The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-06-09 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 9, 1802.
CALL'S REPORTS, SECOND VOLUME.
District of Virginia, to wit: BE it remembered, that on the Twenty-Fourth Day of May, in the Twenty-Sixth Year of the Independence of the United States of America, DANIEL CALL of the said District hath deposited in this Office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following to wit: "Reports of cases argued and adjudged, in the Court of Appeals of Virginia, by Daniel Call." In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States intitled, "An Act for encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." WILL. MARSHALL, Clerk of the District of Virginia.
*** The above Work will be published in the course of the present Year. Price to Subscribers Four Dollars. Subscriptions received at the Printing Office of Thomas Nicholson.
City of Richmond; IN COMMON HALL, May 26, 1802.
DOCTORS Cringan and M c Caw, having rendered their services to inoculate the Poor of this City for the COW POX gratis, Resolved, that the Constables be directed to notify the same to the Poor, in their respective Districts, without delay. If the other Physicians in this City should think proper to inoculate the Poor gratis, and will give information thereof to the Mayor, he will direct the Constables to notify the Poor within their several Districts thereof. And that the Princes in this City be requested to insert this Resolution in their respective Newspapers.
Copy Teste.
ADAM CRAIG. c. c. h. c. R.
NOTICE.
WHEREAS a false report has been in circulation, that during the time I was Constable of this City, I had taken accounts for collection, and had made use of the money. I therefore acquaint all those, who may have claims on me, to come forward before the 10th of June next, and receive payment, as I intend to leave the State about that time; and it is my desire, that Mr. John Taylor, my security to my Bond as Constable, may be exonerated and discharged.
Richmond, May 20, 1802.
JOHN HARRISON.
N. B. A great number of accounts which were put in my hands for collection, are now in possession of Mr. John Taylor, to whom persons will apply and withdraw the same. J. H.
5 Dollars Reward.
STOLEN, OR STRAYED, From Richmond Common, in the Race Week,
A Bay Mare,
With bob Tail; she is about Ten Years old; four Feet ten inches high; has a Star on her Forehead, one Glass Eye, and a small White under her Neck.
Whoever will bring her to the Subscriber, at Richmond, shall receive the above Reward.
JOHN METTERT.
Richmond May 20th, 1802.
Mrs. Booth, and Co.
HAVE JUST RECEIVED, By the ship Octavo, from London, an Elegant assortment of MILLENNERY.
LIKEWISE
FASHIONABLE DRESSES,
Of all descriptions, now open for Sale at their house, next door to Mr. ROBERT MITCHELL'S, near the Market. May 14th. 1802. 6 t.
WANTED, As an Apprentice,
To the Printing Business, A Young Man, of good Character and Connections, from the age of 13 to 16. Apply at this office.
Coult's Ferry,
At the FALLS of JAMES RIVER Immediately below Col. Mayo's Toll Bridge,
WILL be constantly supplied with boats and hands, who will be always ready, at any moment, to ferry over the river, any number of men, horses, carriages, or wagons and teams. At one-half the Price of the Toll Bridge.
Carriages, Waggons, and Carts, may be driven into the Lighters, without taking the Horses out.
SAMUEL MURRAY Richmond, May 10th, 1802.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer OPPOSITE
Messrs. MITCHELL & GARDNER'S Main Street Richmond.
TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO A constant supply of STATIONARY. June 2d, 1802.
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ALGERINE TRIBUTE.
Concluded from our last.
HOW much of these two hundred and eighty thousand dollars went for the frigate I cannot specify. The Aurora of March 20th, 1797, has a long article upon this tribute; the writer says that the Crescent cost ninety nine thousand seven hundred and twenty seven dollars. There is assuredly some other way of telling that story, because the frigate could not be completed for so small a sum.
It is remarkable that this treaty does not say from what date the first year of payment was to commence, nor, at what periods, the stores were to be delivered. But, computing from September 5th, 1795, only four years have yet elapsed. The Dey is dead, and it is said that his successor demands a new present. This must be granted, and it will most likely terminate in an exaction of perhaps five hundred thousand dollars. This is the way in which tribute is paid by the country, while money costs from twenty to seventy-two per cent. per annum, payable monthly. Such is the frugality of the federal government. If Joel Barlow had been dispatched upon this affair, we should not have heard so much of bungling. But then Barlow is a republican, and almost as bad a Christian as Paine himself. It would be terrible, indeed, if the immaculate citizens of America were to be represented in Barbary by such abandoned reprobates.
By the same prerogative on which the President promised and built one frigate without legislative sanction, he might as lawfully have given away twenty. The amount would have been different; but, in both cases, the principle must have been exactly the same. This is the treaty-making power, as explained in Jay's transaction. That claim, as it now operates, is the tombstone of Ame-
rican freedom, the sign post which points to the brothel of an elective but despotic monarchy; for it signifies nothing to prattle about federal independence, when a president, and two thirds of a quorum of the senate, may jump into your pocket exactly as far as they please.
Besides the seventy-two thousand dollars per annum, and the two hundred and eighty thousand dollars of penalty, the Dey has received from the United States another, and a very considerable disbursement, in consequence of Donaldson's treaty. A large sum of money was to be paid down to him, and it was the delay of making this payment that produced the building of the Crescent. On the face of the treaty, there appears no mention of such a sum. Government was undoubtedly ashamed of it; and did not wish the story to be staring, in the statute book. This humble artifice has not been able to conceal the fact. I shall now give the particulars, as far as they can be traced.
On March 20th, 1794, a law passed authorizing the president to borrow one million of dollars, at an interest not exceeding five per cent. "to be applied to such public purposes as are authorized by law." The bank of the United States is, by the same act, authorized to lend the money to the president.
This act bears, in its very first blush, the signals of hypocrisy. It is well known that no money can be borrowed at five per cent. and much less a million of dollars. But Congress knew that they were going to do something which was a little worse than ordinary; and this blind was held out with a view to divert the attention of their constituents from the real fact, and to excite admiration, to be sure, at their wonderful economy!
The wording of this act is curious in another respect, in as much as it does not tell what was going to be done with the cash. Eight hundred thousand dollars of it were to be employed in this internal negotiation with the dey of Algiers. The other two hundred thousand dollars went for other expenses of intercourse with foreign nations. On February 15th, 1797, Mr. Wolcott gave a statement to Congress of what was become of these two hundred thousand dollars. This document fills eighteen pages. It is extremely interesting; but we must, at this time, attend the eight hundred thousand dollars, in their perilous pilgrimage from Philadelphia to Algiers.
What follows has been partly copied from the Aurora, of March 30th, 1797; and it must be observed that although government has an host of writers in constant employment, this narrative was never contradicted. Indeed the principal features of it are incontestibly true; and from the most respectable private information, I am satisfied of the strict accuracy of the whole circumstances which are now to be related.
These eight hundred thousand dollars were to be borrowed from the bank, which had not the hard money to itself. But this company holds a great mass of national stock, and agreed to lend it to government at par. In other words, the bank held the bill of government for twenty shillings; but this bill would not sell in the market for more than seventeen shillings, or thereabouts. Government consented, however, to accept of it back again, as worth twenty shillings; and to give a second obligation for the million of dollars. This awkward practice of taking back its own bills, and
then going to market to sell them, is not perhaps quite intelligible to every reader. Government having now got hold of its own bills, the object was to raise money upon them. The bills might have been sold in America, but so great a quantity of them coming into the market at one time would have reduced the price of stock, and several members of government are stockholders. The bills of government were, therefore, sent to London, and sold there at a lower price than what they would have sold for in the United States.
The sum borrowed from the bank was 800,000 The Aurora says that the government bills, that is, the national stock, received from the bank, sold in London for only.
Loss by the sale, 114 427 78
Sir Francis Baring, the banker in London, had, in the mean time, agreed to advance seven hundred and two thousand, seven hundred and fifty-eight dollars, on account of this affair. In November, 1794, an attempt was made to get the money from England. But a proclamation had, about that time, been issued at London, prohibiting the exportation of bullion. This made it impossible to send the remittance in that shape. After a lapse of eight months, drafts were obtained upon Leghorn, Hamburg, and Lisbon. At this juncture the French took Leghorn, but Buonaparte did not interrupt the transaction. By the course of exchange, however, thirty seven thousand seven hundred and fifty eight dollars were lost. The sum was thus reduced from seven hundred and two thousand and odd dollars, to six hundred and sixty-five thousand. The Aurora says that this last sum, in its remittance to Algiers, was again reduced to six hundred and forty-two thousand five hundred dollars.
We shall now add together these three successive sums of loss, which those eight hundred thousand dollars sustained.
   Dols. Cents.     1. The national paper was sold in London with a loss of 114, 427 78   2. By the disadvantage of exchange in the drafts upon Leghorn, &c. 37,758 81   3. Expence of conveyance to Algiers, 22,500   174,686 59  
But there is another item of expence. Before the American public stock was sold, Sir F. Baring had promised to send to the continent
The paper sold for only 702 758 51 Difference, 17,186 29 It would be necessary for the government of America to make up this difference to their agents in London. Add this to the former losses,
174,686 59 Total loss by the remittance, 191,872 88
Besides these one hundred and ninety two thousand dollars of direct loss, the money wandered for more than twelve

months upon its way. At six per cent. upon eight hundred thousand dollars, this interest comes to forty-eight thousand; and we cannot offer less than twelve thousand to the bankers in London for their trouble. This makes an additional waste of sixty thousand dollars.
Dols. Cents. The former statement of loss was 191,872 88 Interest of the eight hundred thousand dollars for one year, and subjoining for agency to Baring, 60,000 Total, 251,872 88
The conclusion of the whole matter is this. Congress transmitted to Algiers, six hundred and forty-two thousand five hundred dollars. The additional expence of sending this money cost two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, or thereby. This is the method in which Congress borrows money at five per cent!
If the executive had chosen to go into the market, and buy these eight hundred thousand dollars worth of stock from the common holders, a considerable sum would have been saved to the public. For instance, if stock was at eighteen shillings per pound, this made an odds of one tenth part. At that rate, his nominal eight hundred thousand dollars worth of it, could have been bought in for seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars of hard cash; if he had been master of that much money. In this way Pitt has bought in some part of the national debt of England. But as the federal government could not take that method, it was necessary to go to the bank of the United States, and there to borrow, not money, but depreciated paper . This paper was sold in England at the ruinous discount of one hundred and fourteen thousand four hundred and twenty-seven dollars. Thus government granted its obligation to the bank for eight hundred thousand dollars, and could be obliged by the bank to refund every farthing of the sum while it received in return depreciated paper, which it was obliged to sell again for less than seven hundred thousand dollars. The result was, that the bank did in effect receive, upon the transaction, a premium of about one hundred thousand dollars, more or less. The bank had only to go into the market and buy at about seventeen shillings and sixpence per pound as much paper as government wanted, and for which it gave an obligation at par, that is, at its full nominal value of twenty shillings per pound.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JUNE 26. 1802.
AARON BURR.
EVERY body knows that we are true and firm Republicans, the inflexible adherents of Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Burr; and that such are the only people of sense and virtue, either in this country, or any where else. It is, therefore, somewhat surprising, that a political sect, who feel themselves exalted above the common standard of human nature, should be so constantly and confoundedly quarreling among themselves! And that, while they with so much justice and promptitude, claim and receive the unlimited admiration of mankind, they are so frequently impeaching each other as the greatest rascals upon earth.
A very extraordinary instance of this nature is just now bursting into birth in the state of New York. The virtuous and infallible patriots in that part of the Union have, at some recent elections, ranged themselves in opposite squadrons, and thus afforded the wicked federals a triumphant opportunity for laughing at both parties.
But even this is not the most miraculous and transcendent chapter of the story. It is universally confessed, that the election of Mr. Jefferson, and all the glorious events, which have already distinguished and adorned his presidential progress, never could have come into being, but for the decided preponderance that New York cast into the scale of election. It is as well known that this preponderance was gained by the talents and activity of AARON BURR. As Homer says of Ajax,
when Hector stormed the Grecian trenches, that he was the centre and the soul of resistance, so it may, with equal propriety be said, that Burr was the centre and the soul of the republicans of New York. As a reward for his vigilance, he received the sinecure of the vice-presidency, with a very comfortable appendage of five thousand dollars a year.
Now, while the republicans are so wisely fighting among themselves, it is more than whispered that Burr has renounced both parties; and that he has publicly damned the boasted repeal of the internal taxes, as a measure pregnant with destruction to America.
But the activity of colonel Burr was not to be confined to the mere prattle of convivial execration. The Republican "Watch Tower," of the 29th of May last, contains a long advertisement against him. Somebody had wrote a history of The administration of John Adams . It was in the stile of an attack. The book had been printed off; and its author was just ready for assaulting the lofty and impregnable rampart of FEDERAL VIRTUE; when behold! our faithful Vice-President bought up the whole edition, or found some other means of accomplishing its death and burial. The Watch Tower announces the history of this notable transaction, which is just exploding from the press. We feel it impossible to proceed, at this time, with any farther remarks upon such a matchless burlesque of every thing which pretends to principle, or consistency. By next week, we expect to be able to speak more fully. This is just, above every thing, like the very general splitter that occurred in the fall of 1800, between John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, and which conducted so very cleverly to the defeat of the federals. The two parties may now shake hands, and say—GOOD DAY BROTHERS!
The title of the pamphlet is in these words: "A narrative of the Suppression by COL. BURR, of the History of the Administration of John Adams, late President of the United States, written by JOHN WOOD, Author of the History of Switzerland, and the of Swifts Revolution. To which is added, a Biography of Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States. And of General Hamilton. With strictures on the conduct of John Adams, and on the character of C. C. Pinckney. Extracted verbatim from the suppressed history, by a Citizen of New York."
It was believed some time ago, that a most refined purity of detestation had taken place between the President, and Vice. The one is afraid of losing what the other is ambitious of getting. THESE BE THY GOES! O ISRAEL.
ON May 26, we gave the public an extract from the report of the Committee of Investigation. The extract comprehended what they had to say concerning Mr. Stoddert. It was designed in this day's paper, to insert his letter. We cannot find room. We insert a piece against him from the Examiner, and an answer to it from a correspondent. We consider the business as completely settled in Stoddert's favour. He did nothing but what Jefferson would most likely have done, if in his place. It is indisputable that, in the Algerine business, all parties connived at affairs infinitely worse than any thing which appears in this report.
It is odd enough that Mr. Jones should bring out his chatter about the guilt of not settling accounts, a being who is indebted to every body that will trust him, and a being that never, when he can help it, pays any body. The public may rest assured that he shall be followed through all his windings. For this week, there was only time for reprinting the advertisement about Skelton. This presents a charming sample of the veracity of the rest of his assertions.
MR. BENJAMIN STODDERT.
From the EXAMINER of May 26.
THE report of the committee of investigation has been published for the perusal of our readers. They will observe two important facts: first, that Mr. Benjamin Stoddert, late secretary of the navy, appropriated 135,846 dollars, for the purchase of five navy yards, unauthorised by law . Second, that Mr. Timothy Pickering's accounts are not yet settled. We may perhaps publish at a future day, for the amusement of our readers, Mr. Stoddert's animadversions on the report above mentioned. We say for the amusement of our readers, for it is certainly as motley a jumble of falsehood, vanity, folly and bombast as any that the federal vocabulary has furnished—and, this, by the bye, is saying a great deal. As is not unfrequently the case, Mr. Stoddert assigns for this purchase, the very reason that most powerfully militates against it. Congress appropriated a sum of money for the purchase of ship timber and two docks; ergo, (according to Mr. Stoddert's reasoning) they intended five navy yards should be purchased. This inference is truly federal; Congress specified two docks. And entirely omitted any mention of navy yards. From this, it is clear, that these two docks, together
with the navy yards then in the possession of the United States, were supposed to be sufficient for the building of the six seventy-fours.
We expect that some printers will eulogize Mr. Stoddert's economy, as they have done Mr. Bayard's, "honest forbearance." It has already been shewn, that Bayard, in order to save himself the disgrace of having his nomination, as minister to France, rejected by the senate, a majority of which was at that time devotedly federal, was obliged to promise, that if the nomination was approved, he would not accept the appointment.
Mr. Pickering too, has been praised—praised for conduct, a concise analysis of which is simply this. Mr. Pickering has applied money to one purpose that had been appropriated to another. This is the barefaced violation of that article of the constitution, which provides, that no money shall be drawn from the treasury, except in consequence of appropriations made by law . For, if the money used was not specifically appropriated, it is entirely immaterial that another appropriation would cover it—it is a breach of the constitution, and as such should be punished.
Mr. Pickering's accounts "are not yet settled;" but as far as they have been settled, it does not appear that he has applied any of the public money to his own use—in other words, it does not appear that he has pilfered from the federal treasury. Truly, a most fit subject for eulogy—Pliny would have chosen a different subject for a panegyric.
But Mr. Pickering did, in another instance, violate the above mentioned article of the constitution, as will appear from the subjoined extract from the report, which requires no comment.
As all the officers and clerks were at the time in the service and pay of the government, and received the full amount of their salaries, exclusive of their extraordinary allowances , and as the act of June, 1799, provided only for defraying the expenses incident to the removal of the offices, the committee are of opinion that this sum of 32,872 dollars and 34 cents was drawn from the treasury and expended without any legal authority.
[Report of the committee of Investigation.]
MR. BENJAMIN STODDERT.
(From a Virginian Correspondent.)
THE attention of the public has been very much attracted towards this gentleman for some time past, not only because he filled one of the most important and honorable places in the government, but because it has been asserted and propagated "by those who have sworn to support the government under which we live," and by their hirelings, that he had committed great embezzlements, even as great as those for which Mr. Pickering has been accused, and is now acquitted. To establish these facts, a Committee of Congress, called the Committee of Investigation, was appointed early in the session. The session lasted nearly five months. Mr. Stoddert was always ready to appear. He was ready to meet and defeat his accusers; and they knew it. The investigators procrastinated, until the session was about to terminate; and then they made a report, without having previously given Mr. Stoddert an opportunity to explain, or justify his conduct. This report, the self-calls republican members have circulated among their constituents, and have scattered abroad, in a mode, to produce the belief that the report contained not only the whole truth, but that Mr. Stoddert deserved public detestation. This was immediately succeeded by a statement from Mr. Stoddert, which he was in a very clear manner that the aforesaid committee have not acted with such impartiality as ought to have been the basis of their conduct. This report, and Mr. Stoddert's remarks, have been printed; from which we discover, on one hand, the dextrous cunning of men who feel themselves in an error, and who endeavour to bolster up their own characters by an innocent sacrifice. On the other, we perceive the bold, decisive and manly language, which is dictated by a heart conscious of its own rectitude.
The mighty mass of censure against Mr. Stoddert has dwindled into the single charge, that he has appropriated a considerable sum of public money to purchase five navy yards, which were not expressly ordered by law. And yet, every body must see, and every candid man will own, that those things which were expressly ordered by law could not be accomplished without navy yards. This is self-evident. There is no doubt if Mr. Stoddert had proceeded in the measures which the law really authorised in express words, without having purchased navy yards, that the same persons, who now accuse him for having done too much, would then have condemned him for having done too little.
But what have this committee said concerning Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Somebody else who, without legal authority, either direct or implied, have expended 32,000 dollars upon the French ship Berceau ? Not a word. Where were the Argus eyes of these investigators, upon this and several other occasions? They paused, they slept over the direct acts of Mr.
Jefferson and his agents, while they have declared war against common sense, in order to impugn Mr. Stoddert.
What have these investigators said concerning the employment of one public ship, with her officers and crew, to carry Mr. Dawson to France, for which there was no legal authority? Not a word.
The answer as to the Berceau is, that we were bound by the treaty to deliver up this ship, and common sense and custom imply, that she should be rendered fit for sea and service. If so, how much more will the same common sense say, that if the act of congress, which required 6 seventy-four gun ships to be built, could not be carried into effect without navy yards, it was the duty of Mr. Stoddert to purchase them. There is this in favour of Mr. Stoddert: the navy yards are a valuable acquisition; they will be more and more valuable; and if congress, or her servants shall be mad enough to sell them, the amount may go again into the treasury, and add to the mass of republican savings. If not, they may be rented to private persons, until the wealth policy, or necessities of the country shall direct the building of such ships. If Mr. Jefferson's Notes are to be relied upon as authority,* we may expect that this will be the case, as fast as our resources render it practicable. On the other hand, the 32,000 dollars, dilapidated in repairs on the Berceau , are gone for ever. Even if Buonaparte should pay a thought on the subject, he will think that we deserved more to be pitied for weakness, than thanked for generosity.
The answer as to the second point may be, that the ship which carried Mr. Dawson to France, was already equipped, manned, and fitted for sea. That if she had not been put on this service, the vessel would have lain by the wharfs; the crew might have mutinied, or performed some other mischief. But how will this answer vanish, when it is recollected, with how little ceremony, respectable public servants have been dismissed, without fault, without accusation, without previous notice, and upon some occasions, to make way for others, by much their inferiors!
What have the investigators said concerning the immense expence of a squadron of ships which Mr. Jefferson sent to the Mediterranean, for which there was no legal authority? Not a word. The answer will be, that this was a measure in which the public interest, national character, and honor, were concerned; that it was wise, politic, necessary, and deserves universal applause and commendation. Agreed. But the question is, by what legal authority was this done? Here the investigators, and all their hirelings, partizans, and satellites, are put to the rout. Even censor Smith, if he shall pay the smallest regard to TRUTH, must be dumb. No answer can be given. Why then is it attempted to criminate and destroy one man for doing a thing necessarily appertinent to his duty, and give thanks and applause to another for that which might have been passed by; and the necessity of which was contingent.
The use to which these ships and their crews have been appropriated, is not condemned. The case is introduced as an argument to shew, that there may be situations in which the public functionaries may and ought to act without the express direction of a congressional statute. Likewise, to shew the inconsistency of persons who can see with more ease the mote which is in the eye of another, than they can perceive the beam which is in their own.
With respect to Mr. Benjamin Stoddert, this is a fact, which truth will record, and which fame will promulgate. He was invited to take the direction of the naval department at the most important crisis of the political, naval, and mercantile interests and national respectability of this country. We had no naval character. We had but few ships. Great things were to be done, from materials not even brought together, and by men, a few excepted, who had not been tried. Candidates for office and employment appeared from every quarter. Mr. Stoddert was obliged to compose a great part of the navy from men who had little or no experience. With these disadvantages a navy very speedily appeared on the ocean, which astonished not only ourselves, but the nations of Europe and Asia and Africa. It made such awful impressions, that we were immediately respected, and our commercial ships and fleet sailed safely on the ocean. Even the barbarians of the Mediterranean have been awed, and beaten into insignificance. The heroism and enterprise of our little navy has given a lustre to the American name, which being connected with that of Stoddert, by whose abilities, virtue, and attention, it rose as it were from nothing, will not fail, when the baleful influence of party spirit and odious calumny shall cease, to secure to him the applause and thanks of every man who rejoices at the prosperity and renown of his country.
The awful day approaches, when many political impostors who now drive the chariot of power, will dwindle into contempt; when the calumniators and investigators will drink in sorrow the cup of bitterness, which they have prepared for others; and virtue, in triumph, shall take the lead.
* See Quere 22d.

TO THE PUBLIC LETTER V.
In one of his Examiners of last week, Mr. Jones has denied the sum total of the existence of the following advertisement. He has adorned his denial with the fiercest assertions, and the foulest reproaches. It may be of some use to establish the extent of credit which is due to his assertions.
SEE! and BELIEVE!
Henrico County, to wit:
To all Head Boroughs, Magistrates, Sheriffs, and Constables of Virginia:
WHEREAS by an inquisition indicted, and taken, at a point of land near the Body Run Spring, on the morning of the 16th inst. before me, Pleasant Younghusband, Coroner for said county, on the view of the body of GILL ARMISTEAD SELDEN, then and there lying dead: It was found that one Skelton Jones, late of the City of Richmond, by discharging from a pistol a leaden ball in and upon the body of the said Gill A. Selden, which said ball did strike and enter near the right breast, and come out just under the left arm, thereby giving to the said Gill A. Selden, a mortal wound, of which he instantly died: And that thereby he the said Skelton Jones did then, and there, voluntarily, feloniously, and of his malice aforethought, kill and murder the said Gill A. Selden, against the peace and dignity of the commonwealth of Virginia; and that Withshire Lewis, and Charles Barret, were present at the time of the felony and murder aforesaid;—And whereas a warrant issued on the 17th inst. directed to the sheriff of Henrico, to apprehend the said Skelton Jones, Withshire Lewis, and Charles Barret, which said warrant being now returned, by Benjamin Sheppard, deputy sheriff for said county, executed as to the said Charles Barret, and not found as to the said Skelton Jones and Withshire Lewis: These are therefore in the name of the Commonwealth of Virginia, to charge and require you, and every of you, within your several precincts, to have diligent search for the said Skelton Jones, and Withshire Lewis, whom, if found, or either of them, you cause to be taken and carried before some justice of the peace for the county or corporation, where apprehended, to be examined and dealt with, touching the premises, as the law directs. Given under my hand and seal this _____ day of April, 1802.
PLEASANT YOUNGHUSBAND. (Seal.)
This piece was thrice published in the Virginia Gazette. The printers of the Virginia Herald, of the Norfolk Herald, of the Staunton Phenix, of the Petersburg Intelligencer, of the Washington Federalist, and of the Baltimore Anti-Democrat, are each of them, requested to reprint it once, with the above introductory lines. The charges, if asked, shall be cheerfully paid.
The circumstances of Mr. Selden's death must have been unusually black, otherwise it is not likely that official notice would have been taken of them.
Some weeks ago, a young man was killed in a duel at Norfolk: and no advertisement concerning the matter has come in my way. The Coroner, Mr. Younghusband, has long been a magistrate. He is a person of coolness, of judgement, and of independence.
He would not have put his name to such a paper but from solid reasons. The neglect to follow this business to the end is one of the most unpardonable omissions that ever a nation endured from its magistrates.
Mr. Jones wrote a letter on this affair to the printer of the Virginia Gazette. He therein says that the two seconds, Barret and Lewis, were men of unblemished honor. He says that Skelton Jones is "incapable of a dishonorable act; and that this can be testified by all who know him."
I would ask Mr. Jones who made him a judge of what is honor? Richmond contains one of these men of honor, a wretch who has committed such crimes, as I am ashamed of repeating. This man brags about his benevolence and his friendship.
In this letter, Mr. Jones says that the only charge against Skelton is that "he wished to exact acknowledgements from Mr. Selden, which, as a man of courage, he could not make." This is just what the public says. What the General Assembly will say or do, when the subject is brought before them, time only can discover.
The proclamation tells you, twice over, that the death of Selden was a murder, that, by an inquest taken upon the spot, Skelton Jones was found to have committed this crime, that the deputy sheriff could not find Jones, and that all the sheriffs, constables, &c. of Virginia, are required to have diligent search for him. The paper tells you that the peace and dignity of the commonwealth require his being brought to trial. Hundreds of us are well acquainted with Mr. Younghusband. Does any man think the Coroner a fool? Or that he did not, when he wrote this paper, know what he was doing, or writing? Could he have any motive of interest, or passion, of vanity, or revenge, to be gratified by the publication of such an awful manifesto? His character, as a gentleman of clear sense, of experience, and of circumspection, requires not an attestation. The person thus advertised has returned to Richmond; and, from his desk in the Examiner's office, he defies the justice, and the halters of our country!
It remains to be explained for what reason the return to the Coroner was not seconded
by a specified reward* for an apprehension of the criminal?
In all common cases of a runaway, there never is an advertisement without it. In this business there must have been something of what is called the backstairs work. The first business of the next assembly should be to explain that secret. The government which will not, or which dares not bring an alleged assassin to trial, is not worth its room. Are we to be told that Skelton should not be tried because his brother's newspaper did infinite service to Mr. Jefferson's election; and that republican printers and republican presidents, can never be secured at too great a price? The nation begins to be tired of this kind of talking.
JAMES T. CALLENDER. Richmond. June 8th. 1802.
* In one of my late letters to the public, it was incorrectly said that a reward of two hundred dollars had been offered for discovering and catching one of the present editors of the Examiner. Even the truth of this statement could not have made the story either better, or worse. If ten thousand dollars of premium had been offered by the Executive Council, such a matter did not make the business either blacker, or whiter, and my mistake is only noticed in this place, to anticipate any carping about it! I had quoted from memory. This omission of a reward cannot be imputed to Mr. Younghusband. It was not his part of the business.
[THE following paragraph is transcribed from the Republican Watch Tower, of May 12th. It may be necessary to inform the reader, that this paper is printed at New York. It may, also, be proper to observe, that the subsequent extract is, in every sense of the word, un candid, and untrue. From the surface of the publication, it appears to have been transmitted to New York, by one of the numerous well wishers to one of the editors of the Recorder. Very few citizens of Richmond will be able to read the article without a smile at its absurdity. The Recorder is here charged as an efficient agent in having divided the republican interest at Richmond, during the late election of Dr. Adams. It is most seriously true, that the Recorder did not contain one syllable which could be twisted into a recommendation of Dr. Adams, or Mr. Rind, or of Mr. Hay, in preference of the one to the other. We did most carefully avoid approaching to the edge of that precipice. Of Mr. Hay, and of Mr. Rind, this paper spoke in respectful terms; and as far as our limited acquaintance with the English language went, it was most carefully avoided to publish any hint recommending one candidate beyond the others. But it seems offence was taken, because we adhered to our habitual custom of thinking and of printing upon our own basis.
Persons who had been in the habit of speaking of one of the editors of this paper, with an unexpected, and, as we apprehend, with undeserved harshness, did, at the same time, suppose, that he was to trench upon the limits of truth, in order to serve some small purposes of theirs. In this explanation, it is not desired to be understood that any candidate is referred to. But, individuals of bad temper wished to place one of the editors in the situation of a political partisan. He wanted to have nothing to do with such an office; and, because he would not go to improper lengths, in order to serve people, who would rejoice in accomplishing his ruin, it was thought advisable to send this unaccountable paragraph to New York. There is no freeholder in the city of Richmond, that ever dreamed, or ever said that he dreamed, or that ever wished to have it said, that he had said that he dreamed, that any person concerned with the publication of this paper, ever gave him a hint on the subject of an electioneering preference. Not a word of this important novel could have been digested in Richmond. But it was to be circulated at such a distance, for the desirable purpose of injuring the personal name of the writer of the Prospect.
It is a long time since that individual knew the terms upon which he stood with some noted characters. It is a long time since he took the opportunity of telling them, that his opinions and his feelings did materially differ from theirs. He took leave to tell them, that he considered it his duty, as an honest man, to endeavour to sweep the last administration off the draft-board, as the greater of the two bores in the circle of civilized society. He noticed, that he had, upon all occasions, used the colloquial liberty of saying that he knew himself to be disliked, on account of his constitutional propensity of telling political truths. A suspicion was felt, that it was in his power to injure certain characters; and a scheme of anticipating an attack was immediately commenced.
Nobody ought to suppose that this explanation has the least reference to a trimming, or shifting of principles. In every country, a few persons, upon each side of political opinions, endeavour to push themselves into the front rank of distinction. They do
this, with a view to convince their disciples, that they are themselves, exclusively, the only persons in society, who are, forsooth! fit to be trusted. When they can meet with newsprinters, that will go any length to serve them, they are willing to make a suitable compensation.
But what has the great body of people of this country to do with these petty, personal objects? The immutable interest of every farmer, of every manufacturer, of every man of property, and of every man of honesty, is the same. We want a peaceable, a virtuous, and a cheap government. It is of very small consequence, indeed, whether Mr. Adams, or Mr. Anybody else is president, providing that the presidential business has been, is, or shall be, properly conducted.
Did you think that there was one man of sense who cared whether Mr. Pickering, or Mr. Madison, was Secretary of State, if it was equally certain that either of these two gentlemen would do the business equally well? Nobody would think of such a distinction, if it were not, that a regiment of newspapers has been, is now, and for ever will be, supported by each of the two platoons of partisans, who want to thrust themselves forward.
Mr. Paine, in his Rights of Man, has a sentence upon this subject, that compresses, in a few very plain words, a whole book of thinking. He says, that the national purse will not carry double. He says, that it is Ride and Tie, between the people who are out, and the people who are in. Never did a more comprehensive, a more candid, or a more luminous idea pass from the press to the public. The people, at large, can have no other earthly concern about the conducting of public business, but that it shall be properly conducted. But it is extremely possible, it is the central point of the chapter of possibilities, that the overseer of your plantation, or the clerk in your store, may have a set of wishes, and of projects, different from yours. And you may easily understand, that people who are in office, or that people who want to get into office, are in a situation somewhat like that of the steward of your farm, or the clerk of your store.
David Hume says, that "What is man, but a heap of contradictions?" Now, you think, very likely, that a person whom you employ, at a salary of 500 dollars a year, will endeavour to make a job of you; and yet, in defiance of your own common sense, in defiance of all that is intellectual, you will force yourselves into the weakness of thinking, that a man, who never saw more than one fifty thousandth part of your faces, that a man, who never heard of the name of more than one in 50,000 of you, is to like you better than himself. All the people in the front rank of conversation,—all the people, even in the second, or third rank of intellect, look over their left shoulders at you, as an assemblage of dupes. Put two sensible Federalists, and two ditto Republicans together, in the same room; get them into a debate, for example, whether it was proper to turn out Mr. Adams's sixteen federal judges; get them into an argument whether this repeal was right, or wrong; and whether the country is to be ruined, if this set of men were to be sent home again? They will tell you, that Miss Federal Constitution has, before the fourteenth year of her age, been a thousand times violated. But, they will, at the same time, tell you, that this is a sort of secret, which must not be communicated to the enlightened and respectable public, because, that if they were to be permitted to peep through the curtain, they might, very possibly, pitch one of the two squads of partisans out at the window, and dispatch the other in a sudden explosion, out at the top of the chimney. This is the pretty Ride and Tie business, that we spoke about, a few minutes ago.
Every sensible federalist will tell you, and every candid republican tells you, that whenever a patriot speaks about loving his country, he is understood to mean, that he has a very unaffected love for himself. He is understood to mean, that he considers every one as a fool, who believes any thing else. He is understood to mean, that it requires an uncommon command of muscles, to keep him from laughing in the faces of his simpleton admirers.
We now proceed with the quotation from The Republican Watch Tower. We hope to keep out of a quarrel with the printers of that paper; having already quite as much business of this kind on hand as it is possible to overtake.]
RICHMOND (Virginia) May 1.
Yesterday, the election for a delegate to next assembly was held at the Court House in Richmond.
The votes stood thus:
Dr. John Adams, - - - 75 Mr. Rind - - - - 52 Mr. Hay - - - - 48
The total number of freeholders that voted proves to be 175
Dr. John Adams was the federal candidate, and is elected. The political character of Mr. Rind is equivocal. It appears, that he has sufficient address to possess, in a degree, the confidence of both parties; and yet, he does not possess the entire confidence of either. He is a consummate trimmer. Hence, moderate federalists vote for him, in the hope of abstracting from the republicans; and the warmer part of these, viewing his nameless opinions with some apprehension, withhold their suffrages from him. He appears, notwithstanding, to have obtained four votes more than the real republican, councillor Hay. This opposition of two rival candidates, although Richmond was never very remarkable for its attachment to republicanism, has, undoubtedly, defeated our election. We view Mr. Callender, who now publishes "The Recorder" at Richmond, as an efficient agent in this division. His paper bears evident marks of being set up for the purpose of opposing the present order of things; and his very warm support of Mr. Rind is one branch of the system.
CITIZEN.
SAVANNAH, May 21.
Yesterday was executed, on the south common, agreeable to the sentence of the last superior court, held in this city, John Rice, for grand larceny. He was a native, we are informed, of North Carolina, or Virginia; has been an old offender against the laws of his God and of his country; and for a long time had practised in this city a series of villainy, seldom equalled; entering at night, by the aid of false keys, houses and stores, and deliberately and leisurely plundering the citizens of their property to an unknown amount. He has left a wife and children, in this city, to lament his ignominious fate.
LONDON, April 10
The important question of again suspending the payment in specie by the Bank of England was yesterday discussed in the House of Commons, and (what is somewhat extraordinary) by a very thin attendance of members. Mr. Dundas, Mr. Sheridan, and Mr. Grey, were in the House for some time, but withdrew before the debate upon this subject had commenced. The principal reasons given by the Minister for adopting it now at the conclusion of the war were, the balance of exchange with the Continental Powers being against us; the unsettled state of commercial relations between us and those States with which we lately made peace; and the present stagnant state of the export trade of this country. The unfavourable balance would draw off to foreign nations the increased cash that would be put in circulation with the continent, which together with the exports being at a stand, make it prudent that the Bank should retain in its hands the facility of furnishing our merchants with such accommodation in the way of discount as might be necessary to enable them to maintain a competition in all foreign markets. These arguments had their effect; for, notwithstanding an unavailing opposition from Mr. Jones and others, the measure was adopted.
The commissioners of the Transport Board have freighted fifty vessels, for the purpose of conveying the French prisoners to their own country. Their number amounts to nearly fifteen thousand, and they are all to be sent home in the course of next week.
BALTIMORE, May 26.
Extract of a letter from Gibraltar, dated April 12, 1802, to a gentleman in Philadelphia.
"The British squadron from Egypt, under lord admiral Keith and vice-admiral Saumarez, arrived here a few days ago. There are also here some Portuguese ships of war destined up the Mediterranean, to cruise against the Algerines. The Swedes are cruising in concert with the Americans, against the Tripolitans, with a squadron consisting of three heavy frigates and a 64. We also learn that the king of Sweden, anxious to give a decisive blow whilst a good opportunity serves, has sent orders to his commodore, off Tripoli, to prepare bombs, boats and every necessary implement for besieging the town, together with a plan for laying the siege, requesting it might be laid before the American commodore, who, he hopes, will take an active part in the arrangements."

REMARKS, SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA,
(Originally Printed in 1796.)*
IN this commonwealth, a judgement may be obtained on a bond, or an account, without much delay; but the proceedings which take place afterwards, the appeals, the delivery of bonds, the valuation by commissioners, and the twelve-month's bonds, have given rise to complaints, which have merited and excited the attention of the legislature. At the last session of the general assembly, the execution law was, in some degree, amended; and there is reason to believe that the same principle, which effected this change, will, in a few years more, occasion an entire reformation, so far as personal property is concerned. The following remarks, therefore, will be confined, principally, to the land bill.
At the session of the general assembly, which began in November, 1794, a bill was brought in, for subjecting lands to sale by execution, under certain restrictions. On this bill, it appears, there was not a final decision, our representatives conceiving, the innovation which was contemplated to be so important, as to require a reference to the people. The result of this application has been unfavorable to the proposed measure; the house of delegates, speaking, it is believed, the sentiments of a majority of their constituents, having even refused at the last session leave to bring in a bill. The principles, therefore, on which this measure is advocated, or opposed, are alone in question.
In making this appeal the conduct of our assembly, deserves high commendation. In great and momentous questions, it is right that the wishes of the people should prevail; and though upon a late interesting occurrence, this sacred principle has been proudly violated, it will be regarded with veneration by every real republican, and the honor and interests of America will yet prosper under its influence.
It is true, that the citizens of this commonwealth, have heretofore manifested their disapprobation of the policy, which I mean to defend; and it is probable that their aversion may undergo no diminution after they have read the remarks here offered to their notice. But, impressed with a conviction, founded on daily observation, that the people are competent to a decision of any question, that was ever agitated in the United States, about which they have chosen to express an opinion, and believing too, that, when they are persuaded of the justice of any proposition, they have integrity enough to adopt it, I am not deterred from submitting my ideas to their deliberate examination.
When the representatives of a free people, conceive that a measure, which has been proposed, is of such magnitude, that its fate ought to depend on the opinion of the community at large, it becomes the duty of the citizens to bestow a very serious consideration on the subject, before they announce their decision to the world. They should reflect, that they are engaged in a business of the highest concern, and exercising in effect, the right of legislation in their individual capacities. They should consider too, that the cause of republicanism will be affected by their conduct and that they dishonor it in the eyes of men, if they ever come forward, but for the great purpose of asserting their violated rights, or of supporting the sacred principles of integrity and truth. Under this idea, the subject before us, appears extremely interesting; to the true republican, as well as those who are merely the friends of justice, must lament, that the opinion of the people, on the land bill was frequently collected, during the last summer, in a manner that precluded investigation, and led to a decision, which on every principle ought to be revoked. Thus a topic of slander against democracy is furnished to its enemies, and an apology is offered for those who dare to act in defiance of the wishes of the people.
There is another consideration, not strictly within the merits of the present enquiry, which, however, it would be improper to leave unnoticed. In several, perhaps a majority, of the United States, real property, it is said may be sold by execution. If a citizen of this commonwealth obtains a judgement against a Pennsylvanian, all the property of the latter may be taken to satisfy it. If, on the other hand, the same Pennsylvanian has a claim on the next neighbor of his creditor, for the same sum, he can only recover that portion of it which the personal estate of his debtor may be sufficient to discharge. Is this reciprocal justice? Shall we not give, at least, the same measure, which we receive? Shall we expect reciprocity from our enemies, while we withhold it from our friends and brethren?
This consideration leads to an idea, worthy of some attention. There is a character belonging to states, as well as individuals; and though there exists this difference, that the same censure which overwhelms the latter, falls lightly, when divided among the great mass of the people, yet depraved indeed must that man be, who hears, with indifference, reproaches on his country. There are imputations enough cast upon the people of whom we form a part: and although we have been cowardly to the British, ungrateful and unjust to the French, and abject in our acquiescence under federal usurpations, let not Virginians, in addition to this accumulated infamy, deserve or incur the stigma of dishonesty.
The advocates of the proposed law, have considered it in relation to justice and policy. Tho' I do not approve, I will adopt this division of the subject. It is not approved, because the commands of justice ought to be obeyed, without regard to the inferior consideration of policy: but it is adopted, because it will lead to an investigation of all the topics which have been introduced in this debate.
A position which is evident in itself cannot be made clearer by argument. I shall not therefore undertake to prove that all a man's property ought to be subject to the payment of his debts. As well might proof be offered that debts ought to be paid at all. Instead therefore of obscuring this branch of the inquiry by argument, it will be sufficient to notice the observations on this point which have been made by the opponents of the law. The objections urged on this head are. 1 ly . That the wives and children of unfortunate debtors will be exposed to ruin—2 ly . That contracts are made in contemplation of the existing system only; and that therefore, to subject real property to the payment of debts, is giving the creditor a greater security than he required—3 ly . That the present laws afford adequate redress. and 4 ly . That the slaves in this state furnish a fund for the payment of debts, which is not to be found in most other countries, and therefore that we go as far as justice requires, even if lands are exempted.
At the first view of these objections, it may be supposed that they are stated, not because they have been urged, but because they are easily answered. In truth, however, the above is a candid representation of them.
1. The first objection deserves but little notice, and is now mentioned principally with a view to point out the delusive language in which it is presented. The epithet, unfortunate, does not belong generally to debtors. Of those debts which men are unable to pay, imprudence, to use no harsher term, produces the greater part; misfortune is seldom urged as an excuse. When this happens to be the case, there is no reason to apprehend that creditors will be severe. The manners and temper of the people forbid it. But admitting that instances of harshness and persecution may sometimes occur, it is obvious, that no adequate provision can be made by law. The legislature can exact from the citizens nothing but to be peaceable and just; generosity, gratitude, and benevolence must depend on the feelings of the people. But the conclusive answer to this remark is, that if the lands of a debtor are saved for his widow and children, the benefit bestowed on them is precisely counterbalanced by an equivalent injury to the creditors, or their wives and children. It deserves also to be remarked, that it is not intended to deprive widows of their dower.
2. As to the second objection, it is to be observed that it does not apply to the question, because existing debts are not to be affected by the proposed law. It is obvious, therefore, that this objection leaves the position which is here supported, where it stood before. But if we suppose that this law is meant to comprehend all debts, the only effect would be, that the creditors would receive precisely the amount of his demand, and the debtor would pay no more.
3. It is to be presumed, that those who urge the third objection, conceive, that the adequate redress of which they speak, is to be furnished either by the elegit, or an execution against the body of the debtor.
It is true that after a judgement has been obtained, an elegit may be sued out, by virtue of which a moiety of a man's lands may be taken. A Second execution may take a moiety of the residue, and so on until the debtor is left in possession of the smallest possible division. The legislature of this state have passed a law prescribing with great care the form of the elegit, and the proceedings to be had under it. Thus the principle that lands may be affected by execution is solemnly recognized; yet so unjust, or so injudicious is the arrangement by which this principle is to be carried into operation that a debt is considered as desperate if an elegit be the only resource. This law notwithstanding is renewed almost every year with great deliberation. I appeal to the candor and good sense of my countrymen, whether this is not a mockery of legislation. I am sure, however it is not meant to be so.
There is nothing more remarkable in the character of the human mind, than the facility with which it receives without examination, ideas the most pernicious or absurd, provided they present themselves under the garb of antiquity. It is upon this principle only, that we can account for the long continuance of tyranny and superstition; and it is to this principle only, that we ought to have recourse, in order to find a satisfactory solution of the difficulty exhibited by the conduct of the Virginian Assembly. This body is composed of enlightened citizens, who, perfectly understand, and ardently cherish, the pure principles of republicanism. Monarchical, aristocratical, and feudal systems are mentioned only to be abhorred; yet we see them copying the elegit law of England, without considering the source from which it originated, or the view with which it was made.
After the establishment of feuds in England, lands were no longer liable to execution. Writers of the best authority regard this exemption as the immediate result of the feudal doctrine. But in the year 1285, the Parliament gave the remedy by elegit, and they extended it as far as the prevailing system permitted them. This remedy did not transfer the fee-simple to the creditor, because he could derive from the tenant no right but that which the latter possessed, and he was regarded at that period of feudal tyranny, merely as an usufructuary, and not as an owner of the estate. Nor did it affect the whole of the lands, because before the year 1290, the tenant could alien no more than a moiety of them. These restrictions are founded on circumstances, that have not the most remote relation to this country. Yet, a law, evidently fettered by those restrictions only, which prevented its interference with the despotism of a feudal government, and originating in the darkness and ignorance of the 13th century, is literally adopted, at this illuminated era, in the centre republicanism by a people differing as much in situation as in principles, from those for whom it was intended.
Let us examine then the elegit, as it is presented to us by our Assembly.
It is not entirely unworthy of remark that the language universally used in propounding the question concerning the proposed law, manifests the general opinion which prevails, of the total insufficiency of the existing system. The question is, shall the law, subjecting lands to the payment of debts be passed? It seems to be forgotten, that lands are already in some degree liable. For this indeed there is the best reason. The people are never reminded of the elegit, by the use that is made of it.
This latter circumstance ought of itself to convince any man, that the law of elegit is radically defective. Creditors are represented as abundantly attentive to their interest, and there can be no doubt, that recourse would sometimes be had to it, if there was the remotest hope of its affording relief. In
truth, however, it not only does not furnish redress, but it is almost impossible that it should.
At the first glance of this subject, a trait of gross absurdity and injustice appears. If A owes B £. 1000 due by one bond, and owns 500 acres of land the latter can take by execution 250 acres, and no more. But if A owes, precisely the same sum, in ten different parcels, the first creditor may take 250 acres, the second a moiety of the other 250 acres, and so on until the land is not worth dividing. Two men, therefore under the present law may own the same quantity of land, may owe the same sum of money, and yet a circumstance in itself quite immaterial, the division of the debt, will produce a very material difference in the situation of the parties.
The first objection which a creditor urges against the elegit is, that he is placed in a situation which was not contemplated by either party, when the debt was contracted. Instead of receiving money, which was agreed to be paid he is to receive property, which may not under his or under any management, be equivalent to his debt. The law directs the sheriff to deliver to the creditor all the goods and chattels of the debtor, saving his oxen and beasts of the plough, and a moiety of his lands by reasonable price and extent, to have and to hold the goods and chattels as his own, and the land until the residue of the debt is levied. It is clear, that under this law the party gets what he does not want, or at least what he did not originally mean to purchase. With respect to the personal goods, the case of the creditor is indeed a hard one. After having sold his property, for money, after having sued and obtained a judgement by the laws of the land for money, he is obliged to take property which is of no use to him, which he must sell again for money, and this may a second time be paid in property as useless as the first. A grosser injustice cannot well be conceived.
With respect to the land, the difficulty is nearly the same. Of what use would 3. 4. or 500 acres in a distant county be to any man? Cultivating them would be out of the question. He must rent them out in order to pay himself. The delay and embarrassment incident to this mode of proceeding are obvious.
(To be continued.)
RALEIGH May 10,
Our correspondent writes from Fayetteville, May 6, that "The Superior Court for this district concluded its session on Monday last. Jesse Jones a free Negro, charged with having robbed the store of Mr. Kelly, on the night of the late fire in this place, was found guilty by the jury, and received sentence of death. He is to be executed on the 1st day of next month.
This day about two o'clock, the town was visited by a violent storm of wind, thunder and lightning. By a stroke of the latter, Daniel M'Rae, son of Duncan M'Rae, Esquire, of this place, was unfortunately killed.
The lightning struck the top of Mr. M'Rae's house, and divided and came down each side by the doors and windows, with considerable injury to the building. The child was found in the hall near the door without any signs of life. I have however, says Mr. M'Rae, in a letter to a friend, reason to be thankful that my loss was not much greater; for two of my children (my eldest daughter and a young child) were playing on a bed up stairs which stood close to the wall, and escaped unhurt, notwithstanding the bedstead was shattered to pieces, and the bed covered with plastering, broken glass, parts of the window frames, &c. On the other side of the house sat my eldest son, reading, within six inches of the wall, which was also shattered, and he received no injury, tho' immediately below him, in the first story, was the little unfortunate victim.