Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-26 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 427.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, JANUARY 26, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
(CORRECTED WEEKLY.)
 Tobacco, $ 4 25 cash.  WHEAT, new, — 0 67 do.  FLOUR, superfine, new, — 4 50 do.  FLOUR, fine, — — 4 00 do.  CORN, — — 2 00 do.  Hemp, clean, (per ton) 180 00 do.  Iron, — 110 00 do.  Bacon, — — 14 do.  Whiskey, — — 45 do. 
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, January 15.
Mr. Parke from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill for extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Porter from the committee to whom the subject was referred, reported a bill supplementary to an act, entitled "an act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt;" which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Green presented a petition from the inhabitants of Nantucket, praying the erection of certain buoys in the entrance of Nantucket and other places.—Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. G. W. Campbell from the committee of Ways and Means reported a bill for relief of Edward Weld and Samuel Beebee; which was twice read and referred.
The bill for continuing the salaries of certain officers of government was returned from the Senate with an amendment making those salaries "perpetual."
Mr. Stanford said the word "perpetual" was an unusual phraseology. The bill was a partial and not a general bill, or he should have no objection to its being made permanant . He moved that the House do not concur with the amendment, and called for the yeas and nays upon the motion.
Mr. Campbell moved to amend the amendment, of the Senate by inserting "permanent" instead of "perpetual."
Mr. Stanford objected to this; for by omitting the term of limitation to the bill, the Senate had made it permanent till repealed; so that "permanent" or "perpetual" were superfluous.
Mr. Campbell withdrew his motion.
Mr. Stanford's motion recurring.
After a long and desultory discussion, Mr. Bibb moved to strike out "made perpetual" and insert "continued in force without limitation."
This motion was negatived.
The question then recurring on concurrence.
The question was taken by yeas and nays on concurring and negatived—yeas 26, and 32 nays.
Mr. Randolph from the committee appointed to wait upon the President of the United States with two resolutions passed on Wednesday last, together with certain documents laid on the table of this House, reported that they had obeyed the order of the House and had received for answer from the President that, in relation to the first resolution, he would send an answer to the House in writing; and, in relation to the second, that he would give to the House such information not improper to be disclosed, as comes within the scope of that resolution, and which might be in possession of the executive department.
Mr. Dawson, from the committee to whom was referred a resolution on the subject, reported a bill for procuring a formidable train of field artillery for the service of the United States; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
On motion of Mr. Basset, the House went into committee of the whole on the resolutions submitted by him some days ago relative to contractors, Mr. MARION in the chair.
The first resolution being under consideration as follows:
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law to prohibit the officers of government from making any contract, on behalf of the United States, with any person being a member of either House of Congress, or with any other person for his or their use.
Mr. Basset said he presumed that this proposition possessed sufficient intrinsic merit not to require the aid of extensive talents or laborious exertions of any gentleman to advocate it. He assumed it as an axiom that fundamental principles must rest for their security on the purity of the Representative body. He should however trust the support of this measure to its own importance.
The resolution was carried 59 to 15.
The second resolution being under consideration as follows:
Resolved, That every contract hereafter to be made on the part of the government of the United States shall contain a clause or condition to render the contract absolutely void, if the contractor should be elected a member of either House of Congress.
Mr. Rowan objected to its passage, inasmuch as it was adding a qualification to Representatives, which Congress had no right to do, and as it might operate as an ex post facto law, vacating contracts already made.
Mr. Chandler objected to it, as it might have a tendency to prevent the fulfilment of contracts. A man might have made a contract, received a sum of money on account of it, and on being elected a member of Congress could evade the fulfilment of his contract; or might be deprived of an advantageous contract by being elected a member without his own consent.
Mr. G. W. Campbell wished to see no gentlemen contractors on this floor. This resolution only went to affect contracts hereafter to be made. Although no member of this or any future Congress might be affected by existing contracts, he wished to do away every inducement whatever either to increase salaries or remunerate officers. As to the constitutional power of adopting this measure, a moment's reflection would show that it was not intended to add a qualification to a member of Congress. If a man holding a contract became a member of Congress, it was intended that his contract should thereafter cease.
Mr. Key. Suppose a contract made with a person not a member; if this person becomes a member, his contract is absolutely void. It would operate as an encouragement for violating contracts. Every person holding a contract on which he had received advance or which he did not like, might, by being elected a member, vacate his contract; which could not be intended by the honorable mover of the resolution.
Mr. Basset said he was more sensible now than heretofore of an embarrassment in speaking on a subject of so much importance, proceeding from his having been so little in the habit of addressing a public body which prevented him from expressing with ease those sentiments which occurred to him. He did feel, however, that there was not a principle contained in these resolutions which was not perfectly consonant with the constitution—not a position which did not bear properly on the subject. Mr. B. referred to this clause in the constitution: "No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office." He feared that even in reading this clause he could not be heard by every gentleman; but it surely was not necessary to tell gentlemen that it was a fundamental principle that no man should have a vote in creating any office in which he would be interested. What was the case in making contracts? Did they not vote almost daily large sums for contracts, and might they not become participants in their profits? And if this had not been the case heretofore, how had they been restrained? By the disposition of the officers of government not to make contracts with members, and by the conviction of the members themselves that it would be contrary to the spirit of the constitution. If this conviction did not exist, the largest contractors in the nation would be found in this House. If it were only to guard against this principle of favoritism, he should perhaps have supported the proposed measure; but there was a constitutional ground on which he wished to act. The constitution had declared that the representatives of the people should be pure. Was there not a door open here for undue influence by permitting a person to come here and vote for a contract, and go to the public offices and immediately become parties to the same contract? He thought there was, and this he wished to guard against. He was not surprised at objections made to any general proposition; human nature was so prone to differ on general topics, that he supposed gentlemen might differ with him in opinion. But for this he should have been much surprised at the objection made by the gentleman from Maryland; for he being a professional man, must know that money advanced on a contract could be recovered by law on a breach of that covenant; and surely it was in the power of the legislature to annex any condition to contracts. The objection taken by the gentleman from Massachusetts would have weight if it were correct on principle; it could be remedied by making it necessary for a contractor to accept the office before his contract would be void. Mr. B. had no idea of a man's having an office forced upon him to his prejudice or injury. He thought it better to let the propositions stand on the broadest possible basis; and when the bill was brought forward, if objectionable, it could be amended. He was willing to admit any modifications; but hoped gentlemen would be content to take the sense of the House on the general principle, and see whether the constitution would bear them out in running this parallel, for parallel it must be, if the resolution was to be adopted. He thought the same principle which prevented a man from voting for the establishment of an office which he might obtain, would prevent a man from voting for contracts in which he might participate; and if the constitution prohibited public officers from having a seat on this floor the same principle would apply to contractors. Had not a contractor the same lines on his mind, as if he received money as a public officer? He believed when they saw the practice of the country so strongly enforcing this principle, when they saw the public officers refraining from making contracts with members of Congress, and members refusing to accept of them from a conviction of its impropriety, it would not need argument or eloquence to show that they should provide by law against the possibility of a contrary practice taking place.
Messrs. Southard and W. Alston suggested the propriety of altering the phraseology of the resolution; for as it stood at present, if a person were employed to build a ship, and he should be elected a member of this House without his knowledge, the contract was void, and the public business
would be arrested, and the man might be ruined. The same might be said of contracts for carrying the mail of the United States. Suppose a person contracting to carry the mail from Washington City to New Orleans were to be elected a member of this House, the contract would be void, and the mail totally arrested. When a man entered into a contract with the United States he gave security for his compliance with the conditions of the contract; he was elected a member of Congress, he has committed a breach of contract, and he and his securities must suffer a very heavy loss. On the other hand if a man had received money in advance, he might avail himself of his election to a seat in Congress to vacate his contract.
Mr. Smyth suggested to the mover, the propriety of the committee's now rising, reporting assent to the first resolution, and asking leave that it might be refused to sit again on the others; as the first resolution embraced the principle, and the others went to detail which could be as well accomplished in the bill.
Mr. Macon said the introduction of this principle was only intended to guard against evils which might arise. Whilst they were pure was the time to guard against corruption. The exceptions which had been made were merely verbal. The only question in deciding on general resolutions of this kind was, whether the subject was worthy the attention of the House? Would any one say after hearing the provision of the constitution which had just been read, that it was not according to the spirit of the constitution, or that it was not important that this body should be as pure as purity itself, and therefore that its members should have no concern with the public money? It was to be supposed that those officers who made contracts on the part of the United States would sufficiently guard them from evasion; but even granting all that had been contended for, whether was it better that the United States should lose the benefit of a good contract, or continue a contractor on this floor? There could be no hesitation in deciding upon general principles that they should in preference give up the contract. He thought, however, that this resolution need not be adopted, as the first contained the principle, and this would be merely an instruction to the committee to whom the other was referred.
Mr. Basset moved that the committee should rise and report assent to the first with a view of moving that they be discharged from the consideration of the remaining resolutions.
After some objections to the detail of the proposition from Messrs. Holland and Quincy, the committee rose and reported the first resolution, which was agreed to by the House, and referred to a committee of five members to bring in a bill.
Mr. Newton moved for the order of the day on the report of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures on the memorial of merchants of Philadelphia praying a modification of the embargo law.
But before it was taken up, a motion to that effect being made, the house adjourned till Monday morning.
The following Speech, on the amendment to the Federal Constitution respecting the Judiciary, was delivered in the House of Delegates of this Commonwealth, on the 5th inst. by ALEXANDER SMYTH, Esq. of Wythe.
Mr. Chairman—I consider it a fundamental principle of republican government, that magistrates are public servants, and accountable to the nation.
If this be true, that form of government is faulty, where this responsibility is merely nominal, not effectual; and where the magistrates are really independent of the national will.
My objection to the constitution as it now stands, and as it has been construed by the judges, is that the judges of the supreme federal court held for life, a power to direct and control the congress, the president, and executive departments, the inferior federal courts, the state courts, and state legislatures; and for erroneous opinions, or want of capacity, or if they should be suspected of the most treasonous designs, they cannot be removed even by the unanimous voice of the nation.
I therefore contend, that the judges are too independent; they are not public servants; they are the masters of the government, and the nation.
The power of impeachment is ineffectual. Judges cannot be punished for their decisions, unless they have proceeded from corruption, partiality, or oppression. And although it may sound well to say, "the judges ought to be independent;" yet we must confine it to an independence of individuals, or of factions. No man entrusted with power by the nation, ought to be independent of the nation. The judges hold a delegated power; and ought to be accountable for the exercise of it with fidelity, and ability.
Could we be certain that every judge appointed by a President would be able, just, and patriotic, their independence would be desirable. But the same regulation which renders independent the able and upright patriot, will protect the artful enemy of the republican institutions of the country, the simple dolt, or the maniac. Thus it was urged in Pickering's case , that he was a madman; and being a madman, could not be convicted of a misdemeanor; and therefore could not be removed from the office of a judge. If we cannot suffer the truly good to be independent, without suffering the bad or suspected to be independent also, let neither be independent of the nation.
The claim of power that has been set up by the judges of the supreme federal court, renders it necessary that the nation should have over them a controlling power, that might be promptly exercised. They are in effect the sovereigns of the U. States. Their decisions are authority in every court. They approve the acts of Congress, or annul them. They ap-
prove the orders of the President, or annul them. They have established a precedent by which it has become necessary for military men, if they would avoid ruin, to carry their orders before they execute them, to their federal judges, and obtain their approbation. Thus subordination is destroyed; and obedience, the vital principle of an armed force, is rendered criminal.
It is remarkable what strides towards absolute power the judiciary have made since the adoption of the federal constitution. The doctrine, that sets up the judiciary as paramount to the other departments of government is new. It is founded on certain numbers of a publication entitled "The Federalist" written by Mr. Hamilton, whose attachment to despotic power is well known. The power of government is properly divided into two branches, the legislative and the executive. The judiciary is an inferior branch of the executive power. That this is the case in Europe, is acknowledged by Mr. Tucker in his edition of Blackstone's Commentaries. In England the judges are regarded as advisers of the king. A law is passed by the parliament, the judges advise that an individual shall be punished for a breach of it; the king's other officers execute the sentence; or not, at the king's pleasure. But here the judiciary, from being a subordinate branch of the executive, have grown in 18 years, to be controllers of the legislature, and directors of the President, themselves uncontrollable by any human power.
The judges indeed modestly call their court a co-ordinate branch of the government. They seem to forget that they derive their appointments from the President, and that the power to appoint implies superiority on the part of those who appoint; but they are not contented with an equal power. By reversing and annulling the acts of the legislature and the executive, as well as of the inferior courts, they arrogate to themselves the supreme ruling power.
In examining the propriety of granting Congress a power to displace the judges, it becomes necessary to consider their claims to the power of controlling the legislature and the President.
Have the courts a right to declare said acts of Congress, under pretence that they are unconstitutional?
I approach this question with diffidence, knowing that all answer in the affirmative has been given by eminent judges, and ably supported. I will briefly offer my reasons for inclining to be of opinion, that this question ought to be answered in the negative. But I will contend, that answer this question as you will, the power proposed by the resolution on your table ought to be given. If the judges possess constitutionally a power to declare the legislative acts of Congress void, and the political acts of the president illegal, their authority is indeed awful. They may cut the sinews of the government by declaring void acts of Congress raising revenue, or providing the means of defence. They may utterly destroy subordination and obedience in your armies and navies. The national safety requires, that men possessing such powers should themselves be under the control of the national will. On the contrary, if they are not entitled to the exercise of those powers, if they have usurped them, the nation ought to have some way of removing the usurpers.
I contend that the constitution so far as it relates to the power of legislation, is a law to the legislature; of the breach of which the state governments, and the people are to judge, and they alone. They are the proper guardians of the constitution, and not the inferior branch of the government established by that constitution. The meaning of the constitution is to be fixed by Congress, the President, the state governments, and the people, united; and not by the supreme court alone.
The power of revising the proper acts of a department of the government, ought not to be entrusted to another department of the same government; but to those who have instituted the government, and from whom no usurpation is to be apprehended.
For the breach of every law there is an appropriate penalty. They who inflict that penalty are the judges of that law. What is the penalty incurred by members of Congress for violating the constitution by passing an act contrary to its provisions? They are not liable to impeachment. The penalty is the loss of their seats. Who inflicts that penalty? The people, and the state governments. Then the people and the state governments are the judges of violations of the constitution by Congress.
If the people and the state governments are the proper judges of breaches of the constitution by congress, their decision must be valid, and conclusive. If an act of congress is passed, and approved by the people, and the state governments, shall any earthly authority presume to question it? According to the doctrine contended for by the judges, let an act of congress be passed by both houses unanimously; approved by the president, and every man in the nation; any three of the judges of the supreme federal court may declare it void and prevent its going into operation, contrary to the wishes of congress, the president, the state legislatures, and the people! Is it reasonable that the judges should possess a power to declare that congress and the president have violated their oaths and the constitution, by passing an act which obtains them the applause of their constituents, and for passing which the senators are re-elected by the state governments, and the representatives by the people? Are not the liberties of the nation prostrated by such a power?
Let this power be conceded to the supreme federal court, and it is not that court alone that will possess it. If it is a judicial power, every inferior federal court, every state court, every justice of peace, every alderman, every jury possesses the power to declare acts of congress void, and may exercise it in 10,000 cases wherein there lies no appeal. On this ground the counsel for Callender insisted that the jury had a right to consider void an act of congress. The claim was properly made on the part of the jury, if the court has the right. Judge Chase in the case of Pries very correctly laid it down, that the constitutional definition of treason
"was a question of law, and that the jury are to decide in all criminal cases both the law and the facts." In a criminal case the court may or may not instruct the jury as to the law; and if they do, the jury may, or may not, observe their instructions. To my mind it is clear that if a court can, in a criminal case, compare the constitution and an act of congress, decide that the act of congress is void, and instruct the jury it is not law; the jury have a right, without those instructions, to decide it is not law. The instructions of the court cannot enlarge the power of the jury. If with the court's instructions they may disregard the acts of congress, without the court's instructions they may disregard it. They are to decide what the law is, and what the facts are, and in deciding what the law is, their power is co-extensive with that of the court. But Judge Chase repelled the claim made on the part of the jury. He said it had a direct tendency to dissolve the union. It seems to me that if it had such a tendency, to make the claim on the part of all the courts has the same tendency. For it might equally happen that the same law of congress might be respected and enforced in one part of the nation, and declared void in another. From this case it seems that altho' the federal judges are disposed to usurp power for themselves, they are not disposed to enlarge the powers of juries.
In order to determine whether the judges have a right to declare void acts of congress as being unconstitutional, we must enquire what kind of a power this is. And if we find it is a judicial power, we may conclude it belongs to the court; but it is a legislative power, we may conclude it belongs to congress. For by the constitution all legislative power therein granted is to be exercised by congress, subject to the qualified negative of the president, alone; who thereby obtains a share in the legislature. The judicial power is granted to the courts, and the executive power to the president. When it appears whether a certain act is an exercise of legislative, executive, or judicial power, it also appears what department of the government may perform it. Thus in the case of Jonathan Robbins it was argued by Mr. Marshall in a justly celebrated speech, that he having been demanded under Jay's treaty, delivering him up was an exercise of executive power, and therefore the President had a right to perform it.
Legislative power consists in declaring what the law shall be; executive power in carrying the law into effect; judicial power in applying the law to particular cases. To make laws, is the province of the legislature. To determine controversies, according to those which are made, is the province of the judiciary. To determine what laws may or shall be made, is an exercise of legislative discretion.
If to determine what laws may constitutionally be passed, is a judicial power, then Congress cannot exercise it; consequently, Congress cannot determine what laws to pass. If they cannot determine how to legislate, they are incompetent to legislate. It is essential to the power of legislation that the legislature should be able to determine in what manner to legislate. Then as all the legislative power conferred by the constitution, is vested in Congress, it seems to me, they possess the rights necessary to its exercise; and that they possess a right to determine what acts may constitutionally be passed. And for the exercise of a sound legislative discretion therein, they are responsible to their constituents.
Then, if to determine whether a proposed rule shall be a law or not, is an exercise of legislative power, the judges, when they say an act of Congress shall not become a law, exercise legislative discretion. A discretion which the constitution has not conferred on them; and which must produce consequences the people never intended to produce.
I conceive, sir, as in a legislative body consisting of different branches, each branch may judge of its privileges; so in the general government, each department may exercise its own powers, subject only to the control of those who elected them. The errors of any branch of government can only be corrected by those who are constitutionally their superiors. Who corrects judicial errors of an inferior court? Their superiors, the supreme court. Who shall correct the legislative errors of Congress? Their superiors, their constituents. Could it be the intention of the American people to vest in judges whom the President should choose, who would hold their offices for life, and who would neither be elected by, or responsible to the people, a power to control the legislative and executive? Is it not reasonable to suppose, they would prefer reserving the power to control Congress and the President to themselves? Is the power to declare void the acts of Congress expressly given by the constitution; It is not. It is an assumption of power by implication. But the power is too great and unreasonable to be suffered to pass by implication. Those who assume it seek a power above the law: A power which despots only possess: A power granted to judges no where; and ought no longer to be tolerated here.
(To be Continued)
DEBATES
IN THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
SUBSCRIBERS to the Debates in the Virginia Convention , who have not yet received their copies, may receive them on application at this office. (3w)

COURT OF INQUIRY IN THE CASE OF GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON.
Mr. SMITH. It is not to excite prejudices nor to solicit favor, that I so far depart from the reserve which I have adopted for my government, pending the enquiry at issue, as to proffer the subjoined testimonials to the public eye.
But it is to mark to the candid and independent, the irreconcilable conduct of the Hon. John Randolph's very honorable former Daniel Clark, that I transmit them to you for publication.
However my own persecutions may terminate, what estimate can be formed of the character or credit of an individual, who so late as fifteen months ago, paid tribute to the talents and integrity, and even sought the patronage of the very man whom he has recently accused of high crimes and misdemeanors of twenty years standing.
Citizens of America! pause and reflect—you have a glimpse only of "damning truths"—be patient and all will be out.
JA: WILKINSON. Washington, Jan 16th. 1808. [COPY]
New Orleans, 27th. Sept. 1806
DEAR SIR, I have been favored with your letter from the Heights, and had you previously informed me when you might be expected there, I should have been on the spot at the time of your arrival. Removed as you now are to a distance of 150 leagues from Orleans, it will be morally impossible for me to undertake a journey to see you, as the near approach of winter renders my departure for the Atlantic states indispensable within a fortnight, and I shall not be here till some time after Congress breaks up—Neither myself nor any other of your friends will ever doubt that you will act with the Spaniards with as much prudence as your orders permit, and if hostilities should be the consequence, your superior must be responsible to the nation and not you for the conduct. The only thing I fear is that you should not have force enough to defend the country, in case of an attack; as Fort St. Charles has at least 1,200 to 1,500 regulars in Pensylvania, and if you strike on the side of Natchitoches you ought to be prepared for a retaliation on his part against this quarter. On the militia of the lower country you must place no reliance. They never have been organised; they are unarmed, and I know there are in the stores, but 2,500 stand of spare arms, a great part of which I presume it would be necessary to keep for the troops—to supply them in case of accident. Besides, you know that the planters and merchants will not easily leave their homes to the utter ruin of their affairs, when there is no force to compel them.
I know I am entering into a quarrel and shall expect a great deal of trouble. I would thank you for your advice, to direct me, and if you would give me a line to some of your friends in Congress, disposed to favor or serve Louisiana, you would, perhaps, afterwards find your account in it. You may direct to me to the care of Mr. Daniel William Cox at Philadelphia, until the session commences.
I have received the rejected grants of land, and would be obliged to you to give me what information you are possessed of respecting the proceedings of the board of commissioners, what the people of the Upper Country expect, and what it would be proper to attempt for them with any hopes of success.
You will much oblige me by giving me from time to time, advices of what is passing on the frontiers, and point out in what way you think I may be of service to you.
I remain with esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, Signed, DANIEL CLARK, Brigadier Gen. WILKINSON. (COPY)
Houma, 2d Oct. 1806.
Dear Sir, I heard by Capt. Turner, that you had got to the Rapids of Red River, and were to proceed next morning for Natchitoches. I long to learn your arrival there, and the result of your communication with Herrera, which I presume must be unsatisfactory, as he cannot in honor receive, after what has already passed, even were his orders discretionary. I therefore suppose hostilities must take place, and were the preparations and means in your power equal to the object, I should have no doubt, but you would bring matters to an honorable issue for yourself and your country. I flatter myself, however, that if your force is small, you will not expose your reputation unless circumstances should be so favorable as to promise you victory.
Capt. Turner informed me, that you expected I would see you at Natchitoches. On reflection, you must perceive the impossibility of realising such an idea, as I have not time sufficient to undertake the journey and return to Orleans previous to the time requisite for embarking for the seat of government, and however strong the desire of seeing you is, on my part, I must defer the pleasure till my return in the spring, or beginning of summer. Of this I had already advised you, previous to leaving town, and for fear of accident, now mention it a second time, that you may not be disappointed, by waiting to take any measures till you saw me.
Peace between England and France was confidently expected; messengers were daily passing between them, the English funds had raised, and concurring advices from other quarters give every reason to expect, that this great event may shortly take place. It may have a great effect on our politics, and I wish we may not be exposed to the vengeance of the three great maritime powers of Europe, by our conduct to each of them. You are, however, better able to calculate the effects to be feared or expected than myself and I shall refrain from further observations. I shall write to you from Orleans previous to my departure, and will advise you from thence of anything new in my absence. I sincerely wish you success and that the means of insuring it depended on yourself alone.
I remain, Dear Sir, Yours sincerely, [Signed] DANIEL CLARK, Brig. Gen. Wilkinson.
Friday January 15, 1808. General Wilkinson appeared, and the court having stated that they were ready to proceed to business, he enquired whether it was expected that the gentlemen notified would attend, as he would wish to make the remarks he purposed to offer in their presence. It was replied that no answers had been yet received from them.
A short time after, the following letters were received from Messrs. Clark & Rowan, in answer to the notices served upon them. The letter of Mr. Randolph was subsequently received.
The form of the notices is as follows, with the variation of the name of the gentleman to whom it was addressed: To the Hon. Daniel Clark, delegate to Congress, from the Territory of Orleans.
The President of the United States, at the request of Brigadier General James Wilkinson, having appointed a Military Court of Enquiry for the purpose of hearing testimony in relation to the said Gen. Wilkinson having been, or now being a pensioner to the Spanish Government, while holding a commission under the government of the United States; and it being duly intimated to the Court that your testimony, touching the matter in question, will be material on behalf of the United States; it is, therefore, especially requested by the Court that you will please attend the Court on Friday next at 10 o'clock A. M. in order to give evidence in the case in hearing.
Done by order of the Court this 13th day of January, 1808. W. JONES, jun. acting as Judge Advocate.
Wednesday, 13th January, 1808. The following are the Answers received: Washington, 13th January 1808.
SIR, I have received your note of the 13th inst. in which the request of the Military Court of Enquiry, instituted at the instance of Gen. James Wilkinson by the President, that I should attend as a witness to give evidence, relative to the charge made against Gen. Wilkinson of his being or having been a pensioner of the Spanish government. You will permit me, Sir, through you, to inform the Court that under the order of the House of Representatives I have already communicated in a deposition the substance of my knowledge and information respecting the subject of the matter before the Court. This deposition by order of the House has been transmitted to the President to be used according to his discretion. I shall have no objection to testify further before any court legally authorized to call citizens before them competent to the full investigation of so complicated a case; but understanding as I do that a military court of enquiry has no power of acting but in relation to military men, and that the attendance of a citizen to testify before them would be considered merely voluntary, though I am in no degree disposed to withhold when properly called upon any information I possess as to the subject of the charges before the court, yet I cannot consent to appear before a tribunal whose rule of proceedings is purely military and whose powers cannot enable them to call for corroborative proofs upon points which might be rendered questionable on the testimony of a single witness by adverse evidence.
I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, Sir, your most obedient servant, DANIEL CLARK. W. Jones, jr. Esq.
SIR, Your note of the 13th inst. requesting that I would on this day attend as a witness at the Military Court now sitting for the purpose (as it is said) of enquiring into the conduct of Brigadier General Wilkinson, relative to his having been a pensioner of Spain whilst in the service of the U. States, was received by me on yesterday—I am not personally acquainted with that officer, nor do I (although I have heard and believe much) of my own knowledge know anything which according to the established rules of evidence in civil cases could be heard by that court on the subject of their enquiry: But if I did—my ignorance of military tribunals in general, and of this in particular—my impressions as to its erection and object—and its impotence to coerce the attendance of corroborative witnesses would restrain me from appearing as a witness before that court—the court with whom I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance: so far from inferring from my non-attendance any want of respect to them individually will have the goodness to ascribe it to the motives above assigned, to my habit and decided preference for the civil institutions , and to my firm belief that they only are competent to make the present enquiry efficiently. Accept for yourself the assurance of my high respect and esteem. JOHN ROWAN. January 15th, 1808. Walter Jones, jr. Esq.
SIR, Your summons did not reach me until about an hour ago; to which circumstance alone you will impute the delay of this answer. I have no personal knowledge of any circumstance which can be material to the enquiry in which you are engaged, and therefore beg leave to decline attending the military court of which you are judge advocate.
I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, JOHN RANDOLPH. Jan. 17, 1808. 2 o'clock P. M. Walter Jones, jr. Esq.
The foregoing notice and answers are "attested as a true copy, furnished general Wilkinson, at his request, and by direction of the court. Teste, WALTER JONES, Officialing as Judge Advocate."
General Wilkinson then rose and delivered the following ADDRESS: Gentlemen,
From a sense of respect towards the court and of propriety to my own situation, I have been induced to trespass a few observations on your patience preliminary to the introduction of testimony. On receiving the first intimation of the anathema pronounced against me on the floor of Congress, by a member of that honorable body, (Mr. John Randolph) as highly distinguished for decorum and moderation as he is for impartiality and candor; I appealed to the proper authority for an investigation into my conduct, by that tribunal which is secured to me by the constitution and the law, and you gentlemen have been ordered to sit in judgment on me.
The occasion was certainly unexpected, yet it was not the less desirable, and altho' the occurrence so recently after the ordeal at Richmond, may dispose some invidious persons to derogate from the motives of my honorable accuser, the candid and intelligent part of the world, when possessed of all the facts, will do him ample justice; for surely no unmanly vindictive personality can be ascribed to a gentleman of Mr. Randolph's lofty carriage and sublimated honor.
Indeed when we survey the course which the accusation has travelled to this court, and examine the manner of its introduction into the House of Representatives, it would imply an unparadable degree of scepticism to doubt the disinterested patriotism, which has guided the procedure before that honorable body; much less to complain of a failure in those chaste observances and delicate regards, which are due to the unfortunate, who may become the subjects of public accusation.
Though highly flattered by the manner of my accuser, I must confess that my repugnance to unrighteous and unnecessary innovations, inclined me to prefer the plain, regular, and invariable course to military enquiry, by complaint to the superior—because it secures to the individual a constitutional right, prevents the obturation of concerns purely executive, upon the attention of the legislative body, and spares gentlemen of glowing sensibilities, the deep regret inseparable from the analysis of individual character, on ex parte testimony, or no testimony at all.
The victim of suspicion and obloquy for more than thirteen years, I have treated with frigid indifference the paragraphs and pamphleteers, who have pointed their daggers at my reputation, resolved to respond to their calumnies, by a redoubled zeal in the discharge of my duties; but I must now thank the patricis who has given the outline of my offences, for the opportunity he has furnished me to meet him on the ground of his preference, and there to defy him and his depraved informer, with the host of conspirators who participate their sympathies.
The blights with which men invited for the ruin of their country, had recently attempted to sully my humble fame, in consequence of my feeble efforts in her defence, served but to excite my pity and contempt; I did indeed believe that the scene of persecution had been closed forever, and began to hope, after a long and not inactive life of military service, I might be permitted to wear out its remnant, somewhat cheered, under those privations of the heart which leave us little to wish for, by the retrospect of days without reproach, and the consciousness that whatever might have been my utility, I had lived without dishonor.
But I had forgotten that I had sinned beyond forgiveness, and that my destruction had been sealed in New Orleans by a band of hardened traitors, who have advanced so far, that they place their safety in their success; and now for the first time I stand voluntarily, before a military tribunal, to vindicate all for which I have lived and for which I will die. The precious gift of my father—the inestimable inheritance of my children—a soldier's honor—after it has been worried, and torn, and mangled, and degraded, by whom? Let expressive silence mark the avengers of a traitor's cause! And may the angel of mercy blot out the remembrance of my wrongs. For my services shall live and be remembered, when the disciples of detraction, those pestiferous vermin who feed on calumnies, shall have perished and are forgotten.
There are certain terms in our language so offensive to an American ear, that to couple them with a man's name is sufficient to tarnish his character, such are corruption, bribery, pension, poison, and poitroon—my enemies aware of this, and knowing that a stain on military honor, like an aspersion on female chastity, sinks deep and is not to be erased—
"To make assurance doubly sure" And take a bond of fate—
"That thou might tell pale hearted fear" it lied."
Have not been content to arraign me before my country, but in their rage for personal vengeance, they have condemned me unheard, and stigmatized me to the world, on the evidence of made up documents, perjuries and forgeries; I am sensible of the irreparable injury done me, and yet, in this our government of laws, I have found my case remediless; I have therefore suffered in silence, consoling myself with the hope, that the example of my persecutions, might be a future protection to the war worn veteran, and a useful example to those, who too readily credit the tale of detraction.
It is an easy matter to charge virtue itself with corruption, and alas, in these times we find it almost as easy to sustain the allegation by the oaths of profligate abandoned men. But Gracious God! Shall the unqualified imputation of corruption, without some word, deed, act, influence or instance, to consummate the offence or to designate the criminal intent or effort, suffice to rob a public officer of his hard earned repute, the price of more than twenty years of zealous faithful service? Shall bold assertions with ut facts or circumstances to substantiate them, even when sanctioned by the single oath of a faithless, lying, interested unprincipled man, prostrate the barriers of honor, which rest on the broad base of approved patriotism and long tried integrity. Genius of my country forbid it! Forbid it Heaven.
I ask only a suspension of the public judgment, pending the enquiry at issue.—I call on my countrymen to pause and reflect before they decide.—I do not address myself to flurries or imbutted party-men, who would hazard the security of the nation, to gratify their malice, from such wretches I expect hatred and I solicit abuse. But I speak to the sweet blooded true hearted American, who is ready to renounce political dogmas, for the safety of the state, and to bleed or die in defence of its rights.—I request all such to examine the characters and motives of my accusers—the time and circumstances of the accusation—the one writhing under the anguish of public detection and merited dishonor—whilst, in this awful crisis of national affairs, he seeks the distraction of the public councils, to promote a sinister ambition and indulge his vengeful passions—the other scarcely a citizen—the enemy of our government and a disturber of the public repose—who has sought to embroil us in the face of treaties, and in face of the law, with a foreign power, for the promotion of those infamous designs, which he now charges upon me, and which with inflated zeal he now affects to reprobate—and who when stripped of imposture will present a spectacle to the world, from which the eye and the mind will revolt with detestation and abhorrence.
In your honor and independence, gentlemen, however they may be questioned by those, who do not feel the force of those sacred bonds by which military men hold. I have an infallible guarantee for all I can desire, a patient, impartial, and I trust, rigorous scrutiny—in which I hope the nature of the accusation—the remoteness of the time—the hostility of the witness—the complexion of the first attack—and the shiftings, changes and prevarications which have ensued, may be strictly compared and combined.
Permit me to express the further desire—that this court may insist on knowing, from whence the documents submitted by my accuser and his accomplice, have been derived, as this fact may furnish a clue by which to trace the foul combination to its infamous source, and to identify in this murderous assault of my honor, the ministry of that Mexican association, formed at New Orleans, (and referred to by Blennerhassett) for the purpose of co-operating with Aaron Burr, and which it has been my crime to detect, expose and put down. The court adjourned to Monday.
MONDAY, January 18. The court met according to appointment, and after a short time adjourned without transacting any business to Wednesday 10 A. M.
CASE OF JOHN SMITH. The Senate were on Thursday almost exclusively engaged in the settlement of preliminary points previous to the main enquiry. On these incidental points we shall confine ourselves to an abstract of the principal arguments adduced.
The President having read the application of Mr. Smith for reasonable time and proper means to obtain testimony, Mr. Adams expressed his readiness to vote for any reasonable proposition which should designate the time and means, but declared himself unfriendly to such a general proposition as that before the Senate.
Mr. Giles expressed a coincidence of sentiment with Mr. Adams, and suggested the kind of resolution which he considered it proper for the Senate to adopt. While he was thus expressing himself, Mr. Thuston drew up a resolution, which Mr. Giles offered, and which, substantially , postponed the further consideration of the report to the day of to allow Mr. Smith time to adduce testimony.
Mr. Bayard expressed similar ideas to those of Mr. Giles, but thought the object aimed at would be better effected by adopting a resolution of a different form. He said he had prepared two resolutions, one for allowing time, and the other prescribing the mode of obtaining testimony. He then read the first, substantially as follows.
Resolved, That John Smith of Ohio having made affidavit to the materiality of witnesses now absent, by whom he states that he will be able to disprove the charges alleged against him, be allowed time until the day of next, to obtain any witnesses and to procure any evidence he may deem material to his defence.
Mr. Adams said he did not perceive any objection to this proposition. [In a subsequent period of the debate he declared that on a further consideration of it, he thought there were serious objections to it.]
Mr. Giles being inclined to think this proposition preferable to that offered by himself, withdrew the latter.
A long discussion then ensued, in which Messrs. Bayard and Hilihouse supported; and Messrs. Anderson, Moore, S. Smith, Gregg and Crawford opposed the foregoing resolution.
During the course of discussion, it was moved to commit the resolution to a select committee. In the propriety of this course there was a general acquiescence. Mr. Crawford read a resolution, conformable to his ideas of propriety, which in substance, involved a postponement till the day of next, at which time the Senate would hear such witnesses as should appear for or against John Smith, whose testimony had a tendency to support or destroy the testimony of Elias Glover, Peter Taylor, and Col. James Taylor.
The motion for commitment prevailed, and all the resolutions offered, together with the affidavit of Mr. Smith, were referred to a select committee.
In this discussion all the speakers agreed in the propriety of allowing some time, the only question being as to the proper time. Mr. Gregg expressed himself in favor of allowing till the 1st of February, while Mr. Bayard said he was not for allowing such a length of time as would preclude a definitive decision during the present session.
Strong objections were urged against precipitating a decision of such vast importance to the sitting member, and the injustice of deciding without allowing him a full hearing, was painted in vivid colors. In answer to this, the charge of a spirit of precipitation was denied, and it was said that Mr. S. ought, as soon as he heard of the bills found at Richmond, to have prepared himself for his defence; that he ought particularly to have taken these steps, as soon as the report was made on his expulsion; and that it was to be presumed that he had made every preparation he could. To this it was replied that the depositions he brought with him could not from their nature have been intended as evidence on his trial, but merely intended to show the
grounds of his defence and to arrest the force of public opinion that might otherwise have operated materially to his prejudice.
In animadverting on the time proper to be allowed, Mr. Anderson went into an examination of various parts of the testimony, to show that the acknowledgments of Mr. Smith tended forcibly to establish the truth of several of the charges, and particularly to confirm the testimony of E. Glover; and many before the Senate which no further testimony could invalidate, and which consequently it was not incumbent on the Senate to allow Mr. Smith the means of obtaining.
This suggestion was warmly repelled by Messrs. Hilihouse and Bayard as incorrect, and they called upon the Senate to forbear from forming a definitive opinion until they had heard both sides of the question.
It was contended by some of the speakers, that the resolution to be adopted by the Senate, ought to specify the points of defence, and to limit the witnesses summoned to such persons as could testify on them, and that the inconveniences against obtaining testimony by depositions was so great as to render that course altogether ineligible.
BOSTON, January 9. On Thursday a procession of from 80 to 100 Sailors, carrying a flag, marched with martial music to the Governor's house, and demanded employment or bread. The Governor, as soon as he could be heard, addressed them with a presence of mind which became his exalted character; suggesting the impropriety of their manner of seeking relief, and declaring that he could do nothing for them in his official capacity; yet being for their relief should no one in subjection. They dispersed without further disturbance.
We have heard but one opinion on this subject, from the many we have heard mentioned—and this is, these men were instigated to this conduct by Tories.
NEW YORK, January 13. The committee appointed by the common council to provide for the support of seamen out of employment have adopted the following plan:
They have agreed with Capt. Chauncey, of the U. S. Navy Yard, to receive such seamen at the Yard, on condition of their signing articles to continue in service during their own pleasure, and perform duty subject to his orders, the common council defraying the expenses of their maintenance, which is to include victuals, drink, fuel, candles, and accommodations for lodging.
Whenever this meritorious class of citizens can do better, they are to be at perfect liberty to leave the Navy Yard. Captain Chauncey giving notice when they are discharged. JOHN BINGHAM, Chairman.
The corporation, we understand, have voted 1000 dollars towards a fund for the relief of sailors thrown out of employment by the embargo.
PHILADELPHIA, January 13. On Saturday morning a number of seamen, who have been deprived of the means of subsistence by the embargo, assembled & paraded with a flag to the Mayor's office of this city, to enquire what they should do for support, declaring that they must starve soon if they could not get work.
The Mayor reprimanded them for assembling in such number and parading thro' the streets, and ordered their flag to be taken away, which was accordingly done. They declared it was far from their intention to commit any riot or disturbance, but were desirous of being employed. The Mayor, or advised them to meet at some convenient place, and appoint a committee to wait on the committee appointed by the Chamber of Commerce, who would take such measures as would tend to relieve their necessities. The sailors gave three cheers and dispersed.
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Baren river.
Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also 470 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indispensible titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond.
THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 23d. 1808.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Matthew Baker of Powhatan county the 6th day of April 1807, we the subscribers shall proceed to sell for cash, on Saturday the 6th day of February next at Daniel Michaux's Tavern, a TRACT OF LAND, in the aforesaid county, containing 162 acres, lying on Swift creek on each side of the road leading from Gento to the Buckingham road and adjoining the lands of Arthur Sublett and Wm. W. Atkinson, to satisfy Charles Mosely the sum mentioned in the said deed and the expense of carrying the same into effect.
Francis Lewis, Trustees. Thos. Watkins. Powhatan, January 21st. 1808. w2*
Ten Dollars Reward. RUN away from this city, about the 12th of last November, a negro man slave named CESAR the property of the subscriber: he formerly belonged to Mr. Robert Alexander of Campbell county, and was bought from him a small boy in the year 1789; he is now about 6 feet high his big toe on his right foot is very remarkable, being split with an axe thro' the nail and nearly as high; as the second joint, by which it is much broader and larger than the other. He was accustomed to run James river above the falls, and was seen on the 16th of the same month, November, going thro' the locks in a bateaux, with a negro man slave named Abram, who was head man, and belongs to the estate of Col. John Harvie, dec. If Cesar can be concealed by the said Abram he is gone up the river in some other bateaux. On delivering him to me or securing him in some jail so that I get him again, shall be paid the above reward by Robert Mitchell. City of Richmond, 25th Jan. 1808. wif

In our 4th page will be found the important and long-expected British Order of Council...
COMMUNICATION.
THE friends of Mr. Monroe complain of the friends of Mr. Madison, because the latter met in a large public room in the Bell Tavern...
Extract of a letter from a Member of Congress to the Editor, dated.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 20, 1808. WE have this day received from the president of the United States, a written reply to the resolutions of this house...
science and consider with attention every proposition, in any order or form, the ministers of G. B. have to make...
LEGISLATIVE CAUCUS.
About 1 o'clock, on Thursday, the following Ticket was circulated among the Members of the Assembly...
Thursday, 21st Jan. 1808. About 4 o'clock, Mr. Semple rose in his place in the House of Delegates...
It was then moved and carried, that the Senatorial districts and the counties, should be respectively called over...
SENATORIAL DISTRICTS.
Augusta, Rockingham, Daniel Smith. Rockbridge, Shenandoah, John Dabney. Bedford, Campbell, Henry...
Surry. Wm. Randolph. Sussex. George Dillard. Tazewell. James Thompson, Andrew Peery. Washington. William Byars, Frederic Hamilton.
Westmoreland. Richard E. Parker. Wythe. Alexander Smyth, Samuel Graham. Richmond City. John H. Foushee. Norfolk Borough. Wm. Newsum, jun.
For the counties of Amelia, Chesterfield, Cumberland, Nottoway and Powhatan, Joseph Eggleston, (Amelia.)
For the counties of Albemarle, Amherst, Buckingham and Fluvanna, Hugh Nelson, (Speaker of the House of Delegates from Albemarle.)
For the counties of Franklin, Pittsylvania, Campbell, Bedford, Henry and Patrick, Col. George Penn, (Patrick.)
For the counties of Goochland, Henrico, Louisa and City of Richmond, Philip Norborne Nicholas, (Richmond.)
For the counties of Hanover, and Caroline, Judge Spencer Roane, (Hanover.)
For the counties of King and Queen, King William and Essex, John Roane, (King William.)
For the Counties of Spotsylvania, Orange, Madison and Culpepper, Robert Taylor, (Speaker of the Senate, from Orange.)
For the counties of Loudoun and Fauquier, Gustavus B. Horner, (Fauquier.)
For the counties of Accomack, Northampton, Elizabeth City, Warwick and York, Robert Nelson, (York.)
For the City of Williamsburg, and the counties of James City, Charles City, New Kent, Middlesex, Gloucester and Mathews, Mann Page, (Gloucester.)
For the counties of Richmond, Lancaster, Northumberland, Westmoreland and King George, Richard Barnes, (Richmond county.)
For the counties of Prince William, Fairfax and Stafford, John T. Brooke, (Stafford.)
For the counties of Frederick and Hardy, Judge Hugh Holmes, (Frederick.)
For the counties of Hampshire, Berkeley & Jefferson, Osborne Sprigg, (Hampshire.)
For the counties of Rockbridge, Augusta and Botetourt, Judge Archibald Stuart, (Augusta.)
For the counties of Washington, Lee, Russell, Grayson, Wythe and Tazewell, Col. Alexander Smyth, (Wythe.)
For the counties of Greenbrier, Bath, Monroe, Kanawha, Mason and Montgomery, Gen. John Preston, (Montgomery.)
For the counties of Mingo, Logan, Boone, Ohio, Harrison, Wood and Randolph, William McKinley, (Ohio.)
Hampshire. James Daily, Thomas Mulledy, James Reid. Brooke. Nathl. Pope, Thos. White, Thomas Starke. Hardy. John L. Seehorn, Ewd. Williams, Joseph Neville.
Harrison. Ewd. Jackson, David Hughes, Jacob Starkey. Henrico. William Frayser, Thomas H. Prosser, Joseph Minton.
Henry. Gen. Jos. Martin, Maj. John Reade, Capt. Peter Garland. Isle of Wight. John Barbour, Robert Eley, Emanuel Wells.
James City. James Madison, Wilson I. Carey, William E. Barrett. Jefferson. Capt. George Hite, Dr. Joseph Davis, Captain George North.
Kanawha. John Reynolds, William Morris, Edmund Morris. King & Queen. Anderson Scott, John Hoskins jr. Wm. Shackelford.
King George. King William. Philip Aylett, William Gregory, John Lord. Lancaster. John Carpenter, Joseph Carter jr. William Kirk.
Lee. Robert Duff, Peter Fulkerson, Joshua Ewing. Loudoun. William Ellzey, John Littlejohn, Armstead Long.
Louisa. William O. Callis, Garland Anderson, William G. Poindexter. Lunenburg. John Walker senr. William Malloy, Abraham Mury.
Mathews. John Peyton, Robert Ransome, Mordaunt Cooke. Mecklenburg. Grief Green, Hume R. Field, Francis E. Walker.
Middlesex. Elliot Muse, Thomas Healy senr. John Roane. Montevallo. William John, Benjamin Reeder, John C. Payne.
Montgomery. Daniel Trigg, James Craig, Charles Taylor. Nelson. John Allen. New Kent. Gen. William Chamberlayne.
Norfolk City. Stephen Wright, Thomas Lee, Richard Powell. Northampton. William Claughton, William Ball, John Cralle.
Nottoway. Thomas Evans, Henry Smith, Jonathan Zane. Orange. Belfield Cave, Dr. William Shepherd, Thomas Rowe.
Patrick. John Hughes, Greensville Penn, Chas. Foster. Pendleton. Aaron Key, William McCoy, Oliver McCoy.
Pittsylvania. Tho. H. Wooding, Daul Goleman, Wm. Tunstall. Powhatan. Samuel. Pleasants, Frederick Woodson, James Poindexter.
Pulaski. Thomas Green, John Booker, James Ming. Rockbridge. Lemuel Cormick, Anthony W. Walke, Jesse Morris.
Rockingham. Richard Brent, Alexr. G. Dade, Stephen French. Scott. Carter B. Harrison, Saml. Perkins, Geo. Ruffin.
Shenandoah. Philip Williams, Jacob Rinker, Wm. H. Dulany. Southampton. Saml. Blunt, Edw. Bailey, Jas. Trivizant.
Spotsylvania. Wm. Brooke, Carter Stevenson, Absalom Waller. Stafford. John Cook, John Daniel, John Moncure.
Surry. Nicholas Sebell, Chas. Graves, Nicholas Faulcon. Sussex. Wm. Massenburg, sen. Benj. Wythe, John Cargill.
Tazewell. Joseph Moore, David Ward, Jas. Winton. Warren. Francis Preston, David Campbell, Andrew Russell.
it is understood will vote for him as President. They also made some progress in appointing committees in the several counties of the commonwealth for the purpose of promoting his election...
A resolution has passed both branches of the legislature of Maryland, appropriating the measure of the embargo as "strongly characteristic of the judgment and wisdom of our national councils, and well calculated to inspire confidence in the individuals of the nation which they represent"
Extract of a letter from Gen. James Wilkinson to a member of the Virginia Legislature, dated Washington, Jan. 18. "Sinking by the immense weight into the bottomless abyss, Mr. R. catches at every twig and straw to save himself, and in the perturbation of his mind, he sinks even below the 'level' of truth."
"Of this the Spanish archives at New Orleans, which never fell under my observation, but were I believe received by his friend Daniel Clark and Thomas H. Williams, Esq. the defection of the army; my engagements with Burr, the opinions of every member of the grand jury, and his audacious declaration, that he possessed evidence to convict me, not only for corruption with the Spaniards, but an association with Burr; are slight specimens."
"He has every engine at work, he makes speeches Clark swears and Reeds, Bugles and Garnets are in a clatter, to give circulation to their misrepresentations, which are scattered in pamphlets and hand-bills throughout the union. For what! In expectation that they may by hard sounding imputations, cheat the public, somewhere or some how, into opinions, and expressions injurious to a public officer, who has been condemned unheard, and stigmatised to the world, on made up documents, fictions and falsehoods."
"But he makes a false estimate, of the principles and intelligence of his countrymen, who know that we live under a government of laws, and that every citizen must be confronted with his accuser, heard and tried, before he can be condemned. Amidst this outcry let it be asked, why Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clark refuse to appear before the regular tribunal to give testimony against me? No; they desire a reference to a committee of congress, and to innovate the constitution, to avoid all enquiry and to hang me up for one, two, three or five years at their discretion."
"The day after to morrow, Smith will publish two letters of Daniel Clark to me when I was marching against the Spaniards about 15 months since, in which he pays tribute to my talents, integrity and patriotism, and even solicits my patronage. I can discredit his vile affidavit by his written documents and voluntary declarations to a dozen gentlemen now here."
The legislature of Georgia, at their last session, appropriated 150,000 dollars for the purchase of arms; and directed the state-house and seat at Louisville to be reserved for a public arsenal.
SAVANNAH, January 14. An occurrence greatly to be regretted, let who will be in fault, [public opinion being much divided on the subject] happened last Tuesday morning, at or near Cumming's point, in Savannah river. Previous to the news of the embargo reaching this place, the ship Rufus, Capt. Homer, had taken in a cargo for a foreign voyage; but had not cleared the custom house. On enforcement of the embargo act, she obtained a clearance for St. Mary's, and dropped down the river, waiting for a wind. The wind being favorable on Tuesday morning, she made sail and was proceeding to sea. When opposite the Revenue Cutter, lying near the mouth of the river, she was fired upon by the cutter, and one of her seamen killed, another wounded, and the ship somewhat injured.
NORFOLK, January 22. Yesterday arrived in Hampton Roads H. B. M's schooner Bream, Lieut. Myall, 13 days from Bermuda, with dispatches for the British Ministers and Consuls in the United States.
"A SOLDIER of '76" is received, and will appear in our next.
MARRIED—On Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. John D. Blair, Mr. RICHARD BROOKE to Miss SELINA POE, all of this city.
Just Published and for sale at this Office, MEMOIRS
OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, Including particulars of his adventures in various parts of Europe; his confinement in the dungeons of the Inquisition in Lisbon, &c. &c. SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS, Being his correspondence with the ministers of state in Great Britain and Portugal. A short sketch of the HISTORY OF IRELAND, Particularly as it respects the spirit of British Domination in that country; and a few observations on the state of manners, &c. in America.
PATENT MACHINES FOR SHELLING CORN.
THE above valuable machines invented by Paul Pillsbury of Massachusetts, may now be had of the subscribers in Richmond, who are exclusively authorised to vend the same in the state of Virginia. With one of those machines from 20 to 30 barrels may be shelled by two hands in a day—the price of a single machine at present is 35 dollars—Those inclined to purchase either single machines, patent rights for counties, or for making and selling any number of machines, will find their interest to apply early, and all persons are cautioned against encroaching on the patent right.
Wm. M Kim Alex M Kim. C Tompkins Robert Hyde. Derragh & Evans. Sewall Ogood. Robert M Kim. Richmond. January 25th, 1808. w3t
LOST, between Michaux's tavern and Manchester, a Red Morocco POCKET BOOK, containing a bond of 100 dollars, in a Foster & Co. and sundry other small bonds and a Virginia bank note of 10 dollars. Any person delivering the said book with the contents, to the subscriber, shall receive five dollars reward. BENJ. WATKINS, Jun. Powhatan, Jan. 24, 1808.

HIGHLY IMPORTANT.
NEW YORK, January 19.
Last night, the fast sailing ship RICHBARD , C. M. Ridgeway, arrived at this port in 22 days from Tobago. She stopt at Tortola, where Capt. R. got a London paper of November 17, three days later than any before received. This paper contains the long expected order of Council, declaring every port of every country, from which Great Britain is excluded, in a state of Blockade. This important document follows.
The TIMES, in remarking on this says—This order is not a mere commercial regulation—by them we are engaged in battle with the enemy, and if they possess vigor enough to produce the object to which they are directed, they will be of as much consequence as a great victory.
This is a many assumption of a right, which if maintained resolutely, will carry her gloriously through her present difficulties. The limitations by which she circumscribes the exercise of it, proceed only from herself; they are an INDULGENCE , not to the claims of NEUTRALS , but to her own feelings of humanity towards them; and they are in all cases as much, and in some cases even more, than those states have a right to expect, who have before acquiesced in the orders of France prohibiting all trade with England."
The TIMES proceeds—"His Majesty being humanely desirous not to subject neutrals to greater inconvenience than absolutely necessary, has established certain exceptions—First, to allow neutrals to furnish themselves if they please, with hostile colonial produce for their own consumption; and secondly, to allow them such trade with the mother countries of our enemies as may be carried on through the ports of Great Britain to her allies. This is a NUX CONCESSION to America; by it we allow France (now, during the time of war) to supply America with colonial produce in preference to ours, or at least, to place our colonies and those of our enemies on a footing of equality." Again—"The time must come when this system of concession to the Americans can be no longer pursued; and, at all events when that time does arrive, they cannot then have it in their power to say, that we have not treated them with lenity and forbearance."
The second order (which we have not time to give till to-morrow) relaxes the navigation act, passed in Oliver Cromwell's time, which forbids the importation into England of any article of foreign growth, except in British bottoms. Now, neutrals may import French commodities, or those of other hostile countries, into England, subject to such duties as have previously been laid by law—may be warehoused from neutral bottoms, but must be reported for re-exportation. Neutrals arriving in England from hostile parts, may clear for any friendly port, even if they contain the prohibited articles of sugar, coffee, wine, brandy, snuff and tobacco; they are exempt from seizure, and may be exported by license.
The last order specifies, that although France holds the sale of ships by a belligerent to a neutral power to be illegal, in the case of England; yet, that in her own, she protects her shipping from capture by transfers, or pretended transfers to neutrals. This order, therefore, only exacts a similar proceeding on the part of Great Britain—and declares all such sales or pretended sales, illegal, and the vessels liable to capture.
Rumors of a peace between the Porte and Great Britain, strongly prevailed at Vienna.
All apprehensions of a rupture with England, seemed to have entirely subsided in Russia—some British vessels, which called at Riga for information, were told, that they might prosecute their voyages without any fear of detention, or interruption.
The Danes had begun to retaliate the attack on Copenhagen, and with more success than could have been expected. They had captured several vessels in the Baltic.
Seven regiments of infantry, and part of the German Legion, were to proceed from Portsmouth immediately, on a secret expedition. The naval part to consist of 12 sail of the line under Admiral Kates.
A French flag of truce was said to have arrived in the Downs, in a schooner bearing the national flag. Stocks were affected.—Consols and omnium which opened at 63 3-8, and omnium at 1 1-4, were at the close of the market at 64 and 1 1-2.
The French government have declared that no further intercourse with England could be, on any account, permitted, and that even the sailing of the cartels between Morlaix and Plymouth, would be prohibited.
Supplement to the London Gazette, of November 14.
MONDAY, Nov. 16. At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 11th of Nov. 1807.
PRESENT, The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas certain Orders, establishing an unprecedented system of warfare against this kingdom, and aimed especially at the destruction of its commerce and resources, were, some time since, issued by the government of France, by which "the British islands were declared to be in a state of Blockade," thereby subjecting to capture and condemnation all vessels, with their cargoes, which should continue to trade with his Majesty's dominions.
And whereas by the same Order, "all trading in English merchandise is prohibited, and every article of merchandise belonging to England, or coming from her colonies, or of her manufacture is declared lawful prizes."
And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her control, were required to give, and have given, and do give, effect to such orders.
And whereas his Majesty's Order of the 7th of January last has not answered the desired purpose, either of compelling the enemy to recall those Orders, or of inducing neutral nations to interpose, with effect to obtain their revocation; but, on the contrary, the same have been recently enforced with increased vigor.
And whereas his Majesty, under these circumstances, finds himself compelled to take further measures for asserting and vindicating his just rights, and for supporting that maritime power which the exertions and valor of his people have, under the blessing of Providence, enabled him to establish and maintain; and the maintenance of which is not more essential to the safety and prosperity of his Majesty's dominions, than it is to the protection of such States as still retain their independence, and to the general intercourse and happiness of mankind.
His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order that all the ports and places of France and her allies, or of any other country at war with his Majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe, from which, although not at war with his Majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all other ports or places in the colonies belonging to his Majesty's enemies, shall, from henceforth, be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded by his Majesty's naval forces, in the most strict and rigorous manner; and it is hereby further ordered and declared, that all trade in articles which are of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful; and that every vessel trading from or to the said countries or colonies, together with all goods and merchandise on board, and all articles of the produce or manufacture of the said countries or colonies, shall be captured and condemned as prize to the captors.
But although his Majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances and considerations above recited, in establishing such system of restrictions with respect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies, without exception or qualification; yet his Majesty, being nevertheless desirous not to subject neutrals to any greater inconvenience than is absolutely inseparable from the carrying into effect his Majesty's just determination to counteract the designs of his enemies, and to retort upon his enemies themselves the consequences of their own violence and injustice; and being yet willing to hope that it may be possible (consistently with that object) still to allow to neutrals the opportunity of furnishing themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption and supply; and even to leave open, for the present, such trade with his Majesty's enemies as shall be carried on directly with the ports of his Majesty's dominions, or of his allies, in the manner hereinafter mentioned.
His Majesty is therefore pleased further to order, and it is hereby ordered, that nothing herein contained shall extend to or subject to capture or condemnation any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not declared by this Order to be subjected to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, which shall have cleared out with such cargo from some port or place of the country to which she belongs, either in Europe or America, or from some free port in his Majesty's colonies, under circumstances in which such trade from such free ports is permitted, direct to some port or place in the colonies of his Majesty's enemies, or from those colonies direct to the country to which such vessel belongs, or to some free port in his Majesty's colonies in such cases, and with such articles, as it may be lawful to import into such free port; nor to any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country not at war with his Majesty, which shall have cleared out from some port or place in this kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, under such regulations as his Majesty may think fit to prescribe, or from any port belonging to his Majesty's allies, and shall be proceeding direct from some port or place in this kingdom, or from Gibraltar or Malta, to the port specified in her clearance; nor any vessel, or the cargo of any vessel belonging to any country not at war with his Majesty, which shall be coming from any port or place in Europe which is declared by this Order to be subject to the restrictions incident to a state of blockade, destined to some port or place in Europe belonging to his Majesty, and which shall be on her voyage direct thereto; but these exceptions are not to be understood as exempting from capture or confiscation any vessels or goods which shall be liable thereto, in respect of having entered or departed from any port or place actually blockaded by his Majesty's squadrons of ships of war, or for being enemies property, or for any other cause than the contravention of this present Order.
And the commanders of his Majesty's ships of war and privateers, and other vessels acting under his Majesty's commission, shall be, and are hereby instructed to
warn every vessel which shall have commenced her voyage prior to any notice of this order, and shall be destined to any port of France, or of her allies, or of any country at war with his Majesty, or to any port or place from which the British flag as aforesaid is excluded, or to any colony belonging to his Majesty's enemies, and which shall not have cleared out as is herein before allowed, to discontinue her voyage, and to proceed to some port or place in this kingdom, or to Gibraltar or Malta, and any vessel which, after having been so warned, or after a reasonable time shall have been afforded for the arrival of information of this his Majesty's order at any port or place from which she sailed, or which, after having notice of this order, shall be found in the prosecution of any voyage contrary to the restrictions contained in this order, shall be captured, and, together with her cargo, condemned as lawful prize to the captors.
And whereas countries, not engaged in war, have acquiesced in these orders of France, prohibiting all trade in any articles the produce, or manufacture of his Majesty's dominions; and the merchants of those countries have given countenance and effect to those prohibitions, by accepting from persons styling themselves commercial agents of the enemy, resident at neutral ports, certain documents, termed "certificates of origin," being certificates obtained at the ports of shipment, declaring that the articles of the cargo are not of the produce or manufacture of his Majesty's dominions, or that effect:
And whereas this expedient has been directed by France, and submitted to by such merchants, as part of the new system of warfare directed against the trade of this kingdom, and as the most effectual instrument of accomplishing the same, and it is therefore essentially necessary to resist it:
His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that if any vessel, after reasonable time shall have been afforded for receiving notice of this his Majesty's order at the port or place from which such vessel shall have cleared out, shall be found carrying any such certificate or document as aforesaid or any document referring to, or in authentication of the same, such vessel shall be adjudged lawful prize to the captor, together with the goods laden therein, belonging to the person or persons by whom or on whose behalf, any such document was put on board.
And the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the judges of the high court of Admiralty and courts of Vice Admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them shall respectively appertain.
W. FAWKENER.
For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Adam, and now occupied by Mrs. Phepoe. Possession will be given on the first of January next—apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. if
Notice!!
The Subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his STOCK, now remaining on hand, at a very reduced price—which consist of a Large and Superb Assortment of
Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper Hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. W. HAIGHT. Richmond, Jan. 1, 1808. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the Main Street. W. H.
LAND
In the state of Ohio—For Sale:
The subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer creek, a branch of the Sciota, about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia; or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. Wm. MURFORD. Richmond, Sept. 24, 1807. if
Land for Sale!
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to the subscribers by John C. Miller, for the purpose of securing the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned; will be sold upon the first Monday in January, 1808, for cash upon the premises, a TRACT OF LAND, mentioned in said deed, lying upon the waters of Lockett's and Harris' creek, in the county of Prince Edward, and supposed to contain between six and seven hundred acres. We shall make such title as is transferred to us by said Miller, saving all former encumbrances. The improvements upon this land are such as are usual upon snug plantations in this part of the country, but better fenced than usual. CHARLES WOODSON, } Trustees. JAMES MADISON, } Prince Edward, 16 Oct 1807. 10w
The above sale is postpone till Wednesday the 30th of March next.—January 16
ADVERTISEMENT.
Just Received, a General Assortment of Dutch Bolting Cloth, Of a superior quality. J. Darmsdatt. Oct. 22, 1807. if
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the Executive, on the evidence of Jacob Steely, Peter Link, Jacob Myers and William Williams, taken before Benjamin Wilson, jun. esquire, one of the justices of the peace in and for the county of Harrison, within this commonwealth, that a certain JOHN SOMMERVILLE did, on the night of the third of December last, at the house of David Hews, in the town of Clarkburg, violently assault with a club, the body of John G. Jackson, esquire, and did feloniously, on purpose and of malice aforethought by lying in wait, unlawfully maim and disable the head and right arm of the said John G. Jackson, by fracturing the skull of the said Jackson, and by a violent blow on the said right arm of the said John G. Jackson inflicted; by which fracture and blow, and also by reason of divers other wounds, blows and bruises given said Jackson, by said Sommerville, with the club aforesaid, the life of said Jackson became greatly endangered; and that the said Sommerville hath escaped from the justice of the law: I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of FIFTY DOLLARS to any person or persons who shall apprehend and conduct the said John Sommerville before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the said county of Harrison, that he may be dealt with as in such cases the law directs: And I do moreover enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth to use their best endeavours to apprehend and conduct before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the aforesaid county of Harrison, the said John Sommerville, to be dealt with according to law.
GIVEN under my hand, with the seal of the (L.S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this fifteenth day of January, 1808. WM. H. CABELL.
P. S. The abovenamed John Sommerville is a man of about six feet high, appears to be about twenty six or twenty-seven years of age, rather spare, but nervous, of light complexion and light hair.
Advertisement.
WILL BE SOLD, on Friday the fourth day of March next, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable
Tract of Land,
lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing,
SEVEN hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to William Mosely, and mortgaged by Mosely to Robert Andrews and John Price, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money—The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June 1795.—At the same time and place, suck of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Mosely will also be sold for cash.—The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery, for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Price, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Mosely is defendant, and for the purpose of raising the following sums, with interest, viz.—£108 15 with interest at the rate of 5 per cent, from the 1st of January 1793—£103 2 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1791—£101 10 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795—£7 17 6 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796—£96 5 with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797—£81 14 with like interest from the 14th day of July 1802 and 35 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit.—The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned, by the plaintiff's agent and attorney. The COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, January 14, 1808. (3w)
Land for Sale.
WILL BE SOLD, at Louisa courthouse, on Monday the 8th day of February next, being Louisa court day, to the highest bidder, for ready money, a tract of LAND, lying in the said county of Louisa, on the waters of Deep creek, adjoining the lands of Col. Thomas Meriwether, (now Harwood Gooch and Laurence Minor) and others, containing four hundred acres, be the same more or less; whereon Col. James Meriwether, dec. lived at the time of his death. This land will be sold by virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscriber, by the said James Meriwether, dec. bearing date the 25th day of April, 1797, and admitted to record in the county court of Louisa, to secure the payment of a sum of money therein specified, due to John Poin-dexter, and the expenses of recording and carrying said deed into effect. A deed will be made to the purchaser conveying the title which the subscriber holds under said deed, which is believed to be indisputable. January 4th, 1808. David Bullock. ids
THE subscriber respectfully takes this method of informing the public generally, and especially that portion of northern and southern patronage which has so successfully crowned his exertions for the last year, that he continues in the occupancy of that well known stand, the WHITE CHIMNEYS , the present year, and assures all those who may favor him with their custom, that the accommodations, and his efforts to please, will be more expanded and more complete than they have heretofore been, the houses having undergone a general repair, which renders them more commodious. Jeremiah Rawlins. White Chimneys, Caroline county Jan 10 1808. (3w)
THE subscriber has opened an AUCTION AND COMMISSION STORE , in the house opposite Col. Gamble's, on the Cross Street, where he will receive and dispose of goods either at public or private sale. He has now on hand, at private sale, prime
Muscovado Sugars
In hogsheads and barrels; Leaf Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Holland Gin, French Brandy and Vidonia Wine—Pine Apple Cheese, Demijohns, & a few cases well assorted Hollow Glass Ware. M. M. Myers. Richmond, 13th Jan. 1808. 3w
TAKEN from a negro man, named John, belonging to Mr. Orris Paine, on Saturday last,
A Silver Watch,
which he offered for sale at a low price. The owner may have it again, by proving his property and paying the expense of this advertisement. MARTIN HOLLOWAY. Richmond, January 18, 1808. 3w
SIR HARRY,
THE handsomest and one of the best sons of Sir Peter Teazle, (unquestionably the best stallion now in England & interior to none ever bred in that country,) will stand the ensuing season at my stable, in King and Queen county, about 40 miles from Richmond, 7 from Dunkirk and 12 from Tappahannock, at 20 dollars the season, notes for which, and half a dollar for the groom, must be sent with the mares before they can be taken away. The 50 dollars may be discharged by the payment of 40 dollars cash, (and in the event of the embargo continuing, or a war, by 30 dollars) on or before the expiration of the season, which will commence on the 1st March and end 1st August. Extensive high and low land pasturage, as good as any in Virginia, gratis. Mares may be fed with corn at the market price, and every attention will be paid to them, but no liability for escape or accidents of any kind. Mares and foals will be kept by themselves.
Sir Harry was imported in the fall of 1804, from London, is now 12 years old, in high health and vigor, 15 hands 3 inches high, full of bone and muscle, fine points, elegant form, and beautiful brown color. He has covered the season in this country, has proved himself a true foal getter, and his stock are equal to any in the world. He was one of the best racers in England, both for speed and bottom, with very heavy weights, and probably cost more money than any horse ever imported into this country (standing when landed) and in the estimation of good judges, is equal, if not superior, to an that is now, or ever was in the state. As the universal practice here, is to run dear , it is needless to point out to those who have fine mares, the advantages that may result from sending them to this horse.
His dam Matron, (foaled in 1785) was got by Alfred, grandam (dam of Pilot) by Marsk, great grandam by Regulus, great great grandam (dam of Wildair and Vampier) by Steady, great great grandam by Partner, Greyhound, Makeless, Counsellor, Remuner, Place's White Turk. Alfred was got by Matchem (foaled in 1770) out of a Snap mare (the dam of Conduct, Dic-tator, Georgiana and others) bred by the duke of Kingston, foaled in 1762; her dam by the Col. Arab; Greyhound; Griswold's Lady Thigh, by Partner; Greyhound; Sophonisba's dam, by the Curwan Bay Barb; Lord D'Arcy's chestnut Arabian; Whitsheet; Old Montague mare.
Matchem was got by Cade; Cade (own brother to Lash) was got by the Godolphin Arabian; Marsk was got by Squirt; Squirt was got by Bartlett's Children; Regulus was got by the Godolphin Arab.
Sir Peter Teazle was got by Highlander, out of Papillon, by Snap. Snap was got by Snip; Snip was got by the Devonshire Children, out of a Basto mare; Highlander was got by Herod, out of Rachel by Blank; Herod was got by Tartar, out of Cypron, by Blaze; Tartar was got by Partner, out of Meliora, by Old Fox.
John Hoskins.
January 15, 1808. N. B. It is not probable that Sir Harry will ever again stand to the northward of his owners in the neighborhood of Petersburg.
WANTING,
IN my family, a TEACHER of the English language. A liberal price will be given by Abner Nash. Prince Edward, Jan. 8, 1808. Im
Notice.
By virtue of a decree of the county court of Albemarle, pronounced in the case of Micajah Chiles' executors, against Menan Mills, will be sold, for cash, on the first Monday in February next, on the premises, a certain LOT , together with the appurtenances thereto belonging, lying in the town of Charlottesville, and formerly the property and residence of Micajah Chiles, dec., which lot was conveyed to the executors of Micajah Chiles by the said Menan Mills, by deed of mortgage to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned.
Also, will be sold for cash, by virtue of the decree aforesaid, on the next day, being the 2d day of February, on the premises, a certain TRACT OF LAND , containing five hundred & sixty seven acres more or less, lying in the county of Albemarle, about ten miles above the town of Charlottesville, which land was conveyed to the executors of Micajah Chiles, dec., by the said Menan Mills, by deed of mortgage as aforesaid.
Thomas Carr, jun. } David I. Lewis. } Martin Dawson. } Charles Tawney. } Alex. Garrett. } Dec. 28th, 1807. tds
100 Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY about the first inst. from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired) a BLACK MAN , named JACKSON , a House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his escape, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom.—If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars, or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th 1807. if
TO BE SOLD, On the premises, on Monday the 1st day of next month, to the highest bidder, on a credit of twelve months,
A House and Lot,
In the city of Richmond, on the Cross Street near the courthouse, and adjoining William Davidson, which said house was lately occupied by George Quickley, now deceased. Bond and good security will be required by
WILLIAM LYNE, Executor of JOHN LYNE. January 14 1808. 3t
WAS Committed to the Jail of Surry county, on the 25th day of October last, as RUNAWAYS , the following NEGROES : Pleasant a Negro Woman and her four children, Billy, Caty, Joe, and Jemmy. Pleasant says she formerly belonged to a major Clakes of the Eastern Shore, Virginia, and was sold under execution by the sheriff, and was bought by Mr. Rose who brought her to Petersburg, and sold her to Mr. Henry Daniel. The owner is requested to come forward, prove his property, pay charges, and take them away, otherwise they will be dealt with as the law directs. Benj. E. Browne, Sheriff. Jan. 16, 1808. 2v
BANK BOND
For Sale at this Office.