Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-11 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1440.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, MARCH 11, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single]
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is duly certified to the Executive by the court of the county of Warwick, that the house in which, by a proclamation bearing date the 29th day of September last, the said court were authorised to hold their sessions, until the courthouse of the said county (out of repair) should be repaired or rebuilt & made fit for their accommodation, is found by experience to be unfit for the purposes of the court, it being too small, and without any of the requisite conveniences for the court, the bar or the juries; and that Wade Mountfort had made a tender of his house in the said county of Warwick, at Rich Neck, which was sufficiently large and convenient for the accommodation of the court, by whom it is accepted. I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the counsel of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby rescinding that which issued on the aforesaid 29th day of September last; and notifying all whom it may in any manner concern, that until the courthouse for the county of Warwick aforesaid shall be repaired or rebuilt, and made fit for their accommodation, the said court for the county of Warwick shall be held in the aforesaid house of the said Wade Mountfort at Rich Neck within the said county of Warwick, according to law.
Given under my hand with the seal of the Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond this 24th day of February, 1808.
WM. H. CABELL.
COUNCIL CHAMBER.
February 25, 1808
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for the purchase of the condemned slaves now in the penitentiary.
DANIEL L. HYLTON, C.C.
Feb 24.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Just Received, a General Assortment of Dutch Bolting Cloth, Of a superior quality.
J. Darmsdatt.
Oct. 22, 1807.
REMOVAL.
WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and a few cases Old Claret of superior quality.
ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK, & Co.
March 8, 1808.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed by Zachariah Hall on the 27th day of April 1807 to us, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money unto Jacob Fackler and Shapard and Locke, and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect; we shall at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the second day of April next, be seen the hours of ten and two of that day, proceed to sell for cash to the highest bidder, that valuable and well known tract of land, lying in Chesterfield county, on the main Buckingham road, and distant from the town of Manchester 17 miles, containing by estimation one hundred and thirty acres, more or less—the improvements are new and consist of a convenient dwelling house, store house, kitchen, &c. and in an excellent neighborhood for business of any kind.
Thomas Taylor, } Trustees. Benj. Sheppard, } Stcs.
March 4, 1808.
Attention !!!
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has opened a Taylor's Shop in Mr. Cohn's house one door above Mr. Brown's vendue office, where he intends to carry on the business in all its branches. He hopes his strict attention to his duty will give him encouragement, and all satisfaction to the public.
John Stevens.
Richmond, March 7 1808.
By virtue of the authority vested in me by Samuel Liggan, by deed of trust, bearing date the 7th December 1807. I shall proceed to sell to the highest bidder for cash, on Monday the 14th inst. on the premises, the Lot of Ground adjoining the Fairfield Race Ground, containing three or four acres, with all the improvements thereon, consisting of a good framed dwelling house and other conveniences for a family, now occupied by the said Liggan—also the whole of the said Liggan's household and kitchen furniture and carpenter's tools, to comply with the purposes of the said trust.
James Jenkins, trustee.
Richmond, 2d March, 1808.
N. B. The sale will be between 12 & 2 o'clock.
At Bottetourt January court, 1808.
Samuel Irvine, vs. Alex. & James Fulton & others, Dfs. } Chancery.
ON motion of the complainant, it is ordered that the accounts between the parties be submitted to Patrick Lockhart, general master commissioner, who is to make his report to next March court, giving notice of the time he examines their accounts to the parties.
A copy—Teste,
S. Bowyer, D. C.
Monday 2d day of May next is appointed to carry the above order into effect, when the parties are desired to attend at my office in Fincastle, with their documents, &c. to enable them to execute the same.
Patrick Lockhart, M. Cmr.
February 28, 1808.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES DEBATE on the bill for the classification of the Militia of the United States.
TUESDAY, Feb. 19.
(Mr. M. Clay's speech continued.) By the census of 1800 those over 21 and under 26 were between 190 and 200,000 men. To this add for the increase since by the rule just laid down 49,000; which will make 249,000 under 26 and over 21. Deduct from this number 8 or 9000, for those unfit for service. For the sake of round numbers deduct 9000, which will leave 240,000 able men. We will suppose wanting at any one time 30 or 40,000 at each of the three great points I have mentioned, which would still leave enough at home to supply the succession and deficiencies. Out of this class of men then between 21 and 26 could be called out sufficient for service at any one time, from 90 to 100,000 and leave double that number still in requisition; if however it should be thought that 240,000 would not be a sufficient number, we have only to take all under 27 instead of 26. Those between 26 and 27 added to the others would form a body of 280,000 men without taking any under 21 or over 27. It is about this time of life, 26 or 27, when a man begins to know mankind; they have then shown their traits, as we generally say; they then wish to settle and see a family rising up before him. At about 21 or 22 they feel vigorous, and wish to show their activity and strength, in running, tumbling and wrestling; they think themselves great men; they wish to travel and see the world; they have a roving disposition. This is the moment to lay hold of them, and make them good soldiers. I know well that it will be said by some that it is an invidious distinction to stop at 26 or 27. Why may not the same be said of stopping at 45 or beginning at 18? It is said that this classification will tear up the old militia system. I do not care how soon it is plucked by the roots; we have had enough of it. Why persist in a system which we cannot get along with? What is the consequence? To show what that is, it is only necessary to read the report of the Secretary of War. Under an exertion of all the energies of the commanding officers, after the in-ult of the 22d of June last on the Chesapeake; after the Executive officers had exerted themselves to procure the best information upon the subject of the militia held in requisition, what is the result? The report just mentioned will show that you cannot rely with confidence on the militia in its present state. Nor can you on volunteers. These last will do for a moment at the commencement of a war. In case of invasion they will do very well for the moment. They do not go out with a view of brushing their own coat, washing their shirts, and to cook their victuals; they expect to call for the best of every thing at every house. Some gentlemen volunteers went down lately to Norfolk from Petersburg and Richmond. They conceived themselves on a level with the officers; it would not do; they came home disgusted, and you will not see them to go again. What was the case during the last war? When a large troop of volunteers was raised (I know the fact, I had a brother amongst them, and can therefore speak of it) they came prancing to General Washington. The old general asked them what they could do? Fight for our country, said they. Will you go into camp with the army and do regular duty? They answered no. You have my thanks then gentlemen, said the veteran, go home again. This was only to make a shew; they intended nothing else; they may do for a moment; but there must be method and regularity in our army. It will not do to have a large body of men collected for any purpose, without it. And therefore it is that as the great mass of our militia now stand, no reliance can be placed upon them. It will not answer to rely on regular troops. It is easy enough to raise a standing army, but it is difficult to disband them. We had at the close of the last war an awful testimony of the truth of this. Nothing but the vast weight of character of general Washington, who descending from his high office of commander in chief mixed with them as a brother soldier, could have prevented them from revolting. See what a clamor is now raised and rumors afloat through the country about your standing army of 3000 men. Get a man sufficiently popular for commander in chief of a large standing army and what sort of government should we soon have? We may shudder even to think of what might be the result. Look at the contrary side as now proposed to regulate the MILITIA. You take them from the bosom of their families for one year. At the end of that term they will be anxious to return home. Mutiny will not arrest them. With avidity they will return; a tear of joy will bid them welcome.
Gentlemen say the bill does not give us detail sufficient. We can fix all this when we have once passed upon the principle. This I repeat; nearly one year has elapsed since the outrage committed on the Chesapeake, & no return of volunteers or militia. This goes to show that volunteers are not to be relied on, and also that the militia laws are defective. I hope we have shown that we have strong reasons to suspect that the present militia system is not the best that can be devised. We have shown this from the best testimony in our power from the adoption of the constitution to this day. From the communications of the Presidents of the United States to Congress,
and from state governors to the state legislatures, it may be seen that the subject has almost always been introduced and recommended to the consideration of the legislatures. If this is not the best system that can be adopted, I am willing that any gentleman should propose a better; let us see any other system, we will examine it thoroughly and act with our best judgment on it.
This is a time when the whole United States are in danger, and some modification of our present system must be made. Towards the close of the last war the militia began to fight very well. In Kentucky the fighting men were numerous. After the attempt of the army at the close of the war to turn their arms against their country, government placed their soldiers when out of service on the frontier, with the natives on their borders, of which we were then at war. Virginia gave lands to her soldiers which were in the back ground. Why? Because it would not do to fix these men of seven or eight years standing among the body of the people. We will give them this land, said the officers of government, and let them go and fight the Indians. The reason was, that they had served seven or eight years in the regular army; this fungus, a standing army, was applied on our frontiers as a breast-work and a safe-guard, to keep off the savages; we want to keep them out of the way. We could have burnt up the Indian towns and put an end to the whole race immediately; but we did not wish to do it; we wished to keep our old soldiers fighting till they cooed off from the habit of inactivity acquired by service in the war.
We have endeavored to show that volunteers will do but for a moment, and that when there is nothing to do, and they can have both male and female waiting upon them. They cannot be relied on in war. They are not the kind of troops for service when invaded by a powerful enemy—volunteers may do for sailors or mariners if they choose to go to sea. We have endeavored to show that classification is the only mode by which they can be relied on for the real service of their country—that old men are not the best for service—that young men under 21 ought to be kept at home till they get enough of experience to serve them through life, & that young men over 21 and under 26, have a propensity to be in action, to see their country and acquire fame.
Some gentlemen make objections to the mode of officering—I have no doubts upon that subject, the thing will work well—the constitution has reserved to the states themselves. When officers are wanting, young men can always be found peculiarly qualified to conduct their companions to the fight—young men of high standing and weight of character. The soldiers having the selves choice of their commander, will choose one out of many candidates as there always will be in whom they can confide. I presume young men of first talents and enterprise will have preference. Let them have a man to command them of their own age. They will say one to the other know this man; I have known him from my youth, and can confide in him.
As a reward for the services of these young men, after a campaign is ended, let them keep as their own property the arms with which they fought, which will be handed down from father to son: "This is the piece I fought with;" Let it be engraved on the barrel, this belongs to such a one, he earned it by serving his country at such a time. After men have served one year, sufficient numbers will be found to replace them, who will be anxious to see the country, and travel over the Union, enamored of fame; and when they have served a tour will long to return to their kindred loaded with an honorable pledge of the service done their country.
It is certainly a desirable thing that the physical strength of the country should be applied in the most advantageous manner to the protection of the country. We admit that some men marry early. In this case let them hire men as substitutes from their own class. This substitute may serve out his time and return. By that time another young man may have married, and this substitute being accustomed to service, may go out a second term. By the adoption of this principle of classification you get the best blood of the country, that which you can rely upon. You will not see your hospitals filled with old men disabled by the rheumatism & gout; nor will you see children in the ranks, trembling at every leaf that falls around them, not sufficiently hardened to lie upon the ground covered with ice and snow. If we go on in the same bungling manner as heretofore, we shall never have an efficient militia; you will annually receive the President's message recommending the subject to your consideration.
(To be continued.)
Monday, February 22.
Debate on the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo, &c.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said it was with more than usual reluctance that he rose to address
the house on this occasion, and nothing but a sense of duty would impel him to enter into discussion in which it might be necessary to notice charges made against the majority of this house, of the senate and against the government in general, which if true ought to be proved and made known to the public, so as to produce a total renovation in the national councils, and if false, ought to consign their authors to that disgraceful infamy which such conduct was calculated to draw upon them; an infamy that should mark them out as common calumniators, and hold them forth as fit objects for national contempt. The petty scribblers in the party newspapers have been for some time engaged in circulating reports of French influence over the councils of the nation; these charges were in themselves so destitute of even the semblance of truth, so totally unfounded, and unsupported by any facts to give them the color of probability, that they made little or no impression on the public mind, and were rejected as slanderous falsehoods, the mere offspring of malignity, as generally as they were known. The more respectable public prints of the same party refuted these charges and treated them with that contempt which they deserved. They therefore received no serious notice from those against whom they were made, and there appeared to be a general disposition to suffer them to sink into that silent oblivion to which the good sense of the nation would most certainly have consigned them. But when these charges are borrowed from those petty scribblers, and echoed and repeated on this floor, by a person having the honor of a seat in the house, it is high time they should be noticed, to be longer silent would be criminal. Issue is now joined, and the guilty, whoever they may be, whether the accuser or the accused, must stand forth before the nation, strip of their mask of concealment, to receive the sentence of public indignation, that will frown them with contempt into obscurity. For there is no medium in this case, the accusers or the accused must be guilty—must be enemies to their country—and it is high time the nation, the people of America, should know their friends from their foes. The crisis call for it, the duty we owe the people calls for it, and the honor and dignity of this house demand that the guilty should be exposed. If the charges can be supported that any portion of the members of this house are acting under foreign influence, let the people know it, let them change their representation, let them send men of integrity, who are superior to the secret influence of a foreign power; but if on the contrary those allegations are found to be false and unfounded, then let the nation know this and let the finger of scorn point at those who have published such groundless falsehoods, and render them the objects of public contempt and detestation. This subject is now fairly before the public, and he who had made such serious charges on this floor, charges that the majority of this house is acting under the influence of French or Gallic influence, will it is presumed produce to this house and the nation, and he is now called upon to do so, the proofs, the evidence or facts that support those charges, and if these are not produced, it must be considered by this house and by the nation, that there are no such proofs of facts, and that therefore these charges are a groundless calumny circulated abroad at this important crisis by the enemies of this country, to distract the public mind and destroy the confidence of the people in their government, which would pass the energies of the nation, and render her more vulnerable to the attacks of a foreign enemy.
On the subject of the embargo, Mr. Campbell said he had hitherto been silent in this house; he thought it more important to act than to speak. The reasons for passing the law laying an embargo, said Mr. C. appeared to me, as they did I presume to a majority of the house, so strong, so self evident, that they must produce conviction without argument, and to discuss a measure under such circumstances appeared like a useless waste of time, and as it were admitting a doubt where none existed. And since the passage of that law events have succeeded each other so rapidly, which prove to every American friendly to his country, whose mind is not warped by prejudice, not only the propriety and policy of the law, but the great importance and absolute necessity of it at the time for the security of our merchandise and seamen, the preservation of peace, and to prepare the country for war, that even those who opposed the measure at first, seemed to be convinced of its utility, and appeared disposed to support it as the only means in our power calculated to preserve the honor and promote the general welfare of the nation. The public sentiment throughout this union so far as it has been in the power of the people to express it, in their legislative, as well as individual capacity, has not only sanctioned this law, but warmly approved the policy of it, and pledged the energies of the nation to support the measure. Thus it would seem that the reasons for passing it appeared as self evident to and made as strong an impression on the minds of the people at large, as they did on the minds of the majority of the national legislature. It was therefore deemed unnecessary to enter into an investigation of those reasons on this floor.
But when charges of the most serious nature are made on this floor against the majority of the house—charges that they are acting under and governed by French influence (for this is in substance the allegation), charges which I believe to be unfounded with respect to every member in the house, of the majority, and which so far as regards myself I know to be, and now so declare them, infamous, groundless falsehoods; it may be proper, and I deem it my duty to state very briefly some of the reasons that governed my conduct in voting for the law laying an embargo, and the subsequent supplemental act, for carrying into more complete effect the same object, and which will also induce me to vote for the bill now under discussion. These reasons arise from the situation in which this nation was at that time placed in relation to the great belligerent powers of Europe. We were then officially informed that Bonaparte had determined to execute in the most rigorous manner, his decree of the 21st Nov. 1806, declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade. By this measure
our commerce with G. Britain and her dependencies was interdicted—at the same time was made known to us a proclamation issued by the British government relative to seamen asserting her right, and declaring her determination to pursue a certain line of conduct on the ocean incompatible with the hitherto acknowledged laws of nations, a conduct which has been the subject of dispute between that government and ours for several years past, and to which she was well assured, by the representations of our government, we would not assent, and could not submit, without sacrificing at the foot of British power, our national honor and independence; in addition to these it was known that the British ministry had informed our ambassadors at London that they would adopt orders to counteract the French blockading decree, and a note to this effect was annexed to the treaty which had been agreed upon by the commissioners of the two countries, and afterwards rejected by our government. This note appeared in the public prints previous to the passage of the embargo law, and was sufficient to convince every man, that G. Britain would act according to this declaration. About the same time it was stated in the government prints of that country which had reached us, that orders on the part of G. Britain, countervailing the French decree, and declaring France and all her dependencies (being almost the whole continent of Europe) in a state of siege, had been prepared, and were about to be published. That this measure therefore either was adopted by G. Britain, or certainly would be in a short time, was fairly calculated upon, and generally believed. The event has justified the expectation. The countervailing orders have been since issued by G. Britain, interdicting all commerce with France and her dependencies, and these have been followed by orders after orders almost innumerable. In what situation then were we placed by those decrees and orders? Prohibited from all commerce with England and her territories by France; and on the other hand, interdicted from all commerce with France and the rest of the continent by the orders of G. Britain. Where then could our vessels go without being exposed to capture? Not to a single port in Europe or her dependencies—in this situation what were we to do? We had but one alternative, either to go to war with all the powers of Europe at once, or suspend for a time all intercourse with them, and keep at home our merchandise, vessels and seamen—we were not prepared for the former, either with men or resources—nor could it possibly be our interest to enter into such a contest if it could be avoided—we chose to adopt the latter, it was certainly the least evil of the two. It was the only measure that left us the chance of preserving peace, and at the same time enabled us to be prepared for war. There was no other means by which war could be avoided. Our vessels were liable to seizure on the ocean, if bound to any port in Europe or her dependencies.
Seizures under such circumstances would have been just cause of war—had our vessels gone out and been captured, we should have been forced into a war from which we could expect to derive no benefit, and which it was our interest to avoid, if possible. Placed as we appeared to be in the midst of danger, as it were between Scylla and Charybdis, we endeavored to steer a middle course at equal distances from the violence of the waves and the dangers of the rocks on either shore. We have hitherto succeeded in that object—we have pursued such a course as has not put it in the power of either of the belligerents to charge us with partiality in our conduct—they have not attempted it; this charge has been confined to the notions of disaffection with our own country. There is scarcely a reflecting man who denies at this day the policy and correctness of the law laying the embargo. It has hitherto saved us from the dangers and calamities of war—and it would seem as if the finger of Providence had pointed out this measure as the most fortunate that could under existing circumstances have been adopted. It will no doubt press hard on ourselves in some respects, and it must be expected that any measure that we could have adopted which would produce any effect on others, would press hard on ourselves, but it will bear much harder on those powers, who occasioned it, and make them feel the necessity of our commerce. It will bear in a great degree equally hard on the great belligerent powers of Europe, England and France—their West India colonies will suffer equally for want of provisions. France will lose more of the colonial trade hitherto carried on by neutrals, in consequence of the embargo, than G. Britain, and indeed the loss of trade in general by France, on this account will be greater than that of Great Britain, as the former for some time past received a great proportion of her trade by the American shipping. But on the other hand Great Britain may suffer more for want of the raw materials furnished for her manufactures heretofore by this country than France, but both will sensibly feel the loss of our trade—and the measure so far as regards us, is calculated to operate equally on both, and no possible differences can be discovered to exist.
Under these circumstances, what pretence, what foundation is there for saying that in adopting this measure there was any partiality manifested for France? There is none that can be perceived. There is another circumstance attending the case which at once seems to baffle any attempt to show partiality in the operation of the law before the House. It is said this law is to operate as a non-intercourse law—that you are going to cut off all intercourse with the colonies of the belligerent powers (G. B.) bordering on the North East frontier, and partiality has been charged on this ground. But gentlemen seem to have forgotten that Spain possesses territory on our South and South Western frontier, on which this law will operate as severely as it will on the territory on our North Eastern frontier.

er—and that Spain is the ally of France, and that of course what operates on Spain, operates on France. This law will therefore operate equally on those powers even in this respect. There is not therefore the least foundation for the assertion that the embargo is calculated to favor France. If there were no other data to judge them from but the effects it must have on that power and her allies, who derived the greatest advantage from our neutral trade, the thing is unfeasible and absolutely absurd.
No man of sense can suppose that France would wish or dictate a measure that would produce as great, if not greater injury to herself than to her enemy. Such a supposition would be next to madness. From these considerations, it would be supposed that no man, who had made himself in any degree acquainted with the situation of this country in regard to the belligerent powers, and had considered the effects that this measure would have on them, could for a moment entertain the opinion, or even hazard a conjecture that it was adopted under the influence of any foreign power, much less under that of France. The allegation is so wild, so inconsistent in itself—so destitute of the least semblance of probability, and altogether unsupported by the least shadow of proof, that nothing but the basest malignity of heart could engender and publish so shameless, foul and infamous a falsehood, and yet, sir, said Mr. Campbell, it has been echoed on this floor—sounded in your ears in the frantic strains of a raving maniac, and in the discussion of a subject, no way calculated to excite such extraordinary passions. Hence it may be supposed it was a premeditated scheme to seize on that occasion in order to give vent to those vindictive passions against the government and the republicans of this nation, which seem entirely to occupy and engross the minds of certain persons. In noticing what was said by the member from New York, I beg to be understood, as not considering these statements as deriving any sort of consequence or importance from him who made them here. It is not on that account that they merit or receive the least notice. That person can only be considered as the mere conduit used by those behind the screen to convey these groundless slanders to the public—the common trumpeter who gives no importance to what he makes public, except what is derived merely from the place he occupies, or the duties assigned him to perform. It is not therefore apprehended that what has been said on this occasion by that member will make any other or stronger impressions on the public mind than was made by the same tale, when handed to the public through the medium of party or hireling newspapers.
With regard to the objections made to the subject before you they seem to be founded in error, and in not attending to or understanding the object of the embargo. It is objected that this bill is intended to operate as a non-intercourse bill. The embargo was certainly intended to operate as a non-exportation law; no man ever denied this; otherwise we could not keep our merchandise at home; and it is as important to prevent its being exported by land as it is by water. The object of this law is to do equal justice to all parts of the union, and not permit those in one part to have a market, of which those in another part are deprived; and that operating to defeat the very object of the embargo. No honest man can wish to do injustice; he could not wish to favor one part of the country at the expense of all the rest.
Mr. Campbell said he had not particularly attended to the details of the bill, the principle he considered correct, which was to make the embargo bear equally on all parts of the union. The member from New York said we were rivetting chains on the people. No, sir, said Mr. C. we are not rivetting chains on them; we are using our best endeavors to vindicate their rights; but those who oppose the true interests of their country on every occasion in their power, are rivetting on themselves chains of infamy that they never can shake off.
WEDNESDAY, March 2. Mr. Randolph, who has been detained from his seat in the House for several weeks, by the effects of an accidental fall, this day took his seat.
Mr. Randolph, from the committee to whom was referred that part of the message from the President of the U. States which relates to enterprises against the public peace, reported a bill to punish conspiracies to commit treason against the U. States, which was twice read, and together with a letter from the attorney-general referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Trigg in the chair, on the bill authorizing the sale of certain arms.
The committee having gone through the bill and reported it to the House,
Mr. Bacon moved to add a new section to the bill, requiring the purchase money for the arms to be paid into the treasury of the U. S. before delivery.—Carried 42 to 35.
Mr. Bibb said as there was a thin House, he hoped gentlemen would not take advantage of the circumstance, and push the bill on to a third reading in its present shape. Had there been a full House, he was convinced the amendment would not have passed. He therefore moved that the bill lie on the table—Agreed 39 to 35.
There being considerable difficulty in transacting business, and in retaining a quorum within the bar,
On motion of Mr. Stan'ord the House adjourned at two o'clock, 37 to 32.
THURSDAY, March 3. The engrossed bill concerning contracts being read for the third time; and after a debate in which Messrs. Holland, Sloan and Cook opposed the bill, it was passed by Yeas and Nays, 65 to 44.
Mr. M. Clay called up the report of the committee of the whole on the bill for the classification of the militia; but after some presentations of Messrs. Davenport and Southard, that a number of gentlemen known to be opposed to the bill were absent, Mr. M. C. consented to withdraw his motion.
On motion of Mr. Montgomery, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 50 to 43, Mr. Storer in the chair, on the bill
concerning courts martial and courts of inquiry. After a debate of upwards of two hours, in which Mr. J. Clay made a motion to strike out the first section, which motion was supported by Messrs. Rowan and Lloyd, and opposed by Messrs. Taylor and Rhea, (T.) the committee rose and obtained leave to sit again. Adjourned.
Sales at Auction.
ON Saturday the 19th inst. will be sold without reserve, for the benefit of the underwriters, at the Lumber House of Mr. Gabriel Ralston, the following articles, which were saved from the burning of Mr. Benj. James Harris's tobacco factory, viz.
A large quantity of damaged manufactured tobacco. A small do. leaf do. Screws, wrought and cast iron, Grates and old brass, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Cash for all sums under 20 dollars, over 20 dollars, sixty days credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the bank of Virginia.
PROSSER & MONCURE, Auct'rs March 11. 1808. N. B.—Wanted Immediately, 30 VIRGINIA BANK SHARES, for which cash will be given P. & M.
Lost,
On Wednesday last, between Mrs. Leake's in Goochland & Richmond, A Red Pocket Book, Containing two bills, one of 74. 12½. and one of 147. 10½. and a note on Royster & Bohannon for 447. Whoever will deliver the said book with its contents at Messrs. White & Shelton's, or to the Subscriber, shall receive two dollars reward. ROBERT GAY. March 11. 1808 1p
TO RENT,
The House and Lot Back of Messrs. Taylor & Brown's vendue store, known by the name of the Old Treasury March 11. 1808. NEIL MCCOULL. 3w
Negroes & other Property FOR SALE.
WE shall, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to us, by Johanna Hopkins on the 19th day of April 1805, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum therein mentioned unto Pollock, Tredway & Co. and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect—proceed to sell in the highest bidder, for cash, at Michaux's tavern in Powhatan county, on Saturday 2d day of April next, the following property, viz. FOUR NEGROES—Joe, Edmund, Fanny and Grace—two Horses, and nine Feather Beds and their Furniture, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the same. ROBERT GRAHAM, } Trustees. WILLIAM F. GRAY, } March 10. 1808 3w
Ree's Cyclopaedia.
VOL. 7, PART 1st. or No. 15. Of this work is just received at this office. Subscription still open. March 11. 1808
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THE sale not having taken place at the time appointed in a former advertisement, will be sold, on Friday the 6th day of May next, for ready money, on the premises.
Valuable Tract of Land,
lying in the county of Halifax on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to Wm. Moseley, and mortgaged by Moseley to Robert Andrews and John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June 1795. At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Moseley, will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Pierce, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Moseley is defendant and for the purpose of raising the following sums, with interest, viz. 1091. 15s. with interest at the rate of 5 per cent, from the 1st of January 1793—1051. 2s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1794—1011. 10s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795—971. 17s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796—961. 5s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797—817. 14s. with like interest from the 14th day of July 1802—and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit. The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff do not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned by the plaintiff's agent and attorney.
THE COMMISSIONERS, Richmond. March 11. 1808. wids
Wanted Immediately,
FOR my coal works, fifteen or twenty additional LABORERS. COR'S. BUCK. Manchester, Feb. 29. 1808. 6L
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND: FRIDAY, MARCH 11, 1808.
To the Editor of the Argus.
Philadelphia, Feb. 23, 1808
MR. PLEASANTS, —A MAN who feels respect for the community, and who is not indifferent to the esteem of men of worth, will never hesitate when the occasion appears to demand it, to vindicate himself, however exalted or despicable the assailant may be. I have seen in two Richmond papers two kinds of imputation upon my conduct, which uttered here, or in such a way as to be entitled to general public notice, I should not have troubled you with this article: One of the writers signs his essays Hortensius , and has taken offence, or undertakes to censure me, on two different grounds. He says the great public avenue , has been shut up; meaning to infer or to insinuate that the Aurora was closed against any sentiments such as the writer thinks proper to publish, or others of similar opinions. The second exception is to the manner in which I have intimated my opinion of the best policy to be pursued in relation to the choice of a President. It is not very important whether I guess right or am mistaken as to the author; if I am right, I am sorry he should condemn me for exercising my right of opinion on such an occasion; because I might with as much propriety censure him; and the question of right or wrong—correct or mistaken judgment in the case, would be to be determined by other judges, and by events, with this infelicitous attendant on the issue, that only one kind of event, or one result, can come forth in evidence. That is, the result of the measures and policy of whoever may be chosen President. I may surely claim the right to judge for myself on an occasion like this and at a time like this, without being fairly liable to the charge of an undue bias or impure motives. On the other point, that of shutting up the avenue , the writer was certainly un candid, because, not having ever tried to obtain admission to the avenue, he had no right to make the assertion before a trial: He was therefore at least un candid in that particular. Perhaps however he concluded that, as I had given an opinion of the impolicy of bickering about men at this time when greater interests are at stake, I should not act contrary to my usual practise of conducting the Aurora .
The other writer, I forget his signature, or if he had any, and should not have noticed him at all had not the writer of Hortensius attracted my attention. He asserts, if I do not mistake, pretty roundly, that I am concerned in some intrigue, or some scheme as nefarious as the Yazoo, which I have so often branded with merited infamy. The writer who could assert such things without foundation, will never do any credit to any cause, nor harm to any adversary. I shall never enter into contest, with a writer who on the threshold, comes forth with such assertions—when he wrote he must have been conscious (if he has any conscience), that he was making a bold stroke with a straw —and if he could not shew some shadow or color for his allegation in such a case, that he must for ever after stand on record as a man of straw .
As I am neither anxious to avert such accusations as those of the latter writer, nor eager to encourage a controversy which is by no means flattering to the long merited and high reputation of Virginia, I owe it to my own feelings, and to the esteem of those of my friends, who are of opposite sides in the dispute about the Presidential candidate; fairly to explain my sentiments, and even my wishes, on the subject; and to offer my opinions on the course of conduct, which I deem it my duty to pursue on this occasion.
My sentiments on the questions involving politics, are that the will of the majority should be respected by the minority. That when the question is not on a matter of principle, but of men, that then the only consideration is how the principles may be best supported; and that the question concerning one man, or another man, if there be an equal probability or certainty of one acting as well as the other, that then there should be no opposition to the will of the majority, unless there should appear to be a league between men of hostile principles of policy; a league between the opposers of democratic policy, by which I mean, both the fundamental principles of the government, and the measures of the present administration, such a coalition, I should deem incompatible with the principles which I ever have and ever shall support.
So far concerning my sentiments—I will be equally explicit as to my wishes—If my individual vote could have decided, or my judgment influenced the choice of the next candidate for President, it would have been unhesitatingly for George Clinton ; if seeing that it was not practicable to obtain a majority for that venerable and good man, I should again have a choice, I should most certainly have decided for James Monroe ; I believe him to be as good and as truly noble a man as breathes beneath the firmament. I suspect that Hortensius would shew much more of the courtier than say so much; or possibly he may say, that with such predilections, I ought to oppose Mr. Madison. It is very obvious from these declarations that I am at least no flatterer. I have at least the fair claim to sincerity; I presume even upon a little more than plain sincerity; I am willing to abide by the will of the majority—I am willing to sink my personal predilections in the choice of the greater number; because this is the vital principle of our government , where men alone are in contemplation.
I am under no obligations to Mr. Clinton nor to Mr. Madison. I owe Mr. Monroe an acknowledgment for a personal favor at a period when the Presidential question was not anticipated, and which was the more grateful to me, because it was an act of generosity to a valued friend whom he favored because he was my friend.
But the question is not to be regulated in my mind by personal feelings either of affection or dislike. My effort ever has been to act as a politician in that way which to the best of my humble judgment promised to conduce most to the general good. In the divisions and distractions stirred up on this occasion, I see many causes operating, at variance with every principle of political rule, but in violation of decorum and even common sense. An observing man after travelling in a coach with a number of persons, might on the journey discover, that he was in the company of madmen or fools, and at the next stage he would have discretion enough either to lie by or get ahead of his fellow passengers, and travel to his journey's end composedly and securely. I cannot enter into the mad contention, that disturbs Virginia, the state of all others most apt to censure other states for reputed turbulence; but which on this question appears to be the only state that wrangles.
I must confess that there are other motives which doubly reinforce my determinations on this occasion. The state of our foreign relations; the necessity of a continued adherence to the same wise policy that has hitherto conducted the U. States thro' so many perils; the great convolution which is at this moment impending and menaces a revolution in the affairs of the universe, more extraordinary and eventful, than has even in these eventful times yet happened.—I feel it to be the first of the interests of this nation, to be at this crisis, calm, united, and undistracted; men not governed by headstrong and wanton passions, would make large sacrifices to promote such a dignified state of concord and tranquility; and I am persuaded that those who have energy and virtue to serve their country, will very soon have ample opportunities, without seeking to distract and to divide the people upon a point which cannot produce any other effect than ill blood, and evil passions.
I shall only add, that no man at any time, nor in any form, directly or indirectly, ever sought to influence me in favor of Mr. Madison—I owe him no obligation of any kind, but that respect which every man feels towards a man of talents, who has rendered public service. I have, however, had many applications, and very pressing too, to oppose him. I never was, nor will I ever be the creature or the instrument of any man. The same judgment that has led me thro' the tempestuous times past—is my sole guide now—I judge and act as my own observation alone directs.
WM. DUANE.
FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
MR. PLEASANTS, IT is greatly lamented by every judicious and real friend of the United States, that the republican party in several of them, and particularly in Virginia, is so divided between two republican candidates of Virginia for the Presidential chair. But more grievously do they lament, that the friends of those gentlemen, or rather their secret enemies, have held them up to the world as malignant intriguing rivals. Mr. Monroe's supporters have insinuated, if I do not greatly mistake their meaning, that he will shortly prove that Mr. Madison basely frustrated his patriotic and successful efforts to procure an honorable or at least satisfactory accommodation of all disputes between his country and Britain, with the express design of rendering him unpopular, and blasting his hopes of being elected Presi-
dent of the United States, having previously sent Mr. Pinckney as an envoy extraordinary to the court of London, to disparage Monroe's worth, and at any rate, to rob him of the reputation which he might have acquired, should he have prevailed upon that court to have come into liberal terms of accommodation.
But it is impossible that any one who knows Col. Monroe, can believe, that if these facts were even absolutely true, that he would at such a crisis of our affairs with Britain, and to favor his election, give any sanction to such insinuations: and no one who is acquainted with Mr. Madison's patriotism, integrity, delicacy, and nice sense of honor, could believe it if he were even actually suspected, and these insinuations thrown out and affirmed by Col. Monroe himself. What but the infatuation of party rage could possibly induce these persons, if they are really friends of Monroe, to act as they have acted? Some mistaken friend of Madison has unjustly charged Monroe with the crime of being recalled from his mission to France by Washington, and of being called a disgraced minister by John Adams—but surely every candid friend of the United States, who recollects how the former President was influenced by Mr. Hamilton, Monroe's deadly enemy, and how the latter, annered Monroe for preventing a war with France, into which, almost soon as Monroe had returned home, he gloried in plunging his country, will see patriotic virtues and diplomatic skill and integrity displayed by Monroe, rather than any thing resembling crimes exhibited by him.
But that the man who is known to have been cherished, honored, and placed in the highest road of preferment by Mr. Jefferson, who confides in Madison, and for thirty years has admired his virtues and talents, and during the seven years of his administration [which has been so much admired, as to be almost universally applauded, and he therefore called on to consent to be elected President a third time] has relied on him as his secretary of state, I say, that such a man should be held up as the rival of Madison and an enemy of JEFFERSON, will astonish the world; and furnishes strong arguments against an ELECTIVE chief magistracy. It will also elevate the crest of federalism , as there will probably be some chance for its slipping in a friend instead of Madison or Monroe, as the federalists seem anxious to have it supposed, that Madison is under French influence, and Monroe under British. There can be no doubt, however, that both these citizens are absolutely incapable of yielding to any such influence. Monroe did his duty both in France and England, and deserves credit for his endeavors to prevent a war with either of those countries—but Madison deserves equal praise, if he will not sacrifice the dearest interests of the U. S. and their national honor to gratify the pride and insolence of Britain, and to do this merely to avoid a war with her; a nation which hates us, and has labored to ruin us, and which has expended several hundred millions of money, and the lives of many hundred thousand soldiers in attempts to crush us, or our old allies, by whose assistance she thinks alone we compelled her to acknowledge our independence; and when too, he sees clearly that if he should make this sacrifice to this malignity, but fortunately for us now a ruined nation, he will be inevitably involved, and justly too, in a war with the most powerful and growing nation upon earth; with that very nation which has conquered every ally of Britain, and which in all probability, will conquer her within twelve months—a nation, which is in fact fighting again in our cause, and which can have no possible enemy to us, if we become not allies, colonists, or the willing tools of Britain, her deadly enemy. But good God! What but a blind infatuation, or absolute torporism, could seduce any one into a belief that, after the affair of the Chesapeake , the warlike preparations in Canada, and the Indians' concession of the British invitation to them to attack the U. S. and the horrible outrage committed against the neutrality of Denmark, as if intended to awe the U. S. into a base acquiescence in British insolence; a secretary of the United States could hesitate to act as it is said Madison has done? It is shameful to show any anxiety for an accommodation with Britain. Heaven seems to have put it into our power to be revenged on her proud, implacable, and cruel tyrant, and to render him forever incapable of again injuring us. I love peace, I detest wars, and wish for "peace with all nations and entangling alliances with none;" but I look upon a war now with Britain (as John Adams said with respect to his war with France) as pointed out by the "finger of Heaven," as necessary to our preservation against the revengeful and cruel plots of G. 3d.
He will never forgive the United States for having dared to resist his tyranny, and it is evident, that his repeated bloody wars with France, and his extravagantly expensive confederacies, which have by divine justice, terminated in the destruction of his allies, were undertaken with the sole view of being revenged on France for the assistance which she had afforded to these U. S. and with a hope that after crushing France, she might find no great difficulty in quelling the republican spirit in America. God be praised, he can no longer threaten us with 40,000 Russians; nor can he invade us with hireling Russians, Anspackers, Waldeckers, Brunsickers, and Hanoverians, as he did in the early part of his cruel war, with his faithful, loyal and unsupporting colonies now the U. States; and he owes now above 500 millions of money more than he did then, and has not an ally of any consequence upon earth; and in Heaven, he must see, that he has justly arrayed his hosts and the LORD of hosts against him.
A war with Britain is depicted, whilst a war with France, that is in fact, with all Europe, is counted by many federalists, and by every Tory and British merchant in America. But a war with Britain will stop the mouths of federalists, will rid us of tories, British tools, and British merchants. British commerce enslaves the U. S. it is high time to break its yoke. The embargo has begun their emancipation and a union of republicans who would cherish manufactures and practise industry and economy, will accomplish without bloodshed or the danger of war, the glorious work. Britain's mad king would rejoice in a war

with us, but the nation which he governs is too wise to suffer him to proceed any farther in his work of destruction—if the U. S. will now only show a proper steady spirit, and sense, of their strength and real capacity of flourishing without any commercial connexion with Britain.
Were Washington now President, he would no longer submit to British insults. He bore them most impatiently in the year 1794, and declared that within five or six years, the U. S. might be enabled to do themselves justice. Mr. Jefferson's refusal of the late British treaty, is precisely what Washington would have done. The embargo and preparations for war are also measures which, were he alive, would receive his warmest approbation.
I am, Sir, Your Friend, AN AMERICAN OF '76.
If Mr. Pleafants thinks proper to insert the following in his next Argus, he will oblige A SUBSCRIBER.
"Marriage is honorable to all. Let each man have his own wife, and each woman her own husband. Let them be one; living in harmony and love; with fidelity performing the various duties of the conjugal state." This appears to be the voice, nay the law of rational nature. It is approved and supported as such by the Christian religion: sanctioned and enforced by the laws of Virginia. This is marriage as it was in the beginning and should be now. It is one of the characteristics of rational, civilized nature.—There is no Priest-Craft here; nor regal absurdity. But in process of time there was a marriage between church and state. Perhaps kings and priests attended the solemnization of the nuptials. At all events, they were concerned in making the match. (Like other friends similarly situated each had his or her motives.)—Suffice it to say it was an unnatural match; and many an unnatural match has there been since—made by friends, or entered into by the parties from sordid motives. Hence has matrimony obtained the appellation of "Priest-Craft"; a tyrannical yoke, a yoke of bondage, the curse of a man's life." This Citizen Jacobineus, at present is submitted as an apology for an answer to your queries in the Argus of 5th instant.
Depend upon it "Citizen," in this age of reason, I have no desire to overturn the established order of nature.—And if the golden age is to repudiate marriage, I will that it shall never arrive.
I wish marriages to be more common, ever honorable, and always happy; and as the manner of their solemnization is, and has been under the fostering care of the legislature of Virginia. I trust they may lop off an adscititious branch without destroying the original trunk.
VIRGINIAN.
47 We are requested to state that Hutchins Ferrell, Esq. will not serve on the committee for Mecklenburg county, to support the election of Mr. Monroe.
The following is from the Kentucky Gazette of Feb. 6. On Tuesday the 26th inst. Mr. Marshall introduced the following resolutions (preceded by the preamble attached) into the House of Delegates, which were laid on the table till to-morrow.
On Wednesday they were committed to a committee of the whole House on to-day.
Inasmuch as it has frequently been thought expedient, to express the public opinion on subjects of general concern, as the means of union, and confidence among members of the same community or indications of public will, serving for guides to public servants in their official conduct; and inasmuch as Harry Innes, Esq. (as recently developed) while sole Judge of the Federal Court in this state, has in several instances, and especially in the case of Lachaise, a French emissary, and in the case of the Baron de Carondelet, and in the case of Thomas Power, agents and emissaries of the king of Spain, been privy to or concerned in secret and clandestine negotiations or intrigues carried on by those agents and emissaries with citizens of this state, participating in their views of disturbing the peace, or dismembering the union of the American states, without using any means to prevent or detect the secret machinations of those agents and emissaries; but on the contrary, the said Harry Innes connived at, participated with, or encouraged them, in violation of the faith and allegiance, by which he was bound as a citizen, and more especially as a judge both by his public duty and his solemn oath, "to support the constitution of the U. S. States" which confides the rights of peace and war to the Congress, and the treaty-making power, with other arrangements of our foreign relations to the President and Senate of the United States. And these circumstances in the conduct of the said Harry Innes, furnishing an occasion of sufficient magnitude, to interest the attention of the representatives of the Kentucky people, and to call forth the public expression of their opinion; Therefore
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That the conduct of the said Harry Innes, while sole Judge of the U. S. Court in this state, relative to the said Lachaise, Carondelet and Power, whose objects were to violate the peace or to dismember the union, has been secret, clandestine and illicit, incompatible with his allegiance as a citizen, his fidelity as a judge, and his oath to support the constitution of the United States—of bad example and of dangerous tendency—calculated to embarrass and impede the rightful operations of the national government—to encourage intrigue, and outrage on the part of foreign governments and domestic traitors; and finally, to involve the U. S. in war or sever the union, by means of bribery, corruption and force. Whereby the said Harry Innes, in rendering himself justly suspected of infidelity to his own government, is unworthy a seat in its Judiciary.
Resolved, That an enquiry ought to be instituted by the constituted authority, into the conduct of the said Judge Innes, to which he may answer, and on which judgment may be pronounced. And also
Resolved, That the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of the representatives of this state in the Congress of the U. S.
The Frankfort Argus of the 4th adds—
This evening after a very lengthy debate on the resolution recommending to the general government, an enquiry into the conduct of the hon. Judge Innes, it was passed by a large majority.
LETTER From Joseph Alston, Speaker of the House of Representatives of South Carolina, to Thomas Jefferson, President of the U. States; covering a resolution passed at the last session of the Legislature. At the Oaks, near Georgetown, (S. C.) Dec. 26, 1807.
SIR—I have it in charge from the house of representatives of this state, to transmit to you a copy of their resolution, concurred in also by the senate, expressive of their high sense of the value of your services, and of their wish that our country should enjoy, during another presidential term, the benefit of your counsels. To a mind sufficiently elevated to perceive that a nation's gratitude is the proudest reward which the merits of a citizen can receive, this spontaneous, uncounted tribute of approbation to your past services, and of confidence in the future exertions of your patriotism and talents, cannot fail to be dear. Whilst to your honest ambition it must afford the noblest gratification, it will prove the source, I am persuaded, of new energy to your endeavors to advance the welfare and happiness of our country—
From the charge of ingratitude, so often objected to republics, South Carolina, distinguished for the correctness of her principles and her zealous attachment to liberty, will hereafter claim an honorable exemption. To the expression of her sense of your meritorious conduct as chief magistrate, during the last seven years, and the flattering invitation to which that conduct has given rise, she has left nothing to be added. Permit me merely to assure you, that my sentiments, as an individual, of the general character of your administration, render far from unpleasing, my present discharge of the duty, assigned to me, by that branch of our legislature, over which I have the honor to preside.
I have the honor to be, Sir, very respectfully, your fellow citizen, JOSEPH ALSTON.
REPLY To the Hon. Joseph Alston, Speaker of the House of Representatives of South-Carolina. Washington, Jan. 23, 1808.
SIR—I received a few days ago, your favor of December 26, covering the very flattering resolutions of the legislature of South Carolina, and I beg leave, thro' the same channel, to return the answer. It is highly consolatory to those, charged with the care of the national affairs, to be approved by their constituents, and to receive assurances of their co-operation and support in whatsoever measures the interests of their country shall call for. The particular proof of their satisfaction with the course I have pursued, manifested by their desire that I should be continued in the chief magistracy, is received with great sensibility, and I hope the answer, founded in conscientious motives, will meet their indulgence.
I pray you to accept my particular acknowledgments, for the polite expressions of sentiment with which you have been pleased to accompany the resolutions of the legislature, and to be assured of my high consideration and respect.
TH: JEFFERSON. [The Answer to the Legislature, inclosed in the above letter, is similar to that given to the Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, &c. already published.]
A PICTURE OF DUBLIN, IN 1793. From "SAMPSON'S MEMOIRS."
"I remained in Dublin until the 15th of April, when the terror became so atrocious that humanity could no longer endure it. In every quarter of the metropolis, the shrieks and groans of the tortured were to be heard, and that, through all hours of the day and night. Men were taken at random without process or accusation, and tortured at the pleasure of the lowest dregs of the community. Bloody theatres were opened by these self-constituted inquisitors, and new and unheard of machines were invented for their diabolical purposes—Unhappily in every country history is but the record of black crimes; but if ever this history comes to be fairly written, whatever has yet been held up to the execration of mankind, will fade before it. For it had not happened before, in any country or in any age to inflict torture, and to offer bribe at the same moment. In this bloody reign, the coward and the traitor were sure of wealth and power; the brave and the loyal to suffer death or torture. The very mansion of the viceroy was peopled with salaried denouncers, kept in secret, and led out only for purposes of death. Some of them, struck with remorse, have since published their own crimes, and some have been hanged by their employers—Men were hung up until their tongues starved from their mouths, and let down to receive fresh offers of bribe to betray their neighbor or discover themselves. If they neither knew nor would discover any thing, these intervals of relaxation were followed by new and more poignant inflictions. And when that courage, which is the noble attribute of my unhappy countrymen, spurned in the midst of agony at the tempter and the bribe; the nearest and tenderest relatives were often brought to witness these horrors; that out of their feelings might be extorted some denunciation, true or false, which the virtue of the sufferer had withheld."
"From hence I was sent under a guard to the Castle tavern, where night and day two centinels were placed in my room. From these centinels I learned to what atrocious lengths the brutal licentiousness of the military had been encouraged. A young man of the North Cork militia, whom I had, by civilities, drawn into conversation, frankly regretted the free quarters in Killdare, where he said, that amongst other advantages, they had their will of the men's wives and daughters. I asked him, if his officers permitted that? and he answered, by a story of one who had ordered a farmer, during the time of the free quarters,
to bring him his daughter in four and twenty hours, under pain of having his house burned. The young girl had been removed to a neighboring parish. The father would not be the instrument of his daughter's pollution. And this young soldier assured me, he had been one, who, by his officer's command, had burned the house of the unfortunate father. And this was called loyalty to the king and British constitution; and now this crime, with a million of others, is indemnified by law. Whilst I, who would rather die than countenance such atrocity, am without enquiry, denounced, proclaimed, betrayed, pursued and exiled.—And still, great as my wrongs are, they are but as shadows of those of thousands of my countrymen."
"On the 7th of May, I was taken with a long procession of prisoners, all strangers to me, to Bridewell, where I was doomed to suffer, what honest men must ever expect, when in the power of those whose crimes they have opposed. In Bridewell I was locked up in dismal solitude for many months. I cannot help mentioning, before I go further, the extraordinary appearance of Mr. Cooke's office in the Castle. It was full of those arms which had been at different times and in various parts of the country, wrested from the hands of the unfortunate peasants. They were chiefly pikes of a most rude workmanship, and in forms the most grotesque: green crooked sticks cut out of the hedges with long spikes, nails, knives, or scythe blades fastened on the end of them, very emblematical of the poverty and desperation of these unhappy warriors; and shewing, in a strong light, the wonderful effects of despair, and the courage it inspires. Never did human eyes behold so curious an armory as this secretary's office."
PHILADELPHIA, March 5. A bill conformable to the plan for augmenting the military establishment of the United States, was introduced to the senate on Thursday last. It contemplates five regiments of infantry, one regiment of riflemen, one regiment of light artillery, and one of cavalry—to be enlisted for five years.
It is a presage of an effective force, that all the provisions for the formation of this additional army, are founded on the modern system of tactics—the regiments are to consist of ten companies, and may be augmented to 100 men a company.
The bill also provides for a captain, two lieutenants and an ensign for each company; this number will be small enough.
There are to be four additional brigadier generals.—Aurora.
BALTIMORE, March 4. MR. ROSE.
We were informed the day before yesterday that the negotiation had closed, the rumors to the contrary notwithstanding.
We have since seen a letter from a gentleman at Washington who is well informed, mentioning, that nothing farther can be done by Mr. Rose, on account, as is said, of his instructions being too limited. This gentleman, the two Casamajors, Mr. Erskine, jun. and Mr. Foster, are to return home shortly in the States. Mr. Erskine (the minister) and Mr. Mansfield remain here. The writer, who generally concurs with the administration, supposes that the statements and representations lately sent to Great Britain by the executive will meet with a favorable reception.
March 5. A respectable gentleman yesterday informed the editor, that he had lately received a letter from the Havanna, from a mercantile friend, which relates, to our eternal disgrace, too many cases of American vessels running into West India Ports, in the triumph of artificial distress! having a few of their tackle, shrouds, &c. cut nicely away; but taking provident care that the cargo of flour, beef, &c. should not be damaged by the "distress." Can any man who, at this time, break the law to supply our worst enemies, be considered in any other light than that of a traitor? (Whig.)
NEW-YORK, March 4. Gen. Moreau arrived at New-Orleans on the 22d of January, and was to take passage from thence in a few days for Charleston. His lady, according to accounts received by the Pamphlet, was detained at Bordeaux, without being permitted to proceed to Paris to make the family arrangements which her mother's death had rendered indispensable. Accordingly, she was settling her affairs at Bordeaux as well as circumstances would allow her to do, and she intended to take passage in one of the first vessels for New-York.
Ticket No. 6974, was drawn the 36th day in St. Mary's College Lottery, a prize of 30,000 dollars.
Postscript. From the National Intelligencer.
To the People of the United States. FELLOW CITIZENS,
In the course of the events which have marked the conduct and characters of those, to whom you have, at different periods, intrusted by your suffrages, the power of making laws for your government, few measures have occurred, since the adoption of the present constitution, more extraordinary, than the meeting lately held for the purpose of nominating a President and Vice President of the United States.
Our alarm is equally excited, whether we advert to the mode in which the meeting was summoned, or to the proceedings after it was convened. The Senator who assumed the power of calling together the members of Congress, did it under the pretext of that power being vested in him, by a former convention; this pretext, whether it be true or not, implies an assertion of a right in the Congress of 1804, to direct their successors in the mode of choosing the chief magistrate; an assertion which no man has ever before had the hardihood to advance. The notices were private; not general to all the members of the two houses; nor confined to the republican par-
ty: a delegate from one of the territories was invited and attended, a man who in elections has no suffrage, and in legislation no vote. The persons, who met in pursuance of this unprecedented summons, proceeded without discussion or debate, to determine by ballot the candidates for the highest offices in the union. The characters of different men, and their pretensions to the public favor, were not suffered to be canvassed, and all the responsibility was avoided by the mode of selection. The determination of this conclave has been published as the act of the republican party; and with as much exultation as the result of a solemn election by the nation. Attempts are making to impress upon the public mind, that these proceedings ought to be binding upon all the republicans, and those who refused to attend, or disapproved of the meeting, are denounced as enemies of liberty, and as apostates from the cause of the people. In this state of things, we think it our duty to address you, and we deem ourselves called upon to enter our most solemn protest against these proceedings.
It is true that at former periods, when the election of a President and Vice President approached, it was customary to hold meetings of the members of Congress, for the purpose of recommending candidates to the public. But these meetings, if not justified, were palliated by the necessity of union. The federalists presented a formidable phalanx; and either to succeed at all, or to prevent them from placing the candidate for the Vice Presidency in the Presidential chair, it was necessary to exert the combined efforts of the whole republican party. But it is equally true that in those instances, the nominations for the Presidency were mere matters of course. In the first and second elections under the constitution, the eyes of all were turned upon General Washington, and since the expiration of the two periods, during which he filled the supreme executive office, there has not until now been any difference of opinion among the republicans, as to the candidate for the first magistracy. The real object of all former meetings, was to produce such a co-operation as would secure the election of a republican Vice-President.
The circumstances, which might be urged in extenuation of such a measure heretofore, do not now exist. The federalists are comparatively few in number, and form but a feeble party; they cannot give to any one candidate, more than sixteen or seventeen votes out of one hundred and seventy six; no federalist can therefore be elected by the electors; & should no person have a majority of all the electoral votes, the choice of the President will devolve on the members of the present house of representatives, in which the federalists have the votes of only two states, Connecticut and Delaware. The alteration of the constitution prevents the danger of any intrigue, by which the intended Vice-President might be elected President. No good reason can therefore now be assigned, why an union of the republicans in favor of any particular person, should be attempted by a measure in itself so exceptional, as a nomination by the Senators and representatives in congress.
We do not say that a consultation among the members of congress, respecting the persons to be recommended as candidates for the two highest offices of the nation, may not in some extraordinary crisis, be proper. But the propriety must arise from absolute necessity. Even then, we doubt whether it can be completely justified. The people ought to exercise their right of election without any undue bias; and it is not the evident intention of such consultations, to produce a bias? Besides, in the event of there being no election by the electors, the choice of the President devolves on the house of representatives, and that of the Vice-President on the senate: Should the house of representatives not succeed in electing the President, the Vice-President will become the chief magistrate; hence the impropriety of nominations by the members of congress, is more glaring, as it may become the political interest of the representatives to prevent an election by the electors, and of the senators to frustrate any choice by either. Nor is this all; a danger of more than ordinary magnitude arises from the influence which may be used by the President, over meetings of any individuals at the seat of the general government. The hope, or the promise of office may be employed to induce a nomination either of himself, or of a favorite successor, and it requires but little sagacity to foresee the consequences of such corruption.
So conscious were the members who attended the late meeting, of the weight of objections which might be urged against their proceedings, that they have thought it proper to publish an explanatory resolution, proposed by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, and unanimously adopted. They have declared, that in "making their nominations, they have acted only in their individual characters as citizens;" this is very true, because they could act in no other, without a breach of their oaths, and a direct violation of the letter of the constitution. But was it not intended that those nominations should be enforced by the sanction of congressional names?—They proceed to assert "that they have been induced to adopt this measure from the necessity of the case, from a deep conviction of the importance of union to the republicans throughout all parts of the U. States, in the present crisis of both our external and internal affairs." We trust that we have shown that no such necessity exists, and that an union among the republicans, in favor of any individual, is not important.—We acknowledge that the aspect of our foreign affairs is unpromising. We are perhaps on the eve of a war with one of the great powers of Europe; we are therefore strongly impressed with the difficulties of our situation. In such a crisis if unanimity in the choice of President is necessary, that choice should be directed to a man, eminently calculated by his tried energy and talents, to conduct the nation with firmness and wisdom through the perils which surround it; to a man who had not in the hour of terror and persecution, deserted his post, and sought in obscurity and retirement, a shelter from the political tempest; to a man not suspected of undue partiality or enmity to either of the present belligerent powers; to a man who had not forfeited his claim to public confi-
dence, by recommending a shameful bargain with the unprincipled speculators of the Yazoo companies, a dishonorable compact with fraud and corruption. Is James Madison such a man? We ask for energy, and we are told of his moderation; we ask for talents, and the reply is his unassuming merit; we ask what were his services in the cause of public liberty, and we are directed to the pages of the Federalist, written in conjunction with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, in which the most extravagant of their doctrines are maintained and propagated. We ask for consistency as a republican, standing forth to stem the torrent of oppression, which once threatened to overwhelm the liberties of the country; we ask for that high and honorable turn with loathing and abhorrence from any compromise with fraud and speculation; we ask in vain.
But farther. One of the reasons, assigned by Mr. Jefferson for declining to stand again as a candidate for the chair of the chief magistrate, is the propriety of a rotation in that office. The great advantage of this principle of rotation is, that by appointing as a successor to the present officer, a man not immediately connected with him, the acts of the administration may be impartially reviewed; those measures which tend to promote the public good will be adopted, and those of a contrary tendency, which have the fallibility of human nature may have been pursued, will be abandoned, and if necessary exposed. All other rotation is a mockery.
We do therefore in the most solemn manner protest against the proceedings of the meeting held in the Senate Chamber on the twenty-third day of January last, because we consider them—
As being in direct hostility to the principles of the constitution: As a gross assumption of power not delegated by the people, and not justified or extenuated by any actual necessity: As an attempt to produce an undue bias in the ensuing election of President and Vice-President, and virtually to transfer the appointment of those officers from the people, to a majority of the two Houses of Congress.
And we do in the same manner protest against the nomination of James Madison, as we believe him to be unfit to fill the office of President in the present juncture of our affairs.
Joseph Clay. W. Hoge. Abraham Trigg. Samuel Smith. Jno. Russell. Danl. Montgomery. Josiah M. Miers. John Harris. George Clinton jr. Samuel Macay. Gordon S. Mumford. David B. Williams. John Thompson. James M. Garnett. Peter Swart. John Randolph. Edwin Gray.
City of Washington, Feb. 27, 1808.
NEW-YORK, March 5. Letters from London so late as January 12th have been received by the Packet. These letters from most intelligent sources, concur in the opinion, that a negotiation for peace is certainly about to commence between England and France. M r Ade
Partnership Dissolved. THE partnership carried on under the firm of A. Foster, & Co is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All those indebted to the concern are requested to make immediate payment to A. Foster, who will also settle all just claims against said firm.
Archibald Foster. John Johnston, by A. Mecaskey, Atty.
N B. The business in future will be carried on by A. Foster. Richmond March 9 1808
JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE, No. 4, of THE
American Military Library OR, Repository of Modern Tactics; Adapted to the use of the Militia of the United States.—Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manœuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents)
March 9.
The Imported Horse PAUL, Formerly St. Paul, IS a beautiful sorrel, 15 hands 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine bone, will stand the ensuing season at my plantation, in Powhatan county, on James river, 3 miles above the Manskin Town ferry, and about the same distance below Jude's ferry, to cover mares at 25 dollars the season, but may be discharged by the payment of 18 dollars, or the price of 18 bushels of wheat at Dover mill in Goochland county, if paid by the first day of December next, with half a dollar to the groom. As good and extensive pasture as any in Virginia gratis, and mares fed with corn at the market price, if the money is sent with them; and servants boarded at six shillings per week, and the greatest attention paid to the mares, and no liability for escapes or other accidents.—The season will commence the first day of March and end the first day of August.
This beautiful horse PAUL, was raised by the Prince of Wales & Co. by his horse Salram, who was got by O'Kelly's Eclipse, his dam Virago, by Snap; Paul's dam Purity, was got by Matchem; her dam the Old Squirt mare, of as great fame as any mare in the kingdom—Paul's colts are equal to any horse's in Virginia, and he is a sure foal getter; several of his colts may be seen at his stand.
THOMAS HARRIS, Jr. epl1Awt10J Millwood. Powhatan. Feb. 29, 1808.
THE IMPORTED HORSES.
Diomed & Robin Redbreast, Stand the ensuing season at my stable, to be let to mares—Terms made known in due time. Thomas Coode.

Thenoted & much admired ENGLISH HORSE  Jack Andrews; IMPORTED by W. Lightfoot, Esq. of Charles City county, and now his property, full 15 and a 1-2 hands high, a blood bay, finely formed, in high health, vigor and spirit, the most active and best bottomed horse ever imported into this country, now rising 14 years old.
Will stand the ensuing season at Temple Hill, on Mechan's river, in Albemarle county, ten miles above Charlottesville, within 1 mile of German's mill and 2 miles of the brick tavern, and will be let to mares at five guineas the season, which may be discharged by the payment of 20 dollars, if paid by the 10th day of August. Gentlemen's notes will be required with their mares for 5 guineas discharged as above; 3 guineas the leap, and 40 dollars to insure a mare to be with foal, and one dollar with each mare to the groom; the leap and groom money to be paid when the mare is covered. Provided the mare is charged the owner shall be liable. The season will commence the first day of March and end the first day of August. Extensive low and high ground pasture, well enclosed, in three separate fields, gratis. Servants will be boarded at $2 per week, and grain will be furnished at the market price and given in manner and quantity agreeably to direction, and all possible care taken to prevent accidents and escapes but will not be liable for any that may happen.
JAMES KINSOLVING, For William Lightfoot.
This celebrated horse's performances in England, has not been inferior to any horse there, except his brother Dick Andrews, who is considered now the best horse in that country, giving 7 pounds—Jack Andrews won twice in 1797, then Mr. Lord's property—See Racing Calendar for that year.
At Worcester, July 5th, a maiden plate of £50 for 3 years old, 6 stone, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Darlington's ch f Miss Edwin 4 years old; Mr. Atkinson's ch m Priscilla, aged; Sir W. W. Wynns b h Sweet Botherer, 5 years old; Mr. Hardin's b c Eglantine, 4 years old.
Stafford, October 7th—The town purse of £50 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, 3 years old, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Betterton's Little Pickle, 4 years old; Mr. Barlow's Roderick, 4 years old; Mr. Denham's Honest Tom, 6 years old; Sir W. W. Wynns b h True Blue, 5 years old; Scotland, 3 years old.
Denby, August 15th—He won £50, free for anyone, beating Lily of the Valley, Falconer and True Blue. In 1799, he won twice, to wit: At Ludd w, on Friday, the 4th of July, 4 mile heats, free for all ages, beating Lord Oxford's ch Darr at 3 heats.
At Worcester, August 8th—He won the city and county subscription of £50, 4 mile heats, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Arley's filly Duichess, 4 years old; Mr. Coventry's b h Integrity, late Partner; Mr. Snell's ch g Hocks, 5 years old—after the first heat 4 to 1 on her; after the second heat 4 to 1 on Jack Andrews.
In 1800 he won 5 times, to wit: At Lewes, then the property of Major Rooke, August 12th, he beat Lord Sackville's b h Labore, 4 mile heats for 50 guineas—At Oxford, the town purse of £50, in August, was won by Jack Andrews, at 4 heats, beating Sir F. Poole's ch m Duchess of Limbs, 5 years old; Lord Doneghill's b h Wrangle distanced the 4th heat—September, at Warwick, he won the town purse of £50, 4 mile heats, beating Mr. Thomas's b h Marquis, Mr. Brooke's b h Sheshire, Mr. Edwards' b m Dutchess.
At Abington, Tuesday, September 16th, the members' purse of £50, for all ages, 4 mile heats was won by Jack Andrews, at 3 heats, beating Sir F. Poole's b m Miscreant, 5 years old, Mr. Whelley's ch h Expectation, Mr. Frayley's b h Cupid—six to four on Miscreant.
In 1801, Jack Andrews at New Market, April 20th, received forfeit from Mr. Hethercock's Symmetry, 5 stone, 5 lb, 200 guineas, half for, forfeit.
Bebury, June 7th—The Bebury stakes, a handicap of 100 guineas each, half forfeit, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, aged, beating Lord Sackville's b h Expectation, 5 years old, Sir H. T. Vane's Cock Fighter, 5 years old, Mr. R. Heathcote's Impompa, aged, his royal highness the Prince of Wales' b h Dick Andrews, Mr. Heathcote's Poinjany and Cox's Edwin.
June 17th, a sweepstakes of 5 guineas each, 20 subscribers was won by Jack Andrews, beating col. Grovenor's Lady Catherine, Mr. Howorth's Snuff Box.
Bedford, September 10th—The Woburn Stake of 10 guineas each, 4 miles, 5 subscribers, was won by his royal highness the Prince of Wales' b h Jack Andrews, aged, beating Mr. Watson's b h Triumph, Mr. Gidding's b c Skyrocket.
Enfield, September 23, £50, for all ages, 4 mile heats, was won by Jack Andrews, aged, at 3 heats, beating Mr. Frogley's gr g Ploughboy, Velvet horse Little Thought Of, Hephession and Contester—See Racing Calendars for these years. It would swell an advertisement to too great length to mention all the races he has won.
Sweepstakes of 20 guineas each, 2 miles, 5 subscribers, Mr. Rooke's Jack Andrews, aged, 11 st. 7 lb, walked over—See Racing Calendar for 1802, page 385.
At Lambourne, in Sept. Wednesday 10th, he won the £50 gift of Lord Craven, 4 mile heats, at 4 heats, beating Mr. Coventry's ch h Sacripant, Mr. Bacon's b m Snap.
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT.
PEDIGREE Jack Andrews was got by Joe Andrews, his dam by Highlander, his grandam Cardinal Puff, his great grandam by Tattler, his great great grandam by Snip, his great great great grandam by Lord Godolphin's Arabian, his great great great great grandam by Stanyan's Arabian, which mare was own sister to Frampton's White Neck, full sister to the Minbury Galloway, great great great great great grandam by Sauce Box, a son of Gegg, sire of Credit's Old Partner.
JAMES LORD (Seal) I do hereby certify that the above pedigree is a true copy from the original one sent me in by Lord Given under my hand and seal this 23rd of December, 1804.
WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT, (Seal) Joe Andrews was got by Eclipse, his dam Almandra by Ominum her dam Cloudy by Blank—Crab, Weddington mare by Partner—General Stud Book, page 6th, printed in 1803, by James Weatherby.
The Imported Horse, Bedford, So noted for getting capital racers, will stand the next season at my stable in Chesterfield county. Further particulars will be made known before the season commences. 14th October 1807 THOMAS BRANCH wtf
Charlotte Court, 1st February, 1808. JOSEPH OLIVER, Plaintiff, } vs. } WILLIAM BAKER, Deft. } The defendant not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of May court next and enter his appearance and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county.
A Copy—Teste.  THOMAS READ, Clk At a Court held for Cumberland County, 25th January, 1808. JOHN ANDERSON, Plaintiff, } vs. } JOHN HOLLAND & JAMES HOLLAND, Defendants. } THIS day came the plaintiff, by his attorney, and the defendant JOHN, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney aforesaid, It is ordered that the said defendant JOHN, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in one of the public news papers printed in the city of Richmond for three months successively and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Atteste. (128) MILLER WOODSON, Clk.
Mr. PLEASANTS, You will insert the following certificate six weeks in the Argus, as I think it is duty I owe to myself and friends, and oblige yours respectfully. S. FUQUA. February 16, 1808. State of North Carolina, Caswell county. We do hereby certify, that on or about the 8th day of January last, James Orr, one of the Justices of the peace of said county, committed to the jail of said county, a negro man who called his name PETER D. JONES, and who had passed as a free man, in said county, the last nine or ten months next preceding his commitment. The said negro was committed under an act of assembly of this state, which subjects any free man trading with a slave, to pay a penalty of ten pounds or remain in close jail three months, should the person so offending refuse or be unable to pay the fine. The said negro Peter D. Jones, remained in the jail of said county until the court of pleas and quarter sessions, held in said county in the month of January last; when on the third day of said court James Hillier, esq. make known to said court that the said negro was not a free man, and that his name was ISAAC, and a fugitive from justice, he the Isaac having been condemned to suffer death by the county court of Pittsylvania, Va. some time in the beginning of the year 1807. On which information the court of this county, then sitting, ordered the said negro to be kept in close custody until applied for by the executive of Virginia or some other proper authority.—We do further certify that on the fourth day of this present month, Samuel Fuqua made application to the sheriff of this county for the said negro Isaac, & on satisfactory evidence made by him the said Fuqua to the sheriff, the said sheriff did, on the said day, deliver unto the said Fuqua the said negro Isaac. Given under our hands this 5th day of February 1808. HENRY ATKINSON, Justice of Peace. SOLOMON GRAVES, Justice of Peace.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to Edward P. Chamberlayne, dec. and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, due by the said Littlepage, to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge. I shall on Wednesday the first day of June next, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the parish of St. John's and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmers, containing by estimation Four Hundred and Fifteen Acres of high Land, and One Hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Custis and John Quarles, dec. and Mata pony River. BERN'D LIPSCOMB. February 24, 1808. wtds-
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Ambrose Dudley of King William county, to secure a debt due by the said Ambrose Dudley to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge—We shall proceed to sell, for ready cash, for the best price that can be obtained, on the premises, on the second day of June next, a certain Tract or Parcel of Land, lying and being in the county of King William, being the same on which the said Dudley now resides, and the same which the said Dudley purchased of William Dandridge, containing 602 acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the sum of 400 pounds, current money, with legal interest thereon from the 1st day of April, 1807, till payment, together with all expenses attending the execution thereof. BERN'D. LIPSCOMB. NATH'L. FOX. 25th February, 1808. wtds
FOR RENT, And immediate possession given,  A Store & Lumber-House, AT that well known place the Piping Tree, in King William county. It is necessary to observe that few stands for a country store can excel it, it being situated in a wealthy neighborhood, on Pamunkey, a branch of York river—where vessels that will carry from 3 to 4000 bushels of grain can load at the door. *Mary King. January 26, 1808. wtf
FOR SALE, MY Dwelling House, and Four Half-Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised: On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take young Negroes at a fair valuation, and Land in the State of Ohio, Tennessee or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on—If the said property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARCH'D CAMPBELL, Manchester, Nov. 20, 1807. tf
FOR SALE, I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 30 or more prime low grounds, which never is over-flowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready to go to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. tds
FOR SALE, THE Subscriber wishes to employ a manager for the present year that understands the culture of Tobacco & wheat, none need apply unless they can come well recommended; to such a man liberal wages will be given by applying to me at George Blakey's, esq. within one mile of Richmond. WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT, February 15, 1808. tf
FOR SALE, OR EXCHANGE FOR CITY PROPERTY, NO 1. 20,000 acres of land in Harrison county, state of Virginia, in 4 tracts of 5,000 acres each, on the waters of Elk and Little Kanawha, surveyed in 1784. 2. 2,500 acres on Hughes's river, in the same county, surveyed in 1785, being the moiety of a tract of 5,000 acres. 3. 1,200 acres of land in the district of Baird's Town, on Buck Fork, near Baird's Town, Kentucky. 4. A handsome Frame House, with 5 rooms on a floor, coach house, stables, smoke house, with the Lots on which they stand, and a garden adjoining, in a board fence, at Bath, Berkeley Springs, Virginia, suited for a family or a tavern. Also, one Out Lot of six acres, enclosed with a stone wall. Joseph Gallego. January 14, 1808. wtf
A Lot of Ground, In the town of Columbia, whereon is a large & well finished two story store house, calculated for a store and family, with convenient out houses. The money arising from said sale will be applied agreeably to said deed. MATTHEW WILLS. THOMAS WILLS. WM. PASTEUR. The subscriber will SELL, or exchange for land in the state of Ohio,  THE FARM WHEREON he now resides, containing 77 1-2 acres. This farm is particularly valuable for its contiguity to the city of Richmond, being near enough to give its occupant the advantages of a city residence, combined with the pleasure of a country life. The situation is high and beautiful, commanding a fine view of part of the city & capital, about 25 acres of this land is cleared and but little worn, is of a good soil, affords excellent water, and is believed to be remarkably healthy. On it is a thrifty young apple orchard of choice fruit, beginning to bear, and the improvements are new, and being such as would accommodate a small family. Joseph Anthony. January 26, 1808. wtf
Sale of Negroes. IN pursuance of a deed of trust executed to me by John Ogilby of the county of Person, North Carolina, for purposes therein expressed, I shall on the first day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, proceed to sell, at the Red House in Caswell county, (N.C.) to the highest bidder, for ready money, the following SLAVES, to wit: James, Davy, Tom, Adam, Bob and Major, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. Wm. S. Archer. March 4th, 1808. wtds
HERRINGS, &c. 100 barrels Herrings, 50 boxes Choicest, 12 pipes French Brandy, 5 pipes Gin, 100 lbs Seine Twine, wrapping Twine, 30 kegs FF Gun Powder, Patent Shot, 40 barrels Liver & Currier's Oil, 110 reams Sheathing Paper, 50 dozen Spades and Shovels, 3 tons Sheet Iron, 4000 lbs. Sheet Copper and Copper Bottoms, 2 tons German Steel, 20 tons Grind Stones, 500 Weeding Hoes, 20,000 Horse Shoe Nails, Screws and Bails for raising mill stones, Paints, Oil, Putty, Window Glass, with a large and general assortment of  Hardware & Ironmongery, For sale by BREAM & FOLLET, At the Sign of the Anvil, Main Street, Richmond. March 2, 1808. w4t
For Sale, BY virtue of a deed of trust executed by Samuel Adams to the subscriber, and for the purpose of completing the object of the said trust, the following property will be offered for sale, on the premises, on the 28th day of March 1808, to the highest bidder; all that parcel of LAND, near Cumberland courthouse, commonly called and known by the name of Adams' Tenement; containing between 28 and 30 acres of land, with 3 or 4 houses, a good stable, garden and other conveniences for the accommodation of a family. SAMUEL HOBSON, Trustee. December 28, 1807. (wt.d.s.)
LAND In the state of Ohio—FOR SALE: THE subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer creek, a branch of the Sciota, about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia; or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Sept. 24, 1807. tf
Land for Sale! PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned; will be sold upon the first Monday in January, 1808, for cash upon the premises, a TRACT OF LAND, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris' creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon snug plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual. CHARLES WOODSON, } Trustees. JAMES MADISON, } Prince Edward, 16 Oct. 1807. 10w
The above sale is postpone till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16
FOR SALE, THE above sale is postpone till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16
FOR SALE, THE above sale is postpone till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16
100 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY from the first inst. from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired,) a BLACK MAN, named JACKSON, a House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his employment, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom.—If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars, or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th, 1807. tf
20 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the 8th May from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address and very artful, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his boat in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed)—he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail so I get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Horeley. November 20, 1807. tf id*
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will SELL, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 23d, 1808. tf
For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs. Pheoee. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to JOSEPH GALLEGGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. tf
NOTICE. I INTEND to apply to the Baltimore County Court, at its next session, or in its recess, to one of the judges thereof, for the benefit of the insolvent law of this state, passed 1805, and the supplement thereto, passed 1806 BENJ. MORRIS. February 15, 1808. 2m
May be purchased on a long credit, and low terms.
The Tenement, ON which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within about one half mile of the Richmond market—containing two acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved—The buildings consist of a large and well constructed dwelling house, laundry, kitchen, dairy, smoke house, two stores, brick office, coach house, barn and stable. All these buildings are well finished, and in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. John Ellis. February 4, 1808. tf
For Sale or Rent, THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to JASPER ROBBINS, at Mr. JOHN M'ENRY'S. Feb. 24, 1808.
A BARGAIN MAY BE HAD IN  A House and Lot, In a central situation in this city. For further information apply at the office of Messrs. Darmstadt, Foster & Satchell. March 3, 1808. tf
TO RENT  The House and Lot, AT present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shoeock Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family—Possession may be had on the 3d March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan 1808. tf
NOTICE.
I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 30 or more prime low grounds, which never is over-flowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready to go to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. tds
FOR SALE, THE Subscriber wishes to employ a manager for the present year that understands the culture of Tobacco & wheat, none need apply unless they can come well recommended; to such a man liberal wages will be given by applying to me at George Blakey's, esq. within one mile of Richmond. WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT, February 15, 1808. tf
FOR SALE, THE above sale is postpone till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16
TO RENT, A GOOD TENEMENT on Market Alley, opposite the Market House; it is among the best stands in the neighborhood for a grocery. For terms apply to the subscriber or to Harry Tompkins. ISAAC WEBSTER. February 15.
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed upon, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country.—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 566 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. tf
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to me by Charles M. Gilliam, of Cumberland county, to secure a debt therein mentioned, due to John Gilliam & Co. will be exposed for SALE, on Monday the 28th inst. at Cumberland courthouse.
3 Young Negroes, viz: John, Sally and Lewis, named in said deed, to the highest bidder, for ready money. PAUL S. CARRINGTON, Trustee. Cumberland, March 1, 1808. tds
NOTICE. WILL POSITIVELY BE SOLD by the subscribers, who are commissioners for that purpose appointed by the county court for Powhatan, on the premises, on Thursday the 24th day of March next, if fair, if not the next fair day, that valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Powhatan, on which the late Mrs. Judith Bingley resided, belonging to John Howard, containing about 286 acres, on a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with indisputable security for the payment of the purchase money. JORDAN FLOURNOY. DAVID FLOURNOY. WILLIAM PORTER. February 23, 1808. 4w4
RUN AWAY from the Subscriber on Friday last, a Negro Man named JOHN, a carpenter by trade. He is six feet and upwards high, very likely, of insinuating manners, extremely polite when spoken to. For three years past he lived with Mr. Anderson Barrett. He has a free mulatto woman for his wife, in Richmond, living near the work house, where I expect he will stay. He took with him several articles of husbandry; amongst them, a pair of iron wedges, marked with the letter P. I will give a reward of ten dollars, if delivered to me in the lower end of Hanover, or eight if confined in jail, and I apprised of it. He is called by the negroes John Russell. ARMISTEAD RUSSELL. Hanover, January 24, 1808. tf
The thorough bred imported horse,  GOUTY, WILL stand the ensuing season at my plantation on Rucker's Run, 5 miles from Amherst courthouse, and 12 from Warmister, and will cover mares at 25 dollars the season, 13 dollars the leap and 40 dollars insurance, with one dollar to the groom in either case. The leap money to be paid at the time of service, the season on first day of August, and the insurance on first day of March 1809. Crop tobacco inspected at any of the warehouses on James river from Lynchburg to Richmond will be received in payment at 5 dollars per 100 lb if tendered on or before the day it becomes due. Pasturage gratis but no liability for accidents or escapes—GOUTY is a beautiful bay, 11 years old, 5 feet 3 inches high, elegantly formed and of great strength. He was got by Sir Peter Teazle, and came out of the celebrated Yellow Mare, she was got by Tandem, her dam Peddita by Herod out of Fain Forrester by Sloe, and so through the best stock that England has produced as may be seen by reference to the general stud book—Sloe was the most distinguished racer of his day, & was never beat. GOUTY's Colts are running with great credit in England—In 1806 four only started, of which one was a winner and when losing they came in with great credit, beating the get of Buzzard, Precipitate, Oscar, Sir Peter Teazle and others of the first character in England—In 1807 Mr. Weatherby (author of the Racing Calendar) writes to me under date Sept 12th, at which time the racing for that year was not over, that several of GOUTY's colts were winners, and one of them had the misfortune to break his shoulder, or it was supposed he would have been the best of his year in England. The season will commence on first March and terminate first August. R. RIVES. February 10, 1808. tow
COUNCIL CHAMBER, February 23, 1808.
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive on the 25th day of March next, for furnishing the Public Guard with clothing for the present year. Also at the same time proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the Convicts in the penitentiary, for one year from the 17th day of April next. DANIEL L. HYLTION, C. C.
THE Executive will receive on the 25th of March next proposals for constructing sufficient and proper carriages for mounting all the pieces of artillery belonging to this commonwealth, at which time drafts of the most approved models in conformity to which the said carriages are to be constructed, will be submitted to the inspection of all persons disposed to contract for the same. The Executive will probably furnish all the necessary timber, and will have the iron work done at the penitentiary—Subjoined is a list of the pieces intended to be mounted.
DANIEL L. HYLTION, C. C.
  6 Brass Cannon 32 pounders.   9 Iron do. 24 do.   1 do. do. 18 do.   1 do. do. 12 do.   1 do. do. 6 do.   4 do. do. 4 do.   2 do. do. 3 do.   1