The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-05-10 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE)
NUMBER 1.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 10, 1805.
[VOLUME 2.]
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 23d inst. will be sold, THE HOUSE and LOT on Shockoe Hill , formerly belonging to the late Mr. Samuel Dobie. The terms of sale will be one half cash, the remainder in two annual payments, to secure which, a deed of trust upon the property must be given by the purchaser. THOS. TAYLOR & Co. V. M's. May 7. (epds)
Auction Sales.
THOMAS TAYLOR & Co. Will in future sell at the store occupied by M. W. Hancock & Co. on Wednesdays in each week, and at their office, on Tuesdays and Fridays as usual. Dec. 1, 1804. epf
ELLIS & ALLAN
Have received by the Rolls from London, part of their SPRING GOODS, amongst which are the following articles: LONDON Superfine Cloths and Cashmeres, Quiltings and Dimities. Handsome fashionable worked & laced Mullins, 3-4, 8-4 and 10-4 Diapers. 8-4, 8-10 and 10-10 Damask Table Cloths. Gentlemen's white and brown Cotton Stockings, Ladies' elegant laced white do. Do. Tortoise-shell bent and braid Combs, Chintzes, Calicoes and Furniture Gentlemen's black fashionable Hats, Do. drab beaver do. Do. do. patent silk do. Umbrellas, Boy's Morocco Caps, plain and fur'd, Belt Hemp Roles, English White Lead, Spanish Brown, Yellow Ocre, ground in oil, and Verdigris, Prussian and Fig Blue, Belt Boiled Oil in jars, Durham Mustard, &c. &c. Which, added to their present stock, and those expected (daily) from Liverpool, will render their assortment general. May 7. (epf)
NATURAL CURIOSITIES.
TO BE SEEN, in a Yellow House opposite the City Tavern, from Sun-rise, till 9 o'clock in the Evening: An AFRICAN TYGER, three feet and a half high, and 9 feet in length from the tip of his nose to the end of his tail, being yet a pup of but two years old. A LIVING SHEEP with five legs. The JACKALL, the Lion's provider. The Skin of an ALLEGATOR, also, the AMERICAN SLOTH. A Snake Skin, 25 feet long when living, and a Fowl with a Horn growing out of its Head. The price of admittance for grown persons, 37 1/2 Cents—Children half price. N.B. Any of the above Curiosities for sale at a reasonable price. May 7. (epf)
WILLIAM TEMPLE
Has imported in the Ship Rolls, Captain Cottle, from London—An Extensive Assortment of SPRING & SUMMER GOODS, which he offers for sale on liberal terms, by Wholesale and Retail.—And by the Ship Shepherds, from Liverpool, daily expected, he will receive a very extensive and general assortment of HARDWARE & CUTLERY. April 30. (epf)
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLASTER OF PARIS, an excellent quality, for sale, as usual, at WILLIAM DAVIDSON. near the Market. Dec. 2. (epf)
A FRESH SUPPLY OF SPANISH HIDES.
FOR Sale, a large quantity of prime Spanish Hides, on moderate terms. Apply to the subscriber opposite the Post-Office, Richmond. MICAJAH DAVIS. 4th Mo: 4th. —tf.
LOAF SUGAR, by the Hhd. Bbl. or Single Loaf, directed from Pennington's manufactory, Philadelphia, For Sale by MICAJAH DAVIS.
MOUNT SION FOR SALE.
The subscriber offers for sale, his Plantation in Northumberland county, known by the name of MOUNT SION. The above tract contains about 500 acres, all of which is equal to any land in that part of the country for fertility of soil, and has every requisite to make it a desirable situation for a genteel family. There is on the land an excellent brick dwelling house, with every convenient out house; it is situated on the navigable waters of the Potomack, and commands an elegant view of the river; it is very convenient to ship, oyster, &c. and is within one day's sail of Alexandria, Norfolk, and Baltimore. Terms of sale will be made known by application to Mr. Henry Ball, who resides on the land, or to the subscriber. TEXTIL JONES. May 9. —tf.
FOUR DOLLARS REWARD.
LOST, last evening, a TOBACCO NOTE for two Hogsheads of Tobacco, inspected at Byrd's in my own name, was no. 2484, Tare 2488, Tare 150, Nett 1914—No. 2484, Tare 152, Nett 1998, dated the 1st inst. I will give the above reward to any person who will deliver them to Messrs. Smith and Price at Byrd's Warehouse. JOHN MALONE. N.B. I forewarn all persons purchasing the same, as I shall take the necessary steps to procure duplicates of said notes. May 2.
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED from the commons of Richmond, on Wednesday the 17th inst. a bay light coloured HORSE, 5 feet 1 inch high, long bodied, large ears, and big legs; not branded, fed all round, paces, trots, and canters very well, works well in harness, a fear on the inside of his near hind leg directly in the joint of the hock, his off hind leg very much rubbed, has a remarkable place in his left fore foot, as if caused by treading on a glass bottle near the head of the river, since year old, has rather a dull brassy look and a little inclined to stumble. Whoever will deliver the above described horse to me, living on Shockoe Hill, opposite the Governor's, shall receive the above reward. W. D. WREN. May 9. —tf.
FOR RENT:
THE Large White House at Rocketts, formerly occupied by Mr. William Fenwick, and afterwards by Mr. Braxton Craddock. For terms apply to GALLEGGO, RICHARD & CO. January 11. (tf)
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORFELL. He has for sale—A FEW SHARES IN THE MANCHESTER TURNPIKE. Also—Old State Certificates, bearing five per cent interest. March 12. tf
VALUABLE LANDS—FOR SALE.
I wish to sell a HALF SHARE in the Dismal Swamp Company—also, SHARES in the Canal from Albemarle Sound, to Elizabeth river. Also, one third of three Tracts of LAND, lying on Nottoway river near Suffolk, the three tracts amounting in the whole, to about 1300 acres. Any person inclined to purchase, may be informed of the terms of sale by directing a letter to the subscriber, living near the post-office at Lindsay's Store, Albemarle county. FRAS. WALKER. March 30. —(2aw6w).
To Mr. WILLIAM TAFF:
TAKE NOTICE, That on the 10th day of July next, at the Tavern kept by William Montague in the county of Essex, I shall proceed to take the depositions of John Montague, William Montague, Leonard Jackson, Spencer Clark, Thomas Palmer, Robert Palmer, Travis Taff, Beverly Cloudas and Rachel Cooper, by virtue of a commission issued from Essex County Court, in a suit therein depending in Chancery, in which you are Plaintiff and I am Defendant. PETER TAFF. Essex County, April 30. (epf)
THE CELEBRATED WARM SPRINGS IN VIRGINIA.
THE subscribers have taken a lease of ten years, of the highly celebrated MEDICAL SPRINGS in the county of Bath, called the Warm Springs, so fully famed for their great cures and general relief in many complaints. THEY are now preparing every necessary comfort and accommodation to suit the amusements of those who have health, (and to promote the recovery of those who want it,) and it is deemed necessary to make these things widely known, because complaints have heretofore been made against the entertainment which has been offered. Preparations are made for at least one hundred constant boarders, besides transient guests. For the accommodation of which, the subscribers will make all possible exertions; and they flatter themselves, that those who may place confidence in this advertisement, will not find the smallest cause for regret or complaint. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. The editors of the National Intelligencer and Baltimore Federal Gazette, are requested to insert the above four times in their respective papers. March 28. —(epf).
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. B—the pitch of the Heel. C—the pitch of the Heel. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. epf
FOR SALE OR LEASE:
THAT large and convenient TAVERN, situated in the centre of the town of Lynchburg, at the corner of the street leading to the court-house and jail, and not more than thirty yards from both, opposite Lynch's ware-house and the street leading from the ferry in the laid town. The Tavern contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball and dining room, with a folding partition to the ball room. The second floor contains six rooms, one the size of the ball room and the others suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This Tavern has a large portion the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar, and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house, dairy and a stable with twenty-two stalls therein, with a spacious garden and yard leading to the stable. Other improvements will be made to suit the purchaser or lessee. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantage arising from its central and eligible situation for a Tavern, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase or lease the above property without viewing the premises, there being no doubt but they would be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation, than any information they could get from this advertisement. A liberal credit will be given any person desirous of the purchase or an advantageous lease. For further particulars, apply to William Rose, jun. Richmond, or the subscriber, residing about three miles from Lynchburg. SAMUEL SCOTT. April 30.
EDUCATION & POLITE ACCOMPLISHMENTS, FOR YOUNG LADIES: AT WILLIAMSBURG, VA.
WHILST the enlightened period in which we live dawns with benign influence on female improvement, and parents every where become anxious to obtain for their daughters, the advantages which polite education confers, an establishment calculated to gratify this amiable and just solicitude, cannot fail to excite interest, and meet approbation. Mr. Anderson's institution for the instruction of young ladies, formed in the bosom of a society distinguished for intelligence and refinement, and embracing both the useful and ornamental branches of their improvement, enjoys peculiar advantages of situation. As the seat of a justly celebrated university, and the residence of many families of the first distinction in our country, Williamsburg presents a scene, propitious in the highest degree to mental and personal accomplishments; and with a view, particularly, to the general improvement of young ladies, no place has superior claims to attention. The leisure of the past winter occasioned a temporary suspension of the exercises of the school, but they are now resumed; and parents, who wish to benefit by this establishment, may obtain further information, on application by letter, or otherwise, to Mr. L. Anderson, Postmaster, Williamsburg, Va. April 26. epf
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
The subscriber desires to sell his business in this place as soon as possible, he is inclined to offer for sale, the following valuable property, viz: A CONVENIENT two story dwelling house, 24 feet square, having one room and a passage on the lower floor, two rooms on the second floor, and two good rooms in the garret, a cellar with plank floor, and divided into three apartments, one used for cooking; the yard included with a brick wall seven feet high, the whole in good repair. This tenement is situated near the Bell-Tavern, on the cross street leading to the Rock landing, and is insured in the Mutual Insurance company, against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. Eleven unimproved half acre Lots, on Shockoe-Hill. 600 acres Military land in Kanawha county, on the waters of Oldtown creek, a branch of Ohio river, being a grant made to George Mute, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis and others, in the year 1772. 25 tracts of Land in Montgomery county, containing 32,172 1/2 acres, the whole patented in my name, viz: 4000 acres surveyed 3d April, 1786 in Montgomery county, on Cole river. 3080 acres surveyed 24th July, 1786 in same county, on 16 mile creek, adjoining the late General Washington's survey on Kanawha river. 8062 1/2 acres surveyed 23d July, 1786, in same county, on Loop waters, waters of New river. 1000 acres surveyed 13th May, 1786 in same county, on the Ohio river. 3210 acres surveyed 5th April, 1786 in same county, south of a creek running into Cole river. 2138 acres surveyed 21st February, 1787 in same county, on Cole river. 320 acres surveyed 3d February, 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek and Little Blue river. 1300 acres surveyed 16th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of the fourth fork of Cole river, that heads against Guyandott. 95 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Glade creek. 78 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on a branch emptying into Glade creek on the fourth side of the fame, and about one mile above the ford of said creek. 500 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the north fork of Mud river, that heads against Guyandott. 1500 acres surveyed 12th May, 1786 in same county, on Ohio river. 2000 acres surveyed 8th May, 1786 in same county, on the great Kanawha. 1000 acres surveyed 16th May, 1786 in same county and on ditto. 305 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head of Glade creek. 214 acres surveyed 7th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Glade creek, on the fourth side thereof. 135 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the west end of Joe's Ridge, and on the waters of Glade creek. 154 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county on Joe's ridge. 228 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on Joe's ridge, and the waters of Glade and Cooper's creek. 414 acres surveyed 22d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the second fork of Cole River, on the road crossing from Piney river to Guyandott. 2000 acres surveyed 26th Feb. 1787 in same county, under the big pipe stem knob, and running down both sides of the creek. 416 acres surveyed 4th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Coopers creek, and Joe's ridge. 380 acres surveyed 3d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Coopers creek. 3338 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county on the fourth fork of Cole river. 1345 acres surveyed 2d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of little blue river, about half a mile north from the White Oak creek. Three tracts of land in Monongalia county, patented in my name, viz: 350 acres by survey 18 June, 1796 in Monongalia county, adjoining Matthew Richey's land, and the Randolph county line, on waters of Cheat river. 400 acres surveyed 20th October, 1797 in same county, adjoining lands of Abner Harper, above the mouth of White Day creek. 400 acres surveyed 15th Nov. 1797 in same county, adjoining Peter Drago, on Pinche's run, to include an improvement made in the year 1775. 1000 acres in same county, on the west of Cheat river, above the lands of Thos. Butler. 800 acres in same county, on Buffalo creek, on a pre-emption right of David Gray. 950 acres in Greenbrier county, on Little Deer creek, adjoining lands of Joseph McClung. 891 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 1st August, 1787, on the waters of Piney river & Paint creek, waters of Kanawha river. 435 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 30th June 1786, joining the lands of Joseph Eaton, Richard Muff, and James McCorkle. 230 acres in Wythe county, surveyed 4th Nov. 1795, on the Led Mine Mill creek. 180 acres in Albemarle county, patent dated 5th July, 1787, on William Hill creek, waters of Buck Island creek. One undivided moiety of five lots, in the town of Winchester, No's 89, 90, 100, 101, and 109. The above will be sold very low, and the terms made known on application to WM. AUSTIN. Richmond, April 9. —(tf).
LAND FOR SALE.
A TRACT of about 850 acres, lying on James River, adjoining the town of Lynchburg; one hundred and forty of which is low ground, and said to be of the first quality; a considerable proportion of the high ground lies well, and well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. It has an excellent shad and rock fishery on it; a small apple orchard, a good dwelling house and convenient out-houses; a mill seat, supposed to be superior to any in that part of the country—the mill house would set within thirty-six poles of the river, on navigable water. Likely negroes would be received in part pay, and a generous price allowed for one or two blacksmiths that are under 25 years of age, and good workmen. For further particulars, apply to the subscriber, on the premises, or Mr. William Brown, merchant, in Lynchburg. LEWELLEN JONES. March 1. (epf)
JUST RECEIVED,
AND FOR SALE BY THE SUBSCRIBER, FOUR hundred pieces House Paper, Philadelphia Beer by the barrel, a small quantity of first quality New-England Cheese; also 200 barrels Corn. EDWARD HALLAM. April 6. —(1awf).
TO RENT.
THREE small tenements convenient to the canal, two of brick with four rooms in each, and one of less size, of wood. WM. PRICE. Who was for sale, 2 fine mules 4 years old. April 30. ewf.
East Indies.
By the late accounts from India, it appears, that the English troops had engaged their most powerful enemies of India, and had not abandoned the hope of an entire reduction of a power which had been their scourge and their terror. In October, Gen. Holkar, who commanded the Mahrattas passed the Jumna with his cavalry, but soon retreated. They were checked by Col. Burn, and General Fraser had advanced to the Jumna, with the grand English army, on the 3d November. Gen. Lake relates, that they were prepared to attack the Mahrattas, should they attempt to pass again the Jumna, but at length a general engagement gave the field to the English, who lost their brave Gen. Fraser, in the 2d action on the 12th Nov. The success was announced at Calcutta on the 26th of Nov. by Gov. Wellesley, and on Gen. Monson devolved the command by the death of Gen. Fraser. The killed, wounded and missing on the part of the English, are given at 644, and 87 pieces of ordnance were taken. Of the European officers, the English lost one General, three Captains and seventeen Lieutenants. Nothing is said of the losses of the Mahrattas, but they are to be calculated from the confusion into which they were thrown, and from the defeats and retreats which are mentioned. The celebrated author of the history of the military transactions in India, fays of the Mahrattas, "Their country lies between Bombay and Golconda; its limits are not known with any degree of certainty to Europeans, and we are equally ignorant of the origin and history of the people. They have now figured for near a century (speaking in 1765) as the most enterprising soldiers of Indostan, and as the only nation of Indians which seems to make war an occupation by choice, for the Rajpours are soldiers by birth. Of late years they have often been at the gates of Delhi; sometimes in arms against the throne; in defence of it against the Afghans, or Pisans. The strength of their arms consists in their numerous cavalry, which is more capable of resisting fatigue than any in India; large bodies of them having been known to march 50 miles a day. They avoid general engagements, and seem to have no other idea in making war, but that of doing as much mischief as possible to the enemy's country. The rapidity of their motions leaves the prince with whom they war little chance of striking a decisive blow against them or even of attacking with effect any of their detachments. Great parsimony, in their expenses, and continued collections of treasures, have been the principal causes of raising them in less than a century, from a people of inconsiderable note, to a nation, which at present strikes terror into all the countries between Delhi and Cape Comorin. They often let out bodies of men, and sometimes whole armies; but the hiring them is a dangerous resource; for the offer of better terms seldom fails to make them change sides, and they seldom relinquish their practice of plundering, even in the countries which they are hired to defend. But notwithstanding their warlike character, they are in other respects the most scrupulous observers of the religion of Brahma, never eat anything that has life, not even killing the insects that molest them; however a buffalo, sacrificed with many strange ceremonies, atones for the blood of their own species, which they shed in war." The fame writer observes that their treaties are hardly a suspension of hostilities. This military people have not yet submitted to British power. It is an important object to reduce them, and the work is not yet accomplished. The British know they possess the resources of European genius from the many Europeans among them, and will probably pursue their success, till the most arduous military campaigns give complete victory. Rennel tells us that the name, according to Perishtā, is taken from a province in Deccan. Sevagee, born in 1628, was the founder of the empire, and owed his power to his own ambition. He died in 1680. His son was put to death by Aurungzebe, in 1689, and succeeded by Sahoo, who held his power above fifty years. At his death in 1740, they had overrun the greatest part of India. Ram Rajah who succeeded by his imbecility lost many of their conquests, and the Minister and the General agreed to divide the dominions, one lying at Poona and the other at Vazpore. In 1743, they invaded Bengal. The English negotiated at Poona upon the subject of their pretensions in 1776 and in 1783 negotiated a peace. Mr. Rennel thinks the English have little to fear at present from their power. He confesses, that it appears impossible to discriminate their possessions on a map, or to ascertain the sum of their revenue. He observes "The most intelligent and best informed persons that I have consulted on the occasion, will not venture to give an opinion of it." One person has stated the revenue at 12 millions sterling, and the military establishment at 200,000 troops. Since the peace of 1788, the Mahrattas have extended their frontiers towards the Jumna, near which the late battles were fought. Mr. Rennel only confesses his want of information, in his last edition of his memoir respecting the revenues, but respecting the tributary states. It is only from the reduction of the country we can expect a more accurate history, and till we can obtain it we must feel the great uncertainty which rests on their affairs, not less than the English do the dangers from such enterprising and depredating neighbors. It is only in their final success that we must expect that the English will give us a full account of the progress of their arms. Sal. Reg.
European Intelligence.
(PITT'S BUDGET.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 18. BUDGET. The house having resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House to consider of the Ways and Means, The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, and, without any previous notice, proceeded to state the State of the Ways and Means of the year. The first article of charge, said he, which it is my duty to state to the Committee, is for the Navy already voted 14,645,000 Being a sum exceeding that of last year by upwards of 2 millions.
  20,000 additional seamen being since voted.   Next the army, consisting of Guards, Grenadiers, Foot, &c. &c. already voted in detail 10,000,000   On the head of Volunteers this year, there will, probably, be a considerable diminution of charge, and for this I state 1,100,000   Extraordinaries, &c. 3,578,000   14,778,000   For Ireland 2,732,000   Extraordinaries 500,000   Volunteers 500,000   3,736,000   Being a total on the head of the Army of 18,616,000. Something under the charge of last year, which was upwards of 19 millions.   The next article of Ordinance 5,866,000   Various miscellaneous different small charges, amounting to about 1,450,000   6,916,000   TOTAL of the ARMY. 39,266,000 
There is connected with the military expenditure of the year one article of the greatest importance, which I shall here notice. His Majesty has stated in his speech to Parliament that he was engaged in confidential intercourse and communication with some of the Powers of the Continent; and I am happy to have observed that the prospect of our forming a more intimate connection with those Powers has met with the general concurrence and approbation of all men in this House. That intimacy and connection it would be the first wish of Government and the Country to employ towards the establishment of peace on solid and permanent grounds; but as in the present state of affairs, and considering the temper displayed by our enemy, it might be too sanguine to hope that such a peace should be the result of mere pacific disposition, or without further efforts on the part of those Powers hostile to the ambition and violence of France, it is desirable, without delay, to prepare the means that may be necessary to make those pecuniary advances on the part of this Country which are essential to bring the energies of Continental Powers into action. With these views I have deemed it advisable not to postpone making provision for those pecuniary succours, in case they should be called for. And I state them at
  5,000,000   Being in all of joint charge 44,559,000   On this there are two 17 parts to be defrayed by Ireland; its Civil List and different other articles a mounting to 5,433,000   Leaving for Great Britain 39,126,000 
Among the separate charges for Great Britain, however, is to be ranked a sum of 1,000,000 to the East India Company, which, from the investigation that has taken place, is found to be due, and will come to be submitted to the vote of Parliament. A sum likewise of 220,000 in the Civil List, and about 440,000 for satisfying American claims. There is likewise to be stated about 5,000,000. deficiency of the sums voted last year. It happens that a temporary diminution has taken place in the produce of several of the taxes voted last year upon various articles of the Consolidated Fund. That diminution, however, there is reason to believe, will be only temporary. Upon the whole, therefore, the proportion of Great Britain will be 43,690,000.
WAYS AND MEANS.
We come next to the Ways and Means, by which this sum is to be raised. In the first place then there is the annual vote in lieu of the Land and Malt, &c. There is of last year's grants a surplus amounting, arising partly from the sums voted for the Navy not having all been called for actually within the last year The next article is the growing produce of the Consolidated Fund, estimated, as usual, upon an average of the three preceding years. It appears that the produce in the last three years was upwards of 90,000,000.; and that, too, notwithstanding the diminution last year upon the articles of Wine, Tea, Malt Spirits, as I have already stated; and as there is every reason to believe that diminution of a temporary nature, I have no hesitation in estimating the annual produce of the Consolidated Fund at 31,380,000.; and as the whole charge on that Fund will very little exceed 29,000,000., and that including various miscellaneous and extraordinary articles, I take as the surplus of the Consolidated Fund The Property Tax and other War Taxes last year, estimated at 9,000,000., will not produce more than 8,300,000. But still it affords a flattering picture of the resources of the Country, that an augmentation of the Funds on which this addition was laid, produced to within 500,000. of the calculated result. Upon the experience we have had of the Property Tax may be at 4,600,000. But the considerable arrears below *We have only time to say that they may not exactly tally in

year, which coming in this year will make the proceeds of it amount to 6,700,000. and at this rate may be stated this year. In order, however, to follow that principle, which has been attended with the most beneficial effects to the public credit of the Country, particularly exemplified in the terms of the Loan, which will be mentioned by and by it is my intention to propose that there shall be laid an additional Tax upon Property of one-fourth, that is, three-pence on every shilling now paid, and this I calculate will produce 1,150,000.—Upon these grounds we may fairly estimate the War Taxes at 15,750,000 besides the Lottery
£ 23,994,000 There remains, therefore, the sum of twenty millions to be raised, which it is proposed to do by Loan, the terms of which I have this day concluded, subject to the approbation of this House. The terms are, for every 100l. subscribed, 150l. three per cents. and 22l. reduced, making in all 172l. stock for every 100l. It is extremely satisfactory to find, that, notwithstanding the Loan of this year is twice the amount of that of last year, the terms are considerably more advantageous for the public. The Stock created last year was for every 100l. 128l. Stock, being an interest of 5l. 3s. 2d. or 6s. for the present loan the interest for every 100l. last year. The usual discount of 5 per cent. on prompt payment is allowed. With reference to the price of Stocks of Saturday, it will be found that the bonus to the subscribers is only 2l. 1s. 4d. and yet, advantageous as this bargain is for the public, I am happy to think that it promises to be equally so to the Contractors; a circumstance which, when the public interest in the transaction is fairly preferred, cannot fail to be the subject of satisfaction to all. This favourable state of things, this undeniable proof of the high state of public credit, is to be imputed to the general prosperity of the country, to the firm opinion of its security, to the wisdom of those measures which Parliament has adopted to prevent the excessive accumulation of the national debt, and to the operation of the Sinking Fund, the force of which is now so powerfully felt, and which, if we persist in the same course, must so rapidly proceed in clearing off the incumbrances of the public.
NEW TAXES. It remains for me to state the mode in which it is proposed to provide the interest for the Loan. The whole annual charges, including the 1 per cent. Sinking Fund, will be 1,376,000l. and 15,000l. charge of management. There may be requisite, also, for the payment of interest of such part of the Loan as it may be necessary to borrow money to pay off, making in all, the sum of 1,337,000l. for which new taxes must be imposed.
The first article, then, which I propose, is that a penny shall be laid on all single letters, that a penny for a single letter, and two-pence for a double letter, and so on; likewise an addition of a penny on two penny post letters when they go a certain distance from town. Upon the head of the Post Office, from the best data that can be obtained, I calculate that there will be got 230,000
The next article is that of Salt, to the tax on which of 10s. it is proposed to add 5s. more. This I calculate to produce 490,000
The present circumstances it will be advisable to lay 6d. per bushel on Exportation to Foreign parts. This will give 80,000
Next on Horses employed in Husbandry, it is proposed to raise the present tax of 12s. 6d. to 20s. which I take at 320,000
But this not to apply to the Horses which the Farmers use in going to market, &c. next propose, that for the first time a tax should be imposed on Legacies in direct succession, to the amount only of 1 per cent. The amount of this tax it is not easy to calculate.—It appears from the Register that the amount of property on which Probates of Wills are taken out amounts to 30,000,000l. a year, of which 5 millions may be deducted for debts, and five more are bequeathed in collateral succession. It will not be too much to estimate the produce of that part of the remaining 20 millions which goes in direct succession at 200,000
It is proposed likewise to supply an omission in the Tax upon Legacies on Land, by subjecting to the Tax Allowances arising out of Land, which certainly are in the nature of personal Legacies, and this is estimated at 100,000
I propose next to raise the Tax on Legacies to absolute Strangers in Blood, which now pay 8 per cent. to 10 per cent. which will produce 50,000
Total 1,556,000
Being twenty thousand more than the amount of interest required.
Having enumerated the various items, he concluded with saying, that he would detain the committee no longer than merely while he pointed out the flattering view of the financial situation of the country, which this statement afforded. In the third year of a war following so soon upon an expensive contest, we were enabled to raise the supplies on comparatively more favourable terms than at the middle of last war. We had not only provided the means of maintaining the conflict ourselves, but were likewise prepared to make a manly, generous, and decisive effort, for the independence of Europe, should other nations be disposed to co-operate in so honourable a design. He then moved the different resolutions.
As soon as the first resolution respecting the terms of the Loan was put from the Chair,
Mr. Fox rose to offer a few observations on what had fallen from the right honourable gentleman in his opening speech. The right hon. gentleman, when alluding to the subject of our national debt, had stated that the state of the country was such as to render it necessary to have recourse to some of the usual means.
To that proposition, certainly had no sort of objection, but he could not suffer a general impression to pass into an opinion of any subsidy for the war.
On that subject he
at present had no wish to offer an opinion, but he could not help alluding to the novel manner in which the right honourable gentleman wished the ways and means to be voted. The regular way surely was for the house first to decide on the policy of any subsidy to be given, as well as on its amount, before any specific sum was voted for that purpose. Here, however, the house seemed proceeding on different grounds, by first agreeing to a particular sum for the specific object of a continental subsidy, without having been permitted to form any opinion of the time at which the subsidy was to be afforded, or the manner in which it was to be applied. If afterwards any question arose on these points, it might be attempted to be argued, that all future discussion was precluded; and it was with the view of providing against any such assumption that he felt it his duty to rise on the present occasion. He had no objection to have the sum of five millions in the mean time voted for, but he begged it to be clearly understood, that with respect to the policy of a continental subsidy, the extent to which it might be carried, or the manner in which it was to be applied, he considered himself as at perfect liberty to offer his sentiments at length whenever the matter should be regularly brought before the house. He thought it necessary to make this declaration, though he had no reason to think, that in alluding to the question of continental subsidies, the right honourable gentleman wished to take the house by surprise. Having disposed of this preliminary question, the honourable gentleman next adverted to the new taxes meant to be imposed. As to the tax on agricultural horses, he confessed that he felt a degree of alarm. Every one acquainted with agricultural affairs knew that the tax, even as it now stood, was found to be highly oppressive, and he was sure that the proposed addition would be considered a very serious burden by those most seriously concerned. He therefore had a strong objection to this addition. He had an equal objection to the proposed tax on salt, but he would reserve his observations on the subject to that period when the matter came to be fully discussed. In the mean time, he could not help remarking that of the taxes mentioned, with the exception of that on salt, none were on articles of consumption. It would not be denied that the possibility of taxing articles of consumption, was the best criterion of the powers of a nation to sustain burdens. He disliked the idea of relinquishing this mode of taxation, as it seemed to indicate that we were in a situation far more reduced than he could bring himself to believe. He was sorry, too, for the addition to the property tax. His great objection, both to the income tax, as well as the property tax, was, that it afforded too great facility for augmentation, and that it was impossible to say where its operation would terminate. If now it was increased twenty-five per cent. it might soon be doubled or tripled. In short, by a gradual process, the people might, under the form of a property tax, be deprived of almost all they possessed. It was to be kept in view, at the same time, that the property tax was very unequally levied. So far as it affected property in land, the assessments might be pretty fairly arranged, but this would not hold with respect to commercial profits, to which no satisfactory mode of assessment could be applied. The danger was, also, that if the property tax were long continued, it might come to be considered as a permanent land tax, and voted annually on similar principles. If the old mode of taxing articles of consumption was to be abandoned, and income directly to be attacked, it was impossible to say to what limits it might be carried. At present it was confined to income, but it was not easy to say how soon even the capital might be invaded. It was a matter of the utmost consequence to have it understood that it should not be augmented beyond a certain amount.—It would afford great satisfaction to the country to know that it should in no case be augmented beyond the half of its present amount. People would pay the tax with the greatest satisfaction if they knew that it was to have a determinate period.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer assured the honourable gentleman and the house that he entertained not the slightest idea of wishing the house to express any opinion as to the policy of continental subsidies. He was aware that the subject would remain fully open to future discussion when the period for that discussion arrived. Then every honourable gentleman would have a full opportunity of expressing his sentiments fully, both as to the circumstances under which a subsidy was proposed to be given, the amount of that subsidy, and the particular manner in which it was to be applied. But though he allowed that the subject was open for fair discussion, he certainly had felt it his duty to defer bringing forward the ways and means for the year. He had many reasons for avoiding this delay. It was, in the first place, proper that when a subject of this importance was produced, it should meet with full consideration, and therefore it was not politic to bring it forward at a very late period of the session. It was also proper to have it early brought forward, because, by delaying the loan to a late period, the public was a sufferer, from the mode in which the interest was to be defrayed. As to the proposed taxes, he had to offer a few observations. The honourable member had objected that the taxes were to operate directly, instead of being laid on articles of consumption. The honourable gentleman would not however deny that salt was an article of consumption, and one too of a very serious description. The same observation would apply to horses employed in agriculture, and though the tax on the Post-office was not actually on an article of consumption, it was on an article of convenience, and therefore fell under the same general principle. Here then the house would perceive that of the whole sum to be raised to cover the interest of the loan, no less than eleven hundred thousand pounds were on articles of consumption or convenience. With respect to the property tax, he could not admit that the honourable gentleman's remarks were founded in truth. If the next was found such as the subject could pay, he saw no reason why it should not, like other taxes, be augmented. He was confident the more the productiveness of this tax was studied, the more would its effects be experienced. When he had first introduced the income tax, he had taken the sum total of the rental of the kingdom at twenty-five millions. The operation of this bill had however proved that the real amount was not less than 34 millions, and assessments to that extent had been formed. There was no evidence whatever, that the commercial part of the kingdom did not pay their fair proportion: on the contrary, the assessments on this part of the public property, showed a fair and very extensive payment of the tax.
Mr. Fox could not enter into the ideas of the right honourable gentleman respecting the gradual increase of the income tax. His language reminded him of the story of a Lady in the country, who was so very fond of a calf, that she was accustomed to take it in her arms, and thought she might do the same after it was increased to the size of an ox. At present we might submit to the income tax, but, like the calf, it might by degrees become too fat a beast for our management. Mr. Pitt said a few words in explanation. The resolutions were then put and agreed to.
The house resumed, and the report was ordered for to-morrow. The committee was then postponed to Friday. Adjourned.
PHILADELPHIA, May 3.
FROM FRANCE.
Yesterday afternoon, arrived the brig Lovely Lais , capt. Clark, in 44 days from Nantz. By this vessel we have received the Paris Argus (printed in English) and the Moniteur to the middle of March. They however furnish very little information, in any respect new or interesting. It appears that Bonaparte, pursuing the grand plan of aggrandizing and ennobling the members of his family, was preparing to leave Paris, for Milan, to attend the coronation of his brother Joseph, as king of Lombardy. We lately had an account, by way of New-York, which was deemed not only improbable, but chimerical. We allude to the report of Bonaparte's intending to require of the government of the United States, indemnity for the property carried by our citizens, from St. Domingo—property belonging to French subjects. By a gentleman passenger in the Lovely Lais , we are informed of an act of the French government which renders this account by no means improbable. Bonaparte, it appears, in the midst of his higher concerns, has not been unmindful of the unfortunate exiles from St. Domingo. A decree has been issued by him, declaring that every subject, formerly residing in that colony, who may have been exiled from his home and property by the brigands, shall be allowed from the national treasury 300 livres per year, every married man 300, and for each child 100. That this provision could have been made without an eye to the ultimate recovery of the property sacrificed by the brigands is incredible; and surely Bonaparte will not apply for remuneration to the blacks. The gentleman has a copy of the decree; but has not been able immediately to lay his hand upon it.
The report of a decree, annulling the marriage of Jerome Bonaparte, has also been deemed a fiction in this country. We, however, find in the Moniteur of the 1st March, the official document to this effect. It differs from that which we have already published only in the concluding words, which are, "without the consent of his mother, and without the banns thereof being previously published in the place of his abode." Ref.
By a gentleman arrived in Gould's packet this morning, who came direct from New-York to Baltimore, we are informed that, on the day he left New-York, English papers had been received there, stating that the Brest fleet , consisting of 21 sail of the line had actually put to sea, had proceeded to Cadiz, had there been joined by the Spanish ships in that harbour, and had again put to sea.—The number of ships was not then known, nor had any precise idea of their destination been formed. On board of this fleet were embarked 33,000 troops of the Line. Norfolk Ledger, May 6.
West-Indies.
NEW-YORK, April 30.
Captain Perkins, who arrived at this port yesterday in the brig Dove from St. Thomas and Trinidad, informs us that on the 5th of April, in lat. 19, 45, long. 66, 20, at 6 P. M. he fell in with the French West-India squadron, consisting of four ships of the line, four frigates, a brig, and a schooner; and that at one o'clock, P. M. on the following day, in lat. 20, 5, long. 66, 45, he lost sight of them. They were fleeing a northern course, and he supposes they were returning to France.
Captain P. has favored us with the following state of the markets: At St. Thomas—Flour dull at 16 dollars, White pine lumber 24, pitch 36, prime beef 10, pork 14 claret 12 to 24 dollars, the cask, coffee 26 to 28 and in demand. At Porto Rico—Flour 16 to 17 dollars payable in bills on Vera Cruz; coffee 23. 5000 bbls. flour had been purchased there by the Spanish government, and shipped to the Maine, the ports being shut. At Leguira—Cocoa 24 to 30. Merc. Adv.
NEW-YORK, May 2.
An Antigua paper of the 2d of April, received by the brig Franklin , says, "The French fleet, we are informed, was some days ago seen steering south west."
PHILADELPHIA, April 30.
By Capt. Ellis, of the ship Two Brothers , arrived this morning in 16 days from St. Kitts, we learn that the British squadrons under Admirals Cochrane and Graves, had arrived at Barbadoes, and that the latter had left there in pursuit of the French. These fleets when united amounted to 14 sail of the line. Ref.
The information contained in our correspondent's letter of this day, increases the probability of the French fleet being on their way home. Considered in a national point of view, the operations of this squadron, have been most contemptible; and their precipitate return, after the most petty achievements, but a poor evidence of their enterprise or bravery. As far as it regards the interest of this country, their absence from the West-Indies cannot but be considered as a highly fortunate circumstance; inasmuch as the mass of American property at St. Domingo must have been in jeopardy as long as they continued to haunt those seas. Although by this maneuvre they have eluded the squadron of Admiral Cochrane, it is not improbable that before they reach "the baron where they would be," some of the British look-out squadrons will overhaul them. ibid.
[It is not probable that the French Fleet have failed for the East-Indies, the place of destination first assigned to them by the English, when they first left Rochefort.]
Extract of a letter from Cape Francois dated April 19.
"The Emperor has come into this city. His army is repulsed, owing to the arrival of the French fleet at the City of St. Domingo. The Americans, their main stand-by, will in consequence be more respected. They will now go to pealing coffee, and it is scarcely presumable that the French can march from St. Domingo, with 5000 troops with success." [Ref.]
NORFOLK, May 6.
By a Gentleman from St. Thomas we are obligingly informed of some circumstances respecting the defeat of the Haytians before the city of St. Domingo, by the garrison under command of the brave Ferrand; who on this occasion it is said displayed all the qualifications of a consummate general, and all the firm intrepidity of a real courage.
When the negro army appeared off the city, and were in a condition to attack it, a summons was sent, to the following purport—"JEAN JACQUES, the first Emperor of Hayti, to General FERRAND, Commanding a division of the troops of the French Republic.—As it is inconsistent with the laws and independence of the Empire, that any portion of the French army should be allowed to remain in the island, General Fer-
rand is summoned to surrender the city of St. Domingo in twenty-four hours; if at the end of that time the city shall not be evacuated, it will be delivered to plunder, and all the inhabitants thereof put to the sword." It being difficult to procure any person who would risk the delivery of a suitable answer to this demand, the Commandant ordered three cannon shot to be levelled at the Black camp, which conveyed a defiance in terms as strong as the pen could have done, and doubtless as well understood.
The action was fought on the plain of St. Charles, on the 28th of March. The resources not less than the courage of Ferrand and his associates is seen in his finding means, with so small an army, to garrison every part of the city, and to make a foray against a foe so numerous, so desperate, and so insatiable for blood and vengeance. Seconded by a little band of Heroes, he, however, attacked successfully, and successfully carried, every intrenchment of the enemy. His second in command heading the attack on the first line received a very severe wound; not discouraged he led them on to the second, where he received several others; still concealing his situation from his companions, he conducted them to the third, in carrying which he received a musket ball through the lower venter, of which he almost instantly died. From the Spanish troops but little aid was received in the first and partial engagements with the blacks, but in this decisive one, the presence of their commander, whom they loved and feared, animated them to actions which seemed to be inspired by a desire to surpass their French comrades.
The defeat was complete. 1300 Brigands were counted dead on the field of battle; all their ammunition, a large portion of their military stores, their magazines of provisions, and the military chest and treasure of the Emperour , fell into the hands of the victor; whose loss in the battle did not exceed 80 men.
The fleet of admiral MESSIEU (or MISSISS) arrived either on the day of the battle or the day succeeding, but had not at the time landed any troops. The ships did not come to anchor, but after putting the aids which they had for the garrison on shore, stood out to sea.—We understand that the inhabitants of St. Domingo have been invited to return; as the siege is raised, and the army of Dessalines completely withdrawn. Ledger.
Domestic Intelligence.
Formalities to be observed, for obtaining from the French consuls, certificates of origin for vessels bound to France.
In consequence of some late arrangements, the French consuls inform the merchants of the New-England states, that henceforth the following forms are to be observed for obtaining from him a certificate of origin, viz. The owner, or in his stead the charterer of the vessel, will make a manifest of said vessel's whole cargo, a blank of which he will obtain, by applying to the custom house of the port where the shipment is made. He will forward this to the French consil, with the several documents and vouchers proving the origin. And these must be of an unquestionable authority. The certificates of the custom house must be sent separate, as they will remain in the consil's office.—Upon this, the French consil being satisfied of their veracity, will grant the certificate required. It is presumed, that it is unnecessary to caution the gentlemen, who may have any occasion for the said certificate of origin, to be very particular in their setting down the various marks, number of barrels, hogsheads, &c. shippers name, &c. in order to ensure the delivery of the certificates without any difficulty or retardment, always injurious to the interests of merchants.
Chancery of the French consulate, Boston, March 28 1805.
To the Editor, of the Mercantile Advertiser.
SIR, In your paper of yesterday morning you have unwarrantably suffered the publication of the following paragraph:
"The passengers on board the ship Ambition , lately arrived from Cherbourg, are not a little surprised to hear that they were mentioned in the New-York Gazette as having reported some news from France. They can assure the public that they never had any conversation upon the politics of France, either on board or after their arrival in this city."
It is necessary for me here to state, and which I can prove, that the death of Chappe and the Imperial decree declaring the marriage of Jerome Bonaparte null and void, was handed to me in manuscript by one of the passengers in the Ambition for publication. What follows, relative to the unpopularity of Bonaparte in France, I had verbally from one of them, which was declared to me in the presence of Captain Skinner on board the Ambition . Yours, &c. JOHN LANG.
Besides the gun-boats lately constructed in our ports, we understand four bomb-brigs are building, each to carry two 15 inch mortars, to be ready by the 1st of June, to proceed to the Mediterranean. For a complete charge of one of these mortars 30 pounds of powder is necessary—and it is understood they can throw shells into the enemy's fortifications from such a distance as renders them safe from his fire.
The gun-boats which are about to sail will row 30 sweeps, and besides carrying two 32 pounders, are also to carry each four 6 inch howitzers, and 30 blunderbusses. No. 6 & 7, built in this port, have received sailing orders, and No. 3, built in Philadelphia, has orders to join them, and sail in company. N. Y. Paper.
We learn that Dr. George Davis, of this city, brother of Mr. Matthew L. Davis, is appointed by the President of the United States Consul for the Regency of Tunis. N. Y. Paper.
Three large Whales have been lately caught in Barnstable bay, (about 60 miles to the S. E. of Boston) which produced 160 bbls. oil.
PHILADELPHIA, April 24.
Mr. Burr left this city on Tuesday last, on a tour through the western and southern frontier of the United States and Louisiana; he has taken with him an able draftsman, and naturalist, and it is to be presumed purposes to employ some time and the means which he has provided on the natural history and beauties of the country through which he is to pass, and perhaps to communicate them to the public. The report of Mr. Burr being appointed to the government of Louisiana, is too preposterous to meet credit with any who are not credulous to the extreme of credulitas . Some of the federal prints, suggest that his purpose is to become a candidate when the Louisianians, arrive at the first grade of government, and elect their own governor—this idea may seem to answer the admonishments , but those who know any thing of Mr. Burr's cool impatience , will hardly credit this, and those who have had any correct information on the wishes that prevail among the people of that new acquisition will credit the supposition still less. Aurora.
Gun-Boat No. 8, was launched at Boston on Wednesday last.—In a Boston paper of Wednesday, it is stated, that a premium of 400 dollars, will be presented to the officers and crew of said boat that joins commodore Barron's squadron. Phila. paper.
BALTIMORE, May 2.
The federal Circuit court sat yesterday; Judge Chase and Winchester present.—Judge Chase delivered a short and pertinent charge to the grand jury—his remarks were pointed, novel and well applied. After calling their attention to crimes committed against the laws of the United States which came under their cognizance, and which he particularly noticed—murder, treason and piracy, he informed them, he need not dilate on, as there had not come within his knowledge any case for their notice.—Any breach of the revenue laws would be brought before them by the proper officers; and observed, that any information required by them would be given by the court when wanted. He particularly directed, that in all cases they were to hear the evidence on the part of the United States only, and in any case, where the evidence was doubtful, they were not to find a bill; as their not finding one did not establish innocence, but only proved that there was not evidence sufficient to find a bill. He particularly noticed that an union of the states should always be advocated, and that the laws should ever be supported as the only certain security of peace and order—even admitting that those laws were unjust, unconstitutional or oppressive; and declared it his opinion, that it was not their duty to enquire into the constitutionality of laws, but to support them, as made by those whose peculiar province it was to enact them, and strongly recommended the encouragement of morality as the sheet anchor of our political security and happiness.
After the charge was delivered, the grand jury retired to their chamber and in a short time returned and stated to the court that no business had been brought before them. The judge, returned them his thanks for their attention in the service of the public and thereupon dismissed them. American.
[Does it come within the official duty of a Judge of the U. S. to introduce into his charge, any observations on the Union of the States?]
We understand that JOSEPH RADEMAKER has been received in the character of Charge des Affaires of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal to the United States, and that an exequatur has also been issued to him, as Consul general for that nation. Nat. Inst.
THOMAS NEWTON, sen. is appointed collector of the port of Norfolk, in the room of Col. Nicholas, resigned.
NORFOLK, May 4.
Arrived, brig Eliza Henery, capt. Butler, from St. Thomas's.
Capt. B. has furnished the following list of American vessels carried into Tortola by the British cruizers for adjudication:
Ship Mohawk , Peck, of New-Haven; schooner John , Hand, of New-York; two brigs, and a ship belonging to New-York, names not known, and a brig belonging to Newbury-Port.
From the Captain of the Tickler of Baltimore, who stopped here on his way from Bermuda, to land passengers, we learn that the ship Manhattan of New-York (from Batavia) was cleared 20th ult.—The Captain had appealed for damages.—The brig Nancy would not be put on trial until proofs of the neutrality of her property should have had time to arrive from America.—[The secretary of the Marine Insurance Company, failed from hence, with these proofs, 17th ult.]—Bermuda was shut against Americans; but it was expected it would soon be opened again.—The Captain of the Tartar frigate impressed (at St. George's) all the crew of the Tickler, including the mate; with much difficulty the mate was got back, but none of the others. Captain Maxwell threatened that wherever he met an American vessel at sea, on board of which there was an Englishman, an Irishman, or Scotchman, he would take every soul from on board of her and send her adrift; that such was the best mode of punishing the abuse of protections. As we have a law providing for the punishment of such outrage, when the perpetrator of it shall come within our jurisdiction, we hold it the duty of every captain, against whom it has been or may be committed, to enter his protest against it immediately on his arrival in port, and to forward it, with such circumstantial proof as may be within his power, to the office of state; And this we earnestly recommend to them not to neglect. Ledger.
The ship Canton of Baltimore, abandoned at sea by capt. Sterett, and recovered by Capt. M'George of the brig Hope , had arrived off Antigua, and was three days becalmed in sight of the island, when she was taken possession of by a French privateer, and sent into Guadalupe. ibid.
Miscellaneous.
COMMUNICATION.
I have the pleasure to enclose, the essay of a young lady, whose pen has more than once been directed to the pleasing and laudable object of garnishing the pages of your paper.
Believing, that your veneration for the fair sex is only equalled, by the prompt zeal, wherewith you encourage literary merit, on every occasion; believing farther, that this little effusion of genius, stands eminently entitled to your countenance, I feel no difficulty in forwarding it, and in entertaining the hope, that it will find ready access, to the bosom of the Enquirer. A. FRIEND. May 6. 1805.
WRITTEN AT THE CLOSE OF AUTUMN.
Of through these scenes I silent rove, And mark the changeful year; See the first tints adorn the grove, Or view the prospect drear.
And now these haunts late green and gay, Awake the sombre thought; I mourn to see this swift decay, And nature's ruin wrought.
For autumn now a mantle spreads, Of brownish yellow hue; No flowers their blushing heads, Impearl'd with morning dew.
But blasts now tear the faded bow'r, And howling fright the ear, While fancy at the dusky hour, Bids airy forms appear.
The foaming waves they dash the shore, And melancholy sound; And with the winds that wildly roar, Make solemn music round.
I mark these scenes with pensive care, And sympathetic sighs, For summer flown I drop a tear, Then on it moralize.
Another Infant Rofcius.
The furor for juvenile theatricals (says a Liverpool paper) is become so prevalent, that we should not be surprised to hear of a play performed by actors and actresses under the age of 11 years. The Cawkirk Rofcius, who performed at Manchester on Tuesday evening to an overflowing house, and with the most enthusiastic applause, plays the part of Young Norval, at Chester, on Monday. Several Boxes are engaged by the Liverpool gentlemen, who we understand are going to see this little phenomenon.—It is rumoured that Mr. Brown is in trea-

ty with the manager of Covent Garden on behalf of his son. The Boy had also appeared as Frederic in the Lover's Vows, and announced for Hamlet.
ALEXANDRIA, MAY 8.
Prize Ram. Tuesday last being the day announced for the show of Lambs, at Arlington, the estate of Mr. Cullis, in the vicinity; the premium was adjudged to a Lamb bred by Col. Thomas L. Lee, of Loudoun. This beautiful animal, of one year old, is certainly a prodigy of its race, his great size, his high form and remarkable fleece, gave great credit to the flock from which he came, and is a striking instance of perfection in the race of useful animals, obtained by care and management. We are the intention of his present possessor him with some fine ewes of the improved breed, and also some imported ram, a present from the late General Washington. This Lamb possesses the great desideratum of very short staple, and a fleece no less remarkable for its quantity than the length of the staple.
The Lamb remain in his paddock, at Arlington, until the 10th of this month, for the gratification of those gentlemen who wish to see him clothed in his fleece; at the expiration of which time he will be sheared, and we hope to be able to lay before our readers an accurate account of its weight and the gross weight of the carcase.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, MAY 10, 1805.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Remarks concerning the establishment of a New Bank at Richmond.
A dialogue, lately published in this paper, under the assumed names of Midas and Crito, has obtained much notice, and deserves much more. It related to an important question, concerning which public opinion has not yet been finally settled, and wherein the interests of society are greatly concerned. The writer, having admitted, that more banking capital was necessary, at this place, that part of the subject will not now be examined. The question now is, whether that evil is to be remedied by increasing the capital of the bank, which exists, or by establishing a new and independent bank. As the writer of this article is in favor of the latter opinion, his purpose will be equally answered whether success is obtained, by opposing adversary opinions, or by supporting his own. The writer of the dialogue, after having taken his side, has published the following opinion, "It should be the part of the legislature to authorize the board of directors, (when the stock was worth 80 per cent) to advertise a certain number of shares for sale to the highest bidder; the purchasers would be then obliged to pay this advance on the stock, and this premium would constitute a new fund for the benefit of the state."
To this mode of increasing the banking capital there are many objections. The present observations will be confined to those which are most susceptible of proof, or are self evident. Among which the foremost is the want of right in the Legislature, except upon terms and with modifications which will require many preliminary arrangements. The legislature, unless it becomes tyrannical cannot intermeddle in the rights and privileges of the existing charter, without the consent of the stockholders, beyond the powers which the law has reserved. The present banking capital must be considered as a joint stock, in which the different proprietors are interested according to their respective shares: The commonwealth of Virginia as to one fifth of the whole and individuals in various proportions as to the other four fifths. The stockholders, according to the number of their shares, as joint adventurers, have a right to claim a dividend of all profit, or a share in all the benefits of the institution. They also have a right to oppose every innovation which is proposed: and to the Legislature, they cannot be compelled to pay. "We will not suffer the capital of the Bank to be increased upon any terms or upon any such as do not afford to us satisfactory inducements. If you dictate your arbitrary terms, you may sell your shares and we will purchase them." Such sentiments will be felt by all, and such language will be uttered by every man who is more influenced by the pride and independence of character, than by the terrors of usurpation and injustice. Nor indeed can it be denied that the right of the stockholders to oppose an extension of capital, is not as strong as that which every man enjoys to sustain his possession in a tract of land for which he has received a legal title.
Nothing to be sure, can be clearer than that there would be a gain of 50 dollars upon each share if the legislature could create, then incur porate, & finally sell the new shares at 180 dollars each. All this illusion will however vanish at the first view because the stockholders will oppose and the legislature have no power to force the alteration. But it seems to be prudent not only to deny the first principles of the proposal but to meet and oppose every thing which emanates from them.
Admitting then that thirty dollars will be gained upon each share of the increased capital, and that all the adventurers according to their respective interests in the establishment are entitled to reasonable proportion of gain, then the commonwealth of Virginia, for every 50 dollars of aggregate gain, will be entitled to 50 dollars, and no more.
But if an act of the legislature, authorizing an increase of capital, should pass, and should command the sale of the new stock to the highest bidder, is there any certainty that the old stockholders would be so favored as to be carried into effect, or even if it should with all the allowances of participating in the advantages of the sale, is there a certainty that purchasers would appear & invest their money in the new speculation? But, admit that all this would happen, the legislature would even then act upon a great uncertainty, and the relief to the public would depend upon many precarious circumstances.
It is, however, likely that the stockholders would consent to increase the capital and allow the commonwealth the entire advantage of selling the new shares, provided the legislature would abandon or release the influence which is now enjoyed. The dialogue has not considered the subject in this light, nor has the writer shown by what means the influence of the legislature is to be preferred in the new stock, to correspond with the principles which are established by the law as it is. Is he prepared to say that the new stock shall be incorporated: and that the owners shall vote upon it without making some provision to increase also the public right of voting? If he is of that opinion, it will amount to a tacit acknowledgment that the law as it is, is either unjust or impolitic. There is no necessity to examine this part of the case at this time. It is now offered for consideration to induce those who talk much and think little, to prepare arguments to oppose or support the innovation as future circumstances may require.
think of this after another bank is established; but why are all these points to be examined or brought into view? Is it not enough to say, that the existing law does not contain a provision, which either authorizes, or alludes to the increase of the capital. It will therefore be time enough further to expose this erroneous opinion after some authority shall be shown, by which the legislature can increase the capital of the bank.
But for the sake of argument, let it be supposed that the legislature, in all the extravagance of folly and tyranny, should pass an act to increase the capital of the bank, without the consent of the stockholders; by what means, it is asked, would they direct the new stock to be incorporated? Would the old stockholders with faithful hands become their own executioners? Would the directors who are bound to execute one law, undertake the execution of another which impairs, opposed, or contravened it? Would the legislature appoint special agents with authority to go forward with the new law in one hand, and the terrors of legal vengeance in the other, and enforce obedience? Would they command the officers of the bank to open their vaults, to unlock their treasures, to unfold their records, and compel them with paraded hands, to enroll the new edict?
The friend of his country, and the advocate for the advancement of public improvement and human happiness, will turn from this picture with mingled portions of abhorrence and horror; he will not even permit himself to fear that a state of things is in the womb of futurity, nor anticipate that a solitary legislator can be found, who will either recommend or tolerate such flagrant intrusions upon private rights, or such dangerous innovations on public trusts.
Upon this point, it must therefore be concluded, that there can be no alteration in the charter of the present bank, without the consent of the stockholders; and as it is not likely, that they will consent to any alterations which do not offer strong allurements, some other mode must be sought to satisfy the public exigency. To the writer of this note appears to effectual, and at the same time so just, as the establishment of a new and independent bank. The charter may be granted upon such terms as the legislature think proper to prescribe. That which appears most eligible, is to require an annual premium or consideration, to be regulated by the amount of the capital. By this means the profits of the subscribers on the price of stock or scrip will be curtailed; in all other respects, there will be no cause for objection. It will be time enough to examine and explain the proper data upon this part of the subject, after it shall be known that the public exigency will be met by legislative justice.
The writer of the dialogue having admitted that more banking capital was necessary, has yielded the most important point. Nothing has yet appeared, even if that was not the case, to show that an independent bank ought not to be established, and nothing can be shown that the banking capital ought to be increased by adding new shares to that which now exists. The writer of the dialogue must therefore either retract the point which he has conceded, or abandon the plan which he has recommended. But let us examine what he says upon this part of the subject. "Would you, says the writer of the dialogue, rather increase the capital of the present bank, or establish a new bank? To which he answers, as follows. "On this question I am not prepared to express a conclusive opinion. I will merely content myself by observing that the expense of conducting two banks, is evidently greater than that of conducting one." According to this principle it might be said that the expense of supporting one legislator, one judge, one ruler, &c because it would be cheaper, ought to be preferred to the division and subdivision of powers which are necessary to support representative government. On the other hand the proper enquiries for the politician and legislator should be to ascertain by what means the system of banking may be productive of most good, and least evil, and not by what means the shares will be most profitable to the stockholders.
If it is admitted, more banking capital is necessary; if men of opulence are willing to incorporate their resources and credit, for the purpose of establishing a new bank; if they are also willing to pay a large sum of money annually for the privilege, how can a refusal by the legislature be defended? Even if there was not a moral obligation to render equal and impartial justice to all the citizens of this commonwealth, yet they would be bound by the third & fourth articles of the bill of rights, which declare among other things, "that government is, or ought to be instituted for the common benefit, protection and security of the people, nation, or community" "that no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments from the community, but in consideration of public services."
The advocates and petitioners for a new bank, without the aid of another argument, may safely and proudly stand under the banners of this chartered privilege, and when thus arrayed, the writer of this will not allow himself to fear or suspect that a proper application will be unsuccessful.
COMMENT.
This superintending authority it ought never to resign to the board of directors or of stockholders; or in other words, they should never be authorized to increase the capital of the bank whenever they think proper. 1st: Because, if the discounts and emulsions of the bank should not increase with its capital, it would lessen the profits of the former shareholders. 2d: Because if they did so increase, it would occasion a depreciation in the value of money, and a consequent disadvantage in the operations of foreign trade. 3dly: Because such an increase of the banking capital, as this privilege might sometimes produce, would violate the fundamental principle of banking institutions; that there ought always to be a certain ratio between the capital that is out of the bank, and the capital which is in it.
At what time therefore, ought this authority to be granted by the legislature? becomes the only object of enquiry. The writer of the Dialogue seemed to think, that the best rule was to increase the capital, whenever the directors were in the habit of refusing good negotiable paper for any continued time: because this limitation would seem to show that more money was required of the bank, than it could safely lend with its existing capital. Whether this or the value of the stock in the market will furnish the best data for determining the time when this augmentation may be authorized by the legislature, we leave to time and more mature reflection to ascertain.
2. The author of the Remarks has however supposed that it would be useless for the legislature to grant this privilege; as the stockholders would never consent to increase the banking capital. But what inducements would persuade them to decline this privilege? Is it that they would dread a diminution of their own profits? To this we may answer, that their profits arise from the dividends; that the dividends arise from discounts; and that the discounts are always regulated by the proportion between the capital of the bank and the effectual demands for money. Let the demand for money be so much increased as that the bank cannot consistently with its own safety supply it, and a new capital at once becomes necessary. The proportion between the value of good negotiable paper which it can safely discount, and the additional capital, remains the same as it was before: or in other words, the discounts which are now required at the bank will as completely absorb its whole aggregate capital, as they did previously to such an augmentation. The dividends on the stock and the profits of the stockholders will be therefore undiminished. What injury will their interests consequently receive from such an increase of shares?
Is it that they would refuse their consent, unless the legislature would consent on their part to put up with a smaller political influence in the new shares, than that they derived from the old? The present stockholders however would remain in statu quo. Their share in the direction of the affairs of the bank would not be diminished, but would remain the same, under this new system. Should they refuse their consent, they could not expect to destroy the political ratio of influence, which was already established by the charter. And if they granted their consent, their share in the direction would not receive the least diminution. We may observe en passant, what different feelings on this subject appear to have animated the author of the Remarks and of the memorial.
What motives then would the present stockholders have to refuse their consent to increase the number of shares, though the state should still retain its proportionate influence in the direction, since their interests both with respect to profit and influence would be little affected by the augmentation? This is not however the only view, which we may take of the interests of the shareholders. It may not only be proved that they would have no objection to this increase, but that under certain circumstances they would have two positive inducements to favour it.
1st: Whenever it is once proved, and not furnished, that "more banking capital is necessary," effectual exertions will be made to accomplish this purpose. Wealthy and energetic individuals will combine to obtain subscribers to their memorials: the voice of the state will be loud in their favour. Will the legislature resist these calls, as well as the obvious interests of commerce? Will they not resolutely adopt some scheme for increasing the banking capital? And yet two schemes only are before them: a new bank, or an increase of the capital of the old one. If the legislature are shut out from the last resource by the obstinate prejudices or the wanton opposition of the present stockholders, will they hesitate to put up a new bank? The present stockholders will thus be reduced to the dilemma; of consenting to augment their capital, or of seeing a new, and perhaps dangerous rival, established in their neighbourhood. For the conflicts of interest will never permit two banks to co-operate with each other, as the author of the memorial chooses to imagine. What would they do in this dilemma? They would certainly prefer having new shares incorporated with their present capital, to seeing this new rival raised against them, or even to having the fear of it continually suspended over their heads, which would surely produce a continual fluctuation and depreciation in the value of their stock.
2. The expense of conducting one bank with a large capital is scarcely greater than that of conducting a small one. The present officers & houses of the Virginia bank would be sufficient to manage its affairs, after its capital had been considerably increased. But this expense is paid by the stockholders, and it is deducted out of their dividends. When it comes to be paid by a large capital, the tax upon each share is proportionably diminished; and the dividend is proportionably increased. Would not the present stockholders, therefore, find a new inducement in this consideration? Is it not probable that the saving of this expense would be at least equal to any diminution which might occur in the actual proceeds of their discounts? As to the contempt which is thrown by the author of the Remarks upon the economy of the plan, it is certainly misplaced. Even the state itself in fixing the number of its "judges or rulers" will always prefer a few to many, when the other consequences are equal; and will sometimes make a sacrifice of other public advantages to the spirit of saving. How much stronger then will be its influence upon the esprit de corps of a monied corporation, whose plans are seldom inspired by a comprehensive view of the public interests, and whose sole rule of action, is the quantity of money which they are to acquire or to save!
It is time, however, to dismiss this subject. THE CASE OF DON JOSEPH CABRERA, which was reported in the 111th No. of this paper, has excited much sensibility and discussion in the United States, and particularly in Pennsylvania. An affair, which was investigated in the Circuit Court at Philadelphia, and which was found to mingle so readily with the political controversies of that state, could not be expected to subside into immediate silence. Whatever relates to the conduct of Governor M c Kean, whether in or out of office, is at this time peculiarly interesting to the republican of Pennsylvania, who have embraced different sides on the approaching election. It is not wonderful therefore, that the arrestation of Joseph Cabrera, which might be represented and perhaps may be proved to violate the sacred law of nations, and which was effected by the precept of Governor M c Kean, should have excited so much discussion and feeling in Pennsylvania.
The case in itself, is both complicated and important. It is found to involve a principle or the laws of nations, which has never yet been settled by publicists, and which has not been even anticipated by the act of Congress relating to foreign ambassadors; at the same time that it relates to the rights of embassy, which are of all others the most delicate and most fluctuating. Some of the writers on the laws of nations have drawn their opinion from abstract and unsettled principles; and others from historical facts, susceptible of very different constructions. They have assigned very different boundaries to the rights of foreign ministers: one class of writers giving them an indefinite extent, incompatible perhaps with the sovereignty of the state, where they reside; while another has circumscribed them within limits, which are perhaps incompatible with the dignity and safety of the minister.
It is not my purpose to examine at present the origin or the extent of these rights. It is not essential to the present case to enquire, whether the immunities of a minister are derived from the legal fiction of his being a representative of his sovereign, or from the universal principle of utility, which is the standard and the essence of every rule, however minute or comprehensive. From this rule, the sacredness of the ministerial character appears to me to have been truly derived; for according to the maxim of Grotius, which is evidently deduced from this principle of utility; securitas legatorum utilitati, quae ex poena est, preponderat (de jure b. p. 18, 4 4) the security of ambassadors is of more importance than the punishment of a particular crime. From this single principle of recovery what an immense variety of immunities has been derived! By the act of Congress of 1790, respecting crimes, which as far as it relates to the privileges of an ambassador appears to be a transcript from the English Code, not only the person and property of an accredited ambassador or other public minister, but even of his domestics, if their names have been properly registered in the office of secretary of state, are exempted from all civil process. In fact, a public minister may be considered as a wheel within a wheel; as a petty but almost perfect sovereign within the limits of another state. He may be said according to the language of the publicists to be exterritorial ; and hence that expression so familiar in diplomatic use "**** * near the government of the U.S."
Had Jose Cabrera therefore been the mean domestic in the retinue of the Marquis d'Yrujo, he would have been completely placed without the jurisdiction of our laws. Had governor M c Kean pretended to have originated any precept for arresting or imprisoning his person, or for distraining or seizing his property, he would have obviously violated the general law of nations, as well as the particular act of Congress.
But this hypothesis does not correspond with the present case, because governor M c Kean did not originate the precept, but merely issued it in compliance with the express wishes of the Spanish minister. Had Cabrera been a simple domestic, there can be no doubt that d'Yrujo would have had the power to ask and the governor to extend the assistance of the civil authority. For the same principle of utility, which exempts a minister from the jurisdiction of the state, exempts the state from the dangers which would menace her tranquility from the support of a guard, maintained by a minister for the purpose of regulating the jurisdiction of his household.
But even this hypothesis does not exactly correspond with the present case. Cabrera, it is conceded, is not a mere domestic of the Spanish minister: he is not one of his retinue. He is a secretary of legation, a being altogether or almost independent of the ambassador. "The secretaries of embassy and legation (says Martens b. 7. c. 9.) who must not be confounded with the private secretaries of the ambassador or minister, are most commonly appointed by the court. They are under the particular protection of the law or nations, and enjoy the personal inviolability due to their quality. This inviolability is due also as being comprehended in the retinue of the minister. They perform many parts of the ceremonial, such as notifications, compliments &c. and others relative to the mission, such as keeping the minutes of the dispatches, sometimes of the cypher, the archives of the embassy, the journal &c." Vattel also says, that he "enjoys immunities independent of the ambassador: to whose orders he is indeed but imperfectly subjected, sometimes not at all, & always according to the determination of their common master."
Under these authorities it would appear, that Cabrera was independent of the Spanish minister, if he were indeed the secretary of the Legation. This fact is however denied. Don Joseph Bruna Magdalena is said to be the only secretary of the Spanish legation in this country. Yet those who have read the report of the trial will recollect the assertion of Mr. Dallas (the attorney general) that "the secretary of the Legation had been an office since Mr. Yrujo's coming to this country and filled by two persons." Should these facts, the conclusion is irresistible that under the common practice of nations, Jose Cabrera was independent of the Spanish ambassador unless there had been some special power delegated to him by the Spanish Court; which however is not to be inferred from anything in the letter of Yrujo to Cabrera, which simply derives the right of arrestation from "the most accredited publicists."
For a more satisfactory view of the privileges of Cabrera, we refer the reader to his petition detailed in the last page. For a catalogue of writers on the general principles of Embassy, we refer him to the first note in Martens's law of nations Book 7.
Want of time has hitherto prevented the Editor from doing complete justice to the late frictions of the Aurora.
This day's paper will serve to introduce a new annual circle of our Editorial labours. We are sorry that time does not permit us at present to accompany it with a few introductory remarks. We shall as soon as possible supply our subscribers with an INDEX for our first volume.
COMMUNICATION. Has the Editor of the National Intelligencer determined to suspend his newspaper report of the trial of Judge Chase? He has as yet only gone through with the testimony on both sides; how long are we to wait for the interesting pleadings of Council? Many of your subscribers will thank you to convey to him their anxious wishes that he would at once comply with his promise, and publish an immediate and uninterrupted report of the proceedings? MENTOR. May 9th.
THE LAST EVENING'S GAZET.
NEW-YORK, May 2.
The ship Enterprise, captain Robert Thompson, bound from this port to Bordeaux, having experienced a severe thunder storm in the month of February, by which her mainmast was considerably injured, made the best of her way to Cadiz, where she arrived on the 3d or 4th of March and was ordered to perform a quarantine of twenty days. A letter dated the 10th of March, written by a passenger on board to his friend in this city, received via New-Bedford, contains this passage: "The coronation of the Emperor NAPOLEON has been succeeded by that of his brother JOSEPH in Holland." May. Adv.
A letter from a respectable commercial house in Cadiz to another in this city, via New-Bedford, dated March 12th, has the following Postscript: "The celebrated General Moreau, with his lady and family, now in this place, will proceed to the United States by the first good opportunity. As he may probably visit your city, we shall take the liberty of giving him a letter to you. Being unacquainted in America, he has requested to be the bearer of a few letters to our friends; and we could not refuse such a favour to a person of his exalted merit." Ib.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
Votes for Governor, in 427 towns, Strong, - - - 34,708 Sullivan, - - - 32,680
FOR LIVERPOOL. The ship Dunferline, Richard Beard, master, now lying at Norfolk, will sail for this port this month. 100 Ticks. Tobacco will be taken on freight, if early application be made to Donaldson Thorburn, & Co. Norfolk. Maitland and Christian, Peterburg, or to WILLIAM MACKENZIE, & Co. May 10. (cp 2w.)
MILITARY CERTIFICATES.
FOR SALE, Certificates of this state, bearing interest of 6 per cent, and receivable at the Treasury, for all arrears of taxes, prior to the year 1798. WILLIAM PRICE, Cashr. Genl. M. A. S. May 10. (tf.)
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of ROBERT GAMBLE & SONS, will be dissolved by mutual consent, on Saturday, the 11th instant. All debts indebted to the said firm, are earnestly entreated to make immediate payment to either of the subscribers, or compliance with this request will prevent the possibility of resorting to coercive measures. The books will be placed in the office of Messrs. John and Robert Gamble jun. who are authorized to settle all accounts due by, or to the concern. R. GAMBLE. J. GAMBLE. J. GAMBLE, jr. Richmond, May 6th, 1805.
The subscribers take this method of informing their friends and the public, that they intend carrying on the mercantile business, under the firm of JOHN & ROBERT GAMBLE JUN.
They are now receiving by the ship Rolla, a choice selection of LONDON GOODS, and daily expect from Liverpool, a general assortment of HARDWARE, &c. suitable for the season—which will be sold by the piece, package or dozen, on the most moderate terms, for cash, merchandise country produce, or the usual credit to substantial and punctilious customers.
They have on hand Madeira & Sherry Wine, Cognac Brandy, West-India Rum, Whiskey, Sugar, Pepper, Alum, Coppeas and Primsline, (in pipes, hds. and casks.) Cotton and Wool Cards, Patent Shot, Steel Bar Iron, Hollow Iron Ware, German Scythes, Cutting Knives and Whetstones, Oznaburg, Ticklenburgs and Brown Hessian, Snuff, Cut Hangers &c.
They also possess large and convenient Brick warehouses covered with Slate, for receiving and storing Flour, Tobacco &c. Those gentlemen who favor them with consignments, will find their charges reasonable charges reasonable, and may rely on their best exertions to afford satisfaction. The highest rates given for Bees-Wax, good Bear, Deer, and other skins, and other shipping Furs. JOHN G. GAMBLE. ROBERT GAMBLE, jr.
The subscriber (Robert Gamble, sen.) avails himself of this opportunity to thank his numerous friends for the very large share of patronage he has received in the Mercantile line—and hereby tenders to the public his future services as a Commission Merchant. He flatters himself, his long experience (with other circumstances unnecessary here to mention) entitles him to the confidence of those who may have business of that nature to transact in this city—affording such of his best exertions to merit approbation. Those who yet remain indebted to the late firms of Gamble & Grafton, of Staunton, of Gamble & Temple, Rebe & Co. and Robert Gamble of the city of K. are once more earnestly requested to make in payment of their respective balances. Such a compliance of this last notice cannot expect long. Ro. GAMBLE. Richmond, May 10, espw oawtf.
NOTICE.
THAT by virtue of a Deed in the nature of a Jointure, to be executed on the 4th Monday in June next, a ready money, before the door of the said Court-house A TRACT OF LAND containing one hundred acres or more or less, lying and being in the county of Henrico, on the Three Chopped Road, being the same land on which the late Thomas Ginnett, dec'd, resided in his life-time. This sale will be made to satisfy a debt with the interest due thereon, by Thomas Ginnett, dec'd to John Barrat, as surviving partner of Reid Barrat, together with the costs of executing this trust. SAMUEL MCRAW, Assignee the cestui que trust. May 7. (epds)
Printing.
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.

DON JOSEPH CABRERA.
We close the communications made to us on this case with the present paper. It seems Mr. Cabrera considered Congress as possessing powers co-extensive and similar to those of that Congress which, (though a single chamber,) conducted America through the perils and dangers of a revolution, and which exercised all the functions of a legislative and executive.
He accordingly addressed the following letter to the speaker of the house of representatives, in which house it was read, and ordered to be returned, as the nature of the subject placed it within the cognizance of the executive alone. It was read on the 12th January and returned on the 24th, and application was then made to the president of the United States. — [Aurora.]
Philad. 10th January, 1805.
SIR, I take the liberty to inclose to you a petition of the house of representatives, together with the documents annexed. Those documents are expressive of the facts that I establish in the said petition, and whereas you must conceive those documents to be of the highest importance to me, I shall take it as a very particular favor, if after you will have taken every necessary investigation, you will have the goodness to forward the said five documents back to me again.
Deign, Sir, to interest yourself in behalf of a foreigner who makes application to you, and who, with the highest sense of acknowledgment and ultimate consideration, has the honor to be, Sir,
Your most humble And very obedient servant JOSEPH CABRERA.
To the hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States.
TRANSLATED FROM THE SPANISH. To the honorable the house of representatives of the good people of the United States in Congress.
GENTLEMEN, Usage and the tacit consent of nations have introduced certain rules derived from necessity and the general principles of reason, and intended for the government of their conduct with reciprocity, in their relations with each other. Those rules fix the rights and duties of one people towards another people; they impose upon independent nations, moralities which no one can break without giving to the other the right of arming against it, by causing the tacit sanction of this universal law to be respected, or subjecting as the alternative, the aggressor to the law of force. The rules form what is called The Rights or Laws of Nations . The protection of those rights among independent powers, is entrusted primarily to the legislative power, and in the last resort, to the land and sea forces; but its defence among the individuals of every nation belongs to the superintending authority of government and the laws.
Without mixing the various branches into which the laws of nations diverge, and from whence their rights emanate, I shall only dwell upon those which have afforded to such as come the military and embassies; because they are the objects of my present claims, which by the laws of the United States, I take the liberty to make to the government of the United States. The custom introduced at the present time among every nation of communicating reciprocally through the means of ambassadors, establishes to every nation, the right of appointing a number of representatives more or less considerable, who, privileged by the laws of nations require to be respected, with so much the more vigilance, as the circumstances in which they are liable to be violated are multiplied. Whoever attempts to take the life of an ambassador, whoever insults or abuses his person, the magistrate or minister of public justice who does not respect the real or personal privileges either belonging to the ambassador or to any one composing his train, renders himself therefore guilty of an infringement of the laws of nations.
This principle is established, of which I have the honor to present them with documents which evince my character, in the ministry plenipotentiary of my master the king of Spain in the United States. These documents contain, 1st, a commission or brevet signed by his majesty the king of Spain. 2d, a letter of credence or advice, signed by the minister of state for foreign affairs. 3d, a passport to repair to the United States the place of destination, delivered in the name of H. M. and signed by the said minister. 4th, A certificate from the minister plenipotentiary declaring Don Joseph Cabrera, under the safeguard of the laws of nations, signed Marquis De Casa Yrujo, with the seal of his arms. 5th, The warrant from the governor of Pennsylvania, ordering the sheriff of the county, to cause the imprisonment of the said Don Jos. Cabrera, dated 27th August, 1804, signed Thomas M'Kean.
If these prove my appointment by his said majesty directly; if these give me a public character in the Spanish legation; if these make me a member of the corps diplomatic; and if finally, these place me under the protection of the laws of nations, and that the said protection shelters me from every kind of jeopardy, insult and investigation, or enquiry on the part of the judiciary or magistrates of this country, will you say?
Assertion, so plain and obvious, cannot be regarded by judges holding a public authority, and far less by those, who, uniting to the capacity of trustees of the laws, the science and study of them, and who ought to be familiar with the various applications and influence of those laws.
The certificate which under No. 5, I have the honor to exhibit to Congress, manifests that these negatives due to my capacity, have been violated in the most direct manner by the governor of Pennsylvania, who notwithstanding the acknowledgment he makes of my character and of the rights and privileges thereunto belonging, orders the arrestation and detention of my person in prison; making the authority he arrogates to himself, consist in the permission of compliance which was demanded from the minister plenipotentiary of the king my master; and in consequence my bond is entered by the Philadelphia sheriff and officers of justice, my rights completely violated and myself conducted to a prison, where under the authority of an American jail-keeper, and subject to the customs there established, I am treated as if I possessed no other rights than those of a common citizen of this republic. The governor of Pennsylvania neither was, nor could be the judge of the protection of the laws of nations; I am entitled to enjoy, proceed, neither in consequence of belonging to the family of the minister plenipotentiary, nor from common employment derived directly or indirectly through his appointment; and that ha-
ving been nominated by his majesty directly to the functions which my commission describes, (which by their nature constitute me under the protection of the laws of nations) the minister plenipotentiary could not deprive me of what he never gave, and which it only belonged to the king my master to divest me of, as privileges granted by his own appointment. But, even had these circumstances not been known to the governor of Pennsylvania; even had he not been officially informed of my nomination by the king, and of the exemptions which were in consequence my due, he ought to have observed the laws which forbid the judiciary and the magistrates of the country any interference (by any means) with persons protected by the rights of nations. He should likewise have known, that even had the minister plenipotentiary the authority of remonstrating with me, or to arrest my person in my house or his own, the governor could not of right nor in law take any cognizance, or exercise any jurisdiction over me; and finally, he must be convinced, that the minister neither had the power to deliver me over to his hands, nor he, the governor, the right to permit, much less to direct under his hand, any violence or vexation, interruption or restraint, similar to such as he has actually exercised upon me.
Those maxims which are found deriving sanction from all politicians and publicists, that have written about the rights of nations, which are founded on reason and justice, are so full and well known all over the world, that the governor of the state of Pennsylvania must be presumed not to be ignorant of them; and although the Congress of the United States, in their wisdom, will have the same under their eyes, & are called on to consider upon complaints, I shall nevertheless take the liberty to exhibit to them the opinions of the most celebrated authors who have written on the laws of nations, in order to demonstrate the wanton or arbitrary conduct of the governor of Pennsylvania.
Beginning with the declaration of the states of Holland and West Friesland, which is a monument authentic enough, and which describes the persons protected by the rights of nations: I shall quote the tenor of it—that is as follows viz.
The knights, nobles and the cities of Holland and West Friesland, representing the states of the same province; To all those who shall these presents, read and see—GREETING.
So be it, that according to the rights of nations, and even according to those of Brabantians, the persons of Ambassadors, residents and agents, and other similar public ministers of kings, princes and republics may be held, every where, in so high a consideration, that there may be no one whatsoever or whomsoever that dare to offend insult or molest and abuse them, but on the contrary, they are in a predicament to be respected, highly to be considered and honored by every one; notwithstanding whereas it has come to our knowledge, that some insolent, mischievous, and ill intentioned people have audaciously done and undertook to act contrary to what is above contained, with respect to some public ministers who have been sent to this state and who dwell in our province: We, being desirous to prevent the same, have thought proper to order very expressly through this, our declaration, to establish and very seriously and earnestly to forbid by these presents; That any person or persons of what nation, state, quality or condition soever they may be, who shall offend, insult, molest or abuse in words, acts, or men, ambassadors, residents, agents or any other of the ministers of kings, princes, republics, or any other having the quality of a public minister, or abuse or insult them, doing injury to them directly or indirectly, in what way or manner soever it may be, in their person or persons, or to the gentlemen of their train, to their servants, horses, carriages or any other thing that may belong to them or depend upon them, under the penalty of incurring our indignation, and of suffering a bodily punishment as violators of the laws of nations and disturbers of the public peace; the whole pursuant to the constitution & exigency of the case. Ordering all and every the inhabitants of this province, and all those who shall be therein found, that on the contrary of the above written, they shall have to do & show every honor, and render every respect to these kind of ministers, even affording them, as likewise to their domestics, and to those forming their retinue, every aid, and contributing to every thing that may tend to their honor & assist for their service and convenience. Ordering and commanding to the first and to the other counsellors of this province, as likewise to all and every the officers, justices, and magistrates, and to all those whom it may pertain or concern, to pursue and proceed against the transgressor by the execution of the penalties herein above written without connivance or diminution whatsoever.
"Given at the Hague, under our great seal on this twenty-ninth day of March, A. D. 1651.
The contents of this declaration is so precise and formal that all elucidations would be useless. Let us proceed to what is provided in the English statute of queen ANN: and we must perceive the vigilance of that nation punishing every transgressor and profaner of the laws of nations who dares to trample under foot the privileges, &c. due to the ambassadors and to those of their train.
In England, by statute 7, ch. 19, of queen ANN—whenever an ambassador or any one of his retinue is arrested, the judgment or execution in consequence of which the proceeding has taken place, is annulled and declared such by the law, and all those who have solicited the same are declared violators of the rights of nations, purbrators of the public peace, and punished as such. The law has not pronounced any chastisement in case of a greater insult, but it has invested three judges of the kingdom, with the power unbounded of proportioning the punishment to the crime.
(Philangieri, Science of Legislation, Tome 5, Fol. 115.)
I leave to the wise discretion of the honorable the congress of the U. S. the decision whether the imprisonment and violence done to my person by the governor of Pennsylvania should be filed an insult! and whether the compliance of the Spanish minister plenipotentiary was sufficient to authorize that transgression, whereas the latter ambassador (as it is already proved) has it not in his power to divest me of the prerogatives granted unto me by the sovereign, which the aforesaid governor ought to be convinced that I enjoyed and should enjoy every exemption of the laws of nations, until it might please his majesty to deprive me thereof.
Let me now take into consideration, whether the opinions of publicists will exculpate the governor's conduct, and whether the maxims I am about to cite are sufficient to vindicate the said governor's proceedings?
Wiquafort, page 56, tome 1st, of his works, entitled, 'on ambassadors and their functions,' says: 'every other minister, such as plenipotentiaries, intermediaries gentlemen, (gentilshommes) envoys, residents, agents, com. affai-
res, and secretaries of embassy, are likewise public ministers, and as such they are under the protection of the laws of nations in their utmost extent. That is what obliges me to speak about them, (continues Wiquafort,) and to shew, that although the same deference, that is inseparable from the character, is not always paid them, they notwithstanding cannot fail to enjoy the same advantages which the laws of nations and public faith affords to all those to whom the appellation of Legatus can be given.'
The same Wiquafort, in same vol. page 469, says: 'the great Hugo Grotius, of whom we ought never to speak without veneration, confirms that, albeit that the rights or laws of nations should not serve as a cover, or impunity, common magistrates cannot, ought not however to know about such persons as enjoy the fame. They must be left to their sovereign, whose right it is to punish his own subjects, if those magistrates will not become accomplices in the injury done to them.'
The aforesaid Wiquafort, in said tome 1st. fol. 507, quotes thus: 'the ambassador is the more particularly obliged to afford protection to his domestics, (in consequence more especially to those invested with a public character, and who are moreover appointed by the sovereign,) that no insult can be done unto them but what reflects upon himself.'
The same author, in the 1st. referred to, relates several facts which prove the respect that should be paid, not only to the members of the corps diplomatic, but even to the attendants and servants of ambassadors and ministers. On page 506, the following facts found:
'A servant of Monsieur De Thou, ambassador at the Hague for France, was arrested in the night for violence committed upon a woman. The patrole having caught him, bound him, and took him to the corps-degarde, meaning in the morning to give him up to the hands of justice. The ambassador being apprised of this, claimed his man, and the counsellors, deputed from Holland, who represented the sovereign of the province in the absence of the states, had him returned to his master, that the latter might have him tried. De Thou, was in the right to make the claim for his man, and to convince them at the beginning of his functions, that he was not worthy of the character with which the king had honored him; and the states of Holland on their part gave a testimony of their respect for the laws of nations.'
The governor of Pennsylvania ought to know that, the minister plenipotentiary of his catholic majesty, far from giving his consent for the imprisonment of a member of his legation, should prevent it, and claim the member: the former could not, at least he ought not to be ignorant, that if the said minister has acceded thereto, he has not acceded conformity, but in contradiction with the maxims established by publicists; and that if the minister plenipotentiary would take upon himself a responsibility with respect to his sovereign, the government could not permit him to cause my imprisonment to be made by the officers of justice of this country.—But to be convinced of the little circumlocution on the part of the governor in his behaviour in this affair, it suffices to peruse the opinions of Grotius adopted by Wiquafort, in fol. 520, of tome 1st, on ambassadors and their functions, expressed in these terms; to wit:
'It seems that it can be said, there exists no case in which common justice can extend its jurisdiction over those who enjoy the laws of nations; and this (is said) more assuredly that I perceive it is the opinion of M. Hugo Groot, (or Grotius) that is incontestible with respect to common military men; and as to what concerns crimes of state, wherein the laws of nations are violated, especially where an attempt is made on the life of the prince in whose country one resides, the sovereign alone or the council of state by him appointed, can only take knowledge of the affair, cause the traitor to be put under confinement in his own house, and afterwards send him, with proper evidence, to the prince his master, in order that he may receive punishment.'
Hence it results from the maxims of Grotius and Wiquafort: not only the magistrates, nor the judiciary, have no power to take cognizance of any civil and criminal affair of those who are under the protection of the laws of nations, but there does not, nor cannot exist a single case, in which common civil justice can exercise any jurisdiction on those protected by the laws of nations.
Let us now confront the opinions of these authors with that of others, who have latterly written on the same head, and have defined their maxims more exactly; by consulting the 2d vol. of Vattel's works on the laws of nations; fol. 493, 494, and perusing also what he says, fol. 478. There the opinions of the prior writers, will be found confirmed; but with much more explicit accuracy in page 500 of the same volume, in terms to this purpose:
'The inviolability of the ambassador, is likewise communicable to the people of his train, and his independence extends to all that forms his household. All his people are in such a manner attached to his person, that they are bound by his fate, and are exempted from the jurisdiction of the country in which they reside; and they cannot be insulted without insulting the self same ambassador: if the servants and all the train, of a foreign minister were not independent, it may be conceived with what facility they are liable to be insulted, molested and injured in the exercise of their functions. Those maxims are everywhere, and confirmed by custom.'
Finally the Baron De Bieffeld in his "Institutions Politiques," tom. 1st. 452, 453, 463, tome 3d, in a positive manner affirms, that,
'When, therefore, a public minister has any servant guilty about him, he must either send him to his country, there to be tried, or else, deliver him up to the hands of justice (where he then is) that inflicts a punishment pursuant to the laws of the country.'
And whereas it is evident that I, for my part, being very far from the capacity of a domestic to the minister plenipotentiary, the latter could not give me over into the hands of the justice of the country; it is likewise unquestionably true that the governor must have seen that the minister had failed in his duty, by not sending me to Spain, and that he, the former, could not meddle nor interfere directly nor indirectly with my person.
The only observation that might be made in the said governor's behalf, is, that, having demanded the conduct of the minister plenipotentiary, this latter should or ought to be responsible for the insult made to the privileges which he himself should have held sacred; but even this observation is very trivial, whereas, neither in the maxims of Grotius, Wiquafort, Vattel, or Bieffeld can a single word be found, which can authorize magistrates or the judiciary of the country to make an arrestation or interfere in the affairs of any one lying under the predicament that affords the shelter of the protection of the laws of nations, even although the same were sanctioned by the minister's consent itself. So far from admitting this condition, the above mentioned authors themselves, vouch on the contrary that under no motive nor pretence
whatsoever, there can exist any case in which the judiciary of the country can exercise a jurisdiction over any of the members of the corps diplomatic; nor do the above mentioned powers, nor the declaration of the general practice or customs thereof, authorize the ridiculous condition of detaining under imprisonment, those who enjoy the protection of the laws of nations, provided there precedes a consent from the minister or ambassadour. If a similar rule could have any existence, the diplomatic members who are distinguished by their rank and services, those who have the courage to depart from their country, their parents, and their property, would become, in fact, nought but vile mercenary wretches exposed to the whimsical caprices, of ministers. No! this rule or maxim can only take its excellence in the code of the present governor of Pennsylvania, but this is not only disowned by the laws of potentates, but also expunged and prohibited by politicians of all nations and ages.
The bounds that I have prescribed to myself in this demand, and the aim to which it tends, precludes me from rendering notorious the motive by which the governor's conduct was actuated: without this impediment I could tear the veil that conceals the real intentions of a magistrate who, excited by the influence of his son-in-law, either is ignorant of what he has done himself in this affair, or else he has sacrificed his own authority to family connexion or to a participation of private enmity.
The refutation of what is contained in the order or warrant from the governor of Pennsylvania, and the arguments and proofs that vindicate my innocence, in the affair that causes the persecution I experience, would also be incoherent things unconnected with this document, and foreign to the inspection of congress. My application to them is, in order only that they may calculate and measure in their wisdom, the degree of offence done to the prerogatives of the laws of nations; and if they find that mine are lacerated by the conduct of the governor of Pennsylvania, I solicit from the honourable congress, a satisfaction proportioned to the offence and properly fitted by example to put a stop in future to outrages, whose results may become fatal to national peace; and at the same time I pray them to be good enough to declare the illegality of the steps taken by the said governor, and that my person has been and still is exempted from the jurisdiction of the magistrates and laws of this commonwealth.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, With sentiments of all respect and consideration, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) JOSEPH CABRERA. Philad. Jan. 11, 1805.
VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the sixth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five— Between John Street, Plaintiff, And Archibald Gracie, Daniel Anderson & William Twitty, Defendants.
THE defendant Archibald Gracie, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some new-paper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. April 25.—ep2m. R.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RUN away from the subscriber on the 2nd of January last, a likely negro man named AMP, but frequently goes by the name of Armistead, he is upwards of twenty-five years of age, about five feet seven or eight inches high, of a yellow complexion has a nother rather large, and speaks quick when interrogated. He has been hired to Mr. John Woolfolk for three years past for the purpose of taking care of stage horses, at Todd's, in Caroline. I expect he will endeavor to pass as a free man, and is lurking about some town. Whoever will deliver the said slave to me, or confine him in jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. Masters of vessels & others, are cautioned against employing or carrying him out of the state at their peril. LEWIS COLLINS. Caroline, April 26. (25¢)
BENJAMIN STETSON, INFORMS his friends and the public in general, he has for sale, 400 gallons Holland's Linseed Oil. White Lead and Spanish Brown ground in Oil. Patent Green ground in ditto. Verdigris and Spanish Brown, dry; 8 by 10 Window Glass, & Putty; 2d, 3d, 4d, 6d, 8d, 10d, and 20d Nails, two Casks Spike Nails, Bar Iron, German and Blistered Steel; general assortment of Iron Hollow Ware; 10 Hds. Molasses, French Brandy, West-India and New-England Rum, Tea, Coffee, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Chocolate, Mems, fine and coarse Shoes, Ladies Kid & Morocco and Leather Slippers; 8 Boxes Cotton and Wool Cards assorted; half pint and quart Tumblers, small invoice elegant cut glass, stone ware, German Ozenburgs, 50 sacks Salt, Nova Scotia Grind Stones, and many other articles in store, which he will sell cheap for cash or country produce. April 2.—(law12m.)
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, on the 25th of March last, a negro man named ZACHARY, about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a dark yellow complexion, about 28 or 30 years of age, is very strong and active. He has left his upper fore teeth, has a wide mouth, large white eyes, and very bushy hair; his clothing was mint Virginia cloth. He was raised in the estate of Col. Thomas Roane dec'd. It is probable he is lurking about Mrs. Sally Campbell's, in Essex county, where he has a wife, or at some of the plantations which did belong to the said dec'd. The above reward will be given to any person who will deliver him to me, or secure him in jail, so that I get him again. SAMUEL GRESHAM. King & Queen, } oaw4w. April 19.
LOST, Three certificates standing on the books of the Commissioner of Loans for the state of Virg. in the name of John Guilick (Virg.) One certificate of 6 per cent stock issued the 17th of April 1793, No. 852, for 23 dollars, 84 cents.—One ditto 6 per cent deferred stock issued the same time No. 814, for 11 dollars 92 cents.—One ditto 3 per cent stock issued the same time, No. 816, for 17 dollars. April 4. (oaw6w.)
THE subscriber wishes to sell the HOUSE & LOTS in Williamsburg wherein he resided the last year—there are four acres of ground, with a comfortable dwelling, and every necessary out house; has new enclosures, is situated in an agreeable part of the city, and possesses the advantage of having excellent water on the spot. The terms are one thousand dollars. WILLIAM MCANDLISH. Williamsburg, March 12. (5&1aw2m)
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS FOR SALE,
SIX hundred and forty acres of the well known "TRACT OF LAND CALLED THE SEATON'S FERRY TRACT;" lying upon the Peenkank river in Gloucester county, adjoining the land of Mr. Johnson, the estate of Benjamin Marable, dec. and others. This land is heavily timbered with the best chestnut, oak, hickory, dogwood, and a second growth of pine, capable of being converted into common plank or lumber. There are not more than ten hundred acres of cleared land upon the tract. A stream runs through the body of this land, upon which an overshot mill might be erected at a small expense. No situation in the low Country of Virginia, has more the advantage of good water, fish, oysters, & salubrious air, than the House has lately been in part repaired, and contains three rooms and a passage below, and two above. The terms will be made known upon the place. by JAMES R. MILLS. Seaton's Ferry, Feb. 19. eF Sm.
TO MR. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON, OF SOUTH-CAROLINA.
SIR, As you are not a resident of this commonwealth, and have no agent or attorney within the same, to whom a legal notice can be given; you are hereby informed, that by virtue of a commission issued from the office of the High Court of Chancery, for the middle district of Virginia, by law directed to be held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, in the suit in Chancery depending in said court, in which you are Complainant, and I am Defendant, I shall proceed on the second Monday in June next, at the Tavern of James George in the county of Gloucester, and state of Virginia, to take the depositions of Thomas Johnson, John Johnson, Zachariah Pulliam, John Fretwell, and William Chick, to be read as evidence in the said suit, and that if the same cannot be taken on the day aforesaid, the taking thereof will be continued by adjournment from day to day until the whole are completed: when and where you may if you please attend. I am Sir, Yours &c. BERRYMAN JOHNSON. Louisa county, and state of Virginia, April 20, 1805. (eF4w7.)
THE subscribers are in immediate want of 100 tons or thereabouts of clean merchantable hemp, for which they will give a liberal price in cash. PROSSER & MONCURE. May 3. eF4.
VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond the 23d day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five—
Between James Brown Plaintiff, And Edward Dudley, Mary Payne, Aaron Fontaine and John Hancock, Defendants. THE defendants Mary Payne, Aaron Fontaine and John Hancock, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next September term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some new-paper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. April 25.—ep2m. W. R.
FISHER & LESUEUR, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, A LARGE SUPPLY OF GROCERIES, viz:
 Muscovado Sugar  Pepper, Pimento, Cloves  Buff Green Coffee  Nutmegs, Mace and Celia  Double and Single refined  Loaf Sugar  Madder, Brimstone, Allum and Copperas  Royal Molasses and Treacle  Spanish & Bengal Indigo  Old Amigua, Jamaica, Santa Cruz, St. Kitts and N. E. Rum  Spermaceti Oil  Old Cogniac Brandy  Pickled Salmon and Cod  Holland Gin  English  Madeira, Port, Sherry, Tenerife and Malaga Wine  New-York Candles and Soap  Bottled Port and Claret  Patent Shot from 1 to 23  Caldwell, Fraiture & Co's superfine Chocolate  Thomas Leiper's Snuff  Young Hylton, Souchong, Imperial, and a few canisters containing 1 1/2 lb.  Maccaba do.  Porter Corks  Gun-powder Tea  Gin Cafes  Denijohns  Cut qt & pint Decanters  Scotch Barley  Plain qt & half pint do.  Fresh Oil and Olives  Plain and cut half pint, pint & quart Tumblers  Basket Salt  Cut Jelly Glasses  Fresh Mustard  China Bowls from 1 1/2 to 6 quarts  Spanish Segars  Tea and Coffee Cups and Saucers  Martineque, Noyau and Bordeaux Cordials  Box Raisins & Almonds  Patent Night Lamps  Race & ground Ginger 
ALSO—A QUANTITY OF GERMAN OSNABURGS & TICKLENDURGS. All of which were selected for this market by J. Fisher, and will be sold Wholesale and Retail on moderate terms. March 30. (enq4.)
CASH WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOT'S from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Prizors. Dec. 15. [ep4.]
A SMALL INVOICE OF LAW BOOKS Just received and for sale at the ENQUIRER OFFICE, among which are the following viz:
 LUCKER'S BLACKSTONE, 5 vols 20 00  Powel on Contracts, 2 25  Bacon's Abridgement, 7 vols. 37 00  Dunford & Eail's Reports, 5 vols. 42 00  Modern Reports, 12 vols. 31 00  Burn's Justice, 4 vols. 12 00  Gilbert's King's Bench, 2 00  Moseley's Reports, 2 00  Plowden's do. 2 vols. 7 00  Vernon's do. 2 do. 7 00  Hardwick's do. 2 00  Bunbury's do. 3 00  Cowper's do. 8 50  Strange's do. 2 vols. 7 00  Pleasor's Affidavit, 2 00  Hotter's Crown Law, 2 00  Hullock's Law of Coffs, 3 00  Taylor's Reports, 3 00  Park on Insurance, 2 50  Wilson on Fines, 1 50  April 19. 
A FEW HUNDRED EXCELLENT
QUILLS FOR SALE at the ENQUIRER OFFICE. Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.