The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-09-10 00:00:00

Richmond Prices Current.
Table with 4 columns: Item, D., C., M. Rows include TOBACCO, FLOUR, WHEAT NEW, INDIAN CORN, WHISKEY, BACON, HEMP, BAR IRON.
AUCTION OF FURNITURE.
WILL be Sold, at the late residence of Mr. W. W. Worsley, over the book-store of Thomas Ritchie, Esq., on Wednesday next, the 11th instant, at 11 o'clock, furniture, HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, of the best and newest fashions; also, An elegant well-toned PIANO FORTE.
PROSSER & MONCURE.
I AM authorised to sell a great bargain in the HOUSES and LOT formerly occupied by Mr. John Roper, as a Tavern, at Rocketts, which is now in complete repair; and if not privately disposed of, will on Wednesday the 11th of September next, proceed to sell the same at public auction, without reserve, for ready money. JOHN PROSSER. August 30. (tds.)
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT the Common Council of the City of Richmond will, at its meeting on the third Monday in this month, proceed to nominate to the Professors of William and Mary College, a fit and proper character to succeed Mr. John Wood, late Mathematical Surveyor of the said city, who has resigned. By Order of the Hall. ANDREW STEVENSON, C. C. C. Sept. 6. (3t.)
EDUCATION.
WITHIN about twenty miles of Richmond may be obtained immediately, a School, consisting of twenty or thirty pupils—and if an additional aid as to profit were wished, the situation furnishes every convenience for a Tavern, without interfering with the duties of the seminary, or the retirement of a private family. For further particulars, apply to Mr. POMFREY, Stationer, Richmond. Sept. 6. (2t.)
J. H. FASBENDER,
LATELY FROM CHARLESTON S. C. RESPECTFULLY informs the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that he has commenced the WATCH-MAKING business, in the house belonging to Mr. Judith Allen, adjoining Dr. Fox's. He not only repairs Watches but makes every part of their composition, and flatters himself from the satisfaction which he gives in Gun-lock, of which place he is a recent applicant of three years, to obtain that share of public patronage which he will endeavour to merit. J. H. FASBENDER, has on hand a choice assortment of JEWELLERY, (and daily expects a farther supply) which he will sell low for cash. September 6. (p 4w.)
ROGER GREGORY.
THE subscriber will sell at Public Sale, upon the premises, on Monday the sixteenth instant, (September) for ready money, that valuable FARM in Henrico county, about seven miles from Richmond, called and known by the name of Gregory's Tavern, with about two hundred and forty acres of LAND thereto adjoining, together with fundry articles of furniture. ROGER GREGORY. September 6. (3t. p)
FOR SALE,
ALL the LANDS belonging to the COLLEGE of WILLIAM and MARY, lying in the county of King William. These Lands are in two separate tracts, one of which borders on the Pamunkey river, near the town of New-Castle, and includes some of those level valuable lands between that town and Monocun Mill—they are divided into seventy-four tenements, some of which are on lease for lives, from one to three; others are under no lease. Possession of those not under lease, will be given on the first day of January 1806; for those under lease, all the College interest will be sold. A statement of the lives, as well as the conditions on which they are leased, will be shown to those inclined to purchase. The purchaser will stand in stead of the college, and may avail himself of any forfeitures incurred, by a non-compliance of the tenants, with the conditions of their respective leases. One fourth of the purchase money will be required, on the first day of January next, and the remaining three fourths, in equal payments, to be made on the first day of January, in the years 1807, 1808 and 1809, with interest from the first day of January 1805. Bonds for the amount will be required, and the purchaser, or purchasers, can have title, on making the first payment, and granting a Deed of Trust on the land with reversion of Dower, to secure the three last payments. If not disposed of at private sale (in which case notice will be given) the tenements called the lower college, either separately or united to four purchasers, will be sold publicly on the first Monday in October next, on that tenement occupied by Mrs. Hughes, and those of the upper college in like manner on the second Monday in November, on that tenement occupied by Mrs. Drury, as a tavern. WM. COLEMAN, Agent for the College of Wm. & Mary. September 6. (3w.)
J. ABERCROMBY,
Professor of MUSIC & DANCING, late from Charleston: BEGS leave to Notify, that he has taken a residence in this city, in the Upper Rooms of Mr. Vanet's new brick house, on Shockoe Hill, above Dr. Wilson's Apothecary Shop, a remarkable pleasant situation; where he intends opening a SCHOOL FOR DANCING.
He teaches the Minuet de la Cour, Cotillions, Country and Fancy Dances, &c. Genially—Will attend families as Instructor for the Violin, Piano-Force, Guitar, and give a finish to a musical education by the accompaniment of the violin to regulate time—grace and direct the voice, in essentially necessary to such as wish to excel in those accomplishments—Terms made known on application. Days of teaching, Wednesdays and Saturdays at 4 o'clock. Sept. 6. (2t. & w. w. w.)
MILITARY CERTIFICATES.
FOR SALE, Certificates of this Rate, bearing interest of 5 per cent, and receivable at the Treasury at all arrears of taxes, prior to the year 1783. WILLIAM PRICE, Cash. Genl. M. A. S. May 10. (4t.)
RUNAWAY NEGRO.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD, if taken within fifty miles of Richmond, and one hundred Dollars if taken beyond it, will be given to apprehend a negro man named LEWIS, about thirty years of age, who last night ran away from the subscribers. He is very stout made, and about 5 feet 10, or 5 feet 11 inches high; has a mauling countenance—had on when he went away, a Ruffin Drill Drab Coat and Pantaloons; but has a variety of other clothing. He was formerly the property of Mr. Edward H. Han of Hanover Town, where perhaps he may be gone. All masters of vessels are forewarned from harbouring or carrying him away, under the penalty of the law. GILLIAM & KIRBY. September 6. (4t.)
LAND—FOR SALE,
IN the county of Lunenburg, lying within one mile of the Court-house, on Couch's creek; this tract contains seven hundred and fifty acres, one hundred and fifty of which is cleared; comfortably improved for the accommodation of a family. This land is well suited to the cultivation of Tobacco, Corn and Wheat. A great bargain may be had in this land. The terms may be made known, by application to Major Grief Green, of Nottoway, who is duly authorised to dispose of it, or the subscriber living on the premises. JOSEPH SMITH. Lunenburg, August 2. (cp 4t.)
THE subscriber is authorised to barter (or otherwise dispose of) a very valuable and productive property in the upper country, which is estimated, by the proprietor, to be worth between 30 and 40,000 dollars, but he will be perfectly willing that its cash value shall be adjudged by disinterested men. Virginia Bank Stock will be taken in exchange, and a very liberal price allowed. The above mentioned property is situated in a healthy country, about 120 miles above this place, and within 10 miles of James river. THOMAS NORVELL. August 23. (4t.)
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, 45 USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. (sp 4t.)
NOTICE.
A Petition will be presented to the General Assembly of Virginia, at the next session, praying that an act may pass to incorporate a company for the purpose of cutting a Canal on the south side of the Falls of James River, or otherwise improving the navigation of the river for the passage of Batteaux; and also for the establishment of a Bank in the town of Manchester. August 13. (cp 4t.)
GEORGE WILY,
BROKER & COMMISSION MERCHANT, Near the Basin, BUYS and sells all kinds of Produce—Also, Lands, Lots, and houses, Bank Stock, &c. He has for Sale, LOTS No. 141, 2, 3, and 4, which make one entire square in Du-Val's addition. There is a good spring attached to them. These lots are well worth the attention of any gentleman willing to build a summer retreat for his family. July 23. (4t.)
JOHN TOMPKINS,
HAS just received a fresh supply of OLD COGNAC, NICA BRANDY, a part of the same shipment of his former parcel. Also, a few hds. of ANTIGUA RUM, of good quality. He has on hand, a parcel of BEST FRENCH CAMBRICKS. The whole of which, he offers for sale very low for cash or on a liberal credit. August 16. (18N)
WILLIAMSBURG RACES.
ON Wednesday the 30th October, will be run for over the Williamsburg Course, The Jockey Club Purse of Four hundred Dollars, four mile heats. The day following, The Proprietor's Purse of Two Hundred Dollars, two mile heats. WEIGHTS, AS FOLLOWS: Aged Horses 133 lbs. 6 years old 124 do. 113 4 do. 103 3 do. 90 Mares and Geldings allowed 3 lbs. August 29, 1805. Subscribers to the Williamsburg Jockey Club are desired to pay the amount of their subscription money to Robert Anderson, the Treasurer, on or before the first day of October next. By Order of the Club, JAMES SEMPLE, Sen'r. Sec'y. September 6. (1800)
NOTICE.
DEEDS will be presented to the next General Assembly of Virginia, from the citizens of the counties of Fairfax, Prince William, Culpeper, Fauquier, Louisa, Frederick, Jefferson, Berkeley, Shenandoah, Hampshire, Hardy, Botetourt, &c. &c. Praying that the Notes of the Bank of Potomac may be exempted from the operation of the law, passed at the last session of their honourable body, to prohibit the circulation of private Bank Notes. September 6. (law 3w.)
NOTICE.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Benjamin Crenshaw, dec'd of Goochland county, are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated, on or before the first day of December next; otherwise this advertisement will be pled in bar against all claims exhibited after that date, as the subscribers are desirous of closing their executors accounts as soon as possible. BERNARD SIMS, REUBEN CRENSHAW, } Executors. Sept. 6. (4t.)
PICKLING VINEGAR.
GROCERS, Tavern-Keepers and Private Families may be supplied with VINEGAR of a very superior quality, by the barrel, gallon or less quantity and at an uncommonly low price by HART & SOUTHGATE. Opposite the State House. ALSO—51 barrels New-York prime (salt-petred) PORK, by the barrel or piece. August 16. (cp 2w & 1aw 4t.)
Printing,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.
FROM THE AURORA.
THOMAS PAINE
CITIZENS OF PENNSYLVANIA,
ON THE
PROPOSAL FOR CALLING A CONVENTION.
As I resided in the capital of your state (Philadelphia) in the "time that tried men's souls," and all my political writings, during the revolutionary war, were written in that city, it seems natural for me to look back on the place of my political and literary birth, and feel an interest for its happiness. Removed as I now am from the place, and detached from every thing of personal party, I address this token to you on the ground of principle, and in remembrance of former times and friendships.
The subject now before you is the call of a convention to examine, and if necessary to reform, the constitution of the state; or to speak in the correct language of constitutional order, to propose written articles of reform to be accepted or rejected by the people by vote, in room of those, now existing, that shall be judged improper or defective. There cannot be, on the ground of reason, any objection to this; because if no reform or alteration is necessary, the sense of the country will permit none to be made; and if necessary, it will be made because it ought to be made. Until, therefore, the sense of the country can be collected, and made known by a convention elected for the purpose, all opposition to the call of a convention, not only passes for nothing, but serves to create a suspicion that the opponents are conscious that the constitution will not bear an examination. The constitution formed by the convention of 1776, of which Benjamin Franklin (the greatest and most useful man America has yet produced) was president, had many good points in it which were overthrown by the convention of 1790, under the pretence of making the constitution of the state conformable to that of the United States; as if the forms and periods of election for a territory extensive as the United States, could become a rule for a single state.
The principal defect in the constitution of 1776, was, that it was subject, in practice, to too much precipitation, but the ground work of that constitution was good. The present constitution appears to me to be clogged with inconsistencies of a hazardous tendency, as a proposed remedy against a precipitation that might not happen. Invoking any individual, by whatever name or official title he may be called, with a negative over the formation of the laws, is copied from the English government, without ever perceiving the inconsistency and absurdity of it, when applied to the representative system, or understanding the origin of it in England.
The present form of government in England, and all those things called prerogatives of the crown, of which this negative power is one, were established by conquest and not by compact. Their origin was the conquest of England by the Normans under William of Normandy, surnamed the Conqueror, in 1066, and the genealogy of its kings takes its date from him. He is the first of the list—There is no historical certainty of the time when parliaments began; but be the time when it may, they began by what are called grants or charters from the Norman conqueror or his successors to certain towns, and to counties, to elect members to meet and serve in parliament subject to his control; and the custom still continues with a king of England calling the parliament "my parliament;" that is a parliament originating from his authority and over which he holds control in right of himself, derived from that conquest. It is from this assumed right, derived from conquest, and not from any constitutional right by compact that kings of England hold a negative over the formation of the laws; and they hold this for the purpose of preventing any law being enacted that might abridge, invade, or any way affect or diminish what they claim to be their hereditary or family rights & prerogatives, derived originally from the conquest of the country. This is the origin of a king of England's negative. It is a badge of disgrace which his parliaments are obliged to wear, and to which they are abject enough to submit.
But what has this case to do with a legislature chosen by freemen on their own authority, in right of themselves? Or in what manner does a person titled governor or chief magistrate, resemble a conqueror subjugating a country, as William of Normandy subjugated England, & saying to you you shall have no laws but what I please? The negative power in a country like America, is of that kind, that a wise man would not chuse to be embarrassed with it, and a man fond of using it will be overthrown by it. It is not difficult to see that when Mr. McKean negatived the arbitration act he was induced to it as a lawyer for the benefit of the profession, and not as a magistrate for the benefit of the people; for it is the office of a chief magistrate to compose differences and prevent law suits. If the people chuse to have arbitration instead of law suits, why should they not have them? It is a matter that concerns them as individuals and not as a state or community; and it is not a proper case for a governor to interfere in, for it is not a state or government concern; nor does it concern the peace thereof, otherwise than to make it more peaceable by making it less contentious.
This negative power in the hands of an individual ought to be constitutionally abolished. It is a dangerous power. There is no prefixing rules for the use of it. It is discretionary & arbitrary; and the will and temper of the person at any time possessing it, is its only rule. There must have been great want of reflection in the convention that admitted it into the constitution. Would that convention have put the constitution it had formed (whether good or bad) in the power of any individual to negative?
* Parliament is a French word brought into England by the Normans. It comes from the French verb parler —to speak. † When a king of England (for they are not an English race of kings) negatived an act passed by the parliament, he does it in the Norman or French language, which was the language of the conqueror, the literal translation of which is, the king will not assent to it . It is the only instance of a king of England speaking French in parliament; and shews the origin of the negative.
It would not. It would have treated such a proposal with disdain. Why then did it put the legislature thereafter to be chosen, and all the laws in that predicament? Had that convention, or the law members thereof, known the origin of the negative power used by kings of England, from whence they copied it, they must have seen the inconsistency of introducing it into an American constitution. We are not a conquered people; we know no conqueror; and the negative power used by kings in England is for the defence of the personal and family prerogative of the successors of the conqueror against the parliament and the people. What is all this to us? We know no prerogatives but what belongs to the sovereignty of ourselves.
At the time this constitution was formed, there was a great departure from the principles of the revolution, among those who then assumed the lead, and the country was grossly imposed upon. This accounts for some inconsistencies that are to be found in the present constitution, among which is the negative power inconsistently copied from England. While the exercise of this power over the state remained dormant it remained unnoticed; but the instant it began to be active it began to alarm; and the exercise of it against the rights of the people to settle their private pecuniary differences by the peaceable mode of arbitration, without the interference of lawyers, and the expense and tediousness of courts of law, has brought its existence to a crisis.
Arbitration is of more importance to society than courts of law, and ought to have precedence of them in all cases of pecuniary concerns between individuals or parties of them. Who are better qualified than merchants to settle disputes between merchants, or who better than farmers to settle disputes between farmers? And the same for every other description of men. What do lawyers or courts of law know about these matters? They devote themselves to forms, rather than to principles; and the merits of the case become obscure and lost in a labyrinth of verbal perplexities. We do not hear of lawyers going to law with each other, though they could do it cheaper than other people—which shews they have no opinion of it for themselves.
The principle and rule of arbitration ought to be constitutionally established. The honest sense of a country collected in convention will find out how to do this without the interference of lawyers who may be hired to advocate any side of any cause; for the case is, the practice of the bar is become a species of prostitution that ought to be controuled. It lives by encouraging the injustice it pretends to redress.
Courts in which laws are practiced are of two kinds. The one for criminal cases; the other for civil cases; or cases between individuals respecting property of any kind or the value thereof. I know not what may be the numerical proportion of these two classes of cases to each other; but that the civil cases are far more numerous than the criminal cases I make no doubt of. Whether they be ten, twenty, thirty or forty to one, or more, I leave to those who live in the state, or in the several counties thereof, to determine.
But be the proportion what it may, the expense to the public of supporting a judiciary for both will be in some relative degree according to the number of cases the one bears to the other; yet it is only one of them that the public, as a public, have any concern with. The criminal cases, being breaches of the peace, are consequently under the cognizance of the government of the state, and the expense of supporting the courts thereof belonging to the public, because the preservation of the peace is a public concern.
But civil cases, that is, cases of private property between individuals, belong wholly to the individuals themselves; and all that government has consistently to do in the matter, is to establish the process by which the parties concerned shall proceed and bring the matter to decision themselves, by referring it to impartial and judicious men of the neighbourhood, of their own chusing. This is by far the most convenient, as to time and place, and the cheapest method to them; for it is bringing justice home to their own doors without the chicanery of law and lawyers. Every case ought to be determined on its own merits, without the force of what are called precedents, or reports of cases; because, in the first place, it often happens that the decision upon the case brought as a precedent is bad and ought to be shunned instead of imitated; and, in the second place, because there are no two cases perfectly alike in all their circumstances, and therefore the one cannot become a rule of decision for the other. It is justice and good judgment that preside by right, in a court of arbitration. It is forms, quoted precedents, and contrivances for delay and expense to the parties, that govern the proceedings of a court of law.
By establishing arbitrations in the room of courts of law for the adjustment of private cases, the public will be eased of a great part of the expense of the present judiciary establishment; for certainly such a host of judges, associate judges, presidents of circuits, clerks and criers of courts, as are at present supported at the public expense will not then be necessary. There are, perhaps, more of them than there are criminals to try in the space of a year—Arbitration will lessen the sphere of patronage, & it is not improbable that this was one of the private reasons for negating the arbitration act—but public economy, and the convenience & ease of the individuals, ought to have outweighed all such considerations. The present administration of the United States has struck off a long list of useless offices and economized the public expenditures, and it is better to make a precedent of this than to imitate its forms and long periods of election which require reform themselves.
A great part of the people of Pennsylvania make a principle of not going to law, and others avoid it from prudent reasons; yet all those people are taxed to support a judiciary to which they never resort, which is as inconsistent and unjust as it is in England to make the Quakers pay tithes to support the Episcopal church. Arbitration will put an end to this imposition.
Another complaint against the present constitution of Pennsylvania is the great quantity of patronage annexed to the office of governor. Patronage has a natural tendency to encroach the public expense by the temptation it leads to (mules in the hands of a man like Franklin) multiply offices within the gift or appoint-
ment of that patronage. John Adams, in his administration, went upon the plan of encroaching offices and officers. He expected by thus encroaching his patronage, and making numerous appointments, that he should attach a numerous train of adherents to him who would support his measures and his future election. He copied this from the corrupt system of England; and he closed his midnight labours by appointing sixteen new unnecessary Judges, at an expense to the public of thirty-two thousand dollars annually. John counted only on one side of the case. He forgot that where there was one man to be benefited by an appointment, that all the rest had to pay the cost of it; and that by attaching the one to him by patronage, he ran the risk of losing the money by default, and such was the consequence; and such will ever be the consequence in a free country where men reason for themselves and from themselves, and not from the dictates of others.
The less quantity of patronage a man is encumbered with, the safer he stands. He cannot please every body by the use of it; and he will have to refuse, and consequently to displease, a greater number than he can please. Mr. Jefferson gained more friends by dismissing a long train of officers, than John Adams did by appointing them. Like a wise man, Mr. Jefferson distanced himself of patronage.
The constitution of New-York, though like all the rest it has its defects, arising from want of experience in the representative system of government at the time it was formed, has provided much better, in this case, than the constitution of Pennsylvania has done. The appointments in New-York are made by a council of appointment composed of the governor and a certain number of members of the senate taken from different parts of the state. By this means they have among them a personal knowledge of whoever they appoint. The governor has one vote but no negative. I do not hear complaints of the abuse of this kind of patronage.
The constitution of Pennsylvania, instead of being an improvement in the representative system of government, is a departure from the principles of it. It is a copy in miniature of the government of England, established at the conquest of that country by William of Normandy. I have shewn this in part in the case of the king's negative, and I shall shew it more fully as I go on. This brings me to speak of the senate. (To be continued.)
Disputant.
From an English Publication—June, 1805.
ROYAL INSTITUTION.
On Saturday, at two o'clock, the Rev. SYDNEY SMITH delivered a very ingenious and forcible lecture, on the reasoning faculties of animals, in the course of which he shewed, that a man, though far superior to animals in this distinguished qualification, chiefly derives that superiority from his power of speech, his longevity, and the peculiar delicacy and texture of his hands. He began by assuming the plain & general proposition, "that animals have reasoning faculties;" and, in support of it, he quoted several passages from the works of Mr. LOCKE, Dr. HARTLEY, Dr. REID, and other eminent writers on Moral Philosophy, who all speak most decidedly on the subject. He then instanced an observation made by the celebrated Naturalist BUFFON, who tells us, that he had paid most particular attention to the mode and manner in which those diminutive animals, field-mice, provide for their wants, and contrive to support themselves and their young, during the inclemency of the winter. He described the manner in which they built their little mansions within the ground; and regular divisions they make of different apartments, some of which they use for their own immediate use and occupancy, and the other as store-houses for the grain, &c. which they lay in for their subsistence; in which they exhibit a degree of sagacity and taste in domestic economy, which borders strongly on the efforts of man, in the rudest state of nature. From these diminutive animals, he proceeded to notice some of a larger size, and, from their imitative faculties, approaching nearer to our own species. He related, from a French author, whose name we could not distinctly hear, an anecdote of an ape, that was in his possession, and that he used to amuse himself by feeding with walnuts, and observing the tricks and fancies he made use of during the time of his repast. One day he happened to throw down the walnuts, so that they were out of the reach of the animal, that was fastened by a chain; he made two or three attempts to reach them, in vain, and was most wittily eyeing the luxurious dainties, when a footman passing by with a napkin under his arm, the ape seized the napkin, threw it out till he had swept all the walnuts within his reach, and then hung the towel to the servant from whom he had snatched it. The reverend Lecturer then proceeded to notice the docility and sagacity of another animal of still greater magnitude, viz. the elephant. There were, he said, the most undoubted authorities, of many instances of their sagacity, which almost exceeded credulity. In many parts of Asia, the Blacks, when they go from home, leave their infant children, as it were, under the care and protection of this extraordinary animal, which they keep tied to a post, and they place the children on the ground very near him. The attentive and sagacious creature will watch them with the utmost care, and when they crawl about, and he sees them getting too far, he stretches the gentlest manner, and so gives them fresh scope for the renewal of that exercise which alone they are capable of taking. He then adverted to the great sagacity in dogs, that very frequently found their way across a country of sixty or eighty miles in extent, which they had never seen but once, and which could only be done by the very extraordinary attention they paid to every particular bush, gate, house, tree, &c. as they passed, and which their retentive memory, one of the strongest parts of the reasoning faculty in man, enabled them to recollect again. Having given these instances, he proceeded to state, that he conceived one of the first causes of the superiority of man above the power of speech, another from his longevity, and a third greater from the familiar delicacy and formation of his hands. For if man's life had been limited to twenty years, his improvements would, in all likelihood, have been very few; and if his hands had not enabled him to find metals, and thus procure their diffu-

en, he would have been very little superior to the wild and untutored savage. Another cause of man's superiority was his gregarious disposition. A lion lies in a hole under a huge rock, and if another lion should pass by he would get up and fight him. If man was to do the same, and to get up and box every other man he saw, their state of improvement would be little more than that of animals. Besides, the wisest philosophers and most celebrated writers were agreed, that most animals have a social turn as well as man; and though they have not the faculty of speech, they have certain symbols, by which they communicate with and understand each other. No doubt could therefore remain, that animals possess reasoning faculties, though in a most inferior degree to man. Those faculties were given by the Great Creator, for the wisest and best purposes, to render them more useful and subservient to man. The Theatre was exceedingly crowded with ladies and gentlemen of the first rank, fashion, and beauty, who paid the deepest attention. The fleet was, from end to end, full of elegant carriages.
European Intelligence.
From London Papers, June 10 to 13.
June 11. Government has received advices, we understand, of the capture of the Hannibal, which was formerly a British 74, and was taken about five years since in Algiers Bay, where the ground-hardly any thing is talked of but Lord Nelson's pursuit of the Combined Fleet, and as is generally the case, when intelligence does not keep pace with the unreasoning impatience of the public, numbers of unfounded reports are circulated almost hourly. Letters were yesterday pretended to have been received from Holland, stating that an action had taken place between Lord Nelson and the Combined Fleet. To state all the forms in which this rumour has been circulated would be impossible, nor is it necessary, as we can lay before our Readers the original fabrication itself, which first appeared on the 21st ult. in the Dutch Gazette, entitled; States and Handlungen Zufchauer an Gestehe der Sider see, and was afterwards copied into the Hamburg Correspondent of the 23d. The following is the article alluded to:— "If we can credit a report spread at the time this paper was going to press, there has been a most bloody battle in the neighbourhood of the Canary Islands, between the French, Spanish and English fleets, under the command of Admirals Gravina and Nelson, in which both commanders fell, and the British captured nine sail of the line and four frigates. What truth there may be in this important intelligence time alone can determine."
We need hardly add, that the date proves this pretended intelligence to be altogether unfounded. GIBRALTAR, June 6.—Three American gun-boats and one mortar boat arrived to day from the United States, on their way to Tripoli, which they are going to attack again. The American gun-boats are universally reckoned to be the most complete vessels of the kind ever seen in this Bay, whilst the few English gun-boats here are exactly the reverse, and are so inferior in every respect to those of the Spaniards in their construction and in rowing or sailing, that the enemy laugh at and despise them. JUNE 8.—The Garrison is perfectly healthy, though a number of families have already left it, from the apprehension of the fever breaking out again. PARIS, June 30.—It is asserted that Prince Louis will have the command of a considerable body of reserve; his head quarters to be at St. Amand.—The army on the coast is at present subdivided into three corps, denominated after their stations. The astronomer Lalande has published in our journals, some observations on the preparations made on our coast, in which he states the number of vessels at Boulogne at upwards of two thousand, and that of the army at one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand men. FLORENCE, June 14.—Tuscany, as well as Lucca, are to be united with the new kingdom of Italy—Bonaparte intends to make many other changes in Italy. To facilitate the changes, the Republic of Lucca has applied to Bonaparte for a new Constitution, and requested the honour of being governed by a member of his family. Many more political changes are speedily expected to take place in other parts of Italy. Bonaparte has undertaken to pay all the pensions due to the officers and household of the late Duke of Parma, amounting to about 100,000 livres per month. The pay of the French garrison at Leghorn has been diminished by 150,000 livres per month. Bonaparte promises that the subsidy for the maintenance of those troops shall be discontinued, as soon as England acknowledges the kingdom of Etruria. Between the Etrurian and French Governments an exchange of territory is about to take place. Etruria is to cede to France the district of Orbello and a part of the valley of Cecina, bordering on the Dutchy of Urbina, receiving in exchange the Republic of Lucca, with the Dutchies of Massa and Carrara. LEYDEN, July 2.—Among the Foreign News the following is deserving of notice.— "At Constantinople the hopes of the English to conclude a triple alliance between Great Britain, Russia, and the Porte, are disappointed, the Russian Ambassador having declared to the Turkish Secretary of State (as we are informed) that the Russian Monarch was disposed to co-operate for a peace; but not to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance. The Russian Chamberlain and Minister of Justice, Count Novosiltzoff who is known to be charged with a negotiation, is not only already arrived at Berlin, and that sooner than was expected, but also the British envoy at Berlin, Mr. Jackson, who had been three weeks at Dresden is returned to Berlin in great haste, and has already had a conference with the Russian Negotiator. June 12. We have received the Paris Journals to the 4th inst. and Dutch Papers to the 5th. By the former we find that the preparations for the invasion of this country are continued with increased activity: troops, to the amount of between 150 and 200,000 are now in motion along the coast; and the Boulogne flotilla consists of not less than 2000 vessels. Bonaparte, having received the homage of his Italian slaves, is on his return to France; he comes by the Rhine, and is expected shortly on the coast, where he is to be met by the Minister of War. In Holland, too, the preparations appear to be very active. Gen. Marmont is now at the Helder inspecting the military, and Admiral Winter is appointed commander in Chief of the fleet to be employed in the expedition. On the whole we don't highly probable that the attempt at invasion will not be much longer delayed; but,
some the enemy when they may, they will find us prepared to meet them, determined to stand or fall with the liberties and independence of our country. According to letters from Frankfort, the French troops continue to march from Hanover to the interior of France; and an unusual degree of activity is observable in every direction. A letter from Stockholm, dated the 4th inst. states, that several of the first personages in Sweden have been dismissed from the offices of state which they held, in consequence of the representations they had made to the King on the subject of his present military measures, in opposition to France, Prussia, and Austria. It is added, that, among others, the Baron Lagerbielke, Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. De Liebet, Chancellor of the Court and of State, have received orders to quit the kingdom. This statement, however, will probably prove an exaggeration of the fact. It is also stated, that the efforts of the English to form a triple alliance between Great Britain, Russia, and Turkey, have failed; M. D'Ishtalinsky, the Russian Minister at Constantinople, having received orders to suspend the negotiations upon that subject. A letter from Frankfort of the 23d. June, contains the following article:—"They write from Augsburg, that several Russian families of distinguished rank continually pass through that city on their way to France; a circumstance which is considered as a pledge to the re-establishment of a good understanding between Russia and France." Mr. Trotter has taken a small house near Highgate. He was probably sworn there, as he did not take the little house, until he had left the large house in the Strand. A new Tiara has been lately made at Paris, which is intended as a present from Bonaparte to the Pope. It is composed of Oriental rubies, sapphires, emeralds, brilliants, and pearls; the most conspicuous is a very large emerald, weighing 234 oz. placed under the cross, which, for several ages constituted part of the treasures of the Vatican, and is now restored to its original destination. The report of the death of Talleyrand is contradicted in the Paris papers. The report is renewed that the residence of the Pope will soon be removed to Avignon. According to one of our Journals, it is confirmed as certain at Paris that the Republican Calendar will be entirely laid aside in September next. Several Pholic officers, even in their official documents, already make use of the old. The principal difficulty is said to be, that the financial accounts throughout the Empire commence from the 22d of September; but the Minister of Finance, it is said, has a plan that will obviate this.
NEW-YORK, August 31. The editors of this Gazette have received from Capt. Childs, of the Nancy from Dublin, a Dublin paper of the 20th ult. 3 days later than by former arrivals. Under the London head of July 16, it is stated, that the account of the capture of a Spanish ship of the line, is unfounded. That the Carthagena fleet, of 7 sail of the line, sailed for Cadiz the 3d of June, but, hearing that Admiral Collingwood was off that port, they returned. The sloop of war Orefes, capt. Brown, got ashore near Dunkirk, and not being able to get her off, she was burnt. Adm. Russell had arrived at Yarmouth, with 4 sail of the line, from the coast of Holland; and Admiral Douglass at Dunkerque, from off Boulogne, with part of his squadron. Nothing of Adm. Nelson, or the combined fleets. From the Globe of July 13. "Yesterday, Parliament was prorogued by Commission, with a speech read by the Lord Chancellor, sitting, "That his majesty has not yet been enabled to communicate the result of the negotiations, in which he is engaged with the Continental Powers, and expressing his determination to omit no step that may promote such a concert, or furnish the means of repelling with vigour the encroachments of the enemy upon the independence of Europe." There is nothing in this communication that must not have been anticipated. Every person who has read the foreign Journals, recently received, must see, that the negotiations alluded to will abide the result of the mission of the Russian Minister, Novosiltzoff, whose arrival at Berlin we lately announced. The following extract of a letter upon this subject, from a gentleman in a diplomatic situation in that city, received by the last mail, will be found interesting:—"The efforts of the Prussian Court to prevent the breaking out of the Continental war, which was so near at hand, will be entitled to the gratitude of posterity. The public is not yet acquainted by far with all the difficulties of this glorious undertaking. When, in January 1805, England communicated the French overtures for peace to the Russian Court, the latter, that it might be enabled to come to a decisive conclusion on the subject, thought it necessary to assure itself of the disposition of the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, and to ascertain whether there was any well grounded expectations of their acting in concert. Gen. Winzingerode was therefore sent on the 13th of February to Berlin. As he convinced himself that the good understanding between Prussia and France was not likely to be interrupted, and that Austria was not disposed to hostilities, the Russian Court agreed to the overtures of peace transmitted by the Cabinet of Berlin. From Berlin reasonable proposals were now to be submitted to the French Emperor; Baron Winzingerode had his audience to leave, and had fixed on the 20th of March for his departure. In the mean time Napoleon assumed the crown of Italy; this circumstance produced a new alteration in the state of affairs. On this occasion Prussia conducted herself with great dignity and conciliatory firmness. The answer to be returned to France was for some time delayed, and M. De Winzingerode received directions to await further orders at Berlin to observe whether the occurrences in Italy, combined with other internal relations at Vienna, would produce any alteration of the Austrian system. Should this have been the case, he was to have gone from Berlin to Vienna. But as the Court of Petersburg was convinced that Austria would not change its pacific system, that Envoy was directed to return from Berlin to Peterburgh, and conciliatory measures with regard to France were adopted. In England itself, M. De Novosiltzoff had long been considered the most proper person for arranging preliminaries of peace with France. The Russian Court, therefore, requested that of Berlin to procure passports for him, that he might repair either to Italy or Paris. For this purpose, a Courier was dispatched on the 7th of May, from Berlin to Milan, who returned on the 22d of the same month, with six passports. May the united efforts of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg and Berlin be crowned with success. A year of warfare is now more pregnant of events than a whole century in former ages. The menace of invasion is now renewed in the Paris papers, but all this bluffing and swaggering will not divert the attention of Europe from the disgrace with which the enemy have covered themselves in the West-Indies."
From a Dublin Paper of July 20. COX, July 17. An order was this day received at the Custom-house of this City, to lay under quarantine, or forcibly to cut off from any communication with the shore, any ship or ships of the Combined fleet, which may be captured by any of his Majesty's ships of war, in the event of their being brought into any port in this district, as a disease of a very malignant nature is stated to prevail on board them. These instructions are general throughout the kingdom. It would appear from this precaution, that Government have a strong expectation of Lord Nelson's being able to overtake them, or that if they succeed in escaping him, they will be intercepted either coactively or dispassionately, before they can arrive in a French or Spanish port. We shall most gladly contribute to their accommodation in any of our harbours, notwithstanding the prevalence of infection. The West India merchants should manifest the gratitude they feel for their tenderness towards the West Indies—and the respect which they entertain for British property there, whenever they arrive in our ports. BOSTON, August 29. THE COMBINED FLEETS. Captain Taylor, arrived here yesterday from Ruffa, spoke on Monday last, the brig Joseph, Captain Carter, 42 days from Bilboa, for Plymouth, and was informed by captain C. that 8 days after leaving Bilboa, he was boarded by a boat from a French and Spanish fleet of 27 sail of the line, frigates, &c. and was told that the squadron was bound into the Bay of Biscay, in pursuit of several of British ships of war, which they had accounts were in that quarter. This fleet it is supposed can be no other than the combined French and Spanish armament from the West-Indies, and that they were running in for some port in the Bay.
Domestic Intelligence.
BOSTON, August 20. We understand, by several gentlemen, who left Salem yesterday afternoon, that the brig Bellisle, captain Leach, had arrived at that place from Naples, bringing the important and highly gratifying intelligence of the capture of the city of Tripoli, by the forces under the Ex-Bahaw, (directed, we presume, by the intrepid spirit of our countryman, General Eaton,) and that the American prisoners had been immediately released. Several parcels of dispatches, directed to the President, and the Heads of Department, (received by this vessel) were lodged in the Post-Office last evening. They were noted to be of high importance, and ordered to be forwarded to the seat of government, without delay. The following letters were received by the above arrival, and add some important particulars to the agreeable intelligence above stated: Extract of a letter from an American gentleman at Naples, dated June 15, 1805. "Letters from Sicily mention, that advices had been received from our Commodore at Syracuse, informing of the release of the American Prisoners, and a Peace with Tripoli. This event is said to be altogether owing to the spirited conduct of Gen. Eaton. No particulars are mentioned; but it is supposed on the terms offered by America, as Eaton had previously taken Derma and Baquara." Extract of a letter from FREDERICK DEGEN, esq. to a gentleman in this town. "Dated NAPLES, June 22, 1805. Commodore BARRON has resigned the command of the American Squadron, to Capt. RODGERS. He (Commodore RODGERS) wrote me on the 1st of June, that Peace with the Bahaw of Tripoli was finally concluded; & that the terms were most advantageous and honorable to the United States. It appears, that Mr. EATON's undertaking has been attended with success. Mr. DYSON wrote me from Syracuse, that previous to the conclusion of Peace, Gen. EATON defeated the Bahaw's troops at Derma, and took possession of that town and castle, but received himself, during the action, a musket shot through the arm." The Intelligence contained in the above letters, is derived through an official source; and announces the important fact that PEACE IS MADE WITH TRIPOLI AND OUR COUNTRYMEN ARE FREE. POSTSCRIPT. Thursday morning, 3 o'clock, August 29. The express which we dispatched late last evening to Salem, has this moment arrived, and furnishes the following particulars relative to the before mentioned important News. From the SALEM REGISTER, August 29. Yesterday the brig Belle-Isle, captain Leach, arrived here in 66 days from Naples. About 3 days before he failed, news arrived there, that General EATON, at the head of the small American force which had been detached from our Mediterranean squadron, and the troops collected by the rival brother of the Bahaw of Tripoli, had had an engagement with the Tripolitans at Derne—on which side victory declared we do not learn; but it was said that General Eaton's army suffered most severely, and that every American was killed, except Mr. Eaton, who was wounded in the shoulder. The effect of the battle, however, was an immediate negotiation for peace, to assist at which, Col. Lear went from Malta to Tripoli; and two days before Capt. L. failed, dispatches were received from Col. Lear at Naples, bringing the important and glorious intelligence, that a PEACE highly honorable to the United States had been concluded, and of course the Americans who had been so long suffering in captivity released. Captain L. we understand brings dispatches for our government, so that we may expect shortly to have the official details of the battle, the negotiation, and the terms of peace. The American squadron had not left Malta when this affair took place; and there was no intelligence at Naples of the Gun Boats from the United States having joined them. Commodore Barron, after he found the negotiation was in a promising train, failed for the United States on account of his ill state of health. Captain Leach spoke, in the Gut of Gibraltar, lchr. Charming Nancy, 35 days from Boston, for Barcelona. NEW-YORK, September 2. The following note is from Captain Burger, of the ship Augusta to the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser. On the 9th inst. Sandy Hook bearing N. by W. distant 5 leagues, I was boarded by his Britannic Majesty's sloop of war Hawke, Captain Flomeron, who pressed thirteen passengers out of the Augusta, and treated them very respectfully with great rudeness. Mr. Hughes in particular made use of the most abusive language, and threatened to take me on board the sloop of war and have me punished unless I instantly presented on deck all my passengers, of whom I had forty-nine. On the 31st, Sandy Hook bearing N. N. W. distant 3 leagues, was boarded by his Britannic Majesty's frigate Cleopatra, and treated very politely. The following are the names of the passengers who were impressed:—John Allan, Edward Lowry, James Davidson, Jenkin Killins, John Patterson, George Weir, Samuel Bishop, James Chambers, John Crozit, John Beatty, Daniel Campbell, John McConagh. JAMES D. BURGER. WASHINGTON. By a list of the Post officers in the U. States just published, there appears to be fifteen hundred and seventy-seven offices. Nothing can be more characteristic of the policy of our government than the rapid extension of this department; by which so many channels of information are opened, and so many checks opposed to public imposition. It is unquestionably a sound principle that all the receipts of this department should go to its improvement and extension. Otherwise a tax is imposed upon an object which might even justify a bounty. Indeed it could not fail to afford much satisfaction to the people, were Congress permanently to appropriate the whole sum received by this department, from the postage of letters and newspapers, to facilitating and ameliorating its arrangements. Nat. Intel. FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. [Having received the second Speech of Mr. J. Randolph on the Yazoo Claims, it is now inserted. Our readers will recollect that in regular course it ought to have preceded the Speech of Mr. Lyon.] HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 1. DEBATE ON THE YAZOO CLAIMS. (Continued.) MR. J. RANDOLPH said, that, as well as his extreme indisposition and excessive hoarseness would permit, he would lay before the House some observations on the various objections which had been urged against the amendment of his worthy and respectable colleague, (Mr. Clarke) for such he was in every point of view. He complained of diffennuons and unfair practices on the part of some of his opponents. They had undertaken to agree upon a supposed admission of his friend and himself, that the act of 1795 created a contract between the state of Georgia and the grantees therein named. This (said he) is nothing less than begging, or rather, a flagrant robbery of the question. We deny that any contract has been, or could be made under such circumstances—that fraud is a basis on which a contract can be erected. Gentlemen must drive into this morass of corruption, piles of stronger argument & founder reasoning, before they can build a State-House of a conclusion upon it. 'Tis a quagmire over which they cannot pass; and in their awkward attempts to get around it, they confess, even whilst they effort to deny its existence. Fraud has rendered it without bottom. The act of 1795 is at once declaratory of that fraud, and the highest possible evidence of the fact. The claimants and their advocates themselves concede it, when they cling to the report of the commissioners, by which it is expressly affirmed, and which explicitly declares, that their title cannot be supported. And when they come into this House with that report in their hands, and whine and cringe for our bounty, do they not abandon all pretensions to title? Yes, the advocates of these claims are compelled to acknowledge the fraud, and yield the ground of contract. How else can they justify their own fraud and injustice in stripping fair contractors with a good title, of seven eighths of their rightful and bona fide purchase? This point cannot be kept too much in light, nor too strongly insisted on. The venerable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Findley) when he gave in his recantation of his last year's opinions on this subject, told you that General Washington's Message had no reference to the fraudulency of the act of 1795. He considered it as a CAVEAT on behalf of the United States, who claimed a great part of the territory in question. Be it so. Was that notice to subsequent purchasers, or not? How will the gentlemen reconcile this inconsistency? Within the disputed limits between the federal government and Georgia, five-sixths of this very New-England company's purchase were comprised, besides that valuable part of the Georgia company's grant, contained in the fork of the Altamaha and Tombigbee. The United States contended that the country west of the Chattahoochee, and south of a parallel of latitude which should intersect the mouth of the Yazoo river, never constituted a part of Georgia—that it was within the limits of the province of West-Florida, from which being severed, by the peace of 1763, it became vested in the confederacy, and not in the state to which it happened to be contiguous. The far greater part of the grant to the Georgia Mississippi company is embraced within these limits: the purchase of the New-England company is stated, by themselves, to have been made from that company, twelve months after the President's message: the gentleman from Pennsylvania, himself, considers this message as a formal annunciation of the adverse claim of the United States to the land in question, and, in the same breath, avers that the New-England company, subsequent purchasers of that very land, were ignorant of any defect of title in the state of Georgia, or the grantees under her. How will he reconcile this? The same gentleman has introduced into this debate, the names of two persons one of them, at that time, a judge of the Supreme court of the United States, the other a Senator from the state of Georgia: who he tells us, were deeply concerned in the transaction of 1795. Both these gentlemen are no more. Private character, always dear, always to be respected, seems almost canonized by the grave. When men go hence their evil deeds should follow them, and, for me, might sleep oblivious in their tomb. But if the moulderings ashes of the dead are to be raked up, let it not be for the furtherance of injustice. In every stage of this discussion, whilst I have kept my eye steadily fixed on the enormity of the act of 1795, I have lost sight of the agents. Since, however, some of them have been mentioned, it may not be immaterial to notice the interest which they took in this business. It is too true, sir, that the Senator in question was one of the fathers of the act of 1795. By the assembly which passed it he was, at the same session, re-elected to the Senate of the United States for six years thereafter. It is equally true, Mr. Speaker, that the notorious British treaty was ratified by that Senator's casting vote. And as the Yazoo speculation then carried thro' the British treaty, now it seems, the adherents of that treaty are to drag the Yazoo speculation out of the mire. The connexion of the two questions at that day is too notorious to be denied. That very senator, were he now here, would disdain to deny it. With all his faults, he was a man of some noble qualities. Hypocrisy, at least, was not in the catalogue of his vices. The coupling together of the British treaty and the Yazoo business, cannot surely be unknown to the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He
was a member of the House of Representatives which voted the appropriation for carrying that treaty into effect, and is understood to have acted a conspicuous part on the occasion. Can it be matter of surprise that the same Senate that ratified the British treaty by the casting vote of one of the principal grantees of the act of Georgia of 1795, should refuse to co-operate with the House of Representatives, in measures for obviating the mischiefs of that act? When you see this corruption extending itself to two great departments of government can you wonder at the bitterness of its fruit? With their leaders in the legislature and on the judgement seat, well might the host of corruption feel confident in their strength; even yet they have scarcely laid aside their audacity. A gentleman from Massachusetts (Dr. Eustis) has said, that the claimants from his state had no notice of the fraud, "that he knows they had not"—I cannot have mistaken him, for I took down the words. Sir, I would ask that gentleman, whence arises the proverbial difficulty of proving a negative, but from the difficulty of knowing one?
[Dr. Eustis rose to explain. If he had said that he knew the claimants had no knowledge of the fraud, he had said too much. It was impossible that any one should know all that was known or passing in the mind of another. Without recollecting the precise words used, he had intended to state his own belief that they had no such knowledge or information. He was reticent and conversant with those concerned in the transaction, it was the subject of general conversation, and if there had been any knowledge or report of the kind, he thought it must have come to his knowledge—but he also recollects to have stated at the time that this circumstance did not depend on the knowledge or opinion of any individual.—As the price paid for the land precluded any idea or belief that the purchasers could have had any knowledge of the fraud.] Mr. Randolph resumed. The facts which I am about to mention are derived from such a source that I could almost pledge myself for their truth: When the agent of the Georgia Mississippi Company (under whom the New-England Land Company claim) arrived in the Eastern States, he had great difficulty in disposing of his stock. The rumor of the fraud by which it was acquired had gone before him. People did not like to vest their money in this new Mississippi scheme. He accordingly applied to some leading men of wealth and intelligence, offering to some as high as 200,000 acres, to others less, for which they were neither to pay money, nor pay their paper, but were to stand on his books as purchasers, at so much per acre. These were the steady birds to bring the ducks and geese into the net of speculation. On the faith of these persons, under the idea that men of their information would not risk those vast sums without some professed of return—others resolved to venture and gambled in this new land fund,—laid out their money in the Yazoo lottery and have drawn blanks. And these, sir, are the innocent purchasers by whom we are best; purchasers without price, who never paid a shilling and never can be called upon for one; the vile panders of speculation: and in what do their dupes differ from the losers in any other gambling, or infamous transaction? The premium was proportioned to the risk. As well may your buyers and sellers of stock, your bulls and your bears of the alley require indemnification for their losses at the hands of the nation. There is another fact, too little known, but unquestionably true, in relation to this business. This scheme of buying up the western territory of Georgia did not originate there. It was hatched in Philadelphia and New-York. (and I believe Boston—of this however I am not positive), and the funds with which it was effected were principally furnished by monied capitalists in those towns. The direction of the enterprise devolved chiefly on the senator who has been mentioned. Too wary to commit himself to writing, he and his associates agreed upon a counterfeited. His re-election to the senate was to be considered as evidence that the temper of the legislature of Georgia was suited to their purpose, and his northern confederates were to take their measures accordingly. In proof of this fact, no sooner was the news of his re-appointment announced at New-York, than it was publicly said, in a coffee house there, "then the western territory of Georgia is sold?" Does this require a comment? Do you not see the strong probability that many of those, who now appear in the character of purchasers from the original grantees named in the act of 1795, are in fact partners, perhaps instigators and prime movers of a transaction in which their names do not appear? Amidst such a complication of guilt, how are you to discriminate, how fix the Proteus? The chairman of the committee of claims, who bro't in this report, under the last of whose criticism we have all so often smarted, that he is generally known as the pedagogue of the House, will give me leave on this subject to refer him to an authority. Tis one with which he is no doubt familiar, and (however humble) well disposed to respect. The authority which I am about to cite is Dillworth's Spelling Book, and, if it will be more grateful to the gentleman, not our common American edition, but the Royal English Spelling Book. In one of the chapters of that useful elementary work it is related, that two persons going into a shop on pretence of purchase, one of them stole a piece of goods and handed it to the other to conceal under his cloak. When challenged with the theft, he who stole it said he had it not, and he who had it said he did not take it. Gentlemen, replied the honest tradesman, what you say may be all very true, but, at the same time, I know that, between you, I am robbed. And such precisely is our case: But, I hope, sir, we shall not permit the parties, whether original grantees who took it, or subsequent purchasers who have it, to, to make off with the public property. The rigor of the committee of claims has passed into a proverb. It has, more than once, caused the justice of this House to be questioned. What then was our surprise, on reading their report, to find that they have discovered 'Equity' in the pretensions of these petitioners. Sir, when the war-worn soldier of the revolution, or the desolate widow and famished offspring of him, who sealed your Independence with his blood, asked at the door of that committee for bread, they received the flatus of limitation. On such occasions you hear of no equity in the case. Their claims have not the stamp and seal of iniquity upon them. Summon ju is the measure dealt out to them. The equity of the committee is reserved for those claims which are branded with iniquity and stamped with infamy. This reminds me of the story of a poor distressed female in London, applying for admittance into the Magdalen Charity. Being asked who she was, her wretched tale was told in a few words; "I am poor, innocent, and friendless." "Unhappy girl, replied the director, your case does not come within the purview of this institution. Innocence has no admission here.—This is a place of reception for prostitutes: you must go and qualify yourself, before you can partake of our relief." With equal discretion the directors of the committee of claims suffer nothing to find support in their asylum but what is tainted with corruption and stamped with fraud. Give it their proper name and they will give it "equity."

But we have been told that the government of the U. States gave even less for these lands than the price paid by the several companies of 1795. Admitting the fact, (which is unquestionably false) did Georgia fall to the union for pounds, shillings and pence? Did North Carolina and Virginia, in their acts of cession of even more extensive countries, look to pecuniary profit? Are we become so grovelling, that public spirit and the general good go for nothing? The money which we engaged to pay out of the proceeds of the land, although more than double the amount paid by the four companies in 1795 constitutes but a small part even of the pecuniary consideration. We are, moreover, pledged to the extinguishment of the Indian title to an immense territory within the present limits of Georgia. It has been whispered in my ear, that the fate of a late treaty with the Creeks is to depend on the decision of this question; and as the British treaty and the Yazoo were made to stand, or fall together, in 1795, so the Creek treaty and the Yazoo are to stand or fall together, in 1805. But those who hold out this threat to the members from Georgia, should know them better, should be told that they are made of the stern stuff of republicanism and can neither be coaxed nor intimidated out of their principles. Of those who talk of the western lands being acquired for nothing, I would ask if that be an argument for throwing them away upon flagitious men! But were the toils and dangers and treasure of the revolution nothing? The bloody battles, the burning and devastations of the southern and western countries? Was the expedition of the brave and intrepid Clarke, which wants only a Polybius to rival the march of Thrasymentes; were the exploits of this American Hannibal, who secured the western country to you, nothing? Were your Indian wars and massacres nothing?
This government, let me remind you, has acquired the confidence of the public by the disinterestedness of its measures. The repeal of the internal taxes is not the least conspicuous among them. How long will you retain that well-earned confidence, if you lavish on a band of speculators, a landed capital, whose annual interest is more than equivalent to the whole proceeds of those taxes? I will not go into petty details now, but I pledge myself that whoever makes the calculation, will find the value of the land, together with the expense of extinguishing the Indian title, at the rate of our last treaty in that quarter, to yield a clear perpetual annuity, equal to the receipt from the internal taxes. What would you say to a proposition to revive those taxes and mortgage them for the payment of the interest on a Yazoo stock? Do you wonder that we shrink from such a price? Shall a republican House of Representatives sanction this wanton waste of the public resources to nourish the bane of every Republic? Are you simple enough to believe that the five millions will quiet them? Yes, as the tribute of the Roman world satisfied their Barbarian enemies. You only wish their appetite and increase their means for extorting more. Like the Gauls, after the sack of Rome, they will make their second attempt upon the capitol, before they have divided the plunder acquired in the first. When I see the formidable front displayed by this band of broken speculators, I am irresistibly impelled to enquire what would have been their force, if their attempt on the western country of Georgia had not been baffled by the virtue and patriotism of that state. What is there in this government that could have coped with them? Sir, you must have built another wing to your capitol, for the third branch of your legislature. You would have had a Yazoo estate in your Empire, not with a qualified negative, but an absolute veto on all your proceedings. Scarcely would they have left you the initiative.
I have said, and I repeat it, that the aspect in which this thing presents itself would, alone, determine me to resist it. In one of the petitions, I behold an executive officer, who receives and distributes a yearly revenue of 800,000 dollars, yielding scarcely any net profit to government. Offices in his disposal to the annual amount of 94,000 dollars, and contracts more lucrative, making up the residue of the sum. A patronage limited only by the extent of our country. Is this right? Is it even decent? Shall political power be made the engine of private interest? Shall such a suspicion tarnish your proceedings? How would you receive a petition from a President of the United States if such a case can be supposed possible? Sir, I wish to see the same purity pervading every subordinate branch of administration, which, I am persuaded, exists in its great departments. Shall persons holding appointments under the great and good man, who presides over our councils, draw on the rich fund of his well-earned reputation, to eke out their flimsy and scanty pretensions? Is the relation in which they stand to him to be made the cloak and cover of their dark designs? To the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Root) who takes fire at every insinuation against his friend, I have only to observe, on this subject, that what I dare to say, I dare to justify. To the House I will relate an incident, from which it may judge how far I have lightly conceived or expressed an opinion to the prejudice of any man. I owe an apology to my informant for making public what he certainly did not authorise me to reveal. There is no reparation, which can be offered by one gentleman and accepted by another, that I shall not be ready to make him; but I feel myself already justified to him, since he fees the circumstances under which I act. A few evenings since, a profitable contract, for carrying the mail, was offered to a friend of mine, who is a member of this House. You must know, Sir, that the person so offered alluded to, was a Jackass—fed not (as you would suppose) upon the offal of contract, but with the fairest pieces in the shambles; and at night, when honest men are abed, does this obscene animal prow through the streets of this vast and desolate city, seeking whom he may tamper with. Well, Sir! when this worthy plenipotentiary had made his proposal, in due form, the independent man to whom it was addressed saw, at once, its drift. "Tell your principal, said he, that I will take his contract, but I shall vote against the Yazoo claim, notwithstanding." Next day he was told that there had been some misunderstanding of the business, that he could not have the contract as it was previously bespoken by another!
Sir, I well recollect, when first I had the honor of a seat in this House, we were then members of a small minority—a poor, forlorn hope; that this very petitioner appeared at Philadelphia, on behalf of another great land company on Lake Erie. He then told us, as an inducement to vote for the Connecticut reserve (as it was called) that if that measure failed, it would ruin the republicans and the cause, in that state. You, Sir, cannot have forgotten the reply he received—"That we did not understand the republican cause that was to be paid for;—that we feared it was not of the right sort, but spurious." And having maintained our principles through the ordeal of that day, shall we now abandon them, to act with the men and upon the maxims which we then abhorred? Shall we now condescend to terms which we disdain to use in the most desperate crisis of our political fortune? This is indeed the age of monstrous coalitions—and this corruption has the quality of
cementing the most inveterate enmities, personal as well as political. It has united in close concert those, of whom it has been said, not in the figurative language of prophecy, but in the sober narrative of history, "I have bruised thy head, and thou hast bruised my heel." Such is the description of persons who would present to the President of the United States an act, to which when he put his hand he signs a libel on his whole political life. But he will never tarnish the unsullied lustre of his fame; he will never sanction the monstrous position, (for such it is, dress it up as you will) that a legislator may sell his vote, and a right, and a right, which cannot be divested, will pass under such sale." Establish this doctrine, and there is an end of representative government; from that moment republicanism receives its death blow.
The feeble cry of Virginian influence and ambitious leaders, is attempted to be raised. If such insinuations were worthy of reply, I might appeal to you, Mr. Speaker, for the fact, that no man in this House (yourself perhaps excepted) is oftener in a minority than I am. If by a leader he meant one who speaks his opinion frankly and boldly—who claims something of that independence of which the gentleman from New-York so loudly vaunts; who will not connive at public robbery, be the robbers whom they may; then the imputation may be just: such is the nature of my ambition; but in the common acceptations of words, nothing can be more false. In the coarse, but strong language of the proverb, "tis the still sow that sucks the draught." No, Sir, we are not the leaders. There they sit, and well they know it, forcing down on throats the most obnoxious measures. Gentlemen may be silent, but they shall be dragged into public view. If they direct our councils at least let them answer for the result. We will not be responsible for their measures. If we do not hold the reins we will not be accountable for the accidents which may befall the carriage.
But, Sir, I am a denunciatior! Of whom? Of the gentlemen on my left? Not at all—but of those men, and their principles, whom the people themselves have denounced; on whom they have burnt their indelible curse—deep and lasting as the lightning of heaven. But you are told not to regard such idle declamation. I would remind the gentleman from New-York, that if to declaim be not to reason, to neither is it to be argumentative to be dull. Warmth is the creature of the heart, not of the head. A position, in itself just, can lose no part of its truth from the manner in which it is uttered, whether by the dullest and most stupid special pleader, or bellowed with the lungs of a Stentor. Are our opponents ashamed of their cause, that they devote its defence on the little ones by whom we are bested?
Mr. Speaker, I had hoped that we should not be content to live upon the principal of our popularity—that we should go on to defferve the public confidence and the disapprobation of the gentlemen over the way; but if every thing is to be reserved, if official influence is to become the handmaid of private interest, if the old system is to be revived with the old men, or any that can be picked up I may deplore the defection, but never will I cease to stigmatize it. Never shall I hesitate between any minority, far less that in which I now find myself, and such a majority as is opposed to us. I took my degrees, Sir, in this House, in a minority, much smaller indeed, but of the same stamp. A majority, whose every act bore the test of rigorous principle, and with them to the last I will exclaim fiat justitia, ruat coelum .
(To be continued.)
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 10th SEPTEMBER.
AN ERROR CORRECTED.
Enquiry and discussion are the parents of truth. The opponents of Mr. Jefferson have frequently been compelled to acknowledge their efficacy. Why should we be allowed to profit also by their salutary lessons?
When we stated in the 4th No. of the "Vindication of Mr. Jefferson," that he had resigned the office of governor in the year 1781, we stated what thousands of "respectable persons" had long asserted and uniformly believed. Instead of resorting to the records of state, we were satisfied with the testimony of numerous believers. We have discovered our mistake; and we have discovered too the source, from which it originally flowed.
Mr. Jefferson never did resign the office of governor. He had already served two entire years, and was authorised by the constitution to serve a third, but on account of the complaints which were absurdly set up against his official conduct, neither himself nor his friends were willing to profit by the provision of the constitution. They wished an enquiry to be held upon his official conduct. They were unwilling to arrest its progress by clothing him with the robes of office. If this enquiry should terminate in an impeachment, he was anxious to meet it in the character of a private citizen. Such only was the conduct that he pursued. Because he was unwilling to serve during the third year of the constitutional term, it has therefore been said that he resigned during a part of the time for which he was elected.
Those editors who have already republished the 4th No. of "The Vindication" are requested to give publicity to the preceding statement, accompanied by the certificate of Judge Tyler, and the ensuing resolution of the House of Delegates. Those who have not yet republished the 4th No. are requested to correct the following Errata:
1. In place of the first and second paragraphs insert the following introduction:—
"It was shortly after this period, that Mr. Jefferson repaired to Monticello, 2 or 3 miles from Charlottesville, where the legislature had determined to meet in the early part of June. His office was on the point of expiring, but the constitution of his state had still authorised him to serve during a third year. Actuated by the most laudable motives, however, his friends determined not to bring him forward as a candidate. Censures had been passed upon his administration by those, who were unacquainted with his measures and the state of the country. They had even declared that it was incumbent upon the legislature, to make a formal enquiry into his conduct. Under these circumstances the friends of Mr. Jefferson resolved to make no exertions to re-elect him. They wished to see the menaced enquiry made, and even an impeachment pursued; and they were unwilling to throw any obstacles in their way by investing Mr. Jefferson with the dignity and influence of such an office."
"It is not true then, as Mr. Turner has asserted; that Mr. J. did forward his resignation to the assembly;" and that "the abolition of the government" is "a matter of record." It is true only, that Mr. J. after having served during two entire years, was unwilling to accept of the appointment during the third year; and that the motives of this determination did not spring from any fear of encountering the perils of the situation, but from a desire of promoting a legislative enquiry into his conduct. That such was really the motive of his determination, we can establish by the most satisfactory evidence. We can prove it by the following certificate of the venerable Judge Tyler; for every man deserves to be called venerable, who has spent a long life in the service of his country. We can prove it by the journals of the house of delegates, which we have ran-sacked in vain for Mr. J's letter of resignation, or for the slightest hint that may establish the fact, but which furnishes us with the real motives of his conduct in the resolution which follows below.
"Mr. Jefferson finding at the end of the second year of his administration, in 1781, that some people were discontented with his conduct, with respect to Arnold's and Cornwallis's invasions, declined offering for the office of Chief Magistrate, but neither refused nor delayed the acceptance of it. His particular friends, however, expressed a wish to appoint him again, but nothing having been moved that enquiry should take place at the succeeding session into the conduct of the executive for the last year; nothing more was said on that subject, but Gen. Nelson, who then was at the head of the Militia, was elected Governor. Mr. Jefferson was sent to the Assembly in the fall or spring following, and there called on the house for the threatened examination in a very handsome address but by this time even those who thought him culpable, began to think otherwise on a real reflection and a better information, and the house by a general vote, directed their thanks to be delivered to him from the chair, by John Tyler, then their speaker, who did it accordingly in a warm and affectionate manner. The appointment of Gen. Nelson was satisfactory, where the assembly sat. Mr. Jefferson I believe was immediately sent to Congress, and from thence to France, where he continued seven years, discharging his important affairs, highly to the interest of his country, and greatly to the satisfaction of the government of France."
"JOHN TYLER." Richmond, September 9, 1805. "General Nelson was elected governor on the 12th of June, 1781. On the very same day this resolution appears on the journals of the house of delegates."
"Resolved, That at the next session of assembly an enquiry be made into the conduct of the executive of this state for the last 12 months."
"No man who examines the bent & bearing of this resolution can be any longer at a loss for the reasons of Mr. Jefferson's conduct. No man can hereafter attribute his withdrawing from the office of governor to a dastardly and pusillanimous spirit."
2. In place of "Dewitt," in the 10th paragraph, insert "Jouett," to whom, by a resolution of the House of Delegates, an elegant sword and pair of pistols was presented, for his activity in watching the motions of the enemy in their incursions to Charlottesville.
3. In place of this sentence in the 14th paragraph—"But it has already been observed, that this resignation was even prior to Tarlton's approach to Charlottesville," insert the following:—"But we have already proved that Mr. J. did never send in his resignation to the assembly. We have also proved, that the term of his office had expired, even prior to Tarlton's approach to Charlottesville."
AFFAIRS WITH TRIPOLI.
We can scarce refuse our belief to the glorious intelligence about Tripoli. Though the official dispatches have not yet been published, the letter from Commodore Rogers to Mr. Dengen of Naples, and the letter from Mr. Dengen to his friend in Boston, are so direct as to give us a satisfactory assurance of the truth. The minutiae of the rumour may be incorrect; but we can scarcely doubt that we have obtained an advantageous and honourable peace. It is almost certain that our countrymen are delivered from their chains, and our country from future tribute. What a multitude of emotions does this belief light up in our bosoms!—therefore, We congratulate our countrymen upon the happy termination of our dispute with Tripoli. We congratulate them upon the honourable emancipation of our valiant citizens; we congratulate them upon our unconditional exemption from all future tribute; we congratulate them upon the honourable and almost unparallelled valour of our seamen; we congratulate them upon the illustrious victory of Eaton and his troops. When the history of the United States shall descend to posterity, the siege of Tripoli shall occupy a brilliant page. It shall record the enlightened policy of a republican administration; the accomplishments of an infant navy, ennobled by the valour and the destiny of the American People; it shall record the almost romantic enterprise of Eaton; it shall represent our countrymen delivered from the dungeons of Barbary without degradation and without a ransom; it shall describe even the predatory Bawah of Tripoli himself, touched by the influence of our courage & exempting us from all future tribute. The tragic muse shall hereafter snatch a laurel from the siege of Tripoli. The spirit of the pencil shall give immortality to the fates of Somers, and Watkinson and Israel. The muse of a Tasso shall arise to celebrate the unflinching fortitude of our captive countrymen, and the generous valour of our seamen, who thought no sacrifice too cheap as pouring out their blood for the honour of their country. The siege of Tripoli has proved at least that the spirit of the American revolution is not yet extinguished.
The honourable termination of our war with that power is pregnant with important series of consequences. Let us sketch a few of them as they pass in rapid review before us. We have delivered our countrymen without the expense and dishonour of a ransom. Five hundred dollars a-head was the price fixed by the Bawah on the 9th of August 1804, for their emancipation. Now we have obtained it without the contribution of a single cent. If we have expended our resources upon the equipping of our armaments, we have expended them without dishonour. We have given a practical efficacy to the maxim "millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute."
We have obtained a virtual relinquishment from the Bawah of Tripoli, of all pretended claims to future tribute. Our treasury is now disbursed of a tax, by which the industry of our countrymen was formerly converted into pay for the corsairs of Tripoli. This relinquishment too is not in name only, but it is in substance. The impression which we have struck into the heart of the Bawah, is too deep and too terrible to be eradicated in a moment.
We have inspired a respect for our discipline and our courage into the other Barbary powers of the coast. Some time will yet elapse, before they will increase their annual demands for tribute, or threaten our commerce with depredation. Perhaps the period is not far distant when the Americans shall no longer be dishonoured by the title of tributaries to Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco.
We have raised the spirit of the American navy to an almost unexampled height. The blockade of Tripoli, gave a useful destination to our little fleet, that would have otherwise "rotted in the mud of the Potomac," and it called into action the discipline and valour of our seamen. The honorable termination of this war has crowned their exertions with an appropriate and honorable reward. It has elevated the spirit and flattered the pride of our countrymen. It has breathed a flame into the hearts of our seamen, which it will require years to extinguish. It has covered us with respect in the eyes of all foreign nations: while even the marines of Great Britain and of France have conspired to do us justice. In what period of their history could they produce men more disinterested than those who refuse to be ransomed but at the mouth of the cannon, or men more heroic than Israel, Somers, and Watkinson?
We shall behold our navy once more disengaged from the blockade of Tripoli. No longer confined to the coasts of the Mediterranean, it will no longer be exposed to the attacks of Spain. It will no longer embarrass our negotiation with that power from the imminent danger to which it was subjected by its situation. We shall behold it once more safely moored within our own harbours, or ready to defend our coasts against the unlawful depredations of pretended friends or the threatened depredations of declared enemies. "If," said the Spanish minister, "the King, my master was to order 3 ships of the line, and 6 frigates to the Mississippi—3 ships of the line and 6 frigates to the Chesapeake—and 3 ships of the line and 6 frigates to Sandy Hook, what would you do?" The navy of Tripoli will perhaps supply the Spanish minister with an answer.
Because the Navy of Tripoli has accomplished these desirable objects, therefore will we rejoice. But let us not confine our joy within our own bosoms; let us add to it by the sympathy of our souls; and let us show to the heroes of Tripoli, by marks that are not to be mistaken, that their countrymen are not insensible to their distinguished merits. Let us celebrate their achievements by public and animated feasts. Let us not wait until a cool and deliberate resolution of Congress shall increase the pay of the seamen, or stamp a medal in honour of their victory. Let us seize the moment of exultation; let us reward our brave countrymen by the eager plaudits which they deserve. Let us pour out the flowing bowl, in honour of the Heroes of Tripoli!
* His conversation with Maj. Jackson of Philad.
Our papers from New-York announce, that the Cambrian, the Cleopatra, and the Hawk, British armed vessels, are now off Sandy-Hook, arresting our vessels or impressing their passengers and seamen. We know not what measures have been taken by our administration to put a stop to these grievances. We only know that as the John Adams has been sent to Charleston with instructions to protect that harbour, the brig Hornet is about to be sent to New-York, probably with the same instructions.
From a letter of a young officer on board the Hornet at Baltimore to the editor.
"We shall sail from this port in three weeks for New-York. We have a very fine brig, 470 tons burthen and 20 guns. We shall take in only 9 pounds of this cruise, but she is to mount 12 or 42 lb. carronades, whichever capt. Chauncy chooses. I hope we shall make those, who dare to cope with us, suffer for their temerity."
We have commenced in this day's paper the publication of T. Paine's essays on the affairs of Pennsylvania. The reader will find in them some original and several valuable reflections on the abstract theory of our constitution and laws; but the principal inducement with us for publishing them was, that our readers might be possessed of the principal amendments, which the reformists of Pennsylvania wish to introduce into their constitution, with some of the objections which have been raised against gov. McKean's administration. When we have finished the publication of these essays which is to consist of three or four numbers, we shall subjoin in one table a provisional scheme of the amendments, which are proposed to be adopted.
By publishing the speech of Mr. Randolph on the Yazoo claims, the Editor has been prevented from furnishing the usual quantity of original matter. His anxiety to complete "The Vindication of Mr. Jefferson" has given way to the general curiosity to peruse this animated and eloquent speech.
The reader will recollect, that this was the second speech, which Mr. R. delivered on the Yazoo claims during the last session of Congress.
We are sorry to observe that a malignant fever has made its appearance in Philadelphia. The Board of Health have entered into a resolution to publish a daily report of the new cases which occur. By that of the 3rd. inst. it appears that in the last 24 hours, ending on that day at 12 o'clock, 7 patients had been admitted into the Hospital; 3 had been discharged cured; 1 had died; and that there were 21 remaining, 4 of whom were convalescent.
The National Intelligencer, brought by the last evening's mail, contained none of the official dispatches, about our affairs with Tripoli.
MOREAU.
TRENTON, September 2.
On Thursday last arrived at the seat of Mr. Le Guen, at Morristown, Pennsylvania, opposite this place, the celebrated General Moreau, and Family. This gentleman is now in the 41st year of his age; his stature about the middle size—his appearance plain and unassuming.
His family consists of his wife and two children—he is said to possess an ample fortune.
On Saturday Governor Bloomfield and a number of the principal Federalists of this place paid their respects to the General.
From a letter of a young student at Princeton, to the Editor of the Enquirer.
"I have seen gen: Moreau. He has purchased a house near Trenton (about twelve miles from Princeton) but on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. He intends as soon as possible to become an American Citizen. Different opinions are entertained of the reception which he ought and will meet with from the American people. For my own part, I think it the greatest encomium both on himself and on that he has chosen this country as his place of residence. The character and conduct of gen: Moreau furnish to my mind the clearest elucidation of the good intentions of the original reformers of France. For he was one of them. As soon as he saw that no republicanism in Europe, he was anxious to leave it. He left his country, because it was subjected to the power of a tyrant. He refused the command of the Spanish troops, to besiege Gibraltar, because they were the servants of a despot. He refused the command in chief of the Russian army, because they fought for a king. General Moreau now receives company, not as you would expect from a conqueror of Bonaparte; but as a citizen of the United States, who has never been elevated above a private station."
"When shall we receive the INDEX to the First Volume of your Paper?" The Editor replies, that none but the most indispensable engagements should have prevented him from completing it a long time since. He now pledges himself to his subscribers, to furnish it within 15 days
Last Evening's Mail.
NEW-YORK, September 3. A Swedish ship from Barcelona for New-York, laden with brandy and wine; and a Brig from Martinique for New-York, were captured on Wednesday last by the British frigate Cleopatra, and ordered for Halifax. Mer. Adv.
The ship Ocean, whose capture we noticed yesterday, was brought to and cleared by the Cleopatra; after which she was detained by the Cambrian, and ordered for Halifax, under convoy of the Indian sloop of war. Id.
IMPORTANT.—We are indebted to the politeness of Mr. Craig for the following important information, received by letter from Mr. Harbison of Darien, Georgia:—"Intelligence has reached this place that an English fleet of nine sail of the line, with frigates and transports, are at anchor in the mouth of St. John's river, and that their object is the conquest of Florida. The Spaniards are extremely alarmed, and all is bustle and confusion." Should this account be correct, and there is every reason to believe it is, the Floridas will probably soon exchange masters. The mouth of St. John's river is ten leagues and a half from St. Augustine which will probably be the first object of attack. Dai. Adv.
A letter to Wm. Gray, Jr. esq. at Salem, from a gentleman in Naples, confirms the pleasing intelligence of the deliverance of our American brethren from bondage at Tripoli.—No particulars are given, as his correspondent supposed the information would have been received before the arrival of Captain Leach. It is added (in the Salem Gazette of Friday last) that the brother of the Bawah failed in his object of recovering the government. Phil. Gaz.
MUTUAL INSURANCE OFFICE,
Richmond, Sept. 5th, 1805.
THE members of the Mutual Insurance Company against Fire on Goods and Furniture in the state of Virginia, are hereby notified that a second full quota is found to be necessary, and is hereby called for to be paid by each member of this company to the cashier general on or before the first day of October next. The members of this company will be pleased to take notice, that all who fail to comply with this requisition will cease to be insured after the day fixed on for the payment of the said quota until payment is made. And in order to place this institution on a respectable footing, it is deemed necessary to motion immediately against all delinquents—to that no indulgence need be expected after the first day of October next. BENJ. DU-VAL, President. Sept. 10.
I With to lease for a term of years my HOUSE on the hill between Col: Gamble's and Belvidere. As it was designed for my own residence no expense has been spared to afford every convenience for the elegant accommodation of a small family. A square of four half acre lots under an excellent enclosure, is annexed to the house, and the benefit of luxurious and extensive pasturage for a few horses and cows will be granted by Col: Harvie. It is intended to erect a bridge over the canal near Mr. Rutherford's mills, by which the distance to the lower part of the town will be rendered more convenient than from the greater part of the houses on Shockoe-hill. To a genteel family, who will take proper care of the buildings and enclosures, I will let it upon very moderate terms. JOHN BROCKENBROUGH. September 10. (ref.)
BOLTING CLOTHS.
A COMPLETE assortment of best Dutch Bolting Cloths, just received—for sale by M. G. B. MYERS. September 10. (cp. f.)
THE BROAD-ROCK FALL RACES
Will commence on Monday, the 7th day of October next. THE first day will be run, the greatest and most interesting match race ever run in America, between Mr. John Taylor's horse PEACE MAKER, 5 years old, carrying 118lbs, and Mr. Eali's colt FLOREL, 4 years old, carrying 100lbs running 4 mile heats, for 3,000 dollars. The second day—the Jockey Club Purse of 400 dollars: 4 mile heats. The 3rd day—the Proprietor's Purse of 200 dollars, 3 mile heats, carrying weight for age, agreeable to the rules of the Jockey Club. The money run for each day will be placed in the hands of the judges. There is also to be run, after the great match race, the same day, another match for 200 dollars, a single mile. Wm. BALL, Proprietor of the Field. The usual toll will be collected at the gates each day's racing. All persons are requested not to bring their dogs to the field during the races, as they will be shot without respect to the owners. Broad-Rock, September 10, 1805.
THE TREASURER
OF the Broad-Rock Jockey Club takes this method to inform those delinquent members, agreeable to an order of the said Club, that he shall advertise the names of those who fail to pay up their delinquencies to him or to Mr. Wm. Ball, who is authorised to receive the same. He hopes they will be pointed in paying up their subscription on the first day of the Broad-Rock races. THOMAS CHEATHAM, Treasurer. September 10, 1805.
ROBBERY AND INTENDED MURDER!
100 DOLLARS REWARD.
ARE offered for the apprehension of my negro man, MOSES, who this day made an assault upon my life, and after giving me several dangerous, perhaps fatal wounds, robbed me and escaped on my horse, leaving me senseless on the ground. This daring outrage was committed on the road leading from Williamsburg to York and Hampton. It is conjectured that he has proceeded to the latter place on his way to Norfolk, where he is well acquainted; having been long employed in my vessel which commonly traded between Richmond, Williamsburg, and Norfolk.
Said MOSES is about five feet eight inches high, of a cheerful, smiling countenance. He has a fear, I think, near one of his eyes, and a wide mouth. The above reward will be paid to any person who shall deliver him to me in Williamsburg; or one half thereof will be allowed for securing him in any jail of this state. HENDRY COWAN, near Williamsburg. September 10. (ctw.)
NEGROES &c. FOR SALE.
BY virtue of two deeds of trust, made and executed by Samuel Gailick, of King William county to me, the one for the purpose of saving harmless Mordecai Abrahams of the said county, a debt due to Ovil Row, and the other for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due from the said Samuel to John Temple of King & Queen—shall expose for sale for ready money at King William Court-house, on Monday the 30th of this present month; two negro men (one of whom is young, likely and valuable), a likely and valuable young negro woman, and child, and a large, elegant and well bred bay mare, rising five years old. BEVERLY ROBINSON, Trustee.

A summary historical and political REVIEW of the Revolution, the Constitution & Government of the U.S.; an ORATION delivered at Sheffield, July 4, 1805.
By BARNABAS BIDWELL.
(CONCLUDED.)
Two rival systems of government have long divided the attachment of the world. For the sake of distinction, they may be called democratic and anti-democratic. Democracy is a compound term, derived from two original Greek words, and signifying a government of the People. Such is that of the United States and of this Commonwealth. The very first words of the federal Constitution, "We the People of the United States," indicate its democratic character; and the Constitution of Massachusetts in express terms, declares that "the People of this Commonwealth have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves." It is not, therefore, as has been pretended, a mere cant phrase, but the plain unqualified language of the Constitution, that the People govern themselves. Our government, then, is a government of the People, a Democracy, in the common and proper sense of the term, the only sense in which there is a Democrat in the United States. As the people perform this constitutional self-government, not by personally assembling all together, which would be impracticable, but through the agency of Representatives, elected by them, acting for them & responsible to them, its characteristic definition is a Representative Democracy. It necessarily involves the idea that the People have the capacity, as well as the right, thus to govern themselves.
The patrons of the opposite system contend, that by the democratic doctrine, we only flatter the People, to obtain their favor and their votes; whereas, by reason of their ignorance, credulity and passions, they are in fact "their own worst enemies," mere instruments of power in the hands of demagogues, incapable of self-government, and requiring independent rulers "to save them from themselves;" and that Democracy, however constituted, promotes infatuation, leads to anarchy and ends in despotism. Hence they infer the necessity of a government less popular and free, but according to their opinion, more energetic and stable.
Here is the radical point of difference between the two parties or sects, who have divided the political world.
In most countries and ages the anti-democratic system, under some of its various modifications and names, has prevailed and still prevails. The model most approved is the English government, in its compound theory of three independent orders, a hereditary Executive, a permanent Senate of Nobles, and one popular, democratic or elective branch, representing the People, and possessing "an essential share in the sovereignty." It has been pronounced "the most stupendous fabric of human invention," by a gentleman once high in federal office, and still esteemed for his learning, integrity and revolutionary merits by many of those who, habituated from early years to penetrate the name of Adams, and give him their cordial support, have upon reviewing his political writings and reflecting on some of his public measures, felt themselves reluctantly constrained to dissent from his principles of government.
The original sentiments of the American People were strongly opposed to the hereditary, and attached to the democratic system. The first step towards a change in the principles of our government was to turn the current of popular opinion. The power of fashion was thought supreme on political, as well as other subjects. In England, by annexing ridicule to a name, it had rendered the character and politics of a Republican odious. A similar process was attempted here. Hereditary authority was palliated by fashionable epithets. Instead of monarchical or aristocratic, it was plausibly termed energetic, independent and permanent. Its friends assumed the popular denomination of Federalists, and continued to appropriate it, until, from an apparent continuance of the declining popularity of that prevented name, they have latterly affected to style themselves Republicans. In the mean time natural Liberty and Equality, and Rights of Men, the very first doctrines asserted in the Declaration of Independence, and in our constitutional Declaration of Rights, were systematically ridiculed. The foreign People were commended. Those departments of our government, farthest removed from their immediate control, were distinguished with comparative praise. From the perversion of the French Revolution an inference was drawn unfavourable to the eventual issue of ours. The practicability of the elective system was first doubted, and then denied; and the necessity of a more energetic and stable form was lamented, but incanted. Popular Elections were decried. Democrats were peaceably dignified; and Democracy, the essential principle of our national and state constitutions, was charged with all the crimes of anarchy and atheism. Hundreds and thousands of real Republicans unselfishly followed this political fashion, as they conform to the prevailing mode of dress, till observation taught them its tendency and warned them of the consequences.
An over-riding Providence brings good out of evil. The difficulties, which grew out of such a radical division of sentiments, and which have agitated our citizens for a number of years, also accompanied with much acrimony and abuse, have upon the whole, produced salutary effects. The nature of government has been more thoroughly examined. Our political rights and duties are better understood. Popular errors have been corrected. The public mind, after partial and temporary aberrations is brought back to its principles. The American Revolution has revived in popular esteem. The French revolutionary attempt has, in some measure, lost its power to bewilder and discourage the friends of freedom. The practicability of Republicanism is more generally admitted. The necessity of making our government more permanent by hereditary authorities, of increasing its energy by a military establishment, and attaching a powerful moneyed interest to its support by means of a funded debt, is exploded. Democracy is no longer considered odious; and a Democrat is by no means felt to be a man of reproach. Party names are so justly condemned, that it injures a man more than the object aimed at. Periodical elections are more highly valued and more punctiliously attended. The people are generally treated with respect. Their constitutional sovereignty is felt. Their elective decisions are recognized in their rights and interests are regarded. Their conduct, at the same time, evinces an increasing sense of the importance of supporting the constituted authorities, elected by a majority of their own suffrages, and of obeying and executing the laws, conditionally enacted by a majority of their own representatives; and thus practically relating the objections of their anti-democratic enemies, and confirming the Republican maxim, that Representative Democracy is in reality the free government, as well as the freest of human governments.
The progress of political reformation has extended to measures, as well as sentiments. One of the first, which most effectually befitted modern governments, is an extension of Executive prerogative, by the multiplication of offices, the augmentation of taxes and the accumulation of debt. In each of these particulars Great-Britain exhibits an awful example. Her list of offices, civil, ecclesiastical, military, naval and fiscal, has been multiplied to an extent, which would startle an American. Taxes, direct and indirect, are there laid upon every article of property and every consequence and necessity of life; and year after year increases the weight of their load. The act of taxation, which seems to be a principal and fundamental for the military, is carried to such refinement, that they now raise, by annual taxes, twenty times as much as the United States; and yet their expenditures far exceed their income, that they annually add to their national debt, by loans, more than the whole amount of taxes. Their debt already exceeds two hundred millions of dollars, and is perpetually ad infinitum. No man, in his senses, now believes that any part of it will ever be redeemed. All this accumulation of debt, in the course of a little more than a century, the English national debt was less than half a million sterling, their annual revenue two millions, and their expenses within their revenue.
Bolingbroke, in his "State of the Nation," explaining the funding system, which was then introduced, observes, "It was said that a new government, established against the ancient principles, and actual engagements of many, could not be effectually secured any way, as it would be if the private fortunes of great numbers were made to depend on the preservation of it; and that this could not be done, unless they were induced to lend their money to the public, and accept securities under the present establishment. Thus the method of funding and the trade of stock-jobbing began." He might have added, that the policy was fatally successful. It created an influential moneyed interest, and attached the holders of the funded stock to the administration who had allied them to their fortunes, by advantageous loans. Thus too, the stock-holders of the United States, with a very few exceptions, have been politically attached to the party who were the authors of our funding system.
On the subject of offices, taxes, and debt, our own history, though short, is full of instruction. A few facts will be selected on the present occasion. Under the former administration, we had Ministers Resident at the Courts of England, France, Spain, Prussia, Portugal and Holland. At present we have them only at London, Paris and Madrid. Near the close of the former administration the federal judiciary then consisting of six Judges of the Supreme Court and one District Judge in each District was nearly doubled by the creation of an additional grade of Circuit Judges.
There is a clause in the Constitution that no Senator or Representative shall be appointed to any civil office created during his term. The members of that congress, therefore, could not be directly accommodated with the new official births. But a number of District Judges and Attorneys were advanced, and members of the Senate and House appointed to succeed them, without the previous acceptance or even knowledge of the promoted officers. That was not indeed a violation of the letter of the constitutional prohibition; but was it fairly reconcilable with the spirit of the Constitution? It certainly was attended with embarrassments. In one case for instance, a District Judge was promoted to the Circuit Bench, and a Senator was commissioned as his successor. But the former when consulted declined his promotion, and the latter therefore took nothing by his appointment. Judge Bee is still the District Judge of South-Carolina; and Mr. READ, with a commission in his view, has yet no office to serve in.
The first Congress, after the change of administration, repealed the Circuit law, and restored the old Judiciary establishment, with some improvements suggested by experience.
No measures of the Republicans encountered a fewer opposition than this. Both its constitutionality and expediency were controverted. It was once a question for political discussion: but we are now viewing it in the light of history. The tenure of judicial office, during good behavior, was first introduced in England, then transplanted to some of our state constitutions, and from thence engrafted into that of the U. States. Its object was to secure Judges against arbitrary removals from existing offices; but it had no relation to the continuance or discontinuance of the offices themselves. Thus the office of an English Judge is, and always has been, repealable by an act of the legislature, although, in the technical language of their law, he holds it during good behaviour.
The very act, creating the Circuit Courts, expressly abolished pre-existing Courts. Yet it was afterwards contended that the Courts created by that act could not constitutionally be abolished. Gentlemen in Massachusetts, who had long advocated the abolition of our Courts of Common Pleas, with a view to the substitution of a different system, without the least doubt of the constitutionality of the measure, notwithstanding the Judges of those Courts hold their offices during good behavior, became converts to the new doctrine, that the abolition of an inferior Court of the United States, without the consent of the Judges, would infringe their constitutional tenure of office during good behavior.
In Connecticut, also, gentlemen, who still defend their own state system, by which the Judges are not only appointed annually by the legislature, but dependent on them for the amount of their salaries, & the continuance of their offices, and removable by them, at pleasure, any day of any session, were nevertheless alarmed, left the repeal of the federal Circuit Courts should ruin the judiciary, that main pillar of the Constitution, by leaving all the Judges at the mercy of the legislature, and thus rendering them victims of political intolerance, or tools of the prevailing party.
Some of the late Judges themselves protested against the repealing act; and, in a petition to Congress, they have since given notice that they still claim their salaries during life, provided they behave in such a manner as to avoid a removal by the process of impeachment.
Upon the point of expediency, it was asserted, that the remaining Judges could not possibly accomplish the judicial business of the United States. But experience has now refuted that assertion, and sanctioned the discharge of those supernumerary Judges.
The federal Bankrupt act supplied a multitude of offices, which were all swept away when that law was repealed; and, to say the least, the morals of the community have received no injury from the repeal. The Provisional Army, which under an idea of repelling an expected invasion, had, for some time, furnished many offices and employments, was disbanded, after a change of administration had become morally certain; and a subsequent reduction in the military establishment still left officers, as well as privates, enough to garrison the forts and guard the frontiers.
The acts for levying a federal direct tax, and for estimating lands and houses for that purpose, in addition to a host of temporary officers, created about a thousand permanent offices & one in each assessment district, for the ascertainment of accruing variations in the state of buildings and registry of transfers of real estate, with a view to succeeding taxes. By the discontinuance of direct taxation, those offices are all abolished.
The stamp tax, and other Excises employed 467 officers, at an expense of more than two hundred thousand dollars annually, as appears by the official returns for the year 1800. With the repeal of the Excises, those offices, also have ceased.
By a tram of Republican measures, Executive patronage has thus been essentially restrained, and our annual expenditure admitted more, in amount, than the whole present expenses of the legislature, executive and judiciary departments added together.
National as well as personal economy not only reduces us from burdens, but enables us to pay our debts. The same Congress, which repealed the internal taxes, made effectual provision for the extinguishment of the national debt, by a permanent appropriation of 7,300,000 dollars to which have since been added 700,000 more, making in the whole eight millions of dollars a year. The names of those who voted for and against this Republican measure, are entered on the Journals of Congress, and will be recorded in the faithful pages of History. The effect of such a change of measures is already seen and felt; in our relief from direct taxes, stamps and all other internal duties, and more notably, perhaps, in the rapid reduction of the debt. In twelve years it had risen from about seventy to above eighty millions of dollars. A considerable part of the additional sum was made irredeemable for a stipulated time, & charged with eight per cent interest, payable quarterly. According to the policy then prevailing, such an augmentation, and on such terms, was considered necessary. The ratio of increase was nearly equal to
the progress of the English debt, during an equal period from its commencement after their revolution. It was seriously apprehended, that the plea of necessity would always continue, and produce here, as it had in England, a continued and inextinguishable progression of debt.
The new administration, succeeded March 4th, 1801. On the first treasury quarter day afterwards, that is April 1st 1801, the balance of cash in the treasury amounted to 1,882,225 dollars and 11 cents, an increase of more than three millions; and, in the intermediate period of three years and a half, 13,575,881 dollars and 15 cents, of the principal, had been redeemed, besides the payment of the interest and the current expenses of government.
No additional tax has been laid under the present administration, except the late temporary addition of two and a half per cent. upon certain articles of import, estimated to produce 550,000 dollars the present year constituting the Mediterranean fund, specially appropriated to the extraordinary expenses of the naval armament, and limited to the duration of the Barbary war.
The permanent ordinary revenue is 11,200,000 dollars; which, after deducting the appropriated eight millions, leaves 3,200,000 dollars, a sum sufficient for the ordinary expenses of government, which are now indeed, within three millions a year, according to the last estimate. So that the appropriation need not be disturbed.
The application of eight millions annually already reduces near 3,700,000 dollars of the principal. This annual reduction increases in a compound ratio: & will if continued, discharge the whole of the old debt in the course of the year 1817, and the remaining 13 millions of the price of Louisiana, in 1819. This is mathematically certain. Within 15 years, therefore, the United States will be freed from debt, provided the present system of economy and peace shall be maintained.
These, fellow-citizens, are facts and calculations, founded on authentic documents, which any person, who has leisure and will take the trouble, can examine for himself.
If the late re-election of President JEFFERSON, by 162 of 176 electoral votes, is a fair criterion of public opinion, more than eleven twelfths of the nation already approve the Republican measures now in operation.
I am sensible they have been opposed with great ingenuity and zeal, by a preferring minority in Congress, who are still supported by a respectable portion of the people in this and some other states. A part of the audience, whom I have the honour to address, are of that number. As the system, however, which they have thus been opposing, is now deliberately sanctioned by so decisive and increasing a majority of the nation; as it has, in practice, already been produced, and promises such further benefits; will they not feel it a duty to hesitate, to re-examine the foundation of their opinion, to review the series of contested measures by the lights of history and experience, and think seriously of the responsibility of pursuing their opposition any further? What rational motive can they now have for striving to reverse the present order of things? Can they hope, or even wish, to restore the federal measures which have been discarded? Would they, for instance, revive the abolished Circuit Courts, after experience has proved them to be unnecessary? Or would they grant the Ex-Judges the salaries they claim during life, when all the world is convinced there is no occasion for their services? Would peaceable citizens be gratified to hear again of invasions and alarms and the drums of a Provisional Army, beating through our streets, to re-enlist their sons and apprentices, with mercenary vagabonds and convicts, for their companions? Would our husbands, who eat their bread in the sweat of their brow, welcome the re-issues of federal collectors of taxes on their houses and lands? Are men of business desirous to have their negotiations embarrassed again with stamps? Would it be a matter of joy to our traders and manufacturers, to see five hundred Excise-men, dependent upon the pleasure of the executive, re-planted all over the interior of the country, with inquisitorial powers to enter their houses and work-shops, any day, and any hour, to inspect their business, examine their books, and administer oaths of discovery, for the purpose of collecting Excise duties, in a time of general peace, in all our towns and villages, at an expense of twenty per cent; when a sufficiency of revenue, if managed with economy can be raised from the imports, collected in a few ports, of those who have the most ready means of payment, without any additional officers, with little interruption to internal police, and with less than four per cent. cost of collection, leaving the sources of internal taxation for a time of war or other national exigency? Who, in the present state of things, is ambitious to have our public expenses enlarged to their former amount? Where is the man, who would willingly prevent or protract the redemption of the national debt? Is there one in this assembly, who, if his life should be spared fifteen years, would not feel proud to behold his country out of debt; or who would not, in case of his own intermediate decease, rejoice in such a prospect for his children? If no such man is to be found among us, why, then, in the name of conscience and common sense, let me ask, why would any one be so inconsiderate, as to oppose, or countenance others in opposing a system of measures now actually in train to produce so desirable a result?
But there are questions, which I hope every man, who hears me, will resolve upon his pillow and answer to his own heart.
In the mean time let us not forget the appropriate duties of the day. Fellow Citizens of all parties and denominations, on this anniversary of independence, let us honestly try ourselves by the maxims of the Revolution and compare our politics with the principles of the constitution. While we are celebrating the conquest of our enemies in the field, and the establishment of a national government, let us resolve to conquer our own political prejudices and establish a government over our party passions. Let us spread a broad mantle of charity over the petty animosities, which have two long divided us; and, with grateful acknowledgements to the God of our fathers for past interpositions, and a humble reliance on his grace, through the Saviour, for future blessings, let us unite our congratulations upon the happy prospect of our country.
THE HOUSE and OUT-HOUSES in the Town of Manchester, late in the occupancy of Richard Fitch deceased. The house is adapted to the accommodation of a family, with a kitchen, stable and smoke house—attached to the buildings are a good garden, and a spacious yard well enclosed; and an advantage of grazing on the luxuriant commons of the Town, which surround the premises. The situation is pleasant, and has been ever considered as healthy. The property will be Let on Lease for one or more years, and possession given the 25th December next. For terms of rent or lease, application may be made to George McCredie, of Manchester, or the subscriber.
JOHN CRINGAN. (84.) August 16.
THE SUBSCRIBERS Beg leave to inform their friends and the public generally, that they have removed their SHOP a few doors below the Eagle Tavern, where they intend carrying on the
SHOE & BOOT MAKING BUSINESS more extensively than heretofore.
They intend keeping constantly on hand, a good Stock of Leather, Boots and Shoes of every description, by wholesale or retail.
Orders from the Country will be gratefully received and strictly attended to.
By the Public's Obedt Serv'ts, SAMUEL BARRET & Co. August 27. (epu)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
VALUABLE LAND IN LOUISA COUNTY—FOR SALE. PURSUANT to a deed of Trust, executed by John Bingham, to secure the payment of 200 dollars, interest and charges, due to Yeomans Smith, will be sold at Public auction, for ready money, on the 7th October next, at the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, between 12 and 1 o'clock:
A certain TRACT OF LAND, lying in the county of Louisa, on both sides of Reedy Run, adjoining the lands of David Morris and Samuel Hanlon, containing 300 acres, by a late survey.
ROBERT BELL, JOHN DUNSMORE } Trustees. August 30. (tds)
TO BE SOLD, At Public Vendue, at Galt's Hotel, in Alexandria, on Monday the 16th day of September, at 12 o'clock, at noon:
ALL that TRACT OF LAND, late Presley Thornton, Esquire's, situated in Northumberland county, Virginia, lying immediately on the Potomac River. The following description is given of this property by persons well acquainted with it:—It contains 2,500 acres, 1,700 acres of which are the most valuable low grounds on the river, between 3 and 400 acres heavily timbered, and the remainder very high land, extremely productive. The soil of this tract is equal to any in the State for the cultivation of corn, wheat, tobacco, timothy, and small grain of all kinds. On this tract is a large commodious Brick Mansion House and two Offices, a Large Brick Stable, Valuable Barn, Cow-Route, and many other out-houses. The Orchards and Garden contain a variety of valuable fruit trees, and the waters abound with excellent fish and oysters. It is situated about a day's sail from Baltimore, Alexandria, and Norfolk. There are two good mill sites for grist and saw mills on the estate, and plenty of cedar and chestnut timber, for which an excellent market may be found at the City of Washington.
The terms of sale are—one-fourth cash, one-fourth in one year, one-fourth in 18 months, and the residue in two years from the day of sale. The purchaser to be secured by bonds, with mortgages on the premises, and to be on interest from the day of sale.
For further information, application may be made in behalf of the subscriber, Thomas Robinson, to Richard Peters, Esq. attorney at law, in the city of Philadelphia, or to William Lewis, in the same city, (Philadelphia.)
THOMAS ROBINSON, W. LEWIS. July 23 ep 158.
FOR SALE ON PRIVATE CONTRACT. GREEN-WAY; the seat on which I now reside, including Moom-Sacer, & the Court-House Tenement, containing in all 1200 acres of fertile level farming land (reserving one acre of consecrated ground). The whole is bounded by two navigable creeks, emptying into James River before the door and forming a bay, therefrom 1400 yards only—25 miles to Peterburg by water, 30 to Richmond by land and 28 to Williamsburg—The Court-House Tenement has on it a large enclosed Tavern, with six rooms; one of which is 32 feet by 20 in length and breadth; all in the middle and used for entertainments; all other necessary out-houses, a good garden and a fine Well of water, dry cellars, stores &c. for the use of a commercial business, which are now occupied to advantage in that line. This is an excellent place for flock, fish and fowl in their seasons; and enough of corn, wheat & oats may be made by common industry for the consumption of the Tavern. This Tenement has 200 acres of land annexed to it, and rents for £100 a year.
GREEN-WAY contains 500 acres well improved. On it, is a genteel well finished dwelling house, containing six rooms; all wainscoted, chair board high, with fine dry cellars, the full length of the house which is 56 feet; also every other building which a reasonable person could wish or desire, to wit: a handsome Italy, Store House, Kitchen, Laundry, Dairy, Meat House, Spinning House and an Ice House within the Curtilage, a Barn 40 by 34 feet, two granaries, two Carriage Houses, 20 stalls for horses, a quarter for house servants, a handsome Octagon Pigeon House well stocked, and several other houses for slaves, a well of water, (so excellent that I can drink it with delight after returning from a mountain circuit) a large fertile garden abounding with a great variety of shrubs, herbs and beautiful flowers, well enclosed. The buildings new and well covered with shingles.
MON-SACER contains five hundred acres more or less, on which is a neat small dwelling, a mill begun on a never-failing stream, one mile from James River and emptying itself therein. This farm is remarkably level and highly improvable, is in a fine settlement for wheat and timber, so that the manufacturing business may be carried on to great advantage, as also the sawing of timber now so much in demand. About half this estate inclusive is under fine fire wood and timber—and scarcely a gall nor a wash on any part of it. The age and fever has not visited a white person for 20 years that I recollect. In short there can not well be conceived a more agreeable situation in all respects than this estate taken together.
UTOPIA I will also dispose of—This little estate lies in James City county; is an island surrounded by navigable water near the mouth of Chickahominy river, containing 746 acres of high land and hard marsh sufficient for the support of 1000 head of cattle in the month of May. The high land is rich and produces four and five barrels of corn to the acre. There are 100 acres of good timber adjoining the farm.
In the center of this island is a very handsome hill, on which a small but comfortable dwelling is built, affording a fine prospect over James River for many miles. Here every necessity of life can be had and many of its luxuries with little trouble. It overflows with milk and honey when sufficient flock is furnished to go upon. It is remarkable for fine fruit, as the frosts seldom or never affect it; and no place in Virginia surpasses it for fish and wild-fowl. From this place quantities of hay might be transported by water to Richmond, Norfolk or Petersburg.
Any kind of public securities will be taken for the above property, or if more agreeable to the purchaser or purchasers, I will receive part in cash and the balance at convenient periods—Thirty or forty slaves and flocks of every kind may be had, if the estate is purchased all together. My lands on Clear Creek, Big Licking and Tipton in Kentucky I will also sell or exchange for property in Richmond.
It may be now enquired why I should in an advanced stage of life part with an estate so convenient and agreeable in all respects? In the first place, in a little time I shall be compelled by the unerring voice of nature to "quit this mortal coil," and it is right I should so adjust all my matters as to leave nothing for litigation after my death. My years of regret will be therefore but few on that score. Secondly, it is the best mode I can adopt for a fair division of what I possess among my children; and lastly I am desirous of obtaining a situation, more convenient and cheap for the education of my sons, while the savings from a narrow parsimonious salary, and the profits arising from a much neglected estate, in consequence of my attention to public duties, can never support.
JOHN TYLER. (1wtf) August 24.
WILLIAM McCABE, WATCH MAKER, RICHMOND;
PRESENTS his sincere thanks to his numerous Friends, and the public, who have generously favoured him with their custom; and informs them, that he has lately removed his Shop, to a house opposite Messrs. Gamble's store; where he hopes, from the attention he is determined to observe, to merit a continuance of their patronage.
The business hereafter will be carried on by McCabe and Walker. They hope, from a disposition to please, to give general satisfaction. All commands in the line of their profession will be promptly attended to, and most faithfully discharged. August 23.
FOR SALE—BY THE SUBSCRIBER:
LOAF SUGAR, by the hhd. bbl. or single leaf, direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia SOAL and UPPER LEATHER, on moderate terms. 6th mo. 11th, '05. MICAJAH DAVIS. (ctf)
Richmond County Court, June 1805.
IN CHANCERY. Vincent Rodman, Compt.
Ann Y. McNeill, William R. Kel- } Def'ts. fiek, and Barnes Beckwith, } Def'ts.
IT appearing to the Court, that the defendant, Ann Y. McNeill, is not an inhabitant of this state, and not having entered her appearance and given security according to law, and the rules of this court—on ordered, that the said Ann Y. McNeill, do appear on the first Monday in August next, and answer the complaints bill, and that a copy of this order be published in the Enquirer printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and a copy also posted at the front door of this court-house; and it is further ordered and decreed, that the defendants Kel- fiek and Beckwith do not pay, convey away, or secrete the debts and effects due and belonging to the said Ann Y. McNeill, until the further order of the court in the premises.
A Copy, teste, B. MCCARTY, c. r. e. July 9. (ctf.)
TO BE SOLD, FOR CASH.
I am requested by David Patterson, Junr. to expose for sale, as trustee, the whole or so much of the property in the trust deed conveyed, bearing date the 27th February, 1804, consisting of the following slaves, viz. JACK, a lad, TOM, a boy, KATE and her children, BILLY, SALLY and HENRY; SUEKY, and her two children named FANNY and JEFFERSON; as also MOLLY, a girl; in order to satisfy a debt due from the said David Patterson, Junr. to Benjamin Harbo, agreeably to the tenor of the said deed; which sale will certainly take place on the 28th day of September next, at the dwelling house of the said David Patterson, in the town of Manchester.
GEORGE MCCREDIE, Trustee. Manchester, August 13. (epds.)
TO BE SOLD, FOR CASH.
I am requested by David Patterson, Junr. to expose for sale, as trustee, the whole or so much of the property in the trust deed conveyed, bearing date the 16th day of April last, consisting of the following slaves, viz. JACK, a lad, TOM, a boy, KATE and her children, BILLY, SALLY and HENRY; SUEKY, and her two children named FANNY and JEFFERSON; as also MOLLY, a girl; in order to satisfy a debt due from the said David Patterson, Junr. to L. L. and Mc-Credie, agreeably to the tenor of the said deed; which sale will certainly take place on the 28th day of September next, at the dwelling house of the said David Patterson, in the town of Manchester.
JAMES F. LEITCH, Trustee. Manchester, August 16. (epds.)
THE subscriber, anxious to discharge every just debt which he owes, will at the same time and place offer for sale for ready money, the residue of his property for the benefit of his creditors: consisting of HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, two good HORSES and sundry other articles.
DAVID PATTERSON. Manchester, August 16. (epds.)
NOTICE.
THAT by virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed to the subscribers, by Jeremiah Burton, and Major John Price, for the purpose of raising the several sums of money therein, and also the costs and charges attendant upon the execution of the same. We shall on Wednesday the 11th day of September next, at the Vendue office of Messrs. Proufer and Moncure, in this city, expose to sale, by public auction to the highest bidder for ready money, a tract of land lying in the county of Henrico upon the three Chopt Road, about ten or twelve miles from this place, said to contain one hundred acres, be the same more or less: being the same tract which was conveyed by Merrill Jones to the said Jeremiah Burton by deed bearing date the 14th day of August 1801, and duly admitted record in the office of Henrico court, and was devised by the testator and last will of William Jones, dec'd, to the aforesaid Merrill Jones.
SAMUEL MCCRAW, } Trustees. GEO: W. SMITH, } (tds) August 27.
DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA, to wit:
BE it remembered, That on the twenty-first day of August, in the thirtieth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Daniel Call, of the said District, hath deposited in this office, the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words following, to wit:
"Reports of Cases, argued and adjudged in the Court of Appeals of Virginia by Daniel Call—volume third." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned;" and also to an act entitled, "An act supplementary to an act entitled an act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints."
L. S. WILLIAM MARSHALL, Clerk of the District of Virginia. August 27. (cpw)
FOR SALE, A TRACT OF LAND.
Four miles from town, adjoining a bye-road leading to Four-Mile-Creek; bounded on the S. by Cornelius's Creek, on the W. by lands formerly belonging to George Nicholson, on the N. by the lands of Robert Craddock, and on the E. by the lands of Nathan Wittie and John Hague, both dec'd. This land is superior to any in its vicinity. The timber is inferior to none, and the prairie is luxuriant in the produce of grass.
It is my belief, that no tract, so near town, promises so fair to re-numerate a purchaser, who would decorate it with the necessary improvements.
I would reserve one half acre lot of this tract, consecrated to the remains of former occupants.
Those disposed to purchase, will please call on the subscriber, at the office of the Enquirer, or address him by letter. THOMAS BURLING. Richmond, August 30.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of Materials and Workmanship to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward their measure