The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-07-07 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 18.]
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 7, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. THE ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment will be four DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 9th August, after which, the price will be five DOLLARS, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
SAMUEL MYERS,
HAS FOR SALE, An assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.
JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D. (epf)
June 30.
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER,
MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern of Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (epfm)
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the Medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort.
The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 10 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Basingstoke-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg. The roads leading to them are remarkably good... they are surrounded by an agreeable and respect- able neighbourhood.—There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live se- parate from the Tavern.
The subscriber flatters herself, that these in- ducements will not only operate on invalids who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be safely said the society will be equal to any in the country.
No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable.
ANN GATEWOOD.
Fredericksburg, May 19. 31/7/7.
Foreign Intelligence.
From London Papers to the 6th May, received by the latest arrivals.
A Dublin paper of April 19, mentions the re- ceipt of news by an arrival from the continent, stating that the Court of Denmark had taken much offence at the conduct of the French, who had reinforced their army on the north bank of the Elbe, were still transporting immense quantities of ammunition to the Duchy of Lauenburg, and had formed magazines of powder in the neigh- bourhood of Altona and Hamburg. In conse- quence of these latter measures the magazines within the Danish territory near Altona had been seized, and the Danish troops on the frontiers of Lubeck and Lauenburg, had been ordered to resist any territorial violation or encroachment. The Danish militia ready to take the field is stated at 100,000.
Captain Davis, arrived at Boston from Dub- lin, received the following article from the Ame- rican Consul there, on the eve of his departure.
DUBLIN, May 4, 1804.
"The report of the day, by an express, which has this moment arrived at the Castle, is, that Mr. Pitt goes in Prime Minister; with the privi- ledge of naming whom he thinks proper to re- tain in, or dismiss from the ministry. Mr. Gold- sfield has taken the fourteen and a half million loan."
LONDON, May 9.
(OFFICIAL NOTE.)
General Lasies (the French ambassador at Lisbon) having thought proper to inform the Portuguese government allowing to be inserted in the Lisbon Gazette, the scandalous calumnies respecting the British government and royal fam- ily, which appeared sometime ago in the Mon- iteur, Lord Robert Fitzgerald immediately trans- mitted the following note to the viccount of Balsamão, chief secretary of state:
Lisbon, March 16, 1804.
"The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty has the honour to represent to his excellency the viscount de Balsamão, that, for the present, he abstains from making his complaints in form to the government of his royal highness the prince regent, respecting the article extracted & trans- lated from the French paper called the Mon- iteur, of the 15th of February, and which has been printed and published in an extraordinary supplement to No. 11 of the Lisbon Gazette of the 12th of this month.
"The undersigned will, for the present, con-
tent himself with remarking, that this infamous article so worthy of its authors, is suited to the style and genius of the official journal from whence it is copied; but it is altogether un- worthy of a place in that which gives the trans- lation of it in the Portuguese language; & the undersigned infinitely regrets, that this remark- able essay on the liberty of the press at Lisbon has been distinguished by the publication of an atrocious libel, invented at pleasure by the en- emy of his Britannic majesty, against the most an- cient and faithful ally of Portugal.
"The undersigned reserves to himself the ad- vantage which results from this facility of print- ing at Lisbon, the instant his government shall authorise him, to avail himself of it, for the pur- pose of inflicting a formal denial of the absurd calumny in question; if that government, with its strong sense of conscious rectitude, its glory and its renown, would trouble itself so far as to answer familiar accusations, and does not rather consider it to be more consistent with its own dignity to treat with the sovereign contempt which it has always witnessed for the contempti- ble inuendoes of the same kind, by which its e- nemies have so often, but vainly, attempted to blacken its reputation, since the epoch of the French revolution.
"The undersigned has the honour to renew to his excellency the homage of his high consi- deration and esteem.
"Signed
"R. S. FITZGERALD."
We have translated the following extracts from a late Moniteur.
MUNICH, April 3.
Mr. Drake, manifested insolence and great anger at the purport of the recent ordinance of his electoral highness which banished the emigrants from Bavaria. He demanded, in a note written by him, whether the emigrants immediately under the protection of England would be also obliged to withdraw. But he soon changed his tone. His Electoral Highness having re- ceived communications from Paris relative to the base and shameful plot of this minister, sent to him the fol- lowing note.
"The undersigned minister of state of the Elector of Bavaria has received the express orders of his Elect- oral Highness to transmit to Mr. Drake the printed letters subjoined and to inform him that the originals written in Mr. Drake's own hand are at present in his possession.
"His Electoral Highness is deeply afflicted that even the place of his residence should have been made the theatre of a correspondence so foreign to the mis- sion with which Mr. Drake had been charged at his court, and he owes it to his dignity and to his honor & the interest of his people to declare to him that from the present time it is impossible for his Highness to have any communication with him, or for him to be in future received at his court.
"Already two subjects of his Electoral Highness, strongly implicated with Mr. Drake, are arrested at Munich for having committed acts, suggested by him, highly reprobated by the laws of nations. The under- signed is charged to declare further that his electoral highness is two well acquainted with the noble and ge- nerous sentiments of his Britannic majesty and the En- glish nation, to imagine that his conduct on this occasion can explain himself to his Britannic majesty and im- part to him the deep regret he feels at withdrawing his confidence from the minister charged to represent his majesty at his court. The elector has a full conviction that his Britannic majesty will perceive in this pro- ceeding, however painful to him, a new testimony of the high opinion which he entertains for the character of his Britannic majesty, and of that good will of which he has given so many proofs to the Elector.
"Signed,
BARON DE MONTGELAS.
Munich, March 31, 1804.
We had reason to expect that Mr. Drake would have contested the authenticity of these letters. But he per- severed a different course. He was persuaded that sixteen gens d'armes had set off post-haste in order to arrest him. In consequence of which he advised Mr. Mont- gelas that inhabiting a detached house at the extremity of the suburbs of Munich, he did not consider himself in safety; and apprehensive of the fines of the French police, he wished to be assured of the safety of his situa- tion.
The answer of the court being tardy, it was some hours before it arrived, during which the uneasiness of his conscience communicated itself to his mind, and he imagined that the gens d'armes had already arrived at the neighboring gate: He immediately left on foot without any attendants, or waiting for his carriage. He had thus proceeded above three leagues before his carriage reached him.
He has disappeared like the leader of a banditti. But the indignation of Europe and the contempt of all virtuous and sensible Englishmen will follow him wher- ever he goes. Miserable wretch! who could thus dis- honor and degrade a character which is honored by all civilized nations, and respected even by the most savage hordes of barbarians.
May 6.
Letters from Copenhagen, of the 20th ult. state, that all the Danish forces in the Duchies of Holstein and Schleswig are to be encamped early in May, under the immediate orders of the Prince Royal. The French continued at this date to collect large depots in the Duchy of Lauenburg.
The Electoral Prince of Bavaria lately arrived at Hamburg incog. His Highness has recently com- pleted his studies at Göttingen, and is now on his tra- vels, which he purposed to extend to England. He journeys under the assumed name of Von Berg, and is by no means elegant in his appearance.
The Elector of Baden has charged the Prussian Mi- nister, Count Goertz, who votes for him at Ratishon, by the French. The communication however, is to be made individually to the Ministers of the different Courts, the Elector being deterred from a public avow- al of the injury, by an apprehension of exciting the hostility of his lawful neighbour.
Talleyrand is stated to have quoted the example of the Elector of Baden, to induce the Elector of Bavaria to connive at a similar violation of the law of nations in relation to some Emigrants who had sought an asylum in his dominions.
The King of Sweden is stated to have been much chagrined by the answer of Bonaparte to the note which he addressed to him from Carlisle on the arrest of the Duc d'Enghien.
A great number of Italians have been ordered to leave Vienna, in consequence of application made by the French Minister to the Austrian Cabinet to that ef- fect.
The Bishop of Chalons was arrested for drawing a pension from England, and for addressing a pastoral let- ter to his Diocese. The Abbe Arny, who was arrest- ed by the French Government in Germany, died of ap- oplexy as they were conveying him to Paris.
The police of Holland have become so circumspect, that no person is allowed to leave any of the towns without permission; and some strangers have been ar- rested for neglecting to announce their arrivals to the prefects.
Upwards of 1500 military conscripts have been
condemned as deserters, within the last month by the several French military commissions, and have been sentenced to irons and hard labour.
To countenance the shallow tale of Pichegru having been guilty of suicide, an order has been issued that the prisoners in the temple shall be un- remittingly guarded; in the apartments of More- au, Georges, &c. five gens d'armes are station- ed night and day. Thuriot, a brother-in-law to the famous Danton, and a favorite agent of Ro- bespierre, is the person to whom the examina- tion of prisoners in the Temple is confided.
It was strongly reported at Paris at the date of the last letters, that the two Polignacs, and the Count de Rochefoucault, have died in prison.
The First Consul is stated to have recently de- clared in a circle of private friends, that he was glad to find that Moreau was not so culpable as it was at first supposed.
Uncommon exertions are now making at Ant- werp, in building boats of a new construction, for cavalry, according to a model which has been particularly approved by the First Consul; they together with all the vessels to be engaged in the enterprise against this country, and re- maining in the dock-yard in Belgium, are to be ready by the middle of May.
A frigate of 44 guns has lately been launched at Antwerp, and is immediately to proceed to Flushing.
Two large row boats, lately arrived in Flushing from Antwerp. They are 26 feet broad, quite flat, and draw seven feet of water; each of them mounts sixteen pieces of cannon of large calibre, and are to carry dismounted Hussars and Rangers.
By the Negtie, Vander May, the Vriendchap Noordburg, and some other vessels which yester- day arrived in the river from Holland and Fland- ders, we are led to believe that the long meditated attack upon this empire will not be delayed much longer. Some accounts from Bruges dat- ed the first instant, express an opinion that it will be attempted about the middle of this month; and adds, "all the troops to be em- ployed in the enterprise, are now assembled in the numerous camps between Montreuil and Blackenberg."
The Flushing, Ostend and Dunkirk divisions of the enemy's flotilla, are stated to have joined Admiral Bruix at Boulogne, with the exception of some heavy gun brigs, which continue detained in the Scheldt.
A letter from Middleburgh states, that the troops were much harassed by the activity of the squadron under Sir Sidney Smith, and that they were obliged to rest by day, being constantly under arms at night.
Three seizures of English goods have been made on the frontiers of Piedmont in the course of a fortnight.
Change of British Ministers.
The Editor of a London paper of the 5th of May, speaking on the subject of a change of Min- isters concludes his remarks thus:
Parliament appears to have decided that the King's Ministers shall be changed. Mr. Fox says Parliament has right to vote the dismissal of Ministers, & that it is the King's prerogative to choose their successors. In the present state of things this is very like Mr. Fox's usual quibbling.— What choice has the King left? Hobson's choice— the coalition or none.—Is there a possi- bility of the King's choosing a Ministry which can command a majority in Parliament, unless he chooses the coalition? and is not the royal prerogative thus as effectually abridged, as if it were totally abolished? Why did Mr. Pitt con- sider that Mr. Addington and others, his then creatures should succeed in his Ministry, but from a fear that the King should exercise his preroga- tive, and choose Mr. Fox, to his permanent ex- clusion?—Why did Mr. Fox so long support Mr. Addington as a Minister, but from a fear that his opposition might induce the King to exer- cise his prerogative in choosing Mr. Pitt? Then Mr. Fox and Pitt were equally afraid of turning out Mr. Addington, left the one should succeed him to the exclusion of the other. Now we hear much and generously of the King's preroga- tive in choosing his Ministry, because Messrs. Fox and Pitt having united, the King has no choice left.—Of the improbability that these two gentlemen will long agree together in the same Cabinet, the public can judge. Their par- tizans, and particularly the friends of Mr. Pitt, will not believe in the coalition, so monstrous as they think it. There is no public question on which they have not disagreed; and the king will soon have an opportunity of changing one of them. Of the two, we prefer Mr. Pitt! not for his works as a Minister, but for his dis- guised, patriotic conduct since he has been out of power, which we have several times occasion to praise. He has not sent himself to a party daily to embarrass and confound Ministers: he has often supported and rarely opposed them. In consequence of this candour, when his opposi- tion has been made, it has come with tenfold weight, and at last it has overthrown the Ministry at the moment his partizans blamed his for- bearance, and pretended to withdraw from a leader so inactive, asserting that he was losing all his friends and all his influence. To Mr. Fox we have given less confidence ever since he gave so much to the Tyrant Usurper, Bonaparte.— The measures respecting France of any Cabinet in which he sits, we shall view with suspicion. The Windhams & the Grenvilles have prostrat- ed themselves before Mr. Fox: and whether they will also extol Bonaparte, or adhere to their former opinions, time will show: probably they will bend to the convenience of the moment, and therefore their sentiments will have little weight.
Mr. Pitt's conduct though not free from blame is the least reproachable, and to him we shall look with hope. He has acted with consistency in the present war against France, and he has ne- ver failed to support it with zeal, however much he may thereby have played the game of the Mi- nistry. He has, like Mr. Sheridan, ever felt the cause of his country paramount to all party con- siderations, a praise which can be given but to few of the coalition members. He has ne- ver found it necessary to introduce a motion for the National Defence by a laboured argu- ment to prove that he could be zealous in pro- tecting his country! To Mr. Pitt, therefore, we shall look, in the hopes of being conducted with triumph through the present contest: & while he justifies such hopes, by a spirited re- sistance to the arrogance and encroachments of France, his ministry will be entitled to the same approbation we gave to his predecessors. Our only motive in applauding them, was to strengthen the nation against an implacable enemy.— With the same view Mr. Pitt, we doubt not, will deserve our support, and he shall have it
most zealously. On inferior points we could find many topics of censure against the present ministers.
In discussing Mr. Pitt's future proceedings, we shall banish every consideration subordinate to the contest with France, persuaded that on its successful issue ultimately depends the peace, freedom and independence of the British Em- pire.
A hasty peace, such as Mr. Fox seems in- clined to conclude, would give to France the appearance of having subdued this country by the mere operations of terror, without having struck a blow or gained the smallest advantage, and would entail on us the necessity of another war to shew her that we can fight her "single- handed." While we are engaged in hostilities, let us demonstrate the folly of her threat, and prove that the neither can vanquish or intimi- date us. This will give a good assurance of the solidity of peace, whenever it may come, by reaching the Corsican upstart a lesson of pru- dence and moderation.
We have already stated the arrival, in a neu- tral vessel at Harwich, of two foreigners, who represent themselves as private Couriers with dispatches for government, and the circum- stances of their being brought to town in the custody of a confidential person, and immediately sent back to Harwich, where they quarrelled, fought with knives, and wounded each other. The circumstance of these two men being ordered to be immediately sent out of the kingdom, shewed that they had given a false account of them- selves; and many reports were spread respect- ing the object of their mission. One of these men being stabbed, as it was supposed mortally, in the street, the agent of government at Harwich thought it his duty to send the criminal back to London, under the idea that an inquiry into the cause of the quarrel might lead to some useful discovery, and that he ought not to let him go free until the life of the wounded man was out of danger. Upon his arrival in town, he was examined by Sir Richard Ford at the Secretary of State's office; and from some facts disclosed upon the occasion, it was thought advisable to send an order to Harwich, requiring that his companion should be sent immediately to town, where he arrived on Monday, in the custody of a messenger. He was supported by bolsters in the carriage, and seemed extremely weak. He is now in the custody of Mr. Waith. The circum- stances of the quarrel of these two foreigners at Harwich, the examination of one of them at the Secretary of State's Office, and the consequent order for bringing back the other to town, not- withstanding the state of his wound, have excited a considerable degree of curiosity, and the fol- lowing account is given as correct in a morning paper:
"Several hundreds of louis d'ors were found upon the person of the prisoner who was first examined. They were sewed up in a wide flat giraffe close to his skin; and it is supposed, that the division of the money, and not rivalry about a girl at Harwich, as they alleged, was the cause of the quarrel, and of its dangerous consequences. One of them, we understand, is a Captain of French light artillery, and called himself Le Clerc; the other was formerly as cook at Carleton House, and was sent out of the kingdom about five or six years ago, under the Alien act. They appeared to have engaged in a conspiracy against the life of his royal high- ness the prince of Wales, and other members of the Royal Family, and of the princes of the house of Bourbon. The cook was, by means of his former acquaintance at Carleton-house, to obtain admittance there, as an assistant, when his royal highness was to entertain his royal bro- thers, and the princes of the house of Bourbon, and to season to his purpose the most favourite dishes; and the artillery captain was to assassi- nate the rest in his own way. This horrid plot, we understand, was discovered by a fellow tra- veller, who overheard these two men at an inn in Embden, arranging their plans, and settling their respective parts, and came over to Har- wich in the same vessel with them. We must presume that at the time these two foreigners were sent back to Harwich, the communication of their plan either had not reached the prince of Wales, or had not reached the Secretary of State's Office."
VIENNA, April 7.
In consequence of the arrest of French emi- grants in the territory of Baden by French troops, the king of Sweden has caused a note to be delivered to our court by the Swedish envoy, baron Armfeldt.
According to private letters from Munich of the 13th April, Mr. Drake, the British minister at the Batavian court, on leaving that city, went to Salzburg, and from thence to the Austrian dominions.—Previous to his departure he is said to have insisted upon an audience of the Elector, which, however, was positively refused.
Letters from the Upper Rhine, of 7th April state, that the French couriers which lately passed through that part of the country to Munich, were bearers of peremptory dispatches from Bonaparte to his diplomatic agent at Munich, to compel the Elector, by threats, to arrest Mr. Drake. Mr. Drake, had, it is said, requested a passport to go to Vienna, which had been refused by the Imperial Ministry.— This circumstance occasioned a conference be- tween the Austrian prime minister, Count Co- benzel, and the hon. Mr. Arthur Paget, who immediately sent off a courier to his court.— The Bavarian courier sent to London on ac- count of Mr. Drake's affair, passed through Hamburg a few days ago on his way to Hu- fium.
FROM HUNGARY.—Letters from Semlin, of the 28th represent the insurrection in the Turkish province of Servia as extremely serious. The insurgent natives had taken the town of Seabatz by assault, and most of the troops com- posing the Turkish forces, retired to the citadel, from whence they made a furious sortie on the 20th, but were repulsed with loss. The Servian insurgents who have entered the place, amount to 5000 men. The Turks, by way of revenge, set fire to 130 houses, and murdered the Greek Bishop, and two very rich Christian inhabitants. The insurgents have been joined by the Christians in Bulgaria, and their force is now near 300,000 men. They carry large magazines with them, but are still in want of artillery.— They are divided into regiments; and all their booty in horses, arms, cattle or money, is divided in common. They are commanded by Czerni George, who has infested Belgrade.— They have likewise taken the town of Rudnick by assault, and cut in pieces the Turkish garri- son, consisting of 400 men.
NEW-YORK, June 26. The accounts of the arrestation of the King of Ne- ples and his family, brought by the ship Columbia from Lisbon, cannot be relied on, as the ship Vigilant, capt. Hamilton, must have brought later news from that place than could possibly have been received over land via Lisbon. When the Columbia made out shore, which was on Saturday, 53 days had expired from her leaving Lisbon, where the news must have arrived two or three days before she left the land, at which time the Vigilant could not have left Naples above fifty or sixty days; when the most distant idea did not exist there of such an event taking place. The fears of the Portu- guese must have anticipated an event happening to the King of Naples, which very probably they daily ex- pected would take place in their own country. Upon the whole, comparing dates, we do not believe there is the least reality in the report, although we have no doubt it was in circulation and generally believed in Lisbon when the Columbia failed.
Captain Taylor, of the brig Favourite, from Bor- deaux, informs us that, about the 20th of May, on the coast of Spain, he spoke a vessel from the Straits, which reported that a number of the British men of war had been driven ashore and wrecked in the Mediterranean, in a gale of wind.
Capt. Taylor, of the Columbia, arrived at New-York from Lisbon, informs, that Lord Nelson is certainly dead; and that the vessels in the harbor of Lisbon wore their colors half-mast as mourning for that event, two days previous to his falling.
He also states, as a report current, on the charge at that place, that the king of Naples & the Royal family had been arrested by order of the First Consul. A gentleman who came pas- senger in the Columbia, had received the above information from the German Consul.
Capt. Bradford arrived at Philadelphia on the 27th June from Lisbon. Sailed the 7th of May. By this arrival, which is the latest from that quarter, we are authorised to contradict the ac- count, received per the Columbia at New- York, of the death of the gallant Lord Nelson. Capt. B. heard nothing of this event, nor of the seizure by Bonaparte of the King of Naples and his family. The presumption therefore is, that both these reports are alike untrue.
An article from Hamburg, dated April 24, says—"The report of the intended divorce of Bonaparte and his wife, is renewed here with greater confidence; and it is added, that Bonaparte will then espouse the Queen Regent of Etruria, to which kingdom the states of Parma and Piacenza will be immediately added; and that Madame Bonaparte will marry some other Prince, who, however, is not named."
General Lake's portion of the booty, taken in the pursuit gold, at a single town of Agra, amounts to 36,000. Colonel St. Leger's to 40,000, and every captain that served on that day to 2000. each.
A London paper of April 23d says, We are informed that government have refused the pas- ports demanded by the Bavarian minister, being resolved to detain him, as a hostage for the safe- ty of Mr. Drake.
It will be remembered, that soon after the com- mencement of the present war, the respectable com- mercial house of George Barclay and Company, of London, stopped payment to a very large amount, by reason of the disturbances on the continent occa- sioned by the war. A commission of bankruptcy was taken out against them, and they were declared bankrupts. We are happy in being able to state, that a Liverpool paper of the 4th May contains a notification to the joint and separate creditors of George Barclay & George Salkeld, composing the firms of G. Barclay & Co. to apply to George Barclay in London, and they would be paid their several demands in full. Such conduct deserves to be recorded. It ought to be imitated more frequently; and if so, men would regain that confidence in each other, which is unfortunately and with too much justice destroyed.
Miscellaneous.
A very valuable copper mine has been discovered in India, one ton

Domestic Intelligence.
AMHERST, (N. H.) June 26.
THE Legislature of this State adjourned on Thursday last, to meet again on the third Wednesday of November next, at Concord.
Governor's Objections.
The Governor having received certain Resolutions of the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives, expressive of their opinion respecting disorganizing sentiments...
If it had been the pleasure of the Legislature to have expressed the sentiments contained in those resolutions, in any other mode than that by Bill or Resolves...
While he declares his readiness to co-operate with the Legislature in all constitutional measures for preventing the licentiousness of the Press...
JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN.
June 18th, 1804.
We have not been able to obtain a copy of the Governor's objections to the other two bills, which were returned. As soon as we do we shall present them to our readers.
BOSTON, June 18.
AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.
The Senate on Tuesday and Wednesday were occupied by the motion of Mr. Ely. A postponement of the subject was moved by Mr. Hull which was rejected, 22 to 13.
A Court-Martial convened in this town on Wednesday last, for the trial of Col. Robert Gardner, and Majors Harris, Hatch and Station.
Yesterday the Court was formed and commenced the business for which it was called.
Extract from the Boston Democrat.
In the debates, in that convention, which framed these wholesome laws, Mr. WIDDERVALE, "if a boy of six years of age, was to be considered as a free person" to which Mr. RUFUS KING replied...
Mr. DAWES, said "our own State laws and constitution would lead us to consider those Blacks as free men, and so indeed would our ideas of natural justice..."
Mr. GORE, PARSONS and JONES (of Boston) spoke of the advantage to the Northern States, this rule of apportionment gave to them...
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
PROTEST OF THE HOUSE. We whose names are hereto subscribed, Members of the House of Representatives, do protest against...
the Election of President and Vice-President of the United States by a General Ticket. And for giving our votes in favor of the people in each of the seventeen districts...
1st. Because it defeats the first principle of the Elective Franchise, which is, that the elector should know and be acquainted with the character and sentiments of the candidate...
2d. Because it is repugnant to the habits and usage of the people of this commonwealth, who, ever since the adoption of their present constitution...
3d. Because this mode is calculated to open the door to intrigue and imposition on the people.
4th. Because the mode is fallacious in the face of it. It secures one elector in each of the seventeen districts on the principles, that such district is to be represented in the electoral college...
5th. Because the advance of this novel mode of appointing the electors openly avowed their intentions to be, to oppose with the whole strength of the state, the re-election of the present Chief Magistrate of the union.
[An inference was drawn from the above avowal, which was offensive to the House, and for that reason, we omit publishing it.]
6th. Because this mode will deprive one party of their due weight in the appointment of the First Magistrate of the union, who is the common president of the national sovereignty of the whole people...
7th. Because, in a state like Massachusetts, where political parties are so nearly balanced, this mode must necessarily produce great political heat and acrimony in the public mind...
10th. Because a choice in this mode is, in our opinion, more fair, more consonant to the spirit of the constitution, less subject to the excitement of party heat...
2d. Because the people of this state have been accustomed, ever since the adoption of their constitution, to choose the Senators of our own state, and Representatives to Congress...
Signed by 101.
NEW-YORK, June 22.
It has been stated that the Mayor, in compliance with a request on the part of the French vessels, applied to the British Consul to desire that the frigates might not leave the harbour till 24 hours after the departure of the Cybele and Didon.
A letter from a respectable mercantile house at Bordeaux, to another in this city, of the 26th of April says, "Wine and Brandy have raised considerably here on account of the great demands from the North, and very heavy frosts, which have destroyed a great part of the approaching harvest..."
June 25.
JEROME BONAPARTE—We understand that Jerome Bonaparte, having abandoned his intention of immediate return to France has taken the Belvidere-House at Corlear's Hook, and intends making this city and its vicinity his residence for the present.
THE CAMBRIAN—We understand that the Marshal of the District returned yesterday morning from the Hook, where he had went for the purpose of arresting the Lieut. of the Cambrian frigate for a breach of the revenue laws...
MORE IMPRISONMENT—Captain Crocker of the Diligence, from Dublin, arrived yesterday, informs us that he was overhauled about two leagues from the light house by the British sloop of war Driver.
COPY OF THE BOARDING OFFICER'S RECEIPT. Impressed on board the American ship Diligence, R. Crocker master, from Dublin, bound for New-York—James Higgins and John Brady.
Captain Crocker adds that he has passports from the British Government for the safe landing the above passengers in the United States.
PRIZE MEDALS—The fourth meeting of the American Company of Book-learners was held in this city last week. We understand that several specimens of elegant printing were exhibited...
At the same time several specimens of binding were presented, and the first medal adjudged to David Bliss of this city.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to his friend in New-York, dated April 25.
"I am not altogether at my ease in regard to the relative situation of the government of America and that of this country. The men employed by Mr. Jefferson, are completely hostile in their wishes, and indecent and violent in their conduct towards this country."
American people, altho' it is not doubted that they are faithful representatives of your executive. The interests of America and Great Britain are deeply concerned in a continuance of their friendship...
"The conduct of Mr. Livingston at the court of France, in functioning, by his official answer to the communication of Talleyrand, the atrocious calumnies fabricated against his country by the pretended letters of Mr. Drake..."
"The conduct of Mr. Livingston admits of no excuse, as he has departed from the usual form of official communication, to gratify his own feelings, and offer insult to Great Britain—and this has been the more noticed because it has been considered as a discovery of the sentiments of himself and the executive he represents."
FROM SURINAM.
A respectable commercial friend has favored the office of the Morning Chronicle, with the following important official paper relative to the trade of the United States with the colony of Surinam.
PROCLAMATION.
By his excellency major general Sir Charles Green, commanding his majesty's land forces, and governor of the colony of Surinam, &c.
WHEREAS it is expedient that regulations should be established respecting the trade to and from this colony in neutral vessels until his majesty's pleasure should be known...
That it shall and may be lawful, for the space of four months from and after the publication hereof, to import into this colony in American or neutral bottoms belonging to the subjects of any power in amity with his majesty...
And whereas it is also expedient to allow such American and other neutral vessels as are permitted to trade under this proclamation to export certain articles, the produce of the colony in return...
And I do hereby direct that the duties herein imposed upon imports and exports, shall be levied and collected according to the regulations existing on that head previous to the late surrender of the colony to his majesty's arms.
Done at Paramaribo in the colony of Surinam, this 29th day of May 1804, and in the 44th year of his majesty's reign.
CHARLES GREEN, Governor.
By his excellency's command, R. ROSS, Secretary.
PUBLICATION.
By his excellency major general Sir Charles Green, commanding his majesty's land forces, and governor general of the colony of Surinam and its dependencies, &c. &c.
Whereas his majesty has been pleased to direct that I should assume the civil government of the colony of Surinam until his majesty's further pleasure shall be known;
I do therefore by these presents notify to all persons concerned that they are in future to consider me as his majesty's legal representative in this colony.
And whereas I do now deem it expedient to signify his majesty's royal will that the laws, customs and usages as they existed at the period of the colony being given up to the Batavian government are to remain in force until the king's further pleasure shall be known.
I have also thought proper to direct that all the persons included in the above description are to appear at the government-house to morrow morning at 9 o'clock, to take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic majesty...
Given at Paramaribo the 8th June, and the 44th year of his majesty's reign.
CHARLES GREEN, Major general.
By his excellency's command, R. ROSS, Secretary.
To the generous and humane Ladies and Gentlemen of the city of Baltimore.
By the most unparallelled cruelty, and contrary to every principle of humanity and justice, we have been driven from our homes and forced to seek refuge in a foreign land...
liberality we have found a refuge from our misery. Had it not been for your timely assistance what, alas! would have become of us? Gracious God! we flatter our thought: for we were destitute of every thing...
Receive, Ladies and Gentlemen, this small but sincere tribute of our gratitude and attachment; and be assured that we are, and shall ever remain,
Your devoted humble servants,
The Refugees from St. Domingo.
NORFOLK, July 9.
The squadron under the command of Commodore BARRON, destined for the Mediterranean, and which has been for some time lying in Hampton Roads, is now ready for sea and will sail the first fair wind.
PRESIDENT, Commodore Barron. CONSTELLATION, Capt. Campbell. ESSEX, J. Barron. CONGRESS, Rogers.
The JOHN ADAMS, Capt. Chauncy, (frequently) failed last Tuesday. [Nor. Her.]
SMITH who was suspected of being accessory in the murder of L. Orient, was examined on the 23d ult. and after a full hearing of all the witnesses, not the least suspicion of guilt, could, from the evidence, be attached to him; he therefore was acquitted. We are happy to make this publicly known. [Ibid.]
CHARLESTON, June 16.
Capt. Torrey, of the Pilot Boat Scituate, Virginia, arrived here on Thursday night from Savannah. In his passage from this port to St. Jago de Cuba, he was boarded on the West Caicos by a French privateer, name unknown, the capt. refused to give either his or that of his vessel, who brought him to anchor, broke open the hatches, hoisted out the cargo, and otherwise ransacked the vessel...
The two succeeding days proving calm, he made but little way, and on the third day he was again brought too by a French privateer, called the Petite Etoile, Almand, of Martinique, showing English colours, who sent on board a boat with five armed men, and took possession of the Virginia...
Capt. Torrey, and his people were turned ashore in a strange country, without a dollar, or any means, but such as chance or humanity offered, of procuring subsistence, or of returning to America...
INTERESTING STATE NEWS.
The Board of Commissioners appointed by the General Assembly of this State to designate the most eligible place, or at near the head of navigation, on the fourth side of the Oconee River...
They again met on Monday last the 11th instant at Fort Wilkinson pursuant to an Executive notification, and after making choice of a Secretary and Surveyor they proceeded to view the sites near thereto...
The Secretary of the Board, agreeably to their order waited on the Commandant of the Port (Captain SWAIN) with a certified copy of their proceedings, who had them read to the troops on parade, and immediately succeeded by a party of 28 guns...
It is understood that the Commissioners are to convene again in September next to lay off the said Town into Lots, in order that a plan thereof may be laid before the next General Assembly.
[Farmer's Gazette, at Sparta, Georgia.]
CAMDEN, June 12.
John M'Donald, a young man lately employed as a mail carrier on the road between this place and Fayetteville, was this day taken up and committed to gaol, on the information of John Winfield, esq. of Marlborough district, & Isaac Hanby, of Fayetteville, on suspicion of having fraudulently opened the mail when in his custody...
The circumstances discovered in the information given against him before Judge Brevard, appeared to be as follows:—On or about the 23d of January last, when this man was employed as a mail carrier, on the road to Fayetteville, a great number of letters, having post-office marks on them, were found scattered along the road, broken open and torn in pieces...
On the 28th of March following, in travelling with the mail, he lodged at the house of William Hawkins, near Pee Dee, where he left in a paper tied up, a quantity of bank bills, amount-
ing to fourteen hundred dollars or thereabouts, which paper was found in the bed where he slept. Two days afterwards he called and claimed the money, saying it belonged to a man in Camden, and was sent on by him from a man in Fayetteville.
Another post-rider being present, he requested him not to speak of this affair, and threatened to be revenged of him if he did. Soon afterwards M'Donald quit the employment of mail carrier...
It is probable the mail was opened by him, by means of a false key, about the 21st of January last. The persons who apprehended him requested to examine his trunk, which he consented to, and gave up his key for that purpose.
The Printers throughout the United States are requested to publish the above information in their several papers, in order that those interested in this discovery may have notice, and may take steps to redress themselves.
Miscellaneous.
[The Editor has obtained possession of an entertaining work "Memoirs of the life of Dr. Darwin, chiefly during his residence in Lichfield, with anecdotes of his friends and criticisms on his writings. By Ann Seward." From which he has selected the following scraps. He proposes to give some length extracts in a subsequent number of this paper.]
Dr. Darwin was conversing with a brother Botanist, concerning the plant Kalmia, then just an imported stranger in our green-houses and gardens. A lady, who was present, concluding he had seen it, which in fact he had not, asked the Doctor what were the colours of the plant.
Dr. Darwin had a large company at tea. His servant announced a stranger lady, and gentleman. The female was a conspicuous figure, ruddy, corpulent, and tall. She held by the arm a little, meek-looking, pale, effeminate man, who from his close adherence to the side of the lady, seemed to consider himself as under her protection.
"Dr. Darwin, I seek you not as a physician, but as a Belle Esprit. I make this husband of mine, and she looked down with a sidelong glance upon the animal "treat me every summer with a tour through one of the British counties, to explore whatever it contains worth the attention of ingenious people."
"You arrive madam, at a fortunate juncture. To-morrow you will have an opportunity of an annual exhibition perfectly worth your attention. To-morrow, madam, you will go to "Tutbury bull-running."
The fatuous laugh with which he stammered out the last word, more keenly pointed this fly, yet broad rebuke to the vanity and arrogance of her speech. She had been up amongst the boughs, and little expected they would break under her so suddenly, and with so little mercy.
In the year 1791 a splendid archery-meeting was held at Drake-low in Staffordshire, the seat of Sir Nigel Gresley. Miss Susan Sneyd, of Belmont, was distinguished by her skill and success in the contest of that day.
TARGET AT DRAKELOW.
With silvan bow, on Drake-low's shadowy green, Arm'd like Diana, trod the Cyprian Queen: O'er her fair brow the beamy crescent shone, And starry spangles glitter'd round her zone;
With careless eye she view'd the central ring, Stretch'd her white arms, and drew the silken string! Wonde wunter gaz'd the brazen shade betwixt; Full in the bobs the flying arrow fix'd!
The graceful Huntress eyes the gaudy grove, And bends again th' umbrage bow of Love. Now guard your hearts, with playful malice cries, And wing'd with smiles the shining arrow flies;
Now, with light bound, she mounts her wreathed car, Rolls her blue eyes, and waves her golden hair. Fond youths bow homage as the wheels proceed, Sigh as they gaze, and call the goddess, SWEET.

A few days since, the workmen in preparing to lay the foundation of a new store, at the head of Lewis's wharf, North-end, were obstructed by a firm substance, which proved to be the roof of an arch, which, on a further removal of the rubbish, was found to have an aperture at one end, and a ventilator, covered with an iron grate, at the other;—to be about fifty feet in length, and twenty feet wide;—built with brick, and almost consolidated with the cement. The style of architecture is not rude: and the whole arch is perfectly strong and entire. The whole site, over this arch, time out of mind has been covered with earth, which has been improved as a garden; and in which trees have been planted, and have died of age, which were nearly one foot in diameter. It was defended from the tide by a stone wall of three feet thickness, lined with clay. The oldest persons living in that quarter of the town, have no tradition of the purposes for which it was built. The house recently pulled down on the spot, it is said, was the residence of the first Governor, WINTHROP, of the state, then colony.
[Boston Centinel.]
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, JULY 7, 1804.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Vindication of Virginia.
NO. V.
IN the important period of twelve years, which extended from the adoption of the federal constitution to the election of Mr. Jefferson, the federalists of the north have attempted to discover new sources of complaint and dissatisfaction. They have declared that "Virginia was the hot-bed" of all those factions schemes and exertions which terminated the triumphs of the federal party, & elevated Mr. Jefferson to the presidential chair. Among the various schemes and exertions, to the influence of which they have principally ascribed these melancholy events, they have dwelt with peculiar energy, upon the censures which were formerly expressed against the administration of Gen. Washington, and against the opponents of the French revolution. A violent party-writer, who has assumed the respectable signature of a NEW ENGLAND-MAN, has insinuated that "those who can now shed crocodile tears over the ashes of Washington, employed hirelings to calumniate the father of his country." He has represented it as a "strange but true, that Virginia has erected a column of strength on the murders of Robespierre, which threatens to crush us: and that she profited by our difference of opinion at that era."
These complaints tho' frequently repeated and as often refuted, are thus made to assume a new form. Formerly they were levelled against the democratic interests: but now since a plan has been adopted by the federalists of the north, of distinguishing parties by geographical boundaries: this hue and cry has been principally raised against the state of Virginia. A few general remarks on each of those positions, will thus constitute a part of the Vindication of Virginia.
PRESIDENT WASHINGTON.—It is not probable that the Virginians would have opposed the administration of Washington without some satisfactory reason. As he was a native of their own state, it is more probable that they would have attempted to cultivate his particular regard and erect their own greatness upon his early and continued attachment. They might have expected the same success from co-operating in all his measures as they are supposed to derive from their combination with Mr. Jefferson's schemes. Their opposition to some parts of general Washington's administration, must therefore have arisen most probably from some general and immaterial views. It was the warm gratitude of his countrymen for the great services which he had performed during the war, and not any exalted reputation which he had acquired from his political knowledge, that had raised him to the first office under the American government. Gen. Washington had talents, he had acquired experience in military affairs: but it is most probable that he had not collected the necessary attainments of a statesman. War and peace have their separate principles. The Cabinet and the Camp required different faculties and a proficiency in the one seldom advances and often retards an adequate success in the other. Gen. Washington who had shone with such distinguished lustre in the army, had not probably supplied the defects of his education by retired study, by profound meditation, or actual experience in the nature of government. The man who had found himself without a rival in "the tented field," shrunk in comparative insignificance on the floor of the convention; and if a stranger were to enquire for the founder of the present constitution, we should not seek him in the hero of Princeton or Trenton, but in the persons of Hamilton, Madison, Jay, King, and other well-taught politicians. General Washington could not then and was not expected to administer the government by his own unassisted counsel. His cabinet was known to contain two ministers, whose reputations were highly exalted, but whose political opinions were in some respects different. One of these had manifested in his own state, a noble and enlightened soul. In the different characters of member of the Virginia Assembly, Governor of the State and Minister to France, he had manifested a love for his country and for its liberties, which had acquired the praises and gratitude of his countrymen. The other was known to have proposed in the general convention, some modifications of our present form of government, which would have been highly injurious to the public liberties, and he was also known to have acquired considerable influence over the feelings and understanding of the president. The eye of suspicion was fixed upon him. Impartial Americans began to dread his influence over the mind of the President. Hence it was no wonder that when Mr. Jefferson retired from his office, the fears and suspicions of the anti-federal party tremblingly alive to the operation of the new government, should have received additional strength. It is no wonder that the ratification of the British treaty, which sacrificed some of the important rights of our nation, which had received the warm support of Mr. Hamilton and his federal friends, and had encountered the opposition of the other party should have made the administration more suspected, and some of the people more suspicious. It is no wonder then that these events should have divided the people into two great parties, one of which enlisting most of the Virginians under its banners, was prepared to find a fault in every measure of the government; because they believed that it was the suggestion of a party, which wished to bind us still closer to the interests of England, and to new model our constitution upon the monarchical system.—I am candid enough to confess that these suspicions of the Hero of the revolution might have been carried too far. I know that many men were to be found in arms against him, who disgraced their
own pretensions; and who, would have shrunk from nothing which might have contributed to displacement. I grant that even the very best of men have been induced by a contagious enthusiasm, or by an unconscious ambition, to pursue some measures of opposition which a virtuous impartiality should have disclaimed to pursue; & it is equally obvious that Virginia was the great resource, the great "hot-bed" (if the federalists like the term better) of this anti-federal party. But what kind of justice is that which makes the great body of those men consist of calumniators? Are they not able to discover in the facts already mentioned, and many others which might be added, sufficient excuses for most of the opposition which General Washington met with? At all events will they not be candid enough to admit, that this opposition has nothing at all to do with that general character of grasping ambition which they have attributed to Virginia; that from the very principles on which the opposition was founded, and from the history of those times, it was derived from general systems of politics, and not from local interests; and that whatever reasons they may to reproach the Virginians for their ingratitude, they can scarcely collect materials to prove their love of dominion?
FRENCH REVOLUTION.—No event was better calculated to interest our feelings, than the early part of this extraordinary revolution. It happened in a nation which had assisted us in achieving our own. From the temper which seemed to have actuated the conduct of its leaders, it appeared to us that this revolution was the consequence and an imitation of our own. Like our own, it appeared to embrace the happiness of the people, and to swear an inextinguishable enmity against their oppressors. Our bosoms swelled with sympathetic emotions when we perceived that those men were like ourselves the friends of freedom, and that the titled governments of Europe were forming a combination against this struggling and rising Republic. An association was thus immediately formed in our minds between the cause of America and the cause of France; and we began to believe that no man could be the friend of freedom or of his own country, who was an enemy to the French revolution.
Two circumstances however occurred, which contributed to give it a new phase. It involved the French nation in a war with England, and it began to deviate from its mild principles, into scenes of persecution, bloodshed, and almost unheard of ferocity. The party in this country, who had supported the British Treaty, began to expatiate upon the cruelties of the revolution, and to represent all its friends in this country as congenial in their sentiments and views with the anarchists, fans-culottes, and jacobins of France. But the means of ample retaliation were not wanting. The men, who had seen the American revolution terminate with so much success and such distinguished glory, did not stay to make allowances for the difference which subsisted between the state of society in Europe and in America; between a nation, divided into two strongly discriminated classes, that of the privileged orders and of the people, and a nation, which had no privileged orders to overthrow. They fondly imagined that these scenes of unfeeling confiscation and inhuman murder, were but as evanescent spots on the disk of the sun; and that a few rapid and inevitable changes would restore humanity to the bosom of individuals, and would give to the nation an establishment and free constitution. They reproached the opposite party with a wilful ignorance of these obvious truths. They attributed their disapprobation of the French revolution, and the conduct of our own administration, to a cold indifference about the freedom of nations, and to an improper attachment for British principles. They called them monarchists, Tories, aristocrats.—At the close of Mr. Adams's administration, new events occurred, which contributed to give additional vigour to these mutual prejudices, and to draw a bolder and wider line of discrimination between the two parties. Our commerce had been considerably interrupted by the rapacity of French privateers and their courts of admiralty. Negotiations had been instituted to no purpose, for the adjustment of differences. The two parties viewing this series of events through the medium of their separate opinions, continued to reproach each other, one for anarchy and attachment to France, the other for monarchal opinions and affection to England. It was at this period, and not until then, that a system of measures was pursued by the federalists of this country, which turned the poising scale against them, and by weaning the people from their cause, raised the opposite party to the administration of affairs. As far as Virginia has acquired success in the prosecution of her views, she owes it not to the French revolution but to this system of measures which the federalists pursued. It was not "on the murders of Robespierre" that "Virginia has exerted her column of strength," but on that ridiculous system of defensive measures, which Mr. Adams and a federal Congress adopted, from the fiery fear of a French invasion. It was not Robespierre who assisted her to conquer her opponents. To their own suicidal exertions must they ascribe the destiny which has befallen them. They must seek it in a Sectional law, which violated the most express provisions of the Constitution, and attempted to arrest the progress of enquiry. They will discover it in an Alien law, which the constitution seemed to have forbidden, and which drove the friendless alien from our shores. In the long list of internal taxes; in the silly pageantry or authoritative air of their armies; in their increasing navy, they must seek the ministers of their own destruction. To such measures, and not to any of the events of the French revolution, or to the immediate schisms which it produced, must the federalists of the north attribute the triumphs of democratic principles, and as far as it is connected with them, of the Virginia interest.
I now approach the next celebrated era in the history of our government, which has furnished the federalists of the north with abundant sources of complaint and discontent. The administration of Mr. Jefferson, which has given so fatal a blow to their aspiring hopes, has called forth all the severity of criticism, and the virulence of abuse. They have attempted to relieve the most important measures, which have been pursued during his administration, into so many proofs of Virginian influence and Virginian ambition. And this policy they have resolved to pursue from two considerations. They proposed to affect either a dissolution of the union or a change of the present administration, by per-funding the eastern states that their interest was sacrificed to that of their southern confederates. As most of these charges are predicated on events which can recently happened, or which have frequently received an adequate explanation, I can expect to throw no new light upon this subject. I shall simply attempt to repeat a few of the arguments which have been offered, in vindication of some of those measures.
The first act under Mr. Jefferson's administration, which called forth the resentment of the federalists, was the change introduced into the scheme of finance. The internal taxes were repealed, while the revenues of the government were drawn from the import. They now say
that this scheme of finance was recommended by the convenience of the south. "To the wilful key drinkers of the south, the repeal of the excise, was the price, the promised price of their support. His wheels could roll, unencumbered by too much financial regulations, and his loaf sugar would be sweeter to his palate, when it did not demand of him a cent for the coffers of his country. The revenue is paid and collected in the north. Imposts therefore may double, till the burthen is intolerable." Let us examine each of those positions.
REPEAL OF INTERNAL TAXES.—We can present two views of this subject, the first of which is sufficient to demonstrate that motives of the most enlightened policy, unconnected with the interests of any of the states, imperiously dictated the repeal of those taxes. The second will prove that if an accurate comparison be drawn between the contributions of Virginia, the state which has been so strongly censured, and Massachusetts, the state whose federal inhabitants have assumed to themselves the office of complainants, it will appear that Virginia paid less & Massachusetts more than their proper proportion, of those taxes; and that it would have been consequently the interest of Virginia to have retained, and of Massachusetts to have repealed these financial laws.
The first view will exhibit a summary account of the expenses of collection & the number of officers which are necessary to collect the taxes. The following extracts from the Report of the Committee of Ways & Means, in the session of 1801-2 will supply the expenses of collection.
"The whole amount of revenue arising from those duties, exclusive of postage on newspapers, as appears by the statements laid before the House by the Secretary of the Treasury, in the early stage of the session, did not exceed for the year 1800, 923,000 dollars; after deducting the amount of drawbacks paid on the exportation of domestic distilled spirits and refined sugar during that year; which sum is chargeable with an expense of collection equal to 157,000 dollars, exclusive of the expenses of the offices of inspectors of survey, which have been abolished. The net revenue arising from those duties may therefore, be estimated at 766,000 dollars; but if from this sum be deducted the duties accruing on stamps, which, as under the existing laws they will cease to be collected after the 4th of March next, cannot be enumerated among the permanent internal duties, the whole net revenue produced from those duties may be estimated at a sum not exceeding 710,000, chargeable with an expense of collection equal to 120,000 dollars. To produce, therefore, into the Treasury somewhat less than 600,000 dollars, an expense must be incurred more than equal to a fifth of that sum."
But while the expenses of collecting the permanent internal duties amount to almost 20 per cent.; the expenses of collection on merchandise and tonnage do not exceed 4 per cent.
"To collect these taxes (the Report adds) more than 400 revenue officers, exclusive of the inspectors, must be maintained at the public charge. The continuance of a revenue drawn from the people on such terms, can be justified only by an imperious necessity; a necessity which in the estimation of the committee, does not at present, and is not hereafter likely to exist." And yet it has been contended, by the federalists of the north, that no other reason has persuaded the government to repeal those taxes than the convenience of Virginia.
This position introduces us to the second view of this subject. The following extract from an address, published in Massachusetts in the year 1802, and attributed to Dr. Eustis, will furnish a satisfactory sketch of the relative contributions paid by Virginia and Massachusetts.
"The whole of those duties for the year 1800, amounted to 993,661 dollars, 82 cents. Of the whole sum of 993,661 dollars, 82 cents, the State of Massachusetts paid 172,894 88, which exceeds one-fifth part. The State of Virginia paid 144,168 97 cents, which is rather short of one-seventh part. Of course in these taxes Massachusetts paid 28,725 dollars 91 cents more than Virginia. Of the direct tax of two millions of dollars, paid in 1798, the proportion of Massachusetts was 260,485 31 being nearest to one eighth of the whole. That of Virginia amounted to 345,840 60, being rather more than one sixth part of the whole.
At the same rate Virginia ought to pay 165,610 9; and Massachusetts 129,392. So that apportioning the Internal Revenue between Massachusetts and Virginia according to the ratio of the Direct Tax, it will be found, under the operation of the Internal Duties, that Massachusetts paid 49,502 dollars more than her proportion, and that Virginia paid 21,441 12 less than her proportion. And yet the people of Massachusetts have been most impudently told that their interest was sacrificed to Virginia policy, by the repeal of these taxes, particularly that of the carriage tax. As this has been a subject of much federal clamour, the reader may be gratified by the following official statement.
A statement of the duties upon carriages for conveyance of persons, during the year ending on the 21st of December, 1800.
Dolls. Cents. New-Hampshire, 1,908 50 Massachusetts, 14,096 81 Rhode-Island, 1,046 75 Connecticut, 4,564 77 Vermont, 180 66 New-York, 7,807 75 New-Jersey, 5,293 86 Pennsylvania, 7,335 77 Delaware, 9,565 69 Maryland, 6,682 79 Virginia, 13,701 47 Ohio, 287 25 Tennessee, 85 50 North-Carolina, 4,834 09 South-Carolina, 4,839 44 Georgia, 1,214 48 Total, 77,171 41
From which it is evident that although the just proportion of Massachusetts was only 10,135 27, yet she paid 14,096 81, Virginia 13,701 47, New-York no more than 7,807 75 1-2 and Pennsylvania only 7,335 77: notwithstanding the proportion of each of those states upon the principal of direct taxation, would exceed that of Massachusetts."
CONTINUANCE OF THE IMPOSTS.—It is not true that the northern states contribute more than their proportion towards the expenses of the Government, although they advance more than their quota of the duty on tonnage and merchandise. I have no data before me, from which I may calculate the relative contributions of the different states to this fund of revenue; because no accounts have yet been collected of the amount of goods sent coast-wise from one state to another. The following abstract maxims which have already appeared in the 4th No. of this Vindication, will be sufficient to demonstrate, however, that the southern states ultimately pay their full quota.
The northern merchants, who import the goods, and employ the tonnage, advance the tax; but they afterwards recover their capital with a mercantile profit, from the persons who purchase these goods.
Whether the southern or northern states then pay the greatest proportion of this tax, can only be determined by another question; are these imported goods most abundantly consumed by the southern or northern inhabitants?
These goods are cheaper in the northern than in the southern states; because when they are transported to the latter, their price necessarily rises with the expense of freight & sometimes of insurance.
As far as this cause therefore operates the northern states may be supposed to consume a more
than equal proportion of these imported commodities.
But this cause is more than counterbalanced by another principle. The northern states having less land in proportion to the number of their inhabitants carry on more extensive manufactures; and thus supply themselves with those commodities which are imported from foreign countries.
Hence a larger flock of goods is destined to the markets of the south: and hence the southern states will consume a greater quantity, and contribute to the expenses of the government in a greater proportion.
Each succeeding day will probably throw a greater proportion of this indirect taxation upon the southern states; as every day will increase the number of manufacturers in the northern parts of the union, while the great abundance and fertility of the land in the south will multiply the number of agriculturists, and the great resources of trade will extend the number of merchants. In the year '93 Connecticut and Massachusetts were supposed to contain on an average, as many as fifty five inhabitants to every square mile; while Virginia perhaps contains at the present day, not more than 8 or 10.
From these considerations we may venture to pronounce that the northern states do not contribute more and the southern states less, than their due quota towards the expenses of the government. We may also form some idea of the accuracy of a proposition which has been brought forward in the Connecticut Courant, "that the states on the western waters have not paid enough in duties to discharge the wages of their members of Congress since the adoption of the new constitution."
The Report proceeds to show the causes of this great expense of collection; and the impolicy of retaining any one of those duties as long as those and other causes operate.
*700,000 in round numbers. The real balance is 788,000.
† Morfe's A. Geography, p. 255.
The arrangements in this city for celebrating the 4th of July, were little adapted to the occasion, and were productive of no event, which deserves commemoration. An Oration was delivered at the Capitol by Mr. Smith. The editor does not believe, that any regular set of Toasts was drunk by any of the numerous parties which were grouped together in different places. There is reason to believe that the FIRE of party-spirit is expiring in Virginia.
The Stockholders of the Bank of Virginia met on Thursday last at the Capitol, for the purpose of choosing their Directors. The Stockholders who reside in the country or in the towns where Branch Banks are to be established, were represented by proxies. Two questions were submitted to the consideration of the meeting previous to the election. 1st. Whether, (by the 8th sect. of the law) any one could be entitled as proxy to a greater number than thirty votes, in the case where the votes which he represented belonged not to one, but to different Stock-holders. 2nd. Whether the Directors for the Branch Banks could be voted for at this time, as sect. 6 of the law has made no express provisions for this purpose. These two questions were postponed till yesterday. The Stockholders then proceeded to give their votes for Directors to the Richmond Bank. Many of them conformed their votes to the list of Directors which it was said the Treasurer of the State had intended to support. The following list has been carried:
J. Gallego 1425 R. Pollard 1425 E. Hatcher 1425 G. Jefferson 1424 E. Carrington 1417 J. F. Leitch 1413 J. Selden 1413 Wm. Mitchell 1397 W. B. Giles 1353 A. Venable 1333 S. Pleasants 1316 J. Harvie 1308 J. Brown 1264 J. Storr 1259
The Treasurer, agreeably to the power conveyed by the 6th sect. of the law, gave 1425 votes to each one on this list.
It is understood that Mr. Giles is to be introduced into the Board of Directors for the purpose only of contributing his assistance towards the organization of the Bank, and that he will resign his place, when this object has been accomplished.
The two following articles are selected from the few received by the Diligence, as worthy of particular attention: the rest are to be found on the first page.
Private letters from Paris, assert that a message has been sent to the senate upon the subject of declaring the sovereign power hereditary in the family of Bonaparte. Upon the demise of Bonaparte, the son of Louis will be his successor in the empire of the Gauls; and should he not be of age when that affair happens, Joseph or Louis will be declared regent. Such, at least, is the rumor contained in private letters.
The first act of the consul, after the assumption of his new dignity, will, it is added, be to pardon Moreau, and to send him to pass the remainder of his life in exile at the Mauritius.
The 8th number of this paper contained a letter, said to have been written by Mr. Livingston, our minister in France, to Monsieur Talleyrand. The following extra from the New-York American Citizen of June 22nd, will show that this letter is not altogether accurate. It seems that the letter which has been published in the newspapers of this country, was a translation from the one which first appeared in the Paris Argus. On the letter which is now published, a gentleman has made the following remark to the editor of the Enquirer:
"There can be no dispute as to idiom of language, or as to the translator's acceptance of the words originally used: because the writer of this communication is pretty well assured, that our ministers are expressly instructed to make all their diplomatic communications in their own language."
MR. LIVINGSTON'S LETTER.—The Argus, a paper printed at Paris in the English language, published on the 31st March, the following, as the letter of Mr. Livingston, the American minister in reply to Talleyrand's circular. It will be perceived that the terms of it are not quite so strong as in the translation, extracted from the English papers. In this Mr. Livingston says, that the papers indicate—the other translation says, that they "prove," that Mr. Drake had held a culpable correspondence, &c.
MR. LIVINGSTON'S LETTER.
SIR, "I have been honored by your note of the 3d Germinal, together, with a copy of the report of the Grand Judge, relative to papers which indicate, that Mr. Drake minister of his Britannic Majesty at Munich, has maintained an unwarrantable correspondence with traitors in France, for purposes which every civilized nation must regard with horror; a horror that must be greatly increased by the prostitution of the sacred character of a minister to such unworthy purposes. When an inferior agent commits an atrocious or base action, it may be ascribed to personal and private motives, but the atrocities of a public minister are too commonly supposed to be those of the government he represents, and though he even acts without their instruction (which is doubtful to be hoped in the present instance) yet they are in some sort connected in public opinion, and have therefore a tendency to change the law of civilized nations and bring them back to a state of barbarism."
"Though my distance from my government
prevents my having instructions upon the fate of the plot so happily discovered, yet, I permit me to anticipate them without the least danger of being disavowed. The candor and integrity of the President's character, and his concern for the First Consul and the French Republic, furnish me with sufficient proofs of the sentiments he will entertain on this interesting occasion. Let me then pray your Excellency to offer to the First Consul, in the name of my government, their felicitations on his happy escape from the horrible attempts of his enemies, not only upon his life, but upon what he has proved, on many occasions, to be dearer to him, the happiness of the nation over which he presides; a happiness derived from his exertions in the cabinet and the field, and which is not yet so firmly established but that it would be deeply affected by his loss."
By Yesterday's Mail.
ALEXANDRIA, July 9.
Captain Carew, of the brig Neptune of this port, in 50 days from Lisbon, came up from his vessel yesterday, and has obligingly furnished us with the following information:
The American consul at Lisbon, Mr. Jarvis, had received letters from Mr. Livingston at Paris, announcing that Bonaparte had been proclaimed emperor of the Gauls, that the French minister had received official information of that event, in consequence of which his staff was illuminated, and the DEUS LUNG in all the churches, to attend which all the foreign ministers and consuls had been invited, and none refused except the English consul.
A report had prevailed some a few days, said to have been brought by a New England captain, that Admiral Nelson was dead but it had been contradicted.
It was said, when Mr. ADDINGTON was made British Prime Minister, he was to hold the situation no longer than Mr. PITT inclined he should. It seems the latter had been making attempts to recover his former station; but has been resisted by Mr. ADDINGTON & his friends. To curvate Mr. ADDINGTON, the old opposition, headed by Mr. FOX, & has joined the new opposition of Mr. PITT, the GRENVILLES, &c. On the 23rd April, these oppositions made a trial of their strength, on a motion made by Mr. FOX, respecting some modification of the bills for the national defence, supported by Mr. PITT and opposed by Mr. ADDINGTON, and all the Ministry. On the question, to refer Mr. FOX's motion, the numbers were—For 204—Against 186—Majority in favour of the Minister 32. On the 26th April another trial of strength was made, on a motion of Mr. PITT, supported by Mr. FOX, and opposed by Mr. ADDINGTON, &c. On this motion, the division was, For Mr. PITT's motion 208—Against 140. Majority for the Minister 37. Though the whole number of members present was diminished, the Absentees were considered as RATS, deserting the Minister. In addition to these indications, we learn by captain Davis, from DUBLIN, that in immediately before he sailed, he received the following minute from the American Consul there: "The report of the day, by an Express, which has this moment arrived at the Castle, is that Mr. PITT goes in Prime Minister: with the privilege of naming whom he thinks proper to retain in or dismiss from the Ministry." This captain D. says was implicitly relied on, in DUBLIN. It is therefore highly probable, that a change of measures will be the consequence. But whether an accommodation, or a more efficient prosecution of the war, our readers are as well able to imagine as we are.
[Boston Centinel.]
CITY OF RICHMOND, IN COMMON HALL, July 3d, 1804.
IT appearing to the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, that the regulations of the Trustees of the Free School in the said City, have been established on liberal and just principles, whereby many poor children of the city have been received at the said school, such arrangements in the acquisition of their education, as to encourage a strong belief that great utility will result from a continuance of the institution, should it receive a proper patronage;
Resolved therefore That the Chamberlain of this City, and Messrs. John Roan, Samuel Paine and Samuel Pleasants, be requested and empowered to receive subscriptions, and the funds that may be subscribed for the benefit of the said school; and that it be recommended to the humane and liberal inhabitants of this city, to raise by subscription other funds for the purpose of continuing the said institution.
ANDREW STEVENSON, C. C. H.
IRISH LINENS AND SHEETINGS.
THE subscribers have just received a few Boxes of 7-8 and 4-4 IRISH LINENS, and 5-4 SHEETINGS from B Yell, which they will sell on moderate terms.
ELLIS & ALLEN.
Richmond, July 7, 1804.
LITERATURE.
EVERY new work or republication of merit is always to be had at WILLIAM PRICHARD'S BOOK & STATIONARY STORE, Richmond, as soon as they issue from the northern presses, and at the same rates as there printed.
Among the many recent publications of the greatest use and celebrity, are the following, viz.
Elliot's Journal and History of the Western Territory, containing an accurate Map of the country, including the Ohio, Mississippi, the Gulf of Mexico, the Floridas, &c. &c. Wilson's History of the British Expedition to Egypt, Demon's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, 2 vols. Barrow's Travels in the Interior and South of Africa, Witman's Travels in Turkey, Asia, Syria and Egypt, Park's Travels in Asia, with Rennell's Map, Staunton's Embassy to, and Travels in China, Tooker's Life, and Reign of Catherine, Empress of Russia, 2 vols. Hayley's Life of William Cowper, Darwin's Temple of Nature, and his Botanic Garden, Life of Darwin, by Anna Seward elegant, Willich's Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. Priestley's Lectures on History and General Policy, 2 vols. The Beauties of the Evangelical Magazine, 2 vols. William's Song of Solomon with Commentaries, Robinson's Translation of Dr. Saurin's Sermons, 6 vols. Dickson's Translation of Dr. Massillon's Sermons, 2 vols. Milton's Works with Todd's notes &c. elegant, 6 vols. The Parent's Friend, an useful Book on Education, 2 vols. Heron's Letters of Junius Elegans, 2 vols. Evans's New Millwright's Guide. The above new works are from the best Presses in Europe and America, chiefly printed on wove paper, adorned with Maps and Plates. Kelly's New Elements of Book-keeping, Abbott's Law of Merchants Ships and Seamen, Montefiore's Commercial and Notarial Precedents, —'s New Commercial Dictionary, 3 vols. Boisnant and Puffier's Reports 2 vols. M'Nally's Rules of Evidence 2 vols. Jones's Law of Bailment, by Balmann, Chitty, on Bills of Exchange and Bank Notes, Mayor's Natural History with Plates, Clark, Bracken, Taplin and Whites Partiers, The American Museum Miscellany, Modern Novels, Plays, Poems and Periodical Works, Music, Musical Instruments, Printing Instruments, STATIONARY of all kinds, for Counting Houses, public Companies, Banking Houses, &c. A large assortment of genuine patent MEDICINES, just received.
July 4.

Lord Maynard took the usual oaths and his seat.
On the motion of Earl Roslyn, the third reading of the Archbishop of Dublin's estate bill was postponed until this day six months.
Motion for papers relating to hostilities in India.
The Earl of Carlisle stated, that as the state of the country, as connected with the conduct of Ministers, must, at no very distant day, be brought under their Lordships' consideration, he would not at present trespass on their time by any observations on that subject. He rose merely to make a motion for certain papers, to the production of which he did not apprehend ministers could oppose any reasonable objections. He should therefore move, without any further preface,
"That an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that he may give orders that the dates of all dispatches transmitted, either by land or sea, by Government to India, previous to his majesty's message of the 10th of March 1808, be laid on the table for the information of their Lordships; and the dates also when they were received by the persons to whom they were severally addressed."
"That the dates of the dispatches transmitted between that period and the commencement of hostilities, together with the dates of the receipt of such in India, be also laid on the table."
Lord Hawkesbury thought it his duty to resist the motion of the noble Earl, not that there could be any great objection to grant the information he seemed anxious to obtain, but that it was contrary to all precedent, and the constant practice of the executive government. He would not deny but many occasions may arise, on which it would be incumbent on ministers to accede to propositions for the production of public documents. On all questions relating to the public revenue, to the application of the expenditure of that revenue, or to the magnitude and disposal of the public force, there it was competent for any noble lord to move for such papers as tended to explain them, and it would be indecorous in ministers to oppose the production of them. But where no ground of accusation had been laid down, and where the motives for producing them were only to be discovered in vague and uncertain rumour, he thought it neither parliamentary nor prudent to trouble his majesty with an address for such purposes; he would therefore give his dissent to the motion of the noble Earl.
The Earl of Carlisle could not agree with the Noble Secretary of State as to the principle which he had laid out, that ministers were to communicate or withhold information, at their discretion, on all public occasions, except such as arose out of matters that were fairly before Parliament. They, the hereditary council of his majesty, had a right to demand information, whenever the interests of either the sovereign or the state were concerned; and it was the duty of ministers to communicate it, except the publicity of it might operate to the disadvantage of the public service. He would even maintain, in opposition to the noble lord, that public rumour may be sometimes a good ground for requiring information. He asked, was it not notorious, that in all the circles from the highest to the lowest in this country, it was circulated, and generally believed, that Ministers had been extremely remiss in conveying intelligence to India of approaching hostilities. It was easily to be ascertained, so negligent had they been in this respect, that information had been received from England, by private merchants in India, seventeen days before the dispatches of government arrived there. To what but this negligence, on the part of government, was the escape of the French squadron at Pondicherry owing! Admiral Liniois, with an inferior force, was at anchor within the British fleet under the command of Admiral Rainier, and from some information he had received, he had cut his cables, and was, perhaps, at this very moment, engaged in active and successful hostility against some of the most valuable of our settlements in that part of the world. Surely if the English Admiral had been apprised of the probability, much less the actual commencement of a war, he would, as it would have been his duty to have done, detained the whole of the French squadron. The public had a right to be satisfied on this point, and therefore, unless Ministers produced some better arguments against his motion, he must persevere in it.
Lord Hawkesbury must still persist in opposing the motion; however, he had no hesitation in saying, that, pending the negotiation, and previous to his majesty's Message, dispatches had been sent to India with all possible celerity, and by every means of communication, to apprize our naval and military commanders there, of the state of it, and the probable resumption of hostilities. His majesty's government, at least that department of it, had aided, in a subsequent period of the negotiation, made similar communications, and when hostilities actually commenced they transmitted intelligence of it, by all means in their power, to India.
Lord Spencer expressed much surprise at the determination of Ministers to oppose the motion of his noble friend. They had, if he was well informed, and he drew his information from a source, which though not official, was, notwithstanding, in his opinion, too authentic to be questioned, been guilty of unpardonable neglect in not conveying the earliest intelligence of the war to our settlements in India. The official dispatches were transmitted by a frigate who had to see a convoy, which was put under her protection, safe into Lisbon; by which means an unavoidable delay of at least 16 or 18 days was produced. If he would credit authority he had no reason to doubt, Admiral Rainier was not apprized, on the 12th of August, of what had taken place in Europe on the 10th of March, full five months before. Suppose the circumstances of the two fleets had been different, and that Admiral Rainier, with an inferior force, had been anchored inside the French squadron, can any one imagine that Admiral Liniois, on the 12th of August, on the night of which he slipped his cables, would have hesitated on the capture of the British squadron? There was certainly great blame imputable to some quarter, and it was the duty of the house to examine it thoroughly.
Lord Hobart opposed the motion, and maintained that there had been no negligence on the part of Ministers. The frigate which carried out the dispatches, failed direct for India, and made an extraordinary quick passage. Our Commanders there had timely notice of the state of affairs in Europe, and instructions for their conduct in case of the resumption of hostilities. As to the escape of Admiral Liniois's squadron, he was sure no blame could attach either to the Executive Government, or to his majesty's commanders, in those seas upon that account. In fact, Admiral Rainier was apprized of the probability of the recommencement of the war, when the French squadron arrived at Pondicherry, and it was actually under consideration to detain Admiral Liniois, when he was so fortunate as to make his escape.
Lords Carnarvon and Harrowby shortly supported the motion, and Lord Hobart said a few words in explanation, when the house divided.
  Peers 27   Proxies 4-31   Non-Contents against it   Peers 25   Proxies 5-20   Being a majority of one in favour of Earl Carlisle's motion. 
Bill to enable His Majesty to accept the services of the Irish Militia.
Lord Hobart moved, previous to the 2d reading of the Bill, that his Majesty's message on the loyal and spirited offers of the Irish Militia, should be read. His Lordship declared, that he presumed there would be no difference of opinion in that house, with respect to the principle which gave rise to the present bill, and which, carried to a further extent, would sanction the policy of occasional interchanges of the militia of the two countries. But that was not the question now before them. The prudence or necessity of such reciprocity was not now to be discussed; but as it appeared on the face of the bill before the House, they were called upon merely to determine, whether they would or would not enable his Majesty to avail himself of the spirited offers that had been made to him from motives of loyalty to his person, and of kindness and attachment to the welfare and interests of this part of the empire. As he presumed there could be no difference of sentiment on that point, however there may be on others, he would no longer detain their Lordships, but move that the bill be read a second time.
Lord Boringdon felt himself under the necessity of opposing the second reading of the bill, upon many considerations, but principally two, which in his mind were decisive against the measure. One was, that it would tend, in some measure, to subvert the principles upon which the militia force was originally established; and the other was, that it was withdrawing a force, which, however inconsiderable in itself, was necessary for the defence of Ireland, and could afford no material addition to the force already collected for the defence of Great Britain. His Lordship was no enemy to the principle, that all parts of the United Kingdom should assist each other reciprocally, but he would rather fear that disposition manifested by other measures than a mere interchange of their several militia forces. He wished really to see the principles of the Union fairly acted upon. It was now four years since that great political change had been effected, and what he would ask, had the government done for Ireland? If he could argue from what had passed, when he considered the correspondence that had passed between a Noble Peer of that House (he alluded to Lord Reddendale and the Earl of Fingal) and that Noble Lord still remained in a high official situation in that country, he was justified in entertaining some doubts of the intentions of Ministers towards it. If Ministers approve of the conduct of that Noble Lord, why not declare so? If they did not, it was incumbent on them to disavow the opinions he had promulgated, and to recall him. But this, however, desirable in point of justice or of policy, he despaired of seeing accomplished, when he recollected, that the great vital and essential principle upon which the present ministers held their official situations was opposition to the only measure that could give satisfaction or permanent tranquility to Ireland.
The Duke of Cumberland and the Marquis of Headfort rose at the same time, but the latter being called upon by the Chancellor, gave way to the former.
His Royal Highness, said, that he would occupy but a very small portion of their Lordships' time. He rose for the purpose of expressing his approbation of the Bill, as tending to establish that principle, which he hoped to see, within a short time extended much further. It was his anxious wish, that the two countries, which had but one common interest, should whenever it was necessary, interchange their Militias. Since they were become one United Kingdom by law, he trusted that they would not be separate either in sentiment or practice. He thought no more distinction, in any respect whatever, should exist between them, than between any two neighbouring counties of Great Britain: and therefore, as this measure would tend to establish that cordiality and acquaintance between them, that was so desirable in every point of view, it had his hearty concurrence.
Marquis Headfort supported the bill, and expressed his regret, that the great minister who had brought about the measure of the Union, was not at present at the head of his Majesty's Councils.
Earl Fitzwilliam opposed it, as interfering with the principles upon which the militia of England was originally formed, and as derogatory from the honour of the nation, which possessed 380,000 volunteers, 70,000 Militia, and 44,000 infantry, with a due proportion of artillery and cavalry, was represented to be under the necessity of accepting the services of 10,000 Irish militia.
The Duke of Norfolk would vote against the measure upon constitutional grounds, although he acquitted the Ministers of any blame whatever in the transaction, which was in some measure, he had reason to suppose, forced upon them. He could not concur in the wish of a Noble Marquis for the return to power of a Member of another house, much less in his opinion of his merits as a Minister. He thought that the constitution had been more violated, the country more oppressed and impoverished by taxes, and the state of Europe reduced to more disgrace and humiliation by his measures, than by the rashness or incapacity of all the administrations that had preceded him.
The Earl of Limerick supported the Bill, and retorted with much force the argument advanced by a Noble Earl, that the practice of volunteering tended to countenance that most dangerous of all principles, to a free government, the principle of deliberation by armed bodies. He was sure, when the Noble Lord had made that observation, that the extraordinary resolutions entered into by a number of Militia Colonels at the Thatched House, in which the Noble Earl bore so conspicuous a part, did not offer themselves to his recollection. He could see no difference between deliberation by Commanders and deliberation by common soldiers. The bill had his concurrence, because it would promote that which was the earnest wish of his heart, the full political identity of both parts of the kingdom.
Lord Carlton readily admitted, that such was the state of defence in which this part of the United Kingdom was placed that there did not exist any absolute necessity for the transfer of 10,000 Militia from Ireland. Yet he was decidedly of opinion, that when a voluntary offer of service was made, like that which had occurred in the present instance, it should not be rejected. It would, in fact materially tend to the consolidation of the act of the Union by showing the mutual confidence with which different parts of the same empire were animated. With respect to the observations which had fallen from a Noble Lord, on the correspondence that had passed between two Noble Lords in Ireland, one of whom filled a most important
office, he had merely to remark that such comments were not warranted by the incidental mention of the correspondence, since it was not fairly before their Lordships, and could not be made the ground-work of a charge.
Lord Boringdon explained.
The Lord Chancellor felt himself peculiarly called upon to address a few words to their Lordships, in consequence of the allusion which had been made to the conduct of a noble friend of his in Ireland, as mentioned in the correspondence which had been noticed. The character of that noble lord, with whom it was one of the greatest pleasures of his life to live on terms of the strictest intimacy, stood as high for honour and integrity as any other in the united kingdom; and whatever observations the correspondence might have given rise to, he was confident that there was nothing in any of the circumstances which could in the slightest degree contribute to injure the distinguished reputation his noble friend was universally acknowledged to possess. It was, he could not avoid saying, one of the characteristics of the times, that a correspondence which in former instances could not, unless stolen from the pocket of either of the noble lords, have found its way into the world, should now be made public as a matter of course. It was also extraordinary, that a charge should be preferred against his noble friend, upon the grounds which were clearly superfluous, and which could not, with any propriety or consistency, furnish a subject of censure or comment in that house, since they could not be brought forward as the basis of a motion for an address to his majesty. He had thought it incumbent upon him, since the topic had been introduced, to say these few words in vindication of his noble friend, who, if he had erred, must have erred only from a deep & honest conviction that his exertions and advice would produce the most beneficial effects in that country, where he had the honor to fill a very high situation under the government. As to the sentiments which had been imputed to his noble friend, it was sufficient to state, that he had been here the best friend to those very men whom he was now accused of persecuting; and that in all the measures which had been adopted of late years for their relief and toleration, he had himself been personally and warmly engaged in the passing of the different Bills, which they conceived so intimately connected with their happiness and interests. With respect to the Bill before the house, he did not see it in the same objectionable point of view in which it appeared to present itself to some other noble lords. He should not for a moment hesitate to say, that the principle of an armed body deliberating was improper and unconstitutional; but it was at the same time to be understood, that the power of deliberating might be occasionally exercised by armed bodies, when it could alone arise from, and be regulated by, the force and urgency of peculiar and extraordinary circumstances. His lordship having considered the operation of the Bill as essentially connected with the safety and welfare of the two countries, concluded with saying, that it should have his cordial support.
Lord Carnarvon defended the former militia establishment, which, by late alterations, provisions, and modifications, had dwindled into a system he could no longer support. He had been the zealous friend of the militia in a true constitutional view; but when he considered the many embarrassments, clogs, and difficulties which it every day experienced, he was called upon to declare that it had no longer his earnest support. Having recapitulated several of the arguments which had been used with respect to the detriments arising to the militia establishment, from novel modes of acting, and the adoption of crude and hasty measures, he said he should vote against the bill.
Lord Auckland expressed his surprise that the opposition to the bill should chiefly originate from those noble Peers who had repeatedly objected to his majesty's ministers, that they had not in readiness for the defence and safety of the country a force of a disposable nature sufficiently large. The opposition was therefore the more extraordinary, as while they blamed the ministers for not having increased the disposable force, they denied to them, in the same breath, the power of that kind of force, by refusing their assent to a bill, professedly directed to the accomplishment of an object admitted on all hands to be so wise and salutary. No man could deny the wisdom and policy of immediately augmenting the disposable force of this country, more particularly when he looked at the wretched state of the Continent. Yet out of that wretched state some hopes were naturally excited. It was not in the nature of men or of things, that the war could last for any long time, and in that opinion he was justified by the answer given by the representatives of the different powers to the official communication made to them of the late lying correspondence, and fabricated plot. It was impossible that a Government which was founded in regicide, which was raised and exalted by blood and poison, and which was supported by midnight murders and assassinations, should long continue to be guided by a hand stained with the blood of innocent and royal victims. And to the benefits likely to result from the Bill before their Lordships, there could be but one opinion. From their residence the Irish Militia would acquire improvements and habits of industry, which could not fail to be productive of real advantages, when they returned to their own country; and as to any diminution of the Militia in Ireland, by a transfer of ten thousand to England, he thought that could form no ground of opposition to the Bill, since it was well known such was the attachment of the people of that country to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that the number would be replaced in a very short time by a new levy.
Lord Harrowby thought the Bill objectionable because it went to deprive Ireland of what the most wanted for her own protection, a strong efficient force: while the principle of reciprocity, with regard to the services of both Militias, went for nothing in the present case as to the disposable force; for by substituting ten thousand men for the same number taken away, there was no increase whatever.
The Marquis of Sligo praised the conduct of the British Militia in Ireland, and was convinced that the principle of reciprocal service would contribute in a very eminent degree to the improvement and consolidation of the Union.
Lord Harrowby explained.
The Duke of Montrose, as an enemy to the deliberations of all armed bodies, professed himself inimical to the Bill.
Lord Darnley, at considerable length opposed the Bill.
The Earl of Egremont said, that although he had not for a considerable time had occasion to address their Lordships, yet he conceived the present measures so novel, and so objectionable on many accounts, that he thought it his duty to make a public avowal of his disapprobation of it.
Lord Grenville blamed Ministers for not submitting, in a fair and manly mode, to the consideration of Parliament, the principle of reciprocity between the militia establishments of both countries, if such was their intention when they first countenanced the present measure. But they were not perhaps, aware that the question had been in some measure already decided. By the articles of the union with Scotland, it was determined, after great deliberation, that the militia of England and of that country should be confined in respect to their services, to the countries by which they were severally paid. His Lordship defended, with his accustomed ability, the meeting of the Militia Colonels at the Thatched House, and challenged any noble Lord to point out why, or where it was unconstitutional for a number of officers, all of them, without scarcely an exception, either Peers of Parliament, or Members of another House, to assemble, and express their opinion on a subject which most materially concerned them. His Lordship gave his most decided dissent to the Bill.
Lord Hawkesbury supported the measure in a short speech, and found fault with the resolutions entered into by the officers who subscribed their names to them. He considered it as a very great error in them, to speak as if they were in an official and military capacity, and to have published the result of their deliberations at that meeting.
Lord Romney condemned the measure, and vindicated the conduct of the meeting at the Thatched House, at which he had the honour to be one.
Lords Hawkesbury and Fitzwilliam explained; the latter of whom being called to order by the Lord Chancellor, sat down, when
Lord Carnarvon rose, and contended that his noble friend was strictly in order.
The question being put on the second reading, the House divided:
  Contents, Peers 64 77   Proxies, 13   Non-contents, Peers 43 48   Proxies, 5   Majority 29 
Lord Hawkesbury said, at that late hour he would not move for the second reading of the other Bill before their Lordships, the Irish Militia Augmentation Bill, but confine himself to moving, that the Bill, now read a second time, should be committed for to-morrow.
Lord Grenville stated, that he had infinitely greater objections to the second Bill, than to the one now read, and would state those objections at some length to-morrow. He agreed with the Noble Baron, that it was now too late to enter upon the discussion of it.—Adjoined at eleven o'clock.
BY AUTHORITY.
[LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.]
AN ACT
For the relief of certain Military Pensioners in the State of South-Carolina.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the persons to whom military pensions have been heretofore granted and paid by the state of South-Carolina, in pursuance of the resolves of the United States, in congress assembled, for the payment of pensions to the invalids who were wounded and disabled during the late war with Great-Britain, and who have not been placed on the books, in the office of the secretary for the department of war, shall be, and the same hereby are directed to be placed on said books, and their said pensions shall be hereafter paid by the United States, in the same manner as to other pensions of the U. S. out of the funds already appropriated for that purpose.
And be it further enacted, That in placing the names of pensioners on the books, pursuant to the directions contained in the foregoing section, the secretary of war shall be guided by a certificate from the state of South-Carolina, when the same shall be delivered to him under the proper authentication, which certificate shall specify the names of pensioners and sums of pensions, and likewise that they have not been paid since March the fourth, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, by said state; which certificate shall be recorded in the books of the department of war, and the original kept on file. And each officer, non-commissioned officer, and soldier, whose name shall be placed on the said list as a pensioner in conformity to the provisions of this act, or in case of the death of any such officer, non-commissioned officer, or soldier, his heirs, or legal representatives, shall receive a sum equal to the arrears of his pension, which shall have accrued from and after the fourth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, until the payment of this act, or until the death of such pensioner, as aforesaid, as the case may be: which arrearages shall be ascertained and certified by the register of the treasury in the same manner and under the said restrictions as are contained in the act passed the eleventh day of August, one thousand seven hundred and ninety, entitled "An act for the relief of the persons therein mentioned or described." Provided, That the commutation of half pay, which may have been received by any commissioned officer entitled to a pension as aforesaid, shall first be returned by such officer into the treasury of the United States, or shall be deducted from the arrears of pension directed to be paid by this act.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
AARON BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
March 3, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which the fee may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, 22d of May, 1804.
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes once a week for the space of five months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND
IN Powhatan county, on Appomattox River, where it is navigable, known by the name of McCaul's Quarter, containing 420 acres: this land lies about four miles from the Court House, and is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, small grain and corn. Maj. John Archer, who lives near the land, will show it to any person who may wish to purchase. If it is not sold before the 1st of September next, I shall sell it upon that day to the highest bidder, at Woodfan's Tavern, near the premises. John B. Price. Richmond, May 20, 1804. [10001274a.
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and Yorkshire from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS. Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 21st. tf (1)
ELLIS & ALLAN, HAVE received from London, Liverpool and Bristol, A NEAT & VALUABLE ASSORTMENT OF SPRING GOODS.
THE London Critical Review or Annals of Literature, from the year 1791 till 1803, bound in boards, 39 vols.—And 50 Numbers of Ladies London Magazine." June 13. (3w)
THE Court of Hustings of the City of Richmond have established the following rules concerning applicants for licences to manufacture Tobacco within the said City; viz.
"All Applications to the Court for Licences to manufacture Tobacco, must be made one month at least, previous to the time of granting thereof, and the name or names of the applicant or applicants entered on the Records of the said Court, and inserted in all the Newspapers published in the City of Richmond:"
IN PURSUANCE WHEREOF, PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That from the Records of the said Hustings Court, it appears that DANL. TRIPLETT and JOHN WIDEWILT intend to apply to the next succeeding Court for Licences, severally, to Manufacture Tobacco within this City.
By Order of the Court, AND W STEVENSON, D. C. June 23. (2dmjuly)
THE SUBSCRIBERS,
Living on Shockoe-Hill, near Mr. Daniel L. Hylton and Mr. Benj. Mosby) RESPECTFULLY inform the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that they have lately commenced the CARPENTER & JOINER'S BUSINESS; and are now ready to undertake any business in their line.—They trust, from their particular attention, and faithful performance of every thing they undertake, to merit public patronage. WILLIAM K. LEE, JOHN S. LEE. May 23, '04. tf (5)
AT A QUARTERLY COURT CONTINUED AND HELD FOR PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, MAY THE 22d, 1804.
WILLIAM WHITE, & Co. Plaintiffs. AGAINST THOMAS GIBSON & ROBERT B. GIBSON, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Thomas Gibson not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas Gibson do appear here on the first day of August court next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.—And the defendant Robert B. Gibson, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiffs hath been returned executed, still failing to answer the same, the court, this twenty-second day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and four, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, doth take their bill for confessed, as to that defendant, and will proceed at a future day to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendant Robert Gibson on or before the next term after he shall have been served with a copy of this order, show cause to the contrary.
A Copy. Teste, BENJAMIN WATKINS, D. C. (e2m)—16
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in the Richmond Gazettes, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803.
RULE.—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error, or otherwise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, unless good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804.
RULE.—A clear and concise state of the case of each party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, special verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the point insisted on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly transcribed, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing of the cause, & that no error, other than such as shall be pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or judgment sought to be reversed. And that all depositions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particularly noticed in such State and recited, and a reference thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause made.
MAY 21st, 1804.
RULE.—That after the end of this present term, all causes depending in this Court, which shall be ready for hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same or in such other place as shall be appointed.
Teste, J. BROWN, C. C.