The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-24 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, MARCH 24, 1809.
[No. 101.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
A PRESSMAN. That is master of his business, and can produce satisfactory recommendations, will meet with employment at this office.
HOUSES & LOTS—FOR SALE. —By virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, dec'd, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, on Monday the tenth day of April next, the following LANDS & TENEMENTS , in the city of Richmond—that is to say—
Some wooden HOUSES and a piece of LAND opposite to Crouch's Tavern, on the street leading up by the governor's.
Several brick TENEMENTS on the cross-street leading to Shockoe Ware-House.
A HOUSE & LOT upon the Basin.
A moiety of another HOUSE upon the Basin, and the third of the LOT belonging to it.
The TENEMENT where Wm. Robertson, Esq. now resides.
The TENEMENT where the Testator lived, and a naked LOT of Land adjoining to it.
Part of a naked lot of LAND , lying between the dwelling-house of Augustine Davis and the Basin.
The sale will commence at the house where the testator lived, and will be adjourned to the other tenements successively, until the whole are sold. Twelve months credit will be allowed; the purchasers to give bond and approved security together with a deed of trust upon the property, to ensure punctual payment of the purchase money.
DANIEL CALL , Executor of the last Will and Testament of ROBERT MEANS , Dec'd. March 21.
NOTICE. —The subscriber will set out in a few days for the Natches, in the Mississippi Territory, and from thence he will go to New Orleans, where any gentleman wishing business done, if confided to him, it shall be punctually attended to: He will abandon, or at least suspend for some time, the practice of the Law in the Courts of this Commonwealth: He has got the favor of his friends Mr. John Robinson and Mr. Wm. D. Pope, to attend to his business: the former gentleman in the county Court of Goochland, and the latter in the county Courts of Caroline and Hanover, in the last of which Courts his brother will also attend. To these gentlemen he must therefore request the favor of his clients in the respective courts, to address their communications.
Those of his clients who may have paid his fees in advance, and whose business is left unfinished, if so disposed, may have the money so paid him in advance, refunded to them by application to Capt. S. F. Price, in whose hands he has deposited money for that purpose.
Wm. O. WINSTON. Jr. March 21.
STORAGE & COMMISSION BUSINESS. The Subscriber respectfully informs the public, that he has taken one of the large and commodious brick Lumber-Houses adjacent to the basin of the canal, where he will receive on storage all kinds of produce, and sell the same on commission. From his general acquaintance in this as well as other towns on the continent, together with the great steadiness and attention which will be by him observed, towards the interest of those making him consignments, he hopes to give general satisfaction. Persons sending produce to his care, will save a considerable expense in drayage, and run no risk from fire, as his Lumber-House is detached from all other buildings and without chimneys.
THOMAS GUY. March 21.
WILL BE SOLD , at public auction, for ready money, on Tuesday the 28th inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, before the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, 20 SLAVES , consisting of Men, Boys, Women and Children.
THOMAS H. PROSSER. March 21.
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening, the 18th February, 1809:
Resolved, That the Shares of all delinquent Subscribers, to the said company, be sold, at the Bell-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the 25th of next month.
N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. February 24.
EUROPE.
CONTINUATION. Of Foreign News received for the Union. FRENCH EMPIRE.
VENICE, Nov. 24. Mulazani, director general of police, has issued the following decree:
Article 1. All persons proved to have held communication with the English, to have carried them provisions, or to have in any degree favored them, shall be forthwith apprehended, considered as spies of the enemy, and punished with the utmost rigor of the law.
2. The excuse of their having acted by compulsion, shall not be admitted, unless they can support the allegation by undeniable proofs.
3. All fishermen, whose boats shall have been merely boarded by the enemy, shall, nevertheless, be delivered over, for the space of a fortnight, to the hands of a commission, until the real state of the facts shall have been enquired into.
4. The magistrates of Venice, Chioggia, and other maritime places, are directed to publish this decree, that none may pretend ignorance thereof.
PARIS, Dec. 9.
On the 15th ult. his majesty assigned various honors and rewards to those officers and privates of the corps of the dukes of Dantzic and Cornegiano, who chiefly distinguished themselves in the recent affairs in Spain.
The establishment of the Prussian army will in future consist of 6000 guards, 8000 cavalry, 8000 artillery, and 21,000 infantry, forming a total of 43,000 men.
Letters from Stralsund mention that there were then 6000 peasants employed in demolishing the works of that place.
The minister of the interior has given notice to the public, that 200,000 kilogram-
mes of Spanish wool will be set up at auction, at Bayonne, on the second of January.
Dec. 10. An imperial decree of the 26th ult. ordains, that no alteration, not even of a momentary description, shall be made in the tariff of customs, without a decree of his majesty. The same decree sets forth the powers, relative to this matter, vested in the minister of finance, and the director-general of the customs. No minister is, under any pretext, to issue, of his own accord, any prohibitory or legislative regulation in affairs belonging to the customs.
Dec. 14. The commissioners of the imperial customs have given public notice, that the prohibition of colonial commodities and merchandise coming from Holland, ordered by the decree of the 16th September, which had been suspended, is again in full force.—N. B. By colonial commodities is understood all the productions and commodities of the East and West Indies. Cotton is excepted from the prohibition.
A letter from Nancy of the 11th instant states, that within the preceding week 55 large waggons had passed through that place for the interior, loaded with cotton and other articles of colonial produce.
ENGLAND.
LONDON, Dec. 20.
There have been no arrivals to day from Spain or Portugal. The letters from France brought by the American ship Union, last from L'Orient, have this day been delivered. We have been put in possession of the Argus of the 24th of November, from which we copy the following address of count Fontanes, the president of the legislative body, to the Empress of France:
"May it please your Majesty, The emperor your august consort, has vouchsafed to send to the legislative body, as a mark of his esteem, twelve stand of colors which have been taken from the army of Estramadura. Even before our homage can reach where he is, allow us to express our gratitude to the most estimable personage he has left with us! Our happiness becomes greater and sweeter upon our approaching your majesty.
"France entertained no doubt of the triumph—But at the departure of him who holds her destinies in his hands, she took part in your regrets! The greatest warriors must forgive that love which their glory causes to sigh! May those first triumphs hasten the conqueror's return! At his voice may the different nations adjure their hatred and Europe be disarmed. May the throne which he has founded upon so many triumphs, and which you adorn with so many charms, offer henceforward only images of the peace, beneficence and happiness which surround you."
Dec. 25.
A Dining Parlour. A new system is about to be adopted for fitting of rooms of the above description, in which the architecture and the furniture are rendered subservient to domestic comfort, as well as elegant arrangement. We have noticed the design, now executing for the eating room of a Noble Duke; it comprehends a space of sixty feet in length, from which twenty feet are taken by a colonnade of ten feet at each end. Ten feet forms the breadth of the chimney; the remaining space on each side become recesses, three feet and a half deep, in which are placed architectural pedestals, supporting imitative granite columns. These pedestals, are so contrived as to contain every necessary requisite, usually placed in what are called sarcophagus celleres; with other conveniences rendering the ingress and egress of domestics less troublesome than is customary. The remaining spaces are appropriated to the sideboards; they are supported by eight beautiful, and strictly classic Grecian female Caryatides, under a frieze embellished by a Greek ornament of the purest taste, executed in bronze metal. The vacuum underneath each sideboard, is corrected by the placing of elegant sarcophagi adapted to the purpose of heating plates, &c. by a contrivance from the flue of the chimney. The whole of these embellishments are intended to be executed in the most beautiful assorted mahogany, relieved by or molu inlay of ornament and lines. Over each sideboard will be placed glasses of the most superb dimensions in frames of bronze and gold. In the recesses and centre of each glass, are to be suspended cut-glass Grecian lamps of an unique design and execution.
The Empress Josephine's Sophas at St. Cloud.
We have been favored by a gentleman lately returned from the continent, with a description of some of the splendid embellishments of that superb palace of the Empress Josephine at St. Cloud:
The principal drawing room contains 8 magnificent sofas. The two ends, in form, represent the Ran chariot, from which flows a continued line the whole length of the front of the sofa; this line represents a fillet of gold enclosing a ground work of bronze metal, which is likewise terminated by a gold banding. On the bronze are placed fasces, in or mat, as emblems of royalty; five medals occupy the front, filled with male and female busts of the most distinguished Romans. From these medallions festoons are suspended, composed of Grecian foliage. The whole of these ornaments are likewise of gold, of most exquisite workmanship. Four massive Lion's feet, in or molu, support each sofa. The seats, backs, &c. are covered with a royal crimson Genoa velvet, laced over with five bands of garter blue velvet embroidered in silver. A superb ornament, in or molu, delicately chased, completes the finish of each back. The whole stands on platforms of verde-antique marble, enriched by rosettes of or molu. Each of these splendid articles occupy a space in length of twelve feet by three feet six inches.
December 31.
FREE TRADE WITH HAYTI.
Mr. Fawkener presents his compliments to Mr. Peltier, and acquaints him, that an
order in council has this day been issued by his majesty, declaring that those ports and places of the island of Saint Domingo, which are not in the actual possession of France, and from which the British flag is not excluded, shall be considered as not being in a state of hostility with his majesty, and his majesty's subjects and others are at liberty freely to trade thereat, in the same manner as they may trade at neutral ports and places.
Council Office, Whitehall } December 14, 1808 } (A true copy) J. PELTIER, Agent of Hayti.
FROM BELL'S WEEKLY MESSENGER.
Conduct of the present Ministers towards America.
In the intelligence which has been lately received from the United States, there is sufficient matter for comment, perhaps even of accusation against his majesty's present ministers.
The public voice in America is become unusually clamorous; and although no official communications have yet been made of the result of the late negotiation between Mr. Pinkney and the British Government, as Congress is not convened, and the substance of the late intercourse is at present but matter of conjecture; notwithstanding, both parties are necessarily in the dark, sufficient has been let out to discover that the differences between the United States and Great Britain, are less likely than ever to be composed, and that the commercial hostility of the two countries is still unabated.
For ourselves, we cannot expect information till the meeting of Parliament; & as 6 weeks must elapse, till the commencement of the session, we shall take the opportunity of putting some important questions to his majesty's ministers in our inquiry of this day.
We demand of them in the first place, "If America has not made, since the month of June last, repeated advances to an amicable arrangement of all differences?" Whether the dispatches brought to Mr. Pinkney in the month of June, did not contain proposals for opening a negotiation on the following terms:—"That G. Britain should declare her willingness to rescind the orders of council; and permit an application to be made to the French government for the repeal of the Berlin decree?" That this application should be made through the conveyance of the same packet which brought the proposals to the English government; and that should France, upon a declaration made by the British government of a readiness to rescind the orders of council, consent on her part to reverse the Berlin decree, that America would immediately take off her embargo, and permit a free trade on the most liberal basis, with G. Britain."
We ask ministers whether such was not, unequivocally, the substance of the dispatches brought by the American packet in the latter end of the month of June, and submitted to them by Mr. Pinkney, as the basis of negotiation.
We have been given to understand, that ministers gave no direct answer to this application, and postponed all consideration of it till the answer of the French government should be known.
The American packet, therefore, stood away for France; and the position was made to France—"To declare her willingness to repeal the Berlin decree, on condition that the English government would rescind the orders of council."
The French government shuffled with its usual baseness, and evaded all direct answer.
What did the American government do upon this demur on the part of the French government? With a promptitude well marking the sincerity of their disposition, and unwearied efforts for a peaceable adjustment with Great Britain, Mr. Jefferson dispatched the Hope packet with a special Envoy on board—This Envoy was Mr. Drinkwater—We put this question, therefore, to ministers:
"Did not Mr. Pinkney, upon the arrival of the Hope packet, submit to the British cabinet a new basis of negotiation. And were not the terms proposed—That if G. Britain would revoke her orders of council, notwithstanding the French government should still continue the decree of Berlin repealed, that America, without waiting for the concurrence of France with the propositions made in the month of June, would immediately TAKE OFF HER EMBARGO, and conclude a separate commercial treaty with G. Britain."
We ask ministers if such were not (with some necessary variations doubtless) the terms and full substance of the proposals made by the American government in the month of August last?—What answer did ministers return?—Did they return any?
We have heard it rumored, indeed, that in a phrensy of foolish joy, at their prospect in Spain, they treated even this manly & most honorable proposition of America, with coldness and indifference. We trust, for the sake of their characters, for the credit of their humanity, for the last hopes of their country and the very vital interests of the commercial class, that the rumor is scandalously false.
But in America, since the return of the Hope, the popular clamor has been more violent than ever. Would this have been the case, had the Hope, (the messenger of peace and conciliation upon the part of the American government) been the bearer of good news from the cabinet of England?—We fear she was not the messenger of glad tidings.
If ministers, therefore, in addition to a most precipitate, ill conducted and calamitous campaign in Portugal and Spain, shall have thus involved us in differences with America, more remote than ever from peaceable adjustment, they will deserve the reproaches of the nation more than any other class of men who have ever been entrusted with the national resources.
BOARD OF INQUIRY.
PLYMOUTH, (Eng.) Jan. 3.—Saturday the duke of York went to Windsor, for the purpose of laying before his majesty the amended report. Sir H. Dalrymple & Sir H. Burrard, we understand, received, during the day, copies of this report, which is of great
length. The opinion of the court is, however, stated in the following terms:
"On a consideration of all the circumstances, as set forth in this report, we most humbly submit our opinion that no further military proceeding is necessary on the subject: because, however some of us may differ in our sentiments respecting the fitness of the convention, in the relative situation of the two armies, it is our unanimous declaration, that unquestionable zeal and firmness appear throughout to have been exhibited by lieutenants generals Sir Hew Dalrymple, Sir Henry Burrard, and Sir Arthur Wellesley, as well as that the order and gallantry of the rest of the officers and soldiers on every occasion during the expedition, have done honor to the troops, and reflected lustre on your majesty's arms."
It seems that upon this opinion being delivered to the commander in chief, his royal highness found it was not so explicit, upon the armistice and convention, as the words of his majesty's warrant appeared to require, and the court was therefore ordered to reassemble and submit their opinion.
"Whether, under the relative situation of the two armies on the 22d August, an Armistice was advisable; and, if so, whether the terms are such as ought to be agreed upon."
"Also—Whether, under the relative situation of the two armies subsequent to the armistice, and after the whole of the British force had been landed, a convention was advisable; and if so, whether the terms were such as ought to be agreed upon?"
Upon these two questions being separately put, it appears that Sir D. Dundas, Lord Hawke, Gen. Craig, Gen. Fitzpatrick, Gen. G. Nugent, and Gen. G. Nugent, were for the Armistice; Earl Moira, against the Armistice.
And upon the second question, it appears that Sir D. Dundas, Lord Hawke, Gen. Craig, and Sir G. Nugent were for the convention; Earl Moira, Earl Pembroke, and Lieutenant General Nicholas, against the Convention. It also appears, that each of the latter Officers has given his reasons for dissenting from the majority.
ALGIERS Nov. 21.
Extract of an authentic letter brought direct to Marsella by an American vessel.
For some time past the greatest tranquillity reigned in this country. The return of the troops from Constantine to Algiers, had not occasioned the disturbances that were apprehended; but it was a deceitful calm, the forerunner of a storm. On the 7th of this month, at ten o'clock in the morning, the soldiers met in their barracks, and after a short deliberation, they sent a deputation to the palace of the regency for the purpose of killing the Dey Achmet-Pacha. Upon arriving at the palace, the deputies desired the guard and all persons belonging to the Dey's household to withdraw, under pain of sharing the same fate which was reserved for him. This menace produced the desired effect; every one withdrew. The Dey fled to a terrace of his palace; when he reached the roof of a neighboring house. But his assassins pursued him from house to house, and overtook him upon the roof of a Jew's house, where they killed him with a musket shot, a few paces from his habitation. They cut off his head and threw his body into the street, after having horribly mutilated it.
Immediately after this bloody execution, the soldiery assembled for the purpose of electing and proclaiming a new Dey. Their choice fell upon a certain Aly surnamed Kodja, who during several years was guardian of a mosque. This revolution was terminated in less than two hours. Nobody was molested except the father of Achmet-Pacha, his wife and his first Biscary. These three individuals were thrown into prison. The alarm, which at first was general throughout the whole town, because the people were ignorant of the intention of the conspirators, was not of long duration. At one o'clock in the afternoon, the consuls of foreign powers repaired to the palace in order to compliment the new Dey. I myself attended this audience with many other spectators.
The following are the causes which are assigned for this sudden revolution:
During the three years of his reign, Achmet-Pacha had made away with a great number of Turks of the first distinction, who were members of the Regency, and with a much more considerable number of the inferior class. He appeared to have formed a design of weakening and perhaps even of destroying the authority of the Turks, in order to raise the power of the Moors. The fears which were entertained upon this score redoubled, especially when he was seen to favor the escape of his Dragoman, a relation of his wife's, who fled to Gibraltar with a great treasure, after having committed crimes the least of which would have sufficed to induce the Dey to cause a Turk to be strangled.
All the individuals who formed the Ministry of the former Dey, except the Minister of the marine, were banished to Bleda, a town in the interior of the country, 25 miles from Algiers. On the day of his installation, Aly formed a new ministry, the members of which he took from among the lower classes of the army. They were all men without education and without the least personal consideration. The public rumor soon accused them of having divided among themselves, the spoils of the dismissed ministers, which spoils, according to custom, ought to have been confiscated for the public treasury. These suspicions brought on a second revolt, which broke out on the eleventh of this month.
The soldiers loudly demanded the expulsion of the new ministers, and appeared at the same time disposed to sack the town. All the shops were shut, and all the doors barricaded. The Dey, who were assembled in the palace, at length contrived to make an arrangement with the mutineers, by virtue of which the new ministers were dismissed, banished and replaced by more worthy men.
On the morning of the 16th Nov. there was a new alarm, it was generally rumored that the soldiers had resolved upon pillaging the town, on account of their not having received the pecuniary gratification which is usually given to them at the accession of
each new Dey. The Dey being again assembled, stilled this storm; nevertheless we continue here to live in a state of the greatest uneasiness. Journal de l'Empire.
BRITISH NAVY.
According to the returns; the number of ships now in commission amounts to 834—of which
 149 are of the line  21 from 50 to 44 guns  184 frigates  186 sloops  294 armed brigs [for service]  286 building ordinary & repairing  1,160 SHIPS. 
WASHINGTON, March 20.
From the dispatches brought by the Union, it is distinctly ascertained, we understand, that the British Orders in Council will be extended to our trade with Russia and Denmark precisely as to our trade with France. Nat. Int.
Dispatches have been received by our government from Paris to the 27th of December, the contents of which do not, we understand, indicate any change in the conduct of the French government towards us.
It is said that the French and Russian Couriers, charged with the proposition of peace to the court of London, arrived at Paris on the 14th of December, with a peremptory rejection of the terms offered as its basis.
From the information we have been able to collect, it seems manifest that there is no disposition in the French cabinet, under existing circumstances, to relax its decrees against neutral commerce. We would indeed, rather infer that it is actuated by kindred feelings with the British government, which would seem from the preceding information, to be lightening, instead of mitigating, the rigor of her orders.
The Paris papers, which we have received down to the 27th of December, do not add much to our former stock of intelligence, excepting the revolution in Algiers and Constantinople, an account of which is subjoined. The bullets of the army of Spain are given to the 19th inclusive, which shall be given in our next.
The 19th Bulletin bears date Madrid the 13th of December. The emperor Napoleon was at that time residing in the country, at the distance of half a league from Madrid, enjoying the fine weather which seemed like spring. No account is given of the situation of the English forces, or of any important engagements with the Spaniards. The most material military event is the surrender of Rosas to the French on the sixth of December, by which 2600 prisoners were made. The capitulation stipulates, that they shall be prisoners of war, and be sent to France. Madrid is represented as perfectly tranquil.
There had been two municipal meetings of the Burgesses, Clergy and Nobility; at which the Corregidor had addressed and informed them, that he had had an interview with the Emperor, who had told him, "that, their fate would be happy and prosperous, if the inhabitants faithfully adhered to the constitution and sincerely acknowledged Don Joseph Napoleon for their lawful king; but, that otherwise, Spain would become a province of France." [It is said, that a rumor prevailed at Paris that Joseph was to be made king of Austria.]
The Deputies, in consequence, agreed "humbly to implore his imperial and royal majesty to grant that the capital might be favored with the presence of the king (Joseph,) as that city as well as all Spain was to enjoy the greatest advantages from his government."
On the 11th the same petition was signed, by deputation from the Notables of the parishes, and all the corporations of trades in the city.
The Paris prints are full of imperial decrees issued at Madrid; one of which announces a general pardon to all Spaniards who shall within one month have laid down their arms, excepting by name a few distinguished persons, whose lives & property are forfeited; another dismisses the members of the council of Castile as cowards and as unworthy of being magistrates of a brave and generous nation; another abolishes the tribunal of the inquisition; another reduces the number of convents existing in Spain to one third, and permits the regular ecclesiastics, who wish to live as secular clergy, to leave their convents, and who shall receive a pension; another abolishes all feudal rights; another suppresses the barriers existing between the several provinces.
All these, as well as other decrees, are closed by an imperial address to the people, in which, Napoleon, after representing the good he has already conferred, or still has in reserve for them, concludes as follows:
"But, if all my efforts are useless, and if you do not answer my confidence, it will remain to me only to treat you as a conquered province, and to place my brother upon another throne. I will then put the crown of Spain upon my own head and I shall know how to make it be respected by the wicked; for God has given me the strength and will necessary to surmount all obstacles." Nat. Int.
Late dates from Sweden indicate a probable change in the conduct of the king of Sweden. Ib.
Extract of a letter from a Merchant in Anvers, to a Merchant here, dated 23rd of Nov. 1808.
"I notice your embargo not likely to be taken off very soon; indeed I do not expect it will, as it certainly must be considered a very prudent measure, as long as the political state of things continues in its present situation. Every thing has fallen in price, and business is so very dull, that I cannot, in fact, quote any prices. We are getting considerable supplies of colonial produce from British prizes daily brought into all the ports in France. High prices made it an object to fit out privateers, which swarm on the ocean. Great quantities of cotton have been brought from the Levant by means of interior navigation, which give pretty good supplies to our manufacturers. Much less inconvenience is sustained under the British blockading orders."

of November than existed for the first six months, because we now find we can have other resources, and it saves the continent a great deal of money that always had to be remitted to England. My friend in Paris is of the belief that no imports whatever, except what is captured, will be permitted on the whole continent, until there is a general peace. I would not recommend shipments to be made here for some time to come, until we see what happens, even if the British were to withdraw their blockade, for I do not think we can land any thing till after the war is over, and I think that prices will get down very much."—Aurora.
VIENNA, Dec. 9.
The Court Gazette contains the following intelligence from Constantinople.
On the 14th, 15th, and 16th November, there was a revolution at Constantinople, accompanied with some bloody scenes; a superior number of the Janissaries attacked the Seraglio. When the great vizir Baraktar saw that his enemies were triumphing, he set fire to his magazine of gun powder and blew himself up. The deposed Sultan must also have been killed.
The 16th November, a great part of Constantinople, the ships of the Porto and Hippodrome, were a prey to flames.
10th—The part of the New Grand Vizir Mustapha Baraktar is terminated. Since the 29th of July last, the day on which Selim the III was murdered, and Mustapha his successor was dethroned and shut up in the Seraglio, Mustapha enjoyed an unbounded power, and governed the Ottoman empire under the name of Mahmud II, whom he had raised to the throne. His intrepidity, joined with the strong and vigorous measures which he took, re-established order and tranquility throughout all the provinces. He kept the Pashas in obedience, wrested from the Janissaries, who had so often arrogated to themselves the right of raising and deposing the Sultans at their pleasure, their ancient privileges; and he was firmly resolved upon putting the whole Turkish army by degrees upon the footing of European troops, by drafting them into the Nizami gedit. The difficult and dangerous part of reforming a people who detest all novelty and every thing foreign, has cost him his life. A courier who arrived here on the 8th from Constantinople, has brought the following news:
"On the 14th November, all the forts (regiments) of the Janissaries, reinforced by those which were encamped in the environs of Constantinople, rose and fell upon the Seraglio and Pashas of the Grand Vizir. They fought in all the streets of Constantinople. The Seraglio, for a long time, made a vigorous resistance, but were at length overpowered. The next day the Janissaries scaled the high walls of the Seraglio. The Grand Vizir caused Mustapha IV, who was confined in it, to be strangled; and in order not to fall alive into the hands of his enemies, he blew himself up with gun powder, of which he always kept a large provision in his palace."
"The 16th, when the courier set off from Constantinople, every thing was in the greatest confusion; a violent conflagration was spread through the city; and during the whole of the following night, the courier perceived in the horizon a light from which it might be concluded that even at that time the fire was not yet extinguished."
"It is not positively known what is become of the Sultan Mahmud; on the 16th, different rumors were afloat concerning him."
This news immediately raised the price of cotton, because it is possible, and even likely, that under the present circumstances, merchants will no longer enjoy the same liberty as formerly to the conveyance of goods.
(Journal de l'Empire.)
From a late London Paper.
THE AMERICAN PROPOSITION.
Unprecedented in a military view as is the situation of the modern world, its commercial state presents a spectacle no less extraordinary. While there is no medium between subjugation and hostility, the word "neutral" is only known as the sign of what once existed. France excludes from the Continent of Europe all who would trade with the British Dominions. Great Britain confirms the work of her enemy by forcing all nations who would trade with the Continent of Europe to pay her tribute, and to do every act which insures their exclusion. America disgusted and harassed with these proceedings, shuts up her ports and puts an end to all maritime intercourse between civilized nations. The ravages of war by a refinement of destruction, are thus accompanied with the annihilation of one of the chief means of reparation. The embargo, which would never have been tolerated in America had it not been for our orders of council, strongly favored the views of France. That commerce which to her was comparatively of little consequence was nearly ruined before, and the embargo could not materially alter her situation. To Great Britain, whose strength, and even existence depends in a great measure on her commerce, the measure was like cutting off the right hand. England, therefore, by the orders of council gave the blow to the intercourse of the civilized world, and that blow fell heaviest on herself.
In this state of things, a proposal is made, that if Great Britain would rescind her orders of council, America would either produce the revocation of the French decrees, or continue the embargo with respect to the enemy, and renew the intercourse with Great Britain. The effect of the acceptance of this proposition must necessarily be, either the restoration of that commercial intercourse which, though advantageous to the enemy, would be, out of all proportion, more favorable to the interests of Great Britain, or the renewal of the intercourse between Great Britain and America, to the total exclusion of France and her allies in the war. The French decrees formed the whole pretence of the orders of council, and the revocation of the decrees must, therefore, fully answer the purpose for which these orders were originally framed. If the other alternative should be the result of our closing with the American proposition, our relative situation would not only be equal to what it was before the issuing of the decree, but even in some respects, highly improved. The rescinding of the decrees, though, from the present state of the European Continent, the same facility, as formerly would not exist for the practice of neutralizing, exposed in Mr. Stevens's pamphlet, entitled "The Frauds of Neutral Flags," would still revive some important differences respecting the rights of neutrals which have never been adjusted, and afford the enemy considerable advantages.
The continuation of the embargo with respect to France, while the intercourse would be opened between America and Great Britain, would secure all the objects which were expected from the orders of council, and a great deal more.
The Americans are at present permitted by these orders to trade with the Continent through the medium of G. B. and to carry on a direct intercourse with the enemy's colonies. The embargo would deprive the enemy even of these remaining advantages, and thus insure, as far as regards the continent of Europe, the monopoly of the American market to Great Britain, which would raise the British commerce upon the absolute destruction of that of the enemy, and effectually retaliate upon France the evils of her own injustice. America would then be almost as completely embarked with us in respect of all useful purposes, as if she had declared war against France; and, from the intemperance of the enemy, the probability is, that actual war would have been the result, at no very distant period.
If then the American proposition would have either secured us all the advantages which we enjoyed, previous to the decree of the 21st Nov. 1806, or placed us in a better situation than we could have expected from our orders of council, how comes it that this proposition has been rejected?—From the character of the ministers, and their advisers, it is not at all improbable that they have formed the resolution, in case of the renewal of neutral intercourse, to insist upon the rule of 1756, and thus exclude the Americans from the enemy's colonies, which, unless some relaxation took place in our own colonial system, would in the present situation of the world, subject them to almost intolerable hardships.
Our government have been sensible, that the Americans would scarcely come to any accommodation on these terms, and that the enemy would certainly refuse to rescind his decrees, if he found us resolved upon a measure which would deprive him of the principal benefit which he might expect from his concession. The proposition may therefore have been rejected, because ministers had determined to accept it only on conditions which they were aware would not be admitted. The inconsistency of this rule with the old established law of nations was obvious. But as Bonaparte has set them the example of violating that code, they probably considered themselves as free from all the obligations that should prevent their acting upon this principle while they are cautious at the same time about communicating their purpose to the Americans, lest its exposure, which is unnecessary while the decrees and orders of council continue, should only have the effect of forcing them to take common cause with the enemy. If this is the ground upon which the proposition was rejected, the policy of the proceeding may be justly estimated, when it is considered, that at a time when we are called upon to make extraordinary exertion—to send subsidies and armies to Spain in addition to the immense ordinary expenditure of the country, we are depriving ourselves of a great and essential benefit, in order to subject the enemy to a comparatively trifling disadvantage.
But whether a resolution to enforce the rule of '56, or some other circumstance, formed the objection to this proposal, it is difficult to conceive any real injury which could have resulted to us from its acceptance. It is on the contrary, hardly possible to regard it in any view in which it would not have been highly beneficial!
A neutral, we say, is only hurt because it is impossible by any other expedient to come at the enemy. Here a neutral offers another expedient, certainly equal perhaps superior, to that which we ourselves have adopted. In rejecting that proposition, our government have not only erred in their policy, but appear to have committed a flagrant injustice; for whatever may be our title in certain circumstances, to alter what may be called the positive law of nations, we cannot either by the rule of '56, or under any other pretence, have a right to violate the laws of nations, which forbids us to do an innocent nation a great harm in order to reduce an enemy to a small inconvenience.
Our late commercial regulations, whether viewed as to their policy or their justice, are all very happy illustrations of the fable of the Dog in the Manger. In order to prevent others from feeding, we are starving ourselves to death.
We have been favored with an Antigua paper of the 14th ult. It contains an account of the operations of the British army at Martinique down to the 6th, which is similar to that published in this Gazette a few days since, from St. Croix papers of the same date. The following is all that is new from Antigua.—N. York Gaz.
ANTIGUA, Nov. 15.
There is we understand, a late Barbadoes paper in town which contains the articles of capitulation concluded at the capture of Cayenne. The most prominent features are, that Sidney Smith, who appears co-operated with the Portuguese in the reduction of the place, has undertaken to convey V. for Hughes and his troops to Europe, to be regularly exchanged—the French on their part engaging not to serve for a twelve-month after such exchange.
A valuable French brig was brought in here this morning by H. M's brig Express, which, in company with the Pulaski had closed in, and then cut her out from under the guns of Fort Lou is in Guadaloupe.
DOMESTIC.
FROM THE NORTH AMERICAN (A FEDERAL PRINT)
By the Batavian, arrived at New-York, was received the letter of which the following are extracts. It was written by an house of the first respectability to another here, which has favored us with it.
BORDEAUX, 19th Dec. 1809.
I had the pleasure of addressing you on the 23d October, announcing the progressive and rapid depreciation in the value of colonial and American produce, which I then thought would go no lower, unless the attempt at negotiation with England should be attended with a success that nobody expected, or some other event should induce this government to recede from its severe restrictions against neutral commerce. The result has turned out in direct contradiction with my opinion; for notwithstanding the strong improbability of any specific dispositions on the part of the belligerents and the apparent determination to maintain the continental system of excluding the introduction of all goods by neutral navigation, our prices have continued to fall, and you will observe by the annexed quotations, that they are reduced nearly as low as they were at the present season last year. This cannot be reasonably accounted for, but appears to have been owing to several causes, the principal of which were the unusual success of the adventurers to the French colonies, the fraudulent introduction of merchandise by smugglers, the extreme reduction in the consumption, and the great distress and general discouragement in the mercantile community, which has put an end to all speculation.
Should the American government deem it expedient to raise the embargo, and your merchants
be rash enough to risk adventures to this country, previous to the repeal of the decree of the 17th December, and the subsequent ministerial instructions to all consuls, ordering the proportional seizure of all vessels, arriving with cargoes under the American flag, they will, even if fortunate enough to escape the British blockading squadron, be involved in great difficulties on their arrival; and if ultimately liberated, our prices will not offer them a reasonable compensation for such complicated dangers. It therefore appears evident to me, that in case of your abandoning your system of embargos your only alternative will be to take part in the war, and deduct against the power, whose measures and conduct may appear most outrageous and oppressive to your rights. Whatever may be my desire to resume business with my American friends, I cannot advise them to hazard their property to this country until the needful arrangements are made with the government for its protection and preservation.
The British Cabinet messenger Shaw arrived at Paris a few days ago, probably with dispatches for the Russian minister Count de Romanzow. So little is expected from the dispatches of which he is bearer, that his presence has produced no effect whatever on our markets. The complete stagnation in sales has induced some holders of goods to have recourse to public vendues, and a cargo of Porto Rico coffee has been sold at Vendome in Brittany at from 35 to 360 per lb. The cargo of the Danish schooner Ant, from Philadelphia, under seizure, and consisting of 170,000 wt. of merchantable coffee has been sold this day at from 46 1/2 to 51 2 sots per lb in entrepot, which, with the duties, charges and conditions of sale, will make the coffee cost on an average about 350 to the purchaser. This price, although comparatively low, exceeded our expectations, the stagnation in business having so completely destroyed all speculation.
PRICE CURRENT.
BORDEAUX, 19th Dec. 1809.
Table with 3 columns: Item, Price per unit, Price per cwt. Items include Coffee, Martinique and Guad-loupe, Bourbon, Cocoa, Carracas, Cotton, Georgia, short staple, Do. long, Louisiana, Cochineal, per, Indigo, Guatemala, Carracas, Rice, per cwt, Sugar, white clayed, brown do, Mavacado, Tea, Hyson, per, Hyson skin, Tobacco, Virginia, Brandy, Armagnac, first cost 135 nominal; Wine Cargo, West-Indies 200 a 210.
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, to a merchant in New-York, received by the Batavian, dated 16th December.
The American ship Batavian, expected to obtain permission to sail from La Rochelle, in ballast, as soon as the existing embargo shall be taken off there, serves as a conveyance to the present letter. I shall say nothing about politics; to a dangerous topic in a country like this. Our armies have advanced again into Spain—Madrid has capitulated—the remainder you will see by the public news-papers. Trade here is nearly at a stand, and this once brilliant, happy city, on the brink of ruin. Never at any former period have brandies or wines been offered for sale at lower prices than at this moment. Indeed at present prices neither distillers nor wine holders clear their cutting expenses—and the quantity on hand is such, that even a partial navigation would raise the price very little.
The holders of colonial produce, particularly those who have speculated at the high prices, find themselves most cruelly disappointed, and are still worse, if possible, than the land holders. Many partial and unlooked for arrivals from our West-India Islands, the possibility of their being followed by others, the decrease of consumption, but chiefly the pressing pecuniary wants felt by people in general, independent of the ever varying measures of a government which ever slaps its course by the success of its armies only, have already disheartened many, and prevent monied men either from relieving the needy or from venturing on such precarious commodities themselves—and although prices have already dropt 50 per cent from what they were 6 months ago yet the produce remains dull and it is thought will not come round until they shall be again at the usual rates in common times. Immense fortunes are lost by colonial produce, and our own ship-owners, who have been so very sanguine in their expectations, will not clear their out-fits at the usual rates, not to mention the extraordinary hazards they have run.
BOSTON, March 10.
The following articles are copied from N. Orleans papers, with which we were favored yesterday.
NEW ORLEANS, Feb. 5, 1809.
SIR, I must request the favor of you to make public the following extract from the copy of the hon. the secretary of the treasury's instructions to you, dated Dec. 19. 1808.
"All vessels whatever, American, foreign or even Spanish, should, for the present, and until you are further instructed, be prevented from proceeding above New-Orleans, excepting only such vessels sent by the Spanish government with supplies for Baton Rouge, as may receive a special permission from Governor Claiborne, in the same manner as the Spanish government permits us to proceed to our settlements on the Mobile."
I have been overwhelmed with complaints and remonstrances, and should wish the public to know whence the grievance (if any) originated. I shall in future, adhere strictly to the order.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. D. PORTER. WM. BROWN, Esq. Collector.
AD' NOTICE.
Commanders of Merchant vessels, who are determined to pass the U. States' armed vessels without showing their colours, are hereby informed, that if an attempt of that nature is made it will be attributed to some concealed motive, which I shall consider as the duty of every officer to endeavor to detect, by the most rigid examination. Therefore, they will be compelled to heave to and anchor along side every U. S. armed vessel they may meet on this station, until an examination is made.
It will be the cause of much regret to me, if merchants should suffer through the obstinacy of their captains. D. PORTER.
CAUTION.
A deep scheme of speculation is now playing off upon American credit.
Policies of insurance are opened at 50 per cent upon this assumption—that the orders of council will be so modified by the 15th April next, as to admit of the free departure of neutral ships for British ports as heretofore.
It is remarkable that American stock has been sold recently in London, by a well known house, at ten per cent below the Philadelphia market price!—Aurora.
FROM THE AURORA.
BEWARE OF THE IDES OF MARCH.
It was signified to Caesar that he should beware of the ides of March—he was advised to stay at home; Caesar was infatuated, and the ides of March was fatal to him. To our merchants we give the same advice—beware castay at home. If they slight it and go abroad with their property, ruin and bankruptcy follows to those who are not opulent enough to bear the shock—there is no remedy nor relief; they will have to lament their losses when it is too late.
Look at the situation of Spain & Portugal; we find the French have made rapid strides towards the conquest of those countries; and probably before any ship of the U. States can arrive in any port in Spain or Portugal, they will be in possession, and masters of the whole peninsula. The right wing of the French army was advancing upon Andalusia. Their power was irresistible. We are told that an army under the duke of Abrantes (Junot) was advancing towards Portugal; that victory will equally attend this army; there can be very little doubt. The British government had themselves given up every hope, but that of maintaining a war of annoyance; a mere war of the Cevennes or La Vendee.
The colonies of Spain, at least the islands in the West Indies, will probably follow the fate of the mother country; they possess neither intellect nor right ideas of liberty, to become independent.
Can you in safety venture your property to those countries—do you not run a double risk, that of having your property seized in port, or of being captured by the British. Should Napoleon succeed, and the British be banished from those countries, as there is a moral certainty they will; the British will then be jealous of your trade to those colonies, as they are jealous of your prosperity every where else—They will capture every vessel found trading with them—their orders of 11th Nov. authorise it—if they did not, new orders would be issued for the purpose—their officers are not ignorant of the policy of their government, and would not wait for orders afterwards.
Will you go for Sweden under the strong presumption there is that, ere this, she has succumbed to the power of Russia, and that her ports are shut against England—to St. Bartholomews, it is true, is but a short run; you may arrive there for a short time in safety; but once let that port be well supplied, and the fate of St. Eustatius attends it—General Prevost and Admiral Cochrane, can see so far through a mael-stone as admiral Rodney and general Vaughan. Remember, that only two or three days before the infamous capture and plunder of St. Eustatius, a frigate arrived from Holland, bringing from the states general advice to the government, that all was peace, that every appearance of difficulty between them and England was settled; and that the first information of hostilities was the arrival of a fleet and army under admiral Rodney and general Vaughan—Defence was impossible—and it surrendered at discretion. The same fate will attend St. Bartholomews and the same indiscriminate plunder—every silver worth of property will be taken and appropriated to the benefit of the captors—remember, Britain owns no respect for private property in such cases—she has long since adopted the precepts of Figaro, that "what is good to take is good to keep."
Whither then will you venture your property? Will you go to Holland? If you attempt this, you will be there seized, even should you escape British capture, for the decree of Holland says, they will admit of no commerce. "Look at it fairly."—And you must not be surprised if from Madrid a similar decree should have been issued, declaring that there shall be no commerce by sea with the continent of Europe.
The policy of France at the present day as it regards herself, is a total reversal of all the received principles of political economy. As it merely relates to commerce, it seems to be at war with common sense. A neutral vessel leaving the port of France is not permitted to take on board a cargo of French manufactures. This appears at first sight very ridiculous, because at the worst it could only leave British guineas or Spanish dollars in place of the manufactures, and in this sense it is contrary to the maxims of commerce, and apparently of common prudence. But look at it a little closer. The chief of the French knows that commerce carries corruption with it wherever it enters, and that to admit the export is only to make an assurance upon illicit import; he knows that to accomplish his object, there must be no trade within the scope of his power by sea. He subjects the people of France to this new commercial regimen, and can it be supposed that when he prohibits the export of French productions, that he will be more indulgent to those who are independent of his authority? It is absurd to expect it, and the whole of continental Europe will very soon carry on an inland commerce only.
Let the underwriters look to it also.—If they make the premium equal to the risk of capture at sea and in port, no voyage can afford it; if they fix it below the risks, the number of captures that will probably take place must inevitably ruin them, and if they are unable to pay the loss, the merchant will be ruined—the banks will next feel it, in fact all classes will feel it. Beware of the ides of March.
FROM THE SAME.
On Saturday last, there was an insurance made at the Merchant's Coffee House, receiving fifty dollars to pay one hundred, if our vessels were not permitted to clear out direct for British ports, on or before the middle of next month, (April.)
I am a little old man, fond of mixing in society, especially at the Coffee House; and by strict observation of men, I seldom fail to ascertain pretty accurately, the particular modes which different men adopt, to subserve their particular views and interests.
I do not mean to give up my secret, by letting the world know the means which I take to look into men—I shall only state, that when there are those, who in order to effect objects, will assert, and even bet upon and insure, that certain events will take place, that they believe that the very reverse will happen.
When Messrs. Baring & Co. or Messrs. Gouldsmith & Co. make large purchases in the British stocks, it is upon the knowledge or calculation, that the stock is actually worth the money they pay for it? Not at all—their calculation is on going forward themselves, or putting forward some other person concerned in the speculation, who is supposed by the public to have superior information to open, a policy at Lloyd's, that a cer-
tain event will take place, which raises or depresses the stock, as it may suit their purposes. Thus is the life of dealing in the funds. Were it not that fortunes are made in this way, by the elevation or depression of the public sensation, those gentlemen are so well aware of the stocks being ultimately not worth a farthing, that they would never own one hundred pounds worth of such property. When a Dutch merchant wants to make a large speculation in coffee, &c. he is not such a fool as to let any one know he has such an object in view. On the contrary he turns an immense quantity into market, and offers it for sale—he lets as little as he can with decency go at very low prices—he intimidates the weak, ignorant, or the necessitous, who sell their coffee to brokers, whom he has in a different name employed to buy, whilst he is pretending to sell. Let us suppose then that in Philadelphia there might be a man, or a few men, who had large remittances to make to Europe—who had made heavy advances on produce now on hand for vessels, for which it is not very probable they can obtain reimbursement unless a sale can be effected here, or that the said produce can be got to market circuitously previous to similar shipments being made which would lower the value in England.
Now if the idea of a free export direct to Great Britain in one month should induce the secede to make purchase—if this should tower exchange, & if in the mean time the ignorant should be deterred for a whole month from making circuitous shipments in expectation of a direct trade with England being opened, whilst those who are in the secret make immense profits on their operations, of what moment is the loss of a few thousand dollars apparently thrown away on an insurance, when it is possible that an immense profit will be the result—I am for a FAIR START GAIN, OR LOOSE.
When the late policy was offered for the fifteen of April, some body said it was intended for the first—Aurora.
If cotton should not find an easy transit from our ports, and should there be no rise in the price here—it will be beyond Baring.
A curious painting has just made its appearance—it is called "George III in Spain." John Bull is represented seated on a sofa in a tent; at his side kneels an inquisitor at prayer, holding a basin to receive the blood which flows from his right arm; behind is a Spanish Doctor with a lictet; in front of John Bull a French grenadier appears with a loaded clyster squirt, exclaiming "Turn your royal back"—behind the grenadier is a tiny little man in military uniform, who exclaims to the grenadier, "give it him warmly, for he must evacuate"—the drawing is admirable.
Extract of a letter from a merchant in Philadelphia, to another in this City, dated on Saturday, March 11, 1809.
"David Parish has at a premium of 50 per cent, on 10,000 dollars, insured the trade to Great Britain and her dependencies, will be opened on or before the 16th of April next. Persons have different ideas as to motives for taking the risk; but, from its intimacy with the Baring's, I think it possible he may be in possession of some private information, that the orders in council will be speedily removed."—New York Paper.
BAL"> BALTIMORE, March 17.
It is said, that most of the insurances effected in Baltimore, yesterday and prior thereto, have been at a rate of from 5 to 7 1/2 per cent. premium—and this only against the risk outward—Dale. Whig.
The vessels which got clearances yesterday, may serve the same purpose to the great mercantile body, that a reconnoitering party does an army. As they will be the first to approach danger, they may teach others to escape it. If none were to suffer by adventures but the adherents of the Essex Junto and members of the British faction, we could rest content. We fear it will be otherwise, and that honest men will suffer.—Is.
Commerce yesterday unfurled her sails, and American property is again exposed on the Ocean, to the rapacious grasp of the freebooters, of France and Great Britain. The situation of our European affairs having experienced no change since the laying on of the Embargo, it was expected that few would venture their wealth abroad, with no other security for its protection, than their being bound to a neutral port, or the amicable feelings of an English or French privateers-man. We hope that no one who has ventured his property abroad since the partial raising of the embargo, may have cause to repent of his temerity, but wish to the mariner prosperous gales, and to the merchant the rich reward of his enterprising spirit.—American.
A report on the Olmstead case, of the Pennsylvania legislature, has been directed by that body to be laid before the President of the U. States, by Gov. Snyder who is authorised to correspond with the executive of the U. States on this important and unpleasant controversy.—Ib.
COMMUNICATION.
The Editors of the Federal Republican in Monday's Gazette, have attempted to prove the unconstitutionality of the appointment of Mr. Short as Envoy to Russia, and the consequent "plunder of public money."
The president possessing exclusively the treaty negotiating power is certainly vested with the privilege of appointing agents to effectuate that purpose, otherwise how could a negotiation be carried on with a Foreign Court? Mr. Short sailed from this country in August last as bearer of dispatches in the ship Union; he has since proceeded to St. Petersburg in the character of an envoy for the purpose of negotiating a treaty with one of the most powerful nations on earth with whom our commercial intercourse is rapidly increasing to immense importance.
Mr. Pinkney was in like manner sent out by the President in 1807 as envoy to England during the recess of the Senate, and afterwards appointed resident minister, no doubt has ever been suggested that this appointment was not strictly constitutional.
The Senate conceiving a minister not to be necessary at the court of St. Petersburg have refused to confirm Mr. Short's nomination to that office, but in my opinion the result of his negotiations will prove the propriety of the appointment, as the object of the editors of the Federal Republican is to calumniate Mr. Jefferson, they hesitate not to give that body credit for infallibility, on whom they have hitherto lavishly bestowed their abuse.
They affect to apprehend that the peace of the nation may be endangered by Russia taking umbrage at the recall of Mr. Short, but as his mission has for its object a specific purpose, so soon as that purpose is accomplished, his functions cease, and he returns of course.—Ib.
We understand, that the Mentor for France, and the Pacifique for England will sail from N. York on Sunday next.—E. W. Gazett.

PHILADELPHIA, March 17. On Friday last, a report on the case of Gideon v. Smith , drawn up by Mr. Charles Smith, was read in the House of Representatives of this state, and made the order for Thursday [yesterday]. The following resolutions were attached to it:
Resolved , That the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, &c. That as a member of the federal union, the legislature of Pennsylvania acknowledges the supremacy, & will cheerfully submit to the authority, of the general government, as far as that authority is delegated by the constitution of the U. States. But, whilst they yield to this authority, when exercised within constitutional limits, they trust they will not be considered as acting hostile to the general government, when, as guardians of the state rights, they cannot permit an infringement of those rights, by an unconstitutional exercise of power in the United States' courts.
Resolved , That, in a government like that of the United States, where there are powers granted to the general government, and rights reserved to the states, it is impossible for the imperfection of language, so to define the limits of each, that difficulties should not sometimes arise, from a collision of powers: and it is to be lamented, that no provision is made in the constitution, for determining disputes between the general and state governments, by an impartial tribunal, when such cases occur.
Resolved , That, from the construction the United States' courts give to their powers, the harmony of the states, if they resist encroachments on their rights, will frequently be interrupted: and if, to prevent this evil, they should, on all occasions, yield to stretches of power, the reserved rights of the states will depend on the arbitrary power of the courts.
Resolved , That should the independence of the states, as secured by the constitution, be destroyed, the liberties of the people, in so extensive a country, cannot long survive. To suffer the United States' courts to decide on state rights, will, from a bias in favor of power, necessarily destroy the federal part of our government: and whenever the government of the United States becomes consolidated, we may learn, from the history of nations, what will be the event.
To prevent the balance, between the general and state governments, from being destroyed, and the harmony of the states from being interrupted;
Resolved , That our Senators in Congress, be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to use their influence to procure an amendment to the constitution of the United States, that an impartial tribunal may be established, to determine disputes, between the general and state governments; and that they be further instructed to use their endeavors, that, in the meanwhile, such arrangements may be made, between the government of the Union and of this state, as will put an end to existing difficulties.
Resolved , That the governor be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions, together with a copy of the foregoing statement, to the executive of the United States, to be laid before Congress, at their next session; and that he be authorized and directed to correspond with the President, on the subject in controversy, and to agree to such arrangements as may be in the power of the executive to make, or that Congress may make, either by the appointment of commissioners or otherwise, for settling the difficulties between the two governments.
The dispatches by the Batavian are from Gen. Armstrong at Paris. They were given in charge of capt. Bunker, passenger, by capt. HILLEY, who arrived with them at Rochelle on the 21st December, with orders, that in case the vessel was captured by a British cruiser to destroy the dispatches. But capt. B. when captured (see Marine head) did not think proper to obey his instructions, and has brought them safe. If American vessels could not clear out of France without giving bonds not to break the American Embargo!.....Balt. Federal Gazette.
NEW YORK, March 14. Arrived, Br. brig Lady Nugent, Leavitt, Port Antonio Jamaica 29 days. An American brig, blown off, had just arrived there. Sailed in co. with a fleet of 20 sail, bound to England. Feb. 18 off Cape Nicholas Mole, spoke two small prizes just out of the Mole, and was informed that a bloody battle was fought a few days before near that place, 30,000 men were left dead on the field! The battle terminated in favor of Pétion—Flour was 18, and fork $ 20.
STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE—The elections of State Officers in New-Hampshire will be on Tuesday the 14th inst. The Hon. JEREMIAH SMITH (the present Chief Justice) is at the head of the Anti-Embargo ticket, as candidate for Governor.....N. Y. Com. Adv.
THE following is the answer of Mr. JEFFERSON, to the address of the Republicans of Loudoun County. TO THE REPUBLICANS of Loudoun County, convened at Leesburg, February 15, 1809.
I am much indebted, fellow citizens, for your very friendly address, and read with great satisfaction the patriotic sentiments it expresses.
The measures lately pursued, in preference either to war, or an ignominious surrender of our rights as an independent people, have undoubtedly produced the beneficial effects of saving our property and seamen, of lengthening the term of our peace, and of giving time for defensive preparations—Other efficacious results would probably have been produced in a much higher degree, had not the measures been counteracted by unworthy passions. It is still possible that the blessings of peace may be continued to us, should wiser calculations of interest induce a return to justice by the aggrandizing nations. But should we be disappointed in what ought to be so justly expected, the solemn pledge of life and fortune, in vindication of our violated rights, received from ourselves, as well as from other citizens leaves us without apprehension as to the issue of any contest into which we may be forced.
I thank you particularly for the approbation you manifest of my conduct & motives, and the kind concern you express for my future happiness—and I beg leave to tender you my best wishes and assurances of respect. TH: JEFFERSON. February 24, 1809.
A disgraceful riot has lately taken place at New-Haven, Connecticut. On the 4th inst. a revenue cutter, commanded by capt. Lee, captured and took into New Haven a si— which had gone out of Milford Harbor, in violation of the embargo laws, by which act she became forfeited to the U. States.—On the 7th in the afternoon, a number of men assembled, by force drove the crew from the cutter, and took possession of her prize, carried her into the stream, and burnt her. As the burning a vessel is by the laws of Connecticut Arson , the case will doubtless be laid before the grand jury, then in session at New Haven. Nat. Int.
NORFOLK, March 18. Upon the rates of insurance we can state that the following may be considered as at present the rates in this place.
Coasting Risks. 1 1/2 a 2 1/2 per cent. New-Orleans, 4 a 5; Amelia Island and ports of East Florida, 3; St. Bartholomews, 5; Porto Rico and Cuba, 5; Spanish Main, 7 a 7 1/2; Madeira, Teneriffe and Azores, 5; ports of Portugal, 5; ports of Spain, without the Mediterranean, 5; Tangiers, 5. Ports of Spain and other legalized ports in the Mediterranean; ports of Sweden, and other lawful ports in the North Sea and Baltic; Brazil and Spanish America, south of the line, nothing settled. The above rates may be considered as nearly accurate, and are applied to American vessels and prime risks.
NEW-ORLEANS, Feb. 1. By a letter from Pensacola, dated 16th inst. we learn the arrival of Don Jasper Maguna, Lieutenant of the navy, with 100,000 dollars for the treasury of the provinces and the bearer of dispatches to the government.
The ex-vice-roy of Mexico had at length arrived at Havana in the San Justo, with all his family and suite. He was guarded by centinels, with directions to have him constantly in sight, and not suffer him to hold any conversation, except what was indispensable with his servants, and all were forbidden to speak to him under pain of death.
On the 13th, a schooner arrived from the Havana, with the news of a fleet of 28 sail, having passed for Vera Cruz, under the convoy of two ships of the line; they sailed from Cadiz. In Vera Cruz this fleet was looked for, as advices of its departure had reached that place.
On the 15th an English schooner arrived from Providence. She had a passage of 12 days, and brought papers which give an account of the total defeat of the army of king Joa; of the rage with which the Spaniards were animated; and that Barcelona, Biscay and the other provinces of Spain, were perfectly freed and purified from the vile banditti who infested it.....Louisiana Gaz.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, MARCH 24, 1809.
INCONSISTENCIES!! The inconsistencies of the federalists are truly ridiculous. Doctrines are at one time maintained—which, at another, are disavowed in theory and abandoned in practice.—When certain opinions were calculated to advance the interests of the party, they were sound articles of faith—when these principles happened to work against them, they lost their value and their virtue—They became the objects of proscription—instead of applause. The recent examples of this truth are frequent and degrading.
We have seen men, pretending to be the exclusive friend of commerce, abandoning its best sinews, our seamen, to British impressments. We have seen men, pretending to be the select champions of the rights of navigation, submitting to British encroachments upon our dearest rights, and reproaching the government for its noble resistance to these death-like encroachments.
We have seen the legislature of Massachusetts in '99, denying the right of the State Legislatures to criticise the acts of Congress, and claiming this right exclusively for the courts of the U. States—and we have just seen the same body arraying itself in opposition to these very acts, by a direct law.
We have seen men, during the administration of John Adams, acting upon the principle of excluding all, but political favorites, from office; we have heard Robert Goodloe Harper avowing this determination on the very floor of Congress, during the session of '96—7. And we now see this very party in the legislature of Massachusetts, unblushingly reproaching "the present administration" with having "originated this spirit of proscription."—See a long and elaborate address to the People of Massachusetts, of the 2d inst. abounding in similar misrepresentations—the professed aim of which is to array the people of New-England en masse against the southern states, by the bold assertions that the farmers of the East have different interests from the planters of the south, and that these last are decidedly hostile to the interests of commerce.
We have seen men, once arrogating to themselves the exclusive title of "Friends of Order," now assuming the prerogatives of Jacobins and Disorganizers, and preaching an opposition to the laws and constituted authorities of the country.
Amidst these flagrant contradictions, the curious instances, which we are now to record, may appear almost too trivial to deserve animadversion—but though less important than the rest, they are perhaps more striking & convincing. The annals of parties do not present a more conspicuous instance of gross and illogical contradiction.
Mr. Gore in his report to the legislature of Massachusetts, of January 18, 1809, makes this assertion: "While it has been said, that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it," (the rule of war of 1756,) the edicts of France from 1704 to the present day, with but small intervals of deviation, either in principle or practice, declare the reverse."
Now mark the language of this very Reporter in his letter to Mr. Madison of November 18, 1805, (published along with the Congressional documents of 1806,) in which he lays before the Secretary of State, the case of the ship Indus, belonging to Boston, condemned by the British court of Admiralty for a violation of this assumed principle. In this letter, Mr. Gore has most triumphantly exposed the unjust effects of this rule, and of the illegal conduct of England. He makes use of the following unequivocal assertion: "This principle was first brought forward in the war of 1756, and was then attempted to be supported by the doctrines advanced by Bynkershoek. You, sir, to whom the writings of this eminent civilian are doubtless familiar, must be aware that the rule laid down by him, is brought forward to a very different purpose:—Can any contradiction be more direct and conspicuous, than that which prevails between the language of Mr. Gore's letter and his Report?"
The same Report, alluding to the same "interpolated" principle, uses the following conciliatory language: "The rule of war of '56, although adopted in the early part of last war, was so modified as to afford no cause of complaint to the U. States, during the latter years of that contest, and it is believed, that a similar temper of accommodation has been manifested by the same power towards the U. States in the present war."
Mark now the indignant language of the memorial addressed to the President and Congress of the United States on January 20, 1806, by a committee of the merchants of Boston, at the head of whose names stands that of James Lloyd, Junr. the worthy colleague of Timothy Pickering, & now the unblushing apologist of British aggression:—"While your memorialists have witnessed, with mingled feelings of indignation towards the perpetrators, and of commiseration for their unfortunate countrymen, the insults and barbarities which the commerce of these states has sustained from the cruisers of France and Spain, it is their object, in the present memorial, to confine their animadversions to the more alarming, because more numerous and extensive detentions and condemnations of American vessels, by Great Britain; and to advert to the principles recently avowed and adopted by her courts, relative to neutral trade in articles of colonial produce:—principles which, if admitted, or practised upon in all the latitude which may fairly be inferred to be intended, would be destructive of the navigation, and radically impair the most lucrative commerce of our country."—And yet, quoth Timothy Pickering, the worthy colleague of James Lloyd, "Great Britain has done no essential injury to our commerce,"—the rule of '56 is merely intended to prevent the enemy from profiting by the neutral flag—And, quoth the late Legislature of Massachusetts, we must go to war with France, not G. B.—in spite of her "more numerous and extensive" injuries inflicted upon us.
When men thus fly off from the principles, which they once have taken, without any new lights to detect their fallacy, what hopes can be formed of the disinterestedness of their conduct?
Some of the English Prints have said, that we have made a proposition to France to join her in the war against G. B. if she would only rescind her Decrees. The Federalists have chimed in with the same idea. There is surely nothing in the Documents published to justify this supposition. We have made no direct propositions to France; no pledge—no commitment—much less one to join her in the war against G. B. But this idea is not only directly contradicted by the facts themselves—but it betrays the gross ignorance of our Constitution. To whom is the power of declaring war given? In this country—contrary to almost every government in the world—it is given to the legislative body—to Congress. The executive have no power over it—of course they can make no proposition to declare War—until Congress should pass a resolution to authorise it.
Had Congress adopted the resolution, laid before them at their last session, respecting Letters of Marque & Reprisal, a power very similar to this would have been transferred. The President would have been authorised under certain circumstances to issue these Letters. Of course, this power might have entered into the means & instruments of negotiation. To France and G. Britain he might have respectively said, "If you will rescind your obnoxious Decrees (or Orders, as the case might be,) I will exercise the powers transferred to me by Congress. I will issue Letters of Marque and Reprisal against your rival, who perseveres in his injustice against us."
But this resolution was not passed. The President has therefore no such power as to make a proposition to join in the war. All that he can do, under the Non-Intercourse law, is to rescind respectively to the belligerents: "If you rescind your obnoxious edicts as to us, I will suspend the Embargo and Non-Intercourse laws as to you. I will issue my proclamation, to admit your public ships to the benefits of our ports, your private vessels, your produce and manufactures even after the 20th of May, and to allow a free Export of our own to your kingdom and dependencies." This is the language which the President may now use—perhaps the substance of the dispatches which are now going off in the Pacific and Mentor—and the course of that negotiation, whose results may be laid before the next Congress.
To France we can now make a direct and more effective proposition. The reason is, that the Non-Intercourse law has created certain new restrictions against France, by the removal of which she would be able and glad to profit.
That law has done away every pretext of reproach, (and a mere pretext it has always been) on the part of G. B. or its friends here, against the administration, for its partiality to France or hostility against England. That law has placed these two nations on the same ground. It takes the place of the President's Proclamation as to British armed vessels, and extends it to French armed vessels. It substantially repeals the partial non-importation law aimed against England, and extends a total restriction to France as well as to England—To France, therefore, the President can now offer certain inducements to rescind her decrees. One is, the use of our ports to her armed vessels.
ANTIQUITY frequently supplies lights and precedents for modern times.
The historian Polybius relates in the 5th Chap. of Book 4th, that the people of Byzantium—now Constantinople—determined "to exact a certain impost from all vessels that sailed into Pontus." There was some little colouring at least for this exaction. Surrounded on all sides, "even from the Pontus to the Ægean sea (or Archipelago,) by the barbarous tribes of Thrace," they were continually subject to the heaviest tributes from these barbarians. They had at first recourse to solicitation to the states of Greece for assistance; but this resource being shut against them, they were driven, says Polybius, "through mere necessity," to levy imposts upon commerce.—How did the other states, who had an interest in navigation, receive this daring imposition? Did they silently submit—fold their arms in apathy—and consent that their merchants should be fleeced for the benefit of the Byzantines? Far from it. The Rhodians immediately resisted these usurpations: they declared war. In a short time, their object was accomplished, and a treaty concluded in these terms: "The Byzantines shall exact no impost from the vessels that pass into the Pontus. Upon this condition, the Rhodians and their allies will remain in peace with the people of Byzantium."
The British are the Byzantines of modern times—There is not a sea that is not with them a Pontus —scarcely a vessel, that is not vexed by their imposts and impositions.—It remains to be seen, how far the other parts of this example are to be imitated or not.
ANOTHER VARIETIES DISCOVERY IN VIRGINIA. In our paper of the 10th inst. we gave an account of a rich copper mine , which has been lately discovered in the county of Orange.—We have now to relate the discovery of another mineral substance, which has been found in this state.—Let us persevere in these researches. Minerals of this description are of more consequence to us, than the Diamonds of Colombia, or the Gold and Silver of Peru. The latter, supply the flame of ostentatious luxury and unuseful arm of industry. The former, furnish new incitements to industry, and necessities and conveniences to society at large.
The discovery, of which we are now to speak, is that of a species of earth, from which nitre or salt petre may be extracted in considerable quantities by the simple process of solution, lixiviation & boiling. Accounts of this mineral have reached us from another quarters; but for the most particular description we have received of it, we are indebted to Mr. Law, of the city of Washington. We understand that no information on this subject has been received or obtained at the War-Office. Mr. L's son, in travelling to the West-ward, fell in with this nitrous earth, in the neighborhood of Frankfort, supposed to be in the county of Hampshire, & near Patterson's Creek, a branch of the north branch of the Potomac. The earth is hard, crisp, of a strong yellowish cast—nearly of the same consistency and colour, as dried molasses candy.
The following is a note to Thomas Law, Esq. City of Washington—from Dr. Mitchell, of New-York, whose name is familiar to many of our readers.
"Samuel L. Mitchell feels satisfaction in informing Mr. Law, that he yesterday made an experiment on the specimen of saltpetrous earth Mr. L. gave him, which convinced him, that it contains the nitrous acid . And that by another he is persuaded it contains the Alkaline basis (of potash ) to which that acid is united. Notwithstanding the doubt with which he received Mr. Law's first communication, he is now satisfied from actual proof, that the earth he received from Mr. L. certainly contains nitrous acid, and he believes nitre itself.
"In consequence of this conviction, he begs Mr. L. to collect all the information he can about the natural condition and topographical character of the spot where this singular earth abounds. He also requests that Mr. L. junr. will give all the facts he possesses concerning the treatment that earth under goes to extract the saltpetre, the proportion it affords, the quantity of wood ashes employed in the lixiviation, and all other needful particulars.
"In doing this, both chemistry and natural history will be supplied with additional facts; our country will experience a further exploration of the good things it contains; and the writer of this note will receive further evidence of Mr. L's zeal and benificence. Jan. 22, 1809.
It seems by the "marine memoranda" of the Norfolk papers, of the 18th inst. 24 vessels had cleared out at that port—4 British, 3 Spanish, 1 Swedish—the rest American. The 4 first cleared out for the Cape of Good Hope, Glasgow, Bermuda, and St. Jago.—The 3 Spanish for Amelia Island, Buenos Ayres and St. Jago. The Swedish schooner for St. Bartholomews. Of the American vessels, 2 for Cadiz, 1 for Tangier, 6 for St. Jago, 1 for Algeziras, 1 for Sweden, 3 for St. Bartholomews (Swedish Is.) 1 for Havana, 1 for Laguira.—On the 20th arrived one Swedish ship.—Cleared, 5 vessels for Tangier, Madeira, Boston, Teneriffe and St. Jago de Cuba.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, The necessity of looking over voluminous accounts for several years back, in order to rebut the hasty and superficial calculations of the Armory Committee, throws a temporary obstacle in the way of my defence. It is a respect which I owe to you, as well as to myself, not to speak hastily or carelessly on this subject. It is my wish and intention to found my statements on such documents as cannot be shaken any where.
In the mean time, it is not unworthy of notice, that Henry Banks, with that kind of meanness & littleness which is natural to his character, has resumed his trade of slander; and is exerting his faculties (well disciplined, only in that trade,) to obscure and weaken my defence, and prevent the public from coming to a candid and just conclusion. An enemy who had a spark of generosity in his composition, would have remained silent, at least until the defence was finished. A man who was conscious that he had truth on his side and that the precipitate sentence of the legislature would bear the probe of evidence and argument, would have thought it unnecessary to interrupt the course of my defence. But Henry Banks is conscious that the whole is imposture and delusion; and that certain detection and exposure are inevitable unless he can break the chain of investigation upon which I am entering, and throw the subject into confusion. Hence the series of infamous calumnies which he is renewing in the papers. He shall not succeed. I shall pursue my defence without farther notice of his publications. Bankrupt as he is in character and fortune; invulnerable through the medium of insolvency are tolerated; too despicable for that kind of resentment which the laws of honor sanction, and too infamous, even, for the chastisement of the horse-whip, what course of conduct can be adopted towards him! He feels that he is safe in his own insignificance and infamy, & that he cannot be more degraded or desperate, happen what will. With a ruffian of antiquity, who had contrived to delude the people, and work them up to a momentary madness, he seems to exclaim to himself—
"Now let it work: Mischief thou art a foot, Take thou what course thou wilt—FORTUNE IS MERE;— AND IN THIS MOOD, WILL GIVE US ANY THING." JOHN CLARKE.
At a meeting of the Bar of Louisa, and some respectable Citizens of that and the adjacent Counties, at the court-house of said County, on Wednesday evening, the 15th day of March last, upon the arrival, on that day, of the melancholy intelligence of the death of NATHANIEL POPE, Esq. of Hanover, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
Whereas, we have this day received the distressing intelligence of the death of our highly esteemed and very valuable Fellow-Citizen Nathaniel Pope, of the County of Hanover, and deem it proper, on occasions of this kind, when society is bereft of one of its greatest ornaments, and the Bar, to which the deceased belonged, of one of its most distinguished members—To express in the most solemn manner, the deep regret which we and all good men must feel at a dispensation of Providence, so affecting at that which at present has called us together,
Resolved therefor, That each member of this meeting will wear crape on his left arm for two months from this time, as an evidence of the high estimation in which our departed Fellow Citizen was held, and of the sincere and heart felt sorrow which has been excited by his loss; and that the widow and the orphans may have the consolation to know, that other tears than theirs, are shed for the departed husband and father.
Resolved, That the Chairman of this meeting be requested to cause these proceedings to be published in some one of the newspapers edited in the City of Richmond. JAS. BARBOUR, Chairman of the meeting.
Arrests. HORATIO G. WINSTON, Sec'y to the meeting. At a meeting of the members of the Court, the Bar, and many respectable citizens of Goochland county, at Capt. Samuel Woodson's, after the adjournment of court, on Monday, 20th of March, Col. JOHN CURD, being called to the Chair, And
DR. N. M. VAUGHAN, appointed Sec'y. The following gentlemen, viz. Messrs. Pleasants, Robertson, Anthony, Morris and Marshall, were appointed a committee to draft resolutions expressive of their feelings occasioned by the unfortunate death of our fellow-citizen NATHANIEL POPE, Esq. The Committee withdrew, and after a short time, produced the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:
Whereas, undoubted intelligence has reached us of the death of our much esteemed and much beloved friend NATHANIEL POPE, of Hanover, and whereas we are impressed with the most profound and heartfelt regret for the loss of so distinguished a member of society, and of the profession to which he belonged, and are solicitous to pay a feeble tribute to the memory of the man whom we loved, and to give expression to the feelings which fill our hearts,
Resolved, Therefore, That the members of this meeting will wear crape on the left arm for two months, as a testimony of the regret excited by the loss of one so generally and so justly esteemed; and that the family and friends of the deceased may be assured of the sympathy which we feel in common with them,
Resolved, That the chairman be requested to cause the proceedings of this meeting to be published in the news papers edited in the city of Richmond. JNO. CURD, Chairman. N. M. VAUGHAN, Secretary.
TO MERCHANTS.
Gentlemen—We have gleaned every article, which we have found in our papers, that can shed the least light upon the course of our trade with foreign nations. The letters from France, brought by the Batavian, in speaking the views of Bonaparte—the article from the Aurora, addressed to yourselves, are peculiarly worthy of your notice.—Put this question to yourselves: Should our vessels escape British capture on the seas, will it escape French confiscation in port?
General Samuel Smith, whose term of service, as senator of the United States, expired on the 4th inst. has been appointed by the Governor and Council to fill the vacancy until the next meeting of the state legislature of Maryland.
** The citizens of Richmond are indiscriminately invited to two religious meetings, the first at the Baptist meeting-house, about the hour of 11 in the afternoon, on Friday next; the second in the capitol, on Sunday afternoon about 3 o'clock, BY A GOSPEL MESSENGER. March 23, 1809.
It is with the profoundest sentiments of regret, that we have to announce the death of NATHANIEL POPE, Esq. of Hanover County.—We should much sooner have discharged this mournful task, but that feelings of delicacy have hitherto, in some measure, restrained us—for something on these occasions is due to the living as well as to the dead.
Mr. Pope "has fallen a victim"—to use the expression of one of the prints of this city—"to that fatal practice in this country," before which so many worthies have fallen. He died on the bloody field of honor. The duel in which he was engaged was fought on Monday the 15th inst. and on Tuesday morning he breathed his last. It is a duty which we owe to the survivors to hurry over this melancholy catastrophe as fast as possible—but these duties terminate here. We are at liberty to speak of the domestic virtues, the sterling integrity, the love of principle, the patriotism, and the distinguished talents of this excellent man. Few men have ever sunk to rest with more flattering eulogiums upon their character—with more sincere respect and regret from all who knew them. His wife and his children are not the only mourners or the only sufferers. Every good man joins in their distresses—and his country bereft of the benefits of his genius, and his virtues, weeps over his tomb.
Peace to thy ashes! most worthy and lamented man—it is the pen of one who knew and loved thy character, that pays this sad tribute of respect to thy memory.
THE Subscriber has taken Rooms at Mr. Shield's near the Capitol and Bank, where he will at all times be ready to give advice as Counsel, and not neglect his public duty as Counsel, while health permits. He will further accommodate the public in writing all species of legal conveyance, he trusts, to their satisfaction. JOHN HEATH. March 24.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, for which the highest price will be given, TOBACCO of the dark, greenish and rich kind, commonly made on manured or low ground. For further particulars, enquire at the Eagle-Tavern for Peter Lomax. March 24.
IN CHANCERY —At a quarterly Court, continued and held for King and Queen County, at the Courthouse on Tuesday the 14th of March, 1809. Joseph Temple, senr. Plff. against John W. Semple and Edward Hill, Defs. The defendant John W. Semple not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court that he is not an inhabitant of this state. On the motion of the plaintiff by his Counsel; It is ordered that the said defendant John W. Semple do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the Bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order, be forthwith published in some public newspaper, printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of this Courthouse. A copy. Teste, RO: POLLARD, c. c. March 24.

SPEECH DELIVERED BY MR. GILES, IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 13, 1809.
In support of the following resolution moved by him on the 8th of the same month:
Resolved, That the several laws laying an Embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great-Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with those nations and their dependencies, and the importation of any article into the United States, the growth, produce or manufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
MR. PRESIDENT,
In times of great public trial and difficulty, when a proposition deeply affecting the character and interests of the nation is presented for adoption, an indispensable obligation is imposed upon its author to state the considerations upon which it is founded. Under this impression, I shall now proceed to make as full and as frank a development of my inducements in moving the present resolution, as may consist with the ordinary limits of discussion.
It is a circumstance greatly to be regretted, sir, that as our dangers and difficulties are increasing and pressing upon us, our divisions of opinion respecting the proper course to be pursued in relation to them, appear to be increasing in the same proportion. This probably arises, in a great degree, from the unfortunate state of mind, produced by collisions in argument. Gentlemen are in the habit of bending their whole thoughts upon the discovery, not only of arguments for fortifying their own opinions, but for repelling the differing opinions of their friends. If this habit of reflection could be reversed—if each gentleman could prevail on himself to give full weight to the arguments—to respect more the opinions and motives of his friends, and to doubt more the infallibility of his own, it is scarcely possible to believe, that when an union of interest is admitted by all, but that some point of union in the means to promote those interests, might be found and agreed upon. And may we not be permitted to hope, sir, when the fatal consequences of divisions are so obvious to all, that the urgency of our difficulties will produce this course of reflection? Amidst all these difficulties, it is fortunate, however, that there is one point in which we are all united. That is resistance to foreign aggression—it is true, no vote upon that point, specifically, has yet been taken in this house—but in the other house, it has, after much discussion and great deliberation, and the result was as near unanimity as could be expected upon any occasion involving so many considerations. The only points of difference now to be adjusted and compromised, relate to the extent of that resistance, and the mode of its application.
The resolution I have had the honor to submit, is brought forward solely in reference to those points; and is dictated by that spirit of concession and conciliation, which I have taken the liberty of recommending to others, and which, in my judgment, is imperiously demanded by the present critical situation of our affairs.
I am fully sensible, Mr. President, of the high responsibility incurred by moving the present resolution; and I also know, that when nothing is left us but a choice of difficulties, it is much easier to criticise any expedient that may be chosen than to devise and present a better for consideration. But, sir, it should be recollected, that merely to criticise or find fault, when no expedient is left us altogether free from objection, is the most subordinate office that genius can perform, and at the same time it is the least honorable for the individual, and the most unprofitable to the nation and to the people. I make this observation, not with a view of deterring gentlemen from bringing forward any fair objections to the resolution under consideration, but merely to remind them that I shall consider the task unaccomplished, until they present some substitute better calculated to save the honor and protect the interests of the nation; and when this is done, I will readily pay them the tribute of superior wisdom, and unite with them with the most fervent devotion.
The resolution before you, sir, is not the one of my choice, nor the one by which I could wish that my responsibility could be tested. It is the offspring of conciliation and of great concession on my part. I feel, sir, in common with my fellow-citizens, a great repugnance to war. I think the dreadful resort should only be made in case of self-defence. I protest against war merely for the purposes of conquest, or aggrandizement; but in my opinion war is amply justified by the existing crisis.
In my judgment, if the public sentiment could be brought to support them, wisdom would dictate the combined measures of embargo, non-intercourse and war. I have no doubt but that their combined influence would be the most efficacious in meeting and subduing the crisis; but, sir, very few gentlemen, I believe, have brought their minds up to this state of energy; and perhaps, in the present state of the public mind, distracted and drawn by various delusions, as it is, from the real source of our injuries, the experiment might be deemed a rash one; even if it could be obtained. I have, however, sir, so much confidence in the good sense and patriotism of the people, and in the efficacy of these measures, that I will briefly state their probable effects for the consideration of the people; and I am the more disposed to do so, because I believe the time is not past, but is fast approaching, when the whole energy of the nation must be called forth, to save what we have left of our honor, independence and dearest interests. These would be the obvious effects of the combined influence of the measures suggested. Embargo would deprive our real enemy of many of our productions, which I believe to be indispensable to his prosperity in many respects. Non-intercourse would deprive him of our market for his surplus manufactures, an operation not less injurious to him than to the other, whilst war could be made to resort upon him some of the evils of his own injustice. I would present nothing of value to him on the ocean, to whet his cupidity, and stimulate him to a perseverance in the war. I would front him on the ocean with empty destructive ships, brave and hardy defenders of them, and rusty iron guns. If he achieved a conquest, it should be a conquest of hard knocks, whilst there should be nothing of value to gratify his cupidity, or compensate his own losses.
I would, at the same time, seize upon his colonial possessions upon this continent. If the whole energy of the nation could be brought to act vigorously in this way, I will venture to predict, that within six months Great-Britain would be brought to value our friendship as much as she would deprecate our enmity. But, sir, whilst I would apply the scourge with one hand, with all the severity the active energy of the whole nation could inflict, I would with sincerity and good faith, hold out the olive branch with the other; my demands should be moderate, and within the limits of justice. And believe me, Mr. President, Great-Britain would soon learn how to make a choice. Whilst, sir, you would expose nothing of value to her, she would necessarily present to your speculations a rich commerce, a commerce which her orders in Council were intended to enlarge, and which she considers as almost indispensable to her national existence. Permit me, at the same time, to express an opinion that the whole British navy would be very far from affording a competent protection to this wide spread commerce. With respect to prejudices against the embargo, I would remark, that considering the zeal, ability and artifices which have been employed to excite them, particularly in one section of the union, it
is a matter of surprise that the people have submitted to the privations which have been deliberately ascribed to that measure, with no greater discontent than have been manifested by them; and the experiment has rather confirmed than lessened my opinion of the patriotism of the people; but still perhaps so many prejudices have been excited, as to justify some relaxation in that respect. In that case, however, letters of marque and reprisal, and the invasion of Canada, ought, in my judgment, to have been substituted; war would then have been resorted to in a less efficient form, and the people upon the experiment, I have no doubt, would regret the sacrifice; but the house of representatives has thought proper to reject that proposition, and the one now offered, seems to be the next best calculated to save the honor and protect the rights and interests of the nation.
I have never relied so much on the coercive effects of the embargo simply as some gentlemen have done, and I have at all times been of opinion, that preparations for more efficient measures should have been made to come in aid of, or to substitute the embargo, whenever it should be ascertained that it had failed of its coercive objects. I was, notwithstanding, willing at the commencement of the present session to persevere in the system, until the events which I anticipated should take place in Spain, & become known in Great Britain, and until the early proceedings of congress should also be known to them. It appeared to me, that if a relaxation on the part of Great-Britain, should not be coerced by the influence of these events combined, upon their first impression in Great-Britain, all hope of a relaxation from the embargo alone would then be at an end, and that no other alternative would be left us but war. The first impression produced by these results, would probably be the greatest; because the spirit of speculation would be stimulated thereby, and the natural effect of that spirit, is to drive prices beyond the level which would be produced by the ordinary causes; and if under such an impression, no relaxation should take place, none could be afterwards rationally expected. My sincere love of peace, and the little remaining hope of avoiding war, induced me at that time sternly to set my face against the repeal of the embargo; but I then thought, and still think, that at some period of this session, some other measures ought to be resorted to, either with or without the embargo. That period is now arrived, submission cannot for a moment be taken into consideration. The decisive course of measures which I conceived were imperiously demanded by the existing circumstances of the country, is still more strongly called for by the contents of Mr. Canning's letter of the 22d of November last to Mr. Pinkney. This letter I have heard represented as wholly unimportant. I view its contents in a very different light. I deem them highly important. They go to take away my last hope of peace. They go to satisfy my mind that we have now no alternative, but war. Submission is out of the question. Permit me to read an extract or two from that letter, upon which my opinion is founded. They will be found in pages 13, 14, of the last printed message of the president.
"The purpose of this letter, is not to renew the discussion upon the subject of your proposal, but merely to clear up any misunderstanding which had existed between us in the course of that discussion. I cannot conclude it, however, without advertising very shortly to that part of your letter, in which you argue that the failure of France, in the attempt to realize her gigantic project of the annihilation of the commerce of this country, removes all pretext for the continuation of the retaliatory system of Great-Britain."
Again—"If the foundation of the retaliating system of Great-Britain, was (as we contended it to have been) originally just, that system will be justifiably continued in force, not so long only, as the decrees which produced it are mischievously operative, but until they are unequivocally abandoned, and if it be thus consistent with justice to persevere in that system, it is surely no mean motive of policy for such perseverance, that a premature departure from it while the enemy's original provocation remains unrepented, might lead to false conclusions, as to the efficacy of the decrees of France, and might hold out a dangerous temptation to that power to resort to the same system on any future occasion."
Here we find Mr. Canning, although in a tone somewhat different, not only confirming his rejection of the just and honorable overture made by Mr. Pinkney, for the revocation of the hostile orders, &c. contained in his letter to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d of September preceding, but we find him introducing the subject apparently for the purpose of preventing any similar overture under any circumstance; and expressly declaring that the orders shall continue in force, not only so long as the French decrees shall be mischievously operative, but until they shall be unequivocally abandoned, and leaves a strong inference on my mind, that they are not to be abandoned on any terms; and, I believe, are intended to become the permanent law of the land. If this point were clearly ascertained, surely all America would eagerly unite in the war. But, sir, I shall have occasion again, in the course of the observations I propose to make, to remark further upon the contents of this letter. Although this resolution is not the one of my choice, and is, as gentlemen must now see, several points below the ground, which, in my judgment, the best interests of the nation would authorise and require us to take, yet I will state some of the effects which I presume will flow from it, and which, under all circumstances, are the best that can now be obtained. It will put the destructive influence of the orders of council to the test of practical experiment, and thus settle for us the question of peace or war. It will be a resumption of our commerce with all nations except the belligerents, having in force against us hostile orders or edicts, while it will be a continual protest against them. It will manifest our attention to the wishes and interests of our eastern friends, who will not be satisfied of the destructive effects of the orders in council upon their commerce by any inferences drawn from the obvious meaning of those orders, but insist upon a practical experiment upon them. Their vessels may be put in motion, and trade to all countries where they can trade without compromising their own and their country's honor. It will demonstrate the necessity of putting the nation into a better state of defence, while it will postpone for a time, the resort to war; in my judgment, the ultimate and only resort, now left us against belligerent aggression. It is therefore the only remaining chance for preserving peace. It will leave no chasm in our protest against the belligerent orders and edicts, and thus far, save us from the disgrace of submission.
I am bound in charity to presume, Mr. President, that gentlemen must differ essentially with me in opinion respecting the causes of war, or it is not possible that we should differ so much as to the propriety and necessity of resorting to it. I therefore propose to state with openness and candor the real causes of our sufferings, the real causes of war. These may principally be summed up in the monstrous and extravagant claim set up by Great-Britain to the despotism of the ocean. The despotism claimed up on the land by France, although equally reprehensible, is less injurious to us. It is felt, no doubt, with great severity by those nations whose situation has subjected them to its influence—but it has pleased a kind and beneficent providence to place us beyond the sphere of its destructive influence whilst the impotency of France upon the ocean, relieves us from any great and serious injuries from her upon that element. Great-Britain has assumed the principle of the conquest of the ocean, and as a reward of that conquest, asserts and maintains the right to carry on herself the commerce of the world, or to prescribe rules for conducting it by other nations,
and thus render it subservient to her own views, and her own interest. This claim of exclusive dominion upon the ocean by Great-Britain, is hostility against the right of all other nations upon that element. It is in fact war against all nations having equal rights with herself to navigate the ocean. It compels all other nations either to surrender to Great-Britain, the monopoly of the commerce of the world, or to submit to such rules as she shall prescribe for conducting it. This extravagant notion was conceived by the British jurists as early as the commencement of the French revolution, and since the destruction of the French fleet at Toulon, the government has made several attempts to introduce it into practice; sometimes with more, sometimes with less restraint or disguise. It is impossible for me to refer to all the instances of this kind; I must therefore, turn the recollection of the senate generally to the various orders issued since that time restraining neutral commerce, in utter contempt of all public law, and acknowledged neutral rights. During the latter part of Mr. Pitt's administration this doctrine had become popular, and it was resolved to put it into practice. It was however deemed proper to prepare the world for the reception of the monstrous pretension; accordingly a pamphlet was written as the precursor of the system proposed to be introduced for the government of the commercial world. I pay but little respect to pamphlets in general, and should not now, but the pamphlet alluded to has always been represented as written under the direction of the then British ministry, and intended to prepare the world for this new system of commercial warfare; and in this point of view it is entitled to the most serious consideration, and the rather, as the course of policy recommended by it, has since been strictly pursued by the British ministry, and they have even extended the system since, beyond the utmost limit prescribed in that work.
The pamphlet alluded to, is entitled "War in Disguise." I beg to call the attention of the senate to two or three short paragraphs therein. They will be found in the pages eight and nine. "Have we then lost the triumphant means of such effectual warfare, or have the ancient fields of victory been neglected?" "Neither such a misfortune, nor such folly, can be alleged. Never was our maritime superiority more decisive than in the last and present war. We are still the unsurpassed masters of every sea; and the open intercourse of our enemies with their colonies, was never so completely precluded!"
Here the pretension of the unrestricted masters of the ocean is explicitly assumed, and it can hardly be necessary to remark that the whole policy recommended in the book, is founded upon that assumed principle. Again, in the pages 183, 184, in considering the propriety of applying the proposed remedy in regard to the colonial trade. I find these expressions:
"The sum of all these opposing considerations seems to be this, 'we may provoke a quarrel with the neutral powers.' I propose, therefore, briefly to consider, first, the degree of this danger; and next, whether the evil of such a quarrel, if certain, would be greater than those to which we at present submit."
"It is certain, that should his majesty's government think fit to recall the indulgent instruction, that has been so much abused, and revert to the rule of the war of 1756, with such modifications only as can be safely allowed, great clamors would immediately arise in the neutral countries. The neutralizing agents, deprived of a large portion of their fraudulent gains, would exclaim aloud against the measure; and even such merchants as have carried on the colonial trade on their own account, would not be well satisfied to find their field of commerce materially narrowed by the assertion of our belligerent rights."
"The neutral governments therefore, would no doubt, complain and remonstrate; 'but would they, if firmly, though tenaciously resisted, push the controversy into a quarrel?' Would they maintain their pretensions to the trade in question, at the expence of a war with Great-Britain? I firmly believe they would not."
These passages serve to shew, that the principle was assumed with a full knowledge of its destructive influence on neutral rights.
The next, or the Fox administration, seemed to think there was some hazard and delicacy in making this unprovoked attack upon the rights of all nations, and seemed to entertain some doubts of the practicability of the profligate system; but they were compelled by the infatuated jurists of the day, to make some essay towards carrying it into effect; witness their orders of January 7, 1807, interdicting neutrals from going from one port to another part of their enemy. This extraordinary order, too, was issued only seven days after signing a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States. But, sir, this partial compliance with the public sentiment could not retain them in office. The little respect they retained for neutral rights, and their timid doubts, were amongst the causes which drove them from office, to make way for an energetic administration. One totally destitute of all respect of public law, and for neutral rights. Destitute of all the scruples and obligations of justice. I propose to give a short sketch of the history of this energetic administration:
1st. As its operations have affected other nations. 2ndly. As they have affected the United States. Let us see the consequences which have resulted, and which are likely to result from this energy, originating in folly and in pride. Stimulated to its ends, in utter disregard of every principle of justice and of public law, and directed to unattainable objects. Permit me, sir, in this exposition to pay some attention to dates. They will serve to illustrate some of my ideas. The change of ministry took place either in the month of January or February, 1807. Preparations for executing this lawless system of energy were made with great activity, and in the month of August following, they were made to burst upon the head of an unsuspecting and unoffending friend.
In that month, a surrender of the Danish fleet is demanded. This demand is founded on a false suggestion: That the Danes had, by a secret article in the treaty of Tilsit, agreed to give up their fleet to France, to facilitate the invasion of Great-Britain. This suggestion was utterly false & ungrounded, & so the ministry were flatly told to their faces in Parliament afterwards, by Lord Hutchinson, at that time minister at the court of St. Petersburg. Upon the refusal of this iniquitous demand, Copenhagen was immediately sacked, and a profligate and indiscriminate slaughter of men, women and children ensued. The Danish fleet was forcibly seized, and borne off in triumph. But, sir, with their hollowed trophies, the British bore off the distrusts and detestation of the world; and left behind them the hatred and the enmity of Denmark. Do you believe, sir, that the British ministry or British nation have gained any solid advantage by this wanton display of ferocity? Do you believe, sir, that the loss of character and the enmity of Denmark, are compensated for by the booty of the Danish fleet, which Great-Britain did not want? No, sir; the one might excite in the nation a thoughtless and transient exultation, but the others are durable losses and stains, which time itself cannot wipe away, so long as history shall remain to record the acts of men and of nations.
The next effort to display this energy makes its appearance in Sweden. A nation fighting for its independence against all Europe, and protected from their lawless power more from the inaccessibility of the country, its lakes, morasses, &c. than by its resources and arms. Under these circumstances, sir J. Moore, a great military
chief, is sent to offer to the king of Sweden the aid of the British co-operation, probably the admission of the British fleet into Swedish ports. How was this flattering overture received? By that monarch in the depth of his distresses; Sir, he instantly saw the danger of British perfidy, and he ordered the messenger to be confined—to be incarcerated; but fortunately for him, he escaped in disguise and disgrace. For this and other acts, the king of Sweden has been called a madman; but, sir, this act, in my judgment, serves to shew that he is a statesman as well as a soldier. The British perfidy towards Denmark, was the cause and justification of his conduct. He had just seen the British upon a false suggestion, seize upon the fleet of his neighbor, Denmark; and he justly concluded that if he admitted a British fleet into his ports, his fleet would also be seized upon, and borne off whenever the convenience or interest of Great-Britain should require it. Here, sir, are seen some of the fruits of the perfidious energy practised upon Denmark. And in the month of July, 1808, Sir John Moore returned to London, to give some mysterious and unintelligible account of the disgraceful issue of his perfidious embassy. (To be continued.)
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
For the relief of Jacob Bruntz. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That there be allowed to Jacob Bruntz, formerly an ensign in capt. Christian Stoke's company, in col. Michael Swope's battalion of the Pennsylvania flying camp, the sum of one thousand dollars on account of sufferings, and expenses in procuring medical and surgical aid, incurred by wounds received in the revolutionary war with Great-Britain, & that the same be paid to him out of any money remaining in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JNO: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
PROPERTY, FOR SALE
The subscriber, desirous of removing to the western country, offers for sale his HOUSES & LOTTS, in Richmond. He deems a particular description unnecessary, and wishes those inclined to purchase, to view the property. The dwelling-house, for elegance and convenience, is certainly not inferior to any in the city; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard will be laid out in a style adapted to the buildings, and the situation combines the advantage of privacy and retirement to that of proximity to the scene of business. A small portion of the purchase money will be required at the time of the sale, and the residue in such instalments as may be agreed on, or slaves will be received in payment, for a part or the whole of the property. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. January 27.
IN PURSUANCE of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, WM. MANN, Commissioners.
NOTICE
All persons having claims against the estate of Samuel Pointer, deceased, are requested to exhibit them, properly authenticated, to the Subscriber; and those indebted are solicited to make immediate payment, as suit will be indiscriminately instituted against all delinquents. BENJAMIN WOLFE, only Executor. January 24.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT
A Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 5th day of November, 1808. Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff—against Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, late Martha Cocke, Martha Cocke, infant daughter of Robert Cocke, and Martha his wife, by John Newsum her guardian, John Newsum, administrator of Robert Cocke, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, Robert Burchet and Ann his wife, Watson Stott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor—which George K. Taylor, Richard F. Ann, Sarah, and Elizabeth are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray her devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company, Defendants. The defendants Watson Stott & Sarah his wife not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Country, on the motion of the Plaintiffs, by their council, It is Ordered That the said defendant, do appear here, on the first day of the next terms and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted on the front door of the former Capitol, in this city. Attest, ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C. January 21.
TUITION
The Subscriber, teaching School at the Green Springs in Louisa county, wishes to take a few more pupils. In consequence of the scarcity of money, Col. Morris has reduced the price of board. The terms are, for board, £2 4s per annum, (each boarder feeding his own bed.) Washing and Mending £4, and Tuition £10—One half of each charge to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. Proper deductions will be made for those who commence after this time. Those gentlemen who intend to commit boys to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him thereof, by letters directed to him, at Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county. FRANCIS F. MAURY. March 17.
NEGROES FOR SALE
To be sold at Charlottesville in the county of Albemarle, not previously disposed of at private sale, on Monday the 7th August next, being Albemarle court day, about forty NEGROES in families. The terms of sale will be one half cash, and for the other half bonds with approved security will be required, payable in 6 months. Mr. Benj. Hackney my agent will conduct the sale. WILSON M. CARY. Williamsburg, March 10.
By Virtue of a deed of Trust executed to us by Robert Logan to secure the payment of three bonds due by the said Logan to Daniel and William Guerrant, each for the sum of £131 3s. 3d. and bearing interest from the 1st day of November 1804—We shall offer for sale at the Ware-House door in New-Canton, the LOTT No. 1. in the said town, with the improvements thereon, viz. a two story dwelling-house, kitchen, smoke-house, garden, &c. The sale will take place on Saturday the 1st day of next month. STEPHEN GUERRANT, ROBERT MOSELEY, Jr. Trustees. March 10.
FRESH RED CLOVER SEED
For sale by BOHN & HUBNER. March 14.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND
authorised to vote for common councillors, take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the fifth day of April next, the poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places: in Jefferson-ward, at the Court-House, in Madison-ward, at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroe-ward, at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick-House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the city of Richmond. March 10.
NOTICE
Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
THIS day is dissolved
by mutual consent, the partnership of Barret & Olds. SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. March 6.
The business will, in future
be carried on by S. BARRET. TEN CASKS FRESH PHILADELPHIA CLOVER SEED, FOR SALE BY WHITE & SHELTON. March 17.
SALES AT AUCTION
WILL BE SOLD, at Public Auction, on Tuesday, the 28th inst. if fair, if not, the next fair day, the HOUSE & LOTTS opposite Dr. McClurg's, lately occupied by Wm. Brival, all the household and kitchen FURNITURE belonging to Alexander Stewart, Esq. and six very likely NEGROES, amongst them an excellent Maid-Servant, and a good Gardener. Terms of sale:—For all sums under fifty dollars cash; over fifty dollars and not exceeding two hundred, sixty days; for all sums over two hundred dollars 60 & 120 days credit will be given.—Notes with approved endorsers, negotiable and payable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required. THOMAS TAYLOR, Auctioneer.
P. S. Wanted to purchase
in families, about 40 likely NEGROES. March 14.
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND
Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE. 17 Hogheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Hay-nah Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchoong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17.
JOHN ALCOCK
informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
JOHN KING
has just received an additional supply of Fancy and other GOODS, which he will sell at his usual cheap rates for cash. February 7.
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES
will commence at the Union Tavern in Caroline County on Wednesday the 19th of April next. 1st. day—A sweepstake for 3 years old colts & fillies, 8 Subscribers, 60 bushels of wheat each, and closed. 2nd. day—The Jockey Club purse—50 Subscribers, 5$ each. 3rd. day—The proprietor's subscription of 30$ with the toll of that, and the preceding days, and 10$ entrance. The Rappahannock Jockey Club Rules to govern. PHILIP SAMUEL, See. March 10.
THE Subscriber will practice the LAW
in the county Courts of Goochland, Henrico, Chesterfield, Powhatan and Amelia. JOHN ROBERTSON. Manchester, March 7.
THE Subscriber takes this method of informing
the public, that he has obtained a commission of Notary Public for the district of Abingdon, composed of the Counties of Grayson, Washington, Lee, Russell, Giles, Wythe and Montgomery; in which, he also intends, in a few weeks, to commence the practice of the LAW. Persons having business in that circuit and who wish to confide it to him, may rely on his punctuality, and assiduity in the execution. Those who will please make application by the twentieth inst. as he expects at that time to leave the neighborhood. Letters addressed to him at Abingdon shall be duly attended to. PETER MAYO. March 13.
LAND FOR SALE
I have for sale 560 acres of LAND, in the county of Cumberland, situate immediately on Appomattox river, adjoining the lands of Mr. Jerman Baker, Mr. G. Skipwith and Mr. Hughes. It is an eligible little Farm, well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. Some valuable low-lying land, and the advantage of navigation are attached to it. The place is very healthy, and the neighborhood very agreeable. Mr. Baker will, at any time, show the premises. ARCHIBALD THWEATT. Petersburg, March 14.
Merchant's, Lawyer's, She-
riff's and Constable's
BLANKS,
For Sale at this Office,