The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-07-21 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 22.]
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 21, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the Session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment will be FOUR DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 1st August, after which, the price will be FIVE DOLLARS, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
SAMUEL MYERS, HAS FOR SALE, AN assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND
IN Powhatan county, on Appomattox River, where it is navigable, known by the name of McCall's Quarters, containing 420 acres: this land lies about four miles from the Court House, and is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, small grain and corn. Samuel Woodson, who lives near the land, will show it to any person who may wish to purchase. If it is not sold before the 1st of September next, I shall sell it upon that day to the highest bidder, at Woodson's Tavern, near the premises. John W. Price. Richmond, May 30, 1804. [Laws & Sina.]
AT A QUARTERLY COURT CONTINUED AND HELD FOR PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, MAY THE 22nd, 1804.
WILLIAM WHITE, & Co. Plaintiffs. THOMAS GIBSON & ROBERT B. GIBSON, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Thomas Gibson not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Thomas Gibson do appear here on the first day of August court next, and answer the plaintiffs' bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively; and also posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy. Teste, BENJAMIN WATKINS, D. C. eS2m-16
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, } 28th of May, 1804. } The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
CITY OF RICHMOND,
IN COMMON HALL, July 2d, 1804. IT appearing to the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, that the regulations of the Trustees of the Free School in the said city, have been established on liberal and just principles, whereby many poor children of both sexes have received at the said school, such advantages in the acquirements of their education, as to encourage a strong belief that great utility will result from a continuance of the institution, should it receive a proper patronage;
Resolved therefore, That the Chamberlain of this City, and Messrs. John Robinson, Samuel Paine and Samuel Pleasants, be requested and empowered to receive subscriptions, and the funds that may be subscribed for the benefit of the said school; and that it be recommended to the humane and liberal inhabitants of this city, to raise by subscription other funds for the purpose of continuing the said institution. Teste, ANDREW STEVENSON, C.C.H.
WAS FOUND,
By a Negro woman, a small bundle of BANK NOTES. The owner may have them by giving a satisfactory description, and paying the expense of this advertisement. Enquire of the Printers. July 11. [C-19]
IRISH LINENS AND SHEETINGS.
THE subscribers have just received a few Boxes of 7-8 and 4-4 IRISH LINENS, and 8-4 SHEETINGS from Belfast, which they will sell on moderate terms. ELLIS & ALLAN. Richmond, July 7, 1804. [340]
Foreign Intelligence.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 23d, 1804.
MOTION ON THE DEFENCE OF THE NATION.
Mr. PITT. Before I proceed to explain to the House the reasons which induce me to give my cordial and zealous support to the motion of the hon. gentleman opposite; I cannot help saying a few words upon the mode of argument pursued by the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down. The right honorable gentleman lays that the motion of the hon. gentleman is calculated to embrace numbers who entertain different views and opinions respecting the system of public defence. The motion indeed, is undoubtedly calculated to obtain the concurrence, not of those merely who differ on minute grounds; not of those who make insignificant criticisms upon the various measures of the administration; but it is calculated to unite all those who have bravely and dispassionately weighed the dangers and difficulties of our situation; those who by a careful retrospect of the conduct of government, previous to that war which they have declared to be so long impending, and subsequent to its commencement, have arrived at a perfect conviction of the inability of ministers to devise, or to execute any measures adequate to the demands of the public safety, and to the arduous nature of the conflict. The motion is calculated to unite all those, who, by the experience of the last twelve months, in which ministers have exhausted their minds in attempts to modify, to amend or to improve the various measures for the public defence that have been suggested; and who are still so far behind what the circumstances of this essential moment required, what the resources of the empire would have afforded, and the zeal and spirit of the country have to cheerfully supplied to perfect the system of public defence. In a word, a motion calculated to unite all those who conscientiously believe that from and under the present ministers, no measure of suitable vigor and energy are to be expected; that no fair chance can be given to the country that its safety will be sufficiently provided, its resources widely called forth, and its power successfully exerted. It is in this view that I consider the motion for almost all the reasons urged by the right hon. mover, and for others which he did not state. The hon. gentleman below, however, who has enjoyed the opportunity of acquiring an intimate knowledge of the proceedings of the House, says that never in his recollection of the Journals has such a motion been made; nor even in his imagination can he conceive that anything so extraordinary could disgrace them. But if it were true that the motion is extraordinary, perhaps it would be sufficient to urge what has often been urged on other occasions by the hon. gentleman himself, that extraordinary circumstances frequently call for extraordinary modes of proceeding. If the motion were indeed extraordinary, it might be answer enough to say that the crisis is new and extraordinary; it would be answer enough to state, that after a war which has now lasted a year, and after an interval of peace, avowed in the manifestos of ministers to have been a perpetual scene of aggression, they had brought forward nothing but what was contradictory, feeble and inadequate; that whatever was done was ruined by delay, hesitation and uncertainty; that if they even seemed for a moment to be roused to vigour, it was quickly succeeded by a conduct that seemed a complete retraction and disavowal of the momentary impulse. It is melancholy indeed to reflect that, after time for mature consideration, after repeated trials, no system had been found which could afford us that security to which the country was entitled, and that no plans had been produced by which we were likely to bring the war to a successful termination.  The honorable gentleman says, that ministers do not greatly differ from those who think an armed peacantry calculated to be usefully employed, but that they prefer the volunteer force. The question, however, is not of substituting, but of adding. It is not that the volunteer system shall be abolished, but that an additional force in aid of them is to be obtained. If, then, ministers approve of such a mode of increasing the means of defence, why do they not announce their intention of taking some steps to obtain that advantage? However gentlemen may differ as to the degree of utility, the mode of application, the local circumstances in which an armed peacantry would be desirable, it is not disputed that, in many situations, the efforts of the peacantry would be of the greatest advantage. Why then does not the hon. gentleman propose to enter upon the consideration without delay? Have we not been told by ministers for these six months past, that the invasion might take place perhaps within 24 hours? Is it a time to procrastinate any wise measures, any efficient plans of defence, at a period when we see that the enemy have surmounted many of those preliminary difficulties which some months ago were deemed invincible? Have not the enemy supplied those means of conveyance which it was at first thought must render all the threats of the enemy vain and futile? Have they not, in the face of that navy which ministers so confidently boast has been carried to its utmost strength, and has been distributed with the most perfect judgment? Have they not, within sight of our shores and in defiance of our obstructions assembled in one port between 13 and 1400 vessels, capable of conveying from 50 to 100 & 150 men each? Have they not proved that all our reasonings about the impossibility of offloading from one port, the difficulty of a concerted attack, the obstacle of winds and tides, were ill founded and unwarranted. With such facts before us, ought we to suspend or delay any means that can contribute to our safety? We ought not to treat with contempt, or with a false security pronounce impracticable, the projects of a bold, enterprising, and desperate though often, fortunate enemy, and one, too, that never stood in the way of good fortune by a dread of bad.—If, then, an armed peacantry is calculated to be of any utility in Essex, Kent, or Sussex, in opposing an enemy and retarding their progress to the metropolis, it is fit that no time should be lost in devising a plan of obtaining this aid. The hon. gentleman next contends, that the motion is unconstitutional, but what is there unconstitutional in referring to the consideration of a committee of the whole house, which I understand to be the object of the motion (Mr.
Fox nodded assent,) certain acts passed by the legislature, so that they may be modified, altered, and improved. Is the hon. gentleman who so long filled that chair, with so much credit to himself and advantage to the house, so little acquainted with parliamentary usages as not to know, that in a committee of the whole house alone several proceedings can regularly originate.—Matters of religion, grievance, trade, finance, &c. must first be discussed in a committee of the whole house. If, then, questions on those subjects must originate in a committee, can there be any scruple to refer to a familiar committee, a measure, the object of which is to defend every thing that is dear and valuable to a state, the religion which exalts, the commerce which enriches, the laws which regulate and protect? Is there any thing extraordinary, any thing dangerous, then, in the present motion? Will it be said that the system of defence is so good that there is nothing to be added to it? Is the experience of it on its fruits and effects such as to encourage us to rely with implicit confidence in the energy and resources of ministers? What measure have they ever adopted that has not been thwarted by someone or other of their measures? What efficient plan has been proposed for the recruiting of the regular army? Can we indulge the vain and chimerical hope, that, without any new regulations as to the period of service, such as those proposed by the right hon. gentleman, recruits will be obtained for eight guineas, when they could hardly be procured for forty or fifty pounds? Is it upon the wisdom, the vigilance, and the energy of these ministers that we can rely, when we have seen that no one measure for the public defence, can be said to have truly originated from them; when several they have retarded or enfeebled? I am satisfied that some plan for the permanent recruiting of the army ought to be settled, and that we ought with all dispatch to proceed to that important subject. But neglecting the regular army, have ministers improved and perfected that system of the volunteers, in which they have spent so much time? I venture to affirm, that the volunteer system is still far from that state of perfection to which it might be carried. The army of reserve, instead of being furnished, should be modified. In regard to fortifications too, in which, hitherto, so little has been done, I will venture to state due precautions in that department have been much neglected, and that many things have been omitted to be done, which, in case of invasion, would tend both to save the lives of men and to check the progress of an invader.  From all that I have heard on the subject of the navy, and in spite of that magnificent catalogue of ships which ministers have produced, and which I shall not at present dissect, I must repeat, that the conduct of that branch of our defence, has not been such as the public had a right to expect, and upon this subject I may take an opportunity to state circumstances that will astonish the House and the country. These and many other considerations form the most conclusive arguments in favor of the motion, and though the right hon. gentleman who made it, did not dilate on these topics, he naturally expected, and stated his expectation, that they would be taken up by other speakers in the course of the debate. It is true that ministers on this as on other occasions, have given us a pompous enumeration of the force of the country. I have heard that statement with pride. It affords the most consolatory evidence of what the country is capable of doing. But I and other members of this House have at least as good a right to exult in that survey of our strength as ministers. We have not been wanting in our exertions to contribute to call forth the spirit of the country, and to organize its strength. That spirit and exertion, however, belong to the country, and are not to be ascribed to the direction or the energy of the government. Indeed if there be any who ought peculiarly to separate that pride from any other feeling of personal merit, it is the present ministers who have had so little share in the national energy.  No one measure can they claim as their own; no one measure have they improved and perfected; very many they have weakened by their delays, and destroyed by their incongruities.—Whatever then the spirit and zeal of a free and brave people may have been under the sense of danger, ought fairly to be separated from the tardiness, languor and imbecility of ministers in every thing of which they have assumed the direction. Ministers boast of what others have suggested or voluntary public zeal has effected, as if what was done was perfectly adequate to our security. But is it enough to have provided against the danger of a final conquest? Enough has not been done, unless we have adopted every practicable and rational means of checking the enemy, should they invade our shores, with the least sacrifice of life, with the least waste of the public resources, with a rapidity that will disappoint the enemy's projects of devastation. Enough has not been done, unless every thing has been provided by which in the shortest space we may be enabled to defeat the enemy with the signal overthrow and destruction, as will forever deter them from a repetition of the attack, and forever relieve the country from the alarm and anxiety of invasion. I do not mean to say that the enemy would according to all human calculation, succeed in their designs, even had we no other means of defence, but those which now exist;—but have we reason to believe that our strength is yet arrayed in the best manner, that our forces are distributed at the proper points, so as to act with the most decisive effects? Unless this be done (as I fear it is not) it is not enough to say that we have 184,000 regulars and militia, and 400,000 volunteers; and indeed when it is proved by their own statements that the resources of the country are so great, it forms an additional ground of censure against ministers, if our system of defence be not adequate to every demand. As to the observations which have been made upon the amount of force which should have been kept up during the peace, and the proportion which existed at the renewal of the war, whatever I may think with respect to the opinion held by the honorable gentleman who opened the debate on a former occasion, I cannot without surprise hear from the right honorable gentleman who has just sat down, that he conceived the force which was maintained during the peace, as amply sufficient to meet any probable emergency; for that right hon. gentleman was in possession of much knowledge of the disposition of the enemy which must have facilitated his mind of the propriety of making more extensive preparations for a state of hostility. That knowledge the right hon. gentleman, to be sure studiously concealed from parliament; and therefore, the hon. gentleman upon the opposite bench was, with many others, inapt to form any opinion of the impending
danger. But not so his majesty's ministers, who had yet neglected to provide against it. They, who by a manifesto since published to the world, exclaimed that there were grounds almost from immediately after the conclusion of the peace to complain of the conduct and to suspect the intentions of Bonaparte, had yet omitted to devise measures to counteract his designs, and to put the country in a state fitted for the description of hostility to be apprehended. In this state the country is not in point of fact even now placed—and this forms one of my reasons for concurring in the motion before the House, because, as they who thought the peace not likely to continue, did not prepare for war, and who, since the war has commenced, have not preserved that course of vigorous exertion which the situation of the Empire called for, are not those in whom I would confide for the establishment of our security.  Ministers foresaw the war, and yet they did not attempt to ballot for the militia as they should have done during the peace. They should have availed themselves of that period, when they must, according to their own confessions since so repeatedly made, have contemplated war as something more than probable, for every means in motion for defending the country against invasion. The observations they were enabled to make at the close of the last war, of the plans and purposes of Bonaparte, were sufficient to assure them that his first motion was an invasion of this country, which the short period that elapsed between the establishment of peace upon the continent, and the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens, did not qualify him to attempt, but the progress of his then preparations served to show that his resolution was not to make desultory attacks upon us, but to do that which he has since accomplished, viz. to collect a large force upon some part of the coast most convenient for the purpose of making a descent upon this country. What then are we to think of those ministers, who, with such an opportunity of observation, overlooked renewing the ballot for that important part of our force, the militia, during peace? And how did they act towards the volunteers, on whose gallantry they now profess so much to rely? The house must have in recollection the letters which ministers addressed to that body of men during the peace, which letters were so much calculated rather to damp than to animate and encourage the zeal of those corps. But this was not all; for, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious for the purpose, and with the prospects before them I have already mentioned, they refused to attend to a plan suggested to them for providing a certain resource for the recruiting & supply of our regular army. This plan was founded upon the same principle as the army of reserve, with the addition of that which I took occasion lately to lay before the house, and which, if adopted when my opinion was first urged to ministers, would have furnished the means of adding to our army, with all possible expedition, not less than 40 or 50,000 men. This plan has, I admit, been since adopted in part; and I shall feel it my duty to urge the adoption of the whole of it again and again. The committee proposed by the motion I conceive the most convenient place for entering into the detail of this and other measures for the public defence—to no branch of which I perceive with regret have ministers attended in due time, and to the execution of none of which do they appear to be adequate. Passing by all the omissions I complain of during the period of peace; drawing a veil over their conduct on that occasion altogether; and supposing the war recommenced as much to the surprise of ministers as to that of many persons in this house and the country; supposing that they were not all prepared to expect it—let us only look at their proceedings since that event, and let us examine how far their measures have been so contrived or executed as to justify a hope, much less an opinion, of safety to be derived from their exertions.—The first part of their plan of defence, and that to which they seemed principally to look, related to volunteers. This topic has, I am aware, been already very fully discussed, and on that account overlooked by the hon. mover of the proposition before the house; but upon this point I would wish to ask of ministers whether they foresaw or had even a remote idea at the commencement of hostilities, that this description of our force would have extended so far, whether they contemplated that it ever should be so numerous? It was known by those who had any knowledge of their sentiments, who had any conversation with ministers, that they had no such intentions, and that on the contrary they expressed their disapprobation of the policy of their predecessors in allowing the volunteer system to enlarge so much. This fact I alluded to merely to show that they are entitled to no praise for the multiplication of the volunteers; and to state that the spirit which produced the increase of that body arose out of the difficulties of this House—a spirit which, as ministers themselves admitted, far outvies their calculation or hopes; and also, as it seemed, exceeded their power of direction, for they afterwards thought proper to check and restrain it. So much as to the origin of the volunteer system. But how did ministers proceed to carry that system into execution? Why, without going much at length into this part of the subject, which I do not mean at present, I will merely remark on the case of exemptions, which have been much and very justly objected to.—The propriety of granting these exemptions I could never see;—certain it is that they were never necessary; for the volunteers for the most part required no such thing in the shape of encouragement to offer their services, and many of them were not at all aware when they did engage that any exemptions were to be granted; on the contrary, it is notorious that they were in several districts actually subscribing that they were from each to purchase substitutes for a certain period, such was the state of the volunteers when the act of parliament was passed with the strong recommendation of ministers for allowing exemptions, eluded however with such conditions that the measure was not to be well understood. In another part of this act of ministers, there was something still less intelligible with respect to a volunteer's right of resignation, upon which ministers have evinced the most complete want of penetration and foresight. Had they judged wisely, they never would have attempted to dispute this right; for paradoxical as it may seem, nothing tends more to preserve discipline among those corps than the undisputed exercise of this right; and the reason is this, that, while a volunteer has the right of leaving a corps, he cannot object to any regulation that may be deemed necessary by a commanding officer for the promotion of order and discipline in such corps, the private having his choice to submit or resign; but as to the act of ministers and the attorney general, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the most unfeigned respect, interpreted the law upon resignations in one way, and the court of king's bench in another. Ministers in this contradiction thought proper to circulate the opinion of the former as that to be acted upon by the volunteers, although
they have since avowed that they did not agree with that opinion, and that they intended to introduce a declaratory law upon the subject. This I must claim among the most unaccountable proceedings of ministers.—As to the volunteer system generally, according to its present constitution, it appears to me to have several radical errors, and principally as to the mode in which the volunteers are distributed over the face of the country. When they were forming, and particularly when it was determined to limit their numbers, regard should have been had to the proportion proper to be assigned to each district. With that view, it would have been right to consider the difference between the inland and maritime counties, which were the most probable points of attack, and which was the most important to preserve.
BOSTON, July 7.
Capt. Merrit, who arrived yesterday from Lisbon, informs, that the Portuguese Government had declared war against the Moors; and that a ship of the line had failed from Lisbon, to cruise in Tangier Bay.
July 9.
The Minerva, captain Curtis, arrived here on Thursday evening, brings Liverpool papers to May 19th, and London dates to the 10th, from which the following extracts are made.
LONDON, May 8.
Private letters from Vienna say, that a treaty of alliance between the two Emperors has been agreed to, and that its signature only awaits the answer of the King of Prussia to an invitation to accede to it. The Austrian as well as the Russian armies have been augmented, and are now complete; and new fortresses are constructing on the Austrian frontier of Italy. All these transactions, though only defensive measures, evince that the great Continental Powers, while they talk of peace, doubt its long continuance, and are therefore prudently prepared for war.
The French have not yet entered the city of Naples; but the Queen of Naples, apprehensive of a visit, intends going to Vienna, and an English ship of the line is in the road of Naples ready to take on board all British subjects in that capital with their property.
The American ship Geo. Green, arrived at Plymouth, failed from Amsterdam the beginning of the present month, at which time 15000 Dutch troops were embarking at Alkmaar, and 15000 French were daily expected there for the same purpose. There were five sail of the line, a frigate, and two sloops of war lying in the Helder, intended to convoy the above troops for the purpose of invading England.
May 10.
It was reported at Yarmouth yesterday, that the Dutch fleet are lying at single anchor, having on board 30,000 troops.
His Majesty's appearance in public yesterday as noticed by all the papers of this day, is dwelt upon as a most fortunate omen of the full establishment of his health, which, if well founded, will be very soon followed by the renewal of the levies at St. James's.
LIVERPOOL, May 12.
The Swedish government has ordered a number of gun-boats to be fitted out; they are to repair to Stratford as soon as possible. It should seem from this measure as if Sweden were apprehensive of some attack from France.
PLYMOUTH, May 7.
Came in an American ship of Boston, from Amsterdam; the master reports he was under an embargo in the Zuyder Zee for some time, when an order came from the French commandant for her and all neutrals to sail the 29th of April, or they would be laid under a further embargo, and their vessels confiscated. Fifteen thousand French troops had marched into Amsterdam in the course of the week preceding his departure, for the purpose it was said, of invading England. The Dutch troops, where they can do it, heartily curse their French allies, and the expedition against this country.
NEW-BEDFORD, July 6.
The Editor has been obligingly favoured with London papers to May 19 (though not in a regular series,) received by the ship Sally, Capt. Thomas, arrived here from Liverpool. The most prominent articles which they contain will be found under our foreign head. PITT, it will be seen, is again prime minister in England. Fox has no share in the administration, and his friends with the Windhams, Grenvilles, &c. have in consequence, refused any place in it. The opposition to the new minister, in the House of Commons, it is supposed will be very large; it is calculated that it will comprise 170 members at least. The Prince of Wales has likewise thrown his weight into the scale of opposition. The King, it is said is again in good health; he takes frequent strolls in his carriage. In France another important revolution in the government, is taking place—that of establishing an hereditary monarchy in the family of Bonaparte, who is about to assume the title of Emperor.—But little is said, at present, of the invasion.
Stocks.—Consols, 55 7-8, 55 3/4 Reduced 55. Omnium 5-2 premium.
Change of Ministry in England.
LONDON, May 11—14.
The political views of Mr. Pitt have been at length gratified, and he is now replaced in those situations to which the greatest ambition of any subject, however superior to all others in ability, rank, and opulence, can aspire. This event took place on Thursday morning, about eleven o'clock, when Mr. Addington, having resigned the seals of office into the King's hands at Buckingham House, they were delivered by his Majesty to Mr. Pitt. We shall not trouble our readers with a recapitulation of all the rumours and conjectures which preceded this important appointment, but shall content ourselves with stating those circumstances on the correctness of which our readers may rely.
When Mr. Addington found it impossible to resist, with any hopes of success that most extraordinary combination of political talents and parliamentary influence which were formed against him, he acquainted his Majesty with his determination to retire. The intelligence was received with the deepest regret by his Sovereign. It was decided that Mr. Pitt should be sent for, and that Gentlemen accompanied by the Lord Chancellor, was on Monday morning admitted to a conference with his Majesty. Mr. Pitt took the opportunity of representing to the King, that the circumstances and situation of public affairs imperiously required a strong, comprehensive, and united Administration; that he is reported to have declared, that, for this important purpose, he was himself ready and desirous to obliterate all recollection of former differences; and that he was persuaded of the existence of a similar disposition on the part of all those other persons of rank, influence, and talent, who shared with him the confidence of the public. His representations on this subject

DEATH OF GEN. HAMILTON.
PHILADELPHIA, July 12.
It is with extreme regret that we announce to our readers the melancholy information detailed in the following articles:
Extracts from letters written at New-York, on the morning of Wednesday last, the 11th inst.
"The greatest man in America has this morning fallen in a duel!—General HAMILTON!—Yes, HAMILTON!—the pride of every true American, is, by this time, no more!"
"Early this morning, he and Col. Burr settled an affair of honor at Hoboken. Hamilton fell at the first shot, without touching his antagonist, though they fired nearly at the same instant."
"Gen. Hamilton was brought over to Col. Burr's place at Greenwich, where, an hour since, it was supposed he was breathing his last! He was shot just under the ribs, and the ball lodged in his body. He bled profusely, both from the wound and from the mouth. He did not speak till nearly half over the river, when, in a very faint tone of voice, he said, he could not live, and expressed a wish to see his family. "Judge Pendleton was the General's second, and Dr. Hosack his physician. I do not know who attended Col. Burr."
"This agitation which this affair has produced in this city is indescribably great. The cause of the duel is not yet known."
ANOTHER.
"They fought at Hoboken, New-Jersey. He was brought over to Burr's country-seat, two or three miles from town. N. Pendleton, Esq., was his second, to General H. and W. P. Van Ness, Esq., second to Col. Burr. It is a melancholy circumstance, that the General should fall on the same ground on which his son was killed a short time since."
NEW-YORK, July 12.
"The fatal termination of the duel between Burr and Hamilton seems to have made as great an impression on the public mind as the death of Washington. He was beloved by his political friends, and even his enemies seem to deplore the loss of talents which reflected much honor on their country. I write at 3 o'clock, P. M. and the last information mentioned Hamilton to be living, but without any symptoms which can warrant the hope of a favorable issue. The ball entered between the lower ribs on the right side, and lodged in the spine; indeed, no hopes are entertained of his recovery. He went on the ground determined to receive the fire of his antagonist without returning it. He announced this determination in confidence to his second, and possibly the quarrel might have been compromised, if the first shot from Burr had killed him. The General still preserves his senses, but is in extreme pain."
"New-York, July 12, 1804."
"Gen. Hamilton still lives, but not the most distant hope remains of his recovery. This is, indeed, a sad day! All business is suspended in the city, and a solemn gloom hangs on every countenance. The circumstances of this unfortunate business, as far as I have been able to learn them, are as follows:"
"A short time previously to the late election, a letter was published in Albany, written by one —, in which it was stated that Gen. H. in conversation had declared that Mr. Burr was a dangerous man, and ought not to be trusted. This letter was re-published in New-York. About a fortnight ago, Col. B. wrote to Gen. H. wishing to know whether he had ever declared any thing like that attributed to him. The General answered, that he had no recollection of the conversation alluded to, nor were any particular words attributed to him in the letter, and that he could not therefore undertake to say whether he had or had not, held such a conversation; but that if Col. B. would specify any particular conversation, or state any particular words, that he, Gen. H. would at once either draw or disavow them. Col. B. replied, that it was not in his power to specify the particulars of the conversation alluded to, but insisted that Gen. H. should declare whether he ever had in any conversation whatever, made use of any words derogatory to his character. To this first demand Gen. H. declared he did not think himself bound to answer, but again expressed his willingness at once frankly to avow or disavow any particular conversation which might be specified. Colonel B. was not satisfied, and declared, that unless Gen. H. gave him a direct answer, he must fight him. The General declared that it was improper in Col. B. to make such a demand of him, and that he could give no other answer to it than he had already given, and must therefore accept of the challenge. But as the court then sitting, and his services had been engaged in several important causes, he did not feel himself at liberty to fight, until after the court should rise; that he would then, after devoting a few days to the arrangement of his private affairs, inform Col. B. of the time of meeting. This took place a fortnight ago—the General went through the business of the court as usual, and after it had risen, arranged all his private affairs, and on Monday last made his Will. On Tuesday he attended at his office as usual, gave one or two elaborate opinions, and was apparently in good spirits. Yesterday morning very early he went out to meet Col. B. attended by —, as his second, to whom on their way, he declared that he should not fire at Col. B. as he had not the most distant wish to kill him."
"* * * * * General H. fell and declared that he was a dead man. * * * * * The General was carried on board the boat, and landed at Greenwich where his carriage was waiting for him, but, at his own request he was taken to Mr. Burr's, where he now lies. Upon his arrival at Greenwich, he expressed a desire that the Bishop might be sent for, which was done, but * * * * * Mr. M. of the Dutch Church, was then sent for, and instantly came—the General conversed with him some time, told him he had a firm belief in the Christian religion and had a fervent hope of forgiveness through the mediation of our Redeemer; that if he could receive the holy Sacrament, he thought he should die in peace, * * * * *"
"After some time spent in conversation upon this subject, Mr. M. expressed a hope that the General would now render one more service to his country, in addition to those which he had rendered her before, which was to bear testimony against the practice of dueling. Gen. H. said no man abhorred it more than he did, and should he die, it would be found that he had not been inactive to the subject, but had devoted some time to it, and had left a solemn protest against this barbarous custom. (While preparing for this event, which it seems he had a presentiment would prove fatal to him, this great man employed some portion of his time in endeavoring to dislodge his countrymen from this cruel, barbarous and wicked practice.) He further declared to Mr. M. that for several months past he
had been convinced that nothing would satisfy it was not possible for him to avoid the duel, which he had sincerely endeavoured to do. The Bishop came to visit him; he expressed his gratitude to him in the warmest terms, declared that the doctrines of our religion enabled him to meet death with firmness, and that if he could have the sacrament administered to him, he should feel perfectly resigned to his fate, placing a firm reliance on the mediation and atonement of his Saviour. The Bishop administered the sacrament to him, and from that moment he felt happy. Let the infidel read this, and reflect upon the last end of a religious man. Among all the great and good actions of this man's life, I cannot but consider this as one of the best and most glorious. Americans, it contains an important lesson to you, coming from your most valuable citizen, who felt and preferred the truths of your religion to all the dreams of modern philosophy."
"He has been gradually growing worse since last evening, and no hopes are entertained of his surviving but a few hours. He lies almost lifeless, with scarcely strength enough to speak, but apparently free from pain. His wife * * * * * expecting every moment to see him breathe his last. It is but two years since her eldest son was killed in the same manner. Gracious God! what must be her feelings! "My heart is too full to proceed further. Our nation's pride, our last, best hope is gone!"
From the NEW-YORK EVENING POST of June 12.
With emotions that we have not a hand to inscribe, have we to announce the death of ALEXANDER HAMILTON. He was ruthlessly cut off in the 48th year of his age, in the full vigor of his faculties and in the midst of his usefulness. We have not the firmness to depict this melancholy, heart-rending event. Now—when death has extinguished all party animosity, the gloom that overspreads every countenance, the sympathy that pervades every bosom, bear irrefragable testimony of the esteem and respect all maintained for him, of the love all bore him; & assure us that an impression has been made by his loss which no time can efface. It becomes us not to enter into particulars; we have no doubt, that, in compliance with the universal anxiety of the inhabitants, a statement will soon be exhibited to them, containing all the circumstances necessary to enable them to form a just opinion of this tragic scene. In the mean time we offer the following letter that we have received from the Reverend Bishop Moore. The testimony which this pious and venerable Clergyman bears to the virtues of the deceased, will we are sure not be lost on a discerning community.
As soon as our feelings will permit, we shall deem it a duty to present a sketch of the character of our ever-to-be-lamented patron and best friend.
Thursday Evening, July 12, 1804.
MR. COLEMAN. The public mind being extremely agitated by the melancholy fate of that great man, ALEXANDER HAMILTON, I have thought it would be grateful to my fellow-citizens, would provide a gainst misrepresentation, and, perhaps, be conducive to the advancement of the cause of religion, were I to give a narrative of some facts which have fallen under my own observation, during the time which elapsed between the fatal duel and his departure out of this world.
Yesterday morning, immediately after he was brought from Hoboken to the house of Mr. Burr, at Greenwich, a message was sent informing me of the sad event, accompanied by a request from Gen. Hamilton, that I would come to him for the purpose of administering the holy communion. I went; but being desirous to afford time for serious reflection, and conceiving that under existing circumstances, it would be right and proper to avoid every appearance of precipitancy in performing one of the most solemn offices of our religion, I did not then comply with his desire. At one o'clock I was again called on to visit him. Upon my entering the room and approaching his bed, with the utmost calmness and composure he said, "My dear Sir, you perceive my unfortunate situation, and no doubt have been made acquainted with the circumstances which led to it. It is my desire to receive the communion at your hands. I hope you will conceive there is no impropriety in my request." He added, "It has for some time past been the wish of my heart, and it was my intention to take an early opportunity of urging myself to the church, by the reception of that holy ordinance." I observed to him, that he must be very sensible of the delicate and trying situation in which I was then placed: that however desirous I might be to afford consolation to a fellow-mortal in distress; still, it was my duty, as a minister of the gospel, to hold up the law of God as paramount to all other law; and that, therefore, under the influence of such sentiments, I must unequivocally condemn the practice which had brought him to his present unhappy condition. He acknowledged the propriety of these sentiments, and declared that he viewed the late transaction with sorrow and contrition. I then asked him, "Should it please God to restore you to health, Sir, will you never be again engaged in a similar transaction? and will you employ all your influence in society to discountenance this barbarous custom?" His answer was, "That, Sir, is my deliberate intention."
I proceeded to converse with him on the subject of his receiving the communion; and told him that with respect to the qualifications of those who wished to become partakers of that holy ordinance, my enquiries could not be made in language more expressive than that which is used by our Church—"Do you firmly repent of your sins past? Have you a lively faith in God's mercy through Christ, with a thankful remembrance of the death of Christ? And are you disposed to live in love and charity with all men?" He lifted up his hands and said, "With the utmost sincerity of heart I can answer the questions in the affirmative—I have no ill-will against Col. Burr, I met him with a first resolution to do him no harm—I forgive all that happened." I then observed to him that the terrors of the divine law were to be announced to the obdurate and impenitent; but that the consolations of the Gospel were to be offered to the humble and contrite heart; that I had no reason to doubt his sincerity, and would proceed immediately to gratify his wishes. The communion was then administered, and his heart afterwards appeared to be perfectly at rest. I saw him again in the morning, when with his last faltering words he expressed a strong confidence in the mercy of God through the intercession of the Redeemer. I remained with him until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, when death closed the awful scene—he expired without a struggle, and almost without a groan.
By reflecting on this melancholy event, let the humble believer be encouraged ever to hold fast that precious faith which is the only source of true consolation in the last extremity of nature. Let the infidel be persuaded to abandon his opposition to that gospel which the strong, inquisitive and comprehensive mind of a HAMILTON embraced in his last moments, as the truth from Heaven. Let those who are disposed to justify
the practice of duelling, be induced, by this simple narrative, to view with abhorrence that custom which has occasioned an irreparable loss to a worthy and most afflicted family; which has deprived his friends of a beloved companion, his profession of one of its brightest ornaments, and his country of a great statesman and a real patriot.
With great respect, I remain Your friend and servant, BENJAMIN MOORE.
FUNERAL PROCESSION.
The Society of the Cincinnati being charged with the direction of the funeral ceremonies of its President General, the following is the order of procession which will take place to-morrow at ten o'clock, as commemorative of an event of the deepest national regret.
ORDER OF PROCESSION.
 1. The Military Corps commanded by Col. Morton.  2. The Society of the Cincinnati.  3. Clergy of all denominations.  4. The Corps.  5. The General's Horse.  6. Relations of the deceased.  7. Physicians.  8. The Judges of the Supreme Court.  9. Mr. Gouverneur Morris in his carriage.  10. Gentlemen of the Bar and Students at Law.  11. The Governor and Lieutenant Governor of the state.  12. The Mayor and Corporation of the city.  13. Members of Congress and Civil Officers of the United States.  14. The Ministers, Consuls and Residents of Foreign powers.  15. The Officers of the Army and Navy of the United States.  16. Military and Naval Officers of Foreign Powers.  17. Militia Officers of the State.  18. Presidents, Directors and Officers of the respective Banks.  19. Chamber of Commerce and Merchants.  20. Marine Society, Wardens of the Port & Masters and Officers of all vessels in the harbour.  21. The President, Professors and Students of Columbia College.  22. The different Societies in such order as their respective Presidents may arrange.  23. The Citizens in general.  24. The Military Corps commanded by Colonel Morton, being ordered to parade in the Park at 10 o'clock, accompanied with six pieces of Artillery, two of the pieces will remain on the ground under the command of Capt. Maclean, and will fire minute guns from the movement of the corps until it arrives at Trinity Church.  25. The Sixth Regiment with the Colours and Music of the several corps, will parade in Robinson-street, on the fourth file fronting Mr. Church's house; Standards and music in front of the centre; the regiment in column attitude, resting on arms reversed. On waving the standard of the Cincinnati shrouded in crape, the regiment will shoulder, and receive the corps, proceeding from the house with presented arms, the colours and music saluting. On a signal trumpet the regiment will shoulder and the troops in the Park will throw themselves in column and occupy the Broadway with the rear of the column covering the head of Robinson-street, and halt. On a signal trumpet the 6th regiment in Robinson-street will wheel to the right, by platoons, and occupy the street in front of the Corps, in open column, at half distances of platoons, and with arms reversed wait the signal. On signal trumpet the column will move with colours and music in the centre of the 6th regiment, playing the dead march with muffled drums. Two companies detached from the military in the Park will cover the flanks of the Corps in single file, with trailed arms, from the rear of the Sixth regiment down the line, and take their proper position as the Corps enters Broadway. The column advancing will wheel to the left round the Park, enter Beekman-street, and passing down Pearl will ascend Wall-street to Trinity Church; the leading wing will form close column to the right, on the church walk, extending to the north corner of Wall-street, dressing by the left and facing to the right, stand with ordered arms. The rear wing advancing, will form close column to the left, and facing to the right, extending to the fourth corner of Wall-street, dressing by the right with ordered arms. Mr. Gouverneur Morris from the Portico of the Church, (the Corps in front on a bier) will deliver an appropriate address, at the conclusion of which the Corps, preceded by the military and properly attended, will proceed to the vault, where the military ceremonies will be performed, under the order of the Commandant, which will close the solemnities of the day. 
W. S. SMITH, President. W. POPHAM, Secretary.
THE DEATH OF GEN. HAMILTON.
The death of this celebrated man, is well calculated to excite considerable attention. A warrior who had assisted in the American revolution, a statesman who presided so long over the federal treasury and introduced our most important financial arrangements, a lawyer whomade so distinguished a figure at the bar, and above all, the influential leader of a considerable party, cannot be expected to quit the stage of life, without drawing our attention to the scenes in which he has so conspicuously played a part, and to the consequences which will follow from his death. These memorable scenes, it will be the important duty of some future Biographer to retrace. These consequences are lost in the deep chaos of futurity, out of which they will progressively emerge. On each of these points may I be permitted to suggest a single remark?
Gen. Hamilton is no more; but the consequences of his conduct have not departed with him. The statesman is gone; but his political system still survives. While then the republicans render impartial justice to the memory of Mr. Hamilton, let them be cautious not to extend their concern beyond the respectful tribute which is due to some of his meritorious qualities. We all know the amiable generosity which death inspires in the survivors. We feel that there is a kind of dishonor in censuring the dead, who are no longer able to retaliate our reproaches or to refute our accusations. The compassion which we feel for their fate, gives a kind of listening to our more odious passions; and envy and jealousy, the rage of fanaticism or the resentment of party, are frequently buried in the same grave with our opponents. Gen. Hamilton (I repeat it) is gone, but the system of measures, which he was accustomed to advocate, still lives in the hearts & affections of his party. Let us never then, while we admit the inimitable eloquence, the profound knowledge, and in some respects, the virtuous deportment of this celebrated man, let us never forget that he was the advocate of a system of measures which were destructive to our peace, liberty and constitution. While we lament the departure of such splendid talents, let us forever to his country, let us not cease to forget that these talents had long before his death, been appropriated to the support of an erroneous system. Death may cancel our resentment against the man, but our disapprobation of his political conduct cannot expire. To admire some of his illustrious qualities, will be our duty & our delight. But to deny that this man had eminent failings, would be the most obvious inconsistency; & to suffer his name to be brought up hereafter as the pretext and justification of improper measures, would be an act of injustice to our country, which has been already too often performed under the sanction of Gen. Washington's name.
Gen. Hamilton is no more; but the consequences of his death will not probably be so considerable, as our imagination is ready to conceive. His party have certainly lost a great, an influential man. But the energy of his party will soon supply his place. Under the monarchical governments of Europe the death of one man may shake a whole kingdom to its centre. The destiny of a whole nation may be affected by the death of a monarch or a minister. But under a republican government like our own, and in a simple state of society such as we enjoy, the most influential man cannot possess the same sway as the most elevated character under an European monarchy; and a greater number of men are to be found who assist in the operations of the government. Each individual possesses less influence; but there are more individuals who partake of this influence. The death of one man thus leaves a space, which other competitors are anxious and able to occupy. Mr. Hamilton then is gone, but competent successors are ready to supply his place and to discharge its duties.
Mr. Pitt is once more Prime Minister of England. May not great changes be expected from this new administration? In his speech on the Defence of the Nation, we have no general hints, except what relate to military arrangements from which we may infer his opinion of the general system of Mr. Addington's administration, or the plan which he would himself pursue if he were put into the ministry. He com-
Captain Green, of the schooner Columbia, left Gonsalves June 12th. He left there a great many American vessels, but does not recollect the names of any. Capt. G. confirms the information of a proclamation by the Governor of that Island, declaring that vessels taken bound to or from St. Domingo, will be adjudged lawful prize, and their crews treated as pirates. He states the number of privateers belonging to that island to be from 60 to 70, of various sizes. Markets were dull, at the following prices—four dols. 10.—Beef dols. 10 a 12.—Pork dols. 16.—Sugar dols. 8. per C.—Coffee 30 a 35. per lb.
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 13. cpts
Miscellaneous.
The following is copied from a recent publication of Dr. Percival; and it is believed, has never before appeared in this country:
ON DUELING.
In an extract of a letter from Dr. Franklin, to Dr. Percival, dated Paris, July 17, 1754.
"It is a shocking and murderous practice of dueling, which you so justly condemn, should continue so long in vogue. Formerly, when duels were used to determine law suits, from an opinion that Providence would, in every instance, favor truth and right with victory, they were more excusable. At present they decide nothing. A man lays something, which another tells him is a lie. They fight, but whichever is killed, the point in dispute remains unsettled. To this purpose we have a pleasant story here. A gentleman in a coffee-house desired another to sit further from him; why? Because, Sir, you smell offensive. This is an affront, and you must fight me. I will fight you if you insist upon it, but I do not see how that will mend the matter—for if you kill me, I shall smell too, and if I kill you, you will smell, if possible, worse than you do at present. "How can such miserable fanners as we are entertain such pride, as to conceive, that every offence against our imagined honor, merits death?—These petty princes, in their own opinions, would call that sovereign a tyrant, who should put one of them to death for a little uncivil language, though pointed at his sacred person. Yet every one makes himself a judge in his own cause; condemns the offender without a jury, and undertakes himself to be the executioner."
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The following simple and affecting STANZAS were written by a gentleman who frequently suffered from the malady he deplores.
Still in the vale of woe, the tortur'd heart To scenes of happier fate would fain remove And bask the warmth of affection's dart In soothing friendship or the balm of love. Light is the rod of unpropitious fate, When with warm humours, beats the turgid vein, By them alone our feelings change their state Joy as they swell, and as they sink complain. Not all the miseries of a horrified life Summ'd in one moment can such grief convey, As when the functions of the frame are strick'd, Impede the fluid digestion of a day— By what strange magic are we then combin'd?— A frail unmediated crumb of bread, Can with more gloom affect the fulling mind, Than virtue gasping on a truckle-bed.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: SATURDAY, JULY 21, 1804.
GEN. HAMILTON.
The death of this celebrated man, is well calculated to excite considerable attention. A warrior who had assisted in the American revolution, a statesman who presided so long over the federal treasury and introduced our most important financial arrangements, a lawyer whomade so distinguished a figure at the bar, and above all, the influential leader of a considerable party, cannot be expected to quit the stage of life, without drawing our attention to the scenes in which he has so conspicuously played a part, and to the consequences which will follow from his death. These memorable scenes, it will be the important duty of some future Biographer to retrace. These consequences are lost in the deep chaos of futurity, out of which they will progressively emerge. On each of these points may I be permitted to suggest a single remark?
Gen. Hamilton is no more; but the consequences of his conduct have not departed with him. The statesman is gone; but his political system still survives. While then the republicans render impartial justice to the memory of Mr. Hamilton, let them be cautious not to extend their concern beyond the respectful tribute which is due to some of his meritorious qualities. We all know the amiable generosity which death inspires in the survivors. We feel that there is a kind of dishonor in censuring the dead, who are no longer able to retaliate our reproaches or to refute our accusations. The compassion which we feel for their fate, gives a kind of listening to our more odious passions; and envy and jealousy, the rage of fanaticism or the resentment of party, are frequently buried in the same grave with our opponents. Gen. Hamilton (I repeat it) is gone, but the system of measures, which he was accustomed to advocate, still lives in the hearts & affections of his party. Let us never then, while we admit the inimitable eloquence, the profound knowledge, and in some respects, the virtuous deportment of this celebrated man, let us never forget that he was the advocate of a system of measures which were destructive to our peace, liberty and constitution. While we lament the departure of such splendid talents, let us forever to his country, let us not cease to forget that these talents had long before his death, been appropriated to the support of an erroneous system. Death may cancel our resentment against the man, but our disapprobation of his political conduct cannot expire. To admire some of his illustrious qualities, will be our duty & our delight. But to deny that this man had eminent failings, would be the most obvious inconsistency; & to suffer his name to be brought up hereafter as the pretext and justification of improper measures, would be an act of injustice to our country, which has been already too often performed under the sanction of Gen. Washington's name.
Gen. Hamilton is no more; but the consequences of his death will not probably be so considerable, as our imagination is ready to conceive. His party have certainly lost a great, an influential man. But the energy of his party will soon supply his place. Under the monarchical governments of Europe the death of one man may shake a whole kingdom to its centre. The destiny of a whole nation may be affected by the death of a monarch or a minister. But under a republican government like our own, and in a simple state of society such as we enjoy, the most influential man cannot possess the same sway as the most elevated character under an European monarchy; and a greater number of men are to be found who assist in the operations of the government. Each individual possesses less influence; but there are more individuals who partake of this influence. The death of one man thus leaves a space, which other competitors are anxious and able to occupy. Mr. Hamilton then is gone, but competent successors are ready to supply his place and to discharge its duties.
Mr. Pitt is once more Prime Minister of England. May not great changes be expected from this new administration? In his speech on the Defence of the Nation, we have no general hints, except what relate to military arrangements from which we may infer his opinion of the general system of Mr. Addington's administration, or the plan which he would himself pursue if he were put into the ministry. He com-
Captain Green, of the schooner Columbia, left Gonsalves June 12th. He left there a great many American vessels, but does not recollect the names of any. Capt. G. confirms the information of a proclamation by the Governor of that Island, declaring that vessels taken bound to or from St. Domingo, will be adjudged lawful prize, and their crews treated as pirates. He states the number of privateers belonging to that island to be from 60 to 70, of various sizes. Markets were dull, at the following prices—four dols. 10.—Beef dols. 10 a 12.—Pork dols. 16.—Sugar dols. 8. per C.—Coffee 30 a 35. per lb.
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 13. cpts
plainly general terms that everything which they had "brought forward was controverted, feeble, and inadequate," and that "whatever was done, was ruined by delay, hesitation and uncertainty." May we not expect that Mr. Pitt will extend his views beyond the mere defence of the kingdom; and that he will perhaps undertake some of those operations against the power of France or its allies, supported by the unaided strength of the British arms, or aided by a combination with some of the powers of the continent?
Bonaparte then is elected the Emperor of the Gauls: elected not by the people, but by the constituted authorities of the people. The moment has now arrived, when the impartial politician may pause and review the important consequences of the French Revolution. Let him recollect the condition in which the people were placed under the dominion of the throne; let him conjecture the condition in which they will probably live under the administration of the present government; and then let him decide how much the nation has gained or lost by this momentous revolution. Where is the man who will devote his time to the investigation of this interesting theme?
A desire to finish the Debate in Parliament on the Defence of the Nation, to publish the proceedings relative to a charge of the English Military and to the elevation of Bonaparte, and to mention some particulars of Gen. Hamilton's death, has induced the Editor to postpone some original compositions. No. I. on the Tendency of Banks, will appear in the next number.
Yesterday's Mail Articles.
NEW-YORK, July 12.
Upon opening the general's will, there was found enclosed in it a letter to his wife, written on the 5th instant, in which he tells her, that he had endeavoured by all possible means, to avoid this duel, but that he found it impossible, unless by acting in a manner which would justly forfeit her esteem: That he should certainly fall, and should receive her love after his death. He begs her forgiveness for being the cause of so much pain to her, and earnestly entreats her to bear herself up under that loss of grief with which the world would be overwhelmed; placing a firm reliance on a kind Providence, who would never desert her.
July 12. A jury of inquest sat for several hours on Friday; they met again at 4 o'clock to-morrow—It is believed the duel will be proved, if nothing worse. Col. Burr left the city on Friday, and has gone, it is said, to the southward.
"The probability is, that in the course of a few days the correspondence between General Hamilton and Col. Burr, will be published. It is said, it will go to prove, that too much was reposed of the General."
SALES AT AUCTION.
The Subscribers have Just Received and will sell at Public Auction, at their Vendue Office, without reserve, on Thursday the 26th instant, the following GOODS, for Cash:
 1. A DIES—extra Long and Short Silk Gloves, Silk, Keens, twilled Nankeens, fine black and printed Jeans, fine and coarse Petticoats and Marcellas, fine diaper Table Cloths, Ladies' Long Kid Gloves, Ham Ribbon, plain and figured Batiks, Tercero Sleh, Hair Combs, Endamino, Romall, Sacerdy and Pallat Handkerchiefs, Nun's Thread and Sewing Silk, Gift Buttons, French Cambrie, fine white and coloured Cotton do. black Mullin, Mullinet, Men's fine white thread Hose, Women's laced clock cutton do. Men's ribbed cotton do. tampered, lappet, beek, pique and Cambrie Mullins, fancy and hunting Cord, Callimancos, men's and boys' Philadelphia felt Hats, do. fine white do. women's fine beaver and silk do. men's best black do. men's Leghorn do. mrs. women's and children's shoes, stockings, garden and common fans, Callimancos and chintzes, Long Lawn, velvet ribbons, China do. men and women's Silk Hose, Superfine Cloths and Callimancos, Checks and Fustians, Heffians and British Osnaburghs, Gold and Silver watches, paper hangings, Irish Linens and Red Tick, India Cottons and Figs, Hunsburys, and a variety of other articles of Dry Goods too tedious to enumerate. 
ALSO,
 On a credit of 30 days for approved endorsed notes, Choice Old 3d & 4th proof Antigua Rum by the Hhd. Dito. 4th do. Jamaica do. Dito. 3d & 4th do. Windward Island do. Brown Sugar, in Hogsheads and Barrels, 1st quality, Dito. Dito. 2d do. Holland and Country Gin, in pipes, French Brandy, in Dito. Bar Iron by the Ton, Lead Sugar in hogsheads and by the 100wt. &c. &c. FROSSER & MONGUKE, V. M. 
July 21.
On Thursday the second day of August next, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder, for and half cash, and for months credit for the balance. THE HOUSE and LOT on the Main street in the town of Manchester, formerly the property of William Hay. There is no situation in the town of Manchester better calculated for a retail merchant: The storehouse is in good order for the reception of goods, and has the advantage of a large and commodious Lamb-house. 2nd and approved for security will be required of the purchaser, or a Deed of Trust upon the lot to secure the payment. ROBERT GATPERSON.
July 21.
ADVERTISEMENT.
On the 6th day of September next, at the late dwelling house of Capt. John Hedges, decd. on Chipewyan-side, near Dumfries, WILL BE SOLD, on a credit of twelve months at public sale, to the highest bidder.
TWO TRACTS OF LAND, DUNTE in Prince-
William county, containing about twelve hundred acres, of good quality, well timbered and improved, and a large proportion of it in young timber for meadow. Also, about 35 LIKELY SLAVES, and all other personal property of the estate of the said Hedges—Bald and approved security, together with a mortgage on the land held, will be required of the purchaser. The land will be sold in tracts or lots, as may be most likely to produce the best price. SETH BOTTS, Executor of John Hedges, decd. Chipewyan-side, July 5, 1804.
VALUABLE HOUSE & LOT TO.
THE Subscribers offer for sale or rent, THAT handsome BRICK TENEMENT in which he at present resides, beautifully situated on Shockoe Hill, a short distance from the Capitol, in a very healthy and agreeable part of the city. The house (built of the best materials & quite new) is 33 by 37 feet, two story high, in which are seven good rooms and a ten foot passage the whole width of the house, with convenient closets, and a cellar half as large to none in the city; attached to which are two half acre lots, one of both of which may be had with the house.
ALSO, FOR RENT OR LEASE.

[The following short sketch of the Life of JOHN THOMPSON of Petersburg, is extracted from a small pamphlet (for sale at Mr. S. Pleasants's Book-Store, Richmond) comprising the Letters of CURTIUS, and his Speech on the British Treaty, delivered in '95. George Hay, of Richmond, is entitled to all the honor of having dedicated this short but interesting memorial, to the departed worth of his young friend. Few men, perhaps, will possess this short sketch of a young man of genius, without feeling the mingled emotions of pleasure and disappointment. The splendid endowments of such a mind as Thompson's, his persevering zeal, his conciliatory manners, the fairest traits of his opening character, would have possessed sufficient attractions to interest the most indifferent and frigid Virginian, if they had been put into the hands of the rudest and most unlettered Biographer to design. Now much then is the charm heightened and our pleasure excited, when we contemplate the symmetrical and descriptive picture of his worth, drawn by the hand of a Biographer, who had so diligently studied the lines of his character, and who appears so well acquainted with the most striking indications of the intellectual character. However pleased we may be with the sketch, which is thus delineated for our inspection, we are compelled to lay it down with an emotion of the strongest disappointment. We may be delighted with the cornerstones of the profile; we may admire its just discrimination of light and shade; but we cannot conceal our disappointment that this accurate portrait is nothing more than the contracted miniature of a man. The great beauty and excellence of biography, consists in its particularity. It is not sufficient for us to know the qualities of Thompson. A laudable curiosity would embrace a wider circle of information, & we should desire to know, what some the principal causes which made him what he was. Perhaps the course of his education and his studies might have been more accurately described; and other young men might have been imitated, by the hope of similar success, to imitate the conduct, and equal the attainments of Thompson. Perhaps also the maxims of delicacy, and the obligations due to living characters, might have suffered the biographer to have expatiated at greater length upon the remarkable actions of his life; and to have described him in those situations, which are so well calculated to draw forth the qualities of the man. Had Mr. Hay devoted a longer period of time to the composition of this biographical sketch, we can have no doubt, from the able specimen which he has here presented to our consideration, that he would have rendered the most ample justice to such an explicit account of his accomplished friend.]
IF the letters of Curtius, were read, in this state only, the following sketch would be, perhaps, unnecessary. Here the author was known. Altho' he did not live to complete his twenty-third year, his virtues, his talents, his unrivaled eloquence, his enthusiastic devotion to the cause of republicanism, gave to his character throughout Virginia, a celebrity, which no man, of his age, had ever before attained.
John Thompson, the author of the letters of Curtius, was born in the year 1777, in the town of Petersburg. His father died when he was very young. Until he was about fourteen, he remained under the care of his mother. He then went to the University of William & Mary, where he resided about two years and a half. Soon after his return to Petersburg, he began to devote a portion of the day to the study of the law. He had constant access to the library of a friend, with whom, sometimes, but not often, he consulted as to the course that he should pursue. From this period, until he commenced his professional career, he prosecuted his studies with a degree of industry, which genius too often displays. At a very early period of his life, his mind was impressed with a truth, which vanity cannot perceive, and to which indolence will not attend, that "labor is necessary to excellence." His application therefore was unremitted, and the progress which he made was rapid and great. He seemed to acquire knowledge almost by intuition: and what he once learned, he never forgot. Even in the short interval of a week, a difference could be perceived. He made daily additions to his flock of information; but the vigor of his intellect appeared to increase, even more rapidly than the mass of useful knowledge which it was employed to acquire. In fact, if I may adopt an expression, applied to him a few minutes past, by a friend whom he sincerely loved, and to whom his memory will be forever most dear, "nature never did more for any man, nor did any man ever do more for himself."
Even when not engaged in study, he was not idle. His attention was directed to the measures of the federal government, and the characters of the men, throughout America, by whom those measures were brought forward, or opposed. His information was accurate and extensive; and the views which he then took of the politics of the union, led him to the adoption of those republican principles, to which he afterwards readily adhered, and which he always ably and eloquently defended. Under the influence of the sentiment produced by those views, he wrote and published in the Petersburg Gazette, several pieces under the signatures of Cæsa and Græcia. Why they are not republished now, I know not. They are written with great animation, and unusual elegance. The style would be admired even by those who should withhold from his opinions, that indulgence, which may be justly claimed for the productions of early youth.
During this period, he wrote, but did not publish, a dialogue between the two most memorable personages that have ever appeared among men. The sheets which contained the manuscript, were, I believe, never permitted to go out of his own hands. I therefore never read it; but I heard it read by himself. The impressions which it made, will never be effaced. I was astonished and delighted: astonished at the boldness of his plan: delighted with the learning, the ingenuity, the fervid eloquence, with which it was accomplished.
In the month of August, 1795, Mr. Thompson was about nineteen years of age. His heart bled with love for his fellow-men, and with zeal for the honour and welfare of his country, would not permit him to remain, at that interesting period, an inactive spectator, of the events passing before his eyes. He was among the first of those who raised their voices, against the treaty concluded with Great Britain by Mr. Jay, and at a meeting of the inhabitants of Petersburg, he delivered the speech, which now forms a part of this collection. This was the occasion, on which he first appeared in public, as a speaker. His oration was heard with delight, and extorted even from his political opponents, the reluctant tribute of their applause. When he was about twenty years of age, he began a practice of the law. In the course of a very short time, he stood among the foremost in his profession. His practice increased with a rapidity, without example, and he was rewarded for his services with a liberality which young men seldom experience. That his success was great, does him honour, only as it affords evidence of his talents. But the circumstance which I am about to mention, justifies a claim to honor of a superior kind. It was his singular
felicity never to have excited the envy or the jealousy of his professional brethren. They contemplated with pleasure, the homage which was constantly paid to his rising merit, and rejoiced in his prosperity. They regarded him with an affection truly fraternal, and never speak of him, even to this day, but in terms of the highest respect, or the most enthusiastic friendship.
His popularity was not confined to the members of his profession. In the county of Dinwiddie he was beloved: in the whole district, he was respected and admired. Almost every man in it, who possessed either talents or influence, was personally acquainted with him, and sincerely his friend.
Even all this success and all this popularity, produced no intoxication. He was not insensible to the applause of his countrymen: but the cordial pleasure with which it was received, only made him still more anxious to preserve it through life, by unwearied efforts to secure it. No part of his time was lost in idleness. Fond of society, and affluent in his circumstances, he occasionally united with the votaries of dissipation; but soon tired of the empty pleasures which it affords, he returned to his studies with an ardour which was increased by his regret for having quitted them. Had he lived until he was thirty years of age, he would have compiled a history, which would probably have afforded great aid to the pretensions of his country to some share of literary glory. He had begun to collect materials for the purpose, and in order to accomplish his undertaking, meant in a few years to have retired from the practice of the law. "Proud hopes, and vain!"
The friend, whom I have quoted before, and to whom the heads of this sketch were shewn, reproached me for overlooking a part of his character, which gave tenfold lustre to his brilliant talents. This reproach is indeed deserved: and I can hardly find an excuse for myself, even in the precipitation with which this little sketch is prepared for the press.—Can you forget, said this friend, his benevolence, his charity? No! I do not now forget them; nor can any who knew him fail, except for a moment, to remember, not only that his heart was filled with benevolence, but that his hand was "open as day to melting charity." No young man, whatever his fortune may be, ever gave so much in so short a time.
In the summer or fall of 1798, "The Answers" were published, which excited the indignation, and called forth the talents of Curtius. The letters written under this signature, speak for themselves. They will be read, wherever patriotism is respected, or genius is admired.—But of these letters it is unnecessary to say more: the public opinion is fixed. Curtius is already classed with the writers most renowned for the animation and beauty of their style: with Bollingbroke, Junius, & the younger Lord Lyttleton. This is high praise; but it may justly be carried still higher. The writer of Curtius possesses a merit, to which these authors have not as well-founded pretensions. There is, to use his own strong language, a "holy enthusiasm" in his manner, which takes possession of the reader, irresistibly carries him along with the writer, and forbids their separation until the work is ended.
In the month of January 1799, he returned, from Richmond, when the ground was covered with snow. In his journey, he caught a cold, which terminated in a pleurisy, of which he died. Every thing which the skill of physicians or the zeal of friends could effect, was done for his relief. But every effort was vain. The writer was one of those who watched over him in his last illness: whose affliction it was, to behold with bitter and unavailing sorrow, the last agonies of a friend, suddenly removed by death, from the most brilliant prospects that were ever opened to the view of virtuous ambition.
A short time before his death, he called on a friend to rescue his character from the imputation of malignity, if ever it should be made. He was not conscious of being influenced by such a motive, in writing the Letters of Curtius. He admired the talents, and respected the private character of the gentleman to whom they were addressed, and wished him all possible happiness in private life: but he was ready & clear in the belief, that his public character, merited the censure which Curtius had bestowed. But a little while before he expired, he again called on the same friend, to bear witness for him, that he died as he had lived, a true republican. He sustained the pangs of this last illness with the fortitude of a man who had experienced through life, nothing but calamity; or of a philosopher who has profoundly reflected on the vicissitudes of this fluctuating world, and the emptiness of all human enjoyment. He often, calmly, rejected the consolatory hopes held out to him by his friends, saying that he knew, that he was soon to leave them.
Such was the life, and such was the death of this extraordinary young man, who, if he had lived, would have attained the highest honors of the government, and what, to a mind like his, was infinitely more precious, the confidence and affection of his country.
John Thompson was rather more than six feet high. His body and limbs were small, and not well put together; but his deportment was always easy, sometimes elegant, and his manners invariably polite. The expression of his countenance, when he was not engaged in conversation, was thoughtful and melancholy. But when excited by discourse, it was all animation and intelligence; while his clear blue eye announced the eloquence with which you were about to be delighted.
Among those to whom he supposed himself politically obnoxious, his manners were haughty, if not contemptuous. He walked among them with an erect and disdainful air, looked sternly and sedately in the eyes of those, whose countenances indicated an unfriendly sentiment, and if excited to speak, spoke in a style of forcible eloquence, which generally precluded a reply. But among his friends he was cheerful and happy: and so much disposed to make others happy also, that those who knew him best, would find it difficult to determine, whether he was most beloved or admired.
He was eminent for his colloquial talents: but still more distinguished as a public speaker. He would, if he had lived, have been among the greatest orators, if not the greatest orator, that America has ever yet seen. His voice was clear: his manner firm: his language elegant, copious and invariably correct. His style was enriched by historical and classical learning, and occasionally adorned by the beauties of poetry. When he spoke, he seemed to make an effort, but such an effort, as was visibly within the compass of his strength. So great however, was his command of words, exactly adapted to his meaning, that he had no gesture. His arms often remained suspended by his sides, when he was uttering the most animated sentences: when he was describing a party hostile as he conceived, to the liberty and happiness of his country, or denouncing the apostate lover, who could see unmoved the tears of innocence, meanly betrayed and cruelly abandoned.
It has already been said, that he was popular. No man of his age was ever more so. But how could he fail to be the favorite of the people? Possessing an understanding of the highest order: invigorated by labour and expanded by learning: eloquence which even its victim heard with delight: courage to carry him through every difficulty into which his ardour sometimes led him, and generosity, in all its noblest forms: gentle in his manners, ardent in affection and faithful in friendship, he was formed by nature to command while living, the love of his countrymen, and to excite by his untimely death, the most profound and permanent regret.
Incompetent as I am to draw a portrait, bearing an exact resemblance to the excellent original, I could not reject the unexpected application of the Editor, to furnish a short sketch of a young man, who was an honor to his country, and whose memory will be forever cherished by
Good mya FRIEND. * The writer of this sketch. † This dialogue is said to have been between Jesus Christ and Mahomet. EDIT. ENQ. ‡ This is an allusion to two speeches actually delivered: one in the District Court of Petersburg: the other in Chesterfield County Court. If they had been taken down, verbatim, as spoken, they would have proved, that his eloquence has not been praised more than it deserved.
ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, Celebrated at Halifax Court-House, Virginia, FOURTH OF JULY, 1804.
THE Citizens of Halifax, have celebrated this memorable day by a festival which exceeded any thing of the kind heretofore witnessed in the upper country. The morning was ushered in by a discharge of 18 rounds of Mucket firing at sunrise, several of the Military Officers and others having joined the residents at the courthouse for that purpose; at 9 o'clock, the members of the Military School, which has lately been established at that place, paraded on the public square in presence of Brigadier Gen. Scott, Col. Green commanding of the 69 regiment, and a very numerous concourse of citizens, and went through the different military exercises, evolutions and firings in a manner highly gratifying to every spectator. At 12 o'clock an Oration adapted to the occasion, was delivered in the Courthouse by Wm. B. Banks Esq. where a number of ladies added to the respectability of the audience: the Oration gave universal satisfaction, and the committee who waited on Mr. Banks for that purpose, have succeeded in obtaining permission to have it published. At 3 o'clock, upwards of seventy gentlemen sat down to dinner at one time at the Bell-Tavern occupied by Mr. Rawlins. Gen. Geo. Carrington acted as president, and Gen. J. B. Scott as Vice-president—after dinner the following toasts were drank, each followed by appropriate music and discharge of muskets.
1. The 4th of July, the birth day of American Independence.—May the workman throw down his hammer, and the house-wife her needle, to celebrate this festival of honor, wisdom and patriotism.—28 guns, Music, Yankee Doodle. 2. American patriotism, which obeys the laws, extinguishes animosities, and respects misfortunes.—6 guns, Music, Hail Columbia. 3. The immortal memory of Washington.—In the field he taught us to acquire liberty; in the cabinet how to preserve it; and in private life how to enjoy it. 6 guns, Music, Washington's March. 4. The memory of all departed patriots and heroes who bore their part in the bloody conflict for liberty.—6 guns, Music, Rollin' Castle. 5. The people.—The only legitimate source of power; the hydra of despotism and scourge of tyrants; let monarchy disrobed of power and prostrated by their prowess teach an useful lesson to such as would invade their rights.—12 guns, Music, White Cockade. 6. The general and state constitutions.—May they be administered up to the spirit and design of their framers; the people will then be happy.—6 guns, Music, Liberty for ever. 7. Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, and author of the Declaration of our Independence.—His worth surpasses panegyric and arrests the attempt.—6 guns, Music, Jefferson's March. 8. The Federal Judiciary.—Equal to its functions but not paramount to government.—May its rotten branches be pruned from the stock, and no midnight inuendos suffered to inumber it.—6 guns, Music, the Mulberrytree. 9. Our native state—may Virginia continue to hold her dignified station among her sister states—May virtue, talents and industry be encouraged and knowledge, prosperity and happiness, the merited reward of all her citizens.—6 guns, Music, The Spinning Wheel. 10. May parties mingle, and faction die on this day, flared to the commemoration of national virtue and glory.—We are one people, all brothers.—18 guns, Music, Let us join hands and hands. 11. Monroe and Livingston, faithful negotiators.—The horrors of war are averted, Louisiana is ours—we cultivate our fields in peace, and we will rejoice.—6 guns, Music, Come each jolly fellow &c. 12. May religion, morality, arts, sciences, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, peace and plenty prevail throughout the universe, the duties and rights of all without distinction.—6 guns, Music, The melody. 13. The Militia.—May a due sense of our reliance upon their skill; courage and patriotism, in the hour of danger prompt them to become competent to protect their country's rights, and the terror of soldiers, who fight for the aggrandizement of tyrants.—12 guns, Music, Come ye lads who wish to shine. 14. The tempestuous sea of republicanism.—May the American ship twenty eight years dashed by its waves, continue to find mariners who fear not the rolling of its billows.—6 guns, Music, The tempest. 15. A speedy ransom of our unfortunate countrymen who groan in Slavery and Tripolian chains, while we are exulting in the fruition of liberty.—6 guns, Music, The galley slave. 16. Modern philosophy, which teaches, that the happiness of the many, ought not to be sacrificed to the ambition of the few.—May its disciples encircle till it becomes universal.—6 guns, Song, Says Plato why should man be vain. 17. The fair daughters of America.—Liberty gives additional lustre to beauty, when female sensibility pays her devotion.—6 guns, Music, Lovely woman, pride of nature. After Mr. Banks retired.—By the President "the Orator of the day." The day was spent in conviviality, and the utmost harmony and good order prevailed; all parties on this occasion may be said to have joined heart and hand, and to have forgotten that ever a shade of difference divided their political opinions. The festival was concluded by a ball at Mr. Foot's Tavern in the evening, at which a very large and brilliant assembly of ladies & gentlemen attended, viewing with each other mirth in and good humor.
* EXTRACT FROM THE ORATION.
After the completion of our revolution and Great Britain was compelled solemnly to recognize us as an independent people, the American nation exhibited a new spectacle for the admiration of mankind; at an early period of their national existence a strong sense of the necessity & value of union, induced the people to form a federal government to preserve it. In times of difficulty, and when the enemy was laying waste our country by fire and sword, we were cemented by a sense of common danger; but in such times there was but little leisure for calm and dispassionate enquiry: the confederation was formed under the most unpropitious circumstances; it was produced not by the united wisdom and deliberation of the nation, but by the emergency of the times; ought we then to be surprised if this system was found, on mature examination, to be incompetent to the preservation of
harmony and prosperity at home, and peace and respectability abroad? A conviction in the public mind that the confederation contained some radical and incurable defects, dictated the necessity of adopting a more energetic plan. As soon as the enemy was vanquished and peace established, our fellow citizens took this interesting subject into serious consideration. The Legislatures of the several states appointed delegates for the purpose of devising amendments to the existing constitution. A convention was formed of men renowned for patriotism, signalized by their services and distinguished by their talents; much time was spent in consultation and deliberation: the hero of liberty presided over their councils. At that interesting period the American people held out a glorious example to nations; they were then engaged as has been said of the first National Convention of France: "In forming a government of art, the work of intellect reared on the immutable basis of national right and general happiness, which should combine the excellencies and exclude the defects of the various forms which chance had scattered over the world.—It was high time that the human powers so long occupied by subordinate objects and inferior arts, should mark the commencement of a new era in history, by giving birth to the art of improving government and increasing the civil happiness of man. It was time that legislators, instead of that narrow and dastardly coasting which never loses sight of usage and precedent, should, guided by the polarity of reason, hazard a bolder navigation, and seek in unexplored regions the treasure of public felicity."
It was time to reject every thing which was only venerable for its antiquity, and that reason and philosophy should triumph over prejudice and habit. The federal constitution was formed, it was recommended to the states, it underwent the most severe and critical examination; the most splendid talents were exerted to prevent its adoption; every artifice was used which could be suggested by the apprehensions of danger to our liberties. The token of alarm was sounded; the people were warned of the dangers of innovation; but this constitution was adopted; it rests on the rights of man; it recognizes neither kings, nobles, nor privileged orders; but was formed by the enlightened citizens of a Republic, and is now administered by their delegates. This new plan of representation and responsibility is admirably calculated to ensure virtue and talents in the administration: under an hereditary system of government, there are too few incentives to the exertion of talents, there are too few rewards for integrity and virtue. Virtue and talents are not the qualifications which are best adapted to the intrigues and machinations of princes; an ease and a flexibility of character is much more agreeable to them, than that stubborn integrity which never can be induced from its allegiance to the people: But under an elective system, the people will generally select those who are the most conspicuous for talents, the most tried for their integrity, and the most respected for their virtues. This plan opens an extensive field for the display of genius and the exertion of intellect. Here are the ample rewards of virtue; every citizen in the republic, however mean his birth, if he be honest and capable, is eligible to the first stations: no enquiry is made into the antiquity of his parchment, no credit is given him for the virtues of his ancestors.
The acquisition of Louisiana may justly be regarded as the greatest political event which has occurred in our history since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. Whilst the Mississippi constituted the western boundary of the United States, and the fertile and extensive country which we have recently acquired by treaty, was in the possession of a rival nation, the commerce of the most extensive and growing part of the union was frequently exposed to vexatious interruptions. The solemnity of national compacts formed no security to freedom of navigation, for woeful experience has demonstrated that the most solemn treaties are but little revered in the cabinets of princes. The acquisition of this country secures us against the intrigues and artifices of foreign empires, protects our western brethren in a great degree from the incursions and ravages of the Indian tribes, guarantees the freedom of their commerce, and gives them a safe and a commodious outlet to market for the surplus products of their industry, renders our union more firm and indissoluble, opens new sources of employment for the genius and enterprise of our people, & furnishes new avenues to wealth and prosperity. Had not the United States acquired a complete jurisdiction over this extensive country, at the very juncture that they did, and the plan of colonizing Louisiana had been carried into effect by France, the consequences would have been fatal to our peace, tranquility, and the existence of the union itself; the Western States would have been exposed to commercial restrictions and exactions, and might have concieved that a secession from the union would have been a source of prosperity and advantage. Jealousies and antipathies would have been excited, and the spirit of discontent and animosity would eagerly have been cherished by the nations of Europe, who view with an invidious eye our increasing wealth, population, & commerce. Different members of this flourishing and happy republic would have been arrayed against each other as rivals, and enemies. The bloody banner of war would have been unfurled, and we should have been convulsed by internal commotion—the union of the states would evidently have been dissolved, and the present constitution, the anchor of our hopes, the rock of our political salvation would have been subverted and destroyed. But happily for the people of America, all these calamities have been averted by the acquisition of Louisiana, and we may yet indulge the insinuating hope of seeing the refinement and happiness of a golden age realized in the United States. When it is remembered that this important acquisition has been made by the mild means of peace and negotiation; that the blood and treasure of our country have not been heedlessly expended to gratify the designs of ambition; that the enlightened statesmen who now administer our government preferred peace and negotiation to levies, contributions, taxes, war, and all that hideous train of calamities which war engenders—we ought to pay them the tribute of thanks & gratitude for their devotion to the true interest of their country, their inviolable attachment to the revered cause of republicanism. They justly regard war as one of the great engines employed by despotism to accomplish its diabolical purposes; as the scourge of a republic and the monster that devours the public liberty and the public happiness. When we call our eyes over the most civilized and cultivated nations of Europe, and see men every where compelled to bow down to power and authority, his facilities benumbed by oppression, and his energies destroyed, we ought to take a solemn warning from their example, and by avoiding their policy, endeavour to escape the mournful catastrophe into which they have fallen.
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.
FOR SALE, On liberal terms, by the Subscribers, THE HOUSE and LOT near the River Bank, at present in the occupancy of Mr. John Taylor, and distinguished in the plan of the city by the number 8, the property of the estate of Patrick Wright, dec. which, if not disposed of privately before the first day of September next, will on that day, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, be sold on the premises, for one half cash, and the other half on a credit of 90 days, for an approved endorsed note.—An indispensable clause will be made before the money is received. PROSSER & MONCURE. July 18. ep18
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, will at their next monthly meetings, to be held on the third Monday in August next, proceed to appoint one or more persons to act as CAPTAIN of the NIGHT WATCH within the said City, for the term of one year; at which time all candidates for the said appointment are requested to attend. ANDREW STEVENSON, CLK. C. H. July 13. ep18
WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, in Charles City county, on September Court Day, THAT well known TRACT of LAND, containing eight and nine hundred acres, pleasantly situated on the main road leading through the county. The situation is so generally known and admired, that a minute description would be superfluous. Preferring that any person who wishes to purchase, will previously view the land, I shall only observe, that the houses are all in good order, having lately gone through a thorough repair; and the small proportion of land in cultivation, proves it to be very valuable and productive; the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of Corn and small grain.—Any person wishing to view the land will call on Mr. Royler who lives on the place.—The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. WILLIAM EDWARDS, Surry County, July 7. ep-18
SPRING GOODS. WILLIAM TEMPLE, HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and Turkey from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS, Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. ( )
CAROLINE SPRINGS. THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the Medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort. The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg.—The roads leading to them are remarkably good, they are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood.—There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern. The subscriber flatters herself, that these inducements will not only operate on invalids, who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be justly said the society will be equal to any in the country. No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable. ANN GATEWOOD, Fredericksburg, May 19. 3/3/3.
NOTICE. THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.—And those whose lands have been sold in the district of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs. As most of the abovenmentioned lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next. The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me. JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshall V. D. July 7. ep-18
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND, MAKES BOOTS and SHOES to any Pattern or Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported BOOTS and SHOES, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (ep6m)
MUTUAL ASSURANCE OFFICE, RICHMOND, July 24, 1804.
THE very extraordinary FIRES that have raged since the Institution of the Mutual Insurance against fire on goods and furniture in the state of Virginia, renders it necessary to call a quota from each member who was insured previous to the 23rd of February last.—The Board of Directors therefore resolve, and it is hereby required, that each member insured as aforesaid shall pay to the Casine General of this company in Richmond on or before the first day of October next, one full quota, that is to say, the full amount of premiums as expressed in their respective policies. A compliance with this requisition will reinstate the funds agreeable to the intention of the law and the rules and regulations of this company, and thereby enable them to pay for losses in future—and where it is considered that many of the members have been insured more than six years for premiums which do not average more than 3 per cent; the advantages of this humane Institution will no doubt be properly appreciated.—Punctuality is expected, and when the members of this Company advert to the Incorporation act they will see the necessity of a rigid compliance with the above requisition. It is however pleasing to reflect that we have incurred the distress of so many of our fellow creatures, who might have been reduced to poverty, and had they not insured in this Company they might not have insured at all, while our own property has been at the same time insured for less than half as much as it would have cost had we insured elsewhere, notwithstanding the most extraordinary fires that were ever known before in this State. BENJAMIN DUVAL, President M. I. C.
* As each member has been furnished with a Copy of the Constitution Rules and regulation of the Company by referring to which, they will see the Incorporation act. The printers in this state are requested to insert the above once a week for four weeks in their respective papers. July 18. law4w