Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1802-09-25 00:00:00

Henry Tucker The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[Vol. X.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 274.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS) BY SAMUEL HARRIS, JUNIOR, PRINTER OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
[FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM—PAID IN ADVANCE.]
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23d, 1800.
[12 1/2 CENTS SINGLE.]
TO BE SOLD. A WELL FINISHED THREE STORY HOUSE, With a Kitchen, Stable, Smokehouse, Coach-house and Garden—on the main street a few doors below the courthouse, at present occupied by Jacob Abrahams.—For further particulars apply to the subscriber. JACOB I. COHEN, On Shockoe Hill. Richmond, Jan. 27, 1800.
Fashionable Dresses. M. SMITH, MANUFACTURER, FROM LONDON. BEGS leave to inform the Ladies of Richmond, Manchester and their vicinities, that she has imported a number of the newest and most approved London fashionable PATTERNS.—Also, a few LACE CLOAKS, ditto VELS, Ladies' SHOES, &c. all of a very superior quality, which are now open for their inspection at M. PARFOE's, Milliner, in the Main-street. N. B. DRESSES made at the shortest notice in the first stile of elegance.
NOTICE. IN THE MATTER OF THOMAS HOOPER, A BANKRUPT. THE Subscribers being appointed assignees of the Estate and Effects of Thomas Hooper, late Merchant of Richmond, Bankrupt; All persons indebted to the said Thomas Hooper or who have any of his effects are not to pay or deliver the same to any other person or persons than the Subscribers, or to such as are or shall be duly authorised by them. RICHARD DENNY, } Assignees. CHARLES SPENCER, } Richmond, 8th July, 1802. [U]
30 Dollars Reward RAN AWAY from the subscribers plantation, on James River, in Chesterfield county, on the 23d of last month. A NEGRO MAN NAMED HARRY. He is a remarkable likely fellow, of dark complexion, about six feet high, has a scar under one of his eyes.—I will give the above reward to have him secured in any Jail in this commonwealth—or the reward and all reasonable expenses to have him delivered to me in this place. BEN: MOSEY. Richmond, Sept. 14, 1802.
STRAYED or STOLEN, From the commons of this city, about the 4th instant, (September,) a Sorrel Horse, About four feet ten inches high, 17 or 18 years old, shod all round; he has a blaze face, hanging mane and switch tail, one of his hind feet white, is branded upon one of his buttocks with a Q or something like it; has a lump on the middle of his back about the size of a hen's egg, and is in very good order; he paces slow, trots roughly, gallops very well and has tolerable good spirit. Having owned this horse upwards of ten years, he is well known to many people. Any person who will deliver the said horse to me in this city, shall have TEN DOLLARS Reward, if stolen, TWENTY DOLLARS for the thief if brought to justice. CHARLES WINEGARDNER. Richmond, Sept. 14, 1802. (Sw)
THE PARTNERSHIPS OF WEBSTER & CROUCH and CROUCH & WEBSTER Were dissolved by mutual agreement the 4th instant.—Those who have claims against the concerns, will please apply for payment to Robert Crouch; and those indebted are desired to make payment to him alone, such having been the terms of the agreement by which the said partnerships were dissolved. ROBERT CROUCH. Richmond, August 10, 1802.
N. B. THE CITY HOTEL will in future be kept by the Subscriber, on his own account. R. Crouch
A FEW COPIES OF St. LEON, A Tale of the 16th Century, By W. GODWIN. For sale at S. PLEASANTS' book-store April 6, 1802
Dissolution of Partnership. THE PARTNERSHIP OF AUSTIN & ANDERSON, IS this day dissolved by mutual consent.—The books and papers are in the hands of WILLIAM AUSTIN.—All persons indebted to the concern, will make payment to him, who alone is authorised to close the business. All those having claims against the concern, will make application to him for payment. William Austin. Armistead Anderson. Richmond, 3d May, 1802. [f]
NOTICE. PETITIONS WILL BE PRESENTED TO THE NEXT GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA, Praying that such alterations may be made in the act entitled "An act to reduce interest to one per cent. on all debts due from the state, and other restrictions of water-works," as shall effectually prevent in future, the erecting or keeping up any traps, dams, hedges, weirs or other devices in James-river or its navigable branches, for the purpose of taking fish; or which shall operate as an obstacle to their passage in any part of the waters thereof.
TO RENT, A Commodious House, Near the market and adjoining the tenement now in the occupancy of Mr. Aylett Buckner—it is well calculated for a private family, with a good Kitchen and small Garden.—Terms may be known on application to JAMES RIND. 13th July, 1802. [U]
I WANT TO PURCHASE FROM FIFTY to ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND Flour-barrel Staves, To be delivered at my Mills on the James River Canal. JOS: GALLEGO. Sept. 8, 1802. [U]
A saving of Time is a saving of Money for Time is even more precious than Money. FRANKLIN.
MAYO's Toll-bridge,
THE Public are respectfully informed it is now completely and permanently finished; is furnished with good, strong and substantial Hand-Rails; and will, very shortly, be supplied with Lamps, from one end to the other, so that passengers may pass it by day or by night, with the utmost safety and most unbounded confidence. When the vast magnitude of this undertaking by a single individual; the chimerical light in which it was originally viewed by the community; the immense sum which it has cost; the great length of time (a period of no less than 17 years) which it has taken to bring it to its present state of perfection; but above all, the importance of it to those who travel North or South, and particularly to the whole country South of James River, in bringing their produce to market, and coming to the seat of government, are considered, a confident hope and belief is entertained that it will meet with and always receive universal patronage and support. Exclusive of these reflections, ECONOMY itself points out this to be the CHEAPEST (and surely it is the most AGREEABLE) mode of crossing the river, for the very small difference in the expense of going by any other conveyance, bears no proportion to the certainty, safety and expedition, which this excellent and useful Bridge affords. [U] SAMUEL JONES. Richmond, Virginia, Sept. 4, 1802.
JUST PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY THE PRINTER HEREOF, Mr. Giles's Speech ON THE JUDICIARY BILL. WHERE ALSO MAY BE HAD ROWLETT'S Tables of Discount OR ITINEREST.
WANTED AT THIS OFFICE, A well disposed YOUNG MAN of respectable connections, from 14 to 18 years of age, as an APPRENTICE to the Printing business. To Rent, A TENEMENT, On the cross street, near the Mason's Hall—Pleasantly situated.—Possession will be given the first day of next month. MICHAEL GRAFLAND. 16th September, 1802.
TO LET, The Old City Tavern, AT A MODERATE RATE, AND IMMEDIATE POSSESSION GIVEN. TO those unacquainted with this dwelling, it may be observed, that it is every way adapted for a public house; with good kitchens and stabling, a large yard, and an excellent garden in the yard there is a good water-house—its situation renders it an object worth the attention of persons in the country, who may be disposed to keep a tavern in Richmond.—For terms apply to SOLOMON JACOBS. September 17th, 1802.
Notice is Hereby Given, THAT a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly, to alter and amend the Charter of the City of Richmond. September 17th, 1802. (2m)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE DISTRIBUTORS OF THE ESTATE OF THE LATE MR. JOHN TABB. Will be Sold, SEVERAL VALUABLE HOUSES and LOTS, In the Town of Manchester. ANY person disposed to purchase are requested to apply to Mr. BENJAMIN HAWKINS and Mr. HENRY L. BRISCOE of that town, who are fully authorised to sell the whole or any part of the property upon such terms as may be concurred in by the interest of the distributees. WILLIAM B. GILES. Amelia, July 11th, 1801.
NEW BOOKS. JUST RECEIVED AT S. PLEASANTS' BOOK-STORE: Historical and Political Memoirs of the reign of Lewis XVIII from his marriage to his death, 6 vols. 8vo. Practical Education: by Maria Edgeworth, author of Letters for literary Ladies, and the Parent's Assistant; and by Richard Lovell Edgeworth, F. R. S. and M. R. I. A. 2 vols. 8vo. Private Memoirs relative to the last years of the reign of Lewis XVIII late King of France—By Bertrand de Moleville, Minister of State at that time, 3 vols. 8vo. with Portrait. The Sporting Magazine, from its commencement in 1792, to December, 1801, 18 vols. Traveller's Directory. Winterbottom's America and China, 5 vols. Sonnini's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, 3 vols. elegant. Guyse's Purgatorio, 6 vols. Telemaque, 2 vols. 8vo. with elegant Plates. Newton's (John) works, 6 vols. Thomas (Bishop) Newton's Theological works, 6 vols. Simpson's Field. Algebra. Bell's Surgery, 7 vols. Barrett's Spanish Grammar, &c. New Latin Grammar. Jefferson's Notes, a new and handsome edition. MacLeod's History of Witches, &c. Kennedy's Roman Antiquities. Tooke's Russian Empire. Stephanie De Beauvoir. Puffendorf's Daughter. Girl of the Mountains.
SALE OF NEGROES. ON Saturday the 30th of October, WILL BE SOLD FOR CASH at Mr. CASSE's store in Amelia, so many LIKELY NEGROES as will raise about £500, being a part of the late WILLIAM C. HADLEY's estate. Among these slaves are two Sawyers, one of whom is also a pretty good shoemaker. JAMES HENDERSON, Adm'r. Amelia, 10th Sept. 1802. (vds)
American Agriculture EXPOSED: And Hints for improvement suggested—by THOMAS MOORE, of Montgomery county, Maryland. A fresh supply of the above valuable publication is just received at S. PLEASANTS' Book-Store. Writing Paper and Quills, For Sale at this Printing Office.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER HISTORY OF THE LAST SESSION OF CONGRESS. [CONTINUED.] GEORGIA CESSION.
On the 20th of April, the President communicated, by message, certain articles of agreement entered into by the commissioners of the United States and of Georgia, by which Georgia ceded to the United States all claim to the jurisdiction and soil of lands south of Tennessee, according to a fixed boundary line; on the condition that the United States pay Georgia one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars out of the net proceeds of the sales of the land. The territory ceded to form a state as soon as it shall contain sixty thousand persons. Mr. Griswold moved the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill to repeal an act for the amicable settlement of limits with the state of Georgia, &c. The object of this motion was to prevent the agreement lately made between the commissioners of the United States and of Georgia from going into effect before the next session of Congress, the said agreement declaring that the settlement shall be conclusive unless Congress shall repeal within six months the above law. This motion was supported by Messrs. Griswold, Henderson and Davis, and opposed by Messrs. Milledge, S. Smith and Elmerdorf. When the yeas and nays were taken, and the motion lost—Yeas 24—Nays 35.
CONVENTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN. On the 27th of April the President communicated the copy of the convention entered into between the United States and Great Britain. The Message stated, that "the commissioners who were appointed to carry into execution the sixth article of the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation between the United States and Great Britain, having differed in their construction of that article, and separated in consequence of that difference, the President of the United States took immediate measures for obtaining conventional explanations of that article for the government of the commissioners. Finding, however, great difficulties opposed to a settlement in that way, he authorised our minister at the court of London to meet a proposition, that the United States, by the payment of a fixed sum, should discharge themselves from their responsibility for such debts as cannot be recovered from the individual debtors. A convention has accordingly been signed, fixing the sum to be paid at six hundred thousand pounds sterling, in three equal and annual instalments, which has been ratified by me, with the advice and consent of the Senate." Agreeably to the terms of the convention an act passed on the 3d of May appropriating two millions six hundred and sixty-four thousand dollars, being equal to 600,000 pounds sterling.
Whatever may be, the ultimate issue of this arrangement, it may be proper to remark that it is to be considered as substantially the act of the former administration. Under its auspices the negotiation was commenced, and so far matured as only to leave unsettled the sum to be paid by the United States. It is understood, and it is believed the fact may be fully relied on, that under that administration, authority was given to extend the sum as far as one million sterling. This license was revoked by the present administration, who instructed their minister to agree to allow 600,000 pounds, in correspondence with the stipulated faith of the government, and no more. The difference, therefore, may be viewed as gained by the decision with which the negotiation was closed.
PETITION OF THOMAS COOPER. On the 28th of April, a petition of Thomas Cooper, of the county of Northumberland, in the state of Pennsylvania, was presented to the House, and read, setting forth that in the month of April, eighteen hundred, he was tried and condemned at Philadelphia, before Samuel Chase and Richard Peters, judges of the circuit court of the United States there sitting, for having written and published a libel upon the political character and conduct of John Adams, the then President of the United States; and was thereupon adjudged to pay a fine of four hundred dollars, and to suffer an imprisonment of six months, which punishment he accordingly underwent.—That he apprehends the said fine, condemnation and punishment were unjust; first, because the law commonly called the sedition law, under which he was indicted, was passed in direct opposition to the letter and spirit of the constitution of the United States—and secondly, because the said judges did not only take for granted the constitutionality of the said law, but did unjustly and improperly refuse to grant him a subpoena and res indicandum directed to the said John Adams, and therefore praying such redress as the wisdom of Congress shall deem to bestow.
Mr. Griswold moved a rejection of the prayer of the petition, which motion was superceded by one made by Mr. Giles to postpone its consideration to the third Monday in November, which after a warm debate, was carried by a large majority. The next day Mr. Griswold moved to amend the Journal in relation to this petition as stated above, so as to exhibit the prayer in more general terms, which he considered to be the usual practice, on which a conversation ensued, in which it was replied that the usual course had, in this instance, been pursued, and that the Journal needed no amendment. The motion to amend was lost.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF INVESTIGATION. On the 29th of April Mr. Nickolson made a report from the committee appointed to enquire whether monies drawn from the treasury have been faithfully applied to the objects for which they were appropriated, and regularly accounted for; and whether any further arrangements are necessary to promote economy, enforce adherence to legislative restrictions, and secure the accountability of persons entrusted with public money. The report, with the accompanying documents, is very voluminous, and when printed was found to cover 160 folio pages.
The reader will at once perceive the importance of the duty confided to the committee. Charges had been made against the former administration for illegal disbursements of public money to a great extent and had been as frequently repelled as urged. Public opinion, variously operated upon by different political convictions, had settled in opposite judgments, and the unbrassed rival, in the collision of party sentiment, knew not to which conclusion to yield. It was evident that much must remain to be done; but it was not evident that much just censure was not also deserved. In this state of uncertainty, it became the duty of an administration, entering into power, to enquire into the past situations of the fiscal affairs of the government, to ascertain abuses, if such had existed, and to apply a remedy against their recurrence. Under these impressions, the committee was formed with the unanimous approbation of the House, and the members of which it was composed was an unequivocal attestation of the impartial spirit which animated the majority, three members out of seven being federal, though the relative numbers of the house were nearly as two to one.
The vastness of the field of research committed, precluded the possibility of an entire view of it being presented during the session. Yet the report, tho' incomplete, will be found to embrace a satisfactory view of the general operations of the late administration, with a few of the most important individual acts under it. From this report it appeared:— That to a vast extent monies appropriated by law to one object had been applied to another. This the committee justly considered a dangerous infringement of the constitution, the effect of which was, by the removal of legislative control, to place the public treasure at the mercy of the executive.
That 32,872 dollars was drawn from the treasury and expended without legal authority, for the removal of the public offices to the city of Washington; this sum having been devoted to personal and private objects uncomtemplated by law. That Mr. Randolph had been sued for 51,000 dollars due by him.
That the accounts of Messrs. Jefferson, Marshall and Madison, have been fully settled. That the accounts of Mr. Pickering are not finally settled.
"He remains charged with a sum of 3,383 dollars and 20 cents, erroneously paid by him for the freight of a vessel supposed to have been employed by the consuls at Tripoli, and with another sum of 3,289 dollars and 60 cents, being the balance of an advance made to Samuel Hodgdon, for the purpose of being remitted to Mr. Humphreys, at Madrid in part of his salary, which Mr. Humphreys did not receive. Both these sums it is believed may and will be recovered from the persons to whom they were respectively advanced. But the principal reason which appears to have prevented an ultimate settlement was his not having applied the whole of the money drawn by him from the treasury, to the specific objects for which it was appropriated by law. For the extent and result of this misapplication, the committee refers to the separate report (C) accompanying the communication of the state."

tary of the treasury, under date of the 2d of March. From this statement it appears, that Mr. Pickering drew from the treasury under the appropriations made "for defraying the expenses incident to the intercourse with foreign nations,—for negotiating treaties with the Barbary powers, and for the contingent expenses of government."—the sum of 63,022 dollars and 57 cents more than he applied to those several objects, which together with the sum of 14,583 dollars and 54 cents gained by him on the purchase of bills of exchange for the use of the government, form an aggregate of 78,588 dollars and 11 cents. The same statement (C) will show that the whole sum was expended by him on objects of a public nature (as far as the committee can ascertain the fact) but this expenditure having been made from appropriations designed for other objects by law, the misapplication of the money has prevented the comptroller of the treasury from settling his accounts."
This four navy yards had been purchased without authority, and the money misapplied that was paid for them.
That 152,608 dollars had been expended in the erection of a Laboratory, near Philadelphia, without legal authority.
That secret service money had been illegally expended under the war department, without an accountability to the offices of the treasury.
That an appointment had been illegally conferred on Mr. Tracy, a senator of the United States, whereby he had been at the same time paid as a legislator and an executive agent.
That Mr. McHenry former Secretary of War, had been illegally allowed a sum paid by him for house-rent.
The report concludes in the following manner:
"Upon the whole the committee are of opinion that considerable sums of the public money have been greatly misapplied, and that much expense has been incurred without any legal authority; but for the reasons before assigned, it has been impossible for them to make a complete investigation. Nor do they believe that an investigation entirely satisfactory can be made, unless the House should think proper to appoint a committee for this purpose to sit during the recess, with directions to make a report to the next session of Congress."
"The committee deem it their duty to observe, that appropriations for the contingencies of the war and navy departments are, at all times liable to abuses, notably from the very large sums usually appropriated therefor, but also, from the impracticability of specifying by law, the precise objects to which such sums are applicable: and the committee are of opinion, that giving publicity to the accounts of the expenditures of monies appropriated for contingencies, would have the most direct tendency, to correct the latitude of the commission formerly exercised in that respect by the heads of those departments, to promote economy in, and attach a proper degree of confidence to the future proceedings of those departments. And the committee can discern no possible inconvenience in a disclosure of that nature, since they believe that there is no necessity nor propriety for applying the principle of secret service money to either of those departments; and at least it ought to be so considered, until it should be otherwise determined by law."
"The committee are, therefore, of opinion, that a clause to this effect, ought to be inserted in the bill already reported by them, respecting the accountability of officers."
On the first of May, Mr. Griswold moved to recommit this report, on the ground that it was incomplete, and that it was calculated, by the erroneous inferences drawn from facts, to deceive the public. His arguments, were enforced by those of Mr. Bayard, by whom, as well as Mr. Griswold, each item of the report was animadverted upon with great warmth, and the tendency of the whole represented as fallacious and unworthy of the House.
To the several charges urged against the report, Messrs. Nicholson, R. Williams, and Randolph replied with appropriate spirit. They clearly shewed the objections to be groundless, and vindicated the truth and correctness of the report in its general outline as well as its individual features when the question was taken by yeas and nays on the recommitment and lost—Yeas 22—Nays 45.
GENERAL MORGAN.
WINCHESTER, (VIR.) July 21.
The following is the concluding address, or biographical remarks, of Mr. Hill's sermon upon the death of General DANIEL MORGAN:
"We have now, my brethren, been considering death in a general point of view, or as it concerns us allike."
It may not be amiss for us, at present to exercise a few thoughts upon the particular instance of death now before us. The present case confirms the truth of the text, that "it is appointed unto all men once to die." He that could expose himself time after time on the ensanguined plain, amidst the roar of the cannon and the clash of arms—where the death-bearing bullets flew like hail-stones, and came off unhurt—he, whose iron constitution, and the firm texture of whose body, enabled him to survive the deadly wound inflicted by the sure aim of a savage mark-
man, must at last yield to nature's stern decree. But my fellow citizens, can we contentedly resign this ancient patriot and hero to the tomb in silence, without testifying our gratitude for the favors he contributed so largely to procure for us, and declaring our opinion of his worth as a public character?
The imposing occasion compels me to depart from my usual silence respecting the dead, and gratitude constrains me to eulogize him whom I esteem so much our benefactor.
As to his private character, I presume it would be needless for me to say much before an audience who were generally much better acquainted with him than myself, and with this we have but little to do. If, from an almost total neglect of education in his youth, and his being in that critical season in life exposed to much loose company, he had contracted some habits and vices which were not to be overcome but with great difficulty, these should be touched but lightly, especially as we hope he was in his last days brought to see the impropriety and folly of these things, and sincerely repent of the same. Notwithstanding, it is but justice to declare, that he was the affectionate husband, the tender and indulgent parent, the humane master, the steady friend, and one whose heart, could not withstand the face of distress or the tale of woe, but constrained him to grant assistance when needed.
But that for which nature chiefly formed him was the PATRIOT and the SOLDIER. When we consider the obscurity from which he arose; the honor and the power to which he ascended; the great services which he has rendered his country; we may say he has few, very few equals.
The text continues with a detailed eulogy of General Morgan's military and civic contributions, highlighting his leadership and patriotism. It mentions his role in the American Revolution and his impact on the nation's history. The brave and intrepid, and I am sorry to add, infamous Arnold, was not as inaccessible when placed in circumstances infinitely more eligible than the prison of Quebec. Whenever his country called, our deceased friend was at hand; against her interest no office of honor or emolument had charms; when she was threatened; no dangers could intimidate and even while he retained any recollection, the welfare of his country was his topic, and appeared to absorb his whole soul!  But as a soldier he has rendered his country the most essential services. To retrace his different adventures, escapes and achievements, would be to recount almost all the memorable transactions that took place from Quebec? After the unfortunate Arnold had fallen, although there were other officers superior in rank to him, they all shrunk back, and constrained him to conduct the enterprise. By performing prodigies of valor, and feats of heroism, he forced his way into the heart of the town, where he expected to meet the brave Montgomery; but fortune declared against the arduous attempt, and he, with his brave comrades, were in turn, made prisoners, after defending themselves to the last extremity.  At Saratoga he acquired laurels for his commander in chief. He was the acting officer in the first day's action: and in the second, he acted as first in concert with Arnold; but when he again fell, the command devolved upon Colonel Morgan. It is a little mysterious that there is no credit given him for these exploits in the American history of the revolution, while, in some of the British accounts, his name is mentioned with great honor and applause. I am still in hopes that this business will be inquired into by some future historian, and justice done to his memory.  It is certain we owe the capture of Burgoyne's army more to his exertions, watchfulness and bravery, than to any other man. Who remembers not the ever memorable action of the Cowpens. We have just heard that his actions chiefly contributed to brighten our prospects from the north.—Now, when America was all but in  * This refers to a wound he once received from an Indian. The bullet entered the back of his neck about midway, and came out at his left cheek having knocked out all his jaw teeth on that side. † Immediately after the affair of Saratoga an unhappy difference took place between Gen. Gates and Col. Morgan, hence we may account for the silence observable in Gates's official letters, respecting Morgan; and from those letters Dr. Ramsay compiled his history of the capture of Burgoyne.—See Gordon's account and others.  despair, our spirits dejected and our arms paralyzed, we hear him thundering from the ramparts, and giving the first check to the ravage of British insatiable in that quarter. Had not this event taken place at that time, I cannot certainly say what might have been the consequence. But it flew from south to north like a stroke of electricity, revived our languid hopes, and strengthened our sinews anew for the contest. Vast crowds came flocking to his standard, to assist in his prisoner accumulated retreat.  But I must check myself. As a soldier he appeared to unite what is seldom found in combat—courage with integrity; an entire self-possession, with an impetuous ardor and fire of spirits. He was certainly a child of fortune; but his successes are not attributable solely to a fortunate concurrence of circumstances. There was a wisdom and sagacity discoverable in all his plans and operations, which evinced the strong and energetic mind that knew how to avail itself of every advantage of situation and time, and far accidents and surprise.  In camp he was ever vigilant and attentive; he made it a point to be in every place in person; and see that every thing was done in season. He was tender of and attentive to all his men, and did what was in his power to render them comfortable—he was foremost in fatigue, and never failed to stimulate by examples: he was a strict and exact disciplinarian, and had the happy talent of effecting this without severity. In the field of action he was cool and self-possessed, but his eye would appear to be in every place, and dart along his ranks, with a penetration and keenness peculiar to himself; and in the attack he had the impetuosity of a resistless torrent; In fact, he was the competent soldier. I think he may venture to assert that he has not left another behind him to whom we are so much indebted for our independence and liberty.  While we then sit each under his own vine and fig tree, and none to make us afraid—Whilst the liberty he has contributed so largely to procure for us, guides our paths (through life) gladdens every scene, and make your sun himself to shine with new lustre, the name of Morgan, shall be precious to our hearts. Posterity itself shall know thy name; and knowing it, learn to imitate thy PATRIOTISM and BRAVERY. Beloved PATRIOT and HERO, we bid you farewell.  WONDERFUL  Spontaneous decomposition of a fabric of silk.  ON the night of March 19th, 1802, during the session of Congress at Washington, Jonathan Dayton, one of the Senators then attending from state of New Jersey, sustained a loss of a pair of black silk stockings in an uncommon manner. On undressing himself at bed-time, his stockings were the last of his garments which he took off. The weather being cold, he wore two pair, the inner of wool and the outer of silk. When he stripped off the silk stockings, he let them drop on a woolen carpet lying by the bed-side; and one of his garters, which was of white woolen kerretin, fell down with the stockings. The under stockings, on being pulled off, were thrown at some distance, near the foot of the bed. He observed, on separating and removing the silk stockings from the woolen ones, that there was an unusual snapping and sparkling of electric matter. But as he had been long acquainted with the appearance, it attracted but transient notice.  He fell asleep, and remained undisturbed till morning, when the servant entered to kindle the fire. The man observed that one of the leather slippers, lying on the carpet, and partly covered by one of the stockings, was very much burnt. Mr. Dayton then arose, and found that the leather over which the stockings had lain was converted to a coal. The stockings were changed to a brown, or what is commonly called a butternut colour. And although, to the eye, the stitches of their legs, and even the threads of their clocks, appeared to be firm and entire, yet as soon as any attempt was made to touch and handle them, they were found to be wholly destitute of cohesion, their texture and structure being altogether destroyed. Nothing but a remnant of carbonic matter was left, except that a part of the heel of one of the stockings was not decomposed.  Though this destruction of the stockings took place during the night, when no body saw the manner and circumstances of the process, yet there was evidence enough of the evolution of much caloric while it was going on: for every thing in contact with the stockings was turned to a coal or cinder. Beside the slipper before mentioned, the garter was burned. It had fallen partly on the carpet, and partly on and between the stockings. As far as it touched the stockings it was perfectly disorganized and carbonated, and immediately beyond that limit was as sound as ever. The part of the carpet, with its fringe, which lay between the stockings and the floor, was in like manner totally destroyed, just as far as it was covered by the stockings, and no farther. The wooden plank, which was of pitch pine, was also considerably scorched; and beneath the place where the thickest folds of the stockings had lain, was converted to charcoal or lamp black to a considerable depth. In throwing down the stockings when they were pulled off, it happened that about a third part of the length of one of them fell not above the carpet, but on the bare floor. This part of the stocking was decomposed like the rest, and the floor very much scorched where it had lain.  There was very little fire on the hearth, and the little there was, was eight or nine feet distant. The candle had been carefully extinguished, and stood on a table in another direction, and about equally distant. Indeed, no application of burning coal or of lighted candles could have produced the effects which have been described. It would seem that the combustion, if it may be so called, proceeded from a surcharge of galvanism (caloric), or electric (electricity) in the silk, accumulated by means not well understood; and not being referable to any known external agent, it may in the present state of our information, be termed spontaneous.  The substances chiefly consumed were leather, wool, silk, and gossamer wood. The linen lining of the slipper was indeed destroyed, but where it did not come in contact it escaped; and the fire showed no disposition to burn even the linen beyond the boundaries prescribed to it on the leather.  What is the theory of this phenomenon? With what other facts is it immediately connected? Whatever men of science may determine on these points, one thing seems to be evident, that if spontaneous combustion can happen thus to bodies so little inflammable as leather, silk and wool, the instances of its occurrence in bodies easier to burn are more frequent than is generally supposed.  (Medical Repository.)  NEW-YORK, September 17.  Extract of a letter from an officer of the Constitution, dated May 24th 1802, at sea.  "On the 18th inst. we arrived off Algiers, and made the signal for our consul to come on board which he did. Mr. O'Brien informs, that on the 8th inst. an Algerine frigate of 44 guns ran alongside a Portuguese frigate of the same force, fired a broadside into her, boarded and carried her with the loss of 32 men. The Portuguese having, in killed and wounded 72 men; among the former were the captain and first lieutenant. The Portuguese were thrown entirely off his guard, by the Algerine's having American colours, and his not having the least idea of meeting an Algerine in that place, being five leagues distant from Gibraltar and two from the Spanish shore.  It is, however, a great disgrace to the Portuguese navy, to be surprised in that manner, as no dependence ought to be placed in colours. Mr. O'Brien also informs that Spain in order to avoid a war threatened by the Algerines has very recently consented to pay to Algiers the enormous sum of two millions of dollars, and to alter her national colours—This, with the capture of the Portuguese frigate has so elated the Algerines that our consul says he expects the Dey will shortly, and at an unguarded moment declare war against the United States—I hope he may and that we may have the honour of battering their towns about their ears. They will find in us a nation far superior to either Spain or Portugal in the arts of war. By making them feel our power we should render the United States feared and respected by these Barbarians, and insure safety to the lives and property of our citizens in these seas.—Enclosed is the account Mr. O'Brien gives us of the strength of the regency of Algiers.  A correct list of the Marine of Algiers.      GUNS     No. 1 Frigate, Algerine built, cop'rd 48   2 American do. do. 34   3 A kebec, Algerine do. do. 34   4 do. do. do. 30   5 do. do. do. 24   6 do. do. do. 26   7 A Polacre Creek built, 22   8 do. do. do. 18   9 A brig v. s. built, coppered, 22   10 sch'r do. do. 26   11 do. do. do. 18   12 do. do. do. 16   13 A Carlasquisha Corsica built, 10   14 A small kebec, repairing   15 A Polacre Greek built (coaster) 6     Algiers has about 50 gun boats, half of the number could be got in order in about a month. They have about 200 sail of coasters with latine sails each 20 or 30 tons. There are about 6,000 Turkey, about 6,000 half Turks; and with difficulty they could raise 30,000 militia or rabble. This regency has 50 or 60 millions of dollars and has in chained captivity 1500 Christians, and is permitted to be a licensed plunderer of all Europe.  (Signed) RICHARD O'BRIEN.  Extract of a letter from the same, dated Tunis Bay, June 2, 1802.  "We brought with us presents from our government to the Dey of Tunis, they consist of four muskets and four pair of pistols, surpassing for workmanship and elegance any thing you can almost imagine, being inlaid with gold and sharp diamonds. You may suppose they were elegant when I tell you that one of the muskets cost £800 sterling, the cost of the whole amounting to upwards of £7000 sterling. The Dey was much pleased with these presents, and observed to our consul that they were worthy of a prince. The Enterprise arrived here last evening from Tripoli. They tell us that there are four Swedish frigates and one American (the Boston) cruising off Tripoli and blockading the port so that nothing can either go or out. The Tripolitans are in a state of starvation, and will probably be willing to come to any terms, in the course of a few weeks.  Yesterday we had the gratification of walking over the ruins of the celebrated city of Carthage, Mr. Eaton, American consul, and captain Murray, being of the party. We were shown the plain on which Regulus the first Roman that entered Africa in a hostile manner, fought his celebrated battle, and also the plain where Scipio and Hannibal fought a pitched battle. We saw the remains of many of the ancient temples and city walls. But what remains more perfect than any thing else is the aqueduct by which water was brought into the city from a mountain, by a route of seventy miles. We all dined together in one of the reservoirs, after fatiguing ourselves by walking over the ruins. I expect we shall sail to-morrow for Tripoli.  Extract of a letter from an officer of the Constitution, dated  TUNIS BAY, June 2, 1802.  "I suppose, that the affair of the Tunisian vessels being plundered by some of the crew of the Enterprise will be much misrepresented. With a view of removing any unfavorable impression, that may be made by a false account, I have been particular in obtaining the most accurate information and you may rely upon the following as a true statement of facts. On the 5th ult. the Enterprise discovered a vessel that had come out of Tripoli, and made sail after her. Upon hailing her, captain Sterrett ordered lieutenant Heath to board her, examine her papers, and search her. Lieutenant Heath boarded her and ordered three of his men to assist in looking for papers, but with positive orders not to take away any thing. While searching, one of the men found a watch, and another a purse of money which they contrived to conceal. Upon returning, the Tunisian hailed lieutenant Heath, and told him he had been robbed. As soon as the boat got on board the Enterprise all the boat's crew were examined but nothing could be found upon them; they therefore concluded that the Tunisians had told a falsehood. On the 20th same month the Enterprise arrived at Tunis. Upon going on shore, they heard that a Tunisian vessel had complained to the Bey of Tunis of having been robbed some days by an American schooner. The officers of the Enterprise immediately searched the whole vessel and crew, for the articles mentioned and after a strict examination three of the men confessed the fact. They were instantly put in irons and are now on board the Boston, to be tried. Thus you see that both capt. Sterrett and lieutenant Heath, so far from being in the least culpable made every exertion to detect and bring these villains to the punishment they so richly deserved."  PHILADELPHIA, September 18.  INTERMENTS  For the last six days, ending this morning at sunrise:      Adults Child'n.     Monday, Sept. 13th, 4 3   Tuesday, 14th, 0 0   Wednesday, 15th, 4 2   Thursday, 16th, 3 5   Friday, 17th, 4 2   Saturday, 18th, 8 1   Total, 28 16     Extract of a letter from a young gentleman on board the schooner Enterprise, to his parents in New-Hampshire, dated Cadiz, July 16, 1802.  "All our frigates are employed in convoying vessels up and down the Straights; but notwithstanding their extreme vigilance, our savage enemy have taken a brig belonging to Philadelphia."  "In May we had an engagement with a Tripolitan gun boat of 90 men and 4 guns—it being calm, she got away from us, and the next day we saw her in the harbour of Tunis. We have been into Tripoli, and fired at the shipping in the harbour—twelve gun boats were sent out to engage us, but we drove them all back. The Constellation was engaged by two Algerine gun boats, both of which were sunk."  "The Emperor of Morocco has declared war against America, and sent away our Consul; in consequence of this declaration, we are ordered to cruise off the Gut of Gibraltar."  "The Algerines have taken a 44 gun frigate from the Portuguese. The victorious vessel was the Crescent, a present from America—Thus you see, how fortunate vessels are that are built in America, even if they be manned with Turks."  "There are now lying in this harbor 50 transports, full of French troops, bound to St. Domingo."  THE SUBSCRIBER IS STILL DESIROUS OF SELLING  HIS LAND,  On Tait's Creek, in Charlotte County.  The terms will be made low for cash: if it should be requested he will take part of the purchase money in cash, and the balance in two annual payments. Or he will receive the whole or any part in Lands on Stone's River, or either of the Hampeth Rivers, in Tennessee.  This TRACT OF LAND having been formerly advertised in this paper, it is deemed sufficient to add at present, that there is about 1300 acres in the tract, and that the soil and situation is equal to any on the creek—an entire sale would be preferred, but if necessary, it can be divided to suit purchasers. For further particulars apply to  (wst) ROBERT BEDFORD.  Bills of Lading.  May be had at S. Pleasant's Book-Store.  42

The Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1802.
FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
THE question relative to the glebe-lands which has, for many years, excited so much attention in this country, has been discussed at much length, during the present term of the high court of chancery. At the last session of assembly an act passed, declaring that the overseers of the poor, in each parish, where there was no incumbent, should proceed to sell the glebe, and apply the money to such purposes as the majority of the parishioners should direct. Since the revolution, frequent attempts have been made to sell this property, which was formerly claimed by the church of England; and which is now claimed by the protestant episcopal church, as the successors of the church of England. The overseers of the poor in the parish of Manchester and county of Chesterfield, were about to proceed to execute the law of the last session; and in order to stop their proceedings, the church-wardens and vestry of that parish, applied to the chancellor for an injunction to stay the sale. In their bill the complainants contended, that the property in the glebe was vested in the vestry and church-wardens for the benefit of the church of England: that all the rights of that church now belonged to the protestant episcopal church: that the legislature had, by many successive acts, recognized and secured the rights of the present church; and that the act of the legislature, attempting to devest those rights, was void. In opposition to this, it was contended—that the revolution had completely destroyed every thing like an established church in this country: that the bill of rights guaranteed the enjoyment of religious freedom and inhibited any preference of one sect to another: that the church of England being destroyed by the revolution, the property given to support it reverted in the community: that the acts which had passed since the revolution, some of which vested the property of the church of England in the protestant episcopal church, and one of which incorporated that church, were contrary to the bill of rights and constitution, and therefore void: that it followed, that the act of the last session was valid, and that the court ought not to award the injunction.
The cause was argued by Mr. Randolph and Mr. Warden on behalf of the complainants; and Mr. Nicholas, attorney general, and Mr. Heath against them. The chancellor, after listening with great patience and attention to the arguments on both sides, proceeded to give a decision. This he did in a comprehensive and masterly manner. He examined into the rights of the church—the effect of the revolution on them. He enquired how far the principles of civil and religious freedom, as declared by our bill of rights and secured by our constitution, were inconsistent with the pretensions of the church; and their enjoyment of property which was originally given for the support of an English hierarchy. He refuted the arguments which attempted to shew any injustice in the act of the legislature; and demonstrated, that by restoring the property to be disposed of by the majority of the parishioners, it effectuated the purposes of justice, without contravening the rights of property, or violating the approved maxims and rules of law. What must have delighted all who heard Mr. Wythe's observations in this case, was, that there shone conspicuously, that knowledge of the true principles of our government; that ardent attachment to civil and religious freedom, which characterized the framers of our revolution; and which has always adorned the character of this venerable sage and patriot. The result of Mr. Wythe's argument was, a decision that the law of the last session was valid; and a refusal to award an injunction to stay the sale of the glebe of the Manchester parish, which was confessedly vacant.
As to the parish of Loudoun, and one of the parishes of Fauquier, as the bills stated that they had incumbents at the time the law passed, and at present, and as they did not come within the law, provided the allegations of the bills were true, he awarded the injunction; leaving it to the overseers of the poor to controvert the fact of incumbency hereafter, if they thought fit.
The chancellor directed the bill, in the case in which the validity of the law was called in question, to be amended, that the attorney general, on the part of the commonwealth, might be made a party; so that by demurring to the bill he might, if he chose, bring on the question in such a shape as would allow an appeal to the court of appeals, that this subject, which had so long agitated the country, should receive the solemn decision of our highest tribunal.
AN OBSERVER.
It has been said, and with great truth, that the two great parties in the United States differ, not so much about the administration of the constitution, as on fundamental principles of civil polity. Every day's experience confirms the remark, and renders it no longer doubtful. Whatever or whomsoever is truly republican, is despicable in the eyes of our leading Federalists. The negligence, the indifference
of our fellow citizens to political affairs, has permitted the evil to become so alarming as to disturb the tranquility of the country and menace it with outrages. The past cannot be recalled; the future must be attended to. Nothing can arrest the mischievous career of our opponents but the vigilance and activity of the friends of the people, the advocates of equal rights. Never since the adoption of the federal constitution was USURPATION among the friends of the administration more necessary than at present. Republican energy is now essential to preserve what we have gained, and to prevent us from falling back to that unhappy state from which, with herculean efforts, we recently emerged.
We want no clearer evidence of the disaffection of the leading federalists to the constitution, than the impassioned declamation which every day comes from their presses against Mr. Thomas Paine. The laudable attention paid by our executive to Mr. Paine, has called from the federalists invectives against the former of the most rancorous and offensive kind. The energy of Mr. Paine's pen, the agency he had in effecting a separation of the "colonies" from the "mother country;" his abhorrence of monarchy, and his manifold and celebrated opposition to it in Europe, are well known, and he is therefore by the leading federalists, like every other able and intrepid defender of republican principles, most heartily despised. Mr. Jefferson is as much an object of their hatred as Mr. Paine, and for the same reason—because he is inviolably attached to republican institutions.
The treatise"> The treatise written by Mr. Paine on theology, is one of the pretexts of the leading federalists for their opposition to him. This is simply a mantle under cover of which the federal editors thunder against republicanism. Whatever opinions may be entertained by sincere Christians of the "Age of Reason," however cogent their reasons may be for reprobating that work as injurious to the Christian world, yet, as sound politicians, as republicans, recognizing the supreme authority, and acting under the constitution of the United States—as friends to religion in its purity, unmixed with civil polity, and unpolluted by ambitious statesmen and irreligious priests, it is contended, on the side of religion, and with a full conviction of its absolute utility, that we have nothing to do with it. As men, acting in our individual capacity; as friends of religion, admiring its precepts and deeming it essential to happiness here and beyond this life, we have undoubtedly a right, unalienable in its nature, to think of the "Age of Reason" as we please, and to express our thoughts. The church is concerned in exposing its errors and appealing to the hearts and consciences of men on the beauty, efficacy and indispensability of religion; but as a political unit the nation cannot of right enquire into the theological opinions of any of its members. Where would a contrary doctrine lead us? Back to those religious bickerings, those fanatical conflicts, which, springing from motives of fell ambition, power and aggrandizement, wrapped the world in darkness and misery. Sectary would raise his hand against sectary, and the most powerful party, trampling upon pure religion and thirsting for uncontrouled dominion, would become the insolent arbiter of mens' consciences, and the proud oppressor of their frames.
However we may disapprove of the theological opinions propagated by Mr. Paine, a real republican, considering himself, and speaking simply as a politician, could not vent against him such contemptuous, such outrageous language as that in which federal editors indulge. Mr. Paine has unquestionably rendered essential services to the United States—services that ought not to be forgotten, nor never can be, while the cause in which they were rendered is revered. He was himself a host during the revolution. His "Common Sense"—an immortal work—cleared up whatever doubts were entertained of the justifiableness, the necessity of resisting the arbitrary measures of the English government. His periodical production called the "Crisis" was itself an invincible army. It raised the drooping spirits of every soldier in the American camps, and roused him to action. Those who witnessed the efficacy of this production, will readily acknowledge that America owes gratitude to Mr. Paine, as well as to every other distinguished advocate of her rights. But these things are sufficient to sink him in the estimation of the leading federalists of the day.
In the United States Gazette, printed in Philadelphia, which we received yesterday, are the following passages: Taking it for granted, as asserted by Mr. Coleman, that the President paid Callender for writing the Prospect Before Us, Bronson, the editor, says,
"It is said that Dr. Johnson, being once asked his opinion of the character of Bollingbroke, replied, he was a villain and a coward: he was a villain for charging a blunderbuss against morality and religion, and a coward for hiring a worthless Scotchman to fire it off after his death."
It is hardly necessary to say that the epithets "villain" and "coward" are pointedly applied to Mr. Jefferson.
Again. Speaking of the Prospect Bronson says "had Mr. Jefferson published this book himself, he would have been a villain." Then, intimating that the President hired Callender to write the Prospect, he says "the man who hires a desperado to commit a crime which he dare not perpetrate himself is not only the greater villain of the two, but is also a despicable co. & c."
If any of these remarks apply to Mr. Jefferson, the fault is his, not ours."
Such is the language which these friends of order apply to the co. & c. of the President of the nation! Speaking of the letter which the President wrote to Mr. Paine, and of the passage which he offered him to America in one of our armed vessels, Bronson says "a man who can invite him to this country at the expense of the nation, may, for ought that we know, deserve the name of VILLAIN; and if he does all this in a secret, sly, underhand manner, some who take a pleasure in the use of harsh language may pronounce him a COWARD!"
Such is now the universal language of the federal presses. We leave our readers to make their own comments, and indulge their own feelings.
American citizen.
ITEMS OF FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE
The election of Bonaparte for life has been completed; there were 20 or 30,000 votes for his having the right of naming his successor. Bread is less scarce in France than it has been. A new election of members for parliament has occurred in England. Fox and Gardner are re-elected for Westminster. Windham is elected. Sheridan is re-elected. Sir Sidney Smith is elected. Schimmelpenick is appointed by the Dutch government their minister to England.
General Massena is among the richest individuals in Europe; he has, at least, 60,000l. sterling per annum.
The famous French general, Angereau, is a native of Paris, and the son of a fruiter. Though he has been lately disgraced, pro forma, from the consular court, he possesses infinitely more of Bonaparte's confidence than any other chief of the army. It was he, who, at Lodi, pushed general Bonaparte into a ditch, while he was advancing at full gallop to encounter the enemy at the head of his troops. "Stay there, said Angereau to him, what should we do if you were killed?"
The trial of David Forrester, alias Williams, one of the mutineers of the Hermione frigate, commenced on Tuesday morning on board his majesty's ship Gladiator, at Portsmouth, and lasted three hours, when it was fully proved he was the man who murdered captain Pigot, and threw him overboard, and otherwise aided and assisted in the mutiny. He was sentenced to be hung on any one ship the lords commissioners of the admiralty may please to direct. He made no defence.
[London paper.]
[Was it not also proved that Jonathan Robbins was the identical man who murdered capt. Pigot and threw his body overboard: and was not his body hanged on a higher gibbet than any other at Jamaica on that account?]
Aurora.
LONDON, June 5.
It appears by accounts from the Mediterranean, that a rebellion lately broke out in the empire of Morocco, against the emperor, and the insurgents were headed by the emperor's nephew, who has, however, been defeated with great loss. The particulars of the battle are contained in the following extract of a private letter, dated Tangiers May 19.
"We have this day received Intelligence of an action having taken place between the emperor of Morocco and his nephew, in which the latter has been completely defeated with great loss; it is already known that there are 3000 killed, 2400 taken prisoners, besides an immense number wounded. The emperor speaks in the highest terms of the very great assistance he received from an officer, who arrived at the camp the night before the action, and requested the Emperor to accept his services. He had the command of a squadron of horse, and contributed in a great measure to defeat the enemy. It is expected that this week will put an end to the war, as ambassadors are now going from the Emperor in answer to terms proposed by the nephew. We learn that the officer who distinguished himself so much belongs to the city of London light horse, and that he is deputed from some of the principal merchants in that city, to procure the release of two ships detained by the Emperor of Morocco. We are happy to find, that in consequence of his great service on the occasion, the Emperor has lent a favorable ear to his mission. The Emperor has already conferred some distinguished honors upon him."
The following audacious theft was lately practised in London. A fellow entered a gentleman's house in Portland place, and finding no person in the servants' hall, he took all the great coats which were nearly new, and threw them over his shoulder. As he was making his escape, he was met by the second coachman, who enquired what he was going to do with the coats? The fellow quite unembarrassed replied, "that he was taking them to clean," as they were splash-
ed. The coachman believing this to be the case, said "stop a little and you shall have mine too," which accordingly gave him and suffered the fellow to depart: nor was it until some hours after that the theft was discovered.
EARTHQUAKE!
By the brig Hornet, capt. Love, from Cumana, arrived at Wilmington. On Saturday, the 3d July, a shock of earth-
quake was felt in Cumana, and along the coast to Barcelona. La Guaira, and the city of Caraccas. It happened at mid-night and lasted about 25 seconds. No other damage was done than cracking the weakest of the houses, and occasioning a considerable alarm—and on Saturday the 14th August between eleven and twelve A. M. a very remarkable violent shock was also felt there. Its duration was about twelve seconds, but so severe that almost every house in the town was torn to pieces and ruined! A considerable number were shook down, and some persons killed. The agitation of the ground was so violent as to open it in several places, from whence spouted fresh water. It was very difficult to stand without support. A ship that was upon the stocks was moved six inches in an easterly direction, and several houses were also moved from three to six feet in the same direction. In some places the ground sunk two feet, and in others rose as much. It was attended, as is generally the case, with a dismal roaring noise under the ground. The distress and alarm occasioned is incredible. The houses were deserted & tents erected in the streets. The damage was estimated at two hundred thousand dollars. The earth continued shaking slightly at intervals until the 17th August when we sailed—and about 3 hours after we left Cumana, being about five leagues distant from it, and the nearest land (of soundings) felt on board a sudden and severe shock, which no doubt completed the destruction of the shattered houses in Cumana. The churches being lofty buildings were all unroofed.
According to the custom of Catholic countries the Holy Virgin was carried through the streets, night and day, elegantly dressed and illuminated, followed by thousands singing Misererecordia (have pity upon us). Great apprehension was entertained for the city of Caraccas, the buildings there being lofty. Should the earthquake have happened, as was expected, it must have been destroyed.
FROM THE (DEL.) MIRROR.
Diary of one of the Federal opposition in Congress.
MONDAY.] Spent all yesterday in serious reflection. Could not think of any just ground for opposition—Mr. Jefferson's measures all calculated for the good of the country—a plague on such a President—never does any thing to find fault with—I wish the Democrats had fixed on any other man—how the devil they came to make so wise and prudent a choice I don't know.
Past 11 o'clock, time to be in my place—prayers are over—not fond of them—height, ho—can't think of any thing—well, I'll go and oppose every thing; that will be opposition—no pretext for any other kind—measures all right enough, to be sure—O! what a damn'd thing to be in a minority.
TUESDAY.] Had a bad day yesterday—lost a great deal of ground in public opinion—gallery all laughed at me when I spoke—won't attempt to be witty any more, Lord knows what is to become of us—miserable daily growlingless—dropping off one by one—would not like to be left alone—tea-sippers should not make such a noise about taxes, they themselves imposed—confound the journals, I say—very much afraid common folks will see them—curse your eyes and nays, how I hate them—our votes will do our cause no good—let us see—we voted a duty on salt of 20 cents per bushel, (I'd give a handsome bounty for a little "attie" to sprinkle over that vote)—we voted an additional duty on bohea tea, &c. O, when my speech of yesterday is contrasted with this conduct, the block heads will point their fingers at me—Mem. Not to walk the streets much when I first return home.—A plague on the journals still say I.
WEDNESDAY.] The internal taxes will be taken off in spite of us—sorry I opposed it—did not see clearly then—told a great many stories in the bargain—said the rich paid them—nobody will believe that—that was going rather too far—rich people do not drink our country liquors—I know the poor paid for the stamps—travelled sometimes a great way to get them—my neighbour Giles complained to me bitterly once, how he had to ride 20 miles one day to get a ten cent stamp, to give Squire Holdfast a note for twenty-five dollars, he borrowed of him, to pay for a cow—founder his horse on the way, was in such a hurry to get the money—spent one hundred cents, and lost his day's work in the bargain—I would not have this told for any money—Ecclae! Stamp act! Very ugly names—do us much harm—Hamilton loved them—they excited two insurrections—Hamilton said they would strengthen our party—not so.
Mem.] Take twenty drops of laudanum tonight, lest they should disturb my rest.
THURSDAY.] Nothing favorable turned up yet—such a work as this has been—near 300 federal officers, employed in collecting the internal taxes, going out of pay—all those fine fellows now, will have to turn to, and make a living for themselves, after having lived so long on the public—oh, the ingratitude of republics—this always comes of your frequent elections—I dispise the right of voting—our friends of Delaware, in the house of Representatives, have justly resolved "it is not only a frolic but a laudable subject of complaint"—but stop, my own election is coming on—Mem. not to think on this subject, lest peradventure, I speak where I shall be heard by some of my constituents.
Well if we were to stick to the truth, we should have nothing to say in opposition—I like the old proverb, "that truth is not to be spoken at all times," and I believe
the seldomer we speak it the better for us—I can think of no plausible story this morning—I feel the effects of the opium I took last night too much—too heavy and dull—great mind not to go to the house to-day—it won't do to stay at home either—try if I can't dream of some go d lit to night.
FRIDAY.] Rested badly—Bayard's speech on the judiciary frightened me almost to death—could dream of nothing but swords and guns, drums, trumpets and bayonets—wish I had drank more wine before I went to bed—take no more opium—gives me the head ach next morning—mem. drink two bottles of wine this afternoon, and sleep sound—Bayard scared our side prodigiously—democrats laughed at his threats—I wish he'd recollected how many old women there were amongst us—won't take my seat to-day—afraid to hear the worst of his speech—the worst is to come—perhaps—I see plainly it will do us no good—can't frighten the democrats—psuh when we had an army at our back, and the government in our hands, I could not.
SATURDAY.] Feel somewhat composed—to-morrow will be a leisure day—won't go to church—federalists make a mockery of religion—people begin to know it—a shamed to act the hypocrite on that subject—religion a very good thing, has nothing to do with politics, though church and state is the song in Connecticut—Feds do very wrong in that respect—told them so often—more real religion on the other side—they make no fuss about it—Must take my seat this morning—Feds will think I have deserted them—not right to stay too long on board a sinking ship—rats do not do so—very wise animals—people desert us so—we taxed them too high—don't care though—made money enough—join the other side for the office I had in view—so would any of my friends—no chance of a birth shortly—hold on, a little longer—our folks act badly—tell too many lies—don't blame them much neither—got nothing else to tell—people don't believe them when they speak the truth—federalism I fear is done—we must change our name, and a new name will not serve us—people not so ignorant a herd as we have supposed them—feel my federalism oozing out at my toes—take care it does not set my stockings on fire—poor Dayton's burned up a few nights ago—never been so hot as him—high time to change my course.
Mem.] To take the first opportunity of becoming an honest man.
THE IRISH INVALID.
A BULL ROYAL.
AS Patrick O'Kelly was taking fresh air, To recruit his ill-health and to chase away care, He was met by a woman, old, with her dander, And to move his compassion she thus did begin: "Kind sir! give me alms, for I perish with want!" "I've plenty," said he, "and by I—I—s you shall!" When thus she continued, "I knew you'd relieve me, And now I will speak, for I'm sure you'll believe me; "Good sir! you must know me, for I was your nurse." He started with horror, and put up his purse. "I know thee too well, now I look at thy features; "I know thee too well, O! thou base of creatures; "And sooner, by far, than give thee a farthing, "Then wretch! I'd destroy thee, and cut my own throat; "For I was a healthy, stout child as you'd see, "Just such as I now am, assuredly should be, "If thou, sinful hag—to my parents unknown, "Hadst not wickedly chang'd me for one of thine own."
The stockings of the elegants of Paris appear like gauze, and are of open worked silk. Their covering is transparent muslin. A plate of the Parisian fashions in May, represents modish female impudence nearly in the style of Eve, before her fall. The bosom is prodigally displayed, and the petticoat is festooned and hitched rather higher than the ankles.
I WISH TO PURCHASE A LARGE QUANTITY OF
Flour Barrel Staves,
To be delivered at my Mills on the James River Canal, or at Rocketts.
I ALSO WISH TO HIRE A FEW
Negro COOPERS,
For the ensuing year.
JOS. GALLECO.
Sept. 25, 1802.
BY VIRTUE of a deed of Trust to us made by John Pleasants and Polly his wife, to secure two debts, the one due Edward F. Baugh, and the other John Royall, Jr. both of Powhatan; we shall on the twenty third day of October next, SELL, TO THE HIGHEST BIDDER, FOR CASH, In the town of Jefferson,
The Lot & Appurtenances,
Conveyed in the said deed, and on which the said Pleasants now resides.
THE LOT contains a half acre, a convenient Dwelling-House of four rooms, two above and as many below, with some other necessary buildings.
JAMES COOKE, } Trustees.
SAMUEL H. SAUNDERS, } (ids)
September 20th, 1802.
FOR SALE,
ON THURSDAY the 31st of OCTOBER NEXT,
ON THE PREMISES, THAT
Valuable TENEMENT,
In Manchester, with its APPURTENANCES.
Late the property of Dunlop, Pollock & Co: now occupied by Robert Pollock & Co. This is unquestionably one of the best stands for business in the place.
Credit will be given until the 15th of April, and bond with approved security required. Mr. T. Tredway will show the premises, to whom ever may wish to view them.
MATTHEW W. CHEATHAM, Attorney in fact, for DANIEL GORDON.