The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-19 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS KITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
ATTENTION!!! MANCHESTER REPUBLICAN BLUES. In consequence of the death of our late beloved Capt. ARCHIBALD M'RAE, you are requested to attend at Brooks's Columbian Inn, in complete uniform, on Saturday evening, 23 inst. at 6 o'clock, for the purpose of choosing your Capt. It is hoped on an occasion, so important as this, to the future welfare of the company, the members will be punctual in their attendance.
MANSFIELD WATKINS, Secretary. January 17. LANDING from the Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Molasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Hayman Segars, 3 Bales Wevel Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT. January 17.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN. At the time of a dissolution of the firm of Campbell and Clark, merchants here, a transfer and sale was made to the subscriber, one of the partners, by Mr. Archibald Campbell of New York, the other, of all his interest in the debts and stock of that copartnership, and also of the house of Robert Campbell & Co. of Charlotte county, carried on under the superintendence of Robert Campbell, deceased, who was exclusively interested in that firm one third, and the remainder belonging to the house here. There is still due from Robert Campbell & Co. a considerable balance for advances made during the existence of that firm, to the subscriber, who is, therefore, only competent (or his agent) to collect & grant discharges for debts due Robert Campbell & Co. to amount of the sums owing by them for advances of stock, and the remainder, if any, will be profits, and to which the representatives of Robert Campbell, will be entitled one-third part. SAMUEL CLARK, Only surviving partner of the late firm of Robert Campbell & Co. Richmond, January 17.
N. B. I will give the highest price for Tobacco and other produce in discharge of the debts due to Robert Campbell & Co. S. CLARK.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS, in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions.—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendue Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers, by John P. Shields and Jane C. Shields, to secure the payment of several sums of money therein mentioned, to Henry Carr, will be exposed for sale, on the premises, for cash, on Monday, the 23 inst., the balance of that valuable tract of LAND, called and known by the name of Sallie's Hill, lying in the county of Chesterfield, and in the vicinity of the Coal Pitts, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to meet the intention of said trust deed, together with the expenses of sale. BEV. C. STANARD, ARCHD. WOOLDRIDGE. January 10.
MUSICK.—JOHN ABERCROMBY, having returned from his tour to the Northward, begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public, that he still continues teaching, in this city, on the Piano, Violin and Guitar. He likewise tunes instruments as formerly, and respectfully solicits the favor of their patronage. Applications at Messrs Pritchard & Adams, Mr. Pleasants's, and Mr. Shields's, will be duly attended to. dec. 24.
N. B. Mr. Abercromby could conveniently attend three or four pupils in Manchester. FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Sempstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House.—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
BY virtue of the last will and testament of the late Dr. John Cringan, will be sold on the premises, in this city, on Saturday, the twenty-eighth inst. (January) at public auction, upon a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, the LOTIS whereon the deceased resided, except that part allotted to his widow for her dower. Also, a lot whereon is a stable and carriage-house together with a quantity of furniture on the square whereon Mrs. M'Crae now resides. WM. C. WILLIAMS, Esq. of Door. J. CHINGAN, dec'd. January 10th 1809.
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE.—The owner has become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be less to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or who will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. LEWIS. Warm Springs, December 19. N. B. A considerable prompt payment will be expected, and a few likely young NEGROES taken.
THE Subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale:— 10 Hogsheads, and 90 Barrels Lead Sugar, 15 Hds. Brown Sugar of superior quality, 10 Tierces prime Green Coffee, 20 Bags of superior white do., 20 Hds. Molasses, 9 Casks old Port Wine, of superior quality in Bottles, 6 Casks Stoughton's Bitters, containing 2 doz Pint Bottles each, 3 Do. Raspberry Brandy, 3 Do. Motherbrn, Choice old Cognac Brandy in Pipes, Holland and Country Gin in Do., Candles and Soap in Boxes, Ground Ginger in Kegs, &c. &c. 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, With a very general assortment of coarse Wools, all of which will be sold low for cash, or on short credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONCURE. December 27.
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business, and an unexceptionable COOK; and for sale, the best male House Servant in Virginia; Also, 35 Virginia Bank Shares, for cash by NOTICE.—On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amelia, sundry valuable PROPERTY, to wit: The Stock of Cattle, Hogs, Horses and Sheep, the crop of Corn, Fodder, Shucks, &c. and about 200 bushels of Wheat, plantation Utensils, and about 20 likely young Negroes.—Terms of sale—one third cash, and the balance in 12 months. At the same time, will be offered for sale, the above mentioned tract of LAND, upon a credit of one, two and three years. Persons desirous to purchase this Land, had better view the same before the day of sale. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required. All those indebted to the said estate, will please make immediate payment, & those having claims, will present them on or before the day of sale. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, dec. 13.
IN CHANCERY.—Northumberland County Court, 14th Nov. 1808. George & Thomas Brown, Complainants—It against Jacob Walsh, Jr. & Stokely Towles, Defendants. THIS day came the complainants, by their counsel, and the deft Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the rules of the Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed, and ordered, that the said deft Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the deft Towles, retain in his hands whatever money or property he may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest, FLEM, BATES, C. N. C. Jan. 3.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, bearing date January 17th inst. to the act, entitled "An act, concerning the sale of property under executions and incumbrances," executed to the subscribers, by Efford Bentley, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Thomas Perkinson, as therein expressed—we shall, on Tuesday, the 17th inst. if fair, if not the next fair day, at Painville in Amelia county, expose for sale, at public auction, for ready money, twelve NEGROES, as mentioned in said deed, to wit: Isham, Ned, Jack, Nancy and her children, Themy, Peter & Amy, Phebe and her children, Tabby, Joshua and Nelson, and Rachael, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the debt mentioned in said deed of trust, with the interest & cost necessarily incurred by carrying the said trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Amelia. ARMISTEAD T. TOWNES, } Trustees. PETER RISON, } January 5.
RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The Subscriber takes this early opportunity of informing the public, that he has leased the RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, and he pledges himself that no pains or expense will be spared on his part, to give general satisfaction to those who may visit said Springs. There are six additional houses now building, which, together with the buildings already completed, will enable him to accommodate one hundred Boarders, with their servants, comfortably. He deems it unnecessary to say anything of the valuable properties of said Waters, as the benefits experienced by persons visiting them, have already spread their fame through the greater part of the United States. Letters and News-Papers directed to the visitors at said Springs, will be delivered at the place once a week. There will be a Store kept at said Springs, containing a general assortment of Goods, Medicine, &c. ISAAC ESTILL. Dec. 17.
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Friday the 27th day of January next, if fair, if not the next fair day, the PLANTATION, called and known by the name of Mount-Polly, lying on York River, in James City county, belonging to the estate of Stephen Bingham, deceased, containing by estimation, fourteen hundred acres, including Marsh, said Land will be surveyed prior to the day of sale, and will be sold, subject to the widow's dower. The purchaser will be allowed a credit until the younger son of said Bingham, arrives to the age of twenty one years, which will be some time in the year eighteen hundred and twenty-three. Bond and approved personal security, as well as a deed of mortgage on the said Land, will be required.—Possession will be given on the day of sale, for all the land except the part bid off for the widow's dower.—The above sale will take place in compliance of Stephen Bingham's will, as well as a decree of King William Court. B. LIPSCOMB, D-Pty for Wm. GREGORY, Sheriff. January 12.
BURGHART to a wife of trust duly recorded in the court of Chesterfield, will be offered for sale, for cash, on Monday, the 23d inst. at Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Chesterfield, 1 Negro Man named BEN, 1 Black GELDING, and one Bay STUD COLT, (the property of Stephen Branch,) he so much thereof, as will satisfy Valentine Watflee, the sum of thirty-six pounds, with interest and cost. Wm. FENDLEY, T. execr. January 12.
DOMESTIC.
IN DEFIANCE OF LAW.
The following occurrence has been communicated to us by a gentleman who passed thro' Bath, a few days since; his account states, "That the brig Mary Jane was loaded in that port in open day, in the usual manner, with a cargo of provisions, &c. that in the mean time a vessel was hired by the collector as a cutter, and armed with two four pounders and some swivels, and manned by a number of volunteers who proceeded down the river about two miles ahead of the brig, where they waited the movements of the suspected anti-embargo vessel, for several days:—that the brig when fully loaded and prepared for sail, dropped down with a lantern hoisted at her foreyard arm, and by chance, having on board three or four six pounders with a few hardy and determined American seamen; that on passing the cutter she was fired at, and returned the salute—that several shots were exchanged between them; the brig still keeping on her course, and eventually passing out to sea. The cutter, he understood, receiving no other damage than having the clue of her main-sail cut away; that the injury done the brig was unknown, as she kept a straight course outwards. On passing the fort, she fired a salute with two guns, accompanied with the cheering voice of exultation for having escaped the tyranny of domestic oppressors. The cutter did not think proper to follow the brig, but returned to Bath and discharged her crew.—Boston Gaz."
BATH is the town-ship in Massachusetts, whose wild and insurrectional resolutions have been already re-published in this paper.—One of these resolutions proposes the appointment of Committees of Safety and Correspondence in all the townships of the State, similar to those which embodied and organized an opposition to G. Britain in '75.—Such is the text adopted by a majority of the town-ship of Bath—the commentary is to be found in the preceding flagrant violation of the laws of the general government.—Is there a man who will now deny the necessity of the new law, enforcing the embargo—of some new powers to repress the ebullitions of this turbulent spirit?—Yet does this daring outrage on the laws of the land receive the countenance and protection of the federal priors of Boston—the laws of the government are infamously denominated a "tyranny" upon the rights of the people—and the officers of that government are dubbed with the mild epithet of "domestic oppressors"—Ard are these the men who have arrogated to themselves the exclusive title of "friends of Order"—and "friends of the government"? Are these the men who have pretended to cant about the riot and insurrection of the Eastern States—who are thus attempting to gild over insurrection and treason, with the fictitious merit of resistance to tyranny—and encouraging the people to rebellion by their sympathy and applause? Henceforth let these men be called "Jacobins"—Anarchists—Disorganizers—any thing rather than "the Friends of Order"—and the "Friends of the Law." ENQUIRER.
Answer of the President of the United States to the young Republicans of Pittsburg and its vicinity. The sentiments you express in your address of October 27, of attachment to the rights of your country, of your determination to support them with your lives and fortunes, and of the disregard of inconveniences which must be encountered in resisting insult and aggression, are honorable to yourselves and encouraging to your country.—They are particularly soothing to those who have labored faithfully in establishing the right of self-government, see in the rising generation, in to whom hands it is passing, that purity of principle, and energy of character, which will protect and preserve it through their day, and deliver it over to their sons as they received it from their fathers.
The measure of a temporary suspension of commerce was adopted to cover us from greater evils. It has rescued from capture, an important capital, and our seamen from the jails of Europe: it has given time to prepare for defence, and has shown to the aggressors of Europe, that evil, as well as good actions record on the door. If those evils have involved our unoffending neighbors also, towards whom we have not a sentiment but of friendship and useful intercourse, it results from that state of violence by which the interests of the American hemisphere are directed to the objects of Europe. Endowed by nature, with a system of interests and connections of its own, it is drawn from these by the unnatural bonds which enchain its different parts to the conflicting interests and fortunes of another world, and render its inhabitants strangers and enemies to their neighbors and neutral friends. Believing that the happiness of man and is best promoted by the useful pursuits of peace, that on these alone a stable prosperity can be founded, that the evils of war are great in their endurance, and leave a long reckoning for ages to come, I have used my best endeavors to keep our country uncommitted in the troubles which afflict Europe, and which assail us also on every side. Whether this can be done longer, is much to be doubted. I am happy, that so far my conduct meets the approbation of my fellow-citizens. It is the highest reward I can receive for my endeavors to serve them; and I am particularly thankful to yourselves for your kind expressions of esteem and confidence; and tender my best wishes for your personal happiness and prosperity. TH: JEFFERSON.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at St. Loise, dated 25th, Nov. 1808. "Mr. Pierre Chouteau, returned yesterday with a treaty made by him (with what authority however I do not know) on behalf of the United States, with the Osage Indians: it is reported to contain every thing that could be desired on behalf of the U. States—should this rumour be correct, my fear is, the contract is too good on our side, to be kept long with good faith on theirs." MORE BRITISH INSOLIGENCE. We are informed by a gentleman from Berkshire, in Franklin county, that on the 14th inst. a number of Canadians crossed the line and came into Berkshire, to the number of from fifteen to twenty-five, and began an insolent attack on the inhabitants of
the northern Green Mountainers; but soon found it expedient for themselves to recross the lines, not however, until they had the evidence of an Irish coat of arms painted on each of their faces. When foreigners attack true Americans, they convince them that "we are all federalists, we are all republicans." Ver. Pa. per.
NEW SECRETARY OF STATE.
It is reported in high circles at Washington, that Mr. Jefferson has consented to serve as Secretary of State under President Madison. It was hinted a year or two ago that he would do so, in the Intelligence or Enquirer, we cannot at this moment recollect which. This event is certainly far from being an improbable one. MARK WHAT WE SAY! At an election of officers of the American Philosophical Society, held at their hall, in Philadelphia on the 6th January, 1809, the following officers were chosen: President—Thomas Jefferson. Vice Presidents—Casper Wistar, Robert Patterson, B. S. Barton. Secretaries—Thomas C. James, Thomas C. Hewson, Nathaniel Chapman, Mahlon Dickerson. Counsellors—Rev. Dr. Collin, Andrew Ellicot, Benjamin Rush, Wm. T. Tilghman, for 3 years—Jonathan D. Smith, for 2 years. Curators—C. W. Peale, Robert Hare, J. R. Smith. Treasurer—John Vaughan.
The Speaker of the House of Representatives has laid before the house the following message from the President of the United States: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I communicate for the information of congress, the report of the director of the mint, of the operation of that establishment during the last year. TH: JEFFERSON. January 5, 1809.
From the statement of the treasurer of the mint, it appears, that during the last year there have been struck at the mint— 1,368,660 pieces of silver coin, amounting to $ 684,300 58,288 pieces of gold coin, amounting to 284,665 And 1,509,000 pieces of copper coin, amounting to 18,090 2,935,888 pieces, amounting in the whole to $ 982,055 The gold and silver bullion at this time in the mint, deposited for coinage, amounts to upwards of 250,000 dollars. There is good ground to believe that even in the present embarrassed state of commerce, the banks of the city of Philadelphia alone, will be able to furnish an ample supply of bullion for a long time to come. The Speaker also laid before the house the following letter from the Secretary of the Treasury: TREASURY DEPARTMENT. January, 4, 1809.
SIR, I have the honor, in compliance with the resolution of the house of representatives of the 20th ult. to transmit a statement of the sums annually received at the treasury of the U. States since the commencement of proceedings under the constitutionally; and also, a statement exhibiting the annual amount of the respective branches of the customs and the charges thereon. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, SIR, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
Table with 3 columns: Year, Dollars, Cts. Rows from 1791 to 1807 showing annual receipts of the United States from the commencement of the present government.
Nett amount of the customs for each year since the establishment of the present government:
Table with 3 columns: Year, Dollars, Cts. Rows from 1791 to 1807 showing nett amount of customs.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FROM THE MONITOR. FRIDAY, January 13. The speaker laid before the house a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanied with his reports and sundry statements exhibiting the amount of duties & drawbacks on goods, wares and merchandise imported into the U. States, and exported therefrom, during the years 1805, 1806 and 1807, inclusive, prepared in pursuance of a resolution of this house, of the 20th ult.
1787, which were read and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Van Allen reported, as duly enrolled, the act for the relief of Augustineerry, the act permitting the division of lots in the city of Washington, and the act relative to revenue bonds. Mr. Coles from the executive, informed the speaker that the president had approved and signed the two first of said acts. Mr. Coles also delivered, from the president, the following message in writing: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I now render to Congress the account of the fund established for defraying the contingent expenses of government for the year 1808; of the 50,000 dollars appropriated for that purpose, 2,000 dollars were deposited in the hands of the attorney general of the United States to pay expenses incidental to the prosecution of Aaron Burr, and his accomplices for treason and misdemeanors alleged to have been committed by them, 990 dollars were paid to the order of Governor Williams, on the same account; and the balance of 17,010 dollars remains in the treasury unexpended. TH: JEFFERSON. January 13, 1809.
Read, and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. Lewis reported a bill to incorporate the trustees of the Presbyterian church in the town of Alexandria, which was read a first and second time, and made the order of the day for Monday next. Mr. Nelson presented a memorial of sundry late officers of the revolutionary army, residing within the state of Maryland, praying commutation of half pay for life, in lieu of the commutation of five years full pay, &c. Referred to a committee appointed on the memorials of sundry late officers of the revolutionary army. The bill from the senate supplementary to the act for establishing an uniform militia was read twice, and referred to the committee on military and naval establishments. Mr. Burwell, from the committee appointed on the 23d ult. presented a bill authorizing the president of the United States to grant permission to vessels to depart from the ports of the United States for the purpose of importing salt.—It was read a first and second time, and made the order of the day on Monday next. The following letter was presented by Mr. Agassiz with the bill: TREASURY DEPARTMENT, January 7th, 1809. SIR, I had the honor to receive your letter of the 26th ult. requesting such information as I may possess respecting the means of obtaining immediate and permanent supplies of salt from the establishments of the United States. The annexed statement A shows the annual consumption of imported salt for each of the calendar years 1802—1807, after deducting the quantities used for the cod fishery, and also for pickled fish and salted provisions exported from the United States. The annual average is about three millions of bushels, weighing each 56 lbs. equal to 75 000 tons, and requiring in fact 125 000 tons of shipping for its importation. It must also be observed, that the deductions above mentioned, being calculated by the allowances on fish, in and drawbacks; and the allowances being, in fact, greater than the amount of duty on salt employed in the cod fishery, the quant. of salt actually consumed in the United States is greater than appears by the statement. The statement B. is intended to show the gross amount of salt annually imported for the years 1802—1807, and the countries from which imported. The manner in which the accounts are kept at the treasury, has rendered it more convenient to give the amount in this instance for the years ending the 30th September than for calendar years. It will be perceived by the statement A. that the domestic establishments have not increased, even in the same ratio as the population of the United States, for the average of their consumption of imported salt is greater for the last than for the first years of the statement. Considering also, the regularity of the importations, and the well known fact, that the article has been principally imported as ballast from England, there is reason to believe that the quantity of salt now in the country, is very inadequate to the supply of the present year; and I am confident that there can be no reasonable expectation of the deficiency being supplied for that year from internal resources. I am therefore clearly of opinion, that every encouragement should be given to immediate importations, and that measures should, at the same time be adopted, for the purpose of insuring for the succeeding years, a supply from domestic establishments. The only means of promoting immediate importations, appear to be, 1st either to except salt from the operation of the non-intercourse act, or to put off the general operation of that act, till the first of July next; which has alternative appears in every respect the most eligible; 2ndly, to authorize the president to permit American vessels to proceed, during the continuance of the embargo, to such foreign ports as may be designated by law, for the sole purpose of bringing in cargoes of salt. The internal resources must be drawn from either the salt springs in various parts of the Western States, from the Onondaga springs in the state of New-York, or from the Atlantic shores. The high price of salt in the Western States does not arise from the actual expense incurred in manufacturing the article; for it does not cost more than 75 cents per bushel at the Indiana or Wabash saline; and yet its market price has not been less than two dollars. It follows, that the price is kept up by reason of the quantity made, being much less than the actual demand, and therefore that no considerable addition can be expected from that quarter; none certainly beyond the wants of that part of the country. The quantity of salt made at the Onondaga Springs may certainly be considerably increased. I have been informed that about 500,000 bushels are now annually made; and that the amount might, perhaps, be increased to 600,000. On that subject, however, I cannot for a positive opinion; but am satisfied that the most sanguine calculations fall very short of the annual consumption of the U. States; and that the principal resource to be relied on is the increase of establishments on the sea shore. These may be multiplied in numerous places from Massachusetts to Georgia; and although the repeal of the law, laying a duty on importation has checked their progress, experience has proven that capital may be advantageously employed in that manufacture. I think that not long more is necessary to induce, at present, the application of capital sufficient in a short time to produce an adequate supply, in the certainty of not being ruined, by the competition of large importations at reduced prices. But it is doubtful what effect it would be most eligible to effect that object by a bounty on the domestic manufacture, or by a renewal of the

way on the importation, to take place after the 1st of January 1810, and to continue for years. A combination of both would perhaps be the best calculated to ensure success, and also most equitable. But a duty on importation alone is the easiest to execute, and is not liable to any constitutional objections.
The encouragement thus given to domestic establishments, may indeed, during the number of years to which the duty or bounty would be limited, increase the price of salt. But that temporary inconvenience should be cheerfully submitted to, if an adequate supply of that necessary article may thereby be ever after insured on reasonable terms, and from internal resources not liable to be affected by war or by any other interruption of commerce.
I have the honor to be, &c. ALBERT GALLATIN.
Hon. William A. Burwell, Chairman, &c. Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee of ways and means, presented, according to order, a bill for imposing additional duties upon all goods, wares and merchandise, imported from any port or place; which was read a first and second time, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
The house was engaged for the remainder of the day in committee of the whole on the amendments from the senate to the navy bill—Mr. Mason in the chair. The first amendment, (for arming the frigates &c.) was disagreed to, but all the others (for a larger number of men and a greater sum of money) were concurred in. An amendment offered by Mr. J. Montgomery, to vest the president with discretionary power, was rejected. The bill, in this state, was reported to and is now before the house.
NEW-YORK, January 13. Canning's Letter. —The vile forgery which appeared in the Royal Gazette was, as we are informed, forwarded to its sapient Editor Solomon , in a Boston Extra , issued from the Palladium Press , which is conducted by one of the numerous hirelings in this country in the pay of the British government. The infamous libel on administration was handed to the royal Editor by a Mr. Howe , the messenger who recently passed through this city with dispatches from the British minister at Washington, and re-embarked at Boston, for Halifax. It is generally understood here, that the original composition had met the previous approbation of the modern Aristides . Public Advertiser.
PHILADELPHIA, January 14. SERIOUS AND IMPORTANT.
A letter has been received in town, from N. York, stating that an express arrived there from Boston on the evening of the 11th inst., bringing information that very serious disturbances had taken place, and that the people had determined to oppose the acts of government. A meeting of the citizens of New York had also been called to meet on Friday (yesterday) at 12 o'clock, to deliberate on the late measures of the general government. In the Province of Maine, the people had met and appointed Committees of Safety and Correspondence . Ten vessels are stated to have sailed from New-York in defiance of the embargo laws; and the brig Mary Jane forced her way out of one of the Eastern ports, after an engagement with a Revenue Cutter, who had the clue of her main-sail shot away, and was obliged to sheer off. In Newburyport, a cannon, the property of the town, was seized by some persons, who were conveying it to the United States' fort, near that harbor: the magistrates of the town became alarmed and rescued it.
Such is the amount of the News we have at present— Freeman's Journal .
This picture is highly charged—and like most of the fairy tales of James Elliott's Journal, exaggerated to absurdity. ENQUIRER.
Extract of a letter from St. Croix, dated the 30th November, 1808.
"We are all in anxiety here for the event of your embargo. It continued, it will be ruinous to this as well as every other island depending on you for lumber. One third of the estates have not materials in the lumber way. I am now delivering pitch pine scantling to be converted into staves. I hope soon to see the American colors again in our harbor. Prices quoted, viz. Flour per cask 21 to 22 dollars: by retail 25 to 30. Prime Beef 24 dollars. Pork, 36 to 40 do. Candles, 8 bits or 64 cents per lb."
The following is a copy of Dr. Leib's bill, now before the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
An Act to prohibit Foreign Precedents or Adjudications from being quoted or read in the Courts of this Commonwealth.
Sec. 1. Be it enacted, &c. That from and after the passing of this act, it shall not be lawful for any counsellor or attorney, or other person, to read or quote, within any court of this Commonwealth, any precedent or adjudication of any court except such as has taken or may take place in some court within the U. S.
Sec. 2. Be it enacted, That it shall be considered a misdemeanor in office in any judge of this Commonwealth to permit any foreign precedent or adjudication to be read or quoted in court where he officiates or presides.
To the Editor of the Mercantile Advertiser.
Sir, A Morning and an Evening paper have published what is said to be a copy of a letter from Mr. Canning to Mr. Pinkney, dated 23d September last; which letter is represented by the Editor of one of those papers as of the first importance in establishing the fact, that "when the President recommended the Embargo, he had no information of the passage of the British Orders in Council now complained of."
The paragraph in the letter of Mr. Canning, from which this inference is drawn, is as follows: "I was, therefore, desirous to ascertain whether in fact the Orders in Council of November had been known to the government of the United States previous to the message of the President proposing the Embargo, so as to be a moving consideration in that message. I had the satisfaction to learn from you that such was not the fact; that rumors indeed might have reached America of some measure of further retaliation, being in the contemplation of the British government; that perhaps (as I understand you) some more severe and sweeping measures might have been expected; but that the Orders in Council of the 11th Nov. as having been issued, there was no knowledge of, in America, at least not in possession of the American government, at the time of proposing the Embargo. Such, sir, is (according to the best of my recollection) correctly the substance of what passed between us."
Now, sir, I am decidedly of opinion, that this Letter of Mr. Canning does by no means bear out the Editor in his assertion that "when the President recommended the Embargo, he had no information of the Orders in Council." The Letter professes to be a recapitulation of a conversation which passed between the British Minister and our own, and all that Mr. Canning contends for, is as he understood Mr. Pinkney, and according to the best of his recollection (expressions which show the secretary not to have been very confident either in his understanding or recollection on the subject) that when the Embargo was proposed to Congress, it was not known that the Orders in Council were issued. But that rumors indeed might have reached America, of some "sweeping" measures of further retaliation being in the contemplation of the British government.
Here is evidently a quibble; for Mr. Canning wished to show that he cause information of the issuing of the Orders in Council had not reached this government, such orders could have formed no part of the moving consideration in the President's message proposing an Embargo; whereas it is easy to show, that it was in a great measure owing to the expectation of the Blockade by Great Britain of ports to which about two thirds of our Exports were sent , that the embargo was laid; and it is from the refusal of Great Britain to rescind this most unwarrantable Blockade , that our country continues to suffer the privations caused by a suspension of our commerce.
The speeches of our Representatives in Congress, as well as very many other circumstances, have so completely refuted the assertion that the Orders in Council were not known to the legislature when they laid the Embargo, that it ought not to be necessary now to go into any argument to prove the fact; but as the assertion is still kept up, I submit to you the following paragraph from the National Intelligencer of the 18th December, the day on which the President's Message, proposing the Embargo, was sent to Congress, and four days before the bill was passed: It is copied from the Globe , a London paper of the 10th November.
"A Proclamation, we understand, is now in readiness for His Majesty's signature, declaring France and the whole of her Vassal Kingdoms in a state of Siege, & prohibiting all intercourse with her or them, and all entrance of vessels into her or their harbors, except such as have cleared last from a British port, either home or foreign."
From the examination before Parliament, of Evidence against the orders in Council, published some time ago in your Paper and in some others, it appears that the National Intelligencer containing this paragraph was read at the bar of the House of Commons; and as Mr. Canning was doubtless in his place at the time, it is to be presumed the circumstance was not in "his recollection," when he wrote his Letter to Mr. Pinkney. The paragraph which I have selected from the Intelligencer was in your paper of the 14th December; and the same or others to a similar purpose, may be found in many others published before the President's Message to Congress; so that if we suppose the Government to have been ignorant of this information when the Embargo was laid, we must suppose that they alone of the whole community were ignorant of it, a position which I think will not be taken.
It has never been asserted by the advocates of the Embargo, that the Orders in Council were officially known, when the Embargo was laid; but the paragraph which I have quoted as announcing them in the London Papers was received here on the 12th December, ten days before the Embargo was laid—Copies of the Orders in Council were received here, via Tobago about the 17th January, and they were officially presented to our Government by Mr. Erskine, according to the best of my recollection, on the 22d of February.
To the evidence of Mr. Canning's Letter on the point in question, I object inasmuch as it is merely a statement "according to the understanding and best recollection," of Mr. Canning, without any remark of Mr. Pinkney, in whose understanding, recollection, &c. the case might be very different.
I further object to the evidence of Mr. Canning, having read in one of your late papers, the following, among other resolutions of the COMMON COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF LONDON, when convened for the purpose of considering the answer of the King to a Petition of the same body.
"That whoever advised his majesty to put so unfavorable and unwarrantable a construction on their late petition has abused the confidence of his Sovereign, and is equally an enemy to his majesty, and the just rights of his people." Of this most severe censure of the Corporation of the British metropolis, upon the ministry, Mr. Canning from his elevated situation must of course be considered as entitled to a considerable share; and if by the citizens of London Mr. Canning is denounced as being "equally an enemy to his Majesty and the just rights of his people"—how little regard ought to be paid to his assertions by us, who are suffering the loss of our commerce, in consequence of the oppressive orders of this man and the rest of the Ministry?
The whole of these resolutions from which I have only selected one, are so very important, that I earnestly recommend them to the Editors of every Gazette in the Union, as worthy of general publication, because they establish one of the most important circumstances which has for some time come to our knowledge, namely the decline, and probable fall of the present British Ministry, an event from which (more than from any other,) I anticipate a termination of our present suspension of commerce.
TRUTH.
On the first day of January, 1809, there were lying in the ports and harbors here mentioned, the following large quantities of shipping; the principal part of which are totally dismantled, having been deprived of their usual channels of trade by the embargo.
  Boston. Charlestown.   81 ships, 13 ships,   92 brigs, 10 brigs,   79 Schooners, 17 sloops & sloops,   61 sloops,   313 40   Boston and Charlestown, 353   Salem. New-Bedford.   53 ships, 57 ships,   35 brigs, 23 brigs,   58 Schooners, 27 sloops & sloops &   19 sloops, a Gun-Boat.   165 107   Total, 625. 
APPOINTMENT BY THE GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA.
WALTER FRANKLIN, Attorney-General of the Commonwealth, in the place of Joseph B. McKean, removed.
DESCRIPTION.
A late European writer describes the rapid journeys so frequently made by Bonaparte, thro' various parts of Europe, as "like that of a meteor at midnight, suddenly illuminating the air with a splendor more dreadful than darkness; & is watched by the inhabitants of the country in silence and horror."
"Bonaparte expected to subjugate Spain with a breath! He blew! but when he expected to scatter the ashes of an extinguished people to the wind, his breath kindled a flame among the embers, which rivers of blood will never be able to quench."
DIED on the 22d ultimo, at his seat in the County of Amherst, Col. SAMUEL MERRITT, in the 77th year of his age, after a lingering illness of 12 months. Col. MERRITT was a firm and decided patriot, at the commencement of the American revolution, and is to be ranked among the first defenders of his country's rights—he died an inextinguishable republican. In the discharge of his domestic duties, he had no superior; it may be truly said, he was affectionate, tender and humane—he bore his long and distressing illness without a murmur, and met his approaching end, with the firmness of a devout christian.
FOR SALE, a likely Mulatto BOY, about 15 years of age, has been accustomed to house service. For terms apply at this office. January 19. 2awtf
FOR SALE—An excellent young riding HORSE, enquire at this office, or at the Bar of the Washington Tavern. January 18th 1809.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
WEDNESDAY, January 11th.
A communication from the Senate by their clerk.
The Senate have passed the following bills, to wit:
A bill "Concerning David Castleman and William Stubblefield and for other purposes;"
A bill "For removing certain causes from the court of Amherst county to that of Nelson county;"
A bill "Releasing to the widow and heirs of Richard Lewis, the right of the commonwealth to a certain lot of land therein mentioned."
A bill "Making provision for opening a road from Bottetourt court-house to the Sweet Springs;" and
A bill "To establish an academy in the county of Caroline;" with amendments to each of the said bills, to which they request the concurrence of the House of Delegates.
The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the said bills, and the same being twice read, were agreed to by the House.
Engrossed bills "Making provision for opening and improving a wagon road from the Hot-Springs to the confluence of the Cow-Pasture and Jackson's river; also, for repairing the main road from the Warm Springs across the Warm Spring Mountain;"—"Authorizing the remission of damages in certain cases,"—were read a third time and passed.
The House according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the bill "Giving further time to the James river company to complete the upper navigation of James river;" and after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Cheatham reported, that the committee had, according to order, had the said bill under consideration, had gone through the same, and directed him to report it to the House without amendment, which he handed in at the clerk's table, where the same was further amended, & as amended, ordered to be engrossed & read a third time—Ayes 136—Noes 4.
Mr. Robertson (of Amelia) from the committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice, have, according to order had under their consideration the petition of the President and Common Council of the City of Richmond, to them referred, and have come to the following resolution thereupon:
Resolved, as the opinion of the committee, that the said petition, setting forth, that by virtue of an act passed at the May session of the year 1789 the directors of the public buildings, caused the streets on Shockoe Hill in the said city, to be enlarged to a breadth not less than eighty, nor more than one hundred and twenty feet, by reducing the adjoining squares of lots; and praying that an act may pass, reducing the said streets to their original width, except certain streets in the said petition particularly mentioned, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Governor, covering a letter from the honorable Thomas Newton, a member of the House of Representatives in Congress, from this state, which letters were read, and on motion, referred to Messrs. Yerby, Archer, T. Robinson, Moseley, Holt, Montague, Riddick, Dashiell, W. Parker, Sneed, Joyner, C. K. Mallory and S. Watts.
A bill "Concerning Pilots," was read a second time.
On motion Ordered, that the further consideration of the said bill be postponed to the 31st day of March next.
THURSDAY, January 12.
An engrossed bill "Giving further time to the James river company to complete the upper navigation of James river;" was read a third time and passed.
Mr. Wirt, from the committee to whom was referred the petition of Sarah De Pass, made the following report:
The special committee to whom was referred the petition of Sarah De Pass, have had the same under consideration, and having examined a witness touching the allegations of the petition, have agreed to a report, and come to sundry resolutions thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee that Sarah De Pass, the petitioner, is the daughter of Hill 1 and of Abigail Judah, of the City of Richmond; that her father has been dead for several years; that in the year 1798, the petitioner intermarried with Ralph De Pass, Charleston in South-Carolina, at which place she resided with her husband until the fall of 1807, when the said Ralph De Pass, being in a dangerous state of health, was advised by his physician to make a voyage to the West Indies;
It also appears to your committee that the said Sarah De Pass, being desirous of spending the time of her husband's absence, with her mother, brothers, sisters and other relations in Richmond, arrived in this place about the latter end of December, 1807; bringing with her a negro girl slave, about 15 years of age, named Eliza, to wait on her. It appears to your committee that the said Sarah De Pass came to Richmond with no intention or expectation of residing here permanently; on the contrary, that she intended it only as a visit, a waiting merely the restoration of her husband's health, and his return to Charleston, as the signal for her own return; that not having heard from him for several months, she is in a state of total doubt and uncertainty, even as to his existence—Wherefore,
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the said Sarah De Pass, praying that she may be permitted to continue with her mother and relations in the city of Richmond, until she can hear something decisive of her husband and that to that end, she may be relieved against the forfeitures and penalties of the several acts of assembly, touching the introduction of slaves into this commonwealth, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the house. Mr. Murdaugh from the committee to whom was referred the subject of the judiciary establishment of this commonwealth, presented a bill "To amend an act, entitled an act, to organize and establish a superior court of law in each county of this commonwealth," which was received and read the first time and ordered to be read a second time.  The said bill was on motion, read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a committee of the whole house on the state of the commonwealth, and that 250 copies thereof be printed for the use of the members of the General Assembly. 
A bill "Establishing a town at the court house of Buckingham county, and for other purposes," was read a second time;
On motion ordered, that the further consideration of the said bill be postponed to the 31st day of March next.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To compel the James river company to connect the upper navigation of James river with tide water;" and that Messrs. Pope, Otey, Standard (of Chesterfield,) Temple, Banks, E. Watts, Hooe, Wooding, Holt, Patterson and Upshur do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a bill "To provide for the keeping in repair the state road from the upper navigation of James river;" and that Messrs. Morris, McLaughlin, Rowland, Reynolds, McHenry, M'Farlane, Preston, Grigsby, Morrow, Estill and Warwick do prepare and bring in the same.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JANUARY 19, 1809.
The Norfolk papers received last night contain none of the intelligence received by the late arrival in Hampton Roads;—Therefore, the truth of the following extract must as yet stand on its own merits:
Extract of a letter from a commercial house in Liverpool, dated Nov. 21, 1808, received here by the London, via Hampton.
"Some days ago, dispatches arrived from Spain, advising that the French army under the command of Gen. Ney, 25,000 strong, attacked the Spanish army under the command of General Blake, 17,000 strong. The action lasted nine hours, during which the Spaniards retained their ground; but finding themselves so inferior in number, they retreated, during the night, to Dilboz, and, two days after, fell back 20 miles further, when they were joined by the troops from the Basque, under the command of General Romana. On the 5th of this month, they attacked the French, and the battle lasted four days, the French were completely defeated. Ney is killed, besides 9,000 killed, wounded and prisoners. Blake is wounded. It is said the number of the two armies were nearly equal, but the objects for which they contended, are very different."
ARGUMENT ON THE EXECUTION-LAW (Continued.)
Mr. Semple's substitute before the COMMITTEE.
After Mr. Barbour, Mr. Sheffey addressed the Chair:—(His remarks were not prepared in time for this paper.) But the chain of argument will not be essentially broken by the introduction of the subsequent speeches.)
Mr. Forbes—Mr. Speaker—It is with great diffidence I address you on the important subject under discussion—I shall not detain you long. Not only has the justice and policy of the original bill in your hands been called in question; but it is maintained to be in violation of the constitution of the United States; and that no less a crime than perjury, will be committed by those who shall vote for its passage.—As this is a severe charge; as I am in favor of the original bill as amended and reported by the committee of the whole, and opposed to the substitute proposed by the gentleman from Williamsburg, permit me briefly to investigate the subject. The constitutional objections at first urged to the whole of the bill are now abandoned, it is true, and restricted to the section which relates to deeds of trust. By what magic are these rendered so sacred and so specially protected by the constitution? The constitution of the United States, which I hold in my hand, says expressly, that no state shall pass any law "impairing the obligation of contracts"—This is a general expression, which has no reference to time, either past, present or future, or to the genus or species of contract. Of course I do not see that it pays greater respect to deeds of trust, which gentlemen hold in such high veneration, than to simple contracts—to the open account which the merchant has against his customer for goods sold on his faith in the punctuality of the purchaser; or should that fail in the recourse which he has under the sanction of the general laws of the state against the property of the debtor, in common with other creditors. Does it accord with justice? Does it accord with common sense, that the individual who makes his contract with good faith and in good faith trusts to the probity of his debtor; or (should he be disappointed in this) to the laws and justice of his country, should be placed on a worse footing than those, who disregarding the laws of the state, are a law unto themselves, and set up a new sovereign whom they call a trustee, who is to overtop the sovereignty of the commonwealth, and set at defiance its legislative and judicial powers? Will gentlemen admit (with me) that we can with propriety suspend the course of public justice, when the circumstances of the state require it; and affirm, that we cannot with equal propriety suspend the operations of contracts made within the jurisdiction of the state, and in their very structure manifesting a distrust of the protection which its general laws afford?—
I need not say, that every deed of trust made to secure one creditor is an injury to all others;—but I will say, for I know it, that they are frequently made to cover property from the reach of all creditors, are founded in fraud, and instead of deeds of trust, may be very correctly called deeds of iniquity.—With such views of them, I must be excused from showing them any favor. A gentleman in opposition to the original bill has reminded us, that it was the policy of Virginia to shorten, not to extend credit—I agree with the gentleman, and admit with him, that we may not only shorten credit, but forbid it altogether—and then what becomes of his favorite deeds of trust?
But to confirm his sentiments, the gentleman from the City of Richmond read to the House the commentary of an illustrious Statesman, on that part of the constitution of the United States, which he supposes to bear on the subject under discussion—I however, differ with him in his application of it; and can by no means believe it was meant to have any reference to such a subject as is now under discussion—For, Mr. Speaker, it will be recollected by the House, that the great Statesman alluded to, when the certificates, issued to the Soldiers of the Revolution, were about to be funded, thought it a violation of the constitution of the U. S. states, to impair the contract between the Soldier and the purchaser of his certificates, swallowing to the latter only a part of what the United States promised to pay.—On the authority then, of the great character alluded to, we are justified, as far as the constitution is concerned, to pass the original bill as reported by the Committee.
Gentlemen will recollect, Mr. Speaker, that we have already laws affecting the obligation of contracts. I allude particularly to the act of limitation. By this the debt due beyond a year to our merchants for store dealings cannot be recovered by law. This not only impairs—but absolutely destroys the contract. Yet no constitutional objection has been urged against it. Thanks to the honesty and good faith of our citizens, they seldom avail themselves of it. They however might. And to the same spirit, which produces a conduct so honorable to them, do I look for smoothing any inconveniences, which might attend the contemplated law.
The same gentleman from the City of Richmond, terrified as the other day with a number of horrid consequences to follow from passing the bill in your hands, into a law. Among the most prominent, was the injury which was to result to the planters; the yeomanry of the commonwealth, by having their bonds to mercantile creditors, assigned to persons without the State, and sued in the federal courts; and that the courts of the U. S. States would not be bound by our state laws—that not only the citizens of Maryland, &c. but the harpies of Britain, would be let loose upon our citizens. Were such a consequence to follow, I admit it would be most mischievous; and though I could not assent to the gentleman's opinion, yet such an opinion from a gentleman of his high standing as a practising lawyer in the court of the United States, tended to embarrass me.—To extricate myself from this embarrassment, I applied for information to the best authority, which my situation and time would permit, I mean the Chief Justice of the United States. This gentleman asserts, that the act of Congress, which has been read in your hearing, expressly forbids the courts of the United States from taking jurisdiction in such cases. Thus, we have not only the express letter of the law, but also the authority of that Judge, who has to interpret and decide upon the law within the limits of Virginia, to assure us, that the fears of the gentleman from the City of Richmond, are so far without foundation.
Let us examine now the original bill as reported by the committee, my approbation of which induces me to oppose the substitute? Does it in very deed and in truth impair the obligation of contracts.—If affording additional strength to any thing contributes to its weakness; if applying props to sustain what is about to fall has an effect contrary to the nature of things, then and not till then will I believe (at least according to my present impressions) that rendering secure the payment of a debt, which if enforced by the usual course of judicial proceedings, would be rendered desperate, impairs the obligation of contracts and violates the constitution of the U. S. States.
The bill in your hands suspends in a measure the usual course of judicial proceedings; but with what view and for what reason? To relieve your citizens, who, when exportation was permitted, had entered into contracts, with the assurance that the sale of their productions would enable them to perform them—at a time when by no fault of theirs, but by a power which they could not controul—by the General Government, their means of performance were suspended.—And if for the general good their Tobacco are to be locked up in your ware-houses and prevented from going to the Consumers, who would have to pay for them, it is not just, it is not right that those who were to be paid out of these Tobacco should participate also for the sake of the general welfare in the inconvenience, to which your planters are subjected?
I am far from viewing the policy of the bill in the same light with its opposers.—You will advert, that Maryland and North-Carolina have passed laws in the express spirit of the bill in your hands: Will you permit execution against your citizen in favor of a creditor of either of these States, while they deny this to your citizens, who are creditors of theirs? Sound policy, as I think, forbids this.
Again it is not to be concealed how justice has been administered for the last twelve months throughout the Commonwealth. In some counties it met with no interruption—in others it was entirely suspended. This produced a horrid inequality—a mischief that calls aloud for remedy. The contemplated law if imperfect (for I entertain not the hope, but it shares in the imperfection, which attaches to every thing human) will afford this remedy; better, in my opinion it is to have an imperfect rule, that will receive a general and ready execution, than the most perfect, if obnoxious and partially executed.—Such are my hopes the bill in your hands. It will put an end to the fluctuating and indecisive justice recently experienced—it will produce uniformity in your county courts—it will set the commonwealth at quiet.
On the whole, Sir, as the substitute is liable to every constitutional objection, which can be brought against the original bill; as its provisions are completely futile, as they apply to the great body of our agriculturists—as it purposes merely a prolongation of the replavin law of last session, which met the most marked disapprobation of my constituents, I am decidedly opposed to it. And as decidedly in favor of the bill in your hands. This bill will perhaps have an injurious bearing on my individual interest, but such a law has been called for by the people in a tone too loud and strong to be resisted. And according to the quotation of a Gentleman from King and Queen "fieri justitia, fiat celum." "though heaven fall, let justice be done."—So say I, Perish myself, be the people obeyed.
Mr. Semple—Mr. Speaker—I rise for the purpose of explaining the substitute offered for the bill, which has not been understood, and to make some remarks on the bill itself; by the substitute, when judgements are obtained in ordinary cases, the debt may be reprieved, or the property must be sold at twelve months credit, unless it will bring its full value as before the embargo—and who can complain, that his debt has been paid by the sale of any property which he owns, if for that property, he has obtained full value? In cases where judgements are obtained on forthcoming bonds, or where replavin bonds fall due, four months are allowed the debtor before any execution can be issued. And then, it is to issue for one third of the debt, at the end of four months more, for another third, and at the end of four other months for the balance. It has been said that the substitute will increase the costs to debtors; but how will that be the case? It cannot increase the costs as to ordinary judgements, and as to judgements on forthcoming bonds, and proceedings on replavin bonds, the only additional costs will be eighty cents for two executions; fees are not to be paid to council, and

the costs of two execution only are to be paid, by the debtor. Let a comparison be made Mr. Speaker, of the two projects. By the substitute I have offered, the debtor in the two latter cases pays for two executions forty cents each, by the bill, a replevin bond is to be given which will fall due at the rising of the next Legislature—in this will be included the principal, interest and costs due; the whole becomes principal and bears interest at 6 per cent. When this bond becomes due, the same proceedings, I suppose, are again to be had, by which interest is annually to be converted with costs into principal and bear six per cent interest. What debtor farmer can bear this accumulation? He makes not four per cent by his farm, he cannot bear this heavy interest, it far exceeds bank interest, and it may with propriety be said, that the farmer is in the high road to ruin who pays even 6 per cent int. on any considerable sum. By this mode of proceeding, in how many years would the debt be doubled? At ordinary interest, probably in sixteen years, in this with the accumulation of costs perhaps in half the time—thus are you preparing in the end inevitable ruin for your farmers. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, to fix on any given day for the payment of all the judgments now recovered or to be recovered in the present year seems to me to be bringing certain ruin on debtors—let loose such a number of executions on one day and the circulating medium of our country would not pay for the property taken in execution; property would sink to nothing—this then cannot be intended, and to fix on the rising of the next Legislature seems to me to be ominous. The next Legislature are to impose, and what then? are the debts due in this country ever to be paid? No sir, if the grounds taken by the gentleman to my left, the member from Fauquier are correct, they never are to be paid, and if the debts are to be paid, it is better that it be done at once—let us come directly to the point. The gentleman from Fluvanna, has said, that debtors engaged to pay when prices of produce were up, and the debtor expected they would so continue, and now when they are so low, it would be unreasonable to make him pay. But if the gentleman is right, I ask when are these debts to be paid—not whilst there is war in Europe, for but little hope remains that we shall be treated with justice by the belligerents, and whilst we are treated with injustice, we shall remain in our present state or be in a state of war; in either case, produce will be as low as at present, except it shall be in greater demand for home consumption; but if there be peace in Europe, and these bloody conflicts should cease, then our produce would be as low as it now is, for we now obtain peace prices for our produce. Those who remember the prices of corn and meal before the dreadful conflicts in Europe growing out of the French revolution will admit the fact. They have only to turn back to prices from 1785 to 1789, and they will find 12s. for corn, and 5s. for wheat the average prices. Then, sir, if we are not to pay our debts, whilst produce is down at peace prices, when are we to pay them—not whilst the war continues in Europe, not after the war ceases, because we are not to expect that produce will be up except momentarily whilst there is war—nor yet on a general peace. The truth is, that we have been accustomed to high prices—they have grown out of the war in Europe whilst we were neutrals and drove on the most extensive commerce. We cannot now profit by that state of things, we may never again be able so to profit, but does this discharge us from the obligation to comply honestly with our contracts? It is said by the gentleman from Orange, that the people will not be relieved by the substitute—they will be goaded for three debts; the people know nothing of your 120 days &c. But Mr. Speaker, the people know well the difference between the payment of their debts in 4, 8 and 12 months and paying the whole at once. Surely he will not say that it is no relief to divide the debts into three parts, making the first in four months, the second in eight, and the balance in twelve months. Indeed the debtor would so far from being relieved, be oppressed if he was to be goaded for three debts in twelve months, each equal to what he owed; but the fact is, that by the substitute, he is to pay only one third of his debt at a time, and is to pay in 12 months a debt for which he has already had 12 months indulgence beyond the time requisite to obtain a judgment. Debts ought to be paid, the low price of produce is only an excuse; the times are not so hard as they are represented to be; they furnish no excuse. The substitute holds out great relief; it goes as far as I can go—it is greatly preferable to the amendments to the bill under consideration, and I hope it will be adopted.
Remarks of Mr. James Robertson.
Mr. Speaker,—It is with considerable reluctance that I offer any remarks to the house upon this subject; I perceive that the debate has already been so long continued as to have almost exhausted the patience of every member on the floor; I perceive that the advanced hour of the day has excited a general feeling and wish for adjournment, yet as I have given my attention to other gentlemen who have spoken before me, in my turn, I ask for the attention of the house, whilst I promise to detain them but a very short time.
Mr. Speaker, were I to consult either my own judgment, or the judgment of the house whom I have the honor to represent, I believe that my vote upon the present occasion would be the same, yet that vote would have been a silent one, but for the able and unexpected opposition which for the first time has this day manifested itself towards the bill. I do not expect to deliver my opinion in the very eloquent manner which the gentleman from Richmond has done, nor did I expect, when I took my seat this morning that it would fall to my lot to answer any of his arguments, but I cannot remain silent when I hear gentlemen tell this house, with great confidence indeed, that we are about to draw upon ourselves evils, which I have never apprehended, and which cannot be inferred from any of the propositions that have been advanced, unless these propositions, full of errors as they are, be admitted to be true.
According to the arguments of Gentlemen in the opposition upon this question, it would seem that there is a constitutional difficulty in the way, and until that is explained and removed, the expediency of the measure ought to be enquired into. To this point then my first enquiry shall be directed. This constitutional objection, Mr. Speaker, I understand to be founded upon that provision of the federal compact which says that no state shall pass any law "imparing the obligation of private contracts" and whilst this part of the Federal Constitution is under consideration, two distinct and separate questions present themselves to our view
first, what description of private individuals this part of the constitution alludes to, and secondly will the bill in your hand, if it passes into a law, impair the obligation of private contracts. In regard to the first point, I have always believed, however singular the opinion, that this provision in the federal constitution, was not meant to extend to individuals residing within the limits of the same State; my most deliberate judgment upon this subject has always told me that that part of the constitution meant to protect contracts between individuals of different States; if the contrary be admitted it seems to me that we at once yield one of these important state rights, which all of us are so anxious to preserve, and which we ought at all times to guard, against federal encroachment; for I am inclined to think that the permanent safety of our republican principles essentially depends upon the independence of the States, and so, I believe the venerable sages of America thought, when they formed the Federal Constitution; but if we admit that this is not the fair exposition of that part of the constitution; what situation will the different states be thrown into? Why Sir, we shall put it out of the power of them to regulate their own internal matters by law, for almost every law has, in a greater or lesser degree, some relation to private contracts. But Sir, if I am wrong upon this point, it seems to me that the bill ought still to pass; I say Sir, that according to my best deliberations, there is no principle in the bill which goes to impair the obligation of private contracts; I understand that before a contract can be impaired, it must be made less strong, it must be weakened, it must have some of its important features plucked from it; will any such consequence follow, from the adoption of the bill now before the house? To my mind nothing of that sort can be apprehended; it is true that all legal operations upon certain contracts will be suspended for a given time, but when that given time expires, the contract is again resorted to the parties, with all its original perfection, free from any change, and of course not impaired; but Sir, if the passage of this law will be a violation of the Constitution, it has been violated in various instances since its adoption. Where, I ask Sir, was that guardian spirit of the constitution (now so strongly manifested) in 1793, when the replevin law was passed? Where I again ask, was that constitutional virtue, where was the collected wisdom of the commonwealth when our statute against usury was adopted? Will gentlemen say that there was no wisdom in the councils of Virginia upon those occasions? If they do, the journals of the house of Delegates, during those sessions, will present to their view the names of sages, renowned for their talents and admired for their virtues. The statute of '93, was a violation of the constitution in as far as an equal degree, with the bill now under consideration, involves any constitutional objects; but the statute against usury not only impairs the obligation of private contracts, but in a direct manner, and in positive and explicit language, makes void the contracts of individuals if they be made contrary to the provisions of the act; yet to these laws we have heard no constitutional objections; the last name a statute therefore goes to strengthen the opinion which I before advanced, upon that part of the constitution which speaks of private contracts; the legislature of that day, certainly thought with me, that the constitution only meant to apply that provision to individuals living in different states; if they had been thought differently, they would certainly have never passed a law, which was in direct violation of the constitution.
But, sir, the gentleman from the City of Richmond, has told you that if we pass the bill now before the House, the friends of the bill will defeat their own object, and he endeavors to prove it by saying, that if debtors should be unable to replevy their property, after it has been ascertained that three fourths of its value could not be had in cash, that then the property must be sold for whatever it will bring upon a credit of twelve months, although a total sacrifice may follow—in the first place, sir, I do not perceive any such provision in the bill, although the law of the last session) which is not repealed) does contain the principle, and which I wish to preserve. The law gives to the debtor two chances of relieving himself, before the consequences pointed out by the gentleman from Richmond can follow. In the first place his property must sell for three fourths of its value in cash before it can be taken from him; in the next place, if this proportion of its value cannot be obtained, he may replevy the debt by giving bond and good security payable in twelve months; if the debtor will not, or cannot, cause either of these things to be done, it is certainly right that the property should then be disposed of for the benefit of the debtor, who ought to have the third chance. If this was not the law, what could be done with the property? Would you compel the sheriff to keep it in his possession, and thereby load the debtor with additional burdens? Will you endanger the whole debt, by hazarding a loss of the property whilst it is in the hands of the officer? I am for doing no such thing. But, sir, I have seen very little mischief produced from that provision in the law. I believe that almost every man will be able to give ultimate security for the debt he owes, if he has property enough to cover the amount, and if he has not such property, he ought not to complain of the consequences which may fall upon him by the law.
The gentleman from the City has further told us, that dreadful consequences will result to tenants by the passage of the bill before us, and in order to prove it, he says every landlord will oust his tenant the moment that pay day arrives, and a failure in payment should be found to exist on the part of the tenant, by which many innocent & helpless wives & children will be left to starve. Sir, I apprehend no such consequence, wherefore should this be done? Will the landlord be benefited by such a course? It seems to me sir, that he would not, because if his tenant is ultimately good, it is all that can be expected in the present distracted state of our country; if the landlord evicts one tenant who is ultimately good for the rent, he must nine times out of ten put another in his place, that is of the same description; and by doing this he would hazard a vacancy of his tenement without the possibility of advantage. This is the calculation that every prudent landlord will make, he will measure his conduct by his interest, and as I consider the latter to be the main spring of human action, I have very little expectation of seeing such a state of things between landlord and tenant as the gentleman has described. But we are again told, that although by deed or lease, the tenant covenants to give back the
possession of the tenement to his landlord, if he fails to pay his rent at a given time; yet we put it out of the power of the landlord to evict him according to the covenant, if we pass this bill; I cannot understand, sir, that any such consequence will or can follow; the law provides only for the payment of money, it involves no principle embraced by any contract which does not point directly to money, it leaves the landlord as much at liberty to enforce his contract upon this point, with his tenant, as he would be before the adoption of this bill, and therefore I think that this objection falls to the ground.
The gentleman from Richmond has again stated, that if we pass this bill, we bring down ruin upon every description of our citizens; we first ruin our merchants, then the mechanics and lastly the farmers, and he endeavors to prove it in a most extraordinary manner; we are told, that by the passage of the bill, we shut the courts of our own state against the recovery of debts due to merchants by farmers, and whilst we are doing this, we invite citizens of different states to bring suits immediately in the federal courts against the merchants here, who are unable to be punctual, because they cannot recover from their debtors. Before I answer this objection, I beg leave to say that my own opinion always has been that the practice in the courts of the U. States must conform to the practice in the different state courts, in which such court of the U. States may be held, and when I advance this opinion I am aware that a contrary decision has been had, yet still I cannot abandon a position which my best judgment tells me is correct.
The opinion which I have formed, grows out of the law of the United States, passed the 24th. September 1789, the 24th section of which is in these words. "And be it further enacted, that the laws of the several States, except where the constitution, treaties or statutes of the United States, shall otherwise require or prohibit, shall be regarded as rules of decision in trials at common law in the courts of the United States in cases where they apply." Here then it seems to me that the law which or gives and establishes the principal courts of the United States is not only imperious in its language, but that it is so clear and explicit in favor of the opinion which I have expressed as to be free from every thing like ambiguity. It is admitted that the laws which existed in the several states at the time that the Federal Courts were established, shall govern the decisions in those courts, but it is decided that any subsequent law, which any of the different states may choose to pass, shall have any operation upon the rules of decision in the Courts of the U. States. I will enquire Sir, for the authority which Gentlemen have for giving such a construction to that section of the Federal law which I have just quoted; for my own part I confess I cannot perceive it from a single word which is contained in the law.
I believe that the moment any state passes a law, that law is immediately recognized by the federal law of 1789, provided it shall apply to any decision which may be necessary in any of the courts of the U. States, and the language used in the 24th section, seems to me to be particularly adapted to embrace all cases where a change of law may take place in the states—what becomes of the new states that have been received, and may hereafter be received into the union, in this law of Congress does not recognize both them and their laws as soon as they have an existence? I imagine that gentlemen will not say that they are unprovided for, and if they admit that they are provided for in the law of '89, they must admit that the same law will embrace all new laws which may be adopted in the different states that compose the union in the year '89.
89 embraced and recognized only the Laws then in force in the different states, it can no more be extended to the law of a subsequent state, than it can be extended to a subsequent law of a state then in existence. But, sir, if I am wrong in this, I do not apprehend the ruinous consequences, which the gentlemen who have spoken before me, have depicted. When a creditor is convinced that his debtor in another state, means to act honestly, and that he has debts enough due, to pay him, but is prevented by law, from laying his hands immediately upon the money, would he be so rigid, would it be even his interest thus to prosecute his debtors? I think not, I believe, the better course would be to act towards the debtor in the most mild and lenient manner, by which, there would be a better chance to recover 20s. per pound, than by plunging him into a federal court and crushing him at once. Adopt this course and the debtor would become almost frantic and desperate, by which half the debt would be hazarded in innumerable instances. No sir, the interest of the creditor would be to make himself ultimately secure; by taking assignments of debts, or getting such other security as the debtor might be enabled to give, and this would be done in every instance where both creditor and debtor were honest citizens. This system of reasoning, however, is denied by the gentleman from Richmond, and he tells us if we pass the bill, nominal transfers of debts will take place in order to get the suits into the Federal courts; and if one debt does not amount to $500, many of the debts due to the merchants, will be consolidated into one, by advertisements &c. &c. which will enable the creditors to bring suits in the Federal courts, and by this means the planters and farmers will also be crushed and ruined. In answer to this objection, I say that I do not believe a suit upon an assigned debt could be sustained in the federal courts; if the original creditor and debtor be both living in the same state, at the time the bond was executed and sued, so that even real assignments would not produce the effects spoken of by the gentleman. But he this as it may, the gentleman is clearly wrong in saying that a consolidation of debts would take place so as to get the suits in the federal courts. There are very few debts of $500 due from planters and farmers to merchants, and I apprehend that debtors will never, with their eyes open, make such a consolidation, when the well known object is to bring suits in the federal courts; and with out the consent and act of the debtors, surely the debts could not be consolidated, and the gentleman certainly does not mean to say that one suit could cover the whole budget of claims. Again, sir, if the reasoning of the gentleman upon this point, be correct, both creditors and debtors will be placed upon equal ground, for when the creditor in a distant state commences a suit against a debtor in Virginia, the debtor (if he be a merchant) will have nothing to do, but make a nominal transfer to some individual residing in another state, of all his debts and cause suits to be brought in the federal court in order to meet the judgment which may be rendered against him. This might be easily done, if the propositions which have
been advanced be correct, but I am not willing to admit that they are so.
Having briefly answered some of the objections to the bill, which have been urged by the gentleman from Richmond, and from Wythe, I will next enquire into the expediency of the measure. In my mind, Mr. Speaker, there is a loud call from the people upon us, to do something upon this subject; their distresses are seen from the centre to the most extreme parts of the commonwealth—they have become clamorous in every direction, and when we consider that our government must stand or fall by the affections of the people, the government ought certainly to administer relief to them, when their distresses call for it at our hands. The people of this commonwealth, have upon more occasions than one given the strongest proofs of their patriotism; they are willing to submit to any privation short of absolute destruction to themselves and their families; they will never complain of any act of their government, however oppressive in its consequences, provided they think that the act be a wise and necessary one—they are satisfied that the embargo laws, are wise and proper measures, but whilst they believe this, they believe also, that the government can mitigate some of their sufferings which those laws produce, and I for one am willing to afford to them the relief sought to be obtained by the bill. At this time, sir, scarcely one dollar can be raised in the country for any property whatever; and whenever it comes to the hammer it must go for any thing that speculators and creditors may in their liberality choose to give for it—I am disposed to adopt the bill under discussion, because I believe the interest of creditors more than debtors, requires it—Whenever we see a man whose property is sold by execution or deed of trust it may be taken for granted, that he owes other debts than these—and if we do not pass some law on this subject, what situation will you place creditors in? A owes B C D E and F, debts of £100 each; one creditor is rigid, and commences a suit against A, whilst the other creditors are willing to indulge as far as possible—A has property enough to pay them all, provided he can get something like its value for it, you suffer one creditor to prosecute his suit to a judgment, and execution issues—it is levied upon the whole of A's property; and when sale day arrives, no person can buy it for want of money—the creditor indorses and forces the sale by bidding any sum he pleases for the property, and thus will you suffer A to be deprived of his whole property, for the benefit of one rigid and unrelenting creditor, who gets five times the amount of his claim, to the total exclusion of four other creditors; who, from the convulsed state of our country, were mild and accommodating towards their unfortunate debtor—you are taking care of the avaricious and speculating temper and interest of one creditor, and you lose sight of the rights and interest of four others—He who can be fortunate enough to get the first judgment, makes an immense speculation; whilst fifty others are forever deprived of a chance for getting one shilling in the pound for their claims; and this too, because of their friendly indulgence—Sharp we, with our eyes open and a knowledge of the facts, thus mar the prospects and frustrate the rights of nine creditors out of ten? I will never give my assent to such an order of things; I am for taking care of the rights and interests of the great majority of creditors. I am not for rewarding the rigid creditor, by suffering him to speculate upon the ruins of an unfortunate debtor; and in order to do these things, I am willing to give my vote in favor of the bill. But the gentleman from Wythe (Mr. Sheffey) has told us, that if we pass the bill, we shall be in a world of trouble—we have just told the and that we could live within ourselves—this is true, and if we adopt the bill before us, the act will stand very consistently with the regulations alluded to.
I consider this law as a mere municipal regulation, which we have a right to adopt, if we think proper, in order to enable us to do that, which we have declared to the world we could do, and in my judgement, nothing like inconsistency can be inferred from the measure. What, sir, is the situation of many of our countrymen at this time? It is known to us all, that a portion of our fellow-citizens, are now in readiness, according to an order of the general government, to take the field at a moment's warning; many of these men have suits depending against them and they rely upon their own personal exertions to meet the judgments; but if they are taken from their daily employment, how will they be enabled to make good their calculations? Will it be expected that they can fight the battles of their country, and have it in their power to raise money from their labor besides? And shall it be said, that whilst the soldier is in the field, his little property is to be taken from his family, and his wife and children brought to beggary in his absence? God forbid that my voice should give aid to such measures. If we shall go to battle in the most prosperous state of things, Mr. Speaker, our minds will be full of the most solemn reflections, but under the present existing circumstances, let us cheer the spirits of the soldier, by telling him, that whilst he is spilling his blood for his country, his family shall be guarded and protected. Taking the subject then, in every possible point of view, I shall not hesitate to give my vote for the bill, and that vote shall be unavailing, I can return to my constituents, with a smile on my countenance, and say, although you have not been relieved, I have labored zealously in your cause.
Mr. Semple's Substitute was lost by a large majority. (Argument on the bill to be continued.)
A small pamphlet has been published at Washington, addressed "To the people of New-England, by Algernon Sydney"—Its objects are, to convince them, "that the national government merits general confidence; that it ever has been, and is attentive to the rights of commerce; that it is their interest as well as their duty, to yield every support; and that the separation of New-England, from the other states, would, to a certainty, terminate in the ruin of that part of the Union." We have perused this composition with sincere pleasure. It is ascribed to the pen of GORDON GARDEN, Esq. Never was there a better pamphlet, better intended and better timed if to accomplish "a noble end by noble means" if to preserve the Union of these States by the aid of intelligent arguments. Fairly plainly & cogently stated, full slices any claim to public approbation, the writer of this composition will receive the thanks of his country.
James Elliott, of Vermont, M.C. has amused us through the medium of his "Journal," with a variety of light sketches on the transaction at the seat of government. Amongst other dishes, in his bill of fare, he has treated us with a view of the next Administration.—According to his account of characters, Mr. Giles will be offered the appointment of Secretary of State.—This is probable enough. If Mr. G. will not accept, Mr. Elliott is inclined to think, that Mr. John Taylor of Virginia will fill that station.
Mr. E. thinks it doubtful, whether Mr. Calhoun will not retire from the Department of the Treasury.—On this subject we understand there is no doubt. Mr. G. will still continue to fill that station, which he has hitherto graced with such unvalued abilities.
An address from "A Child of Adversity" to the Editor of the Enquirer has been seen by some of the members of the Richmond Humane Association. They extremely regret, that such distress as her's should have been kept so inpenetrably secret, as to escape the active vigilance of the officers of that institution. If the perusal of this address had presented the least clue to a discovery of "A Child to Adversity," this card would never have been written. It is merely for the purpose of soliciting her to make herself known to one of the members of that humane institution—and relief shall be immediately administered.
Let the following production, extracted from the "Glasgow Courier" of the 6th of Oct. speak for itself.—It shows the arts and impostures which have been played off in Great Britain, to misrepresent the spirits of the nation—and to misrepresent the resources, the principles & the patriotism of our own country. There never was a more perfect group of lies and misrepresentations, thrown at any one time upon the country. The writer is either some agent in the pay of the British government—or a liar. For "the first water." But what will the real, honest American Federalists say as to his representations, of their principles and views? It is a most vile and outrageous slander.—But let them pause for one moment. Is it not their opposition to the administration—their seeming indifference to British encroachments—the vile presses which they patronize in the North—that have led this calumniator to represent them as "hostile to Republican government itself?" We speak of the great body of American Federalists. As to the views of the foreigners of the Federal party.—As to those of the leaders of the Essex Junto.—And of a very few Americans on this side of the Hudson—we say nothing.
Extract of a letter from New York, dated Aug. 10. "We are very distressed, owing to the mad embargo of Jefferson—this country will be utterly ruined if he continues in his longer power. We have two plentiful crops on hand, and the produce of the ground selling for next to nothing! Judge yourself what a state we are in, when I inform you, that flour will scarce bring a dollar the barrel now; sale beef and pork in a had in barrels at little more than a halfpenny per pound; cotton at 3d. per lb.; tobacco at 2s. 6d. per cwt.; indigo, Carolina, 1s. per lb.; slaves, wood, and lumber of all sorts, will only sell for five wood—every article the produce of the ground is a drug. It will effectually ruin every farmer, though the land cost them next to nothing. They talk much in both the northern and southern states of erecting manufactures, but in this state the federalists have effectually discouraged all such attempts, by pointing out their ruin (for wages, though a little lower, are still very high) by the British goods, which will be poured in the moment the embargo is taken off, which we have no doubt will be done whenever Congress sits down, for the federalists have exerted themselves through the whole union to return members who are in opposition to Jefferson and the embargo. Indeed, the federalists, who are exceeding maneuver through all the states, are hostile to Jefferson and the Republican Government, and have openly avowed it in all their publications; and had the British Government, when the embargo was laid on, landed an army of 12 or 15,000 men in this state, the order of Cincinnati the federalists, who are very numerous in this state, would have joined them to a man and cut asunder the communication between the northern and southern states. In consequence of which america by this time would all have been under the dominion of KING GEORGE."
We are authorised to state, that John W. Erpes, Esq. has consented once more, to serve the people of his district in the Congress of the United States—amidst these difficult and stormy times.
The address of General Jon. Guerrant, to the Citizens of his District, announcing his intention to become a candidate for Congress, was received last night—too late for this day's paper. The address will certainly appear in our next.
THE General Meeting of the Mutual Assurance Society, against Fire, on buildings of the state of Virginia, will be held, by adjournment, in the room of the Committee of Propositions and Grievances, in the Capitol, at the hour of 9 A.M. this day.
SAMUEL GREENHO'V. Principal Agent.
January 19th 1809
A NEW PLACE OF ENTERTAINMENT. Near the City of Richmond.—The Subscriber now occupying that pleasant seat formerly the residence of William Alexander, Esq. a short distance below the city of Richmond, on the road to Williamsburg, respectfully informs the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that that may that way, that he has opened a House of Entertainment at that place, where he is provided with good Beds, Stable & a common dining house for the reception of company. He offers his services to provide for Parties who may wish to perambulate that short distance from town, for variety, for dancing or hunting, (it being a fine range for Game.) I will undertake to furnish Venison or Fish, or wild Fowl, Dinners and Barbacues in their season.—Families who wish a change of air can be accommodated with Rooms and Board for any length of time. It is his intention also, to add to and beautify the former Garden, by laying out pleasant walks, erecting Bowers, &c. in the most pleasing variety of which his taste may be capable, to be prepared in the proper season, with Ice, Ice-Creams, Syllabubs, best fruits of the season, and every other refreshment that may be agreeable to his visitors, and will always keep a supply of the best Liquors, and good attendance on the most moderate terms—trusting thereby to merit the indulgence and approbation of an indulgent and liberal public, who may witness his unremitting endeavors to please.
THOS. G. HULL. Oct 4th
January 19.
N. B. T. HULL is desirous of employing a few excellent Washers and Ironers, during the present year, and will undertake the Washing & Ironing for 5 or 10 families, and as many single gentlemen, on the most moderate terms, by the quarter or year, and attend, in person, in the city of Richmond, to the receipt and delivery of the clothes.
* Orders left at the Vendue Office of Messrs. Prosser and Moncreiffe, will be attended to. White Horse Inn, January 17.
WILL BE SOLD, at Public Auction, on Wednesday, the 25th inst. that most convenient and beautiful SCITE, on Shockoe Hill, opposite the Governor's House. It is a 1 1/4 acre Lott, and runs about 60 feet on the street. There are two Tenements on it, the one inhabited by Mr. Wren, and the other by Robert Corley—Term of sale, one third in cash, one third on the 1st of October next, and the remainder on the 1st of October twelve-month, in notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia. If required, a mortgage is to be given on the property.
NICHOLAS GUTTER, THOMAS RITCHIE. ept 4th
January 19.

WESTMINSTER MEETING.
A very numerous and respectable meeting of the Electors of Westminster took place on Thursday last, in Westminster-Hall, to consider of the propriety of addressing his majesty on the late Portuguese convention.
Mr. Wishart opened the business by stating the purpose for which the Electors had been assembled. As the just hopes and expectations of the nation had been frustrated, he might say blasted by the disgraceful result of the late events in Portugal, they were called upon by every consideration of right and duty to address the throne, and petition his majesty for a full and efficient inquiry, that the guilty might be discovered, and adequate punishment inflicted.
That the existence and extent of that system arise out of the necessity imposed upon Ministers to prefer rank and influence to merit and experience. That this necessity proceeds from the circumstances which urge a Minister to conciliate Parliamentary influence, rather than to seek the public interest.
That these circumstances are the natural result of the present state of the representation of the people in Parliament. That owing to this state of representation, a Minister is under the necessity, for the purpose, as it is termed, of managing Parliament, and carrying on the government, to sacrifice the public interest, by complying with the desires, and compromising with the vices, of the worst description of men, namely, the borough proprietors; hence it appears impossible that any Minister can be an honest man, and therefore, until a reform in Parliament takes place, no honest man ought to become a Minister.
That there is no security against the frequent repetition of military disasters, nor can the people expect or hope for an effectual and permanent redress of their grievances, until their representation in the Commons House of Parliament be restored to them. That, without a parliamentary reform, the people have no means of recovering the liberty they have lost, no chance of retaining that which remains.
This amendment, or adoption to the original Resolutions, having been proposed previous to their being severally read, Mr. Clarkson proceeded to submit them one by one to the sense of the Assembly. Three of the Resolutions having been put and carried, on the fourth being put, Mr. Sheridan stepped forward. He said he was confident the meeting would feel, that he, who agreed with the honorable gentleman on his right hand, that the conduct of Ministers must undergo examination in an Assembly of which he was a Member, could not debate the question at great length in that place. He could not, however, stand silent without expressing his reprobation of that aspersions on the City of London, which his majesty's Ministers had dared to throw on it. Before he commented on the Resolution now proposed, however, he must notice some of the occurrences which had taken place at the present meeting. His honorable friend on his right hand (Mr. Finnerity) had expressed his regret at the absence of the worthy Representative of the City (Sir F. Burdett). He also regretted his absence, but he would take some honorable and justifiable nature. He could declare that the hon. Baronet had not uttered one word, or broached a single principle, during the last session of Parliament, which he (Mr. Sheridan) would not be proud to stand by and support. He felt himself also called on to notice the compliment paid to himself by his honorable friend, so much beyond any desert of his. In stating that he had never said a word, or given a vote contrary to the interests of the people, during the whole of his political career, he was fully conscious of the attention and indulgence with which he was always listened to by the inhabitants of Westminster, and also by the House of Commons. In return, he could only assure them, that the price was not upon earth which could induce him to desert the principles he had hitherto espoused, & in the interests of the people! His honorable friend had said that it was consistent with the true principles of the Constitution, to adopt the string of Resolutions respecting Parliamentary Reform which he had moved. He (Mr. Sheridan) said so too, and let his honorable friend or any person else, move for Parliamentary Reform, and he should be the first to support it. But when his honorable friend said, that till Parliamentary Reform was obtained, there could be no honest Minister, and that till then no honest man should accept of being Minister, he (Mr. Sheridan) must dissent from him. His honorable friend knew what a Minister was, and as such he must know that Parliamentary Reform could never be carried but by the influence of an honest Minister. He asked the honorable gentleman to look at the great and glorious question, which had been carried thro' a Parliament, which, however corrupt it might have been in other respects, had procured immortal honor to itself from that single circumstance—he meant the abolition of the Slave trade. That question had for ten years before found an advocate in Mr. Pitt, backed by all the saints and hypocrites in the House of Commons. It was not his intention, though he had never been friendly to Mr. Pitt's measures, to say any ill of him, now that he was no more. All he should say was, that it was not till that honest Minister, Mr. Fox came into office, that this glorious measure was carried through. The fourth Resolution could not have his approbation. It was desirous that on a subject of this kind the meeting should be unanimous. They were not here for the purpose of censuring the convention, but of asserting their own right to address his Majesty, & desiring investigation. What the city of London had done was nothing but what they had a right to do. He was so far agreed with his honorable friend, that the resolution did not go far enough, and that it was necessary to get to the root of the evil. The Mutiny Act might be proper, but he could never agree, that to a Commission constituted by his Majesty, under the provisions of that Act, the honor of the country should be committed. The only adequate inquiry into so important a subject, was a subject, was a parliamentary one. The city of
they thought proper, but that it should be to pray his Majesty to convene his Parliament, in order that the enquiry should be carried on openly and in the face of the nation, and that it should be discovered where the blame really was, whether in the Ministers or the Generals. The Ministers were certainly responsible in the first place as they had the selection of Generals, as well as the appointment of the Armies, which the Generals were to command, and the supplying them with provisions and every thing necessary for carrying on the campaign with honor. After expressing regret for the absence of Sir Francis Burdett, who was prevented attending from the affliction of private friendship (the illness of Mr. Tooke) and congratulating the Meeting in warm terms on the presence of Mr. Sheridan, he proceeded to animadvert on the history of the present campaign. The Spaniards, he conceived, had conducted their business most wisely. They began with getting rid of a stubborn, silly old king. (This last expression caused such a general hooting, that the speaker was obliged to conclude, which he did by reading the following resolutions.)
Resolved, That we consider, as among the principal causes which led to the late Convention in Portugal, the system that prevails with regard to military promotion.
That the existence and extent of that system arise out of the necessity imposed upon Ministers to prefer rank and influence to merit and experience.
That this necessity proceeds from the circumstances which urge a Minister to conciliate Parliamentary influence, rather than to seek the public interest.
That these circumstances are the natural result of the present state of the representation of the people in Parliament.
That owing to this state of representation, a Minister is under the necessity, for the purpose, as it is termed, of managing Parliament, and carrying on the government, to sacrifice the public interest, by complying with the desires, and compromising with the vices, of the worst description of men, namely, the borough proprietors; hence it appears impossible that any Minister can be an honest man, and therefore, until a reform in Parliament takes place, no honest man ought to become a Minister.
That there is no security against the frequent repetition of military disasters, nor can the people expect or hope for an effectual and permanent redress of their grievances, until their representation in the Commons House of Parliament be restored to them.
That, without a parliamentary reform, the people have no means of recovering the liberty they have lost, no chance of retaining that which remains.
This amendment, or adoption to the original Resolutions, having been proposed previous to their being severally read, Mr. Clarkson proceeded to submit them one by one to the sense of the Assembly. Three of the Resolutions having been put and carried, on the fourth being put, Mr. Sheridan stepped forward. He said he was confident the meeting would feel, that he, who agreed with the honorable gentleman on his right hand, that the conduct of Ministers must undergo examination in an Assembly of which he was a Member, could not debate the question at great length in that place. He could not, however, stand silent without expressing his reprobation of that aspersions on the City of London, which his majesty's Ministers had dared to throw on it. Before he commented on the Resolution now proposed, however, he must notice some of the occurrences which had taken place at the present meeting. His honorable friend on his right hand (Mr. Finnerity) had expressed his regret at the absence of the worthy Representative of the City (Sir F. Burdett). He also regretted his absence, but he would take some honorable and justifiable nature. He could declare that the hon. Baronet had not uttered one word, or broached a single principle, during the last session of Parliament, which he (Mr. Sheridan) would not be proud to stand by and support. He felt himself also called on to notice the compliment paid to himself by his honorable friend, so much beyond any desert of his. In stating that he had never said a word, or given a vote contrary to the interests of the people, during the whole of his political career, he was fully conscious of the attention and indulgence with which he was always listened to by the inhabitants of Westminster, and also by the House of Commons. In return, he could only assure them, that the price was not upon earth which could induce him to desert the principles he had hitherto espoused, & in the interests of the people! His honorable friend had said that it was consistent with the true principles of the Constitution, to adopt the string of Resolutions respecting Parliamentary Reform which he had moved. He (Mr. Sheridan) said so too, and let his honorable friend or any person else, move for Parliamentary Reform, and he should be the first to support it. But when his honorable friend said, that till Parliamentary Reform was obtained, there could be no honest Minister, and that till then no honest man should accept of being Minister, he (Mr. Sheridan) must dissent from him. His honorable friend knew what a Minister was, and as such he must know that Parliamentary Reform could never be carried but by the influence of an honest Minister. He asked the honorable gentleman to look at the great and glorious question, which had been carried thro' a Parliament, which, however corrupt it might have been in other respects, had procured immortal honor to itself from that single circumstance—he meant the abolition of the Slave trade. That question had for ten years before found an advocate in Mr. Pitt, backed by all the saints and hypocrites in the House of Commons. It was not his intention, though he had never been friendly to Mr. Pitt's measures, to say any ill of him, now that he was no more. All he should say was, that it was not till that honest Minister, Mr. Fox came into office, that this glorious measure was carried through. The fourth Resolution could not have his approbation. It was desirous that on a subject of this kind the meeting should be unanimous. They were not here for the purpose of censuring the convention, but of asserting their own right to address his Majesty, & desiring investigation. What the city of London had done was nothing but what they had a right to do. He was so far agreed with his honorable friend, that the resolution did not go far enough, and that it was necessary to get to the root of the evil. The Mutiny Act might be proper, but he could never agree, that to a Commission constituted by his Majesty, under the provisions of that Act, the honor of the country should be committed. The only adequate inquiry into so was a subject, was a parliamentary one. The city of
London had complained, and the answer they received was that there was no notice of their interference. The Address of the city was entitled to respect for the manner with which it had been passed. Mr. Alderman Birch had done honor to himself from the support he had given it. Alderman Curtis even did not oppose it; so there was no pretence for calling it a party business. The answer given to it, he conceived, was an insult to the city, and of course on the country at large—(Here Mr. Sheridan seemed greatly exhausted and unwell. The meeting evinced its regard for him, by requests from every quarter that he would take time and not fatigue himself.)—He concluded, however, by stating, that when the question came to that place where he should be called on to express his opinion on it, he hoped, he should do his duty to the country, and evince his gratitude for the honor he had always experienced from the Electors of Westminster. The resolution was then withdrawn.
On the moving of the next resolution, Mr. Power said, he hoped we should have no court of Inquiry, at the Horse Guards—no Chelsea Court Martial. We were called on, in justice, to our own character, and to our allies, the Spaniards and Portuguese, to have the business carried to the highest possible length. The remedy proposed was inadequate. He therefore proposed, agreeably to the suggestion of Mr. Finnerity, that the address do contain a request to his majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to order his Parliament forthwith to be called together, to take into consideration the means of carrying such an enquiry into effect.
Mr. Sheridan said, he had to apologise for his own inability, when he last addressed them, to bring what he purposed saying to a conclusion, it having been his intention to submit to the meeting a proposition, similar to that which had so shortly and ably been stated by the honorable gentleman who had just spoken. Whoever looked fully into the subject would be convinced of these two truths, that we could not have an honest minister, unless he was watched by the House of Commons; and that we could not have an honest House of Commons, unless it was watched by the people. He concluded by moving, that his majesty, he humbly requested to order, that Parliament be immediately called, for the purpose of instituting such an enquiry.
The motion was then put, and unanimously agreed to.
The other resolutions were likewise put and carried.
Mr. Fuller then moved the resolutions submitted by Mr. Finnerity, which were dropped on account of the irrelevancy to the subject.
The following Address to his Majesty was then read:
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, May it please your Majesty,
We, your majesty's loyal subjects, the inhabitants of the city and liberty of Westminster beg leave to approach your majesty, and to express our firm persuasion, that the late convention, agreed to by your majesty's commanders in Portugal, no less injured your majesty than it disappointed the hopes and expectations of your majesty's faithful people.
That your petitioners were filled with admiration and joy at the valour and success of your majesty's forces in Portugal, as detailed in the extraordinary gazette, published on the 22nd of September last.
That your petitioners are concerned to observe that at that time your majesty's commanders had signed preliminaries for a convention, by which the British nation engaged to carry to France the whole of the French army, with their baggage, arms and ammunition; and that they were not to be considered prisoners of war, but were allowed to act, immediately on their return to France, in any place where their services should be required by your majesty's implacable enemy.
We therefore humbly beseech your majesty to direct a full and effective enquiry to be made into all the circumstances which led to the conclusion of a convention so inconsistent with the brilliant achievements of your armies, on the 17th and 21st of August, that the true causes thereof may be made manifest to your majesty's faithful and affectionate people; and that your majesty will be graciously pleased forthwith to assemble your parliament, that such inquiry may be instituted, as to them in their wisdom shall seem expedient.
The motion was put, that this address be agreed to, which was carried unanimously.
On the motion of Mr. Wishart it was unanimously resolved that the address be presented to his majesty by the high bailiff, sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Sheridan.
The following is the answer of the king to the petition of the city of London, which is referred to in the meeting held in Westminster:
"I am fully sensible of your loyalty and attachment to my person and government."
"I give credit to the motives which have dictated your petition & address; but I must remind you that it is inconsistent with the principles of British justice to pronounce judgment without previous investigation."
"I should have hoped that recent occurrences would have convinced you, that I am at all times ready to institute inquiries on occasions in which the character of the country or the honour of my arms is concerned; and that the interposition of the city of London could not be necessary for inducing me to direct due inquiry to be made into a transaction which has disappointed the hopes and expectation of the nation."
The address and petition were read by the Recorder, and the answer was read by Lord Hawkesbury.
JAMES STABROOK, TITLOE, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book Seller, next door above the Post Office, where all commands, in his line, will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to—that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2aw36c 1aw36w
IRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. These persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. Dec. 17. tf
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by GEORGE HARDING. January 14.
United States' Court, 5th circuit and Virginia district, NOVEMBER TERM, 1803.
UNITED STATES, } vs. } JOHN MOSS. On the motion of the defendant, by his attorney, It is ordered, that the Bank-Notes concerning which James Byrne, Esq. a witness examined on the trial of the indictment spoke, and of which he declared himself to be in possession, as having been taken from John Moss, be retained by the said Byrne, until the further order of the court, that in the mean time he publish in proper newspapers, a list of those Notes, so as to enable any persons claiming them, to make known such claim to the said Byrne, that upon the identifying of any of them, the said Byrne in concurrence with Edmund Randolph, may deliver the same to the claimant; and that the said Byrne report to the next court his proceedings in the premises, together with a list of such of the said notes, as may then remain in his hands. A COPY. TESTE, WILLIAM MARSHALL, CLERK.
PERSONS identifying and claiming notes under the foregoing order, must have their proofs authenticated in the same manner that depositions are required to be authenticated when offered as evidence in the Federal Court of the United States, and if forwarded to me, the postage must be paid, or I shall not take them from the Post-Office. JAMES BYRNE. Petersburg, December 23, 1803.
A list of Bank Notes found on JOHN MOSS, lately convicted of having stolen Bank-Notes out of letters in the Post-Office in Petersburg, while acting therein as a Clerk, and which are now in the possession of James Byrne, as Mayor of Petersburg
Table with 7 columns: Letter, No., Date, To whom drawn, To whom payable, Bank, Amount. It lists various bank notes found on John Moss, including details on who they were drawn to and payable by, and their respective amounts.
LOST, a NOTE signed by Wm. Crawford, & endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond, dated the 1st of Nov. last, and due the 1st day of May, 1809, amounting to $506 1/4; it is supposed it has been dropt in the street. Any person having found the same will be liberally rewarded on leaving it with the subscribers, or on delivering it to either of them, for transmission to the owner for the same in any manner whatever. PROSSER & MONCURE. dec. 27. oaw4w
FOR SALE, the TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within ab. at one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Laundry, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stores, Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice-House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. JOHN ELLIS. [owatf] Nov. 25.
IN CHANCERY.—At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808. Nimrod Bramham, Plaintiff—against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett, heirs of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Moran Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clinton Rodas and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants. The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth: On motion of the Plaintiff, by his Council; It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public news paper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX'R. GARRETT, D. C. december 13. oaw8w
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Musician in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTEN, thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 5 feet 7 inches high; when spoke to has a down look, slow in speech, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amby., (New-Jersey)—Had on when he deserted, a drummer's uniform, which it is conjectured, he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, swansdown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States' service. COLIN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Fort Norfolk, Dec. 31. tf
THE partnership of Daniel Triplet & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS. dec. 17. oaw2w
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. dec. 22. tf
NOTICE.—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Seabrook, dec'd. are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have claims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he intends closing his executorship. JAMES SEABROOK. december 31. oaw4w
FOR SALE.—The subscriber has 40 or 50 bushels of Red Clover seed for sale, of last years growth, any person wanting, can get supplied by calling on the subscriber, at Dover, in Goochland County, or Danumore and Turner in Richmond. GEORGE HARDING. January 14. 44.
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808. James Gwaden and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Parrott, deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—Against Joseph Wilson and John Greves, Defendants. The defendants Joseph Wilson and John Greves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, It is ordered, That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. jan. 5. oaw8w