The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-04-25 00:00:00

IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN.
On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county,
THE STUD of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in hand and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated. A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.
JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (ids.)
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [epu.]
Dec. 4. THE subscriber has extended his practice to the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Williamsburg district. PATRICK HENDREN, Attorney at Law. Shirley, Charles City, March 7. (law 8m.)
TO BE RENTED, Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office.
THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERIWETHER JONES. February 4. tf.
At a Court continued and held for Halifax County, the 25th day of February, 1806. IN AN INJUNCTION IN CHANCERY. William Thomas, Plaintiff. Against Moses Walker, Defendant.
THE defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country: on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in May next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff—and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper in the city of Richmond for two weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the Courthouse of this county. A Copy. T. Jones, JOHN BARKSDALE, D. C. H. C. April 8. Jmp
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. To be sold to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 1st day of May next, in the town of Lynchburg, and county of Campbell.
THAT large and commodious TAVERN and improved piece of ground, adjoining thereto; situated in the centre of said town and on the main street, at the corner leading to the jail and court-house, and not more than thirty yards from the latter, opposite Lynch's Ware-House and the street leading from the ferry landing. The TAVERN contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball or dining room; the second floor contains six rooms suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This TAVERN has a portion of the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house and stable with twenty-two stalls therein. The unimproved piece of ground contains 144 feet on the main street to Davis's Lot and a hundred feet on the middle street a Lot and a half which is called the Town Lot, including the half Lot the stable stands on. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantages arising from its central and eligible stand for a TAVERN and store houses, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase the same without viewing the said property; there being no doubt they will be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation than any information they could get from this advertisement. The terms are one third of the purchase money paid down, one third 25th Dec. following and the remaining one third 25th Dec. 1807, the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. For further information apply to William Rote of Richmond or the subscriber living near Lynchburg. SAMUEL SCOTT. February 11. (tf.)
THE FAIRFIELD RACES Will commence on Monday the 5th of May, and continue for four days. 1st Day—The JOCKEY CLUB CUP, free for all ages, the horses being bona fide the property of the members; distance two mile heats. 2d Day—The JOCKEY CLUB PURSE, of four hundred and fifty dollars, four mile heats. 3d Day—The PURSE of the PROPRIETOR of the COURSE, for two hundred and fifty dollars; three mile heats. 4th Day—A SWEEP STAKE for three years old colts and fillies, two mile heats; one hundred dollars entrance—This subscription will remain open until the 5th May. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. 6 years old 128 5 do. do. 118 4 do. do. 106 3 do. do. 90—Mares and Geldings allowed 5 lbs. I wish to rent the Dining House, and the Booth's in the Field; those who have formerly rented them, shall have a preference; application must be made immediately. The members of the club, will please to observe a little more punctuality, in paying up their subscriptions, and the money on each day, has to be placed in the hands of the Judges. Those gentlemen, who have not yet paid up their forfeits, in the produce Sweep Stake, won last October, by Mr. Hugh Wylie, will be so good, as to pay it to Mr. Wylie, or the Treasurer, by the last day of the races, in May next. ESME SMOCK, Treasurer and Proprietor of the Course. Richmond, April 4, 1806. (tf.)
AT a meeting of the shareholders in the CHINESE SNAKE-STONE, held agreeably to notice, at the house of Tunhall Banks, Esq. in the Town of Tappahannock, on Tuesday the 18th day of March, 1806, the necessary rules and regulations for the management thereof, were adopted; by which it was determined that the Stone should be permanently fixed in the aforesaid Town, and for the present, placed in the hands of Dr. Austin Brockenbrough, under whose direction it will be administered on the following conditions: Each shareholder shall be entitled to the use thereof, for himself and all his family, free of charge for application: and every person applying, who is not a shareholder, shall pay at the following rate, viz: eight dollars for the necessary application to the first wound, and two dollars for the necessary application to each other wound; except to the poor, to whom it shall be administered gratis. A general list of the shareholders, and the rules and regulations, are left in the hands of Doctor Brockenbrough, for the information of all concerned. JOHN P. LEE, Clerk.
Doctor Brockenbrough requires those coming from a distance, who mean to apply for the use of the Stone gratis, to provide themselves with a certificate of their situation from a magistrate or some respectable neighbor. Tappahannock, April 1, 1806. 4w.
LAND, Positively for sale by the subscriber, ONE thousand acres, formerly known by the name of David Irwin's Quarter, on Otter river, in this county, adjoining the Land whereon the subscriber lives, where there is a merchant mill that makes as good flour as any in America; not more than twenty two miles from the flourishing town of Lynchburg, where there is a good market for all kinds of produce. On this tract there is as much cleared land as is sufficient to work seven or eight hands to advantage, consisting of two fields of first rate river Low Ground and three of High Land, all in good order for cropping, the balance is in woods, a great part of which is heavily timbered, and a great quantity of good tobacco land; there is also on this tract abundance of the best spring water in every field, a good lime-stone quarry the quantity inexhaustible, also an overseer's house, together with other necessary houses for plantation business. The Land is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Wheat, Cotton, Corn, Rye, Oats and Flax; the situation is very healthy, and in a good neighborhood, attached to which is a very good range for all sorts of stock. The purchaser may be accommodated with every kind of stock, grain and plantation utensils, and possession given next Christmas, or sooner if required. Credit will be given for two thirds of the purchase money at three equal annual payments, the other third will be required in hand. Tobacco, Bank stock, public securities or negroes will be received in payment. ROBERT SCOTT. Campbell, February 1. Sm.
N. B. The above land may be divided into two plantations if required. In the absence of the subscriber the Overseer will show the premises. R. S.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOODFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. tf.
JOHN ALCOCK, INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Professer's Moncure's Vendue-store, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials. He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. January 30. tf.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. R An away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manufactured. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH.
His name is AMPER; he is accustomed to horse and serving in the house. April 11. tf.
FOR SALE. BY the subscriber, BURR MILL STONES of 3 different sizes, from 3 feet 16 inches to 6 feet diameter. About ten thousand BURR BLOCKS, that have just come to hand, and are of good quality. The subscriber also constantly keeps on hand a large and good assortment of BOLLING CLOTHS of the best quality, which he has had purchased at the manufactory with cash, that he offers for sale for cash, or good paper, on as good terms as any that are sold in the United States. ISAAC M'PHERSON Apply to M. & B. Myers, Richmond, for particulars. Baltimore, March 28. law 6w.
War Department, March 1, 1806. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz:
First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 41st degree of north latitude. Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia, and on the Tennessee river, and on the road between said river, and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee. Third, At the garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Mafiac, New-Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, and Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 41st degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river. Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, and south of the 41st degree of north latitude, Fort Mafiac excepted. Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Oacheta, Natchitoches, Appalousas, Atakapa, Fort Soudier, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, or in the county of Washington on the Mississippi river, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas. Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January 1807, to the 31st day of December of the same year, both days inclusive, within the several states hereafter mentioned, viz:
Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation. Seventh, At Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina. Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Virginia. Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia. Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the mountains, and within the states of New Jersey and Delaware. Eleventh, At Pittsburgh, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains. Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of New-York Niagara and its dependencies excepted. Thirteenth, At Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Vermont. Fourteenth, At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine, excepted. Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine. Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armors and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eight ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance; of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper. It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of illing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. States shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be referred to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months. H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. (Eptl.M.) March 14.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, March 7. DEBATE on Mr. Gregg's Resolution. [CONTINUED.]
MR. M'CREERY. Mr. Chairman: I am extremely sorry that the gentleman from Georgia, as well as many others who have spoken on this question, should entertain an idea of the carrying trade so exceedingly erroneous as it respects us. Do gentlemen suppose that every American vessel which has coffee, sugar, or any other West-Indian produce on board is engaged in what is called the carrying trade? If our vessels engaged in the West-India trade, and which carry out American produce, together with some European goods, sell, as they often do, for double the cost, and bring back much more West-India produce than can be consumed at home, what must become of the surplus? We must certainly be permitted to export it; and altho' it is not the produce of our soil, it undeniably is of our industry, and therefore as much entitled to protection as the other.
But we are told, sir, that our merchants are covering belligerent property; and to prove this, a celebrated pamphlet called "War in Disguise," is now quoted on this floor as gospel. For my part sir, I consider that production entirely apocryphal; but, sir, there is a production which I always consider orthodox—here is the report of our secretary of the treasury—this I have examined and what does it say? If by his reports we find that the articles we import from the W. Indies do not exceed in value the goods our merchants send thither, where will the author of "War in Disguise" find this so much talked of covered property?
Table with 2 columns: Item, Value. Items include Pimento, Cocoa, Coffee, Sugar, Indigo, Cotton, Rum. Total: 21,371,311.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Value. Items include Foreign do., Freight and insurance. Total: 21,139,977.
I hold it fair to include freight and insurance, for although a man may send his own vessel, and stand his own underwriter, he will always make these calculations before he undertakes an expedition: and considering the nature of the trade we have been carrying on there, this allowance is very moderate. And now, sir, let me ask, what is there left of masked property for the author of war in disguise and my lord Collingwood? Why, truly, the mighty sum of 231,934 dollars!
But, sir, independent of this statement, where is this mighty sum about which so much fuss is made, that we are screening from G. Britain? Why, in France, no doubt! And what does it amount to? I will tell you, sir:—Our whole exports to that nation in 1804, consisting of our own and foreign produce, amounted to 8,800,000 dollars. Now, sir, I do suppose, that most of the coffee we have sent thither, came to us from St. Domingo. I would, therefore, ask the author of "War in Disguise," or any one else, whether they really think the black nobility of St. Domingo have been sending their produce masked under our flag to supply their friends in France? The whole of this allegation is too absurd to merit a serious refutation. The fact is, that of this 8,800,000, we receive payment in French goods to the amount of about 1,800,000, and the residue, together with the surplus of our other exports to Europe, is remitted to G. B. to make up the balance of 12,000,000, which our trade with her annually subjects us to. Now, sir, who has the best right to complain of us in this business? Certainly not England.
We are also told that if this resolution passes, our exports to Great Britain, will be materially affected. Although the resolution does not go to prevent us from sending our produce thither, I will examine that part of the argument of the gentleman from Georgia respecting tobacco. The whole of our export of that article in 1804, was 83,000,000 lbs. and if you will take your pen and calculate the population where this tobacco is consumed, you will find they amount to about 83 millions, which gives to Great Britain the consumption of about 14 or 15,000 lbs. Now, sir, you will find, that in 1805 we exported to that nation 50,000,000 lbs. and on an average we send them near 40,000,000 lbs. annually. What is the consequence? That by sending more than they can consume, the price is kept below its intrinsic value; whereas, were we wise enough to send them no more than they do consume, the price would be always good: for it is an axiom in trade, that when the medium of consumption is exceeded, the price must fall; whereas, if the supply is deficient, it occasions a competition in the market, which never fails to raise the article above its real value. It will therefore be highly advantageous to the tobacco planter that less of it goes to G. Britain.
On the subject of our revenue, we are often exultingly told, that it comes exclusively off the farmer and planter, who are the great consumers. Let us examine this question. Our imports amounted in 1804 to about 80 millions, whereof 34 millions were re-exported. Of the remaining 46, how much is consumed by the farmer and planter? I compute the population of our seaports to be about one eighth of that of the U. S. and from the luxury and waste, the extraordinary consumption of liquors, tea, coffee, sugar, &c. &c. and even of salt, of which I do believe one ship commonly consumes as much as ten farmers—that these towns consume one third; which leaves 30 millions out of 80 to the farmer and planter.
As to the article of cotton, it would appear that of 55 millions exported, about 25 go to G. B. and although I do not know accurately, I believe that part is re-exported the same as imported; but if not, it is well known that G. B. must and will have it; and when it is considered that at this moment command Spanish wool and French claret, they will find little difficulty in procuring our cotton. I thought it incumbent on me to make these few remarks to the committee, because, altho' they may have occurred to some, I believe they have not to all. (Debate to be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, April 16.  A bill for fortifying the ports and harbors of the U. States and for building gun-boats, was read a third time and passed.  The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—MR. GREGG in the chair—on the bill supplementary to the act, entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the U. S." The chairman proceeded to read the bill until he came to the fourth and fifth sections, which authorise the commissioners of the sinking fund to appoint one agent in London, and another in Amsterdam, to receive subscriptions and transfers, and to issue new certificates; and to enable the holders of old six per cent. deferred or three per cent. stock who may become subscribers to the new stock either in the United States or in Europe, and who, on the first day of April next, and on the day of the subscription, shall be entitled in Europe, to receive the interest on their stock, either in the United States, or at London for in Amsterdam.  Mr. Varnum moved to strike out the fifth section. This motion was supported by Mr. Davenport, & opposed by Mr. J. Randolph, and disagreed to—Ayes 34—Noes 42.  On motion of Mr. J. Randolph, the compensation allowed to each of the above agents was fixed at 3,000 dollars—Ayes 48.  The 8th section was read as follows: Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That from and after the first day of April next, whenever it shall be necessary to issue new certificates, either in lieu of such certificates of old six per cent. or deferred stock, as may be lost or destroyed, or by reason of a transfer of such stock from a stockholder to another, or from the books of an office to those of another office; the new certificates, instead of stating the nominal amount of stock which originally was, but is no longer the sum actually due by the United States, shall express the true amount of the annuity due, at the rate of eight per cent. on the original amount of principal, at the time when it shall cease. But all the other provisions heretofore made by law, and now in force, relative to the said stocks, shall remain in full force, as if no alteration had been made in the form of the certificates; and such new certificates may be subscribed, in conformity with the provisions of this act, according to the then unredeemed amount of the principal stock originally due.  Mr. Quincy moved to strike this section out, under the impression that it impaired the original contract between the United States and the public creditors. Mr. J. Randolph vindicated the section against this charge.  Mr. Dana did not think it impaired the original contract, but considered it superfluous, as in his opinion the power given by it was already vested by law in the officers of the Treasury department; when the question was taken and the motion lost without a division.  Mr. J. Randolph moved to fill the blank in that part of the bill which provides for the conversion of three per cent. stock into six per cent. with "fifty two and a half;" by which the holder of every hundred dollars in the three per cent. stock is entitled to receive sixty-two and a half dollars of six per cent.  Mr. Crowninshield opposed this motion, as well as the provision for converting the three per cent. into six per cent. stock under the idea that it would be injurious to the U. S.  Mr. J. Clay defended the provision and made a detailed argument to show that it would be beneficial to the United States.  Mr. Dana declared himself in favor of the proposed modification of the public debt. Mr. Jackson spoke against it. Mr. J. Randolph advocated this part of the bill and  Mr. Crowninshield replied. When the question was taken on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph and agreed to—Ayes 51—Noes 34.  A motion, motion, made by Mr. Davenport requiring the agents, before they enter on the execution of their offices to take an oath or affirmation for the diligent execution of their trusts, and requiring them to give bonds in one or more sureties, in the penal of 20,000 dollars—was agreed to.  Mr. Dana moved to strike out the words marked in Italics in the following sec. with a view of restraining the provisions of the bill to the present 3 per cent. and under the impression that in the new stock proposed to be created, the government liberated itself from the obligation to pay a certain part of the principal and interest heretofore stipulated.  Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate & House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a subscription to the full amount of the old six per cent. deferred and three per cent. stocks, be and the same is hereby proposed; for which purpose books shall be opened at the treasury of the United States, and by the several commissioners of loans, on the first day of April next, to continue open, until the 17th day of December next following inclusively, the four last days of each quarter excepted, for such parts of the above mentioned descriptions of stock as shall, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the treasury, and of the several commissioners of loans, respectively: which subscription shall be effected by a transfer to the United States, in the manner provided by law for such transfers, of the credit or credits, standing on the said books, and by a surrender of the certificates of the stock subscribed.  Mr. J. Randolph and Mr. J. Clay opposed this motion, & denied the justice of the observation made by Mr. Dana.  When the motion to strike out the section was lost without a division. The committee rose and reported the bill with several amendments, which were agreed to by the House and the bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—Ayes 56.  The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—MR. TESSON in the chair—on the bill repealing the act laying duties on salt, and continuing in force for a certain time the 1st section of the act entitled, "An act further to protect the commerce of the United States against the Barbary Powers"—as follows:  SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the day of next, so much of an act, or acts, as lays a duty on imported salt, and the same hereby is repealed, and from and after the day aforesaid, salt shall be imported into the U. S. free of duty.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the first day of January next, so much of any act, or acts, as allows a bounty on exported salt provisions, and pickled fish, in lieu of drawback of the duties on the salt employed in curing the same, and so much of any act, or acts, as makes an allowance to the owners and crews of fishing vessels, in lieu of drawback of the duties paid on the salt used by the same, shall be and the same hereby is repealed.  Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act, passed on the 25th day of March, 1803, entitled an act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers, as is contained in the first section of the said act, be, and the same hereby is continued in force until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.  Mr. Quincy moved to alter the first section, as only to take off the duty of 8 cents a bushel on salt, imposed by an act Congress passed subsequently to the act previously imposing a duty of 12 cents.  This motion was advocated by Mr. Quincy , and opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph and J. Clay .  Mr. Lyon spoke generally against the bill, and concluded by moving to strike out the first section.  Mr. Bicknell advocated the principle of the bill.  Mr. Dana intimated his disposition to vote for it, under the idea that those who had the responsibility of government attached to them, thought they could dispense with it.  Mr. Ebenezer supported the bill, and opposed the motions made by Mr. Quincy and Mr. Lyon .  Mr. Lyon's motion to strike out the first section was disagreed to—Aye 1.  When Mr. Quincy's motion was likewise disagreed to without a division.  On motion of Mr. J. Randolph the blank in the first section was filled with the first day of October.  Mr. Allen moved to amend the 3d section by striking out the words at the end thereof "in force until the end of the next session of Congress," and inserting "made perpetual."  This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 36—Noes 60.  The committee then rose and reported the bill, and the House took the report into immediate consideration.  Mr. Mumford moved to fill the blank in the first section with the 1st day of January.  This motion was opposed by Messrs. J. Randolph , T. Moore , Crowninshield and Sloan , when the House concurred in the report of the committee of the whole to fill with the first of October.  Mr. Crowninshield moved to amend the last section so as to continue the two and a half per cent. duty on all goods paying an ad valorem duty for three years.  This motion was disagreed to—Ayes 28.  Mr. Lyon again spoke against the bill, so far as relates to taking off the duty on salt.  When it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow—Ayes 83.  THURSDAY, April 17.  The bill supplementary to the act entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," was read a third time.  Mr. Tallmadge moved to postpone this bill indefinitely, and supported the motion in a speech of considerable length.  Mr. J. Clay replied.  When the Yeas and Nays were taken—Yeas 49 Nays 45—and the motion, consequently, obtained.  The bill repealing the acts laying duties on salt, and continuing in force, for a further time, the first section of the act, entitled, "An act, further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary powers," was read a third time.  Mr. Masters moved to recommit the bill, for the purpose of modifying its details.  Mr. Quincy supported the motion—which was lost Ayes 37—Noes 49.  When the Yeas and Nays were taken on the passage of the bill—Yeas 84—Nays 11.  On motion of Mr. Ely , the following resolution was adopted.  Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to take effectual measures to cause the south wing of the Capitol to be prepared for the accommodation of the House of Representatives by the commencement of the next session of Congress.  Mr. Varnum offered a resolution, for making provision by law for allowing the military commandants in the territory of Louisiana three months pay, from the period of the expiration of their appointments, to enable them to return to their homes, except in cases where such commandants shall have been appointed to some other office in the territory of Louisiana under the government of the U. S.  This resolution was opposed by Mr. R. Nelson , & disagreed to, Ayes 15.  Mr. Dana offered the following resolutions which he said it was not his purpose to press on the consideration of the House this session; if they should be found to interfere with other important business.  Resolved, That provision ought to be made for the better protection of the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against aggressions and outrages in the seas of the West-Indies.  Resolved, That it is expedient to provide for regulating the conduct of such merchant vessels as, by agreement of the respective owners, may sail in concert for mutual assistance and defence in any lawful commerce, and also for fastening, according to the course of proceeding in courts of admiralty, the respective rates of contribution to be made between them on account of any loss or damage which may be thereby incurred.  Resolved, That for the encouragement and security of seamen of the U. S. it is expedient to make provision that registered ships or vessels, which may be employed in voyages to foreign ports after the day of next, shall not continue to enjoy the benefits and privileges appertaining to ships or vessels of the U. S. unless some proportion of the mariners on board the same shall be citizens of the U. S.  Mr. J. Randolph from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill making appropriations for carrying into effect the treaty with the Cherokee tribe of Indians, which was referred to a committee of the whole House this day; and which, having passed through such committee, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Saturday.  Motives were received from the Senate stating that they had rejected the bill prescribing the effect in each state of the records of judgement, and decrees of the courts of record of every other state—that they had passed the bill making a further appropriation towards completing the south wing of the Capitol, and the bill making appropriations for the navy during the year 1806—and that they had passed the bill establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes, with an amendment. In this amendment the House concurred; the bill has consequently passed both Houses.  The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Graee in the chair—on the bill making provision for the compensation of witnesses, who attended the trial of the impeachment of Samuel Chase.  Mr. J. Clay moved to insert after the word "summoned"—"on behalf of the House of Representatives"—so as to limit the payment of witnesses to those summoned on behalf of the House of Representatives.  This motion prevailed—Ayes 44—Noes 39—when the committee rose and reported the bill.  The House concurred in the amendment made in committee of the whole—when the bill was read a third time and passed.  The committee, who were appointed on the 21st of March, 1806, to enquire into the conduct of Gideon Granger Post-Master General of the United States, & report whether, in their opinion, the said Gideon Granger hath forfeited, in his capacity as Post-Master General, as to require the interposition of the constitutional powers of this House, submit the following  REPORT.  THAT the committee, without loss of time, engaged in the duties assigned them, and have made some
committee that the enquiry should be concluded during the present session, as well as the with the Post-Master General; but from the distance and different situation of the witnesses, whose testimony was deemed necessary, and the approaching close of the session, it is found impracticable. While the committee regret the situation of a public officer laboring under the suspicious appearance of a constitutional scrutiny into his conduct, yet in a government like ours, where watchfulness of men in office is the surest guarantee of the preservation of the liberty of the people, the public functionaries must yield their feelings to the general benefit, and endure a temporary inconvenience as an honorable sacrifice to the freedom of our institutions.  That a hasty and premature result is less to be desired on the part of an officer supported by a consciousness of the integrity of his conduct, than the suspension of an enquiry that may terminate in a satisfactory refutation of charges, which, on the part of the accused, are affirmed to be without foundation, the committee have no hesitation in believing.  Justice to the public as well as to the individual requires a thorough investigation, which is found to be impossible before the final adjournment.  The committee, therefore, recommend a postponement of the farther inquiry until the next session of Congress.  Ordered to lie on the table.  FRIDAY, April 18.  The House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill supplementary to the act fixing the naval peace establishment.  Much discussion took place on the details of this bill, and particularly on augmenting the number of officers beyond the number fixed by the act of 1801. Various motions were made to reject the parts of the bill having this effect, as well as to make an appropriation for building frigates to replace the Philadelphia & General Greene; all of which were disagreed to—when the bill was read a third time.  Mr. Chandler spoke in favor of, and Messrs. J. Clay and J. Randolph against its passage, which was carried—Yeas 58—Nays 28.  SATURDAY, April 19.  The House considered the message of the Senate, to amend the bill to carry into effect the treaty with the Chickasaw tribe of Indians, by striking out those sections which authorises a resort to military force to compel persons attempting to settle on certain lands in the Mississippi territory, without having received titles to the same from the U. S.—& having disagreed to the amendment passed by the Senate—Yeas 53—Nays 35—resolved to adhere to their disagreement thereto.  A short time after a message was received from the Senate stating that they had resolved to adhere to their amendment. The bill is consequently lost.  The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill authorising the settlement of the accounts of Wm. Eaton.  This bill provides for the settlement of these accounts by the accounting officers of the treasury under the direction of the secretary of state.  After much discussion the committee rose, and the bill was ordered to a third reading on Monday.  [We have been obliged to postpone a full detail of the proceedings of the three last days to our next paper.]  Foreign Intelligence.  NEW-YORK, April 10.  By the ship Susan , captain Collins , arrived yesterday in 46 days from Ireland, we have received papers to the 21st Feb. Although these papers are not so late as those received by an arrival at Baltimore, we observe they contain several articles which have not been published here.  LONDON, FEB. 17.  HOUSE OF COMMONS. —Mr. Secretary Fox was introduced between Lord Henry Petty and Mr. Whitebread , and took the oath, and then took his seat on the Treasury Bench.  Lord Henry Petty said he did not wish to do any thing that might be considered as taking the House by surprise; and he would therefore give notice, that to-morrow he should move that the House do adjourn till Monday, and on Monday he should move for the joint account between Great Britain and Ireland.  Mr. Lee moved for a return of all the writs that have issued from the Court of King's Bench and Common Pleas in Ireland, for the last four years.—Ordered.  Act of Union with Ireland.  Mr. Alexander said he rose for the purpose of asking an explanation from a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite to him, relative to an expression which lately fell from him on the subject of the Union with Ireland. Such an opinion given by a person in his present situation had given rise to many conjectures, and considerable agitation in another part of the Kingdom; and it was extremely important that the public mind should be satisfied as to whether any measures were likely to be hereafter adopted.  The Speaker said the honorable member, was wholly irregular in making an allusion to anything that passed in a former debate.—However, Gentlemen are at liberty to make any explanation they may think proper.  Mr. Secretary Fox said he was ready to give any explanation that should be required of him. That he thought the words he had used were very clearly understood.—There had been a motion before the House for paying certain honors to the Marquis Cornwallis , a member then took occasion to notice the share that noble person had taken in bringing about the Union, and he (Mr. Fox ) in allusion to what has been said, gave that opinion as to the measure which he had ever entertained. But when, he said, he gave an opinion upon a thing which had already been done, he said nothing prospectively. He knew very well it was not every bad measure that could be repealed. From what he had said it could not be inferred that he wanted the repeal of the measure, which he had always considered a bad one—and indeed every body must perceive, that of all measures, the repeal of which was not connected with the enacting of it, it was the Act of Union. It did not follow, from any thing he said, that the repeal of this Act was a thing which he should recommend.  Mr. Alexander said his object in alluding to this subject was to quiet the public mind, which had been in a state of considerable agitation.  Lord St. Vincent's intended command is, we understand, not to interfere either with Lord Keith or Lord Gardner . His Lordship, it is said, is to hoist the Union Flag at the main, with the same powers that were formerly exercised by Lord Howe .  It is said that his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence will immediately hoist his flag as Admiral of the White, and take the command of the second division of the Channel Fleet, under the Earl of St. Vincent .  DUBLIN, Feb. 20.  The Duke of Bedford is expected to arrive about the second week in March.  The Courier which arrived this day, confirms the appointment of Mr. Currant to the office of Attorney-General for Ireland, it also states, that Mr. Foster was to resign his situation on Tuesday.  Lord Hutchinson has not yet accepted the Chief Command in this country.  Irish Stocks. —Gov. Deb. 5 per cent. (Feb. 19) 94 3-4, 95—Exchange—Dublin on London (Feb. 19) 115 1/4.
administrations of the British government, the following statement, selected from the London papers is an article of considerable interest.  New Administration.  TREASURY.  Lord Grenville Mr. Pitt Lord H. Petty Lord Lovaine Lord Bathurst Lord Fitzharris Mr. Wickham Mr. Long Mr. Courtenay Marquis Brandford  SECRETARIES.  Mr. Vanstart Mr. Huskisson Mr. King Mr. Bourne  President of the Council. Earl Fitzwilliam Earl Camden  Lord Privy Seal. Viscount Sidmouth Earl Westmoreland  Foreign Department. Mr. Fox Lord Mulgrave  UNDER SECRETARIES. Sir F. Vincent Mr. Hammond General Walpole Mr. R. Ward  Home Department. Earl Spencer Lord Hawkesbury  UNDER SECRETARIES. (Mr. W. P. Wyne, other not appointed) Mr. King  Colonial Department. Mr. Windham Lord Castlereagh  UNDER SECRETARIES. Not appointed Mr. Cooke Mr. Penn  Lord Chancellor. Lord Erskine Lord Eldon  Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord H. Petty Mr. Pitt  Admiralty. Mr. Grey Lord Barham Sir Philip Stevens Admiral Gambier Admiral Markham Sir Philip Stevens Sir C. Pole Admiral Paterson Sir H. B. Neale Sir E. Npesau Lord W. Russell Mr. Dickenson, jun. Lord Kennington Lord Garlies  Master-General of Ordnance. Earl of Moira Earl of Chatham  Secretary of War. General Fitzpatrick Mr. W. Dundas  Treasurer of the Navy. Mr. Sheridan Mr. Canning  Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Duke of Bedford Earl of Hardwicke  SECRETARY. Mr. Elliot Mr. Long  Board of Control. Lord Minto Lord Castlereagh Lord Spencer Lord Hawkesbury Mr. Windham Lord Mulgrave Mr. Fox Mr. Pitt Lord Grenville Lord Glenbervie Lord H. Petty Mr. Wallace Lord Morpeth Lord Dunlo  Joint Post-Masters. Earl of Buckinghamshire Duke of Montrose Earl of Carysfort Lord C. Spencer  President of the Board of Trade. Lord Auckland Duke of Montrose  Vice President of the Board of Trade. Earl Temple Mr. Rofe  Joint Paymasters. Earl Temple Mr. Rofe  Lord J. Townshend Lord C. Somerset  Master of the Horse. Earl of Carnarvon Marquis Hertford  Master of the Mint. Lord C. Spencer Earl Bathurst  Master of the Stag Hounds. Earl of Albemarle Earl Sandwich  Treasurer of the Household. Lord Ossington Viscount Sturminster  Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Earl of Derby Lord Harrowby  Captain of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners. Lord St. John Viscount Falmouth  Surveyor of Crown Lands. Lord Rt. Spencer Lord Glenbervie  Judge Advocate. Mr. Bond Sir C. Morgan  Attorney General. Mr. Pigott Mr. Percival  Solicitor General. Mr. Romilly Sir V. Gibbs  Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. Mr. Adam Lord Erskine  Attorney General to His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales. Mr. Garrow Mr. Adam  It will be recollected also, that Lord Ellenborough has a seat in the cabinet.  IRISH LINEN.  JOHN HENRY has just received, by the ship Monticello from Liverpool—7-Sths and 4-4ths wide IRISH LINEN , in well-sorted packages, each containing about 30 pieces; which he offers for sale at a low advance.—Also, very fine 4-4ths wide ditto, by the piece.  LONDON PARTICULAR MADEIRA WINE in pipes. April 25. fswp  MILITARY LAND FOR SALE.   4000 acres on Trade Water state of Kentucky.  3000 do. Deer Creek & Green River do.  1000 do. Little Miami state of Ohio.  2033 do. Bull Creek do.  1000 do. West Fork of Sciota do.  666 do. adjoining the last tract do.  400 do. Pittman's Creek do.   THOMAS NORVELL.  N. B. 15 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY, are also offered for sale. April 25. tf  Lost, in Richmond or Manchester, the 9th inst.  A HANDSOME POINTER DOG:  He has several large liver-colored marks on his body; his head and ears are of the same color, and his legs and many parts of his body are considerably speckled. He answers to the name of Catto.  Whoever has found said Dog, and will deliver him to the Editor of this paper, shall receive Ten Dollars Reward, or Five Dollars will be given to any person who will give information where the Dog is, if in Richmond or Manchester, or in the neighbourhood of either place. April 25. 3t  Pursuant to a Decree of Caroline Court, will be sold on the premises to the highest bidder, on Friday the 9th of next month:  THE TRACT OF LAND in Caroline county, known by the name of NEED-WOOD, the late place of residence of Barwell Roberts, deceased, containing by estimation about seventy acres. This land is situated on the stage road about eighteen miles below the court-house. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchaser upon his giving bond and approved security.  THE COMMISSIONERS. April 25. tdf  FOR SALE,  An Excellent PAIR OF HORSES, well broke to Geer. Enquire at the Washington Tavern. April 25. tf  THE Subscriber will furnish, on short notice, Scantling and Plank of all sorts; Sawed Posts and Railing, and Garden Post Railing and Pailing. I would also make an engagement for Tanner's Bark, if the quantity and price should afford sufficient inducement. Having several Pitt saws and a few mills in constant operation, with an abundance of Oak, Pine and Poplar timber, I think I can make the terms for the first-mentioned materials, entirely satisfactory to customers. I should be glad to barter for 40 or 50,000 bricks, and for six or eight hundred dollars worth of carpenters work.  JOHN PENDLETON. April 25. ep2w
Cobbett, who is now the professed Friend of the present ministry, has come out with a melancholy picture of the present state of England. Two effects are to be answered by it, to expose the abuses committed under Mr. Pitt's administration, and to develop the great difficulties which oppose the present ministry in the very outset of their career. If the abuses here enumerated do really exist; and if they should be really reformed by the present ministry, the title of "heaven-born minister," may indeed properly pass from Mr. Pitt to his successors.  FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER, of February 8.  NEW MINISTRY.  I have always thought, that the very first act of a new ministry should be, to form committees of enquiry in both houses of parliament, or a joint committee of the two houses, wherein to make, and whence to promulgate, a true statement of the affairs of the country, foreign, colonial, and domestic; and, if this precaution be not taken, to me it seems but too certain, that the neglect will, at no very distant day, become a subject of deep regret, and, perhaps, of the severest mortification. Recollection of the past, especially in times of trouble, is seldom of long duration; and the duration is the more likely to be short, in proportion as the ideas of the facts are confused. We all now know, and most deeply feel, that our country is in the greatest danger; that as to our relation with foreign powers, we are covered with disgrace; that our burdens and our humiliations are such as we never before heard of; but, how long will this be remembered? By the people in general how long will this be remembered, under a necessary increase of burdens, and amidst the never-ceasing affections of the partisans of the Pitt system, that if their leader had continued alive and in power, the burdens, the sufferings, and the humiliations, now to be apprehended, would not have come upon us? Men conversant in public affairs will not be deceived by such affections; but, it will require much to prevent this deception from prevailing among the great body of the people, plying as they will be, with the wailings of the "blood suckers," and, to prevent these wailings will demand a continuance of all that mass of corrupt means, by which the present calamities have been produced, and without the extirpation of which it would be folly bordering upon insanity to hope for any real and permanent good. To make, therefore, a true and full representation, to put such a representation upon record, to promulgate it so that it should be familiar to the mind of every man in the country is, in my opinion, absolutely necessary, not only to the reputation of the new ministry, but to the support of their power. This representation should be a fair one; it should tell, not only the truth, but the whole truth. Were I concerned in the making of it, I would begin with the Church, and I would show, that, from an injudicious, not to say a corrupt use of power, in the reaping of benefits and dignities upon persons and families devoted to the ministry, the establishment has been, and is daily sinking in the eyes of the people, who, deserted by their pluralist pastors, and left, in but too many instances, without any resident pastor at all, and not without a fair justification upon the ground of piety, exchanged the church for the meeting-house, where they find, at least, diligent earnestness in the ministry; and hence has arisen a schism including a million and a half of the people of England and Wales, while, as to the property of the church, and, of course, the influence of the legitimate aristocracy, a diminution is, from the same cause, daily taking place, by the means of the almost forced compositions, introduced and continued by the convenience and the example of the non-resident incumbents, to whom, as their parishioners cannot see the just reason of paying tithes, is to be ascribed all those grudgings and heart-burnings, all that inward hatred and outward disrespect to the clergy, which now seem to threaten the total overthrow of the establishment, and which, as its least possible evil, cannot fail to render men more indifferent than they otherwise would be with regard to the defence and the independence of their country.  Of the state of the Navy we may be proud. It is with such a correction of abuses as may easily be accomplished, and with a great extension of the means of providing for disabled and worn out seamen, which extension would prevent very few difficulties; with these improvements, the navy is exactly what we must wish it to be. But, the Army! who shall make it, not what one could wish, but what we cannot exist in safety without? If any man can do this, I should expect it from the wisdom and the zeal of Mr. Windham.—But, is it possible? After all the tampering; after all the balloting; all the nonsense with volunteers and parish-officers; after bounties of 50 guineas, a man even for service for a limited time; after all this, is it in the mind of man to devise a scheme by which a permanent military force can be raised and kept up in this country? I certainly think that it is possible; I think that an army, such as we stand in need of, can be raised and maintained; but I am by no means certain, that the measures necessary, absolutely necessary, thereunto, will, or can be adopted in the present state of men's minds, full as they are with notions of trade, & obstinate as they are in their preference of every thing hostile to the bestowing of privileges and immunities upon the soldier. It is, by all men of discernment, clearly perceived, that within these few years, Europe, and particularly France, has undergone a complete moral revolution; that the age of commerce is going by; that arms are now to predominate; that we, too, must become a military people, or become nothing as an independent nation; that our choice lies between a military nation & a nation of slaves; that this is the simple alternative, slavery and the continued predominance of commerce, or freedom and arms. All this is clearly perceived; but as the drunkard and glutton, goes on, from dinner to dinner, with disease in his frame and death before his eyes; I so I fear, I greatly fear, that this befotted, this self-loving nation will go on in its present course of destruction.—There does not appear to me to be energy enough left for the exertion absolutely necessary to recovery. Men talk, indeed, about "making a good army;" but, when the means are pointed out, my fear is, that the nation will say, "it is too late; rather than encounter this, let us die quietly."—First, perhaps it will look to peace. Peace will be easily obtained; but, when we contemplate the situation of the continental powers, and particularly that of France, is there any man living that can hope for a secure peace, until we have got an army? Mr. Fox is come with great talents; but, he is come too late to do what such a man might have done a year or two ago. He may, and, doubtless, he will, produce a great change in our relations with certain of the powers upon the continent; but he can do nothing effectual, until we have a real army. We must begin there. There is no talking to the enemy without it. And, even if we could obtain a tolerable good peace, can it last a year without an army, and can that army be raised in time of peace, to say nothing of
the enemy, for a renewal of the war? And yet, how is the army to be raised without a total change in the present system; and will not this be objected to by some, merely because we are at war? In short, turn which way you will, difficulties of every sort present themselves to the accomplishment of this great, this primary object.  In the department of Finance, (supposing the funding system to be persevered in) Lord Henry Petty, though assisted, and perhaps directed, by the great talents of Lord Grenville, will find difficulties which no man ever before had to encounter.—Every one witnessed the embarrassed state of last year. Every one was ready to pronounce the source of taxation to be exhausted, and the affection was echoed back by the unanimous voice of the ground-down, the teased, and harassed people.—Yet must there be found new taxes, and that too to a much greater amount than last year. They must be found, and must be raised too. The score upon the continent is not yet paid off. We shall be compelled to defray the expenses of Napoleon's campaign. Another large addition to the funded debt; a further creation of banknotes; a further and a further depreciation of the paper-money. All these must take place; and, it should never be forgotten, that they will be the unavoidable consequences of the measures of Mr. Pitt and his underlings. This should be stated too. It should be made known to the kingdom; for if, according to the old practice, the chancellor of the exchequer should choose to represent the finances of the country in a prosperous state, he will take upon himself all the responsibility for the continuation of a state of prosperity. But, it is in vain to talk about prosperity; it is in vain to endeavour any longer to disguise the truth; there are two hundred thousand men in the country who have now seen to the bottom; every day makes an addition to the number; and, to attempt to keep up the deception, even if it were not criminal, would be the excess of folly. As connected with the department of finance, we must, too, remember the state of the poor. Upwards of six millions a year are now raised upon the parishes to be dealt out in aid of those means by which the labourer obtains his bread: and of persons receiving this aid there are upwards of a million. All, all the labourers, having families, are now paupers.—This is a new state of things which has been produced by the funding and taxing system, pushed to an extreme. Let us not be answered, by the observations, that there must be poor, that there always has been, and that there always will be, in every state of society in every country in the world. We know there must be poor; we know that some must be very poor; we know that some must be maintained, or assisted, at least, either by the parish or by voluntary alms; but, is there any one who will deny, that this is a new and most deplorable state of things, which has rendered all the labourers, having families, paupers? The plain fact is, that a man with a wife, and with four children, that are unable to work, cannot now, out of his labour, possibly provide them and himself with the means of living. I do not mean that he cannot live comfortably, for, to comfort, such men have long ago bid farewell; but I assert, and am ready to prove, that he cannot provide them, without parish aid, with a sufficiency of food, not to satisfy their cravings but to sustain life. And will any one say that this state of things is such as England ought to witness? Will even Old Rose, wallowing in the luxury of eighteen thousand a year drawn from the public purse, say that nothing ought to be attempted to alleviate these sufferings? There are hundreds of thousands of the people of England who never taste any food but bread and vegetables, and who scarcely ever know what it is to have a full meal of these. This is new; it was not so in former times; it was not so even till of late years: the causes are obvious, and they ought to be removed. I know that to remove them is not the work of a day. There must be time, and even a long time, allowed for it; but, the new ministry should lose no time in convincing the people, that they perceive, and that they wish to alleviate their sufferings; that they sincerely wish to restore the labourer to something like life; for in his present pining, famishing state it may, almost without a figure be said, that "in the midst of life he is in death." That this is not an exaggerated picture; that it does not proceed from thoughtful feeling or from a base desire of currying favour with the rabble, will, I think, be readily believed by any one who will but bestow a single minute in contemplating the situation of the agricultural labourer. His weekly wages (for I shall suppose him never to lose a day's work, either from recreation or sickness), is, upon an average 12 shillings, putting it at the very highest. The average price of the quarter loaf is eleven pence. Upon an average it is, indeed, much more; but, let us take the very lowest. Here then are the means of purchasing 58 pounds of bread in a week, which is a little more than 8 1-4 pounds a day for a working man, his wife, and 4 children! Absolutely not enough to support life. Nothing for drink; nothing for clothing; nothing for bedding, for house hold goods, for fuel, or for house rent! The evident conclusion is, that some of them must die, unless they are supported in existence by the parish, or by voluntary alms. "Well," some overgorged upstart will say, "& what matter is it, so that they are supported, whence the support comes?" The matter is this, that the labourers are humbled, debased, and enslaved. The tendency of the funding and taxing system is carried to its extreme, to draw the produce of the labour into unnatural channels, into the hands of upstart cormorants, and to deal it back again in dribs and lets, under the name of relief or of charity, just to support the life of those from whose pores it has been drained. And thus is the nation debased; thus, without any direct abolition of the liberties of the common people, have these liberties been destroyed, or at least suspended. I repeat, that this terrible evil cannot be, at all once, removed; but I also repeat, that, in order to convince the people, that their situation is known to and felt by their rulers, the new ministry should make some specific declaration upon the subject; and that, with all convenient speed, they should adopt measures for relief. In the mean while (and this is the point which I have, at present, principally in view), I conjure the new chancellor of the exchequer not to imitate his predecessor in making an annual boast about the prosperity, the flourishing state of the country. From him we should peep, & indeed, from him I do confidently expect, a true picture of our financial concerns; an unvarnished statement of our internal affairs; and I as confidently expect, from the wisdom of the ministry and the public spirit of parliament, an adequate remedy. It must be flow in its operation. Criminal indeed would it be in any one to endeavour to propagate the opinion, that it can possibly be speedy; all that we want is a foundation for hope, that something will be done in due time; this is all that is wanted to satisfy the people, to cheer them, and to encourage them to make those exertions that are so necessary to the preservation of our independence. In the department of Foreign Affairs, usually so denominated, all that can be hoped for is, an endeavor to regain the confidence of the few re-

not ranged in battle against us. With the United States of America Mr. Pitt has left us a dispute not easily settled, without an abandonment, on our part, of much of that which we have heretofore contended for and maintained. A pretty equal mixture of arrogance and imbecility, in our ministers, has produced this dispute; but it is by no means certain, that contrary qualities in their successors, will insure a favorable termination of it.
(To be continued.)
Domestic Intelligence.
EXTRACTS
From the Documents respecting the Application of HAMET BASHAW.
From WILLIAM EATON, to SAMUEL BARRON, Esq. Commander in Chief of the U. S. forces in the Mediterranean.
DERNE, May 29th, 1805.
SIR,—Since the departure of the Natulius with my dispatches of the 17th, the enemy have daily shewed themselves in a menacing posture near us, but have not come to general action. Yesterday a detachment of about fifty or sixty of their foot, covered by a troop of horse, descended the mountain, by a ravine, fell upon some of our Arab families, who were encamped in the rear of the town, and drove off several cattle and camels. The Bashaw's people pursued and attacked them under the mountain, killed and wounded three of them, and recovered their cattle. I marched out with lieutenant O'Bannon, Mr. Mann, and Farquhar, and thirty rank and file, Americans and Greeks, from the garrison, and took a ravine on the left with a view of cutting off their retreat. We fell in with them soon after ascending the mountain—they opposed to us a short resistance, but fled before a charge of bayonet—we pursued them within a short distance of their camp, killed their captain and five men, wounded a number and took two prisoners, without receiving any injury ourselves. The camp beat to arms, mounted and moved towards us in a body, but did not come within musket shot—they could not ascertain our number, and apprehending we were an advanced party aiming to draw them into an ambuscade on disadvantageous ground, formed in order of battle and kept their posts, while we retired down the mountain. The enemy wore vengeance, and resolved to execute it to-day. About nine in the morning they advanced their whole force, and posted themselves on an eminence in fair view—proper stations were taken on our part to receive them—they reconnoitred us a while; but, when orders were given to attack, their Arabs mutinied and retrograded; and the bey was compelled to follow with their Tripolitans.
June 2.—Today the enemy brought themselves to a resolution to attack; they had previously forced the Arabs into oaths of fidelity by seizing and claiming hostages from their most considerable families; but their movement this day terminated exactly as on the 29th—the bey attempted to force the Arabs forward—they resisted, and alleged, as on similar occasions, that they were willing to fight an enemy of their own mode of warfare, but they could not resist the Americans, who fired enormous balls that carried away a man and his camel at once, or rushed on them with bayonets, without giving them time to load their muskets.
Last evening I had the honor to receive your letter of the 19th ult. by which I learn that the reigning Bashaw of Tripoli has lately made overtures of peace, which the consul general col. Lear, has determined to meet, viewing the present moment propitious to such a step. In consequence of which it seems contemplated that we should withdraw ourselves from this coast.
It was an event anticipated, in my letter of the first ult. that the reigning Bashaw would seize the moment, when he should apprehend himself seriously in danger from his brother, to rid himself of this rival by detaching from him our succour through overtures of peace. Facts established the correctness of this conjecture.
That the inhabitants of Tripoli are weary of the war is well ascertained. That they secretly desire the restoration of their legitimate sovereign because they believe him peaceably inclined, transpires through various indubitable channels: And that the Moors and Arabs of the kingdom, who form its entire population, are generally in a revolutionary state, is equally true. Joseph Bashaw is not ignorant of these dispositions. As early as the month of January last, he was according to the Danish consul, very attentive upon our transactions with his brother in Alexandria. On the 19th ultimo, late overtures had intimated to the consul general, his inclination towards a pacification—we had then been twenty six days from Alexandria—thirty five as far forward as Bomba, and twenty one in possession of this place. Of these movements and operations, intercepted letters by way of Menfurat and Bengazi, prove to us the enemy were not uninformed. It is now nineteen days since his forces were beaten on this ground; and since that detached parties, surprised and routed.—These are also events which cannot be easily concealed—it does not appear that the season has hitherto permitted any formidable display of our naval force before Tripoli. It cannot be unfair therefore to infer, that the pacific overtures of the reigning Bashaw, are influenced in a great measure by apprehensions of his brother's approach. Yet it seems not to be admitted that we have any obligations towards Hamet Bashaw—but if such is the effect of the enemy's apprehensions from this quarter, who certainly knows how to compare the relative influence of the parties, the calculations we have formed of the ultimate result of an eff-qual co-operation should no longer seem visionary. I do believe it was in the contemplation of government to have profited of this advantageous circumstance, as instrumental to chastise a perfidious foe, rather than sacrifice a credulous friend.
How far this wish and expectation will be satisfied from the arrangements now in operation, time and events must determine. But I cannot, from any shape in which the subject can be viewed, be persuaded that the manner of serving ourselves of Hamet Bashaw, and abandoning him, can be reconciled to those principles of honor and justice, which I know actuate the national breast. It seems enough to conceal every pledge that we have brought him back to the post from which he had been driven. It ought to be taken into consideration that this is no other than the post from whence he has always asked supplies; and that, consequently, setting him down here, just as he was, can render him no essential service; but that, to abandon him here under actual circumstances, where famine and the ravages of the enemy's forces have exhausted the resources of the province, and while those forces are still in our vicinity, cannot but leave him in a more hopeless situation, than he left the place. And here is an additional reason why his means are not materially altered for the better. He was driven away on a coast of his intercourse with the enemies of his rival. He has been induced to return under an expectation of receiving aid from the United States, to prosecute his views of recovering his throne. I thought myself authorised, from the
to encourage him with the prospect of receiving those aids; and frequent expressions of your resolution to make an example of Tripoli.—The ensuing summer fortified me in the confidence that the exercise of my discretion here, in the manner I have done, would eventually, if not directly assist the accomplishment of those objects. The resistance we met at this place, is said to have discouraged the expectation formed of the co-operation in view. This resistance would undoubtedly have been less obstinate, had not the vicinity of the enemy's camp in some measure inspired, or at least encouraged it. But it might have been expected that the governor of Joseph Bashaw, who twenty months ago with forces from Tripoli, drove Hamet Bashaw from the post, and who still held possession, would oppose his return by all the means in his power.
Want of qualities essential to the character of a commander and a prince is stated as a serious obstacle to the advancement of his cause. We do not hitherto find that the enemy possesses those qualities in so eminent a degree, as to justify a comparison to the prejudice of his rival. It must be admitted that the latter possesses the capacity of commanding respect and conciliating affection among his subjects.—And I have lately had good reasons to correct the unfavourable opinion at any time entertained of his military enterprise; yet he is not a general: I never knew but one Turk who, I thought, deserved that character. I am not alone in the opinion, it is general among the gentlemen who have aided with me, that Hamet Bashaw possesses talents sufficient to our purpose. As evidence of this, every one of them is not only willing but solicitous to pursue the expedition.
With such aids as I have mentioned to be thought requisite, we could at once break up the enemy's camp in our front, and open our way, without further considerable impediments, to the gates of Tripoli. The enemy is aware of this, and is endeavoring to out-generals us—his camp is abroad; of course his defence is weakened at the capital. The total defeat of his forces here, would be a fatal blow to his interests. To recall them would be to abandon the provinces of Derne and Bengazi. But to remove the enemy near him by pacification, he may safely turn all his resources against his rival: and, when once relieved from this danger, we shall again undoubtedly have experience of his respect to treaty.
I am suspicious that the Spanish consul has an influence in Joseph Bashaw's measures. If my recollection serves me, he was accused by our late consul, Mr. Cathcart, of advising the war. I recollected perfectly well hearing him assert, at Tunis, in December 1801, that the Americans misjudged if they thought of forcing a peace without paying for it. National shame, perhaps interest, and individual pride engaged him to favor such an issue of the war: he is said to be the confidential man of the Bashaw.
I am afraid one important consideration has been overlooked in the arrangements lately adopted by Mr. Lear—the danger of falling back to an irrecoverable distance, in case of the failure of the negotiation commenced by him, and at the same time the abandonment of the advantageous grounds we hold here—it would certainly have a tendency to unite the kingdom of Tripoli against us, and possibly to encourage the whole coast of Barbary to aggression. Or should it transpire that the evacuation of this post had been recommended, it would certainly have an unfavourable influence on the pending negotiation.
Another consideration is involved, which cannot but wound the pride of military principles. We must strike the flag of our country here in presence of an enemy who have not merited the triumph, and yield to them the honor of a victory which no encounter hitherto has given them a right to claim, nor reason to expect; certainly they, and perhaps the world, will place an unjust construction on this retreat; at any rate it is a retreat—and a retreat of Americans! If individual feeling were alone to be consulted in this situation, it would prefer a manly defeat to this mode of safety: the consequences to the national character would be more honorable.
The burthen of expense, which must accrue from pursuing the co-operation, seems an insurmountable obstacle. I am apprehensive that the ultimate expense of maintaining a peace with Joseph Bashaw will be more burthensome to the United States than that accruing from this co-operation! besides it is calculated that this expense will be reimbursed.
It is intimated that the consul general is opposed to the measure. It is possible that he may have better information from whence to form an opinion of this issue, than we who have thus far accompanied the expedition; but it is not probable: has he any agency in the war?
I cannot but indulge the hope, that additional instructions from government will arrive in season, to enable you to furnish the means of prosecuting the co-operation to effect, of chastising the temerity of our enemy, and of preventing the melancholy and disagreeable events, which present appearances threaten. You would weep, for were you on the spot, to witness the unbounded confidence placed in the American character here, and to reflect that this confidence must shortly sink into contempt and immortal hatred; you would feel that this confidence, at any price, should be carried through the Barbary regencies, at least to Tripoli, by the same means that it has been inspired here. But if no further aids come to our assistance, and we are compelled to leave the place under its actual circumstances, humanity itself must weep. The whole city of Derne, together with themselves to Hamet Bashaw, and who resisted Joseph's troops in expectation of succour from us, must be abandoned to their fate; havoc and slaughter will be the inevitable consequence—not a foul of them can escape the savage vengeance of the enemy. In proceeding, therefore, thus far and no farther, instead of lending aids to the unfortunate people, whom we use as allies, and of whose situation we are actually profiting, to our own exclusive benefit, we involve them in destruction. Could I have apprehended this result of my exertions, certainly no consideration would have prevailed on me to have taken an agency in a tragedy so manifestly fraught with intrigue, so wounding to humane feelings, and, as I must view it, so degrading to our national honor.
It is impossible, though enjoined on me, to say any thing farther of the squadron co-operating with Hamet Bashaw , after having been officially informed that a negotiation is opened with his brother, without so far having considered his situation, as to have agreed on a cession of arms. The delusion is already carried too far. If it had not been our intention to support him, or at least to have him, both honor and religion should have forbidden any encouragement to, or use of him.
It is said some provisions will be attempted in his favor, in our peace stipulations; this is, however, to be left to convenience. But before this provision be definitely arranged, if at all, and information of it received here, no armistice being agreed on, both himself and adherents may be cut in pieces by the enemy's army here, and by such of his own party as dis-appointment and rage will carry over to them.
fore, either as relative to our national honor and interests, or the situation of the Bashaw and people here, I consider it due to the confidence of government, and a bond imposed by all the injunctions of humanity, to endeavour to hold this post till the last moment, in hopes that some happy occurrence may take place to secure our own, and at the same time, to assist the interests of our friends. And I most devoutly pray heaven, that the blood of innocence may not stain the footsteps of us, who have aimed only to fight the enemies of our country.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON, April 21.
On Saturday the Senate considered the bill, sent from the House of Representatives, repealing the acts laying duties on salt, and continuing in force, for a farther time, the first section of the act, entitled "an act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers," and struck out the two first sections which repeal the acts laying duties on salt—Yeas 16—Nays 9.
Our last paper contains an erroneous statement, into which we were led by an error in the journal of the Senate from which we made an extract relative to the proceedings of that body, on the bill to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares, and merchandise.
In this statement the Yeas and Nays are given, as though they had been taken on the resolution offered by Mr. Tracy, whereas they were in fact taken on the motion of Mr. Tracy to postpone the bill, for the purpose of considering that resolution.
Nat. Int.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 25th APRIL.
WHAT CAN ENGLAND EXPECT FROM THE NEW MINISTRY?
The parliament of England have determined to erect a monument to the memory of Mr. Pitt. It was a difficult attempt to obtain the necessary appropriations, but it is scarcely less difficult to obtain an appropriate inscription. Some would write upon it "the heaven-born minister who was commissioned to save a sinking land." Were truth to hold the pencil, she would write, "this is the minister who lived to be the curse of his country; and whose death was her salvation." In truth, the compliment is a poor one; but it is the only one which Mr. Pitt deserves.
His power has now passed into the hands of her favourites. The heart of England once more beats with hope. Every eye is upon them. Every mind is anxiously exploring the dangers to be avoided or the abuses to be redressed by their administration. If we look into their character, the first thing that strikes us, is the talents and experience they possess. It is a constellation of the wisest statesmen in Britain. They are all men of great attainments, great experience and in general repute. But the next thing that strikes us is the equally great diversity of their opinions. Fox is on the same bench with Grenville. Windham & Sheridan are no longer the rivals but supporters of each other. No man can be blind to the reasons of this phenomenon. We know that it is not a cabinet of principles, but a cabinet of many talents and one principle and that principle is, the preservation of England; the warding off of a most formidable invasion, or the making of a tolerable peace.
England has not gained a single object for which she went into the war. She said that France had obtained several accessions of power since the treaty of Amiens, which she required her to relinquish. France was to evacuate Holland: France was to give her up Malta for ten years: France was to let her take possession of the island of Lampedusa. These were the three propositions that formed the ultimatum of Lord Whitworth. But what has she gained by this war? She has increased the power of the very enemy whose aggrandizement she most dreaded. She has made him the king of Italy; she has strengthened his allies in the south of Germany; she has put Spain more completely under her power; she has brought the Austrians and the Russians into the field to be beaten by him, while he has "paid the piper;" she has lost Hano- ver, though certainly this is no very great loss. It is true, that her fleets have been victorious at sea, but her trade has been shut out of the continent; and now she stands upon the very brink of ruin, with a debt that sucks up the very substance of the people; her country almost converted into a camp, and a victorious enemy almost ready to land upon her coasts. It was gravely and pompously said, before the war that it was to be "a war not for Malta but for Egypt; not for Egypt, but for India; not for India but for England." But what was then a rhetorical fiction is now indeed converted into fact. It is not a war for Malta, for Egypt or for India, but a war for England.
Such are the serious difficulties which the present ministry have to encounter. We believe that their talents will save their country, if the war was to continue; but we believe that the principles of Mr. Fox will save her from its calamities. We believe that he will make peace as soon as he can on tolerable terms. "His grand maxim" says his biographer, "and surely it is immediately connected with the prosperity, and perhaps, the existence of a manufacturing and commercial country, is the maintenance of peace. With this object in view, he opposed a contest with Russia, about the forays of Oczakow; and a conflict with Spain, concerning the pestry of Nootka Sound." He was the enemy of the present war. He thought that Malta should be given up according to a solemn treaty, and we have no doubt that his pacific principles are the same in spite of the times, whilst the times have changed the hostile principles of others.
From the present ministry therefore England may look for peace; but some sacrifices are necessary to obtain it. One great danger cannot here escape us which threatens the dissolution of this ministry. Perhaps Mr. Fox may be willing to make greater sacrifices to obtain it than his colleagues. Perhaps he may be willing to give up Hanover to Prussia. In fact it has never been the interest of England to preserve it. But will the king so cheerfully part with his hereditary dominions? Fox has at no time been a favourite with his majesty. Let him ask for Hanover for the use of England and he will become still less so. Still less, if he refuse to swell the Privy Purse by paying for it out of the public treasury of England. Adieu then to his seat in the cabinet! Adieu to the present ministry! And adieu to those beneficial changes, which it had promised to produce in the FOREIGN relations of England.
But if we look to the INTERNAL affairs of that kingdom we may expect very little benefit from their labors. If we sigh for any great change in their government, their constitution or their laws, we sigh in vain!
Look at the men who compose the present ministry of England. You see there the sprigs of nobility scattered through every department; here a Lord and there a Viscount; here a Duke of Bedford and there an Earl of Derby. It is too much to expect such titled men to be the enemies of their own privileges and the advocates of political equality. The belt of all religions began with carpenters and labourers, and the belt of all governments must imitate the example. If England is ever to become a republic, she must seek her apostles not in Viscounts and Earls but in her Mairs and her Hardys; in the untitled tillers of the earth or in the honest inhabitants of her workshops.
Let even the present constitution of England stand. They may make a very good fabric out of it, without knocking it to pieces and raising a republic upon its ruins. Let its king, its lords and its hierarchy endure. A duke of Bedford may still fatten upon his income of 80,000 pound a year, not one cent of which is earned by his labor or merited by his services; or a prince of Wales may still faddle his prodigality and his debts upon the nation. But the people would never murmur at these oppressions, so long as they could obtain a radical reform in parliament. Purge the representative branch of the constitution; throw out the rotten boroughs, the protogees of the peerage or an contractors of the government; let there be annual parliaments and universal suffrage; let taxes, loans and wars be at the disposal of a virtuous house of commons and not of a corrupt ministry, and the people of England may yet be happy.—But they need not look to the present ministry for these improvements, and they need not look to any that England ever had. In this country, a man may be in power without forfeiting any of the patriotism which carried him there. Was not Jefferson the very first man who proposed the reduction of offices and salaries attached to his department? But in England, the age of political miracles has not yet arrived or it has long since gone. They know pretty well the difference between the ins and the outs, and they know too that it is not merely a difference of place but of principles. Mr. Pitt, their heaven-born minister, was in his time the friend of the people; he took up the gay and popular doctrine of a parliamentary reform, but Mr. Pitt soon showed them, how easy it was for a "patriot" in opposition" to be a "courtier in power."
Are the present ministers likely to be more virtuous than their predecessors? Look at the past lives of most of them. Are the Grenvilles and the Windhams, the determined enemies of the French revolution in its best of times, the once hand-and-glove friends of Mr. Pitt, to spring up all at once into friends of the people? There are some men who will be virtuous, because they will to be consistent. But even this slender tie does not exist here. These men are not bound up by their own professions. They may be vicious without even the suspicion of losing a virtue. They have never declared themselves the friends of a parliamentary reform and they never will be.—Look even at the conduct of some of them since they came into power. Can the people expect any mighty exertion of patriotism from men who are squabbling & snaring at this time with one another about the distribution of their places & finances? One man lays his hand upon the lordship of the Cinque-ports & declares it is due to the past services of Lord Chatham: another claims it for Mr. Windham. Even the mercenary Cobbett himself, the once active friend of the federalists in this country and now the professing enemy of accumulated power, is obliged to blame his friend Lord Grenville for being at the same time the incumbent of an enormous pension, auditor of the exchequer and first lord of the treasury. In fact, there is not a single Stanhope among the present peers of the ministry. Nay we very much doubt, whether there is a single Commoner among them who has the same generous and unbacked zeal that in '94 actuated Hardy and Horne Took, a Muir and Gerald.
Even Mr. Fox himself is no longer the anchor of our hope. "During the American war," said the eloquent Gerald when addressing the Scotch convention, "reformers and patriots sprung up like mushrooms, without any diminution of public burdens. Like mushrooms they were short-lived; for they sprung from a soil of dung, a hot-bed of corruption. Pitt has succeeded Fox, and Fox to Pitt, without any reform being obtained; but let us no longer put faith in such men, unless they bring forward a reform founded on annual parliaments and universal suffrage:—that only is the kind of reform which will satisfy the people, and which they will never cease to claim as their due. Depend upon it, whenever the leaders of parties see that the people are determined upon having their rights, they will not only endeavor to swim along the stream, but will strive to direct its course. Trust them not—they did not come forward in the hour of public danger;—Why then should they be trusted, when they seek your favor only for personal convenience?"
These radical changes in their constitution may not now be thought of or wished for by the people, but there are some smaller evils under which they have suffered; some which they had struggled in parliament for years to put down. Now, that some of their old friends are in the ministry they will grasp at this opportunity to revive their pretensions.* The dissenters will petition Mr. Fox for a repeal of the test act; the Roman Catholics for the grant of the elective franchise, and the friends of Ireland for a repeal of the union-act. This is no longer conjecture; but it is fact. The Catholics of Dublin have already had a meeting to enforce their claims. The question of the Union has already been started twice in parliament. As to the dissenters, they seem as yet to have done nothing. Let not the government expect any indulgence on these points. If the people have no redress in the period of peace they will seek it in the crisis of a war. If they cannot obtain it from a ministry that is more corrupt, they will try to extort it from one that is less so. But in what different feelings will these petitions find the present members of the cabinet? Grenville and Windham may refuse them without a blush: They never made any professions to the people: and the people expect nothing from them. But what is to become of Mr. Fox? There is only one resource which can be of any use to him. He may say to the Catholics, the dissenters or the people of Ireland: "I am still in favor of your claims: but this is not the time to press them. Let us first save the country from the foreign enemy that threatens us. To that point let us bend all our means and our efforts. Let us not weaken ourselves by division. Let us get clear of the enemy at Boulogne and we may then attack our improper institutions at home. You ought not to speculate upon the public danger, when we had no other object in coming into power than to remove it."
Mr. Fox may thus wave these most delicate discussions, but if he meets them we must confess we tremble for the event. We ask, will it be possible for him to retain both his principles and his place? Will his fellow-members of the
* Vid. some observations from the Aurora on this subject, in our last paper.
cabinet consent to act with a man, who chases them with injustice; who becomes the idol of the people; who hursts the public indignation upon their heads? Should these discussions then be pressed upon parliament, we cannot but tremble for the existence of the present cabinet: a cabinet composed of the ablest statesmen of England: a cabinet which is to obtain, for her, honorable terms of peace, or save her from the grasp of the most dangerous enemy of the civilized world. But should Mr. Fox prefer his place at the expense of his principles, his political reputation is gone for ever. He will deserve to forfeit all his popularity with the people, and we may expect in no long time to see some ridiculous title tacked to his name. We trembled, therefore for his reputation at first, and we tremble still more since we have seen his late declaration respecting the union act. "At the time, indeed, that the Union was under discussion, I objected to it, and I still retain that objection, for I have never heard any thing to convince me that the grounds of my opinion were erroneous. I have always thought it a bad measure—but there are bad measures which cannot well be repealed; and if ever there was a measure, the enactment of which is not connected with its repeal, it is precisely this incorporate Union, for however objectionable the manner, under all the circumstances in which it was carried, it is impossible to remedy these objections by a repeal." If this is not a disrejection of his principles, at least it looks very much like it.
We have already pointed out one rock on which the present ministry may split to pieces—Here then is a second.
Several improvements may, however, be expected in the departments of government: Several abuses will be reformed: Several corrupt officers will be dismissed.
In one word: the present is properly a war-cabinet. It may make peace for England, but it can introduce no great improvements into her internal administration. It is the offspring of the war, and will die with it. The first beam of peace will expose its rottenness, and it must tumble into pieces.
COMMUNICATION.
The last number of the "Enquirer" contained some remarks of Dr. Mease, of Philadelphia, on the Snake-Stone, which has been considered in Virginia, for some years past, as a remedy almost infallible against Hydrophobia. I have never seen the Stone nor am I better informed, than Dr. Mease, of any of its peculiarities it possesses. I will, therefore, not contend that its qualities are equal to the report of the proprietors, but will merely suggest that the reasons assigned by Dr. Mease are such as ought not to induce a belief of its inefficacy. In fact the singular mode of reasoning adopted by Dr. Mease, seems only to prove that he is determined not to believe in the virtues of this remedy, and to remind the world that he has more than once before favored it with his observations on this subject. Are we to take it for granted that "the merit of this Stone is founded upon delusion," because various remedies have been for a time in high repute, and have then been laid aside as totally inefficacious? Because the Tonquin Remedy, Dr. Mease's powder, the Osmikirk medicine, &c. &c. have failed, does it follow that nature has furnished no remedy against this direful disease? The celebrated Cullen, at least, thought differently: he was of opinion that every disease had its correspondent remedy. Numberless drugs were in high repute for the cure of a disease which, in truth, baffled the skill of the whole medical world, until Mercury was tried and proved successful, and might not Dr. Mease, had he lived in those days, with equal propriety have determined that "the merit" of this precious metal was "founded upon delusion," because other medicines were not found equal to their reputation? This certainly cannot be medical philosophy! The sceptic, who believes nothing, is as much in error as he, who is credulous enough to believe every thing.
The reputation of this pebble may possibly be owing entirely to one or all of the four causes assigned by Dr. Mease, yet it does appear to one not "well acquainted with the anatomy of the human body," that this stone may possess the quality of "fucking out" the poison deposited by the tooth of a rabid animal. It is not sufficient for the Doctor to assert that this "theory is absurd;" it is incumbent on him to shew the absurdity. This is the age of reason, not of authority. I should, perhaps, be too credulous to suppose that there exists any specific attraction between the poison and the stone, yet I am unacquainted with any law of nature which forbids such an attraction. It is admitted that the poison lies dormant in the bitten part (sometimes for many years) until just before the appearance of the consequent disease. When the substance can, therefore, be brought so closely together, why may not this attraction as such exist, as the attractions of magnetism, gravitation and electricity? Does not every department of chemistry abound with attractions, elective attractions, and double elective attractions? But granting that there is no specific attractive power in the Stone, every man must be familiar with the absorbing quality of various porous substances. An ordinary sponge applied to any moist surface will quickly imbibe the moisture. A fresh burnt tobacco pipe will adhere powerfully to the lips until its capillary tubes be filled with saliva. Why then may not the Snake Stone in the same way, by the power of its capillary tubes, "fuck out" the liquid poison deposited near the furrow?
FOTHERGILL.
* Any Gentleman having "The Travels" of Mr. Burke, the nephew of Edmund Burke, will confer an obligation on the Editor, by lending it for a few days. Mr. B. has described a Stone, which is said to be applied in the E. Indies to a similar purpose.
We understand from a member of Congress, who arrived in town last evening, that Congress adjourned late on Monday night. Dispatches had just been received from Mr. Monroe, stating that he had had an interview with Mr. Fox, who expressed the greatest anxiety to adjust all our differences. In consequence of these dispatches, Mr. William Pinckney of Maryland had been nominated minister to London, and warmly approved by the Senate on Monday night.
Delegates to the ensuing General Assembly. Dinwiddie—Thomas Goodwin, Thomas B. Robertson. Buckingham—George Miller, Edward Jones. Powhatan—Thomas Miller, *William Archer. Nansemond—Lemuel Riddick, *Fisher Dashiell. Bath—John Brown, *Andrew Warwick. Botetourt—*Martin M'Ferran, Charles Beale. Rockingham—*A. Rutherford, *Edw. Nichol. Shenandoah—John Gatewood, *Samuel Strickler. Loudoun—*S. C. Rofel, B. Powell. Hanover—John Bowie, Bathurst Jones. King & Queen—*John H. Smith, Harry Gaines. Prince Edward—Peter Johnston, *John Purvel. * New Members.
MILES SELDEN, Esq. is elected a Senator for the district composed of the counties of Henrico, Goochland and Louisa.