Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1807-12-15 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1415.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1807.
12 1-2 Cents Single.
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco, - $ 5 00 CASH.   WHEAT, new, - 0 92 do.   FLOUR, superfine, new, - 5 50 do.   FLOR, fine, - 5 00 do.   CORN, - 2 25 do.   HEMP, clean, (per ton) 180 00 do.   IRON, - 110 00 do.   Bacon, - 14 do.   Whiskey, - 46 do.  
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Nov. 7.
Debate on the reference of the memorial from sundry merchants and traders of the city of Philadelphia, praying for a repeal of the non-importation law.
(Continued.)
Mr. J. CLAY said that the petition was signed generally by ship holders, men of respectability; and with respect to the insinuation that it was the offspring of a British party, there was signed to that memorial the name of a man, who could no more be supposed a British partizan, than could her greatest enemy; but he would not now enter into an enquiry into the character of these men. The gentleman from Massachusetts first up, (Mr. Crowninshield) had made a long harangue on the state of the nation, and said that no difficulties arose under this law. The custom-house of Philadelphia, in answer to an enquiry by a deputation from a body of merchants, declined giving an opinion as to the operation of some of its provisions. Every person knew how the law originated; when the gentleman from Maryland who was not now on the floor (Mr. Nicholson) brought forward the resolution, it was general as all resolutions were, and merely declared the principle; when it was agreed to and referred to a committee to bring in a bill, instead of going into the necessary details, they took the mere words of the resolution. As to some observations from the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Rhea) one of which was that the law did not embarrass the merchants, he should only observe that it appeared to be the privilege of a member of Congress to speak on every subject that occurred, whether he knew anything about it or not. He should say no more, but that his feelings had been excessively wounded by the observation of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) when he knew that the memorialists whose all was now at stake, were honest men though of different politics from himself.
Mr. NICHOLAS said it was urged by the memorialists as one reason in favor of their prayer, that the law needed amendment; another was, their fear of irritating Great Britain. He wished to God the U. States might remain at peace with every nation on earth; but hoped they would only accept of it upon honorable terms. He did believe, that while acts of hostility were committed, while the armed vessels of G. Britain still floated in the waters of the U. States, in defiance of an interdictory proclamation, it would never be determined by the representatives of the great body of the American people, that it became them to take any measures to conciliate. The executive had sent no supplication; he hoped it had made a demand: that must be complied with, or they must appeal to arms, or make a total sacrifice of the national character. He felt no disposition to reject the memorial, but he would not vote for its reference to any committee; and would submit it to his friend from Virginia (Mr. Basset) whether it would not be acting more for the interest of their country, to spend their time in making preparations for events, than in discussing such a question as this memorial involved, and whether his purpose would not be equally answered by a discussion of what had for its object the defence of the country.
Mr. ELLIOT said, if it were true that there did exist in our country a British party, it was a subject which ought to excite no inconsiderable alarm; but he had seen no reasons for an apprehension of this kind. If there were in the country a British party possessing talents, property and influence, how unfortunate was our situation! If, said Mr. E. after the outrages which have been committed, by violations of our rights, and jurisdiction, there be a party ready to advocate that cause, we are unfortunate: If there be a British party, I hope it is the only foreign party in the country. But how was the question of a British or any other party now before them? A petition had been presented to the House, and a motion made for its reference to a committee, to give it the only course which a petition ever took. Was there any reason why this petition should not be referred? It regarded an important subject, a national concern. Was it couched in insulting or disrespectful language? He was not in the House when it was read, but understood it was perfectly respectful. The emperor Napoleon, when opposed by Alexander, heading a column of 500,000 men, if a petition were offered to him by the means of his subjects, would at least smile on the petitioner, and put the paper in his pocket. Whether were the House going? He was apprehensive that there were two cabalistic words, either of which were sufficient to silence a petitioner or member. British party was one. Was a petition presented, and a motion made to refer it, some one rose & told them the petition ought not to be referred; it came from a British party. Was a mo-
tion on the face of it unexceptionable, provided, they were told the mover had no confidence in the executive, and must be voted down. No confidence in the executive! Vote him down! Were they to reject petitions because they expressed no confidence in the executive? He understood some allusion to be made in the petition to demands made by our government. In turning to the message of the President, he found no mention of such demands. After noticing the interdictory of our waters, the President says, "An armed vessel of the U. S. was dispatched with instructions to our ministers at London to call on that government for the satisfaction and security required by the outrage. A very short interval ought now to bring the answer, &c." No intimation was given of the demand which was here mentioned being connected with any other demand. But did the petitioners intimate any thing which did not arise from the general understanding that this demand had been connected with other demands, regarding perhaps questions of still greater importance. Such was the general understanding of the country; he did not undertake to question the policy of such demands. He did not want confidence in the executive himself, but would not reject a petition because it did not express the same sentiment.
Mr. NELSON could not tell how the gentleman from Vermont had got into the argument about a British party in the country, except it was because Mr. N. himself had called for the reading of the names subscribed to the memorial. He had noticed in doing this of enquiring whether there were a British party in the country or not. He merely wished to know whether the memorial was signed by the community at large or by merchants only; because he knew that the interest of the great body and the mercantile interest were different, and if the latter were to have its way the country would be plunged into a war for its commerce, at the expense of the resources of the whole community. But the gentleman had said that if the greatest monarch on earth were presented with a petition from his meanest subject, he would at least smile on the petitioner. Mr. N. hoped this would never be the case here; that this House would not, counter-like, smile, but boldly and like a republican, frown in the face of a man whose petition they did not like and not put it in their pockets, when they did not mean to attend to it. If the petitioners asked for what ought not to be done, the respectability of their character should have no weight with the House in favor of it. Circumstances had much changed since the adoption of the law. Did they not recollect that previous to its adoption it was proclaimed throughout the country, that it was more than the United States dared to do to pass such a law? The law had been passed; they were now on the eve of a war, and the British nation had said to them, if you persist in this law, we will consider it as a declaration of war. Ought they under these circumstances to refer applications made for the repeal of that law? Was it not time to refer the memorial or not? He confessed he did not much like the law when it passed, but he voted for it, because he thought something ought to be done. But should they now retreat? He hoped not. He hoped the petition would neither be referred to any committee, or lie on the table; he wished it to receive no consideration whatever.
Mr. BASSET withdrew his motion for referring the memorial to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, not that he was perfectly convinced his proposition was incorrect; as it was made with a view to the subject and not to the petition; but he was not one of those who wished a question taken on a motion merely because he made it himself. Another reason was, that he understood that it was contemplated to take up a report of the committee of aggressions to day, when the House could go into a general discussion.
Mr. W. ALSTON withdrew his motion for a reference to a committee of the whole, as he did not wish to shew any particular complaisance to the petition.
The Speaker said the question now recurred on the reference to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. RHEA (T.) should not have risen again but for the observations of the mover of the reference, (Mr. J. Clay) who understood him to say that the law would not embarrass the merchants. The gentleman had misunderstood him; he did not think it would embarrass any merchants who considered the honor and dignity of the U. States. Mr. R. admitted that he knew nothing of commerce, for he was not a commercial man; but this he knew, that the act prohibited the importation of certain articles, and was passed to support the honor of the U. S. He also knew that the subject matter of the petition, so far as it went to the repeal of the act alluded to, went to lower the dignity of the U. S. and in order to induce an amicable termination, wished them to depart from the ground they had taken. Mr. R. said he would never be one of those who would refuse to consider a petition of a private nature, which did not include a national subject; but this required them to do an act which would derogate from the national honor. If he might refer to British publications, was it not now said that there ought to be a total prohibition of neutral commerce? The petitioners had every reason to suppose that our government was doing every thing which it could do to procure an amicable adjustment of existing differences.
Why then bring these forward to impede its operations. Mr. R. felt all possible confidence in the Executive. He believed the instructions which had been sent, though he did not precisely know what they were, were proper and dignified. But the policy of the British government would not admit any principle that would impair her absolute sovereignty of the ocean; and so long as that disposition existed so long our remonstrances would be unheard, as they were before the revolution. If he mistook not, our remonstrances at that time were thrown under the table. And would gentlemen insist that this petition should be referred, when it might commit the honor of the U. States? He knew nothing of the petitioners, not even their names; but the subject matter of their petition he abhorred. He had no objection when the proper time came round, to assist in the repeal of the law. When all our differences were settled, then these provisions might be set aside. He hoped the House, in the present situation, would not only hold on the law, but go on still farther.
Mr. SLOAN rose to say that his sentiments as to this memorial were exactly similar in one respect with those expressed by the gentleman from Virginia. He thought with him that the purpose of the petition was such as to arouse their feelings and enquiries too. He had no right to arraign the motives of the petitioners, but he had a right to express his opinion of the matter of that or any other petition presented to the House; and he would say he considered it as embracing the interest of G. Britain. Taking it in this point of view, he thought they should not notice it farther than to reject it.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS felt differently from most gentlemen on this subject. If he could consider its effects as the gentleman from Tennessee had done, he should vote with him; but he could not see how that effect could be produced. If he could conceive that it had originated from a British party in Philadelphia, he should feel differently, but not feeling thus, he hoped he should not be denounced as one of a British party, if he voted in favor of its reference to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures. Giving to this memorial all the importance with which every gentleman had clothed it, he would ask the House to recur to a correct principle guaranteed to the people by the constitution. The right peaceably to petition for a redress of grievances. If they suffered foreign relations to influence them in considering constitutional questions, any corrupt Executive might hereafter turn the very means to their destruction which were guaranteed to them to secure their safety. This was not the day when the right to petition was the most sacred under the constitution; but that day might arrive, and the tendency of such conduct as has been recommended is directly calculated to produce it. Suppose the object of the petitioners was to produce in G. Britain the same opinion which the circular letter of the American Commercial Society of Liverpool had in this country; is a contemptuous silence best calculated to defeat the object? I say no. The petition is now in the power of every man interested in its circulation; it ought not to be suffered to go abroad without the antidote accompanying it; refer it then to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, and if there was not talents enough in that committee to send them a Rowlan for their Oliver, he trusted there was in this House.
Mr. FISK considered the right of petitioning in all cases a constitutional right; but he did not consider it necessary at the same time to act on all petitions. This petition had been presented, and he thought the question of considering the petition of more importance than the subject itself involved in it. He was so unfortunate as to conceive that although the language was good, the sentiments conveyed were improper and disrespectful. He considered them improper as exciting alarm; the petitioners had said they were extremely alarmed from rumor at the extent of the demands made by our Executive on the British government. Where did they get their information? What these demands were they had not stated; were rumors to authorize them to come forward in this manner? One object of their petition was the repeal of the non-importation act, because it was necessary for a further adjustment of our differences with G. Britain, and because it might irritate her? Whence this great respect for G. Britain? Was it due to her conduct? Was it due to the impressment of our seamen, whom she had retained for 7 years? Was it due to the principle she had interpolated into the law of nations, to the destruction of neutral commerce? What is due to the blood of Americans which she had spilt, and the outrages committed on our public and other vessels? Is she, said he, entitled to respect from us for these? And yet gentlemen tell us this memorial contains respectful language! They no doubt felt the effects which might result from war, and he also wished for peace to his country; but would never purchase it by stooping to G. Britain or any other power. Had not Congress a right to regulate our commerce without consulting her? Had she been so complainant to us? Was her justice so great as to call upon us to repeal this law? These questions needed no answer: he hoped the petition would be rejected.
Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL said he rose with much reluctance to submit to the House a very few remarks on this subject. The real question now to be decided was, whether the subject of the petition under consideration was such as ought, at this
time, to claim the serious deliberation of the House in order to decide on its merits. Was the prayer of it such as they should deliberate about granting? If it was doubtful what the decision on the merits of this petition ought to be, then it should be referred; but if on the first glance of its prominent features, its object was evidently inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the nation; if there could be no doubt with regard to the final decision that ought to be made upon it; this House ought not to refer it to any committee whatever. It was in this point of view he considered this petition. It appeared to him as little less than an insult on the understanding of the House; and when all the facts relating to the subject were taken into consideration, he was convinced the House would be of opinion that this application was, if not a direct, at least an indirect insult on their dignity. It was said the people had a constitutional right to petition, and that this House ought to hear their petitions. This right, he said, was not denied; the petition had been received and read in this House; and the question now was, how it should be disposed of; which must be decided according to the subject matter of the petition, and will in no manner interfere with the right of the people to petition. In this petition, said Mr. C. the petitioners state they are alarmed, in consequence of the high demands made by this government on G. Britain, and that their alarms are increased by public rumor. How, asked Mr. C. do these petitioners know the nature of the demands which have been made? and with what propriety do they state to this House the alarms on account of demands made by government for redress, at a time when the whole nation feel with indignation, the insult which had rendered those demands necessary; but suppose the House should refer this petition; it would be essentially necessary, before they could act on it, or remove those alarms complained of, that they should know what those demands were that occasioned them. They could not decide on the subject without knowing them; and how were they to obtain the information. Negotiations on the subject were now pending; the petitioners could not therefore expect that an enquiry into the nature of these demands, would be made by this House, and it would not be consistent with the interest or policy of the nation to make such enquiry, until the result of those negotiations was known. What benefit could therefore result to the petitioners in regard to the pretended ground of their alarms from referring their petition? none. But the object of the petitioners is to obtain a repeal of the non-importation act; and they state as the reasons for wishing this repeal, that the act is calculated to embarrass the merchants of this country and irritate the people and government of G. Britain.
If gentlemen would reflect a moment on this subject, they would be convinced that if the petitioners had paid a proper respect to the interest of their country or the dignity of this House, they would not, at this time, have made this application. The passage of that act was the first step which had been taken by the American government, declaratory of their determination to resist aggressions, which had been long continued on their commerce and citizens. It was passed by a very large majority of this House, after a full discussion of its merits. At a subsequent session its operation was suspended, and on what ground? On this express ground, which was officially made known to this House—that G. Britain had manifested a friendly disposition towards this country, and that our differences with that nation were in a fair train of amicable adjustment—and even with this information before them, Mr. C. said, they had only suspended the operation of the act, but had not repealed it. This was done with a view to meet in a proper manner, those friendly advances on the part of that nation. Had any thing since taken place, calculated to conciliate the affections of this country, or which ought to induce the government to abandon the ground of resistance which they had taken, or shrink from a perseverance in those measures first determined on, and still deemed necessary for the attainment of justice—on the contrary had not the conduct of Great Britain, since, been a tissue of aggravated insults? Had not one aggression been committed after another, in regular succession, and with increasing atrocity, until the climax of aggravated injury was completed by the attack on the Chesapeake? Was it necessary to repeat the circumstances of this outrage, which for cowardly arrogance and deliberate insult, exceeded any thing of the kind ever known among civilized nations. The universal indignation which it excited throughout the union, still remains unabated and would continue to do so while the crime was unatoned for—and yet, under these circumstances, said Mr. C. we are called upon, to retreat from the ground we had previously occupied—to relinquish the only measure of resistance we had taken. After the murder of Pierce, and the still more barbarous murder of his fellow citizens in the Chesapeake, (since the passage of that law, and its suspension) you are called upon to retrace your steps, to decline all resistance—to shrink from the contest—and virtually say to Great Britain—we feel your chastisement—and we regret that we have taken any step which may irritate your people or government. The people of America, said Mr. C. would frown with indignant contempt on a conduct of this kind—and even the people of Great Britain, if they possessed the spirit of freemen, would feel a contempt for a conduct so pusillanimous, so inconsistent
with the dignity of a nation.—They could not do otherwise (however they might seem to approve the measure) than despise the meanness of a people, who would make a shew of resistance in defence of their injured rights, and after repeated insults, relinquish the contest, without reparation, and tamely submit to the most aggravated aggressions. If we were to deliberate on pursuing such a conduct—if we express a doubt on the propriety of rejecting with indignation such proposition, we would justly merit and receive the universal execration of the people of America. Mr. C. concluded by declaring his determination to vote against the reference of the petition to any committee—and expressing his hope that such reference would not be agreed to by the House.
Mr. EPPES said, that in voting against the reference of the petition, he should not consider himself as casting a censure on the presenting it, or as violating the right of petitioning which every man possessed. One reason only would influence him in his vote. He did not consider Congress possessed of that information which would enable them to act on any subject relative to our relations with Great Britain. He thought the House should not depart from a rule which they had laid down, though they had been four weeks in session, and every gentleman felt a sense of the injury received, they were determined not to take any step till they had full information on which to ground their determination. And now because a body of merchants came forward and petitioned for it, should they depart from that rule? It had been said that not referring it would be a disrespect to those who offered it; and the gentleman from S. C. had said it would be a violation of the constitution. With respect to the petitioners, a petition introduced by them would meet with the same respect from him as it had been introduced by the most conspicuous member in the House; if a motion had been made by a member to enquire into the propriety of repeal this law, he would in the same manner have voted against referring it. As to the constitutional right of petitioning, when a petition was received and read, the constitution was fulfilled. Whether it should be referred or not otherwise disposed of, remained for members to determine, for which decision they were answerable to their consciences. This objection was fully answered by the precedent in the case of the Yazoo claim, the memorial on which was rejected without a reference. Under these views he should vote against the reference, and in doing so, did not wish to wound the feelings of any member, or consider himself as violating the constitution.
Mr. J. CLAY conceived that the constitution, in securing to every citizen of the United States, the right of petitioning, meant that the nature of his petition should be enquired into; but he was neither advocating the petition, nor indicating the intentions of every man who was now subscribed to the petition; he only wished that a proper respect might be paid to it. There was no necessity for entering into Executive secrets, or go into the office of the Secretary of State; he merely wished an enquiry into the petition.
Mr. COOK was sorry that so much time had been spent on so little purpose; he concurred with the committee of commerce and manufactures had no farther information on our political relations than any other part of the House.
Mr. RUFF (T.) said he should always consider sacred the constitutional right of petitioning the legislature on any point; but it was in the power of the legislature to say whether they would give that petition a hearing or not after they had received it.
Mr. LYON said it was immaterial as to the respectability of the petitioners. He understood what the nature of the petition was, and thought it right that they might make an enquiry: he wished them to have a direct answer, and as quick as possible, by a refusal to refer their petition. The question was agreed to be taken by yeas and nays.
(Debate to be continued.)
MONDAY, Dec. 7.
Mr. DANA offered the following resolution, which he wished to lie on the table:
Resolved, That it is expedient to provide for regulating the conduct of such merchant vessels, as, by agreement of the respective owners, may sail in concert for mutual assistance and defence in any lawful commerce; and also for sending, according to the course of proceeding in courts of admiralty, the respective rates of contribution to be made between them on account of any loss or damage which may be thereby incurred. On motion of Mr. Blount, the House received itself into a committee of the whole on the bill reported by the committee of aggressions on the subject of hostilities, and the bill from the Senate making an appropriation for the more effectual defence of the ports and harbors of the United States; Mr. Basset in the chair.
Some progress was made in considering the bill, when a MESSAGE in writing was announced from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his Secretary, and handed to the chair.
It being suggested by Mr. Newton that the message very probably contained information which might bear on the subject now before them.
The committee immediately rose, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
The Speaker declared the message which had been received to be of a confidential nature; the galleries were accordingly

THE circumstance, that Mr. Monroe, the American Minister, and Mr. Rose, the British Envoy extraordinary, are coming to this country in the same vessel, has at least a civil appearance, and may by some be considered as affording a glimpse of hope that the differences between the United States and Great Britain will be accommodated; but we cannot derive from it any consolation to the friends of peace.
It is in vain to say that our increased population and resources will render that impracticable now, which was performed with ease during the last war. What are our resources, what our population if we are not prepared to bring them into action?
How are those dangers to be averted? 1. Let all our heavy pieces of artillery be immediately mounted. Let the best positions be selected on our navigable waters, from the bay upwards; and, at each place, let one or more pieces be posted as it shall be deemed best calculated to annoy the vessels of an enemy.
2. For the purpose of supplying arms for the cavalry and rifle men, let the operations of the Armory be exclusively directed to the repairing of the old arms, & the manufacture of swords and pistols; but let the rifles be made in the country.
ON Saturday last the General Assembly of this Commonwealth proceeded, by joint ballot of both Houses, to the election of a member of the Council of State, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of LEWIS HARVEY, Esq.
ON the same day, a Brigadier General was elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Gen. THOMAS WHITE. The candidates were Col. WILLIAM CHAMBERLAYNE of New Kent Co., JOHN MAYO of Henrico, and Maj. WILLIAM WIRT of this city.
FOR THE ARGUS. PLAN OF NATIONAL DEFENCE. THE attention of the Legislature of Virginia is respectfully invited to the following observations on the important subject of national defence.
THE attention of the Legislature of Virginia is respectfully invited to the following observations on the important subject of national defence. They are not offered with a view to dictate to the Legislature, but merely to present to their consideration a few ideas on a topic in which we all feel a deep interest, and to detail some facts of which the situation of the writer has enabled him to speak with accuracy.
we, being apprised of such proceeding, may forthwith direct the necessary steps to be taken for obtaining redress from the government to which such foreign ship of war shall belong, for the injury done to us by the unwarrantable detention of our natural-born subjects in the service of a foreign state.
NEW-YORK, December 8.
VERY LATE NEWS FROM EUROPE.
The British ship Messenger, Capt. Jamieson, arrived at this port last evening in the remarkable passage of 25 days from Greenock.
It does not appear that Mr. Monroe had left England. His furniture, plate, and other effects were sent off on the 18th October for the London Docks; and the Staturia frigate, Capt. Bromley, having dropped down from Spithead to Lymington on the 30th, to take on board Mr. George Rose, appointed on an extraordinary mission to the United States, it was expected Mr. Monroe would take his departure on board the same vessel.
The Diana frigate had arrived at Portsmouth, from La Vera Cruz with 300,000 sterling in dollars.
Capt. Jamieson informs us that all apprehensions of a war between the United States and Great Britain had subsided.
The London Courier of the 19th October, contains a Proclamation of the King of England for recalling and prohibiting seamen (British subjects) from serving foreign princes and powers.
MEMORIAL. The proposed Memorial to Congress, by certain merchants of this city, in imitation of their friends of Philadelphia, is quashed for the present. We understand, however, the Committee appointed at the Coffee House met in order to perform the duties assigned to their charge; the question on the Memorial was taken up, and after considerable opposition, the measure was finally relinquished as an improper and an inefficient expedient.
NORFOLK, December 7. When we stated in our last the circumstance respecting the French seaman, we did not know that two other seamen belonging to the United States service had been within a few days past taken down on board the Patriot, but which we are assured from good authority is a fact, whether by force or by their own consent we are not informed.
As much as we advocate the policy and civility of restoring deserters, we think there is a respectful mode of proceeding in order to obtain the end. It is not expected that in an American port, a seaman is to be permitted to be taken, or to depart, from the service without the consent of the government or his commanding officer.
PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, 4th Dec 1807
House Servants.
Wanted on HIRE for the next year, TWO ACTIVE BOYS. Accustomed to wait in a house. Liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the printer.
Thomas Courtney, TAILOR. RETURNS his grateful acknowledgments to his friends and the public for the encouragement he has received this winter, and hopes to merit a continuance of their patronage.
PS Wanted immediately three Journey-men Tailors, who are men of sobriety and integrity; to such will be given the best wages that is given in Richmond, by me. W. T. C.
cleared, and the House remained in session with closed doors from half past 12 o'clock till a quarter past 3, when they adjourned.
THURSDAY, Dec. 8. The House this day met with closed doors, and after remaining so about twenty minutes, the doors were opened.
The House were occupied nearly the whole of this day in committee of the whole, on the bill from the Senate, to appropriate a sum of money for building an additional number of gun-boats, and the bill reported by the committee of Aggressions, for the protection of our ports and harbors.
The former bill being under consideration, a motion was made by Mr. Milnor to strike out the words "and eighty-eight," so as to restrict the number to 100. This amendment was negatived, 21 only rising in favor it. On this motion a considerable debate ensued, in which Mr. Milnor supported, and Messrs. Burwell, Crownsheild, Blount, Smith, Chandler, Newton and Gardener opposed the amendment.
This bill being gone through, the committee took up the bill reported by the committee of Aggressions; and after some progress made in it, the committee reported the former bill, and obtained leave to sit again on the latter.
Mr. Newton, from the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, reported a bill supplementary to an act for prohibiting the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise into the U. States.
CHARLESTON, Dec. 2.
By the fast sailing ship BALTIC, Capt. Messrs. we have received our regular files of London and Liverpool Papers, to the 19th October. Interesting extracts from these, will be found in our preceding columns.
Mr. MONROE left London for Cowes, on the 15th Oct. from which latter port he sailed in a few days after.
It was reported in London, on the 19th of October, that an Embargo had been laid upon all British vessels in the ports of Russia.
LONDON GAZETTE, Oct. 17.
BY THE KING—A PROCLAMATION. For recalling and prohibiting Seamen from serving Foreign Princes and States.
GEORGE R.
Whereas it hath been represented unto us, that great numbers of mariners and sea-faring men, our natural-born subjects have been enticed to enter into the service of Foreign States, and are now actually serving as well on board the ships of war belonging to the said Foreign States, as on board the merchant vessels belonging to their subjects, notwithstanding our former proclamation recalling them, contrary to the duty and allegiance which our said subjects owe unto us, and to the great disservice of their native country; we have, therefore, thought it necessary, at the present moment, when our kingdom is menaced and endangered, and when the maritime rights, on which its power and greatness do mainly depend, are disputed and called in question, to publish, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, this our Royal Proclamation:
We do hereby strictly charge and command all masters of ships, pilots, mariners, ship-wrights, and other sea-faring men, being our natural-born subjects, who may have been enticed into the pay or service of any Foreign State, or do serve in any foreign ship or vessel, that, forthwith, they and every one of them do (according to their bounden duty and allegiance, and in consideration that their native country hath need of all their services,) withdraw themselves, and depart from, and quit such Foreign Services, and return home to their native country; or do enter on board such of our ships of war as they may chance to fall in with, either on the high seas, or in any rivers, waters, havens, roads, ports, or places, whatsoever or wheresoever.
And, for the better execution of the purposes of this our Royal Proclamation, we do authorise and command all captains, masters, and others, commanding our ships and vessels of war, to stop and make stay of all and every such person or persons (being our natural-born subjects) as shall endeavor to transport or enter themselves into the service of any Foreign State, contrary to the intent and command of this our Royal Proclamation; and to seize upon, take, and bring away all such persons as aforesaid, who shall be found to be employed or serving in any foreign merchant ship or vessel as aforesaid; but we do strictly enjoin all such our captains, masters, and others, that they do permit no man to go on board such ships and vessels belonging to states, at amity with us, for the purpose of so seizing upon, taking, and bringing away such persons as aforesaid, for whose discreet and orderly demeanor the said captains cannot answer; and that they do take especial care that no unnecessary violence be done or offered to the vessel, or to the remainder of the crew, from out of which such persons shall be taken.
And in case of their receiving information of any such person or persons being employed, or serving on board of any ship of war belonging to such foreign state, being a state at amity with us, we do authorise and command our captains, masters, and others, commanding our ships of war, to require of the captain or commander of such foreign ship of war, that he do forthwith release and discharge such person or persons, being our natural-born subject or subjects; and if such release and discharge shall be refused, then to transmit information of such refusal to the commander in chief of the squadron, under whose orders such captain or commander shall be then serving; which information the said commander in chief is hereby strictly directed and enjoined to transmit, with the least possible delay, to our Minister residing at the seat of government of that state to which the said foreign ship or war shall belong, or to our Lord High Admiral, or Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for the time being, in order that
we, being apprised of such proceeding, may forthwith direct the necessary steps to be taken for obtaining redress from the government to which such foreign ship of war shall belong, for the injury done to us by the unwarrantable detention of our natural-born subjects in the service of a foreign state.
And whereas it has further been represented unto us, that divers mariners and sea-faring men, our natural-born subjects, have been induced to accept letters of naturalization, or certificates of citizenship, from foreign states, and have been taught to believe that, by such letters or certificates, they are discharged from that duty of allegiance which, as our natural-born subjects, they owe to us; now we do hereby warn all such mariners, sea-faring men, and others, our natural-born subjects, that no such letters of naturalization, or certificates of citizenship, do, or can, in any manner, divest our natural-born subjects of the allegiance, or in any degree alter the duty which they owe to us their lawful Sovereign.
Given at our Court at the Queen's Palace, the sixteenth day of October, one thousand eight hundred and seven, and in the forty-seventh year of our reign. God save the King.
LONDON, October 17. The Cabinet Council, which sat on Thursday, at 2 o'clock, did not break up until half past 5. It was occupied with the consideration of the instructions to be given to Mr. George Rose, Jr. upon his special mission to America, and to Sir John Borlase Warren, upon his accession to the command of the British squadron, on the North American station.
OCTOBER 19. The misunderstanding with America, which has proved a source of so much anxious speculation, may be now considered finally settled.
In a former paper we stated, that the wounded honor of the United States was only to be healed by marking the conduct of the Leopard, in its attack upon the Chesapeake, with the displeasure of the British Government. This once granted, along with the renunciation of all claim of right to visit ships of war, we hazarded an opinion that the friendly relations between the two countries would not receive any farther interruption; and to this opinion we adhere. The first of these two points was publicly conceded some days since. The recall of Admiral BARKER, within whose command, and by whose direct and immediate authority, the affair of the Chesapeake took place, cannot be considered in any other light than as a sacrifice to the wounded honor of the Americans in that particular case. The second great point of dispute, which is the general question, appears by a proclamation in The Gazette of Saturday night, to be also completely set at rest for ever.
Fussana, 10th Dec. 1807
Thomas Courtney, TAILOR.
PS Wanted immediately three Journey-men Tailors, who are men of sobriety and integrity; to such will be given the best wages that is given in Richmond, by me. W. T. C.

son will answer in the negative. Hence the propriety of providing rifles without delay for the purpose of arming one company at least, in each regiment, on the eastern waters. There will be no difficulty in procuring men to use them. Already have there been applications to the Executive, to commission officers for more rifle companies, in the different regiments on the eastern side of the Blue Ridge, than can be armed by the present operations of the Army, in twenty years.
The foregoing remarks are submitted, with the utmost deference to the Legislature. They have been dictated by a sincere desire to promote the public good; and if the opinions of the writer be deemed incorrect, his motives, he hopes, will not be suspected. Let it not be supposed, that the Legislature of Virginia, in making the most prompt and vigorous preparations to repel the invasion of a foreign foe, would usurp powers properly belonging to the general government. The right of each state to defend itself in cases of actual invasion or imminent danger thereof, is expressly recognised by the constitution of the United States. By the same instrument, Congress is pledged to protect each state against invasion and domestic violence. But the right of self-preservation, either in States or individuals never was, never could be surrendered.
A NATIVE VIRGINIAN.
We have a favorable account of the French Benevolent Society in Philadelphia. That City has also produced a Female Society, to which the City is under the greatest obligations. The object of this association is for the employment of the Poor, and it was formed in 1793, after the destructive sickness in that city. The members visited all the places in which the objects of their care could be found, and besides the charity they administered, they provided a place to which the poor might resort for employment. Their method is by a committee daily to visit the House. Mothers bring their children early in the morning, and each has such employment as is suited to it. Food is provided with neatness and in abundance, and after the day is finished an act of devotion closes the scene, and all return to their habitations. The Founder of the society was Ann Parish, since deceased.
Essex Reg.
Bonaparte, says a London paper, is grown so fat and lusty, that those who saw him four or five years ago, would not know him or scarcely believe he is the same person. He never eats meat, as it does not agree with his stomach, but takes often very strong broths of beef, mutton, &c. eats a great deal of vegetables, drinks neither wine nor spirits, but takes coffee, made as strong as possible, five or six times a day. He dresses always very plain; a green coat, with a small star, white waistcoat, pantalettes, and boots; a hat without lace or feathers, with a very small national (round) cockade.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 9. 1807.
Ordered, That Mr. Orey be added to the committees for courts of justice and propositions and grievances; and Messrs. Taliaferro, Beame & Miller to the committees of propositions and grievances and claims.
Resolved, That this House will on to-morrow resume itself into a committee of the whole house to take into consideration the state of the Commonwealth.
A petition was presented from a number of the citizens of Ohio county, which was received and on motion ordered to be laid upon the table.
A petition was presented and read from John H. Foushee of the city of Richmond, complaining of the undue election of G. W. Smith, the member returned to serve in this present Genl. Assembly from the said city; stating that the petitioner was rightfully elected for the said city and praying that he may be authorised to take his seat accordingly. Ordered, That the said petition with the accompanying documents be referred to the committee of privileges and elections; that they do examine the matter thereof and report the same with their opinion thereon to the house.
A motion was made that the house should come to the following resolution—Resolved, That this house will to-day proceed to the choice of a chaplain to attend the General Assembly during the present session; and the question being put on the said resolution, it passed in the negative.
A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Monongalia county—praying a repeal of the law which prohibits persons removing in this Commonwealth from other states, from bringing their slaves with them; or should the legislature not think it expedient to repeal the law entirely, that they would repeal it so far as relates to the counties west of the Allegany mountains—And should the legislature refuse both the above prayers, that they would pass a special act authorising John Fairfax a citizen of said county, to bring into this state from Maryland, certain slaves which he holds in right of his wife.
Also a petition of John H. Windler, praying that he may be authorised to remove from Maryland into this state certain slaves which he holds in right of his wife.
Also a petition from John Cook of Culpeper county praying that he may be authorized to remove from Maryland into this state certain slaves which he holds in right of his wife.
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to a committee of the whole house on the state of the Commonwealth.
A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Rockbridge county, praying an alteration of the day for holding courts in the said county.
Also a petition of Elizabeth Johnston, widow & administratrix of Nathaniel Johnston, praying the passage of a law authorising her to sell certain lots in the town of Jefferson in Culpeper county, of which her intestate died seized, for the purpose of discharging his debts.
Also a petition of David Henderson and Alexander Dunston administrators of John Galt deceased, and attorneys in fact of Elizabeth Galt and John Galt, praying the passage of a law relinquishing the Commonwealth's interest in a lot in the town of Fredericksburg, of which their intestate died seized.
Also a petition of Bethel Congregation in Augusta county, praying the passage of a law authorising the appointment of an agent, who may bring suit to recover certain monies due the congregation.
Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Fredericksburg county praying the passage of a law authorising the overseers of the poor of the said county, and of the borough of Win-
chester to sell or rent the lot and houses adjoining the town of Winchester commonly called the poor house lot, which belong jointly to the said county and corporation, and to vest the money arising from such sale in Bank stock for the benefit of the poor of the said county and corporation, or that the same may be applied towards lessening the parish levy; and further praying certain alterations in the laws authorising county courts to lay the county levies and make settlements with collectors appointed by them; Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee for courts of justice.
THURSDAY, December 10.
Mr. Gholson introduced the following Resolutions, with several very appropriate observations;
Resolved, That the Senators in Congress from this state be instructed, and the Representatives thereof from requested to use their best endeavors in procuring the following amendments to the constitution of the United States, to wit:
1st. That the Judges of the Supreme, District, and Inferior Courts of the U. States and their territories, may be removed from office by the vote of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States in Congress assembled: two-thirds of the members present of each house concurring therein.
2d. That the Senators in the Congress of the U. States may be removed from office by the vote of two-thirds of all the members present of the respective state Legislatures, by which the said Senators have been or may be appointed.
Mr. Mordaugh moved the postponement of these resolutions to the 31st of March.—He said that the judges ought to be independent, as they now are, of Executive patronage, of the influence of Congress, and what is particularly fatal to republics, of party spirit and faction. As the constitution now stands, they were above the frowns of any body, they pursued the important office of interpreting the laws of their country, by their own unbiased judgment and according to the real spirit of the laws. And what was the object of this motion? This resolution requires the same number to remove a judge as the constitution demands in a case of impeachment. The only difference in the two cases is, that a judge would henceforth be removed by mere whim or party resentment, for those very acts which did not amount to a sufficient cause of impeachment. Of course he would be removed without a trial. What would be the consequence of this system? Shall the bench be reduced to an absolute state of dependence? When, said Mr. M. an executive of this country procures so completely the confidence of the people, as to carry all its measures, as he himself had seen; when neither talents nor even truth itself can protect Congress from its unbounded influence; what resource then has an American citizen; but in the firmness of the judiciary?—The 2d resolution was still more extraordinary. He was disposed to think, that the period of a senator's appointment was too long; but shall we therefore violate every principle of common sense? Shall a man who is put into office, be liable to expulsion at the whim and caprice of every moment? If the period of their office is too long; let it be reduced to shorter and stated periods. But let him not be eternally dependent upon the fluctuating wave of party spirit. What would be the consequence of this innovation? No senator would ever feel any degree of dignity in his station. He would be unable to mature any of his plans with regularity or firmness. He occupies his post but for a moment. The next may behold him the victim of whim and caprice.
Mr. Foushee conceived that the abuse of power was one of the greatest evils that threatened free governments. If judges were to be invested with absolute independence, we should have angels and not men to preside on the bench. At present, the judges were superior to every thing. He had been taught that it was one of the soundest maxims of republicanism that the greater the trust, the greater should be the responsibility. The doctrine of judicial independence had been copied from the British constitution, but even under that government, a judge may be removed by a bare majority of both houses of parliament. Is the power of an executive so peculiarly dangerous, as when the executive power is in the hands of a monarch? and yet under the monarchy of England, a judge may be removed by a bare majority. Is the principle of the right of amendment to be a mere nugatory provision of the constitution? When the doctrine of impeachment proves so unavailing; which with all the sanctities and sanctities of law an artful judge shall be able to shelter himself and the principle that he has been guilty of no "high crimes and misdemeanors;" shall not be held responsible by the adopted; is not every other disqualification but high crimes and misdemeanors? Is it no objection to a judge, that he is superannuated?—As to the objection urged by the gentleman last up, respecting two-thirds of both houses, as a resolution to be altered. Let a bare majority be competent to a removal. If that number so decides, how can it be said, that this decision was the result of caprice? He had himself projected laying such a resolution before the house.
Mr. Gholson was not disappointed in hearing the federal judiciary so ably and eloquently defended, as it had been. The question was important, and a difference of opinion was to have been expected—But in times of democracy he had heard the maxim echoed, that vox populi est vox dei , and yet are the judges completely independent of that voice. He thought it could be syllogistically proved, that their tenure of office was opposed to the principle of representation. Is it not a fact, that there are now judges who are as obnoxious to the people, as they are hostile to republican principles? and yet these men could not be dispossessed of their power, except on their being convicted of some act, which in common law would amount to a felony or misdemeanor. Have we descended Gods to preside on the bench of justice? When judges once mount into office and they should be guilty of what he would call malfeasances, he thought that
there should be some power to removed them, without travelling through the mazes of technical law? Must they previously commit a Burglary? Is this an innovation which may injure the people themselves? They will bear it patiently, because it is an act of their own volition.—But why attack this measure so prematurely? Are there no precedents to be found for it in this or any other country? In the English constitution, that boasted monument of human invention, that never-ending theme of federal eulogium, the tenure of the judicial department is much slighter than this resolution proposes. A bare majority is sufficient to remove; but by this resolution, 2-3ds are required. Are we to presume that there will be such corruption in 2-3ds of Congress, as that they will remove without adequate cause? If the gentleman from Norfolk would examine the state constitutions, he would find that at least in one half of them this tenure prevails, and yet it is not found productive of any deleterious consequences.
Mr. Smith (of King and Queen,) did not intend to expatiate at large on this subject; nor to offer a hasty, and scanty glance of its numerous features. He rose only to express his astonishment at the course that was now pursued. His worthy friend from Norfolk had moved for an indefinite postponement of the question. If a petition for a road or a bridge be presented to this house, it is not the custom to oppose it on the threshold. Even those who oppose its objects, choose to refer it. Shall then a proposition on which this house cannot deliberate too much, be at once rejected without a hearing? Does the gentleman believe, that our constitution came so perfect from the hands of its makers that it needs no amendment; or that it has struck its roots so deeply, as that we cannot examine it, without shaking the whole edifice? That we must uniformly approach it with pious awe and trembling solicitude?—On these resolutions, Mr. S. said, he would offer but one or two general remarks. As to the 1st resolution he maintained it to be a great maxim, belonging to republics, that the principles of representation and responsibility should be held sacred. It was his opinion, that for those petty private vices, which do not amount to a high crime or a misdemeanor, but which sully the purity of the Ermine, a judge should always be held responsible. As to the 2d resolution; Mr. S. trusted that the great principle of responsibility should also apply to the Senate of the U. S. He hoped with the immortal author of the letters of Cincinnatus, that "the majesty of that assembly (would never be) polluted by the vile feet of the swinish multitude."
Mr. Smith (of Wythe) did not expect that this motion would be made, when a distant day was about to be appointed for the discussion of the question. Was this a fair and proper? Was it the usual and a clear course of proceeding? The gentleman does not see that his own course defeats his purpose. If these resolutions be this day postponed, may not others of a similar spirit, perhaps the resolution of the gentleman from Henrico (Mr. Foushee) be hereafter introduced? Certainly this great question should not be hastily dismissed. He would offer but a few remarks on each of the resolutions.—It follows from the present constitution, that a judge cannot be dismissed, however monstrous may be his opinions; for these does not amount to high crime or a misdemeanor. It seemed to him, that a judge's opinions may be so hostile to the liberties of this country as to require his removal. He may maintain, for instance, that the bloody code of the Common Law is in force in this country. He may maintain that the civil law is in force. He may maintain that the treaty of peace having been violated is void, and that the pact which recognizes our independence has no longer any existence.—The judges contend, that they have a right to declare any acts of the Legislature unconstitutional, and therefore void. Shall this doctrine be submitted to by us? Is it better that two or three judges, of the Congress of the U. States shall decide on the meaning of doubtful clauses in the constitution? They have decided, with respect to the executive, that the presidential cabinet may be broken open at their bidding; and that inferior officers are to be liable to them, through the process of mandamus, for an obedience to the orders of their superiors. They have decided, that the orders of the President of the United States do not justify the acts of military officers acting in conformity thereto, and thereby weaken the principles of subordination. The purport of this resolution is, that the judges should be removable by 2-3ds of both houses of Congress. In England, a majority of both houses of parliament may address the throne for their removal; and yet in that country there exists not as much complaint against the judges as there does in our own.—The amendment proposed by another State to empower the President or the vote of both houses to remove a judge, Mr. S. disapproved. The President should have no power on the subject. He ought not to be able to remove or protect a judge under any circumstance. The grant of such a power would subject a judge to Executive influence. The representatives of the people in Congress ought alone to possess this power. As to the second resolution; has not every man a right to revoke a power of attorney when he finds the authority to be abused. Ought not a state government to possess the same? Shall a senator be entitled to hold his office for 6 years although the state government believes he is betraying them during the time? Is it not more proper that the state legislature should have a right to withdraw him than that a majority of the senate of the United States should have power to expel him? They are about to exercise this very privilege at this moment. Ought the Legislature of Ohio to be disgraced for years by such a representative as Mr. Smith, whom every candid man in the U. S. believes to be a traitor?
Mr. Blake said that he should call for the Ayes and Noes on the question. Mr. Mordaugh expressed himself sorry to see, that on this important question, he was the only member that stood on that floor to support the cause of Truth; but he should not shrink from his duty. It had been said, that he had attempted to strangle discussion. To such charges he should al-
ways turn a deaf Ear, and should pay no sort of respect to them. If this had not been a question so peculiarly affecting the vitals of our Republic, as to have become the subject of universal discussion, he should feel no hesitation in withdrawing his motion. But he presumed that there was no man in that house, who had not already made up his mind.—He had been charged with supporting, the supremacy of the judiciary. He had uttered no sentiment of that kind, and the House would bear him out in that conclusion. The judges are not supreme. The judges declare nothing but the interpretation of the law. If the law be wrong, let it be corrected, but do not for that reason reduce the judges to a state of slavery. One gentleman has made great professions of republicanism, and has quoted the celebrated maxim, vox populi est vox dei . He too admired that maxim.—He had followed it through life, and when he abandoned it, might God abandon him! But he could not see why for every little disadvantage that resulted from any institution, the people should be forever changing it. The gentleman has turned to England. He could not have turned to any country, (said Mr. M.) which could operate more fortunately for myself or my cause. I would employ its institutions as examples for me to imitate but as so many beacons to point to danger. Has not the gentleman found some cases in former times, when he saw the Eng bench rotten and corrupted and distributing injustice with a prodigal hand! But what is the situation of England now, when the tenure of a judge is so much more eligible? Look at the last ten years of her judicial administration! Have we not seen her courts trampling upon patriotism and genius, and grinding the feelings of the people to dust? Does the gentleman wish to reduce our own judiciary to this situation? The gentleman from Wythe (Mr. S.) has said, that several dangerous principles may be recognized by the bench, and has taken as an instance the adoption of the bloody Code of the Common law. He asks, shall there be no redress? There is a redress. Let congress declare that it is not in force in this country and the remedy at once exists. The question was then taken on the postponement till the 31st of March and lost. Ayes 28. Noes 141.
It was then referred to a committee of the whole house on Monday the 21st inst.
Mr. Smith (of Wythe) begged leave to call the attention of the House to a subject of importance. It appeared to him that the informal war which already existed between this country and G. B. must very soon become a war in form. We have been informed by the public prints that the British court have declared that if the non-importation act goes into operation, it will be considered by that court as a declaration of war on our part. This information appears to be credited by the members of Congress. A gentleman has said on the floor of the house of Representatives that the British nation has said to us, "if you persist in this law, we consider it a declaration of war." May we not therefore (said Mr. S.) presume that the British cruisers on our coast have provisional instructions to seize our vessels, if the law in question is not repealed or suspended? Congress will not and ought not to do it. We may therefore expect open war to commence immediately after Monday next. Under these circumstances ought we to remain inactive, and rely for the protection of this state entirely on the government of the U. S. or ought we to add to the means Congress may provide, others in our power, to give to this state still greater security? It appeared to him that the state legislature were at liberty, after the general government have made such provision for the defence of a state as might seem reasonable, to make further provision for the same object. The constitution of the U. S. says, "no state shall without the consent of Congress, keep "troops, or ships of war in time of peace." The practice of this state agrees with the principles contended for. Several companies were formerly raised, and kept in the pay of this state, for the protection of the western frontier. The general government bore such part of the expense as seemed reasonable, and this state defrayed the balance. It appears [Mr. S. said] that the genl. I gave him an intimation to provide 60 gun-boats for the protection of the harbour of Norfolk, and this may be a reasonable proportion of the means of defence they are about to provide. But if this house think it insufficient, let us add to it so as to make it ample. He moved that the house come to the following resolution.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, & what provision is necessary to be made for the defence of the eastern frontier of this commonwealth, in addition to the provision, for that purpose, made by the government of the U. S.; and that they be authorised to report by bill or otherwise. This resolution was agreed to, and was referred to a select committee, composed of Messrs. Smith [Wythe], Mordaugh, Holt, Barton, Foushee, Ridgick, B. Harrison [Prince George], Mercer and Sample.
Postscript.
From Washington City, December 11.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE U. S. DECEMBER 9. Mr. Dawson presented to the House an estimate from the Secretary at War, of the expense of a standing army of 32,500 men; which was referred to the committee of the whole to whom were referred the resolutions for the increase of our military and naval establishments.
On motion of Mr. Blount, the House agreed to consider the report of the committee of the whole of yesterday, on the bill from the Senate for the construction of gun boats; which being under consideration.
Mr. Durrell moved to strike out 188 and insert 124 as the number of gun boats, and to add the words, "and four 44 gun frigates."
On this motion a debate ensued, in which Messrs. Durrell, Gardner, Cook, and Masters supported the motion, and Messrs. Blount, Smith, Thomas, Bacon, Crowninshield, Sawyer, Holland, Chandler, Fisk, and Gardener opposed it.
In the course of the debate Mr. Blount called for a division of the question.
The question on striking out was negatived—Ayes 19. After which the bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
THURSDAY, Dec. 10.
Immediately on the meeting of the House this day, the engrossed bill for appropriating a sum of money for building an additional number of gun-boats was read, and
on the question "Shall this bill pass?" a lengthy debate ensued, in which Messrs. Elliot, Sloan, Fisk, Dana, Nicholas, Williams, Burwell, Upham, Vandivier, Randolph, Crowninshield, and Quincy took part; when the House about 4 o'clock adjourned, without any question having been taken. In this debate a wide and interesting view was taken of the relative merits of a navy of gun-boats, and of other means of defence, which shall be given as early as possible. No other than this general notice can in this sketch be taken of the speeches of different members, from the various grounds taken by them, some being both in favor of gun-boats and the bill, others, although unintrendly to gun-boats, yet being in favor of the bill, and others opposed both to gun-boats and the bill; and the debate generally, turning not so much on the passage of the bill, as on the system of defence best adapted to our existing situation.
From Lang's New-York Royal Gazette.
LONDON, Oct. 24.
The Dutch papers arrived, were accompanied by private advices, containing a circular letter addressed from the American Consulate at Amsterdam to the merchants of that city, of which the following is a copy:
"I have to request, that you would hasten the departure of any American vessels that may be to your address, with all expedition."
(Signed) "S. BOURNE, "American Consulate, "Amsterdam, 15th Oct. 1807."
The instructions upon which the Consulate acted, were transmitted by General Armstrong, the American Ambassador at Paris. The avowed reason for the measure is, that as the emperor of the French is determined to act upon the decree of the 21st Nov. with the utmost rigour, it may naturally be expected that the British will retaliate, and order the capture of all American vessels coming from or going to ports under the influence of the French.—Although this is the avowed cause, the more probable one is generally understood to be an apprehension of the French. Bonaparte, it is stated, had laboured to promote a rupture between the British and American governments; and failing in that, he has threatened America with hostilities.
The following is extracted from a letter received by a merchant of this city, by the Calypso:
BORDEAUX, October 15, 1807, 10 o'clock, P. M.
"William Lee, Esq. American Consul in this city, has received a letter from General Armstrong, desiring him to advise all masters of vessels to quit this port in as short a time as possible. The like a vice, it is said, has been given to the Consuls at the other seaports.—Bonaparte will have no neutrals—Americans who have to fight for or against him."—Evening Post.
[Captain Burke, of the Calypso, who was the bearer of the above letter, heard both at Bordeaux of the intelligence it contains, and believes it to be at least premature.]
Manchester Turnpike Company.
The Directors of the Manchester Turnpike Company, will attend at James Broke's Tavern, in the town of Manchester, on the 31st day of this month, for the purpose of receiving proposals and making contract for keeping the Road in good repair for one year. Sufficient security will be required of any person, who shall undertake the business, and a few Horses and Carts may be furnished by the Directors. James Brander, Ck. Dec 14, 807
Sales at Auction.
The subscribers have lately received, and will proceed to sell, at their Vendue Office, on Thursday the 17th instant, the following valuable
Assortment of Goods,
viz.—4 Bale Kendall Cotton—3do Forest Cloths and Pains—2 ditto Flannels assorted colours, white, red, blue, green and yellow—2 ditto blue Keney—1 ditto superfine Cloths—1 ditto Fine Cloth—1 ditto Cambrics. ALSO—Half-blankets, white plains, blankets President's cord, velvets, thicksets, Constitution cord, German sheeting, German osnaburgs and rolls, Ghaney muslins 74 and 44 cotton Cambricks, calicoes, dimities. Marbled India cottons, Irish linens, cotton hose, cotton shirtings, ginghams, plush and hoppers, shawls, elegant jama's, manglees, do. brocade do. Ditto plain jama's ditto, figured cambricks, vined ditto, Queens' fancy ditto, gauze ditto, cut spot ditto, Turkey gauze cord, mull mull Muslins, book muslin Handkerchiefs, women's and children's Caps, Leno Tickings and Habet shirts, colored thread, rapped snuff in kegs, checks and stripes, segars, powder and snuff, raings in bxs with a variety of other articles on hand, to be numerated.
Terms of sale, 6 months credit for all sums over 50 dollars, under 50 dollars cash; for credit purchasers approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia will be required. The sale will commence at 10 o'clock, A. M. and continue until 9 P. M. if not soon closed.
Also, will be sold, without reserve, on a credit of 60 days, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.—2 pair HORSES, 12 valuable MULCS 2 WAGGONS and GEAR, and 3 CARTS and GEAR. Prosser & Moncure, Auc'rs.
We have on hand for Private Sale—1000 sacks Salt, 4 bushel twilled sacks, 10,000 lbs. Loaf Sugar; 10 Hds. Amigua Rum; 10 do. Wind. Island ditto; 20 quarter casks Sherry Wine; 10 Hds. Brown Sugar, 40 barrels do, 20 chests Imperial Tea, 10 chs its Young Hyson ditto, 15 pipes choice old 4th proof Cognac Brandy, 20 crates Wine well assorted at 100 advance on 6 months, 5 pipes Gin also. Whiskey in Hds, N. E. Rum in Hds and barrels, a few half pipes Madeira Wine, and a few pipes old Lisbon ditto with a very general assortment of DRY GOODS; all of which will be sold for cash, or approved notes in town. WANTED immediately, 40 VIRGINIA BANK SHARES, for which cash will be given Dec 9. (2) P. & M
JUST RECEIVED, A FRESH SUPPLY OF CHURCH'S PATENT MEDICINES; including Cough Drops, Essence of Mustard Scorch Ointment, &c. &c.

VIRGINIA ARGUS EXTRA.
[XVth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1415.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1807.
[12 1/2 Cents Single.]
GOVERNOR'S LETTER.
Richmond, December 8, 1807.
SIR,—I rejoice that the law has now convened the representatives of the people of Virginia. The Congress of the United States, called by the President, at a period earlier than usual, in consequence of circumstances which menaced the peace of our country, still remains in session. These circumstances have been already announced to the nation. Their issue, as yet uncertain, may call from the general government, measures which may require the firm and vigorous co-operation of the state legislatures. One great object of the establishment of the general government was to provide more effectually, by our united force, for our common defence: One of the great duties of that government is to protect each state against invasion. But as in the most wisely organized and best administered governments, cases may occur in which individuals will find it necessary to defend themselves against sudden violence, without waiting for the slow forms of law, so in our widely extended confederated republic, it will sometimes happen that the danger to a particular state may be so imminent as to require the exertion of its own energies, before the national arm can be extended for its protection. Such a case has occurred in our own state since your last session. The capes of Virginia have been made the theatre of an outrage unprecedented in the history of nations. In pursuance of a formal order from a British admiral, founded on a pretension opposed to every principle of the acknowledged law of nations, and striking vitally at the independence of every other country, a public armed vessel of the United States, leaving her port on a distant service, was on the 22d day of June, followed by one of those vessels of war which had been kindly received into our harbors, and were at that moment enjoying the benefits of our hospitality, was attacked within sight of our own shores, had several of her crew killed and wounded, four taken from her, and herself disabled from proceeding. This outrage was followed up by others which altho' not so enormous in atrocity, or not conducted to so tragical an end, manifested an equal disregard of our rights and a spirit of more determined and systematic hostility. The ship Leopard, which, in our own harbors, had watched the frigate Chesapeake, had followed her out of them and attacked her, immediately returned, bringing with her the trophies of her lawless triumph and of our degradation, and rejoined the British squadron then lying in Lynnhaven Bay: and on the 3d of July, commodore Douglass, with the whole squadron, took his station in Hampton Roads, for the avowed purpose of blockading the town of Norfolk; a purpose that was but too faithfully executed, at least so far as to permit no vessel to pass without examination. These circumstances added to the very menacing language of the British Commodore, and the still more menacing act of his sounding for a very considerable distance, the channel of Elizabeth River leading to Norfolk, seemed to leave no doubt of his intention to attack that town. Indeed after what had already occurred, it was difficult to conjecture the limits to which he intended to confine his hostilities. The Executive of Virginia, receiving the earliest and most prompt information of this state of things, deemed it their duty to provide instantly for the protection of the country. Accordingly on the 6th July, a force believed to be competent, was directed to be immediately stationed at Norfolk and Hampton; and orders were given to the Brigadier Generals commanding the militia bordering on the Chesapeake Bay and our principal rivers, to organize other detachments, to be held in readiness to take the field at a moment's warning. These measures were communicated without delay, to the President of the United States; but previously to his receiving that communication, he had been informed from other sources, of the occurrences in the vicinity of Norfolk, and deeming it necessary to provide for the defence of that place and the protection of the state, had on the 8th July, called on the Executive to order into immediate service, at the expense of the United States, such portions of the militia as might be thought necessary and most convenient for these objects. The outrage on the Chesapeake, had excited in every description of our fellow-citizens throughout the state one universal sentiment of the strongest indignation. All private or party differences were lost in a sense of our violated rights as a nation, and in the firmest resolution to co-operate, at the sacrifice of life and property, in whatever measures of redress the constituted authorities should adopt. But, when this outrage was followed up by the menacing attitude assumed by the British squadron, in the very bosom of our country, by the blockade of our principal commercial town, and by the prospect of its immediate attack, the militia in every part of the state, animated by the same soul, and fired with the keenest resentment and the most ardent enthusiasm, made voluntary tenders of their services; and each corps implored to be the first to be accepted. The volunteers from this City, from Petersburg and from Williamsburg, deserve the applause of their country for the very exemplary alacrity with which they marched to the aid of their fellow-citizens; and the whole of the militia that were in service, at Norfolk, at Hampton, and at Lynnhaven Bay manifested that burning zeal, that determined resolution which the nation will always delight to behold in its defenders.
Amidst a display of patriotism so ardent and so universal, it may not be expected that I should farther designate any particular portion of our fellow-citizen:—But I feel myself irresistibly compelled to pay, to the inhabitants of Norfolk, Portsmouth and Hampton, that tribute of admiration to which I think them so justly and so eminently entitled—They saw, arranged before them, a hostile squadron, to which, deeds of violence and of wrong had become familiar; they heard their menaces, and expected, every moment, a destructive attack, to which, they were unprepared with the means of opposing effectual resistance—It was, with them, a time that tried men's souls; and they proved themselves equal to the trial—Their unshaken firmness and unabating patriotism, make every Virginian proud to own them as his countrymen.
Contrary to expectation, the British squadron did not make an attack on any part of our shores. In defiance, however, of our national authority interdicting our harbors and waters to all British armed vessels, they remained within the Capes of Virginia, until about the middle of October, in the habitual violation of our jurisdiction.
The President of the United States, at a very early period after the commencement of these aggressions, required of the Executive to organize, arm and equip, and hold in readiness to take the field at a moment's warning, eleven thousand five hundred and sixty three of the militia of this commonwealth, as our quota of a detachment of 100,000 called for from the United States, and authorized the acceptance of volunteers under the acts of Congress of the 18th April 1806, and of the 24th February 1807, the former requiring a service of six months, the latter, a service of twelve months; the volunteers accepted under either, or both laws, to be considered, according to their numbers, as part of the quota required from this state. The Executive lost no time in taking the necessary measures for complying with this requisition. The formal returns have not yet been completed; but I have real pleasure in assuring the General Assembly, from the information received, that it is believed the whole of the quota of Virginia will consist of those who have with true patriotism, made to their country voluntary tenders of their services.
The last Legislature directed that a certain number of the public arms should be retained in the Armory, and that all the others, after arming the militia of certain towns and counties, should be distributed among the different regiments of the Commonwealth, according to their respective strength. The Executive had commenced the performance of this duty, but were induced to suspend it in consequence of the aggressions of the British squadron. A distribution, in the mode prescribed, would have left too much exposed that part of the State then immediately threatened with invasion. Moreover, it was believed that the requisition of the President of the United States made it necessary for each state to arm its own quota. I trust therefore that the conduct of the Executive, in suspending the general distribution, will be approved by the Legislature.
The operations of the Manufactory of Arms have been conducted with the ability which distinguishes the superior genius and indefatigable exertions of the Superintendent of that very important Institution. A detailed report of its operations is in a state of preparation and will in a few days be submitted to the view of the Legislature.
By a law of the last General Assembly, the Penitentiary Establishment was placed under the sole and exclusive control of the Executive. They duly estimated the importance of the trust, and have effected a radical change in the rules and regulations of the Institution. In a communication like the present, nothing more will be expected than a statement of the general result; and it is with much pleasure I assure the General Assembly, that, that result is equal to the expectations of the most ardent admirers of this benevolent and humane institution. The most perfect order and system have been introduced into every department; the health of the prisoners is, perhaps, not inferior to that of any equal number of persons in any other situation whatsoever; their conduct, with very few exceptions, has been marked by industry and a ready submission to all the rules and regulations prescribed for their government, and it is believed that, in many instances, they have been returned to the community with renewed dispositions, principles and habits which will make them useful citizens. One fact, in relation to this Institution, is believed to be worthy of remark. It is the extraordinary effect produced on the convicts generally, by the well timed extension of pardons to those, who have been distinguished for the uniform propriety of their conduct since their confinement, or who have afforded proofs of a reformation of character. Until about twelve or eighteen months past, the instances were rare indeed in which the Executive were induced to exercise the power of pardon: for the law having wisely apportioned punishments to crimes, by a
scale, just, but humane, and having, moreover, in the application of this scale to particular offences, allowed to the juries a wide range for regulating it according to the circumstances attending each individual case, it was believed that the great purposes of public justice required that punishments should be inflicted, certainly and inflexibly, according to the law as pronounced by the judgments of our courts. But the convicts, seeing themselves thus doomed to confinement and punishment which no act of theirs could tend to shorten or mitigate, and nothing terminate but the slow lapse of time itself, were deprived of all hope. They lost the only incentive to correct conduct which could be expected to influence hearts already wicked or depraved, the prospect of advantages or interest. They manifested the most unruly spirit, and vicious dispositions, which were restrained only by the certainty of immediate punishment—They were unceasingly engaged in concerted plans for effecting their escape, in the accomplishment of which, they sometimes contemplated even the murder of the Keeper and his family, and the destruction of the building—The Executive determined at length to pursue a course different from that before adopted; they occasionally selected, as objects of mercy and pardon, those of the convicts, most remarkable for their industry, orderly conduct, and uniform submission to the regulations of the Institution, whilst they invariably turned a deaf ear to the petitions of those of an opposite character, even where their claims to mercy were warmly and strongly urged by numerous and highly respectable characters from without. The motives to such intercessions were known to be correct, and were duly appreciated by the Executive; but they could not permit their decisions to be influenced by any other considerations than those arising from the good conduct of the convicts themselves: and it was distinctly communicated that the spirit of insubordination to the laws, manifested by attempts to escape from the confinement and punishment which they prescribe, would be considered as affording an incontestible proof that the discipline of the Penitentiary had not yet produced its desired effect, the reformation of the offender; and that under such circumstances, pardon would be solicited in vain. This change of policy was no sooner announced, than its effects were manifested in the changed conduct and deportment of the convicts; by which, each seemed now desirous to recommend himself to the attention of the Executive.
In the performance of their duties in relation to the Penitentiary, the Executive acknowledge, with pleasure, the great advantages they have derived from the co-operation of the twelve respectable gentlemen who, as Visitors, at the request of the Executive, and without any other inducement than the laudable desire of rendering a public service, have undertaken regularly to visit the Penitentiary, to superintend its operations, and to suggest to the Executive such improvements as experience and observation shall dictate. Mr. Abraham Douglass, formerly of Philadelphia, who was appointed Keeper on the resignation of Mr. Mims, to a long acquaintance with all the details of such an establishment, and a knowledge of the great principles on which it is founded, adds, it is believed, that steady uniformity of temper, that benevolence and humanity of heart, and that energy of character, so necessary in the Keeper of such an institution. He devotes an undivided and unremitted attention to its interests, and bids fair to conduct us to all the advantages which can be expected from such an establishment. The philanthropist will not be assailed by the objection of the economist, that these advantages are purchased too dearly, by the extravagant expenditure of the public treasury. I enclose the general account between the Commonwealth and the Penitentiary for the period commencing the 1st day of April (when the present Keeper commenced his duties) and ending the 30th day of November, drawn upon the principles which have heretofore regulated similar estimates, and exhibiting a balance in favor of the institution, of 10,370 dollars and 94 cents. In order, however, to ascertain the real profits of the establishment, it will be necessary to deduct from this sum, the amount of the salaries of the officers, and of some incidental expenses, the whole of which cannot, it is believed, exceed $2,600, and will leave at least $7,700 cleared by the institution, in the short space of eight months. A detailed statement of the operations, in the different branches of manufacture, will be embraced by a subsequent but early communication.
I submit herewith the report of Charles Beale and Joseph Grigsby, Esquires, on the subject of the road directed to be opened from the upper navigation of James river, to the upper navigation of Kanawha river, made in pursuance of an act of the last Assembly. I also enclose a report on the same subject, made in the year 1805 by Charles Arbuckle and James Anderson, jun. esqrs. as being referred to by that just mentioned; together with a statement of the expenditures of public money on this object. I am sorry to observe that it is so far from being completed, as in its present state, to afford but few advantages. The Executive will not fail to do their duty, as prescribed by the act of the last session; but, the farther interposition of the legislature will be necessary, and their attention is invited to the subject. This road is highly necessary to the accommodation of a large portion of our fellow citizens, and may be made, not only the best chain of connexion between the navigation of the eastern and western waters of our own state, but, perhaps, the most advantageous channel for communicating the commerce of the Atlantic to the Mississippi and its vast tributary streams. At a time, when the operation of a law of Congress is about to suspend, almost the whole of our commercial intercourse with a particular nation, from which we have heretofore drawn our principal supplies, and when we are threatened with a war, which would materially affect the whole of our foreign commerce, every circumstance that will facilitate the communication between the remote parts of our country, and extend and improve our internal navigation, merits the serious attention of the legislature. In this view, the Dismal Swamp Canal, connecting the extensive waters of the Chesapeake Bay, with those of Albemarle Sound, will become a very important object, on which the public must feel a deep interest. I expect to receive in the course of a few days, more particular information on the state of this canal than I now possess, and I shall take pleasure in communicating it to the Assembly.
I am not sensible that there is any circumstance in relation to any of the other public works or establishments, that requires to be made the subject of particular communication: but, should the Legislature wish any information in respect to any of them, or to any act of the administration of the government, I shall take pleasure in imparting it, as far as may be in my power.
If the present unsettled state of our foreign relations ought to induce a more than ordinary attention to subjects relating to internal navigation and domestic commerce, how much greater will be its influence in exhorting us to be prepared for defending our dearest rights against foreign aggression. In every age, and in every state of society, the maxim, that the best mode of averting war, is to be prepared to repel it, has been admitted to be the dictate of the soundest wisdom. If there could heretofore have been a doubt on this subject, that doubt will be removed forever, by the history of the present times. We might, in confirmation of this truth, refer to some late occurrences in Europe, in which we have no farther interest, than to profit from the instructive lessons they afford. But we need not go beyond the limits of our own experience. We have felt that the sincerest love of peace, and the most scrupulous regard to justice, have not preserved us from the most humiliating insults, and the most aggravated wrongs; and the clouds which we now see collecting in our horizon, indicate the approaching storm of war—But if we cannot avert it, let us be prepared to meet it—supported by the conscious righteousness of our cause, and animated by the spirit of freemen, let us diligently cultivate every art, and provide ourselves with every means, which will make that spirit formidable. The important institution of our Manufactory of Arms has never yet been put into that extensive operation of which it is capable. With an adequate appropriation of money by the Legislature, we might annually double the number of arms heretofore manufactured. Supplied with these in the quantities which might be thus furnished, the militia of Virginia, animated by the purest patriotism, would want nothing but the advantages of discipline, to confirm the maxim of republicanism, by affording "the proper, natural and safe defence of a free state"—and while we are referring to Europe for examples to teach the mournful necessity of a constant preparation for war, might it not be proper to enquire by what arts, and by what system of tactics, one nation has been able to triumph over almost all others in that quarter of the Globe? I suspect, that the cause of her triumphs will be found to originate in the advantages derived from her military schools. Might it not be proper to enquire, how far we also, might derive advantages from similar institutions, under the patronage of the Legislature. On this important subject, I do not venture to pronounce an opinion; it is for the decision of the General Assembly.
I perform a melancholy duty in announcing to the Legislature the death of Mr. Lewis Harvie; respected for his virtues, admired for his talents. By this lamented event, a vacancy is occasioned in the Privy Council, and our country has lost a citizen who promised to become, at no distant period, one of her fairest ornaments.
I enclose the Auditor's official statement of the revenue for the year 1806, accompanied with an account of the expenditures, and also a list of balances due from Sheriffs and Collectors. There are several other subjects of importance which I shall embrace an early opportunity to submit to the General Assembly.
I am with the highest respect for yourself and the body over which you preside, sir, Your most obedient servant, Wm. H. CABELL.
The honorable the SPEAKER of the House of Delegates.

LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.  NOTICE is hereby given, That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementary to the act, intitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia on the first day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusively, the fourteen last days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred stock as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice; and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof, a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not redeemable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as above mentioned) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the priority of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stockholders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may, at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the United States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par; in which last case the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day on which the same would be payable in the United States and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.  JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans
NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 62 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 644 37. If subscribed between the 1st January and 17th March, 1808, 619 08. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 78. If subscribed between the 1st October, and 31st Dec. 1807, 853 62. If subscribed between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42. Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 1000 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six.  J. P. Com'r. Loans.
Notice, THAT the following articles, manufactured at the Penitentiary, with the prices thereto annexed, are constantly kept for sale at the store of Nicholas Hallam, agent for the commonwealth, a few doors above the Swan Tavern in the city of Richmond; viz.  CUT NAILS.    Wholesale.  Retail.    2d. 13 cents.  14 cents per pound.    4d. 12 1-2  13 1-2    6d. 11 1-2  12 1-2    8d. 10 1-2  11 1-2    10d. 10  11    12d. 10  11    20d. 10  11    CUT BRADS.    2d. 10  11    10d. 9 1-2  10 1-2    12d. 9 1-2  10 1-2    20d. 9 1-2  10 1-2    WROUGHT NAILS.    6d. 13  14    8d. 12 1-2  13 1-2    10d. 12  13    12d. 11 1-2  12 1-2    20d. 11  12    20d. 11  12    Spikes of all sizes the same price as 30d nails.
Men's fine shoes from 10s to 13s 6d do do from 7s 6d to 9s Women's fine do from 7s 6d to 9s Boys & Miss's do from 3s 6d to 6s Negroes' shoes from 7s 6d to 9s Richmond, November 4th, 1807.
Drugs & Medicines. Daniel Wm. Suckrider & Co. Have this day opened a general assortment of DRUGS & MEDICINES, And a great variety of valuable PATENT MEDICINES, which they are determined to sell on reasonable terms. DANIEL WM. SUCKRIDER offers his services to the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity as a practitioner of Physic, Surgery, &c. &c. He has every reason to believe his professional services will be satisfactory to those who will honor him with their confidence. Richmond, July 20th, nearly opposite Dec. on the e.
Royster & Bohannan, Respectfully inform their friends and the public generally, that they have just received a general assortment of GROCERIES, Which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or good notes at sixty days.  Amongst which are— 1200 sacks Liverpool Salt 10 hhd W. I. Rum 5 do N. E. Rum 10 casks Sherry 10 do. Lisbon 10 do. Malaga 3 hhd Teneriffe 34 hhd Sugar 14 hhd Loaf ditto 50 boxes N. Y. Candies 50 do Best yellow Snap 100 reams wrapping Paper 50 do writing ditto. Soft shelled Almonds by quantity 12 boxes Chocolate 30 crates well assorted Earthen Ware 12 cases Glass Ware. Together with a number of other articles, which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or good acceptances in town. Richmond, October 28, 1807.
Encouragement of Literature BY AUTHORITY. Scheme of a Lottery, FOR THE BENEFIT OF ST. MARY'S COLLEGE, OF BALTIMORE    Dollars.  Dollars.    1 Prize of  30,000    1 do  15,000    2 do  10,000    2 do  5,000    5 do  1,000    10 do  500    20 do  200    100 do  100    150 do  50    7000 do  12     $4,000    7291 Prizes, 190,500 Stationary Premiums 24,500 14209 Blanks.—Not two to a Prize. 215,000 21500 Tickets, at 10 Dollars each, 215,000  Arrangement of Stationary Premiums, viz.    1st drawn Blank,  Dollars 500    1st ditto after 2,000 are drawn,  1000    1st do after 4,000  1000    1st do after 6,000  1500    1st do after 8,000  1500    1st do after 10,000  1500    1st do after 12,000  1500    1st do after 14,000  1500    1st do after 16,000  1500    1st do after 18,000  1500    1st do after 20,000  1500    Last drawn Blank,  10,000     Dollars 24,500    15 per cent. on 215000 Dollars, is 32,250 Sum to be raised by the Lottery, 30,000 Expenses of the Lottery, 2,250 32,250
THE prevailing disposition to encourage the progress of Literature, the peculiar favor which ST. MARY'S COLLEGE has enjoyed, and the many splendid chances offered to adventurers by the above Scheme, induce the Managers to anticipate a rapid sale of the Tickets. The Drawing will commence as soon as a sufficient number is sold to authorize it. The Managers have given bond to the State in the penalty of sixty thousand Dollars for the faithful payment of the prizes, which will be paid, subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. thirty days after the Drawing is finished.—Prizes not demanded within a twelve-month from the completion of the Drawing, will be considered as a donation to the College.  TICKETS to be had of the Managers, or of such persons as may be authorized by them.
WILLIAM DU BOURG, JOHN TESSLER, LUKE TIERMAN, ROBERT WALSH, WILLIAM LORMAN, ALEXANDER M'KIM, HENRY WILSON, SAMUEL STERRETT, JAMES M'HENRY, SAMUEL HOLLINGSWORTH, LEWIS DU BOURG, PHILIP LAURENSON.  TICKETS in the above Lottery for Sale by GALLAGHER, RICHARD & Co.
TO BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 29th of December next,
A Tract of Land, In Powhatan county, about 4 miles from the courthouse and 2 from Peterville Church, containing by a late survey 450 acres. There are many considerable conveniences attached to this land, being in a good neighborhood, in which are a number of manufacturing and grist mills, is remarkably well watered, abounding with good springs, and bounded on 3 sides with 3 good creeks, on the smallest of which is a large manufacturing mill within 400 yards of my barn, the soil very good, & remarkably level. On this tract are two settlements with good orchards of well selected fruit trees on each, which may be sold separately. The terms of sale will be one third of the money in hand, and the other two thirds to be paid in four equal annual payments, giving bond, &c. and a deed of trust on the land to secure the payments. At the same time and place, will be SOLD, as above, the crops of Corn, Fodder and Oats—the Stock of all kinds, plantation Utensils, household and kitchen Furniture, one good London made Still—apple and peach Brandy, a quantity of late Cyder Vinegar &c. Cash will be required for all sums under twenty dollars. Six months credit on all sums between 20 and 80 dollars, and twelve months on all sums above 80 dollars. Also to be hired for one year, to commence the first of January next, eight or nine Negroes on the usual terms.  DAVID OWEN. Nov. 25 1807. N. B. The sale will be continued from day to day until the whole is sold. D. O.
Lands, Negroes, Stock, &c. FOR SALE. To be sold, at Public Auction, on Monday the eleventh day of January next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, at my Plantation called the Goose-Ponds, and continue from day to day until all are sold—The following Property, viz:  A Tract of Land, on Pamunkey River, about one hundred acres of which are low grounds, lying partly in Caroline and partly in King William, called the Goose-Ponds, containing 842 acres, more or less. The quality of the Land, the buildings, beauty of situation, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any gentleman wishing to purchase; a crop of Wheat is sown thereon.—Also, a Tract of Land in the State of Kentucky, on the waters of Lewis's Creek, a branch of Green-River, about one mile from the same and about sixty miles above the mouth, containing 1803 3-8 acres, more or less, to which there is an undisputed title.—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and three annual instalments for the balance, to be secured by deeds of trust upon the Land, with bonds and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid.—Also, two other tracts of Land, the one lying in Henry county, containing 2100 acres, and the other supposed to lie in Greenbrier county, containing 2000 acres, conveyed by Thomas Hooper to Wm. Morris.—Terms of sale and other information, will be made known on the day of sale.—Also, about forty likely Negroes, about one half or two thirds for cash, the balance at twelve months credit, for which bonds and approved security will be required, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid.—Also, the Stock of Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Corn, Fodder, &c. for which six months credit will be allowed for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security—and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash.  Those having legal claims against me may perhaps find it to their interest to attend this sale.  BENJAMIN TOLER. September 4, 1807.
W. WARDLAW, Has received his fall supply of Medicines, Surgeon's Instruments Patent Medicines, &c. By the Ship Herschell, from Liverpool, he has received an assortment of Plasters and Shop Furnaces , suitable for Physicians. On hand a few MEPHITIC AIR MACHINES. Richmond, October 19, 1807.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber will petition the ensuing General Assembly to have restored to him an original Military Certificate, granted on the part of the Commonwealth of Virginia in favor of Francis Bourne, for balance of pay as a drummer in the Virginia line, and assigned by said Bourne to the petitioner, and detained from him by John Pendleton, late auditor of public accounts, when presented to him by the petitioner for payment of interest.  ROBT. MITCHELL
GERARD BANKS Has it in view to establish a NEWS-PAPER in Richmond, to be published twice a week—The Title
THE VIRGINIAN. THE Editor has been always attached to Republican systems. The present Administration, in his view, is well calculated to ensure the happiness of the people; and any Administration which may succeed, pursuing the same general course, will be supported. Foreign and Domestic details will be noticed. Besides this, the public will, time after time, be apprised of the affairs of the public institutions, and particularly of the course of the Bank, its managers, its influence, its defects and impositions. The operations of this dangerous institution will be noted; the discovery which grows from its management will be exposed. This course will be pursued with a temper and firmness, which will yield neither to the blandishments of flattery, nor the frowns of power. Stock jobbing and favoritism, Twin Demons , will be arrested when ever they appear.  500 Subscribers at 5 dollars per annum each, one half in advance, are necessary to the commencement of the paper.  GERARD BANKS.
Lands for Sale. The subscriber wishes to sell the Lands and Plantation whereon he at present resides, containing 800 acres, well watered with several excellent springs, and convenient to four capital manufacturing mills.—Also a tract of Land lying two miles from the above, on Fine creek, containing 440 acres, about 50 of which is meadow of superior quality.—The lands shown and the terms made known by application to  Horatio Turpin. Powhatan, 12th Nov. 1807.
Notice. COMMITTED to the jail of Charlotte county on the 29th of July last, a Negro Man, who calls himself Frederick, and says he belongs to Fleming Cocke of Goochland, he is about 5 feet 10 inches high, has an old drab great coat, and an iron collar about his neck with about 2 feet of chain to it; the owner is requested to prove his property, pay charges and take him away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs.  25th Sept 1807. Francis Scott, Jr. Jailer.
Charlotte Court, 5th October, 1807. Charles M'Kenny, plaintiff. Against John Paulet and Harry Paulet, Chancery defendants.  THE defendant John, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of January Court next and enter his appearance, and give security for performing the decree of the court; and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county.  A copy, Teste, Thomas Read, clk.
TO RENT TWO LARGE BRICK STORES, Almost new, under one roof, and covered with tiles. SITUATE on the south side of the main street, and nearly opposite the Market House, one is a corner house. These houses are rendered fire proof (extremely) by the addition of Iron Shutters in the direction that there is danger (from fire) to be apprehended. Possession may be had on application to  WM. MITCHELL. Richmond September 28, 1807.
FOR SALE at S. PLEASANTS' Book-store, A NEW SYSTEM OF DOMESTIC COOKERY, Formed upon PRINCIPLES of Economy, and adapted to the use of Private Families.  ADVERTISEMENT. AS the directions which follow were intended for the conduct of the families of the author's own daughters, and for the arrangement of her table, so as to unite a good figure with proper economy, she has avoided all excessive luxury, such as essence of ham, and that wasteful expenditure of large quantities of meat for gravy, which so greatly contributes to keep up the price, and is no less injurious to those who eat, than to those whose penny-bid them abstain. Many receipts are given for things which, being in daily use, the mode of preparing them may be supposed too well known to require a place in a cookery book; yet how rarely do we meet with fine melted butter, good toast and water, or well made coffee! She makes no apology for minuteness in some articles, or for leaving others unnamed, because she writes not for professed cooks. This little work would have been a treasure to herself, when she first set out in life, and she therefore hopes it may be useful to others. In that ideal it is given to the public, and as she will receive from it no emolument, so she trusts it will escape without censure.
NEW BOOKS, JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE BY S. PLEASANTS, JR.  Matthias on Population Travels in Louisiana and the Floridas, in the year 1802, giving a correct picture of those countries—Translated from the French Winter in Town—A satirical poem Jackson's Commerce of the Mediterranean, deduced from actual experience M'Neven and Emmet's Pieces of Irish History My Pocket Book—By a Knight Errant Miseries of Human Life, or the Groans of Samuel Sensitive, and Timothy Testy The Novice of St. Dominick, by Miss Owen St. Clair, or the Heiress of Desmond, by the same Johnson's Dictionary, and Thompson's Seasons in miniature Marmontel's Memoirs, written by himself Stranger in Ireland, and Dermody A new and handsome Edition of Steuben's Military Exercises, with Cavalry Exercise annexed Essays, Moral, Economical and Political, by F. Bacon, Baron of Verulam, &c. New American Dispensary The Penitential Tyrant, a pathetic poem, by Thomas Brannigan Little and Moore's Poems, 2 vols. neat pocket edition Wild Flowers, or Pastoral and Local Poetry, by Bloomfield Memoirs of Ninon de L'Enclos, with her letters to the Marquis de Sevinge and Mons. de St. Evremont Seasons in England, a descriptive poem Trial of Smith and Ogden The School of Reform, or how to rule a household, a comedy, by Morton Adrian and Orville, or a Mother's Vengeance, a Play, by Dimond Pleasures of Hope, and Memory, in one vol. Pinkerton's Geography specialized Lodoiska, an opera, by J. P. Kemble Carey's General Atlas
New Books, Just received at S. PLEASANTS' Book-store.  Ramsay's Life of Washington Lady's Museum, vols. 1 & 2, new series, to July, 1807 A Journal of the Voyages and Travels of a Corps of Discovery, under the command of capt. Lewis and capt. Clarke of the army of the U. S. from the mouth of the river Missouri thro' the interior parts of North America to the Pacific Ocean, during the years 1804—5 & 6—containing an authentic relation of the most interesting transactions during the expedition—a description of the country—and an account of its inhabitants, soil, climate, curiosities, and vegetable and animal productions: By P. Gass, one of the persons employed in the expedition: with geographical and explanatory notes by the publisher. The Lay of an Irish Harp, by Miss Owen The Young Mill Wright's and Miller's Guide, by O Evans; a new edition A Portraiture of Quakerism—Taken from a view of the education and discipline, social manners, civil and political economy, religious principles and character, of the Society of Friends; by Thomas Clarkson, A. M. The Life of Charles James Fox; by Walpole. Rutherford's Institutes.
Just received and for sale at this office, New Publications, JUST RECEIVED AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.  EDMUND BURKE on the Sublime and Beautiful; with an introductory discourse concerning Taste, &c. with a portrait—price $1 25. GEOGRAPHICAL COMPILATION for the use of schools; being an accurate description of all the Empires, Kingdoms, Republics and States, in the known world, &c. &c.—The whole arranged in a Catechetical form—compiled from the best American, English and French authors—By D. L. COTTEAU, teacher of Geography, Baltimore—2 vols. price $2 50. An EPITOME of the ARTS and SCIENCES—being a comprehensive system of the elementary parts of an useful and Polite Education; upon the plan of a similar work of R. Turner, L. L. D.—augmented and improved, and adapted to the use of schools in the U. States; illustrated by various engravings of subjects in Natural History—price $1 00. LADY'S MONTHLY MUSEUM, from July to Dec. 1806—17th vol. ADAMS'S PHILOSOPHY, 3 vols. ADAMS on the GLOBES. ADAMS'S ASTRONOMY. DUFIE'S NATURE DISPLAYED, 2d edition, 2 vols. ALGERNON SIDNEY on GOVERNMENT, 2 vols.
A CARD. VIRGINIA RALCLIFF, having removed to a tenement of Mr. Robert McKim's on the Main-street, and almost immediately back of the Bank—offers her services to the Ladies of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities in the MAN-TUA-MAKING LINE. Nov. 27.
EXHIBITION.
THE FAMOUS AFRICAN HORSE, SPOTTEE, Has just arrived in Richmond. Who, from the great progress he has made in arithmetic and the art of boxing, may justly be entitled the real HORSE OF KNOWLEDGE.
He will be exhibited every day from 8 o'clock in the morning till 6 in the evening, at the Washington Tavern.
THIS beautiful animal was caught on the coast of Africa; and, from the beauty and peculiarity of his colors and shape, was imported to this country, and exhibited as a natural curiosity. He is variegated with four very rich and distinct colors, which are formed into circular spots, similar to those of the Leopard, and his tail resembles that of the Elephant. Exclusive of these peculiarities, he will add, subtract, multiply and divide; tell the hour of the day by a watch; the number of buttons on a gentleman's coat, and the number of persons present; with many other pleasing manœuvres and marks of sagacity, which excite great admiration.
No danger need be apprehended during the performance, as the apartment is rendered very convenient. Price of admittance 50 cents—children half price.
Valuable Family Medicines.
Just received direct from the Patentees, and for SALE WHOLESALE and RETAIL, by SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JR. Richmond, a large supply of the following very valuable Medicines, viz:
Dr. Cooley's Vegetable Elixir, or Cough Drops, Superior to any other medicine ever before invented, for all complaints of the Lungs , and has been known frequently to effect a cure after all other medicines have failed. It is to be hoped that all those who are laboring under Consumptive and other diseases of the Lungs , will resort to this valuable medicine for relief.—Price 75 cents a bottle.
Dr. Rawson's Anti-Bilious and Stomachic Bitters,
Which have proved so extremely serviceable for a few years past, in restoring weak and decayed constitutions of almost every description, and for removing all those complicated complaints so common in the spring season—for a common bitter to use in families, none can exceed them for pleasantness. To show that these excellent bitters are held in high estimation by Physicians of eminence, we need only insert the following extract of a letter from Dr. John Willcox a respectable Physician, and postmaster at the city of Vergennes.
VERGENNES, October 23d, 1804. SIR, I have been one of those who never put much faith in patent medicine until of late, but must acknowledge from actual experience, that I have received more benefit from Dr. Rawson's Bitters , than from all the medicine I ever before took; I have been very unwell with a flow remittant fever.
I am, &c. JOHN WILLCOX, M. D.
Dr. Lee's (Windham) Bileous Pills, Which have proved so eminently useful for their 12 years past in all Bilious Complaints, Indigestion, Jaundice, Dropsies, Debility, Head Aches, Costiveness, Female Complaints, &c. Their virtues are too well known to need comment in an advertisement.—Price 50 cents a box.
Dr. Thompson's Aromatic Tooth Paste, Which whitens and preserves the teeth, gives an agreeable smell to the breath, and cures the fear-vy in the teeth and gums; it may be applied at all times without in the least injuring the teeth. The very great and extensive sale this medicine has met with, bespeaks its intrinsic worth.—Price 50 cents a box.
Dr. Rawson's Anti-Bilious Pills, or Family Physic, A medicine which no family ought to be without, as those Pills are useful in every complaint where purges are necessary; they are certain to operate in a short time without occasioning the least pain or griping.—Price only 25 cents a box.
Dr. Rawson's Celebrated Worm Powders. The most proper medicine that can be given to children to destroy Worms , & to remove crudities of every kind from the first passages.—Price 50 cents a packet.
Dr. Corley's (Genuine) Itch Ointment. The most certain and safe application for that disagreeable complaint called the Itch , of and now in use. It also cures all kinds of eruptions on the face or skin, is very agreeable in smell, leaves the skin smooth & beautiful, it may be applied at all times with the greatest safety.—Price only 42 cents a box.
Doct. Rawson's much celebrated Worm Powders, Which have proved very efficacious in dislodging and expelling worms from the bowels of children, they are also a gentle purge, and the most proper physice that can be given to children to remove crudities of every kind from the first passages—ample directions accompany each package—50 cents.
Hinckley's infallible remedy for the Piles. A certain cure for that disagreeable complaint, 50 cents a box.
Doct. Corley's Rheumatic Pills. Good in all Rheumatic complaints—Price 24 cents.
Very particular directions accompany each of these valuable medicines.
D. L. A. & BOND'S For Sale at this Office.