The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-24 00:00:00

RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.
The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.
Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of carriage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tiles with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid.
BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [sp2w&1awt.]
N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND authorised to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the first day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonward at the Court House, in Madisonward at the Eagle Tavern, in Monroeward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House.
JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. [ep1stWA.]
A YOUNG MAN, who is single, that understands the management of Negroes, and can read and write, with a very little knowledge of figures, if well recommended for honesty, industry and activity, may hear of employment by application to the Editor of this Paper. March 18. [if]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER March 13. [if]
MINELANDS FOR SALE. The subscriber will sell a Tract of Land containing 5791 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of timber of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale; but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition.
Also—A tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 228 acres—107 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky.
Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal Pits or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. [ep124.]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next.
A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [if]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.
Reward above the 1st instant from the service of M c William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending hiselopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ep1f.]
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorising the Erection of a BRIDGE over the River Potomac, within the District of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Steele's Hotel in the City of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M.
Robert Brent, Jonah Thompson, Daniel Carroll, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Munroe, Thomas Vowell, James D. Barry, Cuthbert Powell, Frederick May, Eliza Tannev, Samuel H. Smith, Charles Alexander.
The act of Congress authorises the subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in instalments of ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix.
Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent.
I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia."
March 4. [ep4w]
FOR SALE for cash, approved paper, or exchange for Negroes—Two Tracts of prime Military LANDS of 1000 acres each, in the state of Ohio, upon the waters of Caesar's Creek. These Tracts of Land were surveyed for the Hon. Judge Marshall on 25th Nov. 1794, and granted to him as a captain in the Virginia Line, &c. &c. Apply to GEO. GREENHOW. March 22. [gw]
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES.
 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars 10,000  2 do. of 5,000 10,000  5 do. of 1,000 5,000  10 do. of 500 5,000  10 do. of 200 2,000  40 do. of 100 4,000  100 do. of 50 5,000  200 do. of 20 4,000  500 do. of 10 5,000  1,000 do. To consist of machines for opening off-cast worsted & open wrought woollen clothing into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each, (Patent right included) 100,000  1,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000 
$ 200,000 Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
 First drawn number on the first ten days' drawings, each $ 200  Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days, each 500  Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days, each 1,000  Ditto ditto on the succeeding two days, each 5,000  Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 10,000   This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James Oellers, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets at two dollars each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzhughson and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. [oawtlf.]
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, March 17.
HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECH.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 21.
At three o'clock, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and Lords Dartmouth and Aylesford, took their seats immediately below the throne, as commissioners, and the commons being soon after in attendance, the Lord Chancellor delivered the following speech:
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"WE have received His Majesty's commands to assure you, that in calling you together at this important conjuncture of affairs, he entertains the most perfect conviction, that he shall find in you the same determination with which his Majesty himself is animated, to uphold the honor of his crown, and the just rights and interests of his people."
"We are commanded by his Majesty, to inform you, that no sooner had the result of the Negotiations at Tilsit, confirmed the influence and control of France over the powers of the continent, than his Majesty was apprized of the intentions of the enemy to combine those powers into one general Confederacy, to be directed either to the entire subjugation of this Kingdom, or to the imposing upon his Majesty an insecure and ignominious peace."
"That for this purpose, it was determined to force into hostility against his Majesty, states which had hitherto been allowed by France to maintain or to purchase their neutrality: and to bring to bear against different points of his Majesty's dominions, the whole of the naval force of Europe, and specifically the fleets of Portugal and Denmark."
"To place these fleets out of the power of such a confederacy, became therefore the indispensable duty of his Majesty."
"In the execution of this duty, so far as related to the Danish fleet, his Majesty has commanded us to assure you, that it was with the deepest reluctance that his Majesty found himself compelled, after his earnest endeavors to open a negotiation with the Danish Government had failed, to authorize his commanders to resort to the extremity of force, but he has the greatest satisfaction in congratulating you, upon the successful execution of this painful, but necessary service."
"We are further commanded to acquaint you, that the course which his Majesty had to pursue with respect to Portugal, was hap-
pily of a nature more congenial to his Majesty's feelings. The timely and unreserved communication by the court of Lisbon, of the demands and designs of France, while it confirmed to his Majesty the authenticity of the advices which he had received from other quarters, entitled the court to his Majesty's confidence in the sincerity of the assurances by which that communication was accompanied."
"The fleet of Portugal was destined by France, to be employed as an instrument of vengeance against Great-Britain. That fleet has been secured from the grasp of France, and is now employed, in conveying to its American dominions the hopes and fortunes of the Portuguese Monarchy. His Majesty implores the protection of divine providence, upon that enterprize, rejoicing in the preservation of a power so long the friend and ally of Great-Britain; and in the prospect of its establishment in the new world with augmented strength and splendor."
"We have it in command from his Majesty to inform you, that the determination of the enemy to excite hostilities between his Majesty and his late allies, the Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia, has been but too successful; and that the Ministers from those powers have demanded and received their passports."
"This measure, on the part of Russia, has been attempted to be justified by a statement of wrongs and grievances which have no real foundation. The Emperor of Russia had indeed proffered his mediation between his Majesty and France. His Majesty did not refuse that mediation, but he is confident you will feel the propriety of its not having been accepted until his Majesty should have been enabled to ascertain that Russia was in a condition to mediate impartially, and until the principles on the basis on which France was ready to negotiate were made known to his Majesty."
"No pretence of justification has been alleged for the hostile conduct of the Emperor of Austria, or for that of his Prussian Majesty. His Majesty has not given the slightest ground of complaint to either of those sovereigns nor even at the moment when they have respectively withdrawn their ministers, have they assigned to his Majesty any distinct cause for that proceeding."
"His Majesty has directed that copies of the correspondence between his Majesty's Ambassador and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Russia, during the negotiations at Tilsit, and the official note of the Russian minister at this court, containing the offer of his Imperial Majesty's mediation between his Majesty and France, together with the answer returned to that note by his Majesty's command; and also copies of the official notes, presented by the Austrian minister at this court, and of the answers which his Majesty commanded to be returned to them, should be laid before you."
"It is with concern that his Majesty commands us to inform you, that notwithstanding his earnest wishes to terminate the war in which he is engaged with the Ottoman Porte, his Majesty's endeavors, unhappily for the Turkish Empire, have been defeated by the machinations of France, not less the enemy of the Porte than of G. Britain."
"But while the influence of France has been thus unfortunately successful in preventing the termination of existing hostilities, and in exciting new war against this country, his Majesty commands us to inform you that the King of Sweden has resisted every attempt to induce him to abandon his alliance with Great-Britain; and that his Majesty entertains no doubt that you will feel with him the sacredness of the duty which the firmness and fidelity of the king of Sweden impose upon his Majesty; and that you will concur in enabling his Majesty to discharge it, in a manner worthy of this country."
"It remains for us, according to his Majesty's command, to state to you that the Treaty of Commerce and Amity between his Majesty and the United States of America, which was concluded and signed by Commissioners duly authorised for that purpose, on the 31st of December, 1806, has not taken effect, in consequence of the refusal of the President of the United States to ratify that instrument."
"For an unauthorised act of force committed against an American ship of war, his Majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate and spontaneous reparation. But an attempt has been made by the American government to connect with the question which has arisen out of this act, pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain: such pretensions his Majesty is determined never to admit. His Majesty, nevertheless, hopes that the American government will be actuated by the same desire to preserve the relations of peace and friendship between the two countries which has ever influenced his Majesty's conduct, and that any difficulties in the discussion now pending may be effectually removed."
"His Majesty has commanded me to state to you that in consequence of the Decree by which France declared the whole of His Majesty's dominions to be in a state of blockade, and subjected to seizure and confiscation, the produce and manufactures of his kingdom, His Majesty resorted in the first instance, to a measure of mitigated retaliation; and that this measure having proved ineffectual for its object; His Majesty has since found it necessary to adopt others of greater vigour, which he commands us to state to you, will require the aid of parliament to give them complete and effectual operation."
"His Majesty has directed copies of the Orders which he has issued with the advice of his Privy Council upon this subject to be laid before you, and he commands us to recommend them to your early attention."
Gentlemen of the House of Commons.
"His Majesty has directed the estimated for the ensuing year to be laid before you, in the fullest confidence that your loyalty and public spirit will induce you to make such provision for the public services as the urgency of affairs may require."
"His Majesty has great satisfaction in informing you, that notwithstanding the difficulties which the enemy has endeavored to impose upon the commerce of his subjects, and upon their intercourse with other nations, the resources of the country have continued to the last year to be so abundant, as to have produced, both from the permanent & temporary revenue, a precept considerably larger than that of the preceding year."
"The satisfaction which his Majesty feels assured you will derive, in common with His Majesty, from this proof of the solidity of these resources, cannot be but greatly increased, if, as his Majesty confidently hopes, it shall be found possible to raise the necessary supplies for the present year without any material addition to the public burdens."
My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We are especially commanded to say to you, in the name of His Majesty, that if ever there was a just and national war, it is that which His Majesty is now compelled to prosecute. This war is in its principle, purely defensive. His Majesty looks but to the attainment of a secure and honorable peace; but such a peace can only be negotiated upon a footing of perfect equity."
"The eyes of Europe and of the world, are fixed upon the British Parliament."
"If as his majesty confidently trusts, you display in this crisis of the fate of the country, the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled, the unnatural combination which is gathering around us, His Majesty bids us to assure you of his firm persuasion, that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the struggle will prove successful and glorious to Great-Britain."
"We are lastly commanded to assure you, that in this awful and momentous contest, you may rely on the firmness of His Majesty, who has no cause but that of his people; & that His Majesty reciprocally relies on the wisdom, the constancy, and the affectionate support of his Parliament."
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Friday, January 22, 1808.
After the King's message had been read,
The Earl of GALLOWAY rose to move an address to his majesty, (the following are extracts from his speech:)
My Lords,
I wish it was possible to announce with satisfaction upon the conduct of the United States of America: local knowledge, obtained by me at the early period of the French revolution, enables me to form a very decided opinion with respect to that country, and I am sorry to say, my Lords, I cannot form a flattering one. I am, however, happy to learn, by the tenor of the speech, that it is not the intention of his Majesty's government to concede one point more to that illiberal and prejudiced people.
My Lords, we must make a stand somewhere; and where can we do it better than in defence of our seamen and our trade—which they unequivocally demand? If America prefers French alliance to British connection, it is not in our Lordships' power to control her choice; nor can we prevent that war, which I do not wish to see take place; but which, if it does take place, my Lords, I am confident, if pursued by us with judgment and reference to the American character and situation, no man need fear.
With respect to the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, my Lords, as a naval officer, I may be permitted to be a little prejudiced, & to hold an opinion in some small degree differing perhaps, from his Majesty's government.—It is not, however, my intention to dispute the accuracy of their Proclamation, lately issued, nor the principle of respect, which is due to national ships of war, as applicable to the governments and nations of Europe; but as merited by America, if all the detail of that transaction was before your Lordships, I am inclined to think you yourselves would question. However, my Lords, while the American navy is confined to a few frigates, the compensation that has been made may not be of material import; how far it may affect us hereafter, time only can shew. But my Lords, our chief concern is with France, with whom some individuals would make a peace. I have taken the liberty, my Lords, to write down some other sentiments on this subject, as described, in what we may call her Official Paper, and wherein she informs you, conformably to her practice since the earliest periods of her revolution, of the conduct she means to pursue, and from which she has never varied, but from necessity alone. She proclaims, my Lords, "That "she will not lay down her arms, but will "augment her force, until she has conquered "ed the liberties of the seas, the first right "of all nations." Her recommending to us an armed truce, which she calls a peace, says, "It shall endure until she chooses to "proclaim anew the principles of her armed "neutrality, when she permits you to pro- "claim your principles of maritime law." Now, my Lords, is this that which you are willing to accept as your peace? Have we already forgot the peace of Amiens? Do we wish to see her seamen all restored, and the pendants of her ships going up, when ours will necessarily be coming down? Never will I believe that the good sense of this country will entertain the idea of peace, until moderation marks the conduct of the enemy, for his professions are not worthy of reflection. I am glad to see a great commercial city think like me, and I hope her opinions and example will be imitated by others.
My Lords, although the arms of Europe may appear on the side of France, I cannot believe their hearts are against this country. If we remain firm and unappalled, as recommended by his Majesty and exemplified by himself, some balance may yet be preserved in Europe; if we yield, no man can foresee the consequences. Having now, my Lords, though in a very inadequate manner, animadverted upon the prominent features of the Speech, I shall conclude my address to your Lordships, in what may be termed a trite and common manner; but it is neither, on that account, the less appropriate nor required. I allude, my Lords, to my hopes, that I may perceive the unanimous concurrence of your Lordships to the address I am about to propose. Parliament was never assembled, my Lords, at a period when the example of unanimity would be so beneficial: I therefore solicit it. To mark to the enemy we are unanimous in our opposition to him; to manifest to the people of this country we are unanimous, when their first and most essential interests are concerned; and to show to his majesty that undi-
minished respect and attachment so much his due: to do our duty, my Lords, in imitation of him, who through a long, arduous, but a glorious reign, has so conspicuously done his.
His Lordship concluded by moving an address to his Majesty, which, as usual, echoed the sentiments of the Speech.
Mr. Canning, in the House of Commons, concluded a long and able speech with the following remarks, on the same day:
With respect to the differences with America it had been thought right frankly and voluntarily to disavow the unauthorised act of hostility towards the Chesapeake. The provocation the officer who had committed that act had received, went far to excuse him; but the right of searching ships of war had never been acted upon long or to any extent, and in late times it had not been acted upon at all. It was, therefore, thought right to abandon this unbounded pretension unequivocally; but in doing so, his Majesty's Ministers were determined not to concede a point of what the strict and established right of Britain, and the usage of nations justified, and required the British government to support. With respect to the late Orders of the French government upon our commerce, he maintained our right to go as far as France, and making France feel the effects of her own injustice, that we could hope to bring her to more reasonable conduct. The vigor of the British navy when put forth with a determination, which the moderate spirit of the government had hitherto restrained, would prove equal to cope with the power that France had established on land. It would appear that if France combined all the powers of the continent to oppress us, the effect was but to increase our strength and energy, and to make us triumph under oppression.
LONDON, January 23.
Hamburg and Altona papers have arrived of the 19th. In the prosecution of that system of overthrowing every ancient establishment and government upon the Continent, Bonaparte is about to change the form of the government of Switzerland, and Berthier, to whom some time ago the Principality of Neufchatel was given, is to be King. Another of Bonaparte's ministers is to be rewarded with a Crown; and Talleyrand, for whom the Crown of Holland was at first said to be destined, is to be the new King of Portugal.
The loss which Denmark has sustained by our expedition is estimated at 87,380,000 rix dollars.
Letters from Holland of the 18th state, that another and a most important Decree has been issued by Bonaparte—it is dated the 28th ult. It orders that a strict embargo should on the first day of January, be laid on all vessels which might be found in any of the ports of France, or in any of the ports under its control or dominion, whether such vessels belonged to any of the countries in alliance with France, or sailed under any neutral flag. All exportation is to be prohibited from the ports of France, without any exception. No merchantmen will sail from any port, with goods of any description whatever.
The two vessels which it was said had sailed from Madeira for the West Indies, are said to be gone to take possession of Port Praya, in the Island of St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd Islands.
There are four charges against General White-locke.
"I. The first for having summoned the civil, as well as the military authorities of Buenos Ayres to surrender, by which the minds of the people were unnecessarily alienated from our cause."
"II. For want of military judgment, and of delay in the manner of advancing to the place."
"III. For want of military judgment in the division of his army into columns, and ordering them to march into the place without loaded guns—without communication—and without receiving instructions, &c. And"
"IV. For having, in a shameful manner, given up Monte Video, when it was capable of being defended."
JANUARY 25.
It is not the Brest fleet which has put to sea, but the Rochefort squadron, consisting of six sail of the line and two frigates—it took the advantage of Sir R. Strachan having been blown off the coast. It chased one of our frigates which escaped by superior sailing. Immediately upon being informed of its having sailed, Adm. Duckworth proceeded after it with five sail of the line and two frigates. The Entrepreneure cutter was dispatched with the information to Plymouth, and four sail of the line in that port, with all the frigates, were ordered to sea with all possible speed.
It is not known whether the French squadron has troops on board, or what is its destination. From the promptitude with which Adm. Duckworth pursued them, it is strongly supposed that he will overtake them.
According to the last official accounts from Constantinople, an insurrection took place about the end of November, but was quelled soon after. This insurrection is said to have been occasioned by a dearth and scarcity of provision, arising from the blockade of the Dardanelles by the English, the importation from the Black Sea not being sufficient to support this large metropolis.
They write from Austria that several corps of troops have been ordered to march to the Turkish frontiers.
It is said to be the intention of the Catholics to have their petitions to the House of Commons presented by their respective Representatives. The petition from the main body of the Catholics connected with Dublin will, it is said, be presented by Lord Milton, and that to the House of Lords, by Lord Grenville. The other Noble Lords, friendly to the Catholic cause, will be solicited to present petitions from the several counties.
Two protests have been issued against that part of the Address to his Majesty by the House of Lords which approves of the expedition against Denmark. The first of them, which is signed by the Duke of Gloucester, Lord Rawdon, Lauderdale, Grey, Holland, the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord Sidmouth, assigns as a reason for dissent, that no proof of hostile intention on the part of Denmark, or of necessity for the expedition, had been given. The second is signed only by Lord Erskine, and is a long and elaborate argument, consisting of many distinct articles.
JANUARY 26.
No further intelligence has been received with respect to the Rochefort squadron, nor has it been ascertained whether they have troops on board. The Eurystheus frigate, as soon as she saw them, attempted to draw them in chase of her towards our fleet of Brest. They followed her for eleven hours, and then hauling their wind, shaped their course to the Southward. It

is supposed by some, that as the French and Spanish squadrons in Cadiz are known to be in perfect readiness, they will put to sea, and attempt to join the Rochefort squadron: others conjecture that this squadron is bound to the West-Indies.
The last accounts from Vienna state, that European Turkey is shortly to experience very important changes, in which Austria will also take an active part, and the result of which will prove extremely pernicious to Great Britain.
Copenhagen Gaz. Jan. 1. Private letters from Petersburg state, that the nobility still continue their aversion to the new system of Russian politics; and that the Liquidation Commissioners had requested that two English merchants should be added to their number, which request had been complied with by the Emperor.
JANUARY 28. The captain of an American ship from St. Andero, in 13 days, sent into Falmouth, states that it was reported prior to his leaving St. Andero, that an embargo had been laid on all neutral vessels in the ports of France, and that it was daily expected to take place in Spain.
GENERAL WHITELOCKE'S TRIAL. This morning the trial of General White-locke before a court martial, consisting of 21 members, commenced at Chelsea College. General Sir W. Meadows is president, and General Moore the junior officer at the lower end of the table, who will of course be first called upon for his opinion. The members of the court began to assemble soon after nine, and about twenty minutes after ten the judge advocate, the honorable Mr. Rydler, called them over, and they took their seats at the board according to their rank. The copy of the charges in manuscript, with a printed copy of the articles of war, were laid before each member, and they perused the former the moment they took their places. General White-locke, in uniform, followed by several officers, in uniform, then entered the court, some of the members bowing to him. The judge advocate then swore in the members and read the charges; after which he proposed to the court the arrangement of excluding all the witnesses, that each might be examined separately, which was agreed to.
The advocate general then addressing the court, stated that this prosecution was to be conducted by him, with the assistance of the officer who was adjutant general at Buenos Ayres, and that the prisoner had applied to him for permission to allow the quarter master general, who was also at Buenos Ayres, to assist him in his defence. This was an important point for the court to determine; for if that officer was permitted to attend that assistance to general White-locke, he could not appear as a witness. In order to determine this point the court was ordered to be cleared, and at half past eleven o'clock they were in close deliberation. General White-locke and his counsel, Mr. Harrison, and all strangers being excluded. The court was to proceed immediately to examine witnesses, after the point above mentioned was settled.
The court was not crowded, not more than two hundred spectators being present; but it was very difficult to see or hear what was passing. The following are the names of the officers composing the court martial:
Sir W. Meadows, President. Generals Garth, Generals Coyler, Norton, Lake, Monson, Moore, Nugent, Halsey, Dundas, Pigott, Clancarty, Ogilvy, Fox, Sir E. Duffe, Harris, Manners, Welford, Garth, Staveley, Sir C. Ross.
JANUARY 29. The American committee met yesterday, and a long discussion arose upon the question, whether a memorial should be presented to ministers, relative to the present state of our relations with the United States, or rather with respect to the consequences of a war with America. The result was, that the question of presenting a memorial was decided in the negative, by the casting vote of the chairman, Mr. Sanson.
Letters from Holland, which speak of an embargo said to have been laid in all the ports of France, say, that according to advice from France, it is to continue as long as the war lasts with England.
JANUARY 30. The official accounts from Botany Bay, of the 18th March, state, that a conspiracy of the Irish convicts, which had been planning many months, had been discovered and defeated; they were headed by O'Dwyer, the Irish rebel. They were to risk their success in seizing the arms of the loyal inhabitants, and in order to effect this, the Irish servants of the inhabitants were at a certain time to be fixed, to massacre their masters & the principal inhabitants. O'Dwyer had been seized for trial, and put on board the Porpoise; Byrne also; Burke, and some other ring-leaders, had been apprehended.
FEBRUARY 1. King Louis, of Holland, according to letters of the 22d, is understood to have at length prevailed upon his brother Napoleon to consent to a modification of the present heavy imports in that country, and a less rigorous method of collecting the various duties; and a proposition to that effect is about to be submitted to the Legislative Body of the once "High and Mighty," but now poor and needy, states of Holland.
FEBRUARY 6. The late Orders in Council produced a very long and interesting discussion in the House of Commons last night. In the course of the discussion, Mr. Percival, in answer to a remark that the Orders would have the effect of producing a war with America, replied.
"With regard to the effect which these orders might have on our relations with America, that was a most important subject. Some persons apprehended that they might induce America to go to war with us. He trusted not; he believed not; no one would regret such an event more than himself. He was far from entertaining the mistaken idea, that we might redeem our own losses by the sufferings of America. Loss to America was loss to Great-Britain. He wished to prevent war with America; for although the mischiefs which America would suffer by war, must first be felt by her, they would eventually be felt by us. The prosperity of America was the prosperity of Great-Britain, and he was as anxious to preserve peace with America, consistently with the rights and interests of this country, as any man. As he hoped that peace might be preserved; for if any enlightened view existed in America of the principle of the measures which he had adopted, it was impossible that they could be the cause of war. It was impossible that the Americans could look at the Orders in Council, without perceiving in them many instances of caution not to injure America. There were various exceptions, in diminution of the military effects of those orders."
* Another paper (the Globe) reports Mr. Percival to have expressed himself in the following manner: "I am anxious, extremely anxious, to quiet the apprehensions of those who conceive these Orders of Council will be productive of war with America; I trust they will not—I am convinced they will not."
ders, which showed that we were desirous of doing as little injury to America as possible. The British government had been actuated by no spirit of jealousy or hostility against America. They had merely done that which it was their duty to do, in consequence of the measures that had been adopted by the enemy for the destruction of the country."
The Orders in Council of the 11th Nov. were founded upon the principle of the Order of Council issued on the 7th Jan. last, which in its preamble declared "that such attempts on the part of the enemy (his Decree of Blockade) would give his majesty an unquestionable right of retaliation, and would warrant his Majesty in enforcing the same prohibition of all commerce with France, which that power had vainly hoped to effect against the commerce of his Majesty's subjects." The preamble then goes on to enforce the necessity of taking some steps to restrain the violence of the enemy. The present Ministers acted precisely upon the principle laid down in the preamble. They did what the late Ministers enforced the justice and professed their intention of doing, in case their measure of retaliation did not bring the French government to a greater sense of moderation. It did not bring the French government to any such sense. Their violence and injustice increased, and we adopted a more full and ample measure of retaliation—and a more full and ample retaliation was even contemplated by the late Ministers, for in the debate upon their order they replied to some persons who had objected to its efficiency as a measure of retaliation, "that these Gentlemen misconstrued them: that the measure was not meant as a full and final retaliation, but merely as an experimental one, and that by the issue of that experiment would their future measures be regulated." Here then we have the present Ministers pursuing the path and principle which had been laid down by their predecessors; and for doing so, they are by those very predecessors attacked and censured! In nineteen instances out of twenty, the country will be very ready to allow, that the present Ministers would deserve the severest censure, were they to follow the footsteps of the late—though to be sure, from the late, the censure would come with no great degree of consistency.
AMERICAN TRADE.....OFFICIAL
GLASGOW, January 19. A mercantile house in town, has favored us with the following highly interesting notice respecting "Trade to the United States of America." Licences are now granted by the privy council for the protection of American vessels generally, with the outward cargoes; also for their return cargoes to Great-Britain, with special clauses for the masters to receive their freights and return to the U. S. without molestation.
"HENRY NODDIN & Co. Agents, London."
"January 15."
Copy of a protection granted to masters of vessels sailing from G. B. with articles of British manufacture.
"George III by the grace of God, To all commanders of our ships of war & privateers, and to all those whom it may concern, greeting: Whereas it hath been represented to us on behalf of _____ that they are desirous of obtaining our royal licence for protecting the American ship _____ bound on a voyage from _____ to the United States of America, with a cargo of British manufacture, and such goods as are permitted to be exported: We, taking the premises into our royal consideration, are graciously pleased to grant our royal licence for that purpose, and the commanders of all our ships of war and privateers are hereby required and directed not to molest or to interrupt the said vessel or her intended voyage from _____ to the United States of America, either on account of existing war, or of any other hostilities which may, in the mean time take place."
Given at our Court of St. James, on _____ day of _____, in the 48th year of our reign. By his Majesty's command. HAWKESBURY.
The dukes of Gloucester and Norfolk, earls Grey, Lauderdale and Moira, and Lords Sidmouth and Holland, have entered the following protest on the books of the House of Lords against that part of the address which relates to Copenhagen.
"Because no proof of hostile intention on the part of Denmark has been adduced nor any case of necessity made out to justify the attack upon Copenhagen, without which the measure is, in our conception, discreditable to the character, and injurious to the interests of this country."
W. FREDERICK. RAWDON, (MOIRA.) LAUDERDALE. GREY. VASSAL HOLLAND. NORFOLK. SIDMOUTH. Lord Erskine has entered another very long one.
PARIS, January 14. "At the Palace of the Thuilleries, January 11, 1808. Napoleon, &c. upon the report of our Minister of Finance seeing our decrees of the 22d November and 17th December, with the concurrence of our Council of State, we have decreed, and do decree as follows:
Art. I. When a vessel shall enter into a French port, or into that of a country occupied by our armies, any man of the crew, or a passenger, who shall declare to the principal of the Custom House, that the said ship comes from Britain or her colonies, or countries occupied by British troops, or that it has been visited by any British vessel, shall receive a third part of the produce of the net sale of the ship and cargo, if it be known that his declaration is exact.
Art. II. The Principal of the Custom house, who shall receive the declaration mentioned in the preceding article, in conjunction with the commissary of Police, who shall be called on for that purpose, and the two Principals of the Custom-house officers of the port, shall cause each of the crew and passengers to undergo separately the interrogatory prescribed by the second article of our decree of the 22d November, 1807.
Art. III. Any functionary or agent of Government, who shall be convicted of having favoured the contravention of our decrees of the 22d Nov. and 17th Dec. 1807, shall be prosecuted in the Criminal Court of the Department of the Seine, which shall be formed into a special tribunal for this purpose, and punished, if convicted, as if guilty of high treason.
Art. IV. Our Ministers are charged, each in his respective department, with the execution of the present decree.
(Signed) NAPOLEON.
RECEIVED VIA BALTIMORE.
DECREE OF THE 8TH DECEMBER.
The governor of Paris, first aid-de-camp of his Majesty the Emperor and King, General in Chief, in the name of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Decrees.
Monsieur Mascarene, Conservator of the French nation at Lisbon is appointed commissary, to receive the claims of the English.
He shall report on the claims which may be presented him, with his opinion on the margin thereof, to the General in Chief who will definitively determine.
M. Mascarene will repair every Monday and Thursday, to the General in Chief's, to attend to this business.
He shall make known the dispositions of this decree to the English in a state of arrest, or to those who have claims to make, whose goods have been sequestered: the claims must be supported by authentic documents.
Given at Head-Quarters, at Lisbon, the 8th of December, 1807. JUNOT.
On the 9th of December, an order signed by the Major-General Thibault, prohibiting the officers from exacting from the inhabitants of Lisbon, any sustenance which they had been in the habit of doing contrary to previous orders; declaring them to be considered as in garrison, and to be entitled only to lodging, fire, and candle, from their hosts. By this order it appears that the army of Portugal is placed on the same footing and extra pay as the grand army, with a promise of punctuality. It also expresses the dissatisfaction of the commander in chief, at these exactions of the officers, and threatens them with punishment, if the order be not obeyed.
Bal. American.
NEW-YORK, March 18.
The King of Great Britain has been pleased to appoint major general SIR GEORGE PREVOST, Bart. to be lieutenant governor of the province of Nova Scotia, and commander of the forces, with the local rank of lieutenant-general in Nova Scotia only.
PHILADELPHIA, March 18.
The ship Frances, (whose arrival at New-York we announced yesterday) has a Royal Licence, protecting her from British Ships of war or privateers. Capt. Taylor informs that many American vessels had obtained similar licences, some of which were obtained for twelve months.
Sir George Prevost, with 5000 troops, sailed the 11th Feb. for Halifax.
The London papers say, the American embargo is not of a hostile character—"It applies" (say they) "solely to American vessels, and can have no possible influence on the negotiation between the two governments. Indeed, considering the circumstances under which the act was passed, the measure would appear to be particularly directed against France." And they considered it the only measure to which America could have recourse under existing circumstances, without incurring the risk of being involved in hostilities.
BALTIMORE, March 17.
Arrived, ship Oriental, West, 35 days from the Straits of Gibraltar. The Oriental left Cape Henry, January 4, bound up the Mediterranean. On the 10th February, between Capes Spartel and Trafalgar, was boarded by the British ship Zealous, of 74 guns, capt. Pierrepont, who endorsed the register, warning him not to go into the Mediterranean, except to Gibraltar or to Malta. Capt. P. offered to supply the Oriental with any thing she might be in need of.
The night before, he met Sir Richard Strachan, going into the straits with seven sail of the line and two frigates in search of the Rochefort squadron. The Oriental parted from the Zealous, the morning of the 11th Feb, the fleet off Cadiz then in sight, consisting of ten sail of the line under rear admiral Purvis, the French and Spanish fleet still in port amounting to 12 sail of the line. About ten days before she met the 74, was boarded by a brig of 16 guns under French colors, supposed to be a Guernsey privateer—they examined particularly to ascertain whether the ship's papers were endorsed or not, finding they were not, suffered her to proceed, seeming to leave the endorsement of the papers to the men of war to make prizes of them afterwards.
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON, March 21.
We understand that the negotiations between our government and Mr. Rose were, on Friday last, brought to a close by the receipt of his final note. They are said to have been suspended on the preliminary requisition made by him that the President's proclamation should be rescinded. Mr. Rose, in the first instance, apprised our government of his authority to offer reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, without specifying what that reparation would be; but required that previously to its being made the proclamation should be revoked. Much interlocutory matter passed; when he was informed that if he would state the reparation and assurances he was empowered to make, and they should be considered by our government as satisfactory, they would be taken as a pledge of amity, and that the act of reparation and revocation of the proclamation should bear co-temperaneous date. This in his ultimatum, he declined doing.
It is understood that early in the week a very comprehensive communication will be made to congress, embracing the whole of the negotiations relative to the Chesapeake, the whole of the correspondence on our general relations with England, and so much, respecting the other European powers with whom we have had differences, as will give a full view of the state of our relations with them. Nat. Int.
A LETTER from the Hon. Timothy Pickering, a Senator of the U. S. from the state of Massachusetts, exhibiting to his Constituents, a view of the imminent danger of an UNNECESSARY and RUINOUS WAR, addressed to His Excellency James Sullivan, Governor of said state.
CITY OF WASHINGTON, Feb. 16, 1808.
Sir, In the even current of ordinary times, an address from a Senator in Congress to his constituents might be dispensed with. In such times, the proceedings of the Executive and Legislature of the United States, exhibited in their public acts, might be sufficient. But the present singular condition of our country, when its most interesting concerns, wrapt up in mystery, excite universal alarm, requires me to be no longer silent. Perhaps I am liable to censure, at such a crisis, for not sooner presenting to you and them, such a view of our national affairs as my official situation has placed in
my power. I now address it to you, Sir, as the proper organ of communication to the legislature.
The attainment of TRUTH is ever desirable; and I cannot permit myself to doubt that the statement I now make must be acceptable to all who have an agency in directing the affairs, and who are guardians of the interests of our commonwealth, which so materially depend on the measures of the Government of the Nation. At the same time, I am aware of the jealousy with which, in these unhappy days of party dissensions, my communications may, by some of my constituents be received. Of this I will not complain: while I earnestly wish the same jealousy to be extended towards all public men. Yet I may claim some share of attention and credit—that share which is due to the man who desires the world to point, in the whole course of a long and public life at one instance of deception, at a single departure from TRUTH.
The EMBARGO demands the first notice. For perhaps no act of the National Government has ever produced so much solicitude or spread such universal alarm. Because all naturally conclude, that a measure pregnant with incalculable mischief to all classes of our fellow-citizens, would not have been proposed by the president, and adopted by congress, but for causes deeply affecting the interests and safety of the nation. It must have been under the influence of this opinion that the legislative bodies of some states have expressed their approbation of the embargo, either explicitly, or by implication. The following were all the papers laid by the President before Congress as the grounds of the embargo.
1. The proclamation of the King of Great-Britain requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries, to aid, in this hour of peculiar danger, in the defence of their own. But it being an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war, that proclamation could not furnish the slightest ground for an embargo.
2. The extract of a letter from the Grand Judge Regnier to the French Attorney General for the Council of Prizes. This contained a partial interpretation of the imperial blocking decree of Nov. 21. 1806. This decree, indeed, and its interpretation, present flagrant violations of our neutral rights, and of the existing treaty between the United States and France: but still, the execution of that decree could not (from the small number of French cruisers) extensively interrupt our trade. These two papers were public.
3. The letter from our Minister, Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Champagny, the French minister of Foreign Affairs—and
4. Mr. Champagny's answer. But these ought, in form or substance, also to have been made public. The latter would have furnished to our nation some idea of the views and expectations of France. But both were withdrawn by the President, to be deposited among other Executive secrets; while neither presented any new ground to justify an Embargo.
In the Senate, these papers were referred to a committee; the committee quickly reported a bill for laying an embargo agreeably to the president's proposal. This was read, a first, a second, & a third time, and passed; and all in the short compass of about four hours!—
A little time was repeatedly asked, to obtain further information, and to consider a measure of such moment, of such universal concern: but these requests were denied. We were hurried into the passage of the bill, as if there was danger of its being rejected, if we were allowed time to obtain further information, and deliberately consider the subject. For to that time our vessels were freely sailing on foreign voyages; and in a national point of view, the departure of half a dozen or a dozen more, while we were inquiring into the necessity or expediency of the Embargo, was of little moment. Or if the danger to our vessels, seamen and merchandise had been so extreme as not to admit of one day's delay, ought not that extreme danger to have been exhibited to Congress? The constitution which requires the President "to give to Congress information of the state of the union," certainly meant, not partial but complete information on the subject of a communication, so far as he possessed it. And when it enjoins him "to recommend to their consideration such measures as he should judge necessary and expedient," it is certainly intended that those recommendations should be bottomed on information communicated, not on facts withheld, and locked up in the executive cabinet. Had the public safety been at stake, or any great public good been presented to our view, but which would be lost by a momentary delay, there would have been some apology for dispatch, though none for acting without due information. In truth the measure appeared to me then, as it still does, and as it appears to the public, without a sufficient motive, without a legitimate object. Hence the general inquiry—"For what is the embargo laid?" And I challenge any man not in the secrets of the Executive to tell. I know, Sir, that the President said the papers above mentioned "showed that great and increasing dangers threatened our vessels, our seamen, and our merchandise;" but I also know that they exhibited no new dangers; none of which our merchants and seamen had not been well apprised.
The British proclamation had many days before been published in the news-papers, [the copy laid before us by the President had been cut out of a news-paper:] and so had the substance, if not the words of Regnier's letter. Yet they had excited little concern among merchants and seamen, the preservation of whose persons and property was the professed object of the President's recommendation of an embargo. The merchants and seamen could accurately estimate the dangers, of continuing their commercial operations; of which dangers, indeed, the actual premiums of insurance were a satisfactory gauge. Those premiums had very little increased: by the British proclamation not a cent: and by the French decree, so little as not to stop commercial enterprises. The great number of vessels loading or loading, and prepared for sea; the exertions every where made, on the first rumour of the embargo, to dispatch them; demonstrate that the President's dangers to be imaginary—to have been assumed. Or if great and real dangers unknown to commercial men, were impending, or sure to fall, how desirable was it to have had them officially declared and published! This would have produced a voluntary embargo, and prevented every complaint. Besides, the dangers clearly defined and understood, the public mind would not have been disquieted with imaginary fears, the more tormenting, because uncertain.
It is true that considerable numbers of vessels were collected in our ports and many held in suspense; not however, from any new dangers which appeared; but from the mysterious conduct of our affairs, after the attack on the Chesapeake; and from a painful apprehension that the course the President was pursuing, would terminate in war. The National Intelligencer (usually considered as the Executive newspaper) gave the alarm; and it was echoed through the United States—War, probable or inevitable, war, was the constant theme of the newspapers, and of the conversation, as was reported, of persons supposed to be best informed of Executive designs. Yet amid this din of war, inadequate preparations were seen making to meet it.
The orders to detach a hundred thousand militia to fight the British navy (for no other shape) was so completely absurd, as to excite, with men of common sense, no other emotion than ridicule. Not the shadow of a reason that could operate on the mind of a man of common understanding can be offered in its justification. The refusal of the British officer to receive the frigate Chesapeake as a prize, when tendered by her commander, is a demonstration that that attack upon her was exclusively for the purpose of taking her deserters; and not between the two nations. The President knew that the British had no invading army to land on our shores; and the detached militia would be useless, against standing forces. Why then was this order for the Militia given?—The nature of the cause, and the actual state of things, authorize the inference that its immediate, if not its only object, was to increase the public alarm, to aggravate the public resentment against Great Britain, to excite a war pulse; and in the height of this artificial fever of the public mind, which was to be made known in Great Britain, to renew the demands on her government; in the poor expectation of extorting in that state of things, concessions of points which she had always considered as her rights, and which at all times and under all circumstances, she had uniformly refused to relinquish. The result of the subsequent negotiation at London has shown how utterly unfounded was the President's expectation; how perfectly useless all this bluster of war. While no well informed man doubted that the British Government would make suitable reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, the President himself, in his proclamation, had placed the affair on the same footing. A rupture between the two nations, said he, "is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the British Government, in the midst of which this outrage was committed."
"In this light the subject cannot but present itself to that Government, and strengthen the motives to an honorable reparation for the wrong which has been done." And it is now well known that such reparation might have been promptly obtained in London, had the President's instructions to Mr. Monroe been compatible with such an adjustment. He was required not to negotiate on this single, transient act (which when once adjusted was forever settled) but in connection with another claim of long standing, and, to say the least, of doubtful right; to wit, the exemption from impressment of British seamen found on American merchant vessels. To remedy an evil arising from its exercise, by which our own citizens were some times impressed, the attention of our government, under every administration had been earnestly engaged; but no practicable plan has yet been contrived: while no man who regards the truth, will question the disposition of the British government to adopt the services of her own subjects. And now, when the unexampled situation of that country (left alone to maintain the conflict with France and her numerous dependent States—left alone to withstand the power which menaces the liberties of the world) rendered the aid of all her subjects more than ever needful; there was no reasonable ground to expect that she would yield the right to take them when found on board the merchant vessels of any nation. Thus to insist on her yielding this point, and inseparably to connect it with the affair of the Chesapeake, was tantamount to a determination not to negotiate at all.
[To be continued in our next.]
FROM THE ALBANY GAZETTE.
It is conjectured that our Legislature will not close their session without making a nomination for President of the United States—who the nomination will fall on is uncertain—though we think it more than probable that Gov. Clinton will unite the suffrages of the dominant party in this state—his age and infirmities to the contrary notwithstanding.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, March 18.
The bill for raising an additional military force, was reported with amendments, and committed to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Livermore after a lengthy prefatory address (which will be given in our next) moved the following resolution, which the House refused to consider by yeas and nays, 64 to 24.
Resolved, That the public good requires that the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States should be repealed, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose; and that said committee be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting the merchant vessels of the United States to arm for their defence against certain cruisers, and of associating for the purpose of convoy; and to enquire into the expediency of suspending commercial intercourse with France, and the nations under the control of the Emperor of the French, and to report by bill or otherwise.
A committee was appointed, on motion of Mr. Nelson, to enquire into the propriety of erecting an invalid corps.
A message was received from the President of the U. S. in relation to the military academy; which was referred to a select committee.
The contested election of Philip Barton Key, having gone through the committee of the whole, was at length decided on, and Mr. Key confirmed in his seat, 37 to 52.
SATURDAY, March 19.
The whole of this day was spent on the bill for raising an additional military force: It went through the committee of the whole, and was reported to the House. Considerable progress was made in the details of the bill; but they were not perfected, when the House adjourned, it being then near four o'clock.

To Messrs. GEO. HAY, JOHN CLARK, EDWARD C. STANNARD, WILLIAM ROSE, JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Members of the MONROE Standing Committee.
GENTLEMEN,
When after the "silence and inactivity" of eight weeks, you came forward to discharge the very first act of your official administration, to inaugurate the baring friends of Col. Monroe, and to manifest your own ardent zeal in the cause which your own judgments had espoused, and which you have been selected to promote; it was impossible not to take up your address without great expectation and curiosity. Coming forward with your own names subscribed to your address, the world could not but expect that you would attempt to illustrate those names with all the powers of argument and eloquence which you possessed. Coming forward in such a cause, it was impossible not to hope for the credit of the gentleman himself whom you support—that your enthusiasm would have dictated a style of composition the most commanding, and arguments cogent, persuasive and irresistible. Some of you too, gentlemen, had assumed a claim to literary pretensions, which it was seriously believed, you would readily attempt to fortify and extend. The time too which you had devoted to your researches, was flattering to these expectations. No man believed that you were really "supine." Every one presumed, that if your excessive zeal would not permit you to relinquish your hopeless opposition, this same zeal was busy and indefatigable in the cause, which it supported; collecting new lights in favor of your candidate, or new censures on his competitor; or performing the ordinary duties of a corresponding committee; distributing circulars, supplying the daily waste of your committee men and electors—a task in which, it must be confessed, no inconsiderable portion of your 8 weeks would have been uselessly wasted. Few of us indeed expected from you the honor of a public address; but still fewer of us, could have expected from you any other address than one, in which the powers of language and of thought would have striven for the mastery—one, in which all the results of your numberless researches, and all your collected lights in favour of Col. Monroe, would have been poured in one irresistible stream upon the public eye. As you had hitherto done nothing in your official character, much would have been expected from you. We should have imagined you, like the sleeping giant, only to have slumbered to renovate your powers, and that when you, burst the "silence and inactivity" which had hitherto shrouded you, you would have come forth in all the might and majesty of your strength.
Gentlemen, we have seen your address—and how supremely have we been disappointed. A more vapid, a more spiritless, a more disheartening composition has never been ushered into light—one more lame in argument, more destitute of facts or logic, or more calculated to freeze the most ardent hopes of the party, which it was meant to inspire. No "words that breathe, or thoughts that burn." No hopes to animate the sinking spirits of your friends; no consolation to administer to their agonising disappointments. Really, gentlemen, if you have nothing more inspiring or heart-cheering to offer to your friends, take the candid advice of an adversary. On the very next melancholy intelligence which comes from the West or the North, write an Elegy over your expiring cause, and bury the pretensions of Col. Monroe with as much grace and decency as possible.
I have no disposition to touch on the first and "long" standing considerations, which have led you to a preference of James Monroe to James Madison. De moriatis nil nisi bonum , is perhaps a good maxim, whether we apply it to the life of man, or the pretensions of your candidate. I have no disposition to find fault with either his qualities or his pretensions; the first are great, but under existing circumstances, the last are truly ridiculous. It will require a more powerful address than yours, to convince me of the contrary.
But, gentlemen, I cannot so easily pass over the "equally cogent, and conclusive arguments," in favor of Col. Monroe's election, which you have drawn from the spirit of the times. You have insinuated that such arguments may be "deduced from a view of the critical situation of the United States at this moment, the causes which produced it, and the distress and calamity to which we shall be exposed, by a contest now almost inevitable, with the only power in Europe which has not bowed, or been made to bow its neck to the yoke of a conqueror, whose ambition is without bounds, as his successes are without example."
I can pretty well understand what you mean by your allusions to "the critical situation of the United States at this moment;" and by "the distress and calamity to which we shall be exposed by a contest"—with the Emperor of France. It is no more, I presume, than a touch upon the same string, a repetition of the same cant, which the luminous protest of the congressional minority, which Falkland—alias, Mr. John Randolph—which Conon—perhaps former Secretary to our former minister at Paris—have so much delighted to harp upon. Pretty good authority, Gentlemen, for most of your assertions!—You mean, as I understand you, that as the United States are about to be involved in a "contest" with "a conqueror, whose ambition is without bounds, as his successes are without example"—that as these critical times require all the military energy and firmness, which our country can supply—and as Mr. Madison is "amiable and respectable" without a single atom of the military virtues which are essential to a commander in chief—why, that he is completely unfit to be the President of the United States.
All these allusions, however offensive to my sense of justice, are intelligible to my dull optics; but there is one expression in this sentence, gentlemen, so dark, so unfortunately mysterious to my mind, and yet so pregnant with meaning, that I feel myself compelled to drag it into broad day.—Shed all the light upon it, which you can, and yet I am apprehensive that all the ingenuity of the man who drafted this address will not explain it away, completely to my satisfaction, or the content of your country.—"The causes which produced" "the critical situation of the United States!"
You say, that these causes have only increased your preference of Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. Now, gentlemen, what do you mean? For my life, I cannot help connecting this mysterious insinuation with the very dark allusions, which so many of Mr. Monroe's seemingly most confidential friends in this city have been accustomed to circulate about the administration; that he was prevented, by certain arrangements of our cabinet, from concluding an advantageous treaty with the Court of St. James's. Do you mean, that it was this conduct of Mr. Madison, which has been the cause of the present critical situation of the U. States? Am I to understand you, that the conduct of Mr. Monroe in attempting to negotiate our differences with Great-Britain, has but elevated him in your estimation—whilst the conduct of Mr. Madison has demonstrated his incapacity to guide the Helm of State? I cannot understand you, in any other possible point of view.
And now, sirs, will you be pleased to attend to a few very plain facts? James Madison is the Secretary of State; the highest cabinet minister of the President of the United States. Our present contests with England are among the most important foreign relations, which have ever engaged the attention of this government. You will not dare to insinuate, that Mr. Jefferson has been remiss enough to trust the care of these negotiations to the diplomatic genius of Madison alone. You are compelled to concede, that on these points at least, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison are concurrent in their views and designs, that they are completely identified with each other; and that Mr. Jefferson is responsible for the conduct of his Secretary, and the course of the negotiation. And now, gentlemen, perhaps we understand each other. You must blend the administration with Mr. Madison in all your censures. You must assert, that not only the Secretary of State, but the administration has been the cause of our present "critical situation." You must place the minister, Mr. Monroe, on one side—and the administration on the other; and leave the "People of Virginia" to decide between them. For my own part, gentlemen, whatever be your own private predilections on this comparison—I must confess, that I should not long hesitate in deciding between them.
But returning from this review of Col. Monroe's qualifications, to the "real motive" which so long and so cruelly led you to slumber in inactivity; will you permit me to say, you had better have languished in this harmless inactivity, than have exposed yourself to the ridicule of awakening under such inauspicious circumstances.—The same "motive," gentlemen, which put you to sleep, should have quietly bound you to your slumbers. "The aspect of this presidential contest has not "experienced" such a "material change," as would have justified your change of system—and most ludicrous to tell, the very newspaper, which breathed your first orisons , contained also the magic information which should have kept you inactive and "supine." It proved that the grand fact , on which you relied for your change of system, did not really exist; that the "popular excitement and delusion" in favor of Mr. Madison, which had caused your inactivity, was not likely to dissipate, but had thickened around you and your hopes.—This paper served only to prove the extent of your delusion and the dangerous excesses into which your own excitement had allured you.—Let us prove these positions.
According to you, gentlemen, a sentiment had early engrafted itself on the minds of the Republicans, extremely unfavourable to the pretensions of Col. Monroe; that "it was very generally believed," that "the election of Mr. Madison was rendered indisputably certain by the almost unanimous vote of the Republicans throughout the U. S." and that "upon this ground, and on this only, numbers who really preferred Mr. Monroe, joined the friends of Mr. Madison." This position is incorrect in two respects:—In the first place, it never was believed that Mr. Madison would be elected "by the almost unanimous vote of the Republicans throughout the U. S." They did believe, that he would have a large, a decided majority of the Republicans throughout the Union, and every day confirms this belief. Nothing that you have said or conjectured, has detracted from the probability of this event.—In the second place, gentlemen, how came you to know that "numbers" had joined the friends of Mr. Madison on this principle?—I was at the Bell, on the night of the caucus; I have mixed much with my countrymen since that event; and my experience is in direct opposition to your own.—Not one man in fifty perhaps is actuated by this consideration.
But "in the notes to the Editor of this Gazette, sent by those who declined serving as committee men for Mr. Monroe, it is manifest, that the great majority, if not all of them, were influenced principally by that consideration." Strong language indeed, Sirs!—But unfortunately the facts are just as few and feeble as your assertions are strong. I have taken the trouble to inspect the files of this Gazette; and on my honour, I have found but one solitary note, which countenances your doctrine.—
But you knew, gentlemen, "that it would be impossible for" you "to counteract this sentiment, by any conjectural statements?" You knew, that "there are moments of popular excitement and delusion, when the voice of reason is not "heard"—and you determined to wait until this "excitement" which "from its nature cannot last long, & that delusion" "which must yield to evidence, whenever it appeared"—should both pass away, until this evidence was produced? According to you, however, this evidence has been produced—"time has disclosed facts of this description"—and you determined therefore to lay no longer upon your oars, to rouse from your apparent inactivity and to address the people.—And now, gentlemen, suppose, that time has disclosed no facts of this description—Suppose that the fact on which you have relied is nothing but delusion on your part; will you not candidly confess, that you have risen from your slumbers too soon?
This great fact is, that "the great Republican states of Pennsylvania and New-York are decidedly hostile to his pretensions." As to New-York, gentlemen, you will be frank enough to acknowledge, that the friends of Mr. Madison never did calculate, with any certainty on her vote. That great state, therefore, is not concerned in the question between us.—It is the vote of Pennsylvania alone—as expressed in the nomination of the convention of Lancaster—which animated all your hopes and enticed you from your shell. You dare not deny this fact. And now, gentlemen, how stands the vote of Pennsylvania? In the very same
paper, which contained your spiritless address, we discover the following sentence, extracted from the Aurora: "If the observation and information of the Editor of this paper are correct, the votes of Pennsylvania will not be divided; they will be decidedly for Mr. Madison." You know, that Mr. Duane was one of the Conferences from Philadelphia who attended the Convention at Lancaster—and that his means of information and of observation are perhaps equal to those of any man in Pennsylvania.—But even if Pennsylvania were in opposition to Mr. Madison, it would not certainly follow, that he would not still be supported by a decided majority of the union.
Equally unfortunate is your argument against caucuses. If the observations of the Aurora may be believed, it is not yet absolutely certain, that "the Pennsylvania Delegation, did not in the Caucus speak the sentiments of the State,"—nor that "the majority of this delegation will be in a minority at home." The facts indeed seems to work the other way.
You might have saved yourselves, gentlemen, your general arguments against caucuses; as you have attempted to controvert a position, which no friend of Mr. Madison has yet asserted. No man has yet maintained the "doctrine of following a caucus-majority, in all cases." The hypothetical case proposed by the first number of "One of the People," ought to have removed every possible scruple which you may have entertained on that subject. After all the denunciations which you may have lavished against a caucus; you will still find it extremely difficult to demonstrate their impropriety in all cases. "We feel no disposition to give you pain," gentlemen, but we cannot forbear to observe that on certain occasions and we think the present such an one, "those, who on the comparison" with their opponents, "find themselves in the minority, if they be the genuine friends of republican liberty, of harmony, and of the union, will sacrifice their private predilection to these great public objects."
Your address contains only two other points which are worthy of animadversion.—Are you not ashamed, gentlemen, to take advantage of an editorial squib, or even the hasty opinions of any one individual—and erect the most extravagant comments upon it? Because the editor of a newspaper has invited the friends of Mr. Monroe to unite with the friends of Mr. Madison in opposing the election of Mr. Clinton, and has couched the invitation in terms which may not be altogether respectful to Mr. Clinton, you come open-mouthed to denounce this injustice. You dwell upon it in terms, which seem to denote that all the friends of Mr. Madison had spoken in disrespectful terms of "George Clinton, a patriot of 76, a soldier of the revolution, &c."—Gentlemen, you ought to have known better. You ought to have known, that the friends of Mr. Madison do ample justice to the patriotism and services of this great and venerable man. No, no! gentlemen, I trust, that your ingenuity will never induce the friends of Mr. Clinton to believe, that you are the exclusive champions of his reputation in Virginia, and that Monroe and not Madison is entitled to their gratitude and support.—As to the "moderation which you have displayed," in speaking of your opponents, you are welcome to all the merit which you deserve. It is a pity, gentlemen, that your "example" has been so badly followed: Let me advise you, to have a commission of lunacy issued against the pens of such zealous writers as Conon and Falkland, and the tongues of many an envenomed politician among us, get yourselves appointed their political guardians, and suffer not a man of them to wag a pen or a tongue but at your supreme direction.
My last remark is a repetition of the one, which I have already offered. You have held out cold comfort indeed to the friends of Col. Monroe. You have closed your address by giving them the only encouragement, which seems to cheer your gloomy prospects. It is the only ray of hope that illuminates your address. It is the expectation, that New-York and Pennsylvania and perhaps "many others, will vote for the same person, and that person will be Clinton or Monroe, as circumstances shall require." There is nothing to justify these bold assertions.—There is no fact to prove that James Monroe will be the favourite of a single state—Confess then, Gentlemen, that you have not a ray of hope to cheer the spirits of your friends. Virginia is decidedly against you; the north is not for you—Ardent must be that zeal, which still perseveres in the midst of so much opposition!
PANURGE.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM WASHINGTON, DATED MARCH 20.
"The Negotiation has closed—I understand, that on the arrival of Mr. Rose, he proposed as a preliminary to negotiation, that the affair of the Chesapeake should be separated from the other subjects of difference existing between the two countries.—Our government, anxious for the preservation of peace on honorable terms, determined to hear whatever might be offered on any of the questions depending between the two nations.—They consented to negotiate in the form proposed.—Mr. Rose's powers embraced only the affair of the Chesapeake.—He stated to the government, that he had full power to make honorable reparation—that he was certain the reparation, he intended to propose, would be satisfactory to the American nation.—On being desired to state what was the reparation proposed to be offered, he required as a preliminary, that the Proclamation of the President, prohibiting the entrance of British armed vessels into our ports, should be revoked.—He was then informed, that if he would state what was the reparation he was authorised to make, and it should appear to the Government to be such as ought to be accepted by the United States, the revocation of the Proclamation, and the reparation might bear the same date, and be considered as taking place at the same instant.—In answer to this, Mr. Rose declared, that he was not authorised to state, what the reparation would be, until the proclamation was revoked.—I have no doubt however, that even if the government could have consented to an act so disgraceful as recalling the proclamation, that other difficulties would have been made by Mr. Rose. Circumstances have occurred here, which induce me to believe that he was not sent here for the purpose of offering reparation, or of preserving peace.—That his mission was designed partly for delay, but principally for the base purpose of creating division, and of distracting the public councils of the nation.
In a few days, it is said, we shall have a communication on the subject of our foreign relations.—Every thing in the possession of the government, which relates to England
and France, also will, it is said, be laid before Congress.—The communication will be a satisfactory answer to the foul and unfounded calumnies which have been uttered on the floor of Congress, and to the base attempt of Timothy Pickering, who has gratified his malignity against the administration, by a publication abounding with falsehood and gross misrepresentations. Timothy, like Shylock will be enraged by a disappointment, of his malice, but he is incapable of feeling either shame or remorse.
Mr. Livermore offered yesterday a resolution for repealing the embargo—for prohibiting all intercourse with France, and authorising our merchants to arm against the cruisers of certain powers, (meaning France and Spain.)—Only twenty four votes were in favour of considering the motion.—His object was an alliance offensive and defensive with England against France—This is the common federal sentiment here—all of this description would be furious zealots for war against France, while they wish to throw us into the arms of a nation tottering under corruption at home—& whose foreign relations are one uniform system of lawless robbery, and a violation of all those principles heretofore held sacred among civilized nations.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Washington, to his friend in this city, dated Washington, March 19.
"Yesterday our Cabinet adopted the resolution, to abandon any further intercourse, with the British envoy Mr. Rose, and to resume the negotiation, which has been under discussion here, to Congress, so soon as the documents can be transcribed.—The course which has occurred, may be briefly comprised in the following summary.—Mr. Rose opened the question of the affair of the Chesapeake from that of impressment. The close adherence and intimate connection of the two questions, the one having, in effect, sprung out of the other, would have warranted our resistance of this proposition; but a true spirit of conciliation led us to accede to it.—Immediately after this concession, and without any intermediate discussion, a second demand is made, by Mr. Rose, preliminary to entering upon the affair of the Chesapeake, that we should revoke our proclamation, interdicting their vessels of war in our waters.—This proposition was received with temper and created with moderation, but it was rejected with firmness and decision.—And Mr. Rose was asked to explain what was the species of reparation, he was authorized to propose for reparation of the outrage offered the Chesapeake, which he has peremptorily refused, observing that our non-compliance with his second demand, terminates his mission—to this note, our Cabinet has considered no reply necessary, but resolved to meet him on the ground he has taken, and to consider the negotiation terminated."
COMMUNICATION. It is a fact of some consequence, that although between three and four hundred persons were expected to serve on the committees to promote the election of Col. MONROE, not more than thirty five or forty have actually acted. They have indeed made a considerable display in the papers, but when it is remembered that they were appointed upon the spur of the occasion, evidently at random and generally without their previous knowledge, or consent, it would seem that the interest of Col. Monroe was much stronger than has been represented by his opponents. Ample time has also been allowed, to hear from every quarter of the state.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of respectability living in the Electoral District of Prince Edward, &c.
"There have been several refusals to act on the part of Madison's committees, and how does it happen that we see nothing of them in the papers?"
(Not one has been received at this Office.—Enquirer.)
TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF RICHMOND.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, It was announced to you in the Enquirer of the fourth inst. that I had become a candidate for your suffrages at the ensuing election of a representative of this city. Being a stranger among you, it was fully my intention at that time, to have availed myself of an opportunity previous to an election being held, of developing to you the tenor of my political sentiments, and the course of conduct that would govern me in the event of being elected. It would have been my right to have demanded this much—it would have been both my duty and inclination that you should not have been disappointed. At that time but one candidate stood in nomination, who was young like myself, and had but just commenced his political course. Under those circumstances, I refused, I could not deem it presumptuous in me to make a tender of my services. The times, however, have materially changed.—Other candidates who have lived much longer among you, and who have, no doubt, much higher claims to your patronage than I can, possibly have, are held up to public view. I therefore cannot hesitate one moment as to the course I ought, in justice to my feelings and wishes, to pursue; and whilst I decline being counted in nomination, I must request those to whom I am personally known particularly, and the citizens generally to be assured of my high respect and sincere wishes for their future welfare and prosperity. EDWARD CARTER STANARD. Richmond, March 23, 1808.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF RICHMOND.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, At the period when I was prevailed on to announce myself as a Candidate to represent your city in the ensuing Legislature, I did not suppose that any other rep. in an would have been brought forward—much less did I anticipate any thing like the bold and spirited exertions which have taken place on the part of some federal electors, in support of federal representatives.—I had believed that the political principles of our city were too well known even to be questioned, and like the pillars of Heaven, too firmly fixed ever to be successfully assailed; some recent occurrences, however, have led me to fear, that in this opinion I am mistaken, and that without vigilance and unanimity on the part of the republicans, a change must inevitably take place.—Holding the principles therefore that I do—principles upon which I have uniformly acted, and feeling assured that I am not one of those individuals of desperate views, who would sacrifice every thing to the accomplishment of their purpose, and who, in the pursuit of power or appointment, care not at what sacrifice it is obtained, I have deemed it proper in consequence of the nomination of Wm. Wirt, Esq. to withdraw myself as a candidate for Richmond. Impressed with the opinion, that my declining will insure the election of a republican representative, I feel that the duty which I owe myself, my country, and you, requires it of me. This public declaration of my sentiments, and this surrender of my pretensions in favor of another, is made without regard to personal consideration, and under the belief it will meet your approbation; should it prove insufficient to preserve your esteem, I must submit to lose it; remaining at the same time, conscious of having discharged my duty, I shall preserve my own. To those whose patron-
age and support I should have met with, I tender my thanks. ANDW. STEVENSON. Richmond, March 23, 1808.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR, LOUISA, March 14, 1808. We will thank you to publish in your paper that we decline acting as members of the Louisa County Committee for promoting Col. Monroe's Election as President.—The selection of Mr. Madison for the next President has been particularly gratifying to us. R. YANCEY, ANDREW KEAN, PETER CRAWFORD, THO. GARDNER, WM. PRICE.
We are authorised to state, that David Flournoy, and Albin Gilpin of Powhatan, have declined serving on the Monroe Committee. We are authorised to state, that A. Barnard of Fluvanna, and William Taylor of Mecklenburg, have declined serving on the Monroe Committee. We presume, that there are few patriots and friends of peace in this country, who will not think that our administration have gone far enough to obtain peace with G. B.—It will not be astonishing, however, if a different language should be maintained.
T. Pickering's Letter is too curious to be withheld from our readers. "ONE OF THE PEOPLE" No. 3.—In our next. EUREKA in the last number, for "delicious, &c. invecitves against the administration," read "delirious &c."
STRICTURES ON GASCA—FALKLAND and CONON—as soon as possible.
SALE BY AUCTION.
IRON WORKS.—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction, at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on SATURDAY the 14th day of MAY next, at 12 o'clock: 23,443 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Fauquier and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expence, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE. Trustees of the Patents.
CERTIFICATE.
I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than 1/4 of a mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White LIME-STONE near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good seats for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 1/4 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [F41b]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subs. iher's Auction Store—First quality green Coff, Muscovado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira and London P. Tennifer Wines, Holland Gin, Dem Johns, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters; and an assortment of the best quality Dutch BOILING CLOTHS. M. M. MYERS. March 25. [F61]
A LAD, of 14 to 16 years of age, who can produce good recommendations and has a sufficient knowledge of Arithmetic, may hear of employment in a merchant's counting-room in this city, on application at the Office of the ENQUIRER. March 25. [F41]
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB PURSE will commence at the Union Tavern on the 20th April next.
1st DAY—A play (1 pay post Sweepstakes for 3 years old Colts & Fillies, 6 subscribers at $30 each.
2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 52 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats.
3d DAY—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of that, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each, 2 mile heats.
Weights agreeably to the Rappahannock Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Sec'y. Caroline, March 25. (120thA)
THE SCOTTSVILLE RACES will commence on the 3d Thursday in April—The 1st day's Purse is about £100—The 2d day, (Proprietors Purse) £50—The 3d day, an elegant Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar, will be run for.
WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS:
Table with 2 columns: Age/Weight, Age/Weight. Aged Horses 133 lbs., Six years 128 do., Five years 108, Four years 109 1/2 lbs., Three years, do. 90, Mares and geldings allowed 3 lbs. WM. ARCH'UR, Sec'y.
THE TAPPANHOCC RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808.
1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats.
2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats.
3d DAY—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May.
Weights as follows—Aged horses 130 lbs. 6 years old 120 lbs. 5 do. 110 lbs. 4 do. 100 lbs. 3 do. 90 lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3 lbs.
In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt, the members will be punctual in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges.
Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed in to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer.

POLITICAL.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
If it were not fully to refine at evils which admit of no remedy, I should regret the intemperance and want of candor which pervade all our political discussions...
ists always manifested, is now to be resuscitated. The reason is obvious. Our two first Presidents were acknowledged friends to the adoption of it...
That "rotation in office" should be urged against Madison's election by those who deserted Pierce Butler, when he, in pursuance of their own principles...
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
No. I.
THE PROTEST OF THE MINORITY AGAINST THE NOMINATION OF MR. MADISON.
The Address to the people of the U. States on the subject of the Presidential election, whether we consider the importance of the subject...
The address commences with an appeal to the public feeling, against the caucus in Washington, and attempts, with ludicrous solemnity, to make it a ground of popular jealousy...
The alarm excited by the meeting at Washington, resembles the sudden detection of Wilkinson's treachery, just at the time when he had frustrated the machinations of Burr.
The alarm excited by the meeting at Washington, resembles the sudden detection of Wilkinson's treachery, just at the time when he had frustrated the machinations of Burr.
Sincerity compels me to remark that this part of the subject has been treated in the address, with an apparent disregard to the candor which ought to regulate the controversies of gentlemen...
more tender nerves of moral sensibility. It is in the following passage, that I think may be seen this culpable dereliction of fair and candid reasoning.
When Mr. Bradley commenced his note with the words, "by virtue of powers vested in me" &c. it is highly improbable that he was serious.
But if it was relevant to the subject in issue, it might well bear a question, whether it may not be proper that the members should designate some number of individuals as objects of selection...
As much attention has certainly been bestowed on the meeting at Washington, as its importance is entitled to. Those who suppose that it has had any influence on the sentiments of the nation...
NEW-YORK, March 15.
Capt. Hillard has favored the editors of this Gazette with an important list of American vessels at Gibraltar—and adds that about the 25th of Jan. the Governor of Gibraltar had declined granting permissions for vessels...
Capt. Hillard further states, that from the 8th to the 27th of January, the Spanish gun boats carried into Algeziras, 12 sail of American vessels...
BALTIMORE March 15.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
Capt. Tucker, of the North American, arrived yesterday, in a short passage from Dartmouth, (England) brought no late papers.
The Lady Arrabella Packet is arrived at Falmouth, from New-York in 24 days, and brings an account of an Embargo being laid on American vessels within the ports of the United States...
Vice-Consul for the United States.
EIRURIA, or TUSCANY.
FLORENCE, DEC. 10. By a treaty concluded between the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and his Catholic Majesty, Tuscany had been ceded to the Emperor.
Majesty the Queen, to whom other states have been assigned, left this capital last night with the whole of her suit.
PROCLAMATION.
CHARLES LEWIS, infant of Spain, King of Etruria, &c. and, in his name, MARIA LUISA, infant of Spain, Queen Regent of Etruria.
Upon being informed by His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, that by virtue of a treaty concluded with His Catholic Majesty...
We cannot part with our beloved vassals without assuring them, in this public manner of our gratitude; and that we shall never lose the memory of the sincere affection which they have displayed towards US...
MARIA LUISA.
December 10, 1807.
CHARLESTON, March 2.
Captain Mork sailed from Cadiz on the 21st January—the day before he sailed, our consul at that place notified all the masters of American vessels...
Capt. O'Driscoll left at Havana, ship Pierce, Manning, Pratt, and schooner Mary Hunt, for this port, to sail in 3 days, ship Two Polies, Wilder, in 6 days; and brig Brunswick, Cambell, in a few days.
TO RENT (FOR TWO YEARS)—That Valuable TAN-YARD of the late Mr. Jacob Boekus and now occupied by the subscriber; situated on the main-street of this city between the Capitol and the Basin of the canal.
N. B. The said Tan-Yard may be rented for three years longer by applying to the executors of the estate of Mr. Jacob Boekus, dec'd.
VIRGINIA TO WIT.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg the 25th day of November, 1807.
William Moss and Thomas Moss infants by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiffs—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants.
The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court...
A copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Feb. 2. [raw8w]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 15th September, 1807, to me executed, by John Sabb, to secure the payment of a sum of money...
March 15. JOHN SATCHELL. [ep14thA]
EDUCATION.—ANTHONY PELZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he will remove his day and night School on the first of April to a large and commodious apartment...
REMOVAL.—We have removed our Counting House to the House immediately below and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied...
March 15. [ep14thA]
THE Subscriber intends in future, to practice LAW in the county courts of Henrico, & King William, and in the Hustings and District Courts of the City of Richmond...
EDWARD CARTER STANARD. Richmond, Feb. 8. (tf)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans...
My HOUSE and LOTS, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square, in the most pleasant part of the town...
My STORE HOUSE and LOTS, on the river bank—one of brick, two stories high, well finished, with good cellars; there are six fire places in this house...
My FERRY across the Rappahannock at this place, with a convenient water Lot; this ferry brings me about £100 per annum clear of all expenses.
Two unimproved LOTS, separated by one street only from my stable; they are very convenient for Glover Lots, &c. Also, two other unimproved LOTS...
A valuable Lot in the Federal City, on which are a three story brick dwelling house, brick smoke house, a good kitchen of wood, &c. all in tolerable repair.
A TRACT OF LAND in the county of Westmoreland, three miles from the court-house, containing one hundred and eighty acres; there are convenient buildings on this, but rather out of repair.
A small Tract containing about ninety acres (including 20 acres fine marsh) within a mile from this place, on which is good deal of fire wood.
Also, another Tract adjoining my manufacturing mill containing three hundred acres; this land is nearly all heavily covered with the pine, white-oak and hickory timber.
The property in this place is, perhaps, as well calculated to suit a person who wishes to engage largely in the mercantile business as any on Rappahannock river.
I should not sell the Mill in three months, I should then prefer taking a partner in the Milling Business. LAURENCE MUSE. Tappahannock, Feb. 9.
NOTICE.—To the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop.—That on Saturday the 20th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A. M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey...
The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment.
For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust...
W. M. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAML. MCRAW, Richmond, March 8, 1808. [ep130A]
NOTICE.—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges...
Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bennet's patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toiletsets, Flannels and Baizes of various colors...
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky county, in the forks of Great Sandy river; 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river.
THOS. NORVELL. Dec. 19.