The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-16 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JUNE 16, 1809.
[No. 11.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
NEW BOOK-STORE. —Lewis Adams, has taken the Store, on the corner of the main street, & the street leading to the basin, between the Eagle and Globe Taverns, on the same side; where he has opened and has for sale, an elegant assortment of BOOKS , in the different departments of science. His collection of LAW , is the most extensive of any in Richmond, and generally of the best editions, and well bound. He has also a good assortment of Medical Books , of Divinity , History , Military , the Latin Classics , and most of the School Books in general use; a handsome assortment of Quills , Letter and Writing Paper , Sealing Wax and Wafer , Combs Hair C , Drawing Pencils , Feathers , Colours , Indian Ink , Flutes , Fifes and Fiddlestrings , &c. He has likewise, a very handsome selection of the Poets , & a good collection of Novels , Romances & Plays . As it is his intention to keep up his assortment with the addition of every new work of merit as they appear from the Presses of Philadelphia and New-York, he hopes, by his assiduity and attention to his customers, in procuring for them any work to be had of either of those places on the shortest notice, to gain their confidence, and merit a portion of their generous patronage. He assures his friends and the public, that his Books shall all be at the regular New-York and Philadelphia prices, from which a liberal discount will be made to those who may please to become his constant customers, and purchase to any considerable amount.
Law Libraries will be furnished on very liberal terms, as to discount or credit. Lewis Adams has the pleasure of announcing to the public at this time, the following new, interesting and valuable publications just received:— Malthus on Population, bound and in boards, 6 & 7 S.—Gillies History of the World, from the reign of Alexander to that of Augustus; 3 vols. 8vo. $7 50.—Vol. 1. Hening and Munford's Reports.—A new edition royal 8vo. (vol. 2 expected in a few days).—Struggles through Life, by Lt. John Harriott, exemplified in the various travels and adventures, in Europe, Asia, Africa and America.—An interesting work.—Also, (Price $2 n 2 vols.)—Thaddeus of Warsaw, by Miss Porter.
"This work has more merit than can be ascribed to the crowd of publications of this class, and inculcates virtue and magnanimous sentiments." North American Review.
"Thaddeus is a work of genius, and has nothing to fear at the candid bar of taste, he has to receive the precious meed of sympathy from every reader of unsophisticated sentiments and genuine feeling." —Imperial Review.
Among the books last received are: Howard's Chancery, Finch's do. Evans' Essays; Matilda Berkeley, Humphreys' Clitiker; Ash's Travels in America, Davies's Sermons; Poley's do. Campbell's Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, &c. &c. A consignment of Fresh RAISINS , of different qualities, which will be sold at reduced prices for cash, or exchanged for country produce. Also, a consignment of Lee's Patent and F. Milly's MEDICINES . June 13.
NEW SYSTEM OF GEOGRAPHY , in a Catechetical Form.—John R. Jones, N. W. corner of the main street, and the street leading to the basin, nearly opposite to the Eagle Tavern; has just received a new and easy system of
GEOGRAPHY , And Popular Astronomy, or an introduction to Universal Geography; containing:
1st. A description of all the Empires, Kingdoms, Republics, &c. &c. in the known world, according to the latest discoveries and political changes, with an account of their chief towns, climate, soil and productions, national character, literature, government, &c. &c.
2nd. Popular Astronomy, being a selection from some of the best modern authors, which will be treated of that science. The whole arranged in a catechetical form, for the use of Schools, as well as the improvement of private readers.—Price 150 cents. The subscribers are requested to call for their copies.
ALSO, The PLAYS of Wm. Shakespeare , the first complete edition in America, from the text of the best editions of Shakespeare. The first thirteen vols. are now published, and ready to be delivered to the Subscribers, who are respectfully invited to call for their copies. June 13.
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE By virtue of a deed of trust from Robert Turner and George Turner, and Ann, the wife of the said George: Will be exposed to sale, at auction, by the subscriber, at the Bell Tavern, on Wednesday, the 5th of next month, the following Property:
All that Tenement, lying on the cross-street that leads from the Bell Tavern to the river, which was sold and conveyed by Daniel Couch, and Sarah his wife, to the said Robert and George Turner, by deed dated the 11th of Oct. 1808, and recorded in the General Court.
All that Tenement lying on the street above mentioned, which was sold and conveyed, by the above Couch and wife, to the said Robert and George Turner, by deed dated the 11th of October, 1807, and recorded in the general court.—The later Tenement is subject to an annual ground rent of ten pounds.
All that lot or piece of Ground lying near to the city of Richmond, which was sold and conveyed by Bartlett Still, to the said Robert and George Turner, by deed dated the 10th of June, 1806, and recorded in the general court.
The terms of sale, as agreed between the parties concerned, are—One half cash—six months credit for the other half. The purchasers to give negotiable notes, with approved endorsers.
On the day following, and on the terms above mentioned, will be exposed to sale, at auction, on the premises, some very valuable Ground, lying on Shockoe creek, between the city and Mr. Turner's mills. This ground will, previous to the day of sale, be laid off into lots of from one to two acres each.
C. COPLAND, Trustee. June 13.
NOTICE —Any person holding paper, by which the subscriber is bound, either by note, deed, bond or otherwise, are desired to come forward, for the purpose of settlement, & receive what may be due them. Wm. FULCHER. June 13.
FOR RENT , the TENEMENT now in the occupancy of Col. Monroe. Possession may be had on the 12th day of June. Apply to GEO. GREENHOW. May 26.
MANCHESTER Turnpike Company.—Wanted to hire—Four Negro Men, till the end of the year. A liberal hire will be allowed, on application to the subscriber. JAMES BRANDLER, Treasurer. June 13.
NAIL MANUFACTORY is established at Peter-burg, where two men of good character and ability, for cutting nails, are wanted; who will receive good wages and constant employment. Apply at the head of High-Street, Peter-burg. June 13.
CONGRESS. FROM THE MONITOR.
SENATE. The substance of Mr. Giles's observations on the following amendment proposed to the Bill for amending and continuing the non-intercourse law, &c.
"That the provisions of the two first sections of the act, entitled "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and for other purposes," shall extend to all public armed ships and vessels of all foreign nations, and the same shall be and are hereby continued and made permanent, subject nevertheless to any modifications or regulations which may hereafter be made by treaty."
Mr. G. said, he felt himself constrained to move this amendment at this time, because he found it impossible to avoid a consideration of the subject involved in it, although he had heretofore hoped that it would not necessarily pass in review during the present session. He said this necessity arose from the limitation of these sections of the act at the last session. The connection of these sections with the commercial non-intercourse system was contrary to his opinion at that time—he then wished the subject to be taken up and acted upon in a separate bill, and made the permanent law of the land. His opinion then gave way to the respect he felt for the opinion of others. This will appear from the resolution he then moved to extend the interdiction to the public armed ships and vessels of all foreign nations. In consequence of connecting that subject with the general commercial non-intercourse, and limiting its duration with that act, it was now rendered a very delicate question. His proposition, however, was to do now what it was right to have done at the last session. He said that the proposition was founded upon the principle, that the U. S. had as absolute and unqualified a right to exclusive jurisdiction over the marine leagues usually attached to independent nations, as to their territorial jurisdiction, and as a consequence from that principle, foreign nations had no more right to send armed ships within our acknowledged marine jurisdiction, than they had to send an army within our territorial jurisdiction. This proposition is therefore merely municipal, formed upon an unquestionable right, and it is dictated by the same spirit of impartiality, as that which dictated the original non-intercourse law. Indeed, it appeared to him, the only impartial course now left us, as it respects the belligerents towards the belligerents. It ought to preserve the most perfect impartiality, which Mr. Canning so justly tells us, is the essence of neutrality.
Mr. G. said it could not escape observation that in the overtures made by the British cabinet for the revocation of the orders in council of the 7th of January and the 11th of November, the obligation to protect our neutral rights against France, heretofore offered on the part of our government, in case of her perseverance in her hostile edicts, had been entirely overlooked, or unconditionally dispensed with. He said he derived much satisfaction from this liberal conduct on the part of the British government; because it manifested a confidence in the honor and firmness of our government, which must be peculiarly gratifying to every American; but it rather increased than lessened the obligation to persevere in protecting our neutral rights against French aggressions, if they should be persevered in contrary to his expectation.
The motive or ground of resisting the aggressions of France cannot under this overture be mistaken. In the former case, it might have seemed, as if the resistance was dictated by a stipulated obligation to Great Britain to make it in this; it can only be dictated by a just sense of our own honor, character and interests, which is left perfectly uncontrolled by the British overture.—As this latter motion is the more honorable, it ought to be the more scrupulously adhered to and enforced. He had no hesitation in saying he had uniformly been influenced by this motive alone, entirely disconnected with any stipulated obligation to G. Britain; and under this influence alone, he would be found at all times, as ready to resist the aggressions of France, as he had at any time been those of G. Britain, if they should unfortunately be persevered in; but at the same time he wished to take away every pretext for such perseverance, by persevering in a conduct of the strictest and most scrupulous impartiality towards all the belligerents.
At the last session, he had supposed under the general interdiction of all foreign armed vessels, some regulations and modifications, as exceptions from the general rule, might be made by law; but further reflection has satisfied him, that the preferable mode was by treaty.
He would state two or three reasons for this preference:
1. It will tend to avoid collisions with all foreign nations. Regulations made by law might not suit the views of foreign nations, whereas their consent would be necessary in treaties. 2. It will give us the aid of a stipulated obligation on the part of the foreign nation making the treaty, to enforce the arrangement. In the case of Great Britain this consideration is of great importance.—Its importance results from the strength of her navy, compared with the weakness of ours. 3. By treaty we may obtain what the lawyers call a quid pro quo . We may want at some future time, the use of some British ports which she would readily give for the use of ours. He said he would act liberally with her in this respect; and he believed, considering G. Britain now at war, and the United States at peace, it would rather accelerate than retard the expected negotiation. He said he was as much opposed to throwing any impediment in the way of the expected negotiation, as any gentleman in the United States.
Great Britain cannot and will not complain. The municipal right now proposed to be carried into effect, is admitted by G. Britain in its broadest extent, & will not be disputed by Mr. Canning at the present moment. This will appear from Mr. Canning's declaration in the debates of the last session of parliament. He said he did not know whether it was correct to read newspapers in evidence, to ascertain the opinions and expressions of the speaker, but if the senate would be content with this species of evidence contained in a ministerial paper, he would read it for their information. Mr. G. then read the following extract, of Mr. Canning's speech, taken from a British ministerial paper:
Extract from Mr. Canning's speech in Parliament. "At the time the application for a compromise had been made by the American government, there was an order in force excluding British ships of war from the American ports, whilst French ships of war were admitted into them; and consequently if the terms offered by America had been accepted, our commerce would have been permitted to America, without a ship of war to protect it, whilst the French commerce would have been excluded, at the same time that French ships of war would have been admitted if they could succeed in getting there. The ports of America would become nests for French privateers against British commerce. As to the tendency of the measures in agitation in America, he could afford the right honorable gentleman some consolation, by assuring him, that they would not have all the ill consequences he seemed to apprehend. A circumstance appeared by the report of the committee of Congress though clothed in hostile language, which, if made known to his majesty's government in amicable terms, might have led to the acceptance of the terms proposed. The circumstance he alluded to, was the resolution for excluding from American ports, the ships of war not of G. Britain, but of the belligerents. The Americans, in their character of neutrals, had unquestionably a right to exclude the ships of war of both belligerents from their ports, but could not confine them exclusively to those of one of the belligerents without a violation of that impartiality which is the essence of the neutral character. Yet when that proposition should be disposed of, the whole of the difficulty would not be surmounted, as much would still remain to be accommodated."
Another point, in which fault had been charged upon his conduct with respect to America, was, his having stated, that the system would not be given up whilst the smallest link of the confederation against G. Britain existed."
It will be observed that two important conclusions may be deduced from these observations. 1. That the exercise of this municipal right is unquestionable. 2. That Mr. Canning's objection to its former exercise by proclamation was to its limitation, not to its extension.
His objection is to its exercise against G. Britain, exclusively and not against her enemies. At the time of making this speech, Mr. Canning thought the interdiction was extended to all the belligerents; in which case so far from complaining of its exercise he says, it would furnish an inducement to an accommodation, and his instructions to Mr. Erskine were no doubt given under this expectation. This was the ground taken by the report of the committee of the house of representatives, in the last session, and the senate went further by extending the interdiction to the public armed ships of all foreign nations. Those of peace as well as those of war—This gave the transaction more strongly the character of a mere municipal regulation. This principle was afterwards narrowed down in this bill, to apply merely to Great Britain and France, and left out altogether the other belligerent powers. Mr. Canning will probably be much surprised at this limitation; and conceive the hostility more pointed than he had anticipated; some of the points may, however, be a little blunted by including France, the most operating and unmanageable of her enemies. He said he did not wish to go one atom beyond Mr. Canning's opinion upon this occasion. He took great pleasure in concurring with Mr. Canning upon this point. It was the first instance in which he had ever concurred in opinion with that gentleman; but hoped it would not be the last—especially when the opinion favored the rights, and promoted the interests of the United States.
Mr. Canning must have acted under this impression, when he agreed to make the honorable reparation he had done for the unauthorized attack upon the Chesapeake, without requiring a previous revocation of the interdiction of British ships. As this revocation was not demanded nor promised, the arrangement now ought to be made on general principles of justice. He said, without feeling or expressing any regret, at anything he had said or proposed, at the last session, he was now as willing as any gentleman to reciprocate the temper lately manifested by the British government, so opposite in its character and tendency from that manifested by the cabinet for several years preceding.
He said, that no gentleman had yet intimated an intention of removing the interdiction upon British armed ships, until she had actually executed her promise of reparation; and if the execution of the promise were to precede the revocation of the interdiction, the mode of revocation by treaty, as pointed out by his proposition, would be nearly contemporaneous with that proposed by gentlemen, if now enacted into a law, and it would have an evident advantage as it respected the feelings of Great Britain.
The mode recommended by gentlemen is founded upon a want of confidence in the promise of Great Britain, and an ungracious demand for its execution, as a preliminary to the revocation, whilst the mode pointed out by treaty, is founded upon a confidence in the promise—and without requiring its execution, will insure our own safety by the mere exercise of a municipal right; a right which is unquestionable—vouched to be so by Mr. Canning, and the exercise of which
is impartial towards all nations by extending its provisions equally to all. He said that almost all the injuries and insults sustained by the U. S. from the public armed ships of the belligerents within our waters, were attributable to an inattention to the exercise of this right, and relax the interdiction when you may, without a stipulated obligation on the part of the belligerents, to respect your neutrality, and your marine jurisdiction, they will be renewed and continued.
The principle contended for is not new.—It has been before the senate several times, and was adopted at the last session in its broadest extent, as will appear from the following resolution which he then had the honor of moving. It does not appear from the journals of the senate, that there was any opposition to the following resolution which was adopted on the 15th of February last:
"The senate resumed the consideration of the motion made the 5th inst. That provision ought to be made by law for interdicting all foreign armed ships from the waters of the U. S.—and having agreed thereto, ordered that it be referred to Mr. Giles, Mr. Smith of Maryland, and Mr. Crawford, &c."
He said he was extremely happy to find the spirit of harmony and conciliation, which had hitherto characterized the senate, and he should endeavor to preserve and continue it; and whilst he was strongly impressed with the propriety and policy of the amendment, yet he was willing to listen to any other, which might be more agreeable to gentlemen, provided it was founded upon a principle of strict impartiality towards the belligerents, which he could not be induced to depart from, under any circumstances.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, June 2. VERY LATE AND IMPORTANT NEWS.
The fine fast sailing ship Pacific, Capt. Stanton, arrived at this port yesterday in 31 days from Falmouth, with dispatches for government, of which Lieutenant Reed, of the United States navy, is the bearer, who proceeded immediately for the city of Washington. During the 26 days the Pacific remained in England, no intelligence had been received from France of the arrival of the Mentor.
Captain Stanton has favored the Editor of the MERCANTILE ADVERTISER with a regular file of London papers and Lloyd's Lists to the 5th of May, twenty days later than any advices previously received from England. From these papers the following articles, some of them of a very interesting nature, are copied:
LONDON, April 24. The Dutch papers contain an account of the Treaty of Peace between this Country and Turkey. It is said to consist of twelve articles, of which the following is the substance:
"The property which either may have in its possession belonging to the other, and all ships or private individuals under embargo, shall be immediately restored."
"From the moment of the signing of this treaty, all hostilities shall cease, and the prisoners of war on both sides shall be restored within thirty one days succeeding, without any ransom."
"Mutual accommodations, in regard to commerce, to be afforded in its fullest extent—the tariff at Constantinople to remain as it is."
The 11th article says, that "as it has been at all times forbidden to ships of war to enter the Canal of Constantinople, viz: the Strait of the Dardanelles, or that of the Black Sea, and as that ancient rule of the Ottoman Empire must be henceforward observed in time of peace by all powers whatsoever, the British court promise to conform to this principle."
April 25. It was yesterday reported, that the Danish government had consented to open the port of Toningen, but we believe that it has merely granted permission to the neutral vessels in the port to sail in ballast.
The accounts which we have received from Portugal, are rather of a contradictory nature, but still we are convinced that the intelligence brought by the Loire, respecting the distressed situation of Soult's army, is well founded, and that unless he receives very powerful assistance from the south, he will be under the necessity of surrendering. The accounts from Galicia fully confirm those which we some days ago laid before our readers. The French are entirely confined to the fortresses of Ferrol, Corunna and St. Jago, and it is said, but we do not vouch for the fact, that letters from the French General Ney to Joseph Bonaparte have been intercepted, in which he represents his situation as extremely desperate, and earnestly presses for reinforcements.
It was reported yesterday afternoon, that government had received an account from Heligoland, of an action having taken place in Bavaria, between the Austrians and French, in which the former were successful. It is more than probable, that some skirmishes have taken place in Bavaria, but no intelligence of that kind has yet reached government.
The only important fact in the accounts yesterday received from Heligoland is, that a very considerable Austrian force had entered Saxony.
May 1. The intelligence from the north of Spain continues to be of a very favorable nature. The Marquis de Romana, with the regular troops under his command, and a large body of armed peasants, has completely cut off all communication between General Ney at Corunna, and Soult, who still remains at Oporto, although reports have been circulated of his having advanced towards Coimbra.
We entertain strong hopes, that the Marquis de Romana will soon be strong enough to attack Ferrol and Corunna.
Marquis Wellesley is appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Spain.
It appears by the last monthly return,
that the number of vessels now in commission is—of the line, 160; fifties, 25; frigates, 175; sloops, &c. 166; bombs and fire ships, 19; brigs, 171; cutters, 37; schooners, luggers, &c. 91—Total, 844.
The Paris papers recently received, contain a pretended letter from the Editor of the Vienna Gazette to the Editor of the Uln Gazette, but which was not inserted by the latter, containing a variety of statements, with respect to the preparations of Austria, which are treated with an air of ridicule in the comments made upon the letter in the minor Paris papers, and copied into the Monitor, in which the Austrians are told, that if they are mad enough to commence hostilities, such hostilities will be the last they will provoke.
Bonaparte, before he set off to join the army, issued a decree, containing the three following provisions:—I. All Frenchmen who have carried arms against France, since September 1, 1804, are declared to have incurred the punishment of death.—II. Frenchmen in the service of any foreign power, are to quit such service the instant hostilities arise between that power and France.—III. All Frenchmen recalled by this or former decrees, and continuing refractory at a disobedient, are declared to have suffered civil death, and their estates and effects are to be confiscated.
Great preparations were making at Flushing, for the reception of the King of Holland, where he was expected to arrive on Saturday. A general illumination was ordered. The object of his journey was to visit the fleet, which is considerable, and completely prepared for sea. It is the opinion of competent persons, that this squadron might be easily destroyed by an expedition of 5,000 men and a few ships of war. Flushing was one of the ports included in the embargo.
Bonaparte, before he set out for Strasburgh, summoned the Senate to hold an extraordinary sitting on the 17th instant. This was supposed to be for the purpose of laying before them the whole of the late correspondence between him and the Emperor of Austria. These important documents were expected to appear in the Monitor of the 19th.
SUN OFFICE, half past 2 o'clock p. m.
We stop the Press to state, that we have just received an account from Dover, which states, that there was a heavy firing on the French coast on Friday night and Saturday morning. Some of our cruisers who were on the opposite coast, observed a general illumination, and some neutral vessels that have arrived, report, that the firing and illumination were in consequence of a victory obtained by the French over the Austrians.
The Governor of Calais would not suffer the flag of truce, that sailed from Dover last week, to enter that port, nor would he permit the dispatches to be landed.
The departure of a messenger from Dover to Calais, on Friday morning in a flag of truce, has given rise to a variety of speculations. He was certainly charged with the new Order in Council, and dispatches from Mr. Pinkney to Gen. Armstrong the American minister at Paris.
May 2. Two vessels arrived at Yarmouth yesterday morning from Holland, the Captains of which state, that Bonaparte was endeavoring to enforce the Conscription in Holland, and that in many places the people had manifested a disposition to resist it by force.
The firing and illumination on the French coast on Friday night and Saturday morning, has created some apprehensions, that the Austrians have been defeated. It is hardly probable that any decisive battle could have been fought so soon after the Austrians had crossed the Inn, which was on the 20th of last month. Some engagements between advanced posts, however, may have taken place, and there can be no doubt that Bonaparte would, in his present critical situation, magnify to the utmost, any partial advantage which he might gain.
We last night received Dutch and Hamburg papers, the former to the 26th, and the latter to the 23rd ult. They do not contain any account of a battle.
We feel great pleasure in stating, that every fresh account from the North of Spain confirms the hopes we entertain respecting the ultimate success of the Spaniards. The Figuard, which is just arrived from the North of Spain, brings intelligence of the complete failure of an attempt made by the French for the recovery of Vigo. They had collected a force of about 4000 men, with the intention of attacking that important place, but they were repulsed with very considerable loss.
May 3. Dutch papers to the 27th ultimo were received yesterday, which, however, contain only accounts of the movements of the French and Austrian troops. The former appear to be falling back, but whether in consequence of finding the Austrian force superior, or in the hope of drawing the Archduke into a disadvantageous position, cannot be determined from the scanty information which these papers afford. Davoust has addressed a proclamation to his troops, in which he holds out the expectation of their being supported by a Russian force. We are sorry to observe this corroboration of the declaration said to have been made by the Russian minister at Vienna.—The letters from Holland state, that great discontent prevails in every part of that country, in consequence of the government having resolved to enforce a conscription on the French model with the greatest severity.
It is rumoured in private letters that it was apprehended at Gottenburgh, that Sir Samuel Hood intended to send back the convoy which lately arrived off the coast of Sweden from this country. Since the revolution, the war-taxes which the king had imposed by his own authority, have been abolished, & this and other measures of a similar description have rendered the new government very popular.
A letter has been received from Charante, giving a dreadful description of the battle in Basque Roads. The mouth of the river Charante, is entirely choked with the wrecks of the French ships. The enemy have lost about 8,000 killed, besides a great many wounded.
Bonaparte has left Strasburgh; he passed through Durlach on the 15th, and was ex-

pected at Stuttgart the same night; from whence he was expected to proceed to Munich.
May 4.
By a signal arrived from the Dutch coast yesterday, letters of last Wednesday's date have been received. They state, that hostilities had actually commenced between Austria and France, and that a battle had been fought near Munich, in which the French were defeated. We have no authority for the statement but the letters in question. The impression in the city was, however, so great, that wagers to a considerable amount were made on Change that the account was correct.
It is ascertained that the most scrupulous vigilance is exercised by the officers on the Dutch coast, to prevent the captains of vessels from taking on board either letters or newspapers, unless first inspected by them.
The private letters by the Gottenburgh mail of yesterday, furnish some particulars not altogether destitute of interest. Licenses continue to be granted at Stockholm to British as well as other vessels, which are to last till the 30th of September. Sir Samuel Hood persists in not suffering an armed vessel to enter the ports of Sweden. On the 15th ult, a fleet under convoy sailed from Scarlscrona. Mr. Gerry had given notice to Mr. Smith the consul, that in the event of a war between Great Britain and Sweden, the property of the Merchants would be reciprocally respected by the two Governments.
May 5.
Price of Stocks—Consols 67 1-2. We are unable to lay before our readers any authentic information respecting the reported battle between the Austrians and French in Bavaria. The captain of a French privateer recently taken and brought into port states that a desperate battle has taken place, in which, after three days hard fighting, the Austrians were defeated with the loss of 30,000 men.
DECLARATION OF WAR
BY FRANCIS I. EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA, AND ADDRESS OF THE ARCHDUKE.
VIENNA, April 12.
Before his Imperial Majesty left this capital, he was pleased to issue the following
PROCLAMATION.
Francis I. by the Grace of God, Emperor of Austria, &c.
People of Austria,
I leave my capital to join the brave defenders of the country, assembled on the frontiers for the protection of the state.
For these 3 years past I have made the utmost exertions to procure you, my beloved subjects, the blessings of a permanent peace. No sacrifice, any ways consistent with your welfare and with the independence of the state, however painful, have I spared to secure your tranquility and welfare by a friendly understanding with the Emperor of the French.
But all my endeavors prove fruitless. The Austrian Monarchy was also to submit to the boundless ambition of the Emperor Napoleon; and in the same manner he strives to enslave Spain, insults the sacred Head of the Church, appropriates to himself the provinces of Italy, and parcels out the German dominions. Austria was to do homage to the great Empire, the formation of which he has loudly announced.
I have adopted all necessary measures to assert the independence of the state. Not only have you answered my call, but your love for your native country has prompted you to anticipate it. Accept my cordial thanks; they will be repeated by my posterity and yours. Self-defence and not invasion is our aim. But the conqueror will not allow the sovereign of his people, strong in their mutual confidence, to possess sufficient means to oppose his ambitious views. He declared himself hostile to Austria, unless she should relinquish her measures of defence, and prostrate herself disarmed at his feet. The disgraceful proposal was rejected, and now his hosts are advancing against us, arrayed for battle.
I confide in God—in the valour of my armies, in the heroic conduct of my brother who leads them on to Glory, in you, my beloved people; our exertions for this war are great, but such they must be in order to attain more securely the important end of self-preservation.
What you have hitherto done is the most unquestionable pledge of the powerful assistance which I am to receive from you. They who bear no arms will also share in the protection of their country. Unanimity, order, obedience, activity and confidence constitute the real strength of a nation. You have evinced them, and to this alone it is owing, that we start with a fairer prospect of success than we ever did. Fortunate events will not unnerved your energy, nor disastrous occurrences, should any happen, shake your first resolve. Perseverant valour overcomes all dangers, evinces every advantage, and supplies all losses. Our cause is just; Providence does not forsake those who do not forsake themselves.
I depend on your love, your tried fidelity to your prince and country. Depend ye on the paternal solicitude of your monarch, who finds all his happiness in you.
FRANCIS.
VIENNA, April 9, 1809.
The Archduke Charles has issued the following
ADDRESS
TO THE GERMAN NATION.
His Majesty the Emperor of Austria is forced to take up arms, because the French Emperor will not tolerate the existence of a State which does not acknowledge his supremacy of power, nor stoop to become subservient to his views of conquest; because he requires that Austria shall renounce her independence, unbend her energies and surrender at the conqueror's discretion; because the armies of the Emperor of France, and of his dependent allies, advance against Austria with hostile views.
The forces of Austria have risen for self-defence and self-preservation at the nod of their monarch; I am leading them on against their enemy, to prevent the certain attack he prepares against us.
We pass the frontiers not as conquerors: not as enemies of Germany; not to destroy German institutions, laws, customs and manners, and impose foreign ones; not to appropriate to ourselves the property of Germany, or to sacrifice her children in distant wars, carried on to destroy and subjugate foreign nations—No, we fight to assert the independence of the Austrian monarchy, and to restore to Germany the independence and national honors which are due to her.
The same pretensions which now threaten us have already proved fatal to Germany. Our assistance is her last effort to be saved. Our cause is that of Germany—United with Austria, Germany was independent and happy; it is only through the assistance of Austria that Germany can receive happiness and independence.
Germans! Consider your destruction. Accept the aid we offer, and co-operate with us for your salvation. We demand from you no exertions, but such as the war or our common cause requires. Your property and your domestic peace are secured by the discipline of our troops. The Austrian armies will not oppress, nor rob us; they respect you as brethren, chosen to fight partly with us, for your cause and ours. Be worthy our respect; such Germans only as forget themselves are our enemies.
Depend on my word which I have more than once pledged, and redeemed to save you! Depend on the word of my Emperor & brother, which has never been violated.
CHARLES, Generalissimo.
PROCLAMATION BY DAVOUST, TO THE ARMY OF THE RHINE,
HEMAU, April 12.
Soldiers—His Majesty the Emperor of Austria commenced hostilities on the 8th inst. This was announced by his Generals in Chief on the 9th. They have taken up arms. The orders of the day delivered to the Austrian armies are merely the effusions of scurrility. This is not the way to attack the soldiers of the Emperor Napoleon. They threaten to overwhelm us with defeat and disgrace upon the plains of Ulm and Marengo. Your conduct will show what right they have to make use of these threats. Soldiers, our beloved sovereign, when he was first Consul, offered peace, the Emperor of Austria refused it—Marengo compelled him to accept of terms. The English broke the treaty of Amiens. Our Sovereign had collected his armies on the French coast, and the Emperor of Austria availed himself of that juncture, and without any previous declaration of war, violated the territory of our allies, and threatened ours. Ulm compelled the enemy of our sovereign again to make peace. In the present instance the Emperor of Austria has threatened the territory of our allies, without the least appearance of any difference between the two powers, and conceiving himself in a situation to undertake hostilities, has actually commenced war. The directors of the Austrian Cabinet have a very great interest in the result of their libelous scurrilities. Woe be to those who may dare to disseminate them, and by these means excite disturbance; the prompt execution of military law will be the inevitable consequence.
Soldiers—In spite of those libelous reproaches, Germany has done honor to your discipline and good conduct. You do not make war against the inhabitants; those unfortunate sacrifices to the views of the House of Austria, whose ambition has stained so many pages of history with blood, and whose arrogance has again excited such agitation among the nations.
A soldier of Napoleon must not only be free from censure, but without fear. If there are any of a contrary character in our ranks, and who shall so far transgress against the fundamentals of all discipline as to dishonor his cloth by plunder or disobedience, punishment shall speedily follow.
The results of this war are certain. We shall be supported by the Emperor Alexander, who is faithful to his engagements in peace or war. With his armies, whom you highly respect; with the confederate sovereigns whose wish is that we should avenge their cause, and secure them in future against the ambition of our eternal enemy; and lastly, through the justice of our cause, victory must be ours. Your courage, and the genius of your Sovereign, when you see him in the midst of you, will be the most infallible assurance of your triumph.
The Marshal Duke of Auerstadt.
LONDON, April 28.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL RESCINDED.
Yesterday, at one o'clock, in consequence of a notification sent on Wednesday evening by Earl Bathurst, President of the Board of Trade to Mr. Sanson, Chairman of the American committee, the latter accompanied by Messrs. Baring, Jacobs, M'Kenzie, Mullet, and several other respectable merchants, deeply interested in the commerce with the U States, waited on the Lords of Trade at the Treasury.
At this conference it was announced that the Orders in Council would be rescinded as far as they relate to the American republic; and that this arrangement should take date from the preceding day 26th April. It was at the same time decided that the ports of France, Holland, Italy, and their dependencies, should be put into the most rigorous blockade. Under the last distinction are to be included, in Spain, the city of Barcelona, and the Bay of Rosas in the Mediterranean, and the coast of the Bay of Biscay from Santander to Ponterabia.
By this regulation the U States may trade without interruption from British cruisers, with all the ports of Russia, Norway, and Sweden, in the Northern Ocean; with the whole circuit of the Baltic Sea; with the British Isles; with Spain from the Eastern extremity of Asturias to the Southern bank of the Lobergat; and Italian and French ports excepted, with every harbour of the Mediterranean from the straits of Gibraltar to the sea of Marmora.
Licences will be granted to all the ports North of the Weser and South of the Eyder; but we understand they are to be withheld with respect to the rest of the continent, excepting the Havens of the Baltic.
Another commercial arrangement of great temporary importance is, the indulgence to be given as to the shipping to be employed in the transport of American produce. These commodities may be imported in any ship however documented, from the Floridas, from the Western Isles, from Madeira, Lisbon and Cadiz, free of the duties under the Orders in Council, to the first of August next.
The full particulars of these changes in our commercial system in regard to the U States, are to appear in the Gazette of Saturday next.
Mr. Pinkney, we understand, has expressed his approbation of the adoption of these measures by our government; and the Pacific is under sailing orders to convey the intelligence to America.
The public will naturally be anxious to know what has induced Ministers to adopt a line of conduct respecting America so diametrically opposite to the policy hitherto maintained; nor can it be doubted that some explanation will be given in parliament. We sincerely hope that it will be made apparent
that none of the just rights of Britain have been conceded to America.
The business will perhaps receive some explanation at a meeting of the American Committee, to be held this afternoon at the city of London Tavern.
From the London Gazette, April 29, 1809.
At the Court at the Queen's Palace, the 26th of April, 1809; present,
The king's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas His Majesty, by his Order in Council of the 11th November, 1807, was pleased, for the reasons assigned therein, to order, that "all the ports and places of France and her allies, or of any other country at war with his Majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe from which, although not at war with his Majesty, the British Flag is excluded, and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to his Majesty's enemies should from thenceforth be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, as if the same were actually blockaded in the most strict and rigorous manner;" and also to prohibit "all trade in articles which are the produce or manufacture of the said Countries or Colonies."
And whereas his Majesty having been nevertheless desirous not to subject those countries which were in alliance or in amity with his Majesty, to any greater inconvenience than was absolutely inseparable from carrying into effect his Majesty's just determination to counteract the designs of his enemies, did make certain exceptions and modifications expressed in the said Order of the 11th November, and in certain subsequent orders of the 25th of November, and of the 18th of December 1807, and of the 30th of March, 1808, declaratory of the aforesaid Order of the 11th of Nov.
And whereas, in consequence of divers events which have taken place since the date of the first mentioned Order, affecting the retaliation between Great Britain & the territories of other powers, it is expedient that sundry parts and provisions of the said Orders shall be altered or revoked.
His Majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to revoke and annul the said several orders, except as hereinafter expressed, & so much of the said several Orders, except as aforesaid, is hereby revoked accordingly.
And his Majesty is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all the ports and places as far North as the river Elms, inclusively, under the Government styling itself the kingdom of Holland, and all the ports and places under the government of France, together with the colonies, plantations, and settlements in the possession of those Governments respectively, and all ports and places in the Northern parts of Italy, to be reckoned from the ports of Orbetello and Pesaro inclusively, shall continue and be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, without any exceptions, as if the same were actually blockaded by his Majesty's Naval forces in the most strict and rigorous manner; and that every vessel trading from and to the said Countries or Colonies, Plantations and Settlements, together with all goods and merchandise on board, shall be condemned as a prize to the captors.
And his Majesty is further pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that this Order shall have effect from the day of the date thereof, with respect to any ship together with its cargo, which may be captured subsequent to such day, on any voyage which is and shall be rendered legal by this order, although such voyage at the time of the commencement of the same was unlawful and prohibited under the same former order, & such ships, upon being brought in, shall be released accordingly; and with respect to all ships, together with their cargoes, which may be captured in any voyage which was permitted under the exceptions of the Orders above mentioned, but which is not permitted according to the provisions of this Order; his Majesty is pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered, that such ships and their cargoes shall not be liable to condemnation unless they shall have received actual notice of the present Order before such capture, or in default of such Notice, until after the expiration of the like intervals from the date of this order, as were allowed for constructive notice in the Orders of the 25th of November 1807, and the 18th of May 1808, at the several places & latitudes therein specified.
And the right honorable the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and the Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, and Judges of the courts of Vice Admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein, as to them respectively may appertain.
STEPH. COTTRELL.
ATTACK ON BASQUE ROADS.
The circumstances of the late attack upon the enemy's fleet, and the extraordinary services of Lord Cochrane in conducting the enterprise are not sufficiently known. We have great pleasure in laying them before the public, upon the authority of an officer who shared in the gallant and perilous achievement.
Lord Cochrane personally conducted the explosion ship, which had been charged by himself in a manner than which nothing was ever contrived to be more dreadful. His Lordship caused about 1500 barrels of gunpowder to be started into puncheons, which were fixed end upwards. Upon the tops of these were placed between 300 and 400 shells charged with fuses, and again among and upon those were between 2 and 3000 hand grenades. The puncheons were fastened to each other by cables wound round them, and jammed together with wedges; and moistened sand was rammed down between these casks, so as to render the whole from stem to stern, as solid as possible, that the resistance might render the explosion the more violent. In this immense instrument of destruction Lord Cochrane committed himself with only one lieutenant and four seamen; and after the boom was broken, his Lordship proceeded with the explosion ship towards the enemy's line. Let it be recollected, that at this moment the batteries on shore were provided with furnaces to fire red hot shot, and then his Lordship's danger in this enterprise may be properly conceived. The wind blew a gale, and the tide ran three knots an hour. When the blue lights of the fire ship were discovered, one of the enemy's signal ships made the signal for fire ships; which being also a blue light, the enemy fell into great confusion, firing upon her with very injudicious effects and directly cut their cables.
When Lord Cochrane had conducted his explosion ship as near as was possible, the enemy having taken the alarm, he ordered his brave little crew into the boat and followed them, after putting fire to the fuse, which was calculated to give them 15 minutes to get out of the reach of the explosion. However, in consequence of the wind getting very high, the fuse burnt too quickly; so that with the most violent exertions against wind and tide, this intrepid little party was six minutes nearer than they calculated to be, at the time when the most tremendous explosion that human art ever contrived took place, followed by the bursting at once in the air of near 400 shells, and 3000 hand grenades, pouring down a shower of molten metal in every direction. But fortunately the boat reached, by unparallelled exertion, only beyond the extent of destruction. Unhappily this effort to escape cost the life of the brave Lieut. whom this noble Captain saw die in the boat, partly under fatigue, & partly drowned with waves, that continually broke over them. Two of the four sailors were also so nearly exhausted that their recovery has been despaired of. Such were the perils our hero encountered, and which have hitherto been buried in silence. When they reached their ship, the Imperieuse, it was known that Lord Cochrane was the first to go down to the attack and was for more than an hour the only Englishman of war in the harbor. His attack and capture of the Calcutta, which had one third more guns than the Imperieuse, has been properly spoken of.
The repetition of his explosions was so dreaded by the enemy, that they apprehended an equal explosion in every fire ship; and immediately crowding all sail before the wind and tide so fast, that the fire ships, though at first very near could not overtake them, before they were high and dry on shore, except three 74's besides the Calcutta, which were afterwards engaged, taken and burnt. Seven went ashore, of which two three deckers afterwards got off, before our ships of the line got in, and they went up the river. Two of the remaining five were on their beam ends before Lord Cochrane came away, and it was his Lordship's opinion that with proper exertions they might be completely destroyed.
Our hero soon turned his attention to rescue the vanquished from the devouring elements; and bringing away the people of the Ville de Varsovie, he would not allow even a DOG to be abandoned, but took a crying and now neglected little favorite up in his arms and brought it away. But a much greater instance of goodness was displayed in his humanity to a Captain of a French 74, who came to deliver his sword to Lord Cochrane: lamenting, that all he had in the world was about to be destroyed by the conflagration of his ship. His Lordship instantly got into the boat with him and pushed off to assist his prisoner in retrieving some valuable loss, but in passing by a 74, which was on fire, her loaded guns began to go off; a shot from which killed the French Captain by Lord Cochrane's side, and so damaged the boat that she filled with water, and the rest of this party were nearly drowned.
PHILADELPHIA, June 9.
The ship PACIFIC, in 28 days from Falmouth, arrived at New-York yesterday morning. Lieut. REED, the messenger, immediately landed, and came on in the mail this morning. From hence he continued in the mail, and will, by this route, reach the city of Washington tomorrow afternoon. The letters from the Pacific did not come on by this day's mail.
An intelligent friend, who is a passenger on board the Pacific, has favoured us with the following observations upon the present state of Europe— Self's Gazette.
New-York, 8th June, 1809.
DEAR SIR, I have just arrived in the Pacific from Falmouth. We sailed thence on the 8th May. Not having immediate access to my papers, I send you the following remarks, by Lieut. Reed, who proceeds with his dispatches for Washington City.
Austria is making a vigorous and noble effort to preserve, or rather to recover her independence: she stands singly against Napoleon, (himself an host), aided by the valor and genius of Berthier, Massena, Davoust, Bernadotte, Lefebvre, and nearly the whole of his veteran troops, made fierce by repeated victories. The Duke of Auerstadt in his proclamation issued in Germany asserts positively that Russia will unite her forces with France against Austria, and circumstances render this assertion probable. The deductions of ambition appears to have possessed Alexander, as well as Napoleon: they are animated by the same desire of dividing the whole of Europe into two great empires: when Austria shall have been reduced to a level with the petty kingdoms of Europe, a blow will probably be struck at the empire of the Turks, & in all human probability they must fall successively, unless an internal revolution should animate the whole mass of the population of the countries, and give the direction of their affairs to abler hands. When or where this mania for conquest will stop, who can say? It is proverbial that ambition has no limits.
This Philip's son proved in revolving years, And first for rattles, then for worlds shed tears.
England will constantly annoy the conqueror in his career; should this fortress be reduced, nothing short of universal empire will be aimed at: let America look to it and be prepared. The reduction of England is not a probable event, but sound wisdom dictates the expediency of making ourselves strong enough to ward off all possible dangers: pretexts of attack will not be wanted: Louisiana was surrendered only because the war with England deprived France of the power of defending it, and the free principles of our government will naturally make us at all times, obnoxious to a despotic power.
Sir Arthur Wellesley had sailed for Portugal, and will have about 30,000 British troops; while the armies of France are employed on the side of Germany, he may keep alive the flame of patriotism in Spain and Portugal, but whenever reinforcements can be sent, the influence of Britain must disappear.
The late revolution in Sweden has doubtless been produced by French intrigue, she is now tied to the wheels of France, and must hereafter co-operate with the views of Napoleon.
Information (though not well authenticated) has reached England, of a victory over the Austrians, which received additional credit on account of a firing, which was heard off Bologna.
The system of conscription introduced into Holland had excited loud murmurs; the principle however, is to be extended over all the countries subject to the great nation.
The public mind in England is much agitated by the abuses of power, and gross corruption, which have been developed. Since Mr. Warde's famous enquiry into the conduct of the Duke of York, facts have come to light which tint the purity of the administration of the affairs of the East-India Company—of the direction of some of the public hospitals, and which strike deeply at the integrity of some of the king's ministers. Lord Castlereagh was charged with an attempt to obtain, by corrupt means, the election of a member into the House of Commons—the fact was admitted by himself, and he also acknowledged that the principle if extended, would prove fatal to the independence of the Commons. The only apology offered by him at
and his friends, was, that the attempt was not successful. Notwithstanding the pernicious and alarming tendency of the crime, and the plain evidence of facts demonstrating his guilt, he was acquitted; and he afterwards declared in the House of Commons, that he would not resign his office while he had a majority on his side.
With regard to the orders in council, it may be said, that the United States were warranted in expecting an entire revocation of the old orders, without the adoption of others asserting the same new and unacknowledged principle, & having (though to a less extent) the same injurious effect upon the lawful commerce of our country. It must be confessed, that to acquiesce under the new orders, will be to acknowledge a privilege hitherto denied; that it will be offensive to France, and increase the difficulties of an amicable accommodation. The manner and circumstances attending the express engagement entered into by Mr. Erskine, that the orders would be revoked by the 10th of June, give it the force of a positive obligation, making it as binding as a treaty. It may be hoped that the good faith and honor of Great-Britain, will induce her to fulfil this compact. "To violate the spirit of a treaty (says Vattel) while we pretend to respect the letter, is an artful and deliberate fraud; a complicated crime of falsehood & dishonesty." An act of this nature is to be presumed will not be committed by the government of Great-Britain. When Mr. Oakley was sent to America, it was expected that we would rigidly persevere in the system we had adopted; and his mission was a decisive proof that the system was not an "inconvenient restriction," upon the American people alone. Mr. Canning began to perceive that it was inconvenient elsewhere. Before the new orders were issued, it was known that the embargo system was relaxed; the relaxation was considered as offspring of folly, or weakness, and the news was welcomed with joy it was perceived that such articles of our produce, as were most wanted, would be carried in abundance into Spanish, Portuguese, and other ports friendly to Great-Britain; that the price to among buyers, that the expense of carrying them to England would not be an evil, as British vessels would be employed, which, by creating a new branch of trade, would increase the nursery for seamen. One principal object therefore, which caused Mr. Oakley's mission, was obtained without any concession: It only remained for Great-Britain to recover the custom of the United States for her manufactures; having fewer points to gain, it is to be apprehended, that at the time when the new orders were issued, she had determined not to grant terms as favorable as before. The embargo act was extremely injurious to our interests; other measures might have been adopted better suited to the genius of the country, and less hurtful in their operations; but having endured all its various evils for more than a year, we should have persevered until the end in view had been accomplished: it would at least have maintained our reputation for firmness. When the orders in council were under discussion in Parliament, Mr. Whitbread observed, that "that nation which had made itself illustrious by a contest rigorously maintained in defence of her liberty and independence, would now persevere in the system she had adopted in defence of her neutral rights." This character for firmness is now, if not lost, at least impaired—fluctuating measures, in fact, are always injurious and disgraceful. Notwithstanding the vacillation to which wavering councils have subjected us, every sincere lover of his country must hope that a treaty of amity and commerce may yet be formed. A long time must elapse before we can coerce terms more favorable than can now be granted. England will now have the opportunity of sending us a supply of her manufactures; of getting flax seed, cotton, tar, turpentine, and other articles she may want; so that a new embargo and non-intercourse cannot produce much effect for a long period to come. Moreover, it cannot be too often urged that England is the bulwark which protects all nations independent of France against injury, if not against absolute conquest. The present situation of Europe has no parallel in modern time; what has been called the balance of power in Europe is now destroyed. If England falls, the determined courage of Americans may proudly maintain liberty and independence. America may and will remain a free, but she would be a poor nation; her territory would be constantly annoyed; her revenues wasted, and her blood spilt in its defence; her commerce would dwindle into a mere home trade, and with it, manufactures, the arts, and agriculture would languish. This is a consideration of the first magnitude, and some minor interests ought to be sacrificed to it. Hereafter, if circumstances should change, & wisdom should dictate it, we may assume a higher tone.
The decided ascendancy which G. Britain has upon the seas, will induce her to claim some commercial advantages over every other people: she acts from an inherent principle of human nature, and which governs nations as well as individuals: she has acquired and maintains her superiority by a vast expense of blood and treasure; and at this moment she must maintain it, as her essential interests, her very being rests upon it—It is true that much profit will not be derived from a trade confined to England and her dependencies, but if we make an amicable arrangement, without uniting with her in the war against France, if Napoleon perceives that he cannot persuade, or frighten us into hostilities against England, he will soon be inclined to restore a lucrative commerce which has only been interrupted by his gasconading decrees. He wants cotton for his manufactures; he wants a market for his Italian silk and fruits, for his Dutch and German manufactured goods, and for his wines and brandy. He will repeal his decrees, and England will then have no pretext for persevering in her retaliatory system.
The conduct of Col. Burr had excited the suspicion of the British government; he was ordered to leave the country and had embarked for Gottenburgh: he must now tread with cautious steps: his restless aspiring soul will be "cribbed and confined" by rigorous laws; if he should offend and receive his passports from the ruler of the continent, he will be literally an outcast of the civilized world.
Our countryman West maintains his pre-eminence in the art of painting: his years decline, but his genius blazes in the meridian. The annual exhibition of the Royal Academy was opened on the 1st May; and connoisseurs admit that the contributions of West stand unrivaled: the subject of his best picture is taken from the following part of Gray's Bard.
"On a rock whose haughty brow Frows o'er old Conway's foaming flood.
Rob'd in the sable gray of woe,
With haggard eyes the poet stood;
Loose his beard and hoary hair,
Stream'd like a meteor to the troubled air,
And with a master's and prophet's fire Struck the deep sorrows of his lyre. The silent picture of the painter is more vivid and impressive than the speaking picture of the poet. Col. Trumbull who left America last winter had sent some landscapes which were much commended. Our young and thinly populated country notwithstanding outward circumstances has been fertile in the production of eminent painters. Besides those whose fame is already known to the world, we have younger artists who are bursting from obscurity into light. The portraits of Mr. Vanderlyn, of New-York, and his historical and original picture of "Marius sitting amid the ruins of Carthage" have been admired by connoisseurs in Italy and Angelica Kauffman before her death in 1807, pronounced another American to be superior in landscape painting to any of the numerous pupils from different countries who were then at Rome. We should have liked to have seen them...E. quira!

Poetry is nearly allied to poetry; no imagination is necessary to form a Painter; and although many have been imputed, and perhaps in some cases, to the American character, yet the general result, which is displayed, is a fair object of study, & warrants a hope that the sister art of Poetry will be long cultivated with equal success.
From another Passenger. * A few days previous to sailing, a French privateer had been captured, who reported an engagement had taken place between the French and Austrians, which lasted 3 days, and terminated in the latter being defeated with the loss of 30,000 men.
A new schedule of duties was under the consideration of the British Parliament early in May, by which the duties on American produce will be considerably advanced, particularly cotton.
CONGRESS.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
SENATE OF THE U. STATES.
June 9. Mr. Smith, of Maryland, from the committee to whom was referred the bill to amend and continue in force the act entitled, "An act to interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France and their dependencies," together with the amendment proposed thereto, reported as a substitute a new bill.
June 10. The resolution yesterday offered by Mr. Giles to adjourn on the 20th instant, was passed unanimously and sent to the House for concurrence.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, June 9.
OLMSTEAD'S CASE.
The following message received from the President of the United States by Mr. Graham, was read:
To the House of Representatives of the United States.
In consequence of the request of the Legislature of Pennsylvania I transmit to Congress a copy of certain of its proceedings communicated for the purpose by the governor of that state.
JAMES MADISON.
June 4, 1809.
[The inclosed document was the detailed report of the Legislature, with the instructions of the Legislature to the Senators and Representatives.]
And on a motion made to print the message and document.
Mr. Lyon objected to the motion.
Mr. J. Porter advocated it on the ground of its being the usual course pursued by the House in all communications from the constituted authorities of a state.
Mr. Milnor opposed the printing, principally because no act was now to grow out of it. The paper had been drafted to meet a case then pending, and difficulties which then had existed. Since the adoption of these resolutions, these difficulties had been done away by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania. It appeared to Mr. M. also that no proceedings would be necessary in consequence of those papers, if only necessary to prevent the recurrence of similar cases in future. Every one who had attended to the reading of these papers must have seen, that they related to a case of difficulty which had arisen when this government was merely a confederation of states, when its powers were confined within such narrow limits that Congress could not enforce its decrees, when its acts were nothing more than recommendations to the state legislatures. At that period this question had arisen from a dispute between the U. States and the state of Pennsylvania, how far each had jurisdiction in the courts of admiralty and courts of appeal. No such case could in future arise, because the constitution had been framed by the people of the states, which vested in the Congress of the United States the entire power of appointing courts of admiralty jurisdiction. No state could now take cognizance of admiralty cases; in future there could be no clash of jurisdiction on this subject. Whether the courts of the U. States or those of Pennsylvania were correct in the principles which they had set up in the case under consideration, appeared to him to be a question which it was not necessary to examine at this moment. The case had been completely settled by the payment of the money to Gideon Olmstead. He had hoped that the dispute had been by that means wholly put to rest; and from a belief that it ought to be so, he did not wish this document to be printed, but merely to lie on the table. The resolution of the legislature of Pennsylvania which recommended to the Representatives and instructed the Senators from that state to endeavor to effect such an alteration in the constitution as should establish an independent tribunal for the trial of such causes, had been produced by the idea, that the case of Olmstead was a dispute between the United States and the state of Pennsylvania. It had never appeared otherwise to him than as a dispute between the Judiciary of the United States and the constituted authority of the state of Pennsylvania. On the part of the judiciary of the U. States, it was an attempt to carry what it believed to be its legal powers into effect. Resistance was made by the constituted authority of Pennsylvania, under the idea that this conduct of the judiciary of the U. States was, in consequence of a power assumed by them, a power not delegated by the constitution or the institution of their office. —If the Judges of the courts of the United States had misconceived their authority, if in their decision they had acted contrary to the constitution or the laws, then are they liable to impeachment for the conduct which they have pursued, but it could not be said that it was a contest between the governments. The government of the United States never interfered. The process issued from the courts of the United States. The marshal executed it—and in compliance with the process the money had been paid. The case appeared to be completely at rest—and the resolutions of the Legislature appeared to be bottomed on a false foundation, so far as they contemplated a difference between the U. States and Pennsylvania. The judiciary of the United States must in this case have been as impartial as any tribunal could be.—There was not, in this case, one cent claimed by the United States, or any officer of the United States—the judges were not interested by any affinity with the parties claiming it—and, if not in this case free from prejudice, it was impossible that they ever should be so. Believing, if the judges of the courts of the U. S. had erred, it was an error in
judgment, and not from corrupt motives, he could never consent that, in a case of this kind, the Congress of the U. States should proceed to any further act. He hoped therefore that the papers would not be printed, but would be ordered to lie on the table.
No other gentleman rising to speak, the motion for printing was negatived 63 to 50; and the message and documents ordered to lie on the table.
BARRED CLAIMS.
Mr. Johnson from the committee of claims made several reports on petitions; amongst which were two or three on petitions of old soldiers, &c. On these the committee reported, without entering into the merits of the several cases, that they were barred by the statute of limitation, & therefore recommended that the prayer of the petitioners ought not to be granted. A report similar to this having been made on the petition of Hannah Foster of Philadelphia, widow of a revolutionary officer, it was negatived by the House.
A motion was made to re-consider this report, on the suggestion of Mr. Stanley that the question had not been understood by the House.
Mr. Goldsborough opposed the motion.—He hoped the House would not sanction by its vote the broad principle that every claim, however just, should be barred by the statute of limitation; but that they would decide that it should be no bar to the payment by Congress of all just claims.
Mr. Johnson (the chairman of the committee of claims) expressed his satisfaction that this question had been brought up for the consideration of the House, that by its decision the committee of claims might be guided in its future conduct. The committee were every day presented with cases of hardship which created painful sensations in the breasts of the committee, but which they were compelled, from the uniform conduct of the committee of claims heretofore, to reject because they were barred by the statute of limitation. Thus in the present case the committee had reported, not that the claim was not just, but that they had not examined it because barred by the statute. He should feel happy at a decision which should open the statute to particular claimants, and should not, as a member of the committee ever shrink from the investigation of them. He found himself bound to vote for a re-consideration of the vote on this report, because if the statute was to be opened to particular cases, it should be done by some general rule, and not by a decision on a single case.
Messrs. Holland and Nelson said they never had believed that Congress were barred by the statute of limitations; they believed it was only intended to bar a settlement of the Treasury of document claims, of claims against which the length of time that they had been suffered to sleep was strong presumptive proof. If this principle set up by the committee of claims was to be adhered to, to what purpose was any claim referred to a committee? The reason why these petitions were presented to the House, was that the claims were barred by the statute; for, if not barred, they would long ago have been settled at the Treasury Department. These reports of the committee of claims had long been considered as reflecting dishonor on the House; and it was believed that the committee of claims ought to examine into the equity of cases presented to them, without reference to the statute of limitations. If that was to bar all claimants, there was a much more ready way of obtaining their answer than by a report of a committee of the House; on application to the Treasury, their claims would be rejected without delay.
The House refused to re-consider the report, 50 to 42; and
On motion of Mr. Eifges, the report was re-committed to the committee of claims, with instructions to report on the merits of the case, 68 to 38.
This decision is understood to operate as an instruction to the committee of claims in future, to report on the merits of all cases, without considering the statute of limitations as a bar to their liquidation by Congress.
Mr. Love reported a bill respecting the courts of the District of Columbia—I twice read and committed.
Mr. Rhea reported a bill to alter and establish certain Post-Roads. I twice read and committed.
MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. Nelson, from the committee to whom was referred so much of the message of the President of the United States, as relates to the military establishment and Mr. Randolph's resolution for disbanding the troops lately raised, reported, "that under existing circumstances it would be impolitic and unwise to disband any part of the military establishment of the U. States." Report referred to a committee of the whole.
FORTIFICATIONS.
The bill from the Senate for appropriating money for completing fortifications commenced, and erecting new works on the Northern and Western frontiers, was read a third time; and on the question "Shall the bill pass?" YEAS 77—NAYS 43.
The bill therefore, only requires the signature of the President to become a law.
Nicholas Van Dyke, a member from Delaware, appeared and took his seat.
BALTIMORE, June 9.
SENATOR.—The House of Delegates, have determined to elect a Senator, in the place of Gen. Smith by a separate vote of each branch of the Legislature, as laws are enacted; and they elected Col. Howard, we are informed, by a majority of six; yeas 41, noes 35. This vote was sent to Senate for their concurrence yesterday. We have received no subsequent advices from Annapolis. But it is nearly certain that the Senate preferring a joint vote, will refuse their assent to the plan of the House. We may see every day expect to hear of the Legislature having adjourned, leaving the appointment of a temporary Senator to the new Governor. Fed. Gaz.
CAUTION.—All those who are indebted to Henry L. Seayres, either by bond, open account, or otherwise, are hereby cautioned against making payment to him, as I have purchased, agreeably to deed, bearing date the 26th of January, Anno Domini, 1809, all his rights, titles, claims and demands, suits, judgments, bonds, open accounts, debts, dues, &c. of all and every description whatsoever, real and personal, to which he was then entitled, (a claim to a certain tract or parcel of land, in the county of Henrico, only excepted.) Those who were then indebted to H. L. Seayres, are therefore desired to make payment to me.
Cains, June 16. JOHN SEAYRES.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JUNE 16, 1809.
TO JOHN RANDOLPH, Esq.
NO. 1.
Sir,
I shall say but very little, as to the resolution which you have brought forward on the doctrine of Libels . You must have known, that there was not a man in the United States, who supported the republican faith, that would have advocated the principle of instituting a libel at common law against the Chief Magistrate of this nation. You must have known, that the Chief Magistrate himself would have been the last man in this country, who would have instigated to the prosecution of a libel, though that libel had been uttered against himself. You must have known, that the few solitary cases of this sort, which had occurred during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, were produced in the state of Connecticut, without the knowledge or instigation of the President, and upon the presentment of a grand jury, on whose bill it was the duty of the Attorney for the U. S. to act. Yet, sir, though these facts were well known to you at the time when you brought forward this resolution, you have not hesitated in the speech which introduced it, to deal out the most general sarcasms against the abuse of power—to wrap almost the whole republican party in the unholy mantle of the Connecticut jury—and insinuate your complaints, that "such is the difference between men in power and men out of power; such is the difference between profession and practice ." You wished to persuade the people, that you and your party alone were blessed with exclusive virtue—that you alone had stood up in defence of those good old principles, which had brought the republican party into power, while they had treacherously abandoned them—that you were standing alone in the breach of the constitution, the uniform opponent of the common law and the law of libels. But the people know better. They will give you all the credit, which you deserve, for the uniformity of your principles—but they will never bestow it, at the expense of other men, who equally deserve it. They will scorn too the invidious efforts which are made to adorn your brow with the laurels, rudely snatched from the brow of the true republican party.
But they will not fail to enquire of you the reasons of the delay, which you have manifested, in bringing forward this resolution. Why have you reserved it until Mr. Jefferson was out of power? Did it appear seemly and profitable unto you to bring all your resolutions together, and play the part of the General Reformer? Will you tell us that it was not until the previous session, that you had first heard of these facts from the lips of Mr. Dana? Then, pray, sir, where were your eyes and ears during the whole intervening period from the commencement of these presentments? The news-papers, over which we should suppose from your frequent and indecent introduction of them on the floor of Congress, you now and then cast a "desultory" glance, had noted these things from time to time as they occurred. Mr. Pitkin asserts, that they had been formally mentioned on the floor of Congress at a previous session. And yet does Mr. Randolph permit years and sessions to elapse, without the slightest whisper of his suspicions and displeasure. The extraordinary session of 1809, however, arrives—the gentleman wishes to wipe off the imputation which he had incurred, for want of projects to support the rights of his country—and in the heat of his ardor, discharges his loaded culverin in Congress, charged with all the complaints which he had been accumulating for the four last years, and all the fruits of his various readings, with rusty nails, fragments of glass bottles, and the elegant effusions of addled eggs.
As little will be said, sir, about your posterous Resolution for disbanding "the additional military force" raised in 1808—9. No means of attaining the object which you professed to have in view, could have been more miserable, or ridiculous. You wish to sweep off all the rotten part of the establishment; all who were connected with the treason of Burr, (your friend Wilkinson, I suppose, among the rest,) and yet you would begin with disbanding the additional military force, which had been enlisted since the treasonable times of Burr. Was Wade Hampton one of the associates of Burr? Was Gansevoort? Is a single one of the late recruits suspected? Yet you would sweep off this fresh and vigorous part of the army consisting mostly of the young, the active, the high minded, many of them who would do honor to any body of troops.—Yet it is said that after having succeeded in disbanding the additional regiments, you would then have moved the dissolution of the old establishment. Some of your friends have conjectured this to have been your intention. What, sir, would have been the issue? You would, then, I suppose, have enlisted some troops, at least, to garrison our ports and guard our western frontier. You would of course have sunk all the brown and pay , which have been already expended on our present troops—opened a new rendezvous for soldiers, and lavished new and higher bounties on these new recruits. Would this, sir, have been your policy? Take your proposition then, in whatever light it can be viewed, and it was surely a most unfortunate mode of striking at the old, and rotten part of the army.—But at best your project was a prematire one .—Shall we disband our troops in our present situation—before we know whether there is any chance of making an adjustment with France and G. Britain—before we even know whether G. Britain is serious in complying with her late engagements—before we know whether she may not be guilty of the perfidious re-enacting nearly the same obnoxious restrictions with only a slight variation of phrase? This may be your policy, but it is not mine.
It is to your vote of Approbation, sir, that I shall chiefly invite your attention.—Why was this Resolution brought forward? The general ground, which you have taken in the opening of your speech, is hollow and untenable. It is in direct contradiction to the whole course of facts . It is, "that the answer (of Congress) to the address (of former presidents) was in fact the greatest opportunity which the opposition to the measures of the administration had of canvassing and sifting its measures." Now, let any man turn over the debates of congress, during the whole administration of Mr. Jefferson—let him particularly read those of the three last sessions, during which the cometary genius of John Randolph has blazed in opposition—will he say, that there is any dearth of investiga-
tion—any lack of "canvassing and sifting"—nay, the least deficiency in the most far-fetched allusions and insinuations—to backstairs influence , for instance, and to hinges of the water closet ? And who is it, that now complains of this doleful want of "opportunity"—of being thus miserably gagged and tongue tied? Why no less than the very man, who has carried the license of speech to an extravagant abuse—who has not only satyriized every member of Congress, whom he has pleased to dislike—every measure of government, which he was unable to direct—but has taken or made an "opportunity" of retailing the little anecdotes of greater men, private conversations, which he has misunderstood, and all the idle conjectures which a jealous imagination could form.
There is another fact, which it seems convenient for you to have forgotten. This is not the first time, sir, that you have chosen to drink of the waters of Lethe. Will you please to remember the violent stand, which you once made against the first resolution annexed to the celebrated Report on our Foreign Relations, and one of the strong grounds which you assumed on that occasion in your speech of the 30th November 1808. Then you protested against the discussion of all "abstract propositions." "It is not, said you, to be made the basis of any measure; no bill can grow out of it. And are we to employ ourselves in this manner, for the amusement of the Galleries, of the Public of Washington, Georgetown and its vicinity?" Solemn however was the proposition, which you then opposed! Most sacred was the pledge, which Congress were then about to give to themselves and to the world! It was a pledge, "that the United States cannot without a sacrifice of their rights, honor & independence , submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France." And yet behold your consistency. On the 26th May 1809, you yourself came forward, with one of these abstract propositions, at a time when the rights and honor of our country do not demand a solemn effusion of the national will; with a proposition, out of which no bill can possibly grow—for it will exceed even your legislative legerdemain to eke out any thing like a law from the promptitude and firmness, with which the President of the United States, has met the overtures of Great Britain. Nose of Wax! into how many new shapes are you yet to be moulded?
Having now reached the Vestibule, let us march on and examine the interior of your argument.
CRITICUS.
We shall wait with impatience for news from Washington. In the dispatches of Mr. Pinkney to our government we shall probably have some clue to the conduct of Great Britain. We shall perhaps see whether her late Orders of April 26th are to be enforced in the very teeth of the plighted pledges made by her Minister Mr. Erskine, and whether she is to be guilty of the infamous perversion of repealing her Orders of November and re-enacting their worst provisions by her new Orders.
Let the merchants of Britain cajole us, as they can, the Orders of April are the same, in their strongest features, as those of November. They permit the trade with the Baltic and North of the Ems—with such parts of Spain as are not in the "possession" of France—and with the ports of Italy to the south of Orbittello and Pisaro. But they still prohibit the trade with Holland, with France, many of the ports of Spain and Portugal, and the important ports of Italy. In one respect, they give a new scope to their Orders of November, by extending them to the Colonies of these powers. That part of the system which requires a duty on exports from G. Britain is professedly forbid; because all communication with certain ports are now forbid by the most rigorous blockade—but the duty may be restored by the system of licenses.
The Orders of January, 1807, to the repeal of which, as well as those of November, Mr. Erskine has pledged himself, are not touched upon in the new orders.
If Britain means to enforce these new Orders, in spite of her solemn engagements at Washington, it would be of a piece with the infamous proposition of her Minister to the Secretary of State in '95. The President had caused it to be intimated to him, that the British Treaty would not receive his signature, until the Provision Orders of June were rescinded. Mark the morality of Mr. Hammond. "Will it not be sufficient, says he in his conversation with Mr. Randolph, to remove the order out of the way; and after the ratification to renew it?" "Is it necessary to add, that this perfidious proposition was received with contempt?"
If Great Britain designs to be guilty of such disgraceful perfidy in the present transaction, we can hold no terms with her. Why talk of sending an envoy to this country, when we shall not have the slightest faith in his government?—On this supposition, let Mr. Erskine be immediately dismissed and Mr. Pinkney recalled.—Why suffer a minister amongst us, who would merely act the part of a spy, without serving as the official organ of his government, because no confidence is to be placed in any thing he says?—Why suffer our own minister to remain at a court, whose engagements are not to be trusted?—These ideas are hypothetical only. A short time will ascertain the facts.
Much to our disappointment no papers were received from Washington by yesterday morning's mail. The Alexandria Gazette however gives us a part of the Congressional Proceedings of Monday. On motion of Mr. Jackson, the consideration of the resolution for adjourning on the 20th inst. was postponed till Thursday (yesterday). It was supposed that the contents of the dispatches from Mr. Pinkney respecting the late British Orders, would transpire, before this resolution would be taken up.—Mr. Cutts from the committee on that subject, had reported that it is not expedient at this time to dispose of any part of our armed vessels & gun-boats.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
The two lumps of Gold, found near Spottsylvania court-house, as mentioned in the Enquirer of 19th ult.—Weight 8 oz. 15 dwt. is perhaps the largest mass, which has ever been discovered in this state. Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, speaks of another instance. "It was interspersed in small specks through a lump of ore, of about 4 lbs. weight, which yielded seventeen pennyweight of gold, of extraordinary ductility. This ore was found on the north side of Rappahannoe, about four miles below the falls. I never heard of any other index of gold in its neighborhood." It is curious that the two lumps lately found were nearly in the neighborhood of this one—being about 20 miles from Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannoe. A few pennyweights have also been found in Buckingham.
Whence those small lumps of his brilliant metal, which are found here and there, in
our state? It is a bold idea, that gold is not a natural substance, but is formed of certain materials, as are all the Salts , and the Earth called Lime . The unavailing experiments which were formerly made to achieve what was called the transmutation of metals , have tended to cast ridicule over this idea, but ridicule is not always the test of truth. The wonderful discoveries, lately made by the chemists of Europe, have enlarged the sphere of probability itself—and we must even predict that the age of alchemy is not past, even the avarice of the projector extinguished for ever. But this age is not yet come—all that we know at present, is, that gold has been actually found in substances, where there is no other way of accounting for its presence, but by the supposition that it was formed there. For instance, read the following extract from Chaptal's Chemistry .
"Gold likewise exists naturally in vegetables . Becher obtained it. Henckel affirmed that they contain it; and Mr. Sage has resumed this enquiry and found it according to the following table, which express the quantities of gold obtained from the quintal of the several earths.
   Ounces. Gross. Grains.     Rotted Manure, 0 1 36   Earth of uncultivated ground, 0 2 33   Garden mould, 0 5 0   Mould of a kitchen garden   manured with dung year 2 3 40   15 for 60 years.  
"These results were at first contested, but at present it appears to be generally agreed, that gold is obtained, but in a less quantity. Mr. Berthollet obtained forty grains and eight tenths of gold in the quintal of ashes. Messrs. Rouelle, Darcet and Deycux, likewise obtained it.
"It is therefore a physical fact, that gold exists in vegetables."
QUERE—May not some of the lumps, which are found in Virginia, have been formed by vegetable decomposition?
Inspected at Richmond, for the last three months, ending on the 7th instant:    30,644 Barrels Superfine Flour,  3,435 Do. fine  do.    2,217 Do. middlings  do.  do.    341 Do. condemned  do.  do.    48 Do. ship stuff  do.  do.    36,705  JOHN J. JOHNSON, Inspector.
June 16.
FOURTH OF JULY.
Such of the Citizens of Richmond, as are desirous of entering into regulations, respecting a DINNER, on the 4th July ensuing, will be met w th leisure, at the capitol, on Saturday next at 4 o'clock, P. M. by
A CITIZEN.
June 16, 1809.
THOMAS PAINE.—With heartfelt sorrow and poignant regret, we are compelled to announce to the world, that Thomas Paine is no more. The distinguished Philanthropist, whose life was devoted to the cause of humanity, departed this life, yesterday morning. But if ever a man's memory deserved a place in the breast of a freeman, it is that of the deceased, for
Take him all in all,
We ne'er shall look upon his like again! The friends of the deceased, are invited to attend his funeral, this morning, at nine o'clock, from his late residence at Greenwich, from whence the corps will be conveyed to New Rochelle, for interment.—N. York Pub. Adv. June 9
FITZWYLLSONN & POTTER, have just received a large supply of Stationery, Elegant Ladies Work-Trunks, Travelling-Trunks, Pocket-knives, Pen knives, Patent and Common Suspen- ders, Conversation, Playing and Embossed Visiting Cards, Music, Violin Strings, &c. They have also a large and extensive assortment of Blank Books, of all kinds; a few copies of Mathes on Population, Fox's Historical Work, Fisher's Military Tactics, Sampson's Plea for Religion, Illustrations of Prophecy, and a variety of School Books.
BOOK-BINDING, in all its branches, carried on as usual. Orders from the Country, duly attended to. June 16. WGW
By Virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us on the 15th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, by John Clarkson, and William Clarkson, (and recorded in the County Court of Albemarle,) to secure the payment of the debt, therein expressed to be due by the said Clarkson, to Mr. William Brown and Co. We will sell, (as the law directs,) on the 17th day of July next, at the dwelling house, at present occupied by the said William Clarkson, on the premises; one tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in said County of Alber- marle, containing 450 acres, more or less, ad- joining the lands of George Twyman, Mrs. Owens and Hudson Barkedale, or so much of said Land, as may be sufficient to raise the sum of three hundred and thirty seven pounds eight shillings and four pence, being the sum declared to be payable on the 15th day of December; one thousand eight hundred and eight, with interest on the same from the 15th day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven. We will convey to the purchaser or purchasers, such title only as is vested in us as trustees. JOHN WATSON, SAM. DYER. WGW
June 16.
WOOD LAWN for Sale.—The subscriber offers for sale, the tract of Land on which he now resides, lying throughout, on the main fork of Pamunkey river, in the County of Orange, 35 miles from Fredericksburg, and 60 from Richmond, containing 763 acres—a full proportion of which consists of valuable low-ground. About one half the land is cleared, a large part of which is now fresh. The Wood land is all prime tobacco land, heavily timbered, and peculiarly adapted to the growth of that kind of Tobacco, which commands the highest Richmond market price. There are, perhaps, no land in this part of the Country, on which the planter or farmer can rely with more certainty for a crop, than this, as from the nature of the soil, there is no land on which a crop is sooner matured. The improvements are considerable. The dwell- ing house is of two stories, 52 by 20 feet, divided so as to unite convenience with elegance. To one end is attached a wing of 20 feet square. A large and convenient kitchen, laundry and weav- ing house, are contained under one roof, and with other out-buildings, an Ice-house—a Well of ex- cellent water in the yard, affords every conven- ience requisite for the accommodation of a large and genteel family. A stable of 14 Stalls—the first story of granite stone, with apartments above for grain, fodder &c. has just been completed. No buildings in fact, necessary for the securing of a crop, or for the comfort of a family are wanting, and what enhances their value, is, they are all new and of choice materials; the land abounding in the best of timber and lying within one mile of a saw mill. One third of the purchase money, will be required in cash.
Western lands, provided they are situated on navigable water in the Lower parts of the states of Kentucky or Tennessee, or on the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio, will be received in payment, for the balance of the purchase money, it, upon a view of them, their quality and price suit. Those, therefore, who hold lands in the above range, and are disposed to barter them in his way, are requested to make immediate ap- plication, in person, or by letter post-paid, directed to the Orange Springs Post-Office, and ad- dressed to DABNEY MINOR. June 16. WGW

POLITICAL.
FROM THE AURORA.
DESERTION TO CANADA.
We find in several of the papers some animadversions on an unhappy affair which took place in the early part of the last month within the Canada line.
The public papers to the eastward and westward have, during the establishment of the public force on the frontier towards Canada, represented the desertions from the U. States troops on that frontier, into Canada, as immense—indeed it is too true that the desertions had become a matter of the utmost seriousness, and the detached stations and relatively small numbers at each station, had rendered an exact and uniform discipline utterly impracticable, where the battalion officers were themselves all inexperienced, of various habits, and newly brought together. The hostile disposition of the Canadian Government, and the corresponding temper of its adherents, stimulated, no doubt, by the embargo upon commercial dealings, and the prospect of a war, had induced the Canadians to hold forth every temptation to our troops to desert; great numbers did desert and were received with open arms and marked attention in Canada. These things we note, merely to account for the temper of irritation which produced the unfortunate transaction, to which we have immediate reference, a transaction, however, which is not to be justified nor countenanced, any more than the similar infraction of our territory in Vermont by a British military party ten or twelve years ago. By another British military party at Detroit four or five years ago; the outrage and murder of Pearce in the waters of New-York—the outrage of the Chesapeake by admiral Berkeley—the burning of a French ship in our waters about the same period—the recent outrage by the British ship of war Melampus. We note all these facts, and might note others of older, and some of recent date, & similar character, not to justify the conduct of the U. States' officer who violated the territory of Canada, but to represent the false ideas of duty and the erroneous conduct of the officer, and to show how differently such persons guilty of such conduct are treated by the United States, from the treatment which those have received who violated our territory and rights. If our government were to follow the precedent set them by Great Britain, captain Bennett would, like captain Wright who murdered Pearce, or admiral Berkeley, who murdered and hanged so many Americans, be promoted to a higher station and command—he would be appointed a major or a colonel—and he would have been distinguished for future promotion. If we do not manage matters better, we act at least with a decorum more consistent with the laws of nations and the rights of jurisdiction.
The following is an authentic account of the affair, from documents in possession of the editor of the Aurora, contained in a letter from Oswegatchie, of date the 4th May.
"An unhappy affair took place in this neighborhood a few days ago, which has produced much warmth in Canada, captain Bennett, of the 6th U. S. Regt. left this place on Sunday last to proceed for his station on the river, and gone about twenty miles, when the wind heading the vessel came to an anchor. On Monday the wind still proving adverse, captain Bennett who commanded the vessel, went on shore to get some provisions, a sergeant of the 6th Regt. and one or two of the privates went on shore also for the same purpose. Capt. Bennett, who was on board, thinking the sergeant and men delayed too long on shore, sent his own boat for them and brought them off: while the men had been on shore, they were told that a deserter from their regiment was in that neighborhood, and the sergeant had gone and ascertained the fact, he had seen and recognized the man as a deserter, without making himself known.
"The sergeant, upon returning on board, reported the circumstances to his commanding officer, thus accounting for this delay on shore, and stated that the place at which the deserter was, did not exceed three quarters of a mile distance. Captain Bennett, a young inexperienced officer, perhaps not very conversant with the law of nations, and acting under a zeal, which, under a more judicious direction, might lead to conduct honorable and glorious, unhappily conceived it to be his duty and his right to seize the deserter any where. He determined to detach the sergeant, with two men, with orders to bring the deserter on board—and not to use any sort of violence, unless attacked with violence, and then to repel force by force—and in case the deserter attempted to escape, to make use of his arms. The sergeant went ashore in capt. Bennett's boat, leaving one man in charge of the boat, the sergeant and two men proceeded through the woods, seized the deserter, and were conducting him to the boat, when a number of armed people appeared issuing from the village running towards them—the deserter seeing this success, made an effort & succeeded in extricating himself, and ran with great speed towards the crowd, and from the military party—the sergeant cried out, that if he did not stop, he would order the men to fire—but he proceeding, the sergeant ordered his men to fire, and the deserter fell, being about ten rods distance when he fell—the sergeant and his party were pursued, but made good a retreat to the boat, and got safe on board—the vessel bore away and arrived at this place."
This statement is from a respectable citizen, who was on board the vessel, and had a fair view of the transactions.
Immediately upon information being received by col. Simonds, who commands the detachments on that frontier, on the 14th May, he issued an order to capt. Bennett, of which the following is a transcript:
"ALBANY, 14th May, 1809.
"In consequence of an outrage, committed by a party of your men acting under your orders on the sovereignty of a nation in peace with the United States—I deem it an indispensable duty, which I owe my government to order arrest—it is also the most correct mode of proceeding as to yourself, as by it, you are afforded the fairest opportunity of vindicating your conduct. You will proceed to this place and await further orders.
(Signed) "JONAS SIMONDS."
Captain Bennett has surrendered himself to arrest, and will of course be tried by a court martial.
MR. ADAMS'S
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
To the Printers of the Boston Patriot:
SIR, Mr. Hamilton, in his famous pamphlet, page 23, says, "the conduct pursued, bore sufficient marks of courage and elevation to raise the national character to an exalted height throughout Europe."
"Much, it is to be deplored, that we should have been precipitated from this proud eminence, without necessity, without temptation."
"It is the habitual practice of our parties, to affect an enemy, as they find it to their purpose, the honor of the disgrace that is produced in Europe by our measures. But neither party know any thing about the matter. The truth is, that our affairs are much less spoken or thought of, in Europe, than we imagine. In all parts of Europe, but especially in France and England, they are constantly misrepresented and misunderstood."
"Most of all in England. I will venture to say, that Mr. Hamilton wrote entirely at random, without a glimmering of genuine information, when he mentioned both the exaltation and pre-
ecipation of our national character. To appeal to the courts or cabinet, or to the diplomatic corps in Europe, would be idle; because none of them will ever read Hamilton's pamphlet or these papers. But I would not hesitate to submit the whole subject to any of them. I shall take another course. Chief Justice Ellsworth is no more. I can no longer appeal to him. If I could, I would say no more than the truth, but it would be more than I shall now say; and I aver that his representation to me was the direct reverse of Hamilton's dogmatical assertions. Governor Davis still lives, and to him I appeal with confidence. He declared to me, that to judge of the conduct of the American government, both in their naval and other preparations for war, and in their political and diplomatic negotiations upon that occasion, a man must go to Europe, where it was considered as the greatest demonstration of genius, firmness and wisdom. If I represent the Governor's expressions in stronger terms than those he used, I request him to correct them.
"In England, I know the Anti-Jacobin Journal abused us, and so did McDonald, Cobbett, Smith, and every British in Europe and America, who wished us at war with France, and in alliance with England. But even in England all the sober part of the nation applauded us, and that to such a degree, that it soon became the popular cry, "We must imitate the United States of America, change our ministers, and make peace." Accordingly they did soon change their ministers and make peace at Amiens.
"Mr. Liston, whose character I respect, had run through a long course of diplomatic experience in various courts and countries in Europe, from a secretary of legation and charge des affaires to the grade of minister plenipotentiary, & thence to that of ambassador at Constantinople, who probably a better judge than Mr. Hamilton, was had no experience at all in any diplomatic station, and who, I dare to say, had read very little on the subject of diplomatic functions, and still less of the history of embassies or of the printed dispatches of ambassadors. Mr. Liston, if any body, knew what would procure honor to a nation or government, and what disgrace: what would raise the dignity, or what depress it: what was triumph, and what humiliation.
"Now I affirm, that the first time Mr. Liston saw me after he had been informed of the communications of the French directory, through Talleyrand, Mr. Richon and Mr. Murray, he said to me these words: "To what humiliation will not these Frenchmen stoop, to appease you? I am very sorry for it: I own, I did hope they would have gone to war with you." I smiled, but made no answer. I wanted no proof of the sincerity of this declaration. I doubted not the sincerity of his wish, more than I did that of Mr. Canning and his associates in the Anti-Jacobin, who, upon receiving the news of Mr. Murray's nomination, proclaimed that Jacobinism was triumphant and carrying all before it in America. They could not, or would not distinguish between Jacobinism and neutrality. Every thing with them was Jacobinism, except a war with France and an alliance with Great-Britain. They all panted for a war between the United States and France as sincerely, though not so ardently as ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
"There were not wanting insinuations and insinuations to me, to confer with Mr. Liston on the subject of an alliance with Great-Britain. And Mr. L. himself repeatedly suggested to me, in very modest and delicate terms, however, his readiness to enter into any explanations on that head. I always waved it with as easy a politeness as I could. But my system was determined, and had been so for more than twenty years, that is, to enter into no alliance with any power in Europe. In case of war with England, I would not enter into any alliance with France. In case of war with France, I would not form any alliance with England. We want no alliance: we are equal to all our own necessary wants."
"Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis, tempus agit." We might aid and be aided by a power at war with our enemy, and might concert operations from time to time: but I would take no engagement that should tie up our hands from making peace whenever we pleased. Had the war with France continued, I might have been drawn by the force of public opinion, or the influence of the legislature, into an alliance with England; but it would have been against my own judgment and inclination.
"Let me conclude this letter with an anecdote. Mr. Franklin told me, that before his return to America from England, in 1773, he was in company, I believe, at Lord Spencer's, with a number of English noblemen, when the conversation turned upon fables, those of Aesop, La Fontaine, Gay, Moore, &c. &c. Some one of the company observed, that he thought the subject was exhausted. He did not believe that any man could now find an animal, beast, bird, or fish, that he could not work into a new fable with any success; and the whole company appeared to applaud the idea, except Franklin, who was silent. The gentleman insisted on his opinion. He said, with submission to their lordships, he believed that subject was inexhaustible, and that many new & instructive fables might be made out of such materials. Can you think of one at present? If your lordship will furnish me a pen, ink and paper, I believe I can furnish your lordship with one in a few minutes. The paper was brought, and he sat down and wrote:
"Once upon a time, an eagle scaling round a farmer's barn, and spying a hare, darted down upon him like a sun-beam, seized him in his claws, and re-mounted with him in the air. He soon found that he had a creature of more courage & strength than a hare, for which, notwithstanding the keenness of his eye-sight, he had mistaken a cat. The snarling and scrambling of the prey was very inconvenient, and what was worse, she had disengaged herself from his talons, grasped his body with her four limbs, so as to stop his breath, and seized fast hold of his throat with her teeth. Pray, said the eagle, let go your hold and I will release you. Very fine, said the cat, I have no fancy to fall from this height and be crushed to death. You have taken me up, and you shall stoop and let me down. The eagle thought it necessary to stoop accordingly. The moral was so applicable to England & America, that the fable was allowed to be original and highly applauded.
"Let Hamilton say what he will, the French directory found it convenient to stoop and set us down on our honest ground of neutrality and impartiality, as the English Eagle did formerly and now does a second time.
Quincy, May, 1809. JOHN ADAMS.
And am, with perfect respect, your most obedient servant,
WILLIAM EUSTIS.
The President of the U. States.
Abstract of the General Returns of troops of the U. S. composing "The Military Peace Establishment," and "The Additional Military Force," showing the strength of each Regiment and Corps, including recruits.
   Regiments and Corps Officer Enlisted Total     Brigadier Generals 1 2 3   Adjutants and Inspectors 1 0 1   Brigade Inspectors 0 1 1   Pay-Master 1 0 1   Colonels 4 6 10   Lieutenant Colonels 4 7 11   Majors 8 8 16   Captains 43 73 116   First Lieutenants 41 76 117   Second Lieutenants 40 73 113   Cornets 0 8 8   Ensigns 20 53 73   Adjutants 2 3 5   District Pay-Masters 1 0 1   Assistant District Pay-Master 1 0 1   Regimental Pay-Master 0 1 1   Assistant Military Agents 5 0 5   Quarter Masters 0 3 3   Surgeons 2 7 9   Surgeons' Mates 2 4 6   Teacher of French Language 1 0 1   Teacher of Mathematics 1 0 1   Teacher of Drawing 1 0 1   Cadets of Engineers 4 0 4   Cadets of Artillerists 42 0 42   Sergeant Majors 1 1 2   Principal Musician 0 1 1   Teachers of Music 2 0 2   Sergeants 145 200 345   Corporals 137 187 324   Musicians 131 82 213   Artificers 129 16 145   Farrier 0 7 7   Privates 2153 2939 5192   Total 2953 3801 6754  
RECAPITULATION.
   "The Military Peace Establishment."   General and subordinate staff officers, 47   Corps of Engineers, 45   Regiment of Artillerists, 1,590   First Regiment of Infantry, 596   Second Regiment of Infantry, 675   Total, 2,953   "The Additional Military Force."   General Staff Officers, 3   Regiment of Light Dragoons, 416   Regiment of Light Artillery, 424   Third Regiment of Infantry, 346   Fourth ditto ditto 635   Fifth ditto ditto 694   Sixth ditto ditto 594   Seventh ditto ditto 203   Regiment of Riflemen, 466   Total, 3,801  
The troops composing "The Additional Military Force" are doing duty at the different posts and garrisons indistinctly with those of "The Military Peace Establishment."
Those of them who have been recruited south of Pennsylvania have been generally detached to New Orleans.
Those raised north of Pennsylvania are on duty in the states in which they were recruited.
NEGROES FOR SALE.
WILL be sold to the highest bidder on twelve months credit, at capt. Nat. Perkins's Tavern, on Saturday the 8th day of July next—Three Negroes viz. a woman and two likely girls—belonging to the estate of Henry Hopkins dec'd—Bail & approved security will be required to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
ROBERT FRENCH, Administrator. Goochland, June 9. wtds
NEGROES FOR SALE.
Pursuant to a power vested in us by a deed of trust executed on the 11th day of Dec. 1807, by Nicholas Syme and John M. Syme, will be sold conformably to the act entitled "An Act concerning executions and for other purposes," on Wednesday, the 5th of July next, if the day admit, otherwise the next that does, at the tavern of Wm. McDougle in the town of New-Castle, in the county of Hanover, the following Slaves, to wit: Jack, Tom, Davy, Arthur, Spencer, Patty and child Rachel, Sukey, Levina and Joe, with the increase of the females; or such of the said Slaves as be living, to satisfy and comply with the purposes mentioned in the said deed.
THE TRUSTEES. May 23. w6w
NOTICE.
Pursuant to a deed in trust, executed to us by John Harper of Nottoway county and recorded in the same court, bearing date the first day of July, 1808, in order to secure the payment of a debt due Owen Smith: We shall, on the first day of July next, at Jennings's Ordinary, proceed to sell, to the highest bidder, the following SLAVES, to wit: old John, Betty and her increase, young John and Rachael, or as many of them as may be sufficient to satisfy the purport of said deed and cost accruing. JOHN BOOTH, JOHN P. SMITH. June 2. w4w6
VIRGINIA, to wit:
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in Richmond, the twentieth day of May, 1809.
RULE.—Great inconveniences and delays having arisen from motions to alter, and amend the decrees and special entries of this Court, after they have been entered of record, it is expected that in future the Counsel will respectively in all cases where a special decree or entry shall be deemed necessary, prepare notes of such decree or entry as they may think ought to be made on the decision, to be considered as part of their statement and delivered to the Judges, with the record, at the final argument, in each cause. A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. June 9. wt15A.
ADVERTISEMENT.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed by John Ball, sen. to the subscribers, to secure the payment of £ 273 9 7, with the interest due thereon to John Lewis: Will be sold, on Saturday, the 22d day of July next, on the premises, to the highest bidder, a tract of LAND, containing by estimation, 275 acres, lying part in Halifax county, and part in Pittsylvania, upon Dan river, at the mouth of Sandy creek, about two miles from the town of Milton. There are some river and creek low grounds on the above tract, which, as well as the high land, is of good quality. Bond with security will be required of the purchaser, payable at the repeal or expiration of an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed at their last session, entitled "An act concerning executions, and for other purposes." FRANCIS DABNEY, GEORGE DABNEY, Trustees. June 2. w1w6
COMMITTED
to the jail of King William county, a Negro Man named TOM, a runaway, who says he belongs to a Mr. Christie, living in the state of Tennessee, and escaped from the said Christie in Bedford county, in the state of Virginia, some time in the month of August last, and says he was sold to the said Christie by a Mr. Brady of Pittsylvania: The said fellow is about five feet eight or nine inches high, and of a yellow complexion; the owner is desired to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and take him away.
H. LITTLEPAGE, D. Sheriff. For Wm. GREGORY, Sheriff. April 18. wSmp
THE SUBSCRIBERS,
TAKE LEAVE TO INFORM THEIR FRIENDS AND THE PUBLIC IN GENERAL, THAT THE
EAGLE TAVERN,
In the City of Richmond, will hereafter be conducted under the immediate management of GEORGE TURNER, they having formed an engagement for this purpose. They entertain the most sanguine hopes that their unremitting exertions will entitle them to patronage and favor. Every comfort which necessity may require, or which taste may suggest, will be procured with avidity and pleasure. They are determined, if possible, to render the EAGLE, in every department of their business, agreeable to their guests, and a pleasant abode to the stranger. Their solicitude upon this score has induced them, at considerable expense, to make some important changes in the arrangement of the rooms. They feel a great share of confidence in assuring their friends that they will meet with every convenience and attention that a house of this character is calculated to afford. Their Bed-Rooms are furnished with an entire new set of beds and furniture, with a suit of curtains to each, and the floor covered with carpets. Their stables are large & commodious (which will always be furnished with a full supply of the best provender the country affords) stands within twenty steps of the house, with a pump of excellent water at the door, for the purpose of watering and washing the horses. They take leave further to state, that a COFFEE-ROOM has lately been established in one of the rooms of the Eagle, in which the newspapers from all the principal towns on the continent are to be seen. With these advantages, & these determinations, in which they are resolved never to relax, they can but hope for the most flattering success.
GEORGE TURNER. JAMES S. SMITHERS. N. B. The printers throughout the U. States are requested to insert the above one weak, and in future direct to Turner and Smithers. G. T. & J. S. S. May 9. tf
NEW ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
BELL TAVERN.
The exclusive management and superintendence of this House, has devolved upon the Subscriber, who, with Dr. Wm. Holmes & Wilson Allen, are alone interested in it. No pains or expense has been spared to render this establishment one among the first upon the continent—and nothing, on the part of the subscriber, shall be wanting to support its reputation and deserve public patronage. There are 40 rooms in and attached to the tavern. The largest and most commodious Stable in the City, and every convenience necessary to render the House a good one. It has lately undergone considerable change, and thorough repair. The Subscriber has laid in an assortment of the best Liquors, and hopes, from his experience, to merit and meet with public support. RICHARD C. WORTHAM. Richmond, May 12. wtf
A TUTOR WANTED.
The Trustees of the town of York, are anxious to employ a gentleman of character, & literary acquirements, to conduct a SCHOOL in the said town. The branches of Science to be taught are, reading, writing, English grammar, arithmetic, geography, use of the globes, the Latin and Greek classics. The situation of York is pleasant and healthy: From twenty to forty pupils can be procured: A comfortable house will be furnished the tutor free of expense. A person who shall produce testimonials of his sobriety, discretion and acquirements, which shall qualify him for the confidential situation, will meet with encouragement on application to
CORBIN GRIFFIN, } Committee of TH. GRIFFIN, } ROBT. NELSON, jr. } Trustees. May 2. tf
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND,
Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Boxes Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine IN STOCK. 17 Hogsheds Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Half-mah Segrars, 3 Bales Welch Plaids, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17. tf
A REWARD
of twenty dollars will be given for the delivery, to us, of a TRUNK, which was put in charge of a negro waterman, on the 11th ult. to be carried to Milton. It was a hair trunk of about 7 or 8 feet cubic contents, labeled on a card on the top T. L. No. 28, and contained principally writing paper of various qualities, but also some other articles of stationary, a pocket telescope with a brass case, a Dynamometer in steel and brass, or instrument for measuring the exertions of draught animals, a collection of vocabularies of the Indian languages, & some other articles not particularly noted in the memorandum taken. GIBSON & JEFFERSON. May 30. tf
HATS, SHOES, PORTER, &c.
J. BURR, offers for sale, at the same house in which is kept the Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle-Tavern, A COMPLETE ASSORTMENT OF HAT'S & C. Including Gentlemen's black, drab and patent Silk BEAVERS, CASTORS, RORUMS, &c. Chip and Leghorn Hats, Mens' and Boys' Wool do. Servants' Glazed Leather do. Hatters' Trimmings and Materials. SHOES, Ladies' Morocco and Kid Slips and Ties, Gentlemen's superfine press Shoes and Pumps Constantly on hand a large stock of bottled Porter, Ale and Cyder, Philadelphia Beer, &c. &c. April 18. tf
NEW GOODS.
JOHN KING, has just received an additional supply of Spring and Summer GOODS, Selected from the late importations, and which are now opening for sale, at his Cheap Cash Store. May 19. tf
LANDS FOR SALE.
The Subscriber being advanced in years and infirm, which prevents him from attempting to dispose of them on the different spots, offers the following Tracts to the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity. He will simply observe, that it will be seen by the dates of the surveys, that they are not common speculation Lands. They cost him a large sum, but will be sold, without reserve, either by private sale, or exchange for property in this neighborhood, if any offers are made at public auction, on the first Thursday in Oct. next, if it happens to be the race week, else on the Thursday of said week and month, on a credit of 6 and 12 months.
The subscriber is thus early in publishing his intention, because he wishes to offer an opportunity to those who might become inclined to purchase, either in person, or on their friends and acquaintances visiting the neighboring Springs and counties, to get some knowledge of the situation and value of the same, by which alone, they may be enabled to judge whether or not great bargains may be expected from the purchase of them. G. S. STRAS.
4535 Acres, (more or less by 200 acres) in the county of Greenbrier, on Meadow river, facing the mouth of such, and joining the lands & low grounds of Samuel McClung. William McClung, Samuel Price, and Wm. Kenis, on the great road to Kentucky.
1550 acres, in Bottetourt county, on Barber's creek, on the main road (made lately) from the Sweet Spring to Fincastle, distant 9 miles from the Spring, and 16 from Fincastle.
1000 acres in aforesaid county, and joining the foregoing tract, and the plantation of Thomas Price, on said creek and road to Fincastle: there is a bad sulphur spring on this tract.
550 acres in said county, joining the plantation of Rofzinger, and extending a small distance over the Blue Ridge in Bedford county.
230 acres in said county of Bottetourt, on Lonce's mill creek.
138 acres, formerly in the county of Montgomery, but is (I am informed) by a late division, in Kanawha, on Point creek.
780 acres on Peryer river and Walker's creek, in the Clinch Forest, (in last mentioned county) including the Iron pond and Iron banks.
580 acres in said county, on No-Business Creek, a branch of New river.
2090 acres on the forks of Salt river, state of Kentucky, being part of a tract of 600