Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-05-20 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE
[No. 1261.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum... paid in advance.]
TUESDAY, MAY 20, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cent Single.]
BY virtue of a deed of trust from Jeremiah Rawlins, Jr. to us, for the benefit of James Oliver's executors, will be SOLD, for ready money, at Hanover courthouse, on the 15th of April next.
The following Slaves, viz. Beck, Caroline, Doctor, alias Glasgow, Esther and her five children, Polly, Judith, Lucy, Harry and Billy, or so many of them as will raise the sum of 2207 with the interest due thereon, and the costs and charges attending the execution of the said trust.
March 6, 1806. In consequence of the negroes not being brought forward on the above mentioned day, the sale is POSTPONED until the 28th of May (being Hanover court day,) when it will certainly take place, whether they are brought forward or not.
NOTICE. The commissioners in a commission of bankruptcy, against Ephraim McQuillin, intend to meet on Monday the 21st day of June, at the Bell Tavern, in the city of Richmond, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of making a dividend of the estate and effects of said Ephraim McQuillin, (which dividend will be final.) When and where the creditors, who have not already proved their debts, are desired to come prepared to prove the same, or they will be excluded the benefit of the said dividend.
John Cunningham, } Assignee. John St. John, } nees. Richmond, May 2, 1806. w3dJ
VIRGINIA: In the Superior Court of Chancery holden in Richmond.
Between John Garthright, } plaintiff. And John Miller, } defendant. ON the motion of the plaintiff by counsel, the court the sixteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and five, referred the accounts in this suit to one of its commissioners, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the court reported: was no special matters thought pertinent by himself or required by the parties to be specially stated. A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY, C. C.
Commissioner's Office, Richmond, March 20th, 1806. THE parties are hereby notified that I have appointed the fourteenth day of July next to carry into effect the annexed order of court, on which day they are desired to attend at my office in this city with their accounts and vouchers ready for examination and settlement.
SAMUEL GREENHOW, M. C. Charlotte Court, 7th April, 1806. Thomas and Charles Morton, plaintiffs. Against William Walker, John Richardson, B. H. and Creed Taylor, defts.
THE defendant Walker not having entered his appearance according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of July court next, and answer the plaintiff's bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the Virginia Gazettes for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county.
A Copy—Teste, Thomas Read, Clk.
Domestic Encyclopedia and Pinkerton's Geography.
SEVERAL of the subscribers to the DOMESTIC ENCYCLOPEDIA, and PINKERTON'S GEOGRAPHY, who were permitted to receive the works in separate volumes as they came out, have neglected to call for the last volumes, in consequence of which a number of broken sets remain on hand; such subscribers are earnestly solicited to send for the vols. wanted to complete their copies, or return those in their possession, for which the printer hereof will pay them the cash. If it March 6.
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday the 28th inst. at the store of Mr. Henry McClatchie, will be sold, by Auction, all his STOCK IN TRADE, consisting of a complete assortment of Dry Goods, together with his Household Furniture—Terms of sale for all sums not exceeding 20 dollars, cash; above 20 and not exceeding 100, ninety days, and above 100, six and nine months credit—Notes with approved endorser, negotiable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required. TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers May 15, 1806. tds
Just published and for sale at this office, BROOKES'S GENERAL GAZETTEER IMPROVED; or, A NEW AND COMPREHENSIVE GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY: CONTAINING
A description of the Empires, Kingdoms, States, Provinces, Cities, Towns, Forts, Seas, Harbours, Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Capes, &c.
IN THE KNOWN WORLD. With the Government, Customs, Manners, and Religion of the Inhabitants. Illustrated by eight Maps, neatly executed.
ORIGINALLY WRITTEN BY R. BROOKES, M. D.
The first American edition from the latest European, with great additions and improvements in every part.
Just Received and for Sale at this Office, THE ELEMENTS OF CHESS; A TREATISE COMPRISING THE WHOLE OF PHILIDORE'S GAMES, AND EXPLANATORY NOTES, new modelled; And arranged upon a new plan.
FOR THE ARGUS.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
CONCERNING THE ST. DOMINGO TRADE, AND A JUSTIFICATION OF THE EXECUTIVE, RELATING TO LATE EVENTS.
EVERY intelligent reader will discover that the tendency of the preceding essays, has been, to guard the Americans against the dangers and issues of an European confederacy, and particularly, to prevent the execution of any measure, which, at this time, might make the United States parties, either with Great Britain or France, in the quarrel which has so long existed between them. And although the general temper of the people, is known to be opposed to a co-operation with either, against the other; yet there seemed to be much reason to fear, that something would be done, in relation to our disputes with Spain, which France would resent. This would lead to a war with that power, which would not fail to terminate in a coalition with Great Britain.
Feeble indeed must be the understanding of that man, who does not foresee that a war with Spain, will, in fact, be a war with France; and that prudence and safety will then dictate, and without delay, an alliance with Great Britain. If no such alliance should be formed—and peace should take place between G. Britain and France before our disputes were settled, the United States would be then left alone to wage an unequal contest with the powerful navies and armies of France and Spain. In such a contest, what would be our prospects? Or rather, in what estimation would our rulers be held, when it was understood that their pride or their caprice, had urged them into a war, for the purpose of taking by force, a property which did not belong to the United States, in preference to negotiating and giving its fair value. This, Americans, is the real question. Our claim to the Floridas is insupportable. We have not purchased them, nor have the Spaniards directly or indirectly, received an equivalent for them. If this be true, wherefore is it, that we can claim either the title or the possession until the rightful owners are satisfied?
The opposition which the Spaniards have made to the pretensions of the U. States, has depended upon facts which cannot be obscured, & upon principles which cannot be changed; and although the Americans at one time, had good reason to entertain different opinions; yet upon investigation, these opinions are discovered to be erroneous, and the executive of the United States has found it necessary to yield to the influence of truths which could not be controverted.
It is admitted on all hands, that there was a misunderstanding. Hence, it has happened, that the bargain, though a good one, is not as good as was, at first, expected. The question then for consideration is this—will the United States annul the whole contract, return Louisiana and New Orleans, and take back the dollars which have been paid, or will they go on and purchase the Floridas at their value?
If it is admitted that the Floridas can be purchased, and the French government is willing to use its influence for that purpose, upon just and reasonable terms, ought it not rather to be a matter of joy than anger, that we can by the means of the money, which can be spared, get possession of a valuable country, which will not only repay the money, but insure to us many great political and commercial advantages? Nor is there any reason to be dissatisfied with the interference of France, when the minister has not said or hinted at anything which appears to be unjust or unreasonable. So far from being discontented with that government, we ought to rejoice that an interference so powerful was likely to aid the United States in a negotiation of so much importance.
In addition to these things, it is known that France has long had cause of complaint, against some of the merchants of the United States, on account of the unauthorised trade which they have carried on to the island of St. Domingo. This trade, if France sought a pretence for a rupture with the United States, might be easily extended to the whole people, and of course to the government. There is no man of common perceptions who does not see the terrible consequences of this odious and indefensible traffic.
It is true that congress have interfered, and the trade is now forbidden; but until this interference was made, did not every man who sent supplies to that island, know well that he indirectly waged war against France? That he assisted a race of people, who deserved the universal curses and enmity of all mankind, and that he was from the natural consequences of his own conduct an accomplice in all the mischiefs and murders which were afterwards perpetrated? Surely it is not nec-
essary to present the details of horrors which have lately existed in that ill-fated island, towards feeble and helpless age, defenceless women and innocent babes. All were consigned to slaughter and brutality.
It is indeed impossible to reflect upon this picture of wretchedness, without feeling emotions of horror, which surpass the powers of description, or to restrain a just indignation against those who have given aid or furnished the means by which these infernal deeds have been done; and it would be as difficult to exact from them, adequate recompence, if their conduct had been the occasion of bringing upon their country, the calamities and dangers of war. Better indeed would it have been for America, and for the rights of humanity and civilization, if mill-stones had been hung about their necks, and they had been sunk in the depths of the sea.
When neutrals carry on trade with belligerents, they expose themselves to capture; but when they take advantage of their neutral character, to supply a banditry, by whatever name they are called, with the means of committing robberies and murders, upon a nation with which the neutrals, are at peace, they become the accomplices and associates in the same crimes, and deserve the same punishment which ought to be inflicted upon the principals.
Every body knows that a pirate is the common enemy of all mankind. The laws of every country, and the hand of every man are directed to his destruction. If this be so, let us next examine the situation and character of the present possessors of St. Domingo. Let us distinguish, if we can, in what they are better than the pirates of the ocean. It is true they occupy a country; and call themselves a nation. They also pretend to be governed by laws and justice, but who can concede in either? Who can say that anything which he enjoys to-day, within their reach, will belong to him to-morrow? Let us next ask those who have directly or indirectly contributed to this state of things how they can discriminate between the condemnation which is due to those offenders and themselves; and to explain, if they can, in what degree they are less criminal than the fiends to whom they have given the power, and of course, the commission to spare neither sex, age nor condition; to whom they have not only furnished the means of subsistence but have supplied the instruments of destruction.
It is not unlikely that some readers may impute some of the foregoing observations to a temper of hostility against Great Britain. This is an error. The writer solemnly declares, that he is not even disposed to awaken ancient prejudices. He desires only to preserve the rights and character of the United States; and this he believes cannot be done, if we suffer our fears, hopes, regards, hatreds or prejudices, to entangle us in the quarrels or destiny of either of the belligerent nations of Europe. Nothing has yet appeared in the public prints, to shew that we may not support a just neutrality, without implicating ourselves with either. It is true that some things require investigation and explanation; but it does not seem that either the governments of France or Great Britain are unwilling to make reasonable adjustments. Why then cry aloud for war?
When governments, as in the present war, stake their all against each other, they will not suffer their own existence to be jeopardised, from the fear of disturbing the commercial claims of neutrals, who are enriching themselves in peaceful and gainful pursuits, while half the world is in the blaze of war; a war, too, which is waged, not merely to settle boundaries or to revenge insults, but it is a war of extermination. A war for the overthrow of kingdoms, and destruction of empires.
In such a state of things, it cannot be expected that the duties of neutrals, will be always strictly observed by themselves, or that causes of complaint will not often exist against a belligerent, whose intentions may be both just and generous.
Notwithstanding the notoriety of these truths, and our well known relations towards the belligerent powers of Europe; the difficulties which must necessarily exist with the American government, to give satisfaction to each, and at the same time, to preserve our own national character and rights, we find that inflammatory and discontented publications have frequently appeared. The authors seem to have forgotten, upon some occasions, all regard to truth, decency and respect, for the station and feelings of our chief magistrate, but they seem willing, in the vindictive and spleenful effusions of their passions, ready to adopt measures which would ultimately prostrate their country at the feet of a foreign power. Without wearying the patience of the reader with an irksome recapitulation, which can neither entertain or instruct him, one paragraph only will be submitted to his consideration.
It is not known, nor will it be enquired, by whom it has been written. It seems to have concentrated the several accusations which exist against the president, into a small compass. It relates to the subjects which have been already illustrated, and is an evidence of the extent of error which exists. But the reader may judge for himself.
SUMMARY OF CONGRESSIONAL LABORS.
This day closes a session of congress, from the proceedings of which every American of real patriotism, and independent mind, must turn for ages to come, with scorn and indignation.
The national sovereignty, which had been achieved by the best blood of our country, has been surrendered; the policy of the Jeffersonian having placed the United States precisely in the situation of Spain, Holland, Switzerland and the other dependencies of France. If there is an individual who doubts the truth of the assertion, let him consult the law, which annulled our commerce with St. Domingo, and the act on which that law was enacted; let him refer to the still more disgraceful tribute of two millions of dollars, which, under the deceptive title of increased expense of foreign intercourse, has been granted to the Great Nation; let him look at the prostrate condition of our country in her internal relations; let him peruse with attention the debates of congress, and the declarations of Mr. Jefferson's quondam friends, during the present session; and he must cease to doubt that we have been precipitated from the proud eminence of honor and independence, on which the courage, wisdom and virtue of the immortal WASHINGTON had placed the American commonwealth, into the deepest mire of infamy and subjection."
This is not all. Many papers in the United States are exclusively devoted to the publication of scurrilous, vindictive & abusive epithets and essays against the president of the United States. They will not, upon any terms, admit of explanation or contradictory articles. They by this means, give up, not only all pretensions to candor and character, but become the base degenerate instruments of vilification, and efficient tools of a faction, whose projects are supported by injustice and untruth.
If the opinion which has been just given concerning the trade to St. Domingo be correct, what ought to be said to those who execute the rulers of the United States, because it is inhibited? If the opinion is incorrect, it will behoove those who think so, to support their doctrines, either by the custom of nations, by national honor or political expediency. It is very easy to fabricate and emit expressions of the sublime and terrible; but when they apply to the rights of individuals, or to the duties of government, it behoves those whose brains are so fertile in epithets, or prolific in censures, to produce the testimony, to shew the facts, to unfold and illustrate the subject, in plain, simple order, suitable to the comprehension of moderate understandings. This they are now invited to do—this they are solicited to undertake—this they are dared to attempt. But all will be in vain—all the invitations, solitations and defiances which can be uttered, will be passed over in sullen silence.
Suffice it then to say, that the trade to St. Domingo, deserves not merely condemnation, but execration—that the complaint of the minister of the French empire, was not only reasonable, but highly proper and necessary—that the conduct of congress and the president, in these relations, is not only defensible, but laudable—that they are blamable only in this: that they did not act sooner and with more decision.
When the discontented politicians will take time to reflect upon the whole subject in all its bearings and consequences, they will find that the government of France has exercised great forbearance and moderation, and that the minister of that empire, would have been unfaithful to the duties of his high station, and to the frankness which was due from him, to have said less than the case merited, or to have conceded the consequences if the complaint had been disregarded.
It is not now necessary to prove that the trade, considering its extent, its notoriety, and the exultations of successful adventurers, might have been considered on the part of France, as causes of a rupture—and might have presented to us, the unpleasant alternative of pecuniary reparation or war. That government is satisfied with a prohibition of any further trade, and the disappointed traders and their adherents pour out the most vindictive complaints against their own government, because this act of national justice has been rendered. Almost at the same time the British with no such cause of complaint, have blockaded our ports, impeded our commerce, impressed our people; and have murdered one of our countrymen.
As far as these things go, it must be evident to every reader, that the comparison is greatly in favor of France. Nor have we yet found a single substantial accusation against the emperor, unless, as some pretend to believe, the victory at Austerlitz, and the discomfiture of the confederated armies, will have that tendency. It is well known that some Ame-
ricans weep over these great events, and vainly hoped, when Napoleon had advanced about five hundred miles beyond the boundaries of France, that he would not be able to return. The great mass of the Americans, however, entertained different sentiments, and to the writer of this, it seemed that the battle of Austerlitz secured the peace of the United States—and he yet believes if this event, or some other of equal importance and similar influence, had not happened, it would not now be announced to us that the earl of Selkirk was about to come to America in the character of ambassador extraordinary, for the purpose of settling our differences, and restoring harmony.
With respect to the appropriation of two millions of dollars, and several other subjects of great importance which have excited solicitude, arguments equally explanatory & conclusive might be offered. It seems to be proper to pause and leave something for the pen of others—but before this is done, candor and justice require it to be said in the shortest and plainest manner—that the conduct of the executive of the United States, in all the important matters, which have lately afforded so much notice and solicitude, has been prudent, wise, just & meritorious. And that there never was a time when it was more necessary than the present, that all the people of the United States should give strength and respectability to their government, by a firm union, and honest confidence.
AN AMERICAN.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, April 7.
SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Debate on the motion of Mr. J. Randolph to publish the President's Message.
[CONTINUED.]
MR. G. W. CAMPBELL. Before the question is taken, I will take the liberty of submitting a few remarks to the House. I understand the question to be to insert the message of the President of the 6th December in the journal. In the remarks which have been made on the question, the proceedings of the House while in secret sitting have been brought into view. I was opposed to making those proceedings public; I thought then and I still think that we were thereby committing the honor of the nation. I did think when the majority had sanctioned a negotiation that no measure calculated to frustrate it should have been taken, until the negotiation had been fairly tried. It was for this reason I was opposed to removing the injunction of secrecy; and not because I was unwilling that the people of this country should be made acquainted with the proceedings which took place in this House with closed doors. My object was to prevent the interference of foreign nations, who might feel an interest in defeating the measures The public will judge of the propriety, under these circumstances, of making these proceedings public. But as a part of them has been made public, I wish the whole could be made so, consistent with the interest of the nation; though I entertain strong doubts of the propriety of the measure, I shall not, however, oppose the motion before you. But before the question is taken, I beg leave to remark, that so far as relates to the observations between a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) and the head of one of the departments of this government, they have nothing to do with this business; and they can have no influence on the decisions of this House. I did not expect to have heard any such conversation introduced on this floor. We did not come here to hear such conversation or to act upon communications of that kind. What may be the private opinions of a particular head of department; it is not for this House to know—they cannot officially come before us, we have nothing to do with them.
It is said, sir, that a certain communication which was calculated to affect our votes relative to the bill making appropriation for the purchase of the Floridas was detained some weeks after it was received from our minister abroad, before it was laid before us. I say, Mr. Speaker, that no communication made to this House was calculated, in my opinion, to alter the votes of the members of the House on that subject, certainly none that would have changed mine—but whether that communication was or was not made to us in due time after it was received I do not pretend to say. I do not know, however, that we have any claim to it from the head of department. It was not his duty to communicate it to us; that belonged to the Executive, and why the circumstance has been mentioned here, I cannot pretend to say. With regard to some other remarks made by a

gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. J. ... I think it proper to state that there is no communication before this House which authorises the assertion that a threat has been made. France against the U. States. I deny, sir, that there is any document, which if properly understood, can be construed to have such a meaning. I say, likewise, that there is no document before the House which authorises the assertion, that France told us, if you give Spain one blow, we will give you ten or two, as stated by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph.) There is no such expression, nor any other that would countenance the idea. France was not brought into the question as being concerned in our differences with Spain. She has, indeed, been lugged in, in the place of argument; and we have been charged with truckling to France, when in all our proceedings the name of France has hardly ever been mentioned, except by gentlemen in debate who will not admit that Spain exists as a nation. I deem it proper also to say, that the assertion that any member of this House voted for a measure calculated to bribe one nation, to induce another to give up her rightful property, so far as it may be applied to me, is without foundation, and not authorised by any act of mine, and that no man will undertake to say so. The word bribery ought not, indeed, to enter the walls of this House, as applicable to any of its measures or proceedings. It will, Mr. Speaker, appear from the journals of the House, now made public, who have or have not supported the interests of this country. Who are willing to support just measures calculated to maintain peace; and are disposed to take a manly attitude, against those who violate our rights; and it will also appear who they are, whose proceedings tend to embarrass the nation, to bring the government into contempt, to produce schism, and to impair the confidence of the nation in the administration, at a time when I believe it is as high as it ever was; and, I apprehend, deservedly so. I believe, too, the nation will not be found ready to withdraw that well placed confidence from the head of department who has been denounced in this House. It will appear, too, who have taken measures calculated to disturb the peace of the union, and to produce an alarm of danger for which there is no foundation. I solemnly wish that not only the message of the President, but every document, and every word uttered in secret might be made known to the people. I wish it, because I think it would not then be practicable to impose on the nation by a coloring given to those proceedings, unauthorised by the facts that took place.
I will state to the House while I am up, that I voted against increasing the army, because I believed that no emergency existed to require it. I saw no call for it, either in the information contained in the public message, or in the other communications made to this House. In the public message we were told, that Congress would, in the course of the session, be enabled to determine whether it would be necessary to increase our land force, by the events which would probably take place. No events had taken place when the measure in question was before the House that changed the former state of things. It was also my opinion that we ought not, on every trivial occasion, to increase our present military establishment, and abandon the ground we had taken, of reducing the number of our regular forces—acting on the principle, that standing armies are dangerous to liberty, and are the most fatal scourge in the hands of an usurper or a despot. On this ground I have been always opposed to them, and ever shall be unless an extraordinary emergency should render it indispensable to resort to them. I was of opinion, that even on an emergency the militia were, in the first instance, to be resorted to, not only as the constitutional, but as the most competent and safe defence that we could provide. I know of no reason why we should think them not competent, as we have always heretofore found them to be so. For these reasons amongst others, I was opposed to an increase of the army. I was also induced to be of this opinion from the documents on your table, from which it did not appear to me that Spain had any serious intention to commit hostilities against the U. States, or that her government or commanding officers had authorised any, in the territory of which we had taken possession. The inconveniences with regard to our undefined limits, and the embarrassments attending the passage of our commerce down the Mobile, together with the necessity of having those other differences existing between us and Spain amicably adjusted, induced me to vote for the principal measure adopted by this House with closed doors. I voted, sir, for the appropriation of two millions of dollars, to authorise the executive to negotiate with Spain for the purchase of the Floridas. In doing so I did not authorise the government to bribe France, to coerce Spain into this measure, nor do I believe that there is the least ground for any such allegation with regard to any member of this House. No, sir, our object was to obtain a fair purchase of the Floridas. We believe it important to acquire them; because the acquisition would connect our disjointed territory—would give us the command of an extensive sea coast, including the outlets of many large rivers and some good harbors, and free us from the inconveniences to
which we were exposed by neighbors who were likely to become more and more troublesome. In the vote I gave, I contemplated the measure to be carried into effect only in a just and legal manner, by a fair purchase. I know no other way in which a territory can be acquired, consistent with common right and principle. It was intimated, it is true, to us, that it would be easy to take possession of this country by force, and that it would be always in our power to take it, whenever we should wish to become the owners of it; but for one, I disclaim all disposition to wrest that country from its rightful owner, without any other ground of claim than superior force; so far as the country is ours by purchase, I am disposed to claim and hold possession of it, but not further.
But suppose, sir, we take possession of this country by force, we should not therefore acquire a just right to it. Such a measure would not be consistent with or authorised by the law of nations, and could vest in us no valid title. It was for these reasons, that I considered the only effectual way of acquiring a just title to this country, was by entering into a fair and honorable compact for it with its rightful owner. The measure was agreed to by a large majority, made by two thirds of the members of this House. It seemed to be agreed by all, we ought to acquire this country, and the principal question was, how shall we get it, or what shall we give for it? I was, sir, of opinion, that it would be best to give money for it, that we should in this way get it cheaper than by resorting to any other means. That it was much cheaper to pay for it with money, than with the blood of our citizens. I considered that the land would repay, and more than repay us for the purchase money—and that the additional revenue we should acquire, would give us a still further compensation for our trouble, and advance made in acquiring the country.
A proposition was offered about the same time, to exchange territory to the west of the Mississippi for the Floridas. I was decidedly opposed to that proposition. I protested against it then, and shall ever oppose it.
I conceived it contrary to the constitutional right of the people at large that Congress should assume the power of giving away, or disposing of a single acre of our territory to a foreign nation. I considered that the territory in question as part of the union, and if so, that we might as well attempt to give away a part of a state. I considered this as establishing a principle of a most dangerous kind, which might in time lead to a dismemberment of the union.
If you can dispose of this territory, to a foreign power, you can of a part or the whole of a state. You may transfer, at one time, a portion of country to the east, and at another a portion to the south as well as to the west—and by this means, a designing majority would be enabled, if apprehensive of rivalry in power or influence, from the increasing population of any part of your country, to round off the union at pleasure, so as to suit their own particular views. I did, therefore, call upon this House to guard against such dangerous consequences. I also considered that the country in question would be settled by people of some nation. I preferred it should be possessed by those of the United States, and their posterity forever—that they might form but one great family from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean—and I did not wish on the contrary, to enable the subjects of a foreign nation to increase and strengthen themselves in our neighborhood, who might at some future day, not very distant, become our rivals and our enemies.
It was observed that this money, would go to France. It was then stated, and it has been repeated, that there was nothing to authorise the belief that France was to get this money from us. It is true it was well known, if we believe the public prints, that France had got money from Spain; that Spain previous to being engaged in the present war as the ally of France, had to purchase her neutrality from France, with money, and that the treasury of Spain was in a great degree the treasury of France. And suppose this to be the case, what have we to do with it? Are we to constitute ourselves the guardians of the Spanish treasury? Is it material to us what Spain does with the money after she gets it? And if Spain consults France who is her ally, with regard to the sale, has she not a right to do it? Has she not a right to be as submissive to France as she pleases? Would that be any objection to our acquiring the country from Spain? I can see no objection, even should we believe that France would eventually get the money we pay to Spain, to our making the purchase in question. But is it unusual for two nations in close alliance, to consult each other as to their transactions with a third power? Is it not, on the contrary, the constant practice to do so? The alliance may be such that Spain cannot alter her territorial situation without the consent of France. And is this a reason why we should not make a fair proposition to Spain to purchase territory which she has and we want? It cannot be, there is no foundation for this objection. Mr. Speaker, I think it proper here to state that there was no part of my conduct such as to authorise any man to say the measure I voted for was calculated to bribe any nation. This was not my intention; it was not the intention of the majority of this House, and such an allegation can-
not be believed by the public or by any unprejudiced and candid individual. I have only one other remark to offer in regard to an observation made by the same gentleman from Virginia (Mr. R.) that the ground we have taken is calculated to show a dastardly spirit towards Spain or France, and to present a hostile attitude towards Britain. I do not consider it in that point of view. I do not think the conduct of Spain required from us the manifestation of any hostile intention. That government does not appear to have authorised, and her public officers have disavowed the aggressions alluded to. It is well known however, that we did take an attitude towards that nation calculated to show a determination on our part to repel aggressions. Our soldiers were ordered to patrol the country, and they did so without meeting with any hostile opposition from Spain. There is no ground then to believe either that Spain has a hostile intention towards this country, or to say that we have been disposed to shrink from taking a manly position, or that we have manifested a dastardly conduct towards her. With regard to France, I will only say that I know of no differences existing between the United States and that nation—and so far as regards Great Britain, it is fully known to the public what her conduct was towards us, and what measures we have adopted in this House, in regard to her, on which I have already delivered my sentiments, and shall not here again repeat them. [To be continued.]
NEW-YORK, May 3. Capt. Paterson, of the British Packet, informs, that he, on Sunday last, spoke the ship Mars, Reid, 35 days from Liverpool for New York. Capt. R. told him, that Great Britain had declared war against the Algerines.
Captain Lewis, who arrived at Baltimore on Monday last in 17 days from Jeremie, was informed that a schooner belonging to Baltimore, White, master, with one gun, had been captured by a large French privateer, and every one put to death. The news was received at Jeremie 10 or 12 days before he left it, by some Indians that had been captured by the same privateer and put on shore.
The editors of the New-York Gazette are indebted to captain Carpenter, of the ship Protector, for London papers to the 18th of March. From these papers they have made such extracts as appear worthy of insertion.
The letters brought by the Townsend packet from Lisbon were delivered yesterday morning. We received some Madrid Gazettes by the same opportunity. The Gibraltar Gazette of the 1st inst. contains the following intelligence: "Mr. Cartwright, his Majesty's consul general at Algiers, landed here on the 27th ult. from the Niger frigate. Mr. Cartwright, after trying in vain every means in his power to obtain satisfaction respecting various demands, consistent with the treaties between our government and the Regency, and finding it impossible to avert the daily insults which the Bey and his agents offered to the British legation and subjects, intimated his intention to depart, and demanded his passports, which were granted him without difficulty."
LIVERPOOL, March 26. Batavian Gazettes to the 19th inst. have been received. The French troops evacuated the Austrian territory finally, Brannan excepted, on the last day of Feb. On the 7th inst. a detachment of the French army, under the command of Marshal Bernadotte, who occupies the Margraviate of Anspach, in trust for his Bavarian majesty, entered Nuremberg; which, however, according to the assurances given by the Marshal commandant to the Senate, was but the effect of an indispensable military measure, without any prejudice to the city. The news of the establishment of a perfect understanding between France and Prussia, with regard to the interior changes in Germany, has been lately circulated with increased credit throughout the empire. A letter from the Hague of the 17th inst. says:
"A courier extraordinary, dispatched from the 13th inst. by gen. Dumonceau, from his head-quarters at Nassau Deltz, arrived yesterday afternoon, with intelligence that the Batavian division, which has hitherto made a part of the French grand army in Germany, has commenced its march for this republic. It marches in four columns, commanded by generals Quaiha and Hadel, col. Martuchewitz, and gen. Heldring. It is expected that the whole will reach Nimwegen between the 23th and 28th inst. Gen. Dumonceau, the commander, is expected here on the 19th."
The Courier du Bas Rhin, published at Wesel on the 12th inst. observes:
"It appears as if we were near the moment in which the future fate of the different countries, districts, cities, &c. was about to be decided, and the cessions to be realised. Every thing appears to indicate that our territory is also about to change masters: for the movements perceived here, leave no longer any doubt with respect to the evacuation of the place by the Prussian garrison."
In a day or two after the arrival of the Express a French flag of truce arrived, bringing, it is said, some pacific overtures to our government. Various reports about this proposition are circulated—it was, on Saturday, mentioned, that the basis proposed was uti possidetis . We can, from the commendable secrecy Ministers have preserved, take upon us to confirm or deny the truth of any of those
reports. We have, therefore, only to say, that we trust the honor and interest of the nation to his majesty's ministers, and rely upon them for all the care due to so sacred a deposit.
PHILADELPHIA, May 9.
We received fresh sets of English papers by the Enterprise, arrived at New-York,—we find in them a few articles of minor interest, which we subjoin:—
HAGUE, Feb. 18.—After the arrival of several French couriers, our Minister of the Marine, Admiral Vercheul, set out in haste for Paris, accompanied by a member of the Council of State. It is said, that he will have the command of the whole flotilla of Boulogne, and the conduct of the naval war, should not negotiations for peace take place.
VENICE, Feb. 12.—The arsenal has received a new administration, and ship building will soon commence.—The Mint is in a state of activity.—When a peace with England shall be concluded, the Venetian flag, will again be seen in all quarters.
VIENNA, Feb. 15.—His Royal Highness the Archduke Charles has been appointed to the dignity (rare in our Monarchy) of Generalissimo of the Imperial armies.—His Imperial Majesty has notified this appointment to the archduke in the following letter:—
Mr DEAR BROTHER.—After the late unfortunate events, and the peace obtained by so many sacrifices, it is of the utmost necessity to place the military power of the monarchy in such a state as may be suitable to the population and the state of the finances, and so well ordered and regulated as to render it a sure defence of my Hereditary States. The first step towards attaining this object, I take by making your Highness, at the head of all my armies, in quality of Generalissimo. The knowledge of the troops, that should I be compelled to enter into another war, will be under your orders, will remind those who have already served, of the laurels they have formerly gathered, on the field of battle, under your conduct, and in the rest with a high confidence in the talents, bravery, and prudence of their commander, which leads most certainly to victory.
With the dignity of Generalissimo, I commit to you likewise, my dear brother, the direction of all my armies, in time of peace, in such a manner that you shall be at the head of the Council of war, and of all the offices appertaining to it. You will receive, to-day my intentions on this subject, in detail, in a letter under my hand, which will define your powers, and also those of all employed under your orders. I expect from your comprehensive genius and your indefatigable activity, a statement of the plans you propose to form for bringing to perfection the great work I have confided to you; and I am persuaded, that the frequent journeys you will make, in order to see every thing with your own eyes, and the care you will take that your orders are punctiliously executed, will perfectly fulfil my intentions, and render my work complete.
FRANCIS. It is now known with certainty, that the report lately circulated, that the archduke Charles had received a sword as a present from the Emperor Napoleon, is entirely false; though it is true that His Royal Highness, accompanied only by General Count Crum, dined with the Emperor at Stammersdorf.
LONDON, March 11. IRISH AFFAIRS.
The Courier, of the 3d March, in noticing the new administration of England observes, "Mr. Fox found it necessary on the 17th ult. to declare in parliament, against the Repeal of the Union with Ireland, saying, measures might be had at first, but when once they had been carried into effect, to repeal them might be worse than to let them continue. Thus reasoning will enable Mr. Fox to abandon all his opposition doctrines, and we are happy to see Mr. Fox have recourse to it, as it gives assurance that he will not be the dangerous man in power it was apprehended, that he will not advocate the plans of Sir Francis Burdet, or promote the designs of the corresponding Society. But this reasoning has not wholly removed the effects of the original imprudent declaration.—The meetings in Dublin have indeed resolved not to press the repeal of the Union immediately; but they have appointed a permanent committee to maintain a correspondence throughout Ireland with those who desire the repeal. Mr. Fox's rash language has given birth to an establishment of corresponding Societies, the evils of which may one day be severely felt.—He seems fully aware of the mischief he has done, and has made a second declaration in Parliament to counteract it."
In the debate on India affairs of Tuesday "He agreed we were not now to revert to original theories; but when we were examining the causes of important events which were extremely complicated in their nature, it was somewhat difficult to do so without, in some measure, advertting to such original theories. He however did not mean to say that any alteration ought at present to take place in the General system of Indian Government as now by law established. He had occasion to state, at a former time, that there were wide differences between disapproving of measures at their commencement, and afterwards rescinding them when they had been some time in practice. This he had said with regard to the Union with Ireland. He had
strongly disapproved of that measure when it was proposed, because he was then convinced it was a bad one, and was still convinced that it would have been much better for the country if it had never taken place. He had also disapproved of the plan for the Government of India; but what he had said with regard to the Union with Ireland, he now said respecting this plan of Indian Government. It was, in his opinion, a bad one from the beginning; but as it had been adopted and acted upon, it was not now to be lightly rescinded. In ninety-nine cases of this nature out of a hundred, it was better to put up with many inconveniences arising from the first adoption of a measure, than hazard worse evils by premature and ill considered alterations and innovations."
The above declaration of Mr. Fox is of the highest importance; it cannot be too often read and considered by the country. It is a general argument, applicable to any other measure or system of things as well as to the Union and Government of India. On the same principles Mr. Fox may renounce every opinion he has hitherto held, revoke every pledge he has hitherto given. The public will perceive this with great satisfaction, & cherish the most flattering hopes. For this we are no doubt indebted to the influence of Lord Grenville, who has also we believe prevailed on Mr. Fox to abandon all design of soliciting peace at a moment so inauspicious as the present.—Under these circumstances we "shall hope for the best," without minutely investigating the minor appointments in the Government.
PARIS, March 3.—The solemnities intended to take place here in May next, will be honored with the presence of five Kings.
At length positive orders have been given for the return of the Austrian prisoners; they are to commence their march homewards on the first of April; but nothing has yet been announced to determine whether the Russians are to follow them.
VIENNA, Feb. 16.—Prince Charles has erased General Mack's name from the list of Generals; and his employment as Chief of the Staff has been conferred on General Meyer, who enjoys the particular confidence of the Archduke.
LIVERPOOL, March 27. House of Lords.—London, Tuesday night, 6 o'clock. Mr. Whitbread and others, brought up a paper from the house of commons, the contents of which were, that the commons had taken into consideration the answer of Henry Lord Viscount Melville, and that he is guilty of the charges laid against him, and that the commons are ready to prove the same.—Upon the chancellor reading it from the woolsack, Lord Fitzwilliam rose to make a motion that Lord Henry Viscount Melville be heard at the bar of this house, which being agreed to, he further moved that the 29th of April, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, be the time for the trial of Henry Lord Viscount Melville at the bar of this house.
Lord Grenville moved the thanks of the house to Admiral Buckworth, the officers, seamen, and marines, for their gallant behavior on the 16th of Feb. in taking and destroying 5 sail of the line, being the whole of the French fleet in the West Indies, which was carried nem. dis.
March 26. Some American vessels passed by Dover on Friday for the Thames, the masters of which report that all idea of a rupture with Great Britain was done away. Our correspondent, who communicated with them, informs us, that there was a majority of members against the hostile measures lately proposed in Congress.
PARIS, March 13. Prince Murat has left us; some report for Italy, while others assert he is gone for Holland. Belgrade is said to have surrendered to the Servians.
AUGSBURGH, March 5. Several Bavarian journals say, that his majesty has received a courier from Paris, bringing the agreeable intelligence that the differences between France and Prussia had been adjusted; adding that the plan of a convention carried to Berlin by the marquis Lucchesini, had been assented to by the Prussian cabinet in all its parts.
MONTGOMERY, (Jan.) April 12. GENERAL MIRANDA.
We understand by the late accounts from Caracas, that the government of that province were aware of Gen. Miranda's intention to pay them a hostile visit, in consequence of which a very large force had been raised consisting of Spaniards, joined by the Aborigines, to oppose him, and the sea coast for a great distance was lined with troops. His partisans, however, under a commander named Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, were also collecting in immense numbers to windward of that place, and were determined to render him all assistance, immediately on his appearing off that coast.
NORFOLK, May 14.
We lately noticed the destruction occasioned by the fire in the Great Dismal Swamp, which we are sorry to learn continues to rage with unabated violence, carrying desolation in every direction.
Intending if we can procure it, to publish a full and particular account of this conflagration, we shall not at this time state some facts relative to it, nor offer some reflections which they have suggested.
The consequences have been, and still continue to be very seriously felt by the inhabitants residing near the Swamp: the heated atmosphere occasioned by, and the smoke proceeding from, such an immense body of fire, have rendered their habitations almost insupportable. These effects have been for some days past (though in a lesser degree) extended to this place and Portsmouth, and at this moment occasion much inconvenience, and are productive of all the disagreeable sensations which heat and smoke may be supposed to occasion.
At the moment we are writing, and for the last two days, the wind has been to the southward, which setting the smoke directly on this place, the sun has been only at times visible, and the horizon contracted to not more than a mile distant, often not more than half a mile, and sometimes we have not been able to see three hundred yards.
The captains who have lately arrived, inform us, that on approaching the land they experienced great inconvenience, and were exposed to some dangers from the same circumstance, they

state that it was at times so thick from the smoke, that they could not see a mile ahead.
The Pilots also find difficulty in conducting the vessels up and down the river.
A change of wind will relieve the inhabitants of the town for the present, but nothing but rain, (which is so devoutly to be desired, for this and other reasons) can remedy the mischief effectually.
FROM THE AURORA.
Foreign relations—The delicate state of our affairs with England and Spain has been the subject of much anxiety and speculation, in the public mind, for a very long time. Our complaints against England were of long standing, and grounded upon acts of great national injustice and violent private abuse. Our complaints against Spain were of more recent origin, but of considerable magnitude and complexity.
As described in the president's message, the wrongs committed by both nations were of the most grievous nature; and the interposition of the legislature was deemed indispensable for the preservation of national honor and particular welfare. Certain it is, indeed, that we had as much to complain of from Spain, as from England, and that the means of redress for the one ought to have been as strong and adequate as those for the other.
The legislature, however, acted in a manner not in consonance with what was conceived to have been recommended by the president—after a long discussion of a partial non-importation act was adopted against England, whilst no steps, even of a defensive nature, were taken against Spain. The measure, carried against England, we approve of; it was calculated, let what will be said on the subject, to make a serious impression upon the manufacturing interests of Great Britain, and that it did make the impression is now fully evident—but no strong measure was taken against Spain, which we regret.
The only effect, that was produced by the impressive observations in the president's first message, was the appropriating two millions of dollars to purchase the Floridas—we would rejoice in the purchase, but we regret that no measures were adopted to protect our country from insult and our frontier citizens from ruin, in the event of our offer not being accepted.
The two measures, however, the political non-importation act against Britain, and the offer to purchase from Spain, must be judged of from their effects. It affords us satisfaction, and we are persuaded it must afford equal satisfaction to our readers, to know, that the measures adopted against the former have had the most salutary effects—dispatches from our respectable minister breathe the most pleasing assurances of the pacific and accommodating disposition of the new ministry, and the public prints as well as private letters fully inform us of the state of alarm, into which the minds of the land-holders and manufacturers were driven by the communication of our decided attitude. Every thing, in fact, teaches us to anticipate what is conformable to the wishes and interests of both people, a reciprocal and honorable accommodation.
At the moment, when these advices had confirmed the anticipated result of our measures, the murder committed at New York occurred, and for an instant suspended public judgment. It was an act of gross insult, and a violation of all national rights, it merited the indignation and execration that it produced—we regretted it, on account of the individual victim—but reflection has taught us to view this occurrence, as one of the most fortunate that could have taken place, in a national point of view. It has produced an unanimous expression of abhorrence; all parties have joined in reprobating it; and can any one mistake the effects in England, can any one doubt the feelings that it will excite in the ministry. It will enable Mr. Monroe to take the boldest ground, to maintain his position, and persevere in his demands; and it will in all probability hasten to terminate the pending negotiations. Britain cannot go beyond the infliction of death, she cannot heap any more indignities upon us, and we have declared our willingness to submit to any privations rather than suffer longer. The state of Europe, and the internal condition of the country, will complete what the remonstrances of our government have commenced—the result will inevitably, and we think not remotely, be a perfect good understanding.
It is not so easy to anticipate how or when our differences with Spain are to end—the offer of two millions may produce the effect, but it is still very questionable. To have given an effect to the offer, it would have been well, perhaps, had congress ordered the raising and employing a sufficient force, in case of refusal—at present, Spanish officers violate our rights with impunity, they threaten the exercise of force, and there can be no doubt in the breast of any man but these acts are authorised. We know, that Spain meditated an expedition and the landing of forces in Cuba or in the Floridas, we know that the tone of her minister was menacing and insolent, and we know that France declared that, in case we attempted to redress ourselves by force, it would be bound to aid Spain against us.
If we had no other object but to get the territory claimed to be within the cession of Louisiana, it might be attained without much difficulty, in case negotiation should fail; but Spain has carried none
of her agreements, as to spoliation, into effect; and indeed the propriety of the offer of money at the moment she was in our debt, might well have been questioned, and can only be tested on experience.
Let what will be said, it is from France, we have any thing to hope or fear, on this subject—the will of Bonaparte is the law at Madrid as much as it is at the Hague, or at Naples, and although there is an ostensible Spanish government, and an actual division by the Pyrenees, Spain can make no bargain, she can conclude no treaty, that has not the sanction of the French emperor.
To anticipate, therefore, how our differences with Spain will end, we must consult what is the interest of France, not what are the wishes of Spain.
At the time Spain was fitting out an armament for the Floridas, she had the countenance of France, because at that time Bonaparte had serious ground for complaint, if not for actual hostility, against this country—our merchants had carried on a clandestine and illegal trade to St. Domingo, which congress did not interdict—we delayed to interfere, although France deserved the act of justice and policy at our hands, by its marked respect for our rights and regard for our interests. Now, however, the case is quite different, we have complied with the reasonable demands of the French government, and it has no longer a complaint against us; it is its interest and policy to cultivate harmony. We have in this respect, then, a right to expect its good offices.
There are other circumstances, that will give us an influence with the French government—France wants money, and will aid in any measure that puts her allies in possession of it, for the wealth of her allies is her own wealth. She knows that there are but two modes of determining the question between us and Spain, purchase or force; and no one will suppose that, in the present state of the war, she will throw away a positive good, and accept a certain evil. Unless the negotiations lately directed to be opened with Spain, shall speedily and satisfactorily terminate, nothing can prevent our citizens on the frontier from retaliation, or our government from employing all its power for their assistance—France will know this, and will not suffer Spain to lose by such means what she may obtain two millions for.
These considerations induce the belief that our differences with Spain will be terminated in an amicable manner. Negotiations for the purpose could not be opened at a more favorable moment: France will view with jealousy our pacific arrangements with England; it will witness the pains taken by Mr. Fox to conciliate this country, and create an unity of interest; it will apprehend the consequences of a closer alliance between the United States and Great Britain; and it will be careful to afford us no cause for forming such an alliance; it will not itself, nor will it permit Spain, to commit any act, that would result in increasing the power of England. Whilst, therefore, we look with pleasure upon the favorable state of our affairs with England, from this, among other circumstances, we may anticipate a similar understanding with Spain. We can conceive no advantages that Spain or France either could obtain by hostility, but the disadvantages every one can conceive.
VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND.
TUESDAY, MAY 20, 1806.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
  Tobacco 30 to 31 3/4 6d CASH   Wheat 6s do.   Flour, fine, 31 3/4 6d   Flour, superfine, 34 3/4 6d   Corn, 15s do.   Hemp, clean, £ 52 10s   Iron, £ 36 do. 
Extract of a letter, dated Natchitoches, 17th March, 1806.
We are likely to have a brush with the Spaniards in this quarter, in consequence of a small parcel of land being claimed by the two governments, situate between Natchitoches and the river Sabine; neither party being disposed to relinquish their jurisdiction, are about to try which is the strongest. In a former letter, I informed you captain Turner had driven a small party of soldiers from this side the Sabine river; they were much mortified at being obliged to move, and have since collected between 4 and 500 men at a little town called Nacogdoches, 150 miles west of this place, from whence they have notified Mr. Porter of their intention to resume their former posts, one of which is only 6 miles distant from this place; the major has, in consequence, sent out a detachment of 60 men, under the command of captain Johnston, to prevent the Spaniards from occupying any part on this side of the river, or, if possible, to prevent their crossing; it is conjectured, from the disposition of captain Johnston (who would almost as soon fight as eat) that if the Spaniards cross the river, an engagement will ensue—we are not fearful of any ill consequences here, let the issue be what it will.
Extract of a letter from Havana, dated April 6.
I am surprised to see so much in the United States papers respecting the political relations between the United States and Spain. I am confident that one half the Gazette accounts are nothing more than mere fabrications, as I already know some of them to be. It seems to be insinuated that hostile appearances are manifested by this government, but I assure you that it is directly the contrary, and that a very pacific disposition is entertained to-
wards the Americans, and there appears to have been nothing of a hostile nature received from the Court of Madrid, and it is the prevailing opinion here that all differences between the two nations will be amicably settled."
Gen. MIRANDA.—The Boston Gazette of last Thursday, contains the following paragraphs:—“A letter has been received in town from Barbadoes, dated 14th April, giving information, (via Trinidad,) that Miranda had effected a landing in the Spanish American province of Caracas: That he had taken the island of Margarita—the town of Cumana, on the sea-board—the town of Barcelona, on the river Neveri, in the interior—and was in full march for the capital of the colony, situate about 50 miles from the coast. Mr. Fitzwilliam acts as his secretary.—The expedition sailed last from Curacao.”
“The above information is confirmed by capt. Risborough, who arrived here the 6th from Martinique. It appears that the American ship Leander was joined by some British cruisers; and that Miranda has proclaimed the independence of the province. The intelligence was brought to Martinique by a Danish vessel.”
Capt. Hudson, of the Neptune, from Africa, who arrived at Charleston, the 29th ult. was boarded on the 18th Feb. at Cape Coast, by the French squadron of 7 sail, two of the line. They had then captured 17 sail of English Guineamen, and afterwards proceeded to the Lagos, where they captured five sail more; one of them the Mary, capt. Adams, of Liverpool.—Capt. A. engaged one of the frigates, and was killed in the action.—Phil. Gaz.
We find, in the London Morning Chronicle of the 3d March, the following interesting article—it is the substance of the remonstrance presented by Mr. Monroe:—Aurora.
“The remonstrance presented by Mr. Monroe to this government, states, that he had flattered himself he should have had an early answer to his former remonstrance. But the subject, he says, has become the more important, by the continuance of the same policy, and the frequent seizures which are still made of American vessels, places him in a state of great responsibility. He adds, that the more he reflects on the subject the more he is convinced it is contrary to the understood law of nations, and equally repugnant to the agreement between the two governments, in respect to the commerce in question.”
By the law of nations, as settled by the most approved authors, no other restraint is acknowledged on the trade of neutral nations, with those at war, than that it shall be impartial between the latter; that it shall not extend to articles deemed contraband of war; nor to the transportation of persons in military service; nor to places actually blockaded or besieged. Every other commerce of a neutral with a belligerent is lawful, and every other restraint by a belligerent on a neutral unlawful.
The list of contraband is well defined, as are also the circumstances which constitute a blockade. The best authorities have united in confirming the first to such articles as are used in war and are applicable to military purposes; and require to constitute the latter the disposition of such a force, consisting of stationary ships, so near the port, as to make it dangerous for the ships of a neutral power to enter it.
The vessels condemned were engaged in a commerce between the United States and some port in Europe, or between those states and the West India islands, belonging to the enemies of Great Britain. In the European voyage, the cargo consisted of the production of the colonies. In the voyage to the West-Indies, it consisted of the goods of the power to which the colony belonged, and to which the ship was destined. The ship and cargo in every case, were the property of American citizens; and the cargo had been landed, and the duty on it paid, in the U. States. It was decided that these voyages were continuous, and the cargoes were condemned on the principle, that the commerce was illegal.
These seizures are incompatible with the law of nations as above stated; they involve no question of contraband or blockade. On what principle then can these seizures be defended? On principles laid down in a series of orders issued by the British government in 1793, 1794, 1795.
By the first of these orders, all commerce between neutrals and enemy's colonies is forbidden, tho' the other orders afterwards a little relax this rule. In support of these orders it has been urged, that as colonial trade is a system of monopoly in peace, neutral powers have no right to participate in it at time of war, and that belligerents may interdict it, although allowed by the parent country. But does it follow, because a parent country in time of peace monopolizes the whole trade of its colony, that in time of war it has no right to regulate it at all; on the contrary, that right passes to the belligerent. If this doctrine was sound, it would certainly establish a new & singular mode of losing and acquiring rights.
But are not in every state the colonies a part of her domain, and do they not continue so until they are severed by conquest? The right of regulating trade rests in the state over its whole territory, and no distinction can be taken in reason between different parts of the same state. But neutrals have a right to trade with colonies in as ample an extent as the mother country will allow it. The right depends not on the chance of war, nor on the will of the belligerent. If the orders of the British government alluded to contained the known law of nations, there would have been no occasion for any of them, nor could they have varied from each other, in the manner in which they do so vary. I now, says he, proceed to show that the decisions are contrary to the agreement between the two governments on this subject. By the order of November 1793, some hundred American vessels were carried into port and condemned. Those seizures were submitted to commissioners, who condemned them and awarded compensations which Great Britain has honorably paid. It is impossible not to consider what passed on that occasion, but as an adjustment of the present principle, and as an adjustment of the Essex, not one American vessel engaged in this commerce had been condemned, although frequently met with by the British cruisers. In Robinson's reports, page 368, it is clearly established by the learned judge of the admiralty, that an American has a right to import the produce of an enemy's colony into the United States, and to send it afterwards for the general commerce of Europe; and that the landing of the goods in the United States, and paying the duties, should preclude all further question upon the voyage.
Lord Hawkesbury afterwards, in a communication of the 11th of April, expressly stated the same thing—that the produce of the colonies might legally be imported into the United States, and from thence into the mother country; and
thus the produce of the colonies and the manufactures of the mother country might find their way to each other by this circuitous route. He complains that after this understanding between the two countries, that this opinion should be departed from in the case of the Essex, which served as a signal for the British cruisers, and that since that time above fifty American ships, engaged in this commerce, have been carried into British ports and are detained. He complains, that Britain gave no intimation of an intention to change her conduct on these points. He adds, that he makes that communication in hopes of a friendly adjustment, not only on this subject, but also on the other, of impressing American seamen, which he admits is a matter of peculiar delicacy, by reason of the similarity of persons and manners, and particularly from the identity of language with 'two nations'.
NORFOLK, May 15.
The Cleopatra pressed 14 passengers out of the ship Eliza, from Londonderry, bound to Baltimore; so says the following affidavit:
On this 14th day of May 1806, personally appeared before me, Robert Brough, one of the justices of the peace for the county of Norfolk, Charles Moss, who being first duly sworn on the evangelists of the Almighty God, deposeth and saith, that he this deponent sailed from Londonderry on the 13th April last past, in the ship Eliza, of & bound to Baltimore; that on the 11th of this instant, the said ship Eliza, was boarded by the frigate Cleopatra, commanded by Capt. White, within ten miles of Cape Henry, and that this deponent and fourteen other passengers were impressed from on board the said ship Eliza, by the officers and crew of the said frigate Cleopatra, that this deponent had frequent conversations with the crew of the said frigate, a number of whom informed this deponent that they were American born citizens; and that this deponent verily believes that they were bona fide American citizens.
CHARLES MOSS.
Sworn to before } Robt Brough. }
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Vincennes, dated March 26, 1806.
“A strange and very singular disease is said to prevail in the Illinois counties. It seizes only girls of twelve years of age or under, beginning with head-ache and fever, and generally terminating in death on the third day. A gentleman of Prairie du Rocker, is said to have lost all his daughters—I have not heard further particulars.”
An officer of the frigate Constitution, commode Rogers, who left Malta on 25th January, and arrived here last evening, on his way to Washington, assures us that no altercation whatever had taken place between the commodore and captain Gals, at the time of his departure, and that he believes the report malicious and destitute of truth.—Balt. American.
Capt. Francis, arrived at Salem, while at Bordeaux, received the following letter from capt. Perkins Salter.
Rochefort, Feb. 11, 1806.
“Sir—I have taken the liberty to inform you of our situation at present and our dispositions since we left America. I was from N. York, where I at present belong, having command of the brig Minerva, bound to Bordeaux—I was taken in the Bay, within two days sail of Bordeaux, and burned, vessel and cargo besides losing all my clothes. Was on board of the French squadron four months, in a most deplorable situation. For me to give you a particular detail, it would take a quire of paper—I can only say, if they had burned me with the brig, it would not have been much worse.”
“The other captains, J. Jack, Jun. of Manchester, M. capt. Solomon Priak, capt. Francis Sargant, who departed this life on the 9th Feb. at the marine Hospital at Rochefort, have all been treated the same. We are still in a bad situation. From what we can learn, they don't mean to pay us any thing, and expect soon to be liberated to seek a passage to America, after being so barbarously treated.”
By capt. Glenn we learn, that Admiral Gravina died at Cadiz, on the 9th of March, of the wounds he received in the battle of Trafalgar—That about two weeks before he sailed, four French frigates and two brigs with six months provisions on board, sailed on a secret expedition—That there were 14 or 15 French and Spanish ships of the line at Cadiz, 7 or 8 of which were preparing for sea, with the utmost expedition.—Phil. pap.
Mungo Park, the celebrated African traveller, with his retinue, consisting of 100 armed men, has arrived at Faya, where preparations were making for his departure to explore, according to his original plan, the interior of the African coast.
French celebration—The fete of Saint Napoleon, and the re-establishment of religion, is to be celebrated on the 15th of August—The anniversary of Napoleon's coronation and the battle of Austerlitz is to be celebrated the first Sunday in December.—Mouiteur.
PHILADELPHIA, May 10.
About eight o'clock yesterday evening, the wind blowing violently from the W. and N. W. a MIRE burst forth from a wooden building, situated back of Dock street, between the Bank of the United States and the Bank of Pennsylvania, and in a short time the whole range of buildings, on both sides of Relief alley, from Dock street to Carter's alley, was enveloped in flames.
Every exertion that could prompt the zeal and activity of our citizens, was used on this occasion—and considering the violence of the wind, the narrowness of the alleys, and the many combustible materials (being chiefly carpenters' shops) it is some consolation that the whole block was not entirely destroyed.
On Third street, 7 three story brick buildings were destroyed, and on Dock street 4—in the alleys adjoining, as far as we could ascertain, about 9—it was past 12 o'clock before the fire was got under.
Such an awful scene has not been witnessed for many years in the city of Philadelphia—For two hours it appeared as if no human skill or exertion could check the destructive progress of the flames—they extended their sparks to a vast dis-
tance, and the attention of the citizens was called to many quarters. In Front street between Walnut & Chesnut streets, the house occupied by Mr. Vallance, was nearly destroyed by one of the combustible materials.
(By Authority.)
AN ACT
Directing the secretary of the treasury, to cause the coast of North Carolina, between Cape Hatteras and Cape Fear, to be surveyed.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the secretary of the treasury be, and he is hereby directed to cause the coast of North Carolina to be torridly surveyed, between cape Hatteras and cape Fear; together with the shoals lying off and between these respective capes or head lands, and to report at the next session of congress on the practicability of erecting a light house, lighted beacon or buoy, on or near the extreme point of these shoals or either of them. And the sum of five thousand dollars is hereby appropriated for the purpose of defraying any expense which may be incurred in making such survey, to be paid out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
NATHL MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate, Pro tempore. April 10, 1806.—APPROVED. TH. JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Relating to bonds given by marshals.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the bond heretofore given, or which may hereafter be given by the marshal of any district, for the faithful performance of the duties of his office, shall be filed and recorded in the office of the clerk of the district court or circuit court, sitting within the district for which such marshal shall have been appointed, and copies thereof certified by the clerk, under the seal of the said court, shall be competent evidence in any court of justice.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful in case of the breach of the condition of any such bond, for any person, persons, or body politic, thereby injured, to institute a suit upon such bond in the name and for the sole use of such party, and thereupon to recover such damages as shall be legally assessed, with costs of suit; for which execution may issue for such party in due form, and in case such party shall fail to recover in the suit, judgment shall be rendered, and execution may issue for costs in favor of the defendant or defendants against the party who shall have instituted the suit, and the United States shall in no case be liable for the same.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the said bonds shall, after any judgment or judgments, rendered thereon, remain as a security, for the benefit of any person, persons, or body politic, injured by breach of the condition of the same, until the whole penalty shall have been recovered, and the proceedings shall be always in the same manner, and as herein before directed.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all suits on marshal's bonds, if the right of action has already accrued, shall be commenced and prosecuted within three years after the passage of this act, and not afterwards. And all such suits, in case the right of action shall accrue hereafter, shall be commenced and prosecuted within six years after the right of action shall have accrued, and not afterwards; saving, nevertheless, the rights of infants, feme covert, and persons non compos mentis, so that they sue within three years after their disabilities are removed.
NATHL. MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. S. SMITH, President of the Senate pro tempore. April 10, 1806.—APPROVED. TH. JEFFERSON.
A. HEWES & Co.
Have received a small quantity of very superior quality CHEESE; whole and cut HERRINGS; Alexandria BEER, of good quality; Rhode Island LIME; N. E. RUM; which with a general assortment of Groceries, they offer for Sale, either for cash, negotiable paper, or exchange for country produce. Richmond, 20th May, 1806. tf
BREWERY FOR SALE.
THE subscriber will SELL all his interest in that extensive BREWERY, which he now occupies, situate on the river Potomac, in the town of Alexandria, district of Columbia, of which 11 years of an unexpired lease from September, is to come.
This Brewery is on a very extensive plan, having two copper boilers of 1200 and 500 gallons, with every working utensil complete—with malt house, kiln, mill, &c.
To the capitalist, this concern offers many inducements, 1300 barrels beer having been brewed by the subscriber for some seasons back, and is capable of being considerably extended; a barrel of Beer can be sent to the city of Washington and George Town at a few cents expense.
Proposals will be received to the 1st July, and every necessary information may be had by letters, post paid, by applying to THOMAS CRUSE, Alexandria, 5th May, 1806. w130
WANTED.
A GREAT QUANTITY of ROSE; a liberal price will be given—apply to Alexander Planville, Main street Richmond. May 6, 31

WANTED as House-keeper, in a large family, an elderly Lady, can come well recommended. Liberal will be given. Enquire of the printer. Nov 6, 1805.
W. WARDLAW is receiving a large supply of MEDICINES, SURGEON'S INSTRUMENTS, FAMILY MEDICINE, CHESTS, &c by the Press, from London. Richmond, May 6, 1806.
Advertisement.
IN consequence of a resolution of the General Assembly, passed at their late session, I am instructed by the Executive to make enquiry respecting the situation of all Ordnance and Military Stores, belonging to the state (not including those in the service of the United States or of this State) and make report thereof to the Governor.
In obedience to this instruction, and as the most probable mean of effecting the object contemplated by the Executive, I have thought proper thus publicly to request of such of the citizens of the commonwealth as may have any knowledge of the situation, number, quality and size or weight of any cannon or other ordnance, and muskets; cannon balls, shells or other military stores, supposed to belong to the state, and not in immediate use, to communicate a particular report thereof to me as soon as convenient.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Clerk to the Executive. Richmond, Feb. 7, 1806.
JUST received from London, and for sale by Wm. Crozier, in Manchester, a complete and general assortment of
Fresh Garden Seeds,
All of the last year's growth. N. B. The above collection of seeds may be had at Mr. Oakley Philpotts' next door above Russell & Wallace's, main street, Richmond. William Crozier.
Richmond, 7th March, 1806.
STRAYED or stolen from the commons, some time last week, a likely grey HORSE, in good order, about 7 or 8 years old, nothing remarkable recollected about him. I will give a generous reward to any person that will bring him to me in Richmond. April 9th 1806. J. PENN.
TO BE RENTED,
THE TENEMENT where I now reside, and possession given in June. April 9th, 1806. J. PENN.
Thirty Dollars Reward.
RAN from the subscriber about the 20th of November last, a negro man named TOM, 17 or 18 years old, of a very black complexion, about 5 feet 8 inches high, and very stout made. I deem it unnecessary to describe any of his clothing which he took with him, as it is presumed he has changed them before this time. I am told he is in King's County, and passes as a free man, and calls his name Billy. Any person delivering the said negro to me, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward. All persons are forewarned from employing or harboring the said slave. RICHARD CLARKE. New Market, Amherst, March 26 1805.
Marshal's Sale.
TO BE SOLD, for ready money, under a decree of the Court of the United States for the fifth Circuit in the Virginia District, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11450 dollars 94 cents, due and payable the first day of January last, that valuable and well known estate, in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEWIS. The sale will be made on the premises, on the 5th day of June next. BEN MOSBY, D. M. for J. S. SCOTT, M. V. D. April 16, 1805.
Notice.
THE Copartnership heretofore existing between the subscribers in the Tanning Business in Cartersville, carried on under the firm of WILLIAM HAMLY & Co was dissolved on the first instant. All persons having claims against said concern, may receive immediate payment by applying to John & Edward Cunningham and all persons indebted thereto will please call on them and discharge their respective debts, they alone being authorized to settle the business of said concern, and to dispose of the stock of leather remaining on hand, which will be sold on moderate terms for prompt payment only. WILLIAM HAMLY. JOHN & ED. CUNNINGHAM. Cartersville, April 15, 1806.
THE subscriber is particularly requested by Messrs. Abbotts & Sheward, (successors to Isaac W. Morris of Philadelphia, in the Brewing Business) to make known to the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that they mean to keep him supplied from time to time, with sufficient quantities of
PORTER AND BEER.
From their Brewery, to answer the consumption of Richmond and the country trading therewith. The subscriber can say with confidence that judging from a sample heretofore received, that both the Porter and Beer is of superior quality, & will be sold as low as it can be had in Philadelphia. Orders from the country will be properly attended to. DANIEL TRIPLETT. April 17th, 1806.
JUST PUBLISHED,
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, A PAMPHLET, Containing Sketches of the HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND—And an account of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Emperor of France. From his birth to the battle of Austerlitz—price 3s. April 28, 1806.
Subscribers to the DEBATES of the VIRGINIA CONVENTION, and to GIBBON'S HISTORY of the DECLINE and FALL of the ROMAN EMPIRE, are requested to apply at this office, where their copies are now ready for delivery.
We have lately received,
FOR SALE,
 12 hhds. sugar  30 bbls. do.  3000 lbs green coffee  10 hhds. Antigua rum  5 do. Windward Island do.  14 hhds. N. E. rum  14 bbls. do. do.  12 hhds. molasses  8 casks Malaga wine  20 tiers & bds. whisky  4 pipes apple brandy  15 bbls. do. do.  12 crates Liverpool ware assorted  10 do. stone do. 
We have also on hand,
 Iron  German, Crawley and Blistered Steel  Race & ground ginger  Pepper  Alspice  FF & F powder  Shot, assorted sizes  French brandy  Rice  Cheese  Wrought and cut nails, assorted sizes  Snuff  Class ware, viz. 1.2 pt tumblers and decanters, assorted sizes  Hais  Loaf sugar  Tanners & Linseed oil  Nova Scotia gruel stones  Ground plaster in bbls  Good manufactured tobacco by the keg, for retailing  Tar  Weeling hoes  Nests woodware  Bed cords, leading lines and twine  Necklace  Soneys, bitter pots, chumbers, pots, wash basins, bake pans, churns, &c. &c. 
We daily expect to receive, a quantity of Sherry Wine, Window Glass, Copers and Allum, all of which articles, we will sell at a small advance, for cash, Approved paper or country produce. Shapard & Lucke. Richmond, May 8, 1806.
NOTICE.
THE copartnership of Samuel Shelton & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent; those who have claims against said concern, will apply to Samuel Shelton, for their adjustment; and all those indebted to said concern, are earnestly requested to make immediate payment to him, or those he may authorize to receive the same, as no further indulgences can be given. Saml. Shelton. John Staples. Jas. Walker, adm. for William Walker, dec. Warren, May 1, 1806.
Sales at Auction.
THE sale of the Lot as described below, having been unavoidably postponed, as heretofore advertised, will be sold, positively without reserve, on the premises, the 21st inst. Wednesday, at 11 o'clock, A. M. on an approved endorsement negotiable note at 6 months—That beautiful and truly valuable LOT, known by the No. 542, and adjoining the lots in front of the residence of William Hay, esquire. Prosser & Moncure, v. m. Richmond, May 8th, 1806.
Geo. Watt
HAS removed from the store he formerly occupied to a brick house on the cross street leading from the main street to Shockoe warehouse, where he has on hand and offers to dispose of on moderate terms, by wholesale, the following Articles, viz:
 Loaf and Muscovado Sugars,  N. England, W. India, and Antigua Rum,  Cogniac, Barcelona and Apple Brandy,  Sherry and Malaga Wine,  Coffee of a superior quality,  Molasses, Ginger and Fig Blue,  Young Hyson and Imperial Tea,  400 Sacks Liverpool Salt,  Patent Shot, assorted sizes—And  The remainder of his Stock of Dry Goods, 
consisting principally of articles suited to the present and approaching season, which he will either sell on a credit of 3, 6 and 9 months, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, with approved endorsers, or barter for Tobacco, Flour or Hemp. Cash given for Tobacco. Richmond, 22d Mch, 1805.
FOR SALE,
THAT well known and very valuable farm belonging to the estate of Samuel Couch, dec. lying on James River, near Goochland court house, containing about
900 Acres of LAND,
about half of which is well timbered wood land; about 200 acres of River Low Grounds and from 50 to 100 acres of valuable Creek Bottom. The cleared land is well enclosed and improved, with convenient dwelling and out houses in good repair, with a commodious Store, a valuable Mill, and a choice collection of about 1,500 bearing fruit trees. The terms of sale may be known on application to Daniel Couch on the premises (who will show the land to any person inclined to purchase) or to Micajah Crew in Hanover. The above tract of land contains improvements and accommodations for two families, and, if more agreeable to the purchasers, they may be divided and sold separately. MICAJAH CREW, ANN COUCH. Exor. & Exrix. of S. Couch.
A. Hewes & Co.
HAVE for Sale at their Store, next door to Messrs. Shapard & Lucke's, opposite the Market, Richmond, an assortment of
Groceries and other Articles,
Which they will dispose of at the lowest prices for cash or country produce. Among which are, Jamaica and Antigua Rum, old and very superior Cogniac Brandy, Loaf and Brown Sugar, Coffee, Chocolate, Imperial, Hyson, Hyson Skin, and Young Hyson Tea; Port and Sherry Wine, Honey, Molasses, Figs, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Alspice, Pepper, Fig Blue, Starch, Soap, Candles, Salt, Tubbs in sets, &c. &c. Richmond, Feb 10th, 1806.
JUST received and for sale, at S. Pleasants' Book Store,
The Literary Magazine, For March, 1806.
HENING'S
New Virginia Justice,
Containing the Duties of a Justice of Peace, &c together with a variety of useful precedents, adapted to the laws now in force. Also, forms of conveyancing, such as deeds of bargain and sale, &c. lease, mortgage, trust, &c. ARE FOR SALE AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK STORE
BY THE GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA.
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is represented to the Executive, by two of the prisoners therein confined, to wit: JOHN TRAMBLE and ISAAC HARRIS, have made their escape from the Penitentiary; I have, therefore, thought fit, with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this Proclamation, hereby offering a reward of ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS for the apprehension of each, or either of the said prisoners and for their delivery at the Penitentiary; and I do, moreover, enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend and convey to the Penitentiary the said John Tramble and Isaac Harris.
Given under my hand, with the Seal of the (s. s.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 31st day of February, 1806. (Signed) Wm. H. CABELL.
John Tramble was convicted of Horse Stealing before the District Court of Washington, in the spring of 1803, and sentenced to five years and five months confinement. He was born in Maryland; is 5 feet 7 1/2 inches high; 25 years old; fair complexion; light hair; grey eyes; has a dike in his left ear; scars in his forehead, and a shoemaker by trade. Isaac Harris was convicted of larceny before the District Court of Monongalia in the spring of 1805, and sentenced to two years confinement. He was born in the county of Wood, in this state, is five feet nine inches high, 18 years old, swarthy complexion, dark hair and hazel eyes.
JUST PUBLISHED,
By S. Grantham, and for sale at his office, and at Messrs. S. Pleasants' and Jacob Johnson's Book Stores.
The Honey Moon,
An admired COMEDY—By TOBIN.
TO BE SOLD,
FOR cash, at Tar-Planes's tavern, Goochland county, on the 7th day of June next, by virtue of two deeds of trust, to be executed, by Mr. Gideon Hatcher, for the purpose of discharging his debts to William Galt, therein specified.
A certain Tract or Parcel of Land,
Containing three hundred and fifty acres, more or less, in the aforesaid county of Goochland, lying on the north side of the Three-Crop Road, adjoining the land wherein the said Gideon Hatcher now lives. DAVID JOHNSTON, CHARLES F. BATES, Trustees. May 10th, 1806.
FOR SALE.
WOODBURY MILLS,
Lately built of brick and stone, 50 by 42 feet, three stories high, with a durable stone dam, two pair Burr and one pair Cologue stones with elevators, screens, bolting cloths, &c. on the most approved construction and now in complete order for business; situated on a constant stream, in the midst of a delightful wheat country, in the county of Powhatan, only one and a half miles from James river, and 23 miles above Richmond. To the mill will be attached a lot of about 100 acres land, on which stands a commodious two story dwelling house and other necessary offices, handsomely enclosed, under a post and rail fence, with garden-paths in all new, being lately finished; a cooper's and blacksmith's shop, miller's house, houses for the accommodation of the workmen, and excellent water very convenient for all purposes. Terms of sale made known by Thomas Wilson, Esq. Richmond; or, by the subscriber near the premises. THOMAS HARRIS Jun. Powhatan city, May 30, 1806.
Manchester Turnpike Company.
AT a meeting of a board of directors,
held on the 10th of May, 1806. Resolved, That the Stockholders be required to pay into the hands of the treasurer, the further sum of four dollars on each share, on or before the 1st of June next. Resolved, That the clerk be instructed to call a meeting of Stockholders, to be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, on Saturday the 14th June next, for the purpose of deciding on business of consequence to the company. Extract from the minutes. James Brander, Clk. May 12th, 1806.
CHASE'S TRIAL.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
BY SAMUEL H. SMITH, TRIAL
SAMUEL CHASE,
An Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Impeached by the House of Representatives, for HIGH CRIMES and MISDEMEANORS, before the Senate of the United States. Taken in short hand, By SAMUEL H. SMITH & THOMAS LLOYD
In two large octavo volumes—in boards, price, to subscribers four dollars and a half—and to non-subscribers five dollars. A much greater delay has been incurred in the publication of this trial than the Editor contemplated. He has, however, the satisfaction of saying that no effort has been omitted by him to give it to the public at an earlier period. The delay has arisen from the revision of the speeches of the Managers and Counsel. The publication might long since have been made in a less perfect dress; but it was deemed highly desirable that in a case, which, independently of its own importance, might be a precedent in future times, to sacrifice time rather than precision. The work now appears before the public, with the expedition of the editor that it will be considered as meriting the character of an impartial, comprehensive and faithful statement of facts. All the speeches have been revised, and inserted at length, in connection with whatever else formed a part of the trial. March 24, 1806.
Upper Appomattox Company.
A MEETING of the trustees is requested at Priesleyville, the seventh day of June. It is hoped the members will be punctual in attending—Business highly interesting. claim immediate attention. Joseph Eggleston. Rich'd N. Venable. Edw. Mumford. John Wily. May 1, 1806.
Bail and Delivery Bonds
For sale at this office.
The celebrated high blooded English Horse,
OSCAR,
Full sixteen hands high, imported by me in 1804, after having been him the year before, and satisfied myself as to his reputation, is now in fine health, full of vigor and muscular strength, and will be let to mares, the ensuing season, at my stables in Charles City county, Sandy Point, at Six Guineas the season, which may be discharged by the payment of Five Guineas, on or before the tenth day of August next; Three Guineas the leap and Ten to insure a foal; a Dollar to the groom—Pastures as extensive as any in the state and inferior to none for fine natural grass, especially the white clover, which abounds to a wonderful degree in the months of April, May and June, as also after harvest, that succession of crab and other grass, which so plentifully takes place here, will be afforded, with entertainment for servants, free from charge. No liability for involuntary escapes, nor will I be responsible for any injuries or accidents which may not be the result of wanton neglect or abuse, as I here give my word to the public, that no pain nor artificial fall be wanting on my part, to render satisfaction without respect to persons, to every gentleman who thinks fit to send mares for the season—This very extraordinary stallion cost me when landed in this state, greatly upwards of one thousand pounds, and without meaning to detract from the merits of any other. I can fairly venture to say, is the most perfect horse in Virginia; for the most critical observer has not yet been able to discover a single defect or blemish in him, either as to activity, strength, or beauty. Nothing can excel him in the neck, ear and eye: So bold, gay, and full of fire is he, that he fascinates in spite of prejudice, every beholder, that instant he is bro't into view.
I would endeavor to give a full description of him, for the satisfaction of those gentlemen who cannot conveniently visit me, but in the attempt I might do him injustice, and therefore, I invite the most scrupulous examination of him even by those who think themselves competent judges in this respect, and I do not fear the result. In short, it will not be deemed extravagant to say, he is, of his kind, the best effort of nature. OSCAR is a dark brown, was got by Saltram, the best horse in his day, (who was the sire of Whiskey and many good racers)—his dam by Highflyer, granddam by Herod, great granddam (Miss Middleton) by Regulus, great great granddam (Camilla) by a son of Bay Boleon. Bartlett's Children, Honeywood & Arabian, dam of the two True Blues. In 1798, at New Market, at 3 years old he won a Handicap sweepstakes of 15 guineas each, two year old course, beating lord Clermont's b c by Dramont, Mr Howarth's b c Monte, Mr Adams' b c Cyprus, Mr Watson's b c Duplicity; two to one on Oscar. At Lambourn he was 2d best, a mile heat; against Heart of Oak and others, running 3 heats. In 1799 he won the Oatlands stakes of 50 gu. each, half ditch (in 10 subscribers) beating lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull, Mr Heathcote's b c Warner, Mr Standish's b c Stamford, Mr Darard's Play or Pay, Mr Cookson's b h Ambrosio, lord Clermont's b h Aimator, lord G. Cavendish's b h Jupiter. The judges could only place the first five.
At 4 May, the same year, he won at Bracket Hall, 50l. for all ages, heats about one mile and a quarter, beating Mr Charles Benbury's Combatant, 4 years old, Mr Bowis's Sadler, 5 years old. In 1800 he won the Oatlands stakes of 30 gu. each (18 subscribers) beating Mr Tharpe's b c Chippenham, Mr Williamson's b c by Buzzard, out of Rachel, lord Clermont's Aimator, lord Grosvenor's ch f Lady Bull, Mr C. Benbury's Wrangler, Mr F. Poole's b c by Dragon, Mr Howarth's Spectator, Mr Ladbrooke's Humbug. The judge could only place the first three.
In 1800, at New Market, April 14th, he won the Craven stakes, of 10 gu. each, across the Flat, at 4 years old, carrying 8 1/2 lbs free for all ages, beating the duke of Grafton's b c First Fruits, lord Clermont's b c by Meteor, Mr Cookson's b h Diamond, Mr Coventry's b c Voltaire, Mr O'Kelly's Grey Pilot, Mr Durand's Ramshorn (late Princess), Mr Dafford's Play or Pay & f. F. Standish's b c by Peter, out of Storage. The judge could only place the first five. Even betting, Oscar against the field.
In the same month and place, he won a subscription of 50l. beating Mr R. Heathcote's ch f Georgiana, Mr Hallet's Quiz, Mr O'Kelly's Antim, lord Clermont's ch c Verator, Mr Golding's b c by Balloon, Mr Travis's Ballarina, Mr Perton's Pizarro, and lord Grosvenor's ch c by Buzzard. The judge could only place the first three, 7 to 4 on Oscar.
He was second best for the King's plate of 100 gu. for 4 years old, carrying 12 1/2, running against F. F. Poole's Worthby, by Poole's, and Mr F. Standish's b h Stanford, 5 years old. In 1802, at New Market, he received forfeit of Mr Heathcote's Warner, for 100 gu. across the Flat, half forfeit. For those remarkable instances of speed and bottom, in so young a horse, I refer the reader to the Racing Calendars for 1798, '99 and 800. WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT. Sandy Point, Feb. 1806. N. B. The season will commence immediately.
LAND FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorised to dispose of between two and three thousand acres of LAND, situate in the county of Prince George, and known by the name of OLD TOWN, on the following terms, to wit:—One fifth of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in four annual instalments, to carry interest from the time of sale—the payment whereof must be secured by bond and mortgage on the land. This land is distant from the town of Petersburg about 14 miles; from James river 4 or 5 miles; and about 1 1/2 from Noble's creek, which is navigable for boats up to Peachy's mill. The soil is remarkably well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and Tobacco, and the greatest part of the tract is covered with fine timber. It will be sold in lots to suit purchasers, and will be shown to any person desiring to view it, by Mr. Drury Livesay, who resides on it. Prompt attention will be paid to any communication on the subject, directed to the subscriber at Shirley, in Charles City county, by post, to Granville mills. PATRICK HENDREN, agent for Chs Cartet of Shirley. Feb 20, 1806.
Just Received, and for sale at S. Pleasants' Book Store,
 Sanson's Letters from Italy and Switzerland, in the years 1801 and 1802.  Life and Campaigns of General Moreau.  Misford's Pleasings.  Wilson's Reports, 3 volumes.  Jones on Bailments.  Lawyers' Magazine, 3 volumes.  Foster's Crown Law.  Veasey, Junior's Reports, 5 volumes.  Dunford and East's Reports, 12 volumes.  Equity Cases, 3 volumes.  The Romantic Drama of Adelmorn the Out-Law by M. G. Lewis.  Comedy of Guilty or Not Guilty, by Thos. Dibden.  Face of the Hotel, by Robert Jopson, Esq. 
A CATALOGUE OF VALUABLE COLLECTION OF BOOKS,
FOR SALE, AT THE PRINTING OFFICE AND BOOK STORE OF S. PLEASANTS.
Among them are some of the newest & most interesting English publications, in elegant binding.
 Hooper's Recreations, 4 vols.  Highland's Letters  Schomburgk's Naval Chronology, 6 vols.  Bisset's Geo. 3, 2 vols.  Sale's Koran, 2 vols.  Paris as it is and as it was, 2 vols.  Wilkinson on Galvanism, 3 vols.  Philidor on Chess  Jones's life of Horne Chatterton's works, 3 vols.  Bates's Rural Philosophy  Burke's works, 8 vols.  Dibdin's life, 4 vols.  Pindar's works, 5 vols.  Naval Chronicle, 11 vols.  Southey's Tales  Home, a new novel, in 5 vols.  Public Characters, 6 v.  Rural Recreations, 2 v.  Trotter on Drunkenness  Sugur on Women, 3 v.  Bruce's Geography  Keith on the Globes  Swiss Emigrants  Sentimental Journey  Natural History  Dictionary of Politic Literature  Pikington's memoirs  Genele Shepherd  Sienstone's Poems  Thomson's Seasons  Gray's Poems  Falconer's Shipwreck  Goldsmith's Poems  Baker's Lily, 6 vols.  Betham's Biographical Dictionary  Hutchinson's Biography, 2 vols.  Elegant Pocket Bible  Universal History  Paul and Virginia, 2 v.  Johnson's Works, 12 v.  Locke's Works, 10 v.  Beaton's memoirs, 6 v.  Bolingbroke on History  Minstrelsy, 3 vols.  Swedius  Petrarch's view of life  Asiatic researches, 7 v.  Hudibras, 2 vols.  Melmoth's Pliny, 2 v.  Melmoth's Cicero, 3 v.  Smith's Wealth of Nations, 3 vols.  Churchill's works, 2 v.  Cylopedia  Gillespie's Frederick, Paris delineated  Ferguson's art of Drawing  Rumford's essays, 3 v.  Wilson's Egypt, 3 vols.  Gillies's Greece, 4 vols.  Kaime's Elements, 2 v.  Zimmerman on Solitude, 2 vols.  Bell on Wounds  Young's Night Tho'ts.  History of England, 3 v.  Chaplet  Sorrows of Werter  Pleasures of Imagina'tn.  Cowper's Poems, 2 v.  Thespian Dictionary  Esop's Fables  Death of Abel  Hole's Tasso, 2 vols.  Mawes's Gardener  Swift's Works, 24 v.  Turkish Spy, 8 vols.  Coxe's Travels 5 vols.  Homer burlesqued, 2 v.  Farmer's Boy  Ovid's Art of Love  Eyfe's Anatomy  T. Paine's works, 2 v.  Adams's defence of the American Constitution, 3 vols.  Kotzebue's Plays  Bombadier  Chase's Trial  Gordon's Civil War in Ireland  Raschid's Cookery  Bordley's Husbandry  Laws of Kentucky  Anacharsis' Travels  Antenor's Travels  Perin's Exercises 
St. PAUL,
A beautiful sorrel horse, 15 hands 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine action; will stand the ensuing season, at my plantation on James river, generally known by the name of Maiden's Adventure, about 3 miles above Fine Creek mill, and 4 miles below Michaux's ferry, in Powhatan county, to cover mares at twenty-five dollars the season; which will commence the first of March, and expire the first of August—Extraordinary good and extensive pasture gratis, but no liability for accidents or escapes. Gentlemen wishing their mares fed, may be furnished with corn at the market price, for which cash must be sent with the mares—as also, notes of hand for the due payment of the money for the season. N. B. Twenty dollars, paid on or before the third Wednesday in November (being Powhatan court day) will be received as full compensation of the above, with half a dol. to the groom. This beautiful horse, St. Paul, was raised by the Prince of Wales, and got by his horse Saltram, who was got by Eclipse that covered at 200 guineas the season—his dam Virago by Snap—his granddam by Regulus, out of a sister to Black and all-Black, and was thought to be the best runner of his time—he won several large stakes, among which was the Derby, 1783, beating Dungannon, Volunteer, Phœnix, Gon-zales, and several others—he was the sire of Whiskey, who at 3 years old won 4650 guineas, also of Whip, Royalist, Peeping Tom, General, Coiner, Sylph, Sperm, Carolins, Tiffany, Laureatina, St. David, Spightily, Queen of Sheba, Spankaway, Rose, Sweeper, Clytus, Coal Merchant, Pickpocket, Oscar, Ambrosio, Pretty Patty, and several others of the first rate runners. St. Paul's dam Purity was got by Matchem, who covered for several of the last years of