The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-12-17 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1807.
[No. 65.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER: The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
GERARD BANKS has it in view to establish a NEWS-PAPER, in the city of Richmond, to be published twice a week—the title—THE VIRGINIAN—The Editor has always been attached to Republican systems. The present Administration, in his view, is well calculated to ensure the happiness of the people; and any administration which may succeed, pursuing the same general course, will be supported. Foreign and Domestic details will be noticed. Besides this, the public will, time after time, be apprised of the affairs of the public institutions, and particularly of the course of the Bank; its managers, its influence, its defects and imperfections. The usurpations of this dangerous institution will be noted; the Aristocracy which grows from its management will be exposed. This course will be pursued with a temper and firmness, which will yield neither to the blandishments of office, nor the frowns of power. Stock-Jobbing and Favoritism, Twin Demons, will be arrested whenever they appear.
500 Subscribers at 5 Dollars per annum each, one half in advance, are necessary to the commencement of the Paper.
GERARD BANKS. Richmond, Oct. 30. [epitf]
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST—Is now practicing in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the Teeth to their natural elegance, setting artificial ones so as to be as useful as well as ornamental, plugging the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracting such as are too far gone to be saved. In which operation he makes use of Bruff's Patent Extracting Instrument —which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use.
He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantages derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak.
He has DENTIFRICE of a superior quality, void of corrosive substances, prepared by himself and for sale.
His dwelling is over Mr. Brooke's store in the brick row—A line or servant directed to the said place, will be attended to. Dec. 15—[epitf]
EDUCATION—On the 12th of next January the subscriber intends to open a SCHOOL at the Green Springs, in Louisa county, where boys may be instructed in the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages. It is deemed unnecessary to say any thing of the advantages of the situation which he has selected, as its healthiness and remoteness from every kind of dissipation are well known to most gentlemen of the lower country. No scholars will be admitted, except those who board at the Springs (where a Boarding House will be kept by Col. Morris) by which means, the subscriber will have his pupils immediately under his eye, and be enabled to attend at all times both to their morals and education. The terms will be—Board 28 pounds per annum exclusively of bed and washing—Tuition 10 pounds, one half of each to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county, and addressed to FRANCIS F. MAURY. Dec. 15, 1807.
N. B. The following letters, one from Mr. Carr, and the other from Col. Nicholas (in whose family I have lived three years in the capacity of private tutor) are published as testimonials of my qualifications as a teacher. F. F. M.
Carr's Brook, Nov. 13, 1807.
MY DEAR SIR—I have learned with great pleasure, your intention of opening a school for teaching the dead languages. Although my opinion as to their utility and ornament may be deemed by some absurd, and by others unenlightened; yet my reasons do not yield its assent to any of the arguments which I have heard against them, and until I do, I must be permitted to believe they are both useful and ornamental. Having frequently had an opportunity of being in your school at Warren, it is with great sincerity and truth that I give my feeble testimony in favour of your ability as a teacher, and the excellence of your method of instruction. When I had last the pleasure of seeing you, it seemed to be your intention to open a school at the Green Springs; I do not think you can select a more eligible situation. With best wishes for your success, believe me your friend. P. CARR.
Warren, Nov. 8, 1807.
DEAR SIR—It gives me great pleasure to hear that you intend to establish yourself at the Green Springs. The situation is an admirable one for a large school, it has every thing to recommend it. From three years intimate acquaintance with you, I have the utmost confidence you will give every satisfaction to all who may commit their children to your care. For your diligence and amiable qualities, and for my opinion of your capacity and skill, let the regret I feel at my sons being deprived of your instruction vouch. Accept my most sincere wishes for your success, and assure me that I believe your expectations will be fully answered.
I am Dear Sir: With esteem and regard, Your humble servant, W. C. NICHOLAS. [epitf]
Dec. 15. MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY. The Directors of the Manchester Turnpike Company will attend at James Brook's Tavern in the town of Manchester, on the 31st day of this month, for the purpose of receiving proposals and making contracts for keeping the Road in good repair for one year. Satisfactory security will be required of any person who shall undertake the business, and a few horses and carts may be furnished by the Directors.
JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. Dec. 15. [epitf]
FOR SALE, on the first day of January next—Four likely NEGROES, i. e. a negro man about 24 years of age, who is a valuable Carpenter, two girls and a woman. Also, To Hire on the ensuing year, about 15 likely SLAVES—Enquire at the Office of the Enquirer. Dec. 15. [epitf]
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [epitf]
A TEACHER, who can teach the Latin and French Languages, the English grammatically, Arithmetic and Geography, who wishes a healthy situation in the country, may obtain an advantageous situation upon liberal terms; for further information, any person who wishes employment of that kind, is referred to the Editor of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 15. [epitf]
THE STOCKHOLDERS in the BANK or VIRGINIA are hereby notified, that the General Meeting, for the purpose of electing Directors of the Bank and the several departments for the ensuing year, will be held on Monday the 4th day of January next. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. [law3w]
Dec. 15.
IN CHANCERY. At a quarterly court, continued and held for the county of Prince Edward, November the 17th, 1807. Martha Deshazor, Compts. against Zachariah Rice, Executor of John Deshazor, decd. John Deshazor, Zachariah Rice, guardian of James Deshazor, Martha Deshazor, Susanna Deshazor, Wm. Deshazor, Polly Burgess, lately Polly Deshazor, Elizabeth Paunton, late Elizabeth Deshazor, and John P. Burgess, husband of the said Polly Burgess.
THE defendant William Deshazor, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainant, by her counsel, it is ordered, That the said defendant, William Deshazor, do appear here on the first day of February court next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the Court-House of this county. A Copy. Teste, F. WATKINS, c. c. (Now)
Dec. 4.
ROYSTER & BOHANNON—Have just received a general assortment of GROCERIES, AMONGST WHICH ARE—1200 sacks Liverpool Salt, 10 hds. W. India Rum, 10 do. N. England do., 10 casks Sherry, 10 do. Lisbon, 10 do. Malaga, 3 hds. Teneriffe, 24 hds. Sugar, 14 do. Loaf do., 30 boxes N. Y. Candles, 30 do. best yellow Soap, 100 reams wrapping Paper, 50 do. writing do., Softsoaped Amonds by quantity, 12 boxes Chocolate, 30 crates well assorted Earthen Ware, 12 boxes Glass Ware, consisting of—1 pint Gill, 1/2 pint Gill, 6 pipes F. Brandy, 10 hds. Molasses, 20 cases Whiskey, 10 chests W. Hysom Tea, 10 do. Imperial do., 20 bags Coffee, 1 case Cutlery Ware, well assorted. Powder, Shot, Window Glass assorted, Copperas, L. pepper's Snuff, Gunpowder, 20 boxes Spanish Sarsaparilla, Mustard by box, Nutmegs by quantity. Also—An assortment of Stone Ware; together with a number of other articles, which they will sell low for cash, country produce or good acceptances in town. October 30. [law1w]
HAT & SHOE STORE—The subscriber has lately received a large supply of HATS, of almost every description; and hat Trimmings. A general assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's SHOES. Also, French Brandy in Pipes, Northern Cheese in do. Molded Candles in boxes. A constant supply of Philadelphia best bottled Porter, Ale and Cider. D. J. BURR. Two doors above the Eagle Tavern. (oaw3w)
Nov. 17.
NOTICE—The Co-Partnership of Hobson & St. John, terminated with the 31st day of August last. All those indebted to said concern are requested to come forward without delay and settle their accounts; those having claims against said concern will exhibit them for adjustment. JOHN HOBSON, jun. JOHN ST. JOHN. New-Canton, Oct. 14.
THE subscriber will continue business at the same place on his own account. He has now on hand a general assortment of GOODS, suited to the present and approaching season, which he will sell on moderate terms for cash, produce, or to punctual customers on the usual credit. JOHN HOBSON, jun. Oct. [oaw3w]
TO THE PUBLIC—The subscriber, residing in Lynchburg, has commenced the practice of LAW, in the Hustings Court of that town, the county courts of Campbell, Amherst and Bedford, and the District court of Franklin. Those who may confide their business to his care may depend on his attention. WILLIAM RADFORD. Lynchburg, Nov. 27. (law4w)
IN pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the Nov. term, in the year 1806, we shall expose to public auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned—Two TRACTS, in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres, and the other called Little-Island, containing ten acres, at Goochland Court-House, on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in January, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said Land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal installments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. Wm. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, Wm. MANN, Commissioners. Nov. 16. (oaw2m)
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry. The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN. Nov. 20. (law4w)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, Nov. 7.
Debate on the reference of a memorial from sundry merchants and traders of the city of Philadelphia, praying for a repeal of the non-importation law.
(CONTINUED.)
The Speaker said the question now recurred on the reference to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures. Mr. Rhea (T.) should not have risen again but for the observations of the mover of the reference, (Mr. J. Clay) who understood him to say that the law would not embarrass the merchants. The gentleman had misunderstood him; he did not think it would embarrass any merchants who considered the honor and dignity of the U. States. Mr. R. admitted that he knew nothing of commerce, for he was not a commercial man; but this he knew, that the act prohibited the importation of certain articles, and was passed to support the honor of the U. S. He also knew that the subject matter of the petition, so far as it went to the repeal of the act alluded to, went to lower the dignity of the U. S. and in order to induce an amicable determination, wished them to depart from the ground they had taken. Mr. R. said he would never be one of those who would refuse to consider a petition of a private nature, which did not include a national subject; but this required them to do an act which would derogate from the national honor—If he might refer to British publications, was it not now said that there ought to be a total prohibition of neutral commerce? The petitioners had every reason to suppose that our government was doing every thing which it could do to procure an amicable adjustment of existing differences—Why then bring these forward to impede its operations? Mr. R. felt all possible confidence in the Executive. He believed the instructions which had been sent, though he did not precisely know what they were, were proper and dignified. But the policy of the British government would not admit any principle that would impair her absolute sovereignty of the ocean; and so long as that disposition existed, so long our remonstrances would be unheard, as they were before the revolution. If he mistook not, our remonstrances at that time were thrown under the table. And would gentlemen insist that this petition should be referred, when it might commit the honor of the U. S.? He knew nothing of the petitioners, not even their names; but the subject matter of their petition he abhorred. He had no objection when the proper time came round, to assist in the repeal of the law. When all our differences were settled, then these provisions might be set aside. He hoped the House, in the present situation, would not only hold on the law, but go on still further.
Mr. Sloan rose to say that his sentiments as to this memorial were exactly similar in one respect with those expressed by the gentleman from Virginia. He took with him that the purport of the petition was such as to arouse their feelings and enquiries too. He had no right to arraign the motives of the petitioners, but he had a right to express his opinion of the matter of that or any other petition presented to the House; and he would say he considered it as embracing the interest of G. B. Taking it in this point of view, he thought they should not notice it further than to reject it.
Mr. D. R. Williams felt differently from most gentlemen on this subject. If he could consider its effects as the gentleman from Tennessee had done, he should vote with him; but he could not see how that effect could be produced. If he could conceive that it had originated from a British party in Philadelphia, he should feel differently, but not feeling thus, he hoped he should not be denounced as one of a British party, if he voted in favor of its reference to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures. Giving to this memorial all the importance with which every gentleman had clothed it, he would ask the House to recur to a correct principle guaranteed to the people by the constitution: The right peaceably to petition for a redress of grievances. If they suffered foreign relations to influence them in considering constitutional questions, any corrupt Executive might hereafter turn the very means to their destruction which were guaranteed to them to secure their safety. This was not the day when the right to petition was the most sacred under the constitution; but that day might arrive, and the tendency of such conduct as has been recommended is directly calculated to produce it. Suppose the object of the petitioners was to produce in G. B. the same opinion which the circular letter of the American Commercial Society of Liverpool had in this country; is a contemptuous silence best calculated to defeat the object? I say no. The petition is now in the power of every man interested in its circulation; it ought not to be suffered to go abroad without the antidote accompanying it; refer it then to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, and if there was not talents enough in that committee to send them a Rowland for their Oliver, he trusted there was in this House.
Mr. Fisk considered the right of petitioning in all cases a constitutional right; but he did not consider it necessary at the same time to act on all petitions. This petition had been presented, and he thought the question of considering the petition of more importance than the subject itself involved in it. He was so unfortunate as to conceive that although the language was good, the sentiments it conveyed were improper and disrespectful. He considered them improper as exciting alarm; the petitioners had said they were extremely alarmed from rumor, at the extent of the demands made by our Executive on the British government. Where did they get their information? What these demands were, they had not stated; were rumors to authorise them to come forward in this manner? One object of their petition was the repeal of the non-importation act, because it was necessary for a further adjustment of our differences with G. B. and because it might irritate her? Whence this great respect for G. B.? Was it due to her conduct? Was it due to the impression of our seamen, whom she had retained for 7 years? Was it due to the principle she had interpolated into the law of nations, to the destruction of neutral commerce? Was it due to the blood of Americans which she had spilled, and the outrages committed on our public and other vessels? Is she, said he, entitled to respect from us for these? And yet gentlemen tell us this memorial contains respectful language? They no doubt felt the effects which might result from war, and he also wished for peace to his country; but would never purchase it by stooping to G. B. or any other power. Had not Congress a right to regulate our commerce without consulting her? Had she been so great as to call upon us to repeal this law? These questions needed no answer: he hoped the petition would be rejected.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said he rose with much reluctance to submit to the House a very few remarks, on this subject. The real question now to be decided was, whether the subject of the petition under consideration was such as ought, at this time, to claim the serious deliberation of the House in order to decide on its merits. Was the prayer of it such as they should deliberate about granting? If it was doubtful what the decision on the merits of this petition ought to be, then it should be referred; but if on the first glance of its prominent features, its object was evidently inconsistent with the honor and dignity of the nation; if there could be no doubt with regard to the final decision that ought to be made upon it; this House ought not to refer it to any committee whatever. It was in this point of view he considered this petition. It appeared to him as little less than an insult on the understanding of the House; and when all the facts relating to the subject were taken into consideration, he was convinced the House would be of opinion that this application was, if not a direct, at least an indirect insult on their dignity. It was said, the people had a constitutional right to petition, and that this House ought to hear their petition. This right, he said, was not denied; the petition had been received and read in this House; and the question now was, how it should be disposed of; which must be decided according to the subject matter of the petition, and will in no manner interfere with the right of the people to petition. In this petition, said Mr. C. the petitioners state they are alarmed, in consequence of the high demands made by this government on G. Britain, and that their alarms are increased by public rumor. How, asked Mr. C. do these petitioners know the nature of the demands which have been made? and with what propriety do they state to this House their alarms on account of demands made by government for redress, at a time when the whole nation feel with indignation, the insult which had rendered those demands necessary; but suppose the House should refer this petition; it would be essentially necessary, before they could act on it, or remove those alarms complained of, that they should know what these demands were that occasioned them. They could not decide on the subject without knowing them; and how were they to obtain the information? Negotiations on the subject were now pending; the petitioners could not therefore expect that an enquiry into the nature of those demands would be made by this House, and it would not be consistent with the interest or policy of the nation to make such enquiry, until the result of those negotiations was known. What benefit could therefore result to the petitioners in regard to the pretended ground of their alarms from referring their petition? none. But the object of the petitioners is to obtain a repeal of the non-importation act; and they state as the reasons for wishing this repeal, that the act is calculated to embarrass the merchants of this country and irritate the people and government of G. Britain.
If gentlemen would reflect a moment on this subject, they would be convinced that if the petitioners had paid a proper respect to the interest of their country or the dignity of this House, they would not, at this time, have made this application. The passage of that act was the first step which had been taken by the American government, declaratory of their determination to resist aggressions which had been long continued on their commerce and citizens. It was passed by a very large majority of this House, after a full discussion of its merits. A subsequent session its operation was suspended, and on what ground? On this express ground, which was officially made known to this House—that G. Britain had manifested a friendly disposition towards this country, and that our differences with that nation were in a fair train of amicable adjustment—and even with this information before them, Mr. C. said, they had only suspended the operation of the act, but had not repealed it. This was done with a view to meet in a proper manner, those friendly advances on the part of that nation. Had anything since taken place, calculated to conciliate the affections of this country, or which ought to induce the government to abandon the ground of resistance which they had taken, or shrink from a perseverance in deemed necessary for the attainment of justice—on the contrary had not the conduct of G. Britain, since, been a tissue of aggravated insults? Had not one aggression been committed after another, in regular succession, and with increasing atrocity, until the climax of aggravated injury was completed by the attack on the Chesapeake? Was it necessary to repeat the circumstances of this outrage, which for cowardly arrogance and deliberate insult, exceeded any thing of the kind ever known among civilized nations?—The universal indignation which it excited throughout the union, still remains unabated and would continue to do so while the crime was unatoned for—and yet, under these circumstances, said Mr. C. we are called upon, to retreat from the ground we had previously occupied—to relinquish the only measure of resistance we had taken. After the murder of Pierce, and the still more barbarous murder of his fellow citizens in the Chesapeake, (since the passage of that law, and its suspension) you are called upon to retrace your steps, to decline all resistance—to shrink from the contest—and virtually say to Great-Britain—we feel your chastisement—and we regret that we have taken any step which may irritate your people or govern-
ment. The people of America, said Mr. C. would frown with indignant contempt on a conduct of this kind—and even the people of Great-Britain, if they possessed the spirit of freemen, would feel a contempt for a conduct so pusillanimous, so inconsistent with the dignity of a nation—They could not do otherwise (however they might seem to approve the measure) than despise the meanness of a people, who would make a shew of resistance in defence of their injured rights, and after repeated insults, relinquish the contest, without reparation, and tamely submit to the most aggravated aggressions. If we were to deliberate on pursuing such a conduct—if we express a doubt on the propriety of rejecting with indignation such proposition, we would justly merit and receive the universal execration of the people of America. Mr. C. concluded by declaring his determination to vote against the reference of the petition to any committee—and expressing his hope that such reference would not be agreed to by the House.
Mr. Eppes said, that in voting against the reference of the petition, he should not consider himself as casting a censure on the presenting it, or as violating the right of petitioning which every man possessed. One reason only would influence him in his vote. He did not consider Congress possessed of that information which would enable them to act on any subject relative to our relations with Great-Britain. He thought the House should not depart from a rule which they had laid down, though they had been four weeks in session, and every gentleman felt a sense of the injury received, they were determined not to take any step till they had full information on which to ground their determination. And now because a body of merchants came forward and petitioned for it, should they depart from that rule? It had been said that not referring it would be a disrespect to those who offered it; and the gentlemen from S. C. had said it would be a violation of the constitution. With respect to the petitioners, a petition introduced by them would meet with the same respect from him as if it had been introduced by the most conspicuous member in the House; if a motion had been made by a member to enquire into the propriety of repealing this law, he would in the same manner have voted against referring it. As to the constitutional right of petitioning, when a petition was received and read, the constitution was fulfilled. Whether it should be referred or how otherwise disposed of, remained for members to determine, for which decision they were answerable to their consciences. This objection was fully answered by the precedent in the case of the Yazoo claim, the memorial on which was rejected without a reference. Under these views he should vote against the reference, and in doing so, did not wish to wound the feelings of any member, or consider himself as violating the constitution.
Mr. J. Clay conceived that the constitution, in securing to every citizen of the United States, the right of petitioning, meant that the nature of his petition should be enquired into; but he was neither advocating the petition, nor vindicating the intentions of every man whose name was subscribed to the petition; he only wished that a proper respect might be paid to it. There was no necessity for entering into Executive secrets, or going to the office of the Secretary of state; he merely wished an enquiry into the petition.
Mr. Cook was sorry that so much time had been spent to so little purpose; he conceived the committee of commerce and manufactures had no further information on our political relations than any other part of the House.
Mr. Rhea (T.) said he should always consider sacred the constitutional right of petitioning the legislature on any point; but it was in the power of the legislature to say whether they would give that petition a hearing or not after they had received it.
Mr. Lyon said it was immaterial as to the respectability of the petitioners. He understood what the nature of the petition was, and thought it right that they might make an enquiry; he wished them to have a direct answer, and as quick as possible, by a refusal to refer their petition.
The question was agreed to be taken by yeas and nays.
Mr. Randolph very much regretted that the gentleman from Massachusetts should have attempted to make this a party question; but as the Yeas and Nays were called he was compelled very reluctantly to say a few words upon it.
[Mr. Crowingshield, in explanation said, that he had no idea that anything had dropped from him which went to show that he considered it a party question, for he did not mean so to conder it himself; he did not know the political characters of the petitioners; whether in or out, whether called republicans, or of what other denomination. It ought not to be discussed as a party question, but the question ought to be this: whether in our present delicate situation it were proper to refer it at all? He would not interrupt the gentleman further.
The explanation of the gentleman might have been very satisfactory to himself; but Mr. R. could not comprehend it as such. After what had passed—when his friend from Pennsylvania (Mr. Clay) had been denounced even for presenting the petition; a man whom he would not degrade by a comparison, in point of character, abilities, or patriotism, with his denunciations; it was easy to see the object which gentlemen had in view. The right of petition was an inherent right of the citizen, recognised by the constitution, and during the time that he had held a seat in that House, he remembered but a single case in which the reference of a petition had been refused. It was the Yazoo petition which had been mentioned. What examples had been brought forward, on this occasion, to induce them to reject the petition or our indignant citizens with contempt? The example of that Parliament whose inveterate corruption and stupidity had dismembered the British empire. Had he ever expected to hear the conduct of parliament under lord North's administration towards these then colonies, cited to justify any procedure of that House in relation to its own citizens? That freemen of America had a right to petition, to recommend and advise, not only with respect to the past, but to the future also. If

they did not possess this right, how was the nation to be undeceived if once it should be plunged into error? Suppose a motion had been forwarded in that House for a declaration of war against Britain, would it not be competent to the people to present memorials and remonstrances for or against it? And could any man pretend to say that the national welfare and dignity would be less involved in such a case, than in a proposition to repeal that thing of shreds and patches, the non-importation law, which to this hour had never been put into operation. The consideration of a memorial is one thing, compliance is another. The suggestion of the gentleman from S.C. (Mr. D. R. Williams) was unanswerable. If the petition is unreasonable, if it requires what it would be impolitic and undignified in them to grant, let its weakness be exposed in a well drawn, masterly report which might receive the sanction of the house. Would not this be more dignified in reality, as well as more satisfactory to all parties than to slap the doors in the petitioner's faces, affecting the airs of Asiatic monarchs, refusing to listen to the prayers of their subjects, for subjects he must be allowed to call them, if the House persisted to treat them as such. On the eve of a foreign war, they were treading in the footsteps of the British ministry at the commencement of our revolutionary struggle, and of the war with France, which was suspended by the truce of Amiens, turning a deaf ear to the prayers of their own people. The British parliament would not listen to petitions against the war. The commanding eloquence of Mr. Fox himself could not obtain a hearing—he was obliged to quit the House of Commons. What followed?—On the verge of the grave, he was called, by the unanimous voice of his country, to repair, if possible, those mischiefs against which he had vainly protested, and which he had fruitlessly labored to avert.
Mr. R. denied as far as his understanding enabled him to comprehend its drift, that there was any thing in the petition derogatory to the dignity of the House. "They mean not to intimate a wish for disclosures incompatible with the due reserve of government, but candidly to present to its view their difficulties and embarrassments." They also told the House, "that although in the event of war, as individuals, they must be deeply affected, they have not a wish that considerations of private interest should induce a sacrifice of national honor and independence." What more could they say? And what did the gentleman consider as the basis of the national dignity and honor? The non-importation act, a thing at this time so contemptible, that were a proposition made for its repeal he would hardly give himself the trouble to vote for or against it. Did the non-importation law constitute all their preparation for a war with G. Britain? It was idle to attach any importance to it. But make what they could of it, less than the constitution, the citizens had a right to petition for its repeal, or modification, and Congress, if they did their duty, would take their case into consideration. A gentleman had told them that if such a proposition were made by a member of that House he would not consider it. Would he not? Would he say, "we have such confidence in our numbers and so little reliance on our understandings, that we will not discuss the point with you, but trust to our votes." It was a matter of course to consider any proposition; negative it, if the House chose, and then they were done with it. If they were as he most solemnly believed, to have a war with G. Britain, it behooved them at the outset to conciliate those by whom it was to be carried on—the whole body of the American people—to do the merchants (to adopt the language of his friend from Maryland, Mr. R. Nelson) more justice than the landlord or mechanic, or not less. Let us not, (said Mr. R.) if we must have a war, set on the principles with which Mr. Pitt and his majority began their war with France—principles of prescription to all enquiry. Let not the example of their arrogance and its humiliation be lost upon us.
Mr. Effes said the gentleman last up had made one observation which he supposed referred to him, as to the consideration of a motion for repealing the non-importation act. Mr. E. said he had used the word refer, and not consider; it was true, if such a motion were offered to consider the non-importation act, he would have refused his assent to refer that motion.
(To be continued.)
TUESDAY, December 8.
The Speaker laid before the House, a communication from the Secretary of War in pursuance of the resolution moved by Mr. Quincey on the 1st inst.
Mr. McCrea presented a memorial from the officers of the army of the U. S. praying for an increase of pay and rations; which was referred to the committee on military and navy establishments.
Mr. D. R. Williams obtained leave of absence from to-morrow for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Milnor said, it would be recollected by the House, that the committee on military & naval establishments had made a report which had been made the order of the day, for yesterday; as it had not been taken up, and as he thought it proper that it should be before the same committee of the whole, who had other modes of defence under consideration, he moved that the committee of the whole, to whom it had been referred, be discharged from its further consideration, and that it be referred to the same committee to whom was referred the bill from the Senate, and the bill reported by the committee of aggressions on the subject of defence.
Mr. Blount thought the bills for the erection of gun-boats and fortifications should be distinct from any other mode of defence; as considerable progress might be made in building them before the other modes could be completely discussed. The whole system of defence could not be gone through in both Houses in less than two or three weeks; which in that case would produce as long a delay in attending to what it was necessary immediately to commence. If the gentleman's object was not to elg the projected measures for defence, he must perceive that there were strong reasons against the adoption of his motion.
The motion was negatived—Ayes 25. Mr. Newton said the House would recollect that on Monday next the law prohibiting the importation of certain articles, would go into operation; and it was also known that that law was extremely defective. In order to prevent a variety of suits and perplexities which would arise under it, and in consequence of a letter directed from the Treasury Department to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures and submitted to them, exposing some of its defects, he moved a resolution directing the committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to enquire into what amendments were necessary to be
made, with power to report by bill. It was not the wish of the committee to suspend or repeal the law; it was their wish and the wish of the Treasury department, that it should not be clogged so as to produce lawsuits. It was a sound principle of all governments, to prevent litigation; and if it was made to appear that any law which they had passed gave rise to it, it ought to be amended. The letter stated a variety of cases which arose under that law. To remedy these defects was the object of the present motion. The motion was agreed to; and, before the House adjourned a bill was introduced for the purpose.
Mr. Dana moved for the consideration of the resolution which he yesterday laid on the table; which being taken up,
Mr. D. said, the resolution contemplated a prospective measure, which might be beneficial to the country; and it might require much consideration. He wished it to be referred to a committee of the whole House a week or a fortnight hence, when it might be freely discussed.
Mr. Crowninshield wished the gentleman from Connecticut would have been so good as to have stated the object he had in view in moving this resolution. It appeared to Mr. C. that it would be very improper at the present time to enter into a regulation of this kind. Should they at this time authorise merchant vessels to arm, or now to refuse the right of searching merchant vessels? However that right had been violated, he did not feel prepared at this time totally to deny it. He had no objection to the resolution lying on the table; but till a war actually commenced, he thought nothing should be done on this subject; he did not feel prepared at this moment to pass this resolution. It was not, he observed, a proposition to authorise a committee to investigate the subject, but a direct proposition to the House to adopt an important measure. Notwithstanding the abuses of the right of search which had taken place—he did not think it proper for them at this juncture to refuse the right of searching merchant vessels for contraband articles; for such he presumed was the object of the gentleman from Connecticut; the resolution appeared to him to bear that construction.
Mr. Dana said, that if the resolution was intended to have the effect supposed by the gentleman from Massachusetts at this time, he should also have deemed it improper. The resolution embraced two objects to be provided for when at any time they should be expedient, but said nothing of the propriety of our merchant vessels being armed at this time. One object was, that when the executive authority of the country gave consent to the arming of merchant vessels, they might sail in unison so as to render their purpose of defence more effectual. The other object was, to remedy any difficulty which might occur, if merchants should disagree as to the rates of contribution to be paid by vessels; and it might be a question in the latter case whether relief could be had but by suits against the owners. In their system of general laws, they had one which regulated the distribution of prize money, and one to regulate salvage on captures. He wished something of this kind, a general law, in regard to the present subject under consideration. This was his real object. He had presented it to the House in the first instance, that the House, if they should be generally satisfied that the details were impracticable, might reject the resolution; if they did not, they would refer it to a committee to make the experiment.
Mr. Chandler could easily conceive that the time might come, perhaps it was not far distant, when the measures contemplated by this proposition might be necessary; but he could not precisely understand why it had not in the first instance been referred to a select committee, rather than a committee of the whole as was proposed.
Mr. Dana wished the subject to be discussed in committee of the whole, that all difficulties might be at once presented and judged of. If they chose to send it to a select committee, it was proper first to give it a discussion.
Mr. Smith thought the course proposed by the mover of the resolution was the most correct. In committee of the whole House they might decide whether a law of this kind was necessary. Indeed he could see no objection to the adoption of the resolution; it merely went to discuss a subject which might be properly comprised in a standing law of the country.
The resolution was then referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
On motion of Mr. Burrall, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill from the Senate for building gun-boats, and the bill for fortifying our ports, as reported by the committee of aggressions; Mr. BASSETT in the chair.
The bill from the Senate being still under consideration,
Mr. Milnor said, when he was on the floor yesterday, and interrupted by the message from the President, it was his intention to have moved an amendment. The bill provided for building 188 gun-boats; he moved to strike out the words "and eighty-eight," so as to reduce the number to 100. He thought an hundred gun-boats in addition to those they already had, would be fully sufficient, if they also adopted other modes of defence. He had yesterday stated that he did not believe the building additional fortifications and an additional number of gun-boats, would effect the object which appeared to be contemplated by the committee. He confessed he did not place as much reliance in gun-boats as some gentlemen did. While he thought they might be useful in aid of land batteries or frigates, it was also his opinion, that if gentlemen examined the statement respecting different acts of aggression by a certain power, they would find that not one single act of aggression could have been prevented or punished by any batteries on land or gun-boats in aid of them. They were not committed in the face of our batteries, or in that part of our ports and harbors where gun-boats could have acted with effect; they were committed within the mouths of our rivers, or just out side them. He thought the construction of a few frigates would be expedient in addition to those now in our possession. They might act with gun-boats, and might drive any foreign nations either to the necessity of bringing a large force on our coasts, and keeping it all together, by which the number of their aggressions would be lessened, or expose their fleets to a force which would be able to avenge the insults offered to us. He was not of opinion that they ought to have a large navy, nor was he a friend to one; but he thought a few ships would be of essential service. He was of opinion that one ship of this country acting on our coasts, would give them a power of repulsion equal to the force of three or four ships of a foreign nation; and would compel the enemy at all times to be on their guard, and to keep their fleet together. His object was, as he had expressed it, to reduce the
number of gun-boats, because the number proposed would draw more money from the Treasury than was necessary for this purpose, and because he wished to retain a little money for other modes of defence.
Mr. Burrall said he should vote against the amendment proposed, and in favor of the number reported by the committee of aggressions as contained in the bill from the Senate now under discussion. It appeared to Mr. B. that the gentleman from Pennsylvania had taken a very incorrect view of the subject. That gentleman has objected to this law because it did not make provision for ships of war to serve as a defence to our commerce, and because he supposed the committee had taken up this mode of defence to the exclusion of any other. Mr. B. said it must be obvious to every gentleman that it was almost impossible to have crowded into the bill all the measures of defence which might become necessary; thus it contained no provision for arming the militia, for raising a standing army, building or repairing frigates, &c. The only question now was, on building a number of gun-boats for defence against the attack of a foreign nation. He thought a sufficient number should at once be authorised: for if the number were insufficient to answer the intended purpose, the money expended in their purchase would be so much thrown away, so much expended from which the public would derive no benefit. The opinions of those men best acquainted with the force which might be necessary,—which had been communicated to the committee of aggressions, had stated this as the competent number.
With respect to the expense of building gun-boats, it would be found that the cost of building a frigate would be much greater than a number of gun-boats equal to the number of guns carried by a frigate. The Secretary of the Navy, had estimated the annual expense of gun-boats at $11,000. Mr. B. admitted that the sum appeared enormous; and it remained for the consideration of the House whether they would expend so large a sum for that purpose. The estimate of the Secretary of the Navy went upon the ground that during the whole of the year, forty men would be required to man each of these boats. Mr. B. thought that regulations might be adopted, that would render 8 or 10 men sufficient to be regularly employed on board these boats; a sufficient force fully to man and use them upon occasion might be organised from the different ports or seaport towns; and it would be found by recurring to the President's message that the same idea had been entertained by the Executive. And he did believe that although the Secretary of the Navy had estimated $11,000 as the sum necessary for the annual expense, he had done it on the supposition that forty men would be employed during the whole year in each gun boat. At times when Europe and the United States were at peace, it would not be necessary that more than a small portion of these boats should be afloat; they might be kept in ordinary, relying on the seamen of the port for any sudden emergency.
With respect to the propriety of building gun-boats, he would observe that they were not a mere experiment; they were sanctioned by the practice of Europe, and were very beneficial for the defence of ports against sudden attack. The French, Spanish, Dutch, and other nations in the vicinity of the British Navy, had combined their boats with land batteries for the purpose of defence against the assaults of that formidable navy. These boats were also a part of a system heretofore practised in other countries, and proposed to be further pursued here.
It was at this time peculiarly important to make preparations. Whether they adverted to the preparations in the British provinces adjacent to this country, to the armament said to be preparing in England for a foreign expedition, or the principles which she had avowed in regard to neutral trade; in any case they should be prepared for the attack she might think fit at any time to make upon the country.
If any gentleman in the House could suggest a mode of defence more efficient than that now proposed, no member in the House would be more willing to adopt it than himself. He felt no particular predilection for this mode, he should vote for the number of gun-boats to be erected as it now stood, on the ground that it was not more than sufficient; and that if a less number than sufficient were erected, the money expended would be thrown away. He should for this reason vote against the amendment, and in favor of the bill.
Mr. Milnor observed, the gentleman last up had said that he should be opposed to the striking out, because he thought the present number was absolutely necessary, and that a smaller number would be insufficient. Had Mr. M. thought this, he would not have moved the amendment; but it was well known to many gentlemen of the committee, that a number of our ports and harbors were so situated, that gun-boats could not act in them efficiently. Wherever the water was deep, wherever it was rough, these vessels were perfectly useless; and no where could be used to effect but in smooth and shallow water. If they were to construct a few large ships of large force, capable of acting in those ports where gun-boats would be inefficient, it would give greater satisfaction to the neighborhood of those ports than gun-boats which could be of no use to them. In the southern ports he believed gun-boats would be effective; but northward and eastward they would be of no effect. In the port of New-York they would not be an efficient force to go below the city, and act in the bay; and in progressing eastward from New-York, they would be found less and less efficient.
The gentleman from Virginia had admitted that according to the statement made by the Secretary of the Navy, the expense was enormous, but he also felt disposed to believe that the statement was erroneous, and that so much would not be necessary. Past experience, Mr. M. said, had shown that estimates had generally fallen short of the object which they were intended to cover; and less than was estimated for this purpose need not be calculated upon. He was not opposed to the construction of a sufficient number of gun-boats; but he was opposed to wasting the public treasure in constructing a greater number than would be useful; this was his motive. He had examined the statement of the Secretary of the Navy, and found that he had stated the number of gun-boats which in his opinion would be necessary for each port and harbor in the U. States. There were a number of places in which the number estimated would be wholly useless and unnecessary. For instance, the port of Alexandria; of what avail would 2 or even 4 gun-boats be for the defence of that port, were any hostile force to ascend the Potomac? These gun-boats were contemplated to be scattered along the coast in small numbers; in all these cases they would be totally useless. They were only efficient when gathered together
in large number; they should not only be sufficient in number to front an opposing force but to surround it.
Mr. M. was anxious as the gentleman from Virginia could possibly be, that they should make such preparation for defence as the emergency of the times should call for. It was because he believed that gun-boats without frigates were not sufficient, but with them might be extremely useful; and because that if the House should direct the erection of frigates, the number of gun-boats might be lessened, that he had made the motion under consideration.
Mr. Crowninshield said that there was some inconsistency in the observations of the gentleman from Pennsylvania; he had said gun-boats would be useful with the aid of large vessels, and at the same time said that they were entirely useless in the mouths of rivers or deep waters. [Mr. Milnor explained that he had meant they would be useless when acting alone.] Mr. C. said he had formed a very different opinion indeed from that expressed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania with respect to gun-boats. It was well known that no longer ago than the year before last, this government had employed eight or ten gun-boats to assist in the attack on Tripoli; they all crossed the Atlantic in safety, except one boat. Although they did not come into the attack on Tripoli, because a peace was prematurely concluded, yet he himself had heard the late commodore Preble say, that without them the squadron would not have been competent to have made an effectual assault on the city. These boats then kept the sea in very tempestuous weather, a fact which the dispatches from the commanding officer had announced. He believed that they could not at this time adopt a better mode of defence than that proposed by the bill. He should be very sorry to see the proposed number reduced, because he believed they would render important services, if at any time our ports or harbors should be attacked. These gun-boats were not boats that would sink the moment they got into rough water; they were boats of 60 or 70 tons burthen, which might navigate the globe with safety. He spoke from experimental knowledge. The gentleman surely did not mean to say they could not swim. In Mr. C's opinion there could be no better system of defence in aid of fortifications than that proposed by the bill.
In regard to the expenses, the sum necessary for gun-boats, after striking out the number 88, would not be equal to the expense of one single frigate. He should not now discuss the subject of naval establishments, for it was not before the House; when it did come into consideration, he should take the liberty of saying something upon it.
Mr. C. said he thought he had understood the gentleman to have said, that if they had been in possession of these gun-boats at the time of the aggression, they would not have rendered any service to the country. Mr. C. differed with the gentleman totally; he thought if they had a few gun-boats in the neighborhood of Norfolk, they would no longer see British armed vessels riding there with impunity; he conceived that gun-boats could drive them out of our waters. He hoped the number would not be reduced; if the number were to be altered, it should be increased. If the gentleman had any proposition to make for building a large or small navy, he could bring it forward any time hereafter.
Mr. Blount presumed the gentleman would admit as a certainty, that it was the duty of the House to provide effectual protection. The select committee having determined in their own mind, that the best system of defence would be composed by fortifications and gun-boats, had enquired what number would be of use. The answer to this enquiry was already before the House: it was stated that the U. S. had already 69 gun-boats, that 257 were the whole number which might be usefully employed; consequently that 188 were wanting. If it were the object of gentlemen to afford a certain protection to the country, he hoped they would not hesitate to pass this bill. If the gentleman from Pennsylvania should be able, when the subject was properly before them, to prove to Mr. B. that frigates or ships of war would add to the protection which might be afforded by fortifications and gun-boats, he would vote with him for their construction. It would be time to discuss this when the subject was before them. He hoped the idea of the utility of a naval force would not induce gentlemen to withhold from the Executive that force which they had signified as necessary for the protection of our ports and harbors. If any doubt were entertained by gentlemen who were not members of the last Congress, there was a report, which he held in his hand, made at a former session, containing the opinions of naval officers on the expediency or utility of these boats. The report was lengthy, and he should not call for the reading of it, except gentlemen wished it. There was, however, no necessity to demonstrate their utility, as no gentleman had attempted to show that they were not eminently and essentially useful as one species of defence.
Mr. Milnor said although he had a respect for the opinion of the gentleman from Massachusetts, he must confess that in this respect he differed with him. Although he had not been engaged in naval affairs, yet living near navigable waters, and being somewhat acquainted with the capacities of vessels, he must retain his opinion notwithstanding the assertion of the gentleman from Massachusetts. That gentleman had supposed because our gun-boats had crossed the sea, in doing which, by the bye, one of them was lost, that they were fit for sea service.
Mr. M. said although these boats would live, they could not act in deep waters. When the water was rough, one of our gun-boats, rigged as they now were, could not act; she would toss to and fro, and her gun would point in every direction, when a large vessel would lie steady in the wind.
The gentleman had said, that if they had a large number of gun-boats at Norfolk, the British vessels would not have remained so long in its vicinity with impunity. Mr. M. was seriously of opinion that the British squadron would have laughed at the idea of being attacked by 50 or 100 gun-boats. If such a number were to attack these ships, great part of the boats would be totally destroyed; they were not calculated to accomplish an object of this kind. If they were to attack a single frigate in calm water, they might injure her; but take several ships together, or even one in rough water, and they might send any number of gun-boats, and they would not effect their destruction, or drive them from their position. In making his assertion, the gentleman had presumed that the proposed boats were to be of the same kind as those which crossed the ocean; but Mr. M. had understood they were not of the same kind, and perhaps less effective.
The gentleman from North Carolina had said that this being the number which the ex-
ecutive had asked, it was therefore proper to grant it. Mr. M. said it was proper to adopt this number if they thought it necessary to answer the purpose of defence; but he believed that they were not to take all the ideas of the executive for granted. If they were, however, they had nothing to do but pass such laws as they chose to ask for and then adjourn. It was the opinion of Mr. M. that it was proper to take into consideration all the modes of defence, and to have the several parts of the proposed system before them that they might act with efficiency.
The gentleman had said that if they would bring forward a proposition for erecting a navy, he might vote for it. Mr. M. wished to save something for other modes of defence; if it were only the sum of 4 or 500,000 dollars, he would wish to save even that sum. Some hint had been given as to the cost of a frigate; it was not proper now to go into an enquiry on that; but he would observe, that the United States had now in hand timber for five or six 74 gun ships, well seasoned, and which would grow worse instead of better, from further keeping; they had also canvas, cannon, and other materials necessary to complete these ships; so that the cost would be considerably less than would be necessary if nothing was prepared for the purpose of building or equipping these frigates. He believed it would be pursuing a true economy to erect these vessels, because if they should not be built, the timber would become useless and be completely lost to the United States. If there were it were contemplated to build ships at all, this was the propitious moment to commence that purpose.
Mr. M. was not for delaying the defence of the nation; he wished it to have been commenced long ago; but since they had at length commenced it, he wished to have the whole system brought into view at once. They should have a well digested plan before them; not one part to day, and one to morrow, but the whole system at once, in which he wished to see included a few ships of war.
Mr. Blount. The gentleman last up has stated that I wished this mode of defence, because it was the wish of the executive; I stated expressly, and the gentleman must so have understood me, that the committee had selected this number of gun-boats because they were informed that this number would be necessary; I referred to the document where this statement is expressed and where it may be found. I meant to express the opinion that if we built a less number than necessary, it would be a waste of public money; and that protection would not be obtained by a less force than that which is proposed.
Mr. B. also said, that the 88 gun-boats would cost 440,000 dollars; that sum when applied to the building of a frigate would not complete her; and when built she would carry but 44 guns, one half the number of guns which would be carried by 88 gun-boats; besides which, the expense of rigging and making her fit for service would be enormous. Thus by building one frigate only at the same expense as would complete 88 gun-boats, they lost 44 guns, besides the additional expense of fitting out and manning the frigate. He had, however, only risen at this time to explain that he had been misrepresented when it was stated that he had said he should vote for this number of gun-boats, because the executive had recommended it.
(To be continued.)
WEDNESDAY, Dec. 9.
Mr. Green presented the petition of sundry merchants of Nantucket, praying that that place may be erected into a port of entry for vessels from the Cape of Good Hope and places beyond the same; which was referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Boyle, from the committee on public lands, in pursuance of a resolution referred to that committee, reported a bill making further disposition of those sections of public land heretofore reserved for the disposal of Congress; which was read twice and referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
Mr. Dawson presented to the House an estimate from the Secretary at War, of the expense of a standing army of 32,500 men; which was referred to the committee of the whole to whom were referred the resolutions for the increase of our military and naval establishments.
On motion of Mr. Blount, the House agreed to consider the report of the committee of the whole of yesterday, on the bill from the Senate, for the construction of gun-boats; which being under consideration,
Mr. Durell moved to strike out 188 and insert 124 as the number of gun-boats, and added the words, "and four 44 gun frigates."
On this motion a debate ensued, in which Messrs. Durell, Gardner, Cook, and Masters supported the motion, and Messrs. Blount, Smilie, Thomas, Bacon, Crowninshield, Sawyer, Holland, Chandler, Fisk, and Gardener opposed it.
In the course of the debate Mr. Blount called for a division of the question.
The question on striking out was negatived—Ayes 19.
After which the bill was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
DOMESTIC.
NEW-YORK, Dec. 10
Extract of a letter from a House of the first respectability in Rotterdam to one her in this city, dated 4th September, 1807.
"To remove every doubt as to the object of the decree published in our state paper of this morning, against the intercourse with England,* we inform you from our stated authority that it is not intended to affect American vessels coming hither from America, which will meet no difficulty when they arrive here, even if they have to elude in England, provided the captains do not endeavour to conceal it on their arrival. At the same time, when vessels can possibly avoid touching at any port in the channel, it is a precaution worthy of attention."
* Published a few weeks ago in the Enquirer.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 10.
Arrived, ship Louisiana, Brevour, from Bordeaux. Left there the same vessels reported by the Calypso, arrived at N. York. The Louisiana was overtaken in the river by an express from her consignee, ordering her to sea without delay, in consequence of dispatches received by the American consul from the minister at Paris. Capt. Brevour was informed that orders had been received to detain the ship George Washington, Hidelius, of Philadelphia, but she had sailed two days before for St. Sebastians. The Louisiana was boarded off the Cordovan, by two British frigates and treated politely.
FOR RENT—A large three story Brick HOUSE, near the Basin, in which Mr. Southgate has lived?—some years—Apply to Mr. Thomas Norwell or the subscriber.
Dec 15, [1807]—SAML. OVERTON.

Capt. Baret, from Point Petre, (Gaudaloupe) informs that an embargo was laid on that port for eight days previous to his sailing, owing to an expedition that was fitting out at Point Petre, consisting of the brig General Erneuf, and a large cutter, both French privateers...
Several large West-Indian men have been captured by French privateers and brought to Point Petre, with coffee, sugar and cotton, from Demarara and Surinam. Markets at Point Petre for American commodities, very dull, and payment in bad sugar and high price.
AMICABLE PROCLAMATION
THE SECOND. Next to the Proclamation which preceded the amicable occupation of Copenhagen, and the amicable deposit of the Danish navy...
From this public act, we once for all learn, two facts of primary importance; & a multitude of secondary or incidental facts, all of them, embracing cause of war according to the usages of the last three centuries.
The first fact is that G. Britain will not acknowledge the right of the American nation to legislate, in the same manner and on the same principles, as Britain legislates for herself. The second is that while she impresses and detains by force thousands of our citizens, and refuses to deliver them up to their families, she demands of the U.S. the surrender of others of her subjects who enter the service of the U.S. voluntarily.
These are naked facts—and altho' we expect to see the advocates of foreign tyranny resort to all the artifices that servility and corruption can devise, it will be seen that to yield one point will be at once to abandon our sovereignty, and become more the obedient vassals of George III.
This proclamation at once shows what the object of Rose's mission is, it is the basis of his instructions; and the American people must be prepared to see it followed up by a coup de main—the admiral who commanded the memorable and infamous expedition to Oudebourg, is appointed to the American station; to give this proclamation its full operation; and as it may at first sight appear, to find this proclamation followed by another, declaring the treaty of 1783 null and void, and your independence as having been recognized through an expediency that no longer exists.
If you are ready—and to be ready is to be secure; for if you are not prepared to be assailed with impunity; if you suffer yourself to be deceived you will not be prepared—but if you are prepared, the very preparation will perhaps save the blood of thousands, and dismay your internal as well as external enemies.
Aurora. Whatever G. B. may maintain, the U.S. must consider our naturalized citizens as entitled to the same protection as our natural-born citizens. It would be the height of injustice for us to open an asylum for foreigners, and invite them to enter a promise of protection, and after they had complied with our conditions, to violate our faith, by abandoning them to the assumed claims of any nation in the universe. Enquirer.
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES, THURSDAY, December 10. A petition from a number of the inhabitants of Ohio county (which was yesterday laid upon the table) praying for the removal of the seat of justice of the said county from the town of Wheeling, was taken up and read; Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of the town of Petersburg and the adjacent counties, praying that John Wilder may be authorized to erect a warehouse for the storage of tobacco on his land, in the town of Petersburg; Also a petition from a number of persons, praying that the court of Rockbridge county may be authorized to erect a toll-gate on the road leading from Lexington in the said county, through Amherst county, to the eastern parts of the state, for the purpose of keeping the said road in repair; Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Monroe county, praying that a small part of said county, may be annexed to the county of Giles; Also a petition of some other inhabitants of Monroe county in opposition thereto; Also a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Wythe county, praying that a part of the said county, may be annexed to the county of Giles; Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of the county of Giles, praying that certain lands which have been granted by George Paris, to the justices, for the purpose of erecting public buildings, may be established a town, the same being already divided into lots and streets; Also a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Cumberland & Powhatan counties, praying the passage of a law for the more effectual removal of obstructions to the passage of fish in James river; Also a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Richmond county, praying for the removal of the district court from Northumberland courthouse, where it is at present held, to a more central part of the district; Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee of propositions and grievances. A petition was presented and read from Elizabeth Michael, praying the passage of a law, vesting in her certain land in the county of Hardy, of which John Shoemaker, late of the said county, died seised; Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the committee for courts of justice, that they do examine the matter thereof and report the same with their opinion thereon to the house. A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Albemarle county, praying for the removal of damages imposed by a judgment against Isaac Webster, an inhabitant of said county, which was obtained in the district court of Charlottesville, in April, 1806, at the suit of the commonwealth, for an assault upon a certain Hugh Williams; Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill concerning the public goods, and that Messrs Kinney, Pughes, Smith (of W. the) M c Laugh and M c Cluer be the committee on the same. Mr. Smith (of Wythe) from the committee for courts of justice, made the following report: The committee for courts of justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the memorial of the judges of the Court of Appeals, on them referred, and have come to the following resolution thereon;
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the said memorial, proposing that the terms of the said court may in future be held at the following times, viz. the first commencing on the first day of March in each year and continue twenty-seven judicial days; the second on the 15th day of April and continue thirty-four days; and the third on the first day of October and continue fifty-five days, or at such other times as to the Legislature may seem proper, is reasonable. The said resolution being read a second time was on the question put thereupon agreed to by the house.
FRIDAY, December 11.
Mr. Johnson (of P. Edward) from the committee appointed to inform Wm. H. Cabell, Esq. of his re-appointment to the office of governor or chief magistrate of this commonwealth for one year, reported, that the committee had, according to order, performed that duty, and to the information communicated by the committee, the governor was pleased to make the following reply: Gentlemen, I receive your communication with much sensibility—I too well know the imperfection of human nature, I too deeply feel my own, to entertain the vain hope, that every act of my administration will stand the test, when brought to the standard of strict propriety. But, the notification which you now do me the honor to make, gives me the sincerest pleasure, because, it affords the strongest proof that the general scope of my conduct has received the approbation of my fellow-citizens, the highest, the richest, the most exacting reward which a public servant can receive; and that those measures, which they might wish had not been adopted, have been ascribed, as I feel they ought, to errors of judgment only. I pray you to bear to the two houses of the general assembly which you respectively represent, my unfeigned acknowledgements for the honor they have again conferred on me, and my assurances, that devoting myself to the public service, I shall, in all things, endeavor to consult the public interest.
Accept for yourselves, gentlemen, my thanks for the polite and friendly manner in which you have communicated to me the will of the Legislature, and my warmest wishes for your individual happiness.
On motion, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what alterations are necessary to be made in the militia law, and that they have leave to report thereon to the house by bill otherwise—and a committee was appointed of Messrs. Robertson (of Amelia) Johnston (of P. Edward) Breckinridge, Baillie, Mercer, Coleman, Smyth (of Wythe) Madison, Brooke and Cogley. A petition was presented and read from Robert Leifler of Pittsylvania county, praying that he may be authorized to bring into this state from North-Carolina, certain slaves which he holds in right of his wife. Ordered, That the said petition be referred to a committee of the whole house, on the state of the commonwealth, to which is referred certain other petitions on the same subject.
A petition was presented and read from the freeholders and house-keepers of Hanover parish in King George county, praying the passage of a law incorporating a body of trustees and visitors with proper powers to manage a free school or schools in the said parish, to the support of which they wish to appropriate the money arising from the sale of the glebe land in the said parish. Also, a petition from a number of the inhabitants of the town of Centerville, praying the passage of a law to incorporate a trustees of an academy in the said town; Also, a petition of Ambrose Walden, praying the passage of a law to divorce him from his wife Betsy; Also, a petition of Sarah Hewlett, adm x of Wm. Hewlett, late of Caroline county, dec d , praying the passage of a law authorising her to sell a certain tract of land of which her husband died seised, for the purpose of discharging his debts.
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee for courts of justice. A petition of a number of the inhabitants of Orange county was presented and read, praying that the road leading from Swift Run Gap, in said county, may be converted into a turnpike road, upon such terms as the legal rate may then be proper; and that a lottery be authorized for the raising of a sum of money for completing said road, the prizes in which to consist in shares in said company and not in money; Also, a petition of John Wimbley and a number of the inhabitants of Halifax county, praying the passage of a law authorising said John Wimbley to erect a dam across Banister river for the purpose of working a water grist mill;
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee of propositions and grievances. A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Culpepper county, praying that they may be authorised to raise a certain sum of money by way of lottery, for purposes in the said petition stated; Also, a petition from a number of the inhabitants of the town of Berryville and its vicinity in the county of Frederick, praying that they may be authorized to raise by lottery a sum of money for purposes in the said petition stated; Also, a petition of Francis Givens, Wm. S. Caines and Thomas L. Gaines of Culpepper county, praying that they may be authorised by an act passed for that purpose, to sell a tract of land in the said county, in which said certain children, beneficiaries to the petitioners, who are minors, are interested; And the question being put on the reference of the said petitions, it passed in the negative.
FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mount-airly, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography. The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January. Terms—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $50 per annum, paid quarterly in advance; and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed, nor for the necessary vacations. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17.
100 DOLLARS REWARD—Ran-away on the morn of the 13th inst. a negro woman named NANCY. She is middle sized, about made and likely, yellow complexion; she was lately the property of Mr. W. McKinsie. Whoever will deliver her to the subscriber shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges. Masters of vessels and others are cautioned against harboring her, or carrying her off. MARY PHEOPE. Richmond, Dec. 17.
EDUCATION—JOHN ROBERTSON respectfully informs the public that he will continue to teach in each Wm. D. Meriwether's neighborhood, the English Language grammatically, Latin, Greek and French languages, Arithmetic, the elementary parts of Mathematics, Logic, Ethics, History, ancient and modern, and Geography with the use of the Globe. His fees are 24 dollars per annum; first quarter paid in advance. In addition to his present number of scholars, he will take seventeen more. He hopes from his experience, attention, and personal success as a teacher, to meet with the encouragement of the Public. Mr. John Watson, who lives very convenient, will take to the number of twenty or twenty-five boarders. Dec. 17.
To JAMES MUNROE, Esq.
Late Minister to the Court of G. Britain.
SIR—In the honest enthusiasm of a bosom that loves and respects you, permit me to congratulate you on your safe return to your native country. You have arrived among us at a most critical period. Foreign war is lowering in our horizon; a new President is about to be elected; but your fellow citizens will be eminently mistaken, if they do not still find in James Monroe an "American in heart and in sentiment," untainted by foreign corruption, and at all times ready to promote the best interests of his country. You are no doubt well acquainted with many of the political changes, which have taken place during your absence. You will perceive with satisfaction, sir, that the people are as warmly attached as ever to the principles of republican government and to the measures of the present administration.
May I venture however to suggest to you, that among the political revolutions which have occurred, there is one which is particularly calculated to call forth all your circumspection? which has already dared to embrace your name within its grasp, and presumes to fix your destinies for ever? May I venture to remind you of that minority, who have arisen from the bosom of the republican party, & who aspire to no less an object, that to separate your affections from the cause of the administration and the people? May I venture, sir, to beseech you to enquire before you decide, because I am satisfied that the better you are acquainted with the views of the minority, the more cordially will you reject their alliance.
The sentiments of this party are recorded in the speech and conduct of their leader. Like the founders of most other new sects, the zeal and ingenuity which has displayed itself has been worthy of a better cause. Mr. Randolph has supported doctrines, that were hostile to our rights, in a tone that was calculated to exalt the spirits of our enemy. You have felt the bitterness of the arguments with which he has attempted to defend the British restrictions on our colonial trade, & which you refused in your able memorial to the British government. You saw with what cool indifference he could abandon the rights of our seamen, and your bosom must have lost all its patriotic enthusiasm if it did not sympathise in the destiny of your three thousand captive countrymen so cruelly impressed and so coolly abandoned to the prison ships of G. Britain.
You have seen, sir, the impressions produced by these doctrines upon the British government and nation. You have beheld the eager alacrity with which they have been tortured to support the worst aggressions of Great Britain. You have seen these miserable arguments circulating in the venal publications of her government, in the conversations of her Champions and in the states-papers of her ministry. Was not your honest patriotism most deeply wounded, when you beheld her ministers arrayed in American armory, and your fervid remonstrances against her encroachments rebutted and repelled by the arguments of American statesmen? Must you not have felt indignant, when you beheld the animating hopes which Mr. Randolph's speeches infused into the British nation; when you saw her injustice justified by her sophisms; her maritime usurpations extended by the loud approbation of neutral statesmen; and when you saw Mr. Randolph's principles adopted as the favorite text of British commentators? You have seen, sir, the celebrated author of "war in disguise" building a new pamphlet on the very ground, which Mr. K. has cleared for him. You have seen him animating the injustice of his country by the picture of our own disposition. You have beheld him pointing to Mr. Randolph's speeches with an air of triumph, exhorting the British Ministers to pause, before they should acquiesce in our reasonable demands, & to trust to Mr. K.'s influence, and to the divisions of this country for the complete ratification or their imperious encroachments.
Need I expatiate, sir, upon the impressions which this gentleman and his party have made upon the vast majority of his countrymen? His whole troop in Congress does not consist of more than 5 or 6 puritans who have been endeared to him by personal friendship. His advocates in the Legislature of Virginia do not exceed the same limited number. And it was with extreme difficulty and astonishing ingenuity, that Mr. Randolph has contrived to pre-possess the minds of a very few of the people in his cause. The great body of your countrymen, sir, have abandoned him for ever. They consider him as one of the most virulent opponents, who have ever attacked the present administration. They admire the splendor of his genius, but they lament his perversion. Had he persevered in the political career which he had so honorably commenced, they would have clothed him with the highest honors which his country could have bestowed. No young man in our country could have been more respected, and no old patriot was ever more respectfully abandoned. But of what avail are the finest genius, and the highest character when they are combined with a disposition without prudence or an ambition without moderation.
The minority however have not totally despaired of success. They flatter themselves, that they still have one resource for restoring themselves to popularity and power. Amidst all their efforts and all their disappointments, they have remembered your name, the elevation of your character, and the distinguished estimation in which you are held by your country. They have vainly attempted to shelter their defeat behind the burnished shield of your popularity. Because they have most severely attacked your ancient friend Mr. Madison; and because you had many reasons to expect the votes of the people for the presidential chair, they have idly flattered themselves with the expectation, that they would be able to light the fire-brand of discord, to separate you from a rival candidate and to ally you to their party. Even now, sir, they are striving to enlist your affectionate country in your cause, by descanting upon the injuries, which they say, you have received from the administration; and it will not be long, before they will attempt to obtain all your confidence by this affected sympathy with your imaginary wrongs. You best know, sir, whether this system has not been already commenced.
Will you, sir, encourage these flattering illusions of the minority; or will you stand forth as you have always done, the firm advocate of the principles and rights of the people? Believe me, sir, that I do not exaggerate the circumstances of your situation, when I solemnly assure you, that this is the crisis of your political fate. Will you also abandon the best administration which the world has ever enjoyed? Will you abandon your old friends in private and public life, who have uniformly cherished, respected and loved you? Will you abandon the cause of the people and the principles of republicanism? Will you not support the dignity and independence of your country against the encroachments of a foreign nation, that once more aspires to trample us in the dust?
I am almost tempted to smile at my own unfeigned apprehensions, when I recollect the character of the man whom I address, and the measures of the party who are striving to allure you to their interests. Listen, sir, to the hasty outline which I have presumed to sketch. Learn the history of your country, since you have visited England, from them. Apply to them for the origin and nature of the factions who have lately enlisted themselves among the enemies of Jefferson and the administration. I have too exalted an opinion of your independence ever to believe, that you would sacrifice your own opinion to the love of popularity. But, sir, you have been long absent from this country. You cannot understand all the secret springs of our political machine. Will you not apply to those who are able to inform you and who have no interest to deceive you? Mistrust those men, I beseech you, who dare insinuate to you, that your fellow citizens have ever deserted you or that Mr. Jefferson has ceased to regard his favorite Protégé with the highest affection? Could I dare to write your feeling, Sir, by coolly representing to you your interests, I would modestly ask you what expectations can you derive from the power and influence of this party?
To what office can they contribute to promote you, which can compensate for the love and confidence of the people? Depend upon it, Sir, they have not a single electoral vote within their gift; and the benefit which they can confer can never be equal to the injury which they will inflict? It is much better for you to stand upon the firm foundation of your own popularity than the trembling ruins of John Randolph's reputation. If you ally yourself with the minority, you must abandon your pretensions to the presidential chair. But I will venture to predict, sir, that this friendly minority will previously abandon you, and select some other individual in the north for their candidate.
PERICLES.
We have at last the satisfaction of announcing Mr. Munroe's return to his country. Mr. Kearney who is said to be his private secretary, arrived in this city on Tuesday night, and proceeded yesterday morning to Washington, (we presume) with dispatches for our government. Col. Munroe and family arrived at Norfolk on Sunday night in the Augustus, a merchant vessel, after a very quick passage of 23 days. He left England on the 14th of November. Mr. Rose, special envoy from G. Britain, is supposed to have sailed two days before the Augustus, in a British frigate. The Revenge had left England, but was to have touched at France. Mr. K. states that our illustrious countryman is in good health, and that he may be expected to come on, as soon as the fatigue of his family after a tempestuous voyage will possibly permit him. They may perhaps arrive this day or to-morrow. Mr. K. brought no English papers to this city; but the following facts were stated by him in the course of a very rapid conversation. There had been no embargo on English vessels in Russia. The same reports however, had reached England, which we have received direct from the Mediterranean; that Lord Collingwood had attacked a Russian fleet of 10 or 12 sail of the line, in that sea. The Portuguese government had entirely surrendered itself to the influence of France, and it is consequently supposed that they had abandoned the scheme of emigrating to the Brazils. The Portuguese ports had been shut against the English vessels. It was still reported that the Price of Lism, a child about 9 years old and son of the Prince Regent, was about to embark for the Brazils, for the purpose of securing the fidelity of their inhabitants, and of guarding them against an apprehended attack of the British. An expedition was fitting out in England; the real objects of which were kept profoundly secret. Its destination was supposed to be against Madeira and the Brazils. So that while France was occupying the mother country with her colonies, most charitable & friendly nation! thus to be devouring the possessions of her ally, under the holy pretext of preserving them for that ally until the end of the war. It is in the same "amicable manner" in which she has lately pirated on the navy, and resources of Denmark. Great Britain, which has proverbially become the asylum of Despots, as the United States are the refuge of freemen, has lately received into her bosom Louis the XVIII, the fire-eater of France, under the name of the Count de Lisle. It has been said in some of the English prints, that he had visited that country as a sovereign, for the purpose of making arrangements with G. B. for restoring him to his throne. But the truth appears to be, that finding no longer any protection in Russia, since the Treaty of Tilsit, and apprehending some danger in Sweden from the probability of a Treaty between Russia, France and Sweden, he had sought refuge in G. B. that "last asylum" of persecuted Monarchs.
There appears to be no foundation for the alarm, prevailing among the federalists of this country, of hostilities between France and the U. S.—This alarm has increased to such an excess in Philadelphia, that according to major Jackson's Register, "it was rumoured, that Gen. TORREAU, the minister of France, has demanded that the government of the United States shall shut their ports against the British." This rumour, exasperated as it has been by the British party in this country, has perhaps originated altogether in the instructions said to have been sent by Gen. Armstrong at Paris, to the merchants in the French and Dutch ports, to hasten the departure of any American vessels which may be at (their) address, with all expedition, "but these instructions are not to be ascribed to any fear of hostilities from the French government, or to the fear of an embargo in French ports." The secret of this business appears to be, that Gen. Armstrong ther apprehending that the British might proceed to counteract Bonaparte's decree and take all our vessels "coming from or going to such ports as were under the influence of the French," or apprehending that any differences with G. B. might probably terminate in hostilities, had instructed the American vessels to sail immediately, that
they might escape the rapacity of privateers. The reader will perceive, that an article of the very same kind appeared in one paper some weeks past in the form of a letter from Amsterdam, dated August 24th. This letter states, that "Mr. Bourne had received a verbal message from Mr. Monroe, by which that gentleman advised all American vessels, that should be ready for sea, should get off as soon as possible north about, wherever those vessels were not ready, should wait the turn of events." The instructions from Gen. Armstrong may have been dictated by the same apprehensions of Great-Britain—not of France.
Let us not suffer these arts of the British party in this country to lessen our indignation against G. B. by exciting our apprehensions about France. Such however, will be a part of their policy. They will attempt to start up some fresh scape-goat for our national resentments to rest upon; they will attempt, by arousing our animosity against France, to divert our just indignation from the corrupt government of G. Britain.
The extract of a letter from a member of Congress, published in our last paper, contains more real information upon the present state of our British relations, than any article which has yet appeared on the subject.
The writer states the consequences which must result from Mr. Rose's instructions, if they do not permit him to separate the question of the Chesapeake from the general principle of impressment.—As to the affair of the Chesapeake, the writer asserts that three things are essential to heal the wounded honor of the U. States:
A disavowal of the act. The punishment of the officers. And the surrender of the seamen.
The late Proclamation of the British government, is not a disavowal of the attack on the Chesapeake, as the British prints have contended. May not a government abandon a right to-day, which they have previously exercised? May they not have authorised an act, which they henceforth deem it impolitic to exercise, and which they will henceforth abandon? The recall of Admiral Berkeley comes nearer to a disavowal of the attack on the Chesapeake, than this Proclamation; but even this is an act which wears a very equivocal aspect. Admiral Berkeley may have been recalled from the American station because his services are wanted at home.—Under these circumstances, therefore, it is incumbent upon the U. S. to demand an explicit renunciation of the general principle of searching national vessels, as well as an explicit disavowal of the attack upon the Chesapeake.
As to the punishment of the officers, it seems unnecessary to demand the punishment of any other, than Admiral Berkeley himself. It was he, who gave the orders for searching the Chesapeake, and Humphreys was bound to obey the orders of his superior.—But if Berkeley is to be punished, by whom is he to be tried? No man will consider his recall as a sufficient punishment. Is he to be tried by a British tribunal? Can any American repose confidence, in such a mode of trial; after Beresford has been punished by a promotion to a higher command, and White, the murderer of Pierce, has been simply suspended from command without any other punishment?
The trial and cashiering of Admiral Berkeley by a British court martial may be a sufficient compensation to G. Britain herself, for one of her officers having acted without orders; but is it an adequate compensation to the U. S.? This attack was either an authorised or unauthorised act of a British officer. If it was the latter, it can be considered in no other point of view than as piracy and murder. It was a flagrant violation of the jurisdiction of the U. S. because it was perpetrated upon an armed vessel of the U. S.
It was in these lights, the the committee of aggressions &c. has lately presented this transaction to Congress. "The answer of the British government, now daily expected (says that report) will either sink the detestable act into piracy, or expand it to the magnitude of premeditated hostility against the sovereignty and independence of this nation."
Such too is substantially the definition of piracy in the 9th section of the act of Congress of April 30, 1790.
Sec. IX. If any person shall commit any piracy or robbery or assault, or any act of hostility against the United States, or any citizen thereof, upon the high seas, under color of any commission from any foreign Prince, or State, or on pretence of authority from any person, such offender shall, notwithstanding the pretence of any such authority, be deemed, adjudged and taken to be a pirate, felon, and robber, and on being thereof convicted, shall suffer death."
And such too is the spirit of the two following resolutions.
Resolved, That the attack lately made by the British ship, the Leopard, on the American frigate, the Chesapeake, was an atrocious outrage on the honor and rights of the United States, and an act of war, or else of piracy and murder.
Resolved, That the only reparation that ought to satisfy the government of the U. States, and render unnecessary an attempt to obtain satisfaction by arms, is the delivery up of those who killed, wounded, and captured our citizens on board the Chesapeake, to be tried in the United States for piracy and murder.
The second resolution seems to be a correct inference from the former; and we have therefore a right to demand from the British government that Admiral Berkeley should be delivered up to us, "to be tried in the U. States for piracy and murder."
As the restoration of the seamen who were taken from the Chesapeake; who can re-animate the silence of the tomb? Who can restore to life or to the U. S. the unfortunate seaman, who was condemned & hung at Halifax?—If the attack on the Chesapeake was an unauthorised act, then the death of this man as well as of those who fell in the Chesapeake, is to be considered as nothing less than unauthorised murder.
Extracted from Resolutions which were passed the 1st of last August, "at a meeting of the citizens of that portion of the county of Wythe, comprised within the boundary of the first battalion of the 100th Regiment and some from other parts of the said county." Alexander Smyth, Esq Chairman.—It was impossible for us to publish these resolutions with many others, which were transmitted to us, from the vast pressure of matter during Burr's trial.
Letter the third, to Mr. Randolph, in our next.
NOTICE—The Bank will not be open on Friday the 25th inst., nor on Friday the 1st of January. Bills and notes falling due on those days, must be paid on the Thursdays immediately preceding, and paper to be discounted must be offered on the Wednesdays.
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. Bank of Virginia, Dec. 17.

EUROPE.
Continuation of Foreign News received via New-York.
LONDON, October 24.
The Diana frigate has arrived at Portsmouth from La Vera Cruz with 800,000l. sterling in dollars.
The Hamburg papers state, that the Elector of Hanover has been added to the kingdom of Westphalia.
King Louis has, by a decree, divided the forests in Holland into districts, for the preservation of game, to each of which a captain and a lieutenant are appointed.
The value of British merchandise confiscated by the French in Leghorn and other parts of Tuscany, is said to amount to ten millions of dollars.
A letter from Gotterburg, of the 8th, which reached us on Saturday, states, that the Danish Government had issued letters of marque and reprisal against the ships of this country; and that a considerable number of privateers were fitting out at Holten, Schleswig, &c. It is added, that 14 privateers would be ready to sail from Bergen (Norway) during the present month.
The Gazette of Venice of the 1st of October contains, under the head Corfu, Sept. 1, a decree of Napoleon for the provisional organization of the government of the Seven Islands. The Septinsular Republic is to make part of the French empire; the inhabitants are subjects of the emperor of France; the sums and standards of the empire to be common to them. Freedom of worship is to be allowed and the Greek religion is to be the established one. The tribunals of justice, and the functions of the senate are to continue as before; but the decrees of the latter, in order to be valid, must be sanctioned by the governor-general in the name of the emperor.
Sir John Borlase Warren has received his final instructions for his conduct as successor to Admiral Berkeley, and will leave England immediately to assume the command of the squadron upon the North American station.
November 1.
In consequence of previous intimation from the King of France, Louis XVIII, to the Swedish Ambassador, that it was his intention to come to England, the Swedish Vice-Consul was sent to Yarmouth, to await his arrival, and afford him every facility and assistance for which he might have occasion. As soon as the Freya arrived in the roads, the Vice-Consul attempted to go on board but was prevented by the Collector of the Customs, who informed him, that he had orders not to suffer any person to land from the frigate, or allow any communication between her and the shore, except the Custom-house. The Collector immediately went on board the Freya, when signals were arranged for obtaining supplies of provisions, and any other necessary accommodations. The above particulars were transmitted to the Swedish Ambassador, by the Captain of the frigate, and by the Vice-Consul also. The intelligence transpired at the Stock Exchange towards the close of the market, and the funds rose nearly 3-8ths per cent. the speculators considering what had occurred as a decisive symptom of a pacific disposition on the part of the Administration! It was also said, that no application from Louis XVIII for liberty to reside in this country, had been directly addressed to our Government, who are willing to give him an asylum as a private individual, though not to receive him in the capacity of King of France.
COPENHAGEN, Oct. 8.
The English have left the Isle of Flecken, after having burnt down all the houses in the island. According to letters from Norway, 215 English prisoners are said to have arrived at Kongensberg. The Danish Minister in Hamburg has given notice that the light houses of Schlegel, Conholt and Rackebolt, will not be lighted until further orders. It appears by a letter from Tönningen of the 21st of September, the Eyder was not at that time blockaded by the English. The report of the occupation of Bornholm by the English, is unfounded.—Stockholm Gazette, Oct. 19.
COPENHAGEN, Oct. 10.
Yesterday a great part of the English heavy ordnance passed through Copenhagen, drawn through the town by Danish horses, to be embarked on board the English fleet.
Copenhagen Gazette, Oct. 7.
BANKS OF THE MAINE, Sept. 22.
Letters from Vienna assure us, that the report circulated in the public journals of an approaching reduction of the Austrian army, is entirely false. Sept. 25.—The Austrian regiments in Galicia are still upon the war establishment, are ready to march at the first signal.
Travellers from Russia report, that the recruiting in the empire continues with vigor, not only in order to complete the regiments, but even to form new ones.—Abeille du Nord, 2d October.
November 2.
We understand that the report of a Treaty of Offensive and Defensive Alliance having been entered into between France and Denmark, is well founded. The Danish Ambassador has been recalled from our court, and letters of marque have been issued by the Danish government against this country. Letters of marque will of course be issued by our government.
The master of a ship bound to St. Petersburg, who passed the Sound on the 16th inst. states, that Danish pilots were not to be obtained, and that he was compelled, in consequence, to proceed without. He states also, that the buggies in the grounds had been removed.
It has been stated for some days past, that it is the intention of the board of Trade to recommend that a total prohibition shall be put on the import of all French produce and French manufactures.
A Spanish Messenger arrived at the Foreign Office on Saturday, and afterwards waited on Lord Mulgrave at the Admiralty. As he came by the way of France, it was reported that he was the bearer of dispatches connected with a negotiation for peace; but it is more probable that he brought some propositions from the Spanish government on the subject of the exchange of prisoners.
November 3.
We have heard it rumoured, that Government are about to declare war not only against the Danes, but also against Tuscany, Ragusa, Naples, Seven Islands, and all other states and ports in the possession of France or her allies, in the Adriatic and Mediterranean Seas.—Star
We are apprehensive, that several of the ships and transports, belonging to the Baltic Expedition, have received considerable damage. Two ships, we are sorry to state, are known to have been lost. The loss of one of them (the Endeavour transport) we stated yesterday: the name of the other we have not learnt; but it was the ship off of the 2d light battalion of the King's German Legion. Several meritorious officers have been lost, and with them Captain Ingles, the paymaster, an officer of great promise, and much esteemed by his companions in arms. It appears by our Yarmouth letters received this morning, that pieces of wreck and dead bodies are floating about on that part of the coast. Accounts have been received in town, that many of the transports, instead of pursuing their destination, made for whatever ports they could reach. It will therefore be some time before we learn the fate of the different vessels.
Russia has unequivocally refused to enter into any negotiation with this country for a renewal of the Treaty of Commerce. Letters from Petersburg of the 6th of the last month, assert that our Ambassador had directed Sir Stephen Sharpe to inform the British merchants, that he had invited the Russian government to enter into a negotiation for the conclusion of a treaty of commerce, to which invitation the minister Romanzow had replied, "that he must decline under the existing circumstances, entering into any negotiation." As a treaty of commerce would at least be as beneficial to Russia as to this country, the balance of trade being in her favor, her refusal cannot but be considered as a symptom of an unfriendly disposition towards us.
trade being in her favor, her refusal cannot but be considered as a symptom of an unfriendly disposition towards us.
   Stocks this day at one o'clock.     Consols 62 1/2   Omnium 1-4 prem.  
LISBON, October 10. We have been disappointed of the arrival of a packet; the departure of the convoy is, with difficulty, postponed to the 16th instant; the Lively will accompany it, leaving the Cephalus brig at the orders of Lord Strangford, and the Raven to remain in the neighborhood. The Portuguese squadron in the Mediterranean has been sent for, and is arrived. Six ships of the line are ready. The prince of Beira (a child nine years of age) is said to be about to embark for the Brazils. It is doubtful whether his father, the prince regent, will go. The Portuguese ministry are anxious for the British to get off. We have no advice of the French having begun their march from Bayonne.
Other letters from Lisbon, of the same date, mention, in positive terms, that the royal family are all prepared, and would certainly quit Lisbon immediately on the French troops setting foot on the Portuguese territory.
The letters from Oporto, of the 15th, mention the receipt of advices there, that the royal family actually embarked for the Brazils on the 12th;—this information is doubted; it is supposed to relate to the embarkation of the prince of Beira. The fleet which is arrived from Oporto consists of 43 vessels.
YARMOUTH, Nov. 3. This morning, Louis XVIII landed with his suite from the Swedish frigate Freya, at Yarmouth, under the title of the Count de Lisle, by which only he will be recognised during his stay in England. The Count came on shore in Admiral Douglas' barge in the most private manner.
The carriages of Admirals Douglas and Effingham were shortly ready to convey the Count and his suite to the house of Admiral Douglas to breakfast where the illustrious guests received a hearty welcome, and were treated with that true English hospitality, so congenial to the feelings and heart of a British seaman.
The party were joined at breakfast by Admiral Russell, Sir Samuel Hood and several Captains. The Count seemed highly gratified at finding himself surrounded by so many brave men. To Admiral Douglas and his family, he more than once expressed his gratitude for the attention and hospitality shown to him.
Whilst at breakfast, the Count gave a striking proof of his gallantry; presenting a rose to Miss Douglas, he made a happy simile between the sweetness and delicacy of the flower, and the corresponding accomplishments of the young lady.
After breakfast he took his leave, and set off from Yarmouth in his own carriage to the North. His suite consisting of besides his relatives, the Duke D'Angoulême and De Beni, the Compté D'Avary, Duc de Gramont, Compté Etienne de Damas, Compté Nantouillet, Chev. de Reviere, Mons. de Herrouet, Mons. Distel, l'Abbe Fleurier, l'Abbe Cournur.
GREENOCK, Nov. 4. Private accounts reached London, on Saturday morning, which state, that a treaty of Alliance offensive and defensive, has been concluded between France and Russia.
According to letters received from our squadron off Rochefort, 7000 French troops marched on the 10th through Ferrol for Portugal.—We have had accounts from Bilboa of the 15th, which stated that the French had not broken up from Bayonne.
Admiralty Court. —The case of the Orion, American ship and cargo, bound from the Baltic to America, detained by a Plymouth privateer, was argued on Wednesday. The Judge expressed his indignation at the conduct of the captain of the privateer, in bringing in the vessel without the least shadow of ground for seizure, and took the opportunity of animadverting severely upon the conduct lately proceeded upon by the privateers. The captor was cast in costs and damages.
November 2.
The distribution of the British naval force up to this date, is as follows:—At sea, one hundred ships of the line, eleven from 50 to 44 guns; one hundred and forty-one frigates; one hundred and seventy-five sloops, &c. and one hundred and seventy-five gun brigs and smaller vessels—making a total of six hundred and two ships of war, which, added to those in commission and under repair, including the guard ships, give 146 of the line—twenty-one from 50 to 44 guns; one hundred and eighty frigates; two hundred and nineteen sloops; and two hundred and twenty-four gun-brigs, &c.—making a total of seven hundred and ninety ships of war—Exclusive of those, there are forty-four sail of the line building, and forty-five in ordinary, forming the proud, the unparalleled aggregate of two hundred and thirty-five sail of the line, independent of the Danish fleet.
His majesty's ship Narcissus, is arrived in the channel, with a fleet under convoy, from Oporto, which place it left on the 15th inst. having on board most of the English factory, being warned by the Prince Regent to leave the country, in consequence of French troops being daily expected to march in.—Had the Royal family sailed for the Brazils, on the 7th or 8th, it must have been known at Oporto, by the 15th.
Mr. Warke, the consul, is said to be on board the fleet.
The Lavinia frigate remained at Oporto to convey the remaining fleet, which are to bring the gentlemen and the remaining property.
The fleet, which is expected to-morrow, brings 1,400 pipes of wine.
Mr. Rose, Mr. Canning's private Secretary, is gone down to Yarmouth upon a mission to Louis the XVIII.
The Edinburgh paper of Thursday, says: "Yesterday the Lord Prevost received, by a King's messenger, a letter from the Secretary of State, informing that his Majesty had given permission to the Count De Lisle, his family and suite, to occupy the apartments in Holyrood House, which were formerly inhabited by his royal highness Monsieur, and desiring his royal highness to cause the necessary arrangements to be made."
Upon the subject of the arrival of Louis XVIII in this country, the following statement has been published in a respectable morning paper:
"From what cause the circumstance arose we cannot pretend to say, but certain it is, that, notwithstanding the statements in the foreign journals of the intention of Louis XVIII to visit this country, our government, so far from having received any advice of such an intention on the part of his Christian majesty, had every reason to conclude from the information transmitted to them upon the subject, that the reports in the foreign papers were altogether unfounded; nor was it until the middle of last week that any intimation whatever was received of the resolution taken by that illustrious Prince to come to this country; and even then the communication was received only through an indirect channel. On this intimation, however, so desirous were his majesty and his ministers to afford every accommodation, and show all
due attention to the illustrious stranger, that an express was instantly sent off to Edinburgh, with orders for the necessary preparation to be made for his reception at Holyrood House—and as he was then hourly expected to reach our shores, expressions were at the same time sent off to every port at which it was likely he might touch, with instructions from the Swedish Ambassador to the capt. of the Swedish frigate, Freya (in which the Prince came from Gotterburg,) to proceed to Leith, there to land his royal passenger, where all due attention would be paid to him, & where proper persons would be in waiting, to conduct him to the Palace of Holyrood House. On the arrival of the Freya at Yarmouth, so far from any indecorous proceeding having taken place, the instructions of the Swedish Ambassador were sent on board; but the illustrious Prince, on being informed of his destined residence, and that it was provided for him as a safe and hospitable asylum, refused to proceed thither, observing, that he wanted no asylum; that, contrary to report, it was not necessity that had induced him to come to this country; that he had a safe asylum in the Russian territory, where he had left his wife and niece, and that the object of his journey was of a nature purely political, and immediately concerned his interest as king of France; and that rather than go to Scotland, or be treated otherwise than as a sovereign claiming the aid of Britain to recover the sceptre of France, he would return to Russia.
Saturday dispatches were received in town for Mr. Munroe, brought by a gentleman who landed at Dover, from an American vessel on Friday; but the Ambassador having left town on Friday evening to embark, they were sent after him.
FROM THE PARIS ARGUS.
The present situation of Europe calls for a political system totally different from that which, to its shame, the English government has followed so long. The date is not far distant, when, even for its very interest, the court of London will be very glad to acknowledge the rights common to all nations. It has hitherto made war upon principles which it should already have disavowed. Doubtless we ought not to be surprised, that in the midst of a negotiation which promises a happy result, it is still making formidable preparation. France discovers the same attention to support the strength of her armies, and the military spirit which animates her soldiers.—These demonstrations only prove the desire of each of these powers to make peace the more advantageous and solid. But what grieves us is, to see that England has not yet renounced, in her expedition, that system of disorganization and anarchy which is incompatible with the existence of civilized society. The expedition of Miranda, to which it cannot be denied that England set on foot; the connection kept up with Dessalines, and the revolted in St. Domingo; in short, the nature of the aid given to King Ferdinand, and which has consisted in organizing revolt, pillage, and assassination in Calabria, are a true scandal in the eyes of all European governments.
The law of nations certainly permits the defence of the states of an ally, but it must be by legitimate means; for war also has its legislation, the object of which is to diminish the calamities which it brings in its train.—It would promote the cause of humanity, were there never seen in camps, or any other than regular troops, or regularly organised. In a revolted country, all the inhabitants become enemies. The cottage of the laborer is no longer a respected asylum. The whole people are exposed to the horrors of war. It is full time that governments should cease to have recourse to this miserable resource.—The emperor of the French has distanced to employ it in this war. No revolted subjects have been seen under his triumphant colors. Let us hope that the example which he gives to the world will not be lost, and that glorious reign shall be the epoch of a policy more stable and more advantageous for humanity.
LOST or mislaid, a Certificate of 6 per ct. Stock of the state of Virginia, as follows: No. 1. payable to Robt. T. Moore, dated 20th Feb. 1802, for $203 20-100. All persons are forewarned from purchasing the same. NEIL MCLOLL. Dec. 8. [3w.]
COLUMBIAN MILLS & COAL LANDS FOR SALE. —By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the first day of October, 1801, executed by David Ross to the subscribers, and for the purpose of completing the objects of the said trust, in conformity to certain covenants therein contained—the following property will be offered for sale on the first Wednesday in January next, at the front door of the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, to the highest bidder, for ready money, between the hours of twelve and four o'clock, to wit:—All that piece or parcel of Land, adjoining the city of Richmond, commonly called the Columbian Mills, with the Mills, Houses, Cattle, Improvements, Appendages and Privileges thereunto belonging.—Also, an undivided two thirds of a tract of Land in Henrico county, containing seventeen hundred acres, called the Deep Run Coal Pits, and an undivided two thirds of a tract of Land in Chesterfield, containing one hundred acres, called the Falling Creek Coal Pits, of which said Coal Lands, the late James Currie was part owner.
GEO. HAY, ROBERT POLLARD, FRANCIS ANDERSON, } Trustees. Nov. 27, 1807.
If the aforementioned property should prove insufficient to satisfy the debt thereupon charged, the subscribers will offer for sale at the same time and place, a tract of Land in Henrico, called the Seven Pines, containing by estimation, one thousand acres; also, a Tract of Land in the same county on Four Mile Creek, being the same whereon the late col. John Pleasants formerly resided, containing by estimation four hundred and sixty acres, and forty acres adjoining thereto, binding on Bailey's creek and said Four Mile creek, on which stands the Norwich Mills. All of which property was conveyed in trust, by David Ross to the subscribers, by deed bearing date the nineteenth day of December, 1805, as an additional security for a debt due to Wm. B. Giles by the said Ross and charged on the Columbian Mills and Coal Lands first mentioned.
GEO. HAY, BENJ. HATCHER, } Trustees.
AT PRIVATE SALE. —One thousand sacks of SALT, 40 Hds. Prime SUGAR, 10 do. Loaf do. 5 Pipes London particular Madeira WINE, 10 Pipes Cogniac BRANDY, and 35 Bales of coarse WOOLLENS, to be sold low for approved paper. Darmstadt, Foster & Satchell, Auctrs. Nov. 24. [epw.]
MOULD CANDLES. —Dover & Conn. have on hand MOULD CANDLES, of the very best quality, which will be sold in order to close the sales immediately at 20 cents. Dec. 8. [1c]
LANDS FOR SALE. —The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making each application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of chesnut land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land.—One tract on Randolph's creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis.—One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne.—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar.
These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next.
WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (Fif.)
MORE CHEAP GOODS. —JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [epf.]
CASH SALES. —To be sold, for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, esp. bearing date on the 5th day of July, 1806, & recorded in the general court, in order to raise the sum of $50,000 and upwards, and the charges and expenses of sale.—Those well known MILLS with the appurtenances, in the city of Richmond, called the Columbian Mills. Two undivided third parts of the Deep Run Coal Pits, in the county of Henrico, containing about 1750 acres, more or less. Two undivided third parts of the Falling Creek Coal Pits, in the county of Chesterfield, containing about one hundred acres.—Two undivided third parts of the Deep Run Coal Lands, in the county of Goochland, containing about ninety acres, which three several tracts of Coal Land were held in partnership between the said David Ross, and James Currie, deceased. The Columbian Mills and Appurtenances, are subject to a ground rent to Samuel Overton; and the said Mills and two tracts of Coal Land, first mentioned, are pledged for the security of sundry sums of money, due to Mrs. Frances Tabb and Wm. B. Giles, administrator of John Tabb, deceased. Large portion of which, is stated by the said Ross to have been paid, and other estates are pledged for the balance. For further information on this subject, persons inclined to purchase, are referred to the said Ross, or it may be obtained on application to the subscribers.—The sales will take place at the Eagle-Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Wednesday, the 20th of January, 1808. E. W. ROOTES, } Trustees. WILSON ALLAN, } [epf.] Nov. 30.
CITY TAVERN. THE subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has fitted up the City Tavern for the comfortable accommodation of gentlemen travellers and others; where the most respectful attention will be paid to all who may favor him with their custom.
Gentlemen attending the General Assembly may be accommodated during their stay in town, in a manner, and upon terms which cannot fail to give entire satisfaction.
The best of every thing which our city can afford shall be constantly provided, with careful and attentive waiters, good stabling and hostlers. About thirty or forty gentlemen can be well supplied with boarding and lodging, during the session. NATHL. WHITE. Dec. 4. [epw.]
FOR SALE the half of a valuable Tract of Land containing 900 acres, in the county of Goochland, about two miles above the Court-house, called Little Creek, and on James-River; one third of which is prime low grounds. On the tract is a valuable Manufacturing Mill and about 1500 bean trees, with two good dwelling houses, &c. &c. Great accommodation will be given in the payments, part of which may be made in 3, 6, and 10 years. For terms apply to Daul. Couch on the premises, or to THOMAS NORVELL. Nov. 13. [1c]
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Moncure's vendue, a large assortment of Merchandise, consisting of the following articles:—Carpenters and Joiners Tools, iron and steel Locks and Hinges, for house work and cabinet ware. I also carry on my Cabinet Manufacturing, as usual, adjoining the fire insurance office, and have on hand three thousand dollars worth of furniture, finished in the best workman-like manner and in the newest fashion. Also, Windsor Chairs. I will sell all of the above goods, very low for cash, or good paper at a short date. Sept. 5. [epf.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of ERIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, f's.—A general assortment of GROCERIES—among which are Antigua Rum, Holland Gin, 4th pf. Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto. Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gum-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctilious customers. JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (H)
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. —At a meeting of the Directors of the Richmond Turnpike Company, on Monday the 23d of November, 1807.—For reasons appearing to the board, Resolved, That the sale of the SHARES of delinquent stock-holders in the said company, advertised for this day, be postponed till Thursday the 31st of next month, and that they be then sold at auction, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond. A copy. Teste, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Nov. 27. (asid.)
WANTED TO PURCHASE. A NEGRO WOMAN of 25 or 30 years of age, that understands Cooking. For one that can come well recommended for cleanliness, sobriety and steadiness, a liberal price will be given.—Enquire at the Office of the ENQUIRER. Dec. 4. (5f)
BY virtue of a Trust Deed, executed to us by Peter F. Archer, of Powhatan, to secure to Judith Archer a sum of money therein expressed; we shall sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan court-house, on Saturday the 26th day of December next, the following negroes: SLAVES, to wit:—Charlotte and two children, Amy, Suckey, Sally, Rachel and her child Betsey; or as many thereof as may be necessary to answer the purposes of said deed. JOHN ARCHER, WM. ARCHER, WM. ROYALL, } Trustees. Nov. 27. [epw.]
THE subscriber begs leave to inform his friends and the public in general, that he has rented of Mr. Crouch, the commodious House on the street leading from the Governor's to the main-street, known by the name of the CITY HOTEL, and has provided himself for the accommodation of about 20 members of the Assembly; and from 12 to 15 regular boarders. From his contiguity to the Capitol and to that part of Town in which the most business is transacted, the reasonableness of his charges, and his attention to those who may please to call on him, he flatters himself to give such satisfaction as to merit their patronage. To transient passengers, he will add, that he has an excellent stable, which shall at all times be well provided for the reception of their horses. JAMES V. HUGHAN. Richmond, Dec. 8. [epw.]
NOTICE. —The subscriber having qualified as administrator de bonis non, on the estate of the late William Churchill, Esquire, of Wilton, in Middlesex, requests all persons having claims against the said deceased, to make them known as soon as possible; otherwise, in all suits against the estate of the said William, this notice will be relied on as forming presumptive evidence that the claim had been settled. JNO. DARBY. Richmond County, Dec. 8. [6f.]
FALL GOODS. —RICHARD BARDOE, has just received an elegant assortment of GOODS, calculated for the ensuing season, consisting of—Superfine London Cloths and Kersymere, Second do. do. do. Superfine and second quality Coatings, Forest Cloths, Plains and Kendal Cottons, Rose and Match Coat Blankets, Velvets, Velveteens, Prince's & President's Cord, Silk and Worsted Waistcoats of various kinds, Gentlemen and Ladies silk, cotton and worsted Hosiery, Silk Velvets, assorted colours, Crapes, do. do. do. Sarcenets, do. do. do. Linstocks, do. do. do. for dressers. Dr. Ribbons, Irish Linens & Lawns, Silk and Cotton Ginghams, Irish Sheetings, German Linens, Subling Cottons, Dimities & Cambric, Elegant Robes & shawls, Dimities, Dresses, Carpetings and Hearth Rugs, Plain & figured Leno's, do. do. milled Muslins, A handsome assortment of Kid & Morocco Shoes, A few pair of elegant Gossar & white top Bootees. All of which he will sell at the most reduced price for cash. Oct. 10. [1c]
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silversmiths, Richmond, a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz.—An elegant assortment of pearl and opal Brooch Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold d. of nearly all patterns, Miniature Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy, corallian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sugar Boxes, Disks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Peas, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff Boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases; Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily despatched. December 4. [epf.]
STRAYED from the subscriber, lying on James River, opposite the mouth of Rose Fork, on the 31st day of October last, a large Sorrel Brood Mare. She is about 5 feet high, has a star in her forehead and one or more white feet, very thin stitch mane and tail; she was in tolerable order and shed all round with German steel; she has a gallop in her movement and is in full; a long trot and gallop are only gaits; she is 15 years old, no brand recollected; she had been lately purchased by me from a gentleman residing near the head of Rose fork, at the foot of the Blue-ridge; but as she cannot be found in that, or the intervening country, I apprehend (if she was not stolen) she has made towards Hanover county, she having been raised by Judge Roane, who owned her till the fall 1805. I will give ten dollars for her delivery, and full compensation for any information leading to her recovery. PATRICK ROSE, jun. Buckingham, Dec. 8. (Top.)
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received in the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 15. [1c]
FOR SALE, and may be seen at the Bell-Tavern, one of the most elegant pair of HAY HORSES, that has ever been exhibited in the city of Richmond—one of them 5 and the other 6 years old. Nov. 20. (5f)
FOR SALE. —The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAML. GREENHOW. October 7. [1f]
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior