The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-05-27 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 6.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 27, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   Dolls. Cts.     Tobacco, 5 25   Wheat, 1   Flour—superfine, 6   fine, 5 50   Corn Meal—per bushel, 75   Bacon—per lb. 12   Bar Iron—per ton, 120   Whiskey—per gallon, 58  
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms: 2500 sacks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred—
Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of JAMES MAURY, Esq. of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKET, POLLARD & JOHNSON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. May 23. tf
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday 28th inst. at the Store of Mr. Henry McClatchy, will be sold by auction; ALL his STOCK IN TRADE, consisting of a complete assortment of dry goods, together with his Household Furniture. Terms of sale for all sums not exceeding 20 dollars, cash: above 20 and not exceeding 100, ninety days: above 100, six and nine months. Notes with approved indorsers negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required. TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioners. May 16. tdf
WILLIAM GALT,
HAS just received, by the ship Proteus from London, and by the ship Intrepid just arrived from Liverpool, his usual assortment of SPRING GOODS, which is now selling at his usual low prices for cash or country produce, also to punctual customers. May 16. ep4w.
SPRING GOODS.
THE Subscribers have just received by the ship Proteus from London, a part of their Spring Goods, the balance are daily expected by the Intrepid from Liverpool. ELLIS & ALLAN. May 6. tm
IRISH LINEN.
JOHN HENRY has just received, by the ship Monticello from Liverpool—7-8ths and 4-ths wide IRISH LINEN, in well-assorted packages, each containing about 30 pieces; which he offers for sale at a low advance.—Also, very fine 4-ths wide ditto, by the piece. LONDON PARTICULAR MADEIRA WINE in pipes. April 25. f6wp
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
 20 Hogheads NORTHERN RUM,  20 Barrels do. do.  10 Hogheads MOLASSES,  10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE,  15 do. do. MALAGA do.  12 Tierces PRIME GREEN COFFEE,  20 Barrels LIVER OIL,  155 Boxes MOULD CANDLES,  80 Ream WRITING PAPER,  100 do. WRAPPING do.  THOMAS WHITE. May 9. (tf)
JUST RECEIVED.
A Few Pipes COGNAC BRANDY of the first quality;—also MZDOC CLARET of the vintage of 1800; FRUITS preserved in brandy; for sale by SAMUEL MYERS. April 8. tf
THE subscriber, is particularly requested by Messrs. Abbotts and Sheward (successors in interest to W. Morris of Philadelphia in the Brewing business,) to make known to the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that they mean to keep him supplied from time to time with sufficient quantities of PORTER & BEER from their Brewery, to answer the consumption of Richmond and the country trading therewith. The subscriber can say with confidence, that judging from the sample heretofore received, that both the PORTER & BEER is of superior quality, and will be sold as low as it can be had in Philadelphia. Orders from the country will be promptly attended to. DANIEL TRIPLETT. April 18. ep8w.
NOTICE.
THE partnership of John Butler & Co. at Cartersville, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The collection of all debts due to that concern, is committed entirely to William McKenzie the acting partner of William McKenzie & Co. and to him alone or to any one he may appoint is payment to be made. JOHN BUTLER, WM. MCKENZIE & Co. All persons indebted to the late concern of John Butler & Co. are requested to make payment to Mr. Robert Atkinson, as he alone I have authorised to grant discharges for the same. Wm. MCKENZIE. April 10. tf
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Boiling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement.—And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 29. tf
MARSHAL'S SALE.
TO BE SOLD, for ready money, under a decree of the Court of the United States, for the 5th circuit in the Virginia District, between Phineas Bond attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards plaintiff, and David Ross & others defendants, in order to satisfy the sum of 11450 dolls. 94 cts. due & payable the 1st day of January last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt called Fort-Lewis. The sale will be made on the premises on the 17th day of June next. BENJ. MOSBY, D. M. for, JOS. SCOTT, M. V. D. April 18. tdf
FOR SALE. An Excellent PAIR OF HORSES, well broke to Geer. Enquire at the Washington Tavern. April 25. tf
MILITARY LAND FOR SALE.
 4000 acres on Trade Water state of Kentucky.  3000 do. Deer Creek & Green River do.  1000 do. Highland Creek do.  1000 do. Little Miami state of Ohio.  2033 do. Bull Creek do.  1000 do. West Fork of Sciota do.  666 do. adjoining the last tract do.  400 do. Pittman's Creek do.  THOMAS NORVELL. N. B. 15 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY, are also offered for sale. April 25. tf
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors on the 10th of May, 1806— Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay into the hands of the Treasurer, the further sum of four dollars on each share, on or before the 14th of June next. Resolved, That the Clerk be instructed to call a meeting of the Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes, JAMES BRANDER, Clk. May 13. tm
FOR SALE,
At public auction, on the premises, on Wednesday, 10th September next, (if not previously disposed of by private contract),
FIVE hundred and fifty acres LAND, situated in the upper end of Cumberland county, eighteen miles from the Court-House, three from Farmville, and one from a good manufacturing mill on Appomattox, now navigable, almost to Petersburg. This LAND lies handsomely, is in good order and inferior in quality to none east of the mountains: there is 10 or 12 acres meadow, handsomely set with timber, and about 20 acres more prepared for sowing next spring; in addition there is an extensive bed of Coal which to a person of capital would be highly valuable; one third the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in two annual instalments. JOHN KELSO. May 23. 4w.
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday's at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmondson's Tavern in the Town of Staunton: where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this state. RICHARD TERRELL. May 23. tf
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, May 3d, 1806.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
THAT sealed Proposals will be received by the Treasurer of the United States, as Agent for the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, until the 19th day of June next inclusive, for the purchase of the following species of the public debt, viz:—Eight per cent: Old Six per cent: and Deferred Six per cent: Stocks, with the Dividends payable on the first of July next off. Such persons, as may be desirous of contracting for the sale of any portion of the above-mentioned stocks, are requested to transmit their proposals sealed up, under cover to the subscriber, specifying therein, the unredemed amount and Species of said Stocks, and the lowest price they will accept for the same; which proposals will be opened on the 14th day of June next, in the manner directed by law. In all cases where the terms are approved of, payment will be made immediately after the stocks thus purchased, shall have been transferred to the subscriber in trust for the United States. TH. T. TUCKER. Treas. Un. States. May 8. (1m)
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD,
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK; Harry is about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a tawny complexion, 22 years of age; Dick six feet high, thin and very black, with large white teeth, wide apart, projecting out of his mouth, 18 years of age. When they went away, they had on home manufactured breeches and old grey jackets. I have been informed they are now dressed in blue jackets with sailor's trousers, and are making their way to Maryland with a free pass. They have relations at Resendon Beale's, Esq. of Richmond county, and Mr. John Turbeville's quarter in Westmoreland, where it is probable they may lurk until they can procure a passage across the Potomac. Whoever will deliver them to me, or secure them so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or the proportion for either. ELLIOTT MUSE, Buckingham lodge, Middlesex county. March 4. ep3m.
LANDS FOR SALE.
THE Subscriber, offers for sale on the premises in Caroline County, on Monday the 2d day of June next, to the highest bidder, the place he formerly lived at, called Mill Farm. It comprises two plantations divided by a public road, to be sold separately or united as purchasers may wish. Both have been considerably improved by inclosing & manuring for about 20 years. On one is a valuable grist mill with three pair of stones, a good dwelling house, and several out-houses. A Store and a Tavern have been heretofore kept at the place, for which it is well calculated. The overseer thereon will show the land. Very long credits will be given, and good bonds received in payment; it being the subscriber's object to provide by this sale towards meeting a debt he has lately contracted. JOHN TAYLOR. May 13. 2w.
THE subscriber having relinquished all idea of removing to the Western Country, deems it necessary to inform his friends, that he intends practising in the courts of Richmond county, Essex, King and Queen, and in the district of King and Queen, and in the Chancery Court of Williamsburg. JOHN HORACE UPSHAW. April 29. tf
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 26th day of May next, at Cumberland court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz: One tract containing one hundred and thirty seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parson Clopton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court. One tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverley Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford. The first of the above tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared. N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 26th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest, and approved security. M. B. POTIJAUX. April 15. (tdf)
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and
PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON. near the Market. Dec. 4. [epf.]
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where
I now reside, and possession given in time. J. PENN. April 11. tf
TO RENT,
THE HOUSE and LOT belonging to Mr. Wm. Dandridge's estate, next above Mr. Wm. Price's large building. For terms apply to NATHANIEL SHEPARD, Agent for the execr. April 15. tf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manacured. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISIAH RANDOLPH. April 11. tf
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH
CLOVER SEED, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 4. tf
FOR SALE,
A Tract of Land, containing 840 acres, extending upwards of a mile on James River, nearly opposite to the Wethers estate; one fourth of it only is cleared; there is a Dwelling House on it, & it has a good landing and fishing place. This land is worth the attention of any person who wants a seat on James River, or wishes to realize a great bargain may be had, as (to discharge an incumbrance) it will be offered at a much lower price than the half purchase gave for it seven years ago. Fielding Lewis Esq. of Charles City will be good enough to show the land; plots of it may be seen in the hands of Mr. Lewis, and Doctor Adams of Richmond, and terms known from T. G. Peachy of Williamsburg. Adjoining the above tract is one of the most beautiful seats on James River, which has attached to it about 1200 acres; this may be had also, if it should suit a purchaser to take the whole; the improvements on this estate are, a dwelling house with 4 rooms on a floor, a kitchen and laundry, a large barn and stable, a nice house, a smoke house, a large garden well inclosed, an orchard and many choice fruit trees. The purchaser may have, from 7 to 15 years credit, paying a moderate interest. T. G. PEACHY. April 4. (lawf.)
In King-William County Court, March 26th, 1806.
John McKim, jun. against John Mitchell, jun. Plif. In Chancery. Defi.
THE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said deft. do appear here on the fourth Monday in August next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy. Teste, ROBERT POLLARD, C. C. April 4. tf.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED or STOLEN, from the Commons of the City of Richmond, on Sunday 27th of last month, a large DARK GREY HORSE; he had been lately trimmed, except his ears; was white froth all round; had a spot on his left thigh whiter than the rest of his colour, and had on the left side of his back a small lump, which is not very perceptible unless it is closely examined. Whoever may deliver the said horse to me, at the Public-Ware-House, shall receive the above reward. THOMAS UNDERWOOD, jr. May 20. (oawtf.)
THE subscriber has extended his practice to the
Superior Court of Chancery, for the Williamsburg district. PATRICK HENDREN, Attorney at Law. Shirley, Charles City, March 7. (law 3m.)
ENTERTAINMENT.
PETER MOSELEY, most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has taken a lease of the house in this city commonly called the UNION TAVERN, & Coffee House, lately occupied by Mr. Lynch, where he proposes to carry on the business of a Tavern-Keeper, and likewise to provide coffee in the evening. He is also provided with an excellent stable. Those who have heretofore favored him with their company and commands, he conceives will require no further assurances; to others, he will only say that he will diligently and faithfully discharge the duty, which he has undertaken. May 13. oaw8t.
Richmond County Court, March Term, 1806.
IN CHANCERY.
George Jesper, against John Donaway & John Woollard, Defs. THE Defendant, John Donaway, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state. On the motion of the Compt. by his counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendant, do appear here on the first Monday in June next, and answer the bill of the Compt. and that a copy of this order be published in the Enquirer, printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy posted at the front door of the Court-house, of this county. And it is further ordered, that the defendant, Woollard, do not pay, convey away, or secrete, the debts and effects in his hands due or belonging to the said Donaway, but retain the same, subject to the future order of the court. A Copy. Teste, B. MCCARTY, C. R. C. March 28. F 2m.
LAND—FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorised to dispose of between two & three thousand acres of LAND, situate in the county of Prince George and known by the name of Old-Town, on the following terms, to wit: One-fifth of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in four annual instalments, to carry interest from the time of sale—the payment whereof must be secured by bond and mortgage on the land. This land is distant from the town of Petersburg about 14 miles; from James river 4 or 5 miles, and about 1 1/2 from Nobie's Creek, which is navigable for boats up to Peasey's mill. The soil is remarkably well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, and the greatest part of the tract is covered with fine timber. It will be sold in Lots to suit purchasers, and will be shown to any person desirous to view it, by Mr. Drury Livsey, who resides on it. Prompt attention will be paid to any communication on the subject, directed to the subscriber at Shirley in Charles-City county, by post to Granville Mills. PATRICK HENDREN, Agent for Charles Carter of Shirley. (law3m.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald McCall, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Buchanan, bearing date the 25th day of May, 1789, for sundry purposes therein mentioned: will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27th day of June next, THREE LOTS, known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said McCall at present resides; on these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with these lots and houses, &c. Will be sold on the same day, on the premises, A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said McCall, situate in the county aforesaid, on Hoskins's creek, adjoining the said town of Tappahannock, containing by estimation, five hundred and two acres, be the same more or less, together with the water-grist mill adjoining, which is at present out of repair, but may be rendered very valuable at a small expence, being one of the most valuable and convenient mill sites in all that part of the country, having a large & convenient mill-house two story high, built of stone, brick and wood, calculated for manufacturing on an extensive plan, situate on a never-failing stream, within one mile of tide water; belonging to this mill are two very convenient houses for the accommodation of a miller, cooper, &c. This tract of land is generally of good quality, lies well and is well timbered. Will likewise be sold on the 28th day of the same month, (June) at John Miller's Tavern, in the said county of Essex. A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said McCall, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Man, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said McCall purchased of Richard J. Friars. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered.—Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTIE, CHARLES THOMPSON, Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. McCall. Louisa, April 18. (tdf.)
THE Subscriber being desirous to remove to the
Western Country, will offer for sale at public auction, in the Town of New-Canton, on the third day of July next, THAT valuable TRACT OF LAND called Bear Garden, containing by estimation nearly five hundred acres, one hundred and forty-nine of which are low grounds of very superior quality. The extraordinary and well known fertility of this land makes it useless to say much about it, it is without doubt among the most valuable spots on James River. At the same time and place will be sold, a complete Grist Mill and distillery, with about one hundred acres of Land, including nine acres of low ground at the ferry, which has once sold for thirty pounds per acre: this tract is adjoining the one above mentioned, and will be sold either with or without it to accommodate purchasers; the two united would make a most complete establishment. The terms of sale for either or both, will be one fourth of the purchase money in hand, another fourth on the first day of January next, when a legal title and possession will be given, and the balance in two annual instalments, secured by a deed of trust on the property. Mr. Johnson the overseer will show the land to any person disposed to purchase. PEYTON HARRISON. April 22. et tdf.
WILLIAM HART,
Opposite the State House, BOTTLED PORTER and ALE, which he can recommend as of the first quality, having purchased Mr. BILLINGTON's stock, and seeing every bottle filled himself. Families supplied with Draft BEER by the barrel or retail. Also for cash or country produce only, a general assortment of Groceries, among which are— Fine flavored transparent Rum Shrub. Bohea Tea by the chest or lb. A quantity of New-England Cheese and a few bushels of Irish Potatoes, very cheap. April 22. et4w & oawtf.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF
BLANKS,
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
Foreign Intelligence.
Continuation of news received at the Office of the (Norfolk) Public Ledger.
LIVERPOOL, April 9.
DUTCH ARMY AT THE CAPE. We have the satisfaction of announcing the surrender of the Dutch Army, which, after its defeat near the Cape of Good Hope, retreated into the interior. This important event, in consequence of which we are now in full possession of that valuable colony and all its dependencies, was on Saturday communicated in dispatches received from general Sir David Baird and Sir Home Popham. They were brought to the Admiralty about two o'clock by Lieut. Daly of the Diadem, and the following letter was soon after his arrival sent to the Lord Mayor, by whose order it was affixed to the Mansion-House, and posted at Lloyd's: "Downing-Street, April 5, 1806. "My Lord, I have the satisfaction to acquaint your Lordship, that dispatches have this day been received from Lieut. Gen. Baird, dated at the Cape of Good Hope on the 26th day of January, 1806, stating that General Jansens had, with the forces under his command, surrendered by capitulation on the 16th of that month. "I have the honour to be, "Your Lordship's humble servant, "W. WINDHAM."
Our readers will find in our Parliamentary proceedings of the week, a correct statement of the means proposed by Mr. Windham, for the improvement of our military establishment. The measures for increasing our Regular Army are in substance nothing more than annexing to the service, advantages which have a natural and necessary influence on the human mind. The gallant youth of the country will no longer be discouraged from offering themselves to fight his battles, by being admitted to that glorious distinction, only on the condition of submitting to the toilsome pilgrimage for life. The opinion of an honourable retreat, or more beneficial service at the close of every seventh year, and the certainty of a comfortable provision for them to the end of twenty-one years, must necessarily attract men to the army, and fill them with cheerfulness, ardour, and perseverance in it. No material change will be made in the volunteer system: The only change that will be made will have no other effect, than that of confining the volunteer service to those who are properly Volunteers, and excluding, by means of certain retrenchments, those who were Volunteers only for the consideration of pay and of allowances. By recurring to, and enforcing the best provisions of the Levy en Masse Act, the whole population of the country within the military age is to be successively trained to arms. Thus, in case of invasion, the king's prerogative will have an inexhaustible source from which to fill up the numbers that may fall in battle, and the enemy, even though successful at first, must in the end be overwhelmed by armies undiminished amidst the havoc and destruction of war.
In consequence of the dispute with Prussia, an embargo was on Sunday laid upon all the vessels belonging to that power at present in this port.
BASLE, March 6.
When the prohibition of the introduction of our manufactures into France was intimated to the inhabitants, it created great consternation and some disturbances among the lower orders. Provisions have consequently increased in price, and all trade is at a stand. Meanwhile it is said that a great alteration is proposed in the government of Switzerland, and the prediction on which the Swiss have for prince Murat, makes it probable that the deputation lately sent to Paris, was for the purpose of beseeching his Highness or some other French prince to take the government upon him.
March 13.
The Grandamman has received the following letter from the Emperor of the French & King of Italy: "Very dear and great Friend, "We have been much affected upon the receipt of the two letters, which you have written on the 28th of January, 1806, to congratulate us upon the marriage of Prince Eugene Auguستا, of Bavaria, and the peace signed at Presburgh. You may judge of the interest which we take in the Helvetic confederation, by the care we have manifested in causing the independence of the nineteen cantons to be acknowledged according to the act of mediation. We are charmed with the opportunity of giving you a new pledge of our Imperial good will; and we renew, with pleasure, the assurance that we shall always be ready to seize every occasion of giving you the testimonies of our sincere attachment and affection. We pray God that he will have you in his holy keeping. "Your good Friend, "NAPOLEON."
Paris, February 28. MUNICH, March 17. The Emperor Napoleon has sent the following letter to our sovereign, dated Jan. 6. "Sir, my brother—At the moment your troops are returning home to your kingdom, and cease to be under my command, I feel myself to be compelled to express the satisfaction which their service to you and myself has afforded me on various occasions previous to the passage of the Inn, and afterwards in the affairs of Lozer and Iglau in which their valour was conspicuous; and as I wish to give a proof of this satisfaction, I request you will permit me to assign a pension to Gen. Deroy, and to appoint Gen. Von Wrede a grand officer in my legion of honour. To the brave men who have distinguished themselves the most, I assign 40 vacancies in my legion of honour, viz. twenty to officers, and twenty to privates, together with the enjoyment of the pension allowed according to the laws. These rewards are by no means proportioned to their services; but they may be accepted as a proof of my regard and esteem for your army, whose soldiers were animated by the justice of our cause, and the persuasion that they had to defend their sovereign and their country; they were in every respect worthy to form a part of the grand army. "Your Majesty's good Brother, "NAPOLEON."

HAMBURGH, March 26.
General Rapp, who came from Paris to Hamburg, with orders for the evacuation of that town and fort St. George, and its surrender to the Prussians, left this city on his return to Paris on the 26th inst. His visit here has been a very agreeable one. He demanded a loan of five millions of livres, promising at the same time that France would take care to protect the liberties of Hamburg, and defend them and her citizens from any foreign aggression. This new exaction has met with a refusal on the part of the senate; and one of its members, Citizen Schults has set out for Paris to make the necessary representations.
WESEL, March 26.
The following Proclamation was published yesterday.
"Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the Constitution, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c."
"Their Majesties the Kings of Prussia and Bavaria having ceded to us the Duchy of Cleves and Berg, with their full sovereignty, rights, titles and prerogatives, and agreed to the transfer of each of those Duchies, in their present state, in favour of a French Prince, the object of our election, we transfer the Duchies, with their rights, titles, and prerogatives, in the condition we received them, to Prince Joachim, our well beloved brother, to be by him possessed in their full extent, as Duke of Cleves and Berg, and to descend to his legitimate heirs male for ever, in the order of seniority, to the perpetual exclusion of the females and their descendants."
"But provided that the male heirs, which God avert, should become extinct, the said Duchies of Cleves and Berg, with all their rights, titles, and prerogatives, shall revert to our male descendants natural and legitimate, or in failure thereof, to those of our brother Joseph, or otherwise, to those of our brother Prince Louis, as the Duchies of Cleves and Berg can in no case whatever be united to our Imperial Crown."
"As the excellent qualifications of this Prince have been the principal motives of our choice, from a persuasion of the benefits which will result from them to the inhabitants of Berg and Cleves, so we cherish the hope that the fidelity of the inhabitants will continue to secure the esteem they enjoyed under their former masters, and that they will merit the attention of their new sovereign and our Imperial protection."
"Given at our Palace of the Thuilleries, March 15."
(Signed) "NAPOLEON."
PROCLAMATION.
We, Joachim, prince and grand admiral of France, duke of Cleves and Berg, decree and ordain,
ART. 1. The imperial act, by which his majesty the emperor and king has ceded and transferred to us the sovereignty of the Duchies of Cleves and Berg, shall be proclaimed and published throughout the whole extent of both Duchies on the 23d instant.
2. Nothing is to be changed in the civil or judicial administrations of these Duchies. All the magistrates, the civil officers, including those of justice and the police in actual employment, shall continue in the exercise of their functions.
3. Dating from the declaration of the imperial act and the present publication, justice shall be administered in our name, and all public acts under our authority, in the same manner as when under the government of our predecessors.
4. Baron Hompesch is charged, as chief of the administration of Cleves, &c. to put the dispositions above-mentioned in execution.
"Given at our head-quarters at Cologne, March 21, 1806."
Continuation of news received by the Robert Burns, arrived at New-York.
LONDON, March 25.
Lord Melville appeared in the House of Lords yesterday, and after protesting against the circumstances under which the last article of impeachment has been preferred against him, pleaded not guilty to the charge.
March 25.
The convention between France and Prussia is carrying into execution with all possible speed. Wezel and the whole of Prussian Cleves, has been occupied by the French, as the readers will see by the following account, dated from Wezel the 19th of March.
"The evacuation of this city, and the whole of the Prussian Cleves is now completed. Yesterday, at two o'clock in the afternoon, about two hundred French troops arrived here by water, from Neus, the citadel and the fortress were immediately delivered up to the French General Beaumont. Major Scholer, however, remains here, with some officers of the artillery, to superintend the formal delivery of the magazines, &c. General Beaumont, as first Aid-de-Camp of his highness Prince Murat, has issued a Proclamation, stating the Emperor's orders for his taking possession of the Duchy of Cleves, in the name of the prince whom his Majesty shall appoint, in consequence of a treaty of the 15th of February, between Marshal Duroc and Count Haugwitz. The persons in the Administration of Public Affairs are to remain in the exercise of their functions till others shall be appointed by the New Sovereign."
Accounts have been received by Admiral Lord Collingwood, of the arrival at Palermo of their Majesties the King and Queen of Naples, with the Royal Family, with an immense quantity of property, specie, plate, diamonds, &c. in his Majesty's ships Excellent 74, and Intrepid 64; their Majesties arrived at Palermo in perfect health. About 20 empty transports were taken and destroyed in the Bay of Naples, but no troops were on board at the time, nor any property of value.
The columns of the Moniteur are filled with the details of the disturbance in Turkey. Bonaparte will soon find a pretence for interfering in the affairs of that distracted country.
Swedish Pomerania, it is said, will immediately be taken possession of by the French, if Prussia refuse to occupy it.
The fate of Holland is on the eve of being decided, and the post and palace of the Nassaus may at this time be occupied by one of the upstart relatives of Bonaparte. Their High Highnesses the States General have been called upon to hold an extraordinary sitting to-morrow, when the will and pleasure of the French emperor will be made known to them.
The Duchess of Devonshire, died yesterday morning at half past 3 o'clock.
There is some talk of a negotiation between the courts of Vienna and St. Cloud for the restoration of the king of Naples.
A report yesterday obtained of Sir Richard Strachan having fallen in with a French squadron of six sail of the line and captured four of them. We could not learn through what channel this information was received.
LONDON, March 25.
The Budget was brought forward last night by the new Chancellor of the Exchequer. The amount of the Ways and Means and Supply, or receipt and expenditure, is nearly the same as it was last year.
 Last year the supply amounted to 43,690,419  And the Ways and Means to 43,992,115  This year the supply is 43,618,479  And the Ways and Means 43,630,000  The Supply and Ways and Means for Ireland are not included in the above statement.  The manner in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer prepared to meet this Expenditure of 43,618,479, was, by the following Ways and Means:  Malt & Personal Estate Duties 2,750,000  Grants and Proceeds from ships captured prior to the war 1,000,000  Lottery 330,000  Surplus of Consolidated fund to April, 1807 3,500,000  War-Taxes, now 14 1-2 Millions to be increased to 19 1-2 Millions, but credit is only taken, as likely to be received up to April 1807, for 18,000,000  The Loan 18,000,000  43,630,000 
Exceeding the expenditure by 12,000.
The new Taxes are of a two-fold nature—those that are to be permanent, and those that are to be considered as war taxes.—The former are to pay the interest upon the New Loan.
The new War Taxes are,
The property Tax to be raised to 10 per cent.
The additional is expected to produce £. 5,000,000
Various new regulations are to be made in this tax, for which we refer our readers to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech. The Banks are to receive the duty on the dividends at the bank.
Various duties on the Customs and Excise are to be increased, viz. tobacco, and 3s. additional duty on every cwt. sugar—Expected to produce 1,000,000
Additional War Taxes £. 6,000,000
The permanent new taxes, to pay the interest upon the loan are,
Tax on Wine, already existing and made permanent, is to be applied to the interest of the Loan 500,000
Duty on Pig Iron, 40s per ton Counteracting duties, however, are to be allowed on Foreign Iron, and a Draw-back to be given. Equalization of Duty on Tea 70,000
Tax on Appraisements 66,000
Being the amount of the interest, one per cent. Sinking Fund, and charges on the Loan.
The whole amount of the new taxes is between seven and eight millions.
April 5.
Price of Stocks this day at 1 o'clock. Consols for money, 59 3-4 7-8—for acc. 59 7-8—Omnium 2 prem.
We have this day received letters from Gibraltar of the 1st ult. which state, that on the preceding day, the Flying Fish frigate, had arrived there from off Carthagena, with intelligence that the Spanish fleet, consisting of eight sail of the line, had quitted that port and put to sea. Their destination is not known. Lord Collingwood will probably have traced them before this time.
DISPUTE WITH PRUSSIA.
An embargo was, this morning, laid upon all vessels in the river, bound to the Elbe, or any other of the ports in the north of Europe. Orders were also received at Sheerness yesterday, for the detention of the Baltic and Tonnington convoys, until further orders. This order was given in contemplation of a war with Prussia, in consequence of the accounts brought home by Mr. Jackson, our late minister at Berlin. So certain was Mr. Jackson of this result, that he dropped the mail that was intended for the Continent, on his arrival at Harwich.
The flocks have fallen in consequence. Omnium, which had been done at 4 1-4 premium, had fallen at two o'clock to 2, and the Consols from 61 1-4 to 59 7-8.
We have received Dutch papers to the 3d inst. and Paris to the 30th ult. from which we have extracted whatever is interesting. The Batavian State Gazette, as well as the other Dutch papers, are altogether silent respecting the expected alteration in the government, or the proceedings in the convocations of their high mightinesses, which was summoned for the 1st. inst. Indeed, we know that nothing had taken place, with regard to the intended change on the 2d of this month.
The intelligence from Naples, though of so late a date as the 5th of last month, contains no information respecting the operations of the French army which had advanced into Calabria.
The king of Naples is said to have commanded the Calabrians to lay down their arms—and at the same time issued orders for the evacuation of that province. The whole Neapolitan army is to assemble in Sicily. The mild Mafona is to be the governor of Calabria.
The French army, it is said is to be reduced to the peace establishment by the 1st of April. The corps of reserve and national guards may be disbanded; but we shall be much deceived if Bonaparte disbands one battalion or regiment of the line—nor does this intelligence of the reduction of the French army accord at all with the accounts of the French army in Italy, and of permission having been demanded for an army to march through Bohemia, for the purpose, as it is supposed, of an attack upon the Russians in Poland. Whether that permission has or has not been granted, we are unable to state; it certainly cannot be granted consistent with any principle of good faith.
Under the Vienna head of March 19, it is said that a negotiation is on foot between our court and France, in favor of the king of Naples, and that the French charge d'affaires, Dudon, after a conference with the minister count Stadion, sent off a courier with dispatches relative to the subject to Paris.
In the course of the last week, the court of France made two demands of the house of Austria; the first, its pure and simple adhesion to the new treaty of partition between France and Prussia; the second, a permanent and perpetual passage for the French troops through the Austrian territory into Venetian Illyria and Dalmatia. There is in upper Carinthia a frontier town named Ponteba, divided into two unequal parts by the river Tella, the smaller part of this town is Austrian, and the other Venetian; a bridge separates the two territories, & it is over this bridge that the French demand a passage in order to gain the great road which leads from it into Italy.
Exertions are continually making to repair the enormous deficit of arms and ammunition of every kind, which the war has occasioned in the hereditary states.
We are assured that preparations are making at Venice for the reception of the Pope.
Parliamentary.—Mr. Windham on the 3d of April brought forward his new military plan. The gallery was crowded at an early hour.
The levy en masse is to form one of the principal features of the plan; and it is reported that such only of the volunteer corps as have been returned effective will be retained.
It is expected that the bank of England will resume at no distant day the payment of its notes in specie.
Translated from the Journal de Commerce. PARIS, March 16.
The decree of the 4th March has taxed brown sugar from the French colonies 45 francs, and tete and clayed sugars 80 francs per demical quintal. Some persons have thought, from the manner of announcing the duty, without distinguishing that of entry from consumption, that the whole was payable on the arrival of the merchandise. This opinion is erroneous. All the dispositions since the law of the 8th Floreal, year 11, on the French colonial produce, pay the first duties of entry on the arrival of the several kinds of goods, which are subject to entrepot duty, and the augmentations bear only on those of consumption. So that the actual duty of 45 francs on brown sugars from our colonies will be found comprised. 1st. the original duty of entry of 3 francs per decimal quintal established by the law of the 8th Floreal payable on entry; 2d, that of consumption, of 42 francs per decimal quintal, which is not payable except on merchandise declared to be for home consumption. It is the same with respect to the duty of 80 francs on tete and clayed sugar, viz. 4 fr. 50 cts. duty of entry, and 75 fr. 50 cts. for duty on consumption. In short, brown sugars, tete and clayed, coffee and cocoa from the French colonies, taken from Entrepot to be transported to foreign countries, will continue to pay the duties fixed by the 16th article of the law of the 8th Floreal.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
House of Lords, March 31. INTERCOURSE BETWEEN AMERICA AND THE WEST-INDIES.
Lord Holland, previously to Lord Auckland's motion on the subject, wished to move for some farther documents, in order to place, in a clearer point of view than the papers on the table admitted of, the number of ships, and their tonnage, belonging to British ports. He accordingly moved for accounts of the number of ships which had cleared out of, and also the number built in the different ports of the British Empire, with their tonnage, which after a few words from Lord Sheffield and Lord Holland in explanation, were ordered.
Lord Auckland then rose to make his promised motion, which he prefaced by entering into several details. By the Navigation Acts of Char. II. and William III. all trade to the British Colonies in foreign bottoms was, he said, prohibited. It was evident that the vessels of the U. States of America were foreign bottoms, and therefore came under the prohibitory clauses of these Acts. From the peace of 1783 to 1788 they were precisely in this situation. In the latter year a legislative measure was resorted to upon the subject, which continued till the year 1793, from which period till the year 1801, the Governors of the British Colonies in the West-Indies exercised the power of granting, as necessity required, permission to import provisions and lumber from America, and every year a bill was passed to indemnify those concerned in advising or exercising this measure, for their acting contrary to law. It happened, however, that in 1801, owing to the confusion arising from the change of administration, a bill of this description was omitted to be brought forward, and the subject had escaped attention until the present time, when, on turning to its consideration, he found this to be the state of the case. It became, therefore, necessary to indemnify four Administrations, including that now in office, for having thus acted contrary to law since the year 1801 as well as the Governors of the West-India Islands; this was the object of the bill, which it was his intention to introduce, and which, he had no doubt, would be supported by all those Noble Lords who had formed a part of the four Administrations to which he had alluded. With respect to the subject itself, it was certainly of the greatest importance that our West-India Colonies should be regularly supplied with provisions. From the nature of their cultivation they could only grow a very small part of the provisions necessary for their subsistence. He was not disposed to quarrel with the United States of America for supplying the West-India Islands with those articles, on the contrary he was disposed to think it an advantageous intercourse. If the Islands were left to depend upon this country for a supply of provisions, it must necessarily, in time of war, be precarious, whilst in the event of scarcity, ships sailing from this country would, of course, go to these islands where they expected to get the highest prices and probably pass those which were most in want. A regular supply of provisions to our West-India Islands could only be ensured to them from America, and, his opinion was, that the enactment of our laws ought not to be followed up with any view of preventing the Americans from deriving any advantage from the intercourse. The neutral bottoms of the Americans were of use to us in time of war—the advantage was mutual. The United States of America had grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength, and had contributed much to the increase of our commerce; a commerce which had arisen to an unexampled pitch of prosperity, and which was greatly superior now to what it ever had been, even in time of peace. Thus it appeared from official documents, that the value of the exports from this country of British manufactures, which on the average of the five years ending in 1793, amounted to 150,000,000, amounted, on the average of the five years ending in 1805, to 25,600,000. He thought it would be advisable to introduce some regulation, in order that the intercourse between our West India colonies and America might be placed upon a more certain footing: this might be effected by authorising the Governors to issue proclamations from time to time allowing the importation from America, each proclamation to be in force for six months, which would ensure a certainty that no interruption would take place during that period. His Majesty's late Ministers, to whom, in this instance, he did not mean to impute the least blame, had sent out a circular letter to the governors in the West-Indies requiring them not to grant a permission for importation from America, on light and trivial ground. Some of them took an alarm, and put a stop to the importation altogether, which had the effect of enormously raising the price of provisions. It was, however, fit that the intercourse, which was necessary, at least in time of war, to the comfort and well-being of our West India colonies should be regulated by an act of the Legislature, and that the governors of our islands should not be reduced to the necessity of continually acting in violation of the law, or Ministers at home continually advising such violations. He concluded by presenting a bill to indemnify all persons concerned in advising or ordering measures for importing certain articles into the West-India Islands from America, in American vessels, which was read a first time.
The Duke of Montrose concurred with much of what had been said by the noble Lord. He thought, however, that with the aid of con-
voy, the West-Indies might, even in time of war, be supplied from this country; but admitted that a supply to that extent would be precarious. In time of peace, however, the question assumed a fair different shape, as he conceived there was no doubt that our West-India islands could then be supplied regularly from this country. He objected to the trade between America and the West-Indies on account of its giving rise to smuggling to a great extent, and of enabling the Americans to import into our colonies the produce of the East-Indies at a low rate, thereby excluding the merchants of this country from a beneficial source of trade. When he heard the noble lord speak of the advantages of neutral bottoms, he hoped his Majesty's ministers had not formed a similar opinion with respect to the trade carried on by America between the enemy's colonies and the mother country. The confining our West-India islands to procure a supply of provisions by means of British vessels in time of peace, would be the means of employing a great number of British seamen, whilst it would prove a beneficial source of commerce to this country, the advantages of which ought not lightly to be given up.
Lord Sheffield supported the arguments of the Duke of Montrose.
Lord Holland deprecated our entering into any war of regulations with the U. S. of America, respecting an intercourse which tended to mutual advantage. He could not conceive that the confining our West-India islands to a supply in British vessels would be of that advantage to this country which the noble Duke had stated; the seamen employed in such a trade were not of that description to be useful to this country, neither would building ships here for the purpose of sending to America to purchase provisions to carry to the West-Indies, repay the expense. He trusted that Parliament would never again try the experiment which was productive of so much misery to our West-India colonies, in the period from 1784 to 1786, when their supply from America was cut off, and in consequence of which, in Jamaica alone, 15,000 negroes died, from the famine which that regulation produced.
The Duke of Montrose contended that in time of peace an exclusive trade to our West-India Islands, in British vessels, would be the means of employing a great number of our seamen, who would otherwise be unemployed.
After some explanation from Lord Auckland, Lord Grenville observed, that the question as to what might or might not be politic or expedient, with respect to the trade to our West-India islands in time of peace, was wholly foreign to the question now before the house. Whatever point it was clear that in time of war a necessity existed for allowing the Americans to supply our West-India islands with provisions; at all events, he was not disposed to hazard a speculation of confining the source of supply to British vessels, when the subsistence of near a million of persons, inhabiting a most important part of the British empire, was at stake. He suggested that it would be most expedient to adopt a legislative regulation, which might be done by a clause in the present bill, authorising his majesty in council, to direct his majesty's governors in the West-Indies, to issue proclamations from time to time, each proclamation to be in force for six months, allowing the importation of provisions and lumber in American vessels. He was decidedly of opinion that some legislative regulation ought to be enacted upon the subject, and that the system of continually violating the law and passing bills of indemnity, ought not to be continued.
Lord Auckland gave notice, that in the progress of the bill, he should introduce a clause founded upon the suggestion thrown out by his noble friend.
The bill was ordered to be printed.
TURKEY.
CONSTANTINOPLE, February 12.
M. le Roux, who had been dispatched hither by the Minister Talleyrand, to communicate the event of peace between France and Austria, was also charged to remind the Porte of recognizing the Imperial dignity of Napoleon which he has performed so successfully, that the Porte has already made a declaration in which is included the formal recognition of Napoleon as Emperor of the French and Kings of Italy. The Porte has dispatched Arif Effendi to Haled Effendi at Paris, with this declaration, the latter of whom, ever since the refusal of the Porte to recognize the Emperor, has resided there in an individual capacity, but will now resume the rank of Turkish Ambassador in Paris.
The Russian Ambassador, Count Itallinsky, has delivered a Protest against this measure, in which, among other observations, he demonstrates, that this change, in the conduct of the Porte, is repugnant to the Alliance recently renewed with Russia. He has dispatched a Courier on this subject to Petersburg, and the English Ambassador has also sent a Courier to his Court with this very important intelligence.
NEW-YORK, May 20.
Captain Conklin, of the ship True American, left Amsterdam on the 20th of April, at which time 7 sail of the line, 2 frigates, 5 brigs, and 2 sloops were in the Texel ready for sea, but without troops on board.
We learn, verbally, that a courier from Paris arrived at the Hague the latter end of March with dispatches, the object of which was said to be to offer to the republic either to incorporate itself with the French empire as an additional department, or to accept a French Prince at the head of its government. Their high mightinesses the states general were in consequence specially convoked on the 2d of April to take this subject into consideration. The result was not known on the 18th; but the general opinion was that a French Prince would eventually be accepted in the person of Louis Bonaparte.
Our Dutch papers by the True American are altogether without interest. We merely learn from them that the King of Naples was preparing to take refuge in Malta: that Hanover had become a Prussian province; and that William V. prince of Orange, son of the late Stadtholder died at Brunswick on the 8th April.
Merc. Adv.
The British packet Lord Hobart left Falmouth on the 11th of April. Her latest London paper is of the 8th, two days later than our previous advices, and contains the following interesting articles:
LONDON, April 8.
On Saturday we announced that an embargo had been that day ordered on all Prussian vessels in the ports of this country. The intelligence, when it first transpired in the City, caused no little surprise, and the general question was—What can have occasioned this? It was soon made public, that Prussia, after accepting Hanover, had agreed with France to assist in excluding our commerce from the Continent. Not only all the ports of Prussia are shut against us, but all those Prussia and France can influence and control, such as Bremen, &c. &c. We understand that Hamburg is already occupied by the Prussians.
On Sunday the 30th ult. about four o'clock in the afternoon, a sudden and peremptory order was communicated from the British Vice Consul desiring them to quit that place in twelve hours, and the Elbe without delay. This intimation was given in consequence of an official notice by the Prussian Consul, declaring that all the ports of the Prussian dominions, and all other ports in the North of Europe, where his Prussian Majesty possesses any control, were to be shut against British vessels and British manufactures.
The consternation occasioned at Hamburg by this resolution came by Prussia was very great. The boom which used every night to be shut was on the occasion left open. Some ships failed in ballast only, one without ballast; some with all the cargoes they had carried out, others half unloaded. So pressing was the order that the officer of his majesty's sloop Spy, which, in company, with a brig cutter, had gone up the Elbe as far as Stade, to protect the shipping coming down, declared that any vessel left behind, later than the given time, he must burn.
Yesterday eight vessels arrived in the River from Hamburg. They form part of a fleet of 24 sail of British vessels which were lying at Hamburg. The greater part of which have since arrived, according to our Post letters of this day.
About a fortnight ago 2000 Prussian troops, with a large train of heavy artillery, passed down the Elbe for Stade and Cuxhaven. On Monday last the masters of some of the British vessels landed at Cuxhaven, where the Prussians are employed in raising two formidable batteries, each of 25 pieces of heavy ordnance. On Tuesday they wished again to go on shore, but were refused permission by the commander of the Spy sloop.
It was reported that the whole of the Corps commanded by Marshal Augereau is on its march from the neighborhood of Frankfort towards the Elbe. It is even said that not only Swedish Pomerania is occupied but Holstein and every port or place within the reach of French & Prussian troops, through which British manufactures could be introduced to the Continent, and with which British vessels could trade.
It is very much feared that the war with the Mahatta States is renewed. Intelligence to that effect is said to have been brought by a passenger, arrived from Calcutta in the Hamburg ship, John Parish, which failed from that place 2d December. This gentleman landed at Kinsale. He states that Scindia has rejected in toto all the overtures made to him & his adherents by Sir G. Barlow, in consequence of which the whole of the European forces had been marched up the country, on their way to the Upper Provinces.
This unfavorable event had naturally produced corresponding effects. The 6 per cent. paper of the Company had fallen to a discount of 12 per cent.
Arrived, ship Samuel Elam, Champlin, from Cape of Good Hope.
Capt. C. informs that the French frigate Valeureuse, of 44 guns (one of 6 sail under the command of Admiral Jerome Bonaparte) came into Table Bay, a few days before he failed, (not knowing that it had been captured by the British) and immediately struck to the British Commodore; who, on hearing that 5 other frigates might be hourly expected, prepared to give them a warm reception.
Capt. C. also informs that the Embargo still continued on all vessels bound to the Eastward. Three French prizes also arrived at the Cape, and were retaken by the British. The British frigate Narcissus, chased the famous French privateer Napoleon a shore on False Bay, near the Cape, where she was lost.
The ship Samuel Elam, has a full cargo of coffee, sugar, indigo, cotton, thread and spices. Pbh. Gaz.
It was remarked by Mr. Rose, in debate, in the British Parliament, the 25th March, that the captures made from the enemy, during the administration of Mr. Pitt, amounted to 109 sail of the line.
Domestic Intelligence.
MIRANDA'S EXPEDITION.
PHILADELPHIA, May 20.
Yesterday arrived the ship Speedwell, capt. Wills, from Laguira, which he left the 22th ult. and informs that at that time, there was no accounts of the arrival of Miranda on any part of the Spanish Main, though by the accounts received there they were in daily expectation of his arrival, and the Spanish government was on the alert, having prepared all the troops, about 2000 regulars and 30,000 militia, which could be raised to oppose him. That the various accounts of insurrections in that country was, as he believes, erroneous, as he (capt. W.) heard nothing of any such insurrections. That on the 2d inst. in the Mono passage, they fell in with and was boarded by the British frigate Mermaid, capt. Hollis, who informed capt. W. that he had that day fallen in with the ship Margaret, Gardner, from Laguira, for Philadelphia, very leaky; they also informed capt. W. that General Miranda had failed from Mole St. Nicholas, where he was joined by 6 British frigates, in addition to his two armed ships and two schooners, with an English General and 6000 troops, composed of Mulattoes and negroes, & that his destination was for Carracas where another reinforcement was to follow him. Bradford.
FURTHER—By the Brilliant, Nelson, from Laguira, arrived at Baltimore, we learn, that when he failed from that place, (April 31st, which was three days after the Speedwell) no accounts had been received of Miranda having effected a landing on the coast. A brig of 16 guns, and a frigate of 12 or 14, were fitted

COMMUNICATION. Yesterday came on, in the district court, the case of Bull vs. Caldwell . A question arose respecting the admissibility of testimony. The cause being sub judice , we are not at liberty to state its merits as far as they go —but there was one better saying which attracted notice, and for the mention of which we think we will not be held in contempt of court.
A Mr. — made a note payable to —, which was endorsed by — afterwards the name of the maker was erased. The question was, whether he could be admitted as evidence to nullify the instrument.
Some pleadings took place on the occasion, and several authorities were read; by which it appeared that the minds of the judges on the other side of the water, drew different ways on the same point—one of the counsel remarked that it had been decided by some of the courts in Maryland, that no decisions in England, since the Declaration of Independence , should be binding on them.
By Nicholson, C. J.— Sir, I do not hold myself bound by any decisions in Great-Britain, either before or since the declaration of independence, except so far as their reason and equity may apply.
As to the admissibility of the witness, curia advise until.
We shall attend, and give the opinion of the Court, in substance, as it may be delivered by the Chief Justice; an opinion which, it is true, is unimportant, as to the principal case: but great as to its eventual operation.
NORFOLK, May 20. “Captain Johnson, arrived in Hampton on the 17th inst. is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Monroe, and our Consul at Liverpool, to the Secretary of State. He said nothing was known respecting the progress Mr. Monroe had made in the negotiation now pending; but from the constant discharging of American seamen from British men of war, a favorable issue to our country was expected.”
We perceive in the London Morning Chronicle of the 21st of March the following article under the Hague head of March 25.
“Mr. Armstrong, the minister from the United States of America, to the emperor Napoleon, arrived here to day from Paris, with his suite: he proceeds to Amsterdam, in order to embark with his suite for America.”
We apprehend the writer of this article must have committed a mistake, probably by blending inference with fact. That Mr. Armstrong had arrived at the Hague is probable; but that he arrived there, on his way to Amsterdam; thence to embark for the United States, is extremely improbable. We should presume that his visit to the Hague was with a view to the transaction of some special business; and that having accomplished this object, he would again return to Paris.
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBERS: An Extensive Assortment of GROCERIES—among which are the following articles:   Muscovado sugar assorted  Tar    West-India Coffee  Thos. Leiper's Snuff    Antigua & Jamaica Rum  Macouba do.    Cognac & Peach Brandy  Hayanna Segars    Holland Gin  Salt Petre    W. India and Sugar-house Molasses  Brimsfield, Madder, and Ground Ginger in small Kegs    L. P. Madeira Wine  Log-wood    Port, Sherry and Malaga Wine  Turkey Cotton    Hibberts' Brown Stout  New-York Candles and Soap    Martineque and Bordeaux Cordials  Spermaceti Candles    Basket Salt  Oil    Do. in sacks and loose  Patent Lamps    Bullock's Cheese  Dutch Cakes with plain and gilt Bottles    Caldwell, Frazier & Co.'s superfine Chocolate  Cathings assorted    Rice  Earthen and Stone Ware    Nutmegs, Pepper, Ginger and Pimento  Writing & Wrapping paper    Mace and Cloves  Henry VIII. and Merry Andrew Cards    Oil, Olives, and Capers  China Plates, &c. Bowls of different sizes    Gun-powder, Young Hyson and Suchong Teas  Do. Tea and Coffee Cups and Saucers    Canners containing 17lb. and 3lb. Gun-powder  Do. Chimney ornaments    Tea  Plain and cut qt. pt. and half pint Decanters    Pickled Salmon  Pint, half pt. & gilt Tumblers    Cut Herrings and Shad  A few sets Table China.    Patent shot assorted     F and FF Gun-powder    A regular supply of Loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, at Philadelphia price.
FISHER & LESUEUR. THOMAS RUTHERFORD & Co. Are desirous to sell: A Few Boxes 4-4 and 7-8 Irish Linens, 30 Crates Queens Ware, and a quantity of Liverpool Salt loose and in sacks, just received on consignment by the ship Herald from Dublin and Liverpool. May 27.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, on Thursday night the 1st inst. a negro man named LEWIS, he is about five feet nine or ten inches high, stout and well made, has a fear on one of his hands (I believe his right) occasioned by a burn when small; he wore away a home-spun short coat and pantalettes dyed of a light olive colour, took with him a black broad cloth coat and vest, but I expect he will change his name and clothing and attempt passing as a free man, and will attempt to make his escape to Norfolk by water. Masters of vessels and all others are forewarned from harbouring, employing, or taking him away at their peril. The above reward will be paid on delivering him to Joseph Traylor, jr. in Blandford, or the subscriber.
ARCHER TRAYLOR, sen. N. B. I have understood that he was seen in the city of Richmond during the Broad Rock Races, dressed in black. I think it is probable he is still lurking about there. He has a pert walk, good countenance, very active and fond of waiting on gentlemen. A. T.
Chesterfield, May 27.
STOP THE RUNAWAYS. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, in Campbell county, on Big Otter river, 15 miles west of the court-house, JIM & SALLY; Jim is about 35 or 40 years of age, a low, thick, well set fellow, inclined to be a little bald on the top of his head, also a fear over his right eye-brow, little bright complexioned, can read and write a little, and I do expect has a pass and will endeavor to pass as a free man and wife; Sally is about 13 or 14 years of age, slim and delicate made, her hair growing low down on her forehead, tolerably bright complexioned. Any person bringing said negroes or apprehending them in that I get them, shall be handsomely rewarded by the subscriber. WIATT ARNOLD.
JUST PUBLISHED, and For Sale By Jacob Johnson, at his Book Store, a few doors below the Market-Place, Richmond. Price one dollar. SACRED and PROFANE HISTORY EPITOMIZED; with a continuation of Modern History to the present time—to which is added an account of the Feudal System the Crusades, Chivalry, the Reformation & Revival of Learning, together with a Comprehensive Chronological Table.—By BENJAMIN TUCKER, of Philadelphia. May 27.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 27th MAY.
FURTHER DEVELOPEMEMENT OF BONAPARTE'S DESIGNS.
Every day lifts still higher the curtain which conceals the projects of Bonaparte. Every new remove displays them in still greater magnificence and terror. Let this man exist but five years longer, and who will dare to define the revolutions, that will issue from his prolific and heated imagination? Superior to Lord Chatham in power if not in genius, he will strike many a blow, that will resound throughout the universe!
The most distinguishable object of Bonaparte evidently is, to fritter down the great empires of Europe into second-rate powers. He is to divide Italy itself into several independent states. He has already annihilated the dignity of the house of Austria, by robbing her of her territories, and erecting the petty potentates of the Germanic empire into independent and haughty principalities. That large and complicated mass of States, Electorates, Dukedoms, Imperial Towns, had long before been too loosely connected together; but Bonaparte has still more completely breathed into it the spirit of dissolution and weakness. He has increased the power and importance of the smaller states, without increasing the vigour of the federal head. He has made kings of the electors of Bavaria and Württemberg, and a Vice-roy of the emperor of Austria. He is erecting a new kingdom in the North of Germany, to be commanded by his illustrious brother-in-law, Murat. England too is to be reduced to the rank of a second-rate power. In one word, Bonaparte is cutting up Europe into small principalities, who can neither endanger his security nor rival his greatness. All the stars of the first magnitude are gradually fading into those of the second or third. France alone preserves and augments her splendour.
But it is not alone by dissecting and cutting up the great empires actually established, that Bonaparte aspires to augment the relative strength and security of his crown. A more subtle policy has marked the new system, that now regulates his measures. Is it possible not to observe that one of his grand objects is to increase the power of France by attaching the neighbouring countries most strongly to his own interests? One of his plans for the accomplishment of this object was, to augment the power of his petty allies at the expence of his more powerful rivals, and bind them more strongly to his throne by the triple tie of gratitude for the past, hopes of the future, & family alliance. Another plan was to hammer out the small half-provincial, half-independent countries on his borders, into contemptible viceroyalties, and then hammer out some miserable sprig of the Napoleon family into a contemptible viceroy. Let the reader examine, for instance, the following list, which has been given of new kings and princes created, or to be created, by Bonaparte, and he will at one glance perceive how many of the recent revolutions of Europe are to be attributed to one of these projects, and how many to the other:
 Himself—emperor of France & king of Italy.  Elector of Bavaria—king of Bavaria.  Elector of Württemberg—king of Württemberg.  Elector of Hesse—king of the Cattii.  Elector of Baden—king of Baden.  Joseph Bonaparte—king of Naples.  Louis Bonaparte—king of Batavia.  Lucien Bonaparte (upon repentance and submission)—king of Switzerland.  Eugene Beauharnais—king of Italy.  Murat—duke of Cleves and Berg.  Madame Le Clerc (now princess Borgefe)—princess of Piombino.  All the other Beauharnais to be provided with principalities and dukedoms—the females to be matched with German princes and to receive portions of the German empire as dowries.
Is it too extravagant to suppose that these designs of Bonaparte have not yet reached their acme? How many more brothers and sisters, and cousins, and adoptive daughters, has this illustrious patriot yet to provide for? Judging from the past, we may conclude, that there are just as many, as he has kingdoms to provide for them. Give him crowns and principalities to dispose of; and though he has not heirs of his own person, though the blood of his family has run out, he will not long want the means to replenish it. It is easy to supply by adoption what nature has denied him. It will not therefore exceed our expectations, should we see some female sprig of the Napoleon blood, or some adoptive daughter, married into the family of the king of Spain, and into the royal family of Portugal. But let no man be romantic enough to suppose, that it is from family affection; from that humble, though common failing of humanity, an anxiety to provide well for his own family; that actuates the illustrious emperor in the distribution of his imperial household. No: the emperor of France, like the immortal Brutus, has sunk all these fatherly and brotherly affections, in his over-ruling love for his country. He is above these little “domestic charities of life.” It is to him a matter of very little consequence what becomes of his brothers, provided he can make them his viceroys; or what becomes of the ties of kindred, so that he may gratify his inordinate ambition. No: Bonaparte has given his brother-in-law Murat a dukedom, Eugene and Joseph kingdoms, the princess Stephanie a royal dowry in the palace of Baden, not because blood attaches him to them, but because he believes that blood attaches them to him. He wanted new ties to connect his allies to his cause, or viceroys to superintend his provinces, and he selected them out of his own household. Perhaps, too, the idea did not altogether escape him, that it was best to provide as well as possible for the dreadful revolutions of his destiny. Might not the time come, when the same caprice of fortune which raised him to a throne, should cast him down? When he who now inhabited the palace of the Bourbons, might like them be driven out to wander over the face of Europe? Was it not prudent then to provide allies who might hereafter furnish resources to assist him to the recovery of his throne, or at least an asylum to protect him from the attacks of fortune?
Our eye has just glanced at a New-York paper, which states, that letters received in that City from Paris declare, JEROME BONAPARTE was to espouse a SPANISH Princess. This conjecture is in evident unison with the principle we have supported. Who can say, if Bonaparte had married a woman that he sincerely loved, & had been blessed with children, whether much of the gall which now distils the world would not have been changed into the milk of human kindness? Who can now say, how much his ambition abroad has been chafed by the cheerlessness of his home? But it is perhaps fortunate for France, that nature has denied to him the enjoyments of a father.
But it is not too extravagant to suppose, that Bonaparte will not be contented with fill further extending his influence by forming new family alliances with the already established and independent courts. It is easy to imagine that this method of connection will imperceptibly slide into the second and more intimate means of union. Is it too much for the ambition & intrigue of Bonaparte to convert this into the Chrysalis of the other? He raised the Electorate of Bavaria into a Kingdom; is there any more difficulty in linking such a complaisant and despicable ally into one of the federative states of the empire?
What is there in fact to prevent the whole of his independent and courtly allies from undergoing the same chemical process? Nay, the idea may be even extended further. Let Bonaparte first acquire the cession of a particular territory from the established powers of Europe, subject to the condition of not “uniting it to his imperial crown;” let him then erect it into a dukedom or a kingdom, under the government of one of his own family; then let him annex it to his own empire under the specious and equivocal title of a federative state of his empire, and his favourite theory of a federation of states will be realised. There will then be no end to his acquisitions. Prussia will be compelled to relinquish some of her territory for an indemnity in Poland. In return for surrendering some of her provinces on the East, Austria will receive a commission to fill her recompence in Turkey. We may have possibly extended this idea of a confederation of states, farther than the French government has actually avowed. The idea is certainly a favourite one with them. Witness its frequent repetition in the debates and addresses of the government. Witness the great stress which is laid upon it in the following sentence of the Exposé, where the principle is expressly avowed that the federative arrangements already established are to form the fin qua of the treaty of peace. “The Emperor also offers peace to England. He does not mean to force that power to recede from the prodigious changes made in India, as little as Austria and Russia from the partition of Poland; but he has a right to refuse to recede from the alliances and unions, which form the new federative systems of the French empire.” But though this is a favourite theory with the government, it has not yet been explicitly and formally developed. Witness the passage from the Exposé just quoted. We had confined the term to the unions only, which had been established: In other words, we had in our view no more than the kingdoms of Naples and Milan, and possibly of Holland and Switzerland. But the language of the Exposé evidently extends it to the alliances as well as the unions; to the kingdoms of Bavaria and Württemberg, as well as of Italy.
It remains therefore to be developed, what the particular structure of that confederation is, which Bonaparte wishes to establish. Most of the political systems of this sort have embraced some federal head, some superintending power, which regulated in certain points the conduct of each member of the confederacy. The Amphictyonic league possessed its Council: the Germanic empire had its Diet and its Emperor: the United Netherlands had their States-General and their Stadtholder; in this country we have a federal government endowed with every sort of power, executive, legislative and judicial. But it is certain there are other confederacies of a different construction. “The Swiss Cantons, for instance, had scarcely the appearance of a federal constitution; their acts of union being little more than treaties of alliance, which external danger generally kept them from violating.” But it is completely uncertain which of these systems Bonaparte will adopt.
Will he establish some general Diet, to be attended by the representatives of his allies and his united provinces; of Bavaria, as well as Naples; in which the decided majority of the members from France, like the English representatives in the house of Commons, shall reduce the other co-states to a servile submission to his power?
Will he assume a controul over the executive department alone? Will he, for instance, exercise the privilege of deposing the old viceroys, who are not sufficiently obsequious to his will, and nominating those as are more to? Or will he for instance, permit any Viceroy to hold the reins of government, because he himself wields the patronage and treasures of the state, appoints to all the principal offices, and commands the army and the navy?
Will Bonaparte trusting to the superior weight of France alone for their complete acquiescence in all his wishes, decline all formal superintendence over their measures, and confide his co-states as equal and independent parts of the same political system?
It is in the power of Bonaparte to undertake either of these projects. On this subject, he has carefully avoided entering into a development of his designs: he has obviously not tied himself down to one more than to the other by any formal professions. But the reasons of this policy are not to be mistaken. He was anxious to leave the subject completely open to the influence of future events. He wished not to commit the honor of his crown or endanger the success of his plans, by any precipitate avowal. If his success should warrant an exorbitant assumption of power, it was time enough to reduce Holland, Italy and even Württemberg and Bavaria into the humble provinces of his empire. But if the situation of Europe did not favour his ambition, it was enough to come up to his equivocal phrase of federative states of his empire, should he consider them like the Swiss Cantons as simply connected by alliance to his kingdom, but not subjected to his controul. It is in fact like those ambiguous responses of the ancient oracles, which are to be taken in either sense and accommodated to any event that may happen. But when such a man as Bonaparte utters decrees in the dark, it is time for Europe to tremble!
Since such, therefore is the development of Bonaparte's designs, as they respect the WESTERN PARTS OF EUROPE, it is time to regard them without that indulgence, with which we were wont to consider them when wetted them to their remote effects. We looked forward to the consequences of his death. We saw that Italy, for instance, was formerly weak, because it was divided into too many independent states. We deduced that Bonaparte would unite the whole of it under one head, which would obtain its independence at the moment of his death. Our hearts expanded at the prospect of beholding this fine country completely consolidated with Milan or Rome as its capital, and once more displaying that splendor of improvement which is so well due to the genius of its people and the bounties of its situation. But what is the fact? Instead of uniting Naples to the north of Italy, Bonaparte has preserved them as distinct as ever. Eugene sits on the throne of Milan: Joseph, on that of Naples. Bonaparte's death may occasion them to recover their independence: but of what avail will that be to Italy? She will yet be divided as she formerly was, into several feeble states, the prey of internal dissensions, or the prey of foreign invaders.
EUROPEAN SKETCHES.
No. 3.
SHUTTING OF THE SOUND.
The latest accounts from Europe have afforded us by the intelligence, that Prussia has consented to shut all her ports against the British. All her resolutions in their favor; the flattering communication of their minister Baron Hardenberg to the English minister, “that after the unfortunate occurrences in Moravia, the utmost circumspetion was indispensable; that the most valiant armies could not always command the favours of fortune; that therefore it was not only the interest of Prussia but also the general interest, to prevent her from being attacked at that moment, when the whole weight of war would fall upon her, and before any co-operation with other powers could be formed; that in case her troops should be defeated, the last ray of hope would be extinguished;” all these flattering indications are forgotten. It is not easy to assign the secret causes which have produced this change of policy; but there can not be a doubt that Bonaparte is the hero of the drama; that it is his intrigue which has induced Prussia to depart from her established system of neutrality.
It is an idle expectation that Bonaparte will stop here in the accomplishment of his plans. The object nearest his heart is the reduction of the British commerce; and the voluntary humiliation of Prussia has thrown some of the means of effecting this object, into his power. He will not rest satisfied with shutting the British commerce out of all the ports of Prussia; his policy will be to shut it completely out of the Baltic. Let him but authorise Prussia to threaten Denmark with the conquest of Holstein, or let Prussia occupy it on the conditions of holding it until Denmark shall acquiesce in his demands, and his demands must be complied with. Denmark will be obliged to shut the Sound against all British vessels, and they will of course be excluded from every port of the Baltic, whether owned by Denmark, Sweden, Prussia or Russia.
It was predicted by some of the English politicians at the commencement of the present war, that France dare not execute this project for fear of provoking the resentment of Russia. They said, that the trade, which Russia carries on with Great Britain is nearly equivalent or even, perhaps, more than equivalent, to that which she carries on with all the rest of Europe; & that this trade is almost essential to her prosperity, for which Great Britain supplied them with her own manufactures, she took off vast quantities of their hemp, iron and timber. But this sort of reasoning does not apply to the present relations of Europe. Russia and France are actually at war, whatever may be thought of the pacific manner in which they conduct it. Russia was a party to the third coalition; but she was not a party to the peace of Presburg. Russia is even now making great preparations in Poland, for the purpose, it is believed, of attacking or resisting the French, who in their turn will scarcely regard the impression which the shutting of the Sound will have upon the Russians. As to Prussia, she has lately exhibited herself too much the complaisant vassal of the French Emperor, to raise any objections to his wishes. She has already consented to shut up all her ports against the British; and will scarcely object to shutting them out of all the other ports of the Baltic.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
No. II.
TO THE PEOPLE.
There are eighty regiments of militia in Virginia. We will say nothing of the cavalry regiments, which last as long as their coat, and their cap will look handsome. Let each regiment of militia raise 125 light infantry by enlistments, volunteering or draughting as may be thought most advisable. Let them be completely armed, and for their own convenience and the honor of their country, let their uniform be entirely home-spun. Let the officers be recommended to the executive, by the Court-Martial of the regiment to which they belong, and hold their commissions during good behaviour. One remark, respecting the officers, may be made here. They should be men who have time from the common occupations of life to acquire military knowledge. The evil of including a set of novices into the command of troops is incalculable. They should be men with heads to plan, and hearts to execute; not niggardly in sparing a few days from their profits or their pleasures for the good of their country; men, who by their example and authority would establish order and strict discipline among the troops under their command. Let these men thus officered, muster two entire days in every month except the winter months; not, as our regimental musters are conducted. No; let officers and men parade at sunrise, with their arms and provisions for two days, and continue under arms during the day, save the time which would barely suffice for obtaining some refreshment. Let every deviation from strict order by officers or soldiers be severely punished by a fine; to be laid by the officers before they leave the field. The fines are to be collected by a special officer and returnable to the next muster. Out of the fines for absences, &c. let colours and instruments of music be furnished, and the musicians and adjutant receive a small compensation for their services. Let a quarter-master, on the first day of every muster, examine the state of the arms, and make a return upon oath to the court-martial on the morning of the third day, that every piece of keeping the arms in the best order may be severely fined. Let these troops be in constant readiness to march at a day's warning, and when called on, be on the same day and under the same regulations as continental troops; only, that they may not march out of the state without the express order of our own executive.
On troops thus trained, we may place some hopes in a time of emergency. But on our militia in the present state, reason and experience forbid us to place the smallest confidence. Our militia in the time of our revolutionary war had stronger motives to firmness than perhaps they can ever have again. Every man then knew that he was contending, not only for his liberty, but for the personal liberty of his family and friends. And what did the militia under such circumstances perform? Did they drive the enemy from our homes? No; at Gates's defeat they almost universally threw down their arms and were never rallied again. What did they at Guilford, where a few firm fires would have ruined the British army? They fled and left every thing exposed to the mercy of a feeble foe. True it is, that at the latter place some companies of militia stood firmly and behaved like men, but if that circumstance was well examined, it would be found that a large proportion of them were old soldiers who had been discharged from the northern army, & entered the service as militia-men, or the substitutes of such.
Demagogues may pronounce what censures they please upon this language; but truth will never tremble. They were trained troops, that defended our country in every pressing emergency. They were trained troops that stood the point of the bayonet and taught British blood-hounds to respect American courage. They were trained troops, that gave us our independence, and trained troops must defend it. Such militia as ours may serve to scout before an enemy and add to the curse of plunder and the expence of war; but they cannot, they ought not to be relied on.
We have said that something must be done; but we confess we have small hopes of any thing effectual being taken into hand in this state, under the present tone of our politics. We hear a great box & bombast about patriotism; but let us ask where our patriotism has placed us? Our militia an undisciplined rabble. Our state-treasury as empty as a beggar's pocket. Our public creditors starving one half of the year, and our country swarming with PATRIOTS and POLITICIANS. The last assembly of Virginia have insisted the understanding of every man of common sense, by their treasury statement. They have declared in the face of positive evidence to the contrary, that our treasury was overflowing with money. Does that say it is? Does the hard-labouring armourer with a chip of paper in his hand to buy bread for his family, say so? What could you do, Virginians, if an enemy was to land at Norfolk and begin to pillage your country? Have you a cent to pay, as an inducement to arm a single man in your defence? Have you a dollar to hire a wagon to move your public property to the mountains? And yet your whifkey-made, barbecue-toasted politicians, tell you, you are rich. Their merit consists in finding the pleasant song; “taxes as they were, taxes as they were last year.” Dance not to their song. Be no longer duped by them. Send men who dare to tell you your true situation; men, who are too proud to blindfold you in order to obtain suffrage, and too honest to build their own popularity on the degradation of their country: Not as our wise men who love to please their dear constituents and to keep off the evil day. It will be time enough to be burdened with taxes, when war comes, when our ports are blockaded and our produce is rotting on our hands. We shall then have time and money enough to do any thing. Let us eat and drink; for to morrow we die. We know the Virginians too well, to believe that they are niggardly. They are able and they are willing to support their state government with dignity and to prepare for future events. Yet should they get a few dollars ahead of their present demands, their patriotic legislators will raise their wages to 6 dollars per day, and take all as they have done.
It is time to conclude these defusory reflections. Let the governors and the governed, take the following sentence into consideration: “that our present state invites aggression; that the want of public spirit, an empty treasury, an undisciplined militia and rich seaports, make us a proper object of pillage and contempt.” MARCELLUS.
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, May 21.
The ship Mary Ann left Bordeaux on the 20th of April; Paris papers of the 12th, and a regular file of Bordeaux papers to the 16th of that month, inclusive, are received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser. Notwithstanding gigantic projects of aggrandizement are forming, and although the continent of Europe is undergoing an important revolution, these papers are almost wholly destitute of interest.
We learn, verbally, that Prussia has declared war against Sweden; that the French were marching large armies towards European Turkey, from which quarter news of hostilities having commenced was shortly expected; and that scarcely a doubt existed that Prussia had joined France in the war against England, or would do so shortly.
On the 6th of April the guard-ship in the harbour of Bordeaux, mounting 28 twelve pounders, and 110 men (on board of which were the papers of the brig Orient of New-York) was cut out and captured by the boats of the British frigate Iris. After the English had taken possession of her, she was attacked by a French man of war brig, but without success; the latter was beaten off with the loss of several men.
A British squadron was blockading Rochefort.
An embargo of ten days' continuance was raised at Bordeaux on the 19th, the day before captain Burke failed.
A decree had been issued from the custom house at Bordeaux, in which it was ordered, 1. That the importation of painted and white cotton cloths, muslins and cotton yarn be prohibited. 2. That the importation of raw cotton be subject to a duty of 60 francs decimal quintal, and spun cotton to 7 francs per killogramme. 3. That spun cotton be admitted only through the offices at Antwerp, Cologne, Mayence, Shasburgh, Bourglibre, and Verfois. 4. That a Drawback of 58 cents decimal quintal be allowed on cloths, hosiery, and other wrought cottons, exported, on proof of their being French manufacture, and that the raw cotton has paid the stipulated duty.
From Paris and Bordeaux papers to the 19th April, received at the office of the Mercantile Advertiser.
SPAIN.
MADRID, March 7.
In the night of the 26th February, the four French frigates and two brigs which were in the port of Cadiz, set sail, and contrived to deceive the vigilance of the English fleet, which is cruising off that port. As they have provisions on board for six months, it is presumed they have a distant destination.
Government has received advices within these few days, that a conspiracy has been discovered at Caracas (on the Continent of America) the central point of which was the city of Paz. Seventeen of the principal conspirators, among whom were some functionaries of the State, were seized and executed. The wife measures which were taken, lifted in its birth a plot which might have been attended with the worst consequences.
HAMBURGH, April 1.
The circumstance of the English Consul and the vessels of his nation having so suddenly quitted this port, is now explained. These measures were taken in consequence of the proclamation made at Hanover, on the 28th ult. by the Prussian Minister, Count von Schulenburg, which prohibits the entrance of the Wefer, the Elbe and all the ports in the North Sea, to English vessels.
April 2.
It is already announced that four English ships form the blockade of the Elbe. There is not a single vessel of that nation in our port or in that of Altona. The Prussian General, Count de Schulenburg, published, the 28th at Hanover, what follows: “It has been stipulated in a treaty concluded between his Prussian majesty, my most gracious master, and his majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, that the ports of the North Sea, and also the mouths of the rivers which empty themselves into it, should be shut to English navigation and commerce, as they were during the time that the French troops occupied the States of Hanover. I publish the present by orders of my august sovereign, to serve as a rule to all those whom it may concern. It has been enjoined the troops of the king my master to refuse entrance to all English ships which should present themselves in the said ports and rivers, and to hinder the introduction of English merchandise.” (Signed) Count SCHULENBURG KENNERT, General of cavalry in the service of his Prussian Majesty, and commander of the army in Hanover.

From a Paper received at the office of the Norfolk Ledger, by the Ship Merchant, Captain Johnson.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 6.
Defence of the Country.
Mr. Windham, in a speech of nearly four hours, called the attention of the House to the best and most efficient means for providing for its military defence. The following is a correct outline of the principal topics to which he adverted. He began with observing, that it was a subject, which the situation of public affairs had daily contributed to render more important, and while we were hearing so much of our prosperity, he could not avoid, when connected with this subject, to ask of gentlemen to look at the present situation of Europe, and the world. His business was to repair that disorder, and to remove that false state of things which had, by various means crept in, and done so much mischief. The House was to consider how to put the military establishment of the country upon a better footing, and how to provide not merely against temporary, but against permanent dangers. The great mischief had existed in the false view that had so long been taken of a most important subject. "Look at the present danger only, get rid of that, and let futurity take its chance." This was only saying in other words, "use the means of the country, cut up all its resources, and provide for an exciting emergency, and care nothing about what is to happen in future." The first great thing was to create, or perhaps more properly speaking, to provide for the existence and maintenance of what is called an army, a body separated from the rest of the community, governed by laws of its own, withdrawn from society to a certain degree, a body that neither toils nor spins, that produces neither trade nor profession but that of war, and whose great object is to defeat or destroy the enemies of the country, & therefore exempted from the other public duties to which other subjects are liable. He did not mean to say, that the country had not such an army already in great perfection in many respects, and in considerable numbers. Though the interest of this army had always been strongly expressed in the profession of gentlemen in parliament, yet they had so acted as either to make their declarations appear insincere, or to show that they had no just and clear idea of the nature of the subject. We had gone on for long upon the old plan, that our heads were filled with levies en masse, with armed citizens, with armed nations, with nations of 800,000 men in arms, till we almost forgot the real character and importance of the object we wished to attain. We thought only of getting a great number of men together in any way. After some further preliminary matter, the hon. gentleman proceeded to state the outlines of the improvements which he was desirous to introduce into the regular service, and our general system of defence. The first improvement which occurred to him, was what he had frequently mentioned, that of limiting the period of service. It was singular that this was the only country in Europe in which the enlistment was for life. From the adoption of the opposite mode, he expected an accession of a new description of men, whom he should further encourage by certain rewards, without weakening the system of military discipline; though by less necessity for exercising punishment either for desertion or other offences. Desertion he was persuaded, in a great measure, originated in the reduction of offering large bounties, and of the consequent competition between the different recruiting parties. The effect of this measure, however, he was ready to admit, must be very dilatory. Its operation would nevertheless be certain and permanently beneficial. It would produce a favourable change in the notions of the mass of the people, as to those who professed a military life. They would no longer look upon the man who volunteered his service in the regulars as one going to the dogs. On the contrary they would see men, who had been soldiers before they were born, old Tom and Jack, living well, and not wringing a penny pittance from the parish. When young men reflected on these circumstances, nothing would deter them from entering. In the bill which he should offer on this part of his plan, he would propose to fill up the blank as to the period of service, in the first instance, with the words "seven years." At the end of that period the soldier would, if he chose, be entitled to his discharge. If he chose to renew his services for a similar period, he should propose that he should have a small increase of pay, such as 6d. per week, or some other trifling advance, not more than an equivalent to the probable diminution in the value of money during the intermediate interval of time. He would also propose a further increase of pay for a third renewal of enlistment. These regulations would apply only to the infantry. For the cavalry and artillery he would propose periods of ten, five, and three years, at the expiration of which they would be entitled to their discharge, as in the case of the infantry. Those who had served twenty-one years would be entitled to the highest rank at Chelsea, which would be raised considerably above what it now was, being only one shilling a day. Nor would any further call be made upon them for service. With regard to those embarked on the colonial service, they would be kept for six months after the ratification of a treaty of peace, fed and maintained, and sent home at the charge of government, when, according to their respective claims, they would be invested with the annuities already particularised. These were the principal features of the alteration which he would suggest in the condition of the soldier. There were others which were also desirable, but into these he would not go, as they were not at present fit for Legislative provision. One of them, however, he should mention, and he conceived it was not likely to be objected to. It was that of making an additional allowance to officers' widows. Small additions had already been made from time to time, and the prosecution of the system, with the advantages already enumerated, would tend to the better recruiting of the army, as they would make the service a bounty in itself. But though in law and equity the present regular army is entitled to no additional advantages, yet it may no doubt be expedient to extend to it some of the benefits of these changes. And first I should propose, that the soldier should, upon being invalided, be allowed an encroach of Chelsea, and that 6d. a day be given to some, 3d. to others, and to others 1s. This I would have to take place instantly, as a matter of humanity, and secondly, as a matter of policy, in order to make the advantages of the service, and the benefits of these regulations to be generally and immediately felt throughout the country. The soldiers will now have the prospect of having their pensions increased. This to be sure is eventful, but still it is an interest immediately vested in them. But Sir, I will go further, and though their release will not be granted them at the end of any particular period, yet they shall have the immediate advantage of the increase of pay, according to their different periods of service: those who
have served 7 years, to have the pay of such as shall have hereafter concluded the first period—those who have served 14 years to have the second period—and those who have served 21 years, that of the third. This is all that I shall do with regard to the army which already exists, and it is to be regarded as a liberal boon, to which they could have no right by the conditions of their engagement. Now, Sir, after the omission of so material a point on this head I can scarcely venture to answer, that I have omitted others of great importance. Now, however, I shall proceed to the second great branch of this subject. The first branch which relates to the regular army is, certainly, that which is to be regarded as most important. The other branch which relates to the great problem, which remains to be solved when you come to the question; what is to be done for our defence with that part of your population which does not exist in the shape of an army? The rise and fall of nations, however, do not depend on these, but on the regular army, and by themselves it can never be expected, that they can be opposed with success to regular troops. The only instance which we recollect in history, where a population had resisted a regular army, was the case of America. But, attentively viewed, that instance afforded no valid reason for this country adopting a similar system, when the narrow scale on which we acted was compared with the immense continent of America. The views he entered on the subject of the population were to be found in those records, which were not generally deemed very authentic, but which had been so in this instance. He certainly felt for the errors of the two late administrations, as they had thrown difficulties in the way of that project; and the present administration came forward under very great disadvantages, as the ground on which they had to tread was not cleared. What might have been then right, had since been found to be wrong; and, in his own opinion, he wished for nothing but the most simple of measures. In 1803 the country was terrified by the dread of invasion—but to suppose that what could have been done then could be done now, was certainly a very bold idea. At that time, it would have been better for the service to have been purely voluntary. Nothing could have been better than to have given the mass of the people an opportunity of coming forward, with proper instructors to reach them what they were to do, when they met the enemy, without military decoration or character whatever. This mass divided into small associations and corps, and directed by regular officers, would have formed a much better protection for the time, instead of armed associations of men of a higher rank serving at their own expence. The population would thus have been led under the guidance of regular officers and the gentry, and will not only harass and wear away the enemy, but the habits they acquired, would furnish recruits for the regular army. Whether this plan, had it been adopted, would have succeeded or not, it was not for him to determine; but certainly it was the cheapest of all expedients. We all knew that corps of another description had been formed, upon false conceptions. The government said, the "country is in danger; every man must arm." The volunteers armed; and then they said, "let us look and manoeuvre like soldiers;" and in this the government acquiesced. From this he dated all the difficulty that had since arisen. He differed entirely from those who accepted the services of many of these corps. They were men who, from their habits of life, never intended to be soldiers, and served under officers of the fame ideas with themselves; so that they could not be supposed that hard substance which could be moulded into troops capable of taking the field against the enemy. It was ridiculous to think them as good as troops of the enemy, because they looked as well; and if they were alone to be employed to drive away the enemy, then was the time of the country already sealed and decided. The volunteers were nevertheless of some service. There was first the advantage of numbers of men being enrolled, and next that of their having been trained, from which circumstance they might in time become useful. He professed himself adverse to the practice of calling them out on permanent duty, as it was of very little avail towards the attainment of the object in view, and was attended with an enormous expence. He wished for as many volunteer corps as possible, and a great part of the population loosely trained, but these advantages he wished to have at as cheap a rate as possible. Recruits would, upon this plan, be furnished readily for the army, with the additional advantage of their being acquainted with the use of fire arms, while the whole of the country would be covered with an armed peasantry. These were his ideas, but he had seen them utterly disregarded, and the whole of this force thrown into volunteer corps, formed on very different principles. These corps now cost government about 5,000,000. a year, and as the voluntary subscriptions for their support were in a great measure exhausted, their continuance to the end of this year would incur a charge of 10,000,000. a sum which was completely lost to the defence of the country in any other way. He should therefore propose great reductions in this force as at present constituted; and instead of trying to persevere in that respect. This would be attended with no disadvantage; but but he should not wish to reduce them altogether, until another species of service grew out of them. He wished, however, not to be misunderstood; his ideas only went to the disolution of the kind of partnership which now subsisted between them and the government, by a discontinuance of the allowances. The fervour excited by alarm had subsided, and he did not think that voluntary service could be carried much farther. He must therefore have recourse to compulsory service, however unwilling to resort to it. [A laugh on the opposition benches.] He would allure the gentlemen on the other side that he did not like compulsory service, as coming from their shop. He recollected the ferment they were in; the trouble they had with their coals; their iron never cool; their bellows in a perpetual roar; and their mighty Cyclops so much embarrassed that he could not stir. His fetters would be light in comparison of theirs. He wanted nothing more than the mere training of the people, and that within a year, and receiving all possible mitigation from voluntary offers. While he approved of the principle of the levy en masse, he would not follow its details, as by law the people were not liable to be called out in a body, except in case of invasion, or imminent danger of invasion. The Right hon. gentleman then enumerated various items of expense attending volunteer corps, inspecting officers, permanent duty, drill-sergeants, &c. amounting to 817,000. of which it was his intention to propose the immediate discontinuance. Those who in future entered into the Volunteer corps were to be considered as serving at their own expence. Those who discontinued their services would be liable to the levy en masse, but in consideration of their previous training they would be entitled to some indulgencies. In case of an actual necessity for employing any
part of the levy en masse, it was intended to select that portion by lot, according to their various classes, distinguished by the ages of 16, 24, 34, and 40 years. The act containing these regulations would be annual. The number of volunteers in the respective districts, would be deducted from the amount of the force required, previous to the ballot. The days of training within the year he should propose to be 26—for each of which the individuals under training would receive 1s. The officers and men appointed to instruct them, would be drawn from the Militia, and the 57 second battalions of the regiments of the line, the officers of which had been all appointed, before a single man was got, and who were now gaping like oysters, when the ebb was leaving them. He would now turn them to graze in this new pasture; and if they could put any flesh on their bones, it would be a very desirable object. As to the militia, it was not his intention, under the present circumstances, to have recourse to the ballot, to supply any deficiencies; and when the period of their service was near expiring, he would propose a system of low bounties, as an inducement to their entering into the line. Here the right hon. gentleman reverted to the subject of the volunteers, to supply some omissions in the preceding part of his speech. He wished it to be understood, that government would defray the expence of their clothing for this year, but no longer. He commented, in severe terms, on the regulation allowing officers of volunteer corps equality of rank with regular officers; characterising it as the height of injustice to the latter. In future, an arrangement would be adopted, by which even a captain in the regulars would not be inferior to a volunteer officer, however high the rank of his commission might be. He then concluded with moving for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Act of the 44th of his majesty, known by the title of the additional Force Act.
Lord Castlereagh, after declaring that he did not intend to oppose the motion, as he should fully discuss the new plan on a future occasion, entered into an able defence of the late ministers' measures for the military defence of the country. He could not, however, avoid saying, that in the right hon. gentleman's system, as he had fully detailed it, there was abundance of the same ephemeral kind of theory with which the house had been amused, but which, in reality, when examined and probed to the bottom, would be found to amount to nothing, at least very little. It had nothing to recommend it but its novelty, which was by no means of a captivating description. The right hon. gentleman had seemed to put out of his thoughts the amount and quality of the army now on foot, which had been brought by the plans of his late right hon. friend to the highest pitch of perfection. It was in the contemplation of his late right hon. friend to carry on the augmentation of the regular army to the extent of 25,000 men. The amount of the army at present in rank and file was 267,000, including the artillery and militia. It was increased from its establishment in 1802, being then only 242,000, which made it greater by 25,000 than it was at the period. The right hon. gentleman, therefore, from this plain statement of the fact, would not succeed in putting a gloomy feeling on the subject in regard to its military establishment. The right hon. gentleman had commented on, and the right hon. secretary (Mr. Fox) had by his manner taken fire at what he had said on a former night, that they had only to take care of the country, and preserve it as they had received it from the former ministry. He repeated that never was the country in a higher state of prosperity than at the time it was given over to the present ministry. In all its fundamental features there was not a country in the world exhibited a more gratifying picture. The present ministers might think they had succeeded to difficulties but never did any ministry succeeded to such a bed of roses. [Loud cries of hear! hear!] The noble Lord (Petty) had not in his speech on the budget complained of dilapidated finances—No, yet he had heard another noble lord (Lord Viscount Howick) complain of a dilapidated Navy. If the army was not so great as some sanguine dispositions could wish, it was at least 25,000 stronger than it had ever been at any former period—the disposable force was great in proportion, and in point of discipline and valour the whole force of the country was such as, if ministers did not tamper with it, was equal to every thing demanded. What his lordship wished was, that ministers would abstain from mischief.
Mr. Secretary Fox, in a most luminous and argumentative speech of considerable length, replied to Lord Castlereagh. He began by observing—If rise, Sir, to make a few observations on what has fallen from the noble lord, and which appears to me to be extraordinary that I could not have imagined that any human nerves were sufficient to enable any one gravely to make such assertions as he has hazarded. He has told us that the country is placed in such a state of proud splendour and universal prosperity, as never had been handed over by any ministry to their successors. Gracious God! and in what does this prosperity, of which he boasts consist? Undoubtedly the navy, by the most unparalleled gallantry, and the most wonderful success, even beyond human calculation, is in a state in which the task of my hon. friend near me is comparatively easy. But may it not be questioned whether all the merit is due to the fast boat? Nay, whether with reference to the future supply and maintenance of the navy, every thing is quite so meritorious as the noble lord asserts? But of the splendid victories achieved i. the whole credit to be concentrated in the last 18 months? Is none due to that board of admiralty, at which Lord St. Vincent presided; none due to those who selected and appointed those officers? The noble lord, indeed, defended Lord St. Vincent too—but it cannot be denied that many of his friends entertained against that gallant officer as strong prejudices as ever existed in the minds of men. But after mentioning the navy, I do not know that there is a single point on which I can subscribe to the noble lord's representation of the country. Is it in the finances that we are to look for the proofs? Because the administration had very heavy burdens on the public, did that facilitate the laying on of those new burdens my noble friend near me found it his duty to propose? I trust we have 43,000,000 of revenue; but is it very consolatory that we have an expenditure of 43,000,000.? Is there no relation between those objects? Or is it a proof of prosperity that our taxes are enormous, though they are borne with cheerfulness, because they may be necessary? Does the noble lord appeal to Ireland as that with the state of which there is every reason to be proud? Is India in the best possible state, quite prosperous and tranquil? Where is the "bed of roses" to which we have succeeded? Really it is insulting, to tell me, I am on a bed of roses, when I feel myself torn and stung by brambles and nettles. But, as far as regards this country itself, we are in a state of prosperity. But surely you ought to consider the difficulties arising from other countries as making part of our situation. The noble lord must admit, that to use the phrase of one of his colleagues, "the continent is not in a very satisfactory state." The noble lord, however, tells us, that having succeeded to such an excellent state of things, it must be our own fault if we do not carry on affairs well. Does the noble lord then think, that there is a rational prospect either of an honourable and satisfactory peace; or that we possess the means of so carrying on the war as to compel our enemy to agree to peace; or that we have the prospect of weakening and reducing his power? If the noble lord thinks these matters easy, I should be very happy to have his advice on the subject. Whether the last campaign was wisely conducted on our part, whether the exertions made, and the concert effected, were such as could afford a fair chance of success? I do not at present dissent; but surely the events of that campaign were such, as by no means to facilitate our efforts, and lighten our task. Unless, like the parish bill, the good effects of the late campaign, are not to be apparent for
a long time, I must confess, that I see nothing in it that is not disastrous to the country, and embarrassing to the government. Nay, I would ask the noble lord, whether the communication of papers by himself and his colleagues has not added to our difficulties? If he doubts it, let him come to my office, and I will show him documents from different ministers, which will prove how much that has contributed to our embarrassments. It ought to be remembered that, with the exception of Russia, a power, however, whose alliance, desirable and important as it is, must be confessed to be too remote for producing a decisive impression on the continent, we have no ally whatever of any consequence willing to fight for us. Such of the prosperous situation the noble lord describes. When this is considered, and the state of the continent is taken in view, it must be allowed that it is time to think of encroaching our army both for the purpose of war, and what must be the establishment of any peace likely to be obtained, it is proper that the subject of the army should be maturely weighed. Indeed, by the circumstances of Europe, I am ready to confess that I have been weaned from the opinions I formerly held with respect to the force that might suffice in time of peace; nor do I consider this as any inconsistency, because I see no rational prospect of any peace that would exempt us from the necessity of any watchful preparation and powerful establishments. The subject of the army, therefore, must come before us in different shapes, and it presents itself in different views.—If we cannot obtain a safe and honorable peace, of which it is impossible, in the actual state of affairs, to be sanguine—and if we do not obtain in carrying on the war, that species of success hardly to be calculated upon, we must be reduced to that state which I, for one, cannot contemplate without apprehension, of being, with respect to Europe, the Diitannos to the orbis , and be left to our own resources and our own colonial connections, to be compelled to cultivate a system the most uphill, the most difficult, and the most perplexed, particularly after the ill success of our late continental measures; which it is possible to conceive. Yet, perhaps, upon the whole, I am more inclined to the latter system, difficult, unprofitable as it is. But if we do resolve to engage in that arduous and difficult struggle, demanding every effort and every exertion, or indeed whatever other system we resolve to act upon, a large army is indispensable. Even while foreign powers court our money, they feel a degradation in accepting it, and they do not view us in a favorable light under such a connection. But whether we can have an army adequate to home defence and to foreign operation, may be doubtful. Yet I will say, that while we take due precaution for home defence, by training the population to arms, the true policy of the country is to rise superior to the panic of invasion, and to show that our force and our courage are not to be confined at home. Our enemy fears us, that by disregarding the danger of particular points, and by directing his forces where occasion demands them, he has been able to spread his dominion, and to subdue his opponents.—If that system to which I have alluded were to be adopted, a great army must necessarily be maintained. In England and Scotland, I am confident the plan proposed will have the most powerful effect on the recruiting service; and, if measures could be adopted for completely conciliating the people of Ireland, it would present a nursery of brave and excellent soldiers, more faithful in proportion to its population than any Prince in Europe possesses.
Mr. Yorke, disclaiming all ideas of a systematic opposition, and agreeing in a great measure as to the comparative state of things with the representation given of them by the right honorable secretary (Fox) could not approve a change being made in the formation and character of our army hastily, and during a period of war.
Sir James Pulteney thought he could prove to demonstration, that the plan of the right honorable secretary, would have a tendency to reduce instead of adding to the numbers of our regular army.
General Tarleton declared, that he thought the defence act had been most shabbily treated. In Lancaster, however, the lord lieutenant had raised 849 men under that act; and, if every other county had done the same we now should have had a considerable surplus in the returns on the table. The North Riding of York, on the other hand, had returned none, & several other counties had made very inconsiderable returns indeed. In point of fact, however, it would be mentioned, that the county of Surrey had raised upwards of 500 men, while Essex, a county near equal in population, had returned only 89. He thought it also worthy of remark, that Berkshire, of which so much had been spoken, had returned only something about the amount of 40 men.
Mr. W. W. Wynne said that he was ready to prove that every man that had been raised from Denbighshire, was procured by means of a crime in Manchester. Lancaster therefore taking the fact and the statement of the hon. General together, had almost all the honor of carrying into effect the provisions of the defence act.
Earl Temple observed, that the charges against officers in a most respectable and highly honorable situation should not be lightly made. An honorable general (Tarleton) had accused some of the most highly confidential officers under government, of thwarting the intentions of his majesty's ministers, whom it was their duty to support; he had, in fact, impeached them with a sort of under-handed work which thwarted the designs of the legislature for the defence of the country.
Colonel Crawford would not then enter into a detailed statement of his sentiments with respect to the plan now submitted to the house. He could not for a moment suppose that the honorable secretary entertained no mean an idea of the character of a soldier as to imagine that he could think of asking for his discharge, while his brothers in arms had military duty to perform.
By Authority.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
For the relief of Gilbert C. Russell.
Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be paid to Gilbert C. Russell late a captain of a company of mounted infantry, of the state of Tennessee, out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated by law the sum of six hundred and seventeen dollars and ninety-five cents, for so much by him expended to the use of the United States, for provision and forage, supplied by him, for his men and horses, and for forages paid, on a tour of duty from the state of Tennessee to the Natchez; performed under the order of the President of the United States, by virtue of "an act to enable the President of the United States to take possession of the territories ceded by France to the United States, by the treaty concluded at Paris, on the thirtieth of April last, and for the temporary government thereof."
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
April 15, 1806.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
Supplementary to the act intitled "An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to the territorial courts."
Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the provisions of the act intitled "An act for providing compensation for the marshals, clerks, attorneys, jurors and witnesses, in the courts of the United States, and to repeal certain parts of the acts therein mentioned, and for other purposes," passed February the twenty-eighth, one thousand seven hun-
dred and ninety-one, be, and the same hereby are extended to the territories of the United States, so far as the said act may relate to the provisions of the act intitled "An act to extend jurisdiction in certain cases to the territorial courts," passed March the third, one thousand eight hundred and five, excepting that the clerks of the said territorial courts shall not receive the additional five dollars per day, allowed to the clerks of the circuit and district courts by the third section of the act first abovenioned.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
April 18, 1806.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT,
To repeal so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for the lands of the United States, and for other purposes, relative to the public debt.
Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of any act or acts as authorise the receipt of evidences of the public debt, in payment for the lands of the United States, from and after the thirtieth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, be repealed: Provided, That the right of all persons who may have purchased public lands previous to the passage of this act, to pay for the same in stock, shall in no wise be affected or impaired: And provided, further, that there shall be allowed on every payment made in money, at or before the same shall fall due, for lands purchased before the thirtieth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, in addition to the discounts now allowed by law, a deduction equal to the difference at the time of such payment, between the market price of six per cent. stock and the nominal value of its unredeemed amount, which market price shall, from time to time, be stated by the Secretary of the Treasury to the officers of the several land offices.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the commissioners of the sinking fund shall not be authorised to purchase any of the several species of the public debt, at a higher price than at the rates following, that is to say: they shall not pay more for three per cent. stock than sixty per cent. of its nominal value; nor for any other species of the public debt more than the nominal value of its unredeemed amount, the eight per cent. stock only excepted; for which they shall be authorised, in addition thereto, to give at the rate of one half of one per cent. on the said nominal value, for each quarterly dividend which may be payable on such purchased stock, from the time of such purchase to the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and nine.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much of any act as directs that purchases of the public debt, by the commissioners of the sinking fund, shall be made within the thirty days next ensuing after each day on which a quarterly payment of interest on the debt of the United States shall become due; and also so much of any act as directs that the said purchases shall be made by open purchase, or by sealed proposals, be, and the same hereby are repealed. And said commissioners are hereby authorised to make such purchases, under the restrictions laid by the preceding section, in such manner and at such times and places as they shall deem most eligible, and for that purpose to appoint an agent or agents to whom they may allow a commission not exceeding one fourth of one per cent. on the respective purchases of such agents.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
April 18, 1806.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
STOP THE SWINDLER!
ON the 5th last month (April) a certain WILLIAM HILL, by trade a HATTER, and professes to know something of the Silver-smiths business, made his appearance from Hungry Town, in Limerick county, and took with him a negro boy named JAMES, the property of the subscriber. I will give Fifty Dollars to any person who will deliver said boy to me, or for such information as may enable me to get him again; and Fifty Dollars for the apprehension and delivery of said Hill at the before mentioned place. Hill is about six feet high, light hair and wears it short, thin waist, sallow complexion, and an uncommon large roman nose rather inclines to be thick at the end, dress very genteely, and has much the appearance of a gentleman; he took off with him two horses, one a grey, the other a sorrel. I am apprehensive that Hill is not his real name, and if it is, that he will change it; he says he was raised in the state of New-York. The boy is about 13 years old, well grown and likely, rather inclined to a yellowish complexion, though not a mulatto. I expect Hill has induced the boy to believe that he has purchased him, as the boy was conditionally hired to him, and had been in his possession some time previous to his elopement. The said Hill has gone off considerably indebted to almost every person in the neighbourhood. The public are cautioned against being taken in by such a villain.
GERMAN Y. STORES.
Hungry Town, May 6.
(over)
IMPROVED PROPERTY IN THE TOWN OF MANCHESTER, FOR SALE.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Alexander and Peter Field Trent, to the subscriber, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money, therein specified; will be offered to the highest bidder, for cash, or country produce, on the 26th May next: three improved TENEMENTS, on the Main Street in the town of Manchester, viz: A two story yellow house, formerly occupied by M r Marx, containing two rooms below, and two above stairs, and a large and convenient Lumber House. By expending a small sum in repairing the houses attached to this lot, it would be rendered the most eligible situation in that town for business. The house and lot at present in the occupancy of Mrs. Turner, containing three rooms, viz: a store, lumber and counting-room. To a person who is anxious to invest his funds in the grocery line, the eligibility of this tenement, as a stand, invites his most serious attention—And the houses and lot adjoining Mrs. Turner, and at present unoccupied; this tenement is in good repair, and calculated to accommodate a small family, having a kitchen, stable, &c. Should any person wish to see the above property &c. before the day of sale, enquire of Edward W. Trent, Richmond.
JOHN ARCHER, Trustee.
Amelia, April 22.
(tdf)
JOHN ALCOCK, INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Prosser & Moncure's Vendue-House, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials.
He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. January 30.
Printing,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.