The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-01-12 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1802.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 2d, 1802.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city on May last, a Negro man, named BAILOR. A Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight, formerly belonged to the estate of Henry Fox, has worked at the blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring. Whoever discovers the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail, or this City Jail, have the above reward by applying to William Fulcher. THOMAS MOORE. October 5th, 1802.
WANTED,
AS AN APPRENTICE To the Printing Business. A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office. No. 1, 1st. 1802.
JAMES LYNCH,
HORSE SHOER, & FARRIER, TAKES this mode of informing the public that he has removed from his shop near the COURT-HOUSE, to the CROSS-STREET, leading to Mr. COURT'S FERRY, where he intends to carry on every branch of the above business, with Blacksmith Work of every kind. Richmond, Dec. 22d, 1802.
WANTED,
A situation, as an Assistant in a Store, A Person acquainted with plain open Accounts. ** No objection to attend a Bar at a Tavern. Richmond, Dec. 27th.
FOR SALE.
By public vendue at SWITHEN'S Hotel, in the city of Washington, on Thursday the 12th day of January next, at twelve o'clock, the following tract of land.—Situate in Northumberland county, state of Virginia, late the residence and property of PRESLY THORNTON, Esq. containing 2,500 acres, lying immediately on the river Potomac—1700 acres of which are the most valuable kind of low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 heavily timbered; the remainder is very high and extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the state for the culture and corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract are a large commodious two story Brick Mansion House, and two offices, a large brick stable, valuable barn, corn house, and many other out houses all in good repair. The orchards and garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situate about a day's sail from Alexandria, Baltimore, and Norfolk. There are two good wharfs for grain, or saw mills on this estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, exclusive of the heavy timber, which, if sawed up into scantling, will command a price, in the city of Washington, nearly equal to the value of the land. The terms of sale, will be one third cash, and the residue of the purchase money, in payments which will be made known at the time of sale. RICHARD PETERS, jun Dec. 8, 1802.
FORTE-PIANO MAKER.
J. VELTINEKE, OFFERS his service to the public for the repairing and tuning of Organ, Harpsichords, Forte-Pianos, &c. He may be heard of by ladies and gentlemen wishing to employ him by enquiring at the Eagle Tavern, or at the Theatre.—Venetian Swells may be had, upon very reasonable terms. Richmond, Dec. 15th 1802. (2-w)
JUST PUBLISHED
AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE THE CONDUCT OF MERIWETHER JONES, IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has run through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.
MR. JOHN CLOPTON, Member of Congress. No. IV.
SIR, EVERY politician knows well, that the late administration was obliged, not only to meet all ordinary and extraordinary demands of government, to provide for the interest of the liquidated debt, and to be in readiness for the deferred stock, which was becoming due, but also to be prepared, with complete means and adequate resources to carry on a war which seemed inevitable. In these ends considerable taxes were imposed, and common prudence dictated that the resources should be such as to afford at all times a full and vigorous treasury, not barely to meet upon common calculations the certain expenses, but to be so powerful, that neither public credit, public faith, nor public service should be injured. The good policy of this requires no elucidation.
About the time when the administration of Mr. Adams expired, all our political differences with the nations of Europe had terminated, so that the reasons for raising an army and establishing a navy no longer existed. Mr. Adams had exercised the power which was given to him by law, and had disbanded the army, though the tax which was imposed for its support still existed. Mr. Jefferson has since reduced the navy very considerably. The tax for supporting this also still continued, so that from these two causes the expenditures of government bore no proportion to our resources; the consequence of which was the public treasury was full, and daily increasing by the great disproportion between the resources and the exigencies.
In this fortunate and favorable situation two things of importance presented themselves; either to let the taxes remain as they were, and employ the overplus to the redemption of the public debt, or to repeal the overplus, and to let the public debt remain as a perpetual establishment. I think this view, a correct one, and as I am not sufficiently acquainted with the secrets of government to make any suppositions, which are not both plain and natural, I conclude that there is no other, and I conclude, also, that it appeared to the rulers, that it was more expedient, more for the general interest of the community, that the public debt should be perpetuated, than that the taxes should be collected for its payment.
I will not pretend, from this argument, that Mr. Jefferson, and his friends, consider a public debt to be a public blessing, or take any pains to show that their conduct is either very inconsistent with their declarations, or is a direct proof of the fact, because, if a public debt was deemed an evil, could there ever be a more favorable opportunity to discharge it, than when the treasury was rich; the taxes were productive and abundant, the arrangements for collecting, all made in proper order, and the system in full force. It must be evident to every body, who has two ounces of brains, that if the taxes had gone on, and had been applied to the payment of the debt, the gradual increase of the first, from inevitable causes, and the gradual decrease of the other, would have soon annihilated the debt; this
fair opportunity having offered, and having been rejected by persons of so much wisdom, compels me to conclude, that you think a public debt is a public blessing, or else you have countenanced measures, in order to promote your popularity, which you knew would ultimately operate very injuriously against the public interest, and the general wishes of your constituents.
I have now placed you between two fires, you may take your choice of positions. If you were actuated by the first of these motives, it is the height of impudence to disown it, and to accuse your political opponents of that as a fault, which you deem to be just, proper, and wise. If you were actuated by the second, you have been guilty of an imposition, which deserves to be exposed. In either way, you do not deserve the credit, which you have assumed. The facts being thus clearly stated, the people, whom you pretend to love, and adulate so much, can determine whether your circular letter is such a one as ought to be published by the representative of 30,000 people to his constituents.
Nor do I intend to confine these remarks to you alone, they suit the cases of a great many other persons, and particularly all the members of Congress and public functionaries who have had an agency in the measures which are now under discussion.
If the exigencies of government were so diminished, as to afford a fair occasion for repealing taxes, let me enquire how Congress will answer it to their constituents, that the demands were such, that Mr. Gallatin has been compelled to sell the shares which belonged to the United States in the bank? and how it is that the pressure was so great, that the sale was not only made in the most secret manner, but so much below the market value, that about 100,000 dollars have been lost in this way? There are only two answers which can be given, the first is, that you voted for and have justified the repeal of the taxes, because you fore saw that it would be well received by the community, and would operate to encrease and strengthen your popularity; the second is that Mr. Gallatin has taken upon himself to sell the stock, at a private sale, and to a foreigner too, when there was no necessity, and when our own citizens would have given much more for it. I do not know what you will do or attempt in this dilemma, on one hand you are compelled to admit your own ignorance or duplicity; on the other you are compelled to acknowledge, that the high priest of party, has not only acted with bad policy but with bad faith, by which the public interest and character have been very much injured. I am not, at present, sufficiently acquainted with the history of this business, to press this subject as far as it ought to go; my present purpose is accomplished, in placing you in a position, from which you cannot extricate yourself, without destroying, either your own political character, or that of Mr. Gallatin; the first, I presume, you will not do, the second, you dare not attempt.
Until the whole truth shall be displayed, it will be improper to say any more concerning Mr. Gallatin having sold the stock. This, I presume, he will do, during the present session of Congress. In the mean time you may patch up some excuse in another circular letter, for not letting your constituents know, that in consequence of the repeal of taxes by the last Congress, the Secretary of the treasury has been obliged, not only to sell the very best pearl which belonged to the United States, but also to sacrifice it, at a loss of one hundred thousand dollars.
With respect to the public debt, three things present themselves. The first is the payment; the second is the perpetuation; the third is the abolition or extinction. You are now called upon to declare in the most explicit terms, to which of these three alternatives the measures of Congress ought to have a tendency? The question is a very plain one, and being stated to you in your official character, your constituents are entitled to an explicit answer.
When such subjects are fairly explained to your constituents, they will be able to estimate the credit which is due to you for your last circular letter, and whether it ought to raise or sink you in the esteem of your constituents.
Republished FROM THE RECORDER of August 18. [WE should not have thought of reprinting this piece, if the Doctor had not been in
town. He has now, an opportunity of giving an answer to it. He may, at his peril, deny the fact of his writing it.]
DR. WALTER JONES.
THE Examiner, of August 11th has a long article concerning the Recorder. We shall very soon give over taking any notice of his babbling. For we shall very soon exceed him in the number of subscribers; and then it would be imp- lite, upon our part, to advertise his thee of brown paper.
The Examiner quotes a letter from a gentleman whom he does not chuse to name, but whose peculiar elegance of stile, added to the introductory description of him, sufficiently announces and ascertains the identity of its author. We have prefixed his name. We shall give this article at full length.
“Several of our correspondents have noticed the vile apostasy, and Tartarian ingratitude of Callender. They have at the same time, congratulated us, from various parts of the country, on the impotence of his calumnies. They have been considered, by every liberal and every respectable man of whatever political denomination, as contemptible assaults, very unworthy the Examiner's notice. Perhaps we may publish one or two of them. The following, particularly, as it comes from a character whose good opinion has been one of our highest consolations; a character who has borne high offices under the state and federal governments, and who will be a member of the approaching state legislature.
The Extract.
“In times, when the doings and professions of the man (Callender) were calculated to make the most imposing impressions on me, I never could bear his presence. I had heard (whether truly or not, I cannot say,) that he was treacherous to his party in Scotland. I knew the horrible corruption of most of the political writers, by profession, and adding to these the managers and appearance of the man, my imagination figured him, rather as a miraculously enlightened brute,* than a man respectable for science and talents.
“You extended to him your confidence, nay, I believe in some degree your affection, he was domesticated, and availed himself of the warmth and openness of your temper, to obtain a knowledge of every thing by which you could be depreciated, and of every thing by which you might be tormented. Thus equipped for the intelligence of its malignity, by the exercise of an art, in which practice has made him extremely dextrous, he came into the field of contest without opposing any thing, while you put a great deal to hazard. He has no character, no honor, no sensibility, and his squalid impotence, shields him from the dread of personal chastisement. The abusive language which from his pen wounds your feelings and with some your fame, if retorted, dishonors you and does him no harm. If you refuse one fib or calumny, he picks up or invents another, in endless succession. In short, you could not play
NOTE.
* Those who have seen Callender, and heard him talk, cannot but admire the singular propriety of this description. His appearance is certainly calculated to impress one with the belief, that the author of his being, like Aëlop and Phædrus, had fancifully endowed, an Ourang-Outang with a few of the attributes of humanity.

his favorite game for him more effectually, than by being provoked to prolong the controversy.
"In the bull-fights of Spain, it is said, that certain fellows are placed in round holes dug in the area, who, by waving a red rag on a staff inflame the rage of the bulls to a greater degree, in order to make them fitter objects of attack for the cavaliers.
This to me seems applicable to yourself, and the rascally part of the federal party; for I must do the more respectable, the justice to say, that as far as I know, they think of Callender as they ought to do."
We have no room to dissect all the impertinence contained in this piece. In summer, 1798, Mr. Bache printed in his Aurora a long letter, or extract of a letter, from a Virginian member of Congress, to somebody in this state. Mr. Bache was surprised into this publication, as an editor sometimes will be. He was afterwards both concerned and ashamed at the insertion of an article so foreign to his own taste, and character. We have the original newspaper, and we could, if necessary, search for, and find it. Mr. Adams was therein reproached with all the infirmities of old age, and among others with the want of his teeth. In a word, the piece contained the grossest scurrility; and the public were so obliging as to father this dirty brat upon Callender.
It was impossible to get an article published in the Aurora, denying that he did write it; for this would have been to imply, that Mr. Bache and his friends were uneasy about it, and as the federal prints were harping upon Mr. Bache, as to the infamy of reproaching an old man with being toothless, it was by no means advisable to give the enemy a farther opening. An opportunity was, however, immediately taken to inform the public that Callender was not the author of many pieces, which had been imputed to him. He could not, with a due regard, to the interest of the Aurora, go farther.
After a great deal of watching and haggling, we got out of Mr. Bache, that the author of this piece, of Billingsgate was DR. WALTER JONES.
A short time before this discovery, Dr. Jones had subscribed five dollars, at the same time when Mr. Jefferson subscribed twenty-five to assist in the publication of the SKETCHES. When the author waited upon him with the five copies of this book, the Doctor, with an air of gravity, and solicitude, advised him to polish the roughness of his style.
It certainly required an uncommon degree of firmness, or of what Churchill calls Hibernian intrepidity of face , for the Doctor to be, at the same time, writing such newspaper articles, and issuing such newspaper admonitions.
In his private manners, this Walter Jones is one of the most sulky and forbidding of mankind, at least where he dares to be so. Callender was never more than five times in his company. He always went into it, with reluctance, remained in it with disgust, and left it with joy. If we hear much more either from him, or about him, we shall make a publication of this piece, from our chaos of republican correspondence, and other political curiosities. The bottom of the chest would, indeed, present an interesting exhibition to the federal Quiddnunes. When we speak of either party, we do not mean the great body of plain honest people upon each side. We only mean the factious and worthless ringleaders upon each side; and upon which of the two sides they are the most generally, and the most completely worthless, we cannot pretend precisely to determine.
The Doctor was once upon the point of being brought to bed upon the floor of Congress; or--a speech! When lo! the question was abruptly called for, the Doctor was disconcerted, and posterity, as well as the present age, were forever deprived of something which would have made an ample compensation for the mangled condition of Cicero and Demosthenes.
tion for the mangled condition of Cicero and Demosthenes.
We had this last anecdote from Meriwether Jones. The present admonition will perhaps teach his friend the Doctor to--let sleeping dogs lie still. No person in this office was meddling with Walter Jones. On the contrary, Callender, by submitting to bear the imputation of a piece which he detested, put the Doctor under a serious obligation to him. The story was never, to the best of our recollection, hinted to a living soul, but general Mason; and that was four years ago, in terms of confidence. It is very like a gentleman, to be sure, to reproach a foreigner with the colloquial accent of his native country. And the Doctor himself is such a paragon of personal beauty, that nobody can wonder at his squeamishness upon that score. A miraculously enlightened brute! This is the language of a man who at the same instant, pretends to delicacy. As for the horrible corruption of political writers, we believe that there is just as much to be found among other people, as among them. If there were no buyers, there could be no sellers. But, under the rose, the Doctor himself wished to become an author. His hard bound brains featured him in the onset. He was one of those incumbents , that, in summer, 1799, hovered around the Examiner, and felt their incapacity of commanding attention. The contempt which Callender did sometimes betray, at the intrusion of their abortions, was perhaps one reason for their disliking him. But, undoubtedly, it was a crime, not to be forgiven, to attack any person bearing the illustrious name of Jones, and who had the honor of being a second or third cousin to the Doctor. We should be glad to hear what services have been performed, what sufferings have been endured in the cause of republicanism, by this man of dignity, who has all the qualifications of Therites, excepting his sincerity, his boldness, his eloquence and his wit. Good, bad, or indifferent, when was ever Callender known to disown, or to flinch from one syllable which he printed? And if Giles, or any body else, told him scandalous fables, which they durst not support in a court of justice, we should be glad to hear the Doctor's opinion, whether they or Callender deserve the most to be despised. While Giles bends under such ignominious, such pointed, such demonstrated accusations, while he and his adherents are compelled to pocket them, without risking one syllable of an answer, it is hardly conceivable that the next assembly will attempt to extinguish the character of the commonwealth by chusing such a man as governor.
It is proper that the world should become better acquainted with the Doctor, with that cowardly, that skulking scribbler, who shoots his arrows from behind a hedge, and, did not his stupidity prevent it, would wound unseen. To many good republicans, as they call themselves, it will appear quite shocking to have attacked a man of the Doctor's standing. Once for all, we take leave to tell them, that this paper shall not be insulted with impunity by the proudest or most powerful man within the four sides of Virginia. We know ourselves to be as honest as the best of them, and much more so than some of them. And be they who they will, they may rest assured of getting blow for blow. A pretty sort of liberty and equality, forsooth! when a set of pure proud Republican aristocrats are to ride on the top of it.
LITERATURE.
ON Thursday Evening, January 23th. 1803, will be sold by Auction, a large and general collection of modern BOOKS, in all arts and sciences, consisting of Law, Theology, Medical, History, Philosophy, Geography, Memoirs, Voyages and Travels, Poetry, Periodical, Novels, &c. The sale to commence at SIX o'Clock, in that large and commodious room, two doors below the Eagle Tavern.
PROSSER & MONCURE.
Richmond, Jan. 12th. 1803.
(11)
NOTICE.
In the matter of JOSEPH ANTHONY, BANKRUPT.
THE subscriber being duly appointed assignee of the estate and effects of Joseph Anthony, bankrupt,
All persons indebted to the said bankrupt, or who have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same to any person or persons than the subscriber, or to such as shall be duly authorised by him.
RICHARD DENNY, assignee.
Richmond, Jan. 10th. 1802.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-House, situate on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. Mayo's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail. (It rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE,
Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JANUARY 12th 1803.
THE extreme personal debility of one of the editors of this paper has rendered him entirely incapable, either of reading, or of writing. Some time ago, he had felt himself better. He fancied that his recovery was almost completed. He had never been cudgelled before. Of consequence, he was ignorant that there might be danger of a relapse. One of the contusions in his head is nearly repaired; but it has produced a defluxion that makes him, for the present, blind of an eye. Under such inconvenient circumstances, he attempts, by the help of an amanuensis, to make something like a few paragraphs for the Recorder.
In our last paper, a promise was made of commencing a regular account of George Hay's conspiracy against the existence of the press. The case has been reported in the Virginia Gazette, at great length, and with great ability. The composition does honor to the abilities of Mr. John Wood, and those who are friends to the liberty of the press, will, in this instance, mention his name with honor. It was our design to republish Mr. Wood's report, with a variety of additions, as well as a number of notes and illustrations. People who never have taken a report themselves, do not exactly comprehend what a vigorous and superior exertion of intellect is requisite for even an imperfect performance of such a cast. Mr. Wood has passed over some parts of this important discussion with less diligence than he has bestowed upon others. The writer of this article has, an hundred and fifty times, been in the same situation. Instead of fretting, because Mr. Wood has done so little, he feels a burst of astonishment, that his countryman was able to do so much. From this time forward, he will never affect to place himself, as a reporter of debates, upon a level with Mr. Wood. That he may do full justice to a man, whose name he had formerly a reasonable provocation to attack, he has been more particular than he would have been, in a public acknowledgment of the talents and services of Mr. Wood. "Every man," says Dr. Young, "is conscious of so many faults in himself, that he should be prepared to pardon many faults in others." It is certain, that in this long and laborious report, Mr. Wood has made various omissions. But, we are to thank him for what he has done without assuming a title to blame him for what he has omitted.
As soon as the author of this article shall recover the complete use of his
faculties; as soon as he shall have recovered from the impressions which were made upon his head, by the bludgeon of a notorious gambler, he will commence a series of observations upon this wild and disastrous attempt at assassination. It was only with the utmost effort, that he was able this day to walk to court. Men of Virginia! do not demand coherence from an author who is dictating; for the democratical bludgeon has rendered him incapable of writing.
On Monday the 10th current, George Hay appeared before the magistrates of Richmond, to give security that he should not break the peace for a specified time. He was especially, not to break the peace with regard to James Thompson Callender. The person just named was there; and he waited at least two hours, before this tremendous member of the executive council found it advisable to make his appearance. The chillness of the morning, the novelty of being out of doors, and the loss of a torrent of blood, some weeks ago, made it almost impossible for Callender to get the length of the court-house. After some tiding, he was called upon to give his oath.
He swore that he was under apprehensions of personal danger from George Hay. The latter immediately rejoined, that he wished to put a question to Callender.
The question was in these words:-- "Do you, sir, apprehend personal danger from me, unless you continue to abuse me in the Recorder."
This question was put once and again. The writer of the present paragraph immediately addressed the court. He began, by expressing his concern, that he had upon a former occasion, returned severe answers to some improper questions. He considered this question to be as improper as some of those to which he had formerly given an explanation. He had an answer ready; but it would be an answer of irritation. If he spoke at all, he would express his feelings. If he did so, he did not see what good consequence was likely to result from it. He repeatedly expressed his concern that any thing should have formerly dropped from him, that might have looked like an appearance of disrespect, either for the court or the counsel.
George Hay expressed his satisfaction, that no answer should be given to this question. He solemnly declared, that Callender had nothing to fear personally from him, unless the said Scotchman should repeat his provocation. This position was equivocal. "Gentlemen, it is needless for you to bind me over, because I shall never give Callender a second beating, unless he shall give me a second provocation." For some weeks past, there has existed reason to suspect that George Hay had a crack in his pericranium. We do not speak about his heart; for, after being challenged to meet a man face to face; after flinching from this ground; after knocking a man down from behind his back, we say that after such misconduct, we do not conceive what part of a person's moral character he can be apprehensive of losing.
We return to George Hay. This member of the executive council pled that his word ought to be taken: instead of his giving security, he urged that his word of honor should be taken. His language was this:-- "If an honest man comes into court, and pledges his word of honor, why ought the magistrates to refuse it."
The answer of James Thomson Callender is, that George Hay is not only a coward; that he is not only an assassin behind the back; but that he is a notorious sinner. When that emperor of gamblers did last Monday, proffer his word of honor to the Mayor's court, at Richmond, that he would not attack Mr. Callender, the writer of this piece felt himself astonished at Hay's inexcusable effrontery. Who is this ruffian, upon whose account the magistrates of Richmond were to have trampled upon the city police? Upon whose account were

they to insult common sense and to extinguish the existence of the press? What are the persons? The one is the son of a Scots tobacconist; the other is the son of a bankrupt Scots carpenter. The one was taken upon charity. The rest of his family were taken upon charity. They were educated upon charity. We are restrained from giving the details, by motives very different from any sort of respect for an execrated being. The subscribers to "The Recorder" are not anxious to know into how many charitable families the sons or daughters of George Hay's father were parcelled. The Recorder has objects superior to a detail of domestic beggary and misery.
What we are going to say is not exactly intelligible. What we have already said is irrecoverably felt.
In the celebrated novel of Caleb Williams, the principal character addresses a secondary personage in terms like these:—"While Mr. Falkland pretends to accuse me of a crime, he is, at this moment thanking my clemency, and deprecating the possibility of my resentment. While he is pretending to accuse me of a crime, he knows, he feels, while I look straight in his face, he trembles, at my power of disclosing a secret, which would damn him ten thousand fathoms beneath the meanest, the most cowardly, and the most ignominious of mankind."
These are not the express words of Caleb Williams. The volume is not at hand; and in richness of thought, in energy of language, the writer of this paper is not weak enough to pretend to place himself upon a level with the author of Caleb Williams. Yet, he must be permitted to observe, that there is not a well-informed citizen of Richmond; that there is not a well-informed inhabitant of Petersburg, who does not understand the present allusion. While George Hay talks about character, his heart is kneeling before, and imploring mercy from the Recorder's thunderbolt of truth. He would not, he durst not, institute an action of any sort, against the writer of this article; even if a fair ground of action had been given. While this human being is prating about character, he shrinks from the possibility, that the little finger of the Recorder might overturn and crush him. What we formerly said of Thomas Jefferson, may, with the strictest justice, be applied to this miserable myrmidon of democracy,— "Like a ship under bare poles, the name of George Hay is now driving before the tempest." He shall not be insulted. The writer of this paper shall not insult himself by an ungenerous, and a brutal explanation.
We have been extremely sorry at an accidental word, which chanced to give pain to a most innocent, a most amiable and a most exemplary character. We have committed many faults. We have been charged with many, that never were committed. But there is one fault which we never shall commit; and of which the behind-the-back bludgeon of George Hay shall not beat us into the commission.
The readers of this article will excuse the probable incoherence of some parts of it. The author is not capable of reading over his manuscript. He is much less capable of reading over a proof-sheet. More than half nerveless, and in consequence of his wounds, at least half blind, he addresses his numerous subscribers in a situation almost as critical as any which the human mind can conceive. He, therefore, solicits their indulgence, not for the habitual weakness of his mind; but for the temporary extinction of his health. We have all been occasionally upon a sick bed. And, if a week hence we should discover some want of propriety, or connexion in what is now offered to the public, indulgence will most likely be granted to a writer who has neither eyes to see, nor strength of mind to hear a recitation of his manuscript. Mistakes unquestionably must have occurred. If they are worth the
expence of an erratum, they shall be corrected, as soon as I have completely recovered, (if I ever shall recover them) the use of my eyes, and the exercise of my faculties. In this distressed state, both of mind and body, the indulgence of the reader is once for all requested. Next week, we shall endeavour to do better.
MR. GEORGE HAY,
No. I.
Mr. Hay plumes himself on the preference which Dr. Read has given to him, as the preceptor of his son-in-law. Hay offers this as a proof that the Dr. could not possibly suppose that he had been guilty of suppressing testimony. Without pretending to state what has been the conduct of Dr. Read, or what were his motives for it, we declare in the face of Mr. Hay, of Dr. Read, and the whole world, that there is a document in our possession which proves that Mr. Hay did suppress the decisive testimony of William Colls. The testimony of this man ascertained, that there was no occasion for the idle and ridiculous parade which he, and his abettors made about the nonsense Hugh Jones. We further declare that Dr. Read has been repeatedly heard to declare, both in Norfolk and in Richmond, without restraint, or reservation, that HAY was a S——; and that he lamented not having committed him to jail as a disturber of the peace. We are ready to prove these words, or others to the same purpose, in a court of justice.
We repeat that Dr. Read's motives are unknown to us. But we presume that he has been influenced by those of prudence . Here is our explanation. He has been disappointed in three or four endeavours to have his case tried, by the averrion, and evasion of the prosecutors. Each semi-annual attempt cost him above two hundred dollars. It is impossible to form an opinion, when this prosecution will form an end. Dr. Read's expenses are paid out of his own pocket . The prosecutors carry on their proceedings with public money . The executive council are the chief engines of this prosecution. Mr. Hay has been lately elected as a member of that board. Dr. Read might perhaps see that it was much wiser to pave his way to peace by the arts of address than to brave the storm against the united heads of many lawyers, and the uncrating resources of an abundant public treasury. It is to this that we impute his motive of having descended from the elevated ground on which he stood to the humility of holding any sort of intercourse with George Hay . Nor can we refrain from repeating that it is impossible, if Dr. Read is a man of the smallest sensibility, or resentment, if he did believe what he has often said, and what Colls's affidavit compels every body to believe, then it is reasonable to conclude that he must detest Mr. Hay, and that his conduct has been the consequence of policy, and not of respect. The community are too well acquainted with the residents of Richmond, to believe that any man of common sense and prudence, would select George Hay, as the properest person to instruct a young man in the principles of virtue , to direct him in paths of morality , to prepare him for the profession of the law . It has come to us in a round-about way, that Dr. Read did make several applications to gentlemen of the bar, in Richmond, to receive his son-in-law, as a student, before he applied to Hay. Hence, whatever were the motives for the confidence, they lead naturally to the letter. All this is idle . We return to the affidavit and declaration of Colls. It is by this that the charge stands supported, and it would avail Mr. Hay much better to prove that Colls was a perjured man, than that Dr. Read was a polite one. Colls swears that Hay has done a thing which amounts to the suppression of testimony . Hay defends himself by answering that Dr. Read has so far surmounted a sense of injury as to write to him with decorum and politeness upon another subject. Would such a quibble pass with judges, or with juries? Would any other person descend to such a pitiful shift except George Hay? No. No.
GEORGE HAY,
No. II.
THE GAME OF LOO.
THERE is no amusement more dangerous, or more fascinating than gaming. At first it is a rational and justifiable pleasure. It progresses gradually, until it becomes a most dangerous and destructive vice, mingling in its train, a thousand crimes, which are known only to the perpetrators; or which, if discovered cannot be legally punished, because gaming itself is forbidden by law.
Among the games which are now fashionable, that which is most capable
of offering opportunities for cheating, is called LOO. It is, at present, quite the fashion at Richmond, and, therefore, it may be useful to new beginners to be put upon their guard. If any person, who is engaged at this game, is disposed to give a great superiority to another, it may be easily done by sacrificing his own prospects, or chances, whenever his hand is not sure to win, provided this may be done to serve his friend .
As for instance, there are four persons, A. B. C. D. engaged in the play. They sit round the table in the order in which these letters are written. A. deals—B. passes, C. does the same. D. stands: A. being desirous that D. should win, shuffles the cards into the pack, and thus D. upon a very indifferent hand, perhaps the worst, may get the money, or if A. should incline to favor either of the players, he has only to sacrifice his own chance to that prospect. Every person who has ever attended to the game, will admit that this is the case; and it is too well known, that gaming, in a very little time, will so much vitiate the heart, that these secret arrangements may be made without the possibility of detection.
It is very evident, that two persons, with good wishes for the success of each other, pursuing this system, in the course of four or five hours, will pocket the money of the other two, and there is not a person, in any degree conversant with the game, who can pretend to deny it.
We ask George Hay whether he knows any thing of this game of Loo? Whether, during the sitting of the general assembly, a Loo-table is not kept at his house? Whether, by a regular understanding between a pair of persons at that table, it is not possible, during the winter, to clear very handsome sums by such an innocent amusement?
GEORGE HAY,
No. III.
In his apology for endeavouring to destroy the liberty of the press, uses the following sentence.
"My consultations were confined to my professional brethren, who, though opposed in political sentiment, concurred with each other and with me in their opinion as to the law."
This declaration of Mr. Hay's must be a mistake, unless he intends to confine it to the gentlemen whom he employed. It would be uncivil to put any questions to them, but it may be safely asserted that there cannot be found three other lawyers, at, or near this place, who will concur with Mr. Hay, as to the law.
George Hay says that he will acknowledge his error, provided he shall be convinced. And directly afterwards says "No. This conviction will never come." Why then make a display of candor? Why endeavour to soothe the public opinion, by promises, which tend to nothing?
"The principles for which I contend cannot be abandoned without resorting to others, which may at the awful moment, when exasperation is at its height, place those who ought to be friends in armed array against each other, and deluge our cities with the blood of our fellow citizens."
Gentle reader, pause, before you proceed: this is asked from you, because the above is the concluding sentence of George Hay's letter, which was published in the Examiner of December 29th. We mean the same George Hay who came up behind Mr. Callender in Mr. Darmstadt's store, and not only knocked him down with a bludgeon, but after Mr. Callender lay bleeding and helpless, repeated his blows with the most merciless and savage ferocity. Behold how he now prattles about his principles, and endeavours to make you believe that they are altogether lamb-like.
(No. 4 deferred till our next.)
FROM THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
OFFICIAL.
TRUTH AND ECONOMY.
THE late letter of John Beckly to the speaker of the house of representatives, on the subject of newspapers, deserves some notice. Two reasons were given for making that appeal to the house. In the first place, Beckly stated, that several members had applied to him to be furnished with as many copies of a weekly paper as would be equal to a daily paper. This he refused to do without express authority from the house, for these two reasons; That he did not know that any such construction of the order of the house had ever been acted upon: and that it would involve considerable additional expense to the public.
Both these reasons deserve a little examination. During the last session of Congress, the National Intelligencer was published three times a week, and the Universal Gazette, a country paper from the same press, was published once a week. Now it is a fact, which neither Mr. Beckley, nor any of his friends will venture to deny, that those members who ordered the National Intelligencer were regularly furnished by this same Mr. Beckley, with two copies, and those who ordered the Universal Gazette, with six copies; making, of each, six papers a week. It is also a fact that the publisher was paid, by the clerk, at the rate of five dollars a copy for the Intelligencer, and three dollars for the Universal Gazette. The two copies, therefore, of the Intelligencer would amount to ten dollars a year (more than any daily paper in the United States) and the six copies of the Gazette, to eighteen dollars a year. Such is the mode in which Mr. Jefferson's government paper was last year furnished by this clerk, and such was then his solicitude about additional expense beyond the price of a daily paper. Yet this gentleman declares, in an official statement to the house, that he has never known such a construction of the order acted upon, and that he does not conceive himself authorised to incur such an expence beyond the price of a daily paper. What renders this affair still more extraordinary, is, that he has this year furnished the government paper exactly in the same way, and was, at the moment he wrote the letter, acting upon the construction, and incurring the additional expense, which he considered as unauthorized.
But hereby hangs a tale. Last year the Washington Federalist was published daily; this year it is published like the Intelligencer, but thrice a week , and those who take this paper had the assurance to imagine that they were entitled to as many copies of the Federalist, as the democrats received of the Intelligencer, and the publishers also claimed the privilege of being paid for an equal number. This seemed like extending patronage beyond the sect. Mr. Beckley, instantly began to doubt his authority and to grow suspicious about the public expence . This however, was not the worst. Several members ordered the RECORDER, (a weekly paper) and one of them, who is not a democrat, wrote opposite to his name in the book of entry, 6 copies , just as many as the democrats receive of Mr. Smith's Universal Gazette. Mr. Beckley probably not deeming it proper that the members should receive and disseminate that paper, struck out the six and inserted one . The gentleman finding that only one copy was sent him, inquired the reason. This produced the letter from Mr. Beckley.
So much for having a good clerk to prevent the circulation of bad papers, and the misapplication of public money. Indeed, this seems to be the whole business for which he receives his salary; for he has not been three days in the house during the session. All the ordinary business which used to be performed by the clerk is now done by deputies.

DEBATE
ON THE
PENITENTIARY BILL.
Mr. C. Jones. The very important alteration which this bill proposes to introduce into our criminal code, may well excite all the interest that has been manifested since its first introduction into this house. But I am unable to discover, from all the information I can obtain, or from any arguments that have been urged upon this floor, that the proposed amendment would be an improvement; that it would tend to lessen the frequency of crimes, or produce any advantages that would be in any degree commensurate with the expence. I believe the contrary, I believe it would tend to demoralize society and to involve us in expences from which no benefits would result.
Though I feel prepared to decide, without perceiving the shadow of a doubt upon my mind, I believe there are many members of this house who do not feel an equal readiness to do so. I have lived in a state where a similar law existed, and my experience of it is unfavourable to the opinion either of its justice or its policy. But here the subject is now. In our neighbouring states, such institutions have been so recently established, that we have hardly had the opportunity of witnessing their effects. They are indeed every where of modern date, of course most of us know very little of the proposed establishment, the expence it would involve us in, or the effects it will produce; and thus, in the dark, we are called on to decide upon a measure of the highest importance to the community from the imperfect and perhaps partial information to be obtained in debate.
I should have believed the novelty of the subject, and this want of information, would preclude the necessity of combating its principles in form. If I had not known the influence which splendid and delusive theories often have over the mind, when they are flattering to the human character.
It is humiliating to the pride of man to admit, that his own species may be degraded so low, be so lost to every principle of moral rectitude, to become such an enemy to society, as to be unfit to have an existence in it. The ideal perfectibility of human nature is more soothing to his feelings, and in a fancied belief of which he sometimes indulges himself in spite of every day's sad experience. A false estimate of the powers and qualities of the mind I have no doubt, has too much influence in promoting the measure before us.
The plan of lessening the frequency of crimes, by reforming instead of punishing criminals, has originated in principles that I revere; but sure I am the advocates of this measure are mistaken in the effects it is calculated to produce. The idea first originated with philosophers, who, in their closets, saw human nature only through the "spectacles of books." They had not, like men of the world, experimentally traced it through all its labyrinths of depravity. They have deceived themselves in making too favourable estimates of the qualities of man; and have proportioned his punishments to that perfect character which exists only in their own warm imaginations. I will, indeed admit that punishments must be in some degree proportioned to the advances man has made towards civilization and refinement. In Russia, it is said, by travellers of discernment, that the cruel punishment of the knave is necessary to restrain crimes among their Barbarian hords. Frequent decapitation may possibly be necessary in Turkey. But in this country, I fondly hope, the human mind has made the greatest advances to perfection, and accordingly our punishments are very consistently the mildest.
If this ameliorating system is adopted; if this bill becomes a law, let us see what the experiment will cost us. By the face of the bill, we are made to be-
lieve the expences will be moderate, from the smallness of the tax proposed to be laid. But 20 or 30,000l. will not be sufficient for the purpose. The state prison at New-York cost nearly 300,000 dollars. This State is very near as populous as that of New-York; public morals are perhaps no better, and certainly will not be, if this project succeeds. Why then will not as expensive a building be required here as there? Are the materials for building cheaper, and the wages of workmen lower? No, sir, we have a building to erect that will ultimately cost 2 or 300,000 dollars, or we have none at all. We are now at the beginning of expence. But once lay the foundation; expend 20, or 3000l. and you will then be compelled to expend more. It will be too late to give over the project. It will demand supply after supply with insatiable voracity. You must submit to all. You must wade through every expence that is offered to save your first expenditure, and to preserve the appearance of consistency in your conduct.
For what purpose then, we may enquire, is this enormous expence incurred? It is for the chimerical. A project of reforming criminals in jail is the last place I should have thought of for that purpose. Criminals are not there to be taught the duties they owe to society. They certainly will not be much benefitted by each other's company. Murderers, robbers, and horse-thieves, are not suitable persons to teach good morals. By such company bad men are made worse. They there lay their plans for future villanies; and after a few years, they are turned out upon society as abandoned and as vile, as the influence of such infamous society can make them. But this extravagant project has in other states been made more to accommodate vagabond wretches whom the jails of Europe have vomited upon our shores, than native citizens, and this strongly increases my objection to the measure. In New-York I am assured from authority on which I can rely, that two-thirds of the criminals in the state prison are freed negroes and foreigners. The prudent policy of this State in refusing to liberate any of its slaves will relieve us from one species of these pests of society, but we have no security against the other but in the rigour of our laws. In Pennsylvania too, more than one half of the criminals are foreigners. I never will consent to impose on my constituents such an intolerable burthen, to accommodate a set of wretches, who have fled their own country to avoid the penalty of its laws. It is too much to open our arms to these fugitives from the gallows and to prepare hospitals for their reception. We have criminals enough of our own country, without encouraging importations. But if these Botany Bay principles prevail, if the suffering villainy of all Europe is to come here for an asylum, we shall be deluged with crimes that will unhinge society. These profligate outcasts have always lived in the exercise of the trades of thieving and rebellion; trades to which they are as regularly trained, as an apprenticed carpenter is to the use of his square and compasses, and like perfect adepts they are sure to follow them with inflexible perseverance. It is in vain you will pretend that your Penitentiary will be sufficient to punish the crimes or restrain the enormities they will commit. No sir, so far from it, they will think themselves happy if they can be accommodated with a place in it. It will be much preferable to their situation in their own country. Comparatively, they live to affluence. The fearful apprehensions of the gallows will be removed, and I have no doubt, but if an opportunity offered they would fend over for their friends to come and partake of their good cheer; and here they would easily gain admittance. No extraordinary qualifications are required, but those of accomplished knavery. There is no entrance money to pay, no board to be accountable for; they have only to steal a few horses, or cut
the throats of some of their honest neighbours, and they are immediately provided for, handsomely, at the public expence. As in parochies of the Romish church, a brevit of infamy would be a sure recommendation to protection and favour.
I beg that I may not be understood, in these remarks, to cast any reflections on the emigrants from Europe in general. I am very far from intending it. There are many of them who are an honor to their own country, and who are now an ornament to this. I object only to those vagrant wretches who have no trade or profession, but thieving and sedition; whose schools of education have been jails and arms, and who transport themselves here to avoid a transportation to Botany Bay, or to elude the pitiless noose of the hangman.
But if instead of holding out encouragement to vice, you would apply to some other purposes the immense sums which you are about to expend on this pernicious project, what immense advantages could you procure to the state. The magic influence of 300,000 dollars would diffuse a knowledge of science and a refinement of morals, throughout the whole of it. But you proposed to lavish it on criminals, while the frowning walls of your unfinished college buildings, which you have deserted and neglected, stand to reproach you, for the wasteful, the useless expenditure. It is worse than useless, you had better have buried the money in the bottom of the ocean. You are about to establish an asylum of the vilest malefactors, a nursery of crimes, a school of wickedness and infamy, a cankered box of Pandora, that will poison the morals of the state.
I will not deny but the time may arrive, when such an institution as a Penitentiary, may be proper. I shall rejoice to see such a time arrive. It will mark a distinguished era in the history of our civilization and refinement. It will show that the minds of every class of our citizens are elevated and polished by education, that mild punishments will be sufficient to correct the little corruption that may then exist. The delicate mind will then revolt with as much horror at the imputation of dishonour as our rogues, now do at the sight of a pillory or a whipping-post. Such a period may possibly hereafter arrive; but sure I am, this is not the time. Civilization is not yet sufficiently advanced; ninetieths, and I believe I may say, ninety-nine hundredths of the wretches who now fill our jails, have never received instruction in natural or moral things. The natural corruption of the heart is, on the contrary, strengthened by precept and example. Upon these, your mild punishments will have no other effect than to encourage to a perseverance. But if your humanity prompts you to introduce such an institution, prepare the public mind to receive it. Promote the education of youth, and hasten the period of refinement, which such institutions must always follow, but with propriety can never precede; endow your university. Establish schools in every part and corner of your country, and you may then hope for a time to exercise the virtues of humanity, in a manner, not inconsistent with the stern demands of justice. You may then lessen the punishments of crimes if education has not already eradicated them. But instead of doing this, you are making a retrograde movement. You have abandoned to its fate, the university, which was the best hope of the friends of human happiness. You have done more; you have deprived it of the property which once belonged to it, and those funds which were designed to rear up our youth to science and to virtue, are now proposed to be squandered on a project to save from the gallows, a set of wretches, who, so far from being entitled to the bounties of the community, have, by the atrocity of their crimes justly forfeited their right of existence.
As a derisive effort, it has been attempted to employ your avarice to advocate the measure. You have been told that the labour of the criminals will yield a very considerable profit, and
add to the revenues of the state. What then is it come to this? Are we reduced so low in wealth and reputation, as to encourage crimes to support our government? Shall we suffer it to be said that our boasted republican government is upheld by criminals, by polluted miscreants, who, in other countries, would have fallen under the axe of the law? Shall we be seen to calculate on the value of a murder, or the profits of a house burning, with the coolness of a twenty per cent usurer? Pride and patriotism forbid it! Let it not be said that we raise a revenue at the expence of the public morals. Let us rather aspire to the character of virtue, and not subject ourselves to the merited reproaches which such principles and such measures would inevitably draw upon us.
It is, however, worth our while to examine whether the institution will be really a source of profit, and whether we are about to embark in a lucrative speculation. In New-York, and Philadelphia, it is said, and perhaps truly, for they are large manufacturing towns, that the labour of the criminals compensates for their food and cloathing. But it never can be calculated on, that they will in any reasonable time, defray the enormous expences of the buildings erected to confine them. If they do, they must have some more effectual way of encouraging crimes, than a penitentiary, if human ingenuity can possibly devise one. In Virginia, exclusive of the buildings and guards, 54 criminals who were confined in the penitentiary for a year, ending on the first of November last, had incurred an expence of nearly eight thousand dollars more than the amount of their earnings. In Connecticut, the expence of their prison is trifling. It is a lead-mine penetrating a great distance into the earth. In Massachusetts, the criminals, until lately, were confined on Castle William, a fortress which defends the harbour of Boston, and were guarded by the soldiers of the garrison. In these states it is probable no expence was incurred in confining the criminals, and both too, it must be recollected are large manufacturing states. But in North Carolina, circumstances are very different. We have no manufactures. Our criminals are idle vagabonds that have always lived at the expence of the community. An expensive building must be erected, and an expensive guard be maintained. We must, of necessity, be plunged into an ocean of expence, without the most distant prospect of its ever being defrayed. All, therefore, who calculate upon its being a source of profit to the state; all who attempt to gain friends to the measure by offering allurements to avarice are assuredly preparing disappointment for themselves and others. They will awake from their illusion, when they see crimes and taxes multiplying together. Reflect, I beseech you, before you take the decisive step. It is a measure, once taken from which you cannot recede. After better experience shall have convinced you of its impropriety, you cannot, by repealing the law, restore the immense sums the project will cost you again to the pockets of the people. You cannot heal all the wounds which the impunity of wickedness may have inflicted. The costly walls of the penitentiary will forever stand as a monument of your misguided policy. I repeat it, you cannot retract. The step once taken, you may deplore over the consequences, but you never can repair the injury. Now is the only time in which you can resolve not to involve the state in expences that will impoverish and distress it. But if you are determined to carry the measure in the face of expence, or difficulty, and at the hazard and loss of the public peace, though my voice may be disregarded, you will be addressed by a voice that always commands respect, and that will not with impunity be disobeyed. The merits of this subject have not yet been fully canvassed by those who gave us our seats here. But whenever its evils are understood, whenever its expences are felt, you may rest assured the public will stamp it with the seal of disapprobation.