The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-03-09 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 9, 1803.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next. February 16th 1803.
A meeting of the Common Hall, for the city of Richmond, called by the Mayor, and held at the house of William Role, in the said city, on Monday the 28th day of February, 1803. Resolved, that the Mayor give notice in the newspapers, that the Hall have adopted a plan for a POOR HOUSE, and will receive proposals from under-takers for building the same, at any time before the third Monday in next month. The plan is lodged in the hands of Mr. Robert B. James. The proposals must be made in writing.
A copy
Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H. C. R.
TO HIRE
FOR THE PRESENT YEAR, A likely young MULATTO WOMAN, Enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March 9th. 1803.
WANTED,
To hire, for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storeage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
VIRGINIA.
At a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN, D. C. H. C.
WANTED,
AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business, A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office.
Mar. 17th 1803.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803.
WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the encreasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy
Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stones ready for delivery; also PLASTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (t.)
FRESH FLOUR.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they are now ready to make Sales of FLOUR or their own manufacture, and are also desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour-Barrels, and Sacks.
Such as may want a supply of Meal, Hominy, Sift-Stuff, and Bran, are informed that they can be furnished at certain prices during the year, and that for the present quarter, ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. Meal, 3s. and 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD, & Co. Feb. 16th. 1803.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
To the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Rind, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood.
THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendue Master.
Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States. Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (t.) N. B. For sale, PLASTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
HENRY TOLER Jun. having purchased of us the debts due, and owing to him before he became bankrupt, those indebted will therefore take notice, that we have no further interest in said debts, and that the said Henry Toler, has full power and authority to receive the same, and grant discharges, those indebted to the late concern of Hooper and Toler only excepted.
MARCUS ELCAN,
WILLIAM TEMPLE,
Affignees of Hooper and Toler.
Teste THOMAS HOOPER. Richmond, Jan. 15th 1803. (t.)
TO THE PUBLIC.
NO. III.
CONCERNING
MR. GALLATIN,
AND THE SALE OF BANK STOCK.
IN my last communication it was alleged that Mr. Gallatin ought to have insisted upon paying the Dutch debt in Amsterdam; that if he had taken this ground the creditors would have been obliged either to take the risk of having such a tempting sum of money upon hand in a dangerous situation, or to consent to a re-loan upon terms even more advantageous than those which belonged to the former agreement. Though I am not able to state explicitly the conditions of the loan, or the mode of payment, I have some reason to believe that the Dutchmen had in their great caution taken care that the payment should be made in gold or silver by weight. If this is really the case, it will appear that the secretary of the treasury is still more and more blamable. Predicated upon this supposition the following observations are offered.
We should recollect that there is an expensive establishment at the city of Philadelphia, which is called the mint, the purpose of which is to produce coin from gold and silver. Without ascertaining what are the actual expenses of this operation, it is deemed not unreasonable to presume that it is not less than two per cent upon the sum which may be coined. It has been before stated and is now repeated, that the whole sum might have been sent in the frigates, that it might have been insured at two per cent. Thus the saving in coining by sending bullion and the loss by insurance would counterbalance each other, and one of the idle millions with which the treasury was overburthened, and which gen-
Smith was willing to bestow on the president, might have been transported to Holland, without any other loss than that to which the government would be obliged to submit in coining. This argument is as plain as the existence of light.
But Mr. Gallatin had it in his power to have taken a still higher and more favorable ground with the Dutchmen. The following is my explanation. The Dutchmen were entitled to receive gold and silver by the weight in Amsterdam. Common prudence would have dictated the preference of lending the whole again to such punctilious debtors, especially as it might have afforded, if paid, an allure to some requisition makers. They would have proposed voluntarily to let the ingots of gold and silver remain where they were, and would have abated the interest. Gallatin might then have replied; this may be done upon condition that you will pay two per cent to the United States for coining. This would have been reasonable. Dutch prudence and caution would have yielded. Let this be tried at the bar of common sense; let it be remembered that Europe is in an untranquillized state; that Holland and every thing in it is exposed to the turbulence of revolutionists and requisitionists; that it is at the mercy of a single individual, at whose nod, the world, at present, seems to tremble; that this individual has a mind as capacious as the world and projects as vast as both. Who then will hesitate in the opinion that the prudence of the creditors would not have preferred a safe deposit in the United States, even without interest, in preference to those perils and chances! All these advantages were in Mr. Gallatin's power. He has abandoned them all. He has done a thing, which his own sense of shame prompts him to obscure, and persuades his partisans, and they persuade their dupes, that there was no security in selling bank stock to the merchants of this country, and as little in their bills of exchange.
One part of my argument may be answered by alleging a fact, that our coffers do not contain ingots of gold and silver, or other bullion. My rejoinder to this will be, that if this is the fact, there is no occasion to support the expensive establishment of a mint; but let this stand as it may, the force of the argument in its general scope cannot be affected. Gallatin might have assumed the high ground which the agreement secured, and there is not a Dutchman who can understand the substantial difference between receiving 4 per cent upon a million of dollars upon satisfactory security, with the certainty of the principal hereafter, and the strong prospect of losing both interest and principal; who would not have submitted to any proposal of this sort, which might have been made.
Smith, in the National Intelligencer, published some time ago a defence for Gallatin for the sale of the bank stock. In this defence he introduced many facts, which could not obtain credit with those who remembered that it was the same Smith and the same paper, which gave birth and circulation to numberless falsehoods and misrepresentations against Pickering, Wolcott, Stoddert, and many other persons who had been rendered illustrious by persecution, and by the triumph of virtue; the same Smith who refused to print the exculpations, so that neither he nor the National Intelligencer had the smallest claim to credit.
It was expected that Gallatin would put his best foot foremost, after the meeting of Congress, to obtain their approbation of this unexpected, unexampled, and impolitic transaction. He has done so; and his excuses correspond so exactly with those which Smith formerly gave, that there remains no doubt of this conclusion; either that Smith has written for Gallatin, or that Gallatin has written for Smith, and as I consider one of them no better than the other, the reader may take his choice.
While people are deluded with terms and words, with a pompous avowal and profession of principles, and with numberless things which induce them to give implicit confidence to the present blundering, or designing rulers, the same rulers are making rapid strides to the destruction of the public rights. They have sold the bank stock at an immense loss. They say that it was to comply with an imperious demand. They repeal taxes, by which the debt could have been otherwise paid. They boast of several millions of idle dollars in the treasury. In this way it might be supposed that their career would

so short, that they would soon arrive at that point where universal vengeance would be on them and plunge them into disgrace. But this will not happen. The natural resources of this country are in such a state of rapid increase, that blunders of this sort will be soon forgotten in the tide of success and prosperity. The increasing population creates an increasing consumption, and these combined produce an increasing commerce, from which will be derived additional revenue. Not is this all. Before the elevation of the present rulers, government were obliged to expend many millions of dollars in establishing settlements, and awing our Indian neighbors into peace, besides losing about two millions of dollars in the two insurrections which happened in Pennsylvania. The Indians are now peaceable; many millions of acres of land are brought into market, which are worth as many dollars. Gallatin reports sales of land to the amount of half a million of dollars, and we may expect this to be increased every year. What a field for speculation! What boundless opening to serve favorites! What a prospect for a bargain with some rich enterprising foreigner, whose good fortune may bring him in contact with Gallatin and Co. when some actual or fictitious emergency has been created! And who is there so stupid as to believe, that there will be any hesitation to plunge into the most destructive conduct! The man who could have the audacious effrontery to sell an article which every body wanted, in a secret manner, at a loss of 10 per cent, when the United States had five times as much money lying idle in their treasury as was wanted, who is supported and justified not only in the act, but still more in the impudent reasons which he has given, will not find either fears or scruples, in selling the lands at a fourth, or even less than a fourth of their value. All that is necessary is to offer an excuse: whether it be good or bad, rational or impudent, his confederates will not only receive and admit it but will inform their constituents, that this father of insurrections is a most accomplished financier, and a most profound politician.
Reader, whoever thou art, and of whatever political sect or opinion, I beseech thee to mark the contract.
Timothy Pickering discoursed many millions of dollars; he remitted vast sums to Europe; he gained in the operation of bills of exchange more than 14,000 dollars; he was abused and calumniated in the most opprobrious manner by Gallatin and others. A revolution happens. Pickering goes out; Gallatin comes in, and in the first scene of the first act of his administration, he sinks more than one hundred thousand dollars in the sale of bank stock, and the party justify it by saying that he might have lost in remitting bills of exchange.
If, in these explanations, I have not satisfied my readers, that the high priest of democracy is not the worst financier who ever pretended to administer the affairs of a nation; yet I think that there will not be a man who understands the first rules of arithmetic, or the rudiments of Dilworth, who will not pronounce that he is very far from being the best.
I shall not pursue any point with such inquisitorial exactitude as to ascertain whether these blasting and irreparable injuries have proceeded from the weakness or the wickedness of their author. My object is to show and expose them, to place things in a view so plain and perspicuous that my fellow citizens will have nothing to do but to stop, to listen, to read and to condemn.
My own opinion is, that Gallatin is a mere bubble, supported by popular delusion. To give respectability to his declarations, and pamphlets, one lends him virtue, another genius, another industry, &c. Upon all great occasions, the lazy and ignorant wish to hang their opinions somewhere. In the late occurrences of this country, the democrats have chosen Gallatin as their Moses, and they have increased their adoration in order to conceal their own folly.
FEDERALIST.
The following passages are extracted from a pamphlet, which was lately printed in Philadelphia, and which has made an uncommon noise. The piece calls itself the Translation of a French Memorial, which was presented sometime ago to the first Consul. But whether that is true has been contested.
NEW-ORLEANS AND LOUISIANA.
"Will the states go to war? And have we (the French) any reason to dread hostilities? Can they not be easily diverted or intimidated from open violence? Or should pacifying measures fail of success, are they not susceptible of deeper wounds than they are able to inflict? Let us predict their future conduct from their past.
"This is a nation of pedlars and shopkeepers. Money engrosses all their passions and pursuits. For this they brave all the dangers of land and water;
they will scour the remotest seas, and penetrate the rudest nations. Their ruling passion being money, no sense of personal or national dignity must stand in the way of its gratification. These are an easy sacrifice to lust of gain, and the insults and oppression of foreigners are cheerfully borne, provided they get a recompence of a pecuniary nature. Insults and injuries that affect not the purse, affect no sense that they possess; and such is the seemingly inconsistent influence of the mercenary passion, that the pillage of their property, while it produces infinite discontent and clamour, urges them to no revenge. The dictates of a generous nature, which prefers honor to riches, and will hazard property and life itself, in the assertion of its own or its country's wrongs, are strangers to their breasts. When the counsel is war, they prudently reckon the expence, and determine rather to keep what is left them, than to risk it in endeavouring to regain that, of which they have been robbed."
"Such is their history since they have grown to a sufficient size to attract historical attention."
[Here the memorialist states the conduct of the Americans in the war with the French and Indians, which was concluded by the peace of 1763, and the revolutionary war, which procured independence, and then proceeds.]
"Since this period (independence) they have grown in wealth and numbers, and have been busily employed in bringing their disjointed members into some sort of combination; in building up and pulling down their separate constitutions; in quelling tumults excited by attempts to levy taxes on a liquid poison, called whiskey; in supplicating France and England, that they would be good enough to repay the value of the plunder committed by these nations on their commerce, and Spain, that she would be pleased to let them pass up and down the Mississippi, and in the most furious and disgraceful animosities of party, fomented by the two great rivals in Europe, and convertible at will into more successful engines of conquest than armies and fleets. Instead of providing for their own defence, against foreign or domestic foes, by armed ships and disciplined troops; they have relied on the power of intreaty, and on a rabble of militia. Instead of asserting their natural claims to the continent of North America, they have left all their southern districts, and the mouth of their most useful river, in the hands of a nation, despicable and defenceless; whose claims are groundless and ridiculously asserted by themselves; but formidable and fatal when transferred to others."
"What topics, likely to produce conviction, can be urged by the advocates for hostile measures? The sure occupation of the western world, by a race congenial to themselves: the extension of their name and language over so large a part of the earth; the future acquisitions of the riches of Mexico; are splendid images which might seduce the sage in his closet, or the despotic prince whose private will is the law of the people, and whose private case would not be impaired by the incidents of war, but are idle and ineffectual dreams in the view of the farmer, trader, or artisan. These classes must provide immediate bread for their children, and comfort and respect for their old age. Chimerical and distant goods would hardly extort from them a petty contribution to the public; or tempt them to march a hundred miles from home, with a musket on their shoulder; or to risk the rotting of the corn in their granaries for the want of a market; the loss of customers in their shop; and the inaction of their ships for the want of freights. The ruins of America are either farmers or merchants themselves, or they hold their powers at the caprice of plowmen and hindmen. Among such there is rarely an understanding to conceive, much less any disposition to deny themselves their
NOTE.
"Let them go on," (said Mr. Gallatin, in the house of representatives of the U. S. speaking of French spoliations,) "let them go on, it will be cheaper to submit than to go to war," and all the people said Amen!
customary pleasures for the sake of national glory, or the benefit of distant generations.
"We may, as long as we please, avoid encroaching on their borders, or even disturbing them in the pursuit of their own advantage. They have solemnly acknowledged the right of Spain to the western slope of the great valley, and to the mouths of the river. These rights will be transferred entire to us. We shall not create unnecessary difficulties by exerting too soon our rights over the passage of this river. This is all that their convenience will for some time, demand, and this we shall readily concede to them."
The prosperity of our colony will indeed demand the exclusive possession of the river. This possession our station at the mouth of it will give us the right and the power to assume, but a short time may be allowed to elapse before we claim it. We must first make sure our footing; and yet it would be strange if ten thousand veterans in a colony that is still French, did not make sure this footing, after one day's military occupation of the province."
"Should we bar up this passage immediately, or levy custom on the passengers, what will be the consequence? They will send ambassadors to France to explain their rights, to solicit redress for the wrong. Etiquette will make a thousand delays. The common forms of diplomatic discussion, will create a thousand more. New turns may be given to the controversy, new ambassadors, and new powers will follow the old, and the distance of the parties will put to as great a distance the appeal to arms;—And the worst that can ensue, will be the necessity of warring with an undisciplined and faithless rabble."
WHEREAS Lucretia Alford, has left my house and board in my absence, and resides in another man's family, I forewarn all persons from trusting or harbouring her on my account.
THOMAS ALFORD.
Richmond, March 8, 1803.
FOR SALE.
A few likely young NEGROES,
For particulars enquire of the Printer. Richmond, March, 7th 1803.
FOR NEW YORK, OR PHILADELPHIA,
The Strong and Fast Sailing Sloop,
JENNY,
RUFUS JAMESON,
Now ready to receive Freight or Passengers, HAS EXCELLENT ACCOMMODATIONS.
For terms
Apply to the Master on board, lying at the County Wharf. Richmond, March 2d, 1803. (2 w)
THE RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MARCH 9th 1803.
ERRATUM.
IN last Wednesday's Recorder, in the essay on the Sale of Bank Stock, p. 2d. column 3d. line 28 from the top, two lines and an half were inserted by mistake.
The paragraph when wrote stood thus. "8 per cent per year, on } $150,000 dollars for five } years, which might } have been gained or } saved."
The reader will please to delete the sentence as printed, and substitute the above in its place.
FROM THE AURORA.
[The following piece of impertinence is running through all the newspapers upon the democratic side of the question; and this for no better reason than that it appeared in the Aurora.]
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Washington, dated Feb. 11, 1803.
"The president has received dispatches from our minister in France, which will shadow the hopes of the friends of religion, the federalists. The accounts are so pacific, that unless we are disposed to act the part of the wolf in the fable, we shall really have no pretext for war; and how a state of peace will be relished by these professors of christianity and
denunciators of infidelity, we can be at no loss to conceive: war was their last hope, and having this last and only hope destroyed, what have they left to console them? Reflection affords to them no comfort, and anticipation is a worm that gnaws their vitals. But to proceed to the news. The substance of it is, that our minister at Paris has received assurances from the French government, that they had the greatest desire to cultivate a good understanding with the American government, and that general Victor, who is to command in Louisiana, had received instructions from the first consul to pursue conciliatory measures, such as would conduce to the harmony and mutual improvement of the interests and rights of both countries; and to respect the rights, territories and persons of the people of the United States."
We do not know what this scribler means by shadowing hopes ; nor did we know till now that the friends of religion is a term of reproach. If the president has received any dispatches of consequence from France, it was his duty to have communicated them not to the Calcutta poleman, but to Congress. We shall have no pretext for war. Who told you so, Billy? The accounts are so pacific! for which we have the word of a most notorious liar, a garbler of public accounts, and a house breaker. We have then another kick at the professors of christianity . We are told that war was their last hope . Yes, Sir! and when Sir John Shore sent you in irons to England, what might be your last hope ? I suppose it was this, that you would escape the gallows. My title is not very polite, Billy; but it is just such a scoundrel like yourself deserves. What right have you Sirrah! to say that the federals wanted war ? Are they not the first set of people that would suffer by it? Does not that party embrace nineteen out of twenty of all the men of the largest property in the union? — Anticipation is a worm that gnaws their vitals. What sort of anticipation must gnaw some body's vitals, when he thinks of the approaching publication of Mr. John Walker's letters?
Some months ago, when Duane was pretty hardly pressed about the pole, and other Calcutta matters, he had the audacity to say that there was a gentleman in Philadelphia from Calcutta, who would give ample documents of his oriental character. He named the person and from the promptitude and precision of the story, we all expected that he had a sheet or two of forgeries lying by him ready made. But, from that day to this, we have not heard one word more of him and his documents. Barrington, the pickpocket, could have got abundance of documents; but of what kind?
But to proceed to the news, says the Presidential bag-pipe. Well, and what are they? Why that the French, a people fertile above all mankind in fair promises, do not mean to do us the least harm by taking New-Orleans. What kind of flummery is this to offer as a basis of consolation and of confidence? Even if the news were true, it is not worth a farthing. But as it comes from Duane, the chance is that it wants even that miserable merit. The only mark of truth which it bears is that the assurances are entirely indefinite. They mean every thing, or nothing. Duane durst not say that the French had promised the free navigation of the Mississippi. That would have been too broad and glaring a falsehood. If the first consul ever reads the Aurora, he must be extremely charmed with the proposals for his assassination, that have rung through so many dozens of the president's newspapers. What, would an American say or think, if the Monitor had recommended the dispatch of our president? Put your hand upon your heart, and it will answer for you. You will next ruminate upon the sublime ideas of our president, upon the prudence of his provoking Bonaparte by this most atrocious of all personal insults, that ever was, or ever can be committed by one government upon another. This process of reasoning will conduct you to the striking propriety and even absolute necessity of chusing Mr. Jefferson president a second time. Bonaparte was chosen as

chief magistrate, by a far greater majority than Jefferson himself.
Those silly extracts of letters, such as that just quoted, make a very considerable impression upon a silly commodity the public mind. More of this in Saturday's Recorder.
DEMOCRATICAL FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.
The Examiner of the 23d ult. has a long article occasioned by the prosecution of Croswell, printer of The Balance . In part of this piece, we heartily agree with Mr. Jones. We consider, as he does, the sedition law, to have been a monster of usurpation. Setting aside this objection, also, the behaviour of the federal judges, and other federal officers, was in itself so intrinsically scandalous it displayed such an utter extinction of principle, and even of shame, that it deserves all the hard names which Mr. Jones may think proper to give it. The federal printers never betrayed greater folly, and they have often betrayed a great deal, than by dragging this outcast from its grave, and boasting of its merits. Their eternal chime is that it allowed the truth to be given in evidence . This nonsense will not go down. Was Cooper allowed to give truth in evidence, when he was refused a warrant for bringing John Adams into court? Was Callender allowed this privilege, when he had only one witness in court, and when Chase would not suffer that witness to be examined? General Mason, in a polite, and William Giles in a brutal stile, refused to attend. Chase refused the time necessary to compel them. The distinction in point of character, between them and Chase, becomes exceedingly minute. But, in the mean time, what becomes of Callender's privilege of giving the truth in evidence ? God forbid that the pages of the Recorder should ever be polluted with one syllable in defence of this law, or of any thing about it. The odium excited by the sedition act was one of the principal causes, by which the late federal cabinet was so deservedly sent to perdition. Thus far we go with Mr. Jones.
But there is always a material distinction between one thing which is bad, and another, which is a great deal worse. Augustus Cæsar committed many horrid murders. Yet nobody compares him with his successor Tiberius. Just so, the sedition act was hateful in theory, and worse in practice. Under this act, there was nothing to have hindered an attorney general from arresting and imprisoning a printer's apprentice, a boy who perhaps the week before had become acquainted with the boxes. Under this act, a man might have been sent to jail and fined for reading a seditious newspaper to his wife and children. But all this was a state of freedom, and even of dignity, when compared with the picture drawn by Mr. Jones of the present sort of freedom of the press.
Two prosecutions were raised against Croswell, and both at the instance of the attorney general of the state of New-York. On this, Mr. Jones observes that they were conducted on the principles of the common law. "Now," says he, "there is no principle of the common law more clearly fixed, or more extensively known than that, on a prosecution for a libel, the truth of the libel cannot be given in evidence; and the reason assigned by the books is that the libeller, if he knew his charges to be true, ought, instead of libelling, to prosecute the offender. This, if his purposes were upright, he would invariably do. If his patriotic spirit be fired by a public wrong, by a breach of public law, let him compel the offender to expiate his crime under the scourge of the law. If a president has violated his oath of office, he is liable to impeachment; and it was Mr. Croswell's business as a patriot, and a man to adopt that mode of proceeding." There is much more in the same stile.
In the first place, an eminent lawyer in Richmond has of late made particular enquiries upon this point. He af-
firms that the common law contains no such doctrine as that here contended for. He says that it was introduced and inculcated by lord Mansfield, to serve some party purposes. Second; the doctrine was found to be so inconsistent with any thing like the freedom of the press, that an act of parliament hath since past, declaring that the truth may be given in evidence, and cutting up Mansfield's doctrine by the roots. Hence, if we should adopt it here, the condition of an American citizen would be ten thousand times worse than that of a British subject. Third; when it served the purpose of the democrats, they were loud in disowning the authority of that very common law, which some of them are now defending for the sake of getting hold of Croswell. Grosser inconsistency cannot be conceived. When Madison, some years ago, wrote his pamphlet, for the assembly, he laboured hard, and with success, to prove that the common law of England can never be the common law of the United States. When Ellsworth, grounding upon the common law, gave a most tyrannical and execrable sentence against Captain Williams, the democrats made the whole continent resound with execrations both against the judge and the common law. Fourth; the doctrine is in itself so absurd, that it can never be carried into effect, without the extirpation of all social intercourse. The sedition act oppressed society. But this doctrine tears it to pieces. Put the case that a man has been tried and condemned for horse-stealing. He receives the King's pardon. A few days after, the judge who past sentence happens to say that fellow stole a horse . He cannot appeal to the record of the court; for the truth cannot be given in evidence ! and the judge is fined for a libel. Suppose that a felon is just going to be turned off. At this instant, the hawkers are bawling his last speech; and the newspapers have announced that, on such a day, he is to be executed for such a crime. In the critical moment, he receives a pardon. He is entitled to prosecute the newspaperers and hawkers for a libel; because the truth cannot be given in evidence ! Such are the absurdities involved in this mad doctrine, which issues in the most shocking indecency. For, if truth cannot be given in evidence , then all the persecutors of religion were in the right, from Pontius Pilate, and St. Paul down to St. Dominic and Bishop Bonner. If this doctrine holds in libels, it should also hold in prosecutions for arson, or barratry, or indeed any other criminal offence. A man is quite as much entitled to a fair hearing in the one case as in the others. If he is to be imprisoned for a twelve month, the punishment is equally severe, whether it is inflicted for a libel, or for petty larceny. In the latter case, he is allowed to prove an alibi , or any thing else which he can prove in his own justification. In the former, he is allowed to prove nothing; for the truth cannot be given in evidence ! If Satan himself were to commence a legislator, he could not devise a doctrine more truly diabolical. The Examiner says that there is no principle more clearly fixed in the common law . The answer is that the principle is in direct opposition to common justice ; and that the veterans of the revolution bled in vain, if we are still to be fettered in all the barbarous absurdities of Europe. And pray what is this common law, or where did it come from? Blackstone will tell us that it is a mass of traditional maxims derived from the Saxons. This was a tribe of barbarians, that, after a very long struggle conquered England, about a thousand years ago. We might as well fancy that their dres, their arms, their houses, their shipping, their agriculture, would completely fit the present age, as that we should give an indiscriminate reception to their traditional system of law. In the course of many centuries, this law has undergone a thousand modifications. Such is that, for instance, wherein a British act of parliament declares that the truth shall be received in evidence, in cases of libel. But indeed it is believed that this act was rather a resurrection, than a reformation of
the common law. It is believed that the attorney general of New-York, and his preceptor, the dwindling federal president, either do not know what the common law is, or have wilfully perverted its meaning. The Examiner says that "if the accuser knew his charges to be true, he ought, instead of libelling, to prosecute the offender." Suppose that the story of Mr. Gabriel Jones, and of a certain great personage, is true. The Examiner will admit that it is a very ugly thing, and that it ought to be known, as a warning to the admirers of the great man. But, at the same time, it is not possible that either Gabriel Jones, or any body else, can bring the offender to punishment; nor, if it were possible, would it be just. The debt has been fairly paid. The bond has been fairly cancelled. Yet it would be very hard, if Mr. Jones might not occasionally mention the fact. Such a prohibition would revolt against common sense. It never could be endured in any country, where even the ghost of liberty was occasionally discernable. Again, let us suppose that the guest in a private family, shall endeavour to debauch the innocent wife of his unsuspecting friend. A blacker project can hardly pollute the heart of man. The treachery is discovered. The culprit is accused. In a letter under his own hand, he confesses his guilt. He says, and such a letter has lately been seen in Richmond, he says that he has committed an offence, for which he cannot hope to be forgiven . It is plain, however, that this offender cannot be prosecuted. He committed nothing which is actionable. Yet, by this common law doctrine, the husband must either prosecute, or forbear to complain. He must not give vent to the common feelings of a man. He must not say, "I met you in my house with open arms; I expanded all my heart, and it was yours. — In return, yon wanted, like Lucifer, to overleap the limits of paradise. You wanted to break down the fences of my domestic felicity, and to stab my peace for ever. You wanted to rob me of what, above all other enjoyment, makes life the most exquisitely desirable. You wanted to rob my children of their mother, and myself of the heart of an affectionate and amiable woman. Compared, thou king of miscreant! with thy cold blooded baseness, what signifies the crime of the bankrupt horse-stealer, of the starving house-breaker, or even of the exasperated and perhaps of the insulted assassin? Begone! and if thy putrid frothed heart can still endure the horrors of existence, let not thy presence shock my sight again."
If the indignant husband were to say or to write thus, he would be liable in damages for defamation; for the truth cannot be given in evidence ! In short, this doctrine leads to such a profusion of absurdities that it never can be carried into regular practice. The Examiner thinks that, when you condemn a man's conduct, it is your duty to prosecute him. This doctrine might have done, perhaps, for the late earl of Lonsdale, who let apart ten thousand pounds sterling per annum for law suits. Yet even he could not have prosecuted a tenth part of the people, whose conduct he might occasionally disapprove. When an unpopular law passes in congress, how are you to prosecute them? It is wonderful, that the Examiner himself has never raised any such prosecutions. On the contrary, he has acted exactly as Croswell and other printers do, and always have done. He has told his opinion of men and measures, as they came across his observation. But as for commencing law suits against all whose conduct he disliked, it is certain that no such thing ever came into his head. We have only to compare the Examiner's precepts with his practice, in order to seal his condemnation. The Examiner thinks (no! he cannot be such a fool as to think,) that Mr. Croswell should have impeached the president! He might as well have advised him to take a voyage to the moon. The Examiner well knows that a private individual cannot raise an impeachment; and that
this advice was nothing better than puffery. (To be Continued in SATURDAY's New-Recorder)
A considerable time ago, the celebrated James Lyon published two or three columns of scurrility in his American Literary Advertiser against one of the editors of this paper. They were reprinted in that little ape of a newspaper, as Mr. Coleman calls it, the Wilmington Mirror . We could not find time to give Jamie an answer, even if he had been worth one. We now recommend to his attention the following advertisement, extracted from the Kentucky Guardian of Freedom.
Louisville, January 9th, 1803.
MY wife Mary M'Dougle eloped from this place on the second day of this inst. without any just cause; there are therefore to caution every person whatever from crediting her on my account, as I am determined to pay no debts in future of her contracting. She went off with Col. Matthew Lyon, who was a member of the last general assembly from the county of Livingston. This elopement I have reason to believe has been some time in contemplation. I do likewise forewarn every person from harboring my said wife, as I am determined to put the law in force to utmost extremity. JOHN M'DOUGLE.
N. B. This is the celebrated patriot of Vermont. He is an elderly married man, with a large family.
On Saturday next there will be published the First Number of a new series of the Recorder. This paper will, of course, be published in future, every WEDNESDAY, and SATURDAY. Gentlemen who wish to encourage this additional publication, will please to forward their money as quickly as possible. No credit can be given, and no extra number will be worked off.
MR. VANDEWALL DEFENDED.
THE last Recorder contained an invidious attack upon the postmaster of this city, in which the writer alleges that the public are badly served, because the post office is not kept open until one o'clock upon the Sabbath day; and states that the former postmaster, Mr. Davis, used to indulge the citizens with this privilege. Now the fact as respects Mr. Davis is, I shall not pretend to say; but if it be true that he had fallen into a regular practice of Sabbath breaking to such an extent as Mr. Vandewall's accuser pretends, I do not think it will add any lustre to his character.
The laws, customs, and religion of this country, have established that the Sabbath should be a day of rest; that this practice should be observed with attention by all conspicuous characters, and particularly by the officers of government, appears to me to be not only praiseworthy, but their duty. The rulers of France not long since had adopted such a system of obliging and gratifying the sovereign people, that they abolished the Sabbath altogether, for which, and some other acts of the same sort, the sovereign people were kind enough to put others in their place, who sent all those who had done so much to please them to the scaffold. I do not pretend to say that many things ought not to be done upon the Sabbath, as circumstances occur. But I do say, explicitly, that I think Mr. Vandewall deserves credit for abolishing the practice of Sabbath breaking, which Mr. Davis had fallen into, if such was the fact. And I hope that Mr. Vandewall will continue to prove, by his future conduct, that, if all the rights and duties which belong to the Sabbath should be entirely neglected, or abolished by the many headed monster called the sovereign people, no part of the blame shall lye at his door.
"Six days shalt thou labour, and on the seventh thou shalt rest;" so it is commanded. These things were surely forgotten by Mr. Vandewall's accuser; but even if there was nothing but the laws and customs to justify the conduct of Mr. Vandewall, why should not he indulge in a few hours of recreation as well as any other man?
Most men employ the Sabbath, either in divine service, in a public place, or in their own chambers. It is their duty to society, to their makers, and to themselves, and I cannot see why a postmaster should be deprived of this privilege.
When a letter arrives on Tuesday night; if it is not answered immediately, the person must wait until the next stage. It is the same case if one arrives on Saturday night. The stage goes out on Monday morning. As Sunday is a day of rest, there is no difference when that is entirely excluded. But it seems that the mail is kept open until half after eight o'clock on Sunday morning. This I think

great favor, and for which the postmaster deserves thanks.
Having had considerable business at the post office during the time of Mr. Davis and since, I think it just to say that I have perceived no difference in attention. If it be true that Mr. Davis was a Sabbath breaker to the extent which is alleged, I think Mr. Vandewall deserves applause and thanks for having established better practices.
THE VOICE OF TRUTH
GALLATIN'S SALE.
In last week's and in this day's paper, the reader will perceive an interesting examination of Gallatin's sale of the shares of the bank of the United States. It is a long time since we took the freedom of making some observations upon this extraordinary sale. The shares drew more than eight per cent of clear money. The table companion of a better dealer, of a treasury office broker, and of something at least very like a blasphemer, told Congress, some months ago, that the treasury office was clogged with money. Vid. the president's message to Congress. Why then were the shares sold? This sale is, to be sure, a very brilliant evidence of the truth of Jefferson's assertion. Why were they sold at an enormous loss? Why were they not sold publicly to the highest bidder? Was there ever impudence equal to that of saying, was it not been said in as many words, that American merchants were not able to buy them up? For heaven's sake ponder upon these things, and then judge whether, on the whole, the present administration is better than the last one? Indeed we hardly think it is. As for the inability of Americans to buy the bank stock, the author of that rumour should almost get his head. Richmond alone could have made a very perceptible impression upon the sale; and what is this village, with less than four thousand white inhabitants, beside the great cities of New York and Philadelphia? Gallatin has done in the dark, what he should have done in the blaze of day. Hence, we may be certain that there is dirt at the bottom of the dish. If we meet with a man upon the highway, who runs behind a hedge to hide himself, and who creeps out again, whenever we are passing, will not such conduct excite suspicion? This is exactly the case with Gallatin and his sale. Why was not the force employed, (and it would have been but the farce) of consulting Congress?
And if it was necessary to sell those shares, to sell a fund worth eight per cent, in order to pay a debt which bore but five per cent. of interest, what was the mighty use for such an abrupt repeal of the internal taxes? It is long since the Recorder marked that measure on the right ear, as a mere electioneering trick. Every successful event, which bore the least relation to the subject, justifies our assertion. If the first consul walks three steps further in the New-Orleans business, it will be necessary to clap these taxes on again; and what then will be said by the virtuous Madison, the philosophical Jefferson, and that prince of cyphers, the great and immortal Gallatin? Why, sir, they will wish that they were all in one bunch, on the backside of Carter's Mountain; or of any other mountain, that would shelter them from the contempt of America. We do not say this from any violent admiration for the last band of worthies. Adams hated Hamilton. Hamilton hated Adams; and wrote a pamphlet to prove that he was cracked in the head; that he had personally insulted Pickering, Wolcott, and McHenry. We have, at your service, a copy of this pamphlet, which was advertised for sale by Meriwether Jones. Vid. The Recorder of November 24th.
We now return to Gallatin, and his sale of the bank shares. We intreat you to peruse the most able and intelligent essay above mentioned. It is very true that the writer does not call names, neither does he, as far we can judge, tell extravagant lies. He does not exhibit Gallatin, as the greatest of rascals, nor indeed, as a rascal at all. He does not hold up Pickering, as the
pinnacle of perfection, as absolutely virtuous and infallible. These are sad mistakes; and we told him so. But under the rose he is a weak although well meaning man. He has always been trying to walk in a medium between two parties. He fancied that they were in search of public good, when they were only in search of public plunder. But notwithstanding all these admonitions upon our part, and the irrefutable evidence of facts, we have never been able to prevail on our correspondent to dash through thick and thin for either party. He will persist in his own honest obstinate course. On this account, both parties have wished, a thousand times, to see his neck broke. We all know that truth never lies in the middle. The federal is infallible. The democrat is infallible. And, as Athanasius says, in his creed, they are not two infallibles; but only one infallible.
It was of old a favorite text that we should keep our money among ourselves, and pay to foreigners as little interest as possible. The triumvirate who form the present cabinet have reversed this old foolish maxim. As for there not being cash in the country to buy those bank shares, or ten times as many, mark what follows. The insurance company of this city have long had money in their chest, because they could not find public stock to buy. We have all seen the eternal advertisements of their agent, the late major Duncombe, in the Richmond newspapers. The marine insurance societies are all or many of them, said to be in the same situation; as well as many other public institutions. The wretched laws of Virginia do not encourage mortgages. And it is believed that there may be found upon the continent as much cash lying dead in the repositories of public institutions, as would have bought up the whole mess. This is economy! This is what our friends at the capitol call the RE-ESTABLISHMENT of republican government. So be it.
THE CAPITOL COMMITTEE.
A meeting was held at the capitol, on the 28th ult. of those citizens, who approve of the present administration. They have appointed a committee, who are to contract for an entertainment, fitters included, upon the 28th current. This is to celebrate the re-establishment of republican government, under the auspices of Mr. Jefferson.
The committee consists of fourteen members; and before they insult their fellow citizens, with this word re-establishment, we should be glad of a little bit of an explanation with them. Because, if they do not understand what they say, if they cannot defend what they are going to do, they sink below the level of children playing at hide and seek.
We begin with professing a deliberate and irrevocable abhorrence of the general conduct of the John Adams administration. All the men of sense of his own party became sick and ashamed of him and his dust and ashes. We, therefore, claim no merit with the red-hot federalists, any more than with the ditto democrats. The one and the other are not worth addressing. Without patronage; and above dependence, the Recorder declines to prostrate itself to the fanatics of either party.
Till the country shall be planted with newspapers upon this plan, the people will be led into the ditch, as they hitherto have been, by the two contending factions. We had once fancied that the democrats were better men than their adversaries. We acknowledge our mistake. "To confess an error," says Dr. Swift, "is only to grant that we are wiser to day than we were yesterday."
We shall be glad to hear what it is that Mr. Jefferson has re-established. Has he improved the post-office? Does not the theft of newspapers in that department continue as common as ever? We are harassed with complaints, which we know there is not a chance of redressing.
As for the alien and sedition laws,
they expired of themselves. No thanks, upon that score, can be given to Mr. Jefferson. In consequence of the present alien law, Mr. Bayard has been thrust out of his seat in Congress by a rabble of foreigners, in defiance of the opinion of an immense majority of the oldest inhabitants of Delaware state. Bayard was an advocate for the sedition law, and therefore we are none of his friends. But this is no reason why he should be turned out of his seat by democratical perjury, which is believed to have been the case.
Formerly, the democrats complained that, in some instances, the fees of the federal marshals were exorbitant. They complained of his power in packing juries, as in all the trials for sedition, of which no one deserved the name of a trial. The demos have got in. And now they find it very convenient to have a well-paid marshal, who will go all lengths to serve his party. The power of packing continues in his hands, as much as ever.
In Cooper's case the demos complained that Chase and Peters would not compel Mr. Adams to attend as a witness. But since they got in, they have not taken the smallest step to prevent the repetition of this insufferable enormity. Adams, who quarrelled with every body, who turned his three secretaries, McHenry, Wolcott, and Pickering out of office, Adams, that cowardly, unfeeling tyrant, refused either to confess or deny that he wrote the paper in question before the court. Harper, on the floor of Congress, defended this outrage upon justice, and we really believe him to be man of almost as much principle and probity, as either Chase or Adams.
Have the demos made a better of the business? They have not. The monstrous stab inflicted upon the constitution remains without a salve, and Chase himself remains without a censure of any kind from the present cabinet. This silence amounts to an approbation. Mr. Jefferson knows very well that he may be called into court as a witness; and that he may find it very inconvenient, in his turn, either to confess or deny the authenticity of certain letters. Thomas Nelson, who acted under Chase, is still attorney general of Virginia; and in case that Jefferson should be called into court, as a witness, Nelson will be prepared to shelter him under this most execrable of all bad precedents. The retention of this man in his office shews, of itself, what Jefferson is. Either Nelson's conduct was right, or it was wrong. If it was right, then the democrats are in the wrong. If it was wrong, then Jefferson was, by his oath of office, bound to have turned him out. This he has not done; and we appeal to this committee, whether, for such an act of omission, Jefferson himself does not deserve to be turned out? Hay certainly thinks so, for he wanted to succeed Nelson; instead of which the president wanted to make him a commissioner under the bankrupt law. There was so little discretion used in the business that his name was published in the list, without his being so much as consulted. He refused with disdain this important and lucrative appointment, which, in a good season, may be worth an hundred and fifty, or two hundred dollars a year.
It cannot be, upon the present corruptions of the post office, nor upon the death of the alien and sedition acts, nor upon the proposed clandestine advance of two millions of dollars, nor upon the notable scheme of a dry dock, that the committee, or their friends, are to build the fame of their favorite hero. Nor can it rest upon the president's deliberate insult of decency, by the invitation of Thomas Paine. They cannot plume themselves upon the recommended assassination of the first Consul, a scheme so repeatedly proposed in the Jefferson prints. They cannot, or at least we hardly think that they can, exult in the hundred and twenty seven thousand dollars, that are paid as an annual tribute to the Western savages; nor yet in the report of the committee of investigation, which has been so repeatedly shivered and blasted by an host of affidavits. Is the source of their joy derived from the president's
patronage of Duane, and the thousands of dollars that have been lavished upon a wretch dedicated to infamy?
We should rejoice to learn what it is, which has been so happily re-established. Only twenty eight democrats were present at the meeting, and some of them looked, it is said, as if they had been shot at. Some members of the meeting came from Manchester, and others from the country; so that it is believed that Richmond, at the utmost did not furnish more than twenty. A poor muster! Notice has been sent into the country to collect for the festival as many as possible of the friends of freedom. But people begin to be tired of such stuff. A reasonable man considers that he can dine at home very snugly for eighteen pence; and that the five dollars, which are to be sunk upon fiddlers and foolish toasts at a tavern, would be much better expended in the payment of a bill to his shoemaker, or his grocer, in the purchase of a petticoat for his wife, or a pair of breeches for his son.
LONDON, December 12. BRITISH FINANCE.
Yesterday the chancellor of the Exchequer presented to the house his view of our financial situation, and our commercial situation, connected with it. He flatters himself, that for the present he will be able to dispense with a loan, or that it will be small. The Exchequer bills issued however, will come to be funded, so that the national debt is increased. In truth, an issue of Exchequer bills is only a loan, leaving the periods of paying it indefinite, and therefore, if judiciously managed; that is, adapting the demand to the capacity of the money market, it may be more advantageous than a formal loan with fixed periods of payment. The whole of the peace establishment, including the interest of the national debt annually paid, is between forty and fifty millions. The expence of the public establishments, civil and military, this year, independent of interest of debt is, for England and Ireland, within a trifle of twenty-three millions. How is this enormous establishment to be kept up without borrowing in time of peace? But is not the issue of Exchequer bills to be funded either this or the next year? And is it possible that the finances of this country can flourish if we are to go on borrowing money in time of peace to keep up enormous establishments? Those who can see this war against our finances without alarm, must either be blind, or their senses must be absorbed in some other species of alarm.
FROM THE BALTIMORE ANTI-DEMOCRAT.
Callender has gained a complete and just triumph over his quondam friend and late adversary George Hay, who is at last "in all his wiles detected and reputed." It is astonishing what impudence this George Hay possesses. This is the same limb of the law that wrote so much against the sedition law, that bawled so loudly in favour of the liberty of the press; that came forward when Callender was tried before Judge Hays, and endeavoured to justify his bitterest attacks on Washington and on Adams: but now all of a sudden, when Callender tells some truths of George Hay, Callender becomes a common libeller, the press is licentious, editors must be punished; must be bound, and the press itself must be fettered, to the total destruction of its liberty. But to the honour of the court of Henrico county be it said, Hay did not succeed.
How can this stubble and hay of the law, this impudent and inconsistent friend of Jefferson, again sport his unblushing phiz before even democrats? How can he? A man who, stung by Callender's development of some of his unworthy conduct, and fearing the threatened development of more, was ready to sacrifice to his malice and revenge the sacred palladium of liberty, the freedom of the press. Well might Mr. Rind, a democrat and one of Callender's council, wonder that on the head of such a man immediate destruction was not hurled, while the curses of his country were the sole mourners of his death.