The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-08-11 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, AUGUST 11, 1809.
[No. 27.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
RICH LAND—TO RENT —On Wednesday, the 16th inst. will positively be rented to the highest bidder, at Powhatan court house, being court day, those three rich tracts of LAND in that county, belonging to the estate of the late Charles Logan, Esq. Two of the tracts lie on James River, and have Low Grounds. One of them called Bell Mead, has a large quantity, and is sufficiently extensive to work 30 or 35 hands to advantage. The other is adjoining it, and has from 4 to 500 acres cleared Land on it. The third tract is about 5 miles from the river, and has about the same quantity of cleared land. They will be rented for from 1 to five years, as may best suit those inclined to rent. On that day they will certainly be rented, so that those inclined to rent, need fear no disappointment. August 9. tds.
THE subscriber, residing in Richmond, having bought of Benjamin B. Bernard, a Patent Right to the state of Virginia, excepting five counties, Cumberland, Amelia, &c. which patent Bernard obtained from the President of the U. States, according to form, and which is for a new and useful Machine, fitted for threshing out many kinds of small grain, and universally patented after by the farmers in this state. Reference may be had to the original Patent, and the Schedule thereto annexed, bearing date the 13th day of November, in the year Nosti, Domini, 1807, for the term of fourteen years.
Those who may have had Machines built on the plan of said patent, since the above mentioned date, are requested to apply to the subscriber for licence, and pay for the same; otherwise, they will be dealt with according to law.
From this time, no person is allowed or will be allowed to build on the plan of the said patent, in this state, five counties excepted, without previous obtaining a licence for the same.
The subscriber offers for sale to any county or counties, section or sections in this state. DANIEL FORD. August 8. 4m
FOR SALE —By virtue of a deed of trust, executed by Pleasant Younghusband, in his life time, and recorded in the General Court:—Will be sold, on the first day of next month (September) at the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, four hundred and ninety-three acres of LAND, in the county of Henrico, being the tract of Land whereon Francis Lewis, deceased, resided until his death, which Land was deeded to said Younghusband, by Moses Davis and wife. The deed was executed to the subscribers, to secure to Frederick Harris, the payment of two thousand eight hundred and sixty dollars, with interest from the first of March, 1809.—It is mentioned in the deed, that the sale was to be made for ready money, but the deed is dated on the 23d March, 1808, therefore subject to the act of the last session of Assembly of Virginia, entitled "An Act concerning executions & for other purposes." DAVID BULLOCK, THOS. NORVELL, Trustees. August 8. tds.
TO BE SOLD , on Wednesday, the 23d day of this month, at Hanover court-house, being court day, the tract of Land formerly lived on, containing between 4 and 500 acres. There is, on this Land, a pretty good dwelling-house, a tolerable barn, and a considerable number of fruit trees, some valuable meadow and more good pine timber, than sufficient for the support of the houses on the land.
I shall want half the purchase in cash or negroes, paid down, and the residue secured, to be paid at the end of 18 months, by a deed of trust on the land. This land lies within 15 miles of Richmond, and 5 of Hanover court house.
Also, another piece of LAND, in the same county, of 187 acres, upon the same terms. Lying about 17 miles from Richmond. This land has a considerable quantity of good pine timber, and is within three miles of a saw mill. Mr. Benjamin Timberlake will show the 1st mentioned piece of land, and Joseph Cross the last. Wm. SIMS. Hanover, Aug. 8. 3m
P. S. Ten dollars reward will be given for run-away GEORGE, about 40 years old, with a ridge across his breast—used to work on the Canal, and for Mr. Money Lacey, if delivered to me, or secured so that I get him, by the first of September. Wm. SIMS.
FOR SALE OR RENT —That valuable property adjoining the city of Richmond, called the COLUMBIAN MILLS. Mr. Samuel Leech, living on the premises, will show the property to any person inclined to rent or purchase. The terms will be made known by application to the Subscriber residing in Norfolk. JOHN GRANBERY. July 11. tf
THE Subscribers in the Book of Forms of Legal Process and Judicial Proceedings, proposed to be published by me, are informed that the work is in Press, and it is expected, from the progress which has been made in the printing thereof, that the Book will be ready for delivery by the ensuing fall. Terms of the Superior Courts of Law. I here take the liberty of suggesting to those who wish to own this Book, and have not subscribed therefor, the advantage of doing so as early as possible, and complying with the terms of subscription heretofore published, as a very small number of copies will be printed, which will be delivered (if there be occasion to do so) according to the dates of subscriptions. J. ROBINSON. Richmond, July 28. tf
NOTICE —All persons indebted to the late mercantile concerns of Thos. & W. Friend; Joseph and W. Friend & Co. or Jos. & W. Friend—are hereby notified that James Robertson, Jr. attorney at law, Amelie, is alone authorized to receive money and grant discharges, and those who have claims against either of the above mentioned firms, are requested to make the same known to the said Robertson, in order that provision may be made for payment. THOMAS BRANCH, Execr of Wm. FRIEND, who was surviving partner of J. & Wm. F. & Co. and Thomas and Wm. Friend. EDWARD FRIEND, admr. of JOS. FRIEND, Deed. July 25. 1m
THE Subscriber solicits payment as speedily as possible, from all those who are indebted to the firms above mentioned, as the situation of the business, will not admit of longer indulgence than has already been given. The books, accounts, &c. which were lately in the possession of C. F. Lee, Esq. are now in my possession. J. ROBERTSON, Jr. July 25. 1m
THE different business concerns heretofore existing in this state, under the firms of Buchanan and Pollok at Petersburg, Robert and Allen Pollok at Richmond, and Pollok and Tredway & Co. at Manchester, are this day dissolved by mutual consent.
The partner resident at each place, is charged with the collection of the debts due to the concern hitherto under his arrangement, and we earnestly request those indebted to come forward and make satisfactory arrangements for the discharge of their debts. Those having claims against either of the concerns, will please apply accordingly. DAVID BUCHANAN, by Robert Pollok, his Atty in fact. ROBERT POLLOK, ALLEN POLLOK, THOS. TREDWAY. Virginia, July 18.
The subscriber having purchased the stock of Goods on hand at this place, will continue business in his own name, and for his own account, at the former residence of Buchanan and Pollok. ROBERT POLLOK. Petersburg, July 18.
The subscribers have renewed their connexion in business, and mean to prosecute it in this place under the firm of Pollok and Tredway. ROBERT POLLOK, THOMAS TREDWAY. Manchester, July 18. 6w
JAMES RIVER COMPANY —A dividend of four and a half per cent. was this day declared, on the stock in the James River Company, which will be paid to the respective Shareholders, or their order, on application to ROBERT POLLARD, Treasurer. July 25. 3w
A MILLER, who is master of his business, has some knowledge of accounts, and can produce good recommendations, may hear of an eligible situation, by applying at the office of the Enquirer. August 8. tf
WANTED to PURCHASE—Two good Female House SERVANTS, one a cook, the other a washer.—For such as can be well recommended, a liberal price, in cash, will be paid. Those between the age of 25 and 30 years will be preferred. Apply to Messrs. Tompkins & Murray of Richmond, or to JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, August 4. tf
TO THE PUBLIC —Notice is hereby given, that at King William Superior court, a petition will be made for the discontinuance of a Road leading from the West-Point road, through the estate of Robert Slaughter, and that of James Ruffin, dec'd. to Ruffin's Old Ferry. August 4. 8t
BOARDING-HOUSE , to be opened in Williamsburg. The Subscriber, being about to remove to Williamsburg, informs the public that she intends to keep in that city, a BOARDING HOUSE, AND HOUSE OF PRIVATE ENTERTAINMENT, which will be opened on the 20th day of September next. Her house is large and commodious, and situated nearly in the centre of the town. She will have an entirely new set of Servants, & hopes, by the strictest attention and exertions to please, to give satisfaction to those who may favor her with their company. Her intention is to accommodate Boys, Girls, Students of William & Mary College, grown Gentlemen, or Ladies, with board and lodging, or board only, by the day, month, or quarter of a year, on reasonable terms. ANNA BYRD. Richmond, August 1. 120S
PASSAGE FOR LONDON. THE SHIP PATRIOT GROENING, Mathias Probst, Master; Will sail for London, on or about the 15th of next month, and can accommodate eight or ten Passengers; she is a remarkably strong and well built ship, of about 300 tons, almost new, and has a roomy and elegant Cabin. Her cargo being engaged, apply for Passage only, to the Master on board, or to NIEMETTER & VON KAPFF. Norfolk, July 28. 1m
IN CHANCERY —In Powhatan county court, Brown, Rives & Co. vs. against Samuel H. Owen and Joseph Mayo, executor of David Owen, dec'd. Defs. THE defendant Samuel H. Owen, not having entered his appearance, and given security according to the act of assembly, and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country; On motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel; It is ordered, That the defendant, Samuel H. Owen, do appear here on the first day of October court next, answer the plaintiff's bill, & that a copy of this order be forth with inserted, in one of the Richmond news-papers, for two months successively, and posted at the door of the court-house of this county. A Copy: Teste. JAS. POINDEXTER, C. C. August 1. 2m
A N ELEGANT ESTABLISHMENT FOR SALE—The House and Tenement where the subscriber lately resided. This tenement justly ranks amongst the first in this place, combining elegance, convenience, contiguity to the Capitol, and in the centre of a most agreeable neighborhood. For terms apply to Mr. Wm. Long who is fully authorised to contract for the same. J. PENN. June 23. tf
COLUMBIAN MILLS —The subscriber informs his friends and the public, that he will purchase WHEAT delivered at the Columbian Mills, or he will receive wheat there to be manufactured on very moderate and advantageous terms to the holders of this article—viz. for every 340 pounds of good, merchantable wheat, he will engage to deliver one barrel of good superior flour, or he will receive wheat at six shillings and six pence per bushel of 60 pounds and deliver superior flour at six dollars twelve cents, with a small proportion of fine flour at five dollars sixty two cents per barrel; all to be inspected and delivered in good order at the mill. The flour made at this mill has always been held in high repute, and it is the intention of the present proprietor to sustain its character. The Corn Mill is in complete order—every attention will be paid to the customers sending their Corn there to be ground on toll at the usual rate. Good fresh Meal for sale in small or large quantities at very moderate prices for cash. Apply to Mr. Samuel Leech on the premises or to JOHN GRANBERY, Norfolk. Cash given for Corn delivered at the mill. July 18. tf
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, August 4. LATEST FROM ENGLAND. Yesterday arrived at this port, the brig Statira, Capt. Geer, in 40 days from London, which place she left on the 21st June. From Captain G. and his passengers, the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received a regular file of London papers to the 20th June, inclusive, and Lloyd's List to the 16th.
By the Statira, we learn, that the British minister [Mr. Jackson] had not sailed for America; but that he was about sailing in a sloop of war for America. The Phoenix frigate was ordered for some other service. Our Commercial friends will find, by referring to our extracts from Lloyd's Lists, that a great number of American vessels have arrived in British ports. The Statira is the bearer of dispatches from the American Minister in London to the government of the U. States.
An immense number of American vessels entered the ports of England on the 11th of June. (report says, 30 sail arrived at Liverpool); and it will be seen, by our extracts from shipping list to the 17th, that American vessels were daily arriving.
The gentlemen who came passengers in the Statira, state, that it was the general opinion in England, that an adjustment of differences between this and that country, would soon take place after the arrival of Mr. Jackson, who was on the eve of sailing for America, to succeed Mr. Erskine. His baggage and family were going on board a sloop of war, and he would sail in five or six days.
There had been no battles of moment since the defeat of Bonaparte near Vienna, on the 21st and 22d of May; the reason of which is, that Napoleon was waiting the arrival of a large Russian army, which was marching through Gallitzia in three divisions. N. Y. Gaz.
LONDON, June 19. This morning arrived a Mail from Heligoland, by which we have received the following:— BANKS OF THE ELBE, June 2.
The Austrian head-quarters are, according to private accounts received this morning, at Lintz. The Emperor Francis, previous to the battle of Aspern, received proposals from Napoleon, to conclude a truce on certain conditions, which overture he instantly forwarded to the Archduke Charles, who returned it with the following note:—
"Brother, take my Marshal's staff from me, and let me rather know the Austrian name no more, nor yours, but let me retire with my Brothers to Hungary." The Duke of Valmy (Kellerman) has, it is said, received orders to occupy Prussia."
Two very important reports have got into circulation. It was confidently stated on Saturday, that the King of Prussia has declared war against France; and it was at the same time asserted, that another battle had been fought on the left bank of the Danube, in which Bonaparte had proved successful. The former of these reports obtained considerable credit in the city, and letters containing what was stated to be the substance of his Prussian Majesty's Declaration were shewn. It was observed however, that differences so material appeared in these descriptions of the Pretended Prussian Manifesto, that no reliance could be placed on the accuracy of any of them. The arrival of the young Prince of Orange in this country has tended, we believe, to spread an opinion that the King of Prussia has resolved to take a part in the war against France; and it is said that he has been determined to take this course, in consequence of Bonaparte's having expressed himself dissatisfied with all the explanations that have been offered by the Cabinet of Konigsberg, respecting the conduct of Schill. The rumour, however, must be accompanied by better evidence, than any that has yet been adduced in its support, before the doubts which it is calculated to excite can be removed. If the King of Prussia has determined to go to war, it is probably in consequence of a conviction that Bonaparte has resolved to strip him of the small remains of power he has still left. It must be a last effort of despair. With regard to the latter report, it is certainly not improbable that a battle has taken place on the Danube; but the authority for that fact is not better than that for the Prussian declaration of war. The rumour is stated in letters from Holland, and is said to be corroborated by a gentleman who arrived on Friday at Harwich, in a neutral vessel, from the Continent.
Colonel Washington Morton, a gentleman of very considerable influence in America, arrived at Portsmouth, from London, last week, in six hours, and sailed with dispatches of great importance from Mr. Pinkney, the American Minister, to Gen. Armstrong at Paris.
We understand that government is making vigorous preparations to equip another armament. Reinforcements are daily proceeding to Portugal, both from this country and Ireland; and it is said especially that cavalry is to be forwarded, the want of which has been so loudly complained of in every part of the peninsula. An opinion is likewise entertained, that government purposes to send succours in arms, and possibly in men too, to the insurgents in Germany. June 20.
A Telegraphic dispatch yesterday afternoon was received at the Admiralty from Plymouth, stating that the French had been forced out of St. Andero. This event was naturally to be expected from previous accounts of the condition of the enemy in the North of Spain, and we trust soon to hear that they have been entirely driven from the Asturias & Galicia.
Some vessels which recently arrived in Holland, with tobacco, oil, &c. upon the faith of the late Dutch Decrees, we understand, have been seized, and their cargoes landed
into the government warehouses. It is apprehended they will be condemned. The brig Hanna of N. York, from Holland, lately detained at Dover, has got liberty to proceed on her voyage home.
The dead body of Schill, is said to have been exposed at Stralsund, and recognized by some of his soldiers. This shows the importance attached to the death of this distinguished "Robber," whose influence in Germany must have been greatly dreaded by the French party.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 13. TREATY WITH AMERICA.
Lord H. Petty rose, pursuant to his notice, to move for certain papers relating to the attack on the Chesapeake, in addition to those already on their table. The instructions given to Mr. Erskine, on that subject, he thought ought to be produced, as well as the communication he must necessarily have made to government, explaining the motives for his recent conduct, for without them, no judgment could be formed of the degree in which he had violated his instructions, or indeed of the general conduct of the American government. It was necessary that the House should be informed of the instructions given to Mr. Erskine on the subject of the attack on the Chesapeake; he would, therefore, make that the subject of a motion. If the right hon. gentleman opposite, from information which he might possess, but which he (Lord H. Petty,) had not, should state to the House, that the instructions given to that gentleman could not be made public without detriment to the public service, he would not press his motion, for the present; but the communication from Mr. Erskine, in which he assigned his motives for making those arrangements with America, which had excited so much attention, he thought of such importance, that it ought to be immediately laid on their table. The noble Lord concluded by moving, "that there be laid before the House a copy of the instructions given to Mr. Erskine on the subject of the attack on the Chesapeake, as a part of any communication that his Majesty's ministers might be possessed of from Mr. Erskine, explaining his motives for making the late arrangements with America."
Mr. CANNING thought the reasons he should give for not concurring with the motion, would be satisfactory to the noble Lord. It had been rumored abroad, that Mr. Erskine had not departed from his instructions; he thought it was proper to prove to this country, to America and to the world, that such a report was not founded in fact. The fact, whether the arrangements he had made were or were not in conformity to the instructions he had received, was not the point in question. How far those arrangements might be improved might be hereafter the subject of consideration. The papers already produced, were, he thought, sufficient to substantiate the fact of Mr. Erskine's having gone beyond his instructions. The propriety of giving those instructions, might become a political question; but that the arrangements he had made were unauthorized by the instructions he had received, the documents already before them, he thought, completely established. When the intelligence of the arrangements entered into with America first came over, not transmitted by the minister to government, but through the medium of the American papers, and by them immediately laid before the public, it only remained for ministers to acknowledge a treaty, the conclusion of which the instructions given by them did not authorise, or disavow it altogether. It had accordingly been stated by them, that it was not sanctioned by the instructions they had issued; but nothing had been said with respect to the conduct of Mr. Erskine, that could be avoided, while they did justice to themselves. It had been said, that probably Mr. Erskine had received some verbal assurances from the American government, which, in his own opinion, might justify him in concluding such a treaty. He did not know what verbal assurances he might have received; but that verbal assurances should be taken in a case of such importance, he thought, was more than any government could expect, or than any ministers would consent to. Of the three points laid down as the price of the repeal of our orders in council, not one had been obtained by the treaty concluded by Mr. Erskine. Even the sine qua non of our propositions had not been gained. With respect to England's being left at liberty to capture American vessels trading to the ports of our enemies, the accepting that a concession was merely courtesy on our part. Whatever might be the laws of America with respect to the belligerent powers, Great Britain could enforce her right of capturing neutral vessels trading with her enemies when in a state of blockade, and capture them she would.
The instructions given to Mr. Erskine, in respect to the "Non-Intercourse and Non-Importation acts," had two distinct branches. It was not enough that those acts ceased to remain in force against England, but it was further to be stipulated that they should remain in force against France, and those powers who were under her influence. It might be said that Great Britain was put out from the number of those to whom those acts were to extend, while France remained one of them. But it should be remembered, the "Non-Intercourse and Non-Importation acts," were but a temporary measure. They were to expire on the 20th May. Through the treaty, therefore, concluded by Mr. Erskine, we might be made to pay for the repeal of it, by recalling our Orders in Council, while France would enjoy the advantages resulting from it for nothing at all. It was therefore necessary that some pledge should be given that those acts would be renewed and continued in force against France, otherwise, while we paid all the expense, our enemies might reap half the benefit. For America, by the treaty concluded, was not bound to continue those acts against France, and perhaps at the present time her ports were as open to the French as to the English. Was it to be supposed his Majesty's ministers could agree to withdraw those retaliatory measures, which they had been compelled to adopt against France with respect to America, leaving her ports alike
open to both the belligerent powers? When our often repeated offer of reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake was first made, Mr. Rose was only instructed to procure the recall of the Proclamation interdicting our ships from their waters. Every power, when aggrieved, had a right to revenge the injuries it might have received, or to exact an atonement from the offending party; but it could not possess a right to both. If an atonement were expected, revenge was not to be attempted, and if revenge were attempted, an atonement could not be expected. America thought proper to revenge herself. Our ships were interdicted from her waters, while those of France were allowed an asylum in her harbors. This resolution on the part of America made a great difference between the Belligerent powers, as it gave France a great advantage which G. Britain was denied. When the interdict was extended to both, had a disposition to cavil existed on our side, we might have found even then cause for complaint, as while they interdicted our enemies, they excluded us also. But this the English government was far from doing; our offer of reparation was then again renewed. That Proclamation had never been properly recalled, it had only been merged in the "Non-Intercourse and Non-Importation acts," and thus put the two belligerents, England and France, on a footing of equality. The non-intercourse & non-importation acts being as before stated, but a temporary measure, and expiring on the 20th of May; agreeing to the treaty made by Mr. Erskine, we should have paid the price of our orders in council for having about six weeks the advantage of France, in being admitted to enter the harbors of America exclusively; at the expiration of that time we might have been excluded and France permitted to have the advantage over us in her turn. Could it be thought that Government ought to have confirmed such a treaty as this?—could they have been justified, had they been content to have waited six weeks to learn the effect? Surely it could not be thought of. Had Mr. Erskine transmitted to ministers the treaty before he concluded it, their disapprobation of such an arrangement would have been immediately expressed, and there never would have been a question of such a nature before the House. Mr. Erskine would have been instructed to have set it right, as he was sure no disposition existed on the part of government to take it out of his hands. But the treaty being concluded as it was, they had only to adopt it or not adopt it, and not adopting it, they were bound to prove, that it had been concluded contrary to the instructions they had given. Thus situated, they were compelled to make the disclosures which had been made, but to go further, to communicate every circumstance at present, might tend to embarrass and mar the negotiations still pending between the two countries, which he still cherished a hope would be finally terminated to the satisfaction of both parties. Mr. Erskine was instructed to obtain a continuance of the interdicted commerce, not only with respect to France, but to every power dependent on her: whoever imagined that any one would have been extravagant enough to view Holland as not under the influence of France? Holland could only be considered as an exemption, from two opposite admissions; as if dependent on France, she must share the fate of France; and if independent, she was the more offensive to England, as voluntarily espousing the cause of her enemy. Mr. Erskine, on signing might have been led into an error by verbal assurances as to France, but not so with respect to Holland, as he must have known that she had been exempted from the "Non-Intercourse act." It might be said, that he expected Holland would be placed on the same footing as France. But this, if true, would be strange indeed, when the neutrality of Holland had been distinctly recognized, while that of Italy, (Italy, whose crown was on the head of Bonaparte,) was only doubted.
Mr. Erskine was instructed to require, not only that the non-intercourse act should be repealed, but that England should have the benefit of a partial repeal. If such were the instructions given, he would ask the Noble Lord, if they had been fulfilled, which though he had gone to the full extent of the concessions he was authorised to make, he had not gained even one of the conditions he was instructed to obtain, as would appear on a perusal of the papers before the House. If those did not carry conviction of the fact, nothing he could bring forward would. For reasons already stated, he should decline entering at present farther into the subject. Before he resumed his seat, he must however state that he did not personally know Mr. Erskine; he never entertained a prejudice against that gentleman; but with respect to his conduct on receiving a note from the American Secretary of State, he thought him censurable. He ought to have returned it unanswered, and put an end at once to the correspondence on receiving such an extraordinary communication.
Mr. NORRIS would not have risen, had not the right hon. Gentleman stated that it had been rumored out of doors, that Mr. Erskine had not exceeded his instructions. He did not think such rumors could originate with the relations of that gentleman, nor did he believe that Mr. Erskine had not exceeded his instructions. He did not think such rumors could originate with the relations of that gentleman, nor did he believe that Mr. Erskine had written a line to them on the subject. He would not then enter on a defence of his relation, as he was certain that he would rather suffer any thing, than have one word uttered in his behalf that might be detrimental to the public service. Mr. CANNING did not make the assertion from his own knowledge. An hon. Gentleman had stated, when making a motion on the subject, that such rumours had gone abroad.
Mr. NORRIS said, he was not in the House when that motion was made.
Mr. MARRYATT defended ministers, & objected to the production of the communication from Mr. Erskine at present; as if the pleadings were heard on one side, they ought also to be heard on the other, to enable them to judge of the case from the facts that came out.

Mr. BARRING, in a speech of some length, defended the conduct of the American Government, and spoke in favor of Mr. Erskine.
Mr. STEVENS replied to the arguments of the last speaker, and defended ministers. The Hon. Member did not think that discussions on this subject in this House were likely to promote conciliation on the part of the country in question. He should therefore oppose the motion of the Noble Lord altogether.
LORD H. PETTY stated in reply; that all he desired on this subject was, that disclosure which, to the justification of the parties, was absolutely necessary. The question, as offered a decree of that country, rendered the papers he moved for of necessity in the elucidation of the matters connected with it. But from the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, he felt subject of congratulation, in learning that a negotiation was now pending; and as it was not his intention or his wish to throw any impediment in its way; he hoped the House would agree with him in delaying the production of those papers, the necessity of which it was his object to convince the hon. Gentleman of. The Noble Lord consequently withdrew his motion.
VERY LATE FROM FRANCE.
[Arrival of the Mentor, Captain Ward.] Yesterday afternoon arrived at this port, the dispatch ship Mentor, Capt. Ward, in the remarkably short passage of 24 days from L'Orient, which place she left on the 9th of July.
Mr. Maliby Gelston is the bearer of dispatches for government, and proceeds to Washington this morning.
Captain Ward has obligingly favored the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with a file of Paris papers to the 4th of July. The dates from the French army in Germany, are to the 24th of June, and comprise the 22d bulletin, at which time the Emperor Napoleon had his head quarters at Vienna. The town of Raab, capitulated on the 23d of June to General Lauriston, and the terms of the capitulation occupy nearly the whole of the last bulletin.
We learn, verbally, that no battle had taken place between the French and Austrian grand armies, since the 21st & 22d of May; but that both the Emperor of France and the Archduke Charles were re-inforcing and concentrating their armies; and that a great battle was shortly expected to take place.
We further learn, that the Emperor of Russia had sent three large armies to assist the Emperor Napoleon, (one of which was commanded by the Prince Suwarroff, probably a relation of the late General Suwarroff of infamous memory,) and that they were marching through Galicia on their way to the French army. Prussia had not declared against France.
Mr. Washington Morton had arrived in Paris with dispatches from our minister at the court of Saint James' for General Armstrong.
We are further informed, that two or three American vessels had recently arrived at Amsterdam; but we are ignorant whether any change has taken place in the Decrees of France, favorable to the interests of the U. States.
Col. Burr had arrived at Stockholm, from England.
Captain Ward has requested us to state, that from the time of his arrival in L'Orient, until his departure for New York, he had received the most polite and friendly treatment and attention, from all the officers of government there, as well as from the military, and he wishes to avail himself of the first opportunity to make his grateful acknowledgments therefor.
The Paris papers we have received, do not contain any intelligence worth translating, except the French Bulletins, which we shall commence the publication of tomorrow. They reach to number 22, and the last is dated Vienna, the 24th of June.
Letters received in this city from Paris, of so late a date as the 4th of July, mention that negotiations for a commercial treaty between the United States and France had commenced between General Armstrong & M. Hautrive, who, during M. Champagny's absence at Vienna, fills the office of minister of exterior relations. An issue favorable to this country was expected with confidence.
The decree of September had been repealed; and colonial produce was permitted to go from Holland to France. This had caused a rise in the article of coffee from 10 to 25 per cent.
Prince Serge-Gallitzin published the following proclamation on the entry of the Russian army into Galicia:—
PROCLAMATION.
The war which has broken out between France and Austria could not be looked upon by Russia with an indifferent eye.
The last news that has been received in the grand-duchy, from the army of Prince Poniowski, informs us that he has made himself master of Brody, the last city of Galicia near the frontier, and that he found there considerable magazines and provisions in abundance.
Every care and effort have been employed on our part to stifle the fire before it had entirely burst into a flame. It was made known, in the first instance, to the court of Austria, that by virtue of the most solemn treaties and engagements which subsisted between the two Emperors of Russia and of the French, Russia would act conjointly with France.
Austria wished not to regard the representations, which ought to have had great weight with her; but she disguised, under the pretext of a necessary defence, her war-like preparations, until the time when by aggressive proceedings she discovered the proud designs of her ambition, and lighted the torch of war.
Russia, in consequence, could not dispense with taking in that war a part which was founded on solemn treaties. On the first intelligence reaching her, she broke asunder those ties which had united her to Austria, and ordered her army to approach the frontiers of Galicia.
On entering this country to act against Austria and to repel by force those troops she has brought into the field, the commander in chief of the army has the positive orders of his majesty the emperor to declare to the peaceable inhabitants of Galicia, and to assure them in the most solemn manner, that Russia entertains no enemy against any of them; and that the army in its movements, in whatever part it may be, will respect the personal security of all, assure property, and leave undisturbed the peace of the interior and the general tranquillity.
Head quarters, 19th May, 1809.
FRENCH OFFICIAL BULLETINS.
To preserve entire the chain of operations of the French army in Germany, we have translated the official bulletins, although they contain very little intelligence worth the trouble of a translation:
From French papers.—Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser.
SEVENTEENTH BULLETIN.
VIENNA, June 8, 1809.
Colonel Gorgoli, aid-de-camp to the Emperor of Russia, has arrived at the imperial head-quarters with a letter from his sovereign to the emperor and king.—It announces that the Russian army is in the direction of Olmutz, having passed the frontier on the 24th May.
The Emperor passed the day before yesterday in reviewing his guard, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. The inhabitants of Vienna have admired the number, the fine appearance, and the good conduct of these troops.
The vice-roy is with the army of Italy at Edembourg in Hungary. It appears that the archduke John intends to rally his army on the Raab.
The duke of Ragusa arrived at Laybach on the 3d of this month with the army of Dalmatia.
The heat is very great, and persons acquainted with the Danube say that an inundation may be expected here in a few days. We shall profit by this circumstance, to finish, independently of the bridges of boats and rafts, the planting of piles.
All the intelligence we receive from the coast of the enemy announces that the cities of Presburg, Brunn, and Znaim, are filled with the wounded. The Austrians themselves estimate their loss at 18,000 men.
Prince Poniowski, with the army of the grand duchy of Warsaw, pursues his success. After the taking of Sandomir, he besieged the fortress of Zamose & defeated the enemy, who lost 3000 men and 30 pieces of cannon. All the Poles who were with the Austrian army, deserted.
The enemy, after having shown themselves before Thorn, have been vigorously pursued by gen. Dombrowski.
The archduke Ferdinand does not retire without shame from his expedition. He is said to have arrived in Austrian Silesia, reduced to one third of his forces.
Count Metternich has arrived at Vienna. There will be an exchange at the advanced posts with the French legation, to whom the Austrians (contrary to the rights of men) had refused passports, and whom they had carried away to Pest.
EIGHTEENTH BULLETIN.
VIENNA, 13th June, 1809.
The division of Gen. Chasteller, which revolted Tyrol, passed through the neighborhood of Clagenfurth on the 4th inst. on its way to Hungary. Gen. Rusca pursued and engaged it; the enemy was beaten; we took 900 prisoners.
Prince Eugene, with a considerable corps, is maneuvering in the heart of Hungary. Within a few days the Danube has risen one foot.
General Graten, with a Dutch division, having marched to Stralsund, where Schill had fortified himself, has carried his intrenchments by assault. Schill had given orders to set fire to the city in order to cover his retreat, but his band had not time to execute it; it has been entirely killed or taken; he himself was killed on the great square at the moment he was making his escape, and was endeavoring to reach the port to embark.
The archduke Ferdinand precipitately evacuated Warsaw June 2d. Thus the whole of the grand duchy is abandoned by the enemy's army, whilst the troops under the command of Prince Poniowski, occupy three-fourths of Galicia.
AFFAIRS OF POLAND.
The enemy continues his retreat with the same precipitation. On the 28th of May, twelve Polish spearmen upon reconnoitring duty, met at Skriniewice, one hundred and ten Austrian dragoons who were retreating towards Rava; they routed them, and made eleven prisoners. On the 30th, in the morning, Gen. Kosinski, commanding the advanced guard, after having entered Lowicz, proceeded as far as Seclaczewo, where he met with no more of them, who, it appears, are retreating to Polica. Some reports, however, seem to indicate that the main of the Austrian troops are bending their march towards Upper Silesia. They commit excesses everywhere; they carry away provisions, cattle and horses. The new levies of all the departments take place with the greatest rapidity and success.
The archduke Ferdinand, in contempt of the convention made with Prince Poniowski, and the engagement he had taken not to levy any contribution, has exacted one of 40,000 florins on the city of Warsaw. He has moreover required that the territorial impositions and the residue of a forced loan established in 1808, and whose payments fall due only in 1810, should be delivered up to him. These measures foretold the evacuation of Warsaw, which followed soon after.
Prince Poniowski writes to the Prince of Neufchatel, from head quarters at Irseni, 25th May, that on the 24th the General of brigade Rosmecki rendered himself master of Jaroslaw, where he has made one colonel, 25 officers and 900 men prisoners of war. The occupation of that town intercepts entirely the communication between Cracow and Leopold, and insures to the army the possession of three-fourths of Galicia. The advanced posts were within one day's march of Cracow.
The latest news received in the grand duchy, from the army of Prince Poniowski, mentions his having entered Brody, the last town of Galicia, near the frontiers, and that he has found there considerable magazines and abundance of provisions.— Moniteur.
NINETEENTH BULLETIN.
VIENNA, 16th June, 1809.
The anniversary of the battle of Marengo was celebrated by the victory of Raab, which the right wing of the army, commanded by the Viceroy, obtained over the two corps of the archduke John and of the archduke Palatine, which had formed their junction.
Ever since the battle of Piava, the Viceroy has been closely pursuing the archduke John.
The Austrian army were expecting to take up their cantonments at the sources of the Raab, between St. Gothard and Cormod.
On the 5th June, the Viceroy set off from Neustadt and moved his head-quarters to Edenburg in Hungary.
On the 7th he continued his movements and arrived at Guns. Gen. Lauriston, with his corps of observation, joined his left wing. On the 8th, general Montbrun, with his division of light cavalry, forced the passage
of the Raabnitz, near Sovenyhaga, overthrew 300 dragoons belonging to the Hungarian insurrection and drove them back upon the Raab.
On the 9th, the Viceroy marched against Sarvar. The cavalry of gen. Crouchy came up with the van of the enemy at Sarvar, and took some prisoners.
On the 10th, general Macdonald arrived at Cormod from Gratz.
On the 11th the gen. of division Grenier met at Karako a column of the enemy's flanking which defended the bridge, and crossed the river by main force. Gen. Debrec, with the 5th hussars, made a spirited attack against a battalion of 900 men, and took 300 prisoners.
On the 12th, the army marched by the way of the bridge of Mersa against Papa. From the heights the Viceroy beheld all the enemy's army drawn up in line of battle. The gen. of division, Montbrun, a general of cavalry and officer of great promise, entered the plain, attacked and overthrew the enemy's cavalry, after having executed several precise and vigorous manoeuvres. The enemy had already begun to retreat. The Viceroy passed the night at Papa.
On the 13th, at 5 o'clock in the morning the army began its march towards Raab. Our cavalry and that of the Austrians met at the village of Szanaki. The enemy was routed and we took 400 prisoners.
The Archduke John having formed his junction with the Archduke Palatine near Raab, took a position upon the advantageous heights, his right protected by Raab, a fortified city, and his left covering the road of Comorn another fortress in Hungary.
On the 14th, at eleven o'clock in the morning, the Viceroy drew out his army in line of battle, and with 35,000 men he attacked 50,000. The ardor of our troops, was further augmented by the remembrance of the memorable victory by which that day is consecrated. All the soldiers shouted with joy when they came in sight of the enemy's army, which was in three lines and consisted of from 20 to 25,000 men, being the remains of the brilliant army of Italy, which so lately considered itself the master of Italy; of 10,000 men commanded by gen. Haddick and formed of the reserves in the Hungarian fortresses; of from 5 to 6000 men, the rallied wrecks of the corps of Jellachich and of the other columns of the Tyrol, who had escaped from the movements of the army through the defiles of Carinthia; and of from 12 to 15,000 men of the Hungarian insurrection, cavalry and infantry.
The Viceroy placed his army, the cavalry of general Montbrun, the brigade of gen. Colbert and the cavalry of gen. Grouchy upon his right; the corps of general Grenier, forming two echelons, the right of which consisted of the division of general Seras in front; an Italian division, commanded by general Baraguay d'Hilliers, forming the third echelon, and the division of general Puthod in reserve. General Lauriston with his corps of observation, supported by Gen. Sabac, formed the extreme of the left wing and observed Raab.
At two o'clock in the afternoon the cannon began to play. At 3 o'clock, the first, the second and third echelons were engaged. The fire of musketry became very brisk; the enemy's first line was forced, but the second line stopped for a moment the impetuosity of our first echelon, which was soon reinforced and that line was also routed. The enemy's reserve was then brought into action. The Viceroy who followed all the enemy's movements, marched on his side with his reserve; the strong position of the Austrians was carried, and at 4 o'clock the victory was decided.
The enemy being completely routed, would have found considerable difficulty in rallying, if a defile had not obstructed the movements of our cavalry. Three thousand prisoners, 6 pieces of cannon and 4 stand of colours are the trophies of this battle. The enemy left on the field of battle 3000 killed, among whom was the major General. Our loss in killed and wounded, amounts to 900 men. Among the former is Col. Thierry, of the 23d regiment of light infantry, and among the latter, the general of brigade Talente, and Col. Expert.
The Viceroy makes particular mention of Generals Grenier, Montbrun, Seras and Dantours. The Italian division, Sevaroli, displayed a great deal of decision and presence of mind. Several Generals had their horses killed under them; four aid-de-camps to the Viceroy were slightly wounded. The Prince was constantly in the very heat of the battle. The artillery, commanded by Gen. Sorbier, maintained their reputation.
The field of battle of Raab, had been long marked out by the enemy; for he had, some time before the battle, announced his intention of maintaining that strong position. On the 15th, he was closely pursued upon the road of Comorn and of Pest.
The inhabitants of the country are quiet and do not take any part in the war. The proclamation of the Emperor has agitated their minds. It is well known, that the Hungarian nation have always been desirous of their independence. The part of the insurrection which is now with the army, was raised by the last diet; it is under arms and it obeys.
[We shall give the three remaining bulletins in our next paper.]
ANSWER, June 2
The Gazette of this city contains the following article:
"It may be considered as certain, in the present state of things, that the Imperial Decree of the 16th of September, 1808, will not only be executed with the utmost rigor, but also that its influence will be extended to all the allies of France on the Continent; for if ever there existed a moment for successfully giving a death-blow to the industry of G. B. it is the present. Almost all the coasts of Europe belong to France, or her friends and allies. Trieste and Fiume, and Sweden also, are lost to England; and the shores of the Baltic will speedily be furnished with a numerous army, which will most effectually prevent the overflow of prohibited productions. But that, in the present state of things, no other system than that hitherto pursued, can be admitted without operating the ruin of commerce, and particularly French manufactures; that the permission of entering our ports under the American flag should entirely cease— are propositions, with the truth of which all the Chambers of Commerce in France, and particularly the Council of Commerce in Paris, are fully and deeply impressed."
"Of the readiness with which our allies will adopt this system, we may be enabled to form an opinion, from the consideration that an American cargo, consisting chiefly of dyestuffs, landed at Tommingen, has been deposited in the Royal warehouses of Denmark, to await the decision of the Govern-
ment; and also, that Russia demands of Sweden, as one of the conditions of peace, that she shall shut her ports against English vessels. From all these considerations, it follows, that neither colonial products, nor any other articles of commerce and manufacture, will fall in price; but on the contrary, that they will the moment the dispositions, which are expected from the energy and wisdom of the Emperor, are made known. Travellers who were at Vienna a little before the entrance of the French into that capital, assert that the price of Macedonian cotton had then risen from 280 to 360 florins. It is said that all that remains of it in the warehouses of Vienna, consists of about 10,000 bales principally of an inferior quality, and wholly unfit for the purpose of the French and Swiss manufacturers. Those of the best quality have been bought up by the English, at Smyrna and in Macedonia, and their reimportation to the Continent of Europe is prohibited. In general, the Commercial policy of the English leads them to the most scrupulous attention with regard to this product; in order that the possession of the raw materials may, as much as possible, favor the sale of their manufactures."
ment; and also, that Russia demands of Sweden, as one of the conditions of peace, that she shall shut her ports against English vessels. From all these considerations, it follows, that neither colonial products, nor any other articles of commerce and manufacture, will fall in price; but on the contrary, that they will the moment the dispositions, which are expected from the energy and wisdom of the Emperor, are made known. Travellers who were at Vienna a little before the entrance of the French into that capital, assert that the price of Macedonian cotton had then risen from 280 to 360 florins. It is said that all that remains of it in the warehouses of Vienna, consists of about 10,000 bales principally of an inferior quality, and wholly unfit for the purpose of the French and Swiss manufacturers. Those of the best quality have been bought up by the English, at Smyrna and in Macedonia, and their reimportation to the Continent of Europe is prohibited. In general, the Commercial policy of the English leads them to the most scrupulous attention with regard to this product; in order that the possession of the raw materials may, as much as possible, favor the sale of their manufactures."
FROM THE LONDON MORNING CHRONICLE.
The appointment of Mr. Jackson to the American mission has excited general surprise and much regret to those who are anxious for the removal of the misunderstanding subsisting between this government and that of the U. S. The grounds of these feelings it is impossible to explain, without animadvertting upon the character of an individual, which is always a very unpleasant task. But we are sure, that if either Mr. Liston or Mr. Carlie had been sent upon this mission, a very different result might have been expected.
MORE PROOFS OF BRITISH FRIENDSHIP.
A gentleman was lately favored as with the loan of the London Morning Chronicle of June 12. In looking over it we have found the following. What could induce editors on this side of the Atlantic to withhold articles of the following import and interest, can only be accounted for by their known British attachments. The Editor of the New-York Gazette acknowledges the reception of London papers of the 12th June, yet we have not seen the extract in his paper.—Balt. American.
LONDON June 12.
In the Cadiz letters, a difference is mentioned between an English Lieutenant and an American Master, the cause of which, we hope, is inaccurately stated, under the very critical circumstances of our Trans-Atlantic negotiations. It is asserted, that the dispute arose in consequence of the former having pressed nearly the whole of the Crew of the U. S. vessel, and we are told, that the master has arrived in England for the purpose of exposing to Mr. Pinkney the facts of the case.
BALTIMORE, August 7.
In addition to the news by Sunday's mail, the Editor of the Federal Gazette has this morning received regular files of London papers to 22d June, and important communications from his correspondents—forming altogether a mass of such late and interesting matter as has induced us to postpone much of the marine list for tomorrow, when further extracts will be given.
London Price of Grain, &c. June 10.
  Wheat, fine, 88s. to 90s.   Flour, fine, 70 75s.   Seconds, 65 70s.   Rape Seed, 50l. 54l. 
FROM SPAIN.
ROYAL DECREE.
The Supreme Governing power of the Kingdom, considering it to be the primary obligation to free the country from the evils which have till now afflicted it; all which have been occasioned by the arbitrary laws to which it has been subject; pursuing the just and mild intentions of our beloved King Ferdinand the VIIIth, who was desirous to re-constitute the Monarchy, re-establishing it in the National Representation of its ancient Cortes, desirous that the nations should take before the eyes of Europe and of the Universe, the noble and strong acts of a people worthy and legally constituted, desirous that this great work should be performed which the circumstances command, & the heroic sacrifices of the people require, anxious that it should approach to that degree of perfection which men are allowed to obtain when they proceed with good faith, and with a desire of doing right, has decreed as follows:—
 1st. All wise Spaniards who have meditated on projects of Reform, with respect to the Constitution, the kingdom in general, as well as on the particular branches of public administration, are invited by the Junta to communicate their ideas with full liberty, and as they may judge may answer best for the good of their country.  2d. Those writings shall be sent to the Junta through the Secretary's office, within the term of two months from the date of this decree, and authors will subscribe their names, or a mark by which they may be known in proper time.  3d. These writings, after being examined in a summary way, the writers of those which are found to be really useful by the observations, or by the knowledge they contain, shall be called upon, in order to take a part in the Commissions of Reform, which shall be immediately created.  4th. These commissions shall be presided each by a member of the Junta, and in them will be examined and prepared the works which are to be presented for approbation.  5th. The projects approved of by the Junta shall be presented to the National sanction, and from it will receive the character, the authority, and the force of law.  6th. The Junta does not anticipate its judgment, to possess the public opinion with respect to these projects; it only believes that it ought to announce from this moment certain principles, upon which the wish and desire of the nation has irrevocably resolved, and from which nothing that can be written or discussed on the subject of Reform, can alter. Those principles are reduced to the following:— 
The Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion, is the only Religion of the State.—The Constitution of Spain is to be a monarchy, hereditary to Ferdinand, the VIIIth, his descendants and those called by the law to succeed them. The nation is to be governed henceforward by the laws freely deliberated, and administered—there shall be a national Cortes, in the manner and form which may be established, taking into consideration the
circumstances and alterations which have taken place since the time when they were lawfully held. Our American and other colonies shall be the same as the metropolis in all rights and constitutional prerogatives. The reform which our legal codes, administration, and recovery of public rents, and every thing belonging to the direction of commerce, agriculture, arts, education, as well as national, marine, and warlike, are to undergo, shall be only and exclusively directed to obtain the greatest ease, and the better illustration of the Spanish people, so horribly teased until now.
7th. The nation which shall be legally and solemnly constituted from On that day, the general Cortes of the Spanish monarchy, after being so long neglected, shall meet together for the first time.
CORK, June 25.
We have American papers to the 28th ult. by the arrival of American ships at this port, and at Greenock. The extra session of congress commenced at Washington on the 22d May. On the 23d the President's Message was read in Congress according to procedure at assembling that body. The message is directed chiefly to the relative state of Great Britain and America—and acknowledges the President's satisfaction at the adjustment of the differences between both countries. The repeal of the British Orders in Council had been communicated to the French government and a similar policy required from it. The message, as it regards Great Britain, is temperate and conciliatory.
THE KING'S SPEECH.
On Wednesday evening the following Speech was delivered by the Lords Commissioners to both Houses of Parliament:
"My Lords and Gentlemen: "We are commanded by his majesty to acquaint you, that his majesty has great satisfaction in being enabled by the state of the public business, to release you from your laborious attendance in Parliament.
"His majesty doubts not, that on your return to your respective counties you will carry with you a disposition to meditate, both by instruction and example, a spirit of attachment to those established laws, and that happy constitution, which has been his majesty's wish to support and maintain, and upon which, under Providence depends the welfare and prosperity of the Kingdom. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons.
"We have it in command from his majesty to thank you for the liberal provision which you have made for the services of the present year; and to express the satisfaction which his majesty derives from your having been enabled to provide for these services, without any great and immediate addition to the burden upon his people.
"His majesty particularly commands us to acknowledge your prompt attention to his wishes respecting an increased provision for the Poorer Clergy, an object in the highest degree interesting to his majesty's feelings, and deserving the favorable consideration of parliament.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The atrocious and unparalleled act of violence and treachery by which the ruler of France attempted to surprise and enslave the Spanish nation, while it has excited in Spain a determined and unconquerable resolution against the French, and the usurpation of the French government, has at the same time awakened in the other nations of Europe a determination to resist by a new effort the continued and increasing encroachments on their safety and independence.
"Although the uncertainty of all human events, and the vicissitudes attendant upon war, forbid too confident an expectation of a satisfactory issue to the present struggle against the common enemy of Europe; his majesty commands us to congratulate you upon the splendid and important success which has recently crowned the arms of the emperor of Austria, under the able and distinguished conduct of the archduke Charles.
"To the efforts of Europe for its own deliverance, his majesty has directed us to assure you, that he has determined to continue his most generous assistance and support, convinced that you will agree with his majesty in considering that very exertion for the re-establishment of the independence & security of other nations, is no less conducive to the true interests, than it becomes the honor and character of G. B.
"We understand that it is the intention of government to send a strong force to occupy the island of Rugen in the Baltic, so as to be able to afford prompt assistance to the general spirit of insurrection which has broken out in the North of Germany against French oppression.
LONDON, June 21.
There was a report this day, that government has received an account of the capture of Guadaloupe; and it is said that it was confirmed by a telegraphic dispatch at the admiralty. We can assure our readers that no dispatch had been received at the admiralty when this paper was put to press, nor do we understand that such an enterprise was likely to be attempted.—Sun.
It is said that government have come to the determination to send immediately on foreign service, THE WHOLE DISPOSABLE FORCE OF THE COUNTRY, and with this view, has instructed all commanding officers to recall the absentees of their respective regiments, and to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice.
The loss of the Austrians on the 21st and 22d May, was between 15 and 16,000 men.
DOMESTIC.
We have seen a letter from a gentleman of the first respectability, to his friend in this town, who says:—"I saw Mr. ERSKINE as I passed through PHILADELPHIA, and he wishes only an opportunity to confer with Mr. CANNING, with his instructions and statements."—Boston Patriot.
Mr. Gelston, who has arrived in the Mentor from L'Orient, passed through Philadelphia on Saturday morning for Washington—on the 4th of the month preceding, he was at Paris.
Some private letters have been received by the Mentor at N. York, and in this City, which give a

ted at Paris, and it appears that Mr. Haute-reive (well known for his celebrated political work, "The state of France in the year 8"). Mr. Haute-reive was formerly consul of France and resided in New-York; his knowledge of the United States, the nature of its government, render his appointment peculiarly judicious; he has been appointed to enter into an investigation of the matters of dispute between the United States and France—Mr. Haute-reive may be considered as next to Champagne in the bureau for foreign affairs, and he has been appointed to the business of this negotiation, by a special order from the Emperor, of date the 18th May, at Schoenbrunn.
The maintenance of the non-intercourse with France, while it was withdrawn upon a ministerial promise with regard to England, excited, for a short time, very hostile dispositions in France towards the American government; but the speeches of Lord Bathurst, Mr. Canning, and the hostility of the merchants, at the London Tavern, immediately removed the impression, that the American government had entered into secret arrangements hostile to France; a sentiment which was propagated in France with great industry, and several printed letters, inculcating this idea, were issued at Paris, and put into circulation through the seaports; these letters, which were first attributed to the French bureau, and considered by many, even of our American residents in France, as the precursors of hostility, are now considered as part of the machinery of espionage and fraud carried on by the British government; some of the letters are said to have been sent to the United States; and unless they should appear too clumsy, we may expect to see them in some of the British prints at Boston or New-York.
The American vessels which enter the ports of France, are not suffered to depart, nor will they be liberated, it appears, while our interdiction of commerce with them continues.
The ports of Holland, however, are said to be open in consequence of the law of Congress having opened intercourse with that country; but tho' ships are admitted, goods are not suffered to be sold, until an arrangement takes place, on the subject of neutral commerce—Aurora.
The following, extracted from a letter to a respectable merchant in this City, was handed to us on Saturday evening: PARIS, 4th July, 1809. "The messenger is just leaving Paris for L'Orient, in order to embark on the Monitor, for the United States. I have the particular satisfaction to acquaint you, that I have just had an interview with our minister, by whom I am authorized to say, that a courier has arrived from the Emperor, ordering the charge des affaires of M. Champany (this must mean the gentleman who takes charge of the chief bureau in Champany's absence,) to treat on the American affairs; that the dispatches by the Monitor were favorably received by his majesty; that negotiations are now open; that the government evinces an evident disposition not only to re-establish our commercial relations on a good but a much more advantageous footing, than has heretofore been; and that, to judge from present appearances, all existing differences will very soon be amicably adjusted."
"When the negotiation is terminated, it is to be submitted to the Emperor for his approbation, after which the result will be made known."
A letter from Paris, dated 3d July, 1809, from an American gentleman well informed, says: "The Emperor has appointed a minister to arrange with Gen. Armstrong, the points in dispute between the two countries, in order to form the basis of a new treaty—and I can assure you, that our affairs with this country, look better than for this eighteen months past—it will, however, be some time before all is settled, as the Emperor continues with the army, and after it is arranged here, it will require time before it can be confirmed by him."—Ib.
We have heard of another French general who has been killed and shot by torch light, having come to life again. We have letters of the 10th of June, from Paris, brought by the Syren, which state that general Dupont was at that date in Paris, but waiting for a court martial. We have also a manuscript of Dupont's statement of his own case, which being written in a hand rather difficult to decipher, we have not been able to translate with the promptitude that our press requires. Ib.
The British army has again changed its commander in chief; the Earl of Harrington is succeeded Sir David Dundas. Lord Harrington served in America under Howe and Cornwallis.
BALTIMORE, August 7. We have contradicted the assertion of the tory prints, that the Secretary of State and other executive members of the government were acquainted with the fact, that Mr. Erskine's instructions did not warrant the late arrangement with this country. A malignant, despised and discarded priest, of the name of Lewis, who publishes at New-York a queer kind of a thing, called the Commercial Advertiser, has impertinently called upon us for our authority for the contradiction. Not being disposed to gratify the venom of this priest of other times, we merely re-iterate, that our authority for the negation is such, that Mr. Canning himself dare not question it—American.
WASHINGTON, August 7. The PRESIDENT of the United States arrived yesterday from Montpelier.
The Secretary of War arrived in this city on Friday.
NATCHEZ, July 1. Governor Holmes arrived in this city on Thursday evening last.
KNOXVILLE, July 15. We are informed that the Cherokee Indians have been invited to meet the commissioners on the part of this state and of the U. States, at Highwassee, on the 20th of August next—we hope a treaty satisfactory to both parties will be the result of this meeting.
THE subscriber residing in Williamsburg will practice law in the Chancery District Court held in that place; he continues to do business in the county courts of Charles City, New-Kent, James City and York.
July 21. Wm. BROWN, Jun.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, AUGUST 11, 1809. FOR THE ENQUIRER.
OPPOSITION TO GOVERNMENT. It may, I think, be assumed as a Fact, that the great body of the people, who are happy and easy in their circumstances, will never dream of opposing any government—until its Acts have become positively oppressive. They seldom or never think of interfering, or impeding the measures of government in its foreign relations—but, at all times, and under all circumstances, have been much more solicitous to spill their blood and to spend their utmost treasure, in the support of their own, in opposition to the views of a foreign Government. It is from the merchants of other countries, from their humble dependants, and those who imbibed their foreign prejudices, that governments are principally to look for opposition to their best measures, in regard to their Exterior Relations. It is these men, who, uniting with a discontented band of political partisans, breathe the whisper of suspicion, and raise the yell of disaffection.
To the shame and disgrace of many of the merchants of the United States—they have been invariably opposed to every meritorious Act of government which bears upon our foreign relations. On the contrary they have uniformly ranked among the faithful supporters of every measure, that had the slightest squinting towards internal oppression; such as Excise, Alien and Sedition Acts. Many a native-born American Merchant, it is true, has firmly rallied around the uplifted banners of his government, for the last eight years. But how many even of those, who turned their particular fury against the country, which bore them! How few of the foreign traders, who have not polluted the asylum, which they have enjoyed, by the unhallowed tread of ingratitude and treachery!
A great crisis in the foreign affairs of this country has now approached. A nation, that prides itself on its naval ascendancy, and which has swept the fleets of France and Spain from the seas, has now dared to aspire to the sovereignty of the ocean—that great highway of nations, established by Nature for the benefit of all. Claims are now set up, which cast into comparative insignificance and contempt, those monstrous pretensions which were set up centuries ago, to the narrow seas only, to the British channel, or the Baltic seas. The miserable controversy, maintained by Grotius and Selden in their time, and in those times considered as so momentous, about the Mare clausum and the Mare liberum, is now absolutely swallowed up in a pretension, which grasps the five zones of the ocean in its gigantic embrace. Might has begotten ambition; and ambition has engendered a lust of unlimited dominion. At such a moment as this, when every nation that can lift an inch of sail or equip a Cockle shell for the sea, is interested in the cause at issue—when it seems to be well established, that if the claims of G. Britain are rivetted upon the seas, the rights of the United States are to perish—it remains to be seen, what course the Merchants of the United States will pursue in our present contest with G. Britain.
Their opposition to the Embargo laws, in conjunction with the plots of the Essex Junto—the fraudulent evasions of that measure by so many unprincipled merchants—have forced the government to abandon the ground which it had taken. A miserable panic which seized upon some of the members of the 19th Congress, induced them to modify that measure by a partial repeal. Could they have only stood firm to their country in the hour of danger; could they have only suppressed the machinations of Embargo breakers, & resisted the murmurs of Embargo-Protectors, America would have risen triumphant from the struggle. A nation thus compact in its own strength, thus prepared to submit to sacrifices for the sake of resistance to foreign encroachment, would have been respected for its patriotism, and feared for its vigour. The soul of Canning would have shrunk from the peril of insulting so gallant a people—and the powers of Europe would have been less willing hereafter to commit aggressions upon a nation, whose brilliant example of virtue had tested their resolution to risk every extremity in defence of their honour. But I did not take up my pen to write the epitaph or eulogium of the Embargo. It is gone—and we are now reduced to the necessity of resorting to measures which may lead to War.
Will the merchants of the U. S. consent to bear its brunt—or will they basely sneak off, and leave the farmers, the planters, and mechanics to do it? Will they again put forth the yell of opposition—will they counteract the government in those very measures, which are adopted measures, which are adopted to secure their own rights and interests? When they perceive the hostile steps, which have been taken by the merchants of England, can native Americans be so base or so blind as to be bann'd with such miserable Rivals, on the side of G. B. and against their own government? There can be little doubt, that but for the opposition of the merchants of London, the commercial jealousies of the ministry, the rapacious cupidities of the navy, the British government would have carried into effect those arrangements, which Mr. Erskine had entered into with this country. "Touch but a single bristle," said Walpole, "of the English mercantile body, and you put the whole state into an uproar." The only objections that they can have to an adjustment of our differences are, the repeal of their Orders in Council, are merely that it will curtail the profits of a smuggling trade, which they have been for some time past carrying on to the continent of Europe—and enable us to reap the harvest of neutrality, and the profits of a trade, at whose sight they sickened with jealousy. Where are scarce a port in Europe, a few in Portugal and Spain excepted, in which the British flag dares openly make its appearance. Will then the merchants of the U. S. sit with their arms folded in Turkish apathy—and quietly see their fair, neutral trade sacrificed for the benefit of British smugglers—or will they step forward, like men, to support the government in the measures, which it may pursue for the protection of American Commerce? It is true, that all Governments are bound to protect its merchants in their lawful commerce—but it is not less true, that the Merchants are bound to support their government in every measure, which has the protection of Commerce in view.
Every motive that impels the bosom of man, is upon them—Where is the inducement that is wanting? If they are Patriots, they will support the rights of our country. If they are the friends of Justice, they will
adhere to a cause, consecrated by her precepts. If they have children, will they not resist an oppression, which growing precedent will cast upon their posterity? If they are only alive to their own interest—if they feel only for themselves—are they so stupid as not to see their own dearest rights and interest at issue?
Let them mark their own situation. Let them trace the encroachments, which G. B. has attempted to make upon their rights; her jealousies of us—her pretences to narrow the range of our commerce. First, we were colonists, and most of our commerce was to be centred in her. All our cargoes, which went to the North of Cape Finisterre, were to be bound to her ports. Next, when we became an independent nation, she wished to shut us out of her West India colonies. The late admirable Essay from "Bell's London Messenger" has explained the whole history of that transaction. Then she attacked us with her provision Orders—her paper proclamations of blockade—her extension of the list of contraband. She wished to ruin our trade to the colonies of her enemy—although she herself granted licenses to her own merchants to carry on the same trade.
And now under the same miserable pretence of retaliating upon her enemy the evils of his own injustice—of compelling him to feel the "pressure" of the war—she interdicts our trade to the continent—almost all our produce is to go to her—she is to buy it—and licenses are to be issued to her own merchants to smuggle it into the continent. Vultures of the ocean! when will you be satiated with American carnage! It is no longer to be concealed, that G. B. wars not only against her enemy, but also against one whom, the "Hints to both Parties" denominates her rival. It is a war for plunder, and for commerce. Whilst carrying on a war for territory and power with France, she is carrying on a sly under-plot against the trade of America. All her steps are guided by the same calculating spirit, which dictated the confessions in Mr. Erskine's letter of February 23, 1808, that "the object of these regulations will be the establishment of such a protecting duty, as shall prevent the enemy from obtaining the produce of his own colonies at a cheaper rate than that of the colonies of G. Britain"—and that the entire prohibition of cotton, was to aid her manufactures at the expence of those of France. The secret, however, is now fairly let out by the 160 merchants of London—who protest against a certain measure for the relief of America, because "it militated against their own interests."
The Merchants of the United States must now make their election. There are arrayed against them: On the one side the rights of the U. S. their own interests, Which will they prefer? On the other the pretensions of G. Britain, those of G. Britain. Let them read Mr. Canning's speech in the H. of C. on the 15th June. The British Secretary tells us, that he will no longer insist upon the 3d concession, which Mr. Erskine was instructed to ask. It is not to be a sine qua non. The enforcing of our own laws by taking our vessels bound to France &c. was, forsooth, a mere courtesy to us! The other two are however to be the sine qua non—that is, we must previously abandon the colonial trade, and all the trade to France, "Holland," Italy, & wherever she may dictate. We will pass by the arrogance of such demands as these—but let us merely ask, where would be the advantage to the United States of a repeal of the British orders, if the very terms of that repeal were to be an abandonment of every branch of that Commerce, which they had interdicted?—There is absurdity upon the very face of it.
"But there is an advantage," some pert Tory may say; "the repeal will furnish you with an argument to urge upon France the repeal of her decrees. Has she not pledged herself to do it?" But suppose that France should merely suspend her decrees, "as respects the U. S." precisely as Mr. Erskine did at Washington—or suppose that France only retains their municipal effect, by admitting American vessels from the U. S. with our own enumerated productions, & compelling them to take their return cargoes in her own produce—as may perhaps be stated by Mr. Haute-reive to Mr. Armstrong—will this be enough for G. Britain? It is all that we can require—but it is not enough for her. For Mr. Canning in his letter to Mr. Pinkney of Nov. 22d 1808, says, that "the system of G. B. will be continued in force, "until they (the French decrees) are unequivocally abandoned." Where then is this advantage? How long then will any of the merchants of the U. S. be blind to their interests?
Nothing that is herein stated, is intended to have any application to the country merchants. They in fact have the same views, interests and feelings with the Planters and Farmers. Most of them are in truth themselves Planters and Farmers. JUNUS BRUTUS.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. REFLECTIONS ON THE POLICY OF THE U. STATES, Respectfully submitted to the consideration of the Sovereign People—No. I.
The late order of council declaring the agreement, entered into between the British minister, Mr. Erskine, and the American Secretary of State, to be unauthorised, and such as his majesty, the king of England, could not approve, exhibits the depravity of the court of St. James in a most striking point of view. The records of civilized nations do not contain an account of any transaction more completely treacherous & fraudulent, than the recent conduct of the government of Great-Britain towards us. Such conduct must rouse the indignation of the honest men of all parties. That man who will dare to raise his voice to vindicate or justify the measures, which the government of G. B. has adopted in relation to this country, and who can believe that Erskine acted without authority and even contrary to his instructions, as Lord Bathurst has declared to a committee of merchants, must ipso facto be an enemy to his country, and merits the execration of every American in heart and in sentiment.
The perusal of this new order in council, must sicken the heart of every friend of the U. States, who has long indulged the hope that amicable negotiation would soon restore to his country, the rights of which the tyrant of the ocean had deprived her. But, my insulted countrymen, we must now be convinced it will be madness and folly to negotiate in future, or to place the least confidence in the most solemn promises and engagements of British ministers. We are promised a new and special minister, it is true, but will you be so infatuated as to listen to his propositions? Will you have any security against a similar declaration respecting any arrangements, which may be made by this new minister? You may depend
upon it, that the promise of the British government are made only to deceive us and to complicate with our government, their long contemplated scheme of reducing us under their dominion. They never will forget that these United States were once colonies. It will be well to recollect what was the agreement entered into between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Smith. It was to make reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, &c. This his majesty did not authorise, and cannot approve of. Is it possible? If the king of England will not make reparation for the invasion of our sovereignty, he authorised it and approved of it, the declarations of Canning to the contrary, notwithstanding, & he is at open war with us. It is true, he has not by proclamation declared war against us, but that is not to be expected, and we must not wait for it; it would be a departure from modern practice, and in om nabile with his system of secrecy.
We ought not to consider the government of Great-Britain as limited to the little cluster of islands in their occupancy. No—They claim dominion over the elements of air and water, and as lords of the Ocean, they consider the nations of the earth their tributaries and dependants. They consider themselves possessing as exclusive property in the ocean, as one of us who claims under a grant from the commonwealth of Virginia, believes he has in his tract of land. They regard it as much a trespass for a vessel of any other nation to plough the ocean, as I should consider it, if my neighbor was to plough up my fields without my permission. My countrymen, will you submit to these insults and injuries? Will you consent to be deprived by any power on earth, of the common benefits of God's creation? If such be your determination, then I pronounce you the vilest slaves in existence. Can you feel yourselves free and independent, when the breath of a British minister can elevate your hopes and expectations to the highest pitch, or sink you into despair? Such is the fact. A letter from Mr. Erskine brightened our countenances with joy, and assembled many of us around the festive board. Ten words spoken by Canning, in the House of Commons, has reduced the price of our produce, and cast a gloom over the pleasing prospect.
Under these circumstances, how are we to act? I am for having no communication with the nation of the ocean. The nations of the Earth should combine and starve her out, unless she will cease to rob them. The crisis is important—it is full of danger & difficulty. Every man of discernment, who is not a British Partizan, must perceive the necessity of calling forth the resources of the nation, in order to compel the government of Great-Britain to respect our rights. We must negotiate at the mouth of the cannon. We must pass embargo and non-intercourse laws on their commerce. We must make them feel that we consider ourselves injured and insulted. We must teach them that our hostility is as terrible as our friendship. The time is come, when we must consider England as the enemy of America, and treat her as such. It is our duty to cut forth the enemy of the nation, to preserve, unimpaired to posterity, that free system of government and laws, which was the labor of our ancestors to establish upon a durable basis, and which has been and ever will be, the perpetual study of the government of G. Britain to undermine, by a continued succession of the most unprincipled and perfidious acts, the world ever witnessed. It will be useless to narrate them. They are fresh in the recollection of every man who is interested in the welfare of his country. Let every patriot take a retrospective view of them, and reflect upon them seriously and deliberately. Let him calculate what we may reasonably expect in future, from the justice of Great-Britain; then let him put this important question to himself—What ought to be the policy of the United States, in order to counteract and frustrate this lawless system of encroachment and usurpation, to avoid disunion and separation, and to avoid being embraced within the sphere of the wars and collisions which desolate the eastern hemisphere? Shall we receive Mr. Jackson, the Copenhagen Minister, and listen to his propositions for amicable arrangement? No—Let us order him to return, the moment he sets his foot upon our territory, and recall Mr. Pinkney from London, immediately. If the government of Great-Britain wishes to be friendly towards the American government, she should manifest that disposition, by making the most ample reparation for the attack on our national frigate, by releasing three thousand American seamen, which she holds in bondage, and by revoking her detestable orders in council. We should not be satisfied with her promises to do these things. They should be done, before we take one step in the progress of negotiation.
ONE OF THE INSULTED SOVEREIGNS. OF AMERICA. FOR THE ENQUIRER.
On the late most extraordinary conduct of Great Britain—it becomes not the Muse to be silent. Her stains should be added to those of the Statesman and the Orator, to expose the treacherous, the want of faith, the want of all regard to our rights, which has been manifested by that power.
GIVE ME MY SWORD!!! SHAKESPEAR. "Can such things be?"—I shudder as I read, And scarce, by Heaven! can yet believe the fact. There's nought, in guilt's dark volume to exceed, The deep stained turpitude of such an act— What! disavow your solemn, plighted word? Assume the sacred olive to deceive? Britons! The Deed would shame a Tartar horde, And force the friends of Treachery to grieve. Fear ye not him, whose arms with whirl-wind sweep, Bathed Egypt's trembling walls in infant blood! Who pierc'd the howls of the mighty deep, And gave the Despot to the roaring flood! The Almighty power! whose forked lightnings sped, With ten-fold vengeance on the perjured head! Randolph! stand forth—'tis meet thou should'st appear: Say, where thy vauntings, exultations now! You, who with hand unhallowed strove to tear, The spotless laurel from the Sage's brow— Speak! was it him that fore'd a nation's groans? Could he effect what Britain thus disowns? And tell us too, great man, o'er "projects" brooding— Who's "Addled Egg," at this time, spoil'd the "pudding"?
Off Erskine! off! parchments and all—away! No more the diplomatic robe disgrace! Go! seek his Christian Majesty, and say: "Oh! sacred offspring of the Brunswick race, Your minister, with guilt, my Honor stains"— Then take a "What, What! Ha, Ha!" for your pains. Just God! place me beneath Sumatra's scorching Sun, Where Leopards lord-it, and hyenas yelp; With patience, I should say, "thy will be done," But save me from a Canning or a Guelp— Who, duck like, in each filmy puddle datten, Live on iniquity's gross streams—and fatten. SEDLEY.
Pharoah. Mr. De Witt Clinton, Mayor of the city of N. York, has issued his Proclamation, forbidding all intercourse and communication between that city and that part of the village of Brooklyn, near to
N. Y. which is comprised within certain boundaries—on account of the prevalence there, of a pestilential or infectious disease, supposed to be the Yellow Fever.
STAGES FOR SALE.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at this place, on Friday, the 15th of next month, (September,) the line of STAGES, between Richmond and Fredericksburg. The terms will be one-fourth of the purchase money to be paid on the day of sale: the balance in six, nine and twelve months. On the same day, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, several very valuable STUD HORSES, among which are, Arelduke and Speculator.—The purchasers to give bond with approved securities, to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of JOHN HOOMES, Decd. August 11.
JACOB JOHNSON, BOOKSELLER, near the Market-bridge, Richmond; has just imported, from London, via Philadelphia: Reeves' Water Colors, in boxes, of 1, 2, 3 and 4 pence, lead, glass and wedge wood Ink-Stands, Pen-Knives, well assorted, one, two, three and four blades. Scissors at various prices, from 25 cents to ten dollars—some with silver, and others gold handles. Lead Pencils, fine Dutch Wax, Quills, &c. &c. J. Johnson has lately published: The Life and Works of Dr. Franklin, written by himself, price 75 Life of Washington, written for the use of young lads, 19 Walker's Dictionary abridged, 1 00 Polite Learning, being an epitome of the arts and sciences, with plates, 62 Ferguson's Astronomy for young ladies and gentlemen, with plates, 1 00 Newtonian Philosophy explained, a new edition improved by R. Patterson, Professor in the University of Pennsylvania, 62 Smart's Horace, 2 vols. 2 00 Family Bible, 4 to with 20 plates, 7 00 Goldsmith's Geography, with an Atlas, 75 Answorth's Latin Dictionary, 4 50 Schrevill's Greek Lexicon, 3 50 Biography for boys, by Mrs. Pilkington, 37
J. Johnson has just received: Conversations on Chemistry, a new edition in which is given an account of the Mineral Waters of the U. States, price 1 50 This is the best edition of the work for sale, and is 75 cents below the price of others. Barton's Works of St. Pierre, 3 vols 9 00 Burke's Works, 4 vols. 12 00 Female Biography, 3 vols. 7 50 Literary Magazine, 8 vols. 24 00 Malthus on Population, 2 vols. 5 00
He has constantly for sale, a general assortment of Books, in the different departments of Literature, more particularly School-Books and Works of Amusement for children. The latter are executed with a neatness, not attempted by any other publisher in the United States, at terms the most moderate. In press and will be published in a few weeks: Guthrie's Geographical Grammar, with 25 maps, 2 vols. Goldsmith's account of the customs and manners of nations, 2 volumes, with fifty engravings. Parents' Assistant, by Mr. Pilkington. * The highest price given for clean linen & cotton Rags. 8 mo. 11. 31
BY virtue of a deed of trust, from Richard Young to the subscribers, bearing date the 27th day of April, 1808, and recorded in the General Court, for securing a certain debt, therein mentioned: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the 29th September, next, before the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, (or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to satisfy said debt, with interest and costs,) the following valuable PROPERTY, viz. Lot No. 1, with the wharf attached thereto: No. 5, a water lot; No. 9, a lot with the yellow house, back of wharf No. 1; No. 13, back of water lot No. 5; No. 16, part of lot No. 178, in the plan of the city of Richmond, & No. 21, bought of the Executors of Francis Lewis, and on Bloody-Run street. The same being the said Richard Young's part of property, situated at Rocketts, which he held jointly with Pickett, Pollard and Johnston, & assigned to him by deed of partition, executed by the parties, on the 17th March last.
The said sale will be made agreeably to the directions in such cases, of the act of Assembly, passed the 31st day of January, 1809, entitled "An act concerning executions and for other purposes." EDWARD JOHNSTON, JOHN FOX, Trustees. August 11. 134
NOTICE is hereby given, to all whom it may concern—That a PETITION will be presented, by a majority of the Overseers of the Poor, and many of her inhabitants of the county of Middlesex, to the next General Assembly of Virginia, praying a law to pass, authorizing the sale of a certain tract of land, therein described, lying in the said county; which tract of land was given by one Alexander Frazier, for the benefit of a Free School, or for the education of Poor Children. August 11. 344
COMMITTED to the jail of the county of Middlesex, the 6th of June last, a negro man, who calls himself HENRY FOX, and says he was born free and raised in the town of Norfolk: He is about thirty years of age, five feet seven or eight inches high, well proportioned, of a very dark complexion, and marked in his face, very thick with pits of the small-pox, had on when taken up, a light coloured mixed Virginia Cloth Coat, a striped Virginia Cloth Waistcoat, and blue nankeen pantaloon, but has with him, a number of other clothes. As the said Negro is supposed to be a runaway, the owner is requested to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and take him away, otherwise, he will be dealt with, as the law directs. TH. HEALY, Sheriff of Middlesex county. August 11. w3m1
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE—Having again embarked in public life, as a publican at the Eagle-Tavern, which necessarily employs all my time; I shall proceed to sell, on the 5th day of Sept. next, several valuable brood MARES, COLTS & FILLIES, of the first stock in Virginia; about thirty head of Sheep, a part thereof of the improved Barbary & Merino breed—also, a young bull of superior breed, 2 mules, waggon and gear, two carts and a variety of plantation Utensils; like wise some articles of household Furniture. The stock of Horses and Sheep are well worthy the attention of any gentleman, being inferior to none in the state. Also, will be sold, several valuable Lots of Land, handsomely laid off, and well adapted for a country retreat. I wish to rent the House, Garden and Farm at Fairfield, all of which is now in complete order; the garden is now in a high state of cultivation & beautifully laid off. The sale will take place, on the premises, at 11 o'clock. E. SMOCK. August 11. w11
PRINTING, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.

POLITICAL.
AMERICAN PRINCIPLES.
A REVIEW OF WORKS OF FISHER AMES; COMPILED BY A NUMBER OF HIS FRIENDS. BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
No. II.
There is not perhaps in human Society, a trust of higher importance and more delicacy, than that which devolves upon the friends of an eminent literary man, relating to the disposal of the papers which he leaves behind him. This trust has so often been betrayed, that every man who has acquired a reputation in the literary world, ought himself much more studiously to dispose, before his decease, of those productions of his mind, than of his worldly estate. Men of genius are treated like kings. They who pretend to be their friends, are often nothing more than sycophants, who attach themselves to their fame, for sordid purposes of their own, and who, from the moment that the superior Spirit has left its tenement of clay, instead of cherishing and protecting that fame, think of nothing but turning it to the account of some wretched passion or interest of their own—to sponge money from the purse of the public, or to pass disgraceful sentiments into circulation, for the wicked purposes of faction. The examples of Chesterfield and Stearns are familiar to those conversant with the recent literary history of England, of men, whose reputation has been blasted after their decease, by the publication of papers, which they would have buried in eternal oblivion, but which the rapacity of a number of their friends, surrendered to the indignation of posterity for the sake of a paltry tribute levied upon the public curiosity. I know not who are the friends that published the volume now before me, but I trust it has been shewn in a former paper, that both its selection and its omission, were governed by motives very different from that of regard for the lasting reputation of the author. The writer of this paper respected Mr. Ames, and laments that others who by their particular intimacy with him, were specially charged with the guardianship of his fame, instead of adhering faithfully to that duty, have, for the poor purpose of promoting the views of a party, "drawn his frailties from their dread abode," and exposed him to the imputation of doctrines, which the sound judgment of his better days would have rejected with horror, & for which they alone ought to be responsible to distant nations and to future ages.
In a former paper it was observed, that the private letters contained in this compilation were certainly not intended by their writer for the public eye; and that they contained sentiments which he himself was sensible were not fit for public inspection. The evidence of these assertions is contained in one of those very letters; and in these words.
"It is ever a misfortune for a man to differ from the political or religious creed of his countrymen. You will not fail to perceive, that I am worse than a lingerer in my faith in the conclusiveness of the reasoning of Mr. MADISON, and Co. This, however, I keep to myself and less than half a dozen friends."
It is not strange—passing strange, that with this direct, and explicit admonition staring him in the face, one of the less than half a dozen friends to whom the secret was committed, should divulge not only to the country, but to the enemies of the country those opinions, which their author was ashamed or afraid to avow when alive?
Strange indeed it is; but the motive is obvious enough. The subject specially alluded to in this letter, upon which it was Mr. Ames's misfortune to differ from the creed of his countrymen, and upon which he was worse than a lingerer in his faith in the conclusiveness of the reasoning of Mr. Madison and Co.—was the great question of our neutral rights to the colonial trade with the enemies of Great Britain. The date of the letter is 14th Feb. 1806—just after the time, when Mr. Madison's unanswerable vindication of the neutral cause appeared—several excellent memorials, written some of them by men who have since deserted that honorable standard & joined the banners of the enemy, were also then before Congress; and it is to them that Mr. Ames refers, by the description of Mr. Madison, & Co.
The letter was written to a member of Congress, who, as appears from a subsequent passage in it, was then on the side of his country upon this great question. He has since changed his side, and the publication of this letter was doubtless intended to answer the double purpose of giving countenance to him and other apostates from the American principle, and of propagating among the people of this country, the opinion that the British doctrine on that controversy was the correct one, and that our claim had not the solid foundation of justice.
The question of our right to the colonial trade, is next to that respecting impressments, the most important of any which has ever been agitated between Great Britain and us, since the peace of our Independence. It would even take the lead of that, if the security to personal liberty were not prior in the nature and duties of government, to any possible question relating to mere property. As it affects the interest of this Union, its greatest importance is to the eastern and commercial section; to New-England commerce and navigation, it is absolutely vital. It is by means of this trade, and of this alone, that we are provided with substitutes for those rich staples of commerce, which nature has bountifully bestowed upon the soil and climate of our southern brethren, and which she has denied to us. To abandon the right to this colonial trade, therefore, is to sacrifice not only one of the best rights of an independent nation, but the peculiar & most precious interests of New-England. At the time when this letter was written, Great Britain had struck a deadly blow at this unquestionable right, and this momentous interest. According to her usual custom, she had begun, without an hour's notice, to sweep the ocean clear of American property, under the assumption of a new pretended principle, and she had set her most accomplished sophists in the schools of national jurisprudence, at work, to color her robberies with a show of argument. At that time, the cause of truth, of justice, and of America, was popular . The very day before this letter of Mr. Ames was dated, the principle of the American right had been asserted by an unanimous vote in the Senate of the United States. There was not a man of any character as a Statesman, in the United States, who dared to advocate the British pretensions. The very banks and insurance offices resounded with the cry of British injustice and of American independence. Even then, however, Mr. Ames and some less than half a dozen others, had been brought to imagine that they had probed this subject to the bottom, and had found that the true principle was that asserted by Britain, and that the best thing we could do, would be to submit. The process by which this conviction was wrought upon the mind of Mr. Ames, was an operation upon the three articles of creed, which the fanatics of his political sect had imposed upon his understanding, and which were unfolded in my last paper—the worship of British power—execration of France—and contempt for the people of America.
His letter of the 27th November, 1805, to the same member of Congress, confined altogether to the discussion of this topic, proves that the sophistry of the British pamphleteers, had taken complete possession of his mind. The British principle was right, because the British power on the sea
was irresistible. It was right because it was necessary to Britain fighting for her existence—it was right because France had no navy—it was right because France would not permit us to trade with her colonies in time of peace. This reasoning so exactly resembling that of Esop's wolf , in his dispute with the lamb, had actually proved too strong for Mr. Ames's dialectics. He had a considerable pecuniary interest at stake upon the issue of resistance against that sally of British rapine. But money, even his own money, was nothing and less than nothing in his eyes, when the necessity of Britain's aggrandizement or the supremacy of Britain's naval dominion, came in conflict with it, in a struggle against France. His opinion of British spirit was as exalted as his idea of British logic, and from his contempt for our faculties, both of heart and head, he concluded that we should only bluster, but that John Bull would say he was "as little convinced as a fraid," and that we should ultimately acquiesce. It did so happen, that we persevered in our claims, and that John Bull, whether convinced or afraid, did at that time abandon his pretension.
It was, however, again assumed in substance, by the far-famed orders of council of the 11th Nov. 1807. The prospect of a war with England was now rendered much more probable. As it advanced, and the dangers of our country increased, the worshippers of Britain saw a dawn of hope, that with the aid of the British doctrines, they might haul from power the then administration, and vault into their seats themselves. They renounced all pretence to any claim of right against Great Britain, and immediately after the outrage upon the Chesapeake, formally undertook to justify in a public newspaper of this town, the act of the British admiral Berkeley, upon a pretended right of the British to take seamen from an American national ship, by force.
Mr. Ames's number of friends have not seen fit to indulge the public with his sentiments upon that transaction. We know not whether he had reconciled his soul to the belief, that every British naval Lieutenant had a right to search an American ship of war for men; but we confess that judging from the specimens they have given of his late sentiments upon British rights, we do not regret the loss of his opinions upon the affair of the Chesapeake.
The people were alarmed by the near prospect of a war with England. The people were distressed by the operation of the embargo. The people were partially deluded by the imposture of a pretended mission to atone for the attack on the Chesapeake. At this critical moment, one of those very Senators, who in February, 1806, had voted that the British pretension to exclude us from the colonial trade in time of war, was a violation of our rights and an encroachment upon our independence, came out in a printed pamphlet as the champion for that very British pretension. The argument of Mr. Ames's letters doubtless had converted him from the American errors of his ways; & although Mr. Ames, when writing those letters, had felt it to be the duty of "a good citizen, to be silent, while our side was argued," yet his friends have not thought it decorous, at the very moment when our side was in the most imminent jeopardy, to summon him from the silence of the grave, to bear his testimony in favor of our adversary.
Thanks to the good and wise disposer of all events, that this weapon has also fallen bluntly to the ground! Thanks to almighty God, that the nation has been saved from the disgrace and ruin, which submission to this insolent and groundless pretension of Great Britain, would have brought upon them! The purpose of breaking down the sense and spirit of this people, to that level of degradation which would have assented to the hollow sophistry of the British claim, has been defeated. The opinions of Mr. Ames, will not now avail, as an apology for treachery to the rights of the country.
There is indeed one point of view, in which the publication of these letters will be serviceable to the public. They have discovered, beyond all contradiction and denial, the real fundamental principles, of that political sect, which has obtained the control of our state administration, and which, for the last two years has been driving with such furious zeal to a dissolution of the Union—combined with an alliance, offensive and defensive, with G. Britain.
The last half of this volume might be denominated, the political bible of the junto . If there be a reflecting man in any of our sister states, not infected with the scab of this political leprosy, who has any doubt what the junto principles really are, let him attentively read that part of this volume which had never before been published. Here he will find those principles which they have heretofore circulated in whispers among themselves, and denied when charged with them in public; which in their secret conclaves they profess as articles of faith, and which in their public manifesoes, they repel with indignation, as slanderous aspersions. Here he will find, sprung from a degenerate plant of our soil, that threefold cord of Prostration to Britain, Horror of France, and Contempt for America , which binds together the whole political system of the faction .
But although the pretension contended for by Great-Britain, has once more been withdrawn, and will, in all probability, not now form a subject of controversy between the two nations, we have no security that in the first hour of success which the chances of war may evolve in her favor, she will not assert it again. Should the temptation of a rich and defenceless commerce, expanded over every ocean, and immediately under the tongs of her naval power, again concur with that "envious jealousy and canker'd spite," which sickens many of her most influential statesmen at the sight of American prosperity, that accommodating principle of British law of nations, which, like the devils of Milton's Pandemonium, swells into a giant or shrinks into a pigmy, as its occasions require, will again make its appearance "in its own dimensions, like itself!" The rule of the war of 1756, painted with some new sophistical varnish, will issue again from the dens of Doctor's Commons, as an Asiatic traveller. The commerce of America will be its victim; and the Gunning of the day , with some sarcastic sneer, may refer us, to the opinions of an American statesman. One of your own jurists, he will say, has settled the question against you. Mr. Ames has sanctioned the British doctrine.
There is another public mischief which may result from the publication of these private letters of Mr. Ames, respecting the question of the American character: The people of this country have a more profound respect for Right and Justice , than any other nation upon the face of the earth. They would never contend for any claim, the justice of which they should not sincerely believe to be on their side. They are also very much influenced in their opinions by the authority of respected names. These two qualities are, upon the whole, much to their honor; although the faction, whose principles I have undertaken to expose, have made this love of justice, for many years, the theme of their ridicule. Mr. Jefferson who was well acquainted with this characteristic of his countrymen, often, very often, appealed to this strong sense of justice, and expressed his confidence in its operation. His reliance upon it has been one of the most copious fountains of merriment and derision, played by his antagonists upon him—a merriment and derision, in which it appears from this volume, the mind of Mr. Ames himself did not disdain to participate. The floods of sarcasm and invective which have gushed upon him, for his repeated references to the unimpeachable of reason, are universally known; and this sagacious mischief might be indulged as harmless, were it not inseparably connected with a political system. If, then, the people of America could be prevailed upon to think
that they had no right to claim a free trade with the colonies of Britain's enemies, in time of war, they would never assert it: they would, without a struggle, surrender the trade, whenever it might suit the purposes of the British cabinet, to take it from neutrals, and give it exclusively to their own people. When this book was published, the two countries were on the brink of war, chiefly upon this very question; and the intention of the publication manifestly was to stagger the faith of the nation in their right. Had the recent trial of our perseverance and fortitude continued much longer, the abhorrence of war would have given the dimiest cobweb of sophistry the countenance of sound logic, in the minds of a great portion of the people of New-England—especially when the British party might have rung in the ears of every trembling patriot, that Mr. Ames had declared himself against our right to the object in contest. I have no doubt that if this right should again be denied by Britain, & again call for our exertions to defend it, the same party will resort to the same expedient, and that the authority of Mr. Ames's opinion will be vouched to seal the degradation of the nation, & the surrender of this great and unquestionable right.
It becomes, therefore, a duty to declare, that from Mr. Ames's discussion of this question, in these private letters, not a single scintillation of new light upon the subject has been elicited; that he pins his faith upon Sir William Scott, and the ministerial pamphleteers; that the two great pillars of his argument are power and necessity —Both these pillars Mr. Madison had broken up into atoms, utterly harmless and contemptible, in his examination of the British doctrine, and even the talisman of Mr. Ames's inference is not admissible to the re-composition of their dust into solid columns. The exposition of sound principle and irrefragable proof in that work, is a substantial pledge to the nation, that Mr. Madison will never abandon the right which he so clearly vindicated, and while we drop a tear of compassion upon the political weakness of Mr. Ames's declining days, let us rejoice that the maintenance of our national rights against Great-Britain has been committed to men of firmer hands. The honor of disclaiming the liberties of the nation, will not, I believe, soon be contested against Mr. Ames, but when the pretenders of friendship, fitted with their unhallowed hands the deadly night-shade, instead of the laurel to his lifeless brows, was there not some minister of eternal justice to interpose, and fix it with the merited dishonor upon their own?
(To be continued.)
IN CHANCERY. —In Louis County Court, April 10th 1809. George Pottic and Charles Thomson, administrators of John Hawkins dec. Plffs. against William Metthewer and Robert Dickinson Defs. The defendant William Metthewer not having entered his appearance and given security, according to an act of assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: Therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by their attorney: It is ordered and decreed , that the said defendant Metthewer do appear here on the second Monday in July next, and file his answer to the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be posted at the front door of the court house of this county, on some court day, and published in some one of the news papers printed in the City of Richmond for eight weeks successively.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ran away from the subscriber, two NEGROES, to wit Burrell Gates and Lony: Burrell Gates is about thirty years of age, five feet eight inches high, rather slender made, well proportioned except he has a very large foot; he was purchased of Mr. Wilkinson (Chesterfield), and has a wife at Mr. John Spear's in the same county. Lony was purchased of Mr. Richard E. Armstrong, Hanover county, he is about 16 years of age, has a film over one of his eyes, this fellow I suppose is lurking about this city. The above reward will be paid for delivering them to Mr. Chan H. Saunders, Richmond, and ten dollars for either of them, or if secured in any Gaol in this commonwealth so that I get them again.
HENNING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS. —LEWIS ADAMS has just received fresh supplies of BOOKS from Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York, which with those on hand and others daily expected, he flatters himself makes his assortment more valuable and extensive than any other collection in Richmond, all of which he would cheerfully exchange for cash at the regular prices.
Vol. 1 and 2 Henning and Munford's Reports royal 8 vo. cf. at $6 50 per vol. from the press of I. Riley, New York, who has the copy right. Woman or Ida of Athens, 2 vol. 25 and 1 75 boards. In recommending this interesting Novel to the literary world, it is only necessary to observe that it is from the pen of the celebrated Miss Owenson , and ranks among the first of her productions. Essay on Sepulchres by Godwin; The complete Farrier; Reliques of Robert Burns, by Cromek; Memoirs of an American Lady, by Mrs. Grant, author of Letters from the Mountains &c. &c.; John de Lancastre a Novel by Richard Cumberland; The Hungarian Brothers by Miss Porter, author of Thaddeus of Warsaw . This is an interesting novel, the style of which, as 'tis from the pen of one whose heart is the seat of every virtue, is pure, sprightly and unaffected. Vol. 1 American Law Journal; Newland on Contracts, Selwyn's Nisi Prius, Kidd on Awards and a lot of every law publication from the press of Messrs. Farrand & Co. Philadelphia.
The History of the Administration of John Adams. Memoirs of the hon. Thomas Jefferson, 2 vols. 8 vo. 5 $ 1 2 board; $ 4 50 boards, a new work.
A large assortment of children's books. July 14 w8w
THE SUBSCRIBER , offers for sale, that elegant and valuable Estate, called WILLTON , lying nine miles below Richmond. The dwelling house is not inferior to any in the state: the offices are commodious; the Garden and yard are handsomely laid out. The situation combines so many advantages, that I am unwilling to give a description of it, wishing any gentleman who is disposed to purchase, to come and view it. It may not be amiss however to observe, that James River runs 100 yards from the door of the house, that vessels of five hundred hogheads have loaded at Warwick, one mile above it, that the water carriage to Richmond is only six miles, that there is a good Shad and Herring fishery, and that Wild Fowl are frequently procured. A small Grist-Mill, is attached to it on a stream that runs through the plantation.
Also two thousand acres of LAND, lying on Fighting Creek, Powhatan County, two miles from the Court House, which will be divided into two or more lots to suit purchasers. This land is well watered and calculated for the culture of wheat, corn and tobacco. For terms apply to the Subscriber residing in Richmond, or William Berkeley, in Powhatan WILLIAM RANDOLPH. June 23. w8m
NOTICE. —The creditors of the estate of John J. Watt, deceased, are hereby requested to send their respective accounts or claims for settlement, and those indebted to make payment to the subscribers without delay. HENRY TOMPKINS, } Admrs. D. J. MURR. } July 18. Lawbw
NOTICE. —All persons indebted to the firm of Gilliat and Kirby, by bond or open account, are requested to come forward and discharge their respective balances, on or before the first day of September next, as suits will be instituted against all those who are delinquent at that time. Those who have any claims against the said firm, are requested to make them known to the subscriber. THOMAS GILLIAT, Acting partner of GILLIAT & KIRBY. N. B. In my absence, Francis R. Strobel is fully empowered to receive and discharge all debts due to and from Gilliat and Kirby. THOMAS GILLIAT. w15. June 27.
VIRGINIA MINES. —may be had at E. Hallam's, Archibald Hughes, Prosser and Moncure's, and several other places in this city, and at John E. Robertson's and Miles Bates', in Manchester, at from 12 1/2 to 25. They are found of a fair trial, to answer a better purpose for putting a razor in order, than any thing now to be obtained. They are finest used with oil, and quickest with water; their dust, if scraped off, is fine for a strap. Any one purchasing, that don't like, has liberty to return them and get his money again, if within 2 months. WM. THURMON. w8. July 28.
BATTESEA PAPER MILLS. —Those who wish to encourage the manufactures of their own state are informed, that they can be supplied with Paper Manufactured in Petersburg, in any quantities. PRICES AS FOLLOWS: Fine Letter Paper Vellum, $ 4 75; Do. do. Laid, 4 50; Fools Cap No. 1, 4 37 1/2; Do. No. 2, 3 37 1/2; Do. No. 3, 3 12 1/2; Folio Post Vellum, 9 50; Do. Laid, 9; Fine Printing Medium, 5 50; Do. 4 50; Excellent Wrapping Paper, 1 12 1/2. A liberal discount made to wholesale purchasers. Orders for any of the above qualities, addressed to the subscribers, executed at the shortest notice. BANISTER & Co. w15. August 4.
EAGLE TAVERN. —All claims against the concern of Selden & Smithers, lately carried on at the Eagle Tavern, are by agreement, to be settled by James S. Smithers. RO. TURNER.
NOTICE. —All persons having claims against the concern of Turner & Smithers, are desired to call on Robert Turner for settlement, & those indebted to said concern, are desired to pay to Robert Turner only. RO. TURNER.
WE beg leave to inform our friends, acquaintances, and the public generally, that having purchased of the late owners of the Eagle Tavern the remainder of their term, that we shall, at all times, make such arrangements for their accommodation, as we trust will give general satisfaction. SMOCK & TU NER. August 4. w8w
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Ran away from the subscriber, living in Halifax county, Virginia, on the evening of the last day of April past; a negro man named NED , about forty years old, he is about six feet high, of a dark color, but cannot be said to be a black; has a remarkable long hand and foot, with a large scar on his chin; has a down look frequently when spoken to, and when going from you, seems to stoop in his shoulders; carried with him a thick kind of drab great coat, also a Virginia Cloth mixed coat, and a pair of blue striped overalls, and wore a felt hat, with other coarse clothes.
Ned took with him a negro woman and child, (Peg & child Linsy) the woman is about twenty two years old, and the child about a year old. The woman is about five feet high, and about a middle size for that height, and a black color, has lost some of her teeth, which she shews whenever she attempts to laugh, has rather a kind of clattering in her speech. Some of the clothes taken with her, were a blue grounded caico habit, and Virginia cloth, which she had on when she went away. Whoever brings them to me, or confines them in jail, so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward. PETER FASSER. w8w. August 4.
LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscribers, attorneys in fact, for Col. John Simon Farley, and his sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Merson, residents in Great-Britain, offer for sale their remaining proportion of that valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Roanoke and state of North Carolina, called the Sauratown Estate.
This land lying contiguous to one of the branches of Roanoke River, and in the midst of a wealthy country, is represented to be of great fertility, and to unite so many advantages as to be well worth the attention of the purchasers; it contains from 10 to 12,000 acres, and will be sold in one whole, or in distinct parcels, at the option of those who may wish to buy; for which purpose it has been laid off in separate lots. A plot of the land is left in the possession of Wm. Edward Broadnax, esq. of Brunswick county, Virginia, who has purchased a part of it, and to whom, for more correct information as to its quality, situation and other advantages, purchasers are referred, as well as to Mr. Ira Ellis, who lives on the spot. Mr. Broadnax will also make known the terms of sale, and any contract entered into with him for the purchase of the above land, or any part thereof, will be obligatory on ourselves, and our principals. C. K. TAYLOR, JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, Va. July 28. gw
WILL BE SOLD , on the 28th day of August next, at Cumberland court-house, (being Cumberland court day), agreeably to an Act of Assembly, passed on the thirty-first day of January last, entitled an act concerning executions and for other purposes; by virtue of a deed of trust, made to us by David Comptland, & legally recorded in the county court of Buckingham, for the purposes in the said deed of trust mentioned, one certain tract or parcel of LAND, it being a part of the tract on which the said David now resides, containing one hundred and fifty acres, binding on the lines of George Anderson and Charles Wheeler, Jr. beginning at Wilson's, and running to the north of his house, to his back line, as expressed in said deed of trust being only interested as trustees for the benefit of others, we will only convey the title we have by virtue of said deed of trust. SAMUEL ANDERSON, } Trustees JAMES WILSON, } July 25. gw
GEORGE WATT has just received, and offers FOR SALE, Sealy, Madeira, and Sherry WINE, by the Hhd. and Dr. cask, Green Coffee, Orleans Sugar by the Hhd.; German Plantation Simplex by the piece or case, half pint Glass Tumblers in cases of 1000 each, and New York Soap & Candles.
ON HAND , Madeira Wine, Orleans and Muscovado Sugars, Green Coffee, Molasses, Prime Pork, Liverpool and Stone Ware, Soucangs, H. son, Skin, and Gunpowder Tea, Spanish Segrera, Raisins, Almonds, Nutmegs, Windows Glass, Men's & Women's Shoes, which he will dispose of by wholesale on reasonable terms. July 22. gw
War Department, July 5, 1809. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN: THAT separate proposals will be received at the Office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock, at noon on Wednesday the 25th of October next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of June 1810 inclusive, to the first day of June 1811, within the states, territories and districts following, viz.
 1st. At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chikago and in their immediate vicinities, & at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the territory of Michigan.  2nd. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.  3rd. At Belle Fontaine, Fort Osage and Belle Vue and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and the Illinois, Indiana and Louisiana territories, except Fort Wayne and Chikago and their immediate vicinities.  4th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the Mississippi and Orleans territories.  5th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the district of Maine, and state of New Hampshire.  6th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Vermont.  7th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield excepted.  8th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island.  9th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New York, Niagara & its dependencies excepted.  10th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Jersey.  11th. At any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Pennsylvania.  12th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the states of Maryland & Delaware.  13th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Virginia.  14th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of North Carolina.  15th. At any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of South Carolina.  16th. At Ocmulgee Old Fields, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the limits of the state of Georgia. 
17th. Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts; and for the armors and other persons employed in the United States' Armory at that place, from the 1st day of June 1810 inclusive, to the 1st day of June 1811. A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the United States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit & Chikago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance, of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all & every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons, when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the United States shall be paid by the United States at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of credible characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, & the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed. The privilege is understood to be reserved to the United States, of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the sea-board, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
W. EUSTIS, Secretary for the Department of War. ep4w. July 18.
FOR SALE , in the town of Cartersville, upon James River, Lots No 6 and 24, being the same formerly owned by Messrs. Deane's—on the first is a good dwelling HOUSE, store and other improvements and on the last, a good lumber house. A credit of one, two, and three years will be given: Bonds with approved security, to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid, will be required. For further particulars, apply to Messrs. John & B. Cunningham, at Cartersville, who will show the premises, or to JAMES & JOHN DUNLOP. Petersburg, July 28. gw
VALUABLE LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscribers wish to dispose of that valuable tract of LAND called FORT LEWIS, lying in the Counties of Botetourt and Montgomery, and containing about 2,500 acres. They also wish to sell 3,180 acres of Land lying in the County of Fluvanna, on the south side of the Rivanna river, extending from Col. Gay's line, down the river, to within about a mile of Columbia. This last mentioned Land, being in five distinct tracts, will be sold separately or together, as may best suit any person desirous of purchasing. One-fourth of the amount being paid in hand, any reasonable credit will be given for the balance. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. Richmond, July 28. gw
PRINTING, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.