The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-02-18 00:00:00

Richmond Prices Current.
Table with 4 columns: Item, D., C., D. C. Prices for Tobacco, Flour, Wheat, Indian Corn, Whiskey, Bacon, Hemp, Bar Iron.
Sale at Auction.
Will be sold on the premises, on Wednesday the 26th day of February, at 12 o'Clock: THAT desirable TENEMENT, in which Mr. John Carter now resides...
TRAINING STABLE.
THE subscriber takes this method of informing his friends and the public, that he has taken the stables at Broad-Rock race ground, where he will take horses to train on the most moderate terms...
FOR HIRE.
A NEGRO GIRL—Enquire at this Office. February 13. (2x)
FOR SALE.
ON a credit of one two and three years: MY HOUSE and five acres of GROUND near the Poor House; the lots may be sold separately or together...
FOR SALE.
THIRTY Barrels of Irish POTATOES, excellent, either for Table use or Seed—Also, LONDON BROWN STOUT by the bottle, and Philadelphia BEER on draft.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
TWO HOUSES and LOTS on Shockoe Hill, in a most desirable part of the city, and possessing every accommodation for a family. A long credit will be allowed...
MARSHAL'S SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the court of the United States for the 5th circuit in the Virginia district, pronounced at Manassas, 1805, in behalf of John Tate and Thomas Ashton, assignees of Henry Martin, against James Vaughan...
MARSHAL'S SALE.
To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the U. States, for the 5th circuit in the Virginia district, between Plinneas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants...
TUTOR wanted.
A TUTOR wanted, who can teach Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, in a small family. Apply to the Editor of the Enquirer.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
TABLE is established in college, to receive boarders at the low rate of thirty dollars per quarter; it is intended that the table shall be plentifully supplied in a plain but decent style.
FOR SALE, BY AUCTION.
Valuable property on the Brick Row, in the city of Richmond. In conformity to a decree of the honorable court of the United States, for the 5th circuit and Virginia district...
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
On Tuesday the eleventh day of March next will be offered for sale, by public auction, at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond; the following valuable property.
WILL BE SOLD,
AT Public Auction, in Charlottesville, on the 8th March next, 50 NEGROES. JAMES LINDSAY, HUGH NELSON.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
WILL BE SOLD,
AT Public Auction, in Charlottesville, on the 8th March next, 50 NEGROES. JAMES LINDSAY, HUGH NELSON.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing.
IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN.
On the 20th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county, THE STUD, of the late Col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce...
LAND.
One thousand acres, formerly known by the name of David Irvin's Quarter, on Otter river, in this county, adjoining the Land whereon the subscriber lives...
European Intelligence.
Continuation of Foreign Intelligence from English Papers received at Charleston.
LONDON, Dec. 15.
We have at length received further accounts, of the operations of the war in Germany and Italy. Paris and Hamburg papers to the 30th, arrived late last night. They are full of important intelligence.
December 17.
The Hamburg Mail due on Wednesday last, arrived last night, and this morning, the other two Mails, that were due also, reached the Port-Office.
FROM THE GLOBE.
We have just received accounts that a general engagement has taken place between the grand army under Bonaparte, consisting of 148,000 men, and the united Austrians and Russians...
FROM THE ENGLISH CHRONICLE.
Two o'clock.—At this moment we have received a copy of the following Bulletin, circulated in the public offices: A general skirmishing took place on 20th Nov. between Brunn and Olmutz...
LONDON PARAGRAPHS.
The Board of Admiralty have at length preferred a charge against Rear-Admiral Sir Calder, on the ground of "not having done his utmost to bring the enemy to a general action, on the second day, off Cadiz."

Admiral E. Harvey, late of the Temeraire, is, we understand, to have the red ribbon, vacant by the death of Lord Nelson. The contributions levied by the French on Vienna, during the three first days of their occupancy, amounted to thirty millions of florins. The Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, has ordered his little army to co-operate with the Prussians.
A scarcity, bordering on famine, prevails in Suabia and Franconia, in a material degree arising from the consumption and devaluation of the hostile armies. Three distinct and independent squadrons are about to be formed, to cruise between Ushant and Cadiz, with power to act as circumstances may suggest. The extraordinary cruise of the Rochefort squadron has given occasion to the present arrangement. One squadron is to be commanded by Sir J. B. Warren, who is to hoist his flag on board the Foudroyant; another is to be given to Sir R. Strachan; the commander of the third is not named, but it is supposed will be Admiral Stirling.
The vast annoyance to which our trade is subject, from the Spanish gun-boats, &c. at Algeciras, and along the Straights of Gibraltar, has pointed out the necessity of increased energy and force on that station; and that Sir Sidney Smith is, in consequence, appointed to the command. The Pompee, and several gun-boats, &c. are ready at Plymouth to attend him.
His royal highness the Duke of Cambridge will embark in a few days, on board the Orpheus, which has been appointed to convey his royal highness to the continent.
Tuesday morning, his majesty's ships Leopard, Furor, and Furious, with about 120 transports under convoy, having on board the troops comprising the second division of troops destined for the north of Germany, sailed from Deal for the Weser. The troops on board these vessels are, the 3d, or Old Buffs; the 4th, or King's own regiment; the 7th and 9th Fusiliers; the 26th, or Camerons; the 28th, 50th and 56th regiments, and the first battalion of the 39th regiment.
BALTIMORE, February 10.
Arrived, ship Commerce, capt. J. Adams, 33 days from St. Ubes—salt and fruit—J. Adams, owner. Mr. Adams brings dispatches to government from Mr. Bowdoin, our minister at Madrid, which were put on board about the 30th December. The report at Lisbon and St. Ubes was, that a recent engagement had taken place along the whole French line, which continued with little intermission for 8 days, when a fresh reinforcement to Bonaparte's army decided the fate of the day, giving him a complete victory. 40,000 Russians laid down their arms and were sent home on parole, and 20,000 which attempted to force their retreat, were cut to pieces. An armistice was the immediate consequence.—Such, says Mr. Adams, was the report at Lisbon on the last of December.
As to the events which have occurred, there is nothing to render this action improbable, except the broken state of the Russian and Austrian armies. But as their situation may not have been altogether so desperate as represented in the bulletins, as they may have been reinforced by the whole of the Russian auxiliaries under Michelson, which were on their march to the seat of war, and as Bonaparte had previously with a general engagement, which had been declined, it is not unlikely that he was indulged by his opponents after they had concentrated all their forces, flaking all their hopes on one last and desperate effort.
No printed or written advices of a political nature, except the dispatches to government, have been received by the above arrival.
In our haste, we accidentally overlooked the 7th bulletin of the Italian army on Saturday, and published the 8th under that title. The reader will find both the 7th and the 9th in this day's Gazette. The former showing the ground which had been gained before the capture of prince Rohan's army, and the latter giving a more particular account of the dispositions which had been made by Massena, to effect that important object.
TRANSLATIONS FOR THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
SEVENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.
Head-Quarters, Gorizia, Nov. 17.
The enemy on abandoning the banks of the Tagliamento, retreated towards Palma-Nova. They did not attempt to defend that place which they might have held with advantage, and it was several miles from there that we overtook their rear—several trifling skirmishes ensued, in which we however made a number of prisoners. On the 15th, the army formed in two columns and embarked on the Isonzo. The advanced guard commanded by gen. Espagne entered Gradiska, two hours before dark, where the Austrians made but a feeble resistance. The horse-chasseurs then ascended the right bank of the river to proceed to Gorizia, and the division Seras established itself at the same time at Segrado, on the left bank. The day following, the divisions, Mohtor, Gardanne and Partouneaux, proceeded along the banks of the river, with the view of crossing below Gorizia, but the pontoons not having arrived, its passage could not be effected at that place. The divisions Seras and Duhesme marched to Rubla and Savona. Their advanced posts pressed closely on the enemy, an engagement ensued, at the termination of which their cavalry fell back in the utmost disorder and their artillery escaped only under favour of the night. We drove them as far as the walls of Gorizia. The general in chief made the arrangements for a general attack on the morning of the 17th—but the Austrians did not wish to expose themselves to the hazard of an engagement—and even took advantage of the night to hasten their retreat. Gen. Espagne pursues them with cavalry and light-infantry, and has orders to pursue them as far as Lebach.
The army has taken a position on the Isonzo. Three hundred additional prisoners are in our rear, and others are continually arriving. The magazines collected at Udine and Palma-Nova fell into our hands.
The general in chief speaks highly of the exertions of the army. It undergoes with courage and alacrity the fatigues and privations unavoidable in so rapid a march. It is a pledge which it glories in offering to his majesty the emperor and king.
NINTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.
Head-Quarters at Gorizia, Nov. 26.
The general in chief being informed by different advices and particularly by a letter from
General Marmont at Berne, that a corps of the Austrian army which was cut off by the manoeuvres of the grand army was about to descend the mountains of the Tyrol, he expected that this column would endeavor either to cross the line of the army in order to reach the defiles of Venice and unite with the troops which occupy that place, or passing by Feltrino and Belluno, to join the wreck of prince Charles's army at Lebach. In the first hypothesis, the position of the right wing which he had left to observe Venice, under the command of lieut. gen. Gouvion St. Cyr, satisfied him that the enemy would not attempt that route with impunity. In the second hypothesis, having ordered the two Pontebas and Chiuffa de Pletz to be occupied by several regiments of cavalry and infantry, under the command of gen. brigade Lacour and Lanchantin, whichever road the enemy should take, the position of the army on the Isonzo, was such as to enable it to detach a sufficient force to cut him off. In the mean time the advanced guard continued its march to Lebach. The column consisting of about 7 thousand foot and 1200 horse, commanded by prince Rohan, advanced on the 23d to attack Bassano. It easily captured the weak detachment of 150 men which formed its garrison, and directed its march to Castle-Franco. As soon as lieut. gen. St. Cyr was informed of this circumstance, judging that the object of the enemy was to cross our line, of the force whereof, he must undoubtedly have been ignorant, he made arrangements to give it a warm reception. The general in chief who had anticipated every thing, felt perfectly at ease; but in order to leave nothing to the hazard of events, he ordered the division of the grenadiers, commanded by gen. Partouneaux, the two brigades of division, Duhesme and Seras, the division of cuirassiers and one brigade of dragoons to reach the Piave by forced marches. The grenadiers were to descend the Piave by Belso del Mantello to turn the position of Bassano. The division Gardanne marching at the same time to Venzone, was to reinforce the detachment sent to the two Pontebas, to cut off every avenue of retreat from the enemy in case he should have taken the route by Belluno and Pieve-di-Cadore, to reach Villach & join prince Charles at Lebach. The gen. in chief had left the residue of the army on the Isonzo, under general Duhesme, and proceeded himself to the Piave to superintend the movements which he had ordered to be made.
Lieutenant-general St. Cyr manoeuvred to reconnoitre and impede the enemy; he formed a column from the divisions Regnier, Lecchi and Vendier, and remained himself at Campo-San-Pietro, with the Polish regiment commanded by general Peyri. Gen. Regnier at Navale had orders to march on the 24th at day-break to Castle-Franco. The enemy, perceiving their dangerous situation, commenced the attack. They precipitated themselves on the division Regnier, who received them with great bravery, and soon threw them into confusion. They returned several times to the charge, but were always opposed by the same bulwark. In the mean time, lieutenant-general St. Cyr made a movement with the Polish regiment, & turned the enemy. It was now nothing but a complete flight as far as Castle-Franco, where our troops arrived as soon as the Austrians. All that had not either been killed on the field of battle, or taken prisoners, offered to capitulate—6000 infantry and 1000 horse fell into our hands; which were many more than we had opposed to them of effective men: but they perceived, as the necessary result of our arrangement, that their loss would be inevitable. Gen. prince Rohan, who commanded the corps, several colonels, and many other officers, are among the number of our prisoners; 6 colors and 1 standard, 12 pieces of cannon all their baggage-waggons, and an immense quantity of baggage, are the result of our victory. Two standards were lost on the field of battle. We have not to lament the loss of 100 men in this engagement; and have recovered the garrison captured by the enemy at Bassano.
A corps of Croats, which it is presumed made part of the above column, remains at the gap of the mountains; and it will be difficult for it to escape as the measures which have been taken, ensure it a similar fate.
Lieutenant-general Gouvion St. Cyr has evinced great skill in these manoeuvres. He gives great credit to the chief of battalion, Regnier: he also makes honorable mention of the chiefs of the 10th and 56th regiments of the line—the chief of battalion, Clavel, commanding the Swiss battalion—the chief of brigade, Grabinski—and the chiefs of battalion, Biawowski and Clopfki.
The general of brigade, Lacour, is at Villach; he is pushing his advanced posts to Clagenfurth, and is endeavoring to open a communication with the grand army.
The advance-guard, under gen. Espagne, makes fresh prisoners every step. The roads to Idria and Lebach are covered with dead horses, blown-up ammunition waggons, and thousands of scattered cannon-balls.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, February 7.
Mr. Leib said he had long been of opinion that the present mode of keeping the Journal of the House was incorrect. He had always thought that the name of the mover of every proposition should appear on the Journal, and that the Journal should be so kept as to enable the people to be fully acquainted with the proceedings of their representatives. To make an enquiry on this subject, he offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of amending the standing rules and orders of the House so far as to prefer the mode of keeping the Journal.
Mr. Smilie considered the motion as unnecessary. The question was taken and the motion agreed to—Ayes 65—and a committee of five members appointed.
Mr. Gregg, from the committee on public lands, reported that it was expedient to pass without amendment the bill, received from the Senate, to repeal so much of an act to regulate a grant of land to the French inhabitants of Gallipolis, as requires the actual settlement of the land.
Mr. Gregg observed that the committee had been induced to make this report in consequence of the term of a former law not having been complied with from a number of tracts belonging to minors, and from several tracts being so broken as not to admit of settlement; and inasmuch as no condition of settlement had been attached to any other lands of the U. States.
The House ordered the bill to a third reading tomorrow.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams the house came to the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what additional provisions are necessary to prevent the importation of slaves into the territories of the U. States.
A committee of five members were appointed.
The House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Varnum in the chair; on the bill relative to a naval peace establishment. Mr. Gregg explained at some length the provisions of the bill, a detailed statement of which has al-
Mr. Gregg's observation, he stated, that the bill corresponded with the intimation of the President relative to giving an opening to the promotion of several officers who had greatly distinguished themselves in the Mediterranean service. He stated that the bill contemplated giving the President power to keep in service 925 able and ordinary seamen and boys, making two-thirds of the full complement of six frigates, two of 44 guns, 2 of 36, and 2 of 32; that it contemplated the increasing the number of captains from 10 to 18; the creation of 9 masters commandant, & the increase of lieutenants from 36 to 72. This arrangement was proposed, in order to give to the young officers in the navy that rank and reward merited by them, and to enable the doing this, without interfering with the rules of promotion usual in the naval service.
Mr. Leib spoke against the feature of the bill that augmented the number of officers. It appeared to him, indeed, a pension bill, and to make large allowances without services rendered. It also contemplated the keeping 6 frigates in service, and provides for them 15 captains, 9 master commandants and 72 lieutenants. He did not consider the Treasury in such a state of overflow as to justify this liberality.
Mr. Gregg said the gentleman had misunderstood his remarks as well as the nature of the bill, which so far from directing 6 frigates to be kept in actual service, repealed that part of a former law which contained this provision.
No motion having been made to amend the bill, the chairman proceeded in the reading of the remaining sections.
When Mr. Goldsborough expressed his opinion that the bill required considerable amendment, and that he had understood from the Secretary of the Navy that its provisions were not consonant to that system which he considered the most conducive to the public service. With a view to obtain fuller information relative to the subject he moved that the committee should rise and leave to sit again.
This motion obtained, without opposition, when the committee rose and received leave to sit again.
The House then went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Tenney in the chair—on the bill fixing the compensation of the officers of the two Houses.
At the instance of Mr. Talmadge the bill was so modified as to repeal the existing law, and to form a new one, fixing the compensation of the respective officers at their present rates, excepting the compensation of the sergeant at arms, and door keepers of the two Houses, which are fixed at 950 dollars a year, and the assistant door keepers at 900 dollars each, with an inhibition to make an addition to the fixed compensation of the officers by an allowance out of the contingent fund.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday—Ayes 69.
On motion of Mr. Crowninshield the House came to the following resolution:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House a statement of the exports from the United States of all foreign goods, wares and merchandise, during the last three years, which have not been particularly directed to be made by the resolution of the 3rd and 5th inst.
On the motion of Mr. Marion, the House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. Dawson in the Chair—on the bill declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the state of South Carolina authorizing the imposition of a tonnage duty by the city council of South Carolina.
After considerable debate, the committee rose and reported the bill with sundry amendments, in which the house concurred, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday—Ayes 65.
Mr. Findley presented a memorial from the American Convention of Pennsylvania, for promoting the abolition of slavery, representing certain existing abuses and defects in the execution of the laws prohibiting the slave trade, &c.
Referred to a committee of five members—Ayes 66.
Mr. J. Randolph, agreeably to notice given by him yesterday, made the following motion:
Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following article be submitted to the legislatures of the several states, which when ratified and confirmed by the legislatures of three fourths of the said states, shall be valid and binding as a part of the constitution of the United States:
The judges of the supreme, and all other courts of the United States shall be removed from office by the President, on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the same.
The House having agreed to consider the motion, it was, at the instance of Mr. J. Randolph, referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Mr. J. Randolph gave notice that he should call up this motion on Thursday.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Gregg in the chair—on a bill declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the state of North Carolina.
The object of the bill is to give to Tennessee power to perfect titles to lands granted by North Carolina, agreeably to a compact between the two states.
Having passed through the committee without amendment, the House took it into consideration.
When, after some explanations relative to the nature of the bill, it was ordered to a third reading on Monday.
Adjourned until Monday.
Monday, February 10.
Mr. Tenney laid before the House certain resolutions of the legislature of New-Hampshire instructing their Senators, and requesting their representatives to take all legal and necessary measures for obtaining, in correspondence with the wishes of the legislature of North Carolina, an amendment to the constitution of the U. States, prohibiting the importation of slaves. Ordered to lie on the table.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter received by him from William Tatham, representing that he has been engaged for thirty years in researches connected with objects of great public utility, economical, agricultural, and mechanical; and intimating his desire that the materials collected by him should be made, on his receiving a proper compensation, the basis of a public institution, to be placed under the direction of the executive of the U. States.
Referred to a committee of five members.
On Motion of Mr. Dana,
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to consider and report whether any amendments should be made in the standing rules of the House relative to the confidential communications.
Referred to a committee of five members.
Mr. Morrow presented a petition from the Louisiana company, inhabitants of Ohio, and consisting of forty families, representing their purpose, in case of being aided by a donation of land, to form a settlement in the neighborhood of St. Louis.
Referred to the committee on public lands.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill declaring the town of Jersey, in the state of N. J. a port of delivery, and providing for the erection of a light-house on Wood Island, or in Fletcher's Neck in Massachusetts, and appropriating 3,000 dollars therefor.
Referred to a committee of the whole on Wednesday.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, likewise made a report, on the resolution relative to the erecting New-Castle, in Delaware, into a port of entry. The committee after a detailed report, embracing elucidating documents from the secretary of the treasury, declare that it is inexpedient to make New-Castle into a port of entry.
Referred to a committee of the whole on Thursday.
Mr. Nicholson said he wished to lay on the table a resolution relative to the fixing differences between the U. S. and G. Britain, on which several resolutions had already been offered. When this subject
was laid before him at an early period of the session he had foreseen that it might lead to the production of plans which might deeply affect the revenue of the government. He was, therefore, anxious that it might be referred to the committee of Ways and Means in whose hands the superintendence of revenue was placed. To this committee it was referred in the first instance. But the House afterwards thought fit to discharge that committee from consideration, and to refer it to a committee of the whole on the state of the union. Mr. Nicholson observed that it was with great deference that he undertook to offer any resolutions embracing objects of so immediate importance as the differences between G. Britain and this country. If the subject had remained with the latter committee, a set of resolutions in a digested form might have been expected, and it might have been shown in what manner and to what extent the revenue would probably be affected. When, however, resolutions were offered by individual members, it was impossible to offer any such calculations, and the subject would consequently come before the House in an undigested form.
Mr. N. said he had seen two propositions, either of which he liked. One was a resolution offered by a gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gregg). When he considered that our imports from Great Britain amounted annually to about twenty-five millions of dollars, and that the whole of this trade was, according to the proposition of the gentleman, to be prohibited, and it was also considered that the average amount of duties on articles imported from G. Britain was twenty per cent. it would at once be seen that the measure would affect the revenue to the amount of five millions annually.
Nor did it, in offering these resolutions, appear to have been taken into view, that while the measure would have a very material effect on the revenue, it had likewise an immediate effect on the habits of our citizens who consumed goods imported from Britain. With regard to the single article of cotton, its prohibition would operate in three different ways. In the first place, the wants of our people will be increased in proportion to the prohibition of cotton goods; it is in the second place, the revenue would be affected by that the foreign demand for the raw materials we furnish would be considerably diminished. A single fact would evince this with some force. In the year 1791 there were exported to Liverpool 64 bales of cotton; and in the first nine months of 1805 there had been exported to the same place 93,000 bales. This would show what the effect might be of the prohibition of the importation of articles manufactured from cotton in G. Britain on the demand for the raw materials we furnish.
Mr. N. said he had seen another proposition offered indeed in the House of Representatives, but elsewhere, (alluding to it supposed to the report of a committee in the Senate) which did not go to the extent of the motion by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and therefore was not so deleterious in its effects, but which in his judgment was extremely objectionable. This proposition went to prohibit the importation of woollens of all descriptions, linens, nails, hats, looking glasses, rum, hardware, flax, salt, coal, boots, shoes, ribbons, silks, plated and glass wares.
In this list there were four articles of great importance with which we are supplied from Great Britain, which our habits at least have enrolled on the list of necessaries, and with which we cannot be supplied either by ourselves or by other nations. With coarse woollens we are supplied altogether from G. Britain, and we cannot procure them elsewhere. Mr. N. said he had taken some pains to enquire into the state of the German manufactures, and he was convinced, from the information he had received, that we could get, neither from Germany or Holland, those coarse clothes which are extensively consumed in the middle and Southern states, and he presumed throughout the whole country, except by those who moved in the higher walks of life. In Holland and Brabant, there were some such manufactures, but they were too narrow to supply us with any considerable quantity of them.
That kind of rum which we derive from Jamaica, Antigua and Barbadoes, and from which a large revenue is obtained, Mr. N. presumed was not to be got elsewhere, as the whole of this article which was imported into the U. S. was consumed, and no part of it exported, it followed of course that the revenue would be diminished in proportion to the extent of the prohibition.
The manufactures of Birmingham and Sheffield, going generally by the name of hard-ware, could be got elsewhere. The whole of these imported were consumed in the U. S. and their prohibition would have the same effect on our revenue.
Of salt, which was imported from different countries, and which amounted annually to three and a half millions of bushels not more than the one hundred part was exported. By diminishing the quantity imported, we both increase the price of the article, and decrease the amount of the revenue.
Mr. N. said that the course which seemed to him most proper, was to feel among the manufactures of Great Britain such articles as we import from thence, and can supply ourselves with by our own industry, or obtain from other countries. This would present to Great Britain a plan that would at once be seen to be practicable. By laying a prohibition on the importation of all articles received from Great Britain or her colonies one of two effects must ensue. Either we shall be laughed at by Great Britain and the other European powers for adopting a system altogether impracticable, because we cannot adhere to it; or we shall furnish to her minister, whose character for decision is well known, a pretext for sweeping the ocean of every dollar of American property afloat on it.
On the contrary, we adopt a system which is practicable, to which it is seen that we can adhere without injuring ourselves, and which will materially affect Britain, we may hope that measures will be taken by her government for the adjustment of our differences, and the rendering us commensurate justice.
Mr. N. then submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That from and after the day of next, the following articles being of the growth, produce or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonies or dependencies of Great Britain, ought to be prohibited by law from being imported into the U. S. or into the territories thereof, viz.
 All articles of which leather is the material of chief value;  All articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value; tin in sheets excepted;  All articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value;  All articles of which silk is the material of chief value;  Woollen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed 5s. per yard;  Woolen hosiery of all kinds;  Window glass, and all other manufactures of glass; Silver and plated wares;  Paper of every description;  Nails and spikes;  Hats;  Clothing ready made;  Military of all kinds;  Playing cards;  Beer, ale and porter; and  Pictures and prints. 
Mr. Nicholson concluded by remarking that he would not undertake to say that he had made the best selection of articles. It was with great diffidence he had made the selection. He would, however, offer it at this time, that gentlemen might give their attention to it, and be prepared to enter on its discussion when the subject came before the House. He submitted these propositions at this time, to avoid any delay which might arise from withholding them till the House should have entered upon the subject.
This resolution was immediately considered by the House and referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered to be printed.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, certain resolutions offered on the 3rd of January 1794, by Mr. Madison on the differences at that time subsisting be-
tween the U. S. and Great Britain were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Crowninshield said the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) had offered several resolutions prohibiting the importation of sundry articles of British manufactures into the U. S. Mr. C. observed that he had another project which he wished to submit, relative to our trade with the British West Indies. He did not mean at this time to discuss the subject, either so far as it was connected with the propositions of the gentleman from Maryland, or with that of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which went to a much greater extent. But with regard to one idea expressed by the gentleman from Maryland, he thought it proper to say a few words. That gentleman had observed that the proposition offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania would affect the revenue to the amount of five millions of dollars; and therefore impressed upon the House the duty of being extremely cautious in taking such a step. Mr. C. said he did not believe the adoption of that proposition would affect the revenue to any such extent. He did not believe it would affect the revenue to the amount of a million of dollars. Because, although we should prohibit the importation of British goods, we could get most of the same articles from other countries. We get salt from Cadiz and Lisbon, and from several other places. Rum could be got from every island in the West-Indies; and if we should not be able to get a sufficient quantity of it to supply our wants, we could import from France brandies which will be a good substitute. We may also get woollens from the continent of Europe, and every article on the list, perhaps at higher prices. It was now, however, Mr. C. said his object at this time to discuss the merits of either proposition. His chief object was to offer his own project, which related to the West-Indies. Every one knows that those islands are dependent on the U. S. for the necessaries of life; absolutely want many important articles they know not where to get from other countries. Every one is dependent on us, inasmuch as they cannot get them elsewhere. How is the trade carried on? Great Britain has adopted a curious commercial principle, bottomed on the principle of her navigation act; which in time of peace almost amounts to a prohibition to introduce into her islands any articles of ours; and which in time of war opens the ports of a few of her islands for the introduction of particular articles for three or six months. Mr. C. said he wished to see this trade permanently open to the citizens of the U. S. He thought it probable this might be done by the adoption of his plan. The gentleman from Pennsylvania had offered a proposition which was calculated to meet in part the practices of Great Britain. The first resolution related to trading to the West-Indies in foreign vessels and not in vessels of the U. S. Every one knew that in the trade between the U. S. and the West-Indies there were either none, or very few foreign vessels.
Mr. Crowninshield then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That from and after the day of next, no goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be exported from, or imported into the U. S. or the territories thereof, in any ship or vessel whatever, to or from any European colonies or settlements situated on the eastern side of the continent of America, or its adjacent seas, northward of the Equator, unless the importation of all articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the U. S. and their territories, in American bottoms, is at all times admitted into the said colonies or settlements, and unless the exportation of the productions of the said colonies, or settlements, is permanently allowed in American bottoms from the same to the U. S. and the territories thereof.
The resolution was considered, and referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered to be printed.
The bill to repeal in part the act relative to the grant of land to the French inhabitants of Gallipolis, and for other purposes, was read the third time, and passed.
The bill to fix and regulate the compensation of the officers of the Senate and House of Representatives was read the third time and passed—Ayes 50—Noes 24.
The bill declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the general assembly of the state of North Carolina was read the third time and passed—Ayes 49—Noes 29.
The bill declaring the assent of Congress to an act of the legislature of South Carolina authorizing the imposition of a tonnage duty by the City Council of Charleston was read the third time.
Messrs. J. Clay and Marion supported, and Mr. Crowninshield opposed the bill, which, on the question being taken, was passed—Ayes 52.
The House went into a committee of the whole Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the bill to extend the time for taking the oath, and giving bond in cases of drawback, and for other purposes.
On the second section, which is as follows:
"That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and hereby is authorised and empowered to extend the benefit of drawback, in cases which have happened since the passage of the act of March 9, 1799, entitled, "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," where the persons claiming such benefit have omitted to take the oath and give bond within the ten days prescribed by law: Provided the Secretary of the treasury feel that he satisfied that such omission was caused by unavoidable accident, and that no fraud was intended thereby to be committed against the revenue laws of the U. S. and provided also, that satisfactory proof shall be exhibited to him that the goods, wares and merchandise, on which the drawback is claimed, have been landed without the limits of the U. S.
A long debate ensued, which continued beyond the usual hour of adjournment, in which Messrs. J. Clay, Leib, Elmer, Nicholson, Crowninshield, N. Williams and Sloan supported; and Messrs. Holland, Clark, J. C. Smith, Jackson, Bidwell, Conrad, Mason and Smilie opposed the section.
When the question was taken on striking out the section, and carried—Ayes 70.

CLOSED DOORS.—With a fidelity which has scarce ever been equalled, and reflects upon them the highest honour, have the members of Congress preferred inviolable secret, the secret business of the session; and though their doors have been thrown open, the seal is not yet taken from their lips. Some few "loop-holes" have indeed been laid open, through which we might catch a glimpse at their secret proceedings: A few flight allusions have appeared in some of the northern federal prints, in the form of letters from members of Congress, from which it appears probable that these proceedings related not at all to Great-Britain but to Spain: but the precise tenor of the measures which were proposed, and the measures which were agreed upon, has not yet been openly avowed or generally understood. Let us however, take the little which has leaked out, in connection, with those measures which might, abstractedly, be supposed most conformable to the true interests of our country, and it seems to us not very difficult to conjecture, if not to be certain which has been pursued, at least the modus vivendi which has been adopted by both Houses of Congress. In a few days it is probable that nothing will be left to conjecture; and that every speculation, which our fancy may form on this subject, will be confirmed or confuted by an official statement of facts.
What is the true interest of our country? Peace; if peace can be honourably preserved. The government of the United States is differently organized from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of man; its policy and its interest to pursue right by right means. War is the great scourge of the human race, and should never be resorted to but in cases of the most imperious necessity. A wise government will avoid it, when its views can be attained by peaceful measures. Princes fight for glory, and the blood and treasure of their subjects is the price they pay. In all nations, the people bear the burden of war, and in the United States the people rule. But at this time and for ten years at least to come, it is peculiarly the interest of the people of the United States, to enjoy an uninterrupted peace, if it can be honourably preserved. Let us have ten years of peace, we may defy the attacks and insults of the European world: and we place our republican institutions upon such a basis, as may defy the insidious attacks of domestic enemies. The first gun which is fired now, will arrest the augmentation of our numbers, the improvement of our lands, the liquidation of the public debt, and what is still more, though it is intimately connected with the last, it may even bring into jeopardy the inestimable fruits of a four years republican administration.
But by what other expedients than by "peaceful measures" is peace to be long preferred? If the United States are to be diverted from their most obvious policy by every the most trifling inducement; if they are to imitate the mad quixotism of Francis the First of France, who first offered to make Switzerland a godmother to his son, and afterwards determined to go to war with her, rather than accept the name which they had fixed upon; it would be to little purpose that they possessed the guardian superintendence of a government of the people. The true principle evidently is never to embark in a war, until they have exhausted every possible means of an honorable negotiation. By adopting this policy; by thus employing the aid of diplomats, rather than warriors; by really making the argument of the sword, what it is falsely said to be in monarchies, the ultima ratio ; they will not only avoid innumerable wars, on account of the opportunities which it will afford of a friendly accommodation, but they will be infinitely better fitted for encountering the dangers of a war, when they are no longer to be avoided without a sacrifice of honour. War may be the result, but the American nation , satisfied with such conduct, will be animated by one soul, and will unite all its energies in the contest. Foreign powers will be convinced that it is not a war of aggrandizement on our part, and will therefore feel no unreasonable jealousies towards us. We shall have proved that our object was justice; it will be seen that our propositions were fair; and it will be acknowledged that our cause is honorable. Should alliances be necessary, they may be advantageously formed. We shall have merited and shall therefore possess general confidence. Our measures will stand justified, not only to ourselves and our country, but to the world."
We are at this moment engaged in a most serious altercation with the Court of Madrid. The dispute relates to two objects, which however distinct in themselves, have become intimately connected by the course of events, the adjustment of the eastern boundary of Louisiana, and the adjustment of claims for depredations committed on our commerce. It is believed, that some amicable arrangement on the last object would greatly facilitate the adjustment of the first; for it is extremely probable, that the money of our merchants has been retained by the Court of Madrid as a kind of security that we will not enforce our pretensions with regard to the boundaries of Louisiana. Is there no expedient however to reconcile these jarring pretensions? Is it really impossible to shape the course of the negotiation which has been hitherto carried on between the two nations, as to do away the real or fictitious title of Spain to the land lying between the Mississippi and the Perdido river, at the same time that it involves no sacrifice of our treasure or our honour? We pretend not to know any thing of the confidential communications, which have been laid by the president before the present Congress on this subject. We pretend not to understand how many expedients have been attempted or how many have been defeated. From our confidence in the wisdom and watchfulness of the present administration, we should however presume that almost every expedient has been tried, and perhaps tried in vain, at least if we may repose any confidence in a letter which was published in our paper of the 14th December, from a member of Congress, and which is said to have produced a considerable ferment in Washington; a letter in which the author explicitly declared that, "from the view he has taken of the papers, accompanying the confidential communication, it appears that but for the change in the state of affairs in Europe, we could not possibly have avoided an open rupture with France and Spain, without sacrificing the whole of Louisiana, except a narrow margin on the Mississippi and abandoning our claims for depredations, the payment of which had been solemnly stipulated in our convention with Spain." When we recalled, however, the possibility of devising some mode of adjustment which might require an appropriation of money
authorized by an act of Congress, and in which the same member of Congress, in subsequent letter has declared "that the blessings of peace will be preferred to our country, without a sacrifice of national honour or interest," is it too absurd to suppose that some new expedient is about to be proposed, and is likely to be adopted? Whether the expedient which shall suggest is really the one, which is about to be employed, or whether it is one which has already been attempted without success, we know not. We cannot however but suppose, that it is an expedient calculated to promote the true interests of our country, and that it is one which has been adopted during the confidential sittings of Congress, if it has not been already attempted without success.
The principal point in the dispute with Spain relative to the boundaries of Louisiana, has been generally understood to relate to the territory lying between the Mississippi and the Perdido. We claim it under the treaty of San Ildefonso as a part of Louisiana. The Spanish Court claims it as a part of West Florida. We cite authorities to prove, that Louisiana extends to the Perdido; They, that it is bounded by the Mississippi. Some respect is undoubtedly due to the opinion and the authorities of Spain; however erroneous they may appear to us to be. All accommodation unless in cases of the greatest certainty, is the result of mutual compromise; and however impolitic or improper it would be for us to consent to any accommodation, which might sacrifice any portion of our rights, when they are placed upon so certain a basis as they are at present, it would be equally impolitic and improper for us to refuse any accommodation, which is calculated to wave an irritating discussion, to soothe the jealous feelings of Spain, at the same time that it secures to us not only the object for which we are contending, but an object infinitely more important to the interests of this country. Since we cannot obtain the part of Louisiana, which we claim without the calamities of a war, let us purchase it from Spain in connection with the whole of her Florida, if the negotiation can be effected on easy and favourable terms.
The acquisition of the Floridas is under every point of view, essential to the tranquility, the trade, and the compactness of the United States. It would preserve us from those jealous contentions and incessant interruptions of good neighbourhood, which experience has already demonstrated to exist with our Spanish neighbours. It would throw more completely under our care and under our controul, the Indian tribes, who not only reside within the Floridas, but within our own frontiers. But the most distinguished advantage of such an acquisition is to be found in the security which it promises to the navigation and commerce of the southern states. On this last topic we will take the liberty of introducing an extract from a report made by a select committee on the 12th of Jan. 18 Jan. 1803, and attributed to the pen of Mr. Nicholson. At that time, it deserves to be recollected by the reader, that the question had never been suggested, or it had never been seriously agitated, whether it was our interest to purchase Louisiana; this measure appears to have derived its birth from events and negotiations which subsequently occurred; but whether Congress would "enable the Executive to commence with more effect, a negotiation with the French and Spanish governments relative to the purchase from them of the Island of New-Orleans, and the provinces of East and West Florida." The committee who had been appointed to draft this report, recommended the appropriation of two millions of dollars for this purpose, so strongly were they impressed with the necessity not only of securing some place of deposit on the Mississippi, but of acquiring the Floridas. The reasons which they assigned in favour of the latter measure, are principally contained in the following extract:
"West Florida is bounded on the North by the Mississippi Territory, from which it is separated by no natural boundary; on the East by the river Apalachicola, which divides it from East Florida, South by the Gulf of Mexico. The Mississippi Territory is intersected by many large and valuable rivers which rise within its own boundaries, and meander through it in a general direction from North to South, but empty themselves into the Gulf of Mexico through the Province of West Florida. In fact bounded on the West by the river Mississippi, and that which lies immediately on the Mississippi, the whole must depend on the Mobile and the Apalachicola, with their numerous branches and on some other rivers of inferior note, for the means of sending its produce to market, and of returning to itself such foreign supplies, as the necessities or convenience of its inhabitants may require. In these rivers too the eastern parts of the state of Tennessee are deeply interested, as some of the great branches of the Mobile approach very near to some of those branches of the Tennessee river, which lie above the great Muscle Shoals. Even if it should prove difficult to connect them, yet the land carriage will be shorter, and the route to the sea more direct, than the river Tennessee furnishes. These rivers possess likewise an advantage which is denied to the Mississippi. As their sources are not in the mountains, and their course is through a level country, their currents are gentle and the tide flows considerably above our boundary. This circumstance together with the depth of water which many of them afford, render them accessible to sea vessels; and ships of two hundred tons burthen may ascend for several hundred miles into the heart of the Mississippi territory. These rivers, however, which run almost exclusively within our own limits, and which it would seem as if nature had intended for our own benefit, we must be indebted to others for the beneficial use of, so long as the province of West Florida shall continue in the possession of a foreign nation. If the province of West Florida were of itself an independent empire, it would be the interest of its government to promote the freedom of trade, by laying open the mouths of the rivers to all nations, this having been the policy of those powers who possess the mouths of the Rhine, the Danube, the Po and the Tagus, with some others. But the system of colonization, which has always heretofore prevailed, proves, that the mother country is ever anxious to engross to itself the trade of its colonies, & affords as every reason to apprehend that Spain will not readily admit us to a share through the territory to carry on a trade either with each other or with foreign nations. This right we may insist on, and perhaps it may be conceded to us; but it is possible that it may be denied. At all events it may prove the source of endless disagreement and perpetual hostility."
"In this respect East Florida may not perhaps be so important, but its acquisition is nevertheless deemed desirable. From its junction with the state of Georgia at the river St. Mary's it stretches nearly four hundred miles into the sea, forming a large peninsula, and has some very fine harbors.—The southern point, Cape Florida, is not more than one hundred miles distant from the Havannah, and the possession of it may be beneficial to us in relation to our trade with the West-Indies. It would likewise make our whole territory compact, would add considerably to our sea coast, and by giving
boundary, would render us less liable to attack, in what is now deemed the most valuable part of the Union."
The considerations, that by purchasing the Floridas on favourable terms we should sink the claim of Spain to the contested territory, and that we should acquire a slip of land so essential to our prosperity and peace, have always led us to believe that our administration had long since attempted to found the court of Madrid on this expedient for adjusting our differences. When the doors of Congress were closed upon the nation, their deliberations appeared to us to relate to the same object, being closed in the same manner during the session of January 1799. This conjecture does not however rest upon the bare expediency of the measure proposed; for some circumstances have since occurred to give it additional plausibility.
In the debate in the House of Representatives of the 23d January "on the defence of our Ports and Harbors." Mr. Nelson made this singular declaration: "We know that the house has already appropriated a considerable sum; more than it will probably have at its disposal, and that they have refused to continue a certain tax."—Mr. Nelson probably might have alluded to the Mediterranean fund .—Mr. Mason (speaker) was sorry to interrupt the gentleman, but he would submit whether, in the remarks he had just made, he was in order.—Why was Mr. Nelson here called to order by the Speaker? Was it not that he was revealing some circumstances which had occurred during the period of the closed doors? In fact what appropriation has been made, with open doors, so considerable, as probably to exceed the sum at the disposal of Congress? But for what purpose could this appropriation have been made? It could not have been to facilitate the settlement of our disputes with Great Britain; because the measures proposed with regard to her, have not only been brought into open doors; but they consist in a non-importation act, or in other commercial restrictions, which do not require an expenditure or appropriation of money. But if this appropriation related to Spain, it could not be for the purpose of carrying military measures into effect, for the principal measures of this sort, such as preventing the exportation of arms, and authorising the president to call out 100,000 militia, either require no appropriation at all or one which is made equally public with the purpose, to which it is to be applied. To what other object then was this considerable appropriation to be applied, but to the prosecution of pacific measures? And what measure so likely to be efficient, as the purchase of the Floridas?
Some confirmation is given to this conjecture by the following paragraph in the Washington Federalist of Feb. 12; a paper, in which we must however candidly confess, that little confidence ought to be reposed:
"The SECRET Bill for purchasing the Floridas passed the Senate on Friday last; and was carried by the secret committee, to the President on Monday. Yesterday Mr. Randolph (one of the secret committee) reported to the House that Mr. Jefferson had very graciously received it.—As soon as we hear of his signing, our readers will be informed."
That other measures have been agitated, during the secret sittings of Congress, we have no hesitation in believing. Hostile measures we have no doubt have been recommended and enforced with zeal, perseverance, and ability. Whether they related to the immediate seizure of Cuba or Florida, we do not pretend to assert; yet we can with much greater confidence assert, that on this question the republicans have been divided in sentiment, but that a majority of them have been in favour of pacific measures. We do not believe with the Editor of the Aurora , that the "measures of the Executive have been thwarted by a little faction of which Yazoo is a vital principle." On the contrary we believe that the policy approved of by the administration has received the support of a strong republican majority; and instead of Yazoo being the "vital principle" which has animated its opponents, that men the most warmly attached and the most warmly opposed to the Yazoo Speculation , will be found enlisted under the same banners. Let time however decide upon our conjectures!
DUNCAN McFARLAND! A representative in congress from the state of North Carolina, has lately made some figure in the public prints; a figure, it must be confessed, not extremely well adapted to inspire the world with much respect for his character. After having acquired or deserved the opprobrious epithet of Hog-stealer, he was thrown into jail in his own state on a charge for forgery, and a charge for perjury. To enable him to execute his honourable office of a member of congress, he applied to the judge for an immediate trial on these charges. The judge refused. The question was referred to the legislature. The legislature also refused to interfere. At length, however, Mr. McFarland has been delivered from his confinement, (we presume by giving bail) and has taken his seat among the august councillors of the nation. He made his first debut in congress on the 10th inst. Observe now the injudicious imputations which are thrown on the republican cause, by the acquisition of such a member! Duncan McFarland is said to be a republican: he is said to be worthy of his party; and the faults and vices of an individual, which should always constitute an exception to the rule are in this case erected into a standard of character for the party to which he is said to belong.
Is this a liberal mode of proceeding? The republicans are as much disgusted with the alleged vices of Duncan McFarland, as their federal opponents. They hold in an abhorrence not inferior to theirs, the character of a Hog-stealer, a forgerer, and a perjured. Many of them believe Duncan McFarland unworthy of the honourable seat at which he fills: unworthy of the cause which he professes to support. Let the censure then if it should rest upon any portion of the republican party, be confined to the one district alone which calls him representative! But not even upon them, ought this censure to fall. The opponent of Mr. McFarland was another republican by the name of Hay, who has been a member of the state legislature, & somewhat too fond of the juice of the grape. The district where they resided, was inhabited by many Scotchmen; with whom the very name of Mack, was an irresistible recommendation. Observe now the conduct of the federalists! To bring republican principles into disrepute, most of them became the supporters of McFarland, and it to this day remains a doubt to be decided, whether he or his opponent has obtained a majority of republican votes. Why not then as well denominate Duncan McFarland a representative of the federalists?
MARRIED. On Thursday the 13th inst. by the Revd. Christopher McRae, Mr. Henry Anderson of this city, to Miss Sarah Williamson, daughter of Jacob Williamson, Esq. of Powhatan County.
convened agreeable to public notice given by the Mayor, to take into view the propriety of addressing the President and Congress, at the present momentous situation of our national concerns, and to prefer the support of our blood and fortune, in preserving the public honour and security.—
WILLIAM PRENTISS, was called to the Chair; JOHN DICKSON, Secretary.
The following resolutions were severally proposed and unanimously agreed to.
Resolved, That the citizens of the town of Petersburg, in reviewing the relations of the United States with foreign nations, are impressed with the certain though melancholy truth, that their country has received from some of the belligerent powers of Europe, the grossest injuries, and the most vital injuries; insults and injuries, which it behoves the government to redress, whatever hazards, difficulties and dangers, it may be necessary to incur, in order to obtain reparation.
Resolved, That as the choice of the means whereby national honour is to be vindicated, and national justice enforced, the citizens of Petersburg reposes the highest confidence in the wisdom of the general government, that it will select such as best combine the advantages of being the least expensive, and the most efficacious; the least hurtful to the peace of the nation; and the most energetic; peaceful as far as possible; warlike as far as necessary.
Resolved, That whatever burdens it may be necessary to impose, whatever force it may be necessary to employ, in the prosecution of a just national redress, the citizens of Petersburg will cheerfully contribute their quota of the one, and bear their proportion of the other; and much as they deprecate war, as being unfriendly to the interest of our growing country, yet gird on the sword of their forefathers; on like, renounce the luxuries of Europe—every deprivation to that of national defence.
And as in moment of difficulty and danger like the present, it behoves every good citizen of the republic, not only to deliver his opinion of public affairs, but to evince his zeal in support of measures of national redress and retribution:
Resolved, therefore, That the chairman and secretary of this meeting be directed to sign the foregoing resolutions, in the name of this meeting, and to transmit them to the president and congress of the U. S.
MR. WATKINS LEIGH, prefaced the resolutions he had to propose to the meeting, with a short view of our foreign relations: He stated, that our contest with Spain, had arisen from that power's withholding compensation for spoliations committed on our commerce during the last war, though she had herself admitted such compensation to be justly due; insisting on a previous settlement of the disputed boundaries of Louisiana—and at the same time rejecting our proposal of a fair and equitable adjustment of these boundaries, according to existing treaties. As to our contest with Great Britain he said, our ground of complaint was neither new nor extraordinary—it was the tyranny of that power on the ocean. He would not particularize our injuries—the numerous oppressions of our seamen—the vexatious searches of our ships, and the frequent interruption of our lawful neutral commerce; the subject might easily be swelled into a volume: But he entered into an examination of the British doctrine, recently enforced, of prohibiting neutral commerce between belligerent powers and their colonies—and he showed, that that doctrine pursued through all its consequences, would amount to a total annihilation of neutral commerce; that it was entirely of British origin; that Great Britain had herself often renounced it, in her treaties with other nations; and that she had expressly renounced it, in her transactions with us. He then remarked, on the proposed measures of non-intercourse with Great Britain:—It would be a peaceful, but a severe retribution: It would starve her manufacturers—it would plant a thorn in her side, which unless speedily extracted, would terminate in shagreen and her own power, namely, a just and liberal policy on her part. The measure certainly would not be without its inconvenience to ourselves; but the merchant, who would be compelled to seek a new market, for his adventures, would remember, that for his fake the contest was undertaken; and the agriculturist (on whose prosperity that of all other orders of men in the state depends) instead of lamenting the low price of his produce, would anticipate the hour, when commerce, the hand-maid of his labor, would be unettered forever. Mr. LEIGH congratulated his fellow citizens on the happy situation of their country. Other nations resort to war for the purposes of vengeance:—war had corrupted the purity, enslaved the people, and occasioned the decline of all the empires, and particularly of all the republics of the earth. "The pride, pomp, and circumstance of war," does not comport with the simplicity of republicanism: But this non-intercourse, while it was the most effectual mode of redress, would shed neither the tears of the orphan, nor the blood of the hero. So far from endangering our republican institutions, it would fortify them; it would restore the hardihood of democracy; it was like a recurrence to first principles; it was an emulation of the example of our forefathers of the revolution. But if after all, war should be necessary, he trusted there was a spirit in this country, which defied and contemned all the efforts of our enemies. Mr. L. then handed sundry Resolutions to the Chairman, which he moved that the meeting should adopt.
Mr. BURKE rose in support of the resolutions; and alleged as reasons for their adoption, the President's message, the mysterious proceedings in the sittings of Congress, the various memorials presented by the principal towns and seaports, and the general agitation of the public mind. These, said he, speak more forcibly than any language, that a momentous crisis is at hand; and it is not proper at such a time, that the citizens of Petersburg, always distinguished for their ardor and patriotism, should be silent or inactive. It was fortunate, he said, that the circumstances of the country justified us in a bold expression, of our sentiments, and enabled us in a bold expression, of our sentiments, and enabled us to act with a correspondent vigor and efficacy. A long peace, combined with the spirit of adventure which distinguishes the American character, had augmented our resources, and confirmed our attachment to our form of government—and courage, strength and indignation, can thus go hand in hand in chastising the violators of our rights and security. The governments and people of Europe were mistaken in the character of the people of the United States—they were slow to anger, but when roused will exhibit a courage, which will prove impervious to the malignant shafts of European despotism. Neither the conduct of France, Spain or Great-Britain escaped due notice in his eloquent harangue—they all severally received their merited reprobation—but in terms decent and dignified. He paid no compliment to Bonaparte for exchanging the wreaths and laurels of a republican hero, for the bespangled crown of a despot—and as to Spain, he considered her diadem as approaching fast to a dissolution. He
Spain or Great-Britain, in any way, to our friendship. It would be no inconvenience to the people of America, on the contrary it would be a benefit, to withhold, from the use of the luxuries of Europe. Our patriotic fair would feel proud in their domestic attire, and would cheerfully dismiss all foreign tinsel gewgaws, for the sake of their country. We were a nation of freemen, and not a nation of hirelings, and as such would forego the use of some of the comforts as well as the luxuries of life, rather than submit to be trampled upon. He thought it necessary however to declare, in the humane and philosophic spirit of the administration, that peace should be preferred by every means not inconsistent with our liberty and character; and it was fortunate that the preservation of this invaluable blessing was not confined to the vain glory of kings, or the puerile and paltry ambition of courtiers.
The means of defence which this country possesses are ample, her means of offence terrific. By locking up her granaries, she locks up the fountain of life from the colonies of her enemies, and haunts even the mother country with the giant spectre of famine. Innumerable privateers, evading the slow tactics of cumbrous navies, will spread themselves over every sea, and return with the rich and varied productions of every climate.—The continental possessions of our enemies, in a single campaign, will fall before the heroic spirit of our citizens. They may fire, said he, on our reports, but the first shot shall afford a rich recompence in Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, Mexico and South America. They may land on our shores, and afford in the parade of drets and tactics, the most level spectacle of a triumph—our military will decline pitched battles, and they will vanquish like the warriors of the desert from an end. Vain and fatal presumptions—the fatal as destiny, from behind the oak and cypress, will mark its victim, and the invader, as it struck by lightning, will perish—unseen the hand, unobserved the instrument that bereaved them of life.—This, said he, is a just and consoling picture of our situation, and a just one to those powers who make a different estimation of our resources and character.
But it was not war he would recommend to our administration. Let our ene is be the weight of all the innocent blood which may be shed in the contest. There are other means, means purely defensive, which cannot fail of taxation act, by abridging the commerce, and consequently the revenues of Britain, will throw a hundred thousand starving manufacturers into rebellion, and curtail the sum of those enormous taxes, and those wicked loans, which enable her statesmen to waste the blood and treasures of the people in unjust wars. America has been principally instrumental in pampering this nation to her present pitch of power and insolence. America, if she beware not, will withdraw the support of this power and insolence. America can clip her wings, and fix to the earth that daring plume that would soar near the neighborhood of the sun. The lion, the allegorical symbol and champion of British strength, may roar, but the non-importation act, by throwing on her hands upwards of eight millions sterling of exports, will have drawn his teeth and talons, and he will present only a harmless picture of impotent rage. A non-importance—we have a right of trading or not trading, and of directing our commerce into what channels we thought proper.
Mr. Campbell observed, that he highly approved of the resolutions—that they would certainly meet his support. He was the more pleased with them, because the sentiments of the meeting were fully expressed, and the subjects to which they referred were left to the superior wisdom and discernment of the constituted authorities. He trusted that there was one opinion in the meeting on the resolutions—one indeed he did not believe that there was a citizen of the town who would vote against them.
After a few observations from Mr. Thweatt and others, relative to the arrangement, the resolutions were severally read, the question put on each, and they passed unanimously.
Last Evening's Mail.
CHARLESTON Feb. 7.
The ship AVERICK, captain DECOCT, arrived this morning, failed from ROTTERDAM on the 20th of December. Capt. D. brought no papers; but states, that the reports from the feet of war were, that there had been much hard fighting; and that Bonaparte, in the battle on the 2d December, had been slightly wounded in the arm. The last accounts, however, were, that the French troops had been successful.
Captain DECOCT furnishes one important article of information, which proves, beyond doubt, that PRUSSIA has taken part in the war. All the Prussian merchantmen in Rotterdam had been seized by the Dutch government; and accounts were nomently expected of the Prussian troops having struck a blow. The Times.
A packet from France, in a short passage, arrived at Martinique. In addition to the details of the first successes of the French army this vessel is reported to have brought the account that Massena had been defeated and taken prisoner by the Archduke Charles, & that 20,000 of the French troops had been killed or taken prisoners at the same time. Courier.
On Thursday the 11th inst. departed this life at Columbia, in the 64th year of his age, very much regretted, Capt. JOHN NAPIER, of Fluvanna, in private life, and as a Magistrate of his county a member of the Legislature, approved himself an affectionate relative, a benevolent neighbour, a citizen, and a worthy and honest man.
In pursuance of a Deed of Trust executed by Major Winfree to me, for the benefit of his SLAVES, to wit: Pat, Lucy, Jack, Moses, Fanny, Betty and Judy, at the shop of the said Major, in Hanover, on the 28th day of this month, otherwise as the first day that will permit; many thereof as will discharge the sum due from said Major. Winfree to the said John Basset, at costs attending the said sale, made at the request of said Basset, the 9th of February 1806. ROBERT KING, Trustee. February 18. (law 2w.)
LAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a decree of Louis Court, was sold on the premises, on the 20th day of next, to the highest bidder, for ready money, a TRACT OF LAND belonging to the estate of Thomas Johnson, deceased, lying on the river James, about two or three miles from the mouth of the river, containing by estimation one hundred and thirty acres. This sale is to be for the purpose of paying a debt due from the said Major Thomas Johnson, deceased to the said John Basset executor of Thomas Johnson. February 18. (law 2w.)
COMMISSION MERCHANTS. February 18. (law 2w.)

THE MEMOIR OF THE MERCHANTS AND TRADERS OF THE CITY OF BALTIMORE.
[CONCLUDED.]
In the war of 1756, he had this inducement in its utmost strength. Independent of the commercial rivalry, existing between the two nations, the Dutch had excited the undigested resentment of Great Britain, by declining to furnish against France, the succors stipulated by treaty; by constantly supplying France with naval and warlike stores, through the medium of a trade systematically pursued by the people, and countenanced by the government; by granting to France early in 1757, a free passage thro' Namur and Maestricht, for the provisions, ammunition & artillery belonging to the army destined to act against the territories of Prussia, in the neighborhood of the low countries—and by the indifference with which they saw Nieuport and Ostend put into the hands of France, by the court of Vienna, which Great Britain represented to be contrary to the barrier treaty and the treaty of Utrecht. Without entering into the sufficiency of these grounds of dissatisfaction, which undoubtedly had a great influence on the conduct of Great Britain, towards the Dutch, from 1757, until the peace of 1763, it is manifest that this very dissatisfaction, little short of a disposition to open war, and frequently on the eve of producing it, takes away, in a considerable degree, from the authority of any practice to which it may be supposed to have led, as tending to establish a rule of the public law of Europe. It may not be improper to observe, too, that the station occupied by Great Britain, in the 7 years war, (as proud a one as any country ever did) compared with that of the other European powers, was not exactly calculated to make the measures which her resentment against Holland, or her views against France might dictate peculiarly respectful to the general rights of neutrals. In the north, Russia and Sweden were engaged in the confederacy against Prussia, and were of course entitled to no consideration in this respect. The government of Sweden was, besides, weak and impotent. Denmark it is true, took no part in the war, but she did not suffer by the practice in question. Besides, all these powers combined, would have been as nothing, against the naval strength of Great Britain, in 1756. As to Spain, she could have no concern in this question; and, at length, became involved in the war on the side of France. Upon the whole, in the war of 1756, Great Britain had the power to be unjust, and irresistible temptations to abuse it. In that of 1744, her power was perhaps, equally great, but every thing was favorable to equity and moderation. The example afforded of this subject, therefore, by the first war, has far better titles to respect, than that furnished by the last.
In the American war, the practice and decisions, on this point, followed those of the war of 1744. The question first came before the lords of appeal, in Jan. 1782, in the Danish cases of the Tiger, Copenhagen, and others, captured in October, 1780, and condemned in St. Kitts, in December following. The grounds upon which the captors relied for condemnation, in the Tiger, as set forth at the end of the respondent's printed case, were: "For that the ship, having been trading to Cape Francois, where none but French ships are allowed to carry on any traffic, and have been laden, at the time of the capture, with the produce of the French part of the island of St. Domingo, put on board at Cape Francois, and both ship and cargo taken confessedly coming directly from thence, must (pursuant to precedents in the like cases in the last war) to all intents and purposes, be deemed a ship and goods belonging to the French, or at least adapted and naturalized as such."
In the Copenhagen, the captors reasons are thus given: "First, because it is allowed that the ship was delivered with her cargo to the island of Guadalupe, and no other place." "Secondly, because it is contrary to the established rule of general law, to admit any neutral ship, to go to, or trade at, a port belonging to the colony of an enemy, to which such neutral ships could not have freely traded in time of peace."
On the 22d of January, 1782, these causes came on for hearing before the lords of appeal, who decreed restitution in all of them; thus in the most solemn and explicit manner, disavowing and rejecting the pretended rules of the law of nations, upon which the captors relied; the first of which was literally borrowed from the doctrine of the war of 1756, and the last of which is precisely that very rule on which G. B. now relies.
It is true that in these cases, the judgement of the lords was pronounced upon one phase only of the colony trade of France, as carried on by neutrals—that is to say, a trade between the colony of France, and that of the country of the neutral shipper. But no distinction was supposed to exist in point of principle, between the different modifications of the trade, and as the judgement went upon general grounds, applicable to the entire subject, we shall not be thought to overrate its effect and extent, when we represent it as a complete rejection both of the doctrine of the seven years war, and of that modern principle by which it has been attempted to replace it. But, at any rate, the subsequent records of the same high tribunal did go that length. Without enumerating the cases of various descriptions, involving the legality of the trade in all its modes, which were favorably adjudged by the lords of appeal, after the American peace, it will be sufficient to mention the case of the Vergeling , decided by them in 1785 and 1786. This was the case of a Danish ship laden with a cargo of dry goods and provisions, with which she was bound on a voyage from Marseilles , to Martinique and Cape Francois , where she was to take in for Europe a return cargo of West-India produce. The ship was not proceeded against; but the cargo, which was claimed for merchants of Ostend, was condemned as enemy's property, (as in truth it was) by the vice-admiralty of Antigua, subject to the payment of freight, pro rata itineris , or rather for the whole of the outward voyage. On appeal as to the cargo, the lords of appeal, on the 28th of March, 1785, reversed the condemnation, and ordered further proof of the property to be produced within three months. On the 28th March, 1786, no further proof having been exhibited, and the proctor for the claimants declaring that he should exhibit none, the lords condemned the cargo; and on the same day reversed the decree below, giving freight pro rata itineris ; (from which the neutral master had appealed) and decreed freight generally, and the costs of the appeal.
It is impossible that a judicial opinion could go more conclusively to the whole question than this—For it not only disavows the pretended illegality of the neutral interposition in that trade, even directly between France and her colonies (the most exceptional form, it is said, in which that interposition could present itself) it not only denies that property engaged in such a trade, is on that account liable to confiscation, (inasmuch as, after having reversed the condemnation of the cargo, pronounced below, it proceeds afterwards to condemn it merely for want of further proof as to the property) but it holds that the trade is so unquestionably lawful to neutrals, as not even to put in jeopardy the claim to freight, for that part of the voyage which had not begun, and which the party had not yet put himself in a situation to begin. The force of this and the other British decisions, produced by the American war, will not be avoided by suggesting that there was anything peculiarly favorable in the time when, or the manner in which France opened her colonial trade to neutrals on that occasion. Something of that sort, however has been said. We find the following language in a very learned opinion on this point: "It is certainly true, that in the last war, (the American war) many decisions took place which then pronounced, that such a trade between France and her colonies was not considered as an unnatural commerce—But under what circumstances? It was understood that France, in opening her colonies
temporary view, relative to the war, but on a general permanent purpose of altering her colonial system, and of admitting foreign vessels universally, and at all times to a participation of that commerce. Taking that to be the fact, (however suspicious its commencement might be during the actual existence of a war) there was no ground to say that neutrals, were not carrying on a commerce as ordinary as any other in which they could be engaged; and therefore in the case of the Vergeling , and in many other succeeding cases, the lords decreed payment of freight to the neutral ship owner. It is to be remembered on this occasion, that the conduct of France evinced how little dependence can be placed upon explanations of measures adopted during the pressure of war; for hardly was the ratification of the peace signed, when she returned to her ancient system of colonial monopoly." We answer to all this, that to refer the decision of the lords in the Vergeling , & other succeeding cases, to the reason assigned, is to attribute that high tribunal of acting upon a confidence which has no example in a singularly incredible declaration, (if indeed such a declaration was ever made) after the utter falsehood it had been, as the learned opinion does itself inform us, unequivocally & notoriously ascertained. We have seen that the Vergeling was decided by the lords in 1785 and 1786, at least two years after France had, as we are told, "returned to her ancient system of colonial monopoly;" and when, of course, the supposed alteration of an intended permanent abandonment of that system, could not be permitted to produce any legal consequences. We answer farther, that if this alleged declaration was in fact made, (and we must be allowed to say, that we have found no traces of it out of the opinion above recited) it never was put into such a formal and authentic shape as to be the fair subject of judicial notice. It is not contained in the French arrests of that day, where it would be proper to look for it, and we are not referred to any other document proceeding from the government of France, in which it is said to appear. There does not, in a word, seem to have been any thing which an enlightened tribunal could be supposed capable of considering as a pledge on the part of France, that she had resolved upon or even mediated the extravagant change in her colonial system which she is said in this opinion to have been understood to announce to the world. But even if the declaration in question was actually made, and that too with all possible solemnity, still it would be difficult to persuade any thinking man, that the finery of such a declaration was in any degree considered in, or that any person, in any country, could regard it in any other light than as a mere artifice that could give no right which would not equally well exist without it.
Upon the whole, it is manifestly impracticable to rest the decisions of the lords of appeal, in and after the American war, upon any dependence placed on this declaration, of which there is no evidence that it ever was made, which, it is certain, was not authentically or formally made: which, however made, was not and could not be believed at any time, far less in 1785 and 1786, when its falsehood had been unquestionably proved by the public and undistinguished conduct of its supposed authors, in direct opposition to it.
That Sir James Marriott, who sat in the high court of admiralty of Great Britain, during the greater part of the late war did not consider these decisions as standing upon this ground is evident; for, notwithstanding, that in the war of 1756, he was the most zealous, and perhaps able advocate for the condemnation of the Dutch ships engaged in the colony trade of France, yet upon the breaking out of the late war, he relied upon the decisions in the American war, as authoritatively settling the legality of that trade, and decreed accordingly.
If, as a more plausible answer to these decisions, considered in the light of authorities, than that which we have just examined, it should be said that they ought rather to be viewed as reluctant sacrifices to policy, or even to necessity, under circumstances of singular difficulty and peril than as an expression of the deliberate opinion of the lords of appeal or the government of Great Britain, on the matter of right, it might, perhaps, be sufficient to reply that, if the armed neutrality, coupled with the situation of Great Britain, as a party to the war, did in any degree compel these decisions, we might also expect to find at the same era, some relaxation on the part of that country, relative to the doctrine of contraband, upon which the convention of the armed neutrality contained the most direct stipulations, which the Northern powers were particularly interested to enforce. Yet, such was not the fact. But in addition to this, and other considerations of a similar description, it is natural to enquire, why it happened, that if the lords of appeal were satisfied that Great Britain possessed the right in question, they recorded and gave to the world a series of decisions against it, founded, not upon British orders of council, gratuitously relaxing what was still asserted to be the strict right, (as in the late war) but upon general principles of public law. However prudence might have required (although there is no reason to believe that it did require) an abstinence on the part of Great Britain, from the extreme exercise of the right she had been supposed to claim, still it could not be necessary to give to the mere forbearance on a claim, the stamp & character of a formal admission, that the claim itself was illegal and unjust. In the late war, as often as the British government wished to concede and relax, from whatever motive, on the subject of the colony trade of her opponents, an order of council was resorted to, setting forth the nature of the concessions or relaxation upon which the courts of prize were afterwards to found their sentences—and undoubtedly sentences so passed, cannot, in any fair reasoning, be considered as deciding more than that the order of council is obligatory on the courts whose sentences are affected. But the decrees of the lords of appeal, in and after the American war, are not of this description, since there existed no orders of council on the subject of them; and, of course, they are and ought to be of the highest weight and authority against Great Britain, on the question involved in and adjudged by them.
This solemn renunciation of the principle in question, in the face of the whole world, by their highest tribunal, in matters of prize, reiterated in a succession of decrees, down to the year 1786, and afterwards is powerfully confirmed by the acquiescence of Great Britain, during the first, most important, and active period of the late war, in the free and unlimited prosecution, by neutrals, or the whole colony trade to France. She did indeed at last prohibit that trade by an instruction, unprecedented in the annals of maritime depredation, but the revival of her disarmed rule was characterized with such circumstances of inequity and violence, as rather to heighten by the effect of contrast, the veneration of mankind for the just office of her tribunals.—The world has not forgot the instruction to which we allude, and the enormities by which its true character was developed, produced in mystery, at a moment when universal confidence in the honor and integrity of her government, had brought upon the ocean a prey of vast value and importance—sent abroad, to the different naval stations, with such studied secrecy, that it would almost seem, as if it had been intended to make an experiment, how far law and honor could be outraged by a nation, proverbial for respecting both; the heralds by whom it was first announced, were the commanders of their commissioned cruisers, who at the same instant carried it into effect, with every circumstance of aggravation—if of such an act there can be an aggravation. Upon such conduct there was but one opinion. It was condemned by reason and justice—it was condemned by that law which flows from, and is founded upon them—it was condemned, and will for ever continue to be condemned, by the universal voice of the civilized world.—Great Britain has made amends, with the good faith which belongs to her councils, for that act of injustice and oppression—and your memorialists have a strong confidence that the late departure from the usual course of her policy, will be followed by a like disposition to atonement and reparation. The relations, which subsist between Great Britain and the United States, rest upon the basis of reciprocal interests; and your memorialists
British government, and the firmness of our own, the best reasons to expect a satisfactory answer to their complaints, and a speedy abandonment of that system, by which they have lately been harassed and alarmed.
Your memorialists will not trespass upon your time, with a recital of the various acts, by which our coasts, and even our ports and harbors, have been converted into scenes of violence and depredation by which the security of our trade and property has been impaired—the rights of our territory invaded; the honor of our country insulted and humiliated; and our gallant countrymen oppressed and persecuted. They feel it to be unnecessary to add that the force of the nation should be employed, in repelling and chastising the lawless freebooters, who have dared to spread their ravages even beyond the seas, which form the principal theatre of their piratical exertions, and to infest our shores with their irregular and ferocious hostility. These are outrages which have pressed themselves, in a peculiar manner, upon the notice of our government, and cannot have failed to excite its indignation, and a correspondent disposition to prevent and redress them.
Such is the view which your memorialists have taken, in this anxious crisis of our public affairs; of subjects which appear to them in an alarming degree, to affect their country and its commerce; and to involve high questions of national honor and interest, of public law and individual right, which imperiously demand discussion and adjustment. They do not presume to point out the measures which great subjects may be supposed to call for. The means of redress for the past and security for the future, are respectfully and confidentially submitted to your wisdom. But your memorialists cannot forbear to indulge a hope that they would abandon with deep reluctance, with those who have ventured to inflict wrongs upon us and to advance unjust pretensions to our prejudice.
Signed by order and in behalf of the merchants and traders of the city of Baltimore.
Robert Gilmer, Chairman. J. A. Buchanan, John Bollins, James Calloun, Alexander McKim, David Stewart, Samuel Sturtevant, William Patterson, John Donnell, Hugh Thompson, Luke Terman, John Swan, William Lortman, William Wilton, Lemuel Taylor, Mark Pringle, Thomas Hollingsworth, Thomas Tenant, William Taylor, John Sherlock, Benjamin Williams, John Stricker, George Stiles, Henry Payton, Joseph Sterrett, Stewart Brown.
NOTICE. Pursuant to the last will and testament of Philip Gooch, dec'd. late of Amherst county, will be exposed to sale—
A Valuable TRACT of LAND, lying in the said county, on the main road leading from Lynchburg to New-Glasgow, within 3 miles of the latter and 18 of the former place; containing by estimation, four hundred and seven and one half acres, be the same more or less—To Be Sold to the highest bidder, for one third of the value in ready money, to be paid on or before the first day of January, 1807, at which time a title will be made and possession given. The balance of the purchase money, to be paid in four equal annual payments. To secure the payment of which, with interest from the date of each, bond with good security, and a mortgage upon the premises will be required from the purchaser or purchasers. The interest to be remitted in either case upon punctilious payment being made. It is thought safe to say of more of this Tract of Land, than that it is very valuable, and well worthy the attention of any person inclined to purchase property of the kind (being in a very agreeable and wealthy neighborhood) as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with pleasure go to view the premises, which will be shown at any time by application to either of the subscribers, living in the neighborhood thereof. The sale of the said Tract of Land as above described, and upon the terms, above mentioned, will certainly take place on the third Monday in March next, being court day of the said county, until which time the executors will treat privately with any person disposed to purchase upon the same conditions.
Wm. B. GOOCH, } Executors. ROBERT WALKER, } Jan. 30. Thos. P.
STRAYED. From Mrs. Wilson's, in Louisa county, on the night of the 31st December last.
A Very likely dark chestnut SORREL HORSE, five feet high, eight years old, white face, with some of his feet white, paces, trots and canters extremely well. He was seen the last night he went off, near Louisa court-house, and I do suppose he was aiming for Charlottesville where I purchased him, in September last, of Mr. John Winn. Any person that will deliver the said horse to col. James Lewis, Charlottesville, Maj. Nimrod Brantingham, of Albemarle, Mr. Ludlow Brantingham, of Louisa, or myself, shall be handsomely rewarded.
JAMES W. BRANTINGHAM. Columbia, (Virg.) Feb. 8. 4t.
GUM SWAMP,—FOR SALE. ON the 24th day of February next, will be sold that valuable TRACT of LAND, late the property of John Salle, dec'd, in Chesterfield county, containing five hundred acres, known by the name of the Gum Swamp, on the turnpike road, ten miles above Manchester, the buildings on which are commodious. One half of the purchase money will be required in hand and the other in twelve months.
ISAAC SALLE. January 28. 4t.
LAND FOR SALE. THE Subscriber will sell a great bargain, in the TRACT of LAND, whereon he now lives, lying on the waters of Hardaway river, in North Garden, in Albemarle county, containing about 500 acres. It is a rich soil, producing excellent Tobacco, Corn and wheat, with a stream running thro' it, supposed sufficient to turn a grist mill. It is supposed no one would purchase without viewing it, therefore it is unnecessary to be more particular in the description. Any one wishing to see the land or enquire of terms, will apply to the subscriber on the premises.
MATTHEW BROWN. January 24. T6t.
FOR SALE. A TRACT of LAND, in the County of Prince Edward, on which the subscriber now resides, containing 600 acres, within 6 miles of the Courthouse, and 8 of Hampden Sydney College. The situation is high, healthy, and in an agreeable neighbourhood. The land is well adapted to farming, having a sufficient plantation (which is fresh) to work 5 or 6 hands to advantage. The improvements are good, and well suited to the accommodation of a gentle family. Attached to the land is a grist mill, which runs the greater part of the year. Also a distillery, with all its apparatus. A credit of one and two years will be given for the greater part of the purchase money.
CHARLES SCOTT. February 11. (over 3w.)
Cumberland, January 25th, 1806.
MAKE notice that on the twenty-fifth day of March next at Green's old store, and on the twenty-sixth at Walhalla's old store, I shall proceed to take the depositions of sundry persons, to read in a suit depending in the County Court of Amelia; in which I am Plaintiff and you Defendant.
I am, &c. CAIN MAUN. MR. ARCHER PERKINSON. February 13. (law 3w.)
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTORY MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND. MAKES Boots shoes to any pattern fashion, equal in point MATERIALS and Workmanship to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the firmlast and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen in distance, who are disposed to forward me their nature, by paying attentions, the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were in person. A—the length of the Boot. B—the pitch of ditto. C—round the toe. D—round the toe. E—round the instep. F—round the heel. G—across the toe of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular and tick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. eptf
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the ninth requisition shall remain unpaid, or upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of any former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the 15th day of March next. The sale to commence at 12 o'Clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors, JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. February 13. (tdf.)
THE subscribers to the Library Society of Richmond, are desired to meet at Mr. Fletcher's Tavern, on Monday the twenty-fourth day of this month, at the hour of eleven o'Clock in the forenoon, to elect a President and three Directors, in conformity to the act of incorporation of the said Society, passed on the thirtieth day of January last.
Gentlemen who reside within the jurisdiction of the city of Richmond, or the limits of the town of Manchester, who wish to become members of the society, are requested to give in their names to the present directors before the twenty-fourth instant, in order that they may be qualified to vote for officers under the charter. That the directors may be enabled to make an addition to the Library, the present members who are in arrears to the society, are desired to pay their balances to the treasurer. THE DIRECTORS. February 13. 18th & 22d.
WARM SPRINGS, IN THE COUNTY OF BATH, VIRGINIA.
HAVING taken a lease on the WARM SPRINGS for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805; we wish to acquaint the public, that at a great expense and much labor, we have improved it, to accommodate gentlemen, 150 persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them is a range of framed stables 240 feet long, together with other stables roomy enough to hold 100 horses, also 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with fine chimneys, and finished off neatly; a large and commodious setting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for that purpose only. A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not desire to mix with the strong and healthy.
We have also taken a lease on the SWEET SPRINGS in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm, for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors. The swiftest attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we know from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected.
It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different houses of entertainment on the roads leading to the Springs have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which (above the ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances run to indicate that in future travellers will be well accommodated. We wish to purchase a Blacksmith, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given.
Also wanted to employ a discreet elderly woman to undertake the management of the place of house-keeper, either at the Warm or Sweet Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal encouragement, on application to us. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. February 21. eptf.
ROBERT GORDON & Co.
HAVE just received, and offer for sale, an additional supply of the best Madeira WINE in pipes, hds. and qr. casks. The two last vintages in Madeira, having yielded wine of a better quality than for several preceding years, they are enabled to say the quality is excellent—it is imported from two houses, from which very different flavored wine is sent. They have heard of the arrival, and will have at hand in a few days, a parcel of London Particular Dry Lisbon Wine, directed to be put up in the same way as some they had two years since, which gave great satisfaction to all who had of it; also, a parcel of Corks, Almonds and a quantity of Oranges in boxes.
ON HAND: Port Wine, in pipes, hds. and quarter casks; A few Demijohns Old Malawey at 8 dolls. per gall. A quantity of Sweet Copper and Tin Plates.
A general and extensive assortment of Dry Goods, consisting of Woollens of all kinds; printed goods, Manchester Stuff, Irish and Scotch Linens. Gloves and Hosiery, Hardware, Cutlery and Cutlery. Plain Cambric, Laced Cambric, Book, Chambray and Colonnade Muslins, &c. January 25. 2aw2w & 1aw3w.
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the Washington Tavern, on the 25th Dec. last, a Mulatto Man by the name of LEWIS, about 25 years of age. This fellow was formerly the property of Edward Garland of Hanover, was sold to a Mr. Shields of Goodland, and while the property of the said Shields, travelled very considerably through several states. I believe inasmuch as I have no doubt but he will attempt to pass for a free man, in the country of which may be discovered by attending to his person; he is about 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with rather an intelligent countenance when spoken to, and is a very well made fellow; indeed he has not a bad head for a fellow of his colour, being tolerably light; nor has he any marks by which he may be particularly known, other than those already mentioned, and that of his extreme politeness. He has a wife living in the estate of Mr. Watkins of Goodland, at a place called Dover Mills; yet his very general acquaintance may subject him to be caught elsewhere, perhaps in Lexington, in the county of Rockbridge (Virginia,) at which place he lived for some time prior to his being my property. He is a very good barber, and perhaps may attempt that calling for a support in some of the remote towns of Virginia. Nevertheless if he is secured in any jail within the state of Virginia so that I can get him again, or delivered to me in the City of Richmond, I will give the above reward and reasonable charges. February 4. EDWARD HALLAM. (t)
JUST received by the subscribers a few Hds. Prime ANTIGUA RUM—they have on hand a general assortment of Goods in their line. FISHER & LESUEUR. February 13. (t)
HAVE received direct from Bordeaux, 100 Boxes of PRUNES, which I shall sell very low; they are fine and very fresh. Those who feel an inclination to purchase a few boxes, will apply to the subscriber on Shockoe-Hill, in one of Judge Wythe's new brick houses. LEWIS M. RIVALAIN. & t. December 27.
NEGROES FOR SALE. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Hanover town, in the county of Hanover, on Tuesday the fourth day of next month, if fair, but if not, the next fair day.
ELEVEN likely NEGROES, belonging to the estate of Wm. Harris, dec'd, to satisfy a judgement obtained by Arnold's adm'rs. against the adm'rs. of the said Wm. Harris, dec'd. at the last Federal Court, held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond. The negroes consist of a middle aged and two young men, an elderly and three young women, two well grown boys, one about 12, and the other about ten years old, and two children. They are free from encumbrance, and therefore those who may become purchasers will meet with no difficulty as to the title. BEVERLY ROBINSON. Attorney in fact for Henry Harris, adm'r. of Wm. Harris, dec'd. Feb. 13. eptf.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling-Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 29. tf
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE. THAT large five story BRICK TENEMENT, north side of the Main-Street leading to the Capitol, now occupied by Mr. S. Rawlings, and in which Mrs. Harris has an interest during her life time. The situation is surpassed by none, being near the bank, the Capitol, the basin, and the post-office. For terms apply to AUBIN LAFORREST. Jan. 30.
BY Virtue of a Trust Deed from Alexander and Peter Field Trent, deceased, will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the 25th of this instant, in the town of Manchester, on the main street opposite the Old Warehouse, for cash or country produce, one half acre LOT of LAND, with several HOUSES (with a little repairs may be made tenable.) JOHN ARCHER. February 8.
TO BE RENTED, Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office.
THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERIWETHER JONES. February 4. tf
JOHN AMSDEN, From New-York, a few doors below the Court-House Richmond.
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has taken the house lately occupied by S. Ogden at a lacksmith shop, where he is carrying on the above business in all its various branches. He makes Edge tools, Horse and repairs Jack screws, Bellows and Steel Railing made to any pattern; House-Work in general executed with dispatch. He flatters himself that by the attention he will pay to his business, and from the experience he has had in the first class in the U. States, that he will give general satisfaction to those who are good enough to favor him with their custom. January 16. T & B Sp.
JOHN ALCOCK, INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-Street leading up from Proffer & Monroe's Vendue-floor, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials.
He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few windfor chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold uncommonly low for cash. January 30. tf
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. To be sold to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 1st day of May next, in the town of Lynchburg, and county of Campbell.
THAT large and commodious TAVERN and improved piece of ground, adjoining thereto; situated in the centre of said town and on the main street, at the corner leading to the jail and court house, and not more than thirty yards from the latter, opposite Lynch's Ware-House and the street leading from the ferry landing. The TAVERN contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball or dining room; the second floor contains six rooms suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This TAVERN has a portion the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house and stable with twenty-two stalls therein. The unimproved piece of ground contains 144 feet on the main street to Davis's Lot and a hundred feet on the middle street a Lot and a half which is called the Town Lot including the half Lot the stable stands on. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantages arising from its central and eligible a stand for a TAVERN and horse houses, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase the same without viewing the said property; there being no doubt they will be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation than any information they could get from this advertisement. The terms are one third of the purchase money paid down, one third 25th Dec. following and the remaining one third 25th Dec. 1807, the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. For further information apply to William Rose of Richmond or the subscriber living near Lynchburg. February 11. SAMUEL SCOTT. (t)
TO RENT, FOUR ROOMS in my House on the street leading from the Main-street on Shockoe Hill by the Governor's. The situation is healthy and pleasant, being in the centre of the town, near the Capitol and Main-street, it is very convenient for business; it would suit very well a gentleman of the law, as the lower room is well adapted for an Office. A final family would be preferred, which may have part use of the kitchen and stable for one or two horses. Immediate possession may be had. W. F. AST. Feb. 13. t8w
WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder for ready money, on the premises, on Monday the 17th day of March next, by virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Matthew Brown, to John Nicholas, and John Kelly, to secure the payment of a sum of money as expressed therein, with interest and expenses of the sale, due to John M. Shepherd & am by him transferred to Doct. Isaac Winston of Culpepper County, a part of the tract of land, lying in the North Garden, Albemarle County, whereon the said Brown now lives. The sale will take place, between the hours, twelve and three o'clock, P. M. JOHN KELLY. Acting Trustee. Charlottesville, Feb. 13. (14w.)