The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-07 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, MARCH 7, 1809.
[No. 96.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Debate on raising the Embargo, and authorizing Letters of Marque and Reprisal—Continued.
FEBRUARY 3.
(Mr. Randolph's Speech concluded.)
But, sir, why take Canada now, when my colleague tells you and when other gentlemen tell you that there is a prospect of re-adjustment; and when, at least, it is demonstrable that the sort of resistance which I propose, viz. the arming of our merchants in their own defence, is the kind of resistance not only best calculated to meet the evil against which we would guard, but presents the best possible chance of a re-adjustment of our differences? For if we say, that, at any future day, in case the belligerents do not come to our terms, we will let fall on their heads letters of marque and reprisal, as you said by your suspension of the non-importation act and offer to suspend the embargo, you may be sure that such a plan will not procure accommodation, if that be your object. If you injure a man and he exercises his rights as a man and defends himself without overstepping the bounds of defence so as to make him the aggressing party it is much more easy for you to come to an accommodation than if he were to say to you "I will on such a day do so and so if you do not retract." He puts it out of your power to make him an apology when he says that he will fight you on such a day if you do not render him justice. That is not the way that tends to an honorable adjustment of the dispute, or an honorable termination on the field of battle. In fact it has too much the air of bravado; & as we have been suspected, I hope unjustly, of going into this sort of thing on former occasions; of going at least as far in words as in acts, it will be best to content ourselves with the exercise of our rights on the ocean. Their orders and decrees conflict with those rights. We will resist them, not going beyond our rights as acknowledged by the laws of nations and even by themselves. If they use force against us in the exercise of those rights, we are at war to all intents and purposes, and they put us at war. This course would be better calculated to produce the result which I have no doubt my colleague has as much at heart as myself. And it is not strange that a difference of opinion should exist in the unsettled state of mind in which we have been for some time past—for if such has not been our situation, how comes it that we have done nothing? Or, if we have, that we have but rescinded to-day what we did yesterday, and to-morrow will perhaps undo what we are doing to-day? I need not speak of the navy bill, sir; the history of that transaction is impressed much more strongly on your memory than it is on mine. I might mention another bill. I think it was between twelve and one o'clock on Saturday and Sunday the 17th or 18th of December that, on the plea that we were sleeping on our posts, on the plea of urgency, the House was forced into a vote on a report of a memorable and honorable committee, (of foreign relations) which subject in the shape of a bill has dosed very quietly on your table from that day to this—I speak of the non-intercourse. It was an expression used by gentlemen that we had been sleeping on our posts—and therefore it was necessary that we should sit up one night for the public good. There are constitutions in this House which have not yet recovered from the shock of that night's session. The non-intercourse, the navy bill, the supplementary embargo bill—and how the latter passed is really a curiosity, a novelty in legislation—The bill came from the Senate—it came from a quarter, sir, from whence, God be praised, we have had all our strong doses, under all administrations—the alien and sedition laws, the suspension of the habeas corpus, the new treason bill, the last supplementary embargo bill, aye, sir, and the first embargo bill too; they all came from the same mint and I liked none of them—and in my capacity as a freeman and a legislator representing a free and enlightened people I shall here and elsewhere, without any sort of reserve, speak of them as I think they merit; extenuating nothing and setting down nought in malice. The bill came to us then from the Senate on Thursday the 22nd of December, and was proposed to be made the order of the day for the next day, Friday and for Saturday—both days were named. Some gentlemen craved only till Monday to consider the numerous and important provisions of such a bill, and nearly the whole day was consumed in debate whether the bill should be the order of the day for Monday or Saturday; Saturday was carried; the delay till Monday being somewhat sternly refused; even the postponement to Saturday was with difficulty obtained. On Friday this House having consumed the whole of the preceding day in debating that important point, adjourned over to Monday, that very day to which they had refused to postpone the bill, it being like the report of the committee to which I have just alluded, a matter of such urgency that it could not be delayed. Monday came and a motion was made by one of the friends of the bill to discharge the committee of the whole House from its farther consideration. It was rejected, and the House went into committee on it. Next day a similar motion was made and carried, and the bill was referred to a select committee, who reported on the following morning (Wednesday). The bill, with their amendments, was again referred to a committee of the whole House and made the order of the day for Friday; and the week passed off without any further mention of this urgent business. On Saturday, the last day of the year, the House adjourned over to meet on Tuesday the 3rd of January. Tuesday came and the consideration of the bill was at length resumed; but, there not being a quorum, the House adjourned, by a vote of 60 to 10. The next day the un-
finished business, as it is called, was asked for; but by a strange sort of decision which, I do not pretend to understand, it was determined, by a formal vote too, that there was a vice distinction somewhere, between business unfinished and unfinished business —and lo! What does the House, but take up the proposition of a gentleman from Vermont to repeal the embargo. Although they had been bolstering up the embargo before buttressing it, as many intelligent and honest men believe, at the expense of the best principles of the constitution, they now took up the resolution for repealing the embargo. What happened that night God knows—but the next day the bill was resumed, urgency again decreed and it was driven, Jehu-like, through the House, thro' all its stages from a committee to its third reading and final passage. I, who have scarcely been able to hold up my head since the night when that report was so vehemently passed, which has slept so soundly ever since, came to the House at 9 or 10 o'clock with the hope if not of speaking, at least of exercising my right of suffrage. But somewhere between four and five o'clock in the morning I was compelled to leave it; and at breakfast, about two in the afternoon on that day, I heard that the bill was passed—you know how, sir. Mr. Randolph said, he mentioned this thing not with the slightest view of creating unpleasant sensations in the bosom of any human being—nothing was farther from his mind—but to prevent, if possible, the recurrence of a similar circumstance; and to do more—to show, that after all their vibrations, and legislative contentions, they had come back to the proposal laid on the table almost the first day of the session to repeal the embargo; and he did most cordially congratulate every man in the House upon this event, except those gentlemen who considered the embargo a political panacea, which no circumstances, whatsoever be the consequence, should ever induce us to give up. He trusted that they were few, and though he had such confidence in some of them that he believed nothing would change their opinion, he hoped that this few were daily and hourly diminishing.
To get back in his rambling way to this decisive stroke, not now, but some time or other of going to war, of taking Canada—it would be a sort of deed of trust from the body politic—an instrument with which I am sorry to say that we gentlemen from the South are but too well acquainted—a deceitful present relief at the expense of a certain but remote evil, we may invert the telescope from its true position and the evil lessens to our view—but the day must come when that pledge must be redeemed; and indeed whatsoever cause he might have as an individual, he should not like to give bond and security to fight next year. He might in the mean time undergo a great revolution of opinion; he might change his religion; perhaps turn Quaker; and really if he were to change at all, he believed he could not do better; for theirs was a system of order, industry, charity and peace—of comfort and affluence too, very good things in their way.
He was against plunging in this dashing way into war; because there was a possibility, to say no more of it, and his colleague (Mr. Burwell) seemed to think, a pretty good hope, that we might get out of the scrape without a war, provided we would take his posterion. He felt the more and more indisposed to war, and should every day while he lived, when he looked at certain consequences and reflected on certain doctrines which had grown too familiar, in his apprehension, to the minds of that House. We too had a navy. It had cost us near twenty-three millions of dollars, about ten millions of which had been spent by the former administration. It had cost us a great deal more than Louisiana; and he ventured to say that none but those gentlemen who viewed Louisiana (as he did the embargo) as a positive evil, would consider our navy of as much importance to us as the navigation of the Mississippi. The cost is tremendous for a machine which, if they adopted his colleague's (Mr. Nicholas's) proposition, must be enlarged, repaired, beautified & built up on an extended scale. It was more unfortunate that we had paid so much for the cost of a machine rusting all the time in idleness. We might then calculate from this fact what this cost would be, provided the House adopted the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia, in its broad form, the most dangerous ever presented in that House—and pledged the nation to the maritime defence of commerce.
From the commencement of the present administration, to the present day, a principle so abhorrent to his mind, so dangerous to the liberties of this country, had never been proposed to Congress. It contemplates a pledge of every drop of blood, of every shilling of money, to the maritime protection of commerce. Est modus in rebus . He was not willing on one day to lay the axe to the neck of commerce, to decollate her—and the next day to decollate himself, to commit suicide for the sake of commerce. If commerce could not take care of itself, it was not worth caring for. But after all that had been said on the subject of a navy, properly so called, ships and seamen—nld, somehow or other, work out their own salvation. A great many of them may be destroyed, but the rest would make such profitable voyages as to induce others to run the same risk. He looked at this proposition, therefore, with affright. We had a navy department, to which, ex officio , profusion and expense were incidental. It was an establishment of the first kind; an establishment of disbursement alone, without a shadow of benefit—an establishment, which, as managed by us, was a mere running sore in the body politic. If he were an Englishman or a Hollander, which thank God he was not, he would advocate a navy. As an American, at this time of day, at least, he was against it, for the plainest of all reasons—that it was not suited to the time and our circumstances, and let gentlemen say what they will, these must have their weight. And what had been heard on that floor, coming not from men of doubt principles, but from good republicans, as they are called—both navy and anti-navy men? Why, first, that in the distribution of the
powers of this government, the Executive share is too small—next, that the government lacks energy; that if we cannot enforce a law, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, not only at the expense of a limb of the body politic, but of the very trunk itself—"Away with such a government—it wants energy and force; gives one that has some strength." Gentlemen wait to be magnificent, strong, able to crush all opposition, to destroy the states. What next have we heard? "That the Executive patronage is, as it were, the Presidential property, and that he possesses the right to do with it as he pleases," instead of considering it a trust placed in his hands, as it is even in limited monarchies, to be exercised under sound discretion and a high responsibility for the general good. When these doctrines are broached in Congress, sir, by men calling themselves republicans, and deemed as such, I am compelled to recollect the times, the energetic times, as they were called, when the constitution was trampled under foot, when some men dared to risk the sentence, "that the parchment had better be burnt." I am unwilling to see such principles govern, let who will be at the head of affairs; and therefore I am unwilling to give my assent to the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) which has been, with his characteristic humanity, charitably adopted by my colleague, (Mr. Burwell) for in truth, it was thrown an ephemeris on the wide world by its parent. I do not say that the time may not, or even that it will not come, when it will be necessary to strike at Quebec; but I am unwilling to do it now, when there remains one chance to this nation of preserving the blessings of peace; for, if we have a war of that sort, commissaries and contractors may fatten, but the public will be impoverished; and scarce any man who has not a fat contract, or a snug office, will be enabled to pay his taxes and maintain his family, in the way they have been accustomed to.
But that is not all, sir. If we plunge at this moment into war, for to my mind there is really not one atom of difference (if we are to go to war) between this day and the first of June, who can say how or when the war shall end? And, with an empty exchequer—for to all practical purposes the exchequer is empty—with a revenue depending wholly on loans, would it be very astonishing if the same causes which overthrew the most powerful monarchy in Europe, should shake a little our own confederated republic? That our present form of government should be destroyed by the same causes which unquestionably did destroy our late government under the confederation? The government of France, a populous nation, as we all know, rich in internal resources, almost beyond imagination, was blasted, or cursed as you please, by a minister, who determined to carry on a war without taxes—loans were to supply all deficiencies. The experiment ended in the subversion of the government. I believe that no man can doubt, if the ways and means could have been raised in 1788, that the French revolution would ever have taken place. Shall we then, unnecessarily, (and I speak of it in this point of view only) expose our government to such shocks? I hope not. If they come I am for meeting them manfully. In that event, I would hope that instead of destroying (or we ought always to hope for the safety of the republic, however destitute of ground for it) it will toughen and nerve our manhood—that it will chastise our pampered arrogance, I was going to say; that it will operate as in one point of view, I am willing to allow that the embargo may have operated, to bring old fashioned home spun principles as well as garments into notice, to repress the rage of speculation and reduce our bloated luxury—in fact, to give us something more of a national character. In that point of view I am willing to allow, that even the embargo has not been without its salutary effect.
There is another reason why I am unwilling to take the attitude recommended to us by the gentleman from Virginia and by my worthy colleague. I have seen in this House a proposition to give efficiency to the militia, to arm them, to make them what they ought to be, (but what I fear they are not) an adequate and competent national defence, 'damned with faint praise'—a little paltry beggarly appropriation of 200,000 dollars voted for that object. And but a regular force, sir—strike but the naval chord or standing army, call them volunteers or what you will, the sound vibrates to your heart; you loose the purse strings and pour forth the national treasure without counting it. When I hear principles advocated, against which I always did and always will protest, and when I see the policy of this House, so variant from what I conceive it ought to be, I am induced to take one more possibility, another chance of avoiding immediate war; and therefore when that part of the resolution comes up, which proposes the issuing letters of marque and reprisal, I shall move you so to amend it as to exchange it from its present portentous and dismay aspect as a solemn pledge from this nation, for the maritime protection of commerce in every sea, to what I conceive it ought to be—an authority to our merchants to arm and defend themselves, and resist (not submit to) these decrees and orders in council which we have declared we will resist, in other words, that we will not submit to. There are a great variety of opinions as to what will be the eventual consequence—no man can precisely foresee the issue, but to my judgment it is the most promising plan that has been suggested. Its immediate consequence will be, that your merchants will go out armed, and if captured, the bile and rancor, of which we have heard so much, instead of being vented in sputtering and spiteful resolutions against their own government, will be poured forth upon the aggressor. It will perhaps restore the government to its accustomed popularity. If the merchant feels he will know from whom—for, will he dare to come back and say, that you ought to have kept on the embargo? No, sir; you will have permitted him to go out with his eyes open—the government will have washed its hands of the thing. The merchants will become what they ought to be, the carriers of your produce, the great machinery for transporting your commodities; instead of being a kind
of political caballers. Let them go to the counting-house and they will have enough to do; give them employment and you get rid of their complaints. If we take this step it is not possible that Mr. Canning—even he—I beg his pardon; I would not speak harshly of any man behind his back, much less of one that is three thousand miles off—that a British minister could have the face to construe this resistance into a just cause of war on their part. Commerce will protect itself—and peace, I trust, will be the result.
CONGRESS.
SENATE, February 28.
The Senate took up the amendments of the House of Representatives to the bill to interdict the commercial intercourse between the U. States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes. On the question to agree to the amendment to the 11th section, as follows:
Strike out the words—"And to cause to be issued, under suitable pledges and precautions, letters of marque and reprisal against the nation thereafter continuing in force its unlawful edicts against the commerce of the United States."
It was determined in the affirmative—Yeas 17—Nays 14—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Matthewson, Meigs, Mitchell, Parker, Pope, Reed, Sumner, Tiffin, and White.
NAYS—Messrs. Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Hilt-house, Leib, Lloyd, Milledge, Moore, Pickering, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ten. and Turner.
On the question to agree to the amendment in the 12th section, as follows:—Strike out "fourth of March next" and insert "fifteenth of March, 1809."
It was determined in the affirmative—Yeas 25—Nays 6—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Condit, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Gregg, Howland, Kitchell, Leib, Matthewson, Meigs, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Parker, Pope, Reed, Smith of Md. Smith of N. Y. Smith of Ten. Sumner, Tiffin and Turner.
NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Goodrich, Hilt-house, Lloyd, Pickering and White.
When the other amendments were all agreed to.
The bill, consequently, only requires the signature of the President to be a law.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Feb. 27.
On motion of Mr. M c Creery. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of prohibiting for a limited time the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvass, cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof.
POST-OFFICE AND POST-ROADS.
Mr. Rhea reported a bill on the subject of the Post-Offices and Post-Roads; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole. Ayes 69.
Mr. M c Creery reported a bill prohibiting for a limited time the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvass, cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof—Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
[This bill prohibits the exportation from the U. States or any territories thereof, of any cannon, muskets, pistols, bayonets, swords, cutlasses, musket balls, lead, bombs, grenades, gunpowder, sulphur or salt petre, canvas or sail cloth of any description, commonly used for ships or vessels, cordage, cables tarred and untarred, yarns made of hemp, sine, sail or sewing twine, and sheet copper, till the end of the next session. It also provides that all brass cannon, musket and firelocks, with bayonets suited to the same, pistols, swords and cutlasses, which shall be imported into the U. States from any foreign country, within the term of one year from and after the passing of this act, be free of duty.]
Mr. Holmes reported a bill authorising the proper accounting officers of the Treasury to settle the accounts of the legal representatives of John Daniel Schwergausen—Twice read and referred.
BOUNTY ON ENLISTMENT.
Mr. Blount offered the following resolution, which was negatived—Ayes 51:
Resolved, That the committee on military and naval establishments be instructed to enquire into the expediency of increasing the bounty now allowed by law to recruits for the military service.
FREDERICK COUNTY MEMORIAL.
Mr. Nelson observed, that it had been much the fashion of late to abuse the government; but he held in his hand and presented a memorial signed by about three thousand citizens, chiefly cultivators of the soil of Frederick county, Maryland, expressing their approbation of the conduct of the constituted authorities in the strongest terms.
Several reports and communications were received from committees and departments of the government.
MASSACHUSETTS MEMORIAL.
The Speaker laid before the House a memorial received from the legislature of the state of Massachusetts, complaining of the measures of the government, particularly of the embargo laws and declaring their opinion that the last supplementary embargo law is unconstitutional. On motion of Fisk, referred to a select committee, Ayes 83. The reason which he assigned for the motion was, that the memorial, coming from a respectable state, deserved a particular consideration. Mr. Quincy moved that the memorial be printed. On this motion some debate took place. Mr. Quincy and other gentlemen observed, that they only wished the same respect to be paid by the House to this memorial as was paid to the resolutions of Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Mr. Durrell and others observed that this memorial was committed to a committee and those resolutions were not; and therefore was treated with more attention. Mr. Newton read the answer of the legislature of Massachusetts to the Virginia resolutions on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, to show
how the sentiments of a federal legislature had been warped by a federal legislature now, to answer party purposes—this answer denies wholly the right of any state to controvert the laws of the general government or to declare them unconstitutional. Mr. Quincy said that the right of a legislature to comment on the measures of the government could not be questioned, when it was secured by the constitution to every individual; and that the sentiments contained in the memorial just presented were not inconsistent with those expressed in the paper read by Mr. Newton. Mr. Froun said he would be willing to treat this memorial with respect, but not with peculiar respect —he cited the instance in which a memorial of the legislature of Georgia on the subject of a proposed infringement of her territorial rights by the United States was neither referred or printed. Mr. Livermore denied that the legislature of Massachusetts had expressed any disorganizing sentiments; they only supported the rights of the states, strengthening instead of weakening the whole machine by preserving a part in its proper operation. Mr. Bacon observed, that he should enrol his nay in the vote for printing without the least fear of being accused of disrespect for the state which he represented; for however he might respect the legislature or the state he could not show his respect for it by giving its memorial a course different from that pursued in relation to petitions or memorials from other portions of the people; and it was already referred to a respectable committee of the House. Mr. Newton observed, that when the committee reported on the memorial, he should be willing to print the memorial and report on it; at the same time he should move to print the answer of the same legislature to the Virginia resolutions on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, and then it would be the legislature of Massachusetts castigating the legislature of Massachusetts. Mr. Quincy said this memorial contained the opinion of a large commercial state and was entitled, therefore, to the attention of the House; if not printed now, a report would probably not be made on it this session, and it would not be printed. Mr. Holland observed, that as to its containing information there was not a new idea contained in the memorial, not one which the gentleman himself had not favored the House with during the session, and some of them in the very words of the gentleman himself. Mr. Rowan conceived that the remonstrance of a state was entitled to no particular preference over that of any other memorial from any particular portion of the people; and that the proper course would be to let the remonstrance lie on the table, as the subject of it was now under consideration. If an answer was to be given to it, the legislature might answer that answer, and there would be no end to the correspondence. Mr. Rowan moved to reconsider the vote for the reference to a select committee. Mr. Quincy withdrew his motion for printing, to permit the question to be taken on reconsidering the vote for reference. Messrs. Sawyer, Mason and Taylor advocated reconsideration. The motion was reconsidered. Mr. Quincy withdrew his motion and supported his motion; he wished not by a silent disposition of the memorial to sanction its statements, wholly erroneous, or treat it with contempt. Mr. Rowan had no idea of doing either; but an answer could only produce irritation which he was desirous to avoid; it would be true magnanimity, even if the House believed it not to be correct, to pass it over in silence. Motion to commit negatived, Ayes 20. Mr. Quincy renewed his motion that the remonstrance be printed. For the motion 42, against 53.
ARMY AND NAVY APPROPRIATION.
The bill for amending the act for establishing the War and Navy Departments, and making appropriations for the support of the military and naval establishment of the United States for the year 1809, was read the third time and passed.
NON-INTERCOURSE.
The bill from the Senate for interdicting commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies, was read the third time. And on the question, "Shall the bill pass as amended."
Mr. Akinor said that the passage of this bill would be a novelty in legislation, for he believed it had not a friend in the House. He was at a loss what to think of it. He said he should be obliged to gentlemen who were in favor of the bill to explain to him how much of the embargo was to be retained by it and how much was to be removed.
He thought that the offensive parts of the embargo laws were to be retained by it. The bill was objectionable too, because it enacted as a substitute for the embargo a non-intercourse system, which was not to commence until two days previous to the next session of Congress, and was to expire with that session. It would scarcely have gone into operation before it would cease by the limitation of the law. He could not conceive for what purpose the non-intercourse system was to be enacted, if it was to have an end so soon. He had no doubt that those gentlemen who voted for this measure now, and who were to be in the next Congress, would be then told that they had by that vote pledged themselves not to suffer the embargo to be removed without an efficient substitute. For one, he said, he could not consent to take this measure in lieu of the embargo, because it was inefficient for the purposes of coercion; because it could not be carried into execution; because it would prevent our usual intercourse without excluding foreign goods, as they would be smuggled in; because some of the manufactures of Great Britain had become necessary to us by habit, and could not be procured elsewhere. He did not view this system as a permanent measure. He believed that the gentlemen of this House generally perceived and knew that this measure could have but little operation. It seemed as if the House must have something to satisfy themselves, that they were not taking off the embargo without some efficient measure; it was but a rattle to please children. In short, the bill under consideration, he said, was so very objectionable, the provisions so obscure and extremely difficult to understand, our citizens would be so much

The President of the United States on the 1st inst. approved and signed the "Act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and for other purposes."
SHIPWRECKS.
The ship True American, Newson, 21 days from Port au Prince, with 187,000 wt. of coffee, and 30 tons of lumber, went ashore on Monday night, at 8 o'clock, just to the southward of the Lighthouse, and in a short time blighted. Vessel and cargo entirely lost. It was with difficulty the crew saved themselves by hanging to the wreck, till relieved yesterday morning by the Ulysses pilot boat.
We learn by Capt. Newson from P. au Prince, that a bloody battle took place a few days previous to the above date, between the armies of Petion and Christophe, near Cape Nicholas Mole, which place the latter attacked, but was repulsed by Gen. Lamar, with the loss of 1000 killed, many wounded, and several taken prisoners. One of Christophe's privateers, about the last of January, captured an American brig, bro't her in, and condemned both vessel and cargo. We understand this property is now insured.
We also learn by Capt. N. that the city of St. Domingo remained tranquil; that the City had neither been attacked by the Spanish nor English; & that Gen. Ferrand was still living!
A British ship from London, with dry goods, flour and other provisions, had arrived at Port au Prince. This ship bro't accounts of the defeat of the Spanish patriots. The British brig Nassau was to sail in a few days for N. Y.
Flour was 25 dls. bbl 25, pork 30, fish abundant & cheap, & other provisions worth little more than prime cost—Colonial produce reasonable. There were no Americans at P. au Prince; but the Haitian ports were crowded with English vessels, freighted with all kinds of provisions.
The brig Amazon, Coph, 11 days from Savannah, with cotton, &c. &c. also went ashore at the same time & place, & was left yesterday morning high & dry, but not injured in her hull. The cargo, & we hope the vessel, will be saved.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 27, noon.
IMPORTANCE FROM SPAIN.
The following we have just received—it comes by the ship Monk, arrived at Boston. Extract of a letter from Richard S. Hackney, Esq. dated St. Lucar, Dec. 6, 1808, to a gentleman in this city. "Whilst writing, I have received a letter from Mr. Erving, informing me of a DECIDED VICTORY obtained by the Spanish over the French armies. He had only a moment to inform me of the event, without particulars."
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 7, 1809.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated March 4.
The House of Representatives adjourned last night between 11 and 12 o'clock. About 7 o'clock, Mr. John Randolph produced a resolution substantially censuring the late Secretary at War and the Attorney-General of the U. S. for certain acts relative to Gen. Wilkinson. It seems that the General had brought certain claims against the U.S. for services alleged to have been rendered. The Secretary at War doubtful of his power to discharge these claims, under the appropriation laws of the government, had thought proper to consult the Attorney General, the proper organ of advice on such occasions. Mr. Rodney advised the discharge of these claims. They were discharged. It was the aim of Mr. Randolph's resolution to find fault with this appropriation of monies, as advised by the Attorney General. This resolution was opposed by Gen. Nelson and Mr. John G. Jackson—and advocated by Messrs. Gardener and Rowan—in the course of Gardener's observations, Mr. R. rose and declared that rather than contribute to the destruction of the public business, he would withdraw his resolution, if gentlemen persisted in debating it. Thus a resolution on a Report which has been for several days printed, is postponed till the latest hour in the session—and the mover declares, it must be withdrawn or adopted without debate and without consultation. Such is the consistency of Mr. R. The resolution too was to be confined to the H. of R. and was merely to stand as the naked expression of their sentiments. A motion that it was made to lay this resolution on the table, was finally carried about 9 o'clock. Mr. R. then submitted another resolution, which wished to lay along side of the other. This resolution went to specify the periods during which Wilkinson had received this money, as was alleged, contrary to the provisions of the law, and at a time when, according to this resolution, he had some of the money of the U. S. already in his hands. This motion was also carried, and the resolution ordered to be printed. Congress have appropriated 450,000$ for fortifications. An attempt was made within the last days of the session to introduce a million more into the appropriation bill; but it was lost. It seemed to be the opinion of its opponents, that the first appropriation of 450,000$ was as much as could well be expended before the May session. Congress have made no provision for raising more troops—or for raising a loan of money. The bill for denationalizing or subjecting to very severe penalties those citizens of the U. S. who should dishonor their country by accepting of a British License, was passed in the H. of R.—and sent up to the Senate on the last day of its session. It is a rule of that body to give each bill its three readings on three successive days, unless it be dispensed with by an unanimous vote. A single veto is sufficient for postponement. There were several vetos on this bill as it seemed to be the sense of some of the members, that it was improper to act upon a bill so highly penal, without due deliberation. It is therefore postponed to the subsequent session. This day James Madison, Esq. is to be installed President of the United States. The military of the District will turn out, and the honors customary on such an occasion, will be paid. Yesterday Mr. M. communicated to the Senate, that he should be ready, this day, to go to that important office. The Senate immediately nominated Messrs. Smith, (M.) Bayard and Gaillard, a committee of appointment. They reported the following as the order of proceeding;
have immediate relation to the embargo, but other acts which have been, and are under their consideration, affecting the rights, interests, welfare, and even the peace of the nation. Indeed, it would be useful for the general good, if the state legislatures were often to cast a watchful eye towards the general government, with a view, candidly to consider, and judiciously discern, whether the powers delegated to the United States are not exceeded, or are so exercised as not to interfere with or counteract those which are reserved by the people for their own management. When under the direction of a wise and prudent discernment, a temperate caution—not an over-jealous disposition, such an examination will always prove a wholesome measure. On the present occasion, it will be unnecessary for me to enter into any particular statement of our private sufferings, or the threatening aspect of our public situation, in relation to the unprecedented acts of our general government, which are accumulating upon us. The individual feelings and experience of the members of this legislature now convened from all parts of the state, will speak of the private distress which have been produced by these acts; and your general information will give you gentlemen, a correct view of the dangers which impend our public interests, liberty, rights and property, arising from the same source. Despairing of substantial relief from any other quarter, the people are now looking with anxious solicitude and hope, to the wisdom and direction of the legislature of their own choice; and seem confident that some mode may be devised to remove the pressure under which they are at present suffering. To your collected wisdom and prudence they submit the task—And may it not be hoped, that, with our united efforts, under a temperate, discreet and firm consideration of our situation and circumstances, we may be able, by the influence of Divine aid, to fulfil the just and reasonable expectations of our fellow-citizens?—Whenever our National Legislature is led to overleap the prescribed bonds of their constitutional powers, on the state legislatures, in great emergencies, devolves the arduous task—it is their right—it becomes their duty to interpose their protecting shield between the rights and liberties of the people, and the assumed power of the general government. Several communications will now be made for your consideration—among which you will observe a correspondence between me and the Secretary of War of the U. States—the particulars of this correspondence, with its object and its result on my part, will doubtless gain your most serious and solemn attention. In all our deliberations on this momentous occasion, may the divine wisdom guide us into the path of duty, and lead us to the happiest results for the general good, the peace and security of the people. J. TRUMBULL. Extra-session, Feb. 23, 1809. AN ANSWER From THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. President of the U. States, to the resolutions adopted by a meeting of the Republican citizens of Annapolis and Anne-Arundel county, on the 4th of Feb. 1809. WASHINGTON, Feb. 17, '09. SIR, I have duly received the resolutions of the republican citizens of Annapolis and Anne-Arundel county of the 4th inst. which you were so kind as to forward to me. That the aggressions and injuries of the belligerent nations have been the real obstructions which have interrupted our commerce, and now threaten our peace, and that the embargo laws were salutary and indispensably necessary to meet those obstructions, are truths as evident to every candid man, as it is worthy of every good citizen to declare his reprobation of that system of opposition which gives to an avowed and practical resistance of these laws. To such a resistance I trust that the patriotism of our faithful citizens, in no section of the union, will give any countenance. Where the law of the majority ceases to be acknowledged, there government ends, the law of the strongest takes its place, and life and property are his who can take them. I receive with particular pleasure and thankfulness the testimony of the republican citizens of Annapolis & Anne-Arundel in favor of the course of proceedings during my administration of the public affairs. And I can truly say, in their words that they have been conducted with the pure regard and devotion to the interests of the people, and the national safety and honor: And I pray you, with my acknowledgments for these favorable sentiments, to accept the assurances of my high respect and consideration. TH: JEFFERSON. JOHN GASSAWAY, Esq. FROM THE NORTH AMERICAN. [With pleasure we introduce the following correction from so respectable a man as Doctor Brown] MR. WAGNER. On looking over the North American of this evening, among the several queries to General Samuel Smith, transcribed into your paper from the New-York Evening Post, I was forcibly struck with the following [the 17th] query. "Did you or did you not send out your chief clerk to London in the December Packet, about the time when the non-intercourse project was hatched, with orders for goods to an immense amount, which goods will all be shipped before the 20th of May, the time with which the blank with the non-intercourse has been filled thus saving your own property out of its operation, and thus again securing to yourself almost a monopoly of the American market." SIR, The person alluded to in the above query, as an agent for the house of Smith and Buchanan, is my son. With the objects of his business in London elsewhere, neither Gen. Smith nor the house of Smith and Buchanan, have any concern whatever, either directly or indirectly. I have therefore, sir, to request of you to place this fact in its true light, and you will oblige Your obedient Servant, GEORGE BROWN. Gay Street, Monday evening, 2/21/ Feb. 1809. To the Editor of the New-York Evening Post. In answer to your 7th interrogatory, addressed to me at Smith, I hereby state, that I sailed from London in the British ship Boyd, for Hayti, this country and that island; that neither the house of S. Smith and Buchanan, nor any other person or persons in the United States, had any share or interest in the outfit or result of the said voyage, except myself, who then belonged to the house of Williams and Miercken of Cape Francois; and that the author of any insinuation to the contrary, is a liar. JAMES WILLIAMS. It is said that Cayenne is taken by 2000 Portuguese troops, with the co-operation of a British squadron under Sir Sidney Smith. Salem Gazette.
J. Smith, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taggart, Tallmadge, Taylor, Wharton, Whitehill, A. Wilson—35. NAYS—Messrs. Blackledge, Calhoun, J. Campbell, Champion, Clay, Davenport, Dawson, Gardner, Harris, H. G. Howard, R. S. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Kelly, Lambert, Lyon, Milnor, Moseley, Nelson, Newson, Nicholas, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Smelt, S. Smith, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, Verplanck, M. Williams—32. So the Section was struck out. Mr. Blackledge renewed the motion which he made in committee of the whole, and spoke at length in support of it. The motion was negatived, by yeas and nays, by a large majority. The bill was then ordered to a third reading; and subsequently passed nem. con. The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the bill making further provision for the accommodation of the household of the President of the United States. The bill being gone through was reported to the House, and ordered to be read a third time to day. It was then read a third time and passed, by yeas and nays, 78 to 11. HEMP, CORDAGE, ARMS. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill prohibiting, for a limited time, the exportation of arms, ammunition, canvas cordage and hemp, and for encouraging the importation thereof. Mr. Randolph moved to strike out the first section of the bill, which motion he supported on the ground of its inexpediency, as tending to throw a damp on the culture of hemp in the country; and on the ground of its unconstitutionality, the constitution not having expressly delegated to Congress the power of prohibiting exports, and having prohibited Congress from taxing them, thereby impliedly denying Congress the power to prohibit exportation. Mr. McCreery stated, in support of the bill, that the United States were in the habit of importing annually twelve millions of pounds of hemp, and great quantities of canvas, great part of which was bought up to export for the British navy; and from the frequency of this practice, it was expected that there would not be sufficient left in the country for home consumption. Messrs. Quincy, Ely, Lyon, and Rowan, opposed the bill, observing that as to prohibiting the export of arms, there could be no occasion for that part of the bill, as arms of every kind bore now a higher price in this country than elsewhere; that the passage of the bill would depress the culture of hemp as well as manufacture of cordage; that the United States had already a sufficiency of naval stores; that a restriction of this kind would only enable the merchant to purchase these articles at a lower price, at the expense of the growers of hemp and manufactures. Mr. Sloan was opposed to the bill, because he disliked the general principle of restricting trade. The single reason that the bill partook somewhat of the nature of a partial embargo was sufficient to induce him to reject it. The first section was struck out, 54 to 26. The committee rose & reported their disagreement to the House who concurred in it, Ayes 54. Mr. Van Horn wished to retain the last section of the bill (for importing arms free of duty). Mr. Quincy observed that more could be manufactured in the U. States than could possibly be wanted. The whole bill was then negatived. NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. Dana laid upon the table a resolution contemplating in substance the same regulations as the bill reported by him "Concerning associations for the security of navigation." And the House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, March 1. The following is the resolution laid on the table yesterday by Mr. Dana. Resolved, That it is proper to make provision by law to allow merchant vessels of the United States to be armed for defence in voyages to ports of Europe or the West Indies or Atlantic coast of America, and accordingly to furnish the documentary evidence which may be proper in any such case to manifest the defensive character of the armament allowed; and at the same time by law to require securities for the vessels respectively, that they will not proceed to any port known to be actually blockaded nor carry articles contraband of war to the dominions of a belligerent power, nor violate the laws or treaties of the United States or the rules of public law by them acknowledged, but will observe the instructions which may be given by the President of the United States for preventing all such violations; and that due satisfaction shall be made for all damages and injuries if any should be committed contrary to the tenor thereof. A bill from the Senate making further provision for the corps of engineers; was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole. INDIAN TRADE. On motion of Mr. Newton, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 54 to 17, on the bill supplementary to the act for establishing trading houses with the Indian tribes—Mr. W. ALSTON in the chair. The bill being gone through was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading. COURTS OF THE U. STATES. On motion of Mr. Marion, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, 40 to 51, Mr. W. Alston in the chair, on the bill supplementary to an act for establishing the courts of the United States. [The bill proposes an alteration in the time or manner of holding the courts of South Carolina.] Mr. Love proposed an amendment to the bill, declaring that the laws of the several states shall be the rules of proceeding in all judicial proceedings in the courts of the United States provided that it shall not affect any process on behalf of the United States. Mr. Taylor and Kelly objected to the introduction of a general provision, embracing such an important principle, into a law for a special purpose—a principle too the propriety of which was at least questionable. Mr. Love advocated his motion. He adverted to the laws passed in different states for suspending executions for a time. He did not express an opinion on the principle of suspension; but whatever might be his opinion of the principle, he wished it to be extended to the federal courts in those states, for the sake of equality and consistency in judicial proceedings.
at a loss under it to know what were their rights, and what were not, that he could not vote for the bill. If gentlemen would come forward and explain the bill, convince him that the obnoxious parts of the embargo laws were to be repealed by it, he might be induced to vote for it. As it was he must vote against it. Mr. Dawson said, that at the last session, when he had given a vote in favor of the embargo law, he had been well aware that it would subject our citizens to many and great inconveniences; that all would be called on to sacrifice to the public good. Relying on the virtue and patriotism of this people, he had believed it would be borne with patience, from a conviction that it was adopted from necessity, produced by the injuries done to us by other nations, and calculated to secure the independence of the country. Under this impression he said he had voted for the measure; and at the same time that he gave that vote he had made a solemn pledge to himself, his country and his God, that he never would revoke it till he took some measure to defend our rights. Such in his opinion the bill before the House was not. He considered it a weak, wretched experiment, and he could not bring himself to vote for it, although in voting against it, he regretted differing in opinion with many whom he esteemed, and was as much disposed to relieve our citizens as any man could be. Mr. Cook said in voting for the bill he should merely take it as a choice of evils. Mr. Randolph spoke near an hour in opposition to the bill. He objected to the principle as well as the details of the bill. His remarks may hereafter be given. Mr. Sloan declared that his friends from Pennsylvania and Virginia, (Messrs. Milnor and Randolph) could not detest the bill more than he did; and yet he should vote for it, for this reason: that the people as well as himself were so heartily tired of the embargo, that they would be glad to get any thing else in place of it. Another reason was, that it contained a limitation to the embargo laws; and he hoped that the embargo would expire at the time limited, never again to be resuscitated; that it would be dead, dead, dead. THE QUESTION ON THE PASSAGE OF THE BILL WAS THEN DECIDED AS FOLLOWS: YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Blake, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Culpepper, Cutts, Deane, Desha, Durell, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Garnett, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Key, Lambert, Lewis, Lloyd, Love, Lyon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, John Morrow, Mumford, Nelson, Newton, Nicholas, Pugh, Rea (Penn.) Rhea (Tenn.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Russell, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Storer, Swart, Thompson, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Van Horn, Verplanck, Wharton, Wilbour, M. Williams, A. Wilson, N. Wilson—81. NAYS—Messrs. Bard, Basset, Bibb, Blackledge, Blount, Calhoun, J. Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Clay, Dana, Davenport, Dawson, Elliot, Ely, Gardener, Gardner, Hoge, R. S. Jackson, Kelly, Kirkpatrick, Macon, Milnor, Mosely, Newbold, Porter, Quincy, Randolph, Rowan, Stanford, Sedgman, Sturges, Tallmadge, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Uddam, Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Whitehill—40. Yeas 81—Nays 40. Absent from the city, Messrs. D. M. Goodman, Carlton, Chandler, Clinton, Cobb, Picken, Story and D. R. Williams—8. In the city, but not present at the vote, being absent from illness or other causes; Messrs. G. W. Campbell, Clifton, Cook, Gray, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, L. Greenwood, J. H. Monroe, Sawyer, Taggart, Winn—11. TUESDAY, Feb. 28. Mr. Newton reported a bill authorizing the collector of the port of Baltimore under certain conditions, to grant a register to the ship Thomas. A motion was made by Mr. Newton, and seconded by Mr. Ely, that the bill be ordered to be read a third time. A motion was made by Mr. Holland to postpone it indefinitely, and negatived, 45 to 36. It was then referred to a committee of the whole. A bill to extend to Messrs. Whitemore for a further time, the right to a machine for manufacturing cotton and wool cards, was PASSED. 35 to 18. INVALID PENSIONERS. The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. DESHA in the chair, on the bill concerning invalid pensioners. A motion was made by Mr. Holmes to strike out the fourth section of the bill which authorizes the payment of the aggregate amount of the arrearages of pensions from the time their disability was incurred, to all persons entitled to pensions—Carried. A motion was made by Mr. Macon and carried, to strike out of the bill the third section, which allows pensions to all persons in any manner incurring disability during the revolutionary war, whether by voluntary expeditions or otherwise, &c. A motion was made by Mr. Blackledge to insert an amendment providing for the payment to all persons placed on the pension list since the 1st January, 1796, of the aggregate amount of arrearages for ten years preceding. Negatived. The committee rose and reported the bill as amended. The House concurred in striking out the third section, 47 to 30. Mr. Randolph, who originally moved the fourth section, called for the yeas and nays or concurrence with the committee in striking out the section. Mr. Roman spoke at length in support of the section, which he conceived to be imperiously called for both by justice and policy. The money due to our old soldiers was a just debt, to which it did not become the government to plead the statute of limitation. Mr. Randolph also spoke at large in explanation of his reasons for offering the amendment, and in support of it. The claims of the persons placed on the pension list, had been rigidly scrutinized, and payment of them could not, in justice, be refused, unless from inability of the government to pay them. The question on concurrence was decided as follows: YEAS—Messrs. W. Alston, Bard, Baker, Basset, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Burwell, Butler, Chittenden, Culpepper, Desha, Durell, Franklin, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Helms, Holland, Holmes, Humphreys, Isley, Kenan, Macon, Marion, Masters, McCreery, N. R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newbold, Porter, Pugh, Rea (P.) Rhea (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smilie, J. K. Smith,

Arrangement for the inauguration of the President of the U. S.
 1. The President received at the door of the Hall by the Committee of the Senate.  2. The Senators.  3. The President of the Senate and the late President of the U. S. on the right of the chair.  4. Foreign Ministers and Suite on the left of the chair.  5. Judges of the Supreme Court in front of the chair.  6. The Heads of Department on the right of the President of the Senate and of the late President of the U. S.  7. Members of the H. of R. and all who have been members of the Senate and H. of R. on the floor not otherwise assigned.  8. The seats set apart by the H. of R. for the use of Senators, to be occupied by the Ladies of Senators, Foreign Ministers, Heads of Departments, members of the H. of R. and of the Judges of the Supreme Court.  9. Red Gallery on the right to be occupied only by Ladies.  10. Red Gallery on the left to be occupied by the Mayor and Council of the City of Washington and the Judges of the Inferior courts of the U. S.  11. The other galleries to be open for admission generally.  12. On retiring, the President is attended to the door of the Hall by the Committee of the Senate.  13. Proper notice will be given of the above arrangement by the Sergeant at Arms, and he is charged under the direction of the Committee of the Senate with its execution.  We are all of us solicitous, as you may easily conceive to hear the inaugural Exposé of this celebrated Statesman.
WASHINGTON, March 4, 1809.
This Day, at 12 o'clock, JAMES MADISON took the oath of office as PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, and delivered, in the Chamber of the House of Representatives, in the presence of the Senate, most of the late Representatives, and a large concourse of Citizens, the following
SPEECH.
UNWILLING to depart from examples, of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound impression made on me, by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanctions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion; as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced.
The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel; and that of our own country full of difficulties. The pressure of these too is the more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment, when the national prosperity, being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the change, has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our Republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed in an unrivaled growth of our facilities and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture; in the successful enterprises of commerce; in the progress of manufactures and useful arts; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt; and in the valuable works and establishments every where multiplying over the face of our land.
It is a precious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country, to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors, in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights, or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace, by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations, with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be censure in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned; posterity, at least, will do justice to them.
This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retribution have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason, and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself, that under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safe-guards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find some support in a consciousness of the purposes, and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me, into this arduous service.
To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases, amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own; too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the constitution which is the cement of the union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the
freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of Republics; that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger; nor, with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means, improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner, the advancement of science, and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans, which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state. As far as sentiments and intentions, such as these, can aid the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path, in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services, successfully rendered in the most trying difficulties, by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness. But the source, to which I look for the aids which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow-citizens, and in the councils of those representing them, in the other departments associated in the care of the national interests. In these my confidence will, under every difficulty, be best placed, next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising Republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future.
NO. II.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
In my last letter, I examined and opened to you, the manner in which the House of Delegates acted upon and adopted the Report of the Armory Committee. I deemed it proper to pursue this course, in order to enable you to judge of the materials of which that House was composed; the various motives and springs of action by which the measure, in question was carried, and the present mode of doing business in that body.
There was a time, when the legislature of Virginia was compared to a Roman Senate: it was, when a Jefferson, a Madison, a Pendleton, a Wythe, a Henry, and other patriots of the revolution, gave weight and dignity to the Assembly, not more by their wisdom, than their manner of doing the public business; their calmness, their patience, their candour, their mildness; their sacred regard of the constitution and their tender and scrupulous attention to the rights, the character and feelings of individuals. Those men were truly great; and, therefore, did not seek to give themselves, a fictitious importance, by affecting to make great discoveries of public wrongs, when none existed. They derived their solid and lasting renown, from advocating the rights of man, erecting a republican constitution to guard those rights, and founding and patronizing useful institutions. They were the builders up of public works; and therefore, were never reduced to the miserable and despicable expedient of flinging a momentary odium by pulling them down. Had such men as those, composed the last assembly of Virginia, the name of John Clarke, humble as I acknowledge it to be in every other respect, would never have been seen coupled with a charge of dishonor. Fellow-Citizens, it is for you to reflect, that what was my fate at the last session, may be the fate of any one of you at the next or some future session. Like you I am a native of Virginia, a freeholder, and entitled to all the rights of a citizen. But if the constitution is not sufficiently respected to guard my rights, why should you suppose that it will be so much respected as to guard yours ? It is for you to weigh these things, and to act accordingly.
But it may be supposed that altho' the House of Delegates did not see one single title of the evidence on which they have condemned me, and although they refused to hear the evidence in my defence, yet the committee who prepared that report did hear and examine it all, and that before they , therefore, I had a fair hearing. Indeed, when it was urged in the House, that they were about to condemn me unheard; a member rose in his place and asked, "How that was possible? He asked if the committee had not been hearing me for eight weeks?" "No; they were not hearing me nor my evidence; they were very differently employed. And to enable you to judge fairly between my accusers and myself, you ought to understand how this committee originated, how it was constituted and how they really were employed; until just at the eve of the session, when they brought their report down."
It may be known to some of you, that during the last spring and summer, and perhaps a part of the fall, there was, in the City of Richmond, a news paper called The Virginian . The principal, apparent object of the editors, and indeed the only means on which they seemed to calculate, to keep their paper alive, was the abuse of the manufacture of arms and its officers. These men came originally from the County of Culpeper, and one of them had been raised by John Strode, now of that County, who will be hereafter noticed in the course of my defence. The chief of these editors, not the nominal one, was so perfectly known in and about the City of Richmond, and his strictures on the Armory, signed with his own name, were so entirely in character, that I treated them in the mode to which, alone, he had been accustomed; silent contempt . I knew, too, the sources of information from which he drew his charges; a set of men, whom I had discarded from the manufacture, on account of drunkenness, incapacity and misconduct, and who were still sauntering and loitering and loitering about the city of Richmond, ripe for mischief of any kind. I had no apprehension that a man of common sense or common integrity could be misled by charges made by such a man and drawn from such a source: more
especially as I knew, then, and still know that the management of the Armory had been such, as to bid defiance to a fair and candid scrutiny. But I ought to have reflected that there were in the House of Delegates, men who had worked and pushed themselves forward into the most conspicuous employments in that house, and who had been decrying the institution and hooting evil omens against it, from its first foundation; that, to the enmity of these men, the charges of the Virginian would furnish food; would act upon them as a stimulus and set them to work. I ought to have reflected, that between these busy members in the House, and the dark and intriguing spirit of the Editor out of it, backed by his myriads, the discarded workmen, and the whole acting upon the unsuspecting minds of the new members as soon as they came to town, a combination might be formed, against which, no innocence or merit could defend me. The plot took effect accordingly. The members had no sooner engaged their lodgings, than their quarters were beat up, by the Editor and his worthy coadjutors; printed papers were pushed into their hands, setting forth accusations of the most alarming nature against the management of the manufacture of arms and backed by a kind of letter of credit from the before-mentioned John Strode, to his "Dear Friend," as he calls him, and pupil, the Editor. Not content with besetting them in their lodgings, this man had the effrontery to take his stand in the lobby of the House; to have such members, as he selected, called out to harangue them on the heads of his accusations; while some one of the discarded workmen, whose person and creditability were, of course, entirely unknown to the members, was ever ready at his post prepared, at the back of the accuser, to step forward and support his statements. It is not to be wondered at, that members thus besieged and acted upon, and hearing nothing in contradiction to these charges, should begin to conceive the most inauspicious prejudices. I saw the whole machinery at work and understood it perfectly; but how was it to be counteracted by a man who felt his own innocence, honesty, and I will add, merit? Was it for me to descend to countervail the machinations of my enemy, by adopting his infamous arts? Was it for me to sneak, like a culprit, from boarding-house to boarding-house, and ask for mercy, where I knew that I was entitled to gratitude? In any other situation than that to which I have been reduced, this language would, I know, be indelicate; but outraged, oppressed and robbed, as I have been, of my rights, I will dare to speak out and claim what I know to be justly my own.
When this out-of-doors intrigue had been going on long enough, and the minds of the members, I presume, were supposed to be sufficiently poisoned for the purpose, a member from the county of Culpeper, the county of John Strode and of the editors before mentioned, rose in his place and moved that the House should come to the following resolution:
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire and examine into the situation of the Armory established for the manufacturing of public arms; & that so much of the Governor's communication as relates thereto be referred to the same."
This resolution you will find upon the 10th page of the journals of the House of Delegates. If the question had been put upon this resolution, it must have been carried in the affirmative; and then according to the forms of proceeding in the House, the gentleman who made the motion must have been appointed the chairman. The chairmen of the special committee is always the most effective member on it; if the object of the committee be to prepare a bill, it is he who draws the bill and reports it to the House; if the object be to draw resolutions or to do any other special thing, the chairman is the prime agent. He presides in the committee; controls in a very great degree, by his authority, the operations in that committee; he prepares the report; he brings it down and presents it to the House, and the whole honor of the transaction whatever it may be, is ascribed to him. In a former letter I called Daniel Sheffey, a member from Wythe, the separated chairman of this committee; you will perceive that the epithet was justly applied. The man who had been for seven years uttering oracles against the armory, and forecasting the injuries which it would inflict on the state ending, now, that the palm was likely to be borne away by the meritorious Culpeperian, and the fruits of his own sagacity gathered by another hand, lit upon an expedient to intercept that member and thwart himself in the post of honor. He moved that the resolution offered by the member from Culpeper, might lie on the table; stating that he himself would on the next day offer one upon a broader scale, and which that member would fail to answer his own object more completely, perhaps, than that which he had tendered. This was an agreement to the modesty of the member from Culpeper and he accordingly gave way. I take this opportunity of saying that I impune nothing improper to this young gentleman. He is represented to me to be an honorable young man; I have no reason to doubt it. In making the motion he did, I believe he was led to suppose that he was doing useful service to his country. On the next day Mr. Sheffey came forward with his resolution. It is in these words:
"Resolved, That so much of the Governor's communication as relates to the manufacture of arms be referred to a select committee, and that they be instructed to enquire into the manner in which the institution has been conducted since its commencement; the amount of money appropriated and expended; the number of arms completed and the various descriptions thereof; the unright materials on hand; the component parts of the arms; the quantity of arms made; and to make such further enquiries into the state and operations of the said manufacture as they may deem interesting to the public, and to make report thereof by bill or otherwise." This is on the 13th page of the journals. It will be observed that the resolution first offered was a general one, the last a resolution in detail; but if I am correctly informed (and from the interest which I feel in the subject, I have taken no small pains to inform myself correctly) a committee appointed under the first resolution, might have entered upon the examination of every object detailed in the last. Such I learn is the constant habit of committees; nor do they fines with the censure of the House, as long as the topic of enquiry is connected with the general object of the resolution. Mr. Sheffey's resolution, then, although different in form from that first offered, created in fact, no difference of power, and produced no substantial change whatever; but it answered Mr. Sheffey's object for it placed him in the chair of the committee, and placed in his hands the moulding of the report.
The number of the committee first appointed was thirteen. On the next day it was agreed to enlarge the number to twenty-one; and on this occasion the additional nomination was taken in a great degree out of the Speaker's hands. It is proper here to inform you that in the preceding session (that of 1807) a committee had been appointed to examine and report upon the state of the armory; they made a report evincing marked displeasure and hostility; but the House took no measure of any consequence upon their report. Some of these men were however again members of the last Assembly; and when it was resolved as before stated to increase the number of the committee to twenty-one, those
very men, by reciprocally calling each others names, or being called by their friends were contrived to be engaged upon the late committee, and thus brought into the common stock their pre-conceived mass of prejudice and hostility. Such, fellow-citizens, was the origin of the last armory committee, and such the unpropitious materials of which it was composed. I am sorry to find myself so often obliged to mention the editor of The Virginian . But in giving a full and candid history of my persecution, he is forced upon my notice by the high and decisive agency which he was permitted to hold in this transaction. He was certainly the evil genius that raised and directed the whole storm; and he had good reason to exclaim, as he did, when the last vote of the House of Delegates was given upon the subject, "now MY WORK IS DONE." The work was certainly his; and whenever there might have been the zeal and ardor of those who condescended to co-operate with him, there was no right to rob him of the high and wicked pre-eminence which he claims. He was indeed the author and finisher of the whole disgraceful scene.
Here, fellow-citizens, I shall close this number. I beg you to reflect on the state to which society is reduced, when the vile and infamous machinations of such a being are countenanced, encouraged, and rewarded with a public triumph. Who, that this man shall hereafter dare to assail, will think himself safe? Would such a man have gained such a triumph, at that time, when the House of Delegates was likened to a Roman Senate? I leave the subject to your own meditation.
JOHN CLARKE.
THE FOURTH OF MARCH.
This Day was ushered in with an early salute of cannon. About 11 o'clock many of the citizens and most of the military companies repaired to the Capitol Square. The military companies which turned out upon this occasion were those of Captain Price of the Artillery, Captain Turner of the Riflemen, Captain Wrenn of the Republican Blues, and Ensign Murphy with a number of the Light Infantry Blues. After performing various evolutions under the review of the Governor, they retired to their respective places of entertainment.
The following toasts (interspersed with appropriate music, by the Rifle Volunteer Band ,) were drunk at the Festival at the Bell-Tavern , in celebration of the 4th of March. GOVERNOR TYLER, presided as President, and JUDGE ROANE, as Vice-President:
 1. The 4th of March, 1801, gave triumph to Republicanism; the 4th of March, 1809, ensures its continuance.  2. The Union of the States; the early pledge of our national independence and best security for its preservation.  3. The Militia of the United States; our best reliance in peace; gallant and faithful auxiliaries amid the dangers of war. 3 cheers.  4. Thomas Jefferson—The bright constellation of principles which guided him thro' an age of reformation, illumines with increased splendor his days of retirement. 3 cheers.  5. James Madison; the firm, uniform and intrepid supporter of our natural rights. 6 cheers.  6. The memory of Geo. Washington—We tender his Farewell Address to our Eastern Brethren. 3 cheers.  7. The memory of Benjamin Franklin; who, amidst the venality of Courts and the temptations of power, continued the able and indefatigable advocate of the rights of man. 3 cheers.  8. The Patriots of 1775—May their descendants emulate their fame. 6 cheers.  9. The People of Massachusetts—May they soon return to the principles which inspired them at Lexington and Bunker's hill. 3 cheers.  10. The persecuted Patriots of Ireland. A speedy emancipation from slavery, & may they yet add another Sister to the family of Republics. 6 cheers.  11. Public Expenditures. While economy takes from the shoulders of labor every unnecessary burthen, let patriots never murmur at the demands of public exigency. 3 cheers.  12. The Sword of our Country; may it never be drawn but from necessity, nor sheathed but with honor. 9 cheers.  13. The Embargo; unjustly condemned without a fair trial. 9 cheers.  14. Reformation the disaffected; Oblivion to party resentment; and Union in the defence of our rights. 9 cheers.  15. Millions in defence, not a cent for tribute. 6 cheers.  16. May no prohibition of intercourse with Great Britain prevent the exportation of Paris . 6 cheers.  17. The American Fair. 3 cheers. 
VOLUNTEERS.
By Governor Tyler. The Government is our own—Those who are not for us, are against us.
By Judge Roane. The Congress of '75—the language of these Patriots was: "We have counted the cost of the contest, and find nothing so intolerable as voluntary slavery."
Governor Tyler having retired—
By P. N. Nicholas, L. Gov. Tyler—The enlightened & independent Magistrate; the firm and undeviating patriot.
Judge Roane having retired—
By Wm. H.亨特 Esq. Judge Roane—The enlightened and incorruptible Judge; the firm and undeviating Republican.
By Capt. Walker. The Army of the U. States.
By Doctor Wardlaw. Let me perish with the Liberty of my Country.
By Andrew Stevenson, Esq. War—That Country which in its infancy, shrunk not from the uplifted arm of Britain in its fullest might, will not decline the combat in meridian manhood.
By S. McCraw, Esq. Patrick Henry—His achievements in the cause of Republicanism, entitle him to live in the affections of a grateful people.
By Capt. G. Turner. War—A speedy cure for all milk and water politicians.
By T. Burling. May our exports be speedily multiplied by the addition of a poisonous exotic, that is dangerous to our peace, our union and our independence.
APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT.
Col. Thomas Coles, to be Collector of the Customs for the port of Providence, in the room of Col. Olney, resigned. This appointment was unanimously confirmed by the Senate of the United States.
The Subscriber will practice the LAW in the county Courts of Goochland, Henrico, Chesterfield, Powhatan and Amelia. JOHN ROBERTSON. Manchester, March 7. gawlm
A LIST OF LETTERS
REMAINING IN THE RICHMOND POST-OFFICE ON THE FIRST OF MARCH, 1809, WHICH HAVE NOT BEEN ADVERTISED.
 A—Mrs. Jane Allen, Mrs. Elizabeth Ampy, Miss Rachael Anderson, Thomas Armistead, Mrs. Arabah Albert.  B—Abraham Bass, Jno. Buchanan, Jos. Boughman, Seth Branton, Piusy Blackmore, Eliza A. Brand, Miss Branton, Gerard Banks, Jno. Bowe, Charles Bosher, Wm. Braine, Miss Mary Bush, Thomas Bowles, B. H. Asst. Bingham & Co. Walter Bourke, Mary Bennet, Andrew Boirne, Wm. E. Barrett, Wilson Bryan, Wm. Bowden, Adam Baine, Martin Baker, John D. Brown, Edmund Brooke, Charles N. Branton, David Bowles, Wm. Berns, David Bixby, Miss Sally Buxter, Daniel Bowman, Robert Burten, David Barlow, Mrs. Lucy Barbour.  C—David Craig, Garvin L. Corbin, Elizabeth Cadin, Thomas Cowles, David Chalmers, Mr. Cook, Walker Crutchfield, Wm. Cox, Hezekiah Carr, Nathaniel Cooke, John Caulfield, Daniel Correll, Saml. Campbell, Jno. Craddock, Edwin J. Clopton, Samuel Craig, Wm. D. Chamberlayne, Laurence Cook, Samuel Clarke, Miss Jane Craig, Moses Congleton, Wm. F. Carter, Mr. Christian, Mrs. Mary Cummings, William Compton, Eliza A. Cowls, Bernard Carter, Sam. Cadwell.  D—William Daniel, Richard Dutton, Cyrus Dillard, John Dove, Henry Duncill, Battle Dandridge, John P. Duval, James Daniel, John Davis, Wm. Davis, Hendley Dunnington, Isaac De Lyon, Moses Davis, Mrs. Sarah Devass, Jas. Dunston.  E—Caroline De Eader, George Engles, Miss Phillis Evans, Revd. John Ellis, Alfred Eggleston, Miss Susan Ellis, Thomas Edgar, Lewis S. Edwards, Peter Elmslie, Samuel Eames, Major Estill.  F—G. Fletcher, Alexander Fraser, Johnson and (Varn), Anderson Fore, William Fauntaine.  G—John E. Galt, Stafford Gibbs, John Goodall, Robert Green, James Gray, Miss Rachael Grimes, Wm. A. Geddy, John Goodwin, Parker Goodall, Mrs. Ann Goodwin, Jas. H. Gordon, Thos. Griffin.  H—Miss Susan Hicks, Richd. S. Hines, John Harlan, Richd. D. Hines, Thos. H. Hendley, Jacob Howard, Penelope Hardy, Jacob Hannan, Miss Mary Holton, Joel Holckess, Samuel Hughes, Manasseh Hopkins, John Harris, John Hope, Benjamin Hardin, William Humes, Miss Sarah Hunter, Patrick Hendren, Charles C. Hilsick, Susan Hinton.  I—Miss Patsey Johnson, James James, Richard Jones, Mrs. Mary Johnson, Miss Eliza Johnson, Jekyl Jones, Snelson Jones.  K—George Krapf, Robert King, James Ketton, Joseph Kelley.  L—Thomas Lively, James Lyons, Alexander Love, Miss Jane C. Lewis, Mrs. Anne Lee, Samuel Lewis, Doct. S. L. Lomax, B. W. Leigh, William Landon, George C. Lether, Moses Lipscomb, James Lockhart, James Leveston.  M—Nicholas McCarroll, Miss Mary, Brydie A. C. William Mackintosh, Miss Jane Morton, Mrs. Sarah McCraw, Revd. Smith Seed, Samuel Moody, Jonathan MacLellan, Miss Mary Montgomery, William Nero, Peter E. Marble, George Minter, Jesid Minter, Joseph Minton, Thomas Minter, Edward May, Miss Barbary Minton, Robert Miller, Mrs. Mary Mosely, Miss Sally J. Mitchell, William Moore, Clement Minter, Isaac Read, John E. Murray.  N—John New, Richard Naylor, Carter G. Nelson, Theophilus Nash, William Nee, Colo. John Nichols, Henry V. Nichols, Miss Agnes Nicholson, Hugh Nelson.  O—Mrs. H. Orrell, James Orleman, Maj. Isaac O'ey, Mrs. Nancy O'ey.  P—Capt. Elihu Price, Louis Pascutti, John Payton, Marmaduke Payton, Mrs. Sarah Perry, Solomon Partley, William Price, Mrs. Eliza N. Price, Lisbon P. Price, Revd. Pembrey, Master Wm. Price, Miss Ann Pedderson, William D. Pame, Edmund Pearson, John Peterson, Doct. Philip C. Page, Capt. John Payton, Walter Pearson, John P. Peagram.  R—Reuel Rus, Frank L. Roddy, Mrs. Easter Runyan, A. Scott Randolph.  S—Capt. Richard Sheffield, Charles Schellville, N. Smith, Richard Sowers, Allen Sowers, John Sowerby, Capt. Isaac Seaman, Joseph Smith, John Strode, William Sawyer, Mrs. J. H. Shepard, Roger Sower, William Sear, William Stacey, James Stratton, Jesse Sear, Mrs. M. Shredder, Mrs. Ann Synnor, Robert Stannard, John Sheppard, Mrs. Eliza Selden.  T—Thos. Thompson, James Thomson, James J. Taylor, Edward E. Honey, William Tillman, George K. Taylor, Mrs. Mary Taylor, H. B. Thurman, Miss Angelia Taylor, Creed Taylor, Mrs. Sally Taylor, Mrs. Tyrrell, Rebecca Taylor.  W—Matthew Woodson, Mrs. Richardson Wheeler, Messrs. Warner & Hanna, John Wood, Jas. Winston, Mrs. Ann Walker, Miss Lucy Waller, Ishia Williams, Miss Mary Winston, Captain Wm. Woodendall, William C. Winston, Joseph Winston, Mrs. Lucinda C. Wilson, Miss Maria Winston, Mrs. A. G. Williams, John Whitlock, Peter Wyatt, Wm. Wingfield, Miss Mary M. Wingfield, Mrs. Elizabeth West, Mrs. Mary Warrook, John Winn, Mrs. Sarah Woodson, I. Edward B. Whitlock, Horatio G. Winston. 
Wm. FOUSHEE, P. M.
March 7. THE VIRGINIAN, WHICH I have heretofore edited, will shortly be revived—The principles which governed me formerly, are those by which I shall be in future regulated.
Public Officers will, as heretofore, remain subject to exposure, if their deeds be E. VIL.
The paper to be issued weekly, at 35 per annum, to be paid in advance.
March 7. GERARD BANKS.
DANCING-SCHOOL—Y LA-TASTE, respectfully informs his pupils and the public, that he has removed his School to the large and commodious room, in the house now occupied by Mr. Girardin for his Academy. The days of tuition as heretofore, Thursday, Friday and Saturday, every other week, (the next dance being on Thursday, March ninth.) His practising balls will be held in the same room every other Saturday, beginning Saturday, March 11th. The room shall be well fixed for the purpose, and every kind of refreshment produced alternately. He also informs parents and him, that he will attend his Academy on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday in the same week.
March 7. T2t
THIS day is dissolved, by mutual consent, the partnership of Barret & Olds.
SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS.
March 6. tf
The business will, in future, be carried on by S. BARRET.
THE Subscriber is desirous of extending his practice to the Circuit Courts of Goochland, Chesterfield, Hanover and Henrico, in addition to the Courts in which he has practised heretofore.
THOMAS MARSHALL, Attorney at Law.
March 7. 4t
TO RENT, a small BRICK HOUSE, a Garden, Stable, &c. in a retired, and at the same time, convenient part of Richmond. Apply at this office.
March 3. 3t

EUROPE.
FIFTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
Brucos, November 16.
The fate of the army of Estremadura has been decided on the plains of Brucos. The Galician army, beaten in the battles of Burango, Gueno and Valmaseda, has been dispersed in the battle of Espinosa. This army was composed of the ancient Spanish troops which were in Portugal and Galicia, and which quitted Porto the end of June, the militia of Galicia, Asturias, and old Castile, of 5000 Spanish prisoners, which the English had clothed and armed at their expense, and disembarked at Andero, of the volunteers of Galicia, &c. of the regiments of artillery, and of the troops which the traitor Romana had carried away from the North. This army had the presumption to attempt cutting off our communication with Biscay. For ten days it was driven from post to post; at last, on the 10th November, it arrived at Espinosa, where in order to save its artillery, magazines, &c. formed in order of battle, as it is believed, in a situation not to be forced. At three o'clock in the afternoon, marshal Belluno arrived in front of the enemy; Gen. Paichot was ordered to carry a small battery occupied by the troops of the traitor Romana. This position was excellent, & defended by their best troops, but Gen. Paichot, with his corps, fell upon these troops who had abused our confidence, and broken their oaths. In an instant they were broken, and precipitated down the precipices. The Princess's regiment was destroyed. The enemy made several attacks, in all of which they were defeated. During the night both armies remained in their positions. While this was taking place, the Duke of Dalmatia marched towards Reynosa, the only retreat of the enemy. At break of day, the enemy were attacked both on the right and left, by the Dukes of Dantzig and Belluno, while Gen. Maison advanced against their centre; the enemy fled, throwing away his arms and colors, and abandoning his artillery. The Duke of Dantzig took at Reynosa their artillery, magazines and baggage, and made some prisoners. Thus the enemy have been turned not only in Reynosa, but at Palencia. 60 pieces of cannon have been taken, 20,000 men killed or prisoners; two Spanish Generals killed. All the succors in arms, &c. sent by the English have fallen into our hands. Blake saved himself by taking to the Asturian mountains. Romana, with a few thousand men, is marching towards St. Andero. Our loss is trifling in these combats, not exceeding 80 killed and 800 wounded. We have not lost any officer of distinction.
SIXTH BULLETIN.
Burgos, Nov. 18.
Of the 40,000 men who composed the army of Galicia, part has been killed and taken, and the rest is dispersed. The remains arrive daily at our posts. The General of Division, Debelle, has taken 500 prisoners in the environs of Vasconcelles.
Colonel Taschen, who commands the first regiment of Chasseurs, attacked the escort of the Spanish general Acevedo: the troops who composed the escort having made some resistance, they were all put to the sword.
Gen. Bonnet with his division, fell in with the head of a column of fugitives, consisting of 2000 men: they were partly taken and partly destroyed.
The Marshal Duke of Istria, who commands the cavalry of the army, entered Aranda on the 16th at noon; our advanced parties of horse-grenadiers as far as Soria and Madrid, and on the right to Leon and Zamora.
The enemy evacuated Aranda with the utmost precipitation, leaving behind them four pieces of cannon. A considerable magazine of biscuit, 40,000 quintals of grain, & a large quantity of clothing were found in that town.
At Reynosa numerous English effects were found, and a considerable quantity of provisions of every description.
The inhabitants of Montana, and of the whole plain of Castile, which extends to Portugal, and of the province of Leon, detest and curse the authors of this war, and earnestly demand peace and repose.
Twenty thousand bales of wool, worth from 15 to 20,000,000, which were seized in Burgos, have been sent to Bayonne.
SEVENTH BULLETIN.
Burgos, Nov. 20.
By the 16th, the van of the Marshal Duke of Dalmatia, entered St. Andero, and found there a large quantity of flour, ammunition and British goods.
The Bishop of St. Andero, animated rather with the spirit of the devil than that of the Gospel, is always marching with a cutlass by his side; he has taken shelter on board the English frigates.
The cavalry of Gen. Lasalle has pushed its advanced posts as far as Soria Sierra.
The regiments of Zamora, and of the Princess, which formed part of Romana's division, are almost entirely annihilated.
EIGHTH BULLETIN.
Burgos, Nov. 22.
The Duke of Dalmatia is following his successes with the utmost activity.
A convoy of artillery, ammunition and English muskets, was taken in the port of Cullivar, the very moment the ships were on the point of getting under weigh.
Gen. Surrat, at the head of his brigade, continues vigorously to pursue the enemy. He has passed Montana and entered Asturia. The light companies of the 36th regiment have seized, in the port of Santillana, an English convoy laden with sugar, coffee, cotton, & other colonial commodities. The number of English vessels richly laden, which have been taken upon this coast, amounts already to twenty-five. The 7 corps of the army of Spain, commanded by General Gouvion St. Cyr, has also begun preparations. On the 6th of November, the place of Rosas was invested by Generals Reille and Pons, and the heights of St. Pedro were carried by the Italians. A large number of Misquilets and English occupied the port of Silva; they were attacked by Gen. Fontana, at the head of three battalions of light infantry, and dashed into the sea, with the loss of twenty-four pounders, four of which were English, which they had not time to embark.
On the 8th, the garrison of Rosas made a sortie in three columns, protected by the guns of the English ships Gen. Marcehelli killed 600 of them and repulsed the rest.
It is supposed that the Head Quarters will be removed from Burgos, in the course of the night.
NINTH BULLETIN.
Aranda, Nov. 25.
The military system seems to have been as follows:
On the left was the army of Galicia, one moiety of which was composed of troops of the line, and of all the resources of Galicia, Asturia and Leon. In the centre, was the army of Estremadura, which the English corps had promised to support, and which was composed of all the resources of Estremadura, and the neighboring provinces.
The army of Andalusia, Valencia, New Castile, & Arragon, stated to amount to 30,000 men, occupied the 20th November, Galahorra, Tudela and the borders of Arragon. This army supported the right of the enemy, and was composed of the troops who formed the camp of St. Roch, and of the whole force of Andalusia, Valencia, Carthagena and Madrid. It is against this army the French troops are now maneuvering; the
rest having been dispersed and destroyed in the battles of Espinosa and Burgos.
The head-quarters were removed on the 23d from Burgos to Lerma, and the 23d from Lerma to Aranda.
The Duke of Elchingen marched on the 23d to Soria; the town was disarmed, and a Committee of well disposed persons appointed for the administration of the province. The Duke is now in Medina Cell, and his light troops scour the road from Saragossa to Madrid.
On the 23d, the Dukes of Montebello and Corigliano formed a junction near the Bridge of Lodos.
On the 24th the Duke of Belluno removed his head-quarters to Venta Gornez. Almost all the roads of communication between Madrid and the Northern Provinces are intercepted by our troops whose light parties have picked up a great number of couriers and mails.
The utmost confusion seems to prevail in Madrid, and the whole nation anxiously desires the restoration of that tranquility and peace, of which Spain has been deprived by the puerile arrogance and criminal cunning of a few intriguers.
It appears difficult for the army which forms the right of the enemy, and is now on the banks of the Ebro, to fall back on Madrid, & the south of Spain. The events which are now preparing will probably decide the fate of this other moiety of the Spanish army.
For these three days we have had damp and hazy weather. This season is more hurtful to the natives of the country than to men accustomed to the climate of the North.
Gen. Gouvion St. Cyr, continues vigorously to push on the siege of Rosas.
The 10th Bulletin is dated Aranda, the 26th November, and states the Spanish force at 180,000 effective men—30,000 effective men, 60,000 of whom were armed, and composed the armies of Galicia and Estremadura, commanded by Blake, Romana and Caluzo, have been disposed or put hors de combat.
The army of Andalusia, of Valencia, of Noxvelle, Castile, and Arragon, commanded by Castanos, Penas, and Palafox, and which likewise consisted of 80,000 men, viz. 60,000 armed, will soon meet with its fate as the Duke of Montebello has received orders to attack in front, with 30,000 men, whilst the Dukes of Elchingen and Belluno are placed behind it. There are besides 60,000 effective men (forty thousand of whom are armed), 30,000 of which are in Catalonia and 10,000 at Madrid, Valencia, and other depots. Previous to marching beyond the Duero, the Emperor, has come to the resolution to annihilate the armies of the centre and left, and then to serve in the same manner that of the right, commanded by Gen. Castanos. When this plan shall have been executed, the march to Madrid will be only a walk (promenade)—This grand design ought now to have been accomplished.
ELEVENTH BULLETIN.
Aranda de Duero, Nov. 27.
His Majesty on the 19th sent out the Marshall Duke of Montebello with instructions for the movements of the left, of which he gave him the command.
The Duke of Montebello and the Duke of Corneigliano concerted measures together at Lodos on the 20th, for the execution of the orders of His Majesty.
On the 21st the division of General Lagrange, with the brigade of light cavalry of General Colbert, and the brigade of dragoons of General Dijon, set out from Lagrange, by the right of the Ebro. At the same time the four divisions, composing the corps of the Duke of Corneigliano, passed the river at Lodos, abandoning the whole country between the Ebro and Pampeluna.
On the 22d at the break of day, the French army began its march. It took its direction to Galahorra, where, on the evening before, were the head-quarters of Castanos; it found that town evacuated, and afterwards marched upon Alfaro, the enemy had in like manner retreated.
On the 23d, at break of day, the Gen. of Division Lefebvre, at the head of the cavalry, and supported by the division of Gen. Morlat, forming the advanced guard, met with the enemy. He immediately gave information to the Duke of Montebello, who found the army of the enemy in 7 divisions, consisting of 45,000 men, under arms, with its right before Tudela, and its left occupying a line of a league and a half; a disposition absolutely bad. The Aragonese were on the right, the troops of Valencia and New-Castile in centre, and the three divisions of Andalusia, which Gen. Castanos commanded more especially, formed the left. Forty pieces of cannon covered the enemy's line.
At nine in the morning the columns of the French army began to deploy, with that order, that regularity and coolness, which characterize veteran troops; situations were chosen for establishing batteries with sixty pieces of cannon, but the impetuosity of the troops, and the iniquity of the enemy, did not allow time for this. The Spaniards were already vanquished by the order and movements of the French army.
The Duke of Montebello caused the centre to be pierced by the division of General Maurice Mathieu; the General of Division Lefebvre, with his cavalry, immediately passed on the trot through this opening, and enveloped, by a quarter wheel to the left, the whole right of the enemy.
The moment when half of the enemy's line found itself thus turned and defeated, was that in which General Lagrange attacked the village of Cascante, where the line of Castanos was placed, which did not exhibit a better countenance than the right, but abandoned the field of battle, leaving behind it its artillery and a great number of prisoners. The cavalry pursued the remains of the enemy's army to Mallen, in the direction of Saragossa, and to Tarracona, in the direction of Agreda. Seven standards, thirty pieces of cannon, with all their furniture, 12 Colonels, 300 Officers, and 3000 men, have been taken; 4000 Spaniards have been left dead on the field of battle, or have been driven into the Ebro. Our loss has been trifling, we have had 60 men killed and 4000 wounded; among the latter is the General Division Lagrange, who has received a bullet in the arm.
Our troops found at Tudela a number of magazines.
The Marshal Duke of Corneigliano has begun his march upon Saragossa.
While a part of the fugitives retired to this place, the left, which had been cut off, fled in disorder to Tarracona and Agreda.
The Duke of Elchingen, who was on the 23d at Soria, ought to have been on the 23d at Agreda, not a man would have escaped. But this corps being too much fatigued, remained at Soria the 23d and 24th. He arrived at Agreda on the 25th, still sufficiently in time to seize a great number of magazines.
One named Palafox, formerly a garde du corps, a man without talents and without courage, a kind of insignificant Monk, the true head of a party, which acquired him the name of Gen. was the first to take flight. This is not the first time he has acted in that manner; he has done the same on all occasions.
This army of 45,000 men has been thus beaten and defeated, without having had more than 6000 men engaged.
The battle of Burgos had struck the centre of the enemy, and the battle of Espinosa the right; the battle of Tudela has struck the left; victory has thus struck as with a thunderbolt, and dispersed the whole league of the enemy.
This bulletin concludes with the journal of the operations of the siege of Rosas, which is long and uninteresting.
TWELFTH BULLETIN.
Aranda, Nov. 28.
At the battle of Tudela the General of Division, Lagrange, charged with the attack of Cas-
cane, ordered his division to march by echelon, and put himself at the head of the first division, composed of the 25th Regiment of Light Infantry, which fell upon the enemy with such impetuosity, that 200 Spaniards were killed in the first charge of the bayonet. The other echelons could not come up. This singular intrepidity spread consternation and disorder among the troops of Castanos. It was at this moment that General Lagrange, who was at the head of the first echelon, received a ball which wounded him dangerously.
On the 20th the Duke of Elchingen advanced by Tarracona to Borja. The enemy destroyed sixty tumbrils which they had at Tarracona.
General Maurice Mathieu arrived on the 23d at Borja, pursuing the enemy; and every moment taking fresh prisoners, the number of which already amount to 5000; they are all troops of the line. No quarter was given to any of the peasants who were found in arms. We took 37 pieces of cannon. Disorder and delirium have seized upon their leaders. Their first proceeding was a violent Manifesto, in which they declared war against France. They imputed to her all the disorders of their Court, the degeneracy of the race which reigned, and the business of the great, who for many years have prostrated themselves in the most abject manner at the feet of the idol which they load with all their rage, now he is fallen. They have very false ideas in Germany, Italy and France, of Spanish monks, if they compare them to those which exist in these countries. We find among the Benedictines, the Bernardians, &c. in France and Italy, a crowd of men remarkable in science and literature; they distinguished themselves by their education, and by the honorable and useful class to which they belong. The Spanish monks on the contrary are drawn from the dross of the people; they are ignorant and drunken, and can only be compared to people employed in slaughter-houses. They are illiterate, and have the manner and appearance of it. It is only under the lowest classes that they have any influence. A citizen would think himself dishonored in admitting a monk to his table. As to the unfortunate Spanish peasants, we can only compare them to the Fellahs of Egypt; they have no property—every thing belongs to the monks, or to some powerful house. The liberty to keep an inn is a feudal right; yet in a country, so favored by nature, we find neither posts nor inns—The taxes even are alienated, and belong to the Lord. The great have degenerated to such a degree, that they are without energy, without merit, and even without influence. We every day find at Valladolid, and beyond it, considerable magazines of arms. The English faithfully executed that part of their engagement; they provided muskets, ponnards, and libels; these they have sent in profusion; their inventive spirit has been signalized and they have carried to a great length the art of spreading libels, as of late they have distinguished themselves by their fire rockets. All the evils, all the scourges which can afflict mankind, come from London.
NOVA SCOTIA.
The President of Nova Scotia (Governor Pernet) having objected to an appropriation act passed by the Legislature, that body having unanimously agreed to the following Resolutions.
Resolved, That his honor the president by assenting to all the bills which have been enacted, imposing taxes on the people of this Province, and by refusing his assent to the bill, for applying those monies to the important public purposes for which such taxes were imposed, without assigning any reason whatever for such an unprecedented measure, has manifested a disregard to the interests of this province, and abused the confidence reposed in him by this House.
Resolved, That although this unexampled and very extraordinary proceeding of the president, will cause great inconvenience and difficulties to the inhabitants of the Province; and although the House is utterly ignorant of his honor's reasons or pretences for refusing his assent to the said Appropriating Bill, yet it will become the duty of the members of this House, to quiet the minds of the people, and to prevent all expressions of discontent.
Resolved, That, notwithstanding the serious injuries the province must sustain by having taxes raised upon the people, and not applied to the improvement of its roads, the advancement of its commerce, and those other important objects recommended by his excellency, sir George Preble, at the opening of this session of the Assembly, and provided for by the said bill; and notwithstanding the high dissatisfaction with which the House views the unjustified proceeding of the gentleman upon whom, by his excellency's abstruse, a deep authority has devolved, if the duty of the members of this House, & they do unanimously determine, to use their utmost endeavors in the several counties and towns they represent, to preserve the harmony which has hitherto so happily existed in the Province, in the hope that the administration of the Government may speedily be resumed by His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor, whose conduct during the short time he resided in the Province, has acquired him universal esteem, and affords the strongest assurance to this House, that he will give his assent to a legal and beneficial appropriation of the public monies, and thereby restore the minds of His Majesty's loyal Subjects to their wanted tranquility.
Resolved, That although putting a stop to the useful and necessary measures agreed upon by His Majesty's Council, and this House, for the improvement of the country at this very and uninteresting period of public affairs, will tend greatly to discourage the exertions which the inhabitants of this Province are now making in consequence of the American Embargo, to render themselves independent of that country for many articles they been accustomed to import from it, and would justify an immediate and humble request from this House to Our Most Gracious Sovereign to call the author of all those evils to account yet, in consideration of the weighty concerns which now engage His Majesty's attention, and as it is hoped that the command of the President in this Province will soon cease, this House at present will content itself with directing the aforesaid resolutions, and all proceedings relative thereto, to be forwarded to the agent of the Province, together with the Journals of the House, to be laid before His Majesty's Ministers.
Extract of a letter from a father in England, to his son in Pittsburgh, dated
"STANLEY BRIDGE, (seven miles from Manchester, Eng.) Oct. 16, 1808.
"We have almost determined to emigrate to the United States, but freight is now enormous; by light—they are asking 25 £ per man. We had better be transported to Botany Bay, than to live in England; for the AMERICAN EMBARGO HAS TOTALLY PUT A STOP TO ALL KINDS OF TRADE. At this time there is not one half of the factories running—and those that are, work only three or four days in the week, and we never work by candle light, as candles are from 13d to 16d. sterling per lb. for 50's west (90 hanks to the lb.) and all numbers in proportion. SOME THOUSANDS ARE ENTIRELY OUT OF EMPLOY. SOME THOUSANDS ARE STARVING FOR WANT OF FOOD IN THIS NEIGHBORHOOD. Nothing is going forward but shop-breaking, house-breaking, and robberies of every description; so I leave you to judge the dreadful situation we must be in, in England. Provisions have risen to an unprecedented price. Flour is 3s. 6d. per 12lb. Meal 2s. 6d. per peck, of 10 lb.—Cheese 9d. per lb.—Butter 1s. 4d. per lb.—Beef 8d. per lb. and
Pork 7 3/4 per lb. and all other articles in proportion."
This letter is not a forge—the original can be seen by applying at this office. We hope, after this, that the AMERICAN EMBARGO has more effect upon Britain, than her agents, and partisans in Congress, have, heretofore, been willing to acknowledge.—Commence.
Extract of a letter, dated
"LANCASTER, Feb. 20, 1809.
"I have sincere satisfaction in transmitting to you the following preamble and resolution, this day laid before the Senate by General ANNER LACOCK. They are additional evidence of the soundness of his understanding and the correctness of his principles; he is truly a very valuable member, and well deserves the high opinion entertained of him, by those who are best acquainted with his talents and integrity. If the demon of party does not interfere to blast the honor of individuals, there can be no doubt but this resolution will receive an unanimous vote."
WHEREAS, the Legislature of Pennsylvania, have, by resolutions adopted, since the commencement of the present session, expressed their confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the general government, and their determination to support the same, with the resources and energies of the state, in all constitutional means to defend our national independence against any foreign power.
The resolutions adopted after mature reflection, announced the firm determination of the representatives of the people, and from the evidence of public opinion expressed at our late elections, beyond doubt, the determination of a vast majority of the citizens of this state; and they had been a sufficient declaration of the public will of this commonwealth, until a new election had authorized other agents to proclaim the sentiments of their constituents; but the movements of certain public men and public meetings in the state of Massachusetts, and the countenance given to those movements by some of the constituted authorities of that state, too evidently and too fatally announce, that our union, and the principles of independence on which it is established, have other enemies (though small in number) who fondly hope to impose, on the legislature of Pennsylvania, once more, the sacred duty of declaring their opinions and determination on these important subjects.
Therefore, Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, That we hold sacred THE UNION OF THE STATES—that we regard it as the palladium of our independence—the solemn pledge of national peace, honor, prosperity, and freedom—the world's best and only hope, for the preservation of a government founded on the eternal principle of justice, and the rights of man—and for these and many other reasons, we will adhere and cling to it in prosperity and adversity, and hold in detestation and abhorrence, as enemies and traitors, any man or set of men, or the constituted authorities of any state, who may secretly or openly, by fraud or force, attempt a dissolution of the union; and therefore we pledge ourselves, to each other, to our common country, and to our God, that we will, as citizens and legislators, exert every energy of body and soul, to preserve and transmit to posterity, unimpaired, the present happy union of the states.
ALBANY, (N. Y.) February 17. BRITISH AGGRESSION.
A gentleman, of the first respectability, at Watertown, in the county of Jefferson, writes to his friends in the Legislature, under date of the 4th inst. as follows:
"A most violent outrage has just been committed upon our national character. Eighty barrels of Ashes were lately seized by Massey, at Port Putnam, and received by R. M. Esselstine, on account of government. On the 31st ult. about fifty Canadian Tories, with twenty-eight sleighs came over from Kingston (Upper Canada) and by force of arms, broke into the store of Esselstine, contrary to the remonstrances of captain Spimmings, the deputy collector, who required them to desist in the name of the United States; but they carried off the property. A part of this banditti were secretly armed. I was called up at midnight, by the commanding officer at Sackett Harbor, and requested to go with him to the collector, and take affidavits of the facts, that they might be represented to government, which I did, and returned yesterday. Captain Bennet has the affidavits and will send them on immediately. I fear we have Tories among us, that are at the bottom of this. The detachment was directed by a certain capt. Richardson, of Kingston. I expect they will come to Watertown next, and take away our cattle. I wish you to represent this transaction to his Excellency."—Register.
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owners have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to.
CHARLES A. LEWIS.
Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3m4
N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
MANCHESTER FEMALE ACADEMY.—The public, and the friends to this institution, are respectfully informed, that the business of this Academy is carried on with zeal and assiduity.
The various branches of elegant Needle-Work, Drawing, French, &c. taught by Miss Chandler, who was brought up and educated by Mrs. O' Reilly, and assisted as governess in the School for three years.
The Musical department by Mr. Videmeyer, (an eminent Musician.) The English by Mr. O' Reilly, viz. Reading in prose and verse, Writing and Arithmetic, History and Geography.
The management of the domestic affairs, being under the direction of a lady of experience and tenderness in the care of children; boarders will be received, on moderate terms, who will have the benefit of additional tuition before and after school hours. February 7. oaw4w
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and at the newest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncur's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17. tf
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
THE Co-Partnership of Hancock & Wilson is this day dissolved, by mutual consent. All debts due to the said firm of Hancock and Wilson, must be paid to J. H. Hancock, as he is the only person authorized to receive and give receipts for the same. Also, all debts due from the said firm will be paid by said Hancock, to whom application may be made for the same. JOHN HANCOCK, Wm. H. WILSON. February 10.
N. B. The business will, in future, continue to be carried on by John Hancock. J. H. March 3. 3w
I AM desirous of renting out the House, Yards and Gardens, which is extremely spacious and pleasant, whereon a now live, known by the name of Belle Grove, in the county of King George, and laying immediately on the banks of the Rappahannock, opposite the town of Port Royal. Possession may be had on the 1st day of May next. This situation is well calculated for a professional gentleman, and should it be desired, I will annex ten or fifteen acres of very highly improved land; upon a part of which is a most excellent Orchard of choice Apples, containing about 200 trees. With respect to the healthiness of this place, I believe it is exceeded by none, on this side the ridge. Adjoining, I will also rent as above, an excellent Shad and Herring Fishery.
Having experienced considerable injury from persons hunting on my farms, in Richmond county, King George, and especially through the one belonging to the estate of the late Mr. John Hopkins near Port-Royal, I am constrained to forwarn all who have been in the habit of hunting, shooting, riding through and leaving down my enclosures, to discontinue such practices, being determined to prosecute such as may continue after this notice, in doing so to the utmost rigor of the law. Wm. BARNARD. February 28. 2t
CASH will be given for four or five Negro MEN, and as many good work HORSES Apply to the Editor of this paper. February 14. tf
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND; Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Win IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 23 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 72 Boxes Havannah Segars, 3 Bales Welch Flannels, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
WILL be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the 9th day of March, if fair, otherwise the next fair day, two tracts of LAND, containing ninety-two acres & a half each, in the upper end of Henrico county, being a part of the Mansion tract of R. John Ellis, deceased. Any person wishing to view it may apply to Mr. Milner Bedford, who owns a part of said tract. There are also two TRACTS in the lower end of Goochland county, same number of acres as above. Any person wishing to purchase the same, it will be shown them by Jesse Curb, which Land joins him. ALSO, fourteen or fifteen NEGROES, consisting of Men, Women and Children. Also, some household FURNITURE, &c. Twelve months credit on all sums above ten dollars, and bond with approved security to the commissioners will be required by them, approved of by THE ATTORNEY. February 17. 5t
FOURTEEN thousand eight hundred and sixty acres of LAND, for sale on Seneca creek, in the county of Pendleton.—By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Robert Barkley to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the 17th day of March next, before the door of the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. February 10. tds
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7. tf
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening, the 18th February 1809: Resolved, That the Shares of all delinquent Subscribers, to the said company, be sold, at the Bell-Tavern, in the city