The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-10-10 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 45.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 10, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
"HIGHLY IMPORTANT."
THE republican printers throughout this state are requested to state in their papers, that the election for Electors of a President and Vice-President of the United States, will be held on the first Monday of November next, at the Court-house of each county and corporation in this commonwealth; and that the persons chosen as Electors, are to meet at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, on the first Wednesday in December next, to vote for a President and Vice-President.
September 15.—[epim.]
NOTICE.
JOHN DUNSMURE has been to inform his friends and the public, that the GROCERY BUSINESS, hitherto carried on by him, will in future be conducted under the firm of
DUNSMURE & TURNER;
Who have on hand A General Assortment of Articles in that Line, which they offer For Sale on reasonable terms.
All those indebted to John Dunsmure, are requested to come forward and settle their accounts.
October 3. 44
SALES AT AUCTION.
WITHOUT RESERVE, FOR APPROVED NOTES AT 3 AND 6 MONTHS.
THE Subscribers will begin to sell, on TUESDAY, the 16th day of October next, a very large and valuable assortment of
DRY GOODS:—Among which are:
Superfine, fine and coarse Cloths and Cassimeres, Chintzes, Calicoes and India Cottons, Men and women's silk thread, cotton & worsted Hosiery, Muslins, Dimities and Jeans, Bombazines, Durants and Wildboras, Men's, Ladies and Children's Hats, Ladies extra long and short silk and silk Cloves, Bandanas, cotton and silk Handkerchiefs, and Shawls, A most complete assortment of Cutlery, Hardware, and Plated Goods, &c. &c. &c.
The sale will be continued from day to day, until the whole are sold.
THOMAS TAYLOR & CO. V. M. V.
October 3. 45
THE SUBSCRIBER—HAS FOR SALE,
HOLLAND GIN, in pipes; Malaga Wine, in gr. & small bottles; Cotto and Wool Cards, in boxes; Chocolate, in boxes; White Lead, Spanish Brown, and Yellow Ochre ground in oil; Nutmegs; Patent Shot; Bar and Sheet Lead; Mold Candles; Writing and Wrapping Paper; Country and Swedish Iron; Sheet and Hoop Iron; Liver Oil; Copperas; Allum; Flint Indigo; Refined Salt; Pease; Ground Ginger; Pepper; Soda, 12d, 10d, and 4d; Nails and Brads; German and Blister'd Steel; Cart Poxes; Straws of Turnbuck; Assortment of Shovels; Lids and Lids; Gauging Rods; Hamilton's Snuff; Nail Rods; Short Pipes; Saws, Stirling and Harp's Leather; Northern Chees, &c.
HENRY HOYET.
October 3. 46
TO LIKELY NEGROES.
ANY person wishing to purchase about 70 Likely Negroes, may hear where he can be accommodated by applying at the Office of the Enquirer.
October 3. 47
BROKER'S OFFICE.
THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office in one of the apartments above Mr. Burr's Store. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity.
THOMAS NORVELL.
October 3. 48
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Capt. Thomas Nelson, late of King William County, are desired to bring them in, properly attested, to the Subscriber, who has qualified as executor of the said estate; and he takes this occasion to inform the creditors, that as soon as their accounts are liquidated and the balance ascertained, he will make ample provision to meet every just demand, as speedily as possible.
THOMAS GARY NELSON.
King Wm. Oct. 3. 1m
FOR SALE,
At Louisa Courthouse, on the first Wednesday in December next,
152 VALUABLE SLAVES,
CONSISTING of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, belonging to the estate of Christopher Smith, dec. Among these is a valuable TANNER, regularly bred to the business. The Subscriber has refused to sell any of them privately, and they will certainly be offered at public sale at the time above mentioned. A credit till the 10th of February, 1805, will be given, on the purchasers giving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date; but if the principal be punctually paid, the interest will be remitted.
CHARLES SMITH,
Acting Executor of Christopher Smith, dec.
October 3. (opid.)
BATES'S ALMANAC—FOR 1805—Published by Messrs. Davis & Courtenay, may be had at the Office of the Enquirer.
September 19. epif.
A WET NURSE.
WANTED to hire or purchase, a Wet Nurse without a child of her own. Enquire of the Printers.
August 8.—tf
WILLS or LADING, SHERIFF'S BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
BANK OF VIRGINIA.
AT a meeting of the President and Directors of the Bank of Virginia, on Thursday October 4th, 1804.
"RESOLVED, That the Bank commence Discounting on Tuesday next."
"RESOLVED, That the President, Cashier and other officers of the Bank, proceed to business on Monday next, in the Senate Room of the Capitol."
"RESOLVED, That it is expected, that any House or firm, consisting of more than one person, shall make a declaration of the names and surnames of the persons who compose such firm, and that each of the persons who reside in Richmond or Manchester, composing such firm, shall subscribe the Firm Book, and insert therein the names of his partner or partners."
J. BROCKENBROUGH, Cashier.
N. B. Persons applying for discounts must lodge their Notes at the Bank on the Monday and Thursday of every week. J. B.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.
MEMOIR, IN JUSTIFICATION OF GENERAL MOREAU.
[CONTINUED.]
SECOND CHARGE—Reconciliation and culpable relations with Pichegru, in England; through the interference of David and Lajolais.
The abbe David, the mutual friend of Pichegru and Moreau, conceived the design of reconciling them.
This was the proper movement of David; it does not appear that any impulse on the part of Moreau had induced him to seek this accommodation.
His first sentiment was to resist it. This is attested by the proceedings of the court.
David wrote to Pichegru, mentioned the first conference, but concealed the repugnance of Moreau, and offered his mediation; which was accepted by Pichegru.
David again saw Moreau, and insinuated weakened his objections.
Each of the generals thought he had causes of displeasure against the other, on circumstances relating to their military and public life.
By the intervention of David, who communicated to each the letter he had received from the other, they explained, were reconciled, and interchanged forgiveness, but without writing to each other.
Things having arrived at this point, nothing appears more natural, than the letter written by Moreau to David in Mesflon, year 10, in which he says, that "he would not attempt to justify himself on the denunciation he had made; that if any one had a right to reproach him, it was the government & not general Pichegru, whom he thought he beheld sufficiently explained in the papers found; but whom he still wished to have saved from an accusation; he regretted that the part which Pichegru had chosen in the three last campaigns had confirmed this opinion. As to any thing further, that the situation of Pichegru gave him much pain; that he would with pleasure use any means in his power to be useful to him; and that if any one had authority to say that he was the cause of that situation, he would immediately remove such an impression."
We cannot but remark, that, notwithstanding the obliging style of this letter, notwithstanding the forgetfulness of errors, that General Moreau had not recovered from the opinion he had formed on the conduct of Pichegru. It was constantly, in his eyes, an indelible stain.
The letter itself appeared to David so innocent that he showed it, not only to the friends of Pichegru, but to persons in authority, and to distinguished generals, who still preserved a friendship for the ex-general.
As to Moreau himself, his foul the seat of every generous sentiment, incapable of an eternal resentment, could not for a moment think there was wrong in ceasing to retain enmity against Pichegru; and when that old friend solicited a reconciliation, his heart, stronger than any other power, forbade him to refuse it. Moreau could not believe himself guilty in expressing a wish to see Pichegru return to France; when at the same time he beheld every drawing-room in France open to the general-officers of the army of Conde, whom he had overthrown in battle the year before.
Gen. Moreau could not believe himself more guilty than the other generals, who had promised to aid him in procuring permission for Pichegru to return; one of whom especially applied to the First Consul in his favour.
Gen. Moreau could not consider the relations maintained by Pichegru with the enemy, in the fifth month of year 4, nor his subsequent denunciation, as motives now existing to oppose or check his exertions in behalf of the exile.
The dangers which, through Pichegru, threatened the country, had long ago passed over; it was Moreau who averted them. As the successor of Pichegru, in the year 4, he had, by almost innumerable victories, taught the imperial and royal armies, that their entry into the French territory was forever interdicted. He also taught them that they could never know him but as their conqueror.
When he wrote to David the country enjoyed a perfect peace.
His heart told him, that peace, the friend of indulgence, and the companion of every liberal idea, called upon him to forget the errors of warfare. This sentiment he the more willingly indulged, from the recollection that a council of war, commissioned to try those who were charged with being accomplices of Pichegru, had acquitted them in every instance.
If, as asserted in the act of accusation, the two generals were only reconciled that they might the better concert measures against the government, some indication, some germ of this project, should be found in the preceding or concomitant circumstances, or in the letters which were written to bring it about.
Yet those circumstances do not make any such disclosure.
And the letters do not contain, we will not say an idea, not even a word, which betrays on the part of Moreau the least discontent towards the government, or criticism upon its measures.
But the Abbe David prepared to go to England; he was going there to convey to Pichegru the sentiments of Moreau; and Pichegru remitted to him twelve louis to defray his expenses.
From the examination in court we learn, that
Moreau had not seen David for fifteen days before his departure; and when the Abbe mentioned his intended journey, contented himself with requesting that his compliments might be delivered to Pichegru.
As to money, if Pichegru did actually transmit twelve louis to David, so small a sum could only have been an offering to friendship in difficulties.
The agent of a conspiracy to which it is said England was no stranger, and which was intended to reverse the French government, could never have been at a loss for twelve louis, to enable him to make a journey whose object was to unite the two chiefs of the conspiracy.
And general Moreau, possessing an immense fortune,* would never have left his emiliary at the mercy of every necessity.
David had himself declared that the letter of Pichegru, which would have enabled him to draw the twelve louis, was intercepted, and that he borrowed, from general Donzelot, ten louis to pay the charges of his journey; which was to determine Pichegru to come to Paris, a journey which was in fact to convey the abbe to an establishment of 250 pounds sterling a year in England as tutor to the son of a nobleman.
The journey of David involved so little of mystery that he made all the generals of his acquaintance, who were friendly to Pichegru, acquainted with it; and was even charged by a member of the Senate with a letter for that general.
Arrested at Calais, even after he had obtained his passport, they found upon him, neither letters, nor instructions, which could in the slightest possible degree bring Moreau's name into question.
General Moreau was heard to regret the confinement of David in the temple. But since when has it been declared treasonable to lament the misfortune of one who had been a friend? How long is it since flackies have rendered sensibility a crime?
If David had been the agent of a plot in which Moreau was concerned, when arrested, what ought to have been the conduct of Moreau?
Either he would have endeavoured to remove from himself every suspicion which the arrest might have occasioned; or he would have saved himself, by flight, from the punishment attending the discovery of his crime; or he would have endeavoured to accomplish his object, before the government had become wholly possessed of his views. Nothing of the kind has been attempted.
The General took no pains to ascertain whether he was compromised by the papers found upon David. He remained unconcernedly at home, without in any thing varying his mode of life. He held no correspondence on this subject; nor was David, that artisan of intrigue, replaced by any other.
For it must be borne in mind, that Lajolais, who is denominated his successor, on his own confession, and as appears by the proofs at the trial, had no intercourse with Moreau for nine months after the imprisonment of David.
Nevertheless the peace was not disturbed by the arrest of David. All the usual sources of communication with England were open. In two weeks the plot might have been renewed at Paris, approved at London, and returned to the capital for execution.
When all are silent, silence cannot be a crime.
And no one will, we apprehend, pretend to say that the presence merely of Pichegru in London, and of Moreau at Paris, can constitute a conspiracy.
As to the ex-general Lajolais, he did not see general Moreau till towards the month of Prairial, year 11; when he delivered him an open letter of introduction from Pichegru, requesting the aid of the general in procuring him an employment.
This letter was not brought from London by Lajolais; Pichegru sent it to him in France; a circumstance which should be carefully remembered, for, until the time of trial, the public was taught to believe that Lajolais had made two journeys to England, and that it was on his return from the first of these journeys that he delivered this letter.
Gen. Moreau corrected the memoir by which Lajolais solicited a place.
They spoke of Pichegru; and Moreau has not denied that he expressed to Lajolais, as he had done to the Abbe David, the satisfaction he would derive from his free return into France.
If this interest for Pichegru is a crime; let it find its excuse in the reconciliation lately effected, and in the ingenious nature of the General.
Lajolais declared, on his first examination that, about this time, he saw Moreau three or four times; that he had expressed a wish to have an interview with Pichegru; and that he was about to request it.
The desire of this interview has been held up as a sure indication of a treasonable understanding between Moreau and Pichegru; the proof of which is said to be established by the visits at Paris.
Do not the folly and improbability of this construction of Lajolais strike at first sight?
We can well conceive an interview between two persons living in the same place, or in places adjoining. But for a person in Paris to ask an interview of another living in London and to take place in Paris, is too ridiculous.
Yet at the trial Lajolais gave this testimony, and persisted in it three times. Such testimony requires to be explained.
Lajolais is an Alfacian, and does not speak good French. He observed, at the time, that the true force of each expression was not familiar to him, and therefore, that when he used the word interview, he asked to be understood as indicating, by it, merely the desire manifested by Moreau to see Pichegru restored to France. Which precisely corresponds with the terms used, and the idea intended.
It is quibbling to say that there is a difference between this declaration, and that of Lajolais when confronted with Moreau, until which time he persisted in his first replies. The difference is not contradictory but explanatory; for it only serves to give the sense in which he used the word interview. And a witness never has been hindered from explaining what he meant by his own evidence. To deny that liberty would be repugnant to the principles of justice.
To satisfy any one that this explanation was honest and sincere, it will only be necessary to show that the first declaration, taken literally, was so palpably improbable that it was impossible not to read in it absurdity and falsehood. An interview was wished for by Moreau; Lajolais was to proceed to England to demand it from Pichegru; and its objects was to have
been to open, or to put in better train, a plan of conspiracy.
Strange! that Lajolais entrusted with a commission the execution of which was a matter, one would suppose, of immediate necessity, should have remained in France seven months, after having received it from Moreau!
No; the mere circumstance of so long a time wasted in inaction by Lajolais, with his family, in the department of the Lower-Rhine, is an unequivocal proof of the fallaciousness of his first declaration, in the interpretation given to it.
Another particular not less important, and which at once deprives Lajolais of the title of agent for Moreau in this supposititious plot, is, that his confrontation with Moreau, and the proceedings of the court, have instructed us that, at the very time when he is said to have been employed to procure this interview, he asked general Moreau to lend him some money, which the general refused.
On this fact the examinations have not thrown the least doubt. And will it be believed that Moreau, at the very instant when he entrusted his secret to Lajolais, and associated him in his plans, would have refused to supply him, for the moment, with a few louis?
But as no plot can be matured without funds, it is therefore evident that general Moreau, after having initiated Lajolais into this conspiracy, would necessarily have placed him under his command, as he had already made him master of his fortune and his hopes.
And even could the plot have progressed without money, it is reasonable to think, that Moreau, by refusing the supply requested, would have been so imprudent as to have run the risk of mortifying the pride of a man, who had the power of revealing his machinations.
Necessity has ever had too great an influence over the passions, to allow us to depend entirely on their movements. Moreau might, the next moment, have become the victim of a denunciation, provoked by his own cupidity.
To the mind of any reasoning being, who knows any thing of the human heart, the refusal to administer, with a small sum, to the necessities of Lajolais, is a proof sufficient to destroy every idea that there existed any criminal relation between him and general Moreau.
But to all these explanations which render plain the nature of the momentary acquaintance of Moreau and Lajolais, let us add one other, which will contribute to establish its perfect innocence.
Victor Couchery, to whom it appears Lajolais had said that general Moreau ought to write to Pichegru, waited on the general to know what dispositions he had made with Lajolais, and whether he did intend to write to Pichegru.
And Victor Couchery, when confronted with Moreau, has attested that the reply of the general was, that "he had seen Lajolais two or three times on the particular concerns of the latter, and especially the amendments which he made to his petition for employment; that he had nothing to communicate to, nor could he correspond with, any person residing in a country at war with France."
Couchery was then the friend of Pichegru; general Moreau knew him to be so: if he had written by Lajolais, if he had had any intention of writing, or if he had even charged him with a verbal message, what reason had he to use reserve or concealment with the brother of his confidant, and the most intimate friend of Pichegru.
This testimony of Couchery, independent of the proof it affords that he had no confidential connexion with Lajolais, confirms another fact perhaps sufficiently established at the trial, that Moreau declined all correspondence with Pichegru, so long as he remained under the protection of the enemies of France. And that his wish was that the latter should remove into a neutral territory, before he could in any way interest himself in procuring the erasure of his name from the list of emigrants.
To those who say that any intimacy between Moreau and Lajolais is liable to suspicion, on account of the denunciation of this officer in the year 5; it is easy to reply, that Lajolais was absolved from all crime by a judgment of the council of war; that he had long since banished all animosity or resentment, which his arrest might have occasioned, from his mind; and that he himself sought the interviews with the general, whose disposition was incapable of repelling him.
Nay it even appeared to him, that every sentiment of justice required his aid in repairing the injuries which Lajolais might have sustained, from a denunciation proved by the trial to have been without just cause.
* Report of the Grand-Judge, 27, Pluviose, 12. (To be Continued.)
LONDON, August 8.
Yesterday, in consequence of notice given by the commissary-general, some of the principal coach-makers, wagon-masters, stable-keepers, horse-dealers, &c. of the metropolis, assembled at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand, to consider of the most effectual means of the voluntarily giving prompt assistance to government with horses, carriages, and drivers, to convey troops and stores to the army, in the event of an invasion.
Sir Brooke Watson, (the commissary general) rose to explain the object of this meeting, which, he observed, had been summoned by the express orders of his royal highness the commander in chief, who best knew the danger which threatened the country, and the necessity of preparing the means which were to avert it. The high spirit and great resources of this country were fully adequate to its defence against the most powerful attacks that an inveterate enemy could make, but it was necessary that those who had to direct the faculties of the country, should have the opportunity of employing them in the manner best calculated to promote the great object of national security. The gentlemen who composed this meeting had already, much to their honor, given proofs of their zeal in the public service. He had in his pocket a subscription paper, which contained the names of a very great number of persons who had offered their services to government, for the purpose of conveying the troops from one part of the country to another, in case of invasion. The Volunteer force, which zeal and patriotism had created, was sufficiently numerous for the purpose of its institution; but much depended upon the present meeting to render that force of real utility. It was not only necessary to have troops, but to provide the means of transporting them to meet the enemy; or of supplying them with stores, and of
reinforcing them if necessary. The means which the country affords for effecting this object were great. The number of carriages in Great Britain was immense; and the meeting perhaps would be surprised when he informed them that the number of horses of all sorts exceeded three millions. With those resources, and with that spirit, which the country possessed, it was not to be doubted but that the enemy would be prevented from setting a foot on our shore: or if he did effect a landing, it would only be to receive the chastisement his presumption merited. He should say no more on this subject, because he knew that the zeal & spirit of those who heard him did not require to be animated in so great a cause as the defence of their own country, and the consequent salvation of all Europe. He then proceeded to the immediate business of the meeting, which was to arrange the means of collecting, with facility all the horses and carriages which might be wanted, in the event of an invasion. This power the government possessed by law, and the practice of the constitution; but it was certainly more advisable to carry such a measure into effect by voluntary offers than by compulsion.
It was thought proper that the metropolis and its environs should set an example to the rest of the country in this laudable proceeding, in order that every thing might be in readiness when wanted. A machine had lately been invented, on a very simple principle, which would be found extremely useful in transporting troops. It was so contrived, that it could be fitted upon the wheels of any carriage, with the greatest ease. These machines could be constructed with great expedition, and he had in his power to supply a sufficient number in a short time. Government intended also to accept of the offers of the nobility and gentry of the country who were anxious to give up the use of their carriages for the public service. With respect to the carriages, it was not their splendid bodies, with fine painted panels, that were wanted, but merely the wheel part, for the purpose of supporting the machines he had mentioned. No man who felt for the honor and independence of his country, or valued his own interests, would neglect to give all the aid in his power to the operations of government on the appearance of an enemy. There was to be a meeting of the nobility, clergy, and gentry, in the west end of the town, on Friday, at the Thatched-house tavern; and those who resided towards the east end of the town, would on Thursday assemble at the mansion-house, where the lord mayor would preside. Much might be expected from these meetings; but it was upon the present he depended for the most effectual assistance. The business of the gentlemen who composed this meeting enabled them to afford essential aid. They had already been extremely liberal in their subscriptions, but it was not to be expected that every one could afford the assistance they were desirous of giving, gratis. He would therefore propose, that such persons should be paid a reasonable allowance for the use of their horses and carriages; and he wished a committee of the present meeting to fix a rate for that allowance.—He had therefore prepared two subscription papers, one for the names of such gentlemen as should wish to give the use of their horses and carriages without any reward, and another for those who required payment. He observed, that the subscribers would be required to supply the drivers and horses with provisions and forage for 48 hours; this was necessary on account of the difficulty there would otherwise be of distributing a sufficient quantity the moment it is wanted.—When the gentlemen present formed themselves into a committee, they would consider whether it would be proper to leave a paper at the Tavern for subscriptions, or whether it would not be better to divide themselves into divisions, and collect the subscriptions of the individuals of the same trade in their respective neighbourhoods. In the latter case, the names of the subscribers ought to be sent to him as speedily as possible, that he might know where to call for the horses and carriages.
He would now leave the business entirely to the gentlemen present, being confident that they would make the best possible arrangements for the public service. He should only add that if any accident happened to the horses or carriages furnished to government, or if any loss was incurred, he pledged himself that the owners should have full compensation under the direction of the committee.
A good deal of conversation then occurred on the nature of the resolutions to be adopted.—One gentleman observed, that he had a number of horses out on job, which he would wish to subscribe. In consequence of this remark it was agreed, that one of the resolutions should declare, that those dealers who had horses out on job would allow those who possessed them to subscribe them.
Mr. Fagg observed, that he was contractor for forwarding the mails; these horses would be much impaired by being employed in any other kind of work; but what he particularly wished to know was, whether he should be liable to pay the very heavy penalty under which he was bound to the Post-Office, if his horses were employed in conveying the troops. He also observed, that his horses were all to the westward of London.
Sir Brooke Watson said, that he had already stated that compensation would be made for any loss which might be incurred. He could say nothing respecting the post-office, because he had no authority but he should take care to procure an answer to Mr. Fagg's question.—As the attack would most probably be made by the enemy to the east, he would rather have the horses to the west of London, as they would be more conveniently situated for bringing up the troops.
A committee was then formed to draw up resolutions to be inserted in the public papers, and the meeting broke up.
&lt;

REVIEW OF THE LIFE OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq.
Compiled under the inspection of the Hon. Bushrod Washington, from original papers bequeathed to him by his deceased relative. To which is prefixed an introduction, containing a compendious view of the colonies planted by the English on the continent of North America, from their settlement till the commencement of that war which terminated in their independence. By John Marshall, chief justice of the United States, Esq. &c. &c. vol. 1. 4to. 11. 11s. 6d. R. Phillips.
A BOOK with this title naturally excites curiosity. The fortune of the United States of America, and the character of General Washington have long been in the eyes of mankind among the greatest objects on this globe. The degree of splendour to which the United States have risen among nations; the recent date of their origin; and the singularity of the events by which their history has been distinguished, are strongly calculated to attract attention. The man with whose name the greater number of the most recent of these events, and the most distinguished to the public eye, are chiefly associated, cannot fail to be an object of great curiosity. To know the particulars of the conduct and character of the individuals they have known or heard of, is a propensity of the bulk of mankind so strong as frequently to give currency to the lives of very insignificant persons, even where the execution of the work is hardly above the subject. A book, in which anecdotes of one or more illustrious persons are contained, is always greedily sought after. So great is the name of Washington, that an account of his life, even though imperfect, will be expected to be very interesting; and when it is said to be drawn from documents so ample, and so authentic as the whole collection of papers left by himself in the possession of his family, it seems as if our expectations could hardly be raised too high.
With one half of the history of the United States, that half in which the transactions, if not the most important, are at least the most striking, the history of General Washington is so incorporated that the author of the work presented to us, considers both as being the same thing; this latter part of the history of that country he regards not as complete without the former; since the causes of the events which occurred in the one period are frequently to be found in the events of the other. A history of the United States therefore, from the first feeble settlements of the English on the American continent to the commencement of the disputes which terminated in the establishment of their independence, he regards as a necessary introduction to the life of Washington; and by prefixing this detail, he purports to exhibit in that work a complete history of this new and singular empire.
To this plan we have some objections. The history of an individual and the history of a nation are two very different things, in whatever degree the transactions of the nation may have been influenced by those of the individual. There are many actions of the individual which have not such a connexion with the transactions of the nation as to deserve to be mentioned in its history. And many events and circumstances in the nation deserve to be minutely recorded in its history, which cannot have a good title to a place in the life of any man, however much concerned in conducting its affairs. To jumble together these two classes of actions and circumstances must obviously tend to introduce confusion and obscurity. We do not deny that it may be possible to write an interesting and instructive book, in which these different things may be combined. But we are sure that the life would be better were it written strictly as a life and the history strictly as a history, than either can be when they are mixed together and formed into one work. The history must be injured when it is interrupted to detail the particulars of the life; and the narrative of the life must be injured when it is interrupted to detail many particulars of the history. From the complicated nature of modern policy the various particulars which intimately belong to history are found so numerous and diversified as scarcely to admit of being woven into one connected narrative. It has accordingly been proposed to make a classification of these objects; and to form the history of any country into a number of distinct narratives;—as the history of its military affairs; that of its political regulations; that of its manners; and of its arts and sciences; and so on. This, it has been conceived, would contribute greatly to distinctness and simplicity. But if the objects of historical narrative are already too numerous, it must be particularly judicious still further to load it with the particulars of biography. No; the province of biography, and that of history are not the same; nor ought the one to be allowed to encroach upon the other. The rules to direct the composition of the one are different from those which belong to the other. And it is contrary to good taste to compose a history in the style of a life, or a life in the style of a history. This distinction is carefully preserved by all the best historians and biographers. Plutarch wrote the lives of great warriors and statesmen; yet his life of Pericles, for example, on whom the fate of Athens as completely depended during forty years, as that of America on Washington, is far from being a complete history of Athens for that period, and contains many particulars of the private life of that great man, which the judicious Plutarch would not have inserted in that history. Again, Robertson's History of Charles the fifth, is not the history of the emperor, but of his reign. It wants therefore many things which would have appeared in a life of that prince, and contains things which there would have been very much out of place. It is the business of biography to descend to minute particulars, and in the most private and ordinary transaction, the great traits of character are often the most visibly seen. To describe great, and general actions, and to trace their causes and consequences, is the business of history. To mix with this, incidents into minute and private actions is only to destroy all distinctness, and to introduce confusion and perplexity. We are therefore much inclined to suspect that in the present work we shall neither have a good life of Washington, nor a good history of America.
It is the intention of the authors or editors of this work, it seems, to publish it volume by volume; and it is expected to be finished in four or five volumes, similar to the present. The first only is as yet presented to us; and that does not enter upon the life of Washington. It is altogether preliminary; and is intended to deduce the history of the United States from their origin to the termination of the war which displaced the French power in Canada. It was only after this time that the great disputes began between the Colonies and England, when the services of Washington became conspicuous. He is indeed twice mentioned in the present volume; first, on the occasion of the
mission which he executed to remonstrate with the French government on certain encroachments near the Ohio; and secondly, serving with the rank of Colonel, under general Braddock, on the expedition against Fort Du Queene; when neglect of his advice was followed with such disastrous consequences.
This volume therefore is to be regarded purely as a history; and in that light its merits and defects are to be estimated. It is undoubtedly a history very much wanted. However important it may be to have the steps distinctly pointed out by which a people from the smallest beginnings has risen with such inconceivable rapidity to great power and splendour, no account of the progress of the North American States of any considerable merit has yet been presented to the public; and the important lessons which it yields are thus too little diffused. The illustrious historian who has so perfectly described the origin and progress of the Spanish colonies in the new world, designed to communicate a fuller account of the British establishments in that part of the globe; and had he done so, we should have no doubt received an ample satisfaction with regard to this branch of the subject, as he has afforded with regard to the other. However great too the obligation which he has conferred upon the world by his history of the Spanish settlements in America, he would have conferred a much greater by a history of the British; a subject far richer in every kind of instruction, and a subject which throws much light upon many important branches of modern policy. In the preface to his history of Spanish America, he has mentioned that he had made considerable progress toward the accomplishment even of this last object; but was unfortunately deterred from proceeding by the disturbances which broke out between the colonies and the mother country while he was engaged in the work. Since his death a part of what he designed to execute, has been given to the world by his son; which bears evident marks of the skillful hand which delineated the proceedings of the Spaniards in America. The plan which Robertson had formed to himself in the prosecution of this part of his subject is laid down in the fragment to which we allude, and is peculiarly judicious. After giving a short account of the trifling voyages of discovery which had been made under the auspices of the crown of England to the coast of America; and of the few feeble and abortive attempts which had been made to establish colonies there, previous to the reign of James the first, he comes to the more effectual endeavors of that prince, in whose reign two companies were established, one in London to whom the southern portion of North America was granted, and one at Plymouth, who received a similar grant of the northern portion. The regions granted to these two colonies were Virginia and New-England.
"The first attempts," says Robertson, "to occupy Virginia and New-England, were made by very feeble bodies of emigrants. As these settled under great disadvantages, among tribes of savages, and in an uncultivated desert; as they attained gradually, after long struggles and many disasters, to that maturity of strength and order of policy, which entitles them to be considered as respectable states, the history of their persevering efforts merits particular attention. It will exhibit a spectacle no less striking than instructive, and presents an opportunity which rarely occurs, of contemplating a society in the first moment of its political existence, and of observing how its spirit forms in its infant state; how its principles begin to unfold as it advances, and how those characteristic qualities, which distinguish its mature age, are successively acquired. The account of the establishment of the other English colonies, undertaken at periods when the importance of such undertakings was better understood, and effected by more direct & vigorous exertions of the parent state, is less interesting. I shall therefore relate the history of the two original colonies in detail. With respect to the subsequent settlements, some more general observations concerning the time, the motives, and circumstances of their establishment, will be sufficient."
He begins with the history of Virginia, the most ancient and the most important of the British establishments in North America; and carries it down to the revolution in 1688. His history of New-England is not continued farther than the time of Cromwell. Here the labours of Robertson terminate, and beyond this limit, the history of North America is little more than a waste ground.
The person who has undertaken the compilation of the present history of America and Washington, seems but little to understand the nature and value of distribution and arrangement; for notwithstanding the luminous and simple plan pointed out by Robertson, he has paid no regard whatever to order; and the facts are jumbled together in such a manner that they lay no hold of the memory, nor present any connected train of ideas to the understanding. He has almost without variation followed Robertson to the end of his history of Virginia.—Robertson's account is a little abridged; and the language is altered so that one half of it perhaps is Robertson's, and the other the abridger's. In this manufacture all the elegance of Robertson's style is destroyed, the distinctness of the narrative is injured; that connexion which is always so clearly exhibited in the histories of Robertson between the situations of men and their actions, between events and the causes from which they arise, is obscured; and those luminous views which that historian presents of the different schemes of policy connected with the events which he has to relate, are lost.
We could not help considering it as a proof of the extreme carelessness with which the present compilation is made, that the compiler is not even acquainted with the name of the author to whose assistance he has so liberally applied himself. We find the name of Robertson, so well known, always written in his quotations Robinson.
He follows Robertson nearly in the same manner in his account of New England; and it is perhaps but fair to give his own account of the use which he has made of the different authors to whom he has had recourse:
"Various publications have, for this purpose, been occasionally resorted to, and are quoted for all those facts which are detailed in part on their authority. Their very language has sometimes been employed without distinguishing the passages, especially when intermingled with others, by marks of quotation; but, in such instances, the book is cited in the margin; and the author persuades himself that this public declaration will release him from the imputation of receiving aids he is unwilling to acknowledge, or of wishing by a concealed plagiarism, to usurp to the world as his own the labours of others."
That part of the history which succeeds the period when Robertson's account breaks off, the author is obliged to take upon his own shoulders. And truly we cannot say much in praise either of the diligence which appears to have been employed in collecting materials, or of the use which he has made of such as have been collected by others.
We have already remarked that the history of the United States, previous to this attempt, might be said to be still in a great measure unwritten. Unlike other countries, in which coarse compilations had been made, which, how-
ever unfit for general use in their rude form, yet contained a valuable store of authentic materials for the legitimate historian, few documents respecting the early proceedings of many of the United States were before the public.
If any where these documents, are to be found, it must be in the archives and registers of the several provinces. And if to any persons access to these be open, it might naturally be supposed to be to the son of General Washington, for the purpose of completing an account of the life of his father, and to the Chief Justice of the United States employed in drawing up that life. Yet this account of the early proceedings of the States is drawn up entirely from the vulgar and scanty documents already before the public; and not even an attempt has been made to present us with anything more perfect. The author candidly acknowledges that this is the case; and that the collection of the requisite materials "would require a length of time, and a labour of research which neither the impatience of the public, nor the situation of the author would enable him to bestow on the subject." He applies the terms "crude essay," "imperfect sketch," to his own performance. This may be a very good salvo for the author's reputation; but it is a poor satisfaction to the public, who have a large, expensive book imposed upon them, which is good for little or nothing.
In the management of the common materials for which we are under no obligation to Mr. Bushrod Washington, or Chief Justice Marshall, we cannot say that they have established very strong claims upon our gratitude or admiration. There is no order in the relation of the facts; they follow one another according to no plan; there is no enlightened view of the causes and origin of events; there is no exhibition of their chain and connexion; or any of the schemes of policy by which the affairs of the United States were influenced, there is scarcely any notice; not even a distinct outline of them is exhibited; much less is there any satisfactory account of their nature, and tendency. And any one who has no knowledge of the species of government under which the British Colonies subsisted in America, previous to the interruption of their connexion with the mother country, will not find himself much instructed in the subject by a perusal of the volume before us.
The history of the North American Colonies, from the place where Mr. Marshall may be said to have taken it up, that is, where it is laid down by Dr. Robertson, 'till the commencement of the disputes with the mother country, is naturally divided into two distinct portions, of which, however, Mr. Marshall seems not to have been at all aware: first, that period during which the several colonies were struggling individually with the difficulties of an infant establishment, scarcely in any degree connected with one another, or contending about their boundaries, and other interfering interests; and secondly, after they had now attained a state nearly of equal firmness and prosperity, that period during which their efforts were united together against a common enemy, the French in Canada, and when advancing all by similar steps, they exhibited the appearance of one nation. It is evident that the mode of treating these two portions of the history of America ought to be very different. In the first part each province or colony requires a separate and distinct attention; and no plan can be more judicious than that pointed out by Dr. Robertson, to relate the history of the two most ancient and important establishments in detail; and with regard to the others, to state only the more important dates and general circumstances; and any difference which was found between these and the states more fully described. Much care and art was necessary in arranging a multitude of contemporary particulars to prevent the need of disgusting repetition. Those parts or the subject should have been carefully thrown together which were most connected, or which tended most to illustrate each other.—General observations, or general facts should have been placed in that situation where their connexion with all the parts of the subject to which they relate might have been seen at once; and there should be no occasion to repeat them over and over as often as any particular occurs to which they refer. The author of this volume has little claim to applause on this important account. He takes up his subjects in a great measure by chance, or according to any casual association; and seems not to have been so much master of his subject as to see clearly in what situation each particular would be most advantageously placed; where it would be best illustrated by what had gone before, and where it would serve most to illustrate what should follow.
In the next portion, which is little more than a history of the wars in Canada, it was hardly possible for the author to produce so much confusion. The subject was abundantly simple; and he had the benefit of the labours of all the English historians, of whose works the history of the wars in Canada made a necessary part. It is to be observed, however, that the history of these wars, like all the rest of the more recent part of the English history, has never yet been illustrated with any ability; and not a little remained to be done to set it in a brilliant light. In particular the internal operations which were produced within the different states of America by these wars were very imperfectly known to the English historians, and deserved to be accurately investigated and recorded by the professed historian of the States. It was during these wars that the States first began to act in concert. By this union, and by the efforts they found themselves enabled to make, their views were changed. They began to think themselves of too much importance to be commanded and constrained by the mother country; and as he insisted most obstinately on the right of constraining them, the dispute between them soon came to extremity. The origin and progress of this spirit among the North American colonists; and the effect which the proceedings relative to the wars in Canada had in producing it, was the most curious and interesting inquiry connected with this part of the history. A native of the United States ought to be better qualified for making this inquiry than a Briton; and this important information was particularly to be expected in a history written by a North American. In this just expectation, however, the reader of the present "crude" performance is completely disappointed. The author has contented himself with giving a hasty, & careless repetition of the common facts detailed by the annalists of England. And with regard to the laborious researches of original documents, the nice and curious delineation of the progress of opinion, or the profound examination of political regulations and institutions, he has thought them beyond the limits either of his leisure or of his abilities; and so has obligingly left them to others. We could not help wondering to find a historian of the United States quoting Belsham's history of England, and the Annual Register as almost his only authorities with regard to the transactions in America during many years.
With regard to another circumstance we had a right to expect to find ample information in the present volume; we mean the domestic and social habits of the people of the United States, their predominant virtues and vices, and the particular causes in their situation from which these habits flow. For this inquiry too an American ought to be the best qualified. But in
this, which may be called the moral part of history, the work before us is as deficient as we have represented it to be in the political. It is a mere chronicle of newspaper facts; and that very imperfectly digested. But were a chronicle of this kind ever so well digested, it is still but the skeleton of a history, without any of the life or soul. We do not recollect that it has ever been taken notice of by the moderns how accurately Livy has pointed out these two inquiries, which may be called the moral and political, as objects of history; and how strongly he has represented them as objects of by far the greatest importance. Having mentioned in the preface to his history of Rome certain common facts, and disputes, which he reckoned of inferior consequence, he says, "Sed hæc & his similia, utcumque animadverta aut eximatur, haud in magno equidem ponam discrimine." He then solicits attention to the moral and political inquiries: "Ad illa mihi pro se quisque acriter intendat animum; Quæ vita, qui mores fuerint,"—the moral part; then the political.—"Per quos viros, quibusque artibus domi militæque & partum & auditum imperium sit." It is curious that it is to the moral part that he chiefly solicits the attention of his reader in tracing the decline of the Roman states; "Labente deinde paulatim disciplina, velut defidentes primo mores sequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sunt, tum ire ceperint precipites; donec ad hæc tempora quibus nec vitia nec remedia pati possumus pervenit nec."
We can hardly be surprised that in the multitude of would-be historians which recent transactions have produced, this moral part of the subject should have been neglected. This is by far the most difficult and delicate part of the duty of the real historian. This requires one of the rarest of human characters, a master in the science of human nature. This is what intitles the true historian to some of the highest honours of human genius. This is what ranks him among a different class of beings from the maker of the register book of common facts. It is by this alone that the register of these facts is rendered of any value. "Hoc," to use again the language of Livy, "hoc illud est præcipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum."
We willingly transcribe the apology which the author has made for the imperfections of this volume. It may be some reason for not concluding rashly that he is a blockhead, but it can be no inducement to the public to spend their time in reading his book:
"For any inattention to composition an apology ought never to be necessary. A work of any importance ought never to be submitted to the public 'till it has been sufficiently revised and corrected. Yet the first part of the Life of Gen. Washington goes into the world under circumstances which might bespeak, from candour, less severity of criticism than it will probably experience. The papers from which it has been compiled have been already stated to be immensely voluminous, and the public was already looking for the work before the writer was fixed on, and the documents from which it was composed placed in his hands. The impatience since discovered, by many of the subscribers, has carried the following sheets to the press much more precipitately than the judgment of the author would have permitted him to part with them, and he cannot flatter himself that they are free from many defects which, on a perusal, will attract even his own observation."
We think it necessary to say very little with regard to the style of this volume. It is not barbarous; but it is just as far from elegant. It bears sufficient marks of haste and carelessness; but it is in general simple and unadorned. We were pleased to find it so free from those new words with which our brethren on the other side of the Atlantic have thought proper to enrich the English language; and of which their conversation and letters are so full. We detected, however, some instances; as influential, &c. The interesting part of this intended publication is yet to come. It is undoubtedly in the power of the friends of Washington to give a most valuable collection of materials to the world. If they give us, after raising our expectations as they have done, avariciously one, they will expose themselves to our hearty contempt. After what we have said of this volume we do not think it necessary to load our pages with extracts.
* This error does not exist in the American Edition: it may therefore be a question whether the inaccuracy ought to be ascribed to the inattention of the author or of the English printer.—Ed. U. S. Gaz.
† We need not inform our American readers, that Gen. Washington had no child; and that Judge Washington is the nephew of the late General.—Ed. U. S. Gaz.
The following is the ADDRESS, lately delivered by the PRESIDENT of the United States, to the Chiefs of the Osage Nation. We offer it to the public, with a confidence that the sentiments of good will it breathes towards the aborigines of the soil, will afford as much pleasure to the reader, as they confer honor on the government.
[Nat. Intelligencer.]
My Children, White hairs, Chiefs and Warriors of the Osage Nation.
I repeat to you assurances of the satisfaction it has given me to receive you here. Besides the labor of such a journey, the confidence you have shown in the honor and friendship of my countrymen is peculiarly gratifying, and I hope you have seen that your confidence was justly placed, that you have found yourselves, since you crossed the Mississippi, among brothers and friends with whom you were as safe as at home.
My Children: I sincerely weep with you over the graves of your chiefs and friends, who fell by the hands of their enemies lately descending the Osage river. Had they been prisoners, and living, we would have recovered them; but no voice can awake the dead, no power undo what is done; on this side of the Mississippi where our government has been long established, and our authority organized, our friends visiting us are safe. We hope it will not be long before our voice will be heard and our arm respected, by those who meditate to injure our friends, on the other side of that river; in the mean time Governor Harrison will be directed to take proper measures to inquire into the circumstances of the transaction, to report them to us for consideration and for the further measures they may require.
My Children: By late arrangements with France and Spain, we now take their place as your neighbors, friends and fathers; and we hope you will have no cause to regret the change. It is so long since our forefathers came from beyond the great water, that we have lost the memory of it, and seem to have grown out of this land, as you have done; never more will you have occasion to change your fathers. We are all now of one family, born in the same land, and bound to live as brothers, and the strangers from beyond the great waters are gone from among us. The great Spirit has given you strength and has given us strength—not that we might hurt one another, but to do each other all the good in our power. Our dwellings indeed are very far apart; but not too far to carry on commerce and useful intercourse.
You have furs and peltries which we want, and we have clothes and other useful things that you want; let us employ ourselves thus in mutually accommodating each other. To begin this on our part, it was necessary to know what nations inhabited the great country called Louisiana, which embraces all the waters of the Mississippi and Missouri, what number of peltries they could furnish, what quantities and kinds of merchandise they would require, where would be the deposits most convenient for them, and to make an exact map of all these waters. For this purpose I sent a beloved man, Capt. Lewis, one of my own household, to learn something of the people with whom we are now united, to let you know we were your friends, to invite you to come and see us, and to tell us how we can be useful to you. I thank you for the readiness with which you have listened to his voice, and for the favour you shewed him in his passage up the Missouri. I hope your countrymen will favor and protect him as far as they extend. On his return we shall hear what he has seen and learnt, and proceed to establish trading houses where our red brethren shall think best, and to exchange commodities with them on terms with which they will be satisfied.
With the same views I had prepared another party to go up the Red river to its source, thence to the source of the Arkansas, and down to its mouth, but I will now give orders that they shall only go a small distance up the Red river this season, and return to tell us what they have seen, and that they shall not set out for the head of that river till the ensuing spring, when you will be at home, and will, I hope, guide and guard them on their journey. I also propose the next year to send another small party up the river Kansas to its source, thence to the head of the river of the Panis, and down to its mouth, and others up the river on the North side of the Missouri. For guides along these rivers we must make arrangements with the nations inhabiting them.
My Children: I was sorry to learn that a schism had taken place in your nation, and that a part of your people had withdrawn with the great track, to the Arkansas river. We will send an agent to them and will use our best offices to prevail on them to return, and to live in union with you. We will to make them also our friends, and to make that friendship, and the weight it may give us with them, useful to you and them.
We propose, my children, immediately to establish an agent to reside with you, who will speak to you our words, and convey yours to us; who will be the guardian of our peace and friendship, convey truths from the one to the other, dissipate all falsehoods which might tend to alienate and divide us, and maintain a good understanding and friendship between us; as the distance is too great for you to come often & tell us your wants, you will tell them to him on the spot, and he will convey them to us in writing, so that we will be sure that they come from you; through the intervention of such an Agent, we shall hope that our friendship will forever be preserved, no wrong will ever be done you by our nation, and we trust that yours will do none to us; and should ungovernable individuals commit unauthorised outrage on either side, let them be duly punished; or if they escape, let us make to each other the best satisfaction the case admits, and not let our peace be broken by bad men; for all people have some bad men among them whom no laws can restrain. As you have taken so long a journey to see your fathers, we wish you not to return till you shall have visited our country and towns towards the sea coast. This will be new and satisfactory to you, and it will give you the same knowledge of the country on this side of the Mississippi, which we are endeavoring to acquire of that on the other side, by sending trusty persons to explore them. We propose to do in your country only what we are desirous you should do in ours; we will provide accommodations for your journey, for your comfort while engaged in it, and for your return in safety to your own country, carrying with you those proofs of esteem with which we distinguish our friends, and shall particularly distinguish you. On your return tell your people that I take them all by the hand, that I become their father hereafter, that they shall know our nation only as friends and benefactors; that we have no views upon them but to carry on a commerce useful to them and us; to keep them in peace with their neighbors, that their children may multiply, may grow up and live to a good old age, and their women no longer fear the tomahawk of any enemy.
My children, these are my words; carry them to your nation, keep them in your memories, & our friendship in your hearts; and may the Great Spirit look down upon us, and cover us with the mantle of his love!
TH: JEFFERSON.
At the time the foregoing Address was delivered, the Chiefs were presented with the following Instrument of writing on parchment.
Chiefs and Warriors of the Osage nation of Indians!
The President of the United States takes you by the hand and invites you and all the nations of Red people within the territory of the United States, to look up to him as their father and friend, and to rely in full confidence upon his unvarying disposition to lead and protect them in the paths of peace and harmony, and to cultivate friendship with their brothers of the same colour, and with the citizens of the United States.
We have now made the chain of friendship bright between us, binding us altogether.... For your and our sakes, and for the sake of your and our children we must prevent it from becoming rusty. So long as the mountains in our land shall endure, and our rivers flow, so long may the red and white people dwelling in it, live in the bonds of brotherhood and friendship.
In order that this friendship may be perpetual, and to prevent as far as possible every cause which might interrupt it: It is hereby announced and declared by the authority of the United States; that all lands belonging to you lying within the territory of the United States, shall be and remain the property of your nation, unless you shall voluntarily relinquish or dispose of the same.... and all persons, Citizens of the United States, are hereby strictly forbidden to disturb you or your nation, in the quiet possession of said lands.
The President of the United States sends you by your beloved Chiefs now present, a Chain,* it is made of pure Gold, which will never rust, and may the Great Spirit assist us in keeping the chain of friendship, of which this Golden chain is an emblem, bright for a long succession of ages.
Given under my hand and the Seal of the War Office of the United States, at the City of Washington, this eighteenth day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and four, and of the Independence of said states the twenty-ninth.
(Signed)
II. DEARBORN.
* This has an allusion to a golden chain with which the instrument was embellished.

WASHINGTON'S LIFE.
WHEN the First Volume of the Life of Washington was given to the world, we conceived it to be a duty which we owed to the public, to inform them of its general plan, and to encourage the laudable curiosity of analysing its contents.
These two reviews were concise, but complimentary. They presented the reader with a very short analysis of the work itself; but they were not sparing in their eulogiums upon its style, its accuracy and its arrangement.
The Editor of the Enquirer cannot think of dismissing this London Review, without subjecting a plausible suggestion, which may have considerable weight upon some of its readers.
On the value of the present work, the editor of this paper is by no means prepared to express an independent opinion. The whole of the two first volumes has not hitherto come under his inspection; and he has surveyed even those passages, which have as yet attracted his attention, rather with the eye of a cursory reader than of a studious critic.
There is one opinion, however, which he is prepared to express. The Life of Washington should not have been written at the present epoch, nor should it have been written by General Marshall.
The merits of General Washington cannot be impartially estimated at the present day. There is a party in this country, who are disposed to raise him too high, and another who have sunk him too low, in the scale of moral excellence.
Gen. Marshall should not have been the author. In native sagacity, or in legal attainments, there are few men in this country who will be presumptuous enough to aspire to the palm of superior excellence.
This work however is already executed. In spite of these powerful objections, the present epoch has been an authentic life of Washington, and Gen. Marshall is its author.
not a diplomatic intrigue, it is a plain case, and if there was any thing dishonorable in it I would be the last man to propose it, and you would be the last man to whom it would be proposed by me.
Where is then then what he so very politely is pleased to term my infamous purpose? Is it in the elucidations or explanations proposed? Surely not as he knew very little of them, and even if known they were perfectly innocent.
This, Sir, is the history of this transaction, ridiculously magnified by Mr. Jackson who has presented it to the public, with as much solemnity, as if he had discovered the gun-powder plot, or the conspiracies of Fieque and of Bedmar.
I would have demanded from this government the punishment of the said Jackson, for the offence of converting a mere surmise of his into the affirmation of a fact, and employed under his perverted idea an infamous and defamatory language.
Although the vindication of my conduct exclusively belongs to my King and government, a favourable opinion of the good people of America is far from being indifferent to me.
On this head I am particularly desirous of vindicating myself, as it is so foreign to my disposition. In truth during the debates of Congress in 1798, I learnt the difference between the two terms, and in speaking to Mr. Jackson, I mentioned the administration and added "not to say government," thereby meaning to distinguish between the administration and the three branches of the legislature which constitute the government.
So many misconstructions, if they had not been given upon oath, I could not have suspected of being accidental.
** The Marquis de Casa Yrujo requests those editors, who have inserted Mr. Jackson's statement, in justice to him also to insert the above communication.
VIRGINIA MAGAZINE. Those gentlemen who have been kind enough to receive subscriptions for "The Virginia Magazine, or Monthly Miscellany," are requested to return lists of such names as they have been able to obtain, so soon as convenient, at the first number will certainly make its appearance on the first day of December next.
October 6. J. DIXON.
77 BILLS OF LADING, SHERIFFS, BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
a mere word, without any appropriate signification. According to my apprehension it is a word of a clear and certain import, expressing it to be a government of the people, under such an organization as they shall from time to time ordain and establish, and where every freeman, not legally disqualified, has directly or indirectly a voice in its administration.
It is foreign to my design to contrast our general and state governments, with those ancient republics which have been established in different parts of the world.
The importance and difficulty of the trust to which I have just been called, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of our citizens, a dutiful scrutiny in his qualifications to discharge with propriety the duties attached to the office.
Had the said evidence appeared isolated, with no other weight but the name of the Editor and the circumstances of his deposition, I would have treated his malicious attack with the silence of contempt, as all the facts therein related, even when true, would not prove I had violated the laws of this country, nor the duties of my station.
For this reason, and for the respect I owe to the President of the United States, to this government, and to myself, I have thought proper, in thus addressing you, to enter into the explanation of this transaction, innocent in itself, consonant with the laws of the country, proper in my station, and which cannot be dignified even by the artifice of insidious malignity.
In a country where the liberty of the press prevails, its use must be a shield of defence, as it is an instrument of attack. This is consonant with justice and congenial with the principle of equal rights, it is then legal to establish a defence by the press against the attacks made thro' the medium of the press.
Were the foreign Ministers to be deprived of this right, enjoyed by every individual who breathes the air of the United States they would be reduced to the sad condition of distinguished slaves in the very centre of the land of liberty.
Were the foreign Ministers to be deprived of this right, enjoyed by every individual who breathes the air of the United States they would be reduced to the sad condition of distinguished slaves in the very centre of the land of liberty.
October 6. (31)
77 BILLS OF LADING, SHERIFFS, BLANKS, BLANK BONDS, &c. &c. FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
October 6. J. DIXON.
by preserved; let them be registered in the archives of our government. If the present age is not permitted to profit by them, surely they may greet the eye of our distant posterity.
Original Communications postponed.
Andrew Moore has notified to the executive council his acceptance of his appointment to the Senate of the United States.
DIED—on Saturday morning last, the 6th inst. JAMES HAYS, Esq. aged 44. The virtues of hospitality and benevolence, were conspicuous traits in this gentleman's character.
We understand, (says the Boston Centinel) that Mr. Dearborn, son of the Secretary of War, is to go out to Algiers, with presents to that regency.
FAIRFIELD FALL RACES.....1804.
Table with 4 columns: Race Name, Horse Name, Odds, Result. Includes races like 'First Day--2 Mile Heats', 'Second Day--Jockey Club', 'Third Day--Proprietor's Purse'.
JUST RECEIVED BY THE SUBSCRIBERS, FOR PRIVATE SALE,
THREE Bales of INDIA COTTON, either by the bale or single piece; Which if not disposed of before, will on Thursday the 1st day of November next, be sold positively without reserve for cash.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M rs . October 10. [4d.
THE SUBSCRIBER HAS JUST RECEIVED FROM NORFOLK,
A CONSIGNMENT of 30 Barrels, 8 Tierces, & 2 hds. BROWN SUGAR, which he will sell reasonable for cash, or negotiable notes, at 60 days.
DANIEL TRIPLETT. October 10. [3d.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber yesterday morning, a very likely well set MULATTO BOY, about seventeen or eighteen years of age, by the name of PARIS, who has been brought up as a house servant.
A reward of ten dollars, will be given for the apprehending, and conveying him to the subscriber, or on the delivering him to Mr. George Turner, at the Bell Tavern, in Richmond.
ROBERT POLLARD.
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.
As most of the abovenamed lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me.
JOSEPH SCOTT. Marshall V.D. July 7. ep-t.
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange; and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, 23d of May, 1804.
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gasettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
WANTED ON HIRE;
A WOMAN without a Child, who is a good Cook, Washer, and Ironer. Liberal wages are offered for one who can come well recommended. Also--A GIRL, from 12 to 16, who has been accustomed to wait in a house. Apply at the Enquirer Office. Sept. 8.
LAND--FOR SALE.
I AM authorized to sell a Valuable Tract of Farming Land, lying within two miles of King and Queen Court House, and the same distant from the river; containing Six Hundred and Seventy-five acres. A bargain may be had if an early application is made to JOHN TEMPLE. October 6. 854
There are fifteen more federal representatives elected to the next assembly, than there were last spring. The federal majority in Lynchfield for the first representative was 35. For the second a number more, and for persons to stand in nomination for assistants upwards of 70.
[Con. Her.
Ruben Howman of Madison, who has been confined in the jail of this place for many months, for the murder of his wife, was on Tuesday tried before the District Court now sitting. The jury on Wednesday morning returned a verdict of murder in the first degree.
Jacob Ray and Philip Williams, who it will be recollected, were taken up in this place and committed for robbery, some months since, and afterwards removed to the District of Columbia, were on Monday last tried before the Court of that district, and found guilty.
Virg. Her. O. 3. 5.
A letter from an officer, late of the United States frigate Philadelphia, dated Tripoli, March 28, 1804, mentions, that an Imposter had appeared there who pretended to be authorised by Commodore Preble to negotiate for the ransom of the prisoners; that he was closeted sometime with the Bashaw upon the business; but understanding that the Constitution was expected off that place, and apprehending detection, he abruptly broke off the negotiation and took his departure.
The same letter mentions "The Commodore writes us, that the ship we chased in, and which was the cause of all our misfortunes, he has since captured, and upon investigation proves to be a Pirate under Ottoman colours; and that the captain of her, who was extremely active in plundering us, with several of her crew, have been condemned as Pirates and I hope will be long pay the forfeit of their lives.
"Since the dismissal of the English Consul we have for very obvious reasons grown into favor with the Bashaw. A few days since Captain Bainbridge was at the Palace, and the Bashaw being in a very good humour, kindly told him that whenever he wanted to amuse himself with a view of the sea, to let him know, and the balcony fronting the sea should be fitted up."
A letter from the same, dated April 20, 1804, says "Our squadron so closely blockades this port, that few vessels can enter or depart, and those that are bound thence generally clear out for some other place so as to deceive our cruisers; consequently we do not hear often from our squadron and seldom have a conveyance for our letters to America.
A letter from the same, dated May 14, 1804, says, "We have not heard a syllable more respecting Bonaparte's interference in our behalf," and another of the 22d May observes: "We anxiously wait the arrival of Commodore Preble off this town with his dispatches to open a negotiation for our ransom.
AUGUSTA, Sept. 22.
We learn that the commissioners appointed by the States of Tennessee and Georgia, for the purpose of designating and laying out the road from one state to the other, through the Cherokee nation, have had a meeting, and have agreed on the part of road, that each State will undertake to open--It is highly probable, that it will be completed before the close of the present year.
VINCENNES, (I. T.) August 23.
It was stated in our last that the Delaware tribe of Indians, had ceded to the United States, all the country between the Ohio and Wabash rivers, as high up as the road leading from this place to Louisville.
FRANKFORT, (Ken.) Sept. 8.
On Wednesday last, his Excellency Governor GREENE, took the oath of office at the State-house in the presence of several of the citizens of this place.
ADDRESS.
Friends and Fellow Citizens.
BEING about to enter on the duties of an arduous and important trust, which the partiality of my fellow citizens have thought proper to confide to me; I deem it not improper, be ore I give that solemn test which the Commonwealth requires from all her servants, to declare to that portion of you who are now assembled, those leading principles by which I shall be governed during my continuance in office.
Having at an early period of my life formed the strongest predilection in favour of a Republican government--having also shared in part the toils, dangers and difficulties experienced by all those who joined in the glorious cause, which secured to the United States her liberty and independence--feeling the unparalleled progress which our citizens are daily making in the arts and sciences; together with the great extension of the agricultural and commercial interests, and the astonishing increase of population in the short time the United States have become a nation, all combine to convince me that a republican form of government is capable of, and does afford more lasting security to the lives, liberties, and properties of the governed, than any other form of government which has ever yet been devised by the wit of man.
With this belief, it is my determination, in all things within my power, to cherish, support, and defend true republicanism, according to what I conceive to be the intent and meaning of those maxims and principles which prevailed at the formation of our government.
I cannot join in opinion with those gentlemen (some of whom were lately high in office) that the word "Republican" means, any thing or nothing, or that it is

MEMOIRS OF JAMES BRINDLEY, FROM "THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER, &c." BY DR. AICKEN.
The majestic mountain, which rises in yonder plain, presents a new and various aspect to different minds. The mathematician takes its quadrant and his chain, measures its height and its declivity, and reduces its dimensions to an accurate calculation. The Farmer explores its situation and soil, shews how much its surface would be washed away by the rain, and how far the vegetation on its sides would be assisted by the Summer's sun, or impeded by the wintry winds. The naturalist pours down its springs upon the plains, traces the course of the rivers, until they are merged in the ocean, and pursues the rising exhalations from its bosom, until he sees them descending in showers of rain or in the silent dews of the night, and once more replenishing the parental fountains. The Painter catches the various hues, which are reflected from its surface, examines the contour of its slopes and projections, & shows how this rising tree, or that falling rock gives a new charm, or throws a disagreeable blemish upon the surrounding scenery.
Men will occasionally appear, who seem to tower beyond the greater part of their species, like the mountain which rises above the neighbouring plain. They draw towards them the attention and admiration of the world. They are pointed out to the enquiring traveller, as the objects most worthy of his observation and study. While they continue among the living, there is a malignant envy which tries to pull them down to her own level, or a zealous spirit of admiration which strives to ascend to the same proud pre-eminence. When they disappear, their name still survives them, with all those monuments which designate where they have flourished and what they have done.
Such was James Brindley. Such was the man, who like a majestic mountain, has risen above the vulgar level, and attracted by the magnificence of his genius, the love and admiration of the world. Under aspects not less various and interesting, might this singular man appear to different minds.
The politician will survey with an enlightened admiration, the monuments of Brindley's genius and art, and will learn to estimate the value of the internal improvements of his country. The natural philosopher will enquire into the principles which Brindley discovered, into the great objects which he attained, and the admirable expedients which he employed. The moralist will be anxious to know, how far the moral impressions of a rude and unlettered mind were afterwards modified and softened by his astonishing endowments. Above all it will be the desire of the metaphysician or the man who examines the operations of the mind to trace the gradual evolutions of Mr. Brindley's powers, to determine how far he was indebted to natural genius, or how much was due to the influence of strong incitements, and to unravel those processes of his understanding, by which he was enabled to dispense with the established theories of science, and to surpass the exertions of far more cultivated minds. The biography of Mr. Brindley, will furnish him with some lessons too impressive to be forgotten, and too instructive to be despised.
It will teach him that there are other ways of imparting vigour and maturity to the mind, besides those which are usually adopted. He will recollect perhaps the celebrated maxim of Lord Bacon that "conversation makes a ready man; reading a full man, and writing a correct man." Beyond all these expedients, he will perhaps learn to estimate the art and habit of thinking. If there ever was a man who illustrated the power of intense reflection; it was Brindley; the man, who "had not the ideas of other men to assist him."
It will teach him, that the mind must not only be stimulated to think, but to exercise its powers unincumbered by the prescriptions of authority, and sometimes by the truths of the soundest philosophy. Had Brindley pursued the track of other men, he would like other men, have been unable to reach that bold and philosophic method of forming and executing his plans, which so greatly distinguished him. It will consequently teach him to suspect the excellence of the present system of education. Instead of limiting the enquiries of the infant mind by scientific rules, which it cannot comprehend, or by methods of investigation, which it must mechanically pursue, it will teach him that an early education should strive to make its pupil think; to multiply facts instead of enforcing principles, and even frequently to trust him to his own unassisted powers of selecting, combining, or abstracting them.
It will teach him that many men, who have been educated within the walls of a college, and instructed by Rule and Rote, may carry with them a nerveless and shackled understanding; which books alone will be unable to disenthrall.
It will teach him that there may be men, whom no college has instructed, and no books have improved, who have been conducted by an inquisitive and daring genius to the most astonishing discoveries. Let the flaxish book-worm behold this example of unlettered knowledge, and recollect the value of an unlettered mind! Let the proud collegiate behold this enlightened rustic and learn, that curious and useful observation is to be found in the humbler walks of life, as well as in their schools!
It will furnish the metaphysician with a singular problem. Here we behold a man, without the aid of elementary science, unassisted by the theory of mechanics and hydraulics, and mathematical calculation, performing the most complicated works. By what intellectual processes directed, abridging and facilitating his labour, was this man endowed with such extraordinary powers? E. E.
JAMES BRINDLEY, the ingenious projector of the present system of Canal navigation, was born at Tunstall, in the parish of Wormhill, Derbyshire, in 1716. His father was a small freeholder, who dissipated his property in company and field amusements, and neglected his family. In consequence young Brindley was left destitute of even the common rudiments of education, and, till the age of seventeen, was casually employed in rustic labours; and at that period he bound himself apprentice to one Bannister, a mill-wright, at Macclesfield, in Cheshire, where his mechanical genius presently developed itself. The master being frequently absent, the apprentice was often left for weeks together
to finish pieces of work, concerning which he had received no instruction, and Bennett, on his return, was greatly astonished to see improvements in various parts of mechanism of which he had no previous conception. It was not long before the miller discovered Brindley's merits, and preferred him in the execution of their orders, to the mallet or any other workman. At the expiration of his servitude Bennett, being grown into years, took the management of the business upon himself, and, by his skill and industry, contributed to support his old master and family in a comfortable manner.
In process of time Brindley set up as a millwright on his own account, and, by a number of new and ingenious contrivances, greatly improved that branch of mechanics, and acquired a high reputation in the neighbourhood. His fame extended to a wider circle; he was employed in 1752 to erect a water engine at Clifton, in Lancashire, for the purpose of draining some coal mines. Here he gave an essay of his abilities in a kind of work for which he was afterwards so much distinguished, driving a tunnel under ground, through a rock nearly 600 yards in length, by which water was brought out of the Irwell, for the purpose of turning a wheel, fixed 30 feet below the surface of the earth. In 1755 he was employed to execute the larger wheels for a silk mill at Congleton; and another person, who was engaged to make other parts of the machinery, and to superintend the whole, proving incapable of completing the work, the business was entirely committed to Brindley, who not only executed the original plan in a masterly manner, but made the addition of many curious and valuable improvements, as well in the construction of the engine itself, as in the method of making the wheels & pins belonging to it. About this time, too, the mills for grinding flints in the Staffordshire potteries received various useful improvements from his ingenuity.
In the year 1756 he undertook to erect a steam-engine, upon a new plan, at New-castle-under-Line; and he was for a time very intent upon a variety of contrivances for improving this useful piece of mechanism; but from these designs he was, happily for the public, called away to take the lead in (what the event has proved to be) a national concern of capital importance, the projecting the system of canal navigation. The Duke of Bridgewater, who had formed his design of carrying a canal from his coal works at Worsley to Manchester, was induced, by the reputation of Mr. Brindley, to consult him on the execution of it; and having the facility to perceive, and strength of mind to confide in, the original and commanding abilities of this self-taught genius, he committed to him the management of the arduous undertaking. In the projecting of these works, Mr. Brindley, from the very first, adopted those leading principles which he ever after adhered to, and in which he has been imitated by all succeeding artists.
To preserve as much as possible the level of his canals, and to avoid the mixture and interference of all natural streams, were objects at which he constantly aimed. To accomplish these no labor and expence was spared, and his genius seemed to delight in overcoming all obstacles to them, by the discovery of new and extraordinary contrivances.
The most experienced engineers upon former systems were amazed and confounded at his projects of aqueduct bridges over navigable rivers, mounds across deep valleys, and subterraneous tunnels; nor could they believe in the practicability of some of these schemes till they saw them effected. In the execution, the ideas he followed were his own; and the minutest, as well as the greatest, of the expedients he employed, bore the stamp of originality. Every man of genius is an enthusiast. Mr. Brindley was an enthusiast in favour of the superiority of canal navigations above those of rivers; and this triumph of art over nature, led him to view with a sort of contempt the winding stream, in which the lover of rural beauty so much delights. This sentiment he is said to have expressed in a striking manner at an examination before a Committee of the House of Commons, when, on being asked, after he had made some contemptuous remarks relative to rivers, what he conceived they were created for, he answered, "to feed navigable canals." A direct rivalry with the navigation of the Irwell and Mersey was the bold enterprise of his first great canal; and since the success of that design, it has become common all over the kingdom to see canals accompanying with inflexible parallel the course of navigable rivers.
After the successful execution of the Duke of Bridgewater's canal to Mersey, Mr. Brindley was employed in the revived design of carrying a canal from that river to the Trent, through the counties of Chester and Stafford. This undertaking commenced in the year 1766, and from the great ideas it opened to the mind of its conductor, of a scheme of inland navigation, which should connect all the internal parts of England with each other, and with the principal sea ports, by means of branches from this main stem, he gave it the emphatical name of the "Grand Trunk." In executing this he was called upon to employ all the resources of his invention, on account of the inequality and various nature of the ground to be cut through; in particular the hill of Harecastle, which was only to be passed by a tunnel of great length, bore through strata of different consistency, and some of them mere quick-sand, proved to be a most difficult as well as expensive obstacle, which, however, he completely surmounted. While this was carrying on, a branch from the Grand Trunk to join the Severn, near Bewdley, was committed to his management, and was finished in 1772. He also executed a canal from Droitwich to the Severn; and he planned the Coventry canal, and for some time superintended its execution, but on account of some difference in opinion he resigned that office. The Chesterfield canal was the last undertaking of the kind which he conducted, but he only lived to finish some miles of it. There was, however, scarcely any design of canal navigation set on foot in the kingdom, during the latter years of his life, in which he was not consulted, and the plan of which he did not either form, or revise and improve. All these it is needless to enumerate; but as an instance of the vastness of his ideas, it may be mentioned, that on planning a canal from Liverpool to join that of the Duke of Bridgewater's at Runcorn, it was part of his intention to carry it by an aqueduct bridge across the Mersey at Runcorn-gap, a place where a tide, sometimes rising fourteen feet, rushes with great rapidity through a sudden contraction of the channel. As a mechanic and engineer he was likewise consulted on other occasions; as with respect to the draining of the low lands in different parts of Lincolnshire and the Isle of Ely, and to the cleansing of the docks of Liverpool from mud. He pointed out a method which has been successfully practiced, of building sea walls without mortar; and he was the author of a very ingenious improvement of a machine for drawing water out of mines, by the contrivance of a long and a gaining bucket.
The intensity of application which all his various and complicated employments required probably shortened his days, as the number of his undertakings, in some degree, impaired his usefulness. He fell into a kind of chronic fever,
which, after continuing some years with little intermission, at length wore out his frame and put a period to his life, on September 27, 1772, in the 56th year of his age. He died at Tunstall in Staffordshire, and was buried at New-Chapel, in the same county.
In appearance and manners, as well as in acquirements, Mr. Brindley was a mere peasant, unlettered and rude of speech; it was easier for him to devise means for executing a design than to communicate his ideas concerning it to others. Formed by nature for the profession he assumed, it was there alone that he was in the proper element; and so occupied was his mind with business, that he was incapable of relaxing in any of the common amusements of life. As he had not the ideas of other men to assist him, whenever a point of difficulty in contrivance occurred, it was his custom to retire to his bed, where, in perfect solitude, he would lie for one, two, or three days, pondering the matter in his mind, till the requisite expedient had presented itself.
This is that true inspiration which poets have almost exclusively arrogated to themselves, but which men of original genius in every walk are actuated by, when, from the operation of the mind acting upon itself, without intrusion of foreign notions, they create and invent.
A remarkable retentive memory was one of the essential qualities which Mr. Brindley brought to his mental operations. This enabled him to execute all the parts, of the most complex machine in due order, without any helps of models or drawings, provided he had once accurately settled the whole plan in his mind. In his calculation of the powers of machines, he followed a plan peculiar to himself; but indeed, the only one he could follow without instruction in the rules of art. He would work the question some time in his head, and then set down the result in figures; then taking it up in this stage, he would again proceed by a mental operation to another result, and thus he would go on by stages till the whole was finished, only making use of figures to mark the several results of his operations. But though by the wonderful powers of native genius, he was thus enabled to get over his want of artificial method to a certain degree, yet there is no doubt, that when his concerns became extremely complicated, with accounts of various kinds to keep, and calculations of all sorts to form, he could not a void that perplexity and embarrassment, which a readiness in the processes carried on by pen and paper can alone obviate. His estimates of expence have generally proved wide of reality; and he seems to have been better qualified to be the contriver than the manager of a great design. His moral qualities were, however, highly respectable. He was far above envy and jealousy, and freely communicated his improvements to persons capable of receiving and executing them—taking a liberal satisfaction in forming a new generation of engineers, able to proceed with the great plans, in the execution of which he was so deeply interested. His integrity and regard to the advantage of his employers were unimpeachable. In fine, the name of Brindley will ever keep a place among that small number of mankind, who form eras in the art or science, to which they devote themselves by a large and durable extension of their limits.
AN ELEGANT COUNTRY SEAT FOR SALE—IN ALBEMARLE.
THE Subscriber offers for sale, that valuable and highly improved Farm, on which he at present resides. There are 245 acres of land, which adjoin the town of Charlotteville, in its whole extent. The improvements are various and considerable, and calculated for a large and genteel family, the dwelling house being 72 by 22 feet. This seat has uniformly been considered one of the most desirable in the Upper country.
A grist-mill, advantageously situated, has lately been erected on the premises, the dam of which is built of stone. Contiguous to the mill and adjoining this tract of land, a large distillery has also been established; the house 36 by 33 feet, is built of stone; and the water, which is remarkably cool, is brought in pipes under ground, but a small distance, to the house. The distillery, together with the land annexed, which is of the best quality, may be had with the first mentioned tract.
Propositions by letter or otherwise, will be duly attended to; and in receiving part of the price in Negroes, Cattle, Horses, Stock, Public Securities, or good Bonds, an indisputable title will be made to the purchaser, and great accommodation given for the balance, by having it satisfied when desired. Wm. W. HENING. Charlotteville, Oct. 3. [ew64]
WANTS EMPLOYMENT.
A YOUNG MAN who writes an excellent hand, and has been accustomed to Book-keeping for the last nine years. He can come well recommended for his sobriety and attention to business. A letter directed to A. B. and left with the Printer hereof will be duly attended to. August 22. [ew76]
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT a Petition will be presented to the General Assembly, at their next Session, for the sale of the Glebe in St. Mary's Parish in Caroline; & the investiture of the interest of the Money, thereby raised, in the present Incumbent, so long as he may continue to act as such in the said Parish. CAROLINE, August 18, 1804. [ew34n.]
CONFECTIONARY.
ALEXANDER PLAINVILLE respectfully acquaints the public in general, and the citizens of Richmond and its neighbourhood in particular, that he has commenced the CONFECTIONARY and CORDIAL DISTILLING BUSINESS in the brick house next door below Mr. Samuel Pleasants' book store, lately occupied by Mr. Jacob Wheaton, where he will constantly keep for sale every article in his line of business, particularly CORDIALS and PRESERVES, CAKES, &c. Orders from the country will be carefully and promptly executed. September 26. [ew34]
A GREAT BARGAIN.
THE subscribers are authorised to sell by private sale, on liberal terms, and if not disposed of by the second Monday in December ensuing, will on that day, at the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, positively be sold at public auction, without reserve, for cash, the moiety of a valuable TRACT OF LAND, containing 1080 acres, in Spotsylvania county, within twenty miles of Fredericksburg. The tract is commonly known by the name of Garnett's, and adjoins the lands of John Kenney, John Mitchell, Thomas Joiner, and others. The moiety is that part nearest the town of Fredericksburg. PROSSER & MONGURE, v. ms. September 22. [2um 1b.]
LOW FOR CASH, OR ON SHORT CREDIT, Direct from Penington's Manufactory, Philadelphia: LOAF SUGAR, OF an excellent quality, either by the hog-head, barrel, or single loaf. The supply will be regular and large.
ALSO—BAR IRON, by the ton or single bar; IRON CASTINGS of various kinds, by the ton or single piece, among which are a few tons of 50 and 60 lbs. weights. MICAIAH DAVIS. 4th of 7th mo. 1804. [ew64n.]
D. 25,000.....D. 10,000.....D. 5,000. PRIZES in the LOTTERY for the encouragement of LITERATURE, classified by an act of the Legislature of the State of New-York. Tickets in Class No. 3, for sale by B. H. YUDAH. September 26. [ew74]
DOCTOR WILSON,
HAS taken (as a temporary residence) the house lately occupied by Doctor Adams, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARY'S BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecary's Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms. Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to. June 27. [ew64n.]
TUNSTALL'S PATENT THRESHING MACHINE.
THE advantages to be gained by farmers, by applying some effectual parts to Threshing Machines, which have greater velocity, adequate strength, and greater cheapness than hitherto, and applicable to any machinery, are universally allowed to be very great. WILLIAM TUNSTALL has obtained a Patent for such improvements; and wishes to benefit the public on the most reasonable terms. Distincts and individuals may be now accommodated with Machines and patent rights, by applying in person or by letter (post paid) to the patentee, William Tunstall, at the Swan Tavern, Richmond. N. B. A Mill Wright and Iron Worker for the respective parts, are wanted—apply as above. These Machines will haul Clover and thresh Rice. Buck Wheat &c. preferred free from grit—Counterfeits will be dealt with as the law directs. July 18. [ew—tf]
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a CHANCERY DISTRICT COURT HELD AT THE FORMER CAPITOL, IN THE CITY OF WILLIAMSBURG, the 12th day of July, 1804. Gavan Lawton, Joseph Delaney and Sally his wife, and Zachariah Delaney.....Plaintiffs. against Elisha Carter and Elizabeth his wife, late Elizabeth Lunford, widow of Lewis Lunford deceased, Harriet Lunford, Hiram Lunford, Maria Lunford and Darius W. Lunford, children and co-heirs of the said Lunford.....Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that the order entered of the 10th day of July, on the first day of July one thousand eight hundred and three, in the words following: "The defendants upon whom an attachment for their contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiff, hath been returned executed, full failing to answer the same, the Court, on the motion of the plaintiff, by their counsel, doth take their bill for confessed, and will proceed at a future day, to decree the matter thereof, unless the said defendants on or before the tenth day of the term next after they shall have been served with a copy of this order, then cause to the contrary," the defendants have removed themselves out of this Commonwealth, so that they cannot be served with a copy of the said order, on motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. W2m27 ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C.
OLD MADERA, DRY LISBON, & PORT WINE. ROBERT GORDON & CO. HAVE received by the Juliana from Madeira, 50 pipes selected old WINE, which they assure their friends prove to be excellent. They have also a few pipes, hogsheads and quarter-casks DRY LISBON and PORT WINE, imported by themselves direct from Lisbon and Oporto. FALL GOODS. They have received by the Charles and Edward from London, part of their FALL GOODS, and daily expect from Liverpool and Glasgow an extensive assortment of nearly every article usually imported. September 22. [sp3m & 83]
WASHINGTON TAVERN.
THE subscriber has taken a lease of this tenement for a number of years, and has put it in a state of repair which renders it not inferior to any in this City. Besides the Tavern he has detached buildings, well calculated to accommodate those who are anxious of greater privacy than a tavern usually affords. These tenements adjoin the public squares, and are within two hundred yards of the Capitol. They have decided advantages over any other house in this City, with respect to pure air and excellent water. He has good stables and a constant supply of the best FORAGE. He tenders his services to his friends and the public, and offers them, that no unlawful gaming, nor any other practice which might, in any degree, have a tendency to disturb the peace of his house, will ever be permitted. EDWARD HALLAM. Richmond, September 26. N. B. About THIRTY MEMBERS of the next Assembly may be well accommodated, of whom eighteen have already engaged. E. H.
FALL GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE has received by the ship Edward and Charles, from London, an extensive assortment of GOODS, suitable to the approaching season. He expects an additional supply, to complete his assortment, by the ship Sally from London, and Latona from Liverpool; which he will dispose of on his usual low terms. Sept. 8. [epf]
EDUCATION.
THE Trustees of Winchester Academy acquaint the public, that the Latin, Greek and French languages, together with Writing, Arithmetic, Geography, the use of the Globes, Euclid, and the practical branches of the Mathematics, are taught in the Academy, by the principal master and his assistants. The school is provided with Globes and Maps, for the use of the lower classes; with Telescopes and an Electrical Machine; with an Air-pump, Electrostatics, and other parts of a Chemical and Philosophical apparatus, for making the usual experiments on Air, and exhibiting the properties of the different elastic fluids. In their examinations of the scholars, the Trustees have been lightly pleased with the plan of teaching and the proficiency of the Pupils; and are extremely happy in adding, what they believe most greatly interest the utility of the institution, that George White will, in future, deliver in the Academy, a Course of Lectures on the Laws and Constitutions of this state, and the United States. These Lectures will commence annually on the first Monday in December, and continue until the 1st of the succeeding March, and it is confidently believed, that every exertion in his power, will be made by that gentleman, to render his Lectures beneficial to his Pupils, and worthy of public patronage. JOHN SMITH, President of the Trustees. September 22. [ep—5w.]
OF an excellent quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & FARRERSON. July 19. [epf]
We have received a small additional supply of MADEIRA WINE, OF a superior quality, which we offer for sale by the hoghead and quarter-cask. GIBSON & FARRERSON. July 19. [epf]
By JAMES MADISON, Secretary of State of the United States. PUBLIC NOTICE is hereby given, in pursuance of the Act of Congress passed on the 26th March last, entitled "An act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President." That the amendment proposed, during the last session of Congress, to the Constitution of the United States, respecting the manner of voting for President and Vice-President of the United States, has been ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, to wit: by those of Vermont, Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia, and has thereby become valid as part of the Constitution of the United States. Given under my hand at the City of Washington, this twenty-fifth day of September, 1804. (Signed) JAMES MADISON.
The Printers of the laws of the United States are requested to publish the above notification and the annexed laws, three times in their Gazette.
AN ACT,
Supplementary to the act, entitled "An act relative to the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, and declaring the officer who shall act as President, in case of vacancies in the offices both of President and Vice-President." BE it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That whenever the amendment proposed during the present session of Congress to the Constitution of the United States, respecting the manner of voting for President and Vice-President of the United States, shall have been ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States, the Secretary of State shall forthwith cause a notification thereof to be made to the executive of every state, and shall also cause the same to be published, in at least one of the newspapers printed in each state, in which the laws of the United States are annually published,—the executive authority of each state shall cause a transcript of the said notification to be delivered to the electors appointed for that purpose, who shall first thereafter meet in each state, for the election of the President and Vice-President of the United States; and whenever the said electors shall have received the said transcript of notification, or whenever they shall meet more than five days subsequent to the publication of the ratification of the above mentioned amendment, in one of the newspapers of the state, by the Secretary of State, they shall vote for President and Vice-President of the United States, respectively, in the manner directed by the above mentioned amendment, and having made and signed three certificates of all the votes given by them each of which certificates shall contain two distinct lists, one, of the votes given for President, and the other, of the votes given for Vice-President; they shall seal up the said certificates, certifying on each, that all of the votes of such state given for President, and of all the votes of such state given for Vice-President, is contained therein, and shall cause the said certificates to be transmitted and disposed of, in every other respect as in conformity with provisions of the act to which this is a supplement. And every other provision of the act to which this is a supplement, and which is not virtually repealed by this act, shall extend and apply to every election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, made in conformity to the above mentioned amendment to the constitution of the United States. And whereas, the above mentioned amendment may be ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the states, and thereupon become immediately valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the constitution, on a day to be fixed by the day fixed by law for the meeting of the electors in the several states, that the electors shall not in every state be apprised of the said ratification, and may vote in a manner no longer conformable with the constitution, as amended, whereby several states might be deprived of their vote in the election of a President and Vice-President; for remedy whereof,
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the electors who shall be appointed in each state for the election of a President and Vice-President of the United States, shall at every such election, unless they shall have received a transcript of the notification of the above mentioned amendment to the constitution, or unless they shall meet more than five days subsequent to the publication of the said ratification by the Secretary of State, in one of the newspapers of the state, vote for President & Vice-President of the U. S. in the following manner, that is to say: they shall vote for two persons as President and Vice-President, in conformity with the first section of the second article of the constitution. And in other respects as in conformity with the provisions of the act to which this is a supplement; & they shall likewise vote for one person as President, & for one person as Vice-President, in conformity with the above mentioned amendment of the Constitution; and in other respects as in conformity with the provisions of the first section of this act. But these certificates only, of votes given for President and Vice-President of the United States, shall be opened by the President of the Senate, for the purpose of being counted which shall contain the list or lists of votes given in conformity with the Constitution, as in force on the day fixed by law for the meeting of the electors, by whom the said votes shall have been given.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That whenever, by the provisions of the second section of this act, it shall be the duty of the electors for any state, to vote in conformity, both with the constitution, and of the proposed amendment thereto, the executive authority of such state shall cause six lists of the names of the electors of the state to be made and certified, and to be delivered to the said electors on or before the day fixed by law for them to meet and vote for President and Vice-President, and the said electors shall enclose one of the said lists in each of the certificates by them made and sealed, in conformity to the provisions of this act, and of the act to which this is a supplement.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate, pro-tempore. March 26, 1804, APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as they were on the spot.....A—the length of the Boot.....C—round the instep.....B—the pitch of ditto.....D—round the heel and calf.....E—round the ditto.....G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. June 30. [epfm.]
A PETITION will be presented to the next General Assembly, to establish a FERRY from the lands of PETER RUST, in Richmond County, to his said Rust's lands in Essex County. September 15. [3mep.]