The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-03-22 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, MARCH 22, 1808.
[No. 100.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
A YOUNG MAN , who is single, that understands the management of Negroes, and can read and write, with a very little knowledge of figures, if well recommended for honesty, industry and sobriety, may be heard of employment by application to the Editor of this Paper. March 18. (if)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore been carried on under the firm of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADDS, ISAAC WEBSTER. March 18. [if]
REMOVAL. GEORGE WATT has removed to the main-street, next door above the Bell-Tavern, where he offers for sale the following ARTICLES:
20 bds. Brown Sugar, 30 bds. Molasses, 8 tiers and 8 barrels best green Coffee, 20 bds. Antigua Rum, 5 pipes Holland Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 bds. and 20 bds. Northern Whiskey, 15 qr. casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Y. H. Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin do. 5 chests Souchong do. and 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, March 18. [law6w]
MINELANDS FOR SALE. The subscriber will sell a Tract of Land containing 2731 acres, lying in Hampshire county, within 20 miles of Winchester, on Cacapon, a branch of Potomac. This Land contains a large body of iron ore of an excellent quality, which has been worked on a small scale, but discontinued for want of funds; and would be to any person able to carry it on, a very valuable acquisition.
Also a tract in said county on the waters of Mill Creek under the South Branch Mountain, containing 258 acres—297 acres on Mill Creek, within 12 miles of Romney—400 acres on the waters of Cacapon—1000 acres on the falls of Green River in the state of Kentucky, and 1000 acres on the waters of Ohio in Kentucky. Undisputed titles will be given; and terms made known by applying to Mr. Harry Heth at the Coal Pitts or the subscriber at Curles, on James River, 15 miles below Richmond. WILL. M. HETH. March 18. [ep124w]
FOR SALE , 121,000 acres of LAND in Kentucky, in the forks of Great Sandy River:
24,000 do in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river;
20,000 do in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks;
1,000 do in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river;
Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments.
TO RENT , a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. [if]
FOR SALE —The TENEMENT now occupied by Abraham B. Venable, Esq. pleasantly situated on Shockoe-Hill, and contiguous to the Capitol Square. That part of the Lot on which the dwelling-house stands has a front upon the street leading to the Capitol of 41 feet, and extends back 70 feet; and the other part, which is now used as a garden, has about 66 front and upwards of 145 in depth. The purchaser will be entitled to the rents to the first of October, when Mr. Venable's time expires. One third of the purchase money is to be paid on concluding the bargain; another third in three and the residue in six months. Negotiable notes with approved endorsers will be required for the two last payments, and the title will be retained by me until all the payments shall be made. JOHN BROWN. Richmond, March 11. [if]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY. At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday the 16th February, 1808. Resolved, That a call of five dollars on each share be made on the Stock holders in the said company, and that they pay the same to their Treasurer on or before the fifteenth of April next. A copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk.
The stock holders must not expect me to call on them for the money, as the law does not require it, nor does the duty which I have undertaken to perform for the company, impose it on me. N. SHEPPARD. February 19. [if]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his escape, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jan. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ep4w]
THE COMMISSIONERS appointed under the act of the Congress of the United States, "Authorizing the Erection of a BRIDGE over the River Potomac, within the District of Columbia," to receive subscriptions for erecting the same, hereby give notice that the Books of Subscription, will be opened at Steele's Hotel in the City of Washington, on the 1st Monday in April next, between the hours of 12 at noon, and 3 P. M. Robert Brent, Daniel Currell, John Thompson, Jonathan Swift, Thomas Vowell, Cuthbert Powell, Elisha Fanny, Charles Alexander. The act of Congress authorizes the subscription of Two Thousand Shares, and requires the payment of ten dollars on each share at the time of subscription. The residue to be paid in installments of ten dollars at such times as the company shall fix. Form of Power required from those who make use of an agent. I empower _____ to subscribe for me, in my name, for _____ shares of Potomac Bridge stock, under the "Act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia." March 4. [ep4w]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. The subscriber begs leave to inform the Citizens of Richmond, and the public in general, he has established himself in the above line. Any business entrusted to his care will be done on the most liberal terms. D. DORRINGTON. Richmond, Feb. 25. [law6w]
FOR SALE —The LINE of STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [Fff]
FOR SALE —The LINE of STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [Fff]
FOR SALE —The LINE of STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [Fff]
NOTICE , to the creditors of James and Alexander Dunlop—That on Saturday the 30th day of April next, at 9 o'clock A. M. the subscribers will proceed at the Counting Room of Henry Hovey, in this city, to make a dividend of the funds in their hands, arising from a deed of trust executed to them by Alexander Dunlop, the surviving partner, and duly recorded in the General Court.
The several creditors will be particular in lodging their claims with H. Hovey, duly established, before the day limited for payment—and where, from the remote residence of any of the creditors, it shall be inconvenient to give personal attendance, they will use the precaution to appoint an attorney in fact, for the purpose of subscribing to the terms of the said deed of trust, and also of receiving the dividend.
For the information of those concerned, the following clause is extracted from the said deed. "But it is hereby declared and fully to be understood, that if any creditor or creditors of the said James and Alexander Dunlop shall refuse to accept the provisions of this deed of trust, and shall institute any suit or suits against the said Alexander Dunlop as surviving partner, that then, and in every such case, the person or persons so refusing, shall be barred of, and excluded all benefit arising from the provisions of this trust, and thereupon it shall and may be lawful for the said trustees to proceed to make a dividend of the money coming to their hands under this trust, between and amongst those only, who shall consent to rest their claims upon the provisions contained in this deed: the property and effects hereby conveyed, being all to which the said Alexander Dunlop is entitled, either as surviving partner or as an individual." WM. LONG, HENRY HOVEY, } Trustees. SAML. M'CRAW, } Richmond, March 8, 1808. [ep130A]
THE Subscriber intends in future, to practice LAW in the county courts of Henrico, & King William, and in the Superior and District Courts of the City of Richmond—His attendance on these courts will be regular and uniform. EDWARD CARTER STANLEY. Richmond, Feb. 8. (if)
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE-KEEPERS of the CITY OF RICHMOND authorized to vote for common councilmen, take notice that the election will take place on Wednesday the first day of April next, the poll will be opened at ten o'clock at the following places: in Jeffersonward at the Court-House, in Madisonward at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroeward at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick House. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. March 11. [ep1stW.A.]
NOTICE —SIMSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS under cost and charges, as he positively intends to quit the above business on or before April next. The remainder of the stock consists of the following articles suitable for the present and approaching season, viz: Broad Cloth, Cassimeres, Bonnaire's Patent Cord, Corduroy, Thicksets, Velveteen, Black Florentine Silk, Toilets, Flannels and Baizes of various colors, Wildboar, linen and cotton Chequees, fine 7-8 and 4-4 Irish Linen and Kenting; Dowlas; a large assortment of fine Linen Cambric, ladies and gentlemen's silk & cotton Hose, white and black Brussels' Laces, ladies silk and camel hair Shawls, silk and cotton Gloves, fine corded and cambric Dimity; a large assortment of fashionable India and British Muslins, Cotton Cambric of various colors, fashionable printed Calico, Nankeen, white and colored Marseilles and Janes, Cotton Cassimere, India Cotton and Table Cloths, and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate. Feb. 6. [2ad8w]
WHEREAS I the subscriber in the life time of Carr Chapman, deceased, to wit: In the month of January, eighteen hundred and five, did execute to him a bond for four hundred and fifty dollars, a promissory note for fifty dollars and another for a hoghead of Antigua Rum; and whereas I have an equitable defence against the payment of said bond and notes, I hereby forewarn all persons from taking a transfer or assignment of the same, as I shall certainly refuse to discharge them unless compelled by legal process. THOMAS CHAPMAN. Dumfries, Feb. 19. (ff)
THE Subscriber intends to practice law in the Counties of Pittsylvania, Henry and Rockingham in North Carolina—Letters addressed to him should be directed to Danville. GEORGE TUCKER. Pittsylvania, March 1. [if]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS. The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. G. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [onwtf]
LANDS FOR SALE. —The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New Canton. This Land is very valuable; having on it 900 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family, and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be shown to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land—One tract on Randolph's creek, of 408 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gilley Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne.—Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar.
These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next. WADE MOSBY. Powhatan, Dec. 4. (Fff)
FOR SALE —The LINE of STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser, if application is made to the subscriber on or before the first day of April ensuing. It is unnecessary to speak of the advantages or profits accruing to the proprietor of this Line as none will purchase without making the necessary enquiries. RICHARD TERRELL. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. [Fff]
WASHINGTON, March 14. A statement of the affair between Mr. Gardenier and Mr. Campbell.
On the 23d day of February, Mr. Gardenier addressed to Mr. George W. Campbell the following note:
City of Washington, Feb. 23, 1808.
SIR, It would be as impossible as it would be painful to me to remind you of all the expressions in which you indulged yourself concerning me in the debate in the House of Representatives yesterday. Among them were charges of falsehood, meanness, and baselessness. I have allowed you one night to reflect on the intemperance of such language, and I must insist that you will either disavow the expressions alluded to, to the satisfaction of my friend, Mr. White, or through him, authorize me to consider them as having been avowed out of the walls of the House. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, B. GARDENIER.
G. W. Campbell, Esq. To this note Mr. Geo. W. Campbell returned the following answer:
Washington, Feb. 23, 1808.
SIR, Your note of this morning has just been received. In answer to which, I have only to say, that any expressions used by me, will never be disavowed. The circumstance that produced the expressions which I used, must be fresh in your recollection: The charge made on Saturday by you, that the majority of the House, of whom I was one, were governed by French influence. Had the same charge been made in any other place, I should have used the same expressions in answer to it—I am, Sir, your most obt. GEO. W. CAMPBELL. B. Gardenier, Esq.
To this note, Mr. Gardenier returned the following answer:
Washington, Feb. 23, 1808.
SIR, I ACKNOWLEDGE the receipt of your note, in answer to mine of this morning—after declaring "That any expression used by you, will never be disavowed," you have in that note entered into a justification of those expressions. I am no less surprised now, to find that you persist, in imputing to me, a charge I never made, than I was yesterday, to hear that you say the same thing. In my note of this morning, I desired you, either to disavow the offensive expressions made in the House, or to avow them out of the House. You have as yet done neither. You have merely said, "had the same charge been made in any other place, I should have used the same expressions." This is no avowal of the expressions out of the House; because it does not suppose a state of things, in which the expressions could have been applied to me. I am therefore under the necessity of repeating the request contained in my note of this morning for the last time. I am, Sir, your obt. B. GARDENIER. G. W. Campbell, Esq.
In answer to this letter, Mr. G. W. Campbell authorized his friend to deliver to the friend of Mr. Gardenier, the following message:
I am authorized by Mr. George W. Campbell, to make known to Mr. Gardenier, thro' you, that in regard to the affair which was the subject of his note of the 23d, and his letter of the same day, Mr. Campbell will claim no advantage of any privilege he may possess as a member of the House; and this, with the answer of Mr. Campbell to Mr. Gardenier's first note, is the only answer deemed proper to be made to his letter of the same date.
This message was delivered to the friend of Mr. Gardenier at 12 o'clock on the 24th; and on the same day Mr. Gardenier sent the following note:
Washington City, Feb. 24, 1808.
SIR, Mr. Eppes has, this moment, delivered to my friend, Mr. White, a message from you, in consequence of which, I have to request of you, to make arrangements for meeting me as speedily as your convenience will permit. I am, Sir, your obt. servt. B. GARDENIER. G. W. Campbell, Esq.
In answer to this note, Mr. Geo. W. Campbell authorized his friend to deliver to the friend of Mr. Gardenier, the following message:
I am authorized on the part of Mr. Geo. W. Campbell, to say, that he will meet Mr. Gardenier at such time and place as may be agreed on between us. This message was delivered in about three quarters of an hour, after receiving Mr. Gardenier's last note.
On the following day, the friends of the parties, in consequence of a previous arrangement, met on the top of the hill near George-Town, and rode along the main road leading to Montgomery court-house, until they passed the territorial line. A spot was fixed on just out of the District of Columbia, and not far from the road leading to Montgomery court-house. The friends of the parties arranged, without any difficulty or difference of opinion, the time, place and manner of meeting. The parties appeared on the ground before the appointed time.
The appearance of a number of persons, prevented them from carrying into effect the object of their meeting. Finding it impossible at that time to proceed, it was agreed on the ground that a new meeting should take place. The parties returned to the city of Washington, and about 9 o'clock at night, Mr. White presented to Mr. Eppes the following note for Mr. Campbell:
Washington City, Feb. 27, 1808.
SIR, A new arrangement in consequence of the unfortunate interruption which happened to our meeting becomes indispensable. You will
of course consent that our friends Mr. White and Mr. Eppes proceed to make it with all possible dispatch. I need not state the causes, which render this of the first necessity. I am your obt. servt. B. GARDENIER. G. W. Campbell, Esq.
To this note, the friend of Geo. W. Campbell returned the next morning the following answer:
February 28, 1808.
SIR, MR. GARDENIER's note of last evening has been presented to Mr. George W. Campbell. I shall be ready on his part to make the necessary arrangements with all possible dispatch. I am your most obedient, JOHN W. EPPES.
The publicity given to the affair by the first unsuccessful attempt to meet on the Montgomery road, and the interposition afterwards of the civil authority of the district, delayed the second meeting a few days. A place having been fixed on without the district, the parties repaired to Bladensburg after night, the evening preceding their meeting. They met the next morning, March the 2d, at the place appointed, took their stations, fired nearly at the same time, and Mr. Gardenier was severely wounded. Every thing was conducted on the ground with the utmost propriety. To prevent misrepresentations, this statement is signed by the friends of the parties. SAMUEL WHITE, JOHN W. EPPES.
EUROPE.
NEW-YORK, March 8. Extract of a letter from a respectable commercial house in Lisbon to another in this city, dated December 17.
"We are authorized to assure you that the produce of the United States will be admitted into Portugal without a certificate of origin, and that no questions will be asked whether vessels bringing the same have or have not been into British ports, notwithstanding the late or any other decree to the contrary, and that your vessels will not meet with any other future detention here."
Captain Gardner, who arrived yesterday from Madeira and Tercera, 37 days from the latter place, informs us that a few days previous to his leaving Tercera, a British ship arrived from off Madeira, with dispatches to the governor general, informing that a most distressing famine had commenced at Lisbon.—No Portuguese of any description were allowed to leave the country, and great numbers were obliged to enter the French army for subsistence. British troops were daily expected at Tercera.
FROM A GIBRALTAR PAPER OF JAN. 16.
MADRID, Jan. 8, 1808.
His Majesty has been pleased to issue the following Royal Decree:
The abominable crime committed by the English ships of war, in 1804, by the express order of their government, against the 4 frigates of my royal navy, which were iniquitously surprised, attacked and captured, while navigating in the full security of peace, induced me to put an end to all intercourse with the British Cabinet, and to consider myself as in a state of war with a power which had so unjustly violated the laws of nations and humanity. So atrocious an aggression was a sufficient motive for me to break asunder all the bonds by which a nation is connected by another, if I had not taken into consideration what I owed to myself, and to the honor and glory of my crown and of my beloved subjects. Two years of war elapsed without the pride of Great Britain in the least abating, or her renouncing the unjust dominion which she exercises over the seas; instead of which, on the contrary, confounding friends with foes, she has displayed her determination to treat all in the same tyrannical manner. Moved by these considerations, I determined in February last, conforming myself to the wise measures adopted by my intimate ally, the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, to declare, as I did declare, The British Islands in a state of blockade, in order to try whether I could by this means, bring the British cabinet to give up their unjust dominion over the seas, and to conclude a solid and lasting peace. Far from it, not only have they rejected the propositions which have been made to them, on the part of my intimate Ally, the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, both directly and through the channel of several powers in amity with England; but, having been guilty of the greatest atrocity and piracy in the scandalous attack upon the town and port of Copenhagen, they have pulled off the mask in such a manner that nobody can doubt but their insatiable ambition aims at the exclusive commerce and navigation of every sea. Nothing evinces it so clearly as the measures which they have just adopted, under date the 14th (11) of November last, not only declaring in a state of blockade all the coasts of France, Spain, their Allies or those occupied by the armies of either power, but also seizing the vessels of neutral powers, at peace or even in alliance with England, not only to be searched by the British cruisers, but also to touch, in spite of themselves, at a port of Great Britain, and to pay so much per cent upon the value of their cargoes, according to the arbitrary determination of the British legislature. In consequence whereof, being authorised by the just rights of reciprocity to take such measures as I deem fit to prevent the abuse which the British cabinet are making of their forces, with regard to neutral flags, and in order to see whether they may thereby be prevailed upon to give up such unjust tyranny, I have resolved to adopt the same measures which have been taken by my intimate Ally, the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and it is my will that they shall be adopted throughout my dominions, as follows:
Considering, that, by the above mentioned act of the 14th [11th] of November last, the British cabinet have stripped the vessels of all European nations of their national character, and that no government has the power of giving up any share of its independence, all the Sovereigns of Europe being guarantors of the sovereignty and independence of their flags; and that, if, through an undeniable weakness, which would be an unpardonable stain in the eyes of posterity, such tyranny were allowed to be laid down as a principle, and consecrated by custom, the English would take it for granted to establish it as a right, in the same manner that they have availed themselves of the toleration of governments, for the purpose of establishing the infamous principle, that the flag does not protect the goods, and of giving
their right of blockade an arbitrary latitude, to the prejudice of the sovereignty of all states; I have decreed, and decree what follows:
[Here follows an almost literal copy of the first four articles of Bonaparte's decree. Let it be so understood &c.—Subscribed by his Majesty—Araujo, Jan. 8, 1808. A. D. PETER CEVALLOS.]
INTENDED SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR. Captain Kitts, of the Schooner Julien, arrived at Philadelphia on the 4th instant, from Lisbon, which he left on the 25th of January, informs, that it was very generally reported, at his departure that a French army, consisting of three hundred thousand men, had entered Spain, on their way to besiege Gibraltar; which it was added, was to be conducted by Bonaparte in person.
Captain Kitts further informs, that the French still continued in Lisbon, which was held by them as a conquered city; that Sir Sidney Smith, was off the harbor, keeping a sharp look-out for the Russian squadron then in port, besides strictly blocking the place; that an embargo was laid, and continued in force, when Capt. R. departed; however, passports could be occasionally obtained, from General Junot.
The first Jan. packet from England arrived at Antigua on the 11th of February, and was said to have brought orders to treat the American flag with respect.
The Intendant of Havanna has issued an order, demanding, that the merchants who hold American produce, shall furnish for the use of government, 6744 bbls. flour; 1027 do. pork; 1351 do. beef; 63,562 wt. of good beans, and 95,813 wt. of ordinary; 2296 jars of oil; and 81 bbls. of vinegar; which, if not delivered in ten days, he will take measures for obtaining by force for the use of his Catholic Majesty's troops.
DOMESTIC.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. Washington City, March 12, 1808.
I enclose you a list of those members who attended the meeting held at the Capitol on January 23d, which recommended JAMES MADISON as President, and GEORGE CLINTON as Vice-President of the United States at the ensuing election. I believe the list to be correct; but as the names were not enrolled on the evening of the meeting, if any gentleman should be named who was not present, upon his suggestion the correction will be made. From this list it appears that 94 were present, of whom 89 voted. I also transmit the names of those gentlemen who were absent from the meeting, or who were present and did not vote, who have authorized me to state that they are in favor of James Madison as President, and George Clinton as Vice-President. RD. M. JOHNSON, Secretary.
LIST OF NAMES.
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE—Messrs. Parker , Carlson, Durell, Gardner, Smith, Storer.  MASSACHUSETTS—Messrs. Adams , Bacon, Barker, Cook, Chandler, Cutts, Deane, Greene, Hilsy, Seaver, Varnum.  RHODE-ISLAND—Messrs. Howland , Mathewson, Knight, Wilbour.  VERMONT—Messrs. Bradley , Robinson, Fisk, Wilkerson.  NEW-YORK—Mr. Kirkpatrick .  NEW-JERSEY—Messrs. Condit , Kitchell, Lambert, Newbold, Sloan, Southard.  PENNSYLVANIA—Messrs. Gregg , Brown, Bard, Findley, Heister, Porter, Pugh, M. Richards, Smith.  MARYLAND—Messrs. Smith , M'Creery, Moore, Montgomery, Nelson.  VIRGINIA—Messrs. Giles , Moore, Burwell, Clay, Dawson, Eppes, Goodwin, Holmes, Jones, Love, Morrow, Newton, Nicholas, Smith, Wilson.  OHIO—Messrs. Tiffin , Morrow.  KENTUCKY—Messrs. Pope , Thruston, Boyle, Desha, Howard, Johnson.  NORTH-CAROLINA—Messrs. Franklin , Alexander, Alston, Blackledge, Blount, Franklin, Holland, Williams.  SOUTH-CAROLINA—Messrs. Sumpter , Alston, Calhoun, Moore, Taylor, Wimm.  GEORGIA—Messrs. Crawford , Milledge, Bibb, Cobb, Smelt, Troup.  TEXAS—Messrs. Anderson , Smith, Campbell, Rhea.  INDIANA TERRITORY—Mr. Parke .  The following are those who were absent, or if present did not vote, who are for James Madison as President, and George Clinton as Vice-President.  Wm. Butler, L. Sawyer, W. Helms, D. Smelt, J. Wharton, Jno. Claiborne, Thos. Kenan, J. C. Jackson, R. Whitehill, Jacob Crowninshield.  Those whose names are in Italics are Senators. The others are members of the H. of R.
Extract of a letter from Washington to the editor of the Baltimore American, dated 13th March, 1808.
DEAR SIR, The Vice-President has appeared in the American Citizen of the 10th inst. under his signature.
It is to be regretted that he has not signified his approbation or disapprobation of the nomination that has been made. Will he serve as Vice-President re-elected? Or will he serve as a candidate for the President? It is to be hoped, that he will prefer the latter to the former, as the republican principles are defeated. He ought, however, to declare his intentions; for a gentleman generally considered as willing to continue, unless he declares to the contrary. The caucus at Lancaster had but one object in view, that of making Snyder their governor. No question as to the person should be put in nomination for president, until the electors are each left to determine for himself as to the proper character. The different parties here each claim a majority. For your satisfaction, I send you a statement of the probable result of the election. Indeed, without some unforeseen event should happen, it is almost certain. Yours, &c.
N. B. The manner of election in each state—L. legislature, G. T. general ticket, D. district. For Madison—Georgia (L) 6, S. Carolina (L) 13, N. Carolina (L) 14, Virginia (G T) 24, Tennessee (D) 5, Kentucky (D) 8, Ohio (G T) 3, Massachusetts (L) 19, Vermont (L) 6, Rhode Island (G T) 4, New-Jersey (G T) 8—Total, 87. Uncertain or divided—Connecticut (L) 9, New Hampshire (G T) 7, Delaware (G T) 3, Maryland (D) 11, Pennsylvania (G T) 20—Total 50.

EUROPE.
GIBRALTAR, January 23.
Positive information has been received, that the combined French and Spanish squadrons...
[Here follows a list of 33 American vessels lying in that harbor, at the time of Capt. Hillard's departure...
Extract of a letter from Barbadoes, dated the 20th of February...
Marquis is closely blockaded by five sail of the line and 3 frigates...
Flour continues at 20 dollars, but provisions will now fall...
Capt. Rainier, of the Caroline frigate, in a letter to Sir Edward Pellew...
Account showing what has been redeemed of the ENGLISH NATIONAL DEBT, THE LAND TAX, and IMPERIAL LOAN...
FROM ENGLAND. London papers to Jan. 18, are received at Port-land...
But little is said on American affairs, though the papers uniformly express a desire to preserve a friendly understanding...
The English stop all vessels bound to enemies ports...
Letters from London so late as January 12th...
PHILADELPHIA, March 15.
Captain Eldridge of the schooner Betsey, who left Barbadoes February 5th...
DOMESTIC.
BALTIMORE, March 15.
Broke Goal last night about dark, by picking the lock and forcing their way through...
We are informed that Mr. Greene was severely wounded in attempting to oppose them...
March 16.
the Happy Couple, Captain Lovell, we have received New Orleans papers to the 14th February...
NEW-ORLEANS, Feb. 13.
As since a bill was introduced into the legislature of this territory...
NORFOLK, March 16.
There was a small error in our statement relative to the sailing of the British and French fleets...
chased by a French ship of the line and a frigate. Admiral D. then concluded that the French fleet had gone to the West-Indies...
It is difficult to conjecture what course the French fleet have taken. If they had been bound to the East-Indies...
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, March 10.
Mr. Dawson having moved for the order of the day, on the bill for raising an additional military force.
A bill was received from the Senate, authorizing an additional military force...
On motion of Mr. Talmaage, the House went into a committee of the whole...
The blank in the bill for the sum to be appropriated for the immediate expense of the militia...
Mr. Kelly observed that the bill authorized the retaining each class of the militia in service for six months.
Messrs. Talmaage, Gardner, and Withers contended against the amendment...
Mr. Kelly's amendment was negatived by a large majority.
The committee rose and reported the bill, which was ordered to a third reading to-morrow.
On motion of Mr. Morrow, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole...
The first resolution was agreed to, Ayes 65. The second (artillery) was negatived.
FRIDAY, March 11.
Messrs. Livermore and Jackson obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.
Mr. Mumford presented a petition from a number of inhabitants of the city of New-York...
Mr. Clifton, from the committee to whom the subject had been referred, reported a bill...
Mr. Dawson from the committee on our military and naval establishments, reported the bill...
The several engrossed bills yesterday ordered to a third reading, were this day passed, except
The bill concerning courts-martial and courts of enquiry. The question having been put...
A debate on the bill then ensued, which occupied the remainder of the sitting...
At four o'clock the House adjourned without having decided the question.
SATURDAY, February 12.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill authorising the loan of arms to the State of Ohio...
The bill concerning courts martial and courts of enquiry were again taken up.
MONDAY, March 14.
A report of the receipts & expenditures of the United States for the year 1806, was received...
Mr. Van Horn presented a petition of a number of inhabitants of the city of Washington...
Mr. Mason held in his hand a resolution on a subject which he wished to present to the consideration of the House...
time to allow a greater discount for payment of ready money.
Resolved, That the committee on public Lands be instructed to enquire into the expediency...
Mr. Quincy, after a preparatory address of near an hour, submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to communicate to the House...
And the question having been put "Will the House now consider this resolution?" It was negatived...
THURSDAY, March 17.
On this day a motion of Mr. Dawson to appoint a committee to enquire at what time it would be proper to adjourn...
The following message was received from the President of the U. States, and referred to a committee...
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
I have heretofore communicated to Congress the decrees of the government of France...
I now transmit a decree of the Emperor of France of Dec. 17th, 1807, and a similar decree...
March 17th, 1808. The House went into a committee on the report of the committee of Elections...
CASE OF JOHN SMITH.
IN SENATE, March 15.
This being the day assigned by the Senate for the further consideration of the report made in this case...
Mr. Hillhouse moved a postponement to the first Monday of April.
Messrs. Robinson, Crawford, Gregg, and Anderson opposed, and Mr. Adams supported this motion.
Mr. Kitchell expressed a hope that, if a postponement obtained, it would not be to so distant a day.
Mr. Hillhouse acquiesced in this suggestion.
Mr. Giles moved a postponement to Monday week. This motion was supported by Messrs. Giles, Adams and Bayard...
At the request of Mr. Smith's counsel, the business was postponed till to-morrow.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 22, 1808.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
NUMBER II.
To Messrs. Joseph Clay, Abraham Trigg, John Russell, Josiah Masters, Geo: Clinton...
GENTLEMEN, Your protest deserves farther notice.
It is for your good, that you should know what the people think of it and of its authors...
How illy your precepts and your practice agree on the subject of caucussing...
As the grounds of your protest against the late caucus, you tell us that a caucus, composed of members of Congress...
When was it ever more so than on the present occasion? When (to say the least of them) a parcel of hot-brained young men...
the constitution," would be "a gross assumption of power not delegated by the people," although it would, in fact, involve the commission of perjury...
But why are you not in caucus, gentlemen? for they every crisis has arrived which, according to your principles, would render it proper...
But before we take a final leave of the subject of caucussing, permit us to requite the confession of faith...
It is the object of the constitution, that the President and Vice-President of the U. States should be chosen in the manner first pointed out in the second article...
There is great danger among the people, disappointed, and that nine times out of ten the election will be cast on Congress.
When was it ever more so than on the present occasion? When (to say the least of them) a parcel of hot-brained young men...
to abuse. But in this sentiment Doctor Johnson went upon the supposition, that the abuse should proceed upon names, or at least some small degree of resemblance to them.

When that country which had been the scene and the subject of Yazoo speculation, was ceded by the state of Georgia to the U. States, it passed, with all its encumbrances and claims which previously existed upon it. These were derived from various sources: 1st. From the British government while the country belonged to the British: 2d. From the Spanish Crown, after its conquest of West Florida. 3d. From occupancy and settlement only; and 4th. From the state of Georgia. Petitions, memorials and remonstrances swarmed before Congress, and among others, those of the Yazoo speculators. It became important to the U. States to ascertain how many of those claims were well founded and deserved to be confirmed; how many were factitious and deserved to be rejected. By an act of Congress passed in 1800, the commissioners of the U. States who had been previously appointed to settle limits with the state of Georgia, were authorised 1st "to enquire into the claims which are or shall be made by settlers, or any other persons whatsoever to any part of the lands aforesaid." 2d. "To receive from such settlers and claimants any propositions of compromise." 3d. "To lay a full statement of the claims and propositions, together with their opinion thereon, before Congress." Mr. Madison, the Secretary of State, Mr. Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Lincoln, the then Attorney General of the U. States, were the commissioners appointed to perform those laborious duties. They discharged them with ability; and all three concurred in the report upon this subject. In explaining the Yazoo claims, so far as they are from suppressing one single feature of that hideous transaction, that they open up all the sources of corruption in which the Georgia law originated, point out the names of the corrupted members, and arrange and exhibit the proofs of that corruption. In short, they exhibit the whole of the evidence which was the theme of so much eloquent declamation in Congress. Never was there a case of infamous corruption, more luminously, more ably, and more cogently developed and displayed, than that of the Yazoo in their report. They were directed however by the law, under which they were acting, to receive any proposals of compromise which might be made by the Yazoo claimants, and to report such proposals to Congress, together with their opinion. They accordingly received and reported the Yazoo proposals, and give their opinion that they were inadmissible. At the same time they think that there were features in this transaction, which deserved their consideration and that of Congress. For instance, a great number of virtuous and innocent men at a distance from the scene of action, and who knew nothing of the corruption in which the law of Georgia originated, had been induced to become purchasers of Yazoo lands. The law itself on the face of it was not only fair, but popular. It was an act supplementary to an act entitled "an act appropriating a part of the unlocated territory of this state to the payment of the late state troope." The assembly of the state of Georgia, a body having full power on the subject, pledge the faith of the state for the validity of the grant. On the faith of this pledge, distant men, as virtuous as any in the United States, and knowing nothing of this case except the fair face of the law, were induced to take titles under it. Was it competent to the state of Georgia, one only of the contracting parties, to revoke the law, and that to the prejudice of these innocent purchasers? These were difficulties which the commissioners had to consider and to report their opinion upon. The United States had now taken the place of Georgia; it had acquired by cession a vast territory; and besides doing strict justice to itself, it was bound to do what was equitable to others. It was bound to consult its own dignity in the mode of adjusting these disputes, and its own interest in removing all the sources of litigation and quieting the titles of its own future grantees in this territory. Considering these circumstances, the real hardships of the innocent purchasers and the rich acquisition which the United States had gained in the territory, the three commissioners concurred in thinking: the most liberal and sound policy to put an end to all disputes, by giving to those claimants a reasonable compensation for their disappointments and losses.
This is the whole case. The opinion may be incorrect; many very just and intelligent men think it incorrect; but no man of ordinary liberality ever thought it dishonest. We see nothing in it, which a man of the purest integrity need blush to avow: and we will add that the arguments which support the opinion of these three virtuous and eminent men have never yet been answered, and perhaps never will be answered in any other way than by resorting to the sovereign power of Congress on the subject, and appealing to the angry passions on the corrupt origin of the claims: a corruption, at which we are sure no man felt more indignant than the three gentlemen who made the report in question. Yet for this opinion, which, if wrong, could do no harm, because the whole foundation on which it rested were submitted to Congress, so as to enable them to judge for themselves—for this opinion, you, members of Congress, and professing a high regard for virtue and character, you have the justice and liberality to single out Mr. Madison, and brand him with every odious epithet which your habits of obloquy and invective can supply! We see this transaction, and this gentleman in his true light; and be assured that we see you, in your true light.
Mr. Madison is beyond your reach. Abandon the vain and ignominious enterprise in which you have embarked. Repeat and retract to the fold of republicanism. The people may even yet forgive your aberrations, gross and flagrant as they are. But do not expect that the people will sacrifice their dignity, their justice, their gratitude & their interest, at the shrine of your capricious resentment and unbounded ambition. ONE OF THE PEOPLE. FOR THE ENQUIRER. To the People of Virginia, and particularly to the Friends of James Monroe's Election to the office of President of the United States: FELLOW-CITIZENS, WE, whose names are subjoined, are the members who compose the Standing Corresponding Committee, appointed by the caucus held at the Capitol, on the 21st day of January last, by those members of the Legislature of Virginia, who advocate the election of JAMES MONROE, to the Presidential office. Hitherto, we have been, apparently, supine; but our silence and inactivity did not result from a want of zeal in the cause, to which our friends in the General Assembly
believed to be attached. We were then, and indeed had been long before of opinion, that in the competition for the chief magistracy of the union, which was anticipated & now exists between Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, the latter ought to be preferred. The considerations which led to that preference, have lost no portion of their influence. It is not our business to lay them before the public; but we have no doubt that this task will be in due time performed, & that other arguments in favor of Mr. Monroe's election, equally cogent and conclusive, will be deduced from a view of the critical situation of the United States at this moment, the causes which produced it, and the distress and calamity to which we shall be exposed, by a contest, now almost inevitable, with the only power in Europe which has not bowed, or been made to bow its neck to the yoke of a conqueror, whose ambition is without bounds, as his successes are without example. Nor did the indifference which we seemed to manifest, result from an apprehension that the number and confidence of Mr. Madison's friends, would render unavailing the efforts of those who support Mr. Monroe. Our real motive was this—we saw that by means of the memorable caucus at the Bell, by means of the equally memorable caucus at Washington, and by means of incessant communications made from that place to members of the Legislature here, a sentiment was excited in the public mind highly favorable to the pretensions of Mr. Madison, and in an equal degree injurious to those of Mr. Monroe. It was confidently affirmed and very generally believed, that the election of Mr. Madison was rendered indisputably certain by the almost unanimous vote of the republicans throughout the United States. The republican interest, it was said, ought not at this time be divided, and upon this ground, and on this only, numbers who really preferred Mr. Monroe, joined the friends of Mr. Madison. This principle, has been unequivocally avowed by many, and if we are not mistaken, by the editors of the two most conspicuous papers in Pennsylvania and Virginia. In the notes to the editor of this Gazette, sent by those who declined serving as committee-men for Mr. Monroe, it is manifest, that the great majority, if not all of them, were influenced principally by that consideration.
We knew that it would be impossible for us to counteract this sentiment, by any conjectural statements, which we might be disposed to submit to you. There are moments of popular excitement and delusion, when the voice of reason is as little heard, and the precepts of sound discretion as little regarded by a community, as by an agitated or angry individual. The correctness of this remark, unhappily for this country, may be proved, without resorting to the occurrences resulting from the present contest. But believing, that excitement, from its nature, cannot last long, and that the delusion which prevailed, must yield to evidence, whenever it appeared, we determined to wait, with patience, until they both had passed away. We determined, also, to wait until some facts could be laid before you, which would evince the fallacy of that doctrine, so recently advanced, but already so widely diffused, which teaches us in a question of such real moment to join a party merely because that party is supposed to be a majority. Time has, at length, disclosed facts of this description. It now appears that Mr. Madison is not "supported by the almost unanimous vote of the republicans" throughout the United States. We learn from the papers devoted to his interest, on this question, that the two great republican states of Pennsylvania and New-York, are decidedly hostile to his pretensions. (a) Upon this point there seems to be no difference of opinion. But the calculation which has been made, that their example will be followed by all the states north and east of Delaware, may be incorrect. We speak of it, only, as a matter of calculation, but if it be true, Mr. Madison cannot be elected, even, if all the other states in the union should unite their whole strength in his support—an event, which certainly is not to be expected.
It ought not to be forgotten, that the majority of the Pennsylvania delegation, in Congress, voted at the caucus, in Washington, in favor of Mr. Madison. (b) This is an important fact, and ought to be regarded as a valuable lesson to the followers of caucus-majorities. The Pennsylvania delegation did not, in the caucus, speak the sentiments of their state, if we may credit the proceedings of the late assembly at Lancaster, composed of individuals selected for the special purpose of forming an electoral ticket. This fact not only shows that caucuses are not much to be regarded as affording evidence of the real sentiments of the people, but evinces the wisdom of the constitutional provision, which excludes senators and representatives in Congress, from an electoral appointment. In this very case, the majority of the Pennsylvania delegation will be in a minority at home.
In truth, this doctrine of following a caucus-majority, in all cases, appears odious in every point of view, in which it can be presented. The conduct, which it prescribes, is unmanly, because it is a surrender of a most important right, and the desertion of a sacred duty. It is absurd, because, as we have already shown, the opinion of a caucus and the sentiment of a state, may be in direct hostility, and thus, while we are following a supposed, we are withdrawing from a real majority. It is anti-republican: because the plainest principles of republicanism and of the constitution, require, that in such a case as this, the sense of a majority of the nation should prevail. How can this be ascertained, unless every man will have firmness enough to express his own honest and unbiassed opinion?
From the circumstances here detailed, fellow-citizens, you see that in the short space of about seven weeks, the aspect of this presidential contest has experienced a material change. The election of Mr. Madison, which was announced as indisputably certain, is already regarded as questionable, if not hopeless, even by the most zealous of his advocates. We make this remark to you, not with any view to mortify our opponents after the triumph and exultation, which they so often displayed. We feel no disposition to give them pain, and we should be greatly and sincerely concerned, if we gave any to the amiable and respectable man, whose claims they support. We take pleasure in avowing our knowledge of his services, our admiration of his talents, our respect for his virtues. But we presume, that without incurring, and we know, that without deserving the censure of the public, we may advance the opinion,
which we really entertain, that in the present crisis, so awful, not only to America, but to the world, Mr. Monroe is better fitted than Mr. Madison for the very arduous station in which he will stand, who for the next eight years shall be placed at the head of our national affairs. Such was not our motive. The real object of the remark is, to expose to every man of integrity and independence, the absurdity of acting on any principle whatever, in this election, but that which results from a deliberate examination of the real merits of the candidates themselves.
The advocates of Mr. Madison, are already inviting the friends of Mr. Monroe, to unite with them in opposing the election of Mr. Clinton. The terms of the address, in which this invitation is communicated, indecent as they are, towards the friends of Mr. Monroe, are borne by us with patience. We wish, that the understanding of the people should alone be consulted, and we have endeavored to set to all, who may take a part in the present contest, an example of moderation, in speaking of our opponents, and of patience in bearing their unjust, and sometimes almost unintelligible censure. We have been denounced not only as pretended republicans, but as pretended friends of Mr. Monroe, who under the influence of some strange infatuation, are hurrying into ruin him and ourselves. All this we are willing to forget, and even to forgive in advance every charge or insinuation of this description. But we cannot, without indignation as well as regret, observe, that such a man as George Clinton, a patriot of '76, a soldier of the revolution, a man holding the second office in the government, again nominated to that office by the friends of Mr. Madison, and supported by one of the most important states in the union, should now, because he is placed in competition with that gentleman, be represented as a poor old man, whom age has deprived of all energy, and destined to be the prey of improper influence, and base intrigues. If the venerable due to age, if the respect due to patriotism, if the gratitude due to revolutionary service, if that justice, to which all are entitled, have not influence enough to guard us from language like this, it is to be hoped, that our pride at least as citizens of this great republic, will disdain, by unwarranted assertions, to degrade, in the eyes of foreign nations, those who are supported by any portion of the people, for the highest office in the government. This remark is not made for the protection of Mr. Monroe. He is well known abroad, and respected precisely as much as he is known.
The invitation here mentioned, seems to have been made under a supposition, that New-York and Pennsylvania being opposed to Mr. Madison, would consequently vote in favor of Mr. Clinton. This is not our belief. We do not pretend to possess any positive information on this subject, but if we are correct in our opinion that the causes of this opposition, are not merely personal, but of high political consideration in relation to the present actual and the future probable situation of the United States, these two states, and it is supposed many others will vote for the same person, and that person will be Clinton or Monroe, as circumstances shall require. The silence of the meeting at Lancaster, as to the candidate whom their electors were to support, while their opposition to Mr. Madison is acknowledged, seems fully to justify this conclusion.
In this state of things, then, fellow-citizens, impressed as we are with every sentiment, which a confidence in the integrity, respect for the talents and a knowledge of the services of James Monroe from the age of seventeen to the present day can inspire, we assure his friends throughout Virginia, that we shall faithfully and zealously perform the duties belonging to our station. In return, we request them in those counties, where a committee is not formed to indicate some person with whom a correspondence may be commenced and to whom the proper communications will in due time be made.
GEO: HAY, JNO. CLARKE, EDWARD C. STANARD, WM. ROBERTSON, JOHN BROCKENBOUGH.
We are happy to state that upon the request of a large number of the freeholders of the city of Richmond, WILLIAM WIRT, Esquire, has consented to become a candidate at the ensuing election, to represent the city of Richmond, in the state Legislature: A poll will, therefore, be held for him on that occasion.
DIED—On Saturday, the 19th instant, Mrs. JANE COURTNEY, (about 66 years of age,) wife of Elder John Courtney, Baptist Minister of this city: As a wife, a mother, a neighbor and a friend to society, let her own works speak for her; as a christian, upwards of 30 years, firm in the faith of the glorious Gospel, trusting alone in the merits of the adorable Savior Christ the Lord for salvation, she left this world in hope of a glorious resurrection to eternal life, and we can but hope, has ceased from trouble and is at rest.
Last Evening's Mail. NEW-YORK, March 17. Arrived the Ships Factor and Frances, from Greenock. They bring London papers to the 10th Feb.—Liverpool to the 11th, and Greenock to the 13th. (Interesting extracts in the next Enquirer.)
the relations of peace and friendship between the two countries which has ever influenced his majesty's conduct, and that any difficulties in the discussion now pending may be effectually removed.
February 2. HOUSE OF COMMONS. AMERICAN TREATY. Mr. Eden rose, in pursuance of his notice, to move for an address to his majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to order to be laid before the house an authentic copy of the message of the President of the U. S. of America to both houses of Congress, communicating his refusal to ratify the Treaty concluded between the commissioners appointed on the part of his majesty and the United States, about a year since. The hon. gentleman made a few brief observations, tending to shew the mischief that arose from the non-ratification, and expressing a hope that an amicable arrangement was not impracticable, concluded with a motion according to his notice. Mr. Secretary Canning was apprehensive a difficulty of form might have arisen (for there could have been no other difficulty,) as to the production of the paper referred to in the hon. gentleman's motion. There was nothing in America that corresponded with our Gazette; and the copy of the President's message sent to this country by his majesty's ambassador, was in fact, only extracted from a newspaper. On this day, however, he (Mr. Canning) had seen the American minister, who had promised to furnish him with an authentic copy, which might enable his majesty's government to fulfil the object of the hon. gentleman's motion.—Whether or not the President could ratify, or refuse to ratify the treaty, without the consent of Congress, was a question arising out of the American constitution, with which the Parliament of this country had nothing to do. The Congress could do nothing till the President had transmitted the Treaty to them, and the power of transmitting or not transmitting was in effect equal to a power to ratify or not, as his discretion should direct. The treaty was returned to this country by the President unratified.
Mr. Tierney adverted to the unguarded expressions in the Speech from the Throne in which his majesty was made to comment on the President's message on the authority of a newspaper report. The effect of these comments was to excite a belief, that the treaty had been absolutely rejected; whereas in fact, it may yet be ratified.
Mr. Canning explained. The honorable gentleman was under a complete misunderstanding as to facts. The address moved for by Mr. Eden was ordered.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jan. 23. American Intercourse Bill.—Mr. Eden thought it extremely precipitant to renew this bill at present, before we knew the real sentiments of America.—Were Ministers prepared to say, that America was inclined to join with us in our present contest? If not, he thought the measure an anticipation not at all warranted from the late conduct of America.—It was, at least, an anticipation of what ought to be the result of our negotiations.
Mr. Rose, in answer, said, he admitted America had acted very rashly in adopting some of her late measures; he was anxious, however, not to close the door of conciliation—and he was desirous to meet her precipitancy with moderation on our part. He could not pledge himself as to the pacific dispositions of America, yet he thought it advisable this bill should be renewed for a few months—it would be recollected, that if not renewed, no American ship could enter our harbors after one month expires. He was anxious, therefore, to hold out moderation & conciliation to the last extremity, and if we erred at all, he wished it should be on the side of moderation.
The Bill went through the Committee. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, Feb. 5. A debate of considerable length occurred to-night, on the late orders in Council, respecting the commerce of Neutrals. The chancellor of the exchequer moved the house to resolve into a committee of ways and means, for the purpose of submitting some financial propositions founded on these orders: Lord Henry Petty opposed the motion; he contended that the orders in council violated the law of nations and the municipal law of this country; and farther objected, that to enforce them, was adopting a system of great injustice. The chancellor of the Exchequer, in a very masterly speech, replied to the arguments of the Noble Lord.—He remarked that the late orders in council were founded on the same principle as the order of the 7th of Jan. 1807, and therefore, that it ill became ministers, who issued that order, to contend that those which differed from it, only by being more sufficient, were violations of the law of nations, and the municipal law of the land. Their policy, he observed, consisted in the protection they afforded to our commerce, and in the inconvenience and distress the enemy must experience from their operation.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 4. America.—Lord Grenville observed, that he had read and heard with regret, that the President of the U. S. of America had refused to ratify the treaty concluded by the commissioners appointed by both countries, for the purpose of carrying that beneficial object into execution. He should regret a rupture with America the more, because it must necessarily give an increase to the French interest; which he had no doubt would soon lead to the overthrow of the constitution and independence of America. Before, however, we arrived at the extremity of an open rupture with America, he hoped every exertion would be made to adjust our differences in a manner consistent with the honor, the dignity, and independence of both nations. Lord Hawkesbury would content himself with stating, for the satisfaction of their lordships, that whenever the discussion should take place, it would appear that every thing had been done by his Majesty's government to produce a reconciliation, consistent with the feelings and honor of both countries. Lord Erskine wished to know whether the United States were made acquainted with our orders in Council at the time they had ordered their embargo? Lord Hawkesbury replied that they were not. Lord Holland moved that there be laid before the House a copy of the French Decree of the 21st November, 1806; and a copy of such information as ministers had received from Neutrals and Friendly Powers, of the mode in which that Decree had been executed. Earl Grey gave notice that he should move on some future day, for all such documents as related to the attack on Constantinople, in order to exhibit to this country, and to the world, the gross misrepresentations which had gone abroad.—Adjourned. WEDNESDAY, March 15. On this day the bill from Senate for raising an additional military force under an amendment in committee of the whole, but was not perfected.
The following note is subjoined to the Aurora, from the letter from the Balt. Advocate, in our first page. If the observations and information of the editor of this paper are correct, the son of Pennsylvania will within divided, and will be decided for Mr. Madison. States, as things now appear, the majority will probably number 127—requiring a complete and unanimous vote, as the vice-pres. part appears diminished to serve again in that station, would it not be both wise and prudent to ask Mr. DEWEY CLINTON the republican candidate for vice-president?—We suspect no measure could be more effectual in allaying angry feelings....Aurora.
A British armed government brig arrived in Hampton Roads, on Wednesday evening, with dispatches for Mr. Ross, which were delivered on board the Station, and then the brig immediately put to sea. The dispatches were sent off by the Saturday mail, the same evening.—The holder, we understand, left Baltimore on the 4th of February.—N. York Her. March 18.
BALTIMORE, March 19. Captain Beatty informs of a decree of the French emperor, which he had seen and read in Lisbon, previous to his sailing, but had not procured a copy, in which "the House of Braganza is declared to be no more," and PORTUGAL declared to be a "Province of France."....Balt. Amer.
FRANKFORT, Feb. 18. At a meeting of the members of both branches of the Legislature, at the Eagle-Tavern, in the town of Frankfort on the 17th day of February, 1808, convened for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of designating a suitable and proper character to fill at the ensuing election the important office of President of the United States of America.
On the motion of the honorable Henry Clay, His excellency Christopher Greenup, Esq. Governor of this commonwealth, was unanimously called to the chair, the honorable Alfred William Garrison, Esq. secretary of state for the state of Kentucky, was unanimously appointed secretary to the meeting.
Mr. Clay, speaker of the house of representatives, then arose and in an animated speech, called the attention of the senators and representatives present to address to the free men of Kentucky, which he had prepared, and which being read was unanimously approved and signed by the members present, and is as follows: TO THE FREEMEN OF KENTUCKY. FELLOW-CITIZENS, YOU have no doubt learned that the illustrious Jefferson declines being a candidate for the presidential chair, at the next election.—Whilst we regret the loss of his eminent services, we can but admire and approve the motives which urge him to retire; they are an additional evidence of that virtue and patriotism which have always distinguished his useful life. We are aware, fellow-citizens, that in the choice of his successor it is and ought to be your right to think and decide for yourselves.—We presume not to dictate to you, and we hope that we shall escape the imputation of arrogance, when we merely venture to recommend to your consideration, a suitable character in our judgments. In Mr. JAMES MADISON, the secretary of state, are we believe combined all those qualifications which are requisite for the chief magistrate of the Union. His superior talents, his integrity, his uniform adherence to the principles of liberty, and his knowledge of our foreign relations, are pledges that he will preserve in that course of administration, which for seven years past has shed such political happiness on the people of the United States. Entertaining this opinion, we beg leave to call your attention to him as a proper person on whom to bestow, through the electors of this state your suffrage.
CHRISTOPHER GREENUP. Governor of the Commonwealth, and President of the Meeting. ALFRED WILLIAM GARRISON, Secretary of state for the state of Kentucky, and Secretary of the Meeting. HENRY CLAY, Speaker of the Senate. ALFRED WILLIAM GARRISON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Here follows a list of 77 names of the Senators and Members of the House of Delegates.
FOR SALE for cash, approved paper, or exchange for Negroes.—Two Tracts of prime Military LANDS of 1000 acres each, in the state of Ohio, upon the waters of Caesar's Creek. These tracts of Land were surveyed for the Hon. Judge Marshall on 23th Nov. 1794, and granted to him as a captain in the Virginia Line, &c. &c. Apply to GEO: GREENHOW. March 22. [2w]
CANNON BALL & GRAPE SHOT.—Proposals will be received at this office for a quantity of Cannon Ball and Grape Shot for 24 pounders, and Cannon Ball and Grape or Canister Shot for 6 pounders, to be delivered on navigable water in the state of Massachusetts.
Also, for a quantity of the same articles in the state of New-Jersey or New-York. Also, for a quantity of the same articles in Virginia or Maryland.
The election to have the ball and shot cast in iron moulds or otherwise, is desired, as the articles must be perfectly globular & smooth, & for that purpose, will undergo a strict inspection before receipt or payment. Dimensions of the several kinds of ball and shot will be given.
TENCH COXE, Purveyor Of Public Supplies. Philadelphia, March 22, 1808. [1w4w]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY. The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and seven other states Harrowell's much improved Patent Tile covering horses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business exclusively, now offers to supply, at short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with slates of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, it cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mid of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent.
Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the jobs is of sufficient magnitude, and their traveling expenses paid. RICHMOND, March 22. [2p2w&1w4w] N. B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.

POLITICAL.
From the New-York Public Advertiser.
AMICUS.
TO THE REPUBLICANS OF THE STATE OF NEW-YORK.
Fellow-Citizens,
WHEN the question "who shall be our next President," was about to be discussed, it was foreseen that the rival claims of certain eminent characters, would excite a considerable degree of warmth. Local prejudices, personal attachments, and above all, the sinister real of inuendoes, conspired to enrage it. Many intelligent and good republicans have anticipated peril to the nation; and all are desirous to avert a crisis to which these ridiculous vanities may lead us. The well meaning citizen attached to private quiet, the ardent patriot who loves the constitution, has no wish in this electioneering contest, but that the success or our present chief, may discharge his official duties with equal skill and fidelity. Hence, when the first symptoms of division were perceived, the friends of the people looked impatiently to the republican majority in Congress for a nomination. Former practice seemed to justify this appeal, and place it beyond the reach of cavil—for by the choice of our representatives, the illustrious Jefferson and Clinton were selected.
Wherefore it was believed that those to whom the commonwealth had committed the guardianship of its liberties, could also be entrusted to represent its interests in a nomination, and that their united suffrage would have reconciled the jarring wishes of the whole republican family. We confidently expected, that what their faithful representatives had recommended, the people would approve; that it would appeal the schemes of intrigue, or at least suppress the clamor of local or personal partiality. We were deceived, fellow-citizens; but not in our representatives, nor, I trust, in you. The obstinate and exclusive supporters of Messrs. Clinton and Monroe, were suddenly transformed into opposers of the administration; and instead of submitting to the decision of a fair and unexceptionable tribunal, at first attempted to inspire distrust of its proceedings; and now with shameless malignity assail the character honored by its nomination. Must not he forget his common duties to society, who, from an attachment to a rival, would deteriorate from a fame purchased by toil and services and watching?
Mr. Madison's fame is not of that hot-bed growth which the effervescence of party raises into momentary notice. From the dawn of our independence to the present hour, he has never ceased to defend the best conceived measures of republican policy. Early in life he stood the firm supporter of our rights against the usurpations of England. In devising means for perpetuating the boon we had gained, the part he took was active and successful. Many of the best features of the constitution under which we live, were moulded by the sagacious maxims which he inculcated. The wholesome restraints against the tyranny of self-created aristocracies were in part projected by his wisdom, or established by his influence. In questions of natural or social law, the aspiring genius of Hamilton, won by his eloquence, or confounded by his research, was for a while controlled. Originally attached to monarchical maxims, it then became an advocate for equal representation. At length the golden chain of our union was completed, and Mr. Madison, careless of official honors, became a centinel of the people's rights in Congress. Neither the seductive charms of personal friendship, nor the vanity of success—nor the alluring promises of ambition—nor the ascendency of anti-revolutionary doctrines, could urge him from his principles. Every private consideration was silent before his high sense of duty. Under the auspices of Mr. Jefferson, he was subjected to take the management of our foreign relations, and although the period was critical, he did not shrink from the service. From that moment you have been witnesses of the wisdom with which our national affairs have been conducted. Those neutral rights on which our prosperity depends have found in him, a vigilant defender against the plausible and specious appendages to the maritime law supported by the tyrant of the ocean. His mind is peculiarly adapted to maintain the wisest course of American policy. Mild, firm, and penetrative, it would not insult a weak or unoffending nation, nor submit to oppression from the most powerful. Tenuous of a peaceful course, yet justly resentful of injuries, his own is the index of his country's character.
In this brief sketch of Mr. Madison's political conduct, I am directed by no exclusive partiality; it is a plain and candid exposition of facts, that must convince every disinterested mind, that the public have much to hope and nothing to fear from his administration. But there are men in every party who would rather the best hopes of their country should be blasted than suffer disappointment in any favorite scheme. Whether jealous of the success of a competitor or defeated in the prospect of emolument from the elevation of their patron, a spirit of discontent guides their pen and inconsistency of conduct marks their career.
The little factious junto in Virginia who are labouring to spread dissatisfaction throughout the land, it is hoped, will meet its reward in the next election. Their unbridled arrogance deserves rebuke. Destitute of modesty as they are of principle, this poisonous nest of malevolence would attempt to diffuse the restless malady with which they themselves are infected. While public difficulties press hard upon us, and we are bound by every tie to the world we are an undivided people; when every breeze from Europe brings to our ears the triumphal vauntings of the spoiler and the distress of innocence, the genius of the nation is withdrawn from its defence to insidious cabals for distracting our union. Already secret inquisitions are established to torture the character of Mr. Madison and those who support him. This vile system of detraction must undergo a scrutiny before the people—by their unerring decision it will meet its doom.
Evil men, who are interested in deceiving you, would wish you to disgrace the reputation of the state inquisitions cavil about names or districts, as if the President of the union, whose interest depends on the prosperity of the whole, could feel himself only interested in the state in which he resides. But let us ever keep in view that we are all republicans of the same great family, and as such we may feel an inherent pride in elevating a native of our own soil, yet we must never forget that this is but a minor object in the great question of union or division—Say, if those who suffer from the majority of the party, calumniate the character of the chosen candidate, we are bound by the ties of fellowship to our sister states to resent the slanderous assault. Political fidelity is the noble attribute of our cause. This broad and liberal principle in affairs, that relate to the great interests of the union, makes us in reality what we are in name, Citizens of the United States. Upon this extended scale of patriotism all local prejudices vanish—Partial attachments, a theme on which little wranglers dwell, the instrument of servile intrigue or artful hostility, are neither felt nor regarded—This was the dignified and manly ground you took when the schemes of Col. Burr became suspected. Though chosen from amongst yourselves, you were the first to denounce him—His treachery, unknown to others, you undertook to drag from its concealment—you sacrificed the fond attachment by which you had distinguished him, and with more than Roman justice, you arraigned, convicted and condemned him.
In offering these remarks to the notice of my fellow citizens, I cannot surely be suspected of
an attempt to depreciate Gov. Clinton's character;—so far from it, I would be one of the first to erect a monument to his services. I venerate the aged veteran as much as his most ostentatious admirers, but would not wound the public cause to gratify my partiality. If this patriotic chief, not satisfied with the rewards prescribed by his country, covets also that which Mr. Madison's popularity has obtained, instead of reproaching the old warrior with unseasonable ambition, I would drop a tear over his infirmity. But those who support his high pretension by the abuse of others equally beloved and respected, may possibly lead him into paths that will hurt his preference.
The pen of Americana , who, in the commencement of his essays, promised a degree of candor and temperance worthy of the subject, has now become a drudge in the service of calumny. If the efforts of the American Citizen are attributed to their proper source—if suspicions that are now afloat are warranted by fact—if, in truth, the daring attacks have been levelled against what we have always respected in policy and applauded in practice, have emanated from the head they are ascribed to; then has the ambition of an individual ousted prediction; then must the body politic undergo a new purgation, or nourish new conspiracies already engendered. Torn and frittered as we have been by the corrupt factions of Burr and Lewis, we must reluctantly suffer another exercise of our patience. If we are forced to contend from year to year against fresh combinations, or else submit to be vanquished, the period is indeed alarming; but you will not long hesitate between the alternative—You will lift up your voice against this unwarrantable opposition—You will call to mind the high value of your principles, and the energy with which you once wrested them from oppression. In a word, you will not shrink from a contest even with a smiling deceiver whom you have hitherto cherished, however elevated his rank, or however intoxicated by his influence—You will remember with conscious pride, that rank and influence are still supported by the favor of the people, that whenever the masked politician unseal, and shew a face of insin, arrogance or villainy, to you it belongs to strip the knave of his honors, and cast his rank and influence into the grave together.
AMICUS.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
GASCA.....No. I.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
PERMIT me to make to you some remarks, in a plain and candid manner, upon the subject of the next presidential election. This indulgence is asked, for the first time in my life, and I solemnly promise not to state any thing, but that which I believe to be true. My first object is to keep the election upon the ground where the constitution has placed it; in the hands of the people: that they may upon the fullest information which they can obtain, upon the respective merits of the candidates, exercise their right of suffrage, as becomes freemen, attached to principles , and not to men .
My next object is to remove some unfounded charges against Mr. Monroe, and to place him, upon the ground he occupied, before they were made, that the election may be conducted, upon correct principles, and uninfluenced by any improper considerations.
As to my first object: it is to be lamented that an attempt has been made, at Washington, by a convention of some of the members of congress, to control the election; and if the attempt succeeds, the right of the people, upon that interesting subject, hitherto held sacred , will be taken from them, by the usurpation of their representatives, and they, in fact, will become the electors of president and vice-president of the United States: it will certainly be so, if the people will consent to be bound, and the proceedings of that unauthorised convention; and the measure becomes more objectionable, when we recollect it to have been taken by a minority , and not by a majority of congress. The constitution contains no such provision; and I am persuaded that the people would not consent that it should; but if they suffer their representatives to exercise such a power, and tamely submit to it, it will in effect be the same thing, as a constitutional provision for that purpose; but with this greater objection, that the power will be exercised without any responsibility, or even the obligation of an oath; but if it was a constitutional duty, it must then be discharged upon oath, like all other duties, under the constitution, and carrying with it the same degree of responsibility. It is a clear position, what members of congress do, unauthorised , does not bind their constituents; and if this be admitted, the election is yet where the constitution has placed it, in the hands of the people; and they should keep it there: if they will, like men of firmness and independence, upon this, and all future occasions, assert their right to free and uncorrupted elections, their government may forever continue, a living monument of that virtue and patriotism , by which it was formed; but if they will not, they may soon, yes very soon, out-live ; and which will afford another proof that the most tyrannical governments are the most durable, because man is more vicious than virtuous .
But it is contended that the Washington convention or caucus was composed of a majority of the republicans in congress, and that they spoke the sentiments of their constituents; and of course the majority of the republicans, in the United States, are for Mr. Madison; this argument may be true, or it may not, I cannot say; but I very well recollect when we opposed Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Adams, we had to oppose a like argument, that a majority was against us, but we persevered, and succeeded: a fact not to be forgotten, and which I shall recollect with pleasure, while I live. The friends of Mr. Monroe, therefore, should not, on the present occasion, be driven from his support, under the delusion of such evidence: it was not true in the case of Mr. Adams: it may not be true, as it applies now to Mr. Madison.
This brings me to my next object: the charges against Mr. Monroe: they are, 1. that he is politically connected with the minority in congress, and opposed to the administration; 2. that he made a disgraceful treaty; and 3. that he is supported by the federalists. As to the 1st charge—When the minority was formed, Mr. Monroe was in England, labouring as honestly in support of the administration of his country, as any man in it, and as he is yet, and the president will say it; it is as much due to the minority, as to Mr. Monroe, to say, their opposition, whatever it may have been, never proceeded from him: they have no direction of each other, and no intelligent man believes it.
As to the 2nd charge: Mr. Pinkney was the colleague of Mr. Monroe, and the treaty was the act of both: they submitted it to the president, as the best they could obtain, and he is perfectly satisfied with their conduct, and so I understand him in one of his
communications to congress: that his confidence in Mr. Monroe, after this, was undiminished, may be shown from this fact , that when the attack was made by the Leopard upon the Chesapeake , and it was determined by our government to send to the British government upon the subject, it became necessary to appoint a commissioner for that purpose; Mr. Monroe was selected by the president, to take on himself, not only the management of that subject, but of our seamen generally: the latter being the only point, upon which the joint efforts of Monroe and Pinkney had in a measure failed. And here it is due to Mr. Pinkney to say, that this preference, for the president, for Mr. Monroe, was not owing to any want of confidence in Mr. Pinkney, and the evidence of it is this, that but the other day, he was nominated to the senate, by the president as minister plenipotentiary to the court of London, and unanimously approved.
As to the 3rd charge: it is true that many federal gentlemen are in favor of Mr. Monroe, and I believe, there are as many in favor of Mr. Madison; but be this as it may, we are in a free government; it is an elective democracy; where every man of certain qualifications, has the right of voting, without being asked for his opinions, for whom he pleases; and I call upon God to witness the sincerity of my declaration, when I say, that I hope never to see the day, when that right shall be refused by a republican to a federalist, or by a federalist to a republican; and with equal sincerity do I declare, that I hope never to see the day, when a republican candidate for any office shall be elected by a political union with federalists upon their own principles; and let any man prove to me, that such is Mr. Monroe's understanding with them, at this time, and I will abandon him; but no one who regards his reputation dares to say it. As well might it be said, because the Yazoo speculators every where support Mr. Madison, that he is concerned in their nefarious schemes and contracts: A sentiment which can never be entertained, while virtue is regarded as an ornament in the character of a freeman. Many federal gentlemen, at the last election, voted for Mr. Jefferson, and has it affected him? or how have they been benefited, but by an honest administration; and such will be their reward, for the support of Mr. Monroe, if he is elected.
If I have succeeded in shewing to you, that the proceedings of the caucus at Washington, are not binding upon the people, and that they should only be regarded as the mere opinions of those who expressed them: that Mr. Monroe is not opposed to the administration by any political connection with the minority: that the confidence of the president continues undiminished in him, and therefore the treaty could not have been considered as disgraceful ; and that the federal support is only such, as freemen have a right to give; (and which has been given in several state elections, without injury to the federal character, or those who received it, then my two objects are achieved: the right of election is in the proper hands; and Mr. Monroe is placed upon the ground he occupied, before such illiberal and unfounded attacks were made upon him. Where is the man then, who does not regret, that he has condemned Mr. Monroe, without a hearing? that he has condemned him against the soundest principles of the common law? principles which have been matured by the wisdom of ages: principles which have been engraved upon every American constitution: principles which are inseparable from freemen: principles which he assisted to achieve here with his blood: namely—that a man has a right to demand the cause of his accusation, to be confronted with his accusers, and to call for evidence in his favour.
Mr. Monroe has committed no fault: the fault is with those who have condemned him unheard : they should repair the injury ; and like noble and generous freemen, they will; and every generous man will be heard to say—that is right.
At your elections, vote for the candidate you prefer, and leave his success to the result, for no man can tell who will be elected until that is known, and like good republicans , support the candidate who shall be elected, until, by his administration, he shall deserve to forfeit your confidence.
It is not true, as has been supposed by some, and said by others, that the president interferes in the election in any respect whatever; and I have heard, and believe it to be true, that he and Mr. Madison take pleasure in freeing Mr. Monroe, from any censure, in his public character as late minister.—But if another report be true, such is not the conduct of Mr. Giles, our senator; but whether true or false, I cannot say, but my respect for that gentleman induces me to hope, that it is without any foundation: The report is, that he speaks and writes in very hard terms of Mr. Monroe, and very much to his prejudice. As important as well to Mr. Giles as to Mr. Monroe, that Mr. Giles should know it: if it is not so, his denial, through the medium of this paper, will be received, as sufficient evidence, that, the report has done to him an unmerited injury; but if the report be true, I must then take the liberty to ask of him, to specify his charges against Mr. Monroe, and I pledge myself either to admit them, and to justify his conduct, or to deny them, and to prove to Mr. Giles, to the people of Virginia, and to the world, that they are without foundation. Would any man in the U. S. attached to his country and the principles of its government, wish to support Mr. Madison, to the injury of the truly virtuous and patriotick Monroe? I hope not. For as zealous as I feel in his support, I would abandon it, before I would do an injury to his opponents.
Monroe, Clinton, and Madison, are looked to for a successor to Mr. Jefferson: contend with zeal for your preference among them, but honestly stand together upon the democratic principles of your government , which Mr. Jefferson is about to leave, un tarnished, after a wise and virtuous administration , for the last seven years and better—I must attend to my public duties, but now and then as they will admit of a leisure hour, I shall bestow some farther attention on this subject.
RICHMOND, 15th March, 1808.
NOTICE.—The subscriber once more solicits all those who have claims against the estate of Jacob Waddell, deceased, (late of Prince Edward county,) to bring them forward properly authenticated, on or before the first day of May next, in order that arrangements may be made for the payment of the same, or it is expected that a distribution of the assets in the hands of the Exr. will shortly take place—Those who fail to comply with this reasonable request, may certainly expect this notice plead in bar against them. ZACHARIAH RICE, Exr. March 15. (over34)
LIFE OF WASHINGTON.—JACOB JOHN-SON, near the Market Bridge in one hand-some octavo volume, the life of GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON. By Jacob Bancroft, A. A. S. Judge Marshall, in his life of this illustrious patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and general history of the North-American colonies, but also the political history of the United States. His work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the life of WASHINGTON in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should enable those of his fellow-citizens, who are not in possession of Marshall, to leave to their posterity a memorial of a man, who was pre-eminently distinguished as a soldier and statesman.
The author has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure, followed him in the order of events.
The facts not before published, were received immediately from confidential friends of Gen. Washington, or from gentlemen who, in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command. Richmond, March 4. [law1m]
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 50 feet front, 50 feet deep, and three stories high, situated on the back street leading from the Basin, nearly opposite to the house lately occupied by Mr. John Henry.
The terms will be liberal and convenient to the purchaser. Apply to TAYLOR & BROWN, Nov. 20. [law1f]
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit:
822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river.
Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river.
Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse.
Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNON. Jan. 28. [lawm]
HERRINGS, &c.—100 barrels Herrings, 50 boxes Chocolate, 12 pines French Brandy, 5 pipes Gin, 1000 wt. Seine Twine, wrapping Twine, 30 kegs FF Gun-Powder, Patent Shot, 40 barrels lever or currier's Oil, 110 reams sheathing Paper, 50 doz. Spades and Shovels, 3 tons sheet Iron, 4000 wt. sheet Copper & Copper Bottoms, 2 tons German Steel, 20 tons Grind Stones, 300 Weeding Hoes, 20,000 horse shoe Nails, Screws and Bails for raising mill stones, Paints, Oil, Putty, and Window Glass, with a large assortment of Hardware and Ironmongery, for sale by BREAM & FOLLET, At the sign of the Anvil, Main Street, Richmond. March 4. [law4w]
JACOB JOHNSON, BOOKSELLER & STA- TIONER, near the Market Bridge, has just received and for sale,
 Harrison's Chancery Practice, 2 vols.  Tidd's Practice, 2 vols.  Abridgement of the Laws of Nisi Prius, Roberts on the Statute of Frauds, new on Fraudulent conveyances, new  Watson on Partnership, (a new and much enlarged edition,) and with additional references to American Reports,  Sugden on Vendors and Purchasers of Estates, a new work,  Douglas's Reports, 2 vols. with new references to American Reports,  Kyd on Awards, from the new London edition, with 60 pages of American Law incorporated  Peters' Admiralty Reports, new, 2 vols.  Peere Williams' Reports, new Edition, 3 vols.  Taylor's North Carolina Reports,  Johnson's New-York Reports, vol. 1.  New-York Term Reports, 3 vols.  New-York Cases in Error, 2 vols.  Cranch's Reports, 3 vols.  Smith and Ogden's Trial,  Williams' Massachusetts Reports,  Caine's New-York Reports,  Washington's Virginia do.  Herty's Digest of the Laws United States.  Day's Cases in Error, vol. 1.  Study of the Law,  Sullivan's Lectures, 2 vols.  Dallas' Reports, 4 vols.  East's Crown Law, 2 vols.  Reports, 7 vols.  Mac Nally's Evidence, 2 vols.  Saunders' Reports, 3 vols.  Tucker's Blackstone, 5 vols.  Robinson's Admiralty Reports, 5 vols.  Buller's Nisi Prius,  Espinausse's do. 4 vols.  Azunil's Maritime Laws, 2 vols.  Rumington on Ejcitements,  Schoole and Leffroy's Reports, vol. 1. (a new work.)  Jlawkins' Pleas of the Crown, 4 vols.  Montague on Set-off,  Powell on Devises,  Bacon's Abridgement, 7 vols.  Jacob's Law Dictionary, 2 vols. 4to  Hales ditto 2 vols.  Bosanguet and Fuller's Reports, 4 vols.  Maxwell on Bills of Exchange,  Williams' Abridgement, 5 vols.  New works of merit published in Philadelphia may be had at the above store as soon after their first appearance as possible. Richmond, March 4, 1808. [law1m]
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia, at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, one on Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little-Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse, on the court day thereof, on Monday the 16th day of May, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued. WM. BETTELKEY, } Commissi- JOSIAH ELLIS, } oners. WM. MANN, } [law2m]
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date the 15th September, 1807, to me executed, by John Sabb, to secure the payment of a sum of money as therein mentioned, I shall proceed to sell for cash, to the highest bidder, on the 14th day of April next, the two Lots or Grounds in this city, whereon said Sabb resides, known by the Nos. 107 and 108, in Duvall's addition, together with all appurtenances—The sale to take place at 2 o'clock on the premises. JOHN SATCHELL. March 15. [opt4da.]
PENITENTIARY STORE.—The subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail: and at 90 days credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed negotiable notes.
CUT NAILS.     Wholesale prices. Retail prices.     3ly. 13 cents 14 cents per lb.   4 12 3/4 13 1/2   6 12 3/4 12 1/2   8 10 3/4 11 1/2   10 10 11   12 10 11   20 10 11   Slating nails 11 3/4 12 3/4    CUT BRADS.     8ly. 10 11   10 9 3/4 10 3/4   12 9 3/4 10 3/4   20 9 3/4 10 3/4    SPRIGS.     3ly. 39 cts. per lb. 50 per. No.   4 22 1-3 67   6 37 84    WROUGHT NAILS & BRADS.     6ly. 13 14 per lb.   8 12 3/4 13 1/2   10 12 13   12 11 3/4 12 3/4   20 11 12   12 11 12    Spikes of all sizes same price as Nails. Broad & narrow Axes, Hatchets, Hoes, Plough Shares and Coulters, Hinges, Wedges, Hammers, Penders, Traces and Stretchers, Tin Ware, &c. &c.
BOOTS & SHOES.
   Fair tops—back straps $ 9   Ditto 8   Suawrows 7   Half Boots 5   Plantation and light fine Shoes 1 1/2 a 1 3/4   Do. 2d and 3d qualities 75 a 1 1/8   Negro Shoes (strong) 75 a 95   Womens leather shoes 5 a 6   Girls do. 45 a 65   Boys do. 5 a 6   Childrens shoes 5 a 6   Fine Buckets $ 4 a $ 5 per pair.   Bridles, Surcingles, Back-bands, Whiphongs, Spur-leathers, Hamstrings, &c.    Any of the above articles made to orders left at Penitentiary Store, second door above the Eagle Tavern. D. J. BURR. Richmond, March 31. [ff]
EDUCATION.—ANTHONY PEIZER respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he will remove his day and night School on the first of April to a large and commodious apartment in the lower part of the house occupied by Mr. John P. Shields in the vicinity of the Capitol. He, therefore, can invite more pupils of both sexes, to share his instruction, whom he will teach the French and Italian Languages, English Grammar, Reading & Writing, together with Arithmetic, Geography and the minor Latin Classics. His object is to be useful and his success in teaching French has been proved by experience; for he does not merely impress on the minds of his pupils the verbal science of Grammar, but renders the language familiar to their ears, their tongue and their pen. Terms—Eight dollars per quarter, payable half in advance. Pupils from the country may obtain board at very moderate terms of Mrs. Shields, who offers likewise the use of her Piano-forte to those who would wish to receive instruction on that instrument. March 15. [eptf]
NOTICE.—The subscriber having been appointed Master Commissioner for the Chancery county court of Henrico, informs those who may have cases referred to him by order of the court, that he is now ready to act on them. His office is kept at his residence nearly opposite the Swan Tavern. JAMES H. GORDON. Richmond, March 15. [law2w]
ADVERTISEMENT.—I forewarn all persons whatever from trading or taking an assignment for a bond now in the hands of Mr. George Williamson of Powhatan, Exor. of Jacob Williamson, decd. The bond was given by Mrs. Hannah Williamson to William T. Walker, of Prince Edward, for the amount of 30 pounds, and the bond dated the third day of January, 1808. GEORGE EGGLESTON, Executor of Hannah W. Williamson. March 15. [law6w]