The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-31 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
A. C. DE LAVIGNE,
HAIR-CUTTER, (from Paris,) near the Bel-Tavern, and 2 doors below Mr. Pleasant's Printing Office; has the honor to inform the Ladies of Richmond, that he dresses their Hair after the Greek, Flora, Virginia and Parisian fashions. He intermixes the hair, craps, gauze, flowers, pearls and diamonds. He also makes hair nets, bandages, plait, frizes and wigs. He has an assortment of hair of every color. He also informs the gentlemen that he cuts the hair Alattus and Alabatus, and trims in the most modern fashion. January 27.
IN DOLLARS REWARD, and reasonable charges, will be paid by the subscriber, for the delivery, at the Jail of Philadelphia, of a certain MACALL MEDFORD, formerly of this city, and since of the city of London. Any person wishing to undertake the apprehension of said Medford, will be furnished with full powers under a bail piece, for the purpose, and a description of his person.
He arrived at Norfolk, from England, last February, and declared his intention was immediately to repair to Philadelphia, in order to bring me to account for certain monies he alleged I owed him, and no longer ago than the 21st June, he wrote to a gentleman in this city, saying he would be up in a few days; in consequence of which, I have waited patiently ever since, but finding his promises merit no attention, and determined to make another effort to get hold of him, (having already sent twice after him without effect,) I do with confidence, call on the virtuous part of the community, to assist in bringing to justice, a man, whose conduct towards me, has been marked by the deepest duplicity, ingratitude and fraud.
JOHN LISLE, Late JOHN LISLE, JR. Philadelphia. January 27.
VIRGINIA. TO WIT.—At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 5th day of November, 1808. Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff against Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, late Martha Cooke, Martha Cooke, infant daughter of Robert Cooke, and Martha his wife, by John Newsum her guardian, John Newsum, administrator of Robert Cooke, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, Robert Burchell and Ann his wife, Wilson Stott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor, whose George K. Taylor, Richard F. Ann, Sarah, and Elizabeth are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray his devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company. Defendants. The defendants Watson Stott & Sarah his wife not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, it is appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Country, on the motion of the Plaintiff, by their counsel, It is Ordered That the said defendants do appear here, on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted on the front door of the former Capitol, in this city. Attest. ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C. January 21.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Michael Grantland, to secure, amongst other things, the payment of a debt to Taylor and Brown, which deed is dated the 27th March, 1807, and recorded in the District Court of Richmond: Will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Wednesday, the eighth day of February next, the said Grantland's right, title and interest, in all that lot, piece or parcel of GROUND, lying in the said city, on the cross-street leading from the main street to Adam Craig's office, adjoining Crawford's lot, and extending on the cross-street aforesaid, one hundred and ten feet towards the main street, thence back fifty feet, thence 110 feet in a line parallel to said cross-street, thence 50 feet to the beginning, or so much of said property, as will be sufficient to pay and satisfy, the debt mentioned in the said deed, due to said Taylor and Brown, with all the costs and charges attending the execution of the trust. GEO: WM. SMITH. January 23.
LANDS FROM THE Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seay, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Sun Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Barrels Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Hazelnut Sugars, 3 Boxes Molasses, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hysop, Hyssop skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles. For sale by, GEORGE WATT. January 17.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17.
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Seamstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
YOUNG LADIES' BOARDING SCHOOL, WARRENTON.—Emboldened by the general approbation which was expressed by those patrons of Literature and Arts who honored this institution by their attendance at the late public examinations, and grateful for the encomiums they bestowed, whilst viewing the exhibition of penmanship, needle-work, embroidery, &c. &c. I venture again to offer my services in the discharge of those duties which I have hitherto received, and contemplating the pleasures I have in view, by further contributing to the benefit of the rising generation; I intend dedicating my whole time to the improvement and education of such Young Ladies as may be entrusted to my care: Assuring their parents, guardians, &c. that it shall be my constant study to discover the turn or bent of their minds; that where it is necessary, I may be able, by gentle and persuasive means, to moderate their dispositions as to induce them to wish to learn; and where the propensity is already discernible, to heighten it by just commendation, that it may become more sedulous emulation. The utmost caution shall be used to preserve them in health, to impress them with just notions of piety and virtue, and to make them understand the necessity of attending to moral and domestic economy. In fine, such will be my pride to give entire satisfaction, that they shall know no other difference by being from home, than the absence from their parents, &c. and being obliged to attend diligently to the orders and regulations of this institution. As viewing what has been done, is a better criterion than any other whereby to judge what may be attained, the subscriber begs leave to inform the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, and its vicinity, that a Specimen, the performance of a Young Lady of that city, who was only eighteen months at the above Seminary, may be seen on application at Mr. Archibald Nisbet's, Merchant in Richmond. SARAH FALKENER.
Every possible exertion is employed to procure a discreet & properly qualified person to teach Music. The School will be opened on the first day of January next. The terms for tuition, board, washing, lodging, &c. &c. are one hundred and five dollars. For day scholars twenty dollars per annum. The house is remarkably commodious, and well constructed for the preservation of health. Warrenton, North-Carolina. January 24, 1809.
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Pritchard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post-Office, where all communications, &c. will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to—and that he will continue, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2w2w2w2w2w
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions. Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be brought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company, on Friday, the 20th of January, 1809: Resolved, That a call of three dollars on each Share of the Stockholders, in the company, be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer, on or before the 10th of next month. A Copy, N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. Tushf
FOR SALE—An excellent young riding HORSE, enquire at this office, or at the Bar of the Washington Tavern. January 13th 1809.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplett & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS, of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22.
DOMESTIC. PITTSBURGH, (Penn.) Jan. 11. EVASION OF THE EMBARGO. By information from a gentleman of undoubted veracity, who has been, and now is engaged in the Salt trade, it appears that no less than 15,000 barrels of flour has been smuggled out of the Genesee country—the mode of conducting this business is as follows. On the American side of the Niagara just above the falls of Niagara, at a place called Black rock, a public house is established; to this hotel the British merchants resort. The farmers from the fertile region of New York state, lying S. and E. of Black rock, convey thither their flour in waggons; and the British merchant tells the farmer that he will pay him 8 dollars per barrel, for his flour, if he dislodges it on the beach of the river. This the farmer does in the evening, and on the ensuing morning the flour is gone; in the night small crafts convey it to the Canadian shore; thence it is waggoned round the falls, below which it is received by British vessels and conveyed to Great Britain and her dependencies. Thus while the embargo interdicts the citizens of these states from carrying on a fair trade, it opens an effectual door in the north for eluding its operation. Balt. Amer.
Yesterday, (says the Winchester Gazette of the 14th inst.) passed through this place on their march to Baltimore, from Woodstock, the company of U. S. Infantry, commanded by capt. Nimrod Long. Also, a detachment of 54 dragoons, recruited by lieut. Lyle at Montgomery Ct.-House, which were joined here by a detachment of 17 dragoons, commanded by Cornet Keen—the whole destined for New Orleans.
Arrived here a few days since, from Orleans, a recruiting party, whose appearance reflects the highest honor on their commander (Capt. Simon Owens) who, we understand, was ordered to this place, to recruit a company, to which rank he has lately been preferred. All patriotic young men are invited to join in defence of their country's rights. 16.
By the Swedish Schooner Juliana, from Aux-Cayes, we learn, that Christophe and Petion were still carrying on a rather inactive war. The island was tolerably well supplied with provisions, and the British were carrying on a great trade with the Haytians. Coffee was selling at 17 sous. Merc. Adv.
stand, was ordered to this place, to recruit a company, to which rank he has lately been preferred. All patriotic young men are invited to join in defence of their country's rights. 16.
By the Swedish Schooner Juliana, from Aux-Cayes, we learn, that Christophe and Petion were still carrying on a rather inactive war. The island was tolerably well supplied with provisions, and the British were carrying on a great trade with the Haytians. Coffee was selling at 17 sous. Merc. Adv.
A fine new Schooner, named the Martha and Susan, commanded by captain Betts, with a valuable cargo of Corn, flour, &c. was brought into this port on Saturday last, prize to the revenue cutter Surveyor, commanded by that vigilant officer capt. Bright. She was captured on the 14th inst. off Great Chop-tank, having no clearance of papers.
Extract of a letter from St. Croix, dated 31st December last. "We are all in anxiety here for the event of your embargo. If continued it will be ruinous to this as well as every other island depending on you for lumber. One third of the estates have not materials in the lumber way. I am now delivering pitch pine scantling to be converted into staves. I hope soon to see the American colours again in our harbor. Prices quoted, viz: "Flour per cask, 21 to 22 dollars, by retail 25 to 30. "Prime Beef, 24 dollars. "Pork 36 to 40. "Candles, 8 bits or 64 cents per lb."
Robbery of the Mail detected.—We are very happy to learn, from the information of a letter from Edenton that a discovery has been made, which accounts for the frequent robberies of the mail, between this place and Newbern, which have been committed for some months past. These robberies appear to have been committed at an inconsiderable post office at Lee's Mills, between Edenton and Plymouth, by a person by the name of Stubbs, who has unfortunately made his escape. The letter adds, that should he be apprehended, but little doubt remains, that there will be sufficient proof to effect his conviction.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 21. Yesterday morning arrived the Dispatch brig Hunter, Captain Rice, from Rio Janeiro, and St. Salvador, 35 days from the latter place, with dispatches for government from Henry Hill, Esq. our Consul at St. Salvador. No American vessels at either place. There were about 80 sail of British Merchantsmen at Rio Janeiro loaded for different ports in England; and captain Rice spoke, two days after he sailed, a fleet of about twenty sail bound in. Mr. Hill was received with the greatest respect by the Prince Regent of Portugal, whose ports, he said, were open to American vessels. Sir Sidney Smith was still at Rio Janeiro with six sail of the line. Daily Misc.
A letter from St. Salvador, dated Nov. 22, 1808, says—"This place swarms with the English, who, I think, have brought their goods to rather a bad market, as they have glutted it with almost every species of merchandise." Ab.
AMERICAN OCHRES.—Edward Mott & Co of Philadelphia, at a very considerable expense and labor have, from the several distances of 65, 90 and 160 miles from that city obtained, and within their means of supply, in the natural state or pulverized, twelve Ochres and Colors for Paints, and have confidence by the ensuing spring to make considerable additions, viz: Three different mineral blacks, which are found upon experiments made by competent judges, to answer for copper-plate-printers, paper-stainers, and they presume, for all the purposes to which black can be applied as a color or paint; except for printing-ink, for which it appears of too dense a body—a quantity, nevertheless, that evinces its value for other purposes—From which they prepare in liquid and cakes—and have ready for sale, an incomparable shining blacking. Three different shades of yellow ochre, the brightest of which is declared by judges, to be very little if at all inferior to the imported spruce yellow. From these three ochres they make, by calcination, three shades of red or Spanish brown—a native orange—a native umber, and a stone yellow—All very rich and delicate colors.
Recapitulation of vessels permitted to pass to foreign ports under the Embargo laws, between the 22d December, 1807, and the 30th Sept. 1808.
   Ports. No. Vess. Tons. Cargo.     Portsmouth, 7 1925 4   Newburyport, 8 916 6   Charleston, 3 211 3   Salem, 22 3357 14   Marblehead, 4 382 2   Boston, 44 6411 28   Plymouth, 1 79 1   Dighton, 1 100 1   Yorke, 3 826 2   Kennebec, 4 545 2   Saco, 2 234 1   Portland, 4 590 4   Wiscasset, 1 133 1   Newport, 6 647 6   Providence, 30 3312 22   Bristol, 26 3935 23   New-London, 43 5498 29   Middletown, 17 1924 13   New-Haven, 15 1879 12   New-York, 189 31628 118   Nelson, 1 107 1   Perth Amboy, 1 101 1   Philadelphia, 65 10492 46   Wilmington, Del. 1 70 1   Baltimore, 51 4093 26   Georgetown, Col. 1 147 1   Norfolk, 17 2247 14   Alexandria, 4 353 4   Wilmington, N. C. 1 145 1   Newbern, N. C. 1 79 1   Washington, N. C. 3 246 3   Charleston, 35 5597 24   Savannah, 3 310 1   394 87414 413  
Returned in ballast 31—Not returned 137—Prevented from proceeding, after being permitted, 13. Tons for the official list—Sailed without permit 594!—Returned, NONE!—Phil. Political Register. THE BRITISH MINISTER. A gentleman of high federal politics, yester-
day declared that Mr. Erskine had sent Camber's letter, lately published, to Boston for publication. If this fact could be ascertained, it would be evidence of such an intermeddling in the politics of the union, as would justify the executive in sending Mr. Erskine home. Dem. Press.
BALTIMORE, Jan. 24. General Wilkinson is to leave this city to-day for Chesapeake, in the sloop Wolf, capt. Jones. N. American.
Extract of a letter, dated CAPE, November 7. [Communicated for the Federal Gazette.] I have just received a letter from Mr. Ewing, an extract from which follows under date the 25th ult. I received the most prompt and satisfactory assurances when at Aranjuez, both from Mr. Greville the minister of state and the president of the junta, that the ship Algeciras, should be liberated without any difficulty or delay. I shall return to Aranjuez on Friday or Saturday, and say perhaps then write to you more particularly on this subject. We have just received an express from Gibraltar, giving information that the port of Trieste is open for all vessels. This circumstance augurs favorably for colonial produce, which rises in consequence—Already up to—
Sugar, white 16 dollars. brown 13. Flour, 8 a 10. Tobacco, 25. The Hon. Benjamin Lincoln Collector, and Benjamin Weld, Esq. Deputy Collector, of the Customs of this port, have resigned their respective offices. Boston Centinel.
The reasons assigned by these gentlemen, for their resignation from office, are not distinctly known; but we feel no hesitation in offering our belief, that they have arisen from a repugnance to the oppressive laws, which they were called upon to enforce against their fellow-citizens; and that to avoid the degrading infamy of executing them, they have thus patriotically and magnanimously given up their commissions, and with them, the income of two of the most lucrative offices under government. Bost. Gaz.
The noble example which has been given by Gen. Lincoln and Mr. Weld, in refusing to execute the new Embargo law against their fellow-citizens; and of refusing from an office, which they could no longer hold, with honor to themselves, or advantage to the community, is, above all emulation. May it be followed, until the administration shall be taught to know, that tho' they can make oppressive laws, they can find no one to execute them. Id.
The Philadelphia Gazette, says—A pilot boat schooner, with dispatches, sailed from New-York yesterday morning for New-Orleans. What deth this mean! It means look out in time! Aurora.
CHARLESTON, Jan. 17. We are informed that a brig and a Schooner, loaded with rice and cotton, sailed from Savannah on Tuesday and Wednesday last, in defiance of the embargo laws. As there are no armed vessels in that river, they effected their escape without opposition. C. Courrier.
From the Aurora. The case of the evasion of the embargo, and the fraud committed in the case of the SALLY, as copied in our paper of Saturday, from the Petersburg paper, we could not give any information upon, and therefore published it as we received it. We know of no such firm as Harper & Co. in this city. We do not believe there is any such firm; unless some of the infamous speculators against the national honor and the law have used such a name, or some person of such a name, to mask their iniquity. Dr. Farquhar is well known in this city. In his personal department he is an imposing man. He came here from Jamaica, & although it does not appear that he has resided in the United States a time sufficient to acquire the rights of a citizen legally, he nevertheless appears to consider himself as such; and we are not misinformed, has owned several vessels in this port. The SALLY certainly did belong to Dr. Farquhar, and we know other particulars. It is not long ago, that a vessel of Dr. Farquhar, or one with which he had concern, was detained in the Delaware, in consequence of an attempt to violate the embargo.
As to the other persons named, M'Adam and Tilton, we have not been able to obtain any sort of information concerning them; and it is very probable that the firm of Harper & Co. M'Adam, Tilton, &c. are all fictitious names used as masks, for the speculations of this same Dr. Farquhar. The U. States brig Argus has arrived at the Wallabout, (New-York) William Findlay, Esq. has been elected state treasurer of Pennsylvania.
The editor of the Philadelphia Gazette says, he is authorized to state, that the following correspondence is genuine: "M. de Beaujour is charged by the Plenipotentiary of France, to communicate to the Chevalier de Foronda, the constitution of Spain. He takes the advantage of this opportunity to assure the Chevalier of his most distinguished consideration." Philadelphia, Jan. 14, 1809.
The above note was received at 11 o'clock, in the morning of Saturday last, and at 12 the following answer was dispatched: "The charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VII. the beloved, has received the note which the Chevalier Beaujour sent him by order of the minister of France, enclosing what is entitled the constitution of Spain and the Indies, by which it appears that Joseph Napoleon is King of Spain and the Indies. But being informed that Spain and her American possessions (excepting only that part of the peninsula which French Baymers have deprived of the liberty of choice) demand with the greatest affection that their beloved King Ferdinand may be restored to Madrid, to whom they have sworn fidelity and offer to sacrifice their tranquillity, property and lives for the purpose of restoring him to the throne of his predecessors; and strongly reproaching what is called at Bayonne, the constitution of Spain and the Indies, the charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty, returned to the Chevalier de Beaujour, because to accept it would be an act of High Treason to the Spanish nation. He avails himself of this opportunity of rendering his respectful consideration." Phila. Jan. 14.
The above note was received at 11 o'clock, in the morning of Saturday last, and at 12 the following answer was dispatched: "The charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty Ferdinand VII. the beloved, has received the note which the Chevalier Beaujour sent him by order of the minister of France, enclosing what is entitled the constitution of Spain and the Indies, by which it appears that Joseph Napoleon is King of Spain and the Indies. But being informed that Spain and her American possessions (excepting only that part of the peninsula which French Baymers have deprived of the liberty of choice) demand with the greatest affection that their beloved King Ferdinand may be restored to Madrid, to whom they have sworn fidelity and offer to sacrifice their tranquillity, property and lives for the purpose of restoring him to the throne of his predecessors; and strongly reproaching what is called at Bayonne, the constitution of Spain and the Indies, the charge des Affaires of his Catholic Majesty, returned to the Chevalier de Beaujour, because to accept it would be an act of High Treason to the Spanish nation. He avails himself of this opportunity of rendering his respectful consideration." Phila. Jan. 14.
New-York, Jan. 13. At a Meeting of the Republican Citizens of the City and County of New-York, for the purpose of expressing their sentiments on the measures of the General Government—in the square in front of Mr. A. B. Marling's, opposite the Park, on Wednesday, 18th January, 1809. COL. RUTGERS was chosen Chairman, and COL. FEW, Secretary. The following Resolutions were read and carried unanimously.
WHEREAS it is the indispensable duty of good and patriotic citizens to afford their support to a virtuous government and to their country's cause, and considering that we should not permit our sentiments and feelings to be misrepresented, and thus by protracting a belief that we are dissatisfied with, or disapprove the measures of the administration of the general government, encourage hostile powers to persevere in their aggressions, we do therefore
Resolve, That we continue to repose full confidence in the patriotism and talents of the President, and Vice-President and the republican majority in both houses of congress of the United States. That viewing without partiality and with equal indignation the hostile acts of both the belligerent powers, we entirely approve of the embargo and a rigid enforcement thereof, and believe that while it affords an opportunity to the aggressors, perceptibly to discountenance their violations of our rights, its immediate tendency has been to preserve American property, to vindicate the freedom and protect the persons of our mariners, and while we lament that the violence and injustice of foreign nations have rendered it a necessary measure, we decidedly resolve that it meets our hearty approbation.
Resolved, That we will support the government of the United States in its present boastful struggle to maintain the national dignity and independence together with the commercial rights of our country, for which we pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Resolved, That we view with becoming indignation the repeated acts that have been committed to evade and violate the embargo laws of the United States; that we expressly consider the violators of those laws as public enemies, and that we will use our best exertions to support and enforce those laws, and to detect and expose the infamous violators thereof—and we do earnestly recommend to the friends of our national rights and independence throughout the U. States, particularly those residing in the counties on our frontiers, or bordering on the sea coast to form associations for the same laudable purpose.
And much as we respect the just liberty of the press—Resolved, That those public prints which in a contest between our country and Europe governments, have manifested a foreign partiality, endeavored to weaken the confidence of the people in our administration, and by exalting hostile states to persevere in their aggressions, have prolonged our difficulties and endangered the peace of our country, deserve our severest reprobation.
Resolved, That in our opinion the conduct of the party opposing the measures of the present administration, is calculated to involve us in a war with the belligerent powers, inasmuch as it tends to exhibit us as a people divided, even on questions involving our national independence, and to induce a belief, that there exists in our country, a party which will force our government to abandon the honorable ground it has taken, thereby encouraging them to persist in measures which leave us no alternative but War, or a surrender of our national independence.
Resolved, That the unremitted efforts of our government to preserve peace, is so contrary to the true interests of the United States, and the dictates of humanity, but the just proposition made to France and England, having been by both rejected, we prefer an honorable war, in defence of our rights, rather than submission to their tyrannical decrees and orders.
Resolved, That in our opinion, war with all its concomitant horrors will not be destitute of a measure of benefit to our country, inasmuch as it will excite into action the latent energies and resources of the nation as it regards the establishment of domestic manufactures, and thereby render us more independent of foreign supplies. That by thus destroying the interest of foreign merchants, agents & foreign emissaries, to resort hither to resell a comparatively small amount of our own materials, manufactured and charged without immense amount for foreign labor, they will not have the opportunity or inducement to intermeddle with the internal concerns of our government. Hence the greatest source of that rancorous party spirit which has too long been a scourge and disgrace to the nation, will be annihilated.
Resolved, That war, should we be constrained to engage in it, will have the effect to rid our country of the many foreign emissaries and domestic traitors who infest our seaport towns, & who use their utmost endeavors to alienate the people from their government, with the hope of rendering both subservient to the views of their employers.
Resolved, That our republican brethren in the respective counties in this state, be, and they are hereby respectfully requested, to assemble and express their opinions of the measures of government, in regard to the belligerent powers.
Resolved, That it be recommended to all the printers in the United States, who possess sufficient patriotism and liberality, to publish the proceedings of this meeting in their respective papers.
Resolved, That the chair appoint nine of our republican fellow-citizens to be a corresponding committee, to communicate with our republican friends in this and other of the United States, on the interesting concerns of our country, and that they continue in session until the next general meeting of the republicans of this city, when the further pleasure of such meeting shall be taken thereupon.
The chairman in pursuance of the above powers has appointed the following persons to constitute the corresponding committee: HENRY RUTGERS, WILLIAM FEW, TUNIS WORTMAN, JONAS HUMBERT, SAMUEL LAWRENCE, JOHN HAFF, JOHN BINGHAM, JOHN MILLS, ABRAHAM BLOODGOOD. It was at the request of a great number of republican citizens, that col. Rutgers consented to serve as a member of the Corresponding committee. HENRY RUTGERS, Chairman. WILLIAM FEW, Secretary.
BALTIMORE, Jan. 21. Several of the Tory editors have congratulated their readers on a vast accession to the federal strength in the senate of the United States, by the removal of James A. Bayard, a member of that body, from Delaware. If we are not grossly misinformed, the opinion of Mr. Bayard on the present state of things, is as opposite to that of the divinity of tyranny, (Timothy Pickering) as

light from darkness. We shall be much disappointed, from what we have heard, if the puppies who print the "Federal Republic" do not shortly place Mr. Bayard in the same rank with the "blasé Adams and Smith," and the prevaricating Pinkney. E. Post.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
JANUARY 25.
Mr. Bradley , of the conferees on the Senate, on the disagreement between the two Houses, in relation to the bill, entitled "An act authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines," made the following report:
That they have met the conferees on the part of the House of Representatives, and have had a free conference on the subject of the disagreement between the two Houses, and regret that it has not been in their power to compromise the disagreement. They submit to the Senate certain propositions made by them to the conferees from the other House, as evidence of their earnest desire to have accommodated all differences, and a justification of their conduct to the nation; they subjoin the letter from the Superintendent of the navy yard, in the absence of the Secretary of the navy, that the state of the frigates might be fully known. They are compelled to say, they found no disposition on the part of the other conferees, to depart in the least respect from the bill, as passed by the House of Representatives, or in any manner to wish any accommodation, short of the Senate receding, in every instance from their amendments. They therefore unanimously recommend to the Senate, to adhere to their amendments.
Propositions with the subjoined letter, communicated to the conferees on the part of the House of Representatives.
"The conferees from the Senate, on the disagreement between the two Houses, in relation to the amendments made by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines," being sincerely desirous to accommodate all differences between the two Houses, do propose to the conferees, from the House of Representatives, a middle course, which will impose little, if any additional burdens on the nation; the four frigates being at present in a state of repair, as they are informed, can very soon be equipped for actual service; they presume, from the known liberality and spirit of accommodation, which has so uniformly marked the proceedings of both Houses of Congress, that they will readily concur therein, to wit:
"To amend the first amendment made by the Senate, to read as follows:
"That in addition to the frigates now employed in actual service, there be fitted out, equipped and manned as soon as may be, the four following frigates, to wit: The United States , Essex , John Adams and President ; and moreover, the President of the United States is hereby authorized and empowered to equip, man and employ in actual service, so many of the other public armed vessels now laid up in ordinary, and gun boats, as in his judgment the public service may require; and to cause the frigates and other armed vessels, when prepared for actual service, respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea coast, as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the United States or territories thereof, and"
And so modify the second amendment of the Senate, that in lieu of the words "three hundred and fifty," insert "three hundred."
And so modify the third amendment of the Senate, that in lieu of "four thousand four hundred and forty-seven," insert the words, "three thousand six hundred."
And to recommend to the Senate, to recede from their two last amendments made to the second section of the bill.
And to amend the title to read, "An act authorizing the employment of an additional naval force."
Subjoined is a letter from captain Tingey, Superintendent of the navy yard, showing the state of their frigates.
NAVY YARD, WASHINGTON, 20th January 1809.
Sir, I have the honor to state in reply to your note of this morning that the frigates United States , Essex and John Adams , are now in as good order in their hulls as on the day they were launched, and can be rigged in a few weeks if so ordered, and suitable appropriations made.
The frigates " Congress and Adams " might also proceed to station in the mouths of any of our bays or harbors, but I do not consider their hulls in a situation fit to bear the sea in heavy weather.
The frigates Constellation and New York , I consider as unfit to proceed from this yard, until they shall have had a thorough repair, and the remaining frigate, the President , is now progressing under a thorough repair, and may, I presume, be ready for sea in May next, with the number of carpenters now employed here.
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, THOMAS TINGEY. Hon. Stephen R. Bradley.
JANUARY 24.
The bill making appropriations to complete the fortifications commenced for the security of the seaport towns and harbors of the U. S. and to defray the expenses of deepening and extending to the river Mississippi the canal of Carondelet, was passed. The bill appropriates $44,000 dollars.
A message was received from the President transmitting the information requested respecting the execution of the act of Feb. 21, 1806, appropriating two millions for foreign intercourse.
The Senate took into consideration the report of the conferees of the senate, on the disagreement of the two Houses, in relation to the bill authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines [as given in the proceedings of Monday] and agreed to the same—Yeas 23—Nays 10. The bill is consequently lost, unless the House of Representatives agree to the amendments of the Senate.
The SENATE have passed, without amendment, the bill for an Extra Meeting of Congress, on the 4th Monday in May. It consequently only requires the signature of the President to be a law. Latest N. Eng. Int.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Jan. 23.
Mr. Mason from the managers appointed to attend a conference on the subject of the amendments deponing between the two Houses to the bill "authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines," reported that they had met the managers on the part of the Senate, but came to no agreement thereon.
TUESDAY, Jan. 24.
FORTIFICATIONS.
After the transaction of some minor business—
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill for appropriating further sums for fortifications, &c.
Mr. Blount , moved to fill the blank for the sum with 450,000 dollars, and read the following estimate of the sums necessary for completing the fortifications in each state for the ensuing year.
  For the several works at and near New-Orleans $ 36 000   Do. in the state of Georgia 60 000   South-Carolina 50 000   North-Carolina 16 000   Virginia 28 000   Maryland 15 000   Delaware 18 000   Pennsylvania 5 000   New-Jersey 14 000   New-York 165 000   Connecticut 24 000   Rhode-Island 8 000   Massachusetts including Maine 25 000   New-Hampshire 4 000   $ 448,000 
The motion was agreed to, without a division.
M. Van Dyke moved to insert, at the end of the section which provides for completing the works already commenced, the words "And for erecting such other fortifications as may be deemed necessary." Agreed to without a division.
Mr. Goldsborough moved to strike out of the bill the words "exclusive of the contemplated line of blocks and chains across the harbor of New-York," and insert a provision that no part of the money appropriated by this bill should be employed in that mode of defence, and that the materials provided for it should be sold, and the proceeds of the sale be appropriated to other fortifications. This motion was opposed by Messrs. Burwell and Blount , and afterwards withdrawn.
A motion was made by Mr. D. R. Williams to strike out the second section of the bill—(respecting the canal of Carondelet) This motion was superceded by a motion of Mr. Dana , for the committee to rise in order to recommit the bill; on which motion a debate took place of two or three hours in length, turning principally on the question of the propriety of that mode of defending New-Orleans. Motion to rise lost. 47 to 40. Motion to strike out the second section lost—55 to 40.
The blank in the second section was filled with 25,000 dollars.
Mr. Newton moved a new section to authorise the President of the United States to cause the survey of the land lying between the head of the Eastern branch of Elizabeth and Lynnhaven rivers, to ascertain the practicability of cutting a canal across.—Negatived, Ayes 10.
The committee rose and reported the bill as amended, which was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. Lyon obtained leave of absence from Monday next for the remainder of the session.
PREPARATION FOR WAR.
Mr. Nicholas said, that there never was a period in any country which more required the union and exertion of all its citizens to extricate it from its difficulties, than the situation of this country required at the present time. The two most powerful nations of the world (he said) are in a state of war against this country. Their aggressions against us have been continued for twelve months; whilst we have used every honorable means in our power to avoid war. I have repeatedly declared my determination never to submit to the wrongs received; that when the embargo failed, we must resort to the valor and patriotism of our citizens.
Sir, we have too much reason to believe that the 'moment' is at hand when nothing else can extricate us from our difficulties. My attention has been particularly called to the necessity of a measure of the sort I am about to propose from the opposition made to the preparation for war by gentlemen, who rely wholly upon the embargo as a coercive measure, and declare that as long as it continues, no preparation should be made with a view to a state of war. If the country remains in a situation unprepared to meet war until the period when every man would be satisfied that the embargo ought to be raised, we shall be compelled to continue it six, eight, or ten months longer till we can prepare for actual war. But sir, in our preparations, mere defence should not be the sole object. We are the injured party in the contest. This state of things imposes upon us the necessity of being prepared to prosecute the war; because if we seek redress for injury, the mere defence of the country will not answer the purpose—and therefore there is the greater necessity for extensive preparation. After these observations, Mr. N. offered the following resolution, which he moved to refer to a committee of the whole:
Resolved , As the opinion of this House that the U. S. ought not to delay beyond the day of the laws, & to resume, maintain and defend the navigation of the high seas against any nation or nations having in force edicts, orders or decrees, violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. S. States.
After a few observations from Mr. Dana , expressive of a wish to see a whole system, and the object of the preparation for war precisely defined, expressing at the same time a desire to give the subject an early consideration, the resolution was made the order of the day for Monday next, in preference to to-day, 53 to 45.
WEDNESDAY, January 25.
Mr. Clepton presented a petition from a number of British subjects, presented but not acted on, in 1804 praying for an alteration of the jurisdiction of the federal courts of the U. S. States, in regard to the recovery of debts; which he moved to refer to a select committee. Mr. C. stated that in making this motion, he was far from having any desire that the prayer of the petition should be granted; on the contrary he was very much opposed to it—but that he made the motion solely to comply with the so citation of an agent of the petitioners, residing in the district he represented, who had earnestly requested him to call the subject in view, and
endeavor to obtain a final decision by the House.—Motion for reference lost—Ayes 55.
IMPEACHMENT.
Mr. Quincey —Mr. Speaker —I rise to perform a great duty. Due to the imperiously demanded, as I apprehend, by my station, and by the knowledge of facts which I have in possession. By the 2d section of the 1st article of the constitution, this House have "the sole power of impeachment."
This duty, always painful, it must perform, if occasion calls for it. And every member, who has reason to believe that a high crime or misdemeanor has been committed, is bound to state that opinion to the House, and to move such an enquiry as the nature of the supposed offence demands.
Of all the duties of the Executive magistrate of this nation, that in relation to the filling of important public offices is the most critical, the most likely to be abused, and the one which this House ought most scrupulously to watch. Because these appointments are avenues of corrupt influence. And of all species, perhaps, that is the most dangerous, which keeps men, then acting in high official stations, subject to such an influence, by not only the actual perception of the profit of the places which they hold but by the assurance of further lucrative advancement, in case of continued fidelity to him who holds the distribution of offices. Under this aspect, sir, I do not hesitate to declare my opinion, that a high misdemeanor has been committed against this nation, concerning which it is the bounden duty of this House to enquire, and either to remove the ground of suspicion, or establish the fact, before the world. This is the charge which I expect to substantiate—That the collectorship of the port of Boston and Charleston, being a place of great trust and importance, and also of ample emolument, has been now for more than two years, kept in a manner vacant, and ever since left in the condition of a sinecure, in the hands of the then incumbent, after the Executive had full information of the fact, for the purpose of keeping the said office in reserve, for Henry Dearborn, long a member of the present administration, then and now Secretary at War.
The facts, I expect, and am prepared to prove are:
First —That in November, 1806, Benjamin Lincoln, esq. collector of that port, did write to the President of the United States, and requesting leave to resign at the end of that year.
Second —That he did receive an answer from the President, in December following, expressing a high sense of his revolutionary services, and requesting him to give him a little longer time to look out for a suitable character, to fill the said office, and limiting the time to the last of March then following; viz. March, 1807—"beyond which he assured him he should not be detained." That gen. Lincoln, in reply, consented to continue until the last of the said March.
Third —That no appointment in March was made, and that gen. Lincoln did on the 30th of September, 1807, write to the President stating his infirmities, and total inability to perform the duties of his office, and again requested to be relieved from his office, at farthest by the end of that year. That to this he never received any answer.
Fourth —That he has been continued through another year, without any reason assigned for such continuance, in a situation totally unable to perform any of his duties; so much so, that he has not been in the town of Boston, since June last.
So far the facts are to be proved, as I have reason to believe, in a court of law. The next fact, I have no doubt, will be made out perfectly to the satisfaction of the House and nation.
Fifth —That this office has been thus kept in effect, vacant for more than two years, for the purpose of gratifying a favorite of the Executive, Henry Dearborn, Secretary at War, by that appointment, and that, for him, it has been, in this manner reserved.
I need not use any arguments to show that these facts, if they be proved, constitute, to say the least, a high misdemeanor, into which this House ought to enquire, and to take such course thereupon as its wisdom, shall deem expedient, under the high duties imposed upon it by the constitution.
I am instantly impelled to this duty, by a paragraph in a paper, the National Intelligencer of this day, which I now hold in my hand. In this paper major general Benjamin Lincoln, one of the chief glories of our revolution; a hero, the baling victim of war; his body all seamed and scarred, with wounds gotten in the cause of his country; now on the brink of the grave; his laurels never yet tarnished; and though the aget root is descending into the tomb, yet their leaves upturn to the eye a youthful green, and shed all around a celestial fragrance. This hero, the companion, the beloved friend of Washington, is stigmatized as a "FEDERALIST, whom the forbearance of administration has long retained in office, in opposition to the wishes of a respectable class of the community." I have not language to express my indignation. And I am quickened to a duty, which I had before made some preparation to perform. I therefore move the following resolutions:
Resolved , That the President of the U. S. be requested to lay before this House, all correspondence touching the offers to resign, and the resignation of his office, by Benjamin Lincoln esq. late collector of the ports of Boston and Charleston.
Resolved , That a committee be appointed to enquire into the causes, which prevented the acceptance of the resignation of Benjamin Lincoln, late collector of the port of Boston and Charleston, in the year 1806, and 1807, and into the reasons which have occasioned a postponement of the appointment of a successor, and that they report the result of such enquiry to the House.
The House agreed to consider the resolutions by Yeas and Nays, 93 to 24.
Mr. Quincey moved that they should lie on the table till to-morrow, and be printed.
Mr. Gholson said, he hoped that they would neither lie on the table, or be printed. He acknowledged that the present attempt had excited his astonishment, more than anything which had occurred during the session. He could scarcely credit his hearing, when a member rose and moved to institute an enquiry with a view to impeachment on a subject like this. What was the charge? Was it a charge of mal-administration? Was it any charge which would authorize the course pursued? Was it alleged that the duties of collector had not been faithfully performed? Nothing of this had been neged. But the President had not appointed a person to fill the office of collector. Mr. G. said, that the late collector had resigned within a day or two, and there had been therefore no vacancy to be filled. The former collector had an un-
doubted right to resign whenever he thought it, and had not resigned. What then this villainous proposition? If the collector had resigned, the President would have been compelled to fill the office; but this was not the fact. He therefore moved the resolutions would receive an immediate rejection.
Mr. Burwell said, he partook of the surprise of his colleague at the resolutions just submitted. He knew of but one parallel to it, in the history of impeachment, and that would be found in Gulliver's travels . The recollection of gentlemen would save him the trouble of specifying the particulars of that case. The gentleman wanted an enquiry into the reason, why the president did not wish to accept of the resignation of Mr. Lincoln. How would a committee of this house proceed in this enquiry? They must either go to the President and ask him the motives of his conduct, or they must have some other mode of penetrating it's motives. After the handsome panegyric of the gentleman on the late collector, Mr. B. asked how he could come forward and impeach the President, for keeping in office a man whose merits transcended all description? It appeared to him, from the speech of the gentleman, that he had been long in possession of these facts. The paper of this morning certainly could not have gone to Boston and returned since its publication. The gentleman must therefore have been previously possessed of this information; and why, if it was so very important, had it not been previously brought forward? As to the subject of this appointment being destined for any particular person, Mr. Burwell observed, that the President, if he had any such intention, certainly had not communicated it to the gentleman from Massachusetts. The gentleman's statement in this respect must therefore be mere inference and conjecture; and however the gentleman's passions had been influenced by a paragraph in a newspaper; his ideas thus excited could not have an influence on the judgement of those who were not under the same irritation. If the gentleman from Massachusetts wished to conduct an enquiry to any result, he ought to show that the misconduct of the officer in question had produced effects which ought to have compelled the president to remove him. If the gentleman would show that the revenue had been defrauded, or the laws evaded through his negligence, or by his connivance and that the President having knowledge of such facts had refused to remove him, there might be some ground for the resolution.
Mr. Lyon asked of the gentleman from Massachusetts when the late collector actually resigned—and whether the gentleman knew of any misconduct of the officer alluded to? If so, whether this had been within the knowledge of the President of the United States.
Mr. Quincey said, whether it was or was not an offence to keep in an office, the salary of which is 5000 dollars a year, a man who had declared his inability to execute it, was for the house to determine. The charge which he made was simply this: that an offence had been compensated for doing no services, and kept in a situation the duties of which he was unable to perform. It was an offence that so great an office as the collectorship of Boston should be kept in this position; the U. S. States paying to an individual 5000 dollars a year for inadequate services, contrary to the express wish of the gentleman himself, who ever since June, had not been in the town of Boston; and of consequence the execution of the duties of the office had been totally dependant on one individual, the deputy collector. You send a law on (said Mr. Q.) to be executed, and by one individual—The deputy says he will not act, the collector is unable to act, and the consequence is, that that law is not executed. In answer to the question whether the country has suffered, I will state a fact; the deputy collector of that port had a right to resign his office to the collector; and if the collector had been an efficient man, there would have been no difficulty; but, because he was not efficient, the law is not in a state of execution. I take this position, because the facts which I have stated can be proved. Whether the House will or will not agree to these resolutions, is no concern of mine; nor if gentlemen choose to utter any abuse, do I regard it. I stand before this nation, and fear not to do my duty.
Messrs. Johnson , W. Alston , D. R. Williams , J. G. Jackson , Dana , M'Creery , Bacon , Rhea , Macon , Bibb , Southard , Masters , Fisk , Sloan , Rowan and Key followed Mr. Quincey in debate, all of whom differed with Mr. Quincey as to the propriety of adopting the resolutions. The reasons assigned by gentlemen were various, but generally to this effect: that it would be indecorous, if not beyond the power of this House to call upon the President of the U. S. States for his private correspondence with any individual, without doing which it would appear that none of the facts could be established; that were the facts established and the charges maintained, they constituted no crime or misdemeanor, and it was said by some of the gentlemen, no ground for reprehension; that constituting no crime or misdemeanor, it was not a matter coming within the cognizance of this house, or on which an impeachment could be grounded; and being a matter on which the House had no power to act, it was also a matter into which it was not their province to enquire. [The debates which now take place in the House on important topics, are so frequent and extensive, that their length precludes any one paper from giving the whole of them. We therefore select Mr. Bacon's observations on this subject in reply to Mr. Quincey , as he is a representative from the same state with him; and as his speech will give a general view of the argument against the resolution.]
Mr. Bacon said, that whatever might have been his feelings on the subject matter of these resolutions at the moment when they were first propounded to the House in so moving a style by the honorable mover; yet from the course of reflection which had since taken place in his own mind, as well as from a view of the reception which the resolutions had since met with on all sides of the house—the feelings which their extraordinary nature were at first calculated to excite, had in his bosom totally changed. He really thought that the gentleman by the indiscreet course which he had taken on this occasion, had reduced himself to a condition in which he was an object of sensations very different from those of resentment. For himself, he now harbored no other passions in relation to him than those of sympathy. It was now very evident that his ill advised zeal had led him into a labyrinth, where his own political friends could not consent to follow him. From the first moment when the proposition was submitted he had not entertained a doubt, that such must be the result; he had too high an opinion of the honorable sentiment and correct principles which he must presume would ever govern a large portion of the mi-
nority of that house, to suppose that the mover of these resolutions having been for some time past plunging on from one degree of extravagance to another, had at last brought himself to a point where he must either stop, or travel by himself.
What is really the sum and substance of this mighty accusation which is brought up as a solemn ground of impeachment against the Chief Magistrate of our country, even according to the gentleman's own showing? It is not even that he refused to receive the resignation of a public officer, because it is not until within a few days that it has been specifically tendered; this is a thing which has always within the power of that officer to do, and whatever might be the inclination of the President, he could not refuse it. It is only then that the President had persuaded the collector of Boston to delay the period of his actual resignation, and to continue in the occupation of his office for a longer time than he was desirous of doing, in order that it might afterwards be conferred upon another person, to whom it was not then convenient to receive it, or whose services were then needed in another capacity. Well, sir, allow all these facts, of which, however as a public man I can know nothing, to be true in full extent, what is there reprehensible in it? and who has been injured by the procedure? Not gen. Lincoln certainly, for he had in his power at any moment to retire by an actual resignation. It is not alleged that during the two years for which the office is said to have been thus held, the public service has suffered, either by unfaithful or negligent performance of the duties attached to it, this is not even pretended. But when pressed on this point, which the gentleman appeared to feel fully the force of, he brings forward the circumstances of the present state of inexecution in which our laws are placed by gen. Lincoln's resignation, and that of his deputy, to prove that the public service has in this way suffered, and adds that this state of things might have been prevented, had gen. Lincoln's place been earlier supplied. Now the same gentleman had long since told the House, that it was utterly out of the power of the government to carry our laws into execution by any human means whatever, and to day we are told that this inexecution in the port of Boston is attributable to the want of an earlier appointment of a Collector; it is for the gentleman to get along with these paradoxes, no one else can. But there is something in the circumstances of these sudden resignations, given in at a critical moment, without previous notice to the government, which bespeak a preconceived and systematic design to defeat the operation of our law, embarrass the government and prostrate the National honor at the feet of faction and anarchy. Another instance of the same character is just been mentioned by a gentleman from S. Carolina, and is perhaps to be followed up by all your revenue officers of the same description of politics with the late collector of Boston; and that in a moment is the authority of our laws trodden down, and their obligations sported with, by men who have long been standing evidences of the toleration and moderation of the government, and who have lived upon its particular bounties; to me, sir, conduct of this sort speaks a language which it is impossible to mistake, and excites emotions which it is perhaps better to repress.
Sir, the name of gen. Lincoln would not by me have been wantonly dragged into this debate, nor should I have presumed to sport with any animadversions upon the conduct of a man venerable for his years, and respectable for his revolutionary services and achievements, had he not have suffered himself as is manifest, from his own connivance at least, to have been ushered into this House through the indiscreet zeal of his own unlucky friends as the weapon by which they would annoy the Chief Magistrate of our country—far be it from me to indulge in regard to such a character any reproachful epithets, or any language which the disparity of our age and standing would render indecorous and improper. But there are some circumstances growing out of the disclosure which has to day been laid before the House by my colleague, which it is impossible to overlook, or to contemplate with entire apathy.
What are the facts as stated by the gentleman himself—that gen. Lincoln, though well known to have been utterly opposed to the present Chief Magistrate in his political sentiments and conduct, has through the liberality of the government perhaps no more than its justice, been permitted for eight years past to continue in the possession of a most honorable and responsible office, and in the reception of its great emoluments to the tune of $ 3000 a year, and that in opposition to the wishes of the political friends of the Executive; and what according to the gentleman's statement is a still greater stretch of indulgence, that for nearly two years he has even been suffered to retain it as a sinecure, without the performance of its ordinary duties; and for all this liberality and all this indulgence, what is the return to the government? The one furnishes to the other that sort of evidence, by which it is vainly hoped that this very indulgence may be turned as a weapon against its benefactor, and be made the ground of a public accusation. As to this fact it is not possible I should be mistaken; for though it is not stated by my colleague that the evidence which he has adduced has been put into his hands by gen. Lincoln, yet it must be evident that the letters which have passed on this subject between himself and the Executive, and which the gentleman states are in his hands, could only have been furnished either directly or indirectly by gen. Lincoln himself. What a picture does this statement present! a man who by the favors that he has been permitted to enjoy from the bounty of the nation, has amassed a liberal fortune, deserts its service, and abandons his post at a most critical and important moment, and then to avert from himself the public censure and public indignation, turns and endeavors to wound the hand that has fed him, and raised him from obscurity and want, to affluence and ease. Throwing for a moment out of view the utter fallacy of the charges as they are attempted to be laid, there is something in the means by which they have been got up, that is too openly revolting to every honorable sentiment of the heart to allow one to think of it with composure. The public feelings cannot with impunity be thus wantonly sported with, nor can the public indignation by any sophistry be diverted from its proper object. It will fasten upon those alone, who by a precipitate and probably preconcerted abandonment of duty at a critical moment, have suffered the government of their country to be set at defiance, and the authority of the nation defeated and trampled upon.

In reply to the observations of various gentlemen against his proposition—
Mr. Quincy observed that neither the asperity of his political opponents, nor the disagreement of his political friends, would change his mind on a subject which he had well considered. If he was in an error concerning the charge, or rather allegation which he had made, he was willing to stand before the nation alone in support of it.
It gave him no sort of pain or anxiety. Mr. Q. replied to several incidental observations made by the gentlemen in the course of the debate, but which are not noticed in the course of the preceding sketch. In relation to the execution of the late embargo law, he said that the deputy collector had not dared to execute the law, not from any insurrection or disobedience to the laws, but from a determination in the community to bring the laws of the U. S. where he hoped the people of this country always would bring the laws, to the decision of the judiciary.
In particular cases (said Mr. Quincy) gentlemen, whose vessels were loaded with property to the amount of perhaps 60 or 50,000 dollars, were called upon by your laws either to give bond in six times the amount of the cargo, or to unload their vessels. They refused to unload; the collector breaks open the hatches and takes possession of the property; and as soon as that is done, he must give bond in the state courts to the amount of 150,000 dollars, or double the amount of the property seized. This is a civil right of the citizen. The instant your officer begins to execute that law, before one day is at an end, he will have been obliged to give bond in a million dollars or to have gone to jail.
The question on the passage of the resolution (Mr. Quincy having withdrawn his motion that it lie on the table) was taken by Yeas & Nays as follows. YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Astor, W. Astor, Bacon, Bard, Larker, Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, Cutts, J. Cumpbell, L. Champion, Clay, Clifton, Cook, Culpepper, Davenport, Dawson, Dana, DeSha, Durell, Ely, Windley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Gardner, Garnett, Glanton, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Green, Harris, Heister, Helms, Hoge, Holland, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Jenkins, Johnson, Jones, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Lewis, Love, Lyon, Mason, Marion, Masters, McCrery, Milnor, D. Montgomery, J. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, J. Morrow, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Nelson, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Pickin, Porter, Pugh, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Rowan, Russell, Say, Sawyer, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanfort, Stedman, Siler, Sturges, Talmaadge, Taylor, Thompson, Trigg, Troop, Upham, Van Alstyne, Van Cortlandt, Van Dyke, Van Horn, Wharton, Whitehill, D. R. Williams, J. Wilson, N. Wilson, Winn, 117. EXECUTION AND EVASIONS OF THE EMBARGO LAWS.
A communication was received from the Secretary of the Treasury in pursuance of a resolution offered by Mr. Elliot, enclosing a list of known evasions of the embargo laws, and copies of 317 letters which passed, in relation to the execution of them between the Secretary of the Treasury and the Collectors.
THURSDAY, JAN. 26.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT. The House took up the message of the Senate, informing the House of their adherence to their amendments to the bill on the subject of the navy.
After some debate the bill was ordered to be on the table; and
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole on the bill originally received from the Senate, for arming, manning & fitting out all the frigates and armed vessels of the U. S.
A motion of Mr. Dawson, the bill was amended so as to conform to the proposition of the conference from the Senate (for fitting out four of the frigates &c.) as given in the last National Intelligencer; and the
committee rose and reported the bill as amended.
The amendments were agreed to by the House.
Mr. D. R. Williams moved further to amend the bill by adding a clause making it discretionary with the President to send out these vessels. After debate negatived—Yeas 33—Nays 18.
The bill was then, after an opposition by Mr. Mason, and reply Mr. Lyon, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading—Ayes 70.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 26.
LATEST FOREIGN NEWS.
Yesterday arrived at this port the British Packet Princess Am. La. Meerssen, from Falmouth via Bermuda, having left England on the 8th of Dec. and the ship Philadelphia, Leffingwell, from Liverpool and Cork. The latter left Liverpool on the 27th of November, and Cork on the 12th December. By these two vessels the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received London papers of the 3rd December and Cork papers of the 8th, nearly a month later than any previous advices.
We have extracted from the latest of the papers whatever is interesting, those of an anterior date being unusually barren of intelligence. It appears that the army of the French Emperor had entered Spain, and that the division under General Blake had been defeated with considerable loss; but this defeat is not considered as calculated to excite despondency with respect to the ultimate success of the Patriots.
The captain of the Packet informs us that on the 6th of December two British regiments of cavalry sailed from Falmouth for Spain, to reinforce the patriotic army; and that on his passage he spoke the Guerriere frigate from the West Indies, and received intelligence that the English had taken Martinique.
Captain Meerssen, we understand, brought London papers to the 5th Dec. but gave them to the Governor of Bermuda.
Our Lloyd's Lists by these arrivals are to the 25th of Nov.
Mr. B. Purvoyance, passenger in the Philadelphia, is the bearer of despatches for government, from our Minister at the Court of St. James.
LONDON, Nov. 25.
Advices are said to have been received from Bombay of the arrival of the French Embassy at the Persian Court of Teheran. It is said to consist of the very numerous suite of three hundred officers of infantry and cavalry, and three hundred and fifty men. The utmost attention appears to have been paid in adorning the costume of the embassy to the taste of the Asiatics; the officers and men are superbly dressed and provided with every article of European novelty.
It is said that certain intelligence has been received of the arrest of General Llorens, and the declaration of South America in favor of the cause of independence.
PORTSMOUTH, Nov. 24.
Sailed, the Lavinia, of 40 guns, capt. Lord W. Stuart for Corunna, having on board 1,500,000 dollars for the Patriots, with private specie for Lisbon and Cadiz. The Spanish Deputies are returned in her, with several Staff Officers for the Spanish army, and the Commander in Chief of four forces in Portugal, Sir J. Cradock, K. B. is gone passenger to Lisbon.
LONDON, December 2.
Mr. Munro, one of the King's Messengers who arrived yesterday with the Corunna Mail, and brought despatches from Lord William Bentinck and Mr. Frere, brought also despatches from Generals Broderick and Leith, having passed along the line of march of Sir David Baird's army. The accounts received by government were given in substance in a Bulletin.
BULLETIN.
It appears by dispatches received from Corunna, dated the 22nd, and from San Vicente de la Barquera, dated 19th ult. that the account of Gen. Blake being defeated is confirmed. He was engaged in continual actions from the 4th till the 13th. On the 14th, the Austrians having been worsted in the left, the French got possession of a height which covered the road on which they retreated, and they were thrown into great confusion, and Gen. Blake retired to Reinoso; but a French column appearing upon this road from Burgos, he retreated by Solo to San Vicente de la Barquera. There upon the 17th, he had collected near 20,000 of his troops, and the Marquis de la Romana had taken the command, and they would soon be in a state of advance again.
The French had occupied St. Andero and Santona—the former on the 16th, and the latter on the 20th. But by the exertions of Gen. Leith, all the provisions, ammunition and stores sent by this country had been removed.
It appears that part of the army at Estremadura, had been defeated near Burgos by the French; but there are no accounts of their having advanced beyond it. General Moore arrived on the 16th at Salamanca—General Baird was at Astorga.
To this we add, on the credit, however, of private letters, that the French corps had advanced to Valladolid and had afterwards retreated to Burgos.
LATER ACCOUNTS.
The Favorite cutter had arrived at Plymouth, from the coast of Spain. The Bonne Citoyenne, capt. Thompson, arrived yesterday at Portsmouth, capt. Thompson has since reached town. He left Corunna on the 26th ult. and brings accounts from Gen. Blake's army to the 24th. The substance of the intelligence by the Bonne Citoyenne, will be found in the subjoined letters:—
PORTSMOUTH, Dec. 1.
This afternoon arrived here the Bonne Citoyenne, Capt. Thompson, with despatches from Corunna, from whence the Bonne Citoyenne sailed on Saturday last the 26th ult. Captain Thompson brings despatches from Gen. Blake's army, which continued retreating, but bravely defending every inch of ground till the 24th, when Gen. Blake made a firm stand and repelled his enemies, numerous as they were. After this action Gen. Blake's force remained 25,000 strong. This we must think very good news; but we regret to hear that Romana's force, having made some mistake in the route left in with the enemy, and after a brave resistance, and having slaughtered an immense number of the enemy, he was at length overpowered and cut in pieces. We regret still more to learn, that Bonaparte's emissaries had but too well succeeded in stirring up faction, and that the Prince of Peace's party was formidable in Spain. We trust, however, that the Patriots will ultimately succeed over Bonaparte and the Prince of Peace.
The news from Oporto are unfavorable. The party there in opposition to the Regency is very strong, and Gen. Beresford had met him in vain. The French are at Valladolid.
Another letter, same date.
Gen. Blake is now at Cin, about 40 miles north of St. Andero, with 25,000 men. The
communication between him and the centre army, under Castanos, is cut off, the French army being between them, whose head quarters are at Valladolid. There are many fears for the safety of the centre army. The Prince of Peace's party in Spain is very strong, and the patriotic cause looks desponding. Sir David Baird was at Astorga, with his army, and Sir John Moore at Salamanca. They have not been engaged.
In the Bonne Citoyenne came passenger captain Gage, of the Royal Artillery, with despatches from Sir Robert Wilson, at Oporto. His despatches are not so favorable as could be wished. The party against the Provincial Government is very strong and turbulent. Sir Robert had clothed, armed, and trained 2000 Portuguese, and formed them into a battalion. There were three British regiments there.
In addition to the above, we have to state, that this day an officer from Oporto arrived in Downing street, with despatches. He came over in the Bonne Citoyenne. He touched at Corunna on his passage home, and sailed again from that place on the morning of the 26th ult. At that time no news of importance had been received there of a subsequent date to that which we yesterday communicated. After quitting Corunna, the Bonne Citoyenne fell in with the Minerva frigate, which had been cruising to the Eastward, the captain of which stated, that he had received intelligence that the French had attacked the Marquis de la Romana and Gen. Blake in the strong positions which he had taken at St. Vicente de la Barquera, that the battle was most obstinately contested, but at length the French were defeated with very great loss, and the Spanish army were, in consequence of this success, about to advance.
Supplement to the Madrid Gazette of the 15th November.
CORUNNA, Nov. 22.
General Moore's army had a very severe march. The English seem very much alarmed, that is, the few that remain behind the army in consequence of indisposition, but such of the sensible Spaniards as I have hitherto conversed with, are not in the least dismayed. The raising and disciplining of troops go on with the greatest activity in every part. This day I saw with great pleasure, upwards of two thousand young and robust fellows practising their evolutions. Bonaparte, it seems, has returned to Paris.
The Central Junta are treated with the honors of Majesty, and all their edicts are issued in the name of Ferdinand VII. Lovelans is at the head of the administration of Gracia and Justicia; and the Duc del Infantado, Conde de Altamira and all the other popular characters are in the administration, so that it appears that all party difference and punctilios are laid aside, and every thing possible done to conciliate and strengthen the government, which is formed into different sections, each of which appoints its Minister. As for example, the section of the Home Department [Negocias de Estado] is composed of five members, who have appointed Don Pedro Cevallos, as their Secretary. On the 7th inst. Mr. Freire and his brother arrived at Madrid, and on the 9th they went to Aranjuez. On the 9th, the Russian minister, Baron de Stroganoff, and all the Russian Legation departed from Madrid for Carthagena with a passport from the Duke del Infantado of the most respectful and attentive nature.
NOVEMBER 25.
The sad accounts we received some time ago from Biscay, have been since followed up with a succession of melancholy intelligence. There is not the least doubt, that the enemy have cut off the communication with Madrid, as the mail from thence, due the 21st, has not come in. Those here connected with the English army mention their information, but our government preserves the deepest silence. On all hands, however, there is the most gloomy apprehension and foreboding.
Another Letter, same date.
You already know that the first attack of the enemy upon the Spanish lines was the 31st ult. at Zornosa. This was officially imparted by a dispatch from General Blake, dated the 1st inst.; and since that moment, no communication has been made from the Galician army to its government; and the post which conveyed that dispatch brought no communication whatever from any of the individuals of the army to relieve the anxiety of their numerous friends and relations in this neighborhood. Eleven days have elapsed, and three regular posts from Madrid have arrived (which post receives the letters from Biscay, &c. in five bags) and still without any letters from the army. The inference to be drawn from this is very obvious. Nevertheless, such is the unwillingness of all men to receive unwelcome information, that they reluctantly, though unconsciously, deceive themselves by the ready admittance of any suggestion, however improbable, which serves to relieve them from the necessity of believing what they do not choose to believe. The non-arrival of letters was ascribed to an order from the Central Junta, that they should be forwarded to Madrid; and the contemporary and still more vague information of other attacks by the enemy nearer Navarre, gave rise only to tales of treachery, which have not to this hour been either disproved or verified.
Yesterday, however, a fourth mail arrived, which ought to have brought the Castile letters, but it contained none except those from Lugo. The Madrid bags had not arrived, we are told, at 10 o'clock on the preceding evening, and it was thought proper not to wait any longer for them. We are still promised the arrival of the Madrid letters, and indeed there is little doubt that by a circuitous route, at least, they may be recovered, for the position of the French between this province and Madrid will not suffice to destroy all communication.
Early yesterday morning, however, dispatches were received from the English head quarters at Astorga, the contents of which have this moment been published by the government. This is the sole source of the public information, and the members of the actual government affirm they know no more. This account states in substance (for I am not disposed to copy the melancholy detail) that on the
31st ult. the French attacked at Zornosa. 1st inst. Gen. Blake drove them beyond Balmaseda. 7th. General Blake attacked at Guimaraes. 8th. An engagement on the rear guard. 10th. The French attacked at Espinosa. 11th. The French attacked again, and appear to have cut off the retreat in part. 12th. Gen. Blake retired to Reynosa to collect his army. 13th. The general was attacked there, and he retreated towards Sarrandier. Thus the army of Galicia has sustained seven attacks valiantly, though unsuccessfully; and the character of its general in chief has not sunk in our estimation from the calamities to which he has been exposed. Who that knows the French system of warfare, and recollects the position and divided force of the Spanish armies, can wonder at the result?
At the same time we are informed, that between 7,000 and 8,000 men have penetrated beyond Burgos into the plains of Castile. We know from former statements, that from the Ebro likewise the French have made successful advances, and there can be no doubt, that their vehement and repeated attacks upon General Blake's army, have been made to enable the French to proceed towards the metropolis, not subject to molestation from the right.
Whether they will now proceed to Madrid, or whether they will first continue their attack against the remains of Gen. Blake's army in the mountains of Asturias, in whose rear, namely, at or near St. Andero, are the troops from the north, and after wards advance into Leon, upon the English forces, whose head quarters are at Astorga, remains to be seen.
Whatever may take place, the provincial government appears to be raised to unusual exertions. Orders have been sent to call into action the whole force of the kingdom of Galicia. The British troops and all the Spanish forces which can be collected, will remain at the passes of Galicia; and the mountains which surround the province, form so strong a natural bulwark, that the English army alone it is said, will be sufficient for the defence of the passes for a very considerable time. Of these passes, there are two in the neighborhood of Villafranca and Ponterrade, and the other by Montefort. I mention the name you will find on the smaller maps.
These two points being secured, there are no entrances into Galicia except by Portugal and Astoria. The mountains of Astoria are so difficult of access; & there the remains of Blake's army, the troops from the north, and a brave and hardy race of Mojañeros, they who had the honor to precede the other provinces in the revolution, to defend their own soil, in the strictest sense of the term. The north of Portugal also presents some excellent points of defence, and is besides a sufficient distance to occasion a necessary waste of time in the marching thither—so that we flatter ourselves we are secure from an immediate assault, though this country affords so many advantages to the enemy, that the possession of it cannot but be an object particularly desirable to him.
But in the mean time, what is the fate of the armies of the centre and the right? We have no precise information of late concerning the forces under Palafox and Castanos. The French have overwhelmed, by superior power, the army of the left, in spite of a vigrous and obstinate resistance. It is hardly conceivable that the reinforcements from France should have been so immense as to enable them to defeat in like manner the armies of the centre and right. And, if not, will not the brave Arragonees under Palafox, and the Valencians and Andalusians which were collected under Castanos, flank the victorious enemy? and if Palafox retreats from his advanced positions in Navarre, near Pamplona, is there a French force sufficiently strong to attack his rear? And is there any impediment to the marching of the Army of the centre from Soria, in order at the same time to protect Madrid, and threaten the rear of the French if it should proceed to attack the English in Leon?
These are all questions which every man asks with anxiety, but which none can answer except those who deem it their duty to be silent.
The sum of the unfavorable intelligence received is this: that the army of the left, as an army, is put hors du combat; it cannot take a share immediately in the campaign; but the materials of a new army, in a great measure remain. There has been no grand and decisive victory like those gained by the enemy in Italy, Germany and Poland; no surrender of large bodies, no shameful capitulations, no seizure of important posts, nothing in short to provoke despair, nor much to fill us with affliction. There has been, doubtless, a great loss on the part of the Spaniards, but we have reason to believe that the loss of the French has not been less, and happily the evils sustained admits of a remedy. Galicia is the most populous province in all Spain; and I have stated reasons to justify our believing that the population will be allowed time to arm. The united forces of Sir John Moore, and Sir David Baird, will certainly form a respectable body; unless it should be deemed advisable to let the forces of one fall back upon Galicia, while those of the other, defend the north of Portugal. Should the latter operation take place, it will present altogether, new and very unexpected points of view, in which the capitulation of Cintra may be contemplated. But I have already given you more than enough of speculation and too little of fact.
Why this unconnected sketch? That no, it is not much in the way of a letter, but a sort of a miscellany, to show it to the world—like a girl whose ankle has pained with inflammation of shearing for the new dress, upon all occasions.
No man could have suspected, from the mere force of circumstances, that there was any cause in the recesses of Spain. At least no man will charge you with the necessity to make the discovery. The great reason for your suspicion was, that no such affair could have been made by the U. States, because if it had been, the proposition was so reasonable in itself, and so agreeable to the interests of Great Britain that she would have accepted it. Thank you, Sir, for this admission. The proposition then is "reasonable." Mr. Jefferson then has done one reasonable thing. But it is a fact, that this proposition was made. Pakenham's and Canning's letters both saw it. Therefore the ground of your suspicion falls—and the question that occurs, how came you to think, that "the whole of this correspondence" was not before Canning? What little Ariel told you of Mr. Canning's letter?
3. Was it Mr. Erskine? Or was it T. P. who derived it from Mr. E.? Another question: Was it you who sent on a copy to Mr. S. Young and Mims? Was it you who helped Mr. Canning to make this surreptitious appeal to the people, against his own government, a la mode de Gane? Fye, Sir, we had supposed, that you "abhorred the Jacobin devil, & all his works."
4. Another question still—if you knew of Canning's letter, did you not know of Pakenham's reply? If you did not, "who's the dope?" Is it you, T. P. or Erskine? If you did, how came you to suppose that reply—and that Mr. C.'s part at least Mr. P.'s reply—and if you knew of both, Mr. C.'s remarks must have struck you to the quick. You owe it to your own character, sir, to clear up these mysterious circumstances not to me—but to the world.
It is astonishing what artifices are used by the Federalists to strike the senses and rouse the feelings of the people. The last Repertory and Palladium are clad in deep mourning, for the deceased Liberty of the people. A federal procession is exhibited in which the Pall of the Deceased is supported by Messrs Lloyd, White, Pickering, Goodrich, Bayard and Hillhouse. The Mummers are the minority in Congress, the Officers and Soldiers of the Revolution, covered with their Scars, and Mechanics, Trade-men, and Laborers, and thousands of their Fellow Citizens. The Repertory subjoins a short biographical sketch of American Liberty which represents her as cradled on the 4th of July 1776 and expired on the 9th of January 1809 when the new Embargo Law was enacted.
It is a source of deep regret, that inasmuch as these attempts, they should find so much encouragement in the conduct of some of our countrymen. Some of the Eastern towns have adopted resolutions, strongly calculated to produce these effects. In New-bedford Port , the people have resolved, that they "hold themselves ready to unsheathe the sword in a war plainly just and necessary, and in no other; and that they feel the most alarming apprehensions, that it is the intention of the National Government to league itself with the French nation in a war with Great Britain, a war," which they declare "would partake of neither of these realities." Gloucester has appointed a committee of safety and correspondence in imitation of Bath.
A large body of the inhabitants of the towns in the county of Hampshire have professed their regret, "that causes are continually occurring which tend to produce a most calamitous event—a Dissolution of the Union ." These towns of Massachusetts, which have passed such resolutions, uniformly profess, that they look up to the wisdom and firmness of their Legislature for a complete relief from all their embarrassments.
37. Would it not be far better to send ministers to Great Britain herself to petition for mercy? for the Essex Junta.
Gen. Lincoln, Ex collector of Boston, is a decided Federalist.— Verbum Sat.
Between 8 and 10,000 of the Republicans of Philadelphia, have assembled and expressed their approbation of the Embargo, the Non-Intercourse system, and of the preparations of offence and defence pursued by Congress. They have also addressed the President on his retirement, in the most affectionate terms.
In disastrous opposition to this, is probably the result of a Federal meeting called by the town authority of Boston, and to be held on yesterday week. The aim of this meeting is officially said to be, to call for the interposition of their state Legislature—or as the Boston Gazette officially avows, to call on the people to renew the oath they swore "within the same sacred walls, when called upon to oppose a foreign Tyrant, that Oppression , from whatever quarter it may come, whether inflicted by a foreign or domestic USURPER, is Treason against the free born dignity of man, and MUST BE RESISTED "
On Saturday last, the Execution-law passed the Senate—with various amendments—Ayes 14—Nays 7. The section respecting Deeds of Trust was retained. Messrs. Daniel and Doddridge were its leading opponents.—Messrs. Brent and Currie its leading advocates.—No disparagement of the other speakers is intended, when it is stated, that Mr. B.'s speech on the merits of the bill displayed the powers of a most comprehensive and penetrating mind.
Yesterday, the house of Delegates had the amendments of the Senate before them. Most of these were adopted. A few were rejected; among these, a provision for extending the bill not only to debts upon contracts heretofore entered into—but to cases of tort; that is, to judgements on actions of slander, assault and battery, trespass. The amendments must therefore go back to the Senate, before the bill can become a law. When it shall have finally passed both houses, we shall lay a copy of it before our readers.
17. If nothing more important offers, John Taylor's Epistle of the 22nd inst. will appear in our next.
For conclusion of the argument on the Execution Law, see our last page.
We are authorised to state, that PETER CARR Esq. of Albemarle, is a Candidate for the Senatorial District, at present represented by Dr. Hare.
NOTICE of Mr. MARTIN—The last postman of Mr. Martin in this city, having been postponed on account of the snow, will certainly take place THIS EVENING , at half past o'clock.
1. New and frolicsome tricks of exterior. 2. The celebrated Phantasmagoria, never exhibited before, with several curious phenomena viz. the apotheosis of Washington, the Boat of Charon, Jove's Tomb, destroyed by a shower of fire, the Giant of Goliath, natural as life, &c. &c. &c. Jan. 31.
ENQUIRER OFFICE, JANUARY 31, 1809.
CARD, to Mr. Livermore, in the H. of R. from the state of Massachusetts.
SIR—Some observations have dropt from you in the H. of R. which show, that British influence extends farther amongst us, than we shall admit. It is not only Messrs. Young and Mims, in their "Palladium," but Mr. Livermore in the National Councils, who have deigned to be the mouth-piece of the British government. They publish Canning's surreptitious letter in the newspapers. They make intimate & hint at such a thing in the H. of R. The following words were uttered by you in the H. of R. on the 21st inst. on the debate upon the new embargo bill—some days before the "Palladium" had reached the seat of government. "While I am upon this subject, I cannot help expressing my dissatisfaction upon the information given us by the documents communicated by the President, relative to the offer which was said to have been made to the British government, to raise the embargo to us, provided they would revoke the orders of the 7th of Jan. and 11th of Nov. as to us. It seems very strange that the British government should not agree to a proposition of this nature, and so reasonable in itself." It seems as if we could not have the whole of the correspondence before us, and as if something had been kept back, or me the affair is in effect. I must therefore leave it to gentlemen who better comprehend it, and proceed to the further examination of the subject before us." Now, say a few questions: 1. How came you to speak on this point?—Was it connected with the main point under discussion? Why this desultory digression?

ARGUMENT
ON THE EXECUTION-LAW
(CONCLUDED.)
SATURDAY, January 7.
Mr. Sheffey spoke to the following effect: If I had consulted my own feelings, considering the anxiety which the committee has manifested to come to a decision, I should have been silent on this subject; but this duty which I owe to myself, and to the country, requires that I should not give a silent vote. My remarks shall be but few, and compressed into as narrow a compass as the question will admit. I indulge a hope, therefore, that they will meet with a patient hearing.
I regret very much, that in times like these, a measure, such as that contemplated by the bill, should have been deemed necessary. Considering the state of our foreign relations, it becomes the American people, not to inspire by their public or private actions, a sentiment that they are unable to bear the pressure which arises from the suspension of our foreign commerce, made necessary by the injustice of the European belligerents. It has been uttered, that we are independent of every nation on earth. We have declared that we will cheerfully submit to all the privations necessarily incident to the present state of things, and it has been considered as inviting foreign nations to a continuance of their injurious measures, even to suggest a doubt, as to the ability or disposition of this country, to continue the course which the government has taken.
But after the expiration of one year from the commencement of this course, we are about declaring to the world, by the passage of this bill, that the nation is in a state of bankruptcy—that the country is reduced, by the injustice of our enemies, to a state, when it becomes indispensable to interrupt the course of justice, and destroy the ordinary relations between the citizens. What will be the impression which this and similar measures will make? Will any, but this conclusion be drawn, that it is a temporary expedient to postpone, for a little time, the effect of the pressure of our situation, which has already affected the vitals of the country? Will it not be the strongest encouragement to England and France to continue their orders & decrees? For they necessarily must, and will infer, that that course will, in a short period, ensure your submission, and bring you to their feet.
Indeed, Sir, such would be the conclusion, not only of our enemies, but of every rational individual. One great object in entering into the social compact, is, that society shall cause justice to be rendered to its members, in redressing their wrongs and enforcing their rights. This is done, in our country, through the medium of the judiciary. But what are the decisions of the courts, without the means to carry them into effect? And what consolation does it afford, to your people, to be told, that their rights are protected, when, in reality, it is a mere shadow? What avails it to them to possess political rights, & that they have a share in the government, when their civil rights are suspended, and private justice disregarded? Distress must be the situation of that country, when such measures are concurred necessary!
The evils which are now experienced by the people, have been presented to the committee in the liveliest colors. The picture, I am certain, does not approach to a resemblance of the reality. How is it possible, under the existing state of things, that these great sacrifices could have been made? No man's property can be sold, except in particular cases, unless it brings three-fourths of its value, if the debtor can give security. Is it a sacrifice to obtain three-fourths of the value of property, estimated by the scale established by the replevin act of last session? Is there a real honest man who will refuse to pay his debt on these terms?
If, however, it is real, that great sacrifices of property are now made, it does not, in my opinion, afford sufficient grounds for this extraordinary interference. Justice often fails, with a heavy hand, on those who are its objects, and there are but few cases, where the due execution of the law does not produce real inconvenience to those whom it affects. I reside in a county, where there is great equality of property, and where there are consequently few distresses, yet I have seen, even in prosperous times, the last cow (the only means to support a numerous family) sold to satisfy a just debt. Could I suffer the feelings which such circumstances inspired to govern me as a legislator, I should probably forbid the creditor, in such cases, to fasten his fangs on the only means from which the innocent derive their support—but becomes me and this committee, to establish and enforce the great & leading principles of justice, and contemplate the partial inconveniences as unavoidable and incident to all human regulations.
Two reasons have been urged as the basis of the bill under consideration. 1. The great sacrifices of property that will take place in the present disastrous times, should nothing be done. And 2dly, The speculations which money men will effect. I have already observed that the sacrifices are, in a great degree, visionary, and I am strengthened in this opinion, by the declaration of the gentleman from Orange (Mr. B.) who has told us, there is very little danger of oppression in cases between our own citizens. But if partial sacrifices should take place, should this bill pass, will not the effect be equally injurious? Should its passage be effected, whatever the law may be, there will still be honor in the country & there are individuals, who will do justice to their creditors, though you suspend it. The consequence will be, that being deprived of the ordinary means to effect it, they will sacrifice their property, and thus your law will be protection to the dishonest, while it is ruin to the just and honorable debtor.
This argument equally proves the probability of speculations should this bill pass; besides, the bonds directed to be taken, will become a kind of depreciated circulating medium, the value of which, will be regulated according to the necessities of the assignor, or his anxiety to pay his debt.
The gentleman from the City (Mr. W.) has, in a very eloquent and impressive manner, stated many other evils which will arise from this measure. I most cordially agree with him, that it is calculated, completely, to destroy every merchant who has not a very large money capital, & who is indebted to foreigners and citizens of other states, and though gentlemen may feel it on their account, yet it ought to be recollected that the prosperity of the merchant is essentially the prosperity of the agriculturist. The surplus produce of the country is sent to foreign climates, by the agency and capital of commercial men. Their ruin, therefore, must be deeply felt by every member of the community. You deprive them, by this bill, of the means of collecting their debts, while they are liable to recoveries in the federal court.
The gentleman from Orange, (Mr. B.) aware of the force of this objection, has told us, that Congress will certainly interpose, and pass a law similar to the one now under consideration. I shall never legislate upon what possibly may happen. I shall not give my assent to a measure, unjust, and confessedly partial, with a view that others may correct the evil; besides, there is not the most distant probability that congress will interfere: Nothing has been said, in that body, upon the subject, and for my own part, I hope that nothing will be said or done, by them; that they will not disgrace the nation by presenting, to the world, a picture of our distresses, so inimitating and so completely calculated to defeat all their other measures.
There is one section in the bill, which not only concerns our interest, but our honor and our oaths. I allude to that which suspends the execution of debts of trust, in replevin execution. We are prohibited, by the constitution of the United States, from passing laws impairing the obligation of contracts, & yet this bill proposes to suspend the execution of solemn contracts against the express stipulations of the contracting parties. The idea of the gentleman from Orange, (Mr. B.) proves that no law can be unconstitutional, unless it destroys the whole contract. In my own opinion, it is much more correct to say, that every law which varies the express agreement of the parties, impairs the contract on one side or the other.
The same gentleman has told us that there is no distinction between a common obligation to pay money, and a deed of trust. There appears to me a strong and self-evident distinction. In an ordinary contract, to pay money, the parties stipulate as to the right, without making any provision as to the remedy. It is understood, that if payment is not made, a resort to a court of justice is indispensable, to enforce & execute the contract, and it is equally understood that the courts are under the control of the law existing when the remedy is sought. But in cases of crisis the parties stipulate as to the right and the remedy, and expressly provided against. Hence, in the one, the contract being silent, the law may interfere—but in the other, the parties having declared their assent, that assent cannot be varied, by law, without impairing the obligation of the contract.
We are the only nation who have ever attempted to interrupt the course of justice. Other nations have experienced great calamities, and yet history does not afford us one instance, where a similar expedient has been resorted to. Great Britain notwithstanding the immense debt which she owes, and the misery and distresses of a great portion of her subjects, has not ventured upon a measure of this kind. If, in the present times, she should adopt something like the bill on your table, would it not be the cause for exultation with us? Would we not very rationally conclude that our measure had brought her to our feet?
Independent of the demoralizing effect which this bill must have—What will be the state of your country, when the present times shall have passed away? You must at some time, I presume, suffer justice to have its course, and what will be the situation of the debtor, when the weight of accumulated debts shall fall upon him? You will then be applied to for relief, and if you are then (as gentlemen appear to be now) governed by feelings alone, you must apply the sponge—Surely you are not yet prepared for this expedient?
MONDAY, January 9.
Mr. Semple observed, that when gentlemen stated the provisions of this bill would relieve the farmers, they took it for granted, that the embarrassments arising from the embargo were very considerable; but that for his own part he would not admit the fact; that the United States had enjoyed twenty years of commercial prosperity; and shall we then, on the very first cloudy day, inform the world that we could not stand the least embarrassment?—Gentlemen say that this bill will relieve debtors; in what way? There are three classes of debtors; the good, the bad and the doubtful. If the debtor happens to be a good one, does this bill furnish any security for debts which are already secure? But if the debt is of a doubtful description, who is that makes it secure? Does not this bill promote the benefit of the creditors, at the expense of an innocent security? If the debt be a bad debt, in what other way do you secure the creditor, but at the same expense of an innocent security? It is he that pays it, and not the dishonest debtor. The remedy then is worse than the disease.—How consistent is the Legislature in the course which they are pursuing! We are amending the Judiciary Law—We are giving a new organization to the Court of Appeals, and perhaps transferring Chancery powers to the General Court. We are thus facilitating and expediting the administration of justice. To-morrow we may perhaps make these innovations; and yet this very day we are declaring, that justice is too much expedited—the party must have the privilege of waving payment—and that delays must ensue.—Again; since our revolution, it has been the policy of the legislature, to prevent the extension of credit;—and yet, this day, we are giving credit a most enormous extension. What consistency is there in this course of policy?—During the last session, the Legislature interfered for the benefit of the debtor—They are now proceeding with new interpositions—And for what? What is the price of produce at market? The credit price of articles is nearly as great now as ever—Mr. S. urged many other strong observations in opposition to the bill.
Mr. Wirt rose, and in a burst of eloquence, which we have rarely indeed heard equalled, expressed his opposition to the bill before the house. It is impossible for us to pursue him. The following is the most sketch possible of his observations. It does not pretend to be any thing like his speech; it merely sketches out the general scope of his argument:
We have been told, observed this gentleman, that the body politic is sick—some medicine must be administered. Gentlemen say, this bill is an antidote for all its complaints; but for my own part, I consider it as so much arsenic, administered to the affliction of the nation. If the people are laboring under distresses—if they really need relief—will not the House take time to examine the mode of relief? If they ask for bread, shall we give them a stone? If for meat, shall we present a gilded serpent, to fasten on their arteries & mingle its poison with their blood? It is but a momentary sunshine, that these regulations will shed upon the country—for by & by, the tempest will return, armed with thunders and clouds and gloom. Though you dam up the state courts—the desolating flood will burst upon the people through the federal courts. It will begin its devastation first in our towns—but soon it will burst upon the inhabitants of the country, seek the farmer in all his boasted security, and sweep away his flocks, his herds and his harvests.
The people feel the pressure of the Embargo, yet no man can now exact the payment of his debt, but by taking the property of his debtor at three-fourths of its estimated value. We have had cases of distress. Might not these cases be covered by extending over them the benefits of the replevin law? Will not an honest man be satisfied with getting three-fourths of the value of his property? Is not this appreciation equal to what it would be at the peace price?—When the other day the members of this legislature in the preamble to their resolutions, solemnly pledged themselves to the general government, and to the world, to support the country to the utmost of their abilities, and even expire upon the ruins of that country, sooner than abandon its rights and independence, was this mere sounding declamation? Since the house be so inconsistent now, as to adopt the policy proposed for their consideration? Was the spirit of the other day the false fire of the moment?—And are we now going, roaring, and capering and complaining through the nation, that we cannot get the speculators' prices of 1807, for our produce and property? Is this like making sacrifices?
Mr. W. asked, whether this bill was a curse or a blessing?—how does this bill apply to? To people, against whom judgments have been obtained on contracts. Are these the only persons, entitled to the benefits of the interposition of this house?—What is to become of the cases of writs of right, and the damages which juries are authorized to assess on such writs?—What shall we say to cases of ejectments—Hundreds and thousands of pounds are recovered from such men—Are these men protected?—There are actions of trespass for mere profits—Actions of detinue and trover. None of
these are brought under the cognizance of this bill—Men are proceeding under these cases, without any fault or misconduct on their part—they have been the victims of these times—they are deemed unworthy of the interposition of this house—whilst debtors contracting debts with their eyes open, are sheltered behind the provisions of this bill—Mr. W. illustrated each of these cases at considerable length.
Is this equal and impartial legislation?—No man's mind ever anticipated all the evils which will be developed by this bill. These evils will gradually disclose themselves to the nation—When gentlemen shall hereafter find their constituents ground down and hampered by it, they will say to you, God wot I have taken more time to deliberate." Here is the time for the government to deliberate, before it is too late—There is another inequality displayed in this bill—another instance of partiality. It is especially in favor of the Debtor. Does this bill add to the interests of the Creditor?—No. And for what reason are debtors so much the favorites of the legislature? The whole sympathy of gentlemen has taken a wrong direction. They exerted on the assumption, that the creditor is always a rich man, and the debtor a poor man. This idea is erroneous.
The creditor is as often a poor man as a debtor. Look at the condition of a large portion of the country. He is perhaps possessed of nothing but an innumerable rent-roll and his tools. He works for an opulent farmer—sends him up a tract of wheat and a kitchen there. Who then is the debtor? An opulent farmer. Who is the creditor? A poor carpenter. Suppose this opulent farmer was to come to demand the brood sows of his industry, under the provisions of this bill—what a dialogue might ensue!—I fancy conceive to take place between them!—Mr. W. repeated a dialogue character—Again, look to your towns—it is your merchant. It is said, that he is now a very oppressive creditor. This man may show good papers on his shelves. But he owes on his accounts for these very goods. Stopped to himself, he is really a poor man. And who are his debtors? Rich farmers in the country—Turn now to the essential merits of the debtor and the creditor. Who is most worthy of our sympathy—who is most entitled to the interposition of the Legislature? He that has promised & deceived, or he that trusted and was betrayed?—This bill is therefore liable to serious objections, on account of its partial dispositions:
1st. Because there is a numerous class of Suitors, unprotected by its provisions.
2d. Because it operates much more in favor of the debtor than the creditor.
To the creditor it awards nothing but ruin—to the debtor mitigation of his sufferings and relief.
Mr. W. said, that he had always understood it to be the primary object of Legislatures as well as of courts to diminish litigation. With this bill diminish it? No! What prevents litigation? Punctuality and payment on the part of the debtor. Let the House reflect that if they arrest the first link in the series of payments, they go far to stop the whole series through which a whole routine of debtors and creditors. The numbers of debts and debtors will be increased in proportion to the length of the claim. In what way is this consequence effected? I am, suppose, indebted to the town. Money is due to me in the country for $10,000. I submit and depend upon the collection of these debts. If the legislature shuts me out from the collection of my own debts, this will compel me to contract other debts.—Those to whom I am indebted may be reduced to the same situation. All then are the victims but the independent farmers in the country—but even to the inhabitants of the country the day of suffering will also come. When these legal restrictions shall be gone—when vast & gathering accumulation of debts falls upon you—when then becomes of debtors and securities? When the great waters of the deep shall be broken up and the winds of heaven repressed—we are on the earth even to the mountain tops shall be laid under the deluge; where will be the oak of safety, whether the gentlemen of this house may run to shield them from the indignation of the people?—If the people are now laboring under embarrassments, let us not cast a jar of serpents among them, to hiss and sting them to death. If legislative interpositions be necessary, let us remove or mitigate their embarrassments, by a new bill to amend the replevin bill.
Why must the inhabitants of our towns be made the victims of legislative prostration? These really seems to be a judgement of heaven against those men who inhabit the sea-coasts, for having first dared to pollute the soil of this country with their footsteps. During the war of the revolution, the foreign merchants were swept from your land. But are they not now substituted by your countrymen, your brothers? Small the legislature of Virginia indulge an unreasonable jealousy of men who make you rich? Small the first rumbling of the thunders, that are heard, break up this fraternal union—the farmers retire into the country and leave the merchants to bear the fury of the storm—depriving them even of their cost of mail—their money! Will not these merchants be compelled to seek an asylum in the federal courts?—The house have indeed been flattered with the hope, that Congress may interfere to disarm the federal crown as on their power over our merchants. But will they? When during the last winter, long before the adjournment of Congress, the replevin system was adopted—the thunders were falling upon the people, why did not Congress interfere? Congress however did not then interpose their shield, before their adjournment—they distinctly showed, either that they were engaged in more important subjects of national concernment, or that they thought they had not the power to interfere, or that they were not willing to exert it.
What will be the consequence of this bill upon our towns? The merchants, the mechanics, the shop-keepers, sit the inhabitants of your towns, of whom punctuality is life, will be cut off from the collection of their debts in the country. Count the number of people who inhabit Norfolk, Richmond and the other towns in this state. You will find not less than 40, or 50,000 persons, on whom the legislature are about to launch devastation & ruin. And for what purpose? To save the one-tenth of the value of their property to the inhabitants of the country, who, after all, perhaps may be unwilling to discharge their debts. Our merchants being disabled from receiving money for these debts, will obtain bonds for them. The immediate subsistence of these men is gone—now are they to live—now are they to discharge their own debts? These men will be compelled to pass off these bonds by assignment, not to their own citizens, who are like themselves shut out from the state courts—but to foreign speculators and harpies. To be sure the agricultural gentlemen are safe in the country, their heads in their shells—This, to be sure, is all fair and equal. But mark the consequence—though the ass-give cannot originally insulate a suit in the federal court; he may sue in the state courts; obtain an execution and, under this law, and original bond; it is then a debt due to a foreigner or a citizen of another state, and the federal court takes jurisdiction of the case. The farmers cannot protect themselves from this effect. It is impossible for them to strike at the merchants through the medium of this bill, without feeling the reprocussion of the blow.
Mr. W. proceeded to rough that part of the bill, which relates to deeds of trust. He repeated his arguments to prove, that it was in direct opposition to the 10th sec. 1st art. of the C. U. S. He attempted to show, that there was no foundation in the idea of some gentlemen, that this section exclusively related to contracts between citizens of one state, and citizens of another, or foreigners. If such was its bearing, did the same construction apply to ex post facto laws, &c. embraced by the same section? The truth was, that the states were looked upon as the integral members of the confederation—and it was
the object of the constitution to preserve these members in all their purity, full force and perfection.
As little truth was there, in the ideas of other gentlemen, that if the suspension of deeds of trust was an infringement of the validity of a contract, the states are in the habit of violating contracts, as in the cases of bonds and mortgages. Mr. W. said, that the line of distinction between the former and latter was this: when A gives a bond, the holder clearly anticipates that this instrument may not be paid, and that the jurisdiction of a court may be called in to enforce its payment. He therefore assents to any delay which may arise from a variation in the course of the administration of justice, through legislative interposition. In cases of trust, it is different. The man who takes one of these, does not anticipate any such interruption, and therefore does not assent to any such delay. He has withdrawn his case from the cognizance of your courts to submit it. The present bill therefore, breaks in upon the validity of his contract, by disregarding not only the time, but the manner of recovering his debt.
Mr. W. concluded his energetic speech by recapitulating the points of his objections to the bill: 1. That it affords but half protection to its own principles. 2. Because it gives an unjust preference to the debtor over the creditor. 3. Because it tends to the multiplication of debts, the increase of litigation and the ruin of innocent communities. 4. Because it goes to exterminate 50,000 inhabitants in our towns. 5. Because its promises of relief are delusive. And 6. Because it is unconstitutional.
The bill as already stated passed the house of delegates.
For present stage of the bill, see the third page.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN—At the time of a dissolution of the firm of Campbell and Clark, merchants here, a transfer and sale was made to the subscribers, one of the partners, by Mr. Archibald Campbell of New York, the other, of all his interest in the debts and stock of that copartnership, and also of the house of Robert Campbell & Co. of Charlotte county, carried on under the superintendence of Robert Campbell, deceased, who was exclusively interested in that firm one third, and the remainder belonging to the house here.
There is still due from Robert Campbell & Co. considerable balance for advances made during the existence of that firm, to the subscribers, who is, therefore, only competent (or his agent) to collect & grant discharges for debts due Robert Campbell & Co. to amount of the sums owing by them for advances of stock, and the remainder, if any, will be profits, and to which the representatives of Robert Campbell, will be entitled one-third part.
SAMUEL CLARK, Only surviving partner of the late firm of Robert Campbell & Co. Richmond, January 17. GAWOW
N. B. I will give the highest price for Tobacco and other produce in discharge of the debts due to Robert Campbell & Co. S. CLARK.
PROPERTY FOR SALE—The subscribers desirous of removing to the western country, offers for sale his HOUSES & LOTS, in Richmond. He deems a particular description unnecessary, and wishes those inclined to purchase, to view the property. The dwelling-house, for elegance and convenience, is certainly not inferior to any in the city; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard will be laid out in a style adapted to the buildings, and the situation combines the advantage of privacy and retirement to that of proximity to the scene of business.
A small portion only of the purchase money will be required at the time of the sale, and the residue in such instalments as may be agreed on, or else it will be received in payment, for a part or the whole of the property.
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. January 27. GAWOW
United States Court, 5th circuit and Virginia district, NOVEMBER TERM, 1808.
UNITED STATES, } vs } JOHN MOSS.
ON the motion of the defendant, by his attorney, it is ordered, that the Bank-note, and of which he declared himself to be in possession, as having been taken from John Moss, is retained by the said Byrne, until the further order of the court, that in the mean time he publish in proper news-papers, a list of those Notes, so as to enable any persons claiming them, to make known such claim to the said Byrne, and upon the expiration of any of them, the said Byrne in consequence with Edmund Randolph, may deliver the same to the claimant; and that the said Byrne report to the next court his proceedings in the premises, together with a list of such of the said notes, as may then remain in his hands.
A COPY. TESTE, WILLIAM MARSHALL, CLERK.
PERSONS identifying and claiming notes under the foregoing order, must have their proofs authenticated in the same manner that depositions are required to be authenticated when offered as evidence in the Federal Court of the United States, and if forwarded to me, the postage must be paid, or I shall not take them from the Post-Office.
PETERSBURG, December 28, 1808. JAMES BYRNE.
A list of Bank-Notes found on JOHN MOSS, lately convicted of having stolen Bank-Notes out of letters in the Post-Office in Petersburg, while acting therein as a Clerk, and which are now in the possession of James Byrne, as Mayor of Petersburg
Table with 7 columns: Letter, No., Date, By whom drawn, To whom drawn, Bank, Amount. It lists various bank notes found on John Moss, including details on who drew them, to whom, the bank, and the amount.
RICHARD & ADAMS, at their Store, opposite the Post-Office, Richmond, offer for sale LEVI'S GENUINE Patent and FAMILY MEDICINE.
Each article having the signature of Richard Lee & Son, on the outside wrapper. Persons not attending to the above instructions are liable to be imposed upon.
The proprietors think it necessary to remind the public, that these Medicines have been for several years prepared by them—the good effects of which are authenticated by some of our most respectable citizens; and with an attention to the place of sale as above, and our signature, the purchase may be disappointed, by receiving no benefit—not having the genuine Medicines of Richard Lee & Son.
Lee's ELIXIR, a sovereign remedy for Colds obstinate Coughs, Catarrhs, Asthmas, Sore Throats and approaching Consumption. A single trial of this Medicine, will prove its efficacious quality in restoring a person in common to healthy people, it dislodges and expels the tough viscid phlegm or mucus, strengthening the weakened vessels of the lung; thus striking at the root of the disorder, the symptoms of course are effectually and permanently conquered.
To parents who may have children afflicted with the hooping-cough—This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and, in a short time, entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable—The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.
Lee's WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. This Medicine is superior to any ever offered to the public, being innocent and mild, certain and publicous in its operations. Should no worm exist in the body, it will, without pain or griping, cleanse the stomach and bowels of humoral profluvium of worms and many fatal disorders.
Lee's ESSENCE OF MENTHOL, so well known for the cure of rheumatism, gout, palsy, sprains, &c. &c.
Lee's GRAND RESTORATIVE, proved by long experience, to be unqualified in the cure of nervous disorders, consumption, lowness of spirits, inward weakness, &c.
Lee's APERITIOUS PILLS. Prepared by Richard Lee & Son, Baltimore. Persons willing to purchase this valuable medicine, are requested to be particular in enquiring for Lee's Anti-Bilious Pills, put up in wooden boxes, having on the outside wrapper, the signature of Richard Lee and Son.
Lee's SOVEREIGN OINTMENT, for the Heh, which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application.
AGE AND FEVER DROPS, for the cure of ague, remittent and intermittent fevers.
PERSIAN LOTION, celebrated for the cure of ringworm, tetter, and all eruptions of the skin, rendering it soft and smooth.
Lee's GENUINE EYE-WATER, an effectual remedy for all diseases of the Eyes.
TOOTH-ACHE DROPS, which give immediate relief.
Lee's CORN PLASTER. DAMASK LIP SALVE. RESTORATIVE POWDER, for the teeth and gums.
The ANODYNE ELIXIR, for the cure of every kind of head-ache.
INDIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC, a certain and never failing cure for venereal complaints.
N. B. Each and every medicine above enumerated, have directions describing their mode of use in the most perfect manner.
A few new Publications just received. A general assortment of BOOKS, Law, History, Miscellany, Latin Classics, and School Books, as usual.
January 21. GAWOW
NOTICE—A bond for £30, was executed by Wm. Mosley, of Columbia, to Thomas Harrison, on the 28th March, 1807; and since the death of Thomas Harrison, has been lost or mislaid. All persons are therefore cautioned against paying on taxing an assignment of the said bond. Wm. HARRISON, Administrator. Caroline, 21st January, 1809. GAWOW
1975 June 13th, 1808 D. Lenox. James Stevenson, and endorsed by him to William Fauson only or order. This note was got from Moss the night before his being apphended—it is in the possession of Hart's and Wright of this place, who exchanged Virginia notes for it, for the purpose of leading to the detection—it is for one hundred dollars.