The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-01-16 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms:—About 500 wt. of BURGEIS, and 300 of BREVIER: The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY—Highest Prize 10,000 dollars. Authorised by an act of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of USEFUL ARTS.
CASH PRIZES. 1 Prize of 10,000 Dollars - - - 10,000. 2 do. of 5,000 - - - 10,000. 5 do. of 1,000 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 500 - - - 5,000. 10 do. of 200 - - - 2,000. 40 do. of 100 - - - 4,000. 100 do. of 50 - - - 5,000. 200 do. of 20 - - - 4,000. 500 do. of 10 - - - 5,000.
To consist of machines for opening off-loom worsted & open wrought woollen cloth into wool, valued at one hundred dollars each. (Patent right included) 100,000. 2,000 do. To consist of rights for manufacturing ornamental mouldings for dwelling houses and shipping, valued at fifty dollars each 50,000.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows: First drawn number on the first ten days' drawing, each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding ten days', each 500. Ditto ditto on the succeeding five days', each 500. Ditto ditto on the last day's drawing 1,000.
This Lottery will positively commence drawing on the twenty-third day of February next, and will be completed in 28 days at intervals, under the superintendence of Gentlemen appointed by the Governor, to whom approved security has been given, for the faithful drawing of the Lottery agreeably to the scheme. The numbering for the wheels has so far progressed, under the direction of Mr. James O'Callaghan, as to justify fixing the day of drawing. The cash prizes will be paid at the Bank in thirty days after the conclusion of the drawing, the Machines and Composition rights delivered to order, on payment of the deduction as above. All prizes must be demanded in one year after the drawing, or they will be considered as forfeited after that time.
Tickets at one dollar and 50 cents each, to be had of Wm. Pritchard and Fitzwilliam and Potter. The price of Tickets will advance as the drawing progresses. Note.—The purchaser or holder of every ticket, will be entitled to a valuable patent right for manufacturing Sago, Starch, and Hair-Powder, from Potatoes, by a process entirely new, besides a chance of the many valuable cash prizes. Jan. 14. (epitf)
PUBLIC VENDUE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Wm. Hall to the subscribers, of sundry property, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due William Shanks (as will more fully appear by referring to said deed, dated 5th Dec. 1806, and recorded at the hustings court of Petersburg, 6th April, 1807.) Will be sold without reserve, for ready money, on Thursday the 4th February next, the sloop ALEXANDRIA, burthen between 30 and 40 tons, with all her tackle and apparel, as she now lays at Rocketts. SAMUEL TURNER, } Trustees. DANIEL EPES, } (ids) January 14.
ON Tuesday the 19th inst. will be sold, to the highest bidder, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, LOT No. 14: situate on Shockoe Hill, between the houses of Mr. Nice and Mr. Mann, leading to Baron Branch, on a high and dry spot, where brick earth can easily be procured. Terms of sale—One half cash, the remainder in nine months, for which a negotiable note with an approved endorser will be required. Richmond, Jan. 14. [24]
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, on Thursday the 21st inst. if fair, if not, the next fair day, on a credit of twelve months, at the plantation of the late Nathaniel Wilkinson, on Chickahominy swamp, all the personal estate of the said deceased; consisting of Horses, Mules, Cattle, Sheep and Hogs; about 400 bbls. corn, a large quantity of sheave Oats, Fodder, Hay, &c. some household and kitchen Furniture, and farming Utensils.
Bond with approved security to carry interest from the date, will be required for all sums above ten dollars. But on punctilious payment the interest will be remitted by the ADMINISTRATORS. Jan. 14. [p54] TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg to Virginia, in Charlotte in South Carolina, is now in complete order; so that persons inclined to adopt that method of travelling, (but many of whom have been heretofore deterred on account of part of the line having been out of repair) will in future meet with a certain, speedy, & comfortable conveyance. From Petersburg to Fayetteville, the proportion of the fare for which the subscribers have contracted, the rate of fare will be seven cents per mile, with a privilege to each passenger of 20lbs. of baggage. Every 150lbs. of baggage over that privilege will pay as one passenger in proportion; but while every attention will be paid to the baggage, there will be no responsibility for its loss. WM. GHOLSON & WALLACE. Brunswick, (Va.) Jan. 14. [10]
THE subscriber tenders his services to the citizens of Richmond, and flatters himself he will experience a share of their patronage as a professor of the French Language and Arithmetic. Those who may confide pupils to his charge may rest assured that the most unremitting attention on his part shall not be spared to insure their approbation. Application to be made at Mr. Francis Freeman's Confectionery on Shockoe Hill, where the subscriber may be seen at any time. An evening school will be opened for those who cannot attend in the day. DELAPLANCH. Jan. 14. [3]
DOMESTIC.
HALIFAX, (N.S.) Dec. 15. On Tuesday last his majesty's council waited on his excellency the lieut. Governor, with the following address, in answer to his speech at the opening of the present session of the G. Assembly:
To his excellency Sir John Wentworth, bart. L. L. D. lieutenant governor and commander in chief in and over his majesty's province of Nova Scotia, and its dependencies, &c. &c.
BY ORDER OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL. His majesty's council beg leave to return your excellency their thanks for your speech, delivered at the opening of this session of the general assembly; and to assure you that they deeply lament the affliction circumstance which has prevented your meeting them in person on this occasion.
At the same time, that they sincerely regret the existence of any differences between his majesty's government, and that of the United States of America, threatening an interruption to the harmony and good understanding which have so long, and so happily subsisted between the two countries; they cannot but most cordially approve of those salutary measures of precaution, and of aid to the garrison, which your excellency has thought proper to adopt, by calling out a proportion of the militia into actual service; and confident as they are of the courage, real and tried loyalty of that respectable body, they will most cheerfully concur in every measure for promoting their comfort, when on duty, during the severity of the approaching winter.
Convinced as they are, with your excellency of the propriety and expediency of rendering perpetual such of the temporary laws as have been found, by experience, to be useful and advantageous to the public interests, they will readily unite in any measure for that purpose. Your excellency may rely upon the concurrence of his majesty's council in making an adequate provision for the support of his majesty's government for the ensuing year; and upon their sincere and zealous endeavors, by cultivating a spirit of moderation, harmony and diligence in their deliberations, to promote the welfare and true interest of the province: well assured that for these important purposes they will meet with your excellency's most cordial support.
To which his excellency was pleased to return the subsequent reply: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Council,
I return you my best acknowledgments, for your obliged address, from which I derive great consolation in my severe domestic affliction.
I feel so highly sensible of and most perfectly confident in your intentions to promote and expedite every measure for the king's service and prosperity of the province; more especially so, in this time of dubious appearances, when the best energies are indispensably necessary to be in active preparation and instant readiness for exertion. J. WENTWORTH. Government House, December 8, 1807.
On Wednesday the representative body, presented the subsequent address to his excellency, in reply to his speech at the opening of the session:
To his excellency Sir John Wentworth, bart. L. L. D. lieutenant Governor and commander in chief, in and over his majesty's province of Nova Scotia, and its dependencies, &c. &c.
The address of the House of Representatives in General Assembly: May it please your Excellency—
We his majesty's faithful commons of Nova Scotia, respectfully assure your excellency of our sincere sorrow for the great domestic affliction which prevented your excellency's presence at the opening of this session of the general assembly; but we feel our sorrow much alleviated by cherishing the hope that your indisposition hastens to a favorable termination.
The differences between his majesty's government and that of the United States of America, which have rendered necessary the calling into actual service a proportion of the militia of the province, not being yet accommodated, the assembly will deliberate on your excellency a recommendation of the grant of a sum of money to provide warm clothing for the men who may be employed during the winter.
When the public accounts shall have been examined, and the state of the revenues ascertained, we shall cheerfully grant those supplies which the exigencies of the government, and his majesty's service, may require for the ensuing year.
We shall cause a careful revision to be made of the temporary laws, and shall consider the expediency of rendering perpetual such of them as have long been tried, and appear to be of public utility, & we shall strive to conduct the business of the session with moderation and dispatch.
HIS EXCELLENCY'S REPLY: Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
I am much obliged in your address, & feel great consolation in your kind considerations of my domestic affliction & friendly wishes for its relief.
I am also truly sensible of the wise intentions you express towards his majesty's service, and that you will further manifest it, in zealous endeavors to promote the interests and safety of this province, at this eventful crisis, which most indispensably demands the united energy and liberality of every faithful heart.
J. WENTWORTH. On Saturday last a meeting of the inhabitants of the town, was held at the court house, to consider of an address to the hon. vice admiral Berkeley, on his approaching departure from this station—when the following gentlemen were appointed to prepare an address accordingly—viz. the hon. Andrew Belcher, the hon. Edward B. Brenton, Brenton Hulliburton, James Fraser, and John Black, esquires.
The address was prepared, signed and presented to the admiral at 2 o'clock yesterday, it is as follows: To the hon. George Cranfield Berkeley, vice admiral of the white, and commander in chief of his majesty's ships and vessels on the North American station. THE ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF HALIFAX. Sir,
We have heard with extreme regret, that you intend sailing from this port in a few days, and that it is probable you will return to England without revisiting us; and, though we earnestly hope that this report may prove unfounded, we cannot permit you to depart without assuring you that you carry with you the most sincere good wishes of the inhabitants of this town. The urbanity and hospitality you have displayed during the short time you have resided among us, will long be a subject of pleasing recollection. The moderation, judgment and attention with which you have directed that part of the public service more immediately connected with our commerce; the readiness with which you have granted convos for its protection, and the disposition you have uniformly manifested to refrain from incommoding it by any unnecessary impressment of our mariners, have ensured your our esteem and respect; and we beg you to believe, that we regard you as a real friend and encourager of this infant colony.
It belongs to that government, whose decisions we are bound to treat with respect & obedience, to pass its opinion upon the most prominent feature of your conduct as commander in chief on this station; but feeling that the security, peace, and happiness we have enjoyed during a period in which almost the whole civilized world has been desolated by the arms of a nation, as powerful as it is ambitious and unprincipled, are chiefly owing to the heroic exertions, & high character of that profession to which you have the honor to belong, we cannot omit expressing our approbation of the principles upon which you have acted, as these blessings would soon vanish if a neighboring country is permitted to give so vital a stab to our navy, as to seduce from our service, and receive into theirs, the seamen which compose its strength. If, unfortunately for us, the report of your final departure from this station should prove true, and we are now to bid you farewell, we beg leave to express to you our earnest hope, and confident expectation, that your recall will only be for the purpose of placing you in a situation where your abilities can be more actively exerted for the benefit of your country; and to assure you of our most ardent wishes for a long continuance of health to yourself and your amiable and exemplary family; for a safe and pleasant passage to your native country; and that the favor and approbation of your sovereign may there attend you. Halifax, 14th December, 1807. To which he returned the following answer: TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF HALIFAX, NOVA SCOTIA. Dock Yard, Halifax, N. S. 14th Dec. 1807. GENTLEMEN—Highly gratified as any individual must be, in receiving the approbation of so respectable a body as the inhabitants of this place: I cannot but feel more sensible of their partiality, from the particular circumstance alluded to in the address I have been honored with this day; a circumstance which, although it may unfortunately deprive me of much valuable society and of those means, by which I can best testify my gratitude to this province, will never raise a blush on my cheek; and I have the satisfaction to think, when the causes are properly known and understood, that my endeavors to promote and defend the dearest interests of my country, and to support the dignity and honor of its flag, will meet with that approbation which you have stood forward in bestowing: and while I have so convinced a testimony of the rectitude of my conduct, as that with which this province has honored me, I shall feel that period, a proud one, in which I am called to account; the triumph of equity and justice, must have its day, and when that day comes, the first sensation of my heart, will be gratitude and affection to this colony and its inhabitants. If however, my recall from this command should not be determined upon, and that I shall again have the happiness of returning among you, it will be, with a renewed gratification from a due sense of your partial opinion of my conduct; and although I can scarcely feel more pleasure than I have done in executing my trust, with fidelity, and to the approbation of a loyal people, yet that satisfaction will be considerably enhanced in my mind, if my exertions can contribute to the increase of your commerce, your prosperity and your general happiness. And I remain, Gentlemen, With great truth and esteem, Your very faithful and obliged friend And humble servant, G. C. BERKLEY.
PHILADELPHIA, January 8. We have been obligingly furnished with copies of two letters which have been received at the office of the Collector of this port. We doubt not that in making them public, we shall do an acceptable service. Treasury Department, December 30, 1807. The substance of the instructions respecting the embargo of 1794, and alluded to in my Circular of 22d inst. were, that the registers of all vessels deposited with the Collectors, shall be detained until the expiration of the embargo; and that the surrender of no license, in order to the proceeding on a foreign voyage, should be received.
I add, by direction of the President, that no sales subsequent to the date of the act, must be considered as changing the character of an American vessel, so as to entitle her under the name of foreign vessel to the exception provided by the proviso of the first section of the act. I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. John Shee, Esq. Collector Philadelphia.
CIRCULAR. Treasury Department, December 31, 1807. SIR, You are instructed by the President, during the continuance of the embargo, first, not to exchange registers for licenses; and secondly, whenever from the nature of the cargo of a vessel ostensibly bound coastwise, or from other circumstances, there is reason to believe that she is actually destined for a foreign port, to stop her, and refer the case to him through this department.
No American vessels purchased by foreigners, subsequent to the embargo, can be considered as excepted from the operation of the act.—Force may be used to detain vessels. I am respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, A. GALLATIN. John Shee, Esq. Collector } of Philadelphia. }
Extract of a letter from Stanley Griswold, Esq. Secretary of the Michigan Territory, to Mr. Almon Ruggles of Danbury, (Con.) dated, DETROIT, 10th Nov.
"Strange things have appeared in the newspapers respecting our situation in this country. No family has been massacred, nor any person molested by the Indians, within my knowledge, in this vicinity.—What the real temper and designs of the Indians are, I will not take upon myself to say; but I have seen an account published in the National Intelligencer of the 9th of October, by Messrs. Worthington and M'Arthur, who were sent to investigate the intentions of the Indians collected at Grenville, which agrees well with my ideas, and I think can be relied on. I am well acquainted with Blue Jacket, and although I have not the greatest confidence in his integrity, yet the leading ideas communicated by him to those gentlemen, were precisely the same which I often heard from his lips, in the fall, winter and spring of 1805-6, and in which I believe him sincere."
"I am clearly of opinion, the Indians in this vicinity, and as far west as Lake Michigan, and north nearly to Michilimackinac, and southwardly from Lake Michigan to the Ohio, would never move against the Americans, unless compelled to do so: And the compulsion must proceed, not from any civilized power immediately on them, but from Indians, further distant, who are subject to foreign influence, particularly British, and might be raised perhaps to come forward in case of a war between the U. States and England. We all know the British have availed sway by means of their traders and factories, through all the north and north-west.—There are no Americans beyond Michilimackinac. But it is a question, whether the Indians, over whom the British possess this exclusive sway, are not too far removed to come actually forward in case of a war between the two countries. It is my opinion they are; but I may be deceived.—Should they come down, they will force those in this vicinity to join them, however unwilling or reluctant."
"In short, there is no danger from the Indians, unless war should break out with G. Britain; and even in that case it is not great. This however, must, be understood with the exception of imprudent and unadvised conduct on the part of Americans towards the Indians; such as wanton murders, too great avidity for their lands, &c. &c. Provocations of this kind might rouse them to hostilities—at least to make incursions upon exposed settlements. With these exceptions, I am bold to say, no hostilities will ever be entered into voluntarily by the Indians in this region with the Americans; and I should consider myself as safe in their neighbourhood as in that of any people on earth."
"It remains, then, that those who wish to emigrate into these parts, should look chiefly at the state of our public relations with G. Britain. If war be certain, I should consider the risk something, but not great, if our differences with that nation are likely to be accommodated: there is not any danger. Of this you have better means to judge than my self."
About five miles distant from Bombay, in the East-Indies, is a small island, which contains one of the most inexplicable antiquities in the world.—At the foot of a hill, near the landing place, you see the figure of an elephant of a natural size, cut out of a solid rock. An easy slope then leads you to the portal of a magnificent temple, hewn out of the solid rock. It is an oblong, eighty feet long, and forty broad. The roof, which is ten feet high, is set flat, and supported by regular rows of pillars, with capitals resembling a round cushion as if pressed by the incumbent mountain. At the farther end are three gigantic statues, which were mutilated by the Portuguese, when this island was in their possession. It now belongs to the English, and is called Elephanta.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY, JAN. 5. DEBATE.
On the Resolution for requesting the President to cause an enquiry to be made into the conduct of Gen. Wilkinson.
Mr. Randolph said he was afraid that the motion which he made a few days ago, and which he wished yesterday to have considered, was not intended to be decided upon. When he had first made the motion, a very prevalent opinion seemed to exist, and it was expressed by one gentleman particularly,
that he hoped it would be forthwith and unanimously agreed to; the same gentleman on the same day had moved to postpone its further consideration till yesterday; and yesterday its consideration was evaded. Mr. R. asked the Speaker and the House whether this could be considered as candid treatment? He knew that it had been said upon this floor, that the right of the House to make such enquiry and enter upon such matters at all was extremely questionable. But did not the constitution of the U. S. enjoin upon its citizens that they should not accept of any title of nobility from any foreign prince or power? And did not the same constitution enjoin that the persons holding authority under this government should not accept of any present, even of a complimentary nature, from any foreign prince or power without the consent of Congress? And if persons holding high authority under this government were found to be, or if there were reasonable ground on which to believe they were in the habit of receiving money unconstitutionally from foreign states, he would ask the House where was this matter to be taken up?
[The Speaker here interrupted Mr. R. declaring that he was out of order, as the subject was not yet before the House.]
The House now agreeing to take up the resolution for consideration, the Speaker stated that when the subject was last considered, a motion had been made (by Mr. Gardner) to refer it to a Select Committee with power to send for persons, papers, &c. That a motion had also been made (by Mr. Mason) and was now under consideration, to strike out the clause of the preceding motion which is in italics, in which the yeas and nays had been required.
Mr. Lyon said that he was among the first who thought it proper to send the information presented to this House by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Randolph) on this subject to the President of the U. S. He felt at that time under a delicacy nor repugnance in calling on the Executive to investigate the conduct of Gen. W. he then considered that a certain duty attached to him, which duty he was anxious to perform promptly and without delay. It had been said that the gentleman from Virginia ought to have sent the information he had given to the House to the President as soon as it came to his knowledge; but he had chosen to give this House the information, and to send it through that channel to the President, with the opinion of this House, of the necessity of an investigation. I felt, said Mr. L. that the same duty attached to me and to every member of this House, immediately on receiving this information which some gentlemen seemed to consider to be the duty of the gentleman from Virginia to send the information to the President; I was not at that time so anxious as to the manner of doing the thing as to act promptly. This business had been protracted by what he had considered unnecessary debate.
He had yesterday received authentic information that general Wilkinson applied to the Executive for an enquiry into his official conduct in general terms when he first arrived at the seat of government; that he had requested that application within a few days, and a court of enquiry was appointed to sit in a few days, who were empowered to examine and enquire into the conduct of the commander in chief of the army on general principles as could be wished for. He was confident that in the directing and appointing this court, the Executive of this country had done its duty. He had confidence in the officers appointed. The information and the papers which had been read by the gentleman from Virginia, if he condescended to lay them on the Clerk's table, could be sent to that court; no doubt the court would call for this and every information and testimony in the power of that House, as well as from every other quarter.
All that he wished at the outset of this business was like to be offered without the original resolution or any of the subsequent motions; he should therefore vote against the whole; he could not answer it to himself to call on the President of the U. S. to do a duty which he knew he had done. He wished therefore to get rid of this resolution altogether. The Executive were proceeding in the course of their duties. The House had business of the highest importance to the nation to attend to, legislative business. Let us, said he, proceed with our duties while the Executive are proceeding in theirs; in this way we will be best able to answer for our own conduct to our constituents.
Mr. Thomas hoped the gentleman who made the motion now under consideration, would withdraw it, in order to save time. The House could then disagree to the original motion for reference, and to the resolution.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said, for his part, he considered the question now before them, one of considerable delicacy. He did conceive, when the House took up the examination of a new question, that they ought to examine whether or not they were going out of their province. He did not know that this House could act in any other capacity than legislative, except in the single instance of presenting in cases of impeachment, which power the House possessed; and when such a subject came before them, they could take such measures as they chose to procure evidence to support the charge which they might make; but he was not satisfied that in any other case the House could erect itself into a tribunal to collect evidence. He believed it was admitted that the present case was not cognizable by the House, as civil officers were alone impeachable by this body. Should they then appoint a committee to collect testimony relative to the conduct of any military officer? He would ask what use could be made of the testimony when collected? He would ask what had the House to do with the commission of the crimes of murder or treason, or other crimes of which they had not cognizance? The House would go out of its province to collect evidence on any case in which it could not act in a legislative capacity, or on an impeachment, (the only other case in which they could act) in what character did they act in appointing a committee to collect testimony? He did hope that the House would not erect a new principle; at the same time he wished it to be distinctly understood

that he was in favor of an enquiry as much as any man in the House. Gentlemen had taken the liberty to express their impressions on this subject; he did not feel himself at liberty to express his opinion. It would not be said that he had any particular partiality to that officer; but at the same time would not do anything to exclude a fair and impartial investigation of his character.
If evidence on this subject were laid before the House, they might in his view with propriety order that evidence to be transmitted to the Executive department. In doing this they would do their duty; and by doing it, would sufficiently express an opinion, not only that an enquiry was necessary, but that the proper department would make it. He could not conceive that it was proper for them to give in this manner a specific direction to the President; because it would be saying that they thought it was necessary to stimulate him to do his duty. It was understood that the evidence which had been adduced in this case had not been laid before the court or grand jury at Richmond, and that the Executive had not possessed it; there was no reason therefore to believe that the Executive had neglected its duty; and it would be going too far to tell the President that he should do his duty, when he had not neglected it. Had it appeared that he had neglected his duty, it might have become a question whether the House should express an opinion as to the propriety or necessity of an enquiry. If the House should even, after discovering that the proper department had been negligent of its duty, express an opinion as to the necessity of an enquiry, they would in his view go full as far as (if not farther than) they could be constitutionally warranted in going. He would not say whether such an opinion should or should not be expressed; but till some reason were shown to justify an opinion that the proper department had been deficient in its duty, he could not see the propriety of the House taking any step to stimulate it to an enquiry.
It had already been said that a court of enquiry had been appointed. Were this the case (and he did not doubt the fact) it would seem to him altogether improper for the House to act on this subject at present, if they had the power. He did think it important that the House should keep strictly within the pale of its jurisdiction, and act within its constitutional province; for the constitution had provided limits to this House as well as to other departments of government. He conceived they had no more right to interfere in the province of the Executive in its executive capacity, than the Executive had to interfere with the legislature; each should keep within its proper sphere; and from all the consideration he had given this motion, he could not perceive any authority in the possession of the House to give a direction to the Executive on the subject.
The only ground on which they could even send papers to the Executive on this occasion was, that the constitution did prohibit any officer of the U. S. from receiving a sum of money from any foreign prince or power. Now as the evidence which had been read to them did appear calculated to prove that a sum of money had been received by the officer who was the subject of this resolution, he thought it would be perfectly proper to send the evidence. He would again state, and wished it to be distinctly understood that he was one of the last who would prevent a full investigation on this subject; he wished it was in his power to hasten it, but it was not. He had always conceived that an examination of this kind was essential to establish the character of the officer involved, and to say that he was or was not worthy his trust; and he had supposed and did still believe, that it had been hitherto withheld only from the effects which it might have upon other trials now pending. Being of this opinion, if the gentleman from Virginia would put the House in possession of the papers, he would move the following order: "ordered, that the documents laid before this House relative to the conduct of Gen. James Wilkinson be transmitted to the Executive of the United States."
With respect to the motion at present under consideration, he was certainly opposed to giving the power of collecting testimony to the committee, and to the reference to the committee proposed to be appointed; because such testimony could be of no more purpose than if three, five or seven men out of doors had performed that duty; and because it would be going a step farther than propriety would warrant, to give authority to a committee to collect testimony of which the House could make no use whatever. Under these impressions he should vote for striking out these words, and trusted the modification which he had suggested would take place. The transmission of the papers would give to the public and to the executive the opinion of the House as fully as if expressed in any other way might furnish the executive with information which it did not now possess.
Mr. Stanford said, this doctrine that mere resolutions of request to the executive were unconstitutional was new, and one indeed to which he could not subscribe. He well recollected, that in the 5th Congress, perhaps the last session of it, a resolution was introduced, which gave rise to a famous debate, requesting the President to institute a new mission to France, the first having failed of success—and that then it was not opposed on the ground of constitutional difficulty. A mere resolution of request was no exercise of authority. It had till now, he believed, been the practice of every session, and to his recollection had not before been scrupled as to its propriety. In the constitution it was expressly provided that no person holding an office of profit or trust under the U. S. States, should, without the consent of Congress, accept of any emolument, or present from any king, prince, or foreign state; and notwithstanding this provision, they were told that the commander of our army being a military and not a civil officer, it belonged solely to the executive to take his own course with that class of officers. He thought otherwise, and that this clause of the constitution fully warranted the enquiry contemplated on the part of this House, and that if it should be found that the officer in question had been in the receipt of large sums of money as alleged, from a foreign state, and that without the consent of Congress, it was time the House felt some jealousy on the score of their own privileges, and that one step should be taken to check such encroachments. The argument that they might seem to encroach by this course upon the executive functions, had also been, he recollected, been carried to the extreme, and gave occasion to pass the noted law, called the Logan law, in order to guard those functions. He could not see no reason why they should not be equally concerned, and take some step to guard them as well as executive prerogative.
Mr. S. concluded by asking, if it would be
in order to move a preamble to the amendment to the present motion?
The speaker replied that it would not, as the motion now under consideration was for reference.
To be continued.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 8.
The engrossed bill for continuing for a limited time (three years) the salaries of certain officers of government, was passed the 3d time—50 to 25.
The House took up for consideration the amendments by the Senate to the bill to extend the right of suffrage in the Mississippi territory.
One amendment to this bill requires an equitable franchise qualification for a voter. On this amendment, some discussion took place; but it was agreed to. Messrs. Alston and Rhea opposed it on the ground that the House should pass no law permitting the contraction of the principle of universal suffrage. Messrs. Poindexter, Holland, Sloan and Smilie urged an agreement to it, as without it the bill would not probably be passed by the other branch of the Legislature. Mr. Bibb opposed the amendment, as he should oppose every amendment made to the bill, lest he might be thought to sanction it.
Mr. Troup said it was perfectly immaterial what qualifications were enacted, and he should not oppose this as the compact between the United States and Georgia was violated by legislating on this subject in any shape; they need not strain at gnats, when they had swallowed the camel.
The amendments being agreed to, the bill only awaits the signature of the President to become a law.
A message was received from the President of the United States including the annual report of the director of the Mint; which was referred to a select committee, composed of Messrs. W. Alston, Upshur, Marlon, J. Richards and G. W. Campbell, with instruction to report thereon by bill or bills.
A message was also received from the President, including an account of the expenditures from the contingent fund for 1807; by which it appears that of the sum of 18,012 $ 50 cents which remained unexpended at the close of the year 1806, 9731 $ 11 cents have been placed in the hands of the Attorney General of the U. S. to enable him to defray sundry expenses incident to the prosecution of Aaron Burr and his accomplices for treasons alleged to have been committed by them, and the unexpended balance of 9275 $ 39 cents is now carried to the credit of the surplus fund. The message was read and ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Rhea (T.) so much of the report of the Post-Master-General, as relates to the salaries of the clerks in his office, was referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Bassett moved that the House go into a committee of the whole on the standing rules and orders of the House.
On motion of Mr. Randolph this business was ordered to lie on the table.
On motion of Mr. Randolph that the House take up for consideration the resolution submitted by him relative to the conduct of Brigadier-General James Wilkinson.
Mr. Taylor said, before deciding on taking up this resolution now, he should be glad to know, and rose to ask for information, whether the gentleman from New-Orleans had complied or intended to comply with the request of the House yesterday expressed.
The Speaker said he had not. The House agreed to consider the resolution, 54 to 35.
Mr. Gardner said an order had yesterday passed the House requesting two members to lay papers and information before them on this subject. He would ask whether any information had been furnished by either of these gentlemen? If there had, he should wish it to be printed for consideration.
The Speaker said the gentleman from Virginia had laid papers on the table, but the delegate from Orleans had not made any communication.
Mr. Clarke laid on the table a letter in Spanish from the Baron de Carondelet to Manuel Gayoso with a translation of the following extract:
TRANSLATION OF AN Extract of a letter from the Baron de Carondelet, Governor of Louisiana, to Dn. Manuel Gayoso de Lemus, Governor of Natchez, dated New-Orleans, 27th April, 1796.
"Argote's letter cannot in my opinion have foundation, since the Prince of Peace tells me that in consequence of the treaty, it is now useless to treat separately with Kentucky."
N. B. Argote was then Spanish Consul in Kentucky.
Mr. Chandler wished to know if these papers contained all the information which could be expected from the gentleman from New-Orleans in consequence of the resolution?
Mr. Randolph said the gentleman from Orleans did not appear to be in his seat at present; but Mr. R. presumed this was by no means all the information which was to be expected. It might be the only paper which the gentleman possessed on this subject; but if the gentleman's knowledge was so extensive as it was believed to be, the House would perceive that he could not have had time since the adjournment of yesterday to have reduced it to such a statement as might be necessary. Indeed the House met so early and sat so late, that if other gentlemen in the House had the same feelings with him, they must be utterly incapacitated for business the remaining part of the 24 hours. Mr. R. wished however to understand whether that was all the information in the gentleman's possession, and he had no doubt the gentleman would inform them.
Mr. Clarke said it was pretty well understood, that was not the whole information he possessed; but if he were to give it otherwise than on paper, what he said would be liable to criticism or misquotation. Mr. C. said it would be proper for him to know whether he could adduce evidence in support of the information he might give, for he might otherwise be called a calumniator. It could not be supposed that he had with him proofs in writing on this subject. When he left home he had not expected to be called upon for evidence. He could state where evidence might be had, and the persons who knew more than himself on the subject. If the House insisted, however, he would give what information he possessed.
A motion was made by Mr. Taylor, that the resolution at present under consideration be on the table; but which was afterwards withdrawn and renewed by Mr. Milner.
A debate took place on this motion in which Messrs. Lloyd, Minor, and Gardener supported it, and Messrs. Crowninshield, W. Alston, Rowan, Findley, and Smilie opposed it. [Debate hereafter.]
Mr. Clark now stated that he received that he could prepare his information by Monday.
The postponement was agreed to, 70 to 32.
Mr. Crowninshield moved to discharge the committee of the whole from the further consideration of the resolution which he had offered respecting telegraphs, and to refer the resolution to the select committee appointed on this subject. Agreed.
Mr. Holmes, from the committee of Claims, made a favorable report on the petition of Mary Barclay, which was referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Masters moved that the House take up the amendments this day received from the Senate, to the bill supplementary to the act laying an embargo.
Mr. Quincy moved that the consideration of this subject be postponed till Monday next. Negatived Ayes 20.
Mr. Quincy then moved a postponement till to-morrow. As he did insist that the people should know who were in the habit of hurrying through business without consideration, he called for the yeas and nays upon the motion.
Mr. Newton said that he too wished for the yeas and nays, that the people might know who were in the habit of delaying business. That gentleman had taken up at least as great a portion of time in the discussion of the bill as any gentleman in the House. He hoped the House would not be trifled with in this way.
The motion for postponement was advocated by Messrs. Quincy, Livermore, Upshur, Barker, Dana, Lyon, and Ely, on the ground that no time had been allowed to consider the amendments; and opposed by Messrs. Taylor, Newton, Bassett, and Masters, for the reason that it was necessary to pass on this bill with all dispatch to secure more firmly the provisions of the former law—and negatived by yeas and nays—58 to 39.
The amendments were then taken up and severally agreed to without a division.
This bill therefore only awaits the sanction of the President to become a law.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JANUARY 16, 1808.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES,
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 6.
DEBATE on the Amendment to the Federal Constitution, respecting the Judiciary.
(Mr. Tucker in continuation.)
It has been declared, Mr. Chairman, to be inconsistent with the pure principles of republicanism, that a judge should hold his office independently of the people. Without admitting that the doctrine of judicial independence conflicts with these principles, it may safely be affirmed to be no novel doctrine. It is engrafted in our constitution, it forms the basis of our state judiciary, and this principle of independence is extended even to other officers under our government. I cannot hesitate to pay to the state bench the tribute to which they are entitled, and to express a conviction that their purity is an eulogium on this maxim of our constitutions. But the doctrine is not only not novel, but it is correct. As the people may in consulting their own happiness and safety part with a portion of their power, it is manifestly consistent with the doctrines of their omnipotence, that they should render judges independent of themselves, if it is believed essential to the preservation of their liberties. And what would be your bench, if judges, dependent on the people looked to popular favor for their existence? They would lose that character which every Judiciary should possess—freedom from fear, favour or affection and an exemption from the operation of those passions which cannot fail to offend to agitate the people. Render him but dependent on the people, and the judge must and will too often decide as he believes they will decide. As I would not have them to sit as the judges of intricate causes, because they do not possess an intimate acquaintance with the laws, so neither would I consent that an unlearned opinion should weigh on the mind of a Judicial character; since if it were otherwise, vigour of mind and depth of research would be of much less importance than an intriguing character, that might enable the judge to guess at the opinions of the people. For my own part, Sir, I am not for the establishment of a principle which would place our Judiciary on a level with the sworn guessers of Connecticut (an admirable example of the beneficial result of annual appointments) and would prostrate the dignity and purity of the Judicial character, before the tumultuous and angry passions of that part of the community immediately surrounding the seat of Justice. Under such circumstances a judge would become a political weathercock, directed by the current of public sentiment, without being able ever to discover the general wish, not guided by the provisions of the law and the immutable principles of Justice. These remarks appear fairly applicable to whatever has been said of the necessity of removing a judge against whom the voice of the people may be raised, in the moment of conflicting passions, since it would inevitably insure a complaisance utterly incompatible with the purity of the Judicial character, and the attainment of the ends of justice.
But should we admit that judges ought to be dependent on the people, does it therefore follow that they should be utterly dependent on their servants? Because not entirely independent of the nation, must they be servilely dependent on Congress? Because all the branches of government must and ought to look up to the fountain head of power—must one of these co-ordinate bodies depend on the whims and the caprices, the favors and rewards or vengeance and angry passions of another? The gentleman from Wythe has indeed avoided every difficulty by asserting that the Judiciary is not a co-ordinate branch of the federal government, but is only a branch of the executive department. And where has he found this doctrine? Instead of examining the constitution establishing the government, he cites as his authority the book of Judge Blackstone, the apologist and defender of the English constitution, and the vehement maintainer of the two great principles that "the King can do no wrong," and that their parliament is possessed of powers that know no legal bounds. But if this authority shall yield to the weight of the constitution of the U. S. and to the general opinions of freemen on this side the Atlantic, if we regard the Judiciary as a co-ordinate branch of the government, and responsible in the last resort to the people alone—the source of all legitimate power; why again let me ask, should they be rendered entirely
dependent on Congress? Are the people and Congress convertible terms? Or, have we forgotten the world experience that has manifested the contrary? I have often heard the good fortune of that man declared, who protected by the experience of others, but wretched must be his condition who cannot profit by his own. Have we forgotten the persecutions, the unconstitutional steps that have been taken in this country? Why did Judge Chase wander from the path of his duty? Why was Callender persecuted by him? Because congress was at his back—because they had passed a Sedition law, and because he looked forward for a promotion worthy of his services. Shall we then in making constitutional provisions rely implicitly on the purity of Congress—throw away the dear-bought experience of years, and yield to so monstrous a position as the incorruptibility and unvarying patriotism of a Senate and House of Representatives? Remember that to congress we were well nigh indebted for the annihilation of the most sacred principles of our constitution. Remember the dangers that are past, and let them serve as a warning for the future—remember that we were near having the fetters fixed on our hands, thro' the instrumentality of a congress of those times; and that if another administration had succeeded with the same principles, Virginia at this moment might not have possessed an independent existence. I cannot forget these things; and I am sorry to find they are wearing out of the recollection of others—Nor can I at this time and with these reflections, be disposed to place such unbounded confidence in congress as seems to be reposed in them by others.
If congress be not then worthy of a confidence which knows no bounds, if it is liable to party passions and party animosities, if it may pursue a system destructive of the liberties of the people, and subversive of the principles of the constitution; How important is it to preserve the purity of a body which may be interposed as a barrier between the government and the citizen, as the impenetrable shield which may protect the meanest individual from the hand of oppression. Let me ask gentlemen once more to look back on the times that are gone. At the moment when representative responsibility was no more, when congress had prostrated the constitution, invaded the rights of the people, and betrayed that confidence too much reposed in their honor, patriotism, and responsibility, had a magnanimous judge equally indifferent to the smiles, as to the frowns of a corrupt administration, ornamented the bench, had such an one presided on the trial of that wretched man Callender, would he have hesitated to obstruct the execution of a law which was unconstitutional and oppressive; would he have withheld from the jury their unquestioned right of deciding on the guilt or innocence of the prisoner? And can you expect such firmness in a Judge who holds his office at the will of congress—that congress who will ever be disposed to wreak their vengeance on the individual, who shall venture to pronounce unconstitutional laws, prompted by their ambition? Would you not rather expect such a feeble and dependent being to bend to their wish, to crush beneath their power; and in the preservation of personal interest to forget the commands of duty, and the sentiments of true patriotism? Would you not see him with every commotion of the political atmosphere trembling like the aspen leaf, whilst his opinions would be variable as the colours of the Camelion?
The necessity for judicial independence, Mr. Chairman, the favourite maxim among our best statesmen and patriots, may be exemplified by a variety of considerations and a recurrence to principles of acknowledged correctness. There is none more generally admitted than that which affirms the necessity of a separation of the powers of government, and the danger of their union in the same hands. Does not our state bill of rights, (an instrument universally respected however abused may be our old despised constitution) declare that the legislative and executive ought to be separate and distinct from the judiciary and that neither of those three branches of government should exercise the powers properly belonging to another? And what would be the real separation of powers if judges are rendered utterly dependent on the legislature? Would it not be a separation in name alone? Can gentlemen believe that Judges will oppose themselves to the power which may destroy them without trial, without conviction, without assigning a reason for their removal? A fear has been expressed that under the present system, they will undertake to declare laws to be unconstitutional. These are not my fears. My apprehensions are, that when this new doctrine shall find its way amongst us, they will not dare to side with the people and the constitution, against the legislative will and in defiance of legislative vengeance. I anticipate a tame, servile submission to every usurpation, from men who, dependent on their salaries for support—thrown out of every other occupation except the country's service, must look to their removal from office, as the inevitable ruin of themselves and families; and to those who know and properly estimate the feelings of the human heart and the nature of the human character, this cannot avoid a vain and idle apprehension.
Similar causes, Mr. Chairman, will prevent your bench from being filled with men of the best talents and most matured abilities. What are the men who should preside in your tribunals of justice? Men of deep research, of high honor, and incorruptible integrity: as it is among the most important offices of government, they must be your greatest and best men. And can you expect such men to throw themselves on the caprices and party passions of a legislative body for their support? That they will embark their honour, their character, their ALL, on so frail a bottom? That they would accept an office from which they might be removed without cause, and their characters be thus forever branded and blasted by the vote of Congress?—But the gentleman has assumed that Congress would never remove a judge improperly; that if dismissed, he would merit his fate; and that an examination of his conduct would ever precede a dismissal; and where would this examination take place? In the dark. In the committee room; affording to the enemies of a virtuous character an opportunity of suppression, or a means of giving a colouring to his conduct, the fallacy of which could never be detected. Such, in truth, is the great difference between the amendment and the present constitution; that that which may now be effected by a legal trial and conviction is proposed to be done without a trial: The two houses may now remove, if after a legal examination, guilt can be established, so that this amendment, has little effect except to subvert that principle of justice and the Constitution, which
requires that a fair trial ever should precede the punishment of the accused.
The excellence of our political institutions as they respect the legislative body, consists in the responsibility of its members. But insert this amendment, and on this subject responsibility is gone. Place in the hands of men in office the power of veiling their transactions from the public eye, and responsibility is only nominal. And such will be the case in the removal of judges. An examination may take place, they may huddle up their papers, nor have reason to fear the nerveless vindications of an unsupported individual. The character of no man thus situated, will stand against Congress. His publications (his only resort) will be read by few, will be believed by none, and will be regarded as the partial statement of a criminal; for when calumny has blackened the character, few will venture to become its vindicator and advocate.
There is another view of this subject, Mr. Chairman, which appears to me still more important, and from which the necessity of possessing an independent judiciary is still more plainly deducible. But if I have rightly understood the gentleman from Wythe, I fear I have falsely calculated on an union of sentiment, on this part of the subject. I should be glad to learn if I rightly understood him as advancing the doctrine that the federal government had a right, if it thought it necessary to cede a state to a foreign power. (Mr. Smith rose and avowed the opinion; saying that was his idea, if Congress thought it essential to the safety of the union.)
Mr. T. Mr. Chairman—I am sorry to hear such a doctrine as this advocated by gentlemen. I am compelled, sir, involuntarily, to turn from the subject before the house, (a subject of far less magnitude) to express my abhorrence of this shocking—this monstrous doctrine. According to this opinion, the people of this our old dominion may be abandoned and ceded to a foreign power—to Bonaparte, as has been said, if Congress should so think proper. Is this republicanism? Is this the doctrine of our constitution? Is this the system of political opinions we shall adopt? Are we a consolidated government, that Congress can cut off a limb at pleasure? I had thought we were a confederation of state sovereignties. I had thought we were ourselves an independent state bound to our Sister States by a solemn covenant. And can we then be ceded, be transferred? Congress cede a state! Would to god that I could rouse every bosom to a just and proper indignation of such opinions, that the spirit of the great and eloquent defender of state rights and state sovereignties could inspire us in behalf of his favourite, his admirable doctrine. Are we then come to this that we may be given up by the whole, nay by less than the whole of the U. S.? For who would have the power, if such power exists, to make so monstrous a treaty? The treaty making power is in the President and Senate, and in hard unconstitution times, the House of Representatives were declared to possess little else than the right of executing a treaty which had been ratified by these two branches of the government. Sir, in that convention which sat here to deliberate on the federal constitution, that able man, Mr. Henry, with prophetic spirit declared, that the state sovereignties would be swallowed up by the federal government. When doctrines, such as those now advocated, have found their way into our own government, when it is asserted that a President and Senate can barter away a state, we appear to be rapidly approaching the destruction that has been predicted, and it requires all our energies to preserve our state authorities. The greatest objection I have to the amendment before you, is, that it breaks down one of the greatest barriers between federal encroachment and state rights. This has ever been the apprehension of every republican; the danger has been felt and has been regretted. What did your Henry say? That this judiciary, which, if rendered independent as well of the smiles as of the frowns of power, might have been a strong barrier; even as new constituted, was too feeble to render the ample service that might be expected from an independent judiciary. His not the event justified his predictions of the danger of encroachment on state rights, and of the necessity of a barrier? In times past, look at the sedition law, an encroachment on state power. Did we not complain in those days of other invasions? If I mistake not, the carriage tax was believed to be liable to similar objections. And what do we see even at this day? A Virginia law in effect repealed by a resolution of the H. of Representatives! Repealed too, though to my mind, palpably constitutional. I speak of the case of McCreery. Though a Maryland case, how soon may it not be your own? Are we not told, that another encroachment on state rights, is about to take place? Yes: that Congress are about to close the Potomac: to violate the chartered rights of the company, and the sovereignties of Maryland and Virginia; for it is plain if they can go thus far, the dominion is in them, and that they would have a right to stretch a chain across the river. Suppose the Potomac company should cut through, or destroy the bridge when erected, because subversive of the rights of their charter and of the state; where would the violator of the Congressional law be tried? Not in a state court: but before a federal tribunal. If this amendment is made, he must be tried before a poor, feeble, trembling creature, who holds his office at the will of Congress, and shrinks from his duty at their fiat. This wretched thing is the barrier interposed between your rights, and federal usurpation.
Let us not again repose our confidence too securely in congress. In this—that body is more to be mistrusted than in any other respect. If it were composed entirely of Virginians, it would not be so hazardous: But Eastern men are there. An Essex junta educated in a systematic reverence and support of federal government; men who do not value state rights and who would be glad to humble state power; delighted to bring down the power and influence of your state—whilst you will have only a small band of representatives and two senators to guard you.
Another objection with the gentleman from Wythe on which I have before slightly touched, is, that judges are now so independent, that they undertake to declare laws unconstitutional. For my part, it is my wish that they should do so when usurpations are made, and I will not weaken their independence, least I should destroy this desirable check. Instances already mentioned evince that congress will sometimes pass unconstitutional laws, Alien & Sedition acts remain on record to prove it. What has once been done may be done again; and the time may come when we shall wish every possible barrier against encroachment.
The great corrective—the people, may not have an opportunity of applying the proper preventive, and we may be enslaved, if we have no other bar-

Before a change of rulers can take place, it is necessary to look to the past, when most of our state believed that our liberties were hastening to their destruction. If they have not been usurped, it must have proceeded from a species of political infatuation, which I had hoped was fast wearing away. Should such things again be? Compare, I pray you, the situation of an independent judiciary with that which the present amendment would produce. The one afraid to be turned out of office and shifting his opinions to suit the prejudices of the times and the exigencies of his situation: The other pure, incorruptible, firm and dignified; distributing the fountains of justice through its various channels, without favor or affection, and pursuing the path of duty with an unswerving step. Without temptation to seduce, or dangers to alarm, who so likely to stand between the government and the people, and to protect the rights of the citizen from oppression or meditated destruction? To my mind, there is little danger that a judge thus situated, will link himself to vice without advantage, and prevent the execution of constitutional laws without an object. Believing this, I do not see the danger of vesting this power in such judges, instead of Congress. From its constitution, its powers, from its activity, which enables it to do wrong, while the judiciary is ever passive; from the violence of party-heat, and party-animosity, which too often pervades our legislative bodies, from the eagerness with which they endeavor to effectuate their ends—often regardless of the consequences, I confess I do not hesitate to prefer an independent judiciary to the Congress of the United States, as the tribunal to determine the constitutionalality of laws. If the legislative body was invariably the representative of the purity of the people, it might be otherwise, but by the constitution itself they are supposed to be liable to error and to abuse of power, and for this reason restrictions are placed upon their authority.
But the right to decide on the unconstitutionality of a law, is admitted when we compel a judge to swear to decide according to the law of the land, and to maintain the sacred instrument under which he is created. If it be true that his decisions are to be consonant to law, and the constitution is the supreme law, must he not compare that instrument with those acts which purport to be made under it? But the gentleman had advanced this other incomprehensible doctrine, that treaties and the laws of Congress are superior or at least equal to the constitution. We have already seen to what monstrous opinions this doctrine has led him, and I trust that no man here will for a moment hesitate to believe the constitution paramount to any law, which conflicts with its provisions. Is it come to this—that in debating amendments, we shall hear the supremacy of the laws of Congress maintained in derogation of the dignity of the constitution? The doctrine will not stand the test of argument, and may safely be assumed to be incorrect.
Sir, the doctrine of the right of the courts to decide on the constitutionalality of a law, is admitted further, by the position once so strenuously contended for, that the jury had that right. In the case of Callender, the doctrine was contended for, and the republicans of those days maintained its correctness. And on what principle? Not that the judges had usurped power, and that the jury had a right to partake of the usurpation, but on the broad ground, that the jury had a right to decide both law and fact; and that in deciding the law they were necessarily empowered to pronounce on its constitutionalality. It was advocated on the principle that in criminal trials, juries were also judges, and that this, among other rights of the jury, was derived from the Magna Charta. How is it that we are now for the adoption of a principle that must sap the rights of the jury? Again, if the judge cannot decide on the question of constitutionalality, he cannot instruct the jury in any other way than to support the law against the constitution; and when in the prosecution of their rights, they demand his advice on the question of the validity of a law, he cannot legally extend to them. Thus the adoption of principles like these, leads us inevitably to the overthrow of all those maxims we have ever regarded most sacred. It is not possible, from the lateness of the hour, to answer many other remarks of the gentleman. But if the time of the committee will permit, I shall take some other opportunity of doing so. I shall now content myself with a few general observations.
If this amendment finds its way into our constitution, the independence of the judiciary is gone forever. Those provisions which have been held sacred among us, which have been thought necessary to secure a virtuous administration of justice, and which were framed with a view to the vices, the weakness and frailties of human nature, will be no more. If we could fill our benches with Catos who would fulfil the duties of office with unshrinking firmness—unawed by the frown of usurpers or the resentment of the crowd who might surround the seat of justice—and looking only to the approbation of the great body of the nation, who honestly decide, when unimpeached by passion, we should have little need of provisions to secure judicial independence. But as mankind are vicious, frail and corrupt we must secure vice from temptation and fortify virtue with the strongest barriers. Twenty years ago—no man would have ventured to assail this principle of our constitution. Who in our convention would have dared the lightning of Henry's eloquence, by attempting to cut away this pillar of our liberties? Would not men at that time have started not less at a proposition like this, than we should now do at an attempt to destroy biennial elections, or to create a president for life. I am not, Mr. Chairman, to be deluded as the enemy of all amendments; but I would approach our constitution with caution, and unless cool and calm reflection should establish the necessity of alteration, I would adhere to that instrument; I would hesitate to destroy the established maxims of our ancestors. But in truth the tide of time seems to be gradually washing away the foundations of our government, with partial hands we are hastening the destruction. Fifty years have passed, not one of our sacred maxims may be left. There is no principle which we reverence—none which we may not destroy—none which is interwoven with the affections of the nation. And without this what is a constitution? Of little more worth than the parchment on which it is written! Ambition and cunning will at all times find reasons sufficient to justify changes in the frame of government to justify till the temple of our liberty shall be no more.
Look but to Great Britain. Every great principle gone, except the trial by jury; political liberty no more; but personal liberty, and personal protection secured by that admirable mode of trial. This has been preserved in the hearts of the people amidst the wreck of the few principles of liberty of which they ever could boast, and it is now their protection and defence. It is engrained in their prejudices, in their habits, and the ministry who can rob them of every thing else, had as well attempt to grasp the forsook thing, as snatch from them this inestimable blessing. Let us, I pray you, hold sacred the great maxims of our ancestors, of whom those practical knowledge was superior to ours, because they had felt the hand of tyranny, nor on light and trivial grounds destroy one of the firmest pillars in the temple of our liberty.
Mr. Smith (of King and Queen) spoke to the following effect: Mr. CHAIRMAN, Notwithstanding the extreme indisposition, which the committee have already manifested, to hear any further discussion of the interesting subjects now under their consideration, my duty to myself, my constituents and my country urges me to avail myself of this opportunity of assigning the reasons which will decide my vote. I hope that I shall be indulged with the attention of the committee
whilst I submit to them such remarks as occur to my mind. In the course which I shall pursue I shall be governed by the dictates of my own judgment. I shall not ground my opinion upon the authority of great names. I shall not enquire what were the prevailing political tenets in the U. S. twenty years previous to this time. I shall not enquire what were the opinions of the Sages and Patriots who sat in the Virginia convention. It is of no importance to me what was thought by the celebrated Patrick Henry—Pendleton—Monroe—Madison—Wythe or Jefferson—names which I shall ever revere—I shall exercise the privilege of judging for myself, of advancing such doctrines as are approved by my understanding and supporting such opinions as are sanctioned by my best judgement. Nor, shall I, Mr. Chairman, in the course of my observations, attempt to refute the arguments advanced a few days since by the worthy members from Orange and Frederick. I shall not do this for two reasons—Because some gentlemen will no doubt come after me who will be much better qualified to perform this task of exposing error and sophistry (as far indeed as it will be necessary to expose them on this occasion) than I can possibly be—and because in reality I heard nothing like solid argument or systematic reasoning from either of the gentlemen. I was pleased with their display of fancy—I was delighted with their eloquence; but on subjects like these I look for something more than fancy and eloquence—I look for solid argument; Where I could discover anything like reasoning—the ideas of the gentlemen seemed to me to be at war with each other—they reminded me of the fable of the brothers who sprang up from the teeth of a famous ancient serpent, and destroyed each other. Those of them which remain I shall not touch but leave them to stand as monuments of the weakness of the cause which those gentlemen have espoused.
Of the two resolutions which are now under the consideration of the committee—but one has been the subject of discussion—The first resolution has for its object an amendment of the constitution of the U. S. so as to render judges of the supreme and inferior federal courts liable to removal from office on vote of two thirds of both branches of Congress. The second resolution proposes to amend the constitution, so as to render senators in Congress removable, on address of two thirds present of both branches of the respective state legislatures. Gentlemen who have already addressed the chair have shaped the course which I shall pursue. They have confined their remarks exclusively to the first resolution, and in this respect, I shall follow their example. I beg leave, however, before I enter upon the discussion of the first resolution to make such general remarks as I deem applicable to both resolutions.
In the U. States, Mr. Chairman, it is admitted by all sects and denominations of Politicians, that all power resides in the people. It belongs to them and flows from them as its true source. It has never been questioned that our liberty depends upon the entire preservation of our representative system of government. It has never been denied that public functionaries should be accountable to the people whom they represent and served. These, sir, are fundamental, elementary, principles of government that are as eternal as the laws of matter. In vain shall sophistry strive to shake them and in vain may I attempt to strengthen them by any thing which I can say.—The good old republican maxims that the principles of representation, responsibility should be reduced to practice as far as possible, I hope never to see abandoned in the U. States—a rigid adherence to these maxims is essential to our existence and happiness as a free nation—at the moment we abandon them, we become unfit to be free men—we may humble ourselves at the footstool of a Throne. These, sir, some gentlemen may consider as old fashioned ideas in these days of refinement, but I shall not on that account be more unwilling to avow them; as well might we expect that the great universe of which the earth is a component part, would preserve its regularity and order without a power of gravitation, as that the movements of our little political world will be in harmonious concert when these, its essential laws, are impaired. Our government is intended to secure the rights of the people, and the means by which it effects this object, are the delegation of power to representatives and the responsibility of those representatives to those from whom they derive power. I need not support these truths by an elaborate train of reasoning. I will assume them as political axioms and by them I will test the correctness of my opinions.
I will, sir, make a few more general remarks which are equally important, as they apply to the first and as they apply to the second resolution now before the committee. Gentlemen tell us a great deal about the danger of touching our Constitution—We are terrified with apprehensions—we are alarmed with imaginary evils. Let us see if there is no provision in that sacred instrument, the Constitution of the United States for its own amendment. Constitution of the United States, article V. "The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or on application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be ratified to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress." Thus we do find in the very body of our Constitution a provision for the amendment of its defects—thus we do find, that the sages who formed our Constitution believed themselves liable to error. They knew that their production, like all productions of man, would be imperfect—They did not pretend to form a Constitution which, stamped with perpetuity, should descend unaltered and unamended from generation to generation. But they held this language to their country and to posterity: "We have toiled over the midwife lamp to construct for you as perfect a government as we were capable of forming—We have been aided in this arduous task by the history of other nations—We have attended to the lessons of experience, which other old countries and our own, yet in its infancy, afford us.—The result of our labors has been the formation of a system of government bottomed on the broad basis of natural rights—The machine which we have constructed is a complex one and some of its parts are liable to get out of order—we therefore lodge in your hands the power of repairing it—you must watch its operations and gain knowledge from experience—you must supply those omissions and correct those evils which experience shall discover to you." Such
Sir, is the language held to us, by the authors of the charter of our liberties. I hope we shall not turn a deaf ear to their admonitions—I hope that we shall keep a vigilant eye over our Constitution; that we shall apply the proper remedies to its defects when we find it defective, and strengthen the barriers which it opposes to power and ambition, when we see them growing weak. I hope that we shall improve our Constitution as the human mind and the science of government progresses; that we shall adapt it to the varying state of our country, and stamp upon it indelibly the will of the people.
After these general remarks which I shall beg the committee to keep in mind when they decide on the important subjects now before them—I shall proceed to discuss the first resolution, and point out the necessity of adopting the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United States, as it relates to our Federal Judiciary. In the very threshold of this enquiry, a difficulty presents itself to our minds. It is the difficulty of properly arranging and organizing the judiciary branches of all governments: no matter what may be the form of the government—whether it be a monarchy, an oligarchy or a representative republic like ours: this difficulty presents itself to the mind. It arises from the necessity of keeping all the departments of government, legislative, executive and judicial separate and distinct as far as it is practicable. An union of all these powers in one man or in one body of men, is a complete despotism. It arises also from the necessity of making judges duly independent of the temporary fluctuations of popular sentiment, and at the same time sufficiently responsible to the judgment of the people. In England (a country which many of us are fond of going to for examples of judicial purity and judicial independence) it is all important that a judge should be independent of every branch of the government. In England, there is a monarch, possessed of exorbitant and uncontrollable powers; having an immense revenue at his command and disposal, which he can use for purposes of bribery and corruption: his power of appointment to office is almost unlimited; he is consecrated to the maxim that "The King can do no wrong." If this powerful officer was suffered to interfere with the proceedings of courts, or with the opinions of judges, there could be nothing like justice in that country. A judge in England then should not fear the frowns of the King, nor should he promise himself any compensation or reward from gaining his favor. It is also necessary, Sir, that judges in that country should be independent of Parliament; and why does this necessity exist? Because that body is so constituted as to render any responsibility of judges to them dangerous and destructive. One branch of that body is composed of men who are called the political pillars of society. The house of Lords is composed of men on whom the more accidental of birth has bestowed hereditary honour, office and power and whose control over the judiciary would be scarcely less pernicious than that of the King. Who are the members of the house of commons? In England, the house of commons are representatives. But when it is remembered that the little rotten boroughs of Sarum and Gollington send each, two representatives to Parliament, when neither of them have houses or inhabitants, and that the large, opulent and populous cities of London and Westminster send only four each. The absurdity becomes palpable of supposing that there is anything like representation in that country.—Both houses of Parliament compose a kind of independent body corporate; who have interests and feelings of their own. Parliament then should have nothing to do with judges; because it is their province to enact laws and not to administer them, and because they are a separate distinct branch of the government, in a great measure irresponsible to any power on earth.
Let us now enquire, Mr. Chairman, how far judges in the United States, can consistently, with the genius and spirit of our government be made independent—Let us see, if it is not an arduous task in the U. States, to give to our judges a salutary and practicable independence and enquire whether or not this can be done without sacrificing the principles of our government.—We have here, sir, a President, not it is true, invested with legal powers, elected for limited periods, having a salary fixed and ascertained by law; having comparatively speaking but a small portion of patronage; and from the short term of his service, not feeling a disposition, even if he had the power of introducing corruption into his country. Yet it is essential that United States' judges should be independent of the executive department. A federal judge should be removed beyond executive control. He should be qualified to decide impartially between the President of the United States and the humblest individual in our country. How far, now, sir, is that judges should be independent of congress—perhaps it can be satisfactorily established, that judges of the United States ought to be free from the control of Congress as a legislative body, but subjected to them as the immediate representatives of the people. I suppose there is not one member of this committee, however zealous a friend he may be to the indefinite independence of judges, who will not say that our most essential rights, will be sacrificed by rendering any of the officers of any of the departments of our government perfectly unaccountable to the people—none will contend for a doctrine so perfectly at war with the spirit of all our institutions. If then, it will be conceded that judges, like legislators and executive magistrates, are to answer for their conduct, to those for whose benefit they have been raised to honor and to office; The question which forces itself upon our minds, and which it is necessary should be satisfactorily answered, is this—In what manner is this judicial dependence to be reduced to practice? Are judges to account to the people in their aggregate, collective capacity? Are they to assemble en masse, and try a judge for misconduct? Certainly not; ours is a representative government, and acknowledges the impracticability of a scheme like this—it is necessary to delegate power, and constitute proper organs for the expression of public will. If then, judges cannot be tried by the people of the U. States, scattered over an immense territory; In what manner are they to be tried? By those who immediately represent the people, and correctly express their will. They are to be made responsible to the nation through the medium of its representatives. There is, sir, a wide difference between the constitution of Great Britain and the United States. Parliament is an independent body—Congress is a body composed of the representatives of freemen, and therefore is a dependent body. The senate of the United States consists of members elected for six years, and who then return to the station of private citizens. The House
of Representatives, are elected biennially—Whilst, then, judicial officers of the United States, can, with propriety and with safety be made amenable to the Congress of the United States; Judges in England, cannot without a total destruction of public justice, be made dependent on Parliament. But, sir, even if it should be admitted that Congress is the proper tribunal for trying and removing a judge of the United States; Will not our utmost care and attention be requisite to enable us to ascertain precisely what portion of independence our judges should possess, and what degree of responsibility they should feel? To enable our judges to act with purity, with impartiality and firmness, and to give them only such powers as can be safely entrusted to them, is a task difficult indeed to perform—Yet are we now called upon to perform this task. I trust that the importance of this subject will ensure me the attention of the committee, whilst I attempt to show them that the amendment which it is proposed to engraft into the constitution of the United States, will secure to us these desirable objects.
(Mr. Smith's Speech to be continued.)
Latest Proceedings. Yesterday the House of Delegates passed to the third reading of a bill for the defence of the public property. This bill contemplates keeping an armed force in Richmond, consisting of one Lieutenant, one Ensign, four non-commissioned officers and thirty privates, under the direction of the Executive, and to be employed principally in guarding the Penitentiary and Capitol.—This to be a substitute for the Public Guard now established.
The House of Delegates were also occupied in committee of the whole House, on the subject of the proposed re-organization of the District Courts of Law and Chancery. The reformation of the Superior Courts of Chancery, is for the present abandoned; but there seems to be a very large majority of that House in favor of establishing a Superior Court of Law in every county in the state. The project submitted by the mover of this subject, and which it is believed will be adopted by the Legislature, is to divide the state into twelve judicial circuits and allot a Judge to each Circuit, who will hold a Court twice a year in each county of this circuit. The friends of this measure assert, that the saving of public expense, in criminal prosecutions only, which will be effected by this change, is estimated at near twenty thousand dollars. This saving (they say) will consist in avoiding the costs of transporting prisoners from county to district jails, and the costs of witnesses and venire men attending from distant counties of the present districts, at the court-houses of the counties in which the district courts are now held. We have not yet examined the subject; and of course can offer no opinion upon the innovation.—Two Judges only, in addition to those who now constitute the general court, will be required.
The following reply from Col. MONROE to the Address of the House of Delegates, was read in that body on Thursday:
RICHMOND, January 12, 1808. SIR, My return, after an absence of almost five years, to my native country, which I am bound by so many considerations to regard with the utmost degree of gratitude and affection, was in itself an event that afforded me the most sincere pleasure. But it is impossible to describe the sentiments produced in my mind, by the reception which I experienced from my fellow-citizens, and the high honor conferred on me by the Assembly in which you preside, by its Address of the 21st December last.
I rejoice to find, that the principles of our revolution, on which all our governments are founded, continue to gain strength in the confidence and affection of our fellow-citizens. Having imbibed those principles from education, I contended for them in early life in the great and glorious struggle which achieved our independence. Experience and reflection have since impressed their truth indelibly on my mind, and in all the transactions in which I have been engaged, I have invariably made them the guides of my conduct. It cannot therefore be presumed that they will cease to animate me hereafter, or that I shall fail to obey their dictates, as long as I exist. My late employments abroad were conferred on me at a time, when I had contemplated the application of my labours altogether to private purposes. It was at the moment of my retirement from the office of Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, in which I had the good fortune to acquit myself to the satisfaction of my country. I did not however hesitate to obey the summons addressed to me by a wise and virtuous administration, and so undertake the very arduous duties, in which I was called to participate. In the discharge of those duties I am conscious that I have exerted my best and most unwearied efforts, to maintain the honor of my government and country, and to promote the prosperity and happiness of my fellow-citizens. How far I may have succeeded, it is not for me to decide; but the expression of the public sentiment, by the House of Delegates, communicated by you, will afford me great consolation through all the vicissitudes, whatever they may be, of my future life. I beg you to present to my fellow-citizens of the House of Delegates my best wishes for their welfare, as individuals, and to be assured of the high consideration and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your very obedient servant, JAS. MONROE.
The Honorable, The Speaker of the House of Delegates.
The following are the Amendments to the Federal Constitution, which have been adopted by the House of Delegates.
WEDNESDAY, January 13.
"Resolved, That the Senators in Congress from this state be instructed, and the representatives therefrom requested, to use their best endeavors in procuring the following amendment to the constitution of the United States, to wit:—That the Judges of the Supreme, District, and Inferior Courts of the United States and their territories, may be removed from office, by the vote of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States in Congress assembled, a majority of the whole number of the House of Representatives, and a majority of the members present of the Senate concurring therein. Provided however, that the cause or causes of such removal shall be stated at length on the journal of each house." And the question being put on agreeing to the said resolution as amended, it passed in the affirmative—Ayes 121—Noes 55.
"Resolved, That the said Senators be instructed and the said Representatives requested, likewise to endeavor to obtain the following amendment to the constitution of the United States, to wit:—That the Senators in the Congress of the United States may be removed from office by the vote of a majority of the whole number of the members of the respective State Legislatures by which the said Senators have been or may be appointed." And the question being put on agreeing to the said resolution as amended, it passed in the affirmative—Ayes 142—Noes 18.
In the Argus of yesterday, notice is taken of some letters said to have been received in this city from Washington, stating that a compromise had been effected between the friends of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Clinton for the purpose of securing the office of President to Mr. C. and that of Vice-President to Mr. M. The Editor of that paper very properly expressed his disappointment at such a proceeding, and professes to entertain no doubt that Mr. M. will, if the project is communicated to him, instantly reject it. Upon this point, we have good grounds for saying that in every thing relating to the next Presidential election, Mr. M. has conducted himself with the integrity and discretion for which he has been so much distinguished through life. We doubt not, whether such a compromise has been made. Before we give credit to an allegation so disgraceful to the country, we should have the evidence before us.
The following is the extract alluded to in the above.
"Letters have been received in this city from Washington, stating that several gentlemen have been held by the friends of Messrs. Monroe and Clinton, in consequence of which a compromise has been agreed upon among them to the following effect: that Monroe is to be put as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and Clinton for the Presidency in opposition to Madison. Monroe, if elected to the vacant office of Vice-President, is to be consulted concerning the administration, and is to have a voice in the cabinet; and that after the period of four years shall have elapsed, Clinton is to retire from office, and Monroe to be elected his successor."
"We are truly sorry to hear that any party in Congress has resorted to manoeuvres like these for the purpose of disposing of the first offices in our government; and have too much respect for the integrity and sound judgment of Mr. Monroe to doubt for a moment that, if such a project is proposed to him, he will instantly and decisively reject it."
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New-York, to his friend in this city, dated January 9, 1808.
"The sailors have this day rose in a mob (of 500) and met at the park, where they presented a petition to the corporation (who met at the Bridewell) and went off peaceably. They were urged to this by British influence, and perhaps would have been troublesome, if the Mayor had not taken means and all the masters of vessels, and people of sailors to such a good effect, that a great number who intended to join the mob stayed at home. Cheetham has at length shown his cloven foot—all his republican subscribers have pretty near dropped off. I believe he made his last dying speech in his paper of this morning, which I suppose you will see. The Tories are exerting themselves to set the minds of the people against the Embargo."
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.
A CARD. Your session will not probably continue more than two or three weeks longer; permit me to invite your attention to a subject on which it will be necessary for you to act in your individual capacity before you disperse. The recommendations of suitable persons to be chosen as Examiners of President and Vice-President of the United States ought shortly to be made. Let us assemble at the Capitol on Thursday evening the 28th of this month for that purpose.
A MEMBER. January 16, 1808.
At a general meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society, held at the Capitol in this city on Wednesday the 13th instant, Alexander M'Rae, Geo. W. Smith and Alexander Stuart were re-elected Directors of that Society—Of whom Alexander M'Rae was unanimously chosen as President of the board of Directors; and on the same day William Price was re-elected as Cashier-General.
Departed this life, on Tuesday evening, the 12th inst. in the 24th year of his age, after a short illness, Mr. BENJAMIN A. DAWSON, son of Elder Wm. Dawson of this city. This young man has been for several years past an inhabitant of this place, and was generally known and esteemed—he possessed agreeable manners, a mild temper, a generous and benevolent soul—his friends have lost in him an affectionate companion, his father a dutiful son, and the community at large a promising and valuable citizen.
TO BE SOLD at Mr. Brooks's Tavern, on Thursday the 21st instant, one HORSE and CHAIR: Also, sundry other articles, the property of Francis Rabeineau, dec'd. Cash will be required. COLIN M'RAE. Administrator of F. Rabeineau, dec'd. Manchester, Jan. 16.
FOREWARN the Public and the Bank of Virginia from receiving a note negotiable at said Bank, for one hundred and nineteen dollars, 75 cents, given to G. L. Haller of this city, due the 25th day of January, 1808, as upon a fair settlement, I do not owe said Haller one cent. J. P. SHIELDS. Richmond, Jan. 16.
IN CHANCERY.—Middlesex County Court, December, 1807. Mary Callis, Elizabeth Minor, Ann Tomkins, John McLaughlin and Mary Overton his wife, Peter Cosley, George Tiller and Mary his wife, Campbell—Against John Cosley, David Cosley, Wm. Harvey and Judy his wife, Andrew and Polly his wife, and Meriwether and Barbara Minor his wife, Defendants. It appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth, and not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court; It is ordered, that the defendants do appear here at March court, next and answer the complaints bill, that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Enquirer for two months successively and another posted at the front door of the court-house of this county. A Copy, TH: MUSE, c. m. c. Jan. 14.
WILL be sold to the highest bidder, on the premises, on Friday the 5th day of February next, the tract of LAND in Amherst county on which Cornelius Thomas, late of that county, resided. It lies about four miles from the town of Warminster, and contains 2200 acres. Great part of it is tobacco land, equal in quality to any land in that or any other county in this state; some fine meadow land and a plenty of timber, tolerable mill on a never-failing stream, 80 or 100 acres cleared and in order for cropping. I will sell the whole together or in lots to suit purchasers. My terms are one fourth in cash, and the balance in one, two, and three years. Bonds with approved security, or a deed of trust on the land will be required. REUBEN B. PATTENSON, Attorney in fact for Cornelius Thomas. Buckingham, Jan. 9. (law4w4.)
NOTICE is hereby given to all whom it may concern, That Mr. JOHN CHAEW of Urban, is authorized and empowered by the subscribers to transact any business relative to the late James Mills, Dr. Robert Spratt, Overton Cosley & Co. James Ross & Co. Overton Cosley and Dr. George D. Spratt. JOHN MINOR. JAMES ROSS. Jan. 12. (law4w4.)

MISCELLANY.
From the Charleston Courier, December 23.
We announce with pleasure, the arrival at New York, from Europe, after an absence of fifteen years from his native country, of Joseph Allen Smith, Esquire, brother of William Loughton Smith, Esquire. No American, we may safely say—few, if any Europeans have possessed such means and opportunities of visiting to advantage the various parts of the old world, as Mr. Allen Smith has enjoyed in his travels throughout the continent of Europe, and more particularly in his extensive range through the vast Russian Empire in Europe and Asia, in which he was accompanied by Russian Officers of rank specially sent for that purpose by the Emperor Alexander, who lavished on our countryman, Mr. S. the most distinguished marks of his friendship and esteem—From St. Petersburg, where he resided a winter, Mr. S. travelled to Moscow, from thence he descended the Volga, and the Don, to Astracan, visited the celebrated Mount Caucasus, the interesting borders of Caspian and Euxine Seas, Georgia, Circassia and Tartary, accompanied the Russian army in its campaign against the revolted Georgians—was at the storming and capture of Tiflis, the capital of Persian Georgia—passed through the Crimea—visited the Turkish Empire—the Islands of the Archipelago—explored the superb monuments of Antiquity in Greece—passed a winter at Constantinople, and returned by land to St. Petersburg. Previous to this important and splendid tour, Mr. S. had passed several years in visiting Italy, from whence he has enriched his native country with some beautiful productions of the Arts; Germany, France, Holland, England, Ireland, &c. and had the peculiar advantage of residing at Paris, at the most interesting epoch of the Revolution, during the reign of terror under Robespierre, and the reign of order under Bonaparte. It must be gratifying to Americans to know that wherever he went, by his elegance and urbanity of manners, and his extensive information, and manly sense, he immediately conciliated the friendship and respect of the most eminent personages, thereby enhancing the American character, and obtaining the means of still adding to our stock of information; from which causes, no man perhaps existing possesses so extensive and complete a knowledge as Mr. S. of policy, views, and interests of the different cabinets of Europe.
With such means and advantages, it is ardently to be desired that this distinguished Traveller may be persuaded by his friends to publish the result of his researches and observations, with an account of the Russian dominions in Europe and Asia, which will undoubtedly be the richest and most authentic of information concerning that vast Empire, and one of the most useful and interesting works ever presented to the public.
Dr. Mitchell has, we understand, received from Mr. Warden, Secretary of the American legation at Paris, and M. de Lasteyrie, of the same place, an account of a new discovery, denominated Lithography, or the art of multiplying copies of drawings and manuscripts, by means of a peculiar stone lately discovered. Mr. Andre has received a patent for his improvements in this art. The kind of stone used is found in Franconia, and also in the neighborhood of Paris. The process adopted is as follows:
Ink is made of a peculiar composition, which is used by means of a pen, which traces the characters on the stone in the ordinary way. The stone, which ought to be very smooth and even, is then immersed in water, which renders its surface moist. In this state it is struck with a printer's ball, the ink attaching itself to the traces made with the pen, and not to the other parts of the stone. It is then covered with a sheet of moistened paper, which is passed under a roller, by which a counter proof of the original is obtained. Four or five thousand copies may be obtained from the same engraving. Great benefits are anticipated from this discovery.
Dr. Mitchell has in his possession one of these stones, together with a sample of the ink used; and we hope soon to be apprised of the result of the experiments which shall be tried. Nat. Int.
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which will grow great bargains: One tract of 1300 acres, lying in Buckingham, which is advantageously situated for trade, being two or three miles from Scott's Manufacturing Mill, and five from New-Canton. This Land is very valuable, having on it 200 acres of woods, nearly all of which is good tobacco Land; there are also very good improvements, such as are well calculated for the accommodation of a family; and a sufficiency of cleared land, to employ 10 or 12 hands advantageously. This tract will be sold to any person inclined to purchase, by Capt. Peter Guerrant, now resident on the land. One tract on Randolph creek, of 409 acres, the greater part of which is fresh and will produce good wheat and corn; it joins the lands of Col. Wilson and Mr. Gaily Lewis. One other tract, in the neighborhood of New-Canton, of 212 acres, being a moiety of a tract owned by Mr. Maurice Langhorne. Another tract in Powhatan, of 300 acres, known by the name of Gibraltar. These Lands will be offered for sale at very reduced prices, which may be known, during my absence, by application to Col. William Daniel of Cumberland, who is authorised to contract for them. The title will be made by me on my return from Kentucky, which will probably be between the 10th and 20th of February next.
WADE MOSBY. (Fif.)
IN CHANCERY: At a quarterly court, continued and held for the county of Prince Edward, November the 17th, 1807.
Martha Deshazor, Compt. against Zachariah Rice, Executor of John Deshazor, dec'd. John Deshazor, Zachariah Rice, guardian of James Deshazor, Martha Deshazor, Susanna Deshazor, Wm. Deshazor, Polly Burgess, lately Polly Deshazor, Elizabeth Paulton, late Elizabeth Deshazor, and John P. Burgess, husband of the said Polly Burgess.
The defendant, William Deshazor, not having entered his appearance and given security according to an act of the General Assembly and the rules of this court, and appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainant, by her counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendant, William Deshazor, do appear here on the first day of February court next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and also posted at the front door of the Court-House of this county.
A Copy. Teste, F. WATKINS, c. c. (F8v.)
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on the 18th day of January next, at the door of the Eagle-Tavern, ninety-two thousand, seven hundred and thirty acres of western LANDS, lying in the counties of Montgomery, Harrison and Kenawha. A credit of one, two, three and four years, will be allowed, if satisfactory security shall be given. SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond. Oct. 7. (oawtdw.)
TO RENT—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armory—FOR RENT, by J. J. HARVE. Jan. 2. (epm.)
LOAN OFFICE, State of Virginia, June 8, 1807.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act entitled "An act making provision for the redemption of the whole of the public debt of the United States," books will be opened at the office of the commissioner of loans for the state of Virginia, on the 1st day of July next, to continue open until the seventeenth day of March, 1808, inclusive, the fourteenth half days of each quarter excepted, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions for such parts of the old six per cent. deferred six per cent. and three per cent. stocks, as may, on the day of subscription, stand on the books of the said commissioner of loans.
Those proprietors of the old six per cent. and deferred stocks, who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a new six per cent. stock, equal to the unredeemed amount of the stock surrendered, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, under a proviso however, that no reimbursement shall be made except for the whole amount of any such new certificate of stock, nor till after six months previous notice: and the proprietors of the three per cent. stock who may subscribe, will receive in lieu thereof a six per cent. stock, equal to sixty-five per cent. of the amount of three per cent. surrendered, redeemable in the same manner as the new six per cent. above mentioned, but not reimbursable however, without the assent of the holders, until after the whole of the new six per cent. (given in exchange for old six or deferred as abovementioned,) as well as the whole of the eight per cent. stock of the United States, shall have been reimbursed. It is also provided that in every reimbursement which may take place, a preference will be given to those creditors who may notify their wish to be reimbursed; and that if the applications to that effect shall at any time either exceed or fall short of the sum then applicable to that purpose, the propriety of payment shall, so far as may be necessary, be determined by lot.
The present stock-holders who reside in any part of Europe, and may assent to that modification, may at their option, receive the interest accruing on the new stock, either in the U. States as heretofore, or in London, or Amsterdam, at par: in which last case, the interest will be paid there by the bankers of the United States, six months subsequent to the day, on which the same would be payable in the United States, and subject to no variation; nor to any other deduction than a commission to the bankers, of one half per cent. on the interest thus paid.
JOHN PAGE, Commissioner of Loans. NOTE. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 649 02 of new six. If subscribed between the 1st October, 1807, and 31st December, 1807, 644 37 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 619 03 — Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal deferred, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive, 855 73 — If subscribed between the 1st October, 1807, and 31st December, 1807, 853 62 — between the 1st January, and 17th March, 1808, 831 42 — Being the unredeemed amount of the old stock on the 1st July, and October, 1807, and 1st January, 1808, respectively. Proprietors of 100 dollars three per cent. stock will be entitled to receive 650 dollars of new six. J. P. Com'r. Ln. (law9m.)
EDUCATION.—The subscriber offering his unfeigned thanks to those gentlemen who have manifested their confidence in him as a Teacher, proposes to continue his school at the same place the ensuing year. In this seminary youth will be instructed in the Greek, Latin and English Languages, Geography and the use of the Globes, the Elements of Geometry, with practical Surveying; Also, the Elements of Natural Philosophy, Writing and Arithmetic, Vulgar, Decimal and Analytical. The price of board, tuition, washing, bedding and fuel, will be an hundred dollars for the term, paid quarterly in advance, to commence on the fifteenth of January and end about the tenth of December following. THOMAS NELSON. Humanity Hall, Forks of Hanover, Dec. 22. (law4w4.)
NOTICE.—On the 10th of last month, Elijah Kirby delivered to me in Orange county, on his way from Woodford county, Kentucky, a MARE, which he requested me to deliver to a son of a widow Watkins in Goochland; I carried her to the widow Watkins's, her sons being from home, and not likely to return for some months, she refused to receive her. The right owner is requested to call on me for her six miles above Columbia in Fluvanna county. BENJAMIN SEAY. Jan. 7. (law3w.)
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff—Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants.
The defendant Wm. Weir, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by counsel; It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one newspaper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Capitol in the said city.
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. c. Dec. 19. (law8w4.)
VIRGINIA to wit:—At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 26th day of April, 1806. Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff—Against Armistead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants. The defendant Armistead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, It is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city.
A Copy. Teste, ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. (law8w.)
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. (epfe.)
A TEACHER, who can teach the Latin and French Languages, the English Grammar, Arithmetic and Geography, who wishes a healthy situation in the country, may obtain an advantageous situation upon liberal terms; for further information, any person who wishes employment of that kind, is referred to the Editor of the Esquire. Dec. 15. (w.)
CASH SALES.—To be sold, for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, on bearing date on the 5th day of July, 1806, recorded in the general court, in order to raise the sum of $50,000 and upwards, and the charges and expenses of sale—Those well known MILLS with the appurtenances, in the city of Richmond, called the Columbian Mills. Two undivided third parts of the Deep Run Coal Pits, in the county of Henrico, containing about 1750 acres, more or less. Two undivided third parts of the Falling-Creek Coal Pits, in the county of Chesterfield, containing about one hundred acres. Two undivided third parts of the Dover Coal Pits, in the county of Goochland, containing about ninety acres, which three several tracts of Coal Land were held in partnership between the said David Ross, and James Currie, deceased. The Columbian Mills and Appurtenances, are subject to a ground rent to Samuel Overton; and the said Mills and two tracts of Coal Land, first mentioned, are pledged for the security of sundry sums of money, due to Mrs. Frances Tabb and Wm. B. Giles, administrator of John Tabb, dec'd. a large proportion of which, is stated by the said Ross to have been paid, and other estates are pledged for the balance. For further information on this subject, persons inclined to purchase, are referred to the said Ross, or it may be obtained on application to the subscribers.—The sales will take place at the Eagle-Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Wednesday, the 20th of January, 1808. E. W. ROOTES, } Trustees. WILSON ALLEN, } [epfe.] Nov. 30.
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low. Oct. 10. (15)
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [epfe.]
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite col. Mayo's new building; beg leave to inform the inhabitants of Richmond, Manchester, and their Vicinities, that they have on hand a large supply of Work, composed of the latest Fashions, viz—An elegant assortment of pearl and topaz Breast Pins, Finger Rings and Bracelets, plain gold & of nearly all patterns, Minute Settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Ear Rings, mourning and fancy cornelian, topaz, plain gold and common Watch Keys, gold, pebble and glass Seals, gold and gilt Chains, mourning and fancy gold mounted Necklaces, plain and ornamented Combs, pearl and tortoiseshell Sagar Boxes, Disks, Pen Knives and Scissors; a general assortment of silver Spoons and Ladies, Scissor Chains, Thimbles, Pencil Cases, Pens, Spectacles, Tooth Picks, Ink Stands, Snuff boxes and Tweezers, Morocco Pocket Books and Thread Cases: Also, silver and plated Table Ware, consisting of Coffee, Tea and Milk Pots, Bread Baskets, Sugar Dishes, Castors, Tumblers, Salt Stands and Candlesticks; and a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate; All of which they offer to their friends on the most moderate terms that can be afforded. Orders from any place will be thankfully received and speedily dispatched. December 4. [epfe.]
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Messrs. Prosser & Moncure's vendue, a large assortment of Merchandize, consisting of the following articles—Carpenters and Joiners Tools, iron and steel Locks and Hinges, for house work and cabinet ware. I also carry on my Cabinet Manufactory, as usual, adjoining the fire insurance office, and have on hand three thousand dollars worth of furniture, finished in the best workman-like manner and in the newest fashion. Also, Windsor Chairs. I will sell all of the above goods, very low for cash, or good paper at a short date. Sept. 5. [epfe.]
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the name of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house, and opposite to Messrs. Jno. & Robt. Gamble, Jrs.—A general assortment of GROCERIES, among which are Antigua Rum, 4 Holland Gin, 444 pf Cogniac Brandy, Raspberry ditto, London particular Madeira Wine, Port, Sherry & Teneriffe ditto. Best green Coffee, Brown & Loaf Sugar, Best Chocolate, Gun-powder, Imperial, Hyson, Young Hyson & Souchong. Which they will dispose of on liberal terms for cash, country produce, or on the usual credit to punctual customers. JAMES BRIDGES, WM. ROBERTSON. Richmond, Dec. 4. (15)
NOTICE!—The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a very reduced price; which consists of a large and superb assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Paper-hangings, Window Blinds, Fringes, Tassels, Cords, &c. &c. W. HAIGHT. N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [ff.]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To REST, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. Dec. 19. (15)
ENGLISH KID SHOES.—Just received and for sale by Dodge & Cobb, 3 trunks Ladies' & Misses white, black, figured and lace pattern KID SHOES, of Jackson's manufacture, London; Also, Gentlemen's best superfine London Hats. Jan. 7. [ff.]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. October 7. [ff.]
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the late Alexander Banks, dec'd. of Manchester, are hereby requested to come forward and discharge their accounts as speedily as possible; and those persons having claims against the estate, will bring in their claims properly authenticated, when provision will be made for their discharge, by ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Manchester, Dec. 31.
PUBLIC SALE.—On Saturday the 20th day of January ensuing, will be sold, at the plantation of the late Alexander Banks of Manchester, the entire stock of Cattle, Corn, Fodder, Hay, Plantation Utensils, &c. Terms of sale.—Cash for all sums under 20 dollars, over twenty dollars, six months credit, the purchaser giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds.)
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milch Cows, two Horses, a small Waggon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale.—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks, with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds.)
DISSOLUTION OF CO-PARTNERSHIP.—The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All credits having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, jun. who is authorized to receive all monies due thereto. THOMAS TAYLOR, JAMES BROWN, jr. Richmond, Jan. 5, 1808.
THE AUCTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods. He has on hand for sale, both for cash and on a credit, a large assortment of GROCERIES, amongst which are, 5 years old ANTIGUA RUM, 15 months do. Brown and leaf Sugar by the Hhd. and barrel, Imperial, Hyson and Young Hyson Teas, Coffee, Cogniac Brandy, Pennsylvania Whiskey, Sale in sacks, 9 years old Brasil Wine in hdk. First quality Madeira in pipes, hdk. & qr. casks, Sherry Wines, &c. &c. &c. And a quantity of Dry Goods suitable for the season. JAMES BROWN, jr. Jan. 5. (ff.)
FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mount-air, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Readings, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography. The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January. Terms—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance; and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed, nor for the necessary vacations. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17. (15w4.)
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOTTLING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DUCASDATT. Oct. 23. [ff.]
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [epfe.]
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST—is now practicing in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the Teeth to their natural elegance, setting artificial ones, so as to be useful as well as ornamental, plugging the decayed cavities of such as can be preserved, and extracting such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of—Bruff's Patent Extracting Instrument—which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use. He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantages derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak. He has DENTIFRICE of a superior quality, void of corrosive substances, prepared by himself and for sale. His dwelling is at the house next to E. Randolph's, near the Capitol.—A line or servant directed to the said place, will be attended to. Dec. 15. [2awtf.]
MR. LE TELLIER informs those that are travelling to Norfolk, that his Brother is practicing Dentistry there, and his abilities are unexceptionable. FRESH TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson TEAS: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks. Having laid in the above articles himself, in Canton, he can vouch for the quality and can sell them very cheap. ROBT. N. PAGE. (T. & T. ff.) Jan. 12.
BOARDING SCHOOL.—EMMUND LAWRENCE purposes to take the management of a school, in Hanover, 10 miles from Richmond and 2 from Macon's Mill. The situation is very healthy. He will take 8 boarders only, from 6 to 13 Years of age, and a few pupils from the neighborhood. Board, tuition and washing will be $100 per term, which will begin on the 15th instant and end on the 25th of December following; and $20 for tuition only. In both cases quarterly payments in advance will be required. Great pains will be taken to improve his pupils in learning and virtue. There will be two vacations of 13 days each, one in the Spring and the other in the Fall, for which no deduction will be made. Those who are not acquainted with him and may wish to place children under his care, are requested to apply to James Govan Esqr. of Hanover and David Bullock Esqr. of Richmond, for any information, which they may desire. Jan. 5. [law3w.]
I WISH to purchase twelve likely MULAS BATTHURST RANDOLPH. Amelia, Jan. 14. (ff.)
WILL be sold at the Bell Tavern in this city, on the 18th day of this month, fifteen likely NEGROES, consisting of men, women and children.—The terms of sale, twelve months credit, the purchaser giving bond with security to be approved by the subscriber, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. WM. PRICE, JOHN F. PRICE. (entd.) Richmond, Jan. 7.
LOST, between Hanover Court House, and the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, this day, a red Morocco Pocket-Book, with Bank Notes, to the amount of ninety-five dollars—one fifty dollar note of the U. States' branch at Savannah, No. 3563—two twenty dollar notes of the Virginia Bank, and a five dollar, the numbers of the three last not now recollected; with two Bonds of Warner L. Wormley's of a thousand dollars, given to Robert B. Gaines of King and Queen, one of five hundred due the first of January 1810, and the other also of five hundred dollars due in January 1811, with sundry other papers that can be of no service to any person but the owner. Who ever will deliver the said Pocket-Book with the ninety five dollars and all the other papers that were in it when lost, to Mr. Politiaux of this city, or to the subscriber residing in King William near Hanover Courthouse, shall receive twenty dollars. THOMAS CARY NELSON. Richmond, Dec. 25. [2awtf.]
WANTED, AN ASSISTANT at the RICHMOND FEMALE ACADEMY.—Mrs. BYRD is desirous of getting a Lady of good moral character and capable of teaching English and Arithmetic, to assist her in tuition, and also in taking care of the young ladies entrusted to her superintendence.—To such a person she will give a reasonable salary, besides her board, and lodging at the academy, including fire, candles and washing. Richmond, Jan. 7, 1808. [2awtf.]
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAILS of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week. Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 8 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Friday at 6 a. m.—Leave Charlottesville at 7 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. arrive at Charlottesville by 5 p. m. and arrive at Fredericksburg on Sunday by 10 p. m. 2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week. Leave Staunton every Friday at 6 a. m. and arrive at New-York by 11 a. m.—Leave New-York every Friday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Staunton by 5 p. m. 3. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. Columbia, Rising Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week. Leave Richmond every Tuesday at 1 p. m. and arrive at Charlottesville on Thursday by 6 p. m.—Leave Charlottesville every Saturday at 6 a. m. and arrive at Richmond on Monday by 11 a. m. 4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middlesex, Kappahannock, Carlisle and Shippenburg to Chambersburg three times a week.—Leave Lancaster every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 p. m.—Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Lancaster by 12 p. m. 5. From Chambersburg by McConnellsburg, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh three times a week. Leave Chambersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 5 a. m. and arrive at Somerset on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 9 p. m. and arrive at Pittsburgh on Thursday, Saturday and Tuesday by 10 a. m.—Return, Leave Pittsburgh every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 2 p. m. and arrive at Chambersburg the next Friday, Monday and Wednesday by 6 p. m.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next, and to continue in force one year. Contracts for the two last routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of July next and continue until the 30th of September 1809. 2. The contractor will be subjected to the usual penalties for delays and failures, which will be specified in the contracts. GIBDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General. General Post-Office, Jan. 7. [2awtf.]
WILL positively be sold, on Saturday the 30th January, 1808, on the premises, one tract of LAND, lying in the county of Albemarle, containing 270 acres, be the same more or less, about three miles from Charlottesville and adjoining the lands of Henry Williams, George Dovers and others: Also, the following Slaves, to wit: James, Jule, Sukey and Joe, by virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, by Claudius Busier, dec'd. in his life time, and committed to record in the district court of Charlottesville, to secure a sum of money due from said Busier, dec'd. to Will. Gault, acting as trustee, will only convey title vested in us as such. DAVID ANDERSON, } Trustees. BENJAMIN BROWN, } Albemarle, Dec. 29. (2aw3w.)
FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed in trust, executed to the subscriber by Butler Bradburn, to secure the payment of a debt to Wm. Galt, will be exposed to sale at public auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 23d of this present month, instant, at Thomas Wills' in the town of Milton, a well improved LOT in the said town; it is an advantageous situation for a carriage or wagon maker, there being on the lot a large work shop, a good blacksmith's shop and a well-constructed dwelling house; acting as trustee, will only convey the title vested in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Jan. 7. [2aw2w.]
FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber by Goodman Barksdale, to secure the payment of a debt to William Galt, will be exposed to sale, at public auction, for ready money, on Saturday the 30th this present month (January) at Claudius Busier's plantation, whereon Christian W. Baker now resides, a tract of LAND lying in the county of Albemarle, containing one hundred and twelve and a half, being the same land said Goodman Barksdale purchased of Douglas Barksdale: Also, two negroes, Maria and Morning, or so much of the aforesaid property as will be sufficient to discharge the debt, interest and cost aforesaid; acting as trustee, for others, will only convey the title vested in me as such. DAVID ANDERSON, Trustee. Milton, January 7. [2aw3w.]
WINGFIELD SCHOOL, (Forks Hanover.) The subscriber having provided every assistance, can take 12 or 15 students in addition to his usual number. In this institution it is proposed to teach the Greek, Latin, French and English Languages, Writing, Arithmetic, Geometry, Geography and the use of the Globes. Terms—Board, tuition, washing, and fuel, 100 dollars per annum, with an extra charge of $10 for every student who shall apply himself wholly or partially to the study of the French Language, Bed and bedding, when found by the subscriber, $6 2 1/2 per annum. In all cases quarterly payments in advance will be required to be made with punctuality. The subscriber refers those gentlemen, to whom he may not be sufficiently known, to some papers in the hands of Col. George Wm. Smith of the city of Richmond. The school will be opened on the 2d Wednesday of the present month and be closed on the 24 Friday in December next, with a vacation of four weeks, commencing the 24 Friday in June. PETER NELSON. Jan. 12. [2aw2w.]