The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-03-25 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 101.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 25, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   Dolls. Cts.     Tobacco, 5 25   Wheat, 1   Flour—superfine, 6 50   fine, 5 75   Corn Meal—per bushel, 13   Bacon—per lb,   Bar Iron—per ton, 120   Whiskey—per gallon, 53  
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday the 29th instant, will be sold at Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale:  A HOUSE & LOT on Shockoe-Hill; the lot containing about one quarter of an acre, forms part of what is commonly called Jackson's Square, and adjoins Mr. William Nice's garden; it is well enclosed, and has a well of excellent water upon it, and its situation is as desirable as any in that part of the town. The house is nearly finished, and well calculated for the comfortable accommodation of a small family. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.  TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. March 7. (law eds.)
Sales at Auction.
Will positively be sold, on Wednesday the 2d April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. on the premises:  THAT beautiful and valuable half acre lot known by the No. 542, and adjoining the lots in front of the residence of Wm. Hay, Esq. Terms of sale, an approved endorsed negotiable note, in the Bank of Virginia, at 60 days.  PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. March 21. (tdf.)
NOTICE,
To those who purchased Tickets on Credit of the Commissioners and authorized Agents of the Lottery for the Benefit of the College of William and Mary:  THAT the drawing of the Lottery commenced on the 15th of January last, and terminated on Saturday the 15th instant. That the credits being extended to 90 days from due its commencement, the payments will become due on the 15th of April. All those who purchased on credit are earnestly requested to make them by the time specified. And those who have sided the commissioners in the disposition of Tickets, and have not yet made returns, are entreated to make collections, and forward them in time aforementioned to  ROBERT GREENHOW, Agent, and Treasurer. Williamsburg, March 21. (gw.)
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by John Christian, jr. to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned due to the late firm of Dunlop, Pollock & Co. will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Prince Edward court-house, on Monday the 19th day of May next, (being court day) a TRACT OF LAND, containing 150 acres more or less, lying on the waters of Big Rough creek, in the said county of Prince Edward, being the late bought by said Christian, from Abner Coffey, per deed bearing date the 28th day of May, 1805.  The land may be viewed previous to the day of sale, by applying to the said John Christian, jr.  SAMUEL W. VENABLE, } Trustees. PETER JOHNSTON, } Prince Edward, March 21. (tdf.)
NOTICE,
THE appointment of a Master of the free School in Williamsburg will be made on the first Saturday in April next, the master will have a tolerable comfortable tenement, and commodious School-House free of rent, and may probably make by fees of tuition, between three and four hundred dollars per annum.  March 21. 4t.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
 20 Hogsheads NORTHERN RUM,  20 Barrels       do.       do.  10 Hogsheads MOLASSES,  10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE,  15       do.       MALAGA       do.  12 Tierces Prime GREEN COFFEE,  20 Barrels LIVER OIL,  150 Boxes MOULD CANDLES,  80 Ream WRITING PAPER,  100       do.       WRAPPING       do.  THOMAS WHITE. March 19. eptm
TO BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, on the premises, on the first day of May next,  SO much of the LAND, situated John Kelsay's Grove, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the balance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams, of E. 165, with its interest, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me, by the said Peter Francisco, for that purpose.  CREDIT TAYLOR, Trustee. March 18. (epts.)
NEW-MARKET ESTATE—FOR SALE.
WITH the consent of the surviving trustee in a deed executed by me for the benefit of the late John M'Rae, and dated on the 11th day of October, 1787, will be offered for sale, on the second day of the ensuing Spring Races, that beautiful and highly valuable tract, known by the name of NEW MARKET, on a credit of one, two and three years from the day of sale. This property is extensively known as being the most profitable race course in the state, and for its other numerous advantages, that it is deemed non-collateral to enumerate them.  Between this and the day on which the above property is advertised, I will treat with a private purchaser and give a more extensive credit, if the price and terms encourage me to do so.  R. BATE. March 18. (tdf.)
FOR SALE,
TEN SHARES in the James River Canal Company.  THOMAS NORVELL. March 18. (tf)
THE Subscriber, being desirous of an adjustment of accounts should take place between himself and creditors, takes this method to call on his debtors for the several amounts due from them to him, as he intends no indulgence.  He moreover calls on all those who are his creditors to make known to him in the course of four months the sums due them, as he feels himself in readiness to discharge the same, otherwise it will be paid in full.  JOHN CARR. March 18. ep tw.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz:   First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 41st degree of north latitude.  Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia, and on the Tennessee river, and on the road between said river, and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.  Third, At the garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Maffee, New-Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, and Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 41st degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river.  Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, and south of the 41st degree of north latitude, Fort Maffee excepted.  Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Oacheta, Natchitoches, Appelleaux, Arakap, Fort Stodiert, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, or in the county of Washington on the Mississippi territory, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas.  Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation.  Seventh, At Charlton, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Satilla, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina.  Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Virginia.  Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia.  Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the mountains, and within the states of New Jersey and Delaware.  Eleventh, At Pittsburgh, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains.  Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of New-York Niagara and its dependencies excepted.  Thirteenth, At Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Vermont.  Fourteenth, At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine, excepted.  Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine.  Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armories and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive.   A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for 12 months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance; of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, and at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.  It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. States shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, fixing the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.  The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the frontier, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.  H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. March 14. (Eptm.)
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 5. tf
ELEGANT TABLE WARE.
THE Subscriber will sell much under the usual prices, a very elegant Long Service of blue printed table ware, consisting of 214 pieces; it will be sold together or divided into two services, one of which will amount to three eighths, the other five eighths of the whole, but no detached articles can be sold; if not disposed of before the 1st of May it will be repacked and shipped to Baltimore, where ware of this quality meets with ready sale.  N. B. Rum flasks, of the most delicate flavor and as transparent as the purest wine, by the gallon, dozen or bottle.  WM. HART, Opposite the State House. March 18. eptm & law tiam.
FOR SALE,
A TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Amelia, containing 800 acres, within one mile of the Court House, about forty from Manchester, and the same from Peterburg. There is a most excellent stand for a Tavern on this land. A credit of one, two and three years, will be given for the greater part of the purchase money. The subscriber also offers for sale, about twenty negroes, consisting of men women and children. A credit of twelve months will be given; and could they be sold in families, I would allow a credit of two years.  WILLIAM ARCHER. Powhatan, March 14. tf
TO BE RENTED,
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family.  Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the Bird in Hand) at the corner of the Street leading to church hill: to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, ferjeant of the City, or to  JACOB I. COHEN. (2awtf.)
IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN.
On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county.  THE STUD of the late Col. John Hoomes, consisting of Imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage in moderately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.  A considerable discount will be made for cash.  Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale will positively take place on the day above stated.  A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.  JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (tds)
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, ensuing.  THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chilhowie's Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past has been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied.  That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1785, for the sum of £ 6,505, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate.  The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, en view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary.  The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.  Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the sums in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; or which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by  JOHN WICKHAM, } Commissioners JOHN WARDEN, } of the WILLIAM HAY, } court. Jan. 21. sw.  The sale of the above property is postponed to the 15th day of May next.
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.  MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use.  Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale.  Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot.  A—the length of the Boot—C—round the Calf—B—the pitch of the Heel—D—round the Heel and instep—E—round the instep—G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and take a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures.  March 1. eptm
By Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
 Extending the powers of the surveyor general to the territory of Louisiana, and for other purposes.    Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the powers vested by law in the surveyor general, shall extend over all the public lands of the United States, in the territory of Louisiana, to which the Indian title has been, or hereafter shall be extinguished. It shall be the duty of the said surveyor general to appoint a sufficient number of skillful surveyors as his deputies, in the said territory, one of whom he shall, with the approbation of the secretary of the treasury, designate as his principle deputy for the same. Which said deputies shall severally take an oath, or affirmation, truly and faithfully to discharge the duties of their respective offices. The said principal deputy shall reside and keep an office in the said territory, and shall, under the superintendence of the surveyor general, execute or cause to be executed by the other deputies, such surveys as may hereafter be authorized by law or as he may be directed to execute by the commissioners appointed for the purpose of ascertaining the titles and claims to land aforesaid; and shall generally perform therein, in conformity with the regulations and instructions of the said surveyor general, the duties imposed by law on the said surveyor general.    Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That all the plots of surveys, and all other papers and documents pertaining, or which did pertain to the office of surveyor general, under the Spanish government, within the limits of the territory aforesaid, or to any other office heretofore established or authorized for the purpose of executing or recording surveys of lands within the said limits, shall be delivered to the principal deputy aforesaid; and no plot of survey shall be admitted as evidence, in any court of justice, unless certified by the said principal deputy, to be a true copy of the record in his office.    Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act, entitled, "An act for ascertaining and adjusting the titles and claims to land within the territory of Orleans, and the district of Louisiana," as makes it the duty of every claimant to lands, within the territory of Louisiana, to deliver to the recorder of land titles a plot of the tract, or tracts, claimed by him, be and the same is hereby repealed, so far as relates to claimants whose tracts had not been surveyed by the proper officer, under the Spanish government, prior to the twentieth day of December one thousand eight hundred and three. And the commissioners appointed for ascertaining the titles and claims to lands, within either the territory of Louisiana, or that of Orleans, are hereby authorized to do all the officer exercising the powers of surveyor general, within the same, to execute such surveys as they may think necessary, for the purpose of deciding on claims preferred for their decision: Provided, That the expense of executing such surveys shall be defrayed by the parties claiming the land, unless the same be claimed by a legal French or Spanish grant, made and completed before the first day of October one thousand eight hundred; And provided also, and it is hereby further enacted, that every such survey, as well as every other survey, by whatever authority heretofore executed, those of the above mentioned and complete titles only excepted, shall be held and considered as private surveys only; and all the tracts of land, the title to which may be ultimately confirmed by Congress, in conformity with the provisions of the act above mentioned, shall prior to the issuing of patents, be re-surveyed, if judged necessary, under the authority, of the person exercising the powers of surveyor general, and at the expense of the parties.    Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the surveyor general shall fix the compensation of the deputy, surveyors, chain carriers and axe-men, in the territory of Louisiana: Provided, That the whole expense of surveying and marking the lines, whether paid by the United States, or by individuals, shall not exceed three dollars per mile, for every mile that shall be actually run or surveyed and marked. And the principal deputy aforesaid shall be entitled to receive from individuals the following fees, that is to say, for examining and recording the surveys executed by any of the deputies, at the rate of twenty-five cents for every mile of the boundary line of such survey, and for a certified copy of any plot of survey in his office, twenty-five cents.    NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. Feb. 28, 1806. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.   Seat of Government.  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.   Wednesday, March 5.   DEBATE   On Mr. Gregg's resolution.   MR. J. RANDOLPH'S Speech, CONTINUED.   But the gentleman has told you that we ought to go to war, if for nothing else, for the fur trade. Now, fir, the people on whose support he seems to calculate, follow (let me tell him) a better business, and let me add that whilst men are happy at home reaping their own fields, the fruits of their labour and industry, there is little danger of their being induced to go 16 or 1700 miles in pursuit of beavers, raccoons or opossums—much less of going to war for the privilege. They are better employed where they are. This trade, fir, may be important to Britain, to nations who have exhausted every resource of industry at home—bowed down by taxation and wretchedness. Let them, in God's name, if they please, follow the fur trade. They may, for me, catch every beaver in North America. Yes, fir, our people have a better occupation—a safe, profitable, honorable employment. Whilst they should be engaged in distant regions in hunting the beaver, they dread lest those whose natural prey they are, should begin to hunt them—should pillage their property, and assassinate their constitution. Instead of these wild schemes, pay off your debt, and do not prate about its confiscation. Do not, I beseech you, expose at once your knowledge and your folly. You have more lands than you know what to do with—you have lately paid 15 millions for yet more. Go and work them—and cease to alarm the people, with the cry of want until they become deaf to your voice, or at least laugh at you.  Mr. Chairman, if I felt less regard for what I deem the best interests of this nation than for    my own reputation, I should not, on this day have offered to address you; but would have waited to come out, bedecked with flowers and bouquets of rhetoric, in a set speech. But, fir, I dreaded lest a tone might be given to the mind of the committee—they will pardon me, but I did fear from all that I could see, or hear, that they might be prejudiced by its advocates, (under pretence of protecting our commerce) in favor of this ridiculous and preposterous project—I rose, fir, for one, to plead guilty—to declare, in the face of day, that I will not go to war for this carrying trade. I will agree to pay for an idiot, if this is not the public sentiment, and you will find it a poor coin, begin the war when you will.  Gentlemen talk of 1793. They might as well go back to the Trojan war. What was your situation then? Then every heart beat high with sympathy for France, for Republican France! I am not prepared to say, with my friend from Pennsylvania, that we were all ready to draw our swords in her cause, but I affirm that we were prepared to have gone great lengths. I am not ashamed to pay this compliment to the hearts of the American people, even if at the expense of their understandings. It was a noble and generous sentiment which nations like individuals are never the worse for having felt. They were, I repeat it, ready to make great sacrifices for France. And why ready? Because she was fighting the battles of the human race against the combined enemies of their liberty—because she was performing the part which Great Britain now, in fact, sustains—forming the only bulwark against universal dominion. Knock away her navy, and where are you? Under the naval domination of France, unchecked and unqualified by any antagonizing military power—at best but a change of masters. The tyrant of the ocean, and the tyrant of the land is one and the same, lord of all, and who shall buy him navy, or wherefore doth thou this thing? Give to the tiger the properties of the shark, and there is no longer safety for the basts of the forest or the fishes of the sea. Where was this high and romantic spirit of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? when his vote would have put an end to the British treaty, that pestilent source of evil to this country; and at a time, too, when it was not less the interest than the sentiment of this people to pull down Great Britain and exalt France. Then, when the gentleman might have acted with effect, he could not forev his courage to the sticking place. Then England was combined in what has proved a feeble, inefficient coalition, but which gave just cause of alarm to every friend of freedom. Now the liberties of the human race are threatened by a single power, more formidable than the coalesced world, to whose utmost ambition, vast as it is, the naval force of G. Britain forms the only obstacle.  I am perfectly sensible and ashamed of the trespass I am making on the patience of the committee—but as I know not whereof I am in my power to trouble them again on this subject, I must beg leave to continue my casual and defultory observations. I am not ashamed to confess that they are so.  At the commencement of this session we received a printed message from the president of the U. S. breathing a great deal of national honor and indignation at the outrages we had endured, particularly from Spain. She was specially named and pointed at. She had pirated upon your commerce, imprisoned your citizens, violated your actual territory; invaded the very limits solemnly established between the two nations, by the treaty of San Lorenzo. Some of the state legislatures, (among others the very state on which the gentleman from Pennsylvania relies for support) lent forward resolutions pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, in support of any measures you might take in vindication of your injured rights. Well, fir, what have you done? You have had resolutions laid upon your table—gone to some expense of printing and stationery—mere pen, ink and paper, and that's all. Like true political quacks, you deal only in handbills and nostrums. Sir, I blush to see the record of our proceedings:—they resemble nothing but the advertisements of patent medicines. Here you have "the Worm Destroying Lozenges," there, "Church's Cough Drops," & "to crown the whole, "Sloan's vegetable Specific," an infallible remedy for all nervous disorders and vertigoes of brain-fick politicians:—each man earnestly adjusting you to give his medicine only a fair trial. It indeed these wonder-working nostrums could perform but one half of what they promise, there is little danger of our dying a political death, at this time at least. But, fir, in politics as in physics, the Doctor is oftimes the most dangerous disease—and this I take to be our case at present.  But, fir, why do I talk of Spain? There are no longer Pyrenees. There exists no such nation—no such being as a Spanish king, or minister. It is a mere juggler played off for the benefit of those who put the mechanism into motion. You know, fir, that you have no differences with Spain—that she is the passive tool of a superior power to whom at this moment you are crouching. Are your differences indeed with Spain? And where are you going to find your political panacea, resolutions and handbills excepted, your sole arcanum of government—your king-cure-all? To Madrid? No—You are not such quacks as not to know where the hot pinches—to Paris. You know at least where the disease lies, and there you apply your remedy. When the nation anxiously demands the result of your deliberations, you hang your head and blush to tell. You are afraid to tell. Your mouth is hermetically sealed. Your honor has received a wound which must not take air. Gentlemen dare not come forward and avow their work, much less defend it in the presence of the nation. Give them all they ask, that Spain exists, and what then? After forsaking the Spanish jack-all, do you presume to bully the British lion? But here the secret comes out. Britain is your rival in trade, and governed as you are by compounding-house politicians, you would sacrifice the paramount interests of the country, to wound that rival. For Spain and France you are carriers—and from good customers every indignity is to be endured. And what is the nature of this trade? Is it that carrying trade which lends abroad the flour, tobacco, cotton, beef, pork, fish and lumber of this country, and brings back in return foreign articles necessary for our existence, or comfort? No, fir, 'tis a trade carried on, the Lord knows where, or by whom—now doubling Cape Horn, now the Cape of Good Hope. I do not say that there is no profit in it—for it would not 

then be pursued—but 'tis a trade that tends to assimilate our manners and government to those of the most corrupt countries of Europe. Yes, fir, and when a question of great national magnitude presents itself to you, causes those who now prate about national honor and spirit to pocket any insult,—to consider it as a mere matter of debt and credit, a business of profit and loss,—and nothing else.
The first thing that struck my mind when this resolution was laid on the table was, unde derivatur! A question often put to us at school—whence comes it? Is this only the putative father of the bantling he is taxed to maintain, or indeed the actual parent, the real progenitor of the cabinet? Or is it the production of the cabinet?—But I knew you had no cabinet—no system. I had been despatches relative to vital measures laid before you the day after your final decision on those measures; four weeks after they were received; not only their contents, but their very existence, all that time unsuspected and unknown to men whom the people fondly believe armed with their wisdom and experience at every important deliberation of government. Do you believe that this system, or rather this no system will do? I am free to answer it will not. It cannot! I am not so afraid of the fair, open, constitutional, responsible influence of government; but I think intuitively from this left-handed, invisible, irresponsible influence, which defies the touch, but pervades and decides everything. Let the Executive come forward to the legislature—let us see what it will do. If we cannot rely on its wisdom, is it any disparagement to the gentleman from Pennsylvania to say that I cannot rely upon him? No, fir, he has mistaken his talents. He is not the Palinurus on whose skill the nation at this trying moment can repose their confidence. I will have nothing to do with his paper—much less will I endorse it, and make myself responsible for its contents. I will not put my name to it. I assert that there is no cabinet, no system, no plan—That which I believe in one place, I shall never hesitate to say in another. This is no time, no place for mincing our words. The people have a right to know, they shall know the state of their affairs, at least as far as I am at liberty to communicate them. I speak from personal knowledge—Ten days ago there had been no consultation—there existed no opinion in your executive department—at least none that was avowed—on the contrary there was an express disavowal of any opinion whatever, on the great subject before you;—and I have good reason for saying that none has been formed since. Some time ago a book was laid on our table, which like some other bantlings did not bear the name of its father. Here I was taught to expect a solution of all doubts, an end to all our difficulties. If, fir, I were the foe, as I trust I am the friend to this nation, I would exclaim—“Oh! that mine enemy would write a book.” At the very outset, in the very first page, I believe, there is a complete abandonment of the principle in dispute. Has any gentleman got the work? (It was handed by one of the members.) The first position taken is the broad principle of the unlimited freedom of trade between nations at peace, which the writer endeavors to extend to the trade between a neutral and a belligerent power;—accompanied however by this acknowledgment: “But inasmuch as the trade of a neutral with a belligerent nation, might, in certain special cases, affect the safety of its antagonist, usage, founded on the principle of necessity, has admitted exceptions to the general rule.” Whence comes the doctrine of contraband, blockade, and enemy's property. Now, fir, for what does that celebrated pamphlet, “War in Dispute,” which is said to have been written under the eye of the British prime minister, contend, but this “principle of necessity”? And this ground is abandoned by this pamphleteer at the very threshold of the discussion. But as a reason for not referring to the authority of the ancients, that “the great change which has taken place in the state of manners, in the maxims of war, and in the course of commerce, make it pretty certain”—(what degree of certainty is this?)—“that either nothing will be found relating to the question, or nothing sufficiently applicable to deserve attention in deciding it.” Here, fir, in an apology of his learning, (which might have overwhelmed the reader) is the admission that a change of circumstances—“(in the course of commerce)” has made (and, therefore, will now justify) a total change of the law of nations. What more could the most inveterate advocate of English usurpation demand? What else can they require to establish all, and even more than they contend for. Sir, there is a class of men—we know them very well—who, if you only permit them to lay the foundation, will build you up, step by step, and brick by brick, very neat and new, if not tenable arguments. To detect them 'tis only necessary to watch their premises, where you will often find the point at issue totally surrendered, as in this case it is. Again, is the mare liberum any where asserted in this book? That free ships make free goods? No, fir, the right of search is acknowledged; that enemy's property is lawful prize is sealed and delivered. And after abandoning these principles, what becomes of the doctrine that a mere flitting of the goods from one ship to another, touching at another port, changes the property?—Strike up this principle, and there is an end of the question.—You lie at the mercy of the conscience of a court of admiralty. Is Spanish sugar, or French coffee, made American property, by the mere change of the cargo, or even by the landing and payment of the duties?—Does this operation effect a change of property?—And when those duties are drawn back, and the sugars and coffee re-exported, are they not (as enemies property) liable to seizure, upon the principles of the “Examination of the British Doctrine, &c.”? And is there not the best reason to believe, that this operation is performed in many, if not in most cases, to give a neutral aspect and color to the merchandise?
I am prepared, fir, to be represented as willing to surrender important rights of this nation, to a foreign government. I have been told that this sentiment is already whispered in the dark, by time-servers and sephemists.—But, if your clerk dared to print them, I would appeal to your journals. I would call for the reading of them, but that I know they are not for profane eyes to look upon. I confess that I am more ready to surrender to a naval power a square league of ocean, than to a territorial one a square inch of land within our limits—and I am ready to meet the friends of this resolution on this ground at any time. Let them take off the infusion of secrecy.—They dare not. They are ashamed and afraid to do it. They may give winks and nods, and pretend to be wise, but they dare not come out and tell the nation what they have done. Gentlemen may take notes if they please—but I will never, from any motive short of self-defence, enter upon war. I will never be instrumental to the ambitious schemes of Bonaparte—or not into his hands what will enable him to wield the world;—and on the very principle that I wished success to the French arms in 1798. And wherefore?
Because the case is changed. Great Britain can never again see the year 1760. Her continental influence is gone for ever. Let who will be upmost on the continent of Europe, she will find more than a counterpoise for her strength. Her race is run. She can only be formidable as a maritime power—and, even as such, perhaps not long. Are you going to justify the acts of the last administration, for which they have been deprived of the government at our instance? Are you going back to the ground of 1798—9? Talk any man who now advocates a rupture with England, to assign a single reason for his opinion, that would not have justified a French war in 1798. If injury and insult abroad would have justified it, we had them in abundance then. But what did the republicans say, at that day? That under the cover of a war with France, the executive would be armed with a patronage and power which might enable it to master our liberties. They deprecated foreign war and navies, and standing armies and loans, and taxes. The delirium passed away;—the good sense of the people accommodated without a war. And what is there in the situation of England that invites to war with her? 'Tis true she does not deal so largely in perfectibility, but she supplies you with a much more useful commodity, with coarse woollens. With less profession indeed, she occupies the place of France in 1798. She is the sole bulwark of the human race against universal dominion—No thanks to her for it. In protesting her own existence, she ensures their's. I care not who stands in this situation, whether England or Bonaparte—I practise the doctrines now that I professed in 1798. Gentlemen may hunt up the journals if they please—I voted against all such projects under the administration of John Adams, & I will continue to do so under that of Thomas Jefferson. Are you not contented with being free and happy at home? Or will you surrender these blessings that your merchants may tread on Turkish and Persian carpets, and burn the perfumes of the east in their vaulted rooms? Gentlemen say, 'tis but an annual million lost, and even if it were five times that amount, what is it compared with your neutral rights?—Sir, let me tell them a hundred millions will be but a drop in the bucket, if once they launch without rudder or compass into this ocean of foreign warfare. Whom do they want to attack—England? They hope it is a popular thing—and talk about Bunker's Hill, and the gallant feats of our revolution. But is Bunker's Hill to be the theatre of war? No, fir, you have selected the ocean—and the object of attack is that very navy which prevented the combined fleets of France and Spain from levying contribution upon you in your own seas; that very navy which, in the famous year of 1798, stood between you and danger. Whilst the fleets of the enemy were pent up in Toulon, or pinned in Brest, we performed wonders, to be sure:—but, fir, if England had drawn off, France would have told you quite a different tale.—You would have struck no medals. This is not the sort of conflict that you are to count upon, if you go to war with Great Britain. Quem Deus vult perdere, prius demens. And are you mad enough to take up the cudgels that have been struck from the nerveless hand of the three great maritime powers of Europe? Shall the planter mortgage his little crop and jeopardize the constitution, in support of commercial monopoly? In the vain hope of satisfying the insatiable greediness of trade? Administer the constitution upon its own principles,—for the general welfare, and not for the benefit of any particular class of men. Do you meditate war for the possession of Baton-Rouge, or Mobile, places which your own laws declare to be within your limits?—Is it even for the fair trade that exchanges your surplus products for such foreign articles as you require?—No, fir, 'tis for a circulatory traffic—an ignis fatuus. And against whom? A nation from whom you have anything to fear?—I speak as to our liberties. No, fir, with a nation from whom you have nothing, or next to nothing, to fear,—to the aggrandizement of one against which you have every thing to dread. I look to their ability and interest—not to their disposition. When you rely on that, the case is desperate. Is it to be inferred from all this that I would yield to Great Britain? No, I would aught towards her now, as I was disposed to do towards France in 1798—9;—treat with her;—and for the same reason, on the same principles. Do I say I would treat with her? At this moment you have a negotiation pending with her government. With her you have not tried negotiation and failed, totally failed, as you have done with Spain; or rather France. And wherefore, under such circumstances, this hostile spirit to the one, and this—(I won't say what)—to the other.
But a great deal is said about the laws of nations. What is national law, but national power guided by national interest ? You yourselves acknowledge and practise upon this principle where you can, or where you dare;—with the Indian tribes for instance—I might give another and more forcible illustration. Will the learned lumber of your libraries add a ship to your fleet, or a shilling to your revenue?—Will it pay or maintain a single soldier? And will you preach and prate of violations of your neutral rights when you tamely and meanly submit to the violation of your territory? Will you collar the stealer of your sheep and let him escape that has invaded the repose of your fire side; has insulted your wife and children under your own roof? This is the heroism of truck and traffic,—the public spirit of forsook avarice. Great Britain violates your flag on the high seas. What is her situation?—contending, not for the dismantling of Dunkirk; for Quebec, or Pondichery,—but for London and Westminster,—for life,—Her enemy violating, at will, the territories of other nations; acquiring thereby a colossal power that threatens the very existence of her rival,—But she has one vulnerable point to the arms of her adversary which she covers with the ensigns of neutrality,—She draws the neutral flag over the heel of Achilles,—And can you ask that adversary to respect it, at the expense of her existence? And in favor of whom?—an enemy that respects no neutral territory of Europe, and not even your own. I repeat that the insults of Spain towards this nation have been at the instigation of France;—that there is no longer any Spain.—Well, fir, because the French government do not put this into the Monitor, you choose to shut your eyes to it.—None so blind as those who will not see.—You shut your own eyes, and to blind those of other people, you go into conclave—and sink out again and say—“a great affair of state!”—“C'est une grande affaire d'Etat!” It seems that your sensibility is entirely confined to the extremities.—You may be puffed by the nose and ears, and never feel it;—but let your strong-box be attacked & you are all nerve.—“Let us go to war!” Sir, if they called upon me only for my little pecuniary, to carry it on, perhaps I might give it;—but my rights and liberties are involved in the great, and I will never surrender them whilst I have life. The gentleman from Middlesex (Mr. Crowninshield) is for spunging the debt. I can never consent to it—I will never bring the ways and means of fraudulent bankruptcy, into your committee at supply. Confiscation
and swindling shall never be found among my estimates to meet the current expenditure of peace or war. No, fir,—I have laid with the doors closed, and I say so when they are open—“pay the public debt.”—Get rid of that dead weight upon your government, that cramp upon all your measures, and then you may put the world at defiance. So long as it hangs upon you—you must have revenue, and to have revenue you must have commerce—commerce, peace. And shall these nefarious schemes be devised for lightening the public burthens—will you resort to these low and pitiful shifts—dare even to mention these dishonest artifices to eke out your expenses, when the public treasure is lavished on Turks and infidels—on singing boys and dancing girls,—to furnish the means of bestiality to an African barbarian?
(To be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, March 17.
The committee of Claims, made an unfavorable report on the petition of — Anfar, in which the House concurred.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter, with various documents, from William Eaton, relative to the adjustment of his consular accounts, which were referred to the committee of Claims.
Mr. Varnum, from the committee to whom was referred the petition of A. J. Villard, relative to his improved construction of gun carriages, made a report in favor of allowing him 1,000 dollars for the benefit derived to the public from his invention, which was referred to the committee of the whole House on Thursday.
Mr. Varnum, from the committee to whom was referred the amendments of the Senate to the bill establishing rules and articles for the government of the army of the U. S. made a report recommending an agreement to some, and a disagreement to other amendments.
The House took up an amendment of the Senate to the bill for the relief of Peter Landais—the amendment proposes the allowance of 4,000 instead of 6,000 dollars, for prize money. To this amendment the House disagreed, 38 members voting for a concurrence, and 52 against it.
On motion of Mr. Early, Resolved, That the Post Master General be directed to report to this House the state and condition of the post route from Athens, Georgia, to New Orleans, with the difficulties and obstructions in transmitting the mail on the said route, and what will be the expence of opening a horse patch on the said route.
The Committee of Commerce and Manufactures made an unfavorable report on the petition of George Dodge and others; praying for an extension of the period of their patent right for an improvement in cutting nails, in which the House concurred.
The order of the day to hear general St. Clair, in support of his claim, was, on the motion of Mr. Early, postponed indefinitely—Ayes 63—Noes 15.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, Mr. J. C. SMITH in the chair.
The committee having agreed to take into consideration the resolution offered by Mr. Nicholson—Mr. Sloan declared himself opposed to it, from the opinion that it did not provide a sufficient remedy for the existing evils, stating at the same time, that he should unite in its favor, if so modified as to convince him that it will be better than nothing. After a few further preliminary remarks, Mr. Sloan assigned at considerable length his reasons for preferring a commercial non-intercourse with Britain.
Mr. J. C. Smith next followed in support of the resolution, in a speech replete with commercial information. He concluded, however, by observing that, though in favor of the resolution, he withheld the decision of the House deferred for a short time till the result of the negotiation with Britain should be received. He therefore moved that the committee should rise.
Messrs. Eppes and Smith warmly opposed the rising of the committee, and contended for the early decision of the House—
When the question was taken on the rising of the committee, and passed in the negative, only 34 members rising in favor of it.
The question was then taken on the resolution, and carried in the affirmative—Ayes 80.
The committee rose and reported their agreement to the resolution, which the House took into immediate consideration; when the Yeas and Nays were taken on agreeing to the resolution, and were Yeas 87 Nays 35.
Mr. Early moved that the resolution be referred to the committee of Ways and Means to bring in a bill.
Messrs. Alston, Smith, Lusk and Southard opposed this reference, and advocated a reference to a select committee.
The motion of reference to the committee of Ways and Means was disagreed to without a division; when a reference to a select committee of five members composed of Messrs. Mumford, Bidwell, Smith, Eppes, and Alston, obtained.
Mr. Early laid a resolution on the table, declaring it expedient, in the opinion of the House, to adjourn on the first Monday in April.
Mr. Gregg observed that it appeared to be the sense of the House not to go further this session than to carry into effect the resolution just agreed to, and as it was the wish of some gentlemen to discharge the committee of the whole from the resolution which he had had the honor to submit, he would move that the committee of the whole should be discharged from that resolution.
Mr. Sloan having acquiesced in the same course with regard to his resolution, the committee were discharged without a division from the further consideration of both those propositions.
These resolutions having been, by this vote, again brought before the House, Mr. Early moved to postpone them indefinitely, but withdrew his motion, on Mr. Gregg and Mr. Sloan agreeing to withdraw their respective resolutions.
Yesterday the Vice-President of the U. S. having withdrawn from the Chair of the Senate, the Senate made choice of Samuel Smith, of Maryland, President pro tempore.
The House of Representatives were yesterday principally engaged in discussing the bill authorizing the erection of a Bridge over the Potomac. Details in our next.
WASHINGTON, March 19.
The House of Representatives, the immediate organs of the people, have, after mature deliberation, taken ground in vindication of our violated rights, on which we congratulate the nation. On Monday the question was put on the following proposition submitted by Mr. Nicholson, and carried by a vast majority.
Resolved, That from and after the day of next, the following articles, being of the growth, produce, or manufacture of G. Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonies or dependencies of G. Britain, ought to be prohibited by law from being imported into the U. S. or into the territories thereof, viz:
All articles of which leather is the material of chief value; All articles of which tin or brass is the material of chief value; All articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value; All articles of which silk is the material of chief value; Woolen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed —; Woolen hosiery of all kinds; Window glass, and all other manufactures of glass;
Silver and plated ware; Paper of every description; Nails and spikes; Hats; Clothing ready made; Millinery of all kinds; Playing cards; Beer, ale and porter; and Pictures and prints.
The following are the yeas and nays:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, jun. Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bedinger, Biewell, Blackledge, Blake, jun. Blount, Brown, Boyle, Butler, G. W. Campbell, Chandler, Claiborne, Clark, J. Clay, M. Clay, Clinton, jun. Conrad, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Dickson, Early, Elliot, Eimer, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Goodwyn, Gray, Gregg, Green, Hallsey, Hamilton, Helms, Holmes, Jackson, Kenan, Knight, Leib, Lyon, Mac Farland, Magruder, Marion, Masters, N. M. Moore, T. Moore, Jr. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, jun. Nicholson, Olin, Pugh, T. M. Randolph, Rea, (Penn.) Rhea, (Tenn.) Richards, Russell, Salley, Sammons, Schumann, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, Tracy, Varnum, Walton, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, Wickes, D. R. Williams, M. Williams, N. Williams, Wilton, Winn, Winton, and Wynns—57.
NAYS—Messrs. Betton, Bishop, Bloom, J. Campbell, Caley, Chittenden, Covington, Dunn, Duvenport, jun. Earle, Ellis, Ely, Gannett, Goldsborough, Lufkin, Hough, Kelly, Lewis, jun. Mosely, T. Nelson, R. Nelson, Pits, jun. Quincy, Sandford, T. C. Smith, Spalding, Stanford, Sedman, Sturges, Taggart, Tomlinson, Tenney, P. R. Thompson, Verplanck, & Woodworth—35.
We have printed the names of the federal members in Italics ; and it appears that the
Whole number of members who voted are 122. Of which all those who voted in the affirmative are republican, amounting to 87. And that of those who voted in the negative, There are republican 11 federal 24.
Of the 11 republican members voting in the negative, some, to our knowledge, voted against the resolution, not from any indisposition to resort to efficient measures, but from the desire of taking higher ground.
Considering the federal members as systematically in opposition, and leaving them out of view, the vote stands as 87 to 11. Can the friends of energetic measures with far more? Can Britain, after this vote, be so blind as to calculate upon our divisions? will she not see, on the contrary, that the people of this nation, and the organs of their will, are deeply impressed with the aggravated injuries they have received, and are resolutely determined to resist them; and that the Executive arm of the government, while it is ready, as it ever has been, to adjust our differences by amicable means, is nerved by a confidence which, so far from having been shaken by opposition, has received new vigor from the increased and increasing affection and respect of a just and enlightened people.
REPORT.
The committee, to whom were referred the memorial of the legislative council of the territory of Orleans, and also the memorial of the house of representatives of the same territory, make the following Report, on the said memorial of the said legislative council, and in part on the said memorial of the said house of representatives.
THE object of the memorialists is to obtain from the general government a grant of lands for the establishment and support of colleges, schools and other seminaries of education within the territory of Orleans.
Your committee are of opinion, it ought to be a primary object with the general government to encourage and promote education in every part of the union, so far as the same can be done consistent with the general policy of the nation, and so as not to infringe the municipal regulations that are, or may be adopted by the respective state authorities on this subject.
The benefits resulting to society in general from the establishment and support of public institutions for the education of youth, and the general diffusion of science, are too well known to all discerning persons to require any particular investigation on the present occasion. The national legislature has, by several of its acts on former occasions, evinced, in the strongest manner, its disposition to afford the means of establishing and fostering with a liberal hand, such public institutions.
By a resolution of the old Congress, under the confederation, of the 20th March, 1785, it is declared that lot No. 16, of every township, in the territory north west of the river Ohio, (which is equal to one thirty sixth part of the said township) be reserved for the maintenance of public schools within the said township. It also appears by an act of Congress, passed the 23d March, 1803, that in addition to certain tracts of land before that time appropriated for that purpose, there were appropriated and vested in the legislature of the state of Ohio, in trust, for the use of schools in that state, certain quarter townships, in certain tracts therein described, estimated to be equal to one thirty sixth part of all the lands contained in the said several tracts to which the Indian claim had been extinguished; also, the one thirty sixth part of all the lands of the U. S. lying in the said state of Ohio, to which the Indian title had not been extinguished, which might be purchased of the said Indian tribes by the U. S. making the quantity of land appropriated for the use of schools within the said state, equal, at least, to one thirty sixth part of all the lands belonging to the U. S. within the same. A similar provision has also been made by a law passed in 1803, for the use of schools in the Mississippi territory.
By this liberal policy, the general government has secured to the people of the state of Ohio, and of the Mississippi territory, a permanent fund for the promotion of learning and the general diffusion of knowledge within the same.
Your committee are of opinion, it would be found policy in the general government, as well as consistent with equal justice, to act on this occasion with the same liberality towards the people of the territory of Orleans that has been shown in relation to the state of Ohio and the Mississippi territory; and to make the like provision for the establishment and support of public schools in the one case, that has been made in the other.
In pursuing this line of conduct, the national legislature will afford to the people of the territory of Orleans, the strongest proof of a disposition, not only to extend to them the rights and privileges of American citizens in general, but to place them on an equal footing with the citizens of the most favored portion of the union, who have experienced the immediate attention of the general government; and to observe towards them the fostering care of an indulgent parent, feeling a lively interest in their future prosperity and happiness. In this measure the people of that territory will become sensible, in some degree at least, of the advantages they have derived, and may yet obtain, from being incorporated into the union, and becoming a portion of a free and independent nation.
The committee have not been able to obtain official information to enable them to form a correct opinion with regard to the quantity or value of the public lands within the city of New Orleans, nor have they any information respecting the situation of the said lands in relation to the center of the city, or the bank of the river Mississippi, and as it may probably be necessary for the general government to reserve for public purposes some portions of the said lands, which cannot at present be designated, your committee are of opinion, it would not be advisable, at this time, to appropriate or dispose of the lands belonging to the United States within the limits of the city of New Orleans.
Your committee respectfully submit to the House, the following resolution:
Resolved, That, for the establishment and support of public schools within the territory of Orleans, there shall be appropriated, and reserved from sale, one thirty sixth part of all the kinds of the United States within the territory, to which the Indian claim has been extinguished, or may hereafter be extinguished; which one thirty sixth part shall consist of the section No. 16, in each township, if the said lands shall be surveyed in townships of six miles square each, and the same divided into sections of one mile square each; and shall, if the lands be surveyed in a different manner, be designated by lots; and the lands, so appropriated, shall be applied to the use aforesaid, within the townships, or particular divisions, not exceeding townships in extent, respectively, within which the same shall lie.
Foreign Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, March 15.
In the present dearth of European intelligence the following articles, which we have copied from our late French papers, and which principally relate to events subsequent to the Great Battle, will be found altogether uninteresting:
PRUSSIA.
Berlin, 18 December.
Our garrison and that of Potsdam have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to march on the 5th instant; but the Generals of the first rank say that no movement will take place, before 'intelligence is received of the result of the decisive battle, which cannot fail to take place in a few days, between the Russian and French armies.
31. This day's Court Gazette, contains the following article dated Olmutz, 27th November:
“The Grand Duke Constantine arrived here the day before yesterday; yesterday the corps of the army under his orders defiled before our fortresses and repaired to the Russian camp, which was still at Olmutz. The French army, whose advanced posts penetrated a few days since within four leagues of Olmutz, is now on its retreat: The combined Russian and Austrian armies are marching forward; their headquarters are to day at Promnitz and the advanced guard of Prince Pangerman is already at Vichau. The first column of General Michelson's army will arrive this day at Troppau; it is expected here the day after to-morrow.”
“These details are so much the more curious at present, as they prove to the enemy the scheme that was laid for him. He looked on the retreat as a positive one, and boasted of it a little too early,”
GERMANY.
Ulm, 4th December.
A contribution of 400,000 fr. has been laid on the Austrian possessions in Suabia, to be paid in three instalments, into the chest of the Paymaster General of the French army. A second contribution, payable every month, is fixed at 80,000 fr. per month, to be paid from the 6th December.
Letters from the Head Quarters at Brunn, of the 24th November, state that the junction of the Grand French Army with the Army of Italy has taken place; they add that the right wing of the French Army is supported by the Adriatic sea, and the left by Bohemia and the Fortress of Brunn in Moravia: there is not in the intervals of their line or on their rear, a single fortified town or body of the enemy which threatens them, and it is their intention to establish a communication between the Fortresses of the Tyrol and those on the Inn and in Moravia.
FRANKFORT, 24th December.
The Elector of Wirtemberg has communicated to the states of his territories the Articles of the Treaty of Alliance, concluded on the 4th October, between H. M. the Emperor of the French and H. S. E. the Elector of Wirtemberg. This Treaty is to the following tenor:—H. M. the Emperor of the French King of Italy, guarantees to H. M. the Elector of Wirtemberg, the independence and integrity of all his states, with the rights and prerogatives which the Electoral House is now in possession of, and such as they were determined by the Treaty of Peace of Lunéville, and by the General Resolutions of the Deputation of the Empire, H. E. H. engages on his side, to furnish to the French Army, a body of from 8 to 10,000 men, consisting of 1,000 mounted cavalry, and from 7 to 8,000 infantry. Four secret articles are annexed to this Treaty. The communication of these articles has not yet been made known to the Provincial States.
METZ, December 2.
General Massena is now at Leybach. The archduke Charles has arrived with his army on the frontiers of Hungary.
By the ship Sachem, from Liverpool, arrived at Charleston.
STATE PAPER.
DECLARATION OF SWEDEN.
“WE, Gustavus Adolphus, by the Grace of God, King of Sweden, the Goths and Vandals, Heir of Denmark and Norway, Duke of Schleswig and Holstein, &c. &c. declare, and make known, that when we entered upon the government of our kingdom, the unfortunate French revolution had prevailed for some years, while the most sanguinary and unhinged of scenes which had been then perpetrated, had spread discord, insurrection, and war, over the greatest part of Europe. During the nine succeeding years, the French revolution never ceased to threaten an interruption of the general tranquility, and to excite the attention of every country. Troubling in the fidelity of the Swedish nation, and favored by its distance from France, we witnessed, without alarm, the furious zeal of the factions, and their tyranny over a divided state, persuading ourselves, that the experience of these great calamities, produced by despotism and oligarchy, might at length be the means of reforming order, and an equitable government, for the security of the French people and other states. This pleasing hope was not fulfilled: the government was indeed frequently changed; but the fundamental principles so dangerous to all Europe, still remained unaltered. They were not only retained under the Consular government, but in proportion as power came into the hands of the First Consul, his ideas of law and justice were diminished; every thing was now sacrificed to that ambition which usurped an authority over the rights of nations and treaties, and even over that respect which all governments with to preserve for themselves. The blood of the worthy descendants of the ancient and honorable family of France was not long since shed by the hand of violence. This shocking circumstance was not only a specimen of the ideas which the French government entertained of law and equity, but also a most disgusting picture of the system it had adopted; and in every respect, affording a signal warning to all governments. While this encroachment furnished the great States with such a view, as enabled them to draw the most genuine conclusions respecting the irrefutable power of France, the Smaller States were converted into provinces, by violence or intrigue; and the danger appeared less general than overwhelming, as it seemed that security against these menaces was no longer to be found in any distance from the scenes of action.”
“The most justifiable claims made by us upon the French government, were for losses, in obtaining indemnities for the demands made by several of our subjects; respecting unlawful captures, arbitrary freighting, and an illegal embargo—as the various proceedings of the French government were carried to such a pitch, as to lay the Swedish commerce under considerable embarrassment in the French ports, during the space of nine months. Such proceedings could only increase the apprehensions entertained of this dangerous conduct, and excite, as it doubtless has in every loyal Sweden, a wish for the organization of an adequate counterpoise against a power which had so rashly committed itself in its endeavors to obtain a superiority, and availed itself of every unjust means to obtain the end proposed.”
“But as no State was powerful enough to secure the effects of these practices, we hoped that the experience of these outrages, would finally unite, and concur in their efforts to remove this common nuisance and effectually to resist that power, the object of which was, by &c. to subjugate all spheres.”

4. This period has at length arrived, and the great trade in contraband articles, and the trade to blockaded ports; but where does it force a trade not open in time of peace, to be free in time of war? Can that trade be said to be unfair, illegal or dishonest, which has been uniformly sanctioned by the practice and treaties of every civilized nation, not excepting Great Britain herself? But this trade is said to be unfair and illegal, because it covers the property of enemies under the neutral flag. It is said that the colonial produce of France is the property of Great Britain, if she can take it on French Territory, or on the Ocean: that the American vessel has no right to deprive Great Britain of this benefit of the rights of war; and therefore the cargo is as much subject to confiscation when covered by the American flag as it would have been, when found in a French bottom. But in the mean time what becomes of the rights of the neutral? "Free ships make free goods" is as found a maxim as any in the law of nations, & not set up as some have contended, to suit the whim or wavering convenience of modern times, but a law that is as old as Edward 3d. of England; yet admit the lately-set-up pretensions of the British Admiralty, and what becomes of this celebrated maxim, so inexpressibly dear to the rights of neutrals? Let us even admit the contrary doctrine, the privilege for which we contend, may admit of this simple elucidation:
A neutral nation has its rights as well as a belligerent. Even tho' we admit that she has no right to carry on a direct trade from the colony to the mother country, she has still the right to trade with the colony on her own account. She has the right to be her own carrier at least, if not the carrier between the colony & the mother country. Here then appears to be a clashing & opposition of rights. How then are they to be compromised? Why, look at the correspondence between Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury in the year 1801, and you will find how they were compromised with the British government at that day. "The high court of admiralty (says the advocate general's report) has expressly decided that landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country breaks the continuity of the voyage, and legalizes the trade, although the ship's goods be re-shipped in the same vessel, and on account of the same neutral proprietors and forwarded for sale to the mother country." In other words, the British government has consented to accept of this test as a sufficient proof that the property on board the neutral bottom was not the property of the enemy, but of the neutral. No doubt this rule is an arbitrary one; no doubt in many cases it produces evasion and deception; but was it not far better to agree at once upon some fixed and well-defined rule for adjudicating the property on the high seas, than in every particular case to have to go into a circumstantial enquiry of whether this cargo belongs to the neutral or to the enemy? According to the rule here laid down, a neutral vessel, meeting a British cruiser on the high seas, may settle the question of property by the mere exhibition of her authenticated papers. But according to the other doctrine, she would have to wade through a long admiralty investigation: the British cruiser would turn her from her course, deprive her perhaps of the benefits of a market, drag her before a court of admiralty, and detain her until every paper was scanned, every seaman examined and every circumstance fitted out, by which her cargo might be suspected to be enemy's property. Shall then a trade be declared to be unfair, dishonest and illegal, which is thus recommended by such strong convenience; which has been sanctioned by the uniform practice of nations, and which Great Britain herself, in 1801, "recognized as legal?" Let us once too dominate this trade an unfair and illegal one; and acknowledge the right of Great Britain to remove whenever she pleases the established landmarks of the law of nations, and what boundaries may we presume to set to her encroachments? The Macpherson of her power will but extend its race with every victim which it swallows; and the very trade which we now carry on with France, may tomorrow be declared illegal, under the very accommodating pretext of its increasing the resources of an enemy.
"GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS." "M. ROSENBLAD." "Marswinshelm, near Tjeld, Oct. 30, 1805."
The Enquirer. RICHMOND, 25th MARCH.
COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS.
We congratulate our countrymen upon the independent stand which Congress are about to make against the encroachments of G. Britain. Mr. Nicholson's resolution has already passed the House of Representatives and we confidently hope that in its most prominent features it will obtain the concurrence of the Senate and the sanction of the President. It is thus that America will resist and punish the usurpations of England. She will not send forth against her a proclamation of war. She will not array against her the costly and complicated apparatus, which is inseparable from the tactics of Europe. She does not convert her forests into ships, her peaceful citizens into disciplined soldiers, her pruning-hooks into swords; but she embraces that mode of defence, which her 2000 miles of distance from Europe and the peculiar trade she carries on with England, enable her to resort to. Different animals have peculiar modes of resistance and attack: The United States by restricting the importation of British manufactures has put on the armour, which belongs to her as a nation.
Objections have, however, appeared to the adoption of this system: the motives of its friends have been severely criticised, and its consequences strangely mistaken. Let us then take a rapid view of the most prominent of these objections.
They say that it is a measure pushed on by the spirit of mercantile avarice. Far be it from us to pretend to understand or to justify the motives of its principal supporters in Congress. Where the scene is so far removed from our observation, it would be absurd for us to stand forth as the champions of this or that representative, whether he comes from the commercial cities of the north, or the agricultural states of the south. "What private ends they have, alack we know not." But we do know, that whatever may have been the secret motives of its friends in Congress, their policy has been required and will be ratified by the majority of the nation. For, whence did it happen, that before the meeting of Congress almost every republican print throughout the union, had put forth the idea of those commercial restrictions that the same idea had been enforced in the private circles of society? Or whence does it happen, that now the resolution of Mr. Nicholson has passed the lower house, it is so generally & loudly applauded? not by merchants, but by those who have never mixed, in the slightest degree, in the truffles of mercantile speculation.
They exclaim, that it is a war measure. But by what possible construction can it be so? Had we issued letters of marque and reprisal, to seize the British cruisers who are now seizing our own vessels, we might have called that a war-measure. Had we enlisted soldiers and equipped ships for the ostensible purpose of meeting Great Britain either on the land or the ocean, in Canada or the Atlantic, she might well have called that a war-measure. Had we restricted our merchants trading to Great Britain, not because we had wrongs of our own to punish, but that we might grant the monopoly of our trade to her enemy, such a direct violation of our neutrality would have been a war-measure. In fact, such might every measure have been denominated, which was intended either to attack the territories, the property, the persons of British subjects, or to violate our neutrality, by granting peculiar privileges to her enemy. But does the resolution of Mr. Nicholson come under either of those branches of the definition? Should it go into effect, we do not set a hostile foot upon the territory of Great Britain; her vessels are still in safety upon the ocean; the person of her subjects are still in safety. It is true that we lay a restraint upon her manufactures, which is not extended to those of her enemy. But this is no violation of our neutrality. It is not a peculiar privilege conferred upon her enemy, since it extends to every other nation of the world except Great Britain alone. It is not a privilege conferred upon her enemy for the sake of increasing their own resources, but because we have wrongs of our own to punish.
But if this be called a war measure, then (said Gen. Smith in the senate) does Great Britain maintain a constant war against the United States, for she at all times prohibits the importation into her ports of every article manufactured within our country. She even prohibits our provisions from being consumed in her kingdoms, except when her wants compel her to admit them. If then she has set us the example, and has by her laws prohibited every article of our manufacture from being admitted into her kingdoms, how can our prohibiting a part of her manufactures from being imported into the U. S. be considered as a war-measure?
And for what, exclaim the opponents of this measure, are we plunging into this war-measure? To support an unfair, a dishonest, and illegal trade. But can a trade be said to be unfair or illegal, which has the law of nations completely on its side? That law admits into the list of fair and legal restrictions upon neutral
trade the trade in contraband articles, and the trade to blockaded ports; but where does it force a trade not open in time of peace, to be free in time of war? Can that trade be said to be unfair, illegal or dishonest, which has been uniformly sanctioned by the practice and treaties of every civilized nation, not excepting Great Britain herself? But this trade is said to be unfair and illegal, because it covers the property of enemies under the neutral flag. It is said that the colonial produce of France is the property of Great Britain, if she can take it on French Territory, or on the Ocean: that the American vessel has no right to deprive Great Britain of this benefit of the rights of war; and therefore the cargo is as much subject to confiscation when covered by the American flag as it would have been, when found in a French bottom. But in the mean time what becomes of the rights of the neutral? "Free ships make free goods" is as found a maxim as any in the law of nations, & not set up as some have contended, to suit the whim or wavering convenience of modern times, but a law that is as old as Edward 3d. of England; yet admit the lately-set-up pretensions of the British Admiralty, and what becomes of this celebrated maxim, so inexpressibly dear to the rights of neutrals? Let us even admit the contrary doctrine, the privilege for which we contend, may admit of this simple elucidation:
A neutral nation has its rights as well as a belligerent. Even tho' we admit that she has no right to carry on a direct trade from the colony to the mother country, she has still the right to trade with the colony on her own account. She has the right to be her own carrier at least, if not the carrier between the colony & the mother country. Here then appears to be a clashing & opposition of rights. How then are they to be compromised? Why, look at the correspondence between Mr. King and Lord Hawkesbury in the year 1801, and you will find how they were compromised with the British government at that day. "The high court of admiralty (says the advocate general's report) has expressly decided that landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country breaks the continuity of the voyage, and legalizes the trade, although the ship's goods be re-shipped in the same vessel, and on account of the same neutral proprietors and forwarded for sale to the mother country." In other words, the British government has consented to accept of this test as a sufficient proof that the property on board the cargo on board the neutral bottom was not the property of the enemy, but of the neutral. No doubt this rule is an arbitrary one; no doubt in many cases it produces evasion and deception; but was it not far better to agree at once upon some fixed and well-defined rule for adjudicating the property on the high seas, than in every particular case to have to go into a circumstantial enquiry of whether this cargo belongs to the neutral or to the enemy? According to the rule here laid down, a neutral vessel, meeting a British cruiser on the high seas, may settle the question of property by the mere exhibition of her authenticated papers. But according to the other doctrine, she would have to wade through a long admiralty investigation: the British cruiser would turn her from her course, deprive her perhaps of the benefits of a market, drag her before a court of admiralty, and detain her until every paper was scanned, every seaman examined and every circumstance fitted out, by which her cargo might be suspected to be enemy's property. Shall then a trade be declared to be unfair, dishonest and illegal, which is thus recommended by such strong convenience; which has been sanctioned by the uniform practice of nations, and which Great Britain herself, in 1801, "recognized as legal?" Let us once too dominate this trade an unfair and illegal one; and acknowledge the right of Great Britain to remove whenever she pleases the established landmarks of the law of nations, and what boundaries may we presume to set to her encroachments? The Macpherson of her power will but extend its race with every victim which it swallows; and the very trade which we now carry on with France, may tomorrow be declared illegal, under the very accommodating pretext of its increasing the resources of an enemy.
We beg, too, the opponents of Mr. Nicholson's resolution to recollect that it is not to support an illegal trade alone, that we would adopt this war-measure against Great Britain. They forget that we have another & perhaps a more serious source of complaint. Must we recall to our reader the three thousand American seamen impressed into British vessels? When the Marquis d'Yrujo acknowledged that "the power A was not able to prevent" the condemnation of our vessels in its ports, what contempt did we not feel for his most Catholic Majesty? A power! and yet not able to prevent the most flagrant encroachments upon her rights! Would it not have been a most delightful spectacle, had we too, have found ourselves reduced to this very enviable state of insignificance. Suppose that the French minister had remonstrated with our government upon the aid thus indirectly given to the British navy; suppose him to have produced our own list of 3000 American seamen, impressed on board British vessels, and fighting against France; suppose him to have found in the list of the seamen slain off C. Trafalgar, the names of at least 3 or 400 of our countrymen; suppose him then to have turned down Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Pinckney of September, '93, and put his finger upon the following case in point: "It is an essential character of neutrality to furnish no aids (not stipulated by treaty) to one party, which we are not equally ready to furnish to the other. If we permit corn to be sent to G. Britain and her friends, we are equally bound to permit it to France. To refrain it would be a partiality which might lead to war with France, and, between refraining it ourselves and permitting her enemies to refrain it unrightfully, is no difference;" suppose we say, that Gen. Turreau had made such a remonstrance to our government, what reply would we have made? Were we in our turn to make the humiliating confession that "the power A was not able to prevent it?" Or were we to put such a restrictive Bill as Mr. Nicholson's, into his hands and say "Thus much have we done to redress the violated rights of our country."
They say that we ought to take no measure at the present time, which may greatly dry up the resources of G. B.; that the now forms the only bulwark between us and universal domination; and that if she sinks, the whole world is laid prostrate at the feet of Bonaparte. We shall not enter into a full view of this argument, as it respects the interests of Europe. No doubt the ambition which it ascribes to Bonaparte, is too well justified by the history of his life; the power which he would possess with the British navy at his command is too fatally illustrated by the use, which he has made of his influence on the continent. But to what does this argument amount? That rather weaken the resources of G. B. we should still suffer her to confiscate millions of our property on the sea? Why not then form at once an open alliance with her and furnish her aids out of our treasury? Or that rather than run the risk of being trod upon by Bonaparte, we must suffer ourselves to be trampled down
by his majority on the continent? Now, which of Bonaparte will ever undertake his invasion upon England; whether he be successful, he will go on to throw his chain over the Atlantic Ocean, and bind these independent states to his imperial throne, we know not. The thing is possible, it is probable. But what is most certain is, that G. Britain has laid her hands upon 5 or 6 millions of our dollars and at least 3000 of our seamen.
But they say, however proper these restrictions might have been on other accounts, that the present was not the proper time for adopting them; when a negotiation is either determined or is pending with the British nation. This argument seems however to be without foundation. The dilemma is a plain one. When our restrictive law reaches Great Britain, either our differences will be settled, or they will be pending. If they are settled, what effect can they possibly have upon the negotiation? What effect, say we? It will have the effect of teaching G. B. if she once more enters upon her stem of injustice, that we have spirit enough to resent it. But if the negotiation be still pending, our restrictive law will come in as the aid of our minister. It must spur on the loitering policy of the British minister. It must accelerate the adjustment of our differences.
Restrictions upon our trade with Britain seem therefore to be free from many of the objections which have been raised against them. Whether Mr. Nicholson's system be the very best, which could have been introduced, whether it would have been better to have enacted a non-intercourse law, or a non-importation law, whether Mr. N.'s plan comprises those very articles, the non-importation of which would produce the greatest injury to Great Britain and the least to ourselves, we do not pretend to determine.
It is our own opinion, that our differences with G. Britain are either already adjusted or that they will be before the restrictive bill goes into effect. We presume from a speech of General Smith's, in the Senate on a similar subject, that it will take effect about the 1st of November; within which time the British cabinet will have sufficient leisure to weigh well the consequences of such a law. That our differences have been already settled, or that they will be without the assistance of this policy, we infer from two memorable events. The one is the death of the celebrated Pitt, who has been uniformly opposed to the American cause. The second is, the fate of the battle of Antwerp.
Should the new British ministry, however, resolutely reject our overtures, and compel us to carry into effect our proposed restriction upon their commerce, we need not fear the alternative. The restrictions which we propose, are so adapted to our situation, that we may for a long time adhere to them, and without any material injury. We may dispense with many of the articles which are enumerated, without any great sacrifice of our enjoyment, or we may obtain them upon advantageous terms by our own labour or from other nations. Even if these be now incompetent to supply us with all the articles which we may require, the increasing demand will cause an increasing production. When the merchant sees that he cannot obtain his linen from Ireland, he will seek to establish a correspondence in Germany; more of the German manufacturers will be employed in raising linens; & the same effect will extend to every country, which can supply us with a substitute for the prohibited manufactures of England. Meanwhile will England view this change in our markets, with any kind of complacency? Will she see us not only starving her own manufacturers at the present time, but encouraging the manufactures of rival countries and forming new connections of trade, which may continue long after our restrictions upon her trade are taken off? No; it is impossible. England must do us justice. She must restore our property. She must emancipate our countrymen.
THE EIGHT WEEKS WAR.
The Knell of Sweden and Naples is already sounded. Bonaparte needs nothing but a pretext to justify his conquests: Sweden and Naples have each of them furnished him with one. As to Sweden, take notice of the insulting and independent spirit which is displayed in the declaration of her king. Behold her armies combined in Hanover with the Russians and the English. Can the emperor of the French forgive this open rebellion against his authority? We may ask too, what vengeance will he take? Will he divide the Trans-Baltic Sweden between Denmark and Russia? Will he confine his wrath to the cutting off of Pomerania? and will he make over this province and Hanover to the King of Prussia? Were these the promised rewards of his neutrality?
ON THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
No. 2.
That "a President with regal powers," was not the offspring of a calm and unimpassioned deliberation, would obviously appear from the history of our present constitution. General Washington has said in his letter to the President of Congress that this constitution "is the result of a spirit of amity and of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable." Two memorable features in that instrument may serve to illustrate the position.
1. There was a considerable struggle in the Federal convention respecting the apportionment of representatives in both Houses of Congress. The larger states contended for a number of representatives in both houses proportioned to their size and population: The smaller states contended for an equality of suffrage in both. The dispute was finally compromised by allowing to the smaller states their favourite equality of representation in the senate, and to the larger, a superior representation in the lower house.
2. There was a considerable struggle between the Eastern and the Southern states respecting the non-importation of slaves: The first being in favor of a constitutional prohibition, the latter being opposed to it. A second dispute arose at the same time, about laying a restriction on navigation acts: The slave and commercial states being solicitous to have such a restriction, lest their commerce should be placed too much under the power of the eastern states, and these last states being as anxious to reject it. And how were these disputes compromised? Why: "the general government was to be prohibited, from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited time and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts was to be omitted."
The compromise, illustrated by these two memorable facts, was the compromise of local or partial interests. But there was another species of compromise, which had an important effect in moulding the constitution into its present form. It was the fruit of that deference & concession, which men coming from different parts of the union, and at an age when republican principles were not well reduced to system, were willing to exhibit in favour of their different opinions. We have now before us, a valuable and curious communication from Luther Martin, under date of March 1788, which he made to the General Assembly of Maryland when they called upon him for information respecting the proceedings of the convention. According to this gentleman there were in that body three parties of very different sentiments and views:
One party, whose wish was to annihilate the state governments and bring forward one general government over this extensive continent, of a monarchical nature, under certain restrictions: The second party was not for the abolition of the state governments, nor for the introduction of a monarchical government under any form; but they wished to establish such a system, as would give their own states undue influence in the government over the other states. A third party was truly federal and republican, who were for proceeding upon terms of federal equality.
Where such a contrariety of opinions existed, it was not surprising that the executive department should not have been at that time constituted agreeably to the purest principles of republicanism, but confused and perverted by the bias of monarchical tenets. In confirmation of this conjecture, the reader will well recollect the propositions laid to have been laid before the convention by Alex. Hamilton. That the constitution as it came from the hands of the convention, was even then strongly objected to, in all that relates to the executive department, we may infer from the following extracts from Mr. Martin's communication. We regret while we give them, that the man who could thus write, should now be found the most active in opposing a republican administration:
"There were also objections to that part of this section which relates to the negative of the President. There were some who thought no good reason could be assigned for giving the President a negative of any kind. Upon the principle of a check to the proceedings of the legislature, it was said to be unnecessary; that the two branches having a controul over each others proceedings; and the senate being chosen by the State legislatures, and being composed of members from the different States, there would always be a sufficient guard against measures being hastily or rashly adopted."
"That the President was not likely to have more wisdom or integrity than the senators or any of them, or to better know or consult the interest of the States, or any member of the senate, so as to be entitled to a negative on that principle. And as to the precedent from the British constitution (for we were eternally troubled with arguments and precedents from the British government) it was said it would not apply. The King of Great Britain there composed one of the three states of the kingdom; he was possessed of rich and privileges, rights and privileges which descended to his heirs, and were inheritable by them; that for the preservation of these it was necessary he should have a negative, but that this was not the case with the President of the U. States, who was no more than an officer of government, the sovereignty was not in him, but in the legislature: it was further urged, even if he was allowed a negative, it ought not to be of so great extent as that given by the system, since his single voice is to contravert the whole of either branch, and any number less than two-thirds of the other; however, a majority of the convention was of a different opinion, and adopted it as it now makes a part of the system."
"To that part of this article also, which gives the President a right to nominate, and with the consent of the senate to appoint all the officers, civil and military, of the United States, there were considerable opposition: it was said that the person who nominates, will always in reality appoint, and that this was giving the President a power and influence, which together with the other powers, bestowed upon him, would place him above all restraint or controul. In fine, it was urged, that the President as here constituted, was a KING, in every thing but the name; that though he was to be chosen for a limited time, yet at the expiration of that time if it is not re-elected, it will depend entirely upon his own moderation whether he will resign that authority with which he has once been invested—that from his having the appointment of all the variety of officers in every part of the civil department for the union, who will be very numerous—in them and their connexions, relations, friends and dependants, he will have a formidable host devoted to his interest, and ready to support his ambitious views. That the army and navy, which may be created without restraint as to numbers, the officers of which, from the highest to the lowest, are all to be appointed by him, and dependant on his will and pleasure, and commanded by him in person, will, of course, be subservient to his wishes, and ready to execute his commands; in addition to which, the militia also are entirely subjected to his orders—that these circumstances, combined together, will enable him, when he pleases, to become a King in name, as well as in substance, and establish himself in office not only for his own life, but even if he chooses, to have that authority perpetuated to his family."
"It was further observed, that the only appearance of responsibility in the President, which the system holds up to our view, is the provision for impeachment; but that when we reflect that he cannot be impeached but by the house of delegates, and that the members of this house are rendered dependant upon, and unduly under the influence of the President, by being appointed to offices of which he has the sole nomination, so that without his favour and approbation, they cannot obtain them, there is little reason to believe, that a majority will ever concur in impeaching the President, let his conduct be ever so reprehensible, especially too, as the final event of that impeachment will depend upon a different body, and the members of the house of delegates will be certain, should the decision be ultimately in favour of the President, to become thereby the objects of his displeasure, and to bar to themselves every avenue to the emoluments of government."
"Should he, contrary to probability, be impeached, he is afterwards to be tried and adjudged by the senate, and without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members who shall be present, he cannot be convicted. This senate being constituted a privy council to the President, it is probable many of its leading and influential members may have advised or concurred in the very measures for which he may be impeached; the members of the senate also are by the system placed as unduly under the influence of, & dependant upon the President, as the members of the other branch, since they also are appointable to offices, and cannot obtain them but through the favour of the President. There will be great, important and valuable offices under this government, should it take place, more than sufficient to enable him to hold out the expectation of one of them to each of the senators. Under these circumstances, will any person conceive it to be difficult for the President always to secure to himself more than one-third of that body? Or, can it reasonably be believed, that a criminal will be convicted, who is constitutionally empowered to bribe his judges, at the head of whom is to preside on those occasions the chief Justice, which officer in his original appointment, must be nominated by the President, and will therefore, probably be appointed not so much for his eminence in legal knowledge and for his integrity, as from favouritism and influence, since the President knowing that in case of impeachment the chief Justice is to preside at his trial, will naturally wish to fill that office with a person of whose voice and influence he shall be sure himself secure. These are reasons to induce a belief that there will be but little probability of the President ever being either impeached or convicted; but it was also urged, that vested with the powers which the system gives him, and with the influence attendant upon those powers, to him it would be of little consequence whether he was impeached or convicted, since he will be able to set both at defiance. These considerations recaptured a part of the convention to give a negative to this part of the system establishing the executive as it is now offered for our acceptance."
Mr. John Randolph's Speech will be continued in our next paper.
MARRIED —on Monday the 17th inst. PEYTON RANDOLPH, Esq. to this City, to the much admired Miss MARIA WARD, of Amelia.
BOHN & HUBNER Have received from Bremen, a General Assortment of GERMAN LINENS—consisting of
OZNABURGS, Ticklenburgs, Heffians, Romann Sheetings, Plittas, Brown Rolls, &c.—which they offer for sale on the most reasonable terms. March 25. 12c
A Reward of FIVE DOLLARS will be given to any person who will deliver at this office a Large DEVICE, lost (as is believed) in the Main-street. It has the Portrait of a Woman and two little Angels on it, also the Motto of "Love & affection." March 25.
NEW BOOKS.
JACOB JOHNSON has just received, for sale at his Book Store, a few doors below the Market, Richmond, UNIVERSAL History, 25 vols. Dols. 37 50 American Letters, 2 vols. Elegant, 6 50 Life of General Moreau, with his likeness, 1 00 Domestic Recreations, by Mrs. Pilkington, 62 1/2 Juvenile Poems, 37 1/2 Fergusson's Astronomy, improved by Robert Patterson of Philadelphia, 3 50 A regular supply of all the new works will be had at his Store. March 25. 3c
JUST PUBLISHED.
By Jacob Johnson, and for sale at his Book Store, a few doors below the Market, Richmond, price 62 1/2 cts. A short system of POLITE LEARNING, containing, besides other useful matter, an Epitome of the Arts and Sciences, by Daniel Jaudon, principal of the Young Ladies Academy Philadelphia. Scott's United States Gazetteer, 10 50 Rollin's Ancient History, 8 vols. 10 50 March 25. 3c
A Constant supply of fresh ground CORN MEAL and HOMONY, will be kept for sale at the Columbian Mills. GAILLEGG, RICHARD & Co. (law 3w.) February 23. BURN MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AT RURAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. (sp.)

NORFOLK, March 17.
TRANSLATED
From French papers received at the OFFICE of the PUBLIC LEDGER, by the Ship Jane, Captain Evans, from Bordeaux.
THIRTY-THIRD BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
AUSTERLITZ, 7th Dec.
The general in chief Buxhowden has been killed, with many other Russian generals, whose names are unknown. Our soldiers have collected great quantities of booty.
The Russian general Kutusow was wounded, and his son-in-law, a young man of great merit, killed.
The dead have been numbered, from which it appears that 18,000 Russians, 600 Austrians, and 900 French are killed. We have 7,000 Russians wounded. Including all, we have 3,000 French wounded; general Roger Valhuier is dead in consequence of his wounds. An hour before his death he wrote the emperor as follows: "I wished to have done more for you; in one hour I shall be no more. I regret it not, since I have participated in a victory which assures to you a happy reign. When you shall think of those brave men, who devoted themselves to you, remember me. It is enough for me to mention to you that I have a family, I need not recommend it to your protection." Generals Kellerman, Sebastiani, and Thibout are out of danger. Generals Mault and Demont are wounded, but not dangerously. It must be interesting to be informed of the different decrees successively made by the emperor in favour of the army; they are here subjoined.
The corps of general Buxhowden which occupied the left of the army consisted of 27,000 men; not a single one has rejoined the Russian army. It was exposed for several hours to the fire of 40 pieces of cannon, a part of which composed the artillery of the Imperial guard. The carnage was horrible. The loss sustained by the Russians cannot be calculated at less than 45,000 men killed, wounded, and made prisoners, and the residue who will return home with the emperor of Russia, will not exceed 25,000. May this prove a salutary lesson to this young Prince, and induce him to abandon the policy which English gold has purchased.
May he recur to those old principles which are adapted to the interest of his country and character, and break the yoke imposed on him by the vile oligarchs of London. The great Catherine understood well the genius and resources of Russia, when at the time of the first coalition, she declined sending an army, and was content to aid it with her counsels and good wishes. But she had the experience of a long reign, and a knowledge of the character of her nation, to guide her; she had reflected on the dangers of coalitions. This experience cannot be acquired at the age of 24 years.
When Paul her son, marched his armies against France, he soon discovered that those errors are the least injurious which are the shortest; and after one campaign, he withdrew his troops.
If Woronzow, (now in London) were not more an Englishman than a Russian, a very different idea would be formed of his talents, to admit that he could suppose that 60, or 100,000 Russians were competent to disperse France, to induce her to bend to the British yoke, to abandon Belgium, and to force the emperor to resign his Italian crown to the degenerate race of the Sardinian sovereigns. The Russian troops are brave, but infinitely less so than the French. Their generals are quite inexperienced, and their soldiers ignorant and stupid, as to render their arms by no means formidable.
Supposing moreover the possibility of the Russians being victorious, Russia herself must have been depopulated to have attained the senseless object, preferred to them by the oligarchs of London.
The battle of Austerlitz took place near the tomb of the celebrated Kunitz. This circumstance has made a strong impression among the people of Vienna. By its prudence and judgment, and particularly by invariably maintaining harmony between France and Austria, he had brought Austria to a high degree of prosperity.
Here follow the names of the Russian generals made prisoners; many others were slain in the field of battle. There are, moreover, 4 or 500 officers killed—among whom are reckoned 20 majors and lieut. colonels, and more than 100 captains.
Prebizenski, Wimpfen, Muller, Zakuminsky, Mul-Bene, Selechov, Strizy, Szerliakov, Prince Repnin, Prince Sberlky, Adrian, Lagunov, Salina, Mazenkow, Voyickoff.
The emperor has commanded M. Talleyrand, who was at Vienna, to repair to Brunn.
M. Maret has joined his majesty at Austerlitz.
The emperor left last night at Brunn.
THIRTY-FOURTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.—BRUNN, Dec. 10.
The emperor received yesterday Prince Repnin, made prisoner at the battle of Austerlitz at the head of the horse guards, of which he was the colonel. His majesty told him that it was not his wish to deprive the emperor Alexander of such brave troops, and that he had permission to collect all the prisoners of the Russian imperial guard, and return with them into Russia. His majesty expressed his regret that the emperor of Russia should have hazarded a battle, and observed that had his majesty been less sanguine he might have spared the blood and honour of his army.
Prince John of Lichtenstein arrived here yesterday invested with full powers to negotiate—The conferences between him and M. Talleyrand are carried on very actively.
His majesty's first aid-de-camp, Junot, who was despatched to the emperors of Germany and Russia, saw the emperor of Germany at Holitz, who received him very graciously. He was unable to prosecute his mission, on account of the emperor Alexander's having left off for St. Petersburg, attended by general Kutusow.
His majesty received at Brunn M. Haugwitz, and appeared very well satisfied with the communications made by that plenipotentiary, whom he received in the most flattering manner, in consequence of his having been ever opposed to a connexion with England, as well on account of the reputation of his counsels, to which is attributed the present prosperity of Prussia. As much cannot be said of another minister, who, born in Hanover, has not been found accessible to the influence of gold. But all these intrigues have and will prove impotent, when opposed to the king of Prussia's superior good sense and discernment. As to the rest, the French nation is dependent on no one, and one hundred and fifty thousand enemies in addition would have but protracted the war a short time longer. France and Prussia, under these circumstances have reason to be thankful to the duke of Brunswick, the marquis Moellendorff, De
Knoholsdorf, Lombard, and above all the king himself. The intrigues of England have often been attended with success, but as in order to form a conclusion, it is necessary to take a view of the question in all its bearings, all their intrigues have been baffled by the will of the king. In fact those who conducted them, strangely abused his confidence; can Prussia have a more powerful and faithful ally than France? Russia is the only power in Europe who can engage in war from motives of caprice; after a battle lost or gained, Russia can retire; France, Austria, and Prussia, on the contrary, must deliberate a long time on the consequences of the war, one or two battles are insufficient to exhaust the chances of it.
The Moravian peasantry kill the Russians whenever they meet with them in small parties. They have already destroyed a hundred. The emperor of the French has given orders for cavalry patrols to ride over the country and prevent this violence. Since the enemy's army has retired, the Russians left behind it are placed under the protection of their conquerors. It is undeniable that they have committed so many disorders and atrocities, that it is not surprising that vengeance should be taken of them. They maltreat the poor as well as the rich; 300 lashes seem to them but a moderate chastisement. There are no outrages which they have not attempted. Pillage, firing of villages, massacres, such was their amusement. They have even murdered priests at the altar! Wretched must be the sovereign who shall bribe such a scourge on his country. The battle of Austerlitz has proved an European victory, since it has removed the imposture which attached to the name of these Barbarians.
THIRTY-FIFTH BULLETIN OF THE GRAND ARMY.
BRUNN, December 11.
The Russian army in three columns, began its march the 8th December on its return to Russia.—The first has taken the way of Cracow and Therespil, the second that of Katschau, Lemberg, and Brodi, and the third that of Czirnau, Watrel and Hussiatin. At the head of the first has departed the emperor of Russia, with his brother the grand duke Constantin.
Besides the artillery used in the battle, an entire park consisting of one hundred pieces of cannon has been taken from the Russians, with all their ammunition waggons. The emperor has been to see this park of artillery; he has given orders for its transportation into France.
(Here follows the names of the officers who were distinguished in the battle of the second.)
MILAN, November 29.
We just learn that an Anglo-Russian squadron, consisting of 12 ships of war, and several transports, had landed 12 or 15,000 men at Naples, the 20th November last.
Immediately after the landing, the ambassador of his majesty, the emperor of France and king of Italy, removed the arms of France, which were placed at the gate of his palace, and demanded his passports.
The passports were granted, and the ambassador retired to Rome. On this subject, a royal proclamation has been published at Naples, the terms of which convey a just idea of the earnestness with which that court has attempted to make its neutrality respected.
Private letters, worthy of credit, assure us that his Sicilian majesty has engaged to join the Anglo-Russian force with a body of peasantry, the levy of which has already commenced.
These letters add that the command of this Napoli-Anglo-Russian army, is given to the Russian general Lascy, (who has resided in Naples six or seven months past) and that the guard of the city of Naples has been confided to an English corps of 1,800 men.
It has not yet transpired what are to be the projects of the military assembled at Naples. But all the world well knows what success may be expected to attend an army, composed of three different people, strangers to each other, and opposed in habits, language and even interests.
Nevertheless, it is certain that the English squadron suffers extremely in consequence of an epidemic, that in putting into Sicily, it was under the necessity of leaving 300 sick there, and that since the landing at Naples, the hospitals of that capital have been encumbered with Russians and English.
Let us hope, for the welfare of Naples, and even for that of the Anglo-Russians, that the bulletins of the grand army will reach them soon enough to avert from them the fate in reserve, should they dare to oppose their forces to ours. Let us hope, that the Anglo-Russians will hasten to show themselves faithful to the first article of the capitulation proposed to Prince Murat, by the aid-de-camp of his majesty of all the Russians, and that they will take the opportunity of returning to their ports, the same way that they came.
However it may be, the news of the landing at Naples, and the manner in which the Russians and English have been there received, demands of us a few observations which cannot be suppressed.
Thus then has the court of Naples reserved for itself the detestable honor of surpassing in perfidy even the court of London.
Thus at the very moment that this court ratified at Portici, 8th October, 1805, the treaty of neutrality, that her ambassador had signed at Paris, 21st Sept. at the moment the promised (1st article of the treaty) to repel by force every attempt which should be made against the rights and duties of her neutrality—she not only neglects to repel our enemies by force, but moreover consents to deliver up her own people to act as auxiliaries to England and Russia against France and Italy.
Thus, at the moment when this court promised on her honour (2d article of the treaty) not to suffer any corps of troops belonging to any belligerent power, to be landed or to advance into any part of her territory; she promised England and Russia to open to them her ports, her arsenals and her hospitals.
Thus at the moment when this court engaged (3d article of the treaty) not to confide the command of her armies, fortified places, to any officers, Russian, English or Austrians; she promised to dispose her peasantry under the orders of the Russian general Lascy, and to confide to the English the custody of its own capital.
Thus, in short, at the moment when the emperor of the French and king of Italy, faithful to the 5th article of the treaty, withdrew all his forces from the territory of Naples, and delivered up the places and ports of the country, to Neapolitan officers; the king of Naples engaged to expel his own officers from these ports, and military places, and to replace them by the English and Russians.
Such infamy and baseness will not escape with impunity. The indignation of all people, the discipline and valour of the French and Ita-
lian armies, the genius of their august commander, will avenge the present generation for the base perfidy, of which the queen of Naples has just given so odious an example.
That God, who punishes perjury will conduct it to be necessary our squadrons to new triumphs.—Already, at the very moment that these traitors lay their hostile plots, does that God seem to have forewarned them by the fires of Vesuvius, of the fate reserved for them by our veterans.
The people of the kingdom of Italy will be temperate in the expression of their just indignation, they will confide in the wisdom, and foresight of their government. Who of us can doubt that our august monarch and his worthy representative has taken every measure which they have judged necessary to our defence and our interests?
Should the enemy attempt the foolish project of marching against us, they will be doubly arrested in their course, they will never reach the frontiers of our kingdom, they will be vanquished before their eyes meet that happy and peaceable country, into which they hoped to carry brutality, devastation and ruin.
BRUNN, December 8.
NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French and king of Italy. We have decreed and decree as follows:
ART. 1. A contribution of one hundred millions of Franks shall be levied on Austria, Moravia, and the other provinces of the house of Austria, occupied by the French army.
2d. This sum to be given by way of donation to the army, conformably to the plan of distribution which we shall decree.
3d. The amount of the value of all the magazines, of salt, tobacco, arms, powder and warlike stores, which are not found necessary to the equipment of our army, and which the commander of the artillery shall not deem expedient to transport to France, but which we shall order to be sold, shall be deposited in the military chest, belonging to the army, to be distributed among it in rewards.
4th. From the first supplies of this contribution, and on that raised upon Suabia, three months pay as a reward, shall be bestowed on every general, officer or soldier, who shall have been or may be wounded in the present war.
5th. The minister of war is charged with the execution of the present decree.
ANOTHER decree promulgated at the Imperial camp at Austerlitz, on the 7th Dec. contains the following ordinances:
ART. 1. The widows of the generals slain at the battle of Austerlitz shall enjoy a pension of 6000 franks during their lives; the widows of colonels and majors a pension of 2,400 franks; the widows of captains one of 1,200 franks; the widows of lieutenants one of 800 franks; the widows of soldiers one of 200 franks.
2. The minister of war is charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall pass into a law from the present day, and be inserted in the bulletin of the laws.
ANOTHER decree of the same day contains, ART. 1. We adopt the children of the French generals, officers and soldiers, slain at the battle of Austerlitz.
2. They shall all be maintained and brought up at our expense, the sons in our imperial palace at Rambouillet and the daughters in our imperial palace at Saint Germain. The sons shall afterwards be provided for by us, and the daughters married.
3. Beside their Baptismal and family names, they shall have the privilege of joining to them the name NAPOLEON. Our chief judge shall see that its execution be regulated agreeably to the formality required by the civil code.
The grand marshal of our palace and our intendant general of the house shall be charged respectively with the execution of the present decree, which shall be made the order of the day, and pass forthwith into a law.
Twenty Millions of Dollars.
December 11.
Chesterfield County March Court, 1805. Edward Burnett, Plaintiff. John Pentecost, Defendant. THE defendant not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth; on the motion of the Plaintiff, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant, do appear here on the first day of May next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers, printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy, March 18, TH: WATKINS. c. (2mlp.)
VIRGINIA.
In the Superior Court of Chancery, held in Richmond, May 22d, 1805.
Between Frances Tabb, widow of John Tabb, deceased, Bathurst Randolph and Mary his wife, John Randolph Archer and Frances Cook his wife, Thomas Tabb, John Velverton Tabb an infant, Signoria Tabb an infant, Harriet Tabb an infant, and Marianna Tabb an infant, which said infants sue by the said Thomas, their next friend, the said Mary, Frances Cook, Thomas, John Velverton, Signoria, Harriet and Marianna are children and heirs at law of the said John Tabb, deceased. And—William B. Giles, administrator of John Tabb—Defds.
THIS cause, by consent of parties, came on this twenty-third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and five, to be heard on the bill, answer and exhibits, and was argued by counsel; on consideration whereof, the court adjudged and decreed, that the lots and houses in the proceedings mentioned to have been purchased by John Tabb, dec'd, from Richard James, and by the said Tabb sold to Cornelius Buck and James Brander, and a certain Adams, but not conveyed, be sold at public auction by the Commissioners herein after named, for ready money, or on such credit as they may deem most beneficial to the parties interested, after the time and place of sale shall have been notified by advertisement for three weeks successively, in one or more of the Richmond newspapers; that the proceeds of sale be divided into three equal parts, and one of those parts paid to the plaintiff Frances Tabb, and the residue to the other plaintiffs and the defendant; and that the defendant, after the purchase money shall have been paid, do convey the said lots and houses to the purchaser or purchasers thereof, at their costs, in fee simple.—And Joseph Scott, Benjamin Hatcher and Abraham B. Venable, or any two of them, are appointed Commissioners for executing this decree; and are required to report their proceedings in execution thereof, to the court.
A Copy, Teffe, PETER TINSLEY, c. c.
The property mentioned in the above decree, will be offered for sale, on the premises, on Wednesday the 15th of April next, on a credit of six, nine and twelve months, in equal proportions, by the COMMISSIONERS. (law 3w.)
March 18.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, on the 13th January last, LUCY, a negro woman, about 32 years old, of a yellowish complexion, and rather under the common size. She carried with her, sundry cloathing, amongst which was a light mixed Virginia cloth habit, and an old dark grounded calico gown. She was raised by Mr. Tankard, of Henrico, and sold to the subscriber, by Abraham Cowley near Richmond. She has two sisters living in Richmond, who I have reason to believe, conceal her, as she has been seen in company with her sister Darkis, (the property of Mr. H. Banks) several times.
Any person who will deliver the said woman to the subscriber, is Manchester, shall have the above reward. Wm. B. CLARKE. (law 4wp.)
March 14.
NOTICE.
ALL those to whom the late Moses Tredway sen. of Prince Edward were indebted, are hereby requested to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, to
MOSES TREDWAY, Adm'r. Prince Edward, Feb. 21. oaw6w.
NOTICE.
ALL those to whom the late Wm. Jackson, of Manchester were indebted, are requested to exhibit their claims properly authenticated, to the subscriber, by the first day of May next.
THO'S. TREDWAY, Administrator with the will annexed. oaw6w. Feb. 21.
JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
A Tan adjourned meeting of the James River Company, held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, on the 4th day of February 1806, Resolved, that a dividend of seven per cent, be made on the shares in said company, which will be paid to the respective shareholders or their order on application to
ROBERT POLLARD, Treasurer. March 18. law 2w.
DOMESTIC MANUFACTURE.
FOR SALE.
ONE Water Frame complete, of Arkwright machinery improved, for spinning of Cotton by water; one do. nearly complete; one Mule of 144 spindles, complete, and several more not put together; one perpetual carding machine, not finished; several spinning gennys of 42 spindles each—with a very considerable quantity of materials, both brass and iron work of every description, finished and unfinished, for constructing the above machinery—being the property of a person lately deceased, will be disposed of for cash on very low terms. Apply to the Editor of the Enquirer in Richmond.
N. B. Any gentleman wishing to purchase, will find to their advantage to apply early. March 18. law 4w
FOR SALE.
On a credit of one, two and three years; MY HOUSE and five acres of GROUND near the Poor House; the lots may be sold separately or together, and if together, land in Kentucky will be received in exchange for the part payment, provided the land and situation suits the subscriber, who lives upon the property advertised, and may be seen at any time.
ROBERT CROUCH, P. S. His Father's TAVERN to rent. Feb. 15 (t.
And on Tuesday the first day of April, will be sold at Public Sale:
ALL my Household and Kitchen FURNITURE.
Cash will be required for all sums under ten dollars and six months credit for all sums above, notes with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. R.C. March 18. oaw12a
HANOVER, Dec. 12.
A courier just arrived, brings an order to the Russian troops to hold themselves in readiness to retreat. Very alarming rumours are circulating relative to the coalition. It is said that the emperor Napoleon gained on the 2d instant, so complete a victory, that peace immediately took place after it.
Don, the English general, has made strong remonstrances to the Russian generals, but a second courier dispatched by the Duke of Brunswick has brought a confirmation of the total defeat of the emperor Alexander and of that monarch's determination to make a retreat with all his forces into his States. The most profound consternation reigns among the English, and the members of the Hanoverian regency.
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT MECHANICAL HONE.
may be had as Mr. Geo. Green's Store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. Jan. 22.
By FRANCIS FOLLET, near opposite the Eagle Tavern, Main-Street, Richmond; CARBON SEEDS, fresh and good of the following kinds: Red and White Onions, Winter Cabbage, Blood Beet, Scarcity, Head Lettuce, French and English Turnip, Cucumber, Carrot, Parsnip, Bush Beans, Radish, Sage, Saffron, Burnet Asparagus, Summer and Winter Squash, Water and Musk-melon, Parley and Peppergrals. Ten barrels Liver Oil, 10 barrels Cider, Cider in bottles, 12 gr. Cakes Sherry Wine, 30 bbls. Nova Scotia fall fall Mackerel, 14 by 10, 12 by 10 and 10 by 8 English Window Glass. A quantity of Heart and Club German Steel, and a general assortment of Hardware, Ironmongery and Jewelry. March 18. oaw 4w.
FOR SALE.
THE ESTATE on which the subscriber now resides, in Frederick county, Virginia, adjoining the town of Berryville, (called Battlestown) eleven miles from Winchester, and immediately on the public road from Winchester to Alexandria. There are 400 hundred acres in the tract, one hundred acres of wood land, and in point of fertility of soil no land in America is superior. The improvements on the farm are valuable and in good repair. The dwelling house is large and convenient; the kitchen, dairy, barns, stables, &c. &c. are in complete order. There are two very productive apple orchards, one summer and the other choice winter fruits, capable of producing from 1000 to 1200 gallons of brandy per annum. The terms of sale will be reasonable, and a convenient credit given for the purchase money, which may be known by application to Col. Edward Carrington of Richmond, or the subscriber ELISHA I. HALL. Tudor Hall, March 14. oaw 4w.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk, and that others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorise some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the above-mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. December 10. (6Ft1 May.)
N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK; Harry is about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a tawny complexion, 22 years of age; Dick is of high, slim and very black, with large white teeth, wide apart, projecting out of his mouth, 18 years of age. When they went away, they had on home manufactured breeches and old grey jackets. I have been informed they are now dressed in blue jackets, with sailor's trowsers, and are making their way to Maryland with a free pass. They have relations at Reuben Beale's, Esq. of Richmond county, and Mr. John Turberville's quarter in Westmoreland, where it is probable they may lurk until they can procure a passage across the Potomac. Whoever will deliver them to me, or secure them so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or the proportion for either. ELLIOTT MUSE. Buckingham Lodge, Middlesex county, March 4. ep 3m.
JOHN ALCOCK,
INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond on the Cross-Street leading up from Printer's or Monroe's Vendue-Store, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials. He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few window chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold unaccompanied low for cash. January 30. it.
FOR SALE.
FIVE hundred acres of LAND in Powhatan county, lying on the Buckingham road above the Court House; four fifths of which is in woods and well timbered. Also, four or five hundred acres lying on Appomattox river, bounded on the upper side by Maj. Peterfield Archer, and on the lower by Mr. John Bowall. The above is part of the land generally known by the name of the fighting creek estate. Terms will be made known by applying to Wm. Burklely living thereon, or to the subscriber. Wm. RANDOLPH. Wilton, March 4. oaw
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, two NEGROES, Billy and Edmund; Billy is supposed to be thirty years old, upwards of six feet in height, strong and well made, of very dark complexion, has a downy look when spoken to, and stammers when speaking. In addition to clothes usually worn by negroes, he has a blue bear skin great coat, and a pair of large fishing boots, one of not both capped at the toes.
Edmund is about twenty-five years old, near 6 feet high, of healthy and strong appearance, of lighter complexion than negroes commonly are, generally of full countenance, unless when excited to mirth, when his smile is very striking. He is how-legged, and has very uncommon shaped feet, where there are much longer than the others, and make a considerable projection at the second joint; he has a lazy walk and appears to limp a little. Edmund had on a green plain Bort coat, shirt swansdown vest and brown coating pantaloons. These fellows, (particularly the first) having committed offences of a very serious kind, it is expected will endeavour to quit the state. Edmund has relations in Richmond and is connected with a fr. molattoe, Tho. Mekins, who is informed has a vessel from Richmond to New York. To any person who shall apprehend and deliver to me in New-Kent (if taken out of the county) the said negroes, I will pay for each twenty dollars, if secured in any jail in the state, so that I get them again, ten dollars each, or of taken in this county and delivered to me of my manager, ten dollars. JOHN D. WATKINS. New-Kent, Feb. 21. 4w.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF
IRONS.