Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-06 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1607.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco $ 3 3/4 CASH   Wheat, new 0 75 do.   Flour, superfine, new 4 75 do.   Flour, fine 4 25 do.   Corn 2 50 do.   Hemp, clean, (per ton) 230 00 do.   Iron 110 00 do.   Bacon 11 do.  
DOCUMENTS
Accompanying the President's Message of the 8th November, 1803.
Continued.
Copies, and extracts, of letters from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison, with enclosures.
Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
London, February 23, 1808.
Mr. Canning has just sent me a note, of which a copy is enclosed, relative to an intended alteration, upon the subject of cotton, in their bill for carrying into execution the late orders in council. You will perceive that he lays some stress upon the accidental observations, which (as already explained to you in my letter of the 26th of last month) were drawn from me some time since upon the singularly offensive project of imposing a transit duty upon our cotton. I mentioned to you in my letter of the 2d instant that he appeared to have misapprehended the tendency of these observations, and that in a subsequent conversation he shewed a disposition to remove the obnoxious feature from their plan, for the purpose of substituting an absolute interdict of the export of that article under an idea that we should then cease to object to it; but that I thought it my duty to decline to give him any encouragement to do so, although I agreed, as he seemed to wish it, to mention his disposition to you. A few days ago, he sent for me again, and renewed his proposal of an immediate change, with respect to cotton, from a prohibitory duty to a direct prohibition. My answer was the same in substance as it had been before. He, then suggested, the alternative arrangement, which you will see stated in his note; but, adhering to the determination I had formed upon the first appearance of the orders in council to make no compromise (without precise direction from my government) with the system which they announce, by becoming a party to its details, I received the proposal as I had done the other.
The British government, however, had resolved to adopt the last mentioned plan, whether it received my concurrence or not, upon a presumption that it would be more acceptable to us; and, perhaps too, under the idea that it was more defensible than their original scheme; and the purpose of Mr. Canning's note is merely to signify to me, in a manner as friendly and respectful as possible to the U. States, their intention to propose it to parliament. One object of all this is, certainly, to conciliate us, although it may be another, to free their system, as far as they can, from the disadvantage of one of the formidable reproaches which their opponents cast upon it. But the wise and magnanimous course would be, at once, to tread back their steps upon the whole of this ill-judged measure, instead of relying upon small and unsubstantial modifications, which neither produce an effect upon its character and principle, nor mitigate the severity of its practical consequences. I might, if I thought it advisable, take the occasion, which Mr. Canning's note undoubtedly furnishes, to press upon him once more the policy, as well as the justice of such a course; but I believe it, under all circumstances, to be more prudent to wait for your instruction, which must, I think, be very soon received.
I have already had the honor to send you two copies of the resolutions, moved in the house of commons, by the chancellor of the exchequer, as tables of export duties, to which their bill should refer. I have enclosed in another letter, with which this will be accompanied, a copy of the bill itself, which will, however, undergo several alterations. Those will be found to be explained (as far as I am acquainted with them) in the letter above mentioned.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) Wm. PINKNEY. Honorable James Madison, Secretary of state.
Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney.
Foreign Office, Feb. 22, 1808.
Sir—I have already had the honor of assuring you, in conversation, of the disposition which is felt by the British government to give due weight to the observations which you have made to me respecting the unfavorable impression, likely, (in your opinion) to be excited in the United States, by the duty proposed to be levied upon cotton destined for the use of the enemy, but brought into the ports of this country conformably to the tenor of the orders of council of the 11th of November.
You are already apprised that the principle upon which the whole of this measure has been framed, is that of refusing to the enemy those advantages of commerce which he has forbidden to this country.
The simple method of enforcing this system of retaliation, would have been to follow the example of the enemy, by prohibiting altogether all commercial intercourse between him and other states.
It was from considerations of indulgence to neutral trade, that the more mitigated measure of permitting intercourse, under the restraints and regulations of a duty in transitu was adopted; and being adopted with this view, it was not immediately felt by the British government, that there might be a distinction taken by neutral states with respect to articles, the produce of their soil; and that while the communication of prohibition into duty was acknowledged as an indulgence, when applied to articles of foreign commerce, of which they were only the carriers, it might be considered as an invidious imposition, when applied to their own productions.
The moment that this distinction has been explained to the British government, they have been desirous of manifesting every attention to it; and if you, sir, had been possessed of the necessary authority from your government, there would have been no difficulty in entering into a specific agreement with you upon the subject. In order, however, to obviate the objection, in a great decree, I have the honor to inform you, that it is intended to be proposed to parliament, that all cotton, brought into this country, in conformity to the orders in council, should be absolutely prohibited from being exported to the territories of the enemy. But as you are not prepared to take upon yourself to say, that in no case the option would be acceptable, an option will still be left to the neutral owner, either to acquiesce in the total prohibition, or to re-export the article on the payment of such a duty as parliament may judge it expedient to impose.
I flatter myself, sir, that this alteration in the legislative regulations, by which the orders in council are intended to be carried into execution, will be considered by you as satisfactory evidence of the disposition of his majesty's government to consult the feelings, as well as the interests of the U. States, in any manner which may not impair that measure of commercial restriction, to which the necessity of repelling the injustice of his enemies has obliged his majesty reluctantly to have recourse.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) GEO: CANNING. William Pinkney, esq. &c. &c.
Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning.
Great Cumberland Place, February 23, 1808.
Mr. Pinkney presents his compliments to his excellency, Mr. Canning and has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his note of yesterday, relative to an alteration of the subject of cotton in the legislative regulations, by which the late orders in council are intended to be carried into execution, which Mr. Pinkney will hasten to transmit to his government.
Mr. Pinkney requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison.
LONDON, May 9, 1808.
"I had a conversation with Mr. Canning on Friday last, in consequence of the arrival of the Osage."
As it was obviously expected that I should seek an interview with him, I went to Downing street on the 5th with that object. He had been indisposed, and was not at the office; but in answer to a note which I left him in the evening, he asked to see me next day at his house in Bruton street.
The Osage had for some time been looked for with considerable anxiety, and the government had apparently anticipated a communication (and perhaps a proposal) of some importance from me, as soon as my dispatches should be received. As I had in fact no communication to make, it seemed to be proper that I should render the disappointment of as little moment as possible, by the manner of announcing it, without however putting any thing to hazard by an indiscreet manifestation of unnecessary solicitude.
The little which I supposed it requisite to say on this occasion, appeared to be very well received; and if any disagreeable impression was left on the mind of Mr. Canning, it certainly was not visible. A feeling of regret was perhaps perceptible, and a hope was intimated that the time was not far distant when I should be able to do what at present was out of my power; but nothing occurred which could be construed into a system of impatience, jealousy or dissatisfaction. There was undoubtedly no real ground for any thing of this sort, but it was, notwithstanding, quite possible that the importance which it had become a habit to attach to the arrival of the Osage, from circumstances principally accidental, might have produced a disposition to think otherwise.
I thought it advisable to make use of this opportunity (although the topic was in many views more delicate than it had been) to suggest the propriety of yielding, at the moment was sufficiently favorable to such a course, upon the subject of the late orders in council, of which I had seen nothing to change my original opinion. There was reason to apprehend, however, that it might be worse than useless to press the suggestion, upon my own authority merely, while I could say nothing of the French decrees; and accordingly I forebore to do so.
An idea has evidently gone forth since the Osage arrived, founded upon rumors or a doubtful description, that our relations with France have grown to be extremely precarious, and that we are consequently about to come to an understanding of a very friendly kind with Great Britain. It is not improbable that the government has, in some degree, at least, adopted this idea.
I have the honor to enclose a copy of a notification, recently received from Mr. Canning, of the blockade of Copenhagen, and of the other ports in the island of Zealand, which I have caused to be communicated in the usual manner to our consuls and citizens.
"There being no particular inducement for detaining the Osage, Henry Lewis, who will be charged with my letters, will leave town the day after to-morrow, and the ship will sail as soon after he reaches Falmouth as possible."
(NOTIFICATION.)
Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney.
The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has received his majesty's command to acquaint Mr. Pinkney, that his majesty has judged it expedient to establish the most rigorous blockade of the port of Copenhagen, and of all the other ports in the island of Zealand. Mr. Pinkney is therefore requested to apprise the American consuls and merchants residing in England, that the entrances of all the ports above-mentioned are, and must be considered as being in a state of blockade, and that from this time all the measures authorised by the law of nations, and the respective treaties between his majesty and the different neutral powers, will be adopted and executed with respect to all vessels attempting to violate the said blockade after this notice.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney to accept the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed) GEORGE CANNING. Foreign Office, May 4, 1803.
Extract of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to the Secretary of State, dated
London, June 5, 1803.
"I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 4th of April, by Mr. Bethune, together with the printed, and other copies of papers mentioned in it."
"I am to have an interview with Mr. Canning in a few days (which he will agree to consider extra official) in the course of which I intend to press, by every argument in my power, the propriety of their abandoning immediately their orders in council, and of proposing in America (the only becoming course, as you very properly suggest) reparation for the outrage on the Chesapeake. I shall for obvious reasons do this, informally, as my own act."
"Your unanswerable reply to Mr. Erskine's letter, of the 23d February, has left nothing to be urged against the orders in council upon the score of right; and there may be room to
hope that the effect, which that reply can hardly have failed to produce upon ministers, as well by its tone as by its reasoning, will, if followed up, become under actual circumstances, decisive. The discussion, which Mr. Rose's preliminary in the affair of the Chesapeake, has undergone, gives encouragement to an expectation, that this government will not now be backward to relinquish it, and to renew their overture of satisfaction in a way more consistent with reason and more likely to produce a just and honorable result."
"You may be assured that I will not commit our government by any thing I shall do or say, and that, if I cannot make things better than they are, I will not make them worse."
"My view of the course which our honour and our interests have required, and still require, is, as you know, in precise conformity with that of the president; but if it were otherwise, I should make his view, and not my own, the rule of my conduct."
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Madison, dated
London, August 4, 1808.
"The St. Michael arrived at Falmouth on Thursday the 14th of last month, after a passage of eight days from L'Orient. Capt. Kenyon delivered to me on Wednesday, the 20th (upon my arrival in town from Brighton, where I had been for a short time on account of my health) your letters of the 30th of April, and your private letter of the 1st of May, together with newspapers, printed copies of the embargo act and its supplements, and of papers laid before congress at their last session. Mr. Hall brought me a letter from general Armstrong of the 26th of June, (of which I send an extract) and Mr. Upson brought me a private letter from him with the following postscript of the first of July. "An order has been received from Bayonne to condemn eight other of our ships."
"On Friday the 23d of July, I had an interview with Mr. Canning, and renewed my efforts to obtain a revocation of the British orders of January and November, 1807, and of the other orders dependent upon them. I have already informed you in my private letter of the 29th of June, that on the morning of its date, I had a long conversation with Mr. Canning, which had rendered it somewhat probable that the object mentioned in your letter of the 30th of April (of which I had received a duplicate by the packet) would be accomplished, if I should authorize the expectation which that letter suggested; but that some days must elapse before I could speak with any thing like certainty on the subject: and I have mentioned in another private letter (of the 10th of July) that it was understood between Mr. Canning and myself, that another interview should take place soon after the prorogation of parliament. In effect, however, Mr. Canning was not prepared to see me again, until the 23d of July, after I had been recalled to London by the arrival of the St. Michael, and had, in consequence reminded him of our arrangement by a private note."
"In the interview of the 29th of June, I soon found it necessary to throw out an intimation, that the power vested in the president by congress, to suspend the embargo act and its supplements, would be exercised as regarded Great Britain, if their orders were repealed, as regarded the United States. To have urged the revocation, upon the mere ground of its strict right, or of general policy, and there to have left the subject, when I was authorised to place it upon grounds infinitely stronger, would have been, as it appeared to me to stop short of my duty. Your letters to Mr. Erskine (which Mr. Canning has read and considered) had exhausted the first of these grounds, and endless discussion here, in every variety of form, in and out of parliament, had exhausted the second. There was, besides, no objection of any force, to my availing myself, without delay of the powerful inducements, which the intimation in question, was likely to furnish to Great Britain, to abandon her late system; and it seemed to be certain that, by delaying to present these inducements to Mr. Canning's consideration, I should not only lose much time, but finally give to my conduct a disingenuous air, which, while it must be foreign to the views and sentiments of the president, could hardly fail to make a very unfavorable impression upon the minds of Mr. Canning and his colleagues. I thought, moreover, that if I should re-
serve the suggestion for a late stage of our discussions, it would be made to wear the appearance of a concession reluctantly extorted, rather than of what it was, the spontaneous result of the characteristic frankness and honorable policy of our government."
"The intimation once made, a complete development of its natural consequences, if properly acted upon, followed of course; and taking advantage of the latitude afforded by the informal nature of a mere conversation, I endeavored to make that development as strong an appeal as, consistently with truth and honour, I could (and there was no necessity to do more) to the justice and the prudence of this government."
"It was not possible, however, that Mr. Canning could require to be assisted by my explanations. It was plain, upon their own principles, that they could not equitably persevere in their orders in council, upon the foundation of an imputed acquiescence, on our part, in French invasion of our neutral rights, when it was become (if it was not always) apparent that this imputation was completely and in all respects an error; when it was manifest that these orders, by letting loose upon our rights a more destructive and offensive persecution than it was in the power of France to maintain, interposed between us and France, furnished answers to our remonstrances against her decrees and pretexts for those decrees, and stood in the way of that very resistance which Great Britain affected to inculcate, as a duty, at the moment when she was taking the most effectual measures to embarrass and confound it; and when it was also manifest, that a revocation of those orders would, if not attended or followed by a revocation of the decrees of France, place us at issue with that power, and result in a precise opposition, by the U. States, to such parts of her anti-commercial edicts as it became us to repeal."
"In a prudent view my explanations seemed still less to be required. Nothing could be more clear than that, if Great Britain revoked her orders, and entitled herself to a suspension of the embargo, her object (if it were any thing short of the establishment and practical support of an exclusive dominion over the sea) must, in some mode or other, be accomplished, whether France follow her example or not. In the first case, the avowed purpose of the British press would be fulfilled, and commerce would resume its accustomed prosperity and expansion. In the last, the just resistance of the U. States (more efficacious than that of the British orders) to French irregularities and aggressions, would be left to its fair operation, (and it was impossible to mistake the consequences) while the commercial intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain, being revived, would open the way to a return to a good understanding, and, in the end, for an adjustment of all their differences."
"On the 29th of July, I met Mr. Canning again, and was soon apprized that our discussions, if continued at all, must take a new form."
"As there is now no reason for detaining the St. Michael, she will be despatched immediately for L'Orient."
(Extract.)
Mr. PINKNEY TO MR. MADISON.
London, September 6, 1808.
"I have an opportunity of writing by Mr. Bethune, who leaves town to-morrow for Falmouth, to embark for the U. S. in the British packet; and I cannot omit to take advantage of it, although I have still nothing conclusive to communicate."
"The Hope arrived off Falmouth, and landed Mr. Atwater on the 16th of last month, and immediately proceeded on her voyage to Havre, with a fair wind. Mrs. Atwater arrived in London on the 20th in the evening, and delivered your letter of the 18th of July."
"My public letter of the 4th of August, will have apprised you of the footing on which my different interviews with Mr. Canning left the subject of the British orders in council, and my private letter of the 2d of that month, will have made you acquainted with my intention to present, in an official note, what I had ineffectually suggested in conference."
"To such a course there could not, even in the first instance, have been any other objection than that it was calculated to lead to discussion, rather than to adjustment; but, whatever might be its tendency, it is certain that I could have no inducement to resort to it, until it was indicated by Mr. Canning as indispensable, nor any motive to decline it afterwards."
"At our last interview, and not before, it was unexpectedly found, that it was in that mode only that I could obtain a knowledge of the light in which this government thought fit to view the overture I had been directed to make to it; and I determined, in consequence, to lay before it, in writing, the intentions of the President, with the same frankness which had

characterized my verbal communications. "I have now the honor to transmit a copy of the note, which, in conformity with that determination, I delivered in person to Mr. Canning on the 26th of last month, a few days after its date. To this note no answer has yet been returned; but it is to be presumed, that it will not be much longer withheld."
(To be Continued.)
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, November 29.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of claims, reported a bill providing for the payment of pensions at the City of Washington. Read a first and second time, made the order of the day for to-morrow, and ordered to be printed.
The reading of the petition for the repeal of the embargo laws (presented by Mr. Gardenier) the completion of which was yesterday postponed by an adjournment of the house, was finished; and the said petition was referred to the committee of the whole house to whom Mr. Chittenden's resolution for repealing the embargo.
On motion of Mr. Sloan, the house went into committee of the whole on the report in part of the committee to whom was referred that part of the President's message, of the 8th November, 1808, which respects our foreign relations; Mr. Storer in the chair.
Mr. Willis Allston, jr. said the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Quincy) had yesterday taken so wide a range that he should not pretend to follow, nor did he believe that any one could follow him through all the mazes of his eccentric course. It would be impossible for that gentleman, or for any other person to reconcile the inconsistencies he had uttered; nor was it necessary to attempt a formal exposure of them; for the strange contradictions which his speech involved, were quite sufficient to destroy the weight of his arguments. He would take the gentleman up at the point at which he had left off. The gentleman had said it was not for him to describe the path which at this period was proper to be pursued, but it was clear and luminous. It is certainly singular (said Mr. Allston) that if the course be so extremely plain, such a variety of opinions should exist concerning it. Has any individual, any set of men precisely ascertained it?—Yes, indeed, a few (and he hoped they were but few) persons in the state of Massachusetts had found out a way; they had found out a way, which was submission to Great Britain and war with France. The gentleman had, to be sure, said he would resist; but how would he resist? Resist Great Britain on the ocean! Resist her on an element where she was omnipotent! This was exactly similar to the doctrine of certain individuals in Massachusetts, and sufficiently developed the views of those who advocated it. It was idle to suppose we could contend with G. Britain on the seas, and the true interpretation was to resist France and coalesce with the British; such is the only inference to be drawn from the gentleman's arguments.
The gentleman had told us of his disposition to resist, and spoke of the payment of tribute as a thing not likely to happen. Merchants will not go to France, because they will go to confiscation, and therefore will not pay the duties imposed by the British. Merchants (said Mr. A.) will be controlled by their interests; and whilst they can find their way to the continent of Europe, which, in defiance of the decrees of France, they had been enabled to do, they will pursue the trade if it be lucrative, let it be subjected to what tribute it may. Raise the embargo, and if there is no other channel for trade than through British ports, merchants would pursue that.
Mr. Allston had hoped, as the gentleman to whom he adverted was the representative of a commercial state, he would have given a commercial view of the subject; that he would have pointed out some ports, to which, in case of raising the embargo, we might trade; but this he had not done; preferring to dwell upon vague and indefinite views of the subject, telling us of some superior, controlling power, of a voice louder than that of congress! Had it, indeed, come to that? After having opposed the embargo in its origin, and endeavored to arrest it at every turn, members now rise and say that it cannot be enforced! that the people will seek their customary trade notwithstanding the prohibitions of the law! What a picture was this to hold out to foreign nations!
The gentleman (said Mr. A.) has called upon a colleague of mine, and cautioned him against invoking the spirit of '76, and had read passages from the declaration of independence explanatory of the reasons for our resisting G. Britain at that period. What were we to infer from the introduction of such allusions at this time? It appeared like an intimation that as we had resisted British aggressions then, that we would now succumb. It could hardly be viewed in any other light.
We had been told that the voice of the country was against the embargo. This was a singular assertion. The result of the meeting at Salem (a place in the gentleman's vicinity) and the speech of Mr. Gray, a merchant of intelligence, and of great eminence, had expressed a different sentiment; and Mr. A. was astonished that the gentleman should say that the whole country was in favor of a repeal.
Mr. Allston called the attention of gentlemen to the printed memorials which had been just laid on their desks, and which had been presented at a former session. They were from the leading merchants of the country; and what doctrine did they advocate? They complained of the interruption of our carrying trade and the violations practised upon our neutral commerce. In conformity to their solicitations, government had pursued the measures suggested; and now gentlemen ask us to turn about and retrace our steps. No, sir, this nation never will submit. A minister extraordinary had been required to be sent to G. Britain; this had been done, and negotiation had
been exhausted. He hoped the house was not now prepared to retrograde. If the embargo (said Mr. A.) were at this time a question before the house, I would offer some reasons in favor of its continuance. It might hereafter become a question, and he should be willing to take it off whenever he was persuaded the nation would reap more advantages from its abrogation than its existence.
Mr. Bacon said he had on a former occasion refrained from troubling the house with any observations concerning the embargo, because he had considered that the subject was in abler hands than his. At such a crisis as this he conceived that there ought to be more of action and less of argument; more of decision and less of declamation. He still considered the subject in abler hands, and he still considered that action and decision would be preferable to argument and declamation, and he thought that those who amused this house and the people with long speeches would not best have subserved the interests of the nation. But although he condemned the prevailing fashion, he considered himself in some measure excused for his present intrusion upon the patience of the committee inasmuch as he had yesterday been particularly alluded to by his colleague, (Mr. Quincy,) and because he felt it to be his duty to endeavor to rescue the committee who made the report from the imputation attempted to be cast upon them for the sentiments which it contained. The speech of his colleague was evidently prepared with great care and deliberation—the arguments selected with skill and arranged with art; and was in truth, such a speech, as ought not to be answered, if he might use the phrase, ore tenus . Indeed, although he had taken pretty copious notes, he did not feel himself sufficiently prepared, from want of time for reflection to unravel and expose it. His colleague had said the first resolution should have his sanction, because it contained a specific pledge that new measures should be pursued; why then did he attack that resolution? If his object was answered by it, why did he not let it pass without opposition? The gentleman refuted his own argument, and on this point he answered himself. He could only account for his conduct on the supposition that he thought the game in full view, and could not be satisfied unless he were in at the death, and assisted to demolish so odious a monster as the embargo—or, perhaps he had treasured up in his memory the choicest arguments against that measure, had his speech ripe and restive for utterance, and could not bear the idea that the house and the nation should lose the benefit of it. To use the language of the day, the gentleman had taken the embargo off its feet; he had assailed it before its time. But the reason alleged by his colleague for going so largely into the question was, that the report which preceded the resolution recommended the continuance of the embargo. This was totally a mistake. The report made no specific recommendation of the embargo. It had been drawn with special care to leave that point open. Mr. B. might be mistaken in his understanding of the language of the report, but he would read a paragraph, from which a determinate judgment might be formed. (Here Mr. Bacon read as follows:)
"It appears unnecessary to pursue any further the examination of propositions, which the difficult situation of the U. States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more inadmissible, or impracticable as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it is between a continued suspension of commerce and a war with both England and France—but the choice must ultimately be made between the two, and it is important that we should be prepared for either the one or the other."
Was the gentleman authorized from this language to say, that the embargo is recommended in the report? The report applies to either alternative; and therefore his reason utterly fails him. As, therefore, the embargo was not recommended in the report, and was not before the house, his colleague in making his long speech had leaped before he came to the hedge—his observations did not apply. Mr. Bacon did not wonder that the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Lyon,) had strayed in his speech yesterday from the subject; he was not a professional man, but his colleague was schooled in nice distinctions, was acquainted with the whole art of special pleadings, was a man of divisions and subdivisions, who made war upon verbs and adverbs. The gentleman had told us that the report contained principles loathsome to the nation; but he had not pointed out what part of the report was loathsome; he had not put his finger upon any particular passage that was so. Was it this passage said Mr. B. (here Mr. Bacon read as follows:)
"For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country, or against his country?"
Was this the part of the report which was loathsome and disagreeable to the nation? Mr. B. hoped not. As the gentleman had made no specific reference, it was not for him to divine what portion of the report he adverted to; his colleague had been cautious to confine himself to general allegations, and although he had at the commencement of his speech inveighed against abstract legislation, as the resort of the weak or the ignorant, the gentleman himself had recourse to that very mode, and to avoid detection dealt only in general denunciation.
Mr. Bacon was glad to hear, however, that that quarter, the acknowledgment that orders of Great Britain are an infringement of our rights. He hoped all the clamor of a contrary tendency would now be put down under the high authority of his colleague. His colleague had said, also, that he is averse to submission; yet, in the newspaper style proves that the embargo is submission. But how is the fact? Take the gentleman on his own ground, and he proves the reverse. He tells you that by your embargo you co-operate with France to compress Great Britain. Well, sir, is not that, then, resistance to the British? If we compress her do not we resist her? He has also said that the embargo co-operates with Great Britain to the injury of France: Here, again, sir, he admits that we resist France, because if it co-operates with G. Britain to the injury of France, it is very
evident that we resist her. Does not the gentleman himself prove the correctness of these conclusions? Has he not fully substantiated what he so laboriously attempted to controvert! The mode of our resistance, many, indeed, square with the policy of each of the belligerents in some degree; but this was unavoidable; for let you adopt what measure you will against either of the belligerents it will, necessarily, coincide in some respect with the views of the other.
The gentleman seemed to be impressed with the notion that there was only one mode of resistance, and that unless we had recourse to the sword there was no resistance in the case. Mr. Bacon referred to the several species of animals, each of which had its respective mode of defence and assault. Because, said he, Great Britain makes war with cannon and France with the bayonet, is there to be no other kind of resistance? In the capture of fortresses, some are taken by storm, some by siege and by cutting off supplies. Why may we not, therefore, pursue the latter mode, and by withholding necessaries of life from our enemy, induce him to do us justice?
The gentleman had taken upon himself to answer for Massachusetts. I am (said Mr. B.) astonished! I protest, sir, against his authority in that respect as it regards Massachusetts, much more as it relates to New England at large. It is true, that in that quarter it is the general wish that the embargo could be removed; it is also my ardent wish that it should be raised if it can be done consistently with the maintenance of our rights. Whether it were better to raise it at the present moment or not is a question which no candid, considerate man in Massachusetts has decided: they rely on government—they know government has no interest in continuing the embargo, and that the moment it can be taken off with safety and propriety it will be done. He did not mean to say the embargo was a popular measure in New England; but that the idea did not prevail that it ought to be taken off at all events. Whatever might be the result, he was confident the people of New England would acquiesce and cheerfully carry all suitable measures into effect. The gentleman had spoken of the great enchanter, and had asserted that the members of the house (not to use precisely his own expression) are a parcel of bedlamites. I recollect (said Mr. B.) something in Holy Writ, where it had been said to a reverend personage that too much learning had made him mad; but the madness was on the other side. Does the gentleman mean to insinuate that this house is guided by an improper influence; that it is under a spurious control? Such allegations ought not to be made. The clamor that the ocean was about to be abandoned ought to be hushed—the alarm ought no more to go forth. Mr. Bacon was sorry to see such representations sanctioned by any gentleman who had the honor of a seat on that floor.
With respect to the tragical effects of the embargo, and the allusion which his colleague had made to his travels through Massachusetts, I can tell him (said Mr. Bacon) that I have once or twice travelled from the seaboard to the extreme western frontier, and am enabled to say that the picture drawn by the gentleman is overcharged. He had not seen the cities deserted, nor the grass growing in the streets, nor the inhabitants starving. He had indeed seen industry at a stand, he had seen ships lying at the wharves: But he had found the merchants not complaining at the sacrifice, but rather in general approving the policy of the embargo. He had conversed with merchants, and seen their representations in print on the subject, and his colleague had doubtless seen them too. On the great subject which at present agitated the nation, there was as much unanimity as could be expected; public opinion was not entirely unanimous; but certainly as much so as it had ever been on any question of similar moment.
Mr. Bacon did not pretend to say there did not exist much embarrassment among all classes. The fact was too broad to be denied; the wound too deep to be overlooked. But in representing the case, there had been much deception, much delusion. The calamities of our present situation were compared with a situation of profound peace, when the commerce of the U. States had a free scope. This was altogether un candid. Will any gentleman say that if any other mode had been pursued towards the belligerents evils equally oppressive would not have accrued? The true comparison lies between the present system of government and a course of actual war, and not between the embargo and peace. Will any one say that the loss and suffering has been as great under the embargo as they would have been during a similar period of war? The gentleman says imperatively that the embargo must be repealed. And what are his reasons? Extraordinary, indeed! Because it cannot be enforced; because the violators cannot be rendered odious much longer. If such an argument was to influence this house, Mr. Bacon believed it would be for the first time. That dissatisfaction prevailed, Mr. Bacon did not pretend to deny; but was it to be wondered at? Was it strange there should be dissatisfaction, when such uncommon pains were taken to excite it? To goad on opposition to the government, not only by anonymous paragraphs, but by honorable gentlemen of this house! Opinions were circulated that the people of the south were hostile to commerce, and thought it not worth pursuing. Honorable gentlemen, returning from this house: had by their personal observations corroborated such sentiments. He was sorry such was the fact; but it could not be denied. Was it singular that dissatisfaction should prevail, when such ideas were inculcated from places of authority? A newspaper had yesterday fallen into his hands, which contained an extract of a letter from Washington city, which was enough to stir the people up to resistance; even to the shedding of blood. The paper he alluded to was the 'Reporter,' and parts of the extracts he would read. (Having read them, he went on.)
Well, gentlemen talk of uneasiness under the embargo laws! And yet such pains are taken to create it. Surely it is not then strange that some dissatisfaction should exist.
The gentleman had said there was a superior influence and that we could not control nature. He ought to have been more
explicit. Such language was mysterious, and ought not to be thrown out without an exposition of the specific meaning. Surely in such a case there could be no extraneous control which could influence the determinations of this house, or by which in the proper regulation of national affairs it could be rightfully checked.
It is said that you cannot shortly render infractions of the law odious. And wherefore? Because the temptation was too strong. Indeed! Mr. B. from what he understood of ethics, had always considered that virtue was not virtue before it was tried; neither was patriotism really such until it was tested. What made a thief, if it were not temptation? And would it be said the thief was not viewed as a worthless castaway because the thing he had stolen had tempted him to the deed? The gentleman had said that patriotism did not work in this way; that it would, to be sure, shed its blood for the welfare of the country, but when you touched the pocket it rebelled. Really! Was this the patriotism of merchants? He hoped not. He thought it a libel on their character. Genuine patriotism, he believed, would give up its property as well as blood for the vindication of national rights.
It was surprising (Mr. B. observed) that his colleague should at this time controvert the constitutionality of the embargo. Whatever others might have said, from that gentleman he had expected silence on that point after a solemn decision had been given in favor of its constitutionality by a judicial tribunal, inasmuch as gentlemen of his known sentiments had generally contended for the infallibility of judicial determinations. But, said the gentleman, the decision of the judiciary is one thing—the popular decision another. This was quite extraordinary. Does my colleague (said Mr. B.) appeal from the judiciary to the people? He had heard of a similar appeal in the case of a foreign minister, but he had not expected his colleague would follow the example.
Mr. B. controverted the assertion of his colleague respecting the difference between the spirit of '76 and that of the present day, and in support of the consonance of the temper of the two periods, read several extracts from certain patriotic regulations agreed upon in '74 and '75. And, as the sword was said to have been relied on in '76, he hoped the sword, when necessary, would be resorted to again. With respect to tribute, which it had been said was out of question, so far from its being put out of view, it ought to be placed in front. Mr. B. adverted to the practice of forged or simulated papers to prove the practice of trading to the continent of Europe in defiance of the French decrees; and observed that if the embargo were raised the merchants of this country would carry on similar trade, and consequently pay the tribute to G. Britain; for if the temptation were so strong in this country as to induce our citizens to violate positive laws as the gentleman had said, the temptation would be equally strong after their arrival in British ports to contravene by illicit practices the decrees of Bonaparte.
Alluding to the remarks of Mr. Quincy that the gentlemen of the minority were wringing their hands, not knowing what to do although the course was so plain, Mr. Bacon said the gentleman had really exhibited more than his usual modesty; that there had been occasions on which he had not been so diffident. If the way were so plain, it would be kind in the gentleman to point it out; and that he ought not, from a principle of pride, and because it would aid the government, to withhold the revelation of it.
But, said Mr. Bacon, I can hardly give the gentleman full credit for his professions of diffidence. I view his observations as being made with great skill, and much cunning and address had been manifested by him in keeping his plan behind the curtain. But at all events the gentleman ought to come out, and it was desirable that he should be ferreted from his lurking hole. If there is a grand specific, we ought to know it; and I now call upon him, said Mr. B. in the name of the nation, to come out with his project.
THURSDAY, DEC. 1.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The House again in committee of the whole; the first resolution under consideration in the following words.
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France.
The question was taken on the resolution, and CARRIED new con. The second resolution having been read in the following words:
Resolved, that it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the U. States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other of the belligerent powers having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States; and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
Mr. Randolph called for a division of the resolution, taking the question on each clause of it separately.
The question was taken on the first clause, ending with the words "U. S."—CARRIED without opposition.
The second clause was AGREED TO by the committee, eighty four to twenty-one.
The third resolution, in the following words, having been read:
Resolved, that measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence. The resolution was agreed to without opposition. The committee then rose and reported the resolutions to the house. The first resolution was read. Mr. Dana moved to insert between the words to and
the in the third line of the resolution the words "abandon the navigation of the ocean in consequence of the."—Negatived, by Yeas and Nays, 96 to 26. A discussion arose on a point of order, which occupied the house till 4 o'clock, when they adjourned. [Details hereafter.]
FRIDAY, DEC. 2.
Mr. Lewis, from the committee on the affairs of the district of Columbia, reported a bill, incorporating a company for opening a canal in the city of Washington.
Mr. Newton, from the committee on commerce and manufactures, reported a bill authorizing the president to employ 12 additional revenue cutters. [This bill was some days since recommitted to that committee for want of an appropriation clause, which is now added.] The bill was accompanied by a report of the secretary of the treasury on the subject. Referred to a committee of the whole.
A message received yesterday from the president of United States, was read. It was accompanied by a report of the surveyor of the public buildings, laid on the table.
Mr. Gardenier, presented some farther petitions from the electors of Ontario county, N. York, praying for a repeal of the embargo laws. Referred to the embargo committee.
The debate on the appeal made yesterday from the Speaker's decision was resumed. Some observations were made in favour of the appeal by Messrs J. Montgomery, and Macon, and in support of the Speaker's decision by Messrs. Key, Dawson and Troup, the question was taken, and the speaker's decision, (which is in conformity with the decision of the house last year) was affirmed 101 to 18.
Debate on the main question was then resumed. The main question is, on concuring with the committee of the whole house in the following resolution:
Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a surrender of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of France and Great Britain.
It was spoken to by Messrs. Rhea, Upham, G. W. Jackson, and Lyon. Mr. Jackson spoke more than two hours. The house adjourned without a decision.
PHILADELPHIA, November 29.
Those who have been accustomed to read the Aurora, cannot be unprepared or taken by surprise, unless they shut up their understandings. We now repeat, more close to the point of consummation, predictions made more than two years ago. The British government are determined that we must take one or the other alternative—
SUBMISSION TO HER ROYAL PROCLAMATIONS, AND PAYMENT OF TRIBUTE, OR W. A. R.
Let no man deceive himself by incredulity—let not the vipers in the bosom of society poison it—nor lull the people into false security; we might aver that the missives of war are already prepared, which are to speak this language in our ears.
As in 1774, people of America, buckle on your armor early, and prepare to meet the foe of your early prosperity and of your glory—your liberty and independence. (Aurora.)
BALTIMORE, Nov. 30.
We publish the following article from the Eastern Argus, printed in Portland, in the district of Maine. Comment is here unnecessary; it however tends to corroborate the article copied from the Aurora of yesterday, which speaks in positive terms that Great Britain is determined to conquer the stubborn, independent disposition of her former colonists. Now we again repeat, "Columbians, prepare for the worst."
BRITISH OUTRAGE & MURDER!!
By several gentlemen from the Eastward, we learn that a British armed schooner landed a number of men on an island near Castine, where a quantity of Flour had been deposited, over which a guard had been set by the Collector. The Englishmen fired upon the guard, KILLED one man by the name of Laurens, and sunk him in the stream; took another Prisoner, and carried off the Flour!—Upon information given to the collector, he employed a vessel and a number of Volunteers, who sailed in pursuit of the Englishmen, and found them at anchor in Fox-Island-thoro-fare (so called.) The Englishmen instantly cut their cables and crowded all sail; but were soon overhauled, vessel and crew taken, and carried to Castine, where they were under examination on Friday last, when our informant left that place.
December 1.
The ship Betsey, Washbourne, from Liverpool for Philadelphia, put into Hampton Roads last Sunday for water and provisions. A gentleman that was passenger, landed, and arrived here this morning from Norfolk. We learn that he left Liverpool on the 1st of Oct. he brought London papers to the 27th of September which he left at Norfolk.—There was no news of moment.
Sir William Scott had been despatched to Portugal, on an object un-

known, but which gave rise to a variety of conjectures respecting the convention, &c.
GEORGE TOWN, Dec. 3.
The question was yesterday taken in the Senate, on Mr. Hillhouse's resolution for the repeal of the embargo, and lost—ayes 6—nays 26. Ayes Messrs. Gilman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Lloyd Pickering, & White. Mr. Gilman is the only democrat who voted in the affirmative.
Washington Federalist.
ELIZABETH-CITY, Nov. 26.
Extract of a letter from Lemuel Sawyer, Esq. member of Congress, to Messrs. Carter, Butler, Grice and Gregory, merchants in this City, dated
Washington, Nov. 10, 1808.
"WE have just got thro' with the reading of the dispatches from Messrs. Pinkney and Armstrong, which accompanied the President's message. They consist of a regular series of letters, part of which were private extracts, and being confidential were read with closed doors. I cannot give you a thorough sketch in the compass of a letter; but the sum of these communications is that both powers have been trifling and prevaricating with our envoys; but were determined not to relax in their monopolising and anti-neutral measures in a single degree. I don't know which to admire most the talents or the spirit of our ministers. They discovered a share of both highly honorable to themselves and to their government. They however seem to differ with regard to the policy of the measures of our government, particularly the Embargo. Armstrong thinks the value of the measure entirely over rated; that we ought to think of some other weapons than important words; and recommends an armed commerce. His notes to Champagne in regard to some captures under the Milan decree, are severe in the extreme, though equally just. Pinkney considers the policy of the embargo, unquestionable and that it must have its desired effect. His letter of the 21st September on that subject gives a most able and luminous exposition of the true line of conduct we should observe towards England. He advises the continuation of the Embargo and a total non-intercourse in the strongest terms. He condemns the idea of any attempt to open any trade with Spain and Portugal in the present state of affairs. Thinks it would return no equivalent advantage: That it would create an envious distinction between our various productions: Some of the states furnishing articles suitable and the others not: That the trade would have to go through the hands of England and then involve us with France; and that by the time our ships and cargoes made their entry into those kingdoms Bonaparte would be in a situation to enforce his decrees against them, and expose us to the charges of cupidity and insatiable avarice. He thinks there is no doubt but that Bonaparte will carry his point before that time, and advises us above all things to adhere to our present system. He declares that it pinches England very hard notwithstanding they pretended not to feel it.—Their harvest is cut short, their raw materials nearly exhausted, and that they are merely buoyed up with the forlorn hope that we were incapable of a longer self-denial. Another fact he mentioned, not immediately connected with the subject was their shipping off large quantities of cloths to Canada, for the purpose of being smuggled into the U. States. Both of their opinions will be espoused by different persons on the floor; but that those of Pinkney will prevail I have not a doubt. His being on the spot, and being thought a federalist in politics will render them free from the suspicion of prejudice or error by his own party. They will be published, I trust, for your information, when you will be able to judge for yourselves. In the general scope, of my conduct I shall endeavour to support the peace, without forfeiting the honor of the nation, and shall be particularly attentive to any local advantage that may occur for relieving the present privations of our district, by proposing some means to get off our present heavy stock of produce to the West Indies, all of which you shall have timely notice."
"Being engaged at present on consideration of a resolution offered by Mr. Chittenden to repeal the embargo, I have troubled my private secretary pro tem. to copy my original letter, of which this is a correct copy."
JOHN STAPLES, of Buckingham County, will be a Candidate before the General Assembly, for the Register's Office. Richmond, 28th Nov. 1808. 2
Bills of Lading
For sale at the Office of the Argus.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1808.
VIRGINIA:
General Assembly, begun and holden at the Capitol, in the City of Richmond, on Monday the fifth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight, and of the Commonwealth the thirty third:
On which day, being the day appointed by law for the meeting of the General Assembly, some of the members of the House of Delegates as appeared, having taken the oaths prescribed by law, took their seats in the house, and a majority of the whole number being present;
Ordered, That James Pleasants be appointed clerk to this house.
Mr. Walker, one of the delegates for the county of Mecklenburg, reminded the house of the necessity of proceeding to the choice of a Speaker, and recommended Hugh Nelson esq. one of the delegates from the county of Albemarle, as a person who had given evidence of his fitness and ability to discharge the duties of that office; and he was seconded in the nomination by Mr. Wyatt, one of the delegates from the county of Charlotte.
Whereupon, Resolved, unanimously, that the said Hugh Nelson be appointed Speaker to this house; who being conducted to the chair, made his acknowledgements to the house for the honor conferred upon him.
Ordered, That Henry Moss be appointed sergeant at arms to this house.
Ordered, That William Drinkard, Edward Clarke, Anthony Davis and Henry Southall, jr. be appointed Door-Keepers to this house.
On Motion, Ordered, That a writ of election issue to the County of Essex, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Carter Wood, one of the delegates from the said county, returned to serve in this present General Assembly.
On Motion, Ordered, That a writ of election issue to the County of Montgomery, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of John McHenry, one of the delegates from the said county returned to serve in this present General Assembly.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "concerning an election to be held for the County of Amherst"—and that Messrs. Cabell, R. Stanard, Barbour, Jones (of Nottoway) and Mallory do prepare and bring in the same.
Resolved, That when this house adjourns to day, it will adjourn 'till to-morrow 12 o'clock.
And then the house adjourned 'till to-morrow 12 o'clock.
MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
The federalists are making a considerable out-cry against the letter which was lately published, as coming from Mr. Coles, the President's secretary, and addressed to his brother in this place. The Public Ledger of Norfolk, contains the following remark—"We do not say that Mr. Jefferson would countenance any deception of this sort; and Mr. Coles (the secretary) no doubt, thought and believed as he wrote, but Mr. Jefferson was fortunate to sell at that time!" Here the editor, with all his ambiguity, found it impossible to disguise the temper of his mind, and the design of his attack. "Mr. Jefferson was fortunate to sell at that time!" We presume if it shall appear that Mr. Jefferson was not indebted to the circumstance of this letter, for the fortunate sale of his tobacco, that even this federal Apollo will forbear to say any thing more upon the subject. It is very possible that our market might have felt a considerable impulse from this letter, but we state, from the very best authority, that the gentleman who purchased this tobacco, and who, e fauces unum, is a worthy and independent federalist, declares, that at the time of his purchase, he knew nothing about such a letter, and that his mind was not at all swayed by its influence. This fact, we suppose, will of itself be sufficient to dissipate every thing like suspicion from every mind that is not predetermined to believe that Mr. J. is guilty of every possible charge which malevolence or folly may alledge. We presume that this publication could not have been intended to injure Mr. C. as he is invested with no official powers, and of course, subject to no corresponding responsibility. In common with his fellow citizens, he has a right to form his opinions, and to draw his inferences from the posture of affairs, which he has also a right to communicate. Lest, however, some official authenticity might, from his situation, be attached to his letter, we are undoubtedly assured that it was never intended to meet the public eye, and that he was extremely surprised to see it in print. Notwithstanding the stimulus which was excited in the market, and which has been so highly exaggerated by the federal papers, we believe it to be a fact, that Mr. Coles did not dispose of his produce. "Let slander then, henceforth be still, For truth prevails and always will."
* A correct statement of the other facts attending this affair, was presented in the last Enquirer.
JOHN RANDOLPH.
This gentleman has already commenced his system of embarrassment, in order, if possible, to injure the executive. We unfeignedly wish that all the correspondence which has taken place between our government and its ministers, could be presented to the people. We are no friends to unnecessary injunctions of secrecy, for we feel the most perfect confidence, that if these papers were published, they would add to the lustre of the administration. There are
certain circumstances, and certain times, when communications of this sort should not be made public, not because the people ought not to see them, but the different foreign powers to whom they relate. The measures which such communications might recommend and require, would be defeated, most probably, by their publicity: and, perhaps, it might be indispensably necessary, to take some precautionary steps. Who knows but what this may be the case? A minister at a foreign court, in order to give a full and minute view of our relations, and the state of the country, may sometimes make remarks, which, if published, would destroy all hope of accommodation, and might, perhaps, in these eventful times, bring himself in jeopardy.
At a time like the present, so full of danger, embarrassment and novelty, we had fondly hoped that prejudice would give way to candor, and ill-tempered opposition to fair and liberal discussion. That the feelings of exasperated vanity, and that even the still more dreadful effects of mortified ambition would all be dismissed and forgotten at the altar of public good. We could not expect nor indeed are we so extravagant as to wish that opposition should entirely cease. But when we observe that it is conducted by a temper of open hostility and with charges of the most illiberal character, we can but express our most unfeigned surprise. To argue is one thing—To abuse is another—The first is the evidence of independence, and the last of determined resentment. The question is not now what party shall prevail, but whether our country shall surrender and submit. It is immaterial to what party an individual is attached—To the Jeffersonian or the Federal—The Madisonian or the Monroe, provided he will rally round the standard of his country in the hour of danger.
That this hour is upon us every body agrees, and most imperiously demands our unanimity and our confidence in the government. Every person almost is acquainted with the impressions which have been made upon the cabinet of G. Britain by the clamors of some of our disaffected brethren and the riotous spirit of the East. Every symptom of distrust and every effort to injure the administration is to them additional evidence of our want of virtue and firmness, and that we shall ultimately be forced from our own disorders to abandon the fort of our independence and to capitulate upon any terms they may please to prescribe. Unanimity then in support of a national measure of defence under circumstances like these is due from every American. The Presidential election is near at hand, and they will soon learn that their calculations upon a different and more polite and accommodating system of conduct are as false as they are insulting. And they will likewise soon be convinced that that false negotiorum of our late ministers was not more offensive to the executive than it has been to the people.
They will instantly infer from the election that as a people we are firm and decided, and as a neutral nation we are determined to maintain those rights which be long to us. It is only necessary to ensure the truth of these calculations to express our warmest approbation and our undiminished confidence in the administration. So long however as they are cheered with separatist vapours and that mercantile cupidity which vapours about secession rather than no trade, we may be assured that they will play our own game upon us and punish themselves in order to produce a higher punishment upon us.
We disdain intolerance, but we cannot forbear to express our surprise that any native born citizen should endeavor to give the character of mismanagement and pusillanimity to our government. That there are persons of this description our public papers daily establish and that these papers are carefully dispatched beyond the water there can be no doubt. In contemplating the state of parties we can but admit with readiness that there are honest advocates on all sides, and that among the federalists there are some republicans of the genuine stamp of '76—There are others however who suffer their passion or disappointment to mislead them, but from neither of this description of men do we anticipate that hostility to the administration which will impede a successful adjustment of our embarrassments. We most ardently wish that the violence of opposition which engenders hatred and obstinate determination was extinguished. We had hoped and believed that the Monroe partisans would be the very last to cherish this dangerous flame, that they would even under the pangs of disappointment adhere to the text which they have so often preached as one of the most beautiful in the political decalogue—that the will of the majority should govern.
BUT LOOK AT THIS!
From the SPIRIT of '76.
"THE REPORT."
"The report of the Congressional committee, which we published in our last, we forbore to express our sentiments upon, nor shall we at present offer any other remark, than barely to observe that (notwithstanding the applause it has met with) it furnishes, in our opinion, the most conclusive evidence of the unhappy predicament into which we have been brought by a feeble, temporising, pea-plucking, (as was remarked to us a few days since by an old revolutionary) kind of policy. Had men more wise and firm been at the head of our affairs, our present situation would have been infinitely more eligible. Whilst we are far from being insensible to the shameful and unjustifiable aggressions that have been committed upon us both by Great Britain and France, we are not unconscious of the mismanagement and pusillanimity of our own government. We are firmly convinced that it is high time the helm of government was committed to men of more enlightened policy and acknowledged firmness."
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress, to the Editor, dated, Washington, December 3d, 1808.
"The resolution proposed in the Senate for a repeal of the several embargo laws, which had been under discussion for a considerable time, was rejected yesterday by a vote of 25 to 5. The subject
has been under discussion in the House of Representatives, rather irregularly, on the report of their select committee on foreign relations. The debate is still going on in that way, and I believe the several resolutions reported by that committee will be ultimately adopted by the House by a very considerable majority—the committee of the whole having already agreed to them.
"It may therefore, be easily perceived what will be the predominating policy of the legislature on this important subject."
IN COUNCIL.
Monday, November 28, 1808.
The Governor and Council, pursuant to the first section of the act of assembly "to amend an act, intitled an act to amend an act intitled an act, for appointing electors to choose a President and Vice President of the U. States," having examined the returns from the commissioners of the several counties appointed and commissioned in conformity with the directions of the aforesaid act of assembly, do hereby advertise and make known, that the names and places of abode of the twenty four persons having the greatest number of votes throughout the state as Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, for the state of Virginia, are as follows, viz:
Joseph Godwin, sen. Nansemond. Benjamin Harrison, Prince George. Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie. Richard Field, Brunswick. Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte. Joseph Eggleston, Amelia. Hugh Nelson, Albemarle. Col. George Penn, Patrick. Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City. Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover. John Roane, King William. Robert Taylor, Orange. Gustavus B. Horner, Fauquier. Robert Nelson, York. Mann Page, Gloucester. Richard Barnes, Richmond County. John T. Brooke, Stafford. Hugh Holmes, Frederick. Osborne Sprigge, Hampshire. James Allen, Shenandoah. Archibald Stuart, Augusta. Andrew Russell, Washington. Gen. John Preston, Montgomery. William McKinley, Ohio.
Attest, DANL. L. HYLTION, Clerk of the Council.
COMMUNICATION.
The following letter from the Governor to Col. Renno, removes a doubt which it seems is entertained by many. Its publication, therefore, may be of public utility.—It is therefore hoped it may find a place in your paper.
Richmond, December 3d, 1808.
Sir, I have received your letter of the 28th of last month, stating certain doubts which had arisen on the construction of the General Orders of the 9th of November, and have now to inform you, that although the drafts and six month volunteers under the requisition of 1807, are discharged from all obligations growing out of that requisition, the law itself having expired under which the requisition was made, yet they are by no means exempt from the obligation of being liable in common with their fellow-citizens, to be drafted under the present requisition.
I am, &c. Wm. H. CABELL.
Col. Enoch Renno, 36th } Regt. Dumfries. }
Richmond Theatre.
In consequence of the badness of the weather on Saturday evening, Mr Alarcon has postponed the performance until this evening (Tuesday, December 6.) when he will perform
Rohe Dancing, Tumbling, Pantomimes, Italian Shades, &c. &c.
Which will be explained in the bill His exertions and zeal will be exerted to merit public patronage.
Performance will commence at 7 o'clock. Admittance half a dollar.
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to Edward P. Chamberlayne, now deceased, and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure and satisfy sundry debts due by the said James B. Littlepage to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge, together with expenses of this trust, which said deed is duly recorded in the County Court of King William, I shall on Wednesday the 8th of March, 1809, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain Tract or Parcel of LAND, lying and being in the Parish of St. Johns, and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmers, containing by estimation, four hundred and fifteen Acres of High Land and one hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Cusis, and John Quarles, dec. and Matapony River. Bernard Lipscomb.
December 5th, 1808. wdts
WILLIAM COWAN, WATCH MAKER,
AT the shop heretofore Capt. William Richardson's, has for sale, a general assortment of
Watches, Jewellery, Silver and Plated Ware, Consisting of English and French Watches, Time-pieces, Minature settings, mourning and fancy Lockets & Breast Pins, mourning, fancy and plain finger and ear Rings, Bracelets, Neck clasps, pins, ornamented and coral Necklace, ladies plain and ornamented Combs, gold, gilt, steel, hair and silk Watch Chains, gold, gilt, pebble and glass Seals, gold, gilt, and steel Keys, gold and silver Saddle Buttons and Studs, table, desert, gravy, caudle, tea and sal. Spoons, soup, toddy and butter Ladies, Sugar Tongs, silver and plated Casters and Salts, Candle sticks, Snuffers and Snuffer Trays, Scissors, Scissor Chains and Cases, thimbles, pencil cases, fruit knives, plain and paste knee buckles, spectacles, sword knots, pocket books, sugar and snuff boxes, dressing combs, morocco pocket and ring cases, &c. &c. &c. N. B. Watches and clocks of every description, neatly repaired.
Richmond, December 5, 1808. 3w
THE SUBSCRIBER WISHING TO CONTINUE HIS School in Milton,
The ensuing year, is desirous to obtain 15 or 20 boys between ten and sixteen years of age. He will undertake to teach the English language grammatically, Arithmetic, Geography, including the use of the Globes, the French language, the Rudiments of the Latin, Composition and Elocution. An examination of his pupils, which will take place during the session, will afford parents who may intrust to his care the education of their sons, the fairest opportunity of judging of his disposition and ability to perform the duties of the profession he has selected. He shall therefore only add, that probably no person ever engaged in the business of education, with a more ardent desire to render himself useful, or impelled by stronger motives to merit the patronage he solicits. The school will be opened on the second Monday in January next.
The terms of board, including tuition, house rent and fuel, are one hundred dollars per annum, payable quarterly in advance. MINOR M. COSBY. December 2, 1808. 2
M. Cosby was my pupil for two years, (1806 and 1807,) during which time, his attention was assiduously and successfully directed to those studies best calculated to prepare him for the profession he has selected. It is my opinion that he is amply qualified to teach the different branches of elementary literature and science stated in his advertisement. I add, with unfeigned satisfaction, that I have never known a young man better qualified by the tenderness and patience of his temper, by the bland sweetness and steadiness of his manners, to perform the arduous and delicate duties of an instructor, & to reconcile, so far as they are compatible, the happiness of youth with their improvement. I hope what I have written will be considered not as the tribute of friendship, but as a debt of justice; not as an eulogium which I was at liberty to withhold, but as a testimonial which he had the fullest right to claim. JAMES OGILVIE.
Sales at Auction.
WILL BE SOLD, On Wednesday next the 7th inst. at the store lately occupied by Mr. B. F. Hantleman, near the Basin, the whole of his Stock in Trade, consisting of a general assortment of Groceries, China and Glass ware. Terms of sale, 60 days credit on all sums above 50 dollars; if approved indorsed notes negotiable in the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. December 5, 1808.
30,000 DOLLARS FOR EIGHT HUNDRED CENTS.
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY, For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River.
Positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next, 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole is concluded. Prizes payable 30 days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
THE CAPITAL PRIZES ARE, 30,000 Dollars, 20,000 Dollars, 10,000 Dollars, 5,000 Dollars, 2,000 Dollars.
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the merican public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS,
Halves, Quarters and Eighths, ARE TO BE HAD AT
G. & R. WAITE'S TRULY-FORTUNATE LOTTERY-OFFICES, No. 64, MAIDEN-LANE, And No. 38, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK,
Where was sold in the LAST New-York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars, No. 20231 10,000 Dollars, No. 25403 5,000 Dollars, No. 20799 Also, No. 20310, a prize of 2,000 Dollars, besides several others of 2,000, 1,000, 500 dollars, &c. &c. And in former New-York Lotteries were sold at the above Offices,
17199 25,000 Dollars 11736 2,000 Dollars 3929 20,000 Dollars 28573 2,000 Dollars 3639 10,000 Dollars 13904 2,000 Dollars 25135 5,000 Dollars 16617 2,000 Dollars 30356 5,000 Dollars 25536 2,000 Dollars 15298 3,000 Dollars 20835 2,000 Dollars And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market Streets, were sold nearly all the Capital Prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following, viz:
6974 30,000 Dollars 1788 1,500 Dollars 15364 15,000 Dollars 1525 1,500 Dollars 7091 10,000 Dollars 7440 1,500 Dollars 6077 5,000 Dollars 14423 1,500 Dollars 19894 1,500 Dollars.
Distant adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters, post paid, directed to WAITE'S Offices, in Baltimore, New-York or Albany, may have tickets and shares returned, by post to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Schemes at large, gratis, and Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed Prize List will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers' Official List of Prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former lotteries taken in payment for tickets in this
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the first of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Tickets and shares, warranted undrawn, may be had at either of G. & R. Waite's Lottery Offices. New-York, October 23, 1808. ihf
Fifa & Casa Executions, For sale at this office.

Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment.
THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the community & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibson, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808.
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.
SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting-Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements. For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garrett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort, June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATTRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808
FOR SALE,
On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse LATE the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pili Box, by Pantaloon. Also A FILLY, 3 years old, by Picephalus, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is untried, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler. Green Way, Sept. 5, 1808.
THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT OF THE TRIAL OF A. BURR, Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office.—A few copies for sale. Sept. 27
IN pursuance to a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, due to Samuel Harris, will be exposed for sale, at Jefferson, on the 23d of December next, one MULATTO GIRL, named Priscilla, for cash, which after defraying the expenses of said trust, and the debt specified, the residue if any, to be returned as the law directs.
ALBAN GILPIN, Trustee. Powhatan, Oct. 20th, 1808.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber, the 1st August last, a Negro Fellow, EDMUND, who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known inclined to be of a yellow complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout, active, bony fellow, slop shouldered, his mouth and lips are large and prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 11 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Tullman, dec. and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows.
ED: DILLON. Prince Edward, 24th Oct. 1808.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer September 8, 1808.
For Sale,
Twenty-five Tons Sweet and American Iron, Eighty Tons of Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs. Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, Amer. can and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes, with our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c.
Richmond, Nov. 3d. 1808. Russell & Wallace.
A Tutor Wanted.
A YOUNG GENTLEMAN who understands the Latin and English languages grammatically, and who unites therewith a competent knowledge of Arithmetic, Geography and the Mathematics, will meet with encouragement on application to the subscribers. To such a character, coming well recommended, a liberal salary will be given by
Joseph Carter, and Joseph Carter, Jr.
Coroloman, Lancaster county, Oct. 29, 1808.
WE, the proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp, on James River, in the county of Chesterfield, hereby warn all persons from hunting, fowling, fishing or entering the said Swamp, from and after the date of this notice, as we are determined to put the utmost rigor of the law in force against all such persons as shall hereafter offend, or enter the said Swamp, without being legally authorized by the proprietors, or some one of them, under hand and seal.
Robert Watkins, Bowler Cocke, Thos. Statten, Proprietors of what is called Martin's Swamp. Chesterfield, Nov. 4, 1808.
Notice is hereby given,
That a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia, by Richard Denny, in behalf of himself and others, to vest in them, certain lands in Monongalia county, belonging to the estate of Capt. James Lang, deceased. Nov. 12, 1808.
To Rent,
THREE Houses on the main street, one between Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and Mr. Manuel Judah, one opposite the Eagle Tavern, now occupied by Mr. Simpson Morris, the other is occupied by Mr. Benjamin Duval, next door to Gallego, Richard & Co's. office; of the two first, possession may be given immediately, and of the other the first of January next. Also, a house situated in the alley, between the street going to Shockoe warehouse and that going to Mayo's Bridge; possession to be had immediately.
JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Oct. 6, 1808.
Notice.
THE ensuing General Assembly will be petitioned to pass a law, authorising the county of Fluvanna to build a toll bridge across the Rivanna river, at the most convenient site, near the town of Columbia, and to alter the road so as to pass by said bridge. Fluvanna, Sept. 30, 1808.
Notice, FOR LEASE OR SALE,
A House with 6 rooms, Well finished, with the necessary offices, and a new garden paled in, situated about 7 miles from Manchester, on the turnpike road, and a good stand for a tavern. With the tenement may be had 100 acres of land adjoining, nearly the whole of which is in timber. Should a person of good character, well qualified for a publican, apply, I would prefer a lease of the premises, and as an encouragement to such an one, I would let it go cheap, or I would sell the same. The terms will be made known, in either case, on application to the subscriber, near the same. William Sowell. Chesterfield county, Oct. 20th, 1808.
Those persons who have put into the hands of James Thompson, late Constable of the City of Richmond, any bonds, notes, or accounts, which are not satisfied, are requested to make application to the subscribers for such claims, on or before the 12th day of December next, after which period, the securities of said Thompson will not consider themselves responsible for any claim after that date. JAMES THOMPSON, RICHARD THOMPSON, JAMES MCCLURE. Richmond, Nov. 21st, 1808.
WE the subscribers, Judges of the General Court, have pursuant to law appointed the Judges of the respective District Courts as follows: Robert White, Jr. and Archibald Stuart, esqrs. to the Districts of Winchester, Hardy and Monongalia court-house; John Tyler and Paul Carrington, Jr. esqrs. to the Districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick courthouse and Suffolk; Richard Parker and Edmund Winston, esqrs. to the Districts of Prince Edward courthouse, Franklin, Washington court-house, and the Sweet Springs in Botetourt county; Joseph Prentis and William Nelson, esqrs. to the Districts of Northumberland, King & Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack courthouses.—And Francis T. Brooke and Hugh Holmes, esqrs. to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket districts at the next succeeding terms thereof. Witness our hands and seals this 11th day of November, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jos. Prentis, (Seal) Jno. Tyler, (Seal) Wm. Nelson, (Seal) Robt. White, Jr. (Seal) Paul Carrington, Jr. (Seal) Francis T. Brooke, (Seal) Published by order of the Judges. WILSON ALLEN, C. C. C.
For Sale,
THAT valuable Plantation, lying in Amelia county, on Fluvanna creek, containing upwards of 900 acres, a considerable quantity of which is very valuable meadow land. If the land is sold, I will dispose of thirty or forty valuable negroes. For terms apply to WILLIAM MURRAY, Grove Brook, 22d Nov. 1808.
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, dec. WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, (and continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable
Tract of Land,
In Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 542 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given.—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land, with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes,
Among which is a valuable blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash—And on Tuesday the sixteenth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the
House and Lot,
In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales.
Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808.
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst, a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair.—He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry. A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't. Infantry. November 23, 1808.
Negroes to be Hired out; and Cattle, Sheep, Horses, Hogs, and Crops to be sold.
ON Thursday the 29th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, will be hired out, for the ensuing year, at Richland, in the county of Mecklenburg,
25 Likely Negroes.
At the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, all the Stock of Cattle, (consisting of seventy or eighty head, among which are several valuable yoke of young steers,) Sheep, Horses and Hogs; about 400 Barrels of Corn, 15 Stacks of Oats, the Crop of Wheat, and all the Plantation Utensils. Twelve months credit will be allowed on all sums exceeding twenty dollars, bonds with good security being given, bearing interest from the date, which interest is to be remitted, in case of punctual payment of the principal. Ten per cent deduction will be made for cash. WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 24th, 1808.
THE subscriber having furnished himself with an elegant assortment of mountains and other materials, begs leave to inform the public that he has commenced the
Cabinet Making Business,
upon an extensive scale, in the house near Shockoe bridge, next door to Samuel Pleasants, Jr's, printing office, where he will keep a constant supply of furniture for sale upon reasonable terms—and where furniture in his line will be made upon the shortest notice, and in the most approved fashions, or upon any model which may be directed. The subscriber will also keep on hand, a constant supply of Fancy and Windsor CHAIRS of all descriptions, for sale upon reasonable terms. CS: M PERRY. Richmond, November 28th, 1808.
N. B. Coach and Sign Painting, done at his shop on the shortest notice and in the very best manner.
Notice.
ALL persons indebted to Robert Hill, dec. and Hill and Read, late of New Canton, and William Hill of New York, either by bond, note, book account, or otherwise, are hereby requested to make arrangements for settlement of the same, on or before 1st January, 1809, with Monerieffe Hill, adm'r. to Robert Hill, dec. or Charles Oakley. New Canton, Oct. 1808.
THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends & former customers, that he is well provided for the accommodation of twenty of the members of the General Assembly, on as good terms as any of the undertakers in his line. Also he can take in as many horses on the most reasonable terms. NATHANIEL WHITE. City Tavern, Richmond, Nov. 24, 1808.
Military Lands
IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds—For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William Du-Val. Buckingham, January 20, 1808.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS, CONTAINING
The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 636 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $3.50 to non-subscribers $6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, by Brett Randolph and David Barrat, which is recorded in the district court of Richmond, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan court house, on Monday the 19th day of December next,
The following Slaves,
to wit: Solomon, Snkey and her child, Arthur and Scipio, or so many thereof as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £308, with interest thereon from the 24th day of April last, and the costs necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution, which sum is due to Messrs. Lyle, Scott and Saunders.
Richard B. Goode. 5th Nov. 1808
WISH TO HIRE a middle aged WOMAN, who understands house business. John Winton. Richmond, Oct. 25, 1808.
Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Susanna Davis, Plaintiff, Against John Tisdale, James Trevillian and Samuel Henson, Defendants. THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by her counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next and answer the plaintiff's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse in this county on some court day. A copy—Teste, Jn. Poindexter, C. L. C.
Buckingham County, September Court, 1808.
Henry Bagby and Peter Guerrant executors of Elizabeth Fearn deceased, Plaintiffs, Against Theoderick Scruggs and William Palmer, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant, Scruggs, is not an inhabitant of this state, it is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before December court next and answer the plaintiffs' bill, the same will then be taken for confessed, as to him, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy, R. Eldridge, jr. D. C.
Buckingham County Oct. Court, 1808.
Daniel and William Guerrant, for the benefit of James Rea and others, their trustees, Plaintiffs, Against Ezekiel Hudnall and Peter Guerrant, Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant, Hudnall, is not an inhabitant of this state, it is ordered and decreed, that unless the said Hudnall shall appear here on or before January court next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy—Teste, R. Eldridge, jr. D. C.
Wanted, on Hire
THE NEXT YEAR, A Man and a Woman servant—the man must be well acquainted with house business generally, and the management of horses—the woman a good cook—both must come well recommended for honesty and sobriety. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 29.
THE subscriber having removed to the houses on Shockoe Hill, formerly occupied by Maj. William Du Val, in a very agreeable part of the city, and contiguous to the Capitol, is prepared and desirous of taking from 15 to 20 Members of the Assembly as boarders during the ensuing session. The greatest attention will be paid to their accommodation. N. B. He has for sale three or four likely young Negroes, two of whom are likely young men. II. Puryear. November 30, 1808.
Virginia, to wit:
At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg the 5th day of July, 1808.
Thomas Wilkinson, surviving husband and administrator of Alice, his late wife, a daughter of William Barrett, deceased, Thomas Hare, surviving husband and administrator of his late wife, Mary, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Peter Wilkinson and Purvis, his wife, another daughter of the said William Barrett, Martha B. Barrett, Nancy or Ann Barrett, and William Barrett, three other children of the said William Barrett, & William Hawkins, administrator of John Graves, Pfs.
AGAINST
Philip Watkins, Frederick Watkins, Samuel Watkins, Reuben Vaughan & Alice his wife, and John E. Bailey, Dft's. THE defendant, Philip Watkins, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the Pfs. by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on or before the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Pfs.; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former capitol in this city. A copy, Anthony Robinson, C. C.
The Grand Lodge OF VIRGINIA
WILL meet, in the Masonic Hall, in this city, at 6 o'clock, in the evening of the second Monday in December next. Nov. 25th, 1808. (idm.)
The celebrated and unrivalled running HORSE, POTOMAC,
(BY DIOMED.) 4 years old last spring, WILL CERTAINLY STAND at my stable in the county of Brunswick, to be let to mares the next season, the terms, &c. will be made known by the 15th of February next, or sooner, at which time the season will commence. B. WILKS. November 29, 1808.
To the Public.
FROM credible information, I am induced to believe that General Ridgely of Maryland, has or intends to challenge, my horse Potomac, with his horse Post Boy, to run 4 miles heat, for Ten Thousand Dollars.—To satisfy that Gentleman, I will meet him on half way ground, and run him 4 miles heat, Potomac against Post Boy, or any horse he may name, agreeable to the rules of New-Market: he the said Ridgely naming his horse fifteen days before the commencement of the race; for said sum of Twenty Thousand Dollars, at any time between this and the first day of January next. B. WILKS. The Editors as far to the northward as Baltimore, will please insert the above for two weeks, and the expense will be paid to their agent in Petersburg. B. W.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, 10 or 15 Young Negroes.
Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808.
TO be sold, on Monday the 12th day of this month, at the late dwelling house of Doct. John Granger, deceased, in this city, on a credit of 12 months (upon all sums over twenty dollars, the purchaser giving bonds with approved security, bearing interest from the date) about twenty very valuable Slaves, among whom are two female cooks, a cooper, house servants, a good coachman and oster, and a man who has been several years engaged in the rope work business! Also all the household and kitchen furniture, a carriage and horses, and several cattle. Wm. C. Williams, Ex'r. of Doct. John Granger, dec'd Richmond, Dec. 2, 1808.
Notice!
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Boyle Brackett, dec. are requested to meet me at Hugh French's Tavern in the upper end of Powhatan County, on Monday the 25th day of December next, and make them known—those indebted to said estate, are once more requested to make payment at the same time. I shall on the same day offer
Several Negroes
for sale, and a few to hire for the ensuing year. Ludwell Brackett. November 24th, 1808.
Notice.
THE subscribers have lately opened store in Mr. Mitchell's brick building near the Market House, where they offer for sale, a general assortment of
GROCERIES,
on moderate terms for cash or country produce. Pulling & Collins. Richmond, Dec. 1, 1808.
Just Published,
And for sale at Jacob Johnson's Book store, adjoining the Market bridge, [Price $4 50] Ainsworth's English and Latin Dictionary, by Thomas Morell.
In the press, and will be published in a few days, GREEK LEXICON and WALKER'S DICTIONARY abridged. Just received, American Foolscap, Hot pressed and Wove LETTER PAPER. The highest price given for all kinds of clean Linen and Cotton RAGS. Richmond, Nov. 13. wtm
Dampier's CARDS,
HAND BILLS,
LAWYERS,
CLERKS & SHERIFFS BLANKS, &c.
ARE NEATLY AND EXPEDITIOUSLY PRINTED AT THE ARGUS OFFICE.