The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-01-28 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 82.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 28, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C. D. C.     TOBACCO : 5 — 5 50   FLOUR : Superfine : 6 50    fine : 6 —    middlings : 5 —   WHEAT NEW : 1 25   INDIAN CORN : 3 50 — —   WHISKEY : 58 — 62 —   BACON : 13 —   HEMP : 170 — 190 —   BAR IRON : 110 —  
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold at public auction, on Tuesday the 28th instant, at the late dwelling house of Andrew McKim, dec'd.
ALL his household and kitchen furniture, and one valuable cow. Terms of sale, cash for all sums under ten dollars, and for all over that sum a credit will be allowed of 9 months on giving approved endorsed notes.
ROBERT McKIM. & ALEXANDER McKIM, Administrators. N. B. The house to be rented, and immediate possession given. Jan. 21. t&th tdf.
MARSHAL'S SALES.
To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Plinimus Smith , attorney for the creditors of Beckford Edwards , Esq. and Dr. V. Roff and others, defts. in order to raise the sum of 967 dls. 89 cts. due and payable on the first day of July, 1805, and the further sum of 1666 dls. 68 cts. due and payable the 1st day of January, 1805, that valuable and well known estate, in the county of Lichton , called FORT LEWIS , situated by said Roff in certain 2008 acres.
The Sale will take place on the premises, on the 27th day of February next. Also on the 28th day of March next, under the aforesaid decree, will be sold at the Oxford Iron Works , in the county of Campbell , a number of valuable SLAVES .
BENJ. MOSBY, D. M. for JOS. SCOTT, M. P. D. Jan. 16. tdf.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
TABLE is established in college, to receive boarders at the low rate of thirty dollars per quarter; it is intended that the table shall be plentifully furnished in a plain but decent style. Those who with it, may be accommodated with Beds, Fuel and Candles at a moderate charge. January 25. s & t to 12.
ROBERT GORDON & Co.
HAVE just received, and offer for sale, an additional supply of the best Madeira WINE in pipes, Hds and qr. casks. The two last vintages in Madeira, having yielded wine of a better quality than for several preceding years, they are enabled to give the quality is excellent—it is imported from two houses, from which very different flavored wine is sent. They have heard of the arrival, and will have on hand in a few days, a parcel of London Particular Dry Lisbon Wine , directed to be put up in the same way as some they had two years since, which gave great satisfaction to all who had of it; also, a parcel of Corks , Almonds and a quantity of Oranges in boxes. ON HAND: Port Wine, in pipes, Hds, and quarter casks; A few Demijohns Old Malmsay at 8 dls. per gall. A quantity of sheet Copper and Tin Plates. A general and extensive assortment of Dry Goods, consisting of Woollens of all kinds; printed goods, Mouselier Stuffs , Irish and Scotch Linens , Gloves and Hosiery , Hardware , Cutlery and Ironmongery . Plain Cambric , Laced Cambric , Book , Chambray and Colonade Muslins , &c. January 25. Saw2w & Iaw3w.
FOR SALE, BY AUCTION.
Valuable property on the Brick Row , in the city of Richmond . IN conformity to a decree of the honorable court of the United States, for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, made between Jobiah Waddington plaintiff, and James Brown , Henry Brink and Daniel Call defendants, and between the same plaintiff and Henry Brink , James Taylor executor of James Herron , dec'd. and James Herron , John Herron , William Herron , and Sarah Herron , infants, under the age of twenty one years, by the said James Taylor , then guardian, James Brown and Daniel Call defendants.) Will be sold, upon the premises, to the highest bidder, at public auction, on the 20th day of February next ensuing, the Houses, Lands and tenements situated on the Brick Row , in the city of Richmond , at present occupied by Samuel Clark , Samuel Barrer & Co. and Baruch H. Judah . The tenements will be set up separately, and there will be attached to each tenement the land now occupied therewith, and one third of a brick lumberhouse 60 by 30 feet. The sales will be made by the subscribers as commissioners under the said decree, and the terms thereof will be one fourth of the purchase money paid down, one fourth in four months, one fourth in eight months, and the remaining fourth in twelve months from the day of sale—the purchasers to give bond for the three last installments, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—on payment whereof and not before (as the property will be held liable for the purchase money, and subject to be sold to raise the said installments, or any, or either of them if not punctually paid) a conveyance or conveyances, will be executed by us as commissioners aforesaid to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree. GEO. FISHER, CHAS. J. MACMURDO, JAMES BROWN, Commissioners January 25. tdf.
LOST.
AT the Tavern of Bov Eng-Green , or on the road to this place, a paper containing 3 or 4 BANK BILLS , of the Savannah branch bank, consisting of one hundred dollar bill, two fifty dollar bills, the balance unable to describe—the paper in which they are bound, has the name of the loser on it, with the figure 200—Any person delivering the same at the office of the Enquirer, shall receive twenty Dollars premium and thanks. January 25. 2t.
WILL BE SOLD.
On Saturday the fifth day of February next, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern in this place. ALL the HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE , one excellent milch Cow , and sundry other articles, belonging to the estate of Wm. Jackson , dec'd. —Also, at same time and place will be hired for the remainder of the year, a valuable negro man, a likely negro boy, woman and girl, being able to find cooked. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. All those who have claims against said deceased , are requested to bring them for said property authenticated, and those who are indebted are requested to make immediate payment. THOMAS TREADWAY, Administrator, with the will annexed. Manchester, January 22. 3p.
JOHN AMSDEN,
From New-York, a few doors below the Court-House Richmond,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has taken the house lately occupied by S. Osgood , as a Locksmith Shop , where he is carrying on the above business in all its various branches. He makes Edge tools , Plow Irons and repairs Jack screws , Bellows and Shop Pulling made to any pattern; House-Work in general executed with dispatch. He flatters himself that by the attention he will pay to his business, and from the experience he has had in the best shops in the U. States , that he will give general satisfaction to those who are good enough to favor him with their custom. January 16. T&th 8p.
THE SUBSCRIBER,
INTENDS in addition to the courts of Richmond and King William , in which he now practices, to attend the county court of New-Kent . WILLIAM FITZHUGH BRAXTON. January 15. T4w.
NOTICE.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me by S. John Kelso , to secure the payment of a debt due by him to John and Wm. Bell . I shall, on the 25th of February next, at the house of the said John Kelso , in the upper end of the county of Cumberland , proceed to sell such of that valuable FARM , containing 550 acres of Land, on which he now lives, (subject to two prior deeds of trust) as will pay the sum due to the said John and Wm. Bell , of about six hundred and fifty pounds, with some interest thereon, for the benefit of John Eppes . CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. Jan. 23. (eptd.)
P. S. On the above land, is one of the best farms in the surrounding country, in fine order, with an excellent crop of wheat sown on it, and it is within 2 miles of a manufacturing mill on Appomattox , from whence there is a good navigation to the Petersburg canal . I will dispose of it at private sale and give a reasonable credit for the balance after receiving 2000 dls in cash. JOHN KELSO.
LAND FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber will sell a great bargain, in the TRACT OF LAND , whereon he now lives, lying on the waters of Hardy river, in North Garden , in Albemarle county , containing about 500 acres. It is a rich soil, producing excellent Tobacco , Corn and wheat , with a stream running through it, supposed sufficient to turn a grist mill. It is supposed no one would purchase without viewing it, therefore it is unnecessary to be more particular in the description. Any one wishing to see the land or enquire of terms, will apply to the subscriber on the premises. MATTHEW BROWN. January 21. T6w.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE , near that of Mr. Robert Gordon , on the Hill , calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: It is a small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled with liver colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are black and he answers to the name of NERO ; he had on a brass collar with the owner's name, and probably bears marks on his throat as shown by its friction. This conjectured dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond , shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or whipping post (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor assumes himself answerable for the above rewards. "The loyal that every gentleman, particularly of those who are attached to sporting, will make this case his own, and use every means in his power, to detect and punish such thieves; and that they will be so obliging as to convey any information they may obtain to the editor of this paper by letter." January 19. tdf.
WILL BE PUBLISHED.
AT the Office of the Enquirer a SKETCH of the proceedings of the present General Assembly. It will contain the TITLES of all the acts passed; the CONTENTS of such as are of a general nature; a statement of TAXES & APPROPRIATIONS , for the current year; the date of the ARMOURY, PENITENTIARY, &c. with such other matters of a miscellaneous nature, as may be condensed within the allotted space. This Sketch will be printed in the pamphlet form, at two dollars per hundred. Such of the members of the Assembly as may wish to procure a certain number of copies, are requested to leave their names at the Office of the Enquirer. January 23.
ENOCH SULLIVAN,
SILVER, GOLDSMITH AND JEWELLER, RETURNS his grateful thanks to his friends and the public for the liberal encouragement afforded him in his line of business, and hopes by his punctilious attention to the business, to which he was bred, to insure a continuation of the favor of a liberal public. He offers now on hand at his Shop adjoining the Eagle Tavern, a general assortment of silver ware and jewellery of the most fashionable kind, consisting of silver Tea Pots, cream Urns, Tumblers, Spoons, and mourning and fancy Ear-rings, Lockets, Finger Rings, and Breast Pins, jet, white and coral Necklaces and Ear-rings, a general supply of Combs, plain and or namest Pocket Books, thread Cales, Miniature and ring Cales, gold and gilt Seals, Keys and Chains. Highest price given for old gold or silver. December 3. tf.
ANDREW STEVENSON,
IN addition to the courts of King William and Hanover ; practices law in the county court of New-Kent . January 16. T&th 4t.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
TWO HOUSES and LOTS on Shockoe Hill , in a most desirable part of the city, and possessing every accommodation for a family. A long credit will be allowed, or Virginia Bank Stock at a very liberal price taken in exchange. I have 8000 acres of Virginia land warrants which I will sell low for cash. THOMAS NORVELL. Jan. 11. tf.
THE SUBSCRIBER offers his services as a BROKER
in the city of Richmond , and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's . CARTER E. PAGE. December 31.
NOTICE.
HAVING commenced the BUR MILL STONE MAKING , in September last, at my Shop, near the Basin of the Canal, I have now finished for sale stones of 4 feet 7 inches and 5 feet diameters of both quality and workmanship. I have a large proportion of Close Hard Burs, suitable for grinding corn, and will shortly receive additional supplies of good materials. Those who please to favour me with their commands, will be served faithfully on reasonable terms. I will choose boiling Cloths for those who desire it, suitable to their purposes. I render my thanks to the public for past favours, and hope for future encouragement. JOHN MOODY. December 24. T&55w.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY
9th requisition. THE shareholders of said company, are hereby required to pay into the hands of James Brander , treasurer, the additional sum of ten Dollars, on each share, on or before the 5th day of February next. Delinquent shares on former Requisitions. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's Tavern , in Manchester , on the 11th day of February next, at 12 o'clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors, JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. December 27. T&th 11th F.
DOCTOR UPSHAW,
INTENDS practicing medicine and surgery in the city and neighborhood of Richmond ; he promises punctilious attendance on those who give him employment. Jan. 11. S&4w.
TO BE RENTED,
MY HOUSE and LOT, upon Shockoe Hill , in an airy pleasant situation—For terms, apply to Mr. Samuel McGraw , who is fully authorized by me, to treat for the terms, or to the subscriber. Possession may be had immediately. WILLIAM MANN. A.2.3.30. (F.F.)
SLAVES FOR SALE.
ON Monday the 10th day of February next, at Hanover Town , will be exposed for sale, five or six likely SLAVES , to the highest bidder, for ready money. January 16. eptd.
THE VIRGINIA ALMANACK,
FOR 1806. PRINTED FOR T. RITCHIE AND COOK BY GRANT-LAND—CONTAINING A considerable variety of matter: Political, Agricultural, Medical and Miscellaneous. Among others, an Essay on the Oratorical Character of Quaran , attributed to the author of the British Spy . IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
Seat of Government.
MESSAGE
From the President of the United States respecting the violation of neutral rights; the depredations on the colonial trade, and improvements of American farmers.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
In my message to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of their present session, I submitted to their attention, among other subjects, the oppression of our commerce and navigation by the irregular practices of armed vessels, public and private, and by the introduction of new principles, derogatory of the rights of neutrals, and unacknowledged by the usage of nations.
The memorials of several bodies of merchants of the United States are now communicated, and will develop these principles and practices, which are producing the most ruinous effects on our lawful commerce and navigation.
The right of a neutral to carry on commercial intercourse with every part of the dominions of a belligerent, permitted by the laws of the country (with the exception of blockaded ports, and contraband of war) was believed to have been decided between Great Britain and the United States, by the sentence of their commissioners, mutually appointed to decide on that and other questions of difference between the two nations; and by the actual payment of the damages awarded by them against Great Britain, for the infractions of that right.
When, therefore, it was perceived that the same principle was revived, with others more novel, and extending the injury, instructions were given to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of London, and remonstrances duly made by him, on this

goods should be landed and the duties paid." 2 Rob. Rep. p. 368-9.
The president has thought it proper that you should be furnished with such a view of the subject as here is sketched; that you may make the use of it best suited to the occasion. If the trial of the Aurora should not be over it is questionable whether the government will interfere with its course. Should the trial be over and the sentence of the vice-admiralty court at St. Johns have been confirmed, you are to lose no time in presenting to the British government a representation corresponding with the scope of these observations; and in urging that redress in the case, which is equally due to private justice, to the reasonable expectations of the United States, and to that confidence and harmony, which ought to be cherished between the two nations.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, January 20.
Mr. Olin laid before the House sundry resolutions relative to the amendment to the constitution of the United States proposed by the state of North Carolina for prohibiting the importation of slaves into the U. S. These resolutions direct the Senators and request the representatives of Vermont to aid the proposition and adoption of such amendment to the constitution, as shall tend effectually to prohibit the further importation of slaves.
Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, made a report on the petition of Elizabeth Peckham. The report details the circumstances of the case, and concludes with a resolution that the petitioner have leave to withdraw her petition, in which the House concurred.
Mr. Southard presented a petition from sundry batters in Somerset county, in New-Jersey, relative to the sale of furs received from the Indian factories, of a similar tenor with other petitions presented, which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Stanton offered the following resolution; Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the House a general return of all and singular the warlike stores, the property of the U. S. within the same, comprehending ordinance for garrison and for floating batteries, of iron and brass from a 42 pounder to cannoneer, grape, &c. with carriages and implement, describing the condition of the same, whether fit or unfit for service, noting the place of deposit, and under whose direction; mortars, howitzers, beds and travelling carriages of different calibres from nine to two pounders, with cradleless boxes, timbrils, ammunition wagons, with harness, noting where situated or deposited, shot, shells, grape and cannoneer attached to the different calibres, as above, ammunition and composition of powder in magazines, arsenals, and gun houses.
Ordered, that the resolution lie on the table. Mr. Conrad presented a petition from sundry batters of Reading, in Pennsylvania, of a similar tenor with sundry other petitions from batters, which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
On motion of Mr. Nicholson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on a bill making an additional appropriation to supply the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service during the year 1805.
The chairman having read over the bill, Mr. Nicholson moved to fill the blank with the sum of $50,000 dollars, remarking that this sum, added to that already appropriated, amounted to 600,000 dollars, which constituted the entire deficiency for the last year.
This motion was agreed to without debate—Ayes 78. The committee rose and reported their agreement to the bill with the above amendment, which the House immediately took into consideration, and agreed to, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading this day.
Mr. Jackson, after a few preliminary remarks, offered the following resolution, which was agreed to.
Resolved, That the committee on the public lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency of providing by law for the legal adjudication of claims set up by persons in virtue of purchases or transfers from the U. S. previous to the emanation of grants under their authority.
On motion of Mr. J. C. Smith, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. VARNUM in the chair—on the bill for the relief of the governor, secretary and judges of the late territory of the United States north west of the Ohio.
The committee having considered the bill, reported their agreement to the same without amendment, after a few explanatory remarks from Mr. Jackson and Mr. J. C. Smith.
The House concurred in their report, and ordered the bill to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Leib called for the order of the day on the bill to extend the time for taking the oath, and giving bond in cases of drawback, and for other purposes.
Mr. Sloan called for the order of the day on a resolution offered by him, for imposing a tax on slaves imported into the U. S.
On taking the question 67 members rose in favor of taking up the first order. Whereupon the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. GREGG in the chair, on the said bill, the provisions of which are stated in the proceedings of a previous day.
After considerable discussion the committee rose, and the bill was recommitted to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
An engrossed bill, making an additional appropriation to supply the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service during the year 1805, was read a third time and passed.
On motion of Mr. Gregg, the House went into a committee of the whole—Mr. J. C. SMITH in the chair—on a bill to extend the powers of the surveyor general to the territory of Louisiana, and for other purposes.
Mr. Gregg stated that the object of this bill was to place the people of Louisiana with regard to the public lands on the same footing with the people of the territories of Indiana and Orleans, which object had not been attended to in the acts of Congress recently passed on the subject.
Mr. Gregg moved several amendments, which were agreed to, accommodating the verbal language of the bill to that made use of in the other land laws.
On motion of Mr. Parke, a new section was introduced, allowing claimants of land either under the French or Spanish governments, or derived from actual settlements, or from other sources, until the first day of June, to give evidence of their claims and have the same recorded, and declaring all other claims null and void forever.
Mr. Gregg moved to amend the bill as to allow a salary of 400 dollars to the principal surveyor, in consideration of his being obliged to keep an office, and being thereby disabled from executing many surveys himself.
Motion lost—Ayes 36.
Some other subordinate amendments were
made, when the committee rose, and reported their agreement to the bill with sundry amendments.
The House immediately considered the report, and concurred in all the amendments, except that for introducing a new section, offered by Mr. Parke, to which they disagreed, only ten members rising in favor of it.
Mr. Gregg renewed his amendment for allowing a salary of 400 dollars to the principal surveyor, which was disagreed to—Ayes 42—Noes 13.
Ordered, That the bill be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Sloan renewed his call for the order of the day on the resolution offered by him, imposing a tax of ten per cent. on every slave imported into the U. S.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved that the committee of the whole should be discharged for the purpose of committing the resolution to the committee of Ways and Means.
The question was first taken on Mr. Sloan's motion—Ayes 49—Noes 32.
When the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. DAWSON in the chair—on the said resolution.
Mr. Sloan spoke in favor of the resolution.
Mr. Dana moved to amend it by substituting persons in the room of slaves.
This amendment was supported by Mr. Clark. Mr. Marion spoke against, and Mr. Southard in favor of the resolution. Messrs. Dana and Alston advocated the amendment. Messrs. Smilie and Pisk supported the resolution and opposed the amendment.
When the committee rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
TUESDAY, Jan. 21.
[We defer the detail of this day's proceedings to make room for the interesting Executive communications that occupy our preceding columns.]
The committee charged with that subject, made a report in favor of a bridge over the Potomac, which was made the order of the day for Thursday next.
The House again went into committee of the whole on Mr. Sloan's resolution for imposing a tax of ten dollars upon every slave imported into the United States.
Mr. Clarke spoke in favor of the amendment offered by Mr. Dana. Mr. Sloan opposed it. Mr. Dana replied. Mr. Alston advocated the amendment. Mr. Marion spoke against the resolution. Mr. Nelson and Mr. Southard spoke in favor of the resolution.
When the question was taken on Mr. Dana's amendment, and passed in the negative—Ayes 32.
Mr. Early and Mr. Bedingen then spoke against the resolution, and Mr. Broom and Mr. Sloan in favor of it: when the committee rose about 4 o'clock without having taken the question, and obtained leave to sit again.
European Intelligence.
From late London papers.
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.
"PARIS, Nov. 9.—The naval victory of Lord Nelson has been known here for these two days past, and has occasioned the greatest consternation among all classes of people, but particularly among our military and our merchants. Louis Bonaparte spoke, however, very slightly of it last night in his wife's circle. He said, "that it might induce the Emperor to conclude another peace, but that the final conquest of G. Britain, though postponed, would never be relinquished by his majesty, but with his death." It was, and would be, the principal object of his reign." On the other hand, an increase of the prices of colonial productions was the immediate consequence; and while our funds lowered two per cent. interest for ready money, advanced one per cent. in the month. We do not yet hear all the particulars of this battle, but we apprehend that this is the third Toulon fleet destroyed, en masse , by your nation, within these last ten years.
"All our troops on the coast, and in the interior, have marched, or are ordered to march, for the Upper and Lower Rhine, & every thing makes us dread another general war, another paper money, another maximum, and perhaps another famine. Many of the sailors of our gun-boats perform garrison duty instead of our soldiers, and complain bitterly, not only on this account, but because their pay is behind hand for 7 months.
"Rouen contains one of government's depots of conscripts; last week a friend of mine saw there four thousand of them, ordered upon duty, to shoot one of their comrades who had deserted, together with a miller who had concealed him. They at first unanimously refused, alleging, that they were soldiers, and not executioners. Fifty gens d'armes, soon, however, called them to order, and the criminals suffered. The parents, brothers and sisters of the conscript, and the widow and children of the miller, are still in irons, expecting the Emperor's determination with regard to their fate. Such is our love of glory, and our military spirit, that out of sixty substitutes procured by parents of the department of Lower Seine, none have received twenty thousand livres, and none less than fifteen thousand livres, for serving our Emperor.
"A confidential flock broker of Talleyrand's always holds out hopes of peace, while a confidential agent for Berthier is flying orders for the collecting of two armies of observation of one hundred and twenty thousand men, in Holland and on the Lower Rhine. Of these troops, twenty thousand are to be commanded by gen. Brune, and fifty thousand by gen. Lefevre.
"Hautefterwe is now composing for the Monitor a most violent diatribe against the Emperor of Russia for visiting Berlin, and against the king of Prussia for receiving his visit, without the permission of the Emperor of the French.
"The Electoral prince of Bavaria is much feasted by the imperial Bonapartes. It is said that he is to serve as an aid-de-camp under Napoleon, and that his sister has been put in requisition, for his serene highness, prince Eugene de Beauharnois, the Viceroy of Italy."
Domestic Intelligence.
On the 4th inst. the bill for withdrawing the funds from Washington and Saint John's College passed the Senate of Maryland. The yeas and nays were as follows:
Affirmative—Messrs. Brown, T. Johnson, M'Calloch, Partridge, Ringgold, Shriver, Thomas, Whitley, Williams—9.
Negative—Messrs. Harwood, president, Christie, Duckett, Hayward, Houghton, J. Johnson—6.
NORFOLK, Jan. 22.
THE ROCHEFORT SQUADRON. The public have been for some time kept in suspense, as to the destination of this fleet af-
ter the capture of the British ship Calcutta, & a part of the Oporto fleet. We received yesterday, a Nassau (New Providence) paper of the 7th of this month, which furnishes us with later information of this fleet than any thing which we have seen. This account, although not official, may be regarded as correct.
It is impossible to ascertain the destination of this squadron after leaving Tenerife. It is not probable that it was destined for the West-Indies, as arrivals from the windward islands after passages from 16 to 20 days, make no mention of its arrival in those seas.
Extracts from the Journal kept by capt. Riley, of the brig Eliza and Mary.
Sailed from New-York the 16th of September, and arrived at Tenerife the 5th November, where he learnt the following intelligence. That the Rochefort squadron, consisting of five sail of the line, three frigates, and two brigs of war, with the Calcutta, English 50 gun ship, and six English merchant ships, prizes to the squadron, had arrived at Santa Cruz on the 3d Nov. which caused an embargo to be laid on all vessels directly, which was to continue while the squadron was in port. They had sunk several English ships that had very valuable cargoes, on account of their bad sailing, not being able to keep up with the squadron—that they had uniformly sunk or burned all neutral vessels they fell in with at sea, that were either bound to or along the coasts of Europe, to prevent intelligence getting to the English fleets—that they had taken with them to France, and should be paid by the government, the full amount with damage, &c. that among the neutrals, were the following American vessels, viz. brig Minerva, Sailer, of New-York, brig Two Friends, Pennick, of Charleston, with valuable cargoes, were both burned—sch'r. —, Tucker, of Boston, sch'r. —, Sargant, of do. The number of neutral vessels taken and destroyed by the squadron, amounted to twenty-six, the captains of which, during the day, were allowed the liberty of going on shore, but the same privilege was not extended to their officers or crew. The commander in chief Monsieur Le Almagne, had taken all their papers, & given to each a certificate, stating he had destroyed their vessels and cargoes, and that they must apply to the minister at Paris for a remuneration.
On the 24th November, left Tenerife, saw the Rochefort squadron which had failed a few days previous, off the N. E. part of the island—could distinguish 14 sail. On Tuesday the 26th, at 8 A. M. Ferro bearing E. 5 leagues distant, spoke the ship Devon of London, the captain of which informed, he sailed from Cork the latter end of October, together with a small convoy, bound for the W. Indies.
The convoy remained only one day at Madeira and on the 20th, discovered a fleet to the north of Tenerife, consisting of 11 sail, which they discovered to be an enemy, and supposed it to be the Rochefort squadron, the commodore made a signal for the fleet to disperse, which was accordingly done, and the Devon being a fast sailer, escaped in the night, but the captain supposes it probable, that many of the convoy would fall into the hands of the enemy.
Captain Poulson, who arrived here this day from Tenerife via St. Thomas, furnishes us with some further particulars respecting the Rochefort squadron, which he derived partly from the American Captains, whose ships had been destroyed, and partly from his own observation.
This fleet put to sea in expectation of meeting the combined fleet from Cadiz, for this purpose they cruised some time in a certain latitude, during which they destroyed the neutral vessels. After some time they endeavoured to gain the port of Vigo, but the wind heading them made for Tenerife, where they arrived consisting of one three decker, four seventy-fours, three frigates, two brigs, the Calcutta, & six merchant ships prizes.
They failed on the 17th November, with the Calcutta, which they had commissioned.—From the small quantity of provisions and water, which they procured at Tenerife, and from the circumstance of taking the captains & crews of the neutral vessels with them, captain P. concludes they will attempt to enter some port in France or Spain.
A ship had arrived at St. Thomas, one of the Cork convoy, the captain of which states, that the convoy was met, as stated in the account via Nassau, and all except two or three were destroyed by this squadron after their leaving Tenerife.
Captain Southworth, who arrived here yesterday from Elsinuer, informs us, that on the 17th December in lat. 45, 50, long. 14, he was boarded by a French corvette, in company with seven sail of French line of battle ships, steering W. S. W. We cannot conjecture what French fleet this can be, having heard of none other except the Rochefort squadron, being at sea.
If it had not been for the course which this fleet was steering, we should have supposed it to be the Rochefort squadron.
Ledger.
IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN.
On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county,
THE STUD, of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, spared neither money nor exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such flock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of season, will be postponed, until the expiration of the lease. The other flock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated.
A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.
JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (tds)
GUM SWAMP,—FOR SALE.
ON the 23th day of February next, will be sold that valuable TRACT OF LAND, late the property of John Sallee, dec'd, in Chesterfield county, containing five hundred acres, known by the name of the Gum Swamp, on the turnpike road, ten miles above Manchester, the buildings on which are commodious. One half of the purchase money will be required in hand and the other in twelve months.
ISAAC SALLE. January 28. Tt.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 23th JANUARY.
CALL OF A CONVENTION.
House of Delegates, Monday, Jan. 20.
A motion being made, that the house resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration a petition from the counties of Henry and Patrick, "requesting the legislature to adopt means for calling a convention to revise and amend the state constitution."
Mr. BALL moved that the question be postponed till the 5th of March. He was opposed to calling a convention at this time on account of our political relations. We should perhaps be soon engaged in a contest with some of the foreign powers. Our prospects abroad are cloudy, and a revision, such as the present question contemplated, required, beyond any other, the enjoyment of complete sunshine. It would be impossible to assemble a convention and revise the constitution, without raising a considerable ferment.—It was idle to grasp at perfection.—The happiness of the people was what we all aimed at; but under the present constitution, the people were contented and happy. Some men are, to be sure, fond of change; but this is a fondness as yet confined to their own bosoms: the people at large have not partaken of it. There may be some defects in the present constitution; Mr. Ball admitted there were some; but it was perhaps impossible to get clear of them altogether. If we call a convention; if we open such a wide door for amendment; there is not perhaps a single feature in the present constitution, which we may be able to retain. Those who framed it at first were pure and enlightened men: they assembled at a favourable time; could we now expect more able framers, or a more propitious period?
Mr. BURWELL, although he was indisposed, and extremely feeble, felt it a duty he owed to the petition he had presented, and the people he represented, to oppose the motion of postponement. It was surprising that the gentleman had attempted to dispose of a question so important without discussion. How will the people ever understand the defects of their constitution; how are they to be impressed with the necessity of a reform, unless the proposition is fairly met and fully investigated?
Whence arises the danger of examining the constitution and convening a convention? Are we afraid that, like the Roman Decemvirs, they will declare their sittings permanent, and their powers unlimited? If this be not the danger, whence then arises all this apprehension? Against all these usurpations, we had a bulwark, which would never fail us, in the information and intelligence of the people. Besides, this argument, if it proves any thing at all, proves infinitely too much. It would teach us to confide no powers at all to any set of men, from an apprehension that they would abuse it. If the constitution be defective, it was proper to amend it; to expunge its imperfections and retain all its valuable features. What kind of an argument then was it to say, that we should make no effort to introduce the most positive benefits, from a vague apprehension that uncertain evils may possibly ensue? Do not our ordinary legislatures possess the most extensive powers? Still do they not meet and transact public business without public usurpation? They meet here to consult for the public welfare, and not to violate the rights of the people, from whom they received their power. If we have any apprehensions from the abused authority of a convention, why should we exempt an ordinary legislature from similar suspicions? It is not to be denied that the present assembly can divide among themselves the money in the treasury. The stock which the state owns in the bank may take the same direction. The army; the whole of the public property of every description, may be squandered without economy, or plundered without shame. Why then is not such a scene exhibited here? It is because no man would dare to make such a proposition. It is because the public indignation; the controlling integrity of the majority of the people, is prepared to cover such a wretch with endless ruin. The people must employ agents to conduct the general affairs of society. The importance of the world require that confidence should be reposed in men; and happily, experience has here demonstrated that necessity is not at war with the interests of society. Why then should we dread the assembling of a convention, when its members are to be appointed by the very same people who elected their legislators and on far more interesting concerns? Will the superior value of the trust diminish the care and discernment employed in their selection? Is it to be expected that any agents would be preferred but those who are most completely qualified for the great purposes, which are to be confided? On such interesting questions, we have a right to expect that such men only will be called to the service of their country, who have age, discretion, and talents, to recommend them. The character of the Virginians is sufficient to fortify us in that hope. Their love of peace, and the uncommon share of information diffused through the various parts of the state, are a sufficient guarantee for the virtue of the selection and the discretion of the agent. And should a convention ever be summoned, we might expect that another crisis would arrive, whose termination would serve to strengthen the principles of a republican government, and increase our confidence in the wisdom and virtue of our fellow-citizens. I wish, said Mr. B. to have an opportunity of expressing my opinion of the defects of the present constitution. I wish that the people themselves should have an opportunity of understanding the subject and expressing their opinions. Let us, then, submit the proposition at once to their consideration.
We have been told (said Mr. B.) that there are a few restless, discontented individuals, who complain, and that the fault is in them and not in the constitution. Certainly I myself enjoy the most perfect personal liberty; I am happy and contented; my property in common with that of the people at large is sacred and respected. But there is yet a class of people in the community who are very differently circumstanced; men, who are divested of all political rights, and left at the mercy of their governors. I allude, Sir, to those who are deprived of the right of suffrage. The Bill of Rights declares, that "men cannot be deprived of their property for public uses, without their own consent, or that of their representatives, so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not in like manner, assented for the public good." Yet does not every person know, that nine-tenths of the free men of the state are disfranchised, and excluded from all agency in the councils which give the law binding upon the people of the commonwealth? Men who are thus deprived of the privilege of electing representatives, are as much enslaved as those unfortunate beings who inhabit the Turkish Empire. If they enjoy more personal liberty; if they suffer less vexation in the management of their property; it is because their
masters are more indulgent, and not that they are less absolute. This state of political existence is peculiarly oppressive, since the Bill of Rights in the clause which has been recited, promises the reverse. Upon what principles, then, has this sacred and invaluable provision been violated? for what purposes? We shall be told perhaps, that these people pay no taxes, and that they should not therefore participate in the administration of the government. But this argument is correct? Are land-holders the only persons, who pay taxes? Men without property and possess slaves, horses, and other property, subject to taxation. Even when destitute of these, they render personal services to the government? Are not these to be deducted from the little pittance allotted to themselves and a dependant family, and under this point of view may they not fairly be considered as a tax upon their industry and subsistence? So far then as the argument of taxation applies, it is obviously unfounded. But are governments instituted for the purposes of taxation alone? Let it be recollected that the laws which define crimes and punishments, and by whose influence the personal liberty of every individual is secured or endangered; the laws which regulate the mode of transferring and acquiring property; and let it also be recollected, that the laws which appertain the military services of the citizen; are interesting to every one whether he be a land-holder or not. No doubt it is right that society should demand some "evidence of common interest with, and attachment to, the community." The qualifications of age, color and sex were no doubt indispensable. For in what situation should we be placed, were we to see the fable race crowding round our polls and controlling our elections? For the same reason perhaps, minors and females should be excluded from the right of suffrage, though for my own part (said Mr. B.) I have no very strong objection to the latter. But why should this pledge consist in property, or why should one species of property be preferred to another? Where is the justice of requiring 25 instead of one or 25,000 acres as the qualification of an elector? Let it be granted that some standard is necessary; but let that standard be one which embraces the greatest possible portion of the people. Can there be any more rational pledge of attachment to the community than birth? It is birth, which engenders that indefeasible sensation, called patriotism. The poor landless Virginian feels more real love for this, his native country; a more ardent zeal to support its dignity and independence, than the wealthy foreigner, who has spent his titles over an extensive soil, and whose lofty palace rises like an exhalation to the skies. And yet the latter is admitted to all the rights of citizenship, the former is completely excluded. If we have indeed no confidence in the attachment of these people to their native country, why in times of the utmost peril, when we are threatened with foreign invasions or domestic convulsions, do we call forth, embody and arm them, for the public defence? Are you not afraid (said Mr. B.) to trust them with weapons, which may be turned against yourselves? As for my part, my mind revolts against the charge. I abhor the monstrous injustice of saying to the soldier, who had impaired his constitution, wasted his fortune, and spilt his blood; "you have saved your country from ruin and devastation. But you cannot be trusted even with the election of a representative." I am a freeholder myself, Sir; yet rather than be guilty of such crying ingratitude, I would abridge my own power and divide with these men my portion of sovereignty.
In all republican governments, it is proper to begin by establishing as little discrimination as possible between the different members of the community. This principle is absolutely just in itself, but it becomes still more important as a practical maxim, when it is recollected that society is irresistibly progressive. As it advances in almost every country, it naturally leads to the accumulation of property in the hands of particular individuals. Such has been the history of England, such the history of Germany; such the history of every nation in Europe. The result has always been inauspicious to the cause of the people; favourable to privileged orders, and productive of civil confusion. Look at Ireland. Why has that gallant nation been so long oppressed and agitated? It was because a large portion of her people was excluded from a share of the elective franchise. What produced the dissensions in ancient Rome? Why did the people secede to the Sacred Mount and refuse to appear under the banners of the republic? It was because they had received from that republic nothing but oppression and insult. It was because the Patricians and the Plebeians, in other words those who were freeholders and those who were not, had divided the population of Rome. Let us beware (said Mr. B.) that the same casualty does not happen to ourselves. When an enemy arises upon us when the landless citizen is enlisted in our ranks to fight the battles of his country, let us beware that like the ancient Plebeians he may not retire to some sacred mountain, and refuse to resist the enemy. "You have denied us (he may say) the right of suffrage; you have divided among you the honours and the treasures of the government. Fight then your own battles: when our country chooses to treat us as her children, by admitting us to share in the benefits of our birthright, she may then expect us to appear in the defence of her rights. But till then, let the haughty landholder go forth to defend her."
We may be told, however, said Mr. B. that all this is mere idle speculation. We may be called upon for proofs of the injury, which actually results from this political discrimination. I could produce several to the consideration of the house, but a single one is sufficient for this illustration of the evil. The law appointing processioners to mark and ascertain the boundaries of land, allows to each of them a compensation, to be defrayed by the people at large, and to be collected in the shape of a poll-tax. The consequence is, that an expence intended for marking and securing the landed property of the nation, is in part levied in the most grievous and oppressive manner, upon men, not in the slightest degree concerned in the arrangement. But there are other defects in our present constitution, which must command our attention and regret.
What shall we say of the organisation of the legislature? It is an admirable feature in the constitution, that it has given almost all the power to the legislature; to men annually elected by and responsible to the people, for the exercise of their authority. But even, the legislature itself is by no means perfect in its structure. There are certain powers given and some restrictions imposed upon it, which a wise politician would be willing to change. The legislature, for instance, is entrusted with the power of electing the governor. What has been the consequence? Though a man of great talents be sometimes elevated to the chair of state; though a rascally may sometimes appear to illuminate the political horizon, yet at the end of three years he vanishes only to make the succeeding gloom more melancholy and impenetrable. Sometimes a Monroe is

ed with office: but there are few governors who have possessed the qualifications and deserved the reputation of Monroe. The reason is too plain to escape observation. Candidates for office within the gift of the legislature, have too often succeeded by solicitation, by canvassing and intrigue. A man of real talents is unwilling to go through this annual probation. He is unwilling to employ politeness, solicitation or the other instruments of success. But let the power of appointment be transferred to the people; and a new scene is likely to be developed. Men of real talents will come forth to serve the commonwealth. It is a greater balm to the feelings of a man of talents, to receive the national approbation, than that of a body of legislators. No man will be brought forward as a candidate, but one whose qualifications are so well known throughout the whole state as to entitle him to the honour of the election. The people will be the arbiters of the choice; and before them, the usual instruments of politeness, solicitation and intrigue, will be of no avail.
Some objections may be raised against the present structure of the council of state. That body in fact consists of too many members. Not to speak of the article of expense, which in a republican government deserves to be considered, the responsibility is too much divided. Instead of being concentrated in the hand of a single magistrate, it is divided & scattered amongst eight privy councillors. Let even an occasion occur, which calls for the display of these officers; we shall find there is another provision in the constitution, which destroys the benefits of an entire responsibility. Instead of having the authority of dismissing an obnoxious council for every year or every three years, the legislature cannot in fact exercise a complete right of controul under any period short of 12 years.
The appointment of the executive council like that of the chief magistrate is confined to the legislature. The same objections apply to each. And there is this objection which applies to the election of every important officer by the legislature. When the assembly meets in the capitol, its members are unacquainted with the pretensions of the candidates who are to be brought forward. Either then the legislature must put up with the candidates, who are known to this city and supported by its influence, or it must vote for the candidates according to the representations of their respective friends. And where is the case exercised by the members of the House? Where is the responsibility imposed upon them? Their vote is not recorded: when they return to their constituents, how can they tell how it was for them to escape the odium of voting for an obnoxious candidate, by declaring he voted for his opponent?
There is one appointment, which the Legislature had the power of making, that would have been more properly entrusted to the Executive. The Executive may choose (said Mr. B.) all the military officers of a subordinate degree; but they have no voice in the election of a general and other important military officers. What then would be the situation of the commonwealth, if in a moment of public peril, when an active, disciplined and well-commanded enemy was pressing upon us, we were to send forth the militia under the orders of a general, who had obtained his commission from the Legislature, not by the force of his merits, but by dint of solicitation and favour? It was perhaps under this point of view, that Judge Tucker had observed: "True it is, that the inconveniences of this conduct in times of profound peace and tranquility, are neither so obvious, nor so numerous or dangerous, as in times of war or difficulty; but it should be remembered that when such times arrive, there is little leisure for reformation, however requisite." If by any fatal event the federal union should happen to be dissolved, or broken, there is not a state in the confederacy, that would sooner feel the total inadequacy of its constitution, to support its liberty and independence, than Virginia."
The organization of the legislature itself is liable to many weighty objections. Not the least of its defects is, that it violates that great principle of a republican government, that the will of the majority ought to prevail. I say nothing (said Mr. B.) of that artificial division of interest produced by the Blue Ridge. I say nothing as to the comparative influence possessed in this House by the people on this or that side of the mountain. My remark applies not so much to the natural division of the state into two great districts, as to its artificial division for the purpose of representation. Are not our counties possessed of unequal population and property? All they are endowed with an equal right of representation in the legislature. We have reduced the representation of each county, to a standard not less arbitrary and uniform than the fabled bed of Procrustes; and whatever be its size, we allow it not more nor less than two representatives. Is not the consequence of this arrangement too obvious to be missed? Whenever a measure comes to be decided by the legislature, a combination of the smaller counties may decide the question in opposition to the will of the larger, however inferior they may be to the latter in the number and property of its inhabitants. It is vain to say, that these smaller counties are equally diffused through every portion of the state, and are therefore incapable of combining into any distinct local interest. For this argument equally applies in favour of the rotten boroughs of England. And is any republican prepared to justify the check, which they impose upon the will of the majority of England?
There is another feature, in which the organization of the legislature, is obviously at war with the great principle of a republican government. Each county sends two members to the House of Delegates. But one of these may say yes, when the other says no. Is it not however a complete silence to say, that each county has two distinct wills? Is it not preposterous thus to neutralize the influence of a county, and to completely destroy the effect of its representation in the general vote? Who does not perceive its effect in defeating the will of the majority of the state, on deciding any legislative question? Suppose there were 100 counties in the state: 10 are neutralized by this arrangement: 46 are in favour of any proposition, and 44 against it: ten being neutralized, the question is decided by the vote of 46. But does this constitute a majority of the whole state? Does it not violate the fundamental principle of a republican government, thus to give effect to the will of the minority?
There is another defect in the legislature. It consists of too many members. Its magnitude makes it oppressive to the people, and too unwieldy to permit an easy discharge of their public duties. The principle of a deliberative body is, that it should never be so small as to endanger the public liberty, nor so large as to endanger the public business. It was a remark of an ancient sage, that "a large assembly of philosophers would degenerate into a mob." If the legislature was diminished in its numbers, the reduction of its expenses might enable them to sit twice as long, and give twice as much attention to the public concerns. Compare Virginia in this respect with the British em-
pire. In the United Kingdom, there are not less than 15 millions of people, and not more than 600 representatives in parliament. Here there is not one million of people and nearly 200 legislators. In other words, with less than one fifteenth part of the population, we have one third of the representation. The British parliament however is not thought too small. In the United States, of which Virginia forms a component part, there are not less than 6 millions of people; and the number of representatives does not exceed 140; and yet that body has been found too cumbrous for the orderly dispatch of business. They have adopted the ratio of one representative for every 33,000; whereas we have fixed it at one for every four thousand. There is also another reason for diminishing the number of representatives. By extending the representation over a larger compass, it would have the effect of destroying those petty local interests, which are produced by contracted districts. Let us enlarge our districts and we should see an end of that narrow interest, which springs from the influence of family and relations; an interest, which hangs, like a dead weight upon the freedom of suffrage and the liberties of the people.
Consider too the defective organization of the senate, under the present constitution. That body does by no means fairly represent the public will. A gentleman from Wythe, a few days since observed, that one senator represented as large a number of inhabitants, beyond the Blue Ridge, as six on this side of it. In other words, the inhabitants to the East of the mountain, have six times as much senatorial influence, in proportion to their numbers, as the inhabitants to the westward. This defect in the senate ought to be corrected by a different organization. Thomas Paine, for introducing whose name into that house he hoped he should be under the necessity of apologizing to but few members, has recommended a new plan for the structure of that body. He proposes that when the house of delegates assembles, they should select a committee from their own body to act as a senate. The debate in every case should be conducted separately in each house, and the decision be effected by a majority of both. A plan of this sort has obviously the effect of introducing into the deliberations of the legislature, all that leisure, calmness and maturity of discussion, for which senates have been recommended. But it is not so much deficient at present (said Mr. B.) either to examine the propriety of having any senate at all, or the best mode of constructing it.
As to the organization of the judiciary, Mr. B. declared it was with extreme diffidence he should express any opinion. Some opinions however he had formed on this subject, and he thought himself bound to express them. It was to this part of the constitution he had alluded, when he spoke of some improper restrictions, that had been imposed upon the legislature. The constitution unselfishly prescribes the number, jurisdiction and form of our courts: an arrangement, which should be entirely intrusted to the wisdom and discretion of the representatives of the people, who were best qualified to select such a system, as might be demanded by public convenience. It was true, that by retaining the name, it was easy to introduce any new modification of the courts that might be necessary: But there are always men in the legislature, so frequently attached to the constitution, that they will never consent to violate its spirit and its letter, however strongly the convenience of the people might demand it.
Mr. B. declared he could not subscribe to the doctrine, avowed in England, which rendered the judges independent of all human authority. It was certainly correct that judges should be rendered independent of the parties who came before them; and upon that account, it was certainly proper that they should be made independent of the crown of England. Consult the English writers and they will tell us that the monarch or his ministers had always been in the habit of involving some question of prerogative in judicial cases. They represent them as frequently interposing their power and influence to screen the guilty felon from the justice of the law and incarcerate the innocent patriot in the damps of the dungeon. In England, therefore, such an independence may be necessary; but in Virginia, where the commonwealth is never implicated in the decisions of the courts, the same necessity cannot be supposed to exist. Possessed of unlimited power, the commonwealth would never condescend to punish them for their integrity or employ them as the instruments of oppression. For these reasons he wished to see the judges amenable to the legislature of the country, that for any offences which they might commit, they should be dragged to the bar of that house and receive their merited punishment. He could not perceive the propriety of exempting from responsibility a class of men, who are peculiarly liable to corruption. We have subjected (said Mr. B.) all our civil officers to a certain punishment; shall we then exempt a class of men who are proved by the history of all countries to be peculiarly addicted to corruption? It is an acknowledged fact that before the Spanish tribunals justice is actually bought and sold, and that the longest purse is always sure to carry the cause. De Lolme has told us, that more English judges have been punished for malversation than even English ministers; that there are more spots upon men clothed in Ermine, than upon the contaminated servants of the crown. We may be told perhaps that there has been a remedy provided for all these grievances, in the power of impeachment. But let experience decide upon this inefficacious provision. Warren Hastings! the man who had deluged India with blood, and plundered its oppressed inhabitants, was acquitted by this house of lords, deciding upon their honor. In our own country, we have seen that mammoth delinquent, Judge Chase, who had rendered himself obnoxious in every court where he had officiated; we have seen even him honourably acquitted. And what now is the doctrine deduced from this decision before the senate of the United States? That no judge is hereafter to be dismissed from office upon the strongest construction of tyranny and corruption from actual facts, and that overt-acts alone are sufficient to condemn him. When I speak of the history of judges (added Mr. B.) it is my pride and pleasure to declare, that the Virginia bench has hitherto exhibited an honourable exception. Times however may change; and we may then lament the inefficacy of a provision under whose shelter a Hastings & a Chase have escaped with impunity.
Mr. B. next commented upon the present structure of the county court system; a system which makes the justices of the court, notwithstanding their exorbitant power, eligible to either house of assembly. He quoted a lengthy extract from Tucker's Blackstone, Vol. 1. Part 1. p. 115. 116. It has besides (he observed) this unfortunate consequence that the great number of magistrates in this house will always produce an opposition to any change in the judiciary system which may affect their own interests, however it may advance the interests of the people. Mr. B. concluded with apologizing to the house for having so long detained them by re-
marks, to which the feeble state of his health would not permit him to do justice.
(To be continued.) TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Sir, A proposition has been submitted by the legislature of Kentucky, to the several legislatures in the union, to amend the constitution of the United States, by depriving the federal judiciary of the power to decide 1. controversies between citizens of the same state, 2. controversies under grants from different states; 3. controversies between citizens of a state and citizens or subjects of a foreign state. They have also intrusted their senators and representatives in congress to use their best endeavours to procure this amendment. The resolution containing this instruction, was adopted in Dec. 1804; but it does not appear that a new proposition has been laid before congress upon the subject: at least, I cannot learn that any such proposition has been made. The question is, however, now before the general assembly of this commonwealth, and will be discussed, it is said on Tuesday next.
A decision at this time, I contend, is premature and highly embarrassing, and the principle on which the amendment is founded is not correct.
The question before the legislature of Virginia will be, whether they will concur with the legislature of Kentucky in the contemplated amendment. Before this question is decided, the friends of the measure, if there be any, ought to look forward to the consequences, which their concurrence will produce. The state it is presumed will be completely pledged to co-operate with Kentucky in procuring the amendment.
There are two modes of affecting constitutional amendments. Whenever two thirds of both houses of congress deem an amendment necessary, they are empowered to propose it, to the several state legislatures for their approbation. This approbation when expressed by the legislatures of three fourths of the states, makes the proposed amendment a part of the federal constitution. This mode was pursued by congress on the 4th March, 1789, when twelve additional articles were adopted by that body: which were afterwards ratified by the legislatures of perhaps all the states in the union. This mode was also pursued by the state of Massachusetts, from which the proposition to prevent states from being sued originally came. The opinions and wishes of that state were communicated to congress, and gave rise to their resolution on this subject in December, 1793. The alteration in the system of presidential elections was also effected by means of a proposition addressed by congress to the states.
It was apprehended, however, by those who formed the constitution that in the course of time amendments might be desired by the state legislatures, in those articles to which congress might be most attached, and that from congress, therefore, a proposition to amend could not be expected. To guard against this evil, a second mode of procuring amendments is provided. On the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, congress must call a convention for proposing amendments, which amendments are valid when ratified by the legislature of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by congress.
Between these two constitutional modes of procuring amendments, the difference in point of convenience and expense, in favor of the first is so great, that the latter ought never to be resorted to, however desirable the proposed amendment may be, until the former has been tried, and tried in vain.
When the first mode is pursued, that is, when the proposition to amend comes from congress, the subject is discussed in the presence of the nation at large, the public mind is enlightened, and the members of the several state legislatures are prepared for a decision with every aid, which their own reflections, the arguments of their colleagues, and the debates of the national council can afford. In addition to this, the experience is precisely the same, as if congress & the state legislatures had been employed during the same time in the performance of their ordinary duties.
But if no proposition comes from congress, & two thirds of the legislatures of the several states shall concur in the amendment proposed by Kentucky, they must, if they are consistent, unite with that state, in an application to congress to call a convention for proposing amendments. These amendments must be afterwards ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in the states respectively, if it shall be the pleasure of congress to prescribe a ratification by conventions, rather than by the legislatures, which have already expressed their opinions on the subject to be submitted to them.
To this plan the objections seem to me to be of great force. The expense of a general convention will be a heavy burden upon the finances of the United States, which must be sensibly felt, not only because of its own weight, but because our wants notwithstanding the amount of our revenue, and the great ability with which it is managed, are fully equal to our resources.
The expense of a convention in each state, would be enormous, and in the state of Virginia particularly. Our expenditure at this time, it is said, exceeds by several thousand dollars the amount of our actual revenue; and of course the sum required by a convention could only be procured by an augmentation of the taxes, greater than that proposed by the committee of finance. If it be said that these evils need not be apprehended, because congress may propose the amendment required, instead of waiting for an application to call a convention, the following consideration presents itself. It is not certain that congress will propose the amendment. The probability is that they will not propose it. The senators from Kentucky have, no doubt, acquired full information on this point, and ascertained that there was no chance for success. If this be not the case, their silence upon the subject, cannot be easily accounted for. It is probable for another reason that congress will not propose the amendment. It is not correct in principle. If then congress shall leave the responsibility for this important innovation upon the states, who chose to patronize it, the force of the objections which have been urged remains entirely undiminished. It has been already said that when a proposition to amend comes from congress, its merits are previously discussed before the nation at large. The public mind is awakened and excited, & the people are informed of the change contemplated in the constitution which they have made. The effect is that the subject is thoroughly understood, and a correct decision is pronounced. Is this the fact now? Are we not acting in the dark? Has this question been discussed before the public, its importance explained, its consequences developed? Not a word has been uttered upon the subject. It is scarcely known in the city of Richmond. The great mass even of the most intelligent men in America are not apprised that such a measure is in contemplation. Another objection to this mode of proceeding is derived from the convention itself. If Kentucky, supported by a sufficient number of states, shall make an application to congress, the convention to be called will be a convention for proposing amendments. Such are the words of the constitution. When this convention meets what will be its powers? Will they be confined to the subject of the resolution from Kentucky, or will they extend to every department and every principle of our government? I will not undertake to pronounce an opinion on this point now. I have not had leisure to form one: but the language is so clear and emphatic, that my impression is in favor of the doctrine contained in the last interrogatory. If this idea be correct, is there a man who is prepared to advocate the proposition from Kentucky, until it is submitted to the states by congress? Is there a man who would wish to review the scenes of 1788, to revive every topic of discussion, which then engrossed our attention, and to open again those scenes of discord and party spirit, which, it was hoped, had been closed forever? Who is there that could with a deep by which the noble fabric which the genius of
republican law erected in America might be endangered; by which the constitution of the United States, the bulwark of our national felicity and independence might be brought into jeopardy! Should congress propose the amendment, the acquiescence of the states, will exhibit to the world the harmony which prevails between the federal and the state authorities. If this acquiescence does not take place; if the states are divided, the inference will only be that the Gen. Government is willing to surrender a part of its power which the states are not willing to resume. But at this critical period when our relations with Great Britain and Spain have induced the gen. assembly of Virginia to pledge the state to support the congress of the United States, in any system which they may think proper to adopt, the calling of a national convention to revise our government, would produce in the minds of foreign nations a belief of internal discontent & diffusion, no less injurious to our interests, than disgraceful to the character of our republican institutions.
From these principles it seems to be a regular deduction, if the proposition to amend should come from congress, that our decision now, is premature, as we shall be obliged to decide again: and if it should not, that our concurrence with Kentucky will be highly embarrassing by pledging this state for a co-operation in measures dangerous to the tranquility of the union, and to the permanence of the constitution. I should not hesitate therefore a moment to vote on the question about to be put on Tuesday next, in such a way as would preserve to the legislature the power of deciding at a future day upon the fullest information, and of acting as the circumstances of the times may hereafter require. This it is presumed may be done without departing from that respect which should always be manifested by the states to each other, and ought to be done even if it is believed that the measure proposed is the offspring of the most liberal and enlightened policy. But to this commendation it is not entitled.
That clause of the constitution which gives to the federal judiciary jurisdiction in the three classes of cases above stated, was digested and approved by many of the wisest men and best patriots that ever did honor to any country; and tho' their wisdom and patriotism are not conclusive evidence that all the clauses of the constitution are correct, there is at least a presumption that they are so until the contrary is proved. Nor ought it to be forgotten that after the plan of the constitution had stood the test of the most able and acute examination in all the states, and most especially in this state, the amendments proposed immediately after its adoption in March 1789, had no relation to the points embraced by the resolution from Kentucky. What is the evil therefore now felt or apprehended, which shall induce us to believe that the extent of jurisdiction allowed to the federal judiciary is injurious to the peace or welfare of the United States? Information on this point is sought for in vain in the preamble to the resolution from Kentucky. Their reasoning applies to the first class of cases only, that of conflicting claims under grants from different states; and because of these claims, the federal courts in their opinion, ought not to have jurisdiction, they are not to retain it is said, may relate and generally do relate to property of a different description. If our constitution is to be changed, let us at least hear and understand the reasons, by whose influence it is to be effected.
With respect to the collision between the decisions of the state and federal courts on the subject of grants from different states, it is somewhat singular that the legislature of Kentucky should urge as a reason for the proposed innovation the identical circumstance which occasioned the adoption of the clause in question. It was supposed by the framers of the constitution that the national tribunals ought to be entrusted with the decision of all those cases, where a state court might possibly be under the influence of any bias or local attachment. If the contest therefore is for land claimed under a grant from Virginia, and held under a grant from Kentucky, the question whether a court in Virginia, a court in Kentucky, or a court independent of both states ought to decide, it admits but of one answer. The idea of submitting such a question to a court in this state would in Kentucky be deemed absurd. Why then shall the people of Virginia, vast numbers of whom have important claims in Kentucky, voluntarily surrender their right to prosecute these claims before an impartial tribunal? To the people of this state, it is a matter of the most serious concern. The owners of land in Kentucky residing here have been kept in a state of perpetual anxiety by the laws of that state affecting the lands of non-residents; and to them it must be a point of the first importance, that the questions concerning the compatibility of those laws with the compact between Virginia and Kentucky, & with the constitution of the U. S. should be decided by an independent, impartial tribunal. I confess, therefore, that I am opposed to the amendment for the very reason that is urged in its support. If there be a collision between the decisions of the state and federal courts on the point now under consideration, there can be no reason to apprehend that the error will be committed by the latter.
This point being disposed of, I will not trouble you with many observations as to the other two classes of cases, of which very little if any notice is taken in the Kentucky resolution. Those who wish for full information as to them, will be amply gratified by referring to the report of a committee of the legislature of Massachusetts on this subject, published in the Enquirer of the 23d July last. By that legislature the resolution from Kentucky was unanimously rejected, for reasons stated with a degree of perspicuity and force, which would be impaired by any attempt to exhibit them in a different form.
To these reasons I will add two only. The first is local in its application, and in fact confined to this state; the last involves a consideration extremely important to the constitution of the U. States.
The business which is done in the federal court in Virginia in a way, so justly commended a few days past in the Capitol, is extensive and frequently intricate as well as important. If all this business was thrown on the state courts already sinking under the burthens which they now bear, would not the effect be such as every friend to justice must deplore? If our own citizens must submit to the misery of those laws delay, let us at least retain in the state those courts where justice is expeditiously as well as impartially administered, in favor of citizens of other states and foreigners, and in like manner in favor of our own citizens against them.
The second remark is derived from an able lawyer and distinguished statesman. "There is," says Lord Hale in his admirable treatise touching the amendment of laws, "that contagion of most laws with others that it may be of great importance, that which men over hastily and unwarily go to make an alteration in that which they conceive aims in a small matter, they may not endanger a great part of the main fabric." This observation, worthy of attention in the business of ordinary legislation, is still more important when the change of a constitution is proposed. In the case now under consideration it is peculiarly applicable. It is expressly provided by the 10th section of the first article of the constitution of the United States, that "no state shall coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts or any law impairing the obligation of contracts." Experience had shown that these things might be attempted by the state legislatures, & therefore the power to attempt them hereafter is surrendered. The importance of this section to justice, to harmony between the states and to the national character, must be acknowledged; but at this time it is not sensibly felt. We have no temptation to do wrong. The continuance of peace enables us to enjoy every blessing which a nation can desire. But who can tell what may happen, when we are under the pressure of the various calamities by which the virtue, as much as the happiness of a people may, and in time must be assailed. Then it is, that every principle of that section may be violated, and, if according to the resolution from Kentucky, the clause, respecting
* The importance of the argument in reference to this point will be evinced by a recurrence to the act separating Kentucky from Virginia. Rev. Code, p. 53.
the two last classes of cases shall be expunged, may be violated with impunity. The state courts may perhaps step forward, and reduce the constitution of the United States from the deprecations committed by a legislature, on whom they must in some measure be dependant. This, however, would be at some time and in some places but a slender security. But if the federal courts are allowed to exercise their jurisdiction over cases, "between citizens of different states, and between citizens of a state and citizens or subjects of a foreign state," that clause would retain all its importance, and prevent all the mischiefs against which it was intended to guard. Shall we then accede to the amendment proposed by Kentucky, when we see the effect which it must produce on one of the main pillars of the confederacy?
Thus, Sir, I have given you a hasty sketch of my ideas on this subject: hasty indeed, because it was written in much less time than it could be copied. I know therefore, that I have not done justice to it: but I hope, it has been shown that the question about to be put on Tuesday next, is entitled to the most serious consideration. If this effect is produced, my object is attained.
A. B. January 25, 1806.
The interesting communication on the Kentucky Amendment to the constitution, compels us to defer the 2d No. of the Analytical Review of the pamphlet on Neutral Rights.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
ON MISS C*****. O that I that spark possess, With which the Titan hand was blest, That fire, that energy divine, Which those thro' every glowing line; Then would I consecrate my days, To find the sweeter R*****'s praise; And, while I struck the founding lyre, She should my every note inspire. The various virtues of her mind, Her manners, yet refined, Her tender, sympathetic heart, Spotless, and quite devoid of art; All, all th' angelic charms which stole, And rapt with ecstacy my soul; I'd bid the willing muse rehearse, In strains of rapture, breathing verse. Or had I Titan's mimic art, Which can with magic skill impart, In glowing tints, each heavenly grace, That e'er adorn'd the human face; Then would I let for hours, for days, And on my sweet R***** gaze: With rapture gaze, and all the while, Each look, each soul transporting smile, Quick to the ready canvas give, And bid them there forever live. I'd pencil first with utmost care, The flaxen ringlets of her hair; Then I'd display her polished brow, Far whiter than the mountain snow. Her blushing cheeks, her beauteous eyes, Brighter than heav'n's cerulean dyes— I'd copy ev'ry lovely feature Of the dear, lovely creature; Form'd by the Graces' hand, to seize The captive soul; 'till by degrees, More charms than Venus e'er could show, Should on the living canvas glow: There by a lover's hand portray'd In colors never doom'd to fade.
SALES AT AUCTION.
On Wednesday the 29th inst, at the Store of the subscriber will be held, without reserve, A Stock of DRY GOODS & GROCERIES. Terms—For all sums under fifty dollars cash, above fifty and not over two hundred, fifty days credit, and above two hundred dollars, ninety days credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes. Also—About 600 bushels Irish potatoes—For cash—And One Charr with harness complete, Two handsome Gigs with d— and Three young horses—For approved endorsed negotiable notes at 90 days. WM. DAVIDSON. Jan. 28. tds
IN pursuance of a deed of trust made to the subscriber by John Kelle of the county of Hanover, to secure the sum of £115. due from the said Kelle to Thomas Cowles of the city of Richmond, will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in ready money, at the Auction Store of Taylor and Brown, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 8th day of February next: Four Negro Slaves, to wit: Aggy, Purley, Emanuel and Abraham or as many of them as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum aforesaid, and all costs and charges at the sale. SAMUEL W. TRUSTEE. The above sale to commence at 1 o'clock, P. M. January 27. All persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES and JOHN WO. LYON Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. tf
NOTICE.
To purchasers of negroes at the sale made at Louisa court house, in December 1804, by the subscriber as executor of Christopher Smith dec'd. THAT their bonds become due on the tenth day of next month (February) that the subscriber will attend at Louisa court house, on the eighth and tenth day of next month, for the purpose of receiving the money due, between this and then he may be seen at Smith hill in Louisa. Those who fail to make payment suits will certainly be instituted on their bonds, returnable to the spring quarterly or district courts. As he is determined to close his administration as soon as possible. CHARLES SMITH, Executor of Christopher Smith, dec'd. Smith Hill, Louisa, January 28. (2s twp.)
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
FOR apprehending and delivering to the subscriber, or securing in jail, so that I get him again, a negro man, by name, SHADRACK, who absconded from me the 27th of the last month; he is about 30 years of age, of a tawny complexion, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, and well made, has lost two foreteeth of the under jaw, has a long face, with a very high forehead, has at times (when spoken to) an impediment in his speech and a smile on the countenance—no certain description of his dress can be given, as he has a variety of clothes and those of different kinds and colours. This fellow is shrewd, sensible and ingenious, who understands shoemaking, sawing, the carpenters and coopers trade. RICHARD NUTT. Northumberland County, Jan. 28.—tu & th 8p.
SALE OF STOCK.
On Friday the 14th of next month will be sold at Windfall, for the feet of the late William Dandridge deceased, THE balance of the Cattle, Sheep and Hogs belonging to the said estate of the decedent. A credit of 12 months will be allowed purchasers for all sums above ten dollars. N. SHEPPARD, Exor Wm. Langborne executor of Wm. Dandridge. January 28. (tdf)

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
January 13, 1805.
MESSAGE
From the President of the United States, respecting the APPLICATION OF HAMET CARAMALLI, Ex-Bailiff of Tripoli.
(Continued.)
EXTRACTS.
William Eaton, Esq. to the Secretary of the Navy.
ALEXANDRIA, (E.) 13th Feb. 1805.
The letters which have passed between captain Hull and myself, copies of which are herewith annexed to a duplicate of that I had the honour to address you on the 18th December, convey a detail of our transactions since that date. The apprehensions then entertained of impediments on the part of the Mameluke beys were just. The bafhaw separated himself from them with his suite immediately on receiving my first letter from Cairo, and repaired to Elam, a neutral province; but the evening of his departure thirty Arab chiefs were put in chains by the Mameluke bey, Osman Bey Berdi, to prevent their following him with their tribes. Of four copies of the vice-roy's letter of amnesty, which I dispatched by different conveyances, not one reached him. Three matres in disguise of Arabs, charged with one of them, entered the Mameluke camp, were arrested, the packet taken from them, and they sentenced to death. They intoxicated the centinel, who was an European renegado and escaped to Elam; by whom the bafhaw obtained the first information of that act of grace, and it was not till he joined me at Demanhour that he first saw the letter. This has delayed our measures and given us embarrassments. My three enterprising matres are with me, but we have no returns from any of the other three couriers.
The bafhaw had already determined to take the desert of Lybia to Derne, giving for his reason, which I think a found one, that by taking shipping and separating himself from the Arabs, they would lose all patience if not confidence also, and abandon his cause. He has consequently moved round the lake and will to-morrow take his station at Arabs Ton, 80 miles westward of the old port of Alexandria, where I am to join him with a detachment from the city, next Sunday, and proceed with him to Bomba, at the head of 500 men, and there take post. Meantime captain Hull repairs to rendezvous for suitable reinforcements and supplies to secure an establishment at Derne and Bengazi. Those provinces in our possession will cut off from the enemy and turn into our own channel a source of provisions, and will open a free intercourse with the interior of the country. I have requested of the commodore, for this purpose, an hundred stand of arms with cartridges, & 2 brass field pieces with trains & ammunition, and also a detachment of 100 marines, if necessary, to lead a coup de main.
I calculate the whole expenditure of cash in this expedition, including expenses in Egypt, will amount to 20,000 dols. Further disbursements and supplies will be necessary to carry this plan into final effect. But to indemnify the United States, I have entered into a convention with Hamet Bafhaw, to pledge the tribute of Sweden, Denmark, and the Batavian Republic; which convention I shall reduce to writing and forward by capt. Hull, if time permit; otherwise by the earliest occasion.
Day before yesterday, an envoy arrived in a ketch from Jusuf, bafhaw of Tripoli, to the governor and admiral of this place, for the express purpose of prevailing on them to stop Hamet Bafhaw from going out of the country. Intelligence of our having left Syracuse for this place, with a view of taking him away, was conveyed to the enemy by a resident at Malta, known by the name of Soliquet H. Conte Galini. I do not know his real name. The agent made great promises in the name of his master, to these Turkish commanders: But perceiving they seemed not to have full faith in his assurances, he resorted to the sensibility of their compassion; said, if Hamet Bafhaw was permitted to return, Jusuf must fly the kingdom or lose his head. The subjects of Tripoli were getting weary of the war with these new infidels; they could not learn from their movements their intentions, and were attacked unawares: The bafhaw believed he could defeat him with his brothers, his people would all leave him. This statement comes from the private secretary of the governor, who is secured in our interest, who heard the cause of Jusuf Bafhaw argued before the governor and admiral. I don't learn what effect it has taken, but if the client has not the means of touching a more sensible nerve than a Turk's pity, his case is forlorn. At any rate we are secure against his influence by the secure position we have taken. Except, therefore, some unforeseen accident thwarts us, my next will be dated at Bengazi. The Arabs and Moors are universally with us, and, if we had the means of subsistence, we might march 20 or 30,000 from the borders of Egypt, who from time to time have taken refuge here since the usurpation of Jusuf Bafhaw.
Mr. Eaton to commodore Barron.
ALEXANDRIA, (E.) 14th Feb. 1805.
I calculated to leave this on Sunday, and in two days after to proceed on our march with Hamet Bafhaw to Bomba, by the desert, where it is hoped we shall meet reinforcements, and supplies sufficient to secure positions at Derne and Bengazi. This, we are of opinion, will require two additional small vessels and a bomb-ketch. A gun-boat also would be useful, if the navigation at this season should not be too hazardous. Two brass field pieces (four pounders) with their trains and ammunition, and 100 stand of arms, with cartridges, will be requisite. And, to place the success of the expedition beyond the caprice of incident, 100 marines, with bayonets, should be at hand, to lead a coup de main, in case of necessity. By the time we shall have arrived at Bomba, I shall have disbursed about 10,000 dollars which we have taken up on credit of Messrs. Briggs and Brothers, 4,000 dols. of which sum capt. Hull has drawn bills on Malta and London: the balance we have promised shall be sent up in one of the small vessels. Ten thousand dollars more at least, will be necessary, to accomplish our views on Derne and Bengazi. The Bafhaw assures me he will be able immediately to refund these sums when established in those provinces. And to indemnify the United States for all expenses, arising out of a co-operation with him, he pledges the tribute of Denmark, Sweden and the Batavian republic, in case of recovering their throne, which may be calculated upon as a certain event, if measures to that effect are supported by suitable energy and address. He engages also to release to you, without ransom, capt. Bainbridge, his officers, and all American prisoners who may be in captivity at Tripoli; to stipulate with the United States a permanent peace, without tribute, and on the footing of the most favoured nation. He engages that in case of future war, captives shall be treated as prisoners, and not as slaves, and subject to reciprocal exchange. He will surrender the enemy and his family and chief admiral into our hands, in case he does not escape by flight, to be held as hostages. And he agrees to deliver up to you, if required, all vessels of war, which shall have been employed against the U. States by Jusuf Bafhaw.
prisoners, and not as slaves, and subject to reciprocal exchange. He will surrender the enemy and his family and chief admiral into our hands, in case he does not escape by flight, to be held as hostages. And he agrees to deliver up to you, if required, all vessels of war, which shall have been employed against the U. States by Jusuf Bafhaw.
In consideration of the friendly offices of his majesty, the king of the two Sicilies, towards the squadron of the United States, Hamet Bafhaw invites his majesty to renew with him their ancient friendship, and proffers to him a peace on the same footing as that to be stipulated in his convention with the United States. If time and circumstances admit, we shall reduce this convention to writing, and forward copies by capt. Hull; otherwise it will be done at Bomba. At the invitation of the bafhaw and divan, and in conformity to the sentiments expressed to me by the secretary of the navy, I have taken on myself the command in chief of the bafhaw's army, and the direction of all operations by land, and I cannot but flatter myself we may realize success of our expectations on this coalition; and that you will have the glory of carrying the usurper a prisoner in your squadron to the United States; and of relieving our fellow-citizens from the chains of slavery, without the degrading condition of a ransom.
CONVENTION
Between the United States of America and his highness Hamet Caramally, bafhaw of Tripoli.
GOD IS INFINITE.
ARTICLE I.
There shall be a firm and perpetual peace and free intercourse between the government of the United States of America, and his highness Hamet Caramally, bafhaw, the legitimate sovereign of the kingdom of Tripoli, and between the citizens of the one and the subjects of the other.
ARTICLE II.
The government of the United States shall use their utmost exertions, so far as comports with their own honour and interest, their subsisting treaties, and the acknowledged laws of nations, to re-establish the said Hamet bafhaw in the possession of his sovereignty of Tripoli, against the pretensions of Joseph bafhaw, who obtained said sovereignty by treason, and who now holds it by usurpation, and who is engaged in actual war against the U. States.
ARTICLE III.
The United States shall, as circumstances may require, in addition to the operations they are carrying on by sea, furnish the said Hamet bafhaw on loan, supplies of cash, ammunition and provisions, and if necessity require, debarkations of troops, also to aid and give effect to the operations of the said Hamet bafhaw by land against the common enemy.
ARTICLE IV.
In consideration of which friendly offices, once rendered effectual, his highness Hamet Caramally bafhaw engages, on his part, to release to the commander in chief of the forces of the United States, in the Mediterranean, without ransom, all American prisoners who are, or may hereafter be, in the hands of the usurper, said Joseph bafhaw.
ARTICLE V.
In order to indemnify the United States against all expense they have or shall incur in carrying into execution their engagements expressed in the 2d and 3d articles of this convention, the said Hamet bafhaw transfers and consigns to the United States, the tribute stipulated by the last treaties of his majesty the king of Denmark, his majesty the king of Sweden, and the Batavian republic, as the condition of peace with the regency of Tripoli, until such time as said expense shall be reimbursed.
ARTICLE VI.
In order to carry into full effect the stipulation expressed in the preceding article, said Hamet bafhaw pledges his faith and honor, faithfully to observe and fulfil the treaties now subsisting between the regency of Tripoli and their majesties the kings of Denmark & Sweden, & with the Batavian republic.
ARTICLE VII.
In consideration of the friendly disposition of his majesty the king of the two Sicilies towards the American squadron, his highness Hamet bafhaw invites his said Sicilian majesty to renew their ancient friendship, and proffers him a peace on the footing of that to be definitively concluded with the United States of America, in the fullest extent of its privileges, according to the tenor of this convention.
ARTICLE VIII.
The better to give effect to the operations to be carried on by land in the prosecution of the plan, and the attainment of the object pointed out by this convention, William Eaton, a citizen of the United States, now in Egypt, shall be recognized as general and commander in chief of the land forces which are or may be called into service against the common enemy. And his said highness Hamet bafhaw engages that his own subjects shall respect and obey him as such.
ARTICLE IX.
His highness said Hamet bafhaw grants full amnesty and perpetual oblivion, towards the conduct of all such of his subjects as may have been seduced by the usurper to abandon his cause, and who are disposed to return to their proper allegiance.
ARTICLE X.
In case of future war between the contracting parties, captives on each side shall be treated as prisoners of war, and not as slaves, and shall be entitled to reciprocal and equal exchange, man for man, and grade for grade, & in no case shall a ransom be demanded for prisoners of war, nor a tribute required, as the condition of peace, neither on the one part, nor on the other. All prisoners on both sides shall be given up at the conclusion of peace.
ARTICLE XI.
The American consular flag in Tripoli shall for ever be a sacred asylum, to all persons who shall desire to take refuge under it, except for the crimes of treason and murder.
ARTICLE XII.
In case of the faithful observance and fulfilment on the part of his highness, said Hamet bafhaw, of the agreements and obligations herein stipulated, the said commander in chief of the American forces in the Mediterranean, engages to leave said Hamet bafhaw, in the peaceful possession of the city and regency of Tripoli, without dismantling its batteries.
ARTICLE XIII.
Any article suitable to be introduced in a definitive treaty of peace, between the contracting parties, which may not be comprised in this convention, shall be reciprocally on the footing of the treaties subsisting with the most favoured nations.
ARTICLE XIV.
This convention shall be submitted to the president of the United States for his ratification. In the mean time there shall be no suspension in its operations.
Done at Alexandria in Egypt, February 23, 1805, and signed by said Hamet bafhaw for himself and successors, and by William Eaton on the part of the United States.
Additional article secret. His highness Hamet bafhaw, will use his utmost exertions to cause to surrender to the commander in chief of the American forces in the Mediterranean, the usurper Joseph bafhaw, together with his family, and chief admiral called Maurad Rais, alias Peter Liffe, to be held by the government of the United States as hostages, and as a guarantee of the faithful observance of the stipulations, entered into by convention of the 23d February, 1805, with the United States, provided they do not escape by flight.
Commodore Barron to William Eaton, Esq. MALTA, 22d March, 1805.
SIR, By captain Hull, who arrived in this harbour with the United States' brig Argus under his command, on the 10th instant, I received your favors addressed to me, together with communications for the secretary of the navy, and copies of the correspondence betwixt yourself and captain Hull, relative to your proceedings, from your arrival in Egypt until his departure from thence; also by the hands of Mahomed, secretary, a letter from his excellency Hamet Bafhaw, announcing his junction with you, all which I have perused with an attention and deliberation which the important and interesting nature of their contents demands. I cannot but applaud the energy and perseverance that has characterized your progress through a series of perplexing and discouraging difficulties, to the attainment of the object of your research, an attainment which I am disposed to consider as a fair prelude of future success.
On receipt of these communications by captain Hull, I did not lose a moment in making the necessary arrangements for sending you succours, and I now dispatch the Argus brig, with the Hornet sloop under her convoy, carrying a variety of stores and provisions, according to the accompanying list. Captain Hull will shape his course for Bomba, direct, where he calculates on finding you, with the bafhaw and his army, and where he supposes you will make a stand. I have directed him to deliver these stores to you, to be applied as your discretion may direct. He has also under his charge a sum in specie, amounting to 7,000 dollars, which is likewise to be placed at your disposal. By the time these vessels establish a communication with you, you will have been enabled to form a correct opinion as to the prospect of ultimate success, and thence to estimate the advantages likely to result to our affairs from this co-operation, and by this opinion you must be guided in the application of the succours. Should you have encountered unexpected difficulties and obstacles, which place the chances of success upon more than precarious ground, your own prudence will suggest the propriety of not committing these supplies, & the money, uncontrolledly to the power of the bafhaw: indeed, in the point of view in which I regard the measures already pursued, as well as the subject of co-operation generally, I conceive we ought to treat with the utmost caution. It is far from my wish, fir, to damp your ardor, or that of your companions in arms, by laying too great a stress upon the cold maxims of prudence, whereby the tide of success is often lost; something, I am aware, should always be left to fortune, in enterprises of this nature; but I must own there are certain things, expressed in your dispatches, which when brought to the test of my instructions from home, give birth to feelings of doubt and uneasiness: these I deem it incumbent on me to point out to you with candor and explicitness, in order that we may be fully understood. You must be sensible that in giving their sanction to a co-operation with the exiled bafhaw, government did not contemplate the measure as leading, necessarily and absolutely, to a reinstatement of that prince in his rights on the regency of Tripoli. They appear to have viewed the co-operation in question, as a means which, if there existed energy and enterprise in the exile, and attachment to his person on the part of his former subjects, might be employed to the common furtherance and advantage of his claims and our cause, but without meaning to fetter themselves by any specific & definite attainment as an end, which the tenor of my instructions and the limited sum appropriated for that special purpose, clearly demonstrates. I fear by the convention you were about to enter into with Hamet, and by the complexion of other measures, that a wider range may have been taken than is consistent with the powers vested in me for that particular object. These apprehensions may, perhaps, prove groundless, on further representations from you; but under my present impressions, I feel it my duty to state, explicitly, that I must withhold my sanction to any convention or agreement committing the United States, or tending to impress upon Hamet bafhaw a conviction that we have bound ourselves to place him upon the throne. The consequences involved in such an engagement cannot but strike you forcibly, and a general view of our situation, in relation to the reigning bafhaw and our unfortunate countrymen in Tripoli, will be sufficient to mark its expediency. I shall consider it my duty, as it is certainly my inclination, to afford you every aid compatible with the authority vested in me, and commensurate with the means which have been placed at my disposal, and you may rely on the most active and vigorous support from the squadron, as soon as the season and our arrangements will permit us to appear in force before the enemy's walls; but I wish you to understand that no guarantee or engagement to the exiled prince, whose cause, I must repeat, we are only favoring as an instrument to our advantage, and not as an end in itself, must be held to stand in the way of our acquiescence to any honorable and advantageous terms of accommodation which the reigning bafhaw may be induced to propose; such terms being once offered, and accepted by the representative of government appointed to treat of peace, our support to the ex-bafhaw must necessarily cease. You will not, however, conceive that these considerations, important and necessary as they are, ought to induce us at once to abandon the benefits which the measures you have adopted seem to promise. I conceive a perseverance in these by no means incompatible with a total freedom from any trammels, with respect to a definite object, which freedom I deem it all important to preserve, especially when I view the peculiar situation in which captain Bainbridge and his fellow sufferers may be placed by this co-operation. If, by your energy and exertions, added to the supplies now sent forward, you succeed in getting possession of Derne and Bengazi, we may calculate, that, having received this impulse from our strength, the bafhaw will, himself, possess sufficient energy, courage and talents, and if accounts are correct, sufficient interest among the people, to move on with firm steps, and to conduct his friends and followers to the gates of Tripoli. Every support will, of course, be given to him by a systematic union of operations with the squadron, so as to enable him to get in the rear of the town; but should he be found deficient in those qualities, or that it appears we have been deceived in regard to the disposition of the inhabitants, he must be held as an unfit subject for further support or co-operation.
(To be continued.)
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION.
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, ensuing.
THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chiswell's Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Aukin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied.
That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1793, for the sum of £6,505, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate.
The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary.
The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.
Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the uses in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; on which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree.
JOHN WICKHAM, } Commissioners of the court. JOHN WARDEN, } WILLIAM HAY, }
Jan. 21. Sw.
WARM SPRINGS,
IN THE COUNTY OF BATH, VIRGINIA.
HAVING taken a lease on the WARM SPRINGS for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805; we wish to acquaint the public, that at a great expense and much labour, we have improved it, to accommodate gentlemen, 150 persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them a range of framed stables 230 feet long, together with other stables roomy enough to hold about 100 horses, also 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with stone chimneys, and finished off neatly; a large and commodious sitting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for that purpose only. A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not chuse to mix with the throng and healthy.
We have also taken a lease on the Sweet Springs in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm, for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors. The British attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we have from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected.
It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different houses of entertainment on the roads leading to the Springs, have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, each of which (above the ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances run to indicate that in future travellers will be well accommodated. We wish to purchase a Blacksmiths for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given.
Also wanted to employ a select elderly woman to undertake the management of the place of house-keeper, either at the Warm or Sweet Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal encouragement, on application to us.
ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. January 21. ep8v.
GEORGE WILY, BROKER & COMMISSION MERCHANT,
Near the Basin.
Buys and sells all kinds of Produce—Also, and Lots, and houses, Bank Stock, &c.
He has for Sale, LOTS No. 141, 2, 3, and 4, which make one entire square in Du-Val's addition—There is a good Spring attached to them. These lots are well worth the attention of any gentleman wishing to build a summer retreat for his family. July 23.—tf.
THE HIGHEST PRICE (IN CASH) WILL BE GIVEN AT THIS OFFICE FOR CLEAN LINEN & COTTON RAGS.
of the inhabitants, he must be held as an unfit subject for further support or co-operation. I beg leave to mention to you, that as we are short of officers, the services of all will be wanted on board the respective ships, as soon as we enter upon offensive measures. Should you conceive, however, that any serious disadvantage may result from withdrawing those with you, I have no objection to their remaining as volunteers; but it is impossible for me to comply with your requisition for 100 marines to be sent to the coast. Such a step, in the present posture of affairs, far exceeds my powers, and, besides, as we are rather short of hands, I could not easily justify in detaching so considerable a force from the squadron. I have not been unmindful of your requisition for field artillery, which I think with you, is essential, but here it was impossible to procure it; I therefore dispatched, some days since, the Congress frigate to Messina, where I hope to obtain four field pieces complete for service, and as soon as they arrive they will be sent to the coast with the necessary ammunition. As I am still too unwell to write you with my own hand, I must refer you to captain Hull, in whose judgment and discretion I have the fullest confidence, for information on several collateral points, and for my sentiments on others. In this letter I have endeavored to explain, as clearly as possible, what are my ideas with respect to the wishes and intentions of our government, and what I feel to be the extent of my authority, relative to the co-operation with Hamet bafhaw. I reiterate my fixed resolution to afford you every support and assistance which are consistent with the powers and resources vested in me, adding, at the same time, my dissent from any guarantee, covenant or engagement, by which the U. S. may stand committed, to place the exiled prince on the throne, or any condition which militates against the most perfect and uncontrolled power of choice and action, in concluding a pacification with Jusuf bafhaw, should he offer terms honorable and advantageous to our country.
I should be wanting in justice to you, fir, as well as to the officers who have shared thus far your toils and dangers, were I not to express my full reliance upon your courage, energy and perseverance, as well as my ardent desire that your most sanguine expectations may be realized. The observations which I have conveyed to you are far from being intended to cool your zeal or discourage your expectations, but they are what I conceive it necessary to make, and drawn from me by the purest feelings of duty, and as such, permit me to recommend them to your calm and candid consideration, and I request that you will make them the subject of conversation with captain Hull, who is fully possessed of my sentiments.
GENERAL OFFICE OF INSURANCE,
JANUARY 8th, 1805.
THE general meeting of the Mutual Insurance Company against Fire on Goods and Furniture, in the state of Virginia, which took place this day agreeably to notice previously given, in the public papers, was too thin to authorize any proceedings, as to the general concerns of the company. The meeting was therefore adjourned until 10 o'clock in the morning of Tuesday the fourth day of next month. As the affairs of the company are in such a state as to require immediate attention, and as most of the members are now liable to incur all the disadvantages of the institution, without a possibility of being, in any degree, benefited by it, should any accident occur to them, it is earnestly hoped, as a matter of the first consequence to their individual interests, that they will be pointed in attending the said meeting, either personally or by proxy. Wm. H. FITZWILLIAMSON, P. A. Richmond, January 24th. end.
NOTICE.
THE Survivors of the Stage-Boats from Richmond to Charlottesville, are requested to take notice, that repeated complaints have been made to me, of the danger to which the passengers in the Stage-boats have been, and still are subjected, from the badness of the vessels, resulting not only from the badness of the vessels, but also from the want of proper management. I shall proceed as the law directs to enforce the most exemplary punishment on those who are in default. The general good of society, the dispatch necessary for the conveyance of the public Mail, and my own interest, are motives alone sufficient for such a determination. RICHARD TEKELL. (over)
A NEW TAVERN.
RUBEN BURNLEY respectfully informs the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment in that commodious new building west of the Court-house. Attached to the premises is a new stable, inferior to none in the state; and that he is in every respect, well provided for the accommodation of genteel company.
N. B. Very liberal wages will be given for a good Cook—a male would be preferred. Charlottesville, Nov. 22. ep2m
ADVERTISEMENT.
AS I intend next fall to remove to the western country, I will sell a bargain in the tract of LAND, wherein I now reside, in Amherst county, containing 476 acres, with good improvements for the reception of a genteel family; the plantation in good repair for cropping, and lies well for land in the upper country, and conveniently situated, being within one half mile of a manufacturing mill on Buffalo river, three miles from the town of New-Glasgow, and the neighbourhood in every respect desirable; this land also lies within 16 miles of an inspection of tobacco on James river, and 20 miles from the town of Lynchburg. Any farther description is now deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with visit to view the premises. The payment will be made easy to suit the purchaser. JOSEPH BURRUS. January 11. 8 6t p.
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and
PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [epf.]
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. tf.
FASHIONABLE GOODS.  READY made white Satin Pelisses; various dark colored Silk ditto; Florence Silk and Satin Spencers; elegant Souffle Dresses; Rich Brocades and figured Satins; Plain and figured Lenau and Pique Muffins; A handsome variety of plain, checked and striped Sarrets; Ladies' Tamboured Neck Handkerchiefs; Shoulder Ornaments; Lace Sleeves and Gloves; which, with a general assortment of seasonable goods, are offered for sale, at moderate prices, by M. & B. MYERS. December 28. f & tf.  NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER,  MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.  MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. C—round the Calf. B—the pitch of ditto. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. epf.  THOSE Gentlemen who have been good enough to give the subscribers proposition relative to the Chinese Snake Sticks, will be pleased to transmit the subscription papers to Lawrence Duff, Esq. of Tappahannock, for that they may arrive at that place previous to the 20th of next month, in order that it may be then obtained, otherwise, or not, the whole number of sticks have been subscribed. JAMES R. BECK. January 2. TH83v.  PETER LAFORTE,  BEGS leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has opened in this place, a Fencing School for the Small Sword, and he intends also to open a dancing School, where the newest and most elegant steps shall be taught. Terms of tuition may be known by applying to him at Mr. Rivallan's on Shockoe Hill, in one of Judge Wythe's new brick houses.  VALUABLE PROPERTY.  WILL be sold, to the highest bidder for ready money on the premises on Saturday the 13th day of February next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed by Richard Dade, to secure the payment of $333 dols. 35 cents, with interest thereon from the date, due to Rambaut & Gurnau and George Pegram junr. and the expenses of the sale.  Two acres of land lying upon Appomattox river, within one mile of the town of Petersburg, with water grit and manufacturing mills, Begg house, distillery house and other houses of improvements erected thereon.  PLEASANT AKIN, for Henry Guggen and Pleasant Akim, Petersburg, January 7. tdf.  A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.