Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-23 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1612.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
On Monday last, in the House of Delegates, Mr. Pope from the Special Committee appointed for that purpose, made the following Report, in part:
THE Committee to whom were referred sundry resolutions touching, among other things, our foreign relations, and the measures of the administration consequent thereon, beg leave now to report on this branch of the subject:
That the French Edicts and British Orders of Council, although the immediate causes of the embargo, were not the first grievances of which we had to complain against those nations: they were the last links, only, of a long chain of indignities and oppressions, which they had previously conspired to cast upon us. Agreeing in nothing else, those powers seem to have agreed, at least in the point, of heaping insults and injuries on the United States, in total disregard of the relations of amity which subsisted between us, and in direct and gross violation of the best settled principles of the Law of Nations.
As to Great Britain, it seems to your committee, that, ever since she was, reluctantly, compelled to acknowledge our independence, she has been pursuing a system of measures calculated to regain the ground which she had lost; to bring us back to our colonial subjection and dependence on her, and thus to effect, by her policy, what she was unable to accomplish by her arms.
Availing herself of the identity of our language, she has extended her laws of impressment to us; and, as if we were still her colonies, has forced us to contribute to man her fleets. At this moment, at least, three thousand free-born American citizens, perhaps many more, are mourning, on board the British fleet, a hopeless separation from all the connexions dearest to their hearts; are pining and expiring in a captivity, worse than Algerine , because its immediate consequences are to be involved in a war of plunder against their own country, and in the end too probably, in a war against the lives of their countrymen. Great-Britain not only refuses to release these men, but she refuses to adopt any regulation, whereby the outrage may be prevented in future. On the contrary, her board of admiralty, in answer to a proposition to this effect, from a late minister, Lord Holland, has declared that the existence of her navy depended on the continuance of impressments as theretofore practised. Your committee see, in this declaration, the avowal of a firm and settled purpose, that so long as the United States, shall speak the same language, with Great Britain, they shall contribute to nourish and support the British fleet, although the power of that fleet is to be turned against themselves. Your committee deem it an idle and ridiculous mockery to vaunt of the sovereignty and independence of our country, while the persons and liberty of our citizens are insecure; while a foreign nation is permitted, at her pleasure, to come among us, to seize on our countrymen, and take off for the purposes of war, whatever number her occasions may require. Tribute, in any form, has been thought a badge of dependence and servility: but never can it assume a form so humiliating and degrading, as when it is a tribute of men and freemen , too, furnished to fight the battles of a foreign prince; battles in which, if directed against other foreign powers, they feel no interest; but which may be directed against their own country, and thus force them to imbrue their hands in the blood of a Brother or a Father.
Again, Great-Britain, not content with the actual power of her navy, has, without any addition thereto, contrived the means of multiplying its operations and extending the range of its action to the great annoyance and even ruin of neutral commerce. The law of nations has declared that a blockade cannot exist without actual investment by the ships of the enemy: and in this state of things, it is admitted on all hands, that a neutral has no right to enter the port, since, by carrying in supplies, he might defeat the object of the blockade. But Great Britain was not satisfied with this legitimate restriction on the commerce of neutrals—Not able with all her ships, numerous as they are, to invest all the ports of her enemy, she has invented a species of blockade unknown to the law of nations, by which she avoids the expense of an actual siege, keeps her ships free for other operations, harasses her adversary most effectually and extensively, by blockading all his ports at once, and (what, alone, is of immediate importance to us) drives neutral commerce from the ocean, or fills her coffers by its plunder. Your committee allude to the new mode of creating a blockade by proclamation instead of actual investment . To say nothing of the principle, the injury which American commerce has already sustained by the practice of this innovation, is immense—When a blockade has been formed according to the law of nations, the appearance of the besieging fleet is sufficient warning to neutrals; who with such notice, are in no danger of committing a breach of blockade without intending it. But where neutrals have no such appearance, no such warning, no notice to guide them; where the blockade, instead of being actual is merely ideal, existing no where but upon paper: they incur the penalties without intending the offence, and find themselves ruined by the imputation of a crime, which they would disdain to perpetrate. Nor is this innovation objectionable only on the ground of the surprise which it practices upon neutrals: in its principle it is still more obnoxious; it gives to belligerents the power of implicating peaceable nations in the consequences of foreign wars to an extent, denied to them by the law of nations; to an extent, which, if the peaceable nation be dependent on commerce, goes directly to her ruin, as certainly and immediately as if she were a party in the war. For according to this new invention, it is just as easy to blockade a whole island as a single port, and a whole continent as a single island. It is but necessary to declare the island or the continent blockaded and neutrals must believe the fact, whether it be so or not, or take the consequences. Upon this principle it is obvious that where belligerents, as at the present time, have involved almost every commercial country upon earth in their contests, it is easy for them, by reciprocal declarations of blockade, to say to neutrals "you shall not trade at all." This idea, extravagant as it would have appeared a few years back, has been actually realised in relation to this country. Great-Britain has by her declaration put a whole continent in a state of blockade. France, while her ministers have been continually declaring this pretence of blockade "absurd," "monstrous," "indefensible," "a mockery of right" and "an insult upon reason," has nevertheless proceeded to do the same thing, and, without a ship afloat upon the seas, puts the British isles in blockade by her simple proclamation. Great-Britain treats that proclamation as an empty menace, which France had no power to carry into effect, and boasts that the ascendancy of her navy had locked up the ships of France in their ports: she proceeds, nevertheless, by way of return, to blockade on paper, the island of Zealand, two hundred miles in extent; and she calls this, " retaliation ," as if France and not herself had been the mistress of this invention. To us, however, it is immaterial by whom it was invented; since by whomsoever invented or whomsoever practised, it is a gross and intolerable usurpation on our rights. The spirit of this nation will never submit to the idea, that because France and Great-Britain are at war, the commerce of the United States shall perish: that we shall become the victims of their mutual animosities and insatiable lust of power and dominion.
But this extravagant and monstrous invention of blockade by proclamation was not sufficient for all the purposes of Great Britain: being an innovation and a bold one too, it required a gradual introduction and extension—a process, it would seem, too slow for all the views which she meditated. Hence the resort to those instructions to her cruisers and her judges in admiralty; sometimes so secretly issued as to justify the belief, that they were intentionally concealed for the purposes of plunder. These instructions or orders of council, began to prey upon our commerce so early as the year 1793, and were continued with little variation down to 1798. They were not pretended to be justified by the law of nations; they were regulations merely promotive of the British interest, and which she relied upon the power of her navy to enforce. A key to the character of such instructions, has been candidly furnished, by one of her own writers of considerable eminence. Marshall in his Treatise on the Law of Insurance, (page 322) speaks of the subject thus,—"In every maritime war, the belligerent powers take upon themselves to make various marine regulations, adapted to their own respective situations and interests; but often contrary to the law of nations, and inconsistent with the independence of other states. And though it may be prudent for the subjects of neutral states which are unable or unwilling to contend with such belligerent powers to conform to these regulations, for their own safety, yet it seems to be now settled, that they are not bound by them." The feelings which will arise in the bosom of every American on reading this extract and comparing it with the practice of the country to which the writer belonged, will supersede the necessity of any commentary on the part of your committee. The policy of the British instructions, now under consideration, so far as it relates to American commerce, seems to have been to cut it up by the roots, or to force it into British channels and thereby to bring about that monopoly of our trade, which she claimed as a right while we were her colonies; the immediate effect of those instructions was to fill the British coffers, by the lawless plunder of American property. Scarcely ever before, has the world been called to witness such a scene of insolent rapacity, on the one hand, and of patient remonstrance and forbearance on the other.
France, totally regardless both of the subsisting treaty and the laws of nations, and pretending that by submitting to British impressment and spoliation, we were strengthening the bands of her enemy against her, (at a time when our government was making every exertion, short of war, to obtain the redress of those wrongs,) came out, with what she pronounced to be measures of retaliation, and by her imperial edict of Berlin arrogantly forbade us to trade with Great Britain. From the impotence of the French fleet, that decree had very little other effect towards us, than to display the hostility and injustice of the government from which it proceeded. To Great Britain, however, it answered an important purpose; it furnished her with a pretext to crown her grand project of re-colonizing the United States. Accordingly, on the hackneyed and iniquitous pretence of retaliation, she issued against us her orders of council of January and November 1807. By these, under pain of seizure and confiscation, she totally interdicts us from trading with every port or country at war with her, or from which the British flag is excluded: except indeed we choose to land our goods in Great Britain, and re-export them on the payment of such duties, as shall be imposed by the British Parliament. This is precisely the indulgence which we had while we were colonies; and if the British Parliament
has the right to impose this tax on our trade, the principle of the revolution has vanished from under us; we relapse into subjection, and the blood of our fathers has been spilled in vain. We return to the ground which we occupied before the declaration of our independence, taxed by a British Parliament in which we are not represented, and that, without even the old correlative claim of maternal support and protection.
Nor is it merely of commercial restrictions and spoliations that we have to complain against those nations: they seem to have vied with each other in adding insults to our injuries. Great-Britain comes within the line of our jurisdiction, to violate the sovereignty of our nation, by burning a French ship stranded upon our coast.—France arrogates to herself the right of dictating our course towards Great-Britain, and by way of enforcing her dictate, she seizes and burns our ships upon the high seas, and threatens a confiscation of all American property sequestered by order of His Imperial Majesty. Britain, determined not to be behind in this noble contest of insulting and outraging a nation whom she calls her friend, attacks an American ship of war within sight of our coast, and in a manner, at once, the most perfidious and dastardly, murders a part of her crew, and carries off others of them to bondage or death.
If ever the wrongs and sufferings of a nation would justify a declaration of war, that declaration had long since been made on the part of the United States. But war, if it can be avoided with honor, is not the policy of this nation. It is their true policy, as it is their sincere wish, to cultivate peace with all the world.—The administration of the United States, influenced by this spirit of conciliation and friendship, has labored with equal zeal and energy to obtain the redress of our wrongs by amicable adjustment. These efforts have not, in the opinion of your committee, been either too often repeated or too long continued. They will convince the world, that peace is, indeed, our wish: and if at length we shall be forced into war, we shall take the field with that animated and firm determination which injured honor feels, when every effort at peace has been fairly exhausted and no alternatives remain but war, on the one hand, and disgrace and oppression on the other.
Our negotiations both with France and Great-Britain, protracted to a length which only the purest spirit of peace could reconcile to itself, had sometimes worn the most pleasing aspect: when, in the course of the last winter, information of the hostile construction of the French edict, and of the meditated orders of the British councils arrived in this country. At that time property of American citizens to a large amount, and a great number of American seamen were upon the ocean, embarked in commerce still active in spite of all previous restrictions. But these new measures, which Great Britain, at least, had the power to enforce, and which seems to have been projected by her with reference to the rich plunder then presented to her grasp, made it necessary on the part of our government to adopt a countervailing policy and save our citizens and their property from the ruin which hung over them. A declaration of war, considering the ascendancy of the British navy, instead of preventing, would have hastened that ruin. To have carried on our commerce, subject to the capture and confiscation menaced by those edicts and orders, would have been to have made that ruin certain. To have turned our trade into the channels pointed out by Great-Britain, and to have pursued it on the conditions prescribed by her, would have been to return, with our eyes open, to the degrading state of colonial vassalage. To have accepted the protection either of France or England would have been to truckle to an aggressor, to have been precipitated at once into the wars of Europe, which if we survived, we might have had the consolation, at the end of it, to find ourselves French or British provinces. Under these circumstances, your committee believe that the administration of the United States advised the only measure of relief, compatible with our power, and at the same time with our honor. They advised the embargo, and it met the approbation of congress, as it had done, under similar circumstances, during the administration of General Washington. As a measure of precaution, it has been completely successful. If it has failed, in any degree, as a measure of constraint, your committee believe that it is not because our enemies have not felt its force, but because they believe we have felt it too sensibly: because the unfortunate opposition which the measure has met in some parts of the union, has inspired them with a fallacious hope that we, ourselves, either could not or would not bear its privations. Your committee entertain a firm persuasion that those of our citizens who from the dictates of their judgment, and a sense of duty, have written or spoken against this measure, will themselves, regret the opposition, when they see the manner in which it has been seized, and the insulting light in which it has been viewed by the British governor of Canada and the British prime minister. The first, by inviting the citizens of this country to a breach of the embargo and promising them the protection of the British government, has evinced his impression that the opposition made to that measure did not proceed from objections to its policy, but from hostility to our own government and attachment to that of Great-Britain. He would not otherwise have dared so openly to make a discrimination between the people of this country and their government, to interpose himself between them, and insult them by a tender of British protection in violating the laws of the government of their choice. The British minister, George Canning, in his letter of September 23d, 1808, to Mr. Pinkney, repeats the indignity in terms still more offensive. He tenders the sympathies of his gracious majesty to the people of the United States, and, in effect, expresses his willingness to interpose, in any manner, in his power, for their relief, even if it should be by placing the British shield between them and their government. It is believed that there is no man in whose bosom the spirit of an American resides, who can read and compare the Canadian address and the ministerial letter, without remembering that although there is an ocean between us and Great-Britain, there is none between us and Canada. As to the graciousness of his majesty, we have had sensible experience of that, from the year 1765 down to the present day. We desire no more of it. We have no reason to be solicitous for any farther connexion with that prince, in whose vocabulary friendship and hostility mean the same thing: as to his friendship, it is written in the plunder of our property and the blood of our citizens.
The construction placed by the British governor and minister on the opposition made to the embargo in this country, is one which we should all feel an interest in repelling. It contains an insult the most direct and poignant, not only to those citizens who have made the opposition, but to the country to which they belong. It is, in effect, saying to them, that his gracious majesty regards them still as his subjects, and will suffer them to return to their allegiance as soon as they please; and this insolent overture is addressed to American citizens: addressed to them, at a time too, when the bones of those who fell in the war of our revolution, are still bleaching on our fields, and warriors live, who still recount to us the incidents of each battle.
To return to the embargo:—Your committee believe that its privations in this state, at least, have been borne with a firmness worthy of the patriots of '76: And they cannot forbear the expression of the hope, that the very prompt manner in which congress has determined to continue it, with the addition of non-intercourse, with the offending powers, will dissipate the delusion under which they seem to have labored, in regard to the stability of the union of these states, and the firmness of the people who inhabit them, will convince them that, however distinguished by shades of political difference, the people of the United States are but as one man in repelling and punishing foreign aggressions, from whatsoever quarter they may come.
Your committee have thought it expedient, thus briefly, to bring together, to the recollection of the House, the most prominent features of that system of oppression, which France and Great-Britain have practised upon us; in order to shew that it is a system, which involves the prostration of our most sacred rights, and, if permitted to go on, the final subjugation of our country. Your committee cannot withhold the expression of the sentiment, that by the repeated concussions of those two great belligerent powers, the civilized world seems to have been thrown back, many centuries, into ancient barbarism and darkness. The lights furnished by those great (Continued on 4th page.)

REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
In obedience to the directions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department," the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits the following
REPORT AND ESTIMATES: The net revenue arising from duties on merchandise and tonnage which accrued during the year 1806, amounted to
$16,615,430
And that which accrued during the year 1807, amounted as will appear by the statement (A) to
16,059,924
The same revenue, after deducting that portion which arose from the duty on salt and from the additional duties constituting the Mediterranean fund, amounted during the year 1806, to
14,848,784
And during the year 1807, to
14,375,855
But it is ascertained that the net revenue which accrued during the three first quarters of the year 1808, did not exceed eight millions of dollars, and is daily decreasing.
The statement (B) exhibits in detail the several species of merchandise and other sources from which that revenue was collected during the year 1807.
It appears by the statement (C) that the sales of the public lands have, during the year ending on the 30th of September, 1808, amounted to about 200,000 acres; and the payments by purchasers to near 550,000 dollars.
The proceeds of sales in the Mississippi territory, being, after deducting the surveying and other incidental expenses, appropriated in the first place to the payment of a sum of 1,250,000 dollars to the state of Georgia, are distinctly stated.
It appears by the statement (D) that the payments on account of the principal of the public debt, have during the same period, amounted to only 2,335,000 dollars. But the payments from the treasury for the annual reimbursement of the six per cent and deferred stocks, and for the final reimbursement of the 8 per cent stock with (exclusively of a sum of 730,000 dollars already in the hands of the treasurer as agent for the commissioners of the sinking fund) amount, during the last quarter of this year, to 5,375,000 dollars: Making the total of public debt reimbursed from the 1st of April, 1801, to the 1st of January, 1809, about thirty-three millions six hundred thousand dollars, exclusively of more than six millions paid during the same period, in conformity with the provisions of the treaty and convention with Great Britain, and of the Louisiana convention.
The public debt will, on the first day of January, 1809, amount to 56,647,663 dollars consisting of the following items:
  Old six per cent. stock, nominal amount, 20,706,603 22   unredeemed $11,919,877 57   Deferred stock, do. 11,717,476 92   New six per cent. stock exchanged as par for old six and deferred, 9,386,627 08   New six do. do. arising from conversion of three per cent. stock at 65 new six for 100 three per cent. stock, 1,959,770 70   1796 six per cent. stock, Louisiana do. 11,250 00   Total six per cent. stock, 49,489,618 85   Three per cent. stock, 16,158,044 42   56,647,663 27 
The interest on the whole debt and the annual reimbursement on the six per cent. and deferred stocks, will, for the ensuing year, amount to 4,226,000 dollars, leaving in order to complete the annual appropriation of 8,000,000 of dollars, a sum of 3,774,000 dollars, applicable to the reimbursement of the new exchanged six per cent. stock. The whole of that and of the other new six per cent. arising from the conversion of three per cent. stock, amounting together to 7,853,000 dollars, would thus be reimbursed within two years. And after the first day of January 1811, the whole annual amount payable on account of interest and annual reimbursement, could not, during the seven ensuing years, exceed 3,756,000 dollars. But under existing circumstances, it is believed that the reimbursement of that new six per cent. stock will be nominal and must be effected by incurring a new debt to an equal amount.
The actual receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on the 30th September, 1808, as they principally arose from the revenue accrued during the preceding year, (and the payment on account of drawback having been diminished by the embargo) have been greater than those of any preceding year, and
Amounted to $17,952,419 90 And the specie in the Treasury on the 1st October, 1807, amounted to 8,522,573 08
Making together 26,481,992 98
The disbursements during the same period have amounted to $12,635,275 46, consisting of the following items:
  Civil Department and miscellaneous expenses 1,258,967 18   Foreign intercourse and payment of American claims assured by the Louisiana convention 406,499 37   Military and Indian Department, including fortifications, and the expenses of the new army 3,023,759 55   Naval Department, including the appropriation of dollars 677,064 47, to cover the deficit of the preceding year 2,237,064 47   Public debt, principal and interest (the greater part of the payments for the year 1808, falling as already stated, in the last quarter) have amounted only to 5,688,984 89   12,635,275 46 
Leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the 30th September, 1808, of
13,846,717 52
The cash in the hands of Collectors and Receivers, and the outstanding revenue bonds which will almost altogether fall due prior to the 1st of January, 1810, may, after deducting the debentures, yet unpaid, and the expenses of collection, be estimated to have amounted on the 30th September, 1808, to
$10,500,000
Making together with the balance in the Treasury on that day, of
13,846,000
An aggregate of All though the expenses of the present quarter cannot at present be precisely ascertained, they will not include the reimbursement of 5,76,000 dollars on account of the principal of the public debt, exceed
8,346,000
Leaving on the 1st day of January, 1809, a sum of
$16,000,000
Sixteen millions of dollars in cash or bonds payable during the year 1809, and applicable to the expenses of that year. It is presumed that the receipts arising from importations and payments for lands subsequent to the 30th September, 1808, will not be greater than the deductions on account of bad debts, and of the extension of credit on certain articles.
The expenses of the year 1809, would according to the appropriations already made, and to the usual annual estimates, amount to thirteen millions of dollars, consisting of the following items—
  1. Civil List and miscellaneous expenses 900,000   2. Foreign intercourse 200,000   3. Grants by Congress and other miscellaneous unforeseen demands 150,000   4. Military and Indian Department 2,736,000   5. Naval Department 1,014,000   6. Annual appropriation for the public debt 8,000,000   $13,000,000 
Leaving a surplus of only three millions of dollars for defraying all the expenses for fortifications, military stores, increase of the army and navy, or otherwise incident to a state of actual war or preparations for war.
The annual appropriation on account of the public debt, amounting to eight millions, and the interest for the year 1809, being less than three millions of dollars; an authority to borrow five millions would only create a new debt equal to the principal of old debt reimbursed during that year, and appears sufficient to provide for any deficiency arising from the extraordinary expenses which may be thus authorized by Congress.
It thus appears, that notwithstanding the general warfare of the belligerent powers against neutral nations, and the consequent suspension of commerce which took place in the latter end of the year 1807 and notwithstanding the increased rate of expenditure naturally arising from that state of things; the ordinary revenue will have been sufficient to defray all the expenses of the years 1808 and 1809, including for 1808 a reimbursement of debt exceeding six millions of dollars, and without making any addition to that debt in 1809. The measures necessary to be adopted in order to make a timely provision for the service of the ensuing years, depend on the course which the United States will pursue in relation to foreign aggressions. And that being yet unascertained, it becomes necessary to examine the several alternatives left to the choice of Congress.
Either the navigation of the ocean will be abandoned by the United States; or it will be resumed.
The first supposition is that of a continuance of the embargo of the vessels of the United States, and admits of two alternatives.
1. Either a provision generally forbidding exportations, may continue to make part of the system, in which case, importations, whether expressly interdicted or not, must, for want of the means of payment, be also discontinued.
2. Or exportations and corresponding importations may be permitted in foreign vessels.
The second supposition also offers two, and only two alternatives. It may indeed be admitted, that the decrees of France can be enforced only in her own territories, and in those of her allies; that however efficient in preventing any commerce between the United States and herself, those decrees cannot materially affect that between her enemies and the United States, and may therefore in that respect be disregarded. But Great Britain having the means of enforcing her orders on the ocean, the navigation of that element cannot be resumed without encountering those orders; and they must either be submitted to or resisted. There can be no middle way between those two courses.
3. Either America must accept the portion of commerce allotted to her by the British edicts, and abandon all that is forbidden, (and it is not material at whether this be done by legal provisions limiting the commerce of the United States to the permitted places,) or, by acquiescing in the capture of vessels, stepping beyond the prescribed bounds.
4. Or the nation must oppose force to the execution of the orders of England; & this, however done, and by whatever name called, will be war.
Of those four alternatives, the second and third differ neither in principle, nor in their effect on the revenue. As both plans consist in permitting partial exportations and importations, it must be acknowledged, that objectionable as that course may be in other respects, if considered merely in relation to the fiscal concerns of the union, it will for the moment be attended with less difficulty than either the present system or war. For however narrow the limits to which, on that plan, the exportations and importations of the U. States
may be reduced, yet there will still be some commerce, and some revenue arising from commerce. And as, in pursuing that humble path, means of defence will become unnecessary, as there will be no occasion for either an army or a navy, it is believed that there would be no difficulty in reducing the public expenditure to a rate corresponding with the fragments of impost which might still be collected. If that course be adopted, no other provision seems necessary, than an immediate reduction of expenses.
The system now in force, and war, however dissimilar in some respects, are both considered as resistance. Nor is it believed that their effect on national wealth and public revenue would be materially different. In either case, a portion, and a portion only, of the national industry and capital heretofore employed in the production, transportation, and exchange of agricultural products, or in the foreign carrying trade, can immediately be diverted to other objects. In case of a continuance of the embargo and non-exportation, either a less quantity of commodities must be produced, or a portion will accumulate until the freedom of commerce shall be restored. In case of war, that surplus will be exported: and although a part must be lost by capture, a portion of the returns will be received. If the embargo and suspension of commerce shall be continued, the revenue arising from commerce will, in a short time entirely disappear. In case of war, some part of that revenue will remain; but it will be absorbed by the increase of public expenditure. In either case, new resources, to an amount yet unascertained, must be resorted to. But the assertion, that that amount will be nearly the same in either of the two alternatives of embargo or war, is correct only on the supposition, that the embargo and non-exportation are, after a certain time, to be superceded by war, unless foreign aggressions shall cease; and that rendering, therefore, preparations for war necessary, they require a rate of expenditure far beyond that of a peace establishment.
If however the embargo and non-intercourse are to have equal continuance with the belligerent edicts, indefinite as that is; if it be determined to rely exclusively on that measure, and at all events not to risk a war on account of those aggressions, preparations for war will become useless, and the extraordinary expenses need not be incurred. In that case, the expenditure for the year 1809 ought not to exceed the sum of thirteen millions of dollars, which, as has been stated, is requisite for the support of the present establishment. And this would leave, for the service of the year 1810, the above mentioned surplus of three millions, and the proposed loan of five millions, which, together, would be sufficient to defray the peace establishment, and to pay the interest on the public debt during that year. Thus two years more would be provided for, without either increasing the public debt, or laying any new taxes. It is certainly only with a view to war, either immediate or contemplated that it will become necessary to resort, at least to any considerable extent, to extraordinary sources of supply.
Legitimate resources can be derived only from loans or taxes: and the reasons which induce a belief, that loans should be principally relied on, in case of war, were stated in the annual report of last year. That opinion has been corroborated by every subsequent view which has been taken of the subject, as well as by the present situation of the country. The embargo has brought into, and kept in the United States, almost all the floating property of the nation. And whilst the depreciated value of domestic products increases the difficulty of raising a considerable revenue by internal taxes, at no former time has there been so much specie, so much redundant, unemployed capital, in the country. The high price of public stocks, and indeed of all species of stocks, the reduction of the public debt, the unimpaired credit of the general government, and the large amount of existing bank stock in the United States, leave no doubt of the practicability of obtaining the necessary loans on reasonable terms.
The geographical situation of the United States, their history since the revolution, and, above all, present events, remove every apprehension of frequent wars. It may therefore be confidently expected, that a revenue derived solely from duties on importations, though necessarily impaired by war, will always be amply sufficient, during long intervals of peace, not only to defray current expenses, but also to reimburse the debt contracted during the few periods of war.
No internal taxes, either direct or indirect, are therefore contemplated, even in the case of hostilities carried against the two great belligerent powers. Exclusively of the authority which
must, from time to time, be given to borrow the sums required (always providing for the reimbursement of such loans within limited periods) and of a due economy in the several branches of expenditure, nothing more appears necessary than such modifications, and increase of the duties on importations, as are naturally suggested by existing circumstances.
1. Although importations have already considerably diminished, and may under the system now in force, shortly be altogether discontinued, no reasonable objection is perceived against an increase of duties on such as may still take place. Had the duties been doubled on the 1st Jan. 1808, as was then suggested in case of war, the receipts into the treasury during that and the ensuing year, would have been increased nine or ten millions of dollars. Those articles of most universal consumption, on which an increase of duty would be inconvenient, are either free of duty or abundant. It is therefore proposed that not only the Mediterranean duties, which will expire on the first day of January next, should be continued, but that all the existing duties should be doubled on importations subsequent to that day.
2. The present system of drawbacks also appears susceptible of modifications. The propriety of continuing generally that provision of the embargo laws which allows a drawback on articles exported more than one year after they have been imported, is doubtful. A modification might check speculations and monopolies. The diminution of importations has afforded sufficient profits on most of the articles which had been imported; and a provision which would have a tendency to bring into market, and to lessen the price of those articles, would be generally beneficial.
3. The causes which induced the adoption of a partial non-importation act have ceased to exist. The object then in view has merged into a fair more important one. The selection of interdicted articles was founded on the possibility of obtaining them in other countries than England, and does not agree with existing circumstances. The act producing now no other effect than to increase the temptations, and to produce habits of smuggling, impairs and injures the revenue. A general non-intercourse with that country would supercede that partial measure, and might be executed with greater facility.—And it is believed that, under every event, its repeal will be beneficial, and that a permanent increase of duties on articles selected with a view to those which may be manufactured in the United States, would be preferable.
4. It is believed that the present system of accountability of the military and naval establishments may be rendered more prompt and direct, and is susceptible of improvements which, without embarrassing the public service, will have a tendency more effectually to check any abuses by subordinate agents. Provisions to that effect are rendered more necessary by the probable increase of expense in those departments.
All which is respectfully submitted. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury. Treasury Department, } December 10, 1808 }
MR. GILES' SPEECH, DELIVERED In the Senate of the United States, on Thursday, 24 November, 1808, on the Resolution of Mr. Hildreth, to repeal the Embargo Laws. (Continued.)
The next article I shall mention is Tobacco.—What says the Liverpool merchants respecting this article?—
"During the last month Tobacco has experienced some fluctuation, and sales have been made at prices under those quoted; but some considerable orders having appeared for export, the market has again settled at these rates, and if any opening to the continent of Europe, through the medium of Holland, should be found, an advance may be expected; on the contrary, if we have only our home consumption to depend upon, little alteration can take place until the sentiments of the American government be known at the meeting of congress in November next."
It is admitted that Tobacco is not an article of the first necessity, it is however material to the manufacturer, and highly important to the revenue.
Naval stores are, also, certainly entitled to some consideration, although some supply of those articles, is now furnished from Sweden.
I have selected these articles as specimens of the intimacy and importance of the commercial connection between the U. S. and Great Britain; and to demonstrate, that it cannot be withdrawn on our part without essentially affecting her interests. Again, Sir, what effect will this recession of intercourse have upon the revenue of that country?—I shall make no minute estimate, but it will certainly have an effect which cannot be disregarded;
and the rather when it is recollected, that Great Britain has imposed an export duty of 4 per cent. upon her goods sent to the U. S. which produces to her, an annual revenue of about $600,000 probably much more; and that this is a discriminating duty against the U. S. which ought to have been repealed the moment it was laid; and especially, as it was avowed, that it was imposed upon the U. S. with the view of placing them on the same footing with the British colonies.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) tells us, even suppose that your embargo laws drive fifty thousand, or more, manufacturers from their employment in Great Britain, it will only add to her naval and military strength.—It will only give her fifty thousand seamen or soldiers more than she now has. This, Sir, is an unfortunate specimen of the prosperity, which Great Britain is supposed to derive from the embargo laws. If I am rightly informed, generally, and particularly yesterday, by the learned gentleman from New York, (Mr. Mitchell) of the materials of which the manufacturers consist, I am disposed to think they would make poor seamen, and sorry soldiers.—I do not think the world would have much to fear from their prowess. They are fit for manufacturers, and nothing else; and if driven from their habitual employments, they must starve, or become a charge upon the nation. But, Sir, the conversion of fifty thousand productive, into fifty thousand unproductive, and even expensive, laborers, could not contribute much to the wealth or power of any nation; and such an operation in Great Britain, where the poor rates are sufficiently high already, would command the serious attention of the government.
There is something essential to the physical power of a nation, besides the numbers of seamen and soldiers. It is money—it is revenue. This operation upon labor, could not be productive of revenue, but would be an enormous charge upon it. I am therefore inclined to think that the British cabinet would not feel any great obligation to the gentleman for his ingenious discovery. All these considerations must present strong inducements to Great Britain to revoke her hostile orders; but she has hitherto refused to do so.
Let a candid inquiry be now made into the actual causes of this refusal. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) informs us, that the British cabinet showed some solicitude about the embargo laws, till some time between the 22d of June and the 29th of July last, within which time, information flowed in upon them, which relieved them from this solicitude, & reconciled them to the embargo. [Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said he referred to the months of June and July, without mentioning any particular days of those months.] I admit that the gentleman did not mention the particular days; I took the particular days for greater precision, from the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Madison, from which I presume the gentleman had drawn his information.
What was the information that flowed in upon the British cabinet, from the 22d June to the 29th of July? That period announced two events. First, the wonderful revolution in Spain; although this event must have been pretty well understood in London before even the 22d June, perhaps not to its full extent. The other event was, the paltry attempt at the resistance of the embargo laws in Vermont, magnified into a formidable insurrection against the government; and the unhappy contents manifested in Boston and its neighborhood, together with the results of the elections in Massachusetts. All these circumstances were certainly greatly exaggerated, or, perhaps, utterly misrepresented. Here, then, Sir, we clearly discern the real causes of the refusal of the British cabinet to meet the just and honorable proposition of the United States, and to revoke their orders in council. The Spanish revolution, no doubt, contributed to their determination; but the principal cause, was our own divisions and contents, either wholly misrepresented or highly exaggerated.
Before the 22d June, Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning were engaged in the most informal and friendly communications: Mr. Canning had gone so far as to intimate to Mr. Pinkney, that he might in a few days expect to be able to communicate to his government, some agreeable intelligence, evidently meaning, either the revocation or relaxation of the hostile orders.—But, unfortunately, shortly after the 22d June, the packet arrived with this flood of disgraceful information from the United States. Immediately after the receipt of this information, or rather misinformation, Mr. Canning changes his conduct. All informal conferences with Mr. Pinkney are denied, and a formal note demanded, in reply to which, the note of refusal was returned, marked, as we have seen, with indignity and insult to the United States.
Now, Sir, let me ask, whether these facts do not demonstrate that the continuation of the hostile orders is principally, if not solely, owing to the dishonorable divisions and contents in this country, and the exaggerated accounts given of them to the

British government? That events in Spain alone, however intoxicating to the British cabinet, were not, of themselves, sufficient to produce this effect; because they were known before the change in Mr. Canning's conduct took place, and had not produced that effect: But, the moment the extravagant accounts of the discontents and divisions in this country were received, was the moment of change in Mr. Canning's conduct, and, therefore, must be considered as the real cause that produced it. Besides Sir was not this change of conduct the natural effect of this disgraceful information? When Mr. Canning was informed that the people of the United States had become false to themselves; had refused to bear the necessary privations, imposed by the government; had, in fact, separated themselves from their own government—that they would elect persons to office, who would, voluntarily, yield obedience to Mr. Canning's orders—what inducement could he have for their revocation? If obedience and submission were gratuitously tendered by the people of the United States, he had certainly nothing to do but graciously to accept them; and his note affords full evidence of this impression on his mind. The refusal of the British government, to revoke their hostile orders, therefore, appears not to have been founded upon a calculation of its interests upon correct information; but upon a mis-calculation of its interests upon misinformation. To be Continued.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, December 16.
A motion was made by Mr. Gardenier, that when the house adjourn, it do adjourn to Monday. Negatived by Yeas and Nays, 58 to 43.
Mr. Lewis reported a bill supplementing to an act, entitled "An act to amend the charter of the town of Alexandria."
PIKE'S EXPEDITION. Mr. J. Montgomery reported a bill making compensation to capt. Z. M. Pike and his companions.
These bills were twice read and referred to committees of the whole house.
REPORT OF FINANCE.
The speaker laid before the house the annual report of the secretary of the treasury, which will be found in this day's paper. The report having been read—
Mr. Randolph said, as this was an extremely interesting report, he hoped means would be taken for expediting the printing, and that more than the ordinary number be printed.
Mr. G. W. Campbell moved that 2000 copies, of the report be printed, and the usual number of the documents accompanying it. Carried.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The second resolution (relative to non-intercourse) reported by the committee of the whole being yet under consideration—
Mr. Newton supported it, and the report generally, in a speech of about two hours and a half.
When the house adjourned, 53 to 52.
SATURDAY, December 17.
SALT.
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Livermore, was ordered to lie on the table:
Resolved, that the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of permitting certain vessels to depart from the harbors of the United States, for the purpose of importing SALT, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
QUESTION ON NON-INTERCOURSE DECIDED.
The following resolution again under consideration:
Resolved, that it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain—or France—or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States—and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either.
Mr. Rhea (T.) supported it in a speech of two hours. Mr. Taggart opposed it in a speech of the same length.
The resolution was divided into different questions as marked by the dashes (—) in the resolutions; and after many motions to adjourn, and amendments offered, which were withdrawn or declared out of order, about 9 o'clock the question was taken on the following member of the resolution:—
"Resolved, that it is expedient to prohibit, by law, the admission into the ports of the United States of all public or private, armed or unarmed ships or vessels belonging to Great Britain," and CARRIED by Yeas and Nays, 92 to 29.
Previous to the taking the first question Mr. Gardenier spoke for half an hour against the part interdicting British vessels.
And the question being taken on the next member—"or France," was CARRIED, 97 to 24.
And the question being taken on the next member—"or to any other of the belligerent powers, having in force orders or decrees violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States," was CARRIED, 96 to 25.
Mr. Randolph now made a speech of two hours and a half against the remaining clause of the resolution.
When, at near 12 o'clock, the question was taken on the last clause in the following words—"and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of
any of the said powers, or imported from any place in the possession of either," and CARRIED, 82 to 36.
The question was then, at 12 o'clock, taken on the whole resolution, and CARRIED, 84 to 30.
The question was then put on the following resolution:
"Resolved, that measures ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a more complete state of defence"—and CARRIED UNANIMOUSLY.
Both resolutions were referred to committees; and thus after 18 days debate, the house concluded the agitation of the subject for the present, about 20 minutes after 12.
SENATE—December 17.
The bill to authorize and require the President of the U. States to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. States, was read the third time and passed. The bill appropriates 400,000 dollars.
The bill making further provisions for enforcing the embargo was read the third time; when a debate commenced on its passage. Mr. Goodrich spoke at length against the bill, when the Senate adjourned without taking the question.
HUDSON, (N. Y.) December 13.
Presidential Election.
On Wednesday last, the day assigned by law for balloting for a President and Vice-President of the United States in the several states, the Electors of this state met in this city and gave their suffrages as follows:
  For President.   Mr. Madison, 13.   Clinton, 6.   For Vice-President.   Mr. Clinton, 13.   Madison, 3.   Monroe, 3. 
We confess we should have been more gratified in recording an unanimous vote. But though a majority of the friends of Governor Clinton have yielded to the general policy, and given their support to Mr. Madison, yet the other portion of them, it appears, did not perceive the necessity of such acquiescence, and gave their ballots to the candidate of their choice. Far be it from us to impugn their motives; their long and high standing in society forbids a suspicion of their republican integrity. And on the other hand, while so many of the Electors have given their voice for the elevation of the Secretary, we were happy to find no one of them disposed, for a single moment, to listen to the slightest suggestion of a want of confidence in the Vice-President, or diminution of their attachment to his virtues, and grateful sense of the eminent services in the cabinet and field he has rendered his country.
JOHN C. SPENCER, esq. was appointed by the electors the bearer of their votes to the city of Washington.
WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 17.
The recent intelligence from Europe is auspicious to the hopes of America. Already the tone of the British ministry is humbled with respect to the idea of enjoying in Spain and Portugal a complete substitute for the lucrative American markets. The shop-keepers of London and Liverpool do not find their pockets so well filled with pounds, shillings and pence, as when the American carrying trade had its full swing. The cabinet of St. James is divided: the ministry fear the convention of parliament, because forty members devoted to Portland and Canning are in Spain, and king George, willing to save his ministers from scrutiny and disgrace, will not suffer the legislative body to meet, and has prorogued it till some day in December, to give time for the return of his parliamentary devotees from the Spanish peninsula. What horrible consternation would it occasion at the foreign office in the British metropolis, were the forty parliamentarians to be captured by Bonaparte's marshals! Such an incident would take off the sarcastic edge of Mr. Canning's temper, and make him quake for his place and his salary. The armistice between Sweden and Russia gives great effect to our embargo. There are no Tories on the shores of the Baltic to smuggle naval stores for the British; and the dock yards and arsenals of Britain will feel the pressure of wants which must be supplied. To the United States, and to the nations of the north of Europe, she must address her cries for articles necessary to her marine; and then every one will acknowledge that the embargo has not been altogether inefficacious.—Monitor.
December 19.
In reply to the Enquiries of a committee of the House of Representatives, the Secretary of the Navy has returned the following answer:
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
December 7, 1808.
Sir—I have received your letter of the 3d inst. and in answer, have the honor to state, that the accompanying paper, marked A. exhibits the additional number of officers and seamen required for the public service; none of which could be employed without the authority of a special act of Congress. The same paper also exhibits the number of mariners required, in addition to the present establishment; for the employment of which, provision by law will be necessary.
Paper B. exhibits a view of the annual expense of maintaining in service the number of officers, petty officers, seamen and marines, required, in the opinion of the President, in addition to the number already estimated for in the annual estimate presented to the House through the Secretary of the Treasury.
This additional estimate, added to the estimate presented through the Treasury Department, will make the different items
of the necessary appropriations as stated below, viz.
  For pay & subsistence of the officers, and pay of the seamen, 1,077,834   For provisions, 490,354 31   For hospital account, 30,000   For repairs of vessels, 445,000   For contingent account, comprising freight, store rent, commissions to agents, travelling expenses, &c. 150,000   For pay and subsistence of the marine corps, 186 320 70   For clothing, 44,699 50   For military stores, 6,706   For hospital account, 3,000   For contingent account, 19,035   For navy yards, 60,000   For ordnance, 150,000 
Dollars 2,662,949 51 I have the honor to be, respectfully, sir, your most obedient servant,
Rt. SMITH.
Honorable R. Nelson, Chairman of the Committee on military and naval establishments.
A. states the additional number of officers, seamen and marines, required for the public service, which cannot be employed, without the authority of a special act of Congress, as follows—234 midshipmen, 2,000 seamen, 144 corporals, and 162 private marines.
CHARLESTON, Dec. 10.
Extract of a letter to the Editors, dated.
"COLUMBIA, Dec. 6.
"This day came on the election for Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, when the following gentlemen were elected by nearly an unanimous vote of the two houses—136 votes were given, and several of the electors had 135, 132, and so on; indeed, there was not a shadow of opposition made to the ticket. There does not appear to be one member in our legislature of the sour and vindictive spirit that prevails in some of the northern and eastern states. I always believed that no man, born in America, could love a foreign country better than his own; and my belief has been confirmed by the conduct of the members who have been styled federalists now in our legislature; they seemed to be convinced that our government have gone as far in their efforts to preserve peace as was consistent with the honor and dignity of an independent nation; and should the time arrive, when patriotism is to be tested, I am sure it will appear that South Carolina is not a divided state.
"The following are the names of the Electors:
  JOSEPH GIST.   JOHN WILSON.   JOHN M'MORRIES.   WILLIAM STROTHER.   WILLIAM ZIMMERMAN.   JOSEPH BELLINGER.   LANGDON CHEVES.   PAUL HAMILTON.   SAMUEL MAYS.   WILLIAM ROUSE. 
"The mode adopted for choosing Electors was, that each congressional district should have an elector, and that two others should be chosen from the state at large; the two last were Mr. Cheves and Col. Mays. The whole business has been conducted with the utmost propriety and harmony, and I have no doubt but an unanimous vote will be given to-morrow for JAMES MADISON, President; and GEORGE CLINTON, Vice-President."
Education.
THE Subscriber purposed opening a School at his house, in Ferry Street, in this city, on the 9th day of January, 1809. His terms for tuition will be, five, six, and seven dollars per quarter, to be paid in advance: for those pupils who only spell and read, his price will be five dollars per quarter, for those who spell, read, and write, six dollars per quarter, and for those who learn arithmetic and grammar, his price will be seven dollars per quarter.
He will endeavor while he instructs his pupils in the rudiments of literature, to inculcate the fundamental principles of religion and morality.
John Seabrook.
Richmond, December 20, 1808. 2w
P. S. J. S. will thank those parents and guardians who will favor him with the instruction of their children, to give him early information thereof.
TUITION.
A FAMILY SCHOOL, will be opened in the house of Mr. James Paterson, of Chesterfield county, four miles from Manchester, the 1st day of January, 1809, where will be taught, the following branches of literature, viz:—Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Geography, Philosophy, General History, and the art of Speaking; also the Latin and Greek Languages, by Mr. LEZUEL MEAD. Boarders will be taken in by Mr. Paterson. The terms, for board and tuition may be known by applying to Mr. James Paterson, of Chesterfield, or South Mead, at Richmond. December 20, 1808. 1
Hat Manufactor.
GILBERT & CRAVEN,
BEING about to establish a Hat Manufactor in the city of Richmond, near the street leading from Col. Mayo's bridge, with a determined resolution to do justice to those who may favor them with their custom. They flatter themselves that their knowledge and long experience in their business, together with the punctuality, neatness, and dispatch, with which their work will be executed, will justify their claim to public patronage. They inform the public that they now have a large quantity of the best country made WOOL HATS, and a tolerable assortment of FINE HATS. Their manufactory will be in operation in a few weeks, when they will be able to make their assortment complete, and comply with any orders they may receive.
Richmond, Dec. 22d, 1808. w3t
P. S. They have a strong, new, Pennsylvania-made WAGGON, for sale, at $100.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND:
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1808.
The following is at present before the House of Delegates of this State.
A BILL to suspend the operation of Executions during the continuance of the Embargo and ninety days after it is raised.
WHEREAS, it is unjust and unreasonable, that during the continuance of the Embargo, that a sacrifice should be made of the property of that portion of the good people of this commonwealth, who have unfortunately contracted debts, which under existing circumstances, they are at this time unable to discharge:
Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly, That all judgments heretofore or hereafter to be obtained in any court of record in this commonwealth or before any justice of the peace of any county, city, or borough within the same, shall be stayed in the office where rendered, until days after the raising of the embargo, by the Congress of the United States, on condition that the defendant or defendants against whom such judgment may be rendered, shall give sufficient security for paying the amount of any judgment or judgments rendered against him or them, as the case may be, being required so to do, by the court, judge or justice before whom such judgment may have been or hereafter may be rendered.
And be it further enacted, That all executions, now in the hands of any sheriff, coroner, sergeant, or constable, on which the several sums of money or tobacco or other things shall not have been made, shall be forthwith returned to the office or place from whence the same was issued, there to remain, the defendant or defendants being required, and giving security as above required.
And be it further enacted, That no trustee or trustees, in any deed of trust, or mortgage, shall carry the same into execution; but all proceedings shall be stayed on them as is provided in executions.
Provided nevertheless, That all collectors of public revenue, sheriffs and constables and attorneys for money received of their clients, and who shall fail to pay the plaintiff or plaintiffs, creditor or creditors, when required, shall be proceeded against in the same manner as if this act had not been passed.
This act shall go into operation immediately after the passing thereof.
On Wednesday the 7th Dec. the Electors of President and Vice President of the U. States met in the several states, from the following of which we have heard, and in which the votes were given as stated:
FOR PRESIDENT.
   Republican. Federal.   J. Madison C. C. Pinkney     N. Hampshire, 7   Massachusetts, 19   Rhode Island, 4   Connecticut, 9   Vermont, 6   New York,* 13   New Jersey, 8   Pennsylvania, 20   Delaware, 3   Maryland, 9   Virginia, 24 2   N. Carolina, 11 3   S. Carolina, 10   Georgia,   Kentucky,   Tennessee,   Ohio,  
FOR VICE PRESIDENT.
   Republican. Federal.   G. Clinton. R. King.     N. Hampshire, 7   Massachusetts, 19   Rhode Island, 4   Connecticut, 9   Vermont,   New York,* 13   New Jersey, 8   Pennsylvania, 20   Delaware, 3   Maryland, 9 2   Virginia, 24   N. Carolina, 11 3   S. Carolina, 10   Georgia,   Kentucky,   Tennessee,   Ohio,  
95 47
† The electors of Vermont gave an unanimous vote for John Langdon, as vice president.
* The New York electors have given Mr. Madison 13 votes for President, Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3; Mr. Monroe 3.
COMMUNICATION.
On Tuesday last, the 23d Regiment of militia in the county of Chesterfield, convened at the court house, agreeable to general orders, for the purpose of drafting the necessary number of men under the requisition of the act of Congress, authorizing a detachment from the militia of the United States.—Col. Branch apprised the officers of the necessity of a draft in order to furnish the number required from his Regiment; but it was enough to tell them that their country required their services—each officer contended for his right to serve, upon the score of seniority, and the voluntary tender of Capt. Graves's company of Infantry, Capt. M'Rae's company of Republican Blues, and Capt. Heth's Troop of Cavalry, superceded the necessity of a draft, and furnishes additional evidence of the firm and determined resolution of the people to support their country's rights.
From Washington City, Dec. 20.
The business done in Congress yesterday, was, principally, the rejection of a
report in favor of the Americans taken prisoners in Miranda's expedition. Particulars (omitted for want of room) in our next paper.
Suppose—a certain native born American, now an admiral in the British service, and notorious for his cruelty toward the American seamen, dubbed Sir ISAAC COFFIN, was to be seen prowling through one country in disguise, dressed in a light blue coat, round hat and coarse jacket, with a bandanna handkerchief round his neck and covering his chin.
Suppose—this man at Gad-by's tavern, in the city of Baltimore, should regret to his friend the accidental discovery of his name as a most "unfortunate" event, and take himself off immediately as if to efface a recollection of his having been in this city.
Suppose—he were to enquire of a citizen of this place, if the far famed tory and British pensioner KAY, was at Washington, and say that he had some most important affairs to adjust with a member of congress.
Suppose—instead of going from hence direct to Washington, he was to visit Annapolis, and examine its harbor and the fortifications now erecting at that place for the defence of the Severn.
Suppose—that all these suppositions are true, and draw your own conclusions. Balt. Eve. Post.
The legislature of South Carolina have elected John Drayton, a decided republican, Governor.
The following is copied from the London Packet of October 14:
"THE Brazil Committee, have received from his Majesty's Ministers the IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION, that it is their intention to allow all goods, the growth, produce

(Continued from first page.) umaries who have written on the Laws of Nations, and who, (in the language of a Virginian Patriot, now no more,) "have held up the torch of science to a benighted world," have been totally thrown aside, obscured and extinguished; and the mild law of reason and right has given way, to the law of brutal fury and force.
It is by the operation of these causes, that the United States have been brought to the crisis in which they have now to act: our commerce, in the full tide of its prosperity, arrested and stagnated; our most valuable and sacred rights invaded and torn from us; our citizens murdered or impressed and held in bondage; our sovereignty, as a nation, trampled on and despised. Under these circumstances, what remains for us, but to give to our government the assurance that we are with them, and that we will support them, so long as the God of our Fathers shall vouchsafe to give us life and strength! Wherefore,
1. Resolved, That it is better for us to cease to exist as a nation, than to exist under dishonor and violated rights— 2. Resolved, That the aggressions of Great Britain and France, have infringed our honor; have violated our rights, have usurped upon our sovereignty as an independent nation— 3. Resolved, That we will stand by the government of our country; and that we will support them with the last cent of our treasure, and the last drop of our blood, in every measure, either of defence or offence, which they may deem expedient, to vindicate our injured honor and our violated rights.
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, dec. WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, (and continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable
Tract of Land,
In Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 842 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land, with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes,
Among which is a valuable blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for which twelve months credit will be given, for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash—And on Tuesday the sixth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the
House and Lot,
In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales.
Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808. tds
RUNAWAY from the subscriber, the 1st August last, a Negro Fellow EDMUND , who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known, inclined to be of a yellowish complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout active, bony fellow, slop shouldered, his mouth and lips are large and prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 11 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Thilman, dec. and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows
ED: DILLON. Prince Edward, 24th Oct. 1808. 2m
WILLIAM COWAN,
WATCH MAKER, AT the shop heretofore Capt. William Richardson's, has for sale, a general assortment of
Watches, Jewellery, Silver and Plated Ware, Consisting of English and French Watches, Time-pieces, Mismatched settings, mourning and fancy Lockets & Breast Pins, mourning, fancy and plain finger and ear Rings, Bracelets, Neck clasps, plain, ornamented and coral Necklaces, ladies plain and ornamented Combs, gold, gilt, steel, hair and silk Watch Chains, gold, gilt, pebble and glass Seals, gold, gilt, and steel Keys, gold and silver Sleeve Buttons and Studs, table, desert, gravy, caddy, tea and salt Spoons, soup, toddy and butter Ladies, Sugar Tongs, silver and plated Casters and Salts, Candle sticks, Snuffers and Snuffer Trays, Scissors, Scissor Chains and Cases, thimbles, pencil cases, fruit knives, plain and paste knee buckles, spectacles, sword knots, pocket knives, sugar and snuff boxes, dressing combs, morocco pocket and ring cases, &c. &c.
N. B. Watches and clocks of every description, nearly repaired. Richmond, December 5, 1808. 3w
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices. D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808. tf
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst. a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel J. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair—He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry.
A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't. Infantry. November 23, 1808. tf
Negroes to be Hired out; and Cattle, Sheep, Horses, Hogs, and Crops to be sold.
ON Thursday the 29th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, will be hired out, for the ensuing year, at Richland, in the county of Mecklenburg, 25 Likely Negroes.
At the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, all the Stock of Cattle, (consisting of seventy or eighty head, among which are several valuable yoke of young steers,) Sheep, Horses and Hogs; about 400 Barrels of Corn, 15 Stacks of Oats, the Crop of Wheat, and all the Plantation Utensils. Twelve months credit will be allowed on all sums exceeding twenty dollars, bonds with good security being given, bearing interest from the date, which interest is to be remitted, in case of punctual payment of the principal. Ten per cent deduction will be made for cash.
WM. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 24th, 1808. tds
Wanted, on Hire
THE NEXT YEAR. A Man and a Woman servant—he man must be well acquainted with house business generally, and the management of horses—the woman a good cook—both must come well recommended for honesty and sobriety. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 29. tf
THE subscriber having removed to the houses on Shockoe Hill, formerly occupied by Maj. William Du Val, in a very agreeable part of the city, and contiguous to the Capitol, is prepared and desirous of taking from 15 to 20 Members of the Assembly as boarders during the ensuing session. The greatest attention will be paid to their accommodation. N. B. He has for sale three or four likely young Negroes, two of whom are likely young men. H. Puryear. November 30, 1808. tf
Notice!
ALL persons having claims against the estate of Boyle Brackett, dec. are requested to meet me at Hugh French's Tavern in the upper end of Powhatan County, on Monday the 26th day of December next, and make them known—those indebted to said estate, are once more requested to make payment at the same time. I shall on the same day offer
Several Negroes
for sale, and a few to hire for the ensuing year. Ludwell Brackett. November 24th, 1808. 3w
Notice.
THE subscribers have lately opened store in Mr. Mitchell's brick building near the Market-House, where they offer for sale, a general assortment of
GROCERIES,
on moderate terms for cash or country produce. Pulling & Collins. Richmond, Dec. 1, 1808. 4w
Cabinet Making Business,
upon an extensive scale, in the house near Shockoe bridge, next door to Samuel Pleasants, Jr's, printing office, where he will keep a constant supply of furniture for sale upon reasonable terms—and where furniture in his line will be made upon the shortest notice, and in the most approved fashions, or upon any model which may be directed. The subscriber will also keep on hand, a constant supply of Fancy and Windsor CHAIRS of all descriptions, for sale upon reasonable terms. C. M. PERRY. Richmond, November 28th, 1808. (tf)
N. B. Coach and Sign Painting, done at his shop on the shortest notice and in the very best manner.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808. tf
For Sale,
Twenty-five Tons Swedes and American Iron, Eighty Bundles Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, American and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes, with our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c.
Russell & Wallace. Richmond, Nov. 3d 1808. 2m
Boarding House.
A FEW BOARDERS will meet with gentle accommodations and on moderate terms in the house near the Basin, where the late Maj. Wm. Austin lived. Oysters, Beef-Steaks, &c. May be had at any moment. Gentle rooms provided for private parties, and the strictest attention paid them. Paul G. G. Jones. December 19th, 1808. f
FOR SALE,
On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse DOCTOR, Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Pill Box, by Pantaloon. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Precipitate, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unrized, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler. Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808. tf
MATTRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808. tf
Sales at Auction.
WILL BE SOLD, at the Eagle Tavern, on Saturday the 24th inst. without reserve, for ready money, six likely
Negro Men,
one negro Woman and one London made Charriot; one of the men is a good Carpenter, two of them are Sawyers, one a good Cooper and house servant, the other accustomed to plantation business. Pleasant Younghusband. Dec. 16th, 1808. tds
Notice,
THAT by virtue of a deed of trust made to us, we shall on Saturday the 7th day of January next, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in this city, expose to sale for ready money, to the highest bidder, one certain piece, or parcel of
Ground,
situate in this city, at Rockets, being a part of Roper's tenement, as it is generally denominated, and is more particularly described in the aforesaid deed executed by Richard Young to us, and duly recorded in the Hustings court of this city, or so much thereof as shall be sufficient to pay and satisfy Byrd George, whatever balance may remain due at that time, with interest thereon, and the cost and charges attending the execution of this trust. WILLIAM MCKIM. WILLIAM MARSHALL. Richmond, Dec. 8th, 1808. tds
Bank of Virginia.
THE Stockholders are hereby notified, that the election of Directors of the Bank and the several Offices of Discount and Deposit, for the ensuing year, will be held on Monday the 24th day of January. December 15th 1808. [11]
NOTICE.
WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, on Wednesday the 15th day of February next, the
Glebe Lands,
Late in the occupancy of the Rev. Matthew Murray, dec. on a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security. By order of the Overseers of the Poor. John Winn, Jr. Clk. Albemarle, December 13th, 1808. 3w
A Tract of Land,
mentioned in the said deed, on which the said Foulkes lived, known by the name of Federal Hall. Beverly Sydner, Trustee. Dec. 10th, 1808. w2p.
To Rent,
AND possession given immediately, a neat small brick dwelling house on the Church Hill, near Mr. Samuel Adams's, with an acre of land attached for a garden; this house contains two rooms below, and a closet large enough for a bed, table and two or three chairs, two rooms above and a small closet; two rooms underneath, with a fire place in each, one used as a kitchen, the other as a servant's room; there are also two other apartments adjoining the kitchen, one used as a dairy, the other as a meat cellar; there is also on the lot, a very excellent smoke house. No situation can be more desirable for a small family, near two excellent springs, and commanding a beautiful view of the city, Manchester, the falls, and as far down the river as the eye can reach, with a rich, luxuriant, agricultural scenery in front. It may be had for one, two or three years; for terms apply to the Rev'd. John Ellis, or Mr. Thomas Harris, living near the premises. Dec. 12th, 1808. Iawtf
To be Sold,
AT Epaphroditus Howle's tavern, in the forks of Hanover, on Friday the 30th of December next,
7 Likely Negroes,
belonging to the estate of Thomas Anderson, dec. consisting of a man, a woman, and five young negroes, boys and girls—12 months credit will be allowed the purchasers, by their giving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. JOHN ANDERSON, Ex'r. Hanover, Nov. 23d, 1808. w3p.
Will be Hired
Publicly in Milton, on the first day of January, near
100 Negroes
Belonging to Mrs. Sally Carter, among them, are several valuable Carpenters. Those persons who hired these negroes for the present year, are earnestly requested to deliver them at Milton in time to be hired on the 1st. January. R. Anderson, Agent for Sally Carter. Albemarle 15th Dec 1808. (wtds)
At a Court of Quarterly
Session, held for Cumberland county, the 27th day of October, 1808. John Anderson, Plaintiff, AGAINST James Holland and John Holland, Defendants.
THIS day came the plaintiff by his attorney, and the defendant James not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant James, do appear here on the fourth Monday in February next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in some newspaper printed in the city of Richmond for three months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
Accts—Teste, Miller Woodson, Jr. D. C. C. C.
William Richardson, Jr.
CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, At the sign of the Clock and Watches, on the south side of the main street, six doors below the Market Bridge, Richmond, cleans and repairs, Repeating, Horizontal and plain Watches, musical, chime and plain Clocks, in the best manner and on moderate terms. N. B. All repairs warranted twelve months. November 29th, 1808. w4t
Advertisement.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from John Boatwright to the subscriber, bearing date the 17th day of August 1805, and duly recorded in the county court of Cumberland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at next Cumberland (December) court, before the front door of Thomas Hobson's tavern, for cash
100 Acres of Land,
adjoining the lands of Alexander Trent, dec. Barter Hill tract, and the land that formerly belonged to Lordy Maddox; six head of Horses, a Cart and one yoke of Oxen, twelve head of other Cattle, twelve head of Sheep, five feather Beds with their furniture, and all the residue of the said Boatwright's household and kitchen furniture; or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the debt with the interest specified in the deed aforementioned, with the expenses attending the execution thereof. Henry Bell, Trustee. Buckingham, Nov. 26th 1808. w3p.
To be Sold
TO the highest bidder on Tuesday the 2d of January next, at the late dwelling house of George Saunders, dec. the balance of the said
Estate,
consisting of Horses, Cattle, Corn and Fodder, Household and Kitchen furniture, and many other things too tedious to mention. Twelve months credit will be allowed the purchasers on all sums above five dollars, on their giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
All persons having demands against the estate, are desired to come forward with their claims, and all those indebted to the said estate are desired to come forward and make payment. The Executors. Dec. 9th 1808. w2p.
FOR SALE,
The Tenement
on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and a half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke House, 2 Stories, brick Office, Coach House, Barn, Stable, and Ice House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. JOHN ELLIS. November 25. wtf
A LIST of one Hogshead Tobacco,
remaining in Wicomico Warehouse over two years, inspected the 5th day of February 1805, marked Royston B. Gvington, F. B. C. No. 75. Gross 1081, Tare 118, Net 963, which if not applied for before the 13th of March 1809, will, on that day, be sold to the highest bidder for cash, at Northumberland court house. GEORGE BARRET. Dec 1st, 1808. w3p.
TAKEN up by Richard Eggleston,
of Amelia county, a RED STEER YEARLING, supposed to be three years old next spring, marked as follows—with a crop and a hole in the right ear, and a smooth crop and a slit in the left, appraised to forty shillings by us. Given under our hands this 70th September, 1808. Peter Farley, Chastaine Roberts, David C. Jones. w3p.
THE PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN
John Ellis and Hugh Warden,
IN the business of a Gun-Powder Manufactory and Grist Mill, is dissolved by mutual consent, so far as no debts hereafter can be contracted under their firm; but the receipt of either of them shall be a good discharge to those who are, or may become indebted to them for gun-powder. JOHN ELLIS, HUGH WARDEN. Richmond, 20th Oct. 1808.
THE subscriber not being engaged in any
business requiring much of his time, will, if applied to at his dwelling, a few doors west of the Market-bridge, on the south side of the street execute any writing connected with Merchandise and Navigation; he has as complete CODE OF MERCANTILE LAW, a late edition, from which, and from his long experience in Mercantile business, he hopes he can just and settle any differences arise that may in mercantile transaction. HUGH WARDEN. Richmond, Dec. 10th, 1808. 1w3w.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us, by
William Royster, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money, due to Anderson and John Bowles, as therein expressed, will be sold on Monday the second day of January next, at John Trevillian's tavern, in Goochland county,
3 Negroes, to wit:
Ned, Harry, and Judith, or as many as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt, and the cost attending the execution of said trust. John Trevillian, Thomas B. Watkins, } Trustees. Goochland, Dec. 8th, 1808. w3p.
Public Sale.
THAT valuable Property belonging to the estate of Michael Fackler, deceased, situated and being about the centre of the town of Staunton, in Augusta county, Virginia, consisting of
Two Lots,
Adjoining each other, containing nearly one acre of ground. On one of the lots there is a Tan Yard with convenient buildings. On the other there is a large Merchant Mill, with two water wheels and two pair of stones, with convenient out-houses, in one of which there is a Carding Machine, drove by the same stream, which never fails. The fall is about 30 or 40 feet, and consequently other water works could be erected on the same lot. There is also a large Frame Dwelling House, 40 by 60 feet, on the Mill lot. The whole of the above property under a lease, the unexpired term of upwards of 40 years, and will be offered at public sale on the 31st day of December next on the premises, between the hours of 12 and 3 of the clock, P. M. One half of the amount of the purchase money must be paid on the day of sale. A liberal credit will be given on the balance being secured to the satisfaction of
JACOB PECK SAMUEL CLARKE, } Ading Executors. September 8, 1808. wtds
Education.
THE subscriber returns his thanks to the public, for their confidence in him as a teacher, & solicits a continuance of their patronage. He hopes that from his experience and diligence in his profession, he shall be able to give general satisfaction. He proposes to continue his school the ensuing year for instruction of boys in the Greek, Latin and English languages, Geography and the use of the Globes, the elements of Geometry with Practical Surveying, also the elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal, and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding, and fuel will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the sixteenth of January, and expire about the fifth of December following. Thomas Nelson. Dec. 10th, 1808. w4p.
NICHOLAS HALLAM,
(NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN.)
Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equally good terms as heretofore.
Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seal leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes.
Nails of all kinds.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling
BACON.
The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit. August 2, 1808. lawtf
100 Dollars Reward.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber the 5th November, 1806, a Negro Man, named ANDREW; he is about 24 years of age, about 6 feet high, well made, of a dark complexion; he has a pleasing countenance, and when spoken to has a stoppage in his speech. He was raised by Dr. John Shore, of Petersburg; his father and mother are living in Manchester, where it is probable he is now lurking. The above reward will be given to any one who will deliver the said negro to me near Petersburg, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. Masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him off or harboring him at their peril. Drury Birchett. Richmond, August 25, 1808. w3m
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And may be had at Jacob Johnson's bookstore, adjoining the Market Bridge,
PART 3, OF VOL. 1. OF
HENING AND MUNFORD'S
REPORTS,
CONTAINING
The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $5.—to non-subscribers $6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.