Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-01 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No."> [No. 1487.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, MARCH 1, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
 Tobacco, — $ 4 25 CASH.  WHEAT, new, — 0 67 do.  FLOUR, superfine, new, — 4 50 do.  FLOUR, fine, — 4 00 do.  CORN, — 2 00 do.  Hemp, clean, (tier ton) 180 00 do.  Iron, — 110 00 do.  Bacon, — 12 00 do.  Whiskey, — 42 00 do. 
Fen Dollars Reward.
RUN away from this city, about the 12th of last November, a negro man slave named CESAR, the property of the subscriber; he formerly belonged to Mr. Robert Alexander of Campbell county, and was bought from him a small boy in the year 1789; he is now about 6 feet high his big toe on his right foot is very remarkable, being split with an axe thro' the nail and nearly as high; as the second joint, by that it is much broader and larger than the other. He was accustomed to run James river above the falls, and was seen on the 16th of the same month, November, going thro' the locks in a bateaux, with a negro man slave named Abram, who was head man, and belongs to the estate of Col. John Harvie, dec. If Cesar is not concealed by the said Abram, he is gone up the river in some other bateaux. On delivering him to me or securing him in some jail so that I get him again, shall be paid the above reward by Robert Mitchell.
City of Richmond, 25th Jan. 1808
BY virtue of a deed of trust from Thomas Poor, to the subscriber, bearing date the 18th day of January, 1803, and recorded in Goochland court, for the purpose of securing the payment to Jamess Scruggs, of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, together with interest and costs attending the sale, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the house of the said Thomas Poor, in the county of Goochland, on Saturday the 5th day of March next.
200 Acres of Land,
More or less, whereon the said Poor now resides, possession to be given the purchaser on the 25th day of December next. ARCH. BRUCE, Trustee.
Sales at Auction.
WILL positively be sold without reserve, for cash, on the premises, on Wednesday the 9th day of March next, a BRICK HOUSE and LOT, lying on the main street, leading through Adams's Valley, the property of Mr. A. Blackwood containing 116 feet in front and running back 147 feet.
PROSSER & MONCURE Auctrs. Richmond, Feb. 24, 1808. tds
N. B. WILL ALSO BE SOLD, at the same time, the residue of the LOTS opposite, purchased by me of Moses Davis. For terms apply to Messrs. Prosser & Moncure. P. YOUNGHUSBAND.
Feb. 27, 1808.
THE Executive will receive on the 25th of March next proposals for constructing sufficient and proper carriages for mounting all the pieces of artillery belonging to this commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models in conformity to which the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber and will have the iron work done at the penitentiary.—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted.
DANIEL L. HYLTUN, C. C.
 6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders.  9 Iron do. 24 do.  1 do. do. 18 do.  1 do. do. 12 do.  1 do. do. 6 do.  4 do. do. 4 do.  2 do. do. 3 do.   10 or 15 others of different sizes.
COUNCIL CHAMBER,
February 25, 1808.
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive on the 25th day of March next, for furnishing the Public Guard with cloathing for the present year. Also at the same time proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the Convicts in the penitentiary, for one year from the 17th day of April next.
DANIEL L. HYLTUN, C. C.
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber on Friday last, a Negro Man named JOHN, a carpenter by trade. He is six feet and upwards high, very likely, of insinuating manners, extremely polite when spoken to. For three years past he lived with Mr. Anderson Barrett. He has a free mulatto woman for his wife, in Richmond, living near the work house, where I expect he will stay. He took with him several articles of husbandry; amongst them, a pair of iron wedges, marked with the letter P. I will give a reward of ten dollars, if delivered to me in the lower end of Hanover, or eight if confined in jail, and I apprised of it. He is called by the negroes John Russell.
ARMSTEAD RUSSELL,
Hanover, January 24, 1808. if
BLANK BONDS
For Sale at this Office.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is duly certified to the Executive by the court of the county of Warwick, that the house in which, by a proclamation bearing date the 29th day of September last, the said court were authorised to hold their sessions, until the courthouse of the said county (out of repair) should be repaired or rebuilt & made fit for their accommodation, is found by experience to be unfit for the purposes of the court, it being too small, and without any of the requisite conveniences for the court, the bar or the juries; and that Wade Mountfort had made a tender of his house in the said county of Warwick, at Rich Neck, which was sufficiently large and convenient for the accommodation of the court, by whom it is accepted. I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby rescinding that which issued on the aforesaid 29th day of September last; and notifying all whom it may in any manner concern, that until the courthouse for the county of Warwick aforesaid shall be repaired or rebuilt, and made fit for their accommodation, the said court for the county of Warwick shall be held in the aforesaid house of the said Wade Mountfort at Rich Neck within the said county of Warwick, according to law.
Given under my hand with the seal of the Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond this 24th day of February, 1808.
WM. H. CABELI.
SENATE of the UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, Feb. 11.
Debate on the bill for the punishment of treason, and of other crimes and offences against the United States.
(Mr. Giles's speech continued.)
This clause must evidently be considered, both as conferring power and limiting its exercise. The word "consist" is the word conferring power, the word "only" is the word limiting its exercise. The word "consist" is directory to the government generally and not to any department exclusively. The word "only" excludes from the whole government the power of introducing all construction or imaginary treasons, and limits its power only to the two species of treason included within that term—to wit, the treason "of levying war" and "of adhering to the enemies of the United States." The word "only" therefore in this clause relates only to the species of treasons embraced by it; and not to any particular acts, which may amount to treason under either of these species. Hence the clear and obvious language of the constitution is this; the government of the United States may declare what acts amount to the treason of "levying war, and adhering to the enemies of the United States;" but it shall not declare any other act whatever treasonable. The reason of this arrangement will be the more obvious, by reference to the doctrine of treason in the country from which these terms are borrowed. In England exclusive of the two species of treason recognised by our constitution, there are various other treasons, and many of them constructive; such as imagining the king's death, &c. showing too much civility to the queen or princesses, &c. counterfeiting the king's coin, &c. &c. The great object therefore of the constitution was to exclude from the government of the United States this whole family of treasons; and the terms used are extremely proper for this exclusion and for the inclusion of the two species only recognised by the constitution.
But it is said treason is already defined by the constitution. Is the fact so? Let the enquiry be made; and also the extent to which the definition goes. "Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, and in adhering to their enemies giving them aid and comfort." Two species of treason are here defined; But no act amounting to either species of treason is defined. Ask the question, what is treason against the United States? The constitution answers, "levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies."—Reverse the question, what is levying war against the U. States or adhering to their enemies? The answer is treason. No act which will amount to either of these offences, is defined. This definition although extremely useful as a guide to the government is of no practical use to the citizen, because it gives him no information of any act, which amounts to treason; and which, if he commits, he will be guilty of treason, and subject to the highest punishment known to our laws. This knowledge of the nature and tendency of acts is the only knowledge, that can be useful and necessary to the citizen.
It appeared to him wonderfully strange, that offences the most complicated in their nature, the most dangerous in their effects to society, are the most fatal to the individual committing them, which would not
be explained to the people, should be locked up in the breast of the judge, and that an attempt to explain them legislatively to the people should be thought to be an alarming invasion of their rights, if not criminal in itself. But if the terms levying war, &c. it is presumed that some gentleman in his place will tell us, what specific acts will constitute the offence: for his part he had paid great attention to the subject, and in the present state of things, he acknowledged himself perfectly incompetent to it. Nor would the difficulties be lessened by a recurrence to all the judicial opinions yet given up the subject. These attempts had demonstrated not only the incorrectness of the supposition, that these treasonable acts were defined; but the indispensable necessity of some legislative definition; for it is believed that no two judges have yet delivered the same opinions upon some of the most essential characters of many of these acts, and if judges themselves should not be able to comprehend, and precisely to fix this constitutional definition, how can it be expected that the people at large can do so? He had always been taught to believe, that one essential characteristic of a free from a despotic government consisted, in giving full information to the citizen of every penal act, and the punishment consequent upon its commission, and is there nothing in the constitution which recognizes this principle, and almost makes it injunctive upon the government? In the 6th article of the amendments to the constitution, most of which may be considered as a bill of rights, I find these words. "In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy trial, &c. and be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation," &c. For what purpose should he be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation if when he is informed of such, he is unable to ascertain by examining the law, whether he has been guilty of an offence or not? And is it not infinitely more important to the citizen to know the nature and consequences of any particular act he is about to commit, than to be informed of the nature and cause of his accusation, when after he shall have been thus informed, he is unable to ascertain by any law, whether the nature and cause of the accusation against him be criminal or not? Indeed without the knowledge of the criminality of the charge, a knowledge of the charge itself would be of very little advantage to him. Again, suppose a citizen should be indicted upon the identical words of the constitution, "of levying war, without the specification of any particular overt act amounting to that offence; would such definition be sufficient for conviction? Certainly not. More definition is therefore required than can be found in the constitution.
The next question which presents itself for consideration, is how can this further definition be obtained? What department is most competent to it? What is the proper department under the constitution? He said there can be no doubt but the legislature is the only constitutional and competent department for that purpose.
Mr. G. said, it would be recollected, that according to the interpretation put upon the clause of the constitution first read, it was stated that the power of declaring or ascertaining the acts which would amount to the treason of "levying war, &c." was conferred on the government generally, and not on any department exclusively. If this position be correct, which appeared to him to be a plain matter of fact, he would now call the attention of the senate to another clause in the constitution, which he considered directory as to the proper department for exercising this power. The clause he alluded to was in the 8th section, or the first article of the constitution. He would read both clauses together,—3d sec. 3d art. "Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies giving them aid and comfort"—8th sec. 1st art. "Congress shall have power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof." Now ask the question, is the power of declaring or ascertaining what acts amount to the treason of "levying war against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies, &c." vested by the constitution in the government of the United States? Answer.—It certainly is. What is the proper department for passing all laws necessary and proper for carrying in power into execution? The constitutional answer certainly is, Congress.
If this exposition be correct, and it appeared to him to be self evident, it is no longer a constitutional question, but it is a question of expediency. It is necessary and proper under existing circumstances to pass such laws? This question has been before answered in part, but would be further examined presently. The clause in the constitution last read has also had a general cabalistical phrase applied to it. It is called "the sweeping clause," and at-
tempts have been made to infer from it general powers to the government, although he should discard that interpretation; and readily admit that it confers no power of itself upon the government, it is of infinite importance in adjusting all powers vested in the government and by the constitution. It determines upon the department, in which the ultimate power of the government is vested. The first part of the clause relates to powers previously and specifically given to congress. The words are "to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers." This although extremely proper, is the least important part of this clause; because all necessary and proper means for carrying into execution all the powers specially vested in congress, might have been inferred; it was however, perhaps, better to express it, and leave nothing to inference; but the remaining part of the clause is the real operative part of it. The words are "and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States or any department or officer thereof." The wisdom and foresight of the framers of our constitution, is particularly discernible in this article.—They only foresaw, that many difficulties might arise in the execution of many of the powers vested in the government of the United States or in some of the departments thereof, which at that time, could not be conceived or imagined: for the purpose therefore of meeting these difficulties, and insuring the due execution and administration of the government, this clause was introduced; declaring in effect that whenever any such difficulties should occur, in relation to any powers vested in the government, &c. Congress should have power to pass all laws necessary and proper for relieving them from such difficulties, and carrying such vested powers into due execution. This clause in his opinion therefore must be considered as also settling all questions amongst the departments respecting the ultimate deposit of power.
But a formidable difficulty is here interposed. The danger of legislating on this subject. It is said, if Congress should undertake to declare what acts amount to the treason "of levying war, and adhering to the enemies," &c. they may declare acts treasonable not embraced by these definitions and limitations; and supposing they should do so, where is the remedy? In the first place it may be observed, that there is no such supposition warranted by the constitution. The supposition itself, is therefore unconstitutional. The constitution has furnished certain guards against its violation in this respect, as well as in all others. The representatives are chosen at certain short periods; are themselves subject to the same rules of conduct prescribed to others; and take a solemn oath to support the constitution of the United States. It is believed that these guards are sufficient for the protection of the constitution and that the danger of its violation is merely imaginary; but in the next place, this supposition might be answered by another; suppose the judges were to declare certain acts treasonable, which are not embraced by these species of treason defined in the constitution; where is the remedy? The danger in this case appears to be greater, than in the other; and there is no remedy at all; because the judges are irresponsible; except, to use their own language, to God and their own consciences. They are not responsible to the people, who alone possess the ultimate censorial power; whereas their representatives are responsible directly to them at short periods, and the President and Senate indirectly responsible to them at periods somewhat longer. But it can be demonstrated, that the judiciary department under its present organization, is utterly incompetent to the due exercise of this power, as will be clearly seen from the following statement.
The supreme court of the United States has no criminal power whatever. That power is confided to the circuit courts. There are eighteen circuit courts in the U. States, including the circuit court of Columbia, and excluding all the territorial courts. These courts are composed of 28 judges, and are held at 18 different places without any connection with each other; as far as the opinions of these judges have been ascertained it is believed, that no two of them have concurred as to all the acts which amount to the treason of levying war; the only species that has yet been presented to them for adjudication; the other species "of adhering to the enemies of the U. S. &c." not having yet occurred; the U. S. having enjoyed almost an uninterrupted state of peace, even since the adoption of the constitution. If that species of treason should become frequent, a circumstance highly probable, in case of a change in the state of the nation, to a state of war, a similar result may be expected. What prospect of settling principles correctly can we have, if 18 different tribunals should settle the same question in 18 different ways? Yet his honorable friend from New York seems disposed to wait with patience, until some certainty can be established in the usual course of judicial decision, which even in the event of concurring opinions could not happen in a century; & unless there could be some new order of things in that respect, could never happen at all. Instead of certainty in the ascertainment of offences, confusion incalculable must be the consequence.
But let us see what the chief justice says upon this subject in his opinions delivered
upon the trials at Richmond. "It is true, that in cases after forming the opinion that no treason could be committed, because no treasonable assemblage had taken place, the court might have dispensed with proceeding further in the doctrines of treason. But it is to be remembered, that the judges might act separately, and perhaps at the same time, on the various prosecutions which might be instituted, and that no appeal lay from their decisions. Opposite judgments on the point would have presented a state of things infinitely to be deplored by all. It was not surprising then that they should have made some attempt to settle principles which would probably occur, and which were in some degree connected with the point before them."
"This court is told that if this opinion be incorrect it ought not to be obeyed, because it was extra-judicial. For myself, I can say that I could not lightly be prevailed on to disobey it, were I even convinced that it was erroneous, but I would certainly use any means which the law placed in my power to call the question again before the supreme court, for re-consideration, in a case in which it would directly occur and be fully argued."
Here we see the chief justice pathetically deploring the consequences of opposite decisions upon the same point, and lamenting his inability to bring these cases before the supreme court. For what? He tells us to settle principles, or in other words to prescribe rules for the government of the circuit courts—in which consists the very essence of legislation. Hence the judicial legislation of the supreme court is to exclude Congressional legislation, but he evidently admits the incompetency of the circuit courts to legislate upon this subject; and unfortunately for the legislation of the supreme court, it has no jurisdiction in criminal cases; and therefore, there is no legal mode of bringing the cases before them for the purpose of settling principles, or in other words for the purpose of legislation.
Hence will result all the confusion which the chief justice so properly and pathetically deplores. Yes, sir, the uncertainty and confusion resulting from contradictory decisions of your courts on the doctrine of treason against the U. S. will be such, that no man can know when an act is innocent or guilty; and when his innocence or guilt will very much depend upon the court, before which he may happen to be brought for trial. Our situation will be, probably now is, like that described in England in the time of Henry the 4th, after a great many statutes had been passed, and contradictory adjudications had been made in relation to this same doctrine of treason. In the preamble to the statute of the 1st of Henry the 4th, the situation of the nation, in relation to treason, is thus described: "That no man knew what he ought to know, or to do, or to say, or to speak through doubt of such pains." This, if not now, will inevitably be the case of this country, unless some legislative corrective of the present system be applied. There are also great objections to the forms of judicial legislation; they consist too much in inference, too little in dictum. They want the words "Be it enacted," &c. The judges to blend their reasonings with their sentences, that it requires great legal skill to make the proper analysis. A plain man of the best understanding, could never do it. The enacting clauses are obscured by the preamble. It is like enacting our speeches interspersed with our laws.—Take for instance the judicial opinions lately delivered in the U. S. upon the various questions of treason, which have been brought before the courts, and ask yourself this question: Do you understand the doctrine of treason now, better than you did before: the opinions were given? Is not the subject rendered more confused and uncertain? Can you tell whether accessory treasons in England are principal treasons in the United States? Judge Chase and others say they are. Judge Marshall says he does not know whether they are or not, but his reasoning would go to show that they are not. In the doctrine of treasons, this is an all-important question; and if the judges cannot agree, how can plain men settle this question? And why is it that the people should be kept in the dark upon this branch of our penal laws alone? It cannot be on account of the heinousness of the offence, its dangerous tendency towards society, nor its fatal effects to the individual committing it. All these reasons plead loudly in favor of telling the people plainly, what the acts are involving such consequences; that they may take care to avoid their commission. (To be continued.)
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
TUESDAY, Feb. 23.
Mr. Culpeper, a member from North Carolina, appeared and took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Van Rensselaer,
Resolved, That a committee be appointed for the purpose of enquiring into the expediency of continuing the act for extending jurisdiction in certain cases to state courts; and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Dawson called up the resolution which he submitted a few days ago for the appointment of a joint committee to enquire into what business is necessary to be done previous to adjournment.
Mr. Rewan wished for some information on this subject; without which he thought the resolution at present improper. The great business for which they had been called together, had not yet engaged their attention in the way which was expected.

He presumed that gentlemen expected that there would be some disclosures, which must occupy the attention of the nation, and he doubted whether it would be proper before these were made to intimate a design shortly to adjourn. He was unwilling that an impression should be made on our enemies or the foreigners, in this country, that the house even thought of an adjournment before these measures were discussed. The gentleman who proposed the resolution however might be possessed of information which would remove his scruples.
Mr. Livermore understood the object of the resolution to be to ascertain precisely what the gentleman from Kentucky was desirous to know—information on the state of affairs.
Mr. Smilie would only ask before the question was taken on the appointment of a committee, what the committee could do. Is any man within this house, said he, possessed of the necessary information to enable him to say when we should adjourn? Our adjournment depends on contingent circumstances; for my own part I wish to know how things are; and till I do, I never shall consent that the resolution shall be adopted. If we do adjourn in the situation in which we now are, we cannot account to our constituents for our conduct. If a committee be appointed, except they procure information, they can do nothing; and I think gentlemen concerned in diplomatic business will not disclose its progress till something with certainty be known.
Mr. Rowan wished it to be understood that he was anxious to adjourn and depart hence, but he did not wish that the idea should go abroad, that they thought of adjournment till measures assumed one shape or other. Business belonging to our interior regulations were all acquainted with and could act upon without further information. They had met here for a specific purpose, and till the negotiation should terminate one way or the other he did not wish to adjourn.
Mr. Dawson was sorry that his object in offering the resolution was so little understood. Far, very far was it from him to wish Congress to adjourn till they had done that business which the public interest demanded and their duty required. This was not his intention. It was in order to bring these matters before the house that he now offered the resolution. It was painful for him to repeat that congress had been in session between four and five months, during which time they had been discussing mere projects, removals of the seat of government, and matters of a local and personal nature. It was now time that they should proceed to the adoption of those measures which the protection of the country required. He begged the house to cast their eyes for a moment to the occurrences on the other side of the water. Look at Copenhagen; examine the decrees of the British government, and the more recent one of the French government; and look at the hostile measures in the territories adjoining. It is time that the public attention should be called to public measures. There were several bills for that purpose before the house. It was his wish to bring these matters forward, and not to waste the time of the house for days, weeks & months on local and personal matters. It was in order to attend to the state of the nation and to enquire what was necessary to be done that this resolution was proposed, and not from a wish to adjourn before the house had accomplished the purpose for which they had met.
After some further discussion, a motion having been made by Mr. Rhea, (Ten.) without effect, that it lie on the table, the question was taken on the resolution and negatived, 55 to 50.
On motion of Mr. M. Clay, the house went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Heims in the chair, on the bill for the classification of the militia, and the motion for striking out the first section (virtually to negative the bill) being yet under consideration, Mr. Quincy supported the motion, and Messrs. Eppes and Lyon opposed it; when the question was at length taken on the motion to strike out the first section of the bill, and carried, 55 to 49.
The committee immediately rose and reported the bill as amended.
A motion being made to consider the report.
Mr. M. Clay was desirous if gentlemen would permit it, that the report should lie on the table for consideration, as 30 or 40 members were absent and he wished to have the question decided in a full house.
The question being taken on now considering the report was negatived, 54 to 51. So that it lies on the table of course, and may at any time be called up.
On motion of Mr. G. W. Campbell, the house went into committee of the whole, Mr. Pitkin in the chair, on the bill making appropriation for the support of the military establishment of the United States for the year 1808; which being gone through, the committee rose and reported the bill which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
The bill amending of the non-importation law was returned from the senate with two or three verbal amendments; which were concurred in.
A motion made by Mr. Cook to take up the bill for extinguishing the debts due to the United States was negatived, 44 to 40.
On motion of Mr. Newton the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for the extension of credit on revenue bonds.
Mr. Newton having explained the object of the bill, and the bill being gone through without further debate, the committee rose and reported it; and it was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
After refusing to go into committee of the whole on the bill concerning contracts, the house adjourned. Ayes 64.
[TAKEN FOR THE BALTIMORE FEDERAL GAZETTE.] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FEBRUARY 22.
Proceedings this day. Mr. Montgomery offered the following resolution, which was agreed to: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire what compensation, if any, ought to be made
to capt. Pike and his companions, for their services in exploring the Mississippi river, and for their late expedition to the source of the Osage, Arkansas, & La Plate rivers, together with their tour through New Spain; and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The house then proceeded to consider the motion made on Saturday by Mr. D. R. Williams, to recommit the bill in addition to the act supplementary to the act laying an embargo.
[FOREIGN INFLUENCE.] Mr. Johnson rose to reply to the observations of Mr. Gardener on Saturday, respecting the embargo. He declared himself a friend to freedom of debate, but said that the charges made against the house ought not to be excused. It had been said (he observed) that this house was guided by an invisible hand; that like the council of five hundred, they waited for the word of command & obeyed it; that they were under foreign influence; that they were reviving the chains which were to bind us under the dominion of the French emperor; and that they were mere automata. Mr. J. considered such assertions as a base slander. He said this upon the most mature consideration, and should not retract it; and if the feelings of any gentleman were wounded by this declaration, he should not consider himself guarded by his privileges or by the canons which covered him.
Mr. Rhea spoke also at length in reply to Mr. Gardener; but his observations could not be distinctly heard.
Mr. Newton spoke in justification of the embargo measure, declaring it the wisest measure which could have been adopted.
The speaker observed, that the subject before the house was, a motion to recommit the bill.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said that if the charge made against the government, of being under foreign influence, was true, it ought to be proved and made public, in order that a change might take place in the public councils; and if false, the author of it ought to be consigned to that disgrace and infamy which he deserved. The accuser or accused must be guilty; there was no medium in the case; and the nation ought to know the truth. He asserted that the charge was an INFAMOUS FALSEHOOD. Mr. C. dwelt at considerable length on the embargo measure, which he highly approved.
Mr. Bibb said that although he had voted against the embargo, he disclaimed the charge of French influence.
Mr. Montgomery said that the House had adjourned on Saturday in order to give the gentleman from New York time to substantiate his charge. His failing to do it, was a proof of its falsehood. Another method of proceeding had at first suggested itself to him; but when he considered the futility of the charge, and the source from which it proceeded, he thought the best course for the House to pursue, would be to treat it with scornful contempt.
The question was then taken on recommitting the bill to the committee of commerce and manufactures, and it was agreed to.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for the classification of the militia. [This bill has already undergone a great deal of discussion in the House.] After some discussion, the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
[GEN. WILKINSON.]
Mr. Rowan observed, that he was not in the House this morning when a resolution had been offered to enquire into the propriety of rewarding captain Pike, for his services in exploring the western waters, &c. but that having since seen it, he considered it his duty to state to the House that he had some time back, received a letter from a Mr. Ballinger, of New Orleans, informing him that captain Pike, after his return from his expedition, had expressed great dissatisfaction at Gen. Wilkinson, for having blown up Burr's project, (he (Pike) having been concerned in it, and that he had been dispatched by Wilkinson to conciliate certain Indian tribes, and make arrangements for its execution. Mr. Rowan said he had not altogether confided in this information, but that he had since seen colonel Ballinger (a brother of the former, a very respectable man, residing in Kentucky) who had declared to him that his brother had stated the same thing to him; And could not, he observed, reconcile it to himself to withhold the information from the House.
Mr. J. Montgomery observed that he could give the gentleman the most satisfactory assurance that captain Pike had acted under the orders of the war department.
Mr. Rowan replied, that he was acquainted with captain Pike, and respected him; but he had thought it his duty to state this information to the house.
Mr. Quincy presented a petition of John and Sam Derby, of Salem, and John Prince, of Boston, praying that they may be allowed to dispatch a vessel in ballast, under such restrictions as congress may think proper to prescribe, for the purpose of conveying to the United States the sch'r Hope, of Salem, which they state had arrived at Sierra Leone in October last, with a valuable cargo of gold dust, ivory, gums, and bills of exchange. Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
* This was probably, a resolution to expect Mr. Gardener.
IN THE SENATE.
FEB. 22, 1808.
Mr. White—Mr. President.—It is with much pain and regret, sir, that I rise to announce to the senate the irreparable loss our country has sustained in the death of one of her worthiest citizens and most distinguished patriots. Time has measured and told the days of another venerable sage of the revolution JOHN DICKINSON, the illustrious cotemporary and friend of Washington and Franklin, is now no more; his head and his heart devoted to the service and love of his country, till his locks were bleached by the frosts of more than seventy winters, have now descended in silence to the grave. No humble eulogy of mine shall attempt to approach his exalted merit. The happiness of his fellow-citizens was his only aim, and upon the grateful hearts of his countrymen is indelibly engraved the dearest monument of his wisdom and of his worth. Those who shared his personal acquaintance will never forget his private virtues—volun-
teer pen that do honor to the age and that will be read and admired as long as the love of science & freedom shall be cherished, record his inflexible patriotism; and the liberties of this country, which he contributed so essentially in establishing, will I hope long, very long indeed, sir, continue to be the proud and unshaken monument of his fame. The feelings of every gentleman of this honorable body will I am sure be in unison on the motion I am about to propose, it is an humble tribute of respect to the memory of the deceased in the form of the following resolution:
Resolved, unanimously, That the senate is penetrated with the full sense of the merit and patriotism of the late John Dickinson, esq. deceased, and that the members thereof do wear crape on the left arm, for one month, in testimony of the national gratitude and reverence towards the memory of that illustrious patriot.
This resolution was immediately adopted.
NEW YORK, February 20.
We are informed from the best authority, that the British Packet for Falmouth, will sail in the course of to day or to morrow, as the dispatches from Washington are hourly expected, the mail will be closed immediately on the arrival of the dispatches, and there will be no detention, as the vessel is in every respect prepared for immediate departure.
The dispatches for the OSAGE, it is expected, will arrive at the same time, and she will immediately proceed to Falmouth.
LANCASTER, (Pen.) Feb. 16.
On Wednesday last, the following Resolution was adopted in the Senate of this State, 13 to 10; and on Thursday it passed in the House of Representatives, 41 to 37:
Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, That the Senators representing this State in the Congress of the U. S. be hereby instructed, and that the Representatives from this State in the Congress aforesaid, be hereby requested, to endeavor to have the Constitution of the U. S. so amended, as that the judges of the Courts thereof shall hold their offices for a term of years; that they shall be removed by the President of the U. S. on an address of the Majority of the members present of the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. S. in Congress assembled; and that, on all Trials of Impeachment for high Crimes and Misdemeanors, a Majority of the Senate shall be competent to a Conviction.
A similar Resolution, introduced by Dr. Leib, was lost in the House of Representatives on the 9th Uit. the Members being equally divided.
BALTIMORE, February 23.
HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
The reader will recollect, that Mr. William Pinkney, went to England as minister extraordinary, to negotiate upon the subject of our differences, in conjunction with Mr. Monroe, the permanent minister. The latter gentleman, having returned from London, has left a vacancy in the mission he held. We are informed from an authentic source at Washington, that Mr. William Pinkney, was, on Saturday last, nominated to the senate as permanent minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, vice Mr. Monroe.
It may hence be reasonably inferred that no immediate rupture with this power is contemplated by our executive.
[North Amer.]
From Colvin's Weekly Register.
THE CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT.
THE friends of Mr. Madison have not been disappointed. Brutal invective has followed his nomination for the presidential office from the federal party; and our language is tortured in the search for terms of malignant reproach. If the malevolence of his accusers were clothed in alluring attire, or approached the public surrounded by the scintillations of wit, it might possibly meet with a gracious reception; but in its present foul appearance, it is too disgusting to be countenanced, even by the most indelicate mind. The man who has devoted more than thirty years of his life to the service of his country; the purity of whose morals is proverbial; and the rectitude of whose political conduct is asserted by the fundamental institutions of the nation, has nothing to fear from his reputation from the shaft of the most searching satire: And with lofty scorn he may view the furious efforts of gross assailants to wound his character.
From the hurtless venom of federal spleen, I turn with some surprise to those solitary republicans, who are playing the jesuite with such awkward address. The flaming patriots who lately warned us with the fervor of their zeal to sacrifice local prejudices and passions for unity and concert, have crossed the line of discretion to enliven the spirits of their ancient enemies; and the federalists, cheered by their approach, welcome their transit by loathsome croakings. It once was evidence of exalted merit to be the object of federal hatred and abuse; and, if I judge correctly, those who are friendly to freedom and the constitution, do not now admire Mr. Jefferson the less for being the continual object of censure from that party. By what miracle, then, is it, that their objections to Mr. Madison have become so convincing? Can it be possible that there is a rigid republican in the land who has suffered himself to be persuaded by them to his ruin? Has the guardian angel of our precious rights abandoned us thus early to the serpent; or has the foul monster Ambition stolen into the hearts of some of our former friends, to urge us to an untimely destruction?
It would be fruitless to seek for the specific cause: But the degrading fact stares us full in the face that those republicans who oppose Mr. Madison's elevation are united in one common object with the federalists. In any other cause than that of a desperate attempt at supreme power, I doubt not this reflection would startle the most intrepid of those who are endeavoring to wean the public mind from a long-tried and virtuous statesman: But when the furious passion for sovereign rule has taken possession of the soul, there is no coalition, however disgraceful; no sophism, however
weak and contemptible, that the human mind will not embrace. The civilized warrior, when he combats for domination, does not hesitate to connect himself with savages.
To sum up the objections to Mr. Madison, what do they amount to? His nomination by a convention of members of congress—the superior claims of others—his being a Virginian—and his having signed a recommendation of a compromise with the Yazoo claimants—constitute the whole.
What opinion of the public understanding must those persons have formed, who so absurdly revive the opposition to the nomination by convention? They must themselves be remarkably deficient in sense, or think the public want judgment extremely. Their grasping at ludicrous objects proves that they have no solid arguments to advance against Mr. Madison; and that their hostility has its source in their passions and not in their reason. They condemn the method without pointing to a more eligible plan.—Will they pardon me when I tell them, that they would not have raised the objection at all if the convention had nominated their respective favorites! The friends of Mr. Clinton (if, indeed, they can be called his friends,) virtually condemn him when they denounce Mr. Bradley and the conventional proceeding: The venerable vice president himself, received his original nomination to the station he at present occupies by a convention at which Mr. Bradley presided. Mr. Clinton's friends did not then deem it a dangerous, unconstitutional proceeding: But now their sensibility is beyond all calculation. Precious, disinterested souls! I beg leave to introduce them to the natural history of the crocodile.
With respect to the superior claims of other gentlemen to the presidency, I confess that I have yet to learn in what they consist. The question is to be decided by the evidence of facts. The statute books of Virginia and of the United States, as well as the diplomatic and political annals of the nation, will speak for Madison. Will the gentlemen who oppose him be kind enough to refer us to the page and volume where may be found the transcendent deeds of their heroes? They owe it to themselves to descend to particulars, for they have provoked the comparison.
Mr. Madison's birth-place is another wonderful obstacle! And Virginia is charged with insatiable ambition. But have his opponents never suspected, that their clamor against Virginia, might betray their own thirst for power? The truth is, the government of the United States was established for the good of the whole people, and as to the selection of a president, the question is not, from which state shall we take him? But, Where shall we find the man best fitted for the office? New York claims the honor for Mr. Clinton, on a kind of notion for rotation: Yet what superior claims has she to other states? I know men in Maryland, in Pennsylvania, in the eastern and southern states, who have strong demands upon the nation. But we have no clamors from those. There is no man who respects more than I do, the virtues and integrity of Geo. Clinton; but at this moment, in the present situation of the nation, Mr. Madison is calculated most essentially to serve his country in the first executive office; and I therefore prefer him. If Virginia has already given us two presidents, New York has given us two vice Presidents, whilst other states, whose patriotism is quite as ardent as that of New York, have never been thought of.
The zealous advocates of Mr. Monroe have assailed Mr. Madison on the topic of the report of the commissioners of the sinking fund in the case of the Yazoo claimants. Mr. Madison was one of them. The circumstance was very courageously seized upon by Mr. Dana about a week ago in the house of representatives, doubtless with a view to throw odium upon the secretary of state. I can tell that gentleman that he is mistaken; and matter of fact will put his cunning to shame. Mr. Dana may, indeed, pucker up his pretty brows, contract his eyes to the very focus of satirical squinting, gracefully roll his mass of head to and fro, and very broadly insinuate that Mr. Madison is in favor of the Yazoo speculation: But I assure him that the honorable secretary abhors that disgraceful fraud, as much as he pities the malicious imbecility of those who accuse him with partiality for it. Surrounded by a political atmosphere which stimulates those who breathe in it beyond a healthy tone of nerve, the editor of the "Richmond Enquirer," Mr. Ritchie, has been driven to utter suggestions equally groundless and injurious to his friends. Mr. Madison certainly signed a report in favor of a compromise, and Mr. Ritchie says, "It is true that he did not investigate fully the horrible details of this stupendous speculation? I have reason to believe that he did not. Is it not true, that he unfortunately placed too much reliance on the talents and integrity of Mr. Gallatin, who certainly drew up the report and amidst all the denunciations which have assailed the character of Mr. Madison, has hitherto escaped the fury of the discontented in congress? I have reason to believe that he did." Mr. Ritchie may believe me when I tell him that he is altogether in an error. A little reflection will teach him, that it is not the character of Mr. Madison to act under the influence of any understanding except his own; and that however exalted an opinion he may entertain for the talents and integrity of any man, he would not make him the keeper of his conscience nor the expositor of his judgment. His genuine reflections will further instruct him, that Mr. Madison will not shrink from his proper share of responsibility in the case; and that as he always considered the Yazoo speculation a detestable corruption, he would scorn to escape from a recommendation of the expediency of an adjustment of honest claims, under the plea of penitence and sorrow.
Mr. Ritchie will understand me as speaking the language of friendship and sincerity: We are both contending in the cause of our country and for one of her most excellent sons. I hold it to be my duty, where I see a brother soldier eagerly pressed and yielding in the conflict, to hasten to his aid and retrieve him from the enemy. I perceive by a Richmond paper of the 12th inst that Mr. Monroe's friends have raised an outcry in his behalf on the score of the rejected treaty. I now inform those
gentlemen, that the time is not distant when they will be amply convicted of folly and completely humiliated on that score. I cannot believe that Mr. Monroe has either authorised or sanctions these ungracious publications; but he owes it to his own reputation to discountenance them.
From Colvin's Weekly Register.
NEUTRAL QUESTIONS.—From the "Edinburgh Review" for October, 1807, I copy the following criticism of three pamphlets, on the subject of Neutral Rights. The work from which I quote is of much celebrity, and has been greatly distinguished for the able manner in which it has discussed the most important topics relative to the concerns of the British empire; and particularly for its complete exposure of Mr. Cobbett's inconsistency with regard to the leading principles that ought to be maintained by the English ministry at the present time. The first pamphlet reviewed is. "The speech of the Hon. John Randolph, on a motion for the non-importation of British merchandise, with an introduction by the author of 'War in Disguise.' The second is entitled, "Concessions to America the Bane of Britain," &c. and is attributed to Mr. Maynard, a gentleman engaged in the West India trade: The third is called, "Oil without Vinegar, and Dignity without Pride," &c. by Macart Medford, Esq. of America." That part of the review which relates to Mr. Randolph's speech, being the first in order, is inserted in this number: The remainder will be printed in succeeding papers:—The reviewer says—
"These three pamphlets relate nearly to the same subject,—the discussions which have for about two years existed in form between this country and the United States, which have in reality, however, been growing up with the increase of the American commerce since the beginning of last war, and which have now come to the point of being speedily terminated, either by mutual concessions, or by an appeal to arms. It is peculiarly interesting as well as important, at this particular moment, to examine well the ground on which the parties are taking their stand; and we are not without hopes that there is yet time to remove the ignorance in which the public of both countries have been studiously kept, until the voice of the multitude has seemed to decide for war. But it is not merely for its temporary interest that we have chosen to bring this subject fully before our readers upon the present occasion. There are questions of a general and permanent importance involved in the discussion; some of them, too, never yet treated of by writers on public law, nor, so far as we can discover, introduced by statesmen into their views of national policy or rights. The considerations of these topics is not only called for by the great ignorance which appears to prevail respecting them, but it is peculiarly adapted to the plan of a literary journal. We purpose, therefore, to examine at large the questions of public law and policy suggested by the present state of foreign and colonial affairs. The subject of neutral commerce and in general, the disputes between Great Britain and the neutral powers, are no doubt intimately connected with the situation of our West Indian colonies. We shall endeavor, however, to separate the latter from the more extensive subject; and shall examine it, in a subsequent article of this number, with the care which its extraordinary importance demands. We shall begin, at present, with noticing the three pamphlets whose titles we have prefixed.
"The speech of Mr. Randolph is certainly the production of a vigorous mind. It abounds in plain and striking statements, mixed with imagery by no means destitute of merit, though directed by an exceedingly coarse and vulgar taste. But his arguments and opinions are of more importance than his rhetorical pretensions; for he speaks the sentiments of a respectable party in the U. States. He maintains, that a rupture with Great Britain is by all means to be avoided; that America is in much less danger from the preponderance of the English marine in 1806, than she was in 1793, from the coalition against France, that the French conquests have now reversed the policy of America towards Europe; and that the only barrier between France and a universal dominion, before which America as well as Europe must fall, is the British navy. He ridicules the conduct of those who would quarrel with England for maritime rights, & at the same time truckle, or give bribes to Spain, the tool of France, after the greatest outrages have been committed upon the very territory of the Union. The cry for war, he says, is raised by the clamorous traders of the sea port towns,—men who cannot properly be said to belong to America, and who, at any rate, drive a commerce uncertain and transitory in its own nature, liable to be terminated at once by a peace in Europe, and much inferior, both in respectability and solidity, to those regular branches of industry which consist in the cultivation or the exchange of American produce. He treats with still greater severity those who undervalue the losses and risks of a war with England. The transference of the carrying trade to whatever nation may remain neutral,—the ruin of American navigation by the British navy, without the possibility of gaining any equivalent by means of privateering; the want of English manufactures; the augmentation of debts and taxes; the choice either of carrying on hostilities feebly, or of endangering the liberties of the country by strengthening the executive; these calamitous effects of a rupture with England would, according to Mr. Randolph, make even the present champions of neutral rights repent of their violence, in six months after they drive the government into a war.
"Such, abstracted from a good deal of declamation chiefly on local and personal topics, is the substance of Mr. Randolph's speech, which the able and eloquent author of 'War in Disguise,' the great leader of the argument on this side of the water, extols both for its own merits, and as a complete justification of his former predictions respecting the conduct of America in the dispute. This introduction, though very hastily prepared for the press, is like all his other works, spirited and acute; but we must protest against quoting

Mr Randolph's speech, as any conclusive evidence of the probable conduct of the U. S. or, indeed, as possessing any weight beyond the intrinsic value of the arguments which it contains. Mr Randolph is the orator of a party professedly in opposition to the government. His evidence respecting the bent of public opinion in America, is not much better than the assertion of an English disputant, who espouses the same side of the question; and although his party succeeded in throwing out the first violent measure which was proposed to Congress, it has since failed completely in opposing the more moderate, but determined proofs of irritation against England, which, being given by a great majority of the legislature, cannot surely be regarded as the clamors of a few adventurers in seaport towns whom Mr Randolph and his commentator are unwilling to call Americans.
"With respect to the opinions maintained by Mr. Randolph as an American statesman, we are for the most part disposed to speak in favorable terms. He seems, indeed, to give nearly the same advice to his country, which has been offered to England by those distinguished political leaders, whose counsels, if followed, would have saved Europe from the dreadful calamities of the present war. To cultivate a friendly intercourse with all their European customers, but, if forced to choose in such a crisis as this, to prefer the alliance of England, and to make considerable sacrifices rather than go to war at all, appears to be the soundest policy for the Americans. But we cannot help observing, that Mr. Randolph has gone a great deal too far in depreciating the importance of the carrying trade now in the hands of his countrymen. Admitting that the American merchant merely performs the part of what has been termed 'a neutralizing agent,' that he purchases on a long credit in the French or Spanish Islands, and then sells in Europe on a shorter credit, or merely carries the colonial produce circuitously from the plantations to the planter or his consignee—thus effecting the transport of other men's goods without any adequate capital of his own—does it follow that this is an unprofitable line of employment? Rather, is it not the very traffic of all others the most gainful to speculative merchants? A person of a very small capital, is in this manner, enabled to share in the profits of large capitalists. He is repaid exactly as the consignment of our own West India planters are. Then, as to the persons so engaged being adventurers of no substance or respectability, we presume there must be a considerable mistake. How comes it that such persons enjoy an unbounded credit with the planters and their agents in Europe? How have they contrived to purchase, according to some statements, the whole French and Spanish shipping,—according to all accounts a very large proportion of it? After above twelve years of such lucrative practices, are they still needy adventurers? By the American public accounts, it appears, that in the year ending September 1806, the foreign goods exported from the U. S. exceeded sixty millions of dollars in value. If they who began so large a traffic were once more agents trading for a commission, they must now have become capitalists; and as the whole remaining exports of the country fall short of this by about nineteen millions, we may easily conjecture how great a proportion of the mercantile men are engaged in it, and how many of the commercial fortunes are derived from this quarter. About half of this branch of commerce, belonging to the French and Spanish colonies, is what England wishes to lop off, in order to hurt her enemies, who profit by it as well as the Americans. Can she be much surprised, if those who are to be entirely ruined for the purposes of British policy, should endeavor by all means to prevent such a blow from being given? or, that other members of the community, who are but little injured by it, should still make common cause with their countrymen? It is, no doubt, the interest of the Americans not to quarrel with England, and it was still less their interest to rebel against her thirty years ago. By a rupture too, they would infallibly lose the very object for which they threaten hostilities, besides incurring a great many other losses. But if such considerations had any weight in the councils of state, war would be banished from the world; for a declaration of war, whatever be its motive, never fails to ensure in the mean time a repetition of the offence which provoked it. But by defeating the enemy, which is always expected, a stop may, in the end, be put to the evil. Just so may the Americans argue. They may hope to establish for the future the rights which they now claim, and may rather choose to fight for them, at the risk of losing more, than give them up without resistance."
BOOKS
For Sale at S. Pleasants' Office. A Treatise on Gardening, by a citizen of this state. The Wild Irish Girl, by Miss Owenson. Wirt's Speeches on the trial of Burr & others, calf gilt, with a portrait. Jefferson's Manual. Debates in the Virginia Convention. Gass's Journal of the Tour of Capt. Lewis and Clark, to the Pacific Ocean, &c. Espinasse's Nisi Prius. Bacon's Abridgment, last London edition. Gurney's System of Short Hand Writing. Laws of the United States, complete. Rousseau's Eloisa. Sorrows of Werter. Monro's Anatomy, elegant edition. Blumenbach's Physiology. Jacob's Chemical Pocket Book. Fife's Anatomy. St. Clair, a novel, by Miss Owenson. Gen. Washington's Official Letters to Congress. Thomson's Chemistry. Fe-nelon on Education. The Alcoran. Thomas Paine's Works. Secret Memoirs of the Court and Cabinet of St. Cloud. The Complete Confectioner, or the whole art of Confectionary made easy. Belgian Traveller. Also, Just received, A few additional copies of OIL without VINEGAR, and SAMPSON'S MEMOIRS. BLANK BONDS For Sale at this Office.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND: TUESDAY, MARCH 1, 1808.
THE decree of the Emperor NAPOLEON inserted in the last Argus, seems to be qualified in such a manner as not to reduce the United States (as had been supposed) to the disagreeable necessity of going to war either with England or France. However arbitrary and opposite to the rights of neutral nations it is in its immediate operation; however unjust it certainly is for him to endeavor to oppress them, because they suffer themselves to be plundered by his enemies; yet, as the principles, which he, (at least ostensibly) contends for, as his ultimate object, are the same with those, the acknowledgment of which we demand from Great Britain; as the hostility of the French to our commerce with the British, (which commerce is now suspended by our own voluntary act,) is to continue only until the latter shall accede to our own terms, it appears that the Emperor's decree, altho' offensive to our dignity and pride as a nation, is not necessarily a cause of War with either party, but may in fact be of service to us in compelling the British government to do us justice.
Whenever that government shall consent to the freedom of the seas, founded on the grand maxims of universal right, that free ships shall make free goods, and that the flag of a nation shall protect all who sail under it from arbitrary seizure and impressment, that moment the decree of the French Emperor will cease to operate injuriously to neutral commerce. It is true that his other decrees, prohibiting the introduction of all articles of British manufacture into any of his dominions, will remain in force: but, as the acknowledged sovereign of those dominions, he has the same right to make regulations of that sort as our Congress had to lay the present embargo.
If all the nations of the continent of Europe, being under his control, think proper to enter into a non-importation agreement, and not to trade with Great Britain or her colonies, either mediately or immediately, it must be admitted that other nations have no right to complain of such a resolution, altho' their carrying trade may be destroyed by it; since the right which every private person possesses of buying goods at the shop he likes best, or of not buying them at all, is equally the right of every nation.
It is evident that the only means now left for Great Britain to shun the misfortune of being perpetually interdicted from all correspondence with her most profitable customers, must be for her to yield the erroneous and tyrannical doctrines she has endeavored to interpolate into the law of nations.
From certain circumstances lately transpired, it seems probable that her envoy Mr. Rose has consented (so far as he had powers,) to some arrangement satisfactory to our government. It is reported from undoubted authority that the negotiation is suspended, and that two messengers have been dispatched to England, either for the purpose of obtaining farther instructions from Mr. Rose, or of carrying over a treaty already signed by him, for the consideration of his employers.
It is possible, if the former be the avowed object of sending these messengers, that it may only be a diplomatic trick to gain time; but, considering the desperate circumstances of poor old England, and her absolute need of the trade to America, to save her merchants from bankruptcy, and her manufacturers from starvation, we cannot refrain from hoping that Mr. Rose is in earnest, in any pacific overtures or concessions that he may have made. Two things, however, are certain; that a pause has taken place in the progress of the negotiation; and that the messengers have been sent; one of whom is Mr. Nourse, late Register of the Treasury of the United States.
We confess that we do not know the reason for employing one of our own citizens on this occasion, unless the object may be that he should make some proposals on behalf of our government. But time will more fully explain the business. In the interim we would advise those who strangely accuse Messrs. Jefferson and Madison of being intent on war with Great Britain under the influence of France, to pause, if possible, in their abusive career, and to wait with patience until they know what measures have really been adopted. Otherwise, they may, as usual, be so unfortunate as to have their slanderous suspicions refuted (almost as soon as vented,) by the omnipotence of truth and conclusive energy of facts.
We are requested to say that Col. Samuel Ford, of Amelia, declines acting as one of the committee to promote the Monroe ticket in that county. He says, "Col. Monroe stands high in my estimation, yet I have a preference for Mr. Madison."
The following proceedings of the MILITARY COURT OF ENQUIRY in the case of General Wilkinson have been communicated for insertion in the National Intelligencer.
The court being formed on the 16th inst. at the particular request of General Wilkinson, for the purpose of perpetuating testimony. He presented himself and addressed that body.
GENTLEMEN, I beg leave to premise a few remarks before I proceed to call a witness. Nothing could be so acceptable to me as to be confronted by my accusers, who have artfully and wickedly hung me up to the world for offences, which cannot but affect the feelings of a man of honor nearer than life; and wherefore am I refused this rightful indulgence? Is it because my enemies, conscious of the fallacy of their accusations, content themselves "spar gere in vulgum voces amiguas," and prefer to trust the result to the jealousies of a free people, excited by the machinations of the friends and partisans of that conspiracy which I have defeated? Or is it because the eye of
the injured man is insupportable to the sight of the base injurer? Whatever may be the cause, it will not be denied, that the case is a hard one. It is indeed peculiarly so; and every person will admit, that to be criminated without an opportunity of defence, and to be condemned without a hearing, is a sad recompence for services acknowledged, and a poor encouragement to future sufferings and sacrifices in the public cause.
Thus circumstanced, and denied the opportunity to meet the testimony which may be opposed to me, I hope the peculiarity of my situation may be my excuse for defying my enemies, and daring them to a candid investigation. If then Mr. Clark will come before this court and answer interrogatories, I will not only defend myself against his foul imputations, but if the testimony which has been recently offered to me, be not greatly deceptive, I will convict him of forgery, perjury, and a co-operation with Aaron Burr in his treasonable designs, and if his right worthy patron, the very gallant and honorable John Randolph, will step from the floor of privilege, and utter what has been ascribed to him in the public prints, I will institute an action of slander, and will give him an opportunity in a court of civil jurisdiction, to verify his assertions, and satiate his vindictive spirit, or of being himself convicted of the most atrocious, wanton, and murderous calumnies which ever found place on record.
It is apparent from the mode of attack, that my accusers had rested much on the audacity of the assault, and the hateful aspect of the charges alleged, supported by the mock solemnity of a voluntary ex parte affidavit. They expected from the time—the place—the manner, and circumstances of the accusation, to excite a torrent of indignation, which might prostrate reason and justice before prejudice and passion, & in a moment of popular phrenzy, sweep me from the lists of honor to the occlusion of all further enquiry. Then indeed Mr. Randolph might with malignant delight have exclaimed "my end is completely answered" by the destruction of the man who has dishonored me. The attempt was worthy its authors—worthy the cause it was designed to abet. It deserves all the merit which is due to desperation, and will meet the ample reward of full banded infamy. For I do still live—live in honor, and can assure you, gentlemen, I have fortunately saved from the casualties incident to an erratic life and the wreck of time, the means of my complete vindication, which shall be submitted to you, so soon as the testimony to support the accusation is brought forward.
In the mean time to invalidate, discredit and destroy the effect of whatever has been or may be said or sworn by Daniel Clark to my prejudice, I must pray that his ex-parte voluntary affidavit submitted to the House of Delegates may be received by this court at its full estimate, and that I may be permitted to rebut it with such testimony as may now be had, and which if not perjured at this time, may, by further delay, be lost to me forever. I therefore request that Lieut. Spence of the navy, and lieutenant Murray of the army may be sworn.
The court then proceeded to take the testimony of Lieut. Spence of the navy, Lt. Murray of the army, and Thomas H. Williams, secretary of the Mississippi territory.
The rules of the court having prohibited the publication of the testimony as it occurs, we can barely state from a bye-stander of good authority, that Lieut. Spence acknowledged he had embarked at Philadelphia with madame D'Auvergne, Bollman and Alexander, with the privvy of Burr; that he bore a letter of recommendation from Burr to Daniel Clark, dined with Clark in company with Bollman; that he bore letters from Bollman and madame D'Auvergne (alias Norah Haskell) to Burr whom he expected to find at Nashville, Tennessee, but did not meet him until he got to Lexington, Kentucky; that Daniel Clark gave him a letter of introduction to a gentleman on his route, but that he did not deliver it.
Lieut. Murray's testimony was, we learn of great importance. He declared, that on being urged to attack Baton Rouge he, after resisting the proposition made by Judge Workman and Lewis Kerr, applied to his friend, Mr. Clark, then in New Orleans, who advised him to attack and take the place by all means, adding that he "was going to congress, and would do him (M.) all the good there he could;" that he would "inform the government it would require a large force to re take the place—and that before the government could send down troops for the purpose, he (Murray) would find himself in a situation to do as he pleased."
This happened in April, or May last. Mr. Williams was called to prove that Daniel Clark and D. Wadsworth were appointed on the part of the American commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, to receive the Spanish archives at the surrender of the province of Louisiana; which Mr. Williams did most amply and satisfactorily, stating the reasons why Mr. Clark was appointed.
The military court have adjourned to the 14th of March, subject to the call of the president in the mean time.
From the Baltimore North American of Monday last.
IMPORTANT.
From Washington, under date of 20th. You no doubt hear, every day, different reports about the negotiation with Mr. Rose. It is impossible to form any correct opinion; but I do not think we shall have war; at any rate the result will not be known for 3 or 4 months, during which term the embargo will continue. Mr. Lewis and Mr.
Nourse, leave this to-morrow for N. York, the one bearer of dispatches for France and the other for England. The report yesterday was, that the negotiation was broken off; but it is contradicted to-day; so that reliance ought not to be placed upon any of them.
The two gentlemen above mentioned passed through this city yesterday.
The Senate of the Legislature of Massachusetts, after a long and spirited debate, adopted a Resolve, requesting the Senator and Representatives in Congress to procure an alteration of the constitution, to empower the President to remove any of the Federal Judges, on an address of a majority of the House of Representatives and two thirds of the Senate, of Congress.—For it 20—Against it 17.
MORE WARNINGS.
The British government has—at this moment too—appointed an agent to reside at N. Orleans—and a colonel M'Neil is appointed to that station. A coffee house for a rendezvous, with a snug kitchen in it, contiguous to the coffee room, thro' which, by the medium of a Dymies's ear, all that passed could be retailed to col. M'Neil—and three or four presses in pay—the thing will be a perfect organization of privileged spies from Boston to Orleans.
The Spaniards at Cuba, are very much alarmed on account of an expedition coming from England to occupy that island in an amicable way.
There is no alarm felt for another expedition which is to act as a corps de reserve, whose object is said to be Pensacola, where it is to enter only in distress like the tory sloops that go out of our rivers on a coasting trip and trip off to Jamaica.
It is perfectly ludicrous, and yet pitiable, to see men swallow gudgeon after gudgeon, as they are thrown out for them by the British agents in the sea-ports—immense speculations have been made last week, and the present, in flour and other produce, founded upon the assertions made in newspapers which have pursued an uniform system of lying and deceit for years past.
Every day, almost every hour, proves the wisdom, indeed the absolute necessity of an embargo, as the only alternative between war & peace—with an order of the nations that contend we must have gone to war, had not the provident sagacity of the executive recommended the measure that has been pursued.
Yet people are so infatuated as to credit idle rumours of a projected repeal of the embargo, when instead of any change having taken place in the circumstances of the war in Europe, that the advices of every day show that we could derive no sort of advantage but might incur great losses, by a removal of the embargo.
The American people are thus disturbed by the British emissaries, with a view to speculation on one hand, and under the expectation of exciting discontent on the other—but the people at large are not speculators, they know that the privations of commerce even for three years should it be necessary, could not be so pernicious as one year's war.
Out of war our government is determined to keep us if possible—but the movements in Canada, the encroaching of British emissaries—the rendezvous at this moment of so many of Burr's choice spirits at Orleans—the taking up of every one of the immense sums of bills which were drawn to cover Burr's imperial enterprise—the passage of Burr's agents to England—the efforts of Burr's adherents to destroy the officer who defeated their nefarious scheme of civil war—the design to occupy Cuba as another scourge, like Canada, over the U. States, are such connected various and speaking facts, that the man who does not see in them, the coherence of systematic hostility, ought to doubt his own understanding. (Aurora.)
DEAD—On the 6th ultimo, at her seat of Castle Hill, in the county of Albemarle, Mrs. JANE B. WALKER, widow of the late colonel Francis Walker. Her sickness, although it lasted only five days, was, nevertheless, so violently painful as to require the highest degree of fortitude to sustain it. Mrs. Walker sustained it, not merely with philosophical fortitude, but with the resignation and meekness of a Christian. She had been deeply tried in the school of sorrow. She had lost her husband; and his death had been attended with circumstances the most affecting. She had, afterwards, lost her only son, by a sudden death. But altho' still in the prime of life and endowed with a delicacy and poignancy of feeling which is rarely equalled, yet her passions had been long disciplined and regulated by reason and piety; and she bore those repeated afflictions as it became a wife and a mother who knew that there was another and a better world, where we shall be all re-assembled. Mrs. Walker left two sweet little daughters to mourn her irreparable loss. She had projected a scheme of education for them which did honor to her superior talents and taste; and in the employment of executing it, she experienced a balm and efficacious consolation for past misfortune. What might they not have hoped from the instruction, and still more from the example of such a mother? A mother, who while she possessed every intellectual acquirement and was graced with every personal accomplishment which qualified her to shine with distinction in the highest circles of fashion, found more genuine and heartfelt pleasure in a rural retreat, and in the silent and unassuming practice of the domestic and social duties. Such is the dignified triumph of virtue over vanity!
The writer of this article knew Mrs. Walker well. He has felt her benevolence; yet his opinion of her was formed before gratitude had a chance of betraying him into excess.
She presented a model of female excellence of which real life has very few examples. A mind of the highest order, illumined by extensive reading and reflection—manners which exhibited that union of artless simplicity and polished elegance which constitutes the rarest and most irresistible charm of the sex—a conversation which while it breathed all the gentleness and goodness of the purest spirit, was ornamented and enlightened, judicious and instructive—an unrepining patience which sat
erect and dignified under the hardest pressure of misfortune—a philanthropy which did not waste itself in professions, but shed its active and reviving influence on every son and daughter of distress that came within the sphere of her observation—in happier hours, a cheerfulness and gaiety, calculated to "lend a new spring to the pulse of the heart"—a pre-eminent, a most exquisite taste for music; a command of the piano-forti and of the organ which is rarely equalled even by its professors, and vocal powers which told to the raptured ear all the angelic sensibility of the soul which dictated them. Such were the qualities which combined to render Mrs. Walker one of the most interesting women upon earth.
"Death! 'tis but thou hast struck another, Fair and good and wise as she, Time shall throw a dart at thee."
On Saturday last, Mrs. JANE PRICE, consort of Major John Price of Henrico, Her remains were yesterday interred, attended to the grave by a numerous company of relatives and friends, who were all duly sensible of the loss which they and their neighbourhood generally sustained.
Postscript.
Latest Foreign News.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 20. By the arrival yesterday, of the fast sailing ship John and Francis, captain Silliman, from Bordeaux, via Plymouth (E.) we received English papers to the 9th ult. viz. Gore's Liverpool Advertiser, Exeter Flying-Post, and the London Courier.
This arrival puts us in possession of two very important Decrees, which have been issued by Bonaparte against neutral commerce, and which will be found in the preceding page.
Letters received in England from France, state, the arrival of the Austrian messenger in a flag of truce from England. After a conference with the Austrian ambassador at Paris, he proceeded to Venice, and received from Bonaparte an answer to his dispatches.
An article in the Paris Moniteur intimates very evidently that Bonaparte is using every effort to induce the U. States to make common cause with him against England.
A great number of vessels are advertised in England for the Brazils; and the board of trade have been engaged in preparing instructions for the merchants, until a final adjustment of a regular commercial treaty. They have for their basis the liberty given to ship and export such articles as have been, heretofore, admitted into the ports of Portugal.
A flag of truce arrived at Deal on the 29th of December. It brought back an Austrian messenger, who had left England some weeks before with dispatches for Vienna.
The court martial for the trial of Gen. Whitehead, it was supposed, would meet about the 10th of January.
The expedition under the command of sir Charles Cotton and gen. Spencer, has been dispersed in a gal. The convoy had reached the Bay of Biscay on the 27th of December, when the tempest became so violent that it was impossible for the ships any longer to continue together. Upwards of half of the ships have returned into England, with considerable damage.
Gen. sir John Moore, with 9000 troops from Syracuse, arrived at Gibraltar on the 25th November. They were conveyed by two line of battle ships and a frigate. The Gen. proceeded in the frigate to the squadron of sir Sidney Smith, off the Tagus, and after a conference with the admiral, returned to Gibraltar, from whence he proceeded to England with the troops. It was supposed from these circumstances, that his destination was Lisbon. But the emigration of the Royal Family induced him to proceed to England.
The story of the death of the King of Great Britain turns out to be a fabrication. Our papers do not even intimate that he had been indisposed.
The celebrated Gen. Miranda has arrived in England, in the Alexandria frigate, from Barbadoes. It is said he intends to solicit the British government to forward his views on the Spanish Main.
GREEN COFFEE.
FIFTY-SEVEN bags of superior quality FIVE GREEN COFFEE, just received and for sale by M. M. MYERS. February 26, 1808.
Wanted Immediately,
FOR my coal works, fifteen or twenty additional LABORERS. COR'S. BUCK. Manchester, Feb. 29, 1808.
For Sale,
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Samuel Adams to the subscriber, and for the purpose of completing the object of the said trust, the following property will be offered for sale, on the premises, on the 28th day of March, 1808, to the highest bidder; all that parcel of LAND, near Cumberland courthouse, commonly called and known by the name of Adams' Tenement; containing between 28 and 30 acres of land, with 3 or 4 houses, a good stable, garden and other conveniences for the accommodation of a family. SAMUEL HOBSON, Trustee. December 28, 1807.
COUNCIL CHAMBER.
February 25, 1808
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for the purchase of the condemned slaves now in the penitentiary. DANIEL L. HYLTON, C. C. Feb. 24.
FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE, Hening's New Virginia Justice, Containing the Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c. together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale lease and release, mortgage, trust, &c.

LAND In the state of Ohio—For Sale: THE subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer creek, a branch of the Scioto about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia; or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Sept. 24, 1807.
Land for Sale! PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned; will be sold upon the first Monday in January, 1808, for cash upon the premises, a TRACT OF LAND, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris' creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon good plantations in this part of the country, but being fenced than usual. CHARLES WOODSON, } Trustees. JAMES MADISON, } Prince Edward, 16 Oct. 1807. 10w The above sale is postponed till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16 ADVERTISEMENT. Just Received, a General Assortment of Dutch Bolting Cloth, Of a superior quality. J. Darmstadt. Oct. 22, 1807.
100 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the first inst. from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired,) a BLACK MAN, named JACKSON, a House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom.—If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars, or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th, 1807.
20 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the 8th day from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address and very artful, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his boat in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed) —he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail so I get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Horsley. November 20, 1807.
For Sale, MY Dwelling House, and Four Half Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised: On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take a young Negroes at a fair valuation, and Land in the State of Ohio, Tennessee or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on.—If the said property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARCH'D CAMPBELL. Manchester, Nov. 30, 1807.
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 234, 1808.
The Tract of Land BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by Carter Wilkinson, to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned, to Austin Wharton, will be SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder for cash, on the 10th of March next, The Tract of Land Whereon the said Wilkinson now lives, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the said debt and cost. John C. Daniel. Thomas H. Walton. February 4, 1808.
For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs. Phebe. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. JUST RECEIVED, A FRESH SUPPLY OF CHURCH'S PATENT MEDICINES; including Cough Drops, Essence of Mustard, Scotch Ointment, &c. &c.
May be purchased on a long credit, and low terms. The Tenement, ON which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within about one half mile of the Richmond market—containing two acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved—The buildings consist of a large and well constructed dwelling house, laundry, kitchen, dairy, smoke house, two stores, brick office, coach house, barn and stable. All these buildings are well finished, and in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. John Ellis. February 4, 1808.
NOTICE. I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 80 or more prime low grounds, which never is overflowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready to go to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808.
William & Mary College. A MEETING of the visitors of William and Mary College in their convocation room, is requested on the first Tuesday in the next month. The interests of the college require punctual attendance. Samuel Tyler, Rector. Williamsburg, Feb. 5, 1808.
TO RENT, A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins. ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15.
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country.—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808.
Diomed & Robin Redbreast, The ensuing season at my stables, to be let to mares.—Terms made known in due time. Thomas Conde.
GOUTY, The thorough bred imported horse, WILL stand the ensuing season at my plantation on Rucker's Run, 5 miles from Amherst courthouse and 12 from Warrenton, and will cover mares at 25 dollars the season, 13 dollars the leap and 40 dollars insurance with one dollar to the groom in either case. The leap money to be paid at the time of service, the season on first day of August, and the insurance on first day of March 1809. Crop tobacco inspected a day of the ware-houses on James river from Lynchburg to Richmond will be received in payment at 5 dollars per 100 lb if tendered on or before the day it becomes due. Pasturage gratis but no liability for accidents or escapes. GOUTY is a beautiful bay, 11 years old, 5 feet 3 inches high, elegantly formed and of great strength. He was got by Sir Peter Teazle, and came out of the celebrated Yellow Mare, she was got by Tandem, her dam Perdita by Herod out of Fain Forster by Sloe, and so through the best stock that England has produced as may be seen by reference to the general stud book.—Sloe was the most distinguished race of his day, & was never beat. GOUTY's COLTS are running with great credit in England.—In 1806 four only started, of which one was a winner and when losing they came in with great credit, beating the get of Buzzard, Precipitate, Oscar, Sir Peter Teazle and others of the first character in England.—In 1807 Mr. Weatherby (author of the Racing Calendar) writes to me under date Sept. 12th, at which time the racing for that year was not over, that several of GOUTY's colts were winners, and one of them had the misfortune to break his shoulder, or it was supposed he would have been the best of his year in England. The season will commence on first March and terminate first August. R. RIVES. February 10, 1808.
Wanted, a Wet Nurse; One that has been Accustomed to House Business, And can be recommended to be A Healthy Woman, Will meet with liberal wages by applying to the printer hereof February 19, 1808. (3w)
NOTICE. I INTEND to apply to the Baltimore County Court, at its next session, or in its recess, to one of the judges thereof, for the benefit of the insolvent law of this state, passed 1805, and the supplement thereto, passed 1806 BENJ. MORRIS. February 15 1808. Just Received at this Office, Numbers 2 and 3, of The American Military Library, Or, Repository of Modern Tactics, Feb. 23.
NOTICE. WILL POSITIVELY BE SOLD by the subscribers who are commissioners for that purpose appointed by the county court of Powhatan on the premises, on Thursday the 24th day of March next, if fair, if not the next fair day, that valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Powhatan, on which the late Mrs. Judith Bingley resided, belonging to John Howard, containing about 286 acres, on a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with indispensible security for the payment of the purchase money. JORDAN FLOURNOY. DAVID FLOURNOY. WILLIAM PORTER. February 23, 1808. 4w
For Sale or Rent, THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to JASPER ROBBINS, at Mr. JOHN M'ENRY'S. Feb. 24, 1808.
NOTICE is hereby given, That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteenth last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans. Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovementioned) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot. The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid. JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans.
NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 644 37 If subscribed between the 1st January and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78 If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62 If subscribed between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. J. P. Com'r. Loans. MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY. THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du Val. Bockingham, January 20, 1808. wtf
Daniel Simmons, Respectfully informs the public that he has taken the TAVERN formerly occupied by John Brewster, and assures them, that no exertion shall be wanting on his part, to add to the comfort and ease of those who may please to favor him with their company. He will constantly keep on hand good spirits and provender. Peterburg, February 2, 1808. wtf
For sale at S. Pease's Book-Store, A NEW SYSTEM OF DOMESTIC COOKERY, Formed upon PRINCIPLES of Economy, and adapted to the use of Private Families. THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du Val. Bockingham, January 20, 1808. wtf
The Famous High Blooded English Horse HAMBLETON, BRED by the Duke of Graf ton, a beautiful bright bay, near 16 hands high, of high form and elegance, rising 16 years old, in good health and great perfection, imported by Wm. Lightfoot, Esq., of Charles City county, will stand the ensuing season, at my plantation in Hanover county, 20 miles from Richmond and 2 from Hanover Town and New Castle, to cover mares at 6 guineas the season, for which a note will be required, dischargeable by the payment of 20 dollars at any time before the first of August next, when the season will expire, with one dollar to the groom for each mare, paid at the stable door. Ten dollars the single leap, and 40 dollars to insure a mare with foal. Good and extensive pasturage, well enclosed, with branches running through the flat land affording as good forward pastures as any in this part of the country, gratis. Servants that may be sent with mares will be boarded for two dollars per week, and mares fed, if required, on reasonable terms. The greatest attention will be paid by my overseer, Mr. John Hog, but no liability for escapes or accidents. * Any gentleman putting 8 mares to Hambleton may send one gratis. GEORGE BLAKEY. February 15, 1808.
PEDIGREE. Hambleton was got by Dungannon, sire of Bedford and one of the best sons of O'Kelly's famous Eclipse, who was esteemed to be the best horse in England of his day, and covered at fifty guineas—his dam by Snap, sister to Jupiter, bred by Mr. Cross, 1793—her dam, Young Marsk's dam, by Blank, Stirling, Miss Meynell, by Partner, Greyhound, Curwen, Bay Bay, Lord D'Arcy's Arabian, Whiteshirt, Old Montague mare. Thus it appears he descended from the best running stock in England.
PERFORMANCES. This horse ranks very high as a race, both for speed and bottom, as he proved successful in 20 races before he left the turf, 4 of which he walked over, none venturing to start against him. In '94 at Hambleton, Yorkshire, on Wednesday, May 14th, he won a sweepstakes of ten gs each, for 3 year olds, 6 subscribers, 2 miles, beating Mr. Bell's b f by Magnum Bonum Pierce's b f by Young Marsk, Turner's Confederacy, and Craddock's ch c Leicester. At York he won 500, for 3 year olds, beating Lowther's b c Griffin, Crompton's ch c Ambush Sheppard's Madcap, Clifton's b c Cedar, and Garforth's ch c even beating on Ambush against the field. At Manchester, in June, he won 500 for 3 year olds, two mile heats, beating Foreigner and Loyalist. At Stockport, Sept. 20, he won a sweepstakes of 20 gs each, 5 subscribers, then Sir H. Williamson's property, formerly Mr. Hutchinson's, beating Field's Highlander, out of Wren and Turner's Delphine.—In 1795, Hambleton won 5 times, to wit: a handicap plate of 500 2 mile heats, at 4 years old, beating Insect, Blacklegs and Warthin's b c 5 years old. At Edinburgh, July 20, he won his majesty's plate of 100 gs 4 years old, 4 mile heats, beating Greyson's b h Archer, 6 years old, Mr. Peacock's ch g Farmer, and Mr. Wilson's Greeping Kate. At Dumfries in Oct. he won 500 beating Lord Darlington's b m Constant. In 1796, Hambleton won at Kelso, Oct. 5, a purse of 50 gs beating Mr. Ball's b c Black Cock. In 1797, he won 8 times, to wit: at Middleham, in Yorkshire, a sweepstakes of ten gs each, 5 subscribers, 3 mile heats, beating Merry Lad and Arthur. At Edinburgh, on Wednesday the 26th, 50 gs for all ages, beating Elizabeth Fox and Betsey. On Friday the 28th, the ladies subscription purse of 50 gs beating Fletcher's Jane. At Montrose, in Scotland, August, he walked over the ground for a 500 plate, and also walked over the ground for a subscription of 500. At Kelso, Oct 16 for a plate of 50 gs he walked over the ground—and also his majesty's 100 gs given to the Caledonian Hunt, for any horse, &c. carrying 12 st 4 mile heats, then 6 years old, he won against Mr. Wentworth's Trimbush, Piermont's Trimmer, aged, and Kinkade's Hector, aged—and Saturday following a purse of 500 given by the Hunt, free for any horse, &c. beating Farewell and Roliker. At Carlisle he won 160 gs of Mr. Stivell, beating his b f by Meteor. In 1798, he won at Edinburgh, August, 500 for all ages, beating Maxwell's Arab, and Mr. Maule's Hippopotamus. At Montrose he won a plate of 50 gs for all ages, beating Pitfourth and Contractor. See the racing Calendars for the foregoing years. WM. LIGHTFOOT.
Colt's Performances—London. Hambleton's colts also rank very high as race, both for speed and bottom, as they proved themselves good runners in England. In 1805, at Catterick bridge, on Thursday 18th, Wentworth's b c Silverheels by Hambleton, two years old, won a sweepstakes of ten gs 3 subscribers, two mile heats, beating Mr. Riddle's b c by Overton, dam of Spadille; Mr. Lonsdale's ch c by Pastor dam by Paymaster—Lord Strathmore's g f by Overton, dam by Delphin.—Several others also started but were not placed.—Durham, Wednesday, 24th, a Maiden Plate of 500, given by the country members, for all ages, 3 mile heats. Sir H. Williamson's b c by Hamilton, 2 years old, run 4 heats, and proved second best—and 4 others started and proved themselves good runners.
CERTIFICATES. London, 17th February, 1806. William Lightfoot, Esq. Dear Sir,—Hambleton ought to stand very high with you, as his colts in this country turn out excellent runners. &c. Ro. Crew. Charlotte, 10th May, 1806. I put five mares to Hambleton, and they all proved in foal, and the colts fine and large—I also have a mare which has bro't me four colts, one by Diomed, one by Dragon, one by Seagull, and another by Hambleton, and the Hambleton colt has the preference of either: I think her one of the finest fillies, both in size and figure that I ever saw.—Given under my hand. Henry Lester. Lunenburg, 5th May, 1806. This will certify that I put a mare to Hambleton in 1804, when he stood at Mr. H. Lester's in Charlotte county, and am as well pleased, if not better, with the colts by him, than with any the same mare ever had—she previously bred by Coeur de Lion, Diomed, Quicksilver and Dion Thed's Lester. Charlotte county. In the year 1804 I put a mare to Hambleton, then kept by Mr. H. Lester of this county, and am fully persuaded that it is the best colt the mare ever had, and is in my estimation the best colt I ever bred from any horse.—I moreover never have heard of any complaining of their colts from that horse. Thomas Read, Jr. Hanover County.
I herewith certify that Mr. Wm. Lightfoot's horse Hambleton, stood at my stable the last season, and that he has proved an excellent foal getter: his colts would do credit to any horse on the continent. Mr. Wm. Morris of this county and I put five mares each, all of which proved in foal. Given under my hand this 7th day of May, 1806. John Thornton.
Albemarle county, Temple Hill, (Va.) I do hereby certify that Mr. Wm. Lightfoot's English horse Hambleton, stood at my stable two seasons, viz in 1806 and 1807; and I consider him to be an excellent sure foal getter, as any horse that I have been acquainted with—I have seen a number of his colts: I consider them large, fine and handsome—Not one that I have seen was indifferent—I have previously put my fine mare Lady Precipitate to Precipitate, Knowlesy and Hambleton, and she brought a colt by each, the Hambleton I consider much preferable. Given under my hand 10th December, 1807. James Kinsoeling. Charlotte County, 6th May, 1806. We the undersigned subscribers had colts dropped last season by Hambleton, and they are esteemed by us and we believe by the neighbours generally, to be remarkable good colts; being for the most part large, fine and handsome. We also believe that the season he stood in this country, he got as many colts as any horse could get with the same number of mares. William Mitchell, James Lambin, Clement Smithson, Overton Pettus, Thomas Pettus, Wm. L. Morton, W. B. Lester.
SIR HARRY, THE handsomest and one of the best sons of Sir Peter Teazle, (unquestionably the best stallion now in England & interior to none ever bred in that country,) will stand the ensuing season at my stable, in King and Queen county, about 40 miles from Richmond, 7 from Dunkirk and 12 from Tappahannock, at 50 dollars the season, notes for which, and half a dollar for the groom, must be sent with the mares or before they are taken away. The 50 dollars may be discharged by the payment of 40 dollars cash, (and in the event of the embargo continuing, or war, by 30 dollars,) on or before the expiration of the season, which will commence on the 1st March and end 1st August. Extensive high and low land pasturage, as good as any in Virginia, gratis. Mares may be fed with corn at the market price, and every attention will be paid to them, but no liability for escapes or accidents of any kind. Mares and foals will be kept by themselves. Sir Harry was imported in the fall of 1804, from London, is now 12 years old, in high health and vigor, 15 hands 3 inches high, full of bone and muscle, fine points, elegant form and beautiful brown color. He has covered three seasons in this country, has proved himself a sure foal getter, and his stock are equal to any in the world. He was one of the best racers in England, both for speed and bottom, with very heavy weights, and probably cost more money than any horse ever imported into this country (standing the owner within a trifle of £1200 sterling when landed) and in the estimation of good judges, is equal, if not superior, to any that is now, or ever was in the state. As the universal practice here, is to run heats, it is needless to point out to those who have fine mares, the advantages that may result from sending them to this horse. His dam Matron, (foaled in 1785) was got by Alfred, grandam (dam of Pilot) by Marsk, great grandam by Regulus, great great grandam (dam of Wildair and Vamper) by Steady, great great great grandam by Partner, Greyhound, Makeless, Counsellor, Brimmer, Place's White Turk. Alfred was got by Matchem (foaled in 1770) out of a Snap mare (the dam of Conductor, Dictator, Georgiana and others) bred by the duke of Kingston, foaled in 1762; her dam by the Cullen Arabian; Griswold's Lady Thigh, by Partner; Greyhound; Sophonisba's dam, by the Curwen Bay Barb; Lord D'Arcy's chesnut Arabian; Whiteshirt; Old Montague mare. Matchem was got by Cade; Cade (own brother to Lath) was got by the Godolphin Arabian; Marsk was got by Squirt; Squirt was got by Bartlett's Children; Regulus was got by the Godolphin Arabian. Sir Peter Teazle was got by Highlander, out of Papillion, by Snap; Snap was got by Snip; Snip was got by the Devonshire Children, out of a Basto mare; Highlander was got by Herod, out of Rachel by Blank; Herod was got by Tartar, out of Cypron, by Blaze; Tartar was got by Partner, out of Meliora, by Old Fox. John Hoskins. January 15, 1808. wtf N. B. It is not probable that Sir Harry will ever again stand to the northward of his owners in the neighborhood of Petersburg.
United States Court, Fifth Circuit & Virginia District, Nov 23, 1807. James Ritchie and Company, plaintiffs, against Mary Brent, widow of George Brent, Daniel Brent, Robert Brent, John Cook, Bailey Washington, William Brent and Robert Brent, Mary Brent and George F. Brent, infant children of George & Mary Brent, defendants.
THE defendants Daniel Brent, Wm. Brent, and Robert Brent, not having entered their appearance and given security according to a rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this district, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is Ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the plaintiffs bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk. United States Court, Fifth Circuit & Virginia District, November term, 1807. Edward Scott & Charles Scott, executors of John Scott, deceased, plaintiffs, against John Tyndale Ware, executor of William Jones, deceased, who was surviving partner of Farrel and Jones, defendant. THE defendant John T. Ware, not having entered his appearance and given security according to a rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this district; On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is Ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A copy—Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clk. Just Published and for sale at this Office, MEMOIRS
OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe; his confinement in the dungeon of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS, Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Domination in that country; and a few observations on the state of manners, &c in America.