The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-06-28 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY, JUNE 28, 1808.
[No. 17.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Whereas I understand there are various reports in circulation concerning the robbery committed on 18th Inst. in my store by some malicious person or persons in endeavoring to injure my character by saying, I have concealed the Goods in my own house under pretence of being Robbed; whoever will give information so that the author of said report may be discovered, shall receive the above reward.
SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond, June 24. (34)
FOR SALE.—A likely negro woman who is an extreme good cook, washer and Ironer, for terms apply to the printer. Richmond, June 24. (1f)
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Lost on Monday evening, between Richmond and Col. John Mayo's seat, a Red Morocco POCKET-BOOK, containing a Virginia Note of fifty dollars, dated in Norfolk, and several small notes of the United States' Bank, together with several papers immaterial to any but the owner. The above reward will be given on their delivery at the Office of the Enquirer. June 24. (24)
FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers at private sale all his Stock in Trade, consisting of Groceries, Glass, China and Liverpool Ware. As the assortment is large, it will suit any person or persons willing to follow the trade with advantage—the terms will be liberal and the inventory may be seen; on the fourth of July next, and continue, if not previously sold, till the 1st of October. Also, for sale, the lower Tenement of that large brick house in which Mrs. Harris has an interest during her life, and three valuable House Servants, who are sold for no fault but want of employment—For terms apply to AUBIN LAFORST. June 24. [ep1m]
JOSEPH MARK & Co. have on hand an assortment of German Oznaburgs, Ticklenburgs, Dowlas and Towelling, by the bale, box, or piece. Cogniac Brandy, Molasses, Sack Salt, coarse and fine, which they will sell for cash, tobacco or approved paper. May 17. (1f)
NOTICE TO CLAIMANTS UNDER THE CONVENTION WITH GREAT BRITAIN IN THEIR AGENTS.—Such persons as propose, in pursuance of the Order of the Board of Commissioners of 11th October, 1806, to lay before the subscriber, during his residence in this city, any evidence in support of their claims, and have not yet given him notice of their intentions, are requested to do so without delay, in order that he may make the necessary arrangements for the business of this station: And it is further expected, that all concerned will after this public intimation, be in readiness to present their books and documents for examination at any time when required, so as to prevent delay and loss of time. If there are any persons in this country who have charge of the claims under enumerated, they will please to communicate immediately the necessary information regarding them, to the agent of the board, viz:
VIRGINIA CLAIMS. Gavin Alston for the Greenock saddle and shoe factory. Garstang Bradstock, in right of John Breakhill of Liverpool, mariner. Henry Clay, representative of Clay and Midgley of Liverpool. Dugdale, Murdoch and Co. Mary Doyle and Margt. Mallory, legatees of J. Mallory. Representatives of William Duncan, James Hunter & Co. John Glassel. Richard Hamon, Wm. R. Lidderdale, executor of John Lidderdale. Saml. Lyde, for Lyonel and Saml. Lyde, Colm. Ross, administrator of R. Jardine. George Russell, for Smith, son, and Russell, Joseph Stanfield, assignee of Syre, Robert Sheldon & Co. John Tyudale Warre, executor of Wm. Jones, John Tate, executor of Willings, Wakelin Welch, for Carey Moore and Welch, Peakes and others, executors of Waterman. NORTH-CAROLINA CLAIMS. Edmund Fanning, Wm. Hannay, assignee of John Cruden & Co. Jos and Cath. Martyr, representatives of Thomas Cobham. Henry Ruscote McCulloh, John Macdonell, Joseph Rutherford for Wm. Rome & Co. Eden. ALEXR. DICK, Agent of the Board. Richmond, June 17. [3w]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the directors of the said company on Tuesday evening the 14th of June, 1808; Resolved, That a call of two dollars and fifty cents be made on each share held by the stockholders in the said company, and that they pay the same into the hands of their treasurer on or before the 1st day of next month. A Copy. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. June 17. [UstJuly]
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD.—Run away from the subscriber on the 8th of this present month, a likely mulatto woman by the name of KITTY, about 20 years of age; she is stout made, and rather low for her bulk, her complexion is rather dark, has a knotty head of hair, more so than is common for one of her colour, she carried off a variety of clothing, of course a description of her dress is unnecessary. She was invited off by her husband, by the name of James, the property of one Watkins near the coal pits, who is hired to a Mr. Trabue, to go in his coal boat; he has a good many relations in Chesterfield and Powhatan, particularly a father and mother, who, I am informed, are free, where probably she may be harbored, or she may be concealed at Mr. Augustine Davis's plantation in this county, where her husband and herself are very intimate; her father and mother belong to Mr. Jesse Smith of this county, they are both very artful and designing, and as her mother has more indulgence than generally falls to the lot of slaves, she may perhaps be concealed by her. I will give the above reward for her delivery, or secured in any jail so that I get her again. NATHANIEL W. PRICE. Henrico, June 17, 1808. [law24]
FOR RENT.—The BRICK TENEMENT on the main street, two doors above the Eagle Tavern, and at present occupied by Messrs. Gibson and Jefferson—Possession may be had on the 15th July. S. M. MCRAW. Richmond, June 7. (1f)
FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Treasury Department, May 28th, 1808. It has recently been made known to this department, that on the first day of June, 1807, the first moieties of the under-mentioned notes of the bank of the United States, were enclosed by William Keas, Esq. Collector of the Customs at Washington, North Carolina, in a letter addressed to Thomas Tudor Tucker, Esq. Treasurer of the United States, and put into the Post-Office at that place; and on the 8th day of June, 1807, the second moieties of the said bank notes were enclosed, addressed and put into the Post-Office as aforesaid; neither of which letters, with the notes enclosed, have been received. On the back of each moiety of every note was written the name of William Keas, and on one part of the back of all or most of the notes, was written the name of Lewis Leroy, from which circumstance the notes may with certainty be traced and detected. Payment of the notes has been stopped by the Bank of the United States and its several offices of Discount and Deposit; and a reward of FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS will be paid to any person who shall give such information to this department, as shall produce the conviction of the offender by whom the letters containing the said notes were purloined or stolen. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
DESCRIPTION OF NOTES. Table with 4 columns: No., Date, Description, Dollars. Lists various bank notes from 1804-1807 with amounts ranging from $50 to $1000.
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Thursday the 21st July next, at the house called Napier's tavern, in the town of Columbia, a tract of Land on the Rivanna, in the county of Fluvanna, containing by a late survey, 324 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Charles Adams, Richard Adams, Pleasant Bybee, and others, being land sold by David Ross to said Shepard, and conveyed by him, Shepard, to us in trust, to secure a debt due to said Ross, as stated in said trust deed, which said debt has since been assigned by said Ross to Henry E. Coleman—We sell our right as trustees only. GEORGE HOLMAN, WILLIAM PASTEUR, JACOB MYERS, Trustees. June 17, 1808. (cpids)
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey, bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set a part for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the North side of Little River, a branch of Cumberland River and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia on Old Town Creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned Lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. Jan. 28. [lawtf]
VIRGINIA, TO WIT:—At a Chancery District Court held in the City of Williamsburg, the 7th day of April, 1808. Josiah Ryland and Catherine his wife, Thomas Armistead and Jane his wife, and William T. Colston and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs—Against John Nicholson and Bartholemew McCarty, Defendants. The defendant John Nicholson, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in one of the Richmond newspapers for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. May 17. [law8v]
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public, in the above line of business and solicits their patronage. C. GREENHOW. Dec. 15. [law11]
VALUABLE MANUFACTURING MILL & DISTILLERY.—The subscriber will sell or lease for a term of years, with or without a distillery, containing five stills of near 1000 gallons, the valuable MILL on Appomattox river, in Cumberland, lately owned by William Skipwith. The house is 66 ft long, 26 wide, and three stories high, containing 2 pair best burl and 1 pair corn stones, with Evans's patent machinery and a Saw Mill in complete order. Boats pass under the Mill through one of the best locks on the river—the neighborhood affords an abundant supply of wheat, and on the spot are two comm. houses calculated for a store and residence. If sold, the purchaser may be accommodated with 4 or 500 acres of Land, one half in wood. Terms may be known on application to Mr. Jeffers at the Mill or to me near Genito Bridge. DMUND HARRISON. Amelia, April 19. (lawtf)
The Advertisement dated April 26, 1808, is withdrawn.
PROPOSALS for carrying MAIL of the UNITED STATES, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office in Washington City, until the first day of August next, inclusive. 10. From Washington City to Alexandria, seven times a week. Leave Washington City every day at 8 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria by 11 P. M. Leave Alexandria every day at 2 A. M. and arrive at Washington City by 5 A. M. 11. From Alexandria by Colchester, to Dumfries, seven times a week. Leave Alexandria every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Dumfries by 5 A. M. the next day. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Alexandria the next day by 1 A. M. in 17 hours. 12. From Dumfries by Aquia and Stafford court-house to Fredericksburg, seven times a week. Leave Dumfries every day at 6 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 11 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Dumfries by 5 P. M. 13. From Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, and Hanover court-house to Richmond, seven times a week. Leave Fredericksburg every day at noon, and arrive at Richmond the next day by 6 A. M. in 18 hours. Leave Richmond every day at 6 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg the next day by 11 A. M. in 17 hours. 14. From Richmond by Osborne's to Petersburg, seven times a week. Leave Richmond every day at 6 1/2 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 11 A. M. in 5 hours. Leave Petersburg every day at 12 1/2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond by 5 P. M. 15. From Richmond by Fraziers, New-Kent court-house, Williamsburg, York-town & Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week. May 1, to December 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. in 27 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 2 P. M. and arrive at Richmond on the next days by 5 P. M. in 27 hours. December 1, to May 1. Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. Leave Norfolk every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7 A. M. and arrive at Richmond on the next days by 5 P. M. in 34 hours. 16. From Petersburg by Gobbinspoint, Smithfield, Surry court-house, Sleepy-hole ferry, to Norfolk, three times a week. May 1, to December 1. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 10 A. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg on the next days by 11 A. M. in 21 hours. December 1, to May 1. Leave Petersburg every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, at 1 P. M. and arrive at Norfolk on the next days by 5 P. M. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, at 7 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg on the next days by 11 A. M.
NOTES. 1. The mail will be carried on the routes, number ten to fourteen inclusive, in the same time through the year; and the contractor must calculate upon conveying the mail in a sulkey, when the roads will not admit of its being conveyed by the usual stage; or if it shall be shewn, that the roads are too bad for a sulkey, the mail of letters will be separated from the news-papers, which are to be conveyed by stage, as fast as the roads will admit, and the letters conveyed on horseback within the time limited, so that bad roads shall never be admitted as an excuse for non-performance. 2. The Post-master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contract; he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby. 3. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening and closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified. 4. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents excepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, where by the mails destined for such depending mail lose a trip, a forfeiture of double the amount allowed for carrying the mail one trip shall be incurred, unless it shall be made to appear that the delay was occasioned by unavoidable accident, in which case the amount of pay for the trip will, in all cases, be forfeited and retained. 5. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter. 6. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail. 7. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals. 8. The Post-master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end, whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each. 9. The contracts are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years from that time. GIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. GENERAL POST-OFFICE, Washington City, May 26, 1808. May 27. [law2m]
IN CHANCERY.—At a court continued by adjournment and held for James City county, the 14th day of June, 1808. John P. Shields, surviving acting executor, &c. of James Shields, deceased, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Hornsby, Defendant. The defendant not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this Commonwealth, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that unless the said defendant shall appear here on or before the second Monday in November next and answer the plaintiff's bill, that this court will then proceed to take the same for confessed, and decree the matter thereof accordingly. And it is further ordered, that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. Copy. Teste, SAML. SHIELD, c. c. June 24. [law8v]
EUROPE.
Extracts from evidence on the British orders, delivered before the English Parliament. (Shakespeare Philips' evidence concluded.)
Is not a great part of the cotton employed in your manufacture the product of the United States of America? The greater part. Had you diminished your trade to the U. States of America in consequence of the French decree in 1806? No. You have stated that you have diminished your orders for goods to be sent to America. Has the price of those goods declined in Lancashire? Very greatly indeed. When you spoke of the rates of insurance did you mean the rates of insurance on vessels bound from England to America? I did. Is this reluctance to ship, since the orders of council, also common to your neighbors in Manchester? Is it a general thing? I believe universal; I know the great majority of houses there will not ship a single package. Have you not known several instances when a reduction in the prices of those goods you are speaking of, have been as great as at present? I never knew the price of goods so low as at present.
Mr. George Palmer.
Can you state the particulars of the extent to which your house does business? We have shipped in the course of the last three years, in one article alone, which is British printed and dyed cotton, 5,688,287 running yards. Can you give this house any idea of the total value of goods exported by you to America? It rather exceeds, probably, on an average, 300,000l. sterling a year. If the American embargo were removed and the orders in council were to continue in force, at present, would your house continue to ship as formerly to America? By no means. Have you shipped as formerly to America, since the orders of council? We have not shipped or purchased one single piece of goods. Suppose the orders in council were revoked, would you resume your shipments to America? Yes, if they were revoked, we should re-commence our shipments. Suppose the orders in council were revoked, and suppose the embargo in America were still to continue, would you resume your former shipments to America? We should not be able to obtain our remittances for our goods, and therefore could not resume our shipments to any extent. Suppose the orders in council were at an end to-morrow, what would you do in shipping goods to America? I should re-commence our shipments to the full extent, under the expectation that the embargo in America would be taken off. I apprehend I might have been misunderstood in my answer to that before: that is my idea. Although you had not heard of the American embargo being taken off, yet if you heard that the orders in council were taken off, in this country would you resume your shipments? Yes, I would, under the impression that the embargo would be taken off. I think you stated that the horse you represent have exported goods to the amount of 300,000l. per annum? Yes, we have. When did that exportation decrease? We have not shipped or purchased a piece of goods, since the orders in council. Do you not suppose that the American embargo, which you state has deterred you from shipping, may have deterred other houses from shipping? It is the orders in council have deterred us from shipping. Alexander Glennie.
You have received from the continent remittances on American account to the amount of half a million sterling in the year? We have. Do you believe there is any house in this country which receives remittances to an equal or greater amount than the house you are engaged in? Yes, I believe there are houses in London; there certainly is one house in London, a member of this honorable house who receives much more than we do. Are you aware of the articles which furnish the funds from whence those remittances from the continent are made? Chiefly sugar and coffee. I think you say that American vessels going direct from this country to the enemy's ports were stopped? Yes, I have understood so. At what period did that begin? I cannot answer that with any precision. Was that before the orders in council? Yes, I believe that such a thing took place soon after the decree of the 21st of November, 1806, but all that were stopped in that way were soon afterwards released, though they were known to come from this country. Mr. William Bell.
Do you export manufactures on your own speculation to America? Never. Suppose the American embargo were removed, and the orders in council still to continue in force, would you export to America? Certainly not. State your reason.—Because I conceive they could not pay us who do not consume a sufficient quantity of American produce to pay for more than one-third of the manufactured goods exported from this country to that; without the market of the continent they would never be able to pay us. Then I am to understand, that if the embargo were taken off, if the orders in council continued, you would not ship to America, partly because you could not receive American produce here, and partly because American produce could not go to the continent? I could receive American produce here. Then your reason is, that American produce could not go to the continent? Yes; the glut here would be so great that it would not pay the freight. Do you mean to say, that the value would be little or nothing of what would come here in consequence of the glut? Trifling I conceive. Would the certainty of receiving this produce from America, by the removal of the
embargo, be any inducement to you to ship goods for America? Certainly not; I should not like to engage in it at all. Have you written to your correspondents in America, respecting shipments of American produce to be sent to this country? I have. To what effect have you written? I have written, that, should America think proper notwithstanding those orders in council, to continue to trade with this country, to suspend for the present all business. Why did you give that advice to your correspondent? For the reasons I have just stated, that the produce they would send in return, would not net any thing at all; I conceive that I should even get myself into debt by paying the charges. Supposing the American embargo, which at present forbids the exportation from America to the continent and this country, were removed to this country, but not as to the continent? I could ship more if the embargo was removed between America and the continent, because I consider the consumption of American produce greater on the continent than what it is here; I might therefore venture to ship more, because I believe I could still have remittances from the continent; I have had some very lately.
Do you conceive that not only the conveying American produce to the continent, but even the conveying goods of the W. India colonies by the American ships, is necessary to their paying for the manufactures of this country? I conceive it is absolutely necessary. You have stated, that you conceived, that if these orders in council should continue, the glut would be so great you would not pay the freight; from whence do you draw the opinion that these orders in council will entirely preclude the exportation of American produce, and those commodities which generally are received through America, from the continent? I know of no method whatever of getting tobacco to the continent of Europe; there has been shipped from the U. S. annually 75,000 hogsheads; England consumes 14 or 15,000 annually only; the rest have been sent to the continent, and the proceeds remitted to England for the payment of bills; therefore I calculate if those 75,000 are thrown into the English market, and no outlet, the glut would be so great as not to pay the freight. Why do you conceive there would be no outlet? At present I have not been able to discover any; the decrees of the French, together with the orders in council, cross each other and shut every thing up in the place it stands; it appears to me impossible to move. I cannot send a shilling's worth to any place. Do you not believe that the wants of the continent, for such an article as tobacco, will probably force the continent to receive tobacco even thro' the medium of this country? I am very much afraid it will on the contrary induce them to grow a sufficient quantity for their own consumption. In point of fact, since the months of September and October, have you from any circumstances or information whatever been led to conclude that the ports of Holland have been so completely shut against American ships as that you could not suffer them to go thither? I should never have hesitated to send forward American ships as they arrived, had it not been for that order in council; if we had not enforced the register of the shipments, I should have continued to send them on as usual, and I have no doubt they would have been admitted. (To be continued.)
The following article is copied from a late London Courier, a paper devoted to the interest of the present administration.
OUR FUTURE CONDUCT.
Since it is in vain at present to attempt checking the power of France on the continent of Europe, the country should turn its whole thoughts and exertions to the creation of the new connections, new points of commerce, and new sources of wealth, with which to supply the place of those we are daily losing, and to counterpoise the increasing preponderance of the enemy. If France has acquired dominion over the continent of Europe, England possesses the undisputed sovereignty of the seas in all parts of the world; and if this country can establish herself in security against invasion, this state of things, so far from circumscribing her empire may be the means of extending it, and exalting her in greatness under a wise and a vigorous government, alone fit to guide her in those times. Not a government depending on speech-makers, borough-mongers, and faction-couplers, but one which, by the boldness and utility of its measures, shall strike the world with awe and secure the confidence of the English people. Within these few days we have seen, by the official notes of the Swedish government, with what terror our proceedings at Copenhagen has struck the North of Europe, how Russia even trembles; we have seen the king of Spain desirous of following the advice we so happily gave to the royal family of Portugal; and the effects of the orders in council, asserting practically our maritime supremacy, will continue raising this nation to a height which but few have foreseen she is capable of attaining. The shores of the ocean have been at all times the birthplace of civilization and the arts, of wealth and of power. With these under our dominion, it may truly be said, "the Trident of Neptune is the Sceptre of the world." Within a year, should this country continue to stand in its present position, we shall begin to discover and wonder at our strength, our capabilities, and our resources. Commanding the seas, nations must become our tributaries, or fall into idleness, poverty and barbarism. The law of nations must be made binding on France & her vessels, if England is to be bound by it, but while France tramples it under foot as convenience requires, we must do the same, or the law of nations will become our most dangerous enemy. If some changes take place in the channels of commerce, and the demands for our manufactures, it will soon be found that the aggregate amount of both will not be diminished, though the changes may have fal-

en heavily on individuals.—The nation will not suffer though individuals may, and it is to the nation alone we may look. Since the enemy asserts and exercises its dominion over so many states, on no other right but that of power, we must do the same on the same authority, over all the seas of the world.—In any treaty of peace, we must exchange the privilege of navigating that coast and this sea, against the privilege of sending our goods into that sea or this Kingdom. If Bonaparte will become emperor of Europe, the king of England should declare himself emperor of the ocean. We have as much right to the one as he has to the other—the right of conquest. It is only by a proud tone, and an assuming conduct that we can make the world feel our strength, and it is not a question of right and wrong, but a question of power, that is to be decided. If we hesitate or compromise, we are gone. The moment our hearts fail us, the moment we admit it to be a vain task to struggle with France for the terms of peace, which really shall be a vanquished nation. Certain destruction will be the consequence of believing that concessions and conciliatory conduct will produce in her the slightest disposition of justice, forbearance, or amity. With the point of the sword our treaties must be written, or the characters will not remain legible; at the cannon's mouth they must be maintained. Let those who have pretended to doubt the obvious and invariable designs of France, look at the fate of Spain, the most striking instance of treachery, usurpation, and rapine of the many that have been offered, and ask what we have to expect from a state of peace! The only chance of our having friends in any part of the world is, in our putting forth a strong arm, and showing not only that we are neither daunted nor disabled, but that our strength and our energy increase with our difficulties. Let us show that we are confident of triumphing & we shall triumph.
The great fault of which this country has hitherto been guilty, is, that instead of availing itself of its own means of attack against the most eligible points, it waits the attack of France, & then flies to render assistance against her. France generally has been left to choose the object of contest, the scene of struggle. We look on at her, watching what quarter she will next assail, and then we prepare to frustrate her designs, often when it is too late. With the exception of assisting Sweden, and securing Sicily to ourselves—why not secure it till Naples is restored to its lawful sovereign, as well as secure Madeira till Portugal is restored to its lawful sovereign?—With these exceptions, as we have no immediate object in Europe at this moment; With so much disposable force, such an unexampled invincible navy as we possess, our main efforts should be directed towards the dominions of Spain, in America and India. To attempt the conquest of them is at once the most difficult, the most expensive, and the least secure course. Independence and alliance should be held out to them. Had this course been taken two years ago, the countries of the River Plate, Lima, the Carraccas, the whole of South America would have been in a state of friendship and close intercourse with us, consuming more of our manufactures, returning more valuable produce, and employing more of our marine, than the present situation of the continent of Europe, has effected. By this course, indeed there would not arise a long list of civil and military employments, to bestow on the panders and tools of faction at home; but the country would be put to little or no expense, while it would enjoy all the benefits. Sir Philip Francis, might redress more than his ribband, with rage at being disappointed of his governorship of Buenos Ayres, and the long list of place-hunting Foxites named to situations there, might become discontented—but the lives of hundreds of our brave countrymen, and millions of the public money would have been saved, while our merchants would have been carrying on an active trade to the place. But no, the conquest of a colony was deemed of no value by the late ministry, but just as it enabled them to provide for hungry clamorous partisans. Places and pensions were, and indeed always have been their chief objects, not commerce and manufactures. General Whitehead was instructed by Lord Howick, on no account to declare the people independent. No—in that case, Sir Philip and his crew would not have had their jobs. On the same grounds, we presume, the ministry that preceded them declined giving Miranda effectual assistance in establishing the independence of Carraccas. The late ministry indeed, who endeavor to throw the blame of all their faults on the king, or duke of York, insidiously whisper, they would have declared Buenos Ayres independent, had not his majesty, recollecting the American revolution, and the fate of the king of France, refused to assist any 'colonists in rebelling against their lawful sovereign. But if this was as true as it is false, it would not be a sufficient excuse, since the Foxites vehemently contend, the ministry for the time being, are responsible for all the measures of the king's government, whether they approve of them or not. But it appears from Whitehead's trial, that Buenos Ayres would even have become a colony of this country, receiving Sir Philip and his place-hunting train, if the English government would have solemnly engaged not to restore the settlement to Spain when peace was concluded. But no; the first thing the Foxites did when they heard of the conquest of Buenos Ayres, was to tell France, they would give it back to Spain without any equivalent! (vide the negotiation papers) They then sent out large armaments to conquer a place they had declared their readiness to relinquish on the first occasion, and the people of Buenos Ayres very naturally resolved to resist as rather than become an article of barter in another negotiation. It is indeed a mischievous fault in all our statesmen, that they take places in war with no other design than to surrender them as the price of peace. This may be well enough; but let us enquire into the ruin of character which it brings upon us—We rarely take a place in which there are not some considerable persons, perhaps a considerable number, who do not favor our attack, or cordially receive and join with us when we have conquered. When the place is restored, these persons are persecuted & ruined. By the repeated capture and surrender of Minorca, we have ruined our character in the Mediterranean, and by similar means we have lost all confidence in the enemy's colonies in the East and West Indies. Bonaparte, on the contrary, never gives up any people he has once taken under his protection, and hence the facility he finds in new modelling different states. The people of Buenos Ayres, therefore, very naturally and very wisely desired a permanent connexion
or none. In this respect, we should meet Bonaparte in his own way. In his negotiations, he talks of the kings of Holland, Spain, Wurtemberg, Westphalia, Bavaria, &c. as independent sovereigns, his allies, of whom he cannot dispose, and to whom he cannot dictate. Were we to erect Buenos Ayres, Mexico, the Carraccas, Cuba, &c. into independent states, our allies, we might talk to Bonaparte in our own language—instead of a long altercation about surrendering them. They would be our allies for whom to stipulate, not colonies of whom to make a barter, and we should derive all the advantages of colonies from the connection with them, (except that of providing for the dependents of factions and rotten borough-mongers) without risk or expense. Our intercourse with the United States shews, that we may derive more benefit from trading with an ally than with a colony. The spirit of industry, the encouragement to enterprise is much stronger in one case than in the other. Colonists are confined in their industry; the sterility of slavery is in a degree spread over their country. Independence gives them a new impulse of action, which operates with great force, as the United States of America have shewn. Were we to declare countries independent and assist them in throwing off the yoke of our enemy, all the islands in the world would of necessity put themselves under our protection, and we should have in effect, though not in name, but one colony from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn—No great military or naval force would be necessary to effect all this; it would only be necessary to remain faithful to our engagements! and instead of feeling a loss of the trade with the continent of Europe, we should find trade, wealth, and maritime greatness beyond the dreams even of the most sanguine, for eclipsing France both in power & splendour. The time for the achievement of these great objects is fast passing away for ever. France is possessing herself of Spain and through Spain, will possess herself of the Spanish colonies, to which she can spare an abundance of troops. Let us then no longer hear of dozens of expeditions sailing from our coasts at once, each so nicely ballasted in strength to its object, that it probably fails, though in a staff strong in parliamentary interest; but let us see one great expedition going forth, four times as strong as is supposed to be necessary, thereby insuring success, and passing from place to place, emancipating countries from the yoke of our enemies, thus raising up a new world of friends to supply the place of the one we have lost.
NEW-YORK, June 20. The editor of the Mercantile Advertiser has received by the ship Latona, a file of London papers to the evening of the 27th of April, (one day later than by any previous arrival) and Lloyd's Lists to the 26th. The papers furnish nothing of greater importance than the following articles:
LONDON, April 27. Special orders were received at Plymouth, on Sunday night, for all the ships in the bay to prepare for sea immediately. Their destination is supposed to be Rochfort. They were expected to sail this day. The Morning Star Cartel returned on Monday to Plymouth, with seven Frenchmen, not being permitted to land them at Morlaix. The accounts respecting the Rochfort squadron are still various and contradictory. Intelligence, however, has been received, that, on the 11th, the united squadrons were seen, by the Apollo frigate, standing towards the Hieres Islands, in thick weather, and in a gale of wind, and that they reached the Adriatic about the latter end of February, and had probably joined the Russians at Trieste. On the 9th of March, the united squadrons of Lord Collingwood, Admiral Thornborough, and Sir R. Strachan were off Marettimo, a small island to the west of Sicily; and it is stated, that his lordship had received information of the course of the enemy's squadrons. Other accounts repeat, that the Rochfort squadron has been seen off the Havana. The great confusion and uncertainty of the accounts that have prevailed upon this subject are probably in several instances, the consequence of British ships having been mistaken for enemies, and vice versa.
The American merchants have received an official communication of the result of Mr. Rose's mission. It corresponds exactly with the accounts given in this paper. The President refused to recall his Proclamation interdicting the entrance of British vessels into the waters of the United States, although Mr. Rose offered all due reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, which was the cause of that hostile measure. All further negotiation consequently broke off, without coming to any adjustment; and Mr. Rose's mission has totally failed. The House of Commons yesterday commenced its sittings after the Easter recess. The petition of the East-India Company, for a loan of 2,400,000l. produced some discussion. A letter from a Spanish port, dated the 6th instant states, that a deputation of Spanish Grandees had been dispatched by the new government to Bayonne, there to communicate to Bonaparte the wish of that government, that the French troops should be withdrawn from Spain.
RAMSGATE, April 25. This morning three transports sailed from this harbor for the Downs, having on board 460 of the 2d battalion of the German light infantry, that embarked yesterday. The names of the transports are, the Lapwing, Thomas, and Becket and Ridley. This afternoon the remainder of the 2d battalion of German light infantry arrived here, and embarked immediately, consisting of about the same number as marched in yesterday. Above 455 of the first battalion of German light infantry marched in here to day and embarked directly. The remainder of this battalion, and likewise a part of the 1st regiment of the line, are expected here to-morrow. The men are embarked very expeditiously, being marched on board on a platform, laid across from the pier to the vessels. Twenty sail more of transports arrived in the harbor this morning. The present plan is to send every regiment or division off to the Downs, as soon as embarked; and thus to keep clearing the harbor. Various conjectures are ventured respecting the destination of these regiments.
APRIL 26. The embarkation goes on very brisk here—Capt. Raynes, of the Royal Navy, has the chief direction, and pays great attention to the service. The 2d division of the 2d light battalion of Germans 550 men, that embar-
ked yesterday, sailed for the Downs this morning in three transports, viz. Charlotte, Edward and Juno. Also 400 men of the first light battalion, embarked yesterday, sailed out of the harbor at the same time in the Fanny, Industry & William & John transports; the whole in high spirits. The 2d division of the 1st light battalion arrived here this day—also the 1st division of the 1st regiment of the line, German infantry, infantry, came in this afternoon, and are now embarking; and if the weather is moderate, will sail to the Downs to-morrow to join.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. House of Commons, April 26. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. Mr. Tierney rose and observed, that as the evidence of the witnesses, last examined upon the Orders in council, had only been laid before the members this morning, it was impossible for him to go on with the examination of the others, till it had been fully considered; he should therefore propose, "That the Order of the day, for the further proceedings relative thereto, which stood for to-morrow should be discharged, and postponed to Monday next." Upon the question being put, this was accordingly agreed to.
Price of Stocks this day at one o'clock.—Consols 6 1-2; Reduced, 65 3-4; Navy 5 per cent. 81 1-8, 1-4.
NORFOLK, June 23. London dates are in town, as we have good reason to believe, received by the British brig Ceres, arrived here on Monday, from Jersey, which she left the eighth of May. It is certain that the owners of the Ceres would not have sent her to this country if there had been any appearance of war. The captain on the contrary, says, that when he sailed, the general opinion was, that all would be amicably adjusted between this country and G. Britain.
We have a Jersey paper of the seventh of May, containing London extracts of the 29th April, but nothing of American affairs. This paper, however, contains interesting information from the north of Europe, which as we have not time to translate, we shall present in a summary.
The Russians have been compelled to evacuate Finland, faster than they entered it. They commenced their retreat on the 31st March, and retired with great precipitation. It is stated that heavy rains, the want of provisions and forage made this measure unavoidable. It is further stated, that there is every appearance of a change of measures in the unsready cabinet of St. Petersburg. Great discontent prevailed among the nobles, and it is stated, that on the 2d of April, there had been an insurrection at St. Petersburg, having for its object the dethronement of the emperor Alexander, and the elevation of the grand Duke Constantine, but there are no details.
Serious misunderstandings are stated to exist between the Russians and French, principally on account of the French refusing to supply the Russian fleet at Lisbon, and to some matters relative to Poland.
The French and Danes appear to have given up, for the present, their design of invading Scania. There were no French troops in Zealand the 10th of April. The French troops in the neighborhood of Hamburg and Bremen, have received orders to march towards Holland.
The Swedes had invaded Norway in several points, and were 15 leagues advanced beyond that frontier.
The Swedes and their gallant monarch, are animated to the highest degree.—Ledger.
DOMESTIC. REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, ON THE SUBJECT OF PUBLIC ROADS & CANALS, Made in pursuance OF A RESOLUTION OF SENATE OF MARCH 2. [CONTINUED.]
II. THE LOWER OR GREAT FALLS OF ROANOKE. Consist in a succession of rapids, which in a distance of fifteen miles have a fall of ninety three feet. This obstruction is such, that almost all the tobacco of that river is transported by land to Petersburg, on the Appomattox branch of James river. A canal has been contemplated from the upper end of the falls of Murraysborough, situated on the tide water of a branch of Chowan river, 25 miles above the mouth of Bennett's creek, which has been before mentioned as one of the lines of communication between Albemarle sound and the Chesapeake. The level is said to be favorable, without any obstructions or valleys in the way. The distance is 38 miles, and the expense of a small canal for boats, drawing two feet and a half water, may be estimated as follows: Diggings 38 miles at $6,000 a mile, $228,000 Lockage 93 feet, at $800 a foot $74,400 Feeder, land, &c. 47,600 Dollars, 350,000
The capital for this canal has never been subscribed, and it has been suggested that it would be practicable to open one to Petersburg. It is not believed that any bills intervene in that course; and the greatest obstacle will be found in crossing the branches of Chowan river. III. JAMES RIVER. A company incorporated by the state of Virginia for the improvement of the navigation of the river generally, has removed some obstructions in the upper part of the river, and is bound by the charter to render it so far navigable that there may never be less than 12 inches of water over any of the shoals or rapids, from the upper end of the lower or great falls of Pattonsborough, a distance of 220 miles. The natural navigation of the river through that extent is considered as better than that of any other Atlantic river above the falls.
A communication has been opened by the company from Westham from the river into a canal 200 yards in length, at the end of which, boats descending 34 feet through three locks re-enter the river, and after using its natural navigation three miles, are brought by a canal three miles and a half in length to a basin on Shockoe hill, where the navigation terminates. That basin is about 80 feet above tide water, and one mile and a half from Rocketts, the port of Richmond. The whole fall from the upper end of the canal at Westham to the Basin, may be stated at 48 feet, and the distance at six miles and a half. The canal is 25 feet wide and 400 miles long, drawing three feet water. The locks 80 feet long, and 16 feet wide, are of solid masonry; but the cement is defective. Three aqueducts have been thrown across valleys intervening in the course of the canal; and some difficult digging was necessary on the side of hills, and through ledges of rocks.
The canal, according to the charter, was intended to have been brought down to tide water. The performance of that condition is now suspended by an act of the legislature of Virginia and there seems to be a considerable diversity of opinion on that subject. In a national point of view, the plan which will at the least expense put coals on board vessels laying at Rocketts, deserves the preference. For coal is in no other part of the United States found in abundance in the vicinity of tide water. At present the expense of transportation by the canal is already reduced to one third of the land carriage. The original capital of the company amounted to 140,000 dollars, of which the state of Virginia owns fifty thousand; and 91,000 dollars arising from the proceeds of tons had, before the 1st of January, 1805, been applied to the work, making together an expenditure of 231,000 dollars. The annual tolls raised on fourteen thousand tons of country produce, and on two thousand tons of coal, amounted to 16,750 dollars; and the annual repairs and expenses are estimated at $5,000. But as the company draw also a revenue from the rent of water, applied to mills and other water works erected along the canal, they have been able in some years to make dividends of 16,800 dollars, being at the rate of 12 per cent on the original capital, but of only about 7 per cent, if calculated on the sum of 244,000 dollars, the amount of capital expended, and interest accrued before any dividend was made.
IV. POTOMAC. The company incorporated by the states of Maryland and Virginia, for improving the navigation of that river, has executed the following works: 1. At a distance of 12 miles above the head of the tide, which ascends about three miles above the city of Washington, the river is 143 feet higher than tide water. At that place designated by the name of Great Falls, the boats passing through a canal one mile in length, six feet deep, and twenty-five feet wide, descend 76 feet by five locks, 100 feet long, and 12 feet wide each, and re-entering the river, follow its natural bed, eight miles and a half. Another canal of the same dimensions and two miles and a half in length, brings them then through three locks and by a descent of 37 feet to tide water. This last fall is distinguished by the name of Little Falls. The two lower locks of the Great Falls, excavated out of the solid rock have each a lift of 18 feet: the three upper locks of solid masonry are of unequal height, and have together a lift of forty feet. The three locks of the Little Falls, are each one hundred feet in length and eighteen feet wide. That breadth is unnecessary, and consumes too much water, a defect which will be remedied, when stone locks will be substituted to those now in use which being of wood will soon be decayed. Three other canals without locks have been opened around three distinct falls; the principal at the Shenandoe falls below Harper's ferry, and at the Blue Ridge, is one made in length around a fall of fifteen feet. Between this and the Great Falls another canal three quarters of a mile in length, is opened around the Seneca falls. The third fifty yards in length, has been cut around Houe's falls, five miles above the Shenandoe falls. Above this place, the navigation has been improved by deepening occasionally the channel, raising the water in shallow places by small dams, and opening sluices along the shore. It is believed that by multiplying the number of those sluices, and by throwing the channel along the shore, and when necessary opening canals with or without locks around the principal rapids, the navigation may be improved perhaps as high up as Cumberland, 188 miles above tide water, to such a degree as to render the river passable for boats the greater part of the year. And if this be found practicable on the Potomac, which is the most rapid of the great Atlantic rivers, the same improvements may with greater facility be effected on any of the others. It will be indispensable, in order to attain that object on the Potomac, that additional canals with locks, should be opened at the Shenandoe or Blue Ridge falls, which as has already been stated, fall 43 feet, in the distance of five miles.
2. The Shenandoe, a river nearly as large as the Potomac itself, after a course of 250 miles through the Great Lime-stone valley, unites its waters with those of the Potomac at Harper's ferry, just above the Blue Ridge. From Port Republic till within eight miles of the Potomac, a distance of near 200 miles, it affords a good navigation, the fall of the river being at the rate of less than two feet a mile. In the last eight miles it falls eighty feet, and was impassable before the improvements completed last year by the Potomac company—Six different canals twenty feet wide, four feet and a half deep, and extending altogether 2,400 yards, have been opened round the most difficult falls. Through those, and five stone locks, a hundred feet long and twelve feet wide each, and effecting together a descent of near fifty feet, the communication is now opened, and will render the under-lying much more productive than heretofore. The water in all those canals and locks, as well as in those executed on the Potomac is uniformly supplied by the river itself. The capital originally subscribed amounted to 311,560 dollars, divided into 701 shares; of which the state of Maryland owns two hundred and twenty, and the state of Virginia seventy. The total amount expended, including an additional payment received from the subscribers, 38,000 dollars arising from tolls, which have been applied to the work, and a debt of about 67,000 dollars contracted by the company, amounts to 444,652 dollars. The annual tolls raised on eight thousand tons of sundry articles, valued at more than half a million of dollars, have not before the opening of the Shenandoe, exceeded 15,000 dollars; and the annual expenses and repairs are stated at 5,000 dollars. One hundred shares of £ 145 sterling each, remain open for subscription. (To be continued.)
LAW INTELLIGENCE EXTRAORDINARY.
SESSIONS COURT. A case of singular novelty occurred on Saturday last in the court of general sessions of the peace held, at the city hall of the city of New-York, in and for the said city & county. Doctor William Little was put to his trial for an assault upon his wife, Mrs. Jane Little; and expectation stood on tip-toe to learn the reason of an operation so long exploded and justly condemned in the practice of the medical society. All eyes were anxious to behold, and all hearts already sympathised with the fair patient; when, at the call of the crier, she came forth—not fair, like the swan upon the lake; but like the raven glossy; as black, and to the full, as comely. The attorney general was proceeding in her examination, when Mr. Sampson, counsel for the defendant, proposed to shorten the trial by an admission of the fact. But he undertook at the same time to show, that a more tender or affectionate husband no where existed; and that this incivility would appear, when the defence was known, to be rather a dissembling of love than an effect of hatred.
Wives were only admitted, he said, to testify against their husbands in cases of great enormity, and when the weaker vessel was in danger and needed the protecting arm of the law. Gentlemen of the jury, said he, I perceive you smile, and I feared it would be so. You see however, gentlemen, that we are serious. There are causes which present such strong contrast of light and shade, such powerful effects of claro obscuro, that no words can heighten their imagery. But still to every imagination the subject may seem
different. Gentlemen, you do not perhaps know upon what foundation my client may have placed his charge, and I am sure, it admits of no dispute; every man must follow his own pleasure. That which seems black in your eyes or in mine, may be exceeding fair in his. The education of a physician is not that of a lawyer. He ranges through the wide field of nature, and is not bounded by the narrow limits of positive institutions. He reads not in the book of authority, but in the great volume of nature. He knows by what chemical process all colours may be produced; but that an amiable person and a delicate maid are treasures, under whatever outward varnish; and if a late discovery can be relied on, that Adam was black; a marriage in his family can surely disgrace no man. We are ready to dispute in due time and place, and to maintain, that neither philosophy nor religion have forbade such mixture; and having satisfied our conscience we had no scruple in yielding to our passion. You are in amazement gentlemen! I do expect no less. You are all under the dominion of prejudice; you do not see clear. I shall be forced, I find, to reveal, in defence of my client, expressions intended only for love and privacy. I shall read to you a letter which no pen but that of a lover and a poet could have traced. It is dated on the 4th of May, and addressed to Mrs. Jane Little, after the unfortunate occurrence, & is in these terms:
"I received your kind letter of the 1st of June and am very sorry to hear of your being unwell. I want my coat, pantaloons and jacket at Mr. Simeon's, as I have had nothing to lay on but my cloaths since I have been here." [Is not this repentance gentlemen, even to sackcloth and ashes?] "You write that you will not appear against me in court, which undoubtedly will be for the best, as I have not forgotten my marriage covenant. The unhappy situation in which I am involved by your hastiness and those that have persuaded you to, devolves on me the necessity of addressing you, which cannot fail of impressing your mind with an uncommon degree of seriousness, especially when you consider how both of our characters are stigmatised by our own imprudence." [Gentlemen, since these parties are so sensible of their own imprudence, let us not widen the breach, but pour balm into their wounds; and let not the records of this court transmit to all posterity the quarrel of two who loved so dearly.]
"You may my dear Jane, assure yourself, upon the testimony of your dear husband, who has been taught by the most melancholy experience that were our disappointments and perplexities known, which this embargo has involved us into, it would extinguish, or at least mitigate the keenness of a reflection that we both must to eternity endure."
"You see gentlemen, although these parties appear before you like Lord and Lady Racket yet their case is different. That was a quarrel three weeks after marriage, and for a game of cards. Here is a serious and public grief; that villainous embargo, that destroys the best of tempers, and sour the milk of human kind. It perches on the merchants desk and stares him in the face. It is in our beds and in our kneeling troughs. It is in our dishes and our goblets. I swear I never railed at it till now. Perish commerce—but let connubial love be undisturbed."
"Certain it is that the feelings of our hearts teach us how it is possible for one person to love another, and have respect for every thing belonging to either. Do not mothers show their love for their darling child when dead by keeping its hair and setting it in costly rings and bracelets? Do not all mankind pay a respect to the pictures of their deceased friends or near relations, and other things that belongs to them? This is universally the natural disposition of the human heart."
Gentlemen, it was thus that PETRACH would have written to his LAURA. Who can say whether, had he been fortunate enough to possess her, he might not in some unlucky moment, even from excessive love, have beat her? Particularly if there had been a vexatious Embargo in his day, which made those who never bestowed upon their wives aught but kisses and caresses, give them blows. But oh that husbands would learn in every case to know their duties and submit.
"I want my certificates." [Meaning perhaps his marriage certificate the title of his love; or his diploma, the title of his rank and honor.] "I want my certificates I let you have that ever memorable Tuesday morning when you ran after me, when I came from Clarkson's the collector's. Likewise the summons I had since I came here for me to attend the Medical Society which I gave you here, &c."
"I have nothing more to observe; as I ever have, may I still continue your affectionate friend and dear husband. WILLIAM LITTLE, M. D."
The Counsel then turning to the lady asked her in a pathetic tone if she could be so good as to prosecute the man who dared on her charms? She replied in an accent full of sensibility, that if the court would forgive she would love him more than ever. Mr. S. then desired him to offer her his arm which she accepted, and called to the officer to make way for the facility of Doctor Little. The manner in which this was done added strongly to the matter. The court & jury were constrained to abandon their gravity. The attorney general after an ineffectual conflict between mirth and decorum was unable to interpose? and before any order could be made the fond couple had disappeared from among the crowd, to enjoy once more the pleasures of domestic life, and have not since appeared in public. Mer. Adv.
FROM THE AURORA. The period is at hand when we may expect such information of our foreign relations as will fix, decisively, the question of permanent peace or inevitable war. Our opinions on the issue have been long known, and they are not altered, because the same spirit of hostility which has persecuted and annoyed the United States since the orders of council of Nov. 1793, against neutrals, still actuates, and will actuate the cabinet of Great-Britain, while the present system of policy and government exists in that nation. The British Parliament was to meet in the first week of May, and by that time the fate of Sweden must have been decided, and the rival nations will have divided the whole of Europe between them, remaining with Britain and her ally the islands of Britain and Sicily alone—all the rest of Europe, continental and insular, under the absolute control

of France—in other words, the power of the following nations and all their resources against the resources of sixteen or seventeen millions in Great-Britain, Ireland, and Sicily:—
   Persons. Sq. Miles. Revenue $     Denmark, 2,200,000 120,000 7,500,000   Russia, 36,000,000 820,000 50,000,000   Prussia, 5,000,000 54,000 9,000,000   Austria, 17,000,000 176,000 29,000,000   Bavaria, 5,000,000 54,000 13,000,000   Turkey in Eur. 8,000,000 152,000 15,000,000   Ancient Helvetia, 3,400,000 21,000 3,000,000   Ancient Batavia, 360,000 11,000 17,000,000   Spain, 11,000,000 150,000 25,000,000   Anct. Lusitania, 2,000,000 27,850 11,000,000   France, & Empire, 32,000,000 257,000 125,000,000   Kingdom of Italy—   Anc. Etruria, 2,000,000 66,000 4,000,000   Anc. Lombardy, 4,500,000 80,000 5,000,000   Anc. Rome, 2,000,000 13,000 3,000,000   Venice and } Dalmatia } 2,630,000 37,000 6,000,000   New Kingdom of Naples, 1,500,000 23,000 7,000,000   New Kingdom of Saxony and dutchy of Warsaw, 4,600,000 43,000 11,000,000   New Kingdom of Westphalia, 4,000,000 21,500 6,500,000   New Kingdom of Wirttemberg, 5,000,000 26,000 9,000,500   New dutchy of Berg, 5,000,000 26,000 9,000,500   New principality of Neufchatel 3,000,000 74,000 3,000,000   Sweden, 3,000,000 74,000 3,000,000   153,000,000 1,051,350 359,000,000  
To which add pose G. Britain, and the islands of Sicily & Malta, } 17,000,000 105,000 30,000,000
The judicious reader will perceive, that all the continental nations of Europe excepting France, are reduced in this estimate, both in numbers and revenue, below the state of the same nations before the French revolution; and that Great-Britain, cut off from Europe, is estimated at the full amount of her income from revenue, taxes, and loans .
The resources of the continental nations, must be daily encroaching from the mere operation of internal activity, and the new spring given to human activity, by the overthrow of decayed thrones and the ancient aristocracies—and new energies excited by placing in every nation natural genius upon the same level, without the shackles of feudal and hierarchical prejudices.
The progress of the sciences and the arts, are not now trammelled by barbarous institutions, but like the floods of the majestic Rhine and Danube, whose streams pay no tribute to feudalism, genius now travels unconstrained from the Seine to the Arno—and from the Adda to the Oder; nature herself feels the cheering tread of the human footsteps and the grateful pressure of the burdens of industry floated from nations hitherto remote—to the banks of canals carried through the bosom of mountains over flinty declivities, and on the bosom of sloping roads constructed, where once frightful precipices and ravines forbid the approaches of man.
The Rhine and the Danube, the Meuse and the Rhone, like the great arteries of the human body, serve now the same purpose to the continental body of Europe, and the triumphs of art and science in the midst of war, are thus in some measure compensating for the havoc which it has made.
Such is but a very faint glimpse of the awful and interesting picture which Europe at this moment presents—and upon the consequences which must speedily succeed to this state, will greatly depend the future good and happiness of the United States.
It is into a contest with a world like this, that the infuriated mania of British politicians would lead the United States, and tear us from the dignified and happy repose we enjoyed.
People of America, preserve your selves from the deluders of the nations of Europe—and let it be the pride of a republican in the midst of universal storms, to resist the corruption and to avert the evils which have befallen all the nations of Europe, that have listened to their common seducer and disturber.
Messrs Hopkins and Earle , of this city, have just published a speech, delivered before the British House of Commons, on the first of April 1808, by HENRY BROUGHAM , Esquire, in support of the petitions from London, Liverpool, and Manchester, against the Orders in Council , which cannot fail deeply to interest the American Reader.—To this edition they have prefixed the subsequent account of the enlightened Author.
[Poulton.] “In the list of extraordinary men, of whom the British Isles have produced more than any other section of the world, may be enumerated Henry Brougham , the author of the present speech. At a very early period of his life he gave presages of his future eminence. For in the sixteenth year of his age he became known to the public, by a series of papers in the transactions of the Royal Society of London, on an abstruse point of physical science, which were written with such purity of style, and manifested so much acute and diligent investigation, that he was immediately elected a member of that perhaps, the most learned institution of Europe. Not long after receiving this honorable testimonial of his precocious attainments, he commenced a course of legal studies, and having completed them, was called to the Scotch bar. We still vividly recollect the powers of eloquence which we have heard him there display. But the cares of his profession did not wholly engross Mr. Brougham's attention. With these, he mingled habitually the cultivation of polite literature, and the study of politics.
“In 1803, when only twenty-four years old, he published a work in two large volumes, entitled ‘The Colonial Policy of the European Powers,’ which, though it may not have widely circulated in the United States, has undoubtedly been better received in Europe than any other production on political economy since ‘Smith's Wealth of Nations.’
“Nearly about the same time, he, in conjunction with several literary friends, without any venal motive, established the ‘Edinburgh Review,’ to which he has liberally contributed. The articles on moral and political subjects are principally executed by him.
“Of the general merits of this celebrated journal, or of the particular excellence of Mr. Brougham's compositions contained in it, we shall say nothing, public sentiment having already assigned to each, confessedly, the highest rank in the department of criticism. Two years ago, he quitted the Scotch bar, and settled in London, as a state more auspicious to the exercise of his
superior talents. Since the exchange of his residence he has published a well known pamphlet, ‘On the State of the Nation.’ Recently, Mr. Brougham was retained, at the express recommendation of Lord Grenville, as counsel for the petitioners against the Orders of Council, and in that capacity, delivered in the House of Commons, the ensuing speech, which, throughout Britain has been read, admired and approved.
“This speech, we presume, must be equally interesting to this country, as treating of topics in which every portion of our community has a lively and proximate concern. It exhibits pretty nearly the same views as Mr. Baring's admirable pamphlet, but being a subsequent production, it has added to the matter, which the industrious research of his predecessor had collected many new proofs and illustrations supplied by his own sources of information, and the thorough examination of the subject held at the bar of the House of Commons.
“The neutral rights of America have, indeed, found in Mr. Brougham a most intelligent and able defender. If they be not ultimately recognized, it cannot be imputed to any deficiency in their vindication. This speech alone furnishes them with a shield round and complete.
“Mr. Brougham is now in the twenty-eighth year of his age. He has already attained very great consideration among the leading men of his country. To complete his reputation, it only remains for him to enter Parliament, which we understand he will shortly do. When this event shall happen, we predict, from his various and profound knowledge, especially of the complicated fiscal and commercial interests of the British empire, combined with an eloquence, at once strong, copious and embellished, that he will be pronounced the most able debater, and accomplished statesman of that great and enlightened assembly.”
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, JUNE 28, 1808.
LET there be LIGHT!—The article copied from The London Courier “presents a subject of the deepest interest and consideration to the American reader.” Does it not strongly confirm the ideas which have been lately thrown out in this paper, respecting the ultimate designs of Great-Britain? The Courier is a print decidedly devoted to the interests of the ministry; and on the present occasion it may be presumed to speak the sentiments of Mr. Secretary CANNING. The suggestions now recommended are, that it is the interest and the duty of G. Britain to “trample” down all the laws of nations; that she should erect her empire “on no other right than that of power;” that in a word, she should continue to assert her “ maritime supremacy ,” as she has already “practically” done by her Orders of Council; and that without any further scruple, “the king of England should declare himself Emperor of the Ocean.”
The basis upon which the suggestion itself is made, will not stand the touch of enquiry. Nothing is more contemptibly sophistical.—Great-Britain has as much right to the empire of the Seas, as Bonaparte has to the empire of Europe; that is, the right of conquest!—This is really the law of retaliation with a vengeance.—“Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth.” It is more . It is like A's taking an eye from Z because B has been savage enough to gouge X. But what has Z to do with the quarrels of A and B; or with the savage inhumanity displayed by B towards X? Even the Jewish law itself, recognizes no such extension of the right of retaliation. This is so far from the case, that even this doctrine would have completely violated the principle, on which the Hebrew legislator has erected his anti-christian practice. If an injured man has the privilege of retaliating a like wrong upon his aggressor, for no other reason than that he is the aggressor; it is surely his duty for the same reason to respect the rights of the innocent and unoffending neutral.
What has the government of the United States to do with the quarrels of France and England, or with the usurpations of France on the continent? Let those usurpations be even as great, as they have been represented; the administration of this country may regret, but they are not bound to avenge them. These usurpations, by the very terms of the supposition, have been confined to “the continent.” They have not disturbed the rights of the United States either on land or on the waters. Whence then does Britain derive the right of inflicting the same aggression upon us, as her enemy has inflicted on the continent? Not from the law of retaliation, but from a most flagrant abuse of her maritime power. From that moment when she should dare to act on this pretension, and “already she has practically asserted her supremacy,”—she would become the universal pirate of the seas. From that moment, she would deserve to be hunted down by every civilized nation.
These bold pretensions evidently deserve the most severe reprobation of every friend of this country. But mark the soft and conciliatory terms, in which these daring pretensions have been treated by the exclusive “friends of order” and virtue—the Federalists. The following hitherto strictures are from the Boston Gazette —a federal print of the very “first water.”
“An article under the Miscellaneous head, entitled ‘Our future Conduct,’ should be read with attention. It advances a bold doctrine in political ethics; and without duly considering the alarming and critical state in which England is now placed, by the perfidy of its former allies, and ambitious strides of its most powerful and rancorous enemy, may be viewed as renouncing the accustomed tenets of its faith and practice; but when candidly viewed, can it be matter of surprise, that a nation, which has acquired its wealth, its freedom and its renown, by a long course of industry, enterprise, and heroism, should resort to any means, however violent, in attempting to preserve them? The first law of nature is self-defence .”
These sentiments are not to be mistaken. They will show to the people of this country, with what cheerful alacrity these exclusive “friends of order” are ready to surrender their best rights to the worst encroachments of Great-Britain. Yet these are the champions, who abuse the administration! These are the men, who curse the Embargo! These are the men, who presume to talk about the extent of the French influence in the councils of the nation! These are the men, who are prepared to justify “any means, however violent,” which G. Britain would employ for her own benefit.
Had Mr. Fox employed the assassin's villainy to take off the life of Bonaparte, instead of having indignantly rejected the proposition; it would have been right . Because “the first law of nature is self-defence.”
If Great-Britain levels the capital of offending Denmark to the dust, murders her women and children, and robs her of her navy—it is all right; because the first law of nature is self-defence .
If she impresses and imprisons our seamen, if she attacks our national vessels, pirates our property, annihilates our trade and proclaims herself the usurper of the seas—it is all right—because the first law of nature is self-defence .
This is the sacred principle, which consecrates every crime and renders usurpation itself a virtue. This principle is not to be tested, like all others, by its consequences; it is not to be limited by the unerring rules of justice and utility; to operate when they permit, and to cease when they command; but it is swallowed up every other consideration. This bold principle of necessity , so frequently used to gloss over the crimes of tyrants, and the ferocity of a savage, is by a very natural association to be called in to justify the encroachments of G. Britain.
ECCE ITERUM CRISPINUS. To the Editor of the New-York American Citizen.
Though you have not yet condescended to “pay due attention” to the remarks which were lately addressed to you in this paper, yet your silence shall not discourage the expression of such sentiments as circumstances may require. These sentiments are offered, not because as you have artfully represented, “the question is whether or not a Virginian shall again rule over us,” but because a Virginian has sometimes the advantage of resorting to such documents or dates as are calculated to prove the absurdity of your assertions.
As far as you have paid “attention” to this paper, your labors have been peculiarly unfortunate. It is not true that the Editor of this paper has ever spoken of “the aversion on which is very generally felt from being ever lastingly governed by the great non-commercial men in Virginia”—because the great men of Virginia are not enemies of commerce. This miserable charge had always been confined to the Federalists of the north; from whom you have now thought proper to adopt it for the same contemptible purpose of exciting a jealousy against the south. It is not true, that the Editor of this paper has ever insinuated a doubt of the capacity of the other states of the Union to produce “a man able to fill the Presidential chair.” You are challenged to produce the slightest proof of such a sentiment. It is true, that he was anxious as you are to support such a candidate brought forward from the other states, as should be equal to the ablest sons of Virginia. But it is not certain that on this occasion, the candidate from New-York, venerable for his years and venerable for his services, is equal to the selected candidate of the majority of the Republicans.
Such strictures, sir, are not better calculated to discourage opposition, than even your “silence.” And we shall therefore continue to pursue our animadversions upon such remarks as seem worthy of notice. The first which strikes our “attention,” appear in the Republican Watchtower of 20th inst. You have failed to prove, that the nomination at Washington was not made “according to former usage”—& you have now advanced to your second proposition, that this nomination was “the effect of surprise, if not of collusion.” Your proofs of this, sir?
In 1800, you say, “Mr. Jefferson was nominated near the close of the session of Congress”—and the same in 1804. The nomination was made on February 25, 1804. “According to custom,” you say, “it was informally agreed, that the nomination of a successor to Mr. Jefferson should not be made until the end of March.” It was, however, made sooner. “Here then, you say, management had effected a complete surprise.” “As matters were satisfactorily arranged as early as the middle of January, there was some risk, it was thought, in suffering the golden moment to pass without reaping the golden harvest.”
Such is your tissue of suspicion. But, sir, where are your proofs of this informal arrangement to postpone the nomination till the latter end of March? It is confidently declared, that during the last session, a different arrangement was made. No caucus was to be held, until Mr. Jefferson's determination should be announced. When that fact was known, a caucus might be held, whenever the members of Congress thought it convenient. It was not surely the interest of Madison's friends to precipitate a nomination. This idea is not very consistent with another of your ingenious suspicions. The longer his system of “guttling” and “splendid speculation” continued, was it not more likely to increase the number of his proselytes? A generous mind, when called on to ascribe an event to one of two causes of very different complexion, will always adopt the most liberal and consistent of the two. You attribute this early caucus to trick and finesse, instead of the force and collision of circumstances. In preceding elections, there had been no division or dispute about the republican candidate. Mr. Jefferson was the favorite of the people. No benefit could therefore have arisen from an early nomination. No danger or inconvenience from delay.
Circumstances however were different in the present instance. On no occasion, was there likely to be so great a division among the Republicans: And on none, would division have been more fatal. It was necessary therefore to unite the republican party in their choice of a candidate, by some summary mode for collecting the general sense of the country. The republican party might have been disappointed, if Massachusetts had taken up one man, New-York another and Virginia a third. The legislatures of some of the republican states, who would be cat-
tered upon for a nomination for their own states, were then or would soon be in session. Virginia was in that very predicament. Her legislature was about to adjourn; but a nomination must have been made previous to adjournment. A day had even been publicly named for this purpose; Not the 21st January, a day, which as you have said, had been “ascertained” by Wilson C. Nicholas; but the 28th. What were the circumstances which precipitated this nomination, it is now unnecessary for us to enquire. It is sufficient to say, that they have no connection with the surprise or collusion, which you have pretended to discover.—Virginia was likewise particularly solicitous to make no nomination of a candidate, previously to the nomination at Washington. Her love of social concord and her resolution to oblige those sister states which had so often obliged herself, were the great polar stars of her conduct.—All these arguments, all these wishes were known at Washington. And it may be confidently said that the situation in which the legislature of Virginia stood, and in which some other legislatures would soon have been placed, was one cause of the early meeting of the caucus at Washington.
In the mean time, you say, that “a system of gorgeous guttling—and splendid political speculation commenced.” Your proofs, sir. “All that this globe in all quarters produces, was found in profusion on Mr. Madison's hospitable table.” Your bombast is excessive. Admit however that Mr. Madison was hospitable, and that plenty reigned at his board; what follows? when is it, that Mr. Madison was not hospitable? Has he been more so during this, than any preceding winter? This remains to be proved. Was his hospitality confined to the members of Congress? This too remains to be proved. Neither of these assertions is true. But they are precisely such assertions, as no liberal man, who knows any thing of Mr. Madison's character, could have conscientiously made.
Your proofs too, sir, of “this splendid political speculation”—of Mr. Madison's “indirect promises of official goodness.” You have none, sir. You can have none but those trifles light as air, which the mind of jealous suspicion regards as “confirmation strong as proofs of holy writ.” One of the caucus, you say, has a “judgeship” and the other “the secretaryship of Michigan Territory.” But who gave these offices? Mr. Madison? No. Is Mr. Jefferson then conversant with these reputed intrigues for the Presidential Chair?—But if Mr. Withersell one of the caucus, is appointed a judge, is not Mr. Masters, one of the protestors appointed a judge too? Your rule then it seems works both ways.
Cease, sir, “you bite a file.” No man who knows any thing of Mr. Madison, will believe your insinuations against him. It is a fact which his friends defy you to controvert, that no man had ever less recourse to intrigue and corruption of any kind, than Mr. Madison; and that no one ever observed a more decorous or profound reserve towards his most confidential friends, than this gentleman pursued during the last winter.—The proofs of this fact are so curious and so striking, that they would strike you with astonishment and wonder.
But there was “no deliberation”—“no adjournment” of the caucus. Why should there have been? Why deliberate, when the minds of the members must have been prepared to vote, and when discussion could only have produced schism and irritation? Why adjourn? when the members were prepared for a decision?
Two more points—and we have done. “That Gov. Clinton is opposed to a permanent Embargo, you have no doubt!”—This is a studied artifice of phrase, unworthy of a republican. What do you mean? Either that the present is a permanent Embargo, or that it is not. If you mean that it is, you must know that your assertion is unfounded. The Embargo is not permanent. It may be extinguished either by the authority of the President or of Congress. And you know, that this authority will be exercised, whenever the governments of Europe shall revoke those tyrannical decrees, which produced its imposition.—If you do not mean that this is a permanent embargo, you have introduced an idea which has no bearing at all on the subject. But what is worse, you have employed a phrase, which is calculated to deceive us into a belief that “Gov. Clinton is opposed to this Embargo. Away, sir, with this artifice of words. The people of this country have a right to know, whether Gov. C. is or is not opposed to the present Embargo. If he is, come boldly out and inform the republicans.
But you “take it for granted “that external commerce will be destroyed, if Mr. Madison be elected President.” Your proofs, sir. For the people of this country are yet too enlightened to take any thing for granted, which you or any man may assert.—Do you find these proofs in Mr. Madison's letters to our commissioners at London? Do you find them in the general course of this administration, of which Mr. Madison is presumed to be the friend? If so, come boldly out and charge this administration with its opposition to foreign commerce.—Or do you find it in the Embargo, which in your usual ambiguity you seem to insinuate “is the great means whereby external commerce is to be rooted out of the land?” If so, sir, how profoundly ignorant must you be of the purposes of this Embargo! How little could you have known that this very measure was dictated by a long-sighted and prudent regard to the best interests of trade and the dearest maritime rights of this country?—How little could you have studied the best productions which have issued from the English and American Presses—the pamphlet of Mr. Baring and the speech of Mr. Brougham—the speeches and the essays of the most enlightened men of this country.—Once more, away with this studied evasion of manner. Come forth with your specification of those proofs which are to convince the world, that Mr. Madison is the enemy of our foreign commerce.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Isle of Wight, Shoal-Bay, June 14, 1808. Your paper has conveyed to us, the improvement made in the breed of Sheep in the upland part of our state, which encourages me to offer to your notice my exertions in that way. On the 27th of May in the presence of Richard W. Byrd, Malary Todd, jun. I had shown a young Ram, of the first fleece, which weighed on the hoof 118lb of his fleece 32lb. staple 12 inches long, the fibre, I believe, cannot be surpassed by any. Five Ewes of the same age and breed, weighing each 54lb. 5lb. 6lb. and 5lb. These Sheep were raised from a Ram imported by Commodore J. Barron from Tripoli, of the broad tailed breed, on my own stock—and think promise to be a very valuable cross.—If you think proper to insert this account in your own way, you will oblige Yours, RICHARD COCKE.
CO. IN. J. C. A. N. Mr. and Mrs. Poe, Mr. Burke, and others, late of the Danville Theatre, will visit this city the latter end of this week.—It is their intention to perform at the Hay-Market, during the next week; which will be filled up for that purpose.
The ship Leonidas , capt. McKenzie, chartered by government to take stores to the Dey of Algiers, left the capes of Virginia on the first instant for her port of destination.—Wash. Monitor.
We understand that the Dey of Algiers has lately given grounds to distrust his peaceable disposition towards the United States. After having settled with the American consul there the differences which arose, in December last, including the case of the Algerine seamen who perished in the rescue of the American vessel captured by one of the Dey's Cruisers, he suddenly set up a demand about the middle of March for two thousand dollars a man, threatening to put Mr. Lear in chains if not paid in 24 hours. This was resisted. He then gave notice, that two frigates, and other cruisers just on the point of sailing, had orders to capture American vessels, which would infallibly go into execution unless the money should be immediately paid. To obtain a recall of the orders, Mr. Lear thought it best to comply; signifying to the Dey that he should communicate it to his government as the result of the force put on him. The day before Mr. Lear was threatened, the Danish consul, on the pretext that arrears were due from his government, had been seized by order of the Dey, and actually set to work among the slaves, with an iron chain of 40lbs. fastened to him. Mr. Lear had circulated through the consuls at different ports, this state of things with the Algerine Regency.—Nat. Int.
WASHINGTON, June 17. Mr. Mills, the gentleman engaged to build the bridge over the Potomac, has arrived here. From what we have heard, he is eminently qualified in this important department. Few builders of bridges have had greater advantages, either derived from early instruction, or subsequent experience. He was a pupil of the celebrated Mr. Coke, and has directed the erection of several of the most extensive bridges in New England. He is of opinion that all the suggested obstacles, either to the erection of this bridge or to its standing, are perfectly visionary.
A meeting of the Citizens of Richmond and Manchester is requested at the Capitol this evening, 5 o'clock, to make arrangements for celebrating the Anniversary of American Independence. The time for making preparations being short, it is requested that no short a notice must be resorted to. Richmond, June 28.
THE RIFLE VOLUNTEERS will assemble, on the morning of the 4th of JULY, precisely at 9 o'clock, on the Capitol Square, completely equipped—with at least 17 blank cartridges. By order of the Captain, B. C. TURNER, 1st Serg't. June 28. (26)
THE MANCHESTER REPUBLICAN BLUES are requested to assemble on their usual Parade Ground, on the fourth of July, at half past 9 o'clock, A. M. It is confidently expected that every member will cheerfully attend at the hour appointed to celebrate that glorious epoch. By desire of the Captain, JAMES HEWLETT, Serg't. June 28. (26)
SALES AT AUCTION.
ON Wednesday the 29th inst. will be sold at the store lately occupied by Mr. Richard Brooke, positively without reserve , a general assortment of DRY GOODS, suitable to the present season, consisting of— Cotton Cassimeres and Nankeens, Elegant Chintzes and Calicoes, Velvet Waistcoating, Toilette Muslinette, Blue and Pink Ginghams, Do. Do. Muslins, Linen Checks, Brown Holland, Dimities and Cambric Dimities, Flatilias, Irish Linen, Lawn, Cotton Shirting, Black Cambricks, Silk and Cotton Chambrays, Elegant blue, white, pink, orange, figured Crapes, Elegant silk and cotton Shawls, Blue and yellow India Nankeens, Cotton and worsted coloured and white Hose, Silk, leather, kid and cotton Gloves, Silk Lace Sleeves, Silk Stockings, Cotton Cambricks, Satin, Muslin & Cambric Shawls & Handkerchiefs, Elegant Leno, Jacquet and Mull Mull Muslins, Elegant plain and figured Robes, Cap Patterns, Leno Trimings, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, Bombazette Flannels, Baize, Half Thick, Negro Cotton, Coatings, Plains, Superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, And many other articles. Terms—For all sums under $150, cash—Over $150, 2, 3, and six months credit—approved endorsed negotiable notes will be required for all purchases on credit. JAMES BROWN, Jr. V. M. June 28. (eptids)
MARSHAL'S SALE.
JOHN MURDOCK & Company, against the children and heirs at law of Samuel Parsons, dec'd, and others. By virtue of a decree of the court of the United States for the fifth circuit and Virginia district, pronounced at November term, 1807, in a suit therein depending between the above parties, will be sold at public auction, for ready money, on Wednesday the twenty-seventh day of JULY next, on the premises, a TRACT OF LAND in the county of Hanover, on Pamunkey river, near Beach creek ford, and which is now in the possession of his children and heirs at law, or so much thereof as shall be equal to the demand of the plaintiffs and the expenses of this sale. WM. MANN, D. M. for Joseph Scott, M. V. D. June 28. (1a3w)
NOTICE.—That in virtue of a deed of trust executed to me by George Wiley, I shall, on Friday the 8th day of July next, before the front door of the Eagle-Tavern, in this city, expose to sale for ready money, at public auction, one half acre LOT OF LAND, more or less, with the appurtenances, lying in the town of Hanover, and being the same on which the said Wiley at present resides—the proceeds of which sale to be applied agreeably to the provisions of the said trust. SAML. MCCRAN, Trustee. Richmond, June 28. (4t)
THE Subscriber living in Chesterfield county, on Falling creek, about seven miles from Manchester, wishes to engage a TEACHER, who understands the Dead Languages, Geography, &c.—None need apply without proper recommendations. THOS. V. BROOKING, Chesterfield, June 28. (26)

POLITICAL.
CIRCULAR, To the Electors of the Congressional District, composed of the Counties of Amherst, Albemarle and Fluvanna.—Concluded.
It has been repeatedly stated, that we might have prevented the state of things that gave rise to the embargo; that the necessity grew out of our own fault, our own remissness, and not out of the decrees and orders of council. If this be true, it is indeed a view of the subject that ought to be met with great seriousness; and although it is no reason for not defending what all agree are our unquestionable rights, it is a sufficient reason for bringing to punishment and disgrace those who have sacrificed the public interest, and unnecessarily endangered the peace of the nation. Let us examine the subject. It is said we could have prevented the treaty made by Mr. Jay—that bad as Jay's treaty was, it would have been better to have protracted it, than to have been in our present situation. I dislike Mr. Jay's treaty; but I have no doubt it was a better treaty when it was made in 1794, than it would have been in 1806-7—when it is considered in relation to the situation of the two countries at that time; its intrinsic merit or the relative situation of the two nations in 1806-7. In 1794, Great Britain was associated with all the great continental powers, except France. She had swept from the ocean a great part of the commerce of the United States; she was in possession of our posts, that enabled her to command all the Indian tribes. The United States had not recovered from the effects of the revolutionary war, from the close of which, we had been harassed by a cruel and bloody war with our savage neighbors; we had at the same time very serious difficulties with the Spaniards, upon points of great importance; our commerce was exposed to the Barbary powers; a danger so serious, as to exclude our vessels from the Mediterranean sea. These circumstances would certainly have justified a treaty then, that ought not to be accepted at this day; then it could have been said with propriety, we ought to take the time, and delay an appeal to arms. Under all these circumstances, it was thought, by a great proportion of the American people, we ought not to have accepted Jay's treaty; although by it we procured the surrender of the posts, at least 1,200,000 pounds sterling for spoliations; although by its adoption we gained time, and in all probability procured an adjustment of our differences with Spain, then the ally of Great Britain, and the navigation of the Mississippi—it is probable as long as we were embroiled with England, Spain would not have made the concessions she did; and although we then gained peace and safety to our extensive frontier. This treaty, that was then bad, and ought to have been rejected, would be now good, and ought to have been continued—that is to say, when it held out to us advantages, it ought to have been rejected; but when every part of it was executed from which we were to expect advantage, we ought to have continued the execution of those parts that had been inserted for the benefit of Great Britain, and to which we had objected, when, as they said, they had given us an equivalent. If this treaty was bad in 1794, it was much worse, it was inadmissible, in 1806-7. Great Britain had then fallen from the imposing attitude in which she had stood; our resources, our means of defence and offence, as well as our population, had increased in a ratio, never before experienced by any people upon earth. If this treaty had been renewed, there is a certainty, it would not have prevented our being in our present situation, as will be shown. But it is said, we could have obtained a better treaty. By if this it is meant to say, that our situation in a commercial or political point of view would have been better, if we had adopted the treaty negotiated by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, it is believed that sentiment will be found greatly erroneous, if the subject is considered either with reference to the advantages to be gained by this country from that treaty, or the time & circumstances under which it was proposed. The correct mode of judging of a treaty, is, by a knowledge of the points in dispute, as well as of the objects of the contracting parties. Unless something is gained, it is obvious that a treaty is bad, and although it may be said, certain rights are reserved, not abandoned, yet I assert, in most cases that is the effect, and that such is the usage of nations; and that reservations are made more with a view to the character and feelings of the nation that makes the reservation, than with an expectation that such claims will ever be revived. It is therefore more frank and manly to abandon claims at once, than to keep them alive in this way, after a general adjustment of other differences; all history affords proof of the propriety of this opinion. The application of it to the late negotiation, needs no further illustration to show, that the supposed reservations and informal engagements, form no justification of the treaty. What Mr. Canning says upon this subject, in his note of the 22d October 1807, is conclusive. "No engagements were entered into on the part of his majesty as connected with the treaty, except such as appear upon the face of it. Whatever encouragement may have been given by his majesty's commissioners to the hope expressed by the commissioners of the United States, that discussion might hereafter be entertained, with respect to the impressment of British seamen from merchant vessels, must be understood to have had in view the renewal of such discussions, not as forming any part of the treaty then signed (as the American commissioners appear to be instructed to assume,) but separately, and at some subsequent period, more favorable to their successful termination." So that to say the least, the points in dispute, that are not provided for by this treaty, and for which provision does not appear upon the face of it, ought to be considered as postponed, if not abandoned. I will state to you, what were the objects in forming a treaty with Great Britain. You will see in what our commissioners were successful, and it will at once be seen whether the treaty ought to have been rejected or adopted.—We demanded an exemption of our seamen from impressment. Was satisfaction given to us in the treaty upon this point? There was not; but our commissioners were assured in a note of the British commissioners of the 8th November, that instructions had been given, and should be repeated and enforced, for the observance of the greatest caution in impressing British seamen, with assurances that immediate redress should be given in case any American seaman should be impressed, and with an assertion that no recent cases had occurred. So far from this being true, the secretary of state, Mr. Madison, says, "the impressments have at no time been more frequent or vexatious." In making a treaty, their instructions were peremptory and clear, not to sign any treaty without a provision upon this subject: The provision in the note, would have been inadmissible, if it had formed part of the treaty. (As the right to impress was asserted, not abandoned, and British officers made the sole judges who were British subjects) as it did not, it was of no effect, as appears by Mr. Canning's note, before referred to—And here it should be remarked, that the assertion that Great Britain only wants the service of her own subjects, whose services are essential to her existence, and that it is our object to rob her of these people, is one of the many calumnies that are uttered against our government. By the law of nations, it is our clear and indisputable right, that our flag should protect from belligerents, all persons, except those in the military or naval service of their enemies. This is a principle that we cannot give up, without abandoning our people to their mercy. If we admit the right of impressment by one belligerent, we must admit it to exist in all; we make ourselves the sole judges of who are and who are not their subjects. The British have
never contended for a power to do more than to impress their own people, but in the exercise of this power, they have, in the course of the war, impressed many thousand native American citizens. We neither dispute the right of Great Britain to command the services of her subjects, provided she can do it without a violation of our rights, nor do we wish to employ them in our service, and this is clearly proved by the offers of our government to consent to regulations, by which persons belonging to one country shall be excluded from the service of the other. As far as I have been able to inform myself of the wishes of those who have competent authority on the part of the United States, I say confidently, our government would co-operate in any reasonable regulation, that Great Britain would suggest and make reciprocal. Of the disposition of the executive, upon this subject, there is a full proof in the instructions given to our commissioners; of the temper of Congress, there can be no room to doubt. If Great Britain suffers injury from her subjects leaving her service or country, let her restrain them; she has the authority and the means to do so; she can, if she pleases, prevent a British subject from leaving either. We cannot, consistently with our honor, duty or interest, permit her to indemnify herself for such loss, by forcing American citizens to fight her battles. The next most important point was the colonial trade.—By the 11th article, that trade is placed upon a worse footing than it stood before. The re-exportation of colonial produce is restricted to European ports, and the supplies of the colonial market to European goods. There is no way in which the British had harassed our commerce more, than in the execution of their nominal blockades: upon this point we demanded and had a right to expect redress: did the treaty give it to us? It did not. We have a heavy account against that nation for spoliations, committed upon our commerce in violation of the law of nations and of principles recognized by herself: does the treaty provide for the payment of these claims? Not a cent—they are postponed—the right to make demand is reserved. Is our trade to the East and West-Indies put upon a better footing than it stood before? It is not; the former is confessedly on a worse than under Jay's treaty. Are our boundaries settled? They are not; that question is likewise reserved. Great Britain levies a tax upon us, her best customers, under an export duty of four per cent, which is paid by no other independent nation, and thereby imposes upon us a tribute of a million of dollars. Did this treaty secure us an exemption from this duty? It did not; and the only consolation that is given, is, that we do not pay a greater duty upon exports, than is paid by her colonies.—Upon the whole, from this analysis of the treaty, it does not appear, that by it any thing would have been gained that was worth possessing, and that our most important rights and interests have either been reserved, postponed or qualified and limited, in such a manner, that our situation was not made worse by its rejection. In the consideration of our relations with that country, it ought to be remembered we were the injured nation in every instance; that there was not a single act of our's of which Great Britain had a right to complain; there were no acts of that sort against our just demands. Why then should we have made a treaty by which we got nothing? It has been said by its advocates, we should have avoided war. I believe it would have had a contrary tendency, and I think I can demonstrate it. But it is rational to believe Great Britain would have gone to war with us, for injuries that they had themselves committed; or was it necessary to puch up this accommodation to prevent our government from going to war with them? If, by this treaty, it had been stipulated we should obtain every thing our commissioners were instructed to demand; if Great Britain had thrown open all her ports to the East & W. Indies and in Europe to our commerce, it ought to have been rejected.—The note of the British commissioners, of the 31st of December, 1806, which appears to have been delivered before the signature of the treaty, by those commissioners, puts it as completely in the power of the king of G. B. to withhold his ratification of that treaty, as it would have been, had there been a stipulation in the body of the treaty, that it should not be binding upon G. Britain, unless (these are the words of the note,) "the enemy will either have formally abandoned or tacitly relinquished his unjust pretensions, or the government of the United States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given security to his majesty, that it will not submit to such innovations, in the established system of maritime law." The British commissioners "presented this note from an anxious wish, that it should be clearly understood on both sides, that, without such an acknowledgment on the part of the enemy, or such assurances, or such conduct on the part of the United States, his majesty will not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commissioners, to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as may seem necessary for counteracting the designs of his enemy." This conditional signature of the treaty, did amount in substance, to an offer to our government, of the alternative between the treaty, and a war with France; since, if our government did not give such assurances, or pursue such conduct as would be satisfactory to his Britannic majesty, the treaty would be lost. If the treaty had contained stipulations the most beneficial to the U. States, this note would, in my mind, have constituted an insuperable bar to it, unless I had been prepared to consent to an alliance offensive and defensive with Great Britain; for I am convinced, nothing short of actual hostility against France, would have satisfied the British government. In the adjustment of our differences with Great Britain, neither comported with our interest nor our dignity, as an independent power, to make the adjustment dependent upon the conduct of our government, in a dispute with any other nation. In this case, there was the less pretence for the interference of the British, because it is declared in this very note, that the French naval ports and seaports, are actually blockaded, and they are unable to station any naval force whatever, before any port of the United Kingdom. Notwithstanding the confidence with which his Britannic majesty appeals to the world as to his uniform respect for neutral rights, and his scrupulous adherence to the law of nations; it is notorious that in his conduct towards the United States, he has never regarded either, and that he was the first power who ever created a blockade by proclamations and diplomatic communications. Against these nominal blockades, he now protests, and although he declares them inoperative against him, it forms a justification in his mind, for an attempt to force the United States into acts of hostility against France. The wisdom of the President, in not accepting the treaty signed up on the condition expressed in the letter of the British commissioners, is now obvious; for, altho' we have not by our act, sanctioned the British claim to prescribe to us a course of conduct, with respect to France, and notwithstanding, in that note, the right to retaliate any injury the French decrees may do them, is rested solely upon the ground of our "acquisitions in such usurpations." Yet, on the 7th of January, 1807, only seven days after the signature of this treaty in London, an order of council issued, prohibiting our vessels from trading between the ports of France and those of her allies, in violation of our rights, and of the 11th article of this very treaty; and more than a month before it was known in the United States, that our trade with Great Britain was interdicted by France, the British orders of the 11th of November issued. If this conditional treaty had been accepted, Great Britain would have been justified in doing what she has done, unless we resisted the French decrees in a manner satisfactory to her. The view I have taken of this treaty, has been forced upon me, by the attempt that has been made to impress upon the
nation, a belief, that if it had been accepted, we should have avoided our present difficulties. I trust, I have shown that they have not arisen from the rejection of the treaty, and that its adoption would have prevented the state of things that now exists between the United States and Great Britain; (as has been my only motive for the notice I have taken of it. It has been to me a painful duty. I have endeavored to discharge it, in a manner, consistent with the respect I feel for the gentlemen who negotiated that treaty. One of them I have known long and intimately. I know him incapable of an intentional abandonment of the interest of his country. My object is not to criminate the commissioners, who, I am confident, believed they acted for the interest of their country, but to rescue the administration from a censure they do not merit. In forming the treaty, the commissioners acted upon a responsibility, the full force of which they felt. The President in sending it back and refusing to ratify it, discharged a duty to his country. I have no doubt he did right. That he acted according to his own conviction, there can be no doubt. It is proven by his instructions subsequently given. The correspondence is published and every man has the means of forming an opinion for himself. Before you will believe that the necessity for the embargo grew out of the fault & remissness of our own government, and not out of the French decrees and British orders, you will require it to be proved by what act of ours, short of war with England, we could have prevented the blocking decree of France from being extended to our commerce; and by what act of ours, short of war with France, the British orders of the 7th January, 1807, and their orders of the 11th November, would have been prevented from issuing. They have told you and you have seen, that the rejected treaty would not have had that effect. It must be shown too, how the British were to have been restrained from the impressment of our seamen; how, by any act of ours, the attack upon the Chesapeake was brought about, and how the execution of one of the four men taken from on board that vessel, and the detention of the other three, is to be ascribed to the rejection of the treaty. It may be asked, do we rely solely upon the embargo? We do not; we have made provision for the defence of our ports and harbors, by the appropriation of large sums of money, for the erection of fortifications and the building gun-boats, to be used in the defence of our ports, bays, and rivers. We have ordered a regular force of upwards of six thousand men to be raised, who will be employed for the defence of our most exposed and important places. We have given the President a power to call into actual service 100,000 militia; and we have appropriated 650,000 dollars for the purchase and manufacture of arms. A much larger sum would have been applied to this most important object, if it could have been used; but that was not believed to be practicable, as we can only procure them from manufactures within the United States. How long is the embargo likely to continue? It is a question every man feels interested in. A law passed Congress a short time before the adjournment, authorising the President of the United States, in the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities between the belligerent powers of Europe, or of such changes in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in his judgment, to suspend the act laying an embargo. In either of these events, the embargo will instantly be taken off. If the wrongs of which we complain continue, and the embargo becomes more oppressive than war, we must make the appeal to arms, and resort to such measures as will give full scope to the courage and enterprise of our countrymen. If this shall be our only alternative, the course we have taken shall be the best we could have adopted; it has enabled us to bring home all our citizens who were abroad, to secure the vast property we had afloat, to put our country in a state of defence, and to make all the necessary preparations for offensive war, if we should be obliged to resort to it. It gives us every possible chance to escape war. But if we should not be so fortunate, we shall engage in it, with less risk and loss to ourselves, and greater means of annoyance to our enemies. Fellow-citizens, the state of our affairs, and indeed of the whole world, is portentous and merits your most serious consideration. It is not the lot of man to enjoy uninterrupted happiness. Our situation is, and has been the most enviable of any people on earth. We live under a government of our choice, administered by our own agents, elected by and responsible to us. Our property is our own; not a shilling of it is taken from us but what is faithfully applied to the public service. Fulfilling all our duties to others, we ask of them nothing but to forbear to do us injury. When the people and wealth of other countries have been devoted to gratify the ambition of their rulers, we have been happily enjoying the fruits of our own labour. It is in America only, that the rights of man are known and respected. I should be unfaithful to you, if I did not warn you of the possibility of your being called upon to defend these inestimable blessings, and that you may be called upon for yet greater exertions than you made in your revolutionary war. In this crisis, fellow-citizens, when it is uncertain from what quarter the blow may come, as with what force you may be assailed; let us think only of the danger to which our country is exposed; let us dismiss all party and personal considerations, and devote ourselves to the preservation of our country; let us make a solemn vow, that we will at the expence of our lives and fortunes maintain that independence and liberty which our best blood was expended in acquiring; that we will defend to the last extremity, the rich inheritance procured for us by the valor, wisdom and patriotism of our fathers, and that we will transmit it unimpaired to our posterity. I am, With the greatest respect & consideration, Your humble servant, W. C. NICHOLAS. (BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Making appropriations for carrying into effect certain Indian treaties.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the purpose of carrying into effect a treaty between the United States and the Choctaw nation of Indians, concluded at Pooshotukpukuk, in the Choctaw country, on the sixteenth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and five, the following sums be, and the same hereby are appropriated, in conformity with the stipulations contained in the said treaty, that is to say: To the said Choctaw nation fifty thousand five hundred dollars, and the further annual sum of three thousand dollars; To each of the three great medal Mingoes, Pukshunubbee, Mingo Hoomastubbee, and Pookshamutaha, five hundred dollars and a further annual sum of one hundred and fifty dollars to each of the said Mingoes during his continuance in office. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of carrying into effect a treaty between the United States and the Ottoway, Chippeway, Wyandotte and Pottawatamie nations of Indians, concluded at Detroit on the seventeenth day of November, in the year one thousand eight hundred and seven, the following sums be, and the same hereby are appropriated, in conformity with the stipulations contained in the said treaty, that is to say: Ten thousand dollars to be paid to the said nations in the following proportions: To the Ottoway nation, three thousand three hundred dollars, thirty-three cents and four mills: To the Chippeway nation, three thousand three hundred, thirty-three dollars, thirty-three cents and four mills: To the Wyandotte nation, one thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars, sixty-six cents and six mills: To the Pottawatamie nation, one thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars, sixty-six cents and six mills: and the further annual sum of two thousand four hundred dollars, to be paid to the said nations in the following proportions: To the Ottoways eight hundred dollars: To the Chippeways eight hundred dollars: To the Wyandottes four hundred dollars: and to each of the Pottawatamies as now reside on the river Huron of Lake Erie, the river Raisin, and in the vicinity of said rivers, four hundred dollars. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the several sums appropriated by this act, shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO. CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. FEBRUARY 19, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To authorise the transportation of certain documents by mail free of postage.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the members of Congress, the secretary of the Senate, and the clerk of the House of Representatives be, and they are hereby authorised to transmit free of postage, the message of the President of the United States, of the twenty-second day of March, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and the documents accompanying the same, and the documents accompanying the message of the President of the United States of the thirtieth of March, printed by order of the Senate and House of Representatives, to any post-office within the United States and the territories thereof, to which they may respectively direct; and it shall be the duty of the secretary of the Senate, and the clerk of the House of Representatives to send by the mail printed copies of the same message and documents, or any part thereof that may remain after Congress shall have adjourned, and the same shall be conveyed free of postage as aforesaid, conformably to the directions of the members of each house of Congress respectively: any law to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO. CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States, and president of the Senate. APRIL 13, 1808. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
IN CHANCERY.—Charlotte Court, 8th March, 1808.
Cloiborne Barksdale and son, assignees of Major Parsons, Plaintiffs—Against James Green & Parish Green, Defendants. The defendant James, not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiffs by their attorney, It is ordered, that he appear here on the first day of August court next and enter his appearance, and give security for performing the decree of the court, and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of the said county. A Copy. Teste, THOMAS READ, CLK. [law8w]
IN CHANCERY.—February Court, 1804—Fauquier County, to wit:
Benjamin Rector, Complainant—Against Thomas Chapman, surviving executor of William Carr, dec'd. Defendant. On the motion of the complainant by his counsel, It is ordered, that master commissioner Scott state, settle, and examine the accounts between the parties and make report thereof to the court, with such matters specially as he may think pertinent or the parties may require. A Copy. Teste, F. BROOKE, c. c.
The parties to the above suit are hereby notified, that I shall attend at my office at Fauquier court-house, on the 26th day of July next, between the hours of ten and two o'clock to carry the above order into effect, at which time and place the parties are requested to attend with a copy of the court papers, and such evidence and vouchers as they may think proper to produce, in order to a final adjustment of the accounts. C. R. SCOTT, M. C. Fauquier C. H. May 24, 1808. [law8w]
VIRGINIA, TO WIT: At a court of Appeals held at the Capitol, in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.
GENERAL RULE.—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket, and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through; and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term. Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week until the first day of October next. A Copy. Teste, J. BROWN, c. c. June 14. [11:0]
TO RENT.—The upper APARTMENTS in the
House occupied by Messrs. Kirby, Drake & Taylor, possessing convenient accommodations for a family. Possession will be given immediately—apply to Kirby, Drake & Taylor, or to THOMAS NORVELL. June 13. [if]
ALL persons having claims against the estate of the Revd. Matthew Maury, late of this county, are requested to bring them forward for settlement; and all persons indebted, are solicited to make arrangements for payment at an early period, as, (consistently with the terms of his will) long indulgence cannot be extended. MATTHEW MAURY, Acting executor. ALBEMARLE, June 14. [cpbwh]
RICHMOND TILE MANUFACTORY. The subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of thirty-five dollars per thousand, delivered at his Factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction of those tiles to resist the most pressing rains and snows are considered, his cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best of slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. RICHMOND, March 22. [cpbwh & law11] BENJAMIN DUVAL. N. B. I wish to see Patent Rights in several other States. B. D.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST —In the house adjoining Mr. Edmund Randolph's near the Capitol, is now practising in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the teeth to their natural elegance, by removing that corrosive substance called tartar, which adheres to them in the form of a black or yellow crust, which is the cause of many teeth decaying, an offensive breath, and the corroder of the gums and sockets. He sets artificial ones so as to stand firm, being useful as well as ornamental, plugs the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracts such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of BUFF'S PATENT EXTRACTING INSTRUMENTS, which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use; for which operation his price is one dollar, when done at his own house. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantage derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it to his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE prepared by himself of a superior quality for the preservation of the gums and teeth, void of corrosive substance. MR. LE TELLIER wishes the public to have notice that as he has now made Richmond his permanent residence, all his prices are considerably lower than when he was only a visitor of the place. A line or servant directed to the aforesaid place will be attended to. He keeps a constant supply of Teeth Extracting Instruments, key kind, and best quality, for sale. May 6. [law6m]
BURGLARY.—ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARDED
Whereas the store of SIMSON MORRIS opposite the Eagle Tavern, was broken open on Saturday night the 18th inst. between the hours of 11 and 3 o'clock, and robbed to a considerable amount, consisting of the following articles, viz. A quantity of Calicoes, Curtain Calicoes, India Cottons, a large quantity of Muslins, Cotton and Linen Cambrics, Irish Linen, Silk and Cotton Hosiery, S. K. Gloves, Linen & Cotton Handkerchiefs, Broad Cloths, Checks and Dimity, and many other articles; and the till robbed of about 30 dollars in cash, seven new French Gold Watches, with tortoise-shell cases; also, a parcel of Letters and Papers of no use to any person except the owner. Whoever will apprehend the offender or offenders, so that they may be brought to justice, shall receive the above reward, with an additional reward of 20 per cent. for the amount of goods which may be recovered; or whoever will deliver the letters and papers to the owner, shall be handsomely rewarded, and no questions asked. Richmond, June 21, 1808. (34)
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate
of Marcus Elcan, deceased, are requested to make immediate payment, and creditors to present their claims without delay. C. J. MACMURDO, } Exors. JOS. MARX, } Richmond, May 17, 1808. (f)
THE MILLING BUSINESS which has heretofore
been carried on under the name of LADDS & WEBSTER, was dissolved on the first instant. THOMAS & AMOS LADD, ISAAC WEBSTER March 18. [if]
THE subscriber hereby forecloses all persons from trading for, or taking an assignment of a bond or note, executed by him to John Smith of Rockingham county, Virginia; for one hundred and ten dollars; being the only bond or note executed by him to said Smith, because he will not pay the same; the said bond or note having been obtained from him by said Smith, by deception. JAMES POINDEXTER. Louisa County, June 14. (2w)
NOTICE.—By virtue of a deed of trust executed
to me by William Newton bearing date the 13th day of May 1807, and recorded in the County court of Buckingham, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due from the said Newton to Hobson and St. John, will be exposed to sale on the premises for ready money on Saturday the second day of July next one hundred Acres of Land in the county of Buckingham adjoining that on which the said Newton resides. ROBERT MOSELEY Junr. June 10, 1808. (7w)
NOTICE.—The Co-partnership of Thomas
Rutherford and Co. will be dissolved on the 30th June next: All those therefore, who may have claims against the said firm, or either of the partners, are invited in the mean time to apply for payment, and they earnestly request those indebted to them to settle their respective accounts as speedily as possible. THOMAS RUTHERFORD, FREDERICK ARGYLE. Richmond, May 6. (Fras:Jul:4)
COMMITTED to the Jail of Hanover, a Negro man slave TIMOTHY, (as a run away) who says he is the property of the estate of John Royal, dec'd of the county of Amelia, and that he ran away from John Jefferson to whom he was hired. The owner is requested to pay charges and take away the said slave. THE JAILOR. June 17. [lm]