The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-11-07 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 53.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 7, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. THE ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
Sales at Auction.
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on Friday, the 9th instant: The two handsome and well-enclosed LOTS immediately opposite to Mr. Mosely's, No. 652 & 683. Terms of sale: one third cash, one third in 60 days, the remainder in 4 months. THOS. TAYLOR & Co. v. M.
Nov. 3. 4t
FALL GOODS.
COLIN MACRAE has received by the last arrivals from Europe, a very extensive assortment of GOODS, which will be sold on moderate terms for cash or produce, or on time to punctual men. Manchester, Nov. 3. 6t
THE SUBSCRIBER
HAS JUST RECEIVED FROM NORFOLK, A CONSIGNMENT of 50 Barrels, 8 Tierces, & 2 Hds. BROWN SUGAR, which he will sell reasonable for cash, or negotiable notes, at 60 days. He has also, COFFEE by the Barrel, and Spanish SEGARS by the Box, all of which articles are good in quality.
HE HAS ALSO FOR SALE, 900 Spanish hides of good quality, also on consignment. DANIEL TRIPLETT. October 10.—[st]
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, Of a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. July 18. epif
FALL GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE has received by the ship Edward and Charles, from London, AN EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF GOODS, suitable to the approaching season. He expects an ADDITIONAL SUPPLY, to complete his assortment, by the ship Sally from London, and Latona from Liverpool; which he will dispose of on his usual low terms. Sept. 3. epif
Insurance against Fire.
Phenix Fire Office, London, May 1, 1804. THE numerous and destructive Fires which have happened within the period of the two last years, in different parts of Europe and America, (more particular in the towns of Liverpool in England, Gothenburg in Sweden, and Norfolk in Virginia) render it proper to remind all persons who possess property in the United States of America of the utility of insurance. The Phoenix Office of London, is an institution sufficiently known by the very large and important losses it has paid, in consequence of the extensive conflagrations in the cities and towns of America to such sufferers as have had the prudence to protect their property, by insurance. The Phoenix Company deeply regret that, owing to the expense of officers and continued losses, upon the buildings and stores in the timber towns, no alterations on our premium on such risks can be made at present; but the Directors hope from the increase of brick and stone buildings, and other improvements of security, that the period is not far distant, when they will be able generally, to mitigate the rates of insurance, in North America; and they confidently presume that the promptitude and honor with which they have uniformly fulfilled their extensive engagements, have unreservedly established the solidity, credit, and good faith of the Company. The Phoenix Company grant insurances upon buildings, goods and ships, whilst in dock or in harbor, from loss or damage by fire, upon the most moderate and equitable terms; and persons desirous of securing their property by policies from this company, are requested to transmit their orders to their correspondents in Great Britain. Nov. 3. epif
WASHINGTON HENRY ACADEMY.
THE Trustees of the above Academy having repaired all the buildings which are now attached to that institution; consisting of a convenient dwelling house, smoke house, dairy, kitchen and school house; will to engage for the ensuing year a teacher, capable of instructing youth in the dead languages, practical mathematics, and the English language grammatically. On Saturday the 10th of November next a meeting of the Trustees will be held on the premises; at which time and place, gentlemen qualified as above, and desirous of occupying the situation, are respectfully invited to attend, in order that the Trustees may select from among the candidates the one who shall be the best approved by a majority of the board. The teacher who shall be chosen shall have appropriated to his use in addition to the above house at least 250 acres of land. The situation of Washington Henry Academy is in the centre of a populous and respectable neighbourhood, about ten miles from Richmond, is remarkably healthful, and possesses the advantage of some excellent springs of water. THOS. TINSLEY, President of the Trustees. Hanover County, October 15th, 1804. (ov92) * The principal building was destroyed some years ago by fire.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
THE Lectures on LAW and POLICE at the College of William and Mary, will commence on the 20th of November. Oct. 20, 1804. [im]
VALUABLE LANDS—FOR SALE,
In the county of King William, on Thursday the 29th of November, to the highest bidder, at Frazier's Ferry:
TWO TRACTS OF LAND, belonging to the estate of William Brooke, deceased, and lying immediately on Mattaponny river; one of them containing upwards of 700 acres of high land, and about 100 acres of valuable rolled soil marsh, abounding with a variety of wild fowl in their season. This tract lies about 2 1/2 miles from Frazier's Ferry, seven from King William Court House and within five of King and Queen Court House. The buildings on this land are a new barn & stable, with other buildings for the accommodation of an owner and negroes.
The other tract contains about 275 acres of high land, and has on it a very handsome two story brick house 60 by 26 feet, with three rooms and an airy passage below, and four rooms and a passage above, with some out buildings, situated on a high eminence affording a delightful view of the river and adjacent country; these houses are somewhat out of repair, but for a small sum may be rendered very comfortable. This last mentioned situation is considered one of the most healthy, and pleasant in the lower country. These tracts adjoin each other in a very convenient manner and would make a profitable farm under the direction of an attentive farmer. A further description of these lands is deemed unnecessary, as those who are inclined to purchase will undoubtedly view them. The conditions of sale will be one fifth of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale and the other four fifths in three equal annual payments, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. A bond and such other security as the executor may deem necessary will be required. These lands may be bid off to suit purchasers and possessors but on the first of January 1805.
Nov. 3. 4to RICHARD BROOKE.
WILL BE SOLD,
On the 24th day of November, to the highest bidder, for cash, at Richard Gregory's Tavern, in Chesterfield county:
FIVE LIKELY NEGROES, or so many of them as will satisfy the debt hereafter mentioned, the property of James Ferguson, of said county; which property is conveyed to us in trust, bearing date on the ninth day of March, in the year one thousand eight hundred and two, by the said James Ferguson, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand six hundred and eighty-six pounds of Tobacco, of the Upper Inspection on James River.—Likewise, the sum of three hundred and thirteen shillings and six pence, current money of Virginia, with interest and cost from the within mentioned date; due by the said James Ferguson to Miles Selden. RICHARD GREGORY, JOHN R. BRADLEY, } Trustees. GEORGE GARY, } Nov. 3. 6t
FOR SALE,
At Louisa Courthouse, on the first Wednesday in December next,
182 VALUABLE SLAVES, CONSISTING of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, belonging to the estate of Christopher Smith, deceased. Among them is a valuable TANNER, regularly bred to the business. The subscriber has refused to sell any of them privately, and they will certainly be offered at public sale at the time above mentioned. A credit till the 10th of February, 1805, will be given, on the purchase giving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date; but if the principal is punctually paid, the interest will be remitted. CHARLES SMITH, Acting Executor of Christopher Smith, deceased. October 3. (quid)
THREE DWELLING HOUSES TO BE RENTED.
ONE situated at the foot of Adams' hill, and but a small distance from the Masons Hall, lately occupied by Mr. Thomas Underwood; on this lot there is a very good and well enclosed garden, a well of excellent water and other conveniences. One other situated in the alley between the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, and that leading to Mayo's Bridge, lately occupied by Mr. John Robbins. The other situated in the back street near Harris's Tobacco manufactory, and the Rock landing—having a large garden well enclosed, and at present occupied by Mr. Henry Tompkins. Possession of the two first described may be had immediately, and of the other on the first of January next. Apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO. WHO HAS FOR SALE, A light Coach, nearly new, with plated mounted harness, complete for two horses. 11th October. (epif)
NEGROES—FOR SALE.
A LIKELY NEGRO WOMAN, about 36 years old, with three children; two Girls 13 and 8 years old, and a Boy 5 or 6. They are now living with Mrs. Brewer in Bedford county, and will be sold low for cash. Apply to the Editor of The Enquirer, or the subscriber. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Sept. 29. [tf]
BY virtue of a decree of the Court of the United States for the fifth circuit, in the Virginia district, bearing date the 6th day of June, 1804, in behalf of Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, against David Ross and others, WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, for ready money, at Greenland Courthouse, on the 20th day of November next,
A TRACT OF LAND, in said county, on Beverdam creek, containing fifteen hundred acres, more or less, including the land whereon the Court House is situated, bounded by the lands of Samuel Woodson and others, and commonly called Ross's Greenland Court House Tract; or so much thereof as may be sufficient to raise the sum of ten thousand Dollars, and the expenses attending the sale. BEN: MOSBY, D. M. for Joseph Scott, M. V. D. (tdf) October 17.
WASHINGTON TAVERN.
THE subscriber has taken a lease of this tenement for a number of years, and has put it in a state of repair which renders it not inferior to any in this City. Besides the Tavern he has detached buildings, well calculated to accommodate those who are anxious of greater privacy than a tavern usually affords. These rooms adjoin the public square, and are within two hundred yards of the Capitol. They have detached water-works and other conveniences in this City, with respect to pure air and excellent water. He has good stables and a constant supply of the best forage. He offers his services to his friends and the public, and assures them, that no labour or expense, nor any other practice which might, in any degree, have a tendency to destroy the peace of his house, will ever be permitted. EDWARD BALLAM. Richmond, September 28. N. B. About thirty members of the next Assembly may be well accommodated, of whom eighteen have already engaged. E. H.
NOTICE. ALL persons having claims against the estate of Capt. Thomas Nelson, late of King William County, are desired to bring them in, properly attested, to the subscriber, who has qualified as executor of his father's will; and he takes this occasion to assure the creditors, that as soon as their accounts are liquidated and the balances ascertained, he will make ample provision to meet every just demand, as speedily as possible. THOMAS GART NELSON. King Wm. Oct. 3. 1m
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. October 3. tf
WHEREAS doubts are entertained, whether the corporation of the city of Richmond, have authority to appoint a mathematical surveyor, to prescribe and regulate his duties and fees; and it is also doubted, whether a street has been established, communicating from the Observatory on the north-west side of Shockoe-Creek to the north-west corner of the old town of Richmond; and thence along the south boundary of said old town to the south-east corner thereof, and thence to Rocketts upon the margin of the river, or otherwise in one continued and direct course; and doubts also exist, whether there be any street established on the north-west boundary of the said old town by the Market-house; and it be deemed expedient that such doubts should be removed, and such streets (if none exist) established: PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That a petition from the President and Common Council of the said City, will be presented to the next General Assembly of this commonwealth, praying them to explain existing laws, or enact such others, as may most effectually obviate the said doubts, establish (if necessary) the said streets, and authorize the appointment of a surveyor. ANDREW STEVENSON, C. C. G. October 17. (ep6W.)
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfulfilled business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.—And those whole lands have been sold in the District of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may release such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs. As most of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next. The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me. JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D. July 7. ep-tf
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot—C—round the Calf—B—the pitch of ditto—D—round the heel and instep—E—round the instep—G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. June 30. ep6m.
A WET NURSE. WANTED to hire or purchase, a Wet Nurse without a child of her own. Enquire of the Printers. August 8.—tf
WANTED ON HIRE; A WOMAN without a Child, who is a good Cook, Washer, and Ironer. Liberal wages are offered for one who can come well recommended. Also—A GIRL, from 12 to 16, who has been accustomed to wait in a house. Apply at the Enquirer Office. Sept. 8.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
The various articles, which appear in a public print, under the head of Foreign Intelligence, might, for the sake of convenience, be distributed under the two classes of naked facts or of general commentaries upon them. Sometimes these two methods of statement are blended and combined in the same piece; and the editor who reports any interesting occurrence, often makes it merely the capital figure in a sketch, which he labours to fill up by other connected events or by original speculations. It is in the delineation of such political views, that the editors of the London prints display their greatest ingenuity and their vast superiority over the American printers.
The following article from a London paper though of a remote date, presents us with a view of continental affairs, bold, original, and coloured in an admirable style of Eloquence. Were the sentiments themselves destitute of the charms of truth or the touches of ingenuity, there is an impassioned and captivating energy in its manner, which would be amply sufficient to rescue it from a premature oblivion.]
London, Aug. 22.
PRUSSIA AND THE CONTINENT. In letters from Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Stockholm, the impolitic conduct of Prussia is censured, and regarded as the principal cause of the present unsettled and oppressed state of Europe. It was, no doubt, in hopes of escaping the general wreck, that Prussia abandoned her allies to it, in 1795, and signed at Basle a treaty
of neutrality, which was to put an end to her anxieties, and dangers; but situated as affairs now are, to remove a difficulty is not to overcome it; on the contrary, it is to increase it. The emperor has not lost a battle, which did not rebound on the throne of Prussia; Bonaparte has not distributed an indemnity, obtained a conquest, or extorted a concession, that did not shake the pillars of all lawful sovereignty. The neutrality of Prussia has conspired to extend the progress of revolutionary conquests and subversion. It has augmented the audacity, supported the ambition, and organised the usurpation of Bonaparte, and with it the slavery and misery of the continent. To what does Prussia owe her transient calm? to the indifference with which she views the ravages of a Political tempest, which is rapidly advancing towards herself. Bonaparte, busy in destroying Europe, by piece meal, does not disturb the precious slumber of an intimidated king, while he is pulling down monarchies and republics, grand duchies and electorates. But soon armed from their spoils, with their population and their riches, he will undoubtedly crush the isolated power, who shall have coolly looked on, while her bulwarks were destroyed.
The cabinet of Berlin, as well as all well informed politicians, foresee this catastrophe. It would be to suppose the Prussian ministry destitute of understanding, to believe them still under the dominion of illusion; but the torment of this foresight is the necessary effect of their peace with France and their connections with Bonaparte. We will venture to fly more; it is their chastisement.—The king of Prussia's three hundred thousand soldiers, his ten millions of subjects; the allegiance of the one and valor of the other; the abilities of his generals and the facility of his ministers, would have thrown a decisive weight into a counterpoise of public safety; but they will not add that of a grain of sand, on the day when Prussia shall behold Bonaparte, the French republic and the revolution, advancing a-breast, against her tardy resistance. She repels her natural allies, seems to blush at her union with the oppressor of nations and of kings; dares neither fight against him, nor accept his assistance; traces the line of demarcation against the Colossus, that besides the continent; loses herself in chimeraic fears; shuts her eyes to the nearness of her danger; cannot satisfy Bonaparte, but by joining in his enormities, and will fall a victim to her irresolution; if the powers whom she refuses to assist, be immovable as herself.
"Attila," says Montesquieu, "made a constant traffic of the fear of the Romans." If we were to compute what cowardice has lost the continent in contributions, plunder, exactions, loans, requisitions, gratuities, indemnities, pecuniary redemptions, and useless expenses, to preserve or obtain peace, we should find funds adequate to twenty campaigns. When to the notes presented at Ratisbon, we join a million of Austrian, Russian, and Prussian soldiers under arms, we very well see, that they are not the French who are subjugating Germany, and who have enslaved Italy, Holland, and Switzerland, who, in the south of Europe, make Spain and Portugal tributary, and who, in the north, ruin Hanover, and pillage the Hanseatic cities.
What have these largesses of fear produced? these innumerable and ridiculous calculations, by which so many powers keep Bonaparte in pay by the means of their subjection? Many of them are already subverted with the money laid down to purchase their safety. The same fate awaits them all. Has one of them recovered any degree of security? Where is the basis they hoped to acquire by treaties? Do we ever negotiate with configurations or enter into agreements with earthquakes? Has any advantage compensated for the disgrace and ruin attending those intrigues and negotiations for a continuance of peace? It is by raising the contempt of an enemy, that we are enabled to resist him? Is it with diplomatic tatters we repel a revolution, armed with principles, backed with incendiaries, seducers and cannon? We must reveal the secret of the continent. The higher classes of society, dignitaries, opulent proprietors, prelates, generals, ministers, and even more than one sovereign, join in dreading republican tyranny and plunder, less from an irksome resistance than from the loss of their irrefutable fate; and effeminacy and inactivity conform to a dogma, which dispenses with every effort. They are the Greeks of Constantinople—When Mahomet II. approached their walls, they deserted their emperor, refused him succours from their wealth, kept treasure for the Ottomans, with which they might have paid armies of defenders, and quarrelled among themselves about the two religions.—It is to this continental fatality, this extraordinary lethargy must be ascribed. Weary of their irresolutions, the Sibarites gave themselves up. Each feeds a hope of individual safety amidst the general destruction. Some of them even compute the tributes, losses, and disgraces, to which they expect to be condemned. But this selfishness is still succeeded by anguish and alarm. To the torment of doubt is added a moral depression, which extinguishes even the will to be delivered from it. Illusion and terror succeed each other in the same day. As without moving, so without pain, do they see empires dissolved in the crucible of the revolution; religion, thrones, senates, dignities, morals, society, and property overthrown. They do not allow themselves to breathe a complaint, left it should be heard on the other side of the Rhine. Prudence enjoins the putting up with humiliations, outrages, and the most disgusting enormities. All energy confides in hiding their heads like the ostrich, and in escaping the revolution by turning their backs upon it. Inuit such as the invasion of Baden, the occupation of Hanover, and others which in former times, would have made courts and nations fly to arms, are tolerated, glossed over, and sometimes even assented to. Has any quiet, or at least any security, and hope, been the reward of this turpitude? No: they purchase courage to day only to tremble to-morrow.—Is an unjust act overlooked, it gives birth to others still more iniquitous; because the measure of tyranny ever exceeds that of cowardice. Neither governments nor individuals are sure of their fate for a month together. They are loaded with the shame of affronts without having the consolation of finding that they lessen their dangers. Uneasiness, therefore, appears upon their countenances; dread annoys the enjoyments of frivolity, and chastises them for their system of selfishness. All sentiment is painful, and the expression of it restrained. Such is the deplorable state into which they are thrown, that amidst a humiliated public papers, & thousands of daily pamphlets, devoted
to excuse the crimes of Bonaparte, to applaud his plans, to vaunt his power, to insult his enemies, to contribute to the success of the philosophical fooleries of modern republicanism, not a pen dares to write in defence of social order. Every mouth is gagged, and every truth sealed up by the awe of their complaints. In reading this faithful detail of the unfortunate situation of the continent, how justly proud have not Britons to be, not only of their spirit and unanimity, which prevent the Corsican usurper from being an universal tyrant; but of the progress, that their endeavours in the cause of honor and virtue, will finally be crowned with success; and that the brave defenders of their own rights will become the generous deliverers of enslaved Europe.
STATE PAPERS
Relative to the new assumption of title by his Imperial Majesty Francis II. Emperor of Germany.
VIENNA, August 15.
"His Royal, Imperial, Apostolic Majesty arrived in this city on the 10th inst. from Ratisbon, at which were present his royal highnesses the archduke Charles, the archduke Palatine of Hungary, the chancellor of Hungary, that of Bohemia and Austria, that of Transylvania, the Tavernicus of Hungary, and the President of the chamber of Finances and of the Bank.
"In consequence of the supreme determination which has been declared in this council of state the following Patent is published.
PATENT.
"We, Francis II. by the Grace of God, elected Emperor of the Romans, always August, King of Germany, of Hungary, and Bohemia, of Galicia, Lodomeria, &c. Arch-duke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy and Lorraine, grand duke of Tuscany, &c. &c.
"Though we have already attained by the Divine will, and by the choice of the Electors of the Roman and Germanic empire, to a dignity which leaves no room to desire any augmentation of title and consideration, it is however, our duty, in our quality of chief of the Austrian house and monarchy, to provide for the maintenance and preservation of that equality of hereditary titles and dignities with the first sovereigns and powers of Europe, which belongs to the sovereigns of Austria, both on account of the ancient lustre of their house, and in regard to the extent and population of their estates, comprehending independent kingdoms and principalities, so considerable, and which have been secured to them by possession, agreeably to the right of nations, and by treaties.—To establish, in a durable manner, this perfect equality of rank, we have determined and think ourselves authorized, after the example which has been given us in the preceding century by the imperial court of Russia, and that which is now given to us by the new sovereign of France, to confer also on the house of Austria, as far as relates to its independent states, the hereditary title of EMPEROR. We have therefore resolved, after mature reflection, solemnly to assure and to establish, for us and for our successors, in the unalterable possession of our independent kingdoms and states, the title and dignity of HEREDITARY EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA (as the denomination of our house), in such a manner that all our kingdoms, principalities, and provinces shall invariably retain the titles, constitutions, prerogatives, and relations which they have hitherto enjoyed.
"According to this supreme decision and declaration, we decree and enact—
"1. That immediately after our title of Elected Emperor of the Romans, shall be inserted that of Hereditary Emperor of Austria, after which shall follow our other titles—King of Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, &c.—then those of Archduke of Austria, Duke of Styria, &c. and those of the other hereditary countries. But as since our accession to the throne, there have successively taken place, in the possession of our house, several changes, which have been confirmed by solemn treaties, we at the same time make known the undermentioned titles, newly regulated according to the present state of things, and our will is, that they be introduced and employed in future.
"2. The title of imperial Prince & of Imperial Princess, shall be given and conferred with that of archduke and archduchess, as well as royal highness, to our descendants of both sexes, and to those of our successors in the sovereignty of the house of Austria.
"3. As all our kingdoms and other possessions must retain, without restriction, their present denominations and relations, this is understood in particular of our kingdom of Hungary, and of the countries which are united to it, and also of such of our hereditary States as have hitherto been in immediate relation with the Germanic empire, which ought in future to preserve the same relations with it agreeably to the privileges granted to our house by the Emperors our predecessors.
"4. We reserve the right of determining hereafter the solemnities which shall take place at our coronation and that of our successors as Hereditary Emperor. Those however which were practiced at our coronation, and at that of our predecessors, as king of Hungary and Bohemia, shall continue to subsist in future without any change.
"5. This Declaration and ordinance shall be published and carried into execution throughout all our hereditary kingdoms and states, without delay, and in the accustomed forms. We have no doubt that all our states and subjects will receive with gratitude and patriotic interest this disposition, the object of which is to maintain the consideration of the Austrian Monarchy.
"Done at Vienna, the 11th of Aug. 1804."
At this day's Diet comitial vacancies were referred upon, to left to the 11th of November next.
Vienna, Aug. 18.
The following note has been transmitted by the Vice Court and State Chancellor to the Corps Diplomatique at Vienna:
His imperial majesty has commanded the undersigned Vice Court and State Chancellor to notify to M——, that his majesty has been pleased to assume the dignity of hereditary emperor of Austria, and to cause himself to be proclaimed as such.
M—— is requested to communicate this communication which he received in a manner perfectly agreeable to the connection which so happily exists between the two sovereigns, and that the object of the same will be considered as adapted to public circumstances. Induced by

theft to assume the imperial dignity, his majesty is at the same time convinced that this resolution cannot in any manner be detrimental to the relation in which he stands to the German empire, and the different countries which compose the Austrian monarchy.
The underlined allures M— of his most particular esteem.
His imperial majesty has appointed a grand council of state to be held on the 21st inst. under the presidency of the principal Chamberlain the prince of Starhemberg, and attended by the principal Court Chancellor, and other officers of the Court, in which the ceremonial of the coronation and the festivities on the occasion will be arranged.
ITALIAN REPUBLIC.
MILAN, July 30.
Four decrees of our Vice-President have lately been published here; the first of which orders the formation of a battalion of veterans; the second appropriates a fund to be applied to the expenses of sending to Rome and maintaining there twelve young men to perfect themselves in the fine arts; the third prorogues the Special Criminal Tribunals until the new session of the Legislative Body; and the fourth authorizes the minister of finance to grant a free entry to raw and manufactured tobacco, whether for the consumption of the inhabitants of the Republic, or to be transported further.
The following is an exact statement of the twelve departments which compose our Republic:
Agona, 346,213 individuals; Lario, 371,894; Olonne, 346,284; Savio, 294,142; Lamella, 335,925; Outre Po, 361,079; Mincio, 290,489; Crostolo, 179,795; Pavesi, 290,170; Baf-Po, 227,509; Remp, 421,812; Rubicon, 269,575. — Total 3,552,555 individuals.
LONDON, September 12.
We yesterday received a letter from our correspondent at Vienna, of the 22d ultimo, which relates some of Bonaparte's intrigues at that court previous to the late revolutionary step of the Austrian cabinet. "Before," says the letter, "the Sensatus Consultum , making Bonaparte Emperor of the French, was published at Paris, our court, as well as those of St. Petersburg and Berlin, had been founded as to what manner they would regard such an act, and couriers were immediately sent by it to Prussia and Russia, to obtain the opinions of these cabinets."
We soon learned by our ambassador at Berlin, count Metternich, that whatever changes were determined in France, would be approved of in Prussia, being regarded as mere formalities, as long as Bonaparte continued at the head of the French government."
"Before the court of St. Petersburg had time to answer our question on this subject a courier brought to it an account of Bonaparte's invasion of Germany, and murder of the duke d'Enghien. The coolness before subsisting between Russia and France was now increased, and a proposal was made by Alexander I. to France I. of uniting with Russia, England, Turkey and Sweden, and attempting to set a limit to Bonaparte's crimes and encroachments. This proposal of Russia was seconded by the English and Swedish ambassadors there: as both Russia and Prussia were arming, our court ordered 3 large encampments, being desirous to be prepared to repulse all attacks made upon its independence. During this interval, the French Ambassador, Champagny, received courier upon courier, mostly confidential officers of Bonaparte's guard, some carrying offers of aggrandizement, others threats of invasion, but all intriguing with our ministers, as well as with our couriers, distributing presents to some and great promises to all."
"The proposal of an hereditary Austrian emperor came from Talleyrand; but our cabinet desired at the same time, an hereditary empire over Germany, which the cabinet of St. Cloud strongly opposed. The emperor and his family, to get rid of all those troublesome intrigues, and important intrigues, left his capital for Baden, and every thing seemed to indicate an alliance with Russia, and the formation of a new league against France, when Bonaparte's favorite aide-de-camp, General Lauriston, arrived here with a kind of ultimatum, which required an immediate answer, and in threatening language declared, "that 300,000 Frenchmen should, before three months, be at our gates, and the king of Prussia be immediately elected a king of the Romans, if our cabinet hesitated any longer to salute the Corsican an Emperor of the French; offering on the other hand, an augmentation of territory, with Belgrade, and other forts upon the Turkish frontiers, if we either joined in alliance with France and Prussia, or only continued neutral."
"Many great and unexpected obstacles had besides been met with in our negotiations with Russia and England. Our court was, therefore, on the eve of a war with France, without any alliance with other states, and had no other choice left, but to take the determination it has done; a determination equally dictated by policy and prudence. By it, time is at least gained; and if, during the next winter, a general pacification cannot be brought about through the mediation of our court, as desired by France, we will, at least, be better prepared than we are now to act as circumstances may require!"
"We cannot conclude without mentioning a common report here of Prussia and France having offered to guarantee to our court the proposed acquisitions on the Turkish frontiers, if in its turn, it would guarantee with France, to Prussia, the acquisition of Hanover and Swedish Pomerania, and, with Prussia to France, the incorporation of the Batavian republic. This I can state as certain, that Bonaparte still mediates great changes upon the continent."
FROM LATE LONDON PAPERS.
The French ladies wear a bubble in the front of their hair, to intimate that deceit is a prominent part in their character.
A person of the name of Dominique was the celebrated Harlequin of France in the time of the President Harley. Dominique had not only an active body, but an intelligent mind. He met the President at a public library, and gave him some information regarding the curiosities of the collection, to which the Librarian was not competent. The Magistrate was so much pleased, that without knowing his connections, he invited him to dine. Every person at table excepting Harley, knew Jack Pudding, and one of them whispered to Harley his character and situation. The President offended at Dominique for accepting the invitation, and mortified at the affront to which his looks were exposed, rudely asked Dominique, who and what he was? "My Lord (said the facetious buffoon) I am both your relation and your successor."
"How so?" said the President, boiling with rage. "Your great-grandfather was Harley premier; your grandfather Harley was; your father Harley was; you, my Lord, are Harley quater; and myself Harlequin!" Dominique continued in his place, and conducted not a little to the mirth and spirit of the company by this humorous genealogy.
The Museum of French Monuments is certainly one of the greatest curiosities in Paris. The cenotaph in honor of Moliere is surrounded with comic masks, and contains this simple, elegant and complimentary inscription:
"Moliere et Thalie repaient dans ce tombeau."
Bonaparte's coronation coach, of which we have already given a short description, will be lined with white velvet. In the middle of the imperial throne inside, will be a winged thunderbolt, forming the centre of a crown of laurel, and surrounded itself, at the distance of six inches, with a wreath of olive. Upon the back and front of the carriage two palm branches will surround the letter N. in the Roman character. The doors will be ornamented with a wreath of oak enclosing a crown formed of fifteen stars in the midst of which will be one much larger than the rest in the shape of a Cross of Honor, and including the letter N. All the interior parts of the carriage will be surrounded with a rich wreath of laurel, and the ground will be perfumed with bees. The imperial throne will be covered with green velvet, and will be encompassed by two branches, one of olive, the other of laurel, forming a regular oval, with a star in the middle. All these embroideries will be in gold; the designs of the embroideries, as well exterior as interior, are by M. La Grange.
The mountain Tunguragua, which forms a part of the belt of mountains in the Western Hemisphere, has been lately discovered to have been deprived about 200 yards by the earthquake in that quarter in 1757.
In every part of Ireland the utmost spirit is exerted to improve and increase the linen manufacture.
A traveller, under the protection of the Spanish Government, has pursued a direction hitherto unattempted. He has gone from Payayan to Almaguer, and from thence to Pato, situated at the foot of a capacious volcano. The narrow paths in this district more resemble the artificial galleries of a mine, than the ordinary forms presented by nature. The inhabitants of these defiles live on bananas, a root resembling in substance as well as in name, one of the commonest productions of our gardens. When the produce of these is deficient, they are supported by the trunk of a little tree, which they call chupalla : "but," says the itinerant traveller, "this tree being the natural food of the bears of the Andes, the hungry natives often dispute with these animals the prize on which existence depends."
The proposed Impregnable Battery is the invention of Mr. John Gillies, a native of Scotland. We understand that a meeting was held on Wednesday, with this ingenious person, at Mr. Pitt's house at Putney, and that it is intended immediately to carry his project into execution. The First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir Sidney Smith, and several other persons, met the inventor at the Chancellor of the Exchequer's on the occasion; and certain craft in the River were pointed out on which the machinery is to be erected. We believe this scheme is brought forward under the particular recommendation of Sir Sidney Smith.
It is very much to be regretted, that however successful our ships on the French coast have been in several important contests, the bravery of our seamen, and the conduct of their officers, have often been disappointed in their efforts to attack the foe, by the insuperable obstructions to the nature of the coast presented to our shipping. It is presumed that this Battery is to be contrived upon vessels drawing very little water, so that our mariners, under its protection, may approach the force of the Enemy, and spread that destruction which will utterly defeat the enterprise in which their councils have been so long occupied, and to which their armies have been so long destined.
The Battery is so contrived as to be bomb proof; and will carry 32 pounders, of pieces of ordnance of any calibre; it moves on an axis to any point of the compass with the utmost facility; and it is provided with an optical tube, by which the engineer is greatly assisted in the direction of his fire. Such, we understand, are the advantages of this discovery, and we sincerely wish it may answer the representation given of it by those whose judgment we have no reason to question. While the Philosophers will lament the new expedients for human destruction which ingenuity may contrive, the Politician will not neglect to avail himself of those means of defence which are offered to supply the most effectual means of public security.
Letters from Utrecht state, that the Camp at Zeyl has been completely inundated. The troops were obliged to fly in every direction, and all the tents were washed away, particularly the beautiful one belonging to General Marmont.
A letter from Paris of the 29th ult. says, "The first occupation of Fouché, since his return to the Ministry of Police, is to crush what Bonaparte calls the Faction of Generals, which is the only one he now fears to dread; but, to be able to do so, he must invent some new plot, and publish new acts of Conspiracy and new lists of Proscriptions against pretended Conspirators, in which those Generals suspected or hated by him are implicated. It is already reported, with confidence, by Bonaparte's favorites, that a tail of the late Royal Conspiracy has been found out, as much to be apprehended, and as deserving punishment as the body of it. The particulars are, however, not mentioned; and every party therefore publishes them according to its own notions or wishes. The only thing known is, that the late Royalist Chief, Count de Bourmont, who, in January 1803, made his peace with the Consular Government, and was, in the December following, contrary to the Treaty, arrested, and sent to the Citadel at Besançon, where he remained shut up, in the beginning of this month was carried to the Temple, where he still remains, accused of being at the head of a new conspiracy, in which La Horie, Macdonald, Souham, Lecourbe, Salm and Bonneau, and other celebrated Generals, who have fought under Pichegru and Moreau, are implicated, or said to be so. Even Generals Regnier and Desfelles are mentioned as suspected of belonging to the Faction of Generals: and though still employed, are watched by other Generals in whom Bonaparte confides. La Horie, Salm, and Bonneau are confined in the Temple; but Macdonald and Lecourbe are exiled forty leagues from Paris; & remain until further orders, under the inspection and responsibility of the Police Commissioners of their place of exile. It has been reported that they were to be tried; but it is now commonly believed that Bonaparte has no other object in view, than to force these obnoxious Generals, who have many friends and adherents in the army, to leave France and follow Moreau to America."
It is not generally known, that there is now a flock of sheep, at Botany Bay, nearly sixteen thousand in number, the progeny of a few Spanish and other exotic sheep, imported into that colony; they graze on the plains of Parramatta, thirty miles in the interior, a country abounding in rich pastures, situated at the foot of the mountainous district. This flock is the property of Mr. M'Arthur, formerly a Captain in the Regiment stationed there. Considering this a desirable acquisition of our manufactures, in the present dependent state of Spain, he offered it to Government, at a certain sum per head. The proposal has been rejected, in consequence of which Mr. M'Arthur is shifting out a ship with flocks, which is to return freighted with the valuable clothing of these animals. The climate is said to be so favorable, as to give the advantage of the fleece of the sheep of Spain are enabled to enjoy.
Capt. Flinders who went upon a voyage of Discovery to New South Wales, is now a prisoner at the Mauritius. He has, however, found means to write by way of America, to the British Government, who, no doubt, will make a formal complaint of this treatment, and demand his release. It was agreed between the two Governments, that officers on voyages of discovery should not be molested by either of the Belligerent parties.
NEW-YORK, October 29.
The arrival, last evening, of the ship Swan, Capt. O'Connor, in 37 days from Dublin, has put the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser in possession of Irish papers to the 20th September, inclusive of the London intelligence of the 16th, three days later than our previous advice. They contain nothing more interesting than the following articles:
N.Y. Merc. Adv.
LONDON, September 14. The attention of the cabinet of Peterborough, appears to be most actively directed to the naval and military department. The intelligence brought by the mails leads us to expect, by the next Hamburg mail, something of decisive importance. But there is no foundation for the rumours in circulation last night of Government, having received intelligence of the Russians having landed on the northern part of Holstein and of the French having occupied the southern.
We have some reason to believe that the neutral ships in the French and Dutch ports have had cause to apprehend an immediate embargo—for on a sudden a great quantity of them have poured out of those ports. Twenty came out of Dunkirk the day before yesterday, half of which, upon examination, were detained by our cruisers, and sent to Dover and the Downs. In the present state of affairs, it is natural to expect an embargo upon all Russians and Swedes in the French and Dutch ports. It has probably by this time taken place.
September 15. We are happy to announce the safe arrival of the Leeward Island merchant fleet under convoy of the Blenheim man of war.
In the Dutch papers it is stated, and the fact is probably correct, that the new title of Emperor of Austria has already been recognized by the Court of Berlin. According to the fame papers the Imperial mania is not confined to Bonaparte and France. The King of Spain is also to assume the title of Emperor!—The Emperor of the French, it is also furnished, means to assume the title of King of London.
An article from Frankfort states, that the French troops in Italy are rapidly desiring towards the sea coast. The ostensible cause of these movements are, to strengthen and protect the coast against probable hostile operation; but who the enemy is, from whom sudden inroads are to be apprehended, the foreign intelligence supplies us with no means of discovering.
September 16. Yesterday Government received information which induced a belief that the invasion would be attempted within a fortnight; and yesterday we received letters from three of our blockading squadron, dated on Thursday, which state that the enemy's preparations were complete, and that the continuance of the flotillas in port was owing to the want of water, in consequence of the nips taken. At Ostend there remain 7 prams, ship rigged, each mounting from 8 to 24 guns, 24 pounders; 109 Schooners, each mounting from 2 to 24 guns, 18 and 24 pounders; and 150 all of brigs, cutters, and galliots, similarly armed. Notwithstanding this we feel it our duty to state that persons in communication with Government, and possessing its confidence, treat the threat of invasion as a chimera.
Dispatches from Admiral Cornwallis, off Brest, mention a considerable degree of authority to prevail on board the enemy's squadron, whose light vessels are always on the look out to give information of any temporary absence of the British cruisers. The French force is, to all appearance, perfectly ready for sea.
A letter from Russia, of the 10th ult. mentions that a new treaty of alliance between England and Russia was on the tapis, and that the Courts of Vienna and Berlin were invited to become parties to it. No intelligence is received on the subject of the pending war between Russia and France.
The Toulon fleet is stated to have made another attempt to put to sea, but was prevented by the appearance of the British squadron.
The firing off Boulogne was renewed on Friday, but to what purpose is not known. Several of the enemy's gun boats (some accounts say 100, others 20 or 30) were on Thursday outside the harbour.
The Emperor of Russia's ultimatum, it is said, demanded indemnity to the King of Sardinia, the evacuation of the Neapolitan territories, and the deliverance of Hanover. Bonaparte sent his answer to it from Boulogne.
Bonaparte, we are told, is now building 36 ships of the line and 44 frigates; and has formed contracts for 13 more of the former class, and ten of the latter.
Stocks—3 per cent consols 37 1-4 Omnium 6 3-4 and 7. The peace establishment of Russia comprises 700,000 men, and 30,000 military servants. She possesses 10 millions of taxable male peasants, employed in agriculture, and may increase her force to any extent.
The Swedish army consists of 14,000 regular infantry, 2,000 cavalry, 25,000 militia infantry, and 12,000 national cavalry. There are 7,500 sailors in the king's service, and 15,000 more enrolled for the navy; in addition to which 20,000 seamen could be drawn from the fisheries on the coasts of Sweden and Finland.
The Danish army, in Denmark and Holstein, amounts to about 24,000 regular troops, and 12,000 militia; and in Norway to about 30,000 regulars and militia. There are 6,000 seamen in royal service, and 20,000 more may be at any time assembled from the fisheries. The merchant service employs 18,000 more, in about 300,000 tons of shipping.
Russia has in the Baltic 30 ships of from 60 to 120 guns, and upwards of 700 gallies, gun boats, and other small armed vessels.
Sweden has a navy of 20 ships, carrying from 40 to 74 guns, and nearly 300 gallies.
Denmark has 27 full of the line, and about 50 floating batteries, gallies, &c.
The military establishment of France some months since, composed 563,000 men.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
VINCENNES, (I. T.) Sept. 25.
RESOLUTIONS.
A committee composed of several members from different parts of the district of St. Genieve and New Bourbon, assembled at the house of Dr. Walter Fenwick, in the village of St. Genieve, on the second day of September, and having chosen Dr. Walter Fenwick, president, and James Finney, secretary, proceeded to pass the following resolutions:
Resolved, that this committee in behalf of a majority of the inhabitants of the district of St. Genieve and New Bourbon, between the Merrimack river and Apple creek, whom they represent, are sincerely desirous that all distinction between Americans and Frenchmen should be done away, and as they consider it impossible to effect so desirable an object by professions alone, will cheerfully co-operate with the people of the district of St. Louis as well as the other districts, and take such measures as will effectually remove that jealousy, which at this time so apparently exists between the two descriptions of people.
We have seen, perused & examined, the proceedings of the committee at St. Louis, on the 2d and 16th of April last, of which we highly disapprove for the following reasons, to wit:
First, because they arrogate and assume to themselves, "cognizance of a bill passed by the senate and presented to the house of representatives" of the United States.
Secondly, because they in an illegal & improper manner, "claim certain rights guaranteed them by the treaty," which ceded the territory of Louisiana to the United States.
Thirdly, because they indicate a disposition to exert an undue influence over the governor and judges in their legislative capacity, by demanding a deputation from the different districts to meet at St. Louis, "fifteen days previous to their expected arrival" in order to usurp the functions of legislation, and it would appear to exercise a dictatorial power.
Fourthly, because they have assumed to themselves the right of apportioning to the other districts not only their number of delegates on the place of meeting, but also the manner in which they shall be chosen.
Fifthly, because the mode of election pointed out and the apportionment by them made is arbitrary and unjust, unequal and anti-republican, and whilst this committee are determined to support the executive authority of this country, and to make use of every legal means in their power to carry into effect and operation the laws that may be adopted for the government thereof: they cannot hesitate to mark their pointed disapprobation to any attempt to call in question the constitutionality of the laws of congress, or to declare any implication to have been made by them of the treaty between France and the United States—They therefore view with astonishment and regret, expressions and declarations that have a tendency to destroy the peace and harmony of the temporary government which the United States have thought it proper to adopt for this country, and do most cordially disclaim and protest against any measures that may tend to lessen the confidence of the people in the wisdom, justice and equity of the general government.
The committee see with full greater astonishment an apparent design in the proceedings of St. Louis, to form and carry into effect a plan, whereby the opinion and wishes of the few might be palmed upon the public; upon the constitutional authorities of the country; and upon congress, as the sentiments of a majority of the people of Upper Louisiana. The committee feel warranted and justified in this opinion, when they reflect on the mode of election; the numbers to the south and particularly in the well known settlement of Cape Girardeau, and 1 that nine delegates are claimed at and above St. Louis—a majority of the whole number which is to form this proposed assembly.
Resolved, That the members of this committee are highly impressed with the importance of calling a convention of delegates upon a just and equal plan to meet at such place, as a majority when chosen, shall appoint, for the purpose of taking into consideration such measures as may be deemed expedient for the good and welfare of the country, and to make known and transmit to the congress of the United States by petition, the wishes of the people, together with such other information as may be thought necessary.
Resolved, That the committee depute one or more persons of their own body, to wait on his excellency governor Harrison, with an address upon his arrival in this district, declaratory of their entire approbation of his appointment, and determination to support him in his official duties, whilst acting as governor of Upper Louisiana.
Resolved, That the president and secretary of this meeting, send forward a copy of these proceedings to A. Sirot, president of the committee at St. Louis, and one other to the printer at Vincennes, for publication.
Signed, WALTER FENWICK President. R. Eastin, J. Kendle, M. Austin, Wm. Murphy, F. Alley, Joseph Donnahan. Extract from the minutes. J. FINNEY, Sec'y.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONITEUR.
New-Orleans, September 12.
Sir, The following memorial was addressed by the Ursuline Nuns of this city to the President of the United States. As the memorial itself, together with the president's very friendly and encouraging answer, may afford pleasure to the inhabitants of Louisiana, all of whom, doubtless, take a deep interest in the prosperity of this religious establishment, I request you to insert them in your next number both in French and English. I am, Sir, Your humble serv't, PATRICK WALCH, Vicar General.
To THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the United States of America. Sir, Emboldened by the favorable mention you have been pleased to make of their order, the Nuns of Ursula at New-Orleans take the liberty of addressing you on a subject highly interesting to their institution—They believe that without any direct application, the treaty of cession and the sense of justice which marks the character of the United States, would have secured to them the property they now possess; but considering it a sacred deposit, they would fail in a duty they deem essential, were they to omit requesting that it may be formally confirmed to them and their successors, and that you may be pleased to communicate this request to the congress of the United States in such a manner as you may deem proper.
Our request is dictated by no wish of personal gratification or private aggrandizement. Secluded from the world, its luxuries and vanities, wealth, and the enjoyments it brings, would to them have no attractions: devoted to religious duties, temporal advantages are not the objects of their pursuit; but bound by a solemn obligation to employ their revenue in charitable uses, and then time in the education of youth, they cannot but be anxious to know that the property which is to enable them to fulfil these duties will be secured to them. It is not, therefore, their own cause, but that of the public which they plead. It is the cause of the orphan, of the helpless child of want, of the many who may be snatch from the paths of vice and infamy under their guidance, and be trained up under the habits of virtue and religion to be happy and useful; of society which will be the burthen of indigent and the deprecations of vice; of their country itself, which cannot but acquire honor in fostering and protecting such beneficent purposes.
These considerations they know, Sir, will have weight with you. They anticipate your support, because they deserve it: and they conclude with their ardent wishes for your personal happiness and the prosperity of the country whose affairs you direct. We have the honor to be, With the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient servants. New-Orleans, June, 1804.
To the Sour Therese de St. Xavier Pajon Superior, and the Nuns of the Order of St. Ursula, at New-Orleans. I have received, holy Sisters, the letter you have written me, wherein you express anxiety for the prosperity involved in your institution by the former government of Louisiana. The principles of the constitution and government of the United States are a sure guarantee to you that it will be preserved to you sacred and inviolate, and that your institution will be permitted to govern itself according to its own voluntary rules without interference from the civil authority.
Whatever diversity of shades may appear in the religious opinions of our fellow-citizens, the charitable objects of your institutions cannot be indifferent to any, and its furtherance of the wholesome purpose of society, by training up its younger members in the way they should go, cannot fail to ensure its patronage of the government it is under; be assured it will meet all the protection which my office can give it. I salute you, holy Sisters, with friendship and respect. (Signed) T. H. JEFFERSON.
A Halifax paper of Sept. 19, has the following curious article respecting one of the British vessels of war in our harbor:
"We learn by a letter from Capt Skene, of the Leander, that upwards of 40 British sailors belonging to merchant vessels at the port of New-York, had generously volunteered their services to assist in the combat, with the French frigates. A conduct like this displays at once the noble feelings of the British tars, and evinces that courage which defies danger, when their country, and their kind require such aid."
We are informed from New-Haven, that on Wednesday last the Governor and Council sent a bill to the House of Representatives relating to the election of William Judson, Agur Judson, J. H. Tomlinson, Hezekiah Goodrich, and N. Manning, Justices of the Peace, on the 29th of August, at New-Haven, with divers others did assert and publish that we had no condition; and whereas it was improper that persons who believe the government a usurpation should exercise its powers. Therefore the Sheriff was directed to cite those gentlemen to appear on the 29th inst. to show reason why their commissions should not be revoked. Our informant adds, that this bill excited some febricity in the house. Samuel Hart, of Berlin, remarked that arguments would be unavailing where there was the disposition and the ability to pass a bill. The question on passing the bill was taken by yeas and nays, and there were 126 for it and 49 against it. The House then passed a resolution deferring the Speaker to reprimand the said Samuel Hart. Conn. Courant.
The President of the United States has recognized Gilsen Martel, a Commissary of Commercial Relations for the state of Kentucky. As no part of foreign entry, was designated in his commission for his residence, the President has ordered that he reside in the city of N. Orleans, and there exercise the duties of his station.
MISCELLANEOUS.
FROM THE BOSTON WEEKLY MAGAZINE.
Messrs. GILLET & DEAN,
IF you think the annexed account, (or calculation) of a solar eclipse, worth notice, you are at liberty to publish it. Yours, OSGOOD CHARLETON.
On the 11th of June, A. D. 1806, there will be an Eclipse of the Sun, which, (as it will appear at and near Boston) will be the most extraordinary of any that ever has (or perhaps ever will for a century) be seen here. The sun will be totally obscured for about two and an half minutes; the air will have a mighty chill and dampness, and probably the stars will be seen, although it will be near the middle of the day.
In the Boston paper, there are three mathematical figures, which are intended to represent the relative positions of the Sun and Moon, at three different periods of the Eclipse. They are extremely simple; as each of them consists merely of two circles placed in a certain position, to represent the position of the two heavenly bodies. The circle which represents the Moon, is shaded with ink: no more of the circle of the Sun is described than its circumference, and the inner portion is represented by the common pair of compasses in his possession, might imitating these figures according to the following Table. Let him, for instance, desire to see a circle, which must be shaded to represent the Moon. Let certain points of its circumference be assumed as the N. E. S. & W. points of the Moon's disk. All the intermediate limbs will thus be ascertained, as the E. S. E. limb, for instance, in the 1st. Fig. It will then be easy to interest this particular limb of the Moon with the circumference of the Sun, so as to represent their relative positions. [E. E.]
The Calculations are as follows—viz.
Table with 3 columns: Position, Time, and Notes. Rows include: Moon's E. S. E. limb in contact with the Sun's W. N. W. limb, when the Eclipse begins (9 53 1/2); Moon's E. S. E. limb in contact with the Sun's centre (10 38 1/2); Moon's Eastern limb in contact with the Sun's Eastern limb, when total obscuration begins (11 2 1/2); Middle of the Eclipse in respect of time (11 22 1/2); Moon's Western limb in contact with the Sun's Western limb, when total obscuration ends (11 28 1/2); Moon's Western limb in contact with the Sun's centre (12 4 1/2); Moon's Western limb in contact with the Sun's Eastern limb, and end of the Eclipse (12 40 1/2); Duration of total obscuration (0 2 1/2); Whole duration of the Eclipse (2 48).
We learn from the following article, taken from a late Paris paper, that Baron Humboldt and M. Bonpland have lately arrived in France. It is cause of great satisfaction to the friends of science, that these distinguished travellers with their invaluable collection, have thus escaped the perils of the sea.
Nat. Int.
Bordeaux, 18 Thermidor. (6 Aug.) Messrs. Humboldt and Bonpland, whose death has been announced in the newspapers, are just arrived in this city from Philadelphia, after a most happy passage of 30 days. Being engaged for these five years past in an expedition, undertaken at their own expence, for the progress of the science of physics, they have travelled through Orinoco, Amazonas, the kingdom of New-Grenada, Quito and the rest of Peru, and Mexico. Besides the geological collections and the cases of herbs, they had already sent to Europe, they have about thirty chests of objects which must be highly interesting, as the countries they come from have been little visited.
LONDON, Aug. 15.
Coroner's Inquest.—Yesterday an inquest was held, before Anthony Gell Esq. upon the body of Mary Champagne, who was drowned on Monday last between twelve and one in the afternoon, in the Canal, in Saint James's Park.
Robert Burnett, a Waterman, at the coach-building, Buckingham-gate, swore that he saw the young lady alight from the hackney coach near the gate. He saw her walk down the bank towards St. James's, and, though it was raining very hard, she carried a parasol which she had in her hands, out by her side instead of over her head. In about half an hour after, in consequence of an alarm being spread, he climbed over the railing. As he went down on the Westminster side of the park, he saw the lady struggling in the water and two men at a float.

distance from her. When he came up to them, they said, that they did not know how to swim, and they were afraid to go in. He thought that it was not very deep, and, as he could swim a little, he went in with the assistance of Francis Yarrow, Park-keeper, brought the body on the grass. She was taken to the Hoop and Grapes public-house, nearly opposite Queen-square Police Office, as it was near the part of the canal which faces that where she was taken up. The water was not deeper than to reach up to his breast.
The Park-keeper corroborated his testimony. John Brooker a laboring man, who happened to be passing at the time, said that the centinel near the place, desired him, for God's sake to run into the inside of the Park, as he believed that a woman was drowning herself. He did so and saw a female in the water; he ran up to the guard-house, gave the alarm, and then returned, but was afraid to venture in.
Mr. Whitrow stepped forward and informed the Coroner that he was the partner of the young lady's father; they keep a bookfeller's shop in Jewry-street, Aldgate. The deceased was in her 12th or 20th year and was an amiable girl, except that she was a little flighty at times, but nothing serious was apprehended from her flighty manner. Her mother had been subject to fits of insanity. On the morning of the day that the unfortunate affair took place, the deceased came from Chelsea, along with her sister. She wished to say something to her father, but he was busy and could not listen to her; she then said that she would go and destroy herself but no person believed she had any such intention. She told the clerk to call her a coach, but while he was gone for that purpose, she went out towards George-street, he believed, and got one herself.
The Coroner wrote down the verdict "drowned in her mind, and in a fit of insanity drowned herself." This the jury subscribed their names to, and it was returned accordingly.
THE HARVEST.
We are happy to announce that the accounts received yesterday from all parts of the country, speak of the beneficial effects which the fine weather for some days past has produced upon the harvest. In many parts it has been got in, and in others, it is getting in, as good a state as could be wished. We have thought it would be gratifying to our readers to insert some of the accounts from different counties.
HAMPSHIRE.
In consequence of the very fine weather for getting in the harvest, there is no alteration in the prices of grain at Havant market since the last report. The greatest part of the wheat, within reach of that market, is now saved, and chiefly in good order.
The harvest is now become general, and we are happy to announce (from the various accounts we have received) that, notwithstanding the alarming agricultural reports, the wheat crop is likely to produce a fair average supply. In the neighbourhood of Dorchester the wheat in general is remarkably heavy in crop—a partial blight, indeed, appeared in some fields, but to no great extent.—Portsmouth paper August 25.
WILTSHIRE, DORSETSHIRE, AND SOMERSETSHIRE.
The observations on the state of the wheat, inserted in the last Journal, were perfectly correct; and it may with much satisfaction be added, that the fine rains we have had since those observations were written, have very much improved the wheat, so that there can now be no fear of a fair average crop. A present scarcity is not pretended; it must therefore be admitted, contrary to the hypotheses of many great men, that alarm alone occasioned the late rapid and extraordinary rise. On a reference to the regular statements of the markets, it will be seen that wheat fell six shillings per quarter at Warminster on Saturday.—Salisbury Journal, Monday, August 27.
BERKSHIRE, GLOUCESTERSHIRE, AND WORCESTERSHIRE.
On the report of several gentlemen who have minutely examined and taken samples of Crops, we think, we may, with great pleasure congratulate the public in having the benefit of nearly a fair average crop of wheat in quantity. Bath Chronicle.
SCOTLAND.
The Harvest .—Since the beginning of this week, the weather having been very favorable for the harvest, a great deal of corn has been cut down; if the weather continues, we may expect the harvest to be general, and a great demand for fleecers next week.—Caledonian Mercury, August 23.
IRELAND.
The apprehensions which the late rains had excited for the safety of our harvest, have been not happily removed by the glowing summer weather of the last four days. The lowland crops which only had suffered, are recovered, and the reaping, which had been in some degree checked by the late rains, has universally commenced, and exhibits the most luxuriant produce which has been witnessed for some years. Dublin Evening Post, Aug. 23.
The Hop Plantations in Kent, Sussex, and at Farnham, have within the last two or three days, entirely recovered from the effect of the late cold nights and been now to bid defiance to the weather. The duty is consequently estimated at 150,000l. and some are so sanguine as to suppose that it will reach to 200,000l.
The most difficult problem in Beroflation , has hitherto been to discover some effectual method for regulating the motions of the Balloon. It was easy to move them up or down , or along with the wind. The first was effected by lightening it of some of its weight which was usually carried in them for that purpose: The second, by letting out some of the inflammable air, or by moderating the heat of the fire, if the Balloon was raised by heated air: and the third, was easily accomplished by the impulse of the wind itself. To move a Balloon across or across the wind, has hitherto been impracticable; and the difficulties of the undertaking were really so great in themselves, as to make this problem appear altogether insurmountable. To move a boat against a strong current of water, is an effort which requires considerable labour, and yet this labour would be ineffectual without the resistance of the water against the oar . Then how much greater must be the labour, or rather how impracticable the undertaking to move a boat, or a Balloon through a fluid so rarified, and yielding as the atmosphere, and where the resistance against the air would be so much diminished! How immensely large must be its surface, and how rapid must be its motions to renew an impulse upon the Balloon, sufficient to overcome the never ceasing momentum of the wind.—These difficulties, if we may believe the following report, have however, been surmounted; and Mr. Paoli has discovered a method for moving the Balloon in any direction in which he may choose to put it.
While we may be disposed to doubt the accuracy of this scientific intelligence, the imagination ever ready to seize upon such a discovery, and attempts to trace its influence through the most dilated consequences. When the explosion of gun-powder was first discovered, who could have anticipated from this surprising phenomenon such mighty revolutions as it has been seen to produce, in the whole art of war, and in the destiny of nations? In the phenomenon now before us, which appears equally surprising and simple in its first effects, who may not equally wonderful consequences be enveloped? Why may not whole armies make a real defence unaided from a hostile country in a fleet of Balloons, thus obedient to the will of man; or why may they not hover over a fleet of ships, and with an irresistible force and unerring aim, precipitate upon them destructive volleys of bullets and bombs? But here again the imagination exerts her capricious power: she finds from the history of nations, that the art of defence have generally kept an equal pace with the methods of offence : and the readily conceives that new batteries of resistance may be invented, or new precautions for escape may be employed for avoiding the defoliation of this defending form.
In the beautiful, tho' unphilosophical Romance of "The Prince of Abyssinia," Dr. Johnson has attempted to ridicule the idea that men may be enabled to fly with artificial wings, whilst he expatiates at the same time upon the mischievous consequences which would result from such a sublime discovery. Men have already taken a flight into the air, not with the assistance of wings, but of Balloons; yet the destruction which he feared to have anticipated, has not hitherto been realized. As yet the Balloon has been little employed in the operations of war; and notwithstanding the services which it had rendered to the French army at the battle of Fleurus in '93, it does not yet seem to have been brought into very extensive use, during the last war. It may be and no doubt will be a subject of considerable curiosity, how far the possibility of regulating the motion of Balloons in any direction may extend their application to military operations. But the first enquiry, which I should wish to be made, would certainly be, whether the report itself is strictly accurate? And whether such a discovery is really compatible with philosophical principles? E. E.
* Stephens's Wars, vol. 18. p. 310.
EROSATION.
A Paris paper states that M. Paoli originally from Switzerland, has contrived a balloon which can be directed at will by means of a simple mechanism, which elevates, depresses and makes it move diagonally, advance, retreat, &c. at pleasure, and go several leagues in an hour, without the slightest wind.
The aeronaut had made an experiment with his balloon at Saumur on the 23d August, in the presence of numerous spectators. When arrived at the height of 500 toises, he made his machine describe a semi-circle, he turned several times to the right, the left, &c. and directed it to the southwest, instead of the southeast, to which point the wind blew. He advanced in that direction to the chateau Osville, a distance of five leagues, in less than an hour, though he had even descended twice to the earth, in that interval. M. Paoli was received at Osville by a numerous and brilliant assemblage of company.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1804.
GENERAL TICKET LAW.—The election of President and Vice President of the United States, has produced the usual investigation into all the details connected with the character of the candidates, the character of the different electors, and the manner of appointing them. The past administration of Mr. Jefferson has been censured or supported by the opposite parties throughout the country. Lists of electors have been proposed and criticised in all the states, where they are appointed by the people: and the manner of appointing them has been praised or condemned, rather according to the varying interests of the two parties, than according to any abstract maxims of sound policy. In our own state, this struggle has been less fiercely experienced, because the benefits to be derived from the exertions of the minority were less calculated to excite their own hopes, or the fears of the triumphant majority. Some low murmurs of complaint were however to be heard amidst this general silence; and the republican party could not fail to perceive in them the indications of a spirit of opposition, which, tho' it may be lulled into a temporary rest by the want of a sufficient excitement, can never be cast into the deep sleep of death without the extinction of every hope. In the pursuit of their favorite object, some of the federal party have again attempted to investigate the modes of appointing the electoral college: the policy of Virginia, in passing the General Ticket Law of 1800, has been again subjected to the severest criticism; and a newspaper writer has not hesitated to pronounce "this mode of exercising the all-important right of suffrage as irreconcilable with the letter and spirit of our former republican institutions." Such are a few of the strains in which an author in the Norfolk Public Ledger , writing too "with strength and perspicuity," has deplored the abolition of the districting system, and the introduction of the General Ticket Law; while the Editor of that paper has chanted forth the indignant chorus that "the annals of democratic usurpation and tyranny has nothing which can compare with it, neither in ancient nor in modern times."
The most tranquil view of the policy of the different states, will be sufficient to demonstrate that this measure is not exclusively to be found in "the annals of democratic usurpation and tyranny ." The last legislature of Massachusetts adopted a system of appointment, which was marked by all the disadvantages attributed to our own plan. Why then are we to be subjected to this exclusive censure? Is it because the end constitutes the means? Is it that the spirit of federalism sanctifies whatever it touches? And can that policy be perfectly republican in the federal state of Massachusetts, which marks the records of the Virginia legislature with the most oppressive usurpation and tyranny?
I have not forgotten that the democratic party in Massachusetts, have been as completely inconsistent in their view of this subject with their political friends in Virginia, as the federalists in this state have been with their friends in Massachusetts; nor have I forgotten that they have attacked the General Ticket Law with the very same weapons which the federalists in Virginia have employed. This is one of those facts, which most eminently displays the influence of party spirit in our country, and which seems to demonstrate that these two political sects do not always follow the course which is recommended by principle, but sometimes wander into the path prescribed by their varying interests. In one respect indeed the republican
of Massachusetts have much greater cause of diffidence and complaint than the federalists of Virginia. The ratio which they bore to the number of the inhabitants of that state was much greater, and therefore the injury which they received was proportionally superior. When the General Ticket Law was passed in Virginia, it was about one twenty fourth, or perhaps one twelfth of the state only which lost its influence. But when it was enacted in Massachusetts it was the republican voice of nearly half the state, which was completely merged in the influence of a small, but triumphant majority.
Perhaps it may be said that the example of Massachusetts furnishes no justification of the policy of Virginia; that this very law was enacted from the necessity of countervailing this very policy and that it was right for Massachusetts to pursue a measure which was unwise & improper in Virginia ever to have adopted. If we go back however to the period of 1800, when this law was passed in our own state, we shall find from the history of those times, that Virginia herself may plead the necessity of a countervailing policy as the proper justification of her own measure. The following extract will point out the modes of choosing electors in the several states, at the election of 1796.
Table with 2 columns: State, Electors. Rows include N. Hampshire, Massachussetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, N. Carolina, S. Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee.
Nine states then had already adopted the policy of choosing their electors by the Legislature or by a General Ticket. In nine states, therefore, the whole constitutional number of electors was chosen by one party only, while the vote of the other party was completely extinguished. But as this mode of appointing electing of electors was adopted by the legislature of each state, and as the legislature is chosen by the people, it would generally happen that a majority of the legislators would have the same political views with the majority of the people, and that hence the vote of its electoral college would truly express the undivided influence of the predominant party. The whole influence of the state would thus have been exerted in one compact body. Had Virginia therefore continued to adhere to the districting system, her influence in the electoral representation might have been rendered even more inconsiderable than that of a much smaller state, which had adopted the plan of electing by the legislature, or by a general ticket. New-Hampshire, for instance, has 5 electoral votes. These would all be given to one system of administration, because they would be collected by a general ticket. Virginia has 24 votes. If the state then was divided into 24 districts, and each district could elect one entire and exclusive elector, it might have happened that 10 of these districts would have preferred one system of administration, and that 14 would have preferred another. In its electoral college, therefore, 10 votes would have been given for a President and Vice President, who thought differently from a majority of the state, while 14 only would have emanated from its will. Thus four votes only would have expressed the influence of the majority of the state, or the influence of the whole state; while N. Hampshire would have really given 5 votes. And thus while the absolute electoral influence of New-Hampshire was a little more than one-fifth of the influence of Virginia, its relative influence might have become one fourth greater. Hence it is plain that if the electoral votes of the other states had been equally divided between a federal and a republican candidate, and the issue of the election depended on the votes of New-Hampshire and Virginia, the federal candidate would have obtained one more vote than the republican, although the former of the two had been returned by a majority of the people, by combining therefore, those two different modes of election together; it is obvious that those states or those segments of the union which would have the greatest influence in the election of the federal executive, which had adopted the legislative or general Ticket mode; and that those would exercise the least which had pursued the districting system. It is plain therefore that if Virginia had not adopted a similar policy, she would not only have lost much of her own influence in the choice of the executive magistrates, but that she might also have put to hazard the influence of the will of the majority.
Hence it likewise follows, that as such a combination of elective systems cannot possibly exist without endangering the vote of the majority of the people, some uniform mode of election ought at once to be adopted throughout the different states. Without some system, which may make the electoral state of each state compact & undivided, or which shall give the minority of each state some chance of exerting its relative influence, there is always a danger that the federal executive shall emanate from the will of the minority of the United States. Let us proceed then to the examination of the different plans, which have been pursued or proposed for the choice of the electoral colleges; and on the supposition that one of these is to become the uniform method, let us enquire into the different advantages and disadvantages inseparably connected with each.
It becomes the duty of the Editor to observe, that several of the preceding remarks have been already expanded and illustrated with great propriety in two numbers under the signature of Franklin , which were published in March 1800, and attributed to the pen of Mr. G. Hay of this city.
The Mississippi Messenger (Natchez) of Oct. 13th, announces the death of Mrs. Claiborne & her little daughter.
The length of Mr. Jefferson's resolutions, and of Mr. Alt's address, have prevented the communication of some original essays.
TO RENT.
THE HOUSE wherein I now live, on the street leading up Shockey Hill by the Governor's; it contains a large cellar, a well finished floor, a counting room, a drawing and a bed room in the second story; three bed rooms in the garret, as also a lumber room and a room on the first floor, which may be used as a kitchen; stable room for two horses and part of the hooks house. The situation is healthy and pleasant, having a fine view over the town, river and the adjacent country. It being in the centre of the city, it is convenient for business. Immediate possession will be given. I shall continue in the new house added to the above. W. F. AST.
By the late arrivals from London and Liverpool, W. MACKENZIE & CO. HAVE RECEIVED THEIR Fall Goods. Nov. 7.
Job Linen and Spadina Lane.
JOHN HENRY has imported in the ship LATONA, captain Thurston, from Liverpool, a few final boxes of well assorted 4-thick IRISH LINEN, purchased in Dublin in July; which, with the old London particular MADEIRA WINE, in pipes and half pipes, he offers for sale on moderate terms. Nov. 7. epif.
Fall and Fashionable Goods.
ROBERT JOHNSTON is now opening a general and well selected Assortment of FALL and FASHIONABLE GOODS, which he will sell on moderate terms for Cash, Produce, or at a short credit, by Wholesale or Retail;
Table with 2 columns: AMONG WHICH ARE: Superfine & coarse cloths, Calicoes & coatings, Manchesters and patent cords, Swoandowns & flannels, Rofe, point & duffil blankets, Boys Morocco caps, Ladies shoes & slippers, Steel backboards and coilar, Oil cloths & oil skins, Irish linens and brown holland.
Fashionable Fall Goods.
BARTLETT STILL.
FOR Sale, at his Store, FASHIONABLE FALL GOODS, consisting of—Superfine Calicoes, 6-4 Cambric Dimities, 6-4 Cambric Mullins, India Book Mullins, India Book Handies, India Mull-mull Mullins and Handies, plain and figured, laced Cambric Mullins, 6-8 Cambric Mullins, Chambray Mullins of all colours, newest patterns, Salmon, Blue, Yellow, Green, Buff, Pink, and black, imbr'd Cambric Mullins, Damask and laced Cambric Shawls, laced Caps, black and white laced Veils, Spanish Cloaks, 3-4 and 4-4 lace Handies, 6-4 laced Shawls, picnic Gloves, extra long kid and wash Leather Gloves, cotton, silk and worsted Hosiery, colored camel hair Shawls, 4-4 Irish Linens and Sheetings, India and French Latticings, black and white India Sheetings, Italian and Leghorn Silks, London and French superfine Cloths, superior quality Moslin, Swoandown and Toilmint Veil-Cortage, 40 pieces Second Cloths at 84 per cent advance, Patent Cords and Calfskins, Bayes, Coatings, Beaverm, Fernoughs, Blankets, Plains, Flannels, Bombazens, Bombazens, Cambelts and Durants, mill'd Gloves and Stockings, 9 complete sets Table China, 8 & 2 sets India and French ditto, neat patterns, Imperial and Hyslop Teas, best triple strong Gun Powder, double and single barrel'd Guns, Pistols, Dressing Cases, Portable Writing Decks, Playing Cards, Writing Paper and Quills, Morocco Sheaving Cases, Bazaar not Tables, Reeve's Colours, Copying Machines, Surveyors Compasses and Instruments complete, Bailey's Blacking, Windsor Snap and Hair Powder, Marking Types and Durable Ink, Ladies Mahogany Dressing Cases complete, Gold and Silver Watches and Clocks, Pearl and Topaz Bracelets and Ear Rings—Harrison's Snuff, No. 9—Prime Chewing Tobacco and Scotch Snuff—Best Spanish Segars. A liberal discount for Cash will be allowed for the above articles, with a number of others too tedious to mention. Nov. 7. tf
VIRGINIA.
At a Superior Court of Chancery, holden in Richmond, the tenth day of September, 1804— Between ARCHIBALD HUTCHESON, Plaintiff, And TIMOTHY CHANDLER, and THOMAS DEAR, Defendants. THE defendants were hereby according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country; on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is Ordered—That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and polled at the front door of the capitol in the said city.
A copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. Nov. 7. W2m
VIRGINIA.
At a Superior Court of Chancery, holden in Richmond, September 28th, 1804— Between Charles Yancey, Plaintiff, And William Lipcomb, David Bullock, executor of John Bullock, Nelson Crawford, William Crawford, John Crawford and Charles Crawford, executor of David Crawford, and Robert Kimbrough, Defendants. THE defendants, William Lipcomb and Robert Kimbrough, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff, by his counsel, it is Ordered—That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and polled at the front door of the capitol in the said city.
A copy, Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C. Nov. 7. W2m
NOTICE.
The members of the mutual assurance society again here on buildings of the state of Virginia, are hereby requested to attend, either in person or by proxy, at their annual general meeting, to be held agreeable to their constitution, on the first Monday in January next, being the seventh day of the said month, by 9 o'clock A. M. at the Capitol in the city of Richmond. Those who do not attend, in person or by proxy, will be represented by the delegate, or the senator, who represented in the late legislature, such county or district, wherein such member resides. The form of the credentials to be produced by proxies, will be found at the foot of the constitution, which each member has got. A revised constitution, wherein the different matters are brought under their proper heads, and the premiums better apportioned, agreeable to the risks of the contiguity to other buildings, and situation, & the necessary amendments made, will be laid before the said meeting for adoption. W. F. AST, Principal Agent. Richmond, November 25, 1804.
MUTUAL INSURANCE.
Much clamor has been raised, against this necessary, useful and philanthropic institution; let us examine whence this proceeds. Sure no one dare deny, that all must admit, that the principles of the plan are good, which is the main thing for its protection. I am certain that the administration is conducted with strict honor and integrity, and will bear the strictest scrutiny. It is carried on, considering its magnitude and extensive concerns with economy; the expenses are a mere trifle, not averaging more than 27 1/2 dollars and 93 cents per annum. And so as it increases the expenses bear less; the standing salaries will be only about 2000 dollars; all other expenses, are only for once. What is paid for the entry of each building on account of the clerks' salaries, and the agents
fees for making out the declarations, once paid, is done with; so also for policies, books, &c. There is why last year's expenses were more than during the former years, is the increase of the new declarations, which pay into the treasury their own fees; consequently are no expense to the former members. It is well known that laws may be made to prevent earthquakes or fires. Now if all these considerations are taken in their true light, it plainly appears, that there are no other causes—The extraordinary great losses by fire, greater than have been known, in proportion to the sum insured in this state—is one cause. Prejudice is another. People not having taken the pains to examine it, of course it is generally not understood, or if it was they would generally insure: this is a third cause. But the main and great cause of the clamor is produced by self interest.
There is a set of speculators, who have supposed that if the present philanthropic institution can be destroyed, they may be able to form a mercenary and profitable association in its place. These are some of the men who request the people to instruct their representatives to vote for an abolition of this institution; and who prove by this very conduct that they either do not understand the nature of the thing, or affect to give it another meaning than it really has. The legislature has granted a charter, agreeable to which a society has been formed; and while two or more of the members chuse to go on, to insure themselves mutually, no body can hinder them from doing so under the said charter.
I am clear for it, that any and every person, who doth not like the institution, shall be at liberty to quit and withdraw, for which purpose there is already a constitutional article provided. Let them go, in the name of goodness and see where they can do better. Let us now compare the system of Mutual Insurance, with that of the Insurance companies.
The Mutual Insurance offers, by the property insured, and the number of members, a most undoubted security, which can never fail. Where so many join, the contribution becomes light. For instance notwithstanding the most extraordinary fires, which have ever been known in this state and brief generally the insured houses; (the institution was organized in 1755) a brick house covered with slate, not contiguous to others, entered from the beginning, paid 6 shillings per hundred dollars insured; in 1799 it paid 6 shillings more, which is two dollars or two per cent, for which it has been insured for nine years or at the rate of 2 1/2 cents a year per one hundred dollars insured; thus whose houses are more hazardous pay more.
The members have every thing under their own control, make their own laws, chuse their officers and fix their salaries, and reap the benefit of their funds.
The Insurance company being composed of only a few speculating individuals, whose funds naturally must be small, and precarious, if for large fires happen it may sweep the whole of their stock, and more, besides that their copartners and private speculators might fail: so that those whose property they insure, may in case of loss by fire, get only a small dividend, some perhaps might get nothing at all. As they have no idea of philanthropy they must naturally regulate their premiums to pay the losses and expenses and to yield profits besides. The premiums of the insurance companies average about one per cent per annum, which is for 9 years 9 per cent and as they are obliged to pay always one year in advance makes it ten per cent.
As there are upwards of eight millions of dollars insured for in the Mutual Insurance, if the members thereof had been insured abroad eight hundred thousand dollars would have gone there, in 9 years only, which we keep here amongst ourselves. And it has cost here only one premium and one quota, which is on a brick house not contiguous to others, and covered with slate, only 2 per cent and if it is covered with wood only 3 per cent, for 9 years insurance, and with the surplus fund about sixty thousand dollars, after the delinquents have paid in, may insure them still for many years to come: for such enormous fires will hardly happen often. Because if all the buildings in the state, had been insured with losses by fire, as much as those insured in the Mutual Insurance, it would have been at the rate of 6 thousand per annum. I am sure that such a sum would have been raised for the application: and are of the party, to have made overtures to it in, join it; the stock is to be three hundred thousand dollars nominal; there are to be shares, of which they mean to take as many as possible to keep the whole among a few individuals, and take, as the Insurance companies abroad do, annual premiums: Ten per cent on each share only, to be paid when the company is established. This shews that the fund is to be only nominal, as in many other companies, and the whole a monopolizing association.
Now, my fellow Citizens, compare the undoubted security, the beneficence, and cheapness of the Mutual Insurance to the doubtful security and the great expense of the other: then why do they make so much noise to deceive the people, and lay unfounded blame on me and the Directors? Had my original plan been strictly followed, there is no doubt, that one premium would have been enough to pay the losses and expenses for ever, and yield dividends besides. Which it may yet if the proper means are employed, to make it more general, to have proper agents appointed to make out declarations for insurance, and pay them agreeable to their desert: that is, no declarations, no pay.
To make their scheme more palpable they hold out that no insurance can exist, unless annual premiums are paid: But why should the people be pestered with annual payments? Sure it is better to let them pay only when it becomes necessary.
If there are defects in the laws and constitution, they may be remedied at any general meeting; the legislature having given full power to that effect.
I have revised the whole constitution and regulations, rejected the defective, and useless parts; added the necessary, which is wanting in the present; and brought every thing under its proper head. I shall lay the new constitution before the committee, and then it will be sent to other gentlemen, to suggest such amendments as may be useful. It will be laid before the general meeting; to make such amendments as they think best.
By this new constitution, the premiums between town and country, for the additional hazard on account of the contiguity to other buildings, and other hazardous situation, are better apportioned, to make the contribution equal to the risk, to wit: the proportion is, that a brick house covered with slate situated in the country, will pay only one half per cent, and wooden houses in towns situated in town or range of buildings pay six per cent, which is as one to twelve. Other buildings pay less in proportion to the risk, on account of the situation, and the materials they are built of and covered with. Brick houses covered with tile, slate or metal pay considerably less, to encourage the building thereof; the expense of building them is not much more, than that of building wooden houses.
The risk is not by any means as great between town and country, as some gentlemen whose houses are situated in the country, suppose—the houses in the country are generally distant from the water, and little help—if of course if a fire happens, there is generally a total loss; when in the town there are a great many to assist, they have watches in the night, and apparatus to extinguish the fire.
I am sure that the losses in the towns distributed among the ten buildings only, do not average, for thirty years back, one quarter per cent per annum.
The Mutual Insurance will not do, for one town or district, because if a heavy loss happens, in such town or district, the contribution of each individual becomes small: For instance, if in Alexandria, buildings to the amount of five hundred thousand dollars, were insured, and a loss was to happen of one hundred thousand dollars, the contribution of the people of Alexandria would be 20 per cent, and if divided among eight millions of dollars, it is only one and one quarter per cent. And as we have upwards of 2000 buildings in this state, it would be only one quarter of a dollar a house: This shews that every effort ought to be used to make it as general as possible, and no quotas will ever be necessary.
W. F. AST. Richmond, November 7, 1804.

A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE RIGHTS OF BRITISH AMERICA. Set forth in some Resolutions intended for the inspection of the present Delegates of the People of Virginia now in Convention. BY THOMAS JEFFERSON. [CONCLUDED.]
That thus we have hastened the reigns which preceded his majesty's, during which the violations of our right were less alarming, because repeated at more distant intervals than that rapid and bold succession of injuries which is likely to distinguish the present from all other periods of American story. Scarcely have our minds been able to emerge from the astonishment into which one stroke of parliamentary thunder has involved us, before another more heavy, and more alarming, is fallen on us. Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day; but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, and pursued unalterably through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate and systematical plan of reducing us to slavery.
That the act (a) passed in the 4th year of his majesty's reign, intitled "An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America &c."
One other act (b) passed in the 5th year of his reign, intitled "An act for the better securing the dependency of his majesty's dominions in America upon the crown and parliament of Great Britain;" and one other act (c) passed in the 7th year of his reign, intitled "An act for granting duties on paper, tea, &c." form that connected chain of parliamentary usurpation, which has already been the subject of frequent applications to his majesty, and the houses of lords and commons of Great Britain; and no answers having yet been condescended to any of these, we shall not trouble his majesty with a repetition of the matters they contained.
But that one other act (e) passed in the same 7th year of his reign, having been a peculiar attempt, must ever require peculiar mention; it is intitled "An act for suspending the legislature of New-York." One free and independent legislature hereby takes upon itself to suspend the powers of another, free and independent as itself; thus exhibiting a phenomenon unknown in nature, the creator and creature of its own power. Not only the principles of common sense, but the feelings of human nature, must be surrendered up before his majesty's subjects here can be persuaded to believe that they hold their political existence at the will of a British parliament. Shall these governments be dissolved, their property annihilated, and their people reduced to a state of nature, at the imperious breath of a body of men, whom they never saw, in whom they never confided, and over whom they have no powers of punishment or removal, let their crimes against the American public be ever so great? Can any one reason be assigned why 160,000 electors in the island of Great Britain should give law to four millions in the states of America, every individual of whom is equal to every individual of them, in virtue, in understanding, and in bodily strength? Were this to be admitted, instead of being a free people, as we have hitherto supposed, & mean to continue ourselves, we should suddenly be found a colony of slaves. But let us examine the circumstances, that they are removed from the reach of fear, the only restraining motive which may withhold the hand of a tyrant.
That by "an act (f) to discontinue in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned the landing and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America," which was passed at the last session of British parliament; a large and populous town, whose trade was their sole subsistence, was deprived of that trade, and involved in utter ruin. Let us for a while suppose the question of right suspended, in order to examine this act on principles of justice: An act of parliament had been passed imposing duties on tea, to be paid in America, against which the Americans had protested as unauthoritative. The East-India company, who till that time had never sent a pound of tea to America on their own account, stepped forth on that occasion the assertors of parliamentary right, and sent hither many ship loads of their several vessels, however, on their arrival in America, wistfully attend to admonition, and returned with their cargoes. In the province of Massachusetts alone the remonstrances of the people were disregarded, and a compliance, after being many days waited for, was flatly refused. Whether in this the master of the vessel was governed by his obstinacy, or his instructions, let those who know, say. There are extraordinary situations which require extraordinary interposition. An exasperated people, who feel that they possess power, are not easily restrained within limits strictly regular. A number of them assembled in the town of Boston, threw the tea into the ocean, and dispersed without doing any other act of violence. If in this they did wrong, they were known and were amenable to the laws of the land, against which it could not be objected that they had ever, in any instance, been obstructed or diverted from their regular course in favour of popular offenders. They should therefore not have been distracted on this occasion. But that ill fated colony had formerly been bold in their enmities against the house of Stuart, and were now devoted to ruin by that unfeigned hand which governs the momentous affairs of this great empire. On the partial representations of a few worthless ministerial dependents, whose constant office it has been to keep that government embroiled, and who, by their treacheries, hope to obtain the dignity of the (g) British nightwatch, without calling for a party accused, without asking a proof, without attempting a distinction between the guilty and the innocent, the whole of that ancient and wealthy town is in a moment reduced from opulence to beggary. Men who had spent their lives in extending the British commerce, who had invested in that place the wealth their honest endeavours had merited, found themselves and their families thrown at once on the world for subsistence by its charities. Not the hundredth part of the inhabitants of that town had been concerned in the act complained of; many of them were in Great Britain and in other parts beyond sea; yet all were involved in one indiscriminate ruin, by a new executive power, unheared of till then, that of a British parliament. A property, of the value of many millions of money, was sacrificed to revenge, not repaid the loss of a few thousands. This is administering justice with a heavy hand indeed! and when is this tempest to be arrested in its course? Two wharfs are to be opened again when his majesty shall think proper. The revenue which lined the extensive shores of the
bay of Boston are forever interdicted the exercise of commerce. This little exception seems to have been thrown in for no other purpose than that of setting a precedent for invading his majesty with legislative powers. If the pulse of his people shall beat calmly under this experiment, another and another will be tried, till the measure of despotism be filled up. It would be an insult on common sense to pretend that this exception was made in order to restore its commerce to that great town. The trade which cannot be received at two wharfs alone must of necessity be transferred to some other place; to which it will soon be followed by that of the two wharfs. Considered in this light, it would be an insult and cruel mockery at the annihilation of the town of Boston.
By the act (h) for the suppression of riots and tumults in the town of Boston, passed also in the last session of parliament, a murder committed there is, if the governor pleases, to be tried in the court of King's Bench, in the island of Great Britain, by a jury of Middlesex. The witnesses, too, on receipt of such a sum as the governor shall think it reasonable for them to expend, are to enter into recognizance to appear at the trial. This is, in other words, taxing them to the amount of their recognizance, and that amount may be whatever a governor pleases; for who does his majesty think can be prevailed on to cross the Atlantic for the sole purpose of bearing evidence to a fact? His expenses are to be borne, indeed, as they shall be estimated by a governor; but who are to feed the wife and children whom he leaves behind, and who have had no other subsistence but his daily labour? Those epidemical disorders, too, so terrible in a foreign climate, are the cure of them to be eliminated among the articles of expence, and their danger to be warding off by the almighty power of parliament? And the wretched criminal, if he happen to have offended on the American side, stripped of his privilege of trial by peers of his vicinage, removed from the place where alone full evidence could be obtained, without money, without counsel, without friends, without exculpatory proof, is tried before judges predetermined to condemn. The cowards who would suffer a countryman to be torn from the bowels of their society, in order to be thus offered a sacrifice to parliamentary tyranny, would merit that everlasting infamy now fixed on the authors of the act! A clause (i) for a similar purpose had been introduced into an act, passed in the 12th year of his majesty's reign, intitled "An act for the better securing and preserving his majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores;" against which, as meriting the same censure, the several colonies have already protested.
That these are the acts of power, assumed by a body of men, foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws, against which we do, on behalf of the inhabitants of British America, enter this our solemn and determined protest; and we do earnestly entreat his majesty, as yet the only mediatory power between the several states of the British empire, to recommend to his parliament of Great Britain the total revocation of these acts, which, however migratory they be, may yet prove the cause of further discontent and jealousies among us.
That we next proceed to consider the conduct of his majesty, as holding the executive powers of the laws of these states, and mark out his deviations from the line of duty: By the constitution of Great Britain, as well as of the several American states, his majesty possesses the power of refusing to pass into a law any bill which has already passed the other two branches of legislature. His majesty, however, and his ancestors, conscious of the impropriety of opposing their single opinion to the united wisdom of the people of parliament, while their principles, for several ages past have modestly declined the exercise of this power in that part of his empire called Great Britain. But by change of circumstances, other principles than those of justice simply have obtained an influence on their determinations; the addition of new states to the British empire has produced an addition of new, and sometimes opposite interests. It is now, therefore, the great office of his majesty, to resume the exercise of his negative power, and to prevent the passage of laws by any one legislature of the empire, which might bear injuriously on the rights and interests of another. Yet this will not excuse the wanton exercise of this power which we have seen his majesty practise on the laws of the American legislatures. For the most trifling reasons, and sometimes for no conceivable reason at all, his majesty has rejected laws of the most salutary tendency. The abolition of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those colonies, where it is unhappily introduced in their infant state. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves we have, it is necessary to exclude all further importations from Africa; yet our repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his majesty's negative: Thus preferring the immediate advantages of a few British corsairs to the lasting interests of the American states, and to the rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous practice. Nay, the single interposition of an interested individual against a law was scarcely ever known to fail of success, though in the opposite scale were placed the interests of a whole country. That this is so shameful an abuse of a power trusted with his majesty for other purposes, as if not reformed, would call for some legal restrictions.
With equal inattention to the necessities of his people here has his majesty permitted our laws to lie neglected in England for years, neither confirming them by his assent, nor annulling them by his negative; so that such of them as have no suspending clause we hold on the most precarious of all tenures, his majesty's will, and such of them as suspend themselves till his majesty's assent be obtained, we have feared, might be called into existence at some future & distant period, when time, and change of circumstances, shall have rendered them destructive to his people here. And to render this grievance still more oppressive, his majesty by his instructions has laid his governors under such restrictions that they can pass no law of any moment unless it have such suspending clause; so that, however immediate may be the call for legislative interposition, the law cannot be executed till it has twice crossed the Atlantic, by which time the evil may have spent its whole force.
But in what terms, reconcilable to majesty, and at the same time to truth, shall we speak of a late instruction to the governor of the colony of Virginia, by which he is forbidden to assent to any law for the division of a county, unless representative in assembly? That colony has as yet fixed no boundary to the westward. Their western counties, therefore, are of indefinite extent; some of them are actually seated many hundred miles from their eastern limits. Is it possible, then, that his majesty can have bestowed a single thought on the situation of those people, who, in order to obtain justice for injuries, however great or small, must, by the laws of that colony, attend their county court, at such a distance, with all their witnesses, monthly, till their litigation be determined? Or does his majesty seriously wish, and publish it to the world,
that his subjects should give up the glorious right of representation, with all the benefits derived from that, and submit themselves to the absolute slaves of his sovereign will? Or is it rather meant to confine the legislative body to their present numbers, that they may be the cheaper bargain whenever they shall become worth a purchase.
One of the articles of impeachment against Trevelyan, and the other judges of Westminster Hall, in the reign of Richard the second, for which they suffered death, as traitors to their country, was, that they had advised the king that he might dissolve his parliament at any time, and succeeding kings have adopted the opinion of these unjust judges. Since the reign of the Second William, however, under whom the British constitution was settled on its free & ancient principles, neither his majesty, nor his ancestors, have exercised such a power of dissolution in the island of Great Britain; and when his majesty was petitioned, by the united voice of his people there, to dissolve the present parliament, who had become obnoxious to them, his ministers were heard to declare, in open parliament, that his majesty possessed no such power by the constitution. (j) But how different their language and his practice here! To declare, as their duty required, the known rights of their country, to oppose the usurpations of every foreign judicature, to disregard the impious mandates of a minister or governor, have been the avowed causes of dissolving houses of representatives in America. But if such powers be really vested in his majesty, can he suppose they are there placed to awe the members from such purposes as these? When the representative body have lost the confidence of their constituents, when they have notoriously made sale of their most valuable rights, when they have assumed to themselves powers which the people never put into their hands, then indeed their continuing in office becomes dangerous to the state, and calls for an exercise of the power of dissolution. Such being the causes for which the representative body should, and should not, be dissolved, will it not appear strange to an unbiassed observer, that that of Great Britain is not dissolved, while those of the colonies have repeatedly incurred that sentence?
But your majesty, or your governors, have carried this power beyond every limit known, or provided for, by the laws: After dissolving one house of representatives, they have refused to call another, so that, for a great length of time, the legislature provided by the laws has been out of existence. From the nature of things, every society must at all times possess within itself the sovereign powers of legislation. The feelings of human nature revolt against the supposition of a state so situated as that it may not in any emergency provide against dangers which perhaps threaten immediate ruin. While those bodies are in existence to whom the people have delegated the powers of legislation, they alone possess and may exercise those powers; but when they are dissolved by the looping of one or more of their branches, the power reverts to the people, who may exercise it to unlimited extent, either assembling together in person, sending deputies, or in any other way they may think proper; and the frame of government thus dissolved, should the people take upon them to lay the throne of your majesty prostrate, or to discontinue their connection with the British empire, none will be so bold as to decide against the right or the efficacy of such avulsion. We forbear to trace consequences further; the dangers are conspicuous with which this practice is replete.
That we shall at this time also take notice of an error in the nature of land holdings, which crept in at a very early period of our settlement. The introduction of the feudal tenures into the nough understood to fit this matter in a proper light. In the earlier ages of the Saxon settlement feudal holdings were certainly altogether unknown; and very few, if any, had been introduced at the time of the Norman conquest. Our Saxon ancestors held their lands, as they did their personal property, in absolute dominion, disencumbered by any superior, answering nearly to the nature of those possessions which the federatists term allodial. William, the Norman, first introduced that system generally. The lands which had belonged to those who fell in the battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent innumerable of his reign, formed a considerable proportion of the lands of the whole kingdom. These he granted out, subject to feudal duties, as did he also those of a great number of his new subjects, who, by persuasions or threats, were induced to surrender them for that purpose. But still much was left in the hands of his Saxon subjects; held of no superior, and not subject to feudal conditions. These, therefore, by express laws, enacted to render uniform the system of military defence, were made liable to the same military duties as if they had been feuds; and the Norman lawyers soon found means to saddle them also with all the other feudal burthens. But still they had not been surrendered to the king, they were not derived from his grant, and therefore they were not holden of him. A general principle, indeed, was introduced, that "all lands in England were held either mediately or immediately of the crown," but this was borrowed from those holdings, which were truly feudal, and only applied to others for the purposes of illustration. Feudal holdings were therefore but exceptions out of the Saxon laws of possession, under which all lands were held in absolute right. These, therefore, still form the basis, or ground-work, of the common law, to prevail wherever the exceptions have not taken place. America was not conquered by William the Norman, nor its lands surrendered to him, or any of his successors. Possessions there are undoubtedly of the allodial nature. Our ancestors, however, who migrated hither, were laborers, not lawyers. The fictitious principle that all lands belong originally to the king, they were early persuaded to believe land; and accordingly took grants of their own lands from the crown. And while the crown continued to grant for small sums, and on reasonable rents; there was no inducement to arrest the error, and lay it open to public view. But his majesty has lately taken on him to advance the terms of purchase, and of holding to the double of what they were; by which means the acquisition of lands being rendered difficult, the population of our country is likely to be checked. It is time, therefore, for us to lay this matter before his majesty, and to declare that he has no right to grant lands of himself. From the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the lands within the limits which any particular society has circumscribed around itself are assumed by that society, and subject to their allotment only. This may be done by themselves, assembled collectively, or by their legislature, to whom they may have delegated sovereign authority; and if they are allotted in neither of these ways, each individual of the society may appropriate to himself such lands as he finds vacant, and occupancy will give him title.
That in order to enforce the arbitrary measures before complained of, his majesty has from time to time sent among us large bodies of armed forces, not made up of the people here, nor raised by the authority of our laws: Did his majesty possess such a right as this, it might swallow up all our rights whenever he should
think proper. But his majesty has no right to land a single armed man on our shores, and those whom he sends here are liable to our laws made for the suppression and punishment of riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies; or are hostile bodies, invading us in defiance of law. When in the course of the late war it became expedient that a body of Hanoverian troops should be brought over for the defence of Great Britain, his majesty's grandfather, our late sovereign did not pretend to introduce them under any authority he possessed. Such a measure would have given just alarm to his subjects in Great Britain, whose liberties would not be safe if armed men of another country, and of another spirit, might be brought into the realm at any time without the consent of their legislature. He therefore applied to parliament, who passed an act for that purpose, limiting the number to be brought in and the time they were to continue. In like manner is his majesty restrained in every part of the empire. He possesses, indeed, the executive power of the laws in every part; but they are the laws of the particular state which he is to administer within that state, and not those of any one within the limits of another. Every state must judge for itself the number of armed men which they may safely trust among them, of whom they are to consist, and under what restrictions they shall be laid.
To render these proceedings still more criminal against our laws, instead of subjecting the military to the civil powers, his majesty has expressly made the civil subordinate to the military. But can his majesty thus put down all law under his feet? Can he erect a power superior to that which erected himself? He has done it indeed by force; but let him remember that force cannot give right.
That these are our grievances which we have thus laid before his majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a free people claiming their rights, as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the gift of their chief magistrate: Let those flatter who fear; it is not an American art. To give praise which is not due might be well from the venal, but would ill becom those who are asserting the rights of human nature. They know, and will therefore say, that kings are the servants, not the proprietors of the people. Open your breast, free, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not the name of George the third be a blot in the page of history. You are surrounded by British counsellors, but remember that they are parties. You have no ministers for American affairs, because you have none taken from among us, nor amenable to the laws on which they are to give you advice. It behoves you, therefore, to think and to act for yourself and your people. The great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader; to pursue them requires not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest. Only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail. No longer persevere in sacrificing the rights of one part of the empire to the inordinate desires of another; but deal out to all equal & impartial right. Let no act be passed by any one legislature which may infringe on the rights and liberties of another. This is the important post in which fortune has placed you, holding the balance of a great, if a well poised empire. This, fire, is the advice of your great American council, on the observance of which may perhaps depend your felicity and future fame, and the preservation of that harmony which alone can continue both to Great Britain and America the reciprocal advantages of their connection. It is neither our will, nor our interest, to separate from her. We are willing, on our part, to sacrifice every thing which reason can ask to the restoration of that tranquility for which all must wish. On their part, let them be ready to establish union on a generous plan. Let us then move on their terms, but let them be just. Accept of every commercial preference it is in our power to give for such things as we can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But let them not think to exclude us from going to other markets to dispose of those commodities which they cannot use, or to supply those wants which they cannot supply. Still less let it be proposed that our properties within our own territories shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth but our own. The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time; the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them. This, fire, is our left, our determined resolution; and that you will be pleased to interpose with that efficacy which your earnest endeavours may ensure to procure redress of these our great grievances, to quiet the minds of your subjects in British America, against any apprehensions of future encroachment, to establish fraternal love and harmony through the whole empire, and that these may continue to the latest ages of time, is the fervent prayer of all British America!
(a) 4. G. 3. c. 15.—(b) 5. G. 3. c. 12.—(c) 6. G. 3. c. 12.—(d) 7. G. 3.—(e) 7. G. 3. c. 59 (f) 14. G. 3. (g) Alluding to the knighting of Francis Barnard (h) 14. G. 3.—(i) 12. G. 3. c. 24. (j) Since this period the king has several times dissolved the parliament, a few weeks before its expiration, merely as an assertion of the right.
DOCTOR WILSON received yesterday a supply of Peruvian Bark, Cassia Oil and Jalap, all of the best quality. He also has Calomel, Rhubarb, Senna, Mannas, Rochelle and Glauber Salts, Tartar Emetic, Ipecacuanha, Opium, Elastic and Silver Cathartics, Blasie and common Bougies, &c. &c. He designs to keep a supply of the best Medicines that can be procured, and flatters himself that his acquaintance with Medicine, will entitle him to a share of public patronage. Persons of needy circumstances by paying the retail prices of his Medicines, will be preferred for gratis. October 21. W. Wilson
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by John Woodson of Henrico county, for the benefit of Charles Terrell, Esq. of the Rev. William Douglass dec. WILL BE EXPOSED TO SALE To the highest bidder for ready money, on the premises, on the 29th day of November next, the TRACT OF LAND, Whereon the said Woodson now resides in the upper end of Henrico County, or so much thereof as shall be necessary to satisfy the balance due the said Exor, as also the costs attending the trust, by DAVID BULLOCK, and FREDERICK HARRIS, Trustees. October 31, 1804. (W. H. H.)
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT a Petition will be presented to the General Assembly, at their next session, for the sale of the Glebe in St. Mary's Parish in Caroline; & the interest of the interest of the Money, thereby raised, in the present incumbent, so long as he may continue to act as such in the said Parish. CAROLINE, August 18, 1804. [ew.Sa.]
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.
AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT FOR SALE—IN ALBEMARLE.
The Subscriber offers for sale, that valuable and highly improved Farm, on which he at present resides. There are 245 acres of land, which adjoin the town of Charlottesville, in its whole extent. The improvements are various and considerable, and calculated for a large and genteel family, the dwelling house being 72 by 22 feet. This just has uniformly been considered one of the most desirable in the Upper country. A grist-mill, advantageously situated, has lately been erected on the premises, the dam of which is built of stone. Contiguous to the mill and adjoining this tract of land, a large distillery has also been established; the house 56 by 33 feet, is built of stone; and the water, which is remarkably cool, is brought in pipes under ground, but a small distance to the house. The distillery, together with the land annexed, which is of the best quality, may be had with the first mentioned tract. Proposals by letter or otherwise, will be duly attended to; and on receiving part of the price in Negros, Cops, Bank-stock, Public Securities, or good Bonds, nondisputable title will be made to the purchaser, and great accommodation given for the balance, by having it satisfied by fixed stock. Wm. W. HENING. Charlottesville, Oct. 9. ew.Sa.
IN HANOVER COUNTY COURT, October 29th, 1804. Charles Livsey vs. Richard Richardson & D. Richardson, Defendants. THIS DAY came the complainant by his counsel, and the defendant Dudley Richardson, full failing to appear and answer the bill of the complaint, on the motion of the complainant is decreed and ordered, that unless the defendant Dudley Richardson (having been served with a copy of this order) shall file his answer on or before the next term, that then the complainant's bill will be taken for confessed, and the matter thereof decreed accordingly to his bill. And the defendant Richardson Richardson not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this county, on the motion of the complainant, it is further decreed, and ordered that the defendant Richard Richardson, do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the complaint, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in one of the Virginia Gazettes for two months successively, and that any copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy, true, THOMAS POLLARD, D. C. N. C. October 17.—(f).
JAMES SEABROOK, TAILOR, RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has removed from near the Market to Harris's corner, opposite the Custom House; where all commands in his line, will be punctually attended to; and as he has established a regular correspondence in Philadelphia, gentlemen may rely on having their clothes made in the newest fashion and neatest manner. N. B. Ladies Riding Dresses and Great Coats made in the newest fashion. October 17.—(ew. f.)
LOW FOR CASH, OR ON SHORT CREDIT, Direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia; LOAF SUGAR, OF an excellent quality, either by the hogshead, barrel, or single loaf. The supply will be regular and large. ALSO—BAR IRON, by the ton or single bar; IRON CASTINGS of various kinds, by the ton or single piece, among which are a few tons of 50 and 60 lbs. weights. MICAIAH DAVIS. [ew.Wm.] 4th of 7th mo. 1804.
TUNSTALL'S PATENT THRESHING MACHINE. THE advantages to be gained by farmers, by applying some effectual parts to Threshing Machines which have greater velocity, adequate strength, and greater cheapness than hitherto, and applicable to any machinery, are universally allowed to be very great. WILLIAM TUNSTALL has obtained a patent for such improvements; and wishes to benefit the public on the most reasonable terms. Diftictis and individuals may be now accommodated with Machines and patent rights, by applying in person or by letter (post paid) to the patentee, William Tunstall, at the Swan Tavern, Richmond. N. B. A Mill Wright and Iron Worker for the respective parts, are wanted—apply as above. These Machines will hull Clover and thresh Rice Buck Wheat &c. preserved free from grit.—Counterfeits will be dealt with as the law directs. July 18. ew.—f.
NOTICE. THE partnership, heretofore subsisting between the subscribers, under the firm of Ross & Ford, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. Those who have unsettled accounts with the said firm are respectfully informed that they must apply for settlement to Messrs. Wm. Jones of Philadelphia, or Neil McCall of this city. DAVID R. ROSS. BENJAMIN B. FORD. October 17.—(5t. ew.)
Mediterranean Passports. NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which lattercase no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use. Department of State, 29th of May, 1804. The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
DATES'S ALMANAC—FOR 1805—Publish- ed by Messrs. Davis & Courtenay, may be had at the Office of the Enquirer. September 19. epl
TO LIKELY NEGROES. ANY person wishing to purchase about 70 Likely Negroes, may hear where he can be accommodated by applying at the Office of the Enquirer. October 3. ef
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, to establish a FERRY from the Rappahannock to the Potomac, in Richmond County, to his lordship Peter Rust, in Richmond County, to his lordship the Rappahannock in Essex County. September 15.—(Snap.)