The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-10 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
DOMESTIC.
PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.
PART III.
(CONTINUED.)
From Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney Ministers extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries at London, to Mr. Madison, Secretary of State.
No 5. (DUPLICATE.) London, September 11, 1806.
SIR. Our first meeting with lord Holland and lord Auckland took place in Downing street on the 22d of August. After the usual exchange of powers, we stated, at their request, the objects of our mission, and the general nature of the stipulations by which we expected them to be provided for. They took minutes of what was said by us, for the purpose of making their report to the cabinet, and threw out some observations, but of a very loose and inconclusive character, upon several branches of the subject. They resisted, with great earnestness and decision, an impracticable subject, the claim of indemnity which we pressed as standing upon unquestionable grounds of justice. They appeared to consider the subject of impressment as extremely delicate and embarrassing, and that of our trade with the colonies of their enemies, as presenting important, though not equal difficulties; and lord Auckland expressed a strong desire, which of course we discouraged, that the former should be suffered to rest upon mere understanding, and find no place in the projected treaty. The best dispositions were, however, professed, to arrange every thing upon fair and amicable principles, and nothing was suggested to impair the hope that the result of our negotiation would be entirely satisfactory. We were told at parting, that an early day would be mentioned for renewing our conferences.
On the 28th, we met them again upon their own appointment. We were then told, that the purpose of this interview was to obtain from us an explanation of our views with reference to some of the points upon which we had touched at the former meeting. We were accordingly asked to state precisely what equivalent stipulation, for restoring British seamen leaving their service, we would be disposed to insert in the article relative to impressment. Having ascertained that it was vain to expect their consent to an arrangement on this interesting topic, in which some such provision was a necessary ingredient, we gave them at length a project upon this point, extracted from Mr. Monroe's instructions of 1804, requesting them, however, to receive it as perfectly extra-official, and combining it, as you will perceive, with the provisions in their most advantageous form, or which it was required as the equivalent. We presumed that this course, while it hazarded nothing, would at least promote dispatch, and that the air of frankness which belonged to it, would be likely to influence advantageously the temper and character of our discussions, upon this and every other question before us.
We were also asked to explain the footing upon which we desired to place the commercial intercourse between the United States and the British European dominions. This we did by intimating, as we had done at the former meeting, that the footing of the most favored nation extended to all the European dominions of his majesty, was, in a general view, the most natural. Their enquiries, however, looked to some precise and equal arrangement of tonnage, and imposts, and the countervailing power of the treaty of 1794, was slightly mentioned. Without encouraging at this time, any discussion on this point, which they did not seem prepared or inclined to enter into, we thought it proper to suggest for their consideration, the expedient of a mutual abolition of alien duties.
On the impressment subject, it was soon apparent that they felt the strongest repugnance to a formal renunciation or abandonment of their claim, to take from our vessels on the high seas, such seamen as should appear to be their own subjects; and they pressed upon us with much zeal, as a substitute for such an abandonment, a provision that the persons composing the crews of our ships, should be furnished with authentic documents of citizenship, the nature and form of which should be settled by treaty; that these documents should completely protect those to whom they related; but that, subject to such protections, the ships of war of Great Britain should continue to visit and impress on the main ocean as heretofore.
They enforced their preference for this sort of arrangement, in a desultory conversation, by observing that they supposed the object of our plan to be, to prevent the impressment at sea of American seamen, and not to withdraw British seamen from the naval service of their country, in times of great national peril, for the purpose of employing them ourselves; that the first of these purposes would be effectually accomplished by a system which should introduce and establish a clear and conclusive distinction between the seamen of the two countries, which on all occasions should be implicitly respected; that if they should consent to make our commercial navy a floating asylum for all the British seamen who, tempted by higher wages, should quit their service for ours, the effect of such a concession, upon their maritime strength, on which Great Britain depended, not only for her prosperity but her safety, might be fatal; that on the most alarming emergency they might thus be deprived, to an extent which it was impossible to calculate, but which could not fail to be great, of their only means of security; that our vessels might become receptacles for deserters to any amount, even from their military marine, in the ports of neutral states, and when once at sea, might set at defiance the just claims of the service to which such deserters belonged; that even within the United States it could not be expected that any plan for recovering British deserters could be efficacious, and that moreover the plan we proposed was inadequate, in its range and object, inasmuch as it was merely prospective, confined wholly to seamen, and in no respect providing for the case of the vast body of British seamen now employed in our trade to every part of the world. To this it was replied, that one of the suppositions on which much reliance had been placed, was that of an extreme case which was barely possible in fact, and which, if it should happen at all and redress should not be afforded by the interference of the neutral power, in whose port the uninvited refuge should be attempted, could not be considered as
within the spirit of such a provision as we had suggested—that another of these suppositions ascribed undue importance to the resource in question, which, while it severely oppressed and irritated their friends, could add little to the effective strength of their navy—that the number of men thus violently taken from our vessels, if American citizens, should be deducted, had always been comparatively small—that if Great Britain should now be admitted (as intended by the plan) to the benefit of our domestic regulations, for apprehending and securing within our country, future deserters from her merchant and other vessels, the number to which such a resource could apply, must hereafter be considerably less, and in time be wholly insignificant—that it would be in their own power to prevent us, by suitable regulations, from carrying their seamen from their own ports, and would become our duty to assist in restoring them when they should desert and be found within our jurisdiction—that there was every reason to believe that this assistance would be as effectual as it was known to be in the case of our own seamen deserting from our own vessels—for that even if it should be admitted that a motive might now be imagined of sufficient power to induce the people of the United States to give shelter and protection to deserting British seamen, it was obvious that this motive arose out of the claim and practice on the part of Great Britain, which it was now proposed to renounce, and would cease with them—that there would moreover be open to this country the fair and reasonable exercise of the right of regaining her own seamen, within her own jurisdiction, as opportunity occurred, in whatsoever vessels they should be found—that impressment upon the high seas, by those to whom that service is necessarily confided, must under any conceivable guards be frequently abused, and in its best form cannot fail to generate private animosity and national resentment, and of course to endanger the friendly relations of the two countries—that if it were for no other cause we should see with deep regret the power of impressment at sea under any modifications, however plausible, insisted upon—but that it was, besides, impossible that we should acknowledge in favor of any foreign power, the claim to such a jurisdiction on board our vessels found upon the main ocean, as this sort of impressment implied; a claim as perfectly inadmissible in its principle, and derogatory from the unquestionable rights of our sovereignty, as it was vexatious in its practical consequences.
Upon the commercial subject we collected that the East-India trade would not be likely to give much trouble; but that an open trade to the British West-Indies, will be obtained, if at all, with great difficulty. Lord Auckland expressed an opinion, that there should be restriction upon the tonnage, as in the twelfth article of the treaty of 1794, which we told him at once could never be assented to; and lord Holland spoke of a duty to be imposed by our government, upon imports from their islands, which should be of sufficient amount to check the exportation of articles so imported, to Europe. His idea was, of course, that no part of this duty should be remitted as a drawback, and he wished to comprehend in this plan our imports from enemy colonies, without which it could not have no other effect than to force the imports from the British colonies into our internal consumption, & leave the imports from enemy colonies for exportation. We thought it proper to oppose ourselves in a particular manner to the last mentioned application of this plan, and it was not persisted in.
The trade with enemy colonies was still viewed as an embarrassing subject, and continuous voyages, even between neutral European ports & these colonies, were strongly protested against. It appeared to be certain, however, that our opponents would finally agree, that the continuity of the voyages should in all cases be held to be broken, by the landing of the cargoes in the United States, and perhaps, also, the paying or securing the duties, as heretofore practised. We did not bring into view at this time the distinction, which we mean hereafter to urge, in favor of our commerce with the East-India colonies, of the other parties to the war.
In the course of this conference, lord Auckland renewed a proposal, which he had glanced at in our first interview, that the treaty of 1794, should be made the basis of the present negotiation. This was rejected in such a manner as to obtain for the rejection, his entire acquiescence. His lordship, towards the close of the meeting, inquired if congress had not at their last session, passed some law affecting their commercial relations with Great Britain. We had been restrained from calling their attention to the act prohibiting, &c. by the apprehension, that, as they could not be supposed to be ignorant of it, we might be thought by pressing it officially and ostentatiously into notice, to wish to make use of it as a means; but we now took occasion to explain, in as conciliatory a manner as was consistent with the complete justification of the law, its origin, and character. They requested us to give them a copy of the act, and we sent it accordingly the next day.
On the 4th instant, at night, we received from the British commissioners a note upon the subject of the act of congress, of which a copy is enclosed. It appeared to us, that it would be prudent to found upon this note, a request of an immediate interview in the course of which it might perhaps be practicable to avail ourselves of their anxiety, that a suspension of the act should be pressed upon our government, to advance our negotiation, with reference at least to the most interesting of the topics involved in it. To our note, desiring an interview, lord Holland replied, that he would be glad to see us on the 10th, but that lord Auckland, being out of town, would not probably be able to attend. Lord Auckland did not in fact, and we believe could not attend. We opened the conference with lord Holland, by observing that we had been withheld by considerations, which he would easily comprehend, from being the first to mention the act of the American government, which formed the subject of their note, but it had been constantly present to our minds as making it peculiarly desirable, that we should understand one another, as soon as possible, upon some, if not all, of the points in dispute between us, and as presenting the prospect of a dilemma, as the period prescribed for its commencement approached, without finding us forward in our negotiation. After a short vindication of the act, in the course of which we did not omit to represent it in connexion with the special mission which grew out of it, as manifesting the friendly sentiments and views of our government towards that of his majesty; we observed, that relying upon the dispositions which their lordships had constantly avowed, and by which they were evidently animated, to establish between the two countries, by a suitable adjustment of all subsisting differences, the most perfect and lasting harmony; it was our earnest desire to take some effectual step, which should save the honor of both governments, for ensuring the suspension which their lordships had recommended; that there might be reason to apprehend, that unless some advantageous change should appear to have taken place in the state of things, which in the opinion of congress, required the adoption of the measure in question, it would not
easily be abandoned even for a time; that no such change had taken place, for that all the subjects of complaint which had excited the sensibility of congress, at their last session, and led to the passage of this act, were still as much at large as ever; that it was indeed true that commissioners in the highest degree acceptable, had been appointed by his majesty's government to treat with us, and that the spirit of justice and amity displayed by their lordships, promised the happiest results; but that it was also true, that up to this period it could only be said, as might equally be said of the period when this act was finally past, that negotiations were depending; that we were, therefore, extremely anxious when we should transmit their lordships' note to the United States, to be enabled to accompany it with assurances, that although much remained to be done, the two subjects of impressment and trade with enemies colonies, would certainly be adjusted to the satisfaction of our government.
Lord Holland told us in reply, that we were aware that the first of these subjects was full of difficulty, and required that the feelings and opinions of many persons should be managed and consulted; that it touched the most delicate and momentous of their national concerns, and called for much enquiry and deliberation; that he hoped it would soon be practicable, (and we might be confident that there should be no unreasonable delay) to submit to us a plan, to which both sides might without reluctance consent; that in the mean time we could state to our government, what was unquestionably true, that those with whom we were treating were diligently and anxiously employed, in endeavoring to devise an arrangement which should be convenient and honorable to us, and at the same time free from improper hazard to Great Britain; that it appeared to him that the actual pending of the negotiations here, (unless their sincerity were distrusted, as he was sure it would not be) would furnish an adequate motive to Congress, for merely postponing the commencement of a law which was originally a very strong measure, and would certainly, if allowed to go into operation at a moment, when G. Britain was affording, in the face of the world, an unequivocal demonstration of her wish to remove every ground of misunderstanding between us, acquire a character of extreme harshness; that it was greatly to be lamented that the discussions in which we were now engaged had not been sooner begun; but that knowing as we did, to what cause the delay was to be ascribed, we knew also that it was unavoidable. His lordship mingled with these observations the most amicable assurances and took an occasion, which a remark from one of us presented, to express his conviction that the event of a peace between Great Britain and France, would be so far from creating any indisposition, or producing any obstacles on the part of this country, to a liberal adjustment with us, that it would rather facilitate that adjustment, by removing from some of the topics, the peculiar interest and difficulty which the present crisis imparts to them.
After some further efforts on our part to promote the object of this interview, without departing from that tone of conciliation which prudence as well as inclination recommended, we separated, and soon afterwards we prepared and sent to the British commissioners an answer to their note of the 4th, of which you will find a copy enclosed.
To these details we take the liberty to add our opinion, formed upon a careful view of the whole subject, that it will be proper, upon the meeting of Congress in December, to suspend the act for prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British manufacture, so as to afford further time for the completion of the negotiations which it evidently presumes and which are now in train. The ground which Congress have taken in this just and salutary measure, we are far from wishing to abandon; but to suspend and to abandon it, are very different things. The last would wound deeply the honor of the nation and prostrate the character of the government; but the first is in perfect conformity with the spirit and purpose of the law, and while it would furnish a signal proof of the equity and moderation of our public councils, would preserve unimpaired that firm and dignified attitude which it becomes us at all times, but now especially, to maintain. The suspension will be so far from relinquishing the measure, or weakening its effect, that it will distinctly imply a re-assertion of its principle and policy, and an unshaken resolution to act upon and enforce it, as soon as negotiation shall have been sufficiently and unsuccessfully tried.
The death of Mr. Fox which every hour is expected to announce, may and probably will retard our progress for some time; but our hopes are strong that we shall finally, and without much further delay, accomplish the great objects confided to us. The temper which the British commissioners have obviously brought to the negotiation, corresponding with that which has been manifested towards the mission by those who hold official stations here, as well as by the public in general, is as friendly and respectful to our government and country as could be desired. We shall continue our exertions to fulfil with all possible dispatch the instructions with which we have been honored, and shall communicate to you by the earliest opportunity whatever of importance shall occur.
We have the honor to be, with great consideration and esteem,
SIR, Your most obedient servants, JAS. MONROE, WM. PINKNEY.
James Madison, Secretary of State. P. S. September 12. We have just received separate notes to the same effect from lord Auckland, of which copies are enclosed. They authorize us to expect that the conference of Wednesday next, to which he invites us, will enable us to give you details of a more precise and interesting nature than it has been practicable to give in the letter to which this is a postscript. We omitted to mention in this letter that we have been assured by the British commissioners (particularly by lord Holland) that a liberal and satisfactory article, relative to the extent of our jurisdiction over the waters near our own coasts, and the exemption of the defined limits from all the operations of war, will be cheerfully agreed to, and that an article for defining blockade will meet with no opposition.
September 13. The account of Mr. Fox's health of this morning is, that the symptoms have increased to so alarming a degree, that he is not expected to survive many hours.
FROM LORD HOLLAND. DOWNING STREET, Aug. 23, 1806. DEAR SIR, I have seen lord Auckland this morning, and if not inconvenient to you and Mr. Pinkney, we thought of proposing to you to meet us at the foreign office, Downing street, at 12 o'clock, next Wednesday. On that day, we can exchange our powers,
and will, if you please, take minutes of the general objects of your mission. I am, dear sir, Ever sincerely yours, HOLLAND. (Signed) JAMES MONROE, Esq. } &c. &c. &c.
TO LORD HOLLAND. PORTLAND PLACE, August 24, 1806. MY LORD, I have been honored with your note of yesterday, inviting Mr. Pinkney and myself, to meet your lordship and lord Auckland, at the office, in Downing Street, at 12 o'clock, on Wednesday next, for the purpose of exchanging our powers, and commencing the business confided to us by our respective governments. I have conferred with Mr. Pinkney on the subject, and have to assure your lordship that we shall be punctual to the appointment which you have been so good as to give us.
I am, with great consideration and esteem, Very sincerely yours, (Signed) JAMES MONROE. The right hon. LORD HOLLAND, } &c. &c. &c.
FROM LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. DOWNING STREET, August 28, 1806. Lord Holland and lord Auckland present their compliments to Mr. Monroe, and request that if it be not inconvenient to him, he will have the goodness to meet them in Downing street, on Monday next, at 12 precisely. (A similar note sent to Mr. Pinkney.)
* 1st September. TO LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. August 29, 1806. Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to lord Holland and lord Auckland, and has the honor to inform them that Mr. Pinkney and he will not fail to wait on their lordships, in Downing street, on Monday next, at 12 o'clock.
TO LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. PORTLAND PLACE, September 2, 1806. Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney present their compliments to lord Holland and lord Auckland, and have the honor to enclose to their lordships a copy of the act of congress, which they requested in their interview of yesterday.
FROM LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. DOWNING STREET, September 4, 1806. GENTLEMEN, We have received a copy (sent by you at our request) of the "act of congress, to prohibit from and after the 15th of November, the importation into the territories of the U. States, of a very large description of goods, wares and merchandise, from any port or place situated in G. Britain or Ireland."
On a full consideration of that act, we think it our duty to express our earnest hope and expectation, that some means may be found to suspend the execution of a measure so opposite in its temper and tendency, to the disposition and views, with which our pending negotiation has been commenced and is carrying on.
That measure, unless suspended, will take effect, if not before our discussions can be closed, at least before it is possible that their result can be known in the U. States; and would obviously lead to the necessity of proposing to parliament, similar steps on the part of this country, by which mutual irritation would be excited, and fresh impediments created in the way of such a final adjustment as, we trust, is mutually desired. We rely on you for taking such immediate steps, in this business, as may best contribute to a happy termination of our treaty, and to a cordial and permanent friendship between his majesty's subjects and the citizens of the U. States.
We have the honor to be, Your faithful humble servants, (Signed) VASSAL HOLLAND. AUCKLAND. JAMES MONROE, Esq. } WM. PINKNEY, Esq. } P. S. The sailing orders of the North American mail, will, in course, be issued this evening, unless you should wish to have them delayed for a day or two.
TO LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. SEPTEMBER, 4, 1806, 10 O'Clock, P. M. Mr. Monroe & Mr. Pinkney present their compliments to lord Holland and lord Auckland, and have the honor to request an interview with their lordships, at as early a moment as shall suit their convenience, on the subject of their note of this day, which they have just received. In the mean time, the delay suggested in the postscript to their lordship's note, of the sailing orders of the North American mail, will be extremely agreeable to Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney.
FROM MR. ALLEN, (Secretary of Lord Holland.) HOLLAND HOUSE, Friday September 5.
DEAR SIR, Lord Holland understanding by your and Mr. Pinkney's note of yesterday, that you are desirous to have some conversation with him before the sailing of the American Packet, will be happy to meet you and Mr. Pinkney to-morrow, at the foreign office, at half past 11 o'clock. I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c. (Signed) JOHN ALLEN, JAMES MONROE, Esq. } &c. &c. &c.
TO LORD HOLLAND AND LORD AUCKLAND. September 10, 1806.
The undersigned ministers extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the United States of America, present their compliments to lord Holland and lord Auckland, and have the honor to inform them that they will hasten to transmit to their government their lordship's note of the 4th instant, the receipt of which has already been acknowledged.
The undersigned consider it their duty to assure lord Holland and lord Auckland, that nothing is more remote from the views of their government, than to oppose any obstacle to a fair and satisfactory conclusion of the present negotiation. They are persuaded, if all the circumstances which have occurred between the two governments, since the commencement of the present war, are taken impartially into consideration, that not the slightest doubt can remain on that point. It is certain that the act of congress, to which their lordships have objected, is attributable to other causes of a very imperious nature, and that it furnishes no sufficient reason to call in question the sincerity with which the United States have uniformly sought to preserve the most friendly relations with Great Britain. The undersigned are, however, far from being desirous to look back to incidents, a review of which can serve only to produce regret. It is more important, and therefore more agreeable, to look forward, and to provide by suitable arrangements against the like in future.
The undersigned, flatter themselves, that nothing will occur on either side, to excite irritation or to create new obstacles in the way of an adjustment, which it is confidently believed the interest of both countries requires. They indulge the hope that the present negotiation, which has been entered into by both governments, with sincere desire to adjust all subsisting differences, and to place their navigation and commerce on a basis of reciprocal advantage, will succeed in all its objects. The undersigned will not fail to promote that desirable result by all the means in their power. They will be happy in transmitting to their government a copy of their lordship's note of the 4th instant, to do justice to the friendly dispositions which their lordships have brought into the negotiation; and in the mean time, the undersigned will at all times be prepared, to promote by their joint labors, with the greatest possible dispatch, and on fair conditions a satisfactory conclusion of it.
The undersigned request lord Holland and lord Auckland to accept the assurance of their high consideration. (Signed) JAMES MONROE, WM. PINKNEY.
FROM LORD HOLLAND TO MR. MONROE. OFFICE FOR TRADE, WHITEHALL. September 12, 1806.
MY DEAR SIR, Lord Holland and I have received your note of the 10th instant, in answer to ours of the 4th instant. The unhappy consideration which at present occupies lord Holland, has prevented him from meeting me, since I returned from Dropmore; but I have received several letters from him in which he expresses great anxiety, that you should be informed by me, that we are not neglecting the joint objects which we all have in view.
If you and Mr. Pinkney, (to whom I send a duplicate of this note) could conveniently come to Downing Street, at eleven o'clock, next Wednesday morning, I shall then be able to state provisionally (in lord Holland's absence) many particulars which may deserve your consideration, & advance our next official discussion.
I am, my dear Sir, Most sincerely yours, (Signed) AUCKLAND.
TO LORD AUCKLAND. PORTLAND PLACE, September 14, 1806.
MY LORD, I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 12th, and shall with Mr. Pinkney, not fail to meet your lordship, at Downing Street, on Wednesday next, at eleven in the morning. We will receive there any communications which your lordship will be so good as to make, on the interesting subjects which engage our joint attention, not doubting that every interview will contribute to advance the business to its desired conclusion. We are aware that lord Holland's domestic distress and duties, will deprive us of the pleasure of seeing him for the present, and hope that your lordship will prevent that circumstance giving him the least anxiety. I beg your lordship to present, &c. &c. and to be assured of the great consideration & esteem, with which I have the honor, &c. &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
Inclosed in Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney's letter of September 11, 1806.
ARTICLE I. No person whatever, shall on the high seas and without the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded and taken out of any ship or vessel, belonging to citizens or subjects of one of the parties, by the public or private armed ships belonging to or in the service of the other, unless such person be at the time in the military service of an enemy of such other party.
No person being a subject or citizen of one of the parties and resorting to or residing in the dominions of the other, shall, in any case be compelled to serve on board any vessel whether public or private belonging to such other party; and all citizens or subjects whatever, of the respective parties, at the time compulsively serving on board the vessels of the other, shall be forthwith liberated, and enabled by an adequate recompense to return to their own country.
In all questions which may arise with the dominions of either power, respecting the national character of any person, claims to be a citizen or subject of the
September 17. Continued on last page.

(Continued from last page.)
was not in their power to adopt an article in the spirit of our project; that the board of admiralty had been consulted on the subject, as had also been the crown officers in Doctors commons, who united all, without exception, in the opinion, that the right of their government in the case in question, was well founded, & ought not to be relinquished. They added, that under such circumstances, the relinquishment of it was a measure, which the government could not adopt, without taking on itself a responsibility, which no minister would be willing to meet, however pressing the emergency might be. They presented to us at the same time a counter project, which they intimated they did in obedience to instructions from their government. It was proposed by this, that laws should be passed by the parties respectively, whereby it should be made penal for the commanders of British vessels to impress American citizens, on board American vessels, on the high seas, and for the officers of the United States to grant certificates of citizenship to British subjects. The negotiation being thus bro't, as it were, to an issue on this very important point, the discussion of the whole subject was necessarily resumed, a considerable length, and with great earnestness. We maintained with all the force in our power, the right of our government on the principle, and to the extent, we had done before, and denied as strenuously the pretension advanced by Great-Britain: their counter project we declared was utterly inadmissible, as its adoption, so far from securing the just rights of the United States, and remedying the evils of which they complained, would prove an abandonment of their rights, and a sanction, in a considerable degree at least, to future injuries. The British commissioners, after supporting with great force, but with candour, the claim of their government, assured us that it was willing to do any thing in its power, to satisfy the United States on the ground of their complaints, which might be done, without a relinquishment of their claim. This interview terminated in the appointment of another to take place on the 7th, when it was agreed that the subject should be definitely disposed of; and in the interim, that each party should revolve it in mind, to see if it might not be possible to suggest some plan which would prove equally satisfactory to both. We met on the 7th according to appointment, and having repeated what we had said before of their counter project, which we deemed altogether inadmissible, and having also stated that we could adopt none which did not allow our ships to protect their crews, or sue any other accommodation, other than what we had already proposed, as an inducement to their government to admit the principle, and it appearing that no change had taken place in their instructions, we came at length to the main question, that which had in truth been the great object of their meeting, what was best to be done under existing circumstances? Should the negotiation cease? The British commissioners expressed an earnest desire that it should not. We had repeatedly stated that unless this interest was provided for in a satisfactory manner it would be useless to touch the other points, since a continuance of the same abuse on their part, would render of no effect any arrangement however eligible which might be made of them. They intimated that their government gave at present no cause of offence to the United States by impressments, and that we might be satisfied it would continue to pursue the same policy; that it might be better that neither party should abandon its rights, and that each should endeavor to act, in respect to the injuries complained of, in the other, in such a manner as to prevent future complaints. They thought that with such a disposition on both sides, seconded by a correspondent exertion, which they assured us existed, and would be made on their part, it was likely that the interest of each country would be placed on a footing equally secure for temporary purposes, and much more in respect to a permanent good understanding, than it could be for either by a treaty, which should even stipulate for it the object which is sought. We desired them to communicate to us by note, the ideas which they had thus expressed, which they readily undertook, by proceeding to give a sketch of them at the time, and evidently showing a disposition to make it as acceptable to us as they could do, consistently with the principles of their government. We adjourned to meet again on the 12th instant, without having come to any positive decision as to the part which it became us to take in the delicate conjuncture in which we were placed. We did not fail, however, in showing our regret, that no suitable provision had been made for the very important question, which had been so long under consideration, to express our sincere desire to pursue that course in respect to the other objects of the negotiation, which our duty, under existing circumstances, would permit and which might be most likely to promote a good understanding between the two countries.
On the 9th instant, we received from the British commissioners the note which they had promised us in the last interview, which we have found to correspond in all respects with what we had been taught to expect. We have also weighed with due consideration the great question which is propounded by it, and are decidedly of opinion that it is our duty to proceed to the other objects of the negotiation, leaving that of impressment on the ground on which it will be placed by this note, and our acting on it. Many strong reasons favor this course, while none occur to us of any weight against it. When we take into view all that has passed on this subject, we are far from considering the note of the British commissioners as a mere circumstance of form. We persuade ourselves that by accepting the invitation which it gives, and proceeding in the negotiation, we shall place the business almost, if not altogether, on as good a footing as we should have done by treaty, had the project which we offered them been adopted. The time at which this note was presented to us, and the circumstances under which it was presented being when the negotiation was absolutely at a stand on this very question, and we had informed the British commissioners that we could do nothing, if it was not provided for, gave the act a peculiar degree of solemnity and obligation. It was sent to us as a public paper, and intended that we should so consider it, and with the knowledge and approbation of the cabinet. It ought, therefore, to be held as obligatory on the government, as its first import, as if the substance had been stipulated in a treaty. It is just also to give a liberal construction in favor of the United States in consideration that it is a part of the British government. In that
view it merits attention, that every thing is expressed in it that could be desired except the relinquishment of the principle: that in speaking of impressments, the exercise of that act on the high seas is not mentioned, an omission which we know to have been intentional. From a full view of all these circumstances we think it fair to infer, that this government intends to conform its conduct in future to the just claims of the United States, on this great interest, while by particular motives of policy, it deems it proper to relinquish a claim, especially at this time, which has been long sustained and acted on by it, and which has been heretofore strongly supported by the national feeling, or more properly speaking, prejudice; for we cannot believe that the interest of the nation is in favor of it, more especially if the project which we proposed should be adopted, or correspondent regulations entered into to reduce the same effect by friendly co-operation between the two governments. We are therefore of opinion, if the negotiation had contemplated an arrangement of this point alone, that it would be proper to close the business amicably, on the ground on which it is thus placed, rather than to break off abruptly and take an unfriendly attitude, from which no advantage could possibly arise in any one respect, and much injury might and most probably would for a time at least, even to this very interest. How much stronger then is the obligation to proceed, when the other objects of the negotiation are taken also into view, all of which it is highly interesting to arrange, and several of which, of the first consequence, it is, as we believe, in our power to arrange. We are aware that our instructions impose on us the necessity of providing satisfactorily for this great interest, as one of the conditions on which a treaty shall be formed. But it does not appear, that the fair object of that instruction will not be satisfied by the arrangement thus made. The prohibition not to conclude a treaty otherwise than on the condition adverted to, is fairly to be understood as applicable to a refusal on the part of this government, to arrange the business on just principles, and an adherence by it to its former improper and offensive conduct, which it is well known is not the case. Impelled by these considerations and motives, we shall go forward in the negotiation, and use our best efforts to place the other points on the most advantageous footing that may be practicable. We are the more confirmed in this resolution, from the consideration, that we shall be able to do it without exposing our government or country to any, the slightest inconvenience. It is known to the British commissioners, that in proceeding under existing circumstances, we shall do it in our own responsibility; a responsibility, however, which we undertake in full confidence, that our conduct and the motives of it will be approved.
We shall meet the British commissioners to-morrow to proceed in the negotiation, which we are persuaded it will not require any considerable length of time to conclude. All the other topics have been heretofore brought into view and discussed, but without any intention in that stage, on either side, to push a definitive settlement of them. So much, however, has been said on each by the British commissioners, as to enable us, as we presume, to form a tolerably correct estimate of what may be obtained on several, especially those of the greatest importance. In respect to the trade with enemies colonies, they have repeatedly told us, that on condition we should land the cargoes in the U. States, store them for a month, and change the ship, they would agree that the trade might be free afterwards in the production of those colonies, to other countries including the parent country of the colony. We have refused to comply with the condition in respect to the storing of the goods for a month, and changing the ship. Some arrangement more advantageous to us than their proposition, will, we have no doubt, be obtained. The question of blockade, and others connected with it, may, we think, be satisfactorily arranged. They will agree also to acknowledge our jurisdiction to the extent of a league, from our coast; we have claimed that acknowledgement to the extent of three leagues. The trade with India, they will put on the footing it held under the treaty of 1794. That with the West Indies, must, we fear, rest on the ground of the most favored nation only. Something we think may also be done in favour of an intercourse with the British provinces to the north of us. But our claim to an indemnity has been much discouraged, though we have never ceased to press it with great zeal. We shall continue to use our best endeavors to place all these great concerns on the most just and advantageous ground in our power, and shall hasten to communicate to you the result with the greatest possible dispatch, as soon as the business is concluded.
We have been cautious not to compromise ourselves with respect to the law, which was passed the last session of the congress, prohibiting the importation of certain British manufactures into the United States, after the 15th of this month, either with this government or individuals. We think it our duty, however, to observe, that our opinion of the propriety of suspending that law, remained unchanged, as it was communicated to you in our letter of September the 11th. Indeed the uniform conciliating disposition of this government, has strengthened us in that opinion.
Of the state of the war on the continent the gazettes which accompany this, will give you all the information which we possess. Of the ultimate views of Prussia under existing circumstances, we know nothing. So far she has followed the example and participated the fortune of Austria, as exhibited in the last campaign, and so far as Austria imitated hers of the same epoch, by viewing with an apparent indifference, events which menace the overthrow of both. I have the honor to be, With great respect, Your most obedient servants, JAMES MONROE, WM. PINKNEY.
JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State (To be Continued.)
The following bears strongly the Fac Simile of Thomas Paine's pen:— From the Public Advertiser.
THE EMBARGO. When congress passed the embargo law they should have published a proclamation, informing their constituents and the world of the causes and grounds upon which that law was passed. This they have not done. All their debates were with closed doors, & the public were left to judge of the matter as well as they could. This neglect on the part of Congress furnished the federal facti-
on, who can be considered in no other light than British agents, with opportunities of calling in question the rectitude of that law. The causes and grounds, however, of the embargo are as follows: When Bonaparte had defeated all the coalitions that England raised against him on the continent of Europe, he published a blockading decree, by which England was excluded from all the ports of Europe; but he did not molest or interrupt American vessels going to England, and when General Armstrong applied to know the extent of that decree, he was answered, that France would conduct herself towards America, according to the treaty between France and America. Accordingly no American vessels were interrupted in trading with England.
England then put out a blockading decree to take American vessels and other neutral vessels going to French ports, or to any ports where France had influence. Bonaparte then published a second blockading decree, to take American and other neutral vessels going to England or her colonies. By this second blockading decree, Bonaparte declared it was by way of retaliation, and that as soon as England recalled her blockading decree, his blockading decree would cease.
In this condition, matters stood, when the embargo law was passed. England says, I will take all American vessels going to France or any port where France has influence; France says, I will take all American vessels going to England or her colonies; America says, I will disappoint you both, for I will lay an embargo and keep our vessels, cargoes and seamen safe at home. This being a true statement of the case what in the name of common sense, do these men want who cry out against Congress for laying the embargo? Do they want our vessels taken by England on one side, and by France and Spain on the other side? and our seamen all impressed or imprisoned? The federalists, as they call themselves, see as plainly as other people can see that we are forced into the measure of the embargo by the conduct of the belligerent powers.—France and England make war on each other and now both of them make war upon us to prevent either being benefited by our commerce.
The federalists have been in a great measure the cause of the embargo.—Coleman, Lang's and Lewis's papers have been the advocates of British oppression on our commerce, and the abusers of France. This encouraged the British ministry to put out their blockading decree, for taking American vessels going to French ports. When England and France see that the embargo operates against themselves; first, by depriving their blockading decrees of the object of capture, and secondly by the loss they suffer from the suspension of American commerce, they will feel the propriety and even the necessity of recalling their decrees, but any stir made against the embargo here, will only encourage the British to persist in them and prolong the continuance of the embargo; for the embargo will continue, as long as the causes that occasioned it continue.
NEW-YORK, May 3. Mr. Barent Gardenier, it is said, is elected a member of Congress from Ulster county by a majority of 500. Mr. Emmet, it is added, is elected for Dutchess county by an equal majority; and Mr. Blydenburgh is returned for Long Island.
PHILADELPHIA, May 2. A schooner from the City of St. Domingo, arrived at Newcastle yesterday.—It is said, this vessel has been despatched hither with an application to our government, for permission to receive a supply of provisions for St. Domingo, and that two French officers, bearing this mission, have landed, and proceeded to Washington.
EUROPE.
BALTIMORE, May 8.
By the fast sailing ship Dumfries, captain Hancock, arrived yesterday in 35 days from Liverpool, the editor of the Federal Gazette has received his file of London and Liverpool papers to the 25th March, inclusive.
It appears that the ministerials in England count as confidently on our embargo operating in their favor, as the writers for government presses here are certain that it will starve the British.
While the French are said to be maturing plans for obtaining possession of the Barbary shore, the British are not inactive on their part. They are sensible of the necessity of gaining, if possible possession of Ceuta. This strong hold on the African side of the Straits of Gibraltar, garrisoned by the masters of the latter, will render them less liable to sudden attack.
The French are collecting a considerable force in the south of Italy whence the British expect an attack on Sicily. The British house of commons were occupied great part of the 24th of March on the numerous petitions against the orders in council. No interesting speeches or important remarks are given in the papers before this. The house, in a committee of the whole, Mr. Wharton in the chair, proceeded to the examination of witnesses. Among witnesses examined this day, was Mr. Pollock, late of Boston. The committee reported progress and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday (29th).
The London Courier (of March 25) speaking of the accounts received from America by the Norton packet, says some proposal from our government is expected by Mr. Nomse. Thy had not heard of Mr. Rose's departure, but hoped his mission would prove successful.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 24.
Orders in Council Bill. The house resolved itself into a committee on the bill. Much discussion arose, on the clauses of the bill. Amongst other things it was stated by Lord Hawkesbury, that the produce of St. Domingo was only to be subjected on re-exports to half the duty imposed upon the produce of the enemy's colonies.
An objection started by Lord Grenville to the penalty of death contained in one of the clauses of the bill, gave rise to a conversation between lords Eldon, Redesdale, Erskine, and Holland, in which there seemed to be a common opinion, that it would be desirable to diminish the number of capital penalties, but from the difficulty of making any distinction in the present instance, between it and others of a similar nature, the clause was allowed to stand.
Lord Auckland objected, that the goods upon which some of the duties were to attach could not be legally landed.
Earl Bathurst admitted that it might be necessary, in the course of the session, to bring in a bill of indemnity applicable to the landing of goods from American ships, in certain cases where these goods, by the existing laws, were not permitted to be landed.
Lord Holland contended, that this clause was neither more nor less than a suspension of the navigation act. The earl of Lauderdale proposed a clause to exempt vessels, under certain circumstances, from the penal enactment of another clause; to which lord Redesdale objected as inapplicable to the present bill. The earl of Lauderdale observed that this observation could only excite contempt in the minds of those who heard it; lord Redesdale replied that this was language which the noble earl would not use elsewhere. After some conversation of rather a warm nature, the clause was rejected.
On that clause which enacts that all East India goods imported into this country shall be warehoused in the king's warehouses, there to remain until re-exported and the duties be paid thereon, lord Grenville moved an exception in favor of such as may be imported in the East-India company's ships; otherwise the clause would be an evident invasion of the East-India company's charter. Lord Eldon objected to the amendment as unnecessary, it being clearly understood, from the general tenor of the bill, that the East-India company's ships were excepted from the general provision of this clause.
The amendment being negatived without a division, no other amendment was proposed and all the other clauses were agreed to. After some conversation, it was agreed that the third reading of the bill should stand for to-morrow (this day.)
HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 24.
Petitions against the Orders in Council.
Mr. Percival, advertising to the conversation of last night, relative to the calling of witnesses in favor of the orders in council, observed, that he found according to the usual course of the House, the plan would be to allow the present petitioners to close their case, and to hear their counsel upon it, and then to call for further evidence, if the house thought fit. The evidence to-night, he believed, would soon be closed, and in order to give the counsel time to prepare, he proposed he should be heard on Monday, with a view to hear such further evidence as might be necessary on Tuesday.
Mr. Tierney said, it would be hard upon these petitioners, to call other witnesses without allowing them an opportunity of cross-examining them, after which the council might sum up, and observe upon the whole evidence. However, he agreed to the course proposed for the present, reserving to himself, the right of commenting upon it afterwards, in whatever manner the subject might require.
After some observations from the Speaker as to the course of the House in such cases, the House went into a committee.
Mr. Brougham, the counsel for the petitioners against the orders in council, was then called in and proceeded to the examination of witnesses in support of the allegations contained in the petitions.
Mr. Garland, of Poel, who is extensively connected with the Newfoundland fishery, and Mr. Pollock an eminent cotton manufacturer, who has resided for a considerable length of time in America, proved that the orders in council would be almost fatal to these two branches of our commerce, whilst though a temporary inconvenience must result to the Americans from their operation, they must eventually tend to advance considerably the interest of the American trader when compelled to turn his attention to these objects.
Mr. Mann and Mr. Rathbone, two of the former witnesses were again called in, for the purpose of making their evidence more complete in some particular points. The former gentleman stated, that from 17 years experience in the trade with America, he had good reasons to be of opinion, that on an average nine-tenths of the American trade with Europe, was either directly or collaterally connected with England.
After the counsel and witness withdrew, the chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again on Tuesday next. Mr. Tierney had then a short conference with the chancellor of the exchequer, the attorney and solicitor-general. After which the petitions were ordered to be taken into further consideration on that day, and the London petition which has not yet been considered, was ordered to be referred to the same committee. The evidence was then ordered to be printed.
PORTUGAL.
NEW DECREE OF GENERAL JUNOT.
In pursuance of his Imperial majesty's Decree, bearing date the 22d December, 1807, in the name of his said majesty, we, the governor of Paris, First Aid-de-Camp of His Imperial Majesty, General in Chief of the French Army in Portugal, have decreed, and do decree as follows:
Art. I. An extraordinary war contribution of forty millions of crusados, shall be levied on the kingdom of Portugal.
The contribution of twelve millions of crusados, imposed and already discharged since the arrival of the French shall be set off from the present contribution, and be accounted for by our receiver-general.
II. Towards the said extraordinary contribution, the merchants, bankers, and holders of rents, and contracts in the kingdom of Portugal, shall pay six millions of crusados, through the intervention of the board of trade, which is proportionally to divide the said sum on all the individuals according to the fortunes which they are known or supposed to possess; and this contribution shall be discharged in the following manner:—The first third shall be paid the tenth of the month of March next ensuing; the second third shall be paid the 1st of May; and the third shall be paid the 1st of August.
III. All English manufactures being liable to confiscation on the sole ground of their origin, shall be ransomed by the merchants who possess the same, and who are at liberty to dispose thereof as they please, by paying one third part of their value, according to their invoices. The said payment shall be made in three instalments, and at the period fixed in the preceding article.
IV. All gold and plate of all the churches, principal fraternities of the city of Lisbon, and the district belonging thereto, shall be carried to the mint and received by the treasurer thereof, under the inspection and direction of the mint, within the term of fifteen days. In the churches no silver vessels shall remain, but such as are required for the decent observance of religious worship, and of those vessels a list shall be delivered, signed by the person or persons who are charged with the custody and management thereof. The person who carries the same to the mint, shall receive from the treasury a receipt in
an authentic form, for the articles delivered. All persons convicted of fraud, either with regard to the declaration of the articles existing in such churches, or left there, or with respect to any like articles embraced for their own use, shall be sentenced to pay four times the value of the article not declared or embezzled.
V. All the articles above mentioned belonging to churches, chapels, and fraternities in the provinces, shall be delivered at the houses of the receivers of tithes within the term of fifteen days on the same condition and penalties mentioned in the fourth article. The several receivers shall give authentic receipts for the same, and send the articles received to the mint in Lisbon, the treasurer of which is to give them a proper receipt for the same. The above receivers shall have an escort if required.
VI. The total amount of the value of the said articles shall be deducted from the present contribution.
VII. All Archbishops and Bishops of the Realm, all prelates and superiors of Religious Orders of both sexes, the regular and secular congregations which possess landed property, or capitals placed out at interest, shall contribute two thirds of their annual produce, in case that the latter does not exceed sixteen thousand crusados; should it exceed sixteen thousand crusados, they shall contribute three fourths of the said produce, they shall, however, be exempted from the payment of tithes in the present year.
VIII. In fifteen days after the publication of the present Decree, all the prelates shall be bound to deliver to the Secretary of State of the Interior and of the Finances, a correct return of their yearly income, which he shall cause to be examined and verified. And every person whose return shall be found incorrect, shall be sentenced to pay a double the amount of his contribution. The said fine shall be recovered out of the property of the offender by the readiest means of execution.
IX. The first third part of this contribution, shall be delivered at the office of the receiver-general of the contributions and public revenue of Portugal, within the term of one month next ensuing the publication of the present Decree, by the prelates above mentioned residing in Lisbon and within the term of six weeks, by those who reside in the Provinces.
X. The second third part shall be delivered at the said office within six months next ensuing the delivery of the first third, by such prelates as reside in Lisbon, and one month after the first delivery, by those who reside in the Provinces.
XI. The last one third part shall be delivered at the said office one month after the delivery of the second, by those prelates who reside in Lisbon, and three months after the second delivery, by such prelates as reside in the Provinces.
XII. All persons who possess church livings of 600 to 900 milreis per annum, shall contribute two third parts of their annual income, and should such livings exceed 900 milreis per annum, they shall contribute three fourths of the annual produce; the payment thereof shall be made into the chest of the ordinary receiver of tithes of the district, under the inspection of the respective superintendents of tithes, who are to examine the said returns, and the same penalties shall be inflicted on the offenders.
XIII. The respective receivers of tithes shall, under the inspection and direction of the superintendents, deliver within the shortest time possible, the amount of the sum by them received into the chest of the receiver-general of the public revenue and contributions of Portugal.
XIV. All the Knights Commanders of the three military orders, and of the order of Mante, shall contribute two thirds of the produce of their Commanderies, in the instalments and under the penalties above mentioned, with regard to the prelates.
XV. All the holders of the grants of the crown shall pay double the amount of the annual contribution which has hitherto been imposed on them. The payment and delivery thereof shall be made in the manner aforesaid.
XVI. All the proprietors of the houses situated in Lisbon and in the district belonging thereto, shall contribute one moiety of the annual rent for which they are let, in case of their being let; and should the proprietors inhabit the said houses themselves, one moiety of the rent to be determined by valuation. Payment and delivery thereof shall be made in the manner above mentioned, & under the same penalties. All proprietors of houses situated in other towns and boroughs of the kingdom, are liable to the same contribution, payable in the same form, and under the same penalties.
XVII. All proprietors of lands shall pay this year double the amount of the tithes imposed on them.
XVIII. For all horses, mules and servants, double the tax shall this year be paid which was laid on them by former regulations, and the amount of the said tax so doubled shall be paid at once.
XIX. All public buildings and establishments, which contribute towards the expenditure of the police, shall this year pay under the said contribution a sum equal to the amount thereof.
XX. The Sheriff shall, under the direction of the Senate, make a proportional reduction of the contribution, on all the companies of mechanics and tradesmen, whether they keep open shops in public places or elsewhere, levying the sums assessed by prompt execution, applying them to the purpose intended, and giving proper receipts to those who have paid their quota of the contribution. The Senate will cause the total amount thereof to be delivered into the chest of the receiver-general of the contributions and the public revenue of Portugal, every eight days, until it shall be entirely discharged.
XI. The Senate of the city of Oporto will cause the amount of the contribution to be levied in the same manner in the city of Oporto, and in the district belonging thereto. And the said Senate is further charged to compel all Magistrates of all other places in the North to do the same, the Northern Provinces being in this case only subjected to the Senate.
XII. The board of public welfare is to make, under the inspection of the Royal Exchequer, similar requisition on such ships as shall be in port without the jurisdiction of the Senate, observing in point of payment and delivery the forms and penalties above mentioned.
XIII. The general in Chief being desirous to indemnify the unfortunate inhabitants of Beira for what they have suffered from the march of the army through that province, orders; that the boroughs and villages situated between the Tejo and the road of Santarem, &c. shall be exempted from the payment of the two first thirds of the present contribution, and from the provisions contained in the 21st Article. The boroughs and villages situated on the road to Lisbon, shall enjoy the same exemption. Lands belonging to Knights Commanders, to holders of grants or the Crown, and to other persons, pointed out in the 7th Article, shall not be included in the disposition of the present article.
XIV. The secretary of state of the interior & of Finances, is charged with the execution of the present Decree, which shall be printed and passed throughout the whole kingdom.
Given in the Palace of Head-Quarters in Lisbon, the 1st Feb. 1808. JUNOT.
NORFOLK, May 4.
Arrived the ship Rona, with London date to the 6th March. The debates on the Petitions against the Orders in Council were before the House of Commons, and the examination of witnesses was going on. No decided opinion is expressed in the papers upon the probable fate of those petitions, but it is our opinion from remarks dropped in the course of debate, that there will be no relaxation of those orders, and this opinion is strongly supported by

private letters of a very late date. The ministers appear to have taken a ground which they will not abandon, but by compulsion, that they will not relax while the decrees of Berlin and Milan are in force.
Most of the articles of produce of this country, were advancing daily in price, particularly naval stores and staves. The prices of the wheat of that country and American flour, are lower than could have been supposed—wheat from 58 to 70s. per quarter of eight bushels, and American flour from 58 to 42s. per barrel.
Admiral Berkley had just arrived, but no further notice than barely to announce his arrival, is taken of him.
American vessels continue daily to be brought in under the orders in council, and many have been condemned. We have been favoured with a list of a great number, which we shall publish hereafter, not having room in this day's paper. Ledger.
GOTTENBURGH MAIL.
This morning we received journals and letters from Gottenburgh to the 21st instant. The king of Denmark, who had long been in such a state of mental debility as not to be able to perform any of the executive functions, died suddenly on the 13th inst. The crown Prince (now Frederick IV.) has succeeded to the throne—but there were no acclamations or rejoicings when he was proclaimed. In an action reported to have taken place in Finland, the Russians are said to have lost 5000 men, and the Swedes 1700. The latter retreated after the action. Lon. pap.
GEN. WHITELOCKE'S SENTENCE.
GENERAL ORDERS. Horse-Guards, March 21, 1808. At a general court martial, of which general the right honorable sir Wm. Medows, K. B. was president, held by virtue of his majesty's special warrant, bearing date the 25th of January, 1808, at the royal hospital at Chelsea, on the 25th of the same month, and continued by adjournment until the 18th of March following, lieut. gen. John White-locke was tried upon the charges [preferred against him relative to the defeat at Buenos-Ayres.]
SENTENCE.
The court martial having duly considered the evidence given in support of the charges against the prisoner (lieut. gen. White-locke) his defence, and the evidence he has adduced, are of opinion that he is guilty of the whole of the said charges, with the exception of that part of the second charge which relates to the order that "the columns should be unloaded, and that no firing should be permitted on any account." The court are anxious that it may be distinctly understood that they attach no censure whatever to the precautions taken to prevent unnecessary firing during the advance of the troops to the proposed points of attack, and do therefore acquit lieut. gen. White-locke of that part of the said charge. The court adjudged, that the said lieut. gen. White-locke be cashiered, and declared totally unfit and unworthy to serve his majesty in any military capacity whatever.
The King has been pleased to confirm the above sentence, and his royal highness the commander in chief has received his majesty's command to direct that it shall be read at the head of every regiment in his service, and inserted in all regimental orderly books, with a view of its becoming a lasting memorial of the fatal consequences to which officers expose themselves, who, in the discharge of the important duties confided to them, are deficient in that zeal, judgment and personal exertions, which their sovereign and their country have a right to expect from officers entrusted with high commands.
To his majesty, who has ever taken a most lively interest in the welfare, the honor, and reputation of his troops, the recent failure in South America, has proved a subject of the most heartfelt regret; but it has been a great consolation to him, and his majesty has commanded it to be intimated to the army, that after the most minute investigation, his majesty finds ample cause for gratification in the intrepidity and good conduct displayed by his troops, lately employed on that service, and particularly by those divisions of the army, which were personally engaged with the enemy in the town of Buenos Ayres, on the 5th of July, 1807; and his majesty entertains no doubt that had the exertions of his troops in South America been directed by the same skill and energy, which have so eminently distinguished his commanders in other quarters of the world, the result of the Campaign would have proved equally glorious to themselves and beneficial to their country.
By command of his royal highness the commander in chief. HARRY CALVERT, Major-Gen. and Adj. Gen. of the Forces.
NEW EXPEDITION TO RIVER PLATA. It is again reported that the armament which has at length sailed, is destined for the River Plate, and that sir Sidney Smith is to have the command of the Squadron. It is pretended, that Ministers have obtained a body of information on the actual state of South America, which has determined them to renew the adventure of an expedition to its coast. The present armament consists of 12,000 troops.
The French and Spanish army destined for Zealand, according to our last accounts from that quarter, will consist of 20,000 men, who are to be joined in Zealand by a Danish army of 25 or 30,000. The united force will then undertake the conquest of Sweden. Every thing indicated the speedy opening of the campaign; the French and Spanish troops being ready to march at a moment's notice, and quarters having been provided for them in the Danish provinces.
A LIBERAL price will be given, for a young CHAIR HORSE, about five feet high—A bay will be preferred—For further particulars, enquire at this office. May 10—(if)
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Robert and George Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, duly recorded in the Hastings Court of Richmond; made to secure the payment of fifteen hundred dollars, to Daniel Couch, according to the terms of said deed: Will be sold by the subscribers, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 4th of June next, all that Lot, Piece or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street leading from the Bell Tavern to the river, and now under lease to Russell and Wallace (subject to a ground rent of £10 per annum forever,) together with the following NEGROES: George (the Cook) Peter (the Barber) and Aggy; or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of seven hundred and fifty dollars, together with all costs attending the said sale.
ANDW. STEVENSON, C. ANTHONY, } Trustees May 10. (tds)
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MAY 10, 1808.
TO THE PUBLIC.
This paper commences the 5th volume, & the 5th year, since the Enquirer was ushered into light. Whatever have been its merits, its subscribers are, of right, the best and the only judges. Whilst its Editor is conscious of several imperfections, which have marked its career, he proudly defies its enemies to trace them to the want of principle or virtue; & for their future diminution, he as confidently relies upon the efficacy of greater care & added experience.
The Editor intended to have addressed his readers at considerable length, on the present occasion, but his columns are already devoted to other more interesting subjects. He is therefore compelled to confine his few observations to those points only, which are of indispensable importance.
1. As some few instances have occurred in which the Rules and Conditions have been misunderstood, it is best most explicitly to observe, that though the annual price of this paper is five dollars in advance, yet that any subscriber who complies with this condition in the first instance, without at the same time particularly specifying his intention to take it for no more than the first year, will be considered as a subscriber for more than one year, and of course responsible for such continuation, until the Editor is otherwise ordered. It will be the Editor's own fault, if any subscriber is permitted to run long in arrears.
2. The times do not altogether permit the importunity of a dun, however pressing may be his wants. Like the rest of his fellow citizens, he most distinctly feels the pressure of the Embargo, although he is prepared most cheerfully to acquiesce in the sacrifices which it imposes, until the best interests of his country will admit of a dispensation. Such, however, as have the ability and the inclination, he begs leave most solemnly to assure, that the payment of their arrearages cannot fail to be highly acceptable.—From those who live in the vicinity of Richmond, he is extremely willing to accept payment in kind , if not in coin .
3. Advertisements from the country must be paid for previous to their insertion, or else some person in this city must assume the payment of them at very short periods. This rule will of course admit of some exceptions, in cases where the Editor is intimately acquainted with the advertising party.
5. During the present and ensuing weeks, the ENQUIRER will be published three times a week; that is, on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.—This arrangement is intended to get rid of those important and voluminous Documents, which have been laid before Congress; which are too important not to be entirely published, & too voluminous not to choke up the immediate avenues of information. This arrangement will of course cut off two weeks from the winter's publication of this paper.
Citizens of Virginia! Federalists of the Union! Friends of the Minority! READ! Behold the eulogium which is paid by men on the spot, upon the present measures of the administration! We pledge to you, that the following extracts of letters have been just received from an intelligent Virginian, a merchant now in London, and lately a resident of this city.—We know that another letter has also been received here, from a federal merchant in London which declares that if we stick to our Embargo for six months, we shall obtain our terms from G. Britain.
LONDON, March 20. "Petitions against the Orders of Council from London, Liverpool and Manchester, have been presented to the House of Commons and House of Lords, praying that the petitioners might be heard by counsel at the bars of both Houses, and might be permitted to adduce evidence in support of the allegations of their petitions. The House of Lords have refused to grant the prayer of the petition. The House of Commons although they granted that prayer, yet would not hear them until after the bill for carrying the Orders of Council into more complete effect had passed that house. I was last night in the gallery and heard the examination of some witnesses; the further examination was postponed until the 22d. From the questions which were asked by ministers and their friends, there is not the smallest reason to imagine that the government intend any relaxation of those orders, and it seems the ministers intend to give their orders full experiment. I trust, therefore, that America will hold fast to her embargo, as it is a measure of all others, best calculated to make this country feel the importance of her commerce, and the policy of conciliating her friendship, rather than by irritating measures exciting a spirit of hostility. —By an arrival in Ireland, Boston papers have been received as late as the 29th January, at which time the Orders of Council had been received. These papers are federal, and I am very sorry to find them attempting to palliate the conduct of this country and censure the measure of their own government in relation to the embargo. I trust that these prints do not convey the sentiments of the federalists throughout America. The spirit of federalism must be an American spirit; alive to feel and ready to resent insults and aggressions offered to our country, by any and every nation in the world. I hope no federalist will be found in Virginia who will attempt a justification of England, because France has inflicted an injury also. The conduct of both nations is equally a violation of American neutral rights, and the one cannot justify the other. I trust that when the packet arrives, it will bring papers, which will better express the sentiments the American people certainly must entertain. Let the merchants who murmur at the embargo, ask themselves what they would do, if the embargo was taken off and the orders of council continued; their trade must necessarily be confined to England alone, where they could not find a market for one fifth of the exports of the United States. The consequence of which must be, to reduce the value of every article of American produce, as low as the embargo now makes it.—Bonaparte will not permit any ship to enter the ports of the continent which have entered an English port—and England will not suffer any ship to enter a continental port, unless she first enters a British port, and also pays duties on many articles—the Americans then for (independent of the embargo) are completely shut from all trade except to England—and if they were themselves to
suffer the continuance of that trade, they would only lengthen the term of embarrassment under which their commerce would labour; because that embarrassment will certainly continue, until this country feels the distress which the loss of the American trade will inevitably bring with it.—The whole exports of this Kingdom in manufactures, East and West-India produce, &c. amount annually to forty millions sterling, of which ten millions consisting entirely of manufactures go to the United States. Consequently the loss of that trade must throw out of employment above one third of the whole manufacturing population and capital of the kingdom, since we may presume that the East and West-India goods amount to the fourth of the whole export. Indeed the distress is unparalleled in the manufacturing districts, and the ministry will very soon be compelled either to make peace with France, or repeal every measure they have adopted to restrict the trade to the continent. They go on the wild supposition that by depriving the continent of sugar, coffee, cotton & bark, they will compel Bonaparte to make peace on their own terms; forgetting that his power is not founded, nor depends upon the affections of his people, but upon the strength and fidelity of his army —on which army the privation of sugar and coffee will not operate, as these articles form no part of their subsistence, and forgetting that however the mass of the people may be affected by other privations, Bonaparte always has, and always will take care to provide well for the wants of the army . I have before had occasion to observe that the present administration of this country is greatly deficient in talents. Every day produces fresh evidence of that fact—and their deficiency is rendered the more apparent, by the superiority of talent opposed to them. I trust that America will adhere strictly and inflexibly to the measure of the embargo, as the only way to avoid the danger, the loss, and the expense of war—and at the same time, to inflict upon the aggressor all the injury she can.
March 23. —The wind still continues strong from the East, and of course we cannot expect the arrival of the packet.—Boston papers to the 29th January and letters to 6th February are received in town. The papers are the Boston Gazette and the Palladium, both of which I am sorry to see, are so strongly censoring the measure of the Embargo.
When the orders of council are rightly understood in America, I flatter myself that not a man will be found who will not join heart and hand in giving full effect to the embargo. I repeat that it is a step of all others best calculated to produce such an impression upon this country, as will hereafter render it advisable for England to pay more regard to the rights of the United States.
I have seen some of the manufacturers who have been sent forward with petitions against the late orders of council.
They unite in stating that the distress occasioned among the manufacturing class exceeds anything of which an idea can be formed, that many who usually received a guinea a week for their labour are now sweeping the streets and begging for their subsistence.
LONDON, March 25, 1808. As the Rolla will not leave Cowes until to-morrow, I am afforded an opportunity of saying, that the Packet from New-York has arrived. I am truly astonished at the part the federalists seem to be taking in the politics of America, relating to the Embargo: They have always accused the democrats of submission to every thing coming from France, and they now seem ready to submit to every thing from this country. If Bonaparte's decrees were an injury to the American trade, the orders of council will operate with a hundred fold more effect. Bonaparte did not possess the power of injuring us: G. Britain can do so most completely. The orders of council cannot be understood in America, or they must among all parties produce the same sentiment of hostility which, without an exception, is felt by every American here—and if the Embargo is taken off before the orders of council are completely revoked, I for one, will feel ashamed to call myself an American. The federalists censure the administration for laying the embargo, in compliance with the views of France—but certainly if the embargo was laid without sufficient cause, that objection no longer exists—and however improper its imposition may have been, its continuance ought to be supported by every friend to his country.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER. SIR, The reasons given in a publication in the Enquirer of the 3d inst. for my declining to act as a committee man for the Monroe ticket are not exactly my own; my friend who was requested to intimate the same to you, must have misunderstood me. I am far, very far from believing that the interest of the country would be jeopardized by placing Mr. Monroe in the Presidential chair, and still less disposed to wound his feelings by such an insinuation. I declined acting on the committee upon this principle, and this alone. I am decidedly opposed to any measure calculated to produce schism among the Republicans, and I do most seriously apprehend that the perseverance of Col. Monroe's friends in supporting him for the Presidency will have that tendency. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Yours, BYRD WILLIS. Fredericksburg, May 5.
A communication from Port-Royal, in making some remarks, on the state of the Poll in the late Westmoreland election, as published in this paper, observes:
"The gentlemen returned, are Federalists; and the county being decidedly Federal, it was what might have been calculated on, particularly when there were three Republicans opposed to two Federalists. Mr. Bankhead who had been induced, at a very late period, and much against his inclination, to offer his services, finding that the division which he would occasion in the Republican party, would inevitably throw them into a small minority, withdrew soon after the poll was opened and supported the election of the remaining Republicans.
Mr. Bankhead had every reason to calculate on getting a very respectable vote, but was unwilling to sacrifice principles at the shrine of pride or ambition.
"The writer of this statement was in company with Mr. Bankhead, early in the day of the court preceding the election and heard him solicited to offer his services to this country more than twice or thrice, which he has often declared, there being then four candidates, and it was not until late in the day that he was prevailed upon by the repeated
solicitations of his friends to declare himself."
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
York —Peyton Southall, *Gavin L. Cosby. Williamburg —James Sempie. Halifax —Joseph Sandford, *Wm. B. Banks. Cumberland —John Hatcher, *Jermain Baker.
* New Members.
Col. Alexander Smyth is elected a Senator for the district composed of the county of Washington, &c. without opposition.
NEW-YORK, April 30.
GENERAL MEETING.
At a meeting (uncommonly numerous) of republican citizens, held at Martling's on Friday evening, 29th April, 1808. Abraham Bloodgood, Esq. Chairman.
Resolved , That the result of the late election in this city, in favor of the republican candidates, is evincive of the unbending virtue, the inflexible patriotism, and the undeviating and invincible spirit, of republicanism, which animate and ought forever to pervade the American people, and that it is fair to be considered as the triumph of principle.
Resolved , That the seamen and all classes of our fellow-citizens, immediately dependent on commerce, are entitled to the thanks of their country, for their generous and public spirited support of the administration, by whose pacific, yet energetic policy our property is saved from foreign depredation, and the lives of our countrymen are rescued from immolation in foreign servitude and British ships.
Resolved , That we will support the present administration, and rally round the standard of our country, whenever occasion shall present and require our exertions.
Resolved , That it be recommended to our republican fellow-citizens, to assemble in the respective wards, at their usual places of meeting, on the evening of the 17th of May next, to nominate a committee of three from each ward, to form a general committee for the ensuing year.
Resolved , That the above notice be signed by the Chairman and secretary, and published in the American Citizen and Public Advertiser.
ABM. BLOODGOOD, Chairman. S. COWDREY, Secretary.
May 4.
Capt. Barry, who arrived at this port on Sunday from Madeira, which island he left on the 9th of March, informs us he read in the French papers at Madeira, that the Emperor Napoleon, had created TALLEYRAND King of Portugal.
BRITISH AMITY. !!!
The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman in the county of Ontario, to the Editor of this paper. We pledge ourselves to our readers, that the writer of the letter is a gentleman of the first respectability—and that we have not the smallest doubt of the truth of its contents. We are aware that some of our opponents may be induced to say, that this letter, coming out at this time, is intended as an electioneering stroke of policy; but to obviate any such objection to its authenticity, we mention that the writer is well known in this city—and that the letter itself may be inspected by any gentleman of the federal party who may think proper to call at this office for that purpose.
[Albany Register.] "CANANDAIGUA, April 16, 1808.
"I left Buffalo on the 12th and arrived here on the 14th instant. While at Buffalo, Erastus Granger, Esq. the United States Indian agent, informed me that a short time since Col. Claws, the British Indian agent in Canada, sent a war-belt to the chiefs of the Seneca tribe of Indians residing on the banks of Buffalo Creek, three or four miles from the village. The belt was a large and elegant one, ornamented with the hieroglyphics of war. The message accompanying it was that the British and Americans would probably soon be at war, inviting them to join the British and take up the Tomahawk and scalping-knife against our thinly settled and defenceless frontiers!
"The Indians held their Council about a fortnight since, and determined in the negative. They handed Mr. Granger the belt with a request to return it to Col. Claws.
"Mr. Granger told them, that in case of war, the United States could fight their own battles, and did not wish them to take any part in it; but if they sided with the British, the United States would withhold their annuities and exterminate them from their lands. They signified their disposition to remain at peace—but some of the young warriors gave out that in case of war they would not be idle spectators—they would join the Americans and fight the British."
THE CAUSE OF THE REPUBLIC.
The election topics are now likely to come upon the tapis —there is much more intrigue afloat than we had believed, and in quarters to which we could not have suspected, and means used which we could not have supposed. But as this paper has been accustomed to determine coolly, and with a single eye to the national honour, the national policy, and the best interests of society; without listening to the querulous sneers of the irascible or the petulance of personal discontent—we shall take this opportunity of declaring that upon a strict examination—upon a fair view of the whole ground, with the best lights of which the subject is susceptible, we are of opinion that the happy policy which has preserved the peace and prosperity of the U. States, and the respect of the universe, will be best ensured and promoted by the support of the candidate recommended to be put in nomination by the meeting of the members of both houses of Congress.
Among other reasons for this opinion, independent of the admirable talents so recently displayed by Mr. MADISON—besides that prepared knowledge of the general state of the world, which is not to be immediately caught, and embraced, and acted upon like mathematical problem.
We should be apt to suspect the motives of any man who was supported by Gideon Granger ; and should think the opposition of Timothy Pickering a tolerable good reason for believing the man to whom he was opposed, the best choice that could be made—as this paper has been always decided on its ground, writers who are opposed to the candidate of the republican majority, must resort to the numerous papers which support British policy, who will all be ready to oppose the wishes of the people and the best interests of the country.
Menaces and intrigues have forced us to this early declaration, which we should not have otherwise found it necessary to make;
but instead of waiting for the sense of a community to be expressed in its regular manner, a kind of soph has been put into operation to blow up the republicans; and to place them in a similar state of distraction as was exhibited in this state in 1799. The republicans of this state will not be duped now as they were then; the great interests of the nation are not to be put in the scales with individual prejudices. Aurora.
Capt. Hancock of the Dumfries informs us that the general sentiment in Liverpool was for peace; that on the doors of the warehouses were written, "PEACE WITH AMERICA, OR NO KING." Bait. Amer.
FAIRFIELD RACES, May, 1808.
1st day, for the Fairfield Jockey Club Cup of 30 guineas—2 mile heats.
J. Hoomes's b. h. Lance, by Dragon, 4 years old, 1 1 R. Wormley's s. m. Nettleton, by Spread Eagle, 6 yrs. old, 2 2 Miles Selden's c. h. Dragon, by Dragon, 4 yrs. old, 3 dist. Esme Smock's g. h. Treasurer, by Diomed, 3 yrs. old, 4 3 Wm. Ball's b. m. —, by Wildmedley, 6 yrs. old, 5 dist. Time—1st heat 3 m. 53 s.—2d. heat 3 m. 57 s.
2d. day, Jockey Club Purse $ 500—4 mile heats.
Collier Harrison's b. h. Atlantic, by Knowsley, 4 yrs. old, 1 1 J. Hoomes's b. h. Young Peacemaker, by Diomed, 6 yrs. old, 2 2 Wade Mosby's b. h. Miranda, by Diomed, 5 yrs. old, 3 3 Ralph Wormley's c. h. Stump the Dealer, by Diomed, 5 yrs. old, 4 dist. 1st heat 8 m. 7 s.—2d heat 8 m. 50 s.
3d. day, the Proprietor's Purse of $ 250—8 mile heats.
Esme Smock's b. h. Vanguard, by Bedford, 4 yrs. old, 1 1 3 R. Wormley's c. h. Trafalgar, by Muffet, 4 yrs. old, 2 5 dist. W. Ball's g. h. Commodore, by Spread Eagle, 6 yrs. old, 3 2 2 Jno. Hoomes's g. h. Abeleno, by Dragon, 4 yrs. old, 4 4 dist. Wade Mosby's c. h. Rattray, by Cliffden, 6 yrs. old, 5 1 1 Collier Harrison's b. h. Dinwiddie, by Diomed, 4 yrs. old, 6 dist. Miles Selden's b. h. Taskmaster, by Sterling, 5 yrs. old, 7 dist. Col. Hoskins's s. h. Mataponi, by Bedford, 4 yrs. old, dist. Time—1st heat 6 m. 6 s.—2d heat 6 m. 18 s.—3d heat 6 m. 30 s.
4th day, Annual Sweepstakes of $ 500—8 mile heats.
R. Wormley's b. h. Sir Peter, by Knowsley, 4 yrs. old, 1 1 J. Hoomes's c. h. Tom Tuff, by Escape, 4 yrs. old, 2 2 M. Selden's s. h. White Stockings, by Diom, 5 yrs. old, 3 3 W. Ball's s. h. by Diomed, 3 yrs. old, 4 dist.
We are authorised to state, that Peyton Southall of the county of York, declines reëlection on the Monroe Committee for that county.
MARRIED on Saturday last by the Rev'd. John D. Blair, Mr. PETER RALSTON to Mrs. JANETT GILCHRIST both of this city.
NOTICE —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Joseph Pollard, Jr. bearing date the 15th day of November, 1804, and recorded in the county court of Spottsylvania, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt or debts due from the said Pollard to David Bullock, will be exposed to sale on the premises, for ready money, on Thursday the 16th day of June next, one moiety of the will commonly called and known by the name of Rogers's mill, in the lower end of Spottsylvania county—together with one moiety of fifty acres of Land adjoining thereto, and the house and other appurtenances thereon erected, together with fifteen Slaves, as named and conveyed in the aforesaid deed of trust, or so much of the aforesaid property as shall be sufficient fully and completely to carry the said debt of trust into effect, according to the true intent and meaning thereof. CHARLES SMITH, FREDERICK HARRIS, } Trustees May 10. (Lauds.)
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, on Monday the 16th inst. at the dwelling house of the late Princess Dana, Esq. deceased, all his household and kitchen FURNITURE, several very valuable House Servants, an elegant Philadelphia made Coach, with plated harness, nearly new, two handsome bay Horses well matched and well broke, a very good Driver and a valuable Slip-Carpenter.—The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
The Dwelling-House of the dec'd. is offered for rent, also, that occupied by Wright Southgate, Esq. a House in Bermuda street lately occupied by Mr. Allan Gorham, a House in wide water street, a store on commerce street wharf, and one half of the wharf known by the name of Gorham's wharf.
JAMES YOUNG, Adm'r. Norfolk, May 10, 1808. [34]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company, on Saturday evening the 7th of May, 1808.
Resolved , That the shares of all delinquent stock-holders in the company be sold on Saturday the eleventh of next month, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond.
A Copy N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock-holders in the above Company are hereby notified that their annual meeting will be held at the Bell Tavern, in Richmond, on the first Monday in next month, which is the day fixed by the charter for their meeting. N. SHEPPARD. [11th June.]
TRUST DEED —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to William F. Carter and Shelton Crosthwait, by Alexander B. Rose, to secure the payment of a debt due to Murphy Bros & Co. as therein expressed, will be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Amherst court-house, on Saturday the 4th day of June next, all the Tract of LAND lying in the county of Amherst, on Tye River and Hat Creek, whereon the said Alexander B. Rose now resides, supposed to contain two thousand five hundred and thirty acres, adjoining the Lands of Thomas Massie, David S. Carland, Thomas Fitzhugh, Henry Rose and Philip Kyaw. The subscribers being trustees for the benefit of others, they will only warrant the title of the above mentioned land as to themselves and those claiming under them.
WILLIAM F. CARTER, SHELTON CROSTHWAIT, } Trustees. May 10. (3w)
WILL BE SOLD , on the second day of June 1808, one acre of GROUND which formerly belonged to Nimean Wyse who is now deceased, lying near Colonel Adams's saw mill, a part of acre of ground I have a part in as a legatee, wish to sell it and let his widow have her dower and for me to get my part, to go as far as in paying debts that I am security for Nimean Wyse, Deceased. Terms, cash. J. TROWER, Adm'r. May 10.

[Continued from first page.] power, due credit shall be given to such public document as his government may have granted for his protection. And where such documents may have been lost, destroyed, or by casualty not obtained, and any person claims to be a citizen or subject of either party, such other evidence of said claim shall be received and admitted, as would be satisfactory in a case of judicature. The high contracting parties engage that due care shall be taken that such documents shall be granted in their respective ports to such persons only, as are justly entitled to them, & by suitable officers who shall be specially designated for the purpose.
ARTICLE II. It is agreed that no refuge or protection shall be afforded by either party to the mariners, sailors, or other persons not found to be its own citizens or subjects, who shall desert from a vessel of the other party of the crew whereof the deserter made a part; but on the contrary, all such deserters shall be delivered up on demand, to the commanders of the vessels from which they shall have deserted, or to the commanding officers of the ships of war of the respective nations, or to such other persons as may be duly authorized to make requisition in that behalf, provided that proof be made within two years from the time of desertion, by an exhibition of the ship's papers, or authenticated copies thereof, and by satisfactory evidence of the identity of the person that the deserters so demanded were actually part of the crew of the vessels in question.
And for the more effectual execution of this article, adequate provision shall be made for causing to be arrested on the application of the respective consuls or vice-consuls to the competent authorities, all deserters, duly proved to be such, in order that they may be sent back to the commanders of the vessels to which they belonged, or removed out of the country. And all due aid and assistance shall be given in searching for, as well as in seizing and arresting the said deserters, who shall even be detained and kept in the prisons of the country at the request and expense of the said consuls or vice-consuls, until they shall have found an opportunity of sending them back, or removing them as aforesaid. But if they be not sent back or removed within three months, from the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and shall not be again arrested for the same cause.
[COPY.] GEORGE R. George the third, by the grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, duke of Brunswick and Lüneburgh, arch-treasurer, and prince elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. &c. To all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting:
Whereas for the better treating of and arranging certain subjects now in discussion between us and our good friends the United States of America, the President of the United States, with the consent and by the authority of the Senate and House of Representatives of the said United States, has nominated, constituted and appointed James Monroe, esq. and William Pinkney, esq. commissioners extraordinary, to conduct the said discussion on behalf of the said United States; and we reposing especial trust and confidence in the wisdom, loyalty, diligence and circumspection of our right trusty and well beloved councillor Henry Richard Lord Holland, and our right trusty and well beloved councillor William Lord Auckland, have nominated, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute and appoint them our true, certain and undoubted commissioners, procurators and plenipotentiaries, giving to them all and all manner of faculty, power and authority, together with general as well as with special orders, (so as the general do not derogate from the special, nor on the contrary) for us and in our name, to meet, confer, treat and conclude with the said James Monroe and William Pinkney, being duly furnished with sufficient powers on the part of our said good friends the United States of America, of and concerning all such matters and things as may be requisite and necessary for accomplishing and completing the several ends and purposes herein before adverted to, and of and concerning all such matters and things as may tend to the mutual interests and advantage of our subjects or dominions and of those of our said good friends, and to the promoting & maintaining a mutual friendship, good understanding and intercourse between our subjects or dominions, and those of our said good friends, and for us, and in our name to sign all such article or articles, or other instruments whatsoever, as may be agreed upon between the said plenipotentiaries, and mutually to deliver and receive the same in exchange; and to do and perform all such other acts, matters and things, as may be any wise proper and conducive to the purposes above adverted to, in as full and ample manner, and with the like validity and effect, as we ourselves, if we were present, could do and perform the same, engaging and promising on our royal word, that we will accept, ratify & confirm all such acts, matters and things as shall be so transacted and concluded by our aforesaid commissioners, procurators and plenipotentiaries, and that we will never suffer any person to violate the same in the whole or in part to act contrary thereto. In testimony and confirmation of all which, we have caused our great seal of our united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to be affixed to these presents, signed with our royal hand. Given at our court at St. James's, the twentieth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six, and of our reign the forty-sixth.
No. 6. LONDON, Nov. 11, 1806. We flatter ourselves at the date of our last dispatch, which was of September 11th, that we should have been able to have concluded a treaty with the British commissioners, and to have transmitted it to you before this, on all the interesting topics which are embraced by our instructions, and on terms that would be approved by our government. The disposition which had been shown by the members of the cabinet, with most of whom we had had conversations on the subject, and the sentiments which had been expressed in our conferences by the plenipotentiaries who had been appointed to meet independent of other considerations of a noble character, had inspired us with confidence in such a result. We received, to be now under the necessity of saying to you, that although every thing is frequently taken into consideration, and there is good cause
to believe that a satisfactory arrangement may be obtained of many of the great points, and an admissible one of the inferior, that nevertheless nothing has been concluded on any point, and an insurmountable difficulty has occurred on one which is deservedly considered of the first importance to our country. The opportunity by which we propose to forward this communication, is so pressing as to time, that we fear we shall not be able to give you all the details which have attended the negotiation, since the 11th of September. We shall, however, endeavour to comprise in it every circumstance which may be necessary to convey a just idea of its present state and probable result. You will be apprized by our last of the delay to which we had been previously exposed by the indisposition of Mr. Fox. It happened unfortunately that the same cause subjected us afterwards to much interruption in the prosecution of the business, which was finally suspended altogether, for several weeks, by his death. We add, however, with pleasure, that we experienced no delay on account of Mr. Fox's indisposition, which did not appear to us, in consideration of all circumstances, to be natural and reasonable; that the business was resumed by the British commissioners as soon after his death, and interment, as a suitable respect for his memory would permit; and that it has been pursued by them since in a manner to evince an evident desire on their part to bring it to a speedy conclusion.
Our attention was naturally drawn, from the commencement of the negotiation, to its principle objects, the impressment of our seamen and the trade with enemies colonies, the former of which presented the most serious difficulties with this government. As we knew that the tranquillity of our country, if not its peace, was essentially connected with a suitable provision for this great interest, it seemed useless to proceed to those of minor consideration, till it should be satisfactorily disposed of. Hence the greater portion of our time and labor has been bestowed in our several conferences on this latter topic. We have said every thing that we could in support of our claim, that the flag should protect the crew, which we have contended was founded in unquestionable right, whose enjoyment it was indispensable to secure, by an unqualified and positive stipulation in its favor. We have also proposed in a spirit of accommodation, every suitable expedient that we could devise, consistent with that principle, to obviate the inconveniences which it was urged on the other side were likely to result from its admission. But all our efforts have so far proved ineffectual. The right was denied by the British commissioners, who asserted that of their government, to seize its subjects on board neutral merchant vessels on the high seas, and who also urged that the relinquishment of it at this time, would go far to the overthrow of their naval power, on which the safety of the state essentially depended. At one time, and that very recently, there was a prospect of an agreement, on conditions, which appeared to be just and fair between the parties, but that seems now to have completely vanished. It was urged by the British commissioners, that the proposition which we had made, to give the aid of the local authorities of the United States, to apprehend and restore deserters from their vessels, as an inducement for their government to acknowledge the right which we contended for, in favor of the vessels of the United States on the high seas, did not furnish a complete remedy for the evil complained of. It did not follow, they observed, that such deserters would in all, or even most cases retire into the country; they might, on the contrary, go on board an American vessel which might put immediately to sea, where our flag would protect them; that such desertions might also take place in a neutral port, and be attended with like consequences. They were therefore desirous that we should stipulate, that a law should be passed by the Congress, (to be of course reciprocal) which should make it penal for the commanders of American vessels to take deserters from those of Great Britain under such circumstances, they being British subjects, and likewise to make it the duty of our government to restore them on their arrival in the United States, on suitable application, and due proof being made of their persons. We agreed to provide a remedy for this presumptive evil. They then observed that the term "deserters" was too limited, according to their law, to comprehend those who might leave their merchant vessels; that it would apply only to such as left their ships of war; they therefore proposed that we should enlarge its import by adding the following terms, "sea-faring people quitting their service," to which we also agreed, taking care, however, by confining their operation always to the case of real desertion from some vessel, not to give them a greater range in the sense of our law than we had at first intended. To our original project, thus amended, the British commissioners seemed to give their assent; they agreed expressly to propose an article to the cabinet to that effect, from which circumstance, and from what had previously occurred in our conferences, we were led to conclude that they would also support it. To give the cabinet full time for deliberation on the subject, our next meeting was postponed to so distant a day as to admit it. We are sorry to add that the result of that deliberation was a rejection of the project, and with it an end to all hope of obtaining, at this time, in its stead, any satisfactory stipulation by treaty respecting impressments.
Our next interview had been appointed to take place, on the 5th instant. On the preceding day we received a note from the British commissioners, with a report from a law officer of the crown, which seemed to be communicated to prepare us for what they had to announce more formally the next day. The report of the crown officer had been made in answer to an inquiry from them, on what ground Great Britain claimed a right to take by force her seamen from on board the merchant vessels of other powers, on the high seas? The report justified the pretension by stating, that the king had a right, by his prerogative, to require the service of all his seafaring subjects, against the enemy, and to seize them by force wherever found, not being within the territorial limits of another power; that as the high seas were extra-territorial, the merchant vessels of other powers navigating them, were not admitted to possess such a jurisdiction as to protect British subjects from the exercise of the king's prerogative over them. We were desirous to consider the communication as a private one, at least in that stage. At our meeting the next day the British commissioners stated explicitly, but in a very conciliating manner, that it
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HANOVER JOCKEY CLUB. —The Races will commence at Hanover Court-House, on the 4th Thursday in this present month. 1st DAY.—Three mile heats, free for any horse, mare or gelding. 2d DAY.—Two mile heats, also free for any horse, mare or gelding. The regulations with respect to weights, &c. are adopted from those of the Fairfield Jockey Club. The Secretary of the Club. May 6. (60)
WANTED ON RENT, at any time before the 1st of October next, a small neat House on Shockoe Hill, not very remote from the Capitol, with a kitchen, carriage house, and stabling for two or three horses—Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. May 6. (5t)
FOR RENT —A three story brick HOUSE, on the east side of the street leading by Messrs. Gordon, Trokes & Co.'s to Shockoe warehouse:—This tenement has a store and counting room on the first floor with a large cellar underneath, and six commodious rooms above, together with a brick kitchen and yard adjoining thereto: Also, a wooden frame House, being the second building above Messrs. Ellis and Allan's and nearly opposite to the City Hotel. This tenement is in an airy situation, and has been occupied for fifteen years past as a merchant taylor's shop. Possession may be had immediately of either of the above tenements—For further particulars enquire of the subscriber, or, in his absence, of Samuel McCraw, Esquire. May 6. [tf] ROBERT MEANS.
VIRGINIA —At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808. Robert Birchett, Peter Puryear and Edmund Birchett, merchants and partners, under the firm of Birchetts and Puryear, Plaintiffs —Against Thomas Stokes, administrator of Wm. Stokes, deceased, Defendant . The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs , and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. March 29. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY —Louisa County October Court, 1806. Andrew Todd, Plaintiff —Against Christopher Stanley, William Hodges, William Hodges, jun. and Frederick Harris, Defendants . The defendants Christopher Stanley, William Hodges and William Hodges, jun. not having entered their appearance & given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, therefor, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, It is ordered and decreed by the court, that the said defendants, Christopher Stanley, Wm. Hodges and William Hodges, jun. do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. c. April 1. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY —Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808. Claiborne Barkdale and son, assignees of Major Parsons, Plaintiffs —Against James Green & Parish Green, Defendants . The defendant James, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered , that he appear here on the first day of August court next and enter his appearance, and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, THOMAS READ, CLK. April 26. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY —Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808. Grief and Claiborne Barkdale, jr. Plaintiffs —Against Charles Harris, Henry A. Watkins, executor of William Penticot and Richard Penticot, Defendants . The defendant Harris, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered , that he appear here on the first day of August court next, and enter his appearance and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, THOMAS READ, CLK. April 26. [law8w]
IN PURSUANCE of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little-Island, containing 10 acres, at Goodland court house, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BERKELEY, Commissioners . JOSIAH ELLIS, one . WM. MANN, one . March 15. [law2m]
SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising—The stock consists of the following articles, viz. 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Konting, Linen and Cotten Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, ladies silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Sarcenets, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Cheque, linen & cotton Cambric hks. white & black French laces, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wildboar, Bennet's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. ep2m.
JUST PUBLISHED, and for sale at S. GRASSLAND'S Printing Office, opposite Dr. Duvall's Medicine Store, MILITARY TACTICS, or THE SOLDIER'S COMPANION. —Teaching how to form companies—with directions for the formation and exercise of a battalion and regiment, and the various forms of reports, &c. Likewise, evolutions for the Cavalry and Artillery, with explanations and improvements upon Baron Steuben—By SAMUEL J. WINSTON, Brigade Inspector for the second Brigade. Subscribers will receive their Books at the Printing Office of Seaton Grantland, where they are requested to call or send for them. May 3. (3y)
BY VIRTUE of eight deeds of trust executed to the subscribers by Thomas Cheatham, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Tuesday the tenth day of May next, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and ninety three pounds, ten shillings and four pence, due by the said Thomas Cheatham to James Gam-mall, John Likely, Peter Murdock and Waller Ewing McCray, together with interest thereon from the first day of March, 1804, including expenses of sale, &c. the following eight Tracts of LAND, to wit:
One tract containing one hundred and ninety eight acres eighty-nine poles—part of the tract called King's land slashes formerly belonging to James Wardrope, dec'd. One do. containing 66 acres nineteen poles. One do. containing one hundred and twenty three acres twenty-nine poles. One do. containing one hundred and forty five acres, one hundred and forty two poles. One do. containing one hundred and forty two acres ninety one poles. One do. containing one hundred and forty eight acres seven poles. One do. containing two hundred and fifty three acres, one hundred and nineteen poles. One do. containing five hundred and sixty one acres eleven poles.
WILLIAM TEMPLE. April 15.
FOR SALE , 121,600 acres of LAND in Ken-awha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. tf.
IRON WORKS. —The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on Saturday the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock—23,343 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patents .
CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 1/2 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White LIME-STONE near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/2 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [ep4td]
THE TAPPAHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstake for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, fifty dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows—Aged horses 130lbs 6 years old 120lbs. 5 do. do. 110lbs. 4 do. do. 100lbs. 3 do. do. 86lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer . N. B. The entrance money in the Sweepstake is reduced in consequence of sundry applications to the Secretary. March 25. [ept25thM]
THE HEALING SPRINGS , situated in the lower end of Louisa County and but thirty-one miles from Richmond, will be in readiness on the 1st of June next for the accommodation of boarders. The medicinal virtues of those waters have been proved in a great variety of instances; they derive their name from the power they possess of healing most kinds of eruptions, and it is believed, that in bilious cases they have never failed to afford relief. There are several small houses detached from the main building, intended for single families who may apply in time, and the terms for board will be six dollars a-week. Healing Springs, Louisa, May 3. (11j.)
NOTICE. —All persons having claims against the estate of Cunningham Burton, dec'd are requested to produce them at the next June Husting Court for the City of Richmond, properly authenticated, as the court will then proceed to make distributions amongst the creditors. JOHN F. PRICE, Curator . Richmond, April 22. [law24Mm.]
ADVERTISEMENT. —I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Esq. of Jacob Williamson, dec'd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1803. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson, dec'd. April 22. [law8w.]
THE subscribers want to hire, to work at their Coal Pits, 10 or 12 active Negro Men, for which they will give liberal wages. DANIEL TRIPLETT & CO. May 3. (2w)
REMOVAL. —We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Mucavado Sugar by the hhd. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK & CO. March 8. (ep4td)
IN consequence of the death of William Bullock, the Co-partnership of NORVELL, WIA TS & BULLOCK of this place, and NORVELL, WIA TS & CO. of Lynchburg, is dissolved. —All persons indebted to the said Company, are desired to make payment to either of the Partners, or to Edmund Norvell. Those having claims against them, will apply to John F. Wyatt of Richmond, or William Norvell of Lynchburg for payment. WM. NORVELL, JOHN WYATT, JOHN F. WYATT. Richmond, April 29. [ep4td]
FOR SALE —30 ton country and Sweden Iron assorted, 2 ton Nail Rods, a few hhd. Northern Whiskey, and a few Bales prime Cotton. Likewise, just receiving 27,000 weight of choice Bacon, among which are 750 hams—All of which we will dispose of on reasonable terms, for cash or a short credit. RUSSELL & WALLACE, Left corner of street leading to Byrd's Warehouse . April 22. [ep1m]
SPRING & SUMMER GOODS. —Richard Brooke has just received a full assortment of GOODS, suitable for the present and ensuing season, all of which he will sell low for cash—Among which are— Superfine and second Cloth, Superfine and second Cassimeres, Twilled and Tabby Velvet, Hunter's constitution and silver Cords, Cotton Cassimeres and English Nankeens, India Nankeens, Bandannas, Rohmal and Madras Hks. White and coloured Janes, do. do. Marseilles, Calicoes and Chintz, Pink, blue and purple Ginghams and Muslins, Dimity and Cambric Dimity, Furniture do. Linen and Cotton Checks, 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linen and shirting Cotton, 9-8 and 6-4 Cambrics, Plain and Figured Lenoes, Elegant mill mill Robes and short Dresses, Worsted and Figured Sunsets and Grapes, Real Lace Veil, black and white, Narrow and broad black Laces, Fashionable Scarfs and Shawls, Gentlemen and Ladies' silk and cotton Hose, 7-8, 10-4 Damask Silk Shawls, and 10-4 Fashionable Bonnets and Head Dresses, just from Paris. April 22. [tf]
ENGLISH GOODS. —APPLETON & CO. By the John Adams, St Johns, from Liverpool, 16, Calvert-Street, have received their regular supply of GOODS calculated for the present and approaching season. Cambric and Common Calicoes, Plain and striped Dimities, Printed Marseilles Vesting, White Jeans, Furniture Chintz, do. Dimities, London Superfine Broad Cloths, do. do. Cassimeres, Yorkshire fine Cloths and Cassimeres, Patent Nankeens, Cords, Grandurells, Cotton Cassimeres, 6-4 and 4-4 Cambric Muslins, Japan, Harford and Check do. Plain and Figured Mill do. Leno, Victory, Riddle, &c. do. Colored do. do. do. 4-4 Plain Book do. Ginghams, Silk do. Sattins, Persians and Sarsnets, Bonnet Silks, Silk Gloves, Silk Handkerchiefs, Fancy Shawls, Cotton Umbrellas, do. Braces, do. Laces and Footings, do. Quiltings, English Kid Gloves, Cotton Hosiery, Handkerchiefs, Fringe and Bed Lace, Cotton and Linen Checks, Buttons, Birmingham Ware, &c. &c. In store, a few dozen gentlemen's best Beaver Hats, from Marseilles. These Goods will be sold low for cash, or undoubted paper at 60 days. Baltimore, April 19. (10t)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WENNER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [tf]
NOTICE. —By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Robert Woodcock, the subscriber will offer for sale to the highest bidder, at Chesterfield Court-House, on Monday the eleventh day of July, 1808, the Tract of LAND whereon the said Robt. Woodcock resides, in Chesterfield county, containing two hundred and four acres of Land, more or less, and adjoining the Lands of Samuel Furman, Ephraim Garthright, Henry Woodcock, Thomas Gregory, John Hancock, Enoch Adkins, Mark Farmer and Daniel Farmer; this sale is made to satisfy a debt of two hundred and ten pounds, with interest from the 10th day of March, 1806, due from the said Robert Woodcock to major Winfree. THOMAS GRAVES, Trustee . May 3. [law8w.]
NOTICE. —The subscriber being by a power of attorney authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following different co-partnerships, formerly of this city, viz. Montgomery and Allan, Alex. Montgomery & Co. Montgomery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's and Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms to call and pay their respective balances to him. GEO: WATT. Richmond, March 29. (law8w.)
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOFF. Dec. 15. [law8w.]