The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-05-28 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY FACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1803.
No. 30,480 , a ticket in the second class of the lottery in Washington City, was bought by me in Baltimore, the 10th day of August, 1796: in the year 1797, some time in June was sent by one William Smith to Philadelphia, supposing the lottery to have been drawn, to be examined. I have since seen said Smith in Charleston, he proved to me as I think, said ticket was left in a vessel that he was cast away in. I advertised the said ticket on the 30th of June, 1797, in the Virginia Argus, forbidding any person from purchasing it, if it should be in being, as am sole owner of it.
JAMES ROBERTS.
Richmond, May 25, 1803.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tiers, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent RICH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d, 1803.
NOTICE
I SHALL be obliged, very shortly to leave this State for a few months. Should any person having business against me, wish to have their accounts adjusted, I shall be glad if they will bring them forward immediately, for that purpose.
Since the patronage I have received from my Friends and the Public since my removal from Business has fully equalled my most flattering expectations, I beg leave, with due sensibility and respect, to offer in return my most grateful acknowledgements.
During my absence Mr. William Fitzhugh will receive and pay money and settle all outward transactions and accounts on my behalf. The business of Book binding in all its various branches, will be carried on by Mr. Samuel Combs, who will execute all orders with promptitude and fidelity.
There is now on hand, and will be constantly kept up a complete assortment of Stationery, and of all kinds of Blank and ruled Books used in Mercantile, Legal and Private business.
JOHN PUMFREY.
Richmond, May 2d, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (if.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since its commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (if.)
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr Stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne Stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay, and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the belt Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
ELEGANT
PRINTS & LOOKING GLASSES
A BEAUTIFUL assortment of PICTURES and LOOKING GLASSES are respectfully offered to the public, at very reduced prices. They are to be seen at Messrs. Robert Gamble and Co's. store, up stairs.
Mrs. Atkins intending to leave Richmond in a few days, for Philadelphia, solicits the attention of the inhabitants, assuring them, that a more elegant assortment has not been offered on the continent.
R. ATKINS.
Re-gilding in its various branches, in a superb manner. Also, Oil Gilding, that will stand washing.
Those Ladies and Gentlemen who, with to favor Mr. Atkins with their commands, will be pleased to apply as early as possible. May 14th, 1803. 42 '78.
GREY MOGUL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the ensuing season at my stable, near Rockets; to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; to be discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected so soon as the mare is covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom. ISAAC ALLEN. May 10, 1803.
PEDIGREE.
Mogul was got by Quicksilver, Dam by Sprightly Cub, a son of Old Cub; Sprightly Cub's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a full bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richards, esq. of Culpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richards celebrated running Mare, by Shark.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GENTLEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately by post to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references.
The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleyans, Richmond, addressed to A Small. May 10, 1803. 1m. '78.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 50 lbs. 38 3/4. Hominy per bushel of 50 lbs. 36. 3/4. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFOORD & Co.
March 31st, 1803.
TO RENT.
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD.
Richmond, April, 2d, 1803. tf.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS.
JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying on the business on his own account. The allotment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (if.)
From the History of the United States, for 1796.
IF the citizens of New-England are so much wiser than their neighbours, it must certainly appear in the choice of their representatives in Congress. The superiority is not always conspicuous. In the debate on the first excise, in spring 1794, some members from that part of the union, and especially Mr. Sedgwick, affirmed, that a land tax was unjust and impracticable, and that Americans would never submit to it. It was impossible for any member to give a more consummate proof of ignorance or stupidity. The constitution of Massachusetts itself, the very state that sent Mr. Sedgwick to the house, authorises the assembly "to impose and levy proportional and reasonable assessments, rates, and taxes, upon all the inhabitants of, and persons, residents, and estates lying within the said commonwealth." Such taxes are actually paid, yet Mr. Sedgwick has often declared that they never could be raised. This conveyed a gross reflection upon the country. In point of argument, the gentleman might as well have whistled yankey doodle to the legislators of America. This remark has no reference to Messrs. Henderson, Harper, and a certain venerable majority in the second session of the fourth Congress.
While the people of Massachusetts have been so anxious about the preservation of the federal constitution, they should revise their own. Morse says, that the religion of Massachusetts is established, by their excellent constitution, on a most liberal and tolerant plan. The present horrible oppression of baptists, and other sectaries, contradicts this assertion.
When the Trojan fugitives, driven ashore on the coast of Africa, solicited aid from the queen of Carthage, Dido, in her answer, tells them, that, acquainted with misfortunes, she had learned to succour the miserable. A higher authority than that of Virgil, has also declared, that by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better. A shoal of metaphysicians, moral philosophers, and divines in volumes of five hundred or a thousand pages, have likewise told us, that adversity softens and refines the heart.
By far the greater part of the world is full of misery; government, a few of the republics excepted, is nothing but robbery reduced to a system. Life itself has emphatically, and justly, been termed a vale of tears. These truths are not only true, but they have been stated, and even mouldy, for twenty centuries.
Now, at adversity is so common everywhere, and so supreme an antidote for thawing the ice of selfishness, as poets have loaded avarice with ridicule in this world, and as divines have menaced it with perdition in the next, our natural conclusion, from these powerful and coalescing causes, must be, that this blessed planet is pregnant with sympathy.
* The words were taken down at the time, by the author. † Part 2. chap. 1. sec. 1. article 4. ‡ See American Annual Register, chap. ix.
charity, liberality, and the entire bead-roll of benevolent sensibilities. Amen.
These remarks have occurred on reading the account of a very melancholy affair which took place in the latter end of February, 1796, at Hingham, in the state of Massachusetts. The following particulars of it are abridged from a letter written by one of the professors in the university at Cambridge, dated the 23d of February, and printed in a late Boston newspaper.
About two months before the date of the letter, a young foreigner called on this professor, and introduced himself by saying, that he wanted to become acquainted with some scientific man. The subject which he brought on was pneumatics and mechanics. He conversed with the professor fluently, in French, Dutch and Latin. After a conference, of which part is related, he took his leave, and by agreement, paid a second visit to the professor in three days. We shall now quote verbatim a part of the account of him, as given by the writer of the letter.
"From his good figure, polite and easy manners, I concluded he was some important emigrant from the continent of Europe, probably in the service of the monarchy, who, destitute of money and friends, chose to apply some of the principles he had learnt at college, to the purpose of procuring subsistence by a novel exhibition. On this account, I never asked him his name or nation."
On what account? He was destitute of money and friends, and he wanted to procure subsistence by the exhibition of a novel mechanical apparatus; and, there are, this American philosopher did not venture to ask him his name or nation.
"'Twas pitiful! 'twas wondrous pitiful!"
That the professor in a college should be capable of mean ungentlemanly conduct, we know by frequent personal experience; but that any man should wish to bring himself forward to the public in so humiliating a point of view, is rather uncommon. Is it a crime to be in want of money? Is it culpable to attempt earning subsistence by exhibiting an apparatus of mechanism? Both these liberal and many doctrines are avowed by this Cambridge professor. Such treatment of a foreigner, a man of learning, and, above all, a fellow creature in distress, is disgraceful, not only to the individual who acted so, but, from his authority in telling the story, it reflects a stain on the country to which he belongs. A reader in Europe will be tempted to think very meanly of the general cast of our ideas. Was the professor afraid that this foreigner would eclipse him in the eyes of his pupils, by his intended show? How easy it would have been for the professor to have found employment of some decent kind for a well educated man, who understood four languages! It is true that every reader will heartily despise such a frost-bitten pedagogue.
The chilling reception that he encountered, was undoubtedly the reason why this ill-fated wanderer fell into despair, and shot himself. He left a letter addressed to the professor, wherein he states, that his want of money, and the failure of his plans for obtaining subsistence, had determined him to put an end to his life.
The professor speaks of him thus:
"The writings and drawings which he left directed to me, are so far from evincing a deranged mind, that they intimate a cool and vigorous intellect; being executed not merely with taste, but mathematical exactness. I have never heard anything against his character, but have seen some evidences of his humanity, in giving freedom to his slave, after binding him to a trade by which he could get his living." How much is it to be regretted that a man so gifted, should have met with such beastly treatment!
The professor concludes by citing the exit of this gentleman as a proof, that "nature, without the commanding voice of religion has left the noblest of her works imperfect." What part of the christian religion taught this person to keep a stranger at a distance, because he is in distress? To repel such horrid ideas, and to extend the feelings of humanity, is the only intelligible or rational purpose of religion.
The name of this victim to rashness was Merkin . He was probably a German, there is, at least, such a name in Prussia. The letter, is Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, professor of medicine at Cambridge, Leyden gave him

education; Rhode-Island had the dishonour of his birth.
The people of New-England boast much of their superior hospitality to strangers, of which this anecdote holds up a shocking sample.
Before this sorry pedant speaks a second time of religion, let him read the parable of the good Samaritan. In the Levite, who passed by on the other side, he will trace the intellectual pedigree of his own mind. When, such a character presents itself to mankind, as a paragon of piety, it is both our right and duty to wrench their vizard from the features of deformity, and to administer that typographical drubbing, which has been so hardly courted, and so richly deserved.
Foreign Intelligence,
BOSTON, May 16.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
BY the arrivals on Saturday, we received Dutch papers to the 26th March, and London to the 5th April. The verbal advices by the several masters, are however, of later date, though not definitive, on the subject of either peace or war; they are from Hamburg, as late as the 1st; from Cadiz the 12th, from Bristol, (England) the 14th, and from Gibraltar to the 18th April, which although many days posterior to our other late accounts from Europe, furnish nothing more, than that the most active preparations for war were continued in all the ports of France and England, but that the public mind, unadvised of the exact state, in which the negotiation between the two rival countries stood, was much embarrassed and perplexed. This state of doubt and uncertainty is evidenced by the subsequent statement of the fluctuation of stocks in France, as well as England.
London, March 30--April 6. Three per cent. consols 61 3-4 a 63. The last price was quoted in a paper of the 6th which captain Glover, saw at Gravesend. American flocks had fallen 8 per cent. In Paris the stocks which had been as high as 60, were depreciated to 52.
By the arrivals on Saturday, from Europe, London dates were received to the 5th of April--from which the following articles have been selected.
LONDON, April 2.
Letters from Berlin, state the arrival there of the French general, Duroc, from Paris, on the 20th ult. whose sudden appearance excited much surprise in that capital. These letters observe, that the general was said to have brought a proposal for the king of Prussia to act as mediator, to prevent a new breach between France and England; but that the king would not in any way interfere. The general was expected to stay there only five days, and then to return with all speed to Paris. He was accompanied by colonel Colberg, who was to proceed from thence, to Peterborough, as it was supposed, on a similar mission.
April 4.
Letters from Berlin, in contradiction to former accounts, state, that the differences between this country and France were expected to be adjusted by the mediation of the king of Prussia.
The Dutch papers tell their hopes of peace on the mediation of Russia, added to that of the court of Berlin. It is again stated that French troops have arrived at Breda; and the whole number of those troops which are to be stationed in the Batavian republic, is estimated at 7000.
April 5.
By a mail which arrived this morning from Hamburg, we received the following letter from our correspondent in that city:
Hamburg, March 29 half past 9 o'clock at night.
Last night, and during the whole of this day, the inhabitants of this city were in the greatest agitation and alarm occasioned by a variety of reports, which had a powerful influence in depressing the course of exchange on London.
In consequence of the arrival of a
courier from France late last night, the senate was convened, and held an extraordinary meeting, which lasted four hours. The subject of consideration was a threatening note from the French minister Reinhard, relative to the following affair: A few weeks ago, Reinhard applied to the magistrates to procure the insertion, in the Correspondent , of the manifesto from the pen of Bonaparte himself, full of the most indecent invectives against England. This production was referred to the cyncic and censor of the press, Mr. Doormann, who permitted it to be inserted, after striking out the most objectionable passages. The manifesto, thus modified, appeared in the Correspondent of the 25th instant, under the head of Paris, March 18, as an extract from the Bulletin de Paris . This, however, instead of satisfying the French minister, has provoked his utmost indignation, which is not to be appeased but by publishing it in its entire state. The re-publication in an official shape is accordingly to take place to morrow, in all the Hamburg papers, which, in consequence of an order from the government, are not to be put to press until after ten o'clock, and you therefore cannot have a copy of the manifesto before the mail of the 1st of April.
This morning we received Paris papers to the 2d inclusive. The Moniteur of that date contains the following article relative to the proceedings of the diet at Ratisbon:
The diet of the empire, in the sitting of the 24th of last month, adopted the act of the deputation of the 24th of Feb. which contains the reparation and definitive regulation of the indemnities. The conclusion of the three colleges, with the preliminary resolution of the diet, was carried in grand procession to the prince of Four and Taxis, who immediately transmitted it to his Imperial majesty.
A conclusion more interesting for the continent, has not been adopted since the treaty of Westphalia. The arrangements of that peace put an end to a war of thirty years. The conclusion of the 24th inst. terminates one of ten years, which from the importance of the events it has produced, and the numbers of the armies engaged in it, will be the most memorable of modern wars.
The funds yesterday experienced a great fluctuation. At the opening of the market they were 63 5-8, and they fell in five minutes to 61 3-4, and left off at 62 1-8. We have been always of opinion that the weight of the account has been the principal cause of the depreciation of the funds. A more formidable one was never encountered upon the stock exchange.
A letter from Brussels, dated the 24th ult. says, "They write from Dunkirk, that there, at Havre and Boulogne, several marine officers are arrived, to superintend the preparations in the dock yards, where the men work by candlelight. All the gun boats and light vessels will be again fitted out. The troops which were to be embarked at Dunkirk for the colonies, remain till further orders. Along the coast of Flanders, and what was formerly Picardy, several camps will be formed in the beginning of April."
Extract of a letter from Malta, dated February, 27.
The troops from Egypt are daily expected, as the last accounts speak of the embarkation of stores. The French and Neapolitan plenipotentiaries with about 2000 Neapolitans, encamped and cantoned without the British works, continue: those troops with them move back again, being very badly paid. The proportions of prize money attending the reduction of this island, are reported to be made out. Admiral Sir Richard Bickerton's squadron, consisting of five sail of the line, &c. arrived here last week from Sardinia.
Three thousand tons of transport shipping were yesterday taken up by the transport board.
Yesterday the western battalion of Essex militia were embodied at Caermersford, under the command of Sir W. Smith, Bart. and the eastern regiment
assembled at the same time at Colchester, under that of col. Bullock.
Five thousand French troops, according to our letters of yesterday, from Holland, have within a few days marched into Breda, but for what purpose was unknown, there is nearly an equal force at Bois-le-Duc, and other corps are advancing to the Dutch frontiers.
The letters received from Paris yesterday, were of a warlike complexion, but we have not heard that they contained any fresh matter to warrant the impression.
The transport board is about to contract for some vessels, not to exceed six sail, for the purpose, as was yesterday stated, of carrying provisions to the Mediterranean.
The Moniteur still remains in total silence with respect to the negotiation, but the French funds have experienced considerable depression: on the 29th, they were at 51. 30.
Government intends immediately to avail itself of the gallant and patriotic service of the volunteer association, and is now engaged in measures for their general assemblage.
While prince William, of Gloucester, was at Stockholm, he was invited by the king to a private dinner, and chanced to take the British minister with him; the circumstance reached the knowledge of the French president, and was by him represented to his court as a measure of political intrigue, hostile to the interest of the republic. Bonaparte, whose imprudence in the cabinet, forms a strong contrast with his discretion in the field, took occasion the first time the Swedish ambassador went to court, to address him to the following effect: "So, your master has entertained at dinner, the British minister, without inviting the representative of France: he should remember, that he possesses only rank in the third class of the powers of Europe, and should beware how he excites the resentment of the great nation."
Eighty families of distinction and property are said to be emigrating from one canton only of Switzerland to North America. A glorious proof this of the beneficial mediation of the grand pacificator. It will at least, however, have the effect of sending so many more enemies to French politics, where, by this nation, they are most wanted: good ever thus comes out of evil.
"We are still without the means for estimating the probable result of the pending negotiation. The secrecy observed by government on the occasion, is as rigid as it is creditable. All that we can collect is, that our cabinet are unanimous in the opinion that this is the most favorable period for war, provided they cannot obtain ample security for the preservation of peace. However Bonaparte has been warranted in anticipating nothing but concession, forbearance and insertion from our ministers, we will not pretend to determine; but it is very obvious, that he has been egregiously disappointed in his expectation, that he has indulged in menaces in the midst of relative impotency, and wantonly given provocation for war, without the means for carrying it on. The finances of France are in the most wretched state; the artifice of official representation may disguise the fact from those who are deemed the liberty of discussion or enquiry; but it is known, must be felt, and must influence the conduct of the government. The taxes in France are carried almost beyond the capacity of the country to discharge: yet still they are inadequate to the wants of the state. Not only is the revenue of the subject unable to heavy imposts, but his stock, furniture, and property in general are charged ten per cent. on such nominal value as the agents of the consul think proper to impute to them. Their commerce is languid, chiefly because the duties to which it is subject, are dependent on the caprice of the consul, and are consequently ever varying to such degree, that no merchant can prudently calculate on the result of his adventure. Their manufactures are feeble from the want of capital, credit and political confidence; and notwithstanding the prohibitions which oppose the importation of
British goods, they are everywhere in abundance and in demand, and cheaper than like articles can be produced in France.
These articles are introduced by way of Baise, and Belgium, &c. and the current insurance on the risk of importation rarely exceeds four per cent. Amongst numerous instances of the injurious operation of this trade which have presented themselves to our knowledge, was the following: An extensive manufactory, for refining sugar, was, some years since, erected at Marseilles, and was successfully employed during the whole of the revolution; but the accumulated weight of taxes has disabled the proprietors from competition with the English and Hamburg merchants, and they have been obliged to relinquish the undertaking.
"A gentleman who has been three months on a tour through France and who from previous residence and commercial intercourse in the country, is competent to form a correct opinion as to its present state, informs us, that the report of war every where produced regret and indignation: that the projects of Bonaparte were considered as tending to his individual aggrandizement rather than to the advantage or honor of France: and that the people, in "murmurs deep, not loud," cursed that ambition which threatened to involve them again in the horrors of war. He adds, that in no period of the revolution was the disposition of government more absolute. Towards of sixty persons of respectability at Marseilles, who had been guilty of conversing on politics, were lately hurried off to the army, and that a like system prevails in every part of the republic."
[A Lie]
[BY DESIRE.]
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
NUMBER I. (Continued from our last)
Virginia, 9th April, 1803.
To CHARLES LEE, Esq.
I speak as to wise men; Judge ye what I say. 1 Cor. 10. Chap. 15.
If I were to attempt to support my reasoning by authorities from English juriprudists, it would be objected to me, that they have no written constitution; as though long established principles (the corner stones of their constitutional edifice) revered for ages, cherished by tradition, and fortified by a series of treasured up precedents, were less clear and ascertained, than if they were collected in a Baskerville Synopsi. I shall, nevertheless, quote the learned Blackstone—"I know of no power," says he, "in the ordinary forms of the constitution, if parliament will positively enact a thing to be done, which is unreasonable, that is vested with authority to controul it. The examples usually alleged in support of this sense of the rule do none of them prove, that where the main object of a statute is unreasonable, the judges are at liberty to reject it; for that were to let the judicial power above that of the legislature which would be subversive of all government." [Black. Vol. 1. p. 91.]—On the contrary, we on this side of the Atlantic, in order to maintain the independency of the judiciary, bring that of the legislature into jeopardy. We will ascribe to this body of men, judgement superior to the great council of the nation. Lord Coke says, their parliament is the highest, most honorable, and most absolute court of justice—so say I of Congress.
Our opponents reason not only on their grossness of errors, and their blindness of judgement in most cases, but on their wanton perjury; their open violation of the constitution, regardless of their characters and their oaths; governed less in their office of legislation by the rules of the constitution, than by their ideas of expediency, and factious caprices very different was the opinion the great Forster entertained of the laws made by the representatives of the people in the time of Edward the sixth. "It is morally impossible," says he, "but that they (meaning the laws) are and must be calculated for the good of the people, and must needs be full of wisdom and prudence, since they are the result, not of one man's wisdom only, but of hundreds of excellent persons.—Against not only our representatives but our senators and the president (in given cases) we set the judgement of five, so little confidence have we in our chosen men, when, by the theory of our government, they
NOTE.
Ever since we have had a written one, every article and section almost has supplied as abundant materials for our disputants in Congress, as though it had been unwritten.

are entitled to a larger portion of it than the representatives of the people of England could, even in that day claim. The best security for the fidelity of our representatives, and the integrity of our senators, is already given, or you will admit this to be a truth unquestioned in politics. That the utmost security a constitution can give for the observance of its own regulation is a good security." The people choose their representatives biennially; the different state legislatures appoint their senators the peculiar guardians of the rights and independency of the states, and electors chosen by the people choose a president every fourth year. The interests of each body are intimately knitted with their constituents, nay, impossible to be separated any further, than by that thin partition (which in a government so popular as ours is, is thin indeed) the governors and governed. The men chosen to these high and important situations are the most eminently distinguished citizens in the different states. We have a right to assume this; distinguished for their prudence, their wisdom, and their virtue; tried and approved men. Such are the men we send, or are supposed to send, to perform the duties of their different public situations. They act under the solemn obligations of an oath. They have the eyes of Argus, day and night, open upon their conduct; exposed to the censure of their constituents, as well as to the reprobation of their constituents, who can discontinue them, at the expiration of their short term of service. They are under the impulse of similar feelings, and similar interests, subject to the same law, the same taxes; not one of them place men, and all of them aspirants to popularity; add to this, that each house has the power of a negative over the doings of the other in legislative questions, and the president the limited veto over both. In the name of heaven! what greater security can be given by any human provision for the observance of its own regulations, than is here given by this instrument? How absurd then is our jealousy or our refinement? The one or the other carries us to require a better, than a good security, when from the very nature of things, the utmost that can be given is only a good security. Let us now for a moment admit, that Congress will not intentionally make any law in violation of their sacred trust and the constitution, however from inattention, or error in judgment, on some indifferent and unimportant occasion, a law deviating from the constitution may be passed, and which requires the microscopic eye of criticism to discover it. The interference of the judiciary here would not surely be necessary; if, on the contrary it be a cardinal law, and they pass it knowingly, in violation of their oath; when it comes to this, what do they propose? To break the compact and subvert the government. Do you think then that the civil determination of the judges will aught avail? No Sir, when it comes to this, other tribunals, than five judges must be resorted to. A people who deserve liberty and have it, ought to know how to preserve it; if they do not, and willingly bend their neck to the yoke, they ought to lose it. But the people here have the most peaceable mode, even in the extreme case above stated, to right themselves—'discontinuance in office'—should they continue such violators of their trust, it only shews, that they are ripe for a revolution, and willing instruments of their own destruction. When it comes to this we are undone. Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis, tempus eget. I have before stated a case where the president refused his assent to a bill; and where it has afterwards, notwithstanding his objections to its unconstitutionality, been, by two thirds of each house enacted into a law, and then brought before the judiciary tribunal, who agreed with the president, and put the seal of suspension on it. I will now consider another case, the repeal of the late judiciary system. Suffer me, however, to premise, that no man estimates more highly than I do the judiciary character, nor is more convinced, than I am, of the propriety and wisdom of rendering this venerable body independent. But I fear, Sir, this cannot be done in a government, as popular as this is. Judges must have the feelings of humanity, and some of its imperfections; it is impossible for them to become so abstract and apathetic, as not to take a concern in the great affair, which are most interesting as well to them as individuals, as to the great society; they cannot then but discover their learning; nay, their politics were known, probably, before they ascended the bench, and probably, after their elevation, were not altered. A party of opposite politics to those entertained by them, become the predominant party in government, to whom these judges are on the ground of their political sentiments, most extremely obnoxious; part of them, on the reality or pretence of expediency, by a repeal of a law are cashiered; the rest are watched with a green eyed jealousy, and upon the very first wink of opportunity they are impeached; when the temper of the majority is such as I have described it, the sentence of guilty will follow. We cannot help this; it is the imperfection of our humanity, but, nevertheless, it is not less true. Where then is the independency of your judiciary? I return now to the consideration of the repealed law. The first question made, was as to the con-
stitutionality of the measure; to insist it was unconstitutional, seemed to involve this absurdity, that an act passed by one legislature, or by one session, could not be repealed by a subsequent one, and that after the office was abolished by this repeal, that the officers existed; admit this solecism, this absurdity, do you not then, by denying this power in the legislature impair its independency, and restrain never was before imposed? It follows then, that it cannot [except by its own discretion] and ought not, in the performance of its legislative functions to be restrained. On the contrary say the friends of the judiciary, you cannot constitutionally repeal this law, because the inevitable consequence of this would be to destroy the independency of the judges, which ought forever to remain inviolate. The judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour; while they observe this conduct, they have a right to hold their offices; this provision must be unconstitutional. This was proved (nay proves itself) mathematically almost by Mr. Chipman in the senate. You see the dilemma; if you admit (and who can deny) that one legislature is competent to repeal any law made by a former, it follows, that the repeal of this is not unconstitutional; and yet, when it is repealed, it dismisses judges from their courts, whose 'good behaviour' never had been questioned, whether constitutional or not (the expediency of the measure we have no concern with) was the question in debate; the majority determined it to be constitutional. This is the opinion of the Connecticut Council Reipublicae, and the people (it would seem) agree with them, for not one of the representatives or senators have been discontinued for advocating this measure. Permit me, Sir, to draw your particular attention to what I am about to observe. Will the judiciary, if this law be questioned before them venture to pass on it a censure of unconstitutionality? I ask you, if there be one of them, who entertains a shade of doubt on its unconstitutionality? They do not. Can they annul it, or suspend it? No. Can they restore the judges? No. Can they right them? No. Can they assist them in the recovery of their salaries? No. There are no appropriations; no officer to sue; have not the present judges by sitting in the courts of the ex-judges functioned the law? If they venture to declare it unconstitutional, and thereby check its effect (which in the present case might not be the consequence of such a declaration) would they not be impeached, and as surely as impeached cashiered? But, if by the constitution, they had this power, would it be feeble and inoperative in some cases and like the darts of the aged Priam 'Telum imbecille sine ictu?' and in others operative and effectual? Nay, Sir, had such power been attached to their department it would have spoken with efficiency in all cases, and the constitution would have prescribed a mode of exercising it, in all cases; it would have refused it, in any and every case from the insignificance of being a 'vox et praeterea nihil.' I infer, then, on the most legitimate principle of reasoning from this opinion, they have no such power. The question as to the late law is at rest; until the question of repeal may arise. The great council of the nation have determined it, and the people go along with them in their opinion. It may be thought singular for me to defend the decision of the majority, when I found it so often against me. 'I admit,' says the great statesman, Mr. Fox, 'that the majority is not infallible, that they may sometimes oppress the minority and that the minority would be justified in resisting such oppression, even by force; but though not without exception, the majority in every community must decide for the whole, because, in human affairs, there is no umpire, but human reason. The presumption is also, that the majority will be right. What is the criterion of truth, but the general sense of mankind? Even in mathematics, we proceed from certain axioms of the truth of which we have no other proof, but that all mankind agree in believing them. If then, what all agree on, be admitted to be true, there is a strong presumption, that what many, or the majority agree to, is true likewise.'  To this we must submit, and who would have supposed that in a merely popular government, as ours is, any attempt would have ever been made to blink such a criterion, and admit an accumulation of precedents which will render, or later an austere obligatory? I have an apprehension of an abuse of power proceeding from our present federal judiciary; I concede to them all the qualities which appertain to the character of judges, 'knowledge,' 'piety,' 'impartiality,' No, Sir, I have no fear of it but what security have we, that their successors will succeed to their virtues? Besides this, the principle is in a government constituted like ours, inadmissible; and I deny, by the compact, that any such power is conferred on them. Our great Henry agreed with me in opinion, and col. Innes our late attorney general flattered me by confessing my arguments had made a convert of him. My most worthy and beloved friend, Mr. Arthur Lee, as learn-
ed as he was acute, and as profound in his judgement, as he was quick in his conception, united with me in this opinion. There are two more gentlemen of distinguished talents (who are now alive and therefore I forbear to mention their names) who have agreed with me for twelve years, that no such power as the judiciary claim, have they a right to either by the words or the spirit of the constitution; but I, only a common Layman, have ever offered any objections to the public consideration on this highly important subject. My motives for this discussion are not ambition, vanity, spleen nor envy. I hoped, before a solemn decision on this momentous question had been given, to draw the attention of the learned in the law, to the discussion of it, and from the collision of opinions and different topics of argumentation, to have produced conviction. But this hope has been baulked by a late adjudication, by which a clause in an act of Congress is suspended, a brief examination of this decision shall be the subject of my next letter.
An Unlearned Layman.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 22 nd . 1803.
ERRATUM.
IN P. 1. Column 4. line 9. from the bottom, for is read was . Line 3. from the bottom of same column, for the letter read the letter writer . P. 4 Column 3. line 32. from the bottom for "curiosity those," read "curiosity of those." Line 18 from the bottom, for neighbouring , read neighbouring . Column 4. line 23. from the top, for off read off . Line 29 from the top for elbow read elbow . P. 4. Column 1. line 9 from the bottom, for Eastern , read Eastern . Column 2. line 27, from the bottom, for climed read climbed . P. 4, Column 34, from the top for force , read force .
ANOTHER STROKE UNDER THE FIFTH RIB;
THE PRESIDENT AGAIN.
THERE have of late been various complaints that this paper did not contain its wonted quantity of original matter. We beg leave to mention the cause. One of the editors met with an accident, about seven weeks ago, by which he lost four pounds weight of blood, or thereby. An evacuation so enormous would have sent many people into eternity. The patient fainted three times in the course of a few hours. After such an adventure, it was not in the course of nature that he could, in a short time, recover the vigour either of his mind, or body. He is, however, almost well, and, as the sailors phrase it, he will endeavour, by the most vigorous exertions, to bring up his lee-way . In next Wednesday's paper, you shall have eight columns, or perhaps ten: and the same quantity, in the Recorder of Saturday following. If we had not been long accustomed to the indulgence of our fellow citizens, these complaints or our not writing so much as usual, would have been highly flattering. We now proceed to the proper business of this article.
All the world remembers the story of the pasteboard tender in payment of a sum of money, which Thomas Jefferson made to Gabriel Jones. The old gentleman having seen the Recorder, determined to give our narrative the seal of his authority. He has transmitted a manuscript to Richmond, which will appear in the Virginia Gazette of next Tuesday. He therein explains all the circumstances of avarice, of ingratitude, and of baseness, which, in the course of this transaction, distinguished and disgraced the character of Thomas Jefferson. We had long since challenged and denied his excellency to meet us on this charge in a court of justice, and in a suit for defamation. The certificate of the honest Welshman, who is now eighty one years of age, will supersede all future occasion for language of this kind. See now whether the Recorder tells lies? Mr. Jefferson has recently found him-
self under the deplorable necessity of writing a fresh letter to Mr. Walker, with another percurrimus . This is in consequence of the racket, which the Recorder had raised about the affair. What would this unfortunate figure give to recall the moment, when he refused to repay Callender his fine? Chastisement was promised; and the promise has been kept with the most rigid punctuality. It seems that general Henry Lee was the bearer of a challenge from Mr. Walker to our beloved president. For very good reasons, the publication of the documents has for some time, been suspended, but they will appear in due time; and if we shall hear any more chipping about BLACK SALVY, we shall bring down from A. Bernarile, a whole pamphlet of depositions.
Such, O democrats! is the faithful portrait of your favourite hero!
FROM THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.
DEMOCRATIC ARITHMETIC!
NO wonder we see so many bare-faced, unqualified, palpable falsehoods started in the democratic bulletins, and see them gulped down by their humble and obsequious spellers, readers they cannot be, or they certainly would see and despise such gross imposition, as is practised upon them. The editor of the Aurora and his humble minions have so long galled them with garbled treasury accounts , and other extravagant falsehoods, that they find it immaterial in what garb a lie is presented to them. All that's necessary is that it should be boldly asserted and then the thing, is unquestionable. To doubt it after this, would be little less abominable than to wish for an union of honest men . The following lying statement is making the tour of the democratic papers without any danger of detection from the arithmetical acquirements of their readers, and is fresh proof in addition to many others, of the above position. It relates to the recent election of governor in Connecticut. It runs thus:
  "For Trumbull, 14373   "Kirby, 7114   "Majority this year, 657*   "In 1802, 11368   "Trumbull, 4523   "Kirby,   "Majority in 1802, 7845*   "Majority in 1803, 657   "Increase of republicanism, 1,137†   To cap the climax the statement closes thus: "Republicanism is doing well in Connecticut, notwithstanding the lies and misrepresentations of every tory federalist."  NOTES. * True majority, as the reader will clearly perceive, 7,124, making a difference of only about 700, which out of 70000, "more or less," is quite moderate to a democracy. † True majority, 6,453 a difference of only 1000, which no reasonable federalist ought to complain of. ‡ This is ten fold! Increase of republicanism 1,313! Now this is doing the business handsomely, just as the democrats like to have it done. It is equal to Danee's treasury accounts! The increase turns out to be a decrease on the side of democracy, a gain of 379 to the good old principles of federalism, and a difference against democratic arithmetic of just 191! But "republicanism is doing well in Connecticut." Yes, my bones, and so it is in Virginia, but it is a republicanism as different from democracy, as truth is from falsehood, or sincerity from hypocrisy, and it "is doing well" in spite of ministerial influence and the lies and misrepresentations of tory democrats.
SALE OF PRINTS & LOOKING GLASSES
MRS. ATKINS being about to return to Philadelphia, respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen of Richmond and its vicinity, that on Saturday the 21 st of May, at 10 o'clock, in the large room above col. Gamble's Room, she will dispose of her Prints and Looking Glasses at public sale; they are very elegant and will be sold for cash. May 20, 1803.
IRISH LINENS.
The subscribers have just received a large shipment of 7 8ths. and 4 1/4ths. Irish Linens, which they offer for sale on very low terms. Also a few Bales of best Twill'd SACKING. GILDIAT & KIRBY. Richmond, May 14 th . 1803. 1m. w. 5.
* Mr. Fox's speech on reform, 7th May, 1783.

American Intelligence.
COOPERSTOWN (N. Y.) March 31.
TRULY AFFLICTIVE.
On Tuesday afternoon, the 22d March, during the absence of Benjamin Norton and his wife, of the town of Butternuts, to attend the funeral of their only child, a boy about 5 years old, who had lately fallen with a knife, the point of which had passed through his hat and penetrated his skull, so as to occasion the aid of doctor White, who trepanned the injured parts, but too late--the child died: and in the moment of their last painful attention to their deceased infant, his house took fire, and all the moveable property, other than the cloaths on the back of himself and wife, was entirely destroyed.
NEW-YORK, May 16.
THEFT IN THE POST OFFICE.
Mr. John D. Martin had put into the Saturday's mail a letter addressed to his correspondent, Henry P. Franklin, at Providence, R. I. and had had the precaution to take a witness with him to see it done; the letter had been rated as doubted, and thrown into the proper pigeon hole; but on making up the mail afterwards for Providence, this letter was missing. An alarm ensued, and much ineffectual search was made for it. Mr. Bauman, the postmaster, on being made acquainted with the circumstance commenced an examination of the pockets of all the assistants in the office, but met with nothing to confirm his suspicions against any one in particular. But Mr. Bauman, going soon afterwards into the necessary, he there discovered a letter lying open in the bottom of the vault, which was produced, and turned out to be the identical Providence letter, purporting to contain 800 dollars. He hastily returned to the office with it in his hand, and it was recollected that one of the assistants, who had gone to breakfast, had taken occasion to go into the yard soon after the alarm was given. He instantly sent for him, and confronted him with the letter; he denied it still; he was then taken before the police, and there he confessed his guilt. He added, that had Mr. Bauman proceeded far enough he would have found the money upon him at his first examination, as he had it then concealed in the knee of his pantalettes, but that in his perturbation he had seized the first moment after he reached home to throw it into the fire to prevent detection. This was found to be true, by questioning a little girl, who saw him burn paper directly after he came in. The name of this unhappy young man is William H. Burbide, son of a foreigner, who resided some time since in Hartford, Connecticut.
MAY 18.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
Captain Low, of the English ship Stranger, arrived yesterday from Hull, informs us, that the 2d instant, on the banks of Newfoundland, he spoke the British packet Arabella, out 20 days, from Falmouth bound for this port, to touch at Halifax, the captain of which communicated the following intelligence. That he sailed from Falmouth on 10th of April, when the aspect of affairs was the same as stated by our last advices. Dispatches were frequently exchanged between the courts of France and England, but their contents was a profound secret, and the impression and preparations for war continued with unabated activity. Colonel Barclay, the British consul general for the middle and eastern states, was a passenger on board the packet.
In consequence of recent intelligence from England, a heavy press of business has been made at Halifax.
PHILADELPHIA, May 19.
FROM ENGLAND.
Late last night we returned from alongside of the ship Roebeck, cap-
tain Kelly, 40 days from Liverpool. Captain K. sailed from Liverpool, on the morning of the 6th April, and is the bearer of but one loose paper, which is a Liverpool print of the 5th. Enclosed London papers are to the 4th of April, a file of which we have received from a commercial friend; but they contain no additional information on the momentous question of peace or war.
Captain Kelly reports, that on the morning of his departure, (April 6th) information was received in Liverpool, which produced considerable agitation among the merchants. The purport of this information he had not time nor opportunity to obtain; but the impression he imbibed was, that it was of a war-like tendency.
Since the above, we have learnt, that the Roebeck's merchant, at Liverpool, the moment of Captain Kelly's departure, on the 6th, informed him, "that the information received that morning from London, was more indicative of war than any thing that has been received subsequent to the king's message."
LANCASTER, (Pensf.) May 19.
On the 20th ultimo, the following melancholy circumstance took place in Mahoning township, Northumberland: a lad about 12 years of age, a relation of the rev. Mr. Dunham, was sent up stairs to get some corn to feed creatures: unfortunately, the candle which he had in his hand, caught some tow in the room. The boy alarmed the family; and the fire was entirely extinguished as they supposed: But, dreadful to relate! about midnight the fire broke out a second time, and the house with every thing in it, was reduced to ashes. The mother-in-law of Mr. Dunham, and the lad who was the unfortunate instrument of the mischief, perished in the devouring flames. The wife of Mr. Dunham, and a young man about 20 years of age, were so much injured, that their lives are despaired of. This fatal accident should serve as a warning to every family, and every individual, and convince them that too much care cannot be taken to prevent the ravages of this destructive element.
Since writing the above, we are informed, the young man is dead.
FROM THE NEW-YORK GAZETTE.
POPULAR DELUSION.
THE effects of names is always found to be great. A certain party in this country, by calling themselves republicans, have been able to delude such a portion of the people as to raise themselves to the highest fears in the government. To assist their ambitious projects, they have denominated their opponents monarchists. Thus has it happened, that the real friends of the country, the men of talents and virtue, and the framers of the present constitution, have fallen into disrepute, while those who violently opposed the adoption of the constitution, have no just views of policy, and are steady to nothing but their own aggrandizement, have claimed to all the poits of honour. The people have been suddenly carried away, merely by the names; many of them without knowing their import, and without reflecting to what party the one name, or the other, is most properly applied.
This infatuation is the more strange, because the men throughout the states, and particularly in this state, who have been loudest in their cry against oppressive government, are those who are known from their estates, dispositions, and habits, to be the most lordly of all others. Some of them possess large tracts of land, live in palaces, and have numerous dependants. If any doubt, let him consider for a moment, the slave holders in Virginia, let him look at the stately piles which rear their heads on the eastern banks of the Hudson river.
It is not monarchy which the people have to fear. It is a vile aristocracy or an iron-handed despotism. While they are looking one way, it is insidiously approaching from another, and that with rapid strides. The leaders of the Je-
fersonian and Clintonian party perfectly understand the business, and are pursuing the proper measures. If they can carry the people with them for a little while, anarchy must ensue, and some daring adventurer seize the rule; or the states will be divided among a few. The federalists have ever had the most just sentiments on government, and are the greatest friends to the people. This the people will one time or other feel: it may be when it is too late. The frenzy is so general, so great, and so long continued, that no one can tell where it will end.
AN OBSERVER.
DESCRIPTION OF A FARCE, ACTED BY ALL MANKIND.
THE world is a theatre: mankind are the comedians; chance composes the piece, and fortune distributes the parts--theologians and politicians govern the machines; and philosophers are the spectators. The rich take their places in the pit and upper boxes; the powerful in the front and sides, and the galleries are for the poor. The women distribute fruit and refreshments, and the unfortunate snuff the candles. Folly composes the overture, and time draws the curtain. The title of the piece is Mundus vult decipi, ergo decipiatur --"If the world will be deceived, let it be so."--The opening of the farce begins with sighs and tears: the first act abounds with chimerical projects of men--The frantic scitify their applause with re-echoed bravoos, whilst the sagacious bring their catcalls into play to damn the performance. At going in, a sort of money is paid, called trouble , and in exchange a ticket is given, subscribed uneasiness , in order to obtain a place. The variety of objects which appear, for a short time, divert the spectators; but the unravelling of the plot and intrigues, well or ill concerted, force the risible muscles of the philosophers--We see giants who presently become pigmies, and dwarfs, who imperceptibly attain a monstrous height. There we see men exerting all their efforts in the pursuit of the most eligible plans, guided by prudence, and armed with precaution, who are, nevertheless, circumvented in all their pursuits, and frustrated in all their endeavours: whilst here we observe a group of indolent, careless fellows, who attain the highest summit of mundane felicity.
Such is the farce of this world, and he who would chuse to divert himself with it at his leisure, should take his place in some obscure corner, where he may unobserved be a spectator of the whole performance, and in safety laugh at it as it deserves.
MATHEWS, THE HERMIT, OF NORWOOD.
THE eccentricities of the above unfortunate old man have for a number of years been the subject of much curiosity those who have visited Norwood and its vicinage. Upwards of 25 years ago he obtained leave of the governors of Dulwich Common, to form himself a dwelling, on their ground, in the neighbourhood of Sydenham Common and Dulwich Wood. This dwelling, which was the child of his own fancy was far secluded from any other and consisted of an excavation in the earth, thatched in with fern, &c. In this cave or hermitage he lived for a series of years, his daily employment being to work in the gardens of the neighbouring gentry, by whom from his simplicity of manners, he was much liked. He always returned to his cave to sleep, and on Sundays used to sell beer to such as curiosity might lead to visit his cell, of whom, in the summer, there were many. About five or six years ago, however, some villains, instigated by the same motive that probably occasioned his death, (an idea that he was possessed of money) broke into his cave, beat him in a most dreadful manner, and, agreeably to his own account, robbed him of 12s. For upwards of a year and a half after this he deserted his abode, and usually slept in the stables or haylofts of those for whom he had been at work. Drawn, however, by some strange im-
pulse, to his former mode of life, he returned to his cave, the construction of which he altered by digging it with a mouth resembling an oven, into which he had just room to crawl, and when laid down, he contrived to press his feet against a board, which, placed at the entrance, served for a door. All these precautions did not, however, save him from the further attacks of his enemies, for on Tuesday morning, 28th December, he was found, near the entrance of his cave, dead, with his jaw-bone broken in two places, and a severe wound in his cheek. The body was discovered by some boys, who, at Christmas time, had always made a practice of paying the old man a visit; he was covered with fern, &c. and under his arm was an oaken branch, about six or seven feet long, which it is supposed the villains put into the cave, in order to hook him out, as the hook part was found broken off, which exactly matched with the stick, and from the nature of the wound in his face, it appears likely the hook had been hitched into his mouth, there being a hole of the size of it quite through the cheek; and in dragging him to the mouth of the cave they must have turned the body, as his head, when discovered, was outermost. His jaw was broken; and, as is the opinion of a professional gentleman on the spot, the extravasated blood getting into his throat, caused suffocation. The deceased had been at the French Horn, at Dulwich, on the Monday evening, and had changed half-a guinea there, great part of which change he is known to have had about him when he went home, none of which was to be found, as his pockets were turned out. A secret pocket, of which none of his acquaintance had any knowledge, did not escape the prying eyes of his murderers, as it was also turned out. Matthews, the deceased, was near 70 years of age, and supposed to have been induced to adopt this singular mode of living from the affectionate remembrance he entertained of a departed wife, by whom he had one daughter, doing, as we understand, tolerably well in London. He was generally liked in the neighbouring villages, and remarked for the simplicity of his manners, and the punctuality of his dealings; from which circumstance some of the gipies, perhaps, who infest the vicinity of Norwood, might be led to conceive him worth money. Three men of the description, have been taken up on suspicion.
Lond. P. Jan. 5, 1803.
SONG FOR THE LADIES.
THE MAID WITH ELBOWS BARE.
Let tasteless lovers chant their lays, To please the modest full dress'd fair; The talk remains for me to praise The charming maid with elbows bare.
Her ruddy cheek, her sparkling eyes, Her coral lips, her jetty hair, All, all are charms I highly prize, But not so much as elbows bare.
The unrec'd bosom--neck of snow-- May tempt the ill-bred clown to flare: But first-rate beaux, w'th deference bow Before the maid w'th elbows bare.
Some ladies fsw the uncle's shape-- A fashion too, not very rare: Others expose a pretty nape; But mine's the maid with elbows bare.
Let her, in that loose flowing robe, Which flutters and flutters in the air; Reflect, a heart she ne'er will probe, Unless she leaves her elbows bare.
When winter storms are drear and cold, And keenly blows the northern gale; When muffs and furs the limb-enfold, Still trips my maid with elbows bare.
When summer's scorching heats prevail, And veils shut out the sun's bright glare, Still, still my maid will never fail To go with graceful elbows bare.
In winter, summer, fall or spring-- In weather, either foul or fair-- In day or night--the charms I sing Of my sweet maid with elbows bare.
SIMPSON.
(Hudson Paper.)