The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-21 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1809.
[No. 92.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON. MONDAY, Feb. 13.
The following article was communicated by a friend of Mr. Key's for insertion in the National Intelligencer. On inspecting it, reference was had to the report of Mr. Key's speech which appeared in the National Intelligencer. Finding it, in many respects, variant from the representation given of it by Mr. Key, his friend was desired to shew him the paper in which it appeared, with the intimation that in quoting the remarks ascribed to him, it would be most fair to use the precise language in which they were couched; and it was added, that if the opposite course was pursued, a very incorrect impression would be probably made through the medium of the federal prints, of the sentiments ascribed to Mr. Key. Notwithstanding, however, these intimations, the letter of Mr. Key was returned unaltered. Justice to ourselves, and to truth, compels us, under these circumstances, to cite the passages in our report, which Mr. Key refers to in his letter, to shew the variance between the two. The reader will particularly observe that in the report nothing is said of Mr. Key's approving or even respecting the conduct of the administration; but merely that he said— "I respect the administration on the whole."
The following is the paragraph as reported.
"Whatever difference of political opinion may exist between us on some points; I respect the administration on the whole, and every honest man of every political opinion must side with me"
The following is Mr. Key's Communication.
SIR. In your paper editing my observations on the letter of Mr. Canning, I am made to say, "that although I differed with the administration in some points, yet I approved of, or respected their conduct on the whole, as all honest men of every political description must do"—or words to that effect, for I have not your paper by me, nor did I see it till lately.
I presume I was indistinctly heard, for I have no thought of imputing intentional mistake, but my sentiments are not correctly conveyed.
My ideas were precise, and conveyed very nearly in these terms, "that though I differed with the administration on some points, yet I respected them too much not to rally round and support them against any foreign interference;" "that like husband and wife, however parties might differ amongst themselves, they would unite against the officious or insolent intrusion of third persons."
The illustration used, definitely fixed the idea; but as that part of my speech is reported, it is wholly inconsistent with my repeated and uniform declarations; and the latter part of it would be a most unwarrantable insinuation against a very respectable portion of the country, and my constituents in particular, who are decidedly opposed to the general measures of the administration.
I have been called to this subject from a general impression much circulated, that I had changed my political sentiments. I wish no human being to be deceived in that respect—they are uniform & decided—I hope liberal and not violent. I beg you to do me the justice to publish this, and I am, sir, your obt. servant.
PHILIP B. KEY. George Town, 10th Feb. 1809.
Extract of a letter—dated WASHINGTON, Feb. 8th 1809.
The folly, or the wickedness of the Essex junio is likely to produce essential good. They have precipitated the legislature of Massachusetts into a denunciation of the legislature of the United States; and every prudent, as well as every patriotic citizen in Washington has taken the alarm. From Philadelphia, New York and Baltimore, the expression of opinion flowing from the best men of every party runs in one current of indignation. The republicans, it is evident, instead of being seduced by the usurpations of GORE and COMPANY, will rally in opposition to it during a revolt from the constitution. Some worthy federalists, too, are preparing to resist their old friends, for the sake of preserving the only security which they have for their persons and their estates, against civil war. The following project of a motion, is said to be in confidential circulation, and will probably be offered to both houses next week.
Whereas, the legislature of the state of Massachusetts, usurping the judicial powers of government, has declared that certain laws, of the United States, enacted by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress assembled, are unconstitutional, and not binding upon the people of the said state; and whereas, the said legislature of Massachusetts, in manifest violation of the constitution of the United States, and in open defiance of the public authority of the people thereof, has proceeded to enact laws, for the avowed purpose of defeating and annulling the acts of congress aforesaid.
Therefore, it is resolved, by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress assembled, That a joint committee of the Senate and house of representatives, shall be appointed, consisting of one senator, and of at least, one of the representatives from each state, to consider the present state of the nation, and to report to Congress, whether the proceedings of the legislature of Massachusetts, as aforesaid, do amount to a secession from the union; and what measures ought to be pursued by Congress, on this important occasion, to vindicate and maintain the rights, jurisdiction and sovereignty of the U. S. Aurora.
General ODEBIAH GERMAN, of Chenango County, is elected a Senator of the United States for the next six years, to succeed Doctor Mitchell, from the fourth of March next.
The nomination of General Dearborn, as Collector of the port of Boston, has been approved by the Senate—Yeas 25—Nays 7. The resolutions, passed by the Senate of New York, as given in our last, have been adopted, without alteration, by the House of Representatives, Yeas 61, Nays 41.
NORFOLK, Feb. 15. The U. S. frigate the Chesapeake, capt. Hull, sailed yesterday on a cruise to the northward; and Commodore Decatur and Capt. Gordon proceeded to Washington in Palmer's Packet.
David Bucket was executed on the 10th ult. in West-Union (Ohio) for the murder of Mr. Wm. Lightfoot. He was attended in his last moments by the celebrated Lorenzo Dow, whose death had been some time since prematurely announced in the prints.
EXTRACT—DATED.
"St. Bartholomew, 16th Jan. 1809. "I am much astonished to find your embargo still in force—daily arrivals at this and other islands, generally by north-east gales, and horse jockeys, who would sacrifice the honor and independence of America for a fishing smack of codfish; I trust the government will bring them to a sense of their duty, and enforce the laws or perish in the attempt. Admitting all the evasions that have taken place, if the embargo is still continued a little longer, not a plantation in the W. Indies will be worth holding; we have accounts from Europe that the French in Spain are carrying all before them, the English troops will fall into the hands of the French. Bonaparte has declared not a soul of them shall return to England. The Spanish affairs placed the English in the garet, but I now assure you they are in the cellar, this is always the case with English men; if the tory faction in America have not too much influence and only suffer the government to hold the ground they have taken, America will be respected by that nation."
"It is this day said, from St. Thomas, that the English West India convoy, consisting of 80 sail, are totally destroyed by a French squadron of 12 sail of the line. From various information, much credit is given it here; if true the English islands will suffer much, and the expedition against Guadaloupe will be given up. The pirates have raised the blockade against Martinique and Guadaloupe—they will not get either place—a large French frigate has arrived at Martinique with 2000 barrels of flour and other provisions, she ran through the fleet off Martinique, they firing at her."
"The captains of privateers and cruisers under the English government say times are very bad since your embargo—but the accounts from the northern part of your country have raised their spirits, expecting the government will be obliged to lift the embargo, and they will then have their usual pickings—I can assure you all vessels bound to French ports, if boarded, will be condemned. Aurora. "
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on raising the Embargo, and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
FRIDAY, Jan. 20. (Mr. Gardener in continuation.)
But how do gentlemen make out rebellion in this case? Does any gentleman suppose the town meetings in New England are to rise up and make rebellion or unregulated resistance to the laws? Indeed let me assure gentlemen that there is not the slightest ground for apprehension of this kind. You must recollect, sir, that the general government was originally formed by free and independent states; and when the causes which produced the union ceased, it is not to be wondered at that the union should cease with it. And it is the duty of this body to take care that the cause which produced it shall be kept in full and complete existence. It is by employing proper means only, that you can ever hope to produce a desired effect. The government was instituted for certain purposes; when those purposes cease, the government must cease also. All free people know this; history is full of examples of it. Instead then of telling the people that they are in a state of rebellion, make your laws such that they will like them, as that they shall be happy under them, & then, sir, you never need talk to the people from this House. You have evidence of it under the present administration. The people felt obliged to it that they were happy, because the sun shone upon them; but the system pursued is at an end, because it was not calculated for the storm and tempest, it could not endure turbulent times. Because it has fallen to pieces, the administration has become more unpopular. The President himself has said that when laws please the people, they will rally round the standard of the law. It would seem, sir, as if a degree of pleasure was felt by some gentlemen in the house in supposing the prop of the E. & N. to be a people inclined to be restless. Suppose that the people of the south could not believe that the embargo would answer the purpose for which it was designed. Suppose that they were satisfied that it would bring them to no happy result. Is there that disposition in the people of the South that they would sit quiet and bless the hand, that put these useless burthens upon them? Is that the character of the south? I have a much better opinion of the people of the south than to believe it. If, notwithstanding the embargo has produced no effect, their great confidence induces them to go on supposing this thing, they act very patriotically in so doing. The North and East oppose it from motives equally patriotic; and it is strange to me, that, as to that point, thirteen months should not have brought all men to the same mind. When the people of the South, under a former administration, felt themselves aggrieved, when they thought that the public liberty was in danger, when they were told that the alien and sedition laws were about to ruin them, did they sit still under them? Was there a quiet submission to the government? No, sir, the legislature of Virginia did they what thought to be their
duty; they thought themselves right and the government wrong, and took a great and commanding stand for the liberty as they thought of Virginia. Why should not Massachusetts take the same stand when she thinks she is about to be destroyed—not because she differs from you on mere points of theory—it is their very bread which is attempted to be taken away from the people there, without which they cannot enjoy the liberty of the press and speech, a pressure infinitely more severe than that caused by the alien and sedition laws. And I am rather surprised that gentlemen whose hearts glowed with patriotism when they saw their own state take a stand, cannot endure the same stand when taken by another state. I do not make these remarks by way of casting a reflection on the state of Virginia; I do it to shew that human nature is the same throughout the U. States. Make your people believe that they are imposed upon and suffering without cause, and they will every where manifest the same disposition. Let the people of the south be but once convinced as the people of the North are, that this embargo is but a weak and feeble expedient, and they will join the people of the North against it. But it seems that in one point at least gentlemen show a proper practical disposition, and I give them most sincere thanks for it. They start at last at pursuing a system which might in the end produce consequences which I tremble to think of. But it seems at last that the embargo is to be repealed, and in behalf of the suffering country which I in part represent, I give gentlemen my most sincere thanks for it. But I beg of them, having made up their minds to relieve us from one calamity, that they will not, in the manner of doing it bring a still greater calamity upon us; that they will not, when we ask them for bread, give us a stone. The resolution, taken altogether, is no removal of the embargo.
It is a continuance of the embargo in its worst shape, in its most distressing form; though I believe, if gentlemen who are disposed to relieve us from the embargo could see the substitute for it in the same light in which it appears to my mind, that there would be no difficulty in rejecting the latter part of the amendment, proposing the issuing of letters of marque and reprisal. In that case vessels may get out; but where will they go? You will in that case be at war with both France and G. B. Is there any one who believes that we can enjoy any commerce under such a state of things? Do you affect to tell us that we shall be restored to the navigation of the ocean, and at the same time create dangers which did not exist before, by adopting such measures as will utterly prevent the practical enjoyment of liberty? You tell a merchant to go to sea and there he will be captured. It is trifling with the importance of the people, trifling with their interests, it is giving them nothing. It is strange, sir, that the government of the U. States when there was little real danger in navigating the ocean, should have thought it necessary for the purpose of "keeping in safety our essential resources" to lay an embargo; and that when they have by their measures made a safe navigation so impracticable that scarcely one in twenty can escape the clutches of the enemy, they should say to the merchants "now you may go." Depend upon it, sir, that you cannot deceive the people of the commercial states in this way. If you would comply with their requests, and obviate the further progress of the ruin, which like a blast has spread over them, restore them their commerce. They will thank you. You will strengthen the bonds of union, which should never be relaxed. Let them be the bonds of a great and high spirited people, they will endure forever. But do not give them this boon which in the moment of giving it, you prevent them from enjoying. An act which shall say that the embargo shall be repealed by prohibiting commerce more effectually by another mode than the embargo could do, will not and ought not to satisfy the people. There is nothing in it I protest to you, sir, that I feel no little affliction that, at a moment when I thought there was a probability that the embargo would be removed, the liberty of the seas should be wholly taken away by the proposed system which will produce war with G. Britain. The only difference between the two systems is, that you now enforce the embargo, and if this resolution takes effect, Great Britain will enforce it for you. The impossibility of carrying on a practical navigation will be precisely what it was before. I do not know, in point of expense, that it might not be better that Britain should keep on the embargo than that we should do it ourselves. If blood is to be spilt in keeping on the embargo, I had rather it should be British blood than American. Let us know what we have to depend upon, sir. If you mean to repeal the embargo, do repeal it. But remember that if in doing it you do not restore us the use of the ocean, you do not repeal it for that purpose for which its repeal is necessary. Remember that, sir; and let your acts be such as shall spread harmony and happiness through the country. But the people are too wise to suppose that any sincere disposition exists to restore commerce when you yourselves say that it shall be at an end, in the same breath that you profess to restore its wonted activity.
I was in hopes, when the first resolution on this subject was proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, that some compassion was to be manifested to the people of the east; but that hope declined with that day's sun. The same system is still to be persevered in. Can gentlemen hope, that they can restore the confidence of the people by this sort of conduct? Let the government either enforce the embargo or remove it. Let them either permit our citizens to go on the ocean, or let them say, that they shall not go on it. Let not gentlemen suppose, that the people of the east, will take such a present as that proposed. They will bye and bye shrink from your presents, and will not touch them. We beg for nothing but to be dealt fairly with, to be told in plain terms what you will do. If you do that which is right, and go to work and restore the prosperity of the country, we will join with you heart and hand; but we are not to be brought into inanimacy because a course is pursued which all reflection tells us is visionary. I was pleased yes-
terday, sir, with the impassioned eloquence of the gentleman from S. Carolina (Mr. D. K. Williams) as honest a man as God ever formed. He told us if we removed the embargo, we must go to war. It is in vain for gentlemen to expect us to go to war, when we can see no subject for war. We value too highly for that, the prosperity of our people, their wives and children. We go a mongst them and see their situation, they are a people fond of money, if you please; and when we find that a man can support life comfortably, we think there is really more honor in seeing the families in our cottages, well fed and decently clothed, than sending them out to fight, when no man can tell what it is for. It is not so spirited, sir, but there is much more happiness in it. When I have done my duty in keeping the people in a state of happiness, I can go home and place my head upon my pillow with a safe conscience; but I could not if I were to plunge this country into a war which on the one hand is unnecessary, and on the other can produce no good. If we even have real ground for going to war with Great Britain and France, if by going to war we could only be worsed, I would smother my resentment a while, and do as boys at school often do, wait till I am big enough to fight. I won't at least have the insinuation of wisdom of children. I know not what to add on this subject. My mind is exceedingly distressed by the course which it strikes me is now contemplated. I wish to see gentlemen less the orator and more practical; to see them abandon theory and consider for a while the means for promoting the plain honest comforts of the people.
(Debate to be continued.)
SATURDAY, Feb. 11.
A bill from the Senate to incorporate a company for opening a canal in the city of Washington was twice read; and on motion of Mr. Van Horn, was ordered to be read a third time to-day, 25 to 29. The bill was read a third time and passed.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
The bill concerning associations for the security of navigation being about to be read a third time, was, on motion of Mr. Eppes, with the assent of Mr. Dana, postponed till Monday, on the ground that it had not received that mature consideration by the House to which the importance of the subject entitled it.
The bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1809, was read a third time and passed.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Nicholas, from the committee on our foreign relations, (Mr. G. W. Campbell being detained from his seat by illness) reported a bill interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and for other purposes. The bill was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole on Tuesday next.
This bill provides for a repeal of the embargo, except so far as relates to Great Britain and France, on the fourth day of March next, repealing almost entirely the provisions of the embargo laws affecting the coasting trade; and for a total non-importation from Great Britain and France, to commence on the 20th May. It also excludes from the waters of the United States all armed vessels after the fourth of March next.
Mr. Love after a few prefatory remarks, offered the following resolution, which was referred to a select committee with leave to report by bill or otherwise:
Resolved, That the laws of the several states shall be regarded as the rules of proceeding on judgments and executions in the courts of the United States, except where the laws of the United States shall otherwise provide.
PUBLIC LANDS.
On motion of Mr. Morrow (O.) the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill from the senate, for extending the terms of payment for public lands. Mr. Desha in the chair. The bill being gone thro' was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading.
MONDAY, February 13.
Mr. Milnor presented a memorial signed by three thousand inhabitants of Philadelphia, praying a repeal of the embargo laws, and remonstrating against the act more effectually to enforce the same. It was read and referred to the committee of the whole House on foreign relations.
Mr. Mumford presented memorials from two of the wards of the city of New-York, praying a repeal of the embargo laws, &c. The reading was dispensed with, and they were referred to the committee of the whole on foreign relations.
Mr. Burwell was desirous to know the number of persons who had signed these memorials (he had not heard the number from Philadelphia) for he really contemplated the time, as not very distant, when this nation would submit to accept of the pittance of commerce prescribed by Great-Britain. He very much lamented to see such a tendency. He shuddered with horror at the contemplation of such a state of things; and he was anxious to know what number of persons were ripe for such degradation.
Mr. Mumford said the memorials were from the sixth and seventh wards.
Mr. Van Dyke presented several memorials of a similar tendency with the preceding, which were read and referred as above.
The House took up for consideration the bill from the Senate for making a turnpike from Mason's gauleway to Alexandria; after some conversation on the subject it was referred to the committee on the district of Columbia.
There was no business of general importance transacted this day. The bill for the relief of Daniel Coox was taken up and passed; and several other bills of a local, and one of a general nature (relative to associations of armed merchants) were committed to select and other committees, for consideration and revision.
TUESDAY, Feb. 14.
The bill for the disposal of certain tracts of land in the Mississippi territory, claimed
under grants from the Spanish government, and declared by the commissioners of public lands to be antedated, and for other purposes, was read a third time—a motion was made by Mr. Rowan, that it be postponed indefinitely. The motion was supported by Mr. Rowan, and opposed by Messrs. Poin-dexter and Morrow. Motion lost—Ayes 16. Mr. Ely moved that it be re-committed, which motion, after a diffuse debate, was lost. The bill was passed, 56 to 24.
Mr. Love reposted a bill to regulate process in certain cases in the courts of the U. S. Referred to a committee of the whole House.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Mr. Nicholas stated, that as one of the committee who reported the bill on the subject of non intercourse, he was prepared to act on it; but that he had been requested not to call it up, from the lateness of the day and thinness of the House.
ADDITIONAL DUTIES.
On motion of Mr. W. Alston, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Masters in the chair, on the bill for imposing additional duties on all goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States.
This bill provides, "That an additional duty of five per centum on the permanent duties now imposed by law, upon goods, wares and merchandise imported into the United States from foreign ports or places, shall be laid, levied and collected upon all goods, wares and merchandise, which shall, after the thirty-first day of Jan. 1809, be imported into the United States from any foreign port or place: And a further addition of ten per centum shall be made to the said additional duty, in respect to all goods, wares and merchandise imported in ships or vessels not of the U. S. and the duties imposed by this act, shall be levied and collected in the same manner, and under the same regulations, mode of security, and time of payment, respectively, as are already prescribed by law, in relation to the duties now in force on the importation of articles imported from any foreign port or place. That this act shall continue in force until the first day of April, 1810, and no longer. Provided, that the additional duties laid by this act, shall be collected on such goods, wares and merchandise as shall have been imported previous to the said day."
Mr. W. Alston, in the absence of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the Chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, moved to fill the blank in the bill with the word seventy five, stating that the opinions of the members of the committee had varied as to the proportion with which to fill the blank, some being for 100, some for 50; and 75 had been taken as the average.
The motion to fill the blank with "seventy five" was negatived 51 to 37; and "fifty" agreed upon, 59 to 30.
The words in italic in the above were struck out on motion of Mr. W. Alston.
The words "and allowances as to drawback" were inserted on motion of the same gentleman, between the words "regulations" and "mode of security, &c."
A motion was made by Mr. Milnor to strike out the first section of the bill, which gave rise to considerable debate; but was withdrawn by Mr. Milnor, who moved that the committee rise, with a view to recommit the bill. Motion negatived.
In the course of the debate, Messrs. Milnor, Lloyd, Tazewell, Sloan & Quincy opposed the principle of the bill on the ground that the House had not before them any specific information on which to act; that the duties on imported goods were already very high; that an increase of them would encourage evasions of the revenue laws by throwing out great temptations to smugglers; that the bill imposed additional duties indiscriminately on all articles imported whilst the House, however it might tax some articles, should avoid burthening those articles used almost exclusively by the poorer classes of the people; that the tax if raised as proposed, would operate as a complete prohibition of the importation of some articles; that an additional duty would increase the value of goods now in the hands of monopolizers, and excite discontent in a part of the community; and finally, that if the measure was proper in itself, it was at this time premature, the House not having decided what course of policy it would pursue.
Messrs. W. Alston, Fisk, Smith, Taylor, Eppes, and Rhea (T.) supported the bill. They remarked that those who were opposed to supporting the government would undoubtedly vote against any proposition for raising revenue; that besides producing revenue, the bill would encourage our own manufactures, and thus render us more independent of foreign nations; that this measure had been proposed at the last session, though not acted on, and was therefore not a sudden proposition; that if the proposition proposed were too large, the committee might refer it and agree to a smaller; that it would be impossible at this late period of the session to form a new tariff of duties discriminating between the increase of duty on different articles imported; that even supposing there were a difference of opinion as to the mode of laying the duty, the time for the spring importations was nearly arrived, and by delaying the passage of the bill beyond the present session the benefits of it would be lost; that a bill for imposing discriminating duties would be wholly different from this, and could not be got through the House during the present session.
Messrs. Lyon, Bacon, Cook, and Burwell were in favor of the object of the bill, but wished it to be so amended, as to discriminate between the articles on which the duty was to be laid, excepting from it those of the first necessity.
Mr. D. R. Williams wished to impose the additional duty exclusively on goods imported from England and France; and thus make the increase of duty a measure to operate on foreign nations as well as to produce revenue to the United States.
The bill having been gone through and a motion having been made that the committee report the bill.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to amend the bill by inserting after the words "goods, wares and merchandise" in the beginning of the bill, the words "the produce or manufacture of G. Britain and France, and the colonies of either," Mr. W. said it would be perceived that this motion was proposed wholly to change the aspect of the bill; and as it was late in the day, he moved that the committee rise, to give time for reflection on it. The committee then rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. Adjourned.

NON-INTERCOURSE.
On motion of Mr. NICHOLAS, the House resolved itself into committee of the whole, Mr. BASSETT in the Chair, on the bill for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and for other purposes. Mr. MILLER moved to strike out the first section of the bill, with a view to try the principle of the non-intercourse system. Mr. QUINCY entered at considerable length into an examination of the system of coercion on foreign nations by means of commercial restrictions. The idea of the efficacy of this system he traced to a deeper root than any administration under this government. It was an error of the American people, originating in a period antecedent to the revolution; it grew out of our colonial regulations. It began to be a favorable belief with the people, antecedent to the year 1780, and was then fostered by the patriots of that day, the idea being also encouraged by the patriots of England. Mr. QUINCY entered into a comparative statement of the exports from and imports to Great Britain from America at two different periods, viz. the nine years preceding the year 1775, and the nine years succeeding it, with a view to show that the average imports into Great Britain from all the world, during the nine years peace with this country, amounted to but about one thirteenth more than the average imports during the same period of war ; and the exports diminished, nearly in the same proportion. From his statements on this head and a comparison of the present relative situation of the two countries, Mr. QUINCY drew the inference that this supposed means of coercing the European powers did not exist. He deemed it peculiarly unfortunate that a confidence in this power of coercion had so long existed, as it had prevented the United States from making preparations which they otherwise might have made. He hoped the idea would now cease. In relation to our present situation, he recommended a plain remedy; comprised in two words: "Follow nature." What did the first dictate for remedying any complaint? The removal of all obstructions on her operations. Mr. QUINCY therefore recommended the removal of the embargo, the repeal of the non-importation act and the abandonment of the non-intercourse system. He wished "peace if possible; if war, union in that war;" for this reason unshackled with those impediments to it which now existed. As long as they remained, the people in the portion of the country whence he came, would not deem an unsuccessful attempt at negotiation to be cause for war; if they were removed, and an earnest attempt at negotiation was made unimpeded with these restrictions, and should not meet with success, they would join heartily in a war. They would not however go to war to contest the rights of Great Britain to search American seamen for British seamen; for it was a general opinion with them, that if a seaman were encouraged, there would be no occasion for the employment of foreign seamen. The removal of the embargo without adopting any other measure until the event of negotiation had been tried, Mr. QUINCY said, would prevent any collision with the belligerents which might tend to embarrass negotiation; and vice versa , would give an opportunity to the practical operation of these orders and decrees on our commerce; and give an opportunity to the next Congress to shape its measures according to their actual effect. If commerce did not suffer, the knowledge of this fact would supersede the necessity of any other measure, and peace would follow of course; if on the contrary, a general sweep was made of all the property afloat, it would unite all parties in a war. Mr. QUINCY concluded a speech of two hours in length, by lamenting the state of the country, and invoking the spirit which "rides the whirlwind and directs the storm" to guide the nation to a happy result. Mr. NICHOLAS replied to the observations of Mr. QUINCY on the subject of the legal opposition to the embargo laws in Massachusetts. He said if the laws of the nation were to be resisted in the manner in which he lamented to say that he saw it contemplated in one part of the community, it became the duty of this Legislature to meet it; it was not compatible with their duty to shrink from it. He could not consent that thirteen or fourteen states should submit to one. As men vested with certain powers by the constitution, Congress could not transfer the powers to any state legislature or to any town. In relation to negotiating with measures of coercion in existence, Mr. NICHOLAS asked when did the violations of our rights commence? So long ago that the precise time could not be fixed. When did our coercive measures commence? In 1806. Mr. N. noticed the negotiations during whose ministry abroad these injuries had commenced and continued. Mr. KING, Mr. MONROE and Mr. PICKERING, all honored men, had successively represented the United States in Great Britain. And could anything be gathered from any thing they had ever written or said, to induce a belief that the government had not acted with sincerity? There was the most conclusive evidence to the contrary. Mr. N. said he would ask nothing of Great Britain or France that would tend to sacrifice their honor; and he wished when gentlemen dwelt so much on the regard of foreign nations for their national character, that they would respect a little the character of our own country. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he had been decidedly in favor of issuing letters of marque and reprisal at once; he believed it would have cut off all time and matter now deteriorating the body politic for the people of New-England were as patriotic as any, and when the choice was between their own and a foreign country, they would cling to their own. It was the hot-bed politicians who stirred them up; and it was necessary to do something promptly to put an end to their intrigues. Mr. W. disliked the non-intercourse system throughout. He could not get war or a continuance of the embargo he wished, inasmuch as Great Britain and France had each interdicted us from going to the other, to declare that neither their armed or unarmed ships should contaminate our waters. This was a system which required no exertion of patriotism to carry into effect, which could excite no animosities between the north and south. In relation to the non-intercourse, he believed that it could not be enforced, and used a variety of arguments to show that it could not. If it could be enforced, he believed it would be prodigiously partial. If the embargo was to be kept up and was not to be substituted,
if the nation was to submit, he wished to do it profitably. If the embargo were raised as to a single spot, it was raised entirely to all effectual purposes. Then let your vessels go (said he) without let or hindrance; let them go and be burnt; your merchants will then feel that the embargo was a shield spread over them, and will come back to your protection like the prodigal son, and unite like brethren in the common cause. Mr. WILLIAMS said his plan was to interdict the entrance of our ports to belligerent vessels armed or unarmed, and lay a tax of 50 per cent. on their manufactures. Great Britain must either go to war or treat with us. If she was inclined to go to war in preference to revoking her orders in council, let her do so. But he was inclined to believe that she would treat. If she seized our vessels, however, the effect would be inevitable. Division amongst us would be done away—all would unite heart and hand in war. Mr. W. replied to a number of the observations of Mr. QUINCY—particularly in relation to his position that all obstructions ought to be removed with a view to negotiation. He asked what security had the United States if they did all this, if they submitted to such subject humiliation, that Great Britain would treat? Was it to be expected that she would treat more liberally, with us when we solicited as slaves, than she would whilst we magnanimously contended for our rights? The gentleman from Massachusetts (said he) when repeating his creed, had forgotten a part, viz: "Unfair the banners of the republic against the imperial standard!" This would "complete a project he had lately seen proposed from the east; and as to its application, coinciding with the wishes over the water would be just such a project as Mr. CANNING might dictate. 'Revoke your proclamation, remove the embargo and "unfair the republican banners against the imperial standard!"' Mr. WILLIAMS concluded a speech of an hour and a half in length with giving notice, that he should move to amend the bill, when the present motion was decided, by striking out all that part of it relating to non-intercourse, and inserting a provision interdicting the entrance of our harbors to any vessel of Great Britain and France, and imposing an additional duty on all goods imported from those countries. When Mr. WILLIAMS concluded, the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again.
THURSDAY, Feb. 16.
ADDITIONAL DUTIES.
The House this day passed the bill laying an additional duty (50 per cent. on present duties) on all goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. States.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
Some progress was made in the non-intercourse bill.
The motion for striking out the first section of the bill was negatived, 24 only rising in favor of it.
The twentieth day of May was fixed as the day on which the part interdicting the entrance of British and French vessels should take effect.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to strike out the fourth section of the bill (prohibiting the importation of British and French goods) and insert in lieu of it a section for imposing a discriminating duty of fifty per cent. on all former duties, on goods, &c. imported from those countries.
The committee rose without coming to a decision on this question.
[Further details of this day's proceedings in our next]
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
MONDAY, Feb. 13.
Mr. GILES occupied the greater part of the day in support of his resolution relative to the embargo, &c.
FEB. 14.
Mr. GREGG reported a bill authorizing an augmentation of the marine corps. [This bill passed to a third reading on the 16th. It authorizes the president to augment the present corps by one major, two captains, two first lieutenants, 185 corporals, and 594 privates.]
The senate resumed the consideration of Mr. GILES's resolution, which is as follows:
Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States be repealed on the fourth day of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, & the importation of any article into the U. States, the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
Mr. BAYARD moved to strike out the words in italic .
On this motion Mr. BAYARD spoke at great length, when the question was taken by yeas and nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Bayard, Gilman, Goodrich, Hithouse, Lloyd, Parker, Pickering, White—8.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Coodit, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howard, Kitchell, Leib, Matthews, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Pope, Reid, Simon, of Md. Smith, of N. York, Smith, of Tenn. Sumter, Thurston, Tiffin, Turner—23.
Mr. HITHOUSE moved to postpone further consideration of the resolution—Lost.
On agreeing to the original resolution the Senate divided—Yeas 22—Nays 9—All the members voting in the affirmative, who voted in the negative on Mr. BAYARD's amendment, and vice versa ; except Mr. TURNER, who on the resolution voted in the negative.
Ordered, that Messrs. GILES, SMITH of Md and CRAWFORD, be a committee to bring in a bill.
Wednesday, Feb. 15.
On motion of Mr. SMITH, of Md. Resolved that a committee be appointed to join some committee as may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, to consider whether any, and if any, what measures ought to be adopted for further accommodation of the president of the United States, for the term commencing the 4th of March next. Committee Messrs. SMITH of Md. WHITE and SUMPTER.
THURSDAY, Feb. 16.
Mr. GILES reported a bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes.
THE LAND advertised for sale, on Saturday last, belonging to the estate of Alexander Banks, was postponed in consequence of the business of the day, until Saturday, the 25th inst. It will then be offered for sale, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern, in Manchester, at 11 o'clock.
ROBERT GRAHAM, Administrator of the Estate of A. BANKS. February 2L
EUROPE.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 10.
LATEST NEWS.
Extract of a letter, from a gentleman at Havana, to his correspondent in this city, dated January 26, received by the Diaria.
"I am truly sorry to inform you that by the arrival yesterday of the ship Fortune from Liverpool, (which place she left the 20th ult.) the news from Spain is of a very disagreeable nature. Bonaparte is at the head of his armies, which appear to be victorious in all directions; he has separately beat Castanos, Blake, and the marquis Romana, all of whom seem to be retreating towards Madrid, as do the English (who have not yet come into action) under Sir John Moore, Baird and Hope. How all this has happened I cannot conceive, for our numbers ought to be four times as great as the French, but they had not concentrated their forces, and this man (who is the devil himself) has taken advantage of it, and in his usual way, has beat them in detail, one after another. One of his bulletins says, that he is within sight of Madrid, and I should not be surprised to learn that he has taken it. The London papers reach to the 17th December." Courier.
February 11.
TRANSLATED.
For the COURIER, from the Havana Ad-
BORA of the 28th January.
LONDON, Dec. 15.
The Government has published the following Declaration upon the negotiation proposed by Russia and France:—
THE proposals made by the Governments of Russia and France have not terminated in any negotiation; and as the correspondence is concluded, his Majesty thinks it immediately to make public the result. The continual appearance of a negotiation after seeing that it was absolutely impossible to obtain a peace, would only be advantageous to the enemy. It would offer to France an opportunity to sow discord and jealousy in the councils of those who are united to resist oppression, and the illusive prospect of a peace between Great Britain and France could only be prejudicial to those nations which grown under the tyranny of French alliance, or those which preserve a vacillating and precarious independence, if among them there should be one which actually is wavering between the inevitable ruin of a prolonged inactivity, and the consequent risks of an effort to liberate itself. These proposals would hold out the vain hope that they might be permitted to renew their tranquillity, or would alarm them with the fear of remaining alone in the contest. His Majesty was fully persuaded that this was the principal object of France in the proposals that were made to him from Erfurt, at a time when such terrible consequences would result from the decision of Peace or War, both from its importance and the uncertainty of the result. His Majesty saw the necessity of investigating, if it were possible, the views and designs of the enemy. It was difficult for his Majesty to believe that the Emperor of Russia should so blindly have delivered himself up to the violence and ambition of that power, with whom his Imperial Majesty has unfortunatly allied himself; that he should be disposed to assist openly in the usurpation of the Spanish monarchy, and to acknowledge and defend the rights which France has arrogated to herself; to depose and imprison the Royal Family, and to compel them by force to transgress the oath of fidelity of an independent nation; therefore, when it was proposed to him, his Majesty to enter into a negotiation for a general peace, in concert with his allies, and to treat either on the basis of the Uti possidetis , which until now has been a subject of so many disputes, or on any other basis whatever, compatible with justice, honor and equality; his Majesty determined to oppose to this selfish and moderate proposition, a candid and sincere one on his part—His Majesty declared he was ready to enter into the negotiation in concert with his allies, and therefor e communicated to them immediately the proposals which he had received. But as his Majesty was not leagued with Spain by a formal treaty of alliance, he judged it necessary to declare, that the engagements which he had contracted in the face of the world with that nation, he considered not less sacred nor less obligatory on his Majesty, than the most solemn treaties; that his Majesty would negotiate in concert with the Spanish Government, in the name of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VII.—The answer given by France to this proposal of his Majesty, discovered immediately the veil which was used to cover its schemes, and shewed, at once, the arrogance and injustice of that government. To the Spanish nation in general, they have applied the degrading title of Spanish Insurgents, and the demand of the admission of the Spanish government as a party in the negotiation, was thrown aside as inadmissible and insulting! His Majesty has received, with as much astonishment as sorrow, the answer of the Emperor of Russia; and although to the same effect, is less indecorous in its tone and manner. He characterises as an insurrection, the glorious efforts of the Spanish people in favor of their legitimate Sovereign, and in defence of the independence of their country; and has sanctioned by the authority of his Imperial Majesty, an usurpation which has not its equal in the history of the world. His Majesty would have readily embraced the opportunity of a negotiation that would have presented some hope or prospect of a peace compatible with justice and honor—His Majesty regrets extremely any thing which will aggravate and prolong the sufferings of Europe; but neither the honor of his Majesty, nor the generosity of the British nation will permit him to commence a negotiation by abandoning a loyal and brave people, who are fighting for the preservation of all that is most dear to men and whose efforts, in a cause so notoriously just, his Majesty has obligated himself most solemnly to support.
"Westminster, December 15th, 1808."
The Editor of the Havana Advertiser cautions his readers against giving full credit to the reports which were in circulation of the disastrous state of the patriotic cause in Spain. The accounts which were published in the London papers to the 12th December, he says, were copied from the French Bulletins, and therefore must be received with great allowance. He adds, the success of the French is always exaggerated and very often is totally unfounded. It is within the recollection of every person, that at the moment when DUPONT was surrendering his army to the victorious patriots, the French official papers, were filled with accounts of his successes against the Spanish insurgents as they arrogantly called them. For our own parts, however, we fear there is too much reason to believe these accounts
of the success of the French to be correct.
The same paper contains a statement of the patriotic force in Spain: Gen. Castanos' army is composed of 18,000 men; General Palafox 75,000, the Marquis de la Romana 90,000, and an army of Reserve of 140,000 men.—Courier.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 21, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
It is known to many of you that I have been for several years past engaged in the public service as superintendent of the manufactory of arms. The selection of the site, the plan of the building, the scheme of the machinery are my work; in short the whole edifice, & every thing connected with it, have risen under my eye and by my direction. I had previously visited every public institution of the kind within the United States; it has been my pride to make ours superior to them all, and, in short, to carry it to the highest degree of perfection which my powers were capable of attaining. With this view, I relinquished all other pursuits, and have devoted eleven years of the prime and flower of my life to this great national object. How far I have succeeded, it is not for me to say—I may safely appeal to the sentiments of all the travellers either from other states or from Europe who have seen this institution. This however, I can truly affirm, in the presence of that being whose search the secrets of the human heart, that in superintending the establishment in which I have been engaged, I have done my duty, nor in relinquishing it, have I been passionately attached to the object, & I have been passionately attached to it, and even with enthusiasm. As the annual reports of my proceedings, have been regularly laid before the executive and communicated by the Governor to the assembly at every session—as the manufactory, and every thing in relation to it have been constantly open to the inspection and examination of the bodies and I have ever been ready to give such explanations as every explanation desired by either—and as I have never heard from those bodies any other language than that of approbation and even applause, I had reason to hope that the sincerity of my motives, at least, had been justly appreciated, and that if not an useful, I was deemed a faithful and a zealous servant of the public.
Within the last few days of the session of the legislature, which has just closed, my hopes have been reversed. I have seen the cabal of a few miserable wretches, which (consisting of my own purity, and confiding in the justice of my country) I had looked upon with silent contempt—I have seen that cabal successful and triumphant—I have seen the House of Delegates of Virginia, within the few last hours of their session, in the midst of production, and impatience to rise, refusing to hear the evidence of an accused man, and lending the weight of their respectable name to assist the malignity of my accusers. I know what is due to the representatives of the people; but I know, also, what is due to the people themselves, of whom I am one. It is to the higher tribunal of the people, that I appeal from the sentence of their representatives. I complain that in my person, the bill of rights and constitution of Virginia, have been grossly and cruelly violated; that a privilege allowed to the meanest within his society, who stands accused, has been denied to me; that I have been condemned without a hearing; that my documents, my witnesses, and all the evidence which went to repel the charges against me, and to prove not only my innocence but my zeal for the public service, have been illegally and unconstitutionally excluded from the view of the House, which was to act upon my case; that the report of a committee founded on a half view of the subject, and not founded upon superficial and false calculations, has been hastily and inconsiderately passed through the House; that in the rash and fatal moment of hurry and prejudice, the House of Delegates have practised upon me an act of injustice, of barbarous oppression & despotism, which would not be endured even in a monarch.
These are the points to which I beg the consideration of the people. It is not the language of general complaint and indignation that I shall employ. I will submit to the people a calm and uncolored statement of facts, supported by evidence; that evidence, which their representatives refused to examine, will nevertheless be examined by the people, themselves. The people are the natural guardians of each other's rights and characters. Whether shall an individual, who has been outraged and oppressed by any body of men, no matter how constituted—whether shall he fly for redress, but to the body of the people; the fountain of power and of justice? It is to that body that I fly for redress. I ask not for sympathy, for pity; I ask but for justice: I entreat a calm and candid hearing; and to stand or fall, by the evidence, only.
I propose, in a series of numbers, to examine the report of the Armory committee, as it has been adopted by the House of Delegates. I pledge myself to demonstrate that the charges made by that report are not founded in fact. I am aware of the strength of this expression: & I am prepared to make it good in its fullest sense. Had the House of Delegates received the report of their committee at an earlier day of the session, when they would have been less in a hurry to adjourn, and, therefore, better disposed to receive explanations and to hear the proofs, this appeal would have been rendered unnecessary. They must not be surprised if I refuse to sit still under the imputations which have been cast upon me. "The worm that is trodden upon, will twist." Nor is it in the imping song name of a H. of Delegates, to make me bear with the silence of guilt, the charge of offences which my soul abhors, as much as that of any member of that House.
JOHN CLARKE.
EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the Governor's communication as relates to the manufactory of arms, and who were instructed to enquire into the manner in which the institution has been conducted since its commencement; the amount of money appropriated and expended; the number of arms completed, and the various descriptions thereof; the un wrought materials on hand; the component parts of arms; the quality of the arms made; & to make such further enquiries into the state and operation of the said manufactory, as they may deem interesting to the public, have, according to order, performed the duties to them assigned, and beg leave to submit the following
REPORT:
Under the first branch of the duties assigned to your committee, it was deemed expedient to ascertain—
1. The quality of the materials of which the public arms are made.
2. The conduct of those to whom the law has committed the superintendence and management of the institution.
The chief material in manufacturing fire arms is iron. Since the 1st day of May, 1801, until the 1st day of October, 1808, a sum nearly equal to 25 000 dollars has been drawn from the treasury for purchases made of that article; the amount could not be precisely ascertained, owing to bar iron and
sheet iron being blended in the accounts rendered, and in one instance, the expenditure of 1,310 dollars is stated to have been for bar iron and gun stocks. The sum estimated above, however, is, in the opinion of your committee, not far variant from the sum actually expended for bar iron.
The nature of the service in which fire arms are employed, requires that they should be composed of the best materials, particularly that the barrels, and locks should be made of fine and malleable iron, the best that could be procured. In the opinion of your committee, the iron generally used at the manufactory of arms for these purposes, is not of that description (though there has been some improvement of late in that particular) a great waste of the public materials has been the consequence. Large quantities of iron originally purchased at the price of good bar iron, after much money has been expended in drawing it into shape, welding it into barrels, and boring, and grinding the barrels, becomes by their bursting, scrap iron, much less in value than an equal quantity in its original state, besides the quantities of other scrap iron are much greater than if the iron was of good quality. The following statement will furnish evidence of the correctness of this conclusion.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Weight, Value. Items include: Weight of bursted gun barrels, Do. of other scrap iron, including 1,332 lbs. scalps.
Making in the whole of scrap iron on hand. Extensive of so be sold & otherwise made use of the amount of which cannot be ascertained.
From this it will appear that about 1,500 barrels, on which much money has been expended to bring them to that state, when ready for the first proof, have become scrap iron, worth about 15 cents each.
Your committee begs leave to present to the House another view of this subject, which combined with the annual reports of the superintendant, will, perhaps, be more satisfactory.
From the books kept at the armory, it appears that from the first day of May, 1802, until the 1st day of November, 1808, both days inclusive,
Table with 3 columns: Item, Amount. Items include: The number of gun barrels forged, The number of gun barrels welded, And, the number of guns finished, By deducting the number of scalps on hand, the number of barrels in an unfinished state, and the number of guns finished, from the number of scalps forged, the remainder will be the number of barrels and scalps burst, or which became unfit for use during the period aforesaid.
To elucidate this principle, your committee beg leave to draw the attention of the House to the books and report embracing the above data, to the 1st day of Oct. 1807.
At that period as appears by the books, there were scalps forged, Barrels welded, Guns finished.
It appears from the report of the superintendant, dated December 21st, 1807, that there were on hand the 1st day of October, preceding— Muskets scalps forged, Barrels welded, Do. ground and bored, Do. breeched, looped and sighted, Muskets stocked, not finished.
Add the No. of guns then finished Total, Which deducted from the whole number of gun scalps forged, leaves the number of scalps & barrels unfit for muskets to the 30th Sept. 1807.
The result of this comparison, up to the 1st day of December last, is, that 9,633 scalps and barrels have been destroyed, or become unfit for use after the barrels were forged.
Steel is another material of considerable moment in manufacturing arms, particularly swords and bayonets. For the purchase of this article, there has been drawn from the treasury, from the 1st day of May, 1801, to the 1st day of October, 1808, the sum of $8,497 71 cents—There remain now on hand at the armory, 11,200 lbs. of scrap steel, including 2,639 lbs. in ken sword blades. It appears to your committee that the steel is generally of as good quality as can be procured.
Gun and pistol stocks are another material necessary for fire arms, for which the sum of 6,840 dollars 43 cents, has been drawn from the treasury within the period above mentioned, exclusive of part of the expenditure of 1,510 dollars to Pickett, Pollard and Johnston. Those used at the manufactory are of tolerable quality.
2. As it respects the conduct of those to whom the law has committed the superintendence and management of the institution, your committee begs leave to state, that by the laws passed on the subject, the executive power was vested with very general and extensive discretion, as well in erecting the buildings, machinery, &c. the expense of which amounts to 164,000 dollars 52 cents, as after the operations commenced, in regulating the manufacturing of arms, and superintending the disbursement of public money; the power was necessary to be vested somewhere, and it was conceived that those who composed the Executive department, and responsible in their official characters, were the proper persons to whom to confide, in this respect, the public interest; a check and control over those more immediately concerned in the management of the institution, and in the expenditure of the money appropriated by law, was contemplated by the grant of this power.

end of free and limited government. On this subject, your committee beg leave to submit the following facts:  In the month of August, 1799, John Clarke, being then superintendent of the penitentiary and armory buildings, for which he received four hundred pounds per annum, made a contract with the Executive to perform the machinery then contemplated as necessary, 1st, For making fire arms, swords, and bayonets; 2d, for putting in motion two trip hammers; 3d, the machinery necessary for the making of cannon. For the performance of this work, the Executive contracted to pay Mr. Clarke the sum of 10 057 dollars, in certain instalments, the last of which became due when the whole was completed. Very shortly after the commencement of the work, various improvements and alterations were suggested to the Executive by Mr. Clarke, and he was permitted to depart materially from the said contract, and indeed, to use his own discretion in every respect, for the purpose of making as was alleged, the work more perfect and complete. So high was the opinion of the members of the Executive, of the talents and integrity of Mr. Clarke, and their confidence so submitted, that no written or verbal stipulations were entered into as to the work to be performed, or the compensation to be made, nor was any advice entered on their journals respecting it.
It further appears to your committee, that the sum of 9 957 dollars were drawn from the treasury by Mr. Clarke, before and during the year 1802, except an inconsiderable sum which was drawn afterwards. These sums, except the last, were drawn on the certificates of Mr. Clarke, stating that the machinery had arrived at that stage, when by the contract he became entitled to the sum drawn for, which generally corresponded with some instalment stated in the contract. The machinery necessary to make swords, it appears to your committee, was not completed until 1805, and that for the foundry of cannon is not yet completed.
From the month of February, 1801, until March 1807, the sum of 19 125 dollars was drawn from the treasury, in the name of Joseph Young, in various sums, from £ 31 3s 6d to £ 287 9s 6d, and generally drawn monthly. The evidence on which these sums were obtained, are the certificates of Mr. Clarke, stating that the said Young was entitled to receive the amount for extra work done on the machinery, fixtures and apparatus. The money so drawn, was received by Mr. Young, who was in the employment of Mr. Clarke as his foreman, at 45 dollars per month, and after paying himself and other hands employed at sums from £ 5 to £ 10 per month, paid the balance regularly to Mr. Clarke.
It also appears to your committee, that some of the members of council knew that the sums so drawn were for the benefit of Mr. Clarke, whilst others appear to have been ignorant of that fact.
It also appears to your committee, that in the month of December last, Mr. Clarke preferred a claim to a committee of the Executive, who were appointed in the month of June preceding, to examine the subject respecting the machinery, in consequence of a certain publication against the superintendent. This claim embraced two items: one for machinery actually executed in pursuance of the said contract, amounting to 3867 dollars 11 cents, and the other for 14626 days work, alleged to be performed by the hands in the employment of Major Clarke, at 1 dollar 75 cents each day's work, the aggregate sum amounts to 379 dollars 68 cents more than the whole sum drawn from the treasury in the names of John Clarke and Joseph Young, which balance Mr. Clarke claimed; but payment has been suspended by the Executive hitherto, owing as was stated, to a difference due to your committee: the claim, so far as it respects the 14626 days work, was supported by the affidavit of the said Young.
Your committee are by no means satisfied that the number of days work as claimed by Mr. Clarke, have been performed, on the contrary, it is not only extremely doubtful, but on a comparison of all the evidence, it appears almost certain that the statement is inaccurate.
Your committee examined the said Young on the subject, but his testimony instead of dispelling all doubts, had a tendency to increase them. He stated that he kept the account of the number of days during which the mill wrights were employed, on what Mr. Clarke told him was extra work, on little slips of paper, or small memorandum books, and at particular periods furnished Mr. Clarke with an account of the number of days, who stated the general results on sheets of paper. Your committee enquired for the books in which the accounts of days were kept, but to their surprise, none could be produced, except a small paper book, which served only to show how loose, improper and unsatisfactory the accounts were kept. Mr. Young further stated, that when his affidavit was written in the month of December last, which was done by Mr. Clarke, and afterwards copied by the clerk of the armory, sheets of paper, which he conceived to be the same on which he saw the accounts written were produced by Mr. Clarke—that Mr. Clarke, in his presence, added the number of days, and made the result 14626. Your committee enquired for those sheets, but they were not produced. Young appeared to be an ignorant, illiterate man, and totally incapable to act as an accountant.
Your committee resorted to other testimony to ascertain the truth, but that did not enable them to determine the precise number of days. They were enabled, however, to ascertain that in the whole there were twenty-two hands employed, whose time of service varied from one month to seven years. That between the latter part of 1799, and the same period in 1802, there were sometimes eleven hands employed, generally about six or seven; that after November, 1802, until the final close of the extra account in March, 1807, there were generally two, one month as many as six, and occasionally three or four for a short time, exclusive of one other person, whose whole time of service in the period mentioned, amounts to but two and a half years.
It also appeared, that during this time, Mr. Clarke had other work for individuals to perform, in which his hands were engaged, and that the average number of working days of one person employed, for upwards of four years, were eighteen or twenty in every month.
Your committee, in order to enable them to ascertain whether the work actually performed, was worth the sum of 10 057 dollars, 67 cents, directed John Strode and Richard Young, persons stated to be well acquainted with the value of machinery, to ascertain and value the work performed by Mr. Clarke at the manufactory of arms. They
made different reports, to which your committee beg leave to refer. They state that a considerable portion of the work performed and charged in Mr. Clarke's account as extra, was, in fact, comprehended in the contract, and the whole amount at which they estimate all that was done, including contract and extra work, and allowing for repairs, 15,000 dollars.
In their report they estimate the value of the work performed in pursuance of the contract, at much less than is thereby stipulated.
Your committee solicitous to have every view of the subject of which it was susceptible, at the desire of Mr. Clarke, appointed Francis Purdie, and Matthew Woodson, who assisted in performing a part of the work, the former as journeyman, & the latter as journeyman and apprentice to Mr. Clarke. The duties assigned to them by your committee were, to view, measure, and value the work done in pursuance of the contract, and that which was done on extra account. Their report is totally vague, indefinite, and unsatisfactory; it neither states what work was done under one or the other of them, nor what is the value of the whole or a part, (except two articles, one at 300 and the other at 800 dollars) nor do they state the number of days which were necessary to perform the whole work. Your committee beg leave also to refer to their report.
With respect to the conduct of the officers, as more immediately connected with the operations of making arms, your committee beg leave to state, that although considerable exertions have been made by the superintendent to select good iron, yet the mode pursued of depending on sale iron, is not always calculated to obtain that which is best. In a matter in which the public interest is so deeply concerned, which exhausts a considerable portion of the annual revenue, and in which the security of the people is so much involved, more than common assiduity ought to be manifested and your committee are of opinion, that if proper means were used, standing contracts for the best warranted iron might be had upon terms perhaps not as cheap as ordinary iron, yet infinitely more advantageous to the public, and this your committee would deem the proper course to be pursued, though it has hitherto been neglected by the superintendent, to whom of course it appears to have been made that effect.
On the internal regulations of the manufactory of arms, and the manner of keeping those employed there, many complaints are made by some of the artificers; some of them are either unfounded, or the regulations complained of, indispensably necessary in an institution of this kind. Among those of the latter description, is one which requires every person to perform certain stipulated work, every month, and in default of performing it, he is charged with six per cent. on the amount of the work in arrear.
Another regulation would be equally proper, was the iron generally of better quality; the barrel welders do not receive payment for barrels which burst in the first proof (owing to bad workmanship) and other artificers are treated in the same manner when their work is unfit for use. It frequently happens that the work appears not to be properly executed, when in fact the defect is in the material; this is particularly the case where welding is necessary, as that operation cannot be well performed with bad iron. Independent of the discounts before mentioned; it appears to your committee, that a deduction of ten per centum has been made in many instances from the labour of barrel welders, for which no satisfactory reason has been assigned.
The manner of making payment to the artificers is, in the opinion of your committee, often very injurious to them; their payment is always in arrear at least one month, and some times longer; the object of this regulation is stated to be, that the amount due them may be an indemnity to the public, should they embezzle the materials confided to them; this object (was it otherwise proper to place the honest and dishonest on the same ground) it is not practicable, in the opinion of your committee, to effect this regulation.
It also appears to your committee, that in order to remedy the inconvenience of not being paid regularly, some of the artificers, named, intended to be presented to the Legislature, in which they stated the fact of not being paid when the money became due, and the consequent injury which resulted to them—against any of the officers it contained no imputation, and was couched in respectful terms towards the superintendent.
The officers appeared much displeased with the artificers concerned, when it came to their knowledge, & intimations were thrown out by both the Master Armorer, that if the memorial was presented, those who had signed it would be discharged—some of the artificers, in consequence thereof, withdrew their names. It appeared also, that the superintendent proposed to one of the artificers, that he would procure him the appointment of Master Armorer, to fill a vacancy then expected, if he would use his influence to procure a counter-memorial.
The manner of keeping the books and accounts at the manufactory of arms, is calculated to involve the concern in much perplexity, and the state of the institution and the general results, cannot be ascertained, in their present situation, without great labour, and then perhaps not accurately. To prove this your committee beg leave to refer to the statement made by the superintendent to a committee of the House of Delegates last year—from that it appears, that on the first day of October, 1807, 9725 muskets with bayonets, had been finished, and from the books, 9203 appears to be the actual number; this variance be between the superintendent's reports, & the books, existed as early as Dec. 1, 1804. The reports state, that from the commencement to that day, 4683 muskets had been finished; the books state, 4165 only.
The whole amount of money specifically appropriated to carry on the operations at the manufactory of arms, from their commencement until the 1st day of October last is
  Cavalry swords, 3,955   Artillery or Grenadier swords, 533   Polished iron scabbards, 18   Do. do. lined with wood, 1,138   Do. do. do. japanned, 1,979   Sets of Tips for leather scabbards, 352   Sets of do. for artillery swords, 158   Do. do. for leather scabbards, 250   Do. do. do. do. do. do. 50   Powder horns, 100 
  Amount of money drawn from the treasury for the manufactory of arms, from the 1st day of May, 1801, to the 1st of Oct. 1808, as per Auditor's statement, 264,622 60   From which deduct,   Charges improperly made to that object, $ 2,281 14   Three fourths of the amount expended for tools, 6,949 6   Materials on hand as per Superintendent's report, 9,702 70   Component parts as by the same statement, 49,591 12   59 tons, 2 cwt. 0 scrap iron, at 60 dollars per ton, 2,547 5   11,220 lbs. scrap steel, at 7 cents per lb. 785 40   207 Rifles with long bayonets, 16 dls. 50 cents, 5,415 50   137 do. without bayonets, at 15 dollars, 2 055   1503 Pistols, at 6 dls. each, 9,018   3953 Cavalry Swords, without scabbards, at 5 dls. each, 19,765   48 Polished iron scabbards, 56   1155 Do. iron scabbards, lined with wood, 2 33 1-3 dls. 2,648 33   1977 Japanned scabbards, d. 2 60 5,145 40   555 Artillery swords, d. 4 20, 1,398 60   100 Powder Horns, 76   352 Sets of tips for leather scabbards, 268 28   158 do. do. for artillery swords, 82 47   250 do. do. for leather scabbards, 182 50   50 do. do. do. do. do. do. 36 50   115,804 5 
  From which deduct for files improperly included in charge of materials on hand, 1 482   114,222 5 
Which sum deducted from the sum drawn from the treasury leaves the sum 150,500 55  For which sum 10,995 muskets have been furnished, which cost the public at that estimate 14 dollars 55 cents.  Your committee have taken the number of muskets finished from the books of the institution, and have disregarded the number stated in the report, because on examination of the pay rolls filed in the auditor's office, it appeared that the books in that particular gave the true number.  As it respects the number and quantity of component parts and materials on hand, and other arms and articles completed, your committee have taken the statement and valuation of the officers, except the value of rifles, pistols, swords, and scabbards, which your committee estimated from the testimony and their own information.
On the statement so furnished by the officers, your committee beg leave to observe, that however accurate it may be as to quantity and number, it is certainly very defective as to prices or value. Your committee beg leave to notice a few of the many instances which occur. In that part which contains the estimate of stock on hand, iron is charged at 147 dollars per ton, while it appears that article has been purchased for the use of the armory, from 100 to 120 dollars per ton.
11,460 musket stocks are estimated at 25 cents each, the greatest portion of which cost only 18, some 19, and a few 21 cents—8092 pistol stocks are estimated at 12 cents each, which cost only 6 3/4, and a few 8 cents each. In the estimate of component parts, one same rule seems to have been adopted—your committee beg leave to select a few instances to show the incorrectness of the estimate made. 1853 welded barrels, are charged at 159 cents each; in the last annual report they were estimated at 114 cents—2279 pistol barrels, in different situations, as stated to be on hand, which are estimated from 20 to 30 per cent. more than in the report of last year. In a number of other instances, which your committee deem unnecessary to detail, similar instances occur—your committee are therefore induced to believe, that the component parts & materials on hand, are estimated at least 25 per cent. more than they are really worth.
Your committee have not included in the foregoing estimate of disbursements, for the manufactory of arms, the expense necessary to keep the machinery in repair, which amounts to 1000 dollars per annum. If that should be deemed a proper charge, and your committee are correct in estimating the materials and component parts at 25 per cent. less than the statement of the officers, then the account would stand thus:
  Nett sum of disbursements as above stated, Dollars 150,500 55   One fourth of the estimate of materials and component parts, 14,823   Expense of keeping the machinery in repair, 6,000   171,123 55 
capital employed in erecting the buildings, and furnishing tools and apparatus, which amounts to about 170,000 dollars, and the interest on which sum would amount, since the money was drawn to upwards of 60,000 dollars.
The difficulty and perplexity of the inquiry, which was confided to your committee, deprived them of time sufficient to ascertain the number and quantities of component parts and materials on hand, they were therefore compelled to take the statement of the superintendent, which they herewith exhibit.
As to the quality of the arms manufactured, your committee beg leave to refer to that part of this report, which states the quality of the iron employed. It is impossible that the arms should be generally good, though the workmanship may be of the best kind, when the materials of which they are composed are unfit. In this opinion your committee are supported by complaints and information from various quarters of the commonwealth; the muskets, in many instances seem to be not calculated for the purposes of war; those manufactured the two last years, however, appear to be considerably better than those formerly made.
The rifles appear totally unfit for any useful purpose. The workmanship and materials combine to render them very far inferior to what rifles ought to be, as to accuracy in directing the shot and durability in undergoing service.
The pistols though otherwise well executed, yet being of the calibre of muskets, and larger than ordinary pistols, render them unwieldy and not so well calculated to answer the purposes of war.
The swords are generally composed of fine materials and well executed, many of them are much curved in their form, which renders it difficult to draw and return them.
All of which is humbly submitted.
MONDAY, Feb. 13.
The Speaker laid before the House, a memorial from Mr. John Clarke, superintendent of the manufactory of arms, on the subject of the report of the committee appointed to enquire into the management of the said manufactory of arms.
The said report being read, was on motion, ordered, with the documents accompanying the same, to be laid on the table.
A motion was made that the House should come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That John Clarke may be heard at the bar of this House by counsel.
The question being put on agreeing to the said resolution, it passed in the negative. Ayes 19—Nones 126.
On motion, Ordered, that the report of the committee appointed to examine into the management of the manufactory of arms, be referred to the committee on the whole house on the state of the commonwealth.
A motion was made, that the affidavits of George Williamson and Daniel Atherton, which relate to part of the subject matter of the said report, be now read; and the question being put on reading the said affidavits, it passed in the negative. Ayes 70—Nones 73.
TUESDAY, Feb. 14.
A motion was made that the House should come to the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed, to examine George Williamson and Daniel Atherton, touching the charge for extra work made by John Clarke, the superintendent of the manufactory of arms, against the commonwealth; that they examine also, on what grounds of authority the letters stand, which are annexed to John Clarke's communication, as originals, the one from the present superintendent of the manufactory of arms at Springfield, in Massachusetts; the other from James Stubblefield, superintendent of the manufactory of arms at Harper's Ferry; as also, on what grounds of authenticity those copies rest, which are annexed to the same communication, and stated to be genuine copies of letters, sent to the various persons to whom they profess to be addressed; and report thereupon to the House, on or before, or as soon as the duties assigned to them shall permit.
A motion was made to amend the said resolution, so as to make it read "that George Williamson and Daniel Atherton, be examined at the bar of this House."
The question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative. Ayes 52—Nones 105.
A motion was then made to postpone the further consideration of the said resolution to the 31st day of March next.
A motion was made to divide the question of postponement, so as first to take the question on postponing so much of the said resolution as relates to taking the testimony of Williamson and Atherton, which being declared to be in order, the question was then put on postponing so much of the said resolution as relates to taking the testimony of Williamson and Atherton, and passed in the affirmative. Ayes 74—Nones 72.
The question being then put on postponing the remainder of the said resolution, it passed in the affirmative.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 15.
The House according to the order of the day resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth, and after some time spent therein, Mr. S. C. Tucker resumed the chair, and Mr. Sempie reported, that the committee had, according to order, again had under consideration the report of the committee appointed to enquire into the state of the manufactory of arms, had gone through the same, and made several amendments thereto, and agreed to several resolutions thereon, which he handed in at the clerk's table: and the said amendments being twice read, were disagreed to by the House.
The said resolutions being then severally twice read, and the last three of them further amended, were agreed to by the House as follows:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the operations at the manufactory of arms have not been conducted so as to produce the best arms, and that in the expenditure of public money, the interest of the commonwealth has not been sufficiently attended to by those to whom the laws had committed the superintendence of that institution.
2. Resolved, That it is expedient that radical changes should be effected in the management of the public manufactory of arms.
3. Resolved, That the attorney-general be instructed to institute a suit in the proper court to ascertain and recover the amount (if any) which has been received by the present superintendent, beyond an adequate compensation for making and keeping in repair the machinery and fixtures at the manufactory of arms.
Ordered, That the Clerk carry this third resolution to the Senate and desire their concurrence.
A motion was made to amend the said report in the following clause, to wit, "It also appears to your committee, that some of the members of the council knew, that the sums so drawn were for the benefit of Mr. Clarke, whilst others appear to have been ignorant of that fact," by striking out the words "others appear," and inserting in lieu of them the words "another member of that body, who came into office several years after the contract made with John Clarke, in August, 1799, appears."
A motion was made to postpone the further consideration of the said clause of the report, together with the proposed amendment thereto, to the 31st day of March next.
And the question being put on the said motion, its postponement, it passed in the negative.
The question being put on agreeing to the said amendment, it passed in the affirmative.
One other clause of the said report is in the following words, to wit: "Your committee, in order to enable them to ascertain whether the work actually performed was worth the sum of 10 057 dollars, 67 cents, directed John Strode and Richard Young, persons stated to be well acquainted with the value of machinery, to ascertain and value the work performed by Mr. Clarke, at the manufactory of arms. They made different reports, to which your committee beg leave to refer. They state that a considerable portion of the work performed and charged in Mr. Clarke's account, as extra, was in fact, comprehended in the contract, and the whole amount at which they estimate all that was done, including contract and extra work, and allowing for repairs $13,000." A motion was made to amend the said report, by inserting after the words "John Strode and Richard Young, persons stated," the words "by themselves, by Henry Banks, and a member of the committee from the county of Culpeper, as to Mr. Strode."
On motion, Ordered, That the further consideration of the said amendment be postponed to the 31st day of March next.
A further motion was then made to amend the said clause of the report, by adding after the figures "dollars 13,000" at the end of the following words: "Your committee however think it proper to remark, that some of the fixtures and machinery at the manufactory of arms, were not seen and not valued by the said Strode and Young; and that their valuation is predicated, first, on the idea that master workmen may be had at less than one dollar per day; and secondly, that one fourth is the proper proportion to be added to the value of work, for the maintenance of the workmen."
The question being put on agreeing to the said amendment, it passed in the negative.
A motion was then made to amend the said report by adopting a resolution in the following words:
FRIDAY, Feb. 17.
The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill "For the government and regulation of the manufactory of arms" (which lay on the table) and the same being twice read, were agreed to by the House with amendments.
A message from the Senate by Mr. Hungerford—
Mr. Speaker—The Senate have agreed to the amendments proposed by the House of D. legates to the Senate's amendments to the bill "For the government and regulation of the manufactory of arms"—and then he withdrew.
On motion, Resolved, That this house will, on this day, proceed, by joint ballot, with the Senate, to the election of a Superintendent of the manufactory of arms, and a master armorer and assistant armorer, pursuant to the act "For the government and regulation of the manufactory of arms," passed during the present session.
The Editor has received a Communication from Mr. John Taylor of Caroline—but owing to a circumstance, which he has communicated to the author, he has determined to suspend its publication.
The Legislature of Virginia adjourned on Saturday last.
APPOINTMENTS by the Legislature of VIRGINIA.
Abraham Keene, Esq. Brigadier General—vice Gen. John Pegram promoted to the rank of Major General.
John Staples, Esq. Superintendent of the Manufactory of Arms.
George Williamson, Esq. Master Armorer.
George Edgington, Esq. Assistant Armorer.
At the request of one of the Minority, we publish the following list of those who voted in the House of Delegates, against the Valedictory Address to the President of the U. S.
Ayes 120—Nones 24 Messrs. Joyner, Wm. Parker, N. Russell, Kinney, Anderson, Warwick, Farris, Porterfield, Moorman, Buckner, Simon, Cunningham, Barrett, Noland, Roszel, J. H. Christian, Murchison, Upshur, Sneed, Miller, Hull, Gibson, Bailey, and Corbin.
The reader is referred to the Charleston head for the last news from Europe, via Havana. The information which it presents, is scanty; the extracts from the London prints are very concise; the French bulletins are not to be found among them. We have much interesting information to expect. But even from these accounts, it is obvious, that Bonaparte is carrying every thing before him—the last French bulletin represents him as being in sight of Madrid—The English troops had not been in action. They were wisely retiring to their proper element. John Bull is a great water animal. All his glories are there exhibited. It is prudent for him not to venture too far into the land.
We have devoted the greater part of this day's paper to a subject which occupies at this time the largest share of the public curiosity—the state of the Manufactory of arms. On this subject we give the long Report of the committee of 21—and such extracts from the journals of the House of Delegates as will display the different resolutions which were offered on this subject. We have also published the first letter of the vindication of Major Clarke. These papers have necessarily excluded several other topics which had invited our attention.
KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.
A resolution was introduced in the house of representatives on Wednesday last, for the purpose of setting an example to the people—it is to this effect. That after the 20th of June next, each member of the legislature shall wear home-made apparel. Considerable warmth was evinced

MISCELLANY.
The following Dissertation on the raising of Wool, is, at this moment, peculiarly interesting to the People of the U. S.—It is extracted from the Transactions of the New-York Society for the Promotion of useful Arts.
AN ESSAY
On Sheep, Wool, and Woollen Manufactures, showing the advantage of improving American Wool, by the introduction of Spanish Sheep, &c. By ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, LL. D. President of the Society for the Promotion of useful Arts, in the state of New-York.
I have seen, with pleasure, that the agriculture of my native country has improved considerably, in the short space of four years, the time of my absence. Much, however, remains to be done before it acquires that perfection to which all nations should aspire, but which none that I have seen in Europe, Lombardy and South Holland excepted, have in any degree attained. England, though she boast with reason some of the best farmers in the world, is but partially improved, many districts are ill cultivated, and old habits are not yet rooted out. I shall, as time and leisure admit, take occasion to lay before you such practices of the old world as I think may be advantageously adopted by the new; at present, I wish to draw your attention to a subject which our probable rupture, with some of the European powers, renders peculiarly interesting at this moment. I mean the improvement in our breed of sheep. It is upon this, that we must rely for our independence of Europe, in an article of the first necessity.
The sheep of this state, taken collectively, are superior to almost any native race that I have seen in France, Holland, Lombardy or Italy, and very much resemble the south down sheep of England. In general, the sheep of those countries, are about the size of ours; those upon the sea-coast on the Channel and Lombardy are larger; those in Brittany much smaller. The wool of most of these breeds is inferior to ours in fineness, if we except the sheep upon the borders of Spain, some travelling flocks in the kingdom of Naples, and those in the small district of Berry. Anderson says, that wool sent from New Jersey sold at the rate of the finest wool in England.
I believe in cold or temperate climates the inferiority of quality in the wool does not arise from climate, but from other accidental causes, which I shall point out. In France, I attribute it, first, to a neglect of those breeds that bear fine wool, and next, to the manner in which the sheep are kept.—They are folded in close pens, during the summer, all night, and part of the day. In winter, they are crowded in small and ill-aired houses; they are fed upon the commons, on the road sides, and on the stubbles, always confined close together by the shepherd's dogs, who are continually running round them to prevent their straggling or touching the grain or meadows at the sides of them, for there are no fences. In dry seasons they are extremely pinched for food, and in the winter, no green fodder or clover is prepared for them, and very seldom even hay; they are left to glean in the fields when there is no snow, and, when there is, to feed upon the coarsest hay, or the leaves and branches of trees, which is frequently the only provender laid up for them. It is held by the British agriculturists, that bad keeping makes bad wool. If the sheep are alternately well fed and starved, the wool will be of different strength and thickness, and, of course, unequal and of a bad staple.
That the climate effects no change in them, I infer from the great success that has attended the introduction of Spanish sheep, which, where they have been treated with a little attention, have so greatly improved in their size, form and fleece, without any change in the quality of the wool, that full bred rams, imported directly from Spain, may now be purchased in France at a much less price than rams from the national flock at Rambouillet; a race that were introduced about 20 years ago into France. Superfine cloth can only be made from Spanish wool, and that without mixture with other sorts, from which it differs so materially, that Anderson asserts, on the information of British manufacturers, that they cannot be wrought together. The different species of broad cloth are not made by mixture with British wool, but by Spanish wool of different qualities. The coarse cloths only, are made of British wool. France, as well as all the rest of Europe, being dependent upon Spain for the wool used in their fabrics of fine cloth, made various attempts to introduce Spanish sheep. In 1766, a number were imported and distributed among the people of different districts. But as the general opinion was, that Spanish sheep could only thrive in Spain, that the wool would degenerate if they did not travel from the plains to the mountains, and from the mountains to the plains; and, above all, as the peasantry thought, that what they received without price could be of little worth, no attention was paid to keeping the race distinct, and, of course, little advantage resulted from the measure, except to a few enlightened farmers. But their experiments sufficiently proved the practicability of the project, and determined the government to make the attempt again, and to put the direction of the project into the hands of a distinguished agriculturist.
Application was made to the king of Spain for permission to draw from his dominions a number of Merinos, the name by which the fine-woolled sheep are distinguished. He not only permitted this, but ordered that they should be chosen out of the finest flocks in the kingdom. In the year 1786, they arrived at Rambouillet, the national farm. Instead of giving away the increase, as had before been done, they were annually sold, which, of course, put them into the hands of the richer and more intelligent farmers. At first, they brought a very moderate price, but their superiority over the other sheep of the country, the great improvement in the wool that resulted from crossing the breed, were so manifest, and the evidence that experience afforded of their supporting the change of climate and treatment without any sensible change in the quality of their wool, rendered the demand for them so great, that they have considerably advanced in price. In 1796, the average price was 807 francs, about 16 $; the last sale (April, 1805,) the average price for a ewe was 2307, that is about 50 $; rams brought from 60 to 120 $. This is the more remarkable, as by the last treaty between France & Spain, the former had a right to draw 5000 Merinos from the flocks of the latter, 500 to be chosen annually for ten years. Skilful shepherds were sent to select them, and France now possesses above thirty thousand of these sheep, by importation, and by natural increase, and yet the price of the stock at Rambouillet has been regularly on the rise. The late minister of the interior, Mr. Chapal, has a very fine flock, consisting of 1200 sheep. As the sales at Rambouillet were over before I returned from Italy, I requested him to spare me five from his flock, to which he consented, provided I only took rams, and not more than two rams, for which I was to pay 1500 francs, about 300 $; this too was a very special favor. The shepherd I sent to choose them found the flock infested with the scab. I did not, therefore, think it prudent to take them, but left the money with a gentleman, who has promised to bring them out next spring, either from that flock, or those at Rambouillet.
I should mention another circumstance, which proves that the wool does not grow worse in France when the stock from which they sprung was good. In April every year there is a sale of lambs of the preceding year, and of wool; the price of the latter was kept down by the artifices of the wool dealers, who pretended that it was inferior to Spanish wool. Some of the manufacturers, however, having for the two or three last
years produced cloth at the exhibition, made of this wool, equal to that from the finest Spanish wool, the price has advanced to a par with the wool brought from Spain.
I should observe that the fine French cloths are finer and softer than those made in England, probably because very little of the finest Spanish wool goes to England, their import consisting of the second and third sorts, with some still coarser. The finest of the wool, to the amount of about three millions of pounds, is manufactured at the royal factories in Spain, and the remainder goes to France and Italy. The quantity of wool drawn from Spain by France, was, before the revolution, about 4,000,000 lbs. but the manufactures having been ruined during the revolution, it was greatly diminished; what it is now I cannot declare. In the year 1786, England imported only three millions; but in the year 1796, the following is the state of the legal export from Spain, some is always smuggled into France and elsewhere:
Table with 2 columns: Country, Quantity. Rows: France 600,000; England 6,000,000; Holland and N. 3,200,000; Italy 1,000,000; Total 10,800,000.
Spain employs about three millions of pounds in her own manufactures. It may be proper here to observe, that all the sheep of Spain are by no means Merinos; but more of the stationary flocks are either what they call Churros, which are a large, hardy, coarse-woolled breed, or a mixture between them and the Merinos. Part of this latter wool is also exported.
As my object, in this essay, is to endeavor to impress upon my country the importance of propagating this breed of sheep, it may be proper to show the value of this wool compared to that of other races, and particularly of that of England, and to remove some false ideas that have gone abroad relative to them.
The prices at Madrid for washed wool, in the year 1796, were as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Breed, Price. Rows: Leonese 5 to 5 4 about 100; Segovienne 5 4 60 38; Sorriena 4 4 25 86; Arrogon 3 60.
Anderson gives the value of wool in the London market about the same period, which reduced to our money, stands thus: For the best
Table with 2 columns: Breed, Price. Rows: German 22; Polish 25; British 17; White Persian 84; Red Carramuman 100; Spanish 93.
It appears from this, that the finest Spanish wool is not carried to England, since the price there was below the price at Madrid about the same period. Gov. Foxwell, in a letter to Arthur Young, 1788, gives the following as the average prices of British wool: coarse seven and an half pence, common eight and an half pence, fine eleven pence the whole fleece; that is, reduced to our money, about coarse 14 cents, common 16, and fine 20; the south-down, which appears to me, to have the staple of our best wool, is, or is, about 18 cents. This difference between the price of British and Spanish wool, is the more worthy our notice, because it enables us to combat the prejudices which so generally prevail among us in favor of British sheep. We should stop and examine candidly how far those prejudices are well founded. Britain contains a great variety of sheep, from the long woolled sheep, bred in marshy grounds, to the small fine woolled sheep fed on the Welsh mountains. The Durham breed, which is, I believe, the largest, weighs about 260 lbs live weight, and yields from 6 to 8 lb. of wool; but this wool would be of little value, except where blankets or camblets are made; its value in England is about 14 cents the pound. A Spanish fleece, taking the flock round, will yield, exclusive of tags, about three pounds each, (mine give me near four) worth at least 90 cents, that is, for the whole fleece, 27 cents. The British fleece, at 7 1/2, which stating it high, for a flock round, at 14, is 98 cents, less than one third of the value of the Spanish fleece, and yet the sheep weighs only about one third of the weight of the British sheep; and if, as I believe can hardly be doubted, animals of the same species eat in proportion to their bulk, the expense of the British sheep must be three-fold greater than that of the Spanish Merino; or, in other words, we may have three Spanish fleeces, worth together six dollars and 81 cents, at the same rate as one long woolled British fleece, worth only 98 cents; but this is not the only objection to these sheep; the strongest is, that we have few or no pastures adapted to them; they would, then, of course, degenerate. Indeed, this breed is by no means the favorite breed in England—Those more generally sought for rich pastures are the Dishly, which weigh about 150 pounds when fat, and the south-down for lighter land. The Dishly is of the long woolled kind, and may give about 6 lb. of wool, worth 16 cents the lb so that the only advantage it has over the former breed lies in the carcass, which is, indeed, the principal object in England, on account of the low price of wool, and the high price of meat, circumstances which do not operate in this country, where wool is 50 per cent. higher than in England, and mutton 80 per cent. cheaper. I shall submit to this a note of all the breeds of England, together with the quantity and price of their fleeces, so that every farmer may compare their value, supposing even that they would not degenerate, with the value of Spanish sheep, which we know will retain their advantages in our pastures, and under our warm sky. Since, however, the rage in Britain for fine sheep (by which is meant sheep with fine carcasses, without regard to the wool) has so greatly increased, that 500 guineas are sometimes given for the hire of a ram for the season, no expense is spared in their food, and in proportion to their size must be the richness of their pastures, and winter provender: turnips, tares, cole, potatoes, and rye, in the spring, essentials, and sometimes even wheat must be sacrificed to them; if a backward spring should prevent the grass from coming forward in time for the lambs; for it is a rule always to keep them in an improving state, and this at so much expense, that Mr. Macro, one of the best farmers in England, asserts, that these fine breeds sink the value of the wool, and almost of the flesh in keeping, or, in other words, are not profitable to the farmer. How much less profitable would they be here, where so little attention is paid either to the summer or winter provision for sheep? And, indeed experience has proved English sheep do not suit our climate or management—Numbers have been imported, but no trace of them remains after the third or fourth generation, unless it be near the sea-coast where the climate is moist, and where they can occasionally have recourse to the salt meadows. Add to this, that the flavor of all this factitious mutton (if it may use the term) is very much inferior to that of those which are capable of maintaining themselves in health and vigor with less care and attention.
It should be observed, that the prices above noted are near fifty per cent. less than wool of the same quality would bring in the United States, and that we discriminate less as to the quality. When, however, we manufacture more extensively, we shall necessarily distinguish the different qualities of wool, and, of course, Spanish wool will bear the same relation in price to fleeces of an inferior quality that it does elsewhere. Should we, on the other hand, grow more wool than we choose to manufacture, (of which there are strong indications at present) since it is the only article that has ever risen in price this many years, Spanish wool would become an important article of exportation to every part of Europe, since we find that even in Spain, it is worth (the
finest) about 8s the pound. The markets of England would always be open to it, and, such is her demand, that if we could supply her consumption of 6,000,000 lbs. it would restore to our mutual advantage the balance of commerce between us.
The Merinos are rather smaller than the largest sheep we raise on the north of the Highlands. Those bred at Rambouillet are better made than those imported directly from Spain. The belly, cheeks, forehead and hind legs, are covered with wool that is short, curled and thick, and though extremely white when washed, yet brown at the extremities when on the sheep, particularly if folded or kept on any but the cleanest pasture. This is owing to the extreme thickness of the wool, which increases the perspiration of the animal, or rather perhaps to the greater quantity of grease that the wool contains, for in this circumstance it greatly differs from common wool, and it is never found harsh or dry. The wool on the thigh, which on our sheep is harsh and intermixed with hairs, in the Spanish sheep is soft and fine. From the thickness and evenness of the fleece the sheep is guarded against the wet and cold more effectually than our sheep, whose fleeces are looser, and whose bellies, after the second or third year, are only slightly covered with hairs instead of wool. Mr. Macro observes, that the most thrifty sheep throughout the winter, are those that have the thickest and most even coats. The fleece is entirely free from hair, which renders other wool harsh, and which never takes the dye perfectly. Having procured samples of all the wool that could be obtained in France, together with the improvement made in each by crossing the different breeds of sheep with Spanish rams, I shall lay them before the society, which will enable them to form their own judgment as to the quality. The inferiority in the size of the Merino to some other breeds, which some make as an objection, is in my opinion an important advantage, not only in sheep, but in every other stock not designed for the draft, because they will fatten in pastures in which larger cattle would suffer from the fatigue they must undergo in order to procure the food that is necessary for their support. This reasoning applies more strongly to sheep than to any other stock. They are generally kept upon high and dry pastures, that are frequently parched in summer, when fatigue is most irksome to them. To which we may add, that the fleece is not proportioned, as the food is, to the bulk of the animal, but to his surface, and a small sheep having more surface in proportion to his bulk, must also have wool in the same proportion; that is, a sheep whose live weight shall be 60 lb. and who of course will require but one quarter of the food of a sheep that weighs 240 lb. will, notwithstanding, have half as much wool (if the fleeces are equally thick) as his gigantic brother. The Merino has been found in France to be quite as hardy as the common sheep. At Rambouillet they have no winter feed but hay, and yet thrive very well; but what is more extraordinary is, that in Sweden, where the native sheep are extremely coarse woolled, the Merino has been naturalized without having in any sort changed the nature or quality of the wool, in the term of about thirty years since they were introduced. They have also been so well cultivated there, that though the consumption of fine wool has increased in Sweden, yet the importation of Spanish wool has greatly diminished.
(To be continued)
Some time in last August, the factious much esteemed col. John Campbell was killed in a duel, by a certain Louis Crawford, an agent for the Michillimackinac company. It appears that Crawford was a mere tool made use of to destroy poor Campbell! Mr. Campbell was formerly a British subject, attached to the British factory, and had saved this same Crawford's life in a skirmish with the Indians; disgusted with the British government, Campbell became a citizen of the United States, and was appointed by the American government their Indian agent, to reside at Prairie de Cien. Business called him to Mackinac, where he was grossly insulted by Crawford and his associates; a challenge ensued—the parties met on the British side—on the first fire Campbell received his antagonist's ball, in his body, and expired in a few minutes. It appears that Mr. Campbell's second was a British subject.
Extract of a letter from a commercial house dated,
“ELSINEUR, Aug. 15, 1808. This goes by the Galen, now permitted to sail in ballast to America, she is the only one yet liberated, none however finally condemned, the Susannah, Folger, of Charles-ton from London in ballast, was detained and brought in here a few days ago. Letters just received from Brothers Cramer, say no ships from England or Sweden are longer admitted entry into Russia. In addition to the three mentioned in our last as arrived there, the two undermentioned had reached Cronstadt prior to the 7th and 19th July, but the Temperance, Burrough, was positively ordered away without permission to discharge.”
“N. B. Arrived at Cronstadt, since the three first mentioned, Edward and Charles, which is likely to be admitted—Anne, Howe, not likely to be admitted.” N. Y. Public Advertiser.
Extract of another letter, from the same, dated,
“ELSINEUR, Sept. 13, 1808. In consequence of a letter just received from A. Swain, from Havre, of the 21st ult. we address you the present to annex copies of two last letters, the originals whereof we hope you will have received when this comes to hand. We have nothing material to add to their contents having heard nothing of capt. Carlis since he left us, nor any late advices from Russia. We find several American ships have laid this season at Riga. The American ships brought in here, the Live Oak, Furrall, and Meridian, Lord, are finally condemned and advertised for sale. The Margaret, Clark, Jemima, and Fanny, Shurburn; Rolla, Coffin, Pennsylvania; Thomas and Susanna, Folger, are all condemned in the lower court. Sentence daily looking for in the upper court.—By the papers we notice the brig Leopard of New York, Clark, has been liberated by the court of Halbury, in Jutland, the captors to pay 250 R. for damages. We are unacquainted whether or not the parties will appeal.”
MANCHESTER FEMALE ACADEMY. The public, and the friends to this institution, are respectfully informed, that the business of this Academy is carried on with zeal and assiduity.
The various branches of elegant Needle-Work, Drawing, French, &c. taught by Miss Chandler, who was brought up and educated by Mrs. O'Reilly, and assisted as governess in the School for three years.
The Musical department by Mr. Videmer, (an eminent Musician.) The English by Mr. O'Reilly, viz. Reading in prose and verse, Writing and Arithmetic, History and Geography.
The management of the domestic affairs, being under the direction of a lady of experience and tenderness in the care of children; boarders will be received, on moderate terms, who will have the benefit of additional tuition before and after school hours. February 7. oaw4w
PURSUANT to a deed of trust, executed to the Subscriber, by Patterson Fletcher, for the purpose of securing a sum of money, as expressed in said deed, due to Daniel Triplett, of the city of Richmond: Will be sold, for ready money, at the front door of Triplett T. Estes's tavern, in the town of Charlottesville, on Monday, the 6th day of March next, being Albemarle court day: One Negro Slave, by name ANDREW. Acting as trustee for the benefit of others, I will only convey title vested in me as such. February 3. JOHN WINN, Jr. Trustee. oaw3w
VIRGINIA—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808. James Gowden and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relief, and executrix of Wm. Parrott, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Wilson and John Groves, Defendants. THE defendants Joseph Wilson and John Groves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. jan. 5. oaw8w
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS of land in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. Wm. BERKELEY, } Commission. JOSIAH ELLIS, } Wm. MANN, } [law2m] January 21.
NOTICE—The Copartnership hitherto carried on, by the Subscribers, under the firm of Benjamin Bradshaw & Co. is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. All persons indebted to the said firm, are earnestly desired to come forward, adjust and pay off their several balances, to either of the parties, who will likewise pay any sum due, by them, to individuals for transactions with them. Those who fail to come forward, and manifest a disposition to do what is right, cannot hope for further indulgence, and consequently the will be sued, without discrimination. BENJ. WOLFE, BENJ. BRADSHAW. Goochland, January 24. oaw1m
NOTICE—All persons having claims against the estate of Samuel Pointer, deceased, are requested to exhibit them, properly authenticated, to the Subscriber; and those indebted are solicited to make immediate payment, as suits will be indiscriminately instituted against all delinquents. BENJAMIN WOLFE, only Executor. January 24. oaw2m
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling their well known and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3m
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions.—Angel gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17. tf
WANTED, two good Journeyman SHOE-MAKERS, to go to the Western Country. For particulars, apply to the Subscriber. ALEXANDER TULTON. February 7. oaw3w
TO THE PUBLIC.—Whereas, in consequence of various supposed provocations, I have been induced, at sundry times, to utter and publish severe and unmerited strictures on the conduct and character, of my late partner, Mr. John Lisle, of this city—I now feel myself called upon, in justice to that gentleman, and in conformity with the advice of my friends, thus to avow my regret at having been instrumental to the injury of his feelings or character. (Signed) MACALL MEDFORD. Witness, GEORGE RUNDLE. Philadelphia, Jan 28, 1809.
In consequence of the above, and the solemn declaration of Mr. Macall Medford, that he is unable to discharge the monies I claim of him, I have agreed to discontinue my pursuit of said claim, and my intention of prosecuting him for a libel. JOHN LISLE, Late JOHN LISLE Jr. Philadelphia, Jan. 28, 1809. 4t.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, on the 20th day of January, 1806, by Richard Johnson, and recorded in the county Court of Albemarle, to secure the payment of a debt due by said Johnson, to McCreary, Higginbotham & Co. I shall proceed, on the first Monday in March next, (being Albemarle court day,) to sell, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the front door of Triplett T. Estes's tavern, in the town of Charlottesville, the following Slaves, viz: Waggoner, John, and his wife Rose, Toney, Mary. Being only interested as trustee, I shall convey such title only as is vested in me as such. February 3. GEORGE GARRETT. 3v
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7. tf
ON Thursday, the 16th day of March next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, in the town of Manchester, at the tavern of Zachary L. Brooks, upon a credit of twelve months, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of Wm. Friend, dec'd. viz. twelve or fifteen likely SLAVES, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, a WAGGON and harness, a GIG and harness, sundry articles of Husbandry, a few valuable Books, & a handsome Fowling Piece. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchasers. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. At the same time and place, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, sundry articles of valuable Mahogany FURNITURE and PLATE, the property of Mrs. Ann Friend. All persons having claims against the estate of Mr. Friend, dec'd. are again invited to bring them forward properly authenticated, and those indebted thereto, will please make payment without delay. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10. 9t
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 13 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office. January 19. 2awtf
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wines. IN STORE 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havannah Segars, 3 P. les Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
NOTICE—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14
A YOUNG MAN, who can come well recommended, for industry, honesty and sobriety, that understands the management of Negroes, may hear of employment, on application at this office. February 14. tf
CASH will be given for four or five Negro MEN, and as many good work WOMEN. Apply to the Editor of this paper. February 14. tf
FOURTEEN thousand eight hundred and seventy acres of LAND, for sale on Seneca creek, in the county of Pendleton. By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Robert Barclay to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the 17th day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. February 10. 1td
WILL be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the 9th day of March, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, two tracts of LAND, containing ninety-two acres & a half each, in the upper end of Henrico county, being a part of the Mansion tract of R. John Ellis, deceased. Any person wishing to view it may apply to Mr. Minter Bedford, who owns a part of said tract. There are also two TRACTS in the lower end of Goochland county, some number of acres as above. Any person wishing to purchase the same, it will be shown them by Jesse Curd, which Land joins him. ALSO, fourteen or fifteen NEGROES, consisting of Men, Women and Children. Also, some household FURNITURE, &c. Twelve months credit on all sums above ten dollars, and bond with approved security to the commissioners will be required by them, approved of by THE ATTORNEYS. February 17. 5t
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Lost near Mr. Charles Thompson's store, Hanover county, a large SILVER WATCH, with a gold SEAL and KEY. The initials of my name are engraved upon the case of the Watch, the Seal and the Key. Le Roy, the maker's name, is upon the dial plate. The above reward will be paid upon receiving the Watch, Seal and Key, or such information as will enable me to get them. CHARLES MORRIS. E. Taylor's Tavern, Hanover County, Feb. 17. 2tf
LEFT, in some House in this city, a GOLD HEADED CANE with the top off—Any person leaving the Cane, or information respecting it, at this office, shall be liberally rewarded. February 17. 3t
WILL be sold, at Urbanna, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday, the 28th of February next, if fair, if not the next fair day, all the household and kitchen FURNITURE, sundry plantation utensils, and other articles of the estate of the late Doctor George D. Spratt. Nine months credit will be allowed the purchasers on all sums above five dollars, on their giving bond with unquestionable security, payable to the Trustee, and carrying interest from the date, but if punctually paid, the interest not to be demanded. All persons having authenticated claims against said Spratt, are solicited to become purchasers, that being the most advantageous mode of settlement, under the existing circumstances of property in general. JOHN CLEW. Feb. 17. oaw4ds
IN CHANCERY—Northumberland County Court, 14th Nov. 1808. Geo. J. & Thomas Brown, Complainants—against Jacob Walsh, Jr. & Stokely Lowles, Defendants. THIS day came the complainants, by their counsel, and the deft Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed, and ordered, that the said deft Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the deft Lowles, retain in his hands whatever money or property he may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest, FLEM, BATES, C. N. C. oaw8w
EXECUTION BONDS, (ACCORDING TO THE LAW OF THE PRESENT SESSION.) For Sale, at the Office of The Enquirer. Jan. 3.