The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-01 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
SALE BY AUCTION. IRON WORKS.—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on SATURDAY the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 23,343 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct.
The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE. Trustees of the Patentee.
CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 1/2 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White LIME-STONE near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/2 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [epts]
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD, for two Bay HORSES that were stolen from the subscriber Friday night last: they are both bright Bay and move well, the largest one has both hind feet white, and at times has a spring halt with one of them; the other has a star in his forehead, and a black streak along his back—they are both square docked. It is supposed that they are now straying in the neighbourhood of Richmond, if however, they should be stolen, I will give the above reward on prosecuting the thief to conviction or twenty dollars for the horses if delivered to Dr. D. W. Sacker, Richmond. MARTIN GILLET. March 29. [epts]
NOTICE.—The Officers and Privates who performed patrols duty in the months of June and July, 1807, are hereby notified that they will receive their pay on application to SAML. G. ADAMS, Paymaster 19th regt. March 29. [4t]
LINN BANKS has obtained a licence to practice LAW.—He contemplates attending the County Courts of Madison, Orange and Culpeper. Those who are disposed to entrust him with business, may rely on the sedulous and faithful discharge of his professional duties. March 29. [2t]
RICHMOND TROOP OF CAVALRY.—A meeting of the members of this Troop will be held at the Washington Tavern on Monday the 4th of April at 6 P. M. when, as matter of considerable interest will be introduced, it is hoped that attendance will be general. Those who have been long enrolled in this Troop, but who have either never attended its meetings or musters—or have, for a considerable time, been so delinquent, will (it is confidently hoped) offer satisfactory reasons therefor: the names of such as do not, will, on that evening, be erased from the roll. The Troop will parade on the usual ground at 10 A. M. of the following day, completely equipped; the roll will be called precisely at ten, and those who do not answer to their names, will be fined as absentees. By order of the Captain W. FENWICK, 1st Serjt. Richmond, March 29. [3t]
LANDING this day from the Schooner Richmond, capt. Isaac Beaman, at Leeston's Wharf, seventeen hds. best green COFFEE and twenty hds. MOLASSES, for sale by GEO. WATT. Richmond, March 29. (4.)
EDUCATION.—ANTHONY PELZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he will remove his day and night School on the first of April to a large and commodious apartment in the lower part of the house occupied by Mr. John P. Shields in the vicinity of the Capitol. He, therefore, can invite more pupils of both sexes, to share his instruction, whom he will teach the French and Italian Languages, English Grammar, Reading & Writing, together with Arithmetic, Geography and the minor Latin Classics. His object is to be useful and his success in teaching French has been proved by experience; for he does not merely impress on the minds of his pupils the verbal science of Grammar, but renders the language familiar to their ears, their tongue and their pen. Terms—Eight dollars per quarter, payable half in advance. Pupils from the country may obtain board at very moderate terms of Mrs. Shields, who offers likewise the use of her Piano-forte to those who would wish to receive instruction on that instrument. March 15. [epts]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Ranaway from the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his escape, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. It taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars; or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec 29. [epts]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [t]
COUNCIL CHAMBER, March 26, 1808.—Proposals will be received by the Executive, on the eighth of April next, for furnishing the Public Guard with clothing, for the present year.—Also, at the same time, proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the convicts in the Penitentiary, for one year from the 17th day of April next. DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council. March 29. [1w]
NOTICE, to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop.—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A. M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court. The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend. For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall institute any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred out, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled, either as surviving partner or as an individual." WM. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAML. M'CRAW, } Richmond, March 8, 1808. [epts30A.]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Muscovado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira and London P. Tennent's Wines, Holland Gin, Demijohns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters; and an assortment of the best quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. March 25. [F6t]
THE SCOTTSVILLE RACES will commence on the 3d Thursday in April.—The 1st day's Purse is about £100—The 2d day, (Proprietors Purse) £50—The 3d day, an elegant Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar, will be run for. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six years 128 do. Five years 108 Four years 106 lbs. Three years, do. 90 Mares and geldings allowed 3 lbs. WM. ARCHER, Sec'y. March 25. [6t]
DOMESTIC.
DOCUMENTS ACCOMPANYING THE MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF MARCH 22, 1808.
NO. I. From MR. MADISON to MR. MONROE, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, July 6, 1807.
SIR, THE documents herewith enclosed, from No. 1 to No. 9, inclusive, explain the hostile attack with the insulting pretext for it, lately committed near the capes of Virginia by the British ship of war the Leopard, on the American frigate the Chesapeake. No. 10, is a copy of the proclamation issued by the President, interdicting in consequence of that outrage the use of our waters and every other accommodation to all British armed ships. This enormity is not a subject for discussion. The immunity of a national ship of war from every species and purpose of search on the high seas, has never been contested by any nation. Great-Britain would be second to none in resenting such a violation of her rights and such an insult on her flag. She may bring the case to the test of her own feelings by supposing, that instead of the customary demand of our mariners serving compulsively even aboard her ships of war, opportunities had been seized for rescuing them in like manner, whenever the superiority of force or the chance of surprise might be possessed by our ships of war. But the present case is marked by circumstances which give it a peculiar die—The seamen taken from the Chesapeake had been ascertained to be native citizens of the United States, and this fact was made known to the bearer of the demand, and doubtless communicated by him to his commander previous to the commencement of the attack. It is a fact also, affirmed by two of the men, with every appearance of truth, that they had been impressed from American vessels into the British frigate, from which they escaped, and by the third, that having been impressed from a British merchant ship, he had accepted of the recruiting bounty under that duress, and with a view to alleviate his situation, till he could escape to his own country: and that the attack was made during a period of negotiation, and in the midst of friendly assurances from the British government.
Although the principle which was outraged in the proceeding against the American frigate is independent of the question concerning the allegiance of the seamen taken from her, the fact that they were citizens of the U. S. and not British subjects, may have such an influence on the conduct of all, and perhaps on the opinions of some unacquainted with the laws and usages of nations, that it has been thought proper to seek more regular proofs of their national character than were deemed sufficient in the first instance. These proofs will be added by this conveyance if obtained in time, if not, by the first that succeeds. The president has an evident right to expect from the British government not only an ample reparation to the United States, in this case, but that it will be decided without difficulty or delay. Should this expectation fail, and above all, should reparation be refused, it will be incumbent on you to take
The printed papers herewith sent will enable you to judge of the spirit which has been roused by the occasion. It pervades the whole community; it is abolishing the distinctions of party; and regarding only the indignity offered to the sovereignty and flag of the nation, and the blood of citizens so wantonly and wickedly shed, demands in the loudest tone an honorable reparation. With this demand you are charged by the President. The tenor of his proclamation will be your guide in reminding the British government of the uniform proofs given by the United States of their disposition to maintain faithfully every friendly relation; of the multiplied infractions of their rights by British naval commanders on our coasts and harbors; of the inefficacy of reiterated appeals to the justice and friendship of that government; and of the moderation on the part of the U. States, which reiterated disappointments had not extinguished; till at length no alternative is left, but a voluntary satisfaction on the part of G. Britain, or a resort to means depending on the U. States alone.
The nature and extent of the satisfaction ought to be suggested to the British government, not less by a sense of its own honor than by justice to that of the U. States. A formal disavowal of the deed and restoration of the four seamen to the ship from which they were taken, are things of course and indispensable. As a security for the future, an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the U. States, if not already arranged, is also to make an indispensable part of the satisfaction. The abolition must be on terms compatible with the instructions to yourself and Mr. Pinkney on this subject; and if possible without the authorised rejection from the service of the United States, of British seamen who have not been two years in it. Should it be impossible to avoid this concession on the part of the U. States, it ought, as of itself more than a reasonable price for future security, to extend the reparation due for the past.
But beyond these indispensable conditions, the United States have a right to expect every solemnity of form and every other ingredient of retribution and respect which according to usage and the sentiments of mankind, are proper in the strongest cases of insult to the rights and sovereignty of a nation. And the British government is to be apprised of the importance, of a full compliance with this expectation, to the thorough healing of the wound which has been made in the feelings of the American nation. Should it be alleged as a ground for declining or diminishing the satisfaction in this case, that the United States have themselves taken it by the interdict contained in the proclamation, the answer will be obvious. The interdict is a measure, not of reparation, but of precaution, and would besides be amply justified by occurrences prior to the extraordinary outrage in question. The exclusion of all armed ships whatever from our waters, is in fact so much required by the vexations and dangers to our peace experienced from their visits, that the President makes it a special part of the charge to you to avoid laying the U. States under any species of restraint from adopting that remedy. Being extended to all belligerent nations, none of them could of right complain, & with the less reason, as the policy of most nations has limited the admission of foreign ships of war into their ports, to such numbers as being inferior to the naval force of the country, could be readily made to respect its authority and laws.
As it may be useful, in enforcing the justice of the present demand, to bring into view applicable cases, especially where G. Britain has been the complaining party, I refer you to the ground taken and the language held by her, in those of Falkland's island and Nootka Sound, notwithstanding the assertion by Spain in both cases, that the real right was in her, and the possessory only in Great-Britain.—These cases will be found in the Annual Registers for 1771, and 1790, and in the parliamentary debates for those years. In the latter you will find also two cases referred to, in one of which the French king sent an ambassador extraordinary to the king of Sardinia, in the most solemn and public manner, with an apology for an infringement of his territorial rights in the pursuit of a smuggler & a murderer. In the other case an ambassador extraordinary was sent by the British government with an apology for the pursuit and destruction by admiral Boscawen, of certain French ships on the coasts of this last kingdom. Many other cases, more or less analogous, may doubtless be found; see, particularly the reparation by France to G. Britain, for the attack on Turks island in 1764, as related in the Annual Register & in Smollett's continuation of Hume, vol. 10, the proceedings in the case of an English merchantman, which suffered much in her crew and otherwise, from the fire of certain Spanish zebecs cruising in the Mediterranean: and the execution of the Lt. of a privateer, firing a gun into a Venetian merchantman, which killed the captain, as stated in the Annual Register, for 1781, page 74. The case of an affront offered to a Russian ambassador in the reign of Queen Anne, though less analogous, shews in a general view the solemnity with which reparation is made for insults having immediate relation to the sovereignty of a nation.
Although the principle which was outraged in the proceeding against the American frigate is independent of the question concerning the allegiance of the seamen taken from her, the fact that they were citizens of the U. S. and not British subjects, may have such an influence on the conduct of all, and perhaps on the opinions of some unacquainted with the laws and usages of nations, that it has been thought proper to seek more regular proofs of their national character than were deemed sufficient in the first instance. These proofs will be added by this conveyance if obtained in time, if not, by the first that succeeds. The president has an evident right to expect from the British government not only an ample reparation to the United States, in this case, but that it will be decided without difficulty or delay. Should this expectation fail, and above all, should reparation be refused, it will be incumbent on you to take
proper measures for hastening home, according to the degree of urgency, all American vessels remaining in British ports; using for the purpose, the mode least likely to awaken the attention of the British government.—Where there may be no ground to distrust the prudence or fidelity of consuls, they will probably be found the fittest vehicles for your intimations. It will be particularly requisite to communicate to our public ships in the Mediterranean the state of appearances, if it be such as ought to influence their movements.
All negotiation with the British government on other subjects, will of course be suspended, until satisfaction on this be so pledged, and arranged as to render negotiation honourable. Whatever may be the result or the prospect, you will please to forward to us the earliest information. The scope of the proclamation will signify to you, that the president has yielded to the presumption that the hostile act of the British commander did not pursue the intentions of his government. It is not indeed easy to suppose that so rash and so critical a step should have originated with the admiral, but it is still more difficult to believe, that such orders were prescribed by any government, under circumstances such as existed between G. Britain and the U. States. Calculations founded on dates, are also strongly opposed to the supposition that the orders in question could have been transmitted from England. In the same scale, are to be put the apparent and declared persuasion of the British representative, Mr. Erskine, that no orders of a hostile spirit, could have been issued or authorised by his government; and the co-incident of this assurance with the amicable professions of Mr. Canning, the organ of the new administration, as stated in the dispatch of April 22d, from yourself and Mr. Pinkney. Proceeding on these considerations, the president has inferred that the justice and honor of the British government will readily make the atonement required; and in that expectation, he has forborne an immediate call of congress: notwithstanding the strong wish which has been manifested by many, that measures depending on their authority, should without delay be adopted.—The motives to this forbearance have, at the same time, been strengthened by the policy of avoiding a course which might stimulate the British cruisers in this quarter, to arrest our ships and seamen now arriving and shortly expected in great numbers from all quarters. It is probable, however, that the legislature will be convened in time to receive the answer of the British government on the subject of this dispatch or even sooner, if the conduct of the British squadron here, or other occurrences, should require immediate measures beyond the authority of the executive. In order to give the more expedition and security to the present dispatch, a public armed vessel, the Revenge, is specially employed; and Dr. Bullus is made the bearer, who was on board the Chesapeake, on his way to a consulate in the Mediterranean, & will be able to detail and explain circumstances which may possibly become interesting in the course of your communications with the British government. The vessel, after depositing Dr. Bullus at a British port, will proceed with dispatches to a French port, but will return to England with a view to bring the result of your transactions with the British government.—The trip to France will afford you and Mr. Pinkney a favorable opportunity of communicating with our ministers at Paris, who being instructed to regulate their conduct on the present occasion by the advices they may receive from you, will need every explanation that can throw light on the probable turn and issue of things with G. Britain. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. NO. II. CORRESPONDENCE Between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, in relation to the attack on the Chesapeake, with Mr. Monroe's letters to the Secretary of State on the same subject. (PRIVATE) FOREIGN OFFICE, SATURDAY, July 25, 1807. Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and with sentiments of the deepest regret hastens to inform him that intelligence has just been received of a transaction which has taken place off the coast of America, between a ship of war of his majesty, and a frigate belonging to the United States: the result of which has been the loss of some lives on board the American frigate. The particulars of this transaction and the grounds of the justification of the British officer, and of the admiral, under whose orders he acted, Mr. Canning is not at present enabled to communicate to Mr. Monroe. If Mr. Monroe shall have received any accounts of it, Mr. Canning trusts that he will lose no time in communicating them to Mr. Canning. But whatever the real merits and character of the transaction may turn out to be, Mr. Canning could not forbear expressing without delay the sincere concern and sorrow which he feels at its unfortunate result; and assuring the American minister, both from himself and on behalf of his majesty's government, that if the British officers should prove to have been culpable, the most prompt and effectual reparation shall be afforded to the government of the U. States. James Monroe, Esq. &c. To MR. CANNING. Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and is much obliged to him for the information communicated in his note of Saturday. Mr. Monroe has heard with extreme regret the account it contains of a rencontre between a British ship of war and an American frigate off the coast of the U. S. He has no knowledge of the subject except what Mr. Canning's note has furnished, but will not fail to communicate the earliest intelligence which he may receive of an event so deeply to be lamented. Mr. Monroe derives in the mean time much satisfaction from the friendly assurance of Mr. Canning, that this unfortunate occurrence was not authorised by his majesty's government, and that suitable reparation will be made for the injury, if on
enquiry the British officer shall be found the aggressor. Portland Place, Monday, July 27, 1807. The right hon. George Canning, &c.
TO MR. CANNING. PORTLAND PLACE, July 29, 1807. SIR,
Although I have no instructions from my government on the subject, it is my duty to request the attention of his Britannic majesty's government to a late aggression on the sovereignty of the United States, of a very extraordinary nature. The circumstances of the transaction are too distinctly marked to leave any doubt of the extent of the outrage, or of the reparation which it obviously claims. By accounts which are entitled to full confidence, it appears, that on the 23d of June last, his majesty's ship the Leopard attacked an American frigate off the coast of the U. States, with a view to assert and enforce the unfounded and most unjustifiable pretension to search for deserters, and after having killed and wounded a number of her men, entered on board and carried away forcibly several of the crew. The conduct of the British officer which in itself forms an act of complete hostility, is rendered more reprehensible from the consideration that just before this aggression he held a station within the jurisdiction of the United States, in the waters of the Chesapeake, where, while he enjoyed the rights of hospitality, he projected this attack against the ship of a neutral power, whose commander relying on the good faith of his majesty's government, and the friendly relations subsisting between G. Britain and the United States, could not have suspected the design. I might state other examples of great indignity and outrage, many of which are of recent date, to which the U. States have been exposed off their coast, and even within several of their harbors, from the British squadron; but it is improper to mingle them with the present more serious cause of complaint. I have called your attention to this subject in full confidence, that his majesty's government will see in the act complained of, a flagrant abuse of its own authority, and that it will not hesitate to enable me to communicate to my government without delay, a frank disavowal of the principle on which it was made, and its assurance that the officer who is responsible for it shall suffer the punishment which so unexampled an aggression on the sovereignty of a neutral nation justly deserves. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your very obedient servant. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. The Right Hon. George Canning, &c. &c. &c.
FROM MR. CANNING. FOREIGN OFFICE, Aug. 3d, 1807. SIR,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your official note of the 29th ult. which I have lost no time in laying before the king. As the statement of the transaction to which this note refers, is not brought forward either by the authority of the government of the U. States, or with any precise knowledge of the facts on which it is founded, it might have been sufficient for me to express to you, his majesty's readiness to take the whole of the circumstances of the case, when fully disclosed, into his consideration, and to make reparation for any alleged injury to the sovereignty of the United States, whenever it should be clearly shown that such injury has been actually sustained, and that such reparation is really due. On the existence of such a disposition on the part of the British government, you, sir, cannot be ignorant: I have already assured you of it, though in an unofficial form, by the letter which I addressed to you on the first receipt of the intelligence of this unfortunate transaction: and I may perhaps be permitted to express my surprise, after such an assurance, at the tone of that representation which I have just had the honor to receive from you.
But the earnest desire of his majesty to evince, in the most satisfactory manner, the principles of justice and moderation, by which he is uniformly actuated, has not permitted him to hesitate in commanding me to assure you, that his majesty neither does, nor hath at any time, maintained the pretension of a right to search ships of war, in the national service of any state, for deserters. If therefore the statement in your note should prove to be correct, and to contain all the circumstances of the case, upon which complaint is intended to be made, and if it shall appear that the act of his majesty's officer has rested on no other grounds than the simple and unqualified assertion of the pretension above referred to, his majesty has no difficulty in disavowing that act, and will have no difficulty in manifesting his displeasure at the conduct of his officers. With respect to the other causes of complaint [whatever they may be] which are hinted at in your note, I perfectly agree with you in the sentiment which you express as to the propriety of not involving them in a question, which is of itself of sufficient importance to claim a separate and most serious consideration. I have only to lament that the same sentiment did not induce you to abstain from alluding to these subjects, on an occasion which you were, yourself, of opinion, was not favorable for pursuing the discussion of them. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. (Signed) GEO. CANNING. James Monroe, Esq. &c. &c. &c. LONDON, August 4th, 1807. SIR,
I avail myself of the opportunity afforded by Mr. Biddulph, to communicate to you a copy of a correspondence, and the substance of a conference between Mr. Canning and myself, relative to the late aggression on the peace and sovereignty of the U. S. by the British ship Leopard in the attack on the Chesapeake, off the capes of Virginia. Mr. Canning's private letter of July 25, which gave the first intelligence of the occurrence, left it doubtful whether the British officers had been culpable in it, and as I knew how very reprehensible their conduct had been off our coast, on many other occasions, and to what height the sensibility of our citizens had been excited by it, I thought it not improbable that something might have occurred to divide the blame between the parties. It was under that impression that my answer was written. On the next day the leading features of the transaction were presented to the public through the medium of the gazettes, which were taken from private accounts received directly from Halifax, by a vessel which had been dispatched by admiral Berkeley with the official one. By these it was evident, that the British officer was completely the aggressor, in an outrage of great enormity, attended with circumstances which increased the offence. It was understood likewise from good authority, that the official intelligence which the government had received, corresponded with and confirmed the other accounts already before the public.

On full consideration of these circumstances, I concluded that it would be highly improper in me to leave the affair on the ground on which Mr. Canning had placed it. I could see no other motive in him to obtain further information relative to the transaction, than for the purpose of ascertaining whether the men said to be deserters, and for whom the attack was made, were American citizens or British subjects; to which it was impossible for me to give any countenance. I thought it indispensable therefore to call on the government to disavow the principle and to engage such other reparation to the U. S. as their injured honor obviously required. It appeared to me, that any delay in taking that step which depended on an abstract principle, and required no argument to illustrate, or fact to support it, would have a tendency to weaken a claim which was unquestionable, and to countenance the idea that it would not be supportable with suitable energy.
That, before the knowledge of this event, obtained the appointment of an interview with Mr. Canning on other business, to take place on the 28th ultimo. We met according to the appointment; I observed, in opening the conference, that although the topics which had brought us together, were important, the late occurrence at the entrance of the Chesapeake had in a great measure put them out of sight. He expressed his regret that such an event, which would at all times furnish cause of concern, should have happened at the present time. He asked if the men in question were American citizens, or British subjects? I replied that that was a point which could not come into view in the case; that it was one which, according as the fact might be, would make the cause more or less popular, in either country, but could not affect the principle on that principle, a ship of war protected all the people on board, and could not be entered to be searched for deserters, or for any purpose, without violating the sovereignty of the nation whose flag she bore; that in the present case I had been assured, that the men were American citizens, and that the British minister at Washington had been made acquainted with it. He said little on the subject, but by the tendency of what he did say, seemed to imply that his government could not lose sight of the consideration above alluded to, nor indeed did he admit by any thing that escaped him, that the abstract principle itself would not be insisted on. His remarks, however, were generally of a conciliatory and friendly character; without pledging himself on any point, he seemed desirous to satisfy me, that no new orders had been issued by the present ministry to the commandant of the British squadron at Halifax. I observed, that as the notes which had passed between us, were informal, and on a very limited view of the subject, on my part, it would be proper for me now, that the circumstances were better known, to present him an official note on it: he admitted the propriety of it. I then drew Mr. Canning's attention to the subjects on which I had asked the interview; being the case of the Impetueux, captain Love's correspondence, the conduct of captain Douglas, and of the British squadron generally on our coast. I observed that I had heretofore postponed any official communication on these points from a desire to connect them with the greater objects depending between our governments, and of course, from motives the most friendly; that I brought them to his view at this time, in consequence of Mr. Pinkney and myself having commenced the other business, as he knew had been done; he promised to attend to them.
On the 29th July I wrote to Mr. Canning, the note which I had promised him in the late interview. I addressed it in terms which I thought suitable to the occasion, observing to state in it, that I took the step from a sense of duty, applicable to my station as the resident minister, and without authority from my government. I considered the act as that of the British officer, in which the government had no agency, was not bound to support, and which it would be honorable for it to disavow. I flattered myself that some advantage might arise from the measure, and under the circumstances in which it was taken no harm possibly could. His reply is dated on the 3d inst. which though addressed in rather a harsh tone, may be considered as conceding essentially the point desired. It is my intention to say nothing more to him on the subject till I hear from you, and in the mean time to observe the most conciliatory conduct that circumstances will admit.
Such is the state of this country at the present crisis, that it is impossible to foresee what will be its course of conduct towards the United States. There has been at all times, since the commencement of the present war, a strong party here for extending its ravages to them. This party is composed of the ship owners, the navy, the East and West India merchants, and several political characters of great consideration in the state. So powerful is this combination, that it is most certain that nothing can be obtained of the government on my point, but what may be extorted by necessity. The disasters to the north ought to inspire moderation, but with respect to the northern powers, it seems to have produced the opposite effect. A fleet of about 25 ships of the line, with a suitable number of frigates, &c. and above 20,000 men has been lately equipped, and sent into the Baltic, as it is said, to take possession of the Danish and Russian navies. This measure is imputed to an understanding which it is supposed has been established between the cabinets of Russia and Paris by the late peace, and which has for its object a coïncident of measures for the purpose of attempting to force of this country a maritime code, more favorable to neutral nations. The motive assigned for the expedition, is that of taking possession of the Danish fleet, to keep it out of the hands of the French; that the Russian fleet is one of the objects is not so generally believed, though perhaps not less probable.
Mr. Pinkney and myself have taken the first step in our business. We will write you a few days the state of it. You may be assured that we shall do every thing in our power to promote, in the mode most likely to succeed, the object of our instructions and the interest of our country. Want of time prevents my going into further detail.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your most obedient servant, JAMES MONROE. James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State, Washington.
FROM MR. CANNING TO MR. MONROE. FOREIGN OFFICE, August 8, 1807. SIR,
Having received from his majesty's minister in America, an unofficial printed paper, purporting to be a copy of a proclamation of the President of the U. S. I have to request that you will be pleased to acquaint me, whether you have received any communication from your government which enables you to pronounce if such paper be authentic?
In the event of your being empowered to admit its authenticity, I have further to request of you, that you will inform me whether you are also authorized to announce it to be the intention of the government of the U. S. to carry into effect the measures stated in the proclamation of the President, without requiring, or waiting for, any explanation on the part of the British government, with respect to the late unfortunate transaction, upon which the determination to resort to these measures is professed to be founded?
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING.
P. S. I have the honor to enclose an American newspaper, containing a copy of the paper in question.
MR. MONROE TO MR. CANNING. PORTLAND PLACE, August 9, 1807.
SIR, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday, and should not hesitate to communicate the information which you have desired, if I possessed it: but as I have not heard from my government on the subject of the unfortunate occurrence alluded to, it is not in my power to state to you any thing on the part of my government respecting it. I have no doubt that I shall be instructed in a very few days, to make a communication to his majesty's government on that highly interesting event, in which I shall be enabled to furnish a full and just view of all the circumstances attending it. As soon as I receive instructions, I shall hasten to apprise you of it. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
MR. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES. LONDON, August 14, 1807.
SIR, I had the honor to transmit you with my letter of the 4th inst. a copy of a correspondence with Mr. Canning, relative to the late aggression in the case of the Chesapeake frigate. You will receive with this a copy of a more recent one on the same subject.
By Mr. Canning's queries in his last note, I was led to consider as preparatory to an embargo on American vessels. I could not conceive why he should request information of me, whether the President's proclamation was authentic, and when it would be carried into effect, if it was not intended to found some measure on my reply of an unfriendly nature. The information desired was not necessary to remove any doubts of his government on the points to which it applied, or to enable it to do justice to the United States, in regard to the aggression of which they complained. The presumption that an embargo was intended, gained strength from the circumstance that most of the gazettes had recommended, and that the public mind seemed to be essentially prepared for it. It was my most earnest wish to prevent, as far as in my power, so unjust and pernicious a procedure. As the measure contemplated, whatever it might be, seemed to be suspended for my answer, I was extremely solicitous by the manner, to deprive this government of all pretext for any of the kind alluded to. By replying generally, that I had no instructions from my government, and could state nothing on its part respecting the late occurrence, I avoided giving a direct answer to Mr. Canning's queries; and by drawing his attention to the application which it was to be presumed would soon be made on the part of my government, on that subject, I endeavored to show more strongly the policy and injustice which would stamp any such measure on the part of Great Britain in the present stage.
No step has yet been taken by this government of an unfriendly character, towards the United States; and from the communication which Mr. Canning made to the House of Commons the day he received my last note, which you will find in the gazettes sent, I am persuaded that things will remain in the state in which they are, till your dispatch is received. I trust that a disposition exists to make such reparation to the United States, as will be satisfactory to the United States, and that it will be practicable and not difficult to preserve the friendly relations subsisting between the two countries. The party however in favor of war, consisting of the combined interests mentioned in my last, is strong and active, so that it is impossible to foresee the result. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
TO MR. CANNING. No. 10.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning and has the honor to inform him, that he has just received instructions from his government relative to the late attack of the United States frigate Chesapeake, by his majesty's ship Leopard, off the coast of the United States.
Mr. Monroe requests that Mr. Canning would have the goodness to give him an early interview on that subject.
Mr. Monroe requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurances of his high consideration. Portland Place, Sept. 1, 1807.
FROM MR. CANNING. No. 11.
Foreign office, Sept. 1, 1807. Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and requests the honor of seeing him at the Foreign office on Thursday next, at twelve o'clock.
Mr. Canning would have proposed to see Mr. Monroe to-morrow, if he had not been under the necessity of attending the levee and council at the Queen's palace.
Mr. Canning requests Mr. Monroe to accept the assurances of his high consideration. JAMES MONROE, Esq. &c. &c. &c.
MR. MONROE TO MR. CANNING.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and has the honor to inform him that he called at his office yesterday, for the purpose of making some remarks on the subject treated in the note which he addressed on the instant to Mr. Canning. Mr. Monroe regrets that he had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. Canning at that time, and requests that he will be so good as to give him an interview to-morrow, at such hour as may be most convenient to him. Mr. Monroe will be happy to attend Mr. Canning in the country, should it be more agreeable to Mr. Canning to receive him there. Portland Place, Sept. 9, 1807.
FROM MR. CANNING, IN ANSWER.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and will be happy to have the honor of seeing him at the Foreign Office to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Canning has but this minute received Mr. Monroe's note.
Burlington House, Wednesday, September 9, 1807. 3-4 p. 8. P. M.
Duplicate. No. —
LONDON, Sept. 16, 1807.
SIR,
I had the honor to receive your letter of July 6th, by Dr. Bullus, on the 31st ultimo, and did not lose a moment in entering on the business communicated to me by it, in the manner which seemed most likely to obtain success. The details shall be communicated to you in my next dispatch. All that I can state at present is, that the whole subject has been placed fully before this government in as strong an appeal to its interest and judgment as I could make, and that as a week has elapsed since my official note was presented, I am in daily expectation of receiving its decision on it. The moment it is in many views very favorable to a satisfactory result, but still it is not in my power, from any thing that has occurred, to speak with confidence of it. The joint negotiation committed to Mr. Pinkney and myself, was suspended by the intelligence of the affair with our frigate, and has never been revived since. That intelligence reached this about a week after Mr. Purvis arrived, so that we had only been able, with the utmost diligence, to take the preliminary step of presenting to Mr. Canning, in conformity to our instructions, a project, and of explaining to him in the most minute and comprehensive manner that we could, every circumstance appertaining to it. No answer was given to our communication; the suspension therefore of the negotiation, was imputable to Mr. Canning: had he answered our communication and proposed to proceed in the negotiation, it would have become a question for the commission to have decided, how far it would have been proper
under existing circumstances to comply with the invitation; his silence however relieved us from that dilemma.
Permit me to present to you Mr. Jos. A. Smith, of South Carolina, and to refer you to him for much information of a general nature, on the subject of our affairs with this country. Having been long in Europe, and visited almost every part, he possesses great information of the political state of its several powers, especially of Russia, from whose sovereign he received very distinguished marks of attention. In much communication which I have had with Mr. Smith for a year past, I have found him to be animated with strong sentiments of patriotism towards his country, and as he has expressed a desire of being personally known to the President, and yourself, I have been happy to promote his object, by giving him this introduction. I am with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant. JAMES MONROE.
P. S. A copy of my note to Mr. Canning is enclosed. JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State.
No. 12.
TO MR. CANNING. Portland Place, September 7, 1807.
SIR, By the order of my government it is my duty to request your attention to the aggression lately committed on the peace and sovereignty of the U. S. by his Britannic majesty's ship of war Leopard, in an attack on an American frigate the Chesapeake off the capes of Virginia. The object of this communication is to obtain from his majesty's government a suitable reparation for that outrage, and such an arrangement of the great interest connected with it, as will place the future relations of the two powers on a solid foundation of peace and friendship.
In bringing the subject again to the view of his majesty's government, it is unnecessary to dwell on circumstances which are already so well known to you. By the documents which I have the honor to transmit you, it is shown that while the outrage was unprovoked and unexpected on one side, there was nothing to extenuate it on the other. The commander of his majesty's squadron on the coast of the U. S. appears to have acted on a presumption that he possessed the power to make war and to decide on the causes of war. It will be difficult to explain the conduct of that officer on any other principle, and equally so to find an example of an aggression marked with such high indignity and injustice to a friendly power.
The pretext for this aggression could not fail to heighten the sense of injury which the act itself was so greatly calculated to excite. My government was taught to infer from it, that there was no limit to a pretension which had already produced so much mischief, and against which so many remonstrances had been presented, in its application to merchant vessels. But I find with great satisfaction, that this pretension forms no topic for discussion between us in respect to ships of war; and I trust that the just and enlightened policy which produced the decision in one instance, will surmount the obstacle which has hitherto embarrassed it in the other.
The national character of the men who were taken thus violently from on board the Chesapeake, make no part of the question. It is impossible that it should come into view in estimating the injury which the U. S. have received. The outrage involves a great and uncontroverted principle, which ought not in any view, to be affected by appealing to national sensibility on either side. I have, however, the honor to transmit you documents which will, I presume, satisfy you that they were American citizens.
With respect to the reparation which my government ought to receive for this outrage, it will only be necessary to appeal to those sentiments which Great Britain would be sure to indulge, under like circumstances; to that sensibility to national honor, which has distinguished so many epochs of her history.
It will be recollected that the injury, which in itself was great, was much aggravated by the circumstances which attended it: that the peaceful relations of the United States were violated, and their unsuspecting confidence surprised. But I forbear to recite details which it is painful to contemplate. You will, I am persuaded, be satisfied that in every light in which the subject can be seen, the honor of my government and of the whole nation has been greatly outraged by the aggression, and that it becomes the honor of his majesty's government to make a distinguished reparation for it.
In presenting, in this friendly manner, this important subject to the consideration of his majesty's government, I am particularly instructed to request its attention to the great cause to which this, and so many other injuries of a like kind may be traced; the impressment of men from the merchant vessels of the United States. In many essential circumstances the objections which are applicable to impressments from ships of war, are equally applicable to those from merchant vessels. To the individuals who suffer by the practice, the injury is the same in either case. Their claim on their government for protection is in both cases equal; every maxim of public law, & private right, which is violated in one, is equally violated in the other.
The relation of the belligerent to the neutral power, extends to certain objects only, and is defined in each by known laws. Beyond that limit, the rights of the neutral are sacred, & cannot be encroached on without violence and injustice. Is there a question of contraband, is the vessel destined to a blockaded port, in violation of established principles, are, or does she contain enemy's property, the greatest extent to which the maritime law is carried by any nation? In these cases, she is conducted to port for trial; the parties are heard by an impartial and responsible tribunal, and are heard again by appeal if they desire it. Are any of the passengers on board the neutral vessel in the naval or military service of the enemy? If such are found they are made prisoners, but as prisoners they have rights which the opposite belligerent is bound to respect. This practice whoever looks to other objects than are here recited. It involves no question of belligerent on one side, and of neutral on the other. It pursues the vessel of a friend for an unlawful purpose, which it executes in a manner equally unlawful. Every commercial vessel of the U. S. that navigates the ocean is liable to be invaded by it, and not an individual on board any of them is secure while the practice is maintained. It sets up every officer of his majesty's navy as a judge, from whose decision there is no appeal. It makes him a judge not of property, which is held more sacred, nor of the liberty of his fellow subjects only, however great the trust, and liable to abuse on the main ocean, but of that of the citizens of another power, whose rights as a nation, are trampled on by
the decision, a decision, in rendering which, every rule of evidence is violated, as it puts the proof of innocence on the accused; and is further highly objectionable, as there is too much reason to believe that it has been often guided more by the fitness of the party, for service, than any other circumstance. The distressing examples of this system of aggression, as it has affected individuals, on a scale of vast extent, it is unnecessary to recount here. They may be easily imagined. Voluminous documents which prove them, are in the possession of both governments.
It is possible that this practice may in certain cases, and under certain circumstances, have been extended to the vessels of other powers; but with them there was an infallible criterion to prevent error. It would be easy to distinguish between an Englishman and a Spaniard, an Italian or a Swede; and the clear and irresistible evidence of his national character, and perhaps of his desertion, would establish the British claim to the individual, and reconcile the nation into whose service he had entered, to his surrender. But the very circumstances which would constitute an infallible criterion in those cases, would be sure to produce endless error in the other. Who is so skillful in physiognomy as to distinguish between an American and an Englishman, especially among those whose profession and whose sea terms are the same? It is evident that this practice, as applied to a foreign nation, to any great extent, has grown out of the American revolution, and that it is impossible for the United States not to see in it the assertion of a claim which is utterly incompatible with that great event. When the character of this claim, and the pernicious tendency of the practice, are maturely weighed, it must furnish cause for surprise, that some just and friendly arrangement has not long since been adopted, to prevent the evils incident to it.
My government is aware that his Majesty's government has also an interest of importance to attend to in this delicate concern—and I am instructed to state, on its part, that the best disposition exists to provide for it. The U. S. are far from desiring to profit of a resource which does not belong to them, especially to the prejudice of a friendly power. In securing them against a practice which is found to be so highly injurious to their dearest rights, and most valuable interests, every suitable provision will be made to give equal security to those of Great Britain. On this point I am authorised to enter into such an engagement as will, I am persuaded, be adequate to the object.
This great interest of impression has been blended in all its relations, as you will perceive, by no act of the U. S. States. Its connection with the late disastrous incident has been produced by an extraordinary act of violence, of which they were the victims only. That act which exhibits the pretexts in its widest range, has become identified with the general practice, in the feelings and sympathies of the nation, and in the sentiment of the government. I trust, therefore, that his majesty's government will be equally disposed to take up the whole subject at this time, and in making the reparation which the particular injury claims, provide a remedy for the whole evil. My government looks to this complete adjustment with confidence, as being indispensably necessary to heal the deep wound which has been inflicted on the national honor of the United States, by so great and unjustifiable an outrage.
I avail myself, with great satisfaction, of the opportunity which this communication affords, to acknowledge the prompt assurance which you gave me of the disposition of his Majesty's government, to make a suitable reparation to the government of the U. S. for the injury, of which, by its order, it is now my duty to complain; and for the frank disavowal of the pretension on which it was founded. I hasten to transmit copies of those documents, to my government, by whom, I trust, they are by this time received.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obedient humble serv't.
(Signed) JAMES MONROE.
The right hon. GEORGE } CANNING, &c. &c. &c. } (To be Continued.)
BERMUDA, March 10.
This day arrived his majesty's schooner Mullet, Lieut. Bowen, from Barbadoes. The Mullet fell in on Saturday last with the Rochefort squadron, consisting of six sail of the line, only forty leagues to the eastward, in the latitude of this island. They were standing north west, and supposed to be bound to the Chesapeake; where it is thought Sir John Duckworth, with five sail of the line, will be, about the time of their arrival. Luckily the Demerara sloop, capt. Crofion, which had sailed on Thursday, was recalled to convey the intelligence, brought by the Mullet, to the West-Indies.
On Friday morning sailed his majesty's ships Swiftsure, capt. Conn, Milan, Capt. Sir Robert Laurie, Horatio, capt. Scott, and Æolus, capt. Lord William Fitzroy, supposed for the Chesapeake.
LAW.
In the case of Gouverneur Morris vs. the editor of the Aurora, the jury returned a verdict on Wednesday evening, for 425 dollars for the plaintiff—we shall give a sketch of the case, and the proceedings. Relf says—"We understand, that the charge of his honor chief justice Tilghman, on this occasion, was a most luminous and impressive exposition of the rights, privileges and abuses of the press.".....Aurora.
NORFOLK, March 27.
Yesterday; Mr. Rose, his Secretaries & Mr. Foster, late Secretary to the Hon. DAVID ERSKINE, arrived in Hampton Roads in Palmer's Packet from Alexandria, and immediately embarked on board the Statira frigate. We learn she will sail for England first favorable wind. (She sailed on Sunday.)
Symptoms of amity!—Two British frigates anchored yesterday morning, off Wiltoughby's Point.
WASHINGTON, March 28.
Both Houses of Congress were almost exclusively occupied on Friday and Saturday in reading the documents accompanying the message of the President of the 22d. inst. The reading, notwithstanding, still remains unfinished, and it is doubtful whether it will be completed on Monday.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, March 28.
Mr. Gardener, who has been absent from the House for some time from indisposition, this day resumed his seat.
Mr. Farling reported a bill supplementary to the act fixing an uniform rule of naturalization, and repealing all other acts on that subject. [The bill recognizes the same rule of naturalization as the above recited law; also declaring that all citizens shall be considered as such no longer than whilst they actually reside within the United States; and also that if any citizen shall expatriate himself, he shall ipso facto be deemed an alien and ever after be incapable of becoming a citizen.] The bill was twice read and committed.
Mr. F. Clay presented the petition of the Stockholders of the Bank of the United States, praying an extension of its charter. Mr. C. said he did not mean to press the consideration of the subject during the present session, and moved its reference to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Some conversation ensued on this motion, the great objection being that it would be incorrect to refer a subject for the purpose of obtaining a report on its expediency, until its constitutionality (which has been so much questioned) were decided on.
To obtain a decision of the House on its constitutional validity previous to a reference to consider its expediency, Mr. D. R. Williams moved its reference to a committee of the whole.
Which latter motion having preference, was carried, 55 to 45.
The House then resumed the reading of the documents accompanying the message from the President on Tuesday last.
A motion was made, by Mr. D. R. Williams to meet to-morrow (Sunday)—Negatived, Ayes 19.
About 4 o'clock the House adjourned.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, APRIL 1, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. No. II.
THE PROTEST OF THE MINORITY
AGAINST THE ELECTION OF MR. MADISON.
ALTHOUGH the charges alledged by the protestors, against the character of Mr. Madison, are sufficiently intelligible, yet it would have been more consistent with the station of honorable accusers, actuated by no other motives, but those of the purest patriotism, and fearing nothing in the discharge of their duties, but a departure from truth, to have adopted the language of direct assertion, in preference to that of innuendo. Virtuous sincerity should disdain to resort to that form of expression, which malice has almost appropriated to itself as the odious vehicle of slander. It is also to be wished, that each charge had been accompanied by a reference to some circumstances of a specific and definitive nature, which might support the accusation, if true, or if false, might furnish a clue to its refutation. The important charge of partiality towards France, and an undue hostility to England, is especially deficient in this last requisite. If the world is not grossly deceived in the qualities which it ascribes to Mr. Madison's heart, and if the style and temper of his political speeches and writings can be considered as evidences of the state of his feelings, he is incapable of a sentiment of undue hostility to any one. But this is a subject of too great moment to be dismissed on slight evidence. It is connected with the sources of the most virulent opposition which the present administration has ever encountered, and with the consideration of measures deeply and permanently affecting the political interests of this nation. In this point of view it merits our deliberate investigation—and if I am not greatly mistaken, such an investigation will lead us to the conclusion, that the charge of improper partiality towards foreign nations, is applicable to a very different quarter from the one against which it is here attempted to be directed, to the one from whence has proceeded that very protest which is the subject of our discussion.
Soon after the present federal government was organized and had commenced the exercise of its functions, the minds of the whole civilized world were agitated by the stupendous and interesting events of the French revolution. The similarity of manners, language and religion, which exists between the different nations of Europe, and between them and their descendants in this new continent, the art of printing, the diffusion of literature and the intercourse of commerce, have all contributed to form a medium of mental communication, which will not permit great events and strong impulses to be confined, in their operation, to the country where they may arise. The minds of men are now surrounded by a species of moral atmosphere, which has no boundaries but those which form the limits of civilization; and is calculated, at the same time, to transmit the solid improvements of useful science, and the contagion of fascinating error. Through such an atmosphere, and among minds predisposed for their reception, by previous events and the influence of speculative writings, the principles and feelings, which animated the French nation, could not fail to spread with the rapidity of a pestilence. The suggestions of prudence were scarcely sufficient to restrain the American people from maddly rushing into the ruinous vortex of European dissensions. One class of persons alone completely escaped the infection of this temporary mania, and they were indebted, for their exemption, not so much to the superior sanity of their understandings, as to the counteraction of a more incurable and malignant distemper, that of monarchism. This disease had been sedulously propagated by a numerous party in the United States, among whom was Mr. Adams, who brought over some of the infection from St. James's, where he himself had been inoculated. It has been uniformly the object of this party to involve the United States in the contest on the side of Britain, and to render us subservient to her views of aggrandizement.
Time, reflection and the unfortunate issue of the French revolution, soon restored America to that neutrality of feeling, as well as of station, which her true interests and relative situation with regard to the continent of Europe, imperiously required. An immense majority of the nation have long discarded any predilection for either of the contending powers. They feel the conviction of the important truth, that it would be as vain to attempt to control the movements of the planetary system, as the revolutions of distant nations whose physical forces place them so far beyond their reach. In this sentiment the government has fully concurred. All its measures have been in strict conformity with it. Its policy has been that of a rigid and fair neutrality.
Whilst the feelings of a great majority of the people have undergone this favorable

change, with regard to foreign nations, there are some few whose minds are so prone to passion, prejudice and delusion, that their partialities and antipathies have merely changed their objects, and have taken an opposite direction, without losing any of their force. The impetuosity and ardor of their feelings, still impel them to join in the European conflict; but it is Britain who is now the object of their sympathy, and France of their deadly animosity. Thus has the tory party acquired an accession of numbers, from a quarter where it was least of all to be expected, and on questions where it was most of all to be wished that the nation should be united. In this number, most eminently conspicuous stands Mr. John Randolph. Whatever may have been the cause of this gentleman's political aberration, his speeches on the non-intercourse law teem with testimony, the most strong and unequivocal, of a judgment overborne and perverted by foreign partiality. It is impossible that those pieces of impassioned declamation should be attentively read by a person not sympathizing with his emotions, without a full conviction that the perils of the British nation, are the real sources of his sensibility. Hinc illa lachrymae. Hence those speeches, and hence this protest. To a mind thus occupied by foreign sympathies, the defensive measures adopted by the administration, would necessarily appear to be dictated by a spirit of hostility. Mr. Madison is understood to have concurred in those measures of retaliation, which were recommended by the executive and adopted by the legislature; and which are alleged to have been dictated by a spirit of undue hostility. This objection, therefore, involves the consideration of all those causes of aggression from England, which have long been the subjects of unavailing remonstrance by our government, and lately of legislative counteraction. It is difficult to be conceived, how the partial restriction of commercial intercourse with England, can be considered as evidence of a hostile, unaccommodating temper towards that country; however objectionable it may be in other points of view. It is a fact which may be depended on, that the British minister, Mr. Fox, in conversation with Mr. Monroe, candidly admitted it to be a measure of moderation and forbearance. Our government would have been chargeable with culpable neglect, had they tamely and silently acquiesced in the practice of arbitrary impressment of seamen from American vessels, under the untenable pretext of recovering British seamen; a practice becoming daily more prevalent and more oppressive, and necessarily attended with the grievous captivity of thousands of our native citizens. It is in vain for the advocates of the right of arbitrary impressment, to allege the necessity of its exercise, to recover British seamen, to whose services their country is entitled. It is a truth, obviously deducible from the moral nature of mankind, and confirmed by long experience in this particular case, that the exercise of such a power, is inseparable from acts of intolerable violence to our own citizens. If danger to the British navy is to be apprehended from the removal of her seamen into foreign service, the evil should be remedied by some regular and legal proceeding, founded on stipulated regulations with foreign governments; and to such regulations, our government has always shown a willingness to accede. The right assumed by England, would assimilate the relations of the two countries, in this respect, to the most lawless state of savage society among individuals, in which every man is permitted to be his own judge, and his own avenger. Let us suppose a state of society to exist, in which any person aggrieved by the withholding his property on the non-payment of a debt, had a right to redress himself, by forcibly entering the house of his debtor, and retaking the property alleged to be due. Would there then be any safety of habitation or any security for property? Would not the pretext of searching for his own goods furnish each man with a passport to the perpetration of robbery, theft and any outrage to which his avarice or passion might prompt him? No man is competent to decide, with equity, on the measure of redress which may be due to his own wrongs; and naval officers, notorious for their ignorance, brutality and the habitual exercise of despotic power, are ill calculated to form an exception to one of the first maxims in morality. It is an absurdity well worthy the head of a blundering sailor, that whilst a cargo of dead hogs captured on the ocean, cannot become the property of the captors, without a regular trial and adjudication in some court of admiralty, the crew of the vessel, composed of living human beings, may, without any formality, be consigned to irredeemable captivity. It is not sufficiently admitted, that according to the existing laws and usages of nations, Britain has no right to require the delivery of even her own seamen who may be domiciliated in foreign countries, or serving on board their vessels; much less of forcibly retaking them. I will make a few remarks on that head, as it is one on which some persons of the best intentions are in error. The doctrine of perpetual, inalienable allegiance, and the right of commanding the services of her subjects by impressment, are founded on the municipal institutions of the English code. The operation of municipal institutions is territorial & local only. Beyond the limits of the country which adopts them, & the jurisdiction of the government which alone can give them force, they have no validity. The ocean with its persons and property which float upon its surface, are regulated by the laws of nations alone, which are not peculiar to any one country, but universally acknowledged by all; and it is for this reason, that the courts of admiralty in all countries make these laws the rules of their decisions. In contradiction to the laws of England, the law of nations does not acknowledge the right of impressment, and recognizes the right of expatriation, and also the right of one nation to adopt and naturalize the citizens of another. The legislature of England tacitly admitted the correctness of this distinction, when it enacted that the service of a foreigner, for two years, on board a vessel of war, should operate a naturalization and entitle him to all the privileges of a British subject. It follows from hence, that the government of England may enforce her principle of inalienable allegiance, and exercise her right of impressment, on persons found within her own limits, and not elsewhere. Suppose the case of a foreigner naturalized by the English navigation laws, taken in the act of fighting against his native, and in favor of his adopted country. Would it not shock every principle, of humanity and common sense, that he should be executed as a traitor. Yet this would be the consequence
of a principle, adverse to the one which has been here advanced. If, as the advocates of England contend, the existence of her navy depends upon the retention of her seamen, let her first render ample justice for the past and abstain from future aggression: a law might then be made to prevent the employment of her seamen in the navigation of our vessels, and to provide the removal of such as may violate it. But in the name of justice, let no stipulation of this kind comprehend those foreigners who have previously been adopted as American citizens, and whom the faith of the nation has been plighted to protect. The attack on the Chesapeake was calculated strongly to excite the sensibility of the nation; but it is a great mistake to suppose that it bears any proportion in point of magnitude, to the impression of our seamen. Taken singly and unconnected with the causes which produced it, it was only a cause of momentary alienation, which a friendly government could easily accommodate. It was an act which terminated in itself, and was not likely to be repeated. But the practice of impressment is an increasing source of continued vexation and oppression, which, if not checked, will be as durable as the existence of the two nations. Yet Mr. Randolph considers the one as justifying an immediate resort to arms, and upbraids the government for not having invaded Canada and Jamaica: whilst, for opposing the other, Mr. Madison is branded with undue hostility to England. This glaring inconsistency indicates a mind too much the sport of puerile passion and caprice. The affair at Norfolk was a sensible appeal to gross and selfish passions, which it is the duty of a patriotic, enlightened statesman to moderate and controul. To calculate the extent of national injury and degradation arising from impressment, requires some exercise of the understanding. However we may deprecate the prospect of the subjugation of Britain, it is the first duty of an American representative, to guard the rights and independence of his own country, before he indulges an unavailing sensibility to the dangers of another. It ill becomes him to re-echo the sentiments and espouse the doctrines of a British pamphleteer, the professed advocate of maritime domination and universal hostility; * although he may be pardoned for making free use of his figures of rhetoric. FRANKLIN.
See the Pamphlet entitled War In Disguise, and the Speeches of Mr. R. on the Non-Inter-course Bill. We shall not "insult" our readers by any elaborate "preface or postscript" to the foregoing production. It is too frivolous and light to justify or require a single comment. Come then, contemptuous silence, muse his praise.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER: Sir,
THE "contemptuous silence," which was the "only answer" you deigned to return" to the only questions I ever propounded to you, was indeed a sort of answer, which in the simplicity of my heart, I had not anticipated, and which at once surprised, confounded, overwhelmed me. You see how much time it has cost me to overcome the cruel mortification you inflicted; and truly, Mr. Ritchie, it is not without fear and trembling, I venture once again, to raise my "bruised head." You told us once "you had no more right to suppress the attacks upon yourself, than upon the public character of any other man." I admired your justice and magnanimity; and have heartily regretted, that I had any hand in driving you from your resolution. Now, it seems, you are determined to publish no more "scurrilous attacks" upon yourself; expecting by that declaration, I presume, to exclude me from your paper altogether. But I shall not rashly forfeit so invaluable a privilege. I am told too (I hope untruly) you begin to object to offensive sentences, and even to words, on public topics; and talked of alterations before a certain communication could be received. Very well! I agree to abide by your infringatur . You will make a most impartial Lord Chamberlain; and will never, I am sure, force us to remember, that one of the first plays your predecessor excluded from the stage, was Brook's Gustavus Vasa .
I know not, whether Powhatan , like the Indian chief, whose name I have borrowed, will lift up his eye-lids to behold the enemies that surround and insult him; or whether he is chagrined at the contempt he has excited, the sincerity of which (considering the pains that have been taken to manifest it) he cannot reasonably doubt. Mr. Pescud met him with a comment, and very gravely asked if his facts could be proved in a court of justice! Powhatan , Scourge , A descendant of Powhatan and An Observer , have damned him with their express contempt; and how many more Madisonian writers have had him in their eye, I will not even guess. You, Mr. Ritchie, latched a postscript to him, of which the design was to trip up his heels at the start. You gave me a preface: you gave Falkland and Conon a preface: But whether you insult us by preface or postscript, whether you spit your spite on us, at our entrance or at our departure, the object is apparently the same—to prevent our ever returning to the house. Your friends, I presume, can take freedoms with you. Their "vulgarisms" never attract attention, or incur censure— One of the People , for instance, abuses his political opponents in terms, as coarse, as illiberal and malignant. But no preface or postscript of reprehension accompanies his effusions!
It is amusing to observe, with what sovereign contempt, your Madisonian correspondents affect to treat all their opponents, wise and weak, high and low. To the address of the Monroe Standing Committee, Powhatan returns an answer at least a third longer than the address itself; of which he nevertheless pronounces, that "a more vapid, a more spiritless, a more disheartening composition has never been ushered into 'light'—one more lame in argument, more 'deserted of facts or logic.' One of the People has almost buried the protest of the seventeen members, beneath his commentaries; though he pretends to think that paper "weak and inconsistent in its charges—stumbling and prevaricating in its argument; poor, entangled, and crippled in composition." Strange, that these gentlemen should devote so much labour, to the refutation of such nonsense! Perfect masters of composition themselves, they have no charity for the faults of others. I am no judge of these matters myself, no critic; but I can see very plainly, that both these authors think themselves capital writers. I
will not say of these compositions (as a very celebrated Madisonian orator is reported to have said of a no less celebrated Virginian senator) that I think them "the most perfect masses of ignorance, unadulterated by the smallest particle of knowledge, the most shapeless monsters of folly, unalloyed by the least ray of genius, I have ever seen." Truly, that is not exactly my opinion. But I hope I may say, without the imputation of presumption, without offence to any man (you see how guarded I have become)—that in my opinion, style does not consist in words only—but thought is essential to its perfection. But for this heretofore in criticism, I should admit, (now that Powhatan and I have made friends, for he generously forbore to return my blow, except with the smack of a whip) that Powhatan is very, very pithy. I should admit One of the People to be a most elegant polemical writer. A less perspicuous writer would tell us what he means to prove and what he has proven; information, which, it must be owned, such a writer only would find necessary to a distinct understanding of his argument! Yet it is in reasoning as in all other human efforts—he that claims credit, and he that claims an inference, as matter of right, often see those claims rejected. Hence only it was, that Judge Chase was justified in stopping counsel at the end of a syllogism, with—"a non sequitur, sir "—to what extent, his political ingenuity and morality may be stretched, it is hard to divine. He has begun with proving, that republican jealousy ought only occasionally to be extended to executive power ; and constantly to its impotent opponents ; that caucuses are fair and proper; and that the abominable compromise of the Yazoo Fraud, recommended by Mr. Madison among others (which by the way, I fear, he has not lately read) was such as might very justifiably be recommended. He will end, I dare say, with a defence of Gen. Wilkinson, & of Mr. Giles's treason bill. As to his metaphors, perhaps, I am "too blind to blazon them to the world." The composition, (I mean, the mixture) of his tropes, is admirable. Take for instance, that which describes "the jealous resentment of a republic" first as a guardian; then as a thing, which in the course of personification, turns out to be a public magistrate; then a lion, then a popular storm; and those, who wish to excite it, first "as being eclipsed in a road;" next "as flying off into an eccentric track;" resembling "baufal meteors, shaking plague and pestilence on the earth;" till at last they are "balked" like a team of waggon horses; and writhe "with the agonies of disappointment;" & pant after guilty glory. Take one other most splendid example:—He considers the protest of the seventeen members as "an offspring of deliberation and design, a sample of their characters," which he resolves to keep "buoyant," until he can make this loathsome subject , (for we find from the context it had floated out of a watery grave) which he suddenly and unexpectedly stretches on his anatomical table, "feel how thoroughly it is dissected;" so that it shall "stand abashed and confounded," pouring "from its self-love, over its own grave, groans of repentance and remorse!" What a rich variety of beautiful imagery! Sir, this luminous author will soon cause "the night of Madisonian despair to give way—hope will, at first faintly dawn upon each cheek, as uncertain of her footing;" but soon under the inspiring strains of his voice, she will assume "a deep and determined glow;" and transferring herself from "the uncertain footing of the cheek" to the firmer footing of the eye, will "sparkle with exultation." This gentleman's figures too have another merit: they are all large enough. They remind me, (if you will pardon the homeliness of the allusion) of a veal too old, which has been cheated of its mother's milk somewhat too early, to be sure;—which has been fattened on dough, and of which consequently the flesh is neither white nor sweet; but then there is the more of it, which is the main point, since good cookery and good sauce will remedy all defects of succulency. Yet I owe One of the People an apology for coupling him with Powhatan . I confess its injustice. But those of your correspondents, who profess to consider me as a savage, will remember, that I have been used to hunting all sorts of game, from the buffalo and the stag, to the racoon, the squirrel and the musk-rat—I protest, Mr. Ritchie, I mean no personal reflections on any body.
That Powhatan's performance would excite some little notice, and considerable resentment, I expected; but my humble labors aspired to neither boon. The signature of Powhatan was doubtless carelessly and accidentally adopted, and mine was obviously suggested, by his: Yet these signatures have given occasion to many very ingenious sarcasms; as if any care were ever taken in publications of this kind, to adapt the character of the work to the character whose name is borrowed. These are the themes that suit little minds. Powhatan the I. (for these folks having usurped despotic authority in the republic of letters, I must address them in an appropriate style), tho' Powhatan's style prettily . Scourge deemed both him and me savages; for he advises us to lay aside the pen, and resume the tomahawk. A Descendant of Powhatan is alarmed for his patrimony. An Observer (a very calm, cool, deliberate fellow too) seems to fear, we mean to resume sovereign sway over the whole state.—I beg, sir, we may not be suspected of any such treasonable designs. I (the last prince of my dynasty) do, hereby, solemnly release all claim of dominion over the realms of my royal ancestors. I mean not even to sue out an election to recover possession of Mr. Mayo's beautiful farm, though it certainly belonged of right to my family. The reputed and eloquent author of that eloquent performance, of cis-atlantic and trans-atlantic celebrity—the British Spy , stands no chance to get a fee from me. I shall not even hold him to his own declaration in favor of me and my race. He would fain, that those delightful dreams of enthusiasm, (as Mr. Giles says, of his republican theories) cannot well be reduced to practice.
With respect to An Observer , I have to remark, that he has grossly mistaken Powhatan's meaning in some instances. I shall notice only two. An Observer seems to suppose, that Powhatan thinks "there is no integrity, no ability, no bravery among us, except only in Mr. *****." Now, Powhatan only says, that the particular individuals alluded to, are in the particular points mentioned, severally, inferior to that gentleman. I should like to see the man, who would deny this! An Observer , I fear, took Powhatan's meaning from the interpretation of Powhatan ; whose construction, for aught I
know, was governed by his own convenience. The passage was in cypher; and we know from a certain great precedent, that cypher'd letters may be altered, amended, and curtailed at pleasure; and that the garbling interpretation may be even sworn to be correct, without any blame or suspicion of foul play. Sir, I will go beyond Powhatan , and take on myself the whole responsibility of the opinion: I affirm, that if all the individuals alluded to, could be moulded into one man, the compound would still be inferior in all the respects mentioned, to Mr. *****. Yet I do not think him the only man of "integrity, ability, and bravery" in the nation by many thousands.
An Observer unjustly charges both Powhatan and me, with "boldly stigmatizing" those who prefer Mr. Madison, as being "either weak or wicked; and not allowing" those who oppose Mr. Monroe either ability or virtue." Sir, I do not remember ever uttering a word of the kind. I disclaim the sentiment. Powhatan expressly says—"he knows there were many men of virtue and talents at the Madison caucus at Richmond: Yet (from the nature of such assemblies) the weakest and "most vicious politicians took the lead in business." To his latter remark, which was the gist of the argument, it is remarkable no answer has ever been attempted.—My sole object, however, is, to correct mistakes.
An Observer concludes with a compliment to Powhatan personally, which I beg leave to reciprocate, but which I hope Powhatan has the good sense to dispise, since his sole merit, (as I said before) is, that he spoke without fear, favor, or affection. His composition deserves no applause. But I have myself a serious complaint against him. Why does he continue silent? Let me tell him, the man, who undertakes a good cause, should never desert it. What though the fountains of the great deep be not yet broken up, nor the windows of Heaven opened; there is surely water enough for his little ark to swim in.
For me, who warm and zealous for my friend, In spite of railing thousands will commend, And no less warmly zealous 'gainst my foes, Spite of commending thousands will oppose, I dare the worst.
OPECANCAUGH. W. Leigh.
COMMUNICATION. It is now ascertained, that the contest for the office of President will be between Mr. Clinton and Mr. Madison. So much has been said as to the advanced age of Mr. Clinton, that my attention has been insensibly drawn to that subject. The annexed TABLE exhibits the ages of those who have heretofore filled the office of President—the period of life when they entered on and retired from the duties of that office, and a similar statement as to Mr. Madison and Mr. Clinton, if either should be elected.
PRESIDENTS. Birth. Period of service. G. Washington, 1732 1789 1797 57 to 65 John Adams, 1735 1797 1801 62 to 66 Thos. Jefferson, 1743 1801 1809 58 to 66 James Madison, 1753 1809 1817 54 to 62 George Clinton, 1738 1809 1817 71 to 79
The writer of the above not knowing the precise day of the birth of the several persons, can only be certain that there is not an error of a whole year in the birth of any one of them. FROM THE AMERICAN CITIZEN. A THOUGHT. The Government of England. } ISSUE. vs. The Government of the U. S. } JOINED. The King of England, advocate for the government of England, declares he will not give up the right of search for British seamen. The President of the U. States, advocate for the government of the people of the U. States, denies the right of search for British seamen on board of American vessels. On motion, Resolved, that the cause be referred to the British Consuls in every port, with whom an American shall be associated—to settle the dispute.—Principle laid down as a guide for their decision. The British government shall not search American vessels for seamen [citizens] being an infringement of the sovereignty and independence of the government of the United States. The American government by their flag shall not harbor, conceal & withhold from the British government their seafaring subjects, being essentially necessary for the defence of the independence and sovereignty of Great-Britain at this momentous crisis. To settle the difficulty between the two nations, the British consul and the American representative in every port of the U. States shall examine every ship's crew before departure, and give their joint certificate, and after cleared, the said certificate shall be conclusive evidence of her crew being Americans without search.
AN AMERICAN.
NOTE.
But who are citizens? who are Americans?—This is an important point in the great contest, now at issue between the two nations. It is to be lamented, that this clear and simple exposition of this great question should not have touched on this all-important point.—Who are citizens, in a maritime point of view? Are they native born citizens of the United States alone, or must the term necessarily comprize those who shall be naturalized by our laws? G. Britain contends, that the natural allegiance of her subjects is a tie "which cannot be forfeited, cancelled or altered, by any change of time, place, or circumstance, nor by any thing but the united concurrence of the legislature," that "an Englishman who removes to France, or to China, owes the same allegiance to the king of England there as at home, and twenty years hence as well as now;" for that "it is a principle of universal law, that the natural-born subject of one prince cannot, by any act of his own, no, not by swearing allegiance to another, put off or discharge his natural allegiance to the former." Tucker's Bl. vol. 1, 369. It is now useless to expose the absurdities of the Gothic and feudal principle, on which this pretension is raised.—Such is the absurd inference, drawn from it by G. B.—The U. S. on the contrary, contend that they have a right to naturalise foreigners, who have a natural right to select the place of their own abode.
How are these seemingly contrariant pretensions to be reconciled? For so long as they exist, it would seem at first sight that no compromise on the subject of seamen was to be expected. Great Britain asserts, that she will enter into no arrangement about seamen which does not secure to herself the services of her own seafaring subjects. Now, if the U. S. insist on extending all the rights of native-born citizens to naturalized aliens, the two nations are directly at issue. Must this be so, is there no mode of accommodating their contending interests?
It would seem that some effort is about to be made in Congress to this effect. In this mode, they may be gradually paving the way for a convention between the two governments relative to seamen, which may provide for some arrangement in port , and save the British cruisers the trouble of searching our vessels on the high seas for her own subjects. This proposition seems to have been made by Mr. Burwell in the House of Representatives, on March 26.—We say, seems —because the words of the journals of Congress are somewhat indefinite. Mr. B. reports "a bill sup ply ing a remedy to the act, fixing an uniform rule of naturalization, and repealing all other acts on that subject. The bill recognizes the same rule of naturalization as the above recited law; also, declaring that all citizens shall be considered as such, no longer than whilst they actually reside within the U. States." The word "citizen" is not sufficiently explicit. Had the word "naturalized" preceded it, which we presume is the case, then this provision would come up to the idea, which we have expressed. According to this proposition, a British subject naturalized by our laws, is no longer a citizen at Sea. Should G. Britain therefore acquiesce in the plan of an arrangement in port , this proposition of excluding from our merchant vessels those whom the British and American commissioners will decide not to be citizens at sea, and the additional scheme of enlisting in our national vessels none but native-born citizens, will apply secure to G. B. the services of her own seafaring subjects.—The arrangement must of course be mutual. This doctrine of a modified naturalization is not a novel idea. It is familiar to the British laws. It is well known that a denizen, that is, "an alien born, who has obtained an en donatione regis " letters patent to make him an English subject "has not all the rights of a subject. He may take lands by purchase or devise, but not by inheritance. He is subject to alien's duty and some other mercantile burthens." He cannot be of the privy council, or either house of Parliament, or hold any office of trust, civil or military, or be capable of any grant of lands, &c. from the crown.—Even an alien that is naturalized by act of Parliament, is incapable, like the denizen, of being a member of the privy council, &c. &c. This doctrine is even seen in the constitution of our own country. No naturalised person can be a representative in Congress until seven, or a Senator until nine years thereafter. He shall be forever incapable of being a President of the U. States. Some difficulty may however still subsist between us and G. B. respecting those seamen, who have been naturalized by the laws of each other. But this is an idea, on which it is impossible to decide at the first blush, or to express any opinion in a few words. We understand, by a letter from Washington, that Dispatches have been just received from Mr. Pinkney, which give, it is said, a more favorable view of the dispositions of the British Ministry towards us. These Dispatches will be laid before Congress in a few days.
THE FAIRFIELD RACES will commence on the 22d of May, and continue four days.
1st DAY.—The Fairfield Jockey Club Cup, value thirty guineas, free for all ages, the horses being bona fide the property of a member of the Club—Distance two mile heats. 2d DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of $ 500—four mile heats. 3d DAY.—The Proprietor's Purse of $ 250—three mile heats. 4th DAY.—The Annual Sweep Stake, five subscribers, $ 100, free for all ages—three mile heats. Weights as follows :—Aged horses 133 lbs. 6 years old 128, 5 do. 118, 4 do. 106, 3 do. 90; mares and geldings allowed 3 lbs. The Fairfield Course will be in elegant order. The subscriber has, at considerable expense, erected a handsome two story dining house and judges stand, communicating with each other, on a plan which cannot fail to give satisfaction. The dining house and booths in the field are to be rented. The Treasurer thinks it unnecessary to remind the members of paying up their back arrearages, as so little attention has been paid to former notices of this kind. E. SMOCK, Treasurer & Proprietor. He has for sale, two thoroughbred Brood MARES—One with an elegant colt by her side, by the famous imported Horse Arch Duke—the other heavy in foal by the celebrated Horse Floazel. The blood of those Mares are equal to any in the state—they may be had low for cash on a short credit. E. S.
April 1. [Tavistock]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County October Court, 1806. Andrew Todd, Plaintiff—Against Christopher Stanley, William Hodges, William Hodges, jun. and Frederick Harris, Defendants. The defendants Christopher Stanley, William Hodges and William Hodges, jun. not having entered their appearance & given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, therefore, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that the said defendants, Christopher Stanley, Wm. Hodges and William Hodges, jun. do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. L. O. April 1. (law.)

EUROPE.
HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 11.
AMERICA.
Lord Hawkesbury presented a number of papers that had been moved for, respecting the relative situation of this country and America; among others, the message of the President to the House of Congress, and copies of the correspondence that took place between the American and the British plenipotentiaries, since the signing of the treaty concluded in Dec. 1806. His Lordship moved that these papers be printed, which was ordered.
Lord Grenville then rose, pursuant to notice, to move for papers, which would tend to throw some light on the nature of the relations as they now existed between this country and America, and on the terms and tendency of the treaty, which, in Dec. 1806, was concluded between the two nations. It had fallen to his lot to be engaged more than once in discussions with the Ministers of the United States, and had bestowed on what regarded the connection and mutual interests of the two states, all the attention, labor, and diligence, of which he was master, & which the high importance of that matter so seriously imposed on him. Indeed the cultivating and maintaining of a good understanding with America, an understanding that included and promoted the reciprocal interests of the two countries, was, in his mind, the most material and important consideration that could possibly engage the attention of the British Government and Parliament, next to the care of conciliating and uniting, in one bond of union, all descriptions of his Majesty's subjects in these kingdoms. He had of late taken occasion, more than once, to express this opinion, and he now wished to repeat it in the most serious and solemn manner. This disposition powerfully animated his views and his conduct, whenever any thing occurred that threatened to embarrass or interrupt the friendly intercourse and connection of the two countries.
In the year 1754, in consequence of events to which the war that broke out in the preceding year gave rise, he had to discuss and adjust some differences which then occurred with the United States. It was his good fortune to have been, in that transaction, with a man (Mr. Jay) whose talents and disposition eminently qualified him for the office he had undertaken. Never in the course of his public life had he met with a person on whose probity, candor and sincerity, he felt he could so confidently rely. Mr. Jay felt the value and the necessity of a close and amicable connection between the two nations, and he labored most impartially to weigh and to ascertain the real interests of both. These unquestionably are qualifications indispensably necessary to a negotiator; and no negotiation can be fairly carried, except in a mutual spirit of justice and impartiality. He trusted that such was the spirit which actuated the negotiation at that time, and which brought it to a successful termination: sure he was, that Mr. Jay acted on these principles; yet when he returned to his own country, he was accused, very unjustly indeed, of having sacrificed his interests, or yielded too far in favor of those of England. Mr. Jay has long since retired from public life; but he felt happy in having this opportunity of paying a due tribute of praise to his character. Ever since he retired the same sentiments respecting the propriety of continuing to maintain the best understanding with the United States, and of impressing on the mind of both countries, how essential it was to the independence and welfare of both, to cultivate the most cordial & close connection. Under the influence of this disposition were the late discussions with America carried on, and brought to what was expected to be, a happy termination, when circumstances arose, that may put to hazard the final issue of that negotiation. He had much to complain of the false light in which ignorance or malice had endeavored to represent it. His noble friends who conducted that negotiation, with talents of which he could not now speak as he ought, because they were present, had been reproached as having made unwarrantable and dangerous concessions to America—concessions which have been causelessly and mischievously held out to the public as the bane of the interests of G. Britain; yet while these reproaches were vented against the administration at home, no sooner had the treaty reached America, than the government of the United States was accused of having yielded too much to the British Plenipotentiaries. Even the speech by which the session was opened, contained assertions respecting this treaty, which were not correct. It said the treaty had not taken effect by the refusal of the President to ratify it. Now the President had not refused to ratify it; but deferred the ratification, as far as the ratification depended upon him, because the treaty contained certain articles, which, though they were agreed upon between the respective Plenipotentiaries, were not however signed by them, because some further explanation upon the points they contained, was to be previously had with the American Government.
As to the concessions that were said to be made to America in essential points, and which were reprobated as the bane of the interests of England, no assertion could be more unfounded. It was, no doubt, difficult to say, what were or were not the points which might be conceded, in balancing the interest of the two countries. Since America was declared an independent state in 1782, many points had arisen in discussions, which had before been brought into agitation. Most of them might have been adjusted by taking for rule, the mutual advantages resulting from an amicable convention between the two countries: but in points that could be considered as essential, never had he, nor those with whom he was connected, consented to make any concession. He considered as essential what was connected with the preservation of the naval power and pre-eminence of this country, and sooner would he see England perish in a contest for the assertion of her maritime rights, than that she should yield a little of them; for these rights once given up, what contest would she afterwards be able to carry on? They were connected not only with her power, but with her very existence as an independent nation—and therefore no man could ever think of sacrificing them. This was his firm resolution and nothing could bring him to depart from it. No dangerous concessions had therefore been made to America in the late treaty; and when the two Governments came coolly to consider its nature and tendency, they would discover that it equally consulted the interest of both countries, and that, he would repeat, was the only basis upon which any treaty could be solidly and permanently built.
The noble lord then entered into a minute examination of the difficulties that result to both countries from the practice of searching merchantmen. From a thousand circumstances it must be obvious that it was attended with more difficulties between American and British Officers, than between the Officers of any other nation; but a spirit of candor, moderation and mutual regard, would tend to compose every difference upon that head. As to the right of searching national ships of war, it never had been assumed, and should not be practised. The noble lord again implored the House seriously to appreciate the value of an uninterrupted amity and intercourse with America, and expressed his anxious expectation that the minds of the Americans would become cooler and more considerate, and that this country would meet them with corresponding sentiments. His Lordship concluded with moving "for copies of such Communications, or answers, as had been received from the American Plenipotentiaries since the conclusion of the treaty."
Lord Hawkesbury most perfectly coincided in opinion with the Noble Baron, that an impartial regard to the interests of the two countries was an essential basis of this, or any other negotiation; and that under impression he trusted that he and his colleagues were disposed to act. No man could be more impressed than he was with the necessity of cultivating a good understanding with America, and making her feel how indispensable was such a connexion to the reciprocal interests of the two countries. After having acquainted the noble Baron that he did not intend to oppose his motion, he did not expect he would have gone so largely into the question; but he should not imitate his example, as he would now, and as he had on former occasions, abstain from agitating any question respecting America; as our relations with the United States must soon come, in all their bearings, under the consideration of the House.
The question was then taken on Lord Grenville's motion, and agreed to.
In the House of Commons, on the 12th February, Lord Henry Petty moved that an address be presented to the King, praying that he would order to be laid before the House Copies of any dispatches that might have passed between the British and American governments, relative to the ratification of the treaty between the two countries. He did this for the purpose of throwing some light upon the orders of council, which ministers had not thought fit to do. His motion was agreed to, not being opposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The attack on Copenhagen has given rise to some animated debates in parliament on a motion of Mr. Ponsonby, calling for papers connected with that expedition, for the purpose of ascertaining how far its advisers were justifiable. He was replied to by Mr. Canning in a speech which lasted three hours in which he defended the Danish expedition, not so much on account of its justice or morality, as its political expediency and its success. In the rejoinder of Mr. Windham speaking of the lasting effects of the conduct of England towards Denmark, the following passage is worthy of particular attention:— "What shall we think when we find that we have created the hatred of nations for generations yet to come, who will remember our misdeeds when they behold the monuments of our ravages—when they point at the sad memorials of their destruction—when they see the remains of their publick edifices—of that beautiful church, which was the pride of their capital, an awful ruin—when the recollection of our bombardment is rendered perpetual by the melancholy sentiment inspired by the eternity of the tomb! The church may fall, but the ruins remain, to be viewed by the inhabitants, and to be exhibited by them as a spectacle to travellers & navigators for their execration of those who committed the ravage, their scorn of their proffered alliance, and their pity for the unfortunate sufferers." Mr. Windham declared, "he would sooner have seen the Danish fleet in the hands of Bonaparte than in those of England, under all the circumstances in which it was seized." On a division of the House there were 108 votes in favor of the motion and 253 against it, leaving for the ministry a majority of 145.
In the House of Commons, on the 15th Feb. on the second reading of the bill upon the orders of council, a call was made for PAPERS relating to the negotiations with America, that the house might have time to consider them previous to the passage of the bill.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, that he felt great anxiety to have the bill read a second time, that the public might be apprized of the real nature of the intended measure. He said there had been an opinion expressed in the house, that the negotiation with America was naturally connected with the orders of Council; but it was extremely desirable, if possible, to prevent any discussion as to that negotiation with America, and wished to have the second reading of the bill fixed for to-morrow.
Mr. Tierney thought there were various reasons why the reading should be postponed, until the papers should be before the house. He said every neutral ship now arriving in this country was obliged to give bonds in a manner not sanctioned by parliament.
Sir Arthur Pigot was of the same opinion, "not for the purpose, he said, of delaying the progress of the bill, but of getting possession of all necessary information before they discussed a bill so extremely novel, and so very important—it was a measure which went to introduce a new code of maritime laws—a new mode of legislation in this country, which affected the tribunal of all other nations."
Mr. Whitbread on the same side suggested the propriety of withdrawing the present bill, and of introducing a new one. He said it was a question which materially involved the fate of this country as to a war with America—it was therefore indispensably necessary to be acquainted with all the papers, before they entered upon such a momentous question, the more especially when he believed these orders were so little understood by those who issued them, that they were not able to answer the questions put to them by the merchants, who felt themselves interested in them."
The Chancellor in reply, said, that the papers wished for were voluminous, and could probably be produced in time for Thursday's discussion.
Upon the question for discharging the order of the day, the house divided—for the second reading, the next day, 118—for discharging it 81—maj. 37.
In the House of Lords, the same day, the orders of council being under consideration.
Lord Erskine observed, that he was amazed to hear noble lords talk of the necessity or policy of the measures under discussion: "Did they shelter themselves under the principle of retaliation? If so, the house had long since been apprized that this measure of our government outstripped that of the enemy—it could not be defended on the principle of policy. The decree of the French emperor, he said, as far as it affected America, had, he maintained, been satisfactorily cleared up to the minister then in France, and was deemed so even by the President of the U.S. Hence he concluded, that America was no party in the decree of the French emperor. This, he said, was evident also from her subsequent conduct; when aware even of our orders in council here, she ordered a general embargo. Much had been said of the right of retaliation, on which these orders were founded; no body denied the right to resort to such a system, when the conduct of the belligerents justified its necessity—but even that law has its limitations. It should not overstep the nature of the evil which it went to redress; yet in these orders, all limitation was lost sight of, and convenience alone regulated the extent. It would seem that if the French emperor declared the moon in a state of blockade, G. Britain would have a meeting of the board of longitude, and our most celebrated astronomers, to retaliate by a prohibition on the satellites of Jupiter; when he commanded a cessation of the lunar motion, of her conjunctions and opposites, they would react by a declaration that the whole planetary system should stop still. [a loud laugh from the ministerial bench.] He really conceived, notwithstanding the manner in which the comparison was received, that the cases were, in a great degree similar: inasmuch as he believed Bonaparte had as much efficacy over the moon as he had in placing the British isles in a state of blockade."
Lord King observed that there was no proof that America had acquiesced in the provisions of the French decree—she had disclaimed any disposition, and yet ministers had treated America with the same severity as if she had acquiesced.
Lord Grenville in his speech, asked was it not more natural to expect that ministers would defend their system of policy by a full discussion of its merits and necessity; that at least there would be an end to that eternal circle of arguing present questions from past transactions?—With that feeling he entered on the discussion, believing in his soul, that on the revocation or non-revocation of these orders, depended the ultimate existence of the country. He continued in a most animated appeal to the house, to interpose between the country and its destruction—to re-tread its steps as the path through which it moved led quickly to the grave—He warned them against the renewal of a system of taxation, either directly or indirectly upon American Trade: and conjured them to seize the opportunity afforded them, by the pre-eminence of France in this rivalry of injustice of erasing from the records of the country, and of obliterating from the minds of the people, the least intention of acting upon a system of policy rashly introduced and wantonly pursued, calculated for no other purpose, than to involve the nation in an unjust war.
The Lord Chancellor took a view of the various objections made to the orders of council, which he contended were not violations, either of the public law of nations, or the municipal law of the country—they were founded, he said, on the most paramount of all rights—that of self-preservation—He considered it inconsistent with his majesty's late ministers, to raise objections against a system of conduct which they were the first to institute, and which every man must admit was called for by the violent & unjustifiable decree of the French government.
On the question that the papers furnished to the house on the subject of the regulations respecting the trade of neutrals with France, the house divided—Contents 30—proxies 18—48—Non-contents 61—proxies 45—106—Majority 53.
FROM FRENCH PAPERS.
PARIS. Jan. 23. "Art. I. Eighty thousand conscripts, of the conscription of 1809, are placed at the disposal of government."
"II. They shall be taken from among the youth born between the 1st of January, 1789, and the 1st of January, 1790."
"They shall be employed, should there be occasion, to complete the legion of reserves of the interior, and the regiments having their depots in France."
"The present senatus consultum shall be transmitted to his Imperial and Royal Majesty."
(Signed) "CAMBACERES, Arch Chancellor of the Empire, president. T. HEDOUVILLE, Secretary."
[By another decree of the Conservatory Senate, in the same form, and in like manner, signed by Bonaparte, the towns of Kehl, Cassel, Wesel, Flushing, and their dependencies, are united to the French empire. Kehl is to be included in the department of the Lower Rhine, Cassel in the department of Mount Tonnerre, Wesel in the department of the Roer, and Flushing in the department of the Scheldt.]
Motives of the Senatus Consultum upon the Conscription of 1809, declared by Renaud de St. Jean D'Angely, minister of state.
"Senators, when your wisdom called out the conscripts of 1808, your wishes were directed towards the Peace which signal victories had prepared—you wished to ensure new means of conquering and pacifying—The success surpassed your hopes; the flames of war are extinguished upon the continent—a durable peace has been sworn between the two greatest Sovereigns in the world, and Europe has time to breathe."
"But there is a government to which the repose of Europe is despair, to which peace is terror, to which discord is necessity and war hope. England has replied to the offer of a generous mediation offered by the Emperor of Russia, by carrying fire and the sword into the territories of his most ancient ally, by professing, more solemnly, contempt of the rights of nations, by proclaiming more inhumanly the principle of eternal war—The indignation of all Sovereigns has replied to the injurious manifestoes, to the cunning declarations, to the barbarous acts of the cabinet of St. James. The predictions which the orators of his Majesty made to you a year ago in this tribune are realised—It is, we said, "from the bosom of the continent, which England would set in a flame, that henceforth a terrible war shall be waged against her. It is by applying to her on all the European shores the principles she has applied in all seas, that we shall bring her back to the ancient principles of the Law of Nations, and of civilized states."
"It is by exiling her ships from all the coasts where we have soldiers and allies, that the English ministry will be punished for the culpable refusal of giving peace to the world."
"Such, Senators, were the words we addressed to you, in speaking of the conscription of 1808, and behold a sacred and powerful league is formed to punish the English oligarchy, defend the rights of nations, and avenge humanity. From the Baltic to the Mediterranean, from the Nile to the Narva, but few points remain to the English ships where they can land, or where they are not forbidden to touch."
"But it is not sufficient to have, by a just reciprocity, pronounced against England that dreadful sentence of outlawry; she must not be permitted to be at rest in the seat of her iniquitous domination: upon any of her coasts, in any of her colonies, under any points of the globe, which are not yet interdicted to her. It is necessary that, repelled from one part of the world, menaced in all others, England should know not where to direct the military force of which she has the disposal; and that our armies, more formidable than ever, should be ready to carry into her possessions our victorious and avenging Eagles—Such, Gentlemen, are the motives which have determined his Majesty to demand a new Conscription."
"The levy of the preceding year has been, as you foresaw, the pledge of Continental Peace—the levy of this year will be the pledge of a Maritime Peace.—The pillage of the arsenal and port of Copenhagen—the emigration of the Portuguese fleet, have not yet left the Continent without ships."
"Our legions can yet reach the English Militia—Ireland may yet hope for succour against oppression—India may yet expect deliverers; and while our ancient phalanxes shall march to hasten the days of justice, new legions of young warriors shall be trained to discipline and to battle, under the paternal eye of those warlike Magistrates, of those Senators Generals, who with so happy a zeal have already formed brave men to replace those whom war has snatched from the country, or who have been restored to their families."
"His Majesty will have a superabundance of means to realise his pacific views, or to execute his warlike projects.—To the powerful armies of his faithful Allies, his Majesty will unite, for common defence and triumph, so formidable a mass, that success will not long be doubtful."
"So just a cause will not be vainly defended by so much force, and protected by so many powers.—A league so imposing in its elements, or generous in its policy, so just in its object, so great in its means, will at length bring back our enemies to justice through fear, or to submission through victory."
Declaration of Prussia against England.
The king having bound himself by the 27th article of the treaty of Tilsit, concluded the 9th of July, 1807, to shut without exception, all the ports and states of Prussia against the navigation and commerce of England, as long as the present war between France and England shall last, his majesty has not hesitated to adopt progressively the most convenient measures to fulfil his engagements.
In ordering these measures to be carried into effect, his Majesty was perfectly aware of the injuries and losses which would arise from them to the commerce of his dominions in general, and to the trade of those of his subjects in particular, who by a long series of misfortunes, had acquired new claims on his paternal solicitude and benevolence; and at that time his Majesty still indulged a hope that the mediation offered to England by Russia, by accelerating the conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace between France and Great-Britain, would lead immediately to a state of affairs better fitted to secure the particular interests of every power.
The king has, however, been disappointed in his just expectation; the events which have since taken place, and which are too well known to need any mention, so far from having brought near the desired epoch of a general peace, have only removed it to a greater distance.
All communication has been broken off between England and Russia. The declaration of his majesty, the emperor of all the Russias, published the 26th October, of this year, proves that there exists no further connection between those two powers; his Prussian majesty closely attached in every point of view to the cause and system of the neighboring and friendly powers of the continent, has no other rule of his conduct than his duty, founded on the interest of his dominions, and on the obligations, contracted by a solemn treaty.
Agreeably to these principles, his majesty not paying any further attention to considerations which he had hitherto respected, in the vain hope of a speedy general pacification; and having refused, since lord Hutchinson's mission, to admit any English diplomatic agent at his court, has ordered his legation in London immediately to leave England, and to return to the continent.
His Majesty, the king of Prussia, in making known these resolutions prescribed to him by his engagements, and by the interest of his kingdom, declares by this present, until the re-establishment of a definitive peace between the two belligerent powers, there shall no further exist any connection between Prussia and England.
FREDERICK WILLIAM.
Memel, Dec. 4, 1807.
Moniteur, Jan. 30.
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS).—That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Bockus and now occupied by the subscriber; situated on the main-street of this city between the Capitol and the Basin of the canal. Its conveniences are superior to any other in this place. A large currying shop, cellar and drying loft, a spacious bark house, two bark mills and houses, a beam house and every other requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3,000 hides a year, exclusive of skins: Also, on the same tenement, a convenient dwelling house, kitchen, smoke house, stable and garden. The renter may also be accommodated with some excellent Red-Oak Bark, now in the bark house. Proposals for the above will be received by the subscriber till the 1st of April next, on that day it will be offered at public auction before Messrs. Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Office. Bond with approved security will be required, and possession given of the whole immediately. The reason for offering the above property for rent is the ill state of health of the subscriber to pay that attention the business requires. MARCUS ELCAN. N. B. The said Tan-Yard may be rented for three years longer by applying to the executors of the estate of Mr. Jacob Bockus, dec'd. Richmond, Feb. 9. (tawt15A)
NOTICE.—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz:
Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilettes, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequers, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting, Dow, has a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, Ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels' Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable Indian and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marseilles and James, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. (2aw8v)
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES will commence at the Union Tavern on the 26th April next.
1st DAY.—A play or pay post Sweepstakes for 3 years old Colts & Fillies, 6 subscribers at $30 each.
2d DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 52 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats.
3d DAY.—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of that, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each, 2 mile heats.
Weights agreeably to the Rappahannock Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Sec'y. Caroline, March 25. (r20thA)
THE TAPPANHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808.
1st DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats.
2d DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats.
3d DAY.—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May.
Weights as follows. Aged horses 130lbs. 6 years old 121lbs. 5 do. 110lbs. 4 do. 100lbs. 3 do. 86lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3lbs.
In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt, the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges.
Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed in to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. [ept25thM]
March 25. (ept25thM)
FOR SALE for cash, approved paper, or exchange for Negroes—Two Tracts of prime Military LANDS of 1000 acres each, in the state of Ohio, upon the waters of Cessau's Creek. These tracts of Land were surveyed for the Hon. Judge Marshall on 25th Nov. 1794, and granted to him as a captain in the Virginia Line, &c. Apply to GEO: GREENHOW. March 22. [2w]
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS of the CITY OF RICHMOND authorized to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the sixth day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonson at the Court-House, in Madison at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroeward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. [ept14thA]
March 11. [ept14thA]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next. A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [tf]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tiles for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory.
He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tile to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.
Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [ep2w&1awtf]
N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [tf]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 13th September, 1807, to me executed by John Sable, to secure the payment of a sum of money as therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell for cash, to the highest bidder, on the 14th day of April next, the two Lots of GROVE in this city, whereon said Sable resides, known by the Nos. 107 and 108, in Duval's addition, together with all appurtenances.—The sale to take place at 2 o'clock on the premises. JOHN SATCHELL. March 15. [ept14thA]
REMOVAL.—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK & Co. March 8. (epf)