The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-05 00:00:00

9 Mirror
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, JANUARY 5, 1809.
[No. 76.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post Office, where all communications in his line, will be thankfully received, and practically attended to—and that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2m2w2c1w2w
THE Copartnership of Webster, Poore and Prosser is this day, by mutual consent dissolved. All persons having claims against the concern are requested to present them to Webster and Poore for adjustment; and all persons indebted, are requested to favor them with as speedy an adjustment as possible, as the nature of their situation requires.
The business of Webster, Poore & Prosser will, in future, be carried on under the firm of Webster and Poore, where, as usual, they will keep a constant supply of MAHOGANY FURNITURE; all persons favoring them with their custom, may expect to be accommodated agreeable to order, punctually.
R. WEBSTER, ROBERT POORE, WM. PROSSER.
THE SUBSCRIBER wishes to know (by letter) who is owner of a Survey made in the name of Philip R. Pendleton, of 35,000 acres in the counties of Westmoreland and Washington, Virginia, on the waters of Reed Creek and Potomac River. SAMUEL GRAHAM.
Wm. Jan. 5.
RICHMOND ACADEMY—The same branches of Literature and Science, will be taught at this Seminary, the present year, that have been heretofore; and the terms of Board and Tuition will also continue the same, viz. £30 for the first, including Washing—£20 for the latter—each to be paid quarterly, in advance. Gift John Fox, will act as Steward, and the Subscribers and his assistant as teachers. GILLES TERRELL, King William Count., Jan. 5. 2m2w2c1w2w
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Seamstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY—At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 31st of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected, the Board of Directors, at their last meeting, on the 29th ultimo, postponed the sale of Stock belonging to delinquent subscribers, generally disassociated Stock-Holder, which were advertised to be sold on that day: Resolved, That the Shares of delinquent holders which may be reported as such by the Treasurer of the Company, on the 7th day of January next, be, on that day sold, at public auction, at the front door of the Swann Tavern in this city. NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, C.C. Treasurer.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Pickering's Speech Conclud.)
In the letter of February 8, 1808 from Mr. Madison to General Armstrong, speaking of the Berlin decree, and the emperor's decision thereon, Mr. Madison says, "The conduct of the French government, in giving this extended operation to its decree, and indeed in issuing one with such an apparent or doubtful import, against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that element, exhibited the measure in the light of an empty menace." And in his letter of the 25th of March, 1809, to Mr. Erskine, Mr. Madison, speaking of the same decree, says, that France was without the means to carry it into effect against the rights & obligations of a neutral nation. Thus then we see the president's "great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise were threatened on the high seas and elsewhere," from the French decree and its extended operation, rested on what he, through his secretary Mr. Madison, has since pronounced "an empty menace" a project which France had not the means to carry into effect. Shall I be told, Mr. President, of the British orders of Council? and that they were comprehended in the President's view of the great and increasing dangers to which our commerce was exposed? If that were the fact, was it not his duty to give such information of them as he possessed, to the Senate? He gave none. I know that those orders were afterwards pressed into his service to justify the measure; and still later it has been confidently said, "that those orders stood in front of the real causes of the embargo." And yet they were invisible to the Senate. What! the great, the operative cause of the embargo, "before which all other motives sink into insignificance," not seen, not known to the Senate? Nor glanced at by the President in his message, nor intimated to any of the members who were honored with his confidence, and by them to the Senate? But from reasoning I will recur to written proofs furnished by the president himself, and now on our tables. In Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Pinkney, the president's minister in London, dated December 23, 1807, the next day after the act laying an embargo was passed; and this after it had undergone three days of earnest opposition in the house of representatives—during which it behoved the father of the measure, and his friends, to furnish every possible argument to silence opposition, and to satisfy the nation of its expediency and necessity—after all this, Mr. Madison in that letter, tells Mr. Pinkney, that "the policy and the causes of the measure are explained in the message itself." The contents of the message (comprehending the papers it re-
ferred to) I have already stated; and the statement demonstrates, that they were not the causes or motives of the embargo; for an "empty menace," a decree without the means of carrying it into effect, could be no cause, no motive for a measure, whose avowed object was "to save our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise from great and increasing dangers."
Sir, let all the documents laid on our tables by the president be examined, and you will not find one in which he hazards the assertion, that the British orders of November 11th were known to him at the time he recommended the embargo, or that an expectation of them determined his recommendation. It was not until the 21st of February, when they had been officially communicated by the British minister, that he offered them to congress "as a further proof of the increasing dangers to our navigation and commerce, which led to the prudent measure of the act laying an embargo." And Mr. Madison, in his letter to Mr. Pinkney, of February 19, 1808, cautiously avoids ascribing the origin of the embargo to the British orders; though, he says, the probability of such decrees was among the considerations which "enforced" the measure; the language of the British gazettes, with other indications, having (he said) left little doubt that such orders were "mediated." And he adds, that "the appearance of these decrees (meaning the British orders) had much effect in reconciling all descriptions among us to the embargo."
But I must notice the change of language in Mr. Madison's last letter. In that of December 23d to Mr. Pinkney, he says, "the policy and the causes of the embargo are explained in the president's message." But in his letter of February 19th, he says, "my last (that of December 23d) included a copy of the act of embargo, and explained the policy of the measure;" leaving out "causes," and introducing the unknown British orders as among the considerations which enforced it. The president, too, in his answer to the Boston petition for suspending the embargo, says, not that the British orders were known to exist at the time when the embargo was laid; but only that they were in existence at the date of the law; from which the unwary reader might suppose that they were known to exist at that date.
From all these considerations it appears to be demonstrated, that the British orders in council of November 11th, 1807, were not known, and that the newspaper rumors concerning them never entered into the views of the President and congress, as a motive for laying the embargo. And here the well known maxim applies, de non apparentibus et non existentibus eadem ratio est . Although the British orders were in existence, yet as they were not known to exist, they were, as to the embargo, non-existent.
The conclusions resulting from the facts and circumstances which I have collected and compared, are serious and alarming. They demonstrate, that the representation, in the president's message recommending the embargo, was delusive and calculated to lead congress into the belief that the situation of the U. States in relation to France and England, was extremely perilous, requiring the instant adoption of the measure recommended. And as congress did adopt it, enacting the law recommended, it must be presumed that they believed an embargo was necessary to preserve our vessels, our seamen and merchandise, from great and increasing dangers, with which the message stated that they were threatened.
It also follows, as no subsequent disclosure has been made of other dangers known at the time the message was communicated, that the real cause or motive for the embargo has been, and yet is, veiled from the eye of Congress and the nation.
M. Champagny's letter of Oct. 7, (one of the papers communicated with the president's message) requires examination. But I should first remark, that during the years 1805, and 1807, in order to reduce England, by destroying her commerce, the French emperor, in execution of, and in the spirit of his Berlin decree, ordered all English merchandise to be seized and confiscated, in every place on the European continent, enemy or neutral, occupied or which should be occupied by the French armies. For this purpose, and as one instance among many, his troops took possession of the city of Hamburg (a city with which American merchants carried on a large and valuable commerce, and which as neutral was entitled to the same exemption from hostile violence as the territory of the United States) and by the emperor's orders, Bourrienne, his accredited minister to that free city, addressed a note to its senate, in which, having stated that every person who traded on the continent in English merchandise, seconded the views of England, and ought to be considered as her accomplice; and that a great portion of the inhabitants of Hamburg were in that predicament, and notoriously attached to England; the emperor caused possession to be taken of their city, and his Berlin decree to be carried into rigorous execution. Accordingly, that minister, in obedience to the emperor's orders, among other outrages, declared, "All English merchandise that may be found in the city, in the harbour, or on the territory of Hamburg, no matter to whom they belong, shall be confiscated." This was done so early as the 24th of November, 1806, only three days after the Berlin decree was issued.
With equal atrocity, the emperor caused all cargoes of neutrals which were brought into, or voluntarily resorted to the ports of France for purposes of lawful trade, and we know from a source which will not be questioned, that their liberation was hopeless; because they were worth eighteen or twenty millions of dollars.
Of the vast property thus plundered, a large portion belongs to citizens of the United States. On the 15th of January last, the emperor's minister Champagny, wrote to our minister, General Armstrong, that their property would remain sequestered until a decision should be had thereon; and this decision depended on our associating or refusing to associate ourselves with him and his allied states in their war with Great Britain. Indeed the emperor was willing to save us the trouble of considering and deci-
ding for ourselves: he declared war for us. "War exists then in fact between England and the United States," are the words of Campaigny, in the letter just mentioned!—What measures ought to be kept with such a Power? While we are yet independent, he undertakes to prescribe the line of conduct we shall observe, on pain of confiscation of all the property of our innocent and unsuspecting merchants within his grasp! And this monstrous outrage upon our honor and independence, the secretary of state, with very exemplary meekness, says, "had the air, at least, of an assumed authority!"
Where his armies did not thus penetrate and plunder, the French emperor sent to the several powers on the continent, whether emperors, kings, or petty states, requiring (or which from him was equivalent to a command, inviting) them to shut their ports against the commerce of England; and Sweden excepted (between whom and the French armies lay a narrow sea guarded by Swedish and British ships) all obeyed. Even the emperor of Austria, though at peace with England, shut against her his two or three little ports at the head of the Adriatic sea.
The prince regent of Portugal, whose country for more than a century had lived in friendship with England, was the last to obey. But though he shut his ports, national faith and gratitude towards his friends, forbade his arresting Englishmen and English merchandise. By shutting his ports, he hoped to appease the Emperor, and save the kingdom. But his fate had been determined; although Portugal had for many years been paying a heavy tribute to France, and been, moreover, anxious to observe the duties of a neutral nation. To save himself and family from disgrace and bondage, the prince quit his kingdom; finding an asylum in his American dominions.
Thus we have seen the French emperor not only shutting his own ports and those of his allies, but even those of neutral states, against British commerce; and seizing and confiscating the merchandise proceeding from England and her colonies, although belonging to neutrals, and on neutral territories; and that this unexampled scene of devastation commenced within four days after the Berlin decree was issued.
It was after she had witnessed all these atrocities, and seen the deadly weapon aimed at her vitals, that England issued her retaliating orders of November 11th, 1807.
I now recur to Mr. Champagny's letter of Oct. 7, to General Armstrong, in answer to his inquiry, "whether (in executing the Berlin decree) it was his majesty's intention to infract the obligations of the treaty now subsisting between the U. States & the French empire?" The answer to which has been already recited.
Allow me to repeat, that this letter of Champagny was one of the four papers communicated by the President with his message recommending the embargo, and one of the two which, after being read, was not then suffered to remain on the files of the Senate, but was returned to the President, together with General Armstrong's letter to which it was an answer, agreeably to his request. Subsequent events drew it from the cabinet. Gentlemen will also recollect, that the concluding paragraph of the President's message, in which he desired a return of those two letters, was ordered by the Senate to be omitted; so that no evidence of the existence of those letters could appear on the Senate's journal, or in the printed copy. In this letter of Champagny, the views of the French emperor were but too clearly indicated. To render his decree of blockade "more effectual" (that is, in destroying the commerce of England) "its execution must be complete."
But as it could not be complete while the vessels of the United States (then with those of England carrying on, almost exclusively, the commerce of the world) continued their extensive trade with England; we were, in language sufficiently intelligible, invited to fall into the imperial ranks, with the maritime powers of Europe, whom the French emperor had marshalled against England, and "to unite in support of the same cause;" that is, to destroy the commerce of England. But the people of the United States would have been shocked at an open proposition to shut their ports against the English commerce, at the command, or invitation of the French emperor; they would not have endured it. The measure could be accomplished only by an embargo, and that wrapped up in the mystery which I have endeavored to unfold.
This letter of Champagny must have arrived in the Revenge; and Gen. Armstrong's dispatches by her, reached Washington, as Mr. Madison informs us, on the 14th Dec. and on the 18th, the embargo was proposed and recommended! Four days gave little enough time to digest & mature such a plan!
These, sir, are my views of the origin of the embargo; the result of a careful, and I trust, an impartial investigation. The material facts are on record. Of my reasoning and conclusions gentlemen will judge. If these be correct, the cause to be pursued must be obvious. The nation's honor is compatible with the repeal of the embargo. The welfare of our country is not to be sacrificed to the views or feelings of those who have brought it into its present situation.
Let then, the resolution before us be adopted, and the embargo removed. As the British orders in council were not the cause of the embargo, the honor of the United States is not pledged for their previous repeal.
*Mr. Madison's letter of May 2d, 1808, to Gen. Armstrong.
LIBERAL wages will be given to a person well qualified to carry on a Whiskey Distillery, one who can produce the greatest quantity of good Whisky from a given quantity of corn. None need apply, without being well recommended. A letter directed to the care of the postmaster at Halifax, North Carolina, will be attended to. THO. B. HILL. Co. Jan. 5, 1809.
12 ANN OF VIRGINIA, Jan. 5. The President and Directors, have this day declared a Dividend of 10 per cent which will be paid on application at the Bank, in person or by attorney, after the 15th inst. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Cashr. January 5.
EUROPE.
CONTINUATION OF LATE FOREIGN NEWS. By the Braganza.
LONDON, Nov. 2.
Termination of the Conferences at Erfurth—Napoleon's return to Paris—His immense Preparations against Spain.
We have received some German and Dutch papers, the latter of 26th ult. containing the Paris news to the 22d. The conferences at Erfurth have broken up. The royal vassals whom Bonaparte had convened there have returned to their respective homes, having received the commands of their liege Lord, who has returned to his capital. It was on the night of the 18th Napoleon reached St. Cloud. On the next day he held a council, when the Esposito, or Speech from the throne, with which the session of the legislative body is usually opened, was no doubt prepared. That event was fixed for the 23d. Napoleon would probably set out soon after for Bayonne, to direct the operations of the French army against Spain. Preparations had been made for his reception at the castle of Merac, near Bayonne, for which place the imperial guards, the precursors of all his military movements, were under marching orders at Paris on the 22d. To render the whole of his forces disposable against Spain, and to enable him to direct his undivided attention, energies and strength, against that country, appear to have been the object of his visit to Erfurth, and that object we may infer from the foreign Journals, he accomplished—for although the emperor of Austria did not degrade himself by doing homage in person at Erfurth, we fear that he will not interfere to defeat the execution of the horrible threat which the atrocious usurper has denounced against Spain. The greater part of the French troops are to be withdrawn from Germany, a sure indication that he has conciliated Austria, or succeeded in intimidating her. Of the corps of Marshal Mortier, 25,000 strong, is to enter Spain into two divisions, on the side of Catalonia. Fifteen thousand fresh troops are stated in the Papers of the 21st to have passed through Bayonne for Spain; between the 20th and 30th it is asserted, an army of not less than 100,000 men was to enter that country. On the 15th, Marshal Lefebvre, arrived at Bordeaux for the same destination, and troops were constantly passing in the same direction through that city. Junot and the first division of the troops from Lisbon, arrived at Rochelle on the 14th. They would in full time to form the reserve of the grand army in Spain. The Court of Inquiry upon Sir Hew Dalrymple will meet as Chelsea next Monday, Sir David Dundas, we understand, will be the president.
A miracle was lately performed near Portsmouth. The Camel (store ship) actually sailed through the Needles.
VALENCIA.
The Spanish Revolution is, as in every other respect, honorably contrasted with the Revolution of France, in the humanity and justice with which the victorious party have conducted themselves towards their political enemies. We have heard of no political proscriptions—no executions for pretended crimes of high treason; for the few instances of popular vengeance which are known to have been taken against obnoxious individuals were excited by actual and active adherence to the enemies of the country. The incident which appears to form the most important exception to this observation was the massacre of the French at Valencia, who had been arrested, as a measure of precaution, by the government. We have been gratified by the perusal of a Manifesto , published by the Supreme Junta of the city, which exculpates the government and the citizens, from the guilt of the transaction, and gives an interesting statement of the events which led to the horrible catastrophe, which was caused & carried into effect by a wretch of the name of CALVO, a Canon of St. Isidore. This new MARAT had been a notorious tool and creature of the PRINCE OF THE PEACE; and he left Madrid during the tyrannical Government of MURAT, a circumstance which combined with others, justifies a suspicion that his outrageous ultra revolutionary conduct was concerned with the French government, in order, by acquiring the Supreme Magistracy of the city, to facilitate the subsequent capture of Valencia, which was soon afterwards repeatedly attempted in vain by Marshal MONCEY.
In the beginning of June, he came to Valencia, where he instantly distinguished himself by his assumed rage against the French, and availed himself of his rank and fortune to procure his election as a Member of the Junta. He found, however, that he could not urge his colleagues to the measures of violence he proposed, and therefore heading a party of the rabble, he proclaimed the Junta to be traitors to the country, and friends to France. On the 5th June, he began his project, by going in person to the Citadel, and telling the Frenchmen confined there, (who had been arrested as Frenchmen only, and without any personal imputation whatever,) that the people were resolved to put them to death; and the following day he wrote to the Captain General, commanding him to abstain from all official acts, civil or military, for that the people had elected him their Supreme Magistrate; and he warned him, as well as other Magistrates, "not to oppose the will of the people." He then led the mob to the Citadel, which being unguarded, and he having a sort of authority as a member of the Junta, was taken by surprise. A great number of unhappy persons were massacred by the populace. During several days the government was intimidated; he compelled them to order the removal of other prisoners, from a prison where they were secure, to the Citadel, under pretence of keeping them safe; for he, on some occasions, alluded to be their protector, when the guard was assaulted by the mob, and the prisoners slaughtered in the streets. After a few days, however, the government recovered from its panic, and CALVO was se-
red; the rage of the mob was appeased, and on the 3d of July, he was brought before the ordinary tribunal, as an "exciter of assassination and a traitor to his country," and to death by strangling, reserved for the nobility, which was executed the same day.
The Manifesto of the Junta is more full in recording the proofs of the guilt of Calvo, than in stating the extent of the atrocities committed, over which, it seems, for the honor of their city, they were desirous to throw a veil. It is indeed to be wondered at, that only one such man should have so soon been repressed, when we recollect the frequency of such shocking moral phenomena in the history, not only of the present, but of the various conspiracies, insurrections, and revolutions of the past. The North of Europe has been more seldom disturbed and affrighted by the starting of these ephemeral demagogues.
The manifesto concludes with observing that to have brought Calvo so speedily to justice, is no less an honor to the city of Valencia, than to have so bravely and successfully resisted, without the ordinary means of defence, the besieging army of Moncey.
The emperor Alexander is measuring back his steps to Petersburg; and it will require no ordinary degree of courage to meet the looks of his people after his journey of submission and degradation.
It is said that the Duke of Northumberland has made a magnificent present to Mr. Kemble on the occasion of the late fire. He wrote him a polite note, reminding him of an early service his grace had received from him, by instructing Earl Percy in the art of speaking, and saying that the present was a fit moment to acquit the obligation. The letter contained a draft for Ten thousand Pounds.
November 3. The American ship Union, arrived on Sunday night, at Penzance from Philadelphia, and landed four gentlemen, one of whom, Mr. Gibbon, arrived last night with dispatches, for the American minister Mr. Pinkney. The Union immediately sailed for France, with another messenger with dispatches for the American minister at Paris.
Mr. Pinkney, the American ambassador received yesterday dispatches from his government. They were brought by Lieutenant Gibbon of the American navy. What they contain, of course, we do not pretend to know; but the ship in which he came has brought some intelligence from America, which we have inserted.
November 5. Mr. Gibbon who arrived on Wednesday with dispatches from America, was yesterday on a Change. He is a young officer about 25 years of age, and was dressed in the uniform of the U. States. He delivered many letters to merchants, but they contain nothing important.
At a meeting of the nobility, gentry, freeholders and inhabitants of the county of South-Hampton, on the 2d ult. it was unanimously resolved to address the king, praying for a full inquiry into the causes that led to the convention in Portugal.
A meeting at Reading, on the same day, came to a similar resolution.
Plymouth Nov. 1.—Yesterday about 600 Portuguese Emigrants, Gentlemen and Ladies, with their families, for the Brazils embarked on board several transports in Caws-water. They sailed last evening for Falmouth as a place of rendezvous, to wait for convoy for the Brazils, under care of a gun brig and cutter. Their taking leave of their Plymouth friends, from whom they had received so many civilities during a residence of nine months, was really an affecting scene. Several of them shed tears (as they emphatically said) of gratitude, for the kind reception they had met with, when driven from their own country, from all ranks of people in Plymouth and Dock. When they went into their boats, they waved their hands as an adieu, with a number of Vivas , and wished every possible good fortune to the inhabitants of Plymouth and Dock.
AMSTERDAM, Oct. 29. From letters received at Munich and Stuttgart we learn, that the Kings of Bavaria & Wirttemberg arrived from Erfurth in their respective residence towns on the 17th and 18th inst.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Sept. 10. Ismael Bey has arrived at Seres with 18,000 men. Ibrahim Bey followed him 3 days after, at the head of 20,000. These two armies have encamped within a league of Constantinople. Fifteen thousand men under the orders of capt. Ogloo, are marching toward Rudschie, to set against the Russians in case they commence hostilities. We are not yet acquainted with the destination of the two first armies, but suppose they are destined against Abdul Webab, who has become very powerful near Damascus.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 29. The celebrated Azuni, a writer of the law of nations, has been chosen a member of the French legislative body.
The Moniteur states, that at the close of the emperor, on the 23d October, general Armstrong, minister of the United States, presented an American gentleman of the name of Poinsett; there must be some mistake in the name, as well as in an allegation some time since put abroad, concerning the American minister not appearing at the French court.
The positions of the French army in Spain, on the 19th of October, were as follows:
 The head quarters of king Joseph at Vittoria.  Marshal Bessieres at Miranda.  Marshal Macey at Pamplona.  Marshal Lefebvre (Duke of Dutzle) with his corps of 30,000 men, and a heavy train of artillery, had passed the defiles of the Pyrenees, and entered Spain.  Marshal Ney at Bilboa.  General Dubesme at Barcelona.  General Verdier, between St. Andre and Biura. 

General Merlin at Saint Andree—
General Lasalle, } on the Ebro.
General Banel, }
Bonaparte has conferred the badge of the
legion of honor, on Weiland and Goethe, two
distinguished writers of Germany
He has also appropriated 60,000 crowns to
repair some houses of poor persons in the
town of Jena, which were destroyed at the
period of the great battle.
During the stay of Bonaparte at Jena, the
inhabitants changed the name of the moun-
tain on which he had bivouaqued or kept
guard on the night of the 13th and 14th Oc-
tober, 1806, preparatory to the battle which
annihilated the power of Prussia. It was
before called Windknollen, they have chan-
ged it to Mount Napoleon—Aurora.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
Speech of Mr. Eppes delivered on Friday
last in the House of Representatives.
Mr. Eppes said there was no man who
regretted more than himself that at a peri-
od when the safety, honor, and indepen-
dence of this country were assailed by ex-
ternal danger; when under the pressure
of a measure resorted to under circum-
stances of the most urgent necessity, the
citizens of this country had manifested a
being calculated to excite sensations here
and elsewhere—that such a period should
be cited by gentlemen, not to exert their
talents in steering the national bark through
the billows by which it was surrounded,
but in endeavoring to thwart every mea-
sures proposed. The gentleman from N.
York (said Mr. E.) has told us that he will
sound the tocsin of alarm to the people. And
what is the project of the gentleman him-
self? Why, he has told you on a former
day, openly, honestly and fairly, that he is
for a war with France; he is willing to pocket
all the injuries which we have received
from Great Britain, and to go to war with
France. In vain would the gentleman sound
the tocsin of alarm, if this is his project. The
people of the United States would not go
with him. It is not the sentiment of any portion
of our citizens except of the old Tories of our
revolution. He would not be followed by the
American people in taking to his bosom a
nation which has murdered your citizens, &
making war upon a nation which has pil-
laged your commerce. I cannot reconcile
the project, with my ideas of moral princi-
ple. He would not be followed by the fe-
deralists. I cannot believe that those who
walked in procession after the body of the
murdered Pierce, could stamp on them-
selves the character of base hypocrisy, by
taking to their bosom the nation which com-
mitted the outrage, while the blood of
Pierce and a host of other injuries more de-
grading remain yet unatoned for. All our
injuries remain unredressed; not the smallest
apology has been made, but the feelings
of the country not only disregarded, but in-
sulted by new acts of violence and injustice.
The gentleman's project to save the honor of
the nation is submission to England & war
with France. I pronounce with confidence it
is not the sentiment of the American people.
The gentleman from N. York has taken oc-
casion to introduce the name of Washington.
The sentiments which that gentleman has
expressed were never those of Washington.
He never would have been willing to put
chains on his countrymen, to consent to a
shackled commerce; to allow foreign na-
tions to say to his country, this far you shall
go, and no farther. This is not the spirit of
Washington. It is not the spirit which
produced our revolution—opposition to ty-
rants and a manly assertion of our rights at
every hazard gave us our rank as an inde-
pendent nation. The same spirit still per-
vades our country, and I trust will ever per-
vade it. It never, however, has been the po-
licy of this government to rush rashly into
war. The history of our country under for-
mer administrations demonstrates this fact,
& under the administration of Washington
as well as under every other, we have borne
with patience degreding insult and injury.
As to the great regard of former administra-
tions for the personal rights of the citizen,
on which the gentleman has dwelt, I shall
not go into that part of the subject. In lay-
ing an embargo, even in the time of Wash-
ington, a short resolution was passed in
which the power was vested and the execu-
tion left to the Executive. This was thought
at that time very constitutional and proper
no doubt, by the federalists. We however
can frame no constitutional law on this sub-
ject, although they could very constituti-
onally adopt the old maxim, so I will it, and
enforce their system. While, however, I
am not disposed to excite unpleasant sensa-
tions, by bringing into view acts of former
administrations, I believe that a statement
of the course pursued under Gen. Washing-
ton and Mr. Adams, as to foreign nations,
will show that it never has been our policy
to plunge rashly into war. I beg leave to
read on this subject an extract from a speech
delivered in 1803.
“Our differences with Great Bri-
tain were casual with the treaty of peace.
The detention of the western posts was a
direct violation of that treaty—it diverted a
considerable portion of the fur trade from
the United States, and disabled us from brid-
ling the hostile Indians, which was a source
of immense injury. This evil continued for
twelve years, under every circumstance of
aggravation and insult. British soldiers is-
sued from those forts into parts of our terri-
tory, where we exercised jurisdiction, &
seized the persons of deserters without the
aid or sanction of the authorities of the coun-
try, and these possessions served as asylums
for the savages who were in hostile array a-
gainst us—and as store-houses and maga-
zines to supply them with arms, ammuni-
tion, and provisions. The seat of govern-
ment of Upper Canada was also held for a
time at Niagara, in the state of N. York,
an indignity of the most marked character
—many thousands of negroes were also car-
ried off in violation of the treaty, and a very
serious injury was thereby inflicted on the
agricultural pursuits of our southern citi-
zens.”
“It is well known that we were engaged
in a bloody and expensive war with several
of the Indian tribes—that two of our armies
had been routed by them, and that we were
finally compelled to make great efforts to
turn the tide of victory. These Indians were
encouraged and aided by the emissaries of
Great Britain—British subjects were seen
disguised fighting in their ranks, and British
agents were known to furnish them with
provisions and the implements of war. The
governor general of Canada, a highly confi-
dential and distinguished officer, delivered
a speech to the seven nations of Lower Can-
ada, exciting them to enmity against this
country; but in order to furnish the sav-
ages at war with sufficient aid, a detach-
ment of British troops penetrated into our
territory and erected a fort on the Miami
river. Here the Indians, dispersed and de-
feated by Wayne, took refuge, and were
protected under the muzzie of British can-
non. A violation of territory is one of the
most flagrant injuries which can be offered
to a nation, and would in most cases jus-
tify an immediate resort to arms, because in
most cases essential to self-defence. Not
content with exciting the savages of Ameri-
ca against us, G. Britain extended her ac-
tivity to the eastern hemisphere, and let
loose the barbarian of Africa upon us. A
war existed at that time between Portugal
and Algiers. The former blocked up the
mouth of the Straights by her superior na-
val force, and prevented the pirates from a
communication with the Atlantic. Portu-
gal has been for a long time subservient to
the views of G. Britain. A peace was ef-
fected through the mediation of the latter.
Our unprotected merchantmen were then
exposed, without defence, to the piracies of
Algiers. Thus it is three quarters of the globe
we at one time felt the effects of British en-
mity. In the mean time our commerce in
every sea was exposed to her rapacity. Al-
France was declared in a state of siege, and
the conveyance of provisions expressly in-
terdicted to neutrals. Paper blockades were
substituted for actual ones, and the staple
commodities of our country lay perishing in
our store-houses, or were captured on the
ocean, and diverted from the lawful pro-
prietors. Our seamen were pressed where-
ver found. Our protections were a sub-
ject of derision and opposition to the imperious
mandates of their haughty tyrants, was
punished by famine or by stripes—by im-
prisonment or by the gibet. To complete
the full measure of our wrongs, the Nov-
ember orders of 1793 were issued; our
ships were swept from the ocean, as if by
the operation of enchantment—hundreds of
them were captured, almost all our mer-
chants were greatly injured, and many of
them reduced to extreme poverty. These
proceedings, without even a pretext, with-
out the forms of justice, without the sem-
blance of equity, were calculated to inflame
every American feeling, and to nerve every
American arm. Negotiation was however
pursued, an envoy extraordinary, in every
sense of the word, was sent to demand re-
dress, and a treaty of amity, commerce &
navigation was formed and ratified. These
events took place under the administration
of Washington. The Spanish treaty, con-
cluded on the 27th Oct. 1795, stipulated
for a settlement of boundaries, and an ad-
justment of spoliations on commerce, and
contains a declaration of the free navigation
of the Mississippi, and a grant of the pri-
vilege of deposit at New Orleans. This
treaty for more than two years afterwards,
was not executed on the part of Spain. In
Jan. 1795, a report was addressed to Mr.
Adams, by Mr. Secretary Pickering, and
submitted to Congress, which charged Spain
with retaining her troops and garrisons with-
in the United States, with evading to run the
boundary line, with stopping, controlling, and
regulating the passage of our citizens on the
Mississippi, and sending emissaries among
the Indians residing within our territories, in
violation of the treaty and relations of ami-
ty. Here then a treaty securing the impor-
tant benefit of deposit, was in a state of in-
execution for a long period. Our citizens
were also interrupted in the free navigation
of the Mississippi, and other aggressions, af-
fecting our territorial rights, and our in-
ternal peace, were superadded.”
“An amicable explanation was had with
Spain, and our wrongs were satisfactorily
redressed. This took place in the adminis-
tration of Mr. Adams, and when most of
the honorable gentlemen who support this
war resolution, except such as were dan-
gling in the courts of Europe, held promi-
nent stations in the councils of the country.”
“Our differences with France were of a
more serious nature, and of a longer duration.
They commenced in the administration of
Mr. Washington, and were adjusted in that
of his successor. Great and enormous depre-
dations were committed upon our commerce
by France, and our merchants were fraudu-
lently robbed of compensation for provisions
supplied her in the hour of distress. The
treaty and consular convention were violated.
The right of embassy, a sacred right,
respected even by the ferocious savage, was
wantonly trampled upon; and the representa-
tive of our national sovereignty was re-
jected out of France. A fresh attempt at negoti-
ation was made—three ministers were sent,
armed with all the powers and clothed with
all the honors of diplomacy. They were also
refused a hearing, and forced to leave the
country without experiencing the forms of
common civility. The treaty was then an-
nulled, and reprisals directed; and when the
honorable gentlemen and their friends, then
in power, had worked up the passions of the
nation to the highest pitch of exasperation—
when war, bloody war, was expected from
all quarters—when the war worn soldiers of
the revolution were girding on their swords,
and preparing to stand between their coun-
try and the danger that menaced her, the
scene suddenly changed; the black cloud
passed away; and we again beheld three
ministers at Paris, extending the olive
branch, burying all animosities, and return-
ing with a treaty of “firm, immovable, and
universal peace, and true and sincere friend-
ship.”
“I have read this statement, sir, (said Mr.
Eppes) because it is the deliberate and grave
statement of a man arrived at that period of
life when he is not so much under the influ-
ence of passion. It is a statement of facts,
which if made by myself might be attributed
to party feeling. It proves that it never
has been the policy of this nation lightly
to embark in war. And however the gen-
tleman from New York and myself may dif-
fer in other respects, we unite in this: that
no evil is so great as war, except a surren-
der of our independence; nothing short of
an attack on which should induce any nation
to resort to this alternative, injurious to every
nation but particularly so to ours.”
“So far then as we have progressed in our
present situation, so far as the course pur-
sued was calculated to preserve peace, it
was a course which justice and humanity dic-
tated, and which has been approved by the
nation. But is there never to be an end to
the sufferance of the nation? Is there no
time when we shall act? The idea of a per-
manent embargo—and when on this part of
the subject I shall perhaps be told as another
gentleman was yesterday, that my observa-
tions resemble more the slang of an ale-house
than the debate of a deliberative body—this
idea, I observe, is to be found only in the
speeches of those who oppose the measure.
Such an idea cannot be inferred from the con-
duct of the members of this house, or from
any thing else which has occurred. It pro-
ceeds only from men who from the first mo-
ment the measure was laid on your table, en-
deavored to place it in the most odious colors.
Immediately after the measure was adopted
last winter, what a place, sir! A man dis-
tinguished by the favor of the people, a man
advanced in years, the very man who in '98,
kept back the dispatches from Mr. Adams,
and had almost plunged us into a war with
France by this act? Who does he do? In
1708, he displays the same spirit of hosti-
ty to France, which he manifested in '98—
writes a letter in which he attributes the em-
bargo to French influence, to the mandates of
Bonaparte. [Mr. Gardener requested the
gentleman from Virginia to name him]—
Mr. Eppes “General” Pickering. [It ap-
peared to be doubted whether Mr. Eppes
was in order. Mr. Smith said that if the gen-
tleman from New York was permitted to
criminalize the government, a reply ought
certainly be allowed.] Mr. Eppes continued.
I wish it to be understood by the speaker and
House, that I hold myself responsible to any
man who is injured by my observations. No
circumstance shall deter me from expressing
the truth in relation to our affairs. It is time
that the nation should see the strange union
of sentiment between gentlemen in opposition
and that government which has injured us
most. I am responsible for my assertions;
I have a right to discharge my duty in that
way which I please, and in that way I will.
I then say, this letter proceeded from the
man who in 1798 was willing, was anxious
to involve the U. States in a war with France.
There was a party in this country in favor
of it; and if correctly informed, the man who
wrote this infamous letter is the head of that
very party; a party connected and known
under the name of the Essex Junto. This
was the first stroke at the embargo; and
what took place afterwards. I regret that
a gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Li-
vermore) is not in his place, whose speech,
here some weeks before our last adjournment,
said to have been delivered to the inhabitants
of his district, in which he declared that
southern members of influence in the repub-
lican party here had openly declared to him
their hostility to commerce! The gentle-
man had the candor to declare that he did
not make to his constituents such a state-
ment but, sir, it was immediately previous
to the election, and though the gentleman
never made such a speech, many people in
Massachusetts be it said that he had not only
made such a speech, but that it was a deliberate
expression of his sentiments. These things
justify the statement of the gentleman from
Massachusetts, (Mr. Story) that misrepre-
sentations have been spread amongst the peo-
ple. The federal printers have united in giv-
ing currency to these misrepresentations.
They have even made speeches for members
of Congress; they have made them accuse
the majority of Congress of being under
French influence. A sentiment of this sort
has been given in a speech of the gentleman
from New-York, (Mr. Gardener) though
it is denied.
[Mr. Gardener said he never had ex-
pressed such an opinion; the speech which
he had been supposed to have delivered, was
not intended to express such an
idea. He never intended to express such an
idea; for however he differed in opinion
with gentlemen, he never had the slightest
suspicion, that gentlemen were governed by
dishonest motives. He should hold up their
curse as pernicious to the nation, and never
would cease to do so, thus performing a con-
stitutional right, and a duty from which he
would never shrink.]
“It never has been my habit (continued Mr.
Eppes) to attribute to gentlemen improper
motives; I never have done so, nor the
course which has been pursued will give
weight to the opinion a ready entertained
in Great Britain, that we are a divided
people;—that we are divided in opinion
on what the gentleman from New York
himself, has called a self-evident proposi-
tion—that the belligerent decrees cannot be
submitted to without a surrender of our
rights, independence and honor. Are we to
be surprised, that the people of Massachu-
setts or of any other part of the U. S. are ag-
itated when they find men so enlightened
as their representatives in Congress, telling
them that this is to be a permanent system?
Do gentlemen really believe, that it is our
intention to abide by the embargo until
our injuries are redressed, be that soon or
late? Do they believe that the embargo, is
all that to be opposed to insult, injury and
blows? Do they believe that we are desirous
of sense? For one unequivocally deny that
I ever had such an idea, or any person with
whom I ever conversed on the subject, except
the gentlemen who opposed it, to whom
it was convenient to represent it as a per-
manent measure. And whatever gentle-
men may say on other subjects, they will do me
the justice to say, that at the last session I
told them my opinion, that the period would
arrive when the embargo would be removed;
and that when it was, there was no other
course than war, open and direct or submis-
sion. I defy gentlemen to where to find the
embargo considered as a permanent mea-
sure, but in their own speeches and the
prints of their party.”
“The circumstances which produced the
embargo are well known; but the misfor-
tune is, that gentlemen will not state the
question fairly, but cover it under a heap of
lumber, calculated to conceal from the peo-
ple, the real question. Let the question be
fairly put, and there is not a man in America
(always excepting old Tories) who would
not say that they will resist. What is the
real state of our affairs—and I will not stop
here to discuss who began first. If we mean
to assert and maintain our rights, it is total-
ly immaterial to us who commenced, tho'
on this subject I might refer gentlemen to
the letter of Mr. Hammond, in 1793, in which
he takes the ground now maintained, and as-
serts the right of Great Britain to blockade
the whole of France. The statement of our
situation is simply this: Great-Britain says,
if you go to France or her dependencies with-
out a licence from her, your property shall
be liable to seizure and condemnation.—
France says, if you have visited Britain or
been visited by a British, your vessel shall
be liable to seizure and condemnation. Now
take the dependencies and allies of France
and England, and what remains? Your com-
merce is as completely blockaded by these
decrees, as the port of Boston was, in the re-
volutionary war—and when gentle men come
forward and tell you, that your ships are rot-
ting in your ports, and the country suffering,
and attribute this to the embargo, is it fair?
Is it manly? Is it not an assertion material-
ly variant from our present situation? I
call upon any man, federalist, quid, or of
what denomination he may be, to answer
whether these decrees have not destroyed
our commerce; and yet the destruction is
imputed to the embargo. At the time the em-
bargo was laid, our exports amounted to one
hundred and eight millions annually. Tak-
ing all the countries with which we could
trade, throwing G. Britain out of the question,
with whom I contend that no man can
be willing to trade under existing circum-
stances, and our whole commerce does not
amount to seven millions and a half—a com-
merce not equal to one half of the exports
from Massachusetts alone; and give Mas-
sachusetts her relative share of our fifth of
this seven millions of commerce, and this is
all she can have to support her seamen, to en-
rich her merchants whom the embargo is
said to have destroyed. This is the real sit-
uation of the country. Do the people of the
Eastern portion of it know it; No, sir, it is
kept from them; they cannot find it in the
speeches of their Representatives. No, sir,
there it is all embargo, the favorite hobby-
horse of federalism.”
“Having thus attempted to show, that it
was not my intention when the embargo was
laid to consider it as a permanent measure,
I will proceed to state some circumstances
which have rendered this measure less ope-
rative than it would otherwise have been.
The embargo had two objects, to gather in
our capital and to withhold supplies from
our enemies. The first object has been
completely answered, and there is not a pe-
riod at which it would be more necessary to
adhere to it than at the present moment.—
To withhold supplies from our enemies, is
now more important than ever. The nation
must be put in a state to meet war.”
“It is in vain for gentlemen to attempt to
delude the people. The decrees of England
and France, must be withdrawn, or we must
fight; it cannot be avoided. We have decla-
red we will not submit, and there is no spe-
cies of effectual resistance but war.”
“We have a right to carry our produce to
every place on the globe whose municipal re-
gulations do not forbid it. France has a right
to interdict our trade with herself, but none
to interdict it with her enemy. G. Britain
has a right to exclude us from her ports, but
none to compel us to go thither. What other
course I ask, can the United States take but
war, or submission to these Decrees? Let
gentlemen examine the various proposals
brought forward. It is immaterial whether
we pass a law that we will reduce our trade
to the pieces left by the decrees, or suffer it
to be so reduced by the decrees themselves.
In either case we submit—we allow foreign
nations to fix the amount of our commerce—
to destroy the fruits of our industry and Le-
gion for us.”
“Now, sir, I do not believe that there is a
native American in any part of the U.S. who
is disposed to submit; and I rejoice that in
this house there is no division of sentiment.
Gentlemen have publicly declared that they
will not submit. In what form then will
they resist? We have tried paper long en-
ough. It is time either to exert the ener-
gies of the nation, or to give up our rights
and again become the colonies of Great-Bri-
tain. I am not for that; I have no other
interest than that in land, by the produce of
which I live. I would sooner let it go in
the general wreck of my country, than sur-
render those rights which are so important to
the nation, and which our fathers paid for
with their best blood. I am not for dis-
gusting our ancestors who fled from oppress-
ion abroad; I am not for proving ourselves
a base degenerate offspring. We possess a
country of 2,000 miles extent, a population
of six millions of souls, six hundred thousand
men fit to bear arms. If with this we can-
not preserve our independence, we deserve
to be kicked out of the territory neck and
heels by those powers whom we have suffer-
ed to trample on our maritime rights.”
“In the course of my remarks I have no-
ticed the strange union of sentiment between
gentlemen in the opposition and the British
ministry, on the subject of the embargo.”
“On this subject I will read an extract of a
ministerial pamphlet—”
“Providence has ordained, that nations as
well as individuals, should, in a certain de-
gree, be dependent on each other; and the
inhabitants of no country can be debarred
from their accustomed commercial commu-
nications, without being deprived of many
advantages and enjoyments. Society being
thus constituted the government that attacks
the comfort and happiness of the people, by
prohibiting this intercourse, alienates the
affections and consequently holds its author-
ity by a very precarious tenure. When the
emperor Pius entered into the confede-
racy against G. Britain, his subjects were at-
once reduced to severe and general distress.
Their hemp, their flax, their tallow, their
ashes, their iron, their timber, all their great
staple commodities, for the sale of which
they depended on British purchasers, were
left a dead weight upon their hands. If the
produce of the land becomes of no value,
the landlord may apply to his tenant for rent
in vain. If the vassal can procure no employ-
ment, he can pay nothing to his lord. Thus
the nobles, whose revenue is derived from the
rent of their estates, and the labor of their
vassals, found themselves involved in the ca-
lamity of their inferiors; and were led by
common interest, to attempt that revolution
which cost the emperor his crown and his
life.”
“If any further elucidation of the principle
to which this event is ascribed were want-
ing, it promises to be found in the U. S. of
America; where the cultivators of the soil
are deprived of the fruits of their labors and
the merchants of their commercial gains, by
the present embargo. This forced state of
things cannot be of long continuance. Alrea-
dy have the Vermontese set the constituted
authorities at defiance, and persist in carry-
ing on their trade with the Canadians across
the Champlain, while the northern states
manifest strong symptoms of discontent.”
“Perhaps I ought to apologise to the Repre-
sentatives from the state of Vermont for reading a clause speaking particularly of that state, but I assure the gentlemen that it is not my wish to bring the attention of the House to circumstances which have passed there. I view them with that deep regret with which I will ever view a similar state of things in any portion of the country. I regret that any portion of the people of this country, however they may feel, should not manifest their feeling in that form prescribed by the constitution and the laws. We are told by this pamphlet of true British origin, that the United States cannot stand this nature; and what are we told on this floor? “You cannot stand it; you are committing suicide on yourselves.” All this goes to G. Britain; what I say never will reach it. All there seen of it will be a garbled statement in a federal paper, which I could cover with my thumb, and that will be sent to Great Britain. Through this corrupted source their information is derived, and they know nothing of the real situation of American feeling or of the American character. And is the government to blame when I declare to God that I have seen speeches attributed to me which I have never made—the most shameful misrepresentation made by men brought here not for the purpose of reporting our proceedings to the nation but for supporting party purposes. Gentlemen tell us
we cannot stand a permanent embargo. We
ever intended it. Gentlemen well know
that the rights of the nation cannot be aban-
doned without a struggle. The only questi-
on is when to commence it. Our resources
will soon be at our command. Means of re-
sistance are provided, and the period must
soon arrive when nothing will be wanting
on the part of the representatives to use
them. The people are with you—you
have their support. Nothing can forfeit it
but abandoning their rights. If by war on-
ly they can be maintained, the people will
meet it with firmness, I never had any other
feeling, but that these decrees must be with-
drawn, or we must resort to war. I said so
last year; I took it openly.—My sentiments
are known to the people I represent. They
unite in the sentiment. It is the undivided
sentiment of the state in which I live.”
“It has been said that the southern people
wish to destroy commerce. I will ask gentle-
men what but commerce has produced our
present difficulties? If I had considered my in-
terest only, of what importance to me was
the carrying trade? None, sir, but it was, it
ever will be, of infinite importance to me to
support the principles of our constitution—
What are these principles? Equal and ex-
act justice to every class of our citizens. Un-
fettered commerce protection and for the ge-
neral safety, the rights of no one class can
be abandoned. The merchant has as good
a right to protection in the use of his ship as
the farmer in the use of his plough. I said
so in 1805, and I say it still. Our situation,
however, is now changed; it is no longer a
commercial question; the late decrees and
orders made a direct attack on the sovereignty
of the nation; it is no longer a question
whether we will trade, but whether we will
maintain or surrender our independence—
The embargo at the time it was adopted,
was believed, the best measure which could
have been resorted to. Its operation was de-
feated partly by the misrepresentations of
which I have spoken. While on this subject
I will ask attention to another point, which
I had nearly omitted. I have said something
about Tories. I wish it to be understood that
I mean no gentleman in this house. I mean
to state that the tory principle had manifes-
ted itself in a portion of this country, and that
it was that principle, in union with the a-
gents and acts of the British government,
which produced the evils of our law—
Your towns swarm with these British agents
who send to their friends what is essential
to their prosperity, in violation of your law.
Nay, sir, tourism, in this country, has in
one case assumed a sort of official form. I
refer to the proceedings of the Essex Junto.
I hold them in my hand, and I will read a
resolution from them.”
“As to the orders of council. It will be recol-
lected that these orders, bearing date 11th Nov.
1807, were occasioned by the decree of the
French Emperor, dated Nov. 1806, declaring all
the British dominions in a state of blockade. (G.
Britain may well consider these orders complete-
ly justified by the Lex Talionis (law of retaliation)
There is no reason to consider them as originat-
ing from a disposition hostile to this country, and
they ought not to be so considered. It is natu-
ral that she should, according to known law and
usage, plead the actual blockade, by her navy, of
all the principal ports under the power of France.”
“Now, sir, this I say is a rank tory principle.
It is immaterial what may be the professions
of men. The man who can say in the present
situation of our country, that the conduct of G.
Britain towards us is justified by the lex talionis,
or by any other law, is a tory. It is in vain for
people in any portion of the union to make profes-
sions of patriotism, when they come forward, and
by a public act, say, that we have no cause of com-
plaint against Great Britain. I wish gentlemen
correctly to understand me. If the British nation
would come forward and make reparation for
the insults offered in our ports and waters, she
will stand with me on equal ground with France.
But when I recollect that instead of tendering
reparation for the most humiliating insults and
injuries, she sent here a second spy to pry into
us with insolent demands, I cannot consider it
as a point of injury done to this country, these two for-
eign nations as equal in the honorable career of
justice and violence towards us. Let Great
Britain redress these injuries, and I would as
soon tender the hand of reconciliation to her as to
France.”
“I believe the principles of both are infamous.
That in a contest for the empire of the world,
they regard only their own aggrandizement. It
is the duty of the United States to take a firm and
manly attitude, and oppose both; to maintain
the independence of the nation and spare a
foreign yoke. You must assert your rights;
they cannot be maintained without men. The
independence of our country is an object before
which all differences as to the internal adminis-
tration of our affairs should sink. This is a pe-
riod when all honest men have a common interest.
It is a period when all party feelings should be sac-
rificed at the shrine of our country's good. It is
a period when federalists ought to forget that
they have lost the helm of state, when old Tories,
dispersed through our country, should forget
that we have acquired old friends, and
when all honest men should unite to maintain
those rights, which are the birth right of an Am-
erican.”
“[On Saturday the 21st, no business of impor-
tance was done. The bill for the relief of the
debtors and disabled soldiers, &c. (for raising an
aid) was sent to the committee on the state of the
union, and was ordered to be read a second time.
The House adjourned till Tuesday.]”
FROM HALIFAX, N. S. Dec. 9.
On Monday, his Excellency Lieut. Gen.
Sir George Prevost, Bart. with his suite, &c.
embarked on board H. M. S. Penelope, Capt.
Dick, and H. M. Brig Moselle, Capt. Len-
nock, with the store ships, transports, &c.
having on board the 7th, 8th, and 23d Reg.
a company of the Royal Artillery, and a de-
tachment from the Corps of Royal Engineers,
got under way and went to sea with a fair
wind.—The destination of this expedition is
not publicly known; but from the high state
of health and spirits of both officers and
men, little doubt can be entertained of its
success. We are sorry to learn, that his
majesty's sloop of war Banter, capt. Shep-
pard, was lost on the north side of the river
St. Lawrence, opposite the Island of Bic, on
the 29th of Oct. Capt. S. with his officers
and crew, arrived here on Saturday even-
ing, in the Dawson, transport.”
NEW-YORK, Dec. 29.
His Britannic majesty's schooner Priam,
of 600 tons, lieutenant Miles, arrived at Bos-
ton on Saturday from Halifax with dispatch-
es, and for the accommodation of Mr. Howe's
return home.”
“The proclamation for keeping open the
ports of Nova-Scotia to neutrals, is extended
to April next.”
“Judge Croke, the governor of Nova Scotia
pro tem, in addressing the Assembly, ex-
pressed his hope for the restoration of a good
understanding with America, and the Assem-
bly reciprocated the sentiment. From
his situation as a judge of the Admiralty,
Mr. Croke would be benefited by war for our

he is universally spoken of as a worthy disinterested man. He was no commander of Berkeley's conduct, nor of that of the Nova-Scotia Assembly in voting him a sword; which vote, however, the venerable Gov. Wentworth refused to confirm.
The expedition sailed from Halifax on the 6th inst. destination not mentioned; and consisted of 2,500 troops and 4 or 5 small men of war. Merc. Adv.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 30. We learn, that SAMUEL MAGALY, of the county of Northumberland, has resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States, and that the Governor of this state has appointed him Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania, in the room of SAMUEL COCHRAN, resigned. Poulton.
CHARLESTON, Dec. 24. We understand that Col. WADE HAMPTON, of the Regiment of Light Dragoons, is appointed to the command of the military district of South-Carolina and Georgia, and is particularly interested with the defence of the harbour of Charleston. From the talents and character of this gentleman, we feel confident of the most active exertions in completing the defence of the harbour, and in making such arrangements as will secure us from surprise, and enable us to make a successful resistance in case of attack. Courier.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JANUARY 5, 1809.
77* MULTUM IN PARVO. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE EASTERN STATES NO. V.
I had relinquished my pen, Fellow-Citizens, under a hope that there would be no more occasion to resume it. But what do I hear? That there are men among you, attempting to rouse you into opposition to the laws—that there are really men among you who would stop short at nothing to put down the present administration—that these men are even for going so far as to proclaim opposition to the government, and persuade the people to resist the authority of the union. What is this but avowing that the "union of these states" itself is but a subordinate object—and that their ambition or chagrined is so inordinate as to be contented with nothing less than the dissolution of our country?
My very heart freezes with horror, my Fellow-Countrymen, when I hear even the most distant intimation of these rumours—Can they be true? Are there any men among you, except the minions and spies of the British government, who dare to meditate these designs?
Are our alarms altogether groundless? We have seen the resolutions of the last Legislature of Massachusetts—I shall suppress the emotions of alarm and indignation which these resolutions have inspired. We have seen too, the letter of Messrs. Varnum, Cuts, Searle, Barker, Green, Cook, Deane, Hilly and Bacon, the republican part of the present congressional delegation of that state, in reply to these resolutions. Let these gentlemen speak the doubts and fears, which one sentiment in these resolutions is calculated to inspire. I have pondered that sentiment ever and over again—I have taken it in context with the other passages—I have viewed it in relation to the present state of my country. And—but let these gentlemen express my comments in their own:
From the unshaken confidence which we have uniformly and proudly cherished in the good sense, the habits of subordination, and the tried patriotism of our Fellow-Citizens of Massachusetts, we have never allowed ourselves to indulge a doubt on this point; and we remark with much regret, that in the observations of the Legislature on this subject, that good sense, those habits, and that patriotism, appear to be distrusted by their immediate representatives, and that the endangerment of our "domestic peace," and what is of much more serious moment, of "the union of these states," is threatened as the issue of their discretion.
And now, patriots of Massachusetts, what are we, poor, and patriotic citizens of the South to think of these things?—In a few days, the Legislature of your state assembles again. We look to it with the sincerest anxiety. We, your brethren of the South, who felt for your sufferings at the first bud of the revolutionary war; & gloried in your heroic achievements on Bunker's Hill—"bone of one bone, and flesh of one flesh"—we honestly tell you our doubts and our fears. What will that body do? what mad freaks will distinguish the flaming Federalists of that house? As to the great body of the people of Massachusetts, we have no apprehensions. We knew, that there is a "redeeming spirit among them, which will carry the constitution unharmed" amidst all the conflagration of its enemies. But suppose that the Federalists of that body should so wild in their ensuing session as to pronounce an anathema against the binding force of the laws of the General Government—suppose they should avow, that the seas are and ought to be free to the enterprizes of their people, and that these men forsooth would protect the people in the exercise of this privilege—I make, fellow-citizens, the wildest and most extravagant supposition—What then? Do you not mark the consequence?
Most of us in the South believe war to be inevitable—but we want time for some new experiment upon the interests of Europe—We want it more especially to arm our ports and equip vessels, and raise troops. In a
few months, these arrangements will be made. We shall avail ourselves of the events and revolutions of Europe. If June or July or her injustice is not withdrawn, we will join heart and hand with you, in the most active exertions. We will send out our commerce armed, with Letters of Marque and Reprisals.
But what—again I make an extravagant supposition—what will be the event of an immediate opposition to the laws in the Eastern States?—It would only precipitate these events, before we are ripe for them. My principle is, foreign rather than a civil war—a war with all Europe, rather than any thing like a dissolution of the states. We will not submit to the insolent encroachments of Europe—if these are not withdrawn, the sword must be drawn. Weigh these things well, my Countrymen, and let us again concur in heart, in sentiment, as well as in government. The old consecrated maxim should never be forgotten: United we stand, Divided we fall. A FREEMAN.
Whoever wishes to see the true state of the question most ably and luminously stated—whoever wishes to see the genuine spirit of an American displayed—must peruse the Speech of JOHN W. EPPES, published in this day's paper. This production is so simple but so energetic, it displays so much sound sense in such manly and patriotic strains, that every thing else must yield precedence to it. We can furnish nothing, that is so well adapted to the genius of the times.
Yesterday, the General Assembly proceeded to the appointment of a Treasurer of this Commonwealth, and of three members of the Council of State. The House of Delegates were re-assembled, as usual, with the ambrosia of nominations—"the essence & the quintessence of panegyric."
FOR MEMBERS OF COUNCIL. Mr. Mallory was nominated by Mr. Verby. Mr. Peyton Randolph was nominated by Mr. J. Cabell, in which he was supported by Messrs. W. Brockdenbrough, Payne & Mordaugh. Mr. C. Digggs was nominated by Mr. Prunty, supported by Mr. Sheffey. Mr. S. Jones was nominated by Mr. Banks, supported by Mr. Mordaugh. Mr. Wardlaw by Mr. Kinney. Mr. F. Walker by Mr. Baker. Mr. M. Barbour by Mr. Sheffey. Mr. Hare was nominated by Mr. Watts, but not to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Aylett. Mr. John Caruthers of Lexington by Mr. Preston, in the same manner. Gen. James Wood by Mr. Prunty. Mr. W. Pope of Powhatan, by Mr. Wirt. Dr. James Jones of Nottoway, by Mr. J. Robertson, supported by Mr. Strother.
FOR TREASURER. Mr. Mordaugh nominated Judge Parker (of Westmoreland), in which he was supported by Messrs. J. Baker, Yancy, J. Allen and Strother. Mr. Barbour nominated Mr. Robert Moore (of Orange). Mr. Sheffey nominated Gen. John Preston, (who had been appointed by the Executive), in which he was supported by Mr. J. Smith, Tompson, J. Cabell, and Sempie. Mr. Ote nominated Mr. R. Robertson, and was seconded by Mr. Storr. Mr. Wooding nominated Mr. Edmund Pendleton, Jr. and was seconded by Mr. Prunty. Mr. Wirt nominated Mr. D. Triplett. The Election for Treasurer was first made.
The ballots stood thus:
Table with 3 columns: Name, 1st Ballot, 2d Ballot. Rows include Gen. Preston (90, 113), Judge Parker (60, 83), Mr. Robertson (22, 4), Mr. Pendleton (12, 8), Mr. Moore (9, 1), Mr. Triplett (8, 1). Totals: 202, 203.
GEN. PRESTON was of course elected Treasurer. In the votes for a member of the council to supply the place of Mr. Aylett, the ballots were as follows:
Table with 3 columns: Name, 1st Ballot, 2d Ballot. Rows include Peyton Randolph (44, 65), J. K. Mallory (39, 48), James Jones (31, 40), Wm. Pope (25, 21), Wm. Wardlaw (17, 14), James Wood (11, 6), Cotes Digggs (9, 4), Mordecai Barbour (8, 3), Skelton Jones (5, 1), Francis Walker (3, 1).
Mr. Randolph was of course duly elected a member of the Council of State. It being very late, the house postponed the Election of two other Councilors till this day—and then adjourned till 10 o'clock this day.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. TUESDAY, Dec. 27.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth, and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker assumed the chair, and Mr. Preston reported that the committee of the whole House on the state of the commonwealth had, according to order, had under consideration a bill "To amend an act, entitled an act concerning appointments to civil offices," had gone through the same and made several amendments thereto, which he handed in at the Clerk's table.
On motion, Ordered, That the said bill with the amendments be laid upon the table. Engrossed bills for "Legalising the appointment of overseers of the poor in Hampshire and Warwick counties," "Establishing an inspection of flour in the county of Amherst," "To amend the penal laws of this commonwealth," "Exonerating William Armistead sheriff of Elizabeth City county, from the damages of a judgement therein mentioned," "Dissolving a marriage solemnized by ween West Artricks and Anne Peyton," "Allowing a further time to the owners of lots in the town of Martinsville to improve the same"—were severally read a third time, and passed. Ordered, That the clerk carry the said bills to the Senate and desire their concurrence. On motion, Ordered, That the committee to whom is referred the subject of the Manufactory of Arms, have leave to sit during the sitting of the House. Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "Authorising the remission of damages in certain cases;" and that Messrs. Sheffey, W. Brockdenbrough, Cabell, Sempie, E. Watts, Johnson (of Powhatan) J. Allen and Wirt do prepare and bring in the same. On motion, Resolved, That this House will
on Friday next, proceed by joint ballot with the Senate to the choice of an Auditor of Public Accounts for one year. On motion, Ordered, That the committee of Privileges and Elections be discharged from further consideration of the petition of Hiram Craig, complaining of the undue election of John M'Kinney, one of the Delegates returned to serve in this present General Assembly from the county of Lee. Mr. Sheffey, from the committee to which was referred so much of the Governor's communication as relates to the upper navigation of James river, made a report, which was received, and on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 28. Engrossed bills for "Exonerating John Swann gen. sheriff of Brooke county, from the damages of a judgement therein mentioned;" "Releasing the damages due on a judgement obtained on behalf of the commonwealth, against Benjamin Winslow and Winslow Parker;" "Exalting an inspection of tobacco in the town of Petersburg," were severally read a third time and passed. Ordered, That the Clerk carry the said bills to the Senate and desire their concurrence. A motion was made that the House should come to the following resolution: Resolved, That the Senators of this state in the Congress of the United States be instructed, and the representatives from this state be requested, to obtain the passage of a law, extending relief (during the present embarrassment of our commercial affairs) to those against whom judgments have been or shall be obtained in the federal court. On motion, Ordered, that the said resolution be laid upon the table.
THURSDAY, December 29. Engrossed bills for "Remitting certain damages and interest to Samuel Ritchie;" "Encreasing the reward for killing wolves, in certain counties therein mentioned;" "Fixing the permanent seat of justice for the county of Nelson;" "To incorporate the Halifax Manufacturing Society"—were severally read a third time and passed. Ordered, That the Clerk carry the said bills to the Senate and desire their concurrence. A bill "Exonerating James Williams, from the amount of a judgement therein mentioned," was read a second time, and the question being put on engrossing the said bill and reading it a third time, it passed in the negative.—Resolved that the said bill be rejected. Mr. J. Allen from the committee of Claims, made the following report:
The committee of Claims have, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, and come to the following resolutions thereupon. 1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Thomas Harris, praying for an increase of his pension, and also to be allowed a bounty in land, for his services during the American revolutionary war, be rejected. It appears to your committee, that David Moffet, in the month of December, 1806, was ordered to convey two criminals from the county of Loudoun, to the court-house of Wood county; that the horse impressed for the purpose was unable to perform the journey, and was left; that the time lost and money expended in bringing back the said horse, amounted to sixteen dollars, which amount was allowed by the county court of Loudoun; 2. Resolved, therefore, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of David Moffet, praying that he may be allowed the aforesaid sum of sixteen dollars, is reasonable. The 1st resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House. The second resolution being read a second time, was on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
The following report, (which lay on the table) was taken up and read; The committee to whom was referred so much of the Governor's communication and the documents accompanying the same, as relates to the upper navigation of James river, have, according to order, had under consideration the subject to them referred, and have agreed to the following report and resolutions:
It appears to your committee, that by virtue of the act of the General Assembly, passed in the year 1764, entitled, "An act for clearing and improving James river," the James river company in consideration of connecting the upper navigation of James river with tide water, and improving, extending and keeping the same in repair, were granted certain tolls upon vessels and commodities passing the river, and that the said tolls were granted on the express condition, among others, of making the river well capable of being navigated in dry seasons by vessels drawing one foot water at least from the highest place practicable to the great falls—that the said company without having made the river so navigable have received the tolls established by the said act since the first day of October in the year 1795.
It also appears to your committee, that by an act passed in the year 1785, entitled, "An act to amend an act, entitled, an act for clearing and improving the navigation of James river," it was declared that Crow's ferry at the mouth of Loney's creek, in the county of Botetourt, should be forever taken and deemed the highest place practicable within the meaning of the first recited act. It also appears to your committee, that by an act of the General Assembly passed 30th January, 1805, entitled, an act concerning the James river company, it was enacted, that from and after the first day of January, 1807, the said James river company should not demand nor receive any of the tolls allowed by the above recited act, unless they should make the river well capable of being navigated as abovementioned. And in order to ascertain the fact, whether the river should be made so navigable, it was further enacted, that Charles Yancey, Hudson M. Garland, Charles Beale, Joseph Grigsby and Jabez Leitwich, or a majority of them, should without delay, when required by the said company, during the next dry season view the said river between the points above mentioned, and whenever the said commissioners, or a majority of them, should report that the navigation above the great falls was improved in the manner directed by the first recited act, that from thenceforth the said company should be entitled to the full tolls.
It further appears to your committee, that no view was had of the river previous to the said first day of January, 1807, but by an act passed on the 31st of December, 1806, a further time of one year was given the said commissioners to perform the said duty and the said company to complete the navigation, which time was by another act passed on the 7th January, 1807, prolonged for one year
from the passage thereof; by the latter act, Daniel Couch and Charles Davis were added to the former commissioners and a majority of the whole number authorised to carry the purposes of the act passed on the 30th January, 1805, into effect. It further appears to your committee, that on the 17th of October last, five of the said commissioners, viz. Charles Beale, Joseph Grigsby, Jabez Leitwich, Daniel Couch and Charles Davis met, and the river being in a proper situation, did proceed in a boat drawing one foot water, and did actually view the river from Crow's ferry to the basin in the city of Richmond.
It also appears to your committee, from the report of the said commissioners, that the river was not at the time well capable of being navigated by vessels drawing one foot water, but that in Hamilton's falls, Shepard's island, Mitchell's island, at Varnier's falls, at Campbell's shoals, and immediately below, at the Quarry falls, Tobacco hills, Grassy islands, Cashaw falls, Nicholas Davis's fish dam and Hardwick's island, above Lynchburg, there was not a sufficient depth of water, as the boat hung in some places and rubbed in others, and below Lynchburg the boat hung once and rubbed several times.
It also appears to your committee, from the affidavits of Joseph Paxton, John Booker and Bird Goodwin, that they attended the said commissioners, that they have been long acquainted with James river, that at the time they attended the commissioners the river was unusually low; that they have never known it but once or twice lower than it then was, and had it been six or eight inches higher they would still have considered it as low in a dry season. It also appears to your committee, from the affidavits of William Harrison, John Creasy, Allen Lavender, Samuel Thurman, William Cox and Samuel Burks, that they have been long acquainted with the navigation of James river, that in October last the river was unusually low, that they were severally engaged from the middle to the last of said month in voyages from Lynchburg and points above and below down the river to Richmond, that their boats brought from five thousand to nine thousand pounds weight each and although the river was low and in a dry season, yet that it admitted of safe and easy navigation and that great improvements have been lately made in the river.
It further appears to your committee, from the affidavit of Thomas Dodd, that in the month of October last he came down the river from Beale's bridge and Smith's shoals with a load of hemp and butter, weighing about 4570 lbs. that he had generally five men on board above and through the Blue Ridge to navigate the boat and four afterwards; that his boat hung and rubbed several times, that the river was in a very low state and had it been three or four inches higher he should still have considered it low; that in his opinion there is a foot water from Crow's ferry to Richmond and including the obstructions stated by him, thinks the navigation safe and easy.
It also appears to your committee from the affidavit of the said John Creasy, that during the last summer he brought down from Jackson's river upwards of three tons of hemp, that he then considered the river low and in a dry season though higher than in the month of October, that the navigation from Beale's bridge down was very good, that he accompanied the commissioners from Lynchburg and that the whole weight contained in the trial boat including all the persons was 5202 lbs.
It also appears to your committee from the affidavits of several of the persons abovementioned who state themselves as experienced watermen, that it is not unusual for boats to hang or rub, but that it is never regarded as a matter of any consequence. Your committee beg leave further to report, that Colonel Edward Carrington and Doctor William Foushee appeared before them and as the agents of the James river company submitted the following proposition: That in order to avoid a painful and unnecessary contest on the fact of their having complied or not complied with the terms of their charter in relation to the navigation of James river, and in order to promote the interest of the commonwealth and of the public who may have occasion to use the river, the company would furnish under the direction of such officer as may be appointed, by the executive, by the commissioners or by the legislature, such reasonable force as the legislature, executive or the officer to be appointed might direct, to work upon the river in the next summer or the summer succeeding, to be applied to such points in the river as have been objected to by the commissioners. This proposition was made on condition that the act passed the 30th of January 1805, herein before recited, should be repealed.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the James river company have not made the river well capable of being navigated in dry seasons by vessels drawing one foot water pursuant to the terms of their charter. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the further time of twelve months be allowed the said company to complete the improvements and to make the river so navigable, and that in the mean time they be permitted to receive full tolls. The said resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to, by the House. Ordered, That a bill be brought in pursuant to the 2d resolution, and that the committee who made the said report, do prepare and bring in the same.
A bill "To amend an act, entitled an act, concerning appointments to civil offices," (which lay on the table, with several amendments, as reported from the committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth) was taken up, and the said amendments read, and a proposition made further to amend the same. A motion was then made to postpone the further consideration of the said bill, with the amendments, to the 31st day of March next. Ayes 32. Noes 20. This bill was founded on Mr. Daniel's resolution. It simply contemplated the exclusion of the members of the Legislature from appointment to such vacancies as they might themselves create, as well as to such offices for a time, which they also might create.
FRIDAY, Dec. 30. The House proceeded to appoint, by joint ballot with the Senate, an Auditor of Public Accounts for one year—Samuel Shepard was re-elected. Engrossed bills—"For removing certain causes from the Court of Amherst county, to that of Nelson county;" "Concerning Philip Daves;" "To incorporate the trustees of an Academy in the town of Manchester;" were severally read a third time and passed. Mr. Pope from the committee to which it was committed, presented a bill "To suspend the operation of executions during the continuance of the embargo, and ninety days after it is raised," with an amendment, which he handed in at the Clerk's table, where the same was read; On motion, Ordered, that the said bill with the amendment, be referred to a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth, and that 250 copies of the said amendment, be printed for the use of the members of the General Assembly. The Extract of a letter from Liverpool came too late for this day's paper.—It will certainly appear in our next.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. To J. R. M. C. True, as Sol's orient beams diurnal shine, Or to its eyeshade, the magnet true, Or five Mussulman to Mecca's shrine— So true the bard, O J—— returns to you. Yes! 'tis the vindictive, angry Tories bark, I'll still remember thee, thou mighty "Shark," Who to thy favorite Lion stow'd to show, How—"sweep us from the Ocean at a blow." When clouds of war and civil discord lower, And dangers press the constitution round, When Treason threatens with unhallowed power To drag the glorious fabric to the ground. At such a time, when every tongue combined, Should, of each breast, its wisest axioms rob; Unfair the varied banners of the mind, And give the pulse of thought, its brightest throbb.
At such a time, when every heart should swell Indignant in its injured country's cause; At such a time, when every tongue should tell Of stern resentment, and coercive laws; At such a time, thou seem'st well pleased to think, Of little else than squibs, and "djet drink;" Amidst the important business of debate, To give the world, the secrets of the State! Say, mighty man of Salamander fame, Callous, if not to fire, at least to shame, Say thou, who floundering 'mid foreign nations, Tak'st passion's warmth, for wisdom's inspirations; With tropes and figures mak'st a grievous slaughter.
Pouring like Niagara streams of water; 'Tis com'st with "slang" and forlorn railery, A mere Joe Miller for the gallery. Say, mighty man—ingeniously declare— Was it for this thy country pleas'd thee there? Un a plain workman, nor veneer my hays, With lack of censure, or with white of praise; I drew not satire's gall, or Battery's pap. Yet, Sir, for thee (could but the power be mine,) I'd give a Church bill's fire to every line, And reach thy frozen conscience this mayhap. SEDLEY.
MR. MARTIN'S PERFORMANCE: At post 6 o'clock, this evening, at the theatre, will be exhibited a choice of the most curious experiments, and feats of dexterity and surprize, most of them not yet exhibited. January 5.
TWO Ladies and Gentlemen.—Mr. Martin offers for sale a fine assortment of elegant JEWELLERY, viz: Neck Laces, Earrings, Chains, Pins, the whole of the latest fashions of Europe, a few gold WATCHES of a peculiar perfection, hors mal and others, the whole is superior to any before brought here. It will be agreeable with Mr. Martin to wait on those Ladies who are desirous to see the above assortment, by addressing a note to him at the Globe Tavern, specifying the time and place. January 5.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "an act, concerning the sale of property under executions and incumbrances;" executed to the subscribers, by Efford Bentley, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Thomas Perkins, in therein expressed—we shall, on Tuesday, the 17th inst. in fair, if not the next fair day, at Painville in Amelia county, expose for sale, at public auction, for ready money, twelve NEGROES, as mentioned in said deed, to wit: Isham, Ned, Jack, Nancy and her children, Thomy, Peter & Amy, Phebe and her children, Tabby, Joshua and Nelson, and Rachael, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the debt mentioned in said deed of trust, with the interest & cost necessarily incurred, by carrying the said trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Amelia. ARMISTEAD T. TOWNES, } Trustees. PETER RISON, } January 5.
VIRGINIA—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808. James Gordon and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Patten, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Wilson and John Groves, Defendants. THE defendants Joseph Wilson and John Groves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. Jan. 5.
LAND, FOR SALE, on Saturday, the 14th of January next, on the premises, to the highest bidder, the Plantation whereon Mrs. Mary White, now deceased, formerly lived, lying and being in the county of Henrico, about three or four miles below the city of Richmond, on the main road leading to Williamsburg, and adjoining the lands of Wm. Street, Isham Golden and others, containing about two hundred acres, with good improvements thereon, with a little repairs sufficient for the accommodation of a genteel family. The terms of sale, will be one-third cash, and the balance in two annual payments, to be secured by a deed of trust, on the premises. Any person wishing to purchase the above property privately, will apply to the subscriber, who will take negroes in payment. ROBERT WAITE. Harover, Meadow Bridges, } January 5, 1809
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE—Will be sold to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the fourth day of January next, on the premises, a BRICK HOUSE, and half of the LOT, No. 5, in the city of Richmond, which formerly belonged to the estate of John Pendleton, Esq. deceased and is situated between the tenement now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Turner, and the house of Mr. Orris Paine's, in which Mr. Ewbank resides. At the same time and place, will be sold, 89 acres LAND, lying on the three notched road, being the upper part of the tract formerly belonging to said Pendleton's estate, & distinguished in the survey made by Richard Young, by No. 5. A credit of 6 and 12 months will be allowed the purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date, and a deed of trust on the property. P. P. & JOHNSTON. Nov. 29.
N. B. In consequence of the badness of the weather yesterday, the sale of the above property is postponed until Saturday the 7th inst. to commence at the Brick House, at one o'clock. FOR HIRE, Six likely Fellows, for the present year. Apply at the Office of the Enquirer. For the rest of the new Advertisements see first page.

EXPOSITION
Of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the Crown of Spain...
(CONTINUED)
DOCUMENTS.
No. I.
Secret Treaty between his Catholic Majesty and his Majesty the emperor of the French...
Fontainebleau, Oct. 27, 1807.
"We, Napoleon, by the grace of God and the Constitution, emperor of the French, king of Italy...
"Article 1. The province of Entre Mino y Duero, with the city of Oporto, shall be made over...
"II. The province of Alentejo, and the kingdom of the Algarves, shall be made over...
"III. The provinces of Beira, Tras los Montes, and Portuguese Estremadura, shall remain...
"IV. The kingdom of Northern Lusitania shall be held by the descendants of his majesty...
"V. The principality of the Algarves, shall be held by the descendants of the Prince of Peace...
"VI. If there should be no descendants or legitimate heirs of the king of Northern Lusitania...
"VII. The kingdom of Northern Lusitania and the principality of the Algarves shall acknowledge...
"VIII. In case that the provinces of Beira, Tras los Montes, and Portuguese Estremadura...
"IX. His majesty the king of Etruria, cedes in full property and sovereignty, to his majesty...
"X. As soon as the provinces of Portugal shall be definitely occupied, the different princes...
"XI. His majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy, guarantees to his catholic majesty...
"XII. His majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, engages to recognise his Catholic Majesty...
"XIII. The two high contracting powers shall mutually agree upon an equal partition of the islands...
"XIV. The present Treaty shall be kept SECRET. It shall be ratified, and the ratification shall be exchanged...
"Done at Fontainebleau, Oct. 27, 1807."
"We have approved, and do hereby approve, of the preceding Treaty, and all and every of the Articles therein contained...
"In witness whereof, we have executed these presents, signed with our own hands, and sealed with our imperial seal, at Fontainebleau, the 20th day of Oct. 1807."
"NAPOLEON. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, CHAMPAGNY. The Secretary of State, H. MARET."
No. II.
Secret Convention concluded at Fontainebleau, between his majesty, the king of Spain, and his majesty, the emperor of the French...
"Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the Constitution, emperor of the French, king of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine...
"His majesty, the emperor of the French, King of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and his catholic majesty, the king of Spain...
of Spain, being desirous of entering into an arrangement with respect to the occupation & conquest of Portugal...
"I. A body of French Imperial troops, consisting of 25,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, shall enter Spain...
"II. At the same time, a division of Spanish troops, consisting of 10,000 men, shall take possession of the province of Entre Mino y Duero...
"III. The French troops shall be subsisted & maintained by Spain, and their pay shall be provided by France...
"IV. The moment that the combined troops have entered Portugal, the government and administration of the province of Beira, Tras los Montes, and Portuguese Estremadura...
"V. The central body shall be under the orders of the commander of the French troops, to whom also the Spanish troops, attached to that army shall pay obedience.
"VI. Another body of 40,000 French troops shall be assembled at Bayonne by the 20th of November next...
"VII. The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at the same time with those of the treaty of this date.
"Done at Fontainebleau, Oct. 27, 1807."
"We have approved, and hereby approve, the foregoing convention, in all and every of the articles therein contained...
"In witness whereof, we have executed these presents, signed with our own hands, countersigned and sealed with our imperial seal, at Fontainebleau, 29th of Oct. 1807."
"NAPOLEON. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, CHAMPAGNY. The Secretary of State, H. MARET."
No. III.
Letter from his majesty the emperor of the French, King of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine.
"My Cousin, I have received your royal highness' letter. Your highness will have been already convinced...
"I should have persuaded my illustrious friend to make some necessary reforms in his dominions...
"The removal of the Prince of Peace appeared to me to be indispensable to his happiness and the interests of his people.
"The events of the north have retarded my journey, and the occurrences at Arranjuez have superseded.
"I do not constitute myself judge of the events which have taken place, or of the conduct of the Prince of the Peace...
"I pray God that your highness may not one day find it so. It would not be conformable to the interests of Spain...
"The people eagerly avenge them. I have for the homage they pay to you. Besides, how could the Prince of Peace be brought to trial...
"Your royal highness has no other right to it, but what you have derived from your mother. If the cause injures her honor, your royal highness destroys your own claims.
"Your highness has a right to try the Prince of Peace. His crimes, if any are imputed to him, disappear and merge in the prerogatives of the crown.
"I have frequently expressed my wishes that the Prince of Peace should be removed from the management of affairs.
"With respect to the abdication of Charles IV. that event having taken place, at the moment when my armies were in Spain...
"I declare to your royal highness, to the Spaniards, and to the whole world, that if the abdication of King Charles be voluntary...
"I am, therefore, anxious to have some conversation with your royal highness on this subject.
"The circumlocution which I have observed for the last month, upon this point, ought to convince your highness of the support which you will find in me...
"When King Charles informed me of the events of the month of Oct. last, the communication gave me the greatest pain.
"I flatter myself that my representations contributed to the happy issue of the affair of the Escurial.
"Your royal highness is not altogether free from blame: of this the letter which you wrote to me, and which I have always wished to forget, is a sufficient proof.
"The marriage of a French princess with your royal highness, in my opinion, accords with the interest of my people...
"Your highness ought to dread the consequences of popular commotions. It is possible that assassinations may be committed upon some stragglers of my army...
"I have learnt, with regret, that some letters of the captain general of Catalonia have been circulated at Madrid...
"Your royal highness knows the immense sentiments of my heart. You will perceive that my attention is occupied by various points...
"I am, My Cousin, I pray God to take you into high and holy keeping."
"(Signed) NAPOLEON. Bayonne, April 16, 1808"
Here follow the other Documents, alluded to in the Exposition of Cevallos, which are too voluminous in themselves...
The whole production presents one of the completest portraits of inordinate and unprincipled ambition...
LOST, a NOTE signed by Wm. Crawford, & endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond...
PROSSER & MONCURE. Dec. 27.
NOTICE.—That in virtue of a deed of trust bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "An act concerning the sale of Property under execution..."
SAMUEL MCGRAW, Trustee. December 6.
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Hanover court house, on the 25th of January, 1809...
Dec. 27. PARKE STREET, JOHN B. JOHNSON, Trustee.
FOR SALE.—Will be sold, on Tuesday, the 16th inst. to the highest bidder, on the premises...
Dec. 31. D. DORRINGTON.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS.
Richmond Dec. 14. VALUABLE PROPERTY. FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS...
Warm Springs, December 10. CHARLES A. LEWIS.
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Seabrook, dec'd, are desired to make immediate payment...
Dec. 31. JAMES SEABROOK.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Gerard Banks, to secure the payment of several sums of money...
Dec. 20. FREDERICK HARRIS, Trustee.
MUSICK.—JOHN ABERCROMBY, having returned from his tour to the Northward, begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public...
Applications at Messrs. Pritchard & Adams, Mr. Pleasants's, and Mr. Snidels's, will be duly attended to. Dec. 24.
N. B. Mr. Abercromby could conveniently attend three or four pupils in Manchester.
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber will continue his SCHOOL at Mr. Wm. D. Taylor's, in the Forks of Hanover, which will commence on the 20th day of Jany. next...
Nov. 25. HENRY ROBINSON.
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market...
Nov. 25. JOHN ELLIS.
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 3rd day of Dec. 1808. Nimrod Brumham, Plaintiff against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett, his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife...
Dec. 13. ALEX. G. GARRETT, D. C.
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher...
Dec. 17. THOS. NELSON.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK...
Dec. 27. PETER GUERRANT.
OFFICE.—In the year 1783, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges...
Dec. 17. CHAS. CORDLE.
THE Subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale: 10 Hogsheads, and 90 Barrels Leaf Sugar, 15 Hds. Brown Sugar of superior quality...
ALSO: 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, With a very general assortment of coarse Woolens...
Dec. 27. PROSSER & MONCURE.
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business...
Dec. 27. P. & M.
NOTICE.—On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia, sundry valuable PROPERTY...
Dec. 17. ISAAC ESTILL.
HAT MANUFACTORY.—GILBERT & CRAVEN, being about to establish a HAT MANUFACTORY in the city of Richmond...
Dec. 24. P. S.
They have a strong new Pennsylvania made WAGGON for sale at $100.
ROOKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public...
Dec. 15. G. GREENHOW.
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Mulatto in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTEN...
Nov. 31. COLIN BUCKNER.
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 20th inst. DANIEL LUCAS, a private of the regiment of Light Artillery...
Dec. 31. WINFIELD SCOTT.
FEMALE EDUCATION, will be continued, at Monticello, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell...
Dec. 24. HUMPHREY HILL.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent.
DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age...
Dec. 27. DANIEL TRIPLETT.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices...
Dec. 17.
TO JOHN FOWLER of Kentucky, and J. DAN MARSH of Virginia, Gentlemen.
Take notice, that on Thursday the 12th of next month, at John Andrew's Tavern, in New Canton, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Robert Mosely and others...
Dec. 27. PETER GUERRANT.
NOTICE.—In the year 1783, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges...
Dec. 17. CHAS. CORDLE.
THE Subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale: 10 Hogsheads, and 90 Barrels Leaf Sugar, 15 Hds. Brown Sugar of superior quality...
ALSO: 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, With a very general assortment of coarse Woolens...
Dec. 27. PROSSER & MONCURE.
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business...
Dec. 27. P. & M.
NOTICE.—On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia, sundry valuable PROPERTY...
Dec. 17. ISAAC ESTILL.
HAT MANUFACTORY.—GILBERT & CRAVEN, being about to establish a HAT MANUFACTORY in the city of Richmond...
Dec. 24. P. S.
They have a strong new Pennsylvania made WAGGON for sale at $100.
ROOKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public...
Dec. 15. G. GREENHOW.