The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-08-11 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every WEDNESDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 11, 1802.
RUN AWAY,
FROM the Subscriber, on the 2d. inst. an Apprentice, by the name of Henry Drake. He is about 18 years of age, and can do tolerable good Carpenter's work. All Persons are hereby forewarned against carrying him out of the State, harbouring of him, dealing with or employing him in any manner whatever. Those who do so, may rely on being prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the Law.
THOMAS PINCHBACK.
August 11th, 1802.
THIRD NOTICE.
IN THE CASE OF MOODY & PRICE, BANKRUPTS.
THE Commissioners appointed under a Commission of Bankruptcy awarded and issued, and now in prosecution against Moody and Price, of this City, late Merchants, will attend at the Rising Sun Tavern, on the 4th Day of September next, at the Hour of Nine o'Clock in the Forenoon, at which time and place the said Bankrupts are hereby required to surrender themselves for their final examination. The Creditors who have not yet proved their Debts, may then attend, for the purpose of proving the same; and those Creditors who have proved their Debts, under the said Commission, will then attend to assent or dissent to the allowing of the Bankrupts a Certificate of discharge.
DAVID LAMBERT HENRY BANKS JOHN DIXON } Comm's.
Richmond, August 7th, 1802.
A CAUTION.
I Forwarn all persons from taking an Assignment on a Bond, I gave John Magie, in November last, for Two Hundred Pounds, as I have Discharged said Bond, and have a receipt for the same.
HUGH M'LAUGHLIN.
Richmond, August 7th 1802.
NOTICE.
ALWOOD, A MULATTO BOY, Came with me in the SALLY, from Maryland, who was going to see for his mother back from Richmond. Any one leaving information of him at the office of the "Recorder" will oblige
ROBERT GREEN.
Norfolk, July 26th, 1802.
THE Property heretofore advertised for Sale by the Subscriber, beyond the Basin, consisting of sundry Lots and Tenements, may now be purchased from Three to Four Years Credit, at any time within Sixty Days from the Date hereof, on application to
D. M. RANDOLPH.
Richmond August 6th, 1802.
WALTER POTTER, Book Binder & Stationer
OPPOSITE
Messrs. MITCHELL & GARDNER'S Main Street Richmond.
TAKES the liberty of informing his Friends, and the Public in general, that he has commenced the above Business, and solicits the patronage of those who may think proper to employ him.
Merchants account Books ruled to any pattern, and Book-Binding of every description executed with accuracy and dispatch.
ALSO
A constant supply of STATIONARY.
June 2d, 1802.
FOR SALE,
A light, active NEGRO BOY,
About 20 years of age; has been accustomed to wait in the house, and take care of horses; he can drive a carriage; price 350 Dollars cash. For further particulars, enquire of the Printers.
Richmond, July 28.
A FEW COPIES OF HYMNS, BY THE REV. E. CLAY,
TO BE SOLD
At this Office, and at Pumphrey's Stationer, Richmond.
JAMES LYNCH, Horse Shoer & Farrier,
FROM DUBLIN,
RETURNS his thanks to his Friends and the Public for their encouragement, since he commenced Business; and hopes, by his assiduity, to have a continuance of their favours. He takes this method of informing them that he has removed from MANCHESTER to the City of RICHMOND, below the Court-House, and near Mr. John Taylor's; where Gentlemen may have their Horses Nicked, Foxy, Docked, Cropped, &c. in the neatest and most approved manner. Low for cash. Every Disease in Horses treated with care and attention; which shall be warranted under special contract.
ALL KINDS OF SMITH WORK, At reduced Prices.
N. B. Good Stables, and wholesome Food for Horses, cheap near the Smith Shop. Richmond June 27th 1802.
TO THE SENATE OF VIRGINIA.
THE late Clerk of your late Clerk of your House, (who no doubt would have merited a continuance of favor) being dead; it becomes necessary on the ensuing Session to appoint some other person to that post. I therefore tender my service, and promise a due and prompt discharge of official functions, as far as can be effected by the most unremitted assiduity and attention.
JOHN ARCHER ROBERTSON.
Richmond, August 4th, 1802.
Sports of the TURF.
TO be run for, the first Thursday in November, 1802, at Surrey Court House, a Purse of 30 Dollars each, free for any Colt then rising Three Years old, carrying a catch, Mile Heats, half forfeit.
Any gentleman entering a Colt may be at liberty of changing the same, before the closing of the Subscription; which will be kept open until the 1st. of November, 1802.
N. B. Ten Colts are already entered Gentlemen at a distance, and others who wish to become subscribers, will be admitted, if directed by letter.
D. PRICE.
Surrey Court House.
July 13, 1802.
MISS ROBBINS,
Lately from London,
PROPOSES to open in RICHMOND, a BOARDING SCHOOL
For the reception of YOUNG LADIES. Her education, she flatters herself, has been such as to render her adequate to the undertaking.
Those young Ladies who may be confided to her tuition, will be instructed in the English and French languages, Writing and Arithmetic, with every other useful and polite accomplishment.—Particular care will be paid to their morals, and every requisite attention will be given them.
The most approved matters for Music, Dancing, &c. will be engaged.
Persons desirous of being further informed of the advertiser are requested to apply to the Rev. Mr. Buchanan, Mr. William Hay, or Messrs. McMurdo and Fisher.
Richmond, July 28th.
FOR SALE,
A Capital Young Horse, Calculated to make an elegant SADDLE, CHAIR, OR OTHER CARRIAGE HORSE.
Apply at the office of the Recorder.
Richmond, July 14th, 1802.
ALBERT GALLATIN, & Co.
[GALLATIN has been often charged as an original instigator of the Western insurrection of 1794. Whether he was, or was not, we do not, in this place, pretend to decide, not having at hand materials for grounding an opinion. The federal newspapers have constantly affirmed it as a fact. But they have been so full of malice, of calumny, and fiction, that, without explicit proof, the
chance always is that their affirmations are untrue. The same remark applies to the Aurora, the National Intelligencer, and the Republican Watch Tower, which have become, very often, almost nothing but mere hot-beds of imposture.
We should be glad, if the critic upon Gallatin would bring proofs of his accusation. We invite him to do so. We shall be more glad to see a satisfactory defence of the secretary. We know enough about him already, without wishing to hear anything disadvantageous, of which we are not certain that it is true.
In the remarks on the Western expedition, which we are at present reprinting in the Recorder, the guilt or innocence of Gallatin is a part of the work left untouched. But one thing is very clear, that Hamilton might and should have checked this matter in the outset. We feel a solemn conviction that he was very glad of the insurrection. And upon his principles, it was a fortunate event; for it tended most essentially to confirm the power of his party.
After the freedom which the executive newspapers are taking with Burr for his attempting to suppress a very poor book, the leaders of the republicans can hardly find fault with any liberties which may be taken with them. We do not mean to defend Burr. He must be heard, before he can either be acquitted, or condemned. But while our executive printers flew so much alacrity in attacking others, they must permit us to take an equal freedom, although a more decent one, with their employers, prompters, and paymasters.
We once more do earnestly and candidly invite some of our readers, who may have better information upon this subject than ourselves, to write what they know, and what they can ascertain, upon this head. We have never been any thing upon the matter but strong Republicans, and denials. We hope that this true piece will produce an illustration on the share that Gallatin had, either right, or wrong, or perhaps both, in the raising, or quelling of the riots. When the editors of this paper write upon their own bottom, they neither expect nor wish for quarter. Upon every point of attack, they are prepared and prompt to defend themselves. But the case becomes entirely different, when a question is started by a third person, with the merits of which we are unacquainted. If Hamilton could have got legal evidence against Gallatin, the latter would have been one of his first and most favorite victims. Such evidence could not be found; but that is not a demonstration of the innocence of Albert. He is a cold, able, artful man, with much cunning, and without courage. Some years ago, there was printed about him, in this state, a noted rhodomontade, which was not worth its room in the history of Tom Thumb.]
(FROM A FEDERAL CORRESPONDENT.)
IT is by no means astonishing to see the demoralizers make a noise concerning the misapplication of public money, as they are pleased to call it. By this I mean to say, the borrowing from funds which are superabundant, as much as may be necessary to aid those which are deficient. They remember that president Washington did so; when he quelled the insurrection, which Gallatin and others are believed to have excited in the Western parts of Pennsylvania. This insurrection cost more than a million of dollars. Perhaps if this had not been done, we might have seen this political messiah long before, this day, in a situation by far more conspicuous than what he has attained, either by his noise in congress, or by his being placed at the head of the treasury.
Mr. Jefferson must have forgotten that Mr. Gallatin was the secretary of that self-organized society, which blew the trumpet of sedition and insurrection. It was he who blew the bellows. It was he who tempered the metal. It was he who faturated the minds of those ignorant and deluded people with opposition, violence and vengeance; and when this was done, when the unruly passions were roused to mischief, to havoc, and to conflagration, Mr. Gallatin was cunning enough to withdraw; and even pretended to advise them to measures of moderation. Perhaps there never was any thing planned and managed with more jesuitical craft, by the greatest adept of St. Omer's, than the manner in which this was done by Mr. Gallatin. This very insurrection cost more to the
United States, than an hundred thousand such men can ever atone for. It has left a blot which ages, perhaps centuries, will not efface.
Was it for this, that Mr. Jefferson made Mr. Gallatin secretary of the treasury? It is for this, that his partisans have vomited forth and most industriously circulated the most matchless calumnies against their political rivals? Yes! it must be so. Pickering and Stoddert have, by the talents and integrity of their measures, secured the public character and established the renown of this country, to a pitch which overtops and destroys the prospects of an insurrectionary harvest. Those who have been disappointed will be most abusive. But it is strange that the president of the United States should reward the file leader of the party, with an office in the government, which gives him so much power and influence. Mr. Jefferson is a philosopher. So is Mr. Madison. So were Brissot, Condorcet, Roland and a thousand others, who contributed to make a revolution in France. Brissot, Condorcet, all, sunk before those sanguinary demons, who were led on, and excited to devastation and blood by Marat, Robespierre, and the rest of that hateful crew. This ought to be a lesson. We have only to hope that it may not be an example. There was a day, when the fame of Robespierre stood unrivalled in France. There is a time, when the fame of Gallatin is almost as great in America. We pretend not to impute to Mr. Gallatin the heart or head of Robespierre; but we ask our fellow citizens to act with caution, to remember that fame may be erected upon a false basis; that Robespierre's popularity was procured by falsehood, and his power by a tissue of murder. Gallatin's fame has been procured by the abuse of others, by a disregard of truth, decency, and common sense. He is now in the zenith of his power. As to the consequence, no man can form an opinion.
It would not be difficult to write a volume on the subject of this short essay. But we leave it to its readers to fill up what may be deficient. Sometimes it is better to reflect than to write, or to read. This may be such a case. 'Tis dangerous for a private man to quarrel with one who has the treasury at his command, and an hundred thousand infuriated fools at his heels.
Those, who can bring themselves into power by the destruction of the fair fame of virtuous men, must have hearts as black as Tartars. Their souls must be as hard as flint. They must be fit for plots, and conspiracies.
REPUBLICAN FINANCE; OR
A NEW WAY TO PAY OFF OLD DEBTS.
From the WILMINGTON MIRROR.
PUBLIC DEBT.
  Undredeemed principal on the 1st of January, 1801, 80,161,207 60   Undredeemed principal on the 1st of January, 1802, 77,881,890 29   Treasury department,   Register's office, Dec. 12, 1801,   JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. 
Thus it appears from the testimony of a federal legislature, that since Mr. Jefferson came into office, the national debt has been diminished 2,259,317 dollars and 31 cents.
Whilst he has also relieved us from all odious, oppressive internal taxation.
Must not these facts diffuse a general joy over the country?
A federal secretary of the treasury, in a letter to the committee of ways and means, dated 22d of January, 1800, states that "the principal of the debt of the United States had increased since the establishment of the present government, the sum of 1,516,338 dollars and 50 cents."
This, it will be remembered, was after twelve years of peace.
In less than one year, president Jefferson's wife and frugal measures have decreased it nearly three millions.
These things, fellow citizens, are worthy your attentive and serious consideration—they are
STUBBORN FACTS.
THIS piece has been transplanted into Smith's National Intelligencer, that copious fountain head of Jeffersonian misrepresenta-

tions. A few additional facts, which are quite as stubborn as the foregoing, remain to be annexed to the list. FACT FIRST. It is here said that, in the first twelve years of the federal government, fifteen hundred thousand dollars had been added to the public debt. But it will be remembered that these were not years of peace, but of almost perpetual war. The war with the North Western tribes broke out in 1790, and a peace was not signed until August 3d, 1795. This contest lasted for five years. It cost five or six millions. The United States bought a peace from the savages, by giving twenty thousand dollars worth of goods in hand; and by pledging themselves to pay nine thousand five hundred dollars worth of goods per annum, forever. It is long since the Algerine business had cost seventeen hundred thousand dollars; as has already been proved in this paper. Preparations for a French war cost several millions of dollars. The Western expedition cost thirteen hundred thousand dollars, or some such sum; and the hot water insurrection of Northampton, eighty thousand. The French and British piracies deprived this country of many millions of dollars, that would otherwise have been poured in the federal treasury.
TWELVE YEARS OF PEACE! Smith might as well have said that we had twelve years of incessant rain, or twelve years of thunder and lightning, or twelve years of an earthquake! This single affirmation, this audacious, this more than common falsehood, must, of itself, be sufficient, with every man of candour, to ascertain the genuine character of the National Intelligence, that favorite organ of presidential imposture.
FACT SECOND. This writer has grossly contradicted himself. In his paragraph, Citizen Stubborn Facts tells us that the national debt has been diminished by the sum of two millions two hundred and sixty thousand dollars. But, in his conclusion, the reduction is mounted up to nearly three millions; when, by his own account, there is a deficiency of seven hundred and forty thousand dollars. Whenever Samuel Smith can prove that twenty-two and an half make NEARLY thirty, then, and not till then, shall we believe that he is an editor of independence and veracity.
FACT THIRD. If Mr. Jefferson has paid off two or three millions of dollars of public debt, he did so with the money, which the preceding administration had collected in the treasury. To ascribe the merit of this discharge to him, is just as it were to confound Napier, who discovered Logarithms, or Columbus, who discovered America, with the mathematician, or the mariner, who, at this day, makes use of their discoveries. If Adams had not saved that money, Jefferson could not have paid it off.
MEN of Virginia! You have been too much accustomed to hear only one side of a question. We are not launching into an wholesale defence of John Adams; nor a pell-mell reprobation of Jefferson. We barely tell you truths, which to receive credit, require only to be repeated. It was not the wife and frugal measures of Jefferson, which put it in his power to discharge this debt. The taxes, and the loan of five millions, had filled the treasury.
FACT FOURTH. As to the repeal of all odious internal taxation , the stamp duty and excise were bad enough. We are extremely glad that they have been repealed. But as for the repeal of great part of a million of dollars of taxes, Mr. Jefferson should have rounded the system by repealing the national debt; to which his British convention has added the petty sum of SIX HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS STERLING.
How is the principal of the public debt to be discharged, when you have repealed those very taxes which were found necessary for paying the interest of it? No wilderness of words can drown the voice of this direct appeal to common sense. Smith lays that, in twelve years of peace, only fifteen hundred thousand dollars of debt were paid off. If these had really been years of peace, as most assuredly they were not, then it would have been just so much the worse for Smith's arguments. If twelve years of peace, and of taxes, which were constantly growing more heavy, if all these could discharge only fifteen hundred thousand dollars , can any body believe that the remainder, that SEVENTY EIGHT MILLIONS, were ever to be cleared off; or that three millions could be discharged by the wisdom and economy of a single year? The thing is absurd.
We are surprised that the stock-holders do not take notice of this repeal; and adopt some effective measures to check its consequences. The first and most obvious measure would be to sound a sobering alarm to the people. We are no sanguine admirers of the national debt; or of the manner in which it was contracted, or of those heroes of stock-jobbing, who grasped the greater part of it. But perhaps it is better that we should continue to pay the interest of a bloated and winding debt, than to break up the federal government, and then begin to break each other's heads. If the subject could be correctly explained to the country, there is, among us, a body of citizens abundantly powerful for sending Mr. Jefferson home to forge nails, and to sow turnips, at Monticello. It is not here said that such a measure should be embraced. We only say that it may possibly happen; and that, if we can be
sure of finding a better man to fill his place, it ought to happen. We only say, that no part of his good fame can be reasonably founded upon this indiscriminate repeal of taxes; and this at the moment when he has been just adding six hundred thousand pounds sterling to the public debt. Two millions six hundred and sixty-six thousand dollars must be discharged immediately, by three annual instalments. This will afford a comprehensive field for the consumption of republican savings ; although some of the internal taxes had still been exacted.
If the United States were to have a sudden misunderstanding with France, or England, a sum of money would instantly be wanted, to prepare for defence. In such a matter, five millions of dollars would go but a short way; and where can you get them, either at sixty, or sixteen, or at thirty per cent? No man will advance a shilling, till you can shew him taxes sufficient for discharging the interest of the loan. This can only be done by once more imposing those taxes, which have been repealed. The confusion resulting from such a chasm would reduce public credit to the brink of destruction. This is the opinion of the vice president, as attested in some late newspapers. Mr. Burr appears to be right. The republicans boast that they have reduced the public expenses by three hundred thousand dollars more than the produce of all the taxes which have been repealed.* Hence, they infer that, in spite of the repeal, the government is richer and stronger than it formerly was to the amount of three hundred thousand dollars per annum.
You shall have it so. But then twenty-six hundred and sixty-six thousand dollars have been subjected to the national debt. For this sum, no previous provision had been made. It came not within any one of the estimates either of Hamilton, of Wolcott, or of Gallatin. It stands quite aloof and distinct from your seventy-eight millions of dollars of former debt. This sum at once anticipates and absorbs, for ten years to come, and upwards, all your boasted surplus of three hundred thousand dollars per annum. Money must be raised to pay these six hundred thousand pounds, and interest must be paid for that loan, while seven, or eight, or nine years of your annual republican surplus , remains in the purse of the people.
It is said, indeed, that Gallatin is to vanquish this difficulty. He is to raise a monument of his talents as a financier, and of his capacity as a political prophet. He is to discharge these six hundred thousand pounds sterling, without a fresh loan, without putting a fresh tax upon the shoulders of the people. The newspapers report that he is to perform these wonders by selling the government shares in the bank of the United States.
We cannot believe this report, for several reasons. The scheme would be at once desperate and ridiculous. It would demonstrate a miserable extinction of resources. It would never approach to an accomplishment of the proposed end. Besides all this, it would produce various unhappy consequences. We beg your special attention. We are not going to load Mr. Gallatin with a bushel of nicknames. We are not to discharge a volley of unattested affirmations, of which most people cannot tell whether to believe them, or not. We are only going to state a few plain confessed facts, that will ascertain the wildness of such a scheme, and which make us believe that it cannot be in agitation, at this time.
The capital of the bank of the United States amounts to ten millions of dollars. Of this, government holds two millions. But before they could buy these shares, they were obliged to borrow two millions from that very bank, in order to pay for them. During these twelve years, therefore, they have been paying an interest of six per cent for the two millions of dollars. They have been receiving, at the same time, eight per cent, as partners in the firm. The interest came to an hundred and twenty thousand dollars, and the dividend to an hundred and sixty thousand. Thus government gained forty thousand dollars per annum. If these shares are to be sold, the bank will take care to be satisfied, in the first place, for the loan of two millions. The discharge of that sum puts almost an end to the story. But even if five hundred thousand dollars can be gained by the sale, they are obtained much upon the principle of an eight per cent loan. You sell a stock, which produces eight per cent. You sell it in order to discharge a debt, because you cannot borrow, at six per cent, a sum sufficient to discharge it. At the same time, you display to the world the penultimate extinction of your financial resources. You expose government to the distrust of the powers of Europe. You forfeit all influence over the bank, a matter of serious importance. On this account, we say that the proposal for selling these shares would be at once desperate and ridiculous. It would cast away character without obtaining the object of the sacrifice. It would be like the prudence of a spendthrift, who provides for his tavern bill by the sale of his plantation.
We have only newspaper authority for stating that the sale of these bank shares is at present in contemplation. Perhaps the constitution would not vindicate so strong a step. This indeed would be an obstacle of small importance. Both parties have separately, or
collectively, broke that paper an hundred and fifty times over. Many scruples upon such a head cannot be expected from the president. Mr. Jefferson has told us: "that the bank and "the public fund are effluviates invented "with vires of corruption ; and to assimilate "us to the British model in its corrupt parts ."*
We return to FACT, THE FOURTH. The writer enquires if the repeal of these taxes must not diffuse a general joy over the country ? Time alone can prove what sort of foundation there is for such joy. Congress have passed "an act to provide for the redemption of the "whole public debt." Mr. Stratton affirms, and with every appearance of justice, that this act provides not for its redemption , but for its continuation . The abrupt repeal of so many taxes goes far to provide for its extinction . On this point, we formerly passed a slight opinion.† It seems to have harmonized with the public judgement, for the piece has been reprinted in at least twenty newspapers. By the way, when such a racket is made about economy, why have not congress reduced the stipend of the president to six thousand dollars; and why have they not directed him to pay rent for a house, which was built for his service, at a most exorbitant expence, and by an express breach of the constitution?
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
AUGUST 14th. 1802.
From the VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
TORIES.
THE erroneous course which things appear to have taken, the numberless deceptions which exist upon subjects in which the feelings of the community are interested, and the inclination to make just representations as to the case now about to be elucidated, are the causes of this singular essay.
Before the quarrel with Great Britain, and previous to the declaration of independence, this country formed a part of the British dominions. Every native was a British subject. At the beginning of the quarrel, well informed people put opposite constructions upon the same things. The natives generally considered it right to resist the British government by arms. At that time there were many Scotchmen who resided in different parts of this state. Many of these entertained the same opinion. They acted accordingly. Many entertained opposite opinions. They were permitted to withdraw. Those who remained may be arranged in three classes. The first and most conspicuous are those who took up arms and went to the field. Of these, in different parts of the United States, five or six arrived to the rank of generals. There were others in every other grade.
The second class, are those whose sentiments and conduct were as much ascertained and decided. They filled offices from congress to justices of peace.
The third consisted of persons who considered the appeal to arms to be a rebellion; who submitted to the laws and regulations during the war, but gave no voluntary aid to either side. These were called tories. This term at first took its rise from a very natural impression. They were attached to the British government. A similar attachment in England would have classed them among the tories of that country; this being the case, and this country being then a part of the British dominions, the term naturally extended itself to all those who resided here, whose opinions favored the interest or designs of the British. Some time afterwards, independence being declared, many of the same persons retained their first opinions. The appellation of tory was universally used in this way; it continued quite through the war, and is still considered as a term of political reproach.
Although Mr. Jefferson, upon a particular occasion, has found it expedient to say that he had used the word tory towards some persons as it is understood in England, yet there are many people who believe that it was the unpleasant dilemma into which Mr. Jefferson had fallen, which induced him to resort to this subterfuge. But, as there is no certainty of this, and as opposite opinions may be held upon this point, the recognition of the fact, may be no less satisfactory than the elucidation. It is very certain that the editors of newspapers have not followed Mr. Jefferson's construction.
Every body believes that opinions are and will forever be free; that they neither can nor ought to be controuled. It is as ridiculous to say that a man ought to regulate his opinions to suit any particular standard, as it is dishonest to avow what is not believed. Universal experience for the last ten years, will prove this by the various changes and fluctuations, which have taken place upon the most important occasions, and in every unprejudiced, untrammeled mind.
* Letter to Mazzei.
† Recorder, July 28th.
‡ Ibid. June 16th.
Individuals, who possess distinguished talents, sometimes act together; at other times, they are opposed to each other.—Every body knows this. It is remembered that one gentleman who was a member of the convention which formed the constitution of the United States, refused to give his signature; the same person was afterwards a member of the Virginia convention, who signed the constitution, has long been, and now is, in the most active opposition to the construction which is put upon it by others, whose character and talents are as high as his. These things are mentioned to shew the uncertainty and fallibility of human opinion. This ought to teach us to have charity and forbearance with persons who possess opposite opinions. And this ought also to be offered as an excuse for many very worthy men, whose opinions taught them that it was not right to encourage or countenance the revolution. It was surely more honest and praiseworthy in them to avow and adhere openly to their opinions, than to play the hypocrite and deceive.
With respect to the Scotchmen who remained in this country, it may be said with great truth that they acted throughout the revolution with equal candor and inflexibility. They who put their hands to the plow, never looked back; they who were considered Tories never endeavoured to obliterate that opinion, nor did they in any case, which is known to the writer of this, intermeddle in any political question. They were submissive, quiet, inoffensive, and industrious. While the British army was in this state, there were many cases, in which persons who were called Tories exerted themselves to serve and preserve the property of their neighbours. It is well known that very essential services were rendered in this way.
A retrospection like this will afford pleasure to every candid, benevolent, and philosophical mind; to every man who prefers to find something in his neighbour to applaud or justify, rather than something to condemn. It will be satisfactory to all who desire to understand what was the real state of things during the revolution.
There are many persons who now hold conspicuous places in society, who were at that time too young; others were unborn, to whom these occurrences are unknown. Many of these persons are so far plunged into the gulf of party, that they will affect to treat these remarks with contempt. There are some who will be pleased with the historical elucidation. There are others to whom all this is well known, but who will affect the airs of derision, but one moment of honesty and candour will be sufficient to obtain their testimony.
I never did think, I never shall think, that any man who was born and educated in Britain, who resided or now resides in this country, who acted or acts honestly, candidly, and peaceably, deserves to be condemned for retaining his preference or attachment to the country which gave him existence, education and the means of subsistence. Under such circumstances, would it not be more honest to avow his opinions than to conceal them? In case of war, would you not prefer that a man who entertained such sentiments should remain quietly at his own house, than force him into the field, where his first gun might be levelled at his oppressor? If such persons are obnoxious they should be banished by government. The sound politician knows the value of industry and enterprise, aided by talents and capital too well to commit such folly.
There cannot at this time, be the least occasion to revive or keep alive these unpleasant recollections. If the tories, as they were called, were not disposed to do any injury to the country more than twenty years ago, when they could have been aided and rewarded by the British army and government; when they were urged and stimulated by the sense of daily insult, and during the ardour of youth, or the vigor of manhood; it is not to be feared that they retain such inclinations at this time. We are now an independent people, our population has doubled. If Great Britain could not subdue us with all the advantages which she then possessed, with all the terrors of outlawry and rebellion with which we were threatened; it is now the height of extravagance and folly to talk of it. It is the height of wickedness to use such arguments as scarecrows with the ignorant and deluded.
There is a circumstance which deserves notoriety, and is of service to this point; here it follows,
Shortly after the peace with Great Britain, a number of English and Scotchmen returned to this country, and intended to settle at Portsmouth. The inhabitants of that place formed themselves into a mob, or something like one, and determined that, at Portsmouth, they should not live. The inhabitants of Norfolk had more discretion. They invited those strangers to reside among them. They gave to them countenance, encouragement, and protection. At that time there were more houses and more inhabitants in Portsmouth than there were in Norfolk. These strangers were all men of capital and industry. Portsmouth has dwindled into insignificance. Norfolk promises to rival the greatest towns in the United States. Norfolk and Portsmouth are opposite to each other, upon the same river.
To those who use the words Englishmen and Scotchmen with sneering reproach, or with indignant invectives, I will state a few questions. Are we not all descended from the

nations of Europe. Are we not in fact Europeans? Was not the brave Mercera Scotchman? Major Leitch one of the first of the Virginia officers who fell in battle, he who was so much loved and esteemed as a gentleman, revered and lamented as a soldier and officer, was he not a Scotchman? In whose veins is there no European blood? Are there any who derive their origin from the fabled means which were used by Prometheus or Cadmus? Or did their progenitors or themselves descend from the heavens, endowed with such preternatural and pre-eminent qualities, that the nations of Europe are to be treated as pigmies, and their dependents as spurious intruders?
TRUEMAN.
From the VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
MR. DAVIS,
I PERCEIVE that Callender and Duane have gone to loggerheads. In last Wednesday's Recorder, the former has published a long answer to an attack from the Aurora. Among other articles of impeachment, Duane said that the late Mr. Bache would seldom admit of C's paragraphs into the Aurora. The answer to this part of the charge is curious enough . I should like to see Duane's reply. In the mean time, the circumstance concerning the president's paying for the composition of Aurora paragraphs ought to be as generally known as possible; because it displays, in such lively colors, the consistency and veracity of Mr. Jefferson, when he made such profound obeisance to the superior abilities of Mr. Adams, in his speech, at the time when the latter was chosen president.
HUM.
Richmond, August 4.
P. S. All the independent newsprinters in the union are advised to republish the above, with the following short extract.
[Here followed a passage from the remarks upon the Aurora, as inserted in last week's Recorder.]
From the GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
There is not a Jacobin in the country who has dared to come forward to the public, and openly justify the conduct of Mr. Jefferson in relation to the aid which he afforded to the publication of "The Prospect before Us."---The only way in which they see any possibility of averting the disgrace attached to the president for his conduct in this business, is by attacking the character of Callender, and inferring the falsehood of his statements.
But, in labouring on this ground, it ought to be recollected, that, until lately, Callender has stood high in the esteem and confidence of Mr. Jefferson and his party. To his exertions are they indebted for much of their success , and the countenance which they afforded to his publications proves, that in their estimation, he was worthy of belief. The testimony of Callender, in regard to public men and measures, has been brought forward by themselves, and while he bore witness for them, it was all received as just and true, but when he goes on to tell the whole story , they cry out, "this man is a liar and a scoundrel, unworthy of belief, and not deserving to be heard." But good sirs, if Callender is a liar, why have you so long confided in him? Why did Mr. Jefferson pay him 200 dollars out of the public money, if he thought him the poor, base wretch which you now represent him to be? But the circumstances of this case are strongly in favor of the representations which Callender has made. If the statement is false, why should Callender represent the communication of the anecdote to have been made to a Scotchman, well known in Richmond? If the story was false, would not Callender have foreseen that the Scotchman would have denied it? Another part of the representation is, respecting a communication from Mr. Jefferson, to Mr. Thomas Leiper, of Philadelphia. Precisely the same reason here exists, in favor of the truth of the story; for if it were false, it could be so proved by the testimony of Mr. Leiper. It will be also recollected that Callender states, that Mr. Jefferson employed Mr. George Jefferson to pay the first fifty dollars. If this is not to be believed, why are we not favored with the testimony of Mr. George Jefferson, that he never paid the fifty dollars, or was never employed for the purpose? These things could certainly be easily accomplished if Callender's story is false; and when it is done, we shall be ready to acknowledge, not only the villainy of
the representation, but the weakness with which it has been formed.
From the REPUBLICAN WATCH TOWER. CALLENDER,
ON whom no reliance could ever be placed, and whose continual inebriation is one of the least blemishes in his character, is become an avowed apostate. He is a living instance of that great truth, that a man without morals cannot be of service to any cause, to any nation, or to any people. He seems to have been made rather to subserve mankind. He is restless, unprincipled, licentious. He is an opposer of the last, and he is not less an opponent of the present administration. He was disappointed in his expectations, and he is seeking revenge. He has over-rated both his talents and his services; and in making application for an office, he seems to have mistaken the dignity of the government for his own want of decency and respect. He vaunts of the "strength of his pen." We will venture to say that his writings have been of more disservice than service to the cause. His pen may be strong, but it is the strength of a Goth, the rudeness of a barbarian. His coarse and vulgar manner, and the known profligacy of his life, have always defeated the object of his writings. Coming from him, even the majority of truth seems to have suffered much of its energy and splendour. The republicans have reason to rejoice that this pestilence of morals, hath withdrawn from their ranks.
In one of his letters to the public, Callender states, that the sheets of the first volume of his "Prospect Before Us," were sent to Mr. Jefferson, as they came from the press. To his astonishment, he says, that Mr. Jefferson sent him fifty dollars. The sheets of the second volume, it seems, were sent in like manner, and Mr. Jefferson remitted him fifty dollars more, making in the whole one hundred dollars. The ungrateful wretch has published this act of humanity on the part of Mr. Jefferson, with a view to injure his reputation. The Evening Post, and the Anti-Democrat, of Baltimore, have represented the benevolence as an act of unparalleled atrocity. Let us examine the fact.
Mr. Coleman says that the donation of the one hundred dollars was paying Callender for writing libelous attacks on the late administration, and making his way to the Presidency through "crime;" and adds the customary abuse. Prentis, a New-England renegade, a run-away husband, calls Mr. Jefferson a villain , asserts that he paid Callender for writing against the administration of Mr. Adams, and declares that he came to the Presidency, to use his own elegant language, " inhumanly ." Such is the respect paid to the chief magistrate by these friends of order!
Before we speak of the donation, let us glance at the situation of these two organs of federal will.
Mr. Coleman says that to pay a man for writing against the late administration was a crime. He will allow that the application of the rule will be just when applied to the present administration. We then say that Mr. Coleman receives the wages of sin; for he is in every sense of the word paid for writing against the present administration. The establishment at the head of which he is said not to be his own. It is said to belong to a company, of which general Hamilton is one. The paper was commenced for the avowed purpose of opposing the administration.---Mr. Coleman, it is believed, receives a yearly salary for writing for it. And for his wages, he is bound to write against the administration, whether the sentiments he pens accord with his own or not. He runs no risk. He has no responsibility upon his shoulders. He may in fact be called a mere hireling. And yet this man clamours about the criminality of paying a person for writing against an administration! As if he had anything to do with the Evening Post establishment, but to write sedition for the paper, and receive his wages for it!
Prentis is exactly in the same predicament. He runs away from New-
England and from his wife, took up his residence at Washington, where he formed a connection with one Rind, printer of the late government paper there, and whom Callender has charged with perjury; that is to say, having no money, Prentis was paid for writing for the paper. Shortly after, Harper, judge of the late government paper, alias Judge Chase, Luther Martin, that paragon of parental affection , of soberness, of every thing good and amiable, and others, raised a purse of seven or eight thousand dollars; established the Anti-Democrat, and hired Prentis to write for it. The Anti-Democrat was undoubtedly established to oppose the administration. The fund of the patriotic company, however, appears to be well drained; and the paper not meeting with that encouragement which the laudable object it has in view and the fine talents of Prentis merit, has received an Irish boost , and, from being a daily, is now a three times a week paper. It will shortly, in all probability, become extinct; and then the renegade editor may return to the place from whence he came. Such are the two editors who impudently declare it criminal to pay a man for writing against an administration, and that too a most wicked one!
But is there a man so weak as to believe that Mr. Jefferson gave Callender twice fifty dollars for writing against the administration? Is there a man so ignorant of the politics of this country as for a moment to think that Mr. Jefferson stood in need of paying any man to write against the late administration with a view to accelerate his attainment of the Presidency? It is impossible. The crimes of that administration were sufficient to make a stone eloquent; to make him write who never wrote before. And the measure of Mr. Jefferson's popularity was too full to receive one additional particle from the vulgar pen of Callender. He courted not popularity; it were superfluous to do so; the affections of the people never left him for a moment. Their veneration for the patriot, and solicitude for his election increased with the increase of his days. Nay, so far from his standing in need of paying Callender, or any other hireling, for writing against the late administration with a view to effect the election of himself to the Presidency, it is evident that, had it not been for federal arts, if not fraud, Adams would not have been elected; Mr. Jefferson would undoubtedly have succeeded Washington to the Presidential Chair.
What servile could the "Prospect" render the election of Mr. Jefferson? None. It may be truly affirmed that the work was never read by twenty persons on this side the Potomac. It is a Herculean task to get through the first volume, as Callender calls it, consisting of 184 octavo pages only. So much rhapsody and unmeaning vulgarity was never before condensed in so small a compass. The very name of Callender, with all his vices and his filth, were sufficient to prevent his works from being read by those who knew him, and those who knew him not could not but perceive the writer in his works.
But how either Coleman, or Prentis, could imagine that Mr. Jefferson paid Callender for writing against the late administration, is inconceivable. Malignity made the declaration, in the hope that folly and ignorance would accredit it. What is the fact from which that inference is drawn? It is simply this, that Callender, after he had written and printed, nay partially published the "Prospect," received from Mr. Jefferson fifty dollars! Yes, although it is admitted by the two editors that the Prospect was printed anterior to its being seen by Mr. Jefferson, and before he sent Callender the fifty dollars, they have the folly and temerity to assert that the money was given to him for writing the work! Never was so gross an inconsistency attempted to be palmed upon the public.
But admitting what the two editors assert, allowing them the full latitude of their interpretation, which, as has been shown, is palpably false, what is its import? That Mr. Jefferson made Callender a present of one hundred dollars for writing against the administra-
tion. Before this be admitted, however, as an offence in Mr. Jefferson, it is requisite to substantiate two points; first, that what Callender wrote in opposition to the administration was false , and secondly, admitting that it was not false, that the administration was faultless. It is for those who attach criminality to the writings of Callender, and to the encouragement given him, to prove the first, and no one will have the audacity, in the face of that multitude of irresistible facts, which have been issued, and are daily issuing from independent presses, to assert the second. Surely it will not be accounted improper to encourage virtuous opposition to an iniquitous government; even if Mr. Jefferson had done this, the act merits applause rather than censure.
Whatever be the coarseness of the language, and the general want of argument which distinguish the writings of Callender previous to his apostasy, few of the facts, if any, which he brought forward against the late administration have been or can be confuted. His statements, although uncoquettily dressed, are of a resistless nature. Even Chase, the infamous Chase, who ought long since to have been impeached, and removed from office, acknowledged the truth of the various charges exhibited in the Richmond indictment, by refusing to admit the evidence in support of them. One of the counts in that indictment set forth that Callender had falsely and maliciously stated, that John Adams was a monarchist . Callender brought forward Colonel Taylor (a much more respectable man than John Adams) to prove that John Adams had in a conversation with him, while President of the United States, declared himself in favor of a monarchical government. Chase desired to know the nature of Col. Taylor's evidence, it was committed to writing for him. But as it went directly to prove that point, his honor declared it inadmissible? This was the case with the evidence on the principal counts in the indictment. But Callender was imprisoned for publishing falsehoods!
This is substantive proof that the "Prospect," by far the most violent of Callender's violent productions, was not that defamatory and calumnious work spoken of by the two oriental Editors. A man's suffering under the sedition law is a proof rather of innocence than of guilt.
Conceding then the point insisted on by the New-England Editors, where is the mighty offence, where the guilt, where the criminality of having encouraged Callender to forge out truths against a flagitious administration? But not even this was done by Mr. Jefferson. The gift was in him a mere act of humanity, to save an half famished filthy wretch from starvation. The poverty and wants of Callender were known; and thinking him a man of some talents, Mr. Jefferson may have given him the one hundred dollars mentioned. And the miscreant has completed his character by publishing the benevolent act with a view to injure the executive. With no one however but rogues or tools can it have such an effect. We see in the donation every thing laudable. Callender, however, has at length shown himself unworthy of it; undeviating indeed of the patronage of any good man.
But as if federal calumny could never be satiated, it has been further stated that Mr. Jefferson ordered Callender's fine of two hundred dollars to be repaid out of the national treasury, which was accordingly done. The extravagant and unfounded story is of itself sufficient to brand falsehood upon the propagator. Such an act would have been a violation of the oath of the executive, and rendered him liable to impeachment. It would have been transcending the obvious letter of his duty, and, had it been done, would have called from the minority and justly too, the severest reprobation. The amiable and praiseworthy disposition of the executive to relieve those who were suffering under the rigours of the sedition law, at his accession to the presidency, has been metamorphosed by federal ingenuity into an infraction of the constitution, into

the commission of an act, which he never performed. That the executive would have ordered the fine to have been dispensed with, had it not been paid, we have no doubt. It would have been his duty to have done so; its omission would have been reprehensible. The President, with every other friend of freedom, could not but be of opinion, that the sedition law was unconstitutional, and exceedingly pernicious; it was therefore his duty, one which we are proud to say he was determined to perform, to remove every pain and penalty inflicted under it. But Callender's fine having been paid into the Treasury, the President had no controul over it. Indeed, regardless as Callender is of truth, and determined as he is to injure, as much as he can, the present administration, he has, to the best of our recollection, stated that Mr. Jefferson never gave the order ascribed to him by the federalists. He has flatly contradicted the calumny, although it suits the purposes of Coleman and Prentiss to repeat it.
It was not our design to have offered anything in the shape of an answer to the above performance. We had proposed to content ourselves with republishing the advertisement by Bronson, which follows the present article. When a man has, in a public newspaper, been declared a thief, when he has found it necessary to set down in silence, in the lap of infamy, it is a national disgrace that such a fellow should be suffered to publish a newspaper at all. It is a second, and a still more enormous national disgrace, that any person, of any party, should be found mean, or base enough to countenance the publications of this outcast character. But these first and second examples of disgrace, are extinguished in the superior and transcendent ignominy, which marks the third. In attempting to proceed, we feel our inequality to the task of describing it.
Thomas Jefferson is a gentleman of classical education, of correct taste, and of unquestionable talents. As a private character, his morals have been considered as unexceptionable. By the suffrages of an immense majority of his fellow citizens, he is chosen as the supreme magistrate of the American republic. Never did a more splendid harvest of glory present itself to the fondest hope, or the wildest ambition of man, than what fortune has, in this instance, placed and, without one personal effort upon his part, has placed within the reach of Thomas Jefferson. It might have been expected, that, when such a man was exalted to the presidency, he would have selected, as the advocates of his principles, as the defenders of his fame, individuals, who were, at least, exempted from an extremity of personal contempt and detestation. Instead of so probable, and so rational a choice, the President has encircled himself with a junta of editorial banditti, Jones, Cheetham, and Duane, whose very names are a burlesque upon whatever is honorable, or decent.
You observe that, in the last paragraph of Cheetham's impeachment, he has defended Mr. Jefferson against a most exasperating instance of federal calumny. It had been audaciously stated that, after Callender had paid his fine of two hundred dollars, the money was returned by an order from the president. With great perspicuity and justness of reasoning, Mr. Cheetham observes, that "the extravagant and unfounded story is of itself sufficient to brand falsehood upon the face of the propagator. Such an act would have been a violation of the oath of the executive, and rendered him liable to impeachment. It would have been transcending the obvious letter of his duty, and, had it been done, would have called from the minority, and justly, too, the severest reprobation."
There is much more to the same purpose. It was the legal opinion of many of the best friends of Mr. Jefferson, that he had no constitutional title to return the fine. A few days after Callender had paid this money, and of consequence had been discharged from custody, Mr. George Jefferson called upon
Callender, at the house of Mr. William Rose, keeper of the jail of Richmond. Mr. Jefferson produced a slip of paper, which was understood to be an extract of a letter from his kinsman. The exact words are not remembered. Mr. Jefferson, after reading the slip of paper, once over, cast it into the fire. But the tenor of the message was, that Callender should not be a loser by the payment of his fine. Mr. Rose was present, when this past. A few days afterwards, Mr. David Meade Randolph sent for Callender, with a message that he was directed to return him the two hundred dollars. Within a short time, the latter waited upon the marshal, in full confidence of receiving back his money. Mr. Randolph observed that he had received an interim admonition from some eminent lawyers in Richmond. He said, that they had convinced him, that the president must have been mistaken, that he had exceeded his powers in making such a promise. In a word, these lawyers had said at that time, what Cheetham says now.
The re-payment of the fine was suspended until the 20th of June thereafter, that it to say, for three months and an half. President Jefferson instantly discovered the trap into which he had betrayed himself. Delays of re-payment succeeded. At the end of six weeks, a letter of expostulation, couched in a style, not very flattering, was addressed by Callender, then at Richmond, to Mr. Jefferson, then at Monticello. The letter was delivered to Mr. Jefferson, personally. When the president had read the letter, he gave to the gentleman who brought it, a verbal and unmeaning answer. Upon receiving notice of it, Callender instantly wrote a letter to the Secretary of State. His object was not to solicit, as a favor, the re-payment of the two hundred dollars. On the contrary, he demanded, as a right, the performance of the President's promise. Mr. Madison had paid for and had received fifteen copies of the first Volume of the "Prospect." He had also called at Richmond jail, to pay the author for a parcel of copies of a subsequent publication. From the first of the author's productions, that Mr. Madison had seen, from the Political Progress , and the Short History of Excise , through a long succession of publications, this ornament and delight of Congress had been uniform and decisive in his critical approbation. To this gentleman, Callender applied by letter. He stated the Premunire into which Mr. Jefferson would bring himself by a direct breach of an unsolicited promise. He adverted to the triumph which the federal party would enjoy by the discovery "of this piece of small History." He observed that, if he was to be defrauded of those two hundred dollars, "posterity would have nothing to say concerning the ingratitude of Charles the Second." "Second to the poet Butler, who had never been imprisoned, nine months, on account of his majesty." It was observed that the writer of the letter would not submit to an evident wrong, even from Mr. Jefferson, "all president as he is." It was remarked that the subscriber had been for months past, in daily expectation of receiving this money back again; that Mr. Jefferson knew him to be in want of it; that it was the only fund upon which he depended for enabling him to defray the expenses of a journey to Pennsylvania to see some relations, from whom he had been absent about three years; that by Mr. Jefferson's refusal to execute his volunteer proposal of repaying the fine, the claimant had already suffered more trouble and more ridicule than the whole worth of the money. There was more to the same purpose. But the reader is most likely tired of so trifling a subject.
NOTE.
* It certainly was from no personal attachment to Thomas Jefferson, that the Author went such lengths as he did. But as Jefferson, had been so great a gainer by the business, he was bound in gratitude to serve those, who had so essentially served him, as well as he was bound in justice to keep his promises.
The heart of Mr. James Madison was not accessible to arguments, or to motives like these. By the President's election, his mind had become at once triumphant and contracted. He felt no pleasure in demanding justice for an author, whose writings had, for so many years, been approved and praised by himself. Mr. Madison did not enter into the feelings of a man who had, for three years, been absent from his relations.
Frozen at heart, while speculation shines, the patriot and republican Secretary could barely recognize the Virginian victim of the Sedition act, the man, with whom he had supported a personal acquaintance of seven years; the man, who had gone infinitely farther to serve the republican cause than Mr. Madison himself durst have gone.
Occurrences took place afterwards, which cannot be supposed to interest the public at large. In the sequel of intercourse, a publication was announced. The secretary of state contented himself with expressing a hope and an expectation, that he was not to be comprehended in the attack. Before there had elapsed an interval of time sufficient to make it, the fine of two hundred dollars was returned. This was upon the 20th of June, 1801. If Duane or Cheetham shall deny that the money was paid back, their denial shall be passed over with contemptuous silence. We are not ambitious of waging war with the correction house, or the gibbet. But if Samuel Smith, or some other Jeffersonian editor of decent manners, shall dare to contradict our statement, the certificate of the gentleman who paid back the money, and of the witnesses to Callender's subscription of a receipt for it, shall instantly be published; and the paltry denial shall crumble into atoms, like ginger-bread in the jaws of a mammoth. The hired bludgeon of Cheetham has inflicted a blow, that whole centuries of eloquence never can repair. That the fine has been REPAYED is a truth just as demonstrable as that the sun rose yesterday. The mercenary dagger of calumny has been turned against its paymaster, and plunged to the hilt. Coleman is the present Field Marshal of Federal Editors. If he does not, at this breach, form the mud ramparts of the Republican Watch Tower , if he does not rend from its base that tottering citadel of Monticelloian defamation, Coleman deserves to be damned to everlasting silence. If Jefferson has deceived, or injured, or insulted honest men, if they are capable of feeling resentment, if they can be so barbarous as to trample upon a fallen enemy, to exult in the agonies of detected helplessness, and in the pangs of intelligent shame, they may now satiate themselves in all the savageness, and sport in all the extacy of vengeance. Their hearts may throb with "the turbulence of joy, and the pain of gladness." A PRESIDENT CONVICTED OF PERVERTY BY HIS OWN MYRMIDONS!—Oh Heaven and Earth! With what abrupt, what terrible, what overwhelming justice, does the hand of God often shatter the bulwarks of fraud, and burst open the brazen gates of hypocrisy!
For sight, cunning, timidity, suspicion, copiousness of knowledge, and acuteness of observation, a head forever upon the watch, a heart almost impenetrable to sensibilities, or to passions, all those talents, all those qualities, could not secure their possessor from rushing over the precipice of popular reproach! And for what purpose, or to gain what end, did this sagacious, this distinguishable citizen, hazard such a shock of his professed principles, of his importance, of his character? He risked them, (good heavens! what a creature is man!) he risked them to love the miserable sum of two hundred dollars! to save a sum, which was of less consequence to him than two cents are of to the meanest African! He knew that he had promised to repay the fine to Callender. He suspected that, in taking this money back from the funds of government, and returning it, he was to violate not indeed the substance of justice, but the forms of the constitution. Mr. Jefferson was assured that, in the succeeding session of congress, the remission of this fine was to
be urged against him. He had only to have paid the sum from his private purse, and the difficulty was at an end. This he wanted courage to do; and, by MATCHLESS FATALITY, that very pen, which had been selected for his defence, has been turned against him! Astonishment almost suffocates reflection! Let us pause.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 21.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
"To trace the speaking fraud."
Whereas, two letters, written at the city of Washington, one on the 6th, and the other on the 7th instant, by Richard Peters, junr. esquire, both sealed, and directed to me, were left at the bar of Mr. Stille's hotel, where letters for the mail are frequently deposited; and whereas neither of those letters has been received by me, I hereby offer a reward of fifty dollars to any person who will produce those letters, with the seals entire, or, twenty-five dollars for either of them: And, in case the seals be broken, the whole sum of fifty dollars shall be given to any person, who will so detect the villain, who has broken open, or detained either of them, as that the culprit may be brought to justice.
In order to assist the enquirer, I think proper to state, that, at the time when the first mentioned letter was left at Mr. Stille's, which was on Sunday evening, the 6th instant, James Cheetham, an Englishman, a hatter by trade, now resident in New-York, and editor of a paper, called, American Citizen , was in the house; and that on the Friday following, the subsequent paragraphs appeared in the Aurora , purporting to be written by the editor of that paper at Washington, on the very day upon which the first letter ought to have left that city.
"FROM THE EDITOR."
Washington City, Dec. 7, 1801.
"The president speaks in his speech very animatedly on the naturalization law and on the judiciary—and on the militia laws and juries."
"Wallace and young Peters are here—I saw a letter written by the latter to Bronson, this day, in which he reviles Mr. Jefferson for attempting to deviate from Washington and Adams's practice. Peters promises Bronson to give him regular information; and alludes to some letter of Chauncy to a Mr. Clarke: he says "Duane is here to exercise an influence, and Cheetham to obtain one." So you see these idiot feeling's on the subject."
"The session will be a very long one."
It may be proper further to state, that on the respective days upon which those letters became due, I received blank sheets of paper, sealed in the form of letters, directed to me and stamped with the Washington post-mark; the first with the mark, December 7; the second December 8. These were both sent back to the post-master in this city, and the postage was refunded. The probability is, that, when the letters of Mr. Peters were stolen, these blank sheets were dropped in their places, in order that the theft might escape notice.
I do not think it worth while to call upon William Duane to account for the manner in which he came by the extract forwarded by him to this city, and published in his paper. If he is a wretch so base as to steal, and so mean as to break open, and publish a private and confidential letter, it is not probable that he would be ingenious enough to confess the villainy. I shall, however, direct a copy of this advertisement to be sent to him, and another to Cheetham, in order that they may have an opportunity of claiming the reward, provided either of them has the power and the inclination to make the proper disclosure. Several other communications have been lately directed to me from Washington, by different gentlemen, but have not come to hand. Society, as well as myself, have an interest in putting a stop to such unheard of outrages.
E. BRONSON.
December 21, 1801.