The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-03-21 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE—AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM—(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 100.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 21, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday the 29th instant, will be sold at Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale:
A HOUSE & LOT on Shockoe-Hill; the lot containing about one quarter of an acre, forms a part of what is commonly called Jackson's square, and adjoins Mr. William Neece's garden; it is well enclosed, and has a well of excellent water upon it, and its situation is as desirable as any in that part of the town. The house is neatly finished, and well calculated for the comfortable accommodation of a small family. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. (law eds.)
March 7.
FOR SALE—By the Subscriber:
 20 Hogsheads NORTHERN RUM,  20 Barrels do. do.  10 Hogsheads MOLASSES,  10 Quarter Casks SHERRY WINE,  15 do. do. MALAGA do.  12 Tierces Prime GREEN COFFEE,  20 Barrels LIVER OIL,  150 Boxes MOULD CANDLES,  80 Ream WRITING PAPER,  100 do. WRAPPING do. 
THOMAS WHITE.
March 18. epim
TO BE SOLD,
To the highest bidders, on the premises, on the first day of May next,
So much of the LAND, whereon John Kello lies, in the county of Cumberland, late the property of Peter Francisco, as will pay the balance claimed of him, by Samuel G. Adams, of L. 160, with its interest, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to me, by the said Peter Francisco, for that purpose.
CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. (cpts.)
March 18.
NEW-MARKET ESTATE—FOR SALE.
WITH the consent of the surviving trustee in a deed executed by me for the benefit of the late John M'Rae, and dated on the 11th day of October, 1797, will be offered for sale, on the second day of the ensuing Spring Races, that beautiful and highly valuable, known by the name of NEW-MARKET, or a credit of one, two and three years from the day of sale. This property is so extensively known as being the most profitable race course in the state, and for its other numerous advantages, that it is deemed unnecessary to enumerate them.
Between this and the day on which the above property is advertised, I will treat with a private purchaser and give a more extensive credit, if the price and terms encourage me to do so.
R. BATE. tdf.
March 18.
ELEGANT TABLE WARE.
THE Subscriber will sell much under the usual prices, a very elegant Long Service of blue printed table ware, consisting of 214 pieces; it will be sold together or divided into two services, one of which will amount to three eighths, the other five eighths of the whole, but no detached articles can be sold; if not disposed of before the 1st of May it will be repacked and shipped to Baltimore, where ware of this quality meets with ready sale.
Ten Crates common Ware well assorted for dealers. Also, any quantity very cheap by retail, the lowest price marked on each article and no abatement made.
N. B. Rum flasks, of the most delicate flavor and as transparent as the purest wine, by the gallon, dozen or bottle.
WM. HART, Opposite the State House. epia & law tdm.
March 18.
FOR SALE,
TEN SHARES in the James river Canal Company.
THOMAS NORVELL. (cf)
March 18.
THE Subscriber, being desirous that an adjustment of accounts should take place between himself and creditors, takes this method to call on his debtors for the several amounts due from them to him, as he intends no indulgence.
He moreover calls on all those who are his creditors to make known to him in the course of four months the different sums due from them, as he feels himself in a dilemma to discharge the same, otherwise it will be paid in bar.
JOHN CARR. ep dw.
March 18.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
To be sold to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 1st day of May next, in the town of Lynchburg, and county of Campbell.
THAT large and commodious TAVERN and unimproved piece of ground, adjoining thereto; situated in the centre of said town and on the main street at the corner leading to the jail and court house, and not more than thirty yards from the latter, opposite Lynch's Ware-House and the street leading from the ferry landing. The TAVERN contains four rooms and a bar on the first floor, including two very large rooms suitable for a ball or dining room; the second floor contains six rooms suitable for lodging rooms, with an excellent garret. This TAVERN has a portion the full length of the house, also a good dry cellar and a well opposite the door, together with a kitchen, smoke-house and stable with twenty-two stalls therein. The unimproved piece of ground contains 144 feet on the main street to Davis's Lot and a hundred feet on the middle street a Lot and a half which is called the Town Lot, including the half Lot the stable stands on. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, or say more as to the advantages arising from its central and eligible situation for a TAVERN and store houses, as it is presumed no person would be inclined to purchase the same without viewing the said property; there being no doubt they will be better satisfied after seeing the convenient situation than any information they could get from this advertisement. The terms are one third of the purchase money paid down, one third 25th Dec. following and the remaining one third 25th Dec. 1807, the purchasers giving bond with approved security to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. For further information apply to William Role of Richmond or the subscriber living near Lynchburg.
SAMUEL SCOTT. (cf)
February 11.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. POOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd.
Jan. 28.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz:
First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chillicothe, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 41st degree of north latitude.
Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia, and on the Tennessee river, and on the road between said river, and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
Third, At the Garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Mafiac, New-Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, and Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington; and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 41st degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river.
Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, and south of the 41st degree of north latitude, Fort Mafiac excepted.
Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Oacheta, Natchitoches, Appaloosa, Atakapa, Fort Stodder, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, or in the county of Washington on the Mississippi river, and at any place or places on the west side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January 1807, to the 31st day of December of the same year, both days inclusive, within the several states hereafter mentioned, viz:
Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation.
Seventh, At Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina.
Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Virginia.
Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia.
Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the mountains, and within the states of New Jersey and Delaware.
Eleventh, At Pitsburgh, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains.
Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of New-York Niagara and its dependencies excepted.
Thirteenth, At Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Vermont.
Fourteenth, At Fort Independence, (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine.
Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine.
Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armors and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of loop, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chickasaw, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance; of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commanders of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the depredations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. States, shall be paid by the U. S. at the price of the articles captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable character, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be referred to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the Sault Ste. Marie, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. (EpitRM)
March 14.
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED, For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM.
March 4.
FOR SALE,
A TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Amherst, containing 800 acres, within one mile of the Court House, about forty from Manchester, and the same from Petersburg. There is a most excellent stand for a Tavern on this land. A credit of one, two and three years, will be given for the greater part of the purchase money. The subscriber also offers for sale, about twenty negroes, consisting of men women and children. A credit of twelve months will be given; and could they be sold in families, I would allow a credit of two years.
WILLIAM ARCHER. Powhatan, March 14.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the Court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, pronounced at May term, 1805, in behalf of John Tate and Thomas Alston, assignees of Henry Martin, against James Vaughan, administrator of Matthew Vaughan, dec'd and others; will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Cross Roads, in the county of Goochland, at the dwelling house of Mr. James Vaughan, on Friday the 22nd day of March next, the following SLAVES, viz: Gibb, Joe, Ned, Trip, Cyrus, Peter, Parrot, Billy, Lewis, Lewy, Carter, Phil and Portius, (males)—Nell, Frankey, Lucy, Fanny, Judy, Amy, Dolly, Sylvia, and Betty, (females); or so many of them as may be sufficient to raise the sum of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six dollars and thirty-four cents, with interest on one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine dollars, part thereof, at the rate of six per centum per annum, from the 22nd day of May, 1805, and the expenses of sale.
WILLIAM MANN, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. (tdf.)
LAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers by Shandy Anderson, will be sold on Friday the 28th day of March next, at Edmund Anderson's Tavern (formerly James Georges) to the highest bidder for ready money, a tract of LAND lying in the County of Goochland on the three chock roads, about one mile above the aforementioned place, containing by a late survey one hundred and fifty five and a half acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum of twenty-three pounds twelve shillings and nine pence with interest thereon from the first day of January last.
CHARLES ATKINSON, } Trustees. JOHN SHELTON, Jr. Goochland, February 25. (ep dw p.)
TO BE RENTED,
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Pleasants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family.
Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the Street leading to church hill: to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whetlaw, ferjeant of the City, or to
JACOB I. COHEN. (2aw tf.)
February 25.
European Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, March 13. On a perusal of our late file of French papers we find the following addition to the list of bulletins: Translated for the Mercantile Advertiser from the Appendix to the thirty fifth bulletin of the Grand Army. AUSTERLITZ, December 4.
This moment arrived at head quarters the capitulation forwarded by Marshal Auercau, of the corps of the Austrian army commanded by General Jellachich. The Emperor would have preferred that the prisoners should have been sent to France, even had it occasioned a few days longer blockade; experience having proved that when permitted to return to Austria, they have soon afterwards been incorporated with the armies.
General Wreden, commanding the Bavarians, has had several skirmishes in Bohemia with the Archduke Ferdinand. He has made some hundred prisoners.
The Prince de Rohan, at the head of a corps of 6000 men, which had been cut off by Marshals Ney and Auercau, threw themselves upon Trenche, passed the neck of Bohemia, and attempted to penetrate to Venice. He was beaten by general St. Cyr, who made him and his whole corps prisoners. The following is the dispatch of Marshal Massena, giving an account thereof to the minister of war:
Capitulation of the Austrian army, commanded by lieutenant general Jellachich.
The general of division Maurice Mathieu, grand officer of the legion of honour, commanding the second division of the seventh corps of the Grand Army, authorised by the marshal of the empire Auercau, general in chief of the said corps; and General Wolkefeld, in the service of his imperial and royal majesty the Emperor of Germany, authorised by General Jellachich, commander in chief of the Austrian armies in the Voralberg; have agreed on the following articles:—
Article 1. The corps of the army under the orders of lieutenant general Jellachich shall be prisoners of war on parole. The corps shall defer with all the honours of war, the men shall lay down their arms, and shall be conducted into Bohemia to the advanced posts of the Austrian army.
II. The Officers shall retain their arms, horses and baggage.
III. All the horses of the troops, the arms, the waggons of the artillery, all the ammunition and military stores, every article that is not private property, shall be given up to the French army.
IV. The French army shall be in the possession of all the Voralberg, Feldkirch, Rudens, and their territories as far as Larmelberg.
V. The three battalions of the regiment of Bauern are comprised in the present capitulation, if on the 14th of November, at 7 in the evening, they have not joined the corps of the Prince de Rohan, & if they are on the Larmelberg.
VI. All the officers and all the troops of the corps of the army of lieutenant-general Jellachich shall give their parole of honour not to serve during one year, reckoning from the date of the present capitulation as until the troops of his Majesty the Emperor of the French and King of Italy, or against his allies.
VII. The sick which shall remain in the French hospital shall be treated with all the attention prescribed by humanity; and on their recovery shall be sent to their garrison, being included in the 6th article.
VIII. The corps of the Austrian army shall be conducted to Bohemia by the route of Lindau, Tettman, Mherach, Gurschburg, Amberg, and Ratz; it shall march in three columns, at the customary day's march, and shall be treated as to lodging, provisions, and forage in the same manner as the French regiments.
IX. The Austrian troops during their march shall be under the orders of their government and discipline, under the orders of their own officers, who shall be responsible
for their conduct, and shall be accompanied by a French escort.
X. An officer of artillery and de genie, an inspector of reviews, and a commissary of war, with a battalion, shall take possession of the arsenals and magazines of Feldkirch to-morrow, 15th November at noon.
XI. The corps of the Austrian army shall defer the day after to-morrow (16th November) at 8 o'clock in the morning before the French army, and shall then lay down their arms and surrender their colours.
Done interchangedly at Dornerno, 23rd Brumaire (14th November, 1805.) Signed, the general of division
MAURICE MATHIEU.
Major general Wolkefeld. Approved by me, marshal of the empire, (Signed) AUGEREAU. JELLACHICH, F. M. L.
BORDEAUX, Dec. 22, 1805.
The thirty third Bulletin of the Grand Army arrived yesterday, in this city, by a courier extraordinary. The Mayor ordered it to be read in the different theatres of the city; it was received with acclamation by all the spectators; the joy was universal, and the bells resounding in all our ears, seemed to speak the words, PEACE! PEACE!
Yesterday, Saturday, they read in all the Jewish Synagogues, the bulletin of the Grand Army which had been brought to Paris, the evening before, by Mr. Rodriguez.
The reading of this inspired them with the greatest enthusiasm; immediately after they sang a Te Deum to return thanks to the Supreme Being, on the result of the victories of our armies, prayed for him a continuation of them, and also that he would preserve the precious days of our Emperor and King NAPOLEON.
Extract of a letter from Bordeaux, dated the 25th Dec. to a respectable house in N. York.
"Last night we received the official account of a peace having been agreed on between the French German and Russian emperor. Great Britain is now left alone to continue the contest. It is however, the opinion that a general peace will take place, in which England will be included."
A letter dated Bordeaux, the 30th Dec. from a respectable source, has been received in this city, which states that the differences between France and Prussia had been settled, and that the latter had given permission to the former, to march her troops through the Prussian dominions, with the view, it is presumed, of attacking the English.
Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday, March 5.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Green's resolution.
[CONTINUED.]
Mr. CROWNINSHIELD.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, who has last spoken, regrets that this subject has been taken up so soon, but he regrets it has not been taken up at an earlier period. Although, after I found certain information called for, I moved for other documents, yet I then said, and I am still convinced that this information, could not influence my decision on the subject under consideration. The documents called for are, however, now before us. And it appears that the balance of trade between the U. S. and Great Britain is from eleven to twelve millions against us. This difference we are obliged to make up by remittances in cash or bills from other countries; when if we did not purchase of her more than we sell to her, we should not owe this annual balance, and the amount would surely be returned to the U. S. very probably in cash, as a balance in our favor from other European nations. The trade, therefore, with Great Britain, so far as relates to the balance, is disadvantageous to us. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Clay) thinks this resolution will materially injure us, while it will inflict little injury on G. Britain. But there can be no doubt that the measure it contemplates will injure G. Britain vastly more than it will injure us. Great Britain has, without any cause whatever, condemned our vessels engaged in the carriage of colonial productions, the bona fide property of American citizens. The gentleman has acknowledged that these captures may amount to six millions of dollars. I do not know the amount, but if the adjudications continue, I believe it will soon exceed that sum. But if the amount did not exceed one million we are bound in duty to protect our merchants. The gentleman, in his remarks, goes on the calculation that G. Britain will go to war with us if we adopt this resolution. But I have no such idea. If, however, I held that opinion, I should not on that account withhold my approbation from it. Because I believe if a war should take place, the U. S. will have a great advantage over Great Britain. We should be able, in that event, to fit out a great number of privateers, and we should make two captures to their one. If a war should take place, which I do not hesitate to say I should greatly deprecate, we should take twice as much of their property, as they would take of ours. But we are not, by the adoption of this resolution, about to enter into war with Great Britain. No such thing is in the contemplation of any gentleman. We are merely about to prohibit the importation of British goods, in consequence of her having seized our vessels engaged in carrying on a lawful commerce, and in consequence of her seizure of American citizens protected by the American flag.
With regard to the measure contemplated by the resolution, I hope that G. Britain will not permit it to go into operation; that she will, on the contrary, on mature reflection, give us back the property she has wrongfully taken from us, and liberate our seamen, from the captivity in which she detains them.
With regard to the observation of the gentleman relative to our inability to supply ourselves with the goods we get from her settlements in the East-Indies, I think it proper to observe that they may be obtained from other colonies in that quarter; and as to spirits, there can be no doubt of our getting a sufficient quantity of spirits, notwithstanding the adoption of this resolution. But suppose we could not obtain a sufficient quantity of rum, or manufactured articles for our ordinary supply, and the revenue should be thereby affected for a time. We ought not to be governed by this consideration. But I believe the industry and enterprise of our merchants would soon obtain from other markets, a sufficient supply of every article, woolen goods, perhaps, excepted.
In November 1795, Great Britain adopted a similar principle with regard to the colonial trade, except that the orders issued at that time went further than the present principle. In consequence of these orders four or five hundred of our vessels were seized. Every one knows the conduct of the American government at that time. A treaty was finally made in which Great Britain promised to pay for the aggressions committed by her vessels on neutral rights. But nearly ten years elapsed before our merchants received compensation for their losses. The principle slept till 1801. G. Britain did not find it convenient to call it again into existence before that time. It then appears by a correspondence between Mr. King, then our minister at the court of Great Britain and Lord Hawkesbury, that she attempted to renew it at that time. Mr. King, however, remonstrated; and he finally received a note from Lord Hawkesbury, who had referred the subject to the attorney general of Great Britain, admitting that the seizure, under this principle, was not warrantable. The opinion is this; that the neutral has a right to carry on a commerce with the enemies colonies. That the continuity of the voyage is broken when the return cargo is landed in the neutral country, and has paid duties there, and that the goods can afterwards be safely transported to any belligerent country in Europe, in the same bottom on which they were originally imported or on any other neutral bottom whatever. This appears to have settled the question, and numerous decisions in England both before and since that time have confirmed the principle as a correct one. But notwithstanding all this, to our astonishment, the same adjudications have been renewed, and the same principle considered as abandoned last war, is now revived. In the early part of the last summer we find it once more brought into existence, and the following case was made up of, as a fit pretext, to warrant the new captures which were intended should be made under this extraordinary decision of the court of appeals.
In the latter part of the late war which was terminated by the treaty of Amiens, an American vessel was carried into the island of New- Providence, and adjudicated. An appeal was carried to Great Britain, where the condemnation was affirmed on the ground that she was carrying on a trade during war which was not allowed in a time of peace. Under this decision the cruisers of Great Britain have seized a great number of other vessels. I know this case particularly. The vessel, I have referred to, was the Effex, Capt. Orde. There was a direct importation of her cargo into Salem, in Massachusetts, after remaining there several days, it was shipped for the Havana. On her passage to the Havana, she was seized and adjudicated in New- Providence. There was an appeal, and after remaining nearly four years undecided, the judgment is at last confirmed in England, and the capture of American vessels commences. Can we agree to them? If this principle be allowed, I desire to know whether the whole carrying trade of the U. States will not eventually be sacrificed. By the carrying trade I mean the direct trade to and from the colonies, as well as to Europe. If we acquiesce in their capturing a part, Great Britain will extend her captures still further, and make a sweep of our whole trade. For my part I am not willing to make this sacrifice; if we were no more than a million I could not agree to it.
As to the impression of our seamen, that too is a subject of most serious complaint. We have called for a document on this point, which unfortunately is not yet on our table. It is so extensive, and the information drawn from such various sources, that the secretary of State has not yet been able to present it. We have, however, understood, that the number of our impressed seamen amounts to above 9000. During the last war G. Britain impressed upwards of 2000 of our seamen, of which we recovered 1200, proved to be American, and 800 remained in her possession at the peace. In the short period of two years she has impressed 3000 seamen. I believe that we are bound, by all peaceful means, to obtain the liberation of these men. Lately, one of our frigates was shipwrecked off Tripoli, and 300 men taken captives. We immediately passed a new appropriation bill, and sent out

Mr. J. RANDOLPH. I am extremely afraid, Sir, that so far as it may depend on my acquaintance with details connected with the subject, I have very little right to address you, for in truth, I have not yet seen the documents from the Treasury, which were called for some time ago to direct the judgment of this House in the decision of the question now before you; and, indeed, after what I have this day heard, I no longer require that document or any other document—indeed I do not know that I ever should have required it—to vote on the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. If I had entertained any doubts, they would have been removed by the style in which the friends of the resolution have this morning discussed it. I am perfectly aware, that on entering upon this subject, we go into it manacled—handcuffed, and tongue tied. Gentlemen know that our lips are sealed on subjects of momentous foreign relations, which are indissolubly linked with the present question, and which would serve to throw a great light on it; in every respect relevant to it. I will, however, endeavour to hobble over the subject, as well as my fettered limbs and palsied tongue will enable me to do it.
I am not surprised to hear this resolution discussed by its friends as a war measure. They say (it is true) that it is not a war measure; but they defend it on principles which would justify none but war measures, and seem pleased with the idea that it may prove the forerunner of war. If war is necessary—if we have reached this point, let us have war. But while I have life, I will never consent to these incipient war measures, which, in their commencement breathe nothing but peace, though they plunge us at last into war. It has been well observed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania behind me (Mr. J. Clay) that the situation of this nation in 1793, was in every respect different from that which it finds itself in 1806. Let me ask, too, if the situation of England is not since materially changed? Gentlemen, who, it would appear from their language, have not got beyond the horn-book of politics, talk of our ability to cope with the British navy, and tell us of the war of our revolution. What was the situation of Great Britain then? She was then contending for the empire of the British channel, barely able to maintain a doubtful equality with her enemies, over whom she never gained the superiority until Rodney's victory of the 12th of April. What is her present situation? The combined fleets of France, Spain and Holland are dispersed—they no longer exist. I am not surprised to hear men advocate these wild opinions, to see them goaded on by a spirit of mercantile avarice, straining their feeble strength to excite the nation to war, when they have reached this stage of infatuation, that we are an over match for G. Britain on the ocean. It is mere waste of time to reason with such persons. They do not deserve any thing like serious refutation. The proper arguments for such statesmen are a frail waistcoat, a dark room, water gruel, and depletion.
It has always appeared to me that there are three points to be considered, and maturely considered—before we can be prepared to vote for the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. First —Our ability to contend with Great Britain for the question in dispute; Secondly —The policy of such a contest; and Thirdly —in case both these shall be settled affirmatively, the manner in which we can, with the greatest effect, react upon and annoy our adversary.
Now the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Crowninshield) has settled at a single sweep, to use one of his favorite expressions, not only that we are capable of contending with G. Britain on the ocean, but that we are actually her superior. Witness the gentleman's deduction of this inference? Because, truly, at that time when G. Britain was not mistress of the ocean, when a North was her prime minister and a Sandwich the first lord of her admiralty, when the war was governed by a counting-house administration, privateers of this country trespassed on her commerce. So, too, did the cruisers of Dunkirk—at that day Suffren held the mastery of the Indian seas. But what is the case now? Do gentlemen remember the capture of Cornwallis on land because De Grasse maintained the dominion of the ocean? To my mind no position is more clear, than that if we go to war with Great Britain, Charleston and Boston, the Chesapeake and the Hudson will be invested with British squadrons. Will you call on the count de Grasse to relieve them, or shall we apply to admiral Gravina, or admiral Villeneuve to raise the blockade? But you have not only a prospect of gathering glory, and what seems to the gentleman from Massachusetts, much dearer, profit, by privateering, but you will be able to make a conquest of Canada & Nova Scotia. Indeed?—Then, Sir, we shall catch a Tartar. I confess, however, I have no desire to see the Senators and Representatives of the Canadian French, or of the Tories and refugees of Nova Scotia, sitting on this floor, or that of the other House—to see them becoming members of the union, and participating equally in our political rights. And on what other principle would the gentleman from Massachusetts be for incorporating those provinces with us? Or on what other principle could it be done under the constitution? If the gentleman has no other bounty to offer us for going to war, than the incorporation of Canada and Nova Scotia with the U. States, I am for remaining at peace.
What is the question in dispute? The carrying trade. What part of it? The fair, the honest, and the useful trade that is engaged in carrying our own productions to foreign markets, and bringing back their productions in exchange? No, Sir,—it is that carrying trade which covers enemy property, and carries the coffee, the sugar, and other West-India produce to the mother country. No, Sir, if this great agricultural nation is to be governed by Salem and Boston—New-York and Philadelphia, and Baltimore and Norfolk and Charleston, let gentlemen come out and say so; and let a committee of public safety be appointed from those towns to carry on the government. I, for one, will not mortgage my property and liberty to carry on this trade. The nation said to seven years ago,—I said to then,—and I say to now. It is not for the honest carrying trade of America, but for this mushroom, this fungus of war,—for a trade which as soon as the nations of Europe are at peace, will no longer exist; it is for this that the spirit of avaricious traffic would plunge us into war.
I am forcibly struck on this occasion by the recollection of a remark made by one of the ablest (if not the honestest) ministers that England ever produced. I mean Sir Robert Walpole, who said that the country gentlemen (poor meek souls!) came up every year to be sheared—that they laid mute and patient whilst the fleeces were being ticked off—but that if he touched a single bristle of the commercial interest, the whole tribe was in an uproar. It was indeed hearing the hog—"great cry and little wool." But we are asked, are we willing to lend the wool to England; to submit to her outrages?
No, Sir, I answer, that it will be time enough for us to tell gentlemen what we will do to vindicate the violation of our flag on the ocean, when they shall have told us what they have done, in resentment of the violation of the actual territory of the United States by Spain—the true territory of the United States, not your new fangled country over the Mississippi, but the good old United States—part of Georgia, of the old thirteen states—where citizens have been taken, not from our ships, but from our actual territory. When gentlemen have taken the padlock from our mouths, I shall be ready to tell them what I will do, relative to our dispute with Britain, on the law of nations, on contraband, and such stuff.
I have another objection to this course of proceeding. G. Britain, when she fees 'em, will pay the American people have great cause of dissatisfaction with Spain. She will see by the documents furnished by the President, that Spain has outraged our territory, pirated upon our commerce and imprisoned our citizens; and she will enquire what we have done? It is true, she will receive no answer, but she must know what we have not done. She will see that we have not repelled these outrages, nor made any addition to our army or navy,—nor even classed the militia. No, Sir,—not one of your militia generals in politics has marshalled a single brigade.
Although I have said it would be time enough to answer the question which gentlemen have put to me when they shall have answered mine, yet as I do not like long prorogations, I will give them an answer now. I will never consent to go to war for that which I cannot protect. I deem it no sacrifice of dignity to say to the Levathian of the deep—"we are unable to contend with you in your own element, but if you come within our actual limits we will lick your last drop of blood in their defence." In such an event I should feel, not reason, and obey an impulse which never has—which never can deceive me.
France is at war with England—suppose her power on the continent of Europe no greater than it is on the ocean. How would she make her enemy feel it? There would be a perfect non-conductor between them. So with the U. S. and England—the scarcely presents to us a vulnerable point. Her commerce is now carried on for the most part in fleets—where in single ships, they are stout & well armed—very different from the state of her trade during the American war, when her merchantmen became the prey of paltry privateers. G. B. has been too long at war with the three most powerful maritime nations of Europe not to have learnt how to protect her trade. She can afford convoy to it all—she has 800 ships in commission, the navies of her enemies are annihilated. Thus this war has presented the new and curious political spectacle of a regular annual increase (and to an immense amount) of her imports and exports, and tonnage and revenue, and all the insignia of accumulating wealth, whilst in every former war, without exception, these have suffered a greater or less diminution. And wherefore? Because she has driven France, Spain, and Holland from the ocean. Their marine is no more. I verify believe that ten English ships of the line would not decline a meeting with the combined fleets of those nations. I forewarn the gentleman from Massachusetts and his constituents of Salem, that all their golden hopes are vain. I forewarn them of the exposure of their trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope (or now doubling it) to capture and confiscation—of their unprotected sea-port towns, exposed to contribution or bombardment. Are we to be legislated into war by a set of men, who in six weeks after its commencement may be compelled to take refuge with us up in the country? And for what? A mere fungus—a mushroom production of war in Europe, which will disappear with the first return of peace—an unfair trade. For is there a man so credulous as to believe that we possess a capital not only equal to what may be called our own proper trade, but large enough also to transmit to the respective parent states the vast and wealthy products of the French, Spanish and Dutch colonies? 'Tis beyond the belief of any rational being. But this is not my only objection to entering upon this naval warfare. I am adverse to a naval war with any nation whatever. I was opposed to the naval war of the last administration, and I am as ready to oppose a naval war of the present of the present administration, should they meditate such a measure. What! shall this great Mammoth of the American forest leave his native element and plunge into the water in a mad contest with the shark! Let him beware that his proboscis is not bitten off in the engagement. Let him stay on shore and not be excited by the mules and periwinkles venture on the perils of the deep. Gentlemen say "will you not protect your violated rights?" and I say why take to water, where you can neither fight nor swim. Look at France—see her vessels fleeing from port to port on her own coast—and remember that she is the first military power of the earth, and as a naval people second only to England. Take away the British navy, and France to-morrow is the tyrant of the ocean.
This brings me to the second point. How far is it politic in the U. S. to throw their weight into the scale of France at this moment?—from whatever motive to aid the views of her gigantic ambition—to make her mistress of the sea and land—to jeopardize the liberties of mankind. Sir, you may help to crush G. Britain, you may assist in breaking down her naval dominions; but you cannot succeed to it. The iron sceptre of the ocean will pass into her hands who wears the iron crown of the land. You may then expect a new code of maritime law. Where will you look for redress? I can tell the gentleman from Massachusetts, that there is nothing in his rule of three that will give us, even although he should out-do himself and exceed the financial ingenuity which he so memorably displayed on a recent occasion. No, Sir,—let the battle of Actium be once fought and the whole line of sea coast will be at the mercy of the conqueror. The Atlantic, deep and wide as it is, will prove just as good a barrier against his ambition, if directed against you, as the Mediterranean to the power of the Cæsar. Do I mean (when I say so) to crouch to the invader? No—I will meet him at the water's edge, and fight every inch of ground from thence to the mountains, from the mountains to the Mississippi. But after tamely submitting to an outrage on your domicile will you bully and look big at an insult on your flag 3,000 miles off?
But, Sir, I have a yet more cogent reason against going to war, for the honor of the flag in the narrow seas or any other maritime punctilio. It springs from my attachment to the principles of the government under which I live. I declare in the face of day that this government was not instituted for the purposes of offensive war. No. It was framed (to use its own language) for the common defence and the general welfare, which are inconsistent with offensive war. I call that offensive war, which goes out of our jurisdiction and limits for the attainment or protection of objects, not within those limits and that jurisdiction. As in 1798, I was opposed to this species of warfare, because I believed it would raise the constitution to the very foundation, join 1806 am I opposed to it, and on the same grounds. No sooner do you put the constitution to this use, to a test which it is by no means calculated to endure, than its incompetency to such purposes becomes manifest and apparent to all. I fear if you go into a foreign war for a circuitous unfair carrying trade, you will come out without your constitution. Have not you contractors enough yet in this House? Or do you want to be over-run and devoured by commissaries and all the vermin of contract? I fear, Sir, that what are called the energy-men will rise up again—men who will burn the parchment. We shall be told that our government is too free—as they would say, weak and inefficient. Much virtue, Sir, in terms. That we must give the President power to call forth the resources of the nation—that is, to flich the last drop of blood from our veins. I am against giving this power to any man, be he who he may. The American people must either with-hold this power or resign their liberties. There is no other alternative. Nothing but the most imperious necessity will justify such a grant—and is there a powerful enemy at our doors? You may begin with a first consul—from that Chrysalis state he soon becomes an emperor. You have your choice. It depends upon your election whether you will be a free, happy, and united people at home, or the light of your executive majesty shall beam across the Atlantic in one general blaze of the public liberty.
For my part I never will go to war but in self defence. I have no desire for conquests—no ambition to possess Nova Scotia—I hold the liberties of this people at a higher rate. Much more am I indisposed to war, when among the first means for carrying it on I see gentlemen propose the confiscation of debts due by government to individuals. Does a bona fide creditor know who holds his paper? Dare any honest man ask himself the question? 'Tis hard to say whether such principles are more detestably dishonest than they are weak and foolish. What, Sir, will you go about with proposals for opening a loan in one hand, and a sponge for the national debt in the other. If on a late occasion you could not borrow at a less rate of interest than 8 per cent. when the government avowed that they would pay the last shilling of the public ability, at what price do you expect to raise money with an avowal of these nefarious opinions? God help you! if these are your ways and means for carrying on war—if your finances are in the hands of such a chancellor of the exchequer. Because a man can take an observation, and keep a log-book and a reckoning, can navigate a cock boat to the West Indies or the East, shall he aspire to navigate the great vessel of state, to land at the helm of public councils? Ne sector ultra tropicam. What are you going to war for? For the carrying trade. Already you possess seven eights of it. What is the object in dispute? The fair honest trade that exchanges the produce of our soil for foreign articles, for home consumption? Not at all. You are called upon to sacrifice this necessary branch of your navigation and the great agricultural interest, whose hand-maid it is—to jeopardize your best interests, for a circuitous commerce, for the fraudulent protection of belligerent property under your neutral flag. Will you be goaded by the dreaming calculations of insatiate avarice to take your all for the protection of this trade! I do not speak of the probable effects of war on the price of our produce. Severely as we must feel, we may scotch it through it. I speak of its reaction on the constitution. You may go to war for this excess of the carrying trade—and make peace at the expense of the constitution. Your executive will lord it over you, and you must make the best terms with the conqueror for you can. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gregg) tells you that he is for acting in this, as in all things, uninfluenced by the opinion of any minister whatever—foreign, or, I presume, domestic. On this point I am ready to meet the gentleman, unwilling to be dictated to by any minister at home or abroad. Is he willing to act on the same independent footing? I have before protested, and I again protest against secret, irresponsible, over-riding influence. The first question I asked when I saw the gentleman's resolution was, "is this a measure of the cabinet?" Not of an open declared cabinet, but of an invisible, inscrutable, unconstitutional cabinet—without responsibility, unknown to the constitution. I speak of backstairs influence—of men who bring messages to this house, which although they do not appear on the journals, govern its decisions. Sir, the first question that I asked on the subject of British relations was, what is the opinion of the cabinet?—What measures will they recommend to Congress? (Well knowing that whatever measures we might take they must execute them—and therefore that we should have their opinion on the subject)—My answer was (and from a cabinet minister too) "there is no longer any cabinet." Subsequent circumstances, Sir, have given me a personal knowledge of the fact. It needs no commentary.
(To be continued.)
WASHINGTON, March 14. THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES were on Wednesday engaged in discussing Mr. Gregg's resolution. Mr. JACKSON terminated his remarks, which went to show the necessity of taking high and commanding ground with Britain. He declared himself most friendly to the resolution of Mr. Gregg, but disposed, for conciliation, and to command a strong vote, to unite in milder measures. Mr. RHEA of Tennessee followed, and occupied nearly the same ground. Mr. GREGG replied to the arguments urged against his resolution; alluded to the wishes of several gentlemen to adopt a milder measure, and called upon them to come forward with their propositions. Mr. DAWSON spoke against the resolution, but in favor of adopting a resolution similar to that offered by Mr. Nicholson. Mr. EARLY moved that the committee should rise, with the view of submitting a motion that they should be discharged from further consideration of Mr. Gregg's resolution, and that the House might take up some other proposition more likely to unite them. Mr. SMILIE opposed the motion. He had no objection to taking up some proposition, more likely to insure a strong vote; but he thought that all the resolutions should remain before the committee. The question was then taken on the rising of the committee and passed in the negative—Ayes 53—Noes 58. Mr. CROWNINSHIELD then spoke at considerable length in favor of the resolution, and in reply to arguments urged against it. When, about the usual hour, the committee rose, and the House adjourned.
On Thursday, Mr. Leib, after a few preliminary remarks, moved to discharge the committee from the further consideration of Mr. Gregg's resolution.
On this motion a debate arose. Messrs. Leib, Early, and J. Randolph supported; and Messrs. Alston, Dawson, Smilie, G. W. Campbell, Gregg, Sloan, Findley and Blackledge opposed it. When the question was taken by Yeas and Nays on discharging the committee of the whole from the further consideration of Mr. Gregg's resolution, and passed in the negative—Yeas 24—Noes 101. And on discharging them from the further consideration of Mr. Sloan's resolution—Yeas 26—Nays 93. The House then went into committee of the whole—Mr. JOHN C. SMITH in the chair. The chairman put the question on taking up Mr. Gregg's resolution, which was passed in the negative—Yeas 47—Noes 70— Mr. J. Clay moved to take up his own resolution, and those of Mr. Nicholson's— Mr. Smilie moved to take up the latter. Mr. J. Randolph moved that the committee should rise, and spoke at considerable length, grounding his motion on the unreasonableness of the present moment for taking any measures on British affairs during a depending negotiation. Mr. Nicholson seconded the motion, and spoke for a short time in support of it. Mr. Alston opposed the motion. When the question was taken, and the motion rejected—Ayes 53—Noes 68. Mr. J. Clay then withdrew his motion, observing that he was not anxious that the resolution he had offered should be acted on immediately. Mr. Alston renewed the motion for taking into consideration the proposition of Mr. Nicholson, prohibiting after a particular time, the importation of certain specified articles from G. Britain. Mr. J. Randolph again moved that the committee should rise. Motion lost—Ayes 58—Noes 62. The question was put on Mr. Alston's motion, and the committee without a division, agreed to take up the proposition submitted by Mr. Nicholson.
Friday, March 14. A message was received from the Senate stating their disagreement to a bill relative to the library. A message was likewise received from the Senate, stating their appointment of a committee on their part, to unite with such committee as the House might see fit to appoint, to consider and report such business as it will be necessary to transact during the present session; in which the House concurred. On motion of Mr. Findley, it was resolved that Major General Arthur St. Clair be allowed to be heard at the bar of the House in support of his claim on Monday at 12 o'clock. Mr. Alston called for the order of the day for the House to resolve itself into a committee of the whole on the state of the union. Mr. Clark moved to postpone this order till Monday. The speaker declared it out of order to postpone such an order of the day. The question of going into a committee was then put and carried—Ayes 70. Mr. JOHN C. SMITH took the chair. The committee having agreed to take up the resolution submitted by Mr. Nicholson, Mr. Mumford spoke at considerable length in vindication of the mercantile character, and in favor of prompt and efficient measures. Mr. Chamberlain delivered himself to the same effect. He observed that his own opinion was in favor of Mr. Gregg's resolution; but to insure greater unanimity he would agree to the resolution under consideration. Mr. J. Randolph spoke against the resolution, and avowed himself in favor of negotiating with Britain. Mr. J. Clay, believing a delay of four or five days very desirable, moved that the committee should rise. Mr. Alston opposed this motion, and took occasion to express his opinion of the general course of measures proper to be pursued, declaring himself decidedly in favor of adopting the resolution under consideration. Mr. Smilie spoke against the rising of the committee and in favor of an early decision of the measures contemplated to be pursued. He was followed by Messrs. J. Clay, J. Randolph and Nicholson, who advocated the rising of the committee, principally on the ground that it was proper to wait a short time to learn the issue of the negotiation depending between Mr. Monroe and the British minister, and of the great events passing on the theatre of Europe. The motion for the committee to rise was rejected, Ayes 46—Noes 65.
Mr. J. Clay then rose, and made a short speech, chiefly embracing facts of a commercial nature. In the course of his remarks he said he considered the resolution under consideration, as well calculated to induce Britain to abandon her unjust and unauthorized pretensions. He was, therefore, in favor of acting upon it, though not at this time. For this reason, and as it was near the usual hour of adjournment, he moved that the committee should rise. Mr. Early advocated the rising of the committee. Mr. Findley declared himself in favor of the motion, not, however, that the subject should be postponed, but merely because they had reached the ordinary time of adjournment. Mr. Lyon enquired whether the object of the motion was postponement. If so, he should vote against it. Mr. J. Clay said his object was to postpone the subject till Monday. Mr. Lyon then spoke against the rising of the committee, and took occasion to assign his reasons for being decidedly in favor of the resolution under consideration. Mr. Mumford opposed the rising of the committee, and said he had received a very important letter from the President of the Marine Insurance Company of New-York, which he read. The letter expresses the deep apprehension entertained by the merchants of New-York, that Congress will rise without adopting effectual measures for the protection of commerce against the depredations of the belligerent nations, and particularly those of Britain. Messrs. Stanton and Jackson likewise spoke against the rising of the committee, and urged the strong necessity of prompt and vigorous measures. When the question was taken—Ayes 65—Noes 47, and the house adjourned a short time after 3 o'clock to Monday.
* Mr. R. did not speak against the resolution. He declared (with its author) that it was premature to act upon it.
Foreign Intelligence.
CHARLESTON, March 11. Yesterday arrived, the ship Sachem, captain Hatch, in 43 days from Liverpool; she brings London papers to the 24th of January; these papers contain most important information, nothing less than the entire defeat of the Russian armies, which had marched to assist the Emperor of Germany. On the 22nd of December, a general engagement took place between the advance of the French army and the Russians and Austrians, at a place called Austerlitz, which terminated fatally for the opponents of the French Emperor. In consequence of this, & the repeated preceding defeats, the Emperor of Germany, on the 6th of December, signed an Armistice, which appears to have been wholly dictated by the conqueror; the Russian armies by it were ordered to retire from the Austrian States, Moravia and Hungary, within fifteen days, and from Austrian Poland, within one month. The Emperor of Russia arrived in his capital on the 21st of December, in good health; the relation of the fate of his armies had not yet been published there, but they were to be made known in a short time. A peace, the English papers state, had been made
between France and Austria; it will be seen that the terms are most mortifying to Austria; she has to give up all her dominions in Italy, the Tyrol and Swabia. The Speech of his Britannic Majesty, was delivered by commission, to the Parliament, which met on the 21st of January; it contains a well drawn eulogium of the victory gained over the combined fleets at Trafalgar, deplores the death of Lord Nelson, laments the ill success of the war in Germany, which has disappointed his Majesty's hopes; and then in the usual manner, concludes with asking for supplies to carry on the war. The Prime Minister of Great Britain, William Pitt, esq. died on the 23rd of January; our papers do not state the immediate cause of his death; one report states it was owing to an attack of the gout in his stomach.
The markets for Cotton and Rice, are very unfavorable in Liverpool. Short Rapple Cotton was selling at 1s. 2d.; long Rapple, 1s. 10d. to 2s. 2d.; and Rice, 54s.
LONDON, January 3.
The conclusion of the armistice is fully confirmed, and we have to regret, that nearly about the time the Emperor Francis was ratifying the melancholy act of his disgrace and subjugation, his two brothers, the gallant Archduke Charles and Prince Ferdinand were successfully employed in reviving the drooping spirits of his subjects, and restoring the glory of the Austrian name. The former, after one of the most skillful marches ever executed, and which is admitted, even in the Vienna Gazette, to have been a chef-d'œuvre in the military art, and after defeating, with the loss of 6000 men in killed and wounded, General Ney's division, penetrated into Austria, and on the 10th, surprised the garrison left by Bonaparte in Vienna, to surrender up that city. The latter, at the head of an inferior force, succeeded on the 5th in routing the Bavarian army, and took a strong position at Iglau, about 15 leagues in the rear of the French grand army. These important successes were further strengthened by the arrival of a fresh corps of 12,000 Russians, under the command of General Essen, which effected a junction with the main body shortly after the fatal battle of the 2d. The armistice, however, extinguished all prospect of a change in the fortunes of the allies, & the Archduke Charles had the mortification to find that his admirable operations but contributed to cast an additional gloom on the calamities of his House.
The Austrian official account of the battle of the 2d is extremely vague and unsatisfactory. It is couched in such general terms, that unless the results were undeniable, those who read it might be inclined to consider the advantages gained by the French as by no means decisive. All the authenticated accounts from the scene of action, or its vicinity, concur, however, in representing the contest to have been disputed with the greatest valour and perseverance on both sides; and though the loss of the confederates was immense, that sustained by the enemy must have been much greater than what is stated in the 2d bulletin. The moderation displayed by Bonaparte in suffering the Russians to retire, and which has been so very highly extolled in his own official details, we are now enabled to account for. It clearly appears to have arisen from the arrival of General Essen with the twelve thousand fresh troops; a reinforcement, at such a crisis, of the greatest moment, and which was sufficient, after a battle so hardly fought, to inspire even a more audacious victor than Bonaparte with sentiments of moderation. It is not at all improbable that the emperor Alexander is seriously offended at the dependency of the emperor Francis, and that he will still exert himself to rouse Prussia to a just sense of the danger which threatens that wavering power. The visit of Prince Constantine to Berlin was, no doubt, designed to accomplish that object. After the disasters in Moravia, we cannot reconcile ourselves to hope for any thing like a zealous co-operation on the part of his Prussian Majesty. Yet his troops continue to accumulate in Prussian Poland; and the utmost activity pervades the whole of his war establishment.
The Russians in the north of Germany have advanced towards Westphalia, and the King of Sweden has arrived at Lüneburg. We cannot learn whether any progress has been made in the siege of Hameln. The British troops were concentrated on the 19th in the neighbourhood of Bremen, under the command of Lord Cathcart.
The Loire frigate, which spoke a Swede, received the intelligence from her, that the squadron which escaped from Brest on the 15th ult. consisted of 14 sail of the line and seven frigates. They separated into two divisions.
The Gazette of last night communicates the capture of La Libre French frigate, by L'Egyptienne and La Loire. La Libre made a very gallant resistance. L'Egyptienne was fought by the Second Lieutenant (Handfield) Captain Fleming and the First Lieutenant (Paice) being on the Court Martial at Portsmouth. The First Captain is one of Bonaparte's Legion of honour. This is the fourteenth prize L'Egyptienne has taken during her last cruise.
January 20.
The dispatches received by government from Sir Arthur Paget, lord Harrowby, and Mr. Jackson, have confirmed the statement relative to the terms of the treaty of peace between Austria and France:—
The Tyrol is to be ceded to Bavaria and the kingdom of Italy, the Northern Tyrol to the former, and the Southern to the latter.
The Vorarlberg to be given to Bavaria.
The Austrian possessions in Suabia and Franconia to Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden.
The Innverthal, a most important acquisition, is to be annexed to the king of Italy, together with the Venetian Provinces.
Fifty millions of florins are to be paid to France.
Bonaparte has also demanded the cession of Istria and Dalmatia, but this Demand was firmly resisted by the Archduke Charles, who desired an interview with Bonaparte for the purpose of stating his determined opposition to it.
The Archduke's army was at Eidenberg, four posts from Vienna, at the commencement of the negotiations for peace—his presence perhaps produced some beneficial effect; but the terms of peace are yet severe and hard enough.
We suppose that the erection of the electorates of Bavaria and Württemberg into kingdoms, has been stipulated in the treaty—the elector of Württemberg has already assumed the title of King of Suabia.
France it is said is to keep the forts and tete-de-ponts of Ehrenbreitstein, Cassel, Old Brach and Kehl; the fort of Cassel is just finished, and is said to be a masterpiece of fortification. Kehl is nearly completed.
In the mean time, though peace has been established upon the Continent, Bonaparte is increasing his armies, and 90,000 conscripts have been ordered to be raised for the year 1806. Whilst he was at Brunn, he was afflicted with an ophthalmic complaint, which, however, was but of short continuance.
January 23.
Mr. PITTS DEAD! We prepared our readers yesterday to expect this affecting announcement. He died at half past four o'clock this morning.
On Tuesday his disorder, as we are informed, took an unfavorable turn, and the physician

who had imagined that he might yet linger out some time, were convinced he could not survive eight-and-forty hours. From such a man as Mr. Pitt, remarkable always for his firmness, it would have been culpable to have concealed that conviction for a moment. He did not expect it, but he received it without the least dismay; a man who had been so "clear in his great office," what had he to fear? Soon after the intelligence was conveyed to him, he requested to be left alone with the friend and companion of his youth and life, the Bishop of Lincoln. What the nature of their long conference was: whether it related to the objects of his affections in the world, or to his hopes & prospects in the next, we presume not to know - it related probably to both. After it was over, his fever increased, and he obtained but a few minutes of short troubled repose during the night. Yesterday morning it was obvious that a great change had taken place in him, & that the awful moment was fast approaching. About noon, it has been said, he requested to be supported up in bed whilst he wrote a few lines; but his weakness and faintness were so great, that he was obliged to abandon his intention. It were almost unnecessary to remind our readers that Mr. Pitt has been always most fondly beloved by all his relations. Lady Hester Stanhope and Mr. James Stanhope are said to have had an interview with him yesterday evening and to have received his last adieu. His brother the Earl of Chatham took a final farewell of him late at night. Oh bitter and agonizing moments! Mr. Pitt felt and stated them to be such. Excepting the medical attendants, the Bishop of Lincoln was the last person with him; he never left his chamber. Towards midnight his senses began to fail him; blisters were then applied to the soles of his feet - they produced the effect of restoring him to his recollection, and he continued clear and composed till a very short time before his dissolution, which took place without much additional suffering or struggle, at half past four o'clock this morning.
Courier-Office, half past two. We stop the press to state, that dispatches have been received from Berlin, which state that it has been agreed between the King of Prussia and Bonaparte, that Hanover shall be occupied by Prussian troops till the peace. The British troops are immediately to return.
THE SPEECH OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS, to both Houses of Parliament, on Tuesday, January 21, 1806.
My Lords and Gentlemen, In pursuance of the authority given to us by his Majesty's Commission under the Great Seal, among other things, to declare the cause of his holding this Parliament, his majesty has directed us particularly to call your attention to the most decisive success with which Providence has vouchsafed to bless his Majesty's arms at sea, since you were last assembled in Parliament.
The activity and perseverance of his Majesty's fleets have been conspicuously displayed in the pursuit and attack of the different squadrons of the enemy, and every encounter has terminated to the honour of the British flag, and the diminution of the naval force of the powers with whom his majesty is at war - But the victory obtained over the combined fleet of France and Spain, off Cape Trafalgar, has manifested, beyond any exploit recorded even in the annals of the British navy, the skill and enterprise of his Majesty's officers and seamen; and the destruction of so large a proportion of the naval strength of the enemy has not only confirmed, in the most signal manner, the maritime superiority of this country, but has essentially contributed to the security of his Majesty's dominions.
His Majesty most deeply regrets that the day of that memorable triumph should have been unhappily clouded by the fall of the heroic commander under whom it was achieved: And he is persuaded that you will feel that this lamented but glorious termination of a series of transcendent exploits, claims a distinguished expression of the lasting gratitude of this country; and that you will therefore cheerfully concur in enabling his Majesty to annex to those honors which he has conferred on the family of the late Lord Viscount Nelson, such a mark of national magnificence, as may preserve to the latest posterity, the memory of his name and services, and the benefit of his great example.
His Majesty has commanded us further to inform you, that, whilst the superiority of his arms at sea has been thus uniformly asserted and maintained, he has not been wanting in his endeavours to apply the means, which were so liberally placed at his disposal, in aid of such of the powers of the continent as evinced a determination to resist the formidable and growing encroachments of France. He has directed the several treaties entered into for this purpose to be laid before you; and though he cannot but deeply lament that the events of the war in Germany have disappointed his hopes, and led to an unfavourable issue, yet his majesty feels confident, that, upon a review of the steps which he has taken, you will be of opinion that he has left nothing undone on his part to sustain the efforts of his allies, and that he has acted in strict conformity to the principles declared by him, and recognized by parliament as essential to the interest and security of his own dominions, as well as the general safety of the continent.
It is a great consolation to his Majesty, and one in which he is persuaded you will participate, that although the Emperor of Germany has felt himself compelled to withdraw from the contest, his Majesty continues to receive from his august ally the Emperor of Russia, the strongest assurances of unshaken adherence to that generous and enlightened policy by which he has hitherto been actuated; and his Majesty has no doubt that you will be fully sensible of the important advantages to be derived from preserving at all times the closest and most intimate connection with that sovereign.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons. "His Majesty has directed the estimates for the year to be laid before you, and has commanded us to inform you, that they are formed upon that scale of exertion which the present situation of the country renders indispensable. His majesty fully relies upon your granting him such supplies as, upon due deliberation, the public exigencies may appear to require."
"It is his earnest wish to contribute, by every means in his power, to alleviate the additional burthens which must necessarily be imposed upon his people, and with this view he has directed the sum of one million sterling, part of the proceeds arising from the sale of such prizes made on the powers with which he is at war as are by law vested in the crown, to be applied to the public services of the year."
My Lords and Gentlemen, "His Majesty is fully persuaded, that whatever pride and confidence you may feel in common with him in the success which has distinguished the British arms in the course of the present contest, you will be sensible how much the events of the war, on the Continent, by which the predominant power and influence of
France have been so unhappily extended, require the continuance of all possible vigilance and exertion. Under this impression, his Majesty trusts that your attention will be invariably directed to the improvement of those means, which are to be found in the bravery and discipline of his forces, and the zeal and loyalty of every class of his subjects, and in the unexhausted resources of his dominions, for rendering the British empire invincible at home, as well as formidable abroad; satisfied that by such efforts alone the contest can be brought to a conclusion consistent with the safety and independence of the country, and with the rank amongst the nations of the world."
ST. PETERSBURGH, December 22. Yesterday, at five in the morning, our beloved Sovereign returned in good health, to the great joy of this capital, being met by the joyful acclamations of the inhabitants of all ranks. We were the day before yesterday, apprized by the publication of the following article in the Court Gazette:
Hollitsch, December 5. "The exhausted powers of the Court of Vienna, the misfortunes it has sustained, together with a want of provisions, have compelled the Roman Emperor, notwithstanding the strong and vigorous support he has experienced from the Russian troops, to conclude a convention with France, to which also a peace must soon succeed. His Imperial Majesty having come to his assistance as an ally, had no other object in view than his defence, and the averting of those which threatened his Empire; and since his Majesty the Emperor, under the present circumstances, has deemed the presence of the Russian troops no longer necessary in Austria, his Majesty has been pleased to order them to leave Austria, and to return to Russia. The re-taking of the hostile operations, to the period of their cessation, will be published in a short time."
A part of the British Fleet are said in the London papers to be certainly at Sea - The Death of Mr. PITT, at a moment like the present, will have a very serious influence upon the conduct of the British cabinet; but from the papers which we have perused, they appear determined to oppose the Corsican maker and unmaker of Kings, without any other ally than their own honor, and without any other assistance than the courage of their forces. Standing alone amidst the dread conflict, the champion of the civilized world, like the rocks which surround her coast, against which the tempest loudly roars, but roars in vain.
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in Liverpool, to their correspondent in Charleston, dated the 25th Jan. 1806.
SIR, - The situation of political affairs still occasions a severe depression in our Markets; and we have in the strongest manner to confirm the advices we have already given our friends to do no business to this country until we are more settled.
The quarantine is taken off all vessels from New-York and Philadelphia.
The King's Speech upon the meeting of Parliament is destitute of any particular interests from which conclusions of a commercial nature can be drawn. A general Peace is talked of by some, but as far as is publicly known, rests only as a matter of opinion, and it is by some thought that the death of Mr. Pitt, which took place on the 23d instant, will remove one impediment to a negotiation, and by others, that at this moment his loss, in a political point of view, is most seriously to be deplored. We mention to our friends such public occurrences as are likely to affect mercantile arrangements; and whether a continuance of War, or a Peace be concluded, we feel confident that your interest will be benefited by doing no business this way. Prussia is to occupy Hanover, at least for the present, by an arrangement between that Government and France, and nothing further is known from the Continent than what we have already detailed to you. As long as France retains the sway in Europe, there can be no doubt it will exert its influence to lessen the resources of this country from a Continental trade.
Owing to political occurrences, and want of demand for goods, the depression in our Cotton Markets, in particular, has been most serious - Upland Georgia has been sold 14 1-2d. for fair Cotton, and we have heard of a sale lower. We quote you the price of American Cotton at present, and the rapid decrease in value is almost unprecedented, and has been nearly nominal, Cottons having come down 3d. and 5d. at once, with very trifling sales. Such is the alarm created, and the anxiety of the newly holders to force sales, that we expect a still further reduction, and should not be surprised to see Upland Cotton at 12d. if so, it may produce a speculation, from which alone any improvement can be now looked for. New-Orleans and Tennessees are nearly unsaleable.
The high quotations from your country, and the demand there for the French Market, will be the cause of serious losses from shipments, and whether under the influence of advices from hence, a corresponding reduction may take place with you appears doubtful.
Some sales of Flour have been made for Exportation, and re-sells about 46s. per barrel. We have already advised you, the alterations since our last Price Current, but the wind has prevented any vessels getting out of this port for upwards of six weeks. Should the present be delayed, and any thing interesting occur, you may depend upon being advised.
Insurances to and from the United States 3 to 4 guineas - 2 1-2 has been given on the ships. N. Orleans 6 to 8 guineas.
We remain, &c.
ADMIRAL CALDER.
The trial of Vice Admiral Sir Robert Calder, was held on board the Prince of Wales, at Portsmouth, on the 23d December. The trial lasted four days. The following is the sentence of the Court.
"In consequence of the Letter of Admiral Sir Robert Calder to the Lords of the Admiralty, requesting an investigation of his conduct on the 23d and 24th of July last, after the action with the combined Squadron of France and Spain, and while in fight of the enemy: and in consequence of the instructions, thereupon directed to Admiral Montague, to hold a Court Martial, for the purpose of inquiring into the conduct of the said Admiral Sir R. Calder, on the said days, and to try him for not having done his utmost to take or destroy every ship of the enemy which it was his duty to engage, the Court has entered into the said inquiry; and after duly considering the conduct of the said Admiral Sir Robert Calder, and hearing and deliberating fully upon all the evidence laid before us respecting the same on the days aforesaid, we are of opinion, that the charges against the conduct of the said Admiral Sir Robert Calder, on the above days, in presence of the enemy, in not having done his utmost to take and destroy every ship of the enemy, which it was his duty to engage, ARE FULLY PROVED."
"The Court are of opinion, that such conduct on the part of the said Admiral Sir Robert Cal-
der was not the result of fear or cowardice, but of error in judgment, for which he deserves to be severely reprimanded, and he is hereby severely reprimanded accordingly."
WASHINGTON, March 17. FROM DENMARK. We have accounts, via Salem, to Nov. 24, which state, that the Kingdom then continued neutral; and that the Crown Prince was on the frontiers at the head of 50,000 men.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, March 11. We learn that the counterfeiters have adopted a new method of effecting their nefarious designs. Finding themselves incompetent to imitate the filling and signing of bank notes, so as to resemble the writing and signatures to the true notes, they now engrave on their plates the name in the body of the note and the signatures, in imitation of writing. Our informant has seen two specimens of these counterfeit notes. One of them was a New-York bank note of One Dollar. The whole of it was engraved, except the No. The paper was of a faint yellow hue, resembling the silk paper of China, appeared not to have been sized, and was very rotten and weak. The other was a Manhattan Bank note of Three Dollars, which like the preceding note was wholly engraved except the No. The paper was whiter than the genuine note, and the engraving much inferior, particularly the River God or Device, which was faintly and very badly done. It would be serving the public if the printers of papers in the several States would publish this information.
COMMUNICATION. Phoenicia. - Our city contains at this time, probably the greatest phenomenon in nature. In an obscure room situated in Broadway, in the care of persons totally ignorant of its consequence to naturalists, is a living animal completely human from the neck downwards, and the head of a greyhound dog, evidently possessing human sensation. The writer of this, apprehensive the obscurity may operate to involve it in the contempt entertained for vulgar shows, and it thereby escape the notice of the scientific naturalist, announces its existence in hopes of partaking in the satisfaction that must result from an intelligent examination of the most extraordinary production.
Extra of a letter from an American merchant at Havannah, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated February 16, 1806, and by him transmitted to his correspondent in this city.
"The Spanish government has just received official intelligence, concerning the expedition of Miranda; and moreover several letters from different Spanish gentlemen residing within the United States, particularly from a young gentleman of respectability of this place, at present residing in the city of New-York, who is connected here with the first houses, which gives an exact statement of the expedition, with considerable many different conversations unfavorable to the Americans. Our government has immediately ordered several vessels to put to sea, with instructions to cruise on the coast of South America, and it is expected that they will soon lay an embargo on the American vessels, until they shall have learnt the certainty of the destination of the expedition, and should the reports happen to be true, that it is directed against any of the Spanish Islands, they may confiscate all the American property in their possession, which is at this moment very considerable."
Yesterday forenoon the bill to repeal the third section of the act for the gradual abolition of slavery (which section authorized the owners of slaves to abandon the children of such slaves, to the state) passed the House of Assembly of the state of New-Jersey, 27 to 10; and on Friday the bill passed Council, 9 to 5.
We learn that Isaac G. Brown, Esq., has resigned the command of the U. States brig Hornet, now at N. York; and that captain Dent has succeeded this active and worthy gentleman, and is now on board, under sailing orders. Capt. Chauncy remains in commission; and it is said, he will have the command of the frigate United States, or the Congress, both of which vessels are now undergoing repairs at Washington for immediate service.
A petition of Asaph Haine, of the county of Delaware, alleging that he has invented a mode of communicating fire to powder under water, so as to create an explosion and destroy the vessels of an enemy, and praying the legislative patronage, was read in the Senate of this state on the 25th ult. and referred to the joint committee of both houses appointed on that part of his excellency the Governor's speech relative to fortifications, and artillery and arms.
Letters were received lately from the Mediterranean, stating that Commodore Rodgers had killed Captain Gale of the marines! for remonstrating with him on a severe punishment inflicted on a marine. I give you only report. Gale remonstrated warmly on the impropriety of the punishment. The Commodore struck him; they closed and were parted by an officer. Gale said there was a time for all things, and when they arrived in the United States, he hoped the Commodore would give the satisfaction he had a right to demand. The Commodore drew his dirk and stabbed him thrice, when he fell. Gale was unarmed. You will shortly see the account of this unfortunate affair; the above statement I believe to be true.
PHILADELPHIA.
Our Correspondent at Lancaster writes, under date of March 8th, that the House of Representatives has been engaged these two days in correcting a long list of innovations upon legal practice, which has been introduced by Mr. Findlay, (from Franklin) under the title of "an act to regulate arbitrations, and proceedings in Courts of Justice." One of the items goes to abolish the use of Latin words & phrases in judicial proceedings; which has actually prevailed, notwithstanding the cause of technical terms was strenuously defended by Messrs. Hemphill, Sergeant, and Ingham (from Bucks.) The speech of the latter was a very learned and eloquent effusion of explanatory eloquence. I regret that it was so unexpected that I was unprepared to take it down.
A section which went to supercede the operation of the Common Law, was disagreed to - 54 to 32. - Poulton.
See last page of this paper, No. 11. Yesterday in announcing the contents, of a letter from one of the Departments of State, though correct in the substance, a few trivial deviations in the terms occurred. We are authorised to give the following as authentic:
Miranda, has never received the slightest sanction of his expedition either from the President of the U. States, or any other member of the administration; no evidence to the contrary either parole or written, exists or can be produced unless the declarations or representation of Miranda himself are to be admitted as such.
That prosecutions were directed by the Executive of the U. States, is a fact, and before any complaints were made by any foreign minister. The first in-
mation the executive received of Miranda's expedition was by a letter written after Miranda had embarked, but whether he was bound to St. Domingo, or elsewhere, was not known to the writer, in fact the Executive had no suspicion of Miranda's having any intention to fit out or be engaged in such an expedition from any of our ports. Ref. Gaz. March 14.
COLLECTOR'S OFFICE, Port of Philadelphia, March 12, 1806.
Information is hereby given to the persons concerned, that the act of congress, entitled "an act to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. S. & certain parts of the island of St. Domingo," has been this day duly notified at the Custom-House of the Port of Philadelphia; and that no vessel can hereafter be voluntarily carried, or sail from the said Port of Philadelphia to any port or place within the island of St. Domingo, and not in possession and under the acknowledged government of France, under the penalty of forfeiting both vessel and cargo.
P. MUHLENBURG, Collector.
CHILLICOTHE, (Ohio) Feb. 27. THE INDIAN ALARM, like the mountain in labour, is at length over; but has, indeed, brought forth nothing. The fears of two or three timid persons are all that were produced, which have subsided and are as much unheeded as the cause was idle which gave the alarm. The following will show that had they even the power, the will was not present. Our friends at a distance may rest assured that danger was not in the least dreaded by any intelligent citizen of the state, nor has emigration been retarded.
The governor has received a communication from Mad river, informing him that two Indian chiefs and an interpreter, upon the receipt of his message, came into the settlement and assured the people that they had no intention of making war upon them. The Indians are considerably alarmed, and the chiefs have sent word they will shortly be at Chillicothe, to give the governor every satisfaction that may be required relative to their conduct. The people are satisfied, and those who had left their homes are returning back again.
Scioto Gazette.
THE ENQUIRER. RICHMOND, 21st MARCH.
THE EIGHT WEEKS WAR!
It was but a momentary consolation that the friends of England and the opponents of Bonaparte had derived, from the supposed misrepresentation of the recent advices from France. It was the last ray of a setting sun, but that ray has now departed for ever! The very prints to which they have been accustomed to look up as the sacred Oracles of Truth; even the most favourite and distorting vehicles of the British ministry, have now brought out the same melancholy history of British calamities. There is not a prominent feature in which the English intelligence received at Charleston has not confirmed the Bulletins of France; there is not a single sad foreboding, which they have not helped to realize.
The disagreeable truths can no longer be concealed. That the war of the third coalition has ended in the complete and unparallelled victories of the French:
That the King of Prussia, so far from becoming an ally in the war, has entered into a compas with Bonaparte, to occupy Hanover till the conclusion of a peace:
That the Emperor of Russia embarked in the war under no other character than as the ally of Austria, and that, as an ally, Austria has no further occasion for his services - and
That Austria has been dragged into such a treaty of peace with Bonaparte, as the fate of the battle of Austerlitz and the conditions of the armistice, had given us every reason to anticipate.
"I will only make a peace (said Bonaparte to his troops after the battle of Austerlitz) which shall give us guarantees and secure rewards to our allies ;" and Bonaparte has performed his promise.
By way of guarantee to himself, he is said to have stretched his sceptre into Germany, and to hold in his hands some of its strongest forts and keys on the right bank of the Rhine. Ehrenbreitstein, which stands in the Electorate of Treves, on the summit of a stupendous rock, not less than 800 feet above the level of the river, and which in 1798-9 resisted a long siege, and a twelve-months blockade, by the French; Cassel, in the circle of the Lower Rhine, opposite to Mentz and connected to it by a bridge of boats; Kehl, a strong fortress of Suabia, and opposite to Strasbourg; and old Brissach, another strong town of Suabia, once the capital of Brisgau, and connected by a bridge of boats to the western bank of the Rhine 25 miles S. of Strasbourg; in fact, the whole chain of Thermopolys and master passes of Germany on the side of France, are delivered by the treaty of peace into the hands of Bonaparte. If we cast our eyes upon the south of Germany, we shall observe the same attempt to obtain guarantees , attended by the same success. The whole of the Venetian provinces, save Istria and Dalmatia; the Innthal or the Innthal, an important portion of the Tyrol, watered by the river Inn, and whose capital is Innspruck; in fact, every part of that southern frontier which commands the passes of the Alps into the kingdom of Italy, are said to be annexed to the kingdom of Italy. We have only to recollect that the iron crown of Italy is now seated on the brow of the Emperor of France - By the peninsula of Istria alone, does Austria still preserve its foothold in Italy.
Nor has Bonaparte been more unmindful of guarantees to himself under the specious pretext of securing rewards to his allies . He has forgotten neither his favorite electors of Baden, of Wirttemberg nor of Bavaria, for their allegiance, nor the Emperor of Austria for his opposition. In rewarding & attaching the affection of the one, he punishes the contumacy and lops off the resources of the other. Out of the possessions of the house of Austria he creates two new kingdoms in the South of Germany, to be the rivals and counterpoise to the house of Brandenburg on the north and the house of Austria on the east. He can create kings; but where do we hear of a nation restored to her lost liberties by his influence and generosity? Austrian Poland, that country which would have been the most benefited by his labors, that nation for which alone we felt particularly interested during the latter part of the campaign, remains still to be the vassal of the house of Austria. The Emperor of France can show his feelings for an Elector of Wirtemberg or Bavaria, but he forgets the sufferings of Koscziusko and the Poles.
Every thing seems then to demonstrate that Great Britain is left to fight the Emperor of France single-handed . She has not been admitted as a party to the treaty of peace between France and Austria. What effect may then their disappointment on the continent be expected to produce? What change will the death of the celebrated PITT occasion in her councils? Who is to succeed him in the cabinet? Will his successor be the friend of war or of peace? On all these points we confess ourselves unable to give any opinion. Even the very intelligent writer of a letter highly interesting to our mercantile friends which we have extracted from a Charleston paper, even he dares not advance an opinion upon the subject. We cannot believe, however, that Great Britain will persevere in her present struggles, after having been deprived of the energy of her Pitt & the assistance of her allies. But should the come forward with a proposition for peace, will Bonaparte still adhere to the fanatism of pacification, which regulated his conduct at the negotiation of Niessburg? Will he still demand guarantees for himself & rewards for his allies ? Should it be his policy, we may expect that his propositions will be of that arrogant nature as to comport neither with the pride nor the interest of G. Britain. He will not be enough for him to demand the restoration of the Care of Good Hope , and of Ceylon to the Dutch and of Trinidad to Spain. We expect that even the fortress of Gibraltar itself may creep into the
negotiation. If not as a guarantee to himself, Bonaparte may restore it as a recompense to his ally.
We can have no apology to make to our readers, for the want of our usual quota of original matter, when we have such interesting foreign news as we have received from Charleston, and such an interesting speech as Mr. Randolph's, to lay before them. Both of them came to hand in the Wednesday's mail; they are both of them fruitful in comments, but the commentary in the present case must yield in dignity of publication to the text. The foreign intelligence which we have published, is carefully collected from the three Charleston papers which we received; and we have published as much of Mr. Randolph's speech as appeared in the last National Intelligencer. It was certainly to be wished, that this interesting speech had been laid before every reader, complete in all its parts.
We call it interesting, because it is from the mind of one of our ablest politicians; because at this time to the United States; but it is still more so, because it has been held up by the federalists, and by some even of the republicans, as a systematic attack upon the present administration; and as a proof not to be disputed, of the schisms and divisions that prevail at Washington, among the republican party. But while we make these remarks to our distant readers, we are as yet unwilling to make any commentary upon the speech itself. We may indeed confidently speak of the style of eloquence, which adorns it; a style, that is uncommonly splendid, fluent and commanding. But of the spirit which runs through it, in relation to his opponents, or to some of the members of the administration; of the strength of the arguments, which bear upon the subject matter in debate; we forbear at present either to express or form an opinion. It will be time enough to decide upon the solidity of his arguments when we have seen the whole of them exhibited in his speech. It will be time enough for us to decide upon his strictures on the conduct of the cabinet, when the letters are taken from the library and the padlocks from the lips of congress; when every thing which has been done during the "closed doors," is put into the possession of the nation.
Let us repeat to our republican friends that it is a duty, which they owe to John Randolph, not to prejudice or too hastily to condemn him. If he has attacked the administration, if he had levelled his blows even at Thomas Jefferson himself, it is a duty which they owe to him, not to decide upon the charges or against the accuser, until they have heard the foundation of his proceedings. proceedings. Let us wait till the curtain be lifted, which covers the secret transactions of Congress: Till then, let us suspend our opinions.
We would suggest another caution. Let us turn a deaf ear to the federal eulogiums upon Mr. Randolph. We ought to judge his conduct by its own evidence, and not by the reflected bias of his opponents. No doubt they may commend him, from the respect which they feel for his independence, but this is at the only source of their eulogium. It is the aim of politicians, as it is of warriors, to conquer by dividing their opponents. They seek to wean a man from his party by the poignancy of adulation, or to wean his party from himself by the suspicion of their applause. "They decorate him with laurels, to sacrifice him."
Last Evening's Mail.
IMPORTANT! Washington, March 17th, '06.
A vote has just been taken upon Mr. Nicholson's resolution, and carried in the affirmative by eighty-seven to thirty-five. The house has been discharged from the consideration of Gregg's and Sloan's resolutions. It is important that this result should be as diffusively known as possible.
I am, Sir, Your most obed't, G. CLARKE. The Editor of } the Enquirer. }
Sales at Auction. Will positively be sold, on Wednesday the 2d April, at 11 o'clock, A. M. on the premises,
THAT beautiful and valuable half acre lot, known by the No. 542, and adjoining the lots in front of the residence of Wm. Hays, Esq. Terms of sale, an approved endorsed negotiable note, in the Bank of Virginia, at 60 days.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. March 21. (s.d.)
NOTICE, To those who purchased Tickets on Credit of the Commissioners and authorized Agents of the Lottery for the Benefit of the College of William and Mary:
THAT the drawing of the Lottery commenced on the 15th of January last, and terminated on Saturday the 15th instant. That the credit being extended to 90 days from due on its commencement, the payments will become due on the 15th of April. All those who purchased on credit are earnestly requested to make them by the time specified. And those who have aided the commissioners in the disposition of Tickets, and have not yet made returns, are earnestly requested to make collections, and forward them in time aforesaid to
ROBERT GREENHOW, Agent, and Treasurer. Williamsburg, March 21. (2w.)
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by John Christian, jr. to secure the payment of a debt therein mentioned due to the late firm of Dunlop, Pollock & Co. will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Prince Edward court-house, on Monday the 19th day of May next, (being court day) a TRACT of LAND, containing 150 acres more or less, lying on the waters of Big Rough creek, in the said county of Prince Edward, being the land bought by said Christian, from Abner Coffey, per deed bearing date the 28th day of May, 1803. The land may be viewed previous to the day of sale, by applying to the said John Christian, jr. SAMUEL W. VENABLE } Trustees. PETER JOHNSTON } n. Prince Edward, March 21. (2w.)
NOTICE, THE appointment of a Master of the free School in Williamsburg will be made on the first Saturday in April next. The master will have a tolerable comfortable tenement, and commodious School-House free of rent, and may probably make by fees of tuition, between three and four hundred dollars per annum. March 21. 45.

NAVY DEPARTMENT,
March 4, 1806.
Sir,—In obedience to the resolution of the house of representatives of the 5th ult. requiring the secretary of the navy to inform the house of the nature and extent of the services rendered to the captive crew of the frigate Philadelphia, by the Danish Consul, at Tripoli, I herewith enclose a copy of a letter from Capt. Bainbridge to me, which affords all the information in my possession upon the subject.
Respectfully submitted, R. SMITH. The honorable Speaker of the house of representatives of the U. S.
COPY.
New-York, Feb. 12, 1806.
Sir,—In compliance with your letter of the 6th inst. which this day came to hand, I hasten to detail the services rendered to the crew of the U. S. late frigate Philadelphia, while in captivity at Tripoli, by Nicholas C. Nissen, esquire, his Danish majesty's consul, residing there.
In consequence of the mode of imprisonment it was impossible for the officers to procure the necessary articles of subsistence, they were therefore necessitated to receive their daily provision, &c. through another channel. Mr. Nissen generously offered his services to obtain our necessary supplies, which he did, in the most faithful manner for 19 months and 8 days, the period of our captivity, and at times when the funds placed at my command, in Tripoli, were expended, he continued our daily supply, by his own means, until ours were renewed by the commander of the Mediterranean squadron, or George Davis, esquire, charge of affairs at Tunis, to whom we are greatly indebted.
Had it not been for the friendly aid of consul Nissen we should not have received our subsistence in so regular a manner as we did, and should have been exposed, at a great expense, to the impositions of the lowest class of our enemy. His attentions were not confined solely to the officers, but were equally extended to the seamen and soldiers.
Consul Nissen was the first christian we saw after landing on the shore of Africa, and he met us the very evening of our misfortune, with the philanthropy of a man of feeling, and immediately administered to our wants by sending provision and bedding from his house, and ameliorated, as much as possible, our truly unpleasant situation.
I cannot, in justice to his attention, omit mentioning a circumstance which shows the lively interest he took in our situation, and the hazard he ran to serve us. When commander Preble attacked Tripoli, Mr. Nissen's house was as much exposed as any in the town, and himself in danger from the bombardment. I solicited him frequently to leave his dangerous situation, and retire to the gardens, where the consuls were: he requested me not to importune him more to leave the town, for he preferred running the risk of the shot and shells from our squadron, and attending to our wants and subsistence, to resorting to the gardens. In thus pursuing the dictates of a feeling mind he was very near losing his life by a shot from the Constitution. Had he not acted in this friendly manner towards us it is very probable we should have been several days without provision, as the enemy were occupied and exasperated.
I have, sir, detailed to you generally the services rendered to the officers and crew of the Philadelphia, at Tripoli, by Nicholas C. Nissen, esquire, but it is impossible for me to convey a just sense of them. Nothing but a perfect acquaintance with our situation, and the aid we received, can truly estimate the services rendered.
I have the honor to be, sir, &c. (Signed) WM. BAINBRIDGE. Hon. ROBERT SMITH, Secretary of the Navy.
MIRANDA EXPEDITION, [CONTINUED.]
No. 8.
From the American Citizen of March 7. The Leader.—By the Philadelphia papers received yesterday I find that Mr. Lang's Monday article, which Mr. Ogden contradicted on Tuesday, has found its way into every one of them without distinction, and that in those which are federal it is accompanied with remarks intended to inculcate the government in the expedition of the Leader. I think that judicial notice ought to be taken of this false and malignant paragraph, not however with a view to injure poor Mr. Lang, who like an instrument of music seems to be played on by any one but to vindicate the government from the weakness and wickedness which are imputed to it in the article.
The expedition of the Leader, singular enough indeed, is yet not so curious as the use which it seems is intended to be made of it. Having done with the mammoth chess and its intricate history; with the story of the black flag, and other neat and excellent themes for elegant declamation, the opposition, as if doomed to littleness, or something worse, have embraced the expedition as rich matter against the government.
There is in this proceeding much of wickedness, and more of folly. It is wicked, because the very men who have themselves transgressed the laws, labour to buckle upon the back of the government their own enormous offences. It is foolish, because the grossness of the effort must fail at itself.
I maintain, and what I have written on this subject has not at all been contradicted, that there is no testimony before the court implicating, and that none can be brought into it to implicate the government, touching the expedition of the Leader. So far then the government stands acquitted of all implications of improper conduct in relation to the expedition.
The Leader has however been fitted out in a hostile form, and it is now reduced to a certainty that Miranda, her chief, mediates a blow at the Spanish dominions in the south; she is defined, it appears, for the Caraccas. We are now ready to ask who is concerned in the expedition? In answering this question I shall closely adhere to the testimony before the court, and to the reports of the opponents of the administration.
The testimony before the court implicates Miranda, and captain Armstrong, and Lewis, who are on board the Leader, and Mr. Ogden, col. Smith, and Mr. Fink, who are now in this city.
In respect to the reports of the opponents of the administration, which should be listened to with great caution, they deeply and seriously implicate Mr. King.
Who is Miranda? A man undoubtedly of distinguished talents, but "a bird of passage," perhaps of prey; one who, having no local habitation, has no local attachments.
* Caraccas, a district in Terra Firma in South America, belonging to the Spaniards, lat. 10, 20, N. The coast is rocky and mountainous. The capital stands a considerable distance from the sea: is large, wretched, populous; extremely difficult access and contains 21,000 inhabitants. Med. Gaz.
It is not to be supposed that such a man, having no means, certainly not adequate means, could without individual aid, have defrayed the expenses of the expedition. From whom then did he receive aid?
The Leader, commanded in her expedition by St. Domingo, by the gallant captain Lewis, was owned, it is said, by Mr. Ogden. Of the truth of this allegation I know nothing; I am but reciting, in this respect, a report that seems to be well authenticated.
Does the Leader still belong to Mr. Ogden? I cannot say. Capt. Lewis, who was her chief in the St. Domingo expedition, when she was confessedly owned by Mr. Ogden, is still her commander.
Having then belonged to Mr. Ogden, I think it follows that she does to him, unless she has disposed of her. Even Salomon will not question the soundness of this position.—Has he disposed of her to Miranda? The probability is that he has not. He must then be, and I am of opinion he is, greatly interested in the expedition.
In corroboration of this opinion I will cite a fact which occurred in his examination before the court.
Mr. Ogden was asked what number of arms the Leader had on board? Pausing, for a moment, he refused to answer the question, alleging, that the answer might criminate himself. On obvious grounds the objection was overruled. Still he refused to answer, and persevering in the refusal, the district attorney prayed that he might be committed. Before however the commitment was made out, he consented to answer. His answer is not material to the point in hand. From this and other circumstances it may fairly be inferred that Mr. Ogden, who I understand to be opposed to the present administration, is greatly interested in the expedition.
We have then engaged in the expedition, whose guilt was to blow up the administration, Miranda and Mr. Ogden. Who else? We shall see to-morrow.
No. 9.
Mr. King's name having been mentioned in relation to the subject which at present engages public attention, we are requested to say, that no person whatever has been authorized by that gentleman, to make any declarations of his knowledge respecting the ship Leader, and her destination.
As to the testimony that he or any others may have given under the obligations of an oath before the district court, it does not appear to us to be, at present, a proper subject of public animadversion or remark; but it should be recollected, that no plea of confidential communication protects a witness from answering interrogatories put to him by a competent tribunal. Eve. Post.
No. 10.
The Leader.—As the opposition papers have discontinued their illiberal animadversions respecting the Leader, and as the persons implicated in the expedition will be tried before the District Court (in which Judge Patterson will preside) on the first of April next, we have deemed it becoming to suspend our remarks until the issue shall be known. Am. Cit.
No. 11.
We have great satisfaction in communicating to the public the following pleasing information, inasmuch as it completely purges the government of all criminal connivance at, or participation in, the late mysterious expedition under Miranda:—A letter is received in town from General Dearborn, Secretary at War, in which he peremptorily declares that neither the administration, nor any of the heads of departments individually, have any knowledge of the destination of the Leader; that on this subject neither Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison ever had any conferences and communications with Gen. Miranda; that it was not until after she had failed, that they were advised of her being destined on a hostile voyage; and on receiving this advice, it was immediately instituted against the parties concerned, and that too, before any representations were made to them by any foreign minister or agent. Relj's Gaz. March 13.
No. 12.
ONE WORD FOR ALL, ABOUT THE LEADER AND MIRANDA! We undertake to say, and to pledge the credit of this paper upon the facts we now state. That general Miranda has never received the slightest sanction for his expedition either from the president of the United States, or any other member of the administration. That the first intimation which the executive received of Miranda's expedition, was by a letter written after Miranda had embarked, but even then whether he was bound to St. Domingo or elsewhere was not known to the communicators of the information. That so far from any conversation with the executive having taken place, on the subject of any expedition against the Spanish possessions, the executive had no sort of knowledge, nor even a suspicion of Miranda's having any intention to fit out, or be engaged in such an expedition from any of our ports. Furthermore, the prosecutions instituted at New-York, were directed by the executive before any complaints were made by any foreign minister. After the above declarations, the American public will determine upon the conduct of those prints, which to gratify the vengeful malice of a discarded ambassador, could tell or lend themselves to traduce their country and to subserve a foreign interest. No evidence, parole or written, exists or can exist contrary to the facts above stated, unless the intriguing assertions of Governor McKean's son in law, are to be admitted as evidence! Aurora, March 14.
MR. ARMSTRONG.
To the President of the U. States. The memorial of the subscribers, merchants and marine insurers of the city of New-York,
Respectfully represents, That your memorialists have recently seen with surprise and regret, a letter published in various newspapers, said to have been written by the minister plenipotentiary of the U. States, at Paris, to the French minister of the treasury, in the case of the ship New-Jersey and her cargo.
Your memorialists consider some of the opinions and sentiments, avowed by Mr. Armstrong on this occasion, manifestly erroneous, subversive of the plainest principles of justice, and in effect, a flagrant breach of his duty. Instead of advocating the fair claim of American citizens, he became their most powerful opponent; instead of asserting and maintaining the maritime rights of the nation, we find him contending, that no compensation ought to be made, for property justly seized on the ocean, when insured; because underwriters have heretofore made a profit by their business. Your memorialists conceive any argument unnecessary, to show the fallacy and absurdity of such reasoning, or the pernicious consequence it may have on our foreign commerce: they think proper however, to remark, that if the representative of our government, abandons the defence of our rights, we have no ground to hope that any of the belligerent powers will continue to respect them.
Your memorialists believe that the interest of our country requires that prompt and decided measures should be taken, to prevent the evils that may ensue,
from the promulgation of such a doctrine, sanctioned by the name of an American Minister. They therefore pray that the president will take the same into his serious consideration, and afford such redress as he in his wisdom shall deem proper.
By Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
For altering the time for holding the circuit courts, in the district of North Carolina, and for abolishing the July term of the Kentucky district court.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the June term of the circuit court now held for the district of North Carolina, on the twentieth day of June, shall commence and be held on the twentieth day of the same month, any thing contained in any former act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding. And that all actions, suits, pleas, pleadings and other proceedings of what nature or kind soever, civil or criminal, commenced or to commence in the said court; and all recognizances returnable to the said court on the fifteenth day of June, shall be continued, returned to, and have days in the session to be held by this act, and the same proceeding shall be had thereon as heretofore, and shall have all the effect, power and virtue as if the alteration had never been made: Provided nevertheless, That when the twentieth day of June shall happen on Sunday, the next day shall be the first juridical day. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the 1st day of August next, so much of all acts and acts, as directs that a district court, for the Kentucky district, shall be held on the first Monday in July, in every year, shall be and the same is hereby repealed.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. Feb. 28, 1806. APPROVED TH: JEFFERSON.
VALUABLE PROPERTY.
I AGAIN offer for sale, that valuable and well known Estate, in the Forks of Hanover, called BULFIELD; containing by estimation and old surveys 1676 acres, be the same more or less. There are cleared of this tract about or above 850 acres, laid out into three fields, including 150 acres of Lots, most of which are well set with clover. On this plantation is sowed about 400 bushels of wheat and barley; of the former 360, upwards of 100 of which is on sown fallow and manured land, and very well put in. The plantation is in pretty good order—has some valuable Meadow Land, which, at much labor and expense has been prepared and just getting into use—a tolerable dwelling house, and convenient houses for negroes, with barns, corn house, stables, &c. &c. If this estate is not sold at private sale on or before Monday the 20th of January next, it will be offered at public auction, on that day, if fair or the next fair day, at which time and place will likewise be offered for sale, between 80 and 90 VALUABLE LABOURERS, consisting of men, women, boys, girls and children, to be sold in families, together with all the stock of every description of cattle, sheep and hogs; seven brood mares, a number of blooded colts, 1, 2, and 3 years old, 11 excellent well-broke mules, and some work horses, and all the plantation utensils, and the crops of corn, fodder and hay, now on the land, from 800 to 1000 barrels.—Should a sale of the land not take place, then only about 60 negroes will be for sale, and part only of the corn, and the stock, and plantation articles.
The square of lots, with the appurtenances, at present in the occupancy of John A. Chevalier, Esq. but possession will not be given until the 1st of August next, unless it shall be sooner convenient.
A life estate in the tenement at present in the possession of Mr. John Banks, on Church Hill. 3 pipes of Madeira Wine, which cost £ 44 sterling, imported by myself, nearly two years ago. I likewise wish to sell, part of about 20,000 acres of Military Land, lying in the states of Ohio, Kentucky, and in the Indiana Territory. 5000 acres of this land lie on the little Miami and on Pond Run—6000 acres on Big Barren, or Peter's or Snell's Creek, and on Deer Creek, being some of the waters of Green River—upwards of 5000 acres on the North Fork of the Trade water—2000 acres on the east bank of Cumberland River—1000 acres on Russell's creek, lying within a mile of the town of Columbia, in the county of Adair—900 acres on Greasy creek, in the same county, near the Cumberland River, and on the west side of it—and the balance in the Indiana Territory. On some of these lands I have recently been and know them to be extremely valuable, being in a thickly settled country, very rich, of deep black soil, well watered with springs and leats for mills, and heavily timbered, and several settlements upon them, which are tenanted for the next year, and at one dollar per acre for the cleared land. Of the others that I did not see, I have received good information in general as to the quality and situation. Only 15,000 acres of these lands are for sale, but the whole is offered to fair purchasers, being convinced myself, that all is valuable, and my object, which is a distant one, will be answered by the reservation of any part.
I have also for sale, about 5000 acres of land, lying in the counties of Mercer and Nelson, but as these lands were surveyed on Treasury warrants, and of this description there are many disputes as to title, I will only convey the right I legally hold. The patents have long been in my possession and I have never known the title to be controverted.
Satisfactory titles to the foregoing property will be made according to the tenure by which I hold it. The terms of sale generally are, one fourth in hand, and the balance in two annual instalments, to bear interest from the date, but a discount of 10 per cent for ready money, will be allowed on each instalment. Bond, with such security as I shall approve, will be required for all sums above 100 dollars, all under that sum will be paid in cash. To facilitate settlements and payments, I will take in discharge of either instalment, at the current or agreed value any stock of the United States or of the Bank of the United States, or any state or private Banks, or Insurance Companies within the same. It is my intention to remain here until the first of August next, for the purpose of winding up and adjusting every transaction of my life, and to prepare for that event which must sooner or later number me with those who have gone before me.
Richmond, December 12. JOHN HOPKINS. (thf.)
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER,
MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as they were on the spot. A—the length of the Boot. B—round the heel and instep. C—round the instep. D—across the ball of the foot. E—the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe—set down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. ept
DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCall, where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to and carefully executed. It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him. Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate—
  Percussion Bitters  Stoughton's Bitters    Tajah, Coloured  Tarlington's Balsam    Rhubarb, Scammon  Pungent Smelling Bitters    Magnesia  Popphorus    Manna, Salts  Rose Water    Cascara  Tooth Powder    Spanish Flies  Tooth Picks    Digitalis  Tooth Brushes    Pink Root  Imperial Wash for cleaning leather    Opium  Essential Salt of Lemons    Arrow Root  Lavender water    Also,  Rat Powder    Andersan's Pills  Fine polishing Copal Varnish    Bateman's Drops  White Varnish    British Oil  Black do.    Balm of Honey  Japan do.    Cline's Worm Lozenges  White Lead    Hamilton's do. do.  Linseed Oil    Church's Cough Drops  Spirits of Turpentine    Corn Plaster  Mace, Cloves    Dalby's Carminative  Turmeric, Ginger    Daffey's Elixir  Long Pepper    Essence Peppermint  Indigo, Coppers    Essence Spruce  Logwood, Fustick    Essence Myrtle  Madder, Gold Leaf    Gosland's Lotion  Silver Leaf    Church's Lotion  Windsor Soap    Godfrey's Cordial  Wasp Balls    Harlem Oil  Camel Hair Pencils    Hungary Water  Reeves's Water Colours    James's Powders  Hair Powder    Jessit Drops  Powder Puff    Jussu Plaster  Rich Ointment    Peppermint Lozenges     Lip Salve     Liquid True Blue     Stear's Opodeldok     Orange Flower Water    ALSO—A small supply of Medical Books for sale. February 4. Sif
FOR SALE,
BY THE SUBSCRIBER: WES-INDIA & N-England Rum, French Brandy, Holland Gin, Molasses, Morocco and Brown Sugar, Coffee and Cocculus, Imperial and Hyson Tea, Linseed and Lamp Oil, White Lead & Spn. Brown, Yellow Ochre, Patent Green ground in Oil, Verdigris, 7 1/2, 9, 8 1/2, 10 1/2, 14 1/2, 18, 20, 24, 32, 44, 64, 84, 102, and 202 Nails, Spike Nails, Bar Iron, German & Blistered Steel, Iron Pans, Dutch Ovens, Fire Dogs, Nova Scotia Grind Stones, Powder and Shot, 1000 pair Men's thick Shoes, 800 pair Men's thick Shoes, Men's & Boys' fine Shoes, Ladies' Kid, Morocco and Leather Slippers, A small invoice of Table Linen, Irish Sheetings & Carpeting, Best Spanish Indigo, Ground and raw Ginger, 120 Jucks coarse Liverpool Salt, Smoked Salmon and Herrings, A small invoice of dry goods, viz: Bear Skins, Blue and Mixed Plains and Thickets, Writing & Printing paper, Wrapping Paper & Pith Board, Cotton & Wool Cards, One Nice Piano Forte, one Canvas Top Cluett, One Nice Tub Organ, one Stick Gigs. The above will be sold cheap for cash or country produce. BENJAMIN STETSON. December 19. Thf
LAND—FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is authorised to dispose of between two & three thousand acres of LAND, situate in the county of Prince-George and known by the name of Old-Town, on the following terms, to wit: One-fifth of the purchase money to be paid down, and the balance in four annual instalments, to carry interest from the time of sale—the payment thereof must be secured by bond and mortgage on the land. This land is distant from the town of Petersburg about 14 miles; from James river 4 or 5 miles, and about 1 1/2 from Noble's Creek, which is navigable for boats up to Peachy's mill. The soil is remarkably well adapted to the culture of corn, wheat and tobacco, and the greatest part of the tract is covered with fine timber. It will be sold in Lots to fair purchasers, and will be shown to any person desiring to view it, by Mr. Drury Livsey, who resides on it. Prompt attention will be paid to any communication on the subject, directed to the subscriber at Shirley in Charles-City county, by post to Granville Mills. PATRICK HENDREN, Agent for Charles Carter of Shirley. (law3m.) March 7.
THE subscriber has extended his practice to the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Williamsburg district. PATRICK HENDREN, Attorney at Law. Shirley, Charles City, March 7. (law 3m.)
IN CHANCERY.
Louisa county January court, 1806. Francis Ford, Against James Hendrake and John Hendrake, Defendants. THE defendant James Hendrake, not having entered his appearance, & given security according to the act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state; therefore on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered and decreed by the court, that he appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the front door of this court-house on some court day. A Copy, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. L. C. February 21. F2m.
NOTICE,
IS hereby given, that I will not be responsible for any backloading put on board my BOAT, commanded by James, & branded W. Norvell, except it be done with my consent. WILLIAM ROSE, jr. Feb. 25. oawgw
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. tf.
THE subscriber offers for sale, the square of LOTS near that of Mr. Robert Gordon and Robert Johnston. It is under a good enclosure and the situation for building not surpassed by any Lots in that part of the city. February 28. (op 3w.)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF
BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county, THE STUD, of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated. A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.
JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (tdx.)
THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. CARTER E. PAGE. December 31.
JAMES RIVER COMPANY.
At a meeting of the President and Directors of the James river company on the 29th of February 1806, RESOLVED, that the Treasurer advertise that the company are desirous of contracting for a supply of meal for about fifty hands, until the 25th of December next, to be furnished at such terms and in such quantities as may be required, and that proposals will be received until the first day of April next.
ROBERT POLLARD. (G.B.A.) March 4.
NOTICE,
THAT the first Wednesday in April next the Polls will be opened in the different wards for the election of Common Council Men for the City of Richmond: in Jefferson ward the Poll will be held at the Court House in the City of Richmond, and in Madison ward at the Eagle Tavern, and in Munroe ward at the house of Mr. Samuel Poinier. JAMES WHITEWALL Sarg't. March 4. tf.
LAND,
Positively for sale by the subscriber, ONE thousand acres, formerly known by the name of David Irwin's Quarter, on Otter river, in this county, adjoining the Land whereon the subscriber lives, where there is a merchant mill that makes good flour as any in America; not more than twenty two miles from the flourishing town of Lynchburg, where there is a good market for all kinds of produce. On this tract there is as much cleared land as is sufficient to work seven or eight hands to advantage, consisting of two fields of eight rate river Low Ground and three of High Land, all in good order for cropping, the balance is in woods, a great part of which is heavily timbered, and a great quantity of good tobacco land; there is also on this tract abundance of the best spring water in every field, a good lime-stone quarry the quantity inexhaustible, also an overseer's house, together with other necessary houses for plantation business. The Land is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Wheat, Cotton, Corn, Rye, Oats and Flax; the situation is very healthy, and in a good neighborhood, attached to which is a very good range for all sorts of stock. The purchaser may be accommodated with every kind of stock, grain and plantation utensils, and possession given next Christmas, or sooner if required. Credit will be given for two thirds of the purchase money at three equal annual payments, the other third will be required in hand. Tobacco, Bank stock, public securities or negroes will be received in payment. ROBERT SCOTT. Campbell, February 1. N.B. The above land may be divided into two plantations if required. In the absence of the subscriber the Overseer will show the premises. R. S.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION,
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, ensuing.
THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chiswell's Lead Mines; but which, for some time past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied. </