Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-03 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1650.]
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S P E E C H
Delivered by Mr. Giles in the Senate of the United States, on the 13th day of February, 1809, in support of the following resolution moved by him on the 8th of the same month.
Resolved, That the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with these nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
(Continued.)
It turns with disgust and mortification from this horrible picture of wrongs inflicted by Great Britain upon other nations, to a recollection and recapitulation of the injuries and insults heaped upon my own country, and particularly by the present energetic administration; and I feel degraded as an American, when I review and recollect our present forbearance under them, and particularly, sir, when I hear any one of my fellow-citizens say that there are no causes for war; wait for a further accumulation of injuries and insults. I hope, sir, I am mistaken in the view I have of the causes of war. A discovery of the mistake might relieve me from feelings, which as an American I cannot but possess, but which I am unable to describe. But, sir, to call the attention of gentlemen with more certainty and precision to the injuries and insults inflicted on us, I have reduced the disgusting catalogue to writing. Sir, I believe that nearly contemporaneous with the determination of the British ministry to seize the Danish fleet, was its determination to plunder and destroy American commerce. The principle of that determination applied with equal force to both nations. It was exclusive dominion on the ocean; and as one false suggestion was made the pretext for seizing the Danish fleet, so another suggestion, equally false, was made the pretext at once for the destruction of our commerce, and for sowing the seeds of division amongst our people. That false suggestion was, sir, that the government of the United States was acting under French influence, and engaged in some secret negotiation with the French Emperor for some ridiculous and visionary division of the United States. The success of this falsehood, and the extent of its circulation, &c. &c. are now pretty generally known in all parts of the United States. Without any further prefatory observations, therefore, let me read to you the catalogue of injuries and insults inflicted by Great Britain on the United States. I think it probable, sir, I have omitted some, because it is a subject I turn my mind to with disgust, and from it with pleasure.
CATALOGUE OF BRITISH INJURIES AND INSULTS.
 Impressment of American seamen.  Seizing and confiscating our vessels upon various unauthorised pretexts.  Blockading our ports, seizing vessels entering therein, and sending them to some neighboring port for condemnation.  Firing at, and detaining coasting vessels within our acknowledged jurisdiction, murdering a citizen in these acts of wantonness.  Violating our neutrality by destroying a French ship of war within our jurisdiction, and thus entitled to protection.  Attacking a public armed ship of the U. States.  Rifling some, and murdering others of her crew, refusing atonement for these outrages, regulating and restraining our commerce, colonizing and taxing us by orders of council reduced to the form of law by an act of parliament.  Interfering in our political concerns by inviting our citizens to violate our laws, and by publishing a letter from the British secretary of state, by way of appeal to the people against their own government.  Forcing a contraband trade with armed ships, &c.  Mr. President, am I mistaken in these facts, or are they true? If true, sir, is there a gentleman here present prepared to tell the American people that all these injuries and insults have been inflicted upon them by Great Britain, and all atonement for them refused, and that there is no cause of war? That their honor and interest do not demand war, that they are not yet sufficiently degraded, but must wait for a greater accumulation of injuries and insults!! But, sir, permit me to press this enquiry still further. Its importance demands it. It is of the last importance to the people to understand it correctly; that not a doubt should be suspended over the facts. Sir, I have said twice before this session, and I now say a third time, and I
beg gentlemen to answer me explicitly, yea or nay. I have twice said, and I now say a third time, that Great Britain by her orders in council, now reduced to the form of law, has abridged the rights of our national sovereignty, that she has colonized and taxed the people of the United States. Here let me stop, sir; let me single out these acts alone, and ask gentlemen if they are true? Gentlemen have not denied them. Gentlemen cannot deny them. Well, sir, are gentlemen prepared to tell the people of the United States that Great Britain has abridged their rights of national sovereignty, that she has colonized and taxed them and perseveres in so doing, and in the same breath, and at the same time, to tell them there are no causes of war, that they must wait for further injuries and insults? I have so much confidence in the intelligence and patriotism of the people in every section of the union, that I do not believe such language would be justified or even tolerated in any part of the United States. No, sir, the people of Boston, enveloped as they are with prejudices, would repel the degrading exposition if it were fairly presented to their view and consideration. But, sir, I propose to press the examination of this subject still further. I propose to select two or three of the most formidable and intolerable acts of outrage from the disgusting catalogue, and to be-tow on them a more critical attention. These will be acts of the present energetic administration. I suppose that other gentlemen cannot understand the orders of council as I do; if they did, it would be impossible for an American to offer an apology for, or even a palliation of them. They shall, therefore, receive my first attention: First, as they affect our rights of national sovereignty. Secondly, as they affect the different occupations of commerce, agriculture and fishing. Thirdly, the pretexts upon which they are attempted to be justified.
The orders of council now reduced to the form of law, abridge our national sovereignty, in under-looking coercively to regulate our commerce in defiance of our own laws and the laws of nations; and in subjecting it to heavy taxes or tribute. The power to regulate the commerce of the U. States with foreign nations, is given by the people to Congress. These orders of council undertake to regulate it by force, and in defiance of the laws of Congress. Indeed, the orders extend their regulation of it, further than Congress is authorised to do by the people; for they have charged our exports with heavy duties, which Congress is prohibited from doing by the constitution. Great Britain may by municipal regulations lay any tax she pleases upon the exports of our productions from Great Britain, but she has no right to force our commerce into her ports for the purpose of collecting a tax from it, nor subjecting it to capture and condemnation for any departure from the rules she prescribes, for conducting it upon the ocean. Submission to these regulations, would be the surrender of some of the essential attributes of national sovereignty, and would justly exclude us from the family of nations, because we should thereby consent to be excluded from the exercise of some of the essential rights of sovereignty, which are indispensable to the equality of nations. This result is so plain, that I suppose there can be but one opinion respecting it.
But, sir, I am the more disposed to examine the operation of these orders upon the different occupations of commerce, agriculture and fishing, because I have lately heard it said and repeated, that they merely affect the occupation of commerce, and as a consequence resulting from this interpretation of them, it is said the merchants may go out and take care of themselves. This, sir, is an extremely fallacious suggestion, and gentlemen, particularly agriculturists, ought to be very cautious in adopting it. This mistake has probably arisen from the want of a due consideration of the subject. It has arisen from the want of discriminating between the right of commerce, or rather the right of regulating commerce, of prescribing the rules for conducting it, and the occupation of the merchant. The right of commerce is a national right. It belongs to the nation collectively. The occupation or the exercise of the right only belongs to the merchant. The right to carry on commerce does not belong to the merchant exclusively; any other citizen may, if he chooses, exercise the right; but these orders of council affect both the right of commerce and the occupation of commerce; they also affect the rights of agriculture and of fishing still more. They affect the occupation of commerce by limiting its extent and objects; but the principle of the orders once admitted, it will regulate the occupation of agriculture, and probably destroy the occupation of fishing. If submitted to, it would probably lessen the value of every farm in the U. States, as well the farms upon the waters, as the farms upon the land. Apply the orders to the articles of either flour, cotton, tobacco or fish. I will select two articles only for the purposes
of illustration: but the operation of the orders will apply equally to all. Take tobacco for example. According to the orders, every hogshead of tobacco, exported from the U. States, is to be carried first into a British port, then to pay an export duty of 3 dollars per hundred weight, before it can be permitted to find its way to the continent of Europe, where it is principally consumed. The value of the article to the grower, is upon an average about six dollars per hundred weight. The merchant in purchasing the tobacco of the grower, will tell him, your tobacco is worth six dollars, but I can give you three only, because I am compelled to call in Great Britain, and there pay the other three to make up the price to the British treasury, and b.sides, to incur all the charges of the ports and the circuitry of the voyage, &c. &c. The same observations will apply with equal force to every other article of agriculture. And thus, the principle of the orders of council once submitted to, will enable G. Britain as effectually to regulate the various occupations of agriculture, as if she were permitted to say at once, the colonists may raise grain, &c. but they shall not raise tobacco, &c. If you permit her to impose taxes at pleasure, on any of your productions on their way across the ocean, to their market of consumption, she can in that way as effectually prohibit its cultivation, as if she were authorised to prohibit in the first instance by a positive prohibitory regulation. The effect of the principle in each case is the same, the only difference consists in the mode of, or the medium through which the principle is effectuated. It is not likely Great Britain would discourage the cultivation of grain, because she generally requires the importation of a certain quantity for her own consumption. But if the orders of council were to be submitted to, living in a part of the country where I have an election to cultivate grain or tobacco, I should certainly abandon the cultivation of tobacco altogether, because charged with the present export tax, I am persuaded it would afford nothing to the grower.
Now, sir, let me see how these orders are likely to operate upon the American fisheries, and American fish. I believe no American fish is allowed to be consumed in Great Britain; yet all the American fish carried to foreign markets for consumption, must first call at a British port, and there pay a duty. I do not recollect the precise amount. Gen. Smith of Maryland, said ninety cents per quintal. I do not know the proportion that this tax bears to the whole value of the quintal, but it is not material to my illustration. Admit the principle and the proportion of the tax to the value of the article can be varied at the pleasure of the British government. When you come to recollect sir, the extreme jealousy entertained at all times by the British government of the American fisheries, as the nursery of their seamen, and as almost indispensable to the prosperity of their navy, would you not conclude, sir, that the farms upon the ocean were in as much danger from the operation of the orders of council, as the farms upon the land? And I beg gentlemen more particularly interested upon this subject to give these observations a fair and impartial consideration.
But, Mr. President, this suggestion of withholding the protection of the government from commerce, I conceive wholly inadmissible. For exclusively of many other considerations, it must have been the result of some very cursory reflections, or superficial observations, upon the attitude the government has assumed in relation to revenue, or an entire miscomprehension of it. Sir, the occupation of commerce is as much entitled to the protection of the government, as any other occupation, and an abandonment of it as injurious to the interests, and as derogatory to the character of the government, as the abandonment of any other. Once avow that principle, once have it understood by foreign nations, that your commerce is abandoned to its fate, and its prosperity is impossible, its destruction is inevitable, its very prosperity would produce its destruction, by inviting the cupidity and violence of foreign nations. But, sir, the attitude the government has taken upon the subject of revenue forbids the abandonment of commerce. Almost
your whole revenue is derived from commerce; you have dispensed with your internal taxes, and your only internal resource is derived from the sale of your public lands. Whatever may be the productiveness of that fund hereafter, it is not now more than equal to one-twentieth of the demands of the government; hence, sir, the government must either afford protection to commerce, or renew the internal taxes. Can you doubt, sir, which of these alternatives the government would choose? We are told sir, there are prejudices against a navy. I know there are, sir, and I believe I have partaken of them as much as any gentleman in the U. States, and stand as much committed to the nation upon that point. But the circumstances of the country at the time of discussing the question of creating a navy, formerly and at the present time, are extremely different. Our commerce then was comparatively small to what it now is, the proposed expenditure upon the navy would have been nearly equal to the whole annual product of the revenue derived from commerce. The revenue now derived from commerce is nearly quadrupled, and besides, at that time, our commerce was almost exempt from foreign aggressions; its present prosperity & unprotected state has invited aggressions from abroad, and unless it is protected, it will be destroyed. Whatever my prejudices or opinions may have been, or may now be upon this subject, I am not so weak and obstinate, as to suppose that those prejudices or opinions can control the practical progression of human affairs, nor that there is any consistency in applying the same opinions to a different state of circumstances and events and the control of prejudices and opinions. Mr. President, notwithstanding all the existing prejudices against a navy, I now confidently express an opinion, that if you continue to draw your revenue through the medium of commerce—if that commerce should continue to prosper and increase, and if foreign cupidity and violence should continue to exist, you will have a navy to protect your commerce. I consider the effect as certain as any other effect produced by irresistible causes. When this effect will take place; when the prejudices will be overcome, whether this year or the next, or at some more future time, I will not pretend to say; but that it will happen at some time, is as certain as that any other effect will happen that is impelled by irresistible causes. The extent of this protection will depend on the discretion of the government, and there is a security against its being carried too far by the great preponderating influence of the landed and mechanical interests in the United States. The present measures, dictated by the present state of things, are in my judgment peculiarly favorable to the acceleration of this result, and I am surprised that our eastern friends instead of encouraging them should be throwing obstructions in their way. A result at all times so desirable to them, and so well calculated to give them that weight in the scale of the union, which they now seem to think they do not possess; but which they are anxious to possess.
Whilst upon this part of the subject, Mr. President, permit me to express my deep mortification and regret at the unfortunate differences of opinion which exist between the eastern and southern people respecting our foreign relations. I will not examine into the causes of these differences of opinion, because it might excite unpleasant feelings in some gentlemen, which I wish particularly to avoid. These differences are the more to be wondered at, when we all know, that our interests are common in that respect; and that in relation to each other they are peculiarly mutual and reciprocal. Never were there people, whose occupations rendered their interests more mutual and reciprocal than the eastern and southern people of this union, whose wants and supplies were better suited to each other, or presented fewer points of rivalry. The eastern people have ships and seamen, and delight in employment upon the water; the southern have lands, and delight in agriculture. Their productions too are bulky and heavy, and peculiarly suited to furnish employment for the eastern carriers not only coastwise,
but for foreign trade. The southern people have no desire to enter into the competition, but are perfectly content to permit their eastern friends to take the trouble of carrying their productions to the markets of their consumption, and to enrich themselves from the fruits of their labors and their speculations; yet notwithstanding all these things, and notwithstanding we all know the horrible consequences of divisions, we still witness alarming differences of opinion, which have not only encouraged and invited the interference of a foreign nation in our political concerns, but have also pervaded social intercourse, and even materially lessened the enjoyment of society. And after all, Mr. President, permit me emphatically to ask you, to whose, or to what good? Why, sir, our foreign adversaries may profit by our divisions, but they are equally destructive to the real interests of all parties amongst ourselves.
Sir, without pressing this subject further, may I not be permitted to indulge the flattering hope, that when these solemn truths shall be presented to the serious reflection of all the people of the U. States, in every quarter and section, that they may be impelled by a sense of common interests, &c. &c. to unite heart and hand against our common adversaries; and notwithstanding present appearances, that our unfortunate differences of opinion may finally eventuate in renewed acts of reciprocal kindness, confidence and friendship?
Permit me now, sir, to enquire into the pretexts, upon which the British ministry undertake to justify these extraordinary orders of council, and I will venture to assert, that they will be found, both false and insincere. The pretext set up for the justification of these orders, is suggested to be founded on the right of retaliation upon their enemy, the enemy the right to retaliate through the U. S. is said to be founded on the culpable neglect of their government to resist French aggressions upon their neutral rights, by which it is pretended that G. Britain has sustained an injury, and thus claims a right to counteract the injury through the United States. Upon the same pretext France claims and exercises what she calls the same right in consequence of the culpable neglect of the United States in not resisting the aggressions of G. Britain. The suggestion of each is false in fact. The United States have not been guilty of any culpable abandonments of its rights in relation to either of the aggressing belligerents. The government has constantly interposed all reasonable resistance to the aggressions of both, of which reasonable resistance, it was the proper judge, at least it was entitled to its full share in the decision, and any forcible resistance to that decision when made was an act of war. I do not therefore propose to enter into the question whether G. Britain or France first commenced their aggressions, since both were properly and reasonably resisted. But, if I were to express an opinion upon this question, I should have no hesitation in saying that G. Britain first began, and so far France has more pretexts for her conduct. There were many acts of the most serious aggressions committed by Great Britain under pretended blockades, before the Berlin decree; and the impressment of American seamen, was contemporaneous with the commencement of the war. This was not, and is not the less an act of aggression, because it is stale, has been long practiced, and because we are habituated to it. But it was not acquiesced in. It was met by reasonable remonstrance & resistance, & therefore is no justification of the French decrees, but at the same time it takes away even the shadow of a pretext from G. Britain, upon the question of who began to do wrong first? for there is a reciprocal condemnation of each other, and so far a joint exculpation of us, at least from the commencement of the wrong to either. But, sir, let me now examine the pretext of the British ministry according to Mr. Canning's own exposition of it.
The acts of France complained of are admitted by Mr. Canning now to be merely nominal in relation to Great Britain, that they are utterly harmless and contemptible, that they have ceased to be mischievously operative, &c. &c. (Continued on Fourth Page.)

A letter from a respectable gentleman in Washington, dated Monday morning, says, "The embargo will be raised by the 15th day of March."
At a meeting of the citizens of Richmond at the Bell Tavern, on Tuesday the 28th of February, 1809, convened agreeably, to notification in the public papers, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments on the present state of our affairs, a committee consisting of Messrs. Wm. Wirt, Wm. Wardlaw, Wm. F. Braxton, Wm. Munford, Wm. W. Hening, John Baker, Geo. W. Smith, Andrew Stevenson and Wm. Foushee, Senr. was appointed to prepare resolutions to be submitted to another meeting to be held on the succeeding evening.
And at a numerous and respectable meeting, convened for the purpose of receiving the report of the said committee, on Wednesday the 1st of March, 1809,
Col. Geo. W. Smith was called to the chair and John F. Price appointed secretary; whereupon the following preamble and resolutions were adopted.
WE cannot look upon the present crisis of our affairs without the most awful sensibility towards the happiness of our country. It is at a time like this, that the expression of public sentiment is peculiarly interesting. The free and unreserved communication of popular feeling is the vital circulation of a republic, and when it languishes in indifference, it is one of the surest indications of declining patriotism. Yes, Fellow Citizens, the gloomy times in which we are now involved, demand the tributary sentiment of every patriot, and the most determined energy of every nerve. The picture of foreign aggression is too deeply stained with violence, rapine and atrocity, for any American to examine it with calmness and composure. And most particularly too, when he believes that the hand of bribery and corruption scatters its baleful largesses among us. Whether we turn our eyes abroad at foreign despotism, or whether we look at home at domestic disaffection, the prospect is alarming and invites every feeling of the American in the cause of his country. If any period in our national destiny could make these impressions sink deep into the soul, it is the one before us: If there ever was a necessity to turn back to the elementary points of our federal charter, it is upon us, and if there ever was a time when local prejudice and party resentment should die away at the holy altar of union it is emphatically now. Yes, Fellow Citizens, the time has come when we should extinguish these unholy passions, and that one resentment and one friendship should animate us all. The union of America, like the Sun of Heaven, may for a time be clouded with thick and noxious vapours, but when they are about to become dangerous, we trust that it will always beam forth in its native light and splendor, and dissipate them into "thin air." We are not now deliberating as to the policy which one party should pursue to foil another, or to succeed in any distinct, particular views, but as a branch of that family left by the immortal Washington, over whom we now hope that his spirit is presiding, to inspire harmony, friendship and love—the "triple unity" which forms our happiness in being one and indivisible. It is unnecessary for us, fellow-citizens, to enquire whether France or Great Britain was the first aggressor upon the neutral world. It is known to every person that there has been but little difference in time as to the date of the execution of their hateful and destructive decrees. It is no justification to France that Great Britain led the way, nor any to Britain, even if France be allowed the most culpable pre-eminence. We have nothing to do with the wars of other nations, nor have they any right to deny our navigation of the wars, the boon of God and not the favor of man. But so it is, fellow-citizens, this sacred right is a bout to be annihilated. Secretaries of every political character, admit the fact. The interesting question then appears before us—Shall we dawardly surrender our national existence, or shall we as the descendants of glorious forefathers, maintain it with our blood? None we presume will submit. Every faculty of the American soul revolts at the thought. When we take a view of what our government has done to preserve our rights, and to preserve us in peace, we can but admire, the mild, pacific and impartial policy which has been adopted. It is the very course which our republican genius marks out to avoid violence, when justice can be attained thro' the medium of negotiation. This system has however proved vain and ineffectual. The rights which we claim of our enemies are arrogantly refused; the propositions we make are scornfully treated; and even the character of our minister, sacred in the eye of national law, has been basely traduced and insulted. To save our shipping, property and citizens from irredeemable loss, our government thought proper to keep them at home, but many of our citizens, to their memorable disgrace, would not control their cupidity with a little patience, to suffer the wisdom and energy of the measure to go into complete operation. The British and Spanish possessions bordering immediately upon our territory, rendered violations easy and the additional inducements of concealment from detection, with the consequent security from punishment, furnished a temptation too strong for their resistance. Under this complicated tissue of difficulties, our national Council, it seems, is about to
relax in their Embargo system. Of this relaxation we never can approve, unless some measure be adopted of equal if not superior energy. If necessity shall force us to fly from the Embargo, we feel no hesitation in raising our voice for war: for we can feel no delight in peace when bereft of honour, independence and liberty.
1st. Resolved, therefore, as the opinion of this meeting, That, immediately after the attack upon the Chesapeake (which may justly be considered as only one link in the great chain of British aggressions) and the refusal by the British government to make suitable reparation, the most efficient measures ought to have been adopted, to prepare the country for a state of actual war.
2d. Resolved, That the Embargo was originally expedient as a measure of precaution, for the protection of our seamen and mercantile capital, whilst the means to carry on a war, if war should be ultimately necessary, were providing, & would have been well calculated as a measure of coercion, had it not been violated by the most profligate and abandoned of our citizens, co-operating with the subjects of Great Britain residing amongst us.
3d. Resolved, That the Embargo when adopted ought to have been enforced at any expense and every hazard.
4th. Resolved, That the Embargo ought not to be rescinded until a fair trial of the effect of the laws passed to enforce it, shall have been made; and that, whenever it shall be rescinded, such efficient and energetic measures should be adopted, as will demonstrate a firm determination to maintain the rights and national honor of our country; and that this meeting are prepared to support the government in those measures, even if it is necessary to resort to open and direct war, which we believe will be the only alternative, unless the French decrees and British orders in council shall be repealed.
5th. Resolved, That a partial non-intercourse, or partial Embargo, are vain and futile measures, easy to be eluded, impossible to be enforced, and justly to be stigmatized with the degrading name of sub-mission.
6th. Resolved as the opinion of this meeting, That, notwithstanding the measures of Congress, may not accord with their feelings and sentiments, they will, nevertheless, support them with their lives and fortunes.
The preamble and resolutions having been adopted, a motion was made that a committee be appointed to prepare and report immediately, other resolutions: whereupon a committee was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Philip N. Nicholas, Wm. Wirt, Wm. Wardlaw, Wm. Munford, Wm. F. Braxton and Andrew Stevenson, who retired, and after some time returned & reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted.
1st. Resolved, That Thomas Jefferson has fulfilled the expectations which called him to the Presidential chair; that he has discharged the duties of that station with the highest honor to himself and advantage to his country; and that he carries with him into retirement, the gratitude, the applause, and best wishes of this meeting.
2d. Resolved, That while we regret the loss of a sage who for eight years, has endeavored to preserve our rights, and promote our happiness, we rejoice in the election of another whose conspicuous services hitherto afford a well founded pledge of hope, that his administration will be equally devoted to those important objects.
Published by order of the meeting. GEO: W. SMITH, Chairman. JOHN F. PRICE, Secretary.
To-morrow, fellow citizens, is a day that will constitute an important epoch in our history. We look upon the event with mingled sensations of pleasure and regret. We cannot behold the retirement of this illustrious statesman who has conducted for eight years the complicated engine of public affairs without the most grateful emotions for the conspicuous services which he has rendered to his country. But while we regret his departure from the political sphere which he has so long enlightened, we cannot forbear from expressing our admiration at the great principle which induces him. This sacred principle has not only been revered in theory by Washington and Jefferson—they have done more—they have carried it into practice. The great fault which has been ascribed to our federal constitution in not prescribing any limit to presidential service has been thus effectually amended by their virtue and example.
The administration of the last 8 years will furnish a theme upon which the historic muse will hang with rapture and delight. It commenced with the glorious triumph of republicanism, whose principles have never been impaired or forgotten, and it is now about to conclude with the acclamations of his countrymen. Our consolation, however, will be found in looking upon the character of his successor. Every pledge which talents and patriotism can afford, we have to ensure us another administration equally wise and virtuous. We may with truth say with the poet, the 'sun may set, but no night will ensue.'
Hence, fellow citizens, we fondly hope that no republican will be found backward on this great and national occasion.
We select this remark from one of the speeches of Mr. D. R. Williams for the sake of those impertinent foreigners who intermeddle with our political affairs. We are not prepared to subscribe our approbation to the proposition, although it might be justified by every fair principle of retaliation. The remark is this—That rather than give them notice that we mean to make war upon them at a certain time, he would seize all their citizens and set them to work on our fortifications. We should certainly be warranted in this measure of impressment when it is recollected how many American hearts are wringing with anguish in British captivity. And particularly, too, when from present appearances they may calculate upon being forced to fight against their native country.
Instead of keeping foreigners among us in any possible shape whatsoever, we are decidedly in favor of not only giving them an opportunity to return to their British majesty, but also to facilitate them with every possible means—And the sooner the better.
We have received from our correspondent at New York two French bulletins, the 11th and 12th, taken from late Jamaica papers. The 11th is dated Aranda de Duero, November 27th, and gives an account of the battle of Tudela, in which the French fought 45,000 Spaniards under Castanos, which terminated in the loss by the latter, of 7 standards, 30 pieces of cannon, 300 officers, 3,000 were taken, and 4,000 killed. On the part of the French 60 killed, and 400 wounded. The bulletin concludes as follows—
"This army of 45,000 men has been thus beaten and defeated, without having had more than 6000 men engaged. "The battle of Burgos had struck the centre of the enemy, and the battle of Espinos, the right; the battle of Tudela has struck the left; victory has thus struck us with a thunderbolt, and dispersed the whole league of the enemy."
The 12th bulletin is dated Aranda, Nov. 28th, and states the fruits of the pursuit of the Spaniards after the battle of Tudela. When the last accounts were received the French had taken 37 pieces of cannon, and made 4,000 prisoners.
Nat. Intel.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
Fellow Citizens,
It is known to many of you that I have been for several years past engaged in the public service as superintendent of the manufactory of arms. The selection of the site, the plan of the building, the scheme of the machinery are my work: in short the whole edifice, and every thing connected with it have risen under my eye and by my direction. I had previously visited every public institution of the kind within the United States; it has been my pride to make ours superior to them all, and, in short, to carry it to the highest degree of perfection which my powers were capable of attaining. With this view, I relinquished all other pursuits, and have devoted eleven years of the prime & flower of my life to this great national object. How far I have succeeded, it is not for me to say—I may safely appeal to the sentiments of all the travellers either from other states or from Europe who have seen this institution. This however I can truly affirm, in the presence of that being who searches the secrets of the human heart, that in intending the establishment placed under my care, I have done my duty not with reluctance: I have been passionately attached to the object, and I have labored to advance it to perfection not only with assiduity, but with zeal and even with enthusiasm. As the annual reports of my proceedings have been regularly laid before the executive and communicated by the Governor to the assembly at every session—as the manufactory, and every thing in relation to it have been constantly open to the inspection and examination of those bodies, and I have ever been ready to give with cheerfulness any explanation desired by either—and as I have never heard from those bodies any other language than that of approbation and even applause, I had reason to hope that the sincerity of my motives, at least, had been justly appreciated, and that if not an useful, I was deemed a faithful and zealous servant of the public.
Within the few last days of the session of the legislature, which has just closed, my hopes have been reversed. I have seen the cabal of a few miserable wretches, which (conscious of my own purity, and confiding in the justice of my country) I had looked upon with silent contempt—I have seen that cabal successful and triumphant—I have seen the House of Delegates of Virginia, within the few last hours of their session, in the midst of prejudice, and impatience to rise, refusing to hear the evidence of an accused man, and lending the weight of their respectable name to assist the malignity of my accusers. I know what is due to the representatives of the people; but I know, also, what is due to the people themselves, of whom I am one. It is to
the highest tribunal of the people, that I appeal from the sentence of their representatives. I complain that in my person, the bill of rights and constitution of Virginia, have been grossly and cruelly violated: that a privilege allowed to the meanest wretch in society, who stands accused, has been denied to me: that I have been condemned without a hearing; that my documents, my witnesses, and all the evidence which went to repel the charges against me, and to prove not only my innocence but my zeal for the public service, have been illegally and unconstitutionally excluded from the view of the House, which was to act upon my case; that the report of a committee founded on a half view of the subject, and bot-tomed upon superficial and false calculations, has been hastily and inconsiderately passed through the House; that in the rash and fatal moment of hurry and prejudice, the House of Delegates have practised upon me an act of injustice, of barbarous oppression and despotism, which would not be endured even in a monarch.
These are the points to which I beg the consideration of the people. It is not the language of general complaint and indignation that I shall employ. I will submit to the people a calm & uncolored statement of facts, supported by evidence; that evidence which their representatives refused to examine, will nevertheless be examined by the people themselves. The people are the natural guardians of each other's rights and characters. Whither shall an individual, who has been outraged and oppressed by any body of men, no matter how constituted—whither shall he fly for redress but to the body of the people; the fountain of power and of justice? It is to that body that I fly for redress. I ask not for sympathy, for pity. I ask but for justice: I entreat a calm and candid hearing, and to stand or fall by the evidence, only.
I propose, in a series of numbers, to examine the report of the Armory committee, as it has been adopted by the House of Delegates. I pledge myself to demonstrate that the charges made by that report are not founded in fact. I am aware of the strength of this expression, and I am prepared to make it good in its fullest sense. Had the House of Delegates received the report of their committee at an earlier day of the session, when they would have been less in a hurry to adjourn, and, therefore, better disposed to receive explanations and to hear the proofs, this appeal would have been rendered unnecessary. They must not be surprised if I refuse to sit still under the imputations which have been cast upon me. "The worm that is trodden upon will twist;" Nor is it in the imposing name of a H. of Delegates, to make me bear with the silence of guilt, the charge of offences which my soul abhors, as much as that of any member of that House.
JOHN CLARKE.
NOTICE TO THE CITIZENS.
The committee who were appointed to adjust arrangements for the celebration of the 4th of March, have agreed that the dinner for that purpose should be furnished at the Bell Tavern at 4 o'clock. And likewise that a Ball be furnished at the same place on Monday evening, in continuation of the national festival.
N. B. No subscription paper will be presented in regard to the dinner. Every person who feels disposed to join the meeting at the Bell, will subscribe at the bar.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, Feb. 23
NON INTERCOURSE.
The house again in committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse, &c.
Mr. Masters' motion for striking out part of the 11th section being yet under consideration.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to strike out the whole of the section preceding the proviso, for the purpose of inserting the following amendment:
"If after Great Britain or France shall revoke such of their orders or decrees, laws, or edicts as violate the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States; of which revocation the President of the United States shall give public notice by proclamation fixing the time which shall be at the expiration of fifty days from the date thereof, when the operation of this act and also of the act laying an embargo, &c. shall cease and determine; and the President of the U. States shall at the expiration of the time limited in the said proclamation issue letters of marque and reprisal against the nation which shall continue in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."
The reason he assigned for it was not an hostility to the principle, but that as the section now stood, it gave the President a discretionary power to judge of the time at which the commerce of the U. S. would be safe enough to warrant the withdrawing the embargo as relates to either power, &c.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the question on striking out, so as to take the question distinctly on striking out the two clauses of the section.
The question was taken on striking out the first clause of the section, and negatived, 52 to 47.
The question then returning on striking out the second clause, being precisely the motion of Mr. Masters.
Mr. Dana objected to the clause for a variety of reasons, because it delegated to the President power which belonged to Congress only, by making him judge of what "pledges and precautions" were "suitable"; that it authorised the employment of private force in a case in which the public force was not to be employed, which is a novelty; it contemplated not actual war but invited individual enterprise; it was therefore a mere menace, going upon the principle that private vessels might be authorised to make reprisals where the public force was not presumed to be employed; it was therefore a measure unworthy of the government, and unknown in the history of nations. The construction of the section too was singular, and he was astonished that such a bill should come from the Senate. It made no regulations as to what dispositions should be made of the property captured by these vessels, whether declared good prize or not, &c. It was a mere vague proposition, and unworthy of the government, as it proposed war by individuals whilst the nation shrunk from the contest. He objected also to the condition on which letters of marque were to be issued—that on one nation's ceasing to wrong her, we should agree to fight another. He objected to it too, because it transferred to the President a legislative power, by making the issuing letters of marque dependant on the events which in the opinion of the President should render the commerce of the U. States sufficiently safe, &c.
Mr. J. G. Jackson renewed his motion to strike out the whole section, except the enacting clause. He acknowledged the justice of the arguments of the gentleman from Connecticut; but as a session of Congress would intervene, the objection to the defect in detail would fall to the ground. The amendment which he intended to offer, would remove the remainder of the gentleman's objections.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the motion at the same point as before. He said if the senate had erred, the error was not to be remedied by the proposition submitted to the house. It was only putting a tortoise under the elephant; for the system would be liable to precisely the same objections as the clause proposed to be amended. Mr. R. went into an examination of the amendment which Mr. Jackson read, to show that this was the case. It was in fact the same point now which the house had under consideration a few days ago—a declaration of war in futuro, leaving it to chance as to whom and to how war was to be declared; with a mental reservation at the same time, that all this was mere pen, ink and paper. It was complying with the object of these very belligerents whom it proposed to resist, viz. involving us in the war—setting the nation up to the highest bidder, the kindest keeper. Was this dignity? Was this the spirit of '76? He described the bill from the senate as a new alternative, never discovered by the committee of foreign relations, who had some time ago presented 3 of them to the house. He spoke of the proceedings of the present session. It has been said (observed Mr. R.) that this house has been acting under a panic; and allusion has been made to a particular quarter of the union as the cause of that panic. I trust, sir, that the members of this house will think it more honorable to themselves, if they are to be influenced by fear, and I hope they are not to yield to the wishes of a great and respectable portion of the union, than, after having expressed a disposition to gratify that section, to be swept in by an editorial paragraphist. It has been truly said that the government of France was destroyed by the parliament putting the galleries in the place of the house, by legislating under the hisses or applause of the galleries. This was a horrible state of things. But if any body of men is to legislate under hissing, where is the difference, whether they come from the galleries, or, from really the most worthless part of the community? Whether from an individual who arrogates to himself not merely the right, which as an individual and free man he has of judging of the conduct of this house, but of prescribing what it should do? And when, sir, I indulge in these observations, I feel a repugnance at comparing such an audience as I see around me to persons of that description. The foreign difficulties in which we are now involved, Mr. R. attributed to our own oversight; to the rejection of a treaty which might have been formed. The renewal of Mr. Jay's treaty or the acceptance of that negotiated by Mr. Monroe would, he conceived, have placed the U. States in a situation far preferable to that in which it now found itself. But instead of that our government had searched the volumes of Puffendorf, Martin, Vattel, &c. and produced whole volumes of diplomatic correspondence. He said he could almost wish that the Curate and Barber would come into the library and make a bonfire of all the rubbish which had led us to this windmill expedition. With regard to our domestic difficulties, Mr. R. conceived that they were all of our own creation; that they had been produced by ill-judged conduct. He compared the present and late situation of this country with that of Great Britain under the administration of Lord North. He said congress were not like Macbeth, in a situation where to go on was as easy as to retreat. He expatiated on their present difficulty, and condemned the policy which had prevented the house from agreeing to the proposition of Mr. Chittenden to repeal the embargo at the commencement of the present session. If they now intend to modify the embargo at all, he begged of gentlemen, for God's sake, for the love of country, taking warning by the past errors of their former masters (the ministry of Lord North) not to retain one iota of that obnoxious principle which had put the continent in an uproar. Rather than continue it, he would join any man in war, however averse he might be to war. And he was opposed to war; but, put the embargo in one scale and war in the other, he would take war—and why? Because foreign war was better than domestic war. He said that this nation could not go to war with a formidable minority against it. The bill before the committee might bring on war, though it was not intended. "Yes, sir, (said he) it may bring us to fighting and

to disgrace; it is something like dressing ourselves up in a dough face and winding-sheet to frighten others, who may blow our brains out at the moment we suppose them in the height of their terror." Mr. R. spoke about an hour and a half.
Mr. J. G. Jackson observed that it was his opinion that it would be more to the honor of the nation to persevere in the embargo till they went to war; but the majority of the house appeared to be of opinion that neither course was proper. That being the case, he was willing to make the ground as tenable as he could, so as to avoid down right submission. He replied to various observations made by gentlemen who had spoken on the subject. In relation to domestic difficulties, he should be as little influenced by attacks through newspapers, as by popular meetings, enlisting the people with arms in their hands, in opposition to the government. In relation to the very treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, he said that the right attached to that treaty gave a licence to the British government to pursue the very course which now produced our difficulties, and Mr. Cannon maintained that to have been the construction of it. Mr. Jackson said that he was not prepared for burning the law of nations, and substituting force for law. As to violations of the embargo or of the proposed system, he observed that all laws restraining the actions of men would be more or less evaded; this therefore would be no argument against any law proposed, the same objection would lie against a law for the punishment of murder. Mr. J. spoke about half an hour.
The question was then taken on striking out the first clause of the section, and negatived, 56 to 43.
The question recurring on Mr. Masters's motion for striking out the remainder of the section, relating to letters of marque and reprisal,
Mr. Lyon spoke in favor of striking out the clause.
Mr. D. R. Williams viewing this section as a measure contemplating further negotiation, was wholly opposed to it. It said to Britain "we will dismiss every other cause of quarrel with you, if you will revoke your orders in council." It told our poor sailors incarcerated in their "floating hells" that we were ready to abandon them. The surrender to her of the right of impressment and of even other rights previously in contest, was offered as the purchase money for the revocation of the orders in council; he blushed for his country that such a proposition should be seriously entertained in this House. He would declare war to-morrow most heartily. He would vote for a section for immediately issuing letters of marque and reprisal, but he would not barter away our rights for the revocation of the orders in council. If we were to submit, he wished to do it in that way which should carry so much destruction into the families of those who cried out so loudly for the repeal of the embargo, that they would rally round the government in support of the country's rights.
Mr. Eppes too was of opinion that there was no honorable course left for this country but embargo or war; but a majority of the house having overruled his opinion, he must acquiesce in their decision. But he could not consent to adopt the measure proposed by this section, which, under whatever aspect he could view it, appeared calculated to produce no effect but disgrace and ruin to the country. It could only be used in one of two ways, either as an instrument of negotiation or as a measure of war. Mr. Eppes used some arguments to show that as an instrument of negotiation, proposing to each power to pass over all former injuries if it would withdraw its last infaustion of our rights, and besides so doing to go to war with its enemy—whatever might be the result, it could produce nothing but ruin and disgrace. It reminded him of a physician painted blind, with a club in his hands, his patient on one side and the disease on the other: striking at random on each side, he killed the one to which chance directed the first blow. And as a measure of coercion, what was it? Not old fashioned downright war, but war depending on a contingency. It was a golden apple held up to the belligerents, to be adjudged to the swift in receiving. Upon the rumor or whim of Talleyrand or Canning when they received the proposal, arising perhaps from an undigested dinner, was to depend our war with either France or England; and we were to present ourselves as a courtesan to the polluted embraces of England, or be fixed on the imperial car, in either case bribing France or England by going to war with the enemy of the one which should be the first to embrace our offer. Which ever should accept it, disgrace and ruin must be the result. Rome at one time was said to want nothing but a bolder; but Rome had its age of virtue. Mr. Eppes said that it seemed as if we in our very infancy had all the degeneracy of the latter days of old Rome. If there was not firmness enough to take a manly attitude, he hoped the house would not take this thing as a substitute for it.
Mr. Fisk was against striking out this clause. After some remarks in reply to Messrs. Randolph and Lyon, he said that he regretted exceedingly the situation in which the house was placed; that this clause should be stricken out—for it would be virtually saying that they meant to take no honorable ground, that they would submit. He believed that temporising would ruin the nation. As to the opposition of the people in the East to war on any terms, he said that, excepting a few who had been opposed to the revolution, and who still longed for British dominion, there were not many who would not join their government in a war against either G. Britain or France for the maintenance of our just right.
The question was then taken on striking out that part of the bill from the Senate relating to letters of marque and reprisal, and CARRIED, ayes 72.
Mr. D. R. Williams then proposed his amendment for substituting a discriminating duty of 20 per cent. as a substitute for the non-importation from Great Britain and France.
The committee immediately rose, without taking a question, and obtained leave to sit again.
Saturday Feb. 25. NON-INTER-COURSE.
The House resumed the consideration of the unfinished business of yesterday. Mr. J. G. Jackson withdrew his motion of yesterday with a view to offer another in place of it, which looked more like a manly stand. He said that the amendment proposed was no offer made to either power to take sides with the other. There was nothing like that in the proposition any more than in the resolutions submitted to the House some time since. It
would be a warning to the merchants under what peril they would go out, which they would not otherwise conceive, reposing in false security on this bill. He would not go precipitately into war; for he had the best reason to believe that G. Britain would be disposed to listen to the dictates of justice towards us; but if she did not, he was for immediate war. The amendment now proposed by Mr. Jackson, is as follows:
SEC. 19. And be it further enacted , That after demand made and refusal on the part of his Britannic majesty to withdraw his decrees and orders infringing the lawful commerce of the United States, the President of the United States shall be authorised and required to employ such a portion of the volunteer militia of the United States not exceeding one thousand, and of the regular troops, as may be necessary to take possession of the territories of his Britannic majesty, bordering on the United States, and to hold the same, and to instruct the commanders of the public armed vessels which are or shall be employed in the service of the United States to subdue, seize and take any armed or unarmed British vessel on the high seas or elsewhere; and such captured vessel, with her apparel, guns, and appurtenances, and the goods or effects which shall be found on board the same, being British property, shall be brought within some port of the United States, and shall be duly proceeded against and condemned, as forfeited, and shall accrue and be distributed as by law is or shall be provided respecting the captures which shall be made by the public armed vessels of the United States.
SEC. 20. And be it further enacted , That the President of the United States shall be and he is hereby authorised and required, after demand made and refusal as aforesaid, to grant to the owners of private armed vessels of the United States who shall make application therefor, special commissions in the form which he shall direct, and under the seal of the United States, and such private armed vessels, when duly commissioned as aforesaid, shall have the same license and authority for the subduing, seizing and capturing any armed and unarmed British vessel and for the recapture of the vessels, goods and effects of the United States, as the public armed vessels of the United States may by law have; and shall be, in like manner subject to such instructions as shall be ordered by the President of the United States for the regulation of their conduct. And the commissions which shall be granted, shall be revocable at the pleasure of the President of the U. S.
SEC. 21. And be it further enacted , That after demand made and refusal on this part of the emperor of France to withdraw his decrees and orders infringing the lawful commerce of the U. S. the President of the U. S. shall be authorised and required to instruct the commanders of the public armed vessels, which are or shall be employed in the service of the U. S. to subdue, seize, & take any armed or unarmed French vessel on the high seas, or elsewhere, & such captured vessel with her apparel, guns, and appurtenances, and the goods or effects which shall be found on board the same, being French property, shall be brought within some port of the U. S. & shall be duly proceeded against and condemned as directed, and shall accrue and be distributed as by law is or shall be provided respecting the capture which shall be made by the public armed vessels of the U. S.
SEC. 22. And be it further enacted , That the President of the U. S. shall be and he is hereby authorised and required, after demand made and refusal as aforesaid, to grant to the powers of private armed ships and vessels of the U. S. who shall make applications therefor, special commissions in the form which he shall direct and under the seal of the U. S. and such private armed vessels when duly commissioned as aforesaid shall have the same licence and authority for the subduing, seizing and capturing any armed or unarmed French vessel, and for the recapture of the vessels, goods and effects of the people of the U. S. as the public armed vessels of the U. S. may by law have; and shall be in like manner subject to such instructions as shall be ordered by the president of the U. S. for the regulation of their conduct, and the commissions which shall be granted as aforesaid shall be revocable at the pleasure of the President of the U. S.
Mr. Eppes said that this was a proposition which he hoped might unite all parties in the House. It authorised the President to demand the recall of the injurious acts of the belligerents, and on a refusal it declared that we would use all the force which we possess against the decrees and orders, which under whatever aspect they could be viewed, were calculated to produce total ruin to all the great interests of the country. The bill under consideration, he feared, would afford no relief to the Southern country; their produce would still be lying on their hands. And indeed take three dollars a hundred from the price of tobacco, (as the orders in council do) and the cultivation of it is out of the question. If we allowed Great Britain to say that we shall not trade without coming and paying her a tax, where would be the limit to her extortion? If we were such dastardly wretches as to permit her to tax at will the great staples of the country, could it be supposed that she would ever allow us hereafter even to be the carriers of our own produce? Whatever present relief the bill might afford to the shipping interest, ruin would ultimately fall on every man who had any thing at stake in the country. If we took no means to resist taxation, he should be compelled to believe that what had been said was correct; that "the ma-
jority cannot be kicked into a war." And if some such measure, as that proposed, was not adopted, the assertion would stand as a damnable record to future ages. If we should hereafter be refractory, a foreign nation ought therefore not to send troops but men armed with whips to scourge us into obedience. He concluded by saying that he hoped the House would agree to postpone the consideration of the subject till Monday, that the amendments might be printed.
Mr. Bassett also expressed his approbation of the proposition. There must be one of two intentions in the House either to glide smoothly down the current of submission or to take a higher ground, which must be war. Could it be believed, that if G. B. maintained her system of excluding our commerce from the ocean, or subjecting it to heavy taxation, war was not inevitable? No man could conceal this fact from himself or from the nation.
Mr. D. R. Williams wished to offer an amendment, to the amendment for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of the House on the subject of fighting. For this purpose he moved to amend the bill as to authorise the President forthwith to use the public force, &c.
Mr. Masters opposed the postponement; he hoped the business would be finally concluded to night.
The question being taken on Yeas and Nays on Mr. Eppes's motion for the postponement of the further consideration of the subject till Monday, there were for it 60—against it 60.
The House being equally divided, the Speaker decided in the negative.
Mr. J. G. Jackson wished to postpone the consideration of this amendment so as not to delay the progress of the bill. The Speaker declared that a part of a subject before the House could not be postponed.
Mr. D. R. Williams rejoined in the opportunity of recording his vote for war. He observed that the embargo must be considered as perfectly failing except as the precursor of war. We had a much greater hold now on the belligerents than we should ever have again. We had changed the balance of the ledger completely during the embargo. They had before an immense property of ours in their hands; we now had of theirs. Permit the embargo to be removed, and they would again have the same hold on us, and we should not go to war next session. Rather than give them notice that we meant to make war upon them at a certain time, he would seize all their citizens and set them to work on our fortifications—act the Algerine to them. Their governments played the Algerine on us, and would not we do the same to them? He would seize every thing but the funds. If the house could abandon our rights in this manner, when every square foot of our ground was laid under contribution, they deserved to be scoffed at by the world.
Mr. Gardener declared the amendment offered by Mr. J. G. Jackson, to be unconstitutional; because the power of declaring war belonged to Congress, and was a power which they could not delegate.
The question being about to be put on Mr. Williams's amendment, a division of the question was called for, so as to take it first on striking out—
Mr. Randolph observed, that he should vote for striking out, to destroy the hypothetical character of the proposition. If we were to have war at all, it ought to be direct.
Mr. Eppes observed that the proposition of Mr. Jackson was not contingent, but complete. It authorised the President to say to each nation "withdraw your orders or decrees." If not, it was war and immediate war. Means for it were at hand; and nothing was wanting but spirit on the part of the House to use them.
Mr. Lyon was in favor of striking out. If we were to have war, he wanted to have the first blow.
The question on striking out a part of Mr. Jackson's motion, to make way for Mr. Williams's amendment was negatived by Yeas and Nays, 67 to 56.
Mr. Jackson renewed his motion for postponement—for it 61, against it 61. Another count being called for, tellers were named by the Speaker, who reported that there were for it 62, against it 63.
Mr. Burwell moved that the bill lie on the table.—For it, by Yeas and Nays, 64 to 63. The Speaker (Mr. Varnum) observed that the subject had been so long under debate and so many questions had been taken on it that he felt compelled by duty to vote in the negative. So the motion was lost.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved an adjournment.—For it by yeas and nays, 57, against it 70.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved to strike out the words in italic in Mr. Jackson's motion and insert "to adjust the disputes with the"—For the motion by yeas and nays 25, against it 94.
Mr. J. Montgomery moved to adjourn—yeas 50—nays 70.
The question was next taken on the first section of Mr. Jackson's amendment as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bard, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Clay, Cuts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Holland, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kennan, Love, J. Montgomery, Jer. Morrow, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea (of Pen.) Rhea (of Ten.) J. Richards, Sawyer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Taylor, Troup, Whitehill, M. Williams, Winn.—48.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, Bacon, Barker, Blake, Boyd, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Cook, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Gray, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Humphreys, Isiey, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelley, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Mac-lean, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, N. R. Moore, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Quincy, Randolph, M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Siedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Fallmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cort-
landt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Reusselaer, Verplanck, Vilbour, D. R. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson.—74.
Mr. Fisk entering after his name was called, was not permitted to vote. He wished to vote in the affirmative.
No question was taken on the remaining sections offered by Mr. J. G. Jackson.
Mr. Blount offered a new section in substance declaring the first capture of any vessel under the decrees and orders to be an act of war, authorising the President of the United States to issue letters of marque and reprisal against the nation so committing war. The question on agreeing to the amendment was decided as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Bard, Bassett, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Butler, Calhoun, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Fisk, Franklin, Gholson, Green, Holmes, Howard, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Kenan, Kirkpatrick, Love, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porter, Pugh, Rea (Pen.) Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Sawyer, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, Taylor, Troup, Wharton, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, Winn.—49.
NAYS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bacon, Bibb, Blackledge, Boyd, Burwell, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Cook, Culpepper, Desha, Davenport, Dawson, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Findley, Gardener, Gardner, Garnett, Goodwyn, Gray, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Humphreys, Isiey, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelley, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Lyon, Mac-lean, Masters, M'Creery, Milnor, T. Moore, John Morrow, Moseley, Mumford, Quincy, Randolph, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Sloan, S. Smith, Stanford, Siedman, Storer, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Fallmadge, Thompson, Trigg, Upham, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Reusselaer, Verplanck, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson.—73.
Mr. Macon moved to strike out that part of the bill authorising a suspension of it on the rescinding of the orders and the decrees; with a view to have no intercourse with the belligerents till all our differences were redressed.—Ayes 24.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to amend the bill so as to make a total revocation of the orders and decrees necessary previous to a renewal of intercourse. For it 48, against it 66.
Mr. I. G. Jackson renewed this motion in substance for the purpose of getting the yeas and nays on it. Yeas 31. Nays 91.
Mr. Eppes moved to strike out of the bill the section for the repeal of the non-importation act. Yeas 30. Nays 70.
Mr. Dawson moved to adjourn—Ayes 40.
Mr. Bibb moved to strike out the 4th of March and insert the 15th. A division of the question being called for, the question was taken on the striking out and carried, Yeas 59. Nays 56. The 15th of March was then inserted, Yeas 86. Nays 30.
Mr. Randolph moved to strike out "March next" and insert "March, 1809."
Mr. Macon moved to amend this motion by inserting September instead of March. Motion lost, Ayes 25.
Mr. Randolph's motion was then agreed to. Ayes 79.
Mr. Wharton moved to strike out the section limiting the duration of this act & the several embargo laws to the end of the next session of Congress.—Ayes 12.
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to strike out "till the end of the next session of Congress," the term to which the law is limited, and insert "till the first day of January next." For it 42, against it 60.
The bill was then ordered to a third reading on Monday next—
And the House adjourned at half past eleven, after a session of thirteen hours and a half.
During the proceedings this evening considerable debate took place which will be noticed hereafter. We have not room in this paper to notice even the Speakers.
SENATE—Feb. 23.
Yeas & Nays on the passage of the bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and G. Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes.
Yeas—Messrs. Anderson, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Mathewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Pope, Robinson, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ten. Thurston and Tiffin.—21.
Nays—Messrs. Bayard, Crawford, Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd, Parker, Pickering, Reed, Sumpter, Turner and White.—12.
February 22.
Resolved, That the Surveyor of the public buildings do cause to be prepared for the accommodation of the Senate, at the next session of Congress, the room called the Library room, in the manner stated in the said Surveyor's report, with as little expense as may consist with the reasonable comfort of the members and the convenience of spectators.
The bill freeing from postage all letters and packets to THOMAS JEFFERSON was read a third time and passed. [This bill has passed the House.]
February 23.
The act, from the House of Representatives, for imposing additional duties upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, imported from any foreign port or place, passed, with amendments, to a third reading. Yeas 20; Nays 9.
NEW YORK Jan. 22.
LATEST NEWS FROM HAYTI. A Gentleman who came passenger in the ship True-American, in 21 days from Port au Prince, informs us, that 8 or 10 days before he sailed, a very bloody battle had taken place at Cape Nicholas-Mole, between the armies of Petion and Christophe in which the latter was defeated with great loss, at least 1000 being left dead on the field.
Our informant further states that the City of Santo Domingo, was in a very tranquil state, and had not been attacked by the Spaniards or British, and that General Ferrand was still living.
We further learn, that an American brig, laden with provisions, had recently been captured by one of Christopher's cruisers; and had been condemned.
IN COUNCIL, Feb. 21, 1809.
The Lieutenant Governor laid before the board a letter from Samuel Coleman, assistant clerk to the council, stating that the requisites of the advice of council of the 1st of January, 1808, and of the 19th of February of the same year, have not been sufficiently attended to and have failed to produce the contemplated effects and proposing that the subject of the said advice be reconsidered, and that the result of such reconsideration be published in the Virginia Argus, for the information of all concerned.—Whereupon, it is advised, that extracts of the said advice, to wit:
"That to commissions will be hereafter issued for the organization of any troop of cavalry or infantry artillery, or of grenadiers, light or heavy, or of the respective battalions of the several regiments until a muster roll of such troop or company; as the case may be, shall be certified by the commanding officer of the regiment or of the battalion to which such troop or company may be attached or belong."—And,
"That no commission shall be hereafter issued to fill any vacancy in any troop of cavalry or in any volunteer company whatsoever, until a certified roll of the said troop or company shall have been received from the commandant of the regiment to which the same may be attached, or of which it may form a part, showing that the said troop or company contains, at the time when it is proposed to fill such vacancy, at least the smallest number which by law is directed to contain," be published in the Virginia Argus for two months.
It is further advised, That to enable the Executive completely to carry into effect the fourth section of the act, "respecting the militia of this commonwealth," passed the 30th of January, 1807, the Lieutenant Governor be requested to direct the Adjutant General so to change the form of the regimental and brigade returns, as that the strength and equipments of any troop of cavalry, or company of artillery, light infantry, grenadiers or riflemen attached to, or forming a part of, any regiment of the militia of this commonwealth, appear in such regimental and brigade returns; and that the commandants of such troops and companies be required to make duplicates of the returns required of them by law, to the commandants of the regiments to which they are respectively attached or belong, as the case may be.
Extract from the Minutes, Attest, DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Executive
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY, COMMENCES DRAWING IN THE CITY OF NEW-YORK IN APRIL NEXT.
THE HIGHEST PRIZES ARE: 1 prize of 30 000 Dollars. 1 prize of 20 000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 10 000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 5 000 Dollars, &c. &c. &c.
TICKETS & SHARES for sale at eight and a half dollars each at G & R WAITE's truly fortunate Offices in New York, where was sold in the last New York Lottery the three highest prizes.—Distant adventurers by inclosing the cash, may have tickets and shares forwarded with punctuality and dispatch. During the drawing G. & R. Waite will send their weekly prize list to the printer of this paper.
Notice.
THE Partnership of Parsons and Owen is this day dissolved. March 1. 1809.
Dancing School.
J. LA-TASTE,
RESPECTFULLY informs his pupils and the public, that he has removed his school to that large and commodious room, in the house now occupied by Mr. Girardin, for his Academy. The days of tuition as heretofore Thursday, Friday and Saturday, every other week, (the next dance being on Thursday), March 9th.
His practising balls will be held in the same room every other Saturday, beginning Saturday March 11th. The room shall be well fixed for the purpose, and every kind of refreshment provided by Mr. Jones. Reels and Cotillions will be danced alternately. He also informs parents and guardians who send their children to Mr. Girardin, that he will attend his Academy on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in the same week. March 2d. 1809. fl.3.
NOTICE.
IS hereby given, that I forewarn any persons or persons from trespassing on the shore from the upper lock gates belonging to the Columbian Mills, and from thence below, to where the water from the basin comes into the river. Any person offending herein will be dealt with according to law.
SAMUEL LEECH, Acting for John Granbery. Columbian Mills, } Jan. 27. 1809. }
A FRESH ASSORTMENT OF Garden Seeds FOR SALE BY DANIEL CORDON. Manchester, March 1, 1809. w2
EARLY FRAME AND MARROWFAT
PEAS,
Of the last year's growth, for sale at this office. March 1, 1809.
LATELY PUBLISHED, And for sale by Samuel Pleasants, Jr.
THE
VIRGINIAN ORATOR,
BEING A VARIETY OF
ORIGINAL AND SELECTED
POEMS, ORATIONS AND DRAMATIC
SCENES;
To improve the American Youth in the ornamental and useful art of Eloquence and Gesture.
BY THOMAS E. BIRCH.

(Continued from First Page) etc. Yet he tells you that he will not revoke the orders in council for fear his motives in doing so may be mistaken; not that it is not itself just and proper to revoke them according to the principle of retaliation upon which they were originally adopted: but merely for fear his motive in doing an act of justice and propriety, may be mistaken or misconceived by others. But, sir, let us hear him in his own words:
"The struggle has been viewed by other powers, not without an apprehension that it might be fatal to this country. The British government has not disguised from itself, that the trial of such an experiment might be arduous and long, though it has never doubted of the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British government confidently anticipated, has providentially arrived much sooner than could even have been hoped; if "the blockade of the continent," as it has been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even before it had been well established, and if that system, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments, utterly harmless and contemptible, it is nevertheless important in the highest degree, to the reputation of this country, (a reputation which constitutes great part of her power) that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any concession; that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination and of her ability to have continued her resistance, and that no step which could even mistakenly be construed into concession, should be taken on her part, while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved; or while it can be a question, whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not, either completely failed, or been unequivocally abandoned."
Canning to Pinkney, Sept. 23, 1808. "The purpose of this letter is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear up any misunderstanding which had existed between us in the course of that discussion. I cannot conclude it, however, without advertising very shortly to that part of your letter, in which you argue that the failure of France, in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuance of the retaliatory system of Great Britain. This impotency of the enemy to carry his projects of violence and injustice into execution, might, with more propriety, be pleaded with him, as a motive for withdrawing decrees at once so indefensible and so little efficacious for their purpose, than represented as creating an obligation upon Great Britain to desist from those measures of defensive retaliation, which these decrees have necessarily occasioned. If the foundation of the retaliating system of Great Britain was (as we contend it to have been) originally just, that system will be justifiably continued in force, not so long only as the decrees which produced it are mischievously operative, but until they are unequivocally abandoned, and, if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for such perseverance, that a premature departure from it, while the enemy's original provocation remains unrepealed, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion."
Canning to Pinkney, Nov. 22, 1808. Why, sir, does Mr. Canning here tell us? Why, sir, on the 23d of September last, that the French blocking decrees were then broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible, and on the 22d of November following, that they had ceased to be mischievously operative, &c. &c. Retaliation may be defined, a wrong returned for a wrong inflicted. Well, sir, if the United States had done no other wrong to Great Britain but neglecting to repeal the wrong of France; and the wrong of France ceased to produce any injurious consequences; why not revoke the orders inflicting the most destructive injuries upon the United States? Why, Mr. Canning in substance tells us, not that it would be wrong to do so, but he is afraid that the world would mistake his motive for doing right. And sir, is the commerce of the United States to be destroyed. The people to be colonized and taxed, and the nation to be insulted and degraded, merely because Mr. Canning fears, if he should cease to inflict these wrongs, his motive for ceasing to do so may be misconceived or mistaken!! And are the people of the United States to be told that all these injuries and insults are to be continued merely to expiate Mr. Canning's idle and pretended fears, that his motive for his conduct may be mistaken? What, sir, can be more derogatory to the character? What more injurious to the interests? What more insulting to the understanding of the American people? Yet, sir, we are told there are no causes of war!! We must wait for more degradation!! Sir, Mr. Canning tells us he thinks this is no mean motive of policy for continuing these orders after the original causes ceased. Sir, I will not pretend to think against Mr. Canning upon this subject; but, sir, I think, and I know that it will be a mean, an infinitely mean motive of policy on our part to submit to his injuries, his insults, and his degradations, as well as his absurd and sophisticated exposition of his motives for them. But, sir, permit me again to ask if the United States had not a right to judge of the extent and mode of resisting the French decrees? They certainly had, and did so; and after having made their decision in those respects, a contrary hostile decision by Great Britain, was an act of war against the United States, and according to her own principle of retaliation, the proper act of retaliation on their part was an act of war, not indeed thro' the ribs of a third innocent unoffending party, but directly back upon herself, and it ought instantly to have been resorted to upon her refusal to revoke her hostile orders.
But, sir, permit me to put this doctrine in a still stronger point of view. The right of retaliation, I presume, is equal and reciprocal amongst all nations, and when the British ministry ventured to retaliate upon their enemy through us, they adopted that policy upon their own responsibility, they subjected themselves to all its consequences; we certainly had a right to adopt a counteracting policy. War would have been the natural, legitimate and correct act of retaliation. But, sir, suppose I were now in a spirit of mitigated retaliation, to propose to pass a law imposing a duty equal to one half of the value of all the original productions of Great Britain, and direct all her vessels sailing with such productions either to Spanish America, or any of the American Indies or isles, or to any other place under the protection of the laws of nations, should first call at some port of the United States, either Boston, N. York, Baltimore or Charleston, and there pay the tribute; and if they failed or refused to do so, to authorize our armed ships, to capture and bring them in for condemnation; would not the proposition be thought extravagant and monstrous? The proposition of a madman? Yet, sir, it would be more reasonable than the orders of council, which are the same in substance, but were adopted without provocation or pretext. Yes, sir, the pretext is false, it is insincere. The real ground of the orders of council will be found in the settled determination of the British cabinet, to monopolize the commerce of the world, or to render it subservient to their own views and interests, and particularly to involve in this general destruction, the commerce of the U. States. Sir, I drew this conclusion not only from Mr. Canning's own prevaricating letters, and sophisticated expositions; but from various intimations to that effect by the British jurists, and particularly from a late pamphlet, written it is said, under the direction of the ministry, and for the express purpose of preparing the British nation and the world for the monstrous pretension. Indeed the production is ascribed to the elder Mr. Rose, one of the most influential advisers of the cabinet; and its extremely probable we shall see the doctrine openly avowed in the British parliament now expected to be in session. The pamphlet is entitled "Hints to both Parties," from which I beg to read a few extracts:
"The orders in council have been stigmatized, as being at once absurd and contemptible in relinquishing the principle of right on which their justification is founded for a paltry consideration, of pounds, shillings and pence. But how can that measure be deemed absurd, which at once unites interest and policy? And so far from rendering Great Britain contemptible how can she possibly assume a more dignified character, than in thus shewing the world that Bonaparte, with all his dependent kings, are but her tributaries; that they can receive no article either of comfort or necessity, without paying an acknowledgment to her maritime supremacy, and contributing to the expense of carrying on that war, which the ambition, injustice and aggressions of their tyrant have rendered necessary!"
(To be continued)
Penitentiary Store. SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, consider- ably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808.
Valuable Land For Sale. FOR SALE, 1034 Acres of Land, Lying on James River, in Powhatan County, 32 miles above Richmond and 10 below Cartersville, 70 acres of this land is James River low grounds, with a good shad fishery, several apple and peach orchards of choice fruit: 500 acres of this land is uncultivated and of good quality; the cleared land is well adapted to corn, wheat and Tobacco. The present occupant sends to market from this land annually 1500 bushels of wheat. The improvements are superior to any in the county, the payments will be made easy to the purchaser. For further information apply to Chan: H. Saunders. Richmond, Jan. 9, 1809. (w3m)
N. B. I also wish to sell two TRACTS OF LAND lying in Buckingham County, one tract containing 258 acres, within five miles of Caira on Buffalo creek adjoining the lands of Enos Bolling and John Huggins. The other tract contains 400 acres, adjoining the land of John & Harris Rainey Chasteen, and formerly the property of Mr. Peyton Saunders. I would sell a bargain in these lands, and make the payments easy. Chan: H. Saunders.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation. Lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. tf
IN COUNCIL, January 20, 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred and ninety Rifles during the present year, being the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes DANL. L. EYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
ANY person having in their possession, any Book or Books belonging to the late Pleasant Younghusband, dec. will be very obliging if they will return them or give information to the editor of this paper or the subscriber. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 2d Month 3d, 1809. tf
A Miller Wanted. A PERSON possessing the necessary qualifications for the above business, will meet with a situation on application to Isaac Webster. February, 1809. tf
Cumberland, December Court, 1808. James Morton & Co. Plaintiffs, AGAINST John Lockland, Adm'r. of Jno. Bibb, dec. and Drury Watson, Defts. In Chancery. THIS day came the Plaintiffs by their attorneys, and the Defendant Drury, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel aforesaid, it is ordered that the said defendant Drury, do appear here on the 4th Monday in March next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, and that a copy of this order be published in some one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. A Copy—Teste, Miller Woodson, Jr. D. C. e. .
30 Dollars Reward. LOST, a red Morocco Pocket Book near Byrd's Ware house, containing a Tobacco note, No. 725—1520—150—14701b. of Byrd's inspection, with 75 dol. in Virginia bank notes, and sundry other papers, bonds, &c. Whoever will deliver the Pocket Book with its contents, at Capt. Dais's tavern, or at Byrd's Ware house, shall receive the above reward. JAMES SATTERWHITE. February 10, 1809. (3w)
WILL BE SOLD, ON Friday the 10th March next, on the plantation of the late John Fore, Jun. in Chesterfield county, Twelve Thousand weight of
Fodder and Oats, Ten barrels of Corn, five Horses, one Gig and Harness, a few Hogs and all his house hold and kitchen Furniture, consisting of three Feather beds, mahogany Tables, &c. together with the plantation utensils. The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. At the same time and place, several valuable Negroes will be hired for this year, amongst which are a very good mill wright.—At the same time, any person who has claims against the estate will make them known, and all persons who are indebted to the estate are requested to come forward and make payment. James Fore, Adm'r. February 15, 1809.
N. B. At the same time WILL BE RENTED , one moiety of a valuable GRIST MILL , on Powhite creek.
To Rent, TWO TENEMENTS, One formerly occupied by Mrs. M'Lane, with a good garden, smoke house and stable—possession may be had the 7th March. The other is a small house with a garden—possession may be had immediately.—Both houses are on Shockoe hill. THOMAS ELLIOTT. February 16, 1809.
TO BE RENTED, A LARGE AND COMMODIOUS TENEMENT, On Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Wilson. For terms apply to Wm. Munford. Richmond, Feb. 22, 1809. tf
A Young Man WHO can come well recommended for industry, honesty, and sobriety, that understands the management of Negroes, may hear of employment on application at this office. (u)
14,870 Acres of Land FOR SALE, ON SENECA CREEK, IN THE COUNTY OF PENDLETON. BY virtue of a deed in trust executed by Robert Barklay to Richard Gages, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the seventeenth day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land, being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. January 22d, 1809. tds
NOTICE. By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 13th of June next, at the courthouse of Botetourt county, being court day, One Tract of Land, Containing 254 acres, more or less, it being the same tract of land deeded to Pleasant Younghusband by Thomas M'George and Judith his wife, as by indenture bearing date the 2d day of July, 1800, on the following terms, to wit: one third cash, one third in twelve months, and the remaining third in two years. Bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they become due, and a deed of trust on the land to secure the two last payments, will be required. ELIZA T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Administrator. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 2d mo. 17th, 1809. tds
For sale or Rent, AN eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road—known by the name of Halls-Borough; the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Fackler. Richmond, 12 Jan. 1809. tf
NOTICE. THE Rev'd. John Hendren will discontinue the presidency of the New-Glasgow Academy after the present term, which will expire about the middle of April next; the trustees of the said institution are therefore desirous of engaging with some gentleman, to succeed him in that station, after the ensuing vacation, which will terminate on the 15th of May next. The branches of science and literature, as heretofore notified to the public, will continue to be taught and studied in this school, viz. the Latin and Greek languages, Natural and Moral Philosophy and the Mathematics, or such branches of each as are usually taught in public seminaries of learning. To any gentleman well qualified to preside and teach in such an institution, liberal inducements are to be met with. The academy, or principal school-house, is complete, large, and commodious, and the other buildings and appendages allotted for the sole occupancy of the president, separate and apart from the former, are now very nearly finished, and will be found ample and accommodating. William S. Crawford near the premises, for the purposes of dispatch and convenience, is authorized to treat and negotiate with any gentleman upon this subject, and to whom communications are expected to be made preparatory to a final engagement. It is hoped and presumed that no applications will be made, unless warranted by the most satisfactory attestations of capacity and fitness to fill this appointment, destined alone for the important purposes of virtue, of science, and literature. THE TRUSTEES. Amherst, February 3d, 1809. 4w.
NOTICE. BY virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD , to the highest bidder, on the 6th of March next, at the court house of Henrico county, (being court day) a Tract of Land. Containing 400 Acres, more or less, situated on White Oak Swamp, adjoining the bridge over the swamp, whereon Thomas Goodman lives, who will show the land to any person wishing to purchase. There is a good mill seat, with a constant stream on said land. The land will be sold for one third cash, one third in 12 months, and the remaining third in two years; bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they are due, and a deed of trust to secure the payments will be required. Eliza T. Younghusband, Adm'r. Samuel P. Parsons, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 1st Mo. 27th, 1809.
Clover Seed. THE subscriber is in daily expectation of a large quantity of Fresh Clover Seed, which will be disposed of at the lowest market price. Application to be made near the Bason, or at the store of Thomas White. JOHN J. JOHNSON, Flour Inspector. Richmond, Feb. 23d, 1809. 6w.
WANTED TO PURCHASE. 10 or 15 Young Negroes. Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808. tf
Virginia: At a Court held for Halifax county, on Monday the 26th day of December, 1808. John Wimbish, Plaintiff. AGAINST Gardner Mayes and Isaac Medley, deputy sheriff for Thomas Watkins, sheriff of Halifax, Defendants. THE defendant Gardner Mayes, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendant, Mayes, do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste SAMUEL WILLIAMS, D. C. H. C.
30 Dollars Reward. RAN AWAY from Benjamin Moore's in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, about the 14th of August, 1807, A NEGRO MAN, named TOM; he is about twenty-nine or thirty years old, five feet seven or eight inches high, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a scar on his right cheek, occasioned by the tooth ache; he has rather a down countenance when spoken to, and was purchased from Edward G. Hill of Spottsylvania County, by Benj. Moore, who gave him to his son William Moore, of whom I purchased him. It is very probable he has obtained a free pass, and is at this time in Spottsylvania, where I expect his relations and acquaintances are, or lurking about Richmond. He ran away about twelve months before his last departure, and crossed the Blue Ridge, and was apprehended in Berkeley County, & put in Martinsburg Jail. He may have aimed for that course again, but I think it most probable from some circumstances that he has gone below where he was raised. Any person that will deliver the said negro to the subscriber living in Warminster, Nelson County, or Capt. Benjamin Moore, living in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, shall receive the above reward, or I will give twenty Dollars to any person who will apprehend and secure him in any jail, and give me such information so that I get him again. All masters of vessels are forewarned from carrying him out of the state at their peril. Robert Moore. Nelson County, January 12th, 1809. wtf
RAGS. THE SUBSCRIBER WILL PAY THE HIGHEST PRICE FOR LINEN or COTTON RAGS; (For the VIRGINIA MANUFACTORY.) AND will contract with country Store-keepers for all they may be able to collect, which will be paid for in cash, on delivery at my store, near the Courthouse; where may be had a general assortment of GROCERIES, BOOTS, SHOES, & PA-TENT NAILS. WILLIAM FARR. Richmond, 22d Jan. 1809. w12m
Advertisement. BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Jeremiah Rawlins, to the subscribers, dated the 28th day of Nov 1807 and recorded in the county court of Caroline, on the 14th day of Dec. in the same year; will be exposed to
Sale at Auction, In conformity to an act entitled an act concerning executions and for other purposes, passed on the third January, 1809, at the White Chimneys, in the county aforesaid, on Saturday the 8th day of April next, a certain TRACT OF LAND in the county of Caroline, containing two hundred and seventy acres more or less, adjoining the land of the White Chimneys, and on the Reedy Swamp, bequeathed to the said Jeremiah Rawlins, by Abin Rawlins dec'd or so much of the said land, as will be sufficient to pay the sum of one hundred and sixty one pounds, three shillings and eleven pence, with interest thereon from the first day of January, 1809, and the expenses of sale. THE TRUSTEES. February 3d, 1809. (w3.)
GOLD MINE. THE subscriber wishes to sell or exchange for property in Richmond, his plantation in Hanover, called
GOLD MINE, On the South Fork of Pamunkey River, opposite to Col. Charles Dabney's, and adjoining Colonel Syme's Rocky Mill tract, containing by a late survey 809 1-2 Acres. On this tract is an excellent and commodious dwelling house, with seven rooms and a large passage, &c. The out houses are all convenient and in good repair, all together insured against fire at $2500. There are from three to four hundred acres of wood land, some fine low grounds, a pretty good orchard, &c. But a minute description of the land is deemed unnecessary. Those therefore who feel inclined to purchase or exchange, are invited to view the premises. The terms will be made known on application to the subscriber near Goshland court house. Daniel Couch. January 25, 1809. w6tf
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, Mr. Giles' Speeches DELIVERED ON The resolution of Mr. Hillhouse, to repeal the Embargo Laws.
TAKEN up by Thomas Burnett, a bay mare, with one hind foot white, a small white streak down her face, has had a fistula, docked but not branded, supposed to be nine years old last spring; appraised to £12. A copy teste. R. ELDRIDGE, Jr. D. C. Sept. 24th 1803. w3tf