The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-05-14 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, MAY 14, 1803.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GENTLEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately by post to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references.
The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleasants, Richmond, adressed to A. Small. May 10, 1803. 1m. '78.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 56 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 56 lbs. 3s. 5d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFOORD & Co. March 31st. 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has the desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING OF BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD. Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. tf.
20 DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN away from the subscriber (living a few miles above Richmond) in October last, a NEGRO WOMAN named Scilla, about 5 feet, 4 or 5 inches high, of a dark complexion, aged about 35 years; she has a scar on one side of her face, which was occasioned by a pair of shears when she was young; she has also a mole in her face near the bottom of her nose darker than her complexion. Her clothes are not recollected, but I am told she stole some from a negro man soon after she went off, which consisted of a coat, waistcoat, and breeches, in which she disguised herself. I am told by some of her acquaintances, that she intended going to Mr. Edward Warren's plantation in Charles City County, where she has a brother and other relations, and from there to a place called Cowricks, (a few miles below New Kent court house) the property of William Chambers, Esq. where I suppose she is now lurking. Whoever will deliver the above mentioned woman to me, in Henrico, shall receive the above reward, or half that sum by securing her in any public jail, so that I get her again.
BARTH. DANDRIDGE. Winchester, May 1st. 1803. 4m. '78.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storeage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
STALLD BEEVES;
Muttons, and 15000 weight of choice Bacon, FOR SALE.
FOR cash, or respectable merchants notes at sixty days. I can furnish a purchaser with seventy as fat bullocks as any in the state, perhaps not quite so large boned as the cattle from the South Branch of the Potomac, but equally fat. In preference I would sell them on the spot where they are stalld, but will drive them to Norfolk, Richmond, or Petersburg, if previously engaged by a butcher, or any other person inclined to buy, and as it may not be convenient, to take, or pay for the whole at one time, a purchaser may have any part not less than ten if taken here, but if driven by my own people, they must all go at one time. I have also a number of exceeding fat muttons, and 15000 weight of choice bacon, the hams salt-petred with particular care, and the whole made out of large fat hogs, and intended for the use of private families. Letters, post-paid, directed to me by mail to MARSHALLSVILLE, MECKLENBURG county shall be duly noticed.
WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM, for SIR PETTON STIRWITH, Baronet.
GREY MOGULL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the ensuing season at my stable, near Rockets; to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; to be discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected so soon as the mare is covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom. ISAAC ALLEN. May 10, 1803.
PEDIGREE.
Mogul was got by Quicksilver; Dam by Sprightly Cob, a son of Old Cob; Sprightly Cob's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a full bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richard, Esq. of Culpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richard's celebrated running Mare, by Shaks.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Trusses, for sale by WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
WALTER POTTER,
BOOK-BINDER AND STATIONER, Opposite Messrs. Mitchell and Gardner's, Main Street, Richmond.
GRATEFUL for the encouragement he has received, since commencing business, takes this method of returning thanks, and to solicit a continuance thereof.
He has just received a fresh supply of Stationery, consisting of Super-Royal, Royal, Medium, Demy, Folio, and Quarto Post, Foolscap, and Post Writing Papers.
Blue, Blotting, Cartridge, and large Brown Wrapping Papers; Red and Black Ink-Powder, Liquid ditto; Powderand Glass Ink Stands; Sand and Sand Boxes; Pounce, and Pounce Boxes; Red and Black Sealing-Wax; Red, Black, and variety of Wafers; Gold Leaf; Slates, and Slate Pencils; Red and Black Lead ditto; Ivory Folders; Red Tape; Quills; Indian Rubber; Bonnet-Paleboard, &c.
Merchants Accompt Books ruled to any pattern. Book-Binding in all its various branches, executed with neatness, accuracy, and dispatch.
Now on hand, a large assortment of Blank Books. May 11. 3t '7
THE WIDOW AND HER SON.
A POPULAR TURKISH TALE.
AN aged widow had an only son, who repeatedly transgressed the rites enjoined in the sacred koran , to be observed by all true believers; he neglected the customary ablutions, he gave no alms, and eat meat before the stars appeared during the holy fast of Ramadan , when the gates of paradise are open, and those of hell are shut; he intoxicated himself with opium and wine, and bowed not his body to the omnipotent Allah, the maker of the world.
His mother, rendered superlatively unhappy by his misconduct, tried numberless methods to reclaim him without effect. At last, with great difficulty she prevailed on him, when he committed a bad action, to drive a nail into the wall of his chamber, and when he performed a good action, to take one out. In a short time the wall was nearly covered with the marks of his guilt; but the worst people may become the best. After a long time had elapsed he began to refrain from his evil courses, and conducted himself with so much propriety, that the nails gradually diminished, and were at last all drawn out; of which circumstance he exultingly informed his venerable parent, who, with the greatest composure, addressed him as follows:
"My son," said she, "you have, it is true, dutifully attended to my advice, and entered into the pleasant paths of virtue; but be not too proud that the nails are all drawn out, for the marks where they have been still remain; so, likewise, the odium of your former misconduct, will not be erased from your character, unless you continue to pursue the road to the blessed waters of Paradise, and never replunge into the dreadful gulph of pollution, from which you have fortunately escaped."
NOTE.
* During the moon of Ramadan , the Mahomedans neither eat, drink, smoke nor walk their mouths, nor even swallow their spittle, till the stars appear in the firmament.
IMPORTANT COMMERCIAL LAW CASE.
Court of King's Bench, Guild Hall, London, December 17. Before Lord Ellenborough and a Special Jury. Abercrombie & Co. vs. Dick.
THIS was an action against the defendant as acceptor of a bill of exchange after sight. He had accepted the bill, but having occasion to doubt the responsibility of the drawer, he afterwards, before the bill was called for, erased his name, and obliterated the acceptance. It became a question, whether having once accepted, he could erase it.
Lord Ellenborough held the law to be clear, that a person having once put his name as acceptor, was from that moment bound. The bill had a currency from that time, and any alteration on the face of the bill discharged the drawer.
One of the special jurymen, observed, that it was of vast importance to the city of London, that the law on this point should be known and settled; because it had been generally understood by trading interests, that the acceptance to a bill was not complete until the bill was delivered out. He said a very old special jurymen had told him, that Lord Mansfield had once so ruled it at Guildhall.
Lord Ellenborough said, the opinion of Lord Mansfield must have been misunderstood; he had no doubt of the law.
Mr. Wilson, another special jurymen, observed, that his lordship's opinion applied to a bill after sight. As it was an important question, he wished it might be known, whether his lordship was of opinion, that the law was the same to a bill after date.
Lord Ellenborough observed, that he had no occasion to go beyond the question before them, but he was willing, for the purpose of their information, to say, that he made no difference whatever. His lordship added, that if the council wished for the opinion of the court they could move for a new trial.
Mr. Gibbs, who was counsel for the plaintiff, did not express any intention of further discussion. Verdict for the plaintiff.
It is said, that this decision will produce many actions, as it has hitherto been generally understood in London, that a person might erase his acceptance before delivery of the bill from his hand.
FROM THE PATRIOT.
THE DEMOCRATIC HOBBY.
[To the tune of Ge-ho-Dobbin. ]
Whom Hobby's were sung for each private station,
Bre the Hobby of Dentos was known to the nation A Lam, limping jaic, worn out in the traces, Just fit to bear democrats into fel placent .
All on one hobby, all on one hobby, All on one hobby, gee up gee ho
RECITATIVE.
Would you know then the hobby of which Dennis breg, 'Tis Economy! Economy! a sleek-shuffling nag. When democracy took this poor jade from the stable And mounted their hobby tan bridle or saddle, The very first flap that she made in cold blood, She threw their Patiosophers  stump in t. e mad, Ah poor hobby! ah poor hobby! Ah poor hobby! how could you do so?
RECITATIVE.
The cause of this tripping wad any one know, 'Twas twelve thousand pounds to repair the Barr-deau .
Then mounted again! a pace odd and even, With spur and with whip, poor hobby was driven; She stumbl'd, and saunter'd, and tripp'd, till at last, The rider again, was laid flat on his hick .
Ah poor hobby! ah poor hobby! Ah poor hobby! how could you do so?
RECITATIVE.
The cause of this stumbling would any one know, 'Twas a nail in the cash-box for Dawson the draw .
Poor Hobby grew blind, and gray'd in the dark, And wand'ring, unguided, ran foul of an ARK . She then cav'd her hick , if I'm not mist-ken To the logical aid from old father Bacon , Indeed poor hobby, indeed poor hobby, Indeed poor hobby, you inoan't do so.
RECITATIVE.
The name of this ark , does any one look, 'Tis Day-Dock ,— raised o'er Jefferson's back !
But now is poor hobby as dead as a nail, A loss that your democrats sorely bewail, Her unshiftable  side plang'd into a flouh , And poor city party , I need not tell how, Alas poor hobby! alas poor hobby! Alas poor hobby! can no longer go.
RECITATIVE.
The cause of her death was very well knew, 'Twas twelve thousand dollars for Murderer's know . Sangerfield, April 11.

LATEST Foreign Intelligence, BOSTON, May 3. OF WAR.
Since our last paper, information has been received from Liverpool, (Eng.) to the 28th of March. At that time war had not commenced, and the confidence with which it had been expected was rather diminished.
FROM A LONDON PAPER.
"AFTER a short, deceitful slumber, we are awakened to the prospect of a war of extirpation: the vision of peace, to which the splendid acquirements of an arduous, glorious contest were sacrificed, has vanished, even while the wounds which achieved it are still bleeding. We are told, it is true, that the points in discussion may be amicably adjusted, and we embrace the hope with fervency; yet with a bold, aspiring, and vindictive rival, rankling under defeat, and ever watching, per fas atque nefas , for the moment of advantage, we fear there never can be any permanent security to us, or any part of Europe, but what must be enforced at the point of the sword."
"Malta, it is said, is the immediate object in dispute: our government consider the changes which have taken place in Italy, such as to warrant the retention of that island. It is a proud maxim, however, in our national creed, that nothing can warrant a breach of compact: we have ever lamented the surrender of Malta; but we should blush to purchase its possession at the expence of our integrity. We have acted imprudently in giving it up; but we should not repair the error by a violation of faith. It is true, the treaty of Amiens was abused by France, by 20 encroachments, even while the commissioners were yet discussing it; still persist in another cannot justify peridy in us; and if we are again to be involved in the horrors of war, we trust, at least, we shall have the consolation of combating in a just and honorable cause, and not to evade the performance of a bounden obligation."
"We are inclined to believe, however, that there are other and more worthy causes for the hostile position of our government: we are told, that when our ambassador at Paris inquired the occasion of the armaments making along the coasts of France and Holland, reply was made, that they were designed for the amusement of the consul, and for the exercise and occupation of the troops; and on his lordship's pressing for a more consistent answer, was informed that he might ascribe to them such further objects as he thought proper."
"If such be the fact, it is time to arm: further concessions must be alike unavailing, and disgraceful: while we have a penny, or a drop of blood left, it will be better to spend the one, and spill the other, than endure, in patient ignominy, the repeated insults that have thus far been the sole return for our forbearance."
"Bonaparte tells us, that England, unaided by continental alliances, can no longer hope to cope with France. Has he then forgotten the events of the last years of the war, when Britain alone defied the concentrated power of France, and in every point of contact triumphed over it; or has he forgotten, that when his artifices engaged almost the whole of Europe in hostility against us, that he only created to us fresh scenes for victory? If he has forgotten his discomfiture at Acre, and the horrid expedient to which he was reduced to secure his escape from Syria; if he has forgotten his disgraceful flight from Egypt, it must at least be admitted, that he has a most courteous memory. Teach me to forget,' exclaimed 'Bentham' to the records of defeat and infamy. The consul needs the palliative, and we do not envy him the possession."
"Should it, however, be unavoidable to have again recourse to the sword, what warrants the opinion of the first Consul, that we must encounter him
single-handed? does he, then, reckon nothing of his injuries to America; nothing of the oppression of Switzerland and Piedmont; nothing of the attempts at still further subjugating Holland; does St. Domingo afford no diversion in our favor? Are his ships in that quarter in no danger? can he see nothing dangerous to his over-reaching ambition in the now rational government of Russia? And will Germany, yet sore with insults and injustice, want much persuasion to seize a favorable moment for avenging itself?"
"Peace is essential to the happiness both of Britain and France, and we shall rejoice to find it consolidated. If war is unavoidable, we should encounter it with confidence and energy. Our ministers have abundant proof of the sincerity of their wish for peace, in the articles which they made to obtain it: its preservation must doubtless, be still more an object of desire to them, because they are now in a less favorable situation for the prosecution of war than they were at the period of signing preliminaries. We have, in honest misapplied confidence, surrendered our conquests, dismantled our navy, and disbanded our army; but our public spirit, thank Heaven, is unbroken; our loyalty, to the king; or attachment to the constitution; or love of liberty; are unimpaired; our heroes, accustomed to victory, live to retrace the paths of glory, and to the calls of our country, every heart is responsive and obedient."
American Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, April 29.
The Morning Chronicle of yesterday gives us the copy of a letter from the mayor of the city, to colonel Burr, the original of which, the editor assures us, he has in his possession. The letter exculpates the vice president, and will go far to restore his much injured character. No one, who knows Mr. Livingston, will believe that he can have written two contradictory letters or certificates. Until Cheetham shall bring forward the certificate, well authenticated, which he pretends to hold, suspicion will fix the charge of forgery, or falsehood, or, at least, disingenuous and unmanly artifice over his own door.
We extract from the Morning Chronicle the copy of Mr. Livingston's letter.
(COPY.)
New York, July 27, 1802.
"SIR, "In consequence of certain insinuations lately circulated, I think it proper to declare, that you did not, in any verbal or written communication to me, during the late presidential election, express any sentiment inconsistent with those contained in your letter to general Smith, which was published, or evincing any desire that the vote for the state should be transferred from Mr. Jefferson to yourself."
"I am, very respectfully, "Your obedient servant. (Signed) "EDW. LIVINGSTON. "The vice-president of the U. S."
The following is the extract from col. Burr's letter to gen. Smith, alluded to in the above, and published at Washington by general Smith, prior to the balloting for president:
"It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson: but if such should be the result, every man who knows me ought to know that I would disclaim all competition. Be assured, that the federal party can entertain no wish for such an exchange. As to my friends, they would dishonor my views, and insult my feelings, by a suspicion that I would submit to be instrumental in counteracting the wishes and the expectation of the United States. And I now constitute my proxy to declare these sentiments, if the occasion should require."
CHARLESTON, April 20. COUNTERFEIT BANK BILLS.
A note of ten dollars, and one of five, in imitation of those of the office of discount and deposit, in this city, were lately detected as counterfeits, in the tax offices, where they had been offered in payment.
NORFOLK, April, 30.
IN the last congress Mr. Stanton was the only federal member from Virginia, the accounts from such of the districts as we have heard, exhibit more federal representatives in the next congress.
We yesterday learned the state of the polls from most of the counties in the district last represented by Mr. Stratton.
   Federal Democratic   GRIFIN, BASSETT.     Gloucester, 85   Mathews, 63   264   185  
   James City, 42 131   Elizabeth City, 29 130   York, 73 64   Northampton, 175 25   Accomac, 560 30   1027 895  
The only remaining county from which we have not heard is Middlesex, which does not contain more than 100 voters; so that without the aid of a single vote from that county, we may with certainty pronounce Mr. Griffin's election.
Thus we see the just indignation of the people has been roused to counteract the nefarious policy of the last assembly, in giving this district a population of 43,000, while others were formed of little more than half that number; and we trust that this will prove a wholesome admonition to our next legislature; and that they will see, that however palatable democracy may be, that the people will not favor its advancement, to the entire destruction of that most inestimable privilege of an equal representation in the legislature of the union.*
NOTE.
* We are assured Mr. Anderson, a violent democrat, was turned out at the last election in Gloucester, for the vote he gave in the assembly, for enlarging the district.
The RECORDER. RICHMOND.
MAY 14th. 1803.
MUCH has been said concerning the instruction that is to be derived from the perusal of history. The greater part of it, however, consists of nothing but a narrative of absurdities, and of crimes; and so far from correcting the understanding, or improving the heart, it is our humble, but deliberate opinion, that the less history, which is perused, makes just so much the better for the mind of the reader: If the first battle upon record had been fought yesterday, the narrative would have filled every eye with tears, and every heart with horror; but, from the habits of perusing what is called history, we learn to read the extirpation of two hundred thousand people in a single day, with as little concern, as if they had been a nest of hornets.
To us, it appears, that the chief consequence of historical studies, is, to harden sensibility. These remarks have occurred in consequence of the unexpected rupture which has once more broke out in Europe. The conduct of Bonaparte, in his conference with lord Whitworth, is a scene, perhaps, unexampled in modern ages. It seems that we may say of him, what an English archbishop formerly said of cardinal Woolsey: "Know you not, that this man is drunk with prosperity."
As for his eternal pretences and protestations, that he is anxious for the continuation of peace, it is our suspicion, that not a word is sincere. The first consul finds it necessary to engage the attention of the French in foreign war, in order to divert it from the extraordinary scene of his elevation. To England, peace was equally desirable. To Bonaparte, in his particular situation, war was, in many respects, desirable. When Henry, the IVth of England was upon his death-bed, he gave to his son and successor, an advice to this effect, that he had only his choice of commencing a foreign war, for the sake of exercising the spirits of his turbulent nobility, or of being subject to the perpetual dread of domestic insurrection. Something very like this must be the situation of the little Corsican. The English ministry had every conceivable motive to desire the prolongation of peace.
Of all the pieces of bombast, that, for some years past, have appeared, perhaps none has been more egregious than the French proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of Louisiana. Whether the masterly pen of Bonaparte had any concern in such an effusion of self adulation, it is not possible to determine; but the manner in which he is referred to, exceeds every limit of modesty, propriety, and good sense.
It is a bad wind, says the proverb, that blows nobody good. The supposed war between France and England will, in all probability, be the means of postponing, for it can hardly be the means of preventing an ultimate dispute between France and the United States. The interest of the colony of Louisiana differs so essentially from that of the North Western Territory, there are so many irremovable grounds of debate, that a long period of tranquility cannot be expected. Of this, we have long since, taken frequent notice.
Of all the singular transactions that have occurred in federal history, perhaps, that which wanders the farthest out of the way of proba-
bility, is the congressional donation of millions of dollars to the president. can't remember the time, when the whole country ran almost out of its senses, when the French Directory were said to have offered a bribe. In the pure spirit of consistency, we have now solemnly devoted and appropriated a bribe to be remitted to that very government, at which we formerly felt, or pretended to feel, such indelible indignation. Citizens of America, how are these matters to be reconciled? If Congress can shut their doors and vote away two millions of dollars, they can, by the same rule, vote fifty; and then, what has become of your boasted constitution? It signifies nothing for a farmer to say, that he has assigned an excellent system of rules for the conduct of his overseer, if, in the mean time, that overseer can find a way to dispose of the plantation. This seems to be a fair parallel with the case in view.
When Mr. Monroe has arrived in France, he must find himself in a situation at once ludicrous and distressing. The news, as to the two millions of dollars, must have got there before him; and Talleyrand, and others, will be in constant expectation, when, where, and in what proportion, the golden shower is to fall. Indeed, the late governor of Virginia has been put, if ever a human being was put, into a queer position. "Citizens," says he, "I cannot deny that I come to bribe you; but you must have patience, till I can deliberate upon the division of the spoil. By the way, it is totally incomprehensible to me, upon what consistent principle I was dispatched to bribe you. The youngest of us can remember, when it was supposed, that a bribe had been asked by the French government. It is likewise remembered with what virulence of resentment, the innocence and sublimity of American virtue revolved against the alleged proposal. Upon what account we have struck our columns, I really cannot inform you. I was sent here upon the notion of purchasing from the first consul, or rather, of bribing his ministers to persuade him to give up Louisiana. How it came in the head of any human being, that he was to be enticed out such an acquisition, I am likewise unable to inform you. But so it is, that I have been dispatched. Whether it is really practicable to get the French army sent back from Louisiana, by distributing two millions of dollars among the clerks, and aids-de-camp of Bonaparte, time only can determine. I say, clerks, and aids-de-camp, because, with such a character, his ministers, and his generals, can rarely be more than his clerks, and his aids-de-camp. I candidly think, that you must be smiling at me; that the object for which the money was got, is absolutely and utterly unattainable; and that the wisest use which I can make of it will be, to take my passage home again, and return it to the president. Congress have resolved, that he is never to give them an account of it; and hence, it is not worth my while to tire you with the ultimate conclusion of the story."
FROM THE ALEXANDRIA ADVERTISER.
MR. SNOWDEN.
In your paper of the 22d February, a writer, under a signature of 'A Farmer,' has addressed to Richard Brent, esq. and myself, as candidates at the ensuing election for a member to represent this district in the Congress of the United States, several questions, to which he requests candid answers. As I have no wish to conceal from the district or from the world, any opinions which I may have formed, either of public men or measures, I shall not hesitate in complying with the wishes of the Farmer. You will, therefore, please to republish the questions, in the order in which they have been offered, with my answers to each.
Question. —Do you approve of Mr. Jefferson's ordering the marshal of Virginia, to repay to James Thomson Callender the fine of two hundred dollars which he had received from Callender, in consequence of a verdict of a jury finding him guilty of a most malicious, wanton, and scandalous libel on the president of the United States, and general Washington; and of the judgment of the court in fixing the fine? If you do, state your reason.
Answer I. —The marshal having actually received the fine of James Thomson Callender, the money was then the property of the United States, and, of course, beyond constitutional controul of the president, and any

interference on his part, was certainly im-
2. Do you approve of Mr. Jefferson's paying Callender 100 dollars to enable him to write and print his book, called The Prospect Before Us , in which it contained the libel for which he was fined—therein he calls general Washington a traitor to his country, and Mr. Adams a murderer, and an hoary-headed incendiary? If you do, give your reasons for such approbation.
Ans. I do not. 3. Do you approve of Mr. Jefferson's inviting Thomas Paine, the writer of a most abusive letter to general Washington, and the author of the Age of Reason , in which he denies the existence of Jesus Christ, and reviles our holy religion—to come to this country in one of our national ships. And do you not believe Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Paine are intimate friends, and affectionately attached to each other?
Ans. Whatever might have been Mr. Jefferson's attachment to Thomas Paine, or his enmity to general Washington, a decent respect for the opinions of the American people, ought to have deterred the president of the United States from inviting to this country, the man whose favorite theme is the abuse of that great and good man; who is revered by his countrymen, and whose services will never be forgotten by those who are real Americans. I know nothing of Mr. Jefferson's attachment to Mr. Paine. His letter of invitation to Paine, is couched in very affectionate terms.
4. Do you think that the law of the last session of Congress, depriving the judges of the circuit courts of their commissions, without being convicted before the proper tribunal of misbehaviour in office, is constitutional?
Ans. I have no hesitation in believing the law unconstitutional.
5. Do you think Mr. Jefferson could constitutionally withhold from certain persons in the district of Columbia, commissions appointing them justices of the peace in that district for five years, which appointment had been approved of by the senate, and commissions signed by the late president, and left in the office of the secretary of state, to be recorded before they were delivered to the persons thus appointed, especially when the act of the 27th February, 1801, concerning the district of Columbia, declares that the justices appointed by virtue of it, shall hold their offices for five years?
Ans. I do not. 6. Do you think it was expedient or just in Congress, at their last session, to take the taxes off pleasure carriages, whiskey, and white sugar and to continue them on bohea tea, and brown sugar, coffee, and salt?
Ans. Whenever the situation of our country will warrant the reduction of taxes, it ought to be the object of the representatives of the people to unburden those articles, which are absolutely necessary to all classes of our citizens, and to retain the taxes on the luxuries only. I, therefore, think the law unjust, as the interests of the poor are sacrificed to the convenience of the rich.
7. Do you approve of Mr. Jefferson's removing men from office, for other reasons than that of their not agreeing with him, in his political opinions, and putting in their places only such as do think with him in politics; and particularly do you approve of his removing old officers and soldiers of our revolutionary war, against whom there was no complaint as to their conduct in office; such as colonel William Heath of Petersburg, who was a valiant officer in our army, and who as collector of the customs of Petersburg, acted most faithfully towards the public, and against whom Mr. Jefferson could not allege a single fault, except that of not thinking with him in politics?
Ans. I have always been opposed to political intolerance or proscription. Whenever good men are to be driven from office, or excluded from an equal participation in our government, liberty is gone, it is a name. I have been taught to believe that merit alone, in a republican government, is a grand pivot on which executive favor ought to turn.
8. Do you approve of the conduct of the house of representatives, refusing to request the president to give them such information as he may have received respecting the cession of Louisiana, by Spain to France, if, in his opinion it would be proper to give the information; and do you believe the president has been as attentive to this subject as he ought to have been? Do you think he has ever yet officially called on the French and Spaniards, to say whether the cession has been made or not?
Ans. I think the house of representatives was entitled to every information which it was in the power of the president to give; especially on a subject of so much importance to the interests of this country, and one on which it was absolutely necessary for them to act. A refusal on the part of the majority to request of the president the necessary information, was certainly improper. It is impossible for me to say, whether the president has ever officially called on the French or Spaniards, or what steps he may have taken in this business, being without any information on this subject.
9. Do you approve of the expence and de-
lay of sending Mr. Monroe to Spain and France, when in each country we have ministers who have but lately left America, and who must be as competent as Mr. Monroe to negotiate on this subject.
Ans. I have always supposed the executive the best judges, in all affairs of a foreign nature.
10. Do you not think that if it is proper to send a special envoy to France or Spain, and that the delay which the president has been guilty of in this important business, proves him to have been very inattentive to the interest of our western citizens?
Ans. I have no information on this subject; therefore, can give no opinion.
11. Do you not believe that Mr. Jefferson wrote the letter to Mazzei, in which the executive, who was general Washington, is charged with endeavouring to introduce the principles of the British government into our own, and with being at the head of an anglo-monarchic and aristocratic party; and do you believe the charges are true?
Ans. I believe that Mr. Jefferson did write the letter to Mazzei; and I also believe that the charges in it are untrue.
12. Do you not believe that Mr. Jefferson is a deist, and if so, is he a proper person to be at the head of a people who profess themselves to be believers in christianity?
Ans. Never having been honoured with the confidence of Mr. Jefferson, I know nothing of his religious tenets. He has been frequently and publicly charged with deistical principles, and never having deigned to contradict those charges, it is fair to presume they are true. Whether he is a proper or improper person to be at the head of a Christian people, must be answered by the people themselves, who have the same information, on this subject, that I have. I think a deist an improper person to be at the head of those professing christianity.
13. Do you not think that the democratic party in Congress, in directing monuments to be erected to the memory of certain officers who were killed during the war, after they had refused to have one erected memory of general Washington, shews the reason of that refusal, to wit: the expence was not the real one but that it proceeded from a hatred to him, and wish to bury, as soon as possible, in oblivion his services as president of the United States: so that the influence which the recollection of the services might have, in opposing their views, might be soon destroyed.
Ans. I have never been in favor of the erection of monuments to the memory of any man; but certainly if one was, denied to the memory of general Washington, none ought to be granted to any other person, or persons whatever; the conduct of Congress, therefore, at the last session, on this subject, meets my disapprobation.
I have thus answered concisely and candidly the questions that have been propounded to me, and I shall be pleased if they are satisfactory.
JOSEPH LEWIS, Jun.
FROM THE BOSTON GAZETTE OF MAY 24. RUMOUR,
With her hundred tongues has been very loquacious for a few days past, on the subject of a war in Europe.
On Saturday, she announced in the Centinel , that War has been declared. This important news was brought by the arrival of the ship Volunteer , capt. Bosworth, at Portsmouth, from Liverpool, who reported, that "on the 23d March, in the river, he was boarded by a Lieut. of a man of war, who informed him that the declaration of War against France had that day been received in Liverpool from the admiralty."
This intelligence, from the previous accounts of hostile preparations, created belief, and had a considerable influence on our markets, while it lasted: but on Saturday noon the Diana , captain Wilson, arrived at this port from Liverpool, which place he left 4 or 5 days after the Volunteer , and brings a contradiction of the intelligence of capt. Bosworth, that war had been actually declared.
The verbal information of capt. Wilson, and letters received by him to the 27th of March, state that public opinions seems to be divided, as to the event of measures adopted by the British administration; and while some are induced to believe that war is actually determined on, others are of opinion, that the arrangements will ultimately result in effecting a punctilious compliance with the articles of the treaty between the two nations, which have hitherto been delayed and left open for alteration. All intelligence, however, that has been received here from France and England indicates symptoms of actual hostility.
Capt. Hilton, of the ship President , arrived here yesterday from Liverpool, failed in company with capt. Wilson,
and corroborates the intelligence communicated by him.
The London papers, by these arrivals, are to the 20th of March.
Our readers, this evening, will find "a moment's amusement" in the singular Proclamation of the French Colonial Prefect to the inhabitants of Louisiana. It is worthy of remark, that at the moment when the farcical letter of the Spanish Minister was hurried in hand-bills through our city—when the democratic editors were triumphantly boasting that our violated rights on the Mississippi were restored without the loss of blood or treasury, this pompous proclamation of the Colonial Prefect was in circulation through the streets of New-Orleans. What attention, the letter of Marquis of Casa Yrujo will receive from the reputed author of the aggression, is yet uncertain. Most probably, however, we shall soon be kindly informed that the Intendant has no longer any authority in that region, and that he presumes not to intermeddle with the affairs of the French republic. Thus will terminate the vain boasting of the Intelligence , Aurora , and Citizen !
"The war-whoop," the democrats say, "should not be forgotten." Some of the more modest do not wish to say that there is a party in the United States fond of war; but hint it as probable; and further, that the object is the subversion of the government. Do the democrats judge the motives of the federalists to be the same as those which governed the party in opposition to the measures of WASHINGTON, at the period when the cruisers of England molested our commerce? Did that party then clamour for war, for the purpose of surveying the government? We think it not improbable. As to war, however no federalist wishes for it, unless the honour and rights of our country demand a resort to the measure. But that such efficient steps should have been taken, as would have rendered negotiation more advantageous than it will probably now prove to this country, it will readily be admitted was the wish of every honest federalist. — Char. Courier .
THE agents of the party in power, exult at the removal from office of such men as Messrs. Morris, Ross and Hempill. The splendid talents, and the honest patriotism of these men have full often caused the blushes of shame to tinge the cheeks of their grovelling opponents. The persons chosen to supply their places are more fitted to acquiesce in the timid and weak policy of the present day, and will seldom exhibit their oratory, either to confute the arguments of the federalists, or to prop the rotten cause of democracy—acquiescence is more suited to their capacities than "oppugnation." The triumphing party, however, may be mistaken when they assert, in alluding to the gentlemen removed, that "them places which knew them, shall know them no more." History furnishes abundant evidence, that demagogues have sometimes deluded and deceived the people, so far as to induce them to banish their friends, and submit to the control of their worst enemies; but it also furnishes evidence, that when the veil has removed from the eyes of the people, the triumph of those who have deceived them, has been short. Camillus and Aristides were banished "when vice prevailed, and impious men bore sway;" but they were recalled by their country, again invested with public honors, and looked up to as the preservers of the state from ruin. — Char. Courier .
According to the representation of capt. Rielly, arrived on Monday, from Corunna, it appears, that the apprehensions of War with the United States, created a great panic in the Spanish court. While he lay there, an express arrived from Madrid, with dispatches, to be put on board a fast-sailing king's vessel, with orders to sail immediately, for any port in the United States. In less than half an hour, a Spanish brig was under way. This circumstance excited much consternation; and the general impression was, that a war could only be
averted by the speedy transmission of conciliatory dispatches.
It will be recollected, that this brig arrived some time since at Baltimore, and that the contents of her dispatches were—assurance of a continuation of the right of deposit at New-Orleans. — Phil. Gaz.
Sir W. Pultney, in the British house of commons, on the 15th of March, on a debate for employing the militia, observed; in reply to the secretary of war, that "the right hon. gentleman cannot have forgot what the militia of America did against us; we sent out a very great regular force, but we were beat, and that, too, by militia."
THE cession of Louisiana to France has never been officially announced to the public, and doubts have been entertained by some, of such cession ever having been made. The following article, extracted from a treaty made between France, and Spain, signed at Madrid on the 21st of March, 1801, will shew beyond doubt, that such cession has actually taken place:
"As this treaty originates from that which has been concluded between the first consul and his catholic majesty, and by which the king cedes to France the possession of Louisiana, the contracting parties agree to put in execution the articles of the former treaty, and to use their respective rights till the settlement of the differences mentioned in it."
This is the 5th article of the treaty made between France and Spain, respecting the possession of the reigning duke of Parma and the duchy of Tuscany, and concluded in March, 1801, and not published till 1802, no doubt for the obvious reason, that the parties did not wish the cession of Louisiana to be known until peace was made between France and Great-Britain.
The views of France in wishing to possess Louisiana, are both numerous and obvious. It will afford them a never-failing supply of lumber and provisions for their West-India possessions; it will give her great influence in, and controul over the councils of America; by having the command of the Mississippi river, the only avenue by which the western world can find a mart for their produce; it will make her West-India possessions independent in their supplies from the American states; as they will be amply supplied from their own colony of Louisiana; it will enable her to extort from America commercial regulations advantageous to herself, and injurious to her rival, Great-Britain; it will enable her to prosecute war advantageously, against the United States, if she so wishes; and it will give her the opportunity of prosecuting any designs she may have on Mexico and Peru. — Fed. Gaz.
Extra of a letter, dated Point Peter, Guadalupa, 12th March, 1803.
"Last evening we experienced five shocks of an earthquake, the first of which was about 9 o'clock, and the last much more severe, about 10 o'clock. I was at that moment undressing with my face to the S. West, and the vibration was so violent as to make me stagger against the bedstead. In a few moments the street before my lodgings was crowded with men, women, and children, making a dismal noise, some screaming, and some praying on their knees to that providence which most of the people of this place have affected to deride; I say affected, because, however atheistical the free thinkers of the day may appear to be, I believe it will be found that they have almost always, in the time of danger, thrown themselves upon the mercy of the deity."
ELEGANT PRINTS & LOOKING GLASSES
A BEAUTIFUL assortment of PICTURES and LOOKING GLASSES are respectfully offered to the public, at very reduced price. They are to be seen at Messrs. Robert Gamble and Co's. store up stairs.
Mrs. Atkins intending to leave Richmond in a few days, for Philadelphia, solicits the attention of the inhabitants, assuring them, that a more elegant assortment has not been offered on the continent. R. ATKINS.
Re-gilding in its various branches, in a superb manner. Also, Oil Gilding, that will stand washing.
Those Ladies and Gentlemen who wish to favor Mr. Atkins with their commands, will be pleased to apply as early as possible. May 14th, 1803.

Lord Minto rose to remind the house that, previous to the late recess, he had given notice of his intention on an early day after the house should meet again, to bring forward a motion for papers, which would oblige ministers to give the house some information, as to what has passed between his majesty and the French government relative to Switzerland. He had waited hitherto in expectation that some new lights would be thrown on the subject; but what had passed within these few days, was of so truly important a nature, that it ought to absorb all other considerations. Their lordships could not but perceive, that they were on the verge of a new war; it is, however, some consolation to be conscious that it was a calamity put upon us, not sought by us; it originated, if it should take place in the insatiable ambition and implacable hatred lodged in the mind of the first consul of the French republic. On such an occasion it was not fitting to look retrospectively, or to entertain any discussion either with regard to censure or inquisition as to what was past. It was a moment so critical, that every man ought to throw aside all his jealousies, and to unite hand and heart in support of the common cause. It was not enough to depend upon the tried virtue of the people; he meant their spirit, their courage, and their firmness; but new virtues must be resorted to; the virtue of perseverance, and patiently enduring every difficulty during the arduous progress of a conflict in which we were likely to be engaged, not merely in order to preserve the honour of his majesty's crown, but to secure the character, the interest, and, if it must be so, the existence of the country. At such a moment, their lordships would not wonder at the abandoning his intention of making any motion similar to that to which he had alluded. Instead of embarrassing ministers, or calling off his attention from the important national business in which they were at this time engaged, it was the duty of every man, who felt as a British subject ought to feel at such a crisis, to give their measures his anxious support, and to assist them to the utmost of his power.
Copy of a circular letter, addressed by the secretary of state for the home department, to the lords lieutenants of the maritime counties of Great Britain:
My lord,
As there is reason to think aliens, landing in this kingdom from the continent, neglect, in many instances, to make their declarations, to the magistrates of the places where they reside, as required by the provisions of the 9th and 10th clauses of the alien act, a copy of which I inclose, I am to request that your lordship will be so good as call the particular attention of the magistrates in the country of —— to this circumstance, and to desire them to enforce the provisions of the above mentioned clauses, with respect to such aliens within their several jurisdictions, as have neglected to comply therewith, and at the same time to return to me a list of such Aliens I am, &c.
(Signed) PELHAM.
LONDON, March 14.
Instead of attributing, with the opposition papers, all the ambition and perfidy of the French government to the weakness and inconsistency of our own ministers, we are very much inclined to question the wisdom and policy of the first consul in the system he has adopted since the conclusion of the Peace. It seems to us as if it would perplex his idolators, to approve or defend his conduct, upon any fixed principle, either hostile or pacific. We shall bestow very little time in enquiring whether he could ever have entertained any
serious desire of maintaining the peace, because the opinion of the world is perfect upon that subject and scarcely a single day has elapsed, unmarked by some act of despotism or injustice, some hostile pretension, some commercial injury, some official calumny, and some virtual violation of the treaty. To the supposition, therefore, with every action and every word of his makes the sole rational, the sole credible, alternative, we shall confine the few remarks we are desirous at this time of offering upon the prudence and sagacity of his government.
We have little hesitation in asserting, that it is not for the advancement of the ambitious and revengeful views of Bonaparte to precipitate his plans of conquest so violently, that he has not given a sufficient degree of time for the ripening of his designs, and that he has not acted with prudence in discovering them with so much rapidity, and without caution, reserve, or hypocrisy. We contend, without much apprehension of being refuted, that in order to have had the best chance of succeeding in his scheme, he should have carefully concealed it in his own bosom for some years, during which he might have consolidated the internal security of his country, restored his marine, almost crushed and trampled out of existence in the late war, repaired the dilapidation of his finances, and accustomed Europe, by slow and gentle degrees, to its present aspect, but neither tranquil nor desperate, condition.
We imagine that there are no marks of a sound judgment, or even a cool and thinking head, in his forcing us to a rupture before the strength of his navy could be recruited, and before the spirit of his seamen could be rallied, broken as they are by long captivity and invariable defeat: and that he would have been infinitely a greater object of terror (which seems his sole satisfaction and desire) to wise and reflecting men, if he had not so ostentatiously, and so prematurely affected to be terrible. Had he lulled us for half a dozen years with the appearance of sincerity, and the affectation of justice and good neighbourhood, it is hard to say what might have been the relative state of the two countries at the expiration of that period; although, under Providence, there is no doubt of the prosperity and improvement of our own circumstances. Our resources in industry, commerce, and finance, must indeed have been restored and invigorated, but our faculties and means of defence could not have kept an equal pace with them, and our military power would not have augmented in any proportion to our riches. Upon the part of France, her colonies might have been re-conquered and re-planted, and her navy recruited by a nursery of seamen in her plantations, and from the general revivification of her fisheries and trade. It can never be believed, after the massacres of her guillotine, and the slaughter of her armies, that there is no deficit in her population. The flower of her youth and manhood must have perished in the field, and in the hospitals where they were always sent to recover; and her veteran soldiers, the thin survivors of so many campaigns, must naturally be indisposed towards fresh enterprizes, the dreams of romances, or the madness of desperation. As yet the French armies have been permitted to enjoy no repose; the great cemetery of the West Indies has devoured them faster than any war in Europe. So much, and just so much of commerce has been restored or opened to the view of rich and speculative men, as to indispose the proprietor more than ever to the burthens, privations, and hazards of a new war. Enough, and no more than enough of peace, has been tasted, to make men fond and anxious for the blessing; for they have not surfeited upon it in two years, every day of which it has been exposed and endangered by the violent actions or the menacing language of their government.
If we advert to particulars, and the local interests of France, her conquests, or her colonies, she was never
yet in a situation so little favorable to war. If a shot is fired, there can be little doubt but that St. Domingo is for ever lost to her; and while she is engaged in a naval war, from which, in all human calculation, she can derive nothing but mortifications and defeats, the continent of Europe may not only recover its spirit, but its vigour and health: at least the comparative superiority of France must every day diminish, while her resources are exhausted in war, and those of other powers are recruited in peace and tranquillity. It may well be doubted, however, whether France is competent to carry on such a war upon her own credit and resources, and how far it may be possible, at this time, for her to pillage foreign nations by diplomatic chicanery and terror. In the interior the war is not likely to be so popular, either in its cause, which is nothing but injustice, or in its events, which promise nothing but disaster, as to season, or render popular, any new measures of tyrannical finance; particularly as the army, the best tax-gatherer, will have other employment. If ever there was a country which has need of repose, it is France at the present moment; and a government which could, at such a time, seek to precipitate it into war, must have very peculiar and personal motives for employing the thoughts, and distracting the opinions, of its people, either from its title or its conduct, or from both.
From these premises it appears to result, incontrovertibly that the conduct of the French government, since the conclusion of peace, shews more of rancour than wisdom, and is more vindictive than prudent or political. It is not that a new war can be considered, in this country, as any thing but a grievous calamity, and a most dangerous crisis of our existence; but war is less a calamity than the state of repose and disarmament; it is only so far an evil, as it shall prove worse than the anxious and burthensome position we are to quit for it. Under the reign of Bonaparte, it is not to be weighed or contrasted with peace, but with the state of jealousy and alarm, with the fever, tension and fatigue, which is all he will allow mankind to taste of under the name of tranquillity. We will not deny, however, that even this state is positively preferable to war, and that ministers are entitled to the thanks of their country, and of their species, for endeavoring, with so much firmness and moderation, to prolong it. But these endeavors of theirs are only so far laudable, as we can entertain a reasonable hope of being able to disappoint or defeat the subsequent designs of our malicious enemy, and as they leave in favour of peace, the course of time, and the chance of events; for if it were certain that no obstacle could present itself to the revengeful and ambitious plans of the French government, and that war were, in any given period of time, inevitable and certain, then there is no wise man in these kingdoms who would not prefer that it should commence at this very moment, when the enemy is so ill-prepared for it, and when our relative power and resources are greater and more formidable than there is any reason to expect they will be, at any given period of time to come. Whoever wishes to delay the war with gen. Bonaparte, must allow that he wishes so upon this ground, that war is a certain evil, and that as long as it can be delayed, he entertains hopes of a general change of circumstances, which may enable us to avoid it altogether. But if war be taken as inevitable, then he can hope no benefit from the change of circumstances, and must prefer the evil, when we are in the best situation to contend with it, and the enemy least able to inflict it with vigour and perseverance. Those who desire peace, therefore, with Bonaparte play this game, that for the present good of peace, and the chapter of accidents in our favour, they will run the risk of making war at some distance of time, with greater danger and disadvantage. They, on the contrary, who would now declare war, act upon the conviction, that war cannot long be
avoided; and that the present evil, with a greater chance of coming well and quickly out of it, is preferable to the remote one, with less probability of resisting it, or triumphing over it.
Malta, therefore, and whatever other local topic, is in discussion; are but secondary points; for if there be no chance of the duration of peace, or appearance of sincerity in the enemy, it were treason or madness, by the surrender of it, to open to him the road to India, and the entire disposition of the Mediterranean. Malta must follow the fate of the general argument, and not decide it, as some ignorant or thoughtless persons have contended. It is not the importance of Malta , either in friendly or hostile hands, that is to be balanced against the dangers and inconveniences of war; nor is it the letter of the treaty of Amiens , that in the most contradictory circumstances and the most opposite predicaments, we are equally bound to abide by. Be such absurd assertion their own answer and refutation; or let them at least be exiled to France, and confined in the cavilling columns of the Moniteur . We trust that, before we disarm again, the whole question will be settled between France and this country. Does any one think Bonaparte will be more pacific after he has obtained Malta , than in the hopes of obtaining it; that his measures or his language will be less hostile, after Alexandria is evacuated? or does any one think that the Neapolitans, in Malta , or the beys in Egypt , will defend them against the master of SEBASTIANI , and the president of the Italian republic?
[The Times.]
FROM A CHARLESTON PAPER OF APRIL 14.
Yesterday, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, a fire broke out in the dwelling house of T. H. Pinckney, esq. in Price's alley. The peculiar situation of this building, in a confined ally, almost contiguous to a nest of wooden houses, which seemed to invite the flames, rendered it a long time doubtful, where the devastation would stop. We are sorry to say, we do not recollect, that on any similar occasion, we had less to excite our approbation of the conduct of many citizens, than on this. The presence of a great body of people, apparently unconcerned spectators of the dreadful scene, tended very much to obstruct the passage of the engines, and the operations of those who went there for the purpose of aiding their suffering fellow citizens. The labor was confined to a few: among whom we particularly distinguished the gentlemen composing the company of axmen. The highest praise is due to them: we always discovered them in situations where they could be most useful; frequently where we conceived them to be in imminent danger. Fearless, and with a constant view to the accomplishment of the great object of their association, they succeeded beyond expectation, and may justly claim a principal share of the merit of confining the devouring element within the ally; beyond which it frequently threatened to extend, to the destruction of the adjacent squares.
The fire commenced in the garret of Mr. Pinckney's house, where there was no fire place: and with the knowledge of the family, there had been no fire in any part of the building, for three weeks before. Whether this misfortune is the effect of design, or of the extreme carelessness of servants, we cannot now determine.
Six dwelling houses, wooden, principally small, exclusive of Mr. Pinckney's were burnt or pulled down.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAM JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased a flock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying on the business on his own account. The assortment of goods is as any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803.