Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1806-02-25 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XIIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1237.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum...paid in advance.]
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1806.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Advertisement.
IN consequence of a resolution of the General Assembly, passed at their late session, I am instructed by the Executive to make enquiry respecting the situation of all Ordnance and Military Stores, belonging to the state (not including those in the service of the United States or of this State) and make report thereof to the Governor.
In obedience to this instruction, and as the most probable mean of effecting the object contemplated by the Executive, I have thought proper thus publicly to request of such of the citizens of the commonwealth as may have any knowledge of the situation, number, quality and size or weight of any cannon or other ordnance, and muskets; cannon balls, shells or other military stores, supposed to belong to the state, and not in immediate use, to communicate a particular report thereof to me as soon as convenient.
SAMUEL COLEMAN, Clerk to the Executive.
Richmond, Feb. 7, 1805. (if)
Foreign Intelligence.
SEVENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF ITALY.
Head-quarters, Gorizia, Nov. 23.
The army maintains the position which it had taken on the left bank of the Isonzo. The advanced guard, under the orders of gen. Espagne, established itself on the Vipacco, repulsed the enemy as far as Gauz, and in several attacks, which were performed with vigor, made 100 prisoners. The whole of their cavalry has retired by the great road. A considerable body of their infantry took the road by the valley of Idria, to gain that of Obelbach. Five companies of voltigeurs are pursuing the enemy in that direction while our advanced posts have reached the intrenchments of Prevalle, and have taken a direction towards Leybach.
The general in chief has sent the division, Seras to Trieste. The Austrians evacuated the place at our approach, leaving 300 of their wounded. A corps of troops pursued them on the way to Leybach and took 50 prisoners. Two regiments of dragons, supported by infantry, have proceeded on our left as far as Chiuse de Pletz, which was guarded by the 2 regiments of infantry Stradolo and Deline and some cavalry. All the posts were abandoned the day after the arrival of our troops. The general of brigade Lacour, who commands them, has received orders to penetrate as far as Villach, and to endeavor to open a communication with the grand army, whose movements have without doubt, determined the retreat of the enemy, who were afraid of being surrounded. A detachment has also been sent to Ponteba Veneta, where the enemy were pretty strong, but did not dare to await our arrival. In these various movements we have taken nearly 400 prisoners. The general in chief has left near Padua, the corps of troops from Naples—to which he has added a division of the army, the Corsican legion and the 2d Italian regiment.
Lieut. gen. Gouvain St. Cyr, who commands these united forces, holds Chiozza and Brondolo, and keeps himself prepared to fall on the British and Russians, if they dare attempt the debarkation with which they threaten the coast of Italy.
Lecchi, general of division, &c. to his excellency the minister of war.
Head-quarters, Legnaro, Nov. 25.
I hasten to inform your excellency, that a corps of the enemy's troops, commanded by prince Rohan, shewed itself near Bazzano. The general in chief set off for Stra with the reserve, composed of a Polish corps commanded by gen. Peyri, a regiment of French cavalry, and a regiment of French infantry, a battalion commanded by gen. Regnier, and 4 pieces of artillery under the command of the chief of battalion, Millo, and escorted by the 5th regiment of Italian infantry. General Regnier having departed from his cantonments, went to Piombino, where, by this means, he cut off the road to Mestre, from the Austrians, who were endeavoring to get into Venice. At day break yesterday, the 24th, he was attacked, and in spite of a vigorous resistance, was 3 times compelled to fall back.
The corps of Polish infantry which was at Campo-Pietro with the general in chief, set out before day for Castle Franco, with the general in chief in person; who, when about half way perceived the division of Regnier to be retreating, ordered col. Grabinski to attack the enemy in flank. The attack was immediately made with the greatest vigor, and the enemy was obliged to retire to Castle Franco, with the loss of 150 prisoners, (among whom were a colonel and a major) and 3 pieces of cannon.
Gen. Regnier taking advantage of this manoeuvre of the general in chief, attacked them again in person, and made 3000 prisoners. The rest of the enemy's column retreated to Villa Franca, where 3000 Austrians, who were hemmed in by the regiment of Polish infantry, laid down their arms to col. Grabinski, and a corps of 700 cuirassiers surrendered to lieut. col. Clopinski.
8000 prisoners, 700 horses, 12 pieces of cannon, 6 colors and one standard, are the result of this day. Among the prisoners is prince Rohan, gen. commandant, 3 cols. 6 majors, and 3 lieutenants. The dead amount to about 600, among whom are 2 cols. 4 lieut. cols. and 4 majors. The wounded about 600.
DONAU, November 19.
The court of Vienna has taken up its residence at Cracow, in Poland.
BRUNN, November 13.
By special command of his majesty the emperor and king, with whose presence this city has been favored for several days, the president of the superior police, Baron Summeraw, has issued the following declaration:
"His majesty the emperor and king never had a more ardent wish than for the preservation of peace. This wish lay in the principles of his reign, as well as in his heart. Far from any, even the most secret design, of increasing his territories, or of aiming at an indemnity for the sacrifices which he made at Luneville and Ratisbon for the peace of Europe, he desired nothing more than that the emperor of the French might be actuated by a similar spirit of sincere and humane policy, and confine himself within the limits prescribed by the treaty of Luneville.
"Whoever with a pure intention has interested himself in the fate of Europe, must have felt the justice and moderation of this desire.
"True to his principles, his majesty was ever ready, during the progress of the present war, to offer the hand of peace; and he would have thought and acted in the same manner, under the most splendid victories, as under the influence of contrary events.
"His majesty thought the great and desirable moment of this reconciliation and of this return to national happiness really not far distant, when the emperor of France, at sundry times, openly professed to entertain similar sentiments, and spoke precisely in the same spirit to his imperial and royal majesty's generals, who, by the fortune of war, became his prisoners.
"Full of confidence in such declarations, and compelled by the wish to avert from the city of Vienna, which is so dear to his heart, the approaching danger, and from his good and faithful subjects in general the pressure of a tedious war, his majesty sent field marshal-lieut. count Von Guilay to the French emperor's head-quarters, in his & his allies' names, to receive the corroboration of those friendly sentiments, and to learn the particular conditions which emperor Napoleon on this occasion would make, preparatory to a general negotiation for a cessation of arms.
"But the expectations of his majesty were not fulfilled. As the basis of a cessation of arms for a few weeks only, the French emperor demands, "that the allied troops return to their native country; that the Hungarian levy, &c. be disbanded; and that the dukedom of Venice and the Tyrol be put into the possession of the French armies."
"The contrast between such demands and the offers heretofore made by the emperor of France, all Europe will perceive."
"His majesty the emperor and king has by this first step fulfilled a duty sacred to his heart.
"But he believes he would have severely injured himself, wounded the honor of his monarchy, the dignity of his house and the renown of his good and greatest nations, and have impaired the best interests of state in the eyes of the present and future generations, if, notwithstanding the weighty obligations incumbent on him for the preservation of the whole, he had given way to his own feelings for the temporary heavy oppression of his people, and coincided with stipulations which would have been a death blow to his monarchy, and a breach of the confederacy with all his allies.
"His majesty wanted peace. He still wants it with uprightness and sincerity. But never can he, never will he suffer himself to be placed in a state of insecurity, which would subject him and his people to the domineering command of a powerful enemy.
"Under such circumstances, there is no alternative for his majesty left, than to cleave to the great, yet unexhausted
resources, which he finds in the hearts, in the prosperity, in the fidelity and in the strength of his people—to the still unimpaired power of his high allies and friends, the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia, and to persevere in this firm and hearty alliance, until the emperor of France, with that moderation which is the sweetest flower in the garland of a great monarch, shall agree to conditions of peace, which must not be purchased by the sacrifice of national honor and the independence of a great nation."
MESSAGE
From the President of the United States, respecting the application of HAMET CARAMALLI, ex-bashaw of Tripoli. (Continued.)
COPY.
Tobias Lear to commodore Samuel Barron. Malta, May 19th, 1805.
I had the honor last evening to receive your letter of yesterday, on the subject of opening a negotiation with the bashaw of Tripoli. Most sincerely do I lament the long and severe illness you have suffered, and under the effects of which you still labor; and I am fully persuaded that no consideration would lead you to relinquish the command vested in you by the government of our country, but a thorough conviction that your retaining it when unable to perform the duties inseparable from the station, would be injurious to the cause in which we are engaged; and I am also persuaded that when such conviction arises, all personal considerations will yield to your patriotism. I have maturely considered the several points mentioned in your letter, relative to a negotiation with the bashaw of Tripoli; and upon a view of my instructions from the government of the United States on that subject, I conceive it my duty to endeavor to open and bring to a happy issue a negotiation for peace, consistent with the tenor of these instructions, whenever the commander of our naval force in this sea, shall judge that the occasion is proper and favorable; as it is presumed that the bashaw will be impressed by the aspect or operations of that force, and as this is in your opinion a proper occasion, I shall hold myself in readiness to proceed in a few days on that business, with captain Barron, in the United States' frigate Essex, which you are so good as to say will wait my arrangements.
I presume as captain Rodgers, who is your second in command, and who will of course take the command of the squadron, if your health, as you apprehend, should compel you to relinquish it, is now off Tripoli, and may be possessed of some information relative to our affairs with that regency, which has not reached you, that he will be fully advised of the motives which have induced this measure, and instructed to give it all the facility which his judgment may suggest.
Although I cannot, sir, agree with you in opinion, that any impression favorable to us has been made on the mind of the bashaw from our co-operation with his brother thus far, excepting what may arise from the undaunted bravery and perseverance of the force of our countrymen at Derne, which will be to him a further proof of what we can do alone against him; yet I am of opinion that as he discovered a disposition to open a negotiation, we should embrace it, to see if such terms can be made as are admissible on our part, and to release our unfortunate countrymen out of his power, whose fate ought not to depend on small punctilios.
(To be continued.)
Extract of a letter from the secretary of State, to James Monroe, Esq. dated 5th January, 1804, relative to impressments.
We consider a neutral flag, on the high seas, as a safe-guard to those sailing under it. Great Britain, on the contrary, asserts a right to search for, and seize her own subjects; and under that cover, as cannot but happen, are often seized and taken off, citizens of the United States, and citizens or subjects of other, neutral countries, navigating the high seas, under the protection of the American flag.
Were the right of Great Britain, in this case, not denied, the abuses flowing from it would justify the United States in claiming and expecting a discontinuance of its exercise. But the right is denied, and on the best grounds.
Although Great Britain has not yet adopted, in the same latitude with most other nations, the immunities of a neutral flag, she will not deny the general freedom of the high seas, and of neutral vessels navigating them, with such exceptions only as are annexed to it by the law of nations. She must produce then such an exception in the law of nations,
in favor of the right she contends for. But in what written and received authority will she find it? In what usage except her own, will it be found? She will find in both, that a neutral vessel does not protect certain objects denominated contraband of war, including enemies serving in the war, nor articles going into a blockaded port, nor, as she has maintained, and as we have not contested, enemy's property of any kind. But no where will she find an exception to this freedom of the seas, and of neutral flags, which justifies the taking away of any person, not an enemy, in military service, found on board a neutral vessel.
If treaties, British as well as others, are to be consulted on this subject, it will equally appear, that no countenance to the practice can be found in them. Whilst they admit a contraband of war, by enumerating its articles, and the effect of a real blockade by defining it, in no instance do they affirm or imply a right in any sovereign to enforce his claims to the allegiance of his subjects, on board neutral vessels on the high seas. On the contrary whenever a belligerent claim against persons on board a neutral vessel, is referred to in treaties, enemies in military service alone are excepted from the general immunity of persons in that situation; and this exception confirms the immunity of those who are not included in it.
It is not then from the law or the usage of nations, nor from the tenor of treaties, that any sanction can be derived for the practice in question. And surely it will not be pretended that the sovereignty of any nation extends, in any case whatever beyond its own dominions, and its own vessels on the high seas. Such a doctrine would give us claim to all nations, and more than any thing would countenance the imputation of aspiring to a universal empire of the seas. It would be the less admissible too, as it would be applicable to times of peace, as well as to times of war, and to property as well as to persons.
If the law of allegiance, which is a municipal law, be in force at all on the high seas, on board foreign vessels, it must be so at all times there, as it is within its acknowledged sphere. If the reason alleged for it be good in time of war, namely, that the sovereign has then a right to the service of all his subjects, it must be good at all times, because at all times he has the same right to their service. War is not the only occasion for which he may want their services, nor is external danger the only danger against which their services may be required, for his security.
Again, if the authority of a municipal law can operate on persons in foreign vessels on the high seas, because within the dominion of their sovereign they would be subject to that law, and are violating the law by being in that situation how reject the inference that the authority of a municipal law may equally be enforced, on board foreign vessels, on the high seas, against articles of property exported in violation of such a law, or belonging to the country from which it was exported? And thus every commercial regulation, in time of peace too, as well as of war, would be made obligatory on foreigners and their vessels, not only whilst within the dominions of the sovereign making the regulation, but in every sea, and at every distance where an armed vessel might meet with them. Another inference deserves attention. If the subjects of one sovereign may be taken by force from the vessels of another, on the high seas, the right of taking them when found, implies the right of searching for them: a vexation of commerce, especially in time of peace, which has not yet been attempted, and which for that as well as other reasons, may be regarded as contradicting the principle from which it would flow.
Taking reason and justice for the tests of this practice, it is peculiarly indefensible; because it deprives the dearest rights of persons of a regular trial, to which the most inconsiderable article of property captured on the high seas, is entitled; and leaves their destiny to the will of an officer, sometimes cruel, often ignorant, and generally interested by his want of mariners, in his own decisions. Whenever property found in a neutral vessel, is supposed to be liable on any grounds to capture and condemnation, the rule in all cases is that the question shall not be decided by the captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be had, and where the captor himself is liable to damages, for an abuse of his power. Can it be reasonable then, or just, that a belligerent commander who is thus restricted, and thus responsible in a cause of mere property of trivial amount should be permitted, without recurring to any tribunal whatever, to examine the crew of a neutral vessel, to decide the important question of their respective allegiances and to carry that decision into instant execution, by forcing every individual he may chuse into a service abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from his most tender
connections, exposing his mind and his person to the most humiliating discipline, and his life itself to the greatest dangers? Reason, justice and humanity unite in protesting against so extravagant a proceeding. And what is the pretext for it? It is that the similarity of language and of features between American citizens and British subjects, are such as not easily to be distinguished; and that without this arbitrary and summary authority to make the distinction, British subjects would escape, under the name of American citizens, from the duty which they owe to their sovereign. Is then the difficulty of distinguishing a mariner of one country from the mariner of the other, and the importance of his services, a good plea for referring the question whether he belongs to the one or to the other, to an arbitrary decision on the spot, by an interested and irresponsible officer? In all other cases, the difficulty and the importance of question are considered as reasons for requiring greater care and formality in investigating them, & greater security for a right decision on them. To say that precautions of this sort are incompatible with the object, is to admit that the object is unjustifiable, since the only means by which it can be pursued are such as cannot be justified.
The evil takes a deeper die, when viewed in its practice as well as its principles. Were it allowable that British subjects should be taken out of American vessels on the high seas, it might at least be required that the proof of their allegiance should lie on the British side. This obvious and just rule is, however, reversed; and every seaman on board, though going from an American port, and sailing under the American flag, and sometimes even speaking an idiom proving him not to be a British subject, is presumed to be such, unless shewn to be an American citizen. It may safely be affirmed that this is an outrage and an indignity which has no precedent, and which Great Britain would be among the last nations in the world to suffer, if offered to her own subjects, and her own flag. Nor is it always against the right presumption alone, which is in favor of the citizenship corresponding with the flag, that the violence is committed. Not unfrequently it takes place in defiance of the most positive proof, certified in due form by an American officer. Let it not be said, that in granting to American seamen this protection for their rights as such, the point is yielded, that the proof lies on the American side, and that the want of it in the prescribed form justifies the inference that the seamen is not of American allegiance. It is distinctly to be understood, that the certificate usually called a protection to American seamen, is not meant to protect them under their own, or even any other neutral flag on the high seas. We can never admit, that in such a situation, any other protection is required for them, than the neutral flag itself on the high seas. The document is given to prove their real character, in situations to which neither the law of nations, nor the law of their own country, are applicable; in other words, to protect them within the jurisdiction of the British law, and to secure to them, within every other jurisdiction, the rights and immunities due to them. If in the course of their navigation even on the high seas, the document should have the effect of repelling wrongs of any sort, it is an incidental advantage only, of which they avail themselves, and is by no means to be misconstrued into a right to exact such a proof, or to make any disadvantageous interference from the want of it.
Were it even admitted that certificates for protection might be justly required in time of war, from American seamen, they could only be required in cases where the lapse of time from its commencement, had given an opportunity for the American seamen to provide themselves with such a document. Yet it is certain that in a variety of instances seamen have been impressed from American vessels, on the plea that they had not this proof of citizenship, when the dates and places of the impressments demonstrated the impossibility of their knowing in time to provide the proof, that a state of war had rendered it necessary.
Whether therefore we consult the law of nations, the tenor of treaties, or the dictates of reason and justice, no warrant, no pretext can be found for the British practice of making impressments from American vessels on the high seas.
Great Britain has the less to say in excuse for this practice, as it is in direct contradiction to the principles on which she proceeds in other cases. Whilst she claims and seizes on the high seas, her own subjects voluntarily serving in American vessels, she has constantly given, when she could give, as a reason for not discharging from her service American citizens, that they voluntarily engaged in it. Nay, more, whilst she impresses her own subjects from the American service,

Although they may have been settled and married, and even naturalised in the U. States, she constantly refuses to release from her's American citizens impressed into it, whenever she can give for a reason, that they were either settled or married within her dominions. Thus, when the voluntary consent of the individual favors her pretensions, she pleads the validity of that consent. When the voluntary consent of the individual stands in the way of her pretensions, it goes for nothing! When marriage or residence can be pleaded in her favor, she avails herself of the plea. When marriage and residence, and even naturalization are against her, no respect whatever is paid to either! She takes by force her own subjects, voluntarily serving in our vessels. She keeps by force American citizens, involuntarily serving in her's. More flagrant inconsistencies cannot be imagined.
Notwithstanding the powerful motives which ought to be felt by the British government to relinquish a practice which exposes it to so many reproaches, it is foreseen that objections of different sorts will be pressed on you—You will be told first, of the great number of British seamen in the American trade, and of the necessity for their services in time of war and danger. Secondly, of the right and the prejudice of the British nation, with respect to what are called the British or narrow seas, where its dominion would be abandoned by the general stipulation required. Thirdly, of the use which would be made of such a sanction as that of American vessels, for desertions, and traitorous communications to her enemies, especially across the channel to France.
1st. With respect to the British seamen serving in our trade, it may be remarked, first, that the number, though considerable, is probably less than may be supposed. Secondly, that what is wrong in itself cannot be made right by consideration of expediency or advantage. Thirdly, that it is proved by the fact, that the number of real British subjects gained by the practice in requisition, is of considerable importance, even in the scale of advantage. The annexed report to congress on the subject of impressments, with the addition of such cases as may be in the hands of Mr Erving, will verify the remark in its application to the present war.—The statement made by his predecessor during the last war, and which is also annexed, is in the same view still more conclusive. The statement comprehends not only all the applications made by him in the first instance, for the liberation of impressed seamen, between the month of June, 1797, and Sept. 1801, but many also which had been made previous to his agency, by Mr Pockney and Mr King, and which it was necessary for him to renew. These applications therefore may fairly be considered as embracing the greater part of the period of the war; and as applications are known to be pretty indiscriminately made, they may further be considered as embracing, if not the whole, the far greater part of the impressments, those of British subjects as well as others. Yet the result exhibits 2,059 cases only, and of this number 102 seamen only, detained as being British subjects, which is less than 1-20 of the number impressed, and 1,142 discharged or ordered to be so, as not being British subjects, which is more than half of the whole number—leaving 803 for further proof, with the strongest presumption that the greater part, if not the whole, were Americans or other aliens, whose proof of citizenship had been lost or destroyed, or whose situation would account for the difficulties and delays in producing it. So that it is certain that of all the British seamen gained by this violent proceeding, more than an equal number who were not so were the victims; it is highly probable that for every British seaman so gained, a number of others, less than ten for one, must have been the victims, and it is even possible that this number may have exceeded the proportion of twenty to one.
It cannot therefore be doubted, that the requisition of British seamen by these impressments, whatever may be its advantage, is lost in the wrong done to Americans ignorantly or wilfully mistaken for British subjects, in the jealousy and ill will excited among all the maritime nations by an adherence to such a practice, and in the particular provocation to measures of redress on the part of the United States, not less disagreeable to them than embarrassing to Great Britain, and which may threaten the good understanding which ought to be faithfully cultivated by both. The copy of a bill bro't into congress under the influence of violations committed on our flag, gives force to this latter consideration. Whether it will pass into a law and at the present session, is more than can yet be said. As there is every reason to believe that it has been proposed with reluctance, it will probably not be put into effect, if any hope can be supported of a remedy by an amicable arrangement between the two nations.
There is a further consideration which ought to have weight in this question. Although the British seamen employed in carrying on American commerce, be in some respects lost to their own nation, yet such is the intimate and extensive connexion of this commerce, direct and circuitous, with the commerce, the manufactures, revenue, and the general resources of the British nation that in other respects, its mariners on board American
vessels, may only be said to be rendering the most valuable services. It would not be extravagant to make a question, whether Great Britain would not suffer more by withdrawing her seamen from the merchant vessels of the U. S. than her enemies would suffer from the addition of them to the crews of her ships of war and cruizers.
Should any difficulty be started concerning seamen born within the British dominions, and naturalized by the U. S. since the treaty of 1783, you may remove it by observing: First, that very few if any such naturalizations can take place, the law here requiring a preparatory residence of five years, with notice of the intention to become a citizen entered on record two years before the last necessary formality, besides a regular proof of good moral character, conditions little likely to be complied with by ordinary seafaring persons. Secondly, that a discontinuance of impressments on the high seas will preclude an actual coalition between the interfering claims. Within the jurisdiction of each nation, and their respective vessels on the high seas, each will enforce the allegiance which it claims. In other situations the individuals doubly claimed, will be within a jurisdiction independent of both nations.
Secondly, The British pretensions to dominion over the narrow seas are so obsolete and so indefensible, that they never would have occurred as a probable objection in this case, if they had not actually frustrated an arrangement settled by Mr. King with the British ministry on the subject of impressments from American vessels on the high seas. At the moment when the articles were expected to be signed, and an exception of the narrow seas was urged and insisted on by Lord St. Vincent; and being utterly inadmissible on our part, the negotiation was abandoned.
The objection in itself has certainly not the slightest foundation. The time has been, indeed, when England not only claimed, but exercised pretensions scarcely inferior to full sovereignty over the seas surrounding the British isles, and even as far as Cape Finisterre to the south, and Van Staten in Norway, to the north. It was a time, however, when reason had little share in determining the law, and the intercourse of nations; when power alone decided questions of right, and when the ignorance and want of concert among other maritime countries facilitated such an usurpation. The progress of civilization and information has produced a change in all these respects, and no principle in the code of public law is at present better established, than the common freedom of the seas beyond a very limited distance from the territories washed by them. This distance is not, indeed, fixed with absolute precision. It is varied in a small degree by written authorities, and perhaps it may be reasonably varied in some degree by local peculiarities. But the greatest distance which would now be listened to any where, would make a small proportion of the narrowest part of the narrowest seas in question.
What are, in fact, the prerogatives claimed and exercised by Great Britain over these seas? If they were really a part of her domain, her authority would be the same there, as within her other domain. Foreign vessels would be subject to all the laws and regulations framed for them, as much as if they were within the harbors or rivers of the country. Nothing of this sort is pretended. Nothing of this sort would be tolerated. The only instances in which these seas are distinguished from other seas, or in which Great Britain enjoys within them, any distinction over other nations, are first, the compliment paid by other flags to hers. Secondly, the extension of her territorial jurisdiction in certain cases to the distance of four leagues from the coast.—This first is a relic of ancient usurpation, which has thus long escaped the correction which modern and more enlightened times have applied to other usurpations. The prerogative has been often contested, however, even at the expense of bloody wars, and is still borne with ill will and impatience by her neighbors. At the last treaty of peace at Amiens, the abolition of it was repeatedly and strongly pressed by France; and it is not improbable that at no remote day it will follow the fate of the title of "King of France," so long worn by the British monarchs, and at length so properly sacrificed to the lessons of a magnanimous wisdom. As far as this homage to the British flag has any foundation at present, it rests merely on long usage and long acquaintance, which are construed, as in a few other cases of maritime claims into the effect of a general though tacit convention. The second instance is the extension of the territorial jurisdiction to four leagues from the shore. This, too, as far as the distance may exceed that which is generally allowed, rests on a like foundation, strengthened perhaps, by the local facility of smuggling, and the peculiar interest which Great Britain has in preventing a practice of affecting so deeply her whole system of revenue, commerce and manufactures; whilst the limitation itself to 4 leagues necessarily implies that beyond that distance no territorial jurisdiction is assumed.
But whatever may be the origin or the value of these prerogatives over foreign flags in one case, and within a limited portion of these seas in another, it is obvious that neither of them will be violated by the exemption of American vessels
from impressments which are no wise connected with either; having never been made on the pretext either of withholding the wonted homage to the British flag or of smuggling in defiance of British laws.
This extension of the British law to four leagues from the shore, is inferred from an act of parliament passed in the year 1726 (9 G. 2 c. 35) the term of which comprehend all vessels foreign as well as British. It is possible however, that the former are constructively exempted. Should your enquiries ascertain this to be the case you will find yourself on better ground than the concession here made.
With respect to the compliment paid to the British flag, it is also possible that more is here conceded than you may find to be necessary. After the peace of 1783 this compliment was peremptorily withheld by France, in spite of the remonstrances of Great Britain; and it remains for your enquiry, whether it did not continue to be refused, notwithstanding the failure at Amiens to obtain from Great Britain a formal renunciation of the claim.
From every view of the subject, it is reasonable to expect that the exception of the narrow seas, from the stipulation against impressments, will not be inflexibly maintained. Should it be so, your negotiation will be at an end. The truth is, that so great a proportion of our trade direct and circuitous, passes through those channels, and such is its peculiar exposure in them to the wrong practised, that with such exception any remedy would be very partial. And we can never consent to purchase a partial remedy, by confirming a general evil and by subjecting ourselves to our own reproaches, as well as to those of other nations.
Third. It appears as well by a letter from Mr. Thornton, in answer to one from me, of both which copies are enclosed, as from conversations with Mr. Merry, that the facility which would be given, particularly in the British channel, by the immunity claimed for American vessels, to the escape of traitors, and the desertion of others whose services in time of war may be particularly important to an enemy, forms one of the pleas for the British practice of examining American crews, and will be one of the objections to a formal relinquishment of it.
This plea, like all others admits a solid and satisfactory reply. In the first place, if it could prevail at all against the neutral claim, it would authorise the seizure of the persons described only, and in vessels bound to a hostile country only; whereas the practice of impressing is applied to persons, few or any of whom are alleged to be of either description, and to vessels whithersoever bound, even to Great Britain herself. In the next place, it is not only a preference of a smaller object on one side to a greater object on the other; but a sacrifice of right on one to expediency on the other side.
The following letters are given in the Philadelphia Gazette of the 14th inst. Those of the Marquis Yrujo are of too unique a character to be omitted, if they display traits of diplomacy, which, we believe, are without parallel. It would be altogether a work of supererogation to say a word in reprobation either of the substance or the style of these productions. If the public prints, of all parties and of every complexion, are considered as criteria of public opinion, the department of the Marquis has lost him not only the confidence of the government, but the respect and esteem of every American, who feels a proper respect for himself or his government.—Nat. Intel.
No. I. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, January 15th, 1806. SIR—In consequence of the just objections which your conduct had furnished against your countenance here, as the organ of communication on the part of his catholic majesty, it was signified at Madrid in the month of April last, thro' the mission of the United States there, that the substitution of another was desired by the president.
In reply it was intimated by Mr. Cevallos, that as you had yourself expressed a wish and obtained permission to return to Spain, the purpose might be accomplished without the necessity of a recal, and that such a change in the mode would be agreeable to your government; in a spirit of conciliation the arrangement proposed by Mr. Cevallos was admitted: and it was not doubted, that it would without delay have been carried into effect. It is seen therefore not without surprise, that at this late day, you should have repaired to the seat of government, as if nothing had occurred, rendering such a step improper. Under these circumstances, the president has charged me to signify to you, that your remaining at this place is dissatisfactory to him, and although he cannot permit himself to insist on your departure from the United States during an inclement season, he expects it will not be unnecessarily postponed, after this obstacle has ceased.
I am charged by the president, at the same time, to let it be fully understood that the considerations which have led to this explanation, being altogether personal, they are perfectly consistent with the ready admission of a successor, and which can be due to whatever communications his catholic majesty may please to make, with a view to cultivate harmony and friendship between the two nations.
I have the honor to be, sir, with due consideration and respect, your most obedient servant.
(Signed) JAMES MADISON. The Marquis de Casa Yrujo.
No. II.—[Translation.] Washington, Jan. 16, 1805.
SIR, I have just received your letter of yesterday in which you are pleased to tell me, that from the President of the United States' having solicited my recal in Madrid, in the month of April last, he has heard with surprise my arrival in this city, the residence of government, and that he thinks this step of mine improper, adding at the same time, that my stay here would be dissatisfactory to him. As the object of my journey is not with the view to hatch plots, to excite conspiracies, or to promote any attempt whatever against the government of the United States, and as hitherto I have not, either directly or indirectly, committed acts of a similar tendency, which alone would justify the tenor and object of your letter; to which I reply, my arrival here is an innocent and legal act, which leaves me in the full enjoyment of my rights and privileges, both as a public character or as a private individual. Making use therefore, of these rights and privileges, I intend remaining in this city, four miles square, in which the government resides, long as it may suit the interest of the king my master, or my own personal convenience; I must at the same time add, that I shall not lose sight of these two circumstances, as respects the period and season in which our mutual desires for my departure from the United States are to be accomplished.
In regard to the objections which this government, in its wisdom, is pleased to call just, respecting the demand of my recal, I shall take the liberty of observing, that although this government no doubt have had their reasons to solicit it, they hitherto have forgotten to communicate them to mine; for Mr. Monroe's official letter to Mr. Cevallos on this subject merely contains vague, undetermined, general assertions, destitute of any proof whatever. It is true, that he alludes to an attempt of mine to bribe a citizen of the United States; but it is equally so that this assertion of government is grounded on a reference to a testimony already proved incorrect, I may without wounding the feelings of, or be wanting in that respect which I owe this administration, permit myself to call it false and calumnious.
Independent of that, in the letter I had the honor of writing to you, sir, early in Sept. 1804, in which this business was completely and satisfactorily explained if in fact the editor of the Commercial Register could ever be considered as an organ of truth, what would the American people think of their chief magistrate, of the heads of the departments and of the acts of this administration?
It is not my intention to endeavor to change by this explanation, the disposition of this government towards my person; my object is solely to fulfil the duty my situation imposes upon me, of again repelling an imputation which is as improbable in itself as it is calumnious against both my public and private character.
I shall therefore, sir, communicate your letter of yesterday, to my government: I shall also inform it of my answer thereto; and whenever, by order of the king my master, I am to return to Spain, I shall quit the United States with sentiments of affection towards a virtuous people, in whose bosom I have lived ten years, with the intimate testimony of having never committed any grounded offence against their government; and above all, with the consoling satisfaction of having employed all my zeal and feeble talents in defence of the rights of the best of kings.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c. El Marquis de Casa Yrujo. James Madison, Esq.
No. III.—[Translation.] Washington, Jan. 19, 1806.
SIR, Having gone through the personal explanations, which for just motives I was compelled to enter into in my first answer to your letter of the 15th inst. I must now inform you, sir, what otherwise would then have constituted my sole reply; namely, that the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his catholic majesty near the U. States, receives no orders except from his sovereign. I must also declare to you, sir, that I consider both the style & tenor of your letter as indecorous, and its object an infraction of the privileges attached to my public character. This violation of the diplomatic rights and privileges, as inexplicable in itself as it is ill grounded, requires on my part the most solemn protest against your said letter, its style, and the intent with which it was addressed to me. I do therefore protest in the most solemn manner I possibly can against this improper step of yours, sir; a step, which, under the existing circumstances, is as contrary to the diplomatic laws and usages, as it is to the spirit of the constitution and government of this country; and in order that your conduct, sir, in this case, may not in any manner affect the privileges of the body to which I have the honor to belong, I shall immediately transmit to the other members thereof accredited near the U. States, a copy of your said letter, of my first answer and of this my protest, that on their part they make proper use thereof, and also that it may always appear that if there has existed, on the part of this administration an arbitrary determination to violate the rights of embassy
respected by every civilized nation, there did also exist in me the just resolution of repelling every similar attempt.
I have the honor to be, &c. The Marquis de Casa Yrujo. James Madison, Esq.
NEW YORK, Feb. 15.
Latest foreign news. —In addition to the articles furnished by the Charleston papers received at this office, we have to add, that the London Courier of the 19th December is received in this city, stating that, in consequence of the shipwreck of the Messenger from lord Harrowby, his dispatches had come to hand. A Hamburg mail, however, was received on the 19th, confirming the account of the Austro-Russian victory, and detailing a few additional particulars. It is stated, that on the 2d of December nothing decisive was accomplished; but the centre of the Russian army gave way—that on the 3d and 4th the Russian forces renewed the engagement with much spirit and with considerable success; and that on the 5th the allied armies rushed forward to attack with redoubled vigor; the action was carried on principally at the point of the bayonet and the sabre: Alexander, of Russia, on this memorable morning, rode in front of his embattled ranks, (exposed to the cannon of the French) inspiring his armies, and proclaiming—"This day I will triumph over the enemy, or perish on the field of battle"—and that on this day the combined armies were successful at all points. Since preparing the above, we have received the following:
From the London Courier of December 19th.
BRILLIANT VICTORY OVER THE FRENCH.
The Hamburg mail due yesterday, arrived this morning, and has brought us, what was to be expected, intelligence of the utmost importance.
We congratulate the country upon the confirmation of the account of the defeat of the French on the second; and we have the further satisfaction to announce, that they have experienced another, and more—much more decisive defeat.
The allies, who have been successful on the right wing, on the 2d Dec. and had not been driven further from the field of battle, in the centre, having, as we have heard recovered the effects of a mistake of a very good general, now again advanced upon the enemy.—This was the best proof, that, though the events of the preceding day had been against them, they did not feel themselves to be decisively defeated.—They advanced on the morning of the 3d, against the enemy, without artillery! Hence the battle soon became a contest of the bayonet alone! As the allies advanced, the emperor Alexander, the bravest of heroes, rode through the ranks of the Russians, though exposed to a heavy fire from the French, encouraging them in the most gallant & enthusiastic manner, calling out constantly that it must be victory or death! as he was determined not to quit the field vanquished, and to die on the spot rather than yield. This conduct raised the enthusiasm of his men to the highest pitch, to desperation even; they advanced upon the French under a heavy and a galling fire, they themselves scarcely discharging a musket. They soon brought the enemy to close quarters with the bayonet; the bayonet and sabre were now alone used; & Mr Kaye, the messenger, appears to have spoken with perfect truth when he said he went on the morning of the 3d, near the field of battle to try if he could see what was going forward: that he heard shouting and huzzing, but scarcely a musket fired; that it was but now and then he heard the report of any piece.
In this way, the bayonet and sabre alone used, the battle lasted all the morning of the 3d:—most deadly was the struggle. The Russians might fail, but not a man of them would give way. At this mode of fighting they are not only more expert than the French, but they are better fitted for it by that enthusiasm & devotion, when inspired by a great leader, which makes them rather yield their lives to the last man than give way.—The struggle with the bayonet lasted in the most murderous manner till noon, when the French gave way, & their main body was totally routed. Victory now declared for the allies; but still the French contested the ground. The battle continued during the remainder of the 3d; it was renewed on the 4th; and it was not finished till the 5th, when the French were ultimately defeated in all quarters; the allies recovered all their artillery; made considerable captures from the enemy, & finally drove the whole of the French troops beyond the river Schwartzach, behind which they were forced to fly for protection. Bonaparte renewed, and renewed and renewed the battle in vain; every stratagem every excitement employed to no effect; he has, for the first time in Europe, met with a grand and decided defeat in a general battle.
The official accounts of these glorious and important events have reached Berlin and Hamburg. Lord Harrowby at the one town, and Mr. Thornton at the other, together with many other persons, had sent over the news. Sir Arthur Paget's dispatches were, it is supposed, forwarded by lord Harrowby by Mr. Donaldson the messenger, who having been shipwrecked, has not brought his dispatches to town. But it is known

that Mr. Donaldson is arrived at Dover, and he is expected to London every minute. In the meantime we can confidently affirm the accounts we have given are correct. Even the Hamburg papers state the news, and that the allies were at Austerlitz, far in advance of the Wischau, and consequently masters not only of the field of battle, but of all the country east of the Swartzbach.
The first column of the Prussian troops has arrived in the environs of Nuremberg; the other columns are following with the utmost rapidity. A few days more will bring them to the seat of war. Augereau is to command the army destined to protect Bonaparte's rear, and act against the Prussians. He is now at Ulm, and his force, it is said, is to be increased to 60,000 men. But long before his reinforcements arrive, the Prussians will be able to strike a decisive blow. The account of the archduke Charles having reached Hungary, is confirmed. Massena is at Laybach.
VIRGINIA ARGUS.
RICHMOND:
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1806.
RICHMOND PRICE CURRENT.
CORRECTED WEEKLY.
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include Tobacco, Wheat, Flour, Corn, Hemp, Iron, Whiskey.
A gentleman of this place, received by last mail, a letter from a member of Congress at Washington, which states, that dispatches had been received the day before from Mr. Monroe at London, stating that the disposition of the Court of St. James, towards this country was much more friendly than heretofore. The respectable source from whence we derive this information, induces us to place much reliance on it, and to insert it with equal confidence and pleasure.
[Norfolk Public Ledger.]
The honorable Aaron Burr, late vice president of the United States, (says the Washington Federalist of Wednesday) arrived at the seat of government on Sunday.
The New York papers mention this gentleman as our minister extraordinary to the Court of St. James, and that he will sail from that port in the U States brig Hornet, capt. Chauncy, immediately.
Col. Burr was on a tour to the south, had arrived at George Town, S.C. on the 30th ult & on the 10th inst he is at Washington. At least this is our information. We therefore think it probable government has selected this gentleman for the mission.
FROM THE AURORA.
HOW STANDS THE ACCOUNT NOW!
How much must we place to the credit of fact?—how much to the credit of stock jobbing?—how much to hope—and how much to despair?—And how much to the merit and zeal of Gazette writers, who earn their bread quantum meruit?
The capture of Vienna is now no longer doubted!
And even the defeat of Massena in Italy is no longer believed!
It is considered as a matter even of proud exultation that the archduke Charles had made a "masterly retreat," that is, he made his escape to Laubach or Laybach—it is astonishing with what facility the princes of modern days make an escape!
Let us see where is Laybach—it is an ominous name, it is as bad as fall back—or run back—or run away!—This is not Laubach, in the Duchy of Simmern on the Upper Rhine, a few miles from Mentz—but Laybach or Laubach, on the river Save, in Carniola—about 25 miles N. E. of Trieste.
N. B. Trieste is in the hands of the French, as well as Goritz and the remains of ancient Aquileia.
It was on the first of November (in the night) that the archduke set out for Laybach; on his masterly retreat, or as they tell us after defeating Massena; this was twelve days before the capture of Vienna. Laybach is about 200 miles from Vienna, which lies in a direction somewhat north of West; and Cracow is about 200 miles further off, a little more westward. It would seem then that the archduke's only safety is to lay back altogether; or to go further back, if he should be pursued; for forward he cannot go; if Massena's advance guard did, as the gazettes say, pursue him thither also.
Meanwhile Augereau has given an account of six or eight thousand of the division of the Austro-Italian army which was penetrating Germany by the frontier of Switzerland; and who fell into Augereau's trap at Bregenz, which is within 6 or seven miles of Lindau, on the Lake of Constance.
Marmont with his flying camp of chas- seurs, voltigeurs, and horse artillery; had scoured the country along the Drave from Clagenfurth to the neighborhood of Graz—his force is at once an army of observation, a foraging party, and a pa- trol, to intercept supplies passing to the army of Italy. Count Merfeldt the se- cond in command it seems had fallen back also, or had steped aside, uncertain whether to make a masterly retreat thro' Istria or Hungary, or neither Austria. But general Soult it appears had on the 10th of November fallen in with Meer- feldt and put him to the route; the ge- neral and count (like the English gene- ral and prince, and the Austrian prince generals) made a masterly retreat accom- panied by a single officer of Huians.
The general archduke John also made a most masterly retreat from the Tyro- lese; leaving 1200 sick and wounded, and 16,000 muskets to the care of the French general Ney.
This is the age of retreats; the march- es of major Stargen were never ludicrous, and because there was no joke intended "from Brentford to Elin, from Elin to Afton, from Afton to Uxbridge;" from Mun- nich to Vienna, from Vienna to Znaym, from Znaym to Brunn, from Brunn to Troppau, from Troppau to Cracow; this is the route of the German emperor; a masterly retreat indeed!
But "so! so!" says the English Ga- zette Royal and extraordinary of the 18th December—there is the battle of Wischau in Moravia—27,000 French killed—all their artillery taken—Bonaparte wounded in the sword arm—two horses and 2 aid de-camps killed under him—and that he retreated afterwards and proposed an armistice.
This is the sum of the news of the offi- cial bulletin: and we should not be sur- prized to hear of an illumination and tower guns being fired, and a general fast, on the occasion: we recollect, there was a general illumination, and the tower and park guns were once fired, on the joyful and pious occasion, of Bonaparte's assass- ination in Egypt.
Like the defeat of Massena it did not turn out to be true: but it served the pur- pose: it kept John Bull in sulky quiet- ness—promoted the minister's finance: and stock jobbing: we should like to know how much Dundas made by it.
But let us see this terrible affair at Wis- chaw.
The English papers, (which of course are the best authority in the world!) say that the French general Mortier was kil- led and 12,000 of his troops cut to pieces; but the same papers before said his whole army amounted to only 10,000 men; as they were cut up we may presume they counted the pieces. There is precedent for this, in the war of the American re- volution the legs and arms of the Hess- ians were counted: a whole carcass cost forty pounds sterling: a leg or an arm a half or a fourth of that sum: for the prin- ces it was a good pocket money calcu- lation, but for the most pious king in Chris- tendom: the least said about it the less disgusting the subject must be.
However the mortier (like Bonaparte in Egypt) was killed: he was on the 12th (that is the day after his death) alive and in pursuit of the Russians: it appears that Mortier, and Bernadotte, and Milhaud, and Lannes, and Davoust, and Soult's di- visions had advanced to Stockerau, and that they reached Znaym (which is 35 miles from Vienna and 58 from Olmutz, on the 14th of November, as the French call it the 23d Brumaire)—this was three days after the French, as is said, were de- feated; the Russians were making a mas- terly retreat before them—beating the French at running.
We find these victorious high flyers a little fatigued on the 24 Brumaire, (En- glish 15th Nov.) and entering into a ca- pulation with general Belliard, at Hol- labrunn.
The French Emperor had not time to say yea or nay, when the Russians take the moonlight for it, and leave their capi- tulation and the French behind them; & Murat pursued and overtook them on the 26th (17th Nov.) at Gunderdorf 5 miles north of Sonneckburg, 15 S. of Znaym; & a battle took place which lasted the whole day. Here it is said (even in the English prints!) that the Russians made another masterly retreat; this is the age of re- treats!
The emperor of Austria was all this time at Brunn, but as the French were so often defeated at a retreat, it was time for him to out-genera them also; and ac- cordingly he did set out for Troppau, and as that was not far enough, he retreated to Cracow.
Then comes the little Corsican; God help us; how vain and foolish is the ha- bit of calling names! What is the artille- ry of Billingsgate opposed to the artillery of genius! What a satire on boasting & acclamations of feigned victory; when the conquered army are the pursuers and the captors; and the victors find it diffi- cult to escape. When in a few days we find the vanquished army in possession of Brunn on the 19th November; and not only regulating its police but occupying its fortified places. Brunn contains a po- pulation of 120 000; it must be about twice as large as Philadelphia; the manu- factures of iron, steel, glass, cotton, and silk, velvets, and allum, must have fur- nished Bonaparte with many useful things, and many useful hands for his manu- factures in France; for he blends the useful with the horrible in a very uncommon way.
However, he did not stop long at Brunn—but marched by Reskowitz, and Leicko- witz in two columns; and crossing the Zwita—his right marched by Kunitz, and Ruprecht, Pustomecz Koberitz, to Koje- tin, on the right bank of the Morawa; while the left proceeded by Kyrcheim, Williamowitz to Hartmanitz, and threw in- to the defiles of Bohussín, such a force as should keep the Russians in check, who had taken an advantageous position at Wischau with two small rivers in the rear, securing a retreat, in the event of defeat a double intrenchment, while the road to Olmutz from Wischau by Pras- nitz, Karbari, Olschau and Latein lay open, and the Morawa either secured their right flank on a retreat, or afforded them by crossing another more formida- ble event to see.
Olmutz which is about 40 miles N. E. of Olmutz, and on the Oppa river which separates Prussia from Austrian Silesia; it was occupied only for 12 hours by the German emperor, who made a curred re- treat, across Prussia Silesia [a melancholy march] to Cracow about 133 miles.
It would be cruel to deprive people of the only consolations of despair, that of a momentary delusion is too strong to be easily dissipated; but it is proper to give an antidote for that repercuSSION; but of disappointment, which is to follow the English stock-jobbing bulletin, of 18 De- cember.
The composition of that bulletin, bears no one feature of authenticity—the account was a general one—it is sundries debtor to profit and loss, but the amount is not posted; it may be a good spec, or it may reduce the chap's discount. We are told "it appears that a great battle took place"—this was a likely thing, and the favorable position of Wischau, for a mas- terly retreating army, was such as might countenance such an expectation; from the particular circumstance too, that the French were pursuing them; they say again; "the contest seems to have been most obstinate;" this is very probable, for an obstinate resistance presupposes a very impetuous and persevering attack.
"The loss of the French was immense." This is a matter of course; they are such careless people, that they do not go out of the way of shot, and if they will not make a masterly retreat, but will stand to be shot at, why they must be killed.
But the best of all this bulletin is that "the messenger left Olmutz 24 hours af- ter the battle;" and he "relates that it was reported" what was reported? Why he relates that it was reported, that the allied powers lost less than the French!
Now this is all a report of what was re- ported; and every body knows what may be reported!
But Sir Arthur Paget's messenger sends word of the same report: and moreover that Bonaparte proposed an armistice. And this is a new thing?—Did he not pro- pose an armistice when he was appointed first consul? Did he not propose an armis- tice to Austria, before he entered the field?
The measures of this man are not like those of your light heeled prince—he ap- pears destined to reverse every thing, and to turn the stupidity of hereditary go- vernments into ridicule and contempt. He said long ago, that nothing in the present century would resemble the last.
There is a tail paragraph to the bullet- tin that puts it beyond doubt, what the object of the bulletin was—we allude to what relates to the 140,000 Prussians, who are said to be in motion; what kind of motion, perhaps emotion!
There is one circumstance concerning this bulletin that fixes its character—rea- der refer to the introductory paragraph, it is in this paper—there it says on the 18th Dec. as follows—"in our last night's pa- per we noticed," &c. This was said on the evening of the 18th Dec. Then the account goes on—and "in the afternoon (of the 18th) the following official notice was circulated, &c.
Now this little apparently unimportant incident shews the value of the thing—who can doubt, that if on the evening of the 17th the English government had re- ally any news of importance, that it would have remained till the next evening unpub- lished—without tower guns, or illuminati- ons?
The delay would be impolitic if there was good news—the apparent delay shews there was no good news & the making of the news to raise something for a speech—the report of the news has at once served to raise the funds, and the arrival of the messenger, rendering the prospect of peace more remote, depressed the funds—detaining the bulletin till the stock ex- change was shut on the 18th—left full time for deception and stock-jobbing—Had the battle of Wischau been as fatal to Bonaparte as was represented; the con- sumption of candles, & oil, and gunpow- der, and church steeple music, would have been enormous.
As to the remarks upon the bulletin in the English papers, we will not touch them; those who can swallow them, may take jalap without a very face or an emotion.
[Here the Aurora makes some remarks, relative to the arming of the Leander in the port of New- York, and then proceeds as follows:]
To return to Europe—we find in some measure realized occurrences which we have frequently anticipated—the revolt in Poland—the possession of Bavaria to a kingdom, and with the addition of the Suabian portion of the house of Lorraine—the separation of Hungary and even of Bohe- mia, are not impossible things—we have seen an account of an expedition to South America, and the capture of Buenos Ayres on the Rio Pla- ta—let us not be accused of extravagance if we venture to anticipate a consequence of this event—if it should be true that the English have taken Buenos Ayres—then is the fate of PORTUGAL de- termined; and we should not be surprised to find Portugal transferred to Spain and the royal house of Braganza removed to Brazil—in exchange for Portugal, France would request that part of Spain fronting on the Bay of Biscay, from Bay- onne, round Capes Ortgal and Finisterre to the mouth of the Minho; comprehending the hardy Biscayan nation, who inhabit Navarre, Biscay, Asturia, and Galicia, but particularly possessing the important maritime and naval ports and po- sitions of Finisterre, Corunna, Vigo, Ferrol, St. Andero, Bilbao, and St. Sebastian.
The best illustration of the English bulletin per- haps is to be found, in the approach of the session of parliament, which was to meet on the 17th of January. A month's preparation for the king's speech is full little—and as there are loans and taxes to be budgeted, what is wanting of success in the field must be made up in bulletins. The relics of lord Nelson come in good time for the minister—the circumstances of the fu- neral and lying in state must amuse John Bull very commodiously.
From the Baltimore Telegraphic of the 17th instant.
It was never our wish nor intention, to misstate either foreign or domestic occur- rences. We seldom obtrude our own observations on our readers, nor often speculate on the great events that are pass- ing in our day on the theatre of Eu- rope—but simply content ourselves with extracting news as we find it, and al- ways cherishing a hope, that whatever may be the jarring of foreign crowned heads; whatever quantity of human blood they may spill, America will ultimately be a gainer by their disputes. If mad ambition only be the motives of Bonapar- te's wars, we wish him disappointment in the extreme. If, on the contrary, he fights for more equal rights on the ocean, which ought to be equally free to all na- tions, we from our hearts wish him to es- tablish the freedom of the Seas.—This is, in short, our creed with regard to the contending powers in Europe. In fact, it is folly in the extreme for American printers of newspapers to avoid revealing or attempt disguising the truth—because it never fails to happen, that in a few days the truth must come to light; and whatever may be our private opinions, it can make no alteration in the great e- vents that have passed, or are about pass- ing before our eyes. Neither king George, nor any of the continental em- perors, value our individual opinion, nor the aggregate opinion of all the people of America, a rush. Friends and neigh- bors, therefore, should carefully guard a- gainst disputes and quarrels with each o- ther concerning foreign affairs, which they cannot regulate as they wish, and a- bout which they should feel no other anxiety but what arises from a regard to the peace, tranquility, and happiness of our own country. Those few observations present themselves, from observing that our statement of European news on Sa- turday, is contravened by our brother editors, Messrs. Yandl and Brown. We can, however, produce a respectable citi- zen, who will declare upon oath, if neces- sary, that captain Adams said in the Cus- tom House, that he had seen the accounts of the defeat of the Russians, as set forth in our statement, and that they were read before him, (at either the Swedish or Spanish consul's office in Lis- bon.) We must, therefore, be dischar- ged from any attempt to mislead the pub- lic judgment. Indeed we are much misinformed if Mr. Mathew Brown him- self has not openly declared his belief that captain Adams's account is true. If, therefore, this be Mr. Brown's own op- inion, why take the pains to render our statement erroneous in the public's esti- mation? and the more especially, when perhaps the very next mail will place the matter beyond all contradiction, ei- ther one way or the other!
Richmond Academy Lottery.
SECOND CLASS.
Table with 2 columns: Prize, Numbers. Prizes of 100 dollars, 50 dollars, 10 dollars, 5 dollars.
William & Mary College Lottery.
TWENTY-FOURTH DAY.
Table with 2 columns: Prize, Numbers. Prizes of 15 dollars, 10 dollars, 5 dollars, 1 dollar.
NOTICE.
I DO hereby forewarn any person or persons from trading or taking an assignment of a Bond executed by me to Charles Matthews of the county of Buckingham, for the sum of two hundred pounds, dated 5th February, 1805, and payable the 25th December, 1806, as the same was given in part purchase of a tract of land, which said Matthews was not possessed of.
Walter Irvine.
New-Canton, 20th Feb. 1806.
STRAYED or stolen, on Monday night last, from the door of Mr Neal Nelson, a BAT HORSE, about six years old, four feet eight or nine inches high, shod all round, paces and gallops well, and trots well in harness—Whoever will deliver the said horse to the sub- scriber in Richmond, shall receive FIVE DOL- LARS reward, and all reasonable charges.
William Nice.
21st February, 1806.
Tickets in the William & Ma- ry Lottery warranted undrawn after the 26th day, for sale at this office.
200 Negroes for Sale.
HAVING so long been delayed disappointed in recovering considerable debts due to me, suspended by the multiplicity of business in, and the present system of our state courts, I find my other resources insuffi- cient to discharge the demands against me (ar- ising from the delinquency of various co-part- nerships and bankruptcy of debtors) so promptly as the necessity of thus claimants requires, and justice demands; in aid of other funds, I have de- termined to dispose of two hundred Slaves, not from any faults they have committed, but as the most expeditious means of satisfying the demands against me: I have therefore authorised and ap- pointed Jacob Myers, George Holman, William Pasteur and Benjamin Mosby, as my agents for this purpose, or any two who can conveniently attend to this business.
DAVID ROSS.
February 19th, 1806.
At the particular request of Mr Ross, and in vir- tue of powers vested in us, we will dispose of
One Hundred Slaves,
At Warminster, on the 13th day of March next and ONE HUNDRED at Lynchburg, on the 19th day of the same month. The slaves are of the first quality, well disposed and used to la- bor, and personally known to most of us. All the infirm and sickly people, are directed to be left to be supported by their master's humanity; we can also safely say, that those people are not exposed to sale for their faults, but under imper- ious circumstances.
One half of the purchase money must be paid down, the balance, payable in twelve months from the day of sale, bearing interest from the date; to be remitted if the principal is punctually paid.
It may well be imagined, that from the cir- cumstances of this sale, punctuality, in payments will be expected, and good security required; as to the first payment, it may be a convenience to people who have not disposed of their crops, or received payment, to procure a note of respecta- bility, negotiable at the bank of Virginia, paya- ble at 60 days; but this note must be approved of by us, previous to the purchase. And a dis- count of ten per cent. will be allowed on the twelve months' instalment, to those who can pay the whole price, or upon so much thereof as may be thought worth receiving.
Jacob Myers, Wm. Pasteur, Ben. Mosby, George Holman.
In pursuance of an act of the General assembly, passed the 24th day of January, 1805, for more effectually preventing obstructions to the passage of ships through the falls of James river—at those concerned are desired to comply with the provisions of said act, or they will be dealt with as the law directs.
JOHN MOODY, Surveyor.
N. B. The owners of fishing scows in James river and its branches above the falls, are referred to the 7th section of the above recited act, wherein they will find it their duty to list their scows with the commissioners of the revenue in the same manner as all other taxable property, under the former pe- nalties; in order to raise sufficient revenue to defray the expenses of carrying this law into effect. J. M.
VIRGINIA: In the Superior Court of Chancery, holders in Richmond.
Between Robert Yancey, and Humphrey Edwards, Appellees. This cause an appeal from a decree of the county court of Louisa, by which an injunc- tion to the judgment in the bill mentioned was made perpetual and the defendants in the county court were condemned to pay the appellee his costs, came on the twelfth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and five, to be heard on a transcript of the record of proceedings of the said county court, and was argued by counsel; on the considera- tion whereof, this court at this time not affirm- ing or reversing the said decree, directed one of the commissioners to examine, state and settle accounts between the appellant, Robert Yancey, and the appellee, giving to the former a credit for the debt and costs recovered from the latter by Thomas Johnson in the action at common law mentioned in the bill, and report the ac- counts to the court, with any matters thought pertinent by himself or required by the parties to be specially stated.
A copy—Teste,
P. TINSLEY, c. c.
Commissioner's Office, Richmond, Feb. 20, 1806.
The parties concerned are desired to take no- tice, that I have appointed Wednesday the twen- ty-sixth day of March next, for carrying into effect the within decretal order, upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with their papers and accounts ready for examination and settlement.
WM. HAY, M. C.
THOR.
THE thorough bred horse THOR, now in high health and vigor; will stand the en- suing season (to commence the first day of March and end the first day of August) at my stable at Tuckahoe, fifteen miles above Richmond; and will be let to mares at fifteen dollars, to be discharged by the payment of ten, if paid within the season; twenty dollars for insur- ance, and five dollars the single leap. In every case, fifty cents to be paid to the groom, and the leap and groom money to be sent with the mare. The pastures are excellent, extensive, and under good enclosures; and every care shall be taken, but I will not be responsible for escapes or acci- dents. Grain will be furnished at the market rates, and boys board at a very moderate price.
THOR is a fine bay, full fifteen hands and a half high, and of great strength and beauty, and rising six years old. His form and his blood (as will appear by the subjoined certificate) entitle him to be ranked with the first horses in the state.
PHILIP ROGERS.
Tuckahoe, 15th Feb. 1806.
PEDIGREE.
I do hereby certify that the horse called Thor, lately the property of Thomas M. Randolph, esq. was foaled my property in the month of May, 1800; and that he was got by the cele- brated horse Diomed; his dam by Old Wiltair; his granddam by Clockfast; his great granddam by Old Partner; his great great granddam by Re- gulus, out of an imported mare.
George M. Skipwith.
Hickory Hill, 13th Feb. 1806.
I GAVE my bond to Arose Knight for £190 11 4, in the year 1804, the amount of which bond I have paid to him, but he neglect- ed as the time to deliver it to me, and it has been since lost or mislaid. The person to whose hands it may have fallen, will please deliver it to George Winston.
24 mo. 22d, 1806.