The Virginia gazette (Williamsburg [Va.]), 1770-07-26 00:00:00

VIRGINIA
GAZETTE.
With the latest ADVICES,
FOREIGN and DOMESTICK.
IN CIVITATE LIBERA LINGUAM MENTEMQUE
LIBERAS ESSE DEBERE. — Suet. in Tib. S. 28.
Printed by ALEX. PURDIE, and JOHN DIXON, at the POST OFFICE.
A letter from the King of Prussia to Monf. de Voltaire.
We live in an age of wonders, and the end of this century foretells political miracles and surprising revolutions. I am still at the head of 200,000 of the best disciplined soldiers in Europe. The Czarina will revive the empire of the East, buried in oblivion for many ages, and abandon the modern Petersburg to reside in the ancient Byzantium. Her fleets threaten the Archipelago, and the sons of Mahomet will avoid circumcision by embracing the religion of the Greek Emperor whom they subdued. The Swedes want a Charles XII. to make the kingly power respected at home, and their army formidable abroad. They have tried to reduce their monarchs to the ancient Kings of Sparta, but they want the invincible legions of that republic to enforce the decrees of their Diet. A spirited Prince will conquer them, or die in the attempt. The King of Denmark marries an English Princess, and receives subsidies from France. The Poles, who had recovered their original privilege of electing for King one of their countrymen, instead of having prevented, by their judicious choice, the entry of foreign troops, have suffered more from their hostilities than they ever did during the troublesome and unfortunate reigns of the Electors of Saxony. The Empress Queen caresses the French, whom she hates and contemns in her heart; and treats me with civility, unable to show a sincere affection. The Most Christian King takes the part of the Infidels, and the Pope gives his blessing to the Russian schismatics. The Spaniards want to quarrel with the English, but they are afraid of their floating castles. The Portugese seem resolved to destroy their King, and to force their benefactors to become their enemies. The states of Italy are obliged to be neutral, for fear of falling a prey to their protectors. The English, tired of a continental war, have begun hostilities at home. The Dutch are afraid to burn their fingers. In fine, all Europe is ripe for a war, and wants but a pretence to put in motion her numerous battalions. How happy are you, to laugh, unconcerned, at the quarrels and jealousies of sovereigns!
LONDON, May 4.
TUESDAY was an important day at Westminster. Both rooms were upon publick business. In the Upper Room, Lord Chatham brought in a bill to reverse the proceedings of the Lower Room on the Middlesex election. He introduced it with a speech, perhaps, the finest ever heard, as well for composition as strength of reasoning. The title of the bill having been kept a profound secret, to prevent its coming to the knowledge of Lord Mansfield, who is the secret adviser of the Ministry in almost every measure, no opposition was previously concerted against its being read. Accordingly it was read. Lord Mansfield then assumed the lead; and after quibbling about forms, stating the most trifling niceties, and urging chiefly the competency of the Lower Room to determine upon the Middlesex election, carefully avoiding every thing essential relating to the matter of the bill, or declaring his own opinion upon the rectitude of the measure, he concluded with declaring his opposition to the second reading. Lord Camden answered him with great spirit, and roundly attacked him upon his quibbles, then strongly went into the pretended competency of the Lower Room to determine the Middlesex election, which determination, he said, must be according to law; and if it was not (and it notoriously was not in that case) such determination was like that given by the judges in Charles I. time, upon ship money. No body doubted the competency of the judges, but the judgment they gave upon that case was condemned and execrated by the kingdom at large; that the determination of the Lower Room is now, in like manner, condemned and execrated by the whole kingdom; that the people have complained of it, as a great and manifest grievance, not as the case of any particular man, but as robbing them all of their dearest and most valuable privileges; that the Ministry ought, in prudence, to permit this bill to pass, in order to quiet the minds of the people, who, if thus denied, and thus shut out from all hopes of redress, would most certainly seek, and obtain, a full redress with their own hands. The agents of Carlton House, who were against the second reading, were inflexible. The debate was violent, and lasted until ten o'clock. The bill was rejected, by a majority of 46, there being 39 to 43; among which were the Dukes of Richmond, Rutland, Bolton, Northumberland, Manchester, and Portland.
There were twenty two Bishops in the House of Peers, two of whom, viz. Dr. Ewer, Bishop of Bangor, and Dr. Keppel, Bishop of Exeter, voted on the side of the minority.
A protest was entered, and signed this day, against the above determination.
Speakers for the motion, Duke of Richmond, Lord Chatham, Lord Lyttleton, Lord Camden, Lord Shelburne, Lord Stanhope. Speakers against it, Duke of Grafton, Lord Denbigh, Lord Mansfield, Lord Egmont, Lord Pomfret, Lord Weymouth, Lord Gower.
Another correspondent gives us the following intelligence. Wednesday there were as great debates in the House of Lords as have been this session. The Earls Temple and Chatham, and the Marquis of Rockingham, spoke a great deal, and particularly Lord Chatham, who said that he hoped the Noble Lords would take into serious consideration the unhappy state of Boston, and not suffer the military force to act so inconsistently with the laws of humanity and bravery, as true courage, he observed, consisted not in slaughter, but in acts of generosity and mercy; and added, that though some Lords had very high notions of military force, he would dare affirm that lenity and calmness would alone subdue the party rage which reigned in all his Majesty's dominions.
Lord Marchmont afterwards stood up, and spoke to the following effect. He said that what the Noble Lord had just mentioned he agreed to, but with this difference, that he believed the Americans were such an obstinate people that he thought lenity would only heighten their too haughty opinion of their own sufficiency.
To which the patriotick Earl replied, that he knew Lord Marchmont was no friend to the Americans, but he hoped he would, in this case however, throw off his disgust, and let impartiality for once take part in the distresses of an afflicted people.
A Court lawyer has advised the majority, of both clubs, that whenever any future patriotick questions shall be agitated by Lord
Chatham, and his adherents, to suffer these champions to exhaust themselves in their thread bare declamations on grievances and apprehensions, until a division is called for, when the ministerial party are sure to gain in numbers what they lose in argument and common sense.
A correspondent, speaking of the debate on Tuesday last in the upper room of the Robinhood Society, observes that on one side you heard of nothing but the House of Commons stabbing the vitals of the nation, and giving the death blow to the constitution . On the other side, we were assured the present Parliament have no such patriotick intentions ; that the thing was incredible in itself that the greatest part of the men of fortune and family in this kingdom should combine to enslave themselves and their posterity; that this was an absurdity only calculated to impose on the credulity of the vulgar; that fortunately the present sessions of Parliament had given the most convincing proof of a contrary inclination; that they defied the opposition to point out a session in their memory wherein so great a love of justice and liberty had been shewn as the present; that no other instance was necessary to prove this than their alteration of the mode of settling controverted elections, where they have taken the power from a tribunal that was liable to be swayed by passion, prejudice, or party, and settled it on a similar footing with the glorious trials by jury; but that, if any farther proof was necessary, they could inform the House that bill was now depending amongst the Commons, supported by every member of Administration, to take away and annul that odious and unjust privilege formerly granted to members of Parliament, by which they were protected from civil suits and paying their just debts; that these were not specimens of an honest, upright, and patriotick Parliament, they had no idea left of right and wrong. A Noble Lord, in answer, very humorously said: "I am astonished to hear any man call the present Parliament a patriotick Parliament , when the very instance which they bring to prove it such proves directly the contrary. They tell you that the Commons are now passing a bill that will oblige their members to pay their debts. They may call this bill just and upright if they please, but I am firmly persuaded to call it patriotick , for we all know that nothing is more repugnant to the principles and practise of the patriots than paying their debts; and, to borrow a phrase from the Noble Lord on my right hand, I am grievously apprehensive that it will prove a stab to the vitals, and death blow to the constitution , of many a worthy patriot ."
BOSTON, June 21.
WE hear from Brookline that on Tuesday night last, between 11 and 12 o'clock, the windows of the dwelling-house of Mr. Hulton, one of the Commissioners of the Customs, were broke by persons unknown. Upon complaint made by Mr. Hulton, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, with the advice of his Majesty's Council, has issued a proclamation, offering a reward of 50 l. for the discovery of the offenders. We hear Mr. Hulton has since retired to the castle.
Monday last arrived here Captain Hall, from London, with whom came passenger Patrick Smith, with goods he shipped last year, and for which the trade here paid the freight home; and who has, since his arrival (together with the M asters ) we hear, prudently retired to the castle.
Extract of a letter from New York, June 19.
"The proceedings of your town relative to the congress proposed by our committee of merchants (without any authority) is highly approved of by every friend to his country here. The answer from Philadelphia to said proposal was similar to yours. Those patriotick replies to our infamous proposals made matters quiet a few days, but on the 12th instant a majority of the importers collected a number of people privately, and agreed to go about the city, in order to get the people to sign a paper to break the non importation agreement; and notwithstanding they made use of the most diabolical means to induce them to sign, they could not procure (by their own account) more than 100 and odd names, which is not more than one fourth of the people who have a right to give their voice on the matter. When their lists were brought into their private meeting, to be counted, they refused waiting to see what numbers were for abiding by the agreement, and resolved to send off express to Boston and Philadelphia immediately, which they did yesterday. You are to understand that most of the people who signed for importing signed on condition that Boston and Philadelphia did the same, so that it now rests with you whether we shall be slaves or freemen; for if you and Philadelphia stand firm, joined by the people here, we shall prevent the agreement's being broke. The impudence and stupidity of our merchants is amazing, in sending this second express, after you had assured them that you were determined to abide by the agreement. You may rest assured that the friends to constitutional liberty here will leave nothing undone, in their power, to preserve the agreement inviolate. I am of opinion that it is in the power of Boston and Philadelphia to prevent bloodshed in this city, as there is a considerable number who declare they will have recourse to the sword before they will suffer the agreement to be broke. For my own part, I should think myself a fool to take up arms to oppose an invasion of a foreign enemy after submitting to be enslaved by my fellow citizens."
Extract of a letter from London, dated May 1.
"Much good, I foresee, will result from that inhuman massacre you have had at Boston; the false representations of which will put Parliament, and the people in general here, upon reconsidering the representations (which I know to be false) that have been made of your town and province for a long time past. People in general here are very sorry that Government should think proper to conceal the names of those who have officially written home upon those matters. It is owing to such conduct that we are now in such perplexing difficulties; for how can falsehood be detected, or Government get at the truth, from garbled representations, or anonymous extracts? However, enough will seek out of you, to know who are the authors. It has for some time past been talked of that your prime pensioner will be appointed your Governor. I was yesterday informed, by an intelligent Gentleman I met with at the Board of Trade, that if such appointment should take place it will be in order that way to provide for Bernard, who will then be quartered 450 l. a year upon that appointment, which, with a little bench's place in the Temple, throws him contentedly out of sight. Lord Chatham is in all respects a noble friend to liberty, and stands forth for justice in the American cause."
July 2. At a meeting of the merchants and others in trade, on Monday last, a letter received, by express, from the merchants at New York, was read, proposing a relaxation in the non importation agreement. The subject matter of this letter was maturely considered and debated, and it was thereupon resolved to adhere to the non importation agreement, without the least deviation, until the revenue act imposing a duty on TEA, &c. was totally repealed; and the trade farther voted that the standing committee should immediately inform the merchants of New York of this their resolution, and the expires returned on Tuesday last with this resolution.
The committee of merchants at Connecticut have wrote the committee of merchants here that the trade have had a meeting, and considered of the proposal lately made by the merchants at New York, and have determined strictly to abide by the non importation agreement, as it stood before the late partial repeal of the revenue act. They have wrote a very spirited letter to the merchants at New York, informing them of their determination, and recommend it to them to reconsider the matter, and stand firm to the agreement.
On Monday last, the 25th instant, a committee of the House of Representatives waited on his Honour the Lieutenant Governor with the following message, viz.
May it please your Honour, YOUR message of the 21st instant has been read, and considered, in this House; in answer to which, we beg leave to lay that the mischiefs which must be the consequence of our receding from the votes and resolutions to which you refer are so obvious that the House have now unanimously resolved to adhere to the same. Therefore, if your Honour is yet determined not to remove the Assembly to Boston, we are very desirous of leave to return to our respective homes.
On the same day the Honourable his Majesty's Council sent to his Honour the two following messages, viz.
May it please your Honour, OUR last message to your Honour was not intended to injure your character, but to vindicate our own; and the present message is grounded on the same reason.
Your Honour, in your last message (sent to us the 21st instant) having quoted a paragraph from our address, relative to the power of convening and holding the General Court, is pleased to suggest that we had not "submitted to the exercise of the prerogative in that instance, and that you had reason to say that we had explained away the prerogative into our own hands and the hands of the people." These suggestions your Honour will give us leave to say can have no relation to this Board, as we have given no occasion for them whatever; and we take this opportunity of disclaiming, and do hereby disclaim, all right to the exercise of the prerogative in the instance above referred to, and in every other.
We thank your Honour for wishing to put the most favourable sense upon our expressions, but the favour we have to ask for them is that they may be considered as they stand connected in our address; in which case, we humbly apprehend, they will be found to convey a sense that will justify them.
We shall not take notice of any parts of your message that will lead to a repetition of what we have already said, as we are content it should be judged of, without any farther explanation or defence.
In comparing together the new and the old charters, your Honour enumerates several powers vested in the Governor by the new charter, viz. the powers of calling, proroguing, and dissolving the General Court, of nominating and appointing civil and military officers, &c. which were not vested in him by the old charter; and from the comparison, as also from a clause of the new charter, concerning the Governor's power to govern the militia, you are pleased to make this inference, "that it is therefore without doubt that those enumerations were made merely to exclude all claim to those powers from any authority within the colony" before the grant of the new charter. But although it may appear, "by sufficient memorials, that the agents for the colony were then soliciting in England that the Governor to be appointed might be restrained, and have no more power in those cases than the Governor then in place in the colony," yet we cannot see the justness of the above mentioned inference; because, if the design of the old charter be considered, it will not appear just to argue from it the intention of the new charter. For your Honour has informed us, in your history of this colony, that "it is evident, from the old charter, that the original design of it was to constitute a corporation in England, like to that of the East India and other great companies, with powers to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, under such forms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary."
The design of this old charter, being to constitute a corporation in England, shows the reason why, "by virtue of it, the Governor could neither call, adjourn, or dissolve the General Court;" why "he had no power of nominating judges, justices, the ifs, &c." and why he had "no power of appointing military officers, nor had any sort of military power." Such powers given to a corporation in England, or to the Governor of it, would have been a solecism in politics, as it would have been the establishing of what is called imperium in imperio . But, on the other hand, there was a fitness and propriety that such powers should be so given where they respected a corporation out of the realm, and especially a colony at the distance of a thousand leagues from it; and accordingly, in the new charter, which was designed to constitute in this colony a form of government in a considerable degree resembling that of England, the Governor is vested with those powers, with which, for the reason intimated above, it was unfit he should be vested by the first charter. Hence it appears there is no sufficient reason to deduce the intention of the last charter from the difference of the powers given by that and the first charter, the end and design of those charters being different. But supposing the end and design of both were the same, it would be of dangerous tendency to determine the design of the present charter by any thing besides that charter itself; especially if the powers, with which it vests the Governor, are to be determined by that design, and not by the words of the charter which describe and define them.
With regard to the clause of the charter that relates to the Governor's power over the militia, and the inhabitants of the province in general, it is so far from giving him an uncontroulable military power that the power is limited, and to be exercised (as

in that clause mentioned) for the special defence and safety of the province. The words cited by your Honour, viz. "full power to govern the militia," if they refer to any thing farther than the training, instructing, and exercising the militia, cannot be understood to give a greater power than may be exercised over the inhabitants in general, which it is plain is limited, and to be exercised as above mentioned. The said clause then does not give to a subject an uncontrollable military power. The consequences arising from the contrary supposition cannot therefore support the inference above mentioned, nor can they affect either the power given to the Governor by that clause or by any other clause of the charter; and therefore cannot affect the Governor's power of convening, adjourning, proroguing, or dissolving the General Court.
Though it be absurd that a subject should be vested by the Crown with a military power uncontrollable by itself, yet with regard to civil offices there is no absurdity to suppose they should vest power uncontrollable by the Crown. Nay it is highly expedient, and necessary, that some of them should vest such a power; and, in fact, such a power is vested in the judges of England. And (to give no other instance) we think it is vested also in the Governor of this province, so far as it relates to the adjourning, proroguing, and dissolving the General Court.
In the last paragraph of your Honour's message, it is said "that any farther arguments will only tend to increase the breaches which you should think yourself happy to be able to repair." We are wholly ignorant what breaches are here referred to. The only breach we know of is that your Honour and the Council have different opinions, about a clause of the charter; and this breach (if it can be called one) must of necessity continue until we see sufficient reason to accede to your opinion. In the mean time, we take this occasion to assure your Honour that this difference in opinion shall never, on our part, interrupt the harmony which it will give us pleasure to see kept up between all the branches of the General Court.
May it please your Honour. It gives the Board great concern that in your message of the 22d instant, directed to both Houses, after declaring how "sensible you are of the mischiefs which must be the consequence of our final refusal to proceed in the publick business," you recommend it to us to reconsider our votes or resolves to the contrary; when nothing is more certain than that the Board never passed any one vote, resolve, or order, relative to their proceeding or not proceeding on publick business, so far from it as that it never was so much as the subject of their debate.
His Honour's answer to the message of the Council. Gentlemen of the Council,
WHEN it shall be considered that in your first message to me you tell me "that it would give you great pleasure to proceed in the publick business," and then go on to give your reasons against holding the Court at Cambridge; and when it is farther considered that for three weeks together you have done no business, although great part of the business lying before the Court might with propriety originate with you, and that your messages to me, in which you take exception to the Court's sitting at Cambridge, and my answers, are sent down to the House, which is new and unusual, and that their votes and resolves against doing business are sent up to you, in the like unusual manner, I am content that it should be judged of, without any farther explanation, whether I had not sufficient reason to say that you declined doing business, and whether it was not equivalent to an express refusal. If you did not intend it should be deemed a refusal, I wish you had let me know, in answer to my last message, that you were willing to proceed to business.
You seem to mistake my intention in observing to you that the several parts of the Governor's power, specified in the new charter, were such as the Governor, under the old charter, was not vested with. To prevent any exception to the Governor's exercising these powers under the new charter is an obvious reason for the mentioning them. To suppose they were likewise intended to exclude the Crown from its right of control is without foundation. Whether there was greater propriety in the grant of these powers under the new charter than under the old is immaterial. Let the propriety be ever so great, yet it was necessary to specify them, or there would have been room left for dispute; for although the old charter was intended for a corporation in England, yet it had been carried to America, and the powers granted by it had been exercised there, and there was the same necessity of a special explanation and restriction in the new charter as if the old had been originally designed for a corporation or colony in America. And although, as you observe, powers may be necessary for a colony different from those of a corporation in England, yet it by no means follows that the Crown is excluded from its right of control in the exercise of those powers; and if it be excluded, perhaps, in both cases, we shall be alike involved in the solocism of imperium in imperio .
I cannot agree with you that it would be of dangerous tendency to determine the design of the present charter by any thing besides the charter itself. Where there is any ambiguity, there seems to be the same reason for recurring to the particular circumstances attending the soliciting and granting it as there is to historical facts for the construction of any uncertain ambiguous expressions in any statute.
You say that the Governor's military power is limited, for the special defence and safety of the province. Be it so, it does not follow that the Crown has excluded itself from directing how it shall be exercised for this purpose, in what places the Governor shall erect forts, &c., and yet the Governor has as full power to erect forts as he has to call, adjourn, or prorogue the Court. Nor does there appear to me any reason to suppose the Crown intended by the same mode of expression to retain its military, and give up its civil control; for your observation upon the power vested in the judges does not prove a distinction between the civil and military, but between the judiciary and ministerial power.
As I see no prospect of persuading the Court to proceed to business, and as I am unwilling the good people of the province should be at farther charge, I shall give you a short recess, in hopes that at the next meeting the difficulties you are now under will be removed, and that the several branches of the legislature will agree in sentiment upon these points.
Cambridge, June 25, 1770. T. HUTCHINSON. In the afternoon the Secretary went to the House, and said: "It is his Honour's pleasure that this Great and General Court or Assembly be prorogued to Wednesday the 25th of July next, then to meet at Harvard college in Cambridge; and the said Great and General Court is prorogued accordingly."
NEW YORK, July 2.
A copy of a letter from the merchants and traders in the county of Essex, New Jersey, to the committee of merchants in New York, in answer to their letter, desiring a congress of merchants to meet at Norwalk.
GENTLEMEN, ELIZABETH TOWN, June 8, 1770.
YOUR favour of the 2d instant we have received, and considered, before the receipt of which the merchants, traders, and freeholders of this county, being called together by publick advertisements, unanimously resolved to support the non-importation agreement to the utmost of their power; a copy of which resolution, signed by us and many others, is here enclosed, which sufficiently discovers their and our sentiments. As to the matter of sending deputies to Norwalk, we are sorry such a proposal should have been made. Had these colonies never entered into any resolutions, a proposal for deputies to concert a general plan might have been very proper; but now, as our honour and faith is pledged to each other, shall we leave the noble spirited inhabitants of Charlestown, and the other faithful colonies, to stand or fall by
themselves? Should you have invited the whole continent to the congress, and should they resolve to break their agreement, yet this would not have been justifiable. Our friends on the other side of the water have a right to be consulted. It is not our cause only, but theirs also, which is now depending upon keeping or breaking our agreement. Our friends in England, relying upon our honour and faith, have engaged their honour for us; and shall we now meet to consult whether we will deceive and leave them the icon of their expectations, who are also the enemies of liberty and justice? Shall we meet to consult whether we have honour or faith, or publick virtue? We cannot agree to it. If you had proposed a meeting for strengthening and farther securing the virtue and resolutions of the colonies we should have joined you, but to meet and consult whether we will be faithful would be a reproach to us. We flatter ourselves that if you will be pleased to reconsider the matter you will see the absurdity, and lay aside the proposal, which is the earnest desire of, GENTLEMEN, Your very humble servants.
We hear that on Tuesday last one Hills, a stranger, was detected in selling, or attempting to sell, a quantity of goods purchased in Boston, Newport, &c., and brought here contrary to the non-importation agreement. He delivered up the goods, which were afterwards deposited in the house of Mr. Pratt. The same night, between one and two o'clock, a number of persons, in disguise, went to Mr. Pratt's house, demanded, and obliged him to deliver, the goods, which they carried to an adjoining vacant lot, and, kindling a large fire, committed the whole to the flames. The value of the goods is supposed to be about 200l. We hear the owner has absconded.
We have received a South Carolina paper of the 9th of June, by which we learn that they have had the most violent storm of wind and rain there that ever was known in this calm season of the year. The storm began about ten o'clock on Wednesday morning, and continued until the next night, Thursday the 7th of June, during which time it greatly damaged most of the shipping in the harbour, several being entirely lost; a great number of the wharves are much damaged, and some of them entirely destroyed. The front-wall, and whole fortification, between Granville's and Broughton's batteries, are entirely ruined. No lives were lost.
July 9. On Monday night last a horrid murder was committed in this city, upon a person who sometimes went by the name of Anthony Collins, alias Hamilton, who came here a few days ago passenger in a vessel from Middletown, in Connecticut. He had been drinking late that night in a publick house, in company with one George Seymour, a seafaring man, who lodged at the house, and is strongly suspected to be the murderer, as he went out with Collins, under pretence of conducting him to his lodgings, when it is thought he perpetrated the horrid act. It is said Collins had twenty half-joes about him, for the sake of which, it is conjectured, this atrocious crime was committed. The body was found the next morning, which appeared to have been strangled, and the skull broke. Seymour absconded the next day, when several persons went in pursuit of him; and we hear he was taken last Saturday at New Cheltenham, from whence he was brought to this city, and yesterday committed to the new jail.
Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson has issued a proclamation, promising a reward of 50l. for the discovery of the author or authors of an incendiary letter, left by some unknown person at the house of Henry Barnes, Esq., of Marlborough, directed to him, threatening to fire his shop, and destroy all his substance that he had on earth, to take his body and tar it, and if nothing else would do but death he should have it, if he did not shut up shop, and forbear selling and importing goods.
A letter from a Gentleman in Virginia, June 30. Our General Assembly, which met, by adjournment, upon the 21st of May, is just broke up. The only question, in which the interest of the colonies in general was concerned, came on before the House of Burgess the 23d day of this month, upon his Excellency our Governor's communicating to the House the famous act of Parliament for repealing the duties upon glass, painters colours, and paper of British manufacture. It he expected this act would produce conciliating effects, he was greatly mistaken; for the principles upon which it was founded appeared to derogatory to the rights of American liberty that the House was in flames, with resentment, spurned at the pretended favour, and unanimously voted a petition to the King, asserting their rights, agreeable to their former addresses, representations, and remonstrances. They did not expect this petition would produce any alteration in the conduct of the British Ministry; but they intended it, as their protestation, never to submit silently to the power of the Parliament to tax the colonies. This was all the Assembly thought proper to do, upon this important point, in their legislative character; but, as private Gentlemen, they renewed and enforced their former association against the importation of goods from Great Britain. In this association they were joined by a considerable body of merchants, who were at that time in Williamsburg; and I doubt not the association will, in a very few weeks, become universal throughout the colony.
A determined spirit of opposition to the power of the British Parliament to tax the colonies prevails among all ranks of people, except a few Crown officers. The new association is dispersed through the several counties, and is signing very fast. Committees in the necessary parts of the country are appointed to inspect the imports, and to exert every constitutional measure to prevent vending any article contrary to the association. Those who do not adhere to, or who transgress, the terms of it, will be deemed enemies to American liberty; their names will be made publick; their companies avoided, and every stigma fixed upon them to make them despicable.
But this is not all. The principal Gentlemen in the several counties are preparing to open subscriptions for establishing manufactures in their counties, which will, in a very short time, make it unnecessary to import a single useful article of life from Great Britain. Nay it is much talked of to withhold our exports from Great Britain, and even to relinquish the cultivation of tobacco, and turn our whole force to the improvement of our flocks, herds, and manufactures; which, though we may hereby not receive so large an annual income from our estates, will render us happy, and be a sure means of preserving our liberty, which to us is of much higher value than riches. In short, the conduct of the Ministry has opened our eyes; we now see that we can live within ourselves, that our present wants may be supplied by importing only a few articles from Great Britain, and that in a very short time we can live without them. Luxury and dissipation are quite banished from among us; frugality and industry are universally prevailing. The whirling of our spinning wheels affords us the most delightful musick, and that man is the most respected who appears clad in homespun, as such a dress is a sure evidence of love to his country.
When I take a survey of the surprising increase of manufactures among us since the beginning of our dispute with the Parliament, and the swift advances we are making in improvements of all sorts of necessary clothing and tools for agriculture, I consider the British Ministry as the best friends to the colonies. They indeed aimed at subverting our civil liberties, but in so doing they have pointed out to us the most effectual way to preserve them; a way which we are determined to pursue with unremitted perseverance, and which no custom-house officers, no judges of Vice Admiralty courts, no fleets of Harry VIII. nor even the fleets and armies of the king dom, can force us from.
Go on then ye politicians who govern the British councils with such wisdom as to make yourselves the ridicule of all mankind; go on with declarations that you will oblige America to take the dust from your feet; go on and force the colonies to know their true interest, to learn instruction, and to improve their domestic felicity, by establishing manufactures universally. This you have done already, in a great measure, by the duties you have heretofore imposed; and you will do it effectually by imposing fresh duties
upon their imports, and by continuing your present system of exorbitant administration. Such a conduct will, in the opinion of the colonists, exalt your characters, and demonstrate to the world the wisdom of your councils; which improve the manufactures of the colonies, to the impoverishment and destruction of your own tradesmen."
Extract of a letter from Virginia, to a friend in New York, July 2. I am sorry to find the noble cause of America likely to be betrayed by its pretended friends with you. Can it be possible that men who have feared so high, as to attract the admiration and esteem of all the virtuous part of mankind, should at once sink so low as to become the contempt and derision of every individual? But I hope it is not possible that for a mess of pottage you should sell your invaluable liberties, and entail the curse of slavery upon your descendants for ever, when perseverance, but for a little longer, secures the prize, and makes your names immortal.
We are all patriots here, and will hold no intercourse or connection with you if you basely desert the cause."
PHILADELPHIA, June 28.
SINCE our last it was discovered that there was a quantity of goods purchased at Baltimore for this place, and, on farther inquiry, they were found to belong to William Wells and Thomas Cummins, shopkeepers in Second Street. They were immediately sent for by the committee, where, after some time obstinately refusing to comply with what was advised them by the committee, they agreed to tar as to freed the goods (amounting to 600l.) back to Baltimore, which are gone accordingly; but as yet they pertinaciously refuse making any concession to the publick for the attempt offered to infringe the non-importation agreement entered into by the merchants of this city, as the committee advised them. As henceforward there will be a strict watch kept, any person who shall hereafter be found out in such base practices will probably be more hardly dealt with.
We learn that the Board of Commissioners have wrote home to be removed from Boston, when they will make their den in this city or New York; but some of them say New York will be the place, as they will then be under the wing of the General, &c.
Saturday last arrived in our river the sloop Little Tom, Grinnell, sloop Abigail, All, sloop Polly, Wightman, from Rhode Island. The Captains left their vessels below, and came to town, where they soon found there was no prospect of trade, whereupon they are failed for Virginia and Rhode Island. Captain Abraham Smith, in a sloop from Providence, who was turned away, as mentioned in our last, meeting with the above sloops, thought they had good news, when he put about and followed them, until they came to at Marcus Hook; where he found his mistake, wheeled about, and pushed off for Rhode Island.
July 12. On Saturday evening, the 30th ult. was found on a wharf in this city a package, containing a number of stockings, which were soon known to be Scotch goods; on which the committee met, and the person to whom the package was supposed to belong was sent for, and soon confessed that the above, with a quantity of other goods, were landed from on board the ship Sharpe, Captain Spier, as appears by the following acknowledgement, signed by the parties concerned.
"Whereas in the ship Sharpe, Captain Robert Spier, arrived from Glasgow, which was consigned to Semple and Buchanan, sundry goods were shipped to us contrary to the non-importation agreement entered into by the merchants of this city, on the 10th of March, 1770, we the subscribers, with shame and confusion, acknowledge that though we knew it was contrary to the sentiments of the inhabitants that the goods should be landed we have privately and clandestinely, under cover of the night, after the vessel had left this port, procured the same goods to be taken out of her, and brought up to town, contrary to the said agreement, and the voice and sentiments of our fellow citizens, for which we are sincerely and heartily sorry, and ask pardon of the publick; and we request the merchants committee to take the said goods under their care, and store them for our account, until there is an opportunity of reshipping them to some port or Great Britain. And we do hereby solemnly promise, and pledge our word and faith, that we will reship to Great Britain, by the first opportunity, the said goods, agreeable to the manifest of the cargo now in the committee's hands, and in time to come will strictly and faithfully observe the non-importation agreement."
These are to certify that we did sign the above acknowledgement fully and voluntarily, without compulsion, and not from any dread or fear offered on the part of the committee.
All the goods of the above persons landed out of the ship Sharpe, except a few expected from the country, are delivered into the hands of the committee and stored, with a desire that they may be shipped on they may be shipped on board the first vessel for Great Britain.
We cannot help remarking that Captain Spier, who on his arrival here pledged his word and honour to the committee, as well as to several private persons, that nothing should be landed contrary to the agreement of this city, yet as soon as he was a little way down the river, from under the immediate eye of the publick, in a base and clandestine manner, after several fruitless attempts, hired one Gordon's gallop, of Wilmington, and, contrary to his most solemn promise, sent the goods to this city. It is therefore hoped that as Captain Spier is a man of his word, and one who is so punctilious of his honour, every one will treat him accordingly; and whenever, or wherever, he shall be met with, by an American, he may be treated as an enemy to this country, and one who would do every thing that lay in his power to enslave and shackle us. But should he ever presume to return here, after his past behaviour, no doubt he will meet with usage, and be treated by every one with the contempt he deserves. Captain Spier is gone for, and is now supposed to be in Virginia.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 26.
AT a court of Vice Admiralty, held this week at the Capitol, the Schooner Last Shift, seized by the Magdalen cutter, Captain Collins, bound from James river to Newbern in North Carolina, was condemned, for want of a register, and it also appearing that she was a French bottom, and, for a considerable time past, had never made entry at any customhouse.
The two vessels lately seized in Potomack river, by the B. Roman man of war, are discharged.
Associators since our last. JAMES CRAIG. JOHN MINSON GALT. MATTHEW HOLT.
Advertisements.
YORK county, sc.
To all Mayors, Sheriffs, and Constables, within this colony.
WILLIAM MITCHELL, under Sheriff for this county, this day made oath before me that Robert Ware, late of the county of Middlesex, was a prisoner in his custody, charged in execution, at the suit of Philip Malory, for the sum of 271. 5. 11. d. as appears to me to be the execution issued by William Wager, clerk of the county of Elizabeth City; and that the said Robert Ware did on the 22d of this instant make his escape from the custody of the said William Mitchell. These are therefore, in his Malory's name, to command you, and every of you, to make diligent search within your respective towns, counties, and precincts, for the said prisoner, and if you shall find him then to convey him to the jail of the county wherein he shall be taken; and the keeper of the said jail is hereby commanded to receive into his custody the said Robert Ware, and him safely keep, until he shall be thence discharged by due course of law. Given under my hand and seal, this 25th day of JULY, 1770. THOMAS NELSON, jun.