The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-06-20 00:00:00

To which His Excellency was pleased to make the following reply:
To the Committee of Officers appointed to present an Address, &c. to his Excellency the Commander in Chief.
GENTLEMEN,
I received with sentiments of the most lively gratitude, the valuable testimony of the esteem and attachment of the army, with which they have honoured me. This mark of regard is peculiarly flattering to the officers of an army, whose meritorious services throughout this campaign, must ever entitle them to the highest respect and honour.
In the hour of severe trial, next to that Providence who protects us, I have entrusted to the invincible firmness, steady support, and unexampled gallantry of my army, and the distinguished success which has in every instance crowned our exertions, has fully justified my entire confidence and firm reliance.
I shall with pride and pleasure, reflect upon those situations, in which we have together maintained the honour of our king, and the glory of our country. The possession of this valuable testimony of your attachment, will serve to awaken those sentiments of esteem, gratitude and affection, which are already too deeply impressed on my mind, ever to be forgotten.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Your humble servant, (Signed) G. LAKE. Head-quarters of the British army, Nehmeda, 21st Dec. 1803.
MR. WINDHAM'S EARTH ADMIRAL SPEECH IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT AGAINST THE VOLUNTEER SYSTEM.
Mr. Windham said that he thought the system that was pursued tended to absolute ruin. The question was not, as had been stated, whether we should pass this bill, or disband the volunteers. If this bill was never passed, we would still have the volunteers. He would go still further, and say that, even if the exemptions were taken away, this would not dissolve the volunteers, though it might possibly diminish their number considerably. The object of this bill was the improvement of the discipline of the volunteers. Against an immediate attack, this provision was worth nothing. It would be some months before it could produce any effect. The supposition that our present erroneous military system could not now be changed rested on two points: first, that the danger of invasion was so great and immediate, that nothing could be done but to stand and meet it; and secondly, that a period of more leisure would come when this danger blew over or was overcome. As to the first, our practice was at variance with every such belief. If we were convinced that the danger was immediate, we were doing a thousand things that we ought not to do (passing this bill among the rest), and neglecting a thousand things that we ought to do. As to the second, he deprecated the idea of being so entirely engrossed with a sense of present danger, as to have no regard to the future. But there were two species of the present danger, one that was tremendous but for the moment.
Hoc momento Cita mors venit aut victoria lata.
The other, which however formidable at the onset was but the commencement of a long series of perils. Such was the present. It was therefore, not sufficient to provide for our security against the dangers of the present day, but also to take into consideration those of to-morrow, and every succeeding day to a very distant period. This was a war in which our situation was not to be compared with what it would be in time of peace, but what it would be in any other war. It was a war in which we were not a wife or good system, but we relied on the danger of changing it. It was the case of a general who had his army drawn up in a bad position, and who saw there was no danger of changing, but if he saw that in that position he was likely to be attacked, and if attacked he must be defeated, surely he would think it wise to change. It was the same case with a ship at sea, going right before the wind; if the put about at once there was danger of her upsetting, but if she was on lee shore and certain destruction was the consequence of her going forward, she would certainly prefer the risk of putting about. If the alteration could not be made now, when the enemy may certainly be on our coasts, how could it be made six months hence, if every means of cutting up the best and only secure description of our military force was constantly pursued. Dissolving a volunteer force was not like dissolving an army. The volunteer was still to be in the same place, with the same limbs, and the same heart, though possibly wanting some of his present trappings. He objected most strongly to the confirmation of the exemptions in the present bill. It would tend more effectually to keep in the volunteer corps, those young single men whom it was most essential to have exposed to the ballot, the dread of which was often a very strong motive with them to enter into the regular army. The vexatious provisions of the bill would on the contrary, drive out all those whom it was most essential to keep in the corps, because they were not exposed to the ballot of the older men and men of families. He condemned the idea of bringing the Volunteers to meet the enemy in regular battle. It was a mistake exactly similar to this which led the country to William the Conqueror, at the battle of Hastings; a place that ought to be a warning to those who would now put their trust in so fallacious an idea. The Vendéens gave up their country to be ravaged, and their villages to be burned, because they could not help it; they did so for the purpose of attempting a course of which they feared, we could not avail ourselves, in case of any disaster under the present system. He certainly allowed it was the best way to meet the enemy at once, and beat him. But this was like the receipt for running a race, to take the lead and keep it. [A laugh.] The Vendéens had never once attempted to fight as a regular army, except on one memorable occasion, when they met to march to Granville, to the number of forty, fifty, or as some said eighty thousand men for the purpose of receiving the supplies of arms which they expected to be brought them. It was on this occasion that the French armies took the advantage to crush them in such a manner that they were never after able to make any formidable effort, though they yet sustained themselves by a noble energy. It was once considered whether they should again meet their enemies in regular battle; but it was considered by all their generals, that they would have much disadvantage in a regular conflict with troops so far superior to them in arms and discipline. They had again recourse to that warfare in which the enemy could not reach them, in which they were in the situation of the ghost who says "a sooner shalt thou the keen air with thy trunchon blade divide than me." By that system they still eluded the force of a power which subdued all Europe, and which did not subdue them till it had subdued all Europe. He considered the sort of discipline the volunteers would obtain a disadvantage. It brought to his recollection what Pope said of Cull's circumlocution—the ceremony was interrupted, and he was left half circumcised, which in the Jewish law was worse than not being circumcised at all. It had been said on this subject on a former occasion that "a little knowledge is a dangerous thing."—AUSTIN NON CONTENDIT AUT PERIT. The system in his opinion, ought to be entirely changed. The French guards, so often cited as a justification for regarding the volunteers as regular troops, were employed at first in garrison towns, in escorting convoys, or perhaps murdering prisoners in cold blood; but they were not placed in front of the battle, till they were become regular troops; till they had been eighteen months in regular service, not like the volunteers here going fifteen miles in a stage coach to exercise, not doing regular military duty. This was particularly the case at Jemappes where the battle was fought in November, 1792, and
the national guards that fought them were those raised in the beginning of 1790. The object of this bill was to perpetuate the volunteer system, which was impossible without changing its character. The volunteer spirit was the essence of the zeal of the moment which could not be lasting. Accordingly when it was wished to perpetuate the system, it was found necessary to have recourse to bounties and penalties. He agreed that exemptions were not the motive of the volunteer system. Most of them were made when the men were told they were to have no exemption, or at least told to rely on none. The honourable gentleman proceeded to observe, that the exemptions allowed in the bill went upon the principle of no pay no Swiss. It had been contended, that no impediments arose in the way of recruiting; would any gentleman, say that was the fact, and that the present measure did not go the length of completely stopping the recruiting of the line, when a bounty of fifty guineas was given for a substitute in the army of reserve, and with this large price, that army was the other day short of its complement no less than 14,000 men. It was a mockery to say that men would go for a term of years in the line for the bounty of 10 guineas, when the interests of their families were so deeply concerned, and an opportunity was afforded them of benefitting them so materially by entering into the army of reserve for a period only of four years. The present volunteer system is a body in which corruption must naturally breed, it was a sort of Infant Serpent, a Herculean Ministry, and not an Infant Hercules strangling the Serpent (A. LAUGH). He alluded to some late transactions in which some mischief had been done in a certain county rioting in consequence of crimping, and tho' he was not one of those who
thought the nation could not thrive. 'Till every rioter be burnt alive, Yet he must reprobate a measure which gave birth to this species of rioting and which tended to breed disturbance among the soldiers of the line. A bill, which in his opinion was a new Mutiny bill, printed on fine white latin. He ridiculed the measure in toto, and described it having been formed in a smithy near Westminster-hall, where every one was at work at it, and among the rest the Attorney-General hammering away and fetching it up with John Doe and Richard Roe, affixing him (A LAUGH). He was fully satisfied, that out of barren moor like this, not one good crop could be got, and the more convinced of the folly of resorting to it, when such a rich and abundant field presented itself as the army. The right hon. gentleman concluded with expressing his opposition to the whole of the system.
SCRAPS OF EUROPEAN NEWS.
In a late number of the Gazetier De Londres a paper published and edited by Frenchmen under the authority of the British government, is the following article, under the head of an extract from Paris.
The prefect of the Police yesterday seized two of the first consular servants. Their examination lasted four hours. Bonaparte was in an adjoining closet during the whole time. The prison to which they were consigned is not known. They were in custody of Chasset commissary of the police, attached to the palace, accompanied by two gens d'armes . Those who pretend to be in the secret say that they were found in the kitchen, while one of their accomplices contrived to engage the attention of the cook. Two others of the palace have in consequence of this detection been dismissed, but without examination or arrest.
The Spanish ministry which was reported to have undergone some changes at the close of 1803—it seems stood in the early part of 1804—as follows. The prince of peace out of the ministry, but continued in the office of Generalissimo of the forces. The ministry continued to be composed of Cevallos secretary for the foreign affairs; Castillejo , secretary of justice ad interim; Escoiquiz , secretary of the treasury; Granadella France, in room of D'Azarra then in bad health since dead. The daughter of D'Heraes is the wife of Duroc the confidential friend of Bonaparte.
The ministry of Portugal has undergone a sensible change by the resignation of the count d'Almeida , who had the direction of foreign affairs; this department is now entrusted to Viccount Balsemão , as well as that of the interior which he before held. M. De Souza d'Anadi , retains the departments of the marine, colonies, and of war. D'Almeida's removal is attributed to an illicit dependence on G. Britain .
General Hedouville formerly well known in the United States, and subsequently in the W. Indies, continues to represent the French government and the court of Peterburgh.
Gen. Paulre an aid de camp of the French ambassador Hedouville , has made a tour of the shores of the Euxine sea, the interior of the Crimea, and the Grecian coasts of which he had made a report to the prince Constantine , brother to the Emperor of Russia, which was well received. Gen. Paulre was in a few weeks afterwards despatched to Paris by his principal.
Gen. Paulre prior to his departure from Petersburg was presented on the public parade to the Emperor Alexander, in order to take leave. It is said he received a letter from the Emperor, to be delivered personally to the first consul.
MALTA, Feb. 10.—It has hitherto been the custom when the subjects of neutral powers were found on board a merchant ship, taken under the flag of an enemy, to liberate them on being claimed by their respective consuls. The English naval commandant has acted contrary to these principles, and has refused to deliver up a Danish sailor found on board a Dutch prize, though claimed by the Danish consul.
M. D'Entragues , lately counsellor of the Russian legation at Dresden, has been ordered to quit that court. This is the same M. D'Entragues in whose possession was found the correspondence of Pichegru for delivering up the position and camp he commanded near Hugenau to Gen. Wurmser .
The first consul gave a private audience a few days ago to rear-admiral Latouche Treville , who is just arrived from Marcelles . Undoubtedly the unhappy capture of affairs at St. Domingo , was one of the principal subjects discussed at this audience: another might be the projected expedition against England . The invasion will certainly be attempted: the execution of it is expected—is provoked by the English. So far as peace in the present crisis, that the last pacific reports which were in circulation in London were treated by the English papers either as Rufes de Guerre on the part of the enemy, or as proofs of a sense of weakness. Need we have much knowledge of the human heart to foresee the effect of this reciprocal irritation? Will not France take up the glove that is thrown down to her? The first consul is determined to do it, and the shock will be terrible. Hence, so far from concealing any longer at Paris the bitter invectives of the English Journalists against the republic and the first consul, the Official Journal publishes them word for word, and the other papers copy them as so many accusations against England. In this extremity, it is not necessary to say, that the two contending governments are using every effort with other powers, hitherto tranquil spectators of the contest, to interest them directly in favour of their cause. The Mercure de France has drawn the following picture of this diplomatic movement. We fee it, besides some interlacing facts, the manner in which the whole is represented in France:—As certain fatigued and harried animals endeavour to draw into the chace with them other animals of the same species, in order to deceive, or divide the attention of the hunter, so does England pervade all the powers of Europe to ascertain whether any of them will have the complacence to partake her perils and her situation. Here she terrifies the grand Seignor by the pretended preparations of France , destined against Macedonia or the Archipelago : she endeavours to save herself from the effect of her manoeuvres in Egypt
by telling the grand Seignor with much naivete, that he ought to be despoiled by her, for fear of his being plundered by France . There, she solicits Russia to assume, at least in appearance, a hostile attitude; she would willingly charge herself with the government of the Russian Cabinet, & give it a minister of foreign affairs of her own making. The courts of Vienna , Spain , Berlin , and Naples , are not neglected; they hear repeated without ceasing, the old common place of the ambition of France and the disinterestedness of England . These manoeuvres happily remain without success; every power has been deaf to these illiberal insinuations. In spite of England , M. D'Entragues has received orders to quit Dresden ; Count Woronzow , the Russian ambassador, is not going next spring to assume the administration of the foreign department. Spain and Portugal aspire, as well as Naples , to raise the blessings of repose; Vienna and Berlin are more than ever determined to take counsel only for themselves. What is called in Europe the English party is falling more and more into discredit. We have even room to hope that the northern courts will measure back their precipitate steps which made them abandon the great principles established by Catherine the second relative to the armed neutrality. It is certain, at least, that our ambassador at Vienna has delivered a detailed pro-memorial upon the subject; he demanded at the same time that the court of Vienna should come to an understanding with other neutral powers, in order to determine and adopt the principles established in the memorial. It is added, that a similar step has been taken by all our ministers at the courts of Peterburgh , Berlin , Stockholm and Copenhagen . It is said that a Russian officer arrived lately at Copenhagen , with important dispatches from his government for the Russian minister at our court. We cannot say whether these dispatches relate to the question submitted by France ; but it is probable. Yet it is doubtful whether there have been any communications respecting the armed neutrality between the cabinets of France and Russia , through the medium of the Russian ambassador at Paris ; for he has for a long time had no communication with the French government, till within these few days, when he sent a note to M. Talleyrand to inform him officially that his master had conferred upon him the order of St. Andrew . He is to quit Paris immediately; but he will not have quitted it till after having received from his court a signal proof of the emperor's approbation of his conduct, which on the contrary seems to have displeased the French government so deeply as to induce them to desire his recall.
West-India News.
BOSTON, June 8.
SURRENDER OF SURRINAM.
BY the fch'r. Jane , capt. MEAGHER , arrived in Quarantine Road in 23 days from Surrinam , a Dutch paper was received, which contains the articles on which that place was surrendered to the British on the 4th ult.—It is signed by Gen. Green and Com. Hood , on the part of the English , and Col. Batenburg , on the part of the Dutch . The Dutch garrisons were permitted to march from the forts with the honors of war; the officers to retain their arms, the soldiers to ground their's, and to be sent to Europe as soon as good vessels could be procured, but not to carry arms against his Britannic Majesty . Article 5, proposed that no Dutch soldier should be employed in the British service—the answer was, that no Dutch soldier should be enlisted unless he was willing. The inhabitants were to be protected in their lives and property.
The following Proclamation was issued after the British had become possessed of the place.
PROCLAMATION. Whereas the settlement of Surrinam , and its dependencies, has surrendered, to the arms of his Britannic Majesty , and thereby become a Colony of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland , to ensure to the good inhabitants of this place, to conduct themselves with regularity and tranquility, and as becomes the loyal subjects of his said Majesty . We do further give them the fullest assurance, that their professions, and property shall in every respect be secure, and protected, for which purposes the strictest orders have been given to the troops—and that the interests of the inhabitants of Surrinam , as his Majesty's subjects, have been particularly recommended to us.
We do also make known to all persons that the government of this colony and its dependencies is to be held by Major General Sir CHARLES GREEN , until his Majesty's pleasure is known.
Given under our hands at Head quarters Paramaribo , the 7th May, 1804, and in the 44th year of his Majesty's Reign. God save the King.
(Signed) CHARLES GREEN. SAMUEL HOOD.
In a Proclamation, dated May 8, Gen. Green declared, that the laws, customs and usages, as they existed at the period of the colony being given up to the Batavian Government are to remain in force until his Britannic Majesty's further pleasure shall be known.
The JANE and several other American vessels, were ready for sea when the British appeared before Surrinam , and were detained 18 days, until the capitulation of the place was completed. We understand that some opposition was made to the English forces.
KINGSTON, April 23.
The American sloop Nancy , Boyd , from St. Marc's bound to New-York , with coffee and logwood taken by a French privateer, and retaken by the armed fch'r Union , arrived at Port Royal on Saturday evening.
The American schooner Vulture and Polly , from St. Domingo bound to Baltimore , with coffee, captured by the French fch'r. Paulin of one gun, and 33 men, and retaken by the French frigate, arrived on Sunday last.
The fch'r Eliza , Atkinson , from Savanna la Mar to New-York and St. John's and belonging to the latter port, has been captured by a French privateer off Cuba .
PORT-ROYAL, May 5.
The American brig, Drake Captain Wm. Wilson , which arrived yesterday week from Norfolk , ( Vir. ) was on the 7th ult. brought to by a small fch'r off the island of Tortudas . The schooner without hoisting any colours fired several musket shot and ordered the capt. immediately to come on board with his papers, which he did, and during the time he was on board the fch'r, a boat, having four men armed with cutlasses, was sent on board the brig, who took possession of her and rummaged the cabin, opened the captain's and passenger's trunks, and having found a quantity of letters, amongst which was a packet for Admiral Duckworth , one of the fellows put it in his pocket, & afterwards broke open a parcel of newspapers, also directed to the Admiral, from which he took one. His Majesty's ship Delire , heaving in sight, they returned to the fch'r. and left capt. Wilson to proceed on his voyage. The men who went on board the Drake , spoke French , but there were several Spaniards on board the schooner.
His Majesty's ship Delire arrived yesterday, with an American Schooner re-captured by her.
COMMUNICATION.
The unfortunate colonists of St. Domingo , after
having bitterly wept over the fatal massacres lately committed at Cape-Francois , defended the course of their forces to pay to Mr. Donon (the late American Vice Consul at the Cape ) that tribute of gratitude and admiration which is due to his noble and spirited efforts to save, at the risk of his own life, many of our wretched countrymen.
We find growing out of the above horrid catastrophe new proofs of that generous, humane and loyal character which Mr. Donon constantly professed among us, and for which we little expected this occasion to tender him our most sincere esteem. (Signed, &c.) [MR. ADV.]
Letters from Trinidad , received on Thursday by the schooner Hanoon , mention that a French fleet had been seen off that island; it consisted of fifteen sail, among which were four full of the line, the rest frigates and transports, full of troops; they were much alarmed at Trinidad , as the information was brought there by a government vessel. [Nov. Her.]
Domestic Intelligence.
MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY JUNE 4.
A petition, praying for an Exchange Bank, in Boston, was committed to a joint committee, consisting of Messrs  Storer and Prefcot , of the Senate; and Messrs  Abiel Smith , Morton and Biglow , of the House.
TUESDAY, JUNE 5.
Agreeable to assignment, the Senators and Representatives, assembled together in the House: when His Excellency the Gov. came in, and delivered the following
SPEECH.
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
The obligation which we have taken upon ourselves, to perform the public duties incumbent on us agreeably to the rules and regulations of the Constitution, requires us, to protect our fellow citizens in the enjoyment of their lives, liberty and property; and demands of us an exact observance of the principles of the Constitution, and a constant adherence to those of piety, justice, moderation, temperance, industry and frugality, in the formation and execution of the Laws necessary for the good administration of the Common-wealth.
An impartial distribution of justice to all the people, is of the highest importance to preserve an equality among them: and enable them to enjoy that liberty, which under the protection of law secures their lives and property: and to unite them more closely together, and attach them more firmly to the State.
A people enjoy the most perfect civil liberty when the government, under which they are placed, is of their own choice; when they conform to laws which are enacted by themselves or their Representatives, and when no duties are enjoined, and no restrictions imposed by those laws, which are not conducive to the general happiness.
It is obvious then, that nothing is more opposite to liberty, than licentiousness.—Wherever there is liberty, the people are subjects, not of men but of the Constitution and Laws; for liberty consists in doing only what these permit. It forbids us to allow ourselves in any pursuits which are injurious to others, for if such permission was given to us, that within the limits of law and justice we may act according to our own choice, and take such measures, as we believe are conducive to our own happiness. The people therefore are free, so long as they are under the restraint of equal and just laws: But their freedom is lost, when the passions of men are unrestrained, and the laws are violated with impunity. The reign of justice is then over, and there is an end of manners, liberty, and virtue. To escape from this state of licentiousness, the people in some countries, submit to the control of a single tyrant, because they think it more tolerable to have one tyrant than a thousand. In a free State, therefore, the citizens ought to be guarded against the attempts both of indifference men, who, from a mistaken zeal for liberty, would introduce anarchy and confusion; and of ambitious men, who assume the garb of patriotism, and employ their talents to inflame the passions of the people, and excite their contempt of decency and order.
Upon order, the public happiness is founded; without it, society is a state of violence; and to maintain it, is to refrain injustice and oppression; to guard the life and property of one man against outrage from another; to protect the simple and innocent from the attempts of artifice and fraud, and to produce such a state of tranquility, that the most defenceless among the people may be safe, under the protection of government.
The principle of equality among the citizens, is recognized and established by the Constitution. It is an equality of rights which ensures the same protection to each individual, and requires that all men of every description shall be amenable to justice. It results from equal government and impartial laws, when the way to honour and preferment is open to every one; but by the distinction of merit and capacity. But an equality of property never can exist, until all men have the same faculties, and are equal in prudence and industry; and even if they were perfectly similar in these respects, still their property would be unequal, unless Providence should smile alike upon the labours of all, and grant to every man an equal share of prosperity.—The inequality of property therefore arises from the nature of things and not from any defect in the form or administration of government. All that the best government can do, is to prevent that inequality which fraud, oppression or violence would produce.—To encourage frugality, and as far as justice and the Constitution will permit, to restrain luxury and profusion; and to protect the lawful possessions of every man, so that each may enjoy the fruits of his labour in perfect security.
But though a spirit of equality is favourable to public happiness, an extreme degree of it is sometimes injurious and disgraceful. This happens, when manners are exceedingly depraved, when upright magistrates are no longer respected, and parents and public instructors are treated with rudeness and insolence, when the child behaves proudly against the ancient, and the bat against the honourable, and the natural and necessary distinctions in society are degraded. The terms LIBERTY AND EQUALITY, in their true and just import describe essential Rights in a Republic, which ought to be absolutely preferred and cherished; but they are so liable to misconstruction, and have been understood in such different senses, that I presume you, Gentlemen, will not think it unworthy of you, to assist our fellow-citizens in forming correct opinions concerning them. For if on these points they should entertain mistaken ideas, they might be in danger of losing substantial benefits, by aiming at those which are imaginary.
In some nations, the genius and habits of the people seem not to admit of a free Government; they appear to be incapable of that just and reasonable obedience to the laws which is necessary in a free state. Few indeed have been wise enough to enjoy perfect liberty with moderation. How far the people of the United States are possessed of this wisdom must appear from the experiment they are now making, upon the issue of which, every thing valuable to us depends.—You, Gentlemen, I have no doubt but will be solicitous to contribute to its success, by a faithful discharge of your duty. But all the efforts of legislative wisdom will not be sufficient, without the aid of those institutions, which form the manners and morals of the people; and which tend to inspire them with veneration for the Supreme Being, with reverence for just authority, and respect for themselves.
I have received a letter from the Justices of the Supreme Judicial Court, representing, that in the act of the Legislature making further provisions to them personally, and as it affects their official responsibility. That these considerations have induced on their part a critical examination of the arrangement of the terms of the Court proposed by the act, and a consultation together upon the probable effects of the system in other views of it; the result of which is a conviction, that the arrangement is in a great degree impracticable, and that the operation of the system will not, in any degree proportionable to the inconveniences of it, promote the good intentions of the Legislature for the more effectual administration of justice. They have also stated the system which upon consideration they believe most conducive to the security of the citizens: and in order to communicate their ideas with more precision and accuracy, they have transmitted to me two bills, which comprise the particulars of that system. The letter and the bills will be laid before you by the Secretary; and I presume, you will consider the subject with that degree of attention, which is due to the importance of it, and to the opinions of the Magistrates by whom the alterations are proposed.
In the course of this year there will be an election of President and Vice-President of the United States and it will be incumbent upon the legislature at the present session, to direct the manner in which the Electors on the part of this state shall be appointed. But Gentlemen, it is unnecessary to mention the particular subjects which now require your notice. They will occur to your recollection, and I am persuaded, that you will attend to them with the fidelity and zeal, which an enlightened love of your country inspires. For myself, I shall be solicitous to deserve the confidence, with which the people have repeatedly honoured me, by co-operating with you in such measures, as shall tend to render the state respectable, to promote justice among our fellow citizens, and to secure to them a life of quiet and tranquility.
CALEB STRONG.
June 5, 1804.
The Speech was committed to Messrs. Upham , Morton , Jackson , Tucker , (of P.) and Montague , to report a suitable address in answer thereto.
A bill, in addition to an act, for incorporating Hugh McLellan and others, into a company, by the name of the Marine Fire and Marine Insurance Company , was read a third time and passed to be engrossed.
Wednesday, June 6.
A great variety of private and local business was transacted this day. Allen , is a committee to consider that part of His Excellency's Speech which relates to the Judiciary.
Extra of a Letter from a gentleman in Tripoli to his friend in Paris, announcing the destruction of the United States frigate Philadelphia.
"On the 16th instant, (Feb. 7.) we despatched from the town ( Tripoli ) two vessels, but both so disfigured, as to prevent our discovering of what nation they were. The smallest having the appearance of a merchant vessel, boldly entered the port at half past 9 in the evening; and having taken some disguised Turks on board, they returned in the language of the country, of those in the Philadelphia frigate, to suffer them to anchor alongside, which was immediately granted, and even assistance afforded in bringing the vessel to her moorings.—No sooner was this effected, than an hundred well armed Americans leaped on board, cutting down every one that opposed them, when the more prudent saved themselves by leaping into the sea & swimming to the shore. Almost instantaneously the frigate was in a blaze, and the final vessel again cleared out of the port. The enterprise was conducted with so much expedition, the object was effected before orders could be given by the Bey, although he saw the burning from the window of his palace. Nothing I am told, can be compared to this unavailing anger in order however, to spend his rage on some object, he has ordered an additional portion of labour to the fore mast men of the Philadelphia , and the officers are so closely guarded, that even communication by writing is interdicted them. I see it not for his hopes of a heavy ransom, they would most assuredly experience, some more distressing marks of his displeasure."
NEW-ORLEANS, April 23, 1804.
Since the revenue laws of the United States have been put in force here, business has assumed a new aspect. Trade appears to be brisk. Vessels which have been dismantled are repairing and rigging: the shore exhibits the appearance of a continued ship-yard; while the levee displays from day to day a great variety of merchandise lading and unlading, from the vessels; at times it seems covered with cotton from the market to the upper gate. A large and fine ship belonging to J. P. Mericault, Esq. has been registered under the laws of the Union, by the name of the Thomas Jefferson — M. Portier, Esq. has given one of his ships the name of the Governor Claiborne —and to another that of the General Wilkinson .
The captain of a schooner in three days from New-York, informs, that the two French frigates were at the watering place, and that next day he perceived a British

Miscellaneous.
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
June 9, 1804.
At a public commencement held in this semi-
nary on Wednesday last, the degree of Bachelor
of Arts was conferred on George Andrews, John
M. Hauckel, Edw. Lowber, John Lowber, John
Cole Lowber, Matthew Matthews, Robert M.
Patterson, and Edward Tilghman.
The following gentlemen were created Doc-
tors of Medicine, having previously presented
their inaugural dissertations, and defended them
before the trustees and medical faculty of said
university:—
1. William Durlington, of Pennsylvania, on
the mutual influence of habits and disease.
2. Elijah Griffiths, of Philadelphia, on ophthal-
mia.
3. Whitmel H. Pugh, of North Carolina, on
the supposed power of nature in the cure of dis-
eases.
4. Stithins Firth, of Philadelphia, (a native of
Salem, New-Jersey) on the malignant fever of
North America, with an attempt to prove its
non-contagious nature, from reason, observation
and experiment.
5. Phineas Jenkins, of Pennsylvania, on the
analogy of the Asiatic and African plague, and
the American yellow fever.
6. William Shaw, of Philadelphia, on the au-
tumnal epidemic of 1803.
7. Audria Brockenbrough, jun. of Virginia, a
botanical, chemical essay on two native species
of laurels.
8. James Archer, of Maryland, on the effects
and modus operandi of the carbonates of lime,
magnesia, and pot-ash.
9. John Ruh, of Philadelphia, on the causes
and prevention of sudden death.
10. John Parker, of N. Carolina, on fractures
of the leg.
11. John H. Camp, of Virginia, on the use of
mercury in fevers.
12. John Hopkins, of Virginia, on dysentery.
13. James Cocke, of Virginia, on the exten-
sive inflammation which attacks wounded ca-
vities.
14. Peter Miller, of Philadelphia, on the
means of lessening the pains of parturition.
15. Edwin A. Atlee, of Pennsylvania, on the
influence of music in the cure of diseases.
The degree of Doctor in Divinity, on the Rev.
John M. Mason, and Samuel Miller, of New-
York.
The exercises were as follows:
1. The Liturgical oration by M. Tilghman.
2. A forensic dispute on this question: Whe-
ther, in civil causes, a determination by referees
be not preferable to the present mode of trial by
jury? In the affirmative, Mr. Patterson: in the
negative, Mr. Andrews.
3. An oration on the advantages of a liberal e-
ducation, particularly to men in important pub-
lic stations; by Mr. J. C. Lowber.
4. An oration on the use and value of classi-
cal literature, by Mr. J. Lowber.
5. An ironical oration on the absurdity of
good breeding in a republic, by Mr. Andrews.
6. An oration on the love of fame, by Mr.
Hancock.
7. On the folly and wickedness of resisting, on
any pretence whatever, a government which is
once established, and mildly and constitutionally
administered; by Mr. Tilghman.
8. An ironical oration in praise of drunkenness,
by Mr. Patterson.
9. The valedictory oration by Mr. Matthews.
The following extract from Miss Seward's Life
of Dr. Darwin, lately published in Phila-
delphia, contains a pointed and excellent an-
swer to the Doctor's visionary notions, con-
tained in the Chapter on Instinct, in his Zoo-
nomia or Laws of Organic Life.
"D. Darwin read his chapter on Instinct
to a lady, who was in the habit of breeding cana-
ry birds. She observed that the pair, which he
then saw building their nest in her cage, were a
male and female, who had been hatched, and
reared in that very cage, and were not in exi-
stence when the mossy cradle was fabricated, in
which they first saw light. She asked him how
upon his principle of limitation, he could ac-
count for the nest he then saw building, being
constructed, even to the precise disposal of every
hair and thread of wool, upon the model of
that, in which the pair were born, and on which
every other canary-bird's nest is constructed,
where the proper materials are furnished.
That of the peychne, added she, is of much com-
pacter form, warmer and more comfortable.
Pull one of them to pieces for its materials—
place another before these canary birds, and see
if they will make the slightest effort to imitate
their model! No, the result of their labours
will, upon instinctive, hereditary impulse, be ex-
actly the slowly little mansion of their race—
the same with that which their parents built be-
fore themselves were hatched. The doctor
could not do away the force of that single fact,
with which his system was incompatible; yet
he maintained that system with philosophic fur-
diness, though experience brought confutation
from a thousand sources.
Milton's third wife was the daughter of Mr.
Minshall, of Nantwich, in Cheshire. She had
an unhappy temper, but so fine a complexion,
that a French gentleman who once paid him a
visit, said, Monsieur Milton, your lady is like
the rose. "It may be so," (replied the poet with
a sigh) but I am so unhappy as to be blind, and
alas! I have never found any thing but the
thorns.
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been
deemed expedient to change the form of
the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of
the United States; that from the 24th day of Ju-
ly next, those of the new form will be issued at
the custom houses to every vessel, for which ap-
plication may be made on a compliance with
the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the
former passport of which they may be possessed,
if any, in which latter case no fees will be re-
quired for the exchange: and that by an arrange-
ment agreed upon by the Barbary powers with
whom we are at peace, either the old or the
new form of passport will be sufficient to pro-
tect the vessels of the United States, from cap-
ture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the
old form of passport will be unavailable and the
new one alone in use.
Department of State, }
22d of May, 1804. }
The printers of the laws of the United States are
requested to insert the above in their Gazettes
twice a week for the space of five months, and the
Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted
up in their offices.
June, 3.
WANTED AT THE
EAST-TOWN,
A YOUNG MAN, well qualified to act as
BAR-KEEPER, one coming well recom-
mended, will meet with liberal wages on appli-
cation to
ESME SMOCK.
RICHMOND, June 4, 1804.—1awew
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND:
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 1804.
COMMUNICATED FOR THE ENQUIRER.
Vindication of Virginia.
NO. II.
THE American States had effected by their
combination, what they would in vain have ex-
pected from their separate efforts. They had
united their councils and their arms in the sup-
port of their common rights; & the exertions of
all, had succeeded in securing the liberties of
each. They had waded hand in hand through
all the calamities of a long and sanguinary war;
they had exhausted a large treasure, and much of
the best blood of their respective inhabitants in
this perilous pilgrimage; but they had at length
arrived at the land of promise. They had rais-
ed themselves from the humble condition of Bri-
tish colonies, to the elevated rank of free and in-
dependent states. Each had acquired for the
others the inestimable privilege of crowning
their united exertions and their common victory
by the formation of free and provident constit-
utions. Would it not have been ridiculous for
them, instead of enjoying all the blessings which
were thus profusely spread before them; instead
of generously contending which should best se-
cure their free constitutions by a wise and vigi-
lant policy; to enter into the useless controver-
sy of which state had made the greatest exertions
during the revolution, and which had deserved
the greatest merit for the victory they had joint-
ly obtained? If the circumstances of the times
had inspired in some a greater zeal, or imposed
upon others a stronger necessity of contributing
more than their proper quota to the war, of
what mighty moment was it that the propor-
tionate merit of each state should have been accu-
rately adjusted? To have ascertained the pecu-
niary expenditures of the different states, might
have been the dictate of sound policy; because
they had no other scale to calculate the propor-
tion of the public debt which each of them
should be called upon to discharge. But how
would the public interest have been promoted
by counting up the drops of blood which each
had generously shed for the common wel-
fare; or bringing into the field of comparison
all the heroes and politicians who had success-
fully adorned the annals of our country; and of
entering into the elaborate, fruitless, and queru-
lous enquiry, whether the southern, western, or
northern inhabitants had most highly deserved
the meed of heroic achievement or enlightened
policy? Surely the ambition of any one state
would have been sufficiently contented with al-
lowing to others, and wearing on its own hon-
oured brow, a single leaf of the laurel,
without claiming the exclusive honors of the
victorious wreath. This was the obvious duty
which every consideration of strict justice, or an
enlightened love of our country should have
contributed to have imposed upon them; and
which all the sympathies of the American cha-
racter, nurtured by a common war and federal
government would have inclined them to ob-
serve. Twenty years had passed over with-
out producing any systematic attempt to in-
vestigate the relative merits of the states dur-
ing the revolutionary war; and the disgraceful
effort to interrupt this liberal disposition has
been reserved for the period of the few last
months.
Let all the honors of this attempt be given
to those federalists of the northern states who
have anxiously aspired to a dissolution of the
union. They have called in all the ungenerous
arts of misrepresentation to assist them in the
execution of their schemes. They have not been
contented with asserting that the southern states
had adopted a set of interests unfavorable to the
interests of the northern inhabitants; and that
Virginia was at the head of this southern
confederacy. Their exertions have taken a wi-
der range. They have laboured to bring the
most profound contempt upon her national
character, by casting into shade all the virtues
which have ever been attributed to her inhabi-
tants, and by drawing at full length all their
imperfections. They have contrived to deline-
ate a picture, which should combine the wildest
ambition with the most contemptible cowardice
and inactivity. They have thought it necessa-
ry to the success of their schemes, that the state
of Virginia should appear "shorn of all the
beams" with which her revolutionary exertions
had encircled it and which had hitherto given
it such distinguished lustre in the American con-
stellation. They have turned over the pages of
the American history for the purpose of proving,
that her exertions during the revolution were not
commensurate with her own resources, or equal
to the exertions of her sister states. Far be it
from me to detract from the well-earned honors
of the other states, acquired during the revolu-
tion. Far be it from me to say that their achiev-
ements have been eclipsed by those of my own
countrymen; yet I may without prejudice or
vanity express my belief, that they do not
possess superior lustre in the annals of our
country. To settle this point, let us once
more resume these historical documents. Let
us enquire, not whether Virginia has made great-
er exertions and deserved higher glory than the
other states; but whether she has not at least
contributed an equal effort to the consummation
of American independence. Let us examine
this subject in regard to her political measures,
and to her military exertions.
POLITICAL MEASURES.—All the colonists
from England had brought with them the same
spirit and kind of political freedom, which has
e animated in some degree the inhabitants of
that country, and which the British constitution
is in some respects calculated to inspire. They
brought with them the important maxim that
the legislative power of the country at least
should be conferred on men of their own choos-
ing, and that the right of passing laws for the
settlement of financial arrangements should be-
long to this elective body, uncontrouled by the
legislature of the mother country. If we look
into the charters of the different colonies, or if
we examine the specific instructions given by
the English proprietaries to their agents in Ame-
rica, we shall find that either the right is ex-
pressly given, or provisions are laid down, for the
election of a house of delegates, or a house of
burgesses, or a general court, or a legislative un-
der some name or other. We shall find too that
the right of laying taxes upon themselves, ac-
companied by fewer or more modifications in
the different colonies, was originally reserved or
subsequently obtained, by this representative body.
When the colonists of Great Britain had
settled in these states, their remote situation
from the native country & the independence of
their new pursuits must have contributed to cher-
ish this independent spirit, and to increase their
vigilant regard for the right of governing them-
selves. It is no wonder, therefore, that the ear-
liest history of the British colonies has recorded
in any proof of the free and jealous temper
of their inhabitants. As far back as the year
1630, "the Virginians refused to submit" to the
British power, "till articles of surrender had been
agreed upon, by which it was stipulated among
other things that "the general assembly, as for-
merly, shall convene and transact the affairs of
the colony. Virginia shall be free from all taxes,
customs and impositions whatever; and none
shall be imposed on them without the consent of
the general assembly." Pursuing the histor-
ical chain of events, and passing by among other
incidents the parliamentary act of 1764 for lay-
ing an impost upon sugar and other foreign pro-
duce for the plausible purpose of raising a reve-
nue towards defraying the necessary expenses of
defending the British colonies; an act which
the Massachusetts Assembly first took into con-
sideration, and to attempt whose repeal they fo-
licited the best exertion of their agent in Lon-
don; we arrive at the celebrated stamp-act.
This act was intended to try the relative strength
of the British government and her colonies.
The ministry publicly declared "that it was in-
tended to establish the power of Great Britain
to tax the colonies." The political affairs of
this country had never witnessed a more critical
era. Had the colonies submitted to the opera-
tion of this stamp-act, they would have acknow-
ledged the authority of Great Britain to tax
them in all cases whatsoever. From the settle-
ment of financial arrangements, the House of
Commons might have proceeded to make laws
for them in all cases whatsoever. Instead of see-
ing ourselves the most free and gallant nation up-
on earth, we might at this day have dragged the
dishonorable chain of the lowest vassal of Great
Britain. Resistance to the stamp-act or uncondi-
tional submission thus became the obvious & only
alternatives which we presented to our country-
men. In those "times which tried men's
souls" did the virtue and energy of Virginia
sleep? Did the consult the indolent policy of leav-
ing other states to assert their common priv-
ileges? Or did she listen to the seductive voice
that would have persuaded her to conciliate the
affection of the English ministry by a passive obe-
dience? No. She boldly stepped forward in the
hour of danger. The genius of Patrick Henry
suggested the energetic expedient which was to
save the colonies from servitude and ruin. It
was none of those impetuous piddling expedients,
which might relieve them from a temporary em-
barrassment; such as instructing an agent in Lon-
don to petition for a redress of grievances. It
consisted in a bold announcement of the funda-
mental principles of our government. The
Journals of the house of burgesses have register-
ed the resolutions of Mr. Henry. Under date of
May 30, 1765, we find the Virginia Legislature
declaring that every attempt to vest the power
of laying taxes and imposts in any other per-
son or persons whatsoever than the general as-
sembly, is illegal, unconstitutional and un-
just; that the inhabitants of a colony are not
bound to yield obedience to any such law or
ordinance; and that any person who shall
vindicate the usurper of such power, by
speaking or writing shall be deemed an e-
nemy to the colony. The impression, which
these resolutions made upon the public
mind was correspondent to their noble spi-
rit. "Mr. Hutchinson governor of Massachu-
setts his correspondent, "nothing extravagant
appeared in the papers, till an account was re-
ceived of the Virginia resolutions." Mr. Hughes
writes "the fire began in Virginia." Gover-
nor Barnard, "the publishing the Virginia res-
olutions proved an alarm bell to the disaffected;"
another, in his letter to Mr. Secretary Conway,
from New-York, "the resolutions of the assembly
of Virginia gave the signal for a general outcry
over the continent."—Can any act of the Vir-
ginia legislature be found upon their records,
which does not breathe the same persevering spi-
rit, and which did not serve to fortify the cou-
rage of their countrymen? When the resolu-
tion passed the House of Commons, for trans-
porting to the mother country every inhabitant
of Massachusetts Bay, whom the governor might
suspect to be guilty of treason, in order that
he might be tried "within the realm, pursuant
to the statute of the 35th year of Henry VIII,"
were the Virginians found absent from the post
of sacred duty and general patriotism? The
Massachusetts assembly was not in session when
the resolutions reached America; but the Vir-
ginia House of Burgesses entered upon the sub-
ject, with all their wonted zeal. Their resolutions
of the 16th May, 1769, solemnly declared that
"fending any person, residing in the colony, and
suspected of any crime whatsoever to places be-
yond the sea, to be tried, is highly derogatory of
the rights of British subjects." They unani-
mously entered into a private association, which
they recommended to all merchants, gentle-
men, and others, to subscribe "against import-
ing any goods taxed," and many other articles.
This spirited conduct animated the des-
pairing, and communicated new vigour to the
bold; and the assemblies of several states quick-
ly imitated the illustrious example.—When the
English ministry, unconscious of the danger
which hovered over the empire, or unawed by
its approach, still pursued their rash projects,
and compelled the colonies to enter into new
measures of defence, and combine their efforts
in the common cause, Virginia again appeared
in the front of opposition. In the beginning of
March 1773, the House of Burgesses appointed
a committee of eleven persons who should main-
tain a correspondence with her "sister colonies"
on all the subjects which related to the common
cause. It was on this occasion, that the legisla-
ture of Massachusetts paid a just tribute of re-
spect to the exertions of the Virginians. "They
came to several resolutions and were careful in the
first, to speak highly in praise of Virginia. They
appointed a committee of fifteen members, and
directed them to "prepare a circular letter to the
Speakers, requesting them to lay the same before
their respective Assemblies, in confidence that
they will comply with the wise and salutary res-
olutions of the House of Burgesses of Virginia."
—Let us pass by all the intermediate and subor-
dinate measures, which gave birth or vigor to
the revolution, and let us approach that splendid
epoch, from which we may date our first exi-
stence as a free and independent nation. The de-
claration of independence had been long medi-
tated and canvassed by the citizens of our coun-
try, but it was destined to assume an official form
in the legislature of Virginia. On the 15th of
May 1776, "when there were present 112 mem-
bers, it was resolved unanimously, that their De-
legates should be instructed to propose to Con-
gress, that the united colonies be by that re-
spectable body declared free & independent
states." On June 15th, the New-Hampshire
representatives unanimously agreed to join the
other colonies in the same declaration. On
July 3d, the Massachusetts Assembly passed a
similar resolution.** It was on June 7th 1776,
that the first motion was made in Congress for a
declaration of independence, by Richard Henry
Lee, one of the Delegates from Virginia; and
it was on the 4th of July that this celebrated
instrument, ascribed to the pen of Thomas Jef-
ferson, was agreed to and adopted.—Let the
northern federalists then review the long series
of revolutionary measures, let them examine the
records of the state assemblies and of Congress,
and then let them produce if they can a single im-
portant question, on which Virginia deserted the
great polar principles, that had directed her po-
litical progress. I would even extend the terms
of my challenge further, and call upon them to
produce a single state, whose political measures
have manifested a purer, more vigorous and more
persevering opposition to the usurpations of
Great Britain, than those of this respectable and
much vilified state.
MILITARY EXERTIONS.—The history of past
times, enables us to ascertain with much more
precision, the relative merits of the different
states in the cabinet than in the field. We have a
complete register of the first in the records of
their state assemblies and of Congress. By com-
paring the different dates when political measures
were first proposed, and the majorities by whom
they were adopted, we can easily determine
which state had first perceived the danger, and
which was the most resolute in opposing it.
But the operations of the war have been re-
corded with much less distinctness and precision.
The historians of the revolution have generally
been satisfied with giving a satisfactory view of
the consequences of each military manoeuvre,
of the officers who conducted it, and sometimes
of the particular regiments who were engaged in
its execution. But they have not always stoop-
ed to inform us, what was the number and what
the value of the troops from the different states, nor
what proportion of the success and defeat of
each operation was due to various lines of the
army. Had even the most minute account
been preferred of their separate exertions, had
the number, and the courage of the troops from
each state been faithfully recorded, and their pec-
uniary expenditures been accurately adjusted,
we should still have been unable to calculate the
military spirit and active patriotism of our differ-
ent countrymen. The war frequently shifted its
ground. The army of the invaders often varied
the points of attack, and sometimes the northern
and sometimes the southern quarter of the
Union came within the range of its fury.
—Wherever the scene of the war was laid, the
exertions of that neighbourhood or that state
were necessarily the greatest. The provincial
militia, embodied for the purpose of defending
their own frontiers, flew to the scene of imme-
diate danger; and even the regular army, who
were composed of troops from the different
states, and whose duty it was to march to dif-
ferent parts of the country, wherever there was
an enemy to meet, generally enlisted a cer-
tain number of provincial troops in the state
which demanded their assistance. It would not
have been surprising then, that the money and
troops advanced by each state should have varied
in the different periods of the revolution, ac-
cording as the theatre of war receded from, or
came within their respective frontiers. Except
a few petty insurrections which arose from the
machinations of lord Dunmore, and the defec-
tory invasions of the Indians on the western fron-
tiers; Virginia did not experience many of the
dangers of war, until several other parts of the
union had been exposed to its ravages. Thus,
even if its exertions were found unequal at the
commencement of the revolution, to those of
her sister states; if she had exhausted less blood
and treasure in the defence of their common li-
berties, we should attribute the disproportion ra-
ther to the circumstances of the times than to
any want of military ardour or enlightened pa-
triotism. We shall not, however, place her
conduct during the war upon this foundation
only. She can advance much higher pretensions
to military merit. A slight sketch of the opera-
tions of the war will clearly demonstrate, that
the conduct of her officers and regular troops,
was not a little contribute to the triumphs of the
revolution.
The commander in chief of the continental
forces was unanimously selected from her inha-
bitants. The glorious title of the war, has
sufficiently determined how well General
Washington deserved that distinguished hon-
our.—At the battle of Brandywine, when
the American troops were so severely pressed
by the British army under Sir William Howe,
the Virginian line acquired considerable honor.
"The whole brigade," (says Gordon ††) "ex-
hibits such a degree of order, firmness and reso-
lution, and preserves such a countenance in ex-
tremely sharp service, as would not discredit ve-
terans." In the next page of this historian we
find "that Gen. Greene has been rather dis-
satisfied with Gen. Washington's omitting to
take special notice of Weedon's brigade, in ge-
neral orders, for its bravery."—The battle of
Princeton is associated in the mind of every Vir-
ginian, with the heroic valour and unfortunate
fate of Gen. Mercer.—We need not blush at the
conduct of our troops, in the action at German-
town.—The victory of Gen. Morgan and his ce-
lebrated riflemen over Lieut. Col. Tarlton at the
battle of the Cowpens, throws a new lustre upon
the Virginian name. By this victory "the despon-
ding friends of America in the southern states were
reanimated; and enjoyed a seeming resurrection
from the dead."†† In the action at Guilford
Court-house, where Gen. Greene acquired such
distinguished reputation, the Virginia continen-
tals and militia constituted the greater part of
the army, and deserved at least an equal share
of the honour.—When Lord Cornwallis inva-
ded their state, he experienced an opposition too
fatal to his cause, and he found himself compel-
led to resign at York-Town his reputation with
his sword to the commander in chief of the Ame-
rican army.
But why pursue any further this historical investi-
gation? Why expatiate any longer upon the political mea-
sures or the military achievements of Virginia?
Why continue the invidious office of discriminating
between the distinguished worthies of the differ-
ent states? Why should we dwell upon the ac-
chievements of a Washington, a Mercer, or a Mor-
gan, when we are equally willing to incorpo-
rate with our affections the illustrious services of
Hancock and Adams, Gates and Green, Montgomery
and Warren? Let such odious distinctions be confined
to those federalists of the north, who wish to erect
their petty interests upon the dissolution of the union.
Let it be the exclusive province of such men to indulge
their over-flowing mortification in the following
strains: "The inhabitants of this part of the country
know too well what Virginia courage is, to quake at its
restraint."§§
The time will come when a foreign enemy will me-
nace this Country. Perhaps the day is not far off; for
the people are rich enough, and the government pub-
licanous enough to invite an invader. How small we
then be protected?—By the Southern States? Take
away those whites who must remain to watch over the
slaves, and how many will there be to act against the
enemy?—Officers enough?—Yes, the South is the
seat of our privileged orders. But Soldiers? As be-
fore, in the yeomanry of the Northern States. Who
fought the battles of independence? Who freed Vir-
ginia and the Carolinas from the British troops when
aided by their slaves? It was the men of the North—
the now defined vassals of the South."§§
* Bland's Enquiry into the Rights of the Bri-
tish Colonies.
† Gordon's History of the American Revolu-
tion, Vol. I. page 125.
‡ Ib. p. 149. § Ib. p. 184.
|| Ib. p. 223. ¶ Ib. vol. 2. p. 84. ** Ib. p. 88.
†† Ib. vol. 2. p. 240. ††† Ib. p. 162.
§§ Rarford [Con.] paper. ¶¶ Boston Repertory
A letter, received by a commercial house in N. York,
desires them not to ship some coffee that had been or-
dered for a Danish port, as it was very generally be-
lieved, that in a few days a French force would occupy
Tommingen, and all the other Danish ports that neigh-
bourhood!
††† No mail farther north than Fredericksburg
by the Monday stage. The northern stage had not
arrived yesterday, when this paper was put to
press.
—MARRIED—
On Monday evening last, by the Rev. Mr.
Blair, Mr. JAMES WILSON, of Mecklenburg
County, Merchant, to Miss SUSAN PRICHARD,
only daughter of Mr. William Prichard, Book-
seller, of this city.
We learn, that the request of Mr. Livingston,
our ambassador at Paris, to be recalled, has been
accepted by the President; and that General
Armstrong of New-York, now a Senator of the
United States, will be appointed to succeed
him.—N. Y. Gazette.
Benjamin Huger, by an address to the citizens
of Cheraw, and of Marion, Horry and George-
town districts, has declined being considered as a
candidate in the next election for Congress.
In his address to the people, he says:
"The state of things at the present moment,
seems to me, neither to invite, nor to be pecu-
liarly favorable to useful and dispassionate discus-
sion. Already the public mind has been, God
knows sufficiently agitated; & continues still more
than sufficiently stimulated.—In my estimati-
on, it requires time to cool down, and forbear-
ance rather than further excitement, on the part
of all those who mean well to their country, and
are sincerely attached to the union of these
states."
The collector of New-London has advertised that
proposals will be received at his office for building a
Light House at Five Mile Point, near the entrance of
the harbour of New-Haven, Connecticut.
Owing to the vigilance and activity of Capt.
Vaughn, one of our Aldermen, two others sus-
pected of being concerned in the diabolical and in-
human murder of Lewis Poirier (mentioned
in our last) were apprehended on Tuesday even-
ing, and after a long examination, were commit-
ted for further trial—one, a female named
Jones; the other, a journeyman taylor of the
name of Mansfield. [Nor. Her.]
Bell's Weekly Messenger of a late date in
March has the following article: "They write
"from Hamburg, that the English have em-
"ployed more than sixty millions in France.
"Drake at Munich! Spencer Smith at Stut-
"gard; their agents at Hamburg, Frankfort
"and other places have immense sums at their
"disposal."
A Meeting is proposed at the WASHING-
TON TAVERN, at 7 o'clock THIS EVEN-
ING, to adopt such measures as may seem most
expedient, for celebrating the anniversary of the
4th of July.
The officers of the 19th Regiment, are respect-
fully requested to attend.
June 20.
TURNPIKE SHARES.
Will be offered to the highest bidder, at the tavern
of Mr. ZACHARIAH BROOKS, on MONDAY
the 2nd day of July next.
THIRTY SHARES in the Manchester Turn-
pike Company, belonging to the estate of
the late JOHN MACRAE of Petersburg.—There
have been Fifty Dollars paid on each of the
above mentioned shares, and I shall sell and con-
vey only my Testator's interest in said shares,
leaving the purchaser bound to pay all previous
and future requisitions over and above the a-
mount herein stated to have been paid. Bond
and satisfactory security will be required for the
purchase money, payable twelve months from
the day of sale.
The sale will take place between the
hours of 11 o'clock in the forenoon and 3 o'-
'clock in the afternoon.
JOHN M'RAE, JUNIOR,
Executor of John M'Rae, deceased,
Petersburg, June 15, 1804. tds—13
At a Court of Appeals held at the
Capitol in the city of Richmond,
the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in
the Richmond Gazettes, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803.
RULE.—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error,
or otherwise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the
term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, un-
less good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804.
RULE.—A clear and concise state of the case of each
party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a
decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District
Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General
Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, spe-
cial verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of
exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of
the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the points in-
sisted on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly
transcribed, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the
bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be
delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing
of the cause, & that no error, other than such as shall be
pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the
part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave
of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the
hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or
judgment sought to be reversed. And that all deposi-
tions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be
relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particu-
larly noticed to such State and recited, and a reference
thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause
made.
MAY 21st, 1804.
RULE.—That after the end of this present term, all
causes depending in this Court, which shall be ready for
hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on
the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good
cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same or-
der in which they stand on the docket.
TESTE,
J. BROWN, c. c.
RICHMOND, June 15, 1804.
OUR clients in the Court of Appeals will
perceive, that the foregoing orders require
particular duties, expenses and attention, which
were not expected when we were retained by
them. As we cannot fail to comply with these
requisitions of the court, without danger to
their interest; and the rule, that causes shall be
tried according to their ranking on the docket,
renders it necessary that we should be const-
antly present, and ready for the argument; we trust,
that our clients will see the propriety of an ade-
quate compensation for our services.
PHILIP N. NICHOLAS.
EDMUND RANDOLPH.
JOHN WICKHAM.
GEORGE HAY.
DANIEL CALL.
JOHN WARDEN.

[The following extract is taken from a work lately published in London and re-published in Philadelphia, entitled "The History of the Wars, which arose out of the French Revolution: to which is prefixed a Review of the causes of that event." By Alexander Stephens, of the Honourable Society of the Middle Temple, Esq. In 2 volumes.] This history appears to be an impartial view of that interesting event. Its principal defects are, perhaps, that its statements are exhibited in too rhetorical a style; and that the political events are not drawn out (to use an expression of St. Leon) "in all the magnitude and wealth of their detail." The Editor proposes to give, in another extract from this work, a view of the principal changes which have been made in the political state of Europe, by the wars of the Revolution. Mr. Stephens seems not to have given a systematic view of the important consequences which it has produced upon the internal policy of France.]
A variety of causes conspired to shake the foundation of a throne upheld by the veneration of fourteen centuries, and to threaten the downfall of a prince, the successor of sixty-eight kings. In Asia, where knowledge is stationary, the blind vengeance of a nation is satiated with the sacrifice of the reigning despot; the most terrible crisis produces a change, therefore, not in the fate of a whole people, but of a single individual. On the contrary, in Europe, where learning and science are progressive, an alteration insensibly takes place in the public opinion; and if this be resisted with violence, either a new dynasty, or a new species of government, generally ensues. This immense difference, which ensures a certain portion of liberty to one quarter of the globe, and perpetual slavery to another, is chiefly produced by the art of printing: the men of letters then, in the northern states, may be considered as the arbiters of the destiny of nations.
These, as a body, have uniformly cherished a love of freedom in every country; and in that of which we now treat, the influence of their writings and their example can scarcely be appreciated. In consequence of the frequent intercourse with Italy, knowledge and learning began to dawn on France during the reign of Charles VIII. Francis I. not only cultivated a taste for letters but established public libraries. Mezeray asserts, that his "was the reign of men of learning." Charles IX. like Nero, seemed to delight in low debaucheries and midnight assassinations: like him, too, he was a very indifferent poet: yet his example could not be unproductive of effect. But it is the reign of Louis XIV. that has been considered as the Augustan epoch; and it must be confessed to have exhibited whatever was exquisite in the fine arts, admirable in polite literature, or useful in every branch of the sciences. It was at this period too, and under the shelter of royal despotism, that those weapons began to be forged, which were afterwards destined to break its chains.
After architecture, poetry, and the fine arts, by improving the taste of the nation, had contributed to the pleasures and the enjoyments of society, a new race of men arose, and undertook the daring task of correcting its errors. The succeeding reign beheld Montesquieu settling the principles of government, and withdrawing part of the veil that concealed the horrors of tyranny; while Mably, after searching into their ancient records, proclaimed to the French that they had been once free and happy. Raynal familiarly arraigned tyranny before the tribunal of public opinion, and thus contrived to render it more generally odious. Rousseau, born and educated within the walls of a republic, was inspired with high notions of liberty: such were the charms of his eloquence, that he at length taught the subjects of one of the most absolute monarchies in Europe to speak and think like himself. Although fond of brilliant paradoxes, and romantic theories, his pen was uniformly devoted to the cause of virtue, and his writings contributed not a little to regulate the spirit of the times in which he lived.
The age of Voltaire forms an epoch in the history of his country. The steady and enlightened friend of humanity, he was equally eager to assist the oppressed and assail the guilty. He conferred eternal infamy on the members of the parliament of Toulouse, who had immolated innocence on the altar of oppression; and acquired the best and most permanent title to true glory, by rescuing the family of Calas from infamy and despair. He assisted the Parliament of Paris to annihilate the most singular and formidable society that has existed in modern times—a politico-religious corporation, the branches of which extended to China, while its head was lost in the clouds. Such was the skill with which he conducted his enterprises, that he influenced both popes and princes to dismiss the most devoted of their satellites: a body which he himself considered as the praetorian guards of civil and religious despotism, ever obedient to the pontiffs, at times dangerous to kings, but invariably attached to an absolute monarchy. Sometimes he condescended to flatter despotism, but it was on purpose to disarm it of its rage; the arrows with which he assailed superstition, inflicted the most deadly wounds; yet they now and then unluckily took an oblique direction and glanced against the buckler of religion. Arriving at a patriarchal age, this great man enlightened and instructed two generations; and, like Mably and Rousseau, became the immediate precursor of a revolution, which he himself had predicted.
Nor did the disunited efforts of individuals alone tend to change the ancient government of France. Three great academies, devoted to science and instruction, fostered a number of celebrated members, who dared to think with equal freedom on every subject connected with the history and happiness of society. The mathematicians, astronomers, and naturalists, aspired to the gratitude of their fellow-creatures; for, after measuring the bounds of space, calculating the orbits of the planets, and unveiling the wonders of nature, they condescended to become the benefactors, by rectifying the prejudices of mankind. Bailly arduously laboured to dispel the mist of popular error. Buffon opened a new career to the human mind, by the boldness of his theories. Condorcet intermingled a love of liberty with the study of the sciences; although a noble by descent, he inveighed against exclusive hereditary distinctions, while they yet flourished and were revered; and proclaimed aloud, at the very foot of a throne still absolute, that no government ought to be tolerated in which the people had not a share.
The encyclopedists, without possessing the forms or being encumbered with the ceremonies of an academy, contrived to extend their empire over the public opinion. By the discussion of political subjects, and the dispersion of every species of knowledge, they contributed to distil a tyranny of half its rage and strength.
to overturn it altogether. Notwithstanding this, Diderot and d'Alembert were courted and caressed by two of the greatest monarchs Europe has ever witnessed; for both Frederick and Catharine were proud to behold them at their courts, and eager to confide the future hopes of two absolute thrones to their enlightened counsels.
The economists were flattered at beholding ministers selected from among them; and considered Turgot, while regulating the finances and ameliorating the fate of an oppressed nation, as at once their ornament and their chief. They were a learned and enlightened body, had devoted their attention to the science of government, and, by uniting with the philosophers, actually obtained for a time, two out of the three great objects to which they aspired:—the liberty of the press, the free circulation of grain, and the establishment of an intermediate power between the king and the people, under the name of provincial states. These various societies and individuals, at once cultivated and propagated a detestation of tyranny; some of them beheld its first gleam; others lived to see the meridian splendour of the revolution; and all! a few witnessed, but were not permitted to survive, its horrors.
Such were the men who beheld the approach of, and endeavoured to render their country worthy of, liberty: happy had it been for the nation had it either remained longer under their tutelage, or that such only had been called to preside over them: for, although a spirit of intolerance and calumny hath gone forth, yet it is a fact, and truth requires it should be every where proclaimed, that the philosophers, mathematicians, and men of letters, were neither the instigators nor perpetrators, but uniformly the victims, of crimes; and that in no one of the horrors of the revolutionary conflict, have any of these embraced their hands!
But it ought not to be omitted, that there were writers of another kind, who conspired, sometimes involuntarily, against the established despotism. Necker's famous production of the finances, disclosed secrets that proved ruinous to the credit of the monarchy; while the plans & writings of his rival Calonne, who meditated important changes relative to the privileged orders, demonstrated that a new and a better system of government must necessarily be resorted to, on purpose to save the state from bankruptcy and disgrace. The contentions of these celebrated men, by enlightening the nation respecting its revenues, must be allowed to have produced a surprising effect: for the grand primary and predisposing cause of the revolution, originated in the disorganization of the finances, which excited the clamours of the people; the spirited and eloquent protests of the parliaments; the impotent vengeance of the prince; and finally an appeal to the states-general, which, by awakening the multitude from their lethargy, prepared the catastrophe that so speedily ensued.
There were also many other circumstances which did not fail to operate, although in an inferior degree. The liberties and prosperity of England—a country separated only by a narrow arm of the sea, and which by its free constitution had been enabled to combat with, and not unfrequently to humble, the monarchy—could not be contemplated with impunity. It is difficult to suppose that so many thousand officers and soldiers had visited and fought in behalf of the rights of America, without being imbued with something of a kindred spirit: they beheld a new and happy nation, among whom the pride of birth and distinctions of rank were alike unknown; there they, for the first time, saw virtue and talents and courage rewarded; there they viewed with surprise a sovereign people fighting, not for a master, but themselves, and haranguing, deliberating, dispensing justice, and administering the laws, by representatives of their own free choice. On their return the contrast was odious & intolerable: they beheld family preferred to merit, influence to justice, wealth to worth: they began to examine into a constitution in which the monarch, whom they were now accustomed to consider as only the first magistrate, was every thing; and the people, the fountain of all power, cyphers: they beheld a weak king and an unpopular prince, surrounded by favourites and minions; they felt that they themselves and their services were overlooked in the crowd of petitioners, or eclipsed by the pretensions of less meritorious claimants, and they may be supposed to have wished, and even to have languished for a change!
The great body of the army, hitherto the bulwark of the monarchy and the scourge of the people, participated also in some measure, although, perhaps, from different causes, in the general disaffection. Ever since the days of Turenne and Conde, the French troops had been flattered into obedience, and the principle of honour substituted in the place of harshness and rigour. But the ancient discipline was now perverted. The soldiers of Germany, subdued into mechanical correctness by the canes of the corporal and the adjutant, and possessing all the facility of a well-regulated machine, without being animated with any portion of that heroic ardour which gives such a decided superiority to the armies of free states, had become models for the imitation of all the kings of Europe.
During the administration of the count de St. Germain, who had served many years abroad, Louis XVI. was persuaded to adopt the military punishments of Prussia, Austria and Russia; it was unwisely attempted to subdue the refined sense of delicacy of which the French soldier had always boasted, and to overcome his vanity by subjecting him to the humiliating discipline of the fibre. Many preferred a voluntary death to such a degradation; and so far was the point of honour carried, that several of the drummers, deeming themselves debased by the infliction alone, actually imagined that nothing but the grave could obliterate their disgrace.
It ought not however to be omitted, that other motives might have also operated. The vilest wretch, the basest and most degraded of the human species, even the flame himself, will sometimes feel the lambent flame of freedom illuminating his mind and warming his heart: at those periods too, when a loofe is given to the passions, and allurements of every kind are held out, the man will insensibly burst forth in the warrior; the soldier will be proud to feel that he is an armed citizen; and the troops, subject to the perpetual restraint of subordination, will be easily captivated by the fascinating sounds of liberty and equality. Certain it is, the French soldiery were soon taught that they had hitherto mistaken the object of their glory: they learned to distinguish between the monarch and the monarchy; they were impressed with the great and important lesson—that allegiance & protection are reciprocal duties, and that true patriotism consists in serving our country alone.
The clamours of the people, the disorders of the court, the deranged state of the finances, the tyranny of an arbitrary government odious even to soldiers, and the hope derived from the convocation of the states-general, had reached their ears, and began to affect their understandings. They were also piqued to find that they were suspected by the courtiers; and they could not behold without indignation, the foreign troops selected, trusted, and preferred to themselves. Those who had served on the Trans-Atlantic
continent, recollected the cause in which they had been already victorious; those who resided in the capital, had formed an intimacy and a friendship with the citizens: a numerous and formidable body, by a long continuance there, had begun to imitate the manners, the customs, and even to adopt the political sentiments of the inhabitants. France also, the most warlike nation in Europe, scarcely possessed a single individual who had not served in her armies: a great portion of the Parisians were therefore already enured to discipline, and familiar with arms. In addition to all the other motives which this class of men possessed in common with their fellow-subjects, the seducers of interest ought not to be omitted. The French guards secretly coveted the honour of being employed about the persons of their kings; the veterans in the line were taught to hope that they might become subalterns, for, although plebeians, they aspired to these distinctions, hitherto, with very few exceptions, conferred on blood alone.
No sooner, therefore, did the revolutionary volcano burst forth, than the troops of the capital were entangled in, and carried along with, the burning lava. Dazzled with gold, gratified with women, intoxicated with wine, inflamed by patriotism, it was utterly impossible for them to resist many allurements; accordingly they at length joined, and, in a great measure, actually decided the fate of the most general conspiracy Europe had hitherto witnessed against the despotism of a throne, upheld by a powerful clergy and nobility, surrounded by numerous armies accustomed to implicit obedience, and strengthened and supported by the inveteracy of custom, and the prejudices of ages.
At this critical period, when union and ability might have protracted the fate of the monarchy, the court was distracted by private jealousies, and divided by petty feuds. It no longer awed by talents, or dazzled by dignity, or intimidated by terror. The crown, in compliance with the recommendations of a citizen of Geneva, was worn from its lustre; for he had prevailed upon Louis XVI. to reform his brilliant but expensive establishment of household troops, consisting of the light horse, the gendarmes, and the musketeers, whose gilded trappings attracted the admiration of the multitude, and whose haughtiness was in some measure calculated to awe them into obedience! The royal authority, frequently and unjustly exercised against the parliaments, had at length yielded to their firmness; the prerogative, omnipotent in theory, was now, for the first time, bounded in practice. The king, possessing many virtues, but feeble, irresolute, and luxurious, excited pity, and even contempt. Vibrating between the violent councils of his court, and the timidity of his own nature, he appears to have been eminently capricious, for he was by turns tyrannical and compliant.
Maria-Antoinette, while dauphiness, had acquired the respect of the nation, by refusing to countenance the mistresses of the reigning monarch. On a variety of accounts, this beautiful but imprudent princess now experienced its hatred. Until her time, the queens of France, restrained by certain accustomed formalities, had never dined in the company of the other sex; and, in consequence of a strange inconsistency, her majesty was accused by the inhabitants of a gay and debauched capital, with having overleaped the bounds of punctilio, and even of decorum, by living and conversing familiarly with her courtiers and favourites. But it cannot be denied that some parts of her conduct were subject to more serious reprehension. Her expenses were enormous, her demeanor haughty; her aversion to every thing that bore the name of liberty was conspicuous, and the manner in which she governed the prince, exposed both him and herself to unceasing suspicion. The people were jealous of her early partialities: they imagined that she was a better sister than a wife, and more attached to the interests of Austria than of France; they even pried into and loudly arraigned her pleasures; in addition to this the recent transaction about the diamond necklace, in which her character was unfortunately implicated with that of the debauched cardinal de Rohan, and a female adventurer of the name of La Motte, had also generated suspicions that were revived, from time to time, by the clamours of discontent, and the virulence of party zeal.
Her majesty and the king's two brothers were also at open variance among themselves. The elder of these had acquired and retained the respect of the nation until the period of his flight; but the profusion of the younger, and still more his zeal against every innovation on the ancient despotism, at length rendered his name odious. On the other hand, the Duke of Orleans, the first prince of the blood, openly aspired to popularity. His ancestor had been invested with the regency by the parliament of Paris, in express opposition to the will of Louis XIV. and both his father and himself, moved perhaps by gratitude and affection, had ever warmly espoused the claims and privileges of that august tribunal. Arrested and exiled by the king, considering himself as the object of the queen's unceasing vengeance, and a victim destined to bleed on the restoration of the monarchy, he and his adherents engaged in the political contest with unceasing ardour, and expended an amazing fortune to produce, strengthen, and support a revolution, that in the end proved their destruction.
The numerous and notorious abuses in the government, also produced an effect correspondent to the knowledge of an inquisitive and critical age. France, a prey by turns to cruel, contemptible, or fanatical princes, ambitious or profligate regents, tyrannical ministers, avaricious financiers, corrupt favourites, and devouring courtisans, had not for whole centuries enjoyed either happiness or repose. She was denied even the sleep of despotism , the only consolation that a people can derive from the degradation of servitude, having twice experienced all the horrors of a national bankruptcy, and been in succession the theatre of domestic, foreign, and religious wars.
The feudal hierarchy had become burdensome and oppressive. Instead of softening, as formerly, the exercise of the royal prerogative, and presenting a barrier between the king and the people, the grandees were now considered as wholly devoted to the monarchy; some were invested with high commands in the army, some governed the provinces, while others, under the names of grand butlers, grand chamberlains, and grand masters of the wardrobe, had become its menial servants: divided into casts of old and new, nobles of the sword and of the robe, of the court and of the provinces, they all claimed an exemption from taxes; and, although jealous of each other, cordially united in treating the inhabitants of the town with the most insufferable haughtiness, while they considered those of the country as little better than their slaves. Addicted to war, to the chase, and to the pleasures of the table, refusing to fly in courts and in camps, they did not perceive that the invention of printing had destroyed the prejudices of chivalry; while that of gun-powder, by equalizing the danger, had removed the difference between an aristocracy coated in mail, at once armed and invulnerable, and the naked plebeian, exposed, dispirited, and defenceless. Some few, indeed, rising superior to their order, considered their privileges as the chimeras of a Gothic age, and taking refuge in literature and the sciences, did not deem themselves degraded, because they had become at once happy and useful. But the far greater number still continued to harass their unhappy vassals by means of obsolescent and intolerable claims, to enforce the exclusive right of the chase by the terror of cruel punishments, and to squat up the income which the compliant priest removed periodically from the altar of the divinity, to strike the material bondmen with awe, and gratify the fancies of their haughty lords. They had thus become odious to the peasantry, whose obedience sprung only from their fears, and whofighed in secret for retribution and revenge!
What the possessors of fiefs originally acquired by their swords, the clergy had obtained by the profusion of a barbarous age. Taking advantage of the weaknesses of kings, and the ignorance of nobles, they extended over both the chains of superstition, and seized on the better portion of France in the name of heaven: but they were careful to add terror to supplication; and, while they conferred the blessings of another world with a lavish hand, eager to ensure to themselves the riches of the present, they menaced, with eternal punishments, all those who opposed either the increase or the duration of their power. Yet, in the early periods of an avaricious and benedict religion, the ecclesiastical hierarchy must be allowed to have exhibited frequent instances of the most edifying piety, in addition to the most scrupulous austerity. But wealth, as usual, had corrupted their successors; they now mingled in the intrigues of the court; they yielded to the cravings of passion, and the solicitations of luxury: they even cabbled to become placemen, financiers, and ministers. Some aspired to and actually obtained the Roman purple, through the medium of minions & mistresses; and others had brought contempt upon their order, by the irregularity of their lives, and the scandalous impropriety of their conduct: all the pride of the mitre remained, but the crozier was no longer considered as the pastoral staff of the patriarchal times.
It is also worthy of remark, that the influence of superstition, and even of the clergy, was now visibly on the decline throughout the nation; and that an age devoted to the cultivation of literature and the sciences, felt itself but little interested in those polemical contentions which at once occupied and disgraced the two former reigns. The frivolous and unprofitable disputes about speculative points of theology, were either wholly exploded, or confined solely to the cloister. The very names of the contending sects had become obsolete; and with the holy fervour about grace, heavenly love, and freewill, had disappeared the molinists, the janse-nists, and the quietists.
The amazing wealth possessed by nineteen archbishops, and one hundred and twenty two bishops; the immense revenues belonging to twelve hundred and eighty-eight abbeys, twelve thousand four hundred priories, and fourteen thousand seven hundred and eighty convents; excited the surprise, and perhaps also the envy, of the laity. They began to enquire into the original intention of the founders; and as their zeal was no longer kept alive by miracles, a carnal and selfish age repined at the misapplication of so much useful treasure; while the public creditor, vibrating between his interests and his prejudices, at one time wished to preserve the institutions of his forefathers, and at another longed for a reformation similar to that which had occurred in England during the early part of the sixteenth century; in consequence of which, the wealth of the church might be applied to the service of the state.
In the mean time the dignified clergy, leaving the care of their flock to others, generally resided at the court, or in the capital. Their numerous and extensive royalties were administered by delegates, who abated nothing of the feudal rigours; the exclusive rights of the chase were enforced with unrelenting severity; the peasantry already oppressed by the nobles, groaned under the exactions of the church; and tithes, ever viewed with an evil eye even in rich countries, were peculiarly grievous to impoverished cultivators residing in unproductive soils. The parochial clergy, although poor themselves constituted the only stay and consolation of the people; they also were oppressed by their more opulent brethren, for the prelates had continued to throw the burden of the voluntary gift upon the great body of the priesthood, whose complaints had long proved unavailing, but whose resentment, at a subsequent period, by inducing them to join the third-estate produced a schism in the church, and put an end to the established hierarchy.
While the claims and privileges of the nobility and clergy had become stationary, and remained nearly in the same state as during the middle ages, when they were at once consecrated and shielded by the prejudices of the times, the acquisitions of the people were utterly incompatible with their situation. The fine arts had inspired them with taste, commerce had diffused wealth, and knowledge had taught them to detect the pride and the injustice of the nobles. Under the degrading forms of an absolute monarchy, they had imbibed a republican education. While they beheld all the emblems of tyranny around them, the youth were taught to admire the institutions of Greece and of Rome. At the moment their native country was exposed to the joint operations of Pompadour, Debarre, and Louis XV. a Themistocles, an Aristides, a Cato, a Cicero, and a Cincinnatus, were the models held up for their imitation. So strong was the current of opinion, that Condillac became the preceptor of princes; and the descendants of absolute monarchs beheld, with a benignant eye, the triumph of that celebrated Roman, who had avenged the crimes of a tyrant with his blood. Such, in short, was the unaccountable poverty of the age, that the hands of a king engaged during the morning in signing decrees of proscription, were employed at night in applauding Brutus at the theatre!
Among the other changes that had insensibly taken place, that of the liberty of speech was not the least conspicuous. Writings were every where read and circulated against the weight, number, inequality, and misapplication of the taxes; the vexations of the farmers-general; the venality of offices; the imperfection of the criminal code; and those arbitrary and illegal imprisonments produced by lettres de cachet .—There was a general outcry against the tributes paid to the pope, the wealth of the clergy, and the profusion with which pensions were assigned on an exhausted treasury. The provincial nobles, who in Brittany and Dauphiny had resisted the royal authority, hoped to profit by the approaching assembly of the states, and wished to annihilate the superiority claimed by their rivals at Versailles; the inhabitants of the country aspired to obtain a relaxation of the imposts, the weight of which was chiefly borne by them; the creditors of the state, at once numerous and clamorous, were desirous to avoid a public bankruptcy; in fine, every portion of the nation, the grandees and the dignified clergy alone excepted, seemed to long for rather than to avoid a crisis.
All the great cities in the kingdoms were eager to return the abuses of government. On this occasion, the immense wealth and population of the capital gave it a decided preponderance,
and at length rendered it alone able to overthrow the ancient despotism. Poverty, which always takes up its abode in the neighbourhood of luxury, in addition to the want of occupation and of bread, the cry and the hope of liberty, the harangues of popular orators, and the daily productions of a press teeming with inflammatory productions, rendered Paris the scene of perpetual agitation. The inferior classes of the nation, ignorant, neglected, debased by servitude, goaded by misery, disposed to excess, and better fitted to acquire than to preserve civil freedom, every where presented the elements of convolution: in short, a civil war, as well as a revolution, became almost inevitable.
Nor can it be denied that the fountain of power was corrupt, and that its turbid stream at once polluted and disgusted the nation. A multitude of grievances existed, delinquencies of the most criminal nature had been long perpetrated with impunity, & the abuses were so numerous as to extend to every department of the state, and every province of the empire. The monarch affected to unite in his own person, the executive and legislative authorities, and often interfered in the judicial administration. The finances were reduced to the most deplorable condition, and the nation, forgetting the immense expenditure of the late war, and the expensive schemes entered into for obtaining a port in the Channel, contemplated the profusion of the court, as the sole cause of their misery. The parliaments, although of late the victorious defenders of their own and the people's rights, had not always been able to withstand the blaze of majesty; and a royal session might at any time have rendered a determined king paramount to all resistance.
The nation was thus left naked and defenceless, while the crown was armed with the support of custom and prejudice, a numerous nobility, all the dignified clergy, and an army of 150,000 men, a large portion of whom were foreigners.
The Bastille, and a variety of subordinate prisons, had always opened their dreadful dungeons at the voice of a resolute prince; a free press, which leavens a bad minister the choice of his duty or his dishonour, was still unknown; lettres de cachet , held publicly towards the end of the late reign, had been granted during the early part of the present with the most scandalous impunity; and, however amiable, or however timid the present monarch might be, yet, according to the pretended rights of the crown, another Louis XI. might have fabricated new iron cages for his victims, or another Charles IX. perpetrated new massacres on his miserable subjects.
Nor were the grievances of the people confined wholly to the exercise of the royal functions. The administration of justice was a source of continual censure and perpetual despair. The offices of the judicial magistracies were venal, and they were supposed to reimburse themselves, not only by fees and perquisites, but even by the sale of their decisions: to such a shocking pitch was this carried, that certain females, known by an appropriate name, were employed to solicit favour from, and even to corrupt, the fountain of justice.
The bulk of the people was overburthened with taxes, many of which were rather oppressive than productive; offices conferring nobility were publicly bought and sold; while the nobles were exempt from the operation of imposts, and the clergy contributed only what they pleased under the name of a benevolence .
The occupations of the merchant and the farmer were considered as discreditable; the plebeians were excluded from all the high offices in the state, and the profession of arms, alone honorable, was consecrated to the enjoyment of a particular cast: to command a regiment, or a man-of-war, it was necessary to be a noble.
Many of the rigours of the feudal system still disgraced the code & the practice of an enlightened nation. The game laws were enforced with a barbarous, unfeeling, and unrelenting oppression: the death of a hare or a partridge was sometimes expiated by slavery in the galleys.
The mineral claims were at once odious and degrading. In several of the provinces the possessor of a fief, under pretence of digging a pond, could rob such as held under, and dispensed him, of a garden or an orchard. The right of free warren was carried to an alarming extent; the numerous dove-cots not unfrequently aided the artifices of the monopolist to produce a dearth; the peasant beheld the rabbit, the pheasant, and the pigeon, devouring the fruits of his labours with impunity, while the feanty remnant of his harvest, after being diminished by ecclesiastical exactions, was to be ground at the mill of his lord alone.
The farmers in the remote districts had reached but a single step beyond the boors of the northern nations. Tied down by the hand of poverty to the soil where they were born, while they maintained the clergy by their tithes, and assisted the nobles by their personal services, they were scarcely able to support their own families; and in years of famine, which frequently occurred, multitudes actually perished from want: nor was this all, for at the period of which we now treat, some of the inhabitants were actually in a state of bondage.
The people being thus left entirely destitute of redress, or protection; the royal authority paramount and unbounded; the laws venal; the peasantry oppressed; agriculture in a languishing state; commerce considered as degrading; the public revenues farmed out to greedy financiers; the public money consumed by a court wallowing in luxury, and every institution at variance with justice, policy, and reason: a change became inevitable in the ordinary course of human events, and like all sudden alterations in corrupt states, was accompanied with temporary evils and crimes, that made many good men look back on the ancient despotism with a sigh.
But at this period the cry of liberty resounded in every possible direction from Paris, the city where the revolution was engendered, to the Alps, the Pyrenees, the plains of Flanders, the borders of the Channel, and the shores of the Mediterranean and Atlantic. So great and so militant was the impulse, so ominous, so dangerous the example, that some, affrighted at the terrible and portentous explosion, and carefully averting their eyes from the real and palpable motives here attempted to be detailed, have sought for a solution of this grand political paradox in obscure, occult, and contemptible causes: thus, a learned professor lately illustrated his theory of the phenomena in the French hemisphere, by recurring to the incantations of the illuminati ; while an expatriated able-bodied hid the enigma of the revolution, by deducing it from the mysterious arts and alarming progress of free-masonry!
* Mr. Burke was accustomed to estimate their number in Paris alone at twenty thousand, but this is evidently an exaggeration.
† Vid. Chron. V. de Fr. I.
‡ See "La Vie de Turgot," published in the year 1785.
§ M. Necker.
¶ See Appendix to Vol. I. A.
** Tableau Hist. & Polit. par L. P. Saguy, Vol. I.
†† See Appendix to vol. I. B.
††† Les Solliciteurs.
†††† Robinson. †††† Barruel.