The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-04-23 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY
POSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 109.]
TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 23, 1805.
[VOLUME 1.]
Auction Sales.
THOMAS TAYLOR & Co.
WILL in future sell at the store occupied by M. W. Hancock & Co. on Wednesdays in each week; and at their office, on Tuesdays and Fridays as usual. Dec. 1, 1804. epif
FASHIONABLE LINEN, DRAPERY, HOSIERY, &c.
JAMES BREAM, FROM LONDON, RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their vicinities, that he intends opening a STORE on the Main-street, (lately occupied by Mr. John Sandridge, and directly opposite the Vendue Store of Messrs. Thomas Taylor, & Co.) on Monday next, the 15th inst. with a new and elegant assortment of SPRING GOODS:
CONSISTING OF Printed Cottons and Cambricks, Copper Plate, and Chintz Furnitures, printed on Cottons and Cambricks. Black and Coloured Chambray Mullins, superior quality. Black Twill'd Cypriss, do. do. Cambrick Mullin Shawls and Handkerchiefs; 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linens, Belt Fabricks; French Cambricks, Long Lawns, and Irish Diapers; 5-4, 6-4, 7-4, 8-4, 8-10, and 10-12 Table Cloths, all prices; Real Yorkshire Huccabacks for Towels and Table Cloths, 3-4 and 6-4 wide, and 30 yards long; Furniture Dimities, all prices; Corded do. for Ladies, Dresses, curiously fine; 4-4, 9-8, and 6-4 Cambrick Mullins, very fine; 6-4 Super Super Laced do. do. 4-4 and 6-4 Tambour'd, Book, Mull, Cobwebb and Jacomet Mullins; 6-4 Fancy Japan Mullins; 4-4 and 6-4 India, Mull, Jacomet and Terrindam Mullins; Book, Mull, and Jacomet Mullin Handkerchiefs; Lawn Bordered Pocket Handkfs. Lace and Edgings; Cotton Counterpanes; Black and Coloured Silk Gloves and Hose; Plain and Ribb'd Cotton Hose. With a great variety of other articles too numerous to insert.
N. B. The whole of these goods have been purchased by J. B. with immediate cash; and the major part of them, of the real manufacturers; and will be sold as cheap as in any city in the United States. The lowest price will be fixed on every article for ready money only, and no abatement made.
TO RENT.
THE House lately occupied by Mr. Francis Follett first door above Mr. Charles Spencer's. Apply as above. April 11.—(epif.)
FOR SALE.
By the Subscribers, at their PAINT & OIL MANUFACTORY, Water-Street, Norfolk:
WHITE LEAD. Yellow Ochre, Venetian Red, Spanish Brown, Black & Lead Colour for painting roofs, Blue and Green in bits of 1, 2 & 3 lbs. each, Vermilion, Prussian Blue, Patmore Yellow, Red Lead, Litharge, Sugar of Lead, White Vitriol, Ivory Black.
A L S O
1200 gallons Dutch Linseed Oil, Spirits of turpentine, Copal and turpentine, Varnish and Window Glass, of all sizes. Orders for any of the above articles, left with Messrs. Prosser & Moncure, Richmond, will be attended to immediately, by JOHN RORKE & CO. Norfolk, March 1, 1805. (epif.)
FAIRFIELD RACES.
ON Monday the 6th day of May, The FAIRFIELD JOCKEY CLUB CUP will be run for, free for all ages—the horses to be bona fide the property of members—distance, two mile heats. The day following, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. On the third day, the PURSE OF THE PROPRIETOR OF THE COURSE, of two hundred dollars, three mile heats. On Thursday, a SWEEP STAKE for Colts of 3 years old, for a pipe of half Madeira Wine; distance, two mile heats. Four Colts are entered, and the subscription is closed.
WEIGHTS AS FOLLOW:
 Aged 133 lbs.  6 years old 128  5 do. do. 118  4 do. do. 106  3 do. do. 90  Mares & Geldings allowed 3 lbs. 
ESME SMOCK, who is now proprietor of the Course, informs gentlemen of the Turf, that the money to be run for each day, will be placed in the hands of the Judges. He is willing to rent the Dining House, and the Booths in the Field. Persons will be placed at the gate to receive Tolls, as usual. He will also furnish stables and litter for each horse gratis; and board servants at 25 cts. per day. March 26. (epif.)
BROAD-ROCK RACES.
ON Tuesday the 30th inst. will be run for, the JOCKEY CLUB PURSE of Four Hundred Dollars, four mile heats. The second day, the PROPRIETOR'S PURSE of Two Hundred Dollars, three mile heats. The third day, a SWEEP STAKE for 4 year old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats; entrance 100 Dollars, half forfeit; subscription to be kept open until the evening of the first day's Race. The money to be run for each day, will be placed in the hands of the Judges by the Proprietor of the Course. WILLIAM BALL, Proprietor of the Course. April 6th.—(epif.)
TO BE SOLD.—FOR READY MONEY, IN pursuance of a decree of the Circuit Court of the United States, between Phineas Bood, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross, and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 7000 dols. 40 cents, with the expenses of sale, A NUMBER OF SLAVES and so much of that valuable Estate in the county of Campbell, known by the name of the OXFORD IRON WORKS, as shall appear sufficient to raise the said sum of money and the said expenses; the said land being now in the occupation of the said David Ross, and the slaves aforesaid, being on the land. The sale will take place at the Oxford Iron Works, in the county of Campbell, on Thursday the 11th of April next. The slaves are represented to be very valuable. The land is so well known, as to render a description unnecessary. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for Jos. Scott, M. V. D.
At the request of Mr. Ross, the sale of the property above mentioned, is postponed until Thursday the 9th day of next month. April 5. 1m
A FRESH SUPPLY OF SPANISH HIDES.
FOR Sale, a large quantity of prime Spanish Hides, on moderate terms. Apply to the publisher opposite the Post-Office, Richmond. MICAJAH DAVIS. 4th Mo: 4th.—tf.
THE CELEBRATED WARM SPRINGS IN VIRGINIA.
THE subscribers have taken a lease of ten years, of the highly celebrated MEDICINAL SPRINGS in the county of Bath, called the Warm Springs, so justly famed for their great cures and general relief in many complaints.
THEY are now preparing every necessary comfort and accommodation to facilitate the amusements of those who have health, (and to promote the recovery of those who want it,) and it is deemed necessary to make those things widely known, because complaints have heretofore been made against the entertainment which has been offered. Preparations are made for at least one hundred constant boarders, besides transient guests, for the accommodation of which, the subscribers will make all possible exertions; and they flatter themselves, that those who may place confidence in this advertisement, will not find the smallest cause for regret or complaint. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. The Editors of the National Intelligencer and Baltimore Federal Gazette, are requested to insert the above four times in their respective papers. March 28.—(epfiv.)
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. He has for sale—A FEW SHARES IN THE MANCHESTER TURNPIKE. Also—Old State Certificates, bearing six per cent interest. March 12. tf
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and
PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [epif.]
NOTICE.
THAT Mr. Anthony Dibrell of Buckingham county, is hereby fully authorised to make sale of one TRACT OF LAND, in Patrick, containing 5000 acres, lying on Dan river—three ditto in Grayson county, lying on the waters of Little Reed Island creek—two of a thousand acres each, and one of 500 acres; the said Dibrell will attend at next April Grayson court for the sale of the said lands for and on behalf of NATTHI ANDERSON. Albemarle county, March 19, 1805. tds.
TO RENT,
AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY, A TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house now occupied by Mr. John McAdie, lately possessed by the Subscriber. There is on it a convenient Wooden House with two rooms, a closet and a passage, on the first floor. Two rooms and a closet above, a kitchen and three cellars below with a Smoke House and Garden. Wm. LONG. January 17th 1805. epif.
THE public are hereby notified, that on Thursday, the 2d day of May next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day) will be sold publicly, at this place:
ALL the moveable estate of John J. Grosjean, deceased, (the Negroes excepted) consisting of a well built fast sailing Schooner, of about 50 tons burthen. The stock of GOODS on hand, which were sufficient for a country store—Also a CHARIOT and RIDING CHAIR, the stock of HORSES and CATTLE, and all the HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, and sundry other articles too tedious to mention. The terms of sale will be twelve months credit for sums above ten dollars, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date; but if the principal is punctually paid, the interest will be remitted. At the same time and place will be hired for the balance of the year, four NEGRO MEN belonging to the said estate, three of whom are sailors. MARY GROSJEAN, Adm'x. New-Castle, 2d April, 1805.—(tds.) N. B. All those having claims against the said estate, are requested to bring them in properly authenticated for settlement, and those indebted are requested to come forward and make payment to MARY GROSJEAN, Adm'x.
AGREEMENT to the power and authority vested in the Common Council of the city of Richmond, by an act of the General Assembly, passed January 8 1805:
NOTICE is hereby given, that on Saturday the 27th inst. the said Common-Council will proceed to nominate one fit and proper person to fill the office of Mathematical Surveyor of the said city of Richmond, at which time those who are desirous of receiving the said appointment, are required to make known their respective pretensions, by order of the hall, Teale, ANDREW STEVENSON, c. c. c. April 15.
VALUABLE LANDS—FOR SALE.
WISH to sell a HALF SHARE in the Dismal Swamp Company—also, SHARES in the Canal from Albemarle Sound, to Elizabeth river—Also, one third of three Tracts of LAND, lying on Nansemond river near Suffolk, the three tracts amounting in the whole, to about 1200 acres. Any person inclined to purchase, may be informed of the terms of sale by directing a letter to the publisher, living near the post-office at Lynchburg, Albemarle county. FRAS. WALKER. March 30.—(23w6w.)
TO BE SOLD.
PURSUANT to a Deed of Trust, executed to me by the late Henry Randolph, Esq. to secure the payment of certain sums of money in the said Deed, acknowledged to be due from him to Lytle and McCreath, merchants—a parcel of land situated in the county of Chesterfield, within the distance of four miles from Manchester, and estimated to contain about three hundred and fifteen acres. The land, commonly known by the name of Scott's tract, or the Camp tract, will be set up for sale to the highest bidder, on Wednesday the first of May next, between the hours of eleven A. M. and four P. M. at Zachariah Brooks' Tavern in Manchester, on the following terms, viz.—One third of the purchase money to be paid down, one third in six months, and the remaining third in twelve months from the day of sale. Bond and security will be required for the punctual payment of the credit instalments, on which payment being made, a proper conveyance will be executed by JOHN HEVENINGHAM. Chesterfield, March 28.—(epid.)
WILL be given
7 to 15 years for 15 BOYS, from Dec. 15. [epif.]
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
The subscriber desires to sell in this place as parcels, as induced valuable property, viz. A CONVENIENT two dwelling house, 24 feet square, having a welling house, 24 the lower floor, two rooms on second floor, and a passage on second floor, two rooms in the gal- cellar with plank floor, and divided into three rooms, one used for cooking; the yard included brick wall seven feet high, the whole in good repair. This tenement is situated near the Bell-Tavern, on the cross street leading to the Rock landing, and is insured in the Mutual Insurance company, against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. Eleven unimproved half acre Lots, on Shockoe-Hill. 600 acres Military land in Kanawha county, on the waters of Oldtown creek, a branch of Ohio river, being a grant made to George Mule, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis and others, in the year 1772. 25 tracts of Land in Montgomery county, containing 59,172 1/2 acres, the whole patented in my name viz. 4000 acres surveyed 3d April, 1786 in Montgomery county, on Cole river. 3080 acres surveyed 24th July, 1786 in same county, on 16 mile creek, adjoining the late General Washington's survey on Kanawha river. 3062 1/2 acres surveyed 23d July, 1786, in same county, on Loop waters, waters of New-river. 1000 acres surveyed 13th May, 1786 in same county, on the Ohio river. 3210 acres surveyed 5th April, 1786 in same county, south of a creek running into Cole river. 2188 acres surveyed 21st February, 1787 in same county, on Cole river. 320 acres surveyed 3d February, 1787 in same county, on the waters of Cooper's creek and Little Blue stone. 1300 acres surveyed 16th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of the 4th fork of Cole river, that heads against Guyandotte. 95 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Glade creek. 78 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on a branch emptying into Glade creek on the fourth side of the fame, and about one mile above the ford of said creek. 500 acres surveyed 10th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the north fork of Mud river, that heads against Guyandotte. 1500 acres surveyed 12th May, 1786 in same county, on Ohio river. 2000 acres surveyed 8th May, 1786 in same county, on the great Kanawha. 1000 acres surveyed 16th May, 1786 in same county and on ditto. 263 acres surveyed 8th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head of Glade creek. 214 acres surveyed 7th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Glade creek, on the south side thereof. 135 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the west end of Joe's Ridge, and on the waters of Glade creek. 154 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county on Joe's ridge. 228 acres surveyed 6th Feb. 1787 in same county, on Joe's ridge, and the waters of Glade and Cooper's creek. 414 acres surveyed 22d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the second fork of Cole River, on the road crossing from Piney river to Guyandotte. 2000 acres surveyed 26th Feb. 1787 in same county, under the big pipe stem knob, and running down both sides of the creek. 416 acres surveyed 4th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the waters of Coopers creek, and Joe's ridge. 380 acres surveyed 2d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Coopers creek. 3888 acres surveyed 20th Feb. 1787 in same county, on the fourth fork of Cole river. 1347 acres surveyed 2d Feb. 1787 in same county, on the head waters of Little blue stone, about half a mile north from the White Oak creek. Three tracts of land in Monongalia county, patented in my name, viz. 350 acres by survey 1st June, 1796 in Monongalia county, adjoining Matthew Richey's land, and the Randolph county line, on waters of Cheat river. 400 acres surveyed 20th October, 1797 in same county, adjoining lands of Abner Harper, above the mouth of White Day creek. 100 Acres surveyed 15th Nov. 1797 in same county, adjoining Peter Drago, on Finche's run, to include an improvement made in the year 1773. 600 acres in same county, on the west of Cheat river, above the lands of Thos. Butler. 800 acres in same county, on Buffalo creek, on a preemption right of David Gray. 250 acres in Greenbrier county, on Little Deer creek, adjoining lands of Joseph McClung. 891 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 1st August, 1787, on the waters of Piney river & Paint creek, waters of Kanawha river. 435 acres in Montgomery county, surveyed 30th June 1786, joining the lands of Joseph Eaton, Richard Mule, and James McCorle. 230 acres in Wythe county, surveyed 4th Nov. 1795, on the Led Mine Mill creek. 180 acres in Albemarle county, patent dated 5th July, 1787, on William Hill creek, waters of Buck Island creek. One undivided moiety of five lots, in the town of Winchester, No's 89, 90, 100, 101, and 109. The above will be sold very low, and the terms made known on application to WM. AUSTIN. Richmond, April 9.—(tf.)
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER,
MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND, MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are desirous to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot—B—round the Calf—C—the pitch of ditto—D—round the heel and instep—E—round the instep—F—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. epif
A FEW HUNDRED EXCELLENT
QUILLS FOR SALE AT THE ENQUIRER OFFICE.
WILL be SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the third day of April next, at 12 o'clock, an undivided moiety in the two lots of ground, formerly the property of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. fronting the Basin of the James River Canal, near the center of the city of Richmond, with an undivided moiety of all the valuable buildings thereon, consisting of a large three story BRICK BUILDING, eighty feet in length, with four tenements, twenty feet wide and forty-five feet in length, with fire places on the first and second floors, roomy garrets in each, with large wheels fixed for hoisting and lowering packages, &c. with dispatch and ease, good dry cellars, with fire places in each. This house has been lately built and in good repair; adjoining is a well finished two story framed dwelling house, thirty eight feet square, with two good cellars, with fire places in each for cooking, in the first and second floors are eight rooms and six fire places—Also, a small two story Brick House with four rooms, with fire places in each, convenient for a store or small family, likewise a small wooden building with a cellar, built for a kitchen, and may be used as a shop; also two stables and a carriage house. The buildings except the kitchen, stable and carriage house, are insured in the Mutual Insurance Company against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. The lots from the canal on one side, and are bounded by Gary's street, and the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, on the two other sides of them, and are as convenient for commercial or other business as any in the city. The terms of sale, will be seventeen thousand dollars in ready money, the residue payable the fifth day of August next, for which residue, bond with approved security will be required. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, to those who reside in this city, but for the information of strangers, the subscriber begs leave to state, that the aforesaid property is immediately opposite the lower part of the basin of the James river canal, where all the produce of the upper country is landed; and to any person desirous of carrying on the commission business extensively, perhaps is superior to any other in this city. February 8.—tf
WILL be SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the third day of April next, at 12 o'clock, an undivided moiety in the two lots of ground, formerly the property of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. fronting the Basin of the James River Canal, near the center of the city of Richmond, with an undivided moiety of all the valuable buildings thereon, consisting of a large three story BRICK BUILDING, eighty feet in length, with four tenements, twenty feet wide and forty-five feet in length, with fire places on the first and second floors, roomy garrets in each, with large wheels fixed for hoisting and lowering packages, &c. with dispatch and ease, good dry cellars, with fire places in each. This house has been lately built and in good repair; adjoining is a well finished two story framed dwelling house, thirty eight feet square, with two good cellars, with fire places in each for cooking, in the first and second floors are eight rooms and six fire places—Also, a small two story Brick House with four rooms, with fire places in each, convenient for a store or small family, likewise a small wooden building with a cellar, built for a kitchen, and may be used as a shop; also two stables and a carriage house. The buildings except the kitchen, stable and carriage house, are insured in the Mutual Insurance Company against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. The lots from the canal on one side, and are bounded by Gary's street, and the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, on the two other sides of them, and are as convenient for commercial or other business as any in the city. The terms of sale, will be seventeen thousand dollars in ready money, the residue payable the fifth day of August next, for which residue, bond with approved security will be required. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, to those who reside in this city, but for the information of strangers, the subscriber begs leave to state, that the aforesaid property is immediately opposite the lower part of the basin of the James river canal, where all the produce of the upper country is landed; and to any person desirous of carrying on the commission business extensively, perhaps is superior to any other in this city. February 8.—tf
IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18. (Continued.)
NICHOLAS VANDYKE sworn.
Mr. Harper. Please to state whether you were at the circuit court for Delaware in the year 1800?
A. I attended the circuit court held in N. Castle on the 27th and 28th June 1800. I was not present when the court opened; but I think I entered the court house, while Mr. Chase was delivering a charge to the grand jury. After its delivery the grand jury retired; they were absent a short time; and as well as I can recollect before and when they returned, I was either out of the court house, or engaged in conversation with some persons out of the bar. I think so, as I have no recollection of the question put to the grand jury, whether they had found any bills, and that put to the district attorney. I entered the bar while there was a pause, and silence prevailed. I recollect that the first circumstance that attracted my attention was the observation of Judge Chase to the grand jury, that since he had come among them, he had been credibly informed that there was a seditious printer within the state in the habit of libelling the government of the United States, and having received this information he thought it his duty to call the attention of the grand jury to the subject. He appeared to me to be proceeding to state the name of the printer; but he did not name him. He said that might be doing injustice to the man, or that it was improper in him. I cannot say which was the term he used. I think he then asked the district attorney if there were not two printers in the state. He answered, that there were. There was then some conversation between the judge and the district attorney. My impression was that it conveyed a request from Judge Chase to the district attorney to enquire into the subject on which he had previously spoken to the jury. Mr. Attorney said that he had not seen the papers. The Judge asked him whether he could not procure a file of them. I do not recollect that the name of the printer was mentioned then, or during the whole sittings of the court. Some person at the bar said a file could be procured. Judge Chase asked the attorney, if he could make the enquiry to-morrow at 10 o'clock. About this time I heard some observations made respecting the discharge of the grand jury on that day. Some of the gentlemen said it was a busy season, that they were farmers, and were desirous of returning to their homes. Judge Chase replied, that might be very true; but that the business of the public was also important; it must be attended to; and therefore he could not discharge them. I do not pretend to say I have pursued the language used. I have only attempted to give my impression of the facts that occurred.
Mr. Harper. Did you hear any such phrase as this—that a seditious temper had manifested itself in the state of Delaware, in New Castle county, and more especially in the town of Wilmington?
A. I do not think I heard such expressions. Mr. Harper. What was the manner of Judge Chase in addressing the district attorney? A. His usual manner; which is always warm and earnest. Mr. Harper. Did he say any thing that was authoritative or imperious to the district attorney? A. It did not strike me so. Mr. Harper. But made a request in the usual way? A. Yes, Sir. On the second day a short time after I entered the court, some person spoke to the district attorney who soon after, as I supposed, went to the grand jury; in a short time after he returned, and then the grand jury, with a file of papers. The judge enquired of the jury whether they had any thing to lay before the court. They said they had not. The same question was put to the district
attorney, who answered there was nothing, unless a certain piece against Judge Chase. Judge Chase said that was not a proper subject of enquiry; it was only matter that tended to libel the government of the United States, that was a proper subject of enquiry for the grand jury. Mr. Nicholson. Is your recollection of what occurred very perfect?
A. I cannot say that it is, after as long a lapse of time. I only state my present impressions of what occurred.
ARCHIBALD HAMILTON sworn.
Mr. Harper. Please to inform the court whether you were present at a circuit court for Delaware in 1800?
A. I recollect that I was present on the 27th of June. I arrived about 10 o'clock, at which time Judge Chase was not there. Some time after the court was formed, the grand jury was sworn, and Judge Chase delivered a charge. Having retired for about an hour, the grand jury returned to the bar. Judge Chase asked them if they had any bills or presentments to make. Their reply was that they had not. Judge Chase then asked the attorney of the district if he had no business to lay before them. He said he had not. The jury requested to be discharged. Judge Chase said it was not usual to discharge them so early, some business might occur during the course of the day. He told them, he had been informed that there was a printer who was guilty of libelling the government of the United States—his name is — here he stopped, and said, "perhaps I may commit myself, and do injustice to the man. Have you not two printers?" The attorney said there were. Well, said Judge Chase, cannot you find a file of the papers of the one I allude to. Mr. Read said he did not take the papers, or that he had not a file. Some person then observed that a file could be got at Mr. Crow's. Judge Chase asked the attorney if he could examine the papers by the next morning. Mr. Read said, that under the directions of the court, he conceived it to be his duty, & would do it.
Mr. Harper. Did the judge say any thing of a seditious temper in the state?
A. I do not recollect any such expressions. Mr. Harper. Were you in the court the whole time?
A. I was. Mr. Harper. How were you situated. A. I was directly under Judge Chase, and nothing could fall from him without my hearing it.
Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect whether he mentioned the name of the printer?
A. I do not recollect that he did. Mr. Rodney. What was the manner of the judge?
A. I saw nothing unusual. Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect whether his manner made any impression at the bar?
A. On nobody but the printer. Mr. Rodney. Do you recollect that the district attorney said he conceived it his duty to enquire into matter of the kind alluded to.
A. I do. JOHN HALL sworn.
Mr. Harper. Were you present at the circuit court for Delaware held in June 1800?
A. I believe I was in court when they met, and when the grand jury were called, and returned to court. I have but a faint recollection of what passed between the court and the jury after they returned; I was at a considerable distance from the court—I was not present the second day.
Mr. Harper. Do you recollect what occurred the first day about a printer?
A. I recollect that Judge Chase said he was credibly informed that there was a seditious paper published in the state of Delaware—and he made enquiry of the jury whether any thing of that nature had come under their notice—They said it had not. Mr. Harper. What did Judge Chase then say?
A. I cannot recollect particularly. Mr. Harper. What did he say afterwards?
A. There was some conversation between Judge Chase and the district attorney. The Judge asked him whether he had seen any thing of the kind he had alluded to. He said he had not. The judge asked him if he could procure a file of the papers.
Mr. Harper. Did judge Chase say any thing about a seditious temper in the state of Delaware, or New-Castle county, or in the town of Wilmington?
A. I do not recollect. Mr. Rodney. Was Mr. Mc Mahon a member of the grand jury?
A. Yes, Sir,—He and Judge Chase went to court together.
GUNNING BEDFORD called.
Mr. Rodney. Did judge Chase, in a conversation with you, subsequent to the discharge of the grand jury

he was in the act of presenting it, he observed that he had not found any thing that in his opinion required notice, unless it were a publication reflecting on Judge Chase, which did not appear to him to come under the edition law. Judge Chase answered, no, Sir,—they have abused me from one end of the continent to the other; but it is the government, and not myself, that I have protected from calumny. Immediately after the grand jury were discharged.
Mr. Harper. Have you ever seen the printed deposition of Mr. Read on this subject? If you are acquainted with any particular circumstances relative to it, please to state them.
A. I do not know any particular circumstances respecting it.
Mr. Harper. I mean to enquire whether there was any consultation?
A. If you mean a private conversation, it may be improper to state what may be considered as confidential.
Mr. Harper. I will not then ask for it.
Mr. Nicholson. If these questions are stated with a view to impeach the testimony of Mr. Read, I hope they will be put and answered.
Mr. Harper. I will state the object of the question. It is to discredit the testimony of Mr. Read by particular circumstances that occurred in a conversation between the witness and him. If the witness knows of no such circumstances I have been misinformed.
Mr. Rodney. Conscious that nothing which can be stated will in the least invalidate the testimony of Mr. Read, it is my wish, and that of the managers, to allow the fullest liberty to the witness to state any thing he knows.
Mr. Moore. I will answer any question put, but unless directed I shall not consider it correct to relate a confidential conversation.
Mr. Harper. I will wave all further enquiry, if the witness deem it indelicate.
Mr. Moore intimated that he did so deem it.
Mr. Randolph. I will ask the witness if he ever had a conversation with Mr. Read on the subject.
A. Frequently. Mr. Randolph. I understand you to say that you do not know any thing that goes to invalidate Mr. Read's testimony.
A. Yes, Sir.
Mr. Randolph. That is all we want.
Mr. Hopkins here added a charge delivered by chief Justice McKean in November 1797 in Philadelphia, printed in Claypoole's paper in December 1797 [respecting alleged libelous publications of William Cobbet.]
Mr. Harper. We will now adduce testimony relative to the 8th article. But before we call our witnesses, I will ask a question or two of Mr. Montgomery.
Mr. MONTGOMERY was called. Mr. Harper. Will you look at that paper. Is it the publication referred to in your testimony as having been sent to the press?
Mr. Montgomery. Yes, Sir.
Mr. Harper. Did you ever send any other publication of the same kind to a newspaper?
A. No, Sir.
Mr. Harper. I will offer this publication in evidence and I will proceed to read it.
Mr. Montgomery. A short time after I returned home, from my recollection at that time, I committed to paper what I conceived to be the substance of the charge delivered by Judge Chase, and made my comments upon it. The court will observe that it refers to other conduct of Judge Chase in the state of Maryland.
Mr. Harper. Here read the paper above alluded to from the Baltimore American of the 20th June, 1803, and added, this is the temper of the witness, who has no previous day given his testimony in this court.
Mr. Harper. I will now proceed to show that Mr. Montgomery, in his strong anxiety to get Judge Chase impeached, has remembered things which nobody else remembers, and has heard things which nobody else heard.
Mr. Randolph. I will ask of this court whether the witnesses we have called are not under their protection?
The President. If the counsel, in the testimony they adduce, come up to what they state they can prove, they will not be subject to reproach; if they do not, they merit it.
Mr. Randolph. I have no objection to the counsel impugning the veracity of one witness by the evidence of another, and defeating upon it; but I think they take an improper liberty when they undertake to say before it is proved, that what is deposed by a witness, never passed.
The President. I understand the gentleman to say that he will prove by another witness, that what has been deposed, did never pass.
Mr. Harper. Precisely so, Sir.
Mr. WINDER sworn.
Mr. Harper. I will ask you whether you was in the circuit court of the United States held at Baltimore, in May, 1803. I will however previously observe that it is not my intention to say or to prove that the witness, when he deposed to certain facts, knew that they had not passed. I mean only to impeach his correctness, and to infer that as he was angry, he gave to what he heard, the coloring of his own feelings.
Mr. Winder. I was present at that court when it was opened, and the jury empanelled, and I heard Judge Chase deliver his charge. After delivering the general and usual charge to the grand jury, he said he begged leave to detain them a few minutes while he made some general reflections on the situation of public affairs. He commenced by laying down some abstract opinions, stating that that government was the free & happy that was the best administered; most that a republican might be in slavery, and a monarchy free. He also drew some distinctions with regard to the doctrine of equal rights, and said, that the idea of perfect equality of rights, more particularly such as had been broached in France, was fanciful and untrue, that the only doctrine contended for with propriety was, the equal protection of all classes from oppression. He commented on the repeal of the Judiciary system of the United States, and remarked that it had a tendency to weaken the judiciary, and to render it dependent. He then adverted to the laws of Maryland respecting the judiciary as tending to the same effects. One was a law for the repeal of the county court system. He also alluded to the depending law for the abolition of two of the courts of Maryland. He said something of the toil and labor and patriotism of those who had raised the fair fabric [Constitution of Maryland] and said that he saw with regret some of their sons now employed in destroying it. He also said that the tendency of the general suffrage law was highly injurious, as under it a man was admitted to full political rights, who might be here to-day, and be gone to-morrow.
This is the amount of my recollection; and I think I have stated the language of the Judge in as strong terms as he himself used. Since I was summoned as a witness I have never seen the charge of the Judge, or that published in the National Intelligencer, or by Mr. Montgomery. I concluded that it was most proper not to avail myself of those publications. My impressions, therefore, are altogether unaffected by them.
Mr. Harper. Did you attend carefully to the charge?
A. I did. I am sure no part of it escaped me.
Mr. Harper. Did Judge Chase appear to read it from a paper?
A. I do not know. Occasionally he raised his eyes, but not longer than I should imagine a person would, who was familiarly acquainted with what he was reading.
Mr. Harper. Did you hear him use any of those expressions deposed to by one of the witnesses—that the administration was feeble and inadequate to the discharge of its duties, and that their object was to preserve power unfairly acquired. Did he use any such words?
A. To my best belief he did not. I have a strong reason for considering my recollection on this point correct. Immediately after the charge was delivered, I conversed with several gentlemen respecting it. It was complained of as harsh, and as containing reflections on those who had brought about the measures alluded to. I reflected on it, and the result on my mind was that it was couched in polite terms, and that the reflections it contained were entirely matters of inference.
Mr. Harper. Did the Judge use any arguments against pending measures?
A. Certainly.
Mr. Harper. Did he mention the present administration?
A. I believe not. If he had, it would have struck my mind very forcibly.
Mr. Harper. Did he use any such phrase as "degenerate sons"?
A. I have a particular recollection of that, or some such expression. I considered it as a very happy allusion to events which occurred in the state legislature.
Mr. Harper. You considered it as calculated to have a persuasive influence.
A. That was not my language. The sentiment I think was this. He regretted to see sons taking part in destroying the fair fabric their fathers had raised. He spoke feelingly on this point.
Mr. Harper. Had you any other conversation which tended to impress the substance of the charge on your memory?
A. I do not recollect. I was very attentive to the charge. I observed Mr. S. H. Smith to be present; and it was observed at the time that we might expect to see an accurate statement of the charge from him, as he could detail what he heard with great precision. I recollect to have looked at the statement published in the National Intelligencer at the time it appeared, and I thought it gave a faithful view of the substance of the charge—quite as strong as the charge itself.
Mr. Nicholson. Did Judge Chase say any thing of the motives of the members of the legislature of Maryland?
A. He did according to my impression.
Mr. Nicholson. What were the motives he ascribed to them?
A. As I understood him, the motive he ascribed to them, was to get rid of the Judges, and not the system.
Mr. Nicholson. He did certainly then allude to the motives of the members of the Assembly of Maryland?
A. I think he did. If he did not, that was the impression produced on my mind by what he said.
Mr. Nicholson. Do you recollect whether Judge Chase did at the close of his charge recommend to the members of the grand jury to return home, and prevent certain laws from being passed?
A. I think that was the result which he drew from what he had previously said.
(To be continued.)
European Intelligence.
Translated from the latest Paris papers, for the National Intelligencer.
TRIBUNATE.
Extraordinary sitting of the 15th Pluviôse, (4 Feb.) After reading the procès verbal, of the 3d, Messrs. Regnaud (de Saint Jean d'Angely) Treilhard and Berenger, councillors of state were introduced.
M. REGNAUD.
Gentlemen—The English government, in making an incomplete publication of the commencement of the negotiation with France, has violated the law of nations, and has imposed on his majesty, the Emperor, an obligation to publish to France and Europe an accurate statement of facts.
Europe and France have witnessed the new sacrifices of every suggestion of selfishness, every sentiment of vain glory, which a noble heart, full of pride, and jealous of its fame, has made to prevent the effusion of human blood, and what is still more dear to him, the blood of his people.
They have seen that the first warior of the age has attempted to procure peace and repose to the present generation, whose happiness and tranquillity have been ever dearest to his heart, and ought to constitute the only glory which can be added to that renown, already acquired by military triumphs.
These sentiments, gentlemen, explain at once, the views and actions of his majesty.
It should be asked how a man, endowed with a vigorous character, who has shown himself more enterprising and bold than the boldest, and most daring hero of antiquity, whose actions have been transmitted to us by history; how a man, in the strength of vigorous youth, can in desiring peace, triumph at once over recollection and hope; how the general of five hundred thousand veterans can restrain the most noble as well the most tyrannical of passions, the love of renown; how he can renounce that glory, which he may still acquire in the military line, where he has always been crowned with triumphs; it may be answered, that this man desires the repose and happiness of the world.
It is asked how a young monarch, pursued unrelentingly by bale enemies, attacked by vile calumniators, menaced by assassins, can silence personal resentments and determine to present the olive branch to that cabinet who has recompensed defamers and hired assassins, it may be answered, this monarch rises superior to the passions of the generality of men.
If we recollect how Great-Britain, contemning public morality and the law of nations, has disgraced its ambassadors and degraded its most distinguished military characters, by the vilest offices and the most shameful missions; if it is considered how they employed their commercial treasures, using them, in contempt of the law of nations, and of their own laws, in rewarding the inventors of infernal machines, and in organizing conspiracies, traces of which are still visible among us and which have excited an indignation which is still felt throughout Europe, if we trace such a picture and demand how the Chief of the Great Nation, the avenger of all the crimes and outrages meditated against France and Europe, can smother the bitter animosity which would reign in a common soul, it may be answered, the man on whom the Great Nation has conferred a crown, never aspired to any other title than the Father of Frenchmen.
Napoleon had hardly ascended the throne, and had scarcely departed from this metropolis, where the most august religion had consecrated what the wishes of the people had before solemnized, when moved by the public acclamations, he was inspired with the idea of writing the letter to George III, which I am charged to communicate to you.
The Emperor had sworn to France the same oath which he made to the Deity, only to live for the happiness and glory of his people; commencing the discharge of this sacred engagement, he addressed to the King of England the expression of those generous,
moderate, and if I may be allowed the expression, religious sentiments, which could only be conceived and professed by a great soul; and certain am I, that this immortal letter will not be the least glorious monument of his majesty's reign; it will not be the least of his titles to the gratitude and love of France, nor be the least certain pledge of the esteem of wise philanthropists, who, excepting a few obscure or obdurate individuals, who forget or degrade themselves, are still so numerous in the bosom of enlightened Europe.
But in this occurrence, has not the humanity of the monarch deceived his wisdom? Has not his reason for a long time been a participant in his benevolent hopes? Has he forgotten how it is by what deceitful motives the most sacred treaties were violated? Has he forgotten that when the leopard destroyed the treaty of Amiens; no aggression had provoked their inexcusable rage? Has he forgotten how it was represented, the 7th of March, to the English Parliament, that our harbours were full of armed vessels and threatening preparations, while our ports were silent and our arsenals in a state of quiet?
No, gentlemen, such recollections are indelible; but, since the epoch which created them, happy changes have taken place in the affairs of France, while she has been attacked by imprudent and unjust enemies.
What answer can be made to those who shall demand, whether this is dictated by the wish for peace, or by the fear of some unforeseen dangers, which has suggested the pacific words addressed by the Emperor of the French to our enemies.
Need I, gentlemen, recall your attention, to our internal situation, and trace all our present defence, security, strength and hopes? Are you not the first organs of the public will, sanctioned by the suffrages of five millions of citizens? And since the accomplishment of this will, since the establishment of the dynasty of Napoleon, have not the destinies of the French empire been more strengthened by rendering the nation more firmly united? Has there ever been a people who have by unanimity of will and accordance of the government with the people, created such a mass of the most solid and invincible power?—Has any other state ever advanced by such rapid steps, towards prosperity and grandeur?
Two years ago, war was declared against Great-Britain, and no important event has yet occurred to make its course, or any decisive stroke been made which holds out a prospect of its termination.
But our roads are filled with ships, and our ports with armed flotillas.
Out of four chances of effecting a descent, (since it has become necessary to pronounce this formidable word) three are already decided in our favor; vessels are constructed and collected, and harbors have been formed to contain them.
All the advantage of the war has been on our side, since without receiving any check from our enemies, we have employed two years in concentrating our immense resources.
Every advantage of the war has been on our side, since in spite of the numerous vessels which cover the seas under the British flag, we have been able to provision and put into a state of defence the most important and most distant of our colonies.
Martinique, Guadalupe, Cayenne, the Isle of France and Reunion are abundantly provided for. Their garrisons have been more than tripled; all the provisions intended for them have arrived there, nor has any reinforcement failed in its destination.
An important expedition has miscarried before Martinique and the Isle of France.
And while our colonial territory is free from danger, and out of the reach of fear, Hanover, the domain of the King of England, is entirely in our power.
We have lost none of our possessions, and we are in possession of an important province of the enemy.
What advantages have the English gained which will counterbalance ours? Of what utility is their immensely superior marine to those lords of the ocean?
They have lost fifteen ships or frigates, stranded on the coasts or wrecked upon the rocks.
They have consumed immense treasures in cruises dictated by fear, interrupted by the violence of the wind, and avenged by tempests and destruction.
In their own island, the English have seen the merchants taken from their counting houses, and the workmen from their manufactories; and from the want of mules, have passed the time destined for commerce and other useful labours, in learning to manage harmless pikes, fabricated thro' fear of an invasion.
During the continuance of this omni-present fear, the English government have had recourse to every means of defence; they have prepared inundations & batteries; have barricaded their harbours, and fortified their coasts; have constructed carriages which move with uncommon celerity to carry soldiers; and have put in requisition chariots, coaches, and horses in the three kingdoms; have completed the arming of the people at the expence of their disorganization, the destruction of their customs, and prostration of their morals.
A traveller, who two years ago went from Paris to London, and returned again from London to Paris, was astonished to see in the capital of the French empire peace and the most undisturbed security established and maintained, while in the capital of England he saw with anxiety and even horror, the agitation which every where reigned in a camp, defended by an ingenuous, unorganised rabble, new in the art of war, and fully convinced of the futility of resisting the brave veterans of Cæsar.
If we compare the state of the public mind in several parts of the two countries, we shall find in the departments which were hostile, in the west of France, enlightened bishops bringing back peace to the minds of the people by re-establishing tranquillity in their consciences, vigilant prefects establishing a good administration, causing to be arrested, disarmed and punished, the remnant of the brigands cast on our coasts, and who are either concealed in our cities or wandering in our woods.
In those places where British gold had lately excited a civil war, subordination is established, tranquillity is maintained, taxes are levied without force, and paid with punctuality; new cities have been built, canals increased, and new roads are opened. The conscripts called to our armies freely surrender themselves to the fame found which once summoned them to a sacrilegious war, and which now unites them the more in invoking the blessings of heaven on him who governs.
There have been no extraordinary measures, no suspension of general laws and protection, nor any difference between Morbihan and the Golden coast, between La Vendee and La Meurthe.
In the mean while, on the other side of the ocean, Ireland presents to us a spectacle of endless conspiracies, excited by a series of relentless oppression; an army of soldiers with difficulty curbing an army of citizens, called to the aid of measures to which the most cruel examples of the revolution would scarcely offer a parallel; to sum up all in a word, you see in this distressed country a religious war, persecutions, till the moment unheard of in Europe, indignant at seeing Ireland the only place in the world, where the most sacred laws are contemned, and where a government dares to use force against the invincible power, and the sacred liberty of conscience.
If on the other side, gentlemen, you wish to draw a parallel between the finances of the two states, you will see on the opposite banks new, increasing the already gigantic, expenses of a nation, who require an annual sum of one million and an half to sustain an ordinary; and who have had, for the first time, a recourse to a levy en masse ; a levy en masse which may cost them many hundreds of millions.
They can, it is true, sustain it; but only by deranging their present affairs, and consuming their future resources, whilst they must prepare to see their debt, far from being diminished by redemptions, increased by the abuse of their only resource, that of loans.
For us, our numerous armies have always been the source of our greatest expence, and their support requires but a small supply, which is not exported to a foreign land.
The budget, which has been laid before you, will inform you that our territorial resources have provided every thing, and instead of our debt having increased during the two last years of the war, our sinking fund has effectually commenced its extinction.
What France has done, Gentlemen, she can continue to do for thirty years to come, and she has nothing to implore of Heaven, but that the sun may continue to shine, the rain to descend on her fields, and the earth send forth its prolific seeds. Ten years of war would add no augmentation to our debt, while the same period would add four thousand millions to the debt of England.
It should not be forgotten however, that, if public credit is so powerful and mighty an engine, the bow that is too much bent breaks in the hand of the unskillful archer and leaves him defenceless.
England, it is true, during the three first months of the year 11, seized our unnamed vessels, and despoiled our commerce of 40 or 50 millions.
But at Martinique, Guadalupe and the Isle of France, our corsairs are every day bringing in English prizes, and already, the advantage is on our side as well in respect to financial calculation, as in respect to our glory.
So far then, I repeat it with confidence all the advantage is on our side.
France is invulnerable in all parts of her immense territory; she has nothing to fear from her advanced posts either in the Windward Islands, or in the Indies.
England is every where vulnerable, and without approaching near her, we can inflict upon her deep wounds, the consequence of which would be increasing distress, or violent convulsion.
Our fleets at Brest, Toulon and Rochefort are armed, and in readiness to pass the ocean; our flotillas are ready to accompany these fierce children of war, who know no obstacles; inasmuch as they have overcome whatever had astonished the most intrepid.
We continue to have on our coast soldiers who dwell in camps instead of caverns, become as intrepid as they were brave soldiers.
While during this time the English populace are in arms, disturbed, fatigued, weakened and discouraged.
Our resources and revenues are equal to our expenses, and we have no need of any other extraordinary resource than is drawn from our territorial riches.
While in England the interest paid to the money lenders absorbs every possible mean of completing their levy en masse , which weakens the nation without defending it.
While this situation is prolonged, and the English cabinet look for the advantages which are to result from it, danger and shame are equally their lot.
Need I speak of those secret expeditions, which have for these three months imposed upon the credulity of the people of England, and which have terminated in ridiculous and fruitless attempts.
Have they embarked more troops to strengthen the garrison of Gibraltar, destroyed by epidemics? or do they wish to conduct some recruits to the Indies? or some reinforcements to Ceylon, where the English have lost a great deal? or are they rather disposed to send some thousands of men to Jamaica, to repair the ravages made by the yellow fever, to fortify the garrisons in the English colonies threatened by 3 or 4,000 men who can be sent against them from Martinique and Guadalupe.
When these ordinary measures shall have been arranged, the government is then left to think on the formidable armaments which are threatened by France.
For some time and with great mystery, they have announced the expedition of vessels loaded with stones to fill up our ports, and fire ships boldly launched against our flotillas.
And in short, what other expedition can the English attempt? Do they desire debarking on our western coast, to try how the national guards, united to our garrisons in time of peace, would receive them on their arrival, and prevent their return.
Lords of the ocean for two years past, their fleets have wearied the ocean, and the Mediterranean; their soldiers have not dared to repose in any place; present at every coast, they have only cast out robbings.
Instead of these vain and delusive expeditions, suppose, gentlemen, the 28,000 men at Brest, the 6,000 at Rochefort, the 12,000 at Toulon and the 25,000 in the Texel, should proceed, in one party, against Ireland, Jamaica or the Indies; or suppose that 200,000 men, which the vessels of our flotilla could carry, should pass over in one night, threaten and arrive at the opposite bank, where their impatient courage has for a long time wished to signalize itself; suppose what is till more simple and easy; that 50 frigates, and 60 vessels of other descriptions, which have been built, armed and equipped in the space of two years, should sail in small squadrons, scour the seas, dry up the sources of prosperity and life, by the aid of which England can alone maintain her existence; were but a small part of these suppositions realized, we should every where see these terrible dangers uncounterpoised against England.
It was then with impression of the honor of his people, and his own strength, that the Emperor found a motive for once more speaking the language of peace.
It is with such vast plans, the probability of whose success amounts almost to certainty, since that which offered no danger, was productive of real success: it was with this vast and extensive view, which embraces the whole extent of his resources, and all the possible means of unfolding them, that his majesty has taken a step disgraceful to any nation governed by any other chief, disgraceful to any leader having the command of any other people.
But can this confidence in the issue of the war with England be shaken by any uncertainty with respect to the continental relations of France?
If this had been the case, gentlemen, what could his majesty have hoped from a step taken under such circumstances. The history of his life attests that nobody knew better than him, how to take advantage of a favorable opportunity.
If the continental war had assumed a threatening aspect, Napoleon well knew that he had no other part to act than the terrible, though necessary one, of throwing aside the scabbard of his sword always victorious, and make this new lance of Achilles shine in the eyes of the world, instead of debating the just pride of his fortune by propositions, which dictated by fear and presented through weakness, would have promised only humiliation in their consequences.
Happily, under this aspect of our foreign relations on the continent, two years have produced comforting and honorable ameliorations.
The feizure of Hanover was indispensably necessary. The Emperor wished it, commanded it, and carried it into effect.
He did it to punish the perfidiousness of a rupture made without previous notice; he did it to secure a resource for a war, in which prudence apprehended some disadvantages, which we have escaped by his wisdom; he did it to embarrass the mercantile relations of their masters of the ocean, who create commerce from war and war from commerce.
But this act for the first time effected has fixed our arms in the extremity of the north, and is calculated to alarm the powers most attached to our cause by their situation, most closely united to our fortunes by their interests, and most faithful to our alliance through inclination.
Most of the difficulties have been effectually removed, while wisdom, moderation and confidence in the faith of the cabinet of the Thuilleries, have banished all idea of revolution and disorganization, have quickly dissipated every cloud; and never have we been established in better relations with Prussia, in more amicable correspondence, or in more intimate friendship.
On the other hand, if the changes which have taken place in the French government were demanded by experience, pointed out by all well informed persons, and desired by the enlightened friends of their country, we can only expect to render them efficient by creating a regal monarchy; the Imperial title might give rise to fear, discontent and coldness on the part of the Emperor of Austria—Discontent might irritate him, and his coldness might degenerate into resentment through the intrigues of our enemies.
On the one side there is an uncertainty as to the duration of a recent peace, but imperfectly settled: on the other, fear of again seeing a defolating war once more lighted up, afflicting even to the conqueror.
Far from our institutions having produced such baneful effects, the Emperor of Germany and Austria has viewed, as he ought to do, the establishment of an
Imperial monarchy in favor of a new dynasty, as a guarantee to his crown and a motive for strengthening his alliance.
It is in the organization of our Empire that the wife Francis II. found a new pledge for security and peace, reason to disband his armies on our frontiers, or on those of our allies, and not to keep his troops under arms.
In short, of all the alarms which jealousy or hatred, fear or hope had conjured up, the only results are happy explanations, firm alliances of the continuance of peace, and the maintenance of harmony between the two Emperors.
Bavaria, Saxony, Hesse Cassel, Baden, Wirtemberg, the Elector of Ratisbon, all the petty Princes of Germany, and the Equestrian order, have given to his majesty multiplied proofs of their regard, attachment and esteem.
The Drakes, the Spencer Smiths, and Taylors, are despatched wherever they are known, since the diplomatic character has been so shamefully degraded by them; using it to conceal the lowest and most disgraceful plots; the result of whose intrigues was war; a war, the dangers of which the present generation, wearied with fighting and desirous of repose, did not wish to encounter, and whose instigators they despised.
Prussia and Austria continuing our allies, where, gentlemen, can we seek for the principles of a continental coalition?
Is it in Sweden? The young king who reigns over this state,

There, every thing is doubt and uncertainty; it replies to realities by suppositions; it opposes a doubtful future to a present certainty, and the possibility of a coalition to a frank overture, which if such a coalition did exist, can injure neither the nation nor its emperor, who, conqueror or conquered, will neither increase or retrace their pretensions, nor add to, or retract the conditions of peace laid down in the treaty of Amiens.
If in the communication he pretended to announce, England had used a language more worthy of the overture she received, peace might have been renewed.
But since this signal occasion, which would appear to be an offering from the Lord of all empires, to establish peace throughout the universe, is neglected by England, all Europe must see that the cabinet of London alone has wished, still wishes, and will alone continue to wish for war.
And if the answer by which the king of England in the year 8, rejected the honorable overtures for peace made by his majesty, is already condemned; if in judging the conduct of the English at that epoch, the present generation stands in the relation of posterity; if one of the principal causes of the great prosperity of France, and of the crisis in which England is involved, is the result of her refusal to enter into a negotiation, I infer, gentlemen, that like causes will produce like effects; that a fresh refusal, not less culpable than the first, will be productive of new advantages to us, and that, the period is not distant when posterity, who, in this second instance will judge the English minister, shall pronounce judgement between the emperor of France and the king of Great Britain.
On the other hand so worthy and honorable a use of that power with which the people have invested Napoleon I, ought to excite throughout the Empire an unanimous sentiment of gratitude and love.
This once at least, we ought to give thanks to the English cabinet, which by a partial publication given to the most frank communications, has necessarily demanded this solemn explanation, and this full disclosure of the Emperor to his people.
We congratulate France on having acquired new proof, that in giving the throne to Napoleon the citizens have conferred it on a father, jealous of their happiness, economical in applying the resources of the state, and sparing of the blood of their children.
The President replied as follows: — Gentlemen, orators of government, the Tribune have partaken for a long time, in those sentiments of indignation with which Europe should be inspired, against the insatiable cupidity of the English government, who, without daring to avow it, in a formal manner, have endeavored to place in the number of its prerogatives, the absolute and exclusive dominion of the seas, and the right of destroying the commerce and industry of all nations.
We ought not then to be astonished, that it refuses every kind of pacific overture, that it accumulates obstacles, that the most moderate proposition should appear to them inadmissible, and that its policy should be so wavering and uncertain.
The government may rest assured, that the tribute will exert all its strength and all its influence, to maintain the dignity of the throne, and the honor of an injured nation.
The foregoing communications were ordered to be inserted in the proces verbal , and printed.
A committee was named; consisting of M. Fabre (de l'Aude) president of the tribunal, Messrs. Mourouet and Kock, secretaries, M. Faure, president of the section of legislation, M. Girardin, president of the section of the interior, M. Arnaud, president of the section of finance, and Messrs. Gallois, Treuille, Pictet and Dacier, to draw up a report on this communication.
This committee will make their report in three days in a public sitting.
The body then rose.
NEW-YORK, April 13.
Captain Dolliver informs us that on the day he failed, six English East-Indiamen, left Madeira under convoy of the Mediator frigate; and that he left, lying off and on before Madeira, six English ships of the line, one of 98 guns and five of 74, under Vice-Admiral Cochrane, supposed to be in pursuit of the French fleet which had made its escape from Rochefort. They had been off the island two days; and the inhabitants, alarmed for their own safety, had assembled to the number of 40,000 men in arms, and were making vigorous preparations for defence. The frigate Egyptienne had arrived at Madeira, having captured two Spanish brigs and a Schooner. (Merc. Adv.)
The English Government have sent Dr. Buchanan to Gibraltar, to investigate the nature of the plague.
Extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated Febua-ry 23.
We apprised you in our last, of the blockade of our port by the British commander on this station. He, however, afterwards announced, that vessels laden with provisions would not be prevented from coming in, and accordingly a number of cargoes of wheat and flour from different quarters have since arrived here. Such, however, has been the urgent demand for both these articles that the last cargo of 3000 barrels of flour for sale in our bay, has been disposed of at the noble price of 23 1-2 dollars per barrel on board, for the use of our navy, and at ready money. The above price will clearly show how great our wants must be, and to which we must add, that at present there is not a single fanega of wheat or barrel of flour for sale here. Therefore the first importation of either article will undoubtedly command very high prices. We must further add, that we do not expect any material decline in our prices until the collection of our ensuing crop takes place, which, according to every appearance, by no means promises to be very abundant. Our government actually permits the produce of wheat and flour to be shipped hence in specie, on paying the customary duty of near 7 per cent.
Flour 23 1-2 dollars per barrel. Wheat 4 1-2 per bushel. Rice 12 dols. per 100 lb. Indian Corn 2 dols. a 2 1-2 per bushel. Staves 110 a 120 per 1200."
A letter dated Marfeilles, 19th January, to a mercantile house of this city says, — Yesterday sailed from Toulon, a squadron composed of eleven sail of the line, and nine frigates. Its destination is unknown, but it is supposed they will pass the straits — 8,000 troops are embarked on board said squadron. N. Y. Evening Post.
NEW-YORK, April 16.
By Captain Le Baron, from Leghorn, we are informed that the Toulon fleet had put to sea, having on board 5000 troops; and that all (excepting one 74 and a frigate) had returned into port again dismissed; that Lord Nelson, with part of his squadron was off Toulon. Captain L. further states, that general Moreau had taken the command of the Spanish army, and that he was reconnoitering the neutral ground between St. Roche and Gibraltar; and that he had pledged himself to the Spanish Government to take the latter place. (Merc. Adv.)
West-Indies.
NEW-YORK, April 13.
Captain Worth, from Gaudalupa, informs us that on the 23d of March, five leagues to the windward of Antigua, he spoke a British government armed brig, out three days from Antigua, the captain of which reported that the French squadron in the West-Indies, went from St. Kitts to Nevis, from thence to Anguilla, and were daily expected at Antigua; from which place it was supposed they would proceed to Jamaica. (Merc. Adv.)
Captain Paddock, from the city of St. Domingo and Porto Rico, informs us, that the Haytian army appeared off St. Carlo the 5th March, and on the same morning shot a French general who was walking on the ramparts. On the 8th they crossed the river, and pitched their tents. On the 11th the French general Debique, at the head of 400 troops, made a sortie from Port Carlos, and routed their besiegers (who lost their commander, and one hundred troops) after a smart skirmish of four hours, with the loss of only three men killed, and five wounded, including general Debique, slightly. On the succeeding day, general Ferrand ordered all the shipping to leave the port, on account of the injury they would sustain from the firing of the negroes; and compelled them to take on board all the women and children in the place, and convey them to Porto Rico. Capt. Paddock received sixty of these unfortunate persons on board his vessel. The garrison at St. Domingo consisted of about 400 troops, well supplied with arms, ammunition, and provisions; and the commander in chief apprehended no danger from the threatened attack. (Ibid.)
April 15. From our Jamaica papers by the brig D. M. C. we learn that intelligence of the French squadron having arrived in the West-Indies was received at Kingston on the 9th of March; & that every necessary measure was adopting to repel any act of hostility which might be contemplated against an island of so much importance to the mother country. (Merc. Adv.)
Extract of a letter to a gentleman in Philadelphia dated Marfeilles, March 19.
"I have the pleasure to inform you of my safe arrival here from Santa Domingo, which place I left surrounded by the negroes within musket shot of the walls. Though they are numerous, the city will be able to hold out as long as they have provisions. The garrison is strong, say 3,000 men, Spanish and French, determined to sell their lives as dear as possible. There are now no vessels to take them off; of course they may as well perish in combat, as be butchered by the negroes, which would doubtless be the case should the city fall."
"General Ferrand has behaved extremely well to the inhabitants. I shall fail to-morrow for New-York, in the Schooner Clorinda ."
BALTIMORE, April 16.
GENERAL FERRAND'S SPEECH. The following is the translation of a paper, which the editors of the American were favored with by a gentleman of this city.
Speech of general Ferrand, to the soldiers and inhabitants, on the walls of Saint Domingo, in presence of the Brigades.
FRENCH SOLDIERS, and Inhabitants of St. Domingo!
IT is here you must remain — It is here you must either fight or perish — It is here the All-Powerful God has marked out the place for vengeance — It is here you ought to revenge the names of your fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, wives, children and friends, who all perished by blood-thirsty hands — by the monsters who surround us! It is here that you ought to show what the valor of a chosen few are able to perform against a number of assassins — It is here where the field is chalked out for victory!
Do not be frightened at those cannibals; they appear only here strong by treacherous murder against those who are not able to defend themselves. But what can their numerous cohort do against brave soldiers and a place fortified by nature and art? Soon you will see them dispersed and fall at the foot of these ramparts.
They will perhaps tell you that they have conquered every town in Saint Domingo, though they were fortified and defended by very brave troops. Pure illusions! They to be called conquerors! They only conquered those towns which were surrendered to them by treachery and treason — none were taken by true force except St. Jago; which, though ill fortified and defended by a handful of inhabitants, has shown what valor could do against such enemies. Eighteen hundred of those barbarians have bit the dust, and we shall soon give a good account of the remainder of their army.
Inhabitants of St. Domingo; I do not know, if your misfortunes can bear a comparison to the direful necessity which forces us to give battle having no place for a retreat, on one side surrounded by brigands — on the other the sea; having not one single vessel either to fly or to escape to — no other alternative offers but victory alone. — I repeat it again, it is here you must perish or conquer! Have courage now, let us fight and victory will be our lot.
CHARLESTON, April 9.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at King-son, to his correspondent in Savannah, dated
KINGSTON, (Jam.) March 12. "A few days ago we were apprehensive of having Marshall Law laid on, in consequence of a French squadron being to windward; but as we have since received accounts, of an equal force following them from England, it has not taken place, which is a fortunate thing for this country at this time of the year." Times.
By the brig South-Carolina , arrived yesterday, in 6 days from Havana, we learn, that two days before she failed, a vessel arrived at that place in 11 days from St. Thomas. By this arrival accounts were received that the French fleet had taken possession of the islands of Antigua and Barbadoes , in addition to those of which accounts have been already published; and that the fleet had proceeded against Jamaica. Overland accounts had been received at Havana that the fleet had bombarded Port-Royal. It was said that Antigua had been ransomed by the inhabitants, but that the French troops still retained Barbadoes. A large French and Spanish fleet was said to have been spoken in the West-Indies — A Spanish felucca had arrived at Havana from Cadiz via Vera Cruz, in a short passage, and was to sail again immediately for Spain with dispatches. A royal order had been received prohibiting the clearance of any Spanish merchant vessel from the port of Havana. The British squadron which had been cruising off Havana, and all other ships of war in the West-Indies, had been ordered to repair to Jamaica. (Courier.)
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Domestic Intelligence.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTION.
The returns by to-day's mail, (up to the 9th inst.) contain the amount of votes from 290 towns, and are as follows: —
For His Excellency Caleb Strong 29,013 Hon. James Sullivan 25,794
Present Federal majority, 3,219
NEW-YORK, April 15.
An English Privateer Schooner has been cruising off Sandy-Hook for the last 4 days. She boards all vessels going out or coming in; and on Saturday she fired six shots at the fsh. Industry, from Savannah; one of which went through the main-sail. We have not learnt the name of the privateer; but we understand she is from New-Providence, and left that place two months ago. She is a very small vessel, & has a crew of 36 men only. (Merc. Adv.)
OFFICIAL INFORMATION.
The Spanish Consul, near the United States, residing in Philadelphia, informs the Merchants of the United States, that the port of St. Augustine, in Florida, is open, for the importation of provisions; but in order to be admitted, they must procure a passport from the respective Spanish Consuls residing in the United States.
PHILADELPHIA, April 15.
His Excellency the Governor has arrived in town from Lancaster. — Accompanied by the Marquis d'Yrujo, he yesterday waited on Col. Burr, who still remains in town. (Rel.)
Col. Burr, it is reported, is to be appointed Gov. of Louisiana, in the room of C. C. Claiborne. (Ibid.)
Capt. John Shaw, we understand, is to take the command of the frigate John Adams, and will sail for the Mediterranean about the 1st of next month. (Ibid.)
We are told, that the president of the United States has appointed JOHN B. C. LUCAS, Esq. chief justice of the courts of Upper Louisiana. (Pittsburg Gaz.)
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, APRIL 23, 1805.
ON THE INCREASE OF THE BANKING CAPITAL OF VIRGINIA.
DIALOGUE BETWEEN CRITO AND MIDAS.
Midas. Can you inform me, my friend, why the Capital of the Bank of Virginia was originally fixed at one million and a half of dollars? Crito. I regret my incapacity, fir, to give you any information on such a subject. The legislature could not have had, however, any certain data before them, from which they might have drawn their calculations; & I presume that ingenious conjectures must have supplied the place of accurate information.
M. Yes, they were conjectures; but you pay them too high a compliment, when you call them ingenious. Why, my dear fir, the capital of the Bank of Virginia ought to have been much greater than this paltry sum of 1,500,000 dollars. Do you not perceive that our trade is languishing, our arts are paralysed, from the want of an adequate subsistence; and that subsistence is money. Why! Richmond alone could employ its present capital.
C. Arg, you serious, fir? Could the legislature have been indeed so grossly deceived?
M. Yes, fir, I repeat, Richmond could alone employ this inconsiderable capital.
Surely you have not forgotten the distinguished advantages which nature has heaped upon our city? Situated at the falls of a deep, broad and extensive river, which joins together the mountains and the ocean; its basin becoming the reservoir of the boats and produce of the upper country; and Rockets a harbour for vessels of a larger burthen; you see it collecting together the diversified profits of a great inland and foreign trade. You see it surrounded by a fertile country, supplied from inexhaustible mines of coal and iron, and supported by industrious inhabitants. Its situation would be beautiful even in a romance; its climate is mild; its air salubrious. In fact you can nowhere discover a situation in all the geographical charts which science has yet given to the world, that possesses such abundant resources of commerce and wealth. And yet, in spite of these natural advantages, you would arrest the progress of its improvement; you would keep down the enterprising spirit of the merchants, who are already here, and of those who desire to settle among us: you would make the banking capital of the city very small, whilst its natural advantages are so astonishingly great!
C. Indeed, my dear friend! I have never doubted your taste for the picturesque, & your power of setting off every thing to the very best advantage. But fill you must paint every thing as it is: and you cannot expect to dissipate all the obstructions of nature, by the whole force of your very active imagination. Do you not see one defect in the situation of Richmond, which no power short of the lamp of Aladdin can remove?
W. Then I think that its site at the falls of the river is certainly better than any other on its banks, because whilst it enables us to carry on a foreign trade through the mouth of the river, it prevents the establishment of any great rival emporium above us. Yet still it never can combine with these, the advantages of a seaport town. It is too far removed from the ocean to become the centre of communication between the different rivers or the different towns on the sea-board, as Norfolk is; at the same time the river below it is so shallow as to impose upon our foreign trade, the continual labour and expense of employing smaller craft. In this respect, you would not surely think of comparing Richmond with London on the Thames: much less will you presume to assert its superiority over New-Orleans on the Mississippi, which draws together all the advantages of an inland and a seaport town, and which if a prophetic fancy does not deceive me, is destined at some future day, to be the Alexandria of this western world.
M. Whose fancy is on the wing now! But will you then deny, that our City possesses some natural advantages?
C. Far from it. I have already admitted, that it has more than any other town on this river; and had not your excessive zeal prompted you to assert its unrivalled pre-eminence over every other spot "in our geographical charts" I would have at once conceded that there are few superior to it on any river.
But what support will your favourite project derive from this admission? The question between us was not whether Richmond was en-
dowed with very great natural capacities for an extended commerce, but whether those capacities had already ripened to such a state of maturity as to require the augmentation of our banking capital. You would not surely lavish upon a little village all the improvements and ornaments of a magnificent city, even though its natural advantages should promise to exalt it to the most brilliant destiny. You would not think of introducing the refined manufactures into the most fertile regions of Africa, where the inhabitants are perhaps in want of bread!
M. Surely not. I think with you, that we ought always to fit our saddle to the horse: but I contend that this principle itself is in favour of my present scheme.
C. Where then are your data? Every one may understand and admit this principle: but the whole difficulty consists in the proper application of it. Had the French been sooner convinced that they were not immediately fitted for the enjoyment of a free government, they might spared themselves the agonizing throes, which they sustained in their abortive attempts to establish one. I do not mean to compare the trifling consequences of having too much or too little bank capital with the tremendous horrors of a French revolution: but surely it is incumbent upon us in small things as well as in great, to regulate our conduct by general principles. What standard then have you for discovering, that the capital of the present bank of Virginia is not equal to the effectual demands of our present commerce?
M. The experience of some of the Northern States. What do you think, for instance, of the commerce of Pennsylvania, "whose domestic exports are not equal to those of the city of Richmond; "and yet the whole capital of the Virginia Bank, is only 1,500,000 dollars, whilst the Philadelphia banks alone are worth 4,000,000 dollars, exclusive of the U. States bank, which is established in that city? Under such circumstances it is matter of surprise that Philadelphia should extend her trade even to Virginia; and that her merchants should become our carriers and importers?
C. Beware my friend of the lights of a false analogy. Cannot you perceive, that the situation of Philadelphia and Richmond is materially different? If Philadelphia is a large & populous city in proportion to Richmond, How many more drawers and indorsers, must it contain? How many more negotiable notes! How much greater will be the profits of the bank! 2nd. Philadelphia is not only a commercial but a manufacturing city. These manufactures require the aid, and interposition of the banks. It is therefore improper for us to confine our idea of the operation of such banks to the commercial enterprises alone, of that city. Sdly. Whatever be the ratio, which is established between the domestic exports alone of Pennsylvania and Richmond, it is an indisputable fact, that the whole amount of the exports of Pennsylvania is nearly twice as great as that of Virginia. By the late report of the secretary of the treasury, the art was more than 11 millions of dollars, the art was 5-1-2 millions. The business of the Philadelphia bank must consequently be much more extensive than that of the Bank of Virginia. 4. It is in vain to say, that a great part of this export and carrying trade is itself the effect of the great banking capital of Philadelphia, and that the increase of the bank stock of Virginia would immediately turn the current of our trade into our own channels. Such a change must be gradual and imperceptible. It cannot be forced by extraordinary exertions. We have already commenced the career of innovation, by the establishment of our present bank. But would it not be ridiculous to create a new capital for the consumption of an event, which time alone can completely accomplish?
M. But, come, I will no longer divert your attention from the question by such vague & analogical statements. One good fact is worth a thousand and such arguments. Let me ask you then, whether it is not a fact that the Virginia bank has very lately refused to discount a considerable amount of good paper. If you admit this fact, what stronger confirmation can you give to my fundamental position, that the present capital of that bank is not equal to the effectual demands of the market? What other reason can you assign for this rejection of good paper, except that the bank has already extended its discounts to the utmost limits of its Capital? & is not this in fact admitting, that if its capital were more extensive it would not have been under the same necessity of rejecting these negotiable notes?
C. Why appeal to me, Sir, for the truth of these reports? I have not been initiated in the masonic mysteries of the bank. It is not in my power to say, how much paper it has passed or how much it has rejected. We will take for granted however that the prevailing report is perfectly correct. Will the inference which you have drawn from it be likewise correct? Suffer me to enquire in my turn whether this is the only report that you have heard about the history of the discounts lately solicited at the bank?
M. It is not. What was only prophecy some time ago, has now turned out to be the fact. Many of these negotiable notes are said to have been presented for discount for the purpose of borrowing from the bank itself, the very money which was intended to pay up the last instalment of its capital.
C. In other words, these monied negotiators were desirous of taking out of the coffers of the bank with one hand, what they were obliged to pay into it with the other. And, pray, what would have been the situation of the bank, had all its shareholders resorted to the same expedient? Why, instead of having the whole of its capital deposited in actual specie, it would have had no more than 3-4ths of it in specie, whilst the other 4th would have been vested in the paper of its shareholders. But you well know, fir, that the extent of the discounts and the consequent profits of any banking institution are not in proportion to the discounted paper in its desks, but to the actual specie in its vaults. You may say that this fourth part of its capital would still have been at interest; but, fir, if this quota had been really paid in specie, the bank might have employed a larger sum at interest, for the amount of the paper lent out is always greater than the amount of specie which it has in its coffers. Was it not therefore the interest of the bank to oblige its shareholders to deposit their fourth instalment in their own specie? Of course to limit the amount of their discounts, and to reject some of their negotiable paper?
M. Are you certain, that the directors were influenced by such a consideration?
C. I am not: and you must once more suffer me to remind you that all my knowledge of the mysterious operations of this establishment, has been simply gleaned from vulgar rumour and vague conjecture. These have rendered it probable that such was one of the reasons, which regulated the quantum of discounts. But, fir, there are others, which can scarcely escape the most superficial observer. Are you certain, that all the rejected paper was good paper? All the drawers and indorsers, whose notes were thrown out, would no doubt say so: Their friends would no doubt corroborate the assertion; and the world might be willing to receive it without any controversy. Still the board of bank-directors might have entertained a very different
sentiment; and I must candidly confess that their opinions would go much farther with me than those of any other person, from the very extensive experience which they possess, and the minute enquiries which they are obliged to make about the pecuniary affairs of their customers.
M. The directors however are subject in this way to innumerable mistakes. Their excessive caution will frequently induce them to reject a very good paper.
C. Excessive! It can scarcely be called, Suspicion, Sir, is the characteristic virtue of a bank-director. This principle too has much greater force at the first establishment of a bank, than at any subsequent period, because it has not yet been chastened & enlightened by the dictates of experience. Almost every man is suspected, because there is scarcely any man whose affairs are completely understood. Yet this principle does not lose its efficacy, even when the operations of a bank have once removed this objection. The ordinary propensity of mercantile habits furnishes inexhaustible food for the suspicion of a bank director. He knows that there is scarcely a single merchant who is not anxious to stretch the transactions of his business beyond his immediate resources. A boat-load of flour or tobacco is sufficient to put the spirit of competition into motion. If the merchant has neither cash in his chest, nor credit with the seller, he flies to the bank with his negotiable note, and requires it to insure his project of speculation. Hence that well known propensity in the mercantile class to draw more money out of the bank than what its own safety or their actual resources will authorise it to lend. Some of these men think that it is the duty of banks "to lend for as long a time and to as great an extent as they might wish to borrow." They forget the celebrated Adam Smith, "that banks and bankers cannot confidently with their own interest and safety, go farther, when partly by the convenience of discounting bills, and partly by that of cash accounts, the creditable traders of a country can be dispensed from the necessity of keeping any part of their stock unemployed and in ready money, for answering occasional demands."
M. Do you mean that it is this active spirit of speculation, which is so well calculated to excite the suspicions of the bank directors? — and that this is one inducement for refusing to discount the notes of creditable traders? You have then alleged two probable reasons for the late rejection of negotiable paper by the board of Virginia. (To be continued.)
THE statement of the grounds of the late important decision in the Court of Appeals, was drawn up with the particular assistance of a gentleman to whom the legal and political science of this country are so greatly indebted. His was the arrangement of the points: his the course of the reasoning. All its errors are to be attributed to the Editor's ignorance of the law.
Gentlemen holding proposals for publishing the "Debates of the Virginia Convention," are respectfully solicited to forward them as early as possible. The book, it is expected, will be out of the press in the course of two or three weeks.
The Editor of the Enquirer very readily and cheerfully acknowledges the justice of a criticism published in the last Virginia Gazette, on one expression into which he was inadvertently betrayed. — No person can more cordially reprobate the apparent intolerance and illiberality of this sentiment, than the writer of the obnoxious observation. By what motive soever which criticisms may be dictated, they will be at all times received by the Editor of the Enquirer with cheerfulness.
MANY of these men are equally entitled with myself to the liberty of thought and of speech.
Miscellaneous.
FROM THE PHILADELPHIA GAZETTE.
Discovery of Manganese on the Lehigh.
MR. REIF, A few days since, Mr. Butland, of this city, put into my hands a specimen of a black coloured mineral, weighing five ounces, which was found in the county of Northampton, on the farm of Mr. Weiss, about thirty miles from Bethlehem, in the neighbourhood of the Lehigh — and informed me that it might be easily procured, in great quantities, at that place.
Having subjected this substance to a variety of experiments, it was discovered to be Manganese of the first quality, containing scarcely any foreign matter; and far superior to most of that which is sold in the shops of the druggists, considerable quantities of which I have frequently been obliged to throw away after purchasing it, from the impurity of the material.
The oxygen air obtained from this native ore, was equal in purity to that which was afforded by a specimen of the foreign, sent to me by the late Dr. Priestley, the discoverer of this gas, who informed me, that it yielded an air as pure as any he had ever procured during the course of his life.
Manganese is useful to the physician, in consequence of the air it affords and to which some of the most violent diseases to which the human body is subject, have given way; to the bleacher, paper-maker, and manufacturer of glass, as a destroyer of colouring matter, when combined with the marine acid; to the potter, as giving a black colour, and assisting in glazing his earthenware; and to the philosopher and artist, as containing a gas, which combined with certain combustible bodies, will generate a degree of heat, unattainable by other means.
As the science of mineralogy is little attended to in the United States, the intention of this communication is, to induce gentlemen residing in the country, to pay some attention to the mineral productions of their fields, by which means they may greatly benefit themselves, and render the most important services to the arts, yet in their infancy in this part of the world.
Any person desirous of information, concerning any of our native fossils, by applying to me, shall be gratified, as far as is in my power; and if the material sent to me, is thought to be of any use to society, an accurate analysis of it shall be made, free of expense.
I am Sir, with respect, Your humble servant, JAMES WOODHOUSE.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
THE subscriber wishing to turn some real property into more active use, would sell, on terms highly advantageous to the purchaser, A TENEMENT on the cross street near the Malons' Hall — pleasantly situated for a family.
TO RENT, a Store and Counting Room, a few doors below the market house, at present occupied by Benjamin Hooper. Possession will be given the 10th of May; the rent is, for a grocery, inferior to but few in the city.
M. GRANTLAND.
April 18. — (4 dwk.)

REPORT OF A DECISION IN THE High Court of Appeals.  ROBERT REED, COLLIN REED, HUGH BALLINTINE, and FRANCES HIS WIFE, [v.s.] MARGARET REED,  Plaintiffs. Defendant.
Robert Reed, a native of Ireland, settled in the colony of Virginia, prior to the year 1776, the period of the declaration of American Independence. In consequence of the right which he possessed of acquiring and holding real property in this country; a right common to him with every competent inhabitant of the British dominions, and secured not only by the common law of England, but by the express stipulations of the colonial charters (Tuck. Bla. Vol. 2 note C.) he purchased in the year 1763 a half-acre lot No. 7 in the town of Staunton, and in the year 1767, 740 acres of land in the county of Augusta. Being childless and without an heir in this country, he wrote to his brother John Reed of Ireland, "informing him that he was possessed of a considerable estate, and that he wished him to send in some of his children to inherit it. In consequence of this invitation, the plaintiffs to the present suit came over" to this country; Robert Reed, Hugh Ballentine and his wife, (the daughter of John Reed) in the year 1784, and Collin Reed, two years afterwards. In 1787, Robert Reed, the elder, departed this life without will and without issue, "leaving Margaret his widow and relict, who since his death has retained possession of the estate." Whatever right might have been in the estate of Virginia to this property by the operation of escheat, was vested in Margaret Reed and her heirs, by an act of assembly passed December 14th 1789. Neither of the plaintiffs took the oath of abjuration or allegiance before the death of Robert Reed.
Under these circumstances the plaintiffs as heirs at law, laid claim to the property of the deceased. Having attempted in vain to compromise with the defendant, they determined to try the validity of this title in a court of justice; and accordingly they instituted a suit on a writ of ejectment, in the Staunton district court in the year 1790. After repeated continuations of the cause, and after two special verdicts had been found by a jury, the district court on Sept. 12th 1799, at length decided in favour of the defendant. From this judgment the plaintiffs prayed an appeal to the high court of appeals, before whom it was regularly brought at their October term in 1800.
The decision of the court has been pronounced during the present session.  The principal question at issue was, whether the plaintiffs who were born in Ireland prior to the year 1770, and who did not become citizens of this commonwealth, until after the descent of the lands in question, were at that time disabled to take and hold lands within this commonwealth, and to bring any real or personal action concerning them?
Considering the disabilities under which an alien labours by the principles of the common law, the question may be more succinctly and more generally stated to be: Is an inhabitant of the British dominions who was born before , and has not been naturalized in this commonwealth since our revolution, to be regarded as an alien or not?
The right of the plaintiffs was considered in three points of view:
1st: How far it is supported by the doctrines of the common law of England, with no other variation than what would arise from the creation of a new government in Virginia in 1776.
2nd: How far those doctrines are controlled and modified by the principles of the revolution and the spirit of the constitution.
3rd: How far the title of the plaintiffs was supported by the treaty of peace of 1783.  It was stated that by the principles of the English common law, the allegiance of the subject to the government was perpetual; that this allegiance imposed upon him, the duty of always obeying its laws, & conferred upon him the correlative privilege of always profiting by its provisions; that among these was the right of acquiring and holding real property in different ways: that hence every man was to be considered as inheriting a perpetual capacity of inheriting real property: that the people of this country and of Great Britain, who were born before our revolution, had been bound by the same allegiance to a common government; that they each of them had acquired the same inheritable capacity, in those dominions, and that they were entitled so long as they existed, to inherit real property in either country. The decision of the English court was cited in the case of Calvin, 7 Co. 1. to prove that such was the doctrine of the common law.
In answer to this statement, it was contended, that this inheritable quality was ultimately derived from the existence of allegiance: that even in Calvin's case , (which contains the absolute doctrine on this subject) it was adjudged that "whosoever is an alien born, is so accounted by law in respect of the king;" that the question therefore in Calvin's case was more particularly, whether he were an alien born, or not in respect of the king of England. Hence the question in the present case is, whether the plaintiffs are aliens or not in respect of the commonwealth of Virginia. But this question will scarcely admit of any controversy. They were not even citizens of Virginia at the era of the revolution, though the people of Virginia were the subjects of G. Britain, because there was no such system at that time in existence, as the commonwealth of Virginia. These men cannot therefore in reality be said to have been either citizens or aliens with respect to the commonwealth of Virginia, either to have owed her any allegiance, or not to have owed her any.
Great stress was placed by the plaintiffs on a resolution in this case of Calvin . It was resolved that if the two "kingdoms (England and Scotland which had just been united under James I.) should by descent be divided and governed by several kings, yet that all those who were born under one natural obedience while the realms were united under one sovereign should remain natural born subjects and no aliens." 7 Co. 27. Here then the judges were of opinion that in a case of a dismemberment of the two kingdoms and these being governed by several kings, the postnatus would still remain legitimat. d. in England .
This supposition case differs however from the present case, 1st, that the Scotch postnatus was born under the allegiance of the King of England; whereas the present plaintiffs were not born under the allegiance of this commonwealth, no such commonwealth, being then in existence: 2nd, this allegiance being by the English decisions perpetual, continues as the King of England continues, notwithstanding the postnatus has now fallen under a King of Scotland; whereas no allegiance to this commonwealth continues, because none was ever due.
This supposed case of a dismemberment too proceeds only upon the idea of a separation of the crown , of a descent to several kings; but
it does not put the case of a destruction of the kingly government. It goes upon the idea of a continuation of the same government , though under different kings, and a consequent continuation of the original allegiance : it is surely different therefore from the case which contemplates the dissolution of the tie of allegiance by the creation of a new and different government upon the ruins of the old. May we not then say that the present case had never entered into the minds of the English judges? and that their decisions even when the most impartial, cannot be applied to a case, where the reasons of this decision cannot possibly apply?
But even the case of Calvin itself deserves very little respect. 1st, because there is reason to believe from a passage in Hume , 3. 554. that this was a decision which King James I. "engaged the judges to make" 2nd, because in the succeeding reign this judgment was openly impeached in parliament by one of the patriots of that day as "an illegal judgment of lawyers against liberty, 6 Hume , 179." 3rd, because the judges of that time were particularly obsequious to the will of the monarch.
It may therefore be concluded, that the doctrines of the English common law, are founded upon a principle, which does not exist in this case, that is, an existing allegiance; that the creation of a different government and the dissolution of the ancient tie of allegiance, had never been weighed, or even considered by the English judges, deciding in Calvin's case ; and that even according to their received doctrine of allegiance, no capacity of inheritance was ever infused into the present plaintiffs, because they had never contracted any allegiance to the present commonwealth; and all the inheritable quality which may be fictitiously supposed to have been in them from their formerly obeying a common sovereign with us, was actually destroyed by the destruction of that sovereignty over us, and the creation of a new government.
2nd: This view of the case has already anticipated the remarks that were made on the second branch of the enquiry: How far the English doctrines are controlled by the principles of our revolution, and the theory of our government. If the actual principles even of the English law will support the title of the present defendant, she will occupy a much stronger ground in this country and in our courts which must reject such of those principles, as are inimical to our republican institutions. All the English doctrines are founded upon three main pillars, neither of which constitutes a part of our political edifice:
1st: That allegiance is perpetual : 2nd. That this perpetual allegiance was supposed always to be due to the same unchanging sovereignty; 3rd: That it was due to the person and not to the political character of the sovereign . The first position is inapplicable to this country, because we have no monarch to whose sacred person, our allegiance: is to be rendered. The second position has been equally subverted by the American people, who have created a different as well as a new government. The first position immemorably supported by the English courts, has been exploded by the most intelligent writers on natural right or common law, and by the principles and practice of our own government. These have recognized the right of every individual, to snap the chains which the English monarch wishes to impose upon his subjects, and to bind them forever to their native soil. The very act of separating ourselves from the British government, the sublime principles consecrated by the declaration of independence and our bill of rights, the express declaration of the Virginia legislature, have each of them ratified the doctrine of expatriation . To such a political system, therefore, the English common law doctrine of a perpetual allegiance, is perfectly heterogenous and hostile. Where the system is so different, a particular rule must be completely irrelevant; for it is one of the maxims of the common law, that where the reason of a rule ceases, the rule itself must likewise cease.
Hence this principle of the English common law does not apply, because the reason of that principle no longer exists among us. Had it indeed been one of those doctrines, which are recognized by our laws and observed by our courts, that every native of this country was bound in a perpetual allegiance, then indeed might we have admitted, that all the duties and all the correlative rights which he inherited, would be inseparable from his being, and that among those was an inheritable capacity , of which no change of sovereignty or distance of residence could deprive him. Then indeed might we have admitted the claims of the present plaintiffs to be considered, not as aliens, but as co-subjects or co-citizens of our state, entitled as well as ourselves to the privilege of acquiring real property, because there was a period when they owed allegiance to the same undivided sovereignty with ourselves. But such a doctrine is foreign to the institutions of this country, and those inferences which it may be supposed to warrant, must consequently be defeated.
3rd: In considering the operation & effect of the TREATY OF PEACE upon the present case, three distinct views may be taken: of the rights of British antenati:
1st: In relation to lands actually holden by them in this country, at the epoch of our declaration of independence: but as no right of this sort exists in the present case, this topic will be very slightly and incidentally considered.
2nd: In relation to lands purchased by them since that epoch, and which, if they be aliens, will accrue to the Commonwealth, by way of "escheat."
3rd: In relation to such lands as have descended to them since that epoch, and which, if they be aliens, will accrue to the Commonwealth by way of "escheat." In this case, the present case is found to fall.
As the case of a right accruing by way of escheat is a stronger one than the case of a right accruing by descent , it is properly entitled to a preliminary investigation.
1. It is the 6th article of the treaty of peace which has been relied upon by the plaintiffs in this suit, for one of the foundations of their title: And the words of that article, which are supposed to have a principal bearing upon the question, are "that there shall be no future confiscations made." What then is the import of the term confiscation here employed?
The right of the commonwealth to lands purchased by an alien is an ordinary right derived from the common law. It exists at all times. It is independent of, and does not arise out of, a state of war. In the present case, it refused to the commonwealth from the establishment of a new government here, to which the plaintiffs had not acceded. Although in fact the plaintiffs were enemies to this country from the commencement of our hostilities with Great Britain, they were not, legally speaking, aliens until the creation of the new government. Prior to that event, the right in question would not have accrued to the commonwealth: So on the other hand if the creation of our new government had proceeded or been unaccompanied by, a state of war, the right in question would have existed before as well as after the commencement of hostilities. This is not a right therefore arising jure belli ; it results from a mere municipal regulation. It exists not, because the person purchasing
is an enemy , but because he is an alien . It is not a right extending over the subjects of a particular power only with which we may chance to be at war, but over the subjects of all foreign nations at all times whatsoever.
This is the right which by the common lawyers is technically denominated a "forfeiture." "Forfeitures of lands and goods for offences" (a right founded on the offence of the alien in presuming to purchase lands contrary to law) lays Blackstone 1 Bl. 372. Bl. 2. 274. "are called by the civilians bona confiscata , because they belonged to the Fiscus or imperial treasury, or as our common lawyers term them, "bona foris acta." Indeed Lord Coke sees in one place to consider confiscation and forfeiture as synonymous terms, 3 Ins. 297; and Blackstone also a few passages appears to have used the term confiscation to signify a forfeiture into the treasury: but preserving the distinction which this learned commentator has taken between the two terms, as above stated, the one being a civil law , and the other a common law term, & discovering also that he has expressly treated of the right now in question in a chapter under the head of "title by forfeiture," 2. Bl. 267, is it not fair to conclude that the technical and appropriate term descriptive of this right is forfeiture and not confiscation ? At least is not this the most familiar and proper term to designate the right in question? And cannot we also fortify this definition by a most respectable authority; by the constitution of this state, which in transferring this among other powers from the King to the Commonwealth employs the terms " Escheats, penalties and forfeitures " art. 20, without making any mention of confiscations ? The term "forfeitures" was used, because the article related to forfeitures by the common law only: but it omitted the term confiscation , which is appropriated to the description of escheats, and jure belli forfeitures , because forfeitures of that class were not then within the contemplation of the convention.
Besides this ordinary right of forfeiture, there is an extraordinary one accruing to belligerent nations, by right of war, of confiscating the property of their enemies. This right does not await and attend on the contingent event of a purchase by or a descent to an alien; it affects property then actually holden by the enemy; nor is it carried into effect by the ordinary course of the municipal laws: the property is seized and confiscated by an extraordinary act of the government of the belligerent nation. It is seized not, because it belongs to an alien , but to an enemy . To this right it is that the term confiscation is technically and properly applied.
Here then are two senses, in which the term confiscation may be employed: The one restricted to a mere seizure by a belligerent nation in right of war; the other an extensive seizure covering not only the right which has just been mentioned, but also comprehending a mode of acquiring property by the commonwealth under a permanent municipal regulation. In which those acceptations is the term to be employed in the 6th article of the treaty of peace? becomes therefore a most important question.
This article, it is to be recollected, is contained in a treaty of peace; which, according to Vattel 1. 1. page 34. "naturally & of itself relates only to the war which it puts an end to, and therefore it is only in such a relation that it is to be understood." Such a treaty therefore does not naturally relate to a mere municipal regulation. In fact, a treaty of such extensive application could not at that time have been formed by the American commissioners; because the government under which they acted had been very much circumscribed in its powers by the articles of confederation . It may be seen by referring to the documents attached to Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Hammond, No. 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11, that the American commissioners had disclaimed all power in congress to "interfere in matters appertaining to the internal polity of the several states; and even declared that the power of congress did not authorize them to stipulate for a restoration of the confiscated estates of real British subjects, much less those of refugees, because those estates had taken place under the authority of the several states. The most that they could or did perform was modestly to recommend such a restoration to the several states; and the British commissioners acquiesced in this restricted arrangement. Congress claimed and exercised the power of interdicting all future confiscations, i. e. jure belli confiscations, but they disclaimed any power of restoring even the property which confiscations of this kind itself had thrown into the state treasuries. Congress had the power of peace & war: they had a right to make any treaty, which should convert enemies into friends, and remove all the disabilities that were attached to the former character: but congress had no power to invade the ordinary rights of the states, & make citizens of Virginia out of those whom the "internal polity" of her laws had thrown into the class of aliens .
The term confiscation then when occurring in a treaty of peace naturally means a confiscation jure belli , and does not extend to the common law right of Escheat and forfeitures. Two circumstances conspire to fortify this construction. 1st the confiscations here prohibited are connected in the same article and in the same sentence of that article with prosecutions on account of the part taken in the war . 2ndly the history of the revolution clearly proves that many such confiscations were made on the part of the state governments. See the references of Mr. Hammond's letter to Mr. J. of 5th March 1792. To what class of persons , these confiscations and prosecutions related, it will be of considerable importance to determine.
The 6th article of the treaty of peace, which contains these terms, upon the whole context of it taken together, can only relate to those, who being once American citizens, afterwards became refugees and joined the enemy. It cannot relate in a collective point of view to real British subjects . For would it not have been absurd to stipulate, that after peace had taken place between the two nations, we should not commence prosecutions against real British subjects for the part they had taken during the war? Had there been no such article in the treaty of peace, and America had commenced such prosecutions against such British subjects , G. Britain, would justly have considered them as acts of hostility against herself. In regard to British subjects therefore this provision would have been wholly superfluous and unnecessary. But with respect to the American refugees ; it was strictly necessary and proper. They had become citizens of these states, and without expatriating themselves had joined the standard of the enemy. They had exposed themselves to the severest penalties, which the states might choose to inflict upon them after the peace for their treachery during the war; and the humanity and the honour of the British nation were deeply interested in their protection. It was to them therefore that the latter part of this article exclusively applies. The interdict of prosecutions for the part they had taken in the war, sufficiently secured them from such common law forfeitures, as were incident to attainders or prosecutions for treason. Not being aliens , though enemies and traitors to the U. States, they were safe independently of the treaty, from the ordinary effect of the laws of the U.
States. It is only then in relation to legislative acts of confiscation and seizure , that the first part of this article is to be understood even as it respects the refugees. Why therefore should we give a construction to the treaty, which will introuch upon the municipal systems of the several states, when every end necessary to be attained in relation to the refugees can be completely effected by the interdict of extraordinary acts of confiscation and seizure ?
This article, taken collectively , does not then relate to real British subjects ; and as to that particular part of the article which interdicts future confiscations, it is superfluous and unnecessary to apply it to them; for such interdict had already arisen from the mere conclusion of the treaty of peace.
2. With respect to lands holden here at the time of our separation , i. e. at the epoch of our independence, by British subjects , it would be unnecessary to express any opinion, because the present case stands on a much weaker foundation than that. Such lands are safe in the hands of these holders, by the principle of the common law, literally understood , in relation to escheat and forfeiture for alienage; that law not permitting a subject to become an alien. If then it be true, that the lands of those holders are safe under the operation of the laws of escheat and forfeiture, the treaty need not receive such an extended construction as will protect them from confiscation , and as such lands are also protected from extraordinary confiscations by the mere signature of the treaty, that instrument need not to be applied at all to the lands so holden by real British subjects .
But even if a contrary opinion should prevail; if it should be even deemed necessary to give to the treaty a strained interpretation in regard to vested rights , the same necessity does not exist in relation to contingent, possible rights . The cases of this class occurring during the war were probably very few, because all intercourse between the two countries being prohibited & interrupted, few would wish to purchase a title to real property in either country; and we must impute a very gross ignorance to our people, on the subject of alienage, before we can suppose that many desires were made, or many desents were permitted, to such aliens . Besides whatever obligations there may have been upon the British government to guarantee to its subjects property hold in the enemy's country at the commencement of hostilities, it was not equally bound to protect future, possible or eventual acquisitions. With respect to such acquisitions as may have accrued since the date of the treaty , it would have been most unreasonable for the British king to have expected us to grant, such inestimable privileges to his subjects, as the people of no other power upon earth are permitted to enjoy, although they render us no services, and owe us no allegiance. An analogous illustration may be drawn from the subsequent treaty of 1795, which although it has expressly established the title to lands then actually holden in either country, has suffered these eventual rights , or in other words, this famous doctrine of legitimation to be cast into that fathomless vortex prepared by our revolution for all those parts and principles of the common law of England , which refuse to be blended with our republican institutions.
3. But every observation which has been advanced to establish a discrimination between forfeiture and confiscation , applies with much greater force to the discrimination between escheat and confiscation . It would be doing much more violence to the signification of the latter than the former term, to confound it with the term confiscation . And yet the right now in question, is a right accruing by escheat .
The construction of the 6th article of the treaty of peace may now be collected into one general point of view. It appears, that that part of it which prohibits all future confiscations relates only to American refugees , and perhaps also through abundant caution to real British subjects ; that it was intended to secure no other privileges even to these men, than a future indemnity from all extraordinary acts of seizure and confiscation ; and that under all these considerations, that construction of it can no longer be admitted, which under the cover of its general expressions, would attempt to prostrate all the ordinary rights of escheat and forfeiture, which the several states have claimed over the mere contingent and future acquisitions of British subjects .
The claim of the plaintiffs therefore is to be supported neither by the principles of the common law, nor by the 6th article of the treaty of peace.
The court affirmed the decision of the District court, and the defendant retains the property.
VIRGINIA. At a superior court of Chancery, holden in Richmond the 23rd day of March, 1805.
Between James Anderson and Philip Thurman, merchants & partners acting under the firm of James Anderson and company. Plaintiffs. And Bernard Markham, & Francis Osborne executor of George Markham deceased. Defendants.
THE defendant, Bernard Markham, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the 22nd day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, c. c. March 26. (et. 2 m.)
IN CHANCERY. At a court of quarterly session, held for Cumberland county, the 25th of February, 1805.
William M. Allen, and James Cody merchants and partners acting under the firm of Allen and Cody, Plaintiffs. Against Joseph Brady, John Brady, Martin S. Devenport, executor of David Devenport deceased, Francis Devenport, & Jesse Dowdy. Defendants.
THIS day came the plaintiffs by their attorney, and the defendants Joseph Brady, & John Brady, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this state; On the motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants, Joseph Brady and John Brady do appear here on the first day of April court next, to answer the complainants' bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Court-House of this county.
A Copy, Teste, SAMUEL HOBSON, s. c. c. March 26. (s to 2mp)
FISHER & LESUR, HAVE JUST RECEIVED, A LARGE SUPPLY OF GROCERIES, &c.    Muscovado Sugar Pepper, Pimento; Cloves   Best Green Coffee Nuttmegs, Mace and   Double and single refined Coffee   Loaf Sugar Madder, Brimstone, Al-   Retail Molasses and Tre- um and Copperas   kle Spanish & Bengal Indigo   Old Antigua, Jamaica, Spermaceti Oil   Santa Cruz, St. Kitts Coloring   and N. E. Rum Pickled Salmon and Cod   Old Cognac Brandy Fish   Holland Gin New-York Candles and   Madeira, Port, Sherry, Soup   Teneriffe and Malaga Gun Powder   Wine Patent Shot from 1 to 22   Bottled Port and Claret Thomas Leiper's Snuff   Caldwell, Fraiture & Co's Maccaba do.   superfine Chocolate Porter Corks   Young Hyslop, Souichong, Gin Cafes   Imperial, and a few cas- Demijohns   nifers containing 14lb. Cut qt & pint Decanters   Gun-powder Tea Plain qt & half pint do.   Scotch Barley Plain and cut qt Tumbler   Fresh Oil and Olives Cut Jelly Glasses   Basket Salt China Bowls from 1 pin   Fresh Mustard to 6 quarts   Spanish Segars Tea and Coffee Cups and   Martinique, Noyau and Saucers   Bordeaux Cordials Patent Night Lamps.   Box Raisins & Almonds   Raw & ground Ginger 
ALSO—A QUANTITY OF GERMAN OSNABURGS & TICKLENBURGS. All of which were selected for this market by J. Fisher, and will be sold Wholesale and Retail on moderate terms. March 20. (contd)
ELIOPED. On the 6th day of March last, a Negro Man Named EMANUEL, twenty one or two years of age, about five feet three or four inches high, stout made to his height; he has a fair across one of his cheeks, and one on his head, on which the hair is entirely off, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a smiling countenance when spoken to, a broad set of fore teeth; he is a very sensible fellow, waited as a servant upon Powhatan Bolling, Esq. deceased, from whom I purchased him. I will give a generous reward besides what the law allows, to any person that will apprehend the said servant, and deliver him to me in Amherst county, about four miles from Lynchburg, or secure him in Jail till I get him. I expect he will endeavour to pass as a freeman. I forewarn all persons from harbouring, or employing of him, all masters of vessels from taking him on board, and others from harbouring him, as I am determined to prosecute as the law directs. PHILIP JOHNSON, April 19. 4t
LAND FOR SALE. A TRACT of about 850 acres, lying on James River, adjoining the town of Lynchburg; one hundred and forty of which is low ground, and said to be of the first quality; a considerable proportion of the high ground lies well, and well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. It has an excellent and rock-fissure on it; a small apple orchard, a good dwelling house and convenient out-houses; a mill seat, supposed to be superior to any in that part of the country—the mill house would let within thirty-six poles of the river, on navigable water. Likely negroes would be received in part pay, and a generous price allowed for one or two blacksmiths that are under 36 years of age, and good workmen. For further particulars, apply to the subscriber on the premises, or Mr. William Brown, merchant, in Lynchburg. LEWELLIN JONES, March 1. (cp1)
IN CHANCERY. Williamsburg Hullings Court, February 23, 1805. John Coke, administrator ad litem of the estate of Samuel Coke, deceased. Plaintiff. Against Robert Coke and Samuel Coke, Defendants. THE Defendants, not having entered their appearance, and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court, that they are not inhabitants of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said Defendants do appear here on the first day of June Court next, and answer the bill of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer printed in Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy posted at the front door of the Court-House of this city. A Copy, Teste, WILLIAM RUSSELL, c. c. March 28. (et. 2m.)
DOCTOR WILSON received yesterday a supply of Peruvian Barks, Castor Oil and Salps, all of the best quality. He also has Calomel, Rheubarb, Senna, Manna, Rochelle and Glauber Salts, Tartar Emetic, Ipecacuanha, Opium, Balsamic and Silver Casters, Elastic and common Bongies, &c. &c. &c. He designs to keep a supply of the best Medicines that can be procured, and states himself that his acquaintance with Medicine, will entitle him to a share of public patronage. Persons of needy circumstances by paying the retail prices of his Medicines, will be preferred for gratis. October 31. (et. 2m.)
TO BE RENTED, THE large and commodious HOUSE, belonging to Major Duval, and occupied at this time by Mr. Ogilvie. This house is situated on the healthiest and most agreeable part of the city of Richmond, on Shockoe-Hill; contains five large rooms, amply sufficient for the accommodation of a genteel and numerous family; with a kitchen, garden, and all the necessary out houses. Any person disposed to rent this house will apply to Mr. Ogilvie. April 16.
FOR RENT: THE Large White House at Rockets, formerly occupied by Mr. William Fenwick, and afterwards by Mr. Braxton Craddock. For terms apply to GALLEGO, RICHARD & CO, January 11. (et)
A SMALL INVOICE OF LAW BOOKS, Just received and for sale at the ENQUIRER-OFFICE, among which are the following: viz.
 TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE, 5 vols.
20 00