Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1801-02-06 00:00:00

The VIRGINIA ARGUS.
No 83 of Vol. VIII.
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[WHOLE No. 810.]
RICHMOND, PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR.
FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM—PAID IN ADVANCE]
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 6th, 1801.
[12 1/2 CENTS SINGLE.]
William M'Cay, Clock & Watch Maker. RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he has commenced the above business in part of the house occupied by Mr. James Collet, where he hopes to merit the patronage of his friends and the public. N. B. A Journeyman and two Apprentices wanted to the above business.
Stock OF THE UNITED STATES. I will give the highest current price for NAVY LOAN, SIX PER CENT. & DEFERRED STOCK OF THE UNITED STATES A. DUNSCOMB. Richmond, Jan. 12, 1801.
WILL BE SOLD, In pursuance of a decree of the High Court of Chancery, to the highest bidder, A tract of Land, Containing about one hundred and thirty acres, with a double garrisoned house, MILL thereon, erected on a fine stream, an entire stone dam, and its natural advantages not surpassed by any seat in this state—it lies in the lower part of Buckingham, is uncommonly fertile, and was formerly the property of David Coupland, esq. The sale will take place on the premises, on the seventh day of February next. Conditions cash, or sixty days credit as may be agreed on. The Commissioner. January 28, 1801.
WANTED. A single Man, As a Tutor for a small number of Children, qualified to teach Arithmetic, & the English Language grammatically, and who can come recommended for sobriety and attention, will meet with liberal encouragement. Enquire at the Office of the VIRGINIA ARGUS. January 15, 1801.
For Sale, or to be Rented, The noted Tavern, ON the main street, in the town of Manchester, lately occupied, and has been for seven years past, by Mr. Zachariah Brooks, who from his attention, and the situation of the place, has made an easy fortune. To chumerse or buy any thing of the conveniences of this tenement for public business, I beseech, as the place when viewed will speak for itself. Any additional improvements that may be thought necessary or required by the person who rents it, shall be done immediately, and possession given the first day of March, 1801. Francis Smith. Chesterfield county, Nov. 15, 1800.
Asher Marx, Has just come to hand, an assortment of INDIA GOODS, Consisting Of Bordin Bastas, Tandah Mamoodys, Alhabad Sannas, Abbad Coffas, &c. &c. Also, Platillas Bed Tickings, Dowlas, Violins, Checks & Stripes, Playing Cards, And a general assortment of EUROPEAN & WEST-INDIA GOODS, Which will be sold at reduced prices for Cash Country Produce, or the usual Credit for approved paper. Manchester, Oct. 20, 1800. [77]
Just received, and for Sale at this Office, A NEW WORK, ENTITLED School of Wisdom: OR, AMERICAN MONITOR. Containing a copious collection of sublime and elegant Extracts, from the most eminent writers on Morals, Religion and Government. —PRICE ONE DOLLAR— "We frequently fall into error and folly, not because the true principles of action are not known, but because, for a time, they are not remembered. He may therefore justly be numbered among the benefactors of mankind, who contrives the great rules of life into those sentences that may be easily impressed on the memory, and sought by frequent recollection to recur habitually to the mind." RAMSLE.
JUST RECEIVED, From Doct. Church's Dispensary New-York, and for sale at this Printing-Office, a fresh supply of the following
Patent Medicines:
Church's Cough Drops, A medicine unequalled by any in the world, for the Cure of Coughs, Colds, Asthmas and Consumptions. Chemical Essence and Extract of Mustard, For the cure of the Rheumatism, Gout, Rheumatic Gout, Palsy, White Swellings, Chilblains, &c. &c.
Anodyne Essence, For the Head Ache. Volatile Tincture, For the Tooth Ache. The Botanical Tea. Infalible German Corn Plaister, For the Cure of Corns.
Scotch Ointment Cures the most inveterate Itch in four hours without Mercury. Dr. Church's Antibilious Pills, For the Cure of Malignant and Bilious Fevers, Dyspepsy, Jaundice, Costiveness, Acidity, Cholera Morbus, Gravel, Indigestion, Loss of Appetite, and all disorders of the Head, Stomach, and Bowels.
Eye Salve, For all disorders of the Eyes. Antiscorbutic Tincture, For the Teeth, Breath, and Scurvy in the Gums. Essence of Scurvy-Grass, For preventing and curing the Sea and Land Scurvy.
Vermifuge Lozenges, For destroying Worms in children and grown persons. Antispasmodic Elixir, For the cure of all kinds of Fits. Cordial Rejorative Balsam, For Nervous Disorders, Debility, Inward Weakness, &c.
Vegetable Lotion, For the face and skin, freckles, sun-burn, prickly heat, Ring Worm, Tetter, &c. &c. Dec. 10, 1800. A L S O, DR. CHURCH'S TREATISE ON THE Venereal Disorder; Containing plain and easy Directions for the speedy and effectual cure of that Disease in both Sexes; whereby any person may cure themselves at a small expense. Price half a dollar.
Notice. ALL persons having claims on the estate of Hugh PATON, deceased, are requested to bring them forward immediately, as the subscriber will settle and finally close his accounts with said estate by the first day of March next. JAMES BROWN, Executor of Hugh Paton, dec. Richmond, January 20, 1801. AW.
FOR HIRE, Four miles above Ground Squirrel Bridge, an experienced Black-Smith, and two Shoe-Makers. Charles Grenshaw, Hanover, Jan. 16th, 1801. (2wks.)
Imported And for Sale by the subscriber, at the County Wharf, A general assortment of Cologne Mill-Stones, From Amsterdam, with Hand Mill-Stones, and German Steel, by Jesse Hollingsworth. Baltimore, Dec. 27, 1800. 15/6
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, January 9.
DEBATE on Mr. Gregg's motion to reduce the salaries of the Circuit Judges of the United States from 2000 to 1600 dollars—Concluded from the Virginia Argus of the 30th. ult.
Mr. Champlin said the ideas of the gentleman from Tennessee, if carried into effect, would be fatal to the system contemplated by the bill. Each circuit was to be formed of three judges, who would embrace three states. The trouble and expense of the judges in the same circuit would be the same, though one of them might be appointed in a large, and another in a small state. So far as his personal knowledge extended he was authorized in saying that the district judge of Rhode-Island, felt the inadequacy of his salary, had been obliged to fly from the town to the country.
Mr. Otis was not much surprised at the motion made, so far as it respected Kentucky, but he was greatly surprised at it, so far as it applied to other states. For his part he wished the government to hold on inducements to men of talents not broken down by the excessive fatigues of their profession, or by the debility or advanced age. He did not wish the judicial court to be an hospital for invalids. Nor did he feel a perfect reliance on the patriotism to which some gentlemen had alluded. For he thought a court of justice the worst place that could be imagined for the indulgence of patriotic feelings. It ought to be filled with men, honest, sober and independent, and so cool as to be little influenced by the impulses of patriotism.
He had been at a loss to account for the high reliance of the gentleman from Pennsylvania on the efficacy of the influences of patriotism, until he recollected that in that state a proposition had lately been made to destroy in effect all the legal sections of books, and principles now in existence. Then indeed we might resort to patriotism as our only remaining refuge.
Mr. Nicholas. The very idea of gentlemen on which rests their opposition to the present motion, furnishes in reality the strongest argument in its favour. They say that unless you give your judges salaries that will enable them to run before all the state judges, you will not make them so respectable as they ought to be; you will not place them on the ground they ought to occupy. In this event will the gentlemen say what becomes of the state judges? If the reputation of the federal judges be increased, will not that of the state judges be impaired?
My colleague says that this government is too often considered in the light of a foreign one. Mr. Nicholas said he did not believe that the charge would be so often made unless there were some truth in it. He would ask his colleague, if immediately after having left his conference he declared himself a new man, not their particular representative, governed by new views; he would ask him whether such sentiments did not furnish the strongest argument to convince the people that this government was foreign to their interests, foreign to their feigned habits.
It appeared that the greatest compensations made to the state judges, but little exceeded 1600 dollars; and that in other instances they did not exceed 1000 and 800 dollars.
Mr. Nicholas thought it would be right to go over the ground, to enquire into the compensations made in the respective states, and to accommodate the salaries of the federal judges to what appeared in this view to be adequate. This will enable us to go on more properly and harmoniously with the state governments.
Mr. H. Lee spoke with great indignation of the sentiments ascribed to him by his colleague, and declared that he never did say, he denied his colleague to prove it either in public or private, that he mistrusted the states. He had always considered the states as an essential part of the whole, necessarily benefited by whatever promoted the general good.
Mr. Bayard observed that the whole expense contemplated to be saved by the amendment was 4,800 dollars. The measure should not, therefore, on this ground receive opposition. There was in truth nothing to alarm in it. But few subjects could be introduced, in which the touch of alarm is not rung against the expenses of the federal government. Is it possible that the addition or subtraction of 400 dollars, as it respects the salaries of our judges, can affect the sovereignty or independence of the state governments?
Without amusing ourselves with fine spun theories we ought to resort to the solid motives that influence men. Patriotism, tho' a fine sounding word, will not sustain a family. It was a common proverb that few lawyers were born with silver spoons in their mouths. On the contrary, they were generally born in the humble spheres of life; and were incapacitated, however enthusiastic their feelings, from serving their country through pure motives of patriotism.
Besides the direct effect of this amendment, if adopted, will be to throw the offices into the庸庸 of the country. None but the rich will be able to hold them. In fixing a compensation we ought to consider what sum will produce lawyers of the best talents to leave their practice. If this end were not accomplished, and men of small talents were placed on the bench, the bar would inevitably rule the bench instead of being ruled by it.
Mr. Bayard, coming from one of the smallest states in the union, thought himself competent to forming a just opinion of the lowest allowance to the judges that would be adequate. In the state of Delaware, a lawyer in full practice received at least 4,000 dollars; which was double the salary allowed by the bill. From this view of the subject, as well as from the other views that had been taken, he considered 2,000 dollars as only a moderate compensation.
As to the idea that the federal judges have but little business to do, he thought the fact, even if true, had no weight; as a judge was not paid so much for the actual duties performed, as for abandoning his practice, and holding himself prepared for, and applying his talents exclusively to, the public business whenever it occurred.
The question was then put on striking out the section, and lost—ayes 40—noes 43.
Wednesday, January 28.
Mr. Otis, from the committee appointed for that purpose, made report on the situation of the Treasury department, on the 11th day of January, when Oliver Wolcott resigned.
Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed. Mr. Harper reported a bill amending the bankrupt law. Referred to a committee of the whole on Friday.
The House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for giving a right of preemption to John C. Symmes and his assignees, for lands lying between the Miami rivers.
After considering the same, the committee rose without coming to a decision, and asked leave to sit again.
Information was received from Senate that they had passed the act for the relief of Solomon Bolton, and the act for erecting a light house on Cape Peg.
Thursday, January 29.
A resolution in the following words, proposed by Mr. Harper was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved, that the act entitled an act to augment the salaries of certain officers therein mentioned ought to be continued in force.
A petition from sundry Merchants of Rhode-Island was presented to the House and on motion referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
The following resolution proposed by Mr. Rutledge, was presented to the House, which being read was ordered to lie on the table.
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to prepare and report such rules as in their opinion are proper to be adopted by this House, to be observed in the election of a President of the United States, whose term is to commence on the fourth day of March next, provided the electors appointed under the authority of the states, have not elected a President for that term.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Bill to incorporate the persons therein named, and their associates, as a mine and metal Company.
A motion was made to strike out the first section of the bill, on the principle that Congress was not authorised by the Constitution of the United States, to grant Charters of Incorporations. This motion was supported by Messrs. Livingston and Bird, and opposed by Messrs. S. Smith, Rutledge, J. Brown and Bayard. On the Question being taken it was determined in the negative.
Sundry amendments were made, which were reported by the Committee, taken up and adopted by the House, and the bill ordered to be engrossed and read a third time to-morrow.
During the session of this day, while the House was in a committee of the whole, a
noise was made by a person in the gallery, expressing in a very loud voice his approbation of what had been just said by one of the members. By the direction of the Chairman of the Committee of the whole, the Gallery was cleared, and the person who had committed the offence was taken into custody by the Sergeant at arms. Before the house adjourned a motion was made and carried that the person should be discharged from confinement.
Wednesday, January 21.
SEDITION LAW.
House in committee Mr. Morris in the chair.
The resolution reported by the committee, was, that it would be expedient to renew the law in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.
Mr. Platt, chairman of the committee, explained the reasons of the committee for proposing a resolution for its continuation. The only arguments that could be advanced against it were, as to the constitutionality and as to the expediency of the measure. That it was constitutional, he contended could be well and plainly proved, without entering into the question upon the grounds and proofs exhibited at the period of the original passing of the bill, from the decision in its favor, after a long by examination in both houses of congress, and its adoption into a law. Added to this was the solemn decision and concurrence of the judiciary.
After these deliberate decisions in favor of it, to doubt the constitutionality of this law, would be absurd. To those who took every occasion to show their opposition to the government, and were accustomed to vilify the conduct of its warmest supporters, this law must be obnoxious. But those who considered the government a blessing and worthy the protection of a free people, must approve of the provisions of this law, as one of the most valuable institutions in its support.
As to the expediency of the measure, the committee thought it was a whole some and ameliorating interpreter of the common law, established to assist the government upon the most fair and equitable principle. On the one hand, the right of the government in support of itself, is established; on the other that right of protection is so established as not to injure in the least, the honest and well-intended individual, but to afford him the means of exculpating himself, although engaged in formulating measures of the administration of the government; for unless it can be made evident to a court and jury that the thing written was done with a false and malicious intention, the precaution is useless. He saw nothing in this law, notwithstanding all that had been said about it, which an honest man ought to fear. No government in the world demanded the public confidence more than ours, when well administered; and should a government be brought into popular dispute with impunity, through the false and malicious writings of those who peaceably enjoy its blessings? He trusted not.
The house had been told on a former occasion, that the fan of federalism was about to set: he confessed that he viewed with horror the awful night that would follow. But notwithstanding that, whilst he possessed a seat in that house, he thought himself bound to legislate in favor of measures, to support the government which the people had honored by their choice. This reverse of things should never drive him from measures which it became his duty upon the most solemn conviction to adopt, since no injury could result but to those whose wilful and habitual slander opposed it by falsehood. For his part he was not afraid of the new order of things; he had nothing to fear from the existence of this law.
To those who believed the rules of common law of force and effect in the United States, this law must be truly gratifying. By the common law two practices were established, which this law most effectually repealed by its ameliorating provisions. First, the common law rejected the evidence of truth in cases of libel. Secondly, the court had an unlimited authority to ascertain the penalty. By this law the truth must be given in evidence and the penalty is ascertained. He trusted that whilst the liberty of speech and of the press (privileges to be prized above all others) were made secure, the house would see the propriety of preventing the eminent abuse of this blessing, in opinion to the preservation of social order; an abuse which was to be judged as to its extent by an impartial jury—a privilege by which are secured to every individual and to the government equal rights.
Mr. Davis said the gentleman from New-York and himself had as different objects as to the manner of deciding the constitutionality of the law, as they had in its utility. Had the decision of the courts been made with all the moderation and solemnity that usually attended judicial decisions, he might have answered that there had been proceedings in the courts of the U. States, calculated to establish the constitutionality of that law, to the extent of the opinion of the judges went. For he must acknowledge that

The judges had the power of deciding the constitutionality of a law under which they were to act, but he denied that those deliberate decisions had been made under it, that right to establish it as a constitutional law with the judges generally. Even in Great Britain, where we are not apt to look for examples, he believed such hasty adjudications could not be found. He was acquainted with English books, and could not have received any case where the accused had been summarily indicted before the grand jury, and tried by the venire or post-jury, in the space of a few hours or one day, at most, more especially where the accused had made affidavit, that he had material witnesses absent, as had been the case in two trials under this federal law, one at Philadelphia, the other in Richmond, Virginia. If there were decisions that had reversed the constitutionality of the law in the mind of the gentlemen from New York, he had taken slippery ground from which he could be easily driven. But a judge of the United States having determined the law to be constitutional did not bring conviction on his mind. He still entertained the same opinion he had formerly entertained and he believed it would be difficult to persuade the American people that the law was either constitutional or expedient. The gentleman from New-York says there is nothing in the law an honest man should object to. Why then do honest men take shelter behind it? We are all fond of having our good deeds made public, and of concealing our bad ones. Now let the public judge who are the honest men; that gentleman and his political associates, or myself and those who usually vote with me. We are willing to submit our actions to public scrutiny and to rise, or fall by public opinion. If that gentleman and his friends intend to act honestly, why do they with this law to hide their actions? Why lay the hands of power on the lips of the people, who ought to have the right of examining their political conduct and approving or condemning it? While they boast of honesty, why fumble in darkness and steal behind a sedition law? In my opinion this neither argues honesty, nor is ominous of good; at all events this is the true difference between the parties in this house. That gentleman and his friends form a party who wish to conceal their public conduct from the prying eyes of the public, and who say if you see you shall not speak; myself & my political associates, are willing to spread our actions before the tribunal of the people and to be judged by them. Now let the world judge who are the honest men, we, who expose our actions to public view, and say to them, judge and approve or condemn us for our deeds; or those who say be silent; we are above you; if you open your lips the penalty of the law shall be inflicted on you.
We are told by the gentlemen from New-York, there is to be a new order of things. I believe there will be. It looks as if we should burn all the old and begin a new. What, are gentlemen not contented with the sedition law to protect them, do they want a wall of fire around them? This law has been in force two years and what has been its effects? A few printers, and a few miserable newspaper scribblers have fallen victims to it, and it has dispelled a large portion of the American people who have loaded your table with petitions praying for the repeal of the obnoxious law, and why will you again agitate the public mind by reviving a law so foreign to their feelings and hateful to their rights? Will gentlemen never yield their party views to the public voice, and drop a law that has produced so much discontent. If this law had been good and constitutional and but a few people had been dissatisfied with it, there would be some excuse for continuing it; but the very reverse is the fact. I am not afraid of the law, I am not afraid I shall ever be subject to its operation, for in my opinion the administration, when it is presented in the fairest form of truth, will afford sufficient ground for all my animadversions. I can turn to pages, and by my friends or on paragraphs which will authorize me to say more than I wish to say.
The gentleman from New-York says, they have been told, the loss of Federalism would shortly follow. On a former occasion did I say so, and I again repeat it; this very law, if it has done any good was in this way. I believe it has hastened the destruction of the federalist instead of controlling public opinion as it was intended. The opposite effect has been produced; men have acted up to their own opinions, though they were forced to speak. Your own weapons have been turned against you, you find the public mind acting strongly against you, though it dare not speak. The gentleman from New-York says that those who consider government an evil will vote against this law. A consider good government a blessing, and am therefore willing to let the people examine freely and fairly the fruits of government. Those who wish to make it a curse, with all its power, will not be able to prevent its immediate interest in its operations. This hidden way of conducting the concerns of the nation will never be pleasing to the free people of America. Already very many of them are opposed to the administration, and while you conduct their important concerns out of their sight, they will be jealous, and withdraw their affections from an administration that flouts the light.
Mr. Randolph said, when he first considered this report he viewed it merely as the fulfilment of an obligation which the committee thought imposed upon them by the house, and he had supposed, that it would have been suffered to remain on the table without any intention of being called up.
He would not enter into a view of the unconstitutionality of the law. How strongly soever the gentleman supposed that question to have been decided by the congress who passed the law; he would tell that gentleman and all his adherents, that he had a full higher tribunal to appeal to, one higher than they could produce: he meant the American people. Their voice was more powerful than that of those courts and that President, to whom the gentleman referred. The will of the people had been fairly and fully expressed upon this subject, and notwithstanding all inferior opinion, this ought and this ultimately must be attended to: the people would be heard. He would ask gentlemen whether it was expedient, at this time, for the house to renew their contempt of the opinions of the people; whether it was prudent to insult their understanding in a matter so well appreciated by them as this law, and at a period when they have to evidently declared that their right shall be no longer infringed. The moment in which this measure was renewed, reminded him of the spirit which animated the Indian sage, as related by the great poet of the English language, when he could no longer be victorious, he would evince his revenge.
The legislature of the state which he had the honor to represent, Mr. Randolph said, had given instructions to her representatives and senators in congress, to oppose by every effort in their power, any attempt that might be made to renew this obnoxious law. From which were he not assured convinced of its unconstitutionality, of which he could not entertain a doubt, he felt himself particularly bound to express the opinion of that state, and to give his utmost opposition to the law, in its several stages. Were he to act otherwise, he really ought to humble himself in dust and ashes before an insulted and indignant people, for the perpetuation of an act so inimical to their rights.
instructions, as well as to all the feelings and good sense of the American people. Mr. Galt would then hope from a due examination of this law, this would be one part he would wish to preserve from destruction. Surely the insinuations made against the whole law could not be of force; some of its parts were certainly unobjectionable. The first part provides a punishment against unlawful combinations to oppose the national government. It is possible said Mr. Galt, that the gentleman may think such persons ought not to be punished, but I do, and in my opinion, the preservation of this provision is essential to our very existence.
Another part is against persons who rise in insurrection, or those who encourage it by counselling and abetting it. That such acts should be punished appears to me a self-evident proposition, whatever the gentleman might think of it, yet he thinks the law ought not to be renewed! Surely a moment's consideration must prove that such persons ought to be punished, and that their punishment ought not to be left to the unlimited discretion of the court as by common law, but should be defined by a statute.
But the most essential opposition appears to be against that part where libelling the government is made an offence and punishable. That this part should be opposed by a gentleman whose orderly conduct removes him beyond the fear of the penalty, he was much surprised. What is the effect of this provision? It is that if any person should publish untruth against the government, with an intent to bring it into disgrace, such offender should be punished. Is there any gentleman in this committee who wishes to publish falsehoods, and malicious falsehoods? He trusted not; and if not, why should gentlemen be unwilling to make this wilful offence, punishable by statute? There could be no ground for alarm, since the penalty was only intended to affect the publication of falsehoods. Falsehoods tended to much evil; nay, they were evil in themselves, and it was necessary to punish them, in order to preserve to the government its merited popularity. The provision was exceedingly important, and he thought the ideas of his friend from New-York must have considerable weight with the committee.
It was a well known fact, that at common law the truth could not be given in evidence; it was equally well known, that the punishment for crimes was left undefined and at the will, he had almost said, the arbitrary will of the court. He did not think it right to leave this power in the hands of the court, nor did he think it right to stifle the testimony of truth in behalf of the accused. He did not believe it to be the will of the house or of the administration to suppress truth; if the government acted in such a manner as not to bear the test, it certainly merited animadversion, and with severity. To continue the right of giving truth in evidence, and to keep the power of prescribing a punishment with the legislature, he hoped the law would be re-enacted.
As a constitutional question, he thought no doubt could now exist, whatever might have been entertained before the question was settled on its present principles. The judiciary had decided it to be a law effectually within the constitution. There might be some other question to which gentlemen would wish to appeal; perhaps they might be better satisfied by appealing to the people, but he could not be. He believed the decision to be made in a constitutional mode, and was desirous of giving it his decided support. (To be continued)
PAPERS Relative to the commencement of NEGOTIATIONS OF PEACE, BETWEEN FRANCE AND GREAT-BRITAIN. (Continued from the Virginia Argus of the 23d ult.)
No. 35. Note.
Lord Grenville presents his compliments to M. Otto, and has the honor to send him herewith the official answer to his communication of the 23d instant.
He requests M. Otto to accept the assurances of his high consideration. Downing Street, September 25, 1800.
No. 36. Note.
It is by no means the wish of the British government to prolong a written controversy on the circumstances to which the first part of M. Otto's note of the 23d instant principally relates; it is however necessary, in order to vindicate the accuracy to the former statement which the undersigned was directed to make, that the dates of those facts should in reply to M. Otto's note be more particularly detailed; but this will be done without adding any fresh comment upon them.
The first proposal made to his majesty on the part of France, for a naval armistice grounded on that of the continent was dated August 24.
The notices for terminating the continental armistice were given by the French generals on the 27th and 29th of August; the order for that purpose must therefore have been actually sent from Paris before the 24th.
His majesty's answer was transmitted by the undersigned to M. Otto on the 29th, the very day on which the last of the notices was given in Germany. This answer referred to the Austrian armistice as still existing; and it was not till the 4th of September that the first intimation was received here of the measures taken in Germany for giving notice of its termination.
With respect to the letter of M. Talleyrand to the Baron de Thugut, to which M. Otto referred, it was also dated the 24th of August. The French government, so far from being at that time entitled to consider his majesty's intentions as hostile to the re-establishment of a solid system of pacification, was then actually in possession of the notification given in his majesty's name, thro' his ally, of his readiness to concur in immediate negotiations for that very purpose.
It will be with real pleasure that his majesty will see the conclusions which appeared to him to result from these facts disproved by the events. The best evidence which the French government can now give of the sincerity of its dispositions for peace, will be found in the facilities it may afford for expediting both the commencement and the successful termination of that negotiation into which the king and his ally the emperor of Germany have already expressed their willingness to enter, and which can alone, by a general and comprehensive arrangement to the interests of all the parties concerned in this extensive war, afford to Europe the hope of solid and permanent tranquility.
With respect to the supposed case, in which it is stated, that France would not agree to treat with Austria but for a separate peace, the for one of war can alone decide on the means of realising such a pretension, but whenever it shall be insisted on by France, after the experience of what has already passed, it will afford to all other powers, not a presumption only, but the painful and decided conviction, that the French government has no real desire to put a final and conclusive period to the calamities of Europe. No man who considers the past events of this contest with attention, or who is capable of judging with accuracy of the present situation of affairs, can believe that if the present war is to be terminated only by a succession of separate treaties between the different powers now engaged in it, any permanent or solid basis of general tranquility could be established.
As his majesty has, in compliance with M. Otto's wishes, authorised a proper person to confer with him respecting the different proposals for a naval armistice, it is unnecessary to add any thing on that subject. This step affords a new proof of his majesty's dispositions to lend himself to every reasonable facility which can contribute to a general pacification, and every part of his majesty's conduct will be found conformable to these dispositions.
Downing Street, September 25, 1800. No. 37. Note from Lord Grenville to M. Otto.
Downing Street, September 24, 1800. Lord Grenville presents his compliments to M. Otto and has the honor to acquaint him, that in consequence of his desire for an opportunity of conversing with a person of confidence on the part of this government, respecting the different proposals which had been made as to the conditions of a naval armistice, his majesty has been pleased to give authority to Mr. Hammond to meet M. Otto for that purpose.
It is the sincere wish of his majesty's government, that the result of their conversation on this subject, may tend to facilitate the great work of a general pacification on a solid and permanent basis.
Lord Grenville requests M. Otto to be assured of his high consideration. (To be Continued.)
NEW-YORK, January 27.
Mr. Christopher Hoxie, a citizen of Hudson, has invented what he terms a WHEAT MACHINE, which will, in all probability, be one of the most useful and valuable machines ever introduced into society. It will thresh and clean from twenty to a hundred bushels in a day, according to the size. It is turned by wind, water, horse or crank, and by the assistance of two or three small children, who can lift a sheaf. Large quantities of any kind of grain may be extracted from the straw and chaff in a day, the cockle and the smut are also separated, and the pure wheat gathered into the garner. By the common mode of threshing it is a laborious task for one man to extract more than seven bushels in a day.
PHILADELPHIA, January 26. Under the same roof at Washington were the following officers—those of The Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, Treasurer of the United States, Auditor of the Treasury, AND Commissioner of the Revenue.
There are strong rooms fire proof for the preservation of the principal books, but it appears the books, &c. were not in the rooms intended for their preservation!
Mr. Dexter has been rather unfortunate in fire works—he had not been warm in the chair of the war department, before there was a terrible combustion; he was soon after translated to the cold calculating chair of finance, "when lo! there cometh a hot wind" and the treasury office is consumed! It would not be difficult to remove this destructive secretary to the navy office, left our
navy should follow the path of fire, and the secrets of our state department would, were he to approach them, be erased like certain acts of the senate, in the reign of Tiberius, even from the records of the government and of history.
(Aurora.)
Waving even the evidence of positive proof which we possess concerning certain acts of men entrusted with power, the public have surely enough of fact proven by their notoriety to satisfy every honest mind that there has been horrid mischiefs and abuse of the public property and trust somewhere. Let any dispassionate man, compare for a moment the facts that have been brought to light from time to time, and say whether there has or has not been a system of plunder and deception—of hostility to the government combined with that plunder?
Compare the public acts of single character with the declarations and private movements of the same man—and what will be the result?
Hamilton—Proposed a monarchy in the Federal Convention.
Hamilton—Flattered and ridiculed general Washington, and was yet the secret mover of his administration.
Hamilton—Was the parent of loans, of ceremonies, of the sun king system.
Hamilton—Was the parent of the assumption of state debts.
Hamilton—as accused and has never been satisfactorily extricated from the suspicion of speculating upon public money.
Hamilton—Has avowed the practice of a vice the most fatal to the morals, character and security of society.
Hamilton—Always despised and disliked Mr. Adams doubted his qualifications for public office, and yet professedly supported him in one instance, and pretended not to oppose him in another.
Hamilton—Was yet appointed by Mr. Adams head of an army proved to be unnecessary.
Hamilton—Secretly ruled the cabinet of Mr. Adams by means of very stupid, incompetent, or weak men, whom he had contrived to put in those places, in order that he might be wanted.
Hamilton—Was declared by Mr. Adams to be the leader of a British party in this country; Hamilton demanded an acknowledgment or a denial from Mr. Adams, who by his silence avowed the sentiment.
Hamilton—Displayed in his last pamphlet all the vanity of a man of a daring, but still a weak and incongruous character, that he had been accustomed to secret rule, and so to be the leader of a party.
Hamilton—Has uniformly professed to hold the people in contempt, and to consider himself as superior to vulgar notions of morality, and government.
Hamilton—Has considered a people as an aggregation of tigers, wolves and foxes, among whom the instincts of destruction and predatory avidity are more predominant than sentiments of benevolence, generosity, benignity or morals.
Hamilton—Has therefore been for a strong government—and that strong government was an army, and a king—a base aristocracy and hypocritical Priesthood.
Hamilton—Had one title to praise; he was always confident! He thought men the work of beasts, and he acted as he thought.
As Hamilton has been the political soul of the faction, the whole body must be considered as acting in sympathy; let us then compare the conduct of the Pickerings, the Dayton, the Wolcotts, the Sedgwick, the Ross, W. Smith the ambassador, Governor Morris, Tracey, Read, Harry Lee, &c. and we shall find a wonderful coincidence and unity of conduct and character animate the whole.
January 28. ib.
WATER WORKS.
Yesterday the Centre Square Engine was put in motion, and the waters of Schuylkill were distributed along the pipes of conduit through the streets of Philadelphia. On this pleasing occasion the Mayor and the members of the two Councils attended at the Centre Square. The water was delivered in considerable quantities—and the whole experiment succeeded to expectation. This is a joyful circumstance to the citizens at large, and must be particularly gratifying to those gentlemen of the Corporation who have, through varied and multiplied difficulties persevered to the completion of an object of the first magnitude, both as it respects the health and convenience of the city.
When the water first issued from the HYDRANTS, which are placed in various parts of the streets, it was considerably turbid, owing to the filth which had collected in the pipes when they were laid down, and which had never before been discharged—but it very soon assumed a limpid appearance, and there can be no doubt but that for drinking and culinary purposes it will be found infinitely preferable to the water of our pumps.
WASHINGTON, (Penn) January 12.
PHENOMENON.
On Wednesday evening last, between 8 and 9 o'clock, a very extraordinary light burst forth from the Southern Hemisphere, which continued about 8 seconds, illuminating the atmosphere equal to the Meridian Sunshine. The light was succeeded by a rumbling hollow noise, for the space of several minutes, resembling the sound of Carriages over a Bridge. A gentle trepidation was felt by some. The Evening was extremely foggy, with some rain. Wind at S. W. We had the following account of the Phenomenon published in the Fayette Gazette.
ON Wednesday evening last, about 8 o'clock the atmosphere being cloudy, and the night very dark, an extraordinary glare of light, which arose near the Southern horizon, and illuminated the whole atmosphere, for the space of about five seconds; and which, in about four minutes and a half after, was succeeded by an explosion similar to a discharge of a large cannon at a distance, which considerably shook the house and kept the window and door-latches in continual trepidation, for the space of about twenty seconds. The nature and cause of this strange phenomenon, we must leave to the naturalists and philosophers to explain.
WILMINGTON, (Del.) Jan. 28.
The Gaud Jury for the district of Lancaster, South Carolina, at a late sitting, presented as a grievance, "The great uncertainty of the Post-Office."
This is a grievance which seems general throughout the Union, and of which the Editor of this paper has daily cause of complaint.
The Editor of the New-York Daily Advertiser, in a note received at this office, confidently affirms, that his paper has been forwarded regularly, every Tuesday and Saturday; and we can with equal confidence declare, that we have received two numbers of it in five months.
Nor is this the only paper of which we are deprived, though to us of most importance, as being a vehicle of early and correct intelligence. Many country papers which are printed (and we have every reason to believe are forwarded) weekly, are seldom received oftener than once in two or three months; and very few, if any, are regularly received.
We do not presume to point out the source whence this evil flows, or to prescribe a remedy; but we fervently lament that an institution of such immense utility as this might be, should be subject to such frequent and general abuses, and fall so far short of the end for which it was established. And while we severely feel the evil, cannot but hope that some measures will be taken to remove it.
Extract of a letter from Capt. Hays, of the Schooner Two Brothers, dated Barbadoes, December 22, 1800.
"I could make you laugh with a variety of anecdotes; but will commence with one of a more serious nature, the particulars of which would be too long by for the present. Suffice it to tell yet I have been dragged out of my own boat with one of my people, by Capt. Milne, of the Seine sloop of war, who told me he would cool me with two dozen, for no other reason than my trying to prevent his people from taking the men out of my boat, however after beating me whilst two of his men held me, and his boat-man struck me several times with his boat hook, the boat captain ordered me to be lashed to the flogger's bowprit, where they left me lashed on my back, and carried off Thomas Moody, a citizen of the U. States, who at the same time had his certificate in his pocket."
BALTIMORE, January 29.
At a late visitation of the Public Schools at Providence, R. I. the number of scholars were found to be 938—who are therein instructed in reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, geography, and elocution.
The last Paris papers announce the discovery of a method for the fusion of emeralds, by which any number of them may be melted, so as to form one stone, without the least impairing the lustre of its appearance. Similar experiments made upon rubies, topazes, and other precious stones, have been successful.
A publication in the American Magazine of January 1st, signed "GORDON THOMPSON, physician," states three cases of ions having the King-Pox feverily, and afterwards experiencing the operations of t. Small-Pox in a very considerable degree, having from one to two hundred pustules each.
It was the Enterprise, captain Sterrett, which sent in the French privateer Schooner on Saturday last; and not the "Experiment," as mentioned in the American of yesterday, and erroneously copied into the other papers of this city. [American.]
WASHINGTON, January 30.
The President has nominated ROGER GRISWOLD Secretary of War.
We have guardedly abstained from any remarks on the unfortunate disaster which has lately considerably injured, and still more extensively-hazarded, the papers of the Treasury. A subject, so important in its consequences, seemed to require a circumpect and cautious treatment. It was easy to foresee that suspicion would attach itself somewhere; but it was not easy to decide at once the truth of such suspicion.
Ten days have elapsed since the fire, and the public are now as much at a loss, as far as regards any official information, to ascertain the extent of the injury, as they