Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-02 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1659.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Congress.
SENATE, May 24.
John Condit, appointed a Senator by the executive of the state of New Jersey, in the place of Aaron Kitchell, resigned, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Giles submitted the following motion for consideration:
1. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates "to the revision of our commercial laws," for the purpose of adapting them "to the arrangement which has taken place with Great Britain," be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine the same, and report thereon to the Senate: and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The following motion was submitted for consideration, by Mr. Giles:
2. Resolved, That so much of the president's message as relates to "the defence of our sea-port towns and harbors," be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine the same, and report thereon to the Senate: and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The following motion was submitted by Mr. Giles for consideration:
3. Resolved, That a select committee be appointed to enquire whether it be expedient at this time to make any modifications of the laws relating to the army and navy of the U. S. and that the committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The Senate then chose the Rev. Mr. Wilmer, chaplain on their part.
May 25.
The three resolutions offered yesterday, by Mr. Giles, were considered, agreed to, and referred as follows:
The first to Messrs. Giles, Smith, Md. Pope, Lloyd and Gregg.
The second to Messrs. German, Gilman, Malbone, Smith, Md. and Leib.
The third to Messrs. Anderson, Hillhouse, Turner, White and Franklin.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The following are the gentlemen who compose the committees appointed by order of the House:
Ways and Means.
Messrs. Eppes, W. Alston Tallmadge, Montgomery, Bacon, Rhea (P.) and Haven.
Commerce and Manufactures.
Messrs. Newton, Dana, Marion, Cutts, Mumford, J. Porter & M'Kim.
Claims.
Messrs. Johnson, Seaver, Butler, Pitkin, Robt. Brown, Jones and Stanley.
Public Lands.
Messrs. Morrow, Goodwyn, Bibb, Ely, Boyd, Howard and Sammons.
Elections.
Messrs. Pindley, Clay, Sturges, Troup, Taylor, Van Rensselaer and Gannett.
Revisal and Unfinished Business.
Messrs. Southard, R. Jackson and Shaw.
Accounts.
Messrs. N. R. Moore, Stedman and Milnor.
Post Offices and Post Roads.
Messrs. Rhea (Len.) Helms, John Thompson, Desha, Stanford, Kenan, Calhoun, Smelt, Morrow, Davenport, Chittenden, Goldsborough, Whitehill, Potter, John Smith, Upham, Wilson (N. H.) and Bard.
District of Columbia.
Messrs. Love, Holland, Van Horn, L. J. Alston, Newbold, S. Smith and Gardenier.
WEDNESDAY, May 24.
Mr. Livermore presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Massachusetts, praying the re-erection of a light-house, blown down at the entrance of that harbor, and yet remaining in that prostrate condition, to the detriment of navigation, &c.—Referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Anderson presented the petition of several merchants of Philadelphia, who had inadvertently and innocently incurred penalties under the embargo laws, and praying relief.—Referred.
Mr. Bacon presented the memorial of Charles Turner, jun. stating his belief that William Baylies has been improperly returned a member of this
House from Plymouth district, Mass. and that the memorialist is entitled to his seat.—Mr. B. also presented the petition of a number of inhabitants of that district, to the same effect.—Referred to the Committee of Elections.
Reduction of the army and expenditure of Public Monies.
Mr. Randolph said he rose for the purpose of making two motions, the nature and tendency of which he took occasion to explain. It would be perceived that, in his message, the president of the United States had, with great delicacy and propriety as it might be conceived, omitted giving any opinion on some of our important national concerns. But from the silence observed, it might perhaps be inferred that it was not similar to that which he trusted was the opinion of a majority of this House and of Congress. He said he alluded particularly to that part of the President's message, in which he spoke on the subject of the late augmentation of our standing army. It would be recollected by many present, that on a former occasion a motion had been made in the House for the purpose of arming and equipping the whole body of the militia of the U. S. It would also be recollected that the very limited appropriation of only two hundred thousand dollars made for that object, grew out of the very large appropriation made for this standing army and for gun-boats—for at that time (the session before the last) the additional appropriations on account of the navy had not been made. He believed the people of the United States generally—he spoke particularly in reference to those whom he had the honor to represent—were not satisfied with the disposition at that time made of the public resources. He believed that they were not content and never would be to see a standing army fully equipped, armed, and disciplined, whilst the militia, our natural resource against internal as well as external enemies, remained unarmed and defenceless. I know, said he, that I speak the sentiments of those whom I represent, and I have no cause to believe that it is not the general sentiment of the country; that the most popular act with which the present administration could follow up the very popular measure which has so materially changed the state of the foreign relations of this country, would be to put down the standing army of the U. S. and arm the militia. I know it, sir. And when I speak of putting down the standing army of the U. S. I very well know how the general opinion is, nor do I presume myself to differ from that opinion, that we ought to have some regular force for garrisoning the posts on our frontier and preventing collisions between our frontier settlers and the aboriginal savages. I feel myself, as it were, on the brink of opening a question which for the present I will not touch. My idea is this, sir; that if ever we are to have a respectable regular force, we must, to use a phrase common in our new settled country, begin again from the stump. The old levy will not do. I believe that I have proofs in my possession of the fact that the old army will not do. I speak particularly with reference to testimony taken down verbatim, of which I presume seven or eight literal copies are in possession of different gentlemen of different political persuasions—testimony before the grand jury at Richmond, which found a true bill against Aaron Burr, Herman Blannerhasset, &c. which testimony I never brought with me to this place till now, and which can be collated and compared by others. It will prove that the old army is rotten to the core; that it is not the safe depositary of the sword of this nation; that intrigue and corruption had cankered it to the very heart. Under these circumstances, as we have raised another army, it is left to the wisdom of Congress to say which of the two it will put down. Mr. R. said he presumed it would be in the power of the House, if part of the army was to be disbanded, to retain such as were most trustworthy. He was not sufficiently conversant in military matters to decide that question. This much he knew: that it was in evidence before the grand jury at Richmond and elsewhere he believed—and the impression was produced by the evidence of the commander in chief and his witness Dun-
baugh, that one of the officers, viz. the person who commanded at Fort Massac, was the tool of Aaron Burr; and yet Mr. R. said he had subsequently seen an address—and he did not wish to make any charge against this person; he would not condemn him upon such testimony, much less unheard—an address from this very officer and other approbatory of the conduct of the commander in chief; and he had seen this very officer appointed, he presumed with the approbation of the commander in chief, to a higher command.—What were they to think of the commander in chief, when he came forward and stated what he believed, and fortified it by the testimony of a witness on whom he relied, going to prove that a particular officer was an accomplice of Aaron Burr; and when they saw that very officer putting his name to an address of approbation to the commander in chief, and afterwards promoted in the army? What could they conceive, but that it was a commutation of so much solid pudding for so much empty praise? Again; Mr. R. said it had been in proof before that jury that the officer who had commanded at Chickasaw Bluff was so far implicated as to permit Aaron Burr to take arms from the public arsenal at that place for his expedition. The name of the officer he said he could not recollect. In short, he repeated again to the House, that if the grand jury had been governed by the impressions made upon them by the testimony laid before them, they would have been of opinion that scarcely a man in the army was exempt—even those who would not agree to file a bill against the commander in chief for misprision of treason, believed that though A or B might stand clear, there were few who were not the tools of the commander in chief or Aaron Burr, for the two were so closely identified through the transaction, that it was scarcely possible to separate them. The object of his first motion then was a reduction of the army generally, which he should attempt, were he certain that every man down to the meanest individual in that army was, like Caesar's wife, not only guiltless but unsuspected. It had also for its object the giving an opportunity to the government of the United States to separate the spend from the unsound part of the present army, which might reduce it to the number at which it stood when the late President of the U. States came into office.
The other motion which Mr. R. had to make, he said, was in relation to a subject to which he thought the attention of the House ought to be drawn. When the late administration had come into power, it had been in quantity of reformers. Their object was to sweep with the bosom of scrutiny every part of this government.—He tho't it due to the character of every administration that a scrutiny into its money transactions should take place. A motion on this subject made at the first session of the 7th Congress would be well recollected; and when Mr. Wolcott went out of office, Mr. R. said he believed that he had invited an enquiry into the state of the treasury.—Mr. R. said he should therefore move—
1. That the additional military force raised in pursuance of the act to raise for a limited time an additional military force, be disbanded; and that the surplus of appropriation made for the additional military force and the surplus of appropriation remaining unexpended on account of gun-boats [which Mr. R. said he was very glad to see the President was laying up in dry Dock] be expended in arming and equipping the militia of the U. States.
2. That a committee be appointed to enquire and report, whether monies drawn from the treasury have been faithfully applied to the objects for which they were appropriated; and whether the same have been regularly accounted for; and to report likewise whether any further arrangements are necessary to promote economy, enforce adherence to legislative restrictions, and secure the unaccountability of persons entrusted with the public money.
The House agreed to consider these motions, by Yeas and Nays, unanimously; 116 members voting.
Mr. Eppes suggested the propriety of the gentleman's modifying his first motion so as to meet the ideas expressed by himself, viz. that more confidence was to be placed in the new than in the old army. At present his resolution went to retain the old army and disband that in which he placed most confidence. He had rather have seen a general resolution that the army should have been reduced to a certain number of men. Such a mode of procedure would give an opportunity of selecting those which were most proper to retain. As to the second resolution, Mr. Eppes conceived it to clash with the powers of the committee of Ways and Means, whose duties he quoted from the rules of the House. The gentleman from Virginia cannot have forgotten (says Mr. Eppes) that in the ear 1802 on this very subject I submitted a resolution almost in the same words. He was at the same time at the head of the committee of Ways and Means and my motion was opposed by him and overruled by the House on the ground that it was on a subject exclusively appropriated by the rules of the House to the committee of Ways and Means. I assure the gentleman, however, that though I would adhere to the rules of the House, yet, were there any specified case of expenditure in which he supposed the laws had been violated and money improperly drawn, I should not have the slightest objection to the resolution's taking that form, that he may have an opportunity of investigating the subject fully.
Mr. Randolph said he felt himself called up by what had fallen from the gentleman on his right. He said he was not unapprised of the existence of the committee of Ways and Means, whose duty it was to enquire into this subject; nor was he unapprised of the same fact at the time (the 14th December, 1801) when his friend from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) then but no longer, to his great regret and the detriment of the public, a member of this House, made a motion from which the present was copied verbatim. I (said Mr. R.) was then chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, & yet saw no impropriety in the motion. With due deference to the gentleman from Virginia & his memory too, I think he has not exactly recollected the motion which he had made on a former occasion, and which he says was over-ruled. This, however, is but of little moment. I recollect perfectly well the gentleman's making a motion which did imply, if any thing, a want of confidence in the committee of Ways and Means, and that I opposed the motion on that ground. But I had thought, sir, that a precedent from the first session of the sixth Congress, the first under the late presidency—that a precedent from those days would not be rejected in these. The committee of Ways and Means were appointed on the 7th day of December. On the Monday following, one week after precisely, a motion was made by Mr. Nicholson that a committee be appointed to enquire and report, &c. And it was ordered that Mr. Nicholson, and another gentleman, both at the same time members of the committee of Ways and Means, should, with others, compose that committee. I am very unwell, sir; and will conclude what I have to say at this time by observing, that if the gentleman supposes me to be electioneering for the place of chairman of a committee, he is much mistaken. If I have ambition, it flies at nobler game. And again, the state of my health and particularly of my eyes, would unfit me from sitting on any committee where much writing was necessary, even if I had interest enough with the chair to be appointed on such a committee, for certainly I had contemplated, in case the Speaker should put me on either of the committees which I hope will grow out of my own motions, to request to be excused from serving, for it is a lamentable fact that whilst I was quoting the journal a few minutes ago, I could scarcely see to read it. As to any particular instance of malversation of public money, I do not pretend to say that I know of none, because at the last session, I recollect that I brought some such matters before the House. I certainly suspect others. And tho' I might act as an humble assistant to a committee to point their inquiries that
way or the other, it would be impossible for me to undertake business where much writing was involved and more especially where figures were necessary.
Mr. Eppes said he was sorry on this subject to occupy the time of the House. He had only performed a duty in saying what had already fallen from him. The gentleman had stated the fact correctly, but he should have recollected that it was long after the adoption of Mr. Nicholson's resolution that this duty had been especially assigned to the committee of Ways & Means; it was not till after that famous investigating committee had made their report. As to any imputation or indirect attack on the motives of the gentleman from Virginia, I am above it, said Mr. Eppes. In my conduct in public and private life, it is always my wish, it always has been and ever will be my wish to extend to every one that civility which one gentleman owes to another. And I never have in these walls wounded the feelings of any man except circumstances justified it, nor ever will.
Mr. Randolph said he well recollected the time at which the alteration had been made in the rule for appointing a committee of Ways and Means. But he asked whether the rule was not before sufficiently broad to have enabled the committee of Ways and Means to go into every research which the investigating motion pointed to? But again: Does the gentleman from Virginia remember (said Mr. R.) that notwithstanding that very rule was quoted at the time he made his motion, he did pertinaciously persist in support of it as the journals I believe will shew? It is equally my desire, with the gentleman from Virginia or any other, to avoid hurting the feelings of those with whom I have always the honor and sometimes the pleasure to sit.—But it will be recollected by my colleague (Mr. Eppes) that the state of things to which he alludes was materially different from the present. The committee of investigation, out of which this new rule for the committee of Ways and Means grew, had made their report. The examination into the state of the Departments was finished—the Augean stable was in a manner cleansed, and the task remaining to be performed was more within the compass of the powers of the committee of Ways and Means, burthened as it is with other important business. Another thing I may be permitted to name without wounding the feelings of the gentleman from Virginia, certainly without intending to do so. The person who filled the chair of the committee of Ways and Means at that time was not a person whom any considerations of delicacy could affect. I was not in the House this morning when the journal was read, but I conceive the worthy gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Eppes) to be the chairman of the present committee of Ways and Means, because I saw a paper handed from the clerk to him. I would ask him sir, if I am not acting towards him with peculiar delicacy in raising another committee to investigate the transactions of an administration with whom that gentleman was so intimately and so delicately connected?
A motion having been made to refer these resolutions to a committee of the whole—
Mr. Macon said he could not see the object of referring the first motion at all. Where was the propriety of referring a motion for enquiring into a particular subject? He was in favor of the object of the motion, thinking it a good rule to establish, that, whenever a President went out of office, a committee should be appointed to investigate the money transactions of his administration. When Gen. Washington went out of office there was no such committee appointed; and indeed it might be admitted as true that Gen. Washington was considered as an exception. No single individual thought of a scrutiny into his conduct; he was considered a man of all parties. When Mr. Adams went out, a committee was appointed to examine into the money transactions of his administration. The time, he said, was come, when a majority, holding the same principles as the administration whose term of service was just expired, should enquire into its money transactions. Shall we

not, said he, do to ourselves that which we did to others? I think it right in all cases to investigate: and when I say this, I feel no hesitation in saying that the nation will never be blessed with such another administration as the last. When a man goes out of office, notwithstanding the existence of the Committee of Ways and Means, I would appoint a committee solely to that object. It is a sort of ordeal which every man ought to undergo. Some nation, of which I have read, had a law to try their chiefs after they were dead. When a man goes out of office he is politically dead; and I would establish it as a rule never to be departed from, that whenever a man went out of office, there should be an investigation into the money transactions conducted by him. Could any thing redound more to the honor of a former chief magistrate, when he is again a private citizen, than to have his money transactions brought into view, and for that branch of the legislature which is particularly the guardian of public money to say, that he has deserved well of his country?—And should the fact prove to be so, it would certainly add more to his reputation than any thing which could be done while he was in office. I think it a custom which should never be departed from; I wish it was a part of the national constitution. There is no such thing as a perfect man in creation. Every man is liable to error; intention only makes it criminal. I would have conduct scrutinized. But I cannot see the propriety of referring this motion to a committee in the first instance.
Mr. Randolph varied his motion so as to move a concurrence in the second resolution proposed by him, and a reference of the first to a select committee, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. Lyon said he was opposed to disbanding the army. Though he had been opposed to raising so large an army in the first instance, he was not for disbanding it at this moment. — The people on the north-western frontiers, in the territory of Indiana, were now alarmed for the safety of that country; and a regiment at least was necessary in that quarter. Should we then now disband the army? He did not conceive that our foreign affairs were quite settled. Could they say that our southern frontier was safe? That there was no danger there? It could not be said. He was pleased with the present peaceable aspect of affairs; but he had no idea that we ought to lay down our arms when the state of the whole world was as it now is. Thus much he would say to show that he was not to be carried away by a peace mania any more than a war mania.
Mr. J. G. Jackson said it would be perceived from the message of the President, that he had called the attention of Congress to the very subject of the first resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia, in these words: "It will rest with the judgment of Congress to decide how far the change in our external prospects may authorize any modifications of the laws relating to the army and navy establishment." Inasmuch as a committee would be raised on the message, and the House were to have a report on this subject from the War Department, without which they could not act understandingly, the motion he conceived to be premature. It narrowed the field of enquiry too much. There would be, if the motion were agreed to, one committee appointed particularly to enquire into the propriety of a reduction of the army, and another committee to enquire generally into the subject of the army. In relation to the second resolution, he had no objection to it, but that it proposed usurping powers already given to the Committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Randolph said that he possibly might not have understood the President's message; but unquestionably the President of the United States had not given any opinion on the subject of a reduction of the military force. Now, suppose the House were to go into a committee of the whole House on the state of the Union, and the message of the President was dissected secundum artem, cut up into various business for the committees. How much would be referred to the committee, to whom is referred so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to our military and naval establishments? — What would be before them? The President's opinion that the army should be augmented or diminished, or kept up? Nothing of that sort. He had said that he left it to Congress to determine what should be done with this matter. Where the President recommended any measure to Congress, it might be referred to a committee. Suppose the President had said something of this kind: "I forbear, gentlemen, to call your attention to any particular objects, relying on your patriotism to adopt such measures as shall conduce to the public weal." Would the House refer any particular part of it? No; and yet quoad this subject, such was the late message. When the President, at the session before the last had called particularly for troops, which Mr. Randolph thought he had at one time done, the message was referred to a committee, because it had an express object in view. Mr. Randolph again mentioned the motion of Mr. Eppes in 1802; and observed that the gentleman's recollection of it was correct. It is equally true (said he) that disagreeable consequences grew out of it—that my colleague persisted in saying his motion was proper, and that it was improper; that he was for it, and I against it, and now I make this motion and vote for it, and he against it. If this proves anything, it is precisely that we have changed our opinions quoad hoc , supposing the cases to be analogous. But they are
not analogous. That period was not the era of a new administration of the government of this country. Sure I am that there existed no connection between the then Executive and the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means which renders it delicate in him to make a rigorous investigation, or which may be presumed to arrest the Chairman of the committee in the rigorous discharge of his duty. I have no right to suppose, sir, that such is the case with the gentleman from Virginia. But let me ask him if an acquittal on his verdict would operate to the same extent on the public mind as if on that of any other person? I wish to be distinctly understood—it would be putting the reputation of the late administration on that sort of game, which children call "cross I win, pile I lose"—because the administration had nothing to gain by an investigation so conducted. My friend from North Carolina, (Mr. Macon) differs from both of us, taking a middle course, as it were, between us. I agree perfectly with the gentleman from North Carolina as to one part of his declaration. Without the slightest disposition to create unpleasant sensations, to go back upon the foot-steps of the last four years, I do unequivocally say that I believe the country will never see such another administration as the last—it had my hearty approbation for one half of its career—it as to my opinion of the remainder of it, it has been no secret. The lean kine of Pharaoh devoured the fat kine; the last four years, with the embargo in their train, eat up the rich harvest of the first four—and if we had not some Joseph to have stepped in and changed the state of things, what would have been now the condition of the country? I repeat it—never has there been any administration which went out of office, and left the nation in a state so deplorable and calamitous as the last. And why should I, having expressed this opinion, be afraid to express it now? Let us not look back, sir—let the evil of the late administration be buried with it—let its good deeds alone be inscribed on its monument. Let us look forward, and take especial care that no attempt to bolster up its dignity, to add lustre to its deeds, prevent us from acting with a single eye to the public good. As if no such administration had existed, let us begin de novo . I do most cordially congratulate the nation on the change which has taken place, and I shall be willing, I trust, to co-operate in every measure, let it come whence it will, which shall be for the public good. I am for putting down the standing army; for arming the militia; for ferreting out rats in the Public Departments. If this be done, it is immaterial by whom; and if faithfully performed, it is perfectly immaterial whether it be on a motion of myself or any other gentleman, or in any other way. Let us get the substance, and not be satisfied with the shadow. When I say that the saving from these two inordinate sources of expense (army and gun boats) shall be applied towards arming of the militia, do gentlemen suppose that I will be content to receive that for the full quota? No, sir; as one of the militia of the U. States, I never will, (so help me God!) as a freeholder of Virginia, vote for any man, to any office, who will not arm every citizen in the nation capable of bearing arms. I consider, sir, that we have acted with a supineness disgraceful to a free people. We have been voting millions for standing armies, millions for gun-boats, millions for a navy—and for arming the militia, we have voted two hundred thousand dollars, not twenty cents a head, to put a musket and bayonet into the hands of every man in the nation. If it be said—why do you not force them, as they do in the Eastern states, to arm themselves?—My answer is this: If money can be wasted on standing armies, let us (even admitting it to be a waste) waste some on the owners of the soil, the real sovereigns of this country. We have been guilty, I repeat, of a supineness disgraceful to a free people; & I say it without imputation on this man or that man, this administration or that. The people, who will consent to remain unarmed whilst arms are put into the hands of a standing army governed by martial law, & commanded, I will not say by whom, are ripe for a master. But our people are not ripe for it—it is their contempt for military force, and that only, which has rendered them quiet. They feel the security of strength, not always the best reliance. But I will never rest as a member of this House, and when I cease to be a member, as a freeholder, till I see the object accomplished, or in a fair way of being accomplished, of putting a musket into the hands of every man capable of bearing it. And then, sir, there will be no more alarms of invasions from Canada, of Col. Burr on the Southern frontier, nor any alarm, unless indeed the people are their own worst enemies; nor any more of the use made of Col. Burr, and that party. We shall no longer have General Wilkinson and Colonel Burr, like the Pope & the Pretender, alarming us out of our wits. We shall have no more enforcing embargo, law or suspending habeas corpus acts—no more alarms of treason, and no more terrors of rebellion. The House of Hanover were called into Britain—for what? To make the nation free, to guard against popery—for that was the religious age as this is the political; and no sooner was the House of Hanover placed on the throne, than by means of the Pope and the Pretender, the nation was bullied into acts which we all know led to the prostration of their liberties. In short, sir, I hope hereafter to see questions tried on their own merit, and that, like naughty boys in a nursery, we shall not be frightened into measures by tales of the ascendancy of this or that man. For, in the course of my political experience, I have found but two parties in all states—the ins and the outs —the ins desirous to construe the character of the government so as to give themselves the greatest possible degree of patronage & wealth; and the outs striving so to construe it as to circumscribe—what? Their own power? No, sir—their adversaries' power. But let the outs get in, and lay hold of the artillery of the government, and you will find their constitutional scruples and arguments vanish like dew before the morning sun. No, sir; I have no faith in the declarations of parties—and if we mean to guard the liberties of this state, we must
watch the ins , be they whom they may, be they federalists or be they republicans. When I say we, sir, I speak of us the people , who cannot be the ins , and thus are fair umpires both between the ins and the outs .
Mr. Lyon did not believe that this first resolution would ultimately have any effect; but it would raise expectations in the nation that the army was to be disbanded. Mr. L. said, we were not, upon a few favorable words coming from Great Britain, without any other atonement for the affair of the Chesapeake, to throw down our arms. He hoped the House would not agree to it. He was willing to agree to some modification of the army, to make removals of such officers as had lost the confidence of the nation. He would make a reduction, but not in this way.
Mr. W. Alston said, the resolution respecting the army certainly could not be acted upon until the report could be received which was mentioned in the message of the President of the United States. The mode proposed for the disposition of the motion was irregular. He said it would be more like the House of Representatives to lay it on the table till the message had been taken up, and then to have referred it to the committee raised on that particular subject.
The question was taken on referring Mr. Randolph's first resolution to a committee of the whole on the state of the union, and carried, ayes 81.
The question now being on concurrence in the second resolution—
Mr. Eppes moved so to amend it as to enquire into the application of all monies under the late administration. When up before, he had done what he conceived to be his duty; the House had assigned certain duties to committees, to which he thought it proper to adhere; but when he heard the gentleman from North Carolina suggest that this was a motion to pass in review all transactions of the former administration, it impressed him very differently from what it had before done. If the gentleman was disposed to make such a motion, he should not take the very words of the rule establishing the committee of Ways and Means; more especially there was no occasion for the latter part of the motion which goes to the directing the committee to propose a plan which it was the express duty of the committee of Ways and Means to enquire into. Mr. Eppes moved so to vary the motion as to make it a motion for the appointment of a committee to enquire how far monies appropriated since the 4th of March, 1801, have been faithfully applied.
Mr. Randolph consented to the modification, though it had not been his intention to have gone so far back.
Mr. Macon made a few remarks in addition to those which he had before made. He said that he differed totally from the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) on the subject of the embargo; and if this were the proper time to go into it, he thought he could convince even him of its wisdom.
Mr. J. G. Jackson expressed his coincidence in the opinion that it was the duty of the House of Representatives to enquire rigorously into the disbursement of public monies. He thought it was the duty of the House of Representatives to raise a committee every year to enquire into the subject, and thus to take evil by the forelock if any existed.
Mr. Taylor said he should not have risen but that the observations which had fallen from different gentlemen seemed to have looked every where but within the walls of the house. When, said he, we are about to enquire whether an administration has done right or wrong, whether money appropriated has been honestly applied to the purposes for which it is appropriated, we seem to have forgotten that we also have to look into our own conduct, to review especially, according to the powers vested in the committee of Ways and Means, their acts. We are about to enquire not only into the conduct of the administration proper, the Executive and heads of departments, but also whether the committee of this house having the care of the money concerns have done their duty. I like the motion the better for it. I am unwilling to institute a stricter scrutiny into the conduct of other Departments than of our own; and if the rat-catchers of former sessions have not caught the animals, we will turn in & not only ferret out the rats, but hunt the lazy cats who let them live. Mr. Taylor said he felt no hesitation in going into the investigation and cleansing the Augean stable as it had been stiled; and it was principally to draw off the attention of the House from the individuality which seemed to be attached to the enquiry, that he had risen. He was the more willing to adopt it, because it had been a course usually adopted to appoint on such a committee gentlemen of different political opinions, the ins and the outs ; those willing to keep in and those willing to drive them out and take their places. It is due to ourselves, said he, to do to ourselves what we did to others on a former occasion; and I am therefore gratified that the motion is made.
Mr. Randolph said he could assure the gentleman from South-Carolina, that when he drew up the resolution he was aware of its bearings; and that he was willing to endure any judgment that a fair trial under the resolution should lead to. He was sorry to have excited so much feeling on this occasion; he did not mean it—it arose perhaps from a defect in his nature that would not permit him to suppress his ideas. He explained the epithet of "Rats" to have been one which some years ago was applied in the newspapers and elsewhere to the public defaulters. But since that time he had heard nothing of defaulters, but from those papers, he had nearly said persons, who were the friends of the rats of that day. I felt the full force of my motion, said Mr. R.—and does the gentleman think that it might not, in addition to other considerations, have influenced my opinion when I designed being considered as Chairman of the committee. If I have acted the part of a lazy cat, I am willing to suffer. Whatever may be brought against the
committee of Ways and Means, or whatever may be said of their inertness, certainly nothing but willful misdeed can be charged upon them; and there is a wide difference, as I understand, between a committee of this House failing in its duty to make a thorough investigation into the conduct of the officers of the government and the misdeeds committed by those officers—the one being an act of omission or carelessness, and the other of willful wrong. In all instances, in my recollection, where the public money was improperly applied, the committee did execute their duty; I believe they were suspected of an intention to execute it too harshly. The sub-committee of accounts of this House was a committee instituted at their suggestion, to guard expenditures, because their other duties would not permit the Committee of Ways and Means to pay sufficient attention to it. Mr. Randolph said that the proposed investigation would apply to the expenditures of this and the other House, as well as to the expenditures of the officers of the government—to the contingent expenses particularly. The late president of the United States, said Mr. R.—it would give me pleasure to do any man justice, and more especially him—I will do him the justice to say that it was not his fault that reforms were not pushed farther—that an investigation was not made, not only into the expenditures of this, but of all the other departments of the government. I speak of contingent expenses. He came into this government the friend of reform and economy, and continued to practise economy as much as any man could who had the command of a fleet of gun boats, a standing army, and resources cut off by an Embargo. And, Sir, though this is not the time, and I hope not the place, to take up the gauntlet thrown by my friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon) on the embargo question—(Mr. Macon said he certainly understood the gentleman from Virginia to have thrown the gauntlet first.) Since I see my friend before me, continued Mr. R. I call upon him (Mr. Macon) to say that it was not the late President's fault that reforms were not made, and that he commenced with extraordinary severity on the contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress; to which I trust the attention of the proposed committee will be drawn.
The question was then taken on Mr. Randolph's second resolution, as amended, on motion of Mr. Eppes, and carried unanimously, 124 members voting.
After the resolution had been agreed to, it appeared from some observations made by Messrs. Eppes and Jackson that they had understood, in voting for the motion, that the last clause of the resolution had been stricken out. This not having been done, Mr. J. G. Jackson moved to reconsider the resolution for the purpose of amending it. After some debate the House agreed to reconsider it, 55 to 53; but before the proposed amendment could be made, a motion made by Mr. Nelson to adjourn, was carried, 65 to 43.
SENATE, May 26.
Jenkin Whiteside, appointed a Senator by the state of Tennessee, for two years from the 4th day of March last, appeared and took his seat.
Richard Brent, a Senator from Virginia, took his seat.
Mr. Pope presented a resolution of the legislature of Kentucky, expressive of their opinion that strong garrisons at Michimacinae, St. Louis and near the mouth of Ohio, would be of great public utility, and particularly aid in the protection of the frontiers; which was referred to the committee appointed yesterday "on so much of the President's message as relates to the defence of our sea-port towns and harbors," to consider and report thereon.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, May 28.
A communication was received from the Secretary of the Navy, giving a general view of the present state of the vessels and gun-boats of the United States. On motion of Mr. Dana, it was ordered that it lie on the table, and be printed.
Mr. Nelson presented a petition from a number of hatters in the state of Maryland, praying that a duty be laid on the importation of hats of foreign manufacture. Referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
SWEDISH AND PORTUGUESE VESSELS.
Mr. Newton offered a resolution to instruct the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures to enquire into and report on the expediency of permitting vessels of those nations with whom intercourse was permitted, to take cargoes, &c. He stated to the House that at present vessels of Sweden and Portugal, with whom intercourse is permitted, could not load and depart; and on this subject a letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Burwell said there was another subject connected with the resolution, which ought to be taken into consideration. The proclamation of the President declares that on the 10th June next the operation of the non-intercourse law, as relates to G. Britain, shall cease. It went into operation on the 20th of this month. Of course there were many vessels on the coast which could not get in before the 20th of May. He submitted it to the chairman of the committee, whether it would not be proper at once to do away all restriction, because the policy of its existence had ceased in relation to Great Britain from the restoration of harmony with her; and if the goods on our coast were not permitted to be regularly landed, they might be smuggled in and injure the revenue. He thought it would be proper to enquire into the expediency of doing away at once by law all interdiction of commerce.
Mr. Newton said he had no objection to
act on the subject mentioned by his colleague; but he did not conceive it to be connected with the present motion.
Mr. Newton's motion having been agreed to, he immediately reported "a bill respecting the ships or vessels owned by citizens of foreign nations with whom commercial intercourse is permitted."—To be read and referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
Mr. Cutts moved that several petitions from owners of fishing vessels, in the districts of Kennebec, Salem, Wiscasset, &c. presented at the last session, be referred to a select committee.—Agreed to.
Mr. Lewis presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Loudoun and Fairfax counties, Virginia, on the subject of the four inspection in Alexandria.—Referred to the District Committee.
Mr. Findley presented the petition of Gen. Arthur St. Clair, praying reimbursement of a sum of money formerly advanced to the U. States.—Referred to the Committee of Claims.
Mr. Milnor presented the petition of sundry merchants of Philadelphia, praying for allowances of drawback on goods, in relation to which they had not fully complied with the terms of the law.—Referred.
Mr. Anderson presented the petition of a number of inhabitants of the town of Marcus Hook, praying compensation for injury sustained in their property by the erection of certain piers by the U. States. Referred.
NON-INTERCOURSE ACT.
Mr. Livermore said that he did not distinctly hear all that fell from the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Burwell) but from what he had heard, he apprehended that it was on a subject of great importance. There were many vessels on the coast, which, were they to enter our harbors, would fall within the description of the 4th, 5th and 6th sections of the non-intercourse act.—From the happy commencement of the settlement of our differences with Great Britain, he did not believe it was the design of any gentleman that the non-intercourse should be enforced in this particular. He therefore offered a resolution for suspending the act, as given in our last; which was referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, with leave to report by bill, or otherwise.
Several other petitions were received and referred to the Committee of Post-Offices and Post-Roads, and to the Committee of Claims.
FRIDAY, May 26.
Mr. Weakley, a member from Tennessee, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Morrow offered two resolutions on the subject of public lands and the commissioners of Kaskaskia; which were agreed to.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
On motion of Mr. J. G. Jackson, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union, to whom was referred the President's message, Mr. Pitkin in the chair; and several resolutions were offered by Mr. J. G. Jackson, agreed to by the committee and reported to the House as follows:
1. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to our relations with foreign nations, be referred to a select committee.
[The gentlemen who compose this committee are Messrs. J. G. Jackson, Macon, T. Moore, Mosely, Quincey, Troup, Johnson, Fisk and Anderson.]
2. That so much as relates to a revision of our commercial laws for the purpose of protecting and fostering the manufactures of the United States be referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
3. That so much as relates to the modification of the military and naval establishments of the U. S. be referred to a select committee.
[The gentlemen who compose this committee are Messrs. Cutts, Basset, Milnor, Sawyer, Hale, & J. Brown.]
4. That so much as relates to the fortification of our seaport towns, be referred to a select committee.
[The gentlemen who form this committee are Messrs. Burwell, Kennedy, Key, Geo. Smith, P. B. Porter, Gardner, and W. Chamberlin.]
5. That so much as relates to the revenue and expenditures of the U. States be referred to the committee of Ways and Means.

GUN-BOATS.
Mr. Pitkin observed that by a report received yesterday from the Navy Department, the House were informed of the state and condition of most of the frigates and other armed vessels of the United States. The House had heretofore, from calls made on the Secretary of the Navy had information laid before them of the expense of building and repairing these frigates and other armed vessels; but never, to his recollection, had any statement from the Department of the expense of building the gun-boats or any account of their actual expense while in service been laid before them. Various estimates had been made of their expense while in service; but the House never had before them any statement of the actual expense. For the purpose of obtaining this information he asked leave to move, "That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before the House a statement of the number of gun-boats which have been built, and the expense of building the same; also of the number employed in actual service, the time they have been employed and their expense while in actual service."
This motion, after some conversation between Messrs. Dawson, Dana, Pitkin, Lyon, Bacon and W. Alston, was agreed to without a division.
VOTE OF APPROPRIATION.
Mr. Randolph, after some preliminary remarks, which shall appear in course, offered the following resolution: "Resolved, That the promptitude and frankness with which the President of the United States has met the overtures of the government of Great Britain towards a restoration of harmony and free commercial intercourse between the two nations, meets the approbation of this House."
The House agreed to consider the motion. Mr. Bacon moved to amend it by adding at the end of it the words—and furnishes "an additional proof of the spirit of accommodation on the part of the government of the U. States, which has at no time been intermitted."
Mr. Bacon then moved that the resolution and amendment be referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. J. G. Jackson made a motion which superseded Mr. Bacon's, to postpone it indefinitely.
To this motion Mr. Randolph objected at considerable length, and Messrs. Holland, J. G. Jackson, and Findley replied.
When, after a debate of three hours or upwards, a motion was made to adjourn & carry.
Saturday, May 27.
On motion of Mr. Basset, a committee was appointed to act with such a committee as may be appointed by the Senate on their part to enquire and report what business was necessary to be done before the close of the present session.
On motion of Mr. Burwell, Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause the Secretary of War to lay before the House an estimate of the sum necessary to complete the fortifications commenced and contemplated; and also the amount of deficiency of appropriations heretofore made for this object.
SWEDISH AND PORTUGUESE VESSELS.
On motion of Mr. Newton, with the consent of Mr. Randolph, the unfinished business of yesterday (the resolution on the subject of the late negotiation,) was ordered to lie on the table; and
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, Mr. Mason in the chair, on the bill respecting the ships and vessels of subjects of foreign nations with whom commercial intercourse is permitted; which having gone through the committee of the whole was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading; and afterwards passed without objection.
VOTE OF APPROPRIATION.
Mr. Randolph called for the consideration of the unfinished business of yesterday; and on the question, will the House resume the consideration of the subject, the House divided, 54 to 54; and the Speaker voting in the negative, the motion was lost.—Mr. Randolph subsequently gave notice that he should call it up every day during the session if he had an opportunity, and require the yeas and nays each time, unless the House should agree to take it up.
The House proceeded to the choice of a chaplain on motion of Mr. Southard. On the first ballot, Mr. Pickman reported that there were for Mr. Jesse Lee 55, Obadiah Brown 43, Mr. Laurie 15, and for others 6. On the second ballot the Rev. Jesse Lee having 70 out of 114 votes, was declared to be elected.
SEDITION LAW.
Mr. Stanford proposed the following resolution:
Resolved, That the committee appointed to enquire into what prosecutions for libels at common law, have been instituted before the courts of the United States, be instructed to enquire what prosecutions for libels have been instituted before the courts of the United States under the second section of the act entitled an act in addition to the act entitled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the U. S. passed the 17th day of July, 1793, and into the expediency of remunerating the sufferers under such prosecutions.
Mr. Sawyer moved to amend it by adding the words "and that the committee also enquire whether any and what private compensation has been made to such suffering persons." Negatived without a division.
Mr. Ross moved the following amendment: "and also to enquire whether any and what compensation and remuneration should be made to persons who suffered or were punished in consequence of opposition to the act to lay and collect a direct tax in the United States."
After debate, Mr. Rhea, (T.) moved that the further consideration of the subject be postponed indefinitely. Motion carried by Yeas and Nays, 65 to 50.
[Debate hereafter.]
RULES AND ARTICLES OF WAR. Mr. Randolph offered the following resolution, prefacing it with remarks at some length on the subject of the present rule for the government of the army:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the act, entitled "An act for establishing rules and articles for the government of the armies of the U. S." and report whether any and what alterations it is expedient to make in the same; with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
The motion was agreed to without opposition.
And, after rescinding the rule under which the House meets at ten o'clock instead of 11, the House adjourned.
BALTIMORE, May 29.
Captain Finney, arrived at Charleston, in sloop Philadelphia, 20 days from St. Jago de Cuba, states that 2 days before he sailed the limited time for foreigners to quit the island had expired; in consequence of which, many Frenchmen who were unable to get away had been massacred by the populace. 62 passengers came in the Philadelphia.
Mr. Howes.
I arrived yesterday, with schooner Minerva, from Charleston. Off the Capes of Virginia, was hailed by the British frigate Melampus, (another frigate in company) who sent a lieutenant and midshipman on board of the schooner. They treated me with politeness, and inquired after a French privateer supposed to be on the coast. After the return of the boarding officer the commander of the Melampus came in person aboard of my schooner. He behaved with great politeness, and was very sorry that they had fired several shots a few days before at an American schooner (the Amiable) under an erroneous impression that she was a Frenchman under false colours. The captain of the Melampus assured me upon his honor, that he believed her to be a French privateer, as he had been informed of one on the coast, and this schooner evidently avoided him.—I am, sir, well aware that no circumstance, even a known enemy, could justify a ship of any nation at peace with us for firing in a hostile manner within our jurisdiction; but I do believe, from the gentlemanly conduct of the commander of the Melampus, that he would not knowingly maltreat or insult an American. Sir, I am no Englishman; but I would give every man his due; I was much pleased with the deportment of the British officers while on board the Minerva, and perform a pleasing duty in making public, through your extensively circulated paper, their correctness and politeness towards me.
Your obedient servant, P. SORENSON, Master of schooner Minerva, Port of Baltimore, May 29, 1809.
LANDS FOR SALE.
THE SUBSCRIBER being advanced in years and infirm, which prevents him from attempting to dispose of them on the different spots, offers the following Tracts to the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity—He will simply observe, that it will be seen by the dates of the surveys, that they are not common speculation lands: They cost him a large sum, but will be sold without reserve, either by private sale, or exchange for property in this neighborhood, if any offers are made, else at Public Auction, on the first Thursday in October next, if it happens to be the race week, else on the Thursday of the said week and month, on a credit of 6 and 12 months.
The Subscriber is thus early in publishing his intentions, because he wishes to offer an opportunity to those, who might become inclined to purchase, either in person or on their friends, and acquaintances visiting the neighboring springs and counties, to get some knowledge of the situation and value of the same, by which alone they may be enabled to judge, whether or not great bargains may be expected from the purchase of them. G. F. STRAS, 4535 Acres, (more or less by 200 acres) in the county of Greenbrier, on Meadon's river, facing the mouth of Suel, and joining the lands and low ground, of Samuel M'Clung, Wm. M'Clung, Samuel Price, and Wm. Renix, on the great road to Kentucky. 1550 Acres in Botetourt county, on Barber's creek, on the main road (made lately) from the Sweet Springs to Fincastle, distant 9 miles from the Springs & 16 from Fincastle. 1000 acres in aforesaid county, and joining the foregoing tract, and the plantation of Thomas Price, on said creek and road to Fincastle. There is a bold Sulphur spring on this tract.
550 acres in said county, joining the plantation of Notzinger, and extending a small distance over the Blue Ridge in Bedford county. 230 acres in said county of Botetourt, on Loncay's Mill creek.
1280 acres, formerly in the county of Montgomery, but, (as I am informed) by a late division, in Kanawha, on Paint Creek.
780 acres on Porcey river and Walker's creek, in the Chesnut Forest, (in last mentioned county) including the Iron Pond and Iron Banks.
580 acres in said county, on No Business creek, a branch of New river.
2090 acres on the forks of Salt river, State of Kentucky, being part of a tract of 6000 acres, on which General Matthew Walton formerly resided.
150 acres in Kanawha county, part of a tract of 1500 acres, on which Col. Wm. Clendenen resided, and which is a part of a large Military Survey, made by George Muse and others on the Ohio and Kanawha rivers.
234 acres North west of the Ohio, in what is called the Illinois Grant, bearing the No. 248, (a military right.)
1080 acres on Deer creek, Green river, state of Kentucky, bearing No. 617, surveyed in 1785 for Major George Lewis, being in part for his own military services.
2000 acres on said Deer creek, bearing No. 125, surveyed in 1785, for Gustavus B. Wallace, being originally Gen. Mercer's, and his own Military rights. This tract joins the preceding, the two last mentioned tracts, besides being valuable farming lands, are supposed to contain Salt springs, lying in the neighborhood of a large Salt Lick, and exhibiting every indication of being impregnated with it.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND.
TUESDAY, June 2, 1809.
BELIEVING that nothing at this time could be more acceptable to our readers, we have devoted the columns of this day's Argus almost exclusively to the late interesting Debates in Congress.—It will be observed by our readers that Mr. Randolph has taken a distinguished part in these debates. We shall, as heretofore, endeavour to do that gentleman justice, whatever he or some of his friends may say to the contrary.
Letter from the Secretary of the Navy, transmitting a general view of the state and disposition of the vessels belonging to the Navy of the U. States and of the Gun Boats. May 25th, 1809. Ordered to lie on the table.
NAVY DEPARTMENT, May 24th, 1809.
SIR,
I have the honor of transmitting to you herewith, to be laid before the House of Representatives, the enclosed paper marked A, which will afford a general view of the state and disposition at this time, of the vessels belonging to the navy of the United States, and of the gun-boats.
It appears proper here to observe, for the information of the House of Representatives, that the frigates Constitution and Chesapeake, the ship Wasp, the brigs Hornet and Argus, and the schooners Revenge and Enterprize, were in commission prior to the passage of the act, entitled "an act authorising the employment of an additional naval force," passed 31st January, 1809; and that the frigates President, United States & Essex, the corvette John Adams, the brigs Siren, Vixen and Nautilus, and the cutter Ferret, have been put in commission since the passing of that law, agreeably to its provisions; that the frigates United States and Essex, and the corvette John Adams have had such thorough repair and improvement, that practical gentlemen pronounce them to be, at this time, better and more efficient vessels than they were when originally launched; and that the frigate President is now undergoing a thorough repair which is nearly completed, and being repaired under the advantages afforded by extensive experience, she will be, in all respects, greatly superior to what she was when first launched.
Respectfully submitted, PAUL HAMILTON.
The hon. Joseph B. Varnum, Speaker of the H. of Representatives.
(A.)
EXHIBIT, shewing the state and disposition, at this time, of the vessels belonging to the Navy of the United States, and of the gun-boats.
Frigates Constitution at New York; U. States, at Norfolk; Chesapeake, at Boston; Essex, at Norfolk; all officered, manned, victualled, and in other respects prepared for service.
Corvette John Adams, at Baltimore; officered, and nearly manned and prepared.
Frigate President, at Washington; officered, and nearly manned—will be ready for service in July.
Ship Wasp, at Philadelphia, in all respects prepared for service.
Brig Hornet, at Norfolk; do. do.
Argus, at New York; do. do.
Siren, gone to France; do. do.
Vixen, at Charleston; do. do.
Sch'r Revenge, at N York; do. do.
Sch'r Enterprize, at Norfolk; officered, victualled, and completely repaired—and nearly manned.
Brig Nautilus, at Washington; cutter Ferret, ditto; both preparing for service, but recruiting orders not issued.
Frigates Congress, Constitution, New York, Adams, and Boston, at the Navy Yard, Washington; require repairs.
GUN-BOATS.
24 Gun-Boats at New Orleans; orders given to reduce their crews to the number required for their navigation and safety.
13 do. at Charleston, } 21 do. Norfolk, } 10 do. Baltimore, } 20 do. Philadelphia, } 52 do. New-York, } 2 do. Westerly R. I. } In ordinary 2 do. Norwich Ct. } 4 do. Wilmington, N. C. } 1 do. Boston, } 9 do. Portland, Maine } 1 do. Lake Ontario, } 2 do. Lake Champlain, } 9 do. Washington, in the yard without expense.
Extract of a letter from a very Intelligent and respectable gentleman in Cadiz, to his friend in this city, dated
CADIZ, March 31, 1809.
"We are assured that Austria has declared war. If so, the affairs in this country will take a very different turn. The British, notwithstanding their reverses in the north of Spain, have returned to the charge, and thirty thousand men have arrived at Lisbon, and the van guard are marching on against the French, and may soon again expect to be up with them. An army of near 40,000 Frenchmen are in the adjoining province to this, and coming down it is supposed to attack us, but there is every reasonable hope to think that every thing will go right; for my part, I have not the least apprehensions. The Spaniards have suffered much—it was natural to suppose they would, and the cause of Spain has been a good deal injured by the alarm given in England, after the defeat of sir J. Moore's army. These
people suffered much, but more from want of information and management than anything else. But after all, it is true, which we have every reason to suppose, that Austria has declared war, and she makes any resistance, nothing is to be apprehended from this side."
From the Orleans Gazette.
COMMUNICATION.
MADAM FOUACHE'S, April 20th, 1809.
SIR, At no period since the 14th of January 1807, has it been in my power to address you—I need not now remind you of what took place by your order on that day—so far as related to myself, the effects have been too severely felt ever to be forgotten. A person insulted; a wounded reputation, and injured funds, excite feelings in the breast of a man which call for reparation—Justice would, not wait such a call; a soldier cannot with honor, refuse to repair the wrongs he has done so far as may yet be in his power—To obtain this is the object of the present note. Gen. Hopkins, who will hand you this, is my friend, fully acquainted with my wishes—to his decision I submit myself. It is not convenient for me to remain long in this city; I hope to hear from you on this subject as soon as convenience will permit.
I am Sir, Your most obedient, JOHN ADAIR, Gen. James Wilkinson.
ORLEANS, 26th April 1809.
On the 21st inst. I waited on Gen. Wilkinson, at his quarters, with this note [alluding to the above.] The General positively refused to receive it, and gave as his only reason that Gen. Adair had threatened & menaced to assassinate him. He after some conversation on the subject informed me, he would send to me his friend, to whom I might explain more particularly the object of Gen. Adair's note; and that he would receive from him such impressions as should govern him on the subject. A. L. Duncan, esq. as the General's friend and myself had an interview on the 24th. The result was that general Wilkinson declined receiving any communication from Gen. Adair, which was finally made known to me on the 25th.
SAM. HOPKINS.
It is but very lately (says the Aurora) that Mr. Madison was denounced by the feds as a "French citizen under French influence." But now, (and it appears to us very mysterious, for he has continued in the direct path of his immediate predecessor) he is apparently honored and respected by them.—Yet we venture to predict that within nine months he will be again denounced with as much vengeance, and if possible with as opprobrious epithets as were ever heaped on the patriot Jefferson. Let any man look at the federal papers for the first weeks of Jefferson's administration, and he will perceive that it needs no second sight to make this prediction.
OUR SEAMEN!
The "New York Gazette" a federal or rather tory paper, gives a statement of the vessels which have sailed from the different ports of the United States, since the 18th April, amounting to 1935, and then adds—
"The above vessels will probably average 200 tons, and each 10 seamen—making 307,000 tons & 10,350 seamen, besides passengers and supercargoes. In one month from this time no doubt 1000 more vessels will depart for foreign ports—we shall then have sent out 490,000 tons and Twenty Thousand seamen, all in about two months!"
Republicans, and honest Federalists, compare this statement with the story which you have heard so often told, that the embargo had driven all our seamen out of the country, and learn what credit is due to the clamors against government & its measures.—Trenton True American.
The mouth-pieces of the Boston Junto boast more of their three or four thousand majority in Massachusetts, than the Democrats do of nearly thirty thousand majority in Pennsylvania!
Some of the Eastern madcaps were lately so besotted as to think and even speak of carrying their disorganizing schemes into effect by force of arms. When the Athenians were once for rushing into a war which they had neither strength nor means to succeed in, Pericles thus addressed them—"Good People, keep to the method in which you have the advantage, and that is TALKING NOT FIGHTING."—The same salutary advice we give the Boston Junto.
According to a statement in the Aurora, the new Congress will be composed of 127 Republicans and 53 Federalists, viz. in Senate 27 Republicans and 7 Federalists—in the House, 100 Republicans and 45 Federalists. Of the 100 Republicans, however, three are Delegates from the Territories, who may speak but have no vote. In despite of all the successes and triumphs which Federalists have trumpeted from Georgia to Maine, Republicans have still more than two thirds of the Members of the National Legislature!
The Grand Jury impanelled before the U. S. Circuit and District Courts at their late sitting at Windsor, in Vermont, reported 16 "true bills" of indictment for breaches of the Embargo-laws. This is a fine specimen of that devotion to "Law and order" on which Federalists pride themselves!
Among amateur writers, Anacreon Moore and the royal Frederick will hold about an equal rank. If the songs of the former discover the most genius, the epistles of the latter observe the most decency.—ib.
COMMUNICATION.
Mr. Randolph's observations on Wednesday the 24th of May, as reported in the National Intelligencer of Friday the 26th, have been much misunderstood. Among other misapprehensions, the reporter is mistaken in supposing that Mr. R. spoke "of Gen. Wilkinson and Col. Burr as the
Pope and the Pretender." Mr. Randolph did not pronounce Gen. W.'s name! neither did he say that "we shall have no more arms of treason and no more terrors of rebellion"—but that "we shall have no more enforcing embargo laws, no more bills for suspending the writ of habeas corpus, no more new editions of the law of treason." These are some of the most prominent mistakes in that report.
Nat. Intel.
The following changes, we are advised by the London prints, are to take place in the British ministry:
Sir James Pulteney to retire from the office of Secretary at War, and to be succeeded by the right hon. Charles Long.
Mr. Sturges Bourne, to succeed Mr. Long as Paymaster of the forces.
Mr. Bourne's successor, as a Lord of the Treasury, is not yet appointed.
A new expedition, under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, was about to sail to Portugal for its defence.
A Congress is to be held on the banks of the Inn, where the Emperors Francis and Napoleon are to meet.
A treaty is said to have been concluded between France and Persia, by which the latter is to cede to France an Island in the Persian Gulph.
DREADFUL PICTURE OF WAR!
[Let the reader, while he shudders at the miseries which war has brought upon Sweden, as depicted in the following letter, remember that it was by the subsidies and the artifices of Britain—that implacable foe of the Peace and Happiness of the world,—that Sweden was drawn into the war, and overwhelmed with defeat, disgrace and sufferings.]
Extract of a letter from a respectable magistrate in Sweden, dated Stockholm, 22d November, 1808, to a Swedish merchant in London.
"Great exertions are every where making to raise a subscription for the winter, in behalf of the widows and children of our fallen warriors; but it is feared it will go only a little way. Our divines, our authors, our poets, all join in calling us to our duty in this respect; and we obey as far as we can. The young ladies here are also setting an excellent example; they have deserted the theatres and ball rooms, and seek a better employment in making up linen and other articles of dress for naked children; and thus shew themselves worthy of being the daughters of a free country; which, tho' oppressed by war and threatened on all sides, never shall bend its neck under a foreign yoke, so long as utter starvation does not benumb our arms. May the Almighty avert that worst of evils, which, however, approaches nearer to us every day! I assure you, dear sir, the distress here is very great; and should it increase in proportion as it has done of late, our ruin seems inevitable. Besides numberless other sufferers, the country has 7000 widows, recently become so, to provide for; and I do not over-rate when I say that these 7000 mothers have at least 14,000 destitute children, for whom no earthly provision is made; and the families of those children, whom we trust are yet among the living, are also in very bad circumstances. You know well, that there is hardly a nation in the world that can bear such privations, and live so hard as ours; but still we cannot live on nothing. What would the good people in England say, if you were to offer them bread, made of bones, chaff, and bark of the fir,—and a basin of hot water and salt to soak it in? Would they eat it? Would they not even complain, if they were to live upon nothing but bran of oats, thin beer, and salt herrings? Whilst thousands here would be happy if they could afford to buy such food."
An Irish writer says, while cloth is rising in price, Whiskey is experiencing a proportionate fall; therefore what we pay for the coat, we shall save in the lining. London Paper.
MARRIED—On the 18th inst. by the Rev. Simon Morgan, Mr. ARCHER COLEMAN, of Amelia County, to Miss MARGARET QUARLES, daughter of Isaac Quarles, esq. of King William County.
JUST PUBLISHED, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, [Price 25 Cents,]
SERMON, DELIVERED AT THE CAPITOL, ON SABBATH, APRIL 30TH, 1809, FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE Female Humane Association OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND.
BY THE REV. CONRAD SPEECE, A. M. Published by request of the Association. May 27, 1809.
For Sale at this Office, A FEW DOORS BELOW THE BELL TAVERN, [PRICE TWO DOLLARS.]
A SYSTEM OF Military Tactics, CONTAINING THE PRINCIPLE OF Discipline & Movements, CHIEFLY ADAPTED TO INFANTRY; WITH THE RULES AND REGULATIONS, DESIGNED FOR THE FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES TO WHICH IS ADDED THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS.
ILLUSTRATED BY 16 COPPER-PLATES, SHewing upwards of one HUNDRED MOVEMENTS
By DANIEL FISHER.

One Thousand Pounds
WANTED, FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1809. tf
Wm. McCAY, Watch & Clock Maker, In consequence of the late fire, has removed To the next House above his former Dwelling, on the Main street; Where he continues to MAKE and REPAIR all kinds of WATCHES and CLOCKS, as heretofore.
Grateful to his numerous friends for the great encouragement he has hitherto experienced, he will omit no exertions to merit their future support. He has on hand, an assortment of JEWELRY and SILVER WORK, for sale; & constantly keeps good workmen employed, to execute in the newest style, and on the shortest notice any orders in the above branches, with which he may be favored. W. M. C. has also erected proper furnaces, with every necessary apparatus, for the purpose of CASTING BRASS to any given pattern; and has in employment, some of the most skillful founders, or casters of Brass to enable him to complete all orders in that line, in the very best manner. N. B. The highest price given for old Gold, Silver, Copper Brass and Pewter. May 4th, 1809. 6w
Richmond Turnpike Company.
THE subscribers are hereby notified, that their annual general meeting will be held at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the first Monday in next month, at the hour of 10 o'clock in the forenoon, that being the day appointed by the Charter for such general meeting. N. Sheppard, Clk. May 6, 1809. tdm
FOR SALE, A Tract of Land, LYING in the upper end of Nottoway county, on the waters of Sailor Creek, containing by survey 112 acres, with improvements sufficient for a small family. This land is well watered and lies well. For terms apply to the subscriber, living in Henrico county. John Woodfin. May 2d, 1809. tf
JUST RECEIVED FROM NEW YORK, AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE, A FRESH SUPPLY OF CHURCH'S & LEE'S GENUINE Patent Medicines. INCLUDING Worm Lozenges, Cough Drops, Restorative Balsam, Hamilton's Elixir, Essence and Extract of Mustard, Hahn's Antibilious Pills, Ich Ointment, Eye Water, Eye Salve, May 11, 1809. tf
MALTHUS ON POPULATION. THE first American edition of this valuable work is just published, and may be had at this office. It is in two large octavo volumes, very handsomely executed by Mr. Weightman, of Washington City. Subscribers will please call or send for their copies. HOSTLER WANTED.
A liberal price will be given FOR A Good Hostler, at the Bell Tavern, either by the month or year. Richmond, 27th April, 1809. tf
To Rent, And possession given immediately, THE TENEMENT AT present in the occupancy of Mr. William, and directly back of the Hon. Creed Taylor's. Apply to EDWARD W. TRENT. May 4, 1809. tf
FOR SALE. Forty Thousand weight Isle of Wight Bacon, Amongst which are 900 Hams, 500 Barrel Herring and Shad, 100 Sacks Salt, Liverpool Salt, 20 Bales Georgia Cotton, 40 Tierces Rye Whiskey, 8 Barrels Ditto, 45 Kegs English White Lead, 30 do. Spanish Brown, 20 Tons American and Sweden Iron, will be sold low for cash only, GROCERIES, AS USUAL. Russell & Wallace. Richmond, May 22, 1809. 3m
A FEW COPIES OF Burk's History of Virginia THREE VOLUMES Are for sale at this office. 164
REMOVAL. THE subscriber has removed near the Bason, where he continues to keep a house of Private Entertainment. He has also for sale, a general assortment of GROCERIES. Likewise sells all kinds of country produce on commission. HEZEKIAH PURYEAR. Richmond, May 17th, 1809. tf
NOTICE. By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 13th of June next, at the courthouse of Botetourt county, being court day, One Tract of Land, Containing 254 acres, more or less, it being the same tract of land deeded to Pleasant Younghusband by Thomas M'George and Judith his wife, as by indenture bearing date the 2d day of July, 1800, on the following terms, to wit: one third cash, one third in twelve months, and the remaining third in two years. Bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they become due, and a deed of trust on the land to secure the two last payments, will be required. ELIZA T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Administratrix. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 2d mo. 17th, 1809. tds
N. B. The above sale is postponed to Botetourt August Court. E. T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Adm'r. S. P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 5th mo. 6th, 1809. tf
FOR RENT, In a central part of this city, a few GENTEEL ROOMS, With a kitchen, stable, smoke house, &c and an elegant pump of water. Enquire of the printer. tf
IN COUNCIL, January 20, 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred an ninety Rifles during the present year, being the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes. DANL. L. HYLTION, Clerk of the Council.
IN COUNCIL, May 18, 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for raising seven eighteen pounders opposite D'ew's Point, Nansemond River, until the 1st day of July next. Daniel L. Hylton, c. c. 1 July.
A Bank Note OF ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, taken from a black boy, who called himself James Smith, and says he found it in the street—not thinking it proper to let the boy keep it, I obtained it for the proper owner, who may have it, on giving satisfactory evidence of his or their right to it and paying the expense of this advertisement. JOHN McDONALD. Richmond, March 10th, 1809. tf
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Paver, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond. J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. tf
NEW BOOKS. Just received and for sale by Samuel Pleasants, Jr. Richmond, Struggles Through Life, Exemplified in the various Travels and Adventures in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, OF LIEUT. JOHN HARRIOTT, Now Resident Magistrate of the Thames police, London, IN TWO VOLUMES. This work presents an engaging lesson, especially to such as are embarrassed with difficulty it is a persuasive stimulus to exertion and perseverance; and as Mr. Arkin in his Annual Review observes, contains anecdote and adventure enough to satisfy the keenest avidity. system of Theoretical and Practical Chemistry, by Frederick Accum, 2 vols. 8 vo. The Exile of Exin, a New Novel. The Forty Thieves; a grand operational Romance. Conversations on Chemistry. The Domestic Cookery. Boyer's, Nugent's, and Chambaud's French Dictionaries. Petrarch. Thornton Abbey, in 2 vols. Studies of Nature, by St. Pierre. Romantic Tales. Bradby on Distresses. Ainsworth's Latin Dictionary—First American Edition. Greek Lexicons. wtf.
IN COUNCIL, May 29, 1809. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive till Thursday the 29th day of June next, for repairing between Five and Six Thousand stand of public Arms. The repairs will be of various kind; and the Executive would prefer a contract at so much a piece, for each stand, to be made completely fit for service. The arms may be seen, and further information obtained by application to Alexander Quarrier. Extract from the Journal. DANIEL L. HYTLON c. c.
INSPECTOR'S OFFICE. WASHINGTON, APRIL 27, 1809. (ORDERS) ALL Officers of the Army who are on furlough or absent from their respective corps or stations, will report themselves without delay to the Adjutant and Inspector of the Army, Maj. Nicoll, at the city of Washington; stating on what authority they are absent and the period for which their furloughs were given, and all officers who shall hereafter be absent from their respective corps or stations, will report themselves monthly as herein directed. By order of the Secretary of War, A. V. NICOLL, Adj. & Inspector. Those Pioneers who are authorized to publish the Laws of the tenth Congress of the United States are requested to insert the above twice a week for three weeks and transmit their account to the Accountant of the War Department for settlement. m April 28. (3w.)
REMOVAL. Andrew Stevenson HAS removed his office to the BRICK TENEMENT immediately above the Bell Tavern, where the most punctual attendance will be given to his professional duties. Richmond, May 23, 1809. 4t.
Negroes for Sale. By virtue of a deed of trust executed by William Cannon to William Guerrant and the subscriber, bearing date the 1st day of December, eighteen hundred and seven, and of record in the County court of Buckingham, to secure the payment of money due to Daniel Bagby and others, as expressed in the said deed, will be SOLD, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at John Anderson's Tavern, in the town of New Canton, on Saturday the 24th day of June next, FIVE NEGROES, viz. Beck, Maria, Milly, Sam and Aggy. The subscriber will only convey such title as he has received by said deed. Thomas Pittman, Surviving Trustee. New Canton, 20th May, 1809. tds.
Land for Sale. By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the fifth day of Oct. in the year eighteen hundred and seven, executed by Peter Clarkson, to the subscribers as trustees, for the purpose of securing a sum of money therein mentioned, to be due to Richard Ward Birkhead and Thomas Birkhead, will be sold in Charlottesville, before the door of Triplett T. Estes, on the first Monday in June next, that being Albemarle court day, a Tract of Land, In said deed conveyed, supposed to contain 415 acres and a half, lying in the counties of Fluvanna and Goochland, according to the provisions of an act entitled an act concerning executions and for other purposes. The subscribers will make a deed as trustees only JOHN WARD, DOUGLASS BOOCOCK. May 3d, 1809. [3w.]
The Subscriber offers for Sale, A LOT, SITUATED at Rocketts, convenient to navigation, on which is erected two frame buildings, one of which is large and two stories high, and suitable for a Tobacco Manufactory or Ware house; the back part of the lot may be improved to great advantage, in buildings of any description. WILLIAM GOODWIN. May 25th, 1809. 3w
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED, And may be had at Jacob Johnson's book store, adjoining the Market Bridge, PARTS 3, OF VOL. 1, OF HENNING AND MUNFORD'S REPORTS, CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf. Price to subscribers $5—to non-subscribers $6. The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus. Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
FOR RENT, The Two following TRACTS OF LAND, lying on James river, in the County of Powhatan. THAT LARGE ESTATE called BELL MEAD, at present occupied by Mr. James Tucker. The Plantation immediately below it, now in the occupancy of Mr. David Mead. Also, The Tract of Land, called the Old Courthouse Tract, in the county of Powhatan, lying on Deep Creek, and now occupied by Mr. William Wilburn. These Lands, will, without reserve, be rented to the highest bidder, at Powhatan Courthouse, on the 19th of July next, (being the first day of the court) unless before privately rented. Apply to JAMES CARTER, Goochland, NEIL M'COULL, or JOHN ST. JOHN, } Richmond. April 30th, 1809. wtdr
Extract from the Journals of the Executive. Published by order of the Governor, for the information of the Militia Officers. IN COUNCIL, June 14, 1806. IT is advised that a proclamation be issued, prescribing the uniform of the militia of this commonwealth, to be as follows:
For the General Officers. A dark blue coat, skirts lined with buff, cape, lapels and cuffs buff, yellow buttons, gold epaulets (one on each shoulder) black cock'd hat, with black cockade and black stock.
For the Artillery. A blue coat, skirts lined with red, cape, lapels and cuffs red, vest buff, overall blue, edged with red, black gaiters, yellow buttons, a cocked black hat with red cockade.
For the Light Infantry. A dark blue short coat, with half lapels, cape and cuffs white, white lining and buttons, vest and overall white with black gaiters, black half boots, black stock, a round hat, cocked on the left side, with black cockade.
For the Grenadiers. A dark blue coat, cape, lapels and cuffs white, white lining and buttons, vest and overall white, with black gaiters, black half boots, black stock, cocked hat, with black cockade.
For the Riflemen. A linen hunting shirt of purple color, with overall of the same, leather moccasins or shoes, bound hat, cocked on the left side, with black cockade, and black stock.
For the main body of the Militia. A blue hunting shirt trimmed with red fringe, white overall with black gaiters round hat cocked on the left side, with black cockade and black and red plume, black gaiters, or half boots; the officer's uniform to be a dark blue coat, cape, lapels and cuffs red, white lining and buttons, vest and pantaloon white, with black stock, cocked hat with black gaiters black cockade.
For the Cavalry. A short dark blue coat, with yellow buttons, white lining, half lapels, cuffs and cape red, white vest and leather breeches, Jack boots, spurs, black stock and black leather cap, dressed on the crown with bearskin, and decorated with a light blue sash and red and white plume.
The officers of the main body of the militia of the Light Infantry, Grenadiers, Riflemen & Cavalry, to be distinguished by pautels of silver; the officers of Artillery to be distinguished by epaulets of gold. The field officers to wear two epaulets, the captains one on the right & the subalterns one on the left shoulder. All officers to wear side arms and boots.
Provided, however, that where any troop of Cavalry, company of Artillery, Grenadiers, Light Infantry, Riflemen or of the main body of the Militia, shall have provided themselves with an uniform different from that herein prescribed, they are respectively permitted to wear the same for three years, from and after the date hereof. (Attest) DANL. L. HYTLON, c. c. (w36.)
IN COUNCIL, January 7, 1809. OWING to the present situation of the country, and the difficulty which may arise in many parts of the state, in procuring some of the articles prescribed in the Governor's proclamation of the 14th of June, 1806, concerning the uniform of the Militia. It is advised that so much of the said proclamation as prescribes that any part of the Uniform shall be made of any particular kind of materials be rescinded; & that the officers & soldiers of the Militia be permitted to wear an Uniform of any kind of materials, which they can be most convenient to procure, only observing to conform to the colours mentioned in the above said proclamation:—And it is earnestly recommended to the several officers and privates to procure articles of the manufacture of this state, or of the United States as far as practicable. Extract from the journals. D. L. HYTLON, c. c.
New Establishment OF THE BELL TAVERN. THE exclusive management and superintendence of this house, has devolved upon the subscriber, who, with DR. WILLIAM HOOMES and WILSON ALLEN, are alone interested in it. No pains or expense has been spared to render this establishment one among the first upon the continent; and nothing on the part of the subscriber shall be wanting to support its reputation, and deserve public patronage. There are 40 rooms in and attached to the tavern—The largest and most commodious stable in the city, and every convenience to render the house a good one. It has lately undergone considerable change and thorough repair. The subscriber has laid in an assortment of the BEST LIQUORS, and hopes from his experience and attention to merit and meet with public support. RD: C. Wortham. City of Richmond, May 10th, 1809. w2m
Just Received at this Office, Part 1st of vol. 10th—or No. 19 of, Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia. Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books. Subscription still open.
The famous high blooded Horse, Admiral Nelson,
A BEAUTIFUL dark bay, 16 hands high, full of strength, health & vigor, and inferior to no horse either for speed or bottom, of fine bone and muscle. This horse was purchased by me when in London of Lord Grosvenor, he was then in training; will stand the ensuing season at Sandy Point, Charles City country. The scarcity of money induces the subscriber to let him cover mares this season at 10 dollars the single leap, 20 dollars the season, thirty dollars to insure a mare in foal, the insurance money to be paid, by the gentleman who insured if changed the season money may be discharged by the payment of fifteen dollars by the tenth of August, at which time the season will expire, with half a dollar to the groom for each mare. Large and extensive pasture of the best white clover gratis; the greatest care and attention paid the mares, but will not be answerable for accidents or escapes. This horse has not run many races, but his performance will sufficiently justify the opinion of Lord Grosvenor & his Son, who certify that they consider him the best three year old horse in England, and challenging any 4 year old, which was not accepted.
In October 1798, at New Market, he won a sweepstake of 1400 guineas, 12 subscribers, at 200 guineas each, half forfeit, colts carrying 8 stone. 3lb. fillies 8 stone, beating Sir Harry, Mr. Cookson's b. c. by Sir Peter, Mr. Perrin's b. c. Young Javelin, Sir Francis Standish's ch. c. Split Pigeon—5 to 4 against Admiral Nelson, 7 to 4 against Sir Harry, 6 to 1 against Split Pigeon, and 10 to 1 against Young Javelin. In 1799 he won a sweepstake of 1600 guineas, 14 subscribers at 200 guineas each, beating Lord Egremont's b. c. by Preceptor, out of Bob Tail, Mr. Perrin's b. c. Javelin, and Mr. Golding's Boaster...3 to 1 on Admiral Nelson. In 1800 he got so much injured in his practice that he did not come on the turf again until 1803, when he won a purse of 50 pounds, 4 mile heats, beating several fine horses...See Sporting Magazine for this year.
PEDIGREE. ADMIRAL NELSON was bred by Lord Grosvenor, got by John Bull and foaled in 1795; his dam Olivia, by Justice; her, dam Cypher by Squirrel out of Fribble's dam, by Regulus...See Supplement to the Stud Book, page 15. WILLIAM LIGHTFOOT. N. B. Notes for the twenty dollar must be sent with the mares.
Penitentiary Store. THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices at whole sale and retail, CUT NAILS.
   Wholesale prices. Retail prices.     3dy 13 1-2 cents. 14 1-2 cents per lb   4 13 14   6 12 13   8 11 12   10 10 1-2 11 1-2   12 10 1-2 11 1-2   20 10 1-2 11 1-2   CUT BRADS.   8dy 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 11   12 Do. Do.   20 Do. Do.   SPRIGS.   3dy 39 cts. f. lb. 50 per m.   4 22 1-3 67   6 17 84   WROUGHT NAILS.   6dy 14 15 per lb.   8 13 1-2 14 1-3   10 13 14   12 12 1-2 13 1-2   20 12 13   30 12 13  
Broad and narrow Axes, Hatches, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Penders, Traces, Stretchers, and Ox Chains;—Bridles, Collars, Halters, Braces, Surcingles, Back Bands, Belly Bands, Breching, Fire Buckets, &c. &c.
Boots and Shoes. Fair tops, back straps, $9 Ditto plain 8 Swallows, 7 Half Boots, 5 Mens calf skin shoes lined & bound 10s 6d 12s Do. side leather, 7s 6d a 9s Negro shoes (strong russet) 7s 6d a 8s Womens leather shoes, thick soles, 7s 6d Do. do. thin, do. 6s 9 Do. do. slips, 6s Do. Morocco do. 6s 9 Do. do. ties, 7s 6 Girls leather shoes, 4s 6d 6 Boys do. 4s 6d 7s 6d Any of the above articles made to order at the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern, D. J. BURR. Richmond March 22, 1809.
EXHIBITION OF ARLINGTON SHEEP.
TWO CAPITAL TUPS, PATRIOT AND DUKE OF BEDFORD, bred by George W. P. Custis, Esq. of Arlington, have been shipped for the White House, and will be exhibited a Mr. Hull's, about four miles below Richmond on the road leading to the New Bridges, on the 2d of June next; where gentlemen wishing to patronize the domestic manufactures of their country are particularly invited to attend. Patriot, is an Arlington long wool, and the Duke of Bedford, an Arlington long wool improved. These Tups are exhibited with a view of letting one of them out to Tup the ensuing season, provided a subscription can be obtained of one hundred dollars; the other will Tup at the White House, at the price of one dollar each Ewe. The object of letting Tups is the improving the breed of Sheep, whose fleece is of such importance in manufactures. As all monies arising therefrom will be added to the Arlington premiums should a deserving and Patriotic community give due encouragement to this infant and laudable institution, the benefits arising therefrom, it is presumed, will be sensibly felt by the public. JAMES ANDERSON May 23th, 1809. 2