of defence, and on the point of being besieged, when the promises of Prussia caused the plan to be abandoned.
The intention of France to dispose definitively of these states would have been contrary to the affection she has so often made. It would, moreover, have been contrary to the usage of war, since even a conquest is not definitively disposed of before a peace; and particularly at a moment when a war might exist to manifest a pacific disposition.
Prussia had no right to judge if Great-Britain had the means of opposing the return of my enemies to the electorate. Her power furnishes her with the means of bringing the war to an honorable end, for the interests she defends; but it is difficult to conceive in what light Prussia pretends that her measures removed troops that are strangers to the electorate, & ensures the repose of the north. Her troops, in consequence of the barbarous conduct of her cabinet, will remain as much strangers to the electorate as the French troops.
Prussia should not speak of her sacrifices at the moment when her only aim is to aggrandize herself, unless she feels the loss of her independence to be such, and how much she has departed from her duty, in abandoning one of the oldest possessions of her house, and of subjects who implored, in vain, her assistance. Besides, sacrifices have no connection with my system of policy, and confer no right on her to usurp the government of my German subjects, whose fidelity nothing has hitherto shaken, and which they will retain towards my person, and a family of princes who for many ages have only fought their happiness.
It is evident that the conduct of the court of Berlin is not the free expression of the will of its sovereign, but the consequence of the influence exercised by my enemies in the cabinet of that prince. All the courts and all the states, however, who can judge of circumstances, and all that they owe to the system adopted by the court of Berlin, will agree that the act committed against a sovereign united to his Prussian majesty by the ties of blood, and until now by those of friendship, places the safety of Europe in greater danger than any act of hostility on the part of a power with which one might be at open war.
Convinced of the justice of my cause, I make my appeal to all the powers of Europe, who are interested in resisting the consolidation of a system which, by threatening the political existence of an integral part of the German empire, brings into question the security of the whole. I demand, most earnestly, the constitutional aid which is due to me, as elector, from the empire, its august head, as well as Russia and Sweden, the powers which have guaranteed its constitution, and will continue to manifest the most honorable disposition for the preservation of my states.
Lastly, I protest, in the most solemn manner, for myself and my heirs, against every encroachment on my rights in the electorate of Brunswick-Lunenburg and its dependencies; and I repeat, in quality of elector, the declaration made by the minister of my crown at the court of Berlin, that no advantage arising from political arrangement, much less any offer whatever of an indemnity or equivalent, shall ever engage me to forget what I owe to my dignity, the attachment and exemplary fidelity of my Hanoverian subjects, so as to yield my consent to the alienation of my electorate.
Given at the palace of Windsor, the 29th day of April, 1806, in the 46th year of my reign. GEORGE R. (L. S.) E. COUNT DE MUNSTER.
[The following are the papers laid before Parliament in company with his Majesty's Message published in the last Enquirer:—These, with the preceding Declaration of the King, complete the publication of the Documents, which have been published on the side of England.]
No. 1. Copy of a dispatch from Francis James Jackson, Esq. to the Right Hon. Lord Mulgrave, dated Berlin, 27th Jan. 1806.
MY LORD, I have the honor of inclosing to your Lordship a letter, which although dated yesterday, I have just
received (4 P. M.) from Baron Hardenberg. I hasten to forward it by express to the agent at Cuxhaven in the hopes of its arriving there in time for the Thursday's Packet. I also send to Lord Cathcart, by express, a copy of the Prussian Minister's letter to me. I shall simply acknowledge the receipt of it & inform his Excellency, that I have forwarded his Communication to your Lordship. I have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) FRANCIS JAMES JACKSON. Right Hon. Lord Mulgrave, &c. &c. &c.
(Translation of Inclosure in No. 1.)
SIR, I hasten to fulfil the promise given to Lord Harrowby on the 8th of this month to communicate to you, Sir, as soon as a final decision should be taken on the subject, the additional circumstances relating to the security of the North of Germany, and to the guarantee by the King of the safety of the British troops who are in that part of the continent.
A Messenger from Munich has just brought His Majesty's intelligence of the consummation of the arrangements which the present conjuncture of affairs had induced him to enter into with France, in order to save those Countries, and especially the States of Hanover, from the misfortunes of another ruinous war and to insure their tranquillity. As these arrangements stipulate particularly the committing of that Country to the exclusive guard of the Prussian troops; and to the administration of the King until the conclusion of a peace between England and France; His Majesty could not delay taking the necessary measures for entry therein of a Corps of his army, which will be under the orders of his Excellency the General of Cavalry Count Schulenburg Kehnert, to whom also the King has confided the administration of the Country.—His Majesty animated by the most lively desire to see the importance and the urgency of the moment which have induced him to take these steps justly appreciated by his Britannic Majesty, and his enlightened Ministers, has directed Baron Jacobi to give a detailed explanation thereof at London.
It would be superfluous to point out to your attention, how urgent and indispensable, in the present state of affairs, the re-embarkation of the English troops in the North of Germany is become, since the retreat of the Foreign troops is the condition upon which France has promised not to order her troops to re-enter Hanover; and since also it was upon this supposition alone that the King guaranteed their security. I presume that Lord Cathcart has already received, and is upon the point of executing the orders of Court for the return of those troops for which transports have been waiting for some time past. I have however to request, Sir, that you would, for the purpose of still farther dispatch, write to the commander in Chief on the subject; and, acquainting him with the present circumstances, that you would induce him to hasten, as far as depends on him, a measure which, in these circumstances, and the approaching arrival of our troops, will not admit of any delay. I request you to accept of the reiterated assurance of my high and perfect consideration.
(Signed) HARDENBERG. Berlin, Jan. 26, 1806. To Mr. Jackson, &c. &c.
No. II.—His Prussian Majesty's proclamation on taking temporary possession of the electorate of Hanover, dated 27th January, 1806.—This proclamation appeared some time since in this paper it stated, that his Prussian majesty took temporary possession of the electorate of Hanover until the conclusion of a general peace.
No. III.—Copy of a note from Mr. Secretary Fox, to baron Jacobi Kloeff, dated 17th March, 1806.
The undersigned is commanded by his majesty to state to baron Jacobi Kloeff, for the information of his court, the great anxiety felt by his majesty at the manner in which possession has been taken of the electorate of Hanover. It is his Prussian majesty's intention, in order to prevent French troops from approaching so near that part of his frontier, to take to himself the military occupation of the electorate; it does not appear to his majesty that it was by any means necessary, that the civil government of that unhappy country should be subverted, or that an army more numerous, and consequently more injurious to the inhabitants, than necessity required, should be maintained there. His majesty relies with the greatest confidence on his Prussian majesty's declaration, that the present occupation is merely temporary; but his majesty cannot but express a wish, that the declaration on this point were more solemnly made in the face of Europe. The honor of the court of Berlin, as well as the consideration mutually due to each other from two princes so nearly connected in blood and alliance, seem to call for a clear explanation on this important subject.
His majesty on his part desires to be equally explicit and to put an end to all hopes (if such indeed have been entertained by the court of Berlin) that any convenience of political arrangements which may be of any equivalent or indemnity, will ever induce his majesty so far to forget what is due to his own legitimate rights, as well as to the exemplary fidelity and attachment of his Hanoverian subjects, as to consent to the alienation of the electorate.
His majesty learns with concern, that it is in agitation to give up Amspach, and other parts of his Prussian majesty's dominions to Bavaria, in consequence of a convention with France, but he does not pretend any right to interfere, or to give any opinion with respect to the propriety of the measures, whatever they may be, which his Prussian majesty may deem eligible, for the interest of his crown and people; at the same time it is to be observed, that his majesty, whether in his capacity of king of Great-Britain, or in that of elector of Hanover, was in no wise a party to the Convention alluded to, or responsible for its consequences. The cessions therefore which his Prussian majesty may make to his majesty's enemies can surely never be alleged as a justification for taking to himself his majesty's lawful inheritance.
His majesty therefore hopes that his Prussian majesty will follow the honorable dictates of his own heart, and will demonstrate to the world, that whatever sacrifices the present circumstances may induce him to make, with respect to his own territories, he will not let the dreadful example of indemnifying himself at the expence of a third party, whose sentiments and conduct towards his Prussian majesty and his subjects have been uniformly friendly and pacific.
No. IV.—Note Verbale.
Until the explosion of the last continental war, his Prussian majesty had no other object in view, than to secure the tranquillity of his monarchy, and that of the neighboring states.
He was then able to affect this upon terms which met the entire approbation of every court. He has been desirous of doing the same since the breaking out of the present war. But the choice of the means has no longer been in his power. France has considered Hanover as her conquest, and her troops were on the point of entering it, for the purpose of disposing of it indefinitely according to the pleasure of the French Emperor, without the possibility of his Britannic Majesty's preventing it.
The occupation of that country by his Prussian Majesty, and the shutting of the ports in the German Sea, and that of Lubeck against the British flag (as was the case during the possession of Hanover by the French,) were the indispensable conditions of an arrangement by which the country is secured against the entry of foreign troops, and the quiet of the north of Germany is preserved.
This has not been obtained without painful sacrifices on his Majesty's part. Those of the house of Hanover are in no degree to be attributed to the king's measure, but are the inevitable consequences of a war, which his conciliating policy has in vain endeavored to prevent. This war might have produced still more serious consequences. The treaty between Prussia and France at least protects the northern states from farther evils; and could every power but duly appreciate how much they are indebted to the system he has adopted, the king would with justice obtain the gratitude of all.
No. 5.—The proclamation of count Schulenburg
dated Hanover, March 28, ordering the ports of the North Sea, as well as all the rivers running into it, to be shut against the trade of Great-Britain in conformity to a treaty between Prussia and France. This proclamation has already appeared verbatim in this paper.
PRUSSIAN PATENT.
"We Frederick Williams, King of Prussia, &c. &c. make known and declare as follows:
"The wish to secure our faithful subjects and the neighboring States of the North of Germany during the war, and to preserve and confirm the duration of the blessings of peace, was at all times the intention of our indefatigable endeavors. These wholesome measures were made known, upon some recent occasions, as the object of our late Patent, dated January 27, 1806, 1806, according to which the Electoral States of Brunswick-Lunenburg, in Germany, were taken possession of by our troops, when the administration of the same passed into our hands. But in consequence of the exchange of the electorate of Hanover in consequence of the cession of three of the provinces of our monarchy, and for the permanent tranquillity of our subjects and the neighboring states, we have found it indispensable necessary to enter into and conclude a convention with this majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy; and as the electorate States of the house of Brunswick, situated in Germany were obtained by the emperor Napoleon by right of conquest, we hereby declare, that the right of possession of the territory of that house has passed over to us, in consideration of the cession of three of our provinces, and is now subject to our power only; consequently, from the present time, the government and the administration of these countries will be administered simply in our name alone, and under our supreme authority.
"We therefore, call upon all persons, whatever may have been the functions assigned them, to execute those functions only in our name, and under our authority.
"Count Schulenburg Kehnert, and the commissioners who were attached to him, expect no less from all the prelates, the Burghers, and the inhabitants in general, will obediently conform themselves to the order of things, which a new era has rendered necessary for their tranquillity and well being; and, in so doing, they will afford his Majesty a proof of their devotion to their country."
"So, on our part, nothing shall be neglected to confirm them in the possession of our paternal situation, and our sincere wish to render them happy."
(Signed) FREDERICK WILLIAM. SCHULENBURG. HAUGWITZ.
April 1, 1806.
By Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES
AN ACT
For the regulation of the times of holding the Courts of the district of Columbia; and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the circuit court for Washington county, in the district of Columbia, shall hereafter commence and be held on the first Monday in June in each year, instead of the fourth Monday in July, as now fixed by law; and the circuit court for Alexandria county, in said district, on the first Monday in July, instead of the fourth Monday in June, as now established; and that the circuit court for Washington county, which now stands adjourned to the fourth Monday in July next, shall be, and hereby is adjourned to the first Monday in June next; and the circuit court for Alexandria county shall be adjourned to, and held on the first Monday in July next; and that all proceedings whatsoever now issued, or that may be issued in the respective counties of Washington and Alexandria, in said district, returnable to the fourth Mondays in June and July next respectively, or to any particular day in the first, second, or other succeeding weeks during the said terms, as heretofore established, shall be returnable, and returned to the first Mondays in June and July next, or to corresponding days in the first, second, or other succeeding weeks during the said terms respectively, as now by this law established; and all causes, recognizances, pleas, and proceedings, civil and criminal, returnable to, and depending before the said courts, at the respective times of holding the same as heretofore established, shall be returned and continued to the said first Mondays in June and July next, in the same counties respectively, in the same manner, as if the said causes, recognizances, pleas, and proceedings had been regularly returned or continued to the said respective times appointed by this act, for holding the said courts.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the provisions of the act, entitled "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors within the district of Columbia," shall extend to any debtor who may have been, or hereafter shall be arrested and holden to bail in the said district, and who at the time of his arrest shall have been a resident in the said district one year, next preceding his arrest.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That for all services performed by the clerks of the said counties, not provided for by the laws regulating the fees of the general court of Maryland and the district court of Virginia, respectively, they shall each be entitled to such compensation as the circuit court for the district aforesaid shall allow.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore. April 21, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and a PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [epf.] Dec. 4.
TO BE RENTED,
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaacs, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family.
Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill; to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, Sergeant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (law tf) February 25.
THE subscriber has extended his practice to the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Williamsburg district. PATRICK HENDREN, Attorney at Law. Shirley, Charles City, March 7. (law 3m.)
WILLIAM HART, Opposite the State House, KEEPS constantly on hand a large quantity of BOTTLED PORTER and ALE, which he can recommend as of the first quality, having purchased Mr. BILLINGTON's flock, and seeing every bottle filled himself. Families supplied with DRAFT BEER by the barrel or retail. Also for each or country produce only, a general assortment of Groceries, among which are— Fine flavor'd transparent Rum Shrub. Bohemian Tea by the chest or lb. A quantity of New-England Cheese and a few bushels of Irish Potatoes, very cheap. April 22. et4w & oawtf.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED or STOLEN, from the Commons of the City of Richmond, on Sunday, 27th of last month, a large DARK GREY HORSE; he has been lately trimmed, except his ears; was fresh from all round; had a spot on his left thigh whiter than the rest of his colour, and had on the left side of his back a small lump, which is not very perceptible; if it is closely examined. Whoever may deliver said horse to me, at the Public-Ware-House, shall receive the above reward. THOMAS UNDERWOOD, jr. (oawtf) May 20.
The Subscriber being desirous to remove to the Western Country, will offer for sale at public auction, in the Town of New Canton, on the third day of July next.
THAT valuable TRACT OF LAND called Peo Garden, containing by estimation nearly five hundred acres, one hundred and forty-nine of which are low grounds of very superior quality, the extraordinary and well known fertility of this Land makes it useless to say much about it, it is without doubt among the most valuable spots on James River. At the same time and place will be sold, a complete Grist Mill and distillery, with about one hundred acres of Land, including nine acres of low ground at the ferry, which has once held for thirty pounds per acre; this tract is adjoining the one above mentioned and will be sold either with or without it to accommodate purchasers; the two united would make a most complete establishment. The terms of sale for either or both, will be one fourth of the purchase money in hand, another fourth on the first day of January next, when a legal title and possession will be given, and the balance in two annual instalments, secured by a deed of trust on the property. Mr. Johnson the overseer will show the land to any person disposed to purchase. PEYTON HARRISON. April 22. et4w.
ENTERTAINMENT.
BETTER MOSLEY, most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has taken a lease of the house in this city commonly called the UNION TAVERN, & Coffee House, lately occupied by Mr. Lynch, where he proposes to carry on the business of a Tavern-keeper, and likewise to provide coffee in the evening. He is also provided with an excellent stable.
Those who have heretofore favored him with their company and commands, he conceives will require no further assurances; to others, he will only say that he will diligently and faithfully discharge the duty which he has undertaken. May 13. oawtf.
REMOVAL.
DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the store of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCall where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others will be promptly attended to and carefully executed. It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him. Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate—
  Peruvian Bark  Rawson's Bitters    Salap, Colomel  Stoughton's Bitters    Rhubarb, Scinna  Tarlington's Balsam    Magnesia  Pungent Smelling Salts    Manna, Salts  Phosphorus    Camphor  Rose Water    Spanish Flies  Tooth Powder    Digitals  Tooth Pills    Pink Root  Tooth Brushes    Opium  Greenough's Tincture    Arrow Root  Imperial Wash for cleaning    ALSO,  Leather    Andrews's Pills  Essential Salt of Lemons    Batman's Drops  Lavender water    Brisle's Oil  Rat Powder    Balsam of Honey  Fine polishing Copal Varnish    Ching's Worm Lozenges  White Varnish    Hamilton's do. do.  Black do.    Church's Cough Drops  Sopran do.    Corn Plaster  White Lead    Dalby's Carminative  Livestock Oil    Duffey's Elixir  Spirits of Turpentine    Essence Peppermint  Mace, Cloves    Essence Spruce  Turmeric, Ginger    Essence Mustard  Long Pepper    Gotland's Lotion  Indigo, Coppers    Church's Lotion  Logwood, Fustick    Golfey's Cordial  Madder, Gold Leaf    Hartley's Oil  S