The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-27 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 12th, 1808. PROPOSALS in writing will be received by this department until the first day of August next, for manufacturing Muskets with Bayonets...
It will be unnecessary for any one to offer terms unless the price shall be reasonable, and not exceeding ten dollars and seventy-five cents.
No proposals will be attended to, unless from persons of such character as can be fully relied on for a faithful and punctual performance of their contracts...
NOTICE.—I hereby forward all persons under credit Benjamin Berry late a partner under the firm of Lyon and Berry, on the firm account, as I am determined to pay no debt of his contracting from this date.
URIAH LYON. Richmond, May 21.
SALES AT AUCTION. ON Wednesday the first day of June next, at the late dwelling house of Marcus Elcan, dec'd. will be sold, positively without reserve, his Stock of LEATHER, &c. Consisting of—30,000lb. Sole Leather, different qualities.
Also—All his HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, &c. in excellent preservation, consisting of—Mahogany Tables, Wardrobe & Bedsteads, Chairs, Beds, Mattresses, An elegant set of Cut-Glass Ware, A handsome new Brussels Carpet, Patent Glass Lamps, And a number of useful & ornamental Articles.
At the same time will be hired out Christmast next two valuable NEGRO men, one of whom can be particularly recommended for his attention and activity. Terms, (except for sales of furniture, &c.)—Cash for all purchases under 50 $—above 50 $ and under 100 $ 90 days credit—above 100 $ and under 300 $, six months credit, and above 300 $, twelve months credit—Approved endorsed notes negotiable and payable at the Bank of Virginia will be indiscriminately required of the purchasers.
JAMES BROWN, Jr. Auctioneer. May 19.
THE Subscriber has opened tavern in Manchester in the House lately occupied by Peter Leath, dec'd. now known by the sign of the Beh, and called the Bell-Tavern. He pledges himself to his friends and the public at large, that no attention shall be wanting to give general satisfaction.
For Dinner with plenty of good Toddy 50 For Lodging per night - - - 17 For Breakfast or Supper - - - 37 For keeping Horse 24 hours - - 67 His spirits are sold but little higher than in stores. Great allowance will be made to those who may put up with him for a week or longer at a time both for man and horse. He would be glad to take 12 or 15 Boarders to Breakfast and Dine, at $13 per annum, and pledges himself they shall have no cause of complaint.
NATH'L. CHILDERS. May 17. (684)
NOTICE.—persons All having claims against the estate of Cunningham Burton, dec'd. are requested to produce them at the next June Husting Court for the City of Richmond, properly authenticated, as the court will then proceed to make distributions amongst the creditors.
JOHN F. PRICE, Curator. Richmond, April 22. [law24Maj]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [ow84]
NICHOLAS LONG, TAYLOR, now occupies the old stand of James P. Hopkins, where he carries on the above business, and solicits a share of public patronage. He will apply himself strictly to his profession, and execute all orders in the best manner and on the most reasonable terms. May 17. (184W)
ADVERTISEMENT.—I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Exor. of Jacob Williamson, dec'd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1803. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson, dec'd. April 22. [law8W]
BLANKS, OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
PROPOSALS, For publishing, by subscription, THE ANTIENT AND MODERN MUSIC OF IRELAND, WITH ORIGINAL SONGS, Suited to the character and expression of its beautiful melodies, will shortly be issued, BY JOHN MCCREERY & SKELTON JONES.
IN the mean time, the following essay from the pen of the late JOHN D. BURK, on the Irish Music, is given to the public, in order that the lovers of the fine arts, and particularly amateurs in the simple and exquisite expression of almost every tune which will be admitted into the collection, may judge of the claims of Ireland to the merit of having composed those melodies that breathe the very soul of tenderness itself, or the genuine spirit of hilarity and humour. It is hoped that such editors as wish the introduction, & cultivation of the fine arts in the U. States, will give the following essay a place in their papers. Although the music of this collection will be strictly Irish, the words will be as strictly Virginian. An attempt will be made, and it is confidently expected a successful one, to enlist in the execution of this work all the poetical talents of the state, both male and female; we say female, because we very firmly believe that the day is not distant when Virginia shall boast her Sappho, and her Corinna; and that the fame of the Lesbian and Roman Dames shall be rivalled, if not eclipsed, by some fair daughters of the antient dominion.
An Historical Essay on the Character and Antiquity of Irish Songs, BY JOHN D. BURK.
THE world is disposed to consider as fictions the accounts of the antient literature and glory of Ireland. The modern traveller in exploring the ruins of Troy, looks in vain for the classic floods of the Simois and Scamander; and questions the authority of Homer; and to this too it is owing that Scotland a country, which, properly speaking, has no music of her own, has contrived to appropriate to herself in what she calls a collection of Scottish music, some of our sweetest melodies the names of whose composers are dear and familiar to every Irishman.
In justice however to the Bard whose "tumultuous tongue is for ever silent in his narrow house" it should be told that he advanced his pretensions with doubt and hesitation, and in his frank and guileless manner he acknowledges the difficulty of "ascertaining the truth respecting Scotch Poetry and music." Like justice is due to the ingenious editor of this admirable collection. Unaffected by all the national partialities of the bard repeatedly urged on him with all the various powers of persuasion with which he was so eminently gifted; himself too perhaps not wholly free from national prejudices, he had the courage and honesty to preserve throughout the impartiality of an author.
But there is no need of resorting to evidence of this kind. As the admissions of an enemy, they may indeed serve to strengthen our position. There is a higher evidence arising from the history of the two countries; from facts, which leave no room for conjecture or analogy. Scotland, after the destruction of her antient historical records by Edward the first, was compelled to resort to Ireland, "ut canabula gentis" to supply the classis in her national annals. The universal opinion at that time prevailing of their descent from the Irish, founded on the broadest base of historical certainty, is attested by the speech of (a) James I. of Scotland to his Parliament, wherein he boasts "that the Scottish Dynasty is descended from that of Ireland." That part of the Scottish history then, previous to the reign of Edward 1st. rests altogether on Irish authority, and during the whole of this era they are not once spoken of either by their own historians, or by those of Ireland or by other nations as distinguished by musical excellence or taste.
It has been regarded by posterity as one of the noblest proofs of the passion for taste and letters distinguishing the Greeks, that at the Olympic and other games and festivals in the midst of the sweat and dust of Athletic exercises, the productions of genius held an honorable place. Thucydides and Pindar severally recited their compositions to assembled Greece. But what shall we say of a People, who, long before the era of Greek refinement, held a (b) triennial convention or assembly of states, when, after 6 days of magnificent entertainment, accompanied by Athletic and Martial exercises, the bards and historiographers bro't down the series of historical events; recounted the exploits of particular warriors, and their compositions at the close of the festival, having undergone the revision of a select committee, were at length recorded in the national archives.
(a) It was considered as an historical fact, undoubted and uncontroverted so late as the reign of James the first of England, as appears by his answer to the agents of the Lords of the Pale, in Council. There is a double cause, "said he," why I should be careful of the welfare of that people; first, as king of England, by reason of the long possession the Crown of England hath had of that land; and also as king of Scotland, for the antient kings of Scotland are descended of the Kings of Ireland—Rowden's account, Vol. 1. Appendix. p. 61. (b) Rowden, Vol. 1. p. 23.
in a book entitled the Psalter of Tarah, which has happily been recovered from the Wreck of Irish antiquities.
In the times of the monarchs Hngony, Logair, and Coblach, full six centuries before the Christian era, the harp is frequently spoken of; and there is no doubt but the model of it was introduced by the Phoenician ancestry, from whom it is known the Greeks borrowed their arts and sciences.
The evidence in support of these facts, independent of the consistent relations of Irish bards and historians as is complete and satisfactory as any, which has ever been submitted to the human mind, on questions of history. We shall begin with Giraldus Cambrensis, a learned prelate, a native of Britain and a determined enemy of Ireland, who passed over into that kingdom in the reign of Henry 2d. invested by that monarch with authority to enquire into and correct abuses civil and ecclesiastical.
But such was the celebrity of the Irish music a century preceding the arrival of Cambrensis, that the Welsh bards so celebrated for their knowledge in this art, condescended to seek for and receive instructions from those of Ireland; of which this passage of Powell, their own historian, in the sixth century is evidence. (Giraldus ap Conan) says Powell, brought with him from Ireland divers cunning musicians into Wales, who, (he boldly affirms) devised in a manner all the instrumental music that is now there used, as appears as well by the books written of the same, as also by the names of the tunes (c) and measures used among them to this date. (d)
The antient poetry of Ireland, even in its degenerate state, and after it had been corrupted by false ornaments, Spencer pronounced of it, that it savoured of sweet wit and good invention. (f) The MORA BONA of Fergus, is not surpassed by any thing in its kind, either of Pindar or Homer.
The amatory ballads and tunes are equally antient and equally beautiful. Several compositions of O'Riaghy, Patrick Linden, Fitzgerald and others of genuine merit, were published in the reign of Elizabeth. The exquisite music of Cuin and Keun Dubh Deliah were known in the reign of Henry the 8th, a very modern period compared with that in which the airs were composed. Scar-faint na Campachas, or the parting of friends, is considered as very antient.
The tune Thugamar Jen a Sambralin is probably extremely antient. It was sung by the band of Virgins that went out of Dublin to welcome the Duke of Ormond when he landed in Ireland.
The antient air, Ta na Samradt batcht, or the summer is coming, is used upon the opening of summer in the different parts of the kingdom. Strange as it may appear, this proves to be the same song in essence, both as to poetry and music, which Dr. Burney has written and published so voluminous a critique on, as the first piece of music ever set in score in Great Britain.
The air of, If to a foreign clime you go, procured in the county of Mayo, we have reason to believe the oldest extant. At the national meeting of harpers at Belfast in 1792, it was sung by only one person, and although numbers were present, few knew it even by name; but they all appeared greatly delighted with the composition.
Most of the performers convened at the above mentioned meeting were men advanced in life, and they all concurred in one opinion respecting the reputed antiquity of those airs, which they called antient. They smiled on being interrogated concerning the era of such compositions, saying that they were more antient than any to which our popular traditions extended.
While the musical corruptions of Ireland were thus cheering her sunny slopes and Arcadian valleys; whilst they extorted the reluctant admiration of her enemies, and the reverential homage of the Welsh, who repaired to her for instruction as the CYBELE or great mother of European melody, the music of Scotland had neither an existence nor a name. No instruments, no tunes, no measures, no bards, none at least which have descended to us, had place amongst them. As an Irish colony they certainly might have taken with them the instruments and arts of their founders; but the Picts and Irish emigrants engaged in incessant wars with the Britons and Romans; the pressure of various calamities in the eleventh century, obliged them to take refuge with their founders.
In addition to this, neither the face nor climate of the highlands presented equal inducements or motives for musical or poetical inspiration. The mountain nymph liberty and the hardy virtues flourish in equal and perhaps superior vigour on the blasted heath and snow-capped mountain; but the muses have ever been wont to dwell in regions of balmy softness and luxuriant fertility: the sunny slope, the flower clad vale, the living fountain crisp'd with moss and fringed with wild flowers, the silent grove where cooling zephyrs fan the blood and animate the fancy; these have ever been the wizard haunts of poesy and song.
Down to the era then of Edward the 1st. we are justified by oral and written tradition, and even by analogy itself in asserting, that the Scotch were utterly unknown as a poetical or musical people; whilst the Irish so high up as their history or tradition extended, have been distinguished by their own records, by the concurrent testimony of strangers and enemies, and by the still higher evidence of the poetry and song, which have been preserved, as preeminent for their unrivalled excellence in both.
It remains now to compare the circumstances of the two countries from the reign of the first Edward to the present day; an era, when history being wholly divested of fable, and the events recorded with fidelity, will enable us to see things as they are, without resort to the illusive light of fancy or the dubious gleam of tradition.
The ingenious editor of the works of Burns, in his life of this interesting man, has the following singular passage, which cannot be considered with too much attention by those who feel the least interest in the present dispute. "It is (says he) a circumstance not a little curious, and which does not seem to be satisfactorily explained, that in the nineteenth century the language of the two British nations, if at all different, differed only in dialect, the Gaelic in the one, like the Welsh or armoric in the other, being confined in the mountain districts. The English under the Edwards, and the Scots under Wallace and Bruce spoke the same language." (g) Now nothing is easier of solution than the difficulty this gentleman has imagined. By reason of the facility with which the artificial frontier between both nations could be passed, a considerable intercourse had existed during the wars of the Romans and the invasions by Picts, Saxons and Normans, and as the tide of hostility advanced, they mutually sought refuge with each other. During peace a considerable commercial intercourse must have always subsisted. There is even strong ground for believing that the whole of the Scottish low-lands were peopled from England. But the language of Ireland was not confined to her mountains. It had no dialects; and the language of the highlands was not as he would infer, a dialect of the British to which it bore no resemblance; but of the celtic or Irish. Another quotation from the same writer presents itself with curious felicity.
"There is (says he) some reason to believe that the original inhabitants of the British Isles possessed a peculiar and interesting species of music, which being banished from the plains by the successive invasions of the Saxons, Danes and Normans, was preserved with the native race in the wilds of Ireland and in the mountains of Scotland and Wales." Nothing certainly can be more lame and inconsistent than this reasoning. In the former quotation we are told the Scotch and English, with the exceptions of the Scotch highlands, under Bruce and Wallace, had one common language; now in order to afford probability to this conjecture, he should have gone on to show that the Irish also had a common language with the Scotch and English. This is certainly inferred; but nothing can be more untrue. According to Sir William Temple the celtic language used by the Irish is the most original and unmixed language in Europe.
It has during the amazing course of three thousand years, continued to be a living language and is proved by obvious inspection to be the identical language in use amongst the Carthaginians in the times of Hannibal and Hanno. The analogy of this language to the Greek is infinitely stronger than any dialect of the British. In fact but with the inhabitants of the Scottish highlands, their language is the same for the obvious reasons, that the two countries approach each other at this point and they are the same people.
Mr. Currie moreover seems to have been unacquainted with the testimony of Giraldus Cambrensis, who states positively that the tunes and musical instruments of Ireland differ from those of Britain and that they were eminently superior, and of the authorities of Powell, Cardoe and the learned Selden, who concur in stating that the people of Armorica or N. Britain received their music and musical instruments from the Irish. But however defective the premises of Mr. Currie may be, his conclusion is just. If this conjecture be true (says he) the Scottish music must be more immediately of highland origin, and the lowland tunes, though now of a character somewhat distinct, must have descended from the mountains in remote ages.
(c) Translation from Tapoz, Hyb. Distinct, 3, 9, 11. (d) History of Camb. p. 191, Edition 1584. (e) Notes on Dryst. Polych. Sona. (f) Crawler's Ireland. (g) Life of Burns by J. Currie vol. 1st. p. 180.
Ramsay, and had given place to a wretched stunted instrument called the stock and horn, which in its turn was forced to yield, to an inferior species of bag-pipe. Yet during this time with such instruments as these, it is pretended that on the banks of the Tweed or else-where some Scotch shepherds imagined those precious strains of rural melody; and that they were either so insensible to praise, or the nation itself so unaffected by their beauties, as to suffer their names to sleep with their authors in the grave—and during this time is known with certainty that Ireland had hundreds of excellent performers on the harp, and composers of unequalled excellence, whose names have not been suffered to perish; and hundreds of whose exquisite melodies have been preserved.
The history of the pretensions of Scotland to a national music, is short and easily understood. Amidst the tranquillity that succeeded to the union of that nation with England, the love of letters and a taste for English literature and language began universally to prevail. The people found themselves in possession of a species of wild but sweetly expressive harmony strung originally to Gaelic words, or as Mr. Currie would express it "which was more immediately of highland origin," which tradition has handed down as Gaelic or Irish; but which henceforth, being adapted to words of Scotch or English dialect began to be regarded as Scotch—This is entirely conformable to the conjectures of Mr. Ramsay of _____, that the most beautiful of the Scottish tunes were clothed with new words after the union of the crowns.
1st. Lochaber no more—2d. Through the wood laddie—3d. Moll Roe—4th. Come under my pladdie—5th. Banks of Dee—6th. What beauties does Flora disclose—7th. Maggie Lauder—9th. My Nanny oh—10th. Green grow the Rushes—11th. When bidded to the wake or fair. But aware as it would seem of the difficulty into which this admission would lead the advocates for Scottish song, the same gentleman under the signature of J. Reincoe gives his reasons at large for questioning the antiquity of many of the most celebrated Scottish songs. In the collection of Peppy, indeed there are a few Scottish songs of the last century; but the names of the authors are not preserved, and if it be allowed us to judge from the specimens which have survived, their loss should occasion but small regret to the admirers of Scottish music, or national antiquities. The truth probably is, that some part of the lowland music of Scotland and the whole of that of England, with the exception of Wales, are of the same character and origin, that a small part of it may be traced as high up as the reign of Mary Queen of Scots, a which time it was either introduced from Italy by David Rizzio or composed by him during a twenty years residence in Scotland. This opinion agrees with Oswald in his collection of Scottish tunes, in which the Broom of Cowden knows the Black Eagle, and serves another of the best Scotch tunes, are ascribed to him. It deserves fresh credit by the conformity between their basses and those of the old French Vaudeville brought from Italy by Rincuccine nearly a hundred years before Rizzio. It is still further confirmed by its entire want of resemblance to the Gaelic music still preserved in the highlands, which music is sung to Irish words, and flows entirely in the Irish manner.
It is moreover the opinion of the melodious Geminiani, that there is no original music on this side the Alps except the Irish: the Scotch and English, that is the lowland music of both, being originally borrowed from the Italians. If anything be wanting to afford complete conviction on this head, it will be found in the fact so often repeated that the Scotch cannot produce the name of a single composer nor the date of a single musical composition.
But although these observations are true of a part of the lowland music, they do not affect the antiquity of the greater part, which in the language of Dr. Currie is more immediately of highland origin; of that part, which according to Mr. Ramsay was sung to English words after the union of the Crowns. About this part, the question is between Scotland and Ireland; but it will cease to be a question, the materials are in our hands to decide it forever. We will produce such proofs as Mr. Burns himself deemed sufficient. We will produce the original Gaelic songs to which these airs were and are at this day sung in every part of Ireland. In some cases the airs are literally the same; in others, a slight variation is to be found, which may be considered a species of dialect arising from every reason of tradition and their loosing at every remove some portion of their original character. Sometimes the departure from the original strain is wider and the likeness consequently less obvious. This could have arisen only from plagiarism; the effort of mim. deficient in inventive sagacity to modify the antient airs into new—In such cases sometimes the opening of the melody is alone preserved; sometimes the conclusions. In others the character and expression are frequently altered by a new tune.
The very language of Scotland is sufficient evidence to have produced the difference that is observable. This observation may perhaps raise a smile of incredulity; but all doubts on this head will be removed by listening to an Irish air sung to words of Scotch idiom. It will be objected that this cannot affect the style of the music, if executed on an instrument. We can easily believe, however, from the effect produced by the use of the Scottish dialect in a single instance how great would be those produced by its habitual use on the tunes contended for; during their descent we can readily believe that the tunes have been taken down from the voice, and that the expression of the Scotch songster is now stamp on the music.
In general however the tunes are in every thing the same. The Scotch and Irish sets of Catherine Ogie differ no more than sets of modern tunes which we meet with every day. Burns's adieu called by the Irish the Peacock, is played in a slow time in Scotland: It is a more lively strain in Ireland. The Scotch mode certainly is the best, but the tune in other respects is the same, and it is Irish Lochaber no more, with scarcely the change of a single tone, as the music of the old Irish song, come under my Pladdie, and through the woods laddie of the Scotch, is of the Irish. The Banks of the Dee is longer to show time. Our surprise at this barefaced piracy should be lessened when it is known with certainty, that many of the antient Epic and Amatory songs of the Irish bards are to this day preserved in the highlands of Scotland in some cases with the music to which they were originally sung. Amongst a number that might be mentioned I Laddie an Ding; or the comb, between Con the son of Dargo, and Gaul, the son of Morne, which is recently been published in McDonald's collection of Highland Airs. This song in its original form is in manuscript in the university of Dublin, & indeed, are almost all the genuine compositions of our immortal Fergus and Ossian, which have survived the wreck of our national antiquities.
But it will be objected that we are assuming it as granted, that Ireland is the birth place of Ogie, when the direct contrary is established by the solemn declarations of Mr. MacEvers, the

criticism of Dr. Blair, and in some degree by common consent.
The time is gone by since full credit was given to this evidence; the fire of truth has since come down from heaven and burnt up the imposition, together with every vestige of evidence conjured up for its support.
To put an end to the controversy excited by the first appearance of those extraordinary poems, Dr. Johnston repeatedly called for the productions of the original, as the only infallible criterion whereby to judge of their authenticity. But those originals would have exposed, as they have subsequently exposed, one of the most extraordinary literary frauds or forgeries to be met with in history; and Mr. McPherson fled from the proof.
The mystery that attended the publication of these poems in their present shape, suggested to the learned in Ireland, (who also laid claim to a poet of the name of Ossin, Ossain, or Ossian) the propriety of a closer and more accurate investigation of their supposed antiquities. The University of Dublin had fortunately become the depository of those precious remains. A concurrence of favorable circumstances still farther tended to render this enquiry easy and successful.
The legacy of the eloquent Flood excited a general attention to the study of the Irish language, and the establishment of the royal Irish academy afforded a wide and luminous focus to the diverging and refracted rays of national genius. Under the influence of these causes, it was immediately discovered that no such thing as an Epic Poem existed in the Gaelic or Celtic languages: That Temora, Fingal, &c. were made up of several distinct songs, or Duans strung together by the industrious ingenuity of Mr. McPherson: That he had altered the date of his originals as well as their matter and form: That he suppressed the name of St. Patrick, MacAlpin, which frequently appears in these poems, and only occasionally alludes to him under the name of a Culee, or one of the first christian missionaries. He introduced the words "the sons of Streamy Morven," which are not to be found in the original, to support his indefensible fiction that Ossian was of that country, and for the same reason, "The hills of Arden." The noble "Fians of Ireland" are altered into the nobles and great chieftains, and for "Ireland he substitutes the whole land." Albin, or as it is sometimes written Albin, he translates Scotland; the Palace of Fin in Leinster, near the bog of Allen, which in all Irish songs and romances is generally called Albin, he translates mor Lagion, i. e. the great and spacious Albin or Leinster. The two golden apples, "he translates into an arrow of gold," and then adds, without any authority, from the original, that these were the signs of Morven's peace; in another place, without any authority, from the original, he calls Ossian of Woody Morven; this, however, is but the slight addition of an epithet, as Dr. Blair terms it in his elegant dissertation on the authenticity of those poems. We shall content ourselves with citing one other fact, which is deemed sufficient to remove all doubt from this subject. One of the professors of the university of Glasgow, having entertained some doubts of the authenticity of the translation, wrote to Mr. McArthur, minister of Muth, whose name is frequently mentioned in the course of the controversy, requesting that he would send him some of the originals from which the translation had been made. Mr. McArthur in his answer, told the professor, "that there were many of the spurious Irish ballads wandering through the country?" But to satisfy his scruples, he sent him the four following fragments as extracts from the genuine poem of Ossian:—The two first contain descriptions of the fight between Fingal and Swaran—see Fingal, B. 3. The third relates to the death of Oscar—see Temora, B. 1. The last is from the battle of Lora:—The first and second fragments are extracted from the poem entitled, Ossin agus an Clerich , which is in Mr. Hill's collection, which is current in Ireland and of which a beautiful copy is preserved in the library of the university of Dublin. It is entitled Laoir Mhamia Mhoir —A translated copy of it is also printed in the Perth edition, p. 18, under the title of Fhein agus Mhamia . The third is taken from the Mhurbarann Ossain ; and the fourth from the poem entitled, Ossin agus Cader —A copy of which is in the university of Dublin. It happens then, says the celebrated astronomer, Dr. Young, from whom I have taken this account, that these spurious Irish ballads, as they are called by Mr. McPherson and Mr. McArthur, are the very originals from which the former compiled his Ossian. For a more full and circumstantial account of this singular transaction, the American reader is referred to the letters of Mr. Hill and the proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, and if his patience will permit him to a comparison of the Irish poems with the Ossian of McPherson by which the imposture is instantly detected. It will be sufficient in this place to state, that Cormac Cuchalann, Fin or Fingal, Ossin, mac Ossin or Ossian, Oscar or Ossain, Gaul, &c. are not fanciful beings, but personages in Irish history, and that the Feni or Finns were a military order, kept up for the defence of the state who were finally destroyed at the battle of Gabra by Cormac, 260 years after the coming of Christ.
Instead of specifying the authors of their material and amatory ballads, the Scotch content themselves that they are the compositions of Ossian and other highland bards. By taking away Ossian, to whom it is established, they have not the shadow of a title, after a fair and elaborate examination in the face of Europe, those fancied beings and other highland bards unsupported by the talismanic name of the Celtic bard, vanish into the air like those ghosts he has so happily described.
Robert Burns's suspicion that the bards of Scotland and Ireland went errant through both countries, and that some favorite tunes might have thus become common to both, although intended as a compromise or amicable adjustment of the difference, cannot be admitted.
The consummate skill and high reputation of the Irish harpers and bards would hold out few inducements to musical errants from Scotland, which had no performers on the harp, and no reputation for music. The same circumstances added to the vicinity of both countries would render probable the frequent visits of Irish harpers to Scotland. Indeed, we know that these visits actually took place during the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, when the sympathy of both nations was strongly excited in favour of the unhappy Stuarts, and in all probability the emigration was more frequent and extensive when after the battle of Bannock Burn, the heroic Bruce in obedience to the wishes of the Irish, who wished to have a monarch of their own blood, sent his brother Edward with a considerable force to assist them in throwing off the hated yoke of England. The distresses incident to the failure of this expedition, the wide extended flames of a civil war carried on by both parties with pitiless rancour, would naturally point out to the weeping muses of Ireland, their contiguous descendants and recent allies as a safe and natural refuge.
What a wretched picture does the venerable harper Hampson, who went over, as it would appear by invitation, to the camp of the Pretender in 1745, give to the musical skill and attainments of the Scotch. In the houses of the Lords every where, he was received with open arms on account of his unvalued execution on the harp; but in his whole route he saw but a single instrument of that kind, and that old, unstrung and apparently long since consigned to oblivion. The concert of the young adventurer consisted of two pipes and a fiddler, although he was followed by the principal highland chiefs; and the musical attainments of those players he does not even condescend to notice. (J) Hampson lived to the
(1) The death of Hampson was announced in the newspapers to have taken place some months past.
great age of 108—He attended the great meeting of harpers in 1792, and was a living witness of the purity of the ancient music of Ireland, during the long period to which his memory extended.
COMMUNICATION. A HINT TO FARMERS.
To the Editor of The Enquirer: SIR,
Every day's experience contributes to the conviction of the people of this country, of the importance of as complete an independence on foreign supplies of every sort as possible, particularly in the line of clothing. The article of wool is perhaps the only one in this respect that is wanting, even at this time, to render the planters and farmers of this country independent. But a general disposition seems to have taken place throughout the country to increase this valuable stock, by abstaining from killing the flock, & by greater attention to it. As a means, however, of supplying the deficiency at present in some measure, it may be of service to state, that the cows-hair may be converted by manufacture, to the most valuable purposes, with an admixture with wool or cotton. The writer of this article has at this time in his house, specimens of this manufacture, which answers in the most comfortable manner, for bedding, blanketing and outside clothing of negroes. In the proportion of one part cotton or wool (the latter is preferable) and three parts hair—the warp in every instance wholly of cotton—the fibre of the hair being short, requires to be mixed with something of a longer fibre, and in the above proportion is carded with great facility—it costs us in the country one shilling per bushel, & requires soaking in water to take out the lime used by the tanners—it is then dried and whipped in the sun, which renders it ready for carding. As the season will soon approach at which tanners will have the hair on hand, it will be to the interest of every farmer who has not a sufficiency of wool for the clothing of his family, to supply himself with some of the hair.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER. SIR,
There appeared in your paper of the 16th inst. a statement in the form of a "Communication from Port Royal," respecting the late Westmoreland Election and the conduct of Mr. Bankhead, so utterly inconsistent with truth, that I must request leave through you to lay the facts before the public. The subject, though certainly of little moment to the people of Virginia, to a certain district of our country may not be altogether uninteresting; and in any event the attempt to expose error must at all times give some importance to every communication.
The writer of the statement alluded to, says, "that Mr. B. had been induced at a very late period, to offer his services to the people, and that it was not until late in the day of the court preceding the election, he was prevailed upon to declare himself."—The fact is otherwise. Mr. B. had early in March and sometimes before the day of the court preceding the election, at the nomination of delegates but decidedly earlier , publicly declared at Westmoreland court-house, on his way down the county, and elsewhere, his intention of offering . Previous to that court too, he had conversed with Mr. McKenney, one of the Republican candidates, on the subject of his opposition —and on the very morning of the day when the writer of the Port-Royal Communication heard him so voluntarily offered, he declared to your correspondent and to others, that unless Mr. McKenney would consent to be governed by the determination of their mutual friends, he could not voluntarily decline , because he had committed himself to the gentlemen of his neighborhood before he was informed of Mr. K.'s decision , and therefore stood in that respect on equal ground with him . If, indeed, Mr. B. was not induced to offer until Westmoreland March court, he is deprived of the only plausible excuse he has ever given to the Republicans of the county, for defeating the election of their candidates who had then declared themselves; and his Port Royal friend, who intends to do him a service, would, by making the discovery, be doing him an injury. Whether Mr. B. offered his services "much against his inclination," his subsequent conduct sufficiently proves. There were, however, some Republicans who thought it, more difficult to persuade him to decline, than to induce him to offer. The Port-Royal gentleman continues—Mr. B. "finding that the division he would occasion in the Republican party would inevitably throw them into a small minority, withdrew soon after the poll was opened and supported the election of the remaining Republicans."—Nothing could palliate this shameful misrepresentation of facts, but the writer's not having been present on the day, and probably having been deceived by the information of some one who had an interest in the deception. Almost the whole county can testify , to the truth of the following statement:
Mr. B. continued on the Bench at Hastings, if you please, from the time of the poll's being opened, until he gave his own vote. He was the two hundred and eightieth voter, and but nine persons except the candidates, afterwards voted. When 40 persons had voted, he had but one vote, and when the poll was closed he had 50, including those of the four candidates. The votes of the nine persons polled after his retreat, were not, and could not have been, influenced by that circumstance; so that the remaining Republicans were, in fact, thrown into as small a minority, (not intentionally, it is hoped) as Mr. B. could throw them into.
The Republicans of the county (the Port-Royal gentleman's opinion to the contrary notwithstanding) thought that Mr. B. under all circumstances, had no "reason to calculate on getting a very respectable vote," at least from them—He had been induced to offer by a Federalist—He had stood a poll at a time when he did know, or ought to have known, there was no chance of his own election, and an injury might be done to his political friends—and what perhaps had greater weight with many of them, he or some friend for him, and with his consent, did propose to Mr. Cox, one of the Federal candidates, that Mr. Campbell, a Federal gentleman, should determine which of the two should decline in the other's favor. The ground, it is believed, on which this coalition was to have been placed, was their mutual support of Mr. Monroe in opposition to Mr. Madison.
Now, although liberal Republicans think none the less of a man, because he is supported by liberal Federalists, yet when a coalition is proposed on any ground common to both, it is impossible for them not to entertain some little alarm.
As to the county's being "decidedly Federal," the writer of the foregoing has great doubts about the truth of the assertion. He believes the parties are nearly equally balanced, and that any election fairly and properly conducted will support him in the opinion.
This and every other remark made in the communication from Port-Royal only proves that the writer knows nothing of the county of Westmoreland, or of the transactions upon which he commented. We can have little doubt, but that Mr. Bankhead himself would have contradicted the statements of a friend, who has most probably been betrayed unintentionally into error. It would be uncharitable to suppose that he had any sinister object in view, or that he erred from design.
A CITIZEN OF WESTMORELAND. May 14th, 1808.
DOMESTIC.
NEW-YORK, May 18.
We are informed by the captain of the Cotton Planter, arrived yesterday from Antigua, that 70 sail of the Cork and London fleet had arrived there four days previous to his sailing. The fleet consisted, originally, of 100 vessels, but thirty sail had been captured by two French frigates. Among the list of vessels captured, we observe a valuable ship called the Orion, with a cargo of Madeira wine.
Extract of a letter to the editor of the Fredericksburg Chronicle, dated Louisiana, 21st March, 1808.
"The only news here, is, that the Osages have lately robbed a vast number of families, and are pursued from the mines, by 3 mounted riflemen. I'll write on their return, and state their success."
The house of Representatives of the Orleans territory on the 10th of March, passed a resolution—years 14, nays 6—"that after the expiration of the session, the seat of the legislature shall no longer continue in the city of N. Orleans." Nat. Int.
MAMMOTH!!
"A gentleman from Vermont," has communicated that a raft is preparing on Lake Champlain nearly half a mile long, & which is to contain all the surplus produce of that state, to be transported to Montreal. A fort also, he reports, is erected which is "ball proof." He also informs, that Gov. Smith has ordered out the militia to intercept this armament, and if all is true, that the "gentleman from Vermont," reports, dreadful consequences must ensue. A raft half a mile in length would require a large space of water for its navigation. There certainly is no lake or river in the known world, in which it could perform any evolutions, and valuable citizens certainly would be "despicable fools" to venture their persons or their property in such an undertaking.....N. York L. Oracle.
PHILADELPHIA, May 26.
A letter from Eastport, (Ma.) dated the 10th inst. says—"There were entered at the custom-house in Passamaquoddy , from the 2d to 7th May from different ports of the U. S. 19,600 bbls. flour, 2,700 do. pork & beef, 1,700 do. bread, 3,059 do. naval stores, 4,500 bushels corn, besides great quantities of butter, lard, &c."
We have great satisfaction in announcing the arrival of the very valuable ship China Packet, capt. Hewitt, from Calcutta and Madras. This is the last India ship from either of those ports, looked for in this port the present season.
ST. ALBANS, (VER.) May 3.
A number of militia have been this day detached from this regiment, by order of the Governor, to enforce the laws of the United States, and quell all combinations against the due observance of the same. The detachment from Vermont is commanded by Captain Hopkins of Swanton, and we believe consists of about twenty-five men, who are or will be immediately joined by a detachment from New York side, to proceed with all possible dispatch to the British lines, in order to prevent the passing of a large quantity of lumber in rafts, which is now near the lines. There is now a heavy gale from the south, and the rafts being supplied with such a quantity of sail, that we think it hardly possible for human force to restrain their movements, till they pass the provincial line. We hope no serious consequences will arise from this conflict between the sovereignty of the United States, and the sovereignty of pecuniary want.
RHODE ISLAND ELECTION.
PROVIDENCE, May 14.
At the session of the General Assembly last week in Newport, we learn, no business was transacted excepting the election of officers; and those of last year were generally re-elected. Alphens Billings, Esq. was chosen High Sheriff for this county, in place of Jeremiah Knight, Esq. resigned. Samuel Pease, Esq. was appointed 2d Major of the 2d regiment of militia. The Assembly adjourned on Saturday last, to meet again in Newport on the third Monday in June.
OUR OWN STATE.....A paragraph is going the rounds through the federal papers, declaring that the federalists have a majority in the House of Representatives of this State of four, and of three in the Senate—We are under the agreeable necessity of informing the gentlemen "able editors," that they are a little mistaken in their calculations—as on a trial of the strength of the parties at the late session, in grand committee, there appeared a republican majority of seventeen!
The long expected revolution in Spain has at length taken place, and a general change must naturally ensue throughout all their dominions. Their weak monarch, under the guidance of an ambitious minister has been deprived of that power which has always been exercised for infamous purposes. A general joy has pervaded the kingdom for the deliverance from a yoke which had become intolerable.
This great event has been completed without any violent convulsion. It was an extraordinary circumstance that a family, originally obscure as that of Godoy, would have become possessed of such boundless power & immense riches, at a time when the Spanish nation oppressed with the expense of continual wars, reduced to the greatest extremities. The sums accumulated by this single family would have been sufficient to fit out squadrons for the protection of their commerce, and would have saved the public credit, which since the commencement of the ministerial career of the prince o. peace has been almost entirely destroyed.
His power is far exceeded any ever possessed by the oldest grandees, he directed the proceedings of the army, and commanded the whole funds of the nation in his hands and in those of his associates the most absolute authority was invested. The grandees, the heads of the church, and even the presumptive heir to the crown trembled before a man who was destitute of patriotism and honor, and who owed his elevation to the most base intrigues, and his fortune to public spoliations. When the successes of France reduced Spain to the lowest verge, recourse was had by the king to a man who, to gratify his own purposes, would act as a sycophant and to satiate his ambition, would descend to the most degrading submissions.
Don Manuel Godoy in 1798, was a private
soldier, and from that humble station he rose to the possession of greater power than were ever within the grasp of Richelieu or Mazarin in France. Like them, surrounded with guards, and more immense riches, he exercised an uncontested dominion. He was allied to the house of Bourbon by a marriage with a princess of that family, and after the commission of innumerable crimes, it is remarkable that he himself never made an attempt on the throne.
The extravagance of this avaricious being was boundless, he made all the honors & dignities which were heaped upon him, the sources of extortion and plunder. Throughout the islands and the Spanish possessions in America, he had agents who put in operation his schemes of plunder. We are informed that contemplating to erect a palace suitable to his rank and taste, he had dispatched orders to the island of Cuba, to cut down the finest of the mahogany in those extensive forests. He intended in the building of this palace to eclipse the glory of Solomon in the erection of the temple which has immortalized his name.
Don Manuel was certainly the secret enemy of the French nation, and of Napoleon. His reluctance in acceding to Bonaparte's views was manifested by the repugnance he displayed for the invasion of Portugal. The great commerce which Great Britain carried on with the Spanish continent, and with the colonies in America and the vast sums which the Prince of Peace had deposited in the Bank of England, plainly prove the accusation brought against him, of an intention to give up the Spanish fleet to the English, who by transporting the Spanish throne to America, would become possessed of the exclusive commerce of the two worlds.
Spain, which, under Philip II. was richer than all the rest of Europe, and was the terror of England, has been reduced by this ambitious minister, to the most degrading situation. They are cut off from communication with their colonies, and it is impossible for them to obtain their former usual supplies from the rich and valuable mines in South America.
The English papers have for a long time, been prophesying that a dreadful revolution was about to take place in Spain; but they little suspected the result would have been as it has happened—England and France, both covet the valuable dominions of the Spaniards, and have exerted every policy to possess, or to profit by them.
If it is true that the Prince of Peace was attached to the interest of Great Britain Bonaparte must have had notice of his designs, and his manoeuvres demonstrate that he had intimation of his motives. The best of the Spanish troops, were sent into Poland, and are now operating against Sweden; another army was destined for Gibraltar, whilst numerous French troops have overrun the Spanish territory, under the pretence of invading Portugal. Their fleets at cadiz and Ferrol are all intermixed. These strokes of policy must have been intended for the purpose of keeping a strict observation upon their conduct, and to secure them in case of emergency.
The usual good fortune of Bonaparte appears, to have again accompanied him in his views upon Spain. If it had failed the consequences would have been of a serious nature to him. If he had been deprived of his naval force at Carthagena, which it appears has been joined with the Rochefort squadron, his Mediterranean expeditions would have failed; which occurrence would have made a considerable alteration in his affairs.
His views however have been crowned with success, and no doubt, he will profit by the great charge which has been effected. L'Oracle.
In the annals of the Museum of France, in 1804, the Professor of Comparative Anatomy begins one of his learned disquisitions in the following words. "Mr. Jefferson, President of the United States, whose virtue and talents are the happiness of the people that he governs, and the admiration of all the friends of human nature, and who has united to these superior qualities an enlightened affection to the sciences, and an extensive knowledge of them, by which he has contributed to very many well known discoveries in them, is the first who has discovered the subject of our communication." Who could believe that the greatest friends of science could apply such language of the man, who is reviled by the meanest of the people, to whom he is the greatest benefactor, and whose judgment the most contemptible declaimers of our country dare to challenge amidst the shouts of the prophanes, the profligate, and the most abandoned wretches of a desperate party! Salem Register.
The Hon. Wm. Gray has not acted with the federal party in their late movements. A distinguished federalist a day or two since declared, that "Mr. Gray had turned democrat, and we must give him up to the democrats.".....Ib.
• One of the richest merchants in the north, and owner of numberless vessels.
FROM THE AURORA.
RECOLLECTIONS.
The readers of the Aurora may perhaps recollect some fugitive dreams which some two or three years ago appeared in this paper—in which the recent revolution in Spain appeared "as in a dream."
Perhaps the readers of the Aurora may not wholly forget, that the minister ostensible from Spain, about the period of the Orleans cession, was on the closest terms of intimacy with Mr. Merry. And perhaps it may recur to the memory of our readers, that the minister of England, and the minister ostensible of Spain, on that occasion, took very lofty airs in concerto —and in the diplomatic key. About the same time, perhaps, it may not be forgotten, that we published, as facts, that Bonaparte had demanded from the Spanish government, a categorical answer to three questions—
1. The nature and terms of the late negotiations with Russia?
2. The reasons for not providing sufficiently for the security of their possessions in America?
3. Why Spain was at that time arming?
Demanding at the same time the payment of fifty thousand dollars per day, until such questions should be satisfactorily answered.
If our readers will recur to the dream in the Aurora, they will find a real history of secret transactions between the British minister Frere , then the resident incog. in Portugal, a Russian minister publicly accredited, and the some time Prince of Peace .
Immediately on Bonaparte's communications to Spain, a total suspension of the internal policy took place, and an apparent
new system followed, but the army was not disbanded; tho' the fleet was fitted out with vigor. To save trouble some time after, first 30,000 Spaniards, and afterwards 30,000 more were required to join the French armies in Germany; they were sent and they remain there.
After the battle of Friedland, the Russian government, in an amicable way , exhibited the whole of the correspondence which took place between Great-Britain and Russia, from the peace of Amiens; and whether it was intended or not, the correspondence with Spain appears to have come in—incidentally—and from that moment Bonaparte determined upon the seize of Gibraltar! in form and manner, and so forth.
So the shipment of millions of dollars from the Spanish colonies of Britain—and the free entry of British frigates in time of war, into ports where British ships of any kind could not enter in time of peace, can now be explained, in the good understanding of the Prince of Peace with the British ministers and the large deposits of money in the British banks.
The second question is also answered by recent events—why were not the Spanish possessions better protected?
The recent revolution in Spain, will be fortunate for the United States. For many years the influence of Great-Britain has involved the United States with the government of that country; and the agents of Spain, while Spain has been at war against England, have been acting as if the government of Spain was in alliance with England.
We do not descend to the details of these things—as to cause or motive—we look simply at facts in our recollection, and on which we have long since touched in a disconnected and unmethodical way, these scenes which have preceded a most extraordinary denouement.
PHILADELPHIA, May 23.
General Wilkinson arrived in this city on Thursday, and left town for Lancaster on Saturday morning; the general's business here at this time was in pursuit of evidence, but it so happened, that the gentleman he came to look for here, left town the same morning that he arrived; his business to Lancaster is of the same nature. Mr. Andrew Ellicott was summoned as an evidence, on the part of the prosecutor or prosecutors of the general, but refused to attend, and the general is now obliged to ride through the country to obtain the evidence alleged to be against him; this case will very soon assume its true aspect before the public; and the hidden springs which moved the machinery of persecution in congress, will be traced up by a clue —that though it has been suspected by some has never been decisively ascertained by any, but now will be laid bare to the world's indignation.....Aurora.
Mr. De Witt Clinton has a great number of warm friends in Pennsylvania, but it is a fact that the very suspicion that he patronizes or sinks at Cheetham's turpitude, shakes their confidence—Cheetham had the stupid impudence to avow that he believed political men on all sides acted under masks—and on being asked if he acted so himself he did not deny it. In fact any man or party connected with such a man must sink. Aurora.
BOSTON, May 18. REPUBLICANS!
We can now confidently encourage you to expect, that if the Republican Representatives chosen are all at their posts in due season, they will constitute a majority of the House. It is hoped every one will be punctual.
TIT FOR TAT.
"The Hon. James Witherell, member of congress, from the S. W. district of Vermont is appointed a judge of the Michigan territory."
"Note Mr. Witherell was a member of the caucus which nominated Mr. Madison for the Presidency.".....Citizen.
"The Hon. Josiah Masters, member of congress, from the state of New-York, is also appointed a judge."
"Note Mr. Masters was a member of the quid caucus which protested against the nomination of Mr. Madison—joined the league of John Randolph & Co in vilifying the administration and Mr. Jefferson, and was the co-partner of Cheetham in his infamous attack on the government." Pub. Adver.
Extract of a letter from St. Bartholomew to a mercantile house in New-York, dated May, 1808.
"I am this day informed from Antigua, that the Governor has forbid the Americans collecting any old debts—or any shipments being made on their account. You may rely on the information being correct."
New way to evade the Embargo. CHARLESTON, May 11.
Arrived, sch'r Whim, Burkheimer, Havanna, bound to Boston, sugar and molasses. Capt. Burkheimer informs, that from 15 to 20 American vessels have arrived at Havanna, from the United States, under the permission of one of the embargo acts, in ballast. A brig from New-Orleans with 1500 barrels of flour, bound to a Northern port, was boarded by a boat full of soldiers and brought into that port.
A British armed brig and schooner lately attacked a number of Spanish drogers, from Maribel bound to Havanna, under convoy of some gun boats and captured two or three of the number, but were compelled to relinquish the pursuit, as the drogers took shelter under a Spanish battery.
MAY 17. COMMUNICATION.
On Saturday morning last, at half past nine o'clock, the Corner Stone of FORT MOULTRIE, was laid by a Young Lady of Charleston, accompanied by several others. This work, when finished, will do honor to the Government, the Engineer, and those employed in the construction of it. From the arrangements and preparations that are made; it offers fair for a quick completion.
The following remarks from the Plebeian, a paper printed in the neighborhood of Mr. Gardener, will aid the public in forming a just estimate of this man's character. "Mr. Gardener expressed his feelings on this subject just before his departure for Washington, with patriotic warmth and prophetic foresight. He expressed a belief that we had ample cause for declaring war against Great-Britain ; and added, that that nation would continue to accumulate injuries upon us, and to restrict our commerce until we manifested a full determination to avenge our cause. He thought the present time propitious to make such a stand,

He advocated the principle that the flags of neutral merchantmen should protect their crews. He said it ought to be a federal— an American maxim, and gave the name of a distinguished federalist as countenancing it. He said, that if Mr. Jefferson insisted on the acknowledgment of the right by Great Britain, he would support him in it; and that if he did not, then he would abuse him. Mr. Jefferson remains the same; and where is Mr. Gardener? Alas! wandering through the mazes of inconsistency in search of the high road to popularity; which, like a will-o'-the-wisp, are apprehensive, will often decoy him into the quagmires of imprudence, without bringing him to the goal of his wishes."
CIRCULAR.
A letter from the President of the United States to the Governor of Massachusetts; published at the request of the latter—who also requests the Printers of the several Newspapers in the Commonwealth to publish it—to the intent that the people may avail themselves of any advantages that they may legally derive from the provisions it contains.
Washington, May 6, 1808.
SIR, "The evasions of the preceding Embargo Laws, went so far towards defeating their objects, and chiefly by vessels clearing out coastwise, that Congress, by their act of April 25th, authorised the absolute detention of all vessels bound coastwise, with cargoes exciting suspicion of an intention to evade those laws. There being few towns on our sea-coast, which cannot be supplied with flour from their interior country—shipments of flour became generally suspicious, and proper subjects of detention. Those of Massachusetts may need supplies of flour by sea for their own consumption—That they may not suffer by the cautions we are obliged to use, I request of your excellency, whenever you deem it necessary that your present or any future stock should be enlarged, to take the trouble of giving your certificate in favor of any merchant in whom you have confidence, directed to the Collector of any port usually exporting flour, from which he may choose to bring it, for any quantity, which you may deem necessary for consumption beyond your interior supplies; inclosing to the Secretary of the Treasury, at the same time, a duplicate of the certificate, as a check on the falsification of your signature. In this way we may ensure a supply of your citizens, and, at the same time, prevent those wants from being made a cover for the crimes against their country, which unprincipled adventurers are in the habit of committing. I trust too that your excellency will find an apology for the trouble I propose to give you in that desire, which you must feel, in common with all our worthy citizens, that inconveniences encountered cheerfully by them for the interests of their country, shall not be turned merely to the unlawful profits of a small party of society."
I salute your Excellency with assurances of my high respect and consideration. TH: JEFFERSON.
EUROPE.
LORD ERSKINE'S SPEECH, ON THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The following speech of Lord Erskine is worthy of the most attentive perusal.
LONDON, March 9. Lord Erskine rose, and in a most eloquent and brilliant speech of upwards of two hours, which we regret being unable to give more than a faint outline, took a luminous view of the law of nations which, he contended, was violated by the Orders in Council. The question, his Lordship observed, which the House had now to decide, was one of the greatest importance that could occupy the attention of the Legislature—it was no less than whether placed in that proud pre-eminence on which we had hitherto stood, we should continue that course of conduct towards nations, marked by justice, honor and good faith which had hitherto characterised this nation; or whether we should now descend from that exalted situation and declare to the world, that the injustice of France should become a general injustice, and that all those moral sanctions, which had hitherto supported laws from whence the nations of the world had derived security and happiness, should be at once abrogated and annulled? Let him not be told upon such a question of the order in council of the 7th of Jan. and that that was a justification of these orders; let him not be told of what the preceding administration had done—let not any such argument be advanced. This was not a question between two Administrations—a question between administration and the public, between them and the nations of the world—all of whom anxiously looked to the decisions of that house and of Parliament upon this momentous subject. Two of the resolutions he intended to propose went to the point, that the power of legislation was vested exclusively in the king, by and with the advice of parliament; but that the king had no right in council, to alter or suspend any law, except in case of sudden emergency, and then that parliament ought forthwith to be called together to consider of such emergency. How was it in this case? Parliament, instead of being called to her, were further prorogued. At the time these Orders in Council were issued, the assistance of Parliament might have been immediately had; Parliament was at the threshold and ready to enter their chambers, but ministers chose to send them back and to legislate without them; and now after all this, they came to parliament to give effect to the orders which they chose to issue without the authority of Parliament when they might have had that authority. He would no sooner throw the patent by which he came there as a peer of the realm, into the fire, than consent to sanction the exercise of such a power in the Crown as had been advised by Ministers, who when they had done this act, had now come to Parliament to cloke out the measure, and to add legislative enactments to what had been done without regard to the authority of Parliament. This act had also been done in violation of the law of nations, which was a part of the law of the land, under which neutrals had hitherto traded to our ports in security. Their trade, and the property embarked in it, having been protected by the law of the land. The law of Nations consisted of those provisions which had been agreed upon by nations for mutual security and protection, which had been in many instances confirmed by treaties. A distinction had been attempted to be taken on a former evening, between the law of nations and the usages of nations: he apprehended, however, that the former grew in a great degree out of the latter.
This law had been found mutually beneficial, had been mutually sanctioned and clearly defined, and had, according to the opinions and decisions of eminent lawyers, become a part of the law of the land. He did not mean to contend, that the law of nations did not give to a belligerent the right of retaliating upon another belligerent; but in what way? Instead of the complex sense which had been given to the word retaliation, let its real meaning be looked to, as deduced from its derivation; it would then be found that it meant the doing a like act to the enemy which he did to us. An inference had been drawn from this interpretation on a former evening, that we were therefore to act precisely in the same manner as the enemy; and that if he violated a neutral territory in order to make a more convenient attack, that we were to follow him, step by step: no such thing. If A struck him he had a right to strike A; not for the sake of striking, but in order to prevent him from continuing the attack; but was it because he was struck by A, that, therefore, he was to strike B? So we had a right to retaliate the violence or the injustice of France, but we had no right to make an attack upon the innocent & unoffending neutral. If a neutral voluntarily acquiesced in, and agreed to carry into effect an act of hostility by one belligerent against another, then she became a party in the war. If also a neutral was so weak that she must submit to the evils of one belligerent, and the belligerent actually proceeded to carry into effect his hostile designs by means of the weakness of the neutral, then an act of retaliation by the other belligerent must involve the neutral. He would not however, fatigue their Lordships by citing supposed cases, but would go at once to the case of America: it was clearly proved that America had not acquiesced in the Berlin decree, but had remonstrated against it; and was it to be believed, that at the distance of upwards of three thousand miles America was to be compelled by France, with scarcely any navy, to assist in carrying the French decrees into execution? But what could justify the act of retaliation? nothing but the execution of the obnoxious decree—it must be executed to justify retaliation. It was nothing that the French emperor chose to issue a boasting decree, he had not the means of carrying it into effect, he had not vessels to execute it. We, it seemed had determined to supply vessels & to capture, our own goods upon the ocean. The French emperor could not destroy the trade of neutrals for want of vessels, but we were to put the finishing hand to it.
America, with a tonnage amounting to half our own, carried on a trade to every quarter of the globe, took 10,000,000. of our exports, and carried them, and would have continued to have carried them, to the ports of the enemy in spite of the decree; but our orders in council must put an end to this trade, and reduce America to distress for want of the means of disposing of her produce. When a measure, in some degree similar, was resorted to by the French government in the year 1795, a Right Hon. Gentleman, then in Administration, laughed at it, and thought it absurd to take any other notice of it. Had this policy been now adopted, our trade might have gone on flourishing, as it did subsequent to and in spite of the French decree, which might have been posted on the piazzas and posts of Paris, but which would have remained a dead letter, and been laughed at by the world. How was it now? France had said that American vessels coming from the ports of this country should be confiscated, and we had declared that if they did not first come to our ports they should be liable to capture. Thus we had rendered it impossible for the Americans to carry on any trade; we had driven their commerce from their ports, and, from the system adopted by the ministers, it seemed as if we should soon try the effect of the theory supported in a pamphlet lately published; that Britain could flourish independent of commerce. The system of Ministers in these regulations forcibly reminded him of a circumstance which a short time since occurred in Ireland. He did not mean any national reflection, for he highly reprobated the generous and brave character of the natives of that part of the United Kingdom, but although displaying much genius, they were sometimes deficient in precision.
A banker in that country, who was also a magistrate, having offended a number of persons by his pushing one of them who had been concerned in a riot, they unanimously agreed to retaliate upon him, and after some consideration it was also agreed, that the most effectual mode of doing this would be to burn as many of the notes issued from this bank as they could collect, by which measure of retaliation the banker was a gainer of between 50 and 40,000. He hoped their lordships would not sanction a system of retaliation similar in its principle to this Irish measure, which, it should be recollected, was adopted by those who had derived little advantage from education, and who had but little knowledge of the world. Their lordships on the contrary, were statesmen, legislators, and men of the world. The noble lord contended; that one nation had no right to alter the law of nations; applying this to the orders in council, which did alter the law of nations, and quoting opinions of Sir William Scott, Sir Dudley Ryan, lord Mansfield, and Mr. Murray, then attorney general, and other high legal authorities, to prove this point; and also what was considered the law of the land with respect to the law of nations. His lordship also quoted the work of the Earl of Liverpool, respecting the maritime confederacy, where the same argument was urged. He hoped that noble Earl would not live to see the place from whence he had taken his title, and which had risen by commerce from a fishing village. This argument was, besides, deducible both from policy, and the reason of the thing. What became of the arguments against the maritime confederacy, if it were to be allowed that one power had a right to alter the law of nations? These arguments were founded upon a principle expressly the contrary. The maritime rights of Britain had become by long usage, incorporated with the law of nations: and it was therefore contended, and justly contended that no power had a right to make a new law contrary to these rights. Those powers who entered into the maritime confederacy, were forced (for those who were in the wrong were generally obliged to support themselves by the same kind of arguments) to set aside Puffendorf, Grotius, Vattel, and the other writers on the law of nations, and set up arguments of their own, wholly contradictory to these established principles; and in the same manner he had heard that in another place, Puffendorf, Grotius, Vattel, and other writers, had been set aside in argument for the purpose of introducing a new law of nations: To attempt
to introduce such a new law would be in effect introducing a principle which would tend to barbarise the world. The decisions of our courts of admiralty had been invariably founded on the principle, that one power could not alter the law of nations, without the consent of the whole. Those decisions had been looked to by all Europe, as being strictly conformable to the law of nations, and had been described, by an eminent writer, as the most worthy to be regarded, because they could not be influenced by the order of the sovereign, or the caprice of a minister. Now the great principles upon which these decisions were founded were to be wholly subverted, a new law of nations was to be introduced by this country, and made subservient to our own convenience. This new law was to be found in these Orders in Council, which stated in their preamble, as the reason for issuing them, that there had been an increased rigor in the execution of the French decree. In order to support this assertion it should have been proved—first, that there was a rigor; and then, that that rigor was increased; this assertion remained wholly unproved; and yet its assertion in the preamble could alone authorise the execution of those Orders in courts of admiralty; without it the orders could not have been construed in courts of admiralty, contrary to the established law of nations; and yet the documents laid before the house by ministers, wholly failed in proving this very assertion, which must form the ground of carrying the orders into effect. But then it was said that all this was done under the authority of the king's war prerogative. The law of nations was only operative in time of war, and it were an absurdity in reasoning and a contradiction in principle, to say that it could be abolished by the king's war prerogative; that that which only existed in force in time of war, could be stifled in its birth, could be, in its very origin, abrogated by an opposing prerogative, which also derived its existence from the same source. His lordship quoted statutes of the reign of Edward III. and Richard II. to prove that by the distinction made between the property of Denizens, foreigners, and enemies, that the principles of the law of nations, as existing in time of war, were even then clearly understood, and seemed in his opinion, to negative the counter operation of any such prerogative. In latter times also, such a prerogative had not been exercised. In 1709, upon an emergency, Queen Anne called her Parliament together, it not seeming to be conceived at that time that she could exercise any such prerogative. He could not conceive that it existed now in the manner prescribed in support of these orders. If, however, these orders were thought so necessary to ministers, why did they not communicate them in due season to America? Instead of this Mr. Monroe was suffered to sail, and Mr. Rose was sent there without being informed of the intention of issuing them. A pacific mission was sent, and in the mean time our ships were sent out to capture American vessels, or to force them into our ports. Why was this resorted to? this was no secret expedition; there was no necessity for concealing information of an expedition directed against ships not rigged. We had forced America to resort to an embargo in her own defence: to keep her vessels in her own harbours, to prevent their being captured; and thus to cause the greatest distress for want of that trade which had been to them and to us greatly beneficial. He contended that every power had a right to make laws with respect to the entrance of vessels into its own harbors; and in this point of view the provision in the orders in council with respect to certificates was, in his opinion, unjust. Another most objectionable point was the warning. It had been said on a former night that this was not intended to compel American vessels to come into our ports, but they might if they pleased, return to their own ports. Was this to be considered as satisfactory to the Americans? They come upon a trading voyage, and they are told, you cannot go where you intended, without first coming into a British port but you may, if you please, return home. If when he practised in the courts of king's bench, he had been told, when he had a brief of great importance, the king had issued an order, that in going to Westminster Hall, he must pass through a particular street and pay toll, would it have been satisfactory to him to have been told, we do not compel you to go to Westminster Hall but you may if you please go home to your chamber and go to sleep: or if a gardener were to be to told in going to Covent Garden market, he must take a circuitous route and pay toll by the way, would it be told, we do not compel you to go to Covent Garden market—you may return home if you please, or you may strew your vegetables about the street; his lordship briefly recapitulated his arguments, and again urged the great importance of the question which was to be decided upon by their lordships, whether all those principles of justice, honor and good faith, which had hitherto actuated our conduct towards other nations, should at once be abrogated and a state of barbarism substituted for civilization—whether that light which had hitherto shone pre-eminently in Britain to guide and direct Europe, should at once be put out, & the great & just principles of the law of nations enveloped in darkness and obscurity. The noble lord concluded by moving the following resolutions:
1st. That the power of making laws to bind the people of this realm is exclusively in his majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords, spiritual and temporal, and commons of the realm, in Parliament assembled; and that every attempt to make, alter, suspend, or appeal such laws, by order of his majesty in privy council, or in any other manner than by his majesty in Parliament, is unconstitutional and illegal. 2d. That the advising of his majesty to pursue any order in council for dispensing with or suspending any laws of the realm, is a high violation of the fundamental laws and constitution thereof. 3d. That the same cannot in any case be justified but by some unforeseen and urgent necessity, endangering the public safety. 4th. That in every such case, it is the duty of his majesty's ministers to advise his majesty after issuing such order, forthwith to assemble his parliament, in order both that the necessity of such proceeding may be enquired of, and determined; and that due provision may be made for the public safety, by the authority of his majesty in Parliament. 5d. That the law of nations is a part of the law of the land; & that neutral nations not interposing in the war between his majesty and his enemies, have a legal right to such freedom of commerce and navigation as is secured to them by the law of nations. 4th. That the late orders of his majesty in council are contrary to the law of nations,
inasmuch as they purport to interrupt the commerce of friendly nations, carrying on their accustomed trade in innocent articles, between their own country and the ports of his majesty's enemies, not actually blockaded; and even between their own country & those of his majesty's dominions or of his allies. And also, inasmuch as they purport to compel such trade, in future, to come in the first instance under the pain of confiscation to the ports of his majesty's dominion, or of his allies, and there to submit to such regulations, restrictions, and duties as shall be imposed upon them.
5th. That by the law of nations, all independent governments have an undoubted right, both in war and peace, to regulate in their own territories, and according to their own convenience, except where specially restrained by treaty, the admission or exclusion of the ships or merchandise of other states. That by the municipal law of this and other countries, it hath been usual to require, that vessels trading to or from the ports thereof, shall carry such certificates or other documents shewing in what country the vessel was built, fitted, or owned; by what sailors she is navigated, and in what country the articles composing the cargo have been grown, produced, or manufactured, as may be judged necessary to entitle them to enter.
And that the ships of friendly nations, carrying such papers in time of war, do not thereby violate any rule of amity with other countries, or legally incur any penalty whatever, unless such papers should be found to be fraudulent.
6th. That so much of his majesty's order in council of the 11th November last, as directs that "any vessels carrying any certificates or documents, declaring that the articles of the cargo are not of the produce or manufacture of his majesty's dominions, or to that effect, or carrying any other document referring to such certificate or document, shall, together with the goods laden therein, belonging to the persons by whom, or on whose behalf any such documents were put on board, be adjudged a lawful prize to the captors," is a gross and flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and of the statutes made for the freedom of navigation and commerce, and of the rights and the liberties of the people of this realm; inasmuch as it purports to expose the property both of foreign merchants, and even of his majesty's subjects, in the ports of this realm, as well as on the high seas, to unjust detention and forfeiture in cases where no offence whatever hath been committed against any known principle, or rule of the law of nations, or against any law, statute, or usage of the realm.
WEST-INDIES.
From the Gazette of Hayti. CAPE FRANCOIS, February 14, 1808.
This day is dedicated to paying the just tribute of homage and admiration due to the heroic action which produced the general orders issued to the army, on Thursday 11th inst. closed in these words:
"It is ordered, that after the last honors, due to the remains of gen. McCulloch and his brave comrades, 'who fell with him in the field of honor, shall have been paid, the victory obtained by the maritime forces of the state of Hayti, be announced to the Army."
On the 2d inst the squadron of state consisting of the brig Le Foudroyant, and of the advice boats L'Avantgarde and La Province du Nord, which had sailed from the cape on 31st Jan. under the command of Rear Admiral McCulloch, and the chef de division, Antoine Parisian, attacked the schooners La Constitution and La Guerriere belonging to the rebels, at anchor in the roads of Jaca Rebel, under the protection of the fort and several battalions of troops. After a light of several hours the schooner La Constitution was blown up, and La Guerriere, which has been run aground, was burnt by our vessels. This event, concerted and directed with that wisdom which has ever rendered conspicuous all the measures taken by his highness the President, has given a most fatal blow to traitors and to the infamous rebels who remain as yet attached to the odious conspiracy of Petion.
The loss of the enemy has been considerable, and we may look upon it as a long stride towards the annihilation of his navy, which our brave sailors will certainly ere long effect.
NASSAU, April 25.—The British ship Algeciras, from the River La Plata, being disappointed in her voyage to that river, lately arrived at New Orleans, where she has been refused permission to land her cargo, owing to her having a commission, and the operation of the non-importation act.—She cleared for this port on the 18th ult.
WILL BE SHORTLY PUBLISHED, from the Office of the ENQUIRER, in a Pamphlet—THE ESSAYS over the Signature of "ONE OF THE PEOPLE," addressed to the late "PA. TESTERS." May 27.
TO RENT.—A convenient BRICK HOUSE near the Hay-Market—For terms apply to JAMES H. LYNCH. [ep3w]
NOTICE TO RACERS.
THE POPULAR SPRING COURSE is nearly complete, and will be quite so by the 13th June, at which time the Races will begin, viz. 1st DAY—The Town Purse of $ 400, four mile heats, weight for age, for Nags of every description that never won a race of that amount or upwards—entrance $ 30. 2d DAY—The Ladies' Town & Country Purse of $ 200, mile heats, weight for age, for Nags of every description that never won a race of $ 200 and upwards, entrance $ 20. 3d DAY—The Proprietor's Purse of $ 200, 3 mile heats, weight for age, free for Nags of every description, that never won a purse of that amount or upwards—entrance $ 20.—All which will be regularly hung up at the judges' stand. Stables for race horses and bitties for the same will be furnished gratis, and every other accommodation usual at the most celebrated Race Courses, will be rendered, and the booths on the field rented by R. BATE, Proprietor. Petersburg, May 27. [12th June]
PROPOSALS for carrying MAILS OF THE UNITED STATES, on the following Post-Routes, will be received at the General Post-Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
7. From Washington City by Georgetown, Alexandria, Colchester, to Dumfries, seven times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Washington City every day at 4 a. m. and arrive at Alexandria by 6 a. m. Leave Alexandria at 6 1/2 a. m. and arrive at Dumfries by 12 noon. Leave Dumfries at 9 1/2 a. m. arrive at Alexandria by 2 1/2 p. m. Leave Alexandria at 3 1/2 p. m. and arrive at Washington by 6 p. m. December 1, to April 15. Leave Washington City every day at 9 p. m. and arrive at Alexandria by 11 p. m. Leave Alexandria at 4 p. m. and arrive at Dumfries by 1 p. m. Leave Dumfries at 10 a. m. and arrive at Alexandria by 4 p. m. Leave Alexandria at 4 1/2 p. m. and arrive at Washington City by 8 p. m. 8. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court-house to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Dumfries at 1 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 p. m. Leave Fredericksburg at 3 a. m. and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a. m. December 1, to April 15. Leave Dumfries every day at 2 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg at 8 p. m. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a. m. and arrive at Dumfries by 9 a. m. 9. Fredericksburg by the Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court-house to Richmond, seven times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 2 a. m. and arrive at Richmond by 3 p. m. RETURNING. Leave Richmond by 9 a. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 10 p. m. December 1, to April 15. Leave Fredericksburg every day at 5 a. m. and arrive at Richmond by 6 p. m. RETURNING. Leave Richmond every day at 4 a. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 p. m. 10. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Richmond at 3 p. m. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p. m. Leave Petersburg at 3 a. m. and arrive at Richmond by 9 a. m. December 1, to April 15. Leave Richmond every day at 4 a. m. and arrive at Petersburg by 10 a. m. Leave Petersburg at 2 p. m. and arrive at Richmond by 8 p. m. 11. From Richmond by Fraziers, New-Kent court-house, Williamsburg, York-town & Hampton to Norfolk, three times a week. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Hampton by 9 p. m. and at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, by 10 a. m. RETURNING. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 3 p. m. and arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 p. m. 12. From Petersburg by Cabbinton, Smithfield, Surry court-house, Sleepy hole and Portsmouth to Norfolk, three times a week. April 15, to December 1. Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 3 a. m. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 p. m. Leave Sleepy hole at 3 p. m. and arrive at Norfolk by 6 p. m. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 a. m. Leave Sleepy hole at 10 a. m. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 p. m. December 1, to April 15. Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday, at 11 1/2 a. m. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 p. m. Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Norfolk by 10 a. m. RETURNING. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 9 a. m. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 p. m. Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 4 a. m. and arrive at Petersburg by noon.
NOTES.
1. The Post-master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he is previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby. 2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified. 3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, where by the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred. 4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person making proposals desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his own emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument. 5. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract. 6. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter. 7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals. 9. The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each. 10. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 12, are to be in operation on the 1st day of October next, and to continue in force for two years from that time.
GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. GENERAL POST OFFICE, Washington City, April 28, 1808. May 27.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE
Establishment of a Privileged Nobility in France.
How progressive, yet rapid, have been the inroads upon the liberties of the French people since the usurpation of Bonaparte...
Paris, March 12. The conservative Senate has this day held a Meeting under the presidency of the Prince Arch Chancellor...
Yesterday, the 11th of this month, at two o'clock P.M. his serene highness, the prince, arch chancellor of the empire, repaired to the senate...
The statutes which I lay before you at the request of his imperial and royal majesty, must give motion and life to the system created by the senatus consultum of the 14th August, 1806.
Public opinion is not uncertain on the advantages of this system. If there still remained any doubts to explain, I would have recourse to the history of ages...
Great examples impose on future generations great obligations, and the effects which this debt will render necessary, will be for France a perennial spring of glory and prosperity.
Overall Frenchmen equal before the law; on the contrary, it confirms those same rights, because it directs public opinion...
A first statute specifies the titles, it assigns them to the great offices of state, or to those who form the elements of the body politic...
The second statute regulates every thing which concerns the formation and preservation of majorities, or body of property destined to serve as endowments to the titles.
This property ought to be of such a nature as never to alter in their substance—never to decrease (if it is possible) in their income.
All these precautions of wisdom, all these details of foresight, are confined to a council destined to enlighten the religion of his majesty...
The kind of preliminary censure with which it is particularly charged, will incessantly proclaim to all classes of society, that a regular and honorable life is the only road which will lead merit and talents to their end.
You will see, gentlemen, in the union of these two decrees, the depth of thought of the genius who consolidates by their co-ordination all the parts of his great work.
The senate will pursue with zeal, the profound means which multiply the supports around that dynasty, consecrated as much by the homage of the universe, as it is by the affections of all Frenchmen.
This speech being finished the prince (Talleyrand) arch chancellor, directed one of his secretaries to read the two statutes to the assembled senate.
FIRST STATUTE. NAPOLEON, by the grace of God and the Constitution, emperor of the French, king of Italy and protector of the confederation of the Rhine...
Art. 1. The incumbents of the great dignities of the Empire shall bear the title of PRINCE and most serene highness. Art. 2. The eldest sons of the great dignitaries shall have, of right, the title of DUKE OF THE EMPIRE...
Art. 3. The grand dignitaries may institute for their eldest or youngest sons, majorities, to which shall be attached the titles of COUNT or BARON, according to the conditions which follow.
Art. 4. Our ministers, senators, counsellors of state for life, presidents of the legislative bodies and archbishops, shall bear, during life, the title of COUNT.
To this effect they shall have letters patent delivered to them, sealed with our great seal. Art. 5. This title shall be transmissible to the descendant direct and legitimate from male to male...
Art. 6. The incumbent shall establish, in the forms which we reserve to ourselves to determine, a clear revenue of thirty thousand francs, in property of the nature of that which must enter in the formation of majorities.
A third of the said property shall be mortgaged to the endowment of the title mentioned in the fourth article, and shall pass with it on all the heads where this title shall fix itself. The incumbents mentioned in the 4th article shall be empowered to institute in favor of their elder or younger sons, a majority, to which shall be attached the title of BARON...
Art. 7. The presidents of our departmental electoral colleges, the first president and the attorney gen. of our court of reversal, the first president & the attorney gen. of our court of accounts, the first presidents & the attorneys general of our courts of appeal, the bishops, mayors of thirty seven good cities, who have the right of assisting at our coronation, shall bear, during their lives, the title of BARON...
Art. 8. The presidents of our departmental electoral colleges, the first president and the attorney gen. of our court of reversal, the first president & the attorney gen. of our court of accounts, the first presidents & the attorneys general of our courts of appeal, the bishops, mayors of thirty seven good cities, who have the right of assisting at our coronation, shall bear, during their lives, the title of BARON, to wit: the presidents of electoral colleges, after they shall have presided over the college during three sessions...
Art. 9. The provisions of the fifth and sixth articles shall be applicable to those who may during their lives, bear the title of BARON; nevertheless, they shall not be bound to make appear that from a revenue of 15,000 francs, one third of which shall be mortgaged to the endowments of their title, and shall pass with it on all the heads where this title shall fix itself.
10. The members of our departmental electoral colleges, who shall have assisted at three sessions of the colleges, and shall have there performed their functions to our satisfaction, may present themselves before the arch chancellor of the empire to ask him if it shall please us to grant them the title of Baron...
11. The members of the legion of honor and those who for the future shall obtain that distinction, shall bear the title of CHEVALIER.
12. This title shall be transmissible to the descendants direct and legitimate, natural or adopted from male to male, in the order of primogeniture, and to him who shall have been clothed therewith, in appearing before the arch chancellor of the empire, in order to this effect to obtain our letters patent...
13. We reserve to ourselves the right to grant the titles which we shall judge expedient, to the generals, prefects, officers civil and military, and such other of our subjects as shall be distinguished by their services to the state.
14. Such of our subjects on whom we shall have conferred titles, cannot bear any other coat of arms, nor wear any other dress than those which shall be pointed out in their letters patent of creation.
15. We forbid all our subjects to arrogate to themselves any other titles and qualifications than those which shall have been conferred & to the civil officers of state, notaries & others to give them to them; renewing, as far as may be necessary, against offenders, the laws actually in force.
Given at our imperial palace of the Thuileries 1st March, 1808. (Signed) NAPOLEON. The minister secretary of state. (Signed) H. B. MURAT.
From the Paris Argus of the 28th of March. BERLIN, March 12. The following general order has been published here.
Messrs. Island, director, and Jacoby, inspector of the national theatre of Berlin, having caused the anniversary of the birth of her majesty the queen of Prus. to be publicly celebrated, without having given notice of the same to the French authorities to whom it would have been a pleasure to join the inhabitants of Berlin in the expression of this homage of their good wishes to their sovereign, have been condemned to confinement at their own houses for two days...
Berlin March 11, 1808. The Gen. of division, commander of Berlin and the Middle March. (Signed) SAINT HILAIRE. The French troops which are in the Prussian provinces are distributed as follows:—
The corps of the Marshal Victor is posted between the Oder and the Elbe. The 3d division of the third corps under the orders of Marshal Davoust, is between the middle Mark and West Prussia. The 4th corps of the army, commanded by Marshal Soult, occupies Pomerania; the head quarters are at Stettin. The 5th corps (of marshal Massena, which is in interim, commanded by gen. Suchet) is in Lower Silesia. The 6th corps (of Marshal Ney, at present commanded by Marshal Mortier) occupies Upper Silesia.—COURIER DE L'EUROPE.
TRIESTE, March 7. The English squadron which has made its appearance on our coast, has received reinforcements, and for three days past it has been cruising between our port and that of Ancona. It has come so near as to be distinctly described from our city.—There are 12 sail, of which 5 or 6 appear to be ships of the line. The Admiral's name is not known. The wind has not been sufficiently favorable to allow the English to attack the five ships of the line and the frigates belonging to the Russians, which are at anchor in our roads. At all events, the batteries of our port are in the most respectable condition. HAMBURG, March 14. The Hanse Towns are to furnish 3000 sailors, who are to be sent to Flushing and Boulogne. The Prince of Pont Corvo must have this day arrived in Copenhagen. By letters which are received from Stockholm, by some Swedish mercantile houses in this city, it appears, that Sweden, about to be attacked at three points at once, is threatened with a total revolution. It is affirmed that the English Ambassador has offered to the king Gustavus IV. to get him conveyed to England. The treaty of commerce between France and Russia has been published in St. Petersburg and received there with great joy; it contains that France shall annually purchase a great quantity of the territorial productions of Russia, such as tar, ship timber &c. (Publicate.)
SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charges till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz:—
7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotton Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hosiery, silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Saracens, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequees, linen & cotton Cambric hdkfs, white & Black French laces, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wildboare, Bennet's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. ep2m.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shackle-Hill in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19.
VIRGINIA, to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 7th day of April, 1808. Josiah Ryland and Catherine his wife, Thomas Armistead and Jane his wife, and William T. Colston and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs.—Against John Nicholson and Bartholemew McCarty, Defendants. The defendant John Nicholson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. May 17. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County October Court, 1806. Andrew Todd, Plaintiff.—Against Christopher Stanley, William Hodges, William Hodges, jun. and Frederick Harris, Defendants. The defendants Christopher Stanley, William Hodges and William Hodges, jun. not having entered their appearance & given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, therefor, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, It is ordered and decreed by the court, that the said defendants, Christopher Stanley, Wm. Hodges and William Hodges, jun. do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. c. April 1. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY.—Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808. Grief and Clabborne Barkdale, jr. Plaintiffs.—Against Charles Harris, Henry A. Watkins, executor of William Pentecost and Richard Pentecost, Defendants. The defendant Harris, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of August court next, and enter his appearance and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, THOMAS READ, Clk. April 26. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY.—Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808. Clabborne Barkdale and son, assignees of Major Parsons, Plaintiffs.—Against James Green & Parish Green, Defendants. The defendant James, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of August court next and enter his appearance, and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, THOMAS READ, Clk. April 26. [law8w]
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 13th day of February, 1808. Robert Birchett, Peter Puryear and Edmund Birchett, merchants and partners, under the firm of Birchetts and Puryear, Plaintiffs.—Against Thomas Stokes, administrator of Wm. Stokes, deceased. Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. March 29. [law8w]
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Robert and George Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, duly recorded in the Hustings Court of Richmond, made to secure the payment of fifteen hundred dollars, to Daniel Couch, according to the terms of said deed: Will be sold by the subscribers, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 4th of June next, all that Lot, Piece or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross street leading from the Bell Tavern to the river, and now under lease to Russell and Wallace (subject to a ground rent of £10 per annum forever) together with the following NEGROES: George (the Cook) Peter (the Barber) and Aggy or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of seven hundred and fifty dollars, together with interest attending the said debt. ANDW. STEVENSON, } Trustees. C. ANTHONY, } (1d4) May 10.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company, on Saturday evening the 7th of May, 1808. Resolved, That the shares of all delinquent stock-holders in this company be sold on Saturday the eleventh of next month, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond. A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. The stock-holders in the above Company are hereby notified that their annual meeting will be held at the Bell Tavern, in Richmond, on the first Monday in next month, which is the day fixed by the charter for their meeting. N. SHEPPARD. [11th June.] May 10.
JOSEPH MARK & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Dowles and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cognac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. (if)
THE Creditors of Humphrey Dabney are hereby notified, that a second dividend will be made at the house of Ralston & Pleasants, on Monday the 6th of June next. GAB. RALSTON, } Trustees. HENRY HOVEY, } Richmond, May 12. (6th June)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LANDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [7]
WAR DEPARTMENT, April 13, 1808. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Monday the 20th of June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October, 1808, inclusive, to the 1st day of June, 1810, within the states, territories and districts following, viz:—
First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and in their immediate vicinities, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan. 2nd, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. 3d, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinities. 4th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories. Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810, within the several states following, viz:—
5th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire. 6th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Vermont. 7th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted. 8th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode-Island. 9th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New-York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted. 10th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New-Jersey. 11th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania. 12th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland and Delaware. 13th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia. 14th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North-Carolina. 15th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South-Carolina. 16th, At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia. 17th, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eight ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, & at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, & one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or ports, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of emergency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expence and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable character, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. May 14. [ep3w]
THE HEALING SPRINGS, situated in the lower end of Louisa County and but thirty-one miles from Richmond, will be in readiness on the 1st of June next for the accommodation of boarders. The medicinal virtues of those waters have been proved in a great variety of instances; they derive their name from the power they possess of healing most kinds of eruptions, and it is believed, that in bilious cases they have never failed to afford relief. There are several small houses detached from the main building, intended for single families who may apply in time, and the terms for board will be six dollars a-week. Healing Springs, Louisa, May 3. (11ju)
TRUST DEED.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to William F. Carter and Shelton Crosthwait, by Alexander B. Rose, to secure the payment of a debt due to Murphy Brown & Co. as therein expressed, will be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Amherst court-house, on Saturday the 4th day of June next, all the Tract of LAND lying in the county of Amherst, on Tye River and Hat Creek, whereon the said Alexander B. Rose now resides, supposed to contain two thousand five hundred and thirty acres, adjoining the Lands of Thomas Massie, David S. Garland, Thomas Fitzhugh, Henry Rose and Philip Ryan. The subscribers being trustees for the benefit of others they will only warrant the title of the above mentioned land as to themselves and those claiming under them. WILLIAM F. CARTER, } Trustee. SHELTON CROSTHWAIT, } May 10. (3w)
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elean, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Exors. JOS. MARX, } Richmond, May 17, 1808. (4)