The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-10 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1809.
[No. 97.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
THE Subscriber is desirous of extending his practice to the Circuit Courts of Goochland, Chesterfield, Hanover and Henrico, in addition to the Courts in which he has practised heretofore.
THOMAS MARSHALL. Attorney at Law.
March 7. TO RENT, a small BRICK-HOUSE, with a Garden, Stable, &c. in a retired, and at the same time, convenient part of Richmond—Apply at this office.
March 3. THIS day is dissolved, by mutual consent, the partnership of Barrett & Olds.
SAMUEL BARRETT, JOSIAH OLDS.
March 6. The business will, in future, be carried on by S. BARRETT.
THE Co-Partnership of Hancock & Wilson is this day dissolved, by mutual consent. All debts due to the said firm of Hancock and Wilson, must be paid to John Hancock, as he is the only person authorized to receive and give receipts for the same. Also, all debts due from the said firm will be paid by said Hancock, to whom application may be made for the same. JOHN HANCOCK, WM. H. WILSON. February 10.
N. B. The business will, in future, continue to be carried on by John Hancock. J. H. March 3. 3w
CASH will be given for four or five Negro MEN, and as many good work HORSES. Apply to the Editor of this paper. February 14. tf
LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havannah Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. tf
January 17. FOURTEEN thousand eight hundred and seventy acres of LAND, for sale at Seneca creek, in the county of Pendleton.—By virtue of a Deed in Trust, executed by Robert Barkley to Richard Gaines, to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the 17th day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser. HARRY GAINES, Trustee. February 10. tds
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.—At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday evening, the 18th February, 1809: Resolved, That the Shares of all delinquent Subscribers, to the said company, be sold, at the Bell-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the 25th of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Secretary. epum
February 24. ON Thursday, the 16th day of March next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, in the town of Manchester, at the tavern of Zachariah Brooks, upon a credit of twelve months, the following PROPERTY, belonging to the estate of Wm. Friend, deceased, viz. twelve or fifteen likely SLAVES, consisting of men, women, boys and girls, a WAGON and harness, a GIG and harness, sundry articles of Husbandry, a few valuable Books, & a handsome Fowlering Piece. Bond and approved security will be required of the purchasers. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. At the same time and place, will be sold, on a credit of twelve months, sundry articles of valuable mahogany FURNITURE and PLATE, the property of Mrs. Ann Friend. All persons having claims against the estate of Mr. Friend, deceased, are again invited to bring them forward properly authenticated, and those indebted thereto, will please make payment without delay. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. February 10. 9t
A NEW PLACE OF ENTERTAINMENT near the City of Richmond.—The Subscriber now occupying that pleasant seat formerly the residence of William Alexander, Esq. a short distance below the city of Richmond, on the road to Williamsburg, respectfully informs the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that may pass that way, that he has opened a House of Entertainment at that place; where he is provided with good Beds, Stable & a commodious house for the reception of company. He offers his services to provide for Parties who may wish to promenade that short distance from town, for variety, for dancing or hunting, (it being a fine range for Game.) I will undertake to furnish Venison or Fish, or wild Fowl, Dinners and Suppers in their season.—Families who with a change of air can be accommodated with Rooms and Board for any length of time. It is his intention also, to add to and beautify the former Garden, by laying out pleasant walks, erecting Bowers, &c. in the most pleasing variety of which as taste may be capable, to be prepared in the proper season, with Ice, Ice-Cream, Syllabubs, best fruits of the season, and every other refreshment that may be agreeable to his visitors, and will always keep a supply of the best Liquors, and good attendance on the most moderate terms.—trusting thereby to merit the indulgence and approbation of an intelligent and liberal public, who may witness his unremitted endeavors to please. THOS. G. HULL. 6044
January 19. N. B. T. HULL is desirous of employing a few excellent Washers and Ironers, during the present year, and will undertake the Washing & Ironing for 5 or 10 families, and as many single gentlemen, on the most moderate terms, by the quarter or year, and attend, in person, in the city of Richmond, to the receipt and delivery of the clothes. ** Orders left at the Vendue Office of Messrs. Packer and Moncur, will be attended to. White House Inn, January 17.
POLITICAL.
WASHINGTON CITY, Feb. 27th, 1809.
SIR,
At the close of the last session of Congress you were informed of the hostile and unprovoked attack upon our commerce and independence by France and England. They had each, under the pretence of injuring each other, forbidden us to trade except with themselves, and Great Britain has since by act of Parliament accompanied that restriction by an enormous tax upon every article exported from the United States and intended for a foreign market. It was at once perceived that the practical operation of these measures threatened our trade with total ruin, either by its exposure to indiscriminate plunder, or sudden limitation to a single country. They presented us the choice of submitting to the unrestrained avarice of every freebooter, or of seeking shelter under the British navy, and paying as the price of that protection, a tribute upon the whole produce of the soil. If it were possible for the people of this country to accept a connection so shameful in its nature the ruinous consequences would speedily apprise them of the fatal error: a trade thus shackled would impoverish the farmer without enriching the merchant; this momentary slumber of public spirit would be disturbed, and it would be vain for the votaries of avarice, and the enemies of American independence to invite the nation to pursue the path of dishonor, by the promises of gain, at the expence of freedom.
I thought it prudent to select neither of these evils; that it was better to withdraw from the ocean, place our country in a state of defence, and if driven to the necessary, assert and defend our rights by force. It was with these views I approved the embargo, as the only means of preserving peace and saving our property; I hoped that ingenious explanations, liberal propositions from our government to France and England, and the pressure which would be felt from the loss of our commerce, would produce an abandonment of their views against us. I can with truth affirm, this did not proceed from sympathy in the cause of either, but by way of precaution against injuries & to obtain justice from both. Altho' this measure has not accomplished the revocation of the edicts which produced it, it has nevertheless effected the important objects of saving one hundred million dollars of property, & kept us as yet out of the war. It is by no means certain that resistance in another mode would have been more efficacious upon our enemies in the same time, while the consequences would have been more disastrous to ourselves. The existing state of the world when the embargo was laid rendered it a strong weapon. The British minister himself acknowledged it was well timed, and all men who dispassionately consider the subject must admit it would have given us what we desired but for the events in Spain, and the disturbances in this country, exaggerated and misrepresented by designing men. Previous to these occurrences, the most serious alarm prevailed in England; the stagnation of trade, the want of markets for their manufactures, and the consequent want of employment among the poorer classes, produced disturbances which were only quieted by the arm of power at the point of the bayonet. The causes which gave rise to the meetings of the weavers and mechanics of Manchester and elsewhere, would have spread through the nation; they would not all have been dispersed by ordering the military to fire upon them. At that period, the government of England became sensible of the error it had committed and the sufferings it had inflicted upon the people. Measures were taken to quiet them by raising their wages, a disposition was manifested to make peace with us, and assurances given in June and July to Mr. Pinckney that the terms offered by our government would be accepted.
The hope of settling our dispute, so ardently desired by the people of this country was suddenly terminated by the intoxication on the English side at the progress and success of the Spanish revolution; and the intelligence carried from the United States by the August packet. The forcible attempts of a few smugglers in Vermont, the profligate justification of the British government by the newspapers, and the indiscreet zeal of political partizans, were considered symptoms of insurrection and dissolution of the Union. From that moment they changed their views, and since that period they have ceased to treat us as a nation strong, united, and capable of resisting their injustice. Buoyed by the prospect of overthrowing the government, all their measures have been directed to our party divisions. This is the true reason why our embarrassments have continued and explains the policy of the British court. The impression of the government and the prevalent opinion among the people was, that a little perseverance would oblige us to submit and yield to their attempt to tax us. The public prints furnish ample proofs upon this subject, and if any thing more was wanting, I would refer you to the proclamation inviting the citizens of the United States to violate the embargo laws, and instructing the commanders of their vessels to give them protection. Nothing but the infatuation of party spirit could reconcile a single individual to this shameful interference in our affairs; it is severing the bond which unites all civilized people; and England in particular should be cautious, since it was this very principle, avowed in the famous decree of the French National Convention, for which she engaged in the present war. Notwithstanding the evasions of the embargo have been numerous, its effects have been severely felt in the West Indies and in England: their planters have been nearly ruined by the extravagant prices they have paid for articles of consumption. The French islands in particular have been nearly destroyed; they have been deprived not only of imports, but every means of sending their produce to market has ceased. The raw materials for the manufactures in England are scarce and dear; cotton, naval stores, &c. have all experienced an advance extremely embarrassing to the industry of the country.
The fact therefore is unquestionable, that both France and England have felt serious inconvenience from the loss of our trade. I shall even believe that England would gladly have relieved herself by accepting the very advantageous proposition offered by the administration, but for the unfortunate divisions among ourselves. It was proposed to renew commercial intercourse with her and continue the embargo against France, provided she would revoke her orders in council. This offer removes so completely the ground for issuing those orders, that one can scarcely believe it has been rejected. It proved the embargo as to England, owed its origin and duration to her own act, and that its cessation depended upon herself. It cut off all supplies from France, and thus answered most perfectly to the object she professed. It placed the United States at once in collision with France, which must ultimately have terminated in war unless she relinquished her decree. It proved that instead of co-operating with France in what Mr. Canning calls the blockade of the continent, we were ready to continue our intercourse exclusively with England should that system be adhered to. If it could be presumed the United States would not afford protection to their commerce destined to England against French cruisers, it offers no apology for the British government, because their ports being open the ships of that nation would immediately become their carriers and reap the profits themselves. The administration could not more clearly evince its sincere desire for peace with England than by excluding from this proffer all previous subjects of difference, and reserving them for amicable discussion.
Great Britain has never pretended that she was justified either by previous injuries from the United States, or the law of nations, to interdict our trade not only with France, but with the whole of Europe, unless it had first passed through a British port, and paid an export duty equal to the value of the cargo; she has offered the apology and rested her justification upon necessity, the right of retaliating on France the injury she would feel from the enforcement against neutral nations of the French decrees, prohibiting their lawful commerce with England. Surely it will be admitted if the United States should continue to trade with her in direct opposition to those decrees they cannot be considered as acquiescing or fairly required to do more! Every pretext of attack is taken away; yet this is in substance the offer made to the British. But when I consider how infinitely beyond the rational limits prescribed by the rights of retaliation she has ventured, that instead of blocking France and shutting us from all the important ports of the world, and subjected to the most rigid system of colonization, I am convinced America is the object marked out for destruction.
At the meeting of Congress we were informed of the failure of the negotiation for peace: it was to have been expected the rejection of terms so fair and honorable, evincing the most unequivocal disposition for peace, and at the same time an equal determination to defend our rights against France if relieved from the odious shackles of the orders of council would have united all parties and merged all differences of opinion in resentment for our injured country. In this I have been disappointed; while the most hollow and insincere pretexts of the British government have been readily admitted, the plainest evidences of sincerity on our part, have encountered the most obstinate incredulity of party spirit; the contemptible glory of defeating political opponents, has been sufficient motive for embellying the national arm, and endangering the existence of the confederated. Is it then surprising England should persevere, when she finds her outages the means of dividing the American people? When the injuries she has inflicted are studiously concealed or shamefully perverted, and the most temperate indication of resentment and the mildest precaution against danger on our part are magnified into the most serious provocations?
If instead of this humiliating condition, we were united, anxious for peace, conscious of the value of the union, reposing rational confidence in the views and policy of each other, considering the interests of the United States identified (as they really are) determined to defend them by force if they were not protected by justice, our rights would have been respected, and our peace preserved. What will be the astonishment of the world to find additional injuries are necessary to awaken our indignation; nay, that we are called on to propitiate the enemy, by repealing municipal regulations, calculated solely to preserve our property from plunder, and afterwards rely upon his clemency! There was a period in our history when such spiritless condescension would neither have been recommended by our own citizens or expected by our foes.
France was required to revoke her decree violating our commercial rights without offering to remove the embargo as to her, and continue it in force against England. It cannot be denied that this proposition was less advantageous than that made to her enemy; this fact is sufficiently manifest to destroy the suspicions of an improper partiality, which has been used to inflame the public mind; I however think the distinction was such an one as the act of Congress giving the power of suspending the embargo required, and was justified by the relative capacity of these nations to injure our trade. No answer has been received from that government, but it is clearly understood, there does not exist the slightest disposition to retract. It ought never to be disguised, that our injuries from the French have been unprovoked; they have no pretext whatever for their conduct, and as far as I am concerned, have received no apology or palliation. By violating explicitly and palpably the treaty of 1800, burning American ships, and confiscating American property seized without cause and condemned without trial, they have committed acts of hostility which ought to be repelled by force. We have withheld our commerce with a view to injure and coerce her. If she has not se-
verely felt our resentment, it results more from the peculiar situation of the two countries than an indisposition to punish her injustice. The unexpected rejection of our terms for peace, and the avowed determination to persevere, convinced me we had but one course to pursue, consistent with the honor and essential rights of the country; every other mode would only expose our weakness, and want of firmness, and ultimately drive us to war, under every disadvantage. Profitable trade could not be expected while the edicts of France and England remained in force; while an impatient anxiety to pick the crumbs left us, would betray our incapacity to sustain privations, it would invite their monopolizing spirit to diminish what little was left. Under this impression I was disposed to wait events, give full operation to the measures we had adopted, and by employing the interval of peace, to place the nation in safety, to meet with less danger, the event which appeared inevitable. The force raised at the last session, and the money appropriated, had, to considerable extent, effected this object; the most vulnerable points had been secured, and the most important sea-ports rendered sufficiently strong to resist any force which could be detached against them. I can justify my votes only upon the ground of resisting our adversaries; if that had not been my object, every attempt to coerce France or England, has been unnecessary. The state of Europe, still left hopeless, that a little more patience might produce an honorable peace, without either war or submission; the changes in Spain and Portugal, which in conjunction with intelligence from the U.S. had operated unfavourably on the temper of England, were operating a strong counteraction; her hopes on the continent were evidently declining, & her expectations here had proved delusive by an expression of public sentiment decisively to the contrary. Was it not reasonable to suppose, she would, under these circumstances, accept the hand of friendship, tendered without a single demand inconsistent with her honor or rights? I think few Americans will contend that her orders are founded in justice, or that to demand their revocation would be asking too much.
These considerations were sufficiently important to continue the embargo until the spring, avoid any collision or new excitement until they could produce their effect; the intelligence from Europe, is of a complexion which gives peculiar force to the policy. I shall ever believe that was our best plan, it promised the fairest prospect of peace, and the best opportunity to obtain it by force, if every thing else failed. Those who concurred with me in opinion, have been overruled by a majority of Congress, who deceived by the fallacious hope of profitable trade, or urged by the discontent to the East, have determined to remove it sooner; however, the people to the East, whose produce suits the British market, may be benefited, I can with confidence say, our relief is temporary; that without a change in the policy of Europe we are exposed to ruin. It is a fact, that tobacco, the great staple of our agriculture, is not saleable to an adequate extent in England, not more than one-seventh part of it is used in that country; the residue can only be disposed of on the continent of Europe. If by going with it first to England, it may afterwards be carried to Germany, &c. will it bear the expence of a heavy transit duty? Can the planter pay three dollars a hundred to the British treasury, and receive a living price for his labor and trouble? Every man who raises a hogshead of tobacco, weighing 1,500 pounds, must pay to the King of England, forty-five dollars. I am aware that the price of tobacco will rise at first, but it cannot continue; it is impossible; and I foretell, that unless free trade is restored by a general peace in Europe, or the British tax is given up, it will become a drug; we shall be compelled to change our system of agriculture entirely, and raise for market articles suited to the limits prescribed us. The Eastern people will soon feel the pressure themselves, they will find new demands made upon us by England, she will readily perceive that if she requires us to send all our produce to her ports and pay tribute, and we for the sake of money consent, there would not be much risk, in saying it shall go in British vessels. It would be ungrateful, immediately, to issue such an order but similar services are not long remembered or scrupulously respected. It is not, however, improbable her "ardent desire" to maintain the rights of neutrals may yield to the necessity of retaliation in this manner, "upon the enemy, the evils of his own injustice." If she abstains for the purpose of accommodating neutrals, it will not be from any apprehension of offending or exciting opposition.
It has always appeared evident to my mind, that every attempt to alleviate the sufferings of this country by the resumption of commerce, either by a partial or general repeal of the embargo would be fruitless; whatever momentary relief may be felt, the operation of the edicts of France and England will force us into resistance, and every man in the union will acknowledge their baleful influence upon the national prosperity. True policy, therefore, required unabated perseverance, on the part of Congress, to coerce their repeal in the first instance. I sincerely lament, that a contrary course has been preferred, but I trust when the evils which have been predicted, shall be realized in practice, their calamities will be counterbalanced by union among the people of all parties. But even with union we shall find it more difficult to obtain redress from foreign governments, after giving evidence of indecision and want of firmness.
The embargo has been repealed to all parts of the world except to France and England, and their dependencies, and the importation of all goods, wares and merchandise has been prohibited from those countries into the United States after the 20th of May next. If you are disappointed in the efficacy and strength of this substitute, and think it disproportionate to the injuries we have received from those nations, you must attribute it to the impossibility of procuring a better; the votes which had been taken in Congress, evinced clearly that we had the choice of this, or an unconditional repeal; there could certainly be no hesitation in choosing between
the alternatives presented. The exclusion of foreign goods, will to a certain extent, embarrass the trade of our enemies, and by refusing to hold any intercourse with them upon the odious terms offered us, we at least hold out an opposition, which I trust will not be diminished. I feel satisfied that a little reflection and experience will demonstrate to every part of the nation, the deep interest they have in resisting the pretensions of England and France; and that our whole strength will be combined to resist them. It cannot have escaped the meanest capacity that the happiness and tranquillity of the United States, are materially in the power of foreign governments; they have been accustomed to rely almost exclusively upon them for supplies of every kind, and however much insulted, they must either pocket their injuries or submit to privations rendered necessary by habit and custom. May we not then augur some good in the end, from the interruption of our commerce? Shall we not be compelled to develop the resources of our own country, and apply them to relieve our own wants? It is a fact that we raise articles and send them to Europe, and afterwards purchase them manufactured at an extravagant price, when we have money and could easily procure machinery to make them ourselves. The products of our labor have always been exchanged upon the most unequal terms, and now that they are restricted and limited by the edicts of France and England in their circulation, we shall find it particularly our interest to supply ourselves with homespun. I do believe the real independence of this nation depends upon the establishment of manufactures commensurate with our wants; the experience of late has proven that a portion of our countrymen are unwilling to suspend their trade, and unite in the maintenance of national rights. After discovering to the world that we are incapable of submitting to temporary privations to procure permanent blessings, may it not be expected they will compel us to make further concessions? Under these impressions, I am consoled by the progress which has been already made in many parts of the union, in the establishment of domestic manufactures; the present unsettled condition of the world, the insecurity of property on the ocean, and the certain profit of employing capital in this way, are sufficient pledges of their extension and success. The vast advantages and immense profit of our neutral trade, could alone have diverted the wealth of the country from this channel; a general peace, or the adjustment of our differences with either of the belligerents, would exclude from employment in commerce a great portion of the money accumulated during the present war, and the high price of foreign goods, the cheapness of the raw material, the superior advantages in this country, would at once give the surplus this direction. This result appears to have been anticipated, and hence some of the greatest capitalists in the Northern States have wisely formed companies and invested their funds in manufactures. The most active preparations are making, particularly in Connecticut and Pennsylvania to furnish cotton and woolen cloths, and every article of necessity to the great body of the community; surely after Congress have discovered the tenure upon which the real independence of this country rests, they will not fail to foster and encourage these patriotic efforts. The causes which have interrupted the commerce of the United States, and perhaps prematurely changed the occupation and given a new direction to the labor of the people, cannot be too much deplored; but I think, in this as I do in other instances, the injustice of G. Britain will recoil upon herself; she will force one of her most valuable customers to abandon the use of her manufactures. There never was in the history of the world, so remarkable a proof of infatuation; it will scarcely be credited, that the peace and harmony of the two nations, so happily circumstanced for mutually supplying the wants of each other, should be destroyed by the avarice of one of them.
The public debt of the United States on the 1st of January, was fifty-six and an half millions of dollars; the revenue in the treasury on the same day, applicable to the reimbursement of principal, payment of interest, and the expenditure of the government, was sixteen millions of dollars. It was calculated by the secretary of the treasury sufficient to meet the contemplated expenses of the present year, and leave a balance of three millions; this balance will be augmented to a considerable amount by the importations in return for that portion of our produce which can be sold under existing circumstances, it is impossible to conjecture to the precise amount; very much will depend upon the changes in Europe, limiting or extending the advantages of trade, and the practical effect of existing restrictions upon it. In any event I hope it will nearly suffice for the ordinary peace establishment, but this must depend upon the extent to which our produce can be sold. In the present miserable state of the world, when every social blessing has been driven from the earth, by the mad and destructive combination of despots—when the feeble have been enslaved by power, and the strong by intrigue, it is wonderful we should not profit by experience! With all the examples of Europe before us, we suffer ourselves to be misled by suspicions against each other, drawn from the true considerations of policy, and every question is tested rather by the motive in which it originated than its real bearing. Look in the Eastern states; what excitement has been produced by this vague mode of conducting our political controversies. Honest men have been inflamed almost to hostility against the laws, by unfounded insinuations against men, and sections of the country not less so than themselves; the government and Southern people have been represented as inimical to commerce, eager to wage war with England, and form an alliance with France. How can this be substantiated? Have we not an equal interest in trade? Does not the value of our produce depend entirely upon it? Most certainly! I will venture to say, there is but one opinion. As to wishing war with England, I would only refer any candid man to the transactions between the two nations. Let him point out a single instance in which we have injured her; on the contrary we

have shown the most manifest reluctance to destroy the harmony of the two countries. As was justly remarked in Congress "we have too much of the argument and too little of the injury on our side." Protected by this insinuation, and emboldened by its effects in disguising the true character of her conduct, she has hazarded aggressions at which she would have started. I should feel degraded if I were capable of attachment to any foreign nation, or shaping the policy of my own to subserve its views. Injuries to America alone shall excite my resentment, it shall be terminated by reparation. If I have examined the conduct of England, it has been because I have heard it justified, because it is constantly softened down and misrepresented to the people. At the time they charge their political opponents with attachment to France, they assert we have no cause of complaint against her—while the conduct of France is uniformly reprobated by those who are charged with prejudices in her favor.
I am happy that political differences among us have not partaken of asperity; while the management of public concerns has been freely examined, foreign nations have seen no encouragement to persevere in their aggressions. In the midst of the difficulties with which we are surrounded, I do not pretend to think I have not committed errors, but I can with truth declare they have not been intentional. I shall again offer my services, and should they be accepted, you may rely on my best exertions to promote the prosperity of us all. Born in this country, possessing property in common, and fixed permanently among you, are pledges sufficiently strong of my fidelity.
It will give me pleasure to communicate any additional information upon subjects which could not be comprised in this letter when I return.
Accept my best wishes, WILLIAM A. BURVELL.
EUROPE.
NORFOLK, March 6.
Foreign Intelligence. —Yesterday arrived here the British ship Aurora , Capt. Smith, from Liverpool. The passage of this ship has been long, the latest papers brought by her are of the 22d of December, with which we have been favored by Capt. Smith, and from which some extracts are made for those days Ledger . The latest London dates are to the 20th of December, and although these accounts are not pleasing to the friends of the Spanish patriots, they serve to relieve us from the state of suspense, into which contradictory reports had placed us, for the last ten or fifteen days.
The thirteenth bulletin had been received in England, which announces the arrival of Bonaparte in Madrid. This event, it appears, had not depressed the Spanish patriots, the more as it was not preceded by any battle, other than what has been detailed up to the twelfth bulletin, if we except an affair at Somosierra, to which no consequence is attached.
It does not appear that the British troops had been engaged, by the French on their route to Madrid.
Upon the authority of a letter from Plymouth, dated the 19th December, it is stated the British army had been engaged, and were victorious, but this account rests upon authority too slender to merit confidence.
Accounts from the British army in Spain had been received to the 7th of December, to which date it had not been engaged; we may therefore set down all the accounts, we have lately received of an engagement between the French and British and Spanish armies, as fabrications.
Upon reviewing the intelligence which we now announce, although there is nothing consoling, there is nothing to produce despair. The possession of the capital, could not be prevented but by hazarding the fate of the cause by a general action, which it appears to have been the determination of the Spaniards to avoid. We repeat what we have often before said, that the march of an enemy through a country does not insure a conquest. The Spaniards appear to follow the course recommended to them, in the commencement of their contest.
The very imperfect details which our papers contain, do not enable us to know what force Bonaparte had left in his rear, to keep in check the British armies of Sir John Moore and Sir David Baird, with the Spanish army under Romana and Blake, on his right, and the armies of Castanos and Palafox on his left.
That there was no engagement after the date of the 12th bulletin, is certain, because the next, the 13th, is dated near Madrid, in which no action is noticed. We should not be surprised to find that Bonaparte unable to bring the Spaniards to a general action, had determined to advance rapidly on to Madrid, in order to see what effect that movement would produce; if it should not produce the desired effect, he can only retreat again. In fact, Bonaparte is now only in the situation, which Murat was when at Madrid last year, but very different indeed is the situation of the Spaniards. Then they had no armies, or allies, & seemed devoted to destruction. The Spanish cause will not be so soon decided as many have supposed.
The British have gained some trifling advantages upon the coast of Italy, but not worth detailing in an American Journal.
It is with real regret that we notice the affairs of Sweden; the immense power of Russia, has compelled the gallant king of Sweden to evacuate Finland.
PRICES OF STOCKS 20th Dec. in London, 3 per cent. 65 7-8 p. cent.
CORN EXCHANGE, at Liverpool, 20th December,
English Wheat, 15s. to 15s. 6d. for 70 pounds.
American do. 14s. 9d. to 15s. do.
Flour 72s. per sack of 180 pounds.—about 50s. sterling per American barrel.— Ledger .
LONDON, Dec. 16.
Yesterday his majesty held a privy council, at which a proclamation was agreed to be issued, for further proroguing parliament from the 16th to the 19th January, then to meet for the dispatch of business.
The Earl of Chatham has been appointed commander in chief of the British troops in Spain and Portugal, and last night set off to take the command. He was accompanied by col. Macleod, who, we hear, is to act as adjutant general to the army.
Letters from officers in Sir John Moore's army, describe their march of 400 miles from the Tagus to Salamanca, as having been supported by our troops with their usual fortitude and steadiness. On some days they marched 30 miles—they were well re-
ceived in the different towns, and the people were particularly struck with their appearance.
The public sitting of the court of inquiry at Chelsea terminated yesterday, the president, Sir David Dundas, having signified that, as the examination of the evidence was closed, the future proceedings of the board would be of a private nature; the public will of course, in due time, be fully informed of the judgment of the court.
December 17.
Paris papers to the 12th instant have this day been received. They contain the thirteenth bulletin of the French army, dated at St. Martin, near Madrid, December 2; and detailing the capture of the pass of Somosierra, and the ulterior progress of the army to that date. The Moniteurs of the 13th and 14th, contain the unelcome intelligence of the surrender of Madrid in the following words.
"Camp at Madrid, Dec. 4.—The town of Madrid has capitulated. Our troops entered to day at noon."
Capitulation of Madrid.—Entrance of the French Army into that city.
By the flag of truce which returned last evening to Dover, with Mr. Shaw, the Messenger on board, we have received Paris papers to the 15th inst.—Their contents are of great importance. The city of Madrid has capitulated, and the French troops entered on the 4th inst. at noon. This intelligence is dated from the French camp at Madrid, and is officially announced in the Moniteurs of the 15th and 14th. It was announced in a proclamation, addressed by the Supreme Junta to the people of Spain and particularly to those of Madrid, recommending the conduct which they ought to observe under these circumstances. This proclamation was dated from the royal palace of Aranjuez, on the 21st inst., and consequently we may presume that the first appearance of the enemy at Somosierra took place about the 18th or 19th. What became of this corps is not mentioned. It was probably pushed rapidly forward for the purpose of alarming the country, a manoeuvre often practiced by the French with success. If such were the case, it probably retreated as fast as it had advanced. That a large portion of the enemy had not advanced so far at that date we may presume, as the defeat of the force under Castanos upon the Ebro did not take place till the 23d. The details of the approach of the French to Madrid are contained in the 13th bulletin, dated at St. Martin, the 2d inst. It states, that on the 30th last, the duke of Belluno (Marshal Victor) arrived at Somosierra with a corps of 13,000 men, when he found the Spaniards in a strong post, defended by 16 pieces of cannon. Here however as in the battle of Tudela, the French derived great advantage from their cavalry. A charge made by the Polish light horse decided that day, and the Spaniards sustained a total defeat. Bonaparte on the following day, the 1st Dec. removed his head quarters to St. Augustine, and on the next to St. Martin, on which day the duke of Istria, with his cavalry took possession of the heights which command Madrid, and the infantry were expected to arrive on the 3d. Here the 13th bulletin ends; the Moniteurs add, that the town capitulated, and was entered by the French on the 4th. The proclamation of the Supreme Junta, to which we have alluded, further stated, that the posts of Guadarrama and Escurial, between Somosierra and Madrid, were strongly fortified and would make a formidable resistance. As the 13th bulletin, however, does not notice any action subsequent to that of Somosierra, it is probable that the French did not advance on that line, but proceeded S. E. in a circuitous route by Butrageno. Of the Spanish force at Guadarrama & Escurial, there is no notice, nor are the English armies once mentioned.
An article in the Moniteur states, that Mr. Adair has failed in his mission to the Sublime Porte.
An English officer arrived this morning with dispatches from Mr. Frere, at Madrid, and our armies. The dispatches from our armies are dated the 7th. They were then in high spirits. They had not heard of the arrival of the French at Madrid. It was understood on the contrary, that Bonaparte had not followed up the victory of Tudela with his usual energy. He represents the Spaniards as greatly in want of cavalry.
Dec. 20.
This morning a mail from Gottenburgh arrived, which brings intelligence of an armistice having been concluded between the Swedes & Russians. It appears, that, notwithstanding the bravery and perseverance of the Swedish troops, they were unable to oppose an effectual resistance to the immense superiority, in point of numbers, which their enemies possessed over them, and a convention has been agreed upon, by which the Swedes consent to evacuate Finland.
Copy of a letter from Plymouth, dated Dec. 19.
SIR—I have just seen a gentleman, who was this afternoon informed by Admiral Sutton, that an officer had landed in Cornwall, from Spain; (I think the north coast,) with an account of our troops having been in action, and that they had been victorious—This is all I can learn, and as it opens a ray of hope, I cannot omit a day to communicate, and hope it may be confirmed to its fullest extent.
LIVERPOOL, Dec. 22.
SPANISH PATRIOTS.
The subscription in London, in aid of the cause of the brave Spaniards, on Friday, amounted to upwards of 30,000l. The Bank of England subscribed 2,000l. and the Duke of Queensbury 5,000l. A meeting of merchants and other inhabitants of Bristol, is to be held this day, to forward the same laudable plan. We trust that the inhabitants of this town, who are well acquainted with the national honor and good faith of the Spaniards, will not be the last to follow the noble example of the city of London.
CHARLESTON, February 25. Captain Russell informs, that on Wednesday the 15th inst. the British government brig Dispatch , arrived at Nassau from a cruise—a few days before her arrival, she had spoken a packet dispatched by Lord Collingwood to the governor of Jamaica, with intelligence of a great battle having been fought near Madrid, between the combined British and Spanish troops with the French, in which the latter were completely defeated with the loss of 40,000 men. Capt. R. also informs, that this intelligence received general credit at Nassau, and that an EXTRA paper containing it, was in the press when he sailed.— Courier .
A passenger in the Gondolier , from Port-Rico informs, that a letter had been received at that place from St. Thomas, with information that English accounts to the 3d of January, had been received at Barbadoes.—The reports were, that the Spaniards had defeated the French, with the loss of 40,000 men.— Times .
The Charleston Times says—"There has been a very desperate action fought between the African man of war and about 30 sail of Danish gun-boats. The Africa , capt. Barrett, sailed from Charleston, on the 14th of October, with about 440 vessels, bound to Gottenburg. The Danes being in expectation of this fleet, collected at Kalmar a force of gun-boats; and the British commercial fleet, under convoy of the Africa having arrived off that port, the Danish gun-boats came out and attacked them. The Africa took immediate measures to defend her charge, and gallantly opposed the enemy. In the contest, however, three of the British ships were driven on shore, and but for the desperate manner in which capt. Barrett fought his ship, many others must have shared the same fate. In this unequal contest, the Africa has suffered very much. At one time, 20 of the enemy's boats were engaged upon her together, for a considerable time. She had 20 killed and 40 wounded. The loss of the enemy was not known, but it must be considerable, as the Africa , during the contest, was like a perfect volcano, and several of the enemy's boats went to the bottom."
Martinique Taken. —We are informed by captain Hazard of the Swedish schooner Locke , from St. Bartholomews, which island he left the 15th of last month, that a few days before he sailed, information which was relied on, was received, stating that, with the exception of one fort, the island of Martinique had surrendered to the British forces, under admiral Cochrane and Sir George Prevost. The letters received at St. Bartholomews, announcing this event, stated that no doubt was entertained that the remaining fort would shortly surrender.— Norfolk Ledger .
DOMESTIC.
LEGISLATURE OF CONNECTICUT.
HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY, Feb. 23.
Resolved , That the firm and dignified attitude taken by His Excellency, the Governor, in withholding his countenance and aid to carry into effect the law of Congress, "more effectually to enforce the embargo," and passed on the 9th day of January, in the present year; is highly honorable to himself, and worthy the chief magistrate of a free and enlightened state; and that it merits the unqualified approbation and the united thanks of this legislature, and of the people whom they represent.
Resolved , That whereas the people of Connecticut were among the first to adopt the Constitution of the United States, and the Government thereof, has since that time obeyed with an honorable and distinguished promptitude, every constitutional requirement of the authorities acting under it—So on the other hand, they too well know, and too highly appreciate their own rights, and the importance of preserving that Constitution inviolate, ever to yield a passive obedience to laws, unauthorized by its provision—arbitrary, unequal and oppressive in their operation, and highly dangerous, if not totally destructive, of the peace, the happiness and the just rights of a free people.
Resolved , That the letter of the Secretary at War, to his Excellency, with his reply thereto, be entered on the records of this state, with the foregoing resolutions.
The following is the correspondence between His Excellency, Gov. Trumbull, and the Secretary at War, alluded to in the above:
WAR DEPARTMENT, Jan. 18th, 1809.
SIR,
The pressure of the embargo, although sensibly felt by every description of our fellow citizens, has yet been cheerfully borne by most of them, under a conviction that it was a temporary evil, and a necessary one to save us from greater and more permanent evils, the loss of property and surrender of rights; but it would have been more cheerfully borne but for the knowledge that, while honest men were religiously observing it, the unprincipled along our sea coasts and frontiers, were fraudulently evading it; and that in some parts they had even dared to break through it openly by an armed force too powerful to be opposed by the collector and his assistants.
To put an end to this scandalous insubordination to the laws, the legislature has authorized the President of the United States, to empower proper persons to employ militia for preventing or suppressing armed or riotous assemblages of persons resisting the custom-house officers in the exercise of their duties, or opposing or violating the embargo laws. He sincerely hopes, that during the short time these restrictions are expected to continue, no other instances will take place of a crime of so deep a die. But it is made his duty to take the measures necessary to meet it. He has directed me, therefore, to request you, as commanding officer of the militia of your State, to appoint some officer of the militia, of known respect to the laws, in or near to each port of entry within your State, with orders, when applied to by the collector of the district, to assemble immediately a sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously to maintain the authority of the laws respecting the embargo; and that you notify to each collector, the officer to whom, by your appointment, he is to apply for aid when necessary. The President has referred this appointment to your Excellency, because your knowledge of characters, or means of obtaining it will enable you to select one who can be most confided in to exercise so serious a power, with all the discretion, the forbearance, the kindness even, which the enforcement of the law will possibly admit; ever bearing in my mind, that the life of a citizen is never to be endangered but as the last melancholy effort for the maintenance of order and obedience to the laws.
Your Excellency will please to instruct the officers so appointed, to have correct muster and pay rolls made out and transmitted to this department, of such militia as they may find it necessary, in the execution of their duties, to call into actual service.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your Excellency's obedient servant, H. DEARBORN, Sec'y of War. His Excellency the Governor of Connecticut.
LEBANON, 4th Feb. 1809.
SIR, I have received your letter of the 18th January, conveying to me a request of the president of the United States, that as com-
mander in chief of the Militia of this State, I would appoint a select number of officers of our Militia, to whom the collectors of the customs may apply for military aid in certain cases, which may by them, be thought necessary for compelling obedience to the laws of Congress enforcing the embargo.
I have had the subject of this request under my most serious and mature consideration; the final result, of which I now have the honor to communicate to you.
I have reflected that neither the constitution, nor statutes of this state, have given to the commander in chief of its Militia any authority to make such appointment of officers as has been requested; nor does my information suggest to me, any authority given to the President of the United States, derived either from the constitution or laws of the United States, to call upon the executive of an individual state to take an agency in appointments, such as are contemplated by the request mentioned.
Conceiving also as I do, and believing it to be the opinion of the great mass of the citizens of this state, that the late law of Congress for the more rigorous enforcement of the embargo, is unconstitutional in many of its provisions, interfering with the state's sovereignty, and subversive of the guaranteed rights, privileges and immunities of the citizens of the United States; I have from these considerations, deemed it peculiarly and highly improper for a state executive to contribute his volunteer aid in support or aid bearing such an aspect.
And when I reflect upon the extent of measures which must probably be resorted to for the enforcement of this law; a law which from the means contemplated for its support and execution, it would seem is to require all the military and naval forces of the union, I cannot suppress my deep anxiety for the events it may produce.
I might also add, that I cannot be induced to risk my responsibility to the public by contributing towards placing a "serious power" in the hands, and at the disposal of men in whom I should not be able, in all instances, to repose the fullest confidence; more especially, when their individual acts and measures may not always be under the regulation of the best motives, and when their proceedings in execution of this law, will naturally tend to put at extreme hazard the peace, lives, property, and dearest rights of our fellow-citizens.
Under this view therefore of the subject, and with these considerations before me, my mind has been led to a serious and decided determination to decline a compliance with your request, and to have no agency in the appointments which the President has been pleased to refer to me.
While I take the liberty of this declining agency, you will be pleased to recollect, that on all former occasions, when constitutional applications have been made to this state, for the execution of the constitutional laws and requisitions of the Union, the promptitude and readiness of their compliance, have merited and received the approbation, if not the applause, of the general administration of the United States.
With all due consideration, I am Sir, Your obedient servant, JONATHAN TRUMBULL. Hon. Secretary at War.
HONEST COMMERCIAL MEN ROBBED.
We are fully assured, that British, or federal gold has been freely offered to many Collectors of our ports, in the northern and southern states, for certificates of landing cargoes that never existed their ports. Rumor says, with some effect, we think, the certificates will, on inspection, not agree with arrivals, should the department, who's right it is, narrowly inspect them; the general good demands that every man should discountenance bribes , which alone can be profitable to the knave.— Col. Detector .
Lights Gratifying. —We learn that Mr. Gore's Committee Declaration of War against France, without even consulting the government of the United States, has received the most marked contempt from a quarter least expected, even from merchants, who, until of late, were highly federal. In Portland, and some other commercial towns, it has broke up the Junto influence in their insurance offices—the merchants and underwriters are unwilling to rest the fate of their adventures, upon the hot headed proceedings of the bar, pulpit, and funding gentry, who are too apt to try their experiments at the expense of the men whose property is exposed abroad. Some of these anarchy advocates, not long since, demanded the reason of some merchants, why, in defiance of the vote of the town, they obeyed the laws of the United States! To which was replied, by the exporting gentlemen, if we are eventually compelled, by government, to pay the forfeiture of resisting the law, at whose expense will it be—yours or ours?—The anarchy fraternity took the hint and retired.— Amer.
MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNOR.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN,
I have received information that the Supreme Court of the United States had ordered a peremptory mandamus to be issued in the suit of Gideon Olmstead and others, versus Elizabeth Sergeant and Esther Waters, Executrices of the last Will and Testament of the late Gideon Olmstead , and that immediate application will be made to Richard Peters, Judge of the District Court of Pennsylvania, for an execution against the persons and effects of M rs . Sergeant and Waters, or that rather as it is an admiralty proceeding, and attachment against their persons will be the compulsory process adopted on the occasion.
By the act of the 21st of April, 1808, M rs . Sergeant and M rs . Waters are directed to pay a sum of money arising out of the sale of the British ship Active , captured during the late revolution, into the state treasury; with the requisition of that law, the said executrices have complied, it now becomes my duty, agreeably to the provisions of that act, to protect the property and persons of the said executrices against the said process. Painful as this duty is, I am compelled, and am now making arrangements to call out a portion of the Militia for that service; that being the only means in the power of the executive.
As the execution of this law may produce serious difficulties, as it respects the relation between the state government and that of the United States, I have thought proper to make this communication, on which the legislature can act as in their wisdom they shall think expedient.
SIMON SNYDER. Speaker of the House of Representatives. Lancaster, Feb. 21, 1809.
The preceding message from the governor is founded on a law of 1803, compelling this step to be taken, and leaving no alternative. In the first instance, therefore the governor could do no long but what he has done. What the legislature will ultimately do, is another question, upon whose ultimate determination we have no doubt the modern anti-federalists will be completely
disappointed in their hopes and expectations. We have no hesitation in saying that Pennsylvania, however jealous of her rights, will not be found in the present crisis ranked among the disorganizing states.
That our readers may form some notion of the general question now submitted to the legislature, we shall present the following brief statement of facts.
During the revolutionary war, the British ship Active being captured by Gideon Olmstead and others, a part of the proceeds of the prize were claimed (under existing regulations) by the state of Pennsylvania. This right was contested by the captors, and several discussions were had upon the subject, on some of which the right of Pennsylvania was acknowledged, and in others negatived. Some time in 1802, the decree of the court of appeals underwent a revision in the district court, where Judge Peters presided, and the decree was in favor of the captors.
The suit was brought against the representatives of the late Daniel Rittenhouse , to whom the money claimed by the states was paid as treasurer of the state; and he considering himself as a mere stake-holder, gave bond, as treasurer of the state, to re-fund the money, if the final judgement of the law should be in favor of the captors.
By an amendment to the constitution of the U. States, the federal courts have no jurisdiction where a state is defendant. In the present case, the real defendant was the state of Pennsylvania, for if her officer was sued in his public capacity, and he was amenable in no other under his bond than the state was in fact such. Rittenhouse did not claim the money; it was claimed by the captors on the one hand and by the state of Pennsylvania on the other. Mr. McKean, the attorney general, is properly declined appearing either by defence, suggestion or otherwise, in a court which could have no jurisdiction in the cause. The proceedings of judge Peters therefore, and of judge Marshall , are perfectly ex parte . They have decided without argument either on the law or the merits. Indeed why and how it has happened that chief justice Marshall has been so very anxious to enter into an ex parte investigation of the merits of a case, when the merits are no part of the question before him, is a circumlocution that some years ago would have been very singular in a chief justice of the union. The only question before the court was, whether judge Peters , returned to the mandamus of the act of the Pennsylvania legislature of 1803, was a sufficient return.
That the state of Pennsylvania was the real & only defendant in the court of judge Peters , is reasonable in itself, at least as it appears to us. Nor can there be a doubt of the propriety of declining all investigation before a court that had no right to entertain it. Still the paltry sum of 15,000 dollars, is not a consideration sufficient to induce the state of Pennsylvania, which stands now the great bond of union in this nation, to throw her weight into the scale of revolt; and to give irresistible force and effect to British machinations. She may retain and maintain her right; there need be no relinquishment of principle, or improper admission of precedent; and yet the wishes of forces be defeated.— Democratic Press .
FOUGHS-KEPSIE, Feb. 22.
Passed through this town last week, on their way to the city of Washington, eleven Chiefs and Warriors, from the tribes of the Onondaga, Oneida, and Buffalo Indians, accompanied by an interpreter. While here they performed a variety of War Dances and religious ceremonies.—It is said that understanding the U. States were likely to be engaged in war, they have been delegated to offer the alliance of their respective tribes to the General Government of the American nation, in case of such an event.
ANDREW ALLEN, who founded the Anchor Club in this city, in the year 1796—7; who afterwards went to England and returned, and was appointed British Consul at Boston , and who in fact has been the chief supporter of three at least of the Boston newspapers, has taken a passage for England, and no doubt may expect either a knighthood or a peerage for his services; he has by gold and ink accomplished more towards the degradation and enslavement and shame of America, than all the Howes and Gages, and Cornwallis , and Burgoyne and Donop , and 200,000,000 of pounds sterling, and 100,000 lives could accomplish.— Aurora .
FROM THE N. Y. ROYAL GAZETTE.
CONUNDRUM. —Why are the people of the U. S. like the Jews in Egypt? Because they are under BOND -age.
[Supposed to allude to the power exercised by Phineas Bond , over the country, by the golden lever .]— Aur.
CONNECTICUT SABBATH SPECULATION.
The belief so often inculcated, that a truly religious people receive a reward in this world, as well as a hope of divine recompense in the next, was, perhaps, never more completely exemplified, than in the present case of our pious sister state Connecticut:—The United States mail, in its progress through the territory of that devout people, is on Saturday evening arrested in its progress, and detained until the Sabbath is over. In the mean time, the conscientious post-masters, under an impression that the dispatches for the good people of that state, contain some religious intelligence, actually distribute all the letters. By this means, their pious merchants, and devout speculators, (with about thirty hours start) are afforded a weekly opportunity to make such speculations upon their Eastern and Western brethren, as superior and more early intelligence must always furnish. Thus may it be said by them, that the ways of their religion are pleasant , and all her paths lead to— Prof. L. Detector .
WHAT ARE THE EFFECTS WHICH THE REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO WILL PRODUCE?
This question, in a former paper, I have partly endeavored to discuss. It is, however, a question of so momentous a nature, and involving so many of our dearest interests, that to pursue it, cannot injure, if it do no benefit.
To me it appears, that instead of the peace and security which we now enjoy, a repeal of the embargo will lead us to war, with all its calamities; that instead of a free and unrestrained commerce, such as our executive has strove, with Herculean efforts, to obtain, and such as the present system promises in the end to produce, we shall have a fettered and restricted trade, and that, on the winding up and end of the business, instead of the expected riches which is to flow into our lap from commerce, poverty and distress will be resulting.
The hue an' cry, however, is—strike off the embargo—and every brawler for this measure, will cry it, that if even our commerce with France and their dependencies are interdicted, still we shall be benefited—we shall have some foreign trade—we shall have something to employ us.
Now let us see what that something is, and what it will end in.

France and England and their dependencies... (taking at the same time into view the English orders of council and French decrees) embrace all Europe, except the now revolutionizing countries—Spain and Portugal. Spain indeed cannot be said to be exempted—for at this present instant of time, it is more than probable that Bonaparte has possession of all the northern sea ports, and by the last accounts, the southern are in a fair way to be in the same condition. At all events, it is a doubtful point, and it would be bad policy to run the risk of sailing into the Lion's mouth.
Should Spain be subdued, the interdiction towards France and her dependencies will naturally include her—and if subdued, how will it fare with Portugal? The British arms have hitherto had, and without any physical strength of her own, she must fall at ease, a unresisting and submissive prey to the power of France.
The only trade that then offers itself to us, is to the dependencies of Spain and Portugal—and it is possible, that any person who will give himself the trouble of ten minutes reflection, can see that Great Britain will allow this country to enjoy a commerce, which she has especially reserved to enrich herself. (By way of part payment for her arms, her men and her ammunition, furnished those countries, and for which she means to take those colonies under her peculiar care.) Will she, when she has the power to prevent it, permit America to trade with Mexico or the Brazils, while America continues an interdicted trade with herself? No! she will allow you to go out—wink at you, but keep a sharp look out, so that you shall never return.
Where then does the next trade open itself to our view?
To China, the only country in the world which stands aloof in the present hour of convulsions. Suppose for a moment you go there, and even arrive safe home again; what are the productions of China worth, if you can't re-export them? A small part only of these productions (taking into view our usual importations,) are used in the United States—the much greater part have generally been distributed to different quarters of the globe. If it be merely our own necessities we are to supply, and in the present posture of affairs, this is all we can hope for, a very few Chinamen will answer the purpose—one from each state would be more than sufficient for an 18 months consumption. What then is to become of all the rest of our shipping—brigs, schooners, &c.? Are they to remain in the same state in which they are, or run the gauntlet to be taken—no doubt many of them will be expedited by their deluded owners, led away by the flattering and golden dreams of success—which, on their waking hour will prove worse than air built castles. But even this forlorn picture does not come up to the truth—few, if any of the Chinamen, will return. No, not even this commerce will be safe from the spirit of the enemy—for the greedy bandit of the ocean, will suffer nothing to pass when the seas are open to plunder; (particularly prizes of such worth) and when she knows too that the result of all this must end with war.
The present administration has been abused, reviled, vilified, and over the cups of many federalists, when their inebriety led them to believe that their toasts of three times three, vied with the artillery of Heaven, Mr. Jefferson and the administration have been drunk to perdition—and for what? Because they have endeavored to save their country in an hour of peril, in a day of danger, such as had never before presented itself. And this so far has been effected.
Our vessels are safe in our ports. No man can say, I have been ruined by a want of vigilance in our government. Many men can and will say, I should have been ruined if the embargo had not taken place when it did!
And now, notwithstanding all these calumnies, and all these imputations which have been so profusely heaped on the head of our executive, and the majority of congress, by a few bad and a few weak men, for laying this embargo; let us suppose, on the 4th of March ensuing, it should be raised—What will be the result?
Look at it—if a vessel even clears out for China, where, under the present existing orders and decrees, none of the belligerent powers can possibly make a plea of a contraband commerce—what will be the premium asked by our insurance offices? Let any one who reads this, enquire, and he will satisfy himself that the risk, and the premium, and the interest of money, will leave more loss than profit to the most prosperous adventurers.
We may, if we are bent upon doing so, endeavour to mask it—but the truth will sooner or later, unmasked, stare us in the face. The present war that G. Britain is fighting, is a war of commerce, and what she contends for is an exclusive privilege. A monopoly of all trade. Is there an American who would assist her in plans so destructive to his own interests?—Aurora.
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman of respectability, residing at Fort Snodder, February 17th, to a member of Congress.
"Three vessels for Orleans, are now detained at Mobile. Two of them contain supplies for the troops stationed here, and are detained, it is said, on account of the duties. The third is principally loaded for the Chactaw trading Houses, and is detained because among the articles destined for that factory, are one hundred barrels of gunpowder."
From the Genesee Messenger.
At a meeting of fifty two Republican Delegates from the different towns in the county of Ontario, (New-York,) on the 31st day of January, 1809, to transact such business as in the opinion of the Delegates might be deemed proper—HUGH JAMESON, Esq. was chosen chairman, & JOHN GRIFFIN, Esq. secretary.
The meeting proceeded to a consideration of the present critical situation of the country and the various and important matters suggested by it, when the following resolutions, expressive of their ardent attachment to the government and of their absolute determination to support it, were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That we consider the constitution and government of the United States, purchased by the blood of our fathers, as the best and safest guardian ever yet established, for the protection of the liberties and property of a free people; and that we are bound by every tie, human and divine, to support them to the utmost of our power, and to transmit them unimpaired to posterity.
Resolved, That we cherish an unabated confidence in the present administration of the government of the United States, and of this state; and we confidently believe, that their late measures have been exclusively dictated by a sincere desire to promote the best interests of the country.
Resolved, That we view with alarm and abhorrence, the conduct of many of our political opponents, and more particularly of some of the federal editors of news-papers, in the open and undisguised encouragement which they give to attempts to resist the execution of the laws, by force—and we pledge our services and lives to the government, to defeat every attempt.
HUGH JAMESON, Chairman, JOHN GRIFFIN, Secretary.
On Saturday James Madison in obedience to the voice of his country, assumed the duties of President of the U. S.
The dawn of the day was announced by a federal salute from the Navy Yard and Fort Washington; and at an early hour the volunteer corps of militia began to assemble. Such was the interest to be present at the inauguration, that the whole area allotted to citizens in the Representative Hall was filled and overflowing several hours before noon, the time assigned for that purpose, and it is computed that the number of persons surrounding the capitol unable to obtain admittance, exceeded ten thousand. The Senate convened at 11 o'clock in the Chamber of the Representatives, Governor Milledge, the President pro tempore, in the chair. Agreeably to arrangement the Senators were placed next to the chair, the late President of the U. S. States on the right of the chair, foreign ministers and suite on the left, judges of the Supreme Court in front, Heads of Departments on the right of the President of the Senate, members of the House of Representatives on the floor, and various other places assigned for other public characters and for Ladies.
Mr. Jefferson arrived about 12 o'clock. A short time before that hour, Mr. Madison left his own house, escorted by the troops of cavalry of the city and Georgetown, commanded by capt. Brent, and at 12 entered the Representative Hall, attended by the Secretary of the treasury, the secretary of the navy, the attorney general and Mr. Coles, secretary to the late President, and introduced by a committee of the senate; when Mr. Milledge left the central chair, and conducted Mr. Madison to it. Mr. Madison then rose and delivered his speech.
The oath of office was then administered to him by Chief Justice Marshall; on which, and as the president retired, two rounds of minute guns were fired. On leaving the capitol he found the volunteer militia companies of the district, nine in number, and in complete uniform, under the command of col. McKinney, drawn up, whose line he passed in review, when he entered his carriage and was escorted home in the same way he came.
A large concourse of Ladies and Gentlemen and Mr. Jefferson among the number, immediately waited upon him, among whom refreshments were liberally distributed. The company generally, after calling on the president, waited on Mr. Jefferson to take a last farewell before his departure.
In the evening there was a grand inauguration ball, at Long's Hotel, the most brilliant and crowded ever known in Washington, at which the late and present President of the United States and foreign ministers were present by invitation. The company is supposed to have exceeded four hundred.
Mr. Madison was dressed in a full suit of cloth of American manufacture, made of the wool of Merinos raised in this country, his coat from the manufactory of col. Humphreys, and his waistcoat and small clothes from that of chancellor Livingston, the clothes being we understand, severally presented by those gentlemen. National Intelligencer.
To read the speech of the Governor of Connecticut at the opening of an extra session which he has called, to interfere with the constitutional powers of Congress, we would be led to believe that there were no dishonorable restrictions on neutral commerce by the European belligerents; or at least that his Excellency had never read such documents as British orders in council or French decrees. It is the duty of a statesman to inform himself well on the affairs of nations and to trace effects to their proper causes. The embargo is not a cause, but an effect, hence the perfidy of Gov. Trumbull, in ascribing to it, the evils resulting from British and French aggressions on our national rights. Balt. American.
We republish the following from the Bedford Gazette, to show what credibility is attached to the tales which the federal papers in the interior circulate, to bring the embargo laws and the administration into disrepute. We do not know of any period at which flour has sold in this city, at $7 since the existence of those laws, until the bringing into the house of congress the non-intercourse bill, to which this Bedford editor refers, and if the embargo be taken off to-morrow, without a more efficient substitute than non-intercourse or the removal of the obnoxious orders and decrees of the belligerents, flour would not maintain the price of 7 dollars, for three months.
On the arrival of the proceedings in Congress which we this day publish, in the city of Baltimore, FLOUR, which was selling briskly at seven dollars per barrel instantly fell two and an half dollars. Ib.
NEWBERN, (N. C.) Feb. 2.
A violent gale was experienced at the Bar, on Sunday the 22d ult. and continued for several days—during which, a schooner belonging to capt. Samuel Pulfard and Mr. Daniels, laden with Naval stores, and peas, went on the Swash Shoals, and her cargo is entirely lost. Several other vessels were driven ashore, but we hear that nearly the whole are gotten off, without any considerable damage.
On Saturday night last, a brig which some time since, had into the Port of Ocracoke from Norfolk, and which was seized by James Taylor, esq. collector, on suspicion that a violation of the embargo laws contained, made her escape and went to sea. From what we can learn of the circumstances, it appears that the brig had been laying in Wallicutts Channel, under seizure a long time—that the officers of the customs had taken her sails ashore—that the brig was floating during this time—that she had a quantity of naval stores and stores on board—and it is suspected that she had provisions. It appears also, from report, that an entire new set of sails were headed up in
aska, the use of which is availed herself of and making has been heard of her since.
Two days previous to the above, a sloop in open day, in a gale of wind, made sail, and soon left Ocracoke bar behind her.
From the Philadelphia Daily Advertiser.
Z. PAULSON. The following observations are extracted from a work lately published in London, entitled "The Society of Friends, or people commonly called Quakers, examined by John Brice, Esq." and are recommended to the serious attention of persons who habituate themselves to the shameful and degrading practice of prophane swearing, and it is believed his remarks on Judicial Oaths are well worthy the consideration of persons of all descriptions: Please give them publicity. K.
"As to the custom of common swearing in ordinary discourse, there can be but one opinion: Every one must allow, that it is the most absurd, beggarly, vile and unproductive vice in all the dark catalogue of human iniquities. I have generally observed this deformity to prevail in the inverse ratio of a man's understanding; a circumstance of no very difficult solution; for in proportion to the weakness of a man's intellect, and the scantiness of his knowledge, must he find himself at a loss, both for ideas & for words, wherewith to support a conversation for any length of time, and therefore has recourse to the miserable expedient of stopping up all the gaps in discourse, made by his want of sense with a great variety of oaths and curses; hence your thorough solid blockhead contrives to eke out the burpings of his brain, by making his conversation consist of one part of pure, unallayed dulness, and the other two parts, of absolute vice and degrading deformity, arrayed in the hellish garb of cursing and swearing, oaths and blasphemy."
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 10, 1809.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated 6th March.
"ROBERT SMITH is appointed Secretary of State. EUSTIS is nominated as Secretary of the Navy—HAMILTON, of S. Carolina, of War. JOHN Q. ADAMS as Minister at the court of St. Petersburg—SUMNER, of S. Carolina, at the Brazils. BOYLE of Maryland, Governor of the Illinois territory, and DAVID HOLMES of the Mississippi—The Senate have acted only on the first nomination—there is no doubt, I believe, but the whole will be confirmed."
* Supposed of Kentucky.
CELEBRATION OF THE FOURTH OF MARCH.
On Saturday last, the Republicans of the town of Manchester, assembled on the hill, nearly opposite to the Capitol square, and at 12 o'clock, seventeen rounds of cannon were fired, accompanied with a discharge of small arms, from the company of Republican Blues, under the command of Capt. Peter F. Smith, and at 4 o'clock, the Republican Blues, with many of the Citizens of the Town, who attended by invitation, repaired to the Columbian Inn, where an elegant dinner had been prepared for the occasion by Mr. Zachariah Brooks. The greatest harmony and unity of sentiment prevailed.
The following toasts were drank, which met with entire approbation:
1. The day we celebrate; the triumph of Virtue, the victory of Patriotism. 3 cheers.
2. Thomas Jefferson—He carries with him into retirement, the confidence and approbation of his Country. 3 cheers.
3. The President of the United States—His past services in the cause of his country, are a sure pledge for his future conduct. 3 cheers.
4. The Vice-President of the U. States—Useful in the field; respectable in the cabinet. 3 cheers.
5. The Congress of the United States—In their act repealing the Embargo laws, without adopting a more energetic substitute, we witness a timidity of conduct unworthy of our national character, and a dereliction of those principles which actuated the heroes of our revolution. 6 cheers.
6. John W. Eppes—Our patriotic Representative in Congress—amidst the general wreck of his Country's honor and independence, he advocated the only efficient substitute for the Embargo—War. 6 cheers.
7. The memory of George Washington—The gratitude of a nation will never be denied to the founder of its liberties. 6 cheers.
8. The memory of Montgomery—We will live uncontrouled by foreign powers, or share his fate. 9 cheers.
9. The memory of Pierce—"His Ghost walks unrevenged among us." 6 cheers.
10. The frigate Chesapeake; the finger of Justice points at her wounds, and Justice herself "cries aloud—to battle." 12 cheers.
11. Our National honor—The only balsom which can heal its wounds, is war. Cheers unlimited.
12. John Quincy—Whilst the wreath of honor and gratitude, woven by the Sons of America, shade the temples of her Jefferson; may he, who attempted to wither it, sink into contempt. 9 cheers.
13. State of Massachusetts—The first delinquent in the cause of freedom—May her little policy give way to more noble, bold and patriotic principles. 13 cheers.
14. Governor Tyler; one of the Patriots of '76; a Republican in principle and in practice. 3 cheers.
15. The United States—Mild in peace; terrible in war. 9 cheers.
16. The State of Virginia—May it never again be represented by men who bury right in power. 6 cheers.
The Fair Daughters of America—May their smiles be bestowed, only on the virtuous, the brave and those who will be free. 6 cheers.
VOLUNTEERS.
By Henry S. Biscoe. The late Majority in Congress; they have disgraced themselves and degraded the nation. 9 cheers.
By Thomas T. Chittenden. James Madison—May he long remain a Star, fixed in the political firmament, to shed light on his admiring country. 3 cheers.
By John H. Smith. John Randolph; the apostate—May his violent ravings, after the ensuing election, be confined to his own domicile. 3 cheers.
By Major Wm. Ball. May the principles of the Patriots of '76, never be forgotten by their posterity. 6 cheers.
By John Howlett. May the Legislature of Virginia never be deterred from doing their duty.
Saturday, the 4th inst., the members of the Republican Party Association, assembled at the boarding house of Mr. Matthew Mundy, in Williamsburg, to partake of an elegant dinner, provided for them; when the following Toasts were drank, accompanied by appropriate Music:
1. The Day we celebrate—May it ever test the virtue of the Republic—3 cheers—Song 'The Day Star of Liberty'.
2. The U. States—May their Union co. extend with time—6 cheers—"Hail Columbia".
3. The Constitution of the U. States—The Palladium of our Liberties—May the virtue of the People preserve it from every unhallowed touch—6 cheers—"America, Commerce and Freedom".
4. The President of the U. States—May he deserve and receive the confidence and support of the People—6 cheers—"We are no band of Slaves".
5. The memory of our Political Saviour—Geo. Washington—"Rex in Castle".
6. The Patriots of 1776—May we ever preserve, with pious care, the rich inheritance secured to us by their invaluable blood—6 cheers—"Adams and Liberty".
7. The Com. *ated Authorities—May the true interests of their country, ever be their Polar Star—3 cheers—"See your Country righted".
8. The Patriots of Spain—They fight for Justice—May they soon obtain it—3 cheers—"Just is thy cause O! Spain".
9. The Army of the U. S.—May they prove the defenders, not the oppressors of their country—3 cheers—"E'er around the huge Oak".
10. The Navy of the U. S.—May the brilliancy of its future exploits, erase the foul stain, which, for a moment, obscures its former lustre—Song "Rise Columbia".
11. The Militia of the U. S.—May they make valiant Soldiers in War, and virtuous Citizens in Peace—6 cheers—"Yankee Doodle".
12. The State of Virginia—May she continue to be one of the brightest ornaments of the American Constellation—3 Cheers—"To Columbia, &c".
13. The American Fair—May they reward with their smiles, the defenders of their country's rights—6 cheers—"The Wounded Hussar".
VOLUNTEER TOASTS.
By Wilson J. Cary. Thomas Jefferson—The Statesman, the Patriot, and the Sage: Long may he enjoy, in tranquil retirement, the rich reward of virtue; a grateful Country's Love.
By B. Shields. James Madison—This day proves to the world, that the virtue of the Republic remains unshaken, amidst the ravings of Domestic Faction, and Foreign Intrigue.
By W. C. Shields. The memory of our gallant countrymen, who fell before the walls of Tripoli.
By B. D. Henley, (an invited guest) The Williamsburg Republican Military Association—Soldiers through choice—fired with the holy enthusiasm of patriotism—they have nobly associated to learn the art of war—when occasion shall offer, each will be found emulating the virtues and talents of '76.
By Capt. R. Anderson. The American Eagle, in her natural station she is always independent—It is only when she descends to an intimacy with the cockatrices of the dunghill, that she endangers her safety and freedom.
By Lieut. Miles Cary. The Legislature of Virginia—Then from support of the last administration, merits and receives our warmest approbation.
By H. Shields. The unrighteous edicts of Great-Britain and France—The arguments of our cannon will carry a conviction, which our reiterated appeals to their Justice and Interests have failed to effect.
We are authorised to state that ALEXANDER MCRAE, Esq. has, at the instance of some friends (in consequence of Mr. Wirt's declining) consented to serve as the Representative of this City, if it shall be the pleasure of his fellow citizens to elect him.
ERRATA, in 2d No. of John Clarke to the People:—In the 6th Paragraph, 38th line, for "agreement," read argument.
A SSIZE OF BREAD, for the City of Richmond, from and after the 8th day of March, 1809, till further orders:
Superfine Flour being $7 1/2 per barrel. The loaf of superfine flour to weigh 22 3/4 ounces for 43 Do. of fine flour to weigh 26 oz. for 43 Double the above weights, 93
DAVID BULLOCK, Mayor. March 10.
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND, authorised to vote for common councilmen, take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the first day of April next, the poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places: in Jefferson-ward, at the Court-House, in Madison-ward, at the Eagle-Tavern, in Monroe-ward, at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick-house.
JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the city of Richmond. March 10. eptst WA.
FOR SALE—On Wednesday March the 15th instant, at the house of the subscriber, all his household, and kitchen FURNITURE, consisting of a variety of articles, also a mulatto GIRL, a mulatto MAN (who is a good house servant,) two negro MEN, and two BLACK SMITHS—Terms of sale for all sums over fifty dollars, a negotiable note payable at the bank, with approved indorser, all sums under fifty dollars cash.
ORRIS PAINE. March 10. 2t
By Virtue of a deed of Trust executed to us by Robert Logan to secure the payment of three bonds due by the said Logan to Daniel and William Guerrant, each for the sum of £131 2s 3d. and bearing interest from the 1st day of November 1804—We shall offer for sale at the Ware-House door in New-Canton, the LOTT No. 1. in the said town, with the improvements thereon, viz. a two story dwelling-house, kitchen, smoke-house, garden, &c. The sale will take place on Saturday the 1st day of next month.
STEPHEN GUERRANT, ROBERT MOSELEY, Jr. Trustees. March 10. 1aw3w4
NEGROES FOR SALE—To be sold at Charlottesville in the county of Albemarle, previously disposed of at private sale, on Monday the 7th August next, being Albemarle court day, about forty NEGROES in families—The terms of sale will be one half cash, and for the other half bonds with approved security will be required, pay-ble in 6 months. Mr. Benj. Hackney my agent will conduct the sale.
WILSON M. CARY. Williamsburg, March 10. 1aw2m
THE CAROLINE JOCKEY CLUB RACES, will commence at the Union Tavern in Caroline County on Wednesday the 19th of April next.
1st. day—A sweepstake for 3 years old colts & fillies, 8 Subscribers, 60 bushels of wheat each, and closed.
2nd. day—The Jocky Club purse—50 Subscribers, 55 each.
3rd. day—The proprietor's subscription of 30s with the colts of that, and the preceding days, and 10s entrance. The Rappahannock Jocky Club Rules to govern. PHILLIP SAMUEL, Secy. March 10.
FOR THE ENQUIRER TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
"Let Grief and Sorrow still embrace his heart that doth not wish you joy." SHAKESPEARE.
Whilst plausive millions greet with honest praise, The firm protector of their country's fame; Whilst kindred genius, splendid trophies raise, And consecrate, with pious zeal, thy name— A Rustic Bard—his mite, would offer too— He sings to virtue, when he sings to you. Lo! where contending Despots from afar, With dire incessant, wage remorseless war; Force the loom Patriot, by misery tost, To seek the grave that holds his freedom lost— Claim sole dominion o'er the uncharter'd flood, And stake ambitious thirst in human blood: Lo! there the Empyrean Bandit o'er the plain, Stalks with excelling mien 'mid thousands slain; Round horrent brows, inglorious laurels bind, Torn from the goaded bosoms of mankind; Whilst Justice, prostrate, bleeds at every pore, And Liberty exiled, is heard no more.
From such, the Muse, affrighted at the view, Returns to find humanity with you. Illustrious man! whose aims have been confin'd, To serve, protect—not inordinate mankind, Who never gave, amid thy whole career, Virtue a sigh—or innocence a tear.
When stern oppression wav'd her iron arm, O'er these fair realms, by power and avarie led; When terror rung the tocsin of alarm; When Tyrants triumph'd, and when virtue bled—
Dark was the time, and perilous the storm! Loud scream'd the Eagle, from her Eryr far, Repulsive danger, scou'd in every form, And rapine followed in the rear of war. Then—whilst the tempest rav'd o'er earth and sea, Thy hand announced us, Independent! Free!
In after times, when "larum'd war" was o'er, Virtue beguild, and Washington no more, Lo! obligarchy reard her highhlight head! Again oppression stalk'd with giant stride, Ambition, pride, and treachery by her side: Whilst Freedom stood appall'd, and Justice fled.
All was dismay—the people cried to you— Thou com'st, omnipotent in virtue's might, Tore the dark covering from delusion's croud; Dispell'd the gloom, and beam'd effulgent bright—
To Heaven, the Patriot paid the homage due, And gave his heart to peace, and joy—and you. Lo! steeped in tears of dew, the city bields
Hebasson, gilded with even indications cold, When rob'd in light the orb of day ascends, Repels the tear, and gilds its leaves with gold; Grateful, the flow her gives her breast to him, Blooms in his sight, and prospers in his beam.
From that fair time that bade injustice cease, Long hast thou rul'd supreme, with lenient sway.
O'er Freedom spread the wing of halcyon peace, And brush'd, as flews of morn, her fears away.
And when a licent course of labour's o'er, Thou feard'st (still anxious to prolong her reign)—
That danger might result from serving more— Back, what the people gave, thou gav'st again; Relinquish'd rule, and to retirement bearn, The bright reflection now, of brilliant years.
How few that have, to patriotism true, Thus power resign'd—like Washington and you, Enough, great Man!—why sketch with feeble art,
What lives embalm'd in every Freeman's heart? Why o'er those splendid actions longer dwell, Which grateful patriots know, and love so well? History, with fond exactitude will trace, Thy spotless life—unstained by guilt or guile, And immortality's high annals grace, With all thy dauntless sum of virtuous toil.
High too, the ambitious muse will proudly raise, Among monuments of deathless praise; The laurel'd wreaths, compose with nicest care, Unsullied by blood—unsullied with a tear; And fondly singing, learn the slave of state, That to be good—is truly to be great.
Yes, Sir! If Virtue halts are the spell of time, If justice are commands the trump of fame, Bright o'er oblivion wilt thou soar sublime, And earth's wide bounds reverberate thy name. Thy name, with time, successful war shall wage, Bloom unimpaired—and gather strength from age.
SEDLEY.
MARRIED—On Wednesday evening last, by the Revd. John D. Blair, Mr. AUBIN LAFORCE to Mrs. JANE C. CHARLE, both of this City.
MARRIED—On Tuesday 21st of last month, Mr. JOHN HASKINS of Powhatan, to the amiable and much admired Miss SALLY WILEY, eldest daughter of John Wiley, Esq. of Amelia.
COMMUNICATION.
"Virtue builds a bridge across the Gulf of Death, To break the shock blind nature cannot shun, And lands thought, smoothly, on the farther shore."
DIED—On Monday the 6th inst. at his seat near Williamsburg; Major William Lightfoot, who for many years, was a member of the General Assembly. The course of his public career, was marked with the distinguishing characteristics of truth, of virtue, and of patriotism.
When young, he took a bold stand under the banners of Republicanism, and was ever alive to the interest of his country—View him in the walks of private life—angels pen should picture it—with a heart replete with the noble sensations of benevolence, and virtue, which ever felt delight in whispering comfort to the oppressed, and healing the wounds of suffering humanity. Sweet peace, and the placid smiles of Philanthropy, divinely beamed from his exalted soul, fleasing around assurances of friendship, and social love. But that benignity will shine no more. Death's cold and chilling shaft has stopped the general cur-rants, and left his family, and friends to deplore the irreparable loss.
TO RENT—THE HOUSE AND LOT on Shockoe Hill, formerly the property and occupied by John Hopkins. Possession to be given immediately. Apply to, THOS. GILLIAT. March 10. ept
DESIROUS to remove certain erroneous impressions to which my advertisement seems to have given rise, I inform the Public that the apartment in which my dancing-school is now kept, though part of Mrs. Harvie's tenement, is entirely separate and distinct from the rooms in which Mr. Girardin's pupils are instructed. The measure is intended merely for the benefit of such youth as are directed by their friends to attend, and interfering, in no degree whatever, with the studies of others. As to the article of refreshments, nothing is meant, but what is usually furnished to the parents and other friends of youth at Practising Balls. JOHN LA-TASTE. March 10. It

MISCELLANEOUS EXTRACTS.
BALTIMORE, Feb. 25.
SMUGGLERS TAKE WARNING!
Officers look out!
The schooner Wendell, from BOSTON, was yesterday seized by the Collector of Baltimore for a violation of the Non-Importation act. The following species of goods, &c. were found on board:
 Superfine Broadcloth, Scotch Thread.  Irish Linens, &c.  In all, upwards of 60 packages estimated at about $ 40,000.  The owner of this schooner is said to have gone off in a hurry from Baltimore, the day before yesterday—and to have five similar vessels engaged in smuggling Baring's Goods, into our sea ports. 
Colonel Wade Hampton, of the United States cavalry, is promoted to the rank of brigadier general.
Leonard Gansevoort, of N. York state, is also appointed brigadier general in U. S. army.
It is supposed that Col. Covington, of Maryland, will succeed gen. Hampton, in the command of the cavalry.
Joseph Short, Esq. formerly Charge des Affaires from this country at Paris, and at Madrid, is appointed minister plenipotentiary and resident from the United States at the court of St. Petersburg....Balt. American.
The Republicans of Oneida to the number of 600, held a meeting at Whitestown, N. Y. on the 31st ult. They pledged their lives and fortunes in support of their country and its wise and virtuous administration. General Floyd, venerable for his years, his services in the tented field, in rearing up our national fabric, and in the hall of legislation, presided. They also passed a resolve tending to heal the divisions to which the late presidential contest had given rise in that state and declaring their undiminished confidence in the republican candidates.
A very general meeting of the republicans from different parts of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, was held in Boston on the 16th ult. for the choice of candidates for Governor, and Lieutenant Governor, when the honorable Levi Lincoln was agreed upon to be supported at the ensuing election as Governor, and the hon. Joseph B. Varnum as Lieutenant Governor.
A handbill, circulating in Connecticut, recommends a connection between the New-England States, Canada and Nova-Scotia, for the protection of Commerce....Boston Chron.
A late "London Courier," very gravely and with much truth observes, that the FEDERALISTS of this country are "ADVOCATES FOR BRITISH CONNECTION."....lb
NEW-YORK, Feb. 21.
COMMUNICATION.
CITIZENS BEWARE!—On Saturday evening last, one of the most daring gang of villains which infest the city was discovered in Chapel and Barley streets. Articles which had been stolen several months, were found secreted in different places, chiefly consisting of cabinet furniture, plate, clothing & dry goods.
Many stolen articles were likewise recovered from the Pawnbrokers of this city by means of their checks, which were found amongst the effects of Thomas Buckley, a mutatoe man and principal actor in the above nefarious transactions.
Much praise is due to the following gentlemen, Mr. John Insley, Mr. Henry K. Hembold, and Mr. Duncan Physe, for their indefatigable and persevering exertions to recover the property, and effects of their fellow citizens.
JUSTICE.
COMMUNICATED.
Volunteer Toast, given by an old Yankee Soldier of '76, at the celebration of the anniversary of Gen. Washington's Birth Day in this town on Wednesday last.
"The British Rose, a late exportation from the court of St. James to America—may such roses, thorns, thistles and tares, be separated from all true Americans like garlic, cockle, chess, and tares, from the good and genuine wheat; and may it never be suffered to bloom, bud, or even take root, either in the hearts or soil of the true born sons of Columbia."....Virginia Herald.
SPOTTED FEVER.
A meeting of Physicians is to be held at the house of Mr. Seth Lewis, in Farmington, Connecticut, on Tuesday, the last day of February, instant, at nine o'clock A. M. The object of this meeting, is to collect from such Physicians as have been conversant with the disease commonly called the Spotted Fever, the result of their experience in that disease, and to communicate to the public the mode of practice best adapted to its cure. To alleviate the fears of the people already excited by the recurrence of this formidable malady, and to inspire them with confidence in the utility and efficacy of the plan of cure which shall be proposed, are objects of high importance.
The first volume of a Dictionary of the Teutonic language has been published in Germany. It forms more than 1000 quarto pages, and contains 26,764 articles, although it includes only the first five letters of the alphabet.
On Tuesday night, the 21st ult. at a tavern in Halifax, N. Carolina, a dispute arose between a Mr. Alston and a Mr. Johnston, in consequence of which Mr. Alston took up a large carving knife to stab Mr. Johnston, but failed in the attempt: they were separated, but Mr. Alston afterwards returned and insulted Mr. J. again, which enraged him to give Mr. A. a violent push, when he left the room in search of pistols, which he procured, and declared publicly he would put Mr. J. to death; but not being able to find him that evening, he next day repeated his search, and discovered, through a window, Mr. J. in a room with some gentlemen, which prevented his horrid intention from being put in execution. Mr. Johnston then applied to the civil authority to have Alston arrested, but could not procure assistance to effect it. Mr. J. in order to guard against the threats of Alston, purchased a musket to defend himself, as he was then going out of town. Mr. Alston followed him with a determination to take his life, and Mr. Johnston repeatedly turned round, desiring him to desist; but Mr. A. would not, and while Mr. J. was descending a hill, he (Mr. A.) snapped his pistol two or three times. Mr. J. then immediately after crossing a creek, finding Mr. A. determined to pursue, turned round, fired, and killed him on the spot. Mr. A. had just time before he expired, to request a gentleman that was near him to see him decently
buried. Mr. Johnston returned to town, and gave himself up to the Court, when he was immediately let to bail.
A Father's Advice to his Son.
Sir WILLIAM PENN, who was an admiral in the British Navy during the Protectorate of Cromwell, and the reign of Charles II. gave the following as his dying advice to his son. William Penn, the celebrated founder of Pennsylvania.
 "Three things (said the dying admiral) I recommend to you.  "1. Let nothing tempt you to wrong conscience; if you keep peace at home it will be a feast to you in a day of trouble.  "2. Whatever you design to do, lay it justly, and time it seasonably; for that gives security and dispatch.  "3. Be not troubled at disappointments; if they may be recovered do it; If not trouble is in vain.  "These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort through this inconstant world." 
DIED.
At Stoneham, the 8th ult. Widow Esther Richardson, EL. ONE HUNDRED YEARS lacking seventeen days. She was married at the age of 16, to Mr. Reuben Richardson, with whom she lived 51 years, and by whom she had 15 children. Her descendants are 270—13 children, 63 grand children, 170 great grand children, and 24 great great grand children. She was a member of the church about 80 years, and a constant attendant on divine ordinance. She was able to walk about but a few days before her death—had her reason until the day before her decease.
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
To interdict the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain and France, and their dependencies; and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, the entrance of the harbors and waters of the United States and of the territories thereof, be, and the same is hereby interdicted to all public ships and vessels belonging to Great Britain or France, excepting vessels only which may be forced in by distress, or which are charged with dispatches or business from the government to which they belong, and also packets having no cargo or merchandise on board. And if any public ship or vessel, as aforesaid, not being included in the exception above mentioned, shall enter any harbor or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, or of the territories thereof, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, to employ such part of the land and naval forces, or of the militia of the United States, or the territories thereof, as he shall deem necessary, to compel such ship or vessel to depart.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any citizen or citizens of the U. States or the territories thereof, nor for any person or persons residing or being in the same, to have any intercourse with or to afford any aid or supplies to any public ship or vessel as aforesaid, which shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, have entered any harbor or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States or the territories thereof; and if any person shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, have any intercourse with such ship or vessel, or shall afford any aid to such ship or vessel, either in repairing the said vessel or in furnishing her, her officers or crew with supplies of any kind or in any manner whatever; or if any pilot or other person shall assist in navigating or piloting such ship or vessel, unless it be for the purpose of carrying her beyond the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, every person so offending, shall forfeit and pay a sum not less than one hundred dollars, nor exceeding ten thousand dollars; and shall also be imprisoned for a term not less than one month, nor more than one year.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That from and after the twentieth day of May next, the entrance of the harbors and waters of the United States, and the territories thereof, be, and the same is hereby interdicted to all ships or vessels sailing under the flag of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either; vessels hired, chartered or employed by the government of either country, for the sole purpose of carrying letters or dispatches, and also vessels forced in by distress or by the dangers of the sea, only excepted. And if any ship or vessels sailing under the flag of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of either, and not excepted as aforesaid, shall, after the said twentieth day of May next, arrive either with or without a cargo, within the limits of the United States or of the territories thereof, such ship or vessel, together with the cargo, if any, which may be found on board, shall be forfeited, and may be seized and condemned in any court of the United States or the territories thereof, having competent jurisdiction; and all and every act and acts heretofore passed, which shall be within the purview of this act, shall be and the same are hereby repealed.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and after the twentieth day of May next, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, any goods, wares or merchandise whatever, from any port or place situated in Great Britain or Ireland, or in any of the colonies or dependencies of Great Britain, nor from any port or place situated in France, or in any of her colonies or dependencies, nor from any port or place in the actual possession of either Great Britain or France. Nor shall it be lawful to import into the United States or the territories thereof, from any foreign port or place whatever, any goods, wares or merchandise whatever, being of the growth, produce or manufacture of France, or of any of her colonies or dependencies, or being the growth, produce or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonies or dependencies of Great Britain, or being of the growth, produce or manufacture of any place or country in the actual possession of either France or Great Britain. Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to affect the cargoes of ships or vessels wholly owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States, which had cleared for any port beyond the Cape of Good Hope, prior to the twenty-second day of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, or which had departed for such port by permission of the President, under the acts supplementary to the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That whenever any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall after the twentieth of May be imported into the United States or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or shall, after the said twentieth of May, be put on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention of importing the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, all such articles as well as all other articles on board the same ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, belonging to the owner of such prohibited articles, shall be forfeited; and the owner thereof shall moreover forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles the importation of which is prohibited by this act, shall, after the twentieth of May, be put on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, with intention to import the same into the United States, or the territories thereof, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, and with the knowledge of the owner or master of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, such ship or vessel, boat, raft, or carriage shall be forfeited, and the owner and master thereof shall moreover forfeit and pay treble the value of such articles.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That if any article or articles, the importation of which is prohibited by this act, and which shall nevertheless be on board of any ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, arriving after the said twentieth of May next, in the United States, or the territories thereof, shall be omitted in the manifest, report or entry of the master, or the person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel, boat, raft or carriage, or shall be omitted in the entry of the goods owned by the owner, or consigned to the consignee of such articles, or shall be imported or landed, or attempted to be imported or landed without a permit, the same penalties, fines and forfeitures, shall be incurred, and may be recovered, as in the case of similar omission or omissions, landing, importation, or attempt to land or import, in relation to articles liable to duties on their importation into the U. States.
Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That every collector, naval officer, surveyor or other officer of the customs, shall have the like power and authority to seize goods, wares and merchandise imported contrary to the intent and meaning of this act, to keep the same in custody, until it shall have been ascertained whether the same have been forfeited or not, and to enter any ship or vessel, dwelling-house, store, building or other place, for the purpose of searching for and seizing any such goods, wares and merchandise, which he or they now have by law in relation to goods, wares and merchandise subject to duty; and if any person or persons shall conceal or buy any goods, wares or merchandise, knowing them to be liable to seizure, by this act, such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof, forfeit and pay a sum double the amount or value of the goods, wares and merchandise so concealed or purchased.
Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That the following additions shall be made to the oath or affirmation taken by the masters or persons having the charge or command of any ship or vessel arriving at any port of the United States, or the territories thereof, after the twentieth of May, viz. "I further swear, (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, on board, (insert the denomination and name of the vessel) any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation of which into the United States, or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law: And I do further swear, (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares or merchandise, on board the said vessel, or which shall have been imported in the same, I will immediately, and without delay, make due report thereof to the collector of the port of this district."
Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That the following addition be made, after the twentieth of May, to the oath or affirmation taken by importers, consignees, or agents, at the time of entering goods imported into the United States or the territories thereof, viz. "I also swear (or affirm) that there are not, to the best of my knowledge and belief, amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, any goods, wares or merchandise, the importation of which, into the United States, or the territories thereof, is prohibited by law: And I do further swear (or affirm) that if I shall hereafter discover or know of any such goods, wares or merchandise, amongst the said goods, wares and merchandise, imported or consigned as aforesaid, I will immediately and without delay report the same to the collector of this district."
Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That the President of the U. States be and hereby is authorised, in case either France or Great Britain shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, to declare the same by proclamation; after which the trade of the United States, suspended by this act, and by the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with the nation so doing; Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred, by virtue of this, or of any other act, the operation of which shall so cease and determine, shall be recovered and distributed, in like manner as if the same had continued in full force and virtue: and vessels bound thereafter to any foreign port or place, with which commercial intercourse shall by virtue of this section be again permitted, shall give bond to the United States, with approved security, in double the value of the vessel and cargo, that they shall not proceed to any foreign port, nor trade with any country other than those with which commercial intercourse shall have been or may be permitted by this act.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as forbids the departure of vessels owned by citizens of the United States, and the exportation of domestic and foreign merchandise to any foreign port or place, be and the same is hereby repealed, after the fifteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and nine, except so far as they relate to Great Britain or France, or their colonies or dependencies, or places in the actual possession of either: Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred by virtue of so much of the said acts as is repealed by this act, or which have been or may hereafter be incurred by virtue of the said acts, on account of any infraction of so much of the said acts as is not repealed by this act, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the said acts had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, no ship or vessel bound to a foreign port with which commercial intercourse shall, by virtue of this act, be again permitted, shall be allowed to depart for such port, unless the owner or owners, consignee or factor of such ship or vessel, shall, with the master, have given bond with one or more sureties to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, if the vessel is wholly owned by a citizen or citizens of the United States; and in a sum four times the value, if the vessel is owned in part or in whole by any foreigner or foreigners, that the vessel shall, not leave the port without a clearance, nor shall, when leaving the port, proceed to any port or place in Great Britain or France, or in the colonies or dependencies of either, or in the actual possession of either, nor be directly or indirectly engaged during the voyage in any trade with such port, nor shall put any article on board any other vessel, nor unless every other requisite and provision of the second section of the act, entitled "An act to enforce and make more effectual an act, entitled "An act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States," and the several acts supplementary thereto," shall have been complied with. And the party or parties to the above mentioned bond shall, within reasonable time after the date of the same, to be expressed in the said bond, produce to the collector of the district, from which the vessel shall have been cleared, a certificate of the landing of the same; in the same manner as is provided by law
for the landing of goods exported with the privilege of drawback; on failure whereof, the bond shall be put in suit; and every such suit, judgement shall be given against the defendant or defendants, unless proof shall be produced of such reloading, or of loss at sea.
Sec. 14. And be it further enacted, That so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as compels vessels owned by citizens of the United States, bound to another port of the said States, or vessels licensed for the coasting trade, or boats, either not insured, or not decked, to give bond, and to load under the inspection of a revenue officer, or render them liable to detention, solely on account of the nature of their cargo (such provisions excepted as relate to collection districts adjacent to the territories, colonies or provinces of a foreign nation, or to vessels belonging or bound to such districts,) be, and the same is hereby repealed, from and after the fifteenth day of March one thousand eight hundred and nine: Provided, however, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred by any of the said acts, or which may hereafter be incurred by virtue of the said acts, on account of any infraction of so much of the said acts, as is not repealed by this act, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the same had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 15. And be it further enacted, That during the continuance of so much of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, no vessel, owned by citizens of the United States, bound to another port of the said States or licensed for the coasting trade, shall be allowed to depart from any port of the U. States, or shall receive a clearance, nor shall it be lawful to put on board any such vessel any specie or goods, wares or merchandise, unless a permit shall have been previously obtained from the proper collector, or from a revenue officer, authorised by the collector to grant such permits; nor unless the owner, consignee, agent or factor shall, with the master, give bond with one or more sureties, to the United States, in a sum double the value of the vessel and cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to any foreign port or place, and the cargo shall be re-landed in some port of the United States: Provided, That it shall be lawful and sufficient in the case of any such vessel, whose employment has been uniformly confined to rivers, bays and sounds, within the jurisdiction of the United States, to give bond in an amount equal to one hundred and fifty dollars, for each ton of said vessel, with condition that such vessel shall not during the time limited in the condition of the bond, proceed to any foreign port or place, or put any article on board of any other vessel, or be employed in any foreign trade.
Sec. 16. And be it further enacted, That if any ship or vessel shall, during the continuance of so much of the act, laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and of the several acts supplementary thereto, as is not repealed by this act, depart from any port of the United States without a clearance or permit, or having given bond in the manner provided by law, such ship or vessel, together with her cargo, shall be wholly forfeited; and the owner or owners, agent, freighter or factors, master or commander of such ship or vessel shall moreover severally forfeit and pay a sum equal to the value of the ship or vessel, and of the cargo, put on board the same.
Sec. 17. And be it further enacted, That the act to prohibit the importation of certain goods, wares and merchandise, passed the eighteenth of April, one thousand eight hundred and six, and the act supplementary thereto, be and the same is hereby repealed, from and after the said twentieth day of May next: Provided, That all penalties and forfeitures which shall have been previously incurred by virtue of the said acts, shall be recovered and distributed in like manner as if the said acts had continued in full force and virtue.
Sec. 18. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures arising under, or incurred by virtue of this act, may be sued for, prosecuted and recovered, with costs of suit, by action of debt, in the name of the United States of America, or by indictment or information in any court having competent jurisdiction in any the same; and shall be distributed and accounted for, in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," passed the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine; and such penalties and forfeitures may be examined, mitigated or remitted, in like manner, and under the like conditions, regulations and directed by the act, entitled "An act to provide for mitigation, or remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities, accruing in certain cases therein mentioned," passed the third day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and made perpetual by an act, passed the eleventh day of February, one thousand eight hundred.
Sec. 19. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer; and that the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. States and the several acts supplementary thereto, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed from and after the end of the next session of Congress.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
JN: MILLEDGE,
President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Extending the right of suffrage in the Indiana territory, and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the citizens of the Indiana territory, entitled to vote for representatives to the general assembly thereof, shall, at the time of electing their representatives to the said general assembly, also elect one delegate from the said territory to the Congress of the U. States, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the delegates from the several territories of the United States: any thing in the ordinance for the government of the said territory to the contrary notwithstanding.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sheriffs of the several counties which now are, or may hereafter be established in the said territory respectively, shall, within forty days next after an election shall be held in said territory, transmit to the secretary of the territory a certified copy of the returns from the several townships in their counties respectively. And it shall be the duty of the governor, for the time being, to give to the persons having the greatest number of votes, a certificate of his election.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That so soon as the governor of the said territory shall divide the same into five districts, the citizens thereof, entitled to vote for representatives to the said general assembly, shall, in each of the said districts elect one member of the legislative council, who shall possess the same powers heretofore granted to the legislative council in the said territory, and shall hold their offices four years, and no longer; any thing in the ordinance for the government of the said territory, to the contrary notwithstanding.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the general assembly of the said territory, shall have power to apportion the representatives of the several counties therein, or which may hereafter be established therein, according to the number
of free white male inhabitants, above the age of twenty-one years, in such counties: Provided, That there be not more than twelve, nor less than nine, of the whole number of representatives; any act or acts to the contrary notwithstanding, until there shall be six thousand five hundred inhabitants, above the age of twenty-one years, in said territory; after which time the number of representatives shall be regulated agreeably to the ordinance for the government thereof.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
JN: MILLEDGE,
President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
February 27, 1809.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Freeing from postage all Letters and Packets to Thomas Jefferson.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all letters and packets to Thomas Jefferson, now President of the United States, after the expiration of his term of office and during his life, shall be carried by the mail, free of postage.
J. B. VARNUM,
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
JN: MILLEDGE,
President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
February 28, 1809.
APPROVED,
TH: JEFFERSON.
PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The subscriber, desirous of removing to the western country, offers for sale his HOUSES & LOTS, in Richmond. He deems a particular description unnecessary, and wishes those inclined to purchase, to view the property. The dwelling-house, for elegance and convenience, is certainly not inferior to any in the city; the offices are commodious; the garden and yard will be laid out in a style adapted to the buildings, and the situation combines the advantage of privacy and retirement to that of proximity to the scene of business.
A small portion only of the purchase money will be required at the time of the sale, and the residue in such instalments as may be agreed on, or slaves will be received in payment, for a part or the whole of the property.
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH.
January 27. oawtf
IN Pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued.
WM. BERKELEY, } Commission- JOSIAH ELLIS, } ers. WM. MANN, }
January 21. [law2m]
NOTICE.—All persons having claims against the estate of Samuel Pointer, deceased, are requested to exhibit them, properly authenticated, to the Subscriber; and those indebted are solicited to make immediate payment, as suits will be indiscriminately instituted against all debtors.
BENJAMIN WOLFE, only Executor.
January 24. oaw2m
THE Subscriber will practice the LAW, in the Superior and Inferior Courts of Henrico and Goochland, in the Hustings Court for the city of Richmond, and in the Superior Court of the county of Chesterfield. Wm. HAY, Jr. February 24. 3t
VIRGINIA, TO WIT.—At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 5th day of November, 1808.
Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff—against Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, late Martha Cocke, Martha Cocke, infant daughter of Robert Cocke, and Martha his wife, by John Newsum her guardian, John Newsum, administrator of Robert Cocke, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, Robert Burchett and Ann his wife, Watson Stott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor—which George K. Taylor, Ann, Sarah, and Elizabeth are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray her devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company, Defendants.
The defendants Watson Stott & Sarah his wife not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Country, on the motion of the Plaintiffs, by their counsel, It is Ordered That the said defendant, do appear here, on the first day of the next terms and answer the bill of the Plaintiff: and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted on the front door of the former Capitol, in this city.
Attest, ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C January 21. oaw8w.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New-York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.