The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-10-06 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1802.
TO BE SOLD, FOR READY MONEY.
PURSUANT to a decree of the Federal Circuit Court of the United States, for the District of Virginia, in a suit between the executors of Hanbury's, plaintiffs, and the trustees of gen. Nelson, and others, defendants, a tract of land in the county of Prince William, on the waters of Bull Run, containing 220 acres, now in the occupation of Mrs. Gwynn; or so much thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £. 259 with interest thereon from October 1797, and the costs & expenses of this sale, which will take place at Gadsby's tavern, in the town of Alexandria, on Saturday, the sixth of November next.
They above tract of land was purchased by Peyton Gwynn, deceased under the said decree, and the purchase money not being wholly paid, is again to be sold for the satisfaction thereof, in conformity to said decree, and terms of original sale.
D. M. RANDOLPH
Late Marshal, v. D. Richmond, Sept. 18th. 1802. (144)
A FEW COPIES OF
HYMNS,
BY THE REV. E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at J. Pumphrey's, Stationer Richmond.
"A saving of time, is a saving of money, for time is even more precious than money."
FRANKLIN.
MAYO'S
TOLL BRIDGE
THE Public is respectfully informed, that the above toll bridge is now completely and permanently finished; is furnished with good, strong, and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by Day, or by Night, with the utmost safety, and most unbounded confidence.
When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the whole community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel north or south, and particularly to the whole country south of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and coming to the seat of government, are considered, a confident hope and belief is entertained that it will meet with, and always receive, universal patronage and support; exclusive of these considerations, ECONOMY itself points out this to be the CHEAPEST, (and surely it is the most AGREEABLE) mode of crossing the river; for the very small difference in the expence of going by any other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety, and expedition, which this excellent and useful bridge affords.
SAMUEL JONES.
Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4th. 1802.
THE Subscriber has lately removed to the Brick House, opposite to Crouch's Tavern, and near to Proffer and Moncure's Vendue Store.
He proposes to practise the Law in the High Court of Chancery, and District Courts, and in the County and City Courts, which are held in this city.
HENRY BANKS.
Richmond, August 23, 1802. (f.)
THE SUBSCRIBERS OFFER FOR SALE,
That valuable Tenement in this City, lately occupied by GEORGE NICOLSON, DECEASED.
THE buildings on this tenement are a large convenient two story Dwelling House, 48 by 30 feet. In the lower story are three rooms, one of them 30 by 20 feet, a wide airy passage of 12 feet, and a large convenient Closet.
A two story brick Kitchen and Laundry lately built, 30 by 20 feet, the lower floors are neatly paved with brick, and the upper
rooms afford fit accommodation for servants. A Smoke House, Spring House, Stable and Coach House.
The elevated and healthy situation of this tenement, the great variety of beautiful prospects it affords, and its commodious buildings, render it a comfortable and pleasant situation for a private family as any in this city. And as three fourths of the proceeds of sale of the above tenement will belong to the three youngest children of the subscriber's testator, it enables them to accommodate a purchaser, if desired, with a long credit of four years for three fourths of the purchase money, and for the other fourth, 12 months credit will be allowed; bond and approved security will be required, to bear interest from the day of sale, if not punctually paid.
T. NICOLSON, A. NICOLSON, } Executors.
Richmond, Sept. 15th. 1802. (34)
CALL'S REPORTS.
SECOND VOLUME.
THIS Book is now ready for delivery, at the Printing Office of THOMAS NICOLSON, in the City of Richmond.
Sept. 13th. 1802.
INTERESTING.
** To remove Predisposition, is curing the Disease.
AT this season of the year, when crowded cities, and irregular, and various modes of living, constitute an almost universal predisposition to bilious, inflammatory, yellow, and malignant fevers, it would greatly mitigate the prevalence of epidemical or parrotic cases of fever, if the citizens would generally take a frequent dose of DOCTOR LEE'S Bilious Pills; and avoid all those circumstances which excite a predisposed habit into a general disease; such as intemperate debauch, excessive fatigue, exposure to alternate heats and colds, &c. Accordingly, the best medicines ever yet discovered, to answer the above indications, and to remove the first stages of fevers, as has been experienced for four years past in all the various cities and towns in the United States, where yellow and other fevers have prevailed, is found to be.
DOCTOR LEE'S PATENT NEW LONDON Bilious Pills;
Prepared only by SAMUEL H. P. LEE, NEW-LONDON, MEMBER OF THE CONNECTICUT MEDICAL SOCIETY.
Their good effects and virtues are particularly described in the bill of directions, given with each box, and are too well known to need being inserted here; the extensive sale, and increasing demand from all parts of the United States and West Indies, is a sure proof of their superior merits above all others; no family should be a day without them; and if used once in 8 or 10 days (which will occasion no interruption in business) will preserve health, and remove the causes of most complaints which occur.
The above Pills are for Sale
By WM. PRICHARD.
P. S. Purchasers must be particular to ask for "Lee's New London Bilious Pills," or they will be liable to be mistaken in procuring the true Genuine Patent Pills.
Also for sale as above,
AROMATIC PASTE FOR TEETH & GUMS. Richmond, August 30th. 1802. (64)
Patent Medicines.
A FRESH SUPPLY IS LATELY RECEIVED AND FOR SALE AT WM. PRICHARD'S BOOK STORE. DOCTOR SOLOMON'S.
CORDIAL BALM OF GILEAD.
THE celebrity and great efficacy of this Medicine is generally too well known to require a lengthy description of its virtues; it stands unrivalled as a sovereign relief in all delicate, weakly and relaxed constitutions, lowness of spirits, hypochondria, horrors, tremblings, weakness of sight, loss of memory, impaired vigour, nervous consumptions, and
the numberless symptoms of impaired and tottering constitutions, whether arising from a life of inactivity, intemperance, or inattention to health; it cheers, braces, and invigorates the whole nervous system, and gives new tone to all the vital functions, of which numberless instances can be vouched.
Doctor Solomon's ANTI-IMPETIGINES.
A most excellent and sure remedy for land legs, and scurvy, rheumatic gout, ulcers, sore legs, and all scrofulous eruption. Great and various are the instances of the healing virtues of this specific, in all disorders originating in an impure state of the blood.
Doctor Solomon's GUIDE TO HEALTH.
OR ADVICE TO BOTH SEXES.—Price one dollar.
This work, in a concise manner, recommends the most simple and efficacious remedies with a proper mode of treatment for the asthma, loss of appetite, barrenness, bilious complaints, consumption, female diseases, &c. &c.
Doctor Andrews's SPECIFIC LOTION FOR THE FACE.
This Medicine is a safe, certain, and speedy cure for pimples, blotches, freckles, sun-burns, shingles, ring-worms, and all eruptions and humours of the face and skin.
** A general catalogue of Wm. Prichard's stock of books and stationery to be had gratis at the above store, where the literary articles, &c. therein contained, as well as those that monthly accumulate, shall be offered to his fellow citizens and others on equally moderate terms, the same as can be purchased in any of the northern cities.
Teachers at seminaries of learning, and county store-keepers who buy by wholesale shall have a liberal discount.
Richmond, August 30th. 1802. (65)
For Sale
To the highest bidder, on the premises, On SATURDAY the 9th of OCTOBER next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon.
A NUMBER of lots of LAND adjoining the City of Richmond, between the Brook and Westham roads, agreeable to a plan made of the same.
The purchasers will call on John Graham within ten days from the sale, and pay him one fourth of the purchase money, and then complete the bargain, by signing an agreement respecting the remaining three fourths, which are to be discharged in three yearly payments. A copy of the agreement to be exhibited at the sale.
A purchaser failing to pay one fourth of the purchase money, and executing the above-mentioned agreement, within ten days from the sale will be considered as having relinquished his purchase.
Those purchasers who choose to pay in ready money for the whole, shall have a deduction of one third of the three last payments.
Richmond Sept. 24. 1802. (2. w.)
A Tutor Wanted.
A MAN who can teach the English language grammatically; also, writing, arithmetic, and geography.
Liberal wages and other advantages will be given to such a person.
A married man with a small family will be preferred.
HARRY HETH.
Black Heath Coal-Pits, } near Richmond, Sept. } 17, 1802. (67)
BY THE LATE ARRIVALS WM. MACKENZIE, & Co. HAVE RECEIVED THEIR FALL GOODS. Richmond, Sept. 30th. 1802. (84)
NOTICE.
I HAVE delivered my Docket of Causes for the Williamsburg Chancery District Court, to my friend George Tucker, Esquire, of this place, who has been good enough to say he will attend to the suits there, in which I was Council, as well as those in which Mr. Washington, and Mr. Marshall were retained.
DANIEL CALL.
Richmond, Sept. 30th. 1802. (17.)
JUDGE TUCKER'S Blackstone.
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING AN AMERICAN EDITION
OF BLACKSTONE'S
COMMENTARIES,
WITH NOTES OF REFERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION AND LAWS
OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
AND OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA.
With an appendix to each volume, containing tracts upon such subjects, as appeared necessa- ry to form a systematic view of the laws of Virginia, as a Member of the Federal Union.
By ST. GEORGE TUCKER,
Professor of law in the college of William and Mary, and one of the judges in the General Court in Virginia.
Printed for WILLIAM YOUNG BIRCH, and ABRAHAM SMALL—Philadelphia.
THE PROPOSED EDITION WILL CONTAIN—
 An introduction, or preface.  Notes on such parts of the Commentaries as treat on subjects which relate to correlative powers, delegated by the constitution and laws of the federal government, or of the state of Virginia; showing in what instance the principles of the British constitution, the maxims of that government, the general customs or common law of England, acts of the British parliament, and particular customs, or precepts, have been adopted or confirmed; altered and amended; or wholly changed and repealed, by local circumstances political considerations, or the express provisions contained in our constitutions and stated law. 
III. To each volume of the commentaries there will be an appendix, into which will be introduced more of a more considerable length, which cannot conveniently be inserted in the body of the work, and short tracts upon some subjects arising out of our own constitution and laws.
IV. The appendix to the first volume will contain. 1. A discourse on government. 2. An enquiry into the obligation and authority of the common law and statutes of England, in the United States respectively; and whether the same be the law of the federal government of the United States or not. 3. A view of the written law of the commonwealth of Virginia, as partaking of the constitution and laws of the federal government and treaties made thereby, as well as of its own particular constitution and acts of its legislature; together with such acts of the parliament of Great Britain as may be still supposed to have any force or obligation therein. 4. A view of the constitution of the United States; its relation and connection with the state constitutions; a brief examination of their respective powers; a short parallel between it and that of Great Britain; an examination of some of its defects; and a view of the amendments thereto proposed by the several state conventions, and of such as may still be proper to be taken into further consideration. 5. A short view of the constitution of Virginia; an examination of some of Mr. Jefferson's positions respecting it; some hints with regard to an amendment of it, &c.
6. Observations on the right of conscience and the freedom of the press, in the United States of America. 7. A view of the origin, progress, and present state of slavery in Virginia, with a plan for its gradual abolition. 8. View of the laws respecting glebes and churches in Virginia.
V. The appendix to the second volume will contain a short abstract of the land laws in Virginia, with a reference to such as are to be found in any general code. 2. A discourse on the law of descents in Virginia. 3. An engraved copper plate table of descents, according thereto. 4. A table, shewing the manner in which estates in parcenary shall be divided pursuant thereto. 5. A view of the laws respecting estates and forfeitures, passed during the revolutionary war, and of the rights of foreigners to hold land in Virginia. 6. A view of the laws respecting slaves.
7. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of debts. 8. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of damages. 9. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of interest. 10. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of costs. 11. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of penalties. 12. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of fines. 13. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of forfeitures. 14. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of escheats. 15. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of bona vacantia. 16. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of lost or unclaimed property. 17. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of deceased persons. 18. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of felony. 19. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of treason. 20. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other crimes. 21. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other offences. 22. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other misdemeanors. 23. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other petty offences. 24. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor offences. 25. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial offences. 26. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other very minor offences. 27. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other insignificant offences. 28. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trifling offences. 29. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other petty crimes. 30. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 31. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 32. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 33. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 34. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 35. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 36. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 37. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 38. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 39. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 40. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 41. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 42. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 43. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 44. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 45. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 46. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 47. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 48. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 49. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 50. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 51. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 52. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 53. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 54. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 55. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 56. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 57. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 58. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 59. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 60. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 61. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 62. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 63. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 64. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 65. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 66. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 67. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 68. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 69. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 70. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 71. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 72. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 73. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 74. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 75. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 76. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 77. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 78. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 79. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 80. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 81. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 82. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 83. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 84. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 85. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 86. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 87. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 88. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 89. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 90. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 91. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 92. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 93. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 94. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 95. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 96. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 97. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 98. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 99. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 100. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 101. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 102. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 103. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 104. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 105. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 106. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 107. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 108. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 109. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 110. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 111. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 112. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 113. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 114. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 115. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 116. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 117. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 118. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 119. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 120. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 121. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 122. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 123. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 124. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 125. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 126. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 127. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 128. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 129. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 130. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 131. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 132. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 133. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 134. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 135. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 136. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 137. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 138. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 139. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 140. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 141. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 142. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 143. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 144. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 145. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 146. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 147. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 148. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 149. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 150. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 151. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 152. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other light crimes. 153. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other trivial crimes. 154. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other minor crimes. 155. A view of the laws respecting the mode of recovery of property of persons who have been attainted or convicted of other small crimes. 156. A view of

property. 2. A discourse on the subject of the laws restraining usury.
VI. The appendix to the third volume will contain a short view of the courts of the United States, and of the commonwealth of Virginia, with an abstract of the laws by which the practice therein is regulated. Strictures on the trial by jury in Virginia under the existing laws; and a plan for their amendment.
VII. The appendix to the fourth volume will contain an abstract of the criminal jurisdiction of the federal government, and of the commonwealth of Virginia; and a short discourse on treason.
VIII. The tracts mentioned in the fourth section together with the Editor's preface, and the Commentator's introduction, being all attached to the first volume of Blackstone will, in this edition, be divided into two parts the preface and introductions; and the five, tracts first mentioned in the fourth section will be attached to the first part, and the other three tracts mentioned in the same section, will make the appendix to the second part.
** The notes dispersed throughout the work will amount to fourteen or fifteen hundred. Those which refer to the constitution and laws of the United States are very numerous.
CONDITIONS.
 I. That the work be printed on a new type, on superfine paper, and in five very large Octavo volumes; and be bound in neat leather.  II. That it shall go to press as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers shall be obtained to make it prudent—and from the time of going to press be published in one year.  III. That the price of the whole, complete and bound, shall be twenty dollars, payable on delivery. 
ADDRESS BY THE PUBLISHERS.
It is presumed, a little consideration will make it obvious, that a work so extensive, and which will employ a large capital, cannot be put to press until a sufficient number of subscribers are obtained to make it prudent. The publishers do not recollect that any book of the same amount, has been printed in the United States, without either a part of the purchase money, being required in advance, or returns made as it proceeded, by delivering the volumes as they were printed. In the present case, the whole work will be finished and completely bound, before any payment is made.
It is earnestly requested that the gentlemen who intend subscribing will forward their names as soon as possible, either by letter (post paid) to the Publishers in Philadelphia, or through the medium of booksellers in the neighbouring towns. The post-masters will also be furnished with a subscription paper, and it is presumed they will forward any names that may offer; as a remuneration, and to induce gentlemen to give it a little attention, whoever procures nine subscribers shall be entitled to a tenth copy, but it is to be explicitly understood, that the person who receives a copy for procuring subscribers, must be answerable for the payment of all the gentlemen who sign his list. The publishers demand nothing but on delivery of the books, complete; they are therefore determined not to leave a single set, without at that time receiving payment for it.
Gentlemen who forward names to the publishers, are requested to mention where the books are to be sent, and if possible, to make the place of delivery some considerable and well known town.
Subscription papers will be found in the hands of Mr. Prichard and Mr. S. Pleasants, in Richmond; Messrs. Ross and Douglas Petersburg—Mr. E. Merick, Norfolk; Mr. R. Greenhow, Williamsburg; Mr. Henderson, Fredericksburg; Mr. S. Bishop Alexandria; Mr. J. Albulis, Martinsburg; Mr. Bowen, Winchester; Mr. J. Gales, Raleigh, North-Carolina; Messrs. Bailey and Waller, Charleston, South-Carolina; Mr. J. Marsh, Georgetown, Potomac; Messrs. Ralph and Co. Washington City; Messrs. G. Hill, and Conrad and Co. Baltimore, &c. &c.
The publishers have only to add, that they believe it will be found to be considerably the lowest priced law book, of a similar extent, and including a copyright purchase, that has appeared for many years, either in America, or Europe.
WILLIAM YOUNG BIRCH. ABRAHAM SMALL, Philadelphia, Sept. 1. 1802.
RALPH WORMELEY, Esq.
WHEN I received the letter from this gentleman, so little was his character known to me, that I did not then even recollect ever to have heard such a name. Upon enquiry, I found, that the publication of the letter could not injure him; indeed, it appeared to me, that it would ultimately be of service. I expected it would be noticed in the Examiner, and intended to have published a defence before this time, but unforeseen circumstances
have intervened, until Mr. Wormeley has written a defence for himself, which is given in this day's paper.
The friends of truth and virtue will be pleased with such an artless display of conscious innocence and rectitude. Mr. Wormeley's friends will have no occasion to regret that he has become a conspicuous figure in the newspapers, in relation to things which happened so long ago.
But why is it, that Mr. Wormeley should be made the scape-goat for opinions, which were possessed by many people, at the beginning of the revolution. A letter of Edmund Pendleton, which was published not long ago, shews that he differed but very little from Mr. Wormeley, at that time; and now Mr. Pendleton is considered as the highest authority for republicanism.
Every man of sense knows, that opinions will change, when there is an important change of circumstances. Everybody knows that there were a great many persons who took up arms at the beginning of the revolution, who had no idea of independence, and who opposed it, even until it was declared. It is well known, that it was carried by a single vote in Congress, and yet nobody pretends to condemn the members who voted against the measure.
Perhaps, if Mr. Wormeley had not held an office under the crown, which compelled him to take a decided part; or if his letter had not been detected and exposed, the rapid and unexpected circumstances which succeeded might have induced him to take part with revolutionists. The publication of his letter, and the sentence of banishment, which the committee passed upon him, made him a mark for public notice, and put it out of his power to repair the error, even if he had been ever so much disposed.
During all these scenes, and during a pretty long life, it appears, that there is no accusation against Mr. Wormeley, which can raise a blush in the cheek of himself, or of any of his friends; even the Examiner says to Mr. Wormeley,
"Your private character is unblemished, and I am sure that no man would more revolt at the idea of a dishonorable action, when presented in an abstract form, than yourself."
If we were of opinion, that the publication of Mr. Wormeley's letter could render the smallest injury to his character, or could produce any thing which ought to disturb his peace, we should not be able to find language to make a suitable apology; but, as it is, we believe, that this accidental circumstance will establish, not only in this state, but every where else, that Mr. Wormeley answers to that character which Mr. Penhale in his eye, when he said,
An honest Man is the noblest work of God.
FOR THE RECORDER.
A LETTER, which was written by me some time ago, to Mr. Callender, has since been printed, not only in the Recorder, but also in the Examiner. Although it was not my wish to have made a conspicuous figure in either of these papers, or to have attracted public notice in any way; although I am satisfied, that the publication of the letter proceeded from a mistake, it will avail nothing to ascertain the cause, or author of that mistake. Every body who knows me, or who will take the trouble to read what follows, will believe that the letter was not written for publication, yet, as it contains nothing which I am not ready to acknowledge, and to repeat again and again, if necessary, I shall proceed with my own vindication; a circumstance which has been rendered necessary by the manner in which it has been noticed in the Examiner. Upon the 11th of September last, among other things which appeared in that paper, the editor, for reasons best known to himself, has thought proper to publish another letter, which was written by me, more than 26 years ago; a letter which I never was ashamed of, nor repented having written; nay, my own friends, at the time, with my full concurrence, insisted on its being published, because, though it exhibited my sentiments (which I never concealed) yet, it evinced my innocence. When in the despotism of the times (for they were despotic beyond measure) I was made a prisoner at my own residence, merely upon account of my opinion, which being the result, then, best of my judgement, I could no more control, than I could alter the color of my skin. What did the committee of safety do? They resolved that "nothing having appeared in his conduct, or in the said letter, to be within the offences defined by the late ordinance for establishing a mode of punishment for the enemies to America in this colony." What then ought to have followed? That the said Wormeley be acquitted—Nothing like this justice was done to me, for, though they could not condemn, they would not acquit. Mark! Sir, they resolved, that "the letter was a full proof of an inimical disposition." What was "an inimical disposition"? No law had ever defined, nor ever punished; loose words, that suited any case, to which wanton caprice, or arbitrary pleasure should indiscriminately apply them. This was verily a crisis, when, as the president elegantly expresses it, our rulers "felt power, and forgot right." What was the next passage in the sentence against me?
"That I should appear before the convention at any time during their next meeting, if required to do so." Knowing, that I had not only not committed any crime, but, that I had made the laws and ordinances the rule of my conduct, by not infringing them in the least degree; I begged, I intreated to be tried by my peers, in a court of law, urging that I might be acquitted, or condemned, as my innocence or guilt should be pronounced; but I intreated in vain. Born a freeman, I revolted against a trial, as unconstitutional as the Star-Chamber. I claimed the privileges of my birth; the liberty of the press; and the benefit of the Habeas Corpus act. My claims were not heard; or, if heard, were disregarded. I was again brought before an illegal tribunal, a committee of the house of convention, and sentenced to exile, where I remained two years, at an expence of at least one thousand pounds. There was not a man who knew me, who could possibly think me an enemy to my country, where my all was centered; the country which contained my fortune, my family, my connections, and my friends. No Sir, no man could suppose this. It was necessary, (as some thought, who governed others,)
"To make me "A fixed figure for the hand of scorn, "To point his slow moving finger at."
It happened that I was a member of the royal council; that my opinions (which were not then, and never have been under the influence of popularity) were opposed to the popular measures; and that these measures appeared to be adverse to the true interests of my country. These were the offences, which excited against me the indignation of the ruling powers, and brought on the punishment which they inflicted. Soon after this period, independence was declared; and from that time, I challenge any man to produce a sentence which was ever written by me, in opposition to that measure. I did not then approve of it, and thought (I confess, erroneously) that it could not be obtained; or, if obtained, that it could be supported by people, so dissimilar in interests and habits, and in a country so thinly populated. Another circumstance too, at that time, excited in me a deep sensation, I mean that species of property, which it is to be feared may, at some future day, prove a grievous cause to this country. I reasoned thus, that if our rulers were really actuated by the genuine spirit of liberty, a general emancipation would be the inevitable consequence. In that event I confess, I did not see my way. I saw horror and misery, nor could any anticipation be formed, which did not bring with it a world of woe. Well might I, or any man thus cherish, at that crisis, such reflection, when we found that he hero of the revolution, General Washington himself, even after the battle was fought and won, "doubted."—I quote this circular letter now before me, dated the 18th of June, 1783—"According to the system of policy, the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing, or a curse." If such was the opinion of this veteran in arms, virtue, and politics, after the accomplishment of the great object, surely, I ought to stand excused for the doubts which I entertained at the moment of its declaration. To return from this digression, after I had been a recluse for two years, I was released from that situation, by a resolution of the assembly, the occasion for which, is as follows: Soon after the treaty of alliance concluded at Paris, upon the 6th of February, 1778, between France and these states, Congress, in a noble spirit of liberality recommended to the different states to pass acts of indemnity, and to pardon, generally, such criminals as had offended against the laws of their country, and had incurred the penalties they inflicted. If our assembly had passed such an act, it would have placed me in a most disagreeable predicament, because it could not embrace my case. I had committed no crime, and my innocence would have prolonged my punishment. In this dilemma, it seemed to me to be expedient, to make an effort to extricate myself; I therefore, wrote to a friend (to whom, I now beg leave, thus publicly, to offer my grateful acknowledgements for the kindness he then rendered me) pointing out the inconvenience under which I laboured: he then made a motion for my releasement from further confinement, and a resolution passed the house agreeably to his motion. Being proudly conscious of my own innocence, and the uprightness of my intentions, I never petitioned, nor ever made the smallest concession to inculpate, or exculpate myself. My judgement might have been erroneous, but my heart was pure. If the same scenes were to be reacted, if my opinions should be the same as they were then, I would conduct myself precisely as I then did. Nay, I would sooner lay down my life, than deviate from sentiments which were the result of my best judgement, and the dictates of my conscience. But, Sir, this false affair, is not the cause of the wanton and unprovoked attack, which the editor of the Examiner has made upon me. I am, and always have been, a federalist.
The very heart and front of my sending Hath this extent no more.
I have always approved of the measures of general Washington, because, I thought them
wise, and happily calculated to promote the interests of the United States; and, if I were to indulge a wish for the prosperity of my country, it should be that his successors in the presidential chair should adopt his wise system in the administration of public affairs, and by following his example, attach to themselves similar respectability of character. I will add two circumstances, which will speak more strongly than any thing which can be said.
During the revolutionary war, I received very great injury from the British, by the plunder and havoc which were committed upon my estate. And it was my good fortune to obtain so much of the personal esteem of general Washington, as not only to have obtained the honor of his correspondence until his death, but to have received from him very flattering letters of introduction to some of the most distinguished characters in the north eastern states. The first of these shews, that the British did not consider me as one of their partizans. And the second shews, that general Washington did not consider me to have been a foe to my country.
I beg pardon of you, and the public, for the strain of egotism into which the publication of my letter, has of course drawn me. Nothing which I wrote to you, was either calumnious or libellous. I never injured, nor offended Mr. Jones in my life, by any word or action; neither had he any right to conclude, that Mr. Callender had obtained my subscription, because he invaded private characters, or disturbed the peace of private families. No Sir, I subscribed to the Recorder, because I perceived that it was disseminating truth, and truth too, which the public ought to be possessed of, because it concerned public characters, of whom, it behoves the public not to be ignorant. And as I am not Mr. Jones's enemy, it would give me no pain, to see, that he had wiped away the charges, to the conviction of his country, which this powerful writer has so pointedly urged against him. If they be foul aspersions, the editor of the Recorder ought to be abandoned, as a calumniator. If they be true, Mr. Jones is no longer entitled, either to the confidence or patronage of the public. Sooner than such accusations should be substantiated against me (were I even of his age) I would pay another, and another reluctant visit to the county of Berkeley, though attended with all the execrations, that the yelpers of popularity could emit against me; nay, I would consent to be confined to one of the most inhospitable rocks of one of its coldest mountains.
RALPH WORMELEY.
Rosegill, Sept. 20th. 1802.
THE RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
OCTOBER 15. 1802.
CORRESPONDENCE
BETWEEN
HIS EXCELLENCY THOS. JEFFERSON,
PRESIDENT
OF THE
UNITED STATES,
AND
J. T. CALLENDER.
IT is, at any time, an ungracious and disagreeable business to disclose the deposit of confidence; in particular, the publication of letters, which had never been composed for the inspection of the public eye, presents an indelicate a suspicious, and a painful circumstance. In England, where the trade of book-building has risen to great perfection, and has descended to great depravity, the practice of publishing private letters is one species of fraud, that has been most treacherously and most diligently cultivated. For instance, The Reverend Mr. Mason, a clergyman of correct manners, and of respectable talents, had been, for the greater part of his life, corresponding with the beautiful and admired poet, Mr. Gray. We refer to the inimitable author of An Elegy written in a Country Church Yard . As soon as the Rev'd. Mr. Mason found that he had fairly survived Mr. Gray, he did not think of any better employment, than that of publishing all those epistolary eccentricities, which, in the moment of vivacity, Mr. Gray had addressed to him in a series of about thirty years. We do not exactly know any other way of earning money, which is, to our feelings so irrevocably, and exceedingly disreputable, as that in which the Rev'd. Mr. Mason acquired the price of his Life of Mr. Gray . Suspicious that he was not sufficiently to be despised by posterity, as long as a name like his can dream of being remembered, he commenced a lawsuit against a London bookseller, who had by mere accident, reprinted about thirty two lines of Mr. Gray's posthumous poetry.

An English jury, that inestimable institution, as Dr. Blackstone calls it, gave a verdict against Mr. John Murray, for one hundred pounds sterling. The parson put the penalty into his pocket. We never were able to learn that Mr. Gray wrote letters to Mr. Mason, with a previous intention that they were to be sold and purchased after his death, in order to gratify the sensibilities of a Yorkshire parson. Among other elegant and dignified expressions, which this invaluable correspondence transmitted to the British world, one which follows, was contained in a letter, dated from Edinburgh. Mr. Gray is therein made to inform the public, that, for some days, he had been residing at the house of Dr. Robertson, the memorable historian, the Sallust of the English language: "But, I am "afraid," says he, "of Edinburgh, and "the itch." This is the way in which one of your posthumous editors treated the confidence of the friends of his youth. This is the sort of correspondence which has exhibited under the name of a classical scholar, of a virtuous man and of an admired poet. We hope that very few of the readers of "The Recorder" would be solicitous to pocket a sum of money by selling the copy-right of such a publication.
This is one specimen of the respectable amusement of publishing confidential letters. We hasten to dispatch two instances, out of many that might be selected from the same class. The late Philip Earl of Chesterfield, wrote some hundreds of letters to his natural son. He therein describes him as a weak man. Mr. Stanhope was married. He died. His lordship, died also, and as soon as they were both fairly buried, the widow of Mr. Stanhope carried the whole private and confidential manuscript to a bookseller. The sale was extremely extensive. It produced, upon the memory of her husband, and of her father-in-law, the most unlimited torrent of contempt and reproach. The lady pocketed the money, and smiled internally at the impatience of the world.
We shall only produce one other instance of the possible consequence of publishing letters. The Rev'd. Lawrence Sterne, the writer of Tristram Shandy , was another Yorkshire parson. He entertained a correspondence with a respectable lady. He was so unfortunate as to preserve a copy of his letters. As soon as he was dead , his faithful daughter conveyed the manuscript to market. The letters from Yorick to Eliza have attracted the attention of the world. They contain two or three sentences, which were, no doubt, produced in the impetuosity of composition. But, if Sterne could have foreseen, that they were to walk into publicity, he would rather have put the publisher under ground.
We have entered into this discussion, with a design of detailing the dislike that we feel to the printing of a private letter. An unforeseen assemblage of fatalities has compelled the publication of what follows. It has neither been unprovoked, nor wanton. All Richmond knows, that it has been extorted by such a tempest of brutality, by a series of such editorial challenges and defiances, as, perhaps, never before disgraced the art of printing; and for the honor of human nature, we hope that such another process of publication will never arise again. The writer of this article has in the way of business, found it often necessary to address the world. He has often been forced to publish what he wished to suppress; but, in the present instance, his finding it indispensable to publish confidential letters has cost him an excess of anguish, which he never felt before, and which he does not possess faculties capable of describing.
If the editors of the Recorder have expressed themselves with prolixity, let it be considered, that sollicitudo apto to verbose . Let any impartial person transpose himself, in fancy, into the situation of the present writer. Let him form the supposition that he had been attacked in the manner in which we have been. Let him read, if he can read it, that unmatchable indecency which has burst open the asylum of the grave. It is useless
to say, that the virtuous and delicate writer of The Notes on Virginia had no connection with certain publications. After this day's Recorder, a village of ten-fold fold brats would not venture to hint that we have not been upon the inner side of the curtain . And, if we are injured, are we not to reply?
What is a president of the United States? No citizen was more prompt than Mr. Jefferson to recommend a reduction of the twenty-five thousand dollars per annum , as a presidential salary. If it was, all at once, found eligible to make a reversal of opinion, is not this just the history of mankind? For, as the writer of the True-born Englishman says:
"The rogues without, still rail at rogues in place, "And men are always honest in disgrace."
The variety of impressions, which have occurred in the endeavour to finish this article, has made it necessary for us to say, that our previous observations cannot be finished until our next number. In the mean time, the reader will pay all that degree of attention to this correct publication of the two letters, which he thinks that they may deserve. It is possible, it is believed to be certain, that some other minute circumstances will transpire, once a week, in the Recorder. In the mean time, we take the hazard of saying, that the editors of this paper will ultimately, and most indisputably be able to extricate themselves from all those explosions of calumny, and of fiction, which have been pointed against them. To be continued in our next Wednesday's paper.
Monticello, Sept. 6, 99.
SIR
BY a want of arrangement in a neighboring post office during the absence of the postmaster, my letters and papers for two posts back were detained. I suppose it was owing to this that your letter tho' dated Aug. 10. did not get to my hand till the last day of the month, since which this is the first day I can through the post office acknowledge the receipt of it. Mr. Jefferson happens to be here and directs his agent to call on you with this and pay you 50 dollars, on account of the book you are about to publish. When it shall be out be so good as to send me 2. or 3. copies, and the rest only when I shall ask for them.
The violence which was mediated against you lately has excited a very general indignation in this part of the country. Our state from it's first planting has been remarkable for it's order and submission to the laws. But three instances are recollected in it's history of an organized opposition to the laws. The first was Bacon's rebellion; the 2d. our revolution; the 3d. the Richmond association who, by their committee, have in the public papers avowed their purpose of taking out of the hands of the law the function of declaring who may or may not have free residence among us. But these gentlemen underestimate the temper and force of this country extremely if they supposed there would have been a want of either to support the authority of the laws: and equally mistake their own interests in setting the example of club-law. Whether their self organization, election of a committee, and publication of their manifestos, be such overt acts as bring them within the pale of law; the law I presume is to decide: and there it is our duty to leave it.—The delivery of Robbins to the British excites much feeling and enquiry here. With every wish for your welfare I am with great regard Sir
Your most obedient servt. THS. JEFFERSON.
Mr. Callender
SIR
Monticello Oct. 6, 99.
ON receiving your favor of Sept. 29, I did believe it would be in my power to answer you satisfactorily on both the points on which you asked information I knew indeed that I had not made any particular memorandum of the sum which the C'de Vergennes supposed a treaty with the Porte would cost; but I expected that I had mentioned it either in my letter on the subject to Mr. Jay, or in that to Mr. Adams my colleague in the Barbary negotiations. After a very long search yesterday I found both letters, but in neither have I stated any particular sum. They are of May 1786. and only say generally that in a conversation with the C'te de Vergennes on the subject he said that a treaty with the Porte would cost us a great deal of money, as great presents are expected at that court and a great many claim them; and that we should not buy a peace one penny the cheaper at Algiers: that the Algerines did indeed acknowledge a certain dependance on the Porte, and availed themselves of it whenever anything was to be gained by it, but disregarded it when it subjected them to any demand: and that at Algiers there were but two agents, money and fear. This is the statement in those letters, and my memory does not
enable me to fix any particular sum as having been named by him; but only generally that it was very far beyond any thing then at our command. All who were members of Congress in 1786. may be supposed to remember this information, and if it could be understood to come to you through some such channel, it would save the public from reading all the blackguardism which would be vented on me were I quoted not that this would weigh an atom with me, on any occasion where my avowal of either facts or opinions would be of public use; but whenever it will not, I then think it useful to keep myself out of the way of calumny.
On the other point I can be more certain. Georgia, N. Carolina Tennessee Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania chose their electors by the people directly. In Massachusetts the choice is, first by the people in districts. But if a candidate has not a majority of all the qualified voters of the district, it devolves on the legislature to appoint the electors for that district, besides, as they have but 14 districts (laid off for some state purpose) and are entitled to 16. electors, the legislature name the two extra ones in the first instance. Again if any of those elected either by the people or legislature die, or decline to act, the residue of the electors fill up the vacancies themselves. In this way the people in Massachusetts chose 7. electors on the last occasion, and the legislature 9. In New Hampshire 10. Connec. Vermont, New-York, Jersey Delaware and South Carolina. the legislature name electors. My information is good as to all these particulars except N. Hampshire and Connecticut: and as to them I think I am right; but speaking only from memory it should be further ascertained before asserted. I THANK YOU FOR THE PROOF SHEETS YOU INCLOSED ME. SUCH PAPERS CAN NOT FAIL TO PRODUCE THE BEST EFFECT. They inform the thinking part of the nation; and these again, supported by the taxgatherers as their vouchers, set the people to rights. You will know from whom this comes without a signature: the omission of which has been rendered almost habitual with me by the curiosity of the post offices. Indeed a period is now approaching during which I shall discontinue writing letters as much as possible, knowing that every spare will be used to get hold of what may be perverted in the eyes of the public. Adieu. The original copies of the above letters may be found in the O'Sullivan of the Virginia Gazette, Richmond.
SOME time back we received a letter from a Mr. Richard Watkins, desiring us not to send the Recorder from that date. The letter was addressed from Chesterfield. We immediately looked into the alphabetical list of places for the letter C. and not finding such a name under the letter C. for Chesterfield, a paragraph was wrote to inform the gentleman, we had not got his name in our catalogue. The paragraph was as follows: "Mr. Richard Watkins of Chesterfield is requested to observe, that his name as a subscriber, is not upon our list. Of consequence, it is not in our power, to gratify his wishes by striking him out. If he has formerly paid money to any person with directions to subscribe to the Recorder, and this we expect to be the case, he has been imposed upon. "We never heard of him till last week." At this time we did not think any farther of the matter. A few days after this circumstance, Mr. Jones, advertised Mr. Callender as every thing but an honest man, for denying that this gentleman had subscribed to our paper, which he said, could be proved by another gentleman, who subscribed for him.
Upon the appearance of such a charge, we examined the book; and not finding it at first, we were determined to look over the names throughout, from beginning to end, when, under the letter B. the gentleman's name was found, with a subscription of 2 dollars against it. The conclusion is plain. Mr. Watkins lives at Bevil's Bridge, which stood under the letter B. Mr. Watkins addressed his letter from Chesterfield, and did not insert Bevil's Bridge. Of course we only thought of looking under the letter C. It was owing to the infancy of the paper, and not yet finding the want of a second book for an alphabetical list of names, that this mistake occurred, and Mr. Jones may make the most of it, and go on with this circumstance for a month or two, which it is most likely, that he will; for he is destitute of every ability to introduce real and interesting information.
LIGHT HOUSE.
IN the Examiner of September 29, is printed a jumble of the completest nonsense (by way of communication) that ever spoiled ink or paper. It is a poor attempt to injure a stranger, and to insult those citizens who voluntarily joined to raise a few dollars for an experiment to light the city, of which they were willing to try the result. Without experience, no great, no useful end can be accomplished. All our knowledge, all our conveniencies, have sprung from the beginning of the most simple speculations; and seldom do we spend our va-
cant time or money to a better advantage, than in encouraging men of abilities and ingenuity. But Mr. Jones says, (or his communicant for him, we do not know, or care which, it comes from equally as poor a mould) that Mr. Henry, and the citizens are as foolish as the Chinese taylor; and that they do not know that the Brick-Row is remarkably opaque. The citizens of this state, must feel themselves peculiarly happy in such a paper as the Examiner, to inform them, that neither houses nor pavements are built of very transparent materials: Thus you see, Messrs. foolish citizens, that this great scribbler intimates, that houses in general are built with materials of a more transparent nature than the Brick-Row; and that you ought to have known this circumstance, and not idly throw away your money for making a light to throw upon buildings so opaque as the buildings of the crawling creatures* in the Brick-Row.
This is the manner in which the Examiner, upon every occasion, pours out its vain ignorance. This Mumbo Jumbo writer is fit for no other use than to be applied in the stead of this his favorite instrument for the correction of wives. He wonderfully informs us, that the Brick-Row is not opaque; which is intimating that there is a quality in the materials of the buildings in the Brick-Row, that renders them impervious to the rays of light. Thus, we are to understand, by this intimation, that buildings in general are formed of more transparent materials than what compose the Brick-Row; or that Mr. Mumbo Jumbo, did not know the meaning of the word opaque; and the only word upon which he founded his foolish objection. But Mr. Mumbo is not satisfied with displaying his ignorance in the meaning of a word in philosophy; he must fly off, and shew his weakness at the game of politics. The pitiful appearance he makes at this, is still worse. He says, "As a republican, he might be expected to rejoice in the destruction of a violent federal press immediately in the neighbourhood;" and intimates a wish that the editor might be consumed in the furnace of the light-house, or otherwise, this editor at the head of the cannibal breed of federalists in these states, will most certainly bring Mr. Jefferson to Richmond, where they will massacre, broil, and eat him, as ( they heard ) the Dutch mob did eat De Witt. We are sorry that men, who have arrived to the maturity of their reason, should have no more modesty than thus to advertise their weakness and their malice. But what can be expected from beings who are so extremely ignorant and wicked as to say, that they with nine foreigners out of ten in this city hanged; and that they had no business in this country. This is the language of one of Mr. Jones's tell-tales and respectable citizens .
As to the light-house, whether it will fully answer the intended purpose, or not, is yet to be determined. Should it not, there is no injury done; the money for it was not imposed as a tax; and those citizens who have voluntarily subscribed to so laudable an undertaking, will never care one cent about the business, otherwise than from the want of such an acquisition to the city; nor will any of the subscribers call on Mr. Mumbo Jumbo for the money, that he need fret so much about it.
NOTE.
* In a late Recorder, we gave an account of the expenditure of monies on the building of the armory. Mr. Jones took an offence at our publishing it. He thought that a gentleman in the Brick-Row had given us this account; and without knowing whether the gentleman had, or had not given it, Mr. J. in the bitterness of his foul, wrongfully advertised this gentleman, by name, as the guilty author of this forbidden crime ! He was not, however, content with this; he said, that the gentleman was one of the political reptiles who crawl about the pavement of the Brick-Row of Richmond . It would be needless to say how very inferior Mr. Jones is, in every point of view, to this gentleman.

To WILLIAM DUANE.
CONCERNING TORYISM.
THERE is not a man of reflection and penetration, who has read, or shall read the Aurora of September 11th, who will not believe that you consider Trueman as an adversary of much more importance than you are willing to admit. Facts speak louder than words. Those to which I refer are self-evident. 1st. You have been obliged to resort to lexicographical authority. 2dly. You have made a false, or garbled quotation of that authority. 3dly. You have devoted a considerable portion of the people's time (beings, as you say, their organ) to compile an answer. 4thly. You have taken up a large space of the Aurora , which, you say, is supported by 4000 subscribers. 5thly. You have polluted the chaste and classical pages of the paper with soul, lasso, vulgar, imbecilic, manly language . 6thly. You have bestowed a great many court epithets and sentences upon an adversary who has not given you sufficient provocation, and who, you say, is an idiot, a loggerhead, &c.
There are reasons and circumstances which will render the lascivious and ingenious like Duane. These are the terms and words which may be found in one short essay, directed towards a man whom he knows not, and whom he pretends to despise, and whose writings he dare not publish except in mutilated extracts.
"Advocate for toryism," "wonderful loggerhead," "logician in Borneo," "ignorance and insignificance," "idiot," "miserable creature," "misnomer of a Trueman," "paragon of loggerheads," "long exploded nonsense," "knows no distinction except master and slave."
Now let me ask the candid reader, if a gentleman of such polished manners, refined taste, and extensive education as William Duane—the favorite and protégé of the mild and philosophic Jefferson—the organ of the public will —ought so far to forget all that belongs to a gentleman, all that is due to such distinguished patronage, as to have imposed upon his 4000 subscribers, and the additional adherents who read the paper, so much biliousgate? Does it not prove, does it not speak in language louder than thunder, that Trueman is of more consequence to the peace of Duane than he is willing to admit?
And now, Mr. Duane, I will say a little as to your mutilations and misrepresentations.
The first deliberate imposition which you have committed, is in calling me an advocate of toryism, though you know that all which I have aimed at, was to ascertain the acceptance in which the word was used in the Aurora . The second is in the quotation from Ash's Dictionary, concerning the word TORY . If my eyes do not deceive me, Ash gives the following explanation:
"Tory. A cant word, one of the Banditti of Ireland , heretofore so called by the Protestants in that kingdom ; one of the adherents of Charles the First, so called by the Whigs; one who has high notions of government in church and state"—differing very little from the definition given by Johnson. He says that Tory is supposed to be derived from an Irish word, signifying a savage."
This corresponds exactly with your quotation, except the first words which are in Italics. It is possible that you may have found a copy of Ash's Dictionary, in which the foregoing explanation, now printed in Italics, is not given. I will not accuse you in positive terms of having made this wilful misrepresentation. But when I consider the many deceptions, impositions and evasions which have at different times been circulated by the Aurora ; when I know that I have been myself deceived by you upon many occasions, when I know that you so lately attempted to deceive the whole community, and succeeded with many, by violent and exaggerated publications under the head of PUBLIC PLUNDER , I own my belief that you have in the case now before us played at the same game. As to your motives, every one who reads this, is full as able, and has just as much right as I have, to form a conjecture. My purpose is answered when I ascertain the fact.
You say that "you cannot perceive no difference between the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, of Mr. Adams, and the acceptance in which the word Tory is used by the Aurora ." This admits clearly, that the Aurora means by tories, persons who support an administration and are apologists for its measures . This brings us exactly to the point for which I contend; and that is, that the Aurora is a tory paper, that Duane himself is a very conspicuous Tory , and that all the apologists for the Jeffersonian administration are tories also.
It only now remains to show what sort of people, according to the Aurora , tories are. The following are Duane's own words:
"The ranks of the tories, like the armies of the Mahomeds are composed of proselytes
from the abandoned of all sects, nations and tribes. It requires no personal virtue no private worth—no regard for the laws of morality or decorum. Every wretch who finding the pursuits of debauchery and vice, detested (by republicans) is sure to meet with impunity and sympathy in the ranks of toryism." To such associates as these, Duane is welcome. There is not a man of virtue, honor or honesty in the whole community will envy him the society of such Banditti.
This corresponds, if not exactly, at least very nearly, with the definition of Ash, which is here again repeated. "One of the Banditti of Ireland ," &c. This definition Duane for reasons best known to himself, has thought proper to suppress.
Far be it from me to intimate a national dishonor to the Irish in this case. The word "Banditti," meaning outlaws or robbers, is well understood, and there is no populous country which is not more or less infested by such. So far as there is any coarseness in the expression, it is taken from an authority referred to by Duane, who is said to be an Irishman . It is here relied upon not so much to inform the public, as to prove beyond equivocation that the organ of the public will in this case has been the organ of deception , and therefore deserves no public confidence.
I have no doubt that Duane in all his acts in the character best fitted to his taste and capacity. My regret is, that a man who seems to possess endowments which might make him an ornament to society and an honor to his species should adopt a course which will not fail sooner or later to overwhelm him in misery and disgrace. My surprise is, that such a man, and such measures, should be openly and avowedly countenanced and patronized by the highest authorities of the country; and that the treasures of the United States have been lavished upon one who, by their aid finds means to disseminate untruth and calumny to every corner of this country.
When the people of the United States shall understand these things as they are, the admiration and affection which they have manifested for some individuals will give way to derision and vengeance. Then it will be, that persons who have risen like rockets, like rockets will also burst with a harmless explosion, and pass off in evanescent blaze.
If Duane will publish this at full length in the Aurora , I shall not regard any remarks that may be made by him. If he does not, I shall consider him as unworthy of further notice; that all attempts to reform or divert him from his deliterious practices will be as idle and fruitless as it would be to cast pebbles against the rock of Gibraltar.
TRUEMAN.
(Virginia Gazette.)
* What is meant by this? Duane was surely drunk.
It is stated in the Sun , that Callender has turned federalist .—This is not true.—Callender makes as many professions of "republicanism" as the organ of the Sun himself. He has, to be sure, of late, got in the habit of telling truth; and so far, he entitles himself to the name of federalist . [Balance.]
COMMUNICATION.
WHAT a notable example of democratic candor, we have in the conduct of the Jacobin editors, who, with the most savage avidity blazoned the infamous investigating committee's report, just at the rising of last Congress , from one end of the continent to the other, with no other view than TO MISLEAD THE PUBLIC OPINION! And now, when the scandalous misrepresentations of that report are brought to light, and the shameful conduct of the majority of the committee held up to public derision, we find these vermin, instead of honestly coming forward, and giving their readers a faithful view of both sides of the matter, busily avoiding to publish the least hint which might tend to excite even an enquiry. A party which finds it necessary to support itself by such palpable turpitude and glaring misrepresentation, can never stand; the good sense and virtue of a free and enlightened people must surely overwhelm them with defeat and confusion. [Anti-Democrat.]
The Trenton (N. J.) democratic paper has published the names of the persons in that town who take Callender's Register ; but neglected to mention that Mr. Madison bought FIFTEEN copies of Callender's Prospect , in which, the most atrocious calumnies and abusive epithets were applied to WASHINGTON and ADAMS!
WE should be glad to know the Christian name of Guerrant, who has contracted to cover the stone wall near the canal, which has been erected for a tobacco warehouse. Our distant subscribers expect that we should tell them all such things. They want also to know, when the tobacco warehouse will be finished. As there is no money in the treasury, this question depends altogether upon some of the cousins of the lieutenant governor.
REMARKS, SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA,
(Originally Printed in 1796.)
(Continued from No. 65.)
1. That credit does not exist in this state in a proper degree. 2. That where it exists in the highest degree, it is not an evil; and 3. That the mischiefs arising from the prevailing system of credit, can be remedied only by a policy directly opposite to that hitherto observed.
To prove the first position, little more is necessary than to define the term; credit is a confidence existing in the mind of the seller or lender of a commodity, in the ability and honesty of the purchaser or borrower. When this confidence is complete; when the seller or lender knows that he will receive payment at the appointed time, unless some unexpected calamity befalls the purchaser or borrower, he will be content with a profit exactly proportioned to the inconvenience which he sustains, by parting for a given time with a portion of his property. With this profit he must be content, because the man who purchases on credit, with the means and intention to pay, with punctuality, will never give more for an article which he may want, than the real value or price of that article, with a reasonable compensation for the use of it, until the price is paid. It seems obvious that this consideration alone must regulate the difference between sales for cash, and sales on credit. Under the supposition which has been made, there is no other circumstance, which can influence the transaction.
But if this confidence does not exist; if the seller of a commodity, supposes that there is a possibility that he may not be paid at all; that there is a probability that he will not be paid at the appointed time; that in fact, the laws of the country, by exempting lands from the payment of debts, and barring actions on store accounts of more than twelve months standing, put him entirely at the mercy of his debtor, he acts absurdly indeed, if he trusts out his money or his property, without being paid for the risk that he encounters. The debtor, too, in such a state of affairs, is tempted to buy more than he can punctually perform, and to allow a higher price than he can afford to pay. He is not obliged to make nice calculations. He is sensible of the apparent advantage afforded him by the laws; buys what his fancy approves; means honestly at the time to pay if he can; but if he cannot, foresees that the inconvenience falls on the creditor alone.
Let us compare this theory with facts. In the ordinary transactions of this country, there is a difference of nearly 25 per cent. between sales for cash, and sales on twelve months credit. I appeal to the truth of this assertion, to circumstances within the knowledge of all. To what cause is this difference to be ascribed? To the majority of men, even money is not worth more than seven and a half per cent. Propriety is worth still less. The residue, therefore, that is seventeen and half per cent. of course are paid for nothing. This fact cannot mislead. Credit never can exist on a right footing in any country, where so exorbitant a premium is paid in order to obtain it.
That a considerable difference is made by merchants, between the cash, and the credit price of articles, is a fact of universal notoriety. This difference is liable to great fluctuation, and depends on various circumstances; but a man who will deal during one year entirely for cash, and during another on credit, will probably find it well worthy of his attention.
The want of confidence which produces this difference, has an effect no less sensible on all pecuniary transaction. In fact, it is a matter of great difficulty to procure money on any terms. Merchants have occasion for all that they possess and those who acquire it by their industry and labor, are afraid to lend it. The farmers and planters know, if their money goes out of their hands, that they cannot command it again. They, therefore, suffer it to lie useless in their chests until they can realize it. If however, they engage in a negotiation of this kind, they take care to receive an enormous premium. Instead of transferring specie, they sell tobacco for 4 or 5s. in the hundred above the current price. Thus a large quantity of capital, either lies unemployed, or is brought into operation only on terms ruinous to the holder. The rate of interest in every country depends on the inconvenience of parting with money, and the hazard of not getting it again. It appears that in Virginia, this inconvenience and hazard are eliminated by law at 5 per cent. but by the people four or five times as high. Perhaps there cannot be a more unequivocal symptom of the adverse situation of our domestic affairs. The rate of interest is said to be the true barometer of a state, and its low-ness is a sign almost infallible of the flourishing condition of a people.
2. The above definition, it correctly also proves the fallacy of that reasoning which regards credit as an evil. The existence of it in the highest degree is not only the blessing, but the glory of a country. It proves the people to be both wealthy and honest. In fact, what can be more absurd than to pronounce it a national evil, that men should obtain what they want, by the confidence reposed in the integrity of their conduct, and their ability to pay. It is the misfortune of this country, that this confidence does not exist, and it well becomes the wisdom and patriotism of the legislature, to explore the source from which it springs.
3. The policy hitherto pursued, in order to remedy the evils, which are described above, and about which we hear perpetual complaints, has been entirely ineffectual. If the principles above stated are true, the mischiefs have been multiplied. One thing at least is certain. The object, which the legislature had in view, has not been attained. Sixteen years experience ought to convince them, that if they persevere in their present measures, it never will be attained.
The cause of this miscarriage must be traced to an error, so obvious, that it is wonderful how intelligent men could fall into it. They seem to suppose that the idea of selling on credit originates with the merchant or owner of the thing sold. Certainly there cannot be a grosser misapprehension. The merchant would generally wish to sell for cash, that he might always have the command of his capital. So would every man. But men, who make one or two crops only in a year, must either deal occasionally on credit, or relinquish comforts and accommodations, which in reality they can well afford.
It is on this supposition, however, that the laws for discouraging extensive credit are founded. They are all directed against the seller. Every terror is held out, to make him afraid of giving credit. About the buyer, about the man who requires it, nothing is said.
There is no idea more chimerical than that of preventing credit. The thing is impossible. In fact, it does not appear that our legislature mean to abolish credit, but to render it less extensive. If the principles before laid down, and the experience above alluded to, be not sufficient to prove unanswerably that the evils resulting from credit, so far from being diminished, are necessarily increased, in proportion to the difficulties and hazards attending it; and that of course the buyer, and not the seller, is the person on whom alone laws to discourage it can effectually operate, a fact may be stated, which must remove every objection.
To be continued.