The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-08-21 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
VOLUME 4.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 21, 1807.
[NUMBER 30.]
Europe.
NEW-YORK, August 11.
CONTINUATION OF FOREIGN NEWS.
On turning over our files of London papers we find a number of articles of considerable interest; and the mails of to-day furnishing nothing of importance, we have been copious in our selections for this evening's Commercial Advertiser.
FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE.
Downing-Street, June 13.
The following intelligence has been received by Viscount Castlereagh, one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, from Major-General Alexander M'Kenzie Frazier, commanding his Majesty's land forces in Egypt, transmitted in a letter from the Right Hon. General Fox, to the Right Honorable William Windham.
Extract of the copy of a letter from Major-General A. M. Fraser, to the Right Honorable William Windham, dated Alexandria, April 6, 1807, transmitted to him by Gen. Fox, the original not having been received.
Sir, My letter of the 27th ultimo has already informed you that in consequence of the strong representation of Major Miffet, his majesty's resident here, (a copy of which I then transmitted) stating the risk the inhabitants of Alexandria run of being starved, unless Roletta and Rhamanie were taken possession of by his majesty's troops, I had, with the concurrence of Rear-Admiral Sir John Duckworth, detached the 51st regiment and Chasseurs Britanniques, under Major-General Wauchope and Brigadier-General Meade, for that purpose.
I am now under the disagreeable necessity of acquainting you that, contrary to all expectation, this measure did not succeed. Our troops took possession of the heights of Aboukir, (which command the town) without any loss; but from circumstances as yet unexplained, the General, instead of keeping his post there, unfortunately was tempted to go into the town with his whole force without any previous examination of it, when the troops were so severely handled from the windows and tops of the houses, without even seeing their enemy, that it was thought expedient to retire; more especially as Major-General Wauchope was unfortunately killed, and the second in command, Brigadier-General Meade, severely wounded.
The troops, I understand, although certainly placed in a most trying and perilous situation, behaved extremely well; and after having suffered, I am sorry to say, very materially in killed and wounded, retired to Aboukir in good order, without molestation, from whence I directed them to return to Alexandria.
This certainly has been a very heavy and unexpected stroke upon us, more especially as every information led me to conclude, that the opposition, if any, would be trifling; and every precaution was recommended that prudence could suggest.
Finding, however, by the renewed representation of Major Miffet, corroborated by the personal application of the Sossagi, or chief magistrate, in the name of the people at large, that famine would be the certain and immediate consequence of our remaining at Alexandria, without the occupation of Roletta, I have, with the concurrence, advice and co-operation of Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Louis, (who commands the squadron here since the departure of Sir John Duckworth,) detached another corps under the command of the honorable Brigadier-General Stewart and Colonel Oswald (as per margin) to effect this purpose, without which it appears impossible that the measure proposed by his majesty's Ministers, of keeping possession of Alexandria, can be accomplished.
Detachment of Royal Artillery, Detachment of the 20th Light Dragoons, Detachment of Seamen, Light Infantry Battalions of 25th Regiment, 2d Battalion of 79th Regiment, Regiment de Roll, amounting in the whole to about 2500 men.
FOREIGN OFFICE, June 19.
Doubts having arisen whether the Notification of the 11th of March, 1807, of the blockade at the entrances of the rivers Elbe, Weser and Elbe, was intended to include, and did include, all rivers, ports and places on the coast between the said rivers Elbe, Weser and Elbe, the right honorable George Canning, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has notified to the ministers of neutral powers, resident at this court, that the said blockade was intended to include all rivers, ports, and places between the said rivers; and that it will be maintained and enforced with respect to the whole coast from the Elbe to the Ems.
June 19.
Our Plymouth letter contains the details of some pretty pickings which the Pomone has made in a cruise off L'Orient. A few days ago as the flood in shore to reconnoitre, the discovered coming round the land a fleet of 40 sail of brigs, &c. deeply laden, under convoy of a gun brig and cutter, which from their signals discovered on board the Pomone, plainly indicated they knew her to be an enemy. (though she is a French built ship,) and began to make for the shore. The Pomone made sail after them and soon got up with, captured and maned 12 sail and two the furk, and others driven ashore. The 12 sail are arrived at Plymouth; they are laden with wheat, flour, brandies, &c. for the use of the Breft fleet.
June 20.
The King.—For the last six weeks, or two months, his Majesty's health has been in a state of gradual decay. The most eminent of the Faculty have had frequent consultations upon the subject of performing an operation; it was not determined on until the last week. The operation of couching will take place on the right eye, and the greatest hopes are entertained of its success.
The eye in its present state, is eclipsed about three-fourths. The operation takes place in about a fortnight. If every thing succeeds agreeably to the present sanguine expectations of the medical attendants, the King will soon depart for Weymouth. In every other respect we have the heartiest satisfaction to state, his Majesty never was in better health and spirits; his appetite is excellent, and his complexion florid and good.
We are concerned to learn, that the indisposition of Sir Sidney Smith, is supposed to proceed from a blow, which he received from an Arab horse, when riding in the neighborhood of Alexandria in company with some Arabs. The animal on which Sir Sidney was attacked by another horse which had broken loose, and which according to the practice of these animals when fighting, reared up, and struck Sir Sidney with one of his fore feet; Sir Sidney's horse reared to return the attack, he was compelled to dismount immediately, and thus avoided further danger.
June 22.
We understand that the King of Sweden has sent a notification to the French General that the armistice will terminate at the stipulated period. Ten days was the time first fixed, but it was afterwards extended to a month. The command of the Prussian who are to co-operate with the Swedes has been given to General Blucher. He has published a spirited proclamation to his troops, and tells them that they are about to commence their operations against the enemies of their country. This Prussian and Swedish force is to be strengthened by the German Legion from this country—and the aggregate amount of the whole will be little less than 50,000 men.
The rumour of Baron Hardenberg and Count Novositzlow having arrived at the French head quarters is unfounded. But we are still inclined to think that a negotiation is going on thro' the mediation of the court of Vienna. The Austrian General Vincent has returned to the French head quarters.—Attempts, however, are said to have been recently made by Russia to draw Austria into an alliance with her—but the latter replied that she would not depart from her system of neutrality.
There is a report in circulation, that Denmark has protested against the employment of a British fleet in the Baltic and declared she shall consider the appearance of a British line of battle ship in the Sound, as a declaration of war. We do not believe the rumour. The Danish Government hardly wishes to see the British fleet before Copenhagen a second time.
The dispatches to the Governor of Malta are stated to have required the immediate departure from Malta of all the victuallers and store ships which might be lying there, as the garrison at Alexandria were in a state little short of absolute famine. The Albanians had not advanced upon Alexandria at the date of these dispatches, but they had neglected no measures which could distress the British troops.
The passage of the Nile was wholly intercepted, and nothing could reach Alexandria from any part of the country. The distress of the British was consequently very great; but general Fraser had received the most positive orders from Medina not to abandon his position as long as he could possibly retain it.
The second action was more severe than has been imagined. Our loss in killed alone exceeds seven hundred.
DANTZIC, June 8.
The repairs for the houses which have been damaged in the course of the siege, amount to 12 millions at least. The houses destroyed in the suburbs by order of General Kalckreuth, are estimated at nine millions at least.—This city, in houses alone, has therefore suffered a loss to the amount of 21 millions.
No fresh meat was consumed during the siege. The pound of meat since the termination of the siege, provisions not being arrived, costs from 3 to 4 livres.
MUNICH, June 2.
The German states, who are allied to France, are solely occupied at this moment in supporting, with all their energy, the vast designs of the emperor Napoleon. They spare neither pains nor expense in procuring for this monarch the means of sustaining with honor the contest in which he is engaged, and of restoring peace to suffering humanity. To attain this object, all the Members of the Confederation of the Rhine have resolved to double their contingents. The King of Bavaria has ordered the assembling of a fresh corps of the army in the environs of Bamberg, which is to form a junction with the Army of Observation, commanded by Marshal Brune. The Saxon troops which form a part of the Grand Army, are to be augmented to 20,000 men. The King of Wurtemberg has ordered three new regiments to march towards Silesia. The Grand Duke of Baden sends 15,000 men to Magdeburg; the contingent of the Grand Duke of Wurtemberg has already set off for Settin; in short, the other Princes and States, lately entered into the Confederation, are eager to furnish their respective contingents.
ROME, May 16.
By virtue of an order of his Holiness the Pope, several persons have been lately arrested here, and sent to the Bastille. Among them is the Count Camille Borgen, the nephew of the celebrated Cardinal Borgia, and a Knight of the Order of Malta.
PARIS, June 10.
Letter from the Emperor to the Archbishops and Bishops of France.
"After the memorable battle of Eylau, which terminated the last campaign, the enemy, driven 14 leagues from the Vistula, was no longer able to support Dantzig. Notwithstanding the rigors of the season, we commenced the siege; and forty days after the trenches were opened, this important place has fallen to the power of our arms. The efforts of the enemy to succor it were defeated, and victory constantly followed our banners—Immense magazines of provisions and of artillery, and the reduction of one of the richest cities in the world, to our power, are the debut of the campaign. We cannot but ascribe this success, so rapid and so signal, to that especial protection of which Divine Providence has given us so many proofs. It is our pleasure that, on the receipt of this, you assemble our people, and offer solemn thanksgiving to the God of Armies, praying that he will continue to favor our arms, and to watch over the happiness of our country; that they may always pray that the cabinet which persecutes our Holy Religion, as much as it is the eternal enemy of our nation, may no longer influence the cabinet of the continent, to the end, that a solid and glorious peace, worthy of the great nation, that 'constitute humanity,' and enable us to realize our intentions for the good of religion and prosperity of our people. This letter is only to that end, and we pray God to have you in his holy keeping."
(Signed)
"NAPOLEON.
"In our camp in Emskenhein, 28th May, 1807."
Te Deum was ordered to be performed in all the churches in Paris, on the 14th, for the taking of Dantzig.
The Marquis De Lucchini is reported to have died suddenly at Lucca.
The Russian Admiral, Shliavin, has declared all the Ottoman ports, from the Dardanelles to the islands in the Aegean and Ionian Seas, in a state of blockade, even against neutrals.
The Queen of Etruria has ordered a levy of 20,000 men for the defence of her coast.
FROM DUTCH PAPERS.
Bonaparte has sent the greater part of the troops employed in the siege of Dantzig, to strengthen his left; where every thing indicates that the first attack is to be made. The Polish and Bavarian troops had arrived at Tiegenhul and Elbing.
The House of Hope, of Amsterdam, advances the loan to Spain, of thirty millions of florins, at five and a half per cent. From this a sum of money due by Spain to the Dutch government, is to be deducted. The King of Spain mortgages all his revenues, and as a further security, has given bills on Mexico.
COPENHAGEN, June 9.
According to letters from Koeningsberg of the 1st instant, General Kamenkoi is returned from Fahrwasser to Pillau. The greatest activity is now used in putting the fortifications of Koeningsberg in a strong state of defence. A particular corps of 12,000 men is collected in and near that city. The report of a general armistice is not yet confirmed. Great difficulties still obstruct our hopes of peace.
The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia were at Bartenstein on the 24th ult.—General Kalckreuth arrived at Koeningsberg on the 2d, and the garrison of Dantzig was expected at Pillau on the 4th and 5th.—Hamburg Correspondent of June 18.
VIENNA, June 3.
The Court Gazette of this day contains the following article, under the head of Turkey: "The fleet of the Russian Vice-Admiral Sinia-vin continues to hold the canal of Constantinople strongly blockaded. Several attempts to re-take Tenedos have failed; that island still continues in the hands of the Russians. The Grand Vizier is still at Adrianople."
"The Serbian insurgents have taken the fortresses of Nissa, and made themselves masters of the important island of Ostrof above the mouth of the Tunok, in the Danube, by which they are in possession of the shortest line of communication with Little Wallachia, in which there are 11,000 Russians. The communications between Widdin and Orzona, is on the other hand, cut off to the Turks."
"The position of the army of General Michelsson, which is from time to time receiving various reinforcements, as well in Moldavia as Wallachia, is essentially still the same. The camp near Varkares has indeed been reinforced with some regiments and a division of Russian cavalry, have surprised the Turks who were in the vicinity of Krajowa; about seventy were cut to pieces. The attack of the Russians on Kahres, a frontier fortress of Great Armenia, has failed."
"According to the latest letters from Turkey, the Grand Signior, as a proof of his esteem and friendship for the French Ambassador, General Sebastiani, has presented him with the estate Yalipa, belonging to Prince Ypsilanti."
BANKS OF THE ELBE, June 12.
Extract of a letter.
"Napoleon, it is said, is about to transfer the throne of Holland to Murat (the Jonathan of this David.) King Louis is accused of not showing himself sufficiently obsequious to his Brother and Emperor; he is charged with favouring the English, and insidiously intriguing for popularity among his own subjects."
"Hostilities are expected to re-commence every day on the frontiers of Pomerania. The combined force of Sweden and Prussia is said to amount to upwards of 30,000 men. Were your expedition to arrive at this time without an equal strength, there really would be a fair opportunity of displaying, or at least trying, your military prowess.—The Army of Observation would be able, it is true, to bring a somewhat more numerous body against you, but this army is not composed of the elite of the enemy's soldiery, but of Spaniards, Dutch, Germans, and French; and no small portion of these disaffected! You have a sure place of retreat in the fortresses of Stralsund; and you have, in case of a victory, promising advantages, inestimable resources from defectors and fugitives from every part of the North of Germany. The Danish government does not permit any persons to cross Holstein without a pass. Hence there have been great numbers of fugitives from Germany, who have been here in the hope of going by water to Koeningsberg or Stralsund; but they have been refused a passage, and have been reduced to the necessity of returning to their sad homes, where their cruel oppressor is master. The French threaten to punish with death, all who attempt to go into Pomerania from Mecklenburg. But in case the Allies should have any success in their operations, we all know how inefficient severe laws of that kind are."
"In the meanwhile General Blucher has issued the following proclamation addressed to the Prussians:
PROCLAMATION OF GEN. BLUCHER. "His Majesty the King of Prussia, my Sovereign, has entrusted me with the command of a corps of Prussian troops, which, united to the Swedish forces, is about to commence its operations against the enemies of our country, under the command in chief of the king of Sweden."
"If, on the one hand, the just cause of the King, our Sovereign, is courageously supported by great and powerful allies; so, on the other hand, the cries of our oppressed and suffering country summon every Prussian to its defence."
"The moment of undertaking this at length arrived; and I therefore now call upon all patriotic Prussians, who are capable of military service, whether residing in Prussia or in foreign countries, and armed or unarmed, as circumstances may permit, to repair to the corps under my command, where every one will be duly received, maintained and advanced, and there co-operate in attaining the great and sublime end before us."
"Inhabitants of the Prussian monarchy! Recollect the state of your country, when not one, but many enemies, made war against it, during seven long years. Be mindful of the glory of your ancestors, who were its brave and victorious defenders; shew yourselves worthy of them, and learn like them, to conquer or die!"
"BLUCHER.
"Stralsund, 1st June, 1807."
NEW-YORK, August 14.
The Paris papers by the brig Stephen from Bordeaux are to the 25th of June, at which time nothing later than our former accounts had been received from the grand army; nor do the papers contain any news of importance.
Letters from Berlin mention that the answer of the British government to the propositions made to it to open negotiations for peace had arrived at the Russian head-quarters, and had been transmitted from thence to the Emperor Napoleon. In this answer the court of London expresses its readiness to enter upon negotiations in concert with its allies, and relinquishes the manner of opening them entirely to the pleasure of the Emperor of Russia. A correspondence relative to this important object was said to be established between Talleyrand and the Russian minister for foreign affairs who was at Koeningsberg. What augurs favourably, is the frequency of the direct communication between the head-quarters of the two armies, French and Russian aides-de-camp daily passing from one to the other with dispatches.
The situation of affairs has not undergone the final change since the reduction of Dantzig; the emperor continued there at the date of our last advices; and the different corps of the army remained quiet in their cantonments.
Cardinal Fesch (Prince Primate of the Confederation of the Rhine) has ceded Ratibon to the King of Bavaria, and is to be indemnified by an extent of territory in some other part of Germany.
It was reported at Bordeaux, on the day the Capt. Skidley left it, that the King of Prussia had made a separate peace with France. Letters received at Warsaw on the 8th of June from the French head-quarters mention this circumstance so far as to state that the preliminaries were signed at Oliva, near Dantzig on the first days of that month.
One of our late Paris papers contains the following article:
"At the same time that the news of the expulsion of the English from Egypt gains credit, it is asserted that a corps of 4000 troops of the same nation, landed in Calabria, has been cut to pieces by general Regnier. The time chosen for this landing would make one suppose it to have been concerted with the conspiracy lately discovered at Naples. This would be a fresh reason for being astonished that the English government should always resort to means which have ever proved fatal to it, which would tarnish the lustre of success, supposing they could have any, and which augment a hundred fold the shame of a defeat when it is the result of such manoeuvres."
"Under date of Naples, 31st May, 1 is said, "The English landed about the end of this month 5000 troops in Calabria. General Regnier has completely defeated them. 800 remained on the field of battle; the remainder were made prisoners. A conspiracy formed at Palermo, and which was to break out at Naples, on Corpus Christi day, has been discovered. The five principal conspirators were condemned to death, and executed within 24 hours."
The government of Wirttemberg has caused a report to be published containing the substance of the last intelligence from the Grand Army, and which affords the hope of peace. The following is the manner in which the report is expressed on this subject:
"According to the most recent intelligence which his majesty has received from the head-quarters of the Grand Army, the hopes of peace, far from being vanquished, become daily stronger and more general."
"The siege of Grandenz was about to be carried on vigorously. A corps of ten thousand men has marched to reinforce the army that was investing that fortress."
"The fortress of Neiss capitulated on the 1st of June, and was to be taken possession of by the French on the 16th, if not previously succoured. The garrison are to be prisoners of war, and conducted to France; the officers only are prisoners upon parole."
Merc. Adv.
DEFEAT OF THE RUSSIANS AND CAPTURE OF KONIGSBERG.
The ship Arab, West, arrived at Boston on Tuesday last from Nantz, brings the 78th Bulletin of the grand army, and a Nantz paper of June 29. The Editor of the (Boston) Centinel says, "The Bulletin being very long, we have given a faithful abstract of it."
"The campaign opened the 5th June, and was continued by a series of hard fighting until the 14th, when the French gained a great and decisive victory at Friedland, about 20 miles S. of Koenigsberg. The Russians lost from 25 to 30,000 men, thirty generals, and 80 pieces of cannon, and were said to be overwhelmed and scattered; while the French were in full march for Koenigsberg, at which place the last accounts dated them to have arrived."
"There were rumours of an expected Peace, at the last dates."
"In the French army there are troops of not less than ten or twelve different nations, who do not understand each other's language; but Bonaparte contrives to make them all understand him."
HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
From French papers, received at Boston from Nantz.
FRENCH GRAND ARMY BULLETIN. No. 78.
dated, Heilsburg, June 12, 1807.
This Bulletin gives an account of the overtures of Peace, made during the winter; and of their being interrupted by the attacks of the Russians.
ACTION OF SPANDEN.
June 5th, the Russian army put several of its divisions in motion.—The right attacked the bridge-head of Spanden, which General Frere defended with the 27th regiment. Twelve Russian regiments made vain efforts; they renewed them seven times, and seven times were repulsed.—In the mean time the Prince of Ponte-Corvo (Bernadotte) had assembled his troops, but before they could act, a charge of the 17th dragoons forced the enemy to retreat. Thus during a whole day, two divisions made repeated unsuccessful attacks on one regiment; but it must be owned this regiment was entrenched. In visiting the entrenchments between one of the attacks, marshal Bernadotte was slightly wounded, which will render him unable to resume his command for a fortnight. Our loss is trifling. The enemy's 1200, and many wounded.
BATTLE OF LOMITLEN.
Two Russian divisions from the centre also attacked the bridge-head at Lomitlen. Gen. Terry's brigade defended it.—Two regiments repulsed the enemy the whole day. The abbatis and works were covered with dead Russians. Their General was killed! and their loss 1100 killed, 100 prisoners and great numbers wounded.
ded. We lost 120 men killed and wounded. Mean while the Russian commander in chief (Bennington) with the imperial guards, and three divisions, attacked marshal Ney's position at Altkircken, Guttstadt, and Wolfendorf; and were repulsed in all quarters; but when marshal Ney discovered that his assailants exceeded 40,000 men, he obeyed his instructions, and led his corps to Ackendorf.
BATTLE OF DEPEN.
June 5th, the enemy attacked the 5th corps at Depen, on the Passarge. They were over-turned. The manoeuvres, talents, and intrepidity of marshal Ney, gen. Marchand, and other officers, are worthy of the greatest eulogium. The enemy confers the loss of 2000 killed, 200 wounded, and 270 prisoners, made by the Coffsacks, who had posted themselves in the rear of the army.
AFPAIR OF THE 8th.
On the 8th the emperor arrived at Depen; and gave the necessary orders. The 4th corps moved to Wolfendorf, where it met a Russian division about to join the main army, attacked it, disabled 500 men, took 150, and in the evening took post at Altkircken.
At this moment the emperor advanced on Guttstadt, with Ney's and Lannes' corps, his guards, and the reserve of cavalry. Ten thousand cavalry, and 15,000 infantry of the enemy's rear guard, took possession of Guttstadt, and attempted to dispute the passage. Marshal Murat, after some skilful manoeuvres, drove them from their positions, and the light cavalry and heavy dragoons triumphed over all the efforts of the enemy, and in the evening we entered Guttstadt by force. One thousand prisoners, and the possession of the positions before Guttstadt, and the routing of the infantry, were the consequences of the day. The Russian horse guards were peculiarly severely handled.
AFPAIR OF THE 10th.
June 10th, the army advanced towards Heilsburg, and carried several camps. The enemy's rear guard, of from 15 to 20,000 cavalry, and several lines of infantry, were formed at a mile's distance. The Spanish cuirassiers and other corps, charged them and gained ground. Two divisions of marshal Soult's corps marched on the right, whilst Legrand's division marched on the left. The whole Russian army was at Heilsburg; they reinforced their advanced columns. More than 60 field pieces poured death, whilst they were supporting their columns, which our divisions drove back with the most undaunted courage and impetuosity. Several Russian divisions were routed, and at 9 P. M. we were under the enemy's intrenchments. Several divisions performed prodigies. Verdier's division cut off the enemies retreat to Landsburg; and several companies went so far as to insult the Russians in their intrenchments. Some brave men met death at the palisades.
The emperor passed the 11th on the field of battle; making arrangements for a decisive action. The whole Russian army was assembled, and Heilsburg was full of stores and rendered very strong. The emperor ordered Davoust to form on the lower Alle, and cut off the road to Eylau, each corps had its assigned post and were all assembled, excepting the first which was on the lower Passarge. Thus the Russians who had recommended hostilities, found themselves blockaded. Battle was offered them: it was thought they would attack on the 11th, whilst the French army was forming; but instead of attacking, they began at night to cross the right bank of the Alle, and gave up the whole country on their left, leaving their wounded at the mercy of the victor, as well as their magazines, and those intrenchments the fruit of so much arduous exertion.
On the 12th at day break, all the army was in motion. All the houses are filled with the Russian wounded. From the 5th to the 13th the enemy's army has been deprived of about 30,000 fighting men; they left in our hands from 3 to 4000 men; 7 or 8 pair of colours, and 9 pieces of artillery, and according to the accounts of defectors, several important generals. Our loss is about 600 or 700 killed, 2000 or 2200 wounded, and 300 prisoners. A Spanish general is wounded. Gen. Roussel, of the imperial guards had his head shot off; marshal Murat had two horses killed under him; one of his aids (Seguin) lost an arm. Several other officers were wounded. We found in the magazines of Heilsburg several thousand quintals flour, and large quantities of provisions of various kinds.
The emperor Alexander left his army some days before the campaign opened.
PARIS, June 25, 1807.
GREAT BATTLE.
Yesterday his Highness Prince Borghese, arrived at the palace of St. Cloud, and brought from the Emperor, to the Empress and Queen, the news of a victory which, on the 14th of this month, was gained at Friedland [about 20 miles S. of Koenigsberg] by the Grand Army, commanded by the Emperor in person. The following particulars were given at Head-quarters, and which we are authorised to repeat, while we are waiting for the official bulletin:—
"The French army has worthily celebrated the 14th June, the anniversary of the battle of Marengo. The battle of Friedland will be celebrated in history. The Russian army, out-manoeuvred, its centre penetrated, cut off from its magazines, has been completely beaten. Eighty pieces of cannon taken, 25 to 30,000 Russians taken, killed or drowned in the Alle, are the results of this memorable day. Thirty Russian Generals have been killed, taken or severely wounded. The bodies of several Generals were found dead on the field of battle, and it is worthy of remark, that among them were the bodies of Generals Pahlen and Marcoff, two of the first initiators of the faction devoted to England. The regularity of our dispositions, the intrepidity of our troops, have greatly diminished the loss of the French army, which is not considerable.—Moniteur."
The Gazette de France, says, "In addition to the 78th Bulletin, we learn, that on the 13th June the Headquarters of the Grand Army was at Prussian Eylau; that the army, in two columns, was marching on Koenigsberg; and that the advanced guards were at the gates of the city; That the Russian army could not sustain an attack in any part; in that it was overwhelmed and dispersed in such a manner, as to render it impossible for them to re-unite. According to other reports, the French were already in Koenigsberg, where they entered pell-mell with the Russians. But this last news needs confirmation."
The Courier de L'Europe, says, "We announce this day (June 25) that Koenigsberg is in the power of the French."
ANDREW STEVENSON,
Has been commissioned by the Governor and Council of Virginia, NOTARY PUBLIC, in and for the District of Richmond. He takes, therefore, the liberty of saying, that all business confided to him, shall meet with the most marked attention and despatch.
August 21.
ep3w,

TRIAL OF AARON BURR,
(CONTINUED BY ADJOURNMENT, AND HELD AT THE CAPITOL IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.) FOR HIGH TREASON AGAINST THE UNITED STATES.
SUBSTANCE OF MR. HAY'S OPENING SPEECH.
TUESDAY, August 18.
May it please the court and you gentlemen of the jury;
In the preliminary stages of the prosecution, in which we are now engaged, many observations were made extremely derogatory to the government under which we live and injurious to the feelings of the counsel employed in the prosecution. It was said, amongst other things, that we had indulged an intemperate zeal which transgressed the limits of reason and humanity; that we were solicitous to convict the prisoner, whether innocent or guilty; and to deprive him of all the proper means which were necessary to his defence. I know not, gentlemen of the jury, whether this charge has reached your ears; or if it has, whether it has made any serious impressions upon your minds; but if it had, it is my duty to efface them. But by what means? By professions of candour and of liberality which are easily made and as easily forgotten? No. I shall prove the injustice of this charge by the course and conduct of the prosecution. We have arrived at a most serious crisis in this enquiry, on whose result the life of a man, and of a fellow citizen, who once stood high in the estimation of his country, must certainly depend. It is alleged to be forfeited to the violated laws and justice of his country. It is my duty to support that allegation; but I shall support it only by facts which I believe to be true, and by arguments which have produced my own conviction.
The prisoner at the bar is charged with treason; in levying war against the United States. To this charge he has pleaded not guilty. It is your solemn duty to decide upon the validity of this plea, and you have sworn to decide it by facts alone. If you attend to the obligations of your oath, any admonitions from me will be unnecessary. You will direct your minds of every bias, of all extraneous rumours or political prepossessions. You will enter upon the case with candour, and with a firm determination to do justice between the U. S. and Aaron Burr. If after that patient investigation of the evidence which the importance of the case requires, you should doubt whether he is guilty, you must decide that he is not. Such is the language of the law and such the dictate of common sense. If you doubt, you must declare him to be innocent. But there is one distinction, which I have heard from the lips of jurymen; which seems to me to be a distinction without a difference; and to be founded in folly and in wickedness. I have heard them declare that though as individuals they might be satisfied of the guilt of a prisoner, as men they were not. This is a fallacy. I can conceive, that a jurymen may entertain a belief founded on what he has heard out of doors, which is not warranted by the legal evidence before him; but if he once believes, from the evidence, that the prisoner has committed the crime alleged, he is then guilty of treachery to himself, to his country, and to his God, if he does not pronounce that belief.
The indictment before you consists of two counts. The first charges the prisoner with levying war on Blennerhassett's island. The second repeats the same charge in substance, with this addition, that in order to levy it more effectually, the prisoner had descended the Ohio and the Mississippi with an armed force for the purpose of taking possession of New-Orleans. If either of those charges be supported by adequate evidence, you must find the prisoner guilty.
In Great Britain, there are no less than ten different species of treason; at least it was so when Blackstone wrote. Perhaps the catalogue has been since increased. But in this country, there are only two descriptions, which are defined by the Constitution itself; so that it is beyond the power of the Legislature to increase the list, however important they might consider such an augmentation. By the 3 d sect. of the 4 th art. of the constitution of the United States, "Treason against the U. States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Of the last description of treason, it is unnecessary to say anything, as the offence charged in the indictment is "levying war against" the U. States. This offence being thus constitutionally defined, the only question at this stage of the enquiry is, what shall constitute an Overt Act of levying war against the U. S.
It is obvious, that the interval between the first movements of a treasonable conspiracy and a dual hostility is immense. There may be a conspiracy to levy war; but this is not treason. Individuals may meet together for making arrangements to bring forces into the field; nor is this conspiracy treason. They may advance a step further. They may not only project a plan for levying war, but they may proceed to levy troops; but this is not an Overt Act of treason. It has even been adjudged by the Supreme Court of the United States that the concerned persons may proceed one other step further; the separate individuals may proceed to a place of rendezvous; and yet remain on the safe side of the line of treason. But, gentlemen, common sense, and principles founded on considerations of national safety, obviously require, that the crime of treason should be declared to be complete, before the commission of actual hostilities against the government. If any hostilities must be committed, what is the consequence? Why, that a man may take his steps until he is sufficiently strong to laugh at all your definitions of treason. He will not strike a blow; he will not commence actual hostilities, until he is prepared to give efficacy to that blow and to bid defiance to your government. Where then is the point at which a treasonable conspiracy shall be said to have arrived at its maturity? I answer; when there is an assemblage of men convened for the purpose of effecting by force, a treasonable design; which force is intended to be employed before their dispersion. The answer which I now give is not literally, but is substantially the same with that furnished by the Supreme Court of the United States, and is given in conformity to what I understand to be the spirit of that decision. In the opinion of that court delivered by the Chief Justice on the cases of Bollman and Swartwout, there occur the following expressions: "It is not the intention of the court to say, that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has not appeared in arms against his country. On the contrary, if war be actually levied, that is, if a body of men be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting by force, a treasonable purpose, all those who perform any part, however minute or however remote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." If war then be actually levied, in
this manner, every person concerned is to be considered as a traitor. The same idea is expressed in ten or fifteen other parts of this decision. "To complete the crime of levying war against the U. States, there must be an actual assemblage of men for the purpose of executing a treasonable design." And again "In the case now before the court, a design to overturn the government of the U. States at New Orleans by force, would have been unquestionably a design, which, if carried into execution, would have been treason, and the assemblage of a body of men for the purpose of carrying it into execution, would amount to levying war against the U. States; but no conspiracy for this object, no enlisting of men to effect it, would be an actual levying of war." If then according to this definition, the accused and his associates had assembled together to attack N. Orleans and separate it from the union, though no actual force had been used, though no battle had been fought, they would have been guilty of treason. The same idea also occurs in these passages. "It cannot be necessary that the whole army should assemble and that the various parts which are to compose it should have combined. But it is necessary that there should be an actual assemblage." "The meeting of particular bodies of men and their marching from places of partial to places of general rendezvous would be such an assemblage." It seems to me then, that I am warranted in the answer which I have given, by the solemn decision of this supreme tribunal.—Perhaps, gentlemen, in opening this case, I may occupy more of your time than you may consider to be necessary. But you must excuse me. Justice to the accused requires, that I should freely communicate the grounds on which this accusation is to be maintained; that the counsel on the other side may prepare for his defence.
It is necessary for me to state my reasons, for having omitted two circumstances in this definition of levying war, which the counsel for the prisoner may perhaps consider as essential parts of treason. I have taken no notice of military weapons; nor have I introduced the employment of any actual force, of any violence or hostility to effect the treasonable design. I have stated neither of these circumstances, because I think neither of them essential, according to the constitution and laws of this country.
On the first point I shall offer but a few observations. Before satisfying you of the legal propriety of this omission, permit me to state the question on the principles of common sense. It is true that it does not always happen in legal discussions, that this principle is consulted from the beginning to the end; but in many cases this disregard is most unhappily practised. Instead then of considering this question as it would be presented to us by lawyers and by judges, let us view it on the sound principles of common sense and national policy. It is not necessary that the men should have arms in their hands to make them traitors. The act of treason might be completed, and yet not a single gun nor even a pen-knife be employed in the transaction. Suppose a case. There was a time, when 10,000 stands of arms were deposited under the roof of this Capitol. Suppose that 5 or 10,000 unarmed men had assembled within a few miles of this city, with a preconceived design of marching to the Capitol, seizing upon the arms, dispersing our Legislature, and usurping the powers of the government. Let us suppose, what is no very difficult supposition, that the Cavalry and the Infantry of this city were to gird on their armour, and resolve to disperse these men, before they could execute their treasonable intentions. They arm; they march; and the conspirators, conscious of their abominable guilt, fly in all directions at the approach of our volunteers. Will any one say, that these men are not traitors to their country?—Or suppose that any number of individuals were to assemble at Blennerhassett's island. We will suppose, that they had no arms, although I do not believe that such was the fact. They intend to descend the Ohio and Mississippi to seize upon New-Orleans, calculating upon meeting their leader at the mouth of Cumberland river and receiving arms from the Spanish minister at Baton Rouge. Would the simple circumstance of their being unarmed produce any difference in their guilt? And would it not be an absurdity to say, that the moment after arms have been put into their hands they are traitors, but that they were not the moment before? The supreme court have given a correct opinion on this subject, when in one passage they are silent as to the possession of arms, and in another, if I am not mistaken, they have expressly disclaimed it. If this point were not to be determined in this way, what would be the consequence? That conspirators would take care never to touch their arms, until they were ready to strike their blow. They would have military weapons placed within their reach; but they would not once venture to touch them before their organization should be completed. On the principles of Common Sense then, it is not necessary that they should have arms to consummate the overt act of treason. And what says the law? In the case decided by the supreme court, you will not find a single allusion as to the necessity of arms being in the hands of the conspirators. And in the case of Fries, p. 167, this subject has been particularly mentioned and my opinion embraced by one of the judges of the U. States, (Judge Chase.)—It is remarkable too, in this case, that the same principle is conceded by the counsel for the defendant (Mr. Dallas) whose opinion is certainly no authority with you on this occasion; but it carries along with it the strong presumption that the law was against him, p. 108.
In Great Britain there is a statute, which was passed many years ago, in the 25 th year of the reign of Edward the 3 d , which describes treason in the very identical words of our constitution. This statute makes "levying war" against the king to be treason. Now; when the framers of our own constitution, many of them great lawyers too, have chosen to define treason in the very same words which had been so often in use, so often the subject of discussion and adjudication; it is certainly a fair presumption that they were to be used in the same sense which is annexed to them in England. An observation of a very able judge of the court of the United States amply confirms this remark, Fries's trial, p. 167. I beg the jury to believe, that my only purpose for referring to the English law, is to show that the decision of the supreme court on this subject is not an innovation, not a new doctrine, but is an exact counterpart of the English authorities. To prove this position, I will refer to Foster, p. 208, where he declares that there may be treason, that is, "levying war" against the country, without the presence of arms; and that the only question is, the quo animo , with which the thing is done; if it be to effect some treasonable plot. This opinion of Judge Foster is quoted in East's Reports, v. 1, p. 67, who approves its spirit, and thinks that arms and military array are not essential to treason. I have entered into this tedious investigation of this point, though it did not seem to me to be necessary, because our own courts have, in words too plain to deceive mortal men, pronounced that a bare assemblage of men was sufficient; and because the persons
assembled at Blennerhassett's island, were actually armed for offensive as well as defensive purposes. It is to you, gentlemen of the jury, that I must submit, how far I have succeeded in justifying the propriety of my having omitted "arms" in the definition of treason. I have also omitted, that the persons assembled for a treasonable purpose have committed hostilities or employed any actual force. I contend that it is not necessary to have waged battle or to have committed any act of violence. Perhaps the other side may, however, contend (though I am scarcely persuaded that they will) that there must be arms and actual force. But if they do contend for this, observe the embarrassment in which they will be involved by their doctrine. If 10,000 armed men were to march to Washington in order to take possession of the capital of the U. States; send the President to Monticello and turn Congress out of doors; these persons thus assembled are no traitors, because they have not yet struck a blow. They meet with no opposition; the government disperses through fear; but there is no treason. The doctrine that would make force, the presence and actual exertion of arms, necessary to the consummation of treason, would be eminently fatal. It is the very doctrine that traitors met together to make laws for their own security, would be most solicitous to recognize: for if they were not traitors, ere they had struck a blow, they would take care never to strike one until they could do it with effect.—I contend that my doctrine is unequivocally confirmed by the decision of the supreme court. There is not a single word in it which makes force or actual hostilities necessary to treason.
I know not, but gentlemen may be disposed to take shelter under an opinion, expressed by Judges Chase and Peters in the case of Fries, p. 197; and I most candidly admit, that there are certain expressions in that opinion, which seem to countenance their doctrine. But if the observation were correct in fact, still it should be recollected that it was but the opinion of subordinate judges, which cannot be opposed to the decision of the supreme court. It must also be recollected, that their opinion on this point was extrajudicial; by that term I mean, that it was not such a point as was necessary to be settled in the case before the court. The question before them was not, whether force does actually enter into the composition of treason; for in the case of Fries, there was force enough employed. It was a case of an actual opposition to the laws of the United States by force. Now; the opinion of any court is never considered as good authority, unless it be delivered on the very point actually before the court.—It will be seen too upon an accurate inspection, that the opinion of Judge Chase is not even consistent with itself. In his definition of treason, (Fries's trial, page 196) he expressly says, that "any insurrection or rising of any body of people within the U. States, or to attain or effect by force or violence any object of a great public nature, or of public and national concern, is a levying of war against the U. States, within the contemplation of the constitution." Thus excluding from his definition the two circumstances which I have excluded from mine, military weapons, and the actual employment of force. In the next page, he expressly states, that military weapons, &c. are not necessary in the consummation of treason. And yet in the course of the same charge he seems to think that some force must be employed before the crime is legally complete. The ideas of Judge Peters on this point (see page 204 and page 207) seem to be in like manner at variance with each other. The truth is, that they did not express themselves on this subject, with the precision which they would have displayed, had the question before them been what it was before the supreme court and what it is here.
Judge Patterson in his exposition of the law, in his construction of the constitution, agrees with the supreme court in their decision. 2 Dall. 335, and even Mr. Lewis, an advocate in the case of Fries, distinguished no less by his zeal, than by his legal erudition, seems to concede that the crime may be consummated without the actual commission of hostilities, or employment of force.
The English adjudications are to the same effect. Treasons, in the populous country of Great-Britain, where numbers are concerned, are generally accompanied by force; but that the actual employment of force, where the treasonable design is clearly proved, is not necessary, is in my judgment indisputably certain. See Fost. 211, 218. East 1, 67. Hale 146.
But whether I am correct in this remark or not, is immaterial. In our own country, the judges of the supreme court have placed this point beyond the reach of controversy.
You will probably be told, Sirs, that certainty in criminal law is important, & in that part of it which relates to treason, essential to public liberty. You may be reminded of an observation of the celebrated Montesquieu, who says, that uncertainty on this single point, is of itself sufficient to change a free into an arbitrary government. It is not admitted that this observation is applicable to our government, dependent as it is on the people, or to our people, informed as they are of their rights. But suppose it to be so. The answer is obvious. By the decision of the supreme court, the law is certain. Every man who can read, knows the situation in which he stands, and at what point he must stop, if he wishes to avoid the imputation and the guilt of treason.
You will probably be told also, of the danger of constructive treasons; that is, says Blackstone, 4 vol. 75, "to raise by forced & arbitrary constructions, offences into the crime and punishment of treason, which never were suspected to be such." Of this some terrible examples exist in the earlier periods of the English history, when the people were ignorant, and the judges entirely dependent on the king.
It is admitted that the doctrine, which shall let in treasons, not defined by the constitution, by mere arbitrary construction, inference or analogy, as in England formerly, ought not to be countenanced. But in fact in this country, there is no danger to be apprehended. It may serve as a topic of declamation, but the apprehension of mischief from this source is absolutely visionary.
It would be absurd to call the treason defined by the supreme court, a constructive treason. The words "levying war," do not present to the mind a clear and distinct idea, like the words "murdering a man" or "stealing a horse." If the question what is levying war? were pronounced distinctly and separately to every man in this assembly, or even to the most intelligent among them, there would be great hesitation, doubt, and variance—perhaps half as many opinions as men. Necessity, then, requires that the courts should ascertain the construction of these words. It is their province, it is their duty to do: and in giving the definition for which I contend, they have performed that duty. (He then read a passage from Fries's trial, containing some remarks of Judge Peters, page 206, applicable to this point.)
If the law thus established by the supreme court, shall be said to be a constructive treason, the inference is either that the judges should not give any construction of the constitution on
this subject, which would be illegal and absurd, and would moreover by leaving every thing to the decision of juries, produce all the mischiefs of uncertainty, on the most interesting of all legal subjects; or that the opinion of the supreme court is erroneous. The latter, it is presumed, is a position, which the counsel for the prisoner will hardly undertake to support.
If, however, they do undertake this task, if they do contend that an assemblage of men with a treasonable design is not sufficient, but that hostilities must be commenced, actual violence must be used before treason is complete, the constitution is a dead letter. No man can be pronounced to be a traitor, until he has, by striking a blow, shown that he is or conceives himself to be out of the reach of the law. The case, then, presents a question of force alone, and it is a matter of no consequence, what the definition of treason shall be, until it is decided by arms what side shall pronounce it.
Perhaps it will be said, that the decision of the supreme court, is not correctly understood. I may, for aught I know, be incorrect in my exposition of it: but if I am, it is idle to look into reported cases, for evidence of the law. The language which the court have used, is, is remarkable for its precision, and its perspicuity. In every part, the ideas which they have expressed, are perfectly consistent, and you will not find from one end of it to the other, a sentence, or even a word, which implies that anything more is necessary for the completion of treason, than an assemblage of men, convened for the purpose of executing a treasonable design.
Taking it for granted then that the decision of the supreme court is the law of the land; that the overt act of treason is complete, if there be an assemblage of men for effecting treasonable designs, it is incumbent on the prosecutor to show it, that there was a treasonable design; and 2 ly , that there was an assemblage of men for the purpose of effecting it.
It will be proved to you, that the design of the prisoner was not only to wage war against the Spanish Territories, but to separate the Western from the Eastern states; for which purpose N. Orleans was to be seized, and an independent government was there to be established. You will perceive from the evidence, that he intended to take possession of N. Orleans, to excite the people there to insurrection; and to take advantage of the hostile sentiment which prevailed, to the West of the Alleghany, against the Spaniards. If either of these is proved; if it be either established that his design was to dismember the union, or after seizing on N. Orleans, to invade the Spanish Provinces; if in fact it be established that he intended to occupy N. Orleans at all, he is completely guilty of treason.—It would be absurd to suppose that a man who had revolved such an immense project in his mind, would communicate it to many. But he did disclose it to a few, and fortunately for our country the evidences of his design have been disclosed to our government. I shall lay before you, gentlemen of the jury, evidence the most positive and direct, as well as numerous and conclusive circumstances, to establish the existence of this design.
For the purpose of establishing an empire in the west, of which New-Orleans was to have been the capital, he made two long visits in the western country. He was in Kentucky and Tennessee, and travelled in various directions until he arrived in New-Orleans. Wherever he went, with a view of facilitating the consummation of his own designs, he spoke disrespectfully of the government of his country. He represented it as destitute of energy to protect our national rights, or spirit to maintain our national character. He asserted that all the men of property and influence were dissatisfied with its arrangements, because they were not in the proper situation to which they were entitled; that with 500 men he could effect a revolution, by which he could send the President to Monticello, intimidate Congress, and take the government into his own hands; & that the people were so little acquainted with, and so indifferent about their rights, so completely destitute of public spirit and of an efficient leader, that they would be mean enough to acquiesce in this revolution. Such were his expressions about the government and the people. To the people of the West, he spoke a different language. He represented to them, that they were in a state of colonial dependance on those of the Atlantic states; and that they annually paid millions for which they received no return. They were told, that a separation was necessary and would unquestionably take place; not as resulting too from the operation of natural causes, but as determined by a particular chain of events; that the destiny of the republic was fixed, and that in the course of two years they would see it in ruins. I thank God! that this prediction is not fulfilled; and our posterity will also thank their God, that the accomplishment has not reached their own times. Such were the sentiments which he avowed; such were the doctrines which he endeavoured to propagate, though all this while pretending that his objects were of a purely agricultural nature. Nor was this language confined to conversation alone; for writings were published by one of his adherents, calculated to scatter disaffection among the people, and prepare them for his plans.
To accomplish these plans, in the summer and fall of 1806, men were actually enlisted, boats built on the waters of the Ohio, provisions purchased to an enormous amount, and arms and ammunition provided. Some of these men, about 40, assembled with arms on Blennerhassett's island, in order to descend the river. Burr was not there at that moment. He had left it a short time before; he had intended to return; but he had been warned not to return. His presence however was not material. A man may levy war at the distance of 3,000 miles; we may probably have an experience of this truth in a few months. But this principle has been sufficiently established by the decision of the supreme court. "If war be actually levied—all those who perform any part however minute or however remote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." It is this assemblage of men which constitutes the overt act of treason, and is relied on in support of the indictment. These troops on the island seeing the country alarmed, and themselves threatened by the militia of Wood county, made a precipitate retreat by night, in company with Blennerhassett, and descended the Ohio to the mouth of Cumberland river, where Burr joined them with a small party and took the command. By this time their numbers increased to more than 100. The men under the command of Burr and Blennerhassett then descended the Mississippi, to a point called Bayou Pierre in the neighbourhood of Natchez. It was here that Mr. Burr first understood that his preparations would be defeated through the exertions of the commander in chief; that his letter in cypher had been communicated to the President; and it was here that he expressed to another person the astonishment and indignation he felt at being (as he said) thus betrayed. Finding that all his schemes were baffled, he entered into a kind of capitulation with Cowles Meade; was bound to appear before a tribunal at Natchez; came off, it is said, without the leave of the court; and was arrested by Perkins in his flight.
It will be proved to you, by express and direct evidence, that a settlement on the Ouachita was merely a cover for concealing the design of himself and his associates. We have as yet indeed no kind of proof, that he has acquired a real title to this land.—But the utmost mystery and circumlocution prevailed on this subject. To the world at large and to those whom he had not tampered with, the object was avowed to be the settlement on the Ouachita. To some, intimations were dropped of an approaching rupture with Spain, against whose provinces the expedition was intended: his language continually varying with the character whom he addressed. To a few, and a very few, his real design was developed. But to all were held up the idea of some great project. All were told that the design was just and honorable; known and approved by the government and in which the co-operation of the army was to be expected; that it was one which would lead to great fortunes; and that it would be developed as soon as the proper time for the disclosure arrived. The time, however, never did arrive. At Blennerhassett's island, it was not the time; and when at the mouth of Cumberland river, some enterprising men, but who were not disposed to violate the laws of their country, were solicitous to understand this project, they were told that the time had not yet come. Ignorant people were led away from their homes, under an expectation that they would be informed of the whole project—the information was promised, but never imparted. The consequence was, was, that when Mr. Burr was apprehended, they were left to find their way back to their own homes in any way that they could.
Chimerical as this project may appear, there was only one single thing wanted to accomplish it: the co-operation of the Commander in Chief and of the American army. If Gen. Wilkinson had acted as some have represented; if instead of performing the part of a patriot, he had played the character of a traitor; what would have been the consequence? The people of the U. S. would have had a civil war raging in the West; while our Eastern coasts would have been ravaged and insulted by an intolent foe, in consequence of our internal distractions. From this calamity, at least from that which hovered in the West, we have been protected by the vigilance and integrity of the Commander in Chief. I care not for the considerations which may be placed upon my assertions; but I will venture to declare that since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, no man has had it so much in his power or has so effectually used it, to render services to his country, as gen. W. has done by defeating this project: and yet for this illustrious service, he has been as much calumniated, insulted and denounced, as if he had joined in it.
It is not right to anticipate the defence; but the prisoner himself stated while under examination, that the object of his expedition was peaceful and agricultural. If this ground shall be again taken, we shall find no difficulty in bringing together a variety of circumstances to prove its instability. At present I am too much exhausted to detail them; but that task, if necessary, shall hereafter be performed.
I have observed, that you would enter upon this enquiry with calmness and impartiality; and I must hope, too, with firmness. This question is to be contemplated and decided on the very same principles, as if the place of the prisoner were occupied by the most ignorant man in the community. It is true that he has been the Vice-President of the U. S. the second in office, and perhaps the second in the confidence of his fellow-citizens; and that he has talents and energies which at the approaching crisis might have been employed most honourably to himself, and most usefully to his country. But these circumstances aggravate, if anything can aggravate, rather than extenuate the enormity of his crime. It is not often, at least in other countries, that the laws of society operate upon men of this stamp. Lord George Gordon, the miserable fanatic, was acquitted; while 19 of his poor deluded followers were hung up at once and paid the forfeit of his crimes. I call upon you, Gentlemen of the Jury, to remove all such distinctions in this land of equality; to do the strictest justice to all; and to find upon the evidence which will be produced before you.
TUESDAY, August 18.
The Judge having delivered his opinion on the point argued yesterday, (for which see the last page) some arrangements were made for the accommodation of the jury; that they were to occupy two or more rooms in the capitol; that for the sake of exercise they might walk out in a body, or separately, if accompanied by the marshal or his deputy; and that they might send or receive letters, if the superintendence were shown to the marshal. It was understood, that they were to lay all letters before the court, which should appear to touch on the trial, designedly sent to influence their verdict.
The hours of the court are fixed from 9 till four. WILLIAM EATON was then called in for his examination.
Mr. Eaton enquired whether he might be permitted to have recourse to his notes. Ch. Justice. Were they written by yourself? Mr. Eaton. They were. Mr. Wickham. At what time? Mr. E. At different times. Mr. Burr. What is the nature of them? A. They are nothing but memoranda taken from notes, which I made of the conversations between you and myself, at the times that they passed.—The court decided that they were not admissible. Mr. E. May I ask one further indulgence from the court? I have been long before the public.—Much friction and some severity have passed upon me. May I, in stating my evidence, be permitted to make some explanations about the motives of my own conduct? Ch. Jus. Perhaps it would be more correct for the court to decide upon the propriety of the explanation, when the particular case occurs. Some cases may require it: And if any objection is made to your explanations, then the court will decide upon it.
Mr. Eaton. Concerning any overt act, which goes to prove Aaron Burr guilty of treason, I know nothing concerning certain transactions which are said to have happened at Blennerhassett's island, or any agency which Aaron Burr may be supposed to have had in them, I know nothing. But concerning Col. B's expressions of treasonable intentions, I know much and it is to these that my evidence relates.— Mr. Martin. I know not, how far the court's opinion extends.— Ch. Jus. It is this: that any proof of intention formed before the act itself, if relevant to that act, may be admitted. One witness may prove the intention at one time; and another may prove the intention at another time; and so as to prove the continuance of the intention throughout the whole transaction; and therefore the proof of very remote intentions may be relevant to this particular act. Mr. Martin. I trust that when he speaks of a treasonable intention, not applicable to this act, the court will stop him.
Mr. Eaton. During the winter of 1805-6, I cannot be positive as to the distinct point of time, yet, during that winter, at the city of Washington, Aaron Burr signified to me that he was organizing an expedition to be moved against the Spanish Provinces on the South Western Frontiers of the U. S. I understood under the authority of the General Government. From our existing controversies with Spain, and from the tenor of the President's Communications to both Houses of Congress, a collision was naturally drawn, that war with that power was inevitable. I had just then returned from the coasts of Africa, and having been for many years employed on your frontiers, on a coast more barbarous and

scure, I was ignorant of the estimation in which Col. B. was held by his country—The distinguished rank he had held in society and the strong marks of confidence which he had received from his fellow-citizens, did not permit me to doubt of his patriotism. As a military character, I had been made acquainted with one within the U. S. under whose direction a soldier might with greater security confide his honor. In case of my country's being involved in a war, I should have thought it my duty to obey his honorable call; as was proposed to me. Under imprudent like these, I did engage to embark in the enterprise, and pledged myself to Col. B's confidence. At several interviews, it appeared to be his intention to convince me by maps and other documents of the feasibility of penetrating into Mexico. At length from certain indirect expressions and inuendoes, I admitted a suspicion, that Col. B had other projects. He used strong expressions of reproach against the administration of the government: accused them of want of character, want of energy, want of gratitude. He seemed desirous of irritating my resentment by dilating on certain injudicious measures I had received on the floor of Congress on account of certain transactions on the coasts of Tripoli; and also on the delays in adjusting my accounts for advances of money on account of the United States; and talked of pointing out to me modes of honorable indemnity. I will not conceal here, that Col. Burr had good grounds of reason for supposing me disaffected towards the government: I had indeed suffered much from delays in adjusting my accounts for cash advanced to the government, whilst I was consul at Tunis, and for the expense of maintaining the war with Tripoli. I had but a short time before been compelled ignominiously to strike the flag of my country on the ramparts of a defeated enemy, where it had flown for 45 days. I had been compelled to abandon my comrades in war on the fields where they had fought our battles. I had seen cash offered, to the half-vanquished Chief of Tripoli (as he had himself acknowledged) as the price of pacification.—(Mr. Wickham. By whom? A. By our negotiator) —when as yet no exertion had been made by our naval squadron to coerce that enemy. I had seen the conduct of the author of these blemishes on our then proud national character, if not commenced—nor censured; whilst my own inadequate efforts to support that character were attempted to be thrown into shade. To feelings naturally arising out of circumstances like these, I did give strong expressions. Here I beg leave to observe in justice to myself, that however strong those expressions, however harsh the language I employed, they would not justify the inference, that I was prepared to dip my fibre in the blood of my countrymen; much less of their children, which I believe would have been the case, had this conspiracy been carried into effect. (Mr. Martin objected to this language.) I listened to Col. B's mode of indemnity; and as I had by this time begun to suspect, that the military expedition he had on foot was unlawful, I permitted him to believe myself resigned to his influence, that I might understand the extent and motive of his arrangements. Col. B. now laid open his project of revolutionizing the Territory, west of the Alleghany; establishing an independent empire there, New-Orleans to be the Capital and himself to be the Chief; organizing a military force on the waters of the Mississippi, and carrying conquest to Mexico. After much conversation (which I do not particularly recollect) respecting the feasibility of the project; as was natural, I stated impediments to his operations: such as the republican habits of the citizens of that country, their attachment to the present administration of government, the want of funds, the opposition he would experience from the regular army of the United States, stationed on that frontier; and the resistance to be expected from Miranda, in case he should succeed in republishing the Mexicans. Col. B. seemed to have no difficulty in removing these obstacles. He stated to me, that he had in person (I think the preceding season) made a tour through that country; that he had secured to his interests and attached to his person the most distinguished citizens of Tennessee, Kentucky and Territory of Orleans; that he had inexhaustible resources and funds; that the army of the U. S. would act with him; that it would be reinforced by 10 or 12,000 men from the above-mentioned states and territory; that he had powerful agents in the Spanish Territory; and "as for Miranda," said Mr. Burr facetiously, "we must hang Miranda." In the course of repeated conversations on this subject, he proposed to give me a distinguished command in his army; I understood the second command. I asked him, who would command in chief. He said, General Wilkinson. I observed that it was singular, he should count upon Gen. Wilkinson. The distinguished command and high trust he held under government, as the commander in chief of our army; and as governor of a Province, he would not be apt to put at hazard for any precarious projects of aggrandizement.—Col. Burr stated that Gen. Wilkinson balanced in the confidence of his country; that it was doubtful whether he would much longer retain the distinction and confidence he now enjoyed; and that he was prepared to secure to himself a permanency. I asked Col. B. if he knew Gen. Wilkinson. He said, yes; and echoed the question. I told him that 12 years ago, I was at the same time a captain in his wing of the legion of the U. S. his acting brigade major and aid-de-camp; and that I thought I knew him well. He asked me, what I knew of Gen. W. I said, I knew Gen. W. would act as Lieut. to no man in existence. "You are in an error," said Mr. B. "Wilkinson will act as Lieutenant to me." From the tenor of much conversation on this subject, I was prevailed on to believe that the plan of revolution meditated by Col. B. and communicated to me, had been concerted with Gen. W. and would have his co-operation; for Col. B. repeatedly, and very confidently expressed his belief, that the influence of Gen. W. with his army, the promise of double pay and rations, the ambition of his officers, and the prospect of plunder and military achievements, would bring the army generally into the measure.—I pass over here, a conversation which took place between Col. B. and myself, respecting a central revolution, as it is decided to be irrelevant by the opinion of the bench. (Mr. Hay. You allude to a revolution for overthrowing the government at Washington and of revolutionizing the eastern states) I was passing over that to come down to the period when I supposed he had relinquished that design, and returned to his project in the west. I was thoroughly convinced myself, that such a project was already so far organized, as to be dangerous, and that it would require an effort to suppress it. For in addition to positive assurances that Col. B. had of assistance and co-operation, he said that the vast extent of territory of the United States beyond the mountains which offered to adventurers together with a view on the mines of Mexico, would bring adherents to him from all quarters of the union. The situation in which these communications & the impressions they made upon me, placed me in, was peculiarly delicate. I had no overt act to produce against Col. B. He had given me nothing upon paper; nor did I know of any person in the vicinity, who had received from him a communication and whose testimony might support mine. He had mentioned to me none, as principally and decidedly engaged with him, but Gen. Wilkinson; a Mr. Allton, who I afterwards learnt was his son-in-law; and a Mr. Ephraim Kirby, who I learnt was late a captain of Rangers in Wayne's army. Of Gen. W. Burr said much, as I have stated: of Mr. Allton very little but enough to satisfy me that he was engaged in the project; and of Kirby he said, that he was brigade major in the vicinity of Cincinnati (whether C. in Ohio or in Kentucky I know not) who had much influence with the militia and had already engaged the majority of the brigade to which he belonged, who were ready to march at Mr. Burr's signal. Mr. B. talked of this revolution as a matter of right, inherent in the people and constitutional; a revolution which would rather be advantageous than detrimental to the Atlantic States: a revolution, which must eventually take place; and for the operation of which the present crisis was peculiarly favorable: that there was no energy to be dreaded in the general government, and his conversations denoted a confidence, that his arrangements were so well made that he should meet with no opposition at N. Orleans; for
the army and the chief citizens of that place were ready to receive him. On the solitary ground upon which I stood, I was at a loss how to conduct myself, though at no loss as respected my duty. I durst not place my lonely testimony in the balance against the weight of Col. B's character, for by turning the tables upon me, which I thought very conscientiously do, I should myself to obtain the removal of Mr. B. from this country, in a way honorable to him, and on this I did consult him without his knowing my motive. Accordingly I waited on the President of the U. S. and after a deliberatory conversation, in which I aimed to draw his attention to the west, I said to him (I took the liberty of suggesting to the P.) that I thought Col. B. ought to be removed from the country because I considered him dangerous in it. The President asked where we should find him. I said to England or Madrid, though it has been said in some publications that I added Cadiz. The President without any positive expression (in such a matter of delicacy) seemed to think the trust too important and expressed something like a doubt about the integrity of Mr. B. I frankly told the President that perhaps no person had stronger grounds to suspect that integrity than I had; but that I believed his pride of ambition had so predominated over his other passions, that when placed on an eminence and put on his honor, a respect to himself would secure his fidelity. I perceived that the subject was disagreeable to the President, and to bring him to my point in the shortest mode and in a manner which would point to the danger; I said to him, if Col. B. was not disposed of, we should in 18 months have an insurrection, if not a revolution on the waters of the Mississippi. The President said he had too much confidence in the integrity, and attachment of the people of that country to the union, to admit any apprehensions of that kind. The circumstance of no interrogatories being made to me, I thought, imposed silence upon me at that time and place. Here, sir, I beg indulgence to declare my motives for recommending that gentleman to a foreign mission at that time, and in the solemnity with which I stand here, I declare that Col. B. was neutral in my feelings; that it was through no attachment to him that I made that suggestion; but to avert a great national calamity which I saw approaching, to arrest a tempest which seemed lowering in the west, and to divert into a channel of usefulness those consummate talents, which were to mount "the whirlwind and direct the storm." About the time of my having waited on the President or a little before, I determined at all events to have some evidence of the uprightness of my intentions, and to fortify myself by the advice of more experienced men. I waited upon two members of the House of Representatives whose friendship I had the honor not to retain, and in whose wisdom and integrity I had full faith—I am at liberty to give their names if required—and I believe a Senator, but of that I am not certain. I opened to them the projects of Col. B. They did not seem much alarmed. (Mr. Martin objected to the witness stating any of the observations of other persons to himself. After some deliberatory conversation, the bench supported the objection. Mr. Eaton. I did ask indulgence of the court to make such explanations, because perversions of my conduct were before the public; but I waive this indulgence; contented with meeting these perversions at some other time and place. C. Justice. You have used that indulgence.) Little more passed between Col. Burr and myself, relevant to this enquiry, whilst I remained at Washington, though he was solicitous to engage me in his western plans. I returned to Maclure's; and though no more of Col. B. or his projects, until in October last a letter was put into my hands, from Mr. Bellnap, to T. E. Danielson, stating that boats were building on the Ohio. Mr. Burr. Have you that letter? Mr. E. No. Mr. B. It is improper then to state it. Mr. Hay. It is immaterial. Mr. Bellnap is here. Mr. E. As to letters, I have had no correspondence with Col. B. I was about to state that I made a communication, to the President of the U. S. through the hands of the Post-master general, stating the views of Col. B.
on the mind of the witness. C. Jus. saw no objection to the question. Mr. E. I cannot say to a cent or a dollar: but I have received about 10,000 dollars. Mr. Burr. When was the money received? A. About March last. Q. You mentioned Miranda. Where did you understand he was gone to? A. On the benevolent project of revolutionizing the Spanish Provinces. Q. What part of them? A. Caracas. I had some reason too to know something of that project: because I too was invited to join in that. He too was to have been a little Emperor; he might have been troublesome to us; and of course when I asked you what was to be done with him, you observed, "hang him." Q. Did you understand, I was to do all at once; to execute the central project too as well as those in the west? A. I have no objections to answering that; but it will be nothing in your favor. When Col. B. was speaking of a central revolution, not much was said about his revolution in the west.—Had the other been effected, I doubt much whether you would have been willing to have separated that part. Q. You spoke of a command—A. You stated, what I have already mentioned, that you were assured, from the arrangements which you had made, that an army would be ready to appear, when you went to the waters of the western country. I recollect particularly the name of Ephraim Kirby. You asked me about his spirit. You asserted that his brigade was ready to join you, and that the people all in that country were ready to co-operate. You spoke of your riflemen, your infantry, your cavalry. It was with the same view, you mentioned to me that that man (pointing to Gen. Wilkinson just behind him) was to have been the first to aid you; and from the same views you have perhaps mentioned me.—Mr. Martin objected to the witness interposing his own opinion in this manner. Mr. Hay. Some allowance is to be made for the feelings of a man of honor. Mr. Eaton bowing apologized to the court for the warmth of his manner. Mr. Burr. You spoke of my revolutionizing the western states—A. Your line was to be the Alleghany mountain. You were certain about Kentucky and Tennessee; but expressed some doubts about Ohio; I well recollect that on account of the reason you gave; that they were in your plans. Q. How was this business to be effected? A. I understood that your agents were in the western country; that the command in chief was ready to co-operate with his army; and that those with the adventurers that would join you, would compel the states to a separation. Indeed you seemed to consider New-Orleans as already yours and that from this point you would make conquests and consolidate your empire. Q. Was it after all this, that you recommended me to an embassy? A. Yes; and because I thought it the only way to avert a civil war. Q. Did you communicate your recommendation to me? A. Yes: you seemed to assent to the proposition.
Q. What had become of your command? A. That I had disposed of myself. Q. Did you understand that you had given me a definitive answer? A. No: after you had developed yourself, I determined to use you until I got every thing out of you; and on the principle that "when innocence is in danger to break faith with a bad man is not fraud but virtue." Q. Did you think that your proposition as a foreign embassy which was incompatible with your own plans, would be received by me with indifference; had I abandoned the project? A. You seemed to me to want some distinguished place: as to the mode, you were indifferent; and you seemed to acquiesce in the plan of a foreign embassy. Mr. Hay. You said that you received about 10,000 dollars from the government. The act of congress did not give you a definitive sum—A. The act of congress gave the accounting officers the power of settling with me, under the inspection of the secretary of state: under whose department I had served, and the settlement was accordingly made.
Mr. Eaton was followed by Commodore Thomas Truxton , who was introduced to show the intentions and the turn of mind of the Prisoner, about the beginning of the winter of 1805-6. The Messrs. Morgans were then called to carry on the regular chain of events, but one of them being absent, Peter Taylor (Banneraffett's gardener) was introduced; to prove the overt act on Banneraffett's island. On Wednesday, the examination proceeded. Col. G. Morgan, Gen. I. Morgan, and Mr. Thomas Morgan (the father and two sons) from the neighborhood of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; were introduced also to show the turn of mind of the prisoner, about the latter end of August, 1806; when he visited Col. Morgan's house on his way to the western country. They were followed by Jacob Allbright who had been a workman on Banneraffett's island, and who deposed as to the overt act; and William Love , who had been H. Banneraffett's groom. In the course of Love's examination, the important question was suggested, how far testimony could be introduced for the purpose of proving facts without the district of Virginia; which question was reserved for a subsequent discussion. The examination on this day was closed by the testimony of Mr. Dudley Woodbridge , who had H. Banneraffett's Partner in a store at Marietta (O.) and who gave a particular history of the building of the boats on the Muddybrook and the laying in the provisions. On Thursday, Mr. Burr observed, that the nature of the overt act had been seen from the evidence before the court; and that the prosecutors had even acknowledged that they should not prevent the overt act by actual hostilities and he himself was not present at the time this overt act was said to have been committed. If they were mistaken in these points; if it was shown that they had grossly mistaken the decision of the supreme court, it were better to save the time of the court, the expense and inconvenience, by arresting the progress of his prosecution. Some discussion ensued upon the propriety of taking up the argument, which was waved for the present: when Simson Poole who had been on the Ohio side of the river opposite to Banneraffett's island on the evening and night, when the boats departed; and Maurice Bellnap and Edmund P. Dana , who were at the same time on the island; were respectively examined. The examination was then suspended, to make way for an argument on one of the points suggested by Mr. Burr. Mr. Wickham opened the argument and spoke 4 hours; until 4 o'clock, when the court adjourned. The discussion will this day be resumed. The two following appear to be the propositions supported by the prisoners counsel: 1. That the accused not having been present, at the time of the overt act, no evidence can be adduced to prove his connection with that overt act. 2. That an overt act not being proved, the prosecutor entirely fails. The General of the third division of the Militia of Virginia, to the officers and privates composing said division. While the United States were cultivating the arts of peace, and reaping its bountiful and just rewards, and from that good faith, justice & hospitality which she has always observed towards all nations, had reasons to expect a continuation of these blessings; on a sudden we are aroused from this agreeable reverie with the sound of war, and called to arms. A nation, whose subjects were daily enjoying the benefits of undisturbed hospitality from us, who were enriching themselves by their commercial intercourse with us; whose government by hypocritical assurances of friendship had lulled us into a vain security; grown insolent in her maritime strength; claiming the dominion of the seas, and regardless of the laws of nations, has had the audacity to attack one of our ships of war, then in a false unprepared for resistance, and in a most deliberate, cruel and wanton manner, murdered a part of her crew, and disabled her from proceeding on a foreign service for which she was then destined. In short, to take a retrogressive view of the conduct of the British nation towards the U. States and her citizens, will convince us, that this is only another bloody link, added to the chain of insult and aggression heretofore committed, and now forms a confident whole, from which we can distinctly judge of her friendship and views towards us. These injuries, past and present, committed in such a dastardly and perfidious manner, at length "brings our sensibilities to a serious crisis and our forbearance" to an end. They have struck the first blow of war and we must close in the appeal to arms. The President of the United States has deemed it necessary to call on the executives of the different states, to hold a part of the militia in readiness to march at a moment's warning; conformable to this requisition, our governor and council have entered into an order, that eleven thousand five hundred and sixty-three men, (officers included) shall be detached from the militia of Virginia, of which number, the third division shall furnish three thousand two hundred and twenty-three infantry, one thousand one hundred and fifty-six part thereof shall be riflemen, one hundred and eighty-nine artillery, and two hundred and forty-eight cavalry. Shall we then at a crisis so important, wait until the tedious forms of law shall be gone through? Until orders shall be regularly issued from one authority to another, the proportions of each brigade and regiment ascertained, and a draft made from amongst us, to supply our quota now called for? Is it not enough for us to know that our government wants men? Shall the sons of those heroes who fought the battles of the Cowpens, of Kings Mountain, of Guilford, and of the siege of York, hesitate for a moment to face the enemy, vanquished by their fathers? Are the sons of America nurled in the cradle of liberty, and matured in the school of patriotism, less virtuous, less valiant than their fathers? We trust not. Rouze then, fellow citizens, and be ready at any moment to meet our arrogant foe, least delaying, the names of our fathers, the departed heroes and patriots of 1776, may frown on, and reproach us, as their degenerate sons. Let us rise up and shew to the world that we can do, at least, what our fathers have done before us; humble tyrants, and defend our liberties. Let us rally around the constituted authorities of our country, pledge our lives, our property, & every thing we hold dear and sacred to support and defend this government of our choice, a government founded on the unalienable and unperishable rights of man, and obtained at the expense of our blood and treasure. Let us with one heart and one mind, offer ourselves to the Executive of the United States, to dispose of our services as he shall deem most expedient and conducive to the great objects at which we aim. Taradines at this crisis, would evince a criminal want of manly feeling and patriotic animation. Strongly impressed with the opinion, that volunteers of infantry, riflemen, artillery and cavalry, sufficient to complete the number called for, will offer themselves, the general declares his readiness to accept a tender of their services, and fondly hopes, that from the manner in which the tenders of all must be excited on the occasion which has given rise to the President's Proclamation of the second instant, and his regard which every brave man has to discharge that duty which he owes to his country, he will not be compelled, in order to raise his quota, to resort to the disagreeable and degrading alternative of ordering a draft in his division. A satisfaction not easily expressed, will be felt by the general, if he shall have it in his power shortly, to announce to the President of the United States, and the Governor of Virginia, that his division and himself have volunteered themselves and are ready to march at any moment they shall be ordered. J. PRESTON, General of the 3rd Division, Of the Militia of Virginia. July 25, 1807.
Last Evening's Mail.
By the ship Susan and Sarah, Henry, the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received a file of London papers to the 28th of June inclusive, and Lloyd's Lists and Prices Current, to the twenty-fifth.
The following are the only articles of moment these papers contain.
LONDON, June 28.
The Scheidam Mercury says, "No certain intelligence is yet received of the English expedition, but by the conduct of the frigates which have withdrawn from their stations, as well as from the reports of neutral vessels, we have reason to believe that at least one part of this expedition is at sea." A letter from Konigsberg, of the second instant, gives a distressing picture of the consequences of the fall of Dantzic. Amongst other circumstances the Royal bank, and various effects of value, which had been conveyed from Memel to Konigsberg, have been sent back again to the former place.
Dantzic has been declared in a state of blockade.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday—After the appointment of the committees of Privileges, Religion, &c. the speaker with some members, attended the upper house, and on his return read the following copy of his majesty's speech, as delivered by the commission: "My Lords and Gentlemen, "We have it in command from his majesty to state to you, that having deemed it expedient to recur to the sense of his people, his majesty, in conformity to his declared intention, has lost no time in causing the present parliament to be assembled. His majesty has great satisfaction in acquainting you, that, since the events which led to a dissolution of parliament, his majesty has received, in numerous addresses from his subjects, the warmest assurance of their affectionate attachment to his person and government, and of the firm resolution to support him in maintaining the just rights of his crown, and the true principles of the constitution; and he commands us to express his entire confidence that he shall experience in all your deliberations a determination to afford him an equally loyal, zealous and affectionate support, under all the arduous circumstances of the present times. We are commanded by his majesty to inform you, his majesty's endeavors have been most anxiously employed for the purpose of drawing closer the ties by which his majesty is connected with the powers of the continent; of assisting the efforts of those powers against the ambition and oppression of France; of forming such engagements as may ensure their continued co-operation, and of establishing that mutual confidence and concert so essential, under any course of events, to the restoration of a solid and permanent peace in Europe. It would have afforded his majesty the greatest pleasure to have been enabled to inform you, that the mediation undertaken by his majesty for the purpose of preserving peace between his majesty's ally, the emperor of Russia, and the Sublime Porte, had proved effectual for that important object. His majesty deeply regrets the failure of that mediation, accompanied as it was by the disappointment of the efforts of his majesty's squadron in the sea of Marmora, and followed as it has since been by the losses which have been sustained by his gallant troops in Egypt. His majesty
could not but lament the extension of hostilities in any quarter which would create a diversion in the war so favorable to the views of France; but lamenting it especially in the instance of a power with which his majesty has been so closely connected, and which has been so recently indebted for its protection against the encroachments of France to the signal and successful interposition of his majesty's arms. His majesty has directed us to acquaint you, that he has thought it right to adopt such measures as might best enable him, in concert with the emperor of Russia, to take advantage of any favorable opportunity for bringing the hostilities in which they are engaged against the Sublime Porte, to a conclusion, consistent with his majesty's honour and the interests of all ally.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "His majesty has ordered the estimates of the current year to be laid before you, and he relies on the zeal of his faithful commons to make such provisions for the public service, as well as for the further applications of the sums which were granted in the last parliament as may appear to be necessary. And his majesty bearing constantly in mind the necessity of a careful and economical administration of the pecuniary resources of the country, has directed us to express his hopes that you will proceed without delay in the pursuit of those enquiries, connected with the public economy, which engaged the attention of the late parliament.
"My Lords and Gentlemen, "His majesty commands us to state to you, that he is deeply impressed with the peculiar importance, at the present moment, of cherishing a spirit of union and harmony amongst his people: such a spirit will most effectually promote the prosperity of the country at home, give vigor and efficacy to its councils, and its arms abroad; and can alone enable his majesty, under the blessing of providence, to carry on, successfully, the great contest in which he is engaged, or finally to conduct it to that termination which his majesty's moderation & justice have ever led him to seek, a peace—in which the honor and interests of his kingdom can be secure, and in which Europe and the world may hope for independence and repose.
BALTIMORE, August 14.
If Sir Thomas Hardy be the commanding officer of the British squadron stationed within, outside of, and about Cape Henry, with what propriety can the Norfolk Ledger bestow its encomiums upon him, whilst he suffers that barbarous Russian Humphreys, in the Leopard, to chase, fire at, detain, and break open the letters of our vessels, on their way to and from sea? It appears very plainly that the British are playing a double game with us: Their officers make their congresses, and manifest the most "polite attention" to individuals who visit them; but with respect to interrupting our commerce, they have grown more insolent than before. What signifies Sir Thomas's shewing "polite attention" to the owners of the runaway negroes which he harboured in his ship, whilst he subjects our commerce to such vexatious interruptions as the following:—
Peter Sorenson, master of the schooner Minerva, of Baltimore, states he left St. Jago de Cuba on the 16th day of July last, with a cargo on board for American account, bound to Baltimore: That on Saturday last, the 8th inst. at day light, having a pilot on board, being in sight of Cape Henry, which bore west and by north, distance three leagues, he saw a British ship of war about two leagues to leeward of him, which ship fired at an outward bound vessel, and boarded her; that she then fired at and gave chase to his vessel, and obliged him to shorten sail and bear down to her; that a boat from the said ship of war came along side his schooner, took out himself and all the schooner's papers and letters, and carried him on board the said ship of war, which proved to be the Leopard, a 50 gun ship; that the officers broke open all the letters which were on board the schooner, detained him about two hours, and then delivered him his papers and dismissed him, when he proceeded on his voyage; and the said ship Leopard gave chase to another American vessel, which was bound in, fired at, and boarded her.
Sales at Auction.
WILL BE SOLD, On WEDNESDAY, the 26th of AUGUST, at five o'clock, P. M.
THAT valuable tract of wood LAND, lying on the Williamsburg road, in the county of Henrico, about three miles from the city of Richmond, near the plantation of Alexander George, esq. which was formerly owned by George Nicholson of said county, deceased, containing two hundred and fifty acres—Also, a number of LOTS, or parcels of Ground, situate at Rocketts, in the city of Richmond, and distinguished by numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 & 8, in the plat thereof, which are not less valuable than inviting in situation. Also, one SHARE in the James River Canal Company.
The above specified estate is the same which was devised to William Nicholson, by the last will and testament of George Nicholson, deceased—and will be sold, without reserve, at Rocketts, on part of the above described premises.
Terms of sale if cash, the balance payable at 60 & 90 days, for approved endorsed negotiable notes, at the bank of Virginia.
PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctioneers. August 21.
Sales at Auction.
WILL BE SOLD, By the subscribers, at their VENUE OFFICE, on THURSDAY, the 2nd SEPT. without reserve, for approved endorsed notes, payable the 25th of March next, 1808.
ONE elegant imported CHARIOT, with new plated Harness, and 3 COACHEES with Harness.
PROSSER & MONCURE. 22 & 118 Sept.
Sales at Auction.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to me by Moses Davis and Mary his wife, bearing date the 4th of March, 1807, to secure the punctual payment of three thousand four hundred and forty-five dollars, expressed in said deed, and by consent of said Davis, will be sold on Wednesday the 31st of September, on the premises.
NINE valuable LOTS, formerly the property of Mr. Thos. Pulling, in the valley and on the street leading from the Market to Duvals village, together with the improvements thereon, consisting of a very large and convenient Dwelling House with a kitchen, &c.
The above property is very valuable, inferior to none in the valley, and well worth the attention of any person inclined to own property in that part of the town. One third of the purchase money will be required in hand, and for the remaining two thirds, a credit of 6 and 12 months will be given, a deed will be made the purchasers on their giving notes with a deed of trust, to secure the two last payments.
GEORGE W. SMITH, Trustee. August 21.
Found the 2nd of this month (August) at my tavern door by a servant man.
A FIFTY Dollar BANK NOTE, which the owner may have to pay for this advertisement. WILSON DAVIS. Smithfield, August 21.