The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-05-24 00:00:00

G. Minor
The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, MAY 24, 1808.
[No. 7.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
THOSE Gentlemen who have borrowed FILES OF THE ENQUIRER, BOOKS, or PAMPHLETS at this Office, will please return them as soon as possible.
THE subscriber is compelled by an urgent occasion to visit the western country immediately, during his absence he has confided his professional business to the management of his friends Samuel Taylor and Richard B. Goode, Esq.—Suits will be commenced, and carried on by either of these gentlemen until his return.
Manchest, May 19. PETER F. SMITH. (law2w)
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Lost by the Subscriber yesterday, on his journey from Petersburg to this City, a small Red Morocco POCKET-BOOK, of an oblong form, about four inches long and three inches broad, fastened by a clasp, which contained a number of Bank Notes for various sums from fifty to ten Dollars. It contained also an order in my favor drawn by John Baird of Petersburg on James Shephard of Richmond, for twenty-two dollars. Whoever will deliver the above Pocket-Book and its contents to me, shall receive the reward above-mentioned.
G. K. TAYLOR. (if)
May 19. (if)
LOST.—supposed between the Capitol and the Bank of Virginia, a one hundred dollar BANK BILL of the United States deposit in Savannah. A liberal reward will be given to any person who should find it. F. HOWARD. Richmond, May 21. (if)
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday the first day of June next, at the late dwelling house of Marcus Elcan, dec'd. will be sold, positively without reserve, his Stock of LEATHER, &c. Consisting of—30,000lb. Sole Leather, different qualities, A quantity of bridle and harness Leather, A quantity of horse, hog, & lambkins, dressed, 75 sacks Salt, Coffee and Sugar, An excellent saddle Horse, Saddle & Bridle, One negro Man and two Women, A large parcel of Ropes, Rigging, &c. And two years lease (commencing the 1st inst) of that valuable TAN-YARD belonging to the estate of Mr. Bockius, lately in the occupancy of Mr. Elcan. Also—All his HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, &c. An elegant presentation, consisting of—Makogany Tables, Wardrobe & Bedsteads, Chairs, Beds, Mattresses, An elegant set of Cut-Glass Ware, A handsome new Brussels Carpet, Patent Glass Lamps, And a number of useful & ornamental Articles. At the same time will be hired until Christmas next two valuable NEGRO men, one of whom can be particularly recommended for his attention and activity. Terms, (except for sales of furniture, &c.)—Cash for all purchases under 50 $—above 50 $ and under 100 $ 90 days credit—above 100 $ and under 300 $, six months credit, and above 300 $, twelve months credit—Approved endorsed notes negotiable and payable at the Bank of Virginia will be indiscriminately required of the purchasers. For sales of furniture 6 months credit will be given on all sums above 50 $, for approved notes as above mentioned—under 50 $ cash. By order of the Executors JAMES BROWN, Jr. Admr. (tds)
May 19. (tds)
NICHOLAS LONG, TAYLOR, now occupies the old stand of James P. Hopkins, where he carries on the above business, and solicits a share of public patronage. He will apply himself strictly to his profession, and execute all orders in the best manner and on the most reasonable terms. May 17. (law4w)
THE Subscriber has opened tavern in Manchester in the House lately occupied by Peter Leath, dec'd. now known by the sign of the Bell, and called the Bell-Tavern. He pledges himself to his friends and the public at large, that no attention shall be wanting to give general satisfaction—He is constantly supplied with the best liquors, and his stable well-stored with provender, good beds and handy waiters to attend those who may please to call—and in order to give complete satisfaction to his country customers, keeps a constant supply of the best fodder for stable use. His prices are (in the present difficult times) as follows, viz.
Cents. For Dinner with plenty of good Toddy 50
For Lodging per night . . . . . 17
For Breakfast or Supper . . . . . 37
For keeping Horse 24 hours . . . . . 67
His spirits are sold but little higher than in stores. Great allowance will be made to those who may put up with him for a week or longer at a time both for man and horse. He would be glad to take 12 or 15 Boarders to Breakfast and Dine, at $135 per annum, and pledges himself they shall have no cause of complaint. NATH'L. CHILDERS. (64)
May 17. (64)
THE Creditors of Humphrey Dalbey are hereby notified, that a second dividend will be made at the house of Ralston & Pleasants, on Monday the 6th of June next.
GAB. RALSTON, } Trustees. HENRY HOVEY, } Richmond, May 12. (ep5th June)
TUITION OF YOUNG LADIES.—Mrs. BARBOUR, who has lately become a resident of Richmond, proposes on the 1st of May to open a School for the tuition of Young Ladies, in the house lately occupied by Mr. Warden, in a very healthy and agreeable part of this City. She will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic & the English Grammar—Her price for those who will be eight dollars per quarter, payable in advance. Likewise the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Natural History, History of Nations, Geography and Belles Lettres, at $2 and fifty cents per quarter, and in advance. Young Ladies will also be boarded—the price for tuition, boarding and washing will be one hundred and sixty dollars a year, payable quarterly and in advance. Mrs. Barbour will zealously and ardently devote her whole attention to her School, and if she succeeds with sufficient encouragement, her plan will be enlarged, and proper persons will be employed to teach music, drawing, the French language, and other branches of polite, and useful education. Those who may be dissatisfied with the progress of their children, will be at liberty to withdraw them at any time. Richmond, April 19. (law5w)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has here tofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER March 18. (if)
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Joseph Pollard, bearing date the 15th day of November, 1804, and recorded in the county court of Spottsylvania, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt of $1000 due from the said Pollard to David Pollard, will be exposed to sale on the premises, for ready money, on Thursday the 16th day of June next: one moiety of the mill commonly called and known by the name of Rogers's mill, in the lower end of Spottsylvania county—together with one moiety of fifty acres of Land adjoining thereto, and the house and other appurtenances thereon erected, together with fifteen Slaves, as named and conveyed in the aforesaid deed of trust, or so much of the aforesaid property as shall be sufficient fully and completely to carry the said deed of trust into effect, according to the true intent and meaning thereof. CHARLES SMITH, } Trustees. FREDERICK HARRIS, } May 10. (law4w)
WILL BE SOLD, on the second day of June 1808, one acre of GROUNDS which formerly belonged to Nisbet Wyse who is now deceased, lying near Colonel Adams's saw mill, which acre of ground I have a part in as a legatee. I wish to sell it and let his widow have her part, and for me to get my part, to go as far as it will in paying debts that I am security for the said Nisbet Wyse, Deceased. Terms, cash. J. TROWER, Administrator. May 10. (law3wp)
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of state, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. (ep2w&law4t)
N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST.—In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BRUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. MR. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. May 6. (law6m)
May 6. (law6m)
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. (law1w)
Jan. 28. (law1w)
ADVERTISEMENT.—I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Exor. of Jacob Williamson, dec'd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30. pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1803. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson, dec'd. April 22. (law8w)
April 22. (law8w)
BLANKS, OF EVERY DESCRIPTION, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
DOMESTIC.
From the Aurora.
TAMMANY SOCIETY.
The anniversary of this long established and consistent society, was celebrated on the 12th inst. with its usual festive gaiety & harmony; there men of consistent and stedfast principles through evil times, found the same principles undiminished by prosperity—unchanged by envy—by petty passions—or by personal disappointments; the living rule growing out of the eternal principles of liberty and representative government—the rights of social man, and adherence to the will of the majority—which have always governed this social and stedfast community of republicans, were seen and recognized on this occasion with unabated delight, with an union grateful to the mind of every man who views the state of the world, and knows the value of union in times which threaten, once more, to "try men's souls."
The distant reader may not perhaps know the nature of this institution; and among its members, which cannot amount at this time to less than 1000, there may be some who enjoy all its pleasures as the report of good principles, who are not aware of its origin.
The custom European of nations to adopt some saint as a patron, a relic of the early monkish times, perhaps gave to an Indian chief of the Leni Lenap (or Delaware) tribe the innocent pretext, which the mother church allows only to those who have passed the ordeal of canonization.
Tammany, an Indian Chief, whose abode was in one of the beautiful valleys, which now forms the neighborhood of Germantown, had distinguished himself by his urbanity & hospitality, his kindness and affection to the early settlers of this city; and many anecdotes are told of him which would not dishonor the sanctity of those saints, whose names have a day appropriate, a legitimate place, in the calendar.
The virtues of the generous Indian Chief, pointed him out as a fit patron to a body of sturdy whites, who, during the revolution, associated to commune over the affairs of their country, and to enjoy a cheery hour amidst the horrors of British desolation, and "from this fountain sprung forth many waters;"—after the revolution, the association was preserved to commemorate what it had been originally instituted to cherish and sustain; & had nearly vanished with the spirits of those who went to join the great spirit; but successive visitations—the occupation of the western posts—the British depredations, and Treaty intrigues of 1793—the reign of terror in 1797—and the disorders stirred up in this state by men "between whom there were but slight shades of difference," at the period of the Louisiana purchase; from time to time by awakening apprehension, have successively contributed to keep this society constantly organized, a body of vigilant, sedate and faithful public watchmen. This society has, in fact, been the principal rallying point of republicanism through the political storms of past years; & on Thursday, perhaps, exhibited, for number and character, as respectable and independent a body of men as can be found in any part of the union.
There are traits in the externals of this society, which it may be proper to note—they assume Indian attributes and ceremonial; but like all other societies, these are emblematical; the hospitality—fidelity—zeal—sincerity of the Indian tribes is proverbial; these the sons of Tammany are solicitous to keep constantly before their eyes and in their minds; they use emblems and hieroglyphics—these, if they did not originate, at least obtained greater currency and a more marked standing, at a period when under the name of CINCINNATUS an institution was reared which threatened the establishment of an hereditary aristocracy; some humorists among the Sachems of the society of Tammany, gave to this body the super-name of COLUMBIAN ORDER, and by the adoption of ensignia, sought to bring on the floor of equality an order which threatened to rear itself up on the ruin of the equal principles fought for in the revolution.
The Cincinnati, in consequence of the vigorous exposition of its dangerous tendency by Edanus Burke, has ceased to be pernicious or alarming; and the emblems of the Tammany Society, which were intended to laugh the vanity of hereditary honors out of countenance, remain as innocent memorials of their origin, and ensigns by which the union of the tribes, upon the principles of the revolution, is to be maintained—union, and harmony, on the sound principles of democracy, are its tenets—apostasy, and perfidy to the cause of the people, are the causes of exclusion.
This view of a society which holds the first place at least in political consequence in Pennsylvania, is much better illustrated by the excellent practical discourse which will be found to illustrate its principles in the subjoined LONG TALK—
At the usual periods of election, the officers following were elected for the present year.
 Grand Sachem.....Gen. M. Leib,  Father of the Council.....Judge Wolbert,  Sachems of the Tribes.....Col. Jonas Simonds,  Col. Wm. Duane,  Gen. Michael Bright  Col. Alex. Boyd,  Lt. C. Wile,  Major G. Bartram,  Major P. Christian,  Mr. Andrew Leinau,  Capt. Rob. Cochrane,  Mr. John Miller,  Major A. Simmons,  Col. John Thompson,  Mr. A. Geyer, junr.  Major Wm. Duncan,  Capt. G. W. Bartram,  Maj. Samuel Erwin.  Treasurer.....Major G. Bartram,  Secretary.....Mr. John L. Baker,  Wiskinaky.....M. George Beck. 
The society assembled at their great City Wigwam, the Green Tree, south Fourth street, on Thursday, at the rising of the Sun—and at mid-day, proceeded in procession of
the tribes to the great wigwam, in Spring Garden—in the order of their Tribes, according to geographical position.
 The Sagamores,  The cap of Liberty, borne by the father of the Council,  The Grand Sachem,  The Secretary,  Treasurer,  The seventeen flags of the tribes, borne by  1 New-Hampshire—Col. Symonds.  2 Massachusetts—Gen. Bright.  3 Rhode-Island—Mr. Leinau.  4 Connecticut—Major Christian.  5 Vermont—Major Bartram.  6 New-York—Col. Duane.  7 New-Jersey—Mr. Miller.  8 Pennsylvania—Mr. Lentz.  9 Delaware—Capt. Cochrane.  10 Maryland—Mr. Geyer.  11 Virginia—Capt. Huff.  12 North-Carolina—Major Duncan.  13 South-Carolina—Judge Wolbert.  14 Georgia—Col. Thompson.  15 Kentucky—Col. Boyd.  16 Tennessee—Major Simmons.  17 Ohio—Lt. Wile. 
Having reached the Great Wigwam, they were received with a salute from two four pounders, under the command of captain Sitler, who was so obliging as to repeat the salute with the toasts during the festival.
At the hour appointed, the Grand Sachem, orator of the day, delivered the following LONG TALK.
BROTHERS,
The partiality of a committee has again imposed upon me the task of addressing you. Not many moons have passed over our heads since I discharged this duty, and you will attribute my appearance before you at this time, entirely to the pleasure I feel in obeying the will of the society, and to the disposition at all times entertained to contribute my mite to its stock of amusement or profit.
This society, brothers, under the name of an Indian chief, has other than savage objects in view. Revelry and riot make no part of our institution, and although we dedicate one day in the year to mirth and glee, these are not to be unmixed with useful purposes. While we permit our hearts to expand with kindness and brotherly affection towards each other, let us not be unmindful, that the circle of our interests is not bounded by our constitutional limits. The Tammany Society comprehends a larger space—it embraces within its scope the American people.
One of the noblest purposes of man is to improve the condition, to enlarge the happiness, of his fellow man. Connected, and intimately too, with human happiness are the political institutions of the world. Man can be only truly happy when he is free, and he can only be free, when the powers of government are in his own hands. In the United States the people are free because they govern, and they are happy because they are free. They will both—and their will is the law. To preserve these blessings is the great end of our institution.
The time was when another country dictated the law to this, or in other words, when the British government held us in a state of dependence—when we were not free to do as we thought best—a long and arduous contest gave us independence, and freedom such as no nation ever did or does now enjoy, has hitherto been its attendant. Political institutions, without example in the history of the world, have grown out of our self government, & the wisdom and will of a whole people, are substituted for the dictation of the one or the few. To preserve and improve those institutions, to perpetuate the inheritance, acquired by the heart's blood of our country, is the duty of every son of Tammany, and makes a part of the bond into which he enters when he becomes of our fraternity.
The struggles of a great nation for the rights of man, kindled the flame of war in the trans-atlantic world. The enemy to American freedom and independence, may the foe to human happiness, unfurled her bloody banner, and the tyrants of Europe were subsidized as crusaders against the liberties of the French people. The war thus began has had but short intervals of peace for years, and the plains of Europe have been crimsoned with the blood of the innocent and the unoffending. The war of monarchs against the people has produced their enslavement, and the dawn of liberty, which at one moment cheered and gladdened the world, has sunk again into impenetrable darkness—republican France has submitted its neck to the yoke of a new dynasty, and liberty has been exiled from Europe. France, awakened by liberty, has prostrated all continental Europe at her feet, and is now engaged single-handed, with the author of all her calamities and all her glory. In this contest, the us—war is unfriendly to freedom, and we have sought to avoid it. The blood of freemen is as precious as that of monarchs, for in this land of liberty every freeman is a king, and therefore have freemen endeavored to prevent its flow—war, dictated by necessity, and entered upon for all that is dear, to man still is an evil; and to cast the chance of misery from our lips, has been the assiduous and unremitted endeavor of a democratic administration. The dignified moderation of the chief magistrate has not met a correspondent temper, neither has his inflexible justice and impartial observance of neutral law, secured us against insult and outrage. It would seem as if Heaven's decree were at last to be fulfilled, and that all mankind were to be arrayed against the common enemy of man, to give human nature repose and to afford a respite to the calamities of the world.
The measures of the administration have been fraught with wisdom—they have been conceived in a scrupulous and nice regard for the public welfare, and have been persisted in with a firmness worthy of a good cause. To avoid war was an imperious duty, as long as it could be avoided without a sacrifice of the permanent interests of the nation, and hence the non-importation and embargo.—No measure could be better calculated to avert a war, than an embargo; and considering the articles of our exports as of the first necessity, no expedient could have been resorted to so fit to command respect for, and an observance of our neutral rights. 'Tis true, that a partial inconvenience must result to ourselves from the measure; but the true mode of appreciating its value and its benefits is, by comparing it with a state of war. The small sacrifice of interest can never be placed, by an enlightened, a virtuous, and humane people, in competition with the waste, and the desolation, and the miseries, and the carnage, and the horrors of war. If our common highways were infested with robbers, and the traveller was sure to be robbed if not murdered, madness only could dictate an exposure. The common highway of nations is thus infested, and wisdom suggested the propriety of our remaining at home. To indicate peace, the Romans shut the temple of Janus, and we, in a liberal limitation of their example, have shut the temple of Plutus. We have considered gold as of less value than blood, and the happiness of a free people as not dependant upon the number of their counters. Rational men calculate the profit and the loss of an enterprise, and humanity commands us to be niggards of human misery. As mere calculators according to arithmetical rules, how immense would be the difference between the embargo and a war?—As christians and as philanthropists, where is the man whose cold-blooded virtue would dare to advise the sacrifice of his species on the altar of mercantile avarice? Who is there, to whom the shrieks and the groans of our fellow citizens on the frontier, under the scalping knife and tomahawk of the merciless savage, would be music?—Who is there that wishes to behold the agonizing scene of a wife and a mother, weeping and tearing her dishivell'd locks over the body of her scalped husband, and the mangled frames of her children? Who is there that desires to trace the footsteps of the savage by desolation and blood, to see our frontier hamlets rising in flames, and to hear his yells in the war dance around them? Let such monsters rail at a measure of peace, let such rail at the embargo. Are there any among us, who would behold without emotion, the bombardment of our seaports, the conflagration of our cities; and the tragedy of Copenhagen acted upon our shores? If there be, to them must the embargo be detestable. Who is the man of blood that considers war as a pastime, and views its horrors with the composure of a theatrical exhibition? To him must peace prove a curse, and excite the same sort of anguish as the sight of Paradise to the fallen angels. Let us turn our eyes to times past, times too, which ought never to be forgotten, and directing them towards the prison in this city, for an eternal memento of British barbarity, let me demand; who there is, so lost to the feelings of humanity, as to desire that period to be renewed, when Americans, in their own land, and a land of plenty, would be doomed to languish and die with grass in their mouths, snatched greedily from the earth, vainly to sustain famished nature?—Of scenes of more complicated horror can furnish delight; let us transport ourselves to the Wallabout, and there in gloomy silence, surveying the bleached bones of our brethren, cast our eyes to the Jersey prison ship, and in its infernal cavern of horror and death, behold the victims to liberty! Yes, my brothers, if our eyes can be blinded to human misery, and our years rendered callous to the sighs and groans of tortured and expiring nature, if we can survey every fibre of the body and the soul stretched upon the rack of British inhumanity, and that too, without the sigh of sympathy, or the tear of agonized sensibility, then let us denounce the pacific measures of Jefferson, then let us join in the chorus of fiends against the embargo. Let the profligate and the base, and the stipendiaries or Great Britain, rail and vilify our government for the measure, the approbation of the enlightened and the patriotic must surely be their reward, and the peace of the nation and the security of mercantile property, must attest its wisdom, and verify its utility. Brothers, there is a crisis in our affairs which ought to command our attention, and demands the exercise of all our energies.—The enemy without is aided by the enemy within, and the inconveniences and privations to which we have been subjected by the British government are most wickedly and traitorously ascribed to the administration of the general government. An important election is approaching, and endeavors are making to de-ude & misguide the public judgment. It is incumbent upon us, therefore, to be upon the look out. Every man to his post—let no one slumber while the storm threatens and the vessel is in danger. The sons of Tammany would be unworthy of the high station of freemen, if at the call of patriotism they did not fly to the post of danger, and offer up all their faculties on the altar of their country. A chief magistrate of the United States is to be chosen, for he who has for 8 years presided over our affairs, and has directed our destinies, and whose principles and whose virtues have been assiduously, actively, and successfully employed in the promotion of the happiness of his country, with a patriotism worthy of himself, is about to retire to the peaceful and serene shade of private life.—The example deserves our homage.—It has resulted from the purity of those principles which have directed his political course, and admiration and command our applause. But in the dispensation of human good, we always find an alloy to render it less valuable; for while principle approves the act, and patriotism bestows upon it its highest commendation, expediency refuses its approbation.—While all hearts would have united in him, our confidence and our affections are variously drawn towards a successor. Serious injury to the public interest may arise from jarring and discordant opinions among men of the same family, and having the same views as to the general good. As members then of that common family, brothers, let our efforts be directed to promote harmony, let reason and not denunciation, charity and not intolerance be our weapons of warfare with each other, and let our energies be employed to procure the election of a successor

No. III. TO ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
MURDER WILL OUT!
I promised the public some time ago, the key to the marked and raucous malignity lately displayed towards a certain individual of the Protesters...
Upon what basis you found your belief that "we would willingly dispense with any further attention to our Protest," I cannot tell...
FIFTEEN REASONS Why James Madison should be our next President. 1. Because he is capable of discharging the duties of the office in person...
CHARLESTON, May 10. We learn from Savannah, that two French armed merchant vessels, from Baracoa, (Cuba) loaded with Coffee, arrived at St. Mary's on the 2d inst.
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers by Francis M'Whorter, for the purpose of securing John Adams...
In a single item of political economy, suppose only half of the 28 millions had been captured by the enemy! How many who are now basely vassalizing their country, and aiding its enemy by their perfidy and ingratitude...
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, to a respectable mercantile house in this city, dated the 27th of March, 1808. The Osage arrived at L'Orient on the 22d inst. in 22 days from New-York...
PHILADELPHIA CITY, May 17. TOWN MEETING. At a numerous and respectable meeting of the democratic citizens of the city of Philadelphia...
EN PASSANT! AS THE WIND BLOWS. Many are now complaining of the embargo, who, if war had been commenced on the 22d June last, would be poor as beggars...
By preferring an embargo to war, to the amount of 23,000,000 dollars has since arrived in port, and the remaining 5,000,000 are hourly expected.
they agree, that such a charge, if true, ought to disqualify him from being elected. Such an argument would not be more absurd than many which you have already used.
But enough of this—we understand perfectly the motive of your abuse against us, yet we have a much higher confidence in the discernment and justice of the public than to believe that any personal reflections which you can make upon us, can divert their attention from the consideration of Mr. Madison's pretensions to the Presidency.
But let us proceed to your proofs of energy in Mr. Madison. To your assertion of his "standing abreast with the van of our revolutionary patriots, and braving the horrors of a seven years war for liberty"—I scarcely know what to answer.
By what authority you attribute a piece signed Falkland to one of us, I know not, but it is certainly travelling a little out of the record as you lawyers say, to attack an anonymous writer, in a piece professed to be an answer to the protest of seventeen known persons against the Washington caucus...

"over this imaginary triumph" (of Henry over Madison) although it gained, it would have been at the expense of his country"—or that this writer "probably thought the defence of the alien and sedition laws, a better cause than contending for previous amendments to the constitution." When a man thus willfully and knowingly asserts, what he must be, and is conscious that he cannot support, 'tis hard to say what treatment he deserves. You know, Sir, as well as any man, that the gentleman to whom you allude is one of the last men in the United States; against whom such insinuations can obtain any credit with those who have any knowledge either of his opinions or conduct. But let us return to your eulogium on Mr. Madison, of which we do not mean to loose sight, altho' your constant personal abuse of us, occasions as you no doubt wish, many digressions. You assert that you "have taken a rapid review of Mr. Madison's life, for the purpose of finding the occasion, on which he betrayed the want of energy, and you cannot find it. On the contrary, in every crisis during his long and eventful political career, of forty and thirty years, whenever the energy of the statesman was demanded, we have seen it illustriously displayed by him."
People seldom look much, for what they do not wish to find; if you had done so, it would have been impossible, with all your carelessness about plain matters of fact, that you could have made such a declaration. What becomes of that period of Mr. M's "long and eventful political career of forty and thirty years," which elapsed between his leaving Congress, and going into the Virginia Legislature? Can you deny that period of his retirement to have been a crisis "when the energy of the statesman was demanded," as much as at any previous or subsequent time of the contest between Federalism and Republicanism, and where was he, how was he employed? This is a question to which the public have a right to claim an answer from one who endeavors to extort from them, for his candidate the praise of the "steady and unremitting energy of a firm and ardent patriot." I assert that his exertions did remit, and that too, for more than two years during a period, when they were as much wanted as they ever were. You roundly declare that "you have not followed Mr. M. into his office under the present Administration, because since that time his course has been uniformly with the administration, and whatever you (the Protesters) may think of that course, the seal of approbation has been already fixed upon it by your country." If this be true, we are to understand the administration as approving of Mr. M's conduct in the Yazoo business, which certainly formed a part; and a very important one of his course, or you could not have had the boldness to assert, that "his course had been uniformly with the administration." But this I am persuaded the friends of the administration will never admit. 'Tis certain they have always maintained the contrary. Still if it were possible that could be true, the other part of your declaration is totally destitute of foundation, for nothing is more true than that the public have not "fixed the seal of their approbation" to that part of their course, even if the administration are to be understood as approving of Mr. M's opinion in favor of the Yazoo compromise, which you are the first man who has ever been bold enough to insinuate. But this I am convinced must be a slip of your pen, arising from your extreme solicitude to bolster Mr. M. with the popularity of the administration.
You complain of want of specification in our charges and demand both the "when and the where." You must surely calculate upon availing yourself of some forensic trick, and expect to prove an alibi, by this importunity for specification; but if you are really desirous of it, you shall have it once more: Our specific charges then, against Mr. Madison are, that he recommended in a certain report (the existence of which you have admitted) a compromise with a set of Yazoo Speculators, the principal condition of which was to give them five millions of dollars to relinquish their fraudulent pretensions to certain public lands, to which, according to his own showing, they had no sort of claim whatever, either legal or equitable: that his exertions, shortly before he left Congress, relaxed by degrees, until he actually quitted his post—went home, and there remained for a considerable period during the most interesting part of the controversy which terminated in Mr. Jefferson's election: that he cannot be considered as having equal claims to the presidency with men not inferior to him in any respect, and superior to him in always having professed and acted upon the same political principles which they now entertain: that he is one of the writers of the Federalist, a book containing some doctrines very objectionable to Republicans, and which there is not sufficient evidence to prove that he has altogether abandoned: that instead of aiding with all his talents in promoting the general ticket law in his own state, without which Mr. Jefferson could not have been elected, a single individual was compelled to undertake it, and the support which Mr. Madison gave it, after it was brought into the House, was so very feeble and discouraging, that it was carried in a house having a decided majority of about forty republicans, by a majority, I think of only seven. And lastly, that Mr. M. is suspected of undue partiality (I mean no reflection on his motives) towards one of the belligerents. The proof of this charge is, that he in the winter 1805-6, in conversation with a certain member of congress on the subject of our Spanish Relations, avowed it as his opinion, that they never could be settled without the interposition of France, and said that the truth was that France wanted money and the United States must give it to her. I know not whether I quote the precise words, but the sentiment is precisely the same. Recollect, Sir, that this has been mentioned more than once on the floor of congress, and a denial challenged. It never has been denied, and the public must judge whether such a declaration is evidence of the alleged partiality or not. Whether it arises from good or bad motives, the public I conceive have no interest in enquiring its existence is all which they are concerned to know. But I am gratified that after censuring us so heavily for dealing altogether in general accusations, you at last condescend to beg our pardon, and to acknowledge that we have specified one charge, viz: that of Mr. M's retirement. How you have vindicated him, it is for others to say. It will be recollected, however, that many of his best friends, who certainly must have known his situation at least as well as you, blamed him for yielding to the storm, and they were not "Barbarians" either, but personally very much attached to Mr. M.—If I thought your favor of the least importance to us, I should really regret that we
can please you neither by our "yeas and nays," which you decidedly condemn, nor by our efforts at speaking, which you say are worth worse.
The above are some of the principal instances in the public character and conduct of Mr. M. which we consider as defects sufficient to disqualify him for the Presidency; and most of them are specifications of want of energy—firmness—decision, call it what you please, such as we believe all rational men will admit to be disqualifications.
Without following you through your catalogue of human butchers and tyrants, and a string of epithets and tropes illustrative, as you imagine, of their characters, permit me to ask what can be your motive for this enumeration? You dare not call us openly the admirers of any of these despots, because you are just, would pronounce it slander. Eat you insinuate as much when you say "this may be the species of energy which suits your projects." If I were disposed to retort in the same way, I might with much more colour of justice say—that you may be one of those men so aptly described by Martial, of whom he remarks "Iras et verba locant"—they hire out their words and anger. I might conjecture that you may be one of those hungry and greedy expectants of office, who calculate upon recommending themselves to the patronage and favour of great men, by the virulence of their abuse against their supposed enemies, and expect the grade of their promotion to be measured by the quantum of rancour and malevolence infused into their philippics. But if this may be your calculation, the worst enemies of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison never imagined any thing half so bad of them. I might also guess, Sir, by giving much less scope to my imagination than you have done, that you may be one of those unfortunate beings in whom the wounded moral considerations, and who stung to the very soul by an unlucky sarcasm on a favorite child of his fancy, does not scruple to involve sixteen persons, who are all with the exception of one or two, utterly unknown to him, in the same indiscriminate and immeasurable abuse with the man who alone has provoked his irascibility and upon whom he is so anxious to wreak his vengeance. I beg you will not venture to assert as you will be very ready to do, if I may judge of your future by your past liberality, that we should have been content to have that gentleman calumniated, provided you had left us out of the scrape. No, Sir, I know that gentleman's character, I have the vanity to believe somewhat better than One of the People, and admitting all the failings which impartiality can attribute to it, I am prepared to defend it against all assailants by facts which none can deny and arguments that I am persuaded none can controvert. With him, as long as he entertain the same principles both moral and political, which I know him to possess, I shall never consider it a disgrace for any man either to stand, or to fall.
By what authority you undertake to say that 'tis understood "we support" two particular gentlemen for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, to whom you allude in such a way as not easily to be mistaken, I am yet to learn. 'Tis certain we have informed neither you nor the public, whom we should (to use your own language) "curse with our support" and when we had done so, one would think would be full as soon as you could know the fact. But we understand you, and in this you are pursuing the same laudable policy with most of your predecessors, and presuming upon our want of popularity, are attempting to injure to the extent of your power, those very gentlemen whom you pretend to admire, by giving them our votes, without waiting to hear whether we consent to it or not. This indirect mode of attaining an object which you dare not openly attempt is an artifice truly worthy of your talents and dispositions, but 'tis one which we hope and believe the Gentlemen who are honoured instead of being "cursed" with your support can not possibly countenance. You attempt next to prove us guilty of inconsistency in a way, that would disgrace even a schoolboy not out of his reading lessons of two syllables. It is not even entitled to be called a sophism. You say we accuse Mr. Madison of wanting energy, and yet immediately after, charge him with writing the Federalist "in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Hamilton, in which the most objectionable doctrines of the latter were maintained." "Now the objection" (whose objection?) "to the doctrines of the latter were that they were too energetic." In one breath then Mr. Madison wants energy, and in the next he has too much of it! This is syllogism with a vengeance! If the objection which you kindly put into our mouths, had really been made by us, then perhaps there might have been something like plausibility in your argument. And if you will take the liberty of forcing us to utter either other people's objections or your own, our refutation, one would imagine, would be no very difficult matter. Yet even with this assumed advantage, you have certainly made a very bungling hand of it, (if you will pardon a term not very classical;) how for instance, does a man recommending a government too energetic, prove that he has energy himself? An ordinary reasoner would be apt to say that the more energetic the government proposed, the less energetic in the republican sense of the term, the individual who proposes it. But it belongs to extraordinary men, to reason in an extraordinary manner. It is not one thing to recommend such a constitution as republicans would think too energetic, & another thing to display in one's conduct that sort of energy which would lead us never to advise that which we declared unjust and inequitable, as Mr. Madison did in the Yazoo case—to maintain always the same opinions when once formed upon mature reflection, as was not the case with Mr. Madison when he turned from federalism to Republicanism:—and lastly to struggle as long as there was hope in the cause which one believed right, which was not Mr. Madison's conduct when he retired from public life?
You complain again that we have not specified the particular objectionable passages in the Federalist. Would you have had our protest the size of a book? Unless you, or some other professed Republican had ever undertaken to defend those notorious doctrines, our specification we conceive was quite sufficient. Mr. Madison certainly permitted the book to go to the world with the sanction of his name, and he is therefore strictly responsible, not only for that part of it, which he himself wrote, but for that which was written in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Hamilton. Unless indeed you will venture to offer the same excuse for him on this occasion, as another able apologist did for his participation in the Yazoo Report, viz: "that he might perhaps have signed what he never read." Your confounding the support of our constitution after its amendments
and ratification, with the recommendation of it previous to its adoption and with all its defects, is a piece of legerdemain worthy of you and of your cause. Bradley's funny summons and its funny vindication are nothing to it. You impute Federalism to Mr. Madison as a virtue, and to us as a crime, just as it suits your fancy. Your attempt to bolster up Mr. Madison's popularity with that of the administration is a counterpart of the same finesse. When we object to Mr. M's official acts as a member of the administration, it may be then perfectly fair in you to endeavor to answer us, by calling us enemies to the administration, but you ought in common reason first to show that we have thus objected. Our objections to him are most of them of prior date to his becoming Secretary of State, and those which have occurred since, have no other connexion with the administration, than what has been made thro' your instrumentality.
I must once more express my regret that you will insist upon so far identifying yourself with the people as always to speak in their persons. Thus you say, "we pity you—but our confidence in you is gone forever." I regret it, because I am ready to confess it would give me much concern to believe the fact with regard to the people. Your confidence, however, I am so far from desiring, that nothing would sooner make me begin to distrust myself, than the knowledge that I possessed it, and with regard to your pity, if you will only consent to withhold it until we ask for it, I shall desire nothing more of you. Believe me, most candid, most liberal, most gentle counsellor, the people, whose confidence we are anxious to retain, are as unlike you, as correct reasoning is to flimsy sophistry—as justice to calumny—as truth to misrepresentation and slander.
With your charges against Mr. Pickering I have nothing to do. He is a man with whom I have neither personal acquaintance, nor political sympathy. Nor shall I again notice your reiterated and general accusation of Federalism, farther than to call upon you, as you so often have done upon us, for specification. This clamour may save your purpose perhaps with a few, but the rational part of the people, have seen too much of it in the same style, and know too well the design with which it is made, not to despise it. The insinuation of partiality to Britain and hostility to France (which it would be equally fair to retort upon you, merely by changing the places of the terms France and Britain) is as much entitled as the other to public contempt. I have no wish that my country ever should be in so unfortunate a situation, as to afford either of us an opportunity of evincing the strength of our attachment by the extent of the sacrifices which we would make. But if such a period should ever arrive, the public will see, who best understand, and who will go farthest to promote and preserve all that freemen and patriots hold dear—the seventeen Protesters—or One of the People, who notwithstanding "he would be a General," has no higher claim, we believe to exclusive patriotism than other men.
I may with truth now exclaim, in the language of one who after relating a very long and dull tale, to the great annoyance of his audience, cried when he had nearly finished "courage, my friends, I see land;" I now see nearly the end of your third and last number, than which it has never fallen to my fortune to peruse a more finished specimen of mere verbiage. But I had undertaken to notice it, and to go through was indispensable. Your fame, Sir, as a writer, would at least have lost nothing, if your zeal for Mr. Madison's election, or a passion perhaps not quite so laudable, had not stimulated you to the undertaking.
Our idea of the advantage of rotation in office, you have treated with the same candor, that you have observed towards us in every other respect—by totally misrepresenting it. Where for example, have we supposed that each succeeding President is to be so ignorant of the acts of his predecessor, as to be obliged "immediately upon his election gravely to sit down to review them, and to examine their tendency for the first time"—"or to be so ignorant of past events, as to have to learn them by rummaging over the journals of his predecessors?" If you will both misquote and misrepresent us, there is no absurdity of which you may not convict us. But unfortunately for you there is no such opinion in our Protest, nor any thing from which it can be inferred. On the advantage of rotation in office, we think as other people do, nor shall we cease to express it, altho' you should insinuate that in doing so, we mean to intimate some treachery in the present administration. All that we have said on this subject is, that one of the principal benefits of rotation in office consists in the successor's not thinking himself bound to follow his predecessor in every thing, which he might be apt to do if he had been previously connected with him, as confident and adviser. However you may have "always thought, that the acts of the administration were always examined as they went along, their wisdom and tendency decided upon by the nation"—the people must know that there are many such things as state secrets—many acts of every administration which never can be known but by their successors, and which it may be beneficial to the nation to have scrutinized, and possibly exposed. And shall we be accused of an attempt to make the public believe there are now such secrets and such acts, merely because we have ventured to mention in general terms the possibility of their existence, in attempting to illustrate the advantages of rotation in office? Or do you expect the people to forego this advantage, lest by practicing on the doctrine, they should be thought to betray a want of proper confidence in the present administration? How your charge of squeminshes in us on this occasion will comport with your other accusations against us, of open and heinous offences perpetrated upon the government, you yourself can best explain. But for your unsolicited kindness in "speaking out for us, when you say we will not do it for ourselves," I cannot withhold my thanks. If the public are satisfied that you shall first invent secrets for us, and then explain them in your own way, it will be in vain for me to attempt any reply. Whenever sufficient evidence shall be produced from our own words and actions to prove our hostility to the general character and conduct of the present administration, I for one shall be ready to plead guilty; but until then, I shall rely upon the common sense and common justice of the people for taking a plain denial as an adequate answer to an assertion general in its nature and destitute of proof.
In the sincerity of your concluding exhortations and advice, I can place no confidence, whilst you undertake to assert as a fact "that we have an interest distinct from the people; that our brains are disturbed by
wicked dreams of ambition; and that we have departed from virtue and from the people." These are heavy charges, Sir, and they come with peculiar grace from one who has an interest distinct from the people—whose gain is their loss—whose brain, it is said, has been disturbed by ambitious dreams (I will not say whether "wicked" or not) and whose claim to virtue has been evinced by accusing, without the smallest regard to fact, 17 men with most of whom he was entirely unacquainted, of almost every atrocious crime under Heaven. Farewell, Sir, I have done with you. If you have no account to settle with your own conscience, your reformation is indeed a hopeless task.
To my Brother Protesters, and to the public, it may be thought perhaps that I owe some excuse, for some expressions which I may have used. If any should be of this opinion, I must plead the law of retaliation in justification. Those voluntary champions of Mr. Madison whose ideas of controversial courtesy and retributive justice lead them to answer all who venture to object to him as a President, by such decorous accusations as "Perjury &c." do not deserve, and can never receive, at least from me, any other Treatment. "To fight the devil with fire," I have always understood was allowable and proper.
ONE OF THE PROTESTERS.
Never have we so reluctantly granted the use of our columns to any composition, as to the 3d number of One of the Protesters, which graces this day's paper. Scarcely ever have we perused a composition more absolutely full of nothingness; and never have we published one as strongly marked by uncompensated personal scurrility, as this elegant production of One of the Protesters. As to his miserable insinuations against One of the People, they are illiberal as they are unjust—These are calculated to excite no other emotion than contempt.
We have not inserted the elegant P. S. addressed to ourselves; because this author's vice is long enough in all conscience without it, because its subject is not connected with his address to One of the people; and because it is not couched in those terms which we had a right to expect.
That the British accounts of Bonaparte's conduct towards Portugal are incorrect, will be testified by the following extract of a letter from a Virginia lady, well known to the most respectable of this state and connected with a gentleman of official character.—Bonaparte has thrown the dead, inert wealth of Portugal, into active circulation, and for this act he certainly deserves no censure.—To the industry and public spirit of that country, he has imparted a new impulse, which may amply compensate for the impositions, which he may practise.—The revolution of Spain will be equally beneficial. Never did the institutions of any country require more the anatomical knife. Its internal regime, its pampered priesthood, its corrupt administration under the Prince of Peace, its idiot King, its backwardness in every great and enlightened accomplishment, has disgraced it in the eyes of Europe.—Bonaparte will make great innovations in the colonial system of Spain. The British will distinctly feel it in these western regions. Their surreptitious & bribed trade with the South American colonies will be abridged. It cannot be expected, that a man who has shut out the British commerce from almost the whole continent of Europe, should suffer them to drive a trade with the continent of South America, if he is able to prevent it.
Extract of a letter from St. Lucar, dated March 31.
"You have no doubt heard that the French Emperor has declared Portugal a Province of France. The army took possession without a single act of cruelty or bloodshed: his orders were issued with authority, and obeyed without opposition—he has demanded a great portion of the wealth of the nation, from the convents and the clergy; he has taken three fourths of all their property; notwithstanding this, they have great cause to rejoice at the change of masters. Napoleon compels them to cultivate their lands, and has decreed that any man, who neglects agricultural pursuits, shall be treated as an enemy to his Country. The effect of this is already seen in the smiling fields, the produce of which will in a few years amply repay the wealth they have lost. This kingdom is completely in the Power of the Emperor; and so wretched is its government, that any change will be desirable. We are daily expecting an immense number of French troops on their way to Cadiz. The agents have purchased vast quantities of wheat and flour for the supply of the army."
THIS EVENING, AT THE HAY-MARKET GARDEN. BEAUTIES of the THEATRE: BEING SELECTIONS FROM THE DRAMA. The Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond are respectfully informed, that this present EVENING, (TUESDAY, weather permitting,) if not, the next fair evening, WILL BE PRESENTED, THE MOST ADMIRED SCENES FROM THE SCHOOL FOR SCANDAL. Principal Characters: Sir Peter Teazle.....Mr. Ormsby, Lady Teazle.....Mrs. Ormsby, To which will be added, a Comic Piece (in 2 acts) CALLED THE HUMOROUS IRISHMAN, OR, THE ADVENTURES OF A SCOTCHMAN. Gulwell, Characters, { Paddy O'Blarney.....with Songs, and Donald MacIntosh. In the course of the Evening, the following favorite Recitations and Songs, viz:
RECITATION. MONSIEUR TONSON: OR, THE LONDON ART OF QUILLING. Song.....THE TOM CAT. RECITATION.....WOMAN'S SEVEN AGES. Song.....THE DUTCH FISHERMAN. Mr. Ormsby having fitted up the Garden for public amusement, intends occasionally during the summer, giving THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENTS—and respectfully solicits the patronage of the liberal. The evenings entertainment to vary each night's performance. Doors open at seven o'clock—Curtain to rise at eight. TICKETS—at half a dollar, to be had at the Bar of the Eagle-Tavern, at S. Grantland's Printing office, the Office of The Enquirer, and at the Gardens.
NOTICE.—I hereby forward all persons from crediting Benjamin Berry late a partner under the firm of Lyon and Berry, on the firm account, as I am determined to pay no debt of his contracting from this date. Richmond, May 21. URIAH LYON.
The following having appeared originally in the Boston Democrat, I presume it is the effusion of Mr. Seleeck Osborne, who is the editor of that print. The production in point of poetical merit, is much above the common parodies of the day. It not only preserves the spirit of Shakespeare; but improves upon it. Those who do not applaud the sentiments it conveys, can hardly fail to admire it as a composition exhibiting considerable talents.—Monitor.
FROM THE (BOSTON) DEMOCRAT.
THE LAST BRITISH COALITION.
JOHN BULL, AN INDIAN AND A TORY John. Thrice the royal beast hath roar'd. Indian. Thrice and thrice the warrior whoop'd. Tory. Pickering cries:—'tis time, 'tis time. John. Round about the nation go, Brands of flaming discord throw, Secret service money take, And friends in every country make: Guineas squeeze'd from starving poor, Scatter first on every shore. All. Double, double, toil and trouble; Empires, blaze; and, Ocean bubble. John. Hindoo's skin, by Britain slain, Or starv'd by nabobs, all for gain; Bones of captive, who beneath, Old Jersey's deck receiv'd his death; Flesh from Irish gibbets torn, By glutted crows, and litherorne; Tears of Yankee sailors prest; Swamp of laborers oppress; Blood of Danes, both fresh and red, In peaceful Copenhagen shed; For a charm of powerful trouble, Like a hell-broth boil and bubble. All. Double, double, toil and trouble, Empires, burn; and, Ocean bubble. Indian. Scalp of bane, to whom we crept, And kill'd the urchin while he slept; Its tender mother's too, whose life, At midnight yielded to the knife; Heart of bride for wedding drest, Torn, yet beating, from her breast— Greasy cinders from the fire, Where the captive did expire. All. Double, double, toil and trouble, Empires, blaze; and, Ocean bubble. Tory. Tongue of drunken Lawyer, feed, To save a kindred traitor's head; The gall that Gardener did spill, Pickering's hell-directed quill; Sheets black with treason, slander, lies; And all that demons could devise; Blood of youth at mid-day shed, And lips that for the murderer plead; Stain the whole with British Gore, And hell itself can do no more. All. Double, double, toil and trouble, Empires, blaze; and, Ocean bubble. Enter DISCORD. Disc. O, well done! I recommend your pains, And every one shall share Pthe gains. And now among all nations lurk, Like demons, bent on evil work, Embroiling Christian, Jew, and Turk. Music and a Song. Red savage and white, Grave savage and gay, Mingle, mingle, mingle, You that mingle may.
* Prison ship. † Miss M'Rea.
FREDERICKSBURG, May 20.
The valuable merchant mill, the property of Wm. Richards esq. of Falmouth, was on Tuesday night, destroyed by fire. The night was unusually calm, which circumstance, added to the united exertions of the citizens of Falmouth and Fredericksburg, prevented the destruction of the two adjoining mills, Tobacco Ware House, (which were within from 30 to 60 feet) and probably the greater part of the town.—It is feared that the fire was communicated by some vile incendiary.—Herald.
A decree has been issued at Martinique appropriating ground for the cultivation of articles of provision, as a substitute for those imported from the United States.—Baltimore paper.
The nomination of James H. McCulloch, esq. to the collectorship of the Port of Baltimore, in place of Gabriel Christie, Esq. dec'd, made by the president of the U. S. to the Senate, has been confirmed by that body.
DELEGATES ELECTED TO THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
Greenbrier—Dennis M'Laughlin, Wm. Morrow.
New Members.
IN CHANCERY—February Court, 1804—Fauquier County, to wit: Benjamin Rector, Complainant—Against Thomas Chapman, surviving executor of William Carr, dec'd. Defendant.
On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered, that master commissioner Scott state, settle, and examine the accounts between the parties and make report thereof to the court, with such matters specially as he may think pertinent or the parties may require.
A Copy Teste, F. BROOKE, c. c.
The parties to the above suit are hereby notified, that I shall attend at my office at Fauquier court-house, on the 26th day of July next, between the hours of ten and two o'clock to carry the above order into effect, at which time and place the parties are requested to attend with a copy of the court papers, and such evidences and vouchers as they may think proper to produce, in order to a final adjustment of the accounts. C. R. SCOTT, M. C. Fauquier C. H. May 24. [law8w]
WAR DEPARTMENT, May 12th, 1808—PROPOSALS in writing will be received by this department until the first day of August next, for manufacturing MUSKETS with BAYONETS, of the kind and dimensions manufactured at the United States' Armouries at Springfield, Massachusetts, and at Harper's Ferry, Virginia: every part to correspond in dimensions, materials, workmanship and proof with the samples, which will be given from one or the other of those armouries, or from Mr. Whitney's armoury at New Haven in Connecticut.
It will be unnecessary for any one to offer terms unless the price shall be reasonable, and not exceeding ten dollars and seventy five cents.
Any person inclined to contract for the delivery of from five hundred to two thousand stands a year, for five years, will, on the execution of the contract, and entering into bond, with approved sureties for the faithful performance thereof, receive in advance, if required, a sum equal to the amount of the contract price of the number he shall agree to deliver the first year; and such other subsequent advances, as his punctuality in the faithful performance of his contract shall entitle him to.
No proposals will be attended to, unless from persons of such character as can be fully relied on for a faithful and punctual performance of their contracts and who can give ample and satisfactory security for the correct fulfilment thereof. No muskets will be received under any contract, that shall not, on a full and correct inspection by persons appointed for the purpose, be found in all their parts, and in workmanship, fully to correspond with the patterns. H. DEARBORN, Sec'y of War. May 24, 1808. (2w3w)

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
Continuation of Foreign Intelligence received at New York.
LONDON, Feb. 28.
AMERICAN STATE PAPERS.
1. The first set of papers contain Lord Howick's Dispatch; the Hon. David Erskine transmitting to him a copy of the Treaty of Amity, signed Dec. 31, 1806; together with the notes delivered, at the time of its signature, by Lords Holland and Auckland; and also transmitting the Order in Council, of the 7th January, 1807, for preventing all commerce from the port of Brest to the Elbe.
To these papers, when communicated to the government of America, Mr. Madison returned two answers. In the first, he said, "With regard to the particular order issued against the trade of neutrals, from one port to another of the enemies of Great Britain, no fair objection can be made against it, provided it be founded on and enforced by the actual blockades, as authorized by the law of nations."
In the second letter, Mr. Madison enters into a long series of objections to this order, on the ground that so extensive a line of coast could not have an actual blockade; and that it could not be founded on any supposed illegality of the trade of neutrals between these ports.
2. The next set is the communication by Mr. Erskine, of the President's Message to Congress, stating the adjustment of the negotiation between the Commissioners of Great Britain and America; and also the correspondence between the American Minister at Paris, and the French Minister of Marine, relative to the French Decree of Nov. 21, 1806.
3. The third set of papers—contain a note from Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, to Mr. Secretary Canning, dated July 14, 1807, proposing to renew the Negotiation for a treaty of Amity, and transmitting the Treaty of the 31st of December, with the President's objections to it.
Mr. Secretary Canning applied by letter to Lord Holland and Auckland, to know if they had given any, and what acquiescence to any informal understanding, "of a forbearance by British cruisers, in regard to the practice of impressment of British seamen on board American vessels;" in which those Noble Lords replied distinctly, that they did not pledge their government to abstain in future from impressing British seamen from American merchant vessels; but they certainly did mean to pledge the British government to make its cruisers observe the utmost caution, moderation and forbearance, in the exercise of that practice; but they never either expressed or implied; that they were to desist from taking British seamen from American merchant ships.
LONDON, March 30.
A few days since a general sweep was made of all the fishing boats which had put to sea from the French ports up Channel, and we understand, a general order has been issued by government for the capture of this kind of craft whenever they may be met with.
The following important notice was yesterday posted up at Lloyd's:—
"By letters from Holland dated the 12th of March, it appears that French privateers cruising on that coast, pay no respect to licences granted by the Dutch government for importing goods from England."
Five hundred gun-boats have already been built in the Dutch ports, at the requisition of the French government, and the utmost activity prevails in getting them ready for sea.
April 2.
The squadron destined for the Baltic, and so long detained at Portsmouth, by contrary wind, sailed on Wednesday. It consisted of the Mars of 74 guns, capt. Lukin; Orion 74, Sir A. Dickson; Polyphemus 64, capt. Keywood; Sallette, capt. Bathurst, and Daphne, frigates, capt. Mason; Mutine, capt. H. Stewart; Insolent, lieut. Morris; Hearty, lieut. Wickham; Protector, lieut. Mitchener; Redbreast, lieut. Harrison; Steady, lieut. Stow; and the Thrasher, lieut. Dornford. The sailing of the squadron at such a moment shows the urgency of its object. The Orion, Sallette, and Daphne, have stores and provisions on board sufficient for a foreign station, from which it is inferred that those ships are for a special service.
Sir Samuel Hood sailed from the Downs for the Baltic yesterday, in the Centaur—the other ships going upon the same destination only waiting for pilots—the force in the Downs is encamped daily; two more seventy-fours and a sixty-four arrived there on Thursday. The Triumph and Implacable passed Portsmouth yesterday—they are all destined for the Baltic.
We have received further particulars of the negotiation between France and Denmark respecting the equipment of a fleet of French vessels to be manned by Danish sailors. Bonaparte made the first overtures and proposed, that the required number of Danish mariners of every rank, from the Admiral to the cabin-boy, for twenty sail of the line, should repair to the several ports in France and navigate them home; but they were still to remain in the service of France. This, however, was flatly refused, even by the government of Denmark; and the Danish officers and men openly refused to fight under any other than the Danish flag—Measures were then taken to render the project as little repugnant as possible to the national feelings of the Danes. It was proposed that the vessels should be sold to Denmark; and should proceed from the ports of France and Copenhagen. Under such circumstances, it is highly probable that the Treaty will be finally completed, and that means will be found to gratify the sense of resentment which the Danes feel against this country, without offending their notions of national independence and honor. The Seine and Helvetique French frigates, which carried troops to Martinique, have got into L'Orient.
March 5.
Marshal Brune has retired from the army, and is living in disgrace for not having possessed himself of the island of Rugen, previous to his attack on Stralsund, by which means the retreat of the King of Sweden from that fortress would have been prevented.
Bonaparte has left Paris for Spain.
Extract of a letter from a well informed gentleman in France, to his correspondent in Baltimore, dated 20th March.
"The new attempts making by your government to conciliate their differences with the principal belligerent powers of Europe must warmly interest your mercantile community. The ship Osage with Despatches for the French and English courts, arrived at L'Orient on the 22d inst. in 23 days passage from New-York. It is difficult to judge the reception these despatches will meet with from this government, but I am apprehensive they will be coldly received if they do not promise an active co-operation in the measures adopted against England. The latter country may, from her peculiar situation, lend a more favorable ear to those addressed to her; but an alliance, or even a treaty of commerce and friendship with England, would probably lead to the entire exclusion of the American flag from all the ports of the continent of Europe, and your trade limited to Great Britain alone could not be very lucrative, your embargo deprives you of any extensive & advantageous commerce and must be oppressive, but in the present crisis it must be considered an act of great wisdom."
"The anxiety and simister apprehensions excited in Spain by the presence of such numerous French armies have shaken the Spanish monarchy to its foundation, the king has abdicated his throne in favor of his son the prince of Asturias, who has assumed the title of Ferdinand the Seventh."
The first act of his reign has been, the dismissal of the Prince of Peace from all his employments, and the confiscation of his estates to the profit of the crown. His family and adherents have been "arrested, and their houses demolished and pillaged by the populace. He himself will probably endeavor to fly to England where he is said to have immense wealth. I should not be surprised if these events were to lead to a cession of a part at least of the Spanish territory to the crown of France."
NEW-YORK, May 16.
We have received by the brig Prudence, from Bordeaux, files of French papers to the latter end of March; but their contents are either unimportant, or have been anticipated in the Mercantile Advertiser by way of London. We learn verbally that the alleged crime for which Marshal Brune is imprisoned in the Temple at Paris, is that of having secretly received from the English six millions of livres for permission to smuggle goods into Hamburg. He has been compelled to refund this money; besides incurring the displeasure of his royal master, who is said to have declared that he spared his life only in consideration of his past services, and because of the dignity of Marshal to which these services had raised him.
Sixty guineas were given in London on the 5th of April, to receive one hundred, if the American Embargo should be taken off by the first of May.
REVOLUTION IN SPAIN.
The following interesting particulars of the affairs of Spain were received at Boston in a letter from Alicante, dated 27th March.
"On the 27th inst. the rumour being spread at Aranjuez, that the king and royal family were making preparations to set out for Cadiz, there to embark on board the English squadron, it caused a great fermentation among the people. At 1 o'clock at night about 4000 peasants from the neighborhood, made their appearance, surrounded the palace, and insisted on seeing their Majesties, who were of course under the necessity of showing themselves at the balcony. The Prince of Peace, who had already placed a great number of coaches and post horses along the road, took this opportunity of telling their Majesties that their lives were in danger and that no time must be lost in making their escape. The Prince of Asturias, (who has always been an enemy to the Prince of Peace) found means of informing one of his guards that was going forward, desiring him to tell the rest, that if they would protect him, he was resolved not to quit the country, and even to jump out of the carriage if taken by force. Every thing being ready, orders were given to the Guardes de Corps to disperse the populace, and even to fire upon them; instead of which, these troops went to the palace of the Prince of Peace, forced his guards, and searched for him without success. His wife was found and treated with the greatest respect, as being a cousin to the king; she was placed in a carriage, and drawn to the royal palace by the populace. In the meanwhile, Marquis Caballero, minister of Gracia and Justicia, took this opportunity of informing the king, that attempting to leave the country would be in vain; that his majesty had nothing to fear from the French troops (then at 12 leagues distance) and that the Prince of Peace was a traitor to his country and king. The Council of Castile was assembled, and their advice was unanimously to the same purpose—the king then issued a proclamation, withdrawing from the Prince of Peace the titles of Generalissimo and High Admiral; but this did not appease the people, who continued to insist on the Prince of Asturias's being proclaimed king. At last, the king, finding there was no other remedy, issued a proclamation on the 20th, by which he resigns his crown to his son, who was accordingly proclaimed to the satisfaction of the whole nation. One of his first steps has been to confiscate all the property which the Prince of Peace had usurped from the nation, amounting to some hundred millions of dollars (having appropriated to himself the whole produce of the lands of the clergy, which have been selling for some years past) 225000000 reales of 600 dollars each have been found, and an immense quantity of gold."
"He is now arrested and going to be tried—he had been hidden for near two days in a garret of his palace; but pressed by hunger and thirst he declared himself to one of the guards, who immediately secured him. It is now discovered, that he had sent orders to the Governor of Ceuta to surrender to the English—it also appears certain that M. Valdes, commander of the squadron that sailed last month from Carthagena, had orders to go to Gibraltar and surrender himself, but he put into Mahon under pretext of an accident, and one Salcedo was immediately sent to supersede him, but it is expected he will not have arrived in time. La Senora Josefina Tudos, mistress of the Prince of Peace, sat out for Cadiz on the 15th, with all the money that was left in the treasury; detachments of Hussars have been sent after her, but it is feared she is already on board the English fleet. It seems the plan of this man was, to take the royal family over to Spanish America, make a peace with England, destroy the Prince of Asturias, (which was already attempted in October last) and get himself appointed regent of that country, if not king. The French government had secret advice of this plot, and sent in troops by all quarters, with the pretext of an attack against Algiers and Gibraltar, and it was too late when he discovered the real object of his visit. Whatever be his fate, it is not probable that the immense property he has in the bank of London will ever be recovered by the nation. All the people in exile by his orders are recalled to court. Florida Blanca is expected to be Prime Minister; the Duke of Infantado, lately exiled by him, is appointed president of the council and colonel of the Spanish guards; the Duke of Madimaceli and count Fernan Nunez, are sent to compliment the French Emperor at Purgos and conduct him to Madrid; no blood has been spilt, but several houses of his partisans have been plundered and destroyed by the mob—amongst them, are those of Soler and the Minister; Noriega, the Treasurer General; Sixto Espinosa, Cashier of the Consolidation; Truxillo, late Governor of Malaga, and brother-in-law to the Prince of Peace. The King and Queen have asked to retire to Grenada or St. Lucas, but the council has opposed it, as being too near the coast; they are allowed to choose between Guadalaxara and Arenas, a small place in the centre of Castile."
EXTRACT OF ANOTHER LETTER.
Alicante, 27th March, 1808.
"On the 18th inst. at 9 in the evening, an order arrived from the Generalissimo the Prince of Peace, to the Spanish and Walloon guards and other troops stationed round and doing garrison service at Madrid, to march without delay to Aranjuez, where they arrived the next morning, to the number of ten thousand. A novelty of such a nature, and at such a time, induced a multitude of people to follow them, amongst which a report was diligently circulated, that their Majesties and the Prince of Peace intended to retire to Gibraltar, and from thence to America, as had been done by the Portuguese Royal Family. Impressed with this idea, the mob collected in the grand square before the palace about ten o'clock in the evening, crying, long live the king and kill the traitor! Caballero, 1st. Secretary of State, immediately proceeded to the royal apartment, where he found the King and Queen together much alarmed; while he was endeavoring to calm their apprehensions, the Prince of Peace entered in apparent consternation, and entreated their majesties to disguise themselves immediately and escape, as the people meditated mischief against them. The secretary assured them that it was false; that they expressed the greatest love and loyalty for his Majesty's person, and that they only sought revenge on a traitor. And who is he? cried the Prince of Peace. You, said Caballero. The former drew his sword and attempted to stab him; but the king interfering, the latter had time to retire, and take with him the Prince of Asturias to beg protection of the guards de corps—The 20th Charles 17th abdicated the throne; to his son the Prince of Asturias, who is now proclaimed as Ferdinand the VIIIth."
expressed the greatest love and loyalty for his Majesty's person, and that they only sought revenge on a traitor. And who is he? cried the Prince of Peace. You, said Caballero. The former drew his sword and attempted to stab him; but the king interfering, the latter had time to retire, and take with him the Prince of Asturias to beg protection of the guards de corps—The 20th Charles 17th abdicated the throne; to his son the Prince of Asturias, who is now proclaimed as Ferdinand the VIIIth."
APPOINTMENTS BY THE NEW KING.
The Duke of Infantado, to be governor of the council, and colonel of the Spanish guards; Duke of St. Carlos, Stewart of the palace; Caballero, the former Minister of Grace and Justice, is made Grandee of Spain and President of the Council of Orders; Jovillanus, Minister of Justice and Grace; Aranza, the Minister at Paris, is appointed Governor of the Council of Honduras; Count Florida Blanca, Deacon of the Council of State; the Archbishop of Toledo, Patriarch; Gen. O'Farrel, Director General of the artillery.
The noblemen accused of combining against the life of the King a few months since with the Prince of Asturias, have all been pardoned.
In some papers we find the new Monarch of Spain denominated Emperor.
At Madrid the following houses were destroyed, the occupants of which were attached to the Prince of Peace.
The house of Don Diego Godoy, brother to the Prince; of Lt. Gen. Branchiforti, cousin to do.; of Duroto the Prince's Confessor; of Marquina, Lord Mayor; Norvega, Treasurer General; of Espinosa and Cordova, Loan officers; and of Saleer, of the Council of Honduras.
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated the 30th of March, received by the ship Connecticut from St. Lucar.
"The Prince of Peace has been declared a traitor, his whole property and estates are confiscated, and he is now in prison in chains. Charles the 4th has abdicated the throne in favor of his son, the Prince of Asturias, who has been proclaimed King of Spain, under the title of Ferdinand the 7th. The Emperor of France is now in Madrid, where he arrived the 24th instant. 15,000 French troops have entered Madrid, and there are about 50,000 in the country, on their march towards this place, where they are momentarily expected."
"This revolution has been effected without much bloodshed. The government has given official notice that the intention of the French Emperor, in taking possession of all Spain, is to protect it from the English. Our relations with this country will, of course, be regulated by those with France; and you may be certain that if we are respected by France we shall be doubly respected by Spain, and vice versa."
"We learn verbally that for fourteen days previous to the execution of the Prince of Peace, he was daily brought out of his prison, and exposed in the public market place to the insults and derision of the populace. In the orders respecting the confiscation of his property he is designated only as Don Manuel Godoy."
In consequence of the changes in Madrid, the revolutionary bosom will be exercised in all the Spanish colonies. In most instances the principal officers have been appointed by the advice of the Prince of Peace.
A letter from an American capt. at Algeciras, dated March 13, mentions the receipt of a letter from Mr. Meade, at Cadiz, acquainting that the brig Sally, of Philadelphia, had been released there. She had not been taken on her passage, by any British cruiser, nor had her register endorsed; but off the Western Islands had been boarded from a British privateer. After which she voluntarily entered Cadiz harbour, and was there several days, when it was discovered she had been boarded, whereupon she was seized by officers of the government. Whether this instance is a proof of a favorable intention, as to vessels whose registers were endorsed, and the vessels forced into Spanish ports, is subject to conjecture. Strong hopes however are entertained. Government had detained samples to be taken of the flour on board detained vessels at Algeciras, and it was supposed intended to buy, if they were released; but some doubts are entertained of the goodness of government pay.
It is probable that the revolution in Spain will retard decisions on the American vessels so long detained at Algeciras, and other ports in that country.
MISCELLANY.
Bonaparte has lately fitted up his library in the English taste, and rather plain than otherwise; it is decorated with marble busts of celebrated characters, amongst which are those of Mr. Fox and Lord Nelson.
A curious instrument has been invented by Dr. Bozzoni, of Frankfort, in Germany, the object of which is to afford an inspection of the interior of wounds, and parts of the human body, such as the oesophagus, the uterus, &c.
Dr. Gibbs of London has opposed the Lavoisierian theory of Chemistry, and adduced the phenomena of Galvanism, produced by one fluid to establish the non-existence of oxygen and hydrogen as bases of particular gases. He contends that we have no evidence that the ponderable parts of oxygen and hydrogen air are substances differing from each other, or in any respect peculiar substances; or that water is a compound resulting from the union of these two substances.
An interesting analysis of coffee has lately been made by M. Cadet, apothecary in ordinary to the French Imperial Household, from which it appears that the berries contain mucilage in abundance, much gallic acid, a resin, a concrete essential oil, some albumen, and a volatile aromatic principle. To these may be added such as are found in most vegetables, viz. lime, potash, charcoal, iron, &c. Roasting develops the soluble principles; but it ought to be moderate, if it be wished to preserve the aroma, and not decompose the acid, the gum, and the resin. Mocha coffee is of all other kinds most aromatic and resinous. M. Cadet advises that coffee be neither roasted nor infused till the day it is intended to be drunk.
TO MR. JOHN HOPKINS—Sir—Please to take Notice, That I shall, on the 8th day of June next, between the hours of 8 o'clock in the forenoon and 6 o'clock in the afternoon, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, commence taking the depositions of sundry persons to be used as evidence in a suit now depending and undetermined, in the Superior Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, (and to adjourn from day to day, until the same are taken) in which suit said, myself and others are plaintiffs and you are defendant. THOMAS BURLING. Richmond, May 6, 1808. [owtfr]
NOTICE.—persons All having claims against the estate of Cunningham Burton, dec'd are requested to produce them at the next June Hastings Court for the City of Richmond, properly authenticated, as the court will then proceed to make distributions amongst the creditors. JOHN F. PRICE, Curator. Richmond, April 22. [law12dMaj]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [owtfr]
WAR DEPARTMENT, April 13, 1808. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the Department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon of Monday the 20th of June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October, 1808, inclusive, to the 1st day of June, 1810, within the states, territories and districts following, viz:
First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and in their immediate vicinity, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan.
2nd, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
3d, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the state of Ohio and the Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chicago and their immediate vicinity.
4th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations which may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810, within the several states following, viz:
5th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire.
6th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the state of Vermont.
7th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted.
8th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode-Island.
9th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New-York, Niagara and its dependencies excepted.
10th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New-Jersey.
11th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.
12th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland and Delaware.
13th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia.
14th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North-Carolina.
15th, At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South-Carolina.
16th, At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia.
17th, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armories and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1809 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1810.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eight ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whisky or brandy, & at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, & one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depreciation of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that as a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea board, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. May 14. [ep3w]
THE HEALING SPRINGS, situated in the lower end of Louisa County and but thirty-one miles from Richmond, will be in readiness on the 1st of June next for the accommodation of boarders. The medicinal virtues of those waters have been proved in a great variety of instances; they derive their name from the power they possess of healing most kinds of eruptions, and it is believed, that in bilious cases they have never failed to afford relief. There are several small houses detached from the main building, intended for single families who may apply in time, and the terms for board will be six dollars a-week. Healing Springs, Louisa, May 3. (UJu.)
TRUST DEED.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to William F. Carter and Shelton Crosthwait, by Alexander B. Rose, to secure the payment of a debt due to Murphy Brown & Co as therein expressed, will be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Amherst court-house, on Saturday the 4th day of June next, all the Tract of LAND lying in the county of Amherst, on Tye River and Hat Creek, whereon the said Alexander B. Rose now resides, supposed to contain two thousand five hundred and thirty acres, adjoining the Lands of Thomas Massie, David S. Garland, Thomas Fitzhugh, Henry Rose and Philip Ryan. The subscribers being trustees for the benefit of others, they will only warrant the title of the above mentioned land as to themselves and those claiming under them. WILLIAM F. CARTER, SHELTON CROSTHWAIT, Trustees. May 10. (3w)
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elean, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, JOS. MARX, Exors. Richmond, May 17, 1808. (4f)
SIMMON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public that he still continues selling off under cost and charge till the whole of the stock is sold and wishes the public not to lose this opportunity as goods are daily raising.—The stock consists of the following articles, viz:
7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen, Kenting, Linen and Cotten Cambrics, a large assortment of India & British Muslin, corded and cambric Dimity, a large assortment of silk & cotton Hose, ladies silk Gloves, Damask Silk, Shawls, Black twilled Sarcenets, Florentine silk, printed Calico, Linen & Cotton Chequies, linen & cotton Cambric hdkfs, white & Black French laces, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, India Cotton and Wildbrave, Bennett's patent Cord, Cassimere, Broad Cloth, Flannels, Dressing Boxes, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. April 5. en2mr.
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river:
24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river:
20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks:
1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river.
Also, 39,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.
To RET, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. tf
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by Robert and George Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, duly recorded in the Hustings Court of Richmond; made to secure the payment of fifteen hundred dollars, to Daniel Couch, according to the terms of said deed: Will be sold by the subscribers, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 4th of June next, all that Lot, Piece or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street leading from the Bell Tavern to the river, and now under lease to Russell and Wallace (subject to a ground rent of £10 per annum forever,) together with the following NEGROES: George (the Cook) Peter (the Barber) and Aggy; or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of seven hundred and fifty dollars, together with all costs attending the said sale. ANDW. STEVENSON, C. ANTHONY, } Trustees. May 10. (tds)
GRANTLAND & HARWOOD
COACH-MAKERS;
RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public in general, that they have commenced the above business on the back-street, between the Bell Tavern and Col. Mayo's bridge, where they are prepared to make and repair, GIGS, PHATONS, COACHES, &c. in the neatest and most fashionable manner. All new work done by the subscribers, will be warranted for twelve months, except it should be broken by accident. SAMUEL GRANTLAND, Jr. ARCHIBALD R. HARWOOD. Richmond, May 12th, 1808. [3t law]
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 feet long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best burr and 1 pair corn stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two commodious houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. EDMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (1awtf)
THE TAPPAHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808.
1st DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats.
2d DAY.—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats.
3d DAY.—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, fifty dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May.
Weights as follows:—Aged horses 130lbs. 6 years old 120lbs. 5 do. 110lbs. 4 do. 100lbs. 3 do. 8 do