The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-06-24 00:00:00

G Minor
The Enquirer.
Vol. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JUNE 24, 1808.
[No. 16.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NOTICE TO CLAIMANTS UNDER THE CONVENTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN OF THEIR AGENTS. —Such persons as propose, in pursuance of the Order of the Board of Commissioners of 11th October, 1806, to lay before the subscriber, during their residence in this city, any evidence in support of their claims, and have not yet given him notice of their intentions, are requested to do so without delay, in order that he may make the necessary arrangements for the business of this station. And it is further expected, that all concerned will after this public intimation, be in readiness to present their books and documents for examination at any time when required, so as to prevent delay and loss of time.
If there are any persons in this country who have charge of the claims under enumerated, they will please to communicate immediately the necessary information regarding them to the agent of the board, viz:
VIRGINIA CLAIMS.  Gavin Alston for the Greenock saddle and shoe factory,  Garstang Bradstock, in right of John Breakhill of Liverpool, mariner,  Henry Welch, representative of Clay and Midgley of Liverpool,  Dreghorn, Murdoch and Co.  Mary Doyle and Margt. Mallory, legatees of J. Mallory,  Representatives of William Duncan,  James Hunter & Co.  John Glassel,  Richard Hanson,  Wm. R. Lidderdale, executor of John Lidderdale,  Sam. Lyde, for Lyonel and Sam. Lyde,  Colin Ross, administrator of R. Jardine,  George Russell, for Smith, son, and Russell,  Joseph Stanfield, assignee of Syrae,  Robert Sheldon & Co.  John Tyndale Warre, executor of Wm. Jones,  John Tate, executor of Willings,  Wakelin Welch, for Carey Moore and Welch,  Pearks and others, executors of Waterman.  NORTH-CAROLINA CLAIMS.  Edmund Fanning,  Wm. Hanny, assignee of John Cruden & Co.  Jos and Cath. Martyr, representatives of Thomas Cobham.  Henry Eustace McCulloh,  John Macdonell,  Joseph Rutherford for Wm. Rome & Co. Eden.  ALEX. DICK, Agent of the Board. Richmond, June 17. [3w]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday evening the 14th of June, 1808:
Resolved, That a call of two dollars and fifty cents be made on each share held by the stockholders in the said company, and that they pay the same into the hands of their treasurer on or before the 1st day of next month.
A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. June 17. [1st July]
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. —Run-away from the subscriber on the 8th of this present month, a likely mulatto woman by the name of KITTY, about 20 years of age; she is stout made, and rather low for her bulk, her complexion is rather dark, has a knotted head of hair, more so than is common for one of her colour, she carried off a variety of clothing, of course a description of her dress is unnecessary. She was inveigled off by her husband, by the name of James, the property of one Watkins near the coal pits, who is hired to a Mr. Trabue, to go in his coal boat; he has a good many relations in Chesterfield and Powhatan, particularly a father and mother, who, I am informed, are free, where probably she may be harbored, or she may be concealed at Mr. Augustine Davis's plantation in this county, where her husband and herself are very intimate; her father and mother belong to Mr. Jesse Smith of this county, they are both very artful and designing, and as her mother has more indulgence than generally falls to the lot of slaves, she may perhaps be concealed by her.
I will give the above reward for her delivery, or secured in any jail so that I get her again. NATHANIEL W. PRICE. Henrico, June 17, 1808. [law2w]
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Thursday the 21st July next, at the house called Napier's Tavern, in the town of Columbia, a Tract of LAND whereon Abraham Shepard now lives, on the Rivanna, in the county of Fluvanna, containing by a late survey, 534 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Charles Adams, Rich'd Adams, Pleasant Bybee, and others, being land sold by David Ross to said Shepard, and conveyed by him, Shepard, to us in trust, to secure a debt due to said Ross, as stated in said trust deed, which said debt has since been assigned by said Ross to Henry E. Coleman—We sell our right as trustees only.
GEORGE HOLMAN, } Trustees. WILLIAM PASTEUR, } JACOB MYERS, } June 17, 1808. [cpts]
FOR RENT. —The BRICK TENEMENT on the main street, two doors above the Eagle Tavern, and at present occupied by Messrs. Gibson and Jefferson—Possession may be had on the 15th July. SAML. MCRAW. Richmond, June 7. [ff]
MOLASSES in hogsheads and tierces, FOR SALE BY SAMUEL MYERS. June 3. [law4w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law4w]
NOTICE. —The subscribers are desirous to dispose of their settlements, one of about 150 acres of LAND, the other of about 230 acres, with tolerable improvements on each tract, and a very valuable Mill now in good repair, working a pair of Calhoun and a pair of Burr stones; the mill is adjacent to the former tract of land on Falling Creek, about four miles from the Coal Pits, and about eleven miles from Manchester. The terms are, one third part of the purchase amount to be paid down, and the other two thirds to be in three equal annual payments. We deem it unnecessary to say any thing further, as we presume that any person disposed to become a purchaser, would first view the premises, and will apply to the subscribers living thereon. The mill and four acres of land attached thereto may be sold separate. JOHN BAKER. THOMAS BAKER. Chesterfield, June 7. [law4w]
The Advertisement dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS for carrying MAILS OF THE UNITED STATES, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office in Washington City, until the first day of August next, inclusive.
 From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week.  Leave Washington City every day at 3 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 5 P. M.  Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M.  From Alexandria by Colchester, to Dumfries, Dumfries, seven times a week.  Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day.  Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 7 hours.  From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court house to Fredericksburg, seven times a week.  Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 A. M. in 5 1/2 hours.  Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M.  From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimmies, and Hanover court-house to Richmond, seven times a week.  Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours.  Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours.  From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week.  Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 1/2 A. M. in 5 hours.  Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 1/2 P. M.  From Richmond by Fraziers, New-Kent court-house, Williamsburg, York-town & Hampton to Norfolk, three times a week.  May 1, to December 1.  Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours.  Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours.  December 1, to May 1.  Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.  Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours.   From Petersburg by Cabin-point, Smithfield, Surry court-house, Sleepy-hollow ferry, to Norfolk, three times a week.  May 1, to December 1.  Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 10 A. M.  Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours.  December 1, to May 1.  Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk the next days by 5 P. M.  Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg the next days by 11 A. M. 
NOTES.
 The mail will be carried on the routes, number ten to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when their roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shewn, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the news-papers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance.  The Post-master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.  Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.  For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, where by the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained.  Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.  No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.  Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.  The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.  The contracts are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years from that time. 
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General
GENERAL POST-OFFICE, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 27. [law2m]
FINE fresh Hyson Teas, India Nankeens, & M docks Claret, of superior quality, in cases of 50 bottles.
Sherry Wines, Sack, &c., Assorted Crates of Crackers, for sale by PICKETT, POLLARD & JOHNSTON. Richmond, June 14. [law4w]
MURDOCKS, Donald & Co. against Lucy Dixon, wife of James Dixon, and Sarah, John, Nancy, and Patsey, children and heirs of the said James Dixon.
By virtue of a decree of the court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, will be sold on the first day of July next, at public auction, for ready money, a tract of LAND in the county of Louisa whereof John Richmond died seized and possessed, and which is now in the possession of the above named Lucy Dixon and the children and heirs of James Dixon, deceased, so much thereof as shall be sufficient to satisfy the demand of the plaintiffs in the said decree mentioned, and the expenses attending the sale. Wm. MANN. Deputy for Joseph Scott, Marshall P. D. June 10. [law3w]
POLITICAL.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
INTERESTING VIEWS !!
The ensuing Circular Letter is just from the press. It is addressed by WILSON C. NICHOLAS, Esq. member of Congress from this state, to his Constituents.—At this time, a political letter from such a man deserves, and must command considerable attention.
Mr. Nicholas has occupied a high and important stand in the political transactions of this country. No man, if we may believe his opponents, possesses at this moment a greater share of the confidence of the present administration. The ideas of such a politician may, therefore, be expected to contain something worthy of the public attention; and certainly the letter which is now submitted to the reader, will not disappoint that expectation.
Mr. Nicholas's ideas of the purposes and proprieties of the embargo are striking, though they are extremely simple. Their great advantage consists in presenting in a very small and perceptible space, a subject which might be expanded into a volume. They bring "home to the business and bosom," of every honest yeoman, the purposes of a measure which is interesting to every man in this country. It enables every man who feels the inconveniences of the embargo, to understand and to explain its benefits.
As to the strictures which he offers on the late treaty, they have been blended with the subject of the embargo, by the fruitless zeal of the opponents of the administration. The opinion, that the embargo might have been rendered unnecessary by the adoption of a treaty with Great Britain, has not been confined to the mere whispers of humble individuals; nor even to the bold insinuations of partisans. It now assumes an official shape, in the Reply of the House of Representatives to the Speech of the Governor of Massachusetts. "It would exceed," says that body, "the limits which the House of Representatives have prescribed to themselves, to enquire whether a commercial treaty might not have been negotiated with the power most capable of injuring our commerce, or to consider what causes led to the perplexed state of things, which induced the government to resort to this distressing expedient."—Mr. Nicholas will probably satisfy the enquirer of this honorable body.
To the Electors of the Congressional District, composed of the Counties of Amherst, Albemarle and Fluvanna.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
It has fallen to my lot to represent you in the Congress of the United States, at a period the most interesting and momentous that our country has ever known, since its existence as an independent nation. I owe it to you and to myself, to state faithfully the occurrences that have led to the present crisis, and the measures that have been taken to divert the storm, or to prepare to meet it; not only that you may know the real situation of our affairs, but that you may judge of the fidelity with which I have discharged the trust you reposed in me. Devoted to my country, bound to you by the strongest ties of gratitude and affection, and in all things having a common interest with you, you may doubt the propriety of some of the measures I have advocated; but I trust and hope there is not a man in the district, who will doubt my entire and exclusive attachment to this my native country. I may mistake the means, but my only objects are the happiness, liberty and independence of the American people. If I could be insensible to my duty to you, I could never lose sight of the deep interest, that I and my numerous offspring have in the welfare of our common country.
The extraordinary occurrence that caused the President of the United States to convene Congress last October, need not be mentioned; the impression it made is indelible: with one voice you demanded honorable reparation or vengeance. In order to understand fully our dispute with Great Britain, it is necessary you should know the relations between the two countries at, and antecedent to the attack made upon an American ship of war, by a national ship of Great Britain. Atrocious as was that act in itself, it was the more so under existing circumstances. From the year 1793, when the war between Great Britain and France commenced, Great Britain had inflicted every injury upon this country that could be suggested by her hatred and jealousy of us, or that her command of the ocean enabled her to perpetrate. These were in some measure lessened by Jay's treaty, and ceased with the war that was terminated by the treaty of Amiens. The renewal of hostilities between England and France, in the year 1802, brought upon our commerce and citizens, the outrages and wrongs we had borne in the preceding war. The object of Great Britain, in violating the rights of neutrals, was not the injury of her enemy; not the expectation of compelling her to make a fair and honorable peace, by withholding supplies, or by depriving her of the means of selling her surplus produce, or manufactures, but to give the advantage of that commerce to her own subjects, for the double purpose of enriching them and depressing us. This is clearly proved by her efforts to secure to them that very commerce from which she attempted to exclude us. The love of peace and an unwillingness to involve this country in the vortex of European wars and politics, induced the American government and people to submit to all the injuries that had been inflicted upon them, until the winter of 1806, when the British outrages were so great and enormous, that to have borne them longer, would have been cowardly; would have been a dereliction of national character, duty and interest, and would have made us contemptible in the eyes of the world. At that period, the table of Congress was covered with memorials and remonstrances from every part of the United States, complaining of the injuries we daily receive from Great Britain, and calling upon our government, in the strongest terms, to protect our citizens & commerce. Faithful to the true interests of the nation, seeing that interest would be best promoted by the preservation of peace, our government delayed the appeal to arms, which the insulting conduct of their officers, the impressment of our seamen, the seizure and condemnation of our vessels, the murder of Pierce within our jurisdiction, and the proclamation blockade of whole nations, would have justified. A law then passed Congress, to take effect six or eight months after its date, prohibiting the importation of certain articles from Great Britain; and to give greater weight to our demand, a special minister was despatched to that country, to enforce our claims to justice. That course was adopted "from a hope that an appeal in this peaceable form to the reflection and interests of an enlightened nation, would be successful in removing every obstacle, to a perfect and permanent cordiality between the two nations." About the time the non-importation was to take effect, dispatches were received from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, stating that negotiations were then in a train for the adjustment of the differences between Great Bri-
tain and the United States, and recommending the suspension of the act: They say "the ground which Congress have taken in this just and salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and abandon are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honor of the nation, and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law, and while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils, would preserve unimpaired, that firm and dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but especially now, to maintain." This signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils was instantly given, not only by a suspension of the non-importation act, but a power given the President to suspend it for a further time, if the state of things between the two countries should require it. This was done by the President in the month of March 1807, even after he refused to ratify the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, until the next meeting of Congress: Thereby giving to the British government new evidence of a most sincere desire of putting an end to differences that exist not only between two nations, having so many motives to establish and cherish mutual friendship. In March, 1807, the President received from our ministers in England, a treaty, signed by the commissioners of the two nations, the 31st December preceding: this treaty, for reasons that I will hereafter explain, was with great propriety, rejected by the President, and our ministers were directed to renew the negotiations with Great Britain, with the fullest assurances of our desire to maintain the friendly relations between the two nations, so conducive to the happiness of both; of which disposition he had given a recent and unequivocal proof. If any further evidence is required to prove the sincerity of this declaration, I need only refer to the correspondence between Mr. Madison and our ministers in England, from which it does appear, that we not only have right on our side, but that our claims have been asserted with an ability, dignity, temper and moderation, that ought to have ensured us redress, and that the failure can only be ascribed to a confidence in power and disregard of right.
Not long after the return of this treaty, it is known to you that the British ship Leopard, in view of a strong British squadron, then within our waters, committed the most flagrant and outrageous violation of our national honor, by attacking the American frigate Chesapeake, under circumstances of the most aggravating kind: that immediately afterwards, this squadron took a station near Norfolk, and committed every act of hostility, short of attacking that town; that in defiance of the Proclamation, it remained within our territory, even after the arrival of Mr. Rose at Washington, and pending his negotiation. If the President had been desirous, as he has been falsely charged, to go to war with Great Britain, how easy and with what little responsibility could he have then plunged the nation into war! Instead of which, without a sacrifice of our honor, he took the course dictated by the soundest wisdom and policy. He demanded of Great Britain, whether this act had been committed under the authority of that government, and if not, that she should make honorable and prompt reparation, such as she would expect under similar circumstances.
You have seen the pretence that was made in England, for not making reparation, or even treating about it—that our government demanded, "as a security of the future, an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the United States." The connection between these subjects must be obvious, as, but for the practice of impressment, there would have been no pretence for the outrage committed; without the abandonment of the practice, there would have been no security that there would not be a repetition of the same violence. The British demanding the revocation of the proclamation of the President, as a preliminary to a discussion of the nature and extent of the reparation we should receive, is a proof that the abandonment of the right to impress from our vessels being required, did not prevent Mr. Monroe's adjusting this subject with the British government; for as it was here, so it would there have been required, that the revocation should precede the discussion, and it is known that Mr. Monroe had no authority to treat upon that subject, and I hope, for the honor of my country, there is not one American who believes he ought to have had. You are informed, that the refusal of our government, to revoke the proclamation, as a preliminary to discussion of the reparation we ought to receive, is the ground upon which the negotiation with Mr. Rose was broken off. This whole transaction ought to convince every American, in the strongest and fullest manner, that there does not exist a desire in this executive to go to war with England; and that if we are involved in it, or in circumstances that produce distress, it is to be ascribed to the folly and wickedness of others, and not the choice, misconduct or remissness of our government, in a single instance. For although an adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake, would have removed only a small part of our difficulties with Great Britain, and although that adjustment did not give us security against acts of violence proceeding from the same cause; yet our government, in order to remove all suspicion of an unwillingness to lessen our difficulties, entered into a negotiation upon that subject alone, with a frankness and sincerity peculiar to it, and pursued it as long as it could be done, without national degradation. It is painful to me to speak in a manner of any government, or its accredited agents, that may not be considered respectful. In this case, however, I feel it to be my duty, to state explicitly, that I do not believe it was the intention of Great Britain to give us satisfaction upon this point. The extravagance of the demand that we should precede the discussion of the reparation we were to receive, by making reparation to her, forbids the belief that she could have expected we would do it. The impunity of Admiral Berkeley, whose life could not have atoned to his own country, for the embarrassment in which he had involved her, by committing an act of great enormity and hostility against the only nation with whom she was in amity, and whose friendship was important to her; the detention of the unfortunate men taken from the Chesapeake, who have escaped the merciless vengeance of Berkeley; but above all, their orders of the 11th November, prohibiting the commerce of neutrals with the enemies of Great Britain, which orders only operate on the United States; and from their concealing from Mr. Rose (if this was done) and from our ministers in London, their intention to issue such orders: all these things prove the determined hostility of the English ministry. For it is inconceivable, that it should not have been contemplated by the British to issue these orders, before Mr. Rose left England (as these events happened within a short time of each other) and if they did, they could not believe any good could have resulted from any reparation they could offer, for the attack upon the Chesapeake, when it was to be immediately succeeded by a measure of so decidedly hostile and ruinous a character to the United States. To a nation proud and regardless as the British are of the figs and feelings of others, there could be no
inducement to make atonement for one act of violence and indignity, when they were about to perpetrate another, that would inflict a mortal wound upon the honor and the interest of the United States. I cannot but entertain a suspicion, that the only objects of Great Britain, in sending Mr. Rose to this country, were to get time to put her colonies in our neighborhood, in a state of defence, and to take the chance of embarrassing us at home, by exciting in the minds of a portion of the American people, a distrust of their own government. That such an effort has been made and is making, must be obvious to all who read our news-papers—how else can various publications be accounted for?
When the Embargo was laid, circumstances fully justified it. It is a fact, however, that this measure was taken, not only in consequence of outrages then committed, but in expectation of others of a more flagrant nature, not only from England, but France. When the President recommended to Congress to lay the Embargo, he informed them that the Emperor of France had announced, through Mr. Champagny, to General Armstrong our minister at Paris, a determination to apply his decree of the 21st of November, 1806, for the blockade of the British Isles, to us as well as other neutrals, from the operation of which decree our commerce had hitherto been exempt. We knew, that our demand for reparation for the attack upon the Chesapeake had not been complied with. We believed Great Britain would instantly declare all Bonaparte's dominions and those of his allies in a state of blockade; this opinion was founded upon the past conduct and declarations of that government. Accordingly it appeared, as we had anticipated, that orders to that effect issued in Great Britain on the 11th November, 1807. We at the same time received the proclamation of the King of Great Britain commanding his cruisers to impress all his native born subjects, whenever they should be found on board merchant vessels, and to demand all such as should be on board ships of war—his officers being made the sole and absolute judges of who were, and who were not his native-born subjects.—The British orders of November last have been followed by the French decree of December 17th, extending to every possible case, the authority to capture American vessels going to, returning from, or carrying any British manufactures, and to all vessels that have been sequestered to be searched. The French have since sequestered all our vessels that were in their ports, and the British have attempted to confine our commerce to their dominions (with very few exceptions) or to subject it to be carried on under British licences and subject to British taxation. When the embargo was laid, it was believed there were 100,000,000 dollars of American property afloat and in other countries; but for the wisdom of the measures of our government, we might have been deprived of all this property. If we had yielded to our just resentment and gone to war, when the embargo was laid, all, or the greater part of our property, that was afloat, would have been lost to us. It would not have laid the embargo, a great part of our last year's produce, with at least an equal value of the produce of other countries, now the property of American citizens, to the amount of from seventy to eighty millions more, would not only have been lost to us, but would have gone to enrich those, whose perfidy, injustice and oppression we have so much reason to complain of. All this, we have not only saved to ourselves, but withheld from the grasp of robbers and pirates. It is enough to justify the embargo to say, that not a ship of ours can sail, which will not be subject to seizure and confiscation by one or other of the belligerents, unless she is going to the barren kingdom of Sweden. I challenge any man to deny this fact. There are other facts which prove the propriety of this measure. All the vessels that left this country after the first of December last, and before the embargo was laid, for the continent of Europe, have either been seized and sequestered or forced to a market where the cargoes could not be sold, or have been obliged to return to this country with their cargoes, not having been permitted to go to their place of destination; this has happened to several vessels, and Congress was obliged to make a law to permit such cargoes to be landed in the United States. Under these circumstances what ought Congress to have done? We had no choice but to lay an embargo; to go to war; arm our vessels; withdraw our ships and let foreigners carry on our commerce; or submit to trade within the limits prescribed by G. Britain. As to war, there are the most weighty reasons why we should avoid it. It is in itself one of the greatest evils, and there are at this moment considerations, that make it peculiarly the interest of the United States to avoid it, if possible. It is evidently the object of both Great Britain and France, to plunge us into war with their adversary. This has been avowed in a manner that cannot be mistaken. But for the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed; but for the situation into which the world is thrown, by the insatiable thirst for dominion in the two great powers of Europe; but for the risk of being thrown into the arms of one of these contending nations, whose insidious caresses I should think more dangerous than the hostility of either or both; and but for the benefit that either of these nations would derive from being at war with the other; my vote should have been given for a declaration of war. The co-operation of this country with either of these nations would enable that nation to effect its object. With our aid, Great Britain could sustain herself forever. The commerce of both the Indies and of North and South America, would furnish her with everything she wants, and a market for her manufactures; but this would be contributing to a despotism on the ocean that would drive us from it. If we go to war with England, the loss of our market, the withholding our supplies, and the proper application of our force, would bring destruction upon that nation. This we have neither the inclination nor interest to do. It cannot be the interest of the United States, that all the force of Europe should be at the disposal of one man. In their contests I wish to preserve a neutrality, if we are permitted, and to keep the United States free from all political connections with every other country. If war with either power is necessary for our own purposes, we will wage it; for either of them, we will not go to war, we will not be coerced into it; sooner than I would make war upon the mandate of any government, or to avoid injuries threatened to be inflicted by that government, I would wage eternal war against the government and nation, that should treat us with such insolence and indignity.
Arming our merchant vessels would not effect our object; for all who we shall be able to force our way to the ports to which they would be destined, when they got there, they would be subject to sequestration, if not condemnation. War, and with Great Britain, would be the inevitable consequence of this measure; it belongs to Congress to determine when there shall be war and with whom. I will never transfer this power to the merchants or their captains, nor will I ever agree to let the merchants arm their vessels but in time of war. The expedient of withdrawing our ships and allowing foreign vessels to carry on our trade, is

inadmissible in every point of view. All the various interests within the United States are equally entitled to the protection of the government; it was for the common defence and general welfare that our government was instituted; one of its special purposes was the protection of commerce. The navigation of the United States is of immense value and importance, when it is considered with a view to its intrinsic utility, the number of our citizens employed, or the capital invested in it; in point of value, it is second to no interest but the agricultural; without it, agriculture would not be a source of wealth. At this enlightened period, it would be a waste of time to attempt to prove the value of commerce; there can be but one opinion upon this subject. What but commerce enables the British Isles to resist the whole force of the continent of Europe? What but commerce has given to a portion of our own country, not equal in extent of territory, to several of these states, and certainly inferior in climate and soil, nearly one third of the population and wealth of the United States? The prosperity of commerce and agriculture are intimately connected; they must stand or fall together. This expedient, as worse than that which Great-Britain offers us; she will allow us to continue our commercial intercourse with her, and to be the carriers of our own produce; but this expedient would not only give her markets the monopoly of our supplies, but confine its transportation to British bottoms, as she has driven from the ocean the vessels of every other country.
Late in the session, it was proposed in Congress to repeal the law laying the embargo, and calculations were made to show that the bulk of our produce might be exported free from danger. This was in effect proposing a tame submission to all the outrages committed by Great-Britain, and that instead of resenting the various insults and injuries she had done us, we should reward her with the monopoly of our commerce. Sooner than I would accept a commerce to which any nation should attempt to limit us, I would abandon the ocean. Are we such miserable slaves to our ease and to false ideas of our interest? Are we so debased, that for the advantage of carrying on our commerce with G. Britain, we will abandon the commerce of all the world? Are we to be bribed by England with the offer of allowing us to trade with her, to give her the monopoly of our commerce? We will not sell our rights and our sovereignty, for all the wealth she is mistress of. What she could not deprive us of in our infancy by arms, it is madness and folly to expect we will now, in the strength and vigor of manhood, lay at her feet in consequence of the injuries she has done us.
But it is not true, we could continue the commerce with Great-Britain, that we have hitherto carried on with her. Upon that commerce there was a balance against us of seventeen millions of dollars; we were enabled to pay this by the profit of our trade with other countries, and by the profit arising from our navigation (our labour in that way is supposed to produce from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars annually.) We import from the British, eight or ten millions of dollars' value, which we export and derive a profit on; all these sources of wealth would be lost to us. It is known that Great-Britain affords us a market but for a small proportion of our staple article—flour, pork, beef, rice and tobacco: (our fish we are not allowed to sell in Great-Britain: they are our rivals in that trade;) and however large the export of any or all these articles may be to that country, but a small proportion of them are there consumed; but they have been re-shipped. There is now, however, an end to that, as she has no access to the countries in which they are consumed, and they must perish there or at home, under the operations of their orders in council, and the French decrees. Illustrate this by the situation the tobacco trade would be placed in under this commerce, which it is said we ought to give our independence to enjoy. When we have a good crop of tobacco, we make 80,000 hogsheads; Great-Britain consumes annually 12,000; the remainder is consumed on the continent. If we are deprived of all intercourse with the continent, direct and indirect, where five-sixths of our tobacco is consumed, what are we to expect to get for it? I beg pardon for having entered into this consideration of the subject. I am convinced it was unnecessary. No temptation of gain, no prospect of wealth, can induce the American people to part with their sovereignty and independence, which they will do, whenever they permit any nation to deprive them of all commercial intercourse with the rest of the world. After having taken a station among the nations of the world, with the most certain presages, that if we are true to ourselves, we shall at no very distant day rank among the most powerful; will we, for the mere prospect of wealth, which can never be realized, bear the degradation and disadvantages of being again in a colonial state? Sooner than submit to this, if one spark of the spirit of seventy-six remains, we will sacrifice our lives and our fortunes.
(To be continued.)
DOMESTIC.
REPUBLICAN PROTEST.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, June 10.
Ordered, unanimously, that the following protest be entered on the journal!
WHEREAS, certain resolutions were introduced to the house of representatives, by Mr. Wheaton of Norton, and passed there on the second day of June inst. for the purpose, in the present alarming situation of our country, of expressing the sentiments of this state, in relation to certain measures of the general government; and although many abstract positions contained therein, may be considered as unexceptionable; yet so far as relates to the embargo, the undersigned representatives deem it their duty to enter a said resolutions their solemn protest and dissent; for the following, among numerous reasons:
1st. Because the passage of the resolutions will have a tendency to paralyze the efforts of the national administration in the operation of a measure calculated, by it, for the public good, without the most remote prospect of any important advantage resulting from them.
2d. Because we consider them as assuming incorrect premises, in insinuating that the embargo is the cause of our present embarrassments; when in fact we view as their essential and ultimate cause, the conflicting ordinances of the belligerent nations of Europe.
3d. Because if the resolutions were to attain the proposed object; and were to be followed by a rescinding of the embargo under existing circumstances, we should consider our situation as replete with distress and embarrassment; for in most cases we see no expedient which can be resorted to, but either to navigate our vessels under British licences and taxation, which, besides prostrating our sovereignty and substantiality reconizing us in relation to Great-Britain, would inevitably involve us in a war with France; or by allowing our ships to arm and resist the ordinances of the belligerents, would necessarily plunge us in a war with Great-Britain; as by reason of her possessing the control of the ocean, we should be most liable to the enforcement of her orders of council.
4th. Because we apprehend the true interests of this country ought to induce the un-
divided wish of remaining at peace, so long as is consistent with national honor and sovereignty. And as for the reasons above suggested, we consider a departure from existing measures as inevitably involving us in war; we cannot too solemnly deprecate the injudicious tendency or the resolutions to produce such an event; an event replete with the most gloomy anticipations, and incalculable in its consequences.
5th. Because we conceive the probable effect of the resolutions, by showing a distrust, at this alarming crisis, in the measures of the government, will be to invite evasions of the embargo, and to excite resistance to the laws.
6th. Because we consider the resolutions, by advertising to the late administration of the general government, and bestowing on them all their approbation, in relation to the preservation and prosperity of commerce, navigation and the fisheries, as intending the inference: that the present administration have neglected to foster objects so essential to the interests of the United States, and peculiarly dear to Massachusetts—If such be the intent of the resolutions, we deem it unjust. In no instance have our commerce, navigation and fisheries prospered so extensively, as many years under our present rulers. At no period have they embraced so large an amount, as in the year ending in September last. And we cannot conceive how an administration whose financial operations, both in relation to the payment of our national debt, and its own support, are exclusively predicated on commercial arrangements, can be deemed desirous of annihilating them. Indeed, had the same causes existed under the former administrations for imposing an embargo—had the convulsions and injustice of the old world reached us in a similar manner as at present, with their desolating effects; we are confident the measure would have been resorted to, at the last anchor of hope, and the only ark of safety to our sovereignty and peace.
7th. Because the preamble or the Resolutions state as their cause, the circumstance of others having passed the last session of the Legislature, of a different nature—and represents as their object, the removing of any false impressions, which may have been excited, respecting the views of this state in regard to the Embargo—It will be recollected that the Resolutions of the last session went to support, not to paralyze the national administration, in this alarming crisis of our affairs. Their object was to strengthen the public arm, and not to weaken it. To inspire general confidence, and not excite universal distrust. But the present Resolutions, we apprehend, will have an opposite tendency. While they embrace the sinews of the citizen at home, they will add new vigor to the belligerent abroad, in pursuing their atrocious system of infracting the rights of neutrals. Europe will consider us a divided and distracted people.—She will gain fresh hopes from our division, and perhaps will contemplate with satisfaction, that the pressure of her injustice, will have the two-fold effect of compelling us to accede to the most dishonorable terms, and of giving a new sanction to the principle maintained by despots, THAT THE PEOPLE ARE THEIR OWN WORST ENEMIES.
8th. Because we conceive the reposing a proper degree of confidence in the exercise of executive power according to the forms and spirit of the constitution, as the most important of civil duties. If, in times of critical anxiety and apprehension, this confidence can be shaken without an essential cause, it will prove ultimately fatal to all Republican institutions. By introducing continual vibrations of the public sentiments, and fluctuations of individual opinion, without proper reasons, the way is paved, by altering the general sentiment, for a radical change in the substance of our social institutions; and affords to the enemies of our happy constitution, an opportunity to introduce systems where force will govern instead of popular opinion, and where the strong arm of power will not even desire a reasonable confidence in relation to its measures.
Signed by 168 members.
All the public business having been passed upon, a joint committee was raised to acquaint the Governor thereof, and request a recess until November. But the Governor and Council having adjourned, before the committee could execute their mission, the House adjourned until to-morrow, at 9 o'clock.
SATURDAY, June 11.—The committee on the pay roll reported the same, amounting to 21,290 dollars.—Read and accepted.
The Secretary came in with a message from His Excellency the Governor, informing the House that His Excellency had approved of a number of acts passed the present Session, the heads of which he read, but want of room obliges us to omit publishing them till our next.
The Secretary also at the same time communicated the following message from His Excellency the Governor.
The Hon. Mr. Morton made a motion that a Committee be raised to suspend for a short time, the message of adjournment, in order that the house might take into consideration the subject of His Excellency's last message. The House entered into an animated debate, and were seriously engaged in it, when in the midst of the debate the Secretary came in and informed the House that it was His Excellency's pleasure, by and with the advice and consent of the council, and at the request of the two branches of the Legislature, to adjourn them to the 2nd Thursday of November next, then to meet at the State-House, in Boston, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, and that they were adjourned accordingly.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
The following Message, from the Governor of the State of Massachusetts, respecting the manner of appointing electors of President and Vice President was transmitted to the Legislature of that State on Saturday week.
GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, and GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
I have just received your message by your committee, informing me that you are not now detained by the public concerns of the commonwealth, and request to be adjourned to the second Thursday of November next.
I have not observed amongst the acts and resolves of this session any order, bill, or resolves of the Legislature, directing the manner of appointing electors of President and Vice President of the U. States.
The constitution of the U. States provides that "Congress may determine the time of choosing electors of President and Vice President." The act of congress passed the 1st day of March, 1792, provides, "that the electors shall meet on the 1st Wednesday in
December, and shall have been appointed within 34 days then next preceding." The day you propose to adjourn to, appears to have been fixed upon under an idea that the legislature will direct that the manner of appointing the electors shall be by the Senate and House of Representatives, and not by the people; because there will be no time between the day you propose to be adjourned to, and the first Wednesday in December, for provision to be made by law for it, and for the people to choose in either districts or by a general ticket. This mode of appointment has no other authority, but these words in the constitution "each state shall appoint, in such manner, as the legislature thereof shall direct, a number of electors."
The legislature of Massachusetts, in 1788 by resolve in usual form, ordered the appointment to be by the choice of the people in districts. In 1792, the appointment was in the same manner. And the same manner was adopted by a formal resolve in 1796. At giving in the votes, the selectmen of towns, & the assessors of plantations presided, and counted and recorded the votes in open town meetings. In 1800, a resolve was passed by the senate and house of representatives, and approved and signed by the governor, that the "General court, on the 10th of November, (then) next, being then in session, will by joint ballot of the Senate and house of Representatives, elect and choose sixteen persons, as electors of President and Vice President of the U. States." The election or appointment of electors, in the year 1804, was by the votes of the people in a general ticket throughout the state, in which the selectmen and assessors were to warn the meetings, and preside as before. This was done by a formal resolve, taking force in five days, as the governor neglected it. Should I now accede to the adjournment you propose, without making any suggestions of difficulties that may arise from the manner in which you may find yourselves obliged to appoint electors; it might be considered, that I ought then to be foreclosed, because a consent to the adjournment, would by fair implication, be proof of my having previously consented to the mode. But should you continue your request to be so adjourned, without having previously provided for the appointment of electors the way will be fairly open for any objections which I shall then feel myself obliged to make.
I do not attempt to state any objection to the appointment of electors by the two Houses, or even to say that I shall make any; but having been always an enthusiast in the principles of an elective republic, I have regarded with pleasure the barriers placed round the election of our national Chief Magistrate by the constitution and the law. The constitution provides "that the electors shall give in their votes on the same day throughout the United States." The law provides that the day "shall be the first Wednesday in December, and within thirty days after the electors are appointed." This is evidently intended to prevent foreign influence, as well as combinations between the electors of different States, and the parties under whose influence they are. There can be no doubt in the mind of every one acquainted with the present General Court, but that the exercise of the power to appoint electors themselves would be with great fairness and impartiality; but it is an old and useful observation, that the doing of good by incorrect or wrong means, has a more dangerous tendency than doing wrong. I can conceive that if we should be continued under an elective republic, strong parties may produce a Senate and House of Representatives, who in the month of June may know the strength of each side, and who may then, under a resolution to appoint the electors themselves, ascertain the names of the electors, as accurately as they shall be known after their appointment. In this way the benefits intended by the constitution and laws, for guarding the purity of the election of the first National magistrate, will be subverted.
There are many towns and plantations which could not choose Representatives, and therefore are deprived of that privilege, which they would have according to the manner of appointing electors in the four former elections. Nor is there, that I know of, any reason to believe that when the present Senate and House were elected, their constituents had an expectation, that the general Court would appoint electors themselves.
JAMES SULLIVAN. Council Chamber, 9th June.
BALTIMORE, June 18.
Condemned yesterday morning in the District Court of the U. States, the ship Alligator , schr. Juliana for violating the embargo law, and the schooner Sea Flower , for a violation of the coasting law.
General Turreau, the French Minister arrived here on Friday from Baltimore.
We understand, that dispatches have been received from General Armstrong of a late date in April. General Armstrong was then in Paris. The Osage had not been detained by the French Government, but by Gen. Armstrong, to take his communications for our government. She was soon to return to England, whence she would soon sail for the U. States, without returning to France.—We do not learn that any extraordinary circumstances had occurred.—Nat. Int.
COMMUNICATION.
The dignified and consistent conduct of the Hon. William Gray, Esq. in opposing the passage of Wheaton's Resolutions in the Senate, and that part of the answer to the Governor's Speech which contains a philippic against the Embargo, &c. cannot fail to afford peculiar pleasure to the friends and supporters of the General Government, and ought to have produced in the opposition a solemn pause.
The vast capital this gentleman has employed in navigation, his extensive and correct information on Commercial subjects, and his undoubted integrity, entitle his opinion on that subject to high consideration, and will be viewed by the candid and upright as of great weight and importance.
But Gallio like, the Opposition care for none of these things; but like those who bound themselves with an oath not to eat or drink till they had killed Paul, they appear determined to persevere in their wicked opposition, until the General Government is prostrate at their feet.
Essex Register.
NEW-YORK, June 16.
A letter dated Cape of Good Hope, April 16, 1808, to a respectable Mercantile House in this city, from H. M. Beare, of the ship Martha , from Calcutta to New-York, says—"I beg leave to inform you of my safe arrival here on the 12th inst. and on my anchoring I was immediately boarded and taken possession of by a boat from the British ship
of war Sceptre , captain Bingham, and have been detained ever since, with several other American vessels, without assigning any cause."
By the following permit given capt. Barge of the brig St. Tammany , bound to Port Petre (Guad.) it appears that the English government have relaxed their orders in council so far as to permit American vessels to enter even blockaded French ports for the purpose of bringing off their property.
"His Majesty's ship Lilly , at anchor off Isle Deserte, April 18, 1808."
In consequence of his Britannic Majesty's order in council of the 3d of February last permitting neutrals to go to enemy's colonies to recover their property, you are hereby permitted to proceed to your port of destination, notwithstanding the warning written on the back of your Register."
"H. W. SHERIFF, capt."
NORTH-CAROLINA, Newbern, June 16
The Federal Court for the Pamptico district was held in this town on Friday by his Honor Judge Potter. The vacancy in the office of District Attorney, occasioned by the much lamented death of Mr. Woods, not having been filled, Mr. Carthy accepted the appointment of Attorney for the U. States for the term. As well as we could judge from our attendance in court about forty judgments were taken on Custom-house bonds. Amidst this evidence of the severe pressure of embarrassment among the mercantile part of this District, we observed with pleasure that three only of the Bonds were taken at this Custom-House.
Several cases of seizures by the collector of Occoacock, for alleged breaches of the Embargo laws, came before the Court.—No libels having been filed in consequence of the vacancy in the office of the Attorney no final decree was made in any of those cases. Two vessels and their cargoes claimed by Mr. Shaw of Elizabeth, and two others claimed by Mr. Powell of the same place, had been appraised under an order of the Judge in the vacation. His Honor Judge Taylor appeared as advocate in these cases, for the Collector of Occoacock (his brother,) and urged with eloquence several objections against the appraisement, which he moved might be rejected. Judge Potter, with his usual force and perspicuity, stated the practice and the law of the cases, overruled the objections and received the appraisements, agreeably to which, the property was ordered to be replevied. Three lighters owned by Captains Daniels, Rowlin and Tuck, were ordered to be appraised & permitted to be replevied.
The libel against the brig Hollon owned by Mr. Mastin of this place, was tried. The ground of the libel was a charge of importing slaves contrary to a law of this state, for which violation, the vessel is forfeited by act of Congress. It appeared that the vessel bound on a voyage from the West Indies to Philadelphia, had put into Occoacock in distress; that the Captain with a view to his own interest, had landed slaves; that the owner with commendable promptitude, gave information of the fact to the officers, who conceiving it to be their duty, seized the vessel. She was acquitted.
The County Court was opened here on Monday. The court consisting of five justices, dismissed the jury, notwithstanding a trial docket of two hundred causes was prepared to pass before them.
ST. ALBANS, (Vt.) June 2.
By a gentleman who arrived in town yesterday directly from Rutland, we are informed that his excellency Gov. Smith has ordered two companies of militia, consisting of 60 men each, and 20 cavalry, to repair immediately to guard our frontiers! We momentarily expect their arrival. This detachment, we understand, is to be commanded by Major Williams. We learn, it has been intimated to his excellency, that we are too much interested in this country to prevent the running of our rafs, pot ash, &c. But we can with propriety say, that those who are now stationed at the lines have, like independent soldiers, done all that their country means would possibly permit them to do. On Sunday evening captain Hopkins stationed at Windmill point, with his company of soldiers, took a bateau which was floating rapidly to market, containing 25 barrels of pot-ash; and on Monday evening lieut. Vintimore and 15 men boarded and took possession of a small bateau, which was loaded with about two tons of pot-ash, and rowed it safely into the harbour. Notwithstanding the hands on board these vessels were armed with cudgels, no heads have been broken, no blood spilt, either in this or any previous conflict.
One hundred and seventy barrels of pot-ash, and 100 barrels of pot-ash belonging to people in Middlebury, and a sloop with 200 chests of tea on board, without owners, were several days since taken, and now remain in the hands of government. Notwithstanding every means have been taken to avoid prosecutions, some have already commenced, and more will undoubtedly take place shortly.
NEW-YORK, June 10.
Captain Chester, in the brig George , sailed from this port for Charlestown on the 7th. By the return of the pilot who took his vessel out, he sent up the following for publication.
"June 7th. The brig George in passing the Narrows, seeing a gay boat ahead, distance half a mile, hove too for her. In a few minutes a boat was dispatched to board the George ; the boarding officer firing a musket loaded with a ball, under her bowsprit, was asked, why he fired when the vessel was laying too for him? He replied, 'you should have hove too upon the other tack'; at the same instant a gun was fired from the boat no. 50, whose shot struck the brig's stern, & shattered the frame of one of the windows. The officer observed it was a HARD and Query have they a right to fire HARD wads into vessels laying too?"
JOHN N. CHESTER."
EUROPE.
Translations from French papers, received at Philadelphia, by the Girdon .
BORDEAUX, April 6.
H. M. the emperor and king (with the empress) arrived in Bordeaux on the 5th of this month, at 8 o'clock in the evening. He was expected on the morning of the same day, and the people that bordered the banks, the guard of honor and garrison in battle array before the triumphal arch consecrated to Napoleon, anticipated by their wishes, the moment in which the most admired and the most beloved of sovereigns would enter one of his good towns, a loyal and faithful city. On the report that his majesty would not arrive before the 5th inst., the troops returned to the barracks, and the inhabitants to their houses. There had remained but a small number of guards of honor, some on foot and some on horseback, at the time of the landing of his majesty who was immediately conducted to the palace of the prefecture. H. M. announced that he would receive the next day magistrates, who were yesterday admitted to present their homage and received answered full of kindness. His majesty condescended to converse with the members of the chamber of commerce, inquired about the state of the city, and unfolded, during the conversation, such a knowledge both general and particular of the trade, as to astonish the merchants themselves: he gave them sanguine hopes. They withdrew as much sensible for the reception they had received, as they were pleased with the promises of a monarch who never made any in vain. His majesty went out afterwards from the palace, escorted by the horse guards of honor, repaired to the Champ de Mars, reviewed the troops, went afterwards to the river, stepped into the city-yacht, sailed all over the port, landed opposite to the victual stores, mounted his horse, went as far as Trompette castle, rode thro' every yard of this fortress, and re-entered his palace. We cannot express all the joy, love and enthusiasm that shone forth every where at seeing his majesty. The people had left all the houses, except those from which they could hope to see the monarch. The wharves, streets and public squares were covered with an immense crowd that made the air resound incessantly with the huzza, 'long live the emperor,' whilst the vessels dressed with a variety of flags and pendants flying, and the thundering noise of their artillery, seemed to give life to the river itself, and inspire the joy which sparkled with so much sensibility throughout the city. H. M. when he went to the play, would have no other escort, but his guard of honor of Bordeaux, that he has graciously been pleased to permit to perform duty in the palace.
Paris, April 17.—It is now certain that H. M. the emperor will go to Spain.—This monarch left Bordeaux on the 13th inst. and took the route of Bayonne. When he appeared at the gallery of the great hall of the exchange, the unanimous huzzas of long live the emperor , were heard together with wishes for the preservation of a prince to whom France is indebted for her safety and glory. Before he came down his majesty saluted the assembly, with expressions of esteem and kindness, that would have increased, if it had been possible the high opinion and sentiments they entertained for his sacred person.
Besides the four frigates that have returned from a cruise, as we announced lately, two other vessels of the imperial navy, after a cruise of three months, in which they made rich prizes on the enemy, have arrived at Toulon, on the 28th ult.
Venice, April 3.—Mr. Rabinet, the consul general of France, received on the 23d of last month, from M. Bozieres, the French commissary, a letter informing him that the combined squadrons of ten sail of the line, many frigates, and a few transports had happily arrived at Corfu, on the 27th of February. Their arrival had obliged the enemy's vessels to abandon those seas. On the next day there arrived in our port a French cutter with dispatches for the governor general. There has been from that day a great battle in the port, which induces us to believe that the small Italian squadron which is here, the whole army, as well as the Russian frigates and sloops of war will soon put to sea. The cutter set sail again immediately for Trieste, probably to carry dispatches to three Russian ships of the line and three frigates that are there. We expect to see the Venetian gulf the seat of scenes of an uncommon interest. It is affirmed to-day, that the French squadron under adm'l Ganteaume has completely succeeded in providing the island of Corfu with the provisions and ammunitions that were sent to him by general Lemarquis, the governor of the province of Ancona.
TURKEY.
Constantinople, March 6.—The truce between Turkey and Russia is prolonged two months longer. These two powers have already agreed on the preliminary articles of a peace, through the interposition of general Sebastiani, the French ambassador. During these two months, they will settle the other articles. The Porte, out of regard for the emperor Napoleon, has just consented to the passage of French troops through the Ottoman empire, and it is assured she will give great proofs of the esteem and regard she entertains for his I. M. For some time past several couriers have been dispatched to Persia and the East-Indies, most of them by Gen. Sebastiani who still continues to enjoy the greatest consideration. It is likewise assured that the sultan himself after some deliberation in the Divan, has granted to a French army, destined for an expedition in the East-Indies, leave to cross the province of Albania, and that several couriers have already been dispatched to the governors thereof with orders to facilitate, as much as will lay in their power, the march of the French, and to treat them as friends. Though there is much talk here of the march of a great number of Austrian regiments towards our frontiers, well informed people are without uneasiness, and convinced that the harmony which exists between the courts of Constantinople and Vienna shall not be interrupted. We are still ignorant here who the person is that H. M. will appoint as his ambassador near the court of France the first.
Madrid, April 5.—The tranquility that these few days had disturbed in this capital, by the secret intrigues of a few malcontents, has been restored by the following energetic proclamation of the new king:
"The king, your master, whilst he rejoiced at seeing the good reception that the inhabitants of Madrid gave to the troops of his august ally the emperor of the French, quartered within the precincts of this city, is very much displeased at the imprudence and malevolence of a few individuals who disturbed this good harmony."
"As this injudicious conduct so unworthy

of the generous sentiments of every loyal Spaniard, arises from a ridiculous and ill-founded mistrust of the intention with which the said troops are animated, who are in this city and other provinces of the kingdom, his majesty advises his subjects for the last time to remove all fears on that account, and assures them that the intentions of the French government in harmony with his, far from concealing any hostile projects, or any invasion, aim only at the execution of great measures contrived with his majesty against the common enemy.
"This ought to be sufficient to remove the fears of any wise man and induce him to receive eagerly such estimable guests. If however, any body was rash and hostile enough to both allied nations, as to seek opportunities to disturb this respectable and reciprocal friendship either by his actions or discourses, be it known to the public that the guilty shall be punished without delay with the utmost rigor, by a government father like towards faithful and submissive subjects, but firm, just and inflexible for the guilty."
The trial of the Prince of Peace is not yet opened. This former favorite is closely shut up in a castle within three leagues of Madrid, where he is guarded by 100 body guards and 500 infantry.
We hear from Ceuta, that a detachment of 100 Englishmen landed at Mel, a place in that island; but the Spaniards gave them so warm a reception, that not one could embark—there were 13 of them killed among whom were a lieut. and ensign, 23 wounded, and 64 taken prisoners.
RUSSIA.
Petersburg, March 25. —The Russian troops that occupied Lithuania have almost all been ordered to another place. Most of the regiments that were stationed in this great Duchy have directed their route towards the Dnieper and the Dniester, or In-gria. The fleet of the Revel is completely fitted, and it is believed that it will soon be put to sea, and to take on board a body of troops that are assembled at Estonia. The Swedish ambassador has demanded and obtained his passport, is still here. He will repair shortly to Revel and wait there for the arrival of a frigate of his nation, that is to bring him back to his own country.
They have found in the Swedish fortress of Swartholm taken by our troops, besides a garrison of 800 men well victualled, 250 cannons. All the individuals born in Finland that formed a part of the garrison, have been sent back home. The Swedes only remained prisoners of war. Gripenberg, a Swedish colonel, was the commander of the place. The mortars and bombs that were found there are to be employed in the siege of Sweaborg. The colors taken from the enemy in Finland have just been brought into this city, and deposited in the war-office.
DECLARATION.
The emperor has informed all the cabinets of Europe and his own subjects, of the perseverance with which he has not ceased to set up near the king of Sweden, his rights founded on treaties, by claiming the co-operation of this prince against England.
After this step taken a month ago, the emperor heard with grief that, whilst he was taking so much care to preserve friendship between Russia and Sweden, this latter power sought for, and preferred, that of England her enemy.
H. I. M. had not concealed from the king of Sweden, nor from all Europe, that the safety of his subjects required that he should have recourse to every means which providence had granted him, to the end that he should use them for the prosperity of his empire. H. M. following the dictates of his moderation, had still announced that he was ready to change the measure of mere prudence, if the king of Sweden was inclined, without any delay, to fulfil his engagements and would co-operate with him and the king of Denmark, to shut the Baltic sea against the fleets of England.
The silence kept by the king, the intelligence given in the newspapers of a treaty that puts at the disposal of this monarch, subsidies, a fleet and part of the troops of Great-Britain, every thing was irrefragable proof of what sentiments this monarch entertained towards Russia; every thing proved that the emperor waited in vain for a favorable change in the sentiments of the king, and that it was high time for his majesty, to screen, once for all his subjects, from the evils which were secretly meditated against them.
His majesty is now obliged to change measures, as he has just learnt that on the 3d of March, his minister at Stockholm was put under arrest by the king's order, that by his order also, all the legation were confined in the same house, that this monarch had taken upon himself to order the seals to be put on the archives and the correspondence of the ministry, and that the whole legation is guarded by a military force. The diplomatic body that reside in Stockholm, have been so sensible of the affront, that they have entered their protest against an outrage unexampled, except amongst the Turks.
His majesty could use reprisals, but has preferred to enjoin his ministers to redouble their cares and attention towards the Swedish ambassador, who is yet in Petersburg, and take care that he might leave this city when he pleases, without experiencing the least trouble, or the slightest inconveniences either here or on the road.
His majesty now informs all the powers of Europe, that from this moment he looks at the part of Finland till this time regarded as belonging to Sweden, and which his troops have taken after several combats, but as a province conquered by his arms and that he adds it forever to his empire.
His majesty expects from Providence, that it will be pleased to bless again his arms in the continuation of this war, and assist him in removing from the frontiers of his empire all the evils to which his enemies endeavored to expose it.
Done in St. Petersburg, March 16.
PROCLAMATION.
By his honor Robert Nicholas, Esq. Lieutenant governor and commander in chief in and over the island of Curacao and its dependencies.
WHEREAS it appears to me that a scarcity of provisions of every kind will in all probability be felt on this island during the remainder of this year, but more particularly of the undermentioned articles, viz. Flour, corn, salt beef, salt pork, jerked beef, fish, fruit, papillons and coffee. And whereas I see it expedient, to prevent the inconvenience attending such scarcity, to encourage the importation of said articles in licensed Spanish and neutral bottoms; Notice therefore is hereby given, that for six months, from the date of this my proclamation, flour,
corn, salt beef, salt pork, jerked beef, fish, fruit, papillons and coffee when imported on board licensed Spanish or neutral bottoms, shall be admitted to entry at the Custom-House at Curacao until the 30th day of November, 1808, accordingly.
Given under my hand and seal at arms at the Government House, Fort Amsterdam, this 30th day of Mar., 1808. &c. (Signed) ROBERT NICHOLAS. By his Honour's command, JOHN CORSER, Secretary.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JUNE 24, 1808.
SUBMISSION—OR—THE EMBARGO?
No. V.
We must apologise to our readers for having so long expatiated upon the pecuniary views of this subject. We are satisfied, that "no temptation" of temporary gain, "no prospect of wealth" could possibly induce the great majority of them to abandon the real honor and permanent interests of their country. They are not so far gone in corruption, as to give up every thing for the mess of pottage . The question now therefore is, can submission be consonant with the honor of this country?
What is the honor of a great nation? It is not that empty pride which consists of the forms and tricks of Etiquette. It is not the claiming of the first place among the procession of ambassadors at a court nor the first seat at table for an ambassador's wife. It is not in captivating the public eye by magnificent palaces, or all the gaudy exterior of despotic governments, nor in displaying all the embellishments of military force. It is not in going to war for a word, nor a form, nor the empty credit of a name. Nor when this spirit is roused, is it confined to professions or to bluster; to the war of words or the vapor of menaces.
A nation that regards its honor, will neither commit injustice; nor silently submit to it. It will neither complain without a sufficient cause; nor will it dishonor its complaints by acts of submission. It is not easily provoked to war, nor is it easily persuaded into a tacit acquiescence in injustice. When its great rights are invaded, it does not confine itself to the mere language of remonstrance and complaint. Such a nation knows how to suffer and to act: to endure every privation, rather than abandon its independence; and if necessary, to unsheathe the sword, to conquer or to die.
The honor of a nation consists in this; that while it respects the rights of others, it never silently submits to a violation of its own. As it regards the United States, they have never ceased to respect the rights of other nations. It is only in submitting to the usurpations of others therefore, that their honor is likely to be endangered.
It is when the great interests of a nation are violated without any manifestation of resistance, that their honor becomes the sacrifice. It is on such occasions, that submission becomes contrary to all the rules of prudence and the principles of justice; because on these occasions her character is gone; foreign nations have no cause to dread her resentment for their frequent perpetration of the same or greater enormities; and this unfortunate nation is destined to be ill-laughing stock and the foot-ball of every power who chooses to insult her.
But never have the Great rights of the United States been so seriously assailed, as at this moment. Never would submission be so dishonorable as at this moment. What are these great injuries?
Nature intended the ocean as a great highway for the powers of the earth. It is the great chain which binds the civilized world together in one community of interest. It is that, which is beneficial to one and to all the nations who inhabit its coasts. It is that to which all nations have a right, but in which none have a property. And as soon might any power think of laying claim to the element of the air, as to this great highway of waters.
These are principles which are not only founded in nature, but have been admitted by every rational statesman. No nation had hitherto presumed to deny by their practice, that the seas were free. Every nation had admitted the right of the vessels of another, freely to navigate the ocean and sail directly to the country even of their enemy, except in a few specified cases, as contraband of war, actual blockade of ports, &c. No power had hitherto dared to prostrate the established laws of nations, and to make its will the standard of nature and of justice. By what right then does Great-Britain, or France, or any other nation, dare to control our commerce? What right have they to tell us, as Great-Britain has told us, "you shall not resort to the highway of the universe but by my permission? You shall not carry even your own native productions to any of the countries of Europe, but at my sovereign dispensation. You shall derange the course of your voyages. I will prescribe to you the very lines, on which you must navigate the high seas. You shall bring all your cargoes to my ports; and if I please, you may afterwards export them to the continent. But remember, for this privilege, you are to pay me tribute . Your cargoes shall be compelled to pay such duties in my ports, as I may choose to exact; and you are to contribute to the expenses of my wars, in which you have not the slightest concernment."
What? And are there men in this country, who would have had us meanly submit to these encroachments? The U. States are a free and independent nation. They have taken their ground among the nations of the earth. On the 4th of July, 1776, this nation became the heir of all the rights of sovereign power. It was thenceforth entitled to the freedom of the high seas, under the same restrictions only as the law of nations had prescribed to the whole world. We alone had the right to regulate our commerce.
And are there men in the United States who would have us abandon this commanding character? Unfortunately there are. There are men in the U. States who drew their first breath in Europe, and in whose bosoms neither gratitude nor habit can light up any serious regard for the interests of this country. There are some, the sons of this soil, who, like Philip Barton Key, had been bribed by British gold or British pensions, to range themselves under the banners of our enemy. From such men what can now be expected? There are others whom their principles and habits have bound to oppose the administration; who would rather see the interests of their country ruined by a piratical enemy, than rally around the banners of that administration, in opposing our common enemy. From such men, what can now be expected?
What! and would even this latter class of deluded men meanly consent to surrender our high-minded and illustrious privileges for the miserable remnant of a shackled commerce? Would they meanly re-echo the humiliating sentiments of the usurper of the seas? Would they say to his Britannic Majesty: "Sire, we admit your pretensions. Proclaim your rights over the ocean; and we shall submit to your commands. It is true, there are some visionary fools among us, who think that we are completely a sovereign and independent nation; who point to the blood of our heroes shed in battle, and to the treasures spent in opposing your measures; and who ask us, why all this blood and treasure was expended, but to secure our national independence? But excuse their mistakes, Sire; they know not what they do. These men are ignorant that we have secured only one half of our independence; that we have the absolute right of jurisdiction on land ; but no rights on the seas; no privileges of foreign commerce, but by thy special permission. It is thine to deprive us of all commercial intercourse with the rest of the world; it is thine to make us pay for the scanty privilege which you choose to leave us. It is our's to submit without resistance to thy sovereign sway."
These may not be the words or the intentions of some of the opponents of the embargo; but such is the spirit, that heavily pervades their measures. They would have us submit to an encroachment, which will cut us off from a commercial intercourse with the rest of the world, at the sovereign will of another nation. What is this but to resign one of the most valuable germs, of our sovereignty and independence? What is it, but to sink once more into the degradation of colonial servitude?
But the heroes of '76 did NOT sink beneath the similar encroachments of the same power. What was their great ground of resistance? The splendid history of those times will tell us that it was principally the usurpation of a right to lay a tax on stamps and colours, glass and tea; in the words of the Declaration of Independence:
"For imposing taxes on us without our own consent."
But is not the very same usurpation practised now? Had G. Britain contented herself with taxing that part of our trade, which was bound to her own ports, we should have had no cause of complaint. We might even have retaliated. But when she attempts to tax our trade to the continent, it is the height of usurpation. What is it to us, whether G. Britain attempts to lay a tax on stamps or this species of tax on cotton? They who would inculcate a submission to either of them, must be very profound causers indeed, who could point out a very perceptible distinction between the two cases.
But it is not in this respect alone, that we have now to complain of a repetition of the very aggressions, which led to our revolution. There is another article of complaint, recorded on the Declaration of Independence, which now also exists. It is:
"For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world."
Little ingenuity however will show that our colonial situation in this respect was even better, than ours would have been under the British Orders of Council.
Those who are conversant with the history of British oppressions, will recollect, that a distinction was made in the colonial exports between enumerated and non-enumerated commodities . The first, which derived their name from having been enumerated in the navigation and some other subsequent acts, were confined to the market of the mother country alone. The last might be exported directly to other countries in British or Plantation ships. Among these last, were some of the most important productions of this country; as grain of all sorts, lumber, salt provisions, fish &c. No thanks to Great Britain for this privilege; because it was dictated by no regard to the interests of America, but by a mercantile jealousy lest most of these articles should interfere too much with the produce of the mother country. This jealousy was carried so far, that in the ordinary state of the law, the exportation to G. Britain of all grain, except rice, and of salt provisions, was actually prohibited.
At first, the non-enumerated commodities could be exported to all parts of the world. But by the 6th of George 3, c. 52, they were confined, as to the European market, to the countries that lie South of Cape Finisterre. "Those parts of Europe," says the shrewd A. Smith, "were not manufacturing countries, and we were less jealous of the colony ships carrying home from them any manufactures which could interfere with our own."
Now mark the superior disadvantages of our present situation. The British orders of council recognize no distinction between the enumerated and non-enumerated commodities . The whole commerce of the United States to Europe, except to Sweden, must pass through British ports; and in several instances it must purchase that privilege, by paying a tribute to the British Treasury.
It is surely unnecessary to press this subject any further. There is no light under which we can contemplate its relations to our national character, in which we do not see that character disgraced by a suspension of the embargo previous to a revocation of the British Orders of Council. So that, whether we consider this measure in regard to our interests or to our honor , it seems irresistibly certain;
That the EMBARGO is preferable to Submission.
The noted John Smith has addressed a long letter of resignation to the governor of the state of Ohio, instead of the president of the Senate of the United States. The reason assigned for this course is, that he may not be under "any obligation to conform to any of the ceremonies of retiring which are not agreeable to him, and that he wishes to give his reasons for withdrawing from political life, and to give them with more freedom than might possibly be considered consistent with the courtly style which might be required in an address to the Senate."
In this very modest letter, Mr. S. enters into a laboured vindication of his own conduct, protesting all the while that his determination to abandon a public life has nothing at all to do with these circumstances, and thus depriving himself of the only merit which he could now assume. Like the hero of Junius, he means to be politically consistent to the very last; and having lived without virtue, he is determined to die without repentance. The only regret is, that he should have been sufered to die the honorable death of resignation. Political homicide won't have suited such a criminal better than suicide;
and instead of being permitted to march off whenever it suited himself, he should rather have been driven off the stage amidst the hisses and clamours of his indignant brethren.
But no; in all conscience. This most modest Senator has no sins of his own to repent of. This second Timon is determined to fly the haunts of men, because the times are too bad for him; because the vassalage of party is too great to be borne by an independent mind ; and because he—who was but the humble tool of Aaron Burr—is too "feeble and insufficient" to stem this overwhelming current. "Well then," "benignant spirit, go thy ways." May the sweets of conscience console thee in thy retirement; and along with them the only recompence which this country can offer thee; her thanks that you have done for yourself, what her indignant sons should have done for her; and that you have left a "place which may be filled by one" of greater zeal and "more ability to support the honor and interests of this nation."
COLLECTORS! BE ON YOUR GUARD!
It is said, that some of the American vessels which were caught in Europe by the embargo, have not since returned to this country, but have been employed by the British merchants in conveying their fraudulent trade to the ports of the continent. Several of these vessels have been taken up for the Russian trade; and no doubt on very high and lucrative freights. The federal papers, in their usually consistent spirit, have made these circumstances even the themes of new abuse against the administration. But their views have not terminated here. By contrasting the profits of these freighting voyages with the expenses of such vessels as are now employed in our ports, they seem determined to tempt the rapacity of our ship owners, to evade our embargo and to send off an additional number of our vessels, to aid their suffering brethren of Britain. The following is one of those many bits— a pluribus unum —extracted from the Boston Centinel of the 11th inst.
"AMERICAN VESSELS—In England American vessels are daily taken up to make foreign voyages—Many on freight which are calculated to produce to a vessel of 300 tons from 1000 to 13000 dollars, in three months."
These invitations, however, will really operate against the federal cause. Though they may tempt some honest merchant to evade the embargo laws, yet they serve to animate the perseverance of this country by proving the great pressure under which the trade and manufactures of Britain are now labouring. If the freights of a vessel can nett between 45 and 50,000 $ a year, how great must be the competition for vessels! How strong the anxiety to get the British manufactures to market! These facts are calculated to confirm one prediction at least, of the friends of the embargo. They serve to shew, that the manufacturers of Britain must severely feel the embarrassments arising from a diminution of their exportations to the continent, under the cover of the only neutral flag, now on the ocean.
To prevent any relief from these otherwise increasing embarrassments, the collectors of our customs are earnestly requested to be on the alert! They are empowered under the first embargo law to arrest every vessel, if not a "foreign ship or vessel," even "in ballast."
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The tory party in the United States have lately been making considerable stir about what they call the unjust seizure of American property, by order of the French emperor at Hamburg. These people affect to possess much feeling for the Americans in this instance—when it is a fact very well known to the most of them, that the property seized by the French in Hamburg, is entirely British. There is a gentleman now in this city, who can support this assertion by facts that have come within his own knowledge. He himself had been on board of a ship in the river Weser, with a cargo of sugar and coffee, with a regular set of papers as if she had sailed from Norfolk, Virginia, with a file of Norfolk newspapers on board, and a log-book of a voyage from Norfolk to Hamburg; and a few weeks after, this same gentleman was on board the said ship in the river Thames, waiting there for another cargo of American property. American clearances can be purchased of almost every broker in London: indeed, it is said, that the principal shippers of produce from London to the continent, keep in their own counting-rooms counterfeit stamps of all the principal custom houses in the United States. These are facts well known to most of these people, who are making such a stir about the seizure of American property at Hamburg, and other places on the continent of Europe, but it is believed that the great bulk of the American people are not;—when they are, I am sure they will say at once, that they are not willing to go to war with France to protect property of this description. They will say more: they will say, that the man or party that would wish to involve this country in war for such a cause, is an enemy to our country, and ought to be marked as such.—Fellow-Citizens, take a view of the opposers of our government, the opposers of the embargo, and the clamorers about the seizure of American property at Hamburg, &c. and you will find they are all of the same description of people; men who would damn the prosperity of this country forever, in order to gratify their resentment against a particular power; or who would do any thing in their power to engage this country in the battles of their beloved sovereign George the third against the French emperor.
Citizen Cheetham has pronounced the embargo to be a "mill-stone about the neck of the nation." His opinions on this point are now of very little consequence to the republican party. It is far more important for them to understand the opinions of the Vice-President on this same measure. It cannot surely be true, that on a visit to Oneida county, he did express "his unequivocal and decided opposition to the embargo." This circumstance, however, has been published in the Evening Post; and republished in the Public Advertiser; but none has yet contradicted it. As Mr. Clinton is now in nomination for the offices of President and Vice-President, the people of this country have a right to know whether it be true or false. Unless Cheetham intends to do nothing but injury to his friends, it is his duty to contradict the report.
Luther Martin and the federalists of Baltimore are determined to batter down the administration by paper shot. They are not satisfied with having two news-papers, the North-American and the Federal Gazette , under their supreme command. An association is about to establish a third paper under the amphibious title of " The Federal Republican ." Who does not perceive the master spirit of Luther Martin in the prospects of this new paper? A man, who would not discern the slightest taint of treason in Aaron Burr, is now about to disclose its ever-
whelming influence in the councils of the nation.
This "new light" of this honest politician is intended to form a "new" Era "in our history." The people of the United States are now to see, how rapidly we are "becoming the province of a foreign power;" and "how an unseen hand directs the councils of our country & urges us on to fatal ruin." They are also to see, that "while one enemy assails us without, another is labouring within;" and that "a fixed determination has been betrayed by the party in power, to carry into operation a favorite theory of their leader—the annihilation of commerce"—The administration have asked for nothing more than such preposterous accusations of such men. What respect is due to the accuser, is seen in the scandalous attacks which he has once made upon T. Jefferson, and the attachment which he professes for Aaron Burr. What respect is due to the charge itself, is seen in the large volume of diplomatic correspondence, which Mr. Jefferson has presented to his country.
* Under this signature, several essays have been written by L. M., which breathe the most violent spirit of a British minion; such as the assertion of the right of Great-Britain to have taken the seamen from the Chesapeake; a right, which even Canning himself had abandoned.
The Philadelphia Gazette has published the names of thirty-nine American vessels, captured under the imperial decree of the 17th December and now under sequestration.—Who, after this, will deny the benefits of the embargo?
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
PINDARIC ODES.
ODE X.
TO STEPHEN DECATUR, JUN. C. U. S. S. C. Brave soul! Neptune's adopted darling son, With whom, thou'st many a brilliant cycle run, To thee the Bard might strike, the plausive lay; But Sir, I like not oft to praise the living, It looks too much, like adulation given, By sycophants and knaves, expecting pay. But yet, to those who for their country fell, I'm my power, (their glorious deeds to tell) I'd raise a monument from earth to heaven. Thou wilt not, sir, forget thy ship's disgrace, And which the nation hopes, thou'st soon efface— Yes, Sir! thy planks are stain'd with kindred gore. The shades of freemen, murdered on thy deck, Yet unappeas'd glide by, and solemn beck, To where, their white bones bleach on Henry's shore! Aye! blood hath sprinkled all thy ship about, And blood alone—but blood should wash it out! When then, the trump of war is heard again, Unfurl thy flag, and rush into the main— Thy country's glory with thee, floating round, Thou'lt have, not but thy honor to maintain, Thou must, what has been lost before, regain, And place the nation on her former ground. Can you do this? you can!—will you? you will!— Yes, yes, brave man, thou'lt be Decatur still. —Then will the Muses call their sweetest days, And in symphonious numbers chant thy praise.
SEDLEY.
The RECRUITING SERVICE for raising part of the 6000 regular troops, commenced in this city yesterday, under the auspices of Captain EDWARD DILLARD, of Petersburg.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Whereas I understand there are various reports in circulation concerning the robbery committed on 18th inst. in my store by some malicious person or persons in endeavoring to injure my character by saying, I have concealed the Goods in my own house under pretence of being Robbed; whoever will give information so that the author of said report may be discovered, shall receive the above reward.
SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, June 24. (3d)
FOR SALE.—A likely negro woman who is an extreme good cook, washer and Ironer, for terms apply to the printer. Richmond, June 24. (if)
THE Directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company will meet at the Swan Tavern on Saturday next, at one o'clock, for the purpose of appointing a Keeper of the first toll gate on the said Company's road.—Persons wishing to obtain that appointment will please to make it known to that meeting.
N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. June 24. (1t)
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Lost on Monday evening, between Richmond and C. L. John Mayo's seat, a RED MOROCCO POCKET-BOOK, containing a Virginia Note of fifty dollars, dated in Norfolk, and several small notes of the United States' Bank, together with several papers immaterial to any but the owner. The above reward will be given on their delivery at the Office of the Enquirer. June 24. [2d]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers at private sale all his Stock in Trade, consisting of Groceries, Glass, China and Liverpool Ware. As the assortment is large, it will suit any person or persons willing to follow the trade with advantage—the terms will be liberal and the inventory may be seen; on the fourth of July next, and continue, if not previously sold, till the 1st of October.
Also, for sale, the lower Tenement of that large brick house in which Mrs. Harris has an interest during her life, and three valuable House Lots, who are sold for no fault, but want of employment—For terms apply to AUBIN LAFOREST. [epim] June 24.
IN CHANCERY.—At a court continued by adjournment and held for James City county, the 14th day of June, 1808.
John P. Shields, surviving acting executor, &c. of James Shields, deceased, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Hornsby, Defendant.
The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered hereon or before the said defendant shall appear hereon or before the second Monday in November next and answer the plaintiff's bill, that this court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, and decree the matter thereof accordingly. And it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. Copy. Teste, SAML. SHIELD, C. C. June 24. [law8w]
BLANKS, OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

From the National Intelligencer. We have been favored with the perusal of the examination, before the British house of commons, of witnesses on the petitions for a revocation of the orders of council, made in the latter part of the month of March. This document contains matter nearly equal to the usual contents of an octavo volume. Notwithstanding, therefore, its highly interesting nature, it is impossible to give its contents fully in detail. Their general character, however, is too important to pass without notice. The information given is by men of great wealth and respectability, men of practical knowledge, and rich in the treasures of experience. It will be found to confirm every leading argument taken in this country on the side of the embargo, and, consequently, to strengthen the proofs of the wisdom of the course pursued by our government.
With the view of showing the spirit of this evidence, we shall offer a selection of some of its most prominent points, observing that these are fully confirmed by all the witnesses examined.
These will shew— 1. That the Berlin decree was not the cause of the British orders; that in fact it was not previously enforced. On this point the facts stated are conclusive, proving that there was no previous condemnation under that decree, and that, although before the explanation of the minister Decree there was a temporary rise of insurance, yet that it immediately thereafter fell to the ordinary rate.
2. That the determination of the British government to issue their orders was well known for some weeks previously in England, where it had a considerable effect on their commercial concerns, and that such a purpose was communicated through numerous channels to this country, and, with other causes, led to the embargo.
3. That the immediate effect of those orders in England, was to interrupt commercial transactions with this country long before the embargo was known; that they were considered as likely to lead to war; and, at all events, to destroy the American trade; and that this effect was so extensively produced, that shipments from England to the continent could not be made but at a certain loss.
4. That the non-importation act is viewed in England in the just light of an amicable and precautionary measure on the part of this government, and did not excite any considerable uneasiness in the merchants of England.
5. That the immediate effect of the British orders, before the embargo was known, was to diminish to a great extent the number of manufacturers employed in England; many of whom were thrown altogether out of employ, and others continued at work at rates proportionate to the time they are employed, which, in some instances, is but two or three days in the week.
6. That it is a general practice for the subject of Great-Britain, engaged in that country in trade, to have as a partner, a citizen of the United States; the object being, it is presumed, to evade our revenue laws with regard to foreign goods and vessels, as well as to secure their effects from any dangers apprehended from sequestration, confiscation, &c.
7. It appears that the real credit generally given to our merchants is about eighteen months. This confirms the usual estimate of commercial debts due to English merchants as being about twelve millions sterling, or forty-eight millions of dollars. Add to this their property in our stocks, banks, &c. and it is not, perhaps, extravagant to compute the whole at a hundred millions, which would be jeopardised by war. Will not this operate as a powerful restraint with the British ministry?
8. It appears to be the general impression of the British merchants, that while the orders continue, the American embargo will and ought to continue; that if the embargo be removed, the British orders continuing, it would make but little difference in their shipments; that it is absurd to expect that we should submit to these orders; that they would if acquiesced in, be ruinous to our trade, either by cutting it off altogether, or by producing a glut in the British market which would depress the prices of our produce to a ruinous extent.
9. It appears that England is absolutely dependent upon us for naval stores.
10. It appears that intelligent Englishmen, who have lately been in this country, entertain a high opinion of the quality of those articles manufactured by us, and consider our manufactures as rapidly on the increase.
Mr. George William Wood.—18th day of March.
Q. You have alluded to the present interruptions in the intercourse between the two countries, as the cause to which you impute the protesting the acceptances; in consequence of this interruption, have you restricted your shipments of late to America? A. My house has not made any shipments to America during the present season.
In consequence of this have you either dismissed hands employed in your manufactory, or given fewer orders to the manufacturers for work? In consequence of the interruption which has taken place with America, my house has reduced its manufactory to nearly one half of what it was six months ago.
In what way has this reduction been effected? By limiting the quantity which each workman was allowed to do in a given time. Not by paying him less for the work he has done, but by taking only half the quantity, and paying that at the former proportion? I have made no reduction in the price which I pay for work.
When did you begin to make this reduction in the quantity of work? In the month of November last.
Have you made any further reduction since the beginning of January? I have been gradually reducing my manufactory ever since the month of November.
How long before you and your house heard of the American government having laid an embargo, had this determination begun? Nearly three months.
Before any knowledge of the embargo reached you? Yes.
If to-morrow news were to come, of the American government having withdrawn the embargo, and if the orders of council should still remain in force, what would you and your house still do, with respect to shipments? I do not think my house would export any goods to America.
Although the embargo were taken off, if the orders were to continue? Although the embargo were taken off, and if the orders were still to continue.
For what reason would you still refrain from getting work up for the American markets? From the apprehension that a war might en-
sue between this country and the government of America.
Would that be the only reason to deter you from shipping for the American markets? Yes, it would.
You stated before, that part of your payments at least, although the proportion you could not assign, came in the form of bills drawn by Americans upon the continent; how should you expect, if you reserved your shipments, to get the part of your payments? I do not think the proportion of the payments from the U. S. could be made by bills drawn on the continent.
What was the reason for your contracting your shipments? The article I principally export to America is hats; the manufacturer of hats in America is gradually increasing, and we have gradually experienced a reduction of orders for that article.
Then the reduction of your orders at the latter end of the last year was not in consequence of any measure adopted in this country? Not, in the smallest degree.
Then you should not think your shipments would be as extensive as they were before, if the embargo was taken off in America, not only on account of the orders in council, but also on account of the difficulty of getting remittances to the continent? I said, perhaps, that might have some influence with me, but not much, because, not having had remittances lately from the continent, it is not a thing that I consider.
Have you reduced your manufacture of anything but hats? No.
You were in the habit of sending other manufactures to America? Occasionally, but not regularly.
And you have reduced your manufacture for America in hats only? In hats only.
Had you, when you began to reduce your manufacture, not heard of the stoppage and condemnation of American ships in the ports of France and Holland? I cannot recollect whether I had or not, but that had no effect whatever in the reduction which took place in my manufacture.
Had you no apprehension of any injury to the American trade from that? I had no apprehension of the interruption in the trade between this country and America from that.
To what amount is your annual trade to America? To the amount of about 20,000. a year in hats.
As soon as you and your house heard of the orders in council having been issued, did you form any resolution respecting your American trade? To discontinue exporting any hats to America during the continuance of those orders.
Shakespeare Philips. In what business is your house engaged? Chiefly in the export of the cotton manufacture to the United States of America.
Have you lately, in the house to which you belong, drawn in, in any branch of the American trade? Very considerably indeed, almost totally.
At what time did you begin to cease to make these shipments to America, and to give the necessary orders? The shipments to America take place at particular periods, about the month of February and the month of July.
After the issue of the orders of council to which you have just alluded, did you or your house form any resolution with respect to the American trade? Yes.
To what purpose was this determination? To abstain almost entirely from any further export.
This resolution was taken before any news arrived in the country, of the American embargo? Yes, it was.
In what way was this resolution executed? In reducing very much the manufacture and not purchasing the manufactured goods of Lancashire, which we have formerly done to a very large amount.
Did you give to the workmen whom you formerly have employed, less work to each workman? I cannot precisely answer that question, because our manufactory was chiefly executed by agency.
Did you give fewer orders to those agents? Much less.
In what proportion? Of those articles shipped for the American trade, not half.
In consequence of those diminished orders for articles shipped for the American trade; has the stock in hand diminished or accumulated? It is regularly accumulating.
Notwithstanding the diminished orders? It is.
If the orders in council were withdrawn, would you and your house resume your former exportation to America? We should to a certain degree.
Although the American embargo continued? Yes.
If the American embargo were removed and the orders in council still continued in force, would you and your house resume your former shipments to America? In a very small degree indeed.
But if the embargo were withdrawn, and the orders in council continued, why would you not then send to America? For two reasons: first, I should conceive that from the intercourse being impeded between America and the continent of Europe, I could not expect to receive remittances for the property; but the principal reason is, that I should apprehend those orders in council would produce hostility between this country and America.
Then if the embargo were withdrawn, the orders of council continuing, why should you be less willing to export? I should not conceive it a likely thing that America would withdraw her embargo, while the orders in council continued.
Then I am to understand that your reason in the case supposed would be, that America would have less continental trade, and you should therefore fear to continue your trade? I stated that as one reason.
(Shakespeare Philips' evidence to be continued.)
The sums of British money now circulating, and to be put in circulation, to effect the elections for the present year, have been stated to the editor of this paper by a most creditable character, as larger in amount than the last subsidy to Prussia; a list is in circulation in this city under the head of obtaining money to support the election of James Ross, whose attachment to England is well known; it has been stated to us, that sums of 150 and 200 dollars have been subscribed to that paper, and that men who have been bankrupts to a vast amount are among the subscribers.
It has been stated to us, that they expect to be able to collect a sum equal to 10,000 dollars! And that several names are to appear for large sums, whose payments are to be anticipated, no body knows how!
These representations we have heard for some time past—and were slow to credit them—whether there is any such list in cir-
culation, or any such sums subscribed, or any person who have not yet paid their creditors, subscribers for large sums, we do not personally know—but there are men who are Americans among the federalists, who can enquire for themselves, and ascertain, at least, whether there be any such list, or any such subscriptions or any appearance of subscriptions which can afford room for British guineas to be smuggled in, to carry American elections.—Aurora.
LONGEVITY.—Died, at Harbor Island, on the 11th instant, Piora Thompson, a black woman, aged 150 years; she was born in Africa in the year 1658, and carried to Jamaica, as a slave, soon after that island came into the possession of Great Britain; the captain of the slave-ship disposed of his cargo there, with the exception of this woman, whom he retained in his service for several years, and then sold her to a gentleman at Nevis, where she remained for some years; after that, she was brought to Nassau, during the time this island was in possession of the pirates, and sold to Mr. William Thompson; on his decease she became the property of his son, John Thompson, esq. with whom she continued until his death, about 48 years ago, and then obtained her freedom—she was a true and faithful house-servant, and what is particularly remarkable, never had a fit of sickness except that which finally closed her existence. She had a decent funeral, and upwards of 360 persons attended her remains to the grave. Bahama Royal Gazette.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. AN ACT
For the relief of Philip Turner. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the accounting officers of the treasury be, and they are hereby authorized and directed to liquidate, and settle the account of Philip Turner, late hospital physician and surgeon, and that they allow him the compensation equal to the half-pay of a captain, agreeably to a resolution of Congress, passed on the seventeenth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one: Provided, the said Philip Turner, on the receipt of the money directed to be paid him by this act, shall execute in consideration thereof a discharge to the United States, of all demands whatsoever, and deposit the same in the office of the register of the treasury.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To amend an act entitled "An act establishing circuit courts and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That so much of the second section of the act, entitled "An act establishing circuit courts, and abridging the jurisdiction of the district courts of the districts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio," passed the twenty-fourth day of February eighteen hundred and seven, constituting the state of Tennessee one district, for the purpose of holding circuit courts therein, shall be and is hereby repealed, and from and after the passage of this act, the state of Tennessee shall be divided into two districts, for the purpose of holding circuit courts therein, and the limits of the said districts shall be the same as those now prescribed for the districts of east and west Tennessee, in and by the fourth section of the above recited act, and there shall be held annually in each of the said two districts, one circuit court to consist of one justice of the supreme court of the United States and district judge of the said districts of east and west Tennessee, and the sessions of the said courts shall be held in each of the said districts, at Nashville on the second Monday in June, and at Knoxville on the third Monday in October, annually; and that all actions, causes, pleas, processes, and other proceedings relative to any cause civil or criminal, which shall be returnable to or depending in said circuit court of the United States, to be held at Nashville on the first Monday of June next, shall be returned, and held continued to, and be proceeded upon, on the second Monday in June next, in the same manner they would have been if this change had not taken place.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That where any suit or suits has or have been brought, or is or are now pending before the circuit court held at Knoxville, in and for the district of east Tennessee, against a person residing in said district of east Tennessee, and where any suit or suits has or have been brought, or is or are now pending before the circuit court held at Nashville, in and for the district of west Tennessee, against a person residing in the said district of west Tennessee, such suit or suits shall be proceeded upon and finally determined in the district of west Tennessee.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the district judge of Tennessee to attend at Knoxville on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April next, and on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April of each and every year thereafter, and at Nashville on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November next, and on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November of each and every year thereafter, which shall have power to make all necessary orders touching any suit, action, appeal, writ of error, process, pleadings, or proceedings returned to the circuit court next to be held thereafter at Knoxville and Nashville, or depending therein, preparatory to the hearing, trial or decision of such action, suit, appeal, writ of error, process, pleadings or proceedings; and all writs and process may be returnable to the said courts on the first Thursday, after the third Monday in April, at Knoxville, and on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November, at Nashville, in the same manner as to the sessions of the circuit court, directed to be held by this act in the district of east Tennessee, at Knoxville, and in the district of west Tennessee, at Nashville; and the said writs, returnable to the circuit courts to be held at Knoxville, may also be returnable on the said first Thursday after the third Monday in April; and the writs returnable to the circuit courts to be held at Nashville may be returnable on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November, as though a session of the said circuit court was held on those days at Knoxville and Nashville respectively.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be two clerks appointed, one for the circuit court to be held at Knoxville, and one for the circuit court to be held at Nashville, whose duty it shall be to attend the said district judge on the said first Thursday after the third Monday in April, and on the said first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November, of each and every year, at the places aforesaid, who shall make due entry of all such matters and things as shall or may be ordered by the said judge, and at each and every of the said seasons so held for the purpose aforesaid, all actions, pleas, and other proceedings relative to any cause civil or criminal, shall, for the circuit court to be held at Nashville,
be continued over the ensuing second Monday in June, and shall, for the circuit court to be held at Knoxville, be continued over to the ensuing third Monday in October.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all actions, suits, processes, pleadings, and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, civil or criminal, which were originally returned to the circuit court begun and held at Nashville, on the Monday in June last; and all writs, process, and proceedings, as aforesaid, which are or may be made returnable to the said circuit court to be held at Nashville, shall, after the next June term of the circuit court, be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be held by this act, on the first Thursday after the fourth Monday in November next, and all actions, suits, processes, pleadings, and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, civil or criminal, which were originally returned to the circuit court begun and held at Knoxville, on the third Monday in October last; and all writs, process, and pleadings, as aforesaid, which are or may be made returnable to the said circuit court, shall be continued, returned to, and have day in the session to be held by this act, on the first Thursday after the third Monday in April next; and such proceedings shall be had thereon, at the said session as are herein before provided.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and president of the Senate. MARCH 22, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
TO BE HIRED until the end of the present year, an excellent NURSE for children. Apply at this Office. June 21. [1f]
BURGLARY.—ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
Whereas the store of SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, was broken open on Saturday night the 18th inst. between the hours of 11 and 3 o'clock, and robbed to a considerable amount, consisting of the following articles, viz. A quantity of Calicoes, Curtain Calicoes, India Cottons, a large quantity of Muslins, Cotton and Linen Cambrics, Irish Linen, Silk and Cotton Hosiery, Silk Gloves, Linen & Cotton Handkerchiefs, Broad Cloths, Checks and Dimity, and many other articles; and the till robbed of about 30 dollars in cash, seven new French Gold Watches, with tortoise-shell cases; also, a parcel of Letters and Papers of no use to any person except the owner. Whoever will apprehend the offender or offenders, so that they may be brought to justice, shall receive the above reward, with an additional reward of 20 per cent. for the amount of goods which may be recovered; or whoever will deliver the letters and papers to the owner, shall be handsomely rewarded, and no questions asked. Richmond, June 21, 1808. (34)
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 7th day of April, 1808.
Joshua Ryland and Catherine his wife, Thomas Armistead and Jane his wife, and William T. Colston and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs—Against John Nicholson and Bartholemew McCarty, Defendants.
The defendant John Nicholson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. May 17. [1aw8w]
GENERAL RULE—At the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket, and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through; and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term.
Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week until the first day of October next. A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. [1stO]
TO RENT—The upper APARTMENTS in the House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [1f]
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the Revd. Matthew Maury, late of this county, are requested to bring them forward for settlement; and all persons indebted, are solicited to make arrangements for payment at an early period, as, consistently with the terms of his will long indulgence cannot be extended. MATTHEW MAURY, } Acting executors. THOMAS W. MAURY, } Albemarle, June 14. [ep5w8]
NOTICE—All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elean, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Exors. JOS. MARX, } Richmond, May 17, 1808. [1f]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [1f]
THE subscriber hereby forewarns all persons from trading for, or taking an assignment of a bond or note, executed by him to John Smith of Rockingham county, Virginia; for one hundred and ten dollars; being the only bond or note executed by him to said Smith; because he will not pay the same; the said bond or note having been obtained from him by said Smith, by deception. JAMES POINDEXTER. Louisa County, June 14. (2w)
NOTICE—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by William Newton bearing date the 13th day of May 1807, and recorded in the County court of Buckingham, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due from the said Newton to Hobson and St. John, will be expected to sale on the premises for ready money on Saturday the second day of July next one hundred Acres of Land in the county of Buckingham adjoining that on which the said Newton resides. ROBERT MOSELEY junr. June 10, 1808. (74)
NOTICE—The Co-partnership of Thomas Rutherford and Co. will be dissolved on the 30th June next: All those therefore, who may have claims against the said firm, or either of the partners, are invited in the mean time to apply for payment, and they earnestly request those indebted to them to settle their respective accounts as speedily as possible. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ANGYLE. Richmond, May 6. (Pils1/fulys)
JOSEPH MARX & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Tickenburgs, Dowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cogniac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. (1f)
COMMITTED to the Jail of Hanover, a Negro man slave TIMOTHY, (as a run away) who says he is the property of the estate of John Royal, decd. of the county of Amelia, and that he ran away from John Jefferson to whom he was hired. The owner is requested to pay charges and take away the said slave. June 17. THE JAILOR. [1m]
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD
Treasury Department, May 28th, 1808. It has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the Bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keais, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North-Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-Office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said Bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid; neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keais, and on one was written the name of Lewis Leroy; from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped at the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of five hundred dollars will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
DESCRIPTION OF NOTES.
Table with 4 columns: No., Date, To whom payable, Dollars. Lists various bank notes from the Bank of the United States, including serial numbers, dates, payees (e.g., Adam Gibson, Joseph Habersham), and amounts.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 7th day of April, 1808.
Joshua Ryland and Catherine his wife, Thomas Armistead and Jane his wife, and William T. Colston and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs—Against John Nicholson and Bartholemew McCarty, Defendants.
The defendant John Nicholson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. May 17. [1aw8w]
IN CHANCERY—Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808.
Grief and Claiborne Barksdale, jr. Plaintiffs—Against Charles Harris, Henry A. Watkins, executor of William Penticot and Richard Penticot, Defendants.
The defendant Harris, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of August court next, and enter his appearance and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste. THOMAS READ, Clk. April 26. [1aw8w]
THE subscriber being appointed one of the Master Commissioners for the United States' Federal Court, fifth circuit, district of Virginia, and also for the Superior Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, gives this public Notice, that his office is kept at No. 3, at the Eagle Tavern, where he will attend from the first to the tenth of each month, and also during the sessions of said courts—In the interim, any communications directed to him, post paid, to Charles City court-house, will be promptly and strictly attended to. When his reports are ready for delivery, he will leave a notification thereof in the respective offices of said courts. PATK. HENDREN. Richmond, June 3. [1aw4w]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
322 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1090 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 430 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [1aw1f]
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 25 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best burr and 1 pair corn stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (1aw4f)