The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-08-23 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the directors of the said company at the Swan Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Monday evening the 15th of August 1808,
Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share of the Stockholders in the company be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 20th of next month.
Resolved, That all shares of delinquent Stockholders in the Company be sold at the Swan Tavern, in this City, on the 20th of next month, at 4 o'clock in the evening.
CASH SALE. —To be sold for ready money at the front door of the Eagle-Tavern in the City of Richmond, on Thursday the fifteenth day of September next (1808) in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, Esq. bearing date on the 26th day of May, 1807, and recorded in the General Court, all that Estate and tract of Land in the county of Fluvanna at the confluence of the South and North rivers, containing by estimation five thousand seven hundred and nine acres, be the same more or less, and bounded by the antient meets and boundaries thereof, being the same Land, and the whole thereof formerly the property of Walter King, granted to the said David Ross by letters patent, signed and sealed by the Governor of Virginia, as will more fully and satisfactorily appear by referring to the records of the Land Office, or so much thereof as will pay the following sums of money, with the expenses attending the execution of said trust, viz:    To Mrs. Frances Tabb payable on the 26th of May 1808, with interest on £ 700 : 5 : 4, a part thereof from the 26th May 1807, till paid,  $16076 : 39    To the same payable on the 26th of May 1808,  1432 : 04    To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Seigniora Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £ 659 : 10 : 9 a part thereof from the 26th of May 1807, till paid,  2653 : 38    To the same as guardian to her infant daughter Marianna Tabb, payable on the same day, with interest on £ 606, a part thereof from the 26th May, 1807,  2335 : 90    To Randolph Harrison, payable on the same day,  12,800 : —    To J. & E. Cunningham payable on the same day,  8960 : —    ABRAHAM B. VENABLE, BENJ. HATCHER, JOHN G. SMITH, Trustees.  July 26. {ept15S}
AT A Meeting of the Trustees of the Richmond Academy at the Capitol, August 9, 1808.
Ordered, That the following resolution be published for the information of those concerned: "From the difficulty which it is expected will be experienced in the further sale of tickets in the 3d Class of the Richmond Academy Lottery, owing to the present situation of the country, it is Resolved, That notice be given to the holders of tickets in the said 3d Class, that they return the said tickets to those of whom they were purchased for the purpose of having the purchase money returned."
Extract from the proceedings, Attest, SAMUEL COLEMAN, Sec'y. August 16. {1f}
BOARDING HOUSE. —Mrs. JUDITH NELSON having taken the Tenement belonging to Mr. William Price, lately occupied by Mr. McCraw, on the street leading from the Capitol, has opened a BOARDING HOUSE, where she will take gentlemen, ladies, and children to board by the day, week, month or year; she has excellent servants, and assures those who may become her boarders, that no exertions shall be wanting to give satisfaction. Richmond, July 29. {1f}
CASH given for WHEAT, by WHITE & SHELTON. July 22. {1f}
VINEGAR. —A few casks of good Pickling and Table Vinegar, for sale by D. J. BURR. July 5. {2m}
CASH SALES. —By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us on the thirteenth day of July, 1806, by David Ross, Esq. for the purpose of securing to Benj. Mosby, the sum of fourteen thousand dollars, a part thereof, from the said thirteenth day of July, 1806, till paid, and all other charges attending the execution of the said trust deed, (which was recorded in the district court of Richmond, Virginia, at the September term, 1806, and in the court of appeals of the state of Kentucky, at Frankfort, on the 11th day of April, 1807:) We will sell to the highest bidder, for ready money at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on Saturday the first day of October next, all that EST- TATE in the county of Fluvanna, in the state of Kentucky, called and well known by the name of the BIG BONE LICK, containing about two thousand acres on the Big Bone Creek, and four thousand acres on the Ohio—the whole located and surveyed under old military warrants, embracing the whole of the said David's estate in that part of Kentucky, and containing in the whole six thousand acres, be the same more or less. E. W. ROOTES, WILSON ALLEN, Trustees. Richmond, Va. August 16, 1808. {1d}
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to the subscriber, by Richard Johnson of Albemarle County, and recorded in the County Court of Albemarle, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due by said Johnson to William Brown & Company—I shall proceed to sell on the 15th day of September next, at Triplett T. Este's Tavern in the Town of Charlottesville, to the highest bidder, for ready money. One hundred acres of LAND, lying on Buck Island Creek, being part of a tract of land, the said Johnson purchased of Henry Wood.—Being only interested as a Trustee, I will convey such title only, as is vested in me as such. RICHARD ANDERSON. Milton, August 16. {3w}
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE, August 15th, 1808. —The President and Professors hereby give Notice, That a certificate of ability to execute the office of a surveyor of a county will not be granted to any applicant, unless he shall be sufficiently acquainted with the following requisites, viz—With
The Extraction of the Square Root and Decimal Fractions, such a portion of Geometry as is required in the mensuration of all plane right-lined figures, and the solution of the ordinary cases in plain Trigonometry; some one, at least, of the methods for determining the area of a survey numerically, by means of tables of latitude and departure independently of the map; the most ready and accurate methods of obtaining the area of a plot, of enlarging and diminishing the same, and of reducing several plots laid down by different scales into one map; the manner of laying off a given quantity of land, and of dividing land by lines running from fixed points, or in certain directions; the method of testing the accuracy of a survey, and the numerical calculation; some of the best methods of finding the variation of the compass. Every applicant shall also furnish a specimen of a survey map'd and calculated in his best manner, and the result of an attempt to find the variation in his respective county.
(Signed) JAMES MADISON, President. August 16. {3t}
EUROPE.
BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 15.
SPAIN.
Debate on Mr. Sheridan's Motion.
(CONCLUDED.)
MR. SECRETARY CANNING supposed, from what had fallen from the right honorable gentleman, he had meant to convey an idea that the government were pledged to support the motion he had just made. This was altogether impossible; some of the papers had not even been officially communicated to government yet, and some of those persons also alluded to, were not as yet known to be authorised. He feared not so much good was to be derived from the enquiry which had been set on foot, although he (Mr. S.) seemed to promise himself so much advantage to the cause of this country and Europe collectively. He approved of the conduct pursued by him, in not chalking any direct line of conduct for his majesty's ministers to act upon. It would have been a rash and thankless office. The discussion he had perhaps created solely to draw forth the sentiments of Ministry. They could not, he avowed, behold without anxiety and hope, the noble struggle in which Spain would perhaps be engaged. However, the issue was altogether uncertain. They wished to support and maintain the integrity of Spain, to give her aid and supplies; nor should it be found that at any period G. Britain would ever, while he partook of any share of power, consider Spain or any other country contending with France for its dependence, as our enemy. There were three duties laid on ministers. 1st. to direct our efforts to make head against the common enemy; 2d. to consult on the best means of effecting this in the present instance on the part and for the interest of Spain; and lastly, to ensure the protection and security of the British interests. These had been the points judiciously marked out for observation by his right honorable friend with so much ability and candor; but as their conduct must inevitably be regulated by circumstances, councils and the national feeling, he thought it only judicious in Ministers not to bind themselves to any particular species of policy, by that which all must, under the present circumstances, conclude to be a most imprudent and rash a-vowal.
MR. PONSONBY , professed his disinclination to discuss the motion of his right honorable friend (Mr. Sheridan). He could not see the good which could result from it, unless in the gratification which his right honorable friend must feel in the avowal of those patriotic sentiments, that every man who knew him, must acknowledge to have marked his political life. (Hear! Hear!) What was to be expected to follow from the declaration of that house on the subject? Was it the application of the force of the country? That was in the power fully of the Executive Government. It was for them who were in possession of the actual relations in which Spain with respect to France, in consequence of the recent circumstances, to engage in such measures as the nature of their information proved advisable.—To the vote of credit desired by his Majesty's government, under the present appearances, he acceded with pleasure.—Nothing further than that he should give them. It was the total of his confidence. He did not feel actuated by those motives to which this honorable friend alluded.—He did not think of dodging an administration; but he still reserved to himself the power of withholding the delivery of his opinion, until he had before him the means of information, with which he could deliver it with effect.
MR. WHITEBREAD considered himself called upon, by the notice which his Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had bestowed on him in the exordium, to state his reasons for regretting that the present motion had been at all brought forward.—He must in the first instance say, that his Honorable Friend had not dealt with him with his wonted justice, when he charged him with a pertinacious attachment to his own opinions, and a want of tolerance to those from whom he differed. It was true, and surely it was not reprehensible, that he always felt it his duty to act upon those opinions which he conscientiously entertained. At least his Right Honorable Friend could not find fault with him, in the circumstances to which he alluded, inasmuch as he had given him his vote on the one measure, and declared his acquiescence in the other. But of this he was aware, that the present was not the period, after what he had already heard discussed in that house, to assert, that he had a confidence in his Majesty's ministers. Confidence he could not then give to men, the whole of whose political conduct, since their accession to office, he had felt it his duty to oppose. Upon the present motion, he had no ground
to change the opinion he had formerly expressed. On that occasion he recommended to his Right Honorable Friend the propriety of not pressing it, because he considered it entirely and exclusively an executive measure, on which it was impossible for persons, without the necessary and adequate information, to give an opinion. It was then right to guard against any improper direction of the public feeling, to prevent even the effect which he was apprehensive might follow from the speech of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Sheridan) who was certainly the master of the human passions, and who was well considered the Timotheus of the state. However on the present occasion, he had certainly abstained from proceeding further than the particular merits of the motion which he had proposed. It would be more consistent with the dignity of the Administration to have the Right Honorable Secretary act upon his own proposition, and recommend the measure or motion himself to the house. If it was the wish to excite the enthusiasm of the country in behalf of Spain through that house, the impulse ought to proceed from those who were first in possession of the means of information, and next had the power of promptly affording the means of assistance. And with respect to the people of Spain, it was not from what his Right Honorable Friend might say, but from what Ministers ought to do, that the Spanish nation would act upon the hope of our co-operation. He would go further, and contend, that it might lead to the destruction of that country, if what passed in the house operated as the ground for their hopes, without any expressed opinion of the King's government. It was therefore that he tho't his Right Honorable Friend had gone too far; but in saying so, he acquitted him of justifying the inference which the Right Honorable Secretary had assumed from his speech, namely, that it promised a support to all the future measures of the Executive Government.—Surely, if Ministers wished for the support of that House relative to their policy towards Spain, it was their duty openly to come down and ask for it. It certainly would be a more candid and manly method, than to seek for a collateral assistance by entrapping, upon grounds of private friendship, the bold exertions of his Right Honorable Friend. It was with some painful associations of memory that he had heard the Right Hon. Secretary confound with this motion the consideration of British interest. It reminded him of occurrences on which he could not reflect without pain. Whatever were the views or intentions of Government, he sincerely trusted that in their conduct towards Spain, there would exist no influence of these mean, selfish, and paltry considerations, which had heretofore so lowered this country in the opinion of the world. The vote of credit it was his intention at first to oppose, but that intention was changed in consequence of the altered state of our foreign relations. He was not unwilling to express his cordiality in any measure which was, under vuper circumstances, acted upon to assist the Spanish nation; at the same time he was convinced, that it was the duty of Ministers to come down to that House as the first persons to propose it.
MR. CANNING rose to explain, that when he mentioned British objects, he fully felt that there could be no object so truly British, as the success of the patriots of Spain against the galling oppression of the tyrant who endeavored to enslave them.—no conquest so great as to rescue, from the overwhelming usurpation of France, the integrity of the Spanish nation in every portion of the world. (Loud cries of Hear! Hear! Hear!)
MR. HERBERT expressed a strong desire to avoid any measure which placed the re-establishment of peace at a more remote distance. (We were prevented from hearing the remainder of the Honorable Gentleman's observations, from the great noise that prevailed.)
MR. WINDHAM , in the most able and pointed manner, adverted to the unfortunate mode in which the motion was met by the Ministers. As to the motion itself, he could not see any great benefit which it could produce, but he could perceive great evil in the manner in which the Right Honorable Secretary perverted the language and observations of his Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Sheridan). He seemed to infer from his proposal of the present motion, that the Government not only had to expect his future support, but that of those friends with whom, on public concerns, he was in the habit of acting. He was not one of those who asserted there was a great opportunity for an exertion in behalf of oppressed Europe. The best means of effecting that good, was by avoiding every base, selfish, and paltry consideration, by keeping out of our view, those British objects, the reference to which, in the first speech of the Honorable Secretary, had given him so much alarm, until it was corrected by his subsequent explanation. His Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had with justice complained of the selfish and paltry influence by which former governments were actuated. With him on that subject he sincerely agreed. He had however inadvertently confounded the late administration. There he believed him mistaken, for this reason, that there never did occur an opportunity in which that administration could possibly act upon a policy so improper, and so ultimately detrimental to the best interests of the empire. It could not be without some feeling of self-applause, that he beheld those who most differed with him heretofore, now acceding to the merits of the policy which, with respect to revolutionary France, he had on all occasions recommended. He had only to regret that such a feeling manifested itself at a moment, when the scene upon which it was to operate, exhibited the symptoms after death. It was for men who refused to get into the pinnacled or long boat, now to seek for safety and rescue by the seizure of a broken oar. The Honorable Member concluded by declaring his opinion, that though he did not agree in the propriety of the motion, he still thought on much good might be done by the public opinion discovering itself in favor of the exertions upon Ministers, that it only increased their responsibility.
LORD CASTLEREAGH observed, that whatever might be the decision of the House, or whatever the Gentlemen on the opposite side may affect to think of the present motion, the country and the world could have but one opinion on the motives which alone induced the Right Honorable Gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) to bring it forward. He had on that night, as he had on every great national occasion, dismissed from his expanded mind all party considerations, and merged political differences in the great duty he owed, and was always anxious to discharge to his country. (Hear! hear! hear! from both sides of the house.) It would be to the honor of those who sat round him to profit by such an example, and to sacrifice, at least on such a question, the little objects of party interest and factions aggrandizement. Were they willing to shrink from any pledge which that country ought to afford to Spain, under the peculiar circumstances in which it was placed, and in consistency with such an intention, were they induced to disown the distinguished character who made the motion? It surely was not correspondent with the feeling which ought, at this moment, to proceed from that house, to chill the hopes of Spain, by a useless remembrance of hostilities which had taken place on former occasions. And from whom did such observations proceed? From those who took care of the destinies of Europe at the back of South America, and established, for the rescue of mankind, a chain of military posts on the River Plate. The Noble Lord reviewed the expedition to Alexandria and Constantinople, and concluded by assuring the house, that Ministers felt the present circumstances, and had a well grounded hope, that it presented the opportunity of rescuing the civilized world from the cruel dominion under which it suffered. (With respect to the distinguished Mover (Mr. Sheridan) he was convinced, that however his Honorable Friends near him were inclined to throw more than cold water on him, the empire and the world, would still appreciate the sincerity of that disinterested patriotism which induced him to bring it forward.)
Earl Temple regretted, first, that the motion was brought forward; and next, the acrimonious manner in which it was discussed on both sides of the House. He was happy to have his apprehensions dissipated by the subsequent explanations of his Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Canning). Mr. Canning, in explaining, impressed upon his Noble Friend (Earl Temple) that when he spoke of British objects and British exertions, he had no other consideration than the hope of supporting the general cause of the world, by affording assistance to those powers who bravely resisted against the tyranny of France, and by their hostility with that nation had the best claim to British support.
Mr. Sheridan did not feel it necessary to reply. His object was to awaken the country to the opportunity, which, if the information from Spain was true, might lead to the rescue of Europe, and to the release of oppressed countries from the grasp of a ruthless conqueror. He had, however, no objection to withdraw his motion, convinced that much benefit must accrue even from the present discussion.
From Bell's London Messenger of June 5.
STATE OF SPAIN.
IMPOLICY OF ENCOURAGING AN INSURRECTION.
We concluded our last article upon this subject, by observing that the monarchy of Spain, in the family of the Bourbons, was now extinguished. The king, who is at length in the custody of his enemy, has been compelled to sign his abdication—and what must have been more acutely painful and degrading; to act the part of a disloyal Pando-r to his own people; to debauch them from their allegiance to his own legitimate sceptre.
We are far from being desirous to fan the flames of civil insurrection in that unhappy country. The enemy is too powerful for Spain, and the mass of the people have been too long in a lethargy. An insurrection, it is to be feared, would produce much bloodshed and little good: Napoleon would fight one part of the country against the other part, & profit by the exhaustion of both. He would perhaps not object to the pretext of evacuating the blood of Spain through the veins of the bravest and most loyal of her subjects: He might prefer to skin over the cold-blooded hypocrisy of his acquisition by something of the splendor, and seeming desert of a conquest. It would be, perhaps, in his estimation, a better apology to his conscience and to the world at large, that he had won her by arms instead of tricks.
From our present superficial acquaintance with the spirit of the people (& our information as flowing from a French source must be very imperfect) we deprecate all advice offered, and all attempts made to promote an insurrection in Spain. We must not console ourselves in this seductive wish, by reckoning too much upon the unanimity of the people, or the chances of resistance. The people are not all unanimous; and whatever may be the uncertainties of war, disciplined war has every chance against undisciplined insurrection. When rebel meets rebel, their mutual passion supplies the place of science; but we scarcely know, if incalculable numbers could be opposed with much prospect of success against the coolness and experience of numerous successful armies.
The regular troops of Spain, by the previous artifice of France, have been chiefly withdrawn from their own country, and those who remain, have, before this, been bought over. If the people fly to arms, it would only afford a pretence to France for cutting off all that was generous and hopeful in the country, of desolating Castile, and putting down what remains of the loyalty and courage of the country by a promiscuous carnage.
No: if we truly feel for this wretched and subjugated people, let us show our compassion by other means than by tempting them to a hopeless insurrection. A nation rising in arms against its conqueror is a splendid vision, which the experience of the modern world does not afford the probability of rea-
lizing.—Spain, tho' an enemy, has deserved too well of us, to be assisted with our money, even if she had the inclination to cut her own throat.
It would indeed be a splendid achievement to obtain the surrender (conditional surrender if you will) of the fleet & naval stores in the Spanish ports.—It is said that our fleet has already made, or is to make, its appearance before Cadiz and Ferrol for this purpose. It would be an acquisition to us almost as valuable, as the kingdom itself to Napoleon.
If the Spanish monarchy, however, be irretrievably lost, and Old Spain, as an independent kingdom, be obliterated from the map of Europe, it should be our endeavor, now that we cannot save the head, to preserve the members at least from the grasp of the common enemy. Nor is it to be inferred, that life and vigor must necessarily be extinct in the extremities, when the head is cut off. Far otherwise has been the condition of the Colonies of Spain. The children have suckled and supported the mother and not the mother the children. Spain and her colonies, instead of being mutual helps, have been mutual encumbrances: they have mutually exhausted and enfeebled each other; the jealousy of the parent has stunted the growth of the child. The former has been uniformly rich but never prosperous, and the latter has been cursed with extreme misery and poverty in the very midst of her mines.
We do not hesitate to advise the immediate rescue of the Spanish colonies in South America; we do not mean a warlike seizure or a conquest, but a proclamation of their independence upon Old Spain.
It is well known that the late dissatisfaction of the inhabitants towards the British, proceeded from those selfish views of which they reasonably enough suspect us. We refused to condition with them, that, upon the conclusion of a peace, we would not surrender them up to the mother country; and they reasonably enough hesitated to revolt, when we hesitated to give them indemnity for their treason. They did not want to be made so much dead stock to be carried into the market of negotiation, upon the first offer of peace, with nations about their necks. They were right. Why should they run all risk; and instead of reaping the profits, be surrendered up to the punishment of their imprudent revolt?
This was the sole cause of the failure of Miranda. He was not suffered to inscribe Independence upon his banners. His conquest was intended as a mere make-weight in our scale upon a treaty; and the people of South America, in a choice between evils, preferred allegiance to their mother country. Our freebooting conquest of Buenos Ayres was an act of the same complexion. We could not assure the Spaniards that we would not deliver them over, upon a peace, to the revenge of Old Spain. We had nothing therefore to offer, nothing to ask, but their consent to be pillaged, which consent they refused at the point of the bayonet, and drove us out, as much irritated by our meanness, as stung by our selfish denial.
It has been universally confessed, that had we pledged our faith to the people never to surrender them to Old Spain, the whole country would have revolted to the British; that is, had we proclaimed their independence, they would have become, for every useful purpose, our colonies and allies.
Let us not now, therefore, omit the opportunity. If we do not take some steps in South America, France will. Let us proclaim the full and entire independence of Spanish America, and guarantee, with the faith of the whole Empire, its integrity, and disunion from the mother country. This would be an achievement worth its enterprise: the commerce of South America, united with that of North America (which upon friendly conditions may easily be continued to us,) would repay us for our exclusion from the continent. The Portuguese are in the vicinity, and we might open a trade with the South American continent, superior to our most sanguine expectations. We might push our commerce upon both sides of the river Amazon, and find consumers in Mexico and Peru, as numerous in Paris and Madrid.
CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.
The number of Irish members in the minority, on the Catholic Question, was 40; of whom 30 represent the 30 counties of Ireland, and 5 the great cities of Dublin, Waterford and Cork. The number of Irish members in the majority was 37, of whom 29 were county members. The divisions in May, 1805, on the same question, were, in the House of Lords, for it 51; against it 178—majority 127.—In the House of Commons, for it 124; against it 336—majority 212. The divisions in the two Houses, upon the same question, last week were, in the Lords, for it 74; against it 161—majority 87. In the Commons, for it 128; against it 361—majority 133. It thus appears, that the difference between the divisions of 1805 and 1808, amounts in the Lords to 40 in favor of the question, and to 32 in the commons. When it is considered that the cry of "No Popery" has intervened, and attempts have been made to revive religious animosities, this growing sentiment in favor of the Catholic claims, may appear at first blush almost incredible; but it is in fact nothing more than the natural progress of truth operating upon the human mind, an effect which the late able discussions in Parliament cannot fail to materially improve.
Some Protestant landed proprietors and inhabitants of Queen's county, Ireland, at whose head appear Lord Stanhope and De Vesci, have come forward with a most liberal declaration in favor of the Catholics of Ireland, in which they notice, that born in the same land, and intermingled in the ties of blood and citizenship, they conceive them entitled to the full benefit of Christian love & the blessings of the constitution.
We know not that any Englishman, a friend to the true interests of his country, can felicitate himself on the rejection of the Catholic claims by the Legislature; but there is one man in Europe who will hail this ill-advised measure with exultation, and will endeavor to make use of it as an instrument to separate England and Ireland for ever—that man is Napoleon—for tyrant as he is, he has

too much policy to let any man's religion prevent him from serving his country. His question is not, what is a man's creed, but what is his capacity?
NEW-YORK, August 13. Spanish Revolution confirmed by accounts from different quarters.
(It will be observed, that the last arrival from England brought no intelligence from Spain so late as was received at Norfolk.)
Extract of a letter from St. Croix, Tennessee, 3d July, 1808.
"A Spanish frigate and schooner arrived this morning, with the glorious news that Spain has risen en masse, and that 800,000 men are under arms. The French army in different provinces are cut off from every retreat to their own country. No quarter is either given or received. 12,000 men in the castle of Monjoye were attacked with great slaughter. The French offered to surrender—the answer of the Catalonians was, to take up their arms and defend themselves, for they would give no quarters. They were all killed; as were 13,000 Catalonians. The same destructive war is carried on in all the provinces. The council of the Kingdom have met at Seville, with the minister Savvedra at their head. Generals had offered their services, and armies were marching in all directions. Every province has published similar resolutions to those of Seville. A letter was received from Young Ferdinand, that he had made up his mind to die for his subjects, and requested they would remember his last request—and if he perished, that his loyal subjects would continue their allegiance to his august house, and never forget the perfidy of Bonaparte."
"The frigate goes to Vera Cruz, and the schooner to Buenos Ayres. The latter carries out a general, as no confidence can be put in the present governor, (Liniers,) who is a Frenchman. The governor of Cadiz was torn in pieces by the enraged populace, for having had the weakness to accept a commission from Murat, the brother in law of Bonaparte. The Spanish officers have joined the English cockade to theirs, in expression of their union. This town exhibits a scene of which you can form no idea. All is in motion—with a continued huzza of—Viva Ferdinand the 7th, and death to his enemies!"
"An armistice with the English commander of Cadiz has been concluded; and envoys had sailed for London, to make an offensive and defensive alliance. The governor of Gibraltar has sent them men, arms, and ammunition; also a seasonable supply of hard dollars."
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated 20th June received via Tenerife.
"The whole of Spain is in arms; one general cry of vengeance pervades the mass of Spaniards. From every quarter are received accounts of the country people flying to arms—it is in short a popular, patriotic, and simultaneous movement from one end of Spain to the other—not a Frenchman found in arms will be left alive. We have just received a courier from Granada—every eye flashes indignation—notwithstanding all this apparent popular phrensy, the greatest order is maintained, and the most systematic plans are deliberately entered into. The army of Grenada is put under the command of general Reading and major gen. Abdia, who occupy the Garganta of Sierra Morena in St. Helena. From every appearance, we shall soon be rid of the French—for nothing can withstand the irresistible power of our arms."
CHARLESTON, August 15. By the ship Caroline, captain Tufts, arrived on Saturday from Havana, we learn that the Governor of Havana had issued a proclamation, ordering all Frenchmen in the place, who had not taken the oath of allegiance to Spain previous to the late revolution, to quit the Island immediately; and that vast numbers had already sailed for the United States. The Caroline has thirty on board. Five sail of British men of war were lying at Havana when capt. T. sailed, besides a number of English privateers. The frigate La Franchise, and brig Fire Fly, which had been at Havana, had sailed for Jamaica, with dispatches.
The British officers are treated with the most marked and enthusiastic respect.
It appears to be the firm determination of Cuba to declare itself independent, in the event of Bonaparte's success against the present government of Spain.... Times.
Extract of a letter from Havana, to a gentleman in this city, dated, 31st July, 1808.
"This day his Britannic Majesty's brig Phipps, capt. Bell, in 9 days from Jamaica, arrived at this port, and brought the following intelligence:—"
"By accounts received from Cadiz to the 19th of June, the Spanish general of marines, Apadoco, with four associates, were ordered by the National Junta of Spain to proceed to London, not only with powers to conclude peace, but to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance, to carry on the war against France, as their common enemy. On the evening of the 18th of June, these commissioners sailed from Cadiz for London, on board the Revenge British ship of war, sir John Core commander."
"In consequence of the Emperor of Constantinople declaring war against France, a Turkish Ambassador had arrived at Gibraltar, with a splendid retinue, and only waited for a British ship of war to convey him to London."
We learn by the arrival from St. Mary's, that the news of the Revolution in Spain had reached St. Augustine; but what steps have been taken by the Spaniards at that place, we could not learn. Charleston Courier.
THE TRUSTEES of the RICHMOND ACADEMY , having determined to make arrangements for commencing the buildings immediately, have appointed a committee, consisting of John Brokenborough, Robert Mitchell and Wm. W. Hening, and given them full power to collect all the money due to the Trustees, with directions to pay it into the bank of Virginia. All persons, therefore, who are indebted to the Trustees, will please make payment to the subscriber, who by an agreement with the other members of the committee, has undertaken the collection. ROBERT MITCHELL, Richmond, 19th, August 1808. [law3w]
TAKEN UP by the subscriber on his own plantation, an astray MARE and COLT, the Mare black, four feet 8 or 9 inches high, 9 or 10 years old, neither docked nor branded, & the Colt a horse colt, with a star in his forehead, and a year old next spring, of a sorrel colour. Both appraised to eight pounds. CREED HASKINS, Powhatan, August 23, 1808. [14]
DOMESTIC.
BOSTON, August 11.
Extract of a letter from a young gentleman of respectability, and extensive information, in London, to his father in this town, dated June 4, 1808.
"The Packet from New-York has brought but little news—but that little was very pleasing to all the Americans here, as it respected the Embargo ; which we hope will be more rigorous enforced. The vessels which have been permitted to sail from home, under the special licence of the government, will become prizes to the British, if they sail with any cargo from a port in France, or the continent. It is, therefore, a matter of no small surprise to us, on this side the water, that they should not better understand the Orders in Council, than to send out vessels at this time. A schooner from N. York, arrived at Plymouth yesterday, detained for prosecuting a voyage from New-York to Bordeaux, in ballast; and will undoubtedly be condemned, for attempting to force the blockade."
"The answer of JOHN Q. ADAMS, Esq. to Mr. Pickering's letter has been published in this city; it excited considerable interest, and has been read with pleasure by all the Americans, and destroyed the hopes of many in this country, as it respects raising the Embargo . The measures of our government begin to be felt in this country considerably; the manufacturers have begun commotion here, (or I should write) in the manufacturing towns, which become more serious daily."
"The Orders in Council have had a different effect, I presume, from what the ministry first imagined; and the best informed people in this country frequently observe, that the Emperor of the French could not have struck a more fatal blow to this country, nor could they more completely meet his wishes, to deprive themselves of commerce, had he framed a plan for that purpose."
"Several vessels have lately been to Holland, but were not permitted to enter, but ordered off immediately; the government of that country observing that they would not permit any neutral to enter."
"Thus it appears that Napoleon is fighting them upon their weak side, by distressing their merchants and manufacturers; and if America still retains her determination to keep on the Embargo , this country must be driven to a great extremity.".... Boston Chronicle.
On Saturday, petitions were circulated for signatures, to request the Selectmen to call a town meeting, on Tuesday last, "to take into consideration the opportunity that is now presented for removing in some degree the embarrassments and restrictions on the commerce of the United States, by a renewal of Trade with the Kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, and their Provinces and colonies; and if the town should think proper, to prepare and present a respectful petition to the President of the United States, requesting him according to the powers vested in him by Congress, to suspend the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto; at least so far as may respect the trade of the United States with the Kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, and their provinces and colonies; Or to adopt any other measures, that may be considered by the town more proper for removing the embarrassments under which our trade is now suffering."
Agreeably to this notification, a very numerous meeting was held at Faneuil-Hall, at 10 o'clock; when Stephen Connan, Esq. was chosen Moderator. The notification was then read, when the Hon. Jonathan Mason, after a number of very pertinent remarks on the subject, offered the following motion in form of a vote:—
Voted , That it is expedient for the town of Boston respectfully to petition the President of the United States to suspend the laws laying an embargo either wholly or in part, according to the power vested in him by the Congress of the United States; and if any doubts should exist as to the sufficiency of those powers, that he be requested to call congress together as soon as may be; & that a Committee of 8 persons be appointed to prepare and submit to the town a petition in conformity.
The motion was seconded from every quarter of the Hall; and a very spirited and eloquent debate ensued. In which the motion was sustained by the Hon. Mr. Mason, Mr. Daniel Sargent, and the Hon. Messrs. O'Neil and Gore. And was opposed by Mr. W. Jarvis, Benjamin Austin, and George Blake, Esquires. The debate was protracted, until two o'clock, when the question to adopt the motion of Mr. Mason, passed by an immense majority; (not more than 20 or 30 hands against it.)
The following gentlemen were chosen on the Committee, viz. Hon. Jonathan Mason, Mr. Daniel Sargent, Hon. Christopher Gore, Mr. James Perkins, Mr. Argold Wells, Mr. Thomas H. Perkins, and Hon. Wm. Brown. —They then voted to add the Moderator; and adjourned to 4 o'clock, then to receive the report of the committee.
At 4 o'clock, the town reassembled according to adjournment; when the committee reported the subsequent Memorial; which was read from the chair, and passed nearly unanimously. We believe there were not half a dozen against it in the hall.
To the President of the United States. THE inhabitants of the town of Boston, in legal Town Meeting assembled, beg leave respectfully to represent:—
That uniformly influenced by a sense of patriotism and respect for the constituted authorities of their country, they have sustained without opposition or complaint, the embarrassments and losses arising from the existing EMBARGO on the vessels and export trade of the United States; and they trust, that the history of the Revolutionary War, and the annals of the present government, will furnish ample testimony of their readiness to make personal sacrifices, and to endure any privation, which the public welfare may truly require:—
That they are truly aware of the indispensable necessity of supporting at all times, the laws enacted by the government of their choice.—Under this impression they have refrained from expressing the wishes they most sensibly feel for the removal of the Embargo ; and but for the great events in Europe, which materially change the aspect of our foreign Relations, they would yet silently wait for the meeting of Congress, in the hope of obtaining from that honorable body, relief from the pressure of this great calamity, which bears with peculiar weight on the Eastern States.
Denied by nature those most valuable and luxurious staples which constitute the riches of the South, they necessarily owe much of their prosperity, under the blessing of Heaven, to their own enterprise and industry on the ocean. It is their prerogative duty, as well as a right, to avail themselves of every fair occasion which offers for procuring the removal of the existing restraints upon their maritime commerce, more especially when this may be effected in a mode consistent with the laws and policy by which they were imposed.
They therefore pray, that the Embargo , in whole or in part, may be suspended, according to the powers, vested in the President, by the Congress of the United States; and if any doubt should exist of the competency of those powers, they would humbly request, that Congress may be convened as early as possible, for the purpose of taking the subject, into consideration.
It was then voted that the Selectmen, in behalf of the town, transmit the Petition to the President of the U. States.
The Hon. Mr. Brown, after congratulating his fellow townsmen on the unanimity which prevailed, offered the following motion, viz.
Voted , That the Selectmen be a committee to communicate the proceedings of the town to the selectmen of the other towns of the Commonwealth, and to request them if they think fit to lay the same before their several towns for their concurrence.
This motion also passed nearly unanimously; and, after a vote of thanks to the Moderator, the meeting was dissolved.
NOTICE —The above proceedings will officially be communicated to the selectmen of the several towns, through the medium of the Post-Office, but as delay, and sometimes miscarriage attends this mode of conveying intelligence, it is hoped they will not wait a formal fulfilment of a public and patriotic duty. Eos. Gaz.
At Newburyport a very full and respectable meeting was held on the 9th instant, for the purpose of petitioning the President to suspend the Embargo ;—and after some debate the following petition was agreed upon unanimously, and signed in behalf of the town.
THE PETITION. To Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of America.
The Petition of the Inhabitants of Newburyport, in legal town meeting assembled.
Respectfully Represents,
That they have severely suffered from the operation of the laws laying and enforcing an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, not only in common with their fellow citizens throughout the Union, but peculiarly from their local situation, their large interest in shipping and merchandise, their dependence on commerce and the perishable nature of their exports. They flatter themselves that they are, and ever will be ready to manifest their patriotism in making every necessary sacrifice for the benefit of their country, and they have yielded to these laws unlimited respect and submission, whatever differences of opinion may have existed, as to their expediency or constitutionality. But so distressing are the embarrassments produced by the embargo, that they cannot contemplate its continuance without serious and alarming apprehensions. It is surely needless to detail to your excellency the various evils that must result from a total suspension of commerce to a people long habituated to maritime trade and enterprise, whose resource depends no less on the ocean than the land, and whose shipping and commodities are thus left to waste and perish on their hands, not only to the immense loss of property, but in some instance the danger of health and life. Feeling as your petitioners do, the accumulating pressure of these evils, and confident that your Excellency is disposed, so far as you are constitutionally authorized, to grant them relief, they are happy to find that by the laws of the United States it appears to be within your power, to suspend the embargo in whole or in part, whenever events in Europe may, in your opinion, render it safe and expedient. Your petitioners rejoice in the belief that such events have now taken place. They also rejoice that these events are of a nature so honorable to humanity, and so propitious to the freedom and independence of nations. Spain is emancipated, and has asserted her ancient dignity and independence, with a spirit and resolution, that promises success to her glorious exertions. An immediate peace of course takes place between that nation and Great Britain; and Spain, with her immense Colonies, to which we may also add Portugal and her dependencies, will now invite to a commerce, interdicted by no decrees or orders of the belligerents; a commerce beyond example important to Americans, which if opened to them, would furnish a ready and most lucrative market for their surplus and perishable commodities; which would afford them a relief from present sufferings, and a source of incalculable future benefits, and which if now neglected by them, may be seized and enjoyed by others to their perpetual exclusion.
Your petitioners cannot deny themselves the pleasure of congratulating your Excellency on the pleasing opportunity which you now have of restoring your suffering countrymen to the blessings of commerce, and at the same time putting it in their power to indulge their sympathies for a gallant people nobly struggling against oppression, and who were among the first to afford them assistance in their own struggles for national independence.
Your petitioners therefore pray your Excellency, in pursuance of the powers vested in you by the Congress of the United States, to suspend the operation of the embargo, at least so far as immediately to admit a free intercourse with Spain and Portugal, and their respective colonial dependencies. And as in duty bound will ever pray.
Captain Austin from Halifax informs that in consequence of the receipt of two thousand barrels of flour from Quebec, it had fallen from 14 to 11 dollars.... Mer. Adv.
The Chinese Mandarin who had obtained permission to return home in the ship Beaver of this port, it is now said, is nothing more than a China Pedlar; and that representations to this effect have been forwarded to Mr. Gallatin, to prevent the artifice from succeeding.... ib.
Capt. Picket, who came passenger in the Oriental, arrived at Marblehead, informs that upwards of ONE HUNDRED American vessels, which had been CONDEMNED by the prize courts, were lying in the Docks at Plymouth.... Boston Chronicle.
BRITISH INTRIGUE.
When the younger Erskine and Mansfield who came from England with Rose, went to Boston, it was plain enough that something more was intended than mere curiosity, or the desire to see Boston notions. Pickering's daily and incessant closeings with Rose at Washington, would have been but poorly compensated by his sedulous letters, and the money expended in printing and circulating them to the number of 60 or 100,000 copies, would have been a mere ephemeron, if the labor was to terminate with that imbecile effort.
The calculations made in England, upon a succession in the eastern states, in consequence of Pickering's letter, beside required something to be done to cover the mortification, and to palliate the frustration of all their hopes and promises of exciting a civil war in the very cradle of the revolution.
The English ministers have been taught to think that the resistance to the stamp and tea acts from 1763 to 1775, were not the effects of a love of virtuous liberty, nor a dread of tyranny, nor a love of national independence, but a thirst for avarice or power, or as John Wilkes said of the people north of Tweed—an itch for rebellion .
The British government have been so fully persuaded of this, that their emissaries and hirelings , with the exception of a few Englishmen, such as Cobbett, Cheetham, Cullen, alias Carpenter, have been very generally selected from the eastern states; and it is towards the eastern states, and in the very focus of the revolution, that they have established their head quarters —and there it is that the " king's troops " rally round the standard of Pickering and the Essex Junto, as the king's troops of yore rallied round Hutchinson and his satellites.
The failure of Pickering's letter, and the fatal stab which the spirited and magnanimous letter of Mr. Adams, gave to the treasonable treachery contemplated against the United States, must have sunk the hopes, and blasted the character of the seditionists—indeed by the Morning Chronicle of London, which we have received by the last ships, it appears that the British public are completely undeceived, for in that paper it is stated that the "best informed Americans, say, that Pickering is a man neither distinguished nor respectable in his own country."
It was necessary then that to keep up appearances and to attract attention, some new measures and objects should be brought forth.
It appears then that this new measure is as novel in its nature as the design is absurd and futile. A simple examination of the proceedings at Boston, separated from every consideration of the tempera, characters, and politics of the men who appear in front of it, may perhaps aid the sober part of the country in duly estimating this new operation of the king's troops in Boston.
The first subject that presents itself, is the vote:—that it is expedient to petition the President to suspend the embargo wholly or in part, according to the power vested in him by congress; or to call congress together.
Here are two propositions— 1. Suspension of the embargo wholly or partially. 2. Calling of Congress.
On the first of these—it is only necessary to ask the question— Upon what grounds and for what ends, was the embargo established? The message of the president of the United States and the laws themselves, answer the question. The British had issued orders of council, followed by a proclamation, interdicting the whole commerce of America from the continent of Europe; subjecting American ships to old grievances openly asserted to be acts of right, and imposing new grievances, imposts, and restrictions before unknown among civilized nations.
The French Emperor, retaliating upon those orders, by a decree issued at Milan, subjected American commerce (for it was the only neutral commerce then existing) to the same treatment as the British, and interdicting American commerce from intercourse with France, after having had intercourse with England; and declaring that these restrictions should continue in force until the British orders of council were revoked.
Upon the knowledge of these facts, it was that the President recommended, and that congress established the embargo; and the law expressly declares, that the president shall have power to suspend the embargo only when the powers of Europe, by returning to the due observance of the law of nations, and respecting the rights of neutrals, render it safe for a pacific people to risk their property on the seas.
What do the voters at Boston do? Why before the British orders of council are revoked, before the Milan decree is recalled; before the cause of the embargo has ceased, they ridiculously vote to call upon the executive to do what he has not the power to do!
But this is not the only part of the project that is absurd, for they see themselves that it is absurd, and endeavor to guard against the contempt they incur by urging that the president may have doubts about the sufficiency of his powers—they knew very well that there could be no doubt on the subject, since until the British orders of council are revoked, there can be no alteration of the law, unless by congress—and they knew very well that if congress were now called by public proclamation, that congress was disposed to repeal the embargo laws, it could not make a difference of more than 20 days, between the regular meeting of congress in November.
The Boston vote, therefore, was not intended to effect what it professes—because we cannot suppose that as there were among the promoters of the measure, men so long and particularly conversant in public law, in practical legislation, and even in diplomacy, that they could be so ignoramus , as not to know they were voting to ask what it is impracticable legally to grant, and in point of time impracticable to accomplish in their provisional mode, that is by the calling of congress—supposing that these proceedings and addresses were forwarded on the 12th August from Boston, they reach the President by the 24th; in the course of a week the proclamation is issued from Washington, calling congress to meet in forty days, after the proclamation should reach the extremities of the union; that is to say—on the 30th Aug it is issued, ten days may circulate it to the extremities of the union, say the tenth or twelfth of September—forty days brings it to the 20th October—and congress is to meet according to law on the first Monday in November! so that this expedient proves to be as ridiculous as the project itself is in contempt of their knowledge of law.
Now it is worthy of remark that Mr. Mason, one of the movers, was for several years
a senator of the United States. Mr. Gore was for several years a commercial agent of the United States at the court of London, and little chatterbox Quis, every one knows, was a long time a member of congress. The objects of the meeting and votes, as they were absurd because impracticable according to law of the land and the law of time, the wheels of whose government they cannot stop—there must have been some other object.
What is that other object? For this other object we have to look into their address; and it will not be difficult to see that the same absurdity, only more aggravated by its wanton nakedness, from the strong features of the address.
We might pass over the assertion with which their address begins, with the emotion of indignant pity which it excites, were it not necessary to exhibit in its language the heavy sentence of falsehood which they pass upon themselves.
"Uniformly influenced by a sense of patriotism and respect for the constituted authorities."
"Who are these that have been uniformly so influenced—where is the evidence of this uniformity—this patriotism—this respect for the constituted authorities—are we to look to feasts of the Pilgrims —or to the newspapers of Boston—is it to Pickering's letter—or their incessant machinations to stir up sedition and disaffection to the government—what is to be the criterion of their patriotism, when in the very phrase with which they open their address to the chief magistrate, they tell him what they know, and what they know he must know is false—and that the very sentence involves this dilemma, either that their speeches in the legislature and at town meetings, and their toasts and newspaper writings, were all false and hollow professions, because they are libels on the government and on patriotism; or that they only feign this respect for the constituted authorities now to add a new insult to the demand made upon him to violate the laws of his country."
No other rational construction, separable from the most inveterate hypocrisy, can be given to the proceeding.... Aurora.
We have heard many enquiries who is to have the command of the regiment of light (or horse) artillery; the public may be pleased to know that the government has endeavored to place a man eminently qualified for the office, in that station. To reward the well directed efforts of genius is to stimulate men to virtuous pursuits; it is equally honorable to the government and advantageous to the nation. The President, a considerable time since offered to Robert Fulton his choice of two stations, to be colonel of engineers or of the flying artillery. This was done with the double view of engaging his talents, in the public service, and of securing a continuance of his course of experiments on the various modes he has projected of attacking ships of war. We regret, however, to state, that Mr. Fulton has declined the military command; and we should deplore it as a public misfortune, if we were not assured that it is to keep himself more free for voluntary enterprise and exertions in perfecting his system of sub-marine attack.
Mr. Fulton is now at Washington pursuing a course of experiments, in which the government gives him all the aid in its power, and will continue to give. And we feel such perfect confidence in his success in this system, that we firmly believe it will prove a bason of destruction to Military navies; and ultimately will sweep the ocean of its tyrants, set commerce free, and while it assures external tranquility to the United States, it will greatly diminish the causes of war among the nations of Europe. Blessed will be the name of the author of such benefits to the human race.
Mr. Fulton has already done more for the good of mankind than thousands who have been considered as their benefactors. In discovering and conquering the obstacles that lay in the way of moving vessels by steam, he has done what the best engineers in Europe and America have been laboring in vain these thirty years to accomplish. He has opened all our immense rivers to a rapid and easy navigation; and he will thus send a lucrative commerce to the interior of every continent in almost every direction.
A little attention to the simple principles, general application, and effects of Mr. Fulton's new naval tactics, which he is now engaged in perfecting, will present to every discerning mind, its vast power and probable effect: the result he contemplates would lead to consequences great beyond the first conceptions of men of experience.
The steam navigation has established itself on the Hudson river, against prejudice, and triumphs even over envy in its utility. Mr. Fulton contemplates employing the steam to the navigation of the Mississippi; and it is from an apprehension that the acceptance of a military station would subject him to duties which might interrupt or retard the prosecution of these two grand undertakings, that he has declined; but whenever the circumstances of the country require his talents in any quarter, perhaps the enemy will be the first to know and to feel the presence of American genius.
16.
NEW-YORK, August 13.
Arrived, ship Brunswick , Coffin, from Point-Petre, G. and 20 days from Antigua. Left, sch'r Betsey , Davis, of Baltimore, seized by the collector; sch'r Fame , Gibbs, with lumber, blown off the coast; and the Br. sch'r Betsey , from the northward laden with flour. Captain C. informs, that the Cork fleet had arrived there, and that provisions were plenty. Flour 20 dollars, pork 27, and beef 20 to 23. Two thirds of the Brunswick's cargo was taken out at Antigua, and condemned.
In the Burlington paper, we find an advertisement under the signature of the Collector of the Revenue, offering a reward of 10 Dollars for Samuel J. Mott, commander of the brig Ann ; and 50 dollars for the remainder of the crew, who committed the above recited outrage upon our citizens, and fled from the hand of justice.... Rut. Herald.
Two long twelve pounders, and several smaller pieces of cannon, passed through this village for Lake Champlain, one day last week, under the care of a lieutenant of the navy and several midshipmen. They are intended for the 2 gun-boats, now building or about to be built on the lake, to aid in enforcing the embargo laws.... Lansburgh Gaz.
The commander of Fort Independence at Boston is instructed not to suffer any vessel or boat to pass without a permit; and an armed vessel is to be moored to prevent any vessel from passing out of the Gut at the North side of the harbour.

NEW-YORK, August 15.
In our paper of Saturday, we stated the capture of the brig Montezuma, by the frigate Chesapeake, Commodore Decatur, for a breach of the Embargo Law. It was the brig Mount-Vernon, from Providence, R. I. for Antigua, cleared in ballast, by permission. She was laden with provisions, which she took on board after she had cleared out.
It is very probable that before long, an Ambassador from the Junta in Spain will arrive in the United States. Spain was the first nation which admitted American vessels and their prizes into her ports, after the commencement of our revolution. Three millions were then contending here for the right of self-government—now twelve millions are contending for the same right there.
James Witherell, Esq. a representative in Congress from the State of Vermont, has resigned his seat.
Capt. Evans of the United States' navy, who went down the bay a few days since, with two vessels, to raise Gun-Boat No 5, returned last evening with that vessel. Thus has this excellent officer, by his skill in seamanship, accomplished what several had undertaken for large rewards, but relinquished as impossible.
The attentive reader will have remarked that the late advices from Paris, as stated under the London head in the last Monitor, represent that Bonaparte was on the 24th of May at St. Jean-de-Luz. This is a town of France, in the department of the Lower Pyrenees. It is seated on a small river near the Bay of Biscay, is the last town in France next to Spain, and is 12 miles S. W. of Bayonne.
Extract of a letter from St. Pierres, (Mart.) dated July 19
"It is now nearly a month since the bakers have been ordered to issue no bread, except to sick persons or nurses, on the certificate of the Physicians. Some small quantities of flour have been introduced from Dominique, St. Lucia, &c. though of inferior quality is sold at 45 to 50 dollars per barrel. The effects of the embargo have been felt in this as well as in most of the other colonies. Its continuation will, I fear, be attended with much more serious evils."
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, AUGUST 23, 1808.
"These are the times which try men's souls."
It is a well known fact in the history of parties, that when they cannot attain their favorite point directly, they will hunt it thro' all the indirect expedients, which the spirit of the times presents to them. They will dodge and double; shuffle and cut; try every circuitous road, which seems to bear them on to their object. To make use of one of Sancho's homely phrases, "they will whip the devil around the stump." When fair and generous means will not avail them, an unfair and ungenerous party will employ every artifice and trick, which may excite the murmurs of the country, and reward their ambition.
The Federal party have long been in a desperate condition. They had tried every scheme which opportunity and their own ingenuity had suggested, to recover their places. But they had tried them in vain. Their arrows had fallen blunt and harmless against the shield of Minerva. The wise measures of their antagonists, the benefits rendered to the public cause, the virtues they had displayed, and the ease which the people enjoyed, had refuted all their arguments and defeated all their artifices.
A new and unexpected ray of consolation, however, burst upon them. The violence and injustice of the powers of Europe were let loose upon our commerce. Doctrines too were supported, a submission to which would have swept down the lasting interests, the rights and honor of our country. The wisdom of our executive and legislative powers perceived no other resource than an embargo. By this expedient, they rationally hoped to elude the evils of submission, without incurring the evils of war.
Every incident, that took place in Europe, confirmed us in the wisdom of this measure. Our wisest countrymen in that quarter, approved and admired it. The wisest statesmen in England gave it the sanction of their applause. Nothing could have defeated its effects, but the prospect of a want of unanimity, of perseverance, and resolution among ourselves. It was become a struggle, whether we would hold out the longest in the defence of our rights, or our assailants in the assertion of their wrongs? It was a struggle, in which we had every advantage on our side; and they had every disadvantage. The only thing which could defeat us, was an impression on the minds of our assailants, that we had not resolution enough to persevere in the struggle. The only party, amongst us, who could encourage this impression, were those, who had hitherto opposed the administration.
And how did these men, thus bound by the most sacred interests of their country, conduct themselves? They looked not to their country—but to themselves. Some, whose generous names will be forever consecrated by the historic muse, such as Gray of Salem, have nobly sacrificed their own petty interests upon the altar of the commonwealth. The majority, however, rushed on in the low and dirty business of private aggrandizement. The Tories seized on this opportunity of pursuing their favorite scheme, of British alliance or subjection. The other federalists had too much resentment against the administration to support any of its measures. They believed that the people might easily be made to rebel against a measure, which for a short time touched their purses. Their policy therefore was, to excite the popular discontent, & for the last time to attempt to recover their places. Hope beamed once more on their crest.
Tim Pickering began the war-hoop in his mean & misrepresenting letter. The Legislature of Massachusetts barked in this holy work of annihilation. Every federal cur throughout the union joined in the Hue and Cry. There is no art or stratagem of deceit which they have not played off upon the public. They ridiculed the embargo. They magnified the ruinous consequences, of which it would be productive. They hypocritically invoked their brethren throughout the union to step in and save their sinking country. Nothing was omitted, which could give new life to their own party, and infuse new encouragement and perseverance into the British cabinet. Scarce anything was spared, which would stir up an opposition to the measure.
If a rogue was detected in the act of smuggling, these gentlemen ascribed it sometimes to the persecutions of government, sometimes to an unconstitutional extension of power. If a collector was turned out of his office for a connivance in guilt, why, it was nothing but the persecution of party spirit; and addresses of condolence and regret were poured in upon him. They attempted to blow the murmurs of all the discontented Vermontese into the flame of insurrection. And now, when there is a little miserable pretext for giving vent to their remonstrances; when the distractions of Portugal and Spain seem to furnish a fleeting glimmering of an extended trade; the opportunity is gladly embraced. The whole northern pack are bursting forth into full chorus. The federalists of Boston have already renewed the war-whoop. Newbury-Port has lifted her voice up to the very pitch of the gamut. Portsmouth is about joining in this delightful ditty. Committees of Correspondence have been organized in Boston to spread these murmurs to the very verge of Massachusetts. And every federal town of the north is soon expected to join in one loud peal of remonstrance, murmur and denunciation.
It is not the duty of the man who loves his country, to be an idle and indifferent spectator at this juncture. "Let him take up his cross and follow me." Let him rally around that administration, whose measures he considers as essential to the honor and dearest rights of his country. This is no time, for tergiversation, for shifting, for doubling, trimming, or equivocation. The genius of Quiddism must now be extinguished. Those who are not for the rights and honor of their country, must be against them. Those who will not support the government, in the firm and prudent measures which it has pursued for these purposes, are not wanting to the republican party. Under circumstances of this trying import, it becomes the duty of the friends of government to express their feelings and sentiments on our foreign relations. If the federalists of the north will fling their fire-brand upon the public mind, it surely behoves the republicans of the union to counteract its influence by their firm, high-minded and honest resolutions.
But the proceedings of Boston are at this moment particularly before us. There is no particular benefit to be derived from them, which forms an exception to these general views of the Federalists. There is nothing in this case to convince us that they are not now actuated by their predominant policy.—The objections to this measure are numerous and irresistible.
1st. Has the President received any official accounts of the Revolutions of Spain and Portugal from his accredited agents in those countries? It would be ridiculous for the chief magistrate of this nation to have exercised his powers, on the faith of Collingwood's dispatches, or the public prints of Trinidad.
2d. He has at all events had no tidings of the adjustment of a peace between Great Britain and Spain. The ministers of the Junta at Seville, who were commissioned for that purpose did not sail from Cadiz before the 18th of June. The British orders of Council are therefore still in full force as to the Spanish and Portuguese ports; and our vessels are now as much liable to capture, when bound to those ports, as they ever were.
The federalists would have been led by common prudence to wait, until G. Britain had suspended her orders as to these ports. But the spirit of inveterate resentment is superior to the cool dictates of prudence. With what face then, can this Essex Junto address the President to "suspend the Embargo," when no "such changes in the measures affecting neutral commerce," have taken place in G. B. "as may render that of the U. States sufficiently safe."—The President has not the least authority on the subject.
3rd. But let us take the supposition, that Great Britain suspends her orders as to the Spanish and Portuguese ports. What would then be the consequence? Let the Embargo be taken off as to these ports, it might as well be taken off with respect to Great Britain. Has she not already issued an order, which dispenses with all the forms of our Custom-house entries? Has she not already invited our merchants to violate the Embargo, by declaring that the Custom-house papers were not necessary to an entry into her ports? Has she not already admitted those vessels into her ports?—France has yet adopted no such dispensation. On the contrary, she is said to have denounced the punishment, by her Bayonne decree, of capture upon every American vessel, that is found on the high seas. What would be the natural effect of these arrangements? No vessel would go to France, for fear of being taken. All our vessels that were bound to Spain or Portugal, would still be liable to capture by French cruisers. But as to Great Britain, all our vessels would have a free ingress into her ports. The necessary consequence would be, that those vessels which even cleared out in our Custom-Houses for Spain and Portugal, would not hesitate to repair to British ports.
Let us profit by the experience, which we have obtained, from the present embargo laws. They have presented a scene of profligacy & smuggling, at which the heart of patriotism shudders. How many vessels have cleared out from one port of the U. S. to another, that have sailed immediately for Kingston or Havana! This species of commerce is carried on on too large a scale already. Let us not enlarge the means of it. Let us not furnish new temptations to those dishonest men, who would violate the most sacred laws of their country from mercenary motives. If we were once to legalise a vent for the exportation of our produce, a considerable part of our trade would pass through that vent into other countries.—Adieu then to the energies of the Embargo! Adieu to the rights and honour of the United States!
With what a face then, can this Junto address the President to suspend the embargo "in part"? The present is not either of those cases, in which the law vests him with this power. Is there a "peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe?" So far is this from being the case, that the range of war is extended; by the "uproar in Spain." Have there been any such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce as may render that of the United States "sufficiently safe." Surely not. For even if G. Britain were to suspend her orders as to the Portuguese and Spanish ports, yet "the judgment of the President of the U. S." must surely convince him, that a trade to these ports, and a vast range of smuggling trade to the British ports, would be exposed to the depredations of France.
4th. This difficulty meets us at the very threshold. In what way is the President to exercise the powers assigned to him? How is he to word the proclamation, which suspends the Embargo "in part"? The Federalists of Boston desire "a renewal of the trade with the kingdoms of Spain and
Portugal." But which is Spain and Portugal? Are the ports in the possession of the French, to come under these names? Will Great-Britain permit us to carry on a trade with Barcelona and Lisbon? Every view, that can be taken of this subject, goes to show, how extremely premature and precipitate the federalists have been in this transaction. Common sense surely should have taught them to wait until Great-Britain had thought proper to publish her political chart designating which ports were free, and which were still liable to her blockading orders.
In what words then is the President to couch his proclamation? Is he to say that the "kingdoms of Portugal and Spain, except Lisbon, Barcelona and such other ports, as may now be in the possession of the French?" This would be an idle & ridiculous provision. No sooner would the words be written, than their spirit might be violated. If the French pursue their conquests in Spain with their usual rapidity and success, it would be impossible to limit the range of their acquisitions within that period which it would take a vessel to cross the Atlantic. If she were bound to St. Sebastian's, St. Andero, Ferrajo, or any of those ports in the North or South of Spain, which the French may not yet have occupied; she might be bound in vain. The very first object which would perhaps present itself at her point of destination, would be the French flag flying in the harbour. It would require a prophet's inspiration to give law to a situation in which the fortune of war may be continually changing. A port is this day in the possession of one party; on the next, it may be in the power of the other. By what possible description, could the President distinguish such ports as were in the possession of the Juntas and might be entered, from those which were occluded, because they were in the power of the French?
But it would be unwise in us to recognise such a distinction, even if it could be made. It is not our duty to take any part in the revolutions of Spain. We are not bound to grant any privileges to one side over the other. Our duty is to preserve a neutrality towards both powers, unless the United States should mean to engage in a war on the side of the Spaniards. It would indeed be but a poor compensation to us for being dragged into a war with France or shot out from her ports in the depths of her resentment, that we had been able to glean a transient trade with the ports of Portugal and Spain.
The citizens of Boston and Newbury-Port are but poor politicians. They have pursued a course which only mars the object of their own wishes. They have done an act, which not only themselves, but every man in the country, will have serious cause to lament. It is by such execrable policy, as they have pursued, that the British government is encouraged to persevere in their orders, and that the embargo is kept on the hands of our own citizens.
The Retort Courteous—The Federalists have shown no less wit than wisdom, in their attacks on the Embargo. How many puns have been wasted on the trite and favorite epithet of the Terrapin System ? In how many ludicrous light have they placed this dignified retirement from the briers and evils of the European world? It was said, that we had hid our heads within our shells, through fear of our assailant; and on this pretty conceit, as much fine wit has been wasted, as ever was lavished on the mammoth cheese, or red plush breeches.
It is rather unfortunate for these wise wits, that they should have mistook the source from which this epithet was first drawn! They do not know, that it is one of their own brethren, against whom they have been all this while playing off the fire of their Artillery; a man who was almost adored, while living, and on whose grave, the tear of affliction & homage is not yet dry.
What did FISHER Ames recommend in '94? When the British Orders of November, 1793 were issued, he was a warm advocate in Congress, for an embargo. Of this sentiment he was reminded in 1795, when he was recommending a different course as to France, by Mr. Parker of Virginia, in the following words:—"When the orders of 6th November, 1793, were issued by the British government, it was proposed by this house, to lay an Embargo; at that time, it was said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Ames,) we must be sober-minded and discreet; we must not provoke this powerful nation; she is armed at all points, like a Porcupine, her quills are sharply pointed, and she is in confederacy with the most powerful nations of Europe; therefore it will be wise to shut ourselves up like the Terrapin and wait until events change the fate of Europe, but on no terms to go to war."
What said Mr. Ames in reply?—"What had been his language with respect to Britain? Did he say we were to submit? Or did he say we were to defend our country? Was he then afraid, as they were now, that soft words, (to France,) would not be soft enough? Such language came not from him. But he said, do nothing to irritate, wage no war, no hostility—such he called sequestration, and acts of that nature—he therefore wished to shut ourselves up in our shell like a Tortoise; but, at the same time, he recommended troops to be raised, ships to be built, taxes to be laid, and a spirited claim of justice to be urged; the gentlemen, who wished at that time to preserve peace, did not wish to hold out the olive-branch alone, by leaving the country defenceless."
Such were the sentiments of one, whom living, the federalists looked up to as a kind of oracle, and whom dead, they now lament as a statesman that was inferior to Hamilton alone. Yet was this man in favor of the Tortoise or Terrapin system, in which they can now see nothing but subjects worthy of ridicule or reprobation. This man was for our shutting ourselves up in our shell. He is the legitimate author of this appellation. He was the warmest advocate of the system, which it expresses.—Our country too, was placed then under far more auspicious circumstances, than it is at present. The British orders of '93, interdicted all trade to the colonies of France. Those of 1807, interdicted all our direct trade, not only in colonial produce, but in our own native productions, not only to France, but to every country in Europe, except the narrow coasts of Portugal and Sweden.—In '94, France too paid some little respect to our commerce. In 1807, she interdicted all our trade to Great Britain and her colonies; and not only she does this, but all her numerous allies in Europe. If then Mr. Ames was the advocate of this Terrapin policy, when a small part only of our trade was forbidden by Great-Britain, with how much greater force is the same system enjoined upon us, when almost the whole of our commerce is prohibited and preyed upon by the maritime powers of the world! At this crisis, the republicans too "wish to preserve peace." They too, are raising
troops. They too, are about to arm the militia & to fortify our ports and harbors; and to build such vessels, as may be competent to assist in the defence of our coast. They too, at such an era, do not wish to leave their country defenceless—whatever the federalists may wish on this subject.—But they too, are unwilling to see our property taken captive on the high seas to enrich our assailants—to submit to see our commerce carried on under the licence and taxation of the same nation, whose presumption to tax us without our own consent we once resisted at the hazard of our lives; and to see the honor of their country, a bye-word and a reproach among the nations of the earth. With them, the only question under existing circumstances has been; The embargo or war. These are the men, who have too much spirit, now to give way to encroachments, to which they would not at first submit. These are the men, who disdain to do less or to make fewer sacrifices in defence of our rights and liberties, than Great-Britain seems hitherto willing to do in the enforcement of her wrongs. We are republicans. She is a monarchy. Shall it then be said, that we are less pertinacious in the defence of our rights, than she is in the assertion of her infamous injustice? If it be not the merest nonsense to talk about "a virtue being the basis of republics," such a thing is absolutely impossible.
The brig Stephen has arrived at N. York, with London papers to the 19th June, one day later than previous advices. Nothing important. The arrangements for succoring Spain are carried on with great activity.—Artillery is embarking.—The manufacturers at Leeds, Bradford and Huddersfield, are stated to have received extensive orders during the previous week; part for the army and navy, a large portion for the American market, under an expectation that the intercourse with this country will be shortly resumed.
Very late news is momentarily expected at New-York. The ship Otis, from Liverpool on the 10th July, was spoken off Nantucket shoals on the 12th Inst.
According to last accounts from the Havana, the Governor had succeeded in organising a Supreme Council consisting of the following classes, nobility, clergy, merchants, planters and patricians, or the respective natives of the islands. The Governor is President of the council.—Franciscans not naturalised, were very day leaving the island with their property.
A commissioner with several officers in his train had arrived on the part of the British, with dispatches from England, Cadiz and the Governor of Jamaica.—The San Lorenzo, a 74, was fitting out to take a commission of three to Vera Cruz and Mexico. The British at Havana would probably join it.—Accounts from those quarters represent them to be favorably disposed to the new state of things.
The selection of Salem have pronounced their opposition to the proceedings of Boston.
The Election for members of Congress and of the Assembly have taken place in North Carolina. The congressional returns are not yet complete.
Nathaniel Macon, for the Warren district; and Thomas Kenan, for the Wilmington district, re-elected without opposition. Richard Stanford is re-elected for the Raleigh district. The poll was; Stanford 3078, Cameron 1633.
Complete returns from none of the other districts are yet received.    Halifax district.  D. Mason, Willis Alston.  58 majority.    Hanover Co.  6 do.     Martin, Mr. Alston  had a large majority.     Tarborough district.  T. Blount, W. Kennedy.  112    Edgecombe Co.  88     Fayetteville district.  A. McBride, J. Culpeper.  489    Richmond Co.  340     Cumberland Co.  McBride had a large majority.     Neuberry district.  W. Blackledge, J. Stanly.  47    Wayne Co.  215     Lenoir Co.  15     Johnston      [These last figures express the majority only.]
On the 1st Inst. the General Election for Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Representatives to Congress, & state Legislature, took place in Kentucky.—The papers from that state are not recent enough to present us with the returns. The poll in the county, in which Lexington stands, was as follows:
  Governor.  Lt. Governor.    Gen. Charles Scott 379  Edward Bullock 325    John Allen 47  Gabriel Slaughter 104    Green Clay 34  Sam. Hopkins 37    Scattering 8  Sam. Caldwell 1    Congress—Benjamin Howard 336     Representatives.     Henry Clay 239  John Parker 239    W. T. Barry 277  Jas. Fishback 186    H. Harrison 243  A. W. Grayson 106  
A convention of the republicans of Rhode-Island, met at East Greenwich, on the 9th Inst.—Amongst other resolutions, they unanimously agreed to support Constant Tabre, James Helme, James Aldrich, and Benjamin Remington, as Electors of President & Vice-President of the United States; who have pledged themselves to vote for James Madison as President and George Clinton as Vice-President. We are assured of the success of this Madisonian ticket.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
PINDARIC ODES.—ODE XIII.
TO J. R.—M. C.
"Ho! Mount Parnassus ho! the Bard, fair maid, Knocks at thy door and supplicates thy aid; I have no female friend but thee, sweet muse! Then leave thy mountain, and with me come dwell, Oh! be a smiling Goddess to my cell; Thou ought'st not this, my Bardship's wish refuse; I would not give thee for a modern Belle— That is—I've not the liberty to chuse. Then, Thalia, here expand thy burnished wing, And strike to John again, the lyric string; Altho' our song, is but with him I fear— "Like a rich jewel in an Ethiop's ear." Sir, thou wast once the darling of the nation, The Cynosure of public admiration; Round thee the patriot's best affections hung, The breast that throbb'd for freedom, throbb'd for you. Wide o'er a generous land thy praises flew; And fame enamour'd, dwelt upon thy tongue; Corruption withering, shrunk beneath thy frown, And every virtue hail'd thee as her own. Lo! what a change—"the cloud cap't tower" in dust! With Mister Key! how are the mighty fallen? Thy once pure gold, with copper's pois'nous rust; Oh! tell it not in Gath or Ascalon! Lo, bathed in Orient streams of radiant light, Th' effluent dew-ball, glitters on the sight; A thousand charms its rainbow tints display, While budding jas'mines round, admiring play.
See! slightly touched—just touched—it flies, And in a moment, all its lustre dies; Mournful I saw, its brilliant hues disperse'd, Yet, ah! 'twas but a bubble, Sir, at first.
R—, strange things I hear, Yes; passing strange, and true, I fear— What! sympathise with—M—, K— and H—p—, Acen d with P—k—, Wilt thou, who deem'st liberty a jilt; Who'd basely knuckle to a tyrant's throne, Agree, that isfan , would seem to own; Putrid, rotting in their own vice and guilt; Pirates, "hungry, and gaunt, & grim," who wait Anxious to seize a time, "no watch on deck," (A lawless crew!) to board the ship of state; And clip the bow-string round fair freedom's neck?
Hast thou a heart? or is it made of steel? Can aught the thunder of thy conscience hush? Hast thou a soul that ever knew to feel? Hast thou a cheek that ever owned a blush? Impetuous urged by passion's furious tide, To strike on some dread rock, thou could'st not fail;
Let no one follow thee, let all be wail! Serve as a beacon—never as a guide. A few lines more, and I am done, Thou can'st not think this Ode too long, Sweet chit chat of the muse, Sir, o'er her tea! (Tea! I love thee very much indeed, Thou mak'st the H. d.ira Despot bleed, And proved the way for millions to be free.)
Yes; a moment more pray lend an ear, And ope thy spous—here's a Lady , Sir, Forget by you, o hold the patriot's queen, Fair Liberty! advance with smile serene; So round the Goddess, jayl millions throng, Afore in a dance and sweet song! See Virtue , I te by tyranny oppress'd, A clime with modest mien upon her breast! See Hist'ry , ope the book of every age, And dedicate to her, the brightest page; Lo! hoary Wisdom , men in human lore, Receive her favours, and solicit more; Lo Wit , with languing eye and comic glance, Offer his moon—on tip-toe dance; So Sage , resign the scorpion though aw'hile, Unluck its iron heart, and learn to smile; While truth in sweet simplicity arrayed, Predicts pecuniad triumph to the maid; Love shouts! Beauty expands her wing, Apollo listens, and the muses sing.
Tho' greatly thou hast erred, the goddess meets Go, full contrite and wos-up at her feet, Give all thy way-ward aberrations o'er; The maid will view thee, with benignant eye, Extend her hand, and cherubic cry, John! I forgive thee—"Go and sin no more." SEDLEY.
THE DOCUMENTS sent to this press for publication, may be seen in the ENQUIRER of May 12, 14, and 17, 1808.
DIED—Near Fincastle, on her way to the Sulphur Springs, on Saturday 30th ult. Mrs. GILES, the amiable and affectionate consort of the Hon. Wm. B. Giles, member of Congress from this state.
MR. MANFREDI respectfully informs the LADIES and GENTLEMEN of Richmond, Manchester and its vicinity, that he intends to give his seventh Exhibition on Monday evening, the 24th Inst. at the Freemason's Hall, of Rope dancing with & without the Balancing Pole, of Tumbling and feats of activity, the Pyramids, dancing on the slack wire, &c. &c. &c.—And hopes by his exertions to merit the public patronage.—To conclude with a new Pantomime called, the Old Man Sick and his own infancy, or Harlequin Dead and Alive. Clown, Mr. Manfredi; Columbine, Miss Catharine, Old man, Mr. Conn; Harlequin, the little American; Magician, Mr. John.
To commence half past seven o'clock precisely, and price half a dollar per ticket. Richmond, August 23. (it)
CASH SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, for the benefit of William Bolling, which bears date the 15th day of December 1806, and is of record in the Office of Goochland County Court; will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder for ready money, at Goochland Court House, on the third Monday in September next, it being Goochland Court day, the following slaves, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of the said trust, to wit: Seneca, Billey, Pompey, Davy, Maria and a child of Maria's. J. B. FERGUSON, GEO: S. SMITH. Goochland, August 16 (Lawyer)
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.—That I forbade the sale of a negro man named Billy, advertised by Messrs. James B. Ferguson, and G. S. Smith, to be sold at Goochland Court House on the third Monday in September next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to them by Capt. A. C. Randolph, to secure a debt due to Capt. Wm. Bolling. The said negro is not named in the trust deed, and is now my property. Wm. R. FLEMING. Goochland, August 23.
NEW STORE IN AN OLD STAND.—Alexander de Plainville having removed to the Store lately occupied by Mr. James Fisher, offers for sale, in addition to his well assorted stock of CONFECTIONARY, a general assortment in the GROCERY LINE, which he will always keep supplied from the best sources, and sell at a very moderate advance for Cash. Country produce or City acceptances at a short date. N. B. A constant supply of the very first quality Havana Segars by the box or smaller quantity. Also, a constant supply of fresh Rockets' Mills flour for private families. August 23. [34]
VALUABLE MEDICINE FOR SALE BY MOSES DAVIS, at his store, a short distance above the court-house in Richmond. Moses Davis begs leave to inform his friends & the Public generally, that he has purchased at an advanced price from the Patentee, DR. LOZADA'S PATENT ANTIPHLOGISTIC STOMACH COR-DIAL, justly estimated as one of the most valuable medicines in the whole materia medica. The heretofore great and rapid Sale, with the increasing demand for this invaluable cordial; the high esteem it is through every part of Virginia, and some other of the United States; together with its singular and uncommon virtues in restoring weak and decayed constitutions, with those complaints so very common in the Spring and Fall, such as Autumnal and Bilious fevers, dysentery, &c. to proclaim so loudly its intrinsic worth, to admit even of doubt. It will be sold at the reduced price of one dollar per bottle, & a lengthy dissertation on its peculiar properties furnished gratis—And when taken, to be well shaken. Richmond, August 23. (epim&tl wIm)
WANTED, as apprentices at the Office of the ENQUIRER, TWO BOYS, from 12 to 16, of reputable connections.

DOCUMENTS.
The following is the conclusion of the attack on Mr. Madison in Cheetham's paper. Cheetham deserves little credit for this countering an attempt to pull a piece upon the world, as if it were the production of the venerable Samuel Adams, when he has been dead for several years. We have already said enough in reply to this attack. Our commissioners at Paris were, Ben. Franklin, John Jay, John Adams and Henry Laurens. Of these, it is presumed, that J. J. was the author of most of the preceding letters. This Pseudo-S. Adams seems to be mistaken as to the motives of the French cabinet in this transaction. It was not their object to obtain the Mississippi, the western territory and the fisheries for themselves. Rather different views are ascribed to them in the Life of Washington , Vol. 3, and Gordon's American Revolution , Vol. 3. Gordon has presented a long account of this negotiation, & even a considerable part of the intercepted letter of Barbe Marbois to Tim. Pickering, when Secretary of State under John Adams, gives a very elaborate account of the same transactions in one of his official dispatches. His object throughout is to show, that the conduct of France towards us has been uniformly as bad as it could be. He assigns most of the credit of this negotiation to Adams. Gordon transfers it to Jay.
From the (N. Y.) American Citizen.
(CONCLUDED.)
Boston, July 23, 1808.
The following are extracts from the original communications of our commissioners for negotiating a peace.
Paris, Nov. 17, 1782.
"The instructions from Congress which direct us to pay so strict an attention to the French ministry as to follow their advice, are conceived in terms so universal and unlimited as to give a deal of anxiety to my mind. There is no man more impressed with the obligation of obedience to instructions; but in ordinary cases the principal is so near the deputy as to be able to attend to the whole progress of the business, and to be informed of every new fact, and every sudden thought. Ambassadors in Europe can send expresses to their courts and give and receive intelligence from them with the utmost certainty. In such cases there is no room for mistakes, misunderstandings or surprise. But in our case it is very different. We are at an immense distance; dispatches are liable to foul play; and vessels are subject to accident; new scenes open; the time passes; various nations are in suspense, and necessity forces us to act."
"What can we do if a French minister advises us to cede to Spain the whole river Mississippi and five hundred miles of territory to the eastward of it? Are we bound by our instructions to put our signatures to the cession, when the English themselves are willing we should extend to the river & enjoy our natural rights to its navigation? If we should be counselled to relinquish our right to the fishery on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, when the British ministry are ready by treaty to acknowledge it, are we obliged to relinquish it? If we are advised to restore and compensate the Tories, are we to comply?—If we know or have reason to believe that things which will have weight upon the minds of the British ministry against us, upon some points, will be communicated to them in some way or other, secret or open; if we communicate them to this court, are we bound to do it? I cannot think that a construction so literal and severe was ever intended to be put upon them; and therefore I see no way of doing my duty to Congress, but to interpret the instructions as we do general precepts and maxims, by such restrictions and limitations as reason, necessity, and the nature of things demands."
"It may sometimes be known to a deputy, that an instruction from his principal was given upon false information, what is he to do? When he knows that if the truth had been known his principal would have given a direct contrary advice, is he to follow that which issued from mistake? When he knows, or has only good ground, that if his principal was on the spot, and fully informed of the present state of facts he would give contrary directions, is he bound by such as were given before?"
"It cannot be denied that instructions are binding, that it is a duty to obey them, and that departure from them cannot be justified; but it cannot be denied, I think, on the other hand, that in our peculiar situation, cases may happen in which it may become our duty to depend upon being excused, or if you will, pardoned for presuming, that if Congress had been on the spot they would judge as we do."
"I presume not to dictate; but I may venture to give my opinion, as I do freely, and with much real concern for the public, that it would be much better, if every instruction in being were totally repealed, which enjoins on any American minister to follow the advice or ask the advice or even to communicate with any French or other minister in Europe; it is an inextricable embarrassment every where. Advice would be more seldom asked nor communicated less frequently; it would be more freely given. A communication of information or a request of counsel would then be received as a compliment, and a mark of respect; it is now considered as a duty and a right; Your ministers would have more weight and be more respected through the world."
"Congress cannot do too much to give weight to their ministers, for they may depend upon it, great and unjustifiable means are used to prevent them from acquiring reputation, and even prevent any idea taking root that any thing has been or can be done by them. And there is nothing that humbles and depresses, nothing that shackles and confines, in short, nothing that renders totally useless your ministers in Europe, so much as these positive instructions to consult and communicate with French ministers on all occasions, and to follow their advice: And I really think it would be better to constitute the Count de Vergennes our sole minister and give him full powers to treat and make peace with all Europe, than to continue any of us under the instructions in being, if they are to be understood in the unlimited sense in which some persons contend for. I hope nothing indecent has escaped from me on this occasion. If any expressions appear too strong, the great importance of the subject, and the deep impression it has made on my mind and heart, must be my apology."
Paris, Nov. 1782.
"When I speak of this court, I know not that any other minister is included than that of foreign affairs. A whole system of policy is now as glaring as the day, of which, perhaps, Congress and the people of America have little suspicion. The evidence now results in a large view of all our European negotiations. The same principles and the same system have been uniformly pursued from the beginning of my knowledge in Europe, in April, 1778, to this hour. In substance it has been this:—In assistance afforded us in naval force and in money, to keep us from succumbing and nothing more, to prevent us from riding ourselves wholly of our enemies, and from growing rich and powerful: to prevent us from obtaining acknowledgements of our independence by other foreign powers, and from acquiring consideration in Europe, or any advantage in the peace, but what is expressly stipulated in the treaties: to deprive us of the Grand fishery, the Mississippi river, the Western lands, and to addle us with the Tories."
"These facts may alarm Congress more than they ought. There is nothing to fear but the want of business in Congress. French policy is so subtle, so penetrating and encroaching a thing, that the only way to oppose it, is to be steady, patient and determined.—Poland and Sweden, as well as Corsica and Geneva, exhibit horrible effects of this policy."
policy, because it was yielded to—whereas Switzerland, who never was afraid of France, and was always firm, has found her an excellent ally for 150 years past."
"If we are steadily supported by Congress, we shall go clearly to the windward of them; but if Congress wavers and gives way, the United States will receive a blow that they will not recover in fifty years."
"We have nothing to fear from this court but in the particulars above-mentioned. The alliance is too necessary to them; we are too essential to them for them to violate the treaties, or finally to disgust and alienate us.—But they have not known any more than England the men with whom they have to do."
"When we see the French intriguing with the English against us, we have no way to oppose it, but by reasoning with the English, to show that they are intended to be the dupes."
The commissioners in their joint letters, stating the progress of the negotiations for peace, and enclosing the preliminary articles, say, "as we had reason to imagine that the articles respecting the boundaries, the Refugees, and the fishery did not correspond with the feelings of this court, [of France] we did not communicate the preliminaries to the minister, until after they were signed and even then not the separate article. We hope that these considerations will excuse our having so far departed from the spirit of our instructions."
One of the commissioners in his letters says, that "the courts of France and Spain were opposed to us as to the fisheries, the boundaries, the Mississippi and the Refugees, and used every means in their power to deprive us of the three former, and saddle us with the latter—that the Count de Vergennes, and his confidential secretary, M. Ranaval, whom he often employed to speak his sentiments, and carry his points, had repeatedly declared, that they thought the claims of the British for compensation to the Tories, were just and polite; that every precedent was in their favor; that it would be disgraceful to Britain to relinquish those claims, and that we ought to accede to them."
Another of the commissioners in his letters says, that "the Count de Vergennes and M. Ranaval insisted very strongly, that he should treat with Mr. Oswald under his first commission (by this commission the United States were not acknowledged to be free and independent) alleging that our independence might be secured by treaty; that that was of the same opinion with the Count and his secretary, and wanted to begin the negotiations with Mr. Oswald under the first commission, but he absolutely refused to do so; that the Count de Vergennes and Ranaval denied our having any right to such extent of territory as we had claimed, and also to the fishery on the banks, and advised him by no means to insist on such claims, alleging that it was impossible for Great-Britain to accede to them; they insisted upon his treating with the Count de Aranda, (Spanish minister at the court of Versailles) without seeing his commission from the court of Spain, or even asking for it, alleging that he had no right to this, as Spain had not acknowledged our independence, though Spain was then desirous of treating with him under his commission from the United States as Independent States, which commission the Count de Aranda had seen, but refused to show his commission, or to say whether he had any or not; that the Count de Vergennes and Ranaval supported the Spanish claims in opposition to ours, to a great part of the western and southern territory, and denied our having a right to the use of the Mississippi, insisting upon it that we ought to give up these claims, or that we must not expect a treaty with Spain, as she certainly could not recede; that Ranaval had even gone so far as to present him with a written memorial, stating the Spanish right to that territory, and the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, and denying our having any right to either.—[This memorial was sent to Congress by one of the commissioners]—that about the same time Mr. Marbois's letter (already recited) made its appearance, holding up the same ideas, as Count de Vergennes and Ranaval had been urging, as to our claims to the territory, the fisheries, &c.; that Count de Vergennes communicated to Mr. Fitzherbert, the British minister, to treat with France on peace, the views of the courts of France and Spain, as to our claims, which Mr. Fitzherbert sent to Ld. Shelburne, as evidence that there was no necessity for the British court to accede to our claims, they not being supported by those powers; this prevented their sending Mr. Oswald a new commission to treat with our commissioner."
"That soon after this the Count de Vergennes and Count de Aranda, fearing that Mr. Oswald might, by his importunity, prevail on Lord Shelburne to give him a new commission and instructions to close with propositions of our commissioners, sent Mr. Ranaval over to London to state to the British ministry the situation of things, and to prevent Mr. Oswald succeeding in his application. Our commissioners were soon acquainted with the mission of Mr. Ranaval, and the object of it; they in consequence directly sent off Mr. Vaughan to state to Lord Shelburne the business of Mr. Ranaval and the views with which he was sent, to show him (Lord Shelburne) that France and Spain wished to prevent Britain and America agreeing on terms, they being desirous of continuing the war; and knowing that the United States were not bound to continue it on her part after Great-Britain had acknowledged her independence; and to convince him that it was the interest of Great-Britain to make peace with America on the terms proposed by our commissioners.—That the views of France were directly opposed to the interest both of America and Britain; and that if any attention was paid to the representations of Ranaval, France and Spain would probably establish their own interest to the ruin both of Britain and America. Mr. Vaughan was well instructed in every point. His information satisfied Lord Shelburne, and a new commission with proper instructions were sent to Mr. Oswald, in which commission the United States were acknowledged to be free and independent."
"In another letter, this same commissioner says, that "France intended, if possible to continue the war, and to keep America involved in it, with a view to impoverish both Britain and America as much as possible; and if this could not be effected, then to place America by this peace in a situation as dependent on her as she could; that in order to this she intended to deprive us of the bank fishery, to narrow our territorial limits, to saddle us with the Refugees, to place the Spaniards close by our borders on one side, and the British on the other. Thus circumstanced, France could easily form quarrels between the United States and Great Britain or Spain. This would often render their aid necessary to the United States; and by habituating her to look up to France for support and protection, and being able in every instance to stipulate her own terms for the support she might give, the dependence of the United States of America upon France would have been certain, or at least probable."
"The compensation to the Tories, and their admission into the United States, were points which France urged with great zeal and address; for as the Tories were high royalists, she expected to attach them to her interest and play them off against the independent party agreeably to Mr. Marbois's ideas; and if by her influence the property of the Tories had been her treaty to be restored, this would have given her great weight in their minds, and made them devoted to her views."
One of the commissioners in a letter says, "Mr. Fitzherbert (the British minister) told me that Count de Vergennes had fifty times reproached him for ceding the fisheries, and said it was ruining both the British and French commerce.—Had we not signed the treaty before France, but communicated to the minister that we were rea-
dy, he would have said that you must not sign till we sign. This would have been the continuance of the war for another year at least. The peace depended on a day. Parliament had been waiting long, and once prorogued, the minister was so pressed he could not have met parliament and have kept his place without an agreement upon terms at least with America.—If we had not signed, the ministry would have been changed and the coalition come in, and the whole world knows the coalition would not have made peace on the present terms, and of course, not at all this year. The iron was struck in a few critical moments when it was a proper heat."
A letter from one of the commissioners to the secretary of foreign affairs of July 9th, 1783, says, "The Duke de la Vauguion and Mr. Bouret together last Saturday said, "if you had not signed when you did, we should not have signed when we did." If they had not signed when they did, D'Estaing would have sailed from Cadiz and nobody in that case would have signed to this day. It is not possible for men to be in more disagreeable circumstances than we are. We are none of us of principles or dispositions to take pleasure in going against your sentiments, sir, much less those of Congress; but if in this case we had not done it, our country would have lost advantages beyond compensation."
"July 10." "There is another point now in agitation, in which the French will never give us one good word; on the contrary, they will say every thing that can persuade the English to deprive us of the trade of their West-India Islands. They have already by their emissaries been the chief cause of the change of sentiments in London on this head against us. In general they see with pain every appearance of returning real & cordial friendship, such as may be permanent between us and Great-Britain. On the contrary they see with pleasure every seed of contention between us. The Tories are an excellent engine of mischief between us and them, and therefore very precious. Exclusion from the West-India Islands will also be another. I hold it to be the indispensable duty of my station, not to conceal from Congress these truths. Do not let us be dupes under the idea of being grateful. Immense anecdotes happen daily to show that these sentiments are general. If therefore we have it in contemplation to avoid a future war with the English, do not let us have too much confidence in the French that they will favor us in this view."
From another letter.
"To talk of confidence in a general style, in the French court, is to use a general language, which may mean almost anything, or almost nothing. To a certain degree, and as far as the treaties and engagements extend, I have as much confidence in the French court as Congress has, or even you, sir, appear to have.—But if by confidence in that court is meant an opinion that they would advocate our right to the fishery, territory, Mississippi, or the shaking off the refugees, I own I have no such confidence, nor ever had.—I must, after what I had seen and heard have been an idol to have entertained the opinion."
From another letter.
"Nothing more is to be expected from the definitive treaty. We can get no farther cession from the British, without paying more for it, than you will get by it.—Should the other powers be ready to sign before us, and it is probable they will be, we must adopt the provisional treaty as a definitive one."
The copy of one letter is not preserved, which was couched in very severe terms and addressed to the commissioners for negotiating a peace, in consequence of their having broken their instructions in signing the preliminary articles without the knowledge of French ministry. That a severe reprimand was written to them I am assured, and farther that the then secretary for foreign affairs did nothing without advising with and being ultimately governed by Mr. Madison.
This plain statement of alarming facts, and of the fatal consequences which might have resulted to the United States from the intrigues of France and from Mr. Madison's French partialities, needs no comments from,
Sir, Your obt. servt.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. —The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [oawtf]
VIRGINIA. —At a superior court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the 22d day of June, 1808.
John Barrett and James Miller, Plaintiffs .—Against James Jones, executor of John Jones, Ann Johnson, widow of William Johnson, John Wiley and Jane his wife, Nicholas Johnson, Meriwether Johnson, John Johnson, Mary Johnson, Richard Hundley, Nelson Foster, John Foster, John Hunter, Michael Perkins and infant children of Francis Graves, deceased, by John McKim, specially assigned their guardian, John Ponderdexter, Henry Chiles and Henry Garnett, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, Defendants .
The defendants Michael Perkins, Cornelius Harris, William Pattman and Zachariah Foster, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, It is ordered , that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. July 20. [law8w]
CHARLES MUNNS (late assistant teacher at Mr. Oswald's) will open SCHOOL at the dwelling of Mr. Shields adjoining the Bank, THIS DAY , for the education of youth of both sexes.
Terms of Tuition —Instruction in the French Language, Geography, English Grammar, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, 10 dollars. a quarter, the one half payable in advance.
If any scholar does not learn French, he pays only 6 dollars. per quarter; if any, also, will not learn English Grammar and Geography, 6 dollars. payable as before.
No charge on the scholars entering: no charge for fuel, and separate rooms for the pupils of both sexes.
An Evening School for the Tuition of French will be kept from 5 to 7 for the accommodation of young gentlemen who may find it more convenient to attend at those hours.—Terms 8 dollars. per quarter. August 9. [law1m]
TEN DOLLARS REWARD. —Run-away from the subscriber living in Powhatan County on the 29th day of June last, a negro man named DANIEL, of a yellowish complexion, about 45 years of age, five feet nine or ten inches high—I do suppose he is in the neighborhood of Manchester, having formerly had a wife at Capt. Francis Smith's. I will give the above reward if delivered to me near Genito Bridge in the above named County, or five dollars if secured in any jail so that I get him again—I do forewarn all masters of vessels or others from employing him or carrying him out of the state, as they will be dealt with as the law directs. EDWARD MOSELEY. August 5. [law4w]
SUGARS of first quality, Molasses, Old Madeira Wine, Demijohns and Bolting Cloths, FOR SALE BY M. M. MYERS.
TO RENT. —The STORE AND COUNTING ROOM on the Main Street, late occupied by Mr. Richard Brooke. July 29. [law6w]
BOARDING, LODGING, AND ENTERTAINMENT. —The subscriber will commence keeping a boarding house on the 1st day of September next, in the commodious and conveniently situated house at present occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main-street opposite to Harris's brick building, where she will accommodate Ladies and Gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter, or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment.—No exertions shall be wanting on her part to give satisfaction to those who will favour her with their company. ANNA BYRD. (Gawtf) Richmond, August 16th.
GALLEGÓ, RICHARD & Co. —Having no longer any concern in the COLUMBIAN MILLS, (commonly called Ross's MILLS,) inform their friends and the public in general that any WHEAT sent to them by water from the upper Country, will be received at THEIR MILLS ON THE CANAL, and any Wheat sent to them by LAND will be received at a convenient Lumber-House contiguous to their counting-room. Richmond, July 12. (ep2m)
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Runaway from the subscriber some time in April last, a negro woman named MARY, about twenty-two years of age, a dark complexion, modest countenance, and speaks very low when spoken to. I have been informed that she has been seen about some of the Coal Pits, on the river above Richmond. Whoever will deliver the said negro woman to me, living on the Richmond Turnpike, about four miles above town, shall receive the above reward. BENJ. SHEPPARD. [ep4w] July 29.
TAVERN LEASE FOR SALE. —The subscriber being about to remove to the Indian Queen Tavern in Baltimore, offers for sale, on advantageous terms, the lease of the house he now occupies, having eight years, from the first of December next, to run; which for convenience, it is believed, is excelled by none in the United States, and from the proximity to the seat of government, and the direct communication which will be opened between the city and Alexandria by the bridge across the Potomac and the Turnpike road, bids fair to become one of the best stands for business in the country, as the distance to the capitol over the bridge will be only about seven miles. With the Lease will be sold, if wanted, the whole of the FURNITURE as it now stands, together with a large stock of WINES & LIQUORS. There is a vacant Lot on the corner of Cameron and Pitt-streets, adjoining the stables, attached to the house, (which renders it particularly commodious, as by that means the property fronts on three streets) which will be sold in fee simple, or leased for the remainder of the time. A handsome Lot of GROUND, in the centre of the square between King and Cameron streets, and fronting on Washington and Columbus streets, 107 feet, with a public alley on one side, and an open space that cannot be built on the other. For a public situation it is unequalled by any property in Alexandria. Also, A Lot of GROUND at the west end, about half a mile from town and fronting on the Little River Turnpike Road, 85 feet, running back 250 feet, more or less. There are improvements on the property adjoining it on each side. A handsome Lot of GROUND on the George Town Road, about half a mile from town, in a very beautiful situation, containing two acres. A handsome SQUARE of GROUND, on Washington and Columbus streets, within one quarter of a mile of town, well enclosed with a post and rail fence, containing something less than two acres. A half acre Lot on the commons, about the same distance as the last mentioned. Also, My interest in the lease of a FARM, containing between one and two hundred acres, adjoining the town of Alexandria, in a high state of cultivation, and enclosed with a new post and rail fence, (in one of the enclosures is the Alexandria Jockey Club Race Course) with a large crop of OATS & HAY, which will be sold in the stack or otherwise; two Waggons, four Carts, eight Ploughs, two Double Harrows, a large and elegant Roller, all of the best construction, six good Farm Horses, and every other article that can be wanted for a well managed farm; together with 12 choice Milch Cows, a fine Buffalo Bull, forty head of Sheep, about fifty head of Hogs of the very best breed that could be procured. Also, some very valuable SLAVES, if they should be wanted for the Farm. Also, The two Lines of STAGES between George Town and Alexandria, with a light Hack and four Horses.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against me are requested to bring them forward for settlement; and all persons indebted are desired to make immediate payment, as no longer indulgence can be given, my intended removal rendering it necessary that a full adjustment of all accounts should take place. JOHN GADBYS. August 5. (6t)
HAMPTON ACADEMY. —In consequence of a vacancy having occurred in this Seminary, a PROFESSOR of the Languages, Mathematics and the most important branches of polite literature is immediately required, to act as President of the institution.—A gentleman thus capacitated, of good moral character, in addition to the salary attached to the office, will be accommodated with a spacious two story brick house and every necessary out house for the convenience of a family, situated on an extensive well enclosed lot, in a healthy, pleasant and retired part of the town. The state of the Academy renders it necessary that this vacancy should be filled as soon as possible. By authority of the board of trustees, THOS: JONES, junr. ROBT. ARMISTEAD, CHAS: K. MALLORY. Hampton, August 5. (ep8w)
BANK NOTES, as below described, were put into the post office at this place on 27th May last, enclosed in a letter addressed to Messrs John Wartler and Sons, Philadelphia, and which letter has never been received; it is therefore apprehended that the BANK NOTES may have fallen into improper hands; and should such appear in circulation, we earnestly request that they may be stopped. Any satisfactory information regarding them will be thankfully received, and if required, liberally rewarded. BUCHANAN & POLLO. Petersburg, July 5. (tf)
Banks of Virginia payable at their Office of Discount and Deposit Petersburg, to Robert Birch President thereof or Bearer.    B  No.  332  9th February 1805,  $ 100    C  866  6th July,  100    D  133  7th February,  100     134  9th  100     700  6th May,  100     733  7th  100     788  —  100     $ 700    RUMFORD ACADEMY. —Is wanted at this Seminary, a gentleman well qualified to teach Greek, Latin and French.—For particulars apply to CHILES TERRELL. King William County, August 16. [3w]
NOTICE. —All persons indebted to the Estate of Marcus Elam, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Exors. JOS. MARX. Richmond, May 17, 1808. (tf)
TO RENT. —The upper APARTMENTS in the House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [tf]
NOTICE, that on Thursday the 25th instant, will be sold, at auction, to the highest bidder, at the late residence of Samuel Pointer, all his remaining stock of GROCERIES , amongst which are the following: old Apple and Cogniac Brandy of superior quality, Imperial and Young Hyson Teas of excellent quality, Brown Sugar and Coffee by the barrel, one hogshead of Molasses and three of New England Rum, one cask of old Sherry wine, and a variety of other articles too tedious to mention.
Also, one likely Riding HORSE, about six years old, two valuable Milch Cows, and one yearling raised in town.—One Negro Woman, one likely man, who is a good cook, gardener and ostler, and also, one likely Mulatto Boy, about 14 or 15 years old.
At the same time will be hired out for one year, a likely Female SERVANT with three children, and who is a good house servant: Also, one Girl of sufficient size to wait and attend in a house.
Also, will be sold, all the Household and Kitchen FURNITURE, amongst which are four good Beds and Furniture, and the usual Mahogany and other articles customarily used in a plain genteel family.
At the same time, will like wise be rented for one year, the Store-House, Lumber-House and Yard, lately occupied by said Pointer at any up- Shockey for business. Also, will be rented the adjoining Garden, now in a high state of cultivation, and which upon inspection, will sufficiently recommend itself. Also, the House and Lot opposite the Garden, and now occupied by Mrs. Pointer.—Possession of those may be immediately had.
For the Groceries ninety days credit will be allowed, for all sums of or above $50, upon giving notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorsers, and for all sums under, cash. And for the residue of the above articles nine months credit for all sums of or above $50, with like notes and endorsers, and for all sums under, cash will be required.
All persons having claims against the said estate are particularly requested to bring them forward without delay, authenticated as the law requires; and those who are indebted, are likewise earnestly requested to come forward and discharge the same, as the situation of the affairs of the estate will not admit of further indulgence. All liquidated just claims against the estate of the said Pointer, will be received for the cash or other payments, by BENJ. WOLFE, Executor. Richmond, August 12. (tds)
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. —Strayed or stolen from Caleb Bolax's residence in the County of Caroline about four or five miles below the Bowling-Green and near the stage road, a blood bay GELDING, about four feet ten inches or five feet high, nine or ten years old, shod all round, his tail which had been bobbed has grown long and his mane hangs on the right side; if there be any white about him, it is not recollected, though there may be a little on one or both of his hinder feet-locks; there are knots on one or both shoulders caused by being galled with the collar, his withers are high and have been chafed by the saddle; he has been used as a plough-horse for the last three years, on a plantation on James river in the lower end of the County of Powhatan and may endeavor to get there again.—Any person who will deliver the said horse to Mr. John Guy at the Eagle-Tavern in the City of Richmond, shall receive the above reward. August 12. (1m.)
NOTICE. —Whereas Mr. James Fisher, by a deed executed on the first day of July, 1808, and recorded in the county court of Henrico, has assigned to the subscriber as trustee, for certain of his creditors therein named, the whole of his estate of every description, (except his household furniture, and some few debts transferred by him as trustee, subsequent to the execution of said trust, as will more full appear by a reference to the schedule annexed to said deed;) consisting of some Lots in the city of Richmond, together with all his bonds, notes and accounts.—This is therefore to give notice to the debtors of the said James Fisher, that all judgments obtained where the money has not been paid, all suits now depending in the courts of this commonwealth or elsewhere, all monies in the hands of attorneys, sheriffs, or others, which may have been collected by virtue of any suit, debt or demand of the said James Fisher; that he is the only person authorised to receive such debts and demands and grant such acquittances and make such compromises as he may deem most advisable for the interest of said creditors. A hope is therefore cherished, that every effort on the part of said debtors, will be made, in order to a settlement of their balances, and every indulgence will be given by him to those who manifest such a disposition. And whereas it is stipulated by the contracting parties to said deed, that certain creditors of said James Fisher, who from absence or other causes, could not signify their wish of becoming parties thereto, now, be it understood, that if they do within sixty days, from the said first day of July, 1808, sign the said deed, that in that case, they are to be considered entitled to their rateable proportion of such money as shall be collected from the sale of property and collection of debts; otherwise, if they do not, within the time specified, make known their determination by subscribing to the terms agreed upon in the said trust, that he, the said trustee shall pay over such sums as they would have been entitled to if they had acceded to the same James Fisher. EDW. W. TRENT. August 5, 1808. (tf)
UNITED STATES' STOCK LOST!— Notice is hereby given, That the following certificates of the United States' Stock, in the name of John Baird, bearing date 16 March 1791, have been lost or mislaid, and due application will be made at the Loan Office of the U. States for their renewal.    Six per Cents  No. 210  $711  33    Deferred  210  $355  67    Three per Cents  185  $211  03    WILLIAM BAIRD, Exor Of John Baird. July 19th. ep3a
SALE FOR CASH. —By virtue of a deed in trust executed to the subscriber by Goodman Barksdale, to secure the payment of a debt due to Brown, Rives and Co. will be sold for ready money, in the town of Milton, in the county of Albemarle, at the front door of John L. Moore's Tavern, on the sixteenth day of September next, one certain Tract or Parcel of LAND, lying and being in the county aforesaid, on both sides of Meathum's river, adjoining Henry Carr, Isaac Harding, Douglas Barksdale, Achilles Barksdale, Jonathan Barksdale and Jane Alexander, containing three hundred acres, be the same more or less. Acting as trustee for the benefit of others, will only convey the title vested in me as such. MARTIN DAWSON. Trustee. July 29. [5w]