The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-26 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEOS, and 300 of BREVIER; The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Tuesday, the 2d day of February next, at the V. office of the subscriber, will be sold positively, WITHOUT RESERVE, a large and general assortment of DRY GOODS—Imported last fall, consisting of Cloths, Coatings, Rose and Duffel Blankets, Casimeres, Hosiery, Kenseys, Half Thicks, Negro Cottons, Plains, Checks, Irish Linen, Brown Hollands, Droghedades, Irish Sheetings, Diapers, Hats, Cambricks, Dimity, Wildbore, Durants, Manchester Stuff, Carpets, Seine Twine, Tapes, Bobbins, &c. &c. Together with a quantity of HARDWARE, and a great number of other articles too numerous to be specified. Also, 1 pipe and 3 quarter casks old Madeira Wine and 20 casks Porter.
Terms of sale—For all purchases under $100 cash, above $100 and under $200, 60 days, and above $200, six months credit. Negotiable notes with approved endorser will be required.
The sale will be continued from day to day until the whole quantity is sold.
JAMES BROWN, Jr.
Richmond, 18th Jan. 1808.
FACTS ARE STUBBORN THINGS.
John P. Shields's account with G. L. Haller. 1807, April 26. To entrance-money for three daughters of John P. Shields at $5 for each, according to established rules $15 00
Fees for public tuition from the 26th of April for 9 months only, at $10 per quarter, instead of $15 as usual, for each of his daughters 90 00
Music-master paid for three quarters, at $12 per quarter, do. 108 00
Dancing-master for two quarters at $8 per do. 48 00
Two writing desks with locks, keys, inkstands, stools, &c. 13 50
French books, rulers, pen-knives, writing books, quills, &c. furnished to his three daughters during 9 months 14 81
$289 31
CR.
1807, April 26. By cash received of John P. Shields $45 00
Sept. 12. do. do. do. 25 00
Oct. 27. do. do. do. of Mrs. Shields, Coal, mutton, waggon hire as per his own acct. 20 00
Deduct 169 56
Balance due to G. L. Haller, $119 75
N. B.
1. Note given to me for the above balance in lieu of cash.
2. After the first quarter, no advance paid by John P. Shields, contrary to the established rules of this institution.
3. No interest charged for the delay of payments.
4. Music and dancing-masters paid cash by myself for three daughters of John P. Shields.
5. No charge made for the use of my Forte-Piano during nearly 9 months.
6. A deduction of $5 per quarter, that is of $45 altogether, spontaneously made by me of the fees for public tuition of his three daughters, whereas my usual fee is $15 per quarter for each young lady, payable in advance.
7. Sunday other minute expenses incurred on account of his three daughters have been omitted.
Thus much in favour of John P. Shields; and yet said John P. Shields asserts in his advertisement of the 16th instant, that upon a fair settlement he owes one cent to G. L. HALLER Jan. 21. (34)
E. NOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, which renders his assortment very complete. Consisting of:—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated, gilt, morocco & wood Cators, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuffers, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, silver, plated and Britannia Spoons and Ladles, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggs, Water, Tea Trays, Caddies, Smoker Trays and Bread Buckets, Knives and Forks, &c. &c. Knives, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Polders, Ink-stands, wafers, &c.—Razors, Hones, Strops, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaister, &c.—Guin. horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurs, Powder Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Pliers, Dog Collars, switch & their Whips, Cane with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, Ivory, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, hall, plate and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bedsteads, &c. Ivory and Bone Chessmen & Boards, Rattle Doons, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Cuffs, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, gilt, very gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and optic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, coin, shell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated mounting Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Needles, sewing, tampering, netting and knitting Needles, Reavers' Colours, &c.—gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, sugar, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Nets, Enamellets, Plumes, Sashes, Stocks, &c. Flutes, Fifes, Clarinets, Trumpets. French Horns and Drums. E. Sullivan continues to execute orders in his line of profession. Jan. 21. [f]
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. [f]
VIRGINIA to wit—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806.
Benjamin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff.—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben James, Defendants.
The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered an appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, the cause of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. ANTF. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [lawsw.]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 200 - - - 2,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each $200. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 300. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000. Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000. This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oldfield, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time. Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitz-Whiston and Potter.
THE PRICE of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (epitf)
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP.
The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All errors having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, JR. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROceries. Amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, 13 months do. Brown and loaf Sugar by the hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hesson and Young Hesson Teas, Coffee, Cognac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Salt in sacks, 9 years old Brazil Wine in hlds, First quality Madeira in pipes, hlds. & qr. casks, Sherry Wine, &c. &c. & a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, JR. Jan. 5. (f)
FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mount-air, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography.
The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January. Terms—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance; and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed, nor for the necessary vacation. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17. [154]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Casimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings.
All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [ente]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DARMSDITT. Oct. 23. [f]
MORE CHEAP GOODS—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers and the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 5. [epitf]
NOTICE—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year, to secure the payment of a debt due from the said Shepherd to Robert Riddell, and another debt due from the said Shepherd to Walter Jenkins and company; will be exposed to sale, by the subscribers or one of them, at auction, on Wednesday the 10th of next month, at the Store-House of the said Shepherd, in the County of Fluvanna, the seven following tracts of LAND, lying in the county of Fluvanna.
No. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract. On a part of this tract there is a prior encumbrance to David Ross; it will be sold subject to that encumbrance. No. 2. A tract of 333 acres, more or less, lying on Ballinger's creek; of this tract A. Shepherd bought 207 acres from Wm. Pace, and the residue he bought of Peter Brown. No. 3. A tract of 137 acres, more or less, lying on the Rivanna river, opposite to Barnersburg, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Wm. and Jas. Payne. No. 4. A tract of 155 acres, more or less, lying on the south side of the Rivanna river, opposite to J. B. Magruder's mill, being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of Robert Adams. No. 5. A tract of 134 acres, more or less, lying in the fork of Ballinger's creek; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought of David Bullock and Richard Morris. No. 6. A tract of 83 acres, more or less, adjoining No. 5; being the same tract of land which A. Shepherd bought from Samuel Hardisty. No. 7. A tract of 172 1/2 acres, more or less, being the same tract whereon the store-house of A. Shepherd stands, and lying on Machin's creek; seven acres and a half of this tract A. Shepherd bought of Peter Bernard, and the residue of the tract he bought from William Ballinger.
Twelve months credit will be allowed for one third of the purchase money—Two years credit for another third, & 3 years credit for the other third: except for the tract No. 5; for that tract, between fifty and sixty pounds must be paid down in cash, to take up a prior encumbrance to a Mr. Timberlake of Fluvanna county; and credit will be allowed for the residue of the purchase money. The purchasers must give bond and approved security for the purchase money, and a deed of trust on the land, to secure the payment. If the purchasers do not comply with the terms of sale, when the property is struck out, it will immediately be set up to sale again, and if all the lands are not sold the first day, the sale will be continued from day to day until all is sold. C. COPLAND, J. PROSSER, (2wtds.)
Richmond, 10th Jan. 1808.
THE subscriber has opened an Auction & Commission Store in the house opposite Col. Gamble's, on the cross-street, where he will receive and dispose of Goods either at public or private sale.
He has now on hand, at Private Sale, prime Muscovado Sugars in hlds and barrels, Loaf Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Holland Gin, French Brandy and Victoria Wine; Pine Apple Cheese, Dettmols, and a few cases well assorted hollow Glass Ware. M. M. MYERS. Richmond, Jan. 14, 1808. [2w3w]
IN CHANCERY—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807.
Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosby, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Complainants.—Against John Cosby, David Cosby, Wm. Harrey and Judy his wife—Andres and Polly his wife, and Meriveather and Barbary Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court next and answer the complainants bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. o. Jan. 14. [2w8w]
DOMESTIC.
FROM THE AURORA.
LOOK AT THIS.
Profligacy has in most cases its bounds and limits. Even Burr, paid so much homage to virtue, liberty and patriotism, that while meditating their destruction, his words were gilded over with their names.
The public have heard asserted and repeated, the accusations against General Wilkinson—a court, the only legal court adapted to the situation of the man, and the allegations against him, has been constituted—every man who has evidence to produce, will have an opportunity to bring that evidence before the court; and different from a court of law, the latitude of a military court, embraces a scope, immensely more comprehensive, since it embraces, not only behaviour befitting a gentleman, and of course, principles of military honor, but attaches a stigma to every irregular act, and the greater stigma, the more elevated the station.
We copy the following article from Relf's paper of Saturday evening—we copy it with emotions of contempt and abhorrence, of a spirit so servile and abject, as to subject the press to be the vehicle of an article so unworthy and shameful.
FROM RELF'S GAZETTE.
GEN. WILKINSON—What will the real friends of their country, say to the appointment of three officers to constitute a court of enquiry, on the conduct of General Wilkinson, who are his decided and warmest friends?
Col. Cushing fought a duel with Maj. Lewis originating in Wilkinson's quarrel with gen. Wayne, and has been since more than ever, the confident and protege of his great patron.
Colonel Williams is related to the family into which Wilkinson married. From a court so composed, what is the country to expect?
Another question naturally arises—will colonels Williams and Cushing venture to serve under such circumstances, and if they do, will not Congress take other measures to defeat the intentions of the executive who has dared to make so flagrant and partial an appointment?
pointment? The friends of Wilkinson must naturally prefer his safety to all other considerations, and treason may thus escape exposure and punishment.
As to gen. Wilkinson personally, and as to any thing that concerns him separate from the station he holds, and the salvation of the country from civil war and blood, we are as free from influence as any persons whatever, but upon a man who has saved his country, as the persecutors of Burr and his associates—we must, we should merit infamy if we did not feel some solicitude, that he who has saved his country, should have been, at all times, pure and irreproachable. Until we see other and better evidence, than has hitherto been offered or suggested, we must consider Gen. Wilkinson an injured man; and we must believe that what has been alleged as a crime against him—that is, the opening of a trade with New-Orleans, when no other citizen could do it; the supplying of that city with certain quantities of tobacco, flour, &c. when we were at peace with Spain; was no more criminal than the supplying of a mercantile house at London, Lisbon, or Cadiz, with the same commodities; that this will be found to be the real ground of the allegation against Wilkinson, we entertain no doubt now. Should different evidence appear, should any evidence of dishonor appear, then we should be as ready to censure, as we are now desirous that equal and exact justice should be done to the man, whom both enemies and friends must admit has saved his country, at the peril of his life, his reputation, and his station. Upon the charges themselves we could say much more, but a court is to sit, and there he is to be tested—and to that tribunal he should go without bias or prejudice, where there is no sort of rational evidence, for though there is a general charge, yet the authority cited as evidence is in every instance more than suspicious, and some obviously infamous.
But Relf's Gazette is not content; even the old banners of party are battered down, in the vain hope to batter down Wilkinson in the ruin. Whether it be a British emissary who seeks to rob the nation of its ablest general, or one of Burr's associates who goes the length that the Gazette of Relf suffers—and Britain and Burr are coupled like cause and effect; we cannot determine, but it appears rather singular that there should be an apprehension expressed, that in a court composed of three good federalists—for Buchee, Williams and Cushing are all federalists; it is rather astonishing that federalism should either so mistrust itself, or depreciate the effect, as to form in advance a conclusion—that two of the gentlemen must be destitute of honor and probity—that in a word they were ready to sacrifice oaths and honor, against the force of evidence, and that this was determined before even the evidence was heard or the court assembled.
It cannot be presumed that of federal politicians (as politicians) we can entertain very exalted notions—Yet without evidence of some kind, we have never yet attempted to arraign any man, much less to anticipate the result of any man's decisions before the evidence upon which he was to decide had appreciated him.
But what have we here: col. Cushing fought a duel with major Lewis originating in Wilkinson's quarrel with Wayne—and then! why then—Cushing has been the protege of Wilkinson.
This is to be sure execrable stuff!—What does it fix or determine? Cushing and Lewis differed on some points about which Wilkinson and Wayne differed, they fought a duel, and therefore—Cushing must be a rascal. Is not this the conclusion; but softly—Without pretending to understand the cause of dispute, or to say who first to be assured who was in the right or who in the wrong—the duel did not decide it. But Relf without evidence, undertakes to settle it.
Next comes Williams—he, Relf, says, is related to the family into which Wilkinson married—and this is the evidence, upon which Relf asks the question—From a court so composed what is the country to expect?
A court so composed—how composed?—Why then—One of them is a colonel, who fought a duel with a major, the ground of which duel, was an old quarrel between Wayne and Wilkinson—this is the first ground.
Hear the next again—Williams is another colonel, and is related (how related?) to the family (in what degree?) into which Wilkinson married!
Family feeling and relationship must be very high, indeed, if its influence is so diffusive and comprehensive; unfortunately it is not every family that is so fortunate as to have all its connections and relations under such influence—there are families and relations in this world, who would very cordially do their relations any mischief practicable, with safety—but here we have an example of one that is influenced through all its ramifications, by the most amiable and partial feelings.
But how happens it that col. Burbeck has escaped? When Cushing and Williams are held forth as the warmest friends, upon such evidence as we have seen; would it be unfair to infer that col. Burbeck, instead of a warm friend, may be a deadly enemy? We will not draw such inferences; but we shall state facts.
The laws of the land, point out the only means by which a military officer is triable; and the same rules determine, than an officer of General Wilkinson's degree in rank, must be tried by officers of the highest rank; we apprehend that there are no other officers of the degree of colonel so high as these three—a colonel of artillery, a colonel of engineers and a colonel of infantry; they are not only the highest, but the oldest in rank; for colonel Wharton of the marines is their junior. But there is another point of view in which this subject may be viewed. What would be the effect of a crimination of general Wilkinson? Why his dismissal. Who would then succeed? The next in command—Who is that? A member of the court of enquiry.
When Relf suffered an insinuation about the escape of treason from exposure & punishment—he should have recollected the sympathies expressed, & the frequent palli-
ations of Burr, Dayton, Swartwout, Bollman, &c. and that the heaviest of all the accusations that have been laid against Wilkinson was, that he first conspired with them, and then defeated their treason. That he defeated they hate him for it, they know—that he did defeat them, is the best evidence of his innocence and their wickedness.
THE AMERICAN MILITARY LIBRARY—Three members of this work are now published, and the judgment of men of the best experience has been passed upon it. Hitherto, it was suffered to make its way to the public, upon its own intrinsic merit; and has experienced a reception equal, at least, to the expectations of the compiler, who assumes no other merit, in the work, than the motive of publishing it at a period when the want of military information was incurred in collecting all that was to be obtained of the best modern writers on the Art of War.
The American Military Library is, in fact, a careful and comprehensive abstract of all that is to be found on tactics in the present eventful times. No similar work, so comprehensive in its nature, has ever been published in the English language—much expense and labor have been bestowed in the preparation of modern works, and their spirit has been incorporated into this.
The system of STEUBEN, excellent as far as it goes, and well adapted to its particular province at the period of its introduction; was, nevertheless, even then, too limited for general utility, in a country where military writings were rare—Modern improvements in every department of military science, have rendered Steuben's book, even less useful than before; and it has been, in fact, exploded not only in the discipline of the troops of the United States; but has been superseded, with the best effects, in volunteer corps and regiments of militia.
Steuben was confined wholly to infantry; the discipline of light infantry, & the various kinds of light troops, such as riflemen, is not to be found in it.
No discipline for any description of horse or artillery; no adequate instruction for the active duties in camp, or quarters, are contained in it.
No rules for the discipline or parade duties of officers;
No instructions or ideas tending to explain, or discover the principles of co-operating among the different species of troops in actual service;
No movements for brigade or line;
No principles of movement, as to measure, cadence, time or distance.
No ideas of the all important duties of the staff;
No instructions for acquiring a knowledge of ground for camp or action;
No rules or ideas for going into action, nor for distributing or moving troops in action, nor what troops were fittest for any particular service.
None of these all important, and essential branches of military knowledge are to be found in Steuben.
It is obvious, that on the verge of a war, these various kinds of knowledge, cannot be too generally diffused and acquired. To obtain these various kinds of knowledge, from detached books, would require more than two hundred volumes, and in that mass of books, the discordancy of opinion, between the partisans of different systems and theories, though well calculated to instruct the recluse and opulent student; tend only to confuse those who are solicitous to approach and know practical result, rather than discuss them as objects of curiosity.
It was to provide a practical military library, this work was undertaken; and the quantity of its contents, compared with the lowness of its price, will show that utility was the first consideration; and if of the last.
The first number alone, contains the contents of three volumes of English books; which cost nine dollars—besides much original reflection and the adoption of the whole to the format of expression & habits of thinking of our own country, so as to render the improvements in the art of war an addition to the old stock of knowledge, rather than an abrogation of the knowledge previously possessed.
The French system of discipline and manœuvres is now adopted by all nations; because it is a simplification of all previous systems. It is the best basis of instruction in every department extant—its adoption by those who have been overcome by it, is the best commentary, did not its success demonstrate its superiority. The whole system has been translated specifically for the Military Library; and will be illustrated by numerous drawings, plans and diagrams.
The compiler does not presume to offer this work as a substitute for Steuben; but this much is certain, that this work will contain the whole of the modern theory and discipline of the art of war, excepting what relates to Fortification.
But this work will comprehend FIELD FORTIFICATION, and will be illustrated by more than sixty drawings, which will enable any officer, even without mathematical knowledge, to perform the field duties of laying out ground, erecting field works, and conducting the details of camp duty, without mathematical instruments.
The work being now very forward; it will be comprehended in about nine numbers, making two handsome volumes; and be fairly, and without apprehension of mistake or invidiousness, be said to offer more general and useful information in such a compass, & at a smaller expense, than any similar work hitherto published in any country.
Printers who think that this work may prove useful, will, if they wish to promote that utility, give this article one insertion, or more.
Orders for the work, either in numbers or in volumes, will be received by the publisher, at Philadelphia and Aurora.
FOR WIRE—In excelsior—The Serenade, & a Carriage Driver—Apply to—
C. GREENHOW. Jan. 23. (34)

COURT OF ENQUIRY IN THE CASE OF GENERAL WILKINSON.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 15.
Gen. Wilkinson appeared, and the court having stated that they were ready to proceed to business, he enquired whether it was expected that the gentlemen would attend, as he would wish to make the remarks he purposed to offer in their presence. It was replied that no answers had been yet received from them.
A short time after, the following letters were received from Messrs. Clark and Rowan, in answer to the notices served upon them. The letter of Mr. Randolph was subsequently received:
The form of the notices is as follows, with the variation of the name of the gentleman to whom it was addressed:
To the Honorable Daniel Clarke, Delegate to Congress, from the territory of Orleans.
The President of the United States, at the request of Brigadier General James Wilkinson, having appointed a Military Court of Enquiry, for the purpose of hearing testimony in relation to the said Gen. Wilkinson having been, or now being a pensioner to the Spanish government, while holding a commission under the government of the United States; and it being duly intimated to the Court, that your testimony, touching the matter in question, will be material on behalf of the United States; it is therefore especially requested by the Court, that you will please attend the Court, on Friday next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. in order to give evidence in the case in hearing.
Done by order of the Court, this 13th day of January, 1808.
W. JONES, Jr. acting as Judge-Advocate.
Wednesday, 13th Jan. 1808.
The following are the ANSWERS received: Washington, 15th Jan. 180808.
SIR, I have received your note of the 13th inst. intimating the request of the Military Court of Enquiry, instituted at the instance of General James Wilkinson by the President, that I should attend as a witness to give evidence, relative to the charge made against gen. Wilkinson, of his being or having been a pensioner of the Spanish government. You will permit me, sir, through you to inform the Court, that under the order of the House of Representatives, I have already communicated in a deposition the substance of my knowledge and information respecting the subject of the matter before the Court. This deposition by order of the House has been transmitted to the President to be used according to his discretion. I shall have no objection to testify further before any court legally authorized to call citizens before them competent to the full investigation of so complicated a case; but understanding as I do, that a military court of enquiry has no power of acting but in relation to military men, and that the attendance of a citizen to testify before them, would be considered merely voluntary, tho' I am in no degree disposed to withhold, when properly called upon, any information I possess as to the subject of the charges before the court, yet I cannot consent to appear before a tribunal whose rule of proceedings are purely military, and whose powers cannot enable them to call for corroborative proofs upon points which might be rendered questionable on the testimony of a single witness by adverse evidence.
I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant, DANIEL CLARKE.
W. Jones, Jr. Esq.
SIR, Your note of the 13th inst. requesting that I would on this day attend as a witness at the Military Court now sitting for the purpose (as it is said) of enquiring into the conduct of Brigadier General Wilkinson, relative to his having been a pensioner of Spain, whilst in the service of the United States, was received by me on yesterday. I am not personally acquainted with that officer, nor do I (although I have heard and believe much) of my own knowledge, know any thing which according to the established rules of evidence in civil cases could be heard by that court on the subject of their enquiry. But if I did, my ignorance of military tribunals in the general, and of this in particular—my impressions as to its erection and object, and its impotence to coerce the attendance of corroborative witnesses would restrain me from appearing as a witness before that court—the court with whom I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance, so far from inferring from my non-attendance any want of respect to them individually will have the goodness to ascribe it to the motives above assigned, to my habitual and decided preference for the civil institutions , and to my belief, that they only are competent to make the present enquiry efficiently.
Accept for yourself the assurance of my high respect and esteem. JOHN ROWAN.
Walter Jones, Jr. Esq. January 13th, 1808.
SIR, Your summons did not reach me until about an hour ago; to which circumstance alone you will impute the delay of this answer. I have no personal knowledge of any circumstances which can be material to the inquiry in which you are engaged, and therefore beg leave to decline attending the military court of which you are Judge-Advocate.
I am very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, JOHN RANDOLPH. Walter Jones, Esq. Jan. 17, 1808, 2 o'clock, P. M.
The foregoing notice and answers are "attested as a true copy, furnished general Wilkinson, at his request and by direction of the court."
WALTER JONES, Officiating as Judge-Advocate."
Gen. Wilkinson then rose, and delivered the following ADDRESS:
GENTLEMEN, From a sense of respect towards the court and of propriety to my own situation, I have been obliged to trespass a few moments on your patience, preliminary to the product of my testimony.
On receiving the first intimation of the charge against me, I was struck with the weight of the charge, by a member of the honorable
body, (Mr. John Randolph) as highly distinguished for decorum and moderation as he is for impartiality and candor; I appealed to the proper authority for an investigation into my conduct, by that tribunal which is secured to me by the constitution and the law, and you gentlemen have been ordered to sit in judgement on me.
The occasion was certainly unexpected, yet it was not the less desirable, and altho' the occurrence so recently after the order at Richmond, may dispose some invidious persons to derogate from the motives of my honorable accuser, the candid and intelligent part of the world, when possessed of all the facts, will do him ample justice; for surely no manly vindictive personality can be ascribed to a gentleman of Mr. Randolph's lofty carriage and exalted and exalted honor. Indeed when we survey the course which the accusation has travelled to this court, and examine the manner of its introduction into the House of Delegates, it would imply an unparadisable degree of scepticism to doubt the disinterested patriotism, which has guided the procedure before that honorable body, much less to complain of a failure in those chaste observations and delicate regards, which are due to the unfortunate, who may become the subjects of public accusation.
Though highly flattered by the manner of my accuser, I must confess that my repugnance to unrighteous and unnecessary innovation, inclined me to prefer the plain, regular, and invariable course to military enquiry, by complaint to the superior—because it secures to the individual a constitutional right, prevents the obstruction of concerns purely executive, upon the attention of the legislative body, and spares gentlemen of glowing sensibilities, the deep regret inseparable from the analysis of individual character, on exparte testimony, or no testimony at all.
The victim of suspicion and obloquy for more than thirteen years, I have treated with frigid indifference the paragraphists & pamphleteers, who have pointed their daggers at my reputation, resolved to respond to their calumnies, by a redoubled zeal in the discharge of my duties; but I must now thank the patriot who has given the outline of my offences, for the opportunity he has furnished me to meet him on the ground of his preference, and there to defy him and his depraved informer, with the host of conspirators who participate their sympathies.
The blights with which men united for the ruin of their country, had recently attempted to sully my humble fame, in consequence of my feeble efforts in her defence, served but to excite my pity and contempt; I did indeed believe that the scene of persecution had been closed forever, and began to hope, after a long and not inactive life of military service, I might be permitted to wear out its remnant, somewhat cheered, under those privations of the heart which leave us little to wish for, by the retrospect of days without reproach, and the consciousness that whatever might have been my utility, I had lived without dishonor.
But I had forgotten that I had sinned beyond forgiveness, and that my destruction had been sealed in New-Orleans by a band of hardened traitors, who have advanced so far, that they place their safety in their success; and now for the first time I stand voluntarily, before a military tribunal, to vindicate all for which I have lived and for which I will die. The precious gift of my father—the inestimable inheritance of my children—a soldier's honor—after it has been worried, and torn, and mangled, and degraded, by whom? Let expressive silence mark the avengers of a traitor's cause! And may the angel of mercy blot out the remembrance of my wrongs. For my services shall live and be remembered, when the disciples of detraction, those pestiferous vermin who feed on calumnies, shall have perished and are forgotten.
There are certain terms in our language so offensive to an American ear, that to couple them with a man's name is sufficient to tarnish his character, such are corruption, bribery, pension, poison, and potroom—my enemies aware of this, and knowing that a stain on military honor, like an aspersion on female chastity, sinks deep and is not to be erased—
"To make assurance doubly sure And take a bond of fate— That they might tell pale hearted fear It lied."
Have not been content to arraign me before my country, but in their rage for personal vengeance, they have condemned me unheard, and stigmatized me to the world, on the evidence of made up documents, perjuries and forgeries; I am sensible of the irreparable injury done me, and yet, in this our government of laws, I have found my case remediless; I have therefore suffered in silence, consoling myself with the hope, that the example of my persecutions, might be a future protection to the war worn veteran, and a useful example to those, who too readily credit the tale of detraction.
It is an easy matter to charge virtue itself with corruption, and alas, in these times, we find it almost as easy to sustain the allegation by the oaths of profligate abandoned men. But Gracious God! Shall the unqualified imputation of corruption, without some word, deed, some word, deed, act, influence or instance, to consummate the offence or to designate the criminal intent or effort, suffice to rob a public officer of his hard earned repute, the price of more than twenty years of zealous faithful service? Shall bold assertions without facts or circumstances to substantiate them, even when sanctioned by the single oath of a faithless, lying, interested unprincipled man, prostrate the barriers of honor, which rest on the broad base of approved patriotism and long tried integrity. Genius of my country forbid it! Forbid it Heaven.
I ask only a suspension of the public judgment, pending the enquiry at issue. I call on my countrymen to pause and reflect before they decide. I do not address myself to Burritees or embittered party-men, who would hazard the security of the nation, to gratify their malice, from such wretches I expect hatred and I solicit abuse. But I speak to the sweet blooded true hearted American, who is ready to renounce political dogmas, for the safety of the state, and to bleed or die in defence of its rights.
I request all such to examine the characters and motives of my accusers—the time and circumstances of the accusation—the one writhing under the anguish of public detection and merited dishonor—whilst, in this awful crisis of national affairs, he seeks the distraction of the public councils, to promote a sinister ambition and indulge his vengeful passions—the other scarcely a citizen—the enemy of our government and a disturber of the public repose—who has sought to embroil us in the face of treaties, and in face of the law, with a foreign power, and for the pro-
motion of those infamous designs, which he now charges upon me, and which with inflated zeal he now affects to reprobate—and a spectacle to the world, from which the eye and the mind will revolt with detestation and abhorrence.
In your honor and independence, gentlemen, however they may be questioned by those, who do not feel the force of those sacred bonds by which military men hold, I have an infallible guarantee for all I can desire, a patient, impartial, and I trust, rigorous scrutiny—in which I hope the nature of the accusation—the remoteness of the time—the hostility of the witness—the complexion of the first attack—and the sluffings, changes and prevarications which have ensued, may be strictly compared and combined.
Permit me to express the further desire—that this court may insist on knowing, from whence the documents submitted by my accuser and his accomplice, have been derived, as this fact may furnish a clue by which to trace the foul combination to its infamous source, and to identify, in this murderous assault of my honor, the ministry of that Mexican association, formed at New-Orleans, (and referred to by Blennerhasset) for the purpose of co-operating with Aaron Burr, and which it has been my crime to detect, expose and put down.
The Court adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, January 18.
The Court met according to appointment, and after a short time adjourned without transacting any business, to Wednesday 10 A. M.
WHEELING, December 31.
A few days ago, Dr. Cummings, of the Mississippi territory, who had been at Richmond as a witness for Burr, left this place on his way home. He stated that Burr would not appear in person at the Circuit Court of the United States, which is to sit at Chillicothe next week; that the witnesses were not bound at Richmond to appear at Chillicothe, and neither the United States nor the accused could be ready for the trial. Burnett, Esq. of Cincinnati, is to appear as counsel for Burr.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 19.
Last night, the fast sailing ship RICHARD, Capt. Bidgeway, arrived at this port in 22 days from Tobago. She stopped at Tortola, where capt. R. got a London paper of Nov. 17, three days later than any before received. This paper contains the long expected order in Council, declaring every port of every country, from which G. B. is excluded, in a state of Blockade. This important document follows.
The TIMES, in remarking on this says—"This order is not a mere commercial regulation—by them we are engaging in battle with the enemy, and if they possess vigour enough to produce the object to which they are directed, they will be of as much consequence as a great victory.
This is a manly assumption of a right, which if maintained resolutely, will carry her gloriously through her present difficulties. The limitations by which she circumscribes the exercise of it, proceed only from herself; they are an INDULGENCE, not to the claims of NEUTRALS, but to her own feelings of humanity towards them, and they are in all cases as much, and in some cases even more, than those states have a right to expect, who have before acquiesced in the orders of France prohibiting all trade with England."
The TIMES proceeds—"His Majesty being humanely desirous not to subject neutrals to greater inconvenience than absolutely necessary, has established certain exceptions—First, to allow neutrals to furnish themselves, if they please, with hostile colonial produce for their own consumption; and secondly, to allow them such trade with the mother countries of our enemies, as may be carried on through the ports of G. Britain or her allies. This is a huge concession to America; if we allow France (now, during the time of war) to supply America with her colonial produce in preference to ours, or at least, to place our colonies and those of our enemies on a footing of equality." Again—"The time must come when this system of concession to the Americans can be no longer pursued; and, at all events, when that time does arrive, they cannot then have it in their power to say, that we have not treated them with lenity and forbearance."
The Second order (which we have not time to give till to-morrow) relaxes the navigation act, passed in Oliver Cromwell's time, which forbids the importation into England of any article of foreign growth, except in British bottoms. Now, neutrals may import French commodities, or those of other hostile countries, into England, subject to such duties as have previously been laid by law—may be warehoused from neutral bottoms, but must be reported for re-exportation. Neutrals arriving in England, from hostile ports may clear for any friendly port, even if they contain the prohibited articles of sugar, coffee, wine, brandy, snuff and tobacco; they are exempt from seizure, and may be exported by license.
The last order specifies, that although France holds the sale of ships by a belligerent to a neutral power to be illegal, in the case of England; yet, that in her own, she protects her shipping from capture by transfers, or pretended transfers to neutrals. This order, therefore, only exacts a similar proceeding on the part of G. B.—and declares all such sales or pretended sales, illegal, and the vessels liable to capture.
Rumours of a peace between the Porte and G. B. strongly prevailed at Vienna.
All apprehensions of a rupture with England, seemed to have entirely subsided in Russia—some British vessels, which called at Riga for information, were told, that they might prosecute their voyage without any fear of detention, or interruption.
The Danes had begun to retaliate the attack on Copenhagen, and with more success than could have been expected. They had captured several vessels in the Baltic.
Seven regiments of infantry, and part of the German Legion, were to proceed from Portsmouth immediately, on a secret expedition. The naval part to consist of 12 sail of the line under Admiral Kates.
A French flag of truce was said to have arrived in the Downs, in a schooner bearing the national flag. Stocks were effected.—Consols and omnium which opened at 63 3-8, and omnium at 114, were at the close of the market at 64, and 1 1-2.
The French government have declared, that no further intercourse with England, could be, on any account, permitted and that even the sailing of the cartels between
Morlaix and Plymouth, would be prohibited. Supplement to the London Gazette, of No. 14.
MONDAY, Nov. 16. At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 11th of Nov. 1807.
PRESENT. The King's Most Excellent Majesty in council.
Whereas certain Orders, establishing an unprecedented system of warfare against this kingdom, and aimed especially at the destruction of its commerce and resources, were some time since, issued by the government of France, by which "the British islands were declared to be in a state of blockade," thereby subjecting to capture and condemnation all vessels, with their cargoes, which should continue to trade with his Majesty's dominions.
And whereas by the same Order, "all trading in English merchandise is prohibited, and every article of merchandise belonging to England, or coming from her colonies, or of her manufacture is declared lawful prizes."
And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her controul, were required to give, and have given, and do give, effect to such orders.
And whereas his Majesty's Order of the 7th of Jan. last has not answered the desired purpose, either of compelling the enemy to recall those Orders, or of inducing Neutral nations to interpose, with effect to obtain their revocation; but, on the contrary, the same have been recently enforced with increased vigour.
And whereas his Majesty, under these circumstances, finds himself compelled to take further measures for asserting and vindicating his just rights, and for supporting that maritime power which the exertions and valour of his people have, under the blessing of Providence, enabled him to establish and maintain; and the maintenance of which is not more essential to the safety and prosperity of his Majesty's dominions, than it is to the protection of such States as still retain their independence, and to the general intercourse and happiness of mankind.
His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order that all the ports and places of France and her Allies, or of any other country at war with his Majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from which, although not a war with his Majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all other ports or places in the colonies belonging to his Majesty's enemies, shall, from henceforth, be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, as if the same were actually blocked by his Majesty's naval forces, in the most strict and rigorous manner; And it is hereby further ordered and declared, that all trade in articles which are of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries or colonies, together with the goods and merchandise on board, and all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be captured and condemned as prize to the captors.
But although his Majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances and considerations above recited, in establishing such systems of restrictions with respect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies, without exception or qualification; yet his Majesty, nevertheless desirous not to subject Neutrals to any greater inconvenience than is absolutely inseparable from the carrying into effect his Majesty's just determination to counteract the designs of his enemies, and to retort upon his enemies themselves the consequences of their own violence and injustice; and being yet willing to hope that it may be possible (consistently with that object) still to allow to Neutrals the opportunity of furnishing themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption and supply; and even to leave open, for the present, such trade with his Majesty's enemies as shall be carried on directly with the ports of his Majesty's dominions, or of his allies, and in the manner hereinafter mentioned.
His Majesty is therefore pleased further to order, and it is hereby ordered, that nothing herein contained shall extend to subject to capture or condemnation any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not declared by this order to be subjected to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, which shall have cleared out with such cargo from some port or place of the country to which she belongs, either in Europe or America, or from some free port in his Majesty's colonies, under circumstances in which such trade from such free ports is permitted, direct to some port or place in the colonies of his Majesty's enemies, or from those colonies direct to the country to which such vessel belongs, or to some free port in his Majesty's colonies in such cases and with such articles as it may be lawful to import into such free port; nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with his Majesty, which shall have cleared out from some port or place in this kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, under such regulations as his Majesty may think fit to prescribe, or from any port belonging to his Majesty's Allies, and shall be proceeding direct from some port or place in this kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, to the port specified in her clearance; nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with his Majesty, which shall be coming from any port or place in Europe which is declared by this order to be subject to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, destined to some port or place in Europe belonging to his Majesty, and which shall be on her voyage direct thereto; but these exceptions are not to be understood as exempting from capture or confiscation any vessels or goods which shall be liable thereto, in respect of having entered or departed from any port or place actually blocked by his Majesty's squadrons or ships of war, or for being enemies property, or for any other cause than the contravention of this present order.
And the Commanders of his Majesty's ships of war and privateers, and other vessels acting under his Majesty's commission, shall be, and are hereby instructed to warn every vessel which shall have commenced her voyage prior to any notice of this Order, and shall be destined to any port of France, or of her allies, or of any country at war with his Majesty, or to any port or place from which the British flag as aforesaid is excluded, or to any colony belonging to his Majesty's enemies, and which shall not have cleared out as aforesaid before allowed, to discontinue her voyage and to proceed to some port or place in this kingdom, or to Gibraltar or Malta; and any vessel which, after having been so warned, or after a reasonable time shall have been allowed for the arrival of information of this his Majesty's Order at any port or place from which she sailed, or
which, after having notice of this Order, shall be found in the prosecution of any voyage contrary to the restrictions contained in this Order, shall be captured, and, together with her cargo, condemned as lawful prize to the captors.
And whereas countries, not engaged in war, have acquiesced in these orders of France, prohibiting all trade in any articles the produce or manufacture of his Majesty's dominions; and the merchants of those countries have given countenance and effect to those prohibitions, by accepting from persons styling themselves commercial agents of the enemy, resident at neutral ports, certain documents, termed "Certificates of Origin," being certificates obtained at the ports of shipment, declaring that the articles of the cargo are not of the produce or manufacture of his Majesty's dominions, or that effect:
And whereas this expedient has been directed by France and submitted to by such merchants, as part of the new system of warfare directed against the trade of this kingdom, and as the most effectual instrument of accomplishing the same, and it is therefore essentially necessary to resist it:
His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that if any vessel, after reasonable notice of this his Majesty's order at the port or out, shall be found carrying any such certificate or document as aforesaid, or any document referring to, or authenticating the same, such vessel shall be adjudged lawful prize to the captor, together with the goods laden therein, belonging to the person or persons by whom, or on whose behalf, any such document was put on board.
And the Right Hon. the Lord Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the judges of the High Court of Admiralty and Courts of Vice Admiralty, are to take the measures herein as to them shall respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JANUARY 26, 1808.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. HOUSE OF DELEGATES. FRIDAY, Jan. 8.
DEBATE on the Amendment to the Federal Constitution, respecting the Judiciary. Mr. Dade of (P. William) spoke to the following effect:
MR. CHAIRMAN. It is with extreme diffidence that I rise to express my sentiments on the subject now under discussion. At this late hour it may seem like temerity to obtrude myself on the patience of the Committee. But when I remember that the vote which I shall give, will be recorded on your journals, and will be sent forth classed, probably with a small minority, I trust I shall be excused for attempting its justification. I have considered the resolution before you, as exhibiting a question of the highest importance to this country: as affecting our constitution not in a minor degree but most radically—Radically, I repeat, because in my opinion, its adoption will prostrate one of the pillars of the government. When called on to alter or amend the great charter of our freedom, I will approach it with reverence and timidity. I will be cautious how I take even one stone from the arch which supports our government, lest I should be unable to replace it, and the whole fabric be thereby tumbled into ruin. Let amendments originate in the most mature deliberation. Let it not be prompted, as I fear it is at this time, by a spirit of indignation and resentment, excited by a recent occurrence. I will caution the committee against the dangers of innovation, whilst from the cause just alluded to, the public mind is in a state of ferment. Probably but for that circumstance, we should never have heard of this proposition. I am, Sir, I apprehend it is more the effect of passion, than the offspring of sound judgment and mature deliberation.
I have long since learned to appreciate the dangers of that innovating spirit which has been so often remarked. Is there a man on this committee who is insensible to it? Even the alteration or amendment of one of your statutes frequently introduces a long train of mischiefs utterly unforeseen by the legislature. How much greater the peril when the subject of reform is the constitution, the sheet anchor of our safety! Beware how you weigh it, lest your bark be cast upon the ocean, exposed to the tempestuous fury of the winds and waves. History has taught us, that the instability of governments is one of their greatest curses. Let us profit by the lesson. When called on to consider the constitution of my country, I will not, like some gentlemen, who have proceeded me, disregard the wisdom of its framers. Experience alone, and not my feeble powers shall convince me of their errors. But when 20 years experience has, instead of exposing its defects, shown and confirmed its advantages, I will not attempt an amendment of the constitution in one of its most material branches, because of a few unimportant causes of complaint or objection. Because a Chase has been acquitted, because a Burr has escaped punishment, I will not, therefore, arraign the merit of the constitution or strike at its vitals. If a country has enjoyed twenty years of peace, of tranquility, and happiness under her system of government, the occurrence of a few cases of inconvenience or even of mischief should not be a sufficient argument for operating a radical change. With me, from the period when I first formed a distinct opinion on the policy of governments, the independence of the judiciary has been a fundamental principle. I have been taught to believe that it is a fundamental principle in all well organised republics. And to such principles a frequent recurrence is urged by our inestimable Bill of rights. I have been taught to believe that the judiciary of a state should ever be established on a basis equally elevated above the foul atmosphere of personal or private influence, and the boisterous and destructive blasts of popular prejudice or party violence. But if the judiciary is to be placed under the controul of a co-ordinate branch of the government; if this weaker department is to be merged in the overgrown power of the stronger, I shall then tremble, not only for its independence and purity, but for the liberties of my country.
This resolution presents two questions to our view. Is the judiciary of the U. States too independent and irresponsible? And if so, should it be made dependent on the legislative branch of the government? I acknowledge the force of the axiom that the constituted should generally be immediately responsible to the constituent. But I deny its application to the present question; I deny that you have attained its object when you cast the judge, not on his constituent (the people) but on the representative of the people. I deny too that the maxim should prevail to the extent to which the gentlemen would carry it, when

thereby is defeated the very purpose for which the power was created. You cannot make the judges absolutely dependent, to the proposed extent, on the legislature without subjecting them to the influence of all those passions and prejudices, which may govern the latter. You cannot make them thus dependent, without abridging that freedom of decision which is an indispensable ingredient, in the character of an able and upright judge. An able writer has somewhere remarked that "a controul over a man's subsistence amounts to a controul over his will." When the legislature is enabled to oust a judge of his office without trial, without even reasonable cause; I ask whether a controul is not given not only over the subsistence, but even over that which may be more estimable, the character of the judge? Is it to be expected that there will be freedom of decision where the people on whose nod the judge depends are arrayed on one side and a weak and miserable culprit rendered universally obnoxious on the other? Is it to be hoped that under such circumstances the tottering judge will occupy a neutral and impartial ground? Yet these are the occasions on which the firmness of the judge is most desirable. Permit me to recur to a case of recent date occurring within these walls, which has been frequently hinted at during this debate. An individual loaded with public execration was arraigned at the bar of justice. His case was to be decided by the law. Whatever our private sentiments as to the guilt of the accused, all will concur that he should have been tried by the laws of his country, and if those laws comprehended not his case, he should have been acquitted. Yet, sir, great must have been the firmness of that judge who would have dared to have acquitted him, if he had been liable, the next moment, to have been precipitated from his seat for delivering the sentence. Again, if this amendment had been engrafted into the constitution at the time of that trial, it is to be apprehended that for the decision which was pronounced, the judge who presided might have been deprived of his office. And sir, although I am one of those who doubt the correctness of that sentence, yet I am not prepared to expose its errors. And I should blush for my country if under the supposed circumstances, an event, such as I have suggested, should have taken place, when posterity on cool reflection and more deliberate consideration might pronounce the judgement correct. Such a circumstance would be deplored—will be deprecate by every one. Let us then avert the evil from the accused, the judge and the people, by maintaining the independence of the bench. If there must be an amendment, let it be such as will exempt the judiciary as well from hope as fear. Take away the power to oust them, rather than give that of degrading them.
But there are other evils to be apprehended from this amendment. A case may occur in which the judges may be called on to decide between the people and their representatives. They may be required to decide on the constitutionality of a law. True, the gentleman from Wythe denies to them this right. He contends that when a law has passed the constitutional forms, that is, had the concurrence of the two Houses of Congress and been approved by the President, it is of as high authority and as binding as the constitution itself. How then can the constitution be said to define and prescribe the limits of the several branches of government—if a law which is made by two of them, altho' it transcends those limits, is yet of as high authority and obligation? It seems to me that if this be true, the constitution is an idle script—a mere name. There must be a power lodged somewhere to point out, to designate the powers of Congress—to bring it within the control, the boundary of the constitution; and to me it seems that this power can no where be so safely reposed as with the Judiciary. Shall the power that enacts, be the tribunal to decide the validity of a law? You will not deem that power so absurd as first to pass a law, and then declare it to have been null & void in its creation. Will you place this central authority with the Executive? That has not only had an agency in passing the law—but is also gifted with too much power and influence already. Will you confide it to the people in their primary Assemblies? They may have the will to decide right. But they will frequently want the power. A question respecting the constitutionality of a law will always be obscure, perplexed, & intricate, depending upon principles and reasons to be elicited by the learned only. Congress will never pass a law palpably and glaringly unconstitutional. How will such a question be decided by the people? Will they give it deep consideration and profound discussion? Will the plain and honest farmer dive into the intricacies of law? No—some popular demagogue—with more confidence and less capacity than his fellow citizens will give the tone to decision. The people will always do right when they completely comprehend the subject on which they are to act. But they will be often incapable of comprehending a question depending on the constitutionality of a law. Do not the same evils occur if the people appoint some intermediate body for this purpose? If it be admitted that the legislature may make an unconstitutional law, then it seems to me, that convenience, reason, necessity require that the judiciary should have the power of pronouncing its invalidity. Examine the reasons on which this power is claimed.
The constitution is the paramount law of the land. If a judge is bound by inferior laws—Surely those of higher dignity are obligatory on him. Refer to a trite example. It is a well established principle, that a posterior statute contravening an anterior one, repeals it without express words of repeal. It is the judge who in deciding upon the statute, expresses the sense of the Legislature and exhibits the conflict. This power is not denied to him. The constitution is a law and is declared to be a paramount law. If a judge may decide that a posterior law abrogates and annuls an anterior, because paramount, upon principle, does it not follow, that he may and must declare a law contravening the constitution, which is declared to be paramount, to be invalid? The gentleman from Wythe has exhibited to us a long list of imaginary mischiefs arising from the undue exercise and abuse of this power. But of what description are his examples? Cases of extremity—a solid argument cannot be erected on such positions. Extreme cases never prove principles. There is no system of politics, morality or religion which may not be whittled away and destroyed by such refined and subtle disquisitions. Turn to the pages of modern Philosophy—Godwin by a process of reasoning as ingenious as it is subversive of all true Philosophy, would prove to you that an automaton ploughshare may be contrived to march
into the field and of itself, without other aid, turn up the furrow. This is not the fair course of argument. If, sir, I possessed the ingenuity and industry of the gentleman from Wythe, I might produce as many possible cases in which the Legislature and Executive might abuse their power. Nay I will venture to assert, that those latter departments may more readily effect an abuse of those powers, and carry it to a much more dangerous extent than the former. But the corrective hand is not extended to those.
(Mr. Dade's speech to be continued.) At a meeting of a number of members of the Legislature of Virginia, at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on the 21st day of January 1808, for the purpose of fixing upon a fit character to be supported as President of the United States at the next election; and also for selecting fit characters to be voted for as electors for the choice of that officer, on the first Monday in November next:
Gen. John P. Hungerford was appointed Chairman, and Theodosius Hansford, Secretary. On motion, Resolved, that James Monroe of Virginia, be supported for the office of President of the United States for the term of four years commencing on the fourth of March 1809.
The names of those who voted in favor of the resolution are as follows: Thomas M. Bayly, William Daniel, Hunter Hudgins, Robert G. Roeb, Richd. Brooke, Philip Doddridge, John Joynes, John Read, Jacob Kinney, Andrew Anderson, Aaron Faris, James Breckenridge, Andrew Lewis, Moses Congleton, George Miller, Beverly C. Stannard, Blake B. Woodson, George F. Strother, Charles K. Mallory, Samuel Watts, Taliaferro Hunter, Henry S. George Tucker, Richard Jones, Linah Mims, William Morrow, John Cunningham, Elias Lowther, John Prunty, Robert Greenhow, Wm. Lightfoot, William Hooe, junr. Alexander S. Hooe, Stephen C. Roszel, William Noland, Perrin Smith, Peter Bailey, John Henderson, John D. Watkins, James W. Murdaugh, Littleton Upshur, James Jones, Peter Hall, jun. Isaac Henkle, Rawleigh White, William Archer, Nicholas Gibson, Vincent Redman, James Trivant, Hugh Mercer, John Jarrett, Wm. Garrow, John Jones, Stephen Baity, Thomas Taverner, Jacob Beaman, William Tazewell, and James Semple. 57.
And the names of those who voted against the resolution are as follows: Thomas Machin, John Pegram, Peter Carr, Joseph Goodwin, Robert Pegram, John Blair, Joshua C. Lundy, Benjamin Jones, John Jessy, and Archibald Rutherford. 10.
The meeting then adjourned till to-morrow evening six o'clock.
JOHN P. HUNGERFORD, Chairman. Attest, THEO. HANSFORD, Sec'y. FRIDAY EVENING, JAN. 22, 1808. The members again assembled at the Capitol pursuant to the adjournment last evening; but a sufficient number not appearing to complete the business of the meeting, they adjourned till to-morrow evening six o'clock.
JOHN P. HUNGERFORD, Chairman. Attest, THEO. HANSFORD, Sec'y. SATURDAY EVENING, JAN. 23d, 1808. The members again assembled at the Capitol pursuant to adjournment, and proceeded to fix upon proper characters to be voted for as Electors of a President and Vice-President of the U. States as follows:—
For the district composed of the counties of Norfolk, Princess Anne, Nansemond and borough of Norfolk, Littleton W. Tazewell of Norfolk borough. For the district composed of the counties of Surrey, Isle of Wight, and Prince George, John Goodrich of Isle of Wight. For the district composed of the counties of Sussex, Dinwiddie and Southampton, Edward Pegram, senr. of Dinwiddie. For the district composed of the counties of Brunswick, Lunenburg, Mecklenburg and Greensville, Mark Alexander of Mecklenburg. For the district composed of the counties of Charlotte, Halifax & Prince Edward, Thomas Reed, senr. of Charlotte. For the district composed of the counties of Amelia, Chesterfield, Cumberland, Nottoway and Powhatan, Freeman Eppes of Nottoway. For the district composed of the counties of Albemarle, Amherst, Nelson, Buckingham and Fluvanna, Charles Yancey of Buckingham. For the district composed of the counties of Franklin, Pittsylvania, Campbell, Bedford, Henry and Patrick, Christopher Clark of Bedford. For the district composed of the counties of Goochland, Henrico, Louisa and the City of Richmond, Creed Taylor of the city of Richmond. For the district composed of the counties of Hanover and Caroline, John Taylor of Caroline. For the district composed of the counties of King and Queen, King William and Essex, James Hunter of Essex. For the district composed of the counties of Spotsylvania, Orange, Madison and Culpepper, General John Minor of Spotsylvania. For the district composed of the counties of Loudoun and Fauquier, Wm. Elzey of Loudoun. For the district composed of the counties of Accomack, Northampton, Elizabeth City, Warwick and York, Robert Saunders of York. For the district composed of the City of Williamsburg, the counties of James City, Charles City, New-Kent, Middlesex, Gloucester and Matthews, Saml. Tyler of the city of Williamsburg. For the district composed of the counties of Richmond, Lancaster, Nottingham, Westmoreland and King George, General John P. Hungerford of Westmoreland. For the district composed of the counties of Prince William, Fairfax, and Stafford, Daniel Carrel Brent of Stafford. For the district composed of the counties of Frederick and Hardy, Dr. Robt. Mackie of Frederick. For the district composed of the counties of Hampshire, Berkeley and Jefferson, Jas. Daily of Hampshire. For the district composed of the counties of Rockingham, Shenandoah and Pendleton, John Cunningham of Pendleton. For the district composed of the counties of Rockbridge, Augusta & Botetourt, John Coulter of Augusta. For the district composed of the counties of Washington, Lee, Russell Grayson, Wythe, Giles and Tazewell, Daniel Sheffey of Wythe. For the district composed of the counties of Greenbrier, Bath, Monroe, Kanawha, Mason and Mingo, Linah Mims of Greenbrier.
And— For the district composed of the counties of Monongalia, Brooke, Ohio, Harrison, Wood, and Randolph, John Prunty of Harrison. On motion, Resolved, That a standing corresponding committee composed of five persons, residents of Richmond, be appointed; and that they, or any three, correspond with the Electors named, and if they have just reasons for believing that either of the electors on the ticket will not vote for James Monroe as President, that they name some other in his stead.
Whereupon, George Hay, John Clarke, Edward C. Stannard, William Robinson and John Brockenbrough, were appointed a committee for that purpose.
On motion, Resolved, That a committee of five persons, be appointed in each county, to promote the success of the Ticket. If any one shall decline acting, his place will be supplied by the Standing Committee. The meeting proceeded accordingly to appoint Committees in the several counties of this state, and made some progress therein, but not being able to complete the same this evening, adjourned till Monday evening next, six o'clock.
At this meeting, Andrew Warwic, who was not present at the first, appeared and declared himself in favor of the resolution then adopted for supporting col. James Monroe as president.
JOHN P. HUNGERFORD, Chairman. Attest, THEO. HANSFORD, Sec'y.
MONDAY EVENING, JAN. 25, 1808. The members again assembled at the Capitol pursuant to adjournment, and proceeded to the appointment of committees in the several counties of this state to promote the success of the ticket as follows:
In Albemarle, Col. James Lewis, George Divers, Ruben Lindsay, William Woods, senr. and James Harris. In Amelia, Dr. Charles Cocke, Samuel Ford, John Lain, Dr. Daniel Hardaway & Chamberlain Jones. In Augusta, Chesley Kinney, James Cockran, David Perry, Henry J. Peyton and Micajah Coulter. In Bath, Benjamin Thompson, William Dean, Adam Dickerson, John Berry and Andrew S. Warwic. In Berkeley, David Hunter, William Summersville, Joseph Baldwin, Joel Ward, and John Chenowith. In Brooke, Col. James Marshall, Col. John Connell, Col. James Perry, John McCormick and Nathaniel Coleman. In Buckingham, Henry Flood, Major Edward Jones, Doctor James Walker, William Guerrant, jun. and John Pittman.
In Caroline, John G. Woodfolk, Doctor John Bankhead, Col. William Saunders, Doctor William Hoomes and Capt. William Jones. In Charles City, George W. Nince, James Walker, John Bradley, Collier Harrison and John Royall. In Culpeper, Philip T. Thompson, Philip Slaughter, Daniel R. Strother, Gabriel Smithers and John Morrison. In Cumberland, John Cunningham, William Daniel, jun. Blake B. Woodson, Jesse Michaux and John Holman, jun. In Dinwiddie, B. Watkins Leigh, John Watkins, George Pegram, jun. John McRae and Richard Pryor.
In Elizabeth City, George Wray, Thos. Jones, (Pembroke) Charles K. Mallory, William Armistead (Mill) and Samuel Watts. In Essex, John M. Garnett, Robert Beyer, Tunstall Banks, Laurence Muse, and Taliaferro Hunter. In Fluvanna, Allen Barnard, Joseph Hayden, John Forbes, William Hughes and John Johnson. In Frederick, James Singleton, Jas. Ware, Daniel Lee, Thomas Buck, and Moses Russell. In Giles, Henry Chapman, John Peck, Isaac Chapman, John Kirk and James Banc jun. In Goochland, Doctor James Carter, James B. Ferguson, William Gray, John Bryce and Heath Jones Miller.
In Greenbrier, Linah Mims, John Mays, Thomas Arbuckle, John Kippers and John Welch. In Hanover, Parke Goodall, John Starke, Parke Street, David Royster, John M'Call and Bathurst Jones. In Harrison, William Lowther, William Newion, James Arnold, John Radcliff and Elias Lowther. In Isle of White, John Barbour, Nathaniel Wills, Arthur Smith, Francis Boykin and Richard W. Byrd. In James City, Wm. Lightfoot, Wm. Walker, Wm. McCandlish, Wm. E. Barrett and Wm. L. Allen. In Jefferson, Thomas Griggs, Geo. North, Stephen Dandridge, Richard Baylor and Ferdinand Fairfax.
In Kanawha, Charles Venable, John Henry, Claudius Buster, Samuel Shrewsbury and Leonard Morris. In King & Queen, William Todd, Charles Hill, William H. Shackelford, Henry Garnett and Thomas C. Hoomes. In King George, John Taliaferro, William Hooe, jun. Alexander S. Hooe, Laurence Berry and Theodosius Hansford. In King William, Beverly Robinson, Temple Elliot, Herbert Claiborne, Tayloe Braxton and William Dandridge Claiborne. In Louisa, Robert Yancey, Andrew Kean, William Price, Peter Crawford and Thomas Gardner. In Loudoun, James Heaton, Stacey Taylor, Samuel Boggess, Thomas White and Richard Henderson.
In Mason, William Sterrett, John Henderson, John Cantrell, Jesse Bennett & William Gledden. In Matthews, Humbley Gale, Thomas Hudgins, Perrin Smith, Gabriel Milner, sen. and Langley Edmons. In Mecklenburg, Thomas A. Jones, William Taylor, Burchett Ferrell, Robert Boyd and William Huchett. In Monroe, Tristram Patton, William Graham, John Burnside, Richard Shanklin and David Graham. In New-Kent, Robert B. Armistead, William Armistead, John Saunders, Capt. George Wilkinson and Edmund Parke. In Norfolk, Richard Blow, William Lindsay, George W. Maupin, Swepson Whitehead and James S. Matthews. In Nansemond, Tyrre G. Bacon, Francis Eppes, Francis Fitzgerald, jr. Peter Bland and Peter Randolph. In Pendleton, John Davis, John McClure, Benjamin McCoy, Jacob Hall and Jesse Morris. In Powhatan, Thomas Miller, Dr. Edward Johnson, Alben Gilpin, maj. Edward Mosely and David Flournoy. In Prince Edward, Gen. Tarlton Woodson, Ed-
Ward Miller, Robert Kelso, Edward Booker and Osburn Lockhart. In Prince George, Thomas Cocke, Charles Gee, John Phillips, Col. William Harrison, and Archibald Eppes. In Richmond, Milton Glasscock, Ezekial Levy, Clement Shackelford, John Sydnor, jun. and Peter Rust. In Rockingham, Benjamin Harrison, Henry J. Gamble, Charles Lewis, Benjamin Lewis and Joseph Fawcett. In Shenandoah, Philip Williams, Jacob Rincker, James Chipley and John Gatewood. In Southampton, William Blow, James Gee, Jacob Darden, John Urquhart and Saml. Blunt. In Spotsylvania, Stapleton Crutchfield, David C. Keer, Robert Stannard, John M. Herndon and Aylett Waller. In Surry, Samuel Butler, John H. Cocke, Robt. McIntosh, John Faulcon and Samuel Wilson. In Sussex, Pleasant Humment, Benjamin Poore, John Jarrett, John R. Mason and Benjamin Wyche. In Warren, William Digges, Dixon Brown, Humphrey H. Wynne, William Garrow and John Jones. In the City of Williamsburg, Champion Travis, James Semple, Robert Greenhow, Littleton Tazewell and Benjamin C. Waller. In Wood, Hugh Phelps, John Stephenson, James G. Laidley, Ezekiah Buey and James H. Neale. In York, William Howard, Samuel Shield, sen. Leroy Anderson, Peyton Southall and William Tazewell. In Gloucester, Richard Jones, John C. Payor, William Jones, William P. Byrd and Morgan Tompkins. In Northumberland, Thomas D. Downing, Richard Edwards, Thomas Hurst, Blackwell and Rice. In Princess Anne, Lemuel Connick, Thomas Calvert, Bishop, William Nimmo & Thummel Hoggarth. In Westmoreland, Alexander Parker, Samuel Templeman, John Peake, Thomas Plummer and Gerard Mckenney. In Lancaster, Joseph C. Gee, Ellison Currie, William Ball, William Gibson & Peter Bean. In Chesterfield, Thomas Watkins, Beverly C. Stannard, Robert Haskins, Benjamin Graves and Col. McRae. In Goochland, Lewis Dupree, Alexander Madill, Parsons Turner, Emanuel Lucas and John Roszel. In Nelson, Hill Carter, John Cunn, Thomas Norrell, sen. Thomas Claiborne and William Armistead. In Stafford, John Nourse, Benjamin Ficklen, George Lanes, Nathaniel Fox and Hancock Estlin.
On motion, Resolved, That the standing committee appointed the county committees where committees are not already appointed.
Resolved, That the standing committee be furnished with a copy of the proceedings of the meeting, and that they be published.
And then the meeting adjourned sine die.
JOHN P. HUNGERFORD, Chairman. Attest, THEO. HANSFORD, Secretary.
COMMUNICATION.
MEETING AT THE BELL-TAVERN. Various rumours having been circulated respecting this meeting adopted by the friends of Mr. Madison, and insidious suggestions excited relative to their motives, it becomes necessary to lay before the public a candid statement of the reasons which led to that proceeding.
The near approach of the Presidential election had filled the mind of every American with anxious solicitude. That election is an event of great importance, because peculiarly interesting, from the critical state of our external and internal affairs. Formerly it was a question between Federalists and Republicans; but on this occasion, there were serious reasons to apprehend that a schism was about to take place among the Republicans themselves. This division did not proceed from any acknowledged diversity of political opinions, but from a partiality for particular candidates. Principle was not at all in question. But, strange to tell, both parties espoused their own favourite with a degree of zeal, which forbade the hope of accommodation. The liberal men on both sides were willing to admit the merits of the opposite candidate; but it was rationally to be expected, that if they should assemble in any one place, the warmth of debate, and spirit of contradiction, might give rise to acrimonious remarks, which could only tend to their mutual injury. It could not be believed that any arguments would be urged at such a nocturnal assembly, which could or ought to produce any considerable effect on the members; even although the aid of able auxiliaries had been called in, from the city of Richmond. The character of both candidates were fully known; they had been long before the public in official stations, and their grade in the scale of public confidence had been firmly established. It can be supposed, that any exertions of eloquence or argument could materially affect the standing of either gentleman in the public estimation? Or, if such an effect could be produced, was it proper that so momentous a question should be directed, under the influence of irritated feelings? Could any new accusation have been made, or any new merit discovered, of which the world were not already in full possession, and which had not been canvassed in a thousand different shapes? Those who entertain this sentiment, have a much higher opinion of their bare invention, and common sense, than the writer of this communication. The friends of Mr. Madison therefore, did not fly from a fair investigation of his merits; but they adopted a course which was less calculated to produce an irreparable breach.
In assembling at a distinct place, they did not mean to draw an invidious distinction between themselves, and the friends of the other candidate. They regarded the majority of them as men labouring in the same general cause, with whom they had hitherto associated, and would always be proud to associate. Their object was, to obtain the sense of the Republican party, in a way least calculated to create dissension. That sense has been obtained in as fair a manner as the case admits of; and it must now be the wish of every genuine Republican, that we should sacrifice our personal attachments, in support of the great principles which we all profess to reverence.
And for what purpose is a caucus intended? Is it not designed to collect the sense of the majority? And is not this sense as well ascertained by dividing the assembly into two chambers as by collecting them into one? Of the 120 odd members who voted for Mr. Madison at the Bell, it is presumed that a single one would have voted for Mr. Monroe at a mixed Meeting in the Capitol. The result then is the same; but how much more admirable are the means which have been adopted for its accomplishment! C. D.
To the Editor of the ENQUIRER.
SIR, It is impossible for any man to respect Mr. Monroe more than I do. If a Virginian is to be the next President, and Mr. Madison is not brought forward, I should take pleasure in forwarding the views of Mr. Monroe's friends—I feel the most complete confidence in the patriotism, wisdom and virtue of Mr. Monroe; but I have the same confidence in that of Mr. Madison. It is almost indifferent to me which is elected. With either of these gentlemen in the Presidential Chair, I believe that the rights of the people, and the happiness of the nation generally, will be guarded as far as is in their power. I will not however hesitate to declare that if I have a preference, it is in favor of Mr.
Madison. I know that Mr. Monroe has my entire confidence in him—but I should be influenced by two reasons, which I think deserve some attention. 1st. That I believe Mr. Madison is the choice of the other states. And if our sister states, who have already consented, without a murmur, to accept a Virginian President, during 16 years out of 20, shall again please to elect one (of two) of the favorite sons of this state; surely, it is but just, to give them the choice, without opposition. We can all trust either of these gentlemen, whether we view them as patriots or politicians. If I thought Mr. Monroe would be the choice of the other states, I would give him my vote in preference, which is all I have to give, for I have no influence.
And secondly, I prefer Mr. Madison, because some insinuations injurious to his character for political integrity have been made, which I hope have not arisen from malicious motives; but which I am confident, are most undeservedly cast, on one of our oldest and most faithful public servants. And as, when under-serving men attempted to blast the reputation of our excellent Monroe, I rejoiced that Virginia took the first opportunity of conferring on him the highest office in her gift, I shall think it a duty, as it certainly will be a pleasure, by my single vote, to declare my confidence in our equally excellent Madison.
A PLAIN MAN.
At a moment when the introduction of foreign manufactures is virtually precluded by embargo, and may possibly be a war, it is peculiarly important to attend to the improvement of our own manufactures; to work up our own raw materials which we cannot export into manufactures which we will not import & to encourage the use of labour-saving machines. Under these impressions we recommend to the members of the Virginia Legislature, who may circulate the knowledge of it through the different parts of the state, to inspect a very ingenious machine for cutting nails which is to be seen at Mr. A. McCull's nail manufactory in this city. Those, with whom we have conversed upon it, pronounce it to be the best machine for that purpose that they have ever beheld. We have seen it cut from the rod not less than 500 nails in one minute and at present works by the hand only. When it is made to operate by water, the rapidity of its action will be considerably increased; perhaps doubled.
Extract of a letter from a member of Congress to his friend in this city, dated Washington, January 21, 1808.
"I enclose to you the following curious notice addressed to the members of Congress generally. In this place where Bradley is known it excites no surprise—if he was gassing on the best of it, he would not miss an opportunity of gratifying his propensity to fun—I fear the form of the notice at a distance from this place where the character of the writer is not so well known, may excite unpleasant feelings. The caucus will be held at the time mentioned."
"Mr. Rose, the British minister, was present on Saturday at the President's. Every thing on the subject of the Negotiation which has commenced, is as yet a secret. We know nothing of the extent of the powers of Mr. Rose or of his feelings towards us."
[ENCLOSURE.]
SIR, In pursuance of the power vested in me as president of the late convention of the Republican members of both houses of Congress, I deem it expedient, for the purpose of nominating suitable and proper characters for President and Vice President of the United States for the next Presidential election; to call a convention of the said Republican members, to meet at the senate chamber on Saturday the 23d instant at 6 o'clock p. m. at which time and place your personal attendance is requested, to aid the meeting with your influence, information and talents.
Dated at Washington, this 19th day of January, A. D. 1808.
S. BRADLEY. Who will now presume to criticize the embargo, who examines the late British Proclamation? No argument is so well calculated to show the supreme wisdom of that measure.
ERRATA IN OUR LAST.—The name of Moses Congleton was inserted among those who were at the Bell, and the two delegates from Giles were omitted.
The Enquirer of this morning has been delayed from an anxiety to publish the proceedings at the Capitol.
A letter from Washington in the Norfolk Herald has falsely charged the editor of this paper with suppressing Mr. Randolph's documents respecting Gen. W. (See the Enquirer of January 25th.)
NORFOLK, Jan. 22. Yesterday arrived in Hampton Roads H. B. M's Schooner Bream, Lieut. Myall, 13 days from Bermuda, with dispatches for the British Ministers and Consuls in the United States. Ledger.
CASH SALES.—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
Will be sold for ready money, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 20th day of next month, between the hours of twelve and three o'clock of that day, a tract of LAND in the county of Henrico, called the seven pines; containing by estimation one thousand acres; Also, a tract of Land in the same county, on Four Mile creek, being the same whereon col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred & sixty acres; Also, the Norwich Mills, situated in the said county of Henrico, together with forty acres of Land attached thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and Four Mile Creek.
GEO. HAY, BENJ. RATCHER. January 25.
NEGROES FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money thereon mentioned, due Grief Truitt, will certainly be sold for cash, at Amelia court house, on Monday the 8th of February next, two Negroes, the property of Edwin Land.
THOS. PERKINSON, JAMES T. LEIGH, Trustees. January 26.