The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-03-07 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 96.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 7, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.]
City of Richmond. ASSIZE OF BREAD Until further Notice. A Four Pence half-penny Loaf, made of superior flour, shall weigh Twenty-two Ounces. This regulation to be in full force on Saturday next. Feb. 21, '06. WM. DUVAL, Mayor. F3w
To Mr. George Bruce of the state of Kentucky. Sir, As you neither reside within this Commonwealth, nor have any known agent or attorney therein, I have adopted this method, prescribed by law, to give you notice, that on Tuesday the 18th day of April next, at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, between the hours of ten o'clock A. M. and five of the same day, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Wm. W. Fleming, who is a single witness in a material point, in a suit now depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Richmond district, in which myself and Ann Burnley widow and executrix of James Burnley, decd. are complainants, and you are defendant. I am yours, &c. JOHN T. HAWKINS. Albemarle, Feb. 13. oaw4w.p.
NOTICE. All those to whom the late Moses Treadway of Prince Edward were indebted, are hereby requested to bring forward their claims properly authenticated, to MOSES TREADWAY, Adm'r. Prince Edward, Feb. 21. oaw6w. NOTICE. All those to whom the late Wm. Jackson, of Manchester were indebted, are requested to exhibit their claims properly authenticated, to the subscriber, by the first day of May next. THO'S. TREADWAY, Administrator with the will annexed. Feb. 21. oaw6w.
FOR SALE, BY THE SUBSCRIBER: WEST-INDIA & N. L. Liverpool Ware by the crate, England Rum, Stone and Glass Ware, French Brandy, 800 pair Men's thick Shoes, Holland Gin, Men's & Boy's fine Shoes, Molasses, Ladies' Kid, Morocco and Loaf and Brown Sugar, Leather Slippers, Coffee and Chocolate, A small invoice of Table Imperial and Hysan Tea, Linen, Irish Sheetings & Linen, Irish Sheetings & Carpeting, White Lead & Spa. Brown, Best Spanish Indigo, Yellow Ochre, Patent Green, Ground and raw Ginger, ground in Ohio, 120 sacks coarse Liverpool Sacks, Verdigris, 7 by 9 by 10 by 14 by 15, Smoked Salmon and Herrings, Windsor Glass, 2d, 3d, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, and 12d, A small invoice of dry goods, 20d Nails, viz: Bear Skins, Blue Spike Nails, Bar Iron, and Mixed Plains and German & Dished Steel, Thickets, Iron Pots, Dutch Ovens, Writing & Printing paper, Fire Dogs, Wrapping Paper & Puff Board, Nova Scotia Grind Stones, Cotton & Wool Cards, Powder and Shot, One Nice Piano Forte, one Canvas Top Chair, One Nice Piano Gigs, one Stick Gigs. The above will be sold cheap for cash or country produce. BENJAMIN STETSON. December 19. The if
REMOVAL. DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCoull, where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to and carefully executed. It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him. Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate— Percussion Bark, Rosayon's Bitters, Talap, Calomel, Stoughton's Bitters, Rhubarb, Scammon, Turlington's Balsam, Magnesia, Pungent Smelling Salts, Mannas, Salts, Plaster, Campher, Rose Water, Spanish Flies, Tooth Powder, Digitalis, Tooth Picks, Pink Root, Tooth Brushes, Opium, Greenbrier, Tincture, Arrow Root, Imperial Wash for cleaning leather. ALSO, Anderson's Pills, Essential Salt of Lemons, Bateman's Drops, Lavender water, British Oil, Rat Powder, Balsam of Honey, Fine polishing Copal Varnish, China's Worm Lozenges, Black do., Hamilton's do. do., Japan do., Churches Cough Drops, White Lead, Corn Plaster, Listfield Oil, Dalby's Carminative, Spirits of Turpentine, Daffey's Elixir, Essence Peppermint, Mace, Cloves, Essence Spruce, Turmeric, Ginger, Essence Mustard, Long Pepper, Getland's Lotion, Indigo, Copperas, Church's Lotion, Logwood, Fustic, Godfrey's Cordial, Madder, Gold Leaf, Harlem Oil, Silver Leaf, Hungary Water, Windsor Soap, James's Powders, Wasp Balls, Jesuit Drops, Camel Hair Pencils, Peppermint Lozenges, Reseau's Water Colours, Lip Salve, Hair Powder, Liquid True Blue, Powder Puffs, Stears Ophelia, Rich Ointment. ALSO—A small supply of Medical Books for sale. February 4. Sif
A T a meeting of the Board of Directors of the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia, held at the General Office on the 14th day of February, 1806. The following resolution was adopted, which is by order of the board published, to wit: For sufficient reasons appearing to the Board, and in pursuance of the authority vested in the President and Directors, by the act of Assembly, entitled "An act to incorporate the Mutual Assurance Society against fire on buildings of the state of Virginia." Resolved, That the Special Agents of this Society, be allowed till the first day of July next to complete the Revaluation of all buildings which have been insured prior to the 30th day of January, 1805, within the districts and towns for which they may have been severally appointed. ALEXANDER MRAE, President M. A. S. Telle, LEWIS M. RIVALAT, CLK. B. D. February 21. oaw3w.
WARM SPRINGS, IN THE COUNTY OF BATH, VIRGINIA.
H AVING taken a lease on the WARM SPRINGS for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805; we wish to acquaint the public, that at a great expense and much labour, we have improved it, to accommodate gentlemen, 150 persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them is a range of framed stables 240 feet long, together with other stables roomy enough to hold about 100 horses, also 10 new houses 21 by 17 feet, built convenient to the Bath, with stone chimneys, and finished off neatly; a large and commodious sitting room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for their present use only. A new Bath will be made different from the present one, intended for such persons as may not chuse to mix with the strong and healthy. We have also taken a lease on the Sweet Springs in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm, for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparation for the accommodation of the visitors. The strictest attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we know from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected. It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different baths of entertainment on the roads leading to the Springs have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which (above the ridge) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances run to indicate that in future travellers will be well accommodated. We wish to purchase a Blacksmith, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given. Also wanted to employ a different elderly woman to undertake the management of the place of house-keeper, either at the Warm or Sweet Springs, one inclined to be industrious, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal encouragement, on application to us. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. January 21. oaw6w.
A Constant supply of fresh ground CORN MEAL and HOMONY, will be kept for sale at the Columbian Mills. GALLEGLO, RICHARD & Co. February 28. (law 3w.) TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, propuses it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the 1st day of May annually, and authorise some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the 1st of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the above-mentioned banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will inclose duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (efu1 May.) OFFICE OF THE MUTUAL INSURANCE COMPANY, AGAINST FIRE ON GOODS AND FURNITURE. At a general meeting of the members of the Mutual Insurance Company against Goods and Furniture in the state of Virginia, held by adjournments, at the General Office of Insurance, in the City of Richmond, February 4, 1806. Mr. Neil McCoull was elected President. Isaac H. Judah, Samuel Pointer, Jacob Packler, Geo. Greenhow, Directors for the District of Richmond. Mr. Robert Birchett, Director for the District of Petersburg. William Vaughan, do. Norfolk. Robert Walker, do. Fredericksburg. Samuel Craig, do. Alexandria. Adam Douglas, do. Winchester. Jacob Swoop, do. Staunton. WM. H. FITZWYLLSONN, Principal Agent. WM. PRICE, Cashier General. Extracts from the proceedings of the General Meeting. Any subscriber, or member, of this company, may hereafter withdraw his insurance in part, or the whole by giving notice, in writing, signed by him, and acknowledged personally before the PRINCIPAL AGENT, or duly attested and certified under the hand of a magistrate, and on payment of one quota, if one or more quotas be due and payable by him, at that time and he shall thereafter be exonerated from any further payment, or demand, for losses incurred after such notice of the day when the said written notice shall have been left with the PRINCIPAL AGENT and the quota paid, but not from any payment, or demand, on account of losses incurred before such notice of the day when such notice shall have been deposited as before mentioned, and his insurance shall cease from that period, and it shall be the duty of the PRINCIPAL AGENT to give him a certificate of discharge. Resolved, That the President and Directors be requested to suspend, for the present, the collection of more than one quota, and to give instructions accordingly, to their agents and attorneys, taking due care that their instructions shall not prevent the recovery of one quota, under notices that may already be given to members in arrear. Resolved, also, That on the payment of one quota the person paying may have the benefit of this insurance. The following is an extract from the records of the proceedings of the Board of Directors, viz: Resolved, That no person shall be considered as liable to pay, either the quota which became payable on the first day of October, eighteen hundred and four, or that which became payable on the first day of October eighteen hundred and five, except such as were, to all intents and purposes, insured before the fire which happened in Norfolk, on the 22nd day of February, eighteen hundred and four—that is, those who had paid their premiums previously to the said fire. WM. H. FITZWYLLSONN, P. A. Feb. 15. oaw3w.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
I AGAIN offer for sale, that valuable and well known Estate, in the Forks of Hanover, called BULFIELD; containing by estimation and old surveys 1676 acres, be the same more or less. There are cleared of this tract about or above 850 acres, laid out into three fields, including 150 acres of Loess, most of which are well set with clover. On this plantation is sowed about 400 bushels of wheat and barley; of the former 960, upwards of 100 of which is from an fallowed and manured land, and very well put in. The plantation is in pretty good order—has some valuable Meadow Land, which, at much labor and expense has been prepared and just getting into use—a tolerable dwelling house, and convenient houses for negroes, with barns, corn house, stables, &c. &c. If this estate is not sold at private sale on or before Monday the 20th of January next, it will be offered at public auction, on that day, if fair or the next fair day, at which time and place will likewise be offered for sale, between 80 and 90 VALUABLE LABORERS, consisting of men, women, boys, girls and children, to be sold in families, together with all the stock of every description of cattle, sheep and hogs; seven brood mares, a number of blooded colts, 1, 2, and 3 years old, 18 excellent well-broke mules, and some work horses, and all the plantation utensils, and the crops of corn, fodder and rye, now on the land, from 800 to 1000 barrels. Should a sale of the land not take place, then only about 60 negroes will be for sale, and part only of the corn, and the stock, and plantation articles. The square of lots, with the appurtenances, at present in the occupancy of John A. Chevalier, Esq., but possession will not be given until the 1st of August next, unless it shall be sooner convenient. A life estate in the tenement at present in the possession of Mr. John Banks, on Church Hill. 3 pipes of Madeira Wine, which cost £ 44 sterling, imported by myself, nearly two years ago. Likewise with it, part of about 30,000 acres of Military Land, lying in the states of Ohio, Kentucky, and in the Indiana Territory. 5000 acres of this land lie on the little Miami and on Pudd Run—6000 acres on Big Barren, or Peter's or Snell's Creek, and on Deer Creek, being some of the waters of Green River—upwards of 5000 acres on the North Fork of the Trade water—2000 acres on the east bank of Cumberland River—1000 acres on Russell's creek, lying within a mile of the town of Columbia, in the county of Adair—900 acres on Greasy creek, in the same county, near the Cumberland River, and on the west side of it—and the balance in the Indiana Territory. On some of these lands I have recently been and know them to be extremely valuable, being in a thickly settled country, very rich, of deep black soil, well watered with springs and runs for mills, and heavily timbered, and several settlements upon them, which are tenanted for the next year, and at one dollar per acre for the cleared land. Of the others that I did not see, I have received good information in general as to the quality and situation. Only 15,000 acres of these lands are for sale, but the whole is offered to suit purchasers, being convinced myself, that all is valuable, and my object, which is a distant one, will be answered by the reservation of any part.
I have also for sale, about 5000 acres of land, lying in the counties of Mercer and Nelson, but as these lands were surveyed on Treasury warrants, and of this description there are many disputes as to title, I will only convey the right I legally hold. The patents have long been in my possession and I have never known the title to be contested. Satisfactory titles to the foregoing property will be made according to the tenure by which I hold it. The terms of sale generally are, one fourth in hand, and the balance in two annual instalments, to bear interest from the date, but a discount of 10 per cent for ready money, will be allowed on each instalment. Bond, with such security as I shall approve, will be required for all sums above 100 dollars, all under that sum will be paid in cash. To facilitate settlements and payments, I will take in discharge of either instalment, at the current or agreed value any stock of the United States or of the Bank of the United States, or any state or private Banks, or Insurance Companies within the same. It is my intention to remain here until the first of August next, for the purpose of winding up and adjusting every transaction of my life, and to prepare for that event which must sooner or later number me with those who have gone before me. Richmond, December 12. JOHN HOPKINS. (tifa.)
THE SUBSCRIBER offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. December 31. CARTER B. PAGE.
THE PERSONS who subscribed for Shares in the CHINESE SNAKE STONE, are most earnestly solicited to attend at Major Tunstall Banks's Tavern in Tappahannock on the second day of Essex March Court next, for the purpose of paying up their respective subscriptions, and to form permanent rules for the government of the person with whom the stone may be deposited. February 24. JAMES R. MICOU. (law t.M.)
IN CHANCERY. Louisa county January court, 1806. Francis Ford, plaintiff. Against James Hendrake and John Hendrake, Defendants. THE defendant James Hendrake, not having entered his appearance, & given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state; therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that he appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the Front door of this court-house on some court day. A Copy, JOHN POINDEXTER, c. l. c. February 21. F2m.
Will be Landed in a few days, TEN Crates well assorted Queens Ware, and 1 do. containing a very elegant service of blue printed Table Wares direct from the manufacturers, by the Ship Alexander, Capt. King, from Liverpool, just arrived at Norfolk, and will be sold low for cash, country produce, or negotiable notes at 60 days, by WILLIAM HART, opposite the State House.
IRISH POTATOES for the table or planting. New-Eng. CHEESE, SALT, COD-FISH, MACCARELL, SHAD, and a general assortment of GROCERIES and LIQUORS, at the lowest retailing prices. February 25. (spw & swift.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
To be sold to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 13th day of May next, in the town of Lynchburg, and county of Campbell. THAT large and commodious TAVERN and improved piece of ground, adjoining thereto; situated in the centre of said town and on the main street at the corner leading to the jail and court house, and not more than thirty yards from the latter, opposite Lynch's Ware-House and the street leading from the ferry landing. The TAVERN contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball or dining room; the second floor contains six rooms suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This TAVERN has a portion the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house and stable with twenty-two stalls therein. The unimproved piece of ground contains 144 feet on the main street to Davis's Lot and a hundred feet on the middle street a Lot and a half which is called the Town Lot including the half Lot the stable stands on. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantages arising from its central and eligible stand for a TAVERN and store houses, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase the same without viewing the said property; there being no doubt they will be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation than any information they could get from this advertisement. The terms are one third of the purchase money paid down, one third 25th Dec. following and the remaining one third 25th Dec. 1807, the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. For further information apply to William Rose of Richmond or the subscriber living near Lynchburg. February 11. SAMUEL SCOTT. (tifa.)
JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
At a meeting of the President and Directors of the James River Company on the 28th of February 1806, RESOLVED, that the Treasurer advertise for a family of meal for about fifty hands, until the 25th of December next, to be furnished at such terms and in such quantities as may be required, and that proposals will be received until the first day of April next. March 4. ROBERT POLLARD. (tifa.)
NOTICE.
THAT the first Wednesday in April next the Polls will be opened in the different wards for the election of Common Council Men for the City of Richmond; in Jefferson ward the Poll will be held at the Court House in the City of Richmond, and in Madison ward at the Eagle Tavern, and in Monroe ward at the house of Mr. Samuel Pointer. March 4. JAMES WHITELAW Serg't. (tifa.)
Seat of Government.
SENATE UNITED STATES.
BRITISH AGGRESSIONS.
DEBATE on the second resolution reported by a select committee, as already given.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. WORTHINGTON—On further consideration of the resolution now before the Senate, I confess I feel more opposed to it, and do believe, on the whole, it will be best not to pass it in its present form. The resolution must mean something, or it must mean nothing. It must intend to convey to the President, the opinions and advice of this body, or not to convey it. Now, if it is intended to convey to the President the opinion and advice of the Senate, which is certainly my understanding of it, I beg gentlemen to reflect a little before they adopt it. The advice of this Senate, I trust, will never be given to the President without having the desired effect, and let me add, sir, that from the intimate connection which exists between this and the executive branch of the government, I must believe that the President would not feel himself justified, nor would he be willing to take so much responsibility on himself as entirely to reject it. Sir, I could not justify him if he did. We are equally responsible with him in our executive capacity, and can we for a moment believe that he would act contrary to the decided opinion of the Senate, who can at all times control or defeat him by rejecting a treaty made contrary to their advice and opinions? What, sir, is the object of the resolution?
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations; and to enter into such arrangements with the British government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations (and particularly respecting the impairment of American seamen) as may be consistent with the honor and interests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled.
We request the President "to demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of their citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of G. B. prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations;" and afterwards "to enter into such arrangements with the British government, on this and all other differences subsisting between the two nations, and particularly respecting the impairment of American seamen) as may be consistent with the honor and interests of the United States, and manifest their earnest desire to obtain for themselves and their citizens by amicable negotiation, that justice to which they are entitled."
To my mind, sir, the resolution seems to be at war with itself. It is not, Mr. President, the bold ground taken by the first part of the resolution to which I object. It is not, sir, that I am opposed to demanding or insisting on our rights; but it is because I fear the resolution taken together will embarrass the executive in
negotiating a treaty to settle our differences. A gentleman from Maryland has told us, and we know the fact is so, that there are several subjects on which negotiation is necessary. At present we know we have no commercial treaty with G. B. If, sir, this subject is intended to be embraced (and I so understand it) by the resolution, and if it is the opinion of the Senate it should, let us be more explicit. We have such a treaty with Holland, Spain and France, and I confess I see no good reason why we should not have one with G. B. if it can be made on terms which will promote the mutual interests of the two nations. Indeed, I cannot imagine how we are to get along without continual jarings, and probably ultimately war, with all its concomitant evils, unless we know the ground on which we are placed. Whilst I should deplore an event of this kind, yet, if under all the circumstances, the honour and interests of my country made it necessary, I hope I shall be found among those who would firmly resist the insults and vindicate the injuries of any nation on earth—With so wide a field of negotiation, with so many important objects to accomplish, I submit it to the good sense of the Senate, whether it will be proper to tie up the hands of the executive in the manner contemplated by the resolution. If the resolution passes, the President must in every event "demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of our citizens, captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of Great Britain, prohibited in time of peace; and upon the indemnification of such American citizens, for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations;" This must be made the basis on which all further proceedings are to be founded. I do not wish to be understood as being willing to give up the property which has been unjustly taken from our citizens without an equivalent. An equivalent may be obtained in many ways. If the resolution is adhered to by the executive a refutation of the property must be insisted on. Request the President to demand and insist, and be must take this ground, on this only. If we pass this resolution—Altho' in my opinion this resolution was not intended to censure the executive, yet, it would seem to bear that construction. But on this ground I will not object to it. It is notorious to every gentleman of the Senate that the President has been, and is now prosecuting a negotiation on the subjects which seem to be the particular objects of this resolution, viz. the condemnation of our vessels and the impairment of American seamen. It would therefore seem improper on this ground to pass the resolution in its present form. I know, sir, that what has been so often and so properly repeated is all important on the present subject, that is, that we should be united in what we do. With this view and with the hope that the same committee can offer to the Senate a resolution varied in its form from the one before us, and embracing the wishes of at least a great majority, and I hope the whole Senate, I move that the resolution be re-committed.
MR. ADAM. Mr. President—The motion before the Senate is to recommit the resolution to a special committee. Gentlemen in favour of the resolution as it stands, have called upon us to point out the alterations we wish to make in it as a cause of commitment; I will do so by stating my objections to it in its present shape. The first resolution on the paper which I hold in my hand, and which met with a unanimous vote of the Senate two days past, contains a mere declaration of their opinion on an abstract principle; to this resolution I fully and freely assent, although I did not vote for it, being that day unwell and absent. But this second resolution, if it is to have any effect at all, is meant to convey an instruction to the President of the U. S. It contains a request to him, not only, that he will endeavour to obtain an adjustment of our differences by treaty, but that prior to this he will "demand and insist upon the restoration of the property of our citizens captured and condemned on the pretext of its being employed in a trade with the enemies of G. Britain, prohibited in time of peace—and upon the indemnification of such American citizens for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condemnations;" that he will enter into arrangements, &c. This, Mr. President, is the part of the resolution I object to. It is going too far. It is circumventing the powers of the President, and tying him down to a particular point. It is making that the finis qua non , the basis on which alone he is to treat; at least it is doing this so far as an opinion of the Senate, expressed in this way, can do it. It really looks to me, as if on this particular point of refutation we were afraid to trust our chief magistrate. I presume there is not a member who hears me, who does not fully believe the captures and condemnations alluded to in the resolution were unjust, that they are an infringement of our rights; and that we are entitled to refutation. But let it be remembered that these condemnations are the solemn decisions of a court of very high authority in Great Britain. A court that, it is well known, acts under the councils (if not the control) of the cabinet—may we not then reasonably suppose (in their own minds) that these condemnations are just and warranted, under the law of nations, as we are that they are unjust and unwarranted; and that they will be as unwilling to acknowledge in the face of the whole world that they have been wantonly robbing us of our property, as we will be to acknowledge that we have paid so much without a cause. It has been well observed by an honorable member from Tennessee, that in forming commercial treaties of this kind, there will be various points to consider; and it may not be necessary to contend for strict justice in every particular—arrangements or treaties, when there are existing differences to settle, must always be a bargain of compromise and forbearance; in one point we may give a little that we may obtain an equivalent in another. So it may turn out in settling our disputes with G. Britain. Why then are we not satisfied with expressing our opinion on the great principle of right; & leave it altogether with our chief magistrate to enter into and point out the details.
It is asserted by the advocates of the resolution as it now stands, that the part objected to has been virtually agreed to in the first resolution; and that she latter part of the second resolution to qualify the first as to prevent it from operating as an instruction to or restriction on the President. To this I answer that the same principle, so far as it relates to the U. S. or to the British government, is certainly contained

in the first resolution, and therefore unnecessary to be thus expressed in the second; and if it is not intended to operate as an instruction to the President, why is it so anxiously retained in the resolution? I can see no other reason for this, unless it is intended as a declaration of the Senate, a solemn pledge to be used on some future occasion, by the merchants, whose property has been thus condemned, to show that we are bound to obtain redress for them from the British government, or to compensate them ourselves. How far this may be right is not now for me to say. It is a subject not now before the Senate, and I think it too soon to make the declaration. Nor do I like to see such a measure obtain in our resolutions by stealth as it were; unnoticed, because obscured by the brighter blaze of more important objects. In support of the words "demand and insist" an extract has been read from a letter of the President himself to his minister abroad, in which he uses the same words. But is there no difference between the President's acting officially, giving instructions to his minister where it is necessary and proper he should enter into the details; & our merely expressing an abstract opinion upon a great principle before it officially comes before us. The President in using these words does it with the strictest propriety; and I trust when he instructs a minister agreeably to the request contained in this resolution, that he will make use of language equally strong. He shall meet with my hearty approbation, nor is there any length in my power that I will not cheerfully go to support him. Yet still I am unwilling to tie him down to a particular point, or to express an opinion in detail upon the subject of a treaty, which if made must finally be laid before the Senate for their approbation.—Let it be remembered that in the first resolution we have solemnly pledged ourselves to a principle of right; we are so far bound as the representatives of the nation to defend this right to our citizens; or to obtain an equivalent. This ought to satisfy all.—In this second resolution we request of the President to obtain for us the free exercise of this right by treaty. Let us then confide to him the broad field of negotiation; let us not cramp him. Our rights are secure in the hands of the constituted authorities; should he fail of success, we all know the consequence; the next and last alternative is war; to this we all stand solemnly pledged, & when it comes to this, I trust there will be no difference of opinion. Peace is the first with our hearts; it is the foul of our government. But the man who would not prefer war to oppression, to dishonor and infamy, is not an American. One word more, Mr. President, and I have done—it has been conceded that a unanimity of sentiment and vote is desirable on this subject. If then gentlemen are in earnest when they say those exceptional words, mean no more than what is contained in the first resolution; and convey no special instruction to the President, can they not change them for others equally strong as to the principle, and that will meet the approbation of all—why not strike them out, and in lieu of them request the President to enter into arrangements agreeable to or in conformity to the first resolution; some such alteration as this would certainly retain the whole idea avowed by the advocates of the present resolution, and as the special direction and restriction would be left out, it would meet with my concurrence.—To obtain some such alteration in words that will be agreeable to all is the object I have in voting for the commitment, & as one day cannot materially affect us, I hope we will be indulged. The motion to commit the resolution was lost by a small majority.
(To be continued.) THE SENATE have rejected the bill for the relief of Nicolin and Griffiths. They have likewise disagreed to the bill, introduced by Gen. S. Smith, for a new organization of the militia on the principle of classing them. TEAS and NATS on the second resolution, adopted by the Senate. YEAS—Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Baldwin, Bayard, Gaillard, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchell, Logan, Maclay, Mitchell, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Md. Smith, of N. Y. Smith of Ohio, Smith of Ten. Tracy, Turner, White, Worthington, Wright. NAYS—Messrs. Adair, Bradley, Plumer, Smith of Vt. Stone, Sumner, Thruston.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Friday, Feb. 28. On motion of Mr. Dawson the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union. The resolutions of a select committee relative to the fortification of ports and harbours were read. The first resolution appropriates one hundred and fifty thousand dollars to this purpose. Mr. Dawson advocated the adoption of this resolution. Mr. Clinton thought the proposed sum insufficient for the purposes contemplated, and particularly as it applied to protecting the harbor of New-York. He thought the posture of our affairs demanded vigorous and liberal measures. Mr. Smith moved a postponement of the further consideration of the report. He was of opinion that if the U. S. submitted to the insults and injuries heaped upon them, there was no necessity for incurring the proposed expense. But should the government manifest a becoming spirit of resistance, he would be willing to resort to any measures of defence called for by our situation. He, for this reason, thought it expedient, in the first instance, to decide the course of measures intended to be pursued. Mr. Cook spoke against the motion of postponement—which was likewise opposed by Mr. Dawson, who expressed great surprise at the course pursued by gentlemen on this subject. Whenever it had been called up it had been followed by a motion to defer it, notwithstanding the critical state of our affairs. He was of opinion that the subject ought immediately to be acted upon, and that the interest and dignity of the nation were not to be protected by mere declamation. The question of postponement was then taken and lost. Mr. Cook moved to insert 300,000 dollars in the room of 150,000 dollars. Mr. Early moved to strike out 150,000 dollars. Mr. Bidwell opposed this last motion. He was willing to make this limited appropriation, as the present object was the repair of existing fortifications. Did the question turn upon making new fortifications, it would require a very different consideration. The motion to strike out 150,000 dollars was lost. Mr. Mason then spoke against the resolution. He believed that it went to introduce a system of defence which the nation could not bear. He said the report embraced three modes of defence: by ships of the line, by gun boats, and by land batteries. To the seventy-fours he was
he cared very little about them; and he was opposed to the proposed appropriation for fortifications on land. Mr. Dawson advocated the resolution. Mr. Cook spoke in favour of the resolution; and made a speech of considerable length, in favour of appropriating a larger sum than that contained in the resolution, and in favour of energetic measures and a naval establishment. Mr. Early opposed the resolution. Mr. Dawson replied. Mr. Varnum spoke in favour of it. Mr. Clinton moved that the committee should rise, to allow further time for examining the subject. Mr. Elmer opposed, and Mr. Macon supported this motion, which was carried. Mr. Dawson gave notice that he would again call up the subject on Thursday next. The resolution, reported by a select committee, to prohibit the importation of slaves into the territories of the U. S. was agreed to, and a committee appointed to bring in a bill.
European Intelligence. NEW-YORK, Feb. 27. By the last Two Brothers, the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser received a file of the St. Christopher Gazette, to the 7th inst. from which the following articles are copied: BASSETERRE, Feb. 7. On Saturday last his Majesty's Fleet, under Adm. Duckworth's command, consisting of the Superb, Sir J. T. Duckworth, 74 guns; Northumberland, Rear Adm. Cochrane, 74; Canopus, Rear Adm. Louis, 80; Spencer, 74; Donegal 80; Atlas, 74; Agamemnon, 64; Acacian 40—sailed from this road to leeward in search of the enemy, His Majesty's sloop King's Fisher, having arrived that day, and communicated the important intelligence that a French Fleet of 7 sail of the line and 4 frigates had been seen on the 25th ult. in the Mona passage:—these are said to be part of a squadron of 10 sail of the line, 10 frigates, and one brig, that failed from Brest 40 days before. On Monday last, three heavy ships (supposed to be part of the scattered French Fleet) passed this road to leeward. We sincerely hope they may form a junction with the British Fleet. This day a ship arrived from Antigua bound for Quebec, by which we learn the following important intelligence:—She left his Majesty's cutter Nimble at Antigua, which had arrived, express in 15 days, at Barbadoes. She brings the very interesting account, That Bonaparte on his first onset with, had successfully attacked and taken from the Russians, all their artillery—that he was attacked, however, in return, the succeeding day, when a most dreadful slaughter ensued, the renowned Gen. Massena, with a considerable number of the French being killed, retaking their own, and capturing a great part of the enemy's artillery—that Bonaparte was retreating with all possible expedition. In this action the emperors of Russia, Germany and France were personally concerned—that his Prussian Majesty had joined the Coalition, and taken possession of Holland—that Sir James Craig had effected his landing with the British, as had also the Russian troops from Corfu at Venice; that Lord Cathcart commanded the Infantry, and his Royal Highness the Duke of Dent the British Cavalry, on the Continent:—that seven sail of the line had made their escape from some other port of France;—and, that Admiral Lord A. Beauclerc, with five sail of the line, may be momentarily expected in pursuit of them.
LONDON, December 19. FUNERAL OF LORD NELSON. The preparations for the interment of the remains of the illustrious Nelson, in St. Paul's Cathedral, are now in a considerable state of forwardness. James Wyatt, esquire, the surveyor-general, has been daily in attendance in the velvet-room attached to that noble pile of building until yesterday, when he left town to attend the mandate of his sovereign, to receive certain instructions relative to this solemn event. The state of the preparations at present consist only of the temporary pyramid, or wooden frame, which is placed under the centre of the dome, where the body will be interred. This pyramid is twenty-two feet in height, and is said to be a fac simile of the one intended to be erected there of pure statuary marble. Appropriate Latin and English inscriptions, with mottoes suitable, are said to be already composed. It is since said, that Mr. Matthew Wyatt, third son of the surveyor-general, has completed a most magnificent and perfectly unique sketch for a monument, for the lamented hero, which has been highly approved of by all the artists of eminence who have seen it. It has been reported, that if the pyramid is erected in the centre of the dome, it will disfigure the aisle and obstruct the view of the church; no such thing, but on the contrary, as has been proved by the testimonies of all the first architects who have been consulted on the occasion, and Mr. Wyatt in particular has declared (and no one will dispute his great and classically correct judgment) that it is the most appropriate place which can be pointed out, and so far from being an incumbrance, it will be, when finished, one of the most grand, striking, and essential ornaments, that majestic building has to boast of. The expense of this superb monument, it is supposed, will cost between 25,000, and 30,000. At three principal entrances into the aisle there will be erected platforms covered with matting, with hand-rails on each side covered with green baize.—These avenues will lead to others, and these to the different seats which will be erected one tier over the other, upon the same principle of architecture as the London Theatres, though not upon the same construction, the present plan being a hollow square. In each seat there will be formed many divisions, and the whole will be regulated agreeably to the different classes of persons who may be admitted as spectators of the scene. The centre seats will be fitted up for the king, queen and royal family, and such illustrious strangers who may be invited.—These seats, or more properly speaking, boxes, will be lined with black or crimson velvet. The whole of the seats will be made to accommodate about 3,000 persons. The most peremptory orders will be given that not a ticket be sold on any pretence whatsoever. They will be at the disposal of the bishop of London, the dean and chapter, and the surveyor-general. The choir is already fitting up with platforms and seats. The whole will be covered with green cloth. It was the Defence man of war, which arrived at Chatham on Friday last, with the information of the approach of the Victory, with Lord Nelson's body. The body is not now in spirits. It was placed last week in a leaden coffin. The features are said to be entire. On the arrival of the Victory at Greenwich, the body will be removed from on board into the painted chamber (which is already fitted up for the occasion) where it will lie in state 7 days. On the 8th day it will be removed by water to Westminster stairs, and carried from thence into
has been erroneously reported) where the body will lie in state one day only. On the 10th of January, the funeral will positively take place. The procession will set out from Whitehall precisely at ten o'clock in the morning, unless the lords of the treasury think proper to alter their instructions as already given. The procession will move with a slow and solemn pace through the city. Two hours are allowed for it to reach St. Paul's. Before the ceremony commences, about three hours will be occupied in the preparations. The solemnity of the scene commences by torch light, about four o'clock in the afternoon. A solemn dirge composed for the occasion, will be sung.—St. Paul's bell will toll from day-break until the body enters the church. The expence of the preparations, independent of the monument, is estimated at 3,000.
The following letter was written by Lord Nelson previous to his engaging the combined fleet. It is dated on board the Victory, and addressed to his confidential friend Alexander Davison, Esq. of St. James's Square. "Day by day, my dear friend, I am expecting the fleet to put to sea, every day, hour and moment; and you may rely, that if it is within the power of man to get at them, that it shall be done; and, I am sure that all my brethren look to that day as the fulfil of our labours cruise. The event no man can say exactly, but I must think, or render great injustice to those under me, that let the battle be when it may, it will never have been surpassed. My shattered frame, if I survive that day, will require rest, and that is all I shall ask for. If I fall on such a glorious occasion, it shall be my pride to take care that my friends shall not blush for me.—These things are in the hands of a wise and just Providence, and his will be done. I have got some tribe, thank God, to leave to those I hold most dear, and I have taken care not to neglect it. Do not think I am low spirited on this account, or fancy any thing is to happen to me; quite the contrary. My mind is calm, and I have only to think of destroying our inveterate foe. I have two frigates gone for more information, and we all hope for a meeting with the enemy. Nothing can be finer than the fleet under my command. Whatever be the event, believe me ever, my dear Davison, your much obliged, and sincere friend." "NELSON AND BRONTE."
PRISONERS OF WAR. The following correspondence has taken place between this country and France upon the subject of prisoners of war. (COPY.) Transport-Office, May 28, 1805. SIR, Although we still remain without receiving any answer to the proposition made to the French government, in our letter to you of the 13th September last, relative to a general exchange of prisoners of war; yet desirous always to promote the interests of humanity to the utmost of our power, we have not ceased to release and send to France, from time to time, all such French prisoners of war, as from age, wounds or other causes, appear not likely again to become active enemies, and we accordingly embrace the present favourable season of the year, for sending from Bristol about forty French prisoners of this description, who will be conveyed to Morlaix in the same vessel with this letter. In making this communication to you, it is fit that we should request of you to express our hope to the minister of marine, that the same motives which actuate us will induce the French government to send immediately to this country all such of the British prisoners in their possession, as are from either of the causes above mentioned become unfit for any active service, and consequently cannot add to the force of this country. Among the prisoners of this description, we beg to recommend to your notice, lieut. W. Dalyell, who was made prisoner on the fourth of January last, and who appears by a certificate from the surgeon who attends him, of which the enclosed is a copy, to be so much disabled by the wounds which he received at the time of his capture, as to require the utmost care and attention of his family. We have only to add, that if the French government will release this young officer, we will immediately release any French prisoner of equal rank whom you may point out to us, in exchange for him. (Signed) RUFT. GEORGE, AMESOSOE SERLE, THOS. HAMILTON, J. BROWN. Mr. Riviere, &c. &c.
Answer of the French Government. [TRANSLATION.] PARIS, September 3. Gentlemen—I have laid before his excellency the minister of marine and the colonies, the letter you did me the honour to write me on the 28th May last, relative to the sending home English prisoners of war detained in France, whose age, wounds, or infirmities, had rendered incapable of being employed in active service, and particularly lieut. Dalyell, of the Rattler cutter. His excellency directs me to inform you that nothing can be done upon the subject, without a formal order from the emperor, and that, under the present circumstances, his imperial majesty cannot attend to the business. Doubt not, gentlemen, of the zeal with which I shall renew the representation, as soon as circumstances shall permit, and of my eagerness to communicate to you the determination which shall be adopted upon the subject. Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my high consideration. (Signed) RIVIERE.
CHARLESTON, Feb. 24. Capt. Ehlers arrived on Saturday morning failed from Lisbon on the 15th January; but brings no news of importance. Intelligence of the battles of the three emperors, in the beginning of December, had been received: both parties laid claim to the victory. When the news first reached Lisbon, the French celebrated the event by feasting, &c. A short time after a packet arrived from England, when the accounts were reversed; and the English in turn publicly rejoiced at the triumphs of the allied powers. A few days before captain Ehlers failed, a fleet of 36 sail of English merchantmen from Oporto, under convoy of three men of war, left Lisbon for England. Eighteen sail of Swedes left St. Ubes the same day, in order to take protection of the convoy—but the next day, all the Swedes returned into port, having seen several sail of armed vessels, which they supposed were French. It was reported at Lisbon, that the English merchantmen were all taken. This again was contradicted; but it was added, that another fleet from the Mediterranean had certainly been captured. Times.
The total number of ships of war now in commission amounts to 735. Of these 129 are of the line; 19 are from 50 to 44 guns; frigates 150; sloops and lesser vessels 337. There are in port and fitting 151; in the English and Irish Channels, 155; in the Downs and North Sea 164; in the West-Indies 45; Jamaica Station 33; at Gibraltar, and on the Cadiz and Mediterranean station, 42 sail of the line, and a great number of frigates. There are 18 sail of the line preparing for service, 31 building, 22 in ordinary, and 6 employed as receiving ships.
West-Indies. CHARLESTON, Feb. 24. By the ship Two Polies, we have received Nassau gazettes to the 14th instant. They contain nothing of consequence excepting the following paragraph:— Our Jamaica correspondent, under date of Jan. 27, 1806, 4 o'clock, P. M. says, "The ship Jane, from Madeira and Barbadoes, is just arrived, and confirms the arrival of Sir John T. Duckworth, at Barbadoes, with five sail of the line and a frigate. Eight French ships of the line, (of the division from Brest) had been seen in lat. 17, N. long. 54, W. and were momentarily expected at Martinique. Our force to windward is therefore 7 sail of the line, with the Atlas and Northumberland, a full match for them." [City Gaz.] We understand that the commission of prizes at Martinique has declared illegal the capture of the two American vessels, the Calbaria and the Safana, made by the French privateer General Blanchet, Capt. J. B. De'Brun, fitted out at Porto Rico. [Nat. Int.] Captain Whiting, of the brig Farmer, who arrived at New-York, on Wednesday night last, in 14 days from St. Thomas, states that on the 11th of February, a French fleet consisting of 10 sail of the line and 10 frigates, arrived at the City of St. Domingo. And on the 10th, Admiral Duckworth, with 7 sail of the line and 2 frigates, passed St. Thomas bound to leeward: 2 sail of the line followed the next day.
FRENCH FLEET—BLOCKADED. A Schooner from Carracoa, arrived at New-York on Thursday, on the 12th February, saw the British fleet a little to leeward of St. Domingo, blockading the French squadron then in that port.
Domestic Intelligence. ALBANY, Feb. 21. Yesterday the House of Assembly, in committee of the whole, after a very lengthy debate, passed the bill directing the execution of Stephen Arnold, for the murder of Betsey Van Amburgh, on the last Friday in May next. The debate was principally upon a substitute for the bill, offered by Mr. Van Ness, which went to the pardon of Arnold, upon condition of his being imprisoned in the State-Prison for life, at hard labor. The substitute was rejected, Ayes 53—Noes 48. On Saturday last, the House of Assembly of this state, adopted the following resolution & directed their Speaker to cause a copy of the same to be transmitted to Lieutenant THORN:—Resolved unanimously, That this house entertain a high sense of the valor and intrepidity of Lieutenant JONATHAN THORN, a native of this state, as one of the heroic band engaged in executing the orders of his gallant commander, Captain STEPHEN DECATUR, Jun. in boarding and destroying the frigate Philadelphia, in the harbor of Tripoli, on the 16th day of February, 1804, and with pleasure recognize one of their own citizens among the brave men whose heroic acts redeemed a number of their unfortunate brethren from slavery, and impressed the barbarous foe with a proper respect for the American nation.
RHODE ISLAND. PROVIDENCE, FEB. 15. COUNTERFEITERS. As the public mind is much agitated at this moment respecting the many persons who are apprehended as being concerned in counterfeiting Bank Bills of several banks of the New-England States; by request, I give a list of the persons' names who are now in Providence goal, and the number of plates that are in possession of the authority, and those which are discovered which are not procured as yet. Persons in Providence goal, viz. David Richardson, jun. George Lee, Arnold Sayles, Arnold Hunt, George Smith, Oliver Owen, Nathaniel Bowditch, of Gloucester; Warner Smith, Elkanah Spears, Seth Appleby, of Smithfield; Jesse Morie, Silvanus Cone, of Douglas; Philip Brown, of Oxford; Gore; Joel White of Oxford town; Thomas Emmerion, of Uxbridge, Massachusetts, and Charlotte Tift, alias Clarke, of Thompson, Connecticut. Upon the examination of the above named prisoners, they have all confessed their guilt except Elkanah Spears, Nathaniel Bowditch and Seth Appleby. Should the evidence be complete against them, their obstinacy will be upon their own heads.—The plates are, United States Branch Bank, for 10 dollars, Warren 3, Smithfield 3 and 5, Providence 5, Gloucester 10, 5 and 2; Cheshire at Keene, 3; Nantucket Pacific 5 and 10, Manhattan 5, Salem 6, Richmond 5, Portsmouth 5. Plates not procured: Portsmouth of 10 Dols. Nantucket 2 and 4, Lancaster 2, Cheshire 10, Portland 5, and Smithfield 7. WHEELER MARTIN. Providence, Feb. 15.
NEW-YORK, February 27. At a general meeting of the Republican Citizens unusually numerous, convened at Martling's Long Room on Tuesday evening, February 25th, 1806, in consequence of various reports and publications tending to induce a belief that a coalition or union had been formed between the republican party in this state and the Burrites, derogatory to the honor and interest of the Republicans. THOMAS FARMAR, Esq. in the chair; 1. Resolved, That it is inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the Republican party in this state to enter into any bargain, treaty, or alliance with any other party whatever. 2. Resolved unanimously, That it would not only be degrading to us, but injurious to the Republican interest, silently to submit to what any person or persons may attempt to do unauthorized by the great body of Republicans. 3. Resolved unanimously, That this meeting do not acknowledge the proceedings of a meeting of certain persons at Dycé's Hotel, on the 18th inst. as the act of the Republican party; but expressly disavow and disapprove of the same. 4. Resolved unanimously, That AARON BURR does not and ought not to possess the confidence of the Republican party.
cans of this state are willing at all times to receive as friends such of their political opponents as may show by their conduct that they have adopted Republican principles. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the Mercantile Advertiser and in the American Citizen. THOMAS FARMAR, Chairman, ICHABOD PRALL, Secretary.
The following letter, addressed to a respectable house in this city, was politely handed us yesterday. Dec. 24. GENTLEMEN, As the present system of our government relative to the capture and condemnation of neutrals, having on board the produce of the enemies colonies, is become the subject of the utmost importance to the commercial world in general, and to American citizens in particular, and presuming it may not be uninteresting to yourself, we take the liberty to hand you the annexed copy of a case drawn for the purpose of procuring the best information as to the conduct now to be adopted by neutrals, engaged in such adventures, together with the opinion of one of the most eminent civilians in the admiralty court. Sincerely wishing it may prove useful. CASE. A. and B. Merchants at New-York, subjects and citizens of the United States of America, and extensively connected with the continent of Europe, from different quarters of which they learn that the produce of the enemies colonies is falling at high prices, and on contracting them with those of New-York, they find sufficient margin for successful adventures; in consequence of which they determine on shipping a cargo of Havannah and Martinique sugars and coffees, Carraccas, cocoa, log and Nicaragua wood, to the port of Leghorn, and in pursuance of this scheme they attend the public sales and examine the private warehouses of individuals, where they succeed in purchasing so much as is deemed advisable of each of the above articles, partly at public, and partly by private sales, bills of parcels of which are tendered by the sellers, who accompany the purchasers to a magistrate, before whom the latter as well as the former make oath to the fact of such purchases and the particulars, as stated in the bills of parcels, which oath is countersigned by the English, Spanish, French and such other consuls whose signature may be deemed needful. For the transport of this property an American vessel is chartered, on board of which it is shipped, and the vessel proceeds on the intended voyage, furnished with the regular documents to establish the neutrality of her flag; the captain is also provided with the aforesaid authenticated bills of parcels, together with bills of lading in conformity, and the certificate of the citizenship of A. and B. also of their ownership of said cargo.
Quest? Can such vessel on such voyage to Leghorn be legally detained by British cruisers, if detained, is either the vessel, cargo, or any part thereof subject to condemnation? Likewise, what would be the situation of this vessel and cargo if bound direct to an enemies port, say Amsterdam, Bourdeaux, or Cadiz? OPINION. If the transaction be truly as here stated, that it be a speculation originally say essentially originating in America, for a voyage actually commencing there, neither vessel nor cargo, nor any part of such cargo would be subject to condemnation, whether destined to Leghorn, Amsterdam, Bourdeaux, Cadiz, or any other port, neutral or hostile in Europe; detention, however, may be legal, where the result may not be condemnation: What would justify detention can hardly be defined in answering a supposed case, because it must depend on a view of all the evidence taken together, both oral and documentary. (Signed) F. LAWRENCE. London, Nov. 16th, 1805.
On the fourth day of December last, in the British High Court of Admiralty, Sir W. Scott proceeded to the adjudication of the following ship case: William, Haile, master.—This American vessel with a cargo of Sugar, cotton and various other merchandise, on a voyage from New Orleans to Cherbourg, was captured by His Majesty's gun brig Hardy, Lieutenant Read, in light of His Majesty's sloop Pluto, Richard Janverin commander, and brought to Portsmouth, ship and cargo restored, reserving the question of damage; and also that of the captors expenses.
WASHINGTON, March 3. Our readers must have noticed, for some time past, strong animadversions in several of the public prints, on the conduct of General Armstrong, our minister in France, in the case of the New-Jersey; which has likewise produced a remonstrance to the President from the Insurance Company of New-York. Of the communication of this remonstrance, Dr. Mitchell, of the Senate of the U. S. States, was some time since made the organ. An answer was made through him at an early day, by the President, expressive of confidence in the integrity of our Minister, and intimating that as soon as information had been received of the opinion ascribed to him, a letter disapproving it had been written to him, the reply to which, it was expected, would comprise the necessary explanations. The President added that having no doubt of the right of infusers to stand in the place of the insured, that right would be asserted and maintained on every proper occasion. An explanatory letter having been since received from General Armstrong, and communicated to Dr. Mitchell, is now published, with the view of elucidating a subject which has excited so much sensation among mercantile men. Extra of a letter from Gen. Armstrong, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, November 26, 1805. "I had the honor, within the last week, of receiving your letter of the 25th of August, expressing the solicitude of the parties interested in the ship New-Jersey and cargo, "at least their claim should be rejected on the idea, that the rights of the insured did not pass to the infusers;" and communicating also the opinion of the President, that "American underwriters who had paid the loss to the original owners, citizens of the United States, were entitled to the benefits of the treaty of 1803."
In my next dispatches I shall furnish you with documents from which you will see, that the difficulties in this case, have in no degree of it, arisen from the causes to which they have been ascribed; that its admission by the American board was long suspended under col. Mercer's objections, that, "no evidence had been produced of the infolvency of the captors," that its rejection, by the council general of liquidation proceeded from the belief, that "the ship and cargo were partially, or altogether, British property; and from certain other causes"—and that when this belief concerning the national character of the property was done away by the production of certain policies of insurance, which had been effected in different parts of the United States, (but which till then had been carefully kept out of sight) the claim so far from being opposed on the principle that "the rights of the insured did not vest in the infusers," or indeed on any other principle, was on my suggestion sent back to the council, relieved from the first and apparently the principal objection, and left the subject only to the "other causes" mentioned in the rejecting article of the 28th of Brumaire. These "other causes" are fully exhibited in the report of the Director of the 4th division, dated on the 15th Germinal, and may be digested into the following heads.

6. pronouncing the confiscation of the New-Jersey and cargo, is full publishing, inasmuch as it has not been annulled by the decree of the council of prizes, which directs only, the restitution of the sum deposited by the owner with Gen. Hodoenville. 7. That the claimants having neglected to produce their appeal within six years after the capture, were precluded, by the laws of France, from a right of appeal. 8. That the New-Jersey not having a role d'usage, as provided by the treaty of 1778, was excluded from the provisions of the 4th article of the treaty of 1800. 9. That the captain and agent of the privateer not having been heard in their defence, nor even examined to appear before the tribunal, the decree of the council of prizes was illegal. 10. That no evidence having been produced of the abandonment of the ship and cargo to the underwriters, and the agents having even denied the right of either government to question them with regard to an abandonment of the property, and having besides acknowledged that the original owners, or a part of them, had acquired the New-Jersey by a new title; by yielding to the underwriters, "un droit exorbitant de reprise dans le dépôt," it may be fairly inferred, that the loss was never paid by the insurers, and that the receipts (which by the way do not correspond in number with the policies) are merely fictitious, and, 11. That were it in proof that the owners had abandoned, and that the underwriters had paid, still the claim of the latter could not be admitted, inasmuch as it could not now be liquidated under the rules prescribed by the treaty—the American commission having no longer an existence. You will readily perceive that in all this there is not a single syllable pointed at the rights of insurers, who have paid the loss of the original owners. It only remains for me, therefore, to show, that in no after act either of the Council or of Mr. Marbois and myself, was the broad principle which has given so much alarm to our underwriting citizens, or even the qualified one to be found in the President's opinion, adapted or applied to the case of the New-Jersey—The report of which I have already given you the substance, not having been agreed to by all the members of the council, and the liquidator general not choosing to decide the difference, transmitted the case a second time to the treasury, with a wish that Mr. Marbois & myself might determine it. We complied with this wish—we did determine it, and admitted it for its full proportion of the marginal fund. It is true that Mr. Marbois & I differed somewhat concerning this proposition. He would have given 833,000 francs, whereas I thought that 300,000 were quite as many as fell to its share; and that you will think as I did, I have no doubt, when I inform you, that there are claims amounting to more than three millions, as found in point of principle, less objectionable in point of form, and better recommended by the pecuniary circumstances of the claimants, for which I have not yet got a single sous."
WASHINGTON, February 28. The President of the U. S. has appointed WILLIAM CRANCH Chief Judge of the district of Columbia, in the room of William E. Kirby, appointed Chancellor of Maryland; and ALLEN B. DUCKET, in the room of Mr. Cranch promoted.
PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 28. Appointment by the Governor. The Honorable WILLIAM TILGHMAN, Esquire, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, in the place of the Honorable EDWARD SHIPPEN, Esq. resigned.
In addition to the above we learn, that the following appointments have also taken place. The honorable JACOB RUSH, Esquire, of Reading, President of the Court of Common Pleas, for the 1st district composed of the city and county of Philadelphia in the room of the Honorable Wm. Tilghman, Esq. BIRD WILSON, Esquire, of this city, to be President of the 7th District, by the new arrangement.
Several other gentlemen have been appointed to the vacant districts—we have not been able to learn the particulars. James Hamilton, Esq. of Carlisle, Mr. Spade, of Reading, Mr. Young, of Greensburg, and Mr. Walker, of Northumberland, are mentioned. (True American.)
PETERSBURG, March 3. CLOSED DOORS.
If the cap fits wear it. THE article under the head of CLOSED DOORS, inserted in the Republican of Thursday, has created considerable ferment in the minds of those who are the immediate friends and acquaintances of the accused senator.
For ten or fifteen days, rumour had circulated the charges alleged, and during that time, not a whisper was heard to the contrary. Every individual delivered his sentiments freely, & spoke without reserve of the culpable criminality of the senator in question. So confident was the editor, that these charges were founded in truth, that he determined to communicate them to the public, with a view of guarding against the consequences which might result from a correspondence between an exalted character in our national councils and individuals, whose only object is to foreclose on the wants and misfortunes of mankind. The editor has reviewed, with coolness and candor, his former publication, and can say, that he can find in it nothing, of which he ought to repent. The senator alluded to in that publication, is not named: The house alluded to is not named—Yet the objects of censure have been immediately known. If, in performing the peculiar duty of the press, in scrutinizing & exposing the breaches of their duty committed by the servants of the public, the host of honest inductive, pierce the vicious individual, it is not the editor's fault that he is wounded, but his that he is vulnerable.
With the accused senator, we have no personal acquaintance. Fame speaks of him as an individual, whose unimpeached veracity, has not unfrequently claimed and received the support and approbation of a grateful country. Even monarchs, although this individual is an inflexible republican, are wont to found his eulogy in the most animated language. After this, the reader need not be informed, that no motives of personal pique or political animosity, instigated the publication of Thursday. To us it is immaterial what are the politics of a man—actions are the rule and guide of our opinion of public servants. It is only necessary for an officer to become guilty of an enormity; his political sentiments will not secure him from the reprobation of republicans. Notwithstanding we are willing to concede much in favor of this senator, yet there are facts which operate against him as a public character, & which must eventually terminate to his disadvantage. Is it consistent with the dignity of a man, who, from his high station in government, is enabled to have unlimited access to the very heart and soul of the executive, to be detailing to an aristocratic house, the probable measures of the administration, and to insert a request, that his name should not be known?—Does not this precaution denote, that all is not as it should be? Time, perhaps, will alone afford satisfaction on this head.
If the rumor detailed in the publication of Thursday, has done injustice to the Senator
whom we are at peace with such an idea! The folly that conceived, or the jesuitical temper that would have prompted such a proposition, are almost too extravagant, to be supposed capable of existing. We must have mistaken the information, which we received. There must have been some little expression which fell from our informant's lips, but which escaped our ears, that would have changed the whole substance of his assertion. It is probable therefore that we might have mistaken his meaning; but it is certain, that the impression is yet strong on our mind, that he did make such a communication to us; that he did assure us of some with having been expressed to entangle Mr. Jefferson in the scheme. It is with great pleasure that we can add, that the friend of Mr. Jefferson indignantly rejected the proposition.
Having made the preceding statement, the editor, in justice to himself, feels it his bounden duty to make the following additional detail of indisputable facts.—That a certain commercial house in this town, has acknowledged to the editor the receipt of two letters, by an individual member of the house, one of which details the most important information with regard to our relations with Great Britain, and requests this merchant to be under an injunction of secrecy, and not to give his name publicly. The other letter, our merchant observes, is simply of a private nature—and, yet, he holds it from human scrutiny!—is there not, reader, something suspicious in this? Can you avoid exclaiming, that there is Something rotten in the state of Denmark!! Republican.
The Enquirer. RICHMOND, 7th MARCH.
Governor McKean of Pennsylvania seems to be rapidly realizing the hopes of his adherents and the predictions of his enemies. By different parties was he elevated to the chair of state, and among different parties is he now distributing the honours and the emoluments of the government. Not to speak of several subordinate appointments which he has made during his present administration, what opinion are we to form of his election of Mr. Nevil, a distinguished federalist, as one of the prothonotaries of Pennsylvania, in the room of Tarlton Bates, Esq.? Or what are we to think of the still more important appointment of Mr. Tilghman as chief justice of the supreme court of Pennsylvania? We lament the temporary mischief that must flow in upon the republican cause, by such federal appointments as these: it grieves us that Gov. McKean should injure the republican interest, which he was so capable of promoting; and that he should fully the whole reputation of his political life, by such a temporary and treacherous policy. We cannot but believe, however, that like most other evils, this must be productive of some beneficial consequences. It must contribute to wean the republican supporters of McKean, from a man who could thus desert, and from a policy that could thus defeat, the interests of the people. It will illustrate and it will expose to the other states, the tendency of that spurious coalition, which has been formed in Pennsylvania between the federalists and the time-serving, luke-warm republicans.
The real republicans of Pennsylvania, whether they were the adherents or the opponents of McKean; whom principle had united, but who differed in their estimates of men, will once more rally their forces under the same banners. But the opponents of governor McKean are at the same time bound to recollect, that this fatal result will in a great measure depend upon their own deportment. Vigilant they should be, but at the same time cautious. Let them in the fullest manner expose the consequences of their governor's measures; let them arraign him, as long as they have matter for accusation, at the bar of the public; but let them beware how they add without occasion to the number of the accused, and how they press their charge beyond the proper measure of temper and candor. If they must punish, let them act like men, as anxious to spare the innocent as to crucify the guilty.
THE MIRANDA SOUTH AMERICAN COMPANY.
Tristram Skandy has no less influence upon the good or bad fortune of his life, than the good or bad star under which he happens to be born. Francis the first, we know, was so much prepossessed in favour of this notion, that he was determined to go to war with the Swiss, rather than suffer them to call his son by the unchristian name of Shadrach Meshach Abednigo. It is, therefore, with no little diffidence, that we take upon ourselves the honor of giving a proper name to the commercial company, now on foot in this city. The delicacy of the task appears to us in still more striking colors, when we consider the probable rank of the association, to which we have thus presumed to give a name; an association which we have no doubt will hereafter make as great a figure in the history of mercantile projects, as its illustrious predecessors the Mississippi & South-Sea bubbles. Should it already have a name given to it by its friends, we should certainly wish to make them some apology for thus presuming to meddle with their bantering; but perhaps they would not consider it too great presumption in us, most humbly to beg that they would not altogether discard our appellation, but connect it with their own, as in cases of equal notoriety, by the familiar and favorite epithet of—alias. It may be, that they have yet forborne to give a name to their bantering, until they have requested the President of the United States to act as one of the god-fathers. We know, that the great men of Europe will sometimes condescend to lead their name to the obscure offspring of a peasant; and perhaps Mr. Jefferson has been written to, for the same purpose. It would certainly confer some little credit on the Miranda South-American company, to have the countenance and name of the President to shine upon it. We much fear, however, that if it is to have no other honourable recommendation on this, it will go out of the world with the same obscurity, in which it was conceived; and that some less illustrious god-father must be sought for, than the President of the union.
But is it credible that any such suggestion as this, should ever have entered into the brain of a rational man? Is it to be supposed, that there is a single individual in Virginia, who does not wish to pals for a mad-man or a knave, that would have thought of a proposition so ridiculous or so jesuitical? Mr. Jefferson to take a share in this mercantile speculation, under a fictitious name! Where is the friend of Mr. Jefferson, who would dare to insult his feelings by laying such a proposition before him? The President of the United States to become a merchant; a speculating merchant; a merchant, whose speculation would be connected with the success of an expedition, fitted out under Miranda; fitted out in the U. States and said to be directed against the colonies of a nation, with
whom we are at peace; away with such an idea! The folly that conceived, or the jesuitical temper that would have prompted such a proposition, are almost too extravagant, to be supposed capable of existing. We must have mistaken the information, which we received. There must have been some little expression which fell from our informant's lips, but which escaped our ears, that would have changed the whole substance of his assertion. It is probable therefore that we might have mistaken his meaning; but it is certain, that the impression is yet strong on our mind, that he did make such a communication to us; that he did assure us of some with having been expressed to entangle Mr. Jefferson in the scheme. It is with great pleasure that we can add, that the friend of Mr. Jefferson indignantly rejected the proposition.
LET US NOT DISPUTE ABOUT THE APPLE OF DISCORD. We have lately directed the eye of our readers to the political horizon of New-York. It was but a hasty and momentary glance; we thought at least it was a pardonable and inoffensive one. We entered into no elaborate investigation of the particular views of its parties, or the merits of their leaders. These things we neither pretended to understand nor to explain. We simply spoke of the 4 parties into which that state was divided; we spoke in modest terms of the characters of their respective leaders. We said that a coalition had been formed between the Burrites and the Clintonians, though the papers of New-York had not once intimated the idea. Our representation is proved to be just, for the public papers have since admitted the idea of at least a partial coalition. In making these representations, we were actuated by no impertinent ambition to meddle with the internal transactions of a sister state; though under such a confederated republic as our own, where whatever happens to one state is always sure to extend its influence to another state or to the federal sovereignty, the charge of meddling is always a ridiculous idea. But we spoke of these arrangements, because we believed them likely to have a strong bearing upon the politics of the federal government. We believed that Aaron Burr was likely to be elevated by this unexpected revolution in the parties of New-York, to the governor's chair. We knew the ambition of Aaron Burr; we knew how extremely capable such an intriguing temper as his is, of playing his plans at a distance and approaching the summit of his wishes, by means which were calculated to elude the observation of men, who thought more highly of his virtues; and we believed that the governor's chair of New-York would seem to him but the stepping-stone into the office of President. Actuated by such impressions as these, we believed that we were doing an act of justice to our readers, to direct their attention to the political horizon of New-York; to point out to them the little speck which was forming; to ask whether it was fancy or fact which led us to the belief that this little speck might hereafter become a cloud to burst upon our country. We were scarcely vain enough to suppose that our anticipations would have attracted any notice from the people of New-York; but so far as this effect extended, we certainly did not suppose ourselves entitled to their resentment for having attempted to point out even to them, one of the many consequences which were likely to result from their internal arrangement. What then is our surprise to discover that our remarks on the politics of New-York have been strangely misunderstood and rudely misrepresented; that it is not only the humble Editor alone who has suffered by their resentment, but that his sentiments have been assumed as the general sentiments of his state, its political character rudely lampooned, and the most unreasonable effort made to sow a local jealousy between her and New-York. Let the following articles on this subject explain themselves. The first is from the "American Citizen," edited by James Cheetham; the last from the "Evening Post," edited by William Coleman. They are both of them intended as comments upon an article, which appeared in this paper of the 11th ultimo:
The Richmond Enquirer.—We shall notice the Richmond article on the politics of this state, and the probable views with which it is published. This is not the first time that Mr. Ritchie has impertinently meddled with our state, of whose concerns he appears to be extremely ignorant. I think, however, I perceive the intention. Is it to elevate a Virginian by an unjust and indecorous attempt to depreciate the merits of a gentleman of this city who would lose nothing by a comparison with the first man of that state? If yes, I will accompany Mr. Ritchie in as many and minute enquiries as it may suit either his vanity or his insolence to begin. New-York ought not, and will not permit a feeble state to lord it over her. This is unpleasant language, but I perceive its apology in the Richmond paragraph. Amer. Cit.
We confess we have perused the above with no little surprise. It affords hope that Burr has not yet made an atonement by murder for his political sins against Mr. Jefferson. We will not then till the assurance of the fact leaves us no room to doubt, believe so ill of any man as to suppose the President has appointed or will appoint Mr. Burr his minister to any foreign country.
As to the Richmond attack on Governor Lewis, we think that decorum should have prevented any gentleman from going so far. To accuse publicly the Chief Magistrate of a respectable state with conniving at "intrigue and corruption" required surely something more than suspicion.
The attack upon De Witt Clinton however just in itself and properly expressed, originates in the desire to let it be seen that Virginia frowns on the project of selecting the next President from New-York or any Eastern state.
We can answer the last question of Mr. Ritchie, whether it is too ridiculous to suppose Mr. Burr is to be set up for the next Governor by any party here? Yes, it is "too ridiculous"—But "ridiculous" is not the term to be employed on so infamous a design, if it could for a moment be supposed to exist. We do not believe it is in human impudence to make so scandalous a proposition to this community. Ev. Post. To the first of these articles we mean principally to confine our comments. The last will be of no farther use to us, than as it may throw some little light upon an observation in the first, which standing by itself would require some additional elucidation. We pass over the personal remarks which are made upon the Editor of this paper. We have no wish to subject ourselves to the reproach of condescending to engage in a contest where little honour is to be reaped, nor do we dread to be reproached with evading insinuations, which no man will be willing to believe. Even the Editor of the "American Citizen" himself will do us the justice to believe, that in all that respects the scrutiny or abuse of a public paper, we have neither the inclination nor the talents to become his competitors. But it is to the point & narrow of this paragraph alone that we mean to confine our observations. It is the ungenerous suggestion which it offers about the politics of Virginia, that raises it into importance. It is not the Editor of one paper opposed to the Editor of another; Mr. Cheetham will excuse me for saying that they are transient and trifling subjects; but it is the effort to array the feelings of New-York against the feelings of
Virginia; that alone recommends it to the public attention. To elevate a Virginian—Elevate him to what? Is it in the general estimation of our country? To purchase a character in the south, is it necessary to pull down the reputation of the illustrious men of the north? The paragraph itself is a mysterious one: the term "elevate" which is made use of, might justify this simple and harmless construction; but how could we reconcile to this acceptance, the charge of "lordling it" over New-York? The ambition of "lordling it" is not confined to the acquisition of fame, but of power. In what way, then, does Virginia wish to exercise a power over New-York? To what office is it that we wish "to elevate a Virginian," by an unjust and indecorous attempt to depreciate the merits of a gentleman of New-York? Let us consult Mr. Coleman's paragraph for a solution of this question. He tells us that "the attack upon De Witt Clinton originates in the desire to let it be seen that Virginia frowns on the project of selecting the next President from New-York or any Eastern state." It is this the substance of Mr. Cheetham's insinuation, by what proof does he come forward to support it? Can he place a charge so serious as that upon incontrovertible documents, or does he dare to make it out of feeble inference and ungenerous innuendo? And by innuendo from what? Has Virginia stepped forward in her corporate capacity, and performed any act or made any avowal, which displayed such inordinate ambition? Has her feeble executive ever presumed to meddle with the federal government? Did her Legislature at its last session either in its official authority or by private caucus, select a candidate, marshal its resolutions, or breathe a single sentiment upon the subject? Have our people expressed their wishes en masse? Has a single body among them breathed such a wish? No. It is simply the humble Editor of a paper, who is erected into a political standard for his state, by the Quixotic imagination of James Cheetham.
Even he himself has not avowed that sentiment. It is collected by innuendo from a single article which he has published; an article which does not presume to nominate any candidate for the next presidential election, which does not even allude to that election, and which the author himself is now ready most solemnly to avow, was not written with any intention to disparage any man from New-York, or to elevate any man from Virginia, who might be supposed to have any pretensions to the presidential chair. But if Mr. Cheetham will still insist upon making us the trumpet of the people of Virginia, as his opponent Mr. Coleman has made us the trumpet of the President; if he must still misunderstand even our sentiments by false and ungenerous constructions of the most indirect expressions, it is necessary to declare explicitly what we do know of the sentiments of the Virginians. He has been polite enough to say that we have "impertinently meddled with (his) state, of whose concerns (we) appear to be extremely ignorant." We must retaliate upon him the reproach of ignorance, if not of impertinence. He has charged us with "an unjust and indecorous attempt to depreciate the merits of a gentleman;" but he looks higher game; it is not against an individual only, but a whole state, that he levels his attack. But whilst we repeat the sentiments of our state on this subject, we would wish to be heard not only by Messrs. Cheetham and Coleman; not only by the inhabitants of New-York; but by every inhabitant of the Eastern States.
Virginia is satisfied with the honour which has been already conferred upon her sons. She has already given two Presidents to the union; who at the end of the present administration, will have presided over the government 16 out of the 20 years of its existence. She is willing, nay she would be more willing to have a President from any of the other states, provided he possessed equal merit with the most meritorious of her sons. She believes that she has at least two sons, who are worthy of that office: the believers too that most of the other states would admit their pretensions without the smallest reluctance; but she is willing to waive their claims, if any of her sister states can produce a son, equally able to promote the welfare of all.
And here it is that we must take up the Eulogies which Mr. Cheetham has passed upon one of the inhabitants of New-York. A gentleman of this city who would lose nothing by a comparison with the first man of that state (Virginia)—If there really be such a man in New-York, certainly he will experience no opposition from Virginia. There may be such men in N.Y. we have no doubt, that there are such men. Some of the Virginians may perhaps know such men. But we beg Mr. Cheetham to recollect, that for our part, we are ignorant of the concerns of his state; and we must therefore apply to him for a little information. We must request him to name the man upon whom, were we to listen to our vanity, we should be apt to suppose he has lavished a very high eulogium. Who is that gentleman in his city, of whom he has taught us to think so highly? We will pledge ourselves to him to study that man's history. Let us only find that he is as worthy of being president as the most worthy of the Virginians; & we solemnly pledge ourselves to discard all our geographical affectations, and support that man to the utmost of our feeble abilities. But we deny that we have ever attempted to depreciate the merits of the distinguished citizen of New-York. We have asserted, & we religiously adhere to the assertion, that with the Clinton party resides the republican spirit of the state. We have said that De Witt Clinton has too large a share of influence and treasure, too large at least in proportion to the practice and observances of the Virginians; we have said that there is no man within our own state who possesses a majority worth 12,000 dollars per annum, who is at the same time a member of our state senate & a member of such an influential body as the New-York council of appointment, and we still adhere to the assertion.
"A feebler state" than New-York.—The thing is not worthy of a contest. Grant, that New-York is stronger than Virginia; grant that she has more square miles within her limits, more people upon her territory, and more dollars in her purse; what, let us enquire, is that to the purpose? Virginia will never repine at the prosperity of any of her sister states. She will never lament, that she is not for ever the strongest state in the union. Her ambition will be confined to the rendering of every service in her power to her country.
Away then with those jealous distinctions, that would separate us from our brethren of New-York! Our cause is their cause. "If there is to be a struggle between us, let it be which state shall be foremost in the race of mind; let this be the noble animosity kindled between us, who shall" longest preserve that free constitution which is so auspicious to us both, who shall for ever be the favour of the union. THE subscriber has extended his practice to the Supreme Court of Chancery, for the Williamsburg district. PATRICK HENDREN, Attorney at Law.
Last Evening's Mail. BALTIMORE, March 3. The editor renders a tribute of his warmest thanks, to the commercial friend, who politely furnished him with two distinct printed sheets, the contents of both, in French, and Italian, of which the following are translated copies. The paper on which they are printed bears the French stamp, and they appear to have been intended for general circulation. They were received by the late arrival of the Paragon, from this port, from Leghorn and Malaga:—She left the former place the 14th of December, and the latter the 15th of January. American.
BLOODY BATTLE OF THE 2d DEC. Between the French and Allied forces. (Translated for the American.) Copy of a letter from Marshal Berthier minister of war and major general of the grand army, to marshal Massena.
PORTO PIU, 12th Frumaire, (3d Dec.) year 14th. I am impatient, marshal, to send you back your aide de camp to announce to you the brilliant victory which we have just gained over the Russian army. They were drawn out in array before us to the number of 80,000 men, of which 15,000 were Austrians. On the 10th they made a motion in their left wing to attack us, and to surround our right. It was evident they meditated an attack on the 11th. The emperor, as usual with him, prevented this by himself commencing the attack at the break of day. The battle lasted from seven o'clock in the morning to five in the evening. The Russian army was entirely destroyed. 25,000 prisoners taken; 15,000 killed and 120 pieces of cannon taken possession of. The guards of the Russian emperor were attacked by those of the emperor Napoleon. They were entirely discomfited; the colonel and one third of their officers taken, the standard bearer, all their artillery, and in fine the whole body of the guards, as well horse as foot, to the amount of 5000 men, were entirely cut to pieces. Almost all the Russian generals have fallen into our hands. The emperors of Russia & Austria had the greatest difficulty to save themselves and the marshals. A considerable quantity of men, stopped by the marshals & a lake, into which they threw themselves, were drowned, experiencing the same fate as the Turks who threw themselves into the sea, at the battle of Aboukir. Our troops are now pursuing the small remains of this army once so arrogant. For further details, your aide de camp will relate to you what he has seen and heard. I have but barely time, marshal, to write you thus briefly, as you know we have few moments to spare. I have received the letter in which you informed me of your junction with general Marmont.
The major general, (Signed) M. BERTHIER. A true copy, M. MASSENA. A true copy, general of division, VERDIER.
Extra of a letter from his excellency Monsieur De Beauharnais, minister plenipotentiary of the French Empire, at the court of Etruria, to M. Verdier General of Division; dated Florence, 18th Frumaire, 14th year, at one o'clock in the morning. A letter from the Minister of Exterior Relations, dated Vienna, the 12th Frumaire, informs me, my dear general, of the grand victory gained by our august sovereign on the day of his anniversary; the three emperors being present. The guard of the emperor Napoleon attacked that of the emperor of Russia, took its colonel, one third of the officers, all the artillery, and cut the rest to pieces. The French troops are now pursuing the remains of the Russian and Austrian army. The field of battle was at Austerlitz. Napoleon, our august sovereign, is well and was every where present.
Good by and love me, FRANCIS DE BEAUHARNOIS. P.S. The bulletins will arrive by the couriers. A true Copy. General of Division. VERDIER.
In addition to the above, a gentleman who arrived here yesterday from Philadelphia, states, that on the day he left there (Saturday) a vessel arrived from England, which place she left the middle of Jan. The accounts by her confirm the battle of the 2d as above stated, and farther, that the Russian army afterwards received sufficient reinforcements to enable them to maintain their positions till the 3d, when Bonaparte having received considerable reinforcements, attacked and almost entirely annihilated the Russian army. Telegraphic.
Sales at Auction On Saturday the 29th inst. will be sold at Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale. A HOUSE & LOT on Shockoe Hill; the lot containing about one quarter of an acre, forms part of what is commonly called Tuckerton's square, and adjoins Mr. William Nee's garden; it is well enclosed, and has a well of excellent water upon it, and its situation is as desirable as any in that part of the town. The house is nearly finished, and well calculated for the comfortable accommodation of a small family. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. (law tds.) SALES AT AUCTION. WILL BE SOLD at the dwelling house of the subscriber, on Wednesday the 12th inst. at 11 o'clock. ALL his Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, consisting of: Mahogany Dining and Breakfast Tables; Ditto Side Board and Card do. Satin Wood and Mahogany Knife Cases; Black Varnished and Gilt Chairs; Large and Small Looking Glasses; Cut Glass Chandeliers; Do. Decanters, Wine Glasses & Tumblers; 1 Dining Set China; 1 Set Tea do. 2 Large Carpets; Straw Cane Carpets, with Brass Rods; Bed and Window Curtains; A handsome collection of Prints; Plated Candle Sticks, with Snuffers and Caps; Japanese Tea Trays; Do. Patent Lamps. Brass Wire Penders, Shovels and Tongs, with a variety of other Household and Kitchen Furniture, for negotiable notes, at 60 days. H. MARKS.
March 7. tds LAND—FOR SALE. THE subscriber is authorized to dispose of between two & three thousand acres of LAND, situate in the county of Prince George and known by the name of Old-Town, on the following terms, to wit: One-fifth of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in four annual instalments, to carry interest from the time of sale—the payment thereof must be secured by bond and mortgage on the land. This land is distant from the town of Petersburg about 14 miles; from James River 4 or 5 miles, and about 1 1/2 from Noble's Creek, which is navigable for boats up to Peachy's mill. The soil is remarkably well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, and the greatest part of the tract is covered with fine timber. It will be sold in Lots to suit purchasers, and will be shown to any person desiring to view it, by Mr. Drury Livsey, who resides on it. Prompt attention will be paid to any communication on the subject, directed to the subscriber at Shirley in Charles-City county, by post to Granville Mills. PATRICK HENDREN, Agent for Charles Carter of Shirley, Glasgow.

CONGRESS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEB. 24.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH observed that some time had elapsed since he gave notice that he should call up his resolution for amending the constitution of the U. S.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement. The Speaker said, there could be no postponement of a subject referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, as it was in order every day to take up business so referred.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said, if gentlemen were unprepared, he had no objection to wave his call until to-morrow.
The Speaker remarked that there could be no debate on the priority of business.
Mr. CONRAD moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of the resolution. He said he would briefly assign his reasons for this motion.
The Speaker said the first question was on the House resolving itself into a committee of the whole.
The question was taken on this motion, and carried—Ayes 61.
Mr. GREGG was called to the chair of the committee.
The resolution having been read as follows: Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both houses concurring,
The judges of the supreme and all other court of the U. States shall be removed from office by the President, on the joint address of both houses of Congress.
The committee divided on agreeing to it, without debate—Ayes 51—Noes 55.
The committee then rose, and reported their disagreement to the resolution.
The House, having agreed to consider the report.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH called for the taking the Yeas and Nays on the question of concurrence.
Mr. CLARK moved a postponement of the consideration of the report to the 3rd Monday of March, merely with the view of making it give place to more important business which he said must be attended to.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH hoped a postponement to so distant a day would not prevail. He was himself desirous that it should be postponed for a few days, in order to give notice to the House, that there might be a full vote on what he considered a most important measure.
Mr. SMILIE. I am sorry the motion of postponement has been made. I do not know any other time better than the present for the discussion of this subject.
Mr. CLARK. I hope my colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have not made this motion from hostility to his resolution. With a small modification I am decidedly for it.
Mr. SMILIE observed that he regretted that the motion for an indefinite postponement had been made, as it was equivalent to a rejection of the resolution.
The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on an indefinite postponement, and passed in the negative—Yeas 42—Nays 81.
Mr. CLARK then varied his motion, so as to postpone the resolution to the second Monday in March.
Mr. J. CLAY said he wished the gentleman would withdraw this motion, and move a postponement till next Monday. He was very sensible of the importance of the subject, and was only sorry that there was not a prospect of obtaining a constitutional majority in favor of the resolution.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement of the resolution indefinitely, for which he concisely assigned his reasons; but which from his position we were unable to hear.
Mr. BEDINGER called for the yeas and nays on this motion.
obtaining it. It is a maxim laid down by every man that has written on national policy, that those abuses which are left untouched in the period of a revolution, are sanctified by time, and remain as the nest-eggs of future corruption, until they compel a nation, either to sweep them away or to sink beneath them.
Mr. GREGG. I feel but little concerned as to the fate of this motion. I am ready at any time to give my vote on the resolution. As it now stands I shall vote against it, but modified, as I have seen it in the hands of a gentleman from Virginia, I shall vote for it.
Mr. SMILIE. I am sorry the motion of postponement has been made. I do not know any other time better than the present for the discussion of this subject.
Mr. CLARK. I hope my colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have not made this motion from hostility to his resolution. With a small modification I am decidedly for it.
Mr. SMILIE observed that he regretted that the motion for an indefinite postponement had been made, as it was equivalent to a rejection of the resolution.
The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on an indefinite postponement, and passed in the negative—Yeas 42—Nays 81.
Mr. CLARK then varied his motion, so as to postpone the resolution to the second Monday in March.
Mr. J. CLAY said he wished the gentleman would withdraw this motion, and move a postponement till next Monday. He was very sensible of the importance of the subject, and was only sorry that there was not a prospect of obtaining a constitutional majority in favor of the resolution.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement of the resolution indefinitely, for which he concisely assigned his reasons; but which from his position we were unable to hear.
Mr. BEDINGER called for the yeas and nays on this motion.
Mr. Findlay said he was against the indefinite postponement of the subject, though in favor of its being postponed a short time. He thought it was a subject which ought to be fully investigated.
Mr. Conrad was in favor of the indefinite postponement of the resolution. He did not think the subject ought to be acted upon this session. He was not unfriendly to the principle, but he never could consent that a bare majority of Congress should have the power to remove a judge.
Mr. J. Randolph. I am perfectly convinced of the correctness and purity of the motives of my colleague on all subjects, and wherever I differ from him in opinion I always consider it a misfortune.
There is another reason why I wish this business [amendment to the constitution] taken up this session. When I offered this resolution the last session, it was said to be too near the close of the session to act upon it—this was acknowledged.
Mr. SMILIE. I am sorry the motion of postponement has been made. I do not know any other time better than the present for the discussion of this subject.
Mr. CLARK. I hope my colleague will do me the justice to believe that I have not made this motion from hostility to his resolution. With a small modification I am decidedly for it.
Mr. SMILIE observed that he regretted that the motion for an indefinite postponement had been made, as it was equivalent to a rejection of the resolution.
The question was then taken, by Yeas and Nays, on an indefinite postponement, and passed in the negative—Yeas 42—Nays 81.
Mr. CLARK then varied his motion, so as to postpone the resolution to the second Monday in March.
Mr. J. CLAY said he wished the gentleman would withdraw this motion, and move a postponement till next Monday. He was very sensible of the importance of the subject, and was only sorry that there was not a prospect of obtaining a constitutional majority in favor of the resolution.
Mr. MASTERS moved a postponement of the resolution indefinitely, for which he concisely assigned his reasons; but which from his position we were unable to hear.
Mr. BEDINGER called for the yeas and nays on this motion.
U.S. has received in practice a construction which in my judgment, the text never did, and does not now warrant; but which if warranted by the text, is totally repugnant to the spirit of that instrument, which, composed of the jarring interests of the different states, and settled on the basis of compromise, gave birth to a government of responsibility, without influence, without patronage, without abuse, without privileges attached to any individual class or order of men.
The constitution may be tried by another test. It was made for the good of the people under it, and not for those who administered it. It was never intended to be made a job of, and I hope it never will be suffered by the people to be made a job of.
Having made these remarks, Mr. J. Randolph offered the resolutions inserted in our last paper.
Wednesday, February 26.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill, received from the Senate, to regulate the laying out and making a road from Cumberland, in the state of Maryland, to the state of Ohio.
After considerable debate the committee rose and reported the bill without amendment, when the House without coming to a decision on the report adjourned.
In addition to those gentlemen, represented in our last paper as having spoken in favor of the St. Domingo bill, Mr. Rhea of Ten. spoke in support of it.
Thursday, February 27.
The bill imposing a tax of ten dollars on every slave imported into the U. S. after considerable debate, was recommitted to a select committee.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD,
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK; Harry is about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a ruddy complexion, 22 years of age; Dick 5 feet 6 inches high, slim and very black, with large white teeth, wide apart, projecting out of his mouth, 18 years of age.
ELIOTT MUSE, Buckingham Lodge, Middlesex county. March 4. ep 3m.
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED,
For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. March 4. tf
FOR SALE,
FIVE hundred acres of LAND in Powhatan county, lying on the Buckingham road above the Court House; four fifths of which is in woods and well timbered.
WM. RANDOLPH. Milton, March 4. 6w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
On Tuesday the eleventh day of March next will be offered for sale, by public auction, at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond; the following valuable property.
FOUR half acre LOTS, adjoining each other, forming what is usually called a square in the city of Richmond, and described in the plan of said city by the numbers 151, 152, 159 and 160.
THE BRICK STORE or LUMBER HOUSE situated on the street which leads from the main street in Richmond to Shockoe Inspection, about 30 feet in breadth and about 32 feet in length, more or less—being part of the property formerly owned by Mr. Wm. Fenwick, and lying between the building now occupied by Mr. George Watt and that owned by Mr. Marcus Elean.
The MESSUAGE or TENEMENT and parcel of ground containing one and an half acres more or less where Mr. Wm. Fenwick formerly resided, near Rocketts.
A more particular description is deemed unnecessary, the property intended for sale being well known to most persons residing in Richmond or the neighborhood—and it is presumed any person inclined to purchase, will examine it—for which purpose the keys of both Tenements may be had by applying to Gallegho, Richard & Co. who will give any further information that may be wished.
Terms of sale, approved endorsed notes negotiable at the bank of Virginia, at 9, 15, and 20 months. The legal title to be retained till the purchase money is paid, or Deeds of Trust to be executed by the purchasers as may be agreed on.
GALLEGHO, RICHARD & Co. February 6. tf
MILITARY LAND FOR SALE.
FOUR THOUSAND acres on the North Fork of Trade Water, in the State of Kentucky—and 1000 acres on the waters of the Miami in the State of Ohio.
The proprietor of the above land has in his possession evidences of its value, but as he does not wish to hold property in the western Country, he will sell it low for cash, or barter it for property in this place. Enquire of THOMAS NORVELL. February 21. tf
MARSHAL'S SALE.
By virtue of a decree of the Court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, pronounced at May term, 1805, in behalf of John Tate and Thomas Alston, assignees of Henry Martin, against James Vaughan, administrator of Mathew Vaughan, dec'd and others;
WILLIAM MANN, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. February 25. (tdf)
LAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers by Shandy Anderson, will be sold on Friday the 28th day of March next, at Edward Anderson's Tavern (formerly James George's) at the highest bidder for ready money, a tract of LAND lying in the County of Goochland on the three chock roads, about one mile above the aforementioned place, containing by a late survey one hundred and fifty five and a half acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum of twenty-three pounds twelve shillings and nine pence with interest thereon from the first day of January last.
CHARLES ATKINSON, } Trustees. JOHN SHELTON, JR. Goochland, February 25. (ep 4w p.)
WILL BE SOLD,
At Public Auction, in Charlottesville, on the 6th March next, 50 NEGROES. JAMES LINDSAY, HUGH NELSON. February 4. tdf.
TO BE RENTED,
Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office, THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERIWETHER JONES. February 4. tf.
A LL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd.
of the Bowling-Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 22. tf.
FOR SALE,
THIRTY Bushels of Irish POTATOES, excellent, either for Table use or Seed—Also, LONDON BROWN STOUT by the bottle, and Philadelphia BEER on draft. Gentlemen may be furnished at any hour with VENISON, OYSTERS, &c. GEO. WATSON. February 15. (tf.)
A TUTOR wanted,
who can teach Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, in a small family. Apply to the Editor of the Enquirer.
JOHN ALCOCK,
INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Proffer's Monument, cure's Vendue-store, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; as flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials.
He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few Windsor chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold uncommonly low for cash. January 30. tf.
TO BE RENTED,
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family. Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill; to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, sergeant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (2aw tf.) February 25.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.
NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which the ninth requisition shall remain unpaid, or upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of any former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the 15th day of March next. The sale to commence at 12 o'clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors, JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. February 13. (tdf.)
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, enquiring.
THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Clifton Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied.
That purchase was made on the 30th day of February 1793, for the sum of £6,505, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate.
The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary.
The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.
Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the uses in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; or which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by JOHN WICKHAM, JOHN WARDEN, WILLIAM HAY, } Commissioners of the court. Jan. 21. 8w.