The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-29 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
SALE BY AUCTION. IRON WORKS—The following LANDS will be sold together or in separate parcels to suit purchasers, at Public Auction at Mr. Chase's Vendue Warehouse, in Baltimore, on SATURDAY the 14th day of May next, at 12 o'clock: 23,545 acres of LAND, more or less, consisting of different surveys adjoining each other, lying in Bath and Botetourt counties, in the state of Virginia, on the Cowpasture river, which empties into James River. There is on the above Lands, a great abundance of Iron Ore, of the best quality, to be obtained with very trifling expense, near navigable water, and situations suitable for erecting furnaces and forges. The annexed certificate of Adam Clackner, (an experienced man of good character) is referred to for further particulars. The first named subscriber has also been on the Lands and examined the situations on the river for furnaces and forges, and is of opinion that the annexed certificate is in every respect correct. The terms of sale will be 5000 dollars cash, and for the residue of the purchase money an extended credit will be given. The titles are believed to be unquestionable. The Patents may be seen by application to the subscribers. JOSIAS PENNINGTON, N. BRICE, Trustees of the Patente.
CERTIFICATE. I hereby certify, that in the year 1803, I examined the Ore banks on the above mentioned Lands, and found the ore to be of a very superior quality, and in very great abundance. The ore banks consist of three mountains, and such is the facility of getting the ore, that in my opinion one man will be able to raise as much as will supply one furnace. The proper place for a furnace is not more than a 1/2 mile from the banks, and for a forge that may be worked with four hammers; about 5 miles distant on a good road, there is also an abundance of wood to supply the furnace and forge, and a large quantity of White Lime Stone near the furnace seat. I am of opinion that there are two good sets for forges, (exclusive of the above mentioned) each to act with one hammer, within 3/4 of a mile of the furnace; upon the whole, I solemnly declare, that in my opinion (and I have been for many years acquainted with the qualities of ore, and the proper management of Iron Works) the above property has more advantages in every respect, for the establishment of Iron Works than any I have ever seen. ADAM CLACKNER. March 25. [eptd5]
AT PRIVATE SALE, at the subscriber's Auction Store—First quality green Coffee, Muscovado and Loaf Sugars, Molasses, old Madeira and London P. Teneriffe Wines, Holland Gin, Denujons, Glass-ware in boxes, containing tumblers, wine-glasses and decanters; and an assortment of the best quality Dutch Bolting Cloths. M. M. MYERS. March 25. [F61]
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB PURSE will commence at the Union Tavern on the 29th April next. 1st DAY—A play or pay Post Sweepstakes for 3 years old Colts & Fillies, 6 subscribers at $30 each. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse—There are 5 subscribers at $5 each; the necessary expenses attending the races will be drawn from this purse—distance 3 mile heats. 3d DAY—The subscription of the Proprietor of the Course of 30 dollars, with the toll of that, and the preceding day's entrance, 10 dollars each, 2 mile heats. Weights agreeably to the Rampahannock Jockey Club. PHILIP SAMUEL, Sec'y. Caroline, March 25. (20thA)
THE SCOTTSVILLE RACES will commence on the 3d Thursday in April—the 1st day's Purse is about £100—The 2d day, (Proprietors Purse) £50—The 3d day, an elegant Saddle, Bridle, Martingale and Collar, will be run for. WEIGHTS AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. Six years 128 do. Five years 120 Four years 106 lbs. Three years, do. 90 Mares and geldings allowed 3 lbs. WM. ARCHER, Sec'y. March 25. [G6]
THE TAPPANHANNOCK RACES will commence on Wednesday the 25th of May, 1808. 1st DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of four hundred dollars, four mile heats. 2d DAY—The Jockey Club Purse of three hundred dollars, three mile heats. 3d DAY—A Sweepstakes for three years old Colts and Fillies, two mile heats, one hundred dollars entrance; the subscription will remain open until the 25th May. Weights as follows—Aged horses 130 lbs. 6 years old 120 lbs. 5 do. 110 lbs. 4 do. do. 100 lbs. 3 do. do. 80 lbs. under three years, a feather. Mares and Geldings allowed 3 lbs. In consequence of the following resolution of the Club, there is no doubt the members will be punctilious in paying their subscription, as the money on each day will be placed in the hands of the Judges. Resolved, That the Secretary shall have the Rules of the Club printed and furnish each member with a copy, and that a list of the members shall be handed to the Club on the first day of each race, to be read in the dining room, stating who has and who has not paid their subscription. ARTHUR S. BROCKENBROUGH, Secretary and Treasurer. March 25. [ept25d1M]
HERRINGS, &c.—100 barrels Herrings, 50 boxes Chocolate, 12 pipes French Brandy, 5 pipes Gin, 1000 wt. Some Twine, wrapping Twine, 20 kegs FF Gun-Powder, Patent Shot, 40 barrels Gun-Powder, 10 reams Sheeting Paper, 50 doz. Spades and Shovels, 3 tons sheet Iron, 4000 wt. sheet Copper & Copper Bottoms, 2 tons German Steel, 20 tons Grind Stones, 500 Weeding Hoes, 20,000 horse shoe Nails, Screws and Bits for raising mill stones, Paints, Oil, Putty, and Window Glass, with a large assortment of Hardware and Ironmongery, for sale. BREAM & FOLLET, At the sign of the Shell, Main Street, Richmond. March 4. [law4w]
NOTICE—The subscriber having been appointed Master Commissioner for the Chancery court of Henrico, informs those who may have cases referred to him by order of the court, that he is now ready to act on them. His office is kept at his residence nearly opposite the Swan Tavern. JAMES H. GORDON. Richmond, March 25. [ept25d1M]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business intrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 26. [law6f]
JACOB JOHNSON, BOOKSELLER & STATIONER, near the Market Bridge, has just received and for sale, Harrison's Chancery Practice, 2 vols. Tidd's Practice, 2 vols. Abridgment of the Laws of Nisi Prius, Roberts on the Statute of Frauds, new on Fraudulent conveyances, new Watson on Partnership, (a new and much enlarged edition) and with additional references to American Reports, Sugden on Vendors and Purchasers of Estates, a new work, Douglas's Reports, 2 vols. with new references to American Reports, Kyd on Awards, from the new London edition, with 60 pages of American Law incorporated. Peters' Admiralty Reports, new, 2 vols. Peere Williams' Reports, new Edition, 3 vols. Taylor's North Carolina Reports, Johnson's New-York Reports, vol. 1. New-York Term Reports, 3 vols. New-York Cases in Error, 2 vols. Cranch's Reports, 5 vols. Smith and Ogden's Trial, Williams' Massachusetts Reports, Caines' New-York Reports, Washington's Virginia do. Henry's Digest of the Laws United States. Day's Cases in Error, vol. 1. Study of the Law, Sullivan's Lectures, 2 vols. Dallas' Reports, 4 vols. East's Crown Law, 2 vols. Reports, 7 vols. Mac Nally's Evidence, 2 vols. Saunders' Reports, 3 vols. Tucker's Blackstone, 5 vols. Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 5 vols. Buller's Nisi Prius, 4 vols. Azuni's Maritime Laws, 2 vols. Rumingon on Elections, Schulte and LeRoy's Reports, vol. 1. (a new work.) Hawkins' Pleas of the Crown, 4 vols. Montague on Set-off, Powell on Devises, Bacon's Abridgment, 7 vols. Jacob's Law Dictionary, 2 vols. 4to. Hales - ditto 2 vols. Bozmanquet and Puller's Reports, 4 vols. Maxwell on Bills of Exchange, Williams' Abridgment, 5 vols. New works of merit published in Philadelphia may be had at the above store as soon after their first appearance as possible. Richmond, March 4. 1808. [law1m]
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS of LAND in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called, Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goodland courthouse, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal installments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BERKELEY, JOSHUA ELLIS, WM. MANN, Commissioners. March 15. [law2m]
NOTICE—The subscriber once more solicits all those who have claims against the estate of Jacob Waddill, deceased, (late of Prince Edward county,) to bring them forward properly authenticated, on or before the first day of May next, in order that arrangements may be made for the payment of the same, as it is expected that a distribution of the assets in the hands of the Ex'r will shortly take place—Those who fail to comply with this reasonable request, may certainly expect this notice plead in bar against them. ZACHARIAH RICE, Ex'r. March 15. (vans3dM)
REMOVAL—GEORGE WATT has removed to the main street, next door above the Bell Tavern, where he offers for sale the following ARTICLES: 20 hhds. Brown Sugar, 30 hhds. Molasses, 8 tierces and 8 barrels best green Coffee, 20 hhds. Antigua Rum, 5 pipes Holland Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 hhds. and 20 bbls. Northern Whiskey, 15 qr. casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Y. H. Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin do. 5 chests Souchong do. and 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, March 18. [law6w]
CANNON BALL & GRAPE SHOT—Proposals will be received at this office for a quantity of Cannon Ball and Grape Shot for 24 pounders, and Cannon Ball and grape or Canister Shot for 6 pounders, to be delivered on navigable water in the state of Massachusetts. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in the state of New-Jersey or New-York. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in Virginia or Maryland. The election to have the ball and shot cast in iron moulds or otherwise, is desired, as the articles must be perfectly globular & smooth, & for that purpose, will undergo a strict inspection before receipt or payment. Dimensions of the several kinds of ball and shot will be given. TENCH COYE, Paymaster Of Public Supplies. Philadelphia, March 22. 1808. [law4w]
FOR SALE for cash, approved paper, or exchange for Negroes—Two Tracts of prime Military LANDS of 1000 acres each, in the state of Ohio, upon the waters of Cane's Creek. These tracts of Land were surveyed for the Hon. Judge Marshall on 25th Nov. 1794, and granted to him as a captain in the Virginia Line, &c. &c. Apply to GEO. GREENHOW. March 22. [2w]
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND AUTHORIZED to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the sixth day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonward at the Court House, in Madisonward at the Eagle Tavern, in Montrossward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sheriff of the City of Richmond. March 11. [Fpt1W4]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next. A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. February 19. [uf]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY.—The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at this Factory. He calls with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the best quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tile to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile, heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DUVAL. Richmond, March 22. [ept2w&law6f] N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
A YOUNG MAN, who is single, that understands the management of Negroes, and can read and write, with a very little knowledge of figures, if well recommended for honesty, industry and sobriety, may hear of employment by application to the Editor of this Paper. March 18. [if]
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADD & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [uf]
MINE LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber will sell a Tract of LAND containing 2791 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of iron ore of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition. Also a tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 258 acres—197 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky. Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal Pits or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. March 18. [ept12w]
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the Erection of a BRIDGE over the River Potomac, within the District of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Steele's Hotel in the City of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P.M. Robert Brent, Daniel Curran, Thomas Monroe, James D. Barry, Frederick May, Samuel H. Smith, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Powell, Cuthbert Powell, Elisha Fanny, Charles Alexander. The act of Congress authorises the subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in installments of ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent. I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorising the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia." March 4. [ep4w]
ONE HUNDREDDOLLARS REWARD—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his departure, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ept1]
NOTICE—By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 15th September, 1807, to me executed, by John Sabb, to secure the payment of a sum of money as therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell for cash, to the highest bidder, on the 18th day of April next, the two LOTS OF GROUND in this city, whereon said Sabb resides, known by the Nos. 107 and 109, in Duvall's addition, together with all appurtenances.—The sale to take place at 2 o'clock on the premises. JOHN SATCHELL. March 15. [ept14thA]
REMOVAL—We have removed our Counting contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the bbl. or bbl. Sherry Wine in quarter casks, and a few cases old Claret, of superior quality. ROBERT ALLAN POLLOCK & Co. March 8. [ept1]
THE Subscriber intends in future, to practice LAW in the county courts of Henrico, & King William, and in the Hastings and District Courts of the City of Richmond.—His attendance on these courts will be regular and uniform. EDWARD CARTER STANARD. Richmond, Feb. 8. [if]
EDUCATION—ANTHONY PELZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he will remove his day and night School on the first of April to a large and commodious apartment in the lower part of the house occupied by Mr. John P. Shields in the vicinity of the Capitol. He, therefore, can invite more pupils of both sexes, to share his instruction, whom he will teach the French and Italian Languages, English Grammar, Reading & Writing, together with Arithmetic, Geography and the minor Latin Classics. His object is to be useful and his success in teaching French has been proved by experience; for he does not merely impress on the minds of his pupils the verbal science of Grammar, but renders the language familiar to their ears, their tongue and their pen. Terms—Eight dollars per quarter, payable half in advance. Pupils from the country may obtain board at very moderate terms of Mrs. Shields, who offers likewise the use of her Piano-Forte to those who would wish to receive instruction on that instrument. March 15. [eptf]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kennebec county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [if]
NOTICE, to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A.M. the subscribers will proceed at the Compting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court. The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend. For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall institute any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred of, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled either as surviving partner or as an individual." WM. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, SAML. MCRAW, Trustees. Richmond, March 8, 1808. [ept30A.]
EUROPE.
BY RECENT ARRIVALS.
The bank of England have unanimously agreed to lend government three millions sterling, free of interest, payable in six months after the signing of a definitive treaty of peace and to present to government 500,000 as a consideration for unclaimed dividends. Glasgow Paper. List of the British Navy, for February. In commission 141 sail of the line, 22 fives, 167 frigates, 216 sloops, 221 gun-brigs and cutters.... in all 769; 50s all of the line in ordinary, and 50 building. There are also 20 frigates, 23 sloops, and 10 gun-brigs building. LONDON, February 2.
Sir William Rule and Mr. Peake, the surveyors of the navy, have returned to town, from their inspection of the Danish ships brought from Copenhagen. They are said to have reported that all the ships are found fit for service. They are, in consequence, to be prepared without delay for commission. The papers relative to Russia, moved for by Mr. Ponsonby, were laid before the house of commons on Monday night. They consist of letters to and from Mr. Canning and Lord G. L. Gower, and the correspondence between his lordship and the three Russian ministers for foreign affairs, who succeeded to that office during his lordship's embassy to the court of St. Petersburg. These papers bear upon two principal points, viz. the alleged Secret articles of Tilsit, and the Danish expedition. With respect to the former, his lordship states, that the three Russian ministers admitted that there were "secret articles," but contended that they did not concern Britain, and that his Russian Majesty having therefore declined to communicate them in the first instance, he would adhere to that determination. With respect to the Danish expedition, the Russian Ministers make it the great ground of the Emperor's hostility to Britain, and lord G. L. Gower alleged in its justification, that the British government were in possession of "certain data" that left no doubt of the intention of France to avail itself of the Danish fleet, for a descent on the British isles, which intention was confirmed by intelligence from the court of Portugal. These are the two leading features of the supplemental paper, and before the house.
February 7. From the London Independent Whig, of Sunday, Feb. 7. (an opposition Paper.)
The late meeting at Leeds, to petition for peace, presented nothing to gratify the wishes either of ministers or their opponents—From 8 to 10 thousand men (chiefly master manufacturers) were assembled, and most clearly and distinctly stated their indifference to both the parties which have contributed to bring them into their present distressing situation.
From the French papers we have received the declaration of Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angely, minister of state, respecting the motives of the Senates consultum, upon calling the conscription of 1809. In this speech delivered in the Senate, and which is certainly a most eloquent and energetic production, he tells them, that their wishes, in calling out the conscripts of 1808, were directed towards the peace, which signal victories had prepared; that their success has surpassed their hopes, the flames of war are extinguished upon the continent, a durable peace has been sworn between the 2 greatest sovereigns in the world, and Europe has time to breathe. But he declares, "there is a government, to which the refuge of Europe is DESPAIR—to which, peace is TERROR—to which, discord is NECESSITY—and war HOPE." England has replied to the offer of a generous media ion offered by the emperor of Russia, by carrying fire and the sword into the territories of his most ancient ally, by professing more solemnly her contempt of the rights of nations, by proclaiming more inhumanly the principle of eternal war. The indignation of all sovereigns has replied to the injurious manifesto, to the cunning declarations, to the barbarous acts of the cabinet of St. James's." With aggravated feelings, and heart-rending emotions, we pierce these indignities, these disgraceful accusations, and while the crimson blush of shame overspreads our cheeks, we hang our heads in gloomy silence, and confess their truth!
We have just been informed by a general officer of high rank, that a small flying force, consisting of four regiments, under the command of Sir G.orge Prevost, (who so gallantly distinguished himself at Dominica) is preparing to go to the Bermudas; for the purpose of being ready to annoy the Americans, should the existing discussions between the two countries terminate unfavourably. This is an additional proof of the vigour and activity of the present administration. February 4.
The fleet of transports, with 5000 troops on board, now at Portsmouth, under orders for North America, will be accompanied by five line of battle ships. The military force will be increased by a regiment of light dragoons, and three companies of artillery; the whole under the command of general Prevost. The officer who commands the naval part has not been mentioned. It is supposed to be destined for some secret enterprise in the first instance. Col. Houghton of the 8th is appointed a brigadier general on this occasion. Letters from Gibraltar, dated the 6th ult. stated that the French and Spaniards openly avowed their intention to commence the siege of that place, and were making the necessary preparations.
NEW-YORK, March 21. Yesterday arrived the fast sailing ships Robert Burns, Waite; Calcedonia, Henderson, and Phocion, Stanton, all in 28 days from Liverpool; and captains White and Henderson have politely favored the editor of the Mercantile Advertiser with London papers to the 17th February, inclusive, Liverpool of the 13th, and Lloyd's Lists to the 16th. The following are the only interesting articles they contain.
LONDON, Feb. 10.
An American vessel arrived at Guernsey, from St. Maloes, after a short passage, repeats a former account, which stated that the embargo in the ports of France is strictly enforced, with respect to all nations, those of America excepted. Bonaparte would be deficient in his usual political sagacity and foresight, if he did not study to conciliate the Americans by all possible means, and therefore we believe the above account. His management of America has thus afforded a new proof of their extraordinary address. By his violent decrees against neutral commerce, he induced ministers in retaliation to resort to the late orders in council; but it now appears that the French decrees are suffered to remain a dead letter to Americans, while the English orders in council are enforced against the commerce of the United States. He therefore has done little to offend America, and has, by that little, done a great deal to commit England and America in warfare. Globe.
A morning paper says—"An expedition is in a state of preparation for an object of great importance, but the reports respecting which it would be improper at present to mention. We may state, however, that according to letters from Plymouth, Sir Sidney Smith is daily expected at that port from the Tagus, as he is to be employed on the service to which we have alluded. Feb. 11.
Rear Admiral Berte has sailed with a squadron to take the Channel station, left by Admiral Duckworth, now in pursuit of the Rochefort fleet. Feb. 13.
A rumour was yesterday in circulation, which we believe to be utterly unfounded, that Sir Samuel Hood, in the Centaur, had been captured on his passage to England, by the Rochefort squadron.
All accounts from Yorkshire and Lancashire are full of dreadful complaints on the state of trade: the woollen and cotton manufactures are said to be nearly at a stand; several respectable houses in Yorkshire have had letters from their friends in America desiring them not to purchase any more wool on any account, and many both woollen and cotton manufacturers have been under the necessity of discharging their work people and of shutting up their manufactures for the return of a better trade.
Lord Erskine, in the debate on the Copenhagen Expedition, alluding to the new names given to the Danish ships, observed, that the conduct of ministers, in this parti-

cular, reminded him of the tricks of Gipsies to disguise scelerum .
All strangers are strictly prohibited from taking notes of the proceedings in the House of Lords. They may "mark and inwardly digest" as much as they like, but hicket none.
Feb. 15. The expedition under the command of lieutenant general Sir George Prevost, sailed from Portsmouth on Saturday for Halifax. The 7th, 8th, 13th and 23d regiment of foot accompanied him. This force would be further augmented by the 98th regiment, from Bermuda, and the 9th, 101st, and 10th royal veteran battalion, at Halifax, where the staff of the army already is. The expedition under general Spencer remained at Falmouth on Friday last, expecting to be joined by the troops collected at Portsmouth. The two corps united would amount to nearly ten thousand men. From the magnitude of this force, it would seem as if government had come to a determination to defend our possessions in North America to the last extremity, in the case of a war with the United States.
Sir Sidney Smith, we understand, has proceeded to the Brazils, to take the command there. The squadron, which is to block the Tagus, is under the command of Sir C. Cotton and rear admiral Otway.
Some letters, but no German papers, have been received at the post office from Heligoland. They state that the greatest activity prevails in the northern ports. There are now lying at Flushing eleven sail of the line, at Rotterdam five and at Heligoland three. The greater part of these have been built in the course of the last twelve months. There are besides five more on the stocks at Antwerp, which are expected to be launched in May. The squadron on the Texel consists, we believe, of eight or nine sail of the line. Here then are the materials for a fleet of upwards of thirty sail, and if to these had been joined the Danish navy, fifty sail at least of British line of battle ships must have been employed to watch or oppose them.
Feb. 16. FROM THE PARIS PAPERS.
ROYAL DECREE.
LOUIS NAPOLEON, &c. Considering that every European nation ought to co-operate with all its power to the triumph of the cause of the Continent, in a contest which will not be of long duration, &c. whose result is not doubtful;
Considering that our particular duty, as well as the dearest interests of our people, command us to accede in all points to the desire of his majesty the Emperor of the French, our illustrious brother, and even to surpass his hopes;
Considering that the indemnity and relief which our kingdom has a right to demand and expect, depend entirely upon the powerful intervention of France;
Considering, in fine, that however great the sacrifices hitherto made by this country may be, and however powerful its situation, both under the relations of commerce and those of finance, it is of much greater interest to dissipate all the doubts that might exist with respect to our intentions, and to prove to Europe, in the most signal manner, our attachment, and that of our people, to the common cause.
Art. I. From the publication of the present decree, all the ports of our kingdoms shall be shut against all ships, whatever be their denomination. Those only are excepted from this disposition, and provisionally till a new order, of which mention is made in the second article.
II. Armed ships of our allies are not included in the exclusion directed by the preceding article. They may enter and quit our ports and bring in their prizes, by conforming to the ordinance issued relative to the entrance and departure of ships of war.
III. Ships of the allies or neutral powers, who may enter our ports to avoid the dangers of sea, shall have no communication with the interior of our kingdom. They shall be subjected to quarantine, and be under the most severe superintendence. The commandant of the ports shall make them put to sea as soon as the weather shall permit.
IV. Fishing boats are under the direct superintendence of the civil and military authorities upon the coast. These authorities shall take care, on their responsibility, that no communication take place, by the means of the fishermen, with the enemy's ships and other ships. To that end, there shall be placed as a centinel, a soldier on board each fishing boat. On the return of the boat, the centinel shall make his report of what has passed during the fishery, contrary to the dispositions of the present decree, and the owner of the boat and crew shall be prosecuted with all the rigor of the laws.
Given at Utrecht 23d, January, (Signed)
LOUIS.
The Dutch Official Gazette contains a very strong article upon the conduct which the Dutch commerce ought to pursue at present. The following are the most striking passages:
"Abandon common speculation, do not suffer yourselves to be excluded with impunity from the empire of the seas. Fit out privateers to wrest the prey from the enemy, to procure provisions becomes almost the first necessity; it is in the enemy's ships, that you ought to seek for colonies, if at their expense you ought to furnish your correspondents with what merchandise they want; recollect the courage of our ancestors; recollect you are countrymen of Ruyter and Tromp—Must the Danes be, of the least populous nation, the only one who dare attack the English in open sea? Must history say, that the Danes were in the 19th century, what the Dutch were in the 17th?—Arm, Dutchmen, let all your ports be filled with armed vessels, ready to fall upon the enemy."
February 17.
Two Gottingen mails arrived this morning with letters and papers to the 21st ult. They repeat the report lately circulated of the French and German papers, of a large body of Russian troops having marched to Swedish Finland. That Russia will endeavour to force Sweden into the confederacy against this country, may be considered as certain.
By the Resolution cutter, which arrived on Saturday at Plymouth, and sailed again almost immediately we learn, that the French inshore squadron in Brest harbour, were re-commenced on Wednesday last by the Warrenton, 74 guns, Copelin Schooner, and King George cutter, when they discovered seven sail of the line, one frigate and a brig, being one frigate and a brig less in number than which were before. They appeared quite ready for sea, having royal staysails up, &c. all bent; and their sails looted for driving.
A fleet of Russian ships of war, after running at large through the Mediterranean,
put into Trieste, making with 9 sail in the Tagus, a total of 24. Had these avowed enemies been taken instead of the Danish fleet, the capture would have added equally to our security, and would not have subjected ministers to the reproach so heavily heaped upon them.
The following is the Russian fleet in the Tagus, under the orders of Admiral Siniavin.
Tevedsie, flag ship 74 guns, Rafael, 74, Sinef, 74, St. Elena, 74, Matchaaf, 74, Tila-fael, 74, Ratvezan, 74, Skoroe, 64, Jarastof, 64, Keldecini, 32. They are ill furnished with supplies, and Lisbon cannot afford what they require.
A mammoth, in a state of perfect preservation, was lately found near Yakoutsk, on the borders of the Frozen Ocean. Part of the flesh, tusks, ears and tail, had been cut off by the natives; but the skeleton has been carried to Petersburg, a distance of 6,875 miles. The head weighs 460 lbs. the horns are 9 1/2 ft. long, and weigh 400 pounds the height of the back is ten and a half feet, and the length sixteen and a half feet; bristles of the back were of a reddish color, and many of them measure two feet four inches.
According to the last return made by the Russian ministry, the Russian navy consists at present of 43 sail of the line, 24 frigates, 59 cutters, begs, &c. and 226 smaller vessels. Of this force twenty ships of the line, and four frigates were in the Black Sea, and besides them, 21 were in battle ships in other seas.
Letters from Madrid state, that according to reports current in that city, the king of Spain is to cede Navarre and Catalonia to France, for part of Portugal, and the Queen of Etruria is to have the remainder of the latter kingdom.
The order for nicknaming the Danish ships has been revoked, as these misnomers might be a bar to the restoration of the vessels to their owners, should such a measure be deemed necessary.
Price of stocks yesterday. Bank Stock, 233 3/4 per cent. reduced, 64 1/2 per cent. consols, 63 3/4 5-8.
Extract of a letter from a Commercial House in Liverpool, to another in this city, dated Feb. 16.
"We have received a printed list of the duties proposed by Ministers to be laid on Foreign produce when exported from this country; and have extracted the articles, information on which will be most interesting in America. These duties, will, probably in some instances be modified before they receive the sanction of Parliament."
The following are the duties which the Committee of the House of Commons have recommended for the adoption of the legislature on exportation of the following goods from Great Britain, being foreign goods landed on importation without payment of duty:— Coffee 28s. per cwt. Cocoa 20s. per do. Cochineal 10s. per lb. Cotton Wool 9d. per do. Gum 10s. per cwt. Hides raw, 3s. each; indigo 2s. per lb. Oil (seed) 10d. 10s. per puncheon of 252 gallons; Pimento 2d. per lb.; Prize goods 20 per cent. ad valorem; Rice 2s. per cwt. Sugars Mucorado 10s. and Clayed 14s. per cwt. tobacco 1 1/2d. per lb. mahogany 11 per ton of 20 cwt. and the following goods which cannot be landed on importation:— Ashes, Pot and Pearl 10s. per cwt. wheat 10s. per quarter; Rye, Pease, Indian Corn, &c. 5s. per do, Wheat Flour 5s. per cwt.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, March 16.
Mr. D. R. Williams held in his hand a resolution by which he wished to call the attention of the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to the discussion of a subject which he had long considered as of the last importance to our commercial interests directly, and perhaps not indirectly to the domestic interest of the country. The object of the following resolution being merely to direct the committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire, he should not offer any observations on its expediency:
Resolved , That the committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the entry of any vessel into the U. S. from any port or place, to which a vessel of the U. S. is not admitted by a permanent regulation of the country owning such place or by treaty. Agreed to without a division.
The engrossed bill for the further continuance of the mint at Philadelphia was, after some observations against it by Mr. Lyon, passed by yeas and nays, 83 to 19.
Mr. Newton offered the following resolution: Resolved , That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be instructed to enquire whether the sums in which the collectors of the customs are severally bound to the U. S. ought to be increased. Agreed.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. W. Alston in the chair, on the bill for raising an additional military force.
The bill was taken up by sections and various amendments made to the detail.
Mr. Tallmadge proposed an amendment going altogether to reverse the provision of the bill in respect to cavalry. The bill at present provides that one regiment of cavalry shall be raised, to consist of eight companies of thirty-eight men each, with a discretion to be given to the President to encrase each company to 64. Mr. T. proposed to substitute the provision by inserting four troops of cavalry of sixty-four men each, and four companies of dismounted dragoons.
This motion was supported by Mr. Tallmadge by arguments drawn from transactions during the revolutionary war, and opposed by Mr. Nelson on the same ground.
It was agreed to, ayes 65.
Further amendment having been made to the detail of the bill, without having gone through it, the committee rose at the usual hour of adjournment, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
THURSDAY, March 17.
Mr. Dawson proposed the following resolution:
Resolved , That a committee be appointed on the part of this House, to act with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate to consult and report what further business is necessary to be done during the present session, and at what time it shall be proper to adjourn.
The House agreed to consider the resolution, ayes 73.
Mr. Dawson said it would be observed by the House that members daily obtained leave of absence; it was undoubtedly the wish of every one to adjourn as soon as possible, and as this only went to enquire, he presumed there would be no objection.
The words in italics on motion of Mr. Van Horn were stricken out.
Mr. D. R. Williams thought perhaps on this subject as on other gentlemen, that for the thought every ill-timed, and that this was an inopportune moment for such a resolution. In what was the situation of the country different from what
it was when they met here and which every person considered a perilous situation? I ask, gentlemen, said he, will they adjourn and leave the country in the situation in which we stood when we met? Is it possible that this is the case? I wish to take off my shoulders the weight of responsibility which might rest upon me from its passing by a silent vote. I therefore call for the Yeas and Nays upon the resolution. I wish to tell my constituents that I am willing to sit here till there is some change in the awful appearance of American affairs. I cannot vote for this resolution without some documents shown or some reasons given to indicate a change.
Mr. Dawson said it was certainly not his wish that Congress should rise without taking measures necessary for the national defence. All my acts, said he, will show to the contrary. I have been one among those who have advocated every measure of defence of the country; I wish that those others had done the same. Is it not a fact, that some who now wish to prolong the session were opposed to all the defensive measures which have been adopted? It is because I wish to hasten the necessary laws, that I have proposed this resolution.
After some further observations— Mr. Kelly moved that the resolution lie on the table. Carried, 59 to 33.
Mr. Dawson having called for the order of the day on the bill for raising an additional military force.
On motion of Mr. Haines, supported by Messrs Nelson & Tallmadge, and opposed by Mr. Dawson, the bill was recommitted to a select committee to harmonize its parts conformably to the amendment yesterday made at the instance of Mr. Tallmadge, 49 to 38.
The report of the committee of Elections on the contested election of Mr. P. B. Key, was called up.
The committee of Elections, to whom it will be recollected a former report was recommitted reported an opinion that nothing in the evidence before them, so far as respects the suggestion of Mr. Key being a pensioner or half-pay officer to the king of Great Britain, authorises them to alter the opinion or the resolution submitted with their former report.
Mr. Rowan moved an indefinite postponement of the subject, and supported his motion on the ground that the decision of a question of fact on the point of residence, rested properly and exclusively with the people, who were the best judges of it, as to the alleged pension, on which point however, he had no doubt, if it were even true, neither the constitution or any law of the United States makes it a disqualification from a seat, although it might be cause for disqualification if a course should be pursued with a member actually in the receipt of a pension after he became a member. Mr. R. observed that an election would take place in the ensuing autumn, in which the people would have an opportunity to declare their opinion by a re-election or otherwise.
Mr. Key said that he should be content with any course that the House should take; were he to consult his personal feelings he should wish it immediately decided.
Messrs. Eppes, Marion, and W. Alston opposed the motion on the ground that a postponement of this subject would be a breach of their duty; the constitution had made it their duty to enquire into an election of one of their own body whenever contested, and they could not shrink from it; that this provision was essential for the preservation of the purity of the House; that this subject should have been long ago decided on; and that the "people" could not perform what the constitution had made the positive duty of the House.
Mr. Eppes considered the decision on the motion more important than even the election itself, as establishing the precedent by which they might hereafter be tempted to throw the responsibility from their shoulders on the people; he therefore called for the yeas and nays on it.
Mr. Rowan withdrew his motion. The House then resolved itself into committee of the whole on the subject, Mr. Pitkin in the chair.
At four the committee rose without coming to a decision on any point, 57 to 36, and obtained leave to sit again—Adjourned.
FRIDAY, March 18.
Mr. Nelson offered the following resolution which was agreed to without a division.
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of making provision by law for the relief of the infirm, disabled and supernumerary officers and soldiers of the army of the United States, and that the committee have leave to report by bill otherwise.
Messrs. Nelson, Howard, Tallmadge, Trigg and Deane form the committee.
The following message was received from the President of the United States by Mr. Coles his Secretary.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
The scale on which the military academy at West Point was originally established, is become too limited to furnish the number of well instructed subjects in the different branches of artillery and engineering, which the public service calls for. The want of such characters is already sensibly felt, and will be increased with the enlargement of our plans of military preparation. The chief engineer, having been instructed to consider the subject, and to propose an augmentation which might render the establishment commensurate with the present circumstances of our country, has made the report which I now transmit for the consideration of Congress.
The idea suggested by him of removing the institution to this place, is also worthy of attention. Besides the advantage of placing it under the immediate eye of the government, it may render its benefits common to the naval department, and will furnish opportunities of selecting on better information, the characters most qualified to fulfil the duties which the public service may call for.
TH: JEFFERSON.
March 18, 1808.
The message and documents having been read, were on motion of Mr. Nicholas referred to a select committee.
Messrs. Nicholas, Troup, Desha, Upham and Minor form the committee.
The House again went into committee of the whole on the contested election of Philip B. Key.
The final question was at length taken on the strongly contested election by yeas and nays, and Mr. Key's seat was confirmed, 57 to 32. Half past four—adjourned.
SATURDAY, March 19.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. W. Alston in the chair, on the bill for raising an additional military force.
Various amendments to the bill reported by the committee on our military establishments were agreed to.
One section of the bill fixes the price of all undrawn rations at twenty-five cents.
Mr. Blackledge concerning this a higher price than had ever been paid for rations, moved to strike out the word five.
Some discussion took place on this motion.
Mr. D. R. Williams, to try the principle of equalizing the price of rations, moved to strike out the section. He concurred that it might produce a negligence of the officers in regard to the quality of rations, and thus have an effect on the fare of privates.
The motion for striking out the section was, after some further discussion, negatived, 40 to 36. Mr. Blackledge's motion was then negatived, 40 to 35.
Mr. Taylor proposed a new section to the bill, requiring that all the rations to be raised by the act
should be composed of citizens of the U. S. Carried, ayes 56.
Mr. Tallmadge proposed an amendment to authorize the President when he shall deem proper, to mount the dismounted dragoons. Agreed.
The committee then rose and reported the bill as amended.
The amendments were all gone through without discussion, except that which requires the army to be composed of citizens of the United States.
On the suggestion of Mr. Rowan agreed to by Mr. Taylor, and supported by Messrs. Marion and Smalley, the section agreed to in committee of the whole was negatived nem. con.
And on motion of Mr. Nelson it was substituted by a provision that all commissioned officers in the force to be raised shall be citizens of the U. S. 55 to 35.
Mr. Ely renewed the motion made by Mr. Williams in committee of the whole to strike out the section fixing the price of rations, and called for the yeas and nays on it; which having been taken, were for 47, against it 69.
Mr. Brien moved to amend the same section by striking out the word "five" so as to reduce the price fixed upon to twenty cents.
MONDAY, March 21.
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of Harry Innes, a judge of the district court of the United States for the district of Kentucky, relative to his having, while in the tenure of his office aforesaid, been party or privy to a project on the part of Spain or her subjects to dismember these United States or to the seduction of the State of Kentucky from the union, or relative to his having been party or privy, during the tenures of his said, to a project on the part of Spain or her subjects, to embroil the United States in a war with Spain, or relative to his having illicitly corresponded with both or either of the governments aforesaid, or their subjects or citizens, upon one or both of the projects aforesaid, or relative to his having known concealed from this government one or both of the said projects; and that the said committee have power to send for persons, papers or records, and that they report whether in their opinion the said Harry Innes hath so acted relative to all or either of the subjects aforesaid, as to require the interposition of the constitutional power of this House.
Mr. R. said he would observe that the state of Kentucky had felt impressed with the importance of the subject, and the legislature of the state had adopted this resolve. [Mr. R. then read the Kentucky resolution directing its representatives to request the enquiry.] There had also been transmitted a certified copy of the report of the enquiry into the conduct of Judge Sebastian, with certain exhibits on which this resolution of Kentucky is predicated, all of which he submitted to the House.
Mr. Pitkin thought that on the request of a state there could be no hesitation to make an enquiry; he thought it should be immediately referred to a committee.
The resolution was however ordered to lie on the table without a division.
On motion of Mr. Dawson the House took up the unfinished business on the bill for raising an additional military force.
Mr. Stanford wished to know if he could withdraw his motion made on Saturday, and move that each company should consist of one hundred men each, taking away the discretionary power to increase the number?
The Speaker said the motion was not in order.
Mr. Dawson announced his intention to make such a motion, if the amendment should be agreed to. Whatever might be his opinion of vesting a discretionary power in the Executive, this was no time for discussion. The situation of the country might immediately require not only these men but a much larger number.
Mr. W. Alston thought it would be much better to leave a discretion to increase the number from 6 to 10,000 in the event of any contingency than to erect an army of 10,000 men at once.
The question was then taken on the motion made on Saturday to strike out the discretionary power to increase the number and carried 63 to 45.
The words "sixty-eight" the number of each company were then struck out, and "ninety-six" inserted, 65 to 17.
The bill was ordered to a third reading on this day. For Thursday, ayes 33. For Wednesday 24. To-morrow 41. To-day, 54 to 33.
Mr. M. Clay moved for the consideration of the report on the committee of the whole on the whole bill for classing the militia—Negatived 57 to 37.
Mr. Nelson called for the order of the day on the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the U. S. to individuals.
Mr. Stanford moved that it be indefinitely postponed. Negatived, by Yeas and Nays on the call of Mr. Rowan—74 to 34.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the said bill 54 to 30, Mr. Cutts in the chair. After some progress made in the bill, the committee rose & obtained leave to sit again.
The engrossed bill from the Senate for raising an additional military force was read the third time; and the Yeas and Nays being asked on its passage by Mr. Stanford.
Mr. Upham opposed the bill at some length—when Mr. U. ceased, the House immediately adjourned.
TUESDAY, March 22.
Immediately on the meeting of the House a message in writing was received from the President of the U. S. apparently comprehending a voluminous mass of documents.
The Speaker declared the message to be of a confidential nature.
Mr. Burwell conceived that a part only of the message was confidential; he wished that part which was not confidential should be first read.
Mr. Eppes observed that the confidential part might be so blended with the other, that they could not be understood if read distinctly.
Mr. Campbell could not see the propriety of any discussion on this subject in public; he wished the galleries now to be cleared. They were cleared accordingly.
WASHINGTON, March 23.
Our readers will perceive by our Congressional Journal, that a MESSAGE was yesterday received from the President.—It was delivered to each House about a quarter of an hour after eleven. The doors, both of the Senate and the House, were immediately closed and continued closed until past 5 o'clock when an adjournment took place.
A large mass of documents accompany the Message, the greater part imparted without confidence, and the residue, only so far confidential, we believe as relates to opinions expressed by or entertained of some public characters, which it has not heretofore been usual to publish. The whole field of our foreign relations, so far as they bear upon existing differences, is disclosed; including the entire correspondence relative to the Chesapeake between Mr. Monroe
and the British government, & between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose; the correspondence on our general relations with England, and consequently that which gave rise to the treaty signed by our Ministers and returned by the President; and the correspondence with other foreign powers. The documents are so voluminous that their reading will consume several days, when all, except those parts which we have stated to be confidential, will, it is presumed, be ordered to be printed. We shall seize the earliest opportunity of presenting them to the public.—Nat. Int.
Mr. Rose on Monday took leave of the President, and yesterday left this city for Alexandria, whence he proceeds to Norfolk where he means to take immediate passage for England in the Star.
Mr. Foster, secretary of legation, and the Messrs. Cassimajors, are to accompany him. Mr. Mansfield remains for some time secretary of legation, not in the character of Secretary of legation, as has been rumored, Mr. Foster not having vacated that place, and it being his purpose to return to the United States about October next.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 29, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
NUMBER III.
To Messrs. Joseph Clay, Abraham Trigg, John Russell, Josiah Masters, Geo: Clinton, jr. Gordon S. Mumford, John Thompson, Peter Swart, Edwin Gray, W. Hoge, Samuel Smith, Daniel Montgomery, John Harris, Samuel Macey, David R. Williams, James R. Garnett and John Randolph, members of Congress.
GENTLEMEN, WE believe that you would willingly dispense with any farther attentions to your PROTEST. You would not care how soon it sunk into the bottomless ocean of oblivion. And if we could regard it as the work of indiscretion and unreflecting haste, for which, in a calmer moment, you would yourselves feel a generous sorrow and contrition, we would permit it to sink forever. But, since it is the offspring of deliberation and design, a sample of your characters, in your wisest and most virtuous moments, it shall not sink. We will keep it buoyant, until you shall perceive and feel how thoroughly we have dissected and analyzed you, how perfectly we understand you; until you shall stand abashed and confounded at the broad and open detection of your own weakness and wickedness; and over the grave of your ruined reputations, ruined by your own misdeeds, pour from self-love, those groans of remorse and repentance, which, in you, we fear can never rise from a more generous source.
You object to Mr. Madison, the want of energy. The objection shews the company which you have been keeping. It proves that confederacy with your former political adversaries, which has been so often, and we now find, so justly charged upon you,—It is the mere echo of the old federal reproach against Mr. Jefferson, caught by you to be reverbated against his expected successor.

have the vanity and hardness to ask for the proofs of his talents! You, who have as yet shown no talents that can be of service to your country; no talents beyond those of the merciless Indian, who dexterously strikes a tomahawk into the defenceless heart! But what an idea is yours of energy! You feel a constitutional irritability—you indulge it and you call that transient energy . Sudden fits of spleen—transient starts of passion—wild paroxysms of fury—the more slow and secret workings of envy and resentment—cruel taunts and sarcasms—the dreams of disordered fancy—the crude abortions of short-sighted theory—the delirium and ravings of a hectic fever—this is your notion of ENERGY ! Heaven preserve our country from such energy as this! If this be the kind of energy which you deny to Mr. Madison, the people of this country will concur in your denial. But if you deny him that salutary energy which qualifies him to pursue his country's happiness and to defend her rights, we follow up the course of his public life and demand the proof of your charge; for we beg you not to think so highly of yourselves, nor so meanly of us, as to suppose that your general assertion will pass with us for proof ; we have not yet seen the evidence of candour and virtue which entitles you to this high ground. To your proofs , then, and to the retrospect of his life. Do you remember that dark and disastrous period, during the administration of General Washington, when the British marine was taking some of those stately strides, which threatened to crush our infant commerce in the bud: do you remember the resolutions brought forward by Mr. Madison at that period, to restrict the British commerce itself, and avenge the wrongs done to this country? Do you remember those celebrated resolutions, and the raptures of applause with which they were received by the people for their well-timed and well-directed energy ? It may be convenient to you not to remember these things. But do not believe that we shall forget them; nor that we shall fail to compare the spirited and highly applauded policy which he recommended, then, with the policy which our present wise and virtuous republican minority, are recommending toward the same nation now, on account of the same kind of aggressions. Yes, gentlemen, we mark the energy of your policy towards Great-Britain—the policy by which you, in conjunction with your new ally and associate the honorable Timothy Pickering, (the force of whose logic you just begin to feel) recommend it to this independent and gaunt nation to cower down before the lawless and arrogant pretensions of that bloated and bloated bully of the ocean. This dastardly truckling to Great-Britain, is what you call energy ; the attitude which Mr. Madison took towards her in '95, was timidity . Blush at the inbecility of your own intellects, which could plunge you into this ridiculous and shameful dilemma.
Again, was Mr. Madison's want of energy shown in the year 1792? In that year, "the political hemisphere" was so far from having "brightened a little" that its darkness had thickened until it could be felt. The Alien and Sedition laws waved their baleful sceptres over the continent and the bosoms of patriots were every where, filled with consternation, and, almost, with despair. It was believed that public liberty had no hope, no refuge but in the state governments. It had been announced from the presidential chair, that there was a party in Virginia which was to be "ground into dust and ashes." The resolutions of Col. Taylor in 1798, treated with neglect or contempt by the other great states, had proved that the legislature of Virginia was the last stand of our political freedom and happiness. And to crown the climax of danger and distress, the distinguished Patrick Henry came again from retirement, with the view, as it was understood, to assault and dislodge them from this their last station. Such was the inauspicious, the all-important, the decisive crisis, when James Madison, with a frame still languishing under sickness, but with a spirit firm, erect and intrepid, came forth in the cause of liberty and his country. Who can forget that moment? Who can forget how the little band of Virginian patriots crowded around this republican champion to catch the accents of a voice rendered feeble by disease? Even yet we have this virtuous and fraternal group before us. Who can forget how the night of despair first began to give way—how hope, at first, faintly dawned on each cheek, as unerring other footing; until under the inspiring strains of his voice, she assumed a deep and determined glow and sparkled with exultation in every eye? Who can forget the resplendent triumph of truth and reason exhibited in his report? Who that loves his country can cease to love the man, whose genius and firmness gained that triumph? Not the American people be assured, gentlemen. Yet we find that one of you, under the signature of Falkland , in a late Enquirer , can recall that epoch "with far different emotions; can gratify his spleen by fancying what would have been the result of a rencontre between Mr. Henry and Mr. Madison, if it had not been prevented by the death of the former—how the genius of Madison would have sunk and fled before the impetuous and overwhelming eloquence of Mr. Henry. The writer obviously derives a species of malignant pleasure from brooding over this imaginary triumph, although it gained, it would have been at the expense of his country. This is his virtue: this too is his candor! Had he forgotten the convention of Virginia, where Henry, in all his glory, was foiled by the transcendent powers of James Madison? Or did he think the defence of the Alien and Sedition laws a better cause, than the contending for previous amendments to the constitution? Wretched, most wretched is the fate of that writer or that man who deserts the plain high-way of conscience and of candor, for the dark and crooked mazes of intrigue and cunning—of trick and misrepresentation! He may, as the wise son of Sirach has said, "work his way, for a time, like a mole under ground, but by and by, he blunders into light and stands exposed with all his dirt upon his head."
We have taken a rapid review of the life of Mr. Madison, for the purpose of finding the occasion on which he betrayed this want of energy. We cannot find it. On the contrary, in every crisis, during his long and eventful political career, of four and thirty years, whenever the energy of the statesman was demanded, we have seen it illustriously displayed by him: not the spasms of a madman—but the steady and unremitting energy of a firm and ardent patriot, a man of the purest and most disinterested heart, and of endowments of the very first and highest order. We have not followed Mr. Madison into his face under the present administration; be-
cause since that time, his course has been uniformly with the administration; and whatever you may think of that course, the seal of approbation has been already fixed upon it by your country. No more then of your harping on this general charge of want of energy: descend to a specification and shew us when & where it was. We beg your pardon: you have specified the solitary ground of this heavy charge—Mr. Madison, it seems, left his post in Congress, in the moment of danger, and took refuge in retirement. This is just as candid as the rest of your reproaches. The case was this. Mr. Madison had devoted two and twenty years of the prime and flower of his life to the service of his country; he had not spent those years in saying "yea" and "nay," nor, what is worse, in venting barbarous sarcasms, in writing protests disgraceful to his virtue and understanding, and in playing the part of Thersites in the camp of Agamenon: No; those years had been spent in beneficial services, in the discharge of the most arduous duties, in the most intense and unrelaxing exertion of his pre-eminent faculties in the cause of liberty and republican government. In the mean time, his private affairs had been neglected—his health was in a visible and alarming decline. In these circumstances, at the close of general Washington's administration, he sought an interval to put his estate in order, to recruit his health if that were possible, or, if otherwise, to provide for the awful change which he had too much reason to apprehend. It was in 1797 and '98 that he was thus engaged. But we have seen, that in 1799 when the dangers of his country had increased almost to desperation, although his health was so far from being confirmed that it had become worse, he again made his appearance on the political theatre, with the same signal gallantry, which had ever distinguished him. He has been in public life ever since. And those two years of repose and of private duty, so reasonable, so necessary to him, are what you would have us to consider as a cowardly flight from danger! We are not Barbarians. You defeat your own purpose, gentlemen; you wish to destroy Mr. Madison; but you force us to recall his services and to reflect how immaculate must be that life, against which malice itself can bring no better charges.
So much for your accusation of the want of energy, and for the single instance by which you attempt to support it. But after all, this is, perhaps, a mere dispute about a word: it is probable, that we do not attach the same idea to the term energy . What our idea of the energy of a republican patriot is, we have already shown in the example of Mr. Madison. As to any thing farther we admit, most cheerfully admit, that Mr. Madison has not that kind of energy which distinguished a Cataline, a Clodius or a Caesar, a Danton, a Robespierre or a Napoleon. We hope that he has no ambition to figure at the spring of a guillotine, at the head of a faction, nor of an army, red with civil blood, and infamous immortality by the overthrow of its country's liberty. This may be the species of energy which suits your projects. But where will you find it? Not in Mr. Madison, most assuredly; and as assuredly, not in either of the noble-minded & honorable gentlemen, who are understood to be cursed with the support of your names.
We have done with this charge of the want of energy. Those who choose to take the floating rumor, and through indolence or credulity to found their faith upon it, without examination, may have been gulled by the din which you have raised. They are however but a few. The people, who choose to take nothing on credit but to examine for themselves, are not thus to be duped. We have examined this charge and we have found it air. But let us see how well this quadrates with your next charge. This is, that Mr. Madison in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Hamilton, wrote the work called The Federalist , in which the most objectionable doctrines of the latter are maintained. Now the objection to the doctrines of the latter gentleman were, that they were too energetic . In one breath, then, Mr. Madison wants energy—in the next he has too much of it—his is the unity and consistency of truth! But why, again, are you so vague and so general in this charge about the Federalist ? Our jurists tell us " dolus lateat in generali bus "—deception lurks in general expressions? and the truth of the maxim was never more strikingly exemplified than in your treatment of Mr. Madison. You mount some eminence, and with a trumpet to your mouth, you bawl out "Yazoo," "want of energy," "the Federalist—Jay and Hamilton." It does not suit you to descend to particulars, because you knew the charges require but to be seriously examined, & they are at once falsified and exposed. You know the odium attached to the words which you utter, and regarding your countrymen as a pack from the kennel, you seem to think that you have nothing to do, but to point out the game and set on. But we are not quite such beasts as you are pleased, most respectfully to consider us. Instead of being ready to worry a patriot whose virtues offend you, we will protect and cherish him against your injustice and most undeserved persecution. The Federalist ? We know that it is a defence of the constitution, which we are all sworn to support; where is the crime of Mr. Madison's having participated in that defence? Is it criminal in Mr. Madison to have defended the constitution by written argument, and yet not criminal in you and in us to have sworn to support it? This is another evolution of the strength and clearness of your discernment! Since you will not descend to particularize the passages in the Federalist which Mr. Madison wrote and which give you offence, permit us to extract one which is calculated to give you consolation in the prospect before you , since it promises the continuance of your honourable existence as a body:—"Liberty is to faction, what air is to fire; an element, without which it instantly expires. But it could not be a less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency." This is a general answer to a general charge. When you give that charge a definite form, it shall receive a definite answer.
But you wish for your president "a man not suspected of undue partiality or enmity to either of the present belligerent powers." Suspected? And by whom is Mr. Madison thus suspected? Not by the people, for they have seen no act of his in relation to those powers, except in concert with the administration, which they entirely approve. By whom then is he thus suspected? By your honorable selves. And why do you sus-
pect him? Because you suspect the administration of which he is an officer. Yes; this insinuation is merely a continuance of that war which you have been for some time carrying on against Mr. Jefferson. It seems to be one of the articles of the treaty of amity which you have lately formed with the honorable Timothy Pickering, and his associates, to hark in and join the old federal cry of French influence in our councils. The time was when you repelled this atrocious and unfounded calumny, as it became men. But that day is over; and with it, your standing and influence in this country. "Alas! how fallen!" We pity you; but our confidence in you is gone forever. Where your tergiversation will end, we cannot calculate. The shades of discrimination between yourselves and the federalists cannot now be distinguished.
Your republican bite has melted into the federal red. And since the honorable Timothy seems to have come forward with the view of convincing us that New-England is not quite such a blank in point of talents as she seems to have been supposed, that there is a man there capable of the highest offices, and who already fancies that he has a distant scent of Presidential honors, we should not be surprised if your next plunge were to support him for that office. He seems already to have convinced you that our seamen and our commerce ought to be sacrificed to British insolence; that the transition is easy to the next absurdity, that he is fit for our President. What glorious times we shall have then! Our illustrious President will not be at all suspected of undue partiality to either of those European powers. He may indeed acknowledge the British supremacy upon the ocean, strike to her flag in every sea, surrender our citizens to her impressment, our commerce to her rapacity, and sooner than incommode her by an embargo, carry his cod-fish to the coast of China—but what of all this? It is for the good of the British navy; "that navy is our shield"—and tho' the shield may bruise or break the arm which it affects to cover—still it is a shield and a cover—and what is more—it is the British navy and the adversary of France! Such is the new policy which you seem to have learned! Such your idea of impartiality between the Belligerents!—We will suffer the aggressions of neither with impunity; and although we have not a navy to cope with them, we have the means of making them feel our displeasure; and they shall feel it equally and severely. We will sacrifice to the arrogance neither of the one nor the other. This is our creed and the creed of the administration.
We have done with your charges against Mr. Madison. Would to Heaven it were in your power to remove as easily those which you have drawn upon your own heads!—But before we take our leave of you, it will be proper to notice the sentiment with which you close your protest. You have given a new attitude and a new face to the republican idea of rotation in office. The advantage of this principle, as you understand it, is that the successor may impartially review the acts of the past administration, adopt those which tend to promote the public good and abandon those of a contrary tendency. And whence are we to get this successor, whom you suppose so ignorant of the acts of his predecessors, that immediately upon his election he is gravely to sit down to review them and to examine their tendency for the first time, to cul from among them the beneficial acts, in order that he may adopt them, and to reject those which he thinks ought not to be adopted. Are you men who write thus; or are you children? We had thought that the acts of the administration were examined as they went along; their wisdom & tendency decided upon by the opinion of the nation; and that no man would be called to the presidential chair, so ignorant of past events, as to have to learn them by rummaging over the journals of his predecessors. But this is another specimen of your shuffling. There is obviously an effort to keep back a part of your wishes. Speak out, gentlemen; after the lengths which you have gone, it is the height of folly to be squeamish. Or if you will not speak out, we will do it for you. This is your wish. You wish some man to be appointed the next president, who, you believe, looks upon the present administration with the same hostility which you do: in other words, you are displeased with the character of the present administration, and you wish a different character to be introduced. This is the whole of the secret with which you have been labouring and floundering throughout this most unfortunate, self-murdering protest. But you perceive that the people of the United States are of a different opinion. They approve the character of the present administration; they wish that character continued; they know that it will be continued by the election of Mr. Madison. These are truths which stare you in the face, and fill you with the pangs & agonies of despair. The prospect of being again in a little and wretched minority during the next administration, is more than your proud and lofty spirits can support—Learn then to avoid it. Learn to have no interests but those of the people. Forget the wicked dreams of ambition, which have disturbed your brains. Return to virtue & to the people: and the people will forgive you.
ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated March 26, 1808. "On Tuesday we received from the President, a message on the subject of our foreign relations. It is very voluminous and will probably make when printed, two octavo volumes. It gives a complete view of our relations with England from 1804 to the close of the negotiation with Mr. Rose. Nothing in the papers which have been read give the slightest support to the idea thrown out in some of the news-papers, that but for the delay occasioned by the appointment of Mr. Pinkney, Mr. Monroe might have concluded a treaty with Mr. Fox. The dispatches prove, what we before knew, that Mr. Fox was friendly to the U.S. It does not however appear, that at the time of Mr. Pinkney's appointment, Mr. Fox had given any more substantial proof of his good dispositions, towards us, than mere friendly declarations. The letter from Col. Monroe to Mr. Madison in which he informs him of their having heard of the appointment of Mr. Pinkney is dated June 9th, 1806, and we know that Mr. Pinkney arrived in England in June, I believe on the 22d, thirteen days after the date of Mr. Monroe's letter. Among the papers on the subject of British affairs, is a letter from Col. Monroe, written since his return to this country, after his functions as minister had ceased. We have not yet come to it in the order of reading. I am told it contains his explanations on the subject of the rejected treaty. If the view which has been given me of this paper, is a correct one, Col. Monroe does not all participate in that
express towards the administration. The laying before Congress this letter which is only a private one, containing his own view of a subject on which he has differed from the administration, manifest a spirit of liberality towards Col. Monroe on the part of the Executive, or a willingness to afford to the public every opportunity of forming a correct opinion on the important subject of the rejected treaty. The French papers are not yet read—I am told the go-back to the close of the last session of Congress only—They are short—We have not had for years any cause of complaint against France, except the decree which has recently been extended to us. They have had no cause of complaint against us, except the S. Domingo business, on the subject of which, the correspondence has long been before the public.
"As soon as the papers are printed, I will forward them to you. Mr. Madison's whole correspondence will do him great credit—But his answer to Rose, for perspicuity and elegance of style, is unrivalled as a state paper." Cheetham's American Citizen says, that as to Virginia, the friends of Mr. Monroe, if he be correctly informed are the most numerous, and that the ticket in Va. being a general one, the most numerous party will prevail; but as Va. will perceive that the collisions are in fact between Messrs. Clinton and Madison, the friends of Mr. Monroe will see the necessity of joining their numbers to those of Mr. C. He concludes that Va. will vote for Mr. C. as P. and Mr. Monroe as V.P. and that Mr. C. will be elected power Citizen ! if he knows as little of the other states as of Virginia, he is a poor arithmetician, indeed.
MARRIED—On Wednesday the 9th inst. LEWIS BERKELEY, Esquire, to the amiable and much admired Miss ELIZABETH DARRACOTT both of Hanover county.
DIED—On Saturday morning last, Mrs. EMILY McCRAW, the wife of Samuel McCraw, Esq., and the second daughter of the late Colonel John Harve of Belvidere—But a few months have elapsed since "the cold and cutting blast" of death assailed her father and her eldest brother. Such fatality—such desolation—such accumulation of woe, on a family characterized by their sensibilities and mutual endeartments, are almost too much for the fortitude of human nature. Unhappy too, in this state of mental anguish.
"Vain are the consolations of the wise, In rain their friends would reason down their pain."
The benignity of Col. Harve's heart, the excellence of his understanding, and the usefulness and public-spiritedness of his exertions, commanded the esteem and respect of all who knew him, and were capable of appreciating such qualities.
"At a time like this," when clouds are rising in the political horizon, which may shake the republic to the centre, it is not merely to his friends and relatives, that the death of Lewis Harve is a calamity. The talents, the eloquence, the courage, the energy and most of all, the honesty of this young man, formed a constellation, whose rays would have been seen and felt, amidst the storm, even to the extremes of his country. In Mrs. McCraw, all the diffidence, softness and sensibility of her sex were united to the most masculine firmness of character. With a disposition and manners of the most feminine cast, she could never be swayed by the fashion of the day, to deviate from the line which she believed it her duty to pursue. Attached to domestic life, she seldom entered into the gayeties of "the world"; but although her life was retired and sedentary, her charities and her benevolence were extensive and active. As a daughter, a wife, and a mother, she was indeed without a fault! but she is gone "Where seraphs gather immortality."
Last Evening's Mail.
GEORGETOWN, (Colo.) March 26. The reading of the documents communicated to the Legislature on Tuesday last, is not yet finished. They embrace, it is said, a full history of our English relations from the year 1804, and of our French relations for the last year. Though they have been read with closed doors, there are but a small part of them of a confidential nature. The house of representatives have ordered 5000 copies to be printed, only omitting some parts of little importance to the public, and such as it would be improper to disclose.
Wash. Fed. The following is the message of the President on the occasion.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States. At the opening of the present session, I informed the Legislature, that the measures which had been taken with the government of Great Britain, for the settlement of our neutral and national rights, and of the conditions of commercial intercourse with that nation, had resulted in articles of a treaty, which could not be acceded to on our part, that instructions had consequently been sent to our ministers there, to resume the negotiations, and to endeavor to obtain certain alterations, and that this was interrupted by the transaction which took place between the frigates Leopard and Chesapeake . The call on that government for reparation of this wrong, produced, as Congress has been already informed, the mission of a special minister to this country, and the occasion is now arrived, when the public proceedings and requires, that the whole of these proceedings should be made known to you.
I therefore now communicate the instructions given to our Minister resident at London, his communications to that government, on the subject of the Chesapeake , with the correspondence which has taken place here between the Secretary of State and Mr. Rose, the special Minister charged with the adjustment of that difference; the instructions to our Ministers for the formation of a treaty; their correspondence with the British commissioners, and with their own government on that subject; the treaty itself and written declaration of the British Commissioners accompanying it; and the instructions given by us for resuming the negotiation, with the proceedings and correspondence subsequent thereto. To these I have added a letter lately addressed to the Secretary of State from one of our late Ministers, which, though not strictly written in an official character, I think it my duty to communicate, in order that his views of the proposed treaty and of its several articles, may be fairly presented and understood.
Although I have heretofore, and from time to time, made such communications to Congress as to keep them possessed of a general and just view of the proceedings and dispositions of the government of France towards this country, yet in our present critical situation, when we find that no conduct on our part, however impartial and friendly, has been sufficient to insure from either belligerent, a just respect for our rights, I am desirous that nothing shall be omitted on my part, which may add to your information on this subject, or contribute to the correctness of the views which should be formed. The papers which for these reasons, I now lay before you, embrace all the communications official or verbal, from the French government, respecting the general relations between the two countries, which have been transmitted through our Minister there, or through any other accredited channel, since the last session of Congress; to which time all information of the same kind had, from time to time, been given them. Some of these papers have already been submitted to Congress; but it
the chain of communications, of which they make a part, may be presented unbroken. When, on the 26th of February, I communicated to both Houses the letter of Gen. Armstrong to M. Champagny, I desired it might not be published, because of the tendency of that practice to restrain injudiciously the freedom of our foreign correspondence. But perceiving that this caution, proceeding purely from a regard to the public good, has furnished occasion for dissenting opinions and suspicions, and I am induced to believe that the good which will now result from its publication, by confirming the confidence and union of our fellow-citizens, will more than counteract the ordinary objection to such publications. It is my wish therefore that it may be now published. TH: JEFFERSON. March 22, 1808.
Col. Monroe.
NEW-YORK, March 24.
LATEST FROM FRANCE.
The ship Eliza , Skiddy, arrived at this port yesterday, in 29 days from Bordeaux. She left there on the 20th of Feb. and the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received by her French papers to the 14th of Feb. Capt. S. and the passengers inform us, that the markets in France were very high; that the American vessels were hurrying off as fast as possible, being apprehensive of a seizure; and that they were coming in ballast, to avoid capture by the British. It was supposed in France, that if the American government made a treaty with G. Britain, France would declare war against this country. A Passenger in the Eliza , has brought dispatches from Mr. Armstrong, the American Minister in Paris, to the Secretary of State.
Application had been made to the French Emperor, through the minister of marine, Decree, to know what construction would be put on the Imperial Decree of the 17th Dec. which renders vessels liable to condemnation for having on their passage been visited by British cruisers. The answer to the queries of the applicants was to this effect:—
"That the decree was liable to no construction different from its letter; that no one had a right to put any other construction upon it; that it was plain and simple, and must be severely, strictly, and literally executed upon all subjects, which it embraced; that vessels subject thereto would be brought before the competent tribunals as soon as possible; and that the crews of such vessels as came under the decree would be permitted to live on board their respective ships, at the expense of the ship and cargo, until they were finally condemned, when they (the crew) would be delivered up to their respective consuls." Copies of the official letter from the minister might have been had in Bordeaux, but the subject was not that of at the time of sailing by either the captain or the passengers.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD, for two Bay Horzes that were stolen from the subscriber Friday night last; they are both bright bays and move well, the largest one has both hind feet white, and at times has a spring halt with one of them; the other has a star in his forehead, and a black streak along his back—they are both square docked.
It is supposed that they are now straying in the neighbourhood of Richmond, if however, they should be stolen, I will give the above reward on prosecuting the thief to conviction or twenty dollars for the horses if delivered to Dr. D. W. Suckrider, Richmond.
MARTIN GILLET. [epit]
NOTICE.—The Officers and Privates who performed patrol duty in the months of June and July, 1807, are hereby notified that they will receive their pay on application to SAML. G. ADAMS, Paymaster 19th regt. March 29. [4]
LINN BANKS has obtained a licence to practice LAW—He contemplates attending the County Courts of Madison, Orange and Gulpaper. Those who are disposed to entrust him with business, may rely on the sedulous and faithful discharge of his professional duties. March 29. [2]
COUNCIL-CHAMBER, March 26, 1808.—Proposals will be received by the Executive, on the eighth of April next, for furnishing the Public Guard with clothing, for the present year—Also, at the same time, proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the convicts in the Penitentiary, for one year from the 17th day of April next. DANL. L. HYLTUN, Clerk of the Council. March 29. [v]
VIRISH TROOP OF CAVALRY.
A meeting of the members of this Troop will be held at the Washington Tavern on Monday the 4th of April at 6 P. M. when, as matter of considerable interest will be introduced, it is hoped that attendance will be general. Those who have been long enrolled in this troop, but who have either never attended its meetings or musters—or have, for a considerable time, been so delinquent, will (it is confidently hoped) offer satisfactory reasons therefor: the names of such as do not, will, on that evening, be erased from the roll.
The Troop will parade on the usual ground at 10 A. M. of the following day, completely equipped; the roll will be called precisely at ten, and those who do not answer to their names, will be lined as absentees. By order of the Captain W. PENWICK, 1st Sergt. Richmond, March 29. [3]
NOTICE.—This subscriber being by a power of attorney authorised to settle the accounts and collect the balances due to the following different co-partnerships, formerly of this city, viz. Montgomery and Allan, Alexr. Montgomery & Co. Montgomery's, Henry & Co. and Montgomery's and Henry, requests all those who remain indebted to either of said firms to call and pay their respective balances to him. GEO: WATT, Richmond, March 29. [law6w]
LANDING this day from the Schooner Richmond, capt. Isaac Seaman, at Lester's wharf, seventeen hds. best green COFFEE and twenty bks. MOLASSES, for sale by GEO: WATT, Richmond, March 29. [4]

POLITICAL.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, CONCERNING THE EMBARGO.
NUMBER III.
THERE were lately published in the Enquirer two pieces under the signature "Pacifcus." They were re-published in the "Virginian" with some editorial comments addressed to the writer, which have induced me to submit the following remarks to the public.
I have been required to explain the causes which led to the embargo, and it is likely that this enquiry was intended to operate upon the Presidential election. Some of Col. Monroe's friends believe that a disclosure of those causes will operate greatly to his benefit, and they therefore express the greatest anxiety upon the subject. I agree with them, that the Presidential Election deserves serious consideration, but in my opinion, peace and independence are of greater importance.
The writer of Pacifcus is a decided friend to Monroe's election—but in publishing his sentiments concerning the embargo, he did not think proper to unite the questions, nor doth he yet believe, that they ought to be connected. The authors of the embargo may be abstractedly vindicated and defended upon that ground, and the same persons may be, at the same time, arraigned and condemned, for their conduct in relation to the causes which led to it.
The embargo has now become a single, isolated question, which ought to be considered according to existing circumstances. By this mode we shall be able to comprehend its tendencies, its effects, and the arguments both for and against it. But we cannot comprehend, who has been most to blame, or whether there has been any blame in our rulers and agents in producing it; whether we admit that all are blameable, or that none are blameable, it will not, nor ought not, to operate the weight of an atom upon this question.
While the public, as well as the writer of Pacifcus, have been left to guess and suggest what they please, our attention is attracted by a very lengthy and important communication in the form of a letter from Timothy Pickering, Esq. a Senator of the United States from Massachusetts, to the Governor of that state.
This letter has been published in many papers, and no doubt, will be published in many others. It cannot fail to excite much interest. It will be denied and reviled by one party, applauded and referred to by another. But sound politicians, who make public welfare their first consideration, will co-operate with neither.
This letter, considering the station of the writer, and its important contents, deserves to be considered as an important political document. The Editor of the National Intelligencer has not only condemned it, but has recommended republican printers to publish it. Some other printers have also, according to the political character of their papers, either applauded or censured Mr. Pickering in opposite extremes. It is also said of Mr. Pickering, that he either dislikes the French so much, or is so partial to the British, that he would willingly plunge this country into a war with France, without delay, and of course form an alliance with Britain. Mr. Pickering will, therefore, be much opposed by those who prefer the French to the British, and but little regarded by those who prefer neutrality and peace to both. Whatever may have been the faults or errors leading to the embargo, it seems now to be evident that peace and neutrality can be preserved by no other means.
When the contending powers of Europe shall find, that we had rather abandon the ocean and forfeit the advantages of commerce, than be diverted from the even tenor of our way; it is likely that they will repeal those oppressive decrees, which deny to us the free enjoyment of one of the greatest of human privileges.
Let the people of the United States act, while Europe is involved in war and devoted to human destruction, as if there was no Europe. Let us cultivate, cherish, improve and enjoy the bounties, with which the United States are peculiarly blessed; Let us be as virtuous as well as firm to these purposes, and we shall, while we lose a few luxuries and dainties, permanently secure what is of much more importance to us as a free and independent people.
Of what avail will it be, to convict two or three popular men of errors or faults? Will the French, or British armies, or fleets, stop to hear the testimony, and to await the public decision from St. Croix to St. Mary's, from the Atlantic to the Mississippi? No; they will go on; and they will, in the career of vengeance, include all persons as well as nations; whose conduct seems to favor their enemy.
This is not an ordinary war. Britain denies to France the freedom of the seas—Britain fears to be overwhelmed by France, and alleges this as the cause of the war; each insists that their cause is just; and so indeed it may be easily demonstrated. France, as an independent nation, has as much right to the sea as Great Britain—On the other hand, Great Britain is justified to support her own independence as a nation at all hazards. They say that if they give to France the freedom of the seas, they will, by the same act, lose their independence.
This being a short view of the case, it is not likely that either will relax in any of the measures heretofore thought expedient, against the United States, until there is no further cause for collision or irritation. They have published decrees—They have carried them into effect—They appear to be satisfied that the causes which govern these decrees, are justifiable; and they will not regard the complaints or even the opposition of the United States, while they pursue the great objects for which the war is prosecuted.
It will be in vain to ask how long this war will be supported, because it does not depend upon common calculation. Carthage and Rome vowed mutual destruction—the hostility of these nations, only ended with the destruction of Carthage.
The present war cannot be assimilated to that, because destruction will not be the fate of the vanquished. We have no prophets, and cannot foreknow what might be the future fate of Britain, in the event of a conquest; but from what has happened in other places where the French arms have prevailed, nothing more than a change of government is to be expected. Those who think the British government a bad one, will not enter into a war to prevent a change.
But if the powers arrayed against England will not be able to make the conquest, if the British navy shall continue to ride triumphant and sweep the seas; if yachts shall roll away, and the rage of war shall receive no abatement; during all this time we shall be no better able to determine than we now are, with which it would be more prudent to unite.
There is but one course which can be pursued with honor and safety, and that is dictated by the embargo.
The embargo, I know, has been and will be used to influence the next Presidential Election—the interests, passions and prejudices of the people are appealed to. The authors of those appeals know well enough that under existing circumstances, the question of preference ought not to turn upon the embargo—if they were candid, they would admit that it is essentially necessary to the preservation of our independence as well as peace and tranquility.
It may be true that our foreign affairs have been imprudently conducted, that by a different
course of management, we might have still enjoyed a free active, and profitable trade with the contending powers. But this is not the present question—a great, difficult and dangerous crisis exists. We must look to the immediate danger. We must avoid, not only Scylla, but Charybdis also. To incline on either side, may expose us to inevitable ruin.
But instead of steering so difficult a course, with promontories and whirlpools on every side, we have nothing to do but to act as if Europe ceased to exist, or, by some great convolution of nature, had been torn from the rest of this orb, and had taken its station in the great system of the universe, as an independent planet.
In resorting to this figure, I mean only to show the strength of my opinion, and to demonstrate, that as the United States possess the means of self-existence, independent of Europe, it will be much wiser to look only to those means, and employ them to the best advantage, than to torment ourselves with empty and uncertain calculations upon the fate of Battles, yet in the womb of time.
Whilst the nations of Europe shall be engaged in self-destruction—our ports may be opened to their vessels, and our arms to their war-worn people—we will cultivate the arts of peace, improve our own talent—neither disturb nor oppose the schemes of either, and leave them to worry and weaken each other—until it shall please the Supreme Being, either to devote their minds to the blessings of civilization, or to decree to the vanquished a future destiny.
If this is a plain and impartial view of the subject, what madness!—what worse than madness, will plunge us into a contest, which will not only deprive us of the blessings so bountifully bestowed by an indulgent providence, and secured by our geographical position,—but may blot out from the map of the world, the national existence of the United States.
Is this a question of magnitude, of alarm, of interest, of philosophy, of philanthropy & feeling? But why do I make the enquiry? Doth not the blood of every man, to whom it is stated, rush with ardor & velocity to the heart? Is he not ready to acknowledge the most honorable sensations?—But such a question can exist only as an hypothesis. The embargo has separated us from every thing which may lead to such a crisis of danger as well as solicitude. It has opened our eyes to other interests and duties. It has taught us to respect ourselves, and it will, if patience and perseverance shall supercede the wildness of complaint, and the folly of a repeal; I say, it will preserve, that which is of more importance to us than to prescribe the future fate or laws of Europe: It will preserve our national existence and independence. PACIFICUS.
* Note.—Dark insinuations these!! It is to be hoped, that Col. Monroe himself does not countenance them.—Still harping upon the causes which led to the embargo.—"Say'st thou so? At thou there, true-penny?"—ENQUIRER.
A LETTER from the Hon. Timothy Pickering, a Senator of the U.S. from the state of Massachusetts, exhibiting to his Constituents, a view of the imminent danger of an UNNECESSARY and RUINOUS WAR, addressed to His Excellency James Sullivan, Governor of said state.
(Concluded.)
I write, sir, with freedom; for the times are too perilous to allow those who are placed in high and responsible situations, to be silent and reserved. The peace and safety of our country are suspended on a thread.—The course we have seen pursued leads on to war—with Great Britain—a war, which disastrous or successful, must bring misery and ruin to the U. States; misery by the destruction of our navigation and commerce (perhaps also of our fairest seaport towns and cities) the loss of markets for our produce, the want of foreign goods and manufactures, and the other evils incident to a state of war; and ruin by the loss of our liberty and independence. For, if with the aid of our arms Great Britain were subdued—from that moment (though flattered perhaps with the name of Allies) we should become provinces of France. This is a result so obvious, that I must crave your pardon for noticing it. Some advocates of executive measures admit it. They acknowledge that the navy of G. Britain is our shield against the overwhelming power of France. Why then do they persist in a course of conduct tending to a rupture with Great Britain? Will it be believed that it is principally, or solely to procure inviolability to the merchant flag of the United States? In other words, to protect all seamen, British subjects, as well as our citizens, on board our merchant vessels? It is a fact that this has been made the greatest obstacle to an amicable settlement with G. Britain. Yet (I repeat) it is perfectly well known that she desires to obtain only her own subjects; and that the American citizens impressed by mistake are delivered up on duly authenticated proof.
The evil we complain of arises from the impossibility of always distinguishing the persons of two nations who, a few years since, were one people, who exhibit the same manners, speak the same language, and possess similar features; but seeing that we seldom hear complaints in the great navigating states, how happens there to be such extreme sympathy for American seamen at Washington? Especially in gentlemen from the inferior states, which have no seamen, or from those Atlantic States, whose native seamen bear a very small proportion to those of New-England? In fact, the causes of complaint are much fewer than are pretended. They rarely occur in the states whose seamen are chiefly natives. The first merchant in the United States, in answering my late inquiry about British impressments, says "Since the Chesapeake affair, we have had no cause of complaint. I cannot find one single instance where they have taken one man out of a merchant vessel. I have had more than twenty vessels arrived in that time, without one instance of a man being taken by them. Three Swedes were taken out by a French frigate. I have made inquiry of all the masters that have arrived in this vicinity, and cannot find any complaints against the British cruisers."
Can gentlemen of known hostility to foreign commerce in our own vessels—who are even willing to annihilate it (and such there are)—can these gentlemen plead the cause of our seamen, because they really wish to protect them? Can those desire to protect our seamen, who by laying an unnecessary embargo, expose them by thousands to starve or beg?—One gentleman has said (and I believe he does not stand alone) that sooner than admit the principle, that Great Britain had a right to take her own subjects from our merchant vessels, he would abandon commerce altogether! To what will every man in New-England and of the other navigating States ascribe such a sentiment?—A sentiment, which to prevent the temporary loss of five men, by impress, would reduce fifty thousand to beggary?—But for the embargo, thousands depending on the ordinary operations of commerce, would now be employed. Even under the re-
straints of the orders of the British government, retreating the French imperial decree, very large portions of the world remain open to the commerce of the United States. We may yet pursue our trade with the British dominions in every part of the globe; with Africa, with China, and with the colonies of France, Spain and Holland. And let me ask, whether in the midst of a profound peace, when the powers of Europe possessing colonies, would, as formerly, confine the trade with them to their own bottoms, or admit us, as foreigners, only, under great limitations, we could enjoy a commerce much more extensive than is practicable at this moment, if the embargo were not in the way? Why then should it be continued? Why rather was it ever laid? Can those be legitimate reasons for the embargo which are concealed from Congress, at the moment when they are required to impose it? Are the reasons to be found in the dispatches from Paris? These have been moved for; and the motion was quashed by the advocates for the embargo. Why are these dispatches withheld by the executive? Why, when all classes of our citizens anxiously inquire "For what is the embargo laid?" is a satisfactory answer denied? Why is not Congress made acquainted with the actual situation of the United States in relation to France? Why, in this dangerous crisis, are Mr. Armstrong's letters to the secretary of state absolutely withheld, so that a line of them cannot be seen? Did they contain no information of the demands and intentions of the French emperor? Did the Revenge sail from England to France, and there wait three or four weeks for dispatches of no importance?—If so, why, regardless of the public solicitude, are their contents so carefully concealed? If really unimportant, what harm can arise from telling Congress and the nation officially, that they contain nothing of moment to the safety, the liberty, the honor, or the interests of the United States? On the contrary, are they so closely locked up, because they will not bear the light? Would their disclosure rouse the spirit of the people, still slumbering in blind confidence in the executive? Has the French emperor declared he will have no neutrals? Has he required that our ports, like those of his vassal states in Europe, be shut against British commerce? Is the embargo a substitute, a milder form of compliance with that harsh demand, which, if exhibited in its naked and insulting aspect, the American spirit might yet resent? Are we still to be kept profoundly ignorant of the declarations and avowed designs of the French emperor, although these may strike at our liberty and independence? And in the mean time, are we, by a thousand irritations, by cherishing prejudices, and by exciting fresh resentments, to be drawn gradually into a war with G. Britain? Why amidst the extreme anxiety of the public mind is it still to be kept on the rack of fearful expectation, by the president's portentous silence respecting his French dispatches? In this concealment there is danger. In this concealment must be wrapped up the real cause of the embargo. On any other supposition it is inexplicable.
I am alarmed, sir, at this perilous state of things; I cannot repress my suspicions; or forbear thus to exhibit to you the grounds on which they rest. The people are advised to repose implicit confidence in the national government: in that unbounded confidence lies our danger. Armed with that confidence, the executive may procure the adoption of measures which may overwhelm us with ruin, as surely as if he had an army at his heels. By false policy, or by inordinate fears, our country may be betrayed and subjugated to France, as surely as by corruption. I trust, sir, that no one who knows me will charge it to vanity when I say, that I have some knowledge of public men and public affairs; and on that knowledge, & with solemnity, I declare to you, that I have no confidence in the wisdom or correctness of our public measures; that our country is in imminent danger; that it is essential to the public safety that the blind confidence in our rulers should cease; that the state legislatures should know the facts and reasons on which important general laws are founded: and especially, that those States whose farms are on the ocean, and whose harvests are gathered in every sea, should immediately and seriously consider how to preserve them. In all the branches of government, commercial information is wanting; and in "this desert" called a city, that want cannot be supplied. Nothing but the sense of the commercial states, clearly and emphatically expressed, will save them from ruin.
Are our thousands of ships and vessels to rot in our harbours? Are our 60,000 seamen and fishermen to be deprived of employment, and, with their families, reduced to want and beggary? Are our hundreds of thousands of farmers to be compelled to suffer their millions in surplus produce to perish on their hands; that the president may make an experiment on our patience and fortitude, and on the towering pride, the boundless ambition, and unyielding perseverance of the conqueror of Europe? Sir, I have reason to believe that the president contemplates the continuance of the embargo until the French emperor repeals his decrees violating as well his treaty with the U. States as every neutral right; and until Britain thereupon recalls her retaliating orders!—By that time we may have neither ships nor seamen; and that is precisely the point to which some men wish to reduce us. To see the imprudence of this project (to call it by no harsher name, and without advertising to the ulterior views) let us look back to former years.
Notwithstanding the well-founded complaints of some individuals, and the murmurs of others; notwithstanding the frequent executive declarations of maritime aggressions committed by G. B.; notwithstanding the outrageous decrees of France and Spain, & the wanton spoliations practised and executed by their cruisers and tribunals, of which we sometimes hear a faint whisper; the commerce of the U. S. has hitherto prospered beyond all example. Our citizens have accumulated wealth; and the public revenue annually increasing, has been the president's annual boast.
These facts demonstrate that although G. B. with her thousand ships of war, could have destroyed our commerce, she has really done it no essential injury; and that the other belligerents, heretofore restrained by some regard to national law, and limited by the small number of their cruisers, have not inflicted upon it any deep wound. Yet in this full tide of our success, our commerce is suddenly arrested; an alarm of war is raised; fearful apprehensions are excited; the merchants in particular, are thrown into a state of consternation, are advised, by a voluntary embargo, to keep their vessels at home. And what is the cause of this mighty
but mischievous alarm? We know it in its whole extent. It was the unauthorised attack of a British naval officer on the American frigate Chesapeake, to search for and take some deserters known to have been received on board, who had been often demanded, and as often refused to be delivered up. As was expected by all considerate men, and by the president himself (as I have before observed) the British government, on the first information of the unfortunate event (and without waiting for an application) disavowed the act of the officer—disclaimed the principle of searching national armed vessels—and declared its readiness to make suitable reparation, as soon as the state or the case should be fully known.
Under such circumstances, who can justify this alarm of war? An alarm which greatly disquieted the public mind, and occasioned an interruption of commerce extremely injurious to our merchants and seafaring citizens. I will close this long letter by stating all the existing pretences, for there are no causes for a war with G. B.
1. The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and exercised for ages; a right claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams and Jefferson, continue to take some of the British seamen found on board of our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from citizens of the United States. On this point our government well know that Great Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement that can be devised, which will secure to her service the seamen who are her own subjects; and at the same time exempt ours from impressment.
2. The merchant vessels of France, Spain and Holland, being driven from the ocean, or destroyed, the commerce of those countries with one another, and with their colonies, could no longer be carried on by themselves. Here the vessels of neutral nations came into their aid, and carried on nearly the whole commerce of those nations. With their seamen thus liberated from the merchant service, those nations in the present and preceding wars, were enabled to man their ships of war; and the neutral vessels and seamen supplying their places, became, in fact, though not in name, auxiliaries of war. The commerce of those nations, without one armed ship on the sea, appropriated for its protection, was intended thus to be secured under neutral flags; while the merchant vessels of Great Britain, with its numerous armed ships to guard them, were exposed to occasional captures. Such a course of things Great Britain has resisted, not in the present only, but in former wars; at least as far back as that of 1756. And she had claimed and maintained a right to impose on this commerce some limits and restraints; because it was a commerce which was denied by those nations to neutrals in time of peace; because it was a commerce of immense value to the subjects of her enemies; and because it filled their treasuries with money to enable them to carry on their wars with G. B.
3. The third and only remaining pretence for war with G. Britain is the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake; which having been already stated and explained, I will only remark here, that it is not to be believed that the British government, after being defeated, as before mentioned, in its endeavors to make reparation in London, for the wrong done by its servant, would have sent hither a special envoy to give honorable satisfaction, but from its sincere desire to close this wound, if our own government would suffer it to be healed.
Permit me now to ask, what man impartially viewing the subject, will have the boldness to say, there exists any cause for plunging the United States into a war with G. Britain? Who, that respects his reputation as a man of common discernment, will say it? Who that regards the interest and welfare of his country will say it? Who then can justify it? Who can find an excuse for a course of conduct which has brought our country into its present state of alarm, embarrassment and distress? For myself, Sir, I must declare the opinion, that no free country was ever before so causelessly, and so blindly thrown from the height of prosperity, and plunged into a state of dreadful anxiety and suffering. But from this degraded and wretched situation, it is not yet too late to escape. Let the dispatches from our minister in France be no longer concealed. Let the president perform the duty required of him by the constitution, by giving to Congress full information of the state of the union in respect to foreign nations. Above all, let him unfold our actual situation with France. Let him tell us what are the demands and proposal of her ruler. Had these been honorable to the U. States, would not the President have been eager to disclose them? That they are of an entirely different nature—that they are dishonorable—that they are ruinous to our commercial interests, and dangerous to our liberty and independence—we are left to infer.
I hope, Sir, that the nature and magnitude of the subject, will furnish a sufficient apology for the length and style of this letter. Perhaps some may deem it presumptuous thus to question the correctness of the proceedings of our government. A strong sense of duty, and distressing apprehensions of national ruin, have forced the task upon me. To some, the sentiments which, in the sincerity of my heart, I have expressed, may give offence: for often nothing offends so much as TRUTH. Yet do I not desire to offend any man. But when I see the dangerous effect of executive influence—when I see the great council of the nation called on to enact laws deeply affecting the interests of all classes of citizens, without adequate information of the reasons of that call; when I observe the deceptive glosses, with which the mischiefs of the embargo are attempted to be palliated; and posterior events adduced as reasons to justify the measure: when I know that the risks of continuing their commercial pursuits against all known dangers can and will be more accurately calculated by our own merchants than by our government: when if any new dangers to commerce were impending, of which our merchants were uninformed, of which the government obtained the knowledge through its minister at Paris, or elsewhere, it was plainly the duty of the executive to make those dangers known to Congress and the nation: and since if so made known, the merchants and the seafaring citizens, would, for their own interests and safety, have taken due precautions to guard against them: and as it hence appears certain, that an embargo was not necessary to the safety of "our seamen, our vessels, or our merchandise;" When, Sir, I see and consider these things, and their evil tendency; in a word,
when I observe a course of proceeding, which to me, appears calculated to mislead the public mind to public ruin; I cannot be silent. Regardless, therefore, of personal consequences, I have undertaken to communicate these details, with the view to dissipate dangerous illusions, to give to my constituents correct information, to excite enquiry, and to rouse that vigilant jealousy which is characteristic of REPUBLICANS, and essential to the preservation of their rights, their liberties and independence.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient Servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING.
OFFICIAL.
Boston, March 5.
SIR, I yesterday received your letter consisting of six sheets, dated the 7th ult. My pressing calls in public concerns would not allow me to attempt to read it until late last evening. Before I had gone through the first page, I was surprised by your novel and extraordinary claim, upon me, as Governor of the Commonwealth, expressed in these words:—"I now address it (meaning your letter) to you, Sir, as the proper organ of communication." Had this been a request to have communicated your letter to the Legislature of this commonwealth, as a favor to you, I should have continued to read until from its contents I became satisfied, whether I ought, or ought not, to grant it; but on reading it to be a new and unexpected claim upon my official duty, I folded the letter instantly, in order to reflect upon its principles. I have not unfolded it since, and now return it to you by the mail.
You will recollect that the Senate and House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, are visible, organic bodies; that the former has a President, and the latter a speaker; that both have Clerks. You will also recollect that there is a Secretary chosen by the two Houses; that whatever is proper to be communicated to them, by you, may be communicated through one, or the other of these; but that the Governor of the Commonwealth is obliged, ex officio, to communicate as Governor, to the legislature whatever a member of Congress shall please to address to him for that purpose, cannot be submitted to by me, until I find it to be made my duty by the constitution of the commonwealth. You seem to found your claim in your being a Senator of this State. I can discern no distinction in this respect, between members of the Senate, and members of the House; all are Representatives of the state, and all must have equal claims.
I am, Sir, your very obedt. servt. JAMES SULLIVAN.
Hon. Timothy Pickering Esq. A Senator from Massachusetts, in the Congress of the United States.
THE SHIP-STEALERS.
If Denmark's Crown Prince had studied Crowna Law, And his industry equalled his feeling, At Bow-Street he'd learn what a felony was, And from Ministers what was Ship-Stealing. But Ship-Stealing now, is a triumph, it seems, And to Statesmen an high exaltation, And Sheep-Stealing too, has exalted a few, Tho' Rome called that triumph "Ovation." POLONIUS.
Life of Washington.—Jacob Johnson near the Market Bridge in one handsome octavo volume, the life of Gen. GEORGE WASHINGTON. By Aaron Bancroft, A. A. S. Judge Marshall, in his life of this illustrious patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and general history of the North-American colonies, but also the political history of the United States. His work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the life of Washington in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should enable those of his fellow-citizens, who are not in possession of Marshall, to leave to their posterity a memorial of a man, who was pre-eminently distinguished as a soldier and statesman.
The author has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure, followed him in the order of events. The facts not before published, were received immediately from confidential friends of Gen. Washington, or from gentlemen who, in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command. Richmond, March 1. [owawt.]
Valuable Lands.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797. Lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [lawawt.]
ADVERTISEMENT.—I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Esq. of Jacob Williamson, dec'd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1808. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah Williamson. March 13. [lawawt.]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [owawt.]
VIRGINIA to wit.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg the 20th day of November, 1802. William Moss and Thomas Moss inform by Sarah Moss their next friend, Plaintiff—Against William Moss administrator of Benjamin Moss, deceased, and John, Benjamin and Mary Moss, Defendants.
The defendant Benjamin Moss, not having entered his appearance and given a curia according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiff by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. Feb. 2. [lawawt.]