The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-02-24 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 93.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 24, 1807.
[VOLUME 3.]
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.....101 1/8.
Richmond Prices Current.
   Dolls. Cts.     Tobacco, 6   Wheat, New, 1 25   Flour—superfine, New, 7 to 7 1/2 50   Corn per barrel, 6   Bacon—per lb. 5 12   Bar Iron—per ton, 120   Whiskey—per gallon, 58  
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the eleventh March, will be sold on the premises, THAT VALUABLE LOT , on Shockoe Hill, commencing in front at Mr. Pickett's corner, and extending to within 30 feet of the south west corner on the cross street. It has on it a well built Brick Office, and is situated within a convenient distance of the Capitol. The front being about 120 feet will be divided into three Lots, should it suit purchasers.—Terms made known on day of sale.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. February 13. tdf.
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 4th of March, will be sold on the premises, SEVEN ACRES OF LAND , adjoining the south side of the ground attached to the poor house. There are on them a good Dwelling House of wood, with three rooms, a Kitchen and other convenient out-houses.—Terms, one fourth cash, one fourth on the 25th June, one fourth on the 25th September, and the other fourth at Christmas. A deed of trust to secure the payment will be required.
TAYLOR & BROWN, v. m. February 13. tdf.
NOTICE.
By virtue of three Deeds of Trust, executed to the undersigned, by William Cooke, of the county of Goochland, (and of record, in the court of that county,) for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due to John Shelton and Son, and funding other debts due to John L. Harris, & Co. will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goochland (Court House,) on Saturday the 14th day of March next:
A TRACT OF LAND , the property of said Cooke, now in the occupancy of George Underwood; lying in the county of Goochland, adjoining the lands of John Markham, John Lewis, Lewis Powers, and others; containing between three and four hundred acres, as expressed in said several Deeds of Trust.
FREDERICK HARRIS, } Trustees. WILLIAM MILLER, } February 13. (tdf.)
NOTICE.
By virtue of a Trust Deed executed to us by Mrs. Margaret West, we shall on Saturday the 28th inst. expose to sale by public auction to the highest bidder, for ready money, upon the premises: ALL the remaining part of that Trust, piece or parcel of Ground , heretofore undivided of, situate, lying and being in the city of Richmond, and which is commonly called and known by the name of Queen's Academy ground: or so much thereof, as may be sufficient to pay and satisfy two installments of 1000 dolls each, due to Mr. Yeaman Smith of the city of Richmond, and the cost and charges of executing this trust.
SAMUEL MCRAW, } Trustees. GEORGE FISHER, } Feb. 10. tdf.
NOTICE.
The creditors of Henry McClatchy, are requested to lodge their claims properly authenticated with either of the subscribers on or before the first of next month as on Tuesday the 10 proximo. A final dividend of the estate will be made by THOS. GILLIAM, } Trustees. ALLAN POLLOCK, } February 6. ep8w.
NOTICE.
All persons having claims against the estate of John Pendleton, esq. late of the City of Richmond, dec'd. are requested to exhibit them to either of the subscribers as speedily as possible. GEO. PICKETT, ROBERT POLLARD, CHS. JOHNSTON, N. SHEPPARD. Administrators. November 18. tf.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed on the 24th day of May, 1805; whereby David Ross conveyed to us, a tract of land called Coles, in the county of Goochland, containing by a later late survey, 1510 acres; also, another tract a small distance from that called Coles, containing 200 acres, more or less, it being the same land, that the said Ross purchased from John Hughes and wife, and also the tract of land called Mount Prospect, the greater part of which lies in Fluvanna, containing by estimation 1200 acres, except 225 acres heretofore sold by the said Ross, out of the said tract, to Samuel Pettit, to raise the sum of eleven thousand and four hundred dollars, with interest thereon from the 1st January, 1807, together with all charges and expenses of sale; and in pursuance of a requisition made in writing, under the provisions of the said deed; we shall on the 21st day of March next, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell for ready money, all and singular, the land and estates above mentioned, at which time and place, conveyances will be made to the purchasers. A more particular description of the above property, may be seen by tracing the references contained in the said deed now of record, in the general court, under an acknowledgment of the same in court, on the 12th June, 1806. THO: AS NORVELL, W. ALLEN, WM. C. WILLIAMS. February 10. (tf.)
LAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed by the late James Taylor of the county of New-Kent, and state of Virginia, dec'd. to secure the payment of a sum of money due by him to Gilliam and Mackinder; will positively be sold without reserve, on the twelfth day of March next, at New-Kent courthouse. The following Tract or Parcel of LAND situate in the lower end of New-Kent; containing by a late survey, four hundred acres, commonly called and known by the name of Pond Marsh, which said tract or parcel of Land is bounded by the Lands of Thomas Piment, Edwin Godwin, dec'd. Armistead Russell and John Richardson, dec'd. and lately in the occupation of the said James Taylor. Terms of sale cash. THOMAS JORDAN, Trustee. February 6. tdf.
IN COUNCIL, February 19th, 1807. It is advised, that the following agents be appointed for the collection of the arrears of Taxes due this Commonwealth, viz: William Nieman, jr. for the Counties of Accomack, Northampton, Princess Anne, Norfolk, and the Borough of Norfolk. Park Street , for Nansemond, Isle of Wight, Southampton, Surry, Sussex, Prince George, Elizabeth City, Warwick, York, James City, Charles City, New-Kent, Hanover, Henrico, Cities of Richmond and Williamsburg. Peter G. Rice , for Gloucester, Matthews, Middlesex, Essex, King-William, King & Queen, Lancaster, Northumberland, Richmond and Westmoreland. Theodorus Hanford , for Loudoun, Fairfax, Fauquier, Prince William, Stafford and King-George. William C. Williams , for Culpeper, Madison, Orange, Spottsylvania, Caroline, Louisa, Goochland, Fluvanna, Albemarle and Amherst. Joseph Fawcett , for Frederick, Berkeley, Jefferson, Rockingham, Augusta, Shenandoah, Hampshire, Hardy, Pendleton, Monongalia, Ohio, Brooke, Harrison, Randolph and Wood. James McFarlane , for Wythe, Montgomery, Monroe, Giles, Washington, Russell, Lee, Grayson, Tazewell, Rockbridge, Botetourt, Greenbrier, Bath, Kanawha and Mafon. William Norvell , for Henry, Patrick, Franklin, Campbell, Bedford and Pittsylvania. Thomas T. Boulden , for Halifax, Charlotte & Prince Edward. Major Edward Pegram, jr. for Dinwiddie, Chesterfield, Brunswick, Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Charlotte, Amelia, Nottoway, Powhatan, Cumberland and Buckingham. DANL. L. HYLTION, Clerk C. C. February 20. tf.
NEGROES—FOR SALE. By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to me by Richard Ferguson, to secure the payment of £ 179 12 3 to Arthur Clayton, with interest thereon, from the 17th of February, 1806, till payment, together with all legal expenses attending said trust. WILL be sold to the highest bidder for ready money on Tuesday the 24th of February next, at Louisa court-house, three NEGROES, the property of said Richard Ferguson, consisting of two men and a boy. All persons inclined to purchase, are requested to attend. Louisa, Jan. 27. Wm. WHITE, Trustee. ep1m.
MAY be purchased on a long credit, and low terms, the TENEMENT on which the Subscriber lives, situated on Church-hill, within about one half mile of the Richmond market—containing 2 acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, two Stores, Brick-Office, Coach-House, Barn and Stable. All these buildings are well finished and in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family; who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. January 6. tf. JOHN ELLIS.
JOHN TOMPKINS, HAS received an assignment of GOODS Consisting of FLANNELS, Coatings, Blankets, Rote and Daffel Drabs, Frize, Kerseys, Peanought, Cloths, Carpets and Carpeting, Bombazetts, Swandown, Patent Cord, Powder and Shot, Dowlas, Sheeting, Kerseys, Calicoes and Mullins, &c. &c. which he will dispose of on very liberal terms, by the piece or package. Nov. 14. tf.
WANTED immediately, ten ton of clean Merchable HEMP, for which a liberal price will be given in cash. PROSSER & MONCURE. Dec. 20. ep1f.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, UNDER THE FIRM OF LESUEUR & SAUNDERS, Inform their friends and the public, that they will continue the COMMISSION business, lately done by C. & T. Saunders. They promise the strictest attention to the interests of those who may favor them with consignments. They are now receiving a general and extensive assortment of GROCERIES, which will be offered for sale, Wholesale and Retail, on the lowest terms and upon credit, in the store lately occupied by Messrs. William M'Kenzie & Co. opposite the Vendue Office of Messrs. Prosser & Moncure—among which are the following articles: BROWN SUGAR of superior quality, Dito ditto second ditto, Best Green Coffee, Salt in Sacks, Molasses and Treacle, Pickled Salmon, Scotch Barley, Madeira, Port, Sherry & Malaga Wine, Freth Muscated Raisins & Currants, Soft Shelled Almonds, Copppers, Saltpeetre, English F F Gunpowder, Patent Shot, well assorted, Hibbert's Brown Stout and Porter, Best Spanish Segars, Caldwell, Frazer & Co's Superfine Chocolate, New-York Candles and Soap, Spermacetti Candles, Bar Iron, German, Crawley's & Bittered Steel, Antigua & Jamaica Rum, Very Old Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, Cogniac Brandy, of very superior quality, Race Ginger, Pepper, Pimento, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves & Cinnamon, Fresh London Mustard, in small boxes, Best Flotant Indigo and Fig Blue, of superior quality, in boxes of 20 lbs. each, Fresh Capers, Oil, &c. Fresh Gunpowder, Tea in Canisters, Dito by the lb. Young Hyson do. of the first quality, N. England & Bullock's Chees. JOHN L. LESUEUR, C. H. SAUNDERS. October 10. tf.
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP. THE COPARTNERSHIP of C. and T. Saunders, is dissolved by mutual consent. All debts due by the concern will be adjusted and paid by Lesueur and Saunders, who are alone authorised to settle all claims due to and by the concern. C. H. SAUNDERS, TARLTON SAUNDERS. N. B. Those indebted are requested to make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given. Nov. 22. LESUEUR, & SAUNDERS. tf.
BELL TAVERN!! THE Subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public, that he has taken the house in Manchester, formerly called the Rising-Sun-Tavern, and occupied by Mrs. Leath, and having furnished himself with good Beds and the best of Liquors, Grains, &c. he flatters himself from paying particular attention, he will be able to give general satisfaction. ROBERT MC TYRE. February 10. oaw8w. tf.
A GREAT BARGAIN. FOR SALE, a TRACT OF LAND in Hanover county, whereon I now live, lying on Crump's creek, containing about 500 acres, and within 15 miles of the city of Richmond; upwards of 200 acres of which are uncleared, and is good wheat and corn land; there is on this tract some very good Meadow Land—Has on it a good dwelling house, barn and other out houses, in good repair, with young orchards of peach, apple, and cherry—Also another tract in said county, adjoining Broad Neck, about one-half of which is wood land—Also 180 odd acres lying in said county, in the neighborhood of Joseph Croft, within three miles of a good water mill, and well stocked with oak and pine timber. There are fifty h. els of wheat sown on the tract first mentioned. A further description of these lands is thought unnecessary, as any person inclined to purchase, it is presumed will wish to view them. One-third of the purchase money will be required in cash, and twelve months credit will be given for the other two-thirds. A deed of Trust upon the land will be required to secure the payment of the other two-thirds. WM. SIMS. oaw8w. tf.
N. B. As I intend to remove to the westward, immediate possession will be given. W. S. February 10. oaw8w. tf.
SLAVES FOR HIRE. SEVERAL Female House Servants of good character. One excellent Cook and Washer—and sundry boys and girls for hire till Christmas next, by JAS. SMITH. Who offers three chests of fresh Imperial Tea at a low price. Feb. 10. 2w.
MARSHAL'S SALES. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States for the 5th circuit in the Virginia District, between Phineas Bond, attorneys for the creditors of Ezekiel Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross, and others, defendants;— THREE valuable PLANTATIONS in the counties of Pittsylvania and Bedford, upon Staunton and Piggy rivers, stated in the deed of trust in the proceedings mentioned, to contain three thousand acres, more or less, but supposed to be considerably more extensive, comprehending all the Lands that on the 5th day of June 1795 belonged or appertained to the three plantations known by the name of the Mountain plantation, mouth of Piggy River plantation, and the Frying Pan plantation. A more particular description of which will be given on the day of sale. The sale will take place at the Eagle-Tavern in the city of Richmond, on Tuesday the 24th day of February next. Also at the Oxford Iron Works in the county of Campbell, on Tuesday the third day of March next. will be sold under the said decree, upon the same terms, a number of very valuable SLAVES. BENJ. MOSBY, D. M. for JOE. SCOTT, M. V. D. Jan. 8. cptdf.
TO RENT, For three or five years, THAT valuable TAN-YARD, of the late Mr. Jacob Boekius, and now occupied by the subscriber, situated on the Main-Street of this city, between the capitol and basin of the canal; its conveniences are superior to any other in this place. A large Curring-Shep, Cellar and drying loft, a spacious Bark-House, two Bark-Mills and Houses, a Beam House & every other requisite for the tanning of from 2 to 3000 hides a year, exclusive of skins. Also, on the same Tenement, a convenient Dwelling House, Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable and Garden. The renter may be accommodated, with about one hundred cords of excellent Spanish and Black Oak Bark, now in the Bark-house, at a fair price. Proposals for the above will be received in all this and next month; and if not disposed of, within this time, it will be offered at public auction on the premises the 15th of March next. Bond with approved security will be required and possession given on the first of April next, of the bark-house, bark mills, beam house, lixes, pools, bates, handlers and part of the vats. And the dwelling-house and residue of the tenement on the first of May next. The reason assigned for offering the foregoing property for rent, is the ill state of health of the subscriber, to pay that attention the business requires. MARCUS ELLAN. raw 15m. Jan. 15. tf.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
IN COUNCIL, Friday, 6th February, 1807. THE Executive conceiving it to be a duty which they owe to humanity and to the laws, to ascertain and to publish, and if proper so far as may consist with any powers vested in them, to punish the offence said to have been lately committed at the barracks in the city of Richmond which eventuated in the death of Mr. JOHN MCCREDIE, whose loss is sincerely deplored by the Executive. It is to that end unanimously Resolved, that Messrs Heath, Henning and Munford be appointed a committee, to ascertain and report to the Executive, as soon as may be convenient, all material circumstances in any degree relating to that tragical event, and particularly whether the orders given by the Governor to the commandant of the guard, in relation to the conduct proper on all occasions to be observed by the centinels belonging to that corps, have been regularly repeated by the said commandant to the troops under his command. It is ordered that the preceding resolution, together with extracts from the Governor's orders concerning the conduct proper to be observed by the centinels belonging to the public guard, be published in all the news-papers in the city of Richmond. DANL. L. HYLTION, Clk. of the Council.
The following is an extract from a letter of Gov. Monroe to Capt. Alexander Quarrier, the commandant of the public guard, dated May 5, 1802; on the subject of the conduct proper to be observed by the centinels of the public guard, he expresses himself as follows: "In general they should be cautioned not to direct their piece with a view to strike the object, but in cases where they are of opinion the person is bent on some evil design, such as to take or surprize the centinel or get into the Capitol to take the arms, or other public property. Sometimes persons intoxicated may pass near the centinel, or even insult him. In such cases it would be much to be regretted if such persons should be killed. If he be kept at a distance by the point of the bayonet it will be sufficient." No change was made by governor Page as to the conduct to be observed by the centinels—in a letter addressed to the commandant of the public guard, March 17th, 1803; in speaking of the duties of the public guard he expresses himself as follows: "These duties are so well understood by you, and as far as I have been, been so faithfully performed, that at present any direction or orders respecting them would be unnecessary." Governor Cabell, in a letter bearing date, May 29th, 1806, addressed to Capt. Alexander Quarrier, the commandant of the guard, speaking of the rules and regulations adopted by his predecessors for the government of the public guard, thus expresses himself: "I have seen no cause for making any change in any of them, and you will therefore consider them as confirmed." The above quotations from the letters of Governors Monroe, Page and Cabell are true extracts from the records. DANL. L. HYLTION, Clk. of the Council. Feb. 10. lawtf.
VIRGINIA MILITARY WARRANTS! THE owners of those warrants are respectfully informed, that by an act of Congress passed the 23d March 1804, the time of locating is protracted to the 23d March next, and that there are doubts whether the time will be prolonged. The Subscriber offers his services to the holders of such warrants (either where they are unlocated or where the locations are doubtful) to locate, survey, and procure the patents, at his own expense, for such as may employ him—for which services he will expect an equal fourth part of the Lands; and should there be any dispute, or defect in the title, which may arise in that part of the business done by him, he will take the part disputed or defective. From the general acquaintance he has with the territory reserved, and his great exertions to discover the true situation of the claims therein, he flatters himself, that his locations will be equal to those of any other locator. Where claims are doubtful, he will undertake to furnish the best information respecting them, and act as their owner may direct; for which services he will expect a reasonable commission out of the Land when secured. Persons wishing to employ him will forward proper powers, directed to him at Chillicothe, Ohio, his place of residence—Letters intended to meet him at the office before the 23d March, will be addressed to him at Middle-town, Jefferson County, Kentucky—Persons writing to him, and not employing him, need not expect answers. JOSEPH KERR. law4w. tf.
FRANCIS NEALE, INFORMS the public, that he has taken the TAVERN and its appurtenances at King & Queen Court-house, lately in the occupation of Mr. Garnett, and that he will be constantly supplied with the best liquors, and every kind of accommodation for those who may favor him with their company. To traveling Gentlemen, he pledges himself to furnish the most satisfactory entertainment, upon the most moderate terms, and that nothing shall be wanted, which diligence and an anxiety to please can afford. King & Queen Court-house, } law 4w. January 27. }
FOR RENT, And immediate possession given, THREE storied HOUSE, smoke-house, garden, &c. on the Basin, occupied the preceding year by Mr. Chancellor H. Saunders. This house is well calculated for a boarding or a genteel private family, having four rooms and a passage on each floor, and two kitchens and two cellar rooms on the ground floor.—For terms apply to Mr. Thomas Underwood, jr. at the public ware house, or to Mr. Leander Hughes at Messrs. Sharpard and Luckes, opposite the Market. ARCHELAUS HUGHES. January 10. oawtf.
The subscriber will also dispose of a part or the whole of a valuable half acre water LOT on the Basin, No. 409 with six small Tenements thereon, and a half acre LOT No. 396 with a good Dwelling-House thereon, handsomely situated for a private dwelling. A credit of five or ten years may be had for three fourths of the purchase money, by giving satisfactory security and paying the interest thereon, annually. If the above property is not disposed of at private sale, by the 2nd day of March, it will on that day, if fair, if not, the next fair day, be disposed of at auction, to the highest bidder on the premises—For terms, apply to Mr. Leander Hughes, in Richmond, or the subscriber living in New-Kent, near Bottoms Bridge. A. H. oawtf. Jan. 10.
JUST RECEIVED, A FRESH Assortment of Claret Wines, Champagne, Mouffeur by the box, Burgundy, Sautern, Vin de Grave, Lafitte, Mufcat of Frontignac Wine Bitters—and also, a fresh supply of Olives, Capers, Anchovies, Cayenne Pepper, Mustard, Prunes, Raisins by the box, Almonds and Filberts. All kind of Well-India Sweetsmeats; all kind of Confectionery—and different articles of Perfumery—For Sale by ALEXANDER PLAINVILLE. Richmond, Oct. 17. (2aw6m)
Continuation of News via Charleston: London dates to Dec. 31, and Bordeaux to the 25th.
Europe.
LETTER
From Gen. Kosciuszko to the Poles.
Brave countrymen!—At the found of arms, which once more founds in Poland, Kosciuszko flies into the midst of you. It is no longer barbarians in search of plunder, which advance into our plains. It is no longer those ferocious men who come to divide our fields, and insult our weaknesses, after having fattened themselves on our misfortunes and our blood. By their valour, by their triumphs, by the thundering eagle which soars before them, you will know the unconquerable legions which have illustrated the four quarters of the globe by their victories; who have, in one campaign, annihilated the united power of two vast empires; and who have, in one week, crumbled into dust a throne raised by an age of successes, the work of Frederick and all his old generals. Thus has the destiny of Napoleon decreed, who destroys and makes kings, who falls with the rapidity of lightning on his enemies, and who knows how, by the force of his arm, and the conception of his genius, to raise up nations, bowed down under the yoke of a frightful policy. Poles, thousands amongst you have followed the first general of Europe, in the deserts of Italy. Your battalions have rallied with the army of the brave—Napoleon comes to you. His eye observes you. He brings into the bosom of Poland those Frenchmen, amongst whom we have found a second country, who have collected the wrecks of us in their camps; who, treating us as brothers, have concealed our misfortunes under their laurels; these generous Frenchmen, in the midst of whom Kosciuszko has ceased to believe himself proscribed, before whom he has at last been able to raise up with a sentiment of coalition, and perhaps of pride, his vanquished but not dishonored head, and amongst whom he has been permitted to entertain the love of his country and the hope of its future liberty. Dear Countrymen, all you who have banished from your paternal soil, have remained Poles in a foreign land, and you, on the contrary, who have become strangers in the bosom of Poland, have remained faithful to your brothers and the country, ripe up. It is time. The grand nation is before you; Napoleon regards you and Kosciuszko calls you. See Europe shaken to her ancient foundations, hastening at the voice of genius to re-construct the social edifice, and to immortalise the nineteenth century, by new creations and new titles to glory. See how the yoke of the tyrant of the seas, of the enemy of the repose of Europe, is breaking to pieces on every coast. Every where the people raise up sheltered by monarchies constituted by the laws; every where the oppressed nations march towards their independence. Poles, what is wanting yet? Without doubt you are the children of those heroes who saved Europe from the yoke of the Mussulmen.—Your hearts still burn with the fire which filled with esteem and fright even your enemies' conquerors.—Because they have divided you, you should be more united by blood, by language, by misfortune, and by every thing which is most dear and most sacred amongst men. If Poland has been effaced from the political chart, the exits still entire in the hearts of her children. If abandoned by France, and having only for our support the justice of our cause and our valour, we were able to balance fortunes between us and three empires who united themselves to oppress us; what triumph shall appear doubtful, when the conqueror of the triple alliance has freed your frontiers; when the man of destiny has cast his views on you—do you not feel in his presence your blood quicken in your veins? Do you not now see the shades of so many heroes who have died fighting for you, pres around him and implore vengeance? Hear their groans, hear the voice of the country who demands from us its glory and independence. Poles, escaped by a miracle from the sword of your assassins, from the chains of your tyrants, I have collected you. I have brought with me the last sighs of a dying country. Full of confidence, this day I will make her last wishes reound amongst you—I go to see that paternal land which my arm has defended, which my blood has reddened, and which I will cover on seeing it with tears and kisses. Unfortunate friends whom I have not been able to follow to the tomb; dear and brave companions whom I have been constrained to leave under the yoke of our usurper, I have only lived with the hope of avenging you—I return to break your fetters. Sacred remains of my country, I salute you with an holy enthusiasm. I unite myself to you never to be separated. Worthy of the great man, whose arm is raised for us! Worthy Poles, who hear my voice, I will aid to raise up my country and to fix her future prosperity on stable bases: Was the name of country no more to my compatriots than a word without meaning, then I would escape from my misfortunes and the common shame, and bury myself under the noble wrecks of Poland. But no! Days glorious to Poland are about to appear. Fortune has not concluded Napoleon and his invincibles on the borders of the Vistula to leave there no traces. We are under the Egis of a monarch who combats difficulties with prodigies. The re-establishment of Poland is an event too glorious, for the eternal master of all things not to have reserved it for him. KOSCIUSKO.
ILLUSTRATION OF THE POLITICS OF EUROPE.
From Bell's Weekly Messenger.
THE LATE NEGOTIATION.
With that mixture of spite and artifice, which has of late too much distinguished the French Government, that Government has endeavoured to steal a march on the English Ministry, and anticipate them by the publication of the correspondence during the negotiation. It is pleasing to reflect that by indirect, if not direct means, the English Ministry, having suspected

their purpose, have so well disappointed it. STOCKDALE's Pamphlet, the "State of the Negotiation," has already informed the public of what was necessary to be known, and of much more than was contained in the French official correspondence. The public, however, have now an opportunity of judging from the two accounts before them. The facts are the same in both, but the manner in stating them, which is in fact every thing, is very different. The French papers are evidently varnished; so is the "State of the Negotiation." Each endeavours to make good its own part, and by comparison of the two, the public will have no difficulty to come at a fair judgment.
The Ministerial papers have, indeed, disclaimed STOCKDALE's Pamphlet in the name of Government—this was, perhaps, necessary, but if any thing more were wanting than the strong internal evidence of the publication itself, it is now given in the French papers. The documents, used in the case, are evidently transcripts from the same originals. We shall, therefore, in our consideration of the Negotiation as now before us, regard the one as the French, and the other, as far as it goes, as the English statements; and by a fair comparison endeavour to form a just judgment. If the state of the Negotiation be not written by Ministers, it is at least not written without their knowledge. Sanctioned or un sanctioned, of one thing there can be no doubt—that it is written by one, who well knew the contents of the Official Papers in the office—With this remark we dismiss it.
The publication of the English Ministry informed us, that the Negotiation commenced in February. Accordingly, the first paper in the French collection is a letter from Mr. Fox, bearing date the 20th of that month. The contents of this letter are in substance a civil overture to the French Government. Mr. Fox avails himself of "that something approaching to private friendship" between him and the French Cabinet, and informs them of a proposal that had been made to assassinate the French Emperor.
TALLEYRAND replies to this in the same complimentary style:—We repeat a personal compliment paid to Mr. Fox by BONAPARTE. The words are remarkable—"Whether a quarrel, so useless to the cause of humanity, shall have a conclusion as speedy as the two nations ought to desire, thank Mr. Fox," &c.
The reply of Mr. Fox, as it would seem, contains an overture for negotiation. Here, however, is a point of much difficulty. By this document it would appear that the British Government made the first overture. On the other hand, his Majesty's declaration positively asserts, that the overtures were first made by the French Government.
How is this to be reconciled? Let us refer to the "State of the Negotiation," and the matter is cleared up. "The overture was first made by the French Government, in an indirect and unofficial form, and adopted by the English Ministry in their eagerness to give reproof to Europe. Let us connect with this BONAPARTE's word—"Whether a quarrel so useless to the cause of humanity shall have a conclusion as speedy as the nations ought to desire." Is not the inference plain?—That a previous opening, which does not appear in the French papers, had been attempted, and perhaps at that time existed. France for more evident reasons would not publish it; but we have no doubt that direct evidence of it will be given before Parliament. It is necessary to the honour of the British Cabinet; for, according to the French papers, as now published, the overtures commenced on the part of England, and not on that of France.
This reply of Mr. Fox, which is No. 3, of the French papers, enters upon the immediate subject of the negotiation, which, as said above, we might suppose to have been previously opened by some indirect communication, which taken together with TALLEYRAND's answer to Mr. Fox's first note, constituted a sufficient ground for commencement. This previous communication is, we think, evident on the very face of this note (No. 3). It is manifestly something more than a reply to the note of TALLEYRAND. Mr. Fox, however, in this note proposes, as the first preliminary of the proposed negotiation should be, that each party should acknowledge that a desirable peace would be such as was honorable to both nations and their respective allies. This principle, as applied to England, was intended to include Russia; and accordingly Mr. Fox expresses a manly decision, that he would not treat without the Emperor ALEXANDER. He adds, however, that, till the arrival of a Russian plenipotentiary, the provisional engagements and conferences may still be commenced and continued.
In Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 7, the contest is carried on with great spirit between Mr. Fox and Talleyrand, upon the subject of treating in concert with Russia. The French Minister resolutely rejects the introduction of the Emperor of Russia in the negotiation. In one of these Notes a very important point is communicated, or rather confirmed. The greater part of the daily prints attacked the Ministerial pamphlet, the "State of the Negotiation," for its assertion that Russia was in treaty with France without the knowledge, or at least the knowledge officially communicated, of the Cabinet of England. This fact is ascertained in the Note No. 6, from TALLEYRAND to Mr. Fox; the former stating it as a notorious fact, that Russia at that time (the beginning of April) had made a direct proposal of negotiation with France. Mr. Fox, in his answer, avows his ignorance of it. It seems, however, to have had a most considerable weight with him, for his subsequent letters are less decisive on the point of treating in concert. This inexcusability of Russia is imputable to the state of her Cabinet at that period—a state which is most ably explained in the Ministerial Pamphlet. The knowledge of this is a most important point, and the most valuable contained in the French papers.
In No. 8, TALLEYRAND, still holding to his point of excluding Russia, proposes two preliminary concessions as the grounds of commencement,—the first, the one proposed by Mr. Fox, i. e. that the peace should be honourable to all parties;—the second, the acknowledgment of the favourite principle of the British Cabinet, that of a general guarantee.
In No. 9, Mr. Fox indirectly accepts these concessions, mentions Russia in a kind of formal way, and evidently admits the continuation of the negotiation.—In Nos. 10, 11, and 12, he acquiesces the French Court of the Powers given to Lord YARMOUTH to continue the conference.—This may be considered as the proper commencement of the actual business of the negotiation.
There now occurs something very singular,—a gap in the correspondence from the middle of June to the 6th of August. The French would not have admitted this without a purpose. This hiatus is supplied by the Ministerial pamphlet. It was doubtless in this interval that occurred all the squabbles upon the subject of Hanover, the Cape, Malta, the independence of the Porte, and the Turkish and Russian barrier. In No. 13 the two British negotiators, Lord Lauderdale and Yarmouth, remonstrate with
great spirit on the departure of the French from the basis previously acceded to, that of the uti possidetis . There are here several singular points. The first is an acknowledgment that circumstances had occurred which allowed his Majesty to depart from his resolution of treating in concert, and of entering upon a separate treaty on the basis of the uti possidetis ,—exempting Hanover, however, from that basis—which, as unjustly seized, was to be restored without equivalent.—The principle of the uti possidetis is fully explained, and the departure of the French from this principle forcibly represented.
PROCLAMATION OF THE EMPEROR.
Imperial Head-Quarters at Posen, 2d December, 1806.
Soldiers!—It is this day a year, even at this very hour, that you were on the memorable field of Auerlitz. The Russian battalions frightened, flying in disorder or surrounded, gave up their arms to their conquerors. The next day they spoke words of peace, but they were deceitful. Scarcely escaped by the effect of, perhaps, a condemnable generosity, from the disasters of the third coalition, they contrived a fourth. But the ally on whose tactics they founded their principal hopes is no more; his strong places, his capitals, his magazines, his arsenals, 280 stand of colors, 700 pieces of cannon, five great places of war, are in our power. The Oder, the Wartha, the deferts of Poland, nor the bad weather, have not been able to stop you for a moment; you have braved all, surmounted all, every thing fled on your approach.
It is in vain that the Russians wished to defend the capital of this illustrious and ancient Poland. The French Eagle hovers over the Vistula—the brave and unfortunate Poles, on seeing you, believe they see the legions of Sobieski on return from their memorable expedition.
Soldiers! We will not lay down our arms until a general peace has affirmed and assured the power of our allies, and has restored to our commerce its liberty and colonies. We have conquered on the Oder, Pomerania, and our establishments in the Indies, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spanish colonies. What gives a right to the Russians to believe that they can balance the destinies? Who gives them a right to overfly such just designs? They, and ourselves, are we not the soldiers of Auerlitz?
NAPOLEON.
PARIS, Nov. 27.
The official Journal has published this day the declaration of the king of England, of the 2d of October last, concerning the rupture of the negotiations; and has followed it with the following observations and the official papers of the last negotiations between France and England.
OBSERVATIONS
On the Declaration of his Britannic Majesty.
We can with difficulty conceive how, with such authentic facts and those of such high importance, the English government has dared to hazard so many false allegations. Accused by the opinion of Europe of having prolonged the war, it wishes this day to remove this odious responsibility; but the acts, even of its agents, accuse it, and its assertions are contradicted by facts. His Majesty the emperor and king, will not answer it but by producing all the papers of this negotiation, which his love for peace made him with would have a happier result.
It is not true that the French government had made, before the negotiation, any of the overtures nor any of the offers which the declaration supposes. All these suppositions have been constantly denied during the course of the negotiation by his Majesty's ministry. It is true that the French government had accepted the pretended basis which is asserted in the declaration, and that his Britannic Majesty had referred to himself, before entering into negotiation, the right of not treating, but in concert with his allies.
It will be easy to convince by the answers of the Minister of Exterior Relations to Mr. Fox, and above all by that of No. 6, that the English cabinet had held to this reserve, that the negotiation would never have opened. It will be easy to convince, even by the text of the full powers of Lord Yarmouth, and more evidently still by the reading of the letter of Lord Lauderdale, No. 13, that before the commencement of the negotiation, the English government had entirely and irrevocably desisted from the pretension of treating conjointly with its allies. How dare a government thus publicly place itself in contradiction with itself?
The exposition of facts which are about to be stated, is not like the declaration of the king of England, a hazardous publication, which is to be believed on its own authority. It is supported by all the papers of the negotiation, which will be printed hereafter.
In February of this year, there opened between the two powers a negotiation direct, between cabinet and cabinet. It commenced under favorable auspices; and on referring to this period, we love to recollect a trait worthy of the noble character of the minister which England has lost. A letter from Mr. Fox to his serene highness, the prince of Benevento, informed him, that an individual had presented himself to him, and had offered to attempt the life of the emperor. (See No. 1 and 2)
The basis of the negotiation established themselves afterwards in the letters which the two ministers wrote each other successively; and after frank and continued discussions, supported by that tone of politeness becoming the ministers of two great powers, it was agreed, that they would adopt, as the basis of the negotiation, the two following principles: 1st. That the two states should have for their common objects, that the peace should be honorable for them and their respective allies, and at the same time it should be of the nature to assure, as much as it was possible, the future repose of Europe. 2d. That it should be acknowledged in favor of one and the other power, that it should have all the right of intervention and guarantee for continental affairs, and for maritime affairs. (See No. 3 and 4) It is to these principles, announced in the notes of the two ministers, that the French government has solely and perseveringly referred.
Lord Yarmouth came to Paris; he presented full powers, and the negotiation proceeded towards its completion. It is not true, as is advanced in the declaration in the declaration of his Britannic Majesty, that the cabinet of the Thuilleries, who is not sufficiently weak to treat with ministers without powers, found those of Lord Yarmouth insufficient. The form is the same as those of Lord Manchester, in 1763, and the authorizations are even more complete and more extensive. (See No. 11 and 12.)
But the court of London found that the progress of the negotiation was too rapid; it feared that it would lead to a peace. To delay every thing, it sent, under the same title, a second minister plenipotentiary, and soon after he was left alone, and they prescribed to him to wait, under an apparent negotiation, to see what
part Russia would act respecting the treaty which had been negotiated and concluded at Paris in her name.
They have dared to advance in his Britannic Majesty's declaration, that Mr. D'Oubril had no powers to treat; and that his Majesty, the emperor and king, had made engagements in this treaty, which, if they had been fulfilled, would have committed the peace of the two courts. The reading of the full powers, and of the treaty. (See No. 39 and 40) will sufficiently answer this false allegation. France has not the blame of having failed in the engagements of the treaty she made with Russia; but she has for having fulfilled them with too much confidence and precipitation. The peace was scarcely signed, when the ordered cruizing to cease against the Russian flag, and re-established all her commercial relations with Russia.
Hitherto every thing agreed. Russia and England had treated separately, and France had not had any other view but that of simplifying the discussions, that they might bring on a durable reconciliation, by refusing to admit these two powers to negotiate in concert, and confound interests, which, by their nature, were essentially distinct. The treaty with Russia was made; the negotiation with England approached progressively to its term; this power saw herself on the point of concluding it on conditions advantageous for her, since she was to keep Malta and the Cape of Good Hope.
Useless moderation of H. I. and R. M.—Mr. Fox still sick, he ceased to assist at the council—the fashion, enemies to peace, prevailed and all changed—Lord Lauderdale came to Paris, the negotiation became complicated and took a retrograde march. We cannot remove the suspicion, that he came to break it, and that they had chosen him, as the friend of Mr. Fox, to cause to fall on the partisans of that minister, all the odium of the rupture.
Mr. Fox would have easily diffipated this intrigue, but he was dying. Lord Lauderdale, habituated to follow a chief, no longer discerned the desire he had to find one in the contrary party, and to rally round other principles—his tone was in accord with his views; all his letters, all the answers of the government, (see Nos. 13 to 28) prove to what point H. I. M. went, for the re-establishment of peace, by the long patience with which his ministry has supported such rough and passionate proceedings; he would not sacrifice to questions of susceptibilities, the most distant hope of a reconciliation between the two powers.
In the mean while, England, following up this strange negotiation, endeavored from all parts to raise up new enemies. She sent a squadron into the Tagus, to found the opinion of Portugal, and to endeavor to draw her in; she threatened the Ottoman Porte, and offered it her alliance; she intrigued in Russia to have the ministry changed which sent Mr. D'Oubril, and has prepared the refusal of the ratification of her treaty of peace: she excited Prussia against France, by persuading her that she should lose Hanover, a province which France had let her take, but which France had not guaranteed to her, but on condition that Prussia should make a common cause with France, in obliging England to make peace. The intrigues of England had had all the success with Prussia which she expected. This power declared war; Lord Lauderdale demanded his passports and set off for London.
Mr. Fox was desirous of peace; as long as he directed affairs, the negotiations were loyal and frank; after him, there was but one object in view, that of breaking them, and to elude all the means of subsistence and bad faith the responsibility of the rupture, and to give the war a greater extent, in the hope that a new coalition would be more fatal to France, or at least, that the new danger which threatened England would be turned on her allies.
Then follow to the number of 40, the official papers which the foregoing observations are drawn from—1, 2 and 3, prepared the opening for the negotiations, of which the death of one of the prime ministers was the termination.
No. 1. Downing-Street, 20th Feb. 1806.
Mr. Minister.—I believe it to be my duty, in the quality of an honest man, to impart to you as soon as possible, a sufficiently strange circumstance that has come to my knowledge. The shortest way will be to narrate simply the fact as it happened.
Some days past a person announced to me that he had landed at Gravesend without a passport, and he prayed me to send him one, because he had come recently from Paris and he had information to communicate which would give me pleasure. I conversed with him alone in my cabinet, where after some unimportant conversation, this villain had the audacity to tell me that to tranquillize all crowns it was necessary that the chief of the French should be killed and that for this purpose he had hired a house at Puffly from which he could by a certain stroke and without risk, execute this detestable project. I did not well understand if this was to be by means of common firearms or by those of a new construction. I am not ashamed to acknowledge to you Mr. Minister, who know me, that my confusion was great on finding myself in the situation of conversing with a declared assassin. In consequence of this confusion, I ordered him to leave me instantly, giving at the same time to the officer of police, who guarded him, directions to have him sent out of the kingdom as soon as possible. After having reflected more maturely on what I had done, I discovered the fault I had committed in suffering him to depart before you were informed of it; I therefore ordered him to be detained.
There is an appearance that all this is nothing, and that this miserable man had nothing else in view than to make a boast by promising things which after his manner of thinking, would give me pleasure.
In either case I have thought that I ought to inform you of what has passed, before I send him away. Our laws will not allow of his detention for a long time; but he shall not depart until after you have had time to put yourself on your guard against his attempts, supposing that he still has evil designs, and when he is sent off, I will take care that he shall not be landed but in some part as distant as possible from France. He called himself here Guillet de la Gervilliere, but I think that this is a false name. He had not a scrap of paper to show me, and on his first entrance I did him the honor to believe him to be a spy.
I have the honor to be, with most perfect attachment, Mr. Minister, your very obedient servant,
C. J. FOX.
No. 2. March 5th, 1806.
Sir, I have placed the letter of your excellency under the eyes of his Majesty; his first words, after having finished the reading of it, were, "I discover here the principles of honor and virtue which have always animated Mr. Fox."
He then added, "I thank him on my part, and say to him, that, whether the politics of his sovereign shall make us remain a longer time at war, or whether a quarrel so useless to humanity is as near its end as the two nations ought to desire, I rejoice at the new character, which, by this step, the war has already taken, and which is a pledge of what may be expected from a cabinet of which it pleases me to appreciate the principles by those of Mr. Fox who is one of those men best calculated to feel in all things what is good and what is truly grand."
I will not permit myself, Sir, to add any thing to the proper expressions of his imperial and royal majesty.
I pray you only to accept the assurance of my high consideration.
CH. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento.
No. 3. Downing-Street, 26th March, 1806.
Sir, The notice which your Excellency has given me of the pacific dispositions of your government, led me to fix particularly the attention of the king on that part of the letter of your excellency.
His Majesty has declared more than once to his parliament, his sincere desire of embracing the first occasion of re-establishing peace on such solid bases as would reconcile them with the interests and permanent security of his people. His disposition is always pacific; but it is a sure and durable peace that his Majesty looks for, and not uncertain truce, which, of itself, would inquire as well the contracting parties, as the rest of Europe.
As to the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens, which might be proposed as the basis of negotiation, it is to be remarked that this phrase may be interpreted in three or four different ways, and that in consequence, ulterior explanations would be necessary which would not fail to cause great delay, even if there should not be other objections.
The true foundation for a negotiation between two great powers, which equally contain all ideas of chicanery, ought to be the reciprocal acknowledgment on each side, of the following principles: that is to say; that the two parties should have for their object, that the peace should be honorable for each and respectable for their allies, and at the same time of a nature to assure as much as it is in their power, the future repose of Europe.
England cannot neglect the interest of any one of her allies, and she finds herself united to Russia by such close ties, that she ought not to treat, much less to conclude on any thing, but in concert with the emperor Alexander; but while waiting for the actual intervention of a Russian plenipotentiary, we can discuss, and even arrange provisionally, some of the principal points.
It might appear that Russia, owing to her distant situation, has fewer immediate interests to discuss with France, than some other powers; but this court, in every view so respectable, interests itself earnestly, as well as England, in all that relates to the fate more or less independent, of the different princes and states of Europe.
You see, Sir, how we are disposed here to smooth down all difficulties which might retard the discussions spoken of. It is not as if we had any thing to fear what regard ourselves in the continuation of the war. The English nation is, of all others, that which suffers the least from its duration; but we do not feel the loss for the misfortunes of others.
Let us do, then, what is in our power to put an end to them, and let us endeavor, if it can be so, to conciliate the respective interests, and the glory of the two countries with the tranquillity of Europe and the happiness of the human race.
Sir, of your excellency, the very humble and very obedient servant,
C. J. FOX.
No. 4.
Sir, At the very hour on which I received your letter of the 26th of March, I repaired to his Majesty, and I feel myself happy in having to inform you, that he authorized me to make you, without delay, the following answer:—The Emperor has nothing to desire of what England possesses—Peace with France is possible, and may be perpetual, if an interference is not attempted in her interior affairs; if a constraint is not laid in the direction of her custom-houses; and if no insult is supported against her flag.
It is not you, Sir, who have been in a great number of public discussions, an exact knowledge of the general affairs of Europe, and those of France, that ought to be convinced that France wants nothing but repose, and a situation which will permit her, without any obstacle, to give herself up to the labors of her industry.
The Emperor does not believe that luck, or such, an article of the treaty of Amiens, has been the cause of the war. He is convinced that the true cause has been the refusal to make a treaty of commerce, necessarily hurtful to the manufactures and the industry of his subjects.
Your predecessors accused us of wishing to invade every thing—In France they accuse England. Ah, well! we ask nothing but equality. We will never ask an account of what you do amongst yourselves, provided, in return, you will never ask what we do amongst us. This principle is a just and reasonable reciprocity, and respectively advantageous.
You express a desire that a negotiation should not end in a peace, without duration. France is more interested than any other power, that a peace should be durable.
It is not a true that the is interested in making for a true peace would only prepare for her new losses. You know, very well, that nations in this position, like each man considered individually, accusations it felt to the situation of war, as well as to a situation of peace. All the losses France can suffer, she has suffered already, & will always suffer in the first six months of a war. At this day our commerce and our industry have fallen back on themselves, and have adapted themselves to our situation of war—Therefore, a truce of two or three years would, during the time, be what would be the most contrary to our commercial interests, and to the policy of the Emperor.
As to the intervention of a foreign power, the Emperor might accept the mediation of a power which had grand maritime forces; for, then its participation at the peace, would be regulated by the same interests which we have to discuss with you; but the mediation you speak of, is not of this nature. You would not deceive us, and you see clearly there is no equality between you and us in the guarantee of a power which has three hundred thousand men on foot, and who has not a navy ( armada de mar ).
As to the rest, Sir, your communication has a character of frankness and precision which we have not heretofore seen in the relations of your court with us. I will make it my duty to put the same frankness and the same plainness in my answers. We are ready to make peace with all the world. We will impose on nobody, and we will not suffer that anybody shall impose on us, for there is no person that has the power nor the means of doing it. It is in the power of no person to make us retreat from treaties which are executed. The integrity and the entire and absolute independence of the Ottoman Porte are not only the veritable desire of the Emperor, but the point the most constant of his policy.
Two enlightened nations, and neighbors one to the other, would be wanting in the opinion which they ought to have of their power and their wisdom, if they called into the discussion of the great interests which divide them, foreign and distant interventions. Thus, Sir, peace can be treated on and concluded immediately, if your court has truly a desire to arrive at it.
Our interests are reconcilable, in so much as they are distinct. You are the sovereigns of the sea; your maritime forces equal those of all the sovereigns of the world united. We are a great continental power; but there are several who have as great a force on land as we, and your preponderance on the sea will always put our commerce at the disposition of your squadrons on the first declaration of war you should make. Do you think it would be reasonable to expect that the Emperor would ever consent also, to put himself for the affairs of the continent at your discretion? If matters of the sea by your own power, you will also be on land, by a combined power—Peace is not possible, for then you would wish to arrive at results which you never can attain.
The emperor, all accustomed as he is to run all chances, which present perspectives of grandeur and glory, desires peace with England. He is a man. After so many fatigues he also wishes for repose. Father of his subjects, he wishes as much as it can be compatible with their honor, and with the guarantees of the future, to procure them the blessings of peace and the advantages of a happy and tranquil commerce.
Then, Sir, H. M. the King of England, really wishes for peace with France, he will name a plenipotentiary to repair to Lille—I have the honor to address passports for this purpose. As soon as H. M. the emperor, shall have learnt the arrival of the minister of your court, he will name one and send him without delay. The Emperor is ready to make all the concessions which, from the extent of your naval forces, and your preponderance, you can desire to obtain. I do not believe that you can refuse also to adopt the principle of making propositions to him conformably to the honor of his crown, and to the rights of the commerce of his states. If you are just, if you only want what is possible to be done, peace will soon be concluded.
I finish, by declaring, that his Majesty adopts entirely the principle laid down in your dispatch, as the base of the negotiation, that the peace proposed ought to be honorable for the two courts, and for their respective allies.
I have the honor to be, with the most high consideration, your very humble and obedient servant,
CH. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento.
(To be continued.)
NEW-YORK, Feb. 14.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND. The ship Kingston, captain Leslie, arrived at this port yesterday in a short passage from London, and captain L. has obliged the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a regular file of London papers and Lloyd's List to the 30th of December.
Our intelligence from the European Continent is not so late as we had previously received; and these papers contain no political information of consequence after the following articles are extracted.
The king of England was indisposed, and Parliament was opened by a Message. On the 22d of December all the documents relative to the Negotiations lately broken off between Great Britain and France were laid before the two Houses. They are of extreme length, and would occupy 40 or 50 columns.
An order of Council had passed permitting a commercial intercourse with the government of Hayti in every kind of traffic excepting that of negroes.
Insurance on American vessels, at London, had risen to Ten Guineas per cent.
We have received Amsterdam Papers to the 25th of December by the ship Monticello, captain Kearny.
LONDON, December 19.
We have received some farther particulars of the loss of his Majesty's ship L'Athenienne.
L'Athenienne was proceeding to Malta when this melancholy accident took place. The rocks on which the ship wrecked are situated between the western extremity of Sicily and Cape Bon, on the Barbary coast. She was going at the rate of nine knots an hour at the time. Were it not that this dreadful disaster happened at night, the whole of the crew might have been saved. The conduct of captain Royston is spoken of in the highest terms. When the ship struck, he declared he would be the last to quit her. His first care, when he perceived the dangerous state in which she was, was to embark as many persons in the boats as they could contain, with orders that they should make the nearest land, and return to the ship as soon as possible. The persons who were thus saved were landed, we understand, on one of a cluster of barren islands, or rocks rather, near the Skerki rocks, on which the vessel was lost. When the boats returned to where they had left the ship, scarcely a vestige of her was to be seen. The gale was so fresh, that it is supposed she must have gone to pieces soon after they quitted her. She had a considerable quantity of specie on board, for the payment of the troops at Malta.
No advice from the continent have been received since our last. An English gentleman is arrived in town, who lately travelled through Poland. He reports that at the time he passed through Warsaw an army of 130,000 men was collected in the vicinity of that city. He was detained for twelve hours, and was sent to the Russian army to be examined. He states, that the Russian army were very indifferently provided with artillery, relative to which, however, they expressed no concern, having determined to rely entirely on the effect of the bayonet.
December 24.
Lord Hutchinson and suite arrived at Copenhagen on the 2d, and they immediately set sail in prosecution of his mission, on board the Alert.
The Dart, from Lisbon, which failed from Lisbon on the 12th, brings dispatches to government from Lord Strangford. The English packets had arrived. No account had been received respecting the capture of Buenos Ayres, of which we have had some indistinct rumours in England, and it is totally disbelieved. Nor is there any truth in a report which was current yesterday, that there was an alarm in Spain in consequence of some new intimation made to the court by the emperor of the French. It is certain that no such report comes from any authority at Lisbon, where every thing was quiet.
A gentleman who came passenger in the Dart, that brought dispatches to government, states, that when he left Lisbon, the merchants began to feel some uneasiness respecting the fate of Portugal; at the time this gentleman left Madrid for Lisbon, the Spanish Government was continuing to recruit the forces; and as it was reported there that the army who completed, was intended to act against the French, some pains were taken by the government to remove that impression. Letters from Seville, of the 9th ult. state, in positive terms, that the French officers there made no secret of declaring, that a rupture was on the eve of taking place between France and Spain.
December 26.
There is not the least foundation for the intelligence received at Gottenburg from Elsinore, that the court of Denmark has, at the requisition of Bonaparte, shut the ports of Haff and Tornings against the British vessels.
December 29.
An English squadron is stated to have appeared before Alexandria, for the purpose of occupying that place. They talk loudly in Paris, that decisive measures will be adopted to force England to consent to the repose of Europe.
Nine sail of the line, and three frigates, were ready for sea at Brest, on the 5th inst.
His Majesty has been pleased to direct, that a pension of 500, per annum be settled on Sir Samuel Hood, in consideration of the loss of his arm.
Price of Stocks at 1 o'clock.—Consols, 66 1/2.—Three per cent reduced, 55 7/8.—Guineas 2.
FRIDAY, Dec. 19.
At four o'clock the Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Lords Winchelsea and Spencer took their seats in their robes, as his Majesty's commissioners, and the commons attending at the bar, the lord chancellor delivered, in his majesty's name, the following speech to both houses of parliament:
"My Lords and Gentlemen, "His Majesty has commanded us to assure you, that in the difficult and arduous circum-

stances under which you are now assembled, it is a great satisfaction to him to recur to the firmness and wisdom of his parliament, after so recent an opportunity of collecting the sense of his people.
"His majesty has ordered the papers which have been exchanged in the course of the late negotiations with France, to be laid before you. His majesty has employed every effort for the restoration of general tranquility, on terms consistent with the interest and honor of his people, and with that inviolable good faith towards his allies, by which the conduct of this country has always been distinguished."
"The ambition and injustice of the enemy disappointed these endeavors, and in the same moment kindled a fresh war in Europe, the progress of which has been attended with the most calamitous events."
"After witnessing the subversion of the ancient constitution of Germany, and the subjugation of a large proportion of its most considerable states, Prussia found herself still more nearly threatened by that danger, which she had vainly hoped to avert by so many sacrifices. She was therefore at length compelled to adopt the resolution of openly resisting this unremitted system of aggrandizement and conquest. But neither this determination, nor the succeeding measures, were previously concerted with his majesty; nor had any disposition been shown to offer any adequate satisfaction for those aggressions which had placed the two countries in a state of mutual hostility."
"Yet in this situation his majesty did not hesitate to adopt, without delay, such measures as were best calculated to unite their councils and interests against the common enemy. The rapid course of the calamities which ensued, opposed insurmountable difficulties to the execution of this purpose."
"In the midst of these disastrous events, and under the most trying circumstances, the good faith of his majesty's allies has remained unshaken. The conduct of the King of Sweden has been distinguished by the most honorable firmness. Between his majesty and the Emperor of Russia, the happiest union subsists; it has been cemented by reciprocal proofs of good faith and confidence; and his majesty doubts not that you will participate in his anxiety to cultivate and confirm an alliance which affords the only remaining hope of safety for the continent of Europe."
"Great men of the House of Commons, His majesty looks with confidence to your assistance in those exertions which the honour and independence of our country demand. The necessity of adding to the Public Burthens will be painful to your feelings, and is deeply distressing to his majesty. In considering the estimates for the various branches of the public service, you will bear in mind his majesty's wishes, by combining all practicable economy with those efforts which it is necessary to make against the formidable and increasing power of the enemy."
"My Lords and Gentlemen, The long series of misfortune which has afflicted the Continent of Europe, could not fail to effect, in some degree, many important interests of the country. But, under every successive difficulty, his majesty has had the satisfaction of witnessing an increasing energy and firmness on the part of his People, whose uniform and determined resistance has been no less advantageous than honorable to themselves, and has exhibited the most striking example to the surrounding nations. The unconquerable valor and discipline of his majesty's fleets and armies continue to be displayed with undiminished lustre. The great sources of our prosperity and strength are unimpaired; nor has the British nation been, at any time, more united in sentiment and action, or more determined to maintain inviolate the independence of the empire, and the dignity of the national character."
"With these advantages, and with an humble reliance on the protection of the Divine Providence, his majesty is prepared to meet the exigencies of this great crisis; assured of receiving the fullest support from the wisdom of your deliberations, and from the tried affection, loyalty and public spirit of his brave people."
Domestic.
WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 18. SUPREME COURT of the U. STATES. On Monday Messrs. Ballman and Stuart were brought before the Court by virtue of a writ of Habeas Corpus.
MR. LEE made an argument of three hours and a half, in order to prove the illegality of the commitment of the Circuit Court; to prove that there was not probable cause that the prisoners had been guilty of treason; that there was no proof of their having committed any offence; and that they consequently ought to be altogether liberated, or at least admitted to bail.
MR. KEY followed on the same side, in a speech of about an hour, when the court adjourned about half past 4 o'clock.
On TUESDAY the court met at 10 A. M. The Attorney General, MR. RODNEY, spoke against the motion about two hours.
He was followed by MR. JONES, the attorney of the district, who delivered an argument of about the same length.
MR. HARPER then spoke in support of the motion about one hour and a half.
When the court adjourned about 4 o'clock. The argument will be closed this day by Mr. Martin.
IN CHANCERY.
Buckingham county, January court, 1807. Daniel and William Guerrant (for the benefit of James Rea and others their trustees.) Plts.
Smyth Tandy & Nathan Ayres, Defs. On the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant Tandy is not an inhabitant of this state; It is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here on or before the next term of court and answer the plaintiffs bill, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the court house of this county. A Copy. Teste.
R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C. clerk/2mp. Feb. 24.
LOST, A BOND, assigned to me by John Jordan, Joseph Eades, and Saml. Shelton, the obligors for £150. Dated, &c. Feb. 1806 and pay the first January 1807. The public is cautioned against taking an assignment of said Bond—and any person who may be the holder of it is requested to deliver the Bond to me, for it will not be discharged, the said Eades having recurred the debt to me by a second bond. CHARLES YANCEY. Buckingham, Feb. 24.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 24th FEBRUARY.
EUROPEAN SKETCHES.
We have this day published Kosciuszko's address to his gallant countrymen. Let a sufficient allowance be made for all the imperfections of the translation in which it appears, and we do not hesitate to pronounce it the most nervous, eloquent and pathetic production which has ever issued from the American press. It equals, if it not eclipses general Moreau's appeal to the military tribunal, or Emmett's affecting speech to the Irish court. Let the Poles but breathe half the spirit which animates this exquisite composition, and their reëstablishment to independence is as sure as death.
Austria will not object to the loss of her part of Poland, if an arrangement which is said to have been concluded at Vienna, has been correctly reported in the French papers. According to this convention, Austria is to obtain the restoration of the whole of Silesia (now a Prussian province) and she is then to relinquish her claim to every part of Poland, and to cede besides to the king of Bavaria, the heretofore electorate of Salzburg and the Inn-Wiecel.
Bonaparte seems extremely solicitous to conciliate the favor and to reëstablish the independence of the Porte. In his Bulletins, in Talleyrand's official reports, in Berthier's note of the 16th November to the Prussian Plenipotentiaries, he declares his resolution to retain all the countries which he has conquered, until Russia shall have relinquished all interference with the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, and surrendered them in complete sovereignty to the Porte.
Whence this seeming anxiety to promote the interests of the Turkish divan? It is no doubt dictated by several motives.—He may wish to lure the Porte into a war with Russia, by such disinterested professions of friendship.—He may wish to cut off all connection between Russia and these oppressed and rebellious provinces; thus to cut her off from all further aggrandizement in Turkey, to increase the Turkish power, and thus to raise an additional barrier on the south to the growing power of Russia. But what is more probable still, he may be actuated by much more selfish considerations. In exchange for the services which he may render to the Porte, on the north he may stipulate for an indemnity in the south. For securing Wallachia and Moldavia, he may expect the gift of Turkish Dalmatia, of Greece, perhaps Egypt itself. And here it deserves to be mentioned, that the French under Marmont has lately dispossessed the Russians of Porto Novo, the strongest fortress in Cattaro. Every moment seems to confirm their possession of this important acquisition; from which as from a great centre, they may extend their power to the Ionian Isles, to Turkish Dalmatia, to Albania, to Greece—and why not at last, to the very coasts of the Black Sea?
The late astonishing victories of France have given a new tone and extension to her demands. England cannot now expect a peace on the same favourable terms as were proposed before the late continental rupture. The Bulletins & the proclamation of the emperor at Posen on the 2nd December, have announced a new basis of pacification. In the prefatory remarks to the correspondence between Messrs. Fox and Talleyrand, which we have commenced in this day's paper, it is positively avowed that England was to have "kept Malta and the Cape of Good Hope." But what now is the triumphal dictum of the French Emperor? "We have conquered on the Oder; Pondicherry, and our establishments in the Indies, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Spanish colonies." He completely abandons the principle of the uti possidetis .
A suggestion.—The Spanish court is raising considerable levies of men; besides the 50,000 Prussian prisoners which Bonaparte has offered to place at their disposal.—Why these large equipments? Are they intended to act against France? No. Because she would scarcely furnish Spain with instruments to be turned against herself. Are they to be dispatched to the defence of the Spanish S. American possessions? Are they to act against Portugal? Or against what power? It is a hazardous, but not impossible conception, that this rising camp; this nest egg of some great delinquent, is ultimately destined against Ireland.
Ireland is the weakest point of the British Empire.—She is at this moment agitated in the north (which has generally been calm amidst theEditions of the other parts) by the religious associations of the Threshers.—These troubles must have arrested the vigilance of the French cabinet; they are announced in the most pompous terms in the Paris prints.—What time more encouraging than the present, when the generosity of Bonaparte is seen exhibited in the restoration of Poland?—What place more favourable as a point of embarkation, because to little suspected as Spain? Should the Prussians even perish in the attempt, what person could be better spared by the cabinets of St. Cloud or Madrid?
STOLEN LETTERS.
It is impossible to publish the following communication, without comment upon the infamous and dishonest transaction which it records.—This communication comes to us from a respectable, perhaps authentic source. Had Williamse's letters been intercepted on the high seas, on board of a French vessel, not a doubt can exist that they would have become English property by the Laus of war , and might have been disposed according to the wishes of the English agents. The national letters; those addressed to the minister of marine and to General Turreau, might have been seized, examined and published. The laws of civilized war would have protected the letter to Com. Barney from a public and profane disclosure.
Instead of floating on the high seas, they were deposited at Norfolk. Instead of being captured in an enemy's bottom, they were found within the limits, on the soil and under the roof of a neutral country. What then is the tid. Not that these letters were intercepted on the sea; but stolen on the land; purloined from the box in which it was falsely supposed they would be safe; their seals broken, and their contents published to the world. Their bearer did not deliver them up, unsoiled and uncorrupted. He was not even bribed by British gold to betray his trust—No. There was not even this miserable quid pro quo , to give a shadow of right to them. The bearer, as it turns out, was thoughtful, but not false, and whilst rec'd. els of the dishonesty, which threatened his own property, in the very bosom of a virtuous nation, his box was rifled; and the most valuable of its contents literally stolen.
By whom?—We do not accuse the Editor of the Ledger of any share in this dishonest transaction. We believe him to have a soul above it. But he is most probably acquainted with its agents. Let him then expose them; and let him declare, whether it was not executed by the agents of the same cabinet, which purloined the papers of Arthur Lee at Berlin, copied, and then returned them to his Bureau. Let then the authenticity of Williamse's letters be admitted, and what do they prove? Why only that a proud and petulant French admiral has spoken of our nation and our government, in such contumelious terms as disgrace his own understanding. But surely the Cabinet of the Tuilleries is not to blame for all the expressions of all its subordinate agents.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Cowper's insinuations in answer to the doubts expressed in Commodore Barney's letter to Mr. Hewes, concerning a French correspondence, inserted some time ago in the Norfolk Ledger, are as least as ingenious as that which he attributes to the said Commodore: for, instead of answering his questions, what has become of the officer, who was the bearer of the said letters? and, how could the Editor of the Ledger have obtained them? He diverts the attention of the public from these two topics, and enlarges on suppositions and probabilities. It would have been fairer in him to state, that the said letters, which were landed at ***** with the bearer thereof, who for greater safety, had put them in his trunk, which he had concealed in a box of sugar, have been intercepted by some nefarious villains, who surprised at seeing an officer bring with him a box of that commodity, suspected the truth, and availed themselves of the levity and thoughtlessness of the owner, who in order to get sooner to Philadelphia, uncautiously left it in the care of some persons, to whom he recommended very particularly to send it after him as soon as possible, and who either through neglect or connivance have gratified the curiosity of those who suspected that the said box contained something mysterious; that it was consequently broken open, the trunk found, and therein the dispatches, which were taken out: that the box and trunk being carefully closed up again, were forwarded to the owner, who at the receipt thereof, finding himself robbed of the very object of his mission, thought it best not to wait on those to whom he was to deliver the said letters. This confession, on the part of Mr. Cowper would have removed the doubts of Commodore Barney; would have evidently proved the authenticity of the said letters, to the contents of which he pleads to attribute so much of importance; but it would also have detected the turpitude of the means which are employed by him, his agents or correspondents, to procure such news as may serve the purpose of his employers and patrons, the English.
Mr. Cowper must not say, that if the bearer of the said letters had lost them in the scandalous and nefarious way, as here related, he would or could seek satisfaction from those in whose care he had left the box, or at least publish their names; for, unable to support the charge by legal evidence, restitutio , he must be conscious of the risk which the loser would run, by entering a prosecution against the robber, or robbers.
COMMUNICATION.
THE PUBLIC will no doubt be much gratified to hear, that our infant Roscius appears this night (after which the theatre will be closed until the next season,) in the favorite character of YOUNG NORVAL. For his own benefit; literally, for his own benefit; and as the profits of this night's performance, (and ought we not to anticipate that there will be great?) will be exclusively appropriated to the education of this most promising child. George Barrett, known only to the public as the admired performer of the arduous character of Young Norval, is at present under the tuition of Dr. Haller, who is well known to be a professor of first-rate talents and learning.—These talents, and this learning, and all his time, he devotes to the honorable occupation of instructing youth: the rate of his terms are of course high in proportion to the science, which he communicates to his pupils. The last time Douglas was performed, according to the rules of the Theatre, there could be no postponement, and the evening being a very bad one, the house was rather thin; Mr. Barrett lost by that night's performance. The fond parent whose soul is wrapped up in the education and improvement of his boy, anxiously comes forward, in this manner, to supply himself with the means of giving to his son those advantages of a classical education, which his natural genius so amply fit him to receive: It would be a pity indeed, if a flower of so much fragrance should be permitted to "waste its sweetness on the desert air." To avoid the evils of such a deity, little Barrett this night throws himself upon a benedict public. It would be supererogation to say any thing in praise of the excellence of this child's performance: "No doubt he will recount his own history with as much modesty; taunt Glenalvon with as much tartness; return the careless of his mother with as much tenderness; bear of his noble birth with as ardent a desire to emulate the deeds of his ancestors; and fall with as deep regret that he is cut off in the career of glory, as he has ever done on any former occasion. His dying scene is indeed affecting beyond all powers of description." From Mr. Green's known abilities, it is confidently anticipated that he will give us Glenalvon in his best style, and there is no doubt but what the other characters, particularly Lady Randolph and Lord Randolph will be sustained with propriety; old Norval too, will excite the usual interest: the father must feel.
* The lines between inverted commas are taken from a London criticism on Betty's performance in Covent Garden Theatre, and were thought to applicable here that they have been introduced: The writer could have thrown the same ideas into different language; but he thought it would be a species of plagiarism, and as he adopted the thoughts of another, he chose to express himself also in his words: he could not have used apter.
RUMORS.—A. Burr is said to have requested an examination of his Port-Folio (in the possession of his daughter) from which it would incontestably appear that Gen. Wilkinson had been for some time a Spanish Pensioner, and was as deeply engaged in schemes hostile to his country, as he himself could possibly have been.
It is also asserted, that an American officer from Fort Stoddart, passed a few days since through this city on his way to Washington; for the purpose of submitting to our Cabinet some severe accusations against Gen. W.; a long the rest, that G. W. has attempted to win him over to schemes which were hostile to his country.
In a controversy which has occurred in the Kentucky papers, between Judge Coburn and A. R. Marshall, Esq. the latter has produced a certificate from a Dr. Duke, detailing a conversation with Judge C. respecting the Kentucky Spanish Association. Judge C. is represented to have said, that when at Natchez in 1790 or 1791, "he was informed by a gentleman of respectability, that general Wilkinson held a commission as colonel in the Spanish service and received the pay as such. The Judge stated further, that on his return to Kentucky, he mentioned this information to Wilkinson, and that W. did not deny it."
It is impossible for us to form or to express any positive opinion on these accusations under existing circumstances, and it is the duty of every impartial man to suspend his judgment until more satisfactory evidence is adduced.
IMPERIAL DECREES.
Letters have been received at Savannah, by the ship Eliza, from Liverpool, to the 31st of Dec. They stat that premiums of insurance on American vessels to and from England had risen from 2 1/2 to 8 and 10 per cent.
The English Channel is said to be infested by French privateers.
The following paragraph appears in a Paris print of Dec. 14.
"In execution of the decree which places the British Isles in a state of blockade, a Barbary vessel going from Morocco to London, with a cargo of skins, almonds, cocoa, &c. has been detained by the privateer le Malouin, capt. Geoffry, who sent her to Cherbourg, where she entered on the 9th of this month."
This is one instance, in which the imperial decree is interpreted to mean an actual, positive blockade. Again we declare, that never was a more extraordinary and ambiguous state-paper published.
Joseph Albon, Esq. in a letter to Charles Pinckney, governor of S. C. declares that he had not the least communication with A. Burr (his Father-in-law,) in the schemes which have been attributed to him.
Last Evening's Mail.
Message from the President of the U. States, communicating information of a treaty with G. Britain; also, explanations of the Imperial Decree, declaring a blockade of the British Islands, so far as respects neutral commerce; and a letter from Countess Mead, Esq. announcing the surrender of Aaron Burr to civil authority. February 19, 1807. Read, and ordered to lie on the table.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I transmit to Congress a letter from our minister plenipotentiary at London, informing us that they have agreed with the British commissioners to conclude a treaty on all the points which had formed the object of their negotiation, and on terms which they trusted we would approve.
Also, a letter from our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, covering one to him from the minister of marine of that government, assuring him that the imperial decree lately passed was not to affect our commerce, which would still be governed by the rules of the treaty established between the two countries.
Also, a letter from Countess Mead, secretary of the Mississippi territory, acting as governor, informing us that Aaron Burr had surrendered himself to the civil authority of that territory.
TH: JEFFERSON. February 19, 1807.
(COPY) London, Dec. 27, 1806.
SIR, We have the pleasure to acquaint you that we have this day agreed with the British commissioners to conclude a treaty on all the points which have formed the object of our negotiation, and on terms which we trust our government will approve. It will require only a few days to reduce it to form. When that is done, we shall transmit it to you by a special messenger. We hasten to communicate to you this interesting intelligence for the information and guidance of our government in such measures as may have reference to the subject. We have the honor to be with great consideration and esteem, sir,
Your most obedient servants, JAMES MONROE, WM. PINCKNEY. James Madison, secretary of state, Washington.
PARIS, 24th December, 1806.
SIR, I have the honor of transmitting the copy inclosed of a letter from his majesty's minister of marine and colonies, in answer to mine of the 10th instant, on the subject of the imperial decree of the 21st of November, 1806.
An additional explanation, which it may be well to communicate, is, that neutral vessels coming from England or her colonies into the ports of France, &c. since the date of the aforesaid decree, will not be received, and that if any person or persons, charged with the ship or other vessel and cargo, shall be detected in evading this regulation by means of false declarations, they shall forfeit the said ship or other vessel and cargo.
I am, sir, with the highest respect, Your most obedient, and Very humble servant, (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. Mr. Madison, Washington.
(Here follows a translation of the Imperial Decree of the 21st Nov. 1806; as given by Jacob Wagner, chief clerk, Dep. State. It differs in words, not in substance, from the translation of the same Decree published in the last Enquirer.)
General Armstrong to the minister of marine and colonies.
The undersigned minister plenipotentiary of the U. S. of America has the honour of demanding from his excellency, the minister of marine and colonies, the official explanation which may have been given to the imperial decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806, so far as that decree involves the rights of neutral nations.
The undersigned would more particularly wish to be informed whether by "British Islands" mentioned in article 1, are to be understood all islands in the possession of his Britannic majesty, and islands merely, or whether the rule will be to be construed, as to extend the blockade to the continental possessions also, of his said majesty?
Whether it be meant that the arrest shall operate from its date, and that seizures made under it before notice shall have been given, shall be considered legal?
Whether American vessels, navigating the high or narrow seas, shall be liable to seizure, on evidence only, that they are going to, or returning from a port or ports of his Britannic majesty?
And whether articles 2 and 5, shall operate only as domestic regulations, or whether their injunctions shall extend to citizens of foreign and independent nations?
His excellency the minister of marine is sufficiently aware of the interest of the U. S. in the interpretation which shall be given to these articles, and will readily and justly appreciate the motives of the undersigned in requesting that his excellency's answer may be given as promptly as possible.
The undersigned has the honor of renewing, &c. (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG. Paris, Dec. 10, 1806.
[TRANSLATION.]
PARIS, 24th December, 1806.
Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, I hasten to answer the note you did me the honor to address to me on the 20th of this month.
I consider the imperial decree of the 21st of Nov. last, as, in itself, conveying no modification of the regulations at present observed in France with regard to neutral navigators, nor consequently of the convention of the 30th of September, 1800, (8th Vendemaire, 9th year) with the U States of America.
But altho', by this answer, the four questions upon which your excellency has desired to know my opinion
have been implicitly resolved, I think I can add, 1st, That the declaration expressed by the 1st article of the decree of the 21st November, not at all changing the present French laws concerning maritime captures, there is no reason for enquiring what interpretation, or restriction or extension may be given to this article.
2d, That seizures, contrary to the present regulations concerning cruising, shall not be allowed to the capturers.
3d, That an American vessel cannot be taken as for the mere reason that she is going to a port of England, or is returning from one, because conformably with the 7th article of the said decree, we are limited in France not to admit vessels coming from England or the English colonies.
4th, That the provisions of articles 2d and 5th of the said decree, naturally apply to foreign citizens domiciliated in France or in the countries occupied by the troops of his majesty the emperor and king, inasmuch as they have the character of a general law; but that it will be proper that your excellency should communicate with the minister of exterior relations as to what concerns the correspondence the correspondence of the citizens of the United States of America with England.
I pray your excellency, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, to receive the assurance of my high consideration. The minister of marine and of the colonies, (Signed) DECREES.
It will not escape gen. Armstrong that my answer cannot have the development which they would receive from the minister of exterior relations, and that it is naturally to him that he ought to address himself for their explanations, which I am very happy to give him, because he wishes them, but upon which I have much less positive information than the prince of Beneven-
(Signed) DECREES. Faithfully translated. J. WAGNER, Chief Clk. dep. State.
Extract of a letter from Countess Mead, secretary and acting governor of the Mississippi territory, to the department of war, dated, "Washington, D. C. January 19, 1807." SIR,
"IN obedience to your instructions by express of 20th of December last, I immediately, after promulgating the legislature, proceeded to put the territory in a state of preparation for the arrestation of the suspicious persons and boats, which were contemplated therein; my militia were collecting at particular points on the river, when I received a letter from col. Burr, who had landed at Bayou Pierre, with nine boats and about 100 men. This letter went to an avowal of his innocence of the charges, which rumour and public apprehension had announced against him, and solicited me to appease the fears which his approach had begotten; at the same time he guarded me against the horrors of civil war, and the evils resulting from such a state of things; this seeming threat induced me to adopt a different mode of conduct, from what the col. might have expected; and instead of adopting his pacific admonition, I ordered a very large portion of the militia of the territory to rendezvous at certain points, and wait further orders. With the promptitude of Spartans, our fellow citizens thundered their firelocks, and in twenty four hours, I had the honor to review 375 men at Natchez, prepared to defend their country. They were ordered under the command of col. Claiborne, to a point on the river about 21 miles above the city, there to remain to guard the river, and intercept, for inspection, all boats that might defend the river. On the 16th, I dispatched two of my aids to col. Burr, who had tendered his respect to the civil authority; these gentlemen engaged on my part to give the colonel an interview in the neighborhood of the detachment stationed at the mouth of Cole's creek. Conformably thereto I met the colonel on the 17th, and after a lengthy interview, he offered to surrender himself to the civil authority of the territory, and to suffer his boats to be searched. On the 18th, col. Burr, accompanied by my aids, majors Shields and Poindexter, rode down to the place, and was committed to the highest tribunal of the civil authority, where he now remains for trial."
"Four gentlemen of unquestionable respectability, with a detachment of 30 men, are now in the act of making the search of the boats, and to-morrow I expect their report."
"Thus far, this mighty alarm, with all its exaggerations, has eventuated in nine boats and one hundred men, and the major part of these are boys, or young men just from school. Many of their depredations have been taken before judge Rodney, but they bespeak ignorance of the views or designs of the colonel. I believe that they are the dopes of stratagem, if the allegations of generals Eaton and Wilkinson, are to be accredit-
Richmond Theatre.
AT THE REQUEST OF SEVERAL LADIES AND GENTLEMEN. FOR THE BENEFIT OF MASTER BARRETT, THE INFANT AMERICAN ROSCIUS.
On Tuesday Evening, February 24th, will be presented, the Celebrated Tragedy, of DOUGLAS; OR, THE NOBLE SHEPHERD. With a Scotch Overture and Music, adapted to the piece, between the acts, by Mr. DECKER, Leader of the Band.
YOUNG NORVAL DOUGLAS, { BY MASTER BARRETT. (Only Twelve Years Old.)
AFTER THE PLAY, A MELICOSMEOTIS:
Consisting of the following: A much admired Song, from the Opera of Rameau's Drog.
OIL-KUS-HA BY MR. SPEAR. The Grecian Fandango, or, The Old Man, the Boy, and the Ais, to exemplify the impossibility of pleasing every body. ASTER BARRETT.
Recitation—Monsieur Ton Son, or, the Modern Art of Quizzing, BY MR. BARRETT. An Address to the Volunteers of Richmond, written for the occasion, Mrs. BARRETT.
Fencing in the following grades: Will be exhibited for that night only, by Mr. and Master Barrett.
1st. Salute—2d. Carte and Tierce. Thrust—by Master Barrett.—3d. Carte and Tierce Parade by Master Barrett.—4th. Counter Carte and Tierce—by Master Barrett.—5th.—Counter Carte and Tierce Parade by Father and Son. To conclude with a general Assault and Saluto.
To which will be added, a Comedy in three acts, called the FARM HOUSE; OR, FEMALE DUELLIST.
Tickets to be had as usual. N. B. Being certainly the last Night this Season.
FOR RENT.
A Large and pleasant ROOM, 500 yards from the CAPITOL. ALSO—Two ROOMS on the lower floor of the same House. Apply at the Office of the ENQUIRER. February 24.

PARIS, Dec. 4.
On Tuesday, the 2d inst. at noon, in execution of the orders of his majesty the emperor and king, his serene highness the prince arch-chancellor of the empire repaired to the Senate. His highness was in full dress. He was received with the accustomed ceremonies, and having taken his seat, thus addressed them.
Gentlemen, At the moment when the reins of government were entrusted by the gratitude of the nation, to the hands of his Imperial majesty, he established between himself and you relations of habitual confidence and a communication of ideas, which have given you a participation in the great designs conceived and executed for the good of the empire.
Thus you have known at an early hour that the first wishes of the emperor were for peace; and that this generous sentiment has never abated.
Before appearing in the field of battle he offered peace to his enemies.
After victory his triumphant hand still offered it to them.
He hoped that special and successive treaties would conciliate every interest, would appease by degrees all resentment, and would lead at last to that general pacification so desired by the nations of Europe, and so necessary to their felicity.
The hopes of his majesty have been deceived.
Europe, invited to repole by the victories of France, has been recalled to warfare by the influence of G. B. and the ambitious pretensions of Russia.
Coalitions overthrown have given birth to new coalitions.
The moderation of the conqueror has encouraged the conquered.
The greatest efforts of military genius, as well as the exploits of an army which counts as nothing distance, seasons, climate, and the number of its enemies, have been confined till now only to glorious truces, of which peace has not been the fruit.
Meanwhile England has possessed herself of the commerce of the world, and the whole products of the industry of two hemispheres are swallowed up by this island.
Meanwhile Russia, so long unknown in the contests of Europe, fomented disorders in the west, and threatens the east with her vast domination.
The Ottoman empire is disturbed, its troubles are increased, and the rights of its sovereignty endangered.
In such conjunctures, in the midst of such machinations and plots, his majesty is determined to abandon a system in which that peace could not be obtained for which alone the conqueror has sought.
Henceforth it becomes necessary in order to render that peace desirable to those who provoke war, to make war fatal to those who engage in it.
It is necessary to render cabinets incapable of being again deceived.
It is, in short, necessary that princes so often conquered, should learn that clemency has its limits, and that the sceptre which they have abused may be broken in their hands.
From henceforward, gentlemen, a new plan of conduct, and analogous measures must be adopted to insure success.
The first and most important of all consists in sustaining the power of the nation by a continuation of the same means, and by the development of its powers. It is further necessary that a people, who infract the laws of civilization, should be deprived of all relations with civilized nations.
It is necessary that his majesty should preserve his conquests; and that he should remove from them the promoters of all discord; until England shall acknowledge those principles, which among civilized nations, mitigate the disasters inseparable from their dissensions; until the epoch when just restitutions shall have acquired our obligations towards our faithful allies, in short, until a general peace shall have established the repose of Europe, and shall permit all nations fully to develop their industry.
I will appreciate, gentlemen, the great and glorious motives of such a design. Its immediate advantages, and those which it hereafter offers, will not escape your penetration; and you will find in it an ample compensation for the perseverance and momentary sacrifices, of which it is to be the reward.
The love of his people, the well tried fidelity of the Senate, the courage of his armies, but especially that genius, whose success has never falsified its inspirations, that ardor which yields to no obstacles when the glory of France or the honor of humanity are concerned, these are the guarantees which will secure to his majesty the accomplishment of his plan.
His serene highness having finished his discourse, one of the secretaries of the Senate ascended the tribune and read the following communications:
Extract from the minutes of the Secretary of State.
At the palace of Berlin, November 21, 1806. NAPOLEON, emperor of the French and king of Italy.—We have decreed and do decree as follows:
The Senate shall meet on the 2d of December, in the ordinary place of its sittings, under the presidency of our cousin, the arch-chancellor of the empire.
(Signed) NAPOLEON. The Minister Secretary of State. (Signed) H. B. MARET.
Message of His Majesty the Emperor and King to the Senate.
Senators, We desire, in the circumstances in which we find the general affairs of Europe, to make known to you and the nation the principles which we have adopted as the rule of our government. Our great moderation after each of the three first wars, has been the cause of this which has succeeded them. It is thus that we have had to struggle against a fourth coalition, nine months after the third had been dissolved; nine months after those brilliant victories which were accorded to us by Providence and which ought to have insured a lasting repose to the continent.
But many of the cabinets of Europe sooner or later are influenced by England, and without a solid peace with this power, our people cannot enjoy the benefits, which are the first end of our labors, the only object of our life. Thus, notwithstanding our triumphant situation, we have not been arrested in our late negotiations with England either by the arrogance of her language or by the sacrifices which she required. The island of Malta, to which is attached (if I may so say) the credit of this war and which being retained by England in contempt of treaties, was its first cause, we gave up; we consented to this: that with the exception of
Ceylon and the empire of Mysore, England might join that of the Cape of Good Hope. But all our efforts must fail, when the councils of our enemies have ceased to be animated by the noble ambition of conciliating the good of the world with the present prosperity of their country, and the present with the lasting prosperity of their country. And no prosperity can be durable for England if founded on an extravagant and unjust policy, which would despoil sixty millions of inhabitants, their rich and brave neighbors, of all commerce and of all navigation.
Immediately after the death of the first minister of England, it was easy for us to perceive, that the continuation of negotiations had no other object than to cover the plans of this fourth coalition, destroyed in its birth. In this new situation, we have adopted as the invariable rule of our conduct, a determination not to evacuate either Berlin or Warsaw, or the provinces which the force of arms has thrown into our hands before a general peace shall be concluded, before the Spanish, Dutch and French colonies shall be restored, before the foundations of the Ottoman power shall be fixed, and the absolute independence of this vast empire, the first interests of our people, irrevocably consecrated.
We have put the British isles in a state of blockade, and we have ordered measures to be taken against them, which are repugnant to our feelings.
This measure has compelled us to sacrifice the interests of individuals to the quarrels of kings; and after so many years of civilization, to adopt principles, which characterised the barbarity of the first ages. But we have been constrained, for the good of our people and our allies, to oppose the common enemy with the same arms which it used against us. These determinations, commanded by a just sentiment of reciprocity, have not been inspired either by passion or by hatred. These offers which we made, after the destruction of three coalitions which so greatly contributed to the glory of our people, we again make, now that our arms have obtained new triumphs. We are ready to make peace with England, with Russia and with Prussia. But it can be concluded only on a basis, which will prevent any one whatever from arrogating any right of supremacy in regard to us, which will restore colonies to the mother country, and which will guarantee to our commerce and to our industry the prosperity to which they ought to attain.
And if these dispositions should retard the establishment of a general peace, however short may be the delay, it will appear long to our heart. But we are certain that our people will appreciate the wisdom of our political motives—they will think with us that a partial peace is nothing more than a truce, which would make us lose all our acquired advantages, and give place to a new war—that in short, it is only in a general peace that France can find happiness.
We are at a crisis, important to the destiny of nations; and the people of France will show themselves worthy of that destiny which awaits them. The Senatus Consultus , which we have laid before you, & which will place at your disposition, on the first days of the year, the conscription of 1807, which in ordinary circumstances ought not to have been raised till the month of September, will be executed with alacrity by fathers as well as by children. In what more propitious moment could we call our youth to arms? In order to join their standards, they will have to pass through the capitals of our enemies and fields of battle, ennobled by the victories of their elder brethren.
Given at Berlin the 21st of November, 1806 (Signed)
NAPOLEON. By the Emperor. The minister secretary of state. (Signed) H. B. MARET.
Report of the minister of exterior relations to his majesty the emperor and king.
SIRE, A fourth coalition is formed. In less than a month it has been crushed; in less than a month Prussia has been army, her strong places, her capitals, and her provinces fall into the power of your majesty; and now she asks for peace! In the preceding coalition each enemy of France, from the moment it was conquered, also demanded and obtained peace. We hoped that these individual and successive pacifications would conduct to a general peace—honorable & certain. Thrice has this hope been disappointed—thrice has experience proved that in following the same system of moderation and generosity, France would be constantly deceived. Each coalition destroyed, produced a new coalition, and France has been menaced with an eternal war.
The French empire has arrived at a degree of power and greatness beyond even the ambition of your majesty. Attacked on all sides by a party unexampled and opposed to the alternative of perishing or conquering. France has fought only for its salvation; and victorious victory has only served to make her moderation more conspicuous. She has destroyed those only who wished to destroy her. She has made immense conquests, of which she has retained but a small part; and would have been satisfied with still less, if the blind passions which raged round her had not forced her to increase in order to preserve her power. Now that she is attacked the fourth time with the same spirit of hatred and the same views of destruction, your majesty has no other object than to recover that which is indispensable to the prosperity of your people. But it is an object which can only be obtained by profiting of all the greatness of your advantages, and by relieving your conquests as objects of compensation in the arrangements of a general peace. Two powers, the enemies of the repose of Europe have united to perpetuate discord and war. The objects of their ambition are different, but a similar aim animates them against France, because they know that France will always be opposed to the accomplishment of their pernicious designs. Continually occupied with seeking to raise enemies against her they employ for this effect all kind of artifices, intrigues, menaces, cares, corruption and calumny; and while they aspire to invade, to oppress and to subject every one, 'tis France whom they accuse of such intentions.
England pretends to the exclusive navigation of the ocean—she arrogates to herself the monopoly of all commerce and all industry, and wherever the irresistible force of events has obliged France to interfere in the affairs of her weaker neighbors, and to interfere for their repose, England has given the signal for accusation and complaints. At first she founded the alarm, and because some cities or some countries, which had been subject for ages to the influence of France, and still submitted, represented France as menacing the independence of the larger states. Was it on these small states, which had for ages been submissive to her influence, and had been drawn into her sphere of action; was it not on the contrary on larger states, at all times considered principals in Europe, that England exercised her violence, when the powers of the North, which were united to defend the external principles of neutrality, were forced to subscribe to her monstrous pretensions and to sacrifice with their own interests the dearest interests of France? Then was the independence of nations not only menaced, it was attacked, violated, and as far as it depended on England, annihilated. Of what use was it that England had been obliged to acknowledge, by the convention of Petersburg, a few of those principles, which neither her seductions nor her menaces had caused to be abandoned. Immediately afterwards she openly trod them under foot, or eluded them, by
abusing in the most tyrannical manner, the right of blockade. This right could, according to common sense, or to treaties, only apply to places invested and in danger of being taken. She pretended to extend it to harbors, to the mouths of rivers, to whole coasts, to an empire. Certainly France was never invested or in danger of being taken by England; yet the whole of France was declared in a state of blockade. Did not England, by this act, loudly proclaim that the acknowledged no law? That treaties to her were nothing—that she admitted no other right than that of force; and that she counted as legitimate whatever she could do with impunity.
The government of Russia, instead of being occupied exclusively with the care of improving her immense estates, and of expiating by the benefits of a wise legislation and a paternal administration the crime it was guilty of towards a nation, independent, ancient, numerous, illustrious, and worthy of a better fate, covets and menaces with destruction the vast and superb empire of the Ottomans. The same artifices which it employed against Poland, it now employs against Turkey. It breathes throughout the provinces a spirit of sedition and revolt—it excites, it arms, it sustains the Servians against the Porte. It renews in the Morea the attempts which it unsuccessfully made in 1778. Wallachia and Moldavia were governed by two chiefs, unfaithful and treacherous. The Porte had declared them such by a firman, and had deposed them. Russia, not content with giving them an asylum, has marched troops to the Danuber, & menacing the Porte with a declaration of war has demanded their re-establishment. The Porte has had the vexation of seeing itself constrained to replace its declared enemies and to depose men of its choice. Thus has its independence been violated by an attempt which at the same time has wounded the dignity of all other thrones. From the moment that it has not the choice of its governors, it is no longer a sovereign—it is in a state of vassalage, or rather Wallachia and Moldavia belong to it only in name; and these two great and rich provinces, governed by men sold to Russia, are become in regard to that power an absolute conquest. With such enemies whose hatred the moderation of your majesty has not had power to disarm, and, who notwithstanding your victories, march forward to their end, listening only to their passions and respecting no right, your majesty is not at liberty to follow the dictates of your generosity. The same inclination which leads to the desire of peace, prefers to you not to relinquish any conquest till the entire and absolute independence of the Ottoman empire—an independence which is the first interest of France—shall be acknowledged and guaranteed, until the Spanish, Dutch and French colonies shall be restored, and a general code be adopted conformable to the dignity of all crowns, and capable of infusing the rights of all nations upon the ocean. The justice and necessity of this determination will be universally allowed—it will be a benefit to the allies of your majesty, and all the commercial towns in your empire, which have been despoiled only in consequence of these same wars, the events of which have thrown into your majesty's power so many great states. By any other system, the interests of these allies, and of so many populous cities would be abandoned—the fruit of the most astonishing victories would be lost. France in the midst of unheard of triumphs, after examples by which she has been aggrandized and crowned with glory, would have no prospect of repose. She would not have a glimpse of the epoch when she might lay down her arms, and congregate herself to the peaceful occupations of industry and commerce, to which she is invited by nature, as well as to act upon another theatre conquests less brilliant, but more delightful, which would be purchased by no effusion of blood, so dear to her, and which rendering her happiness equal to her glory, would cost humanity no tears.
(Signed) CH. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento. Berlin, 15th Nov. 1806.
Report of the minister of exterior relations to his majesty the emperor and king.
SIRE,
Three ages of civilization have given to Europe a law of nations, which, according to the expression of an illustrious writer, human nature cannot sufficiently appreciate.
This law is founded upon the principle that nations ought to do in peace what they would that others should do to them in war. The least possible evil. According to this maxim, war is not a relation between man and man, but a relation between state and state, in which the individuals are only accidentally enemies not as men, not even as members or subjects of the state, but only as its defenders. The law of nations permits not that the rights of war and the rights of conquest, which are derived from it, should be extended to peaceable and unarmed citizens, to habitations and private property, to merchandise, to the store houses which contain them, to the carriages which transport them, to unarmed vessels which convey them on rivers and on the ocean; in a word to the person and property of individuals. This law, the offspring of civilization, has also favoured its progress. 'Tis to it that Europe is indebted for the maintenance and increase of her prosperity, even in the midst of the frequent wars which have divided her.
England alone has preserved or returned to the wages of barbarous ages. It is by her refusal to recognise her maritime course, that this unjust and cruel practice has been maintained, notwithstanding France, who, in time of peace, and prompted only by ideas of justice and humanity, had proposed to abolish it. France has done every thing at least to mitigate the evils which she had not power to prevent—England on the contrary has done every thing to aggravate them.
Not contented with attacking the merchant vessels and with treating as prisoners of war the crews of these unarmed vessels, she has reputed as enemies whoever, belonged to the enemy's state; and she has also taken as prisoners of war, commercial factors and merchants, who were failing in furtherance of their commercial business.
But it was not sufficient for her purposes thus to invade private property, and to despoil and oppress innocent and peaceable individuals. Having been, for a long time, behind the nations of the continent who preceded her in the progress of civilization, and having received from them all its benefits, she has conceived the foolish project of alone enjoying them. She has formed the wish that there should be on the face of the earth no other industry than her own; no other commerce than that carried on by herself. She has felt that, in order to succeed, it will not be sufficient merely to interrupt, but that she must totally destroy the communications subsisting between nations. It is in this view, that under the colour of the right of blockade, she has invented and put into practice the most monstrous theory.
According to common sense, and the usages of all civilized nations, the right of blockade is only applicable to fortified places.
England has undertaken to extend it to seas of commerce not fortified, to harbors and the mouths of rivers. A place is blockaded only when it is so invested that we cannot attempt to approach it without exposing ourselves to imminent danger. England has declared places blockaded before which she has not a single ship of war.
She has done more—she has dared to declare in a state of blockade places which all her united forces were incapable of blocking; immense coasts and the whole of a vast empire.
Deducing afterwards from a chimera right, and a supposititious fact, the conclusion that she might justly make her prey, and in fact making them so, of all that went to places thus interdicted by a simple declaration of the British admiralty, and of all that came out of them, she has certified the neutral shippers, and driven them from the ports to which they were invited by their interest, and which the laws of nations authorized their frequenting.
It is thus that she has turned to her profit, and to the detriment of Europe, but especially of France, the boldness with which she sports with every right, and insults every reason itself.
Again a power which disregards to such a degree all ideas of justice and humanity, what can be done but to forget them for an instant yourself, in order to constrain her to violate them no more? The right of mutual defence allows opposing an enemy with the arms it uses, and to make, if I may so say, its own fury and folly re-act on itself. When the principles of civilization are attacked by unexampled enterprises, and when all Europe is menaced, to preserve and avenge it is not only a right but a duty imposed on the power which alone has the means.
Since England has dared to declare all France in a state of blockade, let France declare in her turn, all the British isles blockaded. Since England confiders as an enemy every Frenchman, let every Englishman or subject of England, found in countries occupied by the French armies, be made prisoners of war.
Since England would interrupt all navigation and all maritime commerce, let any vessel failing from the islands, or from the British colonies not be received either in the ports of France, or in those of the countries occupied by the French army, and let every vessel, which shall attempt to go from these ports into England, be seized and confiscated.
Your majesty, I am conscious, will not adopt such measures without regret; and it is with regret that I myself propose them. But the situation of Europe renders them necessary; and besides as soon as England shall acknowledge the laws of nations, which are universally observed by all civilized nations, as soon as she shall acknowledge that the rights of war are one and the same on the ocean and on the land, that these rights and those of conquest can extend neither to private property, nor to unarmed and peaceable individuals, and that the right of blockade should be restricted to fortified places actually invested, your majesty will revoke these measures, rigorous but not unjust; for justice between nations is no more than exact reciprocity.
Signed, CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento.
Berlin, 20th Nov. (Here follows the Imperial decree published in our last)
Messrs. Regnault and Lacuée, orators of the council of State, presented the project of a Senatus Consultum—viz. that 80,000 Conscripti should be raised in the year 1807.
Mr. Regnault assigned at length the reasons for this measure, and after the appointment of a special committee, the Senate adopted it, together with an address to the emperor.
By Authority.
LAW OF THE U. STATES.
AN ACT
For the relief of the sufferers by fire in the town of Portsmouth, New Hampshire.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That all persons, who, being indebted to the United States for duties on merchandise, have given bond therefor, with one or more sureties, payable to the collector for the district of Portsmouth, in the state of New Hampshire, or to the collector of the district of Boston and Charleston, and who have suffered a loss of property by the late conflagration at Portsmouth, shall be and hereby are allowed to take up, or have cancelled, all bonds heretofore given for duties as aforesaid, upon giving to the said collector or collectors new bonds, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction of the said collector or collectors, for the sums of their former bonds respectively, payable in twelve months from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds to be taken up, and cancelled, as aforesaid; and the said collectors are hereby authorized to give up, or cancel all such bonds, upon the receipt of others, as described in this act; which last mentioned bonds, shall be proceeded with, in all respects, like other bonds, which are taken by collectors for duties due to the United States: Provided, however, that nothing in this act contained, shall extend to bonds which had fallen due prior to the twenty-fourth day of December last.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
GEO. CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
February 10, 1807.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
IN CHANCERY.
United States Court, Fifth Circuit, and Virginia District, November term, 1806.
Cunningham Corbett, John Laurie, Gilbert Hamilton, John Sterling, and George Lothian, assignees of Ninian Minzies, Pits, against,
William Johnson, one of the heirs and devisees of Edward Johnson, dec'd. Henrietta Johnson and Edward Johnson, likewise heirs and devisees of Edward Johnson, dec'd. and infants under the age of twenty-one years, by William Hickman their guardian, John Poval and Elizabeth his wife, formerly Elizabeth Johnson, widow of said Edward Johnson, dec'd. William Bentley administrator of William Ronald, dec'd. William Fenwick and Catharine his wife, which said William is administrator, &c. of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. administered by William Wileham, late administrator of the said Andrew Ronald, dec'd. Andrew Ronald and William Stephen Ronald & George Ronald, children of the said Andrew Ronald, dec'd. Sally Ronald and Jane Ronald by the said William Fenwick their guardian, William Murray, Betty Ronald and Nancy Ronald, co-heirs of said William Ronald, dec'd. Samuel Pleasants, jr. Goodrich Crump, Brett Randolph, William Hickman, Elford Bentley, Catine Cocke, John Archer, John Swann, Benjamin Harris, Peterfield Archer and Richard Archer, executrices to William Bentley, as administrator, &c. of said William Ronald, dec'd. Robert Goode, one of the executrices to William Ronald, dec'd. and Edward Carrington and John A. Chevalier, administrators of William Wileham, dec'd.
and Samuel Donaldson, surviving partner of Gibson, Donaldson and Hamilton, Pits, against, The same Defs.
THESE causes coming on again to be further heard on the papers formerly read, the amended bills, bills of revivor and answers thereto, replicati-
ons, exhibits and reports of a commissioner, made pursuant to the orders of the eighth of June and ninth of December, in the last year, and was argued by counsel; on consideration whereof, the court setting aside the order made in the first suit on the fourteenth day of June last, for the present doth adjudge, order and decree, that unless the defendants, co-heirs of William Ronald, dec'd. who was one of the executors of Edward Johnson, dec'd. shall, on or before the first day of the next month, pay into the Bank of Virginia, the sum of twelve thousand and forty dollars fifty one cents, and the costs expended by the plaintiff, in both suits, including the fees of the commissioner in taking the several accounts under the orders of this court; subject to the future order of this court, that William Berkeley, Josiah Ellis and William Mann, who are appointed commissioners for that purpose, any two of whom may act to lay off and allot to Catharine Cocke, late Catharine Ronald, widow of the said William Ronald, deceased, her dower in the following tracts or parcels of land, whereof the said William died seized and possessed, to wit: one tract in the county of Powhatan, whereon he lived, containing fifteen hundred acres, also one other tract in the same county, containing forty four acres, purchased by him of F. Woodson, together with two tracts in the county of Goochland,
the one on Beaver Dam creek, containing nine hundred acres, the other ten acres called Little Island, & after allotting to the said Catharine her dower in the same, that they having advertised the time and place of such sale, for six weeks successively, in one or more of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, do sell at public auction, for ready money, the remaining two third parts of the said four tracts or parcels of land (except so much of the nine hundred acres as is in the county of Goochland, as is stated in the report of the commissioner to have been claimed by a certain Jacob Johnson, about which the court will at a future day decide,) as also the reversion in the other third, to be allotted to the said Catharine as her dower, subject however to the extent of Ann Barclay, in the said report mentioned, and after defraying the expenses of laying off the dower, and making the sale aforesaid thereof, pay the same into court subject to its future order. And the said commissioners who may act, are directed to report their proceedings to the court. And the court doth further order that the defts, administrators of William Wileham, dec'd. who was executor of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. who was surviving executor of the said Edward Johnson, dec'd. do on the tenth day of the next term, pay into the court the sum of six hundred and eighty-five pounds four shillings and two pence, of the value of two thousand two hundred and eighty four dollars, three cents, with interest thereon, to be computed after the rate of five per centum per annum, from the thirty first day of December, one thousand eight hundred, till payment, subject to the future order of the court. And the court doth recommend the report made in these suits to commissioner Greenhow, with directions to take the accounts required by the former orders made in these suits, as also the account of William Ronald's administration on the estate of the said Edward Johnson, dec'd. so far as any errors or omissions may have been made in the report made by commissioner Hay; in a suit depending in the superior court of Chancery for the Richmond district, between Powell and others, and the administrators of the said William Ronald, dec'd. and others; a copy of which is among the exhibits in these suits, and of the co-partnership of the said William Ronald and Edward Johnson, of whom the said William was surviving partner, if either party shall require the same to be taken, together with an account of the deft. William Bentley's administration of the estate of William Ronald, deceased, so far as any errors or omissions may be found therein, as also an account of any monies received by the said William Bentley, as guardian of the defts. co-heirs of the said William Ronald, dec'd. or in any other character, by whom, or otherwise, or any part of the real estate whereof the said William Ronald died seized or possessed, or to which he claimed any title in law or equity, to be by him examined, stated, settled, and to the court reported, with any matters thought pertinent by himself or required by the parties to be specially stated. And the court doth direct, that the said commissioners who may act, do (if the plaintiffs in these suits will consent thereto,) sell the said lands upon such credits as they may agree to, and take bonds with security from the purchasers, for the payment of the same, payable to the marshal of this district, and also retain the title of the said lands, and in case default should be made in the payment of the said money so agreed to be given for the said lands or any part thereof, that the said commissioners do sell such part of the land as shall be unpaid for, and pay the money so due into court, and the residue, if any, pay to the original purchaser. And on the motion of John Bracken and William Coleman, they are admitted parties plaintiffs in these causes, & a subpoena is awarded them against the defendants returnable here, &c.
A Copy. T. R. Wm. MARSHALL, Clerk.
IN Pursuance of the foregoing decree, we shall proceed to sell at Public Auction, for ready money, at the times and places following, that is to say: The tract in the county of Powhatan, containing 1500 acres, at Powhatan court-house, on the third Wednesday in April, 1807, being the 15th of the Month, and court day of the said county; the other tract in the said county of Powhatan, containing forty-four acres, at the court-house of the said county, on the said then Wednesday in April next; The tract on Beaver Dam creek, in the county of Goochland, containing 900 acres, at Goochland court-house, on the third Monday in April, 1807, being the 20th of the Month, and court day of the said county; and the other tract of ten acres, called Little Island, in the said county of Goochland, at the court-house of the said county of Goochland, on the said third Monday in April next, in the year 1807.
WILLIAM BERKELEY, } Commissioners.
JOSIAH ELLIS, } Commissioners.
WILLIAM MANN, } Commissioners.
February 20. epgw.
FOR SALE.
On the 3rd of March, at Public Auction, by Proffer & Moncure.
ALL my Household and Kitchen FURNITURE; some Tools and Benches with good screens; the sale will take place at the residence of Richard Crouch, Esq. and the terms, sixty days for approved endorsed notes, negotiable at the Bank.
AS it is my intention to settle in the state of Kentucky, I have, therefore, to request all those who have claims against me to come forward for settlement, on or before the tenth of March, that they may receive payment; and all indebted to make immediate payment, or suits will be instituted immediately.
February 20. ROBT. CROUCH. tf.
A SSIZE of BREAD for the city of Richmond, from the 6th inst. until further orders (Superfine Flour being 7 Dollars and 34 Cents per Barrel) viz.
A single loaf made of Superfine Flour to weigh 23 ozs. for 4 1-2
Ditto of Common Flour 24 4 1-2
Double the above v. respectively 9
EDW. CARRINGTON, Mayor.
January 6. tf.
THE FARMER'S VIRGINIA ALMANACK, for the Year 1807, printed by Thomas Ritchie, is now for sale, by the gross, dozen or single, at the ENQUIRER Book-Store.
Also—A General Assortment of Lawyer's and Sheriff's BLANKS, just printed.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, Having taken a House a few doors below the Ball-Tavern, offers For Sale, under the firm of WHITE & SHELTON,
A GENERAL assortment of GROCERIES, which they will dispose of on very moderate terms, for Cash, Country produce, or approved paper.
ISAAC WHITE, JOHN S. SHELTON, December 23, tf.
TO RENT,