The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-01 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1808.
No. 53.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE UNION TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
The following is the Madisonian Electoral Ticket, re-published for the information of the Citizens of Virginia. Joseph Godwin, Senr. Nansmond...
* In the place of John Godwin, deceased. † In the place of Alexr. Smyth, resigned.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, the 25th of October, 1808: Resolved, That the sales of the Shares of delinquent Stock-Holders, advertised to be made on this day, be postponed till the 29th of next month...
Oct. 28. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. [epidm]
IN virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to the Subscriber by Wm. Brown of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due from Renon Giles, will be offered for sale, on the 30th of Nov. next, at Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester...
Oct. 28. PETER F. SMITH, Trustee. [epids]
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 3rd circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1805, we shall expose to Public Auction...
Wm. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, Wm. MANN, Commissioners. [law2m]
September 13. The sale of the above property has repeatedly been postponed but will positively take place on the day above mentioned.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us by Edwin Land of the county of Amelia, and recorded in the court of that county, to secure a debt therein mentioned to David Rattray, will be sold, for cash, on the premises, the tract of LAND, lying in said county, containing about 250 acres...
Oct. 21. A. TOWNES, JOHN T. LUCH, Trustees. [40c]
LAND AND NEGROES to be rented and hired. On Monday the 19th day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, I will let for the term of three years, a tract of LAND in the county of Louisa, known by the name of the Healing Springs, containing about 1,000 acres...
Healing Springs, Oct. 7. GEO. FLEMING. [4d]
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, Sept. 14. [4d]
BY virtue of ample powers delegated to the Subscriber, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Eagle-Tavern in the city of Richmond, on the 22d day of November next...
Oct. 25. WM. C. WILLIAMS. [tda]
IN addition to the above mentioned Lands, & by virtue of the powers aforesaid, will be sold, at the same time and place, the following valuable Tracts of Military LAND, viz. One thousand acres in the state of Kentucky...
Oct. 25. WM. C. WILLIAMS. [tda]
FOR New-Orleans, the regular packet under LOUISIANA PACKET, Capt. Whitehead, will sail on the 30th of Nov. For Freight or Passage, having excellent accommodations, apply to JENNINGS & RODDNEY. [4d]
Oct. 25. JENNINGS & RODDNEY. [4d]
WILLIAMSBURG, September 1, 1808. The Subscribers have entered into partnership, under the firm of COLE & HENDERSON, and have supplied themselves with a general and well selected assortment of superfine and fine Cloths, Woolens, Manchester stuffs, Cambrics, Hosiery, Hardware, Sadlery, Stationery and Groceries...
ROSCOW COLE, JAS. HENDERSON.
N. B. For the accommodation of the Students and Scholars of William & Mary College, they will keep a constant supply of the Books used in that Seminary. C. & H. Sept. 15. [epid]
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON, October 2. There is no reason to credit the information, given under the New-York head, of France having declared war against the United States.
Information relative to our affairs with England has been received as late as the 12th of Sept. when things remained in statu quo. Mr. Young, our consul at Madrid, has arrived in this City, from Gibraltar by the way of London.
By an inadvertence in framing the law passed by the legislature of New Jersey for the choice of Electors, a time has been fixed not within that prescribed by a law of the United States, in virtue of authority reposed by the constitution in Congress.
The legislature convened last Thursday. This moment I learn that the federal ticket for Governor prevailed by a bare majority, also ten of the federal council and two republican. The republican ticket for Lieutenant-Governor prevailed, and thank Heaven we have at least twelve majority of republican members in the House.
We have received a letter dated Rutland, Oct. 17th, which enables us with confidence to say, that the legislature of Vermont is decidedly republican, and will choose electors friendly to Mr. Madison. The following is an extract:
The legislature convened last Thursday. This moment I learn that the federal ticket for Governor prevailed by a bare majority, also ten of the federal council and two republican. The republican ticket for Lieutenant-Governor prevailed, and thank Heaven we have at least twelve majority of republican members in the House.
majority in the House; but as an explanation of this, I only need say, that three of the federal representatives are elected councillors. In a joint ballot the republicans have five majority, and be assured we shall have a Madisonian Elector for I hardly know a Clintonian in the state...
Oct. 25. WM. C. WILLIAMS. [tda]
IN addition to the above mentioned Lands, & by virtue of the powers aforesaid, will be sold, at the same time and place, the following valuable Tracts of Military LAND, viz. One thousand acres in the state of Kentucky...
Oct. 25. WM. C. WILLIAMS. [tda]
RUTLAND, (Vermont) Oct. 17. VERMONT ELECTION.
On Thursday last the Legislature of Vermont commenced its session in Montpelier. The result of the election was declared as follows:
His excellency Isaac Tichenor, Governor. His honor Paul Brigham, Lieut. Gov. n.
Benjamin Swan esq. Treasurer. Elias Kews, Chauncy Langdon, Daniel Chipman, Solomon Miller, Zeph. Willoughby, Reubin Hatch, Asa Lyon, Samuel Fletcher, J. P. Buckingham, Daniel Dana, John Ellisworth, Noah Chittenden, esqs. Counsellors.
Thus the whole Federal Ticket for Counsellors, except Moses Robinson, jun. has succeeded. He failed in consequence of the omission of Junior in a number of votes returned.
VOTES FOR GOVERNOR.
Table with 2 columns: Candidate, Votes. Tichenor 13,634; Smith 12,776; Scattering 425.
Majority for Tichenor 432.
We are informed that in the house of representatives of Vermont, the republicans have a majority of six, consequently the federal majority on a joint ballot for senator of the U. States and presidential electors, will be four.
From the Spirit of '76 of October 25.
THE PRESIDENT & COL. MONROE.
The Editor has been frequently informed that it is believed by many that the President of the United States is not only hostile to the election of Col. Monroe, but unfriendly towards him, personally. This idea has been injurious to Col. Monroe, and is utterly void of foundation.
FROM THE SANE OF 29TH INST.
We are happy in having it in our power to lay before the public the following very interesting correspondence between the President of the United States and Colonel Monroe.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 19, 1808. MY DEAR SIR.
I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself and another who have been very dear to each other, and equally so to me. I sincerely pray that these dispositions may not be affected between you; for me I confidently trust they will not; for independently of the dictates of public duty which prescribe neutrality to me, my sincere friendship for you both will insure its sacred observance.
as among the greatest calamities which could assail my future peace of mind. I have great confidence that the candor and high understanding of both will guard me against this misfortune, the bare possibility of which has so far weighed on my mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it. Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of my constant and sincere friendship. — A. C.
(Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. RICHMOND, Feb. 27, 1808.
MY DEAR SIR.
My great anxiety to forward to you the account and receipt for the sum which I paid for your mathematical instruments at London, when I should acknowledge your kind letter, prevented my answering it sooner. To obtain them, I was forced to renounce all my papers, which required much time, and in truth I did not succeed in finding them till this morning.
I can assure you that no occurrences of my whole life, ever gave me so much concern, as some which took place during my absence abroad, proceeding from the present administration.
When I returned to the United States, I found that heavy censure had fallen on me, in the public opinion, as I had before much reason to believe was the case, in consequence of my having signed the British treaty, and when I returned here from Washington, I was assured that that circumstance was wielded against me with great effect, in relation to a particular object...
I informed Mr. Madison when I was at Washington, that I should write him a letter in reply to his of May the 20th, 1807, on the subject of the treaty, to answer some of his objections to it, and place in a just light, the conduct of the American Commissioners in that transaction.
In regard to the approaching election, I have been and shall continue to be an inactive spectator of the movement. Should the nation be disposed to call any citizen to that station, it would be his due to accept.
I am, Dear Sir, Yours, &c. &c. JAMES MONROE. WASHINGTON CITY, March 10th, 1808.
DEAR SIR.
From your letter of the 27th ult I perceived that painful impressions have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had never entertained a suspicion. I must therefore, examine the grounds, because explanations have been reasonable men, can never but do good.
I am, Dear Sir, Yours, &c. &c. JAMES MONROE. WASHINGTON CITY, March 10th, 1808.
DEAR SIR.
From your letter of the 27th ult I perceived that painful impressions have been made on your mind during your late mission, of which I had never entertained a suspicion. I must therefore, examine the grounds, because explanations have been reasonable men, can never but do good.
the time of the views to mischievous with which these lines were fabricated. But no confidence was then, nor is there now, against the British government, equally asserted by the Editors of news-papers the conduits of my speeches or opinions.
The fact was this: the treaty was communicated to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise.
Two of the Senators enquired of me in the evening, whether it was my purpose to detain them on account of the treaty.
My answer was, that it was not: that the treaty containing no provision against the imprisonment of our seamen, and being accompanied by a kind of protestation of the British ministers, which would leave that government free to consider it as a treaty or not, according to their own convenience, I should not give them the trouble of deliberating on it.
This was substantially spoken to and it is, and I never failed, when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself and Mr. Pinkney, by expressing my conviction that it was all that could be obtained from the British government;
that you had told their commissioners, that your government could not be pledged to ratify, because it was contrary to their instructions;
of course that it should be considered but as a project, and in this light I stated it publicly in my message to Congress on the opening of this session.
Not a single article of the treaty was ever made known beyond the members of the administration, nor would an article of it be known at this day, but for its publication in the news-papers as communicated by somebody from beyond the water, as we have always understood.
But as to myself, I can solemnly protest, as the most sacred of truths, that I never one instant lost sight of your reputation and favorable standing with your Country, and never omitted to justify your failure to attain our wish as one which was probably unattainable.
Reviewing therefore this whole subject, I cannot doubt you will become sensible that your impressions have been without ground. I cannot indeed judge what falsehoods may have been written or told you, but if you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or thought a thing unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me injury as causeless as it is affecting to me.
In the present contest, in which you are concerned, I feel no passion, I take no part, I express no sentiment. Which ever of my friends is called to the supreme cares of the nation, I know that they will be wisely and faithfully administered; and as far as my individual conduct can influence, they shall be cordially supported.
For myself I have nothing further to ask of the world, than to prove as I may have fairly earned, and to be permitted to pass in tranquility, in the bosom of my family and friends the days which yet remain for me.
Having reached the harbor myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not a wish to be in their place) those who are still buffeting the storm, uncertain of their fate.
Your voyage has so far been favorable, and that it may continue with entire prosperity is the sincere prayer of that friendship which I have ever borne you, and of which I now assure you, with the tender of my high respect and affectionate salutations.
A Copy. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON. RICHMOND, March 22d, 1808.
DEAR SIR,
I had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 10th inst. the day after my return from Altmar. It is distressing to me, to discuss with you the topics on which it treats, but in the state in which things are, it is certainly best to come to a perfect understanding on every point, and to repair on both sides any injury which may have been received.
To do you an injury, or indeed any one in the administration never entered into my mind, for while I labored under a conviction not only that I had been injured, but that the friendly feeling which you had so long entertained for me, had ceased to exist, I never indulged any other sentiment in consequence of it, than that of sorrow.
At present I am happy to say, that all doubt of your friendship for me, having experienced any change, is completely done away, and that the only anxiety, which I feel, is to satisfy you, that the impression was not taken on slight ground, nor imputable to communications made me by persons out of the administration.
The mission in itself of Mr. Pinkney, or any other person, would not have produced such an effect. It resulted from a chain of circumstances of which that measure was only a part.
When I left Madrid, I communicated to Mr. Madison in aid of our public dispatches, every idea which I had formed of the state of our affairs there, in all their relations, by sending him a copy of my private journal, and adding in private letters what it did contain.
Although it was my earnest desire to get home, and look to my private concerns, which I proposed to do soon after my return to London, I intimated to him, that I was willing in consideration of the existing crisis, to act in any situation, in which I might be useful.
On my return to London, I found that the seizures which had commenced in my absence, had imposed on me a new and important duty.
I resisted them, and not without some effect. By announcing to the British minister my intention to return to the United States that autumn, I assumed the character for every essential purpose of a special envoy; with which Mr. Madison was made acquainted, as he was likewise, with my determination to remain there till the business was concluded.
The evidence before him seemed to be satisfactory, that as nothing could be gained, of the existing ministry, by force, any change of the attitude taken on our part, was likely to do harm, and that if the ministry were retired, the danger of such an effect, would be increased by a change of attitude.
This latter idea was strongly impressed, in a private letter to him of the 5th of February, 1806, with my earnest advice against such a mission.
As the ship by which that letter was sent arrived at Philadelphia, on the 28th of March, I soon discovered that it had been intercepted.
It was in vain I endeavored to retract it by the 29th. It was in vain I endeavored to retract it by the 29th. It was in vain I endeavored to retract it by the 29th.

sequence of intelligence from the United States that such a mission was decided on by the government. As I had received no answer to any of my communications from Madrid or London, after my return, nor any acknowledgement of my services at either place, or expression of a desire that I should come home or remain there, it seemed by the measure alluded to, as if it was considered, that I was rather in the way than of use to the administration. Its reserve to me for so long a time, and the appointment of an associate, after the receipt of my private letter of February 24, and a public one of nearly the same date, and after the change in the administration, was known, made a deep impression on my mind to that effect. Special missions were never well received by those on the ground, and perhaps never will be, while men are governed by those useful passions, which stimulate them to virtuous actions. Such a mission reduces the resident minister, however respectable for his talents and character, to a Cypher, from the moment it is known that it is contemplated, and if it does not destroy him, it is because his character is sufficiently strong to bear the shock. The footing on which I had left my country, a consciousness of the zeal and integrity of my conduct in the public service, and of my personal attachment and devotion to the administration, was a firm belief that no change could be made to my disadvantage, they possibly have increased my sensibility to the measure. Had such an one been contemplated I thought that I should have been the first to hear of it in a private letter from yourself or Mr. Madison, but I had to gather the intelligence from the newspapers, the correspondence of others, the hints of Lord Holland, and even of Mr. Fox. Mr. Madison's first letter to me on any important subject, which was of the 11th of March, 1806, almost 10 months after I had left Madrid, and 8 after my return to London, was received on the 25th of April. It seemed to be intended to announce, the proposed measure, and from its style, taken in connection with the preceding circumstances, contributed greatly to confirm the impression which they had already made. The facility which it afforded to my departure appeared to me to be the strongest feature in it.
The letter which Mr. Pinkney brought me, which was delivered to him and by him to me open, was in the same tone. It stated that I was included in the special mission, but that Mr. Pinkney had a separate commission with him, to take my place in case I chose to return home. It expressed no desire that I would remain and join in the negotiation. The joint commission seemed also to be peculiarly adapted to favor that object, as it authorised one commissioner to act singly in the absence of the other, in which differed from those which I had carried with me abroad, they giving that power to one in case only of the death of the other. I could see no reason for his bringing with him a separate commission, to succeed me in the ordinary mission, if my immediate return had not been contemplated, as sufficient time would have been allowed for suppling it, if I remained and joined in the negotiation, before it could be concluded, or for the variance in the conditions of the joint commission. All these circumstances tended to convince me that the administration had withdrawn its confidence from me, and that it really wished to get rid of me. I was struck with astonishment at the idea, and deeply affected by it, as it was utterly impossible for me to trace the cause. Had I followed the impulse of my feelings, it would have been to have withdrawn on the arrival of Mr. Pinkney; but many considerations of great weight admonished me to pursue a different course. I had had much communication with Mr. Fox, and entertained great hopes, that through him our affairs might be settled to advantage. It did not seem probable, that any other person could derive the same aid from those communications that might be done, by a party to them. By remaining, I thought that I might give support to the administration at home, which I most earnestly wished to do. For these and other reasons of the same kind, I resolved to remain and unite in the negotiation with such character as might be sent, of which I gave Mr. Madison information in my letter, of the 29th of April, which was written a few days after the receipt of his of March the 11th, and in which I gave him distinctly to understand that that measure would be no cause of disagreement between the administration & myself. I remained and acted accordingly, and did every thing in my power to accomplish the views of my government and country, and finally concluded with Mr. Pinkney, the best treaty which it was possible to obtain of the British government. In uniting the negotiation and signing the treaty, I committed my reputation on the result, & it is only by the course which the business afterwards took, that any unpleasant occurrence has arisen between the administration and myself.
These were the circumstances which produced the impression, which I have acknowledged in the commencement of this letter, that your friendship had been withdrawn from me. But the assurances which you now make me and the perfect knowledge, which I have of your rectitude and sincerity, have completely erased that impression, and restored to my mind, that entire and friendly confidence, which it has always been accustomed to cherish.
I am perfectly satisfied, that you never meant to injure me, and that a belief, that I had suffered by any act, to which you were an innocent party, would give you great pain. Still the circumstance of my having signed a treaty which was disapproved, for imputed great defects, in having exceeded our powers, in signing it, which I should not have done, but in a firm belief that I promoted thereby the best interests of my country, and of the administration, while I exposed myself to great responsibility by the measure, have given a handle to those who have wielded it, with great effect against me. You can little imagine to what extent the mischief has been carried. I could give you many details which it would be as painful for you to read, as for me to recite.
When I saw that I was depressed in a country which I had so long served with fidelity and zeal, I could not be indifferent either to the cause, or the consequences resulting from it. My sensibility was naturally increased, by the excitement of those on the ground, who, by taking part in my favor, had essentially compromised themselves. I replied to the denunciation that was circulated against me here for improper purposes to many of my friends, who called on me in decisive terms and complained earnestly of the injury done me by it. The sum of these conversations, which were always of a nature confidential, it is not in my power to
recollect with precision. It is possible that on some cases I may have expressed myself with too much zeal, and in others been misconceived. You may however be assured, that my sole object was to do justice to myself in a case of peculiar hardship, and that I never went beyond that limit.
I am happy that we have had this explanation with each other. It has satisfied me, that I had misconceived your feelings and disposition towards me. Nothing remains but to prevent as far as possible all further inquietude. From the period above mentioned of peculiar excitement, I have been attentive to this object, & shall pursue it in future with still greater zeal. I estimate the acts of my friends by the intention only. Being satisfied on that point, I can bear with patience any consequences which may casually result from them. I am aware that under free governments it is difficult to avoid those of the kind alluded to, for perhaps no important good was ever altogether free from some portion of alloy. I am however, equally aware that the evils incident to the system, if indeed there be any, even to the individual who suffers under them, are trifling, when compared with the great blessings which it imparts.
I am, my dear sir, &c. &c. JAMES MONROE.
P.S. From an expression in your letter, that you had not supposed, that I had entertained any objection, to the association of any one with me, in the business at London, I perceive that you have not read, or if you have read, that you have forgotten my letter of February 24, 1806. I therefore send you a copy of it, which I have to request that you will be so good as to return me after perusing it.
WASHINGTON, April 11, 1808. Dear Sir,
An indisposition of periodical head-ache has for some time disabled me from business, and prevented my sooner acknowledging your letter of March 22, and returning that of February 2, 1806, which it inclosed. The receipt of that of March 22, has given me sincere pleasure. Conscious that I never felt a sentiment towards you that was so affectionate, it is a great relief to find that the doubts you had entertained on that subject are removed by an explanation of the circumstances which produced them. Some matters however appearing from your letter, not yet sufficiently understood, I have conceived that a more minute detail of the facts bearing on them would completely disarm them of all misconstruction.
You observe that the letters from hence containing no expression of a desire that you should come home or remain there, and the facility afforded to your departure by the commissions to Mr. Pinkney seemed to authorise an inference that you were considered as in the way of the administration. The truth however, was this: Your letters from Madrid, in 1804-5, expressed your anxious wish and intention to come home on your return to London. My extreme wish was that you should remain there, and I hoped by not being in a hurry to answer that manifestation of your desire, time might produce a change in your mind. But as soon as it was known (during the session of 1805-6) that yourself and Mr. Madison, were both contemplated as candidates for the succession to the presidency, I became apprehensive that by declining longer to assent to your return, I might be suspected of a partial design to keep you out of the way. This produced the acquiescence in your desire to come home, which then took place, and the commission to Mr. Pinkney to succeed you whenever you should determine to come; and these motives clearly show themselves in my letter of March 16, which says, 'I shall join Mr. Pinkney, of Maryland, as your associate for settling our differences with Great Britain. He will be authorised to take your place whenever you think yourself obliged to return. It is desirable for your own, as well as the public interest that you should join in the settlement of this business, and I am perfectly satisfied that if this can be done so as to be here before the next meeting of Congress, it will be greatly for your benefit. But I do not mean by this to overrule your own determination, (i.e. either to stay or come home) which measures to be taken here will place in perfect freedom.' Here you will perceive how much I wished your longer continuance there could not but, in itself, be desirable, but that I did not ask it from an apprehension that your return before the next Congress might be important to your higher interests.
I consider it now as a great misfortune that my letter of March 16, did not go on to you. It would, I trust, have corrected the inferences of a change in my affections towards you, drawn from a combination of circumstances, which circumstances were produced from very different causes, and some of them from the strength of those venial affections of which you thought that they moved a diminution, a desire to conform your movements in point of time, to what I deemed your best interests. I have gone thus minutely into these details from a desire to eradicate from your mind every fibre of doubt as to my sentiments towards you; and I am persuaded they will satisfactorily solve every circumstance which might at any time have occasioned doubt. I have done it too, the more cordially, because I perceive from your letter that disposition to a correct view of the subject which I knew to be inherent in your mind. What I have hitherto said has been confined to my own part only of these transactions. Yet it would be a criminal suppression of truth were I not to add that in the whole course of them, Mr. Madison has appeared to be governed by the most cordial friendship for you, has manifested on every occasion the most attentive concern for whatever might befal you, for your fame or fortune, and been as much alive to whatever regarded you, as a brother could have been.
I salute you with great and unchanged affections. A Copy. (Signed) TH: JEFFERSON.
RICHMOND, April 12, 1808. DEAR SIR,
I had the pleasure to receive some days past your favor of the 11th and that of the 15th, to day. Being perfectly satisfied by the explanations and assurances which you had given me in your preceding letters, that I had taken an improper idea of your disposition towards me, the details contained in your last one were not necessary in that
* This letter was sent to Col. Newton, at Norfolk, to be forwarded to Col. Monroe by a particular vessel; but the opportunity being lost, it was sometime afterwards returned to the President.
view. I receive them however, with great interest, because, in giving them, you afford me a new proof of your friendship. * * * I am, Dear Sir, With great respect, Very sincerely your friend, JAMES MONROE.
BALTIMORE Oct. 28. Gen. JAS. WILKINSON, the commander in chief of the army, to Capt. R. G. HARPER, commanding a company of Volunteer Artillery.
Capt. Harper under the veil of patriotism having secretly assailed the General's honor, and by wiles and factions unprincipled and inhuman, endeavored to destroy his military fortune and his fame: Gen. W. conceives that injuries of such uncommon atrocity, without a ray of provocation to extenuate them, give him an incontestable claim to commensurate reparation; he therefore waives the privileges of rank, and demands from Capt. Harper the only admissible atonement. Major Bissell of the army, will deliver this note, and is authorized to adjust time, place and manner. Baltimore, Wednesday noon, 2 Oct. 26th, 1808.
I called on Capt. Harper with the note of which the above is a copy, yesterday at half after one o'clock, and not finding him at home, returned again at half past two o'clock, but without meeting him. At 7 o'clock, P. M. the visit was repeated and the note delivered. Capt. Harper opened and perused it, and then observed that from what he had heard the General should have said, he had calculated on receiving a note of the import; and that he had prepared or had determined on an answer, which he would deliver me this day, and which I promised to call for. I then requested to know from Capt. Harper, whether he would meet the General or not, to which, after some pause, he replied in the negative. I immediately reported the result of my interview to Gen. W. who had observed, that as Capt. Harper had declined meeting him, he could hold no further communication with him, but would post him, and would signify his purpose, by a note to Capt. Harper, which he requested me to deliver.
I accordingly have this morning left with Capt. Harper a note of which the following is a copy. Gen. Wilkinson to Capt. Harper. Major Bissell having reported to the Gen. Capt. Harper's determination not to meet him, agreeably to his invitation of yesterday, the general can hold no further communication with the captain; but having descended to the Captain's level, he regrets he should be compelled to bear testimony to his cowardice, and put him out of the ranks of honor. Baltimore, Oct. 17th, 1808. Morning.
DANL. BISSELL. To those who know capt. R. G. Harper, it is unnecessary to say he is a swindler and an alien to honor, but to the whole world it may be necessary to proclaim him for a coward because he has been a bully; and thus to place him below the consideration of every man, who values the character of a gentleman. JAS WILKINSON. BALTIMORE, Oct. 27th 1808.
SIR, Being directed by Gen. Wilkinson to open all letters which might be left for him, and to return any one from you, which did not import a design to meet him, on the ground of his invitation of yesterday, I think proper to return you the inclosed. And am, sir, Your most obedient servant, DANL. BISSELL.
Capt. R. G. Harper. N B I give you my honor gen. Wilkinson has not seen your letter, nor does he understand the contents of it. D. B.
NOTE. The letter which I alluded to in the above, to Capt. Harper was that which has appeared in the North American, under the designation No. II. DANL BISSELL.
Gen. Wilkinson must excuse me from accepting his invitation. It supposes an equality, which, situated as he is, in the public opinion and in my opinion, I cannot admit. Neither can I admit that for advising Mr. Clark to lay before Congress the documents in his possession, tending to prove the existence and nature of gen. Wilkinson's connection with the Spanish government, which advice appears from his note of yesterday, to be the offence whereon his challenge is founded, I am personally responsible to him. It was my right and my duty to give that advice. To admit that I am responsible to gen. Wilkinson for having given it, would be to admit a principle leading directly to the suppression of evidence, and the impunity of offences. (Signed) ROBT. G. HARPER. BALTIMORE, October 27, 1808. (Addressed) Gen. James Wilkinson, commander in chief, &c.
FEDERALISM. Never was there a word so abused, perverted, tortured, or turned into ridicule, as this word Federalism —in its original and true meaning, it is the same as union , conjuction , joint operation , co-action , mutual and reciprocal support .—The following are examples of the way those who heretofore assumed the name of federalists illustrate their meaning. They say they are federalists —and advocate a separation of the union! They say they are federalists —and support and advocate and apologize for the outrages of a foreign nation! In Massachusetts and Connecticut, they are for making Rufus King president, & Timothy Pickering his vice. In New-York—they assent to be friends of George Clinton as president, and C. C. Pinckney as his vice. In Virginia they are for Monroe as president & any body as his vice. In S. Carolina they are for C. C. Pinckney as president and King as his vice. This is federalism in its true character. Aurora.
The Philadelphia Aurora of Tuesday says, that since the embargo, one thousand new houses have been built in that city; two manufactories erected for shot, which can each cast, (from lead produced in Louisiana) one ton and a half of the most perfect shot per day affording a supply large enough for all America and all Asia besides, and for ever securing at home the circulation of 205,000 dollars heretofore sent abroad for the purchase of that article; two manufactories of red lead are also already established, whose capacity is competent to the supply of the whole country with red lead and litharge; a
manufactory of white lead is also going on, and the elegant pottery of Messrs. Potter & Co. is conducted in a style so perfect, so complete in all that is necessary for utility or taste, that we require only a few privations of foreign articles to give to our own a complete establishment.
EUROPE.
BOSTON, Oct. 22. EMPIRE OF THE BRAZILS.
By gentleman who came passenger in the Triumph, capt. Barker, arrived at New-Port, from Rio Janeiro (Brazils,) information has been received, that Lord Strangford the British Ambassador to the Emperor of Brazils, (late Prince Regent of Portugal) had arrived there:—That the convoys bound to India and the Cape of C. Hope, had touched there:—That a camp had been formed for 40,000 British and Portuguese, to be commanded by the Count de Aros, their destination then supposed to be against the Spanish settlements:—[17] They had not heard in Brazils of the new order of things in Europe, in which the Spaniards, English and Portuguese are united like a band of brothers:—That the Spaniards in Brazils had been arrested, and sent to the river of Plate, among whom was Liniers, a brother of the hero of Buenos Ayres:—That the British naval force in Brazils consisted of six sail of the line, besides frigates under Sir Sidney Smith:—The following are the ships—Foudroyant 80, London 93, Marlborough 74, Monarch 74, Bedford 74, Agamemnon 84.—The Surveillante , President and Constance are among the frigates:—And that the duties paid at Rio Janeiro are 24 per cent ad valorem on imports; none on exports.—Col. Cent.
Marschal Jourdan is to command in chief the French forces to be employed in Spain; with Marshals Ney and Bessieres to assist him.
BONAPARTE'S EXPOSE, In Respect to Spain &c.
PARIS, Sept. 8. On the 5th inst. the senate assembled under the Presidency of his Serene Highness the Prince Arch-Chancellor. The Prince Arch-Treasurer, the Prince Vice Grand Elector, and the Prince Vice Constable, assisted at the sitting. The ministers of foreign affairs and of war communicated the following report. A message from his majesty was also ordered to the senate.
Report of the Minister for Foreign Affairs to his Imperial and Royal Majesty.
BAYONNE, April 24, 1808. SIRE—The security of your empire, the consolidation of its power, and the necessity of employing every means to compel to make peace, a government which, making a sanguinary sport of mankind, and in violation of every thing held most sacred among men, has adopted the principle of perpetual war, imposes on you the obligation of putting an end to the anarchy which menaces Spain, and to the dissensions which agitate it. These important circumstances render the choice of a line of conduct extremely important; they involve considerations which interest, in the highest degree, both France and Europe.
Of all the States of Europe, there are none whose state is more necessarily connected with that of France than Spain.—Spain is to France either a useful friend or a dangerous enemy. An intimate alliance must unite the two nations, or an implacable enmity separate them. Unfortunately that jealousy and distrust which exist between two neighboring States, have rendered enmity habitual. It is thus that the sanguinary page of history affects the rivalry of Charles V. and Francis I. which was not less the rivalry of the two nations than of their Sovereigns, and which continued under their successors. The troubles of the League were excited and fomented by Spain, who was no stranger to the disorder of La Fronde, and the power of Louis XIV. did not begin to rise until after having conquered Spain. He formed with the then reigning house in that kingdom an alliance, which, in its consequences, placed the crown of that kingdom on the head of his grandson. That act of provident policy gave to the two countries an age of peace, after three ages of war.
This state of things, however, ceased with the cause which gave birth to it. The French revolution broke the permanent connection which existed between the two nations. Then came the third coalition, in which Spain, prodigal to France of protestations of friendship, secretly promised her aid to the coalesced powers, as was discovered by the papers communicated to the British Parliament. The English ministry determined, from this moment, to undertake nothing against Spanish America, already considered Spain as an ally, and Spain, as well as England, looked forward to the defeat of its enemies. Events set aside that expectation, and Spain remained friendly.
At the epoch of the Fourth Coalition, Spain shewed more openly her hostile disposition, and betrayed by a public act the secrets of her engagement with England.—That famous proclamation cannot be forgotten, which preceded by nine days the battle of Jena, by which all Spain was called to arms, when no enemy threatened her, and which was followed by measures promptly effective, since the Military establishment of that kingdom was raised from 118,000 men, to 140,000. A report was at that time spread, that the army of your majesty was beaten, and that Austria was about to declare against you, and Spain imagined she might declare herself with impunity. The victory of Jena confounded her projects. The moment is arrived to give to France on the side of the Pyrenees a permanent security, so that if France is exposed to new dangers, she may, instead of having anything to fear from Spain, expect from her aid, & have recourse to the Spanish armies, to march to defend her.
In its present state, Spain is ill governed, badly united, or rather not united at all, in a common cause against England. Her marine is neglected, scarcely are any ships to be seen in her ports, and those in the worst state; the magazines are badly supplied, her ports there are no redoubts, nor batteries, nor armaments. In all the branches of the administration the most horrible disorder prevails; all the resources of the monarchy are dissipated, and the state, loaded with an enormous debt, is without credit. The produce of the customs and the excise of the clergy, destined to diminish this debt, have another destination given them. Lastly in the penury of its means,
Spain abandoned to her maxims, occupies herself with the augmentation of her land force. Great evils can only be cured by great changes.
The most pressing object of solicitude with your majesty is the war against England.—England announces, that she will not come to any accommodation. All the overtures of your majesty have been rejected or neglected. The inability to continue the war will alone induce England to make peace. The war against her, therefore, cannot be carried on with too much vigor.—Spain possesses maritime advantages which are lost to her and to France. It is necessary that a good government should give them activity, improve them by a judicious organization, & that your majesty should direct them against the common enemy, to arrive at length at peace, which humanity calls for, and of which all Europe stands so much in need. The interests of France and those of Continental Europe, will not allow your majesty to neglect the only means by which the war against England can be carried on with success.
The present situation of Spain compromises the security of France, and the fate of the war against England. That country, which possesses the greatest maritime means in Europe, uses them to the loss.
SIRE—Spain will not be to France a sincere and faithful friend, nor can the war against England be continued with the hope of arriving at peace, until a common interest shall unite the two Houses reigning in France and Spain. The dynasty which governs Spain, through its affections, its recollections, its fears, will be always the secret enemy of France; an enemy the more perfidious, because, pretending to be friendly and yielding every thing to France whilst victorious, it will be ready to over whelm her the moment her victory becomes uncertain.
It will be for the interest of Spain, as well as of France, that a firm hand should re-establish order in her administration, the disorder of which has crippled her Government, and leads to that ruin, towards which she is hastening with rapid strides.—A Prince, the friend of France, by sentiment, by interest, having nothing to fear from her, and not being an object of distrust to her, will appropriate all the resources of Spain to her interest, prosperity to the re-establishment of her marine, and to the success of the cause which unites Spain to France & the Continent. Thus the work of Louis XIV. will be re-established.
What policy suggests, justice authorises.—Spain is really in a state of war with your majesty, her communication with England was an hostile act, her Proclamation of the 15th of October was really a declaration of war, which would have been followed by an act of aggression, if your Majesty had not conquered at Jena. In that case, the preparations on the left of the Loire, which your Majesty had been without troops, would have been obliged to fly to repel this new enemy.
The French ministers in Spain have lost their ancient privileges, the laws of the customs were directed chiefly against French Commerce, and were remarkable for their arbitrary and perpetual variation. These variations could not be known, no publicity was given to them. It was only at the Custom-house that it was learnt that the law of one day was not the law of the next. Merchandise, confiscated often without any pretext, was not restored. All the applications made by, or on behalf of the French, were rejected. Whilst Spain was thus making war in detail upon the French and their commerce, all her ports, and chiefly those of the Gulf of Gascony were open to English commerce. The law of Blockade proclaimed in Spain, similar to that of France, was only rendered the means of favoring still more the contraband trade of England, the merchandise of which was spread through Spain into the rest of Europe.
Exclusive however, of the considerations which I have stated, existing circumstances do not permit your majesty to refrain from interfering in the affairs of that kingdom. The king of Spain has been precipitated from his Throne, your majesty is called upon to judge between the father and the son. What part will you take? Will you sacrifice the cause of Sovereigns, and sanction an outrage committed against the majesty of the Throne? Will you leave on the Throne a Prince, who cannot withdraw himself from the yoke of England, in consequence of which, your majesty must constantly keep on foot a powerful army in Spain? If on the contrary, your majesty determines to replace Charles IV. on the Throne, it is known that it cannot be done without overcoming a great resistance, and shedding French blood. Can that blood, of which the nation is prodigal for the defence of its own interests, be shed for the interest of a foreign king, whose fate is of no consequence to France? Lastly, can your majesty, taking no interest in these important differences, abandon the Spanish nation to its fate, while already it is agitated by an extreme fermentation: and when England is sowing the seeds of trouble, and of anarchy, ought your majesty to leave this new prey to England to devour? No; certainly not. Your majesty, therefore, occupied of necessity with the regeneration of Spain, is more useful to that kingdom, and useful to France, ought neither to re-establish, at the price of much bloodshed, a detested king, nor abandon Spain to herself; for in both cases it would be delivering her to the English, whose money and intrigues have produced the dissensions in that country.
I have stated to your majesty the circumstances which demand a great determination. Policy advises, justice authorises, the troubles in Spain enforce the necessity—your majesty ought to provide for the security of the Empire, and save Spain from the influence of England.
I am with respect &c.
22. Report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
PARIS, Sept. 1.
SIRE—I have the honor to propose to your majesty to communicate to the senate the two treaties which have placed the crown of Spain in your hands, and the constitution which under your auspices and enlightened by your advice, the Junta assembled at Bayonne, after free and mature deliberation, have adopted for the glory of the Spanish name and the prosperity of that kingdom and its colonies.
If in the arrangements made by your majesty the security of France has been your principal care, the interest of Spain herself has, however, been dear, and in uniting the two states by the most intimate alliance, the prosperity & the glory of both were equally the object proposed. The troubles which have manifested themselves have particularly excited the solicitude of

your majesty, in deprecating their progress, in foreseeing their sad consequences, in hoping to prevent them by persuasive means, and by measures of a wise and humane policy. Your majesty interposed as a mediator in the midst of the divided Spaniards, showing them on one side the anarchy which threatened them, and on the other England ready to profit by their divisions, and to make use of them to suit her convenience, and pointing out to them the way by which they might be saved from this double danger, by a constitution ever present, proper to provide all of which they stood in need, and in which liberal ideas intermingled themselves with these ancient institutions which Spain wished to depresse.
The expectations of your majesty have been deceived. Individual interests, foreign intrigues, and the influence of foreign corruption have prevailed. Why is it so easy to lead nations to their ruin by letting loose their passions? In a former report, I have made your majesty acquainted with the influence which the English were acquiring in Spain, the numerous party that they had formed, the friends whom they had acquired in the commercial towns, by holding out to them the prospect of a revival of their trade; I had pointed them out to you as authors of the sedition which overturned the throne of Charles IV. and the favorites of the popular disorders which arose at that epoch. They had burst through that salutary restraint which keeps the people in submission, by operating upon their interest. The populace of Spain, having shaken off the yoke of authority, aspired at governing English gold, the intrigues of the agents of the Inquisition, who were afraid of losing their authority, the influences of the numerous tribe of Monks in Spain, who dreaded a reform, have in this critical moment occasioned the insurrection of several Spanish provinces, in which the voice of the more prudent class has been either mistaken or stifled, or whom not a few have fallen victims to their courageous opposition to popular tumult, and a dreadful anarchy has been seen to diffuse itself over the greatest part of Spain. Will your majesty permit England to say, "Spain is one of my provinces, my flag drives from the Baltic, the North Sea, the Levant, and even from the shores of Persia, rules in the ports of France?" No never, sire! To prevent so much shame and misfortune, 2,000,000 of brave men are ready to scale the Pyrenees, and England will be erased from the peninsula.
If the French fight for the liberty of the seas, they must, to conquer, begin by wresting Spain from the influence of the tyrants of the ocean. If they combat for peace, they cannot obtain it until they have chased from Spain the enemies of peace.
If your majesty, embracing the future as well as the present, aspires to the noble object of leaving after you, your empire calm, tranquil and surrounded by powerful friends, you must begin by securing its influence in Spain.
Lastly, If honor is the first sentiment, as well as the first object of Frenchmen, your majesty must promptly inflict vengeance for the outrages committed against the French name, and the atrocities to which so great a number of our countrymen have fallen victims. Frenchmen established in Spain for more than 20 years, exercising in peace their useful industry, and almost regarding Spain as their country, have been massacred. Every where French property has been seized. The consular agents of your majesty have experienced a treatment which would not have been suffered in the most barbarous countries. What estimation, what consideration will the French name enjoy in Europe, if in a country so near to us, atrocities so infamous and so public, remain unpunished? Reparation ought to be had for them—but a reparation consonant to Frenchmen by victory.
It is no small advantage the probability of at length meeting the English, of fighting them man to man, of making them taste the evils of war—of a war, of the dangers of which they are ignorant, having only caused it by their gold. The English will be beaten, destroyed, dispersed, or at least they will make haste to fly, as they did at Toulon, at the Helder, at Dunkirk, in Sweden, & ever where where the French armies have been able to find them; but their expulsion from Spain will be the ruin of their cause. This last check will exhaust their means, annihilating at the same time their last hopes, and peace will become more probable. The wishes of all Europe will in this contest be with France. France and Russia make common cause against England—Denmark supports with honor a contest which she did not provoke—Sweden, betrayed and abandoned by the ally to whom an insane cabinet has sacrificed her, has already lost her most important provinces, and is hastening to that ruin which is the inevitable effect of alliance and friendship with England.
Such will be the fate of the insurgents in Spain. When the contest becomes serious the English will abandon Spain, after making them the sad bequest of a civil war—of a war for foreign interest, and for anarchy, the most cruel of scourges. It will be for the wisdom and beneficence of your majesty to repair the evils of which they will be the cause.
The court of Vienna has constantly testified to your majesty the most amicable intentions; indignant at the policy of England, she has recalled her minister from London, sent back the minister who was at Vienna, shut her ports against England, and placed herself in a state of hostility with that power. She has added to these measures an interdiction in her ports against the admission of vessels, which, under a neutral flag are only the carriers of English produce and merchandise. Your majesty has cultivated this favorable disposition; has testified to the court of Vienna friendship and confidence; and has several times intimated to her, that France takes a real interest in her prosperity.
Lately, however, this power has carried its armament beyond measure—its military force is out of all proportion to its population and finances. Your ministers, Sire, only wish to mark this, in order that your majesty may perceive the necessity of augmenting your force for the purpose of still preserving the relative superiority which exists between the power and the population of the two empires.
A new revolution has broken out at Constantinople. Sultan Mustapha has been deposed.
shamefully submit to that tribute which the English impose on the navigation of all nations. Germany, Italy, Switzerland and Holland are peaceable, and wait only for a maritime peace to exert all their industry. That peace is the wish of the world, but England opposes it;—England is the enemy of the world. The French nation, all Europe knows the efforts made by your majesty to obtain peace; they know that your enterprises are the immediate result of the ill success of the attempts which you have made to obtain it.
The devotion of the French people is without bounds;—and it is more especially under circumstances which are so essentially connected with their honor and its security, that their sentiments will be evinced, and that they will show themselves worthy of reaping the harvest of glory & honor, which your majesty has prepared for them. I am with respect, &c.
[The message of the French Emperor in answer to the foregoing, was published in the last Enquirer.]
NEW-YORK, October 27. LATEST FROM EUROPE. Yesterday morning the packet schr. Hope, Captain Woodward, arrived at this port from France and England, with dispatches for our government. The Hope left Havre on the 12th of September and Coes on the 28th. Capt. Woodward, who is the bearer of the Dispatches from our Minister in France; and Mr. Atwater, who is entrusted with those from our minister in London, will proceed this morning for the city of Washington. Capt. W. informs us that the day before he left Havre, news reached that place, that the Emperor Bonaparte had directed the Minister of Marine to stop all proceedings against American vessels until further orders;—that as far as he could discover, our negotiations with France had not experienced any recent change;—that Bonaparte was sending a very powerful army into Spain; and that the other Continental Powers remained in a state of tranquility. Mr. Atwater left London on the 25th of September; and informs us, that it was the opinion of the Merchants in London, that the British Orders in Council would not speedily be revoked. By the Hope the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received a file of London papers and Lloyd's List to the 24th of September, 7 days later than our advices by the Richard. They contain nothing of greater consequence than the following articles:—
LONDON, September 22. A letter is said to have reached town from an officer in Sir James Saumarez's squadron, stating, that on his junction with Sir Samuel Hood, at Baltic Port, the detachments of Royal Marines from the British squadron were landed on the island, at its entrance, where the Russians had taken post and erected heavy Batteries, that after a most severe action with the enemy, (who were far superior in numbers) our brave fellows succeeded in dislodging them, a part of the Russians surrendering, and others escaped in boats to their ships. At the time the letter was sent off, our men were re-embarking on board their ships, which being effected, it was the gallant admiral's intention immediately to enter the port, and give the enemy battle. The writer adds, "of the result no doubt could be entertained." Our loss in this service is stated to be very great, as our marines had to sustain a tremendous fire of grape and musketry before a landing could be effected.
No intelligence of this nature has been received at the Admiralty. A gentleman is arrived from Paris, which he left a few days ago. It was generally believed, that Massena would have the chief command of the army in Spain, if his health would permit him. Bonaparte and he were shooting the other day near St. Cloud, when Bonaparte fired his gun so close to Massena as to do considerable injury to his eye. It is apprehended that he will lose the sight of it. In the mean time Marshal Ney has been despatched to Spain. Within the last month, between 30 and 40,000 cavalry have passed through Paris.
The report of an attempt having lately been made upon the life of Bernadotte seems confirmed. He was at Flinsburgh at the time. His aid-de-camp was standing close by him, and seeing the dagger raised, threw himself forward to save the general, and received the weapon in his body. He died instantly. A second blow was aimed at Bernadotte—he parried it with his hand and the dagger went through his hand and entered his breast, but not deeply. He is now recovered. Immediately after this attempt upon the general, an Arrest was issued, guarding the people against crediting or circulating reports of a sinister nature.
The American ship Galen, Stedman, has been taken by a Danish privateer, but released on payment of costs and 200 rix-dollars, and promising not to proceed to St. Petersburg, but return in ballast. When he sailed, however, August 2, he immediately stood for the English ships off Ruse, and sailed the same evening for the Baltic, under convoy of a Cutter.
Mr. Atwater the gentleman who brought the last dispatches by the Hope from America, sets off on his return to his native country on Friday next. This gentleman is not understood to take out any intelligence from our government that is at all calculated to allay the spirit of irritation prevailing in America, or to facilitate the complete reconciliation of the two governments. In fact, serious apprehensions are entertained, and by persons, too, not likely to be uninformed, that there is no probability of an amicable termination to the discussions which have so long gone on between the two governments. It is said that our government decidedly refuses to rescind the Orders in Council, or make any modification in them favorable to America, and the American government, therefore express their resolution, or speaking more correctly in the language of the American Constitution, their opinion that the Embargo will not be removed, or even relaxed, until the Orders in Council are rescinded; nor more, until the American flag shall be guaranteed from the molestation of our vessels upon any pretence whatever. Such is the representation that has reached us, and we feel inclined to believe it.
A Mail and Dispatches from Corunna reached town this morning, brought by the Snapper Schooner, arrived at Plymouth, and also Dispatches from Gijon, brought by the Peruvian Sloop, arrived at the same Port. The vessel from Corunna brings a report that the four principal Spanish Armies had formed a junction, and had nearly reached
Burgos, where Joseph had taken up his residence, and where the French Army were stationed, who had determined to give the Spaniards battle; but this is superceded by the Spanish Papers to the 15th instant, which we received by the Mail.
It appears in these papers, by an article from Madrid of the 7th, that Joseph and the French Head-Quarters were at the city of Logrono, on the borders of Old Castile, near Navarre. They had marched by Tudela into Arragon, but suddenly retreated, which is attributed to the intelligence they received of the movements of the Spanish Armies. It is mentioned in one of the papers, that the Arragon Army had been compelled to make a retrograde movement from Tudela to Borja. This took place most probably in consequence of the above mentioned movement of the French Army, whose object in making it, appears to have been to prevent their retreat from being cut off by the Arragon Army and other troops obtaining a position in their rear. The station thus taken by the French Army is in conformity with the statement in the Paris Papers, which we noticed on Monday, of their having occupied positions in the line of the Ebro, where they were throwing up tetes du pont , and seems to indicate their intention of endeavoring to maintain for a time at least, a defensive war. A Letter from Gijon, of the 15th, states, that the French, after collecting the chief part of their force from Navarre and Biscay, to the amount of near 30,000, had suddenly made an irruption into Arragon, with the view of getting possession of Saragossa; but when within seven leagues of the City, they received such intelligence as induced them to retreat, and that their head-quarters were then at Miranda Ebro, in Navarre. We cannot find this place in the map, but from the name, it is evident it must be on the Ebro.
The difference in the name mentioned in the two statements is therefore of no consequence, as both in relating the same facts come to the same result. This letter also states, that Palafox had fallen back to Borja, in consequence of the advance of the French Army, greatly superior in numbers. The intelligence of 70,000 Spaniards being on their march from Madrid to Saragossa, is supposed to have caused the retreat of the French. The Spanish General Blake, is supposed to have occupied Burgos, the last accounts having left him at Reynos.
The whole of the intelligence is highly satisfactory. It appears clear that the French in Spain, with their present force, are wholly unable to make a stand against the Spaniards, unless enabled to do it by the strength of their positions; and if the French should succeed in keeping their ground, and in reinforcing their army to any great extent, it is evident that the Spaniards will have ample means and opportunity, in the interval, of collecting & disciplining a very large army, to meet the increased force of their enemy. The most pleasing hopes may therefore be entertained of ultimate success to the glorious cause of the Spanish nation. Cuesta had established his head quarters at Aboja del Tormer.
The Russian Ambassador at Madrid had set out for Lisbon.
The captain of a vessel arrived at Carthagena, had stated, that the French were precipitately evacuating Naples, the whole kingdom being in a state of insurrection against them.
The second Son of the King of the Two Sicilies, and the Duke of Orleans, have arrived at Gibraltar.
A letter from an Officer in the expedition under the command of Sir David Baird, dated Cork, the 15th instant, says, "We are this morning getting under weigh, with 7,000 troops on board, destined for Italy."
Several fire-ships, we understand, have been prepared in the Baltic, for the purpose of an attempt to burn the Russian Fleet in Rogerswick Bay.
PHILADELPHIA, October 27. The dispatches by the Hope have passed through this city, on their way to Washington. Nothing has transpired as to the tenor of those dispatches.
A dreadful fire took place in London on the 10th inst.—That immense and costly building Covent Garden Theatre, with all its apparatus, estimated to be worth 150,000, sterling was entirely consumed, & upwards of 50 persons killed by the falling of the different walls.
Private letters from England, per the Hope, do not breathe the most ominous spirit. So far from Great Britain relaxing her maritime orders, she is giving additional rigour and extent to restrictions. It is said, that she has absolutely and peremptorily refused to rescind or modify her orders in Council. Our trade to India is to experience new restrictions. American vessels are not to be permitted to clear out from any other than a port in the United States, nor will they be allowed to touch at any foreign date part of their passage, except thro' necessity, which must be proved. Double duties are also to be exacted.
Extract of a letter from an intelligent American gentleman in London to his friend in this city, dated Sept. 17. "The embargo is now considered a strong act; and just begins to take a powerful effect in this country. The American cotton is almost entirely consumed; and as the sanguine expectations of the British merchants on the supply of cotton from the Brazils and other sources, have failed, this article has become very high and scarce. The harvest has been much less productive than was expected; and wheat has of course risen to a much higher price than it was before this circumstance was known. This country cannot spare any grain for her colonies, much less for Spain and Portugal. I imagine it will depend entirely on the events in Spain and Portugal, whether we are to have any commerce or not, without a sacrifice of our independence. Should the French succeed in their views in Spain, which the most sensible men here consider highly probable, I have not the smallest doubt but this government will act towards us with at least common justice. At the present time a war with America would be very unpopular; and all parties here seem fully aware of the mutual advantages of a good understanding."
"Should Spanish ports be open to British commerce, and any plan can be substituted for our cotton and flour, we should be prohibited the use of the ocean as a commercial nation. A universal monopoly of trade suits the affluent London merchant; and they have no idea of sharing it with any power on earth. The reason why Great Britain did not feel earlier than now, the operation of the embargos, that just before it was laid, there was an immense accumulation of cotton at Liverpool, that has furnished, considering the small demand for manufactured goods, a tolerable good supply. It is now almost entirely consumed. This country always considered the Americans so commercial, and
so avaricious, that the people, when two crops are on hand, would force the government to permit the exportation of it, on any terms. Much surprise is now expressed that the late arrivals from America do not bring accounts of civil tumults; and I think a strict adherence to our system will produce a fair arrangement by the next spring."
ENQUIRER OFFICE, Nov. 1, 1808.
By the New-York prints it seems, that the Hope brings very slight hopes of a favorable adjustment with England—It is highly probable at all events, that England will wave such an accommodation, for the present—with the view of influencing our Presidential election.
She even threatens to lay additional restrictions upon the trade of the U. States, for according to the British prints, she proposes to enforce the idea embraced by the late rejected treaty relative to our trade with India. By Jay's treaty our vessels from India were compelled to return to the U. States.—Agreeably to the late treaty, they were not only to come to but to sail from our ports. Every thing demonstrates the necessity of displaying the energies of our national character. The administration have asked no more than our rights. They have ever been reasonable in their demands. They have been just and impartial towards all foreign nations, as the proposition lately made to Great Britain indubitably demonstrates.—Let us be firm and persevering.—Let the last expedient be Submission to tribute and encroachment.
TRIMMING! Apostasy from Richmond Federal Principles! CIRCULAR.
We the Corresponding Committee, for the county of Augusta, encouraged by our own idea of consistency, and by communications from different parts of the state of Virginia, have formed the annexed Federal Ticket:
This ticket would have made its appearance in Mr. Davis's paper of the 15th inst. published in Richmond, if it had not been arrested, by a Committee of Federalists in that place, to unknown through the whole progress of our proceedings; and which really seems to have been brought into existence by the arrival at that place, of the ticket made out by us.
We protest not to dictate for that Committee, nor for any portion of our federal brethren, but we mean to act consistently with ourselves, and to vote for those men and those only whom we wish should succeed, and to give to our federal brethren throughout the state the same opportunity. We deprecate the idea of voting otherwise, and we have no hesitation in saying, that the course recommended by the Committee at Richmond, is calculated to insult the feelings of the men they advocate, inasmuch as the avowed object is, not that he should succeed, but that his name should be made use of to defeat the election of his opponent, in this state. We are not disposed to injure the feelings of that Gentleman, or any other, but we have a desire to adhere to the principle we set out with, and therefore, although the time previous to the election is too short to promise much, we nevertheless, submit to our brethren the following ticket:
ROBERT PORTERFIELD, WILLIAM BOYD, CARTER BEVERLEY, ALEXANDER NELSON, ALEXANDER ST. CLAIR, SAMUEL CLARKE. Staunton, October 22, 1808.
Table with 2 columns: Names of Electors, County or City. Lists names like John Nevison, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, etc., and counties like Norfolk Borough, Prince George, Petersburg, etc.
IN COUNCIL, OCTOBER 29TH, 1808.—The Governor laid before the board, a letter from Robert Brough, Esq. one of the Commissioners, appointed to superintend the Election of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, stating that it had been suggested to him, that the Electoral Tickets must be in writing, & that it will be contended on the day of Election, that none but written Tickets be received; and requesting the opinion of the Executive in the case: Whereupon it is advised, at the opinion of this board, That the names of the persons voted for as Electors, may be either written or printed; but that the names of the persons voting, ought to be in writing on the back of the Tickets. It is further advised, that the foregoing opinion be published in the news-papers printed in the city of Richmond. Extract from the Minutes, DANL. L. HYLTOM, Clerk of the Council. Nov. 1.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Was broken open on Saturday Evening last, the Stable of Mr. James Currie, and was stolen therefrom, a large BAY HORSE. He has a scar on the right hip, lately done—The two hind feet and the right fore foot are white. He is a raw boned Horse, and carries his head high—The thief likewise took with him a Saddle, almost new, with spring stirrups, the initials of J. Currie's name on a silver bit on the front of it, and two Bridles—Whoever will deliver the said Horse to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward, and on conviction of the thief Thirty Dollars. JAMES CURRIE. Richmond, Nov 1.
N. B.—This is the same Horse which Mr. Currie generally drives in his gig, and remarkable for his swiftness in trotting. J. C. On the same night Dr. McCaw was robbed of a bay horse—the presumption therefore is, that they are together. J. C.
Two white men of suspicious appearance, were seen lurking about the stables the day previous to the theft, one a tall gaunt fellow, the other short in stature. Both ill-dressed and ill-looking.
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to WINSTON & PRIDDY. Nov. 1. [1aw15j.]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date nineteenth day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and seven, to me executed by Lawrence Currier, to secure the payment of a sum of money at therein mentioned; I shall proceed to sell, for cash, to the highest bidder, on the fifteenth day of Nov. next, at the dwelling-house of said Currier, all the PROPERTY conveyed by said deed, to satisfy the debt above mentioned, and all costs attending the same. G. CARR. [2d]
FOR SALE, that well known and valuable FARM, on Chickahominy river, formerly the property of Mr. Thomas Watkins, deceased, about 14 miles from Richmond, containing 536 acres; a very considerable part, is valuable swamp Land, a part of which is reclaimed, and now in meadow, from which I have been credibly informed, that Mr. Watkins in his life-time, cut upwards of 100 ton in the year; there is about 120 acres of swamp Land now in timber; and could be reclaimed at a very inconsiderable expense, to make at least double the quantity of hay, that has formerly been cut. There is a considerable quantity of Cedar on the high land, and I believe, full sufficient to fence the greater part of the plantation. On this plantation, is a tolerable good dwelling-house, kitchen and a very good barn, with several out-houses for the negroes: Also, a excellent young apple orchard, of about 300 bearing trees, independent of the old orchard of 100 more of the best fruit, and about 300 peach trees, selected from the best kind, with a variety of pears, and cherries, and all of which are choice fruit. There is also, on this plantation, a very valuable mill seat, on which there was formerly, a good grist mill, and from information, used to receive from 30 to 60 barrels of corn per annum. Last year I erected a new mill house on it, with a considerable part of the running year finished, and for about 100 dollars expense, the mill could be completed. Few plantations in this country, possess more natural advantages, as the whole of the meadow can be watered from the mill stream. This Farm is worthy the object of any person who is fond of farming, and can be made as productive as any in the state, for the number of acres it contains. I am satisfied, to any man, who would turn his attention to making of hay, the product of that article alone, will be from 4 to 500 pounds annually, independent of corn & wheat; to any person inclined to purchase this Farm, I will give a credit of 3 years on paying down 1/3 of the purchase money, on securing the balance by a deed of trust on the premises. Also, for sale, four Mules and about 32 head of CATTLE, and the crop of Corn, Fodder, &c on hand, which will be sold independently of the plantation. DANIEL L. HYLTOM. Nov. 1. [4d]
HENRIK CHEATHAM.—Take notice, that I shall, on the second Monday in November next, that being Chesterfield County Court day, move the said Court, by my Attorney, for Judgement and award of Execution against you, for the sum of £12 9 4, which I have paid as your security in discharge of a judgement obtained in the said County Court of Chesterfield, by Thomas Benfard, assignee of Peter Elam vs. you and my self. I am, yours, &c. ELAM LOCKETT. Nov. 1. [1d]
IN CHANCERY—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808. Charles Thomas, Plff.—Against John Tisdale, James Trevillian & Samuel Henson, Defs. THE defendant, J. h. Tisdale, not having entered his appearance & given security, according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On motion of the Plaintiff by his attorney; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the news papers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & posted at the front door of the court-house of this county, on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. Nov. 1. [1aw1w.]
IN CHANCERY—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808. Robert Yancey & Co. Plff.—Against William Meriwether and Robert Dickinson Defendants. THE plaintiff, Robert Yancey is dead—and the defendant, Meriwether, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney; It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the news papers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. Nov. 1. [1aw8w.]
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge,) Part 3 of Vol. 1 of HENING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume.
At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Nov. 1. [1aw1f.]
TO JAMES WELCH, FORMERLY OF GREENSBORO COUNTY, VIRGINIA.—SIR:—As I know not the place of your present residence, and believe you to be no longer an inhabitant of this State; I take this mode of informing you, that I shall on the fifth day of January next, take the deposition of Samuel McCraw, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, held at Richmond, where I am plaintiff, and yourself and others defendants. Which deposition will be taken at the Office of the said McCraw, in the City of Richmond, between the hours of six in the morning, and six in the evening, when and where you may attend if you please. SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond, Nov. 1. [1aw15h.Jan.]
ALL persons having claims against the Estate of Wm. Friend, deceased, late of Manchester, are hereby required to bring them forward, as early as possible, that arrangements may be made for payment and all persons indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make payment, as speedily as possible. The administration of the estate being such, as to render it impossible to grant longer indulgence. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, Nov. 1. [2mo3.]

(BY AUTHORITY.) LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT Concerning Invalid Pensioners. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby directed to place the following named persons, whose claims have been transmitted to Congress, pursuant to a law passed the tenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, on the pension list of invalid pensioners of the United States, according to the rates and to commence at the times herein mentioned, that is to say:
 Thomas Lamar Davis, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month; to commence on the twenty-ninth day of Dec. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Albert Chapman, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Ambrose Homan, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of Dec. one thousand eight hundred and six.  Richard Scott, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the fifth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Francis Blood, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and six.  Jonas Green, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  William Green, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Seth Weed, at the rate of six dollars per month to commence on the seventh day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Samuel Lathrop, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Peter Smith, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and six.  William Johnson, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence the first day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  James Houston, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence the thirteenth day of July, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Jedediah Hyde, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the third day of Aug. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Samuel Nesbitt, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eighteenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Shepherd Packard, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Richard Kisby, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Jonathan Wilkins, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence the twenty-sixth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Walterman Baldwin, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence the twenty-fifth day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  John Clark, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  John Venus, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the eleventh day of Dec. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  John Holcomb, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Richard Steals, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the ninth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Alexander Jones, at the rate of three dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four.  Benjamin Sadler, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and three.  Benjamin Jenkins, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  William Scott, at the rate of twenty-five dollars per month, to commence on the twelfth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  James Buff, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Nathan Taylor, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Aaron Stevens, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Simon Morgan, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the second day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Jonathan Patch, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eleventh day of July, one thousand eight hundred and six.  Ebenezer Rowe, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Benjamin Kendrick, at the rate of three dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the first day of Jan. one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six.  Nicholas Hoff, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Samuel Shaw, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the thirteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Nicholas Lott, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-third day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Humphrey Beckett, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the eighth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Silas Packer, at the rate of six dollars per month, to commence on the tenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Jared Linsley, Junr. at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Francis Davidson, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixteenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Andrew Waggoner, at the rate of twenty dollars per month, to commence on the second day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  George Richardson, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the tenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  William Wallace, at the rate of eight dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight. 
 Joseph Bird, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John St. John, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Abner Snow, at the rate of three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the twenty-seventh day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Aaron Crane, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the third day of Nov. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  James Hawley, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the sixth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Elijah Morse, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the sixth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Van Anglen, at the rate of fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  James Boden, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-eighth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Isaac Burnham, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the first day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and three.  Benjamin Hillman, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the fourteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Silas Pierce, at the rate of ten dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Randall McAlister, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Durrall, at the rate of three dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Jabez Church, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-second day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Thomas Martin, at the rate of four dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  David Richly, at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the second day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Wm. Hastings, at the rate of five dollars per month, to commence on the eleventh day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Joshua Lovejoy, five dollars per month to commence on the fifth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Isaac Higgins, three dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the twenty-ninth day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Reuben Dow, fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Joseph Marum, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  David Ramy, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifth day of Nov. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  John Whitehorn, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Richard Sherman, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Noah Sinclair, three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the eighth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Nathaniel Church, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Gershon Clark, five dollars per month, to commence on the first day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John McKinstry, twelve dollars per month, to commence on the seventh day of Dec. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Ebenezer Perkins, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifteenth day of Sept. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Henry Ten Eyck, fifteen dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-first day of Nov. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Thomas Simpson, thirteen dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of Dec. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Rybeck, four dollars per month to commence on the eighteenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Lemuel Desn, five dollars per month, to commence on the eighth day of Oct. one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Thomas Johnson, five dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  Levi Chubbuck, three dollars and seventy-five cents per month, to commence on the twentieth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seven.  George Walter, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-fourth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Samuel Rosetter, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Jeremiah Pritchard, thirteen dollars thirty-three and one-third cents per month, to commence on the sixth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Abner Gage, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Devree, five dollars per month, to commence on the thirtieth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Nathaniel Bradley, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Theodorus Seely, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the ninth day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Herron, two dollars and fifty cents per month, to commence on the twenty-sixth day 
of January, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Peter Newcom, four dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John Hampton, six dollars per month, to commence on the seventeenth day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Roswell Woodworth, five dollars per month, to commence on the twenty-third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  David Hurlburt, five dollars per month, to commence on the nineteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  John McCoy, five dollars per month, to commence on the eleventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Caleb Hunt, five dollars per month, to commence on the fifth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Henry Gates, five dollars per month, to commence on the ninth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  David Hall, five dollars per month, to commence on the twelfth day of Feb. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Jonah Cole, five dollars per month, to commence on the fourth day of April, one thousand eight hundred and eight.  William Nelson, five dollars per month to commence on the twenty-second day of Jan. one thousand eight hundred and eight.  Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary at War be, and he is hereby authorized & directed to place on the pension list of the United States, all persons who now remain on the pension list of any of the states, and who were placed on the same in consequence of disability occasioned by known wounds received during the revolutionary war, whether such persons are or persons served in the land or sea service of the forces of the United States, or of any particular state, in the regular corps, of the militia or as volunteers: Provided , That in no case the pensions allowed to such person or persons, shall exceed the sums specified by the sixth section of an act, entitled "An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war."  Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any officer, non-commissioned officer, musician or private, who has been wounded or disabled since the revolutionary war, while in the line of his duty, in the actual service of the United States, whether he belong to the military establishment or the militia, or any volunteer corps, called into service under the authority of the United States, may be placed on the pension list of the U. States, at such rate of compensation, and under such regulations as are prescribed by the act entitled "An act to provide for persons who were disabled by known wounds received in the revolutionary war," passed April the tenth one thousand eight hundred and six.  Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the pensioners becoming such in virtue of this act, shall be paid in the same manner as invalid pensioners are paid, who have heretofore been placed on the pension list of the U. S. under such restrictions and regulations in all respects, as are prescribed by the laws of the U. States, in such cases provided.  J. P. VARNUM. Speaker of the House of Representatives.  S. SMITH, President of the Senate, pro-tem.  April 28, 1808—APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT For the establishment of a turnpike company in the county of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That John Thompson, Thomas Swann, Charles Alexander, Edward I. Lee, Jacob Hoffman, Calibet Powell and John Mandeville, or a majority of them, be, and they are hereby constituted a board of commissioners, with full power and authority to open, or cause to be opened, books for receiving and entering subscriptions for raising a capital stock, not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, in shares of fifty dollars each, for the purpose of opening, graveling, and improving a road not exceeding one hundred, nor less than thirty feet wide, between the town of Alexandria and Bridge point, on Alexandria's Island, opposite to the city of Washington, and of erecting a bridge over Four Mile creek, in the county of Alexandria, and of making such other incidental works, and defraying such other incidental expenses, as may be deemed necessary or expedient by the company hereinafter named; the time, place and manner of receiving and entering such subscriptions, to be ascertained by the said board of commissioners, and duly advertised in such newspapers as they may deem expedient. Provided , That the time to be fixed upon by the said board of commissioners for opening books for receiving the said subscriptions shall be on or before the first Monday in April next; and that no subscription shall be received, unless the sum of ten dollars be first paid into the hands of the person, authorized to receive the same, on each share subscribed for.  Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That whenever two hundred of the said shares shall be subscribed for, all persons who may then be, or thereafter may become the actual holders or proprietors of shares in the said capital stock, either as subscribers for the same, or as the legal representatives, successors, or assignees of such subscribers, shall be, and they are hereby made and created, a body politic and corporate, by the name and style of "The Washington and Alexandria Turnpike Company," and by that name may sue and be sued, implead and be impleaded, and do and suffer all acts, matters, and things which a body politic and corporate may lawfully do and suffer; and may have a common seal, and the same may break and alter at pleasure, and may make all bye laws, rules, regulations, and ordinances, for the good government and well-being of the said company, and for carrying into effect the objects of their institution, so that such bye laws, rules, regulations, or ordinances, be not repugnant to the laws of the United States in force within the said county of Alexandria.  Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That when two hundred of the said shares shall be subscribed for as aforesaid, or as soon after as may be, the said board of commissioners shall call a meeting of the company, at the town of Alexandria, by public advertisement in one or more gazettes published in Washington and Alexandria, appointing a fit and convenient time and place of meeting, for the purpose of electing five directors, a clerk, and a treasurer, and such other officers, agents, and servants, as the said company may think fit to appoint, and for transacting any other business, in pursuance of this act, and pertaining to the nature and objects of the institution of the said company; and the said board of commissioners shall, if necessary, adjourn the said meeting from time to time, until a quorum be formed; and a majority of the said company, or the proprietors of two thirds of the number of shares actually subscribed for, their legal representatives, successors, or proxies shall be a quorum to do business; and the said board of commissioners, before opening the said subscription books, shall ascertain and publish in said advertisement, a fit and convenient mode of
authenticating all powers of attorney, authorizing subscriptions to be made in the name of any person or persons; and before calling a meeting of the said company, shall ascertain and publish in their advertisement, a fit and convenient mode of authenticating all instruments of writing, authorizing any person, or persons, to act and vote at said meetings, as the proxy, or proxies of any person or persons; and all which powers of attorney and instruments of writing, shall be filed with the clerk of the said company, and by him be safely kept among the records, and documents appertaining to his office; and such documents of the said company and board of directors shall be formed as aforesaid, all the powers, authorities, and duties, whatsoever, by this act vested in the said board of commissioners, shall cease and determine, and thereafter become vested in the directors, for the time being of the said company, under such limitations and restrictions, as the said company may think fit to prescribe. And the said board of commissioners shall account to the said company at the first meeting of the same, all monies received by them or their agents, on account of such subscriptions, and shall immediately pay over the same to the treasurer of the said company, or to such other person or persons as the said company may direct and appoint; the said company, nevertheless, to allow all just credits for monies actually and necessarily expended by the said board of commissioners, in the execution of their said trust and offices.  Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That there shall be annually held on the first Monday in January a meeting of the said company, for the purpose of electing five directors, a clerk, and a treasurer, and the said company, shall have power, at any meeting legally called and constituted, in pursuance of this act, to dispense any of their directors or officers, and to supply by a new election or appointment, all vacancies that may happen among the directors, or officers of the company; and the said company shall have power to prescribe and regulate the power, and duties of the said directors, and of all other officers of the company; and a majority of the said directors may from time to time elect one of their number president, and may provisionally supply, by their own election, any vacancies that may happen among any of the officers of the company; and the persons so elected by the said directors may continue in office till the next legal meeting of the company, and the directors of the said company, to be elected in pursuance of this act, shall, unless sooner displaced by the said company, continue in office until the first Monday in January next, succeeding their election, and from that time until a new election shall be made by the said company.
(To be continued.)
IN COUNCIL, JULY 16, 1808.
PURSUANT to an act of the General Assembly entitled an act, to amend an act for appointing Electors to choose a President and Vice-President of the United States, It is advised, that the following persons be appointed and commissioned in the respective counties, and corporations of Richmond, Williamsburg and Borough of Norfolk, for the purpose of executing the said law, viz.
 Accomack, Thomas M. Bayley, George Layfield and Parker Barnes.  Albemarle, George Divers, Rice Garland and Alexander Garrett.  Amelia, Edmund Harrison, John Lane and Daniel Hardaway.  Amherst, Samuel Merifield, Wm. S. Crawford and John Cunn.  Augusta, Chapman Johnson, Chesley Kinney and James Cochran.  Bath, John Wilson, John Berry and Valentine White.  Bedford, Jabez Leftwich, Charles Clay and Daniel Pegram.  Berkley, Joel Ward, Erasmus Grant and William Sommerville.  Botetourt, Martin M'Ferran, Charles Beale and Elijah M'Clanahan.  Brooke, John C. Young, John M'Comick and James Blair.  Brunswick, Thomas Macklin, Philip Claiborne and Aaron Brown.  Buckingham, Archibald Austin, Bolling Branch and Anthony Dibrell.  Campbell, John Dabney, William J. Lewis and Thomas S. M'Clanahan.  Cumberland, William Daniel, John Hatcher and Charles Woods.  Caroline, Richard Hawes, George Buckner and William Anderson.  Charles City, John Bradley, John Christian and Edward Randolph.  Charlotte, Joseph Wyatt, Williamson P. E. and William L. Morton.  Chesterfield, Isaac Salle, Peter F. Smith and Richard D. Goode.  Culpeper, Moses Green, John Roberts and Aytey Hawes.  Dinwiddie, Williamson Coleman, Archibald Tuckett and John Wilder.  Elizabeth City, George Wray, Augustine Moore and Thomas Jones, Jr.  Essex, Tuftall Banks, James Webb and Threlsey Reynolds.  Fauquier, Augustine Jennings, Thomas Hunt and Rich and H. Foote.  Fairfax, Thompson Mason, George Summers & George Graham.  Frederick, James Singleton, Henry St. George Tucker and William Castleman.  Franklin, Henry Callaway, Moses Green & Benjamin Cooke.  Fluvanna, John Quarles, William Pasteur and Matthew P. Haden.  Giles, George Pearis, Andrew Johnson and Thomas Shannon.  Gloucester, Thomas Baytop, Richard Jones and William B. Byrd.  Goodland, Nicholas M. Vaughan, James Carter and Archibald Perkins.  Grayson, Maria Dickinson, John Pieller and Emeth Osborne.  Greene, Jas. Anderson, Oliver Towles and Ballard Smith.  Greensville, Lewis Dupree, Joseph Wilkins and Francis Hill.  Halifax, John B. Scott, Berryman Green and George Carington.  Hampshire, John Higgins, William Donaldson and James Read.  Henrico, Nathaniel Pope, William Pollard and Thom. White.  Hardy, John L. Scholl, Henry Judea and Edward Williams.  Harrison, Jonathan Ratchiffe, George Arnold and Benjamin Wilson, Jr.  Henrico, Major William Price, William Young (Brooke) and George Savage.  Henry, Joseph Martin, George Waller, Jr. and Patrick H. Fontaine.  Lee of Wright, Jas. Luber (Everett's Bridge) Emanuel Wirtz and Andrew Woodley.  James City, Chapman Travis, William Lightfoot and Robert Greenhow.  Jefferson, Ferdinando Fairfax, Jacob H. Manning and George Hite.  Kanawha, John Remond, Morris Hudson and Charles Venable.  King & Queen, Anderson Scott, John Hoskins and William Fleet.  King George, William Hoode, Theodosius Hammet and Lawrence Derry.  King William, Walter Hawes, Hardin Littlepage and John Lord.  Lancaster, Martin Shearman, William Gibson and William Kirk.  Lee, Peter Falkerson, Joshua Lving and Hiram Craig.  Loudoun, John Littlejohn, Fleet Smith and William Noland.  Louisa, William O. Calis, John Poindexter and Henry Pendleton. 
 Lunenburg, Wandy Street, Joseph Yarborough and Robert Clappell.  Madison, Abraham Maury, William Maury and Benjamin Cave.  Mason, William Owens, William Sterritt and John M'Calloch.  Matthews, Thomas Brooke, Levin Gayle and James Spence.  Mecklenburg, Abraham Keene, Thomas A. Jones and Oliver Green.  Middlesex, Thomas Muse, Thomas Healy, Jr. and Richard M. Segan.  Monmouth, William John, Benjamin Read, and William G. Payne.  Monroe, John Hymnack, William Graham and Benjamin Call.  Muscatine, Daniel Tapp, Charles Taylor and James P. Pessam.  Nassau, Leonard Riddick, Fisher Dashiell and Richard T. Pennington.  Nelson, Landon Cabell, Shelton Crosswhite and Nelson Anderson.  New Kent, William Chamberlayne, John Saunders and Samuel Parke.  Norfolk, Thomas D. Downing, Miriam L. O'Keefe and John L. Ellis.  Norfolk county, James S. Mathews, Bernard Magruder and William C. Hite.  Nottoway, Caleb Fisher, Hezekiah Pitts and William C. Hite.  Nottoway, Francis Fitzgerald, Edward Bland and Peter Ramey, Jr.  Ohio, Thomas Evans (merchant, Wheeling) Joseph Tomlinson and John J. Sugg.  Orange, Robert T. Moore, James Barbour and Benjamin Cave.  Patrick, Samuel Staples, Gabriel Penn and William Carter.  Pendleton, Robert Davis, John Slaven and William McCoy.  Pittsylvania, Isaac Coles, William Tunstall and Jos. P. Carter.  Powhatan, Samuel Pleasants, James Poindexter and Frederick Woodson.  Prince Edward, Peter Johnson, John Purnall and Thomas Green.  Princess Anne, Lemuel Cornick, John Read and William D. Woodhouse.  Prince William, John Brothagh, James Kempe and Stephen French.  Prince George, Thomas Cooke, George Ruffin and Miles Selden, Jr.  Randolph, Robert Maxwell, Nicholas Gibson & John Carrance.  Richmond county, Peter Rust, Ezekiel Levy and Vincent Brannan.  Rockbridge, James Caruthers, John Leyburn & Andrew Read.  Rockingham, George Houston, Benjamin Harrison and Daniel Smith.  Roanoke, James M'Farlane, Nathan Ellington & Mary Smith.  Southampton, James Gee, Griffin Smith, and James Tazewell.  Spottsylvania, David C. Kerr, Hugh Mercer & Robert S. Chew.  Stafford, Col. John Cooke, Hancock Eustace & Travis Daniel.  Surry, Nicholas Faison, James B. Edwards and Charles R. Graves.  Sussex, Benjamin Wyche, William Massenburg and John Jarrett.  Shenandoah, Philip Williams, Jacob Kinzer and William H. Dulany.  Tazewell, James Thompson, George Peery and John Thompson.  Warwick, Wm. Digges, Thomas Pescud and Matthew W. B. B.  Washington, Francis Preston, Robert Preston & Henry St. John Dixon.  Westmoreland, Alexander Parker, Samuel Templeman and Richard E. Parker.  Wythe, John Stockley, James G. Landley & Thomas Fawcett.  Wythe, John Montgomery, John Stonger and Joseph Kent.  York, Wm. Howard, Saml. Shields and Peyton Southall.  Richmond City, Alexander Quarrier, Benjamin Tate and John H. Foushee.  Norfolk Borough, Robert Drough, Wm. Lindsay and Wm. Newnam, Jr.  Williamsburg, James Semple, Robert Anderson and Littleton Tazewell.  Extract from the Journal, DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
In Council, Oct. 13, 1808.
IT is advised, that the list of Commissioners appointed to superintend the election of Electors to choose a President and Vice-President of the United States, be published in the Richmond papers with the foregoing alterations; and any persons whose names are not in the said list, thus published, and who have not received their commissions, are requested, notwithstanding, to act, as their commissions have been issued & forwarded according to law.  Extract from the Minutes, DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
VIRGINIA—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in Richmond, Sept. the 18th, 1807.
John Hopkins, Plaintiff—Against Corbin Giffin, Henry Lee, Saml. G. Adams, John Banks & John Harvie, Defendants.  This suit relates to the defendant, Jno. Harvie by his death, and on the motion of the Plaintiff, by counsel, a Subpoena Subcenas, to revive against Edwin Harvie, his executor, is awarded returnable here, and the defendant Sarah G. Adams, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiff, has been returned executed, still failing to answer the same, the court, on motion of the Plaintiff, by counsel, doth take his bill for confessed as to said defendant, and the cause coming on to be heard, as to the defendant, John Banks, on the bill and his answer, and being argued by counsel, on consideration thereof, the court doth refer the accounts between the parties in this suit to one of its Commissioners to be by him examined, stated and settled, and to the court reported, with any matters specially stated, though pertinent by himself, or required by the parties to be so stated, unless the defendants, Corbin Giffin, Sarah G. Adams and Edwin Harvie, on or before the 10th day of the term next, after they shall have been served, with a copy of this order, shew cause to the contrary.  A Copy—Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE, Richmond, 7th October, 1803.
The parties concerned are requested to attend at my office, at the Bell Tavern in this city, on the 6th day of Dec. next, at which time I shall proceed to carry the above decreed order into effect.  PATTS. HENDREN, M. Commissioner. Oct. 11.  BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, by Robert and George Turner and Ann the wife of the said George, duly recorded in the Hastings Court of Richmond, made to secure the payment of fifteen hundred dollars, to Daniel Couch, according to the terms of said deed; Will be sold by the Subscribers, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 12th day of Nov. next, all that Lot, Piece or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street leading from the Bell-Tavern to the river, and now under lease to Russell & Wallace (subject to a ground rent of 10 00 per annum forever), together with the following Improvements: George (the cook) Peter (the barber) and Aggy; or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of 1500 dollars, together with all costs attending the said sale.  ANDW. STEVENSON, Trustees. C. ANTHONY, Oct 21.