The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-12-07 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1809.
[No. 61.]
C. THOMPSON, PORTRAIT PAINTER —Respectfully informs the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has commenced business, in the house opposite the Swan-Tavern—where some specimens may be seen. November 10.
WILL be offered for sale, to the highest bidder, upon the premises, on the third day of January next, a saw and grist Mill upon the Brook in the county of Henrico, five miles above Richmond, the property of Charles Sneed, dec'd. together with 29 acres of Land attached to said Mill, also one negro man Lewis the property of said Sneed. The terms of sale for the land and mill will be four sevenths in twelve months, and the other three sevenths in two years, the last three payments to bear interest from twelve months after date, the Negro will be twelve months credit; with as many bonds and securities as there are legatees, to bear interest from the date if not punctually paid, and a good and lawful title will be made to the purchaser by the LEGATEES. Henrico, December 5.
THE subscribers offer for sale, a very general assortment of GROCERIES , which they will dispose of on moderate terms, for cash, country produce, or approved paper. Also, 62 Kegs F and FF Brandy Wine Gun-Powder.
WHITE & SHELTON. October 10.
THE GRAND LODGE OF VIRGINIA. WILL meet in the Mason's Hall, in the city of Richmond, at 6 o'clock, in the evening of the second Monday in Dec. next, being the 11th day of the month. November 21.
I HAVE REMOVED TO RICHMOND. BENJ. BOTTS. October 31.
THE SUBSCRIBER, OFFERS FOR SALE , a Tract of LAND , lying in Hanover county, on the waters of Cedar and Mill creeks; containing, by estimation, 475 acres, adjoining the lands of Col. John Thompson, dec'd. John Thornton, Mary Clough and others: There is a quantity of good meadow Land attached to this tract, a small dwelling-house newly built. A minute description is deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed no one will buy without first viewing the premises. The terms of sale are, one-third of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale, the other two-thirds, in two annual payments; the purchaser giving bonds with approved security; also, a deed of trust on the land. If the above land is not sold privately by the 22d of December next, I shall on that day offer it for sale, at public auction, on the premises. Wm. WINGFIELD. Hanover Nov. 17.
N. B. Possession of the above land will be given on the first day of January next.
IN order to complete the residue of the Requirements of the Decree of the honorable High Court of Chancery, for the Richmond District, dated the 20th June, 1809, and published in this paper from the 22d August to the 19th Sept'r. inclusive, & an additional decree, dated the 22d September, 1809, in the cases of William Marshall and Thomas Taylor, guardians of Eleanor and Lavinia Dandridge, orphans of Wm. Dandridge, dec'd. and others Pit'f's. Wm. Duval, administrator of Wm. Price, dec'd. Lucy Price, widow, and Wm. D. Price, Alexander Price, John Harris Price, and Anne Price, infant heirs of the said William Price, dec'd.
And also in conformity with a further decree of the aforesaid court, dated the 22d September, 1809, in the case of Matthias Jordan Pit'f's. Against— The same defendants as above.
We, or one of us, will postively proceed to sell, on the premises, at public auction, on Tuesday the 12th day of December next, at 11 o'clock A. M. if fair, if not the next fair day, at the said hour—The Blue House and Lot, on the street on Shockoe Hill, mentioned in the first decree, which the late register Wm. Price, purchased of John Brittain, subject to the claim of Mrs. John Brittain, for a supposed right of dower, she never having relinquished any claim which she might have in the event of her living longer than her said husband—and, immediately thereafter, two Lots of Ground near the Federal Spring, known by the numbers 1, 2, 3, in Duval's addition to the city of Richmond, and three Lots near the late residence of Wm. Price, on Shockoe Hill, known by the numbers, in Judge Washington's addition, 11, 12, and 18, on two years credit, from the day of sale, with interest from date; bonds with approved security will be required, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to satisfy Wm. Marshall and Thomas Taylor, Esqrs. guardians as aforesaid, the residue of the original sum decreed in their favor of $1400, with interest and costs of said suit; and Matthias Jordan in the sum of $500, with interest from the 1st day of January, 1809, till paid, and the costs expended by him in said suit, and also to discharge the balance of the expenses of the previous and said sales, yet unprovided for as authorized by the aforesaid decrees. JOHN PROSSER, } Commissioners. WM. MONCURE, } November 23.
NOTICE.—MUTUAL ASSURANCE SOCIETY—ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING. The Annual General Meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings of the State of Virginia, will be held by adjournment, at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, on the second Monday in December next, (being the eleventh day of December) SAMUEL GREENHOW, Principal Agent M. A. Society. Richmond, Nov. 24.
S. G. As much inconvenience and unnecessary expense results from the present mode of collecting the contributions of the members, which annually diverts a considerable part of those contributions from the uses for which they were intended, burdens individuals with heavy costs and greatly delays the collections, to the injury of the credit of the society; the general meeting at their last annual session, applied to the legislature, to authorize a more certain and less expensive mode of collection—the application was rejected, under an impression, that the members of the Society might not approve this act of their proxies. Having been informed that a similar proposition will be submitted to the consideration of the next General Meeting, and believing some amendment in that respect necessary to the prosperity of the Institution, I have thought it proper to give this public notice thereof. SAMUEL GREENHOW, P. A. Other proxies in the State, are requested to insert the above in their papers, till 11th Dec next. S. G.
TO RENT, The Store and Counting-Room, in the house occupied by Mrs. Watt. For terms, apply to BARLETT STILL. December 5.
FOUND! A Sum of money—The owner may have it by giving satisfactory evidence of his right, and paying the cost of advertising. Apply at this Office. November 7.
ON the 21st day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, will be sold, at the dwelling-house of the late George Garner, in the county of Westmoreland, about sixteen likely NEGROES, and the present year's crop of corn, &c. which property will be sold pursuant to a deed of trust, made by George Garner for the purpose of securing the payment of his debts. The sale will be on a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security. If the negroes and crops do not sell for a sufficient sum to pay the debts of the said Garner, the subscribers will, on the day after the sale of the negroes and crops, sell all or so much of the land conveyed in trust for the above purpose, as will make a sum sufficient for the payment of the debts of the said George Garner. All such creditors as may exhibit their claims to the subscribers before the said 21st of December next, properly authenticated, and which the subscribers may consider legal and just, may purchase at the said sale, and shall be allowed a discount of their claims, against their purchase. THOS. STOWERS, } Trustees. JAMES COX, } Westmoreland County, } October 24.
TWO hundred NEGROES for sale—Will positively be sold at Christopher Owen's Tavern, in the town of Urbanna in Middlesex county, the above quantity of Negroes belonging to the estate of Philip L. Grymes, Esq. of Brandon, dec'd. among which are, House-Servants, Cooks, Carpenters, Blacksmiths, Coopers, &c. &c. and also, 40x Carts with Chains, &c. and 24 of the most valuable Oxen belonging to said estate.
Thirty of the above Negroes will be sold for cash, the balance with the Oxen, &c. will be sold on a credit of nine months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.
The Sale will commence on the 9th of January next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day,) and will continue from day to day till all are sold.
The cash sales will commence on the first day.
All legal creditors are requested to purchase the amount or any part of their respective claims
ROBERT WEST, Administrator, &c. of PHILIP L. GRYMES, dec'd. Woodville, Gloucester, November 28.
VALUABLE LAND—FOR SALE. —The subscriber, intending to remove to one of the southern states in the course of fifteen or eighteen months, offers for sale, the tract of LAND on which he now dwells. It contains, by a late survey, about eleven hundred and eighty acres, of which six hundred and fourteen, are yet in woods. The soil is peculiarly suited to the production of wheat, and is excellent for corn and tobacco. The situation is remarkably healthy, and is only one mile from the navigation of Appomattox. Those who wish to purchase a good Tract of Land, at a reasonable price, are invited to view this property. If it should not be sold, by private contract, before the sixth day of January next, it will then be put up to the highest bidder, at Farmville, on a credit of one and two years. PETER JOHNSTON. Prince Edward, Nov. 28.
Domestic.
DOCUMENTS, Which accompanied the Message of the President of the United States. (CONTINUED.)
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith: Washington, 23d October, 1809.
SIR, The letter, which you did me the honor to address to me on the 19th inst. was delivered to me on the following day. I shall, without loss of time, transmit it to my court, where the various and important considerations which it embraces will receive the attention due to them. In the interval, I would beg leave to submit to you the following observations, as they arise out of the communications that have already occurred between us. In fulfilling a duty which I conceive to be due to my public character, I have never suggested, nor meant to suggest, that the mode of negotiating prescribed by you on this particular occasion—an occasion selected for the purpose of removing existing differences—was otherwise objectionable, than as it appeared to me, to be less calculated, than it does to you, to answer the professed purpose of our negotiation. It was against the general principle of debarring a foreign minister, in the short space of one week after his arrival, & without any previous misunderstanding with him, from all personal intercourse, that I thought it right to protest. Since however I find by your letter that it is not intended to apply that principle to me, I will only observe, that in the case where you mention to have occurred between Mr. Canning and Mr. Pinkney, the conferences were held, under an expectation at least on the part of the former, of their leading to a written communication, whereas in ours, I from the beginning, stated that I had no such communication to make. There is also this essential difference between the two cases, that Mr. Pinkney was charged to convey an important proposal to His Majesty's government, the particulars of which it might be very material to have correctly stated, whilst the object of that part of my conversation, to which you seem to attach the most importance, was to say, that I was not charged to make any proposal whatever. It could not enter into my view, to withhold from you an explanation, merely because it had been already given, but because, having been so given, I could not imagine, until informed by you, that a repetition of it would be required at my hands. I am quite certain that His Majesty's government having complied with what was considered to be the substantial duty imposed upon it on this occasion would, had this been foreseen, have added to the proofs of conciliatory good
faith already manifested, the farther complacency to the wishes of the United States of adopting the form of communication most agreeable to them, and of giving through me the explanation in question. I have therefore no hesitation in informing you, that His Majesty was pleased to disavow the agreement concluded between you and Mr. Erskine, because it was concluded in violation of that gentleman's instructions, and altogether without authority to subscribe to the terms of it. These instructions, I now understand by your letter, as well as from the obvious deduction which I took the liberty of making in mine of the 11th instant, were at the time, in substance, made known to you; no stronger illustration therefore can be given of the deviation from them which occurred, than by a reference to the terms of your agreement.
Nothing can be more notorious than the frequency with which, in the course of a complicated negotiation, ministers are furnished with a gradation of conditions, on which they may be successively authorised to conclude. So common is the case which you put hypothetically, that in acceding to the justice of your statement, I feel myself compelled to make only one observation upon it, which is, that it does not strike me as bearing upon the consideration of the unauthorized agreement concluded here, in as much as in point of fact Mr. Erskine had no such graduated instruction. You are already acquainted with that which was given, and I have had the honor of informing you that it was the only one by which the conditions on which he was to conclude were prescribed. So far from the terms, which he was actually induced to accept, having been contemplated in that instruction, he himself states that they were substituted by you in lieu of those originally proposed.
It may perhaps be satisfactory that I should say here that I most willingly subscribe, on this occasion, to the highly respectable authority which you have quoted, and I join issue with you upon the essentials which that authority requires to constitute a right to disavow the act of a public minister. It is not immaterial to observe on the qualification contained in the passage you have quoted—as it implies the case of a minister concluding in virtue of a full power . To this it would suffice to answer that Mr. Erskine had no full power ; and his act consequently does not come within the range of your quotation, although it cannot be forgotten that the United States have, at no very distant period, most freely exercised the right of withholding their ratification from even the authorised act of their own diplomatic agents, done under the avowed sanction of a full power.
I conceive that what has been already said establishes beyond the reach of doubt or controversy that His Majesty's minister did violate his instructions, and the consequent right in His Majesty to disavow an act so concluded. That His Majesty had strong and solid reasons for so doing will appear not only from his instructions having been violated, but from the circumstance that the violation of them involved the sacrifice of a great system of policy deliberately adopted and acted upon in just and necessary retaliation of the unprecedented modes of hostility resorted to by his enemy.
There appears to have prevailed throughout the whole of this transaction a fundamental mistake, which would suggest that His Majesty had proposed to propitiate the government of the United States in order to induce it to consent to the renewal of the commercial intercourse between the two countries; as if such had been the relations between Great Britain and America, that the advantages of that intercourse were wholly on the side of the former; and as if in any arrangement, whether commercial or political, His Majesty could condescend to barter objects of national policy and dignity for permission to trade with another country.
Without minutely calculating what may be the degree of pressure felt at Paris by the difference in the price of goods whether landed at Havre or at Hamburg, I will, in my turn, appeal to your judgment, sir, whether it be not a strong and solid reason, worthy to guide the councils of a great and powerful monarch, to set bounds to that spirit of encroachment and universal dominion which would bend all things to its own standard? Is it nothing in the present state of the world, when the agents of France authoritatively announce to their victims "that Europe is submitting and surrendering by degrees," that the world should know, that there is a nation which by that Divine goodness so strongly appealed to in the paper to which I allude, "is enabled to falsify the assertion? Is it not important at such a moment, that Europe and America should be convinced, that, from whatever countries honorable and manly resistance to such a spirit may have been banished, it will still be found in the sovereign of the British nation and in the hearts of his subjects?"
As to the precautions taken in England to insure from injury upon this occasion the citizens of the United States, and which appear to you to be even yet insufficient, I am confident that in every doubtful case the usual liberality of our tribunals will be exercised in determining upon the circumstances of it; and it was at Mr. Pinkney's express requisition, that additional instructions were given to the commanders of His Majesty's ships of war and privateers to extend to vessels trading to the colonies, plantations and settlements of Holland, the same exemption from capture and molestation, as was granted to vessels sailing for any of the ports of Holland.
On the subject of return cargoes from those ports, I must observe, that although it was intended to prevent as far as was practicable the inconveniences likely to be created by the unauthorized agreement made here in April last, yet it was not and could not be intended to obviate all possible inconveniences, even such as might have arisen if no such agreement had ever been made.
If an American vessel had sailed from America for Holland in time of profound peace, or in time of war, the ports of Holland not being at the date of sailing under blockade,
it might yet have happened that, in the period between the commencement of such voyage and the arrival of the vessel at the port of destination, a blockade might have been established before that port. The vessel arriving would in that case, have been warned not to enter the port, and would have been turned away with the loss of the whole object of the voyage. This would be no extraordinary hardship, and would afford no legitimate ground of complaint.
The order in Council is far less strict than such a blockade would be, for as much as it provides for the original voyage, commenced in expectation of being admitted to the port of destination, by permitting the entry into the ports of Holland; and it is no just ground of complaint, that it does not superadd to that permission the liberty to re-export a cargo of the enemy's goods or produce.
I beg leave briefly to recapitulate the substance of what I have had the honor to convey to you as well in a verbal, as in written communications.
I have informed you of the reasons of His Majesty's disavowal of the agreement so often mentioned; I have shown them, in obedience to the authority which you have quoted, to be both strong and solid, and such as to outweigh, in the judgment of His Majesty's government, every other consideration which you have contemplated; I have shown that that agreement was not concluded in virtue of a full power, and that the instructions given on the occasion, were violated.
Beyond this point of explanation which was supposed to have been attained, but which is now given, by the present letter, in the form understood to be most agreeable to the American government, my instructions are prospective; they look to substituting for notions of good understanding erroneously entertained, practical stipulations on which a real reconciliation of all differences may be substantially founded; and they authorise me, not to renew proposals which have already been declared here to be unacceptable, but to receive and discuss any proposal made on the part of the United States, and eventually to conclude a convention between the two countries. It is not, of course, intended to call upon me to state as a preliminary to negotiation what is the whole extent of those instructions; they must, as I have before said, remain subject to my own discretion, until I am enabled to apply them to the overtures, which I may have the honor of receiving from you.
I have the honor to be, With great respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble serv't. F. J. JACKSON. The Hon. Robert Smith, &c. &c. &c.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith. Washington, 27th Oct. 1809.
SIR—Finding by your letter of the 19th inst. that notwithstanding the frequent statements made by me in our conferences of the terms of satisfaction which I am empowered to offer to this country for the unauthorised attack made by one of His Majesty's ships of war upon the Frigate of the U. States, the Chesapeake, I have not had the good fortune to make myself distinctly understood by you, I have the honor to inclose herewith a paper of memoranda containing the conditions on the basis of which I am ready to proceed to draw up with you the necessary official documents in the form proposed in my letter of the 11th inst. or in any other form upon which we may hereafter agree. I have the honor to be with great Respect,
Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant. F. J. JACKSON. The Hon. Robert Smith &c. &c. &c.
The President's Proclamation of July 1807, prohibiting to British ships of war the entrance into the harbors of the United States having been annulled, His Majesty is willing to restore the seamen taken out of the Chesapeake on reserving to himself a right to claim, in a regular way, by application to the American Government, the discharge of such of them (if any) as shall be proved to be either natural born subjects of His Majesty, or deserters from His Majesty's service.
His Majesty is willing to make a provision for the families of such men as were slain on board the Chesapeake, in consequence of the unauthorised attack upon that frigate, provided that such bounty shall not be extended to the family of any man who shall have been either a natural born subject of His Majesty, or a deserter from His Majesty's service.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson. Department of State, Nov. 1, 1809.
SIR—Your letter of the 23d ult. which was duly received, would have been sooner acknowledged, had I not by sickness been rendered for several days utterly unfit for business.
Although the delay and the apparent reluctance in specifying the grounds of the disavowal of the arrangement with respect to the orders in Council, do not correspond with the course of preceding deemed most becoming the occasion; yet as the explanation has at length been thus made, it only remains, as to that part of the disavowed arrangement, to regret that such considerations should have been allowed to outweigh the solid objections to the disavowal; it being understood at the same time that His Britannic Majesty perseveres in requiring as indispensable conditions on the part of the United States, an entire relinquishment of the right to trade with enemies' colonies, and also permission to the British navy to aid in executing a law of Congress; pretensions, which cannot but render abortive all proposals whatever upon this subject, whether made by the U. States or by his Britannic Majesty.
Whilst you have deemed it proper to offer an explanation with respect to the disavowal of one part of the arrangement, I must remind you that there is not to be found in your letter any like specification of the reasons for the disavowal, nor particularly is it shown that instructions were violated, as to
the other part, viz. the case of the Chesapeake; the case in which in an especial manner an explanation was required, and in which only you professed to have authority to make to this government any overtures.
For the first time it is now disclosed that the subjects, arranged with this government by your predecessor, are held not to be within the authority of a minister plenipotentiary, and that not having had a "full power" distinct from that authority, his transactions on those subjects might of right be disavowed by his government." This disclosure, so contrary to every antecedent supposition and just inference, gives a new aspect to this business. If the authority of your predecessor did not embrace the subjects in question, so as to bind his government, it necessarily follows, that the only credentials yet presented by you being the same with those presented by him, give you no authority to bind it, and that the exhibition of a "full power" for that purpose, such as you d utless are furnished with, is become an indispensable preliminary to further negotiation; or, to speak more strictly, was required in the first instance by the view of the matter now disclosed by you. Negotiation without this preliminary would not only be a departure from the principle of equality which is the essential basis of it, but would moreover be a disregard of the precautions and of the self-respect enjoined on the attention of the U. States by the circumstances which have hitherto taken place.
I need scarcely add, that in the full power alluded to as a preliminary to negotiation, is not intended to be included either the whole extent or any part of your instructions for the exercise of it. These of course, as you have justly remarked, remain subject to your own discretion.
I abstain, sir, from making any particular animadversions on several irrelevant and improper allusions in your letter, not at all comporting with the professed disposition to adjust in an amicable manner the differences unhappily subsisting between the two countries. But it would be improper to conclude the few observations to which I purpose limit myself, without advertising to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge on the part of this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory assertion that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view, which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprize you, that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) R. SMITH. The Hon. F. J. Jackson, &c. &c.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith. Washington, 4th Nov. 1809.
SIR—When I forwarded to my court your letter of the 19th ultimo, and the answer which I returned to it, I imagined, and I may add, I hoped that the retrospective correspondence, into which you thought it necessary to enter with me, had been closed. You will, no doubt, recollect with what reluctance I acquiesced in your intimation on this head; not, as I believe has been seen, from any difficulty in maintaining the justice of the cause which is entrusted to me, but because I was and still am of opinion, that this sort of correspondence is not calculated to remove differences and soothe irritations of the most unfortunate tendency. As, however, I had no choice but to renounce, for the present, the hope of effectuating this desirable object, or to pursue it in the manner prescribed in your letter of the 9th ultimo, so I am now unwillingly compelled to enter upon the consideration of another letter from you under date of the 1st inst. which but too strongly confirms the opinion I before entertained.
Since, sir, it has been judged expedient to confine to a written form this important and interesting discussion; since that mode has been declared by you to be indispensable, I will first appeal to the written communications which have passed between us; and I do this with the greater satisfaction, because I consider it to be the chief cause of the present remarkable state of things, that in speaking of engagements contracted or supposed to have been contracted between the two countries, understandings or implied engagements have been allowed to take place of written compacts, and have been considered, in some instances, as having the same validity. It is furthermore necessary to place in the most unequivocal light a topic, which I observe to be constantly and prominently restated in your letters, notwithstanding the repeated, but, as it should seem, fruitless endeavors used in mine, to clear it from the slightest shadow of obscurity.
You say "that it is understood that His Britannic Majesty perseveres in requiring as indispensable conditions on the part of the U. States, an entire relinquishment of the right to trade with the enemies' colonies, and also a permission to the British navy to aid in executing a law of Congress."
This same statement is contained in your letter of the 9th inst. and represented as the substance of what had fallen from me in our previous conferences. In my answer to that letter, I took the liberty of showing that such a supposition was erroneous, and I have looked in vain to my letter of the 23d, to find in it any suggestion of a similar tenor. I believe, therefore, that by reference to my two letters you will find, that the statement now again brought forward is contained in neither of them, that it made no part of my previous conversations with you, and that I have in no way given room to suppose, that I ever made any such statement at all.
That before the orders in council can be revoked, their object must be obtained in some other way, is unquestionably true; but you may be assured, sir, that there is no wish whatever entertained in England, that the British navy should be employed in executing a law of Congress—if the proposal that was made upon that subject, and made, as you now know, because it was believed to be
* Augustus's proclamation to the Catalonians.

acceptable here, had been adopted, and had become a matter of compact between the two countries, and thereby a part, not of the law of Congress, but of the public law binding upon both parties, and which both would have had a common interest in seeing duly executed; in that case the agency of the British navy would not have had the, invidious aspect, which is now attempted to be given to it. At present there is no engagement between the two countries, no law of Congress which bears a reference to any such engagement, and consequently it cannot be wished to take any share whatever in the execution of those laws.
In regard to the colonial trade I need only observe, that all or nearly all the enemies colonies are blockaded by British squadrons, it cannot therefore be so much an object of solicitude, as you imagine, to obtain the relinquishment of the trade of any country to those colonies. On the contrary you will find it stated in my letter of the 11th ultimo, to be a "matter of indifference whether the order in council" (on this subject) "be continued, or an arrangement by mutual consent substituted in its room."
When I informed you that the agreement concluded here in April last, had been framed in deviation from the instructions given for the occasion, my explanation was intended to apply to both parts of that agreement. That nothing, required by the most scrupulous accuracy, may be wanting, I now add, that the deviation consisted in not recording in the official document signed here, the abrogation of the President's Proclamation of the 2d July, 1807, as well as the two reserves specified in the paper of Memoranda enclosed in my official letter to you of the 27th ultimo.
There is another motive for the disavowal of this part of the arrangement, considered to be so strong and so self evident upon the very face of the transaction, that I am not commanded to do more than indicate it in the manner I have already done.—By this forbearance his Majesty conceives that he is giving an additional pledge of his sincere disposition to maintain a good understanding with the United States.
I am somewhat at a loss to give a distinct reply to that part of your letter which relates to Mr. Erskine's authority to conclude with you in virtue of his general letter of credence; because I do not very distinctly understand the tendency of it. I never before heard it doubted that a full power was requisite to enable a minister to conclude a treaty, or that a mere general letter of credence was insufficient for that purpose.
If it were otherwise, and a government were in all cases to be bound by the act, however unauthorized, of an accredited Minister, there would be no safety in the appointment of such a Minister, and ratifications would be useless.—No full power was given in the present case, because it was not a treaty, but the materials for forming a treaty, that was in contemplation.
In his dispatch of the 23d of January, Mr. Secretary Canning distinctly says to Mr. Erskine—"Upon receiving through you on the part of the American government a distinct and official recognition of the three above-mentioned conditions, his Majesty will lose no time in sending to America a minister fully empowered to consign them to a formal and regular treaty."
This Minister would, of course, have been provided with a full power; but Mr. Erskine was to be guided by his instructions, and had the agreement concluded here been conformable to them, it would, without doubt have been ratified by his Majesty. I must beg your very particular attention to the circumstance that his Majesty's ratification has been withheld, not because the agreement was concluded without a full power, but because it was altogether irreconcilable to the instructions on which it was professedly founded. The question of the full power was introduced by yourself to give weight, by a quotation from a highly respected author, to your complaint of the disavowal, in answer to which I observed that the quotation did not apply, as Mr. Erskine had no full power. Never did I imagine, or any where attempt, to rest the right of disavowal upon that circumstance:—indubitably his agreement would, nevertheless, have been ratified, had not the instructions, which, in this case took the place of a full power, been violated.
I am surprised at the transition by which it appears to you that this part of the subject is connected with the authority empowering me to negotiate with you. It will not, I dare say, have escaped your recollection, that I informed you at a very early period of our communications, that in addition to the usual credential letter, his Majesty had been pleased to invest me with a full power under the great seal of his kingdom, for the express purpose of concluding a treaty or convention. I well remember your testifying your satisfaction at the circumstance; and I have only now to add that I am ready, whenever it suits your convenience, to exchange my full power against that with which you shall be provided, for the progress of our negotiation.
I am concerned, si, to be obliged a second time to appeal to those principles of public law under the sanction and protection of which I was sent to this country. Where there is no freedom of communication in the form substituted for the more usual one of verbal discussion, there can be little useful intercourse between Ministers; and one, at least, of the epithets which you have thought proper to apply to my last letter is such as necessarily abridges that freedom. That any thing therein contained may be irrelevant to the subject, it is of course competent in you to endeavor to shew and as far as you succeed in so doing, in so far will my argument lose of its validity—but as to the propriety of my allusions, you must allow me to acknowledge only the decision of my own sovereign, whose commands I obey, and to whom alone I can consider myself responsible. Beyond this it suffices that I do not deviate from the respect due to the government to which I am accredited.
You will find that in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation, where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them, I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honor and dignity in the manner that appears to me best calculated for that purpose.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, humble servt. T. J. JACKSON. The honorable R. Smith, Esq. &c. &c.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson.
Department of State, Nov. 8, 1809.
SIR—In my letter of the 19th ult. I stated to you, that the declaration in your letter of the 11th, that the despatch "from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine, of the 23d January, was the only despatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, was then for the first time made to this government." And it was added, that if that despatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known, that the propositions contained in it were the only ones on which he was authorized to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made.
In my letter of the 1st instant, adverted to the repetition in your letter of the 23d ult. of a language implying a knowledge in this government, that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorize the arrangement formed by him, an intimation was distinctly given to you, that after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had not any such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge, such an arrangement would not have been made, no such insinuation could be admitted by this government.
Finding, that in your reply of the 5th instant, you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains, in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you, that no further communications will be received from you, and that the necessity of this determination will, without delay, be made known to your government. In the mean time, a ready attention will be given to any communications affecting the interests of the two nations, through any other channel that may be substituted.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) R. SMITH. The Hon. Francis James Jackson, Esq. &c. &c.
Mr. Oakeley, his Majesty's Secretary of Legation, is desired by Mr. Jackson to state to the Secretary of State that, as Mr. Jackson has been already once most grossly insulted by the inhabitants of the town of Hampton in the unprovoked language of abuse held by them to several officers bearing the King's uniform, when those officers were themselves violently assaulted and put in imminent danger; he conceives it to be indispensable to the safety of himself, of the gentlemen attached to his mission, and of his family, during the remainder of their stay in the U. States, to be provided with special passports or safeguards from the American government. This is the more necessary, since some of the newspapers of the United States are daily using a language whose only tendency can be to excite the people to commit violence upon Mr. Jackson's person. In consequence, he requests that the undermentioned names may be inserted in the document to be furnished him:
Francis James Jackson, Mrs. Jackson, Their three children, Charles Oakeley, Esq. His Majesty's Secretary of Legation. Mr. George Otey, Private Secretary. SERVANTS. Robert Clvering, Francis Martin, William Attee, Charles Beecroft, Richard Lowe, John Price, John Lilly, James Wright, Amelia George, Mary Smith, Harriet Patten, Martha Wood, Frances Blacknell. [Received at the Department of State on the 11th Nov. 1809]
Mr. Oakeley is desired by Mr. Jackson to say to the Secretary of State:
That Mr. Jackson has seen with much regret that facts, which it has been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the Minister charged by his Sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations, and one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture.
One of the facts alluded to has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter of the 19th Oct. viz. that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received.
In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as his duty imperiously enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offence would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on his part; but since he has been informed by the Secretary of State that no further communications will be received from him, he conceives that he has no alternative that is consistent with what is due to the King's dignity, but to withdraw altogether from the seat of the American Government, and await the arrival of His Majesty's commands upon the unlooked for turn which has thus been given to his affairs in this country.
Mr. Jackson means to make New York the place of his residence. WASHINGTON, 13th November, 1809.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Pinkney.
Department of State Nov. 23, 1809.
SIR—My letters in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson, already transmitted to you, sufficiently evince the disappointment that was felt, on finding that he had not been charged to make to this government either the frank explanations or the liberal propositions, which the occasion manifestly required. Instead of this obvious course of proceeding, it was in the outset perceived, that his object was to bring us to resume the subjects of the arrangement of April in a way, that would imply that we were aware that the arrangement was not binding on his government, because made with a knowledge on our part that Mr. Erskine had no authority to make it, and thus to convert the responsibility of his government for the disavowal into a reproach on this for its conduct in the transaction disavowed. In the first instance, it was deemed best rather to repel his observations argumentatively than to meet them as an offensive insinuation. This for bearing had not the expected effect of restraining him from a repetition of the offence. And even on his further insinuations, nothing more was done than to premium him of the inadmissibility of so indecorous a course of proceeding. This also being without effect, nothing remained but the step finally taken. And there was the less hesitation in shutting
the door to further opportunities for insulting insinuations, as the disclosures he had made and the spirit of his discussions had so entirely shut it to the hope of any favorable result from his mission.
I will not dwell on his reluctance to give up the uncertainties of verbal for the precision of written discussion; nor on the manner or the time of his denial that he had given any room at all for a statement, which, in order to guard against the misconceptions incident to verbal conferences, I had placed before him in writing, with a request that he would point out any inaccuracies, and to which he did not then object otherwise than by intimating, that he could not have made the statement with the particular view which seemed to be supposed. Nor will I dwell on the various instances in which partial or inconsistent views of the subject have taken place of its real merits. But it may not be amiss to make some observations on the correspondence, as it relates to the justification of his government in having disavowed the act of his predecessor.
With respect to the Orders in Council, the ground of the disavowal is the difference between the arrangement and the printed despatch of Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January. According to this despatch then the arrangement failed in three points.
1st. In not relinquishing the trade of the U. States with enemies colonies.
With respect to this point it is not necessary at the time of the trade. It is sufficient to remark, 1st. that as the trade is admitted to have become, in the view of Great Britain, of little practical importance, why has it been made a ground of the disavowal, and, especially, as important considerations only could upon principles of public law have justified a measure of so serious a character? 2d. that as the colonial trade is a subject no wise connected either with the Orders in Council or with the affair of the Chesapeake, why has it been permitted to frustrate an arrangement relating to those subjects; and to those only? 3rd, that as this condition is allowed to have originated in a supposition, that it would be agreeable to the American government, why has it been persisted in after the error was made known by the representation of Mr. Erskine to his government, that neither this nor the other conditions of the despatch of the 23d Jan. were attainable here?
2nd. Another point in the despatch, and not in the arrangement, is, that the British Navy might capture our trade to ports prohibited by the U. States.
This condition too appears to have had its origin in a mistake of your meaning in a conversation with Mr. Canning, as noted by yourself, and in an inference thence deduced as to the disposition of this government.
But this double mistake must have been brought to light in time to have been corrected in the new mission. In urging Mr. Canning has taken a ground, forbidden by those principles of decorum, which regulate and mark the proceedings of governments towards each other. In this despatch the condition is stated to be for the purpose of securing the bona fide intention of America to prevent her citizens from trading with France and certain other powers. In other words, to secure a pledge to that effect against the mala fide intention of the United States. And this despatch too was authorized to be communicated in extenso to the government of which such language was used. Might it not have been reasonably expected that such a condition and such observations would at least on such an occasion have been given up by a government willing to smooth the way to an amicable settlement of existing differences?
In his zeal to vindicate his government Mr. Jackson too has attempted a gloss on this most extraordinary idea of calling on a foreign sovereignty, not indeed to make laws for us, but what is equivalent in principle, to supply a supposed inability to execute them. He calls such an interposition of his government, not an execution of the law of Congress, but of a compact binding as a public law on both parties, and which both would have a common interest in seeing duly executed. On his own principles there ought to be a reciprocity, not only in the execution of the compact, but in the obligation and interest resulting from it. Besides where there is a reciprocity in compacts between nations touching attributes of sovereignty, there is always as much of sovereignty gained as is parted with, so that there be no loss or indignity on either side.
3. The remaining point in the despatch, not secured by the arrangement, is that which required that whilst our prohibitory laws should be repealed as to Great Britain, they should be left in force as to France and the powers adopting or acting under her decrees.
This is the condition which alone properly belongs to the subject, and it is to be remarked in the first place that the British project, of which this condition makes a part, contemplated two things in their nature incompatible; one a repeal of the prohibitory acts as to Great Britain, without waiting for the conclusion of a regular treaty, the other, a pledge or engagement for their continuance as to the other powers. Now, from the nature of our constitution, which, in this particular, ought to have been attended to by the British government, it is manifest that the Executive authority could have given no such pledge, that the continuance of the prohibitory acts being a subject of Legislative consideration, could not have been provided for until the meeting of the Legislature, and that the condition could not therefore but have failed, either in the immediate renewal of commerce with Great Britain, or in the immediate engagement that it should not be renewed with France.
The British government ought to have acquiesced in, and, indeed, ought to have been satisfied with the attainment of the important object of an immediate repeal of our prohibitory laws and with the consideration, that the other object, not immediately attainable, was unnecessary at the time, because the prohibition as to France was then in force, and because there was every reason to infer not only from this fact, but from the spirit of the communications made from time to time and from the overtures before submitted to the British government that, without a repeal of the French decrees, our prohibitory laws would be continued in force against France, and especially, in the case of a repeal of the British orders, which would necessarily render a continuance of the French decrees doubly obnoxious.
But if on this head doubts could have been entertained, instead of rejecting the arrangement, ought not the repeating act on our part to have been met with a suspension at least of the orders in council, until it could have been seen whether the non-intercourse law would or would not have been continued a-
gainst France? Such a suspension could not have given, in any point of view, more advantage to the United States, than was given to Great Britain by the repeal, which had taken place on their part.
If this reasonable course could not have been substituted for the disavowal, why was not a final disavowal suspended pending a proposition, that the arrangement would be executed by Great Britain, in the event of a compliance on the part of the United States with the condition required as to France?
I am not unaware, you may be told, that the non-intercourse law of the U. States did not extend to Holland, though so intimately connected with France, and so subservient to her decrees against neutral commerce.
It would not be improper on this occasion to observe that this objection can be the less urged by Great Britain, as she has herself never in her alleged retaliations adhered to the principle on which they were founded.
Thus she has from the date of them, until very lately, directed them against the American trade even to Russia, although Russia had never adopted the French decrees, nor otherwise violated our neutral trade with G. Britain. So, in her order of April last, she has discriminated, not only between the countries devoted to France by the ties of blood, and other powers, but between Holland, Westphalia and Naples in enforcing her prohibitory order against the first and not against the two last. Whilst, therefore, she finds it expedient to make these distinctions, she ought to presume, that we too may perceive equal propriety in the distinctions we have made.
But it may be of more importance here to compare the British order in council of April last, with the arrangement of April, made by Mr. Erskine. It will thence be seen how little is the real difference, and how trivial it is when compared to the extensive and serious consequences of the disavowal.
Under the order in council of April, all the ports of Europe, except France, including the kingdom of Italy and Holland with their dependencies, are opened to our commerce.
Under the arrangement of April, combined with our act of non-intercourse, all the ports of Europe, except France and her dependencies, including the kingdom of Italy, would have been opened to our commerce. The difference then, is reduced merely to Holland, and that again is reduced to the difference between a direct trade to the ports of Holland, and an indirect trade to Holland, through the neighboring ports of Tonnigen, Hamburg, Bremen and Emden.
Now, as the injuring of the enemies of G. Britain, is the only avowed object of her interdicting order against our trade, let a comparison be made of the effect, which this difference between the order in council and the arrangement could possibly have in producing such an injury. And then let the question be candidly answered, whether, laying aside all considerations of right and justice, sufficient inducements could have been found in that result for rejecting the arrangement, and for producing the consequent embarrassments, as well to Great Britain, as to the U. States.
If it be necessary, as Mr. Jackson has stated, to set bounds to a spirit of encroachment and universal dominion, which would bind all things to its own standard, and to falsify by honorable and many resistance an announcement, that all Europe is submitting by degrees, the effort must be feeble, indeed, which is to be found in the inconvenience accruing to the formidable foe from the operation of this order in council, and especially when we combine with it the strange phenomenon of substituting for the lawful trade of the United States, a trade of British subjects, contrary to the laws of the adverse party, and amounting, without a special licence, in the eye of British law, to high treason.
This much for the orders in council. What has taken place with respect to the case of the Chesapeake, will equally engage your attention.
You will perceive, that throughout the early stages of the correspondence, this case was in some respects improperly confounded with, in others, improperly separated from that of the orders in council; and particularly, that pains had been taken by Mr. Jackson to substitute a verbal & vague observation on the disavowal of this part of the arrangement for an explicit & formal explanation, such as was obviously due. It will be seen also that when finally brought to the point, he referred for a justification of the disavowal to the departure of Mr. Erskine from his instructions without showing what those instructions were, and to allusions to an expression in the arrangement without giving to his meaning the distinctness pre requisite to a just reply.
It appears, however, that he lays great stress on the proposal enclosed in his letter of the 27th of October, as at once indicating the departure of Mr. Erskine from his instructions, and as containing the condition on the basis of which he was ready to enter on an adjustment. And from a note from the Secretary of the British Legation, it appears, that he has complained of not having received an answer to this proposal, as he had before complained, that no answer had been given to his verbal disclosures on this head in his interviews with me.
With respect to his intimations in conversation, as they were preceded by no proper assignment of the reasons for not having executed the original adjustment, it cannot be necessary to remark, that no such notice, as he wished to obtain, could with any sort of propriety have been taken of them. With respect to his written project, it will suffice to remark:
1st. That besides his reluctant and indistinct explanation of the disavowal of the original adjustment, he did not present his proposal, until he had made such progress in his offensive insinuation as made it proper to wait the issue of the reply about to be given to it, and that this issue had necessarily put a stop to further communications.
2dly. That although he had given us to understand, that the ordinary credentials, such alone as he had delivered, could not bind his government in such a case, his proposal had neither been preceded by nor accompanied with the exhibition of other commission or full power: Nor, indeed, has he ever given sufficient reason to suppose, that he had any such full power to exhibit in relation to this particular case. It is true, that in his letter of the 23d October, he has stated an authority eventually to conclude a convention between the two countries. Without advertizing to the ambiguity of the term eventually with the mark of emphasis attached to it, and to other uncertainties in the phraseology, it is clear that the authority referred to, whatever it may be, is derived from instructions subject to his own dis-
cretion, and not from a present commission, such as might be properly called for. It is true also, that in his letter of the 4th of November, subsequent to his proposal, he says he was possessed of a full power in due form for the express purpose of concluding a treaty or convention.
But it still remains uncertain, whether by the treaty or convention to which it relates, it was not meant an eventual or provisional treaty on the general relations between the two countries without any reference to the case of the Chesapeake. Certain it is that the British government in former like cases, as will be seen by the adjustment of that part of the affair at Nootka Sound, which is analogous to this case, did not consider any such distinct full power as necessary; nor is there the slightest ground for supposing that Mr. Erskine, although confessedly instructed to adjust this very case of the Chesapeake, was furnished with any authority distinct from his credential letter. That Mr. Jackson has any such commission is the less to be supposed, as it is but barely possible, that possessing it, he should not on some occasion or in some form have used a language susceptible of no possible doubt on this point.
But proceeding to the proposal itself, it is to be kept in mind that the conditions forming its basis, are the very conditions for the deviating from which Mr. Erskine's adjustment was disavowed. Mr. Jackson, if not on others, is on this point explicit. "I now add, says he, that the deviation consisted in not recording in the official document signed here the abrogation of the President's proclamation of the 2d July, 1807, as well as the two reserves specified in the paper of memoranda enclosed in my official letter to you of the 27th ult."
Considering then the conditions in the proposal as an ultimatum, in what light are we compelled to view such an attempt to repair the outrage committed on the frigate Chesapeake and to heal the disappointment produced by a disavowal of a previous equitable reparation?
It is impossible on such an occasion not to recall the circumstances which constituted the character of the outrage to which such an ultimatum is now applied. A national ship, proceeding on an important service, was watched by a superior naval force enjoying at the time the hospitality of our ports, was followed and scarcely out of our waters when she was, after an insulting summons, attacked in a hostile manner; and the ship so injured as to require expensive repairs, the expedition frustrated, a number of the crew killed and wounded, several carried into captivity, and one of them put to death under a military sentence. The three seamen, though American citizens, and therefore on every supposition detained as wrongfully on the ship would have been detained, have notwithstanding remained in captivity between two and three years; and, it may be added, after it has long ceased to be denied that they are American citizens.
Under these circumstances we are called upon to ransom the captives,
1st. By acknowledging that a precautionary proclamation, justified by events preceding the outrage, by the outrage itself, and by what immediately followed it, was unjustifiable, and that a repeal of it was properly a condition precedent to a reparation for the outrage. And this requisition is repeated, too, after such an acknowledgment had been uniformly asserted by this government to be utterly inmissible, and, what is particularly remarkable, at a time when the proclamation, as is well understood, was no longer in force. The occasion obviously invited a silent assumption of the existing fact, and this would have excluded the difficulty heretofore found to be insuperable.
2d. By throwing into complete oblivion the conduct of the officer answerable for the murderous transaction, with a knowledge too on our part, that instead of being punished or even brought to trial, he has been honored by his government with a new and more important command.
3d. By admitting a right on the part of Great Britain to claim a discharge from our service of deserters generally, and particularly of her natural born subjects, without excepting such as had been naturalized in due form under the laws of the U. States.
It has not been explained, whether it was meant, as the universality of the term "deserters" would import to include American citizens who might have left the British service. But what possible consideration could have induced the British government to expect that the United States could admit a principle, that would deprive our naturalized citizens of the legal privileges, which they held in common with their native fellow citizens. The British government ought not to have made such a proposition; because it not only, like others, naturalizes aliens; but in relation to the United States have even refused to discharge from the British service native citizens of the United States, involuntarily detained. If an American seaman has resided in Great Britain, or has married therein, or has accepted a bounty in her naval service, his discharge therefrom, on the regular application to the British government, has been invariably refused by its board of admiralty. This I state on the authority of the official reports made to this department. It is, therefore, truly astonishing that, with a knowledge of these facts, such a pretension should have been advanced at all, but above all, that it should have been made a sine qua non to an act of plain justice, already so long delayed. This is the more to be regretted, as the amen does not favor the belief we would willingly cherish, that no pre determination exists in the councils of his Britannic Majesty irreconcilable to an amicable arrangement on an affair, which, affecting so deeply the honor of the United States, must precede a general regulation of the mutual interests of the two countries.
After the correspondence with Mr. Jackson was terminated, two notes, of which copies are herewith sent to you, were presented to me in the name and by the hand of Mr. Oakeley, the British Secretary of Legation. The first requested a document, having the effect of a special passport or safe guard to Mr. Jackson and his family during their stay in the United States. As the laws of this country allow an unrestricted passage through every part of it, and with the law of nations, equally in force, protect public ministers and their families in all their privileges, such an application was regarded as somewhat singular. There was no hesitation, however, in furnishing a certificate of his public character, and to be used in any mode he might choose. But what surprised most was the reasons assigned for the application. The first he alluded to was then, for the first time, brought to the knowledge of this government. It had, indeed, been among the rumors of the day, that some unbecoming scene had taken place

at Norfolk or Hampton between some officers belonging to the African and some of the inhabitants, and that it originated in the indiscretion of the former. No attention having been called for, and no enquiries made, the truth of the case is unknown. But it was never supposed that Mr. Jackson himself, who was on board the frigate, had been personally insulted. Nor is it yet perceived in what way he considers it as having happened. It is need less to remark that any representation on the subject would have instantly received every proper attention.
Another ground on which a protection was asked for, is the supposed tendency of the language of our newspapers to excite popular violence on Mr. Jackson's person. Had he been longer and better acquainted with the habits and spirit of the American people, he would probably never have entertained an apprehension of that sort. If he meant to misadvertise on the free language of the newspapers, he might justly be reminded that our laws, as those of his country, set bounds to that freedom: that the freedom of British prints, however great with respect to public characters of the United States, has never been a topic of complaint, and that supposing the latitude of the American Press to exceed that of Great Britain, the difference is infinitely less in this respect between the two, than between the British press and that of the other nations of Europe.
The second note seems to be essentially intended as a justification of the conduct of Mr. Jackson in that part of his correspondence which has given umbrage. If he intended it as a conciliatory advance, he ought not to have proceeded by a demand of passports, nor by the spirit or the manner in which that demand was made. He ought, in fact, if such was his object, to have substituted an explanation in the place of his reply to my premonitory letter. But whether he had one or other, or both of these objects in view, it was necessary for him to have done more than be attempted in this paper.
It was never objected to him that he had stated it as a fact that the three propositions in question had been submitted to me by Mr. Erskine, nor that he stated it, as made known to him by the instructions of Mr. Canning, that the instruction to Mr. Erskine containing those three conditions was the only one from which his authority was derived to conclude an arrangement in the matter to which it related. The objection was that a knowledge of this restriction of the authority of Mr. Erskine was imputed to this government, and the repetition of the imputation even after it had been peremptorily disclaimed. This was so gross an attack on the honor and veracity of the government, as to forbid all further communications from him. Care was, nevertheless, taken at the same time to leave the door open for such as might be made through any other channel, however little the probability that any satisfactory communications would be received through any channel here.
To the other enclosures I add a printed copy of a paper purporting to be a circular letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States. This paper speaks for itself. As its contents entirely correspond with the paper last referred to, as they were unnecessary for the ostensible object of the letter, which was to make known Mr. Jackson's change of residence, and as the paper was at once put into circulation, it can only be regarded as a virtual address to the American people of a representation previously addressed to their government—a procedure which cannot fail to be seen in its true light by his sovereign.
The observations, to which so much extent has been given in this letter, with those contained in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson, will make you fully acquainted with the conduct and the character he has developed, with the necessity of the step taken in refusing further communications from him, and with the grounds on which the President instructs you to request that he may be immediately recalled. You are particularly instructed at the same time in making these communications to do it in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the United States to unite in all the means the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundation of justice, of friendship and of mutual interest.
With great respect, &c. R. SMITH. Wm. Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. (Documents to be continued.)
NEW YORK, Dec. 1.—We understand, the United States ship of war John Adams, capt. Evans, will shortly sail for a port in the North of Europe.
An order has been issued at Cadiz by the Spanish Government, allowing all vessels who bring cargoes of rice, flour and provisions, to export specie.
NEW ORLEANS, Nov. 9.—Arrived, the French Schooner of War La Franchise, Lt. Chienotier, captured by the U. States' gun vessel, No. 65, Lt. Commandant Dexter, for a breach of the third section of the non-intercourse law, passed March 1st, 1809. La Franchise is said to have a cargo of indigo and specie, taken from on board two Spanish Schooners.
Coffee-House Books. La Franchise came into this port some time since, in distress, and after refitting, proceeded to sea, shortly after the sailing of a Spanish vessel, richly laden, with specie, indigo, &c. When she left port, Com. Porter ordered capt. Dexter to watch her out of the waters of the U. States, under an apprehension we presume, that she might attempt to violate our neutrality.
Congress.
IN SENATE—Nov. 29, 1809.
On motion of Mr. Goodrich, Resolved unanimously, That the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of the wing their respect to the memory of the Hon. Samuel White, deceased, have a member thereof, will go into mourning for him for one month by the usual mode of wearing a crape around the left arm. November 30, 1809.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The following motion was submitted by Mr. Giles for the consideration of the Senate.
Resolved, That in all of the President's Messages to the Senate, relating to the relations existing between the United States and Great Britain and France, and the accompanying documents, be referred to a select committee with instructions to examine the same, and report thereon to the Senate and that the committee have leave to report by bill or bills, or otherwise.
Mr. Giles introduced the foregoing resolution with observing, in substance, that in presenting the resolution to the consideration of the Senate, he did not mean at this time to suggest any specific course of proceeding, as proper to be observed upon the very delicate and interesting topics embraced by it; nor to pledge himself upon presenting any specific proposition for the final adoption of the Senate; but he was induced to introduce the subject at this early period of the session, because he was deeply impressed with the importance of the disclosures made in the Message and the accompanying documents; as they respect the interests, the character, and even the independence of the U. States. He conceived that considerations so vitally interesting to the nation certainly demanded the most prompt attention, and most serious animadversion of Congress. He had presented the resolution in this general form, to give the committee the freest range in devising and reporting measures, suited to the difficulty and delicacy of the crisis.
FRIDAY, Dec. 1.
The resolution yesterday submitted by Mr. Giles, was agreed to; & Messrs. Giles, Pope, Bradley, Goodrich, Leib, Sumpter and Gilman, were appointed a committee in pursuance thereof.
The following resolution was submitted for consideration by Mr. Leib:
Resolved, That so much of the President's message as relates to an efficient organization of the militia of the U. States, be referred to a select committee with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Condit was appointed to join a committee to be appointed by the House for examining enrolled bills.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 1.
NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. Macon said he wished early to call the attention of the House to two motions, the subject of which he deemed to be very important. The first of them had been formerly submitted to the House by a gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Early) but never acted on, and afterwards by a gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams); the other had been presented by Mr. Macon himself at the last session, but at so late a period that it had not been acted on. It appeared to Mr. Macon that these motions, combined with one submitted at different times by a gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) would form something like a system. The object of the first motion he was about to submit was to prohibit any foreign vessel from coming from any port or place to which the vessels of the United States could not go. Gentlemen would at once observe that there were many places whence vessels came to this Country, to which we cannot go, and would perceive the extent of the motion. The other motion related to sea-letter vessels only. Mr. Macon said he wished to put them out of the nation, and to have no vessels belonging to the United States which were not perfectly American. He would have our vessels wholly American, or they should not at all partake of the character of American vessels.
After declaring that he considered his motions as calculated for permanent regulations, Mr. Macon submitted the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the entry of any vessel into the U. States from any port or place to which a vessel of the U. States is not admitted by permanent regulation of the government owing such port or place by treaty.
Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of authorising the registering anew of vessels built in the United States, which are owned in whole by citizens of the United States, any disability incurred by such vessel to the contrary notwithstanding, and also into the expediency of forbidding by law, sea-letters or any custom house documents being granted to vessels not registered or licensed according to law or not owned by citizens of the U. States within a limited time after the passing of such a law.
Mr. Newton having seconded these motions, Mr. Macon moved to refer them to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Dana observed that these resolutions had in view merely an investigation by the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures into the subject of them. On such a question it was but necessary to ask whether the subject be of itself interesting, and whether or not the proposition bears on the face of it so much of probability and propriety that there could be no objection to it on the score of its being utterly inadmissible. Unless therefore the propositions were utterly inadmissible, if they related to a subject interesting to the nation in time of peace as well as of war, if they had a connection with one great branch of national policy, there could be no objection to have them investigated by a committee. Without expressing any opinion on the first proposition, which embraced a variety of important considerations, Mr. D. said, that the motions were recommended to the House by their being founded on permanent principles, to which the nation could adhere in every alternative; and in addition to the attention due to them because they were of a permanent character and not merely temporary expedients, they might contribute to some of those measures of temporary policy deemed proper, and without a possibility of thwarting, might perhaps aid any project the government might adopt. As to the second resolution, that he considered important in another point of view, as tending to encourage American Manufactures. If there be any manufacture which requires great precision of science and experimental skill, any one which embraces more of the profound and elevated principles of science and requires more dexterity in practical execution than any other, it is the constructing of ships. With these ideas, which Mr. Dana said were not applicable to the merits of the proposition, and to the question of reference, he should vote for referring them. He was extremely glad he motions had been brought forward, and particularly that they had been introduced by a gentleman so well qualified to sustain them, by his character and talents. The motion for referring Mr. Macon's propositions was carried.
AMERICAN SEAMEN.
Mr. Dana said it would be recollected that at the last session he had proposed a resolution for the benefit of the seamen of the United States, which had been referred to a select committee, and a bill to that effect had been reported. But as the time to which Congress had thought proper to limit its session did not admit of a full discussion, he had not thought proper to press its consideration. It appeared to him that the proposition had some connection with the subject of the motions of the gentleman from N. Carolina, (Mr. Macon) and also with the subject recommended by the President, of guarding against abuses of the American flag by collusive prosecutions of it. If a vessel of the United States was to be considered as a "floating colony," he did not wish it to be a colony of foreigners.
The following is the resolution submitted by Mr. Dana:
Resolved, That for the benefit of seamen of the United States it is proper to make provision, that registered ships or vessels, after a time to be limited by law, shall not continue to enjoy the benefits or privileges appertaining to ships or vessels of the United States, unless a certain proportion of the mariners on board the same shall be citizens of the United States.
This motion was also referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, who were instructed to report by bill or bills or otherwise on all three propositions.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
On motion of Mr. Eppes, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, Mr. Macon in the Chair.
Mr. Eppes offered eight resolutions, which being agreed to by the committee were reported to the House, and agreed to, as follows:
1. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as respects the relations of the United States with foreign nations, be referred to a select committee.
[The following gentlemen compose this committee: Messrs. Macon, Findley, J. G. Jackson, Moseley, Taylor, William Chamberlin, Fink, McKee and Gannett.]
2. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to penalties involuntarily incurred by the infraction of the law prohibiting commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France and their dependencies, and for other purposes, be referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
3. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to abuses of the flag of the United States by collusive prosecutions thereof, be referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
4. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the U. S. as relates to the naval establishment of the U. S. be referred to a select committee.
[The following gentlemen compose this committee: Messrs. Bossel, Quincy, John Brown, Sawyer, Milner, Crist, J. C. Chamberlin.]
5. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the military establishment of the U. S. be referred to a select committee.
[The following gentlemen compose this committee: Messrs. Nelson, Dawson, T. Moore, Champion, Cox, Miller, Wheaton.]
6. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the organization of the militia of the U. S. be referred to a select committee.
[The following gentlemen compose this committee: Messrs. Taliaferro, Clay, Butler, Rea, P. P. Weight, Hale, Turner.]
7. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the finances of the United States, be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.
8. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the fortifications of the ports and harbors of the United States, be referred to a select committee.
[This committee is composed of the following gentlemen: Messrs. Clopton, John Porter, Emmet, M'Kim, Gardner, M'Bride, Wilkinson.]
Mr. W. A. Atkinson offered the following resolution, which being varied on the suggestion of Mr. Ponderexter, so as to refer the subject to the Committee of Public Lands, was agreed to:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the propriety of confirming the right of the city of New Orleans to the Common of said city, including the ground occupied by the fortifications of the same, and also of vesting in the said city or in the territory of Orleans, the public and vacant lots of ground within the city aforesaid on such conditions as may tend to the improvement and health of the city.
The House then proceeded to ballot for a Chaplain. The Reverend Jesse Lee, Obediah Brown and James L. Laurie were nominated. The following is the result of four balloting:
   Whole No Lee Brown Laurie     First 102 39 32 31   Second 100 39 31 50   Third 107 43 35 23   Fourth 94 49  
The Rev. Mr. Lee having a majority, was duly elected.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Comptroller of the Treasury, enclosing a statement of unsettled balances standing on the books of the United States. The communication and documents were ordered to be printed.
Mr. Ponderexter offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of allowing the citizens of the county of Madison, in the Mississippi Territory, a Representative in the assembly of that territory.
Mr. Troup moved to amend the motion by adding the following, in substance, which afterwards consented to make the subject of a separate motion, as follows:
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before the House of Representatives any information he may have touching any settlement contrary to law on the public lands of the United States, in the county of Madison, in the Mississippi Territory; by whom, to what extent, and what measures have been taken for their removal.
Both these resolutions were agreed to.
Mr. Ponderexter took occasion to observe, that the citizens of Madison county were not Yazoo settlers, as the gentleman from Georgia seemed to suppose, but persons who had become purchasers of public land, some of which in that county had been sold at 20 and 30 dollars the acre, and a considerable sum of the purchase money of which had lately been paid into the Treasury.
On the motion of Mr. Smith, a committee was appointed to prepare and report standing rules and orders for the government of the House. The committee consists of Messrs. Macon, Smith, Rhea of Ten. Southall, Shaw.
On the receipt of a message from the Senate on the subject of a joint committee of enrolled bills, a committee for that purpose was ordered to be appointed on the part of this House.
Messrs. Crawford and Roane were named accordingly.
Mr. Marron presented several petitions, amongst which was one from purchasers of public lands, praying an extension of the time allowed for payment for the same; which were severally referred.
And the House adjourned till Monday morning 11 o'clock.
LIST OF COMMITTEES.
Appointed by the Speaker in pursuance of the order of the House of Representatives.
Committee of Elections—Messrs. Findley, Clay, Strugess, Troup, Taylor, Van Rensselaer and Gannett.
Of Claims—Messrs. Johnson, Pickin, Butler, R. Broyan, Stanley, Guison, and I. B. Porter.
Of Commerce and Manufactures—Messrs. Newcomb, Dana, Marion, Cutts, N. R. Moore, S. and Seybert.
of Hays and Meigs—Messrs. Eppes, W. Akton, Taliaferro, Montgomery, Bacon, Smith and Root.
of Public Lands—Messrs. Morrow, Goodwyn, Ely, Boyd, Howard, Gold and Cobb.
of Revised and Unfinished Business—Messrs. Southall, Shaw and R. Jackson.
of Accounts—Messrs. Milnor, Kennedy and Turner.
District of Columbia—Messrs. Love, Van Horn, L. J. Atkinson, Newbold, S. Smith, Taggart and Haven.
Enquirer Office.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
During the two last days, various memorials and petitions have been read in the House of Delegates. No great question has been yet taken up.—On Tuesday, a resolution for the appointment of a Chaplain was negatived. Nays 94, Ayes 75. Yesterday the House were engaged for some time, in reading some of the Documents accompanying the Governor's Communication—particularly the papers communicated by the Governor of Pennsylvania, relative to the late affair of Gideon Omeestead, and enclosing a resolution proposed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for amending the Constitution of the U. States.
A message was also received from the Governor, enclosing a letter from John Minor, Esq. of Fredericksburg, resigning his commission as Brigadier General.
CREED TAYLOR presents his respects to the Editor of the Enquirer. C. T. regrets to learn, that Mr. May feels hurt by an expression ascribed to him by C. T. in the last Friday's Enquirer, in the case of Buggars vs. Alderson et al.—The expression in this case was certainly authorised, as it appeared to C. T. by Mr. May's own words in the case of Neilson, &c. vs. Hancock, &c. But C. T. is willing to believe, that Mr. H's expression in this case, was used in the innocent sense of which it is susceptible: While C. T. felt it his duty to remark upon what he deemed an improper expression, it was far from his intention to ascribe to Mr. May any improper motives in using it.
C. T. hopes that this voluntary explanation on his part, will be as satisfactory to Mr. H. as it is grateful to C. T.'s own feelings.
His words in this case were: "it is a subject of great importance to the public and to the bar."
In this paper, we have dispatched all the correspondence, between Mr. Jackson and Mr. Smith—and Mr. Smith's with Mr. Pinkney respecting Mr. J.—Of the Documents which accompanied the President's Message, there remain behind only, two letters between Messrs. Canning and Pinkney, and the French Correspondence—which we shall lay before our readers in our next.—From our desire to get through these Documents as soon as possible, we have been compelled to lay over the Governor's Communication to the Legislature of Virginia—This, with a very interesting decision pronounced in the Court of Appeals on S. Tuesday last, will certainly appear in our Saturday's paper.—Original articles must sleep until these public papers have been submitted.
LIST OF LETTERS.
REMAINING IN THE POST OFFICE, AT RICHMOND, the 30th Nov. 1809.
A—George Alexander, Samuel Allen, Wm. Addams, Christopher Anthony, Henry J. Arnold, John Adams.
B—Mrs. Byrd, Captain Bass, John Bickhead, James Brooks, Samuel Barret, Daniel Burnt, George Brooks, Mary Bouser, Saml. Ball, Capt. Izard Bacon, Joseph Busby, Alexr. Blackwood.
C—David Cartmell, Deborah M. Couch, Samuel Combs, Sterling I. Crump, Wm. W. Cunningham, John Carters, John Cline, Margaret Collins, Joseph Carter, Knowles Collins, Philip P. Courtney, Benj. John Carrico, David Carr, Thomas H. Crouch, Joshua Coombes, Dr. Hugh J. Crawford.
D—Monsieur Dauré, David Doherty, John Dennis, J. B. Dandridge, Joseph Dandridge, capt. Alexander Davidson, Cole Duggs, Philip Doddridge.
E—George Engles, Lewis Ebzey, Mrs. Egburn.
F—Benjamin Freeman, William Fleming, Richard H. Fraser, William Fontaine.
G—Samuel H. Gilbert, David S. Garland, Safford Gibbs, Elder J. Griggs, Samuel Grantland, Wm. Graves, Martha Green, Sarah Grantland.
H—Alexander Hare, John Hall, Wm. Hawkins, John Henry, Wm. Hutchison, John Henderson, Warner Hudgin, Charles Hickcox, Benjamin Halsey, Philip Holtz, Francis Harris, Silas Hall, Seavena Robertson, Susan S. Hunter, George Harding, William Hewlett, Peter Heifer, Sylvester Hovey, George Howard, Christopher H. Wood.
I—Jekyl Jones, Elizabeth Izard, James Jenks, Younger Johnson, Ralph S. Izard, Thos. Jones, Joseph Jenkins, Mary Jones, Walter Frederick Jones, Younger Johnson, Elizabeth Johnson.
L—Spotswood Lipscombe, Dr. Charles W. Lewis, Laura Lomas, Mr. Lebouhais, Monsieur L. Lasse, Hugh Lindsay, Neil Leyfett, Amelia Lewis, L. Lanny, Marseno Lammont, Francis Lewis, Nathaniel Lincoln, Jacob Lucke, Peter Lungstraw.
M—Richard A. Maupin, Wade Mosby, John A. Moss, Tacy Miles, Judah Myres, Mary Martin, Dr. Jam. Porter, John Mosby, John Mason, Montgomery and Henry, Vinson Miller, Dr. Thomas Massie, William Morros, Catharine Murray, James Maxa.
N—Henry Nicholas, John New, James Norris.
P—Perrin, Roches & Co. Josia Peck, Edmund B. Pearson, John H. Prosser, William F. Pendleton, John Parker, Judith R. Page, John Price, Robert Price, James Pleasants, Jonathan Price.
R—Colonel William Robertson, William Rose, Frederick J. Roddey, Richard Redford, James Ragland, John Reynolds, William Reed, Lucy Rose, William Rose senr.
S—John M. W. Smith, Mary Smith, Susan Shaw, John H. Short, James Semple, Maria Satterthwaite, Robert Sneed, captain—Stearns, captain William Smith, John P. Shields, Jesse Staff, Bartlett Still, John Sheppard, Electa Spatford, Philip Sale, John Smith, James Slipppard, Betsey Smith, J. Scott, Edward Sydney.
T—Anthony Threlter, Benajah Thomas, Richard Terrill, Cephas Thompson, Eliza Thacker, Richardson Taylor, James Taylor, Benjamin C. Turner, Doctor James Terman, Balfore Thompson, Ann M. Taylor, John Taylor.
W—John R. West, Thomas Wyman, John Watson, Benjamin Wolfe, Drury Wood, Jordan Winston, Henry Waggener, Eliza Woody, Charles Wills, Robert Wilkins, Samuel White, Martin Wirt, L. Weems, Thomas Watson, Doctor James Worral, Thomas Woyd, John White, Joseph West.
Y—Henry H. Vaughn, Clerk of the County Court. Parish Minister. Editor of the American Patriot. Sheriff of Henrico. Clerk of the Court of Chancery.
WM. FOSTER, B. M.
Richmond Theatre. The public are respectfully informed, in future there will be no postponement on account of weather. On Friday Evening, December 8 1809, will be presented, the History of KING LEAR, AND HIS THREE DAUGHTERS. To which will be added the much admired FARCE of the Honest Thieves; OR THE FAITHFUL IRISHMAN. Doors to be opened at 5, the Curtain to rise at 6 o'clock. In future the days of performance will be on Monday, Wednesday, Friday and Saturday. DECEMBER 7, 1809.
THE SUBSCRIBERS having connected themselves in business under the firm of MURPHY & CRUMP, Offer for Sale, in the store lately occupied by Mr. Wm. Temple, four doors below the B. T. Tavern: A general and well selected assortment of GROCERIES, CHINA, GLASS, & STONE WARE, which they will sell low for cash or exchange for country produce. They also tender their services to the public as COMMISSION MERCHANTS. Any business committed to their care will be attended to with all possible dispatch. WILL: MURPHY, JOSIAH CRUMP. Richmond, December 7. 2w3v.
JOHNSON AND REAT, JEWELLERS & SILVERSMITHS: AT the crescent sign, opposite the Eagle Tavern—Have just received an additional supply of ARTICLES in their line, (which with their former stock will render their assortment very complete) consisting of— Pearl Ear-Rings, Ear-Rings & Drops, Brooches, Bracelets and Finger-Rings. Jet Breast-Pins, Bracelets, Ear-Rings & Necklaces, Tortoise-shell Combs, and the most approved patterns, gold Watch-Chains, Set of Rings of the latest patterns, Ear-Rings, Finger-Rings, Breast-Pins, Bracelets, Buttons, Lockets and Miniature Settings. Silver Tea Pots, Coffee Pots, Sugar Baskets, Slop Bowls, Cream Pots, Cans, and Goblets. Table, Dessert, Tea and Silver Spoons, Tea Caddies, and mustard Ladies Salt Sticks, Caddies, silver mounted Dukes, Swords and Small Boxes. Hated Castors of various prices, Candlesticks, Foot Baskets, Tea-Pots, Sugar Dishes, Cream-Pots, Salt Stands, Table Spoons and Tea-Fongs. Black Tin Tea Pots and Tea Caddies, together with sundry other articles too tedious to enumerate here, all of which they offer on moderate terms. Orders for work strictly attended to. The highest price given for old silver and gold. December 7. 2w4t.
M. & B. MYERS, OFFER FOR SALE—Muscovado and Havana Sugars, Imperial and Hyson Teas, Old Madeira Wine, Almonds, Cordials, Ginger, Pepper, Pimento, Havana Cigars, Copperas, Window Glass, Paints, Printing and Wrapping Paper, De Silver's Playing Cards, German Oznaburghs, Raven's Dues, Cotton Shirtings, Hosiery and Dimities, and DUTCH BOILING CLOTHES of best quality. Also—JUST RECEIVED, 15 casks mountain Malaga Wine, 115 boxes and kegs of Raisins, 10 kegs Figs, and a few jars of Spanish Olives. December 7. 2w4t.
AS I have sustained great inconvenience and injury by trespasses on my plantation, I do hereby forewarn all persons, that the law will be put in force in future against those who may hunt or pass through my plantation on any occasion whatever. BENJAMIN FISHER. Louisa, December 7, 1809. 1w.
FOR SALE, the improved house MAGIE on a credit of two years—Magie may be seen in Richmond for two or three days, and terms made known by THOMAS BRANCH. Chesterfield, December 4. 1w.
NOTICE—In virtue of a decree of the county court of Henrico, I shall, on Tuesday the 9th of January next, upon the premises, at about 12 o'clock, expose to sale, by public auction, to the highest bidder, the HOUSE & LOT lately occupied by Marks Vandyke as a post office in this city, adjoining the Globe Tavern—the said Lot is subject to a ground rent of £20 per annum forever. The terms of sale will be one third in cash, one third in six months, and the residue within twelve months. Bonds with approved security will be required for the two last payments, and the title retained in the commissioner until the payment is made agreeably to the provision of the said decree. DANIEL VANDEWALL, Com'r. Richmond, December 7. w4w.
IN CHANCERY—Northumberland County Court, 13th November, 1809. Joseph Rogers, vs. Against Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker, Walter C. Baker and Homer W. Webb, defts. The Defendants Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker and Walter C. Baker not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff, It is decreed and ordered: That the said defendants appear here on the first day of March court next, and answer

Miscellaneous.
CIRCULAR.
Liverpool, Oct. 20, 1809.—The extreme activity which has for some time characterised our market, continues in a great measure to prevail...
TRANSLATED ARTICLE.
Ciudad Rodrigo, (Leon) October 1.—Our army which was on the heights of St. Felices, Villa Vieja and Retortillo, has gone to occupy those of Iturero, Guinaldo and Gallegos...
AMERICAN CONSULATE.
Townsend, October 4th, 1809.—I feel it my duty to announce to you that a new Royal Order was yesterday received by the Collector of this port...
This is conceived to be a retroactive & unjust application of the law, and suitable remonstrances, official as well as individual, have been made...
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. M. FORBES.
WILMINGTON, (D.) Nov. 29. COMMUNICATION. HERE WE GO AGAIN! THE NON-INTERCOURSE LAW ALL A CHEAT.
Well may the French, the Russians, all the continental powers complain of our partiality and arbitrary conduct. Our money changers, and lawyers are fixing the destinies of the people of the United States.
During the whole of September, the weather was of a very alarming description, threatening the country in general with consequences of a most calamitous nature.
This circumstance has had, as might be supposed, a considerable influence upon our market, and the depression which it was, naturally, calculated to produce, has in some degree, been increased by a late order in council...
The prices of rice, in consequence of the reverse in our grain market, have, of late, been gradually declining. The sale is now very dull...
Tobaccoes participate largely in the general depression. York and James's river may be quoted at 61 a 12. Rappahannock at 54 a 64, and stemmed at 124 a 144 per lb.
Timber moves off very slowly, as the high prices have materially checked the consumption demand. The different descriptions may be quoted as follows...
For staves the demand is very limited. Good white oak barrel are held at 181 a 201; bhd. at 331 a 361; and pipe at 401 a 441 per M.
The superior descriptions of quercitron bark are in fair demand, and the consumption, considering the high prices, more extensive than might have been expected...
CHARLESTON, Nov. 27.—Directions from the Navy Department were received in this city by Saturday's Mail, for the Gun Boats here to be immediately fitted out...
VIRGINIA: At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, the 7th day of Sept. 1809.
William B. Giles acting for the benefit of the representatives of John Talbot deceased, Plaintiff against John Poindexter, Jun. Valentine Merriweather and Nelson Harris, Defendants.
THE defendant Valentine Merriweather not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of assembly, and the rules of this court...
It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff...
4 Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C.
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 13th day of July 1809.
William Evans, Thomas R. Evans, Sally Evans, Peter and Elizabeth his wife, Thomas Evans and Dice Evans infants under the age of twenty-one years...
A Copy. ANTY ROBINSON, C. C.
Nov. 14. THE Subscriber, residing in Amelia, intend on the first day of Jan. next, to open a Boarding SCHOOL, at Pradesville, (about 5 miles N. West of the Court House)...
November 3. EDUCATION.—The subscribers propose opening a Boarding-School, on Wednesday, the 10th day of January next...
THOMAS W. MAURY, FRANCIS F. MAURY. wtf
September 12. EDWARD HALLAM.
HAS received by the last arrivals from Europe, and for sale next door above the Eagle Tavern...
CABBAGES. Early York, Early Sugar Loaf, Early heart-shaped, Drum Head, Green and Yellow Savoy. PEAS. Early Frame, Early Hot Spur, Canadian, Marrowfat, Glory of England, and Blue Prussian. SNAPS. Early six weeks, Early China Dwarf, Early Speckled, Early Dun. LETTUCE. Imperial, Brown Dutch, Grand Admiral, Mouse Ear, and Ice. RADISH. Salmon Purlie, White and Black. CUCUMBER. Early Frame, Long Green, and Prickly. Large White Indiv. November 24.
SHEPPARD AND LUKE HAVE received a general assortment of Groceries consisting of Sugar, Coffee, Pepper, Pimento, W. I. Rum, Molasses, Ginger, Imp. Tea, Country Gun, Whiskey, English Mustard, Salt, Sherry and Malaga in Sacks. Wine, Also, Earthen, Glass, China and Stoneware, German, Crawley and blistered Steel, Bar Iron, Nail-roads, Soul-leather, Writing, Wrapping and Printing Paper, Spanish Segars, Cotton Cards, Shot, Powder, Window-glass, Indigo, Copperas, Allum, Logwood, Cut-Herrings, &c. &c. Which they offer low for cash, country produce or approved paper. N. B. Cash given for flour as usual. November 7. wtf
EDUCATION. THE subscriber intends to continue his school in the Forks of Hanover, the ensuing year, where he offers to teach spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, geography, the use of the globes, rhetoric, natural philosophy, geometry, and the French language.
November 21. JAMES BYARS, Jr. wtf
FOR SALE, 30 Hhds. brown Sugar, 50 boxes fresh Raisins, 100 bbls. do. do. 50 boxes Soap, 20 Hhds. Loaf Sugar, 10 casks Sherry Wine, 15 000 Prime Green 10 do. Malaga do. Coffee, 30 bags Pepper, 2000 Yards Twilled 32 bags Race Ginger, Sacking, 100 ream Writing Paper, 10 Ton Hoop Iron, 15 boxes Chocolate, 50 lb. Sewing Silk, Bistered Steel, 6 Hhds. Rye Whiskey, Shot, Shoes, Gauging Rods, 10 Gross Eagle Playing Cards, Winter Strained Oil, 3 Boxes refined Salt, &c. &c. 15 bbls. Tanner's Oil, APPLY TO, HOVEY & SIZER. November 24. 3w
ELIAS V. LACHAIZE, TAYLOR; RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that he has commenced business in the house next to Mr. Neilson's store, main-street, where he hopes, by assiduity and attention to all commands, to merit a share of public patronage.
HIRING OF NEGROES. WILL be hired publicly in Milton on the 2nd day of January next, near a hundred Negroes belonging to Mrs. Sally Carter...
FASHIONABLE BOOT & SHOE-MAKERS. THE subscribers next door above Messrs. Prusser and Moore's, V. d. Office, just from Philadelphia, have commenced the manufacture of Boots and Shoes...
CAMPBELL & PAUL. Three or four good Journeymen will meet employment at the above place. November 14. 2m
LOUDOUN LAND FOR SALE. FOR SALE, on Thursday, the 21st of Dec. next, on the premises, the TRACT OF LAND, on which the late Judge Jones resided, in Loudoun county, with about 23 SLAVES...
EDWARD HALLAM. HAS received by the last arrivals from Europe, and for sale next door above the Eagle Tavern...
CABBAGES. Early York, Early Sugar Loaf, Early heart-shaped, Drum Head, Green and Yellow Savoy. PEAS. Early Frame, Early Hot Spur, Canadian, Marrowfat, Glory of England, and Blue Prussian. SNAPS. Early six weeks, Early China Dwarf, Early Speckled, Early Dun. LETTUCE. Imperial, Brown Dutch, Grand Admiral, Mouse Ear, and Ice. RADISH. Salmon Purlie, White and Black. CUCUMBER. Early Frame, Long Green, and Prickly. Large White Indiv. November 24.
CABBAGES. Early York, Early Sugar Loaf, Early heart-shaped, Drum Head, Green and Yellow Savoy. PEAS. Early Frame, Early Hot Spur, Canadian, Marrowfat, Glory of England, and Blue Prussian. SNAPS. Early six weeks, Early China Dwarf, Early Speckled, Early Dun. LETTUCE. Imperial, Brown Dutch, Grand Admiral, Mouse Ear, and Ice. RADISH. Salmon Purlie, White and Black. CUCUMBER. Early Frame, Long Green, and Prickly. Large White Indiv. November 24.
SHEPPARD AND LUKE HAVE received a general assortment of Groceries consisting of Sugar, Coffee, Pepper, Pimento, W. I. Rum, Molasses, Ginger, Imp. Tea, Country Gun, Whiskey, English Mustard, Salt, Sherry and Malaga in Sacks. Wine, Also, Earthen, Glass, China and Stoneware, German, Crawley and blistered Steel, Bar Iron, Nail-roads, Soul-leather, Writing, Wrapping and Printing Paper, Spanish Segars, Cotton Cards, Shot, Powder, Window-glass, Indigo, Copperas, Allum, Logwood, Cut-Herrings, &c. &c. Which they offer low for cash, country produce or approved paper. N. B. Cash given for flour as usual. November 7. wtf
EDUCATION. THE subscriber intends to continue his school in the Forks of Hanover, the ensuing year, where he offers to teach spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, geography, the use of the globes, rhetoric, natural philosophy, geometry, and the French language.
November 21. JAMES BYARS, Jr. wtf
FOR SALE, 30 Hhds. brown Sugar, 50 boxes fresh Raisins, 100 bbls. do. do. 50 boxes Soap, 20 Hhds. Loaf Sugar, 10 casks Sherry Wine, 15 000 Prime Green 10 do. Malaga do. Coffee, 30 bags Pepper, 2000 Yards Twilled 32 bags Race Ginger, Sacking, 100 ream Writing Paper, 10 Ton Hoop Iron, 15 boxes Chocolate, 50 lb. Sewing Silk, Bistered Steel, 6 Hhds. Rye Whiskey, Shot, Shoes, Gauging Rods, 10 Gross Eagle Playing Cards, Winter Strained Oil, 3 Boxes refined Salt, &c. &c. 15 bbls. Tanner's Oil, APPLY TO, HOVEY & SIZER. November 24. 3w
November 24. 3w
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 28, 1809. WHEREAS, in conformity with the provisions made by law, for the reimbursement of the Exchanged Six per Cent Stock...
PUBLIC NOTICE. Is therefore given to the proprietors of the Certificates of Exchanged Six per Cent Stock created by the act aforesaid, and bearing the permanent numbers contained in the annexed Schedule...
SCHEDULE. Table with 5 columns: Certificate Number, Amount, etc. Columns include 5, 16053, 29008, 39005, 40207, 40455; 7, 16064, 29009, 39006, 40220, 40463; 5017, 16076, 29012, 39011, 40221, 40469; 5018, 16077, 29013, 39014, 40222, 40471; 5021, 16088, 29019, 39045, 40241, 40476; 5022, 16091, 29024, 39053, 40252, 40481; 5023, 16107, 29084, 40001, 40256, 40484; 5032, 16130, 29095, 40005, 40260, 40487; 5039, 16151, 29099, 40011, 40262, 40488; 5045, 16139, 29104, 40021, 40271, 40498; 5046, 16154, 29111, 40023, 40277, 40500; 5056, 16138, 29112, 40027, 40275, 40501; 5051, 16168, 29113, 40032, 40279, 40502; 5064, 16171, 29116, 40036, 40286, 40507; 10001, 16175, 29117, 40040, 40289, 40508; 10007, 16177, 29127, 40043, 40302, 40509; 10009, 16183, 29134, 40049, 40309, 40510; 10014, 16184, 29137, 40073, 40310, 40511; 10023, 16136, 29143, 40098, 40331, 50008; 10033, 16200, 29151, 40107, 40337, 51002; 10036, 16201, 29154, 40113, 40340, 53015; 15004, 16218, 29166, 40120, 40344, 53024; 15008, 16219, 29167, 40128, 40348, 53031; 15009, 16222, 29169, 40131, 40355, 53033; 15012, 16228, 29175, 40139, 40364, 53039; 15019, 16242, 29178, 40141, 40365, 53035; 15026, 16246, 29179, 40142, 40367, 54003; 15029, 16249, 29187, 40148, 40378, 54000; 15037, 16255, 29197, 40165, 40385, 54012; 16010, 16258, 29203, 40166, 40384, 55010; 16011, 16270, 29209, 40170, 40394, 55026; 16012, 16275, 29212, 40176, 40408, 55029; 16020, 16276, 29213, 40181, 40413, 55044; 16023, 16285, 29219, 40185, 40418, 55046; 16026, 16290, 29225, 40188, 40428, 55053; 16052, 16292, 29228, 40193, 40432, 55156; 16053, 16293, 29232, 40194, 40437, 55065; 16056, 26001, 29234, 40197, 40449; 16060, 26013, 29239, 40201, 40452; 16061, 27003, 29243, 40202, 40454.
FOR SALE, on the premises, on the 22d day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, all the real and personal ESTATE of Wm Poore, decd. consisting of the LAND on which the widow now resides, Negroes, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep, and all the Household Furniture, and Farming Utensils...
BY virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, decd. will be sold to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the 3rd day of January next, if fair otherwise the next fair day, the LAND and INTANZIAN belonging to the said Robert Means, decd. in the upper end of Henrico county, containing, according to the deeds, three hundred and seventy three acres, & lying on the Three-notched road, about a mile and a half above the short Pump.
DANIEL CALL. Executor of the Testament and last Will of ROBERT MEANS, Decd. November 24. tds
M. & B. MYERS—OFFER FOR SALE 100 Boxes fresh Raisins, 20 Boxes fresh Raisins, White and Brown Havana Sugars, Loaf and Muscovado Sugars by the hhd. or bbl. Choulon, Imperial, Hysan & Sonchong Teas. Sherry and Madeira Wine, Cordials, Pennsylvania Rye Whiskey, Mustard, Pepper, Ginger, Cinnamon, Pimento, Bottle Corks, Havana Cigars, 8 by 10 and 10 by 12 Window-Glass, White Lead and Spanish Brown, Green Coppermans, Printing and Wrapping Paper, De Silver's Playing Cards, German Oznaburgs, Raven's Duck, Cotton Hosiery by the package or dozen, Cotton Cambricks, Shirting and Dimities, by package or piece. A few Bales of Woolens, consisting of—Strong Duffels, Plains, Half Thicks & Kersays. With a constant supply of best Dutch Bolting Cloths. November 21. 4f
RETAIL NIGHT AUCTION. THE SUBSCRIBER has opened a RETAIL NIGHT AUCTION, for the sale of DRY GOODS, GROCERIES, BOOKS, or any articles his friends, or the Public in general, may favor him with. He intends selling in large or small quantities, most for the advantage of owners or convenience of purchasers. And he hopes from the particular attention and punctuality, he is determined to pay to the business, to merit the patronage of a generous public. RICHARD BROOKE. November 14. ow1w
CHEESE, HATS, SALT-PETRE, GUN-POWDER. A consignment of Coloured Cheese of superior quality, in casks and boxes, just received. A large and general assortment of gentlemen's Silk Beaver and Fur Hats. Highly refined SALT-PETRE, F and FF glazed and rough GUN-POWDER. FOR SALE, BY D. J. BURR. December 1. 2aw1w