The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-02-07 00:00:00

revenue, war, or any other arrangement... The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me, thus long, to dwell upon it, and to hope from the wisdom of our legislature, some reconciling expedient, to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.
(Here follow some Remarks on local subjects. This patriotic address is signed) LEVI LINCOLN
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
PREPARATION FOR WAR.
On motion of Mr. D. R. Williams , the unfinished business (the 30,000 volunteer bill) was ordered to be on the table. And the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Mason in the chair, on the resolution submitted by Mr. Nicholas a few days ago in the following words: Resolved, as the opinion of this House, That the United States ought not to delay beyond the day of to repeal the embargo laws, and to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas, against any nation or nations having in force edicts, orders or decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States.
Mr. Miles moved for a division of the resolution, so as to take the question first on repealing the embargo, and moved to fill the blank with the fourth day of March.
Mr. Randolph said he had risen for the same purpose as the gentleman from Pennsylvania; & he submitted to the committee, whether, if the embargo laws were to be repealed, it should not be done with all possible speed. His sources of information, he said, were neither very numerous nor possibly, very correct; but he did understand it to be a fact, that in certain parts of the Eastern states, the embargo was daily and hourly, in the broad glare of day-light—not evaded, but disregarded; that ships to an immense number were daily passing from the United States into Canada, laden not only with the product of that part of the nation bordering on Canada, but also with the product of the Southern states, which was carried by a long and expensive carriage from the Atlantic states to the canal, for exportation. There were two points of view in which Mr. Randolph said it appeared to him, that if this law was to be repealed at all, it ought to be done with all possible expedition. The first was, that those persons in our own country, who had set the law at defiance, who had been guilty of the most invidious conduct, should not reap the exclusive benefit of the commerce carried on. The other reason was, that it was well known that the St. Lawrence was frozen up, and would remain frozen long after our own waters were open. Adventurers, lured by the hope of great profit, had, at a vast expense transported products, not the growth of that part of the country into Canada, knowing that the plan of embargo, if continued, would amply repay the extra expense of carrying it. This product, Mr. Randolph said, to an immense amount, was deposited, as he understood, at Montreal, for the purpose of exporting it as soon as the ice broke up, and he presumed, it was already paid for in British gold or commodities of some sort. And this, he said, was one of the ways in which it should have no objection to finger some of their gold, viz. by getting to market before them, underselling and forestalling them, which might easily be done from the expense of the transportation by land. He submitted it therefore to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, whether, if the committee determined to repeal the embargo, it should not be as soon as possible. If, immediately removed, it must shake, and severely too, the capitalists of Canada; but if the removal was procrastinated, they would reap the profits, whilst we should carry our produce to a market already glutted, or if not glutted, considerably gratified. When the resolution came before the House, if the committee of the whole agreed to it, he said he should certainly move the earliest day possible for the removal of the embargo.
Mr. Miles said, the gentleman from Virginia must be fully persuaded that he was as willing to get rid of the embargo, as the gentleman himself could possibly be; for he had been opposed to the embargo system from the first day the original embargo law was passed. He said he had moved to fill the blank with the 4th day of March for several considerations. The resolution contemplated a repeal of the embargo at a future day and not at the present day; and from conversation which he had held with gentlemen, heretofore friendly to the embargo, and now disposed to remove it, he had supposed that an earlier day would not be agreed to. One other consideration, he said, had considerable influence with him. At present, there was a natural embargo on a considerable number of the ports of the United States. By the fourth day of March it was pretty certain that there would have repealed that embargo. To place the merchants upon an equality, he had supposed, he said, that it would be proper to fix a day for the removal of the embargo, which would give to all equal advantages.
Mr. Sloan gave one reason in addition to those urged by the gentleman from Virginia, why the embargo should be speedily repealed. It was a fact known to many members on the floor that large speculations had been made in consequence of a belief that the embargo would be continued for a great while. Articles of foreign produce, which, though not absolutely necessary, had become necessary by habit, were up to an extravagant price. An early removal of the embargo would tend to remove the sufferings of the honest part of the community in consequence of the consequence of the high price of these commodities.
Mr. Nicholas said, in a brief argument, when the subject was taken up, wished to modify his resolution. This being considered out of order, Mr. Nicholas moved to amend the resolution under consideration, by striking out the whole of it after the word "Resolved," and inserting the following: Resolved, as the opinion of this House, That the United States ought not to delay beyond the day of to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas; and that provision ought to be made by law for repealing on the day of the several embargo laws, and for authorizing at the same time
LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL against Great Britain and France—provided on that by their orders or edicts violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States shall be in force—against either of those nations having in force such orders or edicts.
Mr. Lyon opposed the striking out the substance of the original motion, under the idea that it would deprive the House of an opportunity of taking a direct vote on the repeal of the embargo.
Mr. Nicholas said, that the object of both resolutions was the same. The object of the resolution first proposed was to repeal the embargo laws, to assert and prepare to enforce our rights. The only object in proposing the amendment was to bring the subject to a close in one way or another.
It had been said that the other resolution was not specific enough—that it could not be understood; that it would take up much time in the House, and when it came before the Senate, and to that body, a bill in pursuance of it, their consideration of its terms might differ from that of the House, and the whole subject must be gone over again. He wished the question to be decided, and that the whole nation should know as soon as possible, what was to be done. Gentlemen should not think that we ought to take a determined stand against encroachments on our rights, and yet would vote with him; gentlemen of a contrary opinion would vote against him.
Mr. Dana said, he was for striking out the words of the original resolution, because he did not wish to vote on them, merely knowing what construction to put upon them himself, or what construction others would put upon any vote which he might give on them. The resolution as originally stated, he said, did not contain an affirmative proposition, but a sort of compound negative one. It declared that the United States ought not, beyond the day
of repealing the embargo. Now any gentleman who might wish it to be repealed to day, would clearly be of opinion that it ought not to be delayed for six months or a year. So that a vote on the resolution, supposing the day of June, to be inserted as the day beyond which repeal ought not to be delayed, would give no definite idea of the sentiment of any gentleman who should vote for it. He was therefore really obliged to the gentleman who had brought forward a resolution which he could understand, and which had a specific practical bearing. As it respected the character of the proposition, it was a declaration of war, hypothetically. He could not express his approval on the substance proposed, but would vote to strike out the original words, because they were liable to a diversity of construction.
The House agreed to strike out the substance of the first resolution. A division of the substitute offered by Mr. Nicholas , was called for, so as to take the question first on the question of repealing the embargo laws. (Debate to be continued.)
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 1.
Mr. Mumford presented a memorial of sundry citizens of New York, remonstrating against the act for enforcing and making more effectual the several embargo laws—Referred to the committee of the whole, to whom had been referred Mr. Nicholas's resolution.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
Messrs. Varum, Sevier, Cook, Dale, Barber, Cotte and Green , on this day and yesterday, presented petitions from various towns in the state of Massachusetts, remonstrating against the mode in which the late election of Electors was conducted in that state.
Mr. Gates moved as the time was fast approaching when it would be necessary to decide on the subject of these petitions, a reference of all the petitions on this subject, to a joint committee of the two houses; which was withdrawn to make way for a resolution to the same effect offered by Mr. Bacon , which was ordered to lie on the table.
PREPARATION FOR WAR.
The House resumed the discussion of Mr. Nicholas's proposition; and the motion pending when the House yesterday adjourned, was debated till five o'clock, when the House adjourned without taking the question.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 1.
Mr. Holmes from the committee of Claims made a report on the memorial of Thomas Paine, recommending that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his memorial. Laid on the table.
Mr. Harris presented a petition of Mr. McLellan , an old revolutionary soldier; and also a petition of a number of inhabitants of Cayuga county, N. Y. praying for a post road.—Referred.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO AND ISSUING LETTERS OF MARQUE AND REPRISAL.
The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on Mr. Nicholas's resolution, Mr. Mason in the chair. The proposition for filling the blank in the resolution with the first day of June still under consideration, was debated till 4 o'clock, when the committee rose.
On the question that the committee have leave to sit again, Mr. Dawson moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject indefinitely. The House adjourned without coming to a decision on the motion.
THURSDAY, Feb. 2.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
Mr. Mason called for the consideration of the resolution offered by him on Monday for appointing a joint committee to examine the subject of the petition against the mode in which the late election of Electors of President and Vice-President of the U. S. by the Legislature of the state of Massachusetts, was conducted.
Mr. Randolph wished the resolution to lie on the table, that the members of the House might have an opportunity to take into their most serious consideration. He said it appeared to him that under color of a redress of grievances the resolution might go in a very alarming and dangerous manner to enlarge the sphere of action of the general government, at the expense of the dearest rights of the states. In what manner, asked he, is the general government constituted? We, as one of the branches of the Legislature, are unquestionably the judges of our own qualifications and returns. The Senate, the other branch of the Legislature, is in like manner the judge, without appeal, of the qualifications of its own members. But with respect to the appointment of President—who is that authority devolved in the first instance? On the electors, who are to all intents and purposes, according to my apprehension, as much the judges of their own qualifications as we are of ours; and it appears to me as competent to the people of any part of this country, to prefer a petition to the electoral college to set aside the returns of any members of Congress as to prefer petitions to this house to set aside the qualifications of Electors. True it is, sir, that for the convenience of the thing, and also for the prevention of cabals and intrigues—such, however, was the intention of this provision; how far it has answered that purpose is another question—the electors assemble in separate divisions in the respective states; but they are to be considered, to all intents and purposes, as a body of men equal in number to the Senate & House of Representatives, charged with the election of the President and Vice-President of the United States, and judges in the last resort of their own qualifications and returns. If not, they are a mere nullity. Sir, when I rose I had no intention of saying thus much on the subject; I did not deem that it would be called up—and, to be candid, I did not know that the resolution was on the table. The manner of doing business in the house is so strange and anomalous, that it is impossible for any person to know what will be the subject of debate on any particular day. But it is perfectly in my
recollection, and, sir, it must be in yours, the extreme sensation which was produced in this house and throughout the union by a bill introduced into the other house by a member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Ross ) touching the election of President & Vice-President of the United States. This is a delicate subject, one which it is agreed on all hands there is no occasion to touch. The election is not only indisputable but indisputable. The constitution has said that each state is entitled to a number of electors equal to the number of its Senators and Representatives, who shall be appointed in such manner as the Legislatures shall prescribe; and if we attempt to put our hands on this power, we might as well, in my apprehension, arrogate to ourselves the appointment of President and Vice President. If we do away the decision of the Electoral Body, which is as independent of us as we are of them, the constitution is in my opinion virgin to its dissolution.
Mr. Bacon said he certainly should consent that the resolution should lie on the table. He said he was himself by no means certain, that this House or both Houses had the power of acting on the subject; but he thought it an attention due to the memorials to give them a reference to a select committee. He did not wish to commit himself or the House on the subject, for, he repeated, he was by no means certain of the propriety of the proceeding.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c.
The Speaker declared the motion pending (for indefinite postponement) when the House yesterday adjourned, to be out of order.
The House then again resolved itself into a committee on Mr. Nicholas's resolution for repealing the embargo and issuing letters of marque and reprisal, on the day of the question was pending on filling the blank with the first day of June, the fourth of March, or the 15th of February.
After a debate for about three hours, the question on filling the blank with the most distant day, the first day of June, was NEGATIVED, Ayes seventy-three, Noes forty.
And the committee then rose, on motion of Mr. Randolph , without taking any other question, 58 to 56, and obtained leave to sit again.
FRIDAY, February 3.
Several petitions from the state of Massachusetts were presented, respecting the election of president and vice president; which were laid on the table.
Mr. Holmes , from the committee of claims asked leave to be discharged from the petition of Wm. Culbert and others, which was granted, and on his motion the case was referred to the committee on public lands.
The Speaker presented a memorial from the territory of Indiana, praying that the ordinance of 1787, might be so amended as to vest in them the power of electing their delegates to Congress for the same term, at the same time and in the same manner as they elect their own representatives. Referred to the committee appointed for that purpose in December.
Mr. Bacon presented the petition of Amos and William Whittmore, jun. praying an extension of the term for which a patent had been granted to them for a machine to manufacture wool and cotton. Referred to a select committee.
Mr. Van Dyke presented the following resolution.
Resolved , That the secretary of war be directed to enquire and report to this House whether it be expedient to erect at or near Wilmington; at or near New-Castle; and at or near Lewis in the county of Sussex, in the state of Delaware, one or more batteries or fortifications for the protection of the said towns and the country adjacent; and in case he be of opinion that it is expedient to erect such batteries or fortifications, that he report whether any, and what additional appropriations be necessary for that purpose.
Mr. Mason objected to the resolution because he supposed the same enquiry would be made as to the protection of every main river in the U. States. He supposed that the secretary had or ought to have some general powers to report on the subject of defence where it might be deemed necessary. If the house should give advantages of this sort to one place, he could not see where it would stop.
Mr. D. R. Williams rose, and observed that there were twenty points in S. Carolina, all of which he should be very glad to see fortified; but this could not be done, and therefore he could not give a preference to another place, except that should appear necessary.
Mr. Blount observed, that as the secretary of war had taken a general and particular inspection of all the ports and places of the United States where there ought to be forts, certainly he could not have overlooked the state of Delaware, the site of which must have merited his particular observation. He should therefore suppose the motion to be unnecessary at present.
Mr. Pickin was desirous of letting the subject remain at the discretion of the secretary.
It was laid on the table.
A report was received from the secretary of war on the petition of William McLellan, which was referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Lyon moved that the report of the committee on the petition of Thomas Paine, with the documents accompanying the same should be printed. The services rendered by that man during the revolution, he believed were not excelled by any one. He hoped the attention of the house would be given to the justice of his claim. They were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Randolph proposed the following resolution, after a few introductory remarks: Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any advances of money have been made to the commander in chief of the army, by the department of war; and if any, to what amount.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c.
Two observations were here made on a motion of Mr. Troup to postpone the farther consideration of the pending question to the first of June, which was lost by a very large majority. The question then being to fill the blank with the 4th of March.
Mr. Jones spoke a few words on the operation which its continuance must inevitably have on the interest of the American people. He termed it deadly and destructive to our interests and hoped it would not be continued. He would vote for the shortest day.
The question on the first resolution, that the embargo should be raised on the 4th of March next, was then taken and carried.—Ayes 73.
IN SENATE.
PHILADELPHIA CITY AND COUNTY MEETING.
Yesterday being appointed by a call upon the friends of the union, independence and commerce, for a meeting at the State House, to take place at eleven o'clock, the citizens of the various districts of the Northern and Southern Liberties, of the fourteen wards of the city, assembled in about 10 o'clock, at their respective districts, in order to reach the place of assembly at the hour publicly notified.
A platform and chairs, for the accommodation of the citizens who should be called to preside and to act as secretary, and for such citizens as might think fit to address the meeting, had been prepared by a select committee of the several districts.
At 10 o'clock, an hour before the period appointed for taking the chair, a number of persons, composed of men hostile to the peace and the principles of the government, some few lawyers, Robert Wharton the late mayor of this city, and persons of this cast, entered the State House Yard, and in a quarter of an hour after, placed themselves on the platform—and were in the act of proceeding to read certain resolutions or some such matter, when the first body of the citizens, from the lower part of the city and Southwark reached the place of the meeting.
Whether it was intended to produce a riot by this unworthy trick, or that it was expected to impose upon the public by such a surreptitious proceeding, is neither important to ascertain, nor as the matter terminated, of any other consequence as it goes to exhibit in stronger colors the unprincipled folly or depravity of those who were concerned.
A body of sailors was called upon the preceding evening, and commodore Truxton was selected to be made the instrument of this unworthy proceeding. Among the satellites of this sedition group, was a person formerly a midshipman, recently dismissed for malpractices from the U. States navy; and a number of other seamen like persons, who perhaps entertained an attachment for the commodore, as an officer.
The commodore suffered himself to be placed in the chair in the manner here described; and some of the persons who surrounded him were about to speak, when the citizens began to throng into the place of meeting.
The occupation of the chair before the period advertised, excited a momentary ferment; the persons who had occupied the place, amounting to about 3 or 400, endeavored to prevent any access of other citizens; and much insolent abuse was lavished by persons in this group, on the citizens who had just arrived; the pressure from the crowd became very great, and are still so; and these who had taken possession of the platform, found it impossible to remain; upwards of ten thousand citizens had entered in large masses at a quarter before eleven; and the group found a retreat their only resource; they however determined to destroy the chair and platform, when a momentary conflict took place; some broken heads were received, and much worse must have followed, had it not been for the timely interposition of capt. Jones and some other citizens, who afforded the disaffected an opportunity of retiring under showery of snow balls and shouts of derision—they then formed their little groups, in front of the State House, and after giving Philly Bond , his Britannic majesty's consul, THREE CHEERS I retired to their headquarters, the British coffee house , where it is to be presumed they will issue their resolutions as if they had stood their ground.
At a few minutes before 11 o'clock, capt. Wm. Jones was called to the chair, and col. Robert M c Mullin appointed secretary, by the unanimous voice of EIGHTEEN THOUSAND citizens, who were there assembled. Order and silence immediately prevailed. The chairman addressed the people in his usual energetic, impressive style—and was followed by Mr. Dallas , who went into a very lengthy examination of the topics which now agitate the nation—but it was not possible to hear, from the immense body of people that were arranged between the cent's and the place at which we stood.
The following resolutions were then proposed and seconded, and, by a very large majority, were carried, with only a few dissenting voices to each, and those from a remote corner of the ground.
Resolved , That this meeting do cordially approve of the resolutions and address passed unanimously, in the Town Meeting held on the 23 d instant, and stand prepared, should we be called upon by our government, the government of our choice, to prove by our actions that these expressions of attachment to our laws and constitutional authorities, spring not from the impulse of the moment, but from firm, sober, and mature deliberation.
Resolved , That this meeting, highly gratified with the decided and patriotic resolutions of their democratic brethren of New-York, tender them the right hand of democratic brotherhood and attachment; having one cause, we pledge ourselves to act with them, and all our other democratic brethren of the union, to assert our liberty, and support our constitution, laws, and government.
Resolved , That the committee of superintendence for the city and county of Philadelphia, be authorised to appoint a committee of correspondence, to consist of seven members—to correspond with such committees as may be appointed in this state, or any of our sister states, on any subject which may be by them deemed necessary to strengthen the bonds of the national government and advance the general good.
After the resolutions were passed, general Barber , the mayor of this city, delivered a very popular and pointed speech; which from our distance, we could not well hear, we understand he promoted the conduct of Timothy Pickering , in the case of several American citizens, who were detained and pressed on board a British sloop of war, at a Philadelphia wharf, when Pickering , was secretary of state. The case we recollect well, and those who were near enough to hear Mr. Barber's statement, expressed their exception of Pickering , in terms and tones, that reverberated to the adjacent streets.
After the several speakers had closed, Mr. J. Leif moved, that as gross misrepresentations, by the members of the people had been spread abroad, the citizens present, march in procession down chestnut street, through Second into Dock, (by the British coffee house ), and there disperse; the motion was carried with an universal shout and the meeting was immediately closed; the citizens, in an immense column, of about 15,000 persons, proceeded in the direction proposed, and in Dock street, the citizens from the northern
and southern districts, separated for their respective homes—in Parent bodies... Aurora . Feb. 1.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 1.
Attention of the President of the U States to commerce.
The Secretary of State for foreign affairs, of his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent of Portugal has officially informed Mr. Hill , the American consul, at St. Salvador, that the vessels of the U. States will be treated in the ports of Brazil as those of the most favored nation, and that it will be lawful for them—
1 st . To enter all the ports of Brazil, where there are custom-houses, and to import all sorts of goods, from whosoever part of the world they may come, paying the accustomed duties paid by other nations.
2 d . That American vessels are to pay the same anchorage that other vessels pay; and when there shall be a new regulation, they will be put upon the footing of other foreign vessels.
3 d . That all goods imported in American vessels, as well as those of every other foreign vessel, pay one third more of duty, and this is the only favor granted to the Portuguese mercantile marine, to raise it from the low state in which it is.
4 th . That every citizen of the U. States, conforming himself to the laws of police, and making the necessary declarations on his entrance into the ports of Brazil, and taking afterwards the proper passports, may remain in and transfer his residence to any part of Brazil, without being disturbed or suffering molestation of any sort, and that it will be lawful for them in their own names or in that of any mercantile house of which they may be the agents to transact and to treat of every kind of business, and to make sales and purchases of every kind of goods, on which they are to pay the lawful duties, excepting diamonds, gold dust and wood of Brazil, which are articles belonging exclusively to the crown and royal revenue; the traffic in which is forbidden even to the subjects of his Royal Highness.
5 th . The citizens of the United States may export all and every kind of production or manufacture of Brazil—that duty being so very small on some articles, that it might almost be said they were exported without paying duties.
6 th . Every American vessel which enters the ports of Brazil ought to declare she brings goods destined to be sold in the country, or if she wishes to carry them to other ports, she is to ask a clearance ( Franchisa ) and in that case is only obliged to pay the duties on these articles really imported for the consumption of the country.
7 th . There is no law here which prohibits the owners of American vessels from selling their vessels or disposing of them as they may think proper; and at present they are not obliged to pay any thing, but perhaps a duty may hereafter be paid.
8 th . No law prohibits the citizens of the United States from disposing freely of their property, either by donation, by will, or by succession—the Droit d'Aubaine does not exist here, now in matters of this kind are they treated differently from the subject of his Royal Highness.
9 th . The citizens of the United States, as well as those of every other state, will not be molested or disturbed in Brazil, or in the other dominions or territories of his Royal Highness, for their religious principles, which they may profess, particularly in their houses and in those of their ministers and consuls—nothing more being required from them on this point than the greatest respect in public for the general established religion of the country, and that they should avoid finding fault with it, or endeavoring to make proselytes for any new sect, which is strictly prohibited by the laws of his Royal Highness, and will be rigorously chastised by immediate expulsion, or by a severer punishment, if the crime be aggravated.
10 th . The citizens of the United States may appear, and establish their rights in any tribunal of the country, in the same manner as the subjects of his Royal Highness, their persons and property being equally protected by the laws; and his Royal Highness will be able to assign them a judge to forward their causes, if the U. States should so require.... Nat. Int.
The King of England has issued a proclamation for the convening of Parliament on the 16 th of January.
The Senate, in the absence of the Vice-President, have chosen John Milledge, of Georgia, President pro tempore.
A Report of the Secretary of War, accompanying the Message of the President of the United States of the 6 th ult. presents a general view of the works which have been erected or repaired for the defence of our ports and harbors, in conformity with the act of the last session of Congress on these points.—This Report shows what has been done in each state. The following notice is taken of this interesting subject, as it respects
VIRGINIA.
Fort Nelson has been strengthened, and a large strong battery of masonry work erected on the site of old Fort Norfolk, with brick barracks.
A site and materials for a strong battery at Hospital Point, near Norfolk, have been procured; but too late for completing it the present season.
At Hood's, on James river, a strong battery of masonry work has been erected, and a regular enclosed work on an eminence commanding the battery, is in considerable forwardness, with barracks for 200 men nearly completed, including quarters for the officers.
The venerable Gen. Scott , governor of Kentucky, in his speech to the legislature of that State on the 13 th Dec. expresses these interesting ideas: "It cannot have escaped your attention, that on our days of muster and review, many of our citizens are frequently armed without a lock, and some with even less than this mere apology for a weapon. Our parent state has set an example on this occasion, well worthy of our most zealous imitation. It is by establishing and encouraging the manufacture of arms and warlike accoutrements of every description amongst ourselves, that the evil alone can be remedied. A few cents annually from each citizen, devoted to this important object will produce in calculable advantage; and if any one values his liberty or his independence, he will not murmur at the tribute or the appropriation. It will be the tribute of freedom, and an appropriation for national existence."
NORFOLK, Jan. 30.
General Wilkinson landed at fort Nelson on Saturday last from Annapolis, which place he left on Tuesday last in the schooner Wolf , capt. Jones , in which vessel (we learn) he immediately proceeds to Charleston on his route to New Orleans. On the General's arrival on the river a Federal sloop was fired by fort Nelson—Yesterday he visited this Borough where he was received amidst the acclamations of thousands, and the salutes of cannon by Captains Nestell's and Collett's artillery companies.... Merald .

TO JOHN TAYLOR, Esq.
OF CAROLINA.
Sir, If in the following strictures, there should be any expression to wound your feelings, the blame cannot possibly rest upon me. There is nothing, which I venerate more than "age;" but when "age" throws off the respect, which is due to itself, it cannot expect greater complaisance from the rest of the world. The attacks, which you have aimed at myself, have imposed on me, the necessity of a reply.
The expression, to which you have objected, Sir, is—private griefs. Your first remark upon it excites my astonishment.—The world have long admired you as a quibbler and a sophist. But even in these qualities there is sometimes a refinement which may defeat their object. In what ingenious school of Logic, have you, Sir, learned to construe the private griefs of such men as yourself, into a disappointed "expectation of office" from the hands of government?—There is nothing in the frivolous reasons, which you assign for this construction. It is a very different species of private griefs, to which my allusion was made.
The first question, however, which arises in this discussion, relates to the proper sphere of agency belonging to the Press.—You have used many desultory and undefined remarks on the sanctity of the character and conduct of private life. This is a great question, and it is worthy of a few remarks.
There are certainly lines of distinction which the Press is bound to respect.—The public actions of public men are fair game. Those private actions and qualities, which serve to display the real dispositions of public men, are also fair subjects of enquiry.—Private men, who are candidates for public office, are also embraced within the reasons of the rule. Those qualities and achievements of theirs, which have any bearing upon their official qualifications; those, which are to unfold the talents, the real integrity, the public principles, and in a very few cases, the temper of the candidate, ought likewise to enter into the circulating medium of public disquisition.
There are a few other cases, in which the sanctity of private life can form no impediment against the enquiries of the press.—When an individual chooses to foist his name into the public prints, he becomes, within a certain extent, fair game for fair pursuit.—When at the eve of any great political crisis, some private individual of intrigue and agency of character, should strive to give an unfavorable cast to the interests of the nation; is it not then too the duty of a free press to drag him into light? Who would have censured Edmund Burke for making Lord Bute the Hero of his "Present State of the Nation," when that wily Scotchman was softly skulking behind the throne itself, and regulating the monarch and his ministers at his will by the ingenious establishment of an "interior cabinet" who would have censured the animadversions of Burke, though Lord Bute had been only a private subject, without an office, without a title and without a pension? Such cases and characters may occur within the bosom of a republic—as within the court of St. James's—cases, when individuals may set themselves in opposition to the best interests of the nation, though with less effect than my Lord Bute—and with much inferior talents. Cases of this description would, however be rare. Few men without office have a sufficient ascendancy in public matters to give them any thing like a decided cast. Still fewer would be willing to exert it. With respect to these cases, therefore, it would not often happen that the powers of the press would be called into requisition.
The Election of a President of the United States is a great crisis in the affairs of this country. You, Sir, had been represented to me, as a man busy in your opposition to Mr. Madison, active and influential. But, these were not altogether the ruling considerations, which introduced your name into my paper. It was a motive of a less reflecting cast. You, Sir, shall explicitly bear all the impressions, which had successively collected upon my mind, and the ultimate consequences of which these ideas were productive.
There was a strong impression upon my mind, that you, Sir, had asserted, that Mr. Madison was no "republican in principle" and that his numbers of the Federalist were a decided proof of it. This impression is not fancy, but fact.
There was a strong impression upon my mind, that you were at the City of Washington when Mr. John Randolph first began to meditate a schism from the administration—and that you then dissuaded him from making any attack upon Mr. Jefferson, but that you readily gave up Mr. Madison as a victim to his resentment. Why this discrimination, Sir?—The thing did not look well.
There has been a strong impression upon my mind that Mr. Randolph on the floor of the House of Representatives has repeated the very objections, which you had previously expressed, against Mr. Madison's numbers of the Federalist. The same ideas occur in the celebrated Protest of Seventeen. Had you, Sir, delivered these strictures to Mr. Randolph? The co-incident of these circumstances had strongly implanted the conclusion upon my mind, that you were the real—though not the putative father of them.
These ideas had left a strong conclusion upon my mind, that you felt no extraordinary friendship towards Mr. Madison—but that some demon of envy or ill-will had polluted your conceptions of that man's character.—I had understood, that you, Sir, were not altogether charmed with the praises, which had been lavished upon Mr. Madison's Report of 1800—and that you believed, that your Resolutions of '99, chastened and corrected as they were by the Pencil of Messrs. Giles and Nicholas, and disrobed of some of their features, were entitled to many more of the laurels. I had understood—for you, Sir, have compelled me by a misrepresentation of my sentiments to state the truth without reserve—that all the little jealousies of your bosom were disturbed by this glaring predilection. The world can best decide from a knowledge of your character, whether you possess magnanimity of soul enough to view this decided ascendancy without regret.
But I had understood, Sir, that the first source of your alienation from Mr. Madison was, some information which you had received, that he had pronounced you a wild and visionary politician; an expression which, it is also said, had not fallen from his lips—and from that moment, you had become his irreconcilable opponent.
These were the considerations, which principally swayed my estimate of the motives, which dictated your continued opposition to Mr. Madison's election. These considerations were still more strongly pointed by the representations of a near and intelligent
neighbor of your own, a few hours only before my obnoxious and misrepresented remark was written. It was written in the indignant spirit which still glowed in my nerves. It was subjoined to the end of some general remarks, which I was then addressing to the public on the revolutions of the public mind of Virginia, as it respected the election—on the spread of concord and union among the republican party—on the particular exemplification of this fact among the "Republicans of Port Royal and its neighborhood"—and it was then, that my impetuous indignation dictated the fact, that "such were not the sentiments of John Taylor, Esq. of Caroline;" and that the line of the poet burst upon my pen; "what private griefs he has, alas! we know not."
These were the principal points in the allusion, which I made. But I will be frank with you, Sir. I have said that this remark was thrown out in the heat and hurry of composition. The moment it went from my pen, it passed into type; and in the next, it went into the world. My own deliberate reflections have since disapproved of the impetuosity of my feelings. It is one of those cases in which the interposition of the press does not seem to have been necessary. Had I then known, as I was afterwards better informed, that your interference in the election was not so busy, nor your influence so extensive, I should have waved the remark. I intended afterwards to press it, but I found it to be unnecessary, and felt it to be improper. But, Sir, the impressions which gave birth to my allusions, are not yet extinguished. They remain in all their force. Prove that they are unfounded, by arguments and facts sufficient to convince my understanding, and no man will be more ready to make that atonement, which injured innocence deserves; your present politics notwithstanding. Vain, however I fear, is the voluntary tender which I have made.
Your's is the only case, in which there is a solitary doubt of my having invaded the privileges of a private man.
There is one further enquiry, which I must make of you. In your letter of Sept. 29, you assert, that the "calumny of a gazetteer" and the "bayonet of a soldier" are almost equally hostile to "the freedom of suffrage." Now, Sir, what is the use of "suffrage" to you? You were not at the hustings. You gave no vote either to Mr. Madison or Mr. Monroe. The world are telling sad stories about you, Sir. Why were you not at Caroline court on the 7th of November? Was your carriage again broken down? was there no sympathetic friend, who could lend you one?
I shall make no further observations on your first letter. There is one principle in its doctrinal part, which I have been long accustomed to venerate. You advise me not to "exasperate differences among Republicans." The union of the Republican party has been often the polar star of a benighted voyage. No man in this country has stuck to this republican principle with more enthusiasm than I have done. No man of the same range of influence has done more for it. No one has made greater sacrifices of feeling to preserve it.
As to your last letter, I have already said enough as it relates to yourself. Your charge, as to the "suppression" of your defence, is worthy of the subtlety of a sophist. There can be no suppression of a thing, which was never intended for publication. You have declared yourself, that you had expressed no desire, "that it should be printed." You had previously avowed, that it was intended for my own amendment.
But, Sir, there are some assertions in those compositions, relating to myself, which demand an answer. Let us at least examine both sides of the medal.
"Are we liable," you ask, "to a school master correction, and bound to kiss the rod of a pedagogue editor, without murmuring?" I see your insinuation, and it is worthy of the man who made it.—But there are some men, Sir, more distinguished for their malignant desire to meditate mischief than for their power to inflict it. The world will no doubt do justice to the generosity of such sentiments.—This, Sir, was the noble train of ideas in your mind. You knew that I had been an instructor of a school. You were weak enough to suppose that I was silly enough to be ashamed to be known to the universe for what I had been; and that this was a glorious and a generous opportunity for you to stab my feelings in their most delicate relations. I admire, Sir, the delicacy of your sensibilities. But really 'twas pitiful, 'twas wondrous pitiful. It was the mean refuge of a malignant and impotent genius. Sir, you know me not. You must be a stranger to those delicious emotions, which swell the bosom of the man, who is conscious of having deserved the plaudits, instead of the sneers of his country. This may appear to you the language of egotism. But, if it be vain, it is also just. If there be any one action of my whole life, of which I am intensely proud, it is the very one, which you have affected to ridicule. This is the first time in my life, in which I have dared to pronounce such a public judgment upon myself—but perhaps it may be the last.
And who, Sir, were Plato, and Aristotle, the greatest men of Greece? They were nothing but school-masters—the pedagogues of the Lyceum and Academic Groves. Who was Watts? A school-master. Who was the great Milton? At first nothing but a school-master in Aldersgate-Street. Who was Samuel Johnson? And who was the man, before whose genius even John Taylor himself, has so often cowered in dismay? A common school-master! or if you please, a pedagogue in the town of Port-Royal. Is it to the humiliating castigation which you have received from his powers, that we are to ascribe this wonderful antipathy for the name of a school master?
But if you have a soul, Sir, that is capable of soaring for one moment above the sphere of prejudices, will you examine this profession on its own merits only?
What is a wise and virtuous school-master? A man, who strives to make men better, by making them wiser—who enlarges the sphere of thought, by teaching what and how to think—who, taking the mind at its very root, strives to impart to it, that tone and vigor, which are destined to supply the leading professions of society. Tet is this radical profession to be despised—and the respectable professors to be exhibited as the vile butt of your indignant ridicule.—In free governments, particularly, is not the occupation of a school-master essential to the political prosperity of society? Despotism may exist amidst the darkness of its subjects. The moment the slave begins to see and feel the incumbence of his chains, his master is obliged to relax their rigor. But republics must rest upon the wisdom of the people. If they are not enlightened enough to select the best officers, for the management of their affairs—if the not wise enough to track the march of encroachment, or the ambition of individuals—their liberties are gone. Light and liberty are, in every sphere of action almost coincident. Whatever then, has a tendency to extend the information of republics, becomes an object truly worthy of the respect or a patriot and a man. Such a man will see that the elective franchise—agriculture—the Press—
* See Burr's Trial.
and seminaries are the three great pillars, on which the liberties of his country depend. And seeing this, he would disdain to derogate from the dignity of "an honest and useful employment." Perhaps this vindication of the dignity of an instructor may be deemed superfluous. There were some traits in my own situation, which would dislodge the narrowest prejudices of the most besotted worldling. My resources would have enabled me to make my way into some of the polished professions of society. My genius, like that of poor Dick, the Apothecary, laid for nearly 12 months been "cramped over a pestle & mortar." I had attended one course of lectures on Anatomy and Chemistry in the University of Philadelphia.—But new lights broke in upon my mind. I believed the pursuits of a school-master to be more useful than those of a physician, and my zeal overlapped all the kind importunities of my relations and the narrow prejudices of the world, arrayed against me. For four years, my course was unaltered. But my health began to decay. My constitution withered. I sought some new mode of subsistence—and I saw the "pedagogue Editor" at your service.
Could you have expected, by such pitiful attacks to wound the feelings of a man thus "cased in adamant?" Just as impotent is your insinuation, that he has supported the election of Mr. Madison from the mercenary list of office. Examine the catalogue of Epithets, which you have lavished upon me—and you will there discover the name of Calumniator, in broad and repeated Characters.
There is nothing too high for your ingenuity to attempt—nothing too low for your petulance to abuse. At one time, Sir, you have convicted me of a want of moral "principle"—and at another, you have descended to a criticism on my particles and nouns. It would be the highest presumption in me to dispute the dictates of the standing Oracle of style. You have really written too much—in indicements , bills of costs , bills of chancery , and the other elegant forms of the laws—for a poor "pedagogue Editor" to protest against your powers of composition. But may I not be permitted to whisper, dread Sir, that in the ingenious string of words which you have collected out of my paragraphs, some are borrowed from the lines of Gray, and that the multiplication of images is therefore his and not my own—some were applied by me to the author himself, instead of his composition—that the epithet of "bitter," which you have been polite enough to lend me, will not exactly tally with some of my other expressions; as, for instance, "bitter gems"; and that it would have been quite as easy for me to have strung together a series of far more elegant epithets from your brilliant compositions? May I not also be permitted to suggest, that there are some styles of writing so extremely defective, that they defy the delicacy of the critic, like some offensive subjects, which cannot bear the dissection of the anatomical knife—that this description cannot possibly apply to you, the literary Oracle of the Western World—that your style of composition, which could be desired, if it were not for a few defects—it would be simple, if it were not so confused—classic, if not so vulgar—witty, if not quite so full of quaint and unmeaning conceits—and perfectly philosophical, if it did not require a brain just as pecculating as your own, to disentangle the inuendo of its sentences, and to reduce the elements of Chaos, into some species of order? Will you pardon my presumption, if I merely enquire, Sir, in what system of grammar you discovered the expression of "I had shrunk"—or what you exactly mean by "the acrid state of my stomach"?
You have aimed some insinuations at my political course. I forsake "have skipped upon the shoulders of a majority." And who is it, that says this? A man whose recent course is as variable as the winds.
I am not singular, Sir, in these opinions.—The majority of the world are ready to acquiesce in their truth.—The following is an extract of a letter from a friend, written some months since. It is a mirror in the justness of whose reflections, you may possibly behold a striking likeness of the original: "The man (col. John Taylor) has ever been a weak and wavering politician.—He had not energy to continue in the army, during the American revolution; and to the want of that quality, we must ascribe his late zig-zag course. He is in the horrors about the French. No old woman is half so tremulous or visionary. I am persuaded, he seriously believes that Bonaparte will ere long, send over the Duke of Berri or Dantzic or the Prince of Neufchatel, to lay siege to the famous city of Port Royal, and devour all his pigs and ducks. Hence his dread of French influence, and his disapprobation of any measure which may strengthen the power of France and lessen the resources of G. Britain.—Hence too, led on by this ignis fatuus he would willingly pocket our national insults, lest by resenting them, we might irritate our "natural allies" and only serve defenders from French invasion."
Col. Taylor has certainly been a zealous partisan if not an able one. I suppose he had some ingenuity and volubility or he never would have been trusted with those famous Resolutions which bear his name; but if he has the abilities ascribed to him by some would-be-politicians, why do we find his labored compositions obscure and unintelligible? His treatise on the Banking system is perhaps too profound for common capacities to comprehend; but I have better authority, the authority of Mr. Gallatin, for asserting, that no man yet was ever profited by it, because probably no man could ever wade through its confused perplexities. It is the only work on the same subject from which that Gentleman could not glean something.
In fine Col. Taylor has not enough of moral energy to make his opinions respectable or respected. He flutters and vibrates between different systems & belongs to none. He wants a solid and profound mind. His views are narrow and his Politics unsearching. He would begin by suspecting his friends & end with betraying them."
Is not my friend right in his delineations? Why is it, Sir, that from some cause or other, some miserable phantom should have always disturbed your imagination? As you seem to have an itch for anecdote, will you permit me to illustrate my remark by a little case in point? "Old" age is generally garrulous and fond of stories—and as it may sometimes be convenient for the memory of an old man to be rather treacherous, is perhaps as well sometimes to enlarge the list of his anecdotes by refreshing his recollections. A gentleman, Sir, not a thousand leagues from the capital of Caroline, was one day wandering over his fields and meadows, when unfortunately some bird of monstrous port and plumage as black as the shades of Erebus, was daring enough to perch upon his shoulder or his hand. All the superstitions of antiquity perhaps at once rushed upon his mind. In the poor crow before him—for it was nothing but a miserable crow, whom the hu-
manity or curiosity of some neighboring children perhaps had reared above the house—this sage philosopher beheld the bidding bird, of whom the ancients were so apprehensive. Perhaps it appeared to him as the malus corvus , whom Virgil has so strikingly depicted in his first Eclogue. Perhaps it seemed to him as some embodied Spirit, who had come from the infernal shades to announce his intended dissolution. Perhaps it was the Prince of Darkness himself, who had thus impudently put on the plumes of the Raven. But, Sir, from whatever cause this wondrous visitation rushed so powerfully upon his fancy—not more disastrous to affrighted nations is the "moon in dim eclipse"—not more portentous to wondering monarchs is the comet's tail—than was this grave bird to this graver philosopher. He returned home full of trepidation, dispirited and sick. His last end seemed at hand—until the discovery of the domestication of the poor bird had dispelled his illusions and removed his fears. It was then known that it was no longer a spirit or a devil, but an unoffending crow. To this moment however, it is yet an undecided problem for the amusement of the learned, whether the accre croco that is placed in our corn-fields in terravium , be a more alarming spectacle to the wild crows, than was this domesticated animal to the bodily proprietor of the fields and the scarecrows.—So runs the story, Sir. That thing got wind—but as trifles of this sort are apt to be exaggerated, perhaps you, Sir, who live in the neighborhood of the philosopher, can give us more correct information.
Far be the insinuation, Sir, that you have any acquaintance with this poor bird. You had served me by calling up the shade of Franklin for my amusement—and it was but common gratitude in me to attempt to return the compliment. If my story of the bird is not as good as yours of the printer, it is not my fault. You were ungenerous enough to forestall me in the "best story in the world"—and I was forced to tell you one, that had as much truth in it, though not as much spirit. However to be serious, Sir—it generally appears to have been your fate to have been disturbed by a crow in some form or other. For your own comfort, though not for the amusement of your friends, I should wish you to shake them off for ever.
During the wars of the Revolution, Sir, if the world does not much misrepresent you, some indignant, ill-omened Raven, or other, was always lighting upon your shield. You wisely left the battle of camps & that world of spirits.
This Vacuus of the brain has not yet abandoned you. If a poor printer whispers anything about you in his "calumniating," "filthy" paper, Innocence itself is no charm against this wondrous visitation. The poor crow is again upon you.
If Bonaparte happens to approach an Inch nearer to the Atlantic Ocean, you are in the horrors. Your ill-omened bird, like the Vulture of Prometheus, is again devouring "the ever-growing Liver." And really I should not be much astonished, if you, Sir, were to propose "to pay a tax for the support of the British navy" by the way of getting clear of these horrors. Such a proposition would be worthy of your public spirit. For my own part, Sir, I am not altogether pleased with the great accumulation of Bonaparte's power—but let me whisper one secret in your ear, that we have much more to fear, from the velleity vultures of John Bull, hovering about our coasts, than from any French flight of crows, which these may arrest in their passage to our country.
I am done for the present, Sir—when it suits my humour, I shall resume the pen—Be assured, that this address has been inspired by the same ardent friendship for you which your late letters have expressed for me—and that if I have not said less, it was because I did not despise you more. There are some talents about you which command my respect—and there was once a time, when the name of John Taylor stood high in my esteem.—It was an object of my ambition that at this time when a black tempest lowers in our horizon, my energies should be turned against the foreign enemies of my country, rather than in fanning new however trifling dissensions within the bosom of the republic. But you have thrown down the gauntlet and I am bound to assume it. It was Priam, that struck the blow; it was telum imbelle sine telis ; but it is such a literary champion, as none have affected to admire & whose oblique I am not disposed to decline.
Sir, you have eminently disappointed my expectations. What course would a man of an illustrious and dignified mind have pursued, in the situation which you have assumed? Such a man might have beheld the censure of a public print with composure. Perhaps he would have passed them by in silent contempt. For it is not excited ignorance, that the arrows of calumny can reach.—It has been said, that "it is the middle and compound character, which alone feels itself deeply" vulnerable; the man, who without firmness enough to avoid a dishonorable action, has feeling enough to be ashamed of it. These are the men, who are the most apt to indulge the virulence of resentments. But, Sir, if the feelings of a dignified man had demanded some indulgence, he would have submitted to this necessity with the dignity of a man, and not the petulance of a monk. Instead of forming subtle and sophisticated constructions of his own, he would have addressed himself to the Editor of the news-paper, and demanded the nature and reasons of his accusation. If he permitted himself to enlarge into a general discussion of the points in controversy, he would have approached it with the dignity of a man. His desire to disturb the feelings of his assailant, would never have permitted him to lose sight of the respect which was due to himself—"Look at this picture—and then look at that"—which you, Sir, have exhibited.
Extract of a letter from a Merchant in Philadelphia, to a Mercantile House in this City, dated 27th January, 1809:
"I should be happy to hear from you before the separation talked of takes place.—The P. mark is to divide between us and the N*****—I am sorry you are on the N***** side."
"You will soon see in the news-papers, resolutions past here, that will make the Palace V a g a b o n d s tremble."
Answer to the above, dated Richmond, 1st February:
"Your favor of the 27th ult. was received yesterday morning; Mr. M***** being out of town, it becomes me to reply to your very singular letter individually, and I must observe, that my feelings were extremely mortified and wounded, on the receipt of such a letter from you. Perhaps it may be proper to let you know who I am—I am an American, a native born Virginian, attached to my country, and feel
for its honor and independence; a friend to the President and those Gentlemen whom you are pleased to call "Palace Vagabonds." "If you, Mr. G****, know of any design or plan, to separate and divide the United States, you ought, as an honest man, to disclose it: And permit me to tell you, that you will be acting the part of a traitor, if you do not. And I now call upon you, if you know of any plan, design or project, for such purposes, to make it public."
"What, Sir, would you think of me, if I was settled in some town of Great Britain, was carrying on, under the protection of the laws of that country, a lucrative and profitable business, if I should, in writing to a true born Englishman, speak of the Chief Magistrate of the Country as a Vagabond? Would you not say, at once, that I would deserve a rib-roasting for my impertinence?—If you will just, in your imagination, change sides for a moment, you would see the ridiculous point of view in which you have placed yourself."
"I must observe, in justice to my partner, Mr. M****, that if you thought by your letter, to please or gratify his feelings, you have mistaken your man: He is your coadjutor, and is true; he is, nevertheless, a gentleman, and one, who would disdain to participate in any of your rancorous hostile feelings, against this country or its rulers.—The responsibility of this letter, I, however, take entirely upon myself; and I have only to observe, that there is but one way of settling any difference, which any expression in it may occasion, between you and myself."
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, dated February 3.
"We have this moment taken a vote, in the committee of the whole, in the House of Representatives, to repeal the embargo laws, on the fourth of next month—no votes were about two to one, in favor of a repeal. It is thought that Letters of Marque and Reprisal will follow."
The Schooner Wolf, Captain Jones, sails this day for Charleston. In her goes passenger, on his way to New Orleans, Major John Sanders, for some years past commandant of Port Nelson, and commanding at this post. While every citizen of this place rejoices in the promotion of this worthy officer, all must and will regret his absence. Norfolk Ledger.
Died, on the 7th inst. at Lexington, in Rockbridge county, Va. Mrs. PHEBE SHIELDS, wife of Major Alexander Shields, & only daughter to Capt. John Caruthers. She has left behind her a young family of children, an afflicted husband, and a numerous collection of friends and relatives, to deplore her irreparable loss. She was an affectionate wife, and a tender parent—She endeared herself to the circle in which she moved, as well by the sweetness of her disposition as by the practice of those christian virtues which so highly exalt the human character.—She had a long and painful illness, which she bore with fortitude and resignation—and departed this life with that calm composure, which religion alone can inspire.
The Plantation belonging to the estate of the late Alexander Banks, dec'd. containing by estimation, 152 acres, will be sold, on Saturday, the 18th of this month, at Mr. Lanford's tavern, near Manchester. A credit of 12, 18 and 24 months, will be given on three-fourths of the amount. About one half of this Land is in woods, and well adapted to the culture of small grain and corn. The Land is only three miles from Manchester, and joins the turnpike road, and is well calculated for a small family.
There is an excellent Granary on the premises, and with little expense, the Dwelling-House could be made comfortable. A deed of trust upon the Land, to secure the payment, with approved security, will be required by
R. GRAHAM, Administrator of the estate of A. BANKS.
February 7.
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on Thursday, the 23d of February next, at the late residence of Major Robert Mabry, dec'd. the tract of LAND, whereon Nathaniel Farris now resides, containing one hundred and twenty six acres. Terms of which will be made known on the day. Also, several NEGROES, a valuable stock of HORSES, among them is a hand-some STUD, six years old, by Saltrave, several valuable brood MARES, GELDINGS & work HORSES, stock of CATTLE, several articles of household and kitchen FURNITURE, a parcel of DRY GOODS, and sundry other articles too tedious to enumerate. A credit till the 23d of December next, on all sums above ten dollars. Bond and approved security will be required before the property is removed. The subscriber earnestly requests all persons having claims against the estate, to make them known as early as possible, that provision may be made for their discharge; and those indebted to the estate will be so good as to come forward and make payment, as the situation of the estate will not admit of any indulgence. At the same time & place, will be sold, several valuable brood MARES, COLTS and work HORSES, some CATTLE, several articles of household FURNITURE, belonging to the estate of Rebecca Mabry, dec'd. If any person has any claim against her estate, they will please to come forward and present them.
GEO. MABRY, Administrator with the Will annexed of Robert and Rebecca Mabry, dec'd.
South-Hampton, February 7.
MANCHESTER FEMALE ACADEMY. The public, and the friends to this institution, are respectfully informed, that the business of this Academy is carried on with zeal and assiduity.
The various branches of elegant Needle-Work, Drawing, French, &c. taught by Miss Chandler, who was brought up and educated by Mrs. O'Reilly, and assisted as governess in the School for three years.
The Musical department by Mr. Videmeyer, (an eminent Musician.) The English by Mr. O'Reilly, viz. Reading in prose and verse, Writing and Arithmetic, History and Geography.
The management of the domestic affairs, being under the direction of a lady of experience and tenderness in the care of children & boarders will be received, on moderate terms, who will have the benefit of additional tuition before and after school hours. February 7. oaw 2 w
TO the members of the General Assembly of Virginia—I offer not bill nor remonstrance; but merely a petition, Gentlemen, to any one of your honorable body, who may feel a disposition, to return home after so long an absence, to take an hour's audience to his lady, his daughter or his sister; respectfully requesting him to inform Mr. Cowan, Watch and Clock-maker, who will inform him of the price, the value, and properties, of a certain elegant machine, vulgarly called, a GOLD REPEATER. You: Our Servt.
THE SUBSCR. W.R.
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which will be at his usual cheap rates for each. February 7.
WANTED, two good Journeyman SHOEMAKERS, to go to the Western Country. For particulars, apply to the Subscriber. ALEXANDER FULTON. February 7.

FOR THE ENQUIRER.
COMMUNICATION.—The convention of Contra has already excited the indignation of the British nation. So far, the present ministry are unpopular. If too, the French should succeed against Spain, of which there is now every probability, the British troops should be either taken or driven from Spain...
COMMUNICATION.
WILLIAMSBURG, Jan. 28. I have copied out of Warren's History of the American Revolution, an extract relative to the conduct of Timothy Pickering at the battle of Lexington. At a time like the present, when designing men, the tools of an hostile foreign government, are availing themselves of a credit acquired by the reputation of imaginary past services, to be eminently mischievous in promoting disunion and passing the arm of that government on which we all rely for protection and defence...
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
"Oh! FATHER ABRAHAM, WHAT THESE CHRISTIANS ARE!"—SHAKESPEARE. Muse! lending done with R— for a while, Say, who shall next attract the lyric smile? For whom, attune to lofty pitch the string! Wouldst thou to Lyon, Livermore, or Clay, Morrow, or Masters—Eliot, give a lay? Or wave o'er Sloan and Ignorance, thy wing? Lady! resume thy lyre, awake its tones, And charm, Amphion-like, 'em "stocks and stones."
POLITICAL.
SPIRIT OF THE TIMES. At a legal Meeting of the Freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Boston, in Faneuil Hall assembled. STEPHEN CODMAN, Esq. Moderator. The Throne of Grace was addressed in a fervent prayer by the Rev. Dr. LATHROP. The Sermon on calling the meeting being then read. The Hon. THOMAS H. PERKINS, after a short exposition of the situation of public affairs, offered to the town the following motion, which he read in his place, and afterwards laid on the table.
of the general government to persevere in a system of commercial restriction, which is equally repugnant to the true intent and design of the constitution, and to the best interests of the Union; or to relax it, with a view only to a state of hostility, which must probably terminate in an unnecessary and ruinous war with Great Britain, and a fatal alliance with France. That having heretofore expressed our disapprobation of laws imposing an embargo on commerce, and signified to the constitutional authorities of the Union our earnest wish for their repeal, we perceive, with indignation and regret, that non-intercourse, arbitrary and unconstitutional means have been provided for enforcing them, and that no resource remains to us, but in the protection of our state legislature.
Resolved, That a respectful petition be presented to the legislature of this commonwealth, expressive of these sentiments, praying for their interposition, to save the people of this commonwealth from the destructive consequences which they apprehend to their liberties and prosperity from the continuance of the present system, and pledging the inhabitants of this metropolis to support them with their lives and fortunes in such measures as they may adopt for that purpose.
A debate ensued—Dr. EUSTIS moved the postponement of the consideration of the subject until Monday next; and that the motion should be printed, and distributed to the inhabitants of this town, and supported by Messrs. BLAKE, FITCH, AUSTIN, and others; and opposed by Mr. SARGENT, and others, who contended that the motion was plain and explicit, on a subject which has excited every citizen's attention; and that if it was not understood, it might be read and re-read until every word of it was got by rote. The motion to postpone was negatived by a large majority.
On Monday the 23d January, the following Resolutions were adopted by several thousand citizens of Philadelphia, a semblance to take under their consideration the present state of our affairs; the same meeting adopted a most affectionate and approbatory address to the President of the U. States—reviewing the course of his administration and expressing the gratitude of their hearts, previous to his retirement from office.
friends, and have prevented the necessity of a recourse to any other means, to insure us justice from the best of all nations.
Resolved, That Congress, in their late measures to enforce the embargo law, and to establish a system of non-intercourse, between us and our enemies, as well as in making preparation for the defence of the country, and for giving energy to the nation by preparing for war, have done their duty to their constituents.
Resolved, That we will not voluntarily aid or assist in the execution of the act passed on the ninth day of this month for enforcing the several embargo laws, and that all those who shall so assist in enforcing upon others the arbitrary and unconstitutional provisions of this act, ought to be considered as enemies to the constitution of the United States and of this state, and hostile to the liberties of this people.
Resolved, That the example given by that veteran soldier, Gen. Lincoln, and other undeviating patriots, in resigning offices intended to be prostituted to subserve the purposes of oppressing the citizens and enforcing arbitrary edicts, ought to be imitated by all public officers, and that the inhabitants of this town consider it as an highly honorable sacrifice of individual emolument to public welfare.
Resolved, That the example given by that veteran soldier, Gen. Lincoln, and other undeviating patriots, in resigning offices intended to be prostituted to subserve the purposes of oppressing the citizens and enforcing arbitrary edicts, ought to be imitated by all public officers, and that the inhabitants of this town consider it as an highly honorable sacrifice of individual emolument to public welfare.
Resolved, That the example given by that veteran soldier, Gen. Lincoln, and other undeviating patriots, in resigning offices intended to be prostituted to subserve the purposes of oppressing the citizens and enforcing arbitrary edicts, ought to be imitated by all public officers, and that the inhabitants of this town consider it as an highly honorable sacrifice of individual emolument to public welfare.
Resolved, That the example given by that veteran soldier, Gen. Lincoln, and other undeviating patriots, in resigning offices intended to be prostituted to subserve the purposes of oppressing the citizens and enforcing arbitrary edicts, ought to be imitated by all public officers, and that the inhabitants of this town consider it as an highly honorable sacrifice of individual emolument to public welfare.
Resolved, That the example given by that veteran soldier, Gen. Lincoln, and other undeviating patriots, in resigning offices intended to be prostituted to subserve the purposes of oppressing the citizens and enforcing arbitrary edicts, ought to be imitated by all public officers, and that the inhabitants of this town consider it as an highly honorable sacrifice of individual emolument to public welfare.
SPLENDID FESTIVAL. In Honor of the Exertions & Success of the SPANISH PATRIOTS. Yesterday nearly three hundred Citizens of this town, and vicinity, gave a public dinner in honor of the PATRIOTS OF SPAIN. The Honorable Mr. GAGE presided; assisted by the Hon. THOMAS H. PERKINS, Col. PAUL REVERE, JONA HUNSWELL, Esq. Col. ARNOLD WELLES, and DANIEL SARGENT, Esq. as Vice Presidents. Of the guests were the SPANISH CONSUL; the Hon. Mr. OILS President of the Senate; Hon. Mr. DIBBON, Speaker of the House of Representatives; the Hon. Messrs. DANA and PAINE the Justices of the Supreme Judicial Court; the Judge of the District Court; the Rev. Clergy; the Hon. Gen. BROOKS; Col. HENNINGHAUSEN; and the Chairman of the Selectmen. The dinner was served up in the new Hall of the Exchange Coffee House, in the usual style of that excellent place of entertainment. It is impossible for us to do justice to the pure spirit of patriotism, the sympathy of soul, mixed with gratitude and hope, which prevailed on this occasion. Part of the sentiments which animated the company, will be seen in the Toasts which were accompanied by marches and airs from a full band of music. Four new patriotic Songs, composed for the occasion, were sung. The hall was decorated with the flags and arms of Spain and the United States. The Spanish Consul was in full patriotic uniform. The first toast was introduced by the President, in a very animated and appropriate address. The regular toasts were:—
1. The PATRIOTS OF SPAIN. May they establish such liberty as will make Government just—and such a Government as will make Liberty IMMORTAL. [French March.] 2. The SPANISH ARMIES. May their achievements be as splendid as their cause is Glorious. [Paine's National Ode.] 3. The SPANISH PEOPLE. Led to slavery by the PRINCE OF PEACE, may they be led to freedom by the GOD OF WAR.—Grand Ma. ch.—Blue Beard. 4. The SPANISH GOVERNMENT as it was; and the SPANISH PEOPLE as they are. The first a warning, the last an example. [Patriotic Song.] 5. The heroic PALACIO of Asturias May the modern Saracens meet a Pelagio in every Spanish Soldier. [Turkish March—Prague.] 6. The friends of SPANISH INDEPENDENCE May Spaniards find in the courage and fidelity of Allies, a countenance to the cruelty and perfidy of Enemies. [Song—Bonaparte's history of himself.] 7. FREEDOM to FERDINAND the VIIth. May he be a PATRIOT KING among popular Nobles, and a noble People. [God save the King.] 8. The patriotic JUNTAS and GENERALS of SPAIN May their heads be wise, their hearts stout, and their swords sharp enough for their enemies. [March.] 9. The Nation that discovered our Country as they were the first that openly favored our Independence, may we not be the last openly to favor theirs. [Patriotic Song.] 10. OUR OWN COUNTRY. May it not prove too wide for us—too cordial for Patriotism—too democratic for LIBERTY. [Yankee Doodle.] 11. WASHINGTON! HAMILTON! AMES! An endless succession of their sublime virtues, and our country worthy of their display. [Hamilton's March.] 12. The patriotic LEGISLATURE of MASSACHUSETTS. In this time of peril, may they think nothing done while any thing remains undone, to preserve the Constitution and Liberties of their Country. [Massachusetts March.] 13. The PRESSES of the AMERICAN NAVY. May our Administration imbibe a portion of their spirit, without imitating to them any of its own. [Tillotson's March.] 14. The CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES. As now practised upon, "A dream of what thou wast! a garish flag." "To be the aim of every dangerous shot." "Assign of dignity a bubble!" 15. Our indisputable rights; "Let us be back'd with GOD, and with the seas," "And with three helps alone, defend our lives." 16. Our Administration—
VIRGINIA. To wit—At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 26th day of November, 1833. Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff—vs—Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsnum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, the March Cocks, Martha Cocks, infant daughter of Robert Cocks, and Martha his wife, by John Newsnum her guardian, John Newsnum, administrator of Robert Cocks, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, Robert Burnham and Ann his wife, Watson Scott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor—which George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, and Elizabeth are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray his devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company. Defendants.
The defendants Watson Scott & Sarah his wife, having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this County, or the territory of the Plaintiffs, by their order, it is Ordered That the said defendants appear, or else, on the first day of the next term, in answer the bill of the Plaintiffs; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted on the first door of the former Capitol, in this city.
ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C. oaw8w. VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1833. James Goshen and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Parrott, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—vs—against Joseph Wilson and John Greaves, Defendants. The defendants Joseph Wilson and John Greaves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
PRICHARD & ADAMS, at their BOOK-STORE, opposite the Post-Office, Richmond, offer for sale LEES' GENUINE PATENT and FAMILY MEDICINE; Each article having the signature of Richard Lee & Son, on the outside wrapper. Persons not attending to the above instructions are liable to be imposed upon. The proprietors think it necessary to remind the public, that these Medicines have been for several years prepared by them—the good effects of which, are authenticated by some of our most respectable citizens; and without attending to the place of sale as above, and our signature, the purchaser may be disappointed, by receiving an article—not having the genuine Medicines of Richard Lee & Son. LEE'S ELIXIR, a sovereign remedy for Catarrhs, Catarrhs, Catarrhs, Asthma, Sarsaparilla and approaching Consumption. A single trial of this Medicine, will prove its efficacy in quality in restoring a perspiration common to healthy people, it dislodges and expels the congealed phlegm or mucus, strengthening the weakened vessels of the lung; thus acting at the root of the disorder, the symptoms of course are effectually and permanently conquered. To patients who may have children afflicted with the hooping cough—This discovery is of the first importance, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and, in a short time, entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable. The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it. LEE'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. This Medicine is superior to any ever offered to the public, being innocent and mild, certain and efficacious in its operations. Should no worms exist in the body, it will, without pain or griping, cleanse the stomach and bowels of whatever is foul or offensive, and thereby prevent the production of worms and many fatal disorders. LEE'S ESSENCE OF MUSTARD, so well known for the cure of rheumatism, gout, palsy, sprains, &c. LEE'S GRAND RESTORATIVE, proved by long experience, to be unequalled in the cure of nervous disorders, consumption, lowness of spirit, inward weakness, &c. LEE'S ANTIPHLOGISTIC PILLS. Prepared by Richard Lee & Son, Baltimore. Persons willing to purchase this valuable Medicine, are requested to be particular in ordering for Lee's Anti-Phlogistic Pills, put up in wooden boxes, having on the outside wrapper, the signature of Richard Lee and Son. LEE'S SOVEREIGN OINTMENT, for the Itch, which is warranted an infallible remedy at once application. AGUE AND FEVER DROPS, for the cure of agues, remittants and intermitting fevers. PERSIAN LOTION, celebrated for the cure of ringworms, tetter, and all eruptions of the skin, rendering it soft and smooth. LEE'S CORNURE EYE-WATER, an effectual remedy for all diseases of the eyes. TOOTH-ACHE DROPS, which give immediate relief. LEE'S CORN PLASTER. DAMASK LIP SALVE. RESTORATIVE POWDER, for the teeth and gums. THE ANDROXINE ELIXIR, for the cure of every kind of head ache. INDIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC, a certain and never failing cure for venereal complaints. N. B. Each and every medicine above enumerated, have directions describing their mode of use in the most perfect manner. * A few new Publications just received. A general assortment of BOOKS, Law, History, Miscellaneous, Latin Classics, and School Books, as usual. January 21. oaw8w. TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN. At the time of a dissolution of the firm of Campbell and Clark, merchants here, a transfer and sale was made to the subscriber, one of the partners, by Mr. Archibald Campbell of New York, the other, of all his interest in the debts and stock of that partnership, and also of the house of Robert Campbell & Co. of Charlotte county, carried on under the superintendence of Robert Campbell, deceased, who was exclusively interested in that firm one third, and the remainder belonging to the house here. There is still due from Robert Campbell & Co. a considerable balance for advances made during the existence of that firm, to the subscriber, who is, therefore, only competent (as his agent) to collect & grant discharges for debts due Robert Campbell & Co. to amount of the sums owing by them for advance of stock, and the remainder, if any, will be profits, and to which the representatives of Robert Campbell, will be entitled one-third part. SAMUEL CLARK, Only surviving partner of the late firm of Robert Campbell & Co. Richmond, January 17. oaw8w. N. B. I will give the highest price for Tobacco and other produce in discharge of the debts due to Robert Campbell & Co. S. CLARK. PROPERTY FOR SALE.—The subscriber desires of removing to the western country, offers for sale his HOUSE & LOTS, in Richmond. He deems a particular description unnecessary, and wishes those inclined to purchase, to view the property. The dwelling-house, for elegance and convenience, is certainly not inferior to any in the city; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard will be laid out in a style adapted to the buildings, and the situation combines the advantage of privacy and retirement to that of proximity to the scene of business. A small portion only of the purchase money will be required at the time of the sale, and the residue in such installments as may be agreed on, or slaves will be received in payment, for a part or the whole of the property. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. oaw8w. IN CHANCERY—Northumberland County Court, 14th Nov. 1833. George & Thomas Brown, Complainants—vs—against Jacob Walsh, Jr. & Stokely Towles, Defendants. THIS day came the plaintiffs, by their counsel, and the deft Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs, it is decreed and ordered, that the said deft Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the deft Towles, retain in his hands whatever money deft Towles may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest. FLEM. BATES, C. M. C. oaw8w. KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, attorneys to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17. FOR SALE, a likely Negro BOY, 14 or 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office. Jan. 17. oaw8w.