The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-08 00:00:00

PUBLISHED THE GLOBE TATTOO, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. THE VIRGINIA LITERARY WAREHOUSE, BOOK & STATIONARY STORE - WM. PRICHARD & LEWIS ADAMS...
WILLIAM PRICHARD, LEWIS ADAMS. A Catalogue of their Books will be published as soon as the same can be fully arranged.
CLOVER SEED, &c. - For Sale, by the Subscriber, a fresh supply of CLOVER SEED, five thousand lb. first quality New England CHEESE, a few doz. salt-Petted HAMS, PIPES by the box, FAMILY FLOUR, by the barrel, &c.
A HORSE, Was brought to my stable, on the 27th ult. A Bay Horse about 9 or 10 years old, 4 feet 9 or 10 inches high, with a Saddle and Bridle.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY - At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening the 31st of December, 1808, the following resolution was agreed to: Whereas, from causes unforeseen as unexpected...
NAPT COTTONS & KERSEYS - The Subscriber has received a consignment of Napt Cottons and Kerseys, which he offers at a reduced price, for cash, or indorsed negotiable notes.
LOST, from a waggon that left Richmond the 21st ult. for Louisa - A BOX containing 4 each doz of an octagon form for a China Press. A Reward of five dollars will be given any person delivering them to Frederick Harris of Louisa or to Webster, Poore & Prosser, of Richmond.
NOVEMBER 30th, 1808 - The members of the Dismal Swamp Company, are requested to meet at Suffolk, on the 28th of December. That place is preferred for a meeting, because it is a very small distance from the Land, and the members will have a better opportunity of information as to the whole business of the company...
RA-WAY from the Subscriber, a negro Lad, by the name of MANDEVILLE; he is about 17 years old, of dark complexion, slender make, and walks lame in consequence of having broken his thigh last spring.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST - In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practicing in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance...
He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. Mr. Le Tellier wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place.
NOTICE - That in virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date anterior to the act, entitled "An act concerning the sale of Property under executions and incumbrances." I shall, on Saturday, the 7th day of January next, upon the premises, expose to sale, by public auction, for ready money, the BRICK TENEMENTS, and the Ground thereto belonging...
THE 20th of November, is the day for the commencement of the LECTURES ON LAW, in the College of William & Mary. MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY - The annual meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next...
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30.
Proceedings and discussions of this day, upon the consideration of a resolution reported by the committee of nine who made a report in part on the foreign relations of the United States - concluded from Thursday's Monitor.
Mr. Randolph. We have progressed, sir, far in the fourth week of the session, at a time when every man in and out of the house seems to vie in the expression that the crisis is momentous. There are few of us, I believe, sir, who have influence enough at home to avoid the censure of our constituents for a failure of punctuality in attendance upon our duties...
Reviewing the policy pursued for some time back, and which is still persevered in, I have been led to inquire into the causes which have produced the present form of government. The principal difficulty which existed under the old plan of confederation, was the want of powers for the establishment of general & uniform commercial regulations.
The gentleman from Massachusetts has spoken feelingly; I believe his representations true, I hold up my hand, sir, against the measure, I believe it may be more severe in one part of the country than in another. What is the situation of the tobacco planters? I live in the centre of a tobacco country, and can speak with accuracy.
Perhaps it may be said, that whatever objections there may be to may be to the two first resolutions, there can be none to the final one. What is it? Twin brother to the first. Will you refer it to a committee to draft a bill? Do you mean to dispose of the first the same way, or will you engraft it in your statute book?
And at the same time prepare no measure of aggression upon the enemy! If a man is insulted beyond the power of reparation, he prepares for defence. He does not increase the bolts of his doors. Is this the way to prepare for defence? The committee tell us not to submit. This sir, is vague. In what way will you resist? Will you raise more troops? I believe sir, you will hardly venture on this.
have not the assurance, sir, to stand on this floor, and declare the embargo to be resistance to G. Britain and France, when our own government has given an explanation so very different through the medium of our ministers in Europe.
I listened to the gentleman from Massachusetts the other day with pain, because he drew lines of distinction that ought not to be traced. His calculations with respect to the unequal pressure of the embargo, I know to be erroneous. I do not mean to deny that the measure is more oppressive in some parts of the union than in others; but I will not enter into particulars, although I protest against his estimate in toto, and I deny that the custom-house books or treasury reports, form true data for calculations of the exports from the respective states.
When the case does occur, I would apply the proper remedy; I would have recourse, sir, to the knife and the cautery. Yet, on this account, I do not the less deprecate the embargo. It is a measure ruinous to the country. In one point of view, however, I regard it with pleasure. It is a test of the patriotism & virtue of the people.
It is very far from my wish, sir, if the United States be determined to resist, to destroy the unity of that resistance. I wish to see in what that unity is to consist. I am as firmly convinced, as I am that I am now addressing you, sir, that our present difficulties took their origin from 1805; from that period at which, instead of resisting, we began to brook foreign wrongs.
From 1805 our difficulties have been thickening and our reputation declining abroad. There must be a different policy pursued, and the character of the country from that period retrieved. What have we done? We had been trampled on unresistingly by Spain, and when our minister had, (as it appears from documents communicated to the house) taken an imposing communication, his efforts were paralyzed by means of a special mission, in the person of Mr. Bowdoin, (who if a special minister must be sent, was as well qualified in every respect as any man).
But the embargo was to be the GREAT SIMON PURE - We have offered to repeal it; - received no answer, and by the other we have been laughed at. No answer, did I say, sir? Yes, there does exist an answer, satisfactory to every man in the country. I hope there is not a man in the nation base enough to submit to either the one or the other; but really we seem like Jack in the tale of a tub, who hung himself for spite in order that his enemies might come and cut him down.
With respect to the embargo, there was an erroneous impression with regard to its origin, and there has been a great mistake with respect to the effect it was intended to produce. It originated, sir, in the intention of France to enforce the Berlin decree and the British proclamation relative to her seamen. Whatever may have been said to the contrary, the orders in council were not known in this country at the time the embargo was laid. They had, in fact, never been mentioned.
Mr. Randolph concluded by expressing the satisfaction he enjoyed in the consciousness of having had no hand in bringing the country into its present critical posture, and that he would not exchange his feelings in that respect for any consideration whatever.
Mr. Troup. I am happy, sir, that the gentleman from Virginia and myself agreed as to one thing - the pressure of the embargo on the southern states: it is a fact that they have not suffered less than other parts of the union. But whilst differing on this point with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy,) I regret extremely that I must differ on another point with my friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.)
He had in the meanwhile transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 22nd of December, and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the president, aware of the consequences which would follow that new stated things, communicated immediately to congress the alteration of the French decree, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22nd of December, 1807, at which time it was well understood in this country, that the British orders of council of November preceding, had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government.
This anachronism - this inconsistency, I cannot reconcile, although I will not say it is not reconcilable. It is very far from my wish, sir, if the United States be determined to resist, to destroy the unity of that resistance. I wish to see in what that unity is to consist. I am as firmly convinced, as I am that I am now addressing you, sir, that our present difficulties took their origin from 1805; from that period at which, instead of resisting, we began to brook foreign wrongs.
From 1805 our difficulties have been thickening and our reputation declining abroad. There must be a different policy pursued, and the character of the country from that period retrieved. What have we done? We had been trampled on unresistingly by Spain, and when our minister had, (as it appears from documents communicated to the house) taken an imposing communication, his efforts were paralyzed by means of a special mission, in the person of Mr. Bowdoin, (who if a special minister must be sent, was as well qualified in every respect as any man).
But the embargo was to be the GREAT SIMON PURE - We have offered to repeal it; - received no answer, and by the other we have been laughed at. No answer, did I say, sir? Yes, there does exist an answer, satisfactory to every man in the country. I hope there is not a man in the nation base enough to submit to either the one or the other; but really we seem like Jack in the tale of a tub, who hung himself for spite in order that his enemies might come and cut him down.
With respect to the embargo, there was an erroneous impression with regard to its origin, and there has been a great mistake with respect to the effect it was intended to produce. It originated, sir, in the intention of France to enforce the Berlin decree and the British proclamation relative to her seamen. Whatever may have been said to the contrary, the orders in council were not known in this country at the time the embargo was laid. They had, in fact, never been mentioned.
Mr. Randolph concluded by expressing the satisfaction he enjoyed in the consciousness of having had no hand in bringing the country into its present critical posture, and that he would not exchange his feelings in that respect for any consideration whatever.
Mr. Troup. I am happy, sir, that the gentleman from Virginia and myself agreed as to one thing - the pressure of the embargo on the southern states: it is a fact that they have not suffered less than other parts of the union. But whilst differing on this point with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy,) I regret extremely that I must differ on another point with my friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.)
He had in the meanwhile transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 22nd of December, and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the president, aware of the consequences which would follow that new stated things, communicated immediately to congress the alteration of the French decree, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22nd of December, 1807, at which time it was well understood in this country, that the British orders of council of November preceding, had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government.
This anachronism - this inconsistency, I cannot reconcile, although I will not say it is not reconcilable. It is very far from my wish, sir, if the United States be determined to resist, to destroy the unity of that resistance. I wish to see in what that unity is to consist. I am as firmly convinced, as I am that I am now addressing you, sir, that our present difficulties took their origin from 1805; from that period at which, instead of resisting, we began to brook foreign wrongs.
From 1805 our difficulties have been thickening and our reputation declining abroad. There must be a different policy pursued, and the character of the country from that period retrieved. What have we done? We had been trampled on unresistingly by Spain, and when our minister had, (as it appears from documents communicated to the house) taken an imposing communication, his efforts were paralyzed by means of a special mission, in the person of Mr. Bowdoin, (who if a special minister must be sent, was as well qualified in every respect as any man).
But the embargo was to be the GREAT SIMON PURE - We have offered to repeal it; - received no answer, and by the other we have been laughed at. No answer, did I say, sir? Yes, there does exist an answer, satisfactory to every man in the country. I hope there is not a man in the nation base enough to submit to either the one or the other; but really we seem like Jack in the tale of a tub, who hung himself for spite in order that his enemies might come and cut him down.
With respect to the embargo, there was an erroneous impression with regard to its origin, and there has been a great mistake with respect to the effect it was intended to produce. It originated, sir, in the intention of France to enforce the Berlin decree and the British proclamation relative to her seamen. Whatever may have been said to the contrary, the orders in council were not known in this country at the time the embargo was laid. They had, in fact, never been mentioned.

verse forever. Let gentlemen manifest their patriotism by devising a plan for arming and disciplining the militia; and what is next in importance, in organizing a system of finance.
I have supported an embargo as a measure of security and just retaliation; and I believe sir, had it not been for the anti-embargo men, it would have been effectual. A gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Mumford) by his resolution for raising the embargo in part, seemed to imply that we could trade to Spain and Portugal. What, sir! the junks of Seville? Is it that epimeron of the day to which we are to look for security? It is ten to one but by this time they are over-comes, and that they are at this moment imploring clemency at the footstool of the usurper.
Mr. Masters said there had been two occasions which had offered for an adjustment of differences with Great Britain, that had not been properly improved; the one under the administration of Mr. Fox; the other when Mr. Monroe's treaty was proposed; & this latter he concurred at least as good, if not better than the treaty of Mr. Jay. Why this treaty had not been accepted, he would not say; the reason assigned for its rejection was that G. Britain reserved to herself the privilege of retaliation against the Berlin decree if the U. States did not resist it; and yet this condition was fairly conceded when our administration offered to raise the embargo with respect to England, if she would rescind her orders, and to keep it on with regard to France if she refused to revoke her decrees. Mr. Masters said the determination of congress on the second resolution (non-intercourse) would decide the fate of the country. There had been no digest plan of procedure on the part of the government—the embargo originated in no sound principles of action. It compresses the vital energies of the nation, and finding relief in no other way, they will break out in smuggling. Mr. Masters said, when he recollected the former flourishing state of the country, and compared it with the present deplorable situation of commerce and agriculture, of all classes of the community, he was penetrated with the most melancholy sensations. He would renounce the embargo; it created local jealousies, and might lead to a separation of the states; and would receive the curses of posterity. Repeal (said Mr. Masters) the embargo in part, if not entirely.
THURSDAY, DEC. 3. On motion of Mr. Love, the house went into committee of the whole. Mr. Helms in the chair, on the report of the committee on the subject of the thirty-six American citizens confined in Carthagena, S. A.—But a motion made by Mr. Smilie, seconded by Mr. D. R. Williams, that the committee rise, carried.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The house in committee of the whole on the report of the committee on our foreign relations.
Mr. Burrwell, in a speech of an hour and an half supported the resolution and the report of the committee generally. Third resolution (for placing the country in a more complete state of defence) having been read.
Mr. Randolph said he supposed that this was a resolution to which there might probably be but little opposition; but at the same time he for one should like to know what were the details connected with it. The Chairman asked if the gentleman from Virginia wished to hear the report read?
Mr. Randolph. Very far from it, sir. Mr. Nicholas said, as the chairman of the committee was not present, and he felt at all times disposed to give any information in his power, he would state what he knew on the subject. The situation of the United States being at this time critical, and as it was possible if not probable that war would ensue. Mr. N. said it had been his opinion and that of the select committee, that we should be prepared for it. It had been doubted by the committee whether this subject came properly within their province; but it had been the opinion of the majority that it would be proper for them to express their sentiments on the subject; with an idea that if the house should concur, the resolution might be referred to another committee, whose business it would be to procure such details from the departments as would enable them to make the proper arrangements for carrying the wish of the house into effect.
The resolution was agreed to, nem con. The committee then rose and reported the resolutions to the house. The first resolution having been read by the speaker.
Mr. Love called for the yeas and nays on it. Mr. Dena moved to amend it by inserting o and the , the words "abandon the navigation of the ocean in consequence of," and called for the yeas and nays on the motion.
The motion was decided by yeas and nays—Yeas 96—Nays 26.
Mr. Dena spoke against the propriety of introducing the resolution, but did not oppose its passage.
Mr. Taylor replied. Mr. D. R. Williams called for a division of the question, so as to express the sense of the house as to the effects of each belligerent separately.
Mr. Gardner opposed the resolution in a speech of fifteen minutes; and concluded with moving the previous question on it. Four other members rising in favor of the previous question, it was put in this form: "shall the main question be now put?" and carried—Ayes 85.
Mr. Rhea (T.) rising to speak at this time, and an objection being made by some gentlemen on the ground of order.
The Speaker declared it his individual opinion that debate was inadmissible after an affirmative decision of the previous question; but that the house had at the last session overruled his opinion, and he felt himself obliged to yield to their decision.
Mr. D. R. Williams appealed from this decision permitting debate after a decision of the previous question, on the ground that it was contrary to the rules of the house.
Much debate took place on this appeal, and Mr. Randolph called for the Yeas and Nays on it.
Before they were taken, however, a motion was made to adjourn and carried.
FRIDAY, DEC. 2. Mr. Lewis from the com. on the district of Columbia reported a bill to incorporate a company for opening a canal in the city of Washington; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
REVENUE CUTTERS. Mr. Newton, from the committee of com-
merce and manufactures, to whom the bill had been referred, reported the bill authorizing the President of the United States to employ 12 additional revenue cutters; which was twice read, and, together with a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject, referred to a committee of the whole.
A message having been yesterday received from the President of the United States, it was on motion of Mr. Randolph read. It inclosed a communication from the Surveyor of public buildings.
The message was ordered to be printed. Mr. Gardner presented a petition from sundry citizens of the state of New-York, praying for the repeal of the embargo laws.
FOREIGN RELATIONS. The unfinished business of yesterday was taken up; and after some further debate on the point of order, the decision of last session was confirmed, by Yeas and Nays, 101 to 18.
The first resolution being under consideration, Mr. Rhea made a few remarks in support of it.
Mr. Usham made a few observations, going to show that any gentleman might vote for or against this resolution under whatever interpretation he pleased; giving to the terms of it whatever construction should best suit his ideas.
Mr. Jackson (Va.) made a speech of three hours in support of the report.
Mr. Lyon spoke about ten minutes in reply; when a motion was made to adjourn, & carried, at about four o'clock.
SATURDAY, DEC. 3. FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The unfinished business of yesterday under consideration; and the question pending being on the first resolution reported by the committee on our foreign relations.
Messrs. Dawson, J. Montgomery, Mumford, Nelson and Mason, spoke on the subject of our foreign relations generally.
Mr. Randolph commenced a speech on the subject; but having observed in the course of his observations that he felt much indisposed,
Mr. Love moved an adjournment which motion being assented to by Mr. Randolph, who however declared that he was ready to proceed, if the house would indulge him, was carried—Ayes 76.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES. NOVEMBER 30.
Mr. Pickering delivered a long speech in favor of the motion of Mr. Hillhouse to repeal the acts laying an embargo.
Mr. Anderson spoke against the motion, and Mr. Pickering replied.
DECEMBER 1. Mr. Hillhouse spoke in favor of his motion to repeal the laws laying an embargo, and Messrs. Giles, S. Smith, and Mitchell against it.
A motion was made by Mr. Reed, to refer the motion to the committee on so much of the message of the president as relates to the several embargo laws.
On which the yeas and nays were taken as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Franklin, Mitchell, Parker, Reed, Robinson—5.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Bradley, Condit, Crawford, Gaillard, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Hillhouse, Howland, Mitchell, Lleyd, Mathewson, Milledge, Moore, Pickering, Pope, Smith of Maryland, Smith of N. Y., Smith of Tennessee, Sumter, Thruston, Tiffin, Turner, White—26.
When about 3 o'clock the Final Question on Mr. Hillhouse's motion was taken by yeas and nays, as follows: Yeas 6—Nays 25—In our last.
All the members of the Senate voted, excepting Mr. Maclay, who is in the city, but was not in his seat this day; and Mr. Bayard, who has not yet taken his seat. In Ohio the vacancy, occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Smith, is not yet filled.
EUROPE.
[Continuation of Foreign intelligence received by the Betsy, arrived at Philadelphia.]
LONDON, Sept. 27. SPAIN.—By a vessel which arrived yesterday from Cadiz, accounts have been received, stating that the plunder found in the possession of Dupont and his army was publicly exhibited at the custom house in that city, for the purpose of assuring the citizens that such plunder had been made in Spain. Among the articles of plunder were a number of vases, crucifixes, and other articles of that description, stolen from the Spanish Chapels; there are also some bags of gold coin, termed Napoleons, which were sent to Dupont, no doubt, for the purpose of corruption.
Dupont is confined at St. Sebastian, in consequence of his misconduct, and he is allowed twenty-four reals, about 5s. British per day for subsistence. The confinement of this officer is ascribed, among other circumstances already known, to the following fact: Very shortly after he had surrendered, Dupont dispatched a confidential officer to Junot, advising him strongly to march into Andalusia, and stating to him that victory would be certain, from various causes, which were described, and particularly that should the main body of the Spanish army be drawn away, in consequence of an alarm of his approach, he (Dupont) had the means of rallying the French prisoners, and aiding the object of Junot. The officer was intercepted, and his letter examined; and the natural consequence was the immediate imprisonment of Dupont.
PORTUGAL.—Some accounts from Portugal state, that the Portuguese army have taken a very menacing position and have distinctly intimated to Sir Hew Dalrymple that they will resist the fulfilment of the convention—nay more, that they will consider any movement of the English army, with a view to facilitate the embarkation of the French force, as an hostile act. The boldness of this intimation is attributed to the following circumstance: General Jones with 15,000 Spaniards, is said to have been at the time it was made, within two days march of the Portuguese camp, which is within three leagues of Lisbon. Our readers will remember that Castanos had, immediately after the battle of Baylen, and surrender of Dupont, sent a portion of his army to aid the Portuguese Patriots. This detachment is no doubt that which is understood to be so near the Portuguese, and to be under the command of a man of tried valor and acknowledged skill.
The Concepcion has arrived at Cork from St. Ube's which she left on the 2d inst. The master of this vessel states, that intelligence of the armistice had been received there on
the 27th of August, when the people rose upon the French and put them to death. But the people would not believe in the terms of the armistice.
It gives us pleasure to be able to correct one fact that has been misstated in almost all the daily papers. The English colours were indeed hoisted on some of the Portuguese forts; but according to the statement of captain Cuesta, who brought the last Portuguese dispatches, only as a token of re-conquest from the 'common enemy.' It is usual it seems in such cases, to hoist momentarily, the colours of the conquering ally, and then to replace them by those of the rightful proprietors.
Extract of a Letter from an officer in Sir Charles Cotton's fleet.
"We are more in the dark in Portuguese politics than you are. We look to the London papers for information. One thing, however, we fully and sadly know—that our victorious troops have made a treaty disgraceful to us and favorable to the conqueror enemy. The whole fleet is dissatisfied. The Russians ought to have been ours—We could have blown them to atoms!"
"Captain Holsam died a few days ago with Gen. Junot. He has made us stare with an account of the princely magnificence of the general's house. Every room is hung with crimson velvet and gold fringe. All the generals were covered with gold lace, and stars of different orders. The dinner was served up in gold plate of immense weight. Capt. Holsam was plentifully served with the richest wines, and all his expressions were most closely watched. Sir C. Cotton did not choose to commit himself, but sent Capt. Holsam. We cannot conceive that Sir Charles will suffer the plundered property to be sent to France—No convention can justify it. Our commanding officers would subject themselves to equal detestation as the French; for is not he that permits as bad as he who commits the crime?"
Shores of the bay of Biscay, Sept. 11. EXTRACT OF A LETTER.
"We are still without intelligence from appearances, it may be a considerable time before information arrives of decisive events. It is not improbable that both the French and Spanish troops may remain in inactivity till they may severally receive reinforcements sufficient for an enterprise of importance. The last letters from Madrid state, that the Spaniards have found it necessary to fall back upon Barragossa, and abandon Tudela; but at the same time it does not appear that the army of the Eastern Pyrenees are in a condition to make an attack in Arragon or Catalonia, where their disgrace have been so frequent. Towards the East too, it is understood that Gen. Blake has taken a position favorable to the general plans of the campaign as concerted by the patriot generals at Madrid. This is all that can be expected at the present moment."
"The letters from Madrid speak much of the exertions made in that capital for the equipment of the several armies, many of which were altogether in a ruinous state. The accounts from all the provinces represent the general ardour as being undiminished. Reinforcements of every kind proceed towards the North. In the mean while we hear nothing of the preparations made by Bonaparte; but the considerate do not suppose him asleep because he makes no noise. The people, indeed, imagine otherwise, and popular rumour had anticipated two days since, the capture of Pamplona; a report that was probably grounded on some statements in the Madrid Gazette, concerning the transporting of the wounded into France from which an inference is too readily drawn, that the enemy purposes to retreat at once altogether from Spain."
"The last Madrid papers, though not at all adapted to gratify our curiosity concerning the events of the day; contain one document which will be read with great interest—the official statement by the late minister Cevallos, of the means taken by Bonaparte to have the Prince of Peace delivered into his hands. It appears here that Napoleon and his brother-in-law Murat, did not scruple to fabricate the meanest falsehoods, in order to entrap the temporary government of Madrid. The system of fraud and trick played till that moment with success, is here exposed in a strong light. It is also pleasing to observe the anxiety manifested by public characters, to unfold their conduct to the observation and judgement of the people at large."
CADIZ, Aug. 19.—By a letter received in Murcia, dated at Conyro Mayor, July 30, it is stated, that Gen. Junot sent a friendly message to the Russian admiral in the port of Lisbon, inviting him to dine with him at his palace, and spend the evening, in order to confer with him on business of moment; to which he answered that when on service, he was wont to take his meals in his own cabin, and to walk on his own deck only. On the following day he addressed him again, requesting that he would spare him 1000 men from his squadron, in order to his uniting them with his troops. The answer was that without orders from his sovereign he could not part with one man. Junot next sent a third message, intimating that he would pass on board to visit the admiral, and have the pleasure of viewing his squadron; to which the admiral replied, that whoever shall set foot on board his ship must remain there. This third repulse displeased Junot highly; his vexation was increased to the highest pitch, when on the following morning, saw the Russian squadron formed in battle array, with the guns pointed against the city, and in an attitude of attacking it, or defending themselves in case an attempt against them were made; from which it may be argued that Russia and France are no longer on terms of amity.
[Communicated for the Philad. Gazette.] Extract of a letter dated Liverpool, 26th Sept. 1808.
"Our market for grain has been heavy the last week, and prices at a full reduction of 6d to 1s. per bushel. Cotton has also been dull and very little doing. At the commencement of the week a report was in circulation that France had declared war against America, and expected to raise the embargo; to this some credit was attached at the moment, though since considered as unfounded; it, however, had such an effect upon some of the speculators, that they attempted sales at a reduction of full 2d. per lb. and some of them were successful, but to a small extent, and even at a loss; they now appear steadier, but it has given a check to speculation while the trade holds back. The Brazil fleet only brings 5000 bales to the whole kingdom, of which a small proportion has reached this town, and the whole is far short of expectation. It is
not improbable that by the first week in next month the consumers will be compelled to come into the market, and something be done. It is reported that large speculations have been made in London at advanced prices."
"The shameful conditions of Capitulation granted to the French troops in Portugal have thrown a general damp here." "P.S. We have not heard of a single enquiry for cotton to-day, but the holders are so far tolerable steady."
WET-INDIES.
[Translated for the National Intelligencer from the Havanah Aurora.] HAVANNAH, Nov. 11, 1808.
By the Pilot boat New-Undertaker, capt. Don Pablo Ferrer, which arrived at the Matanzas on the 8th inst. after a passage of 35 days from San Lucas de Barrameda, was received the agreeable intelligence of the installation of the Supreme Governing Central Council of the kingdoms of Spain, which took place on the 25th of September, 1808, at the Royal Sitio of Aranjuez, as will be seen from the following statement:
"In consequence of the agreement of yesterday the 24th inst. in a preparatory conference by which it was resolved that to day at half after nine o'clock in the morning the Supreme and Governing Council of the kingdoms should be installed, for which purpose all the Deputies present at the royal Sitio (who are more than two-thirds of those who are to compose the council of the government) were cited to attend—the ceremony was performed in the following manner."
"The deputies met in the vestry of the chapel of the palace of the Royal Sitio, and being formed, moved out and placed themselves on benches which had been arranged for the purpose. They heard mass, which was said by the arch-bishop of Laodicea, co-administrator of the archbishopric of Seville and deputy from that kingdom; and the said prelate having first taken the following oath himself, administered it to all the deputies in rotation: 'Thou swearest to God and on his holy Evangelists, and to Jesus Christ, who was crucified, whose sacred image thou hast present, that in your station and employment as a member of the Supreme and Governing Council of the kingdom; you will defend and promote the increase of our holy Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion, the defence of and fidelity to our august sovereign Ferdinand VII. that of his rights and sovereignty, the preservation of our rights, privileges, laws and customs, and especially those of the succession in the reigning family, and the other things pointed out in the said laws, and finally all which may conduce to the prosperity and happiness of these kingdoms and improve their customs; remaining silent as to what is to be secret, & keeping off from it all injury and following up its enemies at the essence of your life, health and property.' 'Yes, I swear.' 'If thou doest it God help thee; and if not, I ask his maledictions on thee as on him who takes his holy name in vain.'
"During this time a solemn Te Deum was sung by the bare-footed friars of San Pasqual of this Sitio; and this act being finished, the deputies passed along before the gallant battalion of light troops of Valencia, which was formed in two lines from the door of the chapel to the stair-case of the Royal Palace, and went to one of the principal apartments destined at present for them to sit in."
"In the multitude of people of all classes and conditions which filled the avenue, there was discovered the greatest interest and enthusiasm in favor of their king and lord. Ferdinand the 7th, whose name resounded from all parts, as also that of the Supreme Council, which had just sworn before God and man, and at the cost of their lives, the restoration to the throne of a king so much wished for, and the preservation of our holy religion, of our laws, usages, and customs. The opening of the doors of the Royal palace so long shut up—the melancholy solitude of the august habitation of our kings, and a recollection of the time and of the cause for which they were shut, drew tears from all present, even the most firm. These circumstances made the ceremony the more touching and interesting, and at the same time more useful in exciting vengeance against the authors of so many evils, and a just confidence in subjects who, after having suffered so many dangers in so just a cause, yet present themselves to meet as many more as may be necessary to carry that cause to a happy issue. Such is without doubt what we ought to expect from a union and fraternity so intimate as that which all the kingdoms re-united promise."
"The enthusiasm and interest encreased on the deputies going out into the grand gallery of the principal front of the palace, from which their President ad interim, his excellency the Count of Florida Blanca, proclaimed anew our much wished for king, Ferdinand: the people followed, and often times repeated their warm acclamations, and the tenderness which they felt for a body who had to fulfil such great hopes so much the better founded as they had performed the most solemn act which the nation had yet witnessed, with the most majestic simplicity."
"The Deputies being seated in their respective places, the President having pronounced a short and appropriate discourse, the council was declared legally formed, without prejudice to those who were absent, who according to the agreement of yesterday, were to compose the council of the government during the absence of our king and lord, Ferdinand the 7th; and it was directed that a certificate of this act should be made out and be sent to the President of the council and of the tribunal and the other correspondent arrangements made, until the ulterior orders that might be necessary should be communicated to them."
"Done at the Royal Palace of Aranjuez, the 25th September, 1808."
"MARTIN DE GARY."
"Sec. General ad interim." NOTE.—The Deputies of Aragon, Asturias, Old Castile, Catalonia, Cordova, Extre-madura, Granada, Jaen, Mejores, and the Balearic Isles, Murcia, Seville, Toledo, and Valencia were present.
From the N. York Gazette, Dec. 1.
By an arrival from Havana, we have received from our correspondent papers to the 16th November: the most interesting news is that of the establishment in Spain of their new general government represented by two deputies from each of the thirteen provinces. The president of which pro tem. is the celebrated Ex-Minister Count of Florida Blan-
ca, who enjoys and always had the confidence of the people. The Central Junta assembled at one of the royal seats, Aranjuez, distant a few miles from Madrid, and in the chapel of the palace each deputy at their installation took the following oath, on the 25th September last, which was administered by the Archbishop of Laodicea.
"Thou swearest on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, and to our Crucified Saviour, whose sacred image you have before you, that in the exercise of your functions as Deputy of the Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom, you will promote and defend our Holy Religion, promote and be faithful to the Rights and Sovereignties of our August King, Ferdinand VII. the preservation of our rights, privileges, laws and customs, and especially the succession of the present royal family, & those prescribed by the same laws, and finally every thing which may contribute to the welfare, prosperity and happiness of these kingdoms, and amelioration of its customs, keeping secret what may be necessary to keep so, and preserving them from all evil, persecuting its enemies at the risk of your person, your life and property. Yes I do swear. If you act thus may God assist you, and if not, may he call you to an account for having sworn to his Holy name in vain. Amen."
Extract of a letter from the Vermillion river on the Mexican Gulf to a gentleman in Chilicothe, dated August 2, 1808.
"A French general is now at Apulusas, on his way from Paris to Santa Fe, to take command of the military force at that place; several other officers have gone before him. He says, the province of New-Spain, including Old Mexico, is ceded to France; and that officers have landed ere this, at Vera Cruz, to take possession, in the name of France, and that he expects opposition in Old Mexico."
"Fifteen millions of dollars are not the fifteenth part of the value of the American claim below the Red River, and west of the Mississippi. This is the garden of America."
The Legislature of Georgia, on the 19th ult. made choice of John Twiggs, John Rutherford, David Meriwether, Henry Graybill, Christopher Clark, and James E. Houston, as electors of President and Vice-President of the United States. These gentlemen, it is understood, will vote for James Madison as President, and George Clinton as Vice-President.
Information was received three days ago, that the armed vessel Araus , now here, is ordered to be in readiness, at a moment's notice, to sail for France, for the express object of bringing gen. Armstrong and his family. And it is here well known, that she is taking in her sea stores... Com. Advertiser.
The legislature of Maryland has refused to proceed to the choice of a Senator in the room of general Smith, during the present session.
The senate proposed to go into the election. The other house rejected the proposition in the following message:
Your message of the 21st inst. highly merits & has justly obtained our most respectful attention, and our most serious consideration; and could we, consistently with our ideas of the impressive duty we owe to our constituents, we would willingly accede to your proposition of proceeding to the election of a senator to represent this state in the Senate of the United States; but persuaded, as we are, that the interest of the republic would be greatly advanced by a reference of this momentous subject to the consideration of the next general assembly, we are unwilling, at this time, to proceed to the election, the event of which, will be obviously of such extensive & lasting importance."
On the 25th ult. a motion was made in the assembly of New-Jersey, to instruct their Senators and request their Representatives to use their endeavors to procure a repeal of the acts laying an embargo, and rejected—Ayes 17—Nays 22.
When resolutions were agreed to, expressing a full confidence in the administration; an abhorrence of the aggressions committed on our sovereignty, and declaring, that whether they were "called on to endure privations resulting from the embargo, non-intercourse or war," they would "or prefer either, all, to the disgraceful and degrading condition of tribute."
RALEIGH, (N. C.) Dec. 1, 1808.
On Monday last, our General Assembly elected the Hon. David Stone Governor of this state for the ensuing year; and Leonard H. Henderson, Esq. a Judge of the Superior Courts of Law, and Courts of Equity in this state.
On Tuesday, the Senate was engaged in discussing a set of Resolutions introduced by General Welborn, on the subject of our present political situation, approving of the measures of the General Government, and pledging the people of N. Carolina in their support. They passed by a majority of 37 to 16. The debate in our next. The Resolutions are now before the House of Commons.
NORFOLK, Dec. 5.
A gentleman who arrived here on Saturday, in 21 days from Cape Francois, informs us that an express had arrived at the Cape, bringing information, that General Ferrand, had surrendered the City of Saint Domingo to the British, and that it was garrisoned with troops of that nation. Samana , it was also said, was taken by the Spaniards. The surrender of the former was a voluntary offer on the part of General Ferrand.
The war between Christophe and Pétion still raged with unabated fury. The former had been successful lately, particularly in the destruction of Pétion's naval force.
Ledger.
The British cutter Alert , capt. Turnbull, arrived here yesterday from Plymouth. By a passenger we have been favored with a London paper of the 5th of Oct. the only one we understand brought in this vessel. Its contents are not very interesting, but such as were most so, are copied into this day's paper. It appears that explanations have been made by the government of Portugal upon the subject of the convention, and the British army was marching to the frontiers of Portugal, to be ready, it is presumed, to enter Spain when necessary. It will be seen by an article in this day's paper, that the French are acting on the defensive in the Pyrenees. Verbally we understand, that gen. Wellesley had arrived in England, a few days before the Alert sailed.
A report of a revolution in the politics of Russia, which is noticed in this paper, had been received in England.
Com. Exchange, London, Oct. 5.—Wheat 84 to 88s. per quarter—Flour 75s. to 80s. per sack, equal to about $12 4 per American barrel.
WANTED immediately, an Apprentice to the Hatting business. Apply to WINSTON & PRIDDY. NOV. 1. [lawh.]

ELIZABETH-CITY, Nov. 26. Extract of a letter from Lemuel Sawyer, Esq. member of congress, to Messrs. Carter, Butler, Grice and Gregory merchants in this city, dated Washington, Nov. 10 1808.
"We have just got through with the reading of the dispatches from Messrs. Pinkney and Armstrong, which accompanied the president's message. They consist of a regular series of letters, part of which were private extracts, and being confidential were read with closed doors. I cannot give you a thorough sketch in the compass of a letter; but the sum of these communications is that both powers have been trifling and prevaricating with our envoys; but were determined not to relax in their monopolising and anti-neutral measures in a single degree. I don't know which to admire most the talents or the spirit of our ministers. They discovered a share of both highly honorable to themselves and to their government. They however seem to differ with regard to the policy of the measures of our government, particularly the embargo. Armstrong thinks the value of the measure entirely over rated; that we ought to think of some other weapons than impotent words; and recommends an armed commerce. His notes to Champagny in regard to some captures under the Milan decree, are severe in the extreme, though equally just. Pinkney considers the policy of the embargo, unquestionable and that it must have its desired effect. His letter of the 21st September on that subject gives a most able and luminous exposition of the true line of conduct we should observe towards England."
He advises the continuation of the Embargo and a total non-intercourse in the strongest terms. He condemns the idea of any attempt to open any trade with Spain and Portugal in the present state of affairs. Thinks it would return no equivalent advantage: That it would create an envious distinction between our various productions:— Some of the states furnishing articles suitable and the others not: That the trade would have to go through the hands of England and then evolve us with France; and that by the time our ships and cargoes made their entry into those kingdoms, Bonaparte would be in a situation to enforce his decrees against them, and expose us to the charges of cupiditas and insatiable avarice. He thinks there is no doubt but that Bonaparte will carry his point before that time, and advises us above all things to adhere to our present system. He declares that it pinches England very hard notwithstanding they pretended not to feel it. Their harvest is cut short, their raw materials nearly exhausted, and that they are merely buoyed up with the forlorn hope that we were incapable of a longer self-denial. Another fact he mentioned, not immediately connected with the subject, was their shipping off large quantities of cloth to Canada, for the purpose of being smuggled into the United States. Both of their opinions will be espoused by different persons on the floor; but that those of Pinkney will prevail I have not a doubt. His being on the spot, and being thought a federalist in politics will render them free from the suspicion of prejudice or error by his own party. They will be published, I trust, for your information, when you will be able to judge for yourselves. In the general scope of my conduct, I shall endeavor to support the peace, without forfeiting the honor of the nation, and shall be particularly attentive to any local advantage that may occur for relieving the present privations of our district, by proposing some means to get off our present heavy stock of produce to the West Indies, all of which you shall have timely notice.
"Being engaged at present on consideration of a resolution offered by Mr. Chittenden to repeal the embargo, I have troubled my private secretary pro tem. to copy my original letter, of which this is a correct copy."
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE OF VIRGINIA.
Yesterday at 12 o'clock, the Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States assembled in the Hall of the House of Delegates in the Capitol in this City—the House having previously adjourned for this purpose.—The members of both Houses of the Legislature, and a considerable concourse of Citizens attended, to witness the proceedings of this small but august body.
All the 24 Electors, who had been chosen by the people, were present.—According to the law of Virginia, if any Elector does not make his appearance, by a certain time on the previous day, the vacancy is supplied by appointment of some person within his district, by a joint ballot of both houses of the Legislature: If the original Elector does not make his appearance by a certain time on the day of the Election, the Elector thus nominated is to supply his place. On Tuesday, the Legislature received intimation from the Electors, that Mr. John Brooke one of their body, had not yet appeared. The house consequently elected George Graham, Esq. of the county of Fairfax, with about 6 or 8 dissenting votes—to supply this provisional vacancy.—Mr. Brooke however arrived, in the course of the evening, and took his place in the college of Electors.
SPENCER ROANE, Esq. one of the judges of the Court of Appeals, was called to the chair; and Theodosius Hansford Esq. was appointed Secretary.
On motion, the amendment of the constitution of the United States relative to the appointment of the President and Vice President, was read—and also the Act of Congress, relative to the same subject.
The President then requested the Electors to prepare their ballots for President of the United States. The names of the Electors were then called over in the same order in which the respective districts from which they were selected, are arranged in the law. As each Elector was called, he rose from his seat and deposited his ballot in the box. Messrs. Taylor (of Orange,) Nelson (of Albemarle,) and Stuart (of Augusta,) were appointed a committee to examine the ballot. As each ballot was opened, its contents were audibly and successively pronounced by the three members of the committee. All the ballots, with very little variation ran in the following style. "JAMES MADISON—of Orange County, State of Virginia, now Secretary of State, to be President of the United States."
The Committee reported, that they had examined the ballots, and found that James Madison had twenty-four votes.
The Chairman then requested, that the Gentlemen would prepare their ballots for Vice-President of the United States.—The same order was observed in the depositing and counting of the Ballots.
The committee reported, that they had examined
the ballots and found, that George Clinton had twenty-four votes.
After making some further arrangements as to the style of the certificate of election and the appointment of a person to bear the certificate to the seat of government of the U. S.—the College of Electors adjourned sine die.
The Bill, to stay execution, &c. during the embargo and six months after its removal has passed the House of delegates—unanimously.—Baltimore Whig.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 3, 1808.
MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA TO BOTH HOUSES OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
RICHMOND, Dec. 5th, 1808.
SIR, I had hoped to meet the General Assembly with congratulations on the amicable adjustment of our differences, and the restoration of our intercourse with foreign nations, on principles compatible with the honor and welfare of our country. That hope has not been realized. The two great Belligerents of Europe, losing sight of every law but that of force, and admitting to no limitation but that of their own momentary interest, have rejected or disregarded all our just and liberal overtures.
The Legislature at their last session, took under their most serious consideration, the measures which had been adopted by the General Government for preserving the peace of the country, and gave to those measures, their warm and decided approbation. The events which were then passing in Europe, and a knowledge of which soon reached us here, established their necessity, and confirmed the wisdom by which they had been dictated. It was always seen that one of those measures, the Embargo, suspending all our Foreign Commerce, would impose upon the People of the United States, many and great privations and inconveniences. We have not been exempted from our portion of them. But we have borne them with patience as evils necessarily attending the only measure which could have saved us from the greater evils of actual war, or national degradation. Unceasing efforts have been made to induce a change in the conduct of the Belligerents towards us. We have done all that justice required; we have offered all that honor would permit. They relax not in their injurious & unwarrantable course; & our government, having exhausted negotiation, now makes its last appeal to the Wisdom and to the Patriotism of the nation. In this awful crisis of our affairs, when the contest is reduced to the question, whether we shall relinquish, or whether we shall maintain the Independence achieved by the valor, and sealed by the blood of our forefathers, we cannot hesitate to decide. We value the rich bequest above all price, and will defend it at every hazard. We cannot be indifferent as to the measures which may be adopted to advance this great object; but, whatever may be the course which may be finally prescribed by the Constituted Authorities, will it not be the duty of every Citizen, in a Crisis like the present, to forget all minor differences, to yield his individual opinion to the Will of the Majority, and rally round the Government of our choice? Never forgetting that, "United we stand, divided we fall."
The President of the United States has deemed it necessary to require, by virtue of an Act of Congress of the last Session, a detachment of one hundred thousand Militia, to be organized, armed and equipped, and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning. The quota of this State consists of ten thousand one hundred and ninety-eight, officers included, and measures have been taken by the Executive as far as they possess the power, for complying with the Requisition. The papers connected with this subject are transmitted for the information of the Legislature. Recollecting the spirit so universally displayed on the former requisition, and convinced that, at no antecedent period of our history, the conduct of foreign nations was ever more highly calculated to excite our just indignation, and that the situation of our country never more required the exertions of Patriotism—I have well-grounded hopes that the quota of Virginia, instead of being filled by men reluctantly dragged to the Field, will consist exclusively of those who have voluntarily stepped forward, and tendered their services, at the first call of their Country.
It is a lesson taught by the history of every nation, and confirmed by the experience of our own, and at no time more strongly than the present, that the love of peace and practice of justice, will not always afford security from unwarrantable and hostile aggressions. Rapacity and ambition set at nought such feeble barriers. Every Country, therefore, should have within itself the means of defending and avenging its violated independence. At no time ought we to depend on the nations of Europe for supplies of arms. We could never expect any but the refuse of their Arsenals. But in the present situation of those nations in relation to each other, and more particularly in relation to us, our sole reliance must be upon our own. That reliance will not fail us, if we properly use the means with which we are so abundantly supplied. Permit me, therefore, once more to recommend to the fostering care of the General Assembly, the Public Manufactory of Arms. It is conducted under the control of the Executive, and the Establishment itself, and all its operations are passed in review before the Representatives of the People, at their Annual Sessions, who therefore will not fail to correct any errors, defects or abuses, that may at any time exist. The Executive deemed it advisable, during the last summer, to request certain Gentlemen to examine and prove a number of the Arms of each year's manufacture since the commencement of the Establishment, and to make a comparison of them with the other arms belonging to the Public, but not of our own manufacture. These Gentlemen are believed to be competent judges; they are all of them respectable for their intelligence and standing in society, and to most of them, the use of arms became familiar in the battles of our revolutionary contest. I have much pleasure in submitting their Report to the consideration of the General Assembly, and in declaring my entire concurrence, and that of the Council unanimously, in the opinions expressed in its conclusion, concerning the Establishment and its Officers.
The boring-mill and foundry for cannon, the completion of which has required a longer time than was expected, will, however,
it is hoped, be put into operation in the course of a few months.
Another subject at all times important, but deriving increased interest from the present aspect of our affairs, is that which relates to the training & discipline of the Militia. A nation of Freemen, to preserve its liberty, must become a nation of Soldiers. It is not merely necessary, that each Citizen shall, at the call of his Country, have the patriotism to fly to her Standard, and the courage to face danger in her defence; but, to these, he must superadd an acquaintance with the hardships and discipline of military life, and a knowledge of those arts of war, which, in all ages have been found necessary to make valor formidable. This knowledge is not to be inspired by mere love of Country, nor is it to be acquired by intuition; and it is most respectfully submitted to the consideration of the Legislature, whether the various laws for training and disciplining the Militia, are sufficient for those important purposes? As connected with this subject, permit me, with much diffidence, to repeat a suggestion which I took the liberty to make to the last General Assembly; whether we may not advantageously introduce, under the auspices of the State, a Military School or Schools, somewhat upon the plan of those established in Europe, and in which, while the bodies of such of our Youths, as might chuse to enter them, would be inured by the severest discipline to all the hardships of actual service, their minds would be instructed in all the various, and particularly the higher branches of the Military art.
At a time when the injustice and violence of foreign nations have suspended all our foreign commerce, it becomes the obvious policy of the General Assembly to encourage our own Domestic Manufactures. The means necessary and proper to be employed by the Legislature for this important purpose, will be suggested by the wisdom of the General Assembly. They will feel, also, increased motives for granting to internal commerce all the facilities arising from multiplying, extending and improving the means of communication between the remote parts of our country, by land and by water. I have much pleasure in having it in my power to lay before the General Assembly, the admirable report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, on the subject of public roads and canals. The report of the commissioners, under the act of the last Legislature, concerning the James River Company, and also, a communication from the Directors of that Company, in relation thereto, together with the Report of the commissioners on the subject of the road from the upper navigation of Kanawha, to the upper navigation of James River, are herewith transmitted for the information of the Legislature.
In recommending subjects for the consideration of the General Assembly, I should omit one which I deem most interesting and important, were I to be silent on the establishment of some system for the more general diffusion of knowledge. Having on a former occasion, enlarged on this topic, it will now only be touched. It could not be expected in any country, that every man should be a philosopher; but the elements of Learning should be brought within the reach of every, even the poorest, citizen; and this can only be accomplished by the aid of government. The influence of education on the happiness of individuals, and on the manners, peace and good order of society, is obvious to the most superficial observation. But its influence, in another point of view, is equally, if not still more, commanding and interesting. It constitutes one of the great pillars on which the civil liberties of a nation depend.
A vacancy having occurred during the recess of the General Assembly in the Office of Treasurer, by the death of Gen. Wm. Mosely, and also in that of Register of the Land Office, by the death of William Price, Esq. the Executive appointed Gen. John Preston to fill the former, and David S. Garland, Esq. to fill the latter vacancy. What farther remains to be done in relation to these appointments, is left to the Legislature.
I have received from certain judges of the General Court, a communication concerning the Act entitled "An Act to organize and establish a superior Court at Law and Equity in each county in this commonwealth," which, at their request, I have the honor to lay before the General Assembly.
Official statements by the Auditor, of the taxes for the year 1807, including the different branches of the Revenue, accompanied with an account of expenditures with a list of balances due from sheriffs to the first day of October, 1808, are herewith submitted.
I transmit for the consideration of the General Assembly, the account between the commonwealth and the Penitentiary, showing the result of the operations for the last year, and exhibiting a balance of seventeen thousand nine hundred and seventy-one dollars, and sixty-one cents, in favor of the Institution, from which, if we deduct the officers' salaries and their rations, amounting to three thousand four hundred and sixty-one dollars and ninety five cents, there will remain a net balance of fourteen thousand three hundred and thirty dollars and sixty-six cents. The progress and effects of this Institution are highly pleasing to the friends of humanity, for I believe they will fully equal the expectations of the admirers of the Penitentiary system, however sanguine. The very interesting report of the Visitors, which I have much pleasure in submitting to the General Assembly, entirely supersedes the necessity of farther remarks on this subject. Having no other subject of a public nature to impart to the General Assembly, perhaps this communication ought here to close. Suffer me, however, to detain them one moment longer.
A few days more will have completed the constitutional period of my service, and will restore me to the situation of a private citizen. I am deeply sensible that my Country has honored me far, very far, beyond my deserts. The unprecedent impurity of years at which I was called to the chief magistracy of the Commonwealth, when I neither sought, desired nor expected it, afforded a distinguished mark of public confidence which I can never forget; and whilst it greatly encrased the anxious solicitude, certainly did not lessen the obligations, which I felt, faithfully to discharge the duties of the office. I am too sensible of my own imperfections, to suppose for a moment, that I have not committed many errors. I hope, however, they will be ascribed, as I feel they ought, to defects of judgment only. I implore for my country, heaven's choicest blessings, and the constant protection of that divine Providence, which can carry her in safety, through all the storms by which she may be assailed.
I have the honor to be, with the highest
respect for yourself, and the body over which you preside.
Sir, your obedt. Servant, WM. H. CABELL. The Honorable, The Speaker of
A.....The Secretary of War's letter, &c. B.....Papers concerning the Manufactory of Arms. C.....Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on Roads and Canals. D.....Report on the navigation of James River. E.....Communication from the Directors of the James River Company. F.....Report concerning the road from the upper navigation of Kanawha to the upper navigation of James river. G.....Communication from the Judges of the General court. H.....Auditor's statements. I.....Account between the Penitentiary and the Public. K.....Report of the Visitors of the Penitentiary.
COMMUNICATION.
The following letter from the Governor to Col. Remno, removes a doubt, which it seems is entertained by many; its publication, therefore, may be of public utility. It is therefore hoped, it may find a place in your paper.
RICHMOND, December 3, 1808.
SIR, I have received your letter of the 28th of last month, stating certain doubts which had arisen on the construction of the general orders of the 9th of November, and have now to inform you, that although the drafts and 3 months volunteers, under the requisition of 1807, are discharged from all obligations, growing out of that requisition, the law itself having expired under which the requisition was made, yet they are, by no means, exempt from the obligation of being liable, in common, with their fellow-citizens, to be drafted under the present requisition.
I am, &c. WM. H. CABELL. Colonel ENOCH REMNO. 38th Regt. Dunfries.
COMMUNICATION.
TO YOUR TENTS; OR ISRAEL! I am a decided admirer of the policy, which has been pursued by Congress & the administration, in relation to the powers of Europe. I have been a warm friend of the embargo, from the moment of its adoption. I approve of its continuance; I approve of the adoption of the Non-Intercourse—but at least for a certain time to come. But we must look to something more: to other more coercive, and more efficient measures. It is time to sound the tocsin of danger. It is time to prepare for a serious combat. It is time for the virtuous citizens of America to prepare for rallying round the unfaded banners of their beloved country.
Is there a discerning and unprejudiced man in these States, who is not now satisfied, that it has become the settled policy of Great Britain to annihilate neutral commerce render tributary or subservient to her power? Are there not a thousand facts which speak this determination? But if it were possible to doubt before, does not the rejection of our proposition, relative to the Embargo, place it out of the question? For, would not that proposition have enforced her orders of council against France, and would it not have most probably involved us in a war with that empire? Must not G. Britain therefore have been operated upon by an indisposition to indulge us with the commerce of those countries, which would not have been included in the hostilities between France and the U. S.?—Great Britain, no doubt, thought that our trade as it stands under her orders of council, is more propitious to her than a relaxation would make it; and she evidently believes, that this commerce will be accepted, when we find that none else can be obtained but at the expence of hostilities.
France, actuated by caprice, ambition or the force of delusion, seems equally bent on her silly and self-destroying system; vainly calculating that we will not make an accommodation with England, or carry on any commerce but that which is agreeable to her own policy. This unfounded expectation, the source of our misunderstanding with France, seems to owe its origin and continuation to the infamous declarations of the foes of the administration, that we are entirely and slavishly subservient to the cabinet of St. Cloud. These impressions and these views lead us to inquire what is the most efficient way of ending our embarrassments. The opinion begins to acquire some colouring, that nothing, but some of the instruments of absolute coercion, will counteract the policy of the one and the delusion of the other. These powers seem not as yet distinctly to apprehend a resort to force. We must dissipate these empty suppositions.
Of the efficiency of the embargo—if it had been completely seconded; I entertain the most decided opinion. But will not an indefinite embargo operate too lightly upon our enemies from the difficulty of enforcing it in the E. States, where the temper of some of the merchants is too favorable to its evasion, & where a force cannot be stationed, on account of the violence of the winds in the winter season? Will not the exclusion of Foreign goods be not less difficult for the same reasons, and also from the strong temptations to smuggling, on account of their cheapness in foreign markets, and their dearness in our own? I have not already risen in the expectation of a non-intercourse 25 or 25 or 30 per cent?
But is there not another consideration, which seems to lead strongly to another state of things, unraveling itself from the present? I ought not to have any apprehensions of the conduct of the East. Is it possible that "the cradle of liberty during the revolution" can become the grave of order?—At all events the strong republican minority may keep down the elastic spring. But some represent the state of Massachusetts in a temper not very agreeable—Nay—if we can presume to judge from the traitorous complexion of their toy papers, the idea of some opposition to the measures of the government acquires a little colouring.—And is there any competition between the dangers of a foreign war and internal opposition and convulsion?
What then will be thought of concentrating all the regulars and new levies at New-Orleans, and 40 or 50 gun-boats for its defence; having an organized well-armed militia for the old states, some new troops for our fortifications, & an armed commerce, with letters of Marque and Reprisal? It is believed that our sea-ports are safe or can be made so by the spring. Little or no injury can be done to the interior or the sea-board, and much rich booty can be taken in the way of retaliation by American privateers. This may produce peace with one or both of the belligerents in a short time, purge us of Tories, and retort some of the calamities, we have suffered, upon our unprincipled assailants. Must it not come to this? Let us
accustom our countrymen to contemplate the result. A war of territorial defence & of maritime annoyance committed to individual enterprise, would not cost much money to the nation, nor add much to the national debt. It is said, that we could fit out 1500 fast sailing privateers. Let us recollect the virtue of our fathers and prepare for the worst.
MENTOR. The Editor of the "Boston Repertory" professes to treat his patrons with a series of strictures on the President's Message. As a specimen of the accuracy of this gentleman on all occasions and more especially on the present, take the following curious anachronism. "Mr. Jefferson knew, what every man in the community knows, that until the Milan Decree was issued, which filled America with alarms as to the consequences, our commerce never was in a more flourishing or unembarrassed state." Now, this declaration must appear somewhat curious to the Federalists. It sounds like apostasy to their usual system. For, here have they been incessantly toiling to trace all our commercial embarrassments to the Berlin decree; proving that these aggressions never were so great, and that these amply justified G. Britain in passing her retaliating Orders of Council—& now, comes this blundering gentleman, and with one puff blows their whole castle of cards to atoms. For he says that the Berlin decree, had no effect upon our commerce, soon leaks out. "In this (Milan) decree, Mr. J. acquiesced a year, before England issued her retaliating Orders." That is; a decree, which was past one year, after the Orders in Council, was past one year, before these Orders. This gentleman indeed appears completely ignorant of the distinction between these two decrees. In fact, the name of the Berlin decree is not yet seen among his strictures. Really, Sirs, you should have this "Pett-Tory" a little better drilled.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
O D E,
FOR THE VOLUNTEERS.
And shall Imperious Britain now, Presume to check the Eagle's flight? And proudly hope that we shall bow To the stern mandate of her lawless might. Let every heart indignantly glow! Grasp! be the shield! the sword! the spear! Let Europe's haughty Despots know, To conquer those who know not fear— Is far removed beyond their boasted power! Far, as Cimmerian darkness from the noon-tide hour. 'Midst mingling storms of death and blood, Unawed, unmoved, our Fathers stood, Firm as the rock amid the roaring main; Degenerate then, less firm, shall we Resign our Freedom, on the Sea? Resign, without a struggle to maintain? Grasp! be the sword! the spear! the shield! Let every heart united glow! A band of Brothers! take the field, Prepared to meet our ardent foe, And, should injustice still on us be hurl'd, Prepared to sweep them from the western world. And can'st thou, Albion, be so vain, As think that we shall own thy sway? Or ever dare to hope again, That aught could Freedom's Sons dismay? Ask Eutaw Springs! Be Paeoto impress'd, Where Victory towering spread her Eagle wings, And beauteous on the Patriot's crest; Ask Bunker's bloody summit, that beheld Thy bravest Warriors press the ensanguined field; Ask York and Saratoga what impell'd thy fates, Ask virtuous glorious Mendi—sole cause of envious hate. Grasp! be the sword! the spear! the shield! Let every breast with ardor burn! A Spartan Phalanx, take the field! And Europe's lawless mandates spurn— Lo! from the earliest time, 'twas heaven's decree, These states should be, and be of right, sole, sovereign, free.
SEDLEY. * Battle of the Compens. † Independence.
JUST PUBLISHED, by Samuel Pleasants, jr. Richmond, the second Volume of the REVISED CODE, containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first Vol. Price to Subscribers $5, to non-subscribers $6. Being a collection of all such acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801.
To which are added appendices, containing, A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James River, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies, Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts, authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges, A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society, against Fire on Buildings, Acts and Resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisions of 1794 and 1802. Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters, Laws establishing ferries, Laws concerning the public guard, Titles of private and local acts—And A table of titles, for reference.
ments; designating such as are to the use of the Commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object. With a complete index to the whole.
Published pursuant to an act, of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
RICHMOND THEATRE.—Mr. Alacorn and his company, have the honor to inform the citizens of Richmond, and its vicinity, that their next performance will be on this Evening, the 8th of December, when will be exhibited, LIGHT & SLACK ROPE-DANCING, TUMBLING, ITALIAN SHADES, &c. &c. with a variety of other Performances, as mentioned in the bills.
** The Performance will commence at 7 o'clock.—Admittance half a dollar. December 8.
THOMAS WATSON, BOOT & SHOE MAKER, with sincere thanks to his friends for their former patronage, respectfully informs them and the public, that he continues to be in business in the various branches of his Manufactory, 3 doors east of the Bank. He has on hand, a complete assortment of BOOTS & SHOES, for sale, on terms.
Orders attended to on the s. December 8.

TUESDAY, Nov. 22.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
MR. POPE'S SPEECH—CONCLUDED.
The gentleman has informed us that Great-Britain can be supplied with cotton from the East-Indies and other countries. I will ask the gentleman, if Great-Britain can procure this article from the East-Indies and other countries in sufficient quantity, and on as good terms as from the United States? If she cannot, which I suppose to be the case, she must feel our embargo in her manufactures, one of the vital sources of her strength and prosperity. We are told that a non-importation act would have no effect, because it could not be enforced, smuggling would be carried on to a very great extent; that a non-importation act would, like all other laws, be partially violated, would be expected—Every law is violated, but with due vigilance, such a measure could be enforced to a very great extent. This measure would not be sufficient, says the gentleman, because Great-Britain will find a market for her manufactures in New Spain and South America. I will ask the gentleman, whether South America has not been supplied heretofore with British manufactures to a considerable extent? And does the gentleman seriously believe that she would find a market in that country for the immense quantity of her manufactures otherwise consumed in the U. States?
Although the gentleman has not, in his resolution to repeal the embargo, proposed a substitute, he intimated in his argument, that we ought to arm our commerce against all nations. I am not prepared to say, that I will adhere to this embargo system if a better can be devised; but before I embrace a substitute, I must be informed how it is to operate—the gentleman must therefore excuse me for propounding a few questions to him in relation to this measure. I wish to be informed—would not such a measure be war with France and Great-Britain, or should we not, by such a measure, put it in the power of the commercial interest to embroil us with whom nation they pleased? Is it probable that our merchants would run the risk of fighting their way to the continent of Europe, with loaded vessels in defiance of the British navy? Is it not more probable that Great-Britain would have agents in this country to sell licences to our merchants to trade to the continent, and would not our merchants, for their own security, secretly purchase and trade under these licences? If the object of Great-Britain be a commercial monopoly, and we remove our embargo, would it not be in the power of the British merchants, by a secret understanding with and the connivance of their government by agents and secret partners in the United States to carry on the very trade to the continent which Great-Britain prohibits to us? I have been led to make these enquiries by reading the memorial of the merchants of Baltimore, presented to the government in 1806, respecting neutral trade, and which was signed by men of all parties, in which it is positively charged that the object of Great-Britain in harassing our trade, was to cripple American commerce and promote her own, and that she granted licences to neutrals to carry on the trade which she interdicted. I will read it:
"It has been said, that, by embarking in the colony trade of either of the belligerent neutral nations, in some sort, interpose in the war, since they assist and serve the belligerents, in whose trade they so embark. It is a sufficient answer to this observation, that the same course of reasoning would prove, that neutrals ought to discontinue all trade, with whoever of the parties at war. A continuance of their accustomed peace trade assists and serves the belligerent with whom it is continued; and if this effect were sufficient to make a trade unnatural and illegal, the best established and most usual traffic would, of course, become so. But Great-Britain supplies us with another answer to this notion, that our interference in the trade of the colonies or her enemies is unlawful, because they are benefited by it. It is known that the same trade is, and long has been, carried on by British subjects, and your memorialists feel themselves bound to state, that according to authentic information lately received, the government of Great-Britain does, at this moment, grant licences to neutral vessels, taking in a proportion of their cargoes there, to proceed on trading voyages to the colonies of Spain, from which she would exclude us, upon the condition, that the return cargoes shall be carried to Great-Britain, to swell the gains of her merchants, and to give her a monopoly of the commerce of the world. This great belligerent right, then, upon which so much has been supposed to depend, sinks into an article of barter. It is used, not as a useful instrument, wielded by a warlike state, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or her colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial aggrandizement, to the impoverishment and ruin of her friends; as an engine, by which Great-Britain is to be lifted up to a vast height of prosperity, and the trade of neutrals crippled, and crushed, and destroyed."
According to the course of reasoning adopted by the gentleman from Connecticut, the object of Great-Britain in blocking the continent is not to starve us, it must therefore be to secure to herself the benefit of all the commerce carried on with the continental powers. In such a state of things, while those who were trading under the licences of foreign governments, were making their fortunes, the honest Americans, who would not consent to degrade their country by navigating the ocean under the protection of any government but their own, would be plundered by both belligerents. If we are to consider the belligerent nations as pirates, no longer bound by those principles of public law to which civilized nations have hitherto subscribed, and are prepared to purchase our rights on the seas, let us do it as a nation, by paying them a sum in gross, and thereby place our citizens on equal ground. We are told that we can carry on a considerable commerce with the belligerents, if we will only take the decrees of their courts, and the belligerents' own argument is specious and captivating, let us examine it; for I feel as much solicitude as the gentleman in the opposition to remove this embargo whenever it can be done with propriety—on this as well as on the subject of an armed commerce, the gentlemen will pardon me for requesting information. If we remove our embargo as to Portugal, and other places to which our trade is not interdicted, and by a law declare that our citizens shall trade only to those countries permitted by the belligerents, would not that be submission to their orders and decrees, & if we open our ports, and restrict our commerce to those countries, could we ever afterwards hope for a relaxation of the British orders of council? Would not Great-Britain have a very inducement to perpetrate such a state of things, which would afford to her the benefit of our commerce without its inconvenience? The gentleman from Connecticut has informed us that the object of the administration in adopting the present system, is, to put down commerce and promote manufactures. If the administration has any concealed motive, for this measure, I am a stranger to it. It is well known that it has been a favorite object with the present administration to pay the public debt, & it would be a strange, indeed, that it should pursue a system which cuts off the only source of revenue—such a course on the part of the gentleman is too improvident to require a serious refutation. On the proposed promoting manufactures, I shall make but a few remarks. I have supposed that it is a general policy in this government to induce our citizens to embark in foreign commerce, and induce them to vest their money in
the nation—the increase of our manufactures would lessen our dependence on foreign nations, and render us more dependent on each other—There would be more intercourse between the people of the different states, which would tend to nationalize us, and give more strength & permanency to the American union. To what extent this policy should be carried, I am not now prepared to say. A distinction has been taken between native and foreign commerce, or what is more commonly called, the carrying trade—The policy of encouraging our citizens to participate in the carrying trade is one thing, our maritime rights is another. The gentlemen in the opposition complain that this measure bears peculiarly hard on the commercial states.
On the subject of commerce, as all others of national concern, I am disposed to consider the United States as an integer, and to forget the lines of partition by which we are separated into different states and districts, for the purposes of internal government—but as the gentlemen have construed the commercial with the agricultural states, I am willing to meet them. I had thought that this measure, if its pressure was greater upon one part of the country than another, operated more severely upon the growth of cotton than any other part of the nation, and they ought it influenced by pecuniary considerations to be the first to complain. The people I represent are an agricultural people, and I ask the gentleman of what importance it is to them whether their produce is carried in foreign or American vessels? For what are the agricultural people now suffering, but to maintain our maritime rights. Sir, we are willing to discount all calculations of profit and loss, and make a common cause with our brethren of other states in defence of our national rights and independence.
It appears to me, sir, that the commercial people ought to be the last to complain. Our government has imposed discriminating tonnage duties, to give our own vessels an advantage in our own ports over foreigners. We have remitted the duties on foreign articles imported into the United States, intended for exportation—Our government has evinced every disposition to foster commerce and maintain her maritime rights. We are told that the people are opposed to this measure. To the voice of a free people I shall always bow with reverence. But, sir, it ought to be remembered, that in this country the will of the majority must prevail—it is a fundamental principle of our government, and if we are to judge from recent events, a great majority of this nation are in favor of this measure. We are informed, and it has been intimated on this floor, that rebellion in the Eastern states will be the probable consequence of perseverance in this measure. Are we to be driven from the course dictated by the public interest by alarms of this sort? Are we to be told by a minority that we must recede from the ground we have taken—that we must admit the government has not sufficient energy to enforce its authority, or that they will rebel? Will gentlemen inform us who they are that are prepared to erect the standard of rebellion against their own government on the very graves of the brave Bostonians who first raised the standard of American independence? They must be some new people who have obtruded themselves upon our shores—they cannot be Americans—I will not think so unworthy of my countrymen—I believe the American people are generally attached to their government. I trust it is but the clamor of the moment, which will cease the moment the will of the government shall be decisively and constitutionally expressed. It has been frequently said that Great Britain is fighting for the liberties of the world—that she is the only barrier between France and universal dominion, and therefore that our weight ought to be thrown into the scale of England, to assist her in this mighty conflict. If our friendship is necessary to England, ought she not to entitle herself to it, at least to do us justice and respect our rights? Shall we submit to insults and indignities from Great Britain, to induce her to save us from subjugation by France? Shall we admit for a moment that we cannot maintain our independence? The gentlemen in the opposition have protested against submission; they have not declared themselves for war; if they are for it, I hope they will avow it—they have proposed no substitute. I am not prepared to say how long good policy will justify a continuance of the present system; but, sir, I am ready to declare that I will adhere to it until a better can be substituted. If it be true, as the gentleman from Connecticut has informed us, that the most efficient means of coercing Great Britain, is to affect her interest, and if it be true that our embargo will compel the West India planters to convert their sugar plantations into corn fields for subsistence, if it will produce a scarcity of cotton in Great Britain, or enhance the price—if by a non-importation act we can deprive her of a market for a large portion of her manufactures, the present system with the addition of a non-importation act, if firmly adhered to, and well executed, may have the desired effect. When I cast my eyes over these states, and observe the freedom and happiness they enjoy; I feel constrained to pause, before I consent to take a step which will involve them in the calamities of war. When I consider the peculiar character of the contest between the two great belligerents of Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into the vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may become too closely connected with the destiny of one or the other of these contending powers. At the same time I consider it my duty to make war the last alternative, I know the American people would prefer to meet it, rather than submit to a sacrifice of their national independence. The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of our country, furnish strong reasons for believing that the period is not distant, when this alternative must be accepted, if the present system should prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth of debate, violated that decorum which the dignity of the Senate requires to be observed. I certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude with requesting gentlemen to reflect, that in this hour of difficulty and danger, unanimity constitutes the basis of our national security.
(Debate to be continued.)
Those who have been accustomed to read the Aurora, cannot be unprepared or taken by surprise, unless they shut up their understandings. We now repeat, more close to the point of consummation, predictions made more than two years ago. THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ARE DETERMINED THAT WE MUST TAKE ONE OR THE OTHER ALTERNATIVE:—
SUBMISSION TO THE ROYAL PROCLAMATIONS, AND PAYMENT OF TRIBUTE; or, WAR.
Let no man deceive himself by incredulity—let not the vipers in the bosom of society poison it—nor lull the people into false security; we might aver that the measures of war are already prepared, which are to speak this language in our ears. As in 1774, people of America, buckle on your armour early, and prepare to meet the foe of your early prosperity and of your glory—your liberty and independence. —Aurora.
The Spanish 74 St. Lorenzo, sailed from Havana for Cadiz, on the 11th inst. having on board 160,000 dollars in specie, and 1700 boxes sugar, &c. a present from the patriots in Cuba, to the patriots in Old Spain.
We have heard that the great preacher LORENZO DOW, died lately in the Mississippi territory, where he had just removed his family.
EXECUTION!!
DEAN, the person who was convicted of firing on the soldiers who were executing the embargo laws in Vermont, has suffered the sentence of the law. He appeared perfectly composed and hardened, denied his crime; kicked his hat into his grave, spit upon his coffin and pulled his cap over his eyes himself. No person prayed with him at the gallows.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us by Miller Waddill, of Prince Edward county, bearing date the 16th May, 1803, for the purpose of securing to Sterling Smith, and to Sterling Smith & Co. sums of money therein expressed: We shall, on Wednesday, the 21st December next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day,) at the Tavern of Sterling Smith, in Farmville, proceed to sell, for ready money, the following SLAVES, to wit: LUKE and her children, WINNEY and TATLOK, or as many of them as may be sufficient to discharge the purposes of said deed.
JAMES DICK, (Seal.) Trustees.
WILLIAM WHITE, [4m]
November 22.
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR—At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [1f]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at Myers's Auction Store, just received:—
4 Bales Kennebec Cottons,
3 Bales blue and white mixed Kerseys,
3 Bales Half-Ticks, assorted—white, blue, green and mixed,
2 Bales Welsh Plains—white and blue,
3 Bales Coating—blue and red,
5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats,
And an additional supply of the best Dutch BOLTING CLOTHES. Also, in Store, Prime Muscovado Sugars, in hds. and bbls. Loaf Sugar, Molasses, old Madeira Wine, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct. 11. [1f]
A FEW Boxes of 48 by 12 Window GLASS of the first quality for sale.—Enquire at this Office. Oct. 14. [1f]
WANTED as a TUTOR in a private family, a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic.—Apply to the Printer. Nov. 15. [1f]
WANTING to rent, a small FARM, in the neighborhood of Richmond, containing from 150 to 200 acres, with a house suitable for a small family. For such a one, will be given a liberal rent. Enquire at this office. Nov. 25. [1f]
ON Saturday the 10th day of Dec. next, will be sold, at public auction, the following HOUSES & LOTS to wit: The Tenement lately occupied by Mrs. Byrd, with ground on the cross street opposite to Dr. McClurg's lot, sufficient for a carriage house and stable. The Tenement now occupied by Miss Bennett, adjoining the former. Also, two Brick Tenements on the main street, leading from the turnpike road to the Swan Tavern, & 49 feet of unimproved Ground, lying between said houses and the one occupied by Mrs. Vannett. The terms of sale will be, one-fourth in 6 months, another fourth in 12 months, and the remainder in 2 & 3 years. THOS. NORVELL. Nov. 18. [1f]
N. B. Any person wishing to purchase the above property at private sale, will be pleased to apply to T. N.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, Sept. 14. (1f)
EDUCATION.—The Subscriber (residing in the county of Hanover, about 30 miles from Richmond,) having employed Mr. Wm. Nelson, Jr. to instruct a small number of boys, including his children, purposes, during a few boarders, in order to make up the SCHOOL. Mr. Nelson has in his possession, the most satisfactory testimonials of his qualifications as a Teacher of the following branches of Education, viz. The Greek and Latin languages, English Grammar, Mathematics, the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Belles Lettres, Geography with the use of the Globe, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic. His price for Board, Tuition, Washing, &c. is $30. payable quarterly in advance. The School will commence on Monday the 9th of January next, and expire the 1st of December following. WILLIAM FONTAINE. November 25. (1f)
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, at Lester's new Wharf:
23 Crates Earthen Ware,
25 Hds. Muscovado Sugar,
11 Do. Green Coffee,
9 Bales Woolens,
IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 Tons Green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Segars, 8 bags Race Ginger, Souchong, Hyson Skin and Young Hyson Tea. For sale by GEORGE WATT. Nov. 4. [1f]
DESERTED.—From the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON—30 years of age, 5 feet 1 1/2 inches high, swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance.—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour, blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt, and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES, 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1/2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair—when spoken to has a dyed look.—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer.—He wore away a round striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same. Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward, or ten dollars for either. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U.S. Reg. Infantry. Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [1f]
ALL persons having claims against the Estate of Wm. Friend, dec'd. late of Manchester, are hereby required to bring them forward, as early as possible, that arrangements may be made for payment; and all persons indebted to said estate, are earnestly solicited to make payment, as speedily as possible. The situation of the estate being such, as to render it impossible to grant longer indulgence. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, Nov. 1. [2m]
JOIN STAPLES, of Buckingham County will be a Candidate before the General Assembly for the appointment of Register of the Land Office. December 2. [2p2w4]
FOR SALE, 387 Hds. upper Inspected TOBACCO. 1000 lbs. Soot LEATHER. 40 Tierces common WHISKEY, 8 Casks real old rectified Do. 10 Tons country bar IRON, by Wm. W. DICKENSON. Nov. 22. [4m]
A LIST OF LETTERS, REMAINING in the POST-OFFICE, ON THE 30th DAY of NOVEMBER, WHICH HAVE NOT BEEN DELIVERED.
John Alcock, Saul. G. Adams, Jones Allen, John Ambley, James Alderson, Wm. Aylett, Thomas C. Alexander.
B—Thomas Bowles, Richard Bagnall, Adam Baird, Nathaniel Briggs, Martin Baker, Charles H. Braxton, John D. Brown, Capt. J. B. Bunby, Miss A. T. Bangs, Ann Bowen, John B. Burdell.
C—Mrs. Eliza Curtis, Richard Carter, William Compton, Samuel Calvert, Capt. Richard Curd, Edward Colston, Wm. Cooke, Christopher Clark, Curtis Carter, Robt. Craig, Tucker Coles, Micajah Clark, James Conway, Richard Carter, H. J. Crawford, Herbert Chavis, Samuel Campbell, Abraham Cowley, R. W. Christian, Henry, Crawley, E. J. Clapton, Thomas Clark, William Crawford, Robert B. Combray, James B. Carter, Miss Jane S. Craig, Miss Eliza B. Cooke.
D—John Doyle, Miss Eliza Dunn, Nicholas Daw, Stephen Dillard, Miss Mary Doyle, Robert Douthat.
E—Peter Elliott, John Evetts, Mrs. Phila Elcan, David Ellis.
F—James Fore, Robert B. Fontain, Mrs. Ann Fontain, Azel Fitch, Mr. Forester, Alexander Frazier.
G—Robert Gaines, Gen. J. Guerrant, Jr. Wm. Gray, James Gray, Mrs. Goodwin, Benj. Griffith, Archimedes Gaines, Isaac Gilmore, Chas. Gill, John Gray.
H—Henry G. Heth, Wm. Hart, Peter Heiffer, Capt. John Haynes, J. P. Hollingsworth, Asa Hubbard, Daniel P. Harwood, Mrs. S. Humphreys, Dr. Hawkins, Robert S. Hollens, Alexander Harrison, John Heath, James Horsley, Harry Heth, Mrs. M. Hyland, Charles Horwell, James Hooper, Wm. Husket, John Hook.
I—Ambrose Jenkins, Robt. Johnston, Nicholas Jones, Willis Jones, Jekyl Jones, Jos. Jones, Cornelius Johnson.
K—John Kennedy, John Ketton.
L—Miss Keziah Lewis, Louis Lannay, John Ladd, Miss Nancy Lewis, Jedediah Leeds, Simon Logan, Gen. H. Lee, Col. Amasa Lord.
M—Mrs. Frances Martyn, Thomas Marshall, Wm. Mann, Thomas P. Maclin, Jonathan Moore, Smith Mead, Miss P. Maclin, Wm. Moore, Wm. McElliot, Peter Mamford, Wm. Moore, Littleton T. Morgan, Francis F. F. Mitchell, Jr. Joseph Milton, John Moss, Mr. Martin, Captain John Moss.
N—George Newton, Richard Nailor, John New, Wm. Nelson, Wm. T. Nivison, Wm. O. Nash, Miss Catherine L. Nash, Joel Neale, Jas. Neale.
P—Henry Priddy, Mrs. Sarah Priddy, John Purse, Capt. E. Pearson, John Pearson, Mrs. Lucy Price, John Painter, Capt. J. Pleasants, Joseph Price, Samuel Parsons, Isaac Paul, James Price, Mrs. Page, Major John Price, Edmund Pendleton.
R—Miss Eliza Royster, Wm. Randolph, David Robertson, Wm. Ross, Jr. Wm. Rawleigh, Capt. Wm. Reed, Thomas Robertson, John H. Robertson, George Robertson, Abner Robertson.
S—Philip Shelton, Miss A. P. Smith, John Southgate, Mrs. Mary Sowers, Edward Sullivan, Reubin Steppard, Nath. Selden, Robt. Smith, James Stewart, Joseph M. Street, Mrs. Ann Sydney, Miss Lucy Scott, John P. Shields, Col. Miles Selden.
T—George K. Taylor, Caleb Tait, Dr. F. Terrell, Wm. R. Taylor, John Taliaferro, Jas. Terrell, Archibald Toney, Mitchell Tait, Samuel Tompkins, L. Tyler, Judge Tyler.
V—James Vaughan, Thomas Vowell, Miss Mary Vernon, John Vaughan, Mrs. S. Vandise, Mrs. R. Vawter, Wm. Vawter.
W—Francis Wicker, John L. West, George T. Webb, John West, Wm. W. Weymouth, John Woody, Mrs. Eliza Wantony, John Winston, Hugh Willie, Miss F. Williams, Kilby Wren, Danby Williamson, Samuel J. Winston, William Woody, Jr. Miss Ann B. Wyld, Wm. Waller, Miss M. Winston, John D. Watkins.
Z—Levi Yale, Mrs. Jane Young, Jas. Young.
Z—Charles Zimmer.
WILLIAM FOUSHEE, Post-Master. december 2.
THE GRAND LODGE OF VIRGINIA, will meet, in the Masons' Hall, in this city, at 6 o'clock in the evening of the second Monday in December next. November 25. [e 4f]
JUST received, and for sale, 70 Firkins BUTTER, of prime quality, 20 Tierces of WHISKEY—Also, 3 Tons bar IRON, by BENJAMIN WOLFE. december 2. [3f]
GLOBE TAVERN—The Subscriber has excellent accommodations for thirty Members of Assembly, and at a moderate price he hopes from his strict attention to give satisfaction. JAMES BROOKS. Dec. 2. [2aw2w]
NOTICE.—In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Brigg-house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1793, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farsy or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Petersburg in Virginia. The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c. GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston. THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac Maryland.
GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. [3m] * His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
PUBLIC SALE.—The subscriber intending to remove to the Western country, some time the ensuing year, will positively sell, at public auction, upon the premises, on the second Monday in December next, the tract of LAND on which he lives, lying in the county of Henrico, on Westham creek, containing 345 acres, with a Saw and Grist Mill; only about thirty acres of this tract is cleared, from which one crop only has been gathered. One other tract containing 100 acres, separated from the first named Land by the three chocked roads; this last named tract is entirely wood Land. Also, all his household and kitchen FURNITURE, among which is some excellent Mahogany—Several likely Virginia born Slaves—the stock of Cattle, Hogs, about 1500 or 2000 weight of Pork, four Horses, five Mules, two Waggons and Gees, and the plantation Tools. And on the 2nd Saturday in the same month (Dec.) will also be sold upon the premises, a half acre lot of Land lying and being in the city of Richmond, on Shockoe Hill, known by the No. 718—Also, part of a half acre Lot, adjoining Mrs. E. Page. Terms of sale made known on the day. Any person inclined to view the premises, will be shown them by the subscriber. All persons having any demands against him, will make application without delay. SPOTSWOOD LIPSCOMBE. Wachapreague, Nov. 4. [2aw4da]
TO JAMES WELCH, FORMERLY OF GREEN BRIER COUNTY, VIRGINIA.—SIR—A know not the place of your present residence and believe you to be no longer an Inhabitant of this State; I take this mode of informing you that, I shall on the fifth day of January next, take the deposition of Samuel McCraw, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, held at Richmond, where I am plaintiff, and yourself and others defendants. Which deposition will be taken at the Office of the said McCraw, in the City of Richmond, between the hours of six in the morning, and six in the evening, when and where you may attend if you please. SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond, Nov. 1. [1aw5th Jan.]
THE Subscriber respectfully thanks those who have hitherto favored him with the tuition of their Sons, and informs them and his friends generally, that his SCHOOL will be continued the ensuing year; in which will be taught the Latin Land and the English Language grammatically, Writing and Surveying. His terms are, for teaching the Latin Language $25, English Grammar, Geography, &c $20, Reading, Writing and Arithmetic $10, Summing $10. It will be in his power to accommodate 5 or 8 boarders at 20 pounds each, (each boarder making his own bed,) or 22 pounds, if lodging is furnished—25 dollars will be required in advance, and the balance at the end of the year. The School will commence on the 15th day of February, and end on the 15th of December: there will be a vacation of about ten days at Whitsuntide, and again from the 13th day of August, to the 1st day of September. He assures those who may think proper to board their sons with him, that good attention will be paid to them; and he hopes, if Mr. a strict attention to the duties of his functions, to render satisfaction to those who may intrust the education of their sons to his care. WALLER LEWIS, Jun. Louisa, November 18. [1aw4w3]
WANTED as a TUTOR, in a private family, a single man qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic. Apply to Charles Woodson, Cumberland county, near Cartersville. Oct 25. [aw5w7]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808. Charles Thomas, Plff.—Against John Tisdale, James Trevillian & Samuel Henson, Defts. THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance & given security, according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On motion of the Plaintiff by his attorney; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the news papers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & posted at the front door of the court-house of this county, on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. Nov. 1. [1aw8w]
IN CHANCERY.—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808. Robert Yancey & Co. Plffs.—Against William Meriwether and Robert Dickinson, Defendants. THE plaintiff, Robert Yancey is dead—and the defendant, Meriwether, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state: On motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered, That the said defendant do appear here on the second Monday in January next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the news papers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. Nov. 1. [1aw8w]
THIS day is published, (and may be had at Jacob Johnson's Book-Store, adjoining the Market-bridge,) Part 3 of Vol. 1 of LLENNING & MUNFORD'S REPORTS, containing the Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first Volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 636 pages) elegantly bound in calf. Price to subscribers $5 to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only,) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the Prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, & receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Nov. 1. [1aw1f]
IN consequence of a Circular Letter from a Committee of the officers of the late Pennsylvania line, addressed to me as well as to several other officers of the late army: it has been suggested to me as a proper measure, to call a meeting of all the officers of the former continental line, who continued in service to the end of the Revolutionary war. I have therefore appointed Monday the 12th day of December next, at the capital in the city of Richmond, for such meeting; being the day to which the society of Cincinnati stands adjourned. JAMES WOOD. Sept. 20. [1aw10d]
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—Will be sold, to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the fourth day of January next, on the premises, a BRICK HOUSE, and half of the LOTT, No. **, in the city of Richmond, which formerly belonged to the estate of John Pendleton, Esq. dec'd. and is situated between the tenement now occupied by Mr. Benjamin Turner, and the house of Mr. Orris Paine's, in which Mr. Esmond resides. At the same time and place, will be sold, 80 acres LAND, lying on the three notched road, being the upper part of the tract formerly belonging to said Pendleton's estate, & distinguished in the survey made by Richard Young, by number 5. A credit of 6 and twelve months will be allowed the purchasers, on giving bond with approved security, to bear interest from the date, and a deed offered on the property. P. P. & JOHNSTON. Nov. 29. [ow4da]
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a Large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stores, with Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice-House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish JOHN ELLIS. Nov. 25. [ow4w1f]
FATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c. &c. For sale, a large supply of Men's and Youth's HATS, of the best quality. Do. do. do. common do. Men's fine Shoes and Dancing Pumps, Ladies Morocco and Kid Shoes, Philadelphia bottled Porter, by casks or dozen. Do. Draft Beer in casks, by D. J. BURR, 2d door above the Eagle. december 6. 2aw2w