The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-02-26 00:00:00

States and the party accused. He felt a sincere will, on the one hand, that the traverfer might establish his innocence, by those fair and sufficient means which the law allows; and a determination, on the other, that he should not, by false pretences and frivolous evades, sport with the justice of the country, and evade that punishment of which, if guilty, he was so proper an object. These intentions he is confident, were legal and laudable; and if, in any part of his conduct, he swerved from this line, it was an error of his judgment and not of his heart.
And the said respondent for plea to the said fourth article of impeachment, saith, that he is not guilty, of any high crime and misdemeanor, as in and by the said fourth article is alleged against him, and this he prays may be enquired of by this honorable court, in such manner as law and justice shall seem to require.
The fifth article of impeachment charges this respondent, with having awarded a capias against the body of the said James Thompson Callender, indicted for an offence not capital, whereupon the said Callender was arrested and committed to close custody, contrary to law in that case made and provided.
This charge is relied, 1st, on the act of Congress of September 24th, 1789, entitled, "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States," by which it is enacted "that for any crime or offence against the United States, the offender may be arrested, imprisoned, or bailed, agreeably to the usual mode of process, in the state where such offender may be found." And 2dly, on a law of the state of Virginia, which is said to provide "that upon presentment by any grand jury, of an offence not capital, the court shall order the clerk to issue a summons against the person or persons so offending, to appear and answer such presentment at the next court." It is contended, in support of this charge, that the act of Congress above-mentioned, made the state law the rule of proceedings, and that the state law was violated by issuing a capias against Callender, instead of a summons .
The first observation to be made on this part of the case is, that the date of the law of Virginia is not mentioned in the article. A very material omission! For it cannot be contended, that by the act of Congress in question, which was passed for establishing the laws of the United States, and regulating their proceedings, it was intended to render these proceedings dependent on all future acts of the state legislatures. The intention certainly was, to adopt, to a certain limited extent, the regulations existing in the states at the time of passing the act. Consequently, a law of Virginia, passed after this act, can have no operation on the proceedings under it. But by referring to the law of Virginia in question, it will be found to bear date on November 13th, 1792, more than three years after this act of Congress, by which it is said to have been adopted. But the omission of the date of this law of Virginia, is not the most material oversight which has been made in citing it. It is a "An act directing the method of proceeding against free persons, charged with certain crimes," &c. and it enacts, section 25th. "That upon presentment made by the grand jury, of an offence not capital, the court shall order the clerk to issue a summons , or other proper process, against the person or persons so offending, to appear and answer at the next court." It will be observed that these words, "or other proper process," which leave it perfectly in the discretion of the court what process shall issue, provided it be such as is proper for bringing the offender to answer to the presentment, are omitted in this article of impeachment.
From these words it is perfectly manifest, that the law of Virginia, admitting it to apply, did not order a summons to be issued, but left it perfectly in the discretion of the court to issue a summons , or such other process as they should judge proper. It is therefore, a sufficient answer to this article to say, that this respondent considered a capias as the proper process, and therefore ordered it to issue; which he admits that he did, immediately after the presentment was found against the said Callender, by the grand jury.
This he is informed, and expects to prove, has been the construction of this law by the courts of Virginia, and their general practice. Indeed it would be most strange, if any other construction or practice had been adopted. There are many offences not capital, which are of a very dangerous tendency, and on which very severe punishment is inflicted by the laws of Virginia; and to enact by law that in all such cases, however notorious or profligate the offenders might be, the courts should be obliged, after a presentment by a grand jury to proceed against them by summons ; would be to enact, that as soon as their guilt was rendered extremely probable, by the presentment of a grand jury, they should receive regular notice, to escape from punishment by flight or concealment.
It will also appear, as this respondent believes, by a reference to the laws and practice of Virginia, into which he has made all the enquiries which circumstances and the shortness of time allowed him for preparing his answer, would permit, that all the cases in which a summons is considered as the only proper process, are cases of petty offences, which on the presentment of a grand jury, are to be tried by the court in a summary way, without the intervention of a petit jury. Therefore, these provisions had no application to the case of Callender, which could be no otherwise proceeded on than by indictment, and trial on the indictment by a petit jury.
It must be recollected that the act of Congress of September 24th, 1789, enacts, section 14, "that the courts of the United States, shall have power to issue writs of scire facias , habeas corpus, and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions, and agreeable to the principles and usages of law." Consequently, the circuit court, where the proceedings in question took place, had power to issue a capias against the traverfer, on the presentment, unless the state law above-mentioned governed the case, and contained something to restrain the issuing of that writ in such a case. This respondent contends, for the reasons above stated, that this state law neither applied to the case, nor contained anything to prevent the issuing of a capias , if it had applied.
Thus it appears that this respondent, in ordering a capias to issue against Callender, decided correctly, as it certainly was his intention to do. But he claims no other merit than that of upright intention in this decision: for when he made the decision, he was utterly ignorant that such a law existed in Virginia; and declares that he never heard of it, till this article was reported by a committee of the House of Representatives, during the present session of Congress. This law was not mentioned on the trial either by the counsel or the traverfer or by Judge Griffin, who certainly had much better opportunities of knowing it than this respondent, and who, no doubt, would have cited it had they known it, and considered it as applicable to the case. This respondent well knows that in a criminal view, ignorance of the law excuses no man in offending against it: but this maxim applies not to the decision of a judge;
in whom ignorance of the law in general would certainly be a disqualification for this office, though not a crime; but ignorance of a particular act of assembly, of a state where he was an utter stranger, must be considered as a very pardonable error: especially as the counsel for the prisoner to whose case that law is supposed to have applied, forbore or omitted to cite it; and as a judge of the state, always resident in it, and long conversant with its local laws, either forgot this law, or considered it as inapplicable.
Such is the answer, which this respondent makes to the fifth article of impeachment. If he erred in this case, it was thro' ignorance of the law, and surely, ignorance under such circumstances, cannot be a crime, much less a high crime and misdemeanor, for which he ought to be removed from his office. If a judge were impeachable for acting against law from ignorance only, it would follow, that he would be punished in the same manner for deciding against lawfully, & for deciding against it thro' mistake. In other words, there would be no distinction between ignorance and design, between error and corruption.
And the said respondent, for plea to the said fifth article of impeachment, saith, that he is not guilty of any high crime and misdemeanor, as in and by the said fifth article is alleged against him; and this he prays, may be enquired of, by this honorable court, in such manner, as law and justice shall seem to them to require.
The sixth article of impeachment alleges, that this respondent, "with intent to oppress and procure the conviction of the said James Thompson Callender, did, at the court aforesaid, rule and adjudge the said Callender to trial, during the term at which he, the said Callender was presented and indicted, contrary to the law in that case made and provided."
This charge also, is relied, 1st, on the act of Congress of Sept. 24th, 1789, above-mentioned, which enacts, section 34, "that the laws of the several states, except where the constitution, treaties, or statutes of the United States shall otherwise provide, shall be regarded as rules of decision, in trials at common law , in the courts of the United States, in cases where they apply;" and 2dly, on a law of the state of Virginia, which is supposed to provide, "that in cases not capital, the offender shall not be held to answer any presentment of a grand jury, until the court next preceding that, during which such presentment shall have been made." This law, it is contended, is made the rule of decision by the above-mentioned act of Congress, and was violated by the refusal to continue the case of Callender till the next term.
In answer to this charge this respondent declares, that he was at the time of making the above-mentioned decision, wholly ignorant of any such law of Virginia as that in question, that no such law was adduced or mentioned by the counsel of Callender, in support of their motion for a continuance; neither when they first made it, before this respondent sitting alone; nor when they renewed it, after Judge Griffin had taken his seat in court: that no such law was mentioned by Judge Griffin; who concurred in overruling the motion for a continuance and ordering on the trial; which he could not have done had he known that such a law existed, or considered it as applicable to the case; and that this respondent never heard of any such law, until the articles of impeachment now under consideration were reported, in the course of the present session of Congress, by a committee of the House of Representatives.
A judge is certainly bound to use all proper and reasonable means of obtaining a knowledge of the laws which he is appointed to administer; but after the use of such means, to overlook, misunderstand, or remain ignorant of some particular law, is at all times a very pardonable error. It is much more so in the case of a judge of the supreme court of the United States, holding a circuit court in a particular state, with which he is a stranger, and with the local laws of which he can have enjoyed but very imperfect opportunities of becoming acquainted. It was foreseen by Congress, in establishing the circuit courts of the United States, that difficulties and inconveniences must frequently arise from this source, and to obviate such difficulties it was provided that the district judge of each state, who having been a resident of the state and a practitioner in its courts, had all the necessary means of becoming acquainted with its local laws, should form a part of the circuit court in his own state. The judge of the supreme court is expected, with reason, to be well versed in the general laws; but the local laws of the state form the peculiar province of the district judge, who may be justly considered as particularly responsible for their due observance. If in the case in question, this respondent overlooked or misconceived any local law of the state of Virginia, which ought to have governed the case, it was equally overlooked and misunderstood, not only by the prisoner's counsel who made the motion, and whose peculiar duty it was to know the law and bring it into the view of the court, but also by the district judge, who had the best opportunities of knowing and understanding it, and in whom, nevertheless, this oversight or mistake is considered as a venal error, while in this respondent it is made the ground of a criminal charge.
This respondent further states, that after the most diligent and the most extensive enquiry which the time allowed for preparing this answer would permit, he can find no law of Virginia which expressly enacts, that "in cases not capital, the offender shall not be held to answer any presentment of a grand jury, until the court next succeeding that during which such presentment shall have been made." This principle he supposes to be an inference drawn by the authors of the articles of impeachment, from the law of Virginia mentioned in the answer to the preceding article, the law of November 15th, 1792, which provides "that upon presentment made by the grand jury of an offence not capital, the court shall order the clerk to issue a summons , or other proper process, against the person or persons so offending, to appear and answer such presentment at the next court."
This law he conceives does not warrant the inference drawn from it, because it speaks of presentments and not of indictments , which are very different things: and is, as he is informed, confined by practice and construction in the state of Virginia, to cases of small offences, which are to be tried by the court itself upon the presentment, without an indictment or the intervention of a petit jury. But for cases, like that of Callender, where an indictment must follow the presentment, this law made no provision. Further, the state laws are directed by the above-mentioned act of Congress, to be the rule of decision in the courts of the United States, only "in cases where they apply." Whether they apply or not to a particular case, is a question of law, to be decided by the court where such case is depending, and an error in making the decision, is not a crime, nor even an offence, unless it can be shown to have proceeded from improper motives. This respondent is of opinion, that the law in question did not apply to the case of Callender, for the reasons stated above; and therefore that it would have been his duty to disregard it, even had it been made known to him by the counsel for the traverfer.
And in the last place he contends that the law of Virginia in question, is not adopted by the above-mentioned act of Congress as the rule of decision, in such cases as that now under consideration. That act does indeed provide, "that the laws of the several states, except where the constitution, treaties or statutes of the United States shall otherwise provide, shall be regarded as rules of decision in trials at common law, in the courts of the United States, in cases where they apply." But this provision in his opinion, can relate only to rights acquired under the state laws, which become into question on the trial; and not to forms of process or modes of proceedings, anterior or preparatory to the trial. Nor can it, as this respondent apprehends, have any application to indictments for offences against the statutes of the United States, which cannot with any propriety be called "trials at common law." It relates merely, in his opinion, to civil rights acquired under the state laws; which by virtue of this provision are, when they come in question in the courts of the United States, to be governed by the laws under which they accrued.
If in these opinions this respondent be incorrect, it is an honest error; and he contends that neither such an error in the construction of a law, nor his ignorance of a local state law which he had no opportunity of knowing, and of which the counsel for the party whose case it is supposed to have affected were equally ignorant, can be considered as an offence liable to impeachment, or to any sort of punishment or blame.
And for plea to the said sixth article of impeachment, the said Samuel Chase saith that he is not guilty of any high crime or misdemeanor as in and by the said article is alleged against him; and this he prays may be enquired of by this honorable court, in such manner as law and justice shall seem to them to require.
The seventh article of impeachment relates to some conduct of this respondent, in his judicial capacity, at a circuit court of the United States held at New Castle in the state of Delaware, in June, 1800. The statement of this conduct made in the article is altogether erroneous; but if it were true, this respondent denies, that it contains any matter for which he is liable to impeachment. It alleges that "disregarding the duties of his office, he did descend from the dignity of a judge, and stoop to the level of an informer." This high offence confessed, according to the article, 1st, in refusing to discharge the grand jury although intreated by several of the said jury to do so. 2dly, in "observing to the said grand jury, after the said grand jury had regularly declared thro' their foreman, that they had found no bills of indictment, and had no presentments to make, that he the said Samuel Chase understood that a highly seditious temper had manifested itself in the state of Delaware, among a certain class of people, particularly in New Castle county, and more especially in the town of Wilmington, where lived a most seditious printer, unrestrained by any principle of virtue, and regardless of social order, that the name of this printer was Sidney ," in then checking himself as if sensible of the indecorum which he was committing. 4thly, in adding "that it might be assuming too much, to mention the name of this person; but it becomes your duty, gentlemen, to enquire diligently into this matter," or words to that effect. And 5thly "in authoritatively enjoining on the district attorney of the United States, with intention to procure the prosecution of the printer in question, the necessity of procuring a file of the papers to which he alluded, and by a strict examination of them to find some passage, which might furnish the ground work of a prosecution against the printer."
(To be Continued.)
Debate, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
Tuesday, January 29.
DEBATE ON THE GEORGIA CLAIMS.
In committee of the whole, Gen. Varnum in the chair.
After reading over the report of the committee of claims, which concludes with submitting the following resolution.
Resolved, That three commissioners be authorized to receive propositions of compromise and settlement, from the several companies or persons having claims to public lands within the present limits of the Mississippi Territory, and finally to adjust and settle the same in such manner as in their opinion will conduce to the interest of the United States: Provided , That in such settlement the commissioners shall not exceed the limits prescribed by the convention with the state of Georgia.
Mr. Dana moved that the committee rise and report the resolution.
Mr. J. Randolph withed before the committee rose, that the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) would assign some reasons for the adoption of the resolution. No two things could be more opposite than the prefatory statement made by the committee of claims and the resolution which terminated the report. As there were no reasons assigned, he suspected the gentleman had kept them back with a view of surprising the House by their novelty; but he hoped the committee would not agree to the motion unless some better cause were assigned for its adoption than had been hitherto made known.
Mr. Dana said the committee of Claims in the report now before the committee of the whole had confined themselves to a statement of facts derived from the documents referred to them. He conceived it to be the business of the committee of Claims to investigate the facts, and arrange them in such a manner as to free them from the labor of detail—they had done this, and the report was a summary of all that had passed in the review before them. It was left to gentlemen to reason on the case according to their course of reflection. Whether the committee reasoned a on subject, well or ill, he did not know that gentlemen were bound to follow them in their conclusion. Indeed, he apprehended that were the reasoning ever so energetic, it would not go to satisfy every gentleman. On a question like the present, he despaired of making it satisfactory to the gentleman who had asked for reasons. He was persuaded that gentlemen could not be convinced by any argument the committee might have used, and it was idle to call upon them to perform impossibilities.
The question on the committee's rising, and reporting their agreement to the resolution was put, and carried—Ayes 61—Nays 50.
The Speaker having resumed the chair, Gen. Varnum reported the foregoing resolution as agreed to.
Mr. Bryan called for the reading of that rule of the House, which refrains interested persons from voting.
The Clerk read the same, as follows: "No member shall vote on any question in the event of which he is immediately and particularly interested; or in any other case, where he was not present when the question was put."
A motion was made to consider the report
of the committee of the whole, and carried—Ayes 64—Nays 51.
Mr. Clark moved a pro forma amendment, declaring, that no part of the five millions of acres referred should go to compensate the claimants under the act of Georgia, passed in 1785.
Mr. J. Randolph called the yeas and nays on the amendment.
Mr. Dana observed that the report on the table had been made on the application of persons claiming land under the act of 1785. The amendment, he said, is nothing more or less than a denial to comply with the prayer of the petitioners, and whether it was not to all intents and purposes a substitute for the resolution agreed to in the committee of the whole, he would leave to the Speaker. If it were decided to be a substitute, it could not be received conformably to the rules of the House.
The Speaker said the resolution reported from the committee of the whole was a general one, including all claims; the amendment went to limit and confine the resolution to a particular class, and therefore he conceived it to be in order.
Mr. J. Randolph. It must be manifest to the House that this discussion is forced upon those who are opposed to the report of the committee: that we are not prepared at this time to meet it. I am among those who hoped that some reasons would be assigned, if indeed reasons can be found, to warrant the step about to be taken. I did hope, that instead of a string of facts and statements which were already before the House, the committee would have given us something new in the shape of argument, justifying of the resolution which they have recommended. But I have been disappointed. Nothing is offered either in the report itself, or in debate, which throws a single gleam of light on the subject. I have particular reasons to deprecate a discussion at this time. I shall not trouble the House by detailing them, but briefly state that I feel myself unequal to an immediate investigation of this question, as well from personal indisposition as from the pressure of other important business which has left me but little leisure to attend to this. The few moments which I have been able to devote to it, have convinced me that much new and important matter remains to be brought to light. But no apology will be received:—we are driven to a vote by an inflexible majority.
The objection taken by the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) and the doubt which he raised on the point of order, respecting the amendment offered by my worthy colleague, (Mr. Clark) discloses his drift, and that of the committee of Claims, whilst it proves the necessity of some such amendment to save the citizens of the United States and their property from spoliation and plunder. The gentleman has stated truly that his object was to further the claims of the New-England Mississippi land company. As I fear I shall have full occasion to exert my voice, I must beg that the memorial of the agents of that company may be read by the Clerk.
The petition was read accordingly.
Mr. J. Randolph then called for the reading of the act of Georgia of February 1796, generally called the re-scinding act, and he hoped they would have silence whilst the act was reading, as it was a very important one, and ought to influence the decision on the present subject. The act was read in compliance with the request.
After it was finished, Mr. Clark moved to adjourn.
On the division, there was 52 ayes, and 55 noes.
Mr. Clark requested that the act of 1795, under which they derived their pretended titles, might be read.
While the Speaker was reading the same, Mr. Dana rose and enquired whether it was necessary to read the whole of the law, or whether gentlemen would not be satisfied with the reading of such part of it as bore upon the present question.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH called the gentleman to order for interrupting the Speaker in his reading.
Mr. SPEAKER. The objection ought to have been made (if at all) when the reading of the law was first called for.
The reading was continued to the end of the act—when,
Mr. J. CLAY moved that the House adjourn. On a division there were 53 ayes and 60 noes. Motion lost.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH. Perhaps it may be supposed, from the course which this business has taken, that the adversaries of the present measure indulge the expectation of being able to come forward at a future day—not to this House, for that hope is desperate, but to the public, with a more matured opposition than it is in their power now to make. But past experience has shown them that this is one of those subjects which pollution has sanctified—that the hallowed mysteries of corruption are not to be profaned by the eye of public curiosity. No, fir, the orgies of Y-zoo speculation are not to be laid open to the vulgar gaze. None but the initiated are permitted to behold the monstrous sacrifice of the best interests of the nation on the altars of corruption. When this abomination is to be practiced we go into conclave. Do we apply to the press? that potent engine, the dread of tyrants and of villains, but the shield of freedom and of worth: No, fir, the press is gagged. On this subject we have a virtual feudal law: not with odious title, but irresistible in its operation, which, in the language of a gentleman from Conn. (Mr. Griswold) goes directly to its object. The demon of speculation at one sweep has wrested from the nation their best, their only defence, and closed every avenue of information. But a day of retribution treads away, and their property squandered, the people must not, they shall not be kept in ignorance by whom, or for whom it is done.
We have often heard of party spirit, of caucuses, as they are termed, to settle legislative questions; but never have I seen that spirit so visible as at this time. The out-of-door intrigue is too palpable to be disguised. When reared in the last moments of an expiring administration, the detested offspring of a midnight hour, when the question of repeal was before this House, it could not be taken until midnight—in the third or fourth week of the discussion—When the great and good man who now fills, and who (whatever may be the wishes of our opponents) I hope and trust will long fill the executive chair, not left to his own honor than to the happiness of his fellow citizens: when he, fir, recommended the repeal of the internal taxes, delay succeeded delay, and difference itself was worn threadbare.—But now, when public plunder is the order of the day, now are we treated? Driven into the committee of the whole, and out again in a breath, by an inflexible majority, exulting and stubborn in their strength, a decision must be had, instanter. The advocates for the proposed measure feel that it will not bear a scrutiny. Hence this excitement. They wince from the touch of examination, and are willing to hurry through a
painful and disgraceful discussion. But it may be asked, why this tenacious adherence of certain gentlemen to each other on every point connected with this subject. As if animated by one spirit, they perform all their evolutions with the most exact discipline, and march in firm phalanx directly up to their object. Is it that men combined to effect some evil purpose, acting on previous pledge to each other, are ever more in uniform than those who, seeking only to discover truth, obey the impulse of that conscience which God has placed in our bosoms. Such men do not stand compromised. They will not flatter the suggestions of their own minds, and sacrifice their private opinions to the attainment of some common, perhaps some nefarious object.
Having given vent to that effusion of indignation which I feel, and which I trust I shall never fail to feel and to express on this detestable subject, permit me now to offer some crude and hasty remarks on the point in dispute. They will be directed chiefly to the claim of the New England Mississippi land company, whom we propose to debate [with all the other claimants under the act of 1795] from any benefit of the five millions of acres, reserved by our compact with Georgia, to satisfy their claims not specially provided for in that compact, as we might find worthy of recompense. I shall direct my observations more particularly to this claim, because it has been more insisted upon, and more zealously defended than any other. It is alleged by the memorialists, who style themselves the agents of that company, that they, and those whom they represent, were innocent purchasers:—in other words, ignorant of the corruption and fraud by which the act from which their pretended title was derived, was passed. I am well aware that this fact is not material to the question of any legal or equitable title, which they may fit up,—but as it has been made a pretext for exciting the compassion of the legislature, I wish to examine into the ground upon which this allegation rests. Sir, when that act of odious villainy was passed in 1795, attempting under the forms and semblance of law, to rob unborn millions of their birth right and inheritance, and to convey to a band of unprincipled and flagitious men a territory more extensive, and beyond comparison more fertile than any state of this union, it caused a sensation scarcely less violent than that produced by the passage of the stamp act, or the shutting up of the port of Boston:—with this difference, that when the port of Boston passed, her southern brethren did not take advantage of the forms of law, by which a corrupt legislature attempted to defraud her of the bounty of nature:—they did not speculate on the necessities and wrongs of their abused and insulted countrymen.—I repeat, that this infamous act was succeeded by a general burst of indignation throughout the continent. This is matter of public notoriety—and those—I speak of men of intelligence and education, purchasers too of the very country in question, those who affected to have been ignorant of any such circumstance, I shall consider as guilty of gross and wilful perversion. They offer indeed to virtue the only homage which she is ever likely to receive at their hands—the homage of their hypocrisy. They could not name an assertion within the limits of possibility which entitled to credit.
Yes, the act of the 7th of January 1795, excited emotions of detestation and abhorrence, equal to those produced by the stamp act, or port bill of Boston. But this was not all. It drew upon it the immediate attention of the federal government. The authority which is about to be produced to the House is one which I am not in the habit of prostituting to every light occasion. It is one from which those who are daily endeavouring to shelter their crimes and their follies under its venerable shade will not dare to appeal. Upon looking into the journals of this house, I find the following message from the President, dated on the 17th of February 1795.
"Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives."
"I have received copies of two acts of the legislature of Georgia, one passed on the 28th day of December, 1794." [This, fir, is the act which the wavering virtue of the governor induced him to reject.] "The other on the 7th of January, 1795." [The act under which the different companies, from one of which the memorialists derive their pretended title, claim] "for appropriating and selling the Indian lands within the territorial limits claimed by that state. These copies though not officially certified, have been transmitted to me in such a manner, as to leave no room to doubt their authenticity. These acts embrace articles of such magnitude, and in their consequences may so deeply affect the peace and welfare of the United States, that I have thought it necessary now to lay them before Congress. "
Here, fir, is ample notice to the whole world. This message was referred to a select committee; consisting of Mr. John Nicholas, Mr. Macon, Mr. Pinckney, Mr. Murray, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Ames, and Mr. Sherburne; on whose report, after solemn deliberation in the committee of the whole, the House on the 26th of the same month came to the following resolution: "Resolved, that the President of the United States be authorized to obtain a cession from the state of Georgia of their claim to the whole , or any part, of the land within the present Indian boundaries." [The very land which the act of the 7th of January had attempted to alienate and sell:] and the bill which I now hold in my hand, was accordingly brought in, pursuant to the resolution, and passed the House on the 23d day of March. But unfortunately the session closed, of necessity, on the following day, and this House is well apprised that the forms of the Senate will not permit any bill to be hurried through that body. A single negative is sufficient to prevent it. The subject was not suffered however to sleep—An act was subsequently passed opening a negotiation with Georgia for the territory in question, of which we have received from her a solemn transfer. Is this notice, or is it not? On a formal message from the President laying before them the act of 1795—to totally invalid and worthless was that act in their eyes, in such utter contempt did they hold the pretended rights of the grantees under it—that the House of Representatives immediately passed a bill empowering the President to receive a grant of the very land which that act had previously and fraudulently attempted to convey to the four companies. With what face could the President recommend, or Congress endeavour to obtain from Georgia a cession of the whole or any part of the land within her Indian boundaries, if they believed that the land in question had been conveyed to others by a fair and bona fide sale? If they attached to the act of January 1795 any idea of validity? The man who answers this objection shall have my thanks. But perhaps I shall be told that this was the act of a single branch of the legislature and not a law. True, fir; but it was a solemn avowal to the whole world that Congress had a right to legislate on the subject. It was notice on the 17th and 26th days of February, 1795, that the act passed by the state of Georgia, in the preceding month, was void and of no effect—it was loudly pro-

claimed by the convention of that state, which met in the succeeding May, and was finally confirmed by the re-enacting act of the 18th of February, 1796, which was subsequently engraved on the constitution of Georgia. And yet the New England Mississippi land company, under a deed of contemporaneous date (as they far) with this last act, a deed containing not merely a special warranty, but a special covenant that no recourse shall be had against the sellers, for any defect of title in them; a covenant which clearly indicates notice on the part of the buyers of such defect; claiming under a deed by which they purchased such title only as the grantees of 1795, had to sell, in whole or in part, and place they agree to stand; this company affect to have no notice of any defect of title in those of whom they bought. Sanction the claim of this company, or any other derived from the act of 1795, and what in effect do you declare? You record a solemn acknowledgement that Congress have unfairly and dishonestly obtained from Georgia a grant of land to which that state no longer possessed a title, having previously sold it to others for a valuable consideration, of which transaction Congress was at the time fully apprized. Are you prepared to make this humiliating confession? To identify yourselves with the feinters of 1795? To acknowledge that you have unfairly obtained from another that to which you knew he had no title? I trust, Sir, we have not yet reached this point of moral and political depravity.
The agents of the New-England land company are unfortunate in two points. They set out with a formal endeavor to prove that they are entitled to their proportion of fifty millions of acres of land under the law of 1795, and this they make their plea to be admitted to a proportional share of five. If they really believed what they say, would they be willing to commute a good, legal, or equitable claim for one tenth of its value. Their memorial contains moreover a suggestion of falsehood. They aver that the reservation of five millions, for satisfying claims not otherwise provided for, in our compact with Georgia, was specially intended for the benefit of the claimants under the act of 1795, and that we are pledged to satisfy them out of that reservation. Now, Sir, turn to the 6th volume of your laws, and what is the fact? In the first place to much of the reserved five millions, as may be necessary to appropriate for the satisfaction of claims derived from British grants not recognized by Spain, and as much of the residue as may be necessary to appropriate for compensating other claims, not recognized in our compact with Georgia. An appropriation for certain British grants specially, and for other claims generally, is falsely suggested to have been made for the special benefit of the claimants of 1795—and the reservation of a portion in the United States to quiet such claims as they should deem worthy of compensation, is perverted into an obligation to compensate a particular class of claimants; into an acknowledgement that such claims are worthy of compensation. On this ground be inveigled by such bare-faced effrontery? Sir, the act containing this appropriation clause was not brought to a third reading till the first of March. Our powers expired on the 4th: it was at the 2d session of the 7th Congress. It was in the power of those opposed to the corrupt claims of 1795 to have defeated the bill by a division. But, Sir, they abstained on this ground. If the appropriation of the five millions had not been made at that session, the year within which by our agreement with Georgia it was to be made, if at all, would have expired before the meeting of the next Congress; and it was urged, by the friends of the bill, that there were several descriptions of claims to which no imputation of fraud could attach; that by making a general appropriation we secured to ourselves the power of recompensing such claims as, on examination, might be found worthy of it, whilst we pledged ourselves to no class of claimants whatever. But that if we should suffer the term specified, in our compact with Georgia, to elapse without making any appropriation, we should preclude ourselves from the ability to compensate any claimants, not specially provided for, however just and reasonable we might find them, on investigation, to be. Under these circumstances, and I appeal to my excellent friend from Maryland, who brought in, for the correctness of my statement, the opponents of the bill gave it no other opposition than a silent vote. And now, Sir, we are told that we stand pledged, and that an appropriation for British grants not recognized by Spain, specially, and for such other claims against the state of Georgia, generally, as Congress should find just and worthy, was made for the special benefit of a particular description of claimants, branded too with the deepest odium; who dare to talk to us of public faith and appeal to the national honor.
The conclusion of the memorial is amusing enough. After having played over the farce, which was acted by the Yazoo Squad at the last session, affecting to believe that an appropriation has been made by the act of March 1803, for their special benefit, they pray that Congress will be pleased to give them—what? that to which they are entitled—by no means—an eighth or tenth part of it—which said eighth or tenth part, if we may credit them, has been already appropriated to their use by law. From a knowledge of the memorials, and those whom they represent, can you believe for a moment that if they had the least faith in the volume of argument (I am sorry to profane the word) which they have presented to the House to prove the goodness of their title, can you believe that under such an impression they would accept a paltry compromise of two shillings in the pound—much less that to obtain they would defend so low. Sir, when these men talk about public faith and national honor, they remind me of the appeals of the unprincipled gamester and veteran swindler to the honor of the thoughtful spendthrift, whilst in reality they are addressing themselves to his vices and his folly.
I have confined myself on this occasion principally to the question of notice, because it has been made an engine to play upon the generous feelings of many, and not because I deemed it material to the question of title. It is not my intention to travel over the ground which I occupied at the last session on the following important points. That Georgia had no right to make the sale; that even if she had, the contract being laid in corruption and fraud, was null and void, ab initio; that, consequently, the question of notice was not material to the question of title, in the hands of third persons; since, the original grant being obtained by bribery and fraud, no right could vest under it; and that the grantees of 1795 could not sell a greater or better title, than they themselves possessed; and that even if these positions were as false, as they are indisputably true, the present case presents a monstrous anomaly to which the ordinary and narrow maxims of municipal jurisprudence ought not, and cannot, be applied. It is from great first principles, to which the patriots of Georgia so gloriously appealed, that we must look for aid in such extremity. Yes, extreme cases, like this call for extreme remedies. They bid defiance to palliatives, and it is only from the knife, or the actual cautery that you can expect relief. There is no cure short of extirpation. Attorneys and judges do not decide the fate of empires.
The right of the state of Georgia to sell (although I do not propose to go largely into that question) is denied by your own statute book, by turning to which you will find, that so far from being able to transfer to others the right of extinguishing Indian title to land, she has not been able to exercise it for her own benefit. It is only through the agency of the United States that she can obtain the extinguishment of Indian title to the soil within her limits, much less could she delegate it to a few Yazoo men. But, as has been repeatedly stated on former discussions of this subject, even if the question of right on the part of Georgia to sell, and on the part of the grantees to take, be conceded, it cannot be controverted that the fraudulent and corrupt attempt of the legislature of 1795 to betray the interests of those who had confided in them, was ipso facto, void; that no right could be vested, by it, in the instigators and participators of the fraud, and that these could not convey to others a better title than they themselves possessed. If the authority were worth anything, I myself would cite that of the memorials themselves and of the committee of claims, in support of this position. It is allowed by these authorities, that the title of the purchasers, at second and third hand, is diminished in the ratio which five millions of acres bears to the whole territory, which they modestly admit to contain thirty-five millions of acres, although there is the best reason to believe it to be nearer fifty. Now, Sir, they have not condescended to explain to us by what legerdemain it comes to pass, that a title to thirty-five millions of acres (to take their own statement) is depreciated in their hands so fearfully as to quantity, is reduced to one seventh of its value, whilst the quality of the title to that seventh is proportionally raised. Plain honest men would reason very differently. A man of this stamp would argue somewhat in this way. If the corrupt and corrupting grantees of 1795, sold a claim to 35,000,000 of acres to third persons, surely those persons would have the same title to the whole of the property which they had purchased, that they could pretend to set up any part of it. It would never occur to such a man, that whilst, as to quality, these persons had bought a better title than the vendors themselves had to sell, yet by some unintelligible process, this better title was in quantity, and of course in value, wasted in their hands to one seventh part of its original worth; in other words was seven times worse, and at the same time better, than the title of the original grantee. Discoveries such as these have been reserved for the profound legal learning of the agents of the New-England Mississippi land company, and the ingenuity of the committee of claims! What, Sir, would you say to a pretender to your estate, who after laying claim to the whole of it, and writing a volume of argument (if I may so abuse the term as to apply it to the sophistical trash which I hold in my hand) in support of his pretensions, should make it the ground work of a proposal to receive a seventh, or a tenth part of what he claimed him legally and equitably entitled to, and should at the same time affirm that you were "bound in honour" to accede to his modest, considerate and generous proposition? Would you not count him from your presence as a swindler, as a disturber of the peace of society, or would you be trepanned by his artifice, or bullied by his effrontery out of your property?
The government of the United States on a former occasion, did not, indeed, act in this form and decided manner. But those were hard, unconstitutional times, which ought never to be drawn into precedent. The first year that I had the honor of a seat in this House, an act was passed of a nature not altogether unlike the one now proposed. I allude to the case of the Connecticut reserve, by which the nation were swindled out of, some three or four millions of acres of land, which, like other bad titles, had fallen into the hands of innocent purchasers. When I advert to the applicants by whom we were then beset, I find that among them was one of the very persons who style themselves agents of the New-England Mississippi land company, who seems to have an unfortunate knack at buying bad titles. His gigantic grasp embraces with one hand the shores of lake Erie and stretches with the other to the bay of Mobile. Millions of acres are easily digested by such stomachs. Goaded by avarice they buy only to sell, and sell only to buy. The retail trade of fraud and imposture yields too small and slow a profit to gratify their cupidity. They buy and sell corruption in the gross, and a few millions, more or less, is hardly felt in the account. The deeper the play, the greater their zeal for the game and the stake which is set upon their throw, is nothing less than the patrimony of the people. Mr. Speaker, when I see the agency that has been employed on this occasion, I must own that it fills me with apprehension and alarm. This same agent is at the head of an executive department of our government, subordinate indeed in rank and dignity, and in the ability required for its superintendence, but inferior to none in the influence attached to it. This officer, possessed of how many snug appointments and fat contracts, let the voluminous records on your table of the mere names and dates and sums declare, having an influence which is confined to no quarter of the country, but pervading every part of the union, with offices in his gift amongst the most lucrative, and at the same time the least laborious, or responsible under the government, so tempting as to draw a member of the other House from his seat, and place him as a deputy at the feet of your applicant; this officer presents himself at your bar, at once a party and an advocate. Sir, when I see this tremendous patronage brought to bear upon us, I do confess that it strikes me with consternation and dismay. Is it come to this? Are heads of executive departments of the government to be brought into this House, with all the influence and patronage attached to them, to extort from us, now, what was refused at the last session of Congress? I hope not, Sir. But if they are, and if the abominable villainy practised upon, and by the legislature of Georgia, in 1795, is now to be glossed over, I for one will ask what security they, by whom it shall be done, can offer for their reputations, better than can be given for the character of that legislature? I will pin my faith upon this text, and preach upon it as long as I have life. If no other reason can be adduced but a regard for our own fame, if it were only to refuse ourselves from this foul imputation, this weak and dishonorable compromise ought to receive a prompt and decisive rejection. Is the voice of patriotism called to rest? That we no longer hear the cry against an overheating majority determined to put down the constitution, and deal to every proposition of compromise? Such were the dire forebodings to which we have been heretofore compelled to listen. But if the enmity of such men be formidable, their friendship is deadly destruction. Their touch is pollution. What is the spirit against which we now struggle, which we have vainly endeavored to stifle? a monster generated by fraud,
nursed in corruption, that in grim silence awaits his prey. It is the spirit of FEDERALISM! That spirit which considers the many as made only for a few, which sees in government nothing but a job, which is never so true to itself, as when false to the nation. When I behold a certain party supporting and clinging to such a measure, almost to a man, I see only men faithful to their own principles; pursuing, with steady step and untiring zeal, the uniform tenor of their political life. But when I see affiliated with them, in firm compact, others who once rallied under the standard of opposite principles, I am filled with apprehension and concern. Of what consequence is it that a man files in your face, holds out his hand and declares himself the advocate of those political principles to which you also are attached, when you see him acting with your adversaries upon other principles which the voice of the nation has put down, which I did hope were buried, never to rise again in this section of the globe. I speak of the plunder of the public property. Say what we will, the marrow and rith of this business will be found in the character of the great majority of its friends—who stand, as they have before stood, on this floor, the unabashed advocates of unblushing corruption. But this it may be said is idle declamation. We may be told, as we have been told before, that the squanderers of the public treasure are the guardians of the people against their worst enemies, themselves; that, to protect them from further dilapidation, it is necessary to give this Cerberus of corruption, this many-headed dog of hell, a sop: that it is to your interest to pacify him; and this sentiment is re-enforced by his yell. Good God! Sir, can you believe, can any man believe it; is there a woman, or child, in the country weak enough to credit it; that a set of speculators, out of pure regard to the public interest, are willing to sacrifice thirty millions of acres of land? that they press their offer to accept a seventh or a tenth of their claim, from motives of patriotism? Can you believe that their love of country has got the better of their avarice, that their virtue is equal to such a sacrifice at the shrine of the public welfare? Such men I repeat it, are formidable as enemies, but their friendship is fraught with irresistible death. I feared indeed the "Dana as, et dona recentes." But after the law in question shall have passed, what security have you that the claimants will accede to your terms of compromise?—that this is not a trap, to obtain from Congress something like a recognition of their title to be hereafter and against us? Sir, with all our wisdom, I seriously doubt our ability to contend with the arts and designs of these claimants, if they can once entangle us in the net of our own legislation. Let the act of March 1801, of which already they have made so dextrous a use, be remembered. They themselves have pointed out the course which we ought to pursue. They have told us, that so long as we refrain from legislating on this subject, their case is hopeless. Let us then persevere in a "wise and masterly inactivity."
Whenever a bill shall be introduced in conformity to the principles of the report, if such should unfortunately be the decision of the House, I trust that some gentleman more competent than myself will be ready to give it a more effectual opposition. My weak health and want of preparation unfit me for the task. But, Sir, if this claim is to be admitted, I hope we shall not fail to go the whole length of our principle—that we shall not narrow down to five millions of acres a legal or equitable title to fifty. If Congress shall determine to sanction this fraud upon the public, I trust in God we shall hear no more of the claims, and follies of the former administration. For one I promise that my lips upon this subject shall be closed in eternal silence. I should disdain to prate about the petty-larcenies of our predecessors, after having given my sanction to this atrocious public robbery. Their petty delinquencies will vanish before it, as the stars of the firmament fade at the effulgent approach of a sun.
Foreign Intelligence.
Translated from a late Paris paper, received at New-York.
ACCOUNT OF THE CORONATION OF BONAPARTE.
PARIS, Dec. 4. The sound of cannon and ringing of bells were incessant in announcing the ceremony of the coronation, from 6 o'clock yesterday morning, throughout the whole day. The skies, which on so many former occasions have been favorable to the commemoration of events of more than ordinary propitious. The weather, somewhat cloudy, but mild and pleasant, favored the assemblage of the citizens, and crowned with complete success the immense preparations with which all Paris had been for a long time occupied. The sun shone at intervals, making his first appearance at the instant the Emperor left the Thuilleries, and occasionally beamed forth during the march to Notre Dame. From five o'clock in the morning the streets were thronged with people and carriages, especially those through which the procession was to pass. The public expectation has been fully gratified—nothing could exceed the taste, richness and elegance of every thing connected with the procession—nothing, especially could exceed the brilliant appearance of those veterans who formed the escort of his majesty, the light of whom brought to remembrance the victories which this nursery of heroes has so often obtained.
The procession arrived at the church in the midst of the acclamations of the people. The acclamations were reiterated in the temple, filled with citizens more particularly attached to his Majesty, as they were co-operators with him in dispensing those blessings which his genius procured. At 8 o'clock the benches were occupied by the Presidents of Cantons, and other official characters called together from all the Departments of the Empire. The Tribune, the Legislative Body, and the Senate, successively arrived, and filled the body of the Church. The Council of State took their seats parallel to the foot of the Throne. The Diplomatic Body was seated above the Council. The Elector Arch Chancellor of the Germanic Empire, and many foreign Princes were seated on one side of the Throne. His Holiness the Pope arrived at half past 10, preceded by his cardinals, the Arch-bishops of France, and all the Clergy of Paris—while they were entering the Church, there was music in a superior style of excellence, to the words "Thou art Peter" &c. After which there was an interval of an hour before the arrival of the Emperor, during which time his Holiness remained seated in the attitude of a Pontiff who was profoundly meditating on heavenly things, and on the happiness of his fellow creatures. It was impossible to fix one's attention on his holiness at this time, without being penetrated with sentiments of extraordinary veneration. Their Majesties entered the church between 12 and 1 o'clock; having ap-
proached the Altar, His Holiness sung Veni Creator , administered the Holy anointing to the Emperor and Empress, and the other ceremonies followed according to the manner in which they have been announced. Suitable anthems were performed during the above ceremony. Their Majesties then ascended the throne with all the splendor of Imperial magnificence—His holiness followed habited in his official robes, and completed the great work of Coronation, repeating these words, vivat emperor in eternum . The Church immediately responded with cries, "Long live the Emperor—Long live the Empress." These acclamations, with which their Majesties were received on their entrance, were repeated with transport at each remarkable occurrence during the august ceremony. Their Majesties repaired a second time to the Altar; to make their offerings. Mass was finished at three o'clock. His eminence Cardinal Fesch, Grand Almoner, having carried the Book of the Evangelists to the Emperor, his Majesty took the Imperial Oath upon the Throne, in a tone of voice which indicated that the feelings of his heart were in unison with the expression of his lips; but coming to these words, which conclude the oath, "I swear to govern with a single eye to the interest, the happiness, and the glory of the French people," his voice faltered, on account of the tender sensibility which he at that moment experienced; which being instantaneously observed and felt by the audience, their cries of Long live the Emperor were redoubled. Te Deum was then performed. His majesty with his retinue left the Church at 4 o'clock, and did not arrive at the Thuilleries till dark. The Pope with his attendants followed the Emperor in about ten minutes. The carriage of his Holiness was preceded, according to custom, by an Ecclesiastical mounted on a mule and carrying the Papal Cros.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, February 14.
The ship Penebe, which arrived at this port last evening, left Nantz on the 17th. December. Our Paris papers by her are to the 11th of that month, inclusive; but they are wholly uninteresting on any other subject than the coronation of Bonaparte, which took place at the time and in the manner prescribed by the Senatus-consultum; and that Turkey has agreed to acknowledge the new Emperor in the double title of Emperor and of Pades-chah, a denomination which it has been customary for the Porte to bestow on the Kings of France.
We learn, by the arrival of the ship American Eagle, from Cadiz, that the fever which had so long afflicted that place has entirely ceased, and the troops which had been placed as guards round the city, to prevent the pestilence from extending its ravages into the interior, have been withdrawn; that the blockade of the port was still continued by the British, and that the spirits of the Spaniards were much depressed at the idea of a war with England. Mr. Baker, purser of the United States brig Syren, came passenger in the American Eagle, having leave of absence on account of the bad state of his health. He informs us, that the Syren had arrived at Cadiz to relieve the frigate Essex, which failed for Malta; that the blockade of Tripoli was still continued; that the blocking squadron had captured three Greek vessels laden with wheat and bound to Tripoli; that commodore Preble in the John Adams was at Palermo, and was about to proceed for Naples, and from thence to this country; that the brig captured from the British for a breach of the blockade of Tripoli had been converted into a vessel of war and called the Scourge; and that she had proceeded from Palermo for Norfolk under the command of Lieut. Izard, having Lieut. Murrell and another officer from the squadron on board—and that commodore Barron was sick at Malta.
Captain Peacock, of the brig Union, from Cap-Francois, informs, that the blacks were destroying all the forts on the sea coast, and fortifying the interior as they expected every moment to be attacked by the French. Dessalines was at Aus-Cayes, for what purpose it was not known. Came passenger in the Union, captain Ring, late of the Schooner Eleanor, of Baltimore, which was captured off the Cape by a French privateer, who put capt. R. ashore on Montevideo, after robbing him of every thing he possessed. Capt. P. could not tell where they carried the vessel to, but supposed to Barracoa.
We understand from Washington, that Dr. Logan has brought forward a resolution in Senate, the object of which is, entirely to interdict the trade to St. Domingo.
NEW-ORLEANS.
Bank of New-Orleans.—By accounts from New-Orleans, we learn, that the contemplated bank in that city has its shares nearly filled, and is expected to get into operation in a short time.
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold at Public Auction, on Tuesday the 19th inst. on the premises.
THE well improved Half Acre LOT lying in that part of this city called Rocketts, No. 207, formerly the property of Robert Omberford, dec'd. The lot will admit of a partition into three tenements. The terms of the sale for negotiable notes in the bank of Virginia, at 90 days. An indispensable title will be made, except an incumbrance of the widow's dower.
PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M. S. Feb. 2. eds. The sale of the above property having unavoidably been postponed; will positively take place on Saturday the 2d day of March next, between the hours of 1 and 2 o'clock, P. M.
Sales at Auction.
Will be sold, on Wednesday, the 6th day of March next, on a credit of 12 months.
An elegant CHARIOT, as good as new, with a complete set of harness, together with a pair of strong horses. THOMAS TAYLOR & Co. V. M. S. Feb. 26. eds.
ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 26, 1805.
The Editor of the National Intelligencer has at length gratified the public curiosity, by giving a report of the debate on the Yazoo Claims. The vast magnitude of this subject, and the very animated discussion which it called forth, will no doubt entitle it to the serious consideration of the people. The opening speech of Mr. John Randolph, may be truly said to reflect an honor upon himself and upon his country; and although it has been declared a tame and vapidity copy of the original, there is easily to be seen in it the splendid genius, which (if fortune favours) is hereafter destined to rival the powers of Chatham: the most successful statesman and the most overwhelming orator, which perhaps the British nation has ever given birth to.
The Editor of the National Intelligencer has forgotten to remark that the House rose immediately after the delivery of Mr. Randolph's speech. The Yazoo Squad refused to adjourn (withholding the lateness of the hour) before Mr. John Randolph rose to combat their pretensions, and yet immediately after the conclusion of this speech, they called for and procured an adjournment. The miserable object of this policy is not easily to be mistaken. They were unwilling to allow the opponents of the Yazoo speculators time to arrange their attacks and prepare a systematic reply, and yet they immediately adjourned to give themselves an opportunity of rallying their well-disciplined forces, and coming forth in full force and systematic speeches against Mr. Randolph's extemporaneous and yet unrivaled address. In a subsequent stage of the same discussion, the same factions policy was pursued by all powerful majority of the House.
Desirous of getting as soon as possible through the voluminous plea of Judge Chafe, and of bringing the whole of Mr. Randolph's speech on the Yazoo Claims at once before his readers, the Editor has been little ambitious of introducing any original matter into this day's paper. As soon as he can obtain a complete supply of paper from Philadelphia, which only awaits the breaking up of the ice in the Delaware river, he trusts he shall not stand in need of a familiar apology. Three papers in a week for four or five weeks will enable him to publish all the proceedings of Congress, the most interesting foreign intelligence and every original communication.
The remainder of the debate on receding the district of Columbia, gives way to more important subjects.
The packet from Williamsburg shall receive an early attention.
RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY.
12th DAY'S DRAWING.
Table with 4 columns: Prize of 100 Dollars, Prize of 12 Dollars, Prize of 500 Dollars, Prize of 100 Dollars. Lists various prize amounts and ticket numbers.
13th DAY'S DRAWING.
Table with 4 columns: Prize of 100 Dollars, Prize of 12 Dollars, Prize of 500 Dollars, Prize of 100 Dollars. Lists various prize amounts and ticket numbers.
STATE OF THE WHEEL.
Table with 2 columns: Prize of, Amount. Shows current prize levels.
648 Prizes in the Wheel, amounting to 22160 Dollars. 1550 Tickets undrawn. Total gain of the Wheel, 6660 Dollars. Tickets raised to 15 Dollars.
A REPUBLICAN FESTIVAL.
Will be had at the Washington Tavern on the 4th of March next, to celebrate the commencement of the new administration of THOMAS JEFFERSON, the President of the United States; whose wisdom, patriotism, philanthropy, and justice, endear him to all the sons of liberty. Tickets of admission may be had of Penj. Wolfe, Wm. Price, Reg. Wm. Duvall and Edw. Hallam.
WM. MCKENZIE & Co. HAVE FOR SALE—4000 Dollars Military Certificates, bearing interest at 6 per cent. and stock of the Bank of Virginia. February 25. eds.
FOR RENT OR LEASE, And immediate possession given: A HOUSE on the Basin of the Canal, occupied at present, and for four or five years past by the subscriber as a retail Grocery, and is one among the best stands in the city for that business. For terms, apply to ARCHILAUS HUGHES. February 26. eds.
NOTICE. To facilitate to claimants under the 7th article of the treaty with Great-Britain the receipt of the third installment due on the 13th July next, in instances in which they have not constituted the public agent in London, their special attorney, it has been thought proper to draw to the United States all such monies of the above description as may not be drawn from him by the individual's themselves prior to the 1st of September next. The agent is accordingly instructed to cause paying them after that date; but after the 1st of November next, they will be again payable at the city of Washington to those who have right, or to their attorneys duly authorized. Department of State, Feb. 4. 1805. * Note. The Printers of the Laws of the United States are requested to insert the above four times in their gazettes. F. B. 18

Register, THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
Tuesday February 12.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Tenny in the Chair.
On the bill from the Senate, entitled "an act in addition to an act to make provision for persons that have been disabled by known wounds received in the actual service of the United States, during the revolutionary war, and after some time spent therein, the committee rose, reported progress, and asked leave to sit again."
On the question, shall the committee of the whole House, have leave to sit again on the said bill? It passed in the negative.
Ordered, That the said bill, and the bill from the Senate abovementioned, be referred to the committee of claims.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying that the Senate will be ready to receive the House of Representatives in the Senate-chamber, on Wednesday, the thirteenth of February, at noon, for the purpose of being present at the opening and counting the votes for President and Vice President of the United States; that one person be appointed a teller on the part of the Senate, to make a list of votes for President and Vice President of the United States, as they shall be declared; and that the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote, which shall be entered on the Journals, and if it shall appear that a choice has been made agreeably to the Constitution, such entry on the Journals shall be deemed a sufficient declaration thereof.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Gregg in the Chair.
On the amendment of the Senate to the bill authorizing the post-master general to make a new contract for carrying the mail from Fayetteville in North-Carolina to Charleston in South-Carolina, and after some time spent therein, the committee rose, and reported their agreement to the same.
The House then having taken into consideration the said amendment of the Senate, concurred with the committee of the whole House in their agreement to the same.
Mr. Claiborne presented a bill for the relief of Amy Dardin the legal representative of David Dardin deceased, which was read the first and second time and committed to a committee of the whole House, to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying that they have considered the resolution of this House for the appointment of a joint committee of the two Houses to ascertain and report a mode of examining the votes for president and vice president, and of notifying the persons who shall be elected, of their election; and to regulate the time, place and manner of administering the oath of office to the president, and do not concur therein.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole and attended the trial of Samuel Chase, and after some time spent therein, the committee returned and Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair.
Mr. Varnum reported, that the committee had attended the said trial and that a further progress had been made therein.
Adjourned.
Wednesday, Feb. 13.
Mr. Tenny from the committee of revival and unfinished business, presented a bill to revive and make permanent the act to prescribe the mode of taking evidence in cases of contested elections for members of the House of Representatives of the United States, and to compel the attendance of witnesses, which was read the first and second time and committed to a committee of the whole House on Friday next.
On motion, Resolved, That this House will attend in the chamber of the Senate, this day at noon for the purpose of being present at the opening and counting of the votes for President and Vice President of the United States; that Mr. Joseph Clay and Mr. Roger Griswold be appointed tellers to assist jointly with the teller appointed on the part of the Senate, to make a list of the votes for President and Vice President of the United States, as they shall be declared; that the result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote, which shall be entered on the Journals; and if it shall appear that a choice has been made agreeably to the Constitution, such entry on the Journals, shall be deemed a sufficient declaration thereof.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter and report from the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War and the Comptroller of the Treasury, commissioners under the act for the relief of the refugees from the British provinces of Canada and Nova-Scotia, which were read and referred to the committee appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary to the several acts regulating the grants of lands to the refugees from Nova-Scotia and Canada.
Mr. Dana, from the committee of claims, made a report on the petition of William Breck, jun. of New-Hampshire, which was referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
Mr. Dana, from the same committee, made a report on the memorial of Richard Taylor, of Kentucky, which was referred to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
A message was received from the President of the United States, as follows;
"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States."
"In the message to Congress at the opening of the present session, I informed them that treaties had been entered into with the Delaware and Piankeshaw Indians for the purchase of their rights to certain lands on the Ohio. I have since received another entered into with the Sacs and Foxes, for a portion of country on both sides of the river Mississippi: these treaties having been advised and consented to by the Senate, have accordingly been ratified; but, as they involve conditions which require legislative provision, they are now submitted to both branches, for consideration."
"TH: JEFFERSON."
4th. Feb. 1804.
The above message, together with the treaties, was referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
On motion, Resolved, That the committee of Ways and Means be instructed to enquire into the salaries and compensations of the officers of the two Houses of Congress as established by law, and report such alterations therein as they may deem expedient.
The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Dawson in the Chair.
On the bill authorizing the Secretary at war, to issue military land warrants; and after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported the bill without amendment.
The House then proceeded to consider the said bill, and having made some progress therein it was postponed until to-morrow.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying that at half past two the Senate will be ready to proceed on the trial of Samuel Chase.
A petition was presented from Samuel Giddins of Yorktown, Virg. and also, one from Nathan Putnam, of Davis, Essex county, Mass. which were severally referred to the committee of claims.
On motion, Resolved, That a committee be appointed to join such committee as may be appointed by the Senate, to wait on the President and to notify him his re-election to the office of President of the United States.
Ordered, That Mr. Nicholson, Mr. Gregg and Mr. Varnum, be appointed a committee, on the part of this House, pursuant to the said resolution.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, and attended the trial of Samuel Chase, and after some time spent therein, the committee returned, and Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair.
Mr. Varnum reported that the committee had attended the said trial, and that a further progress had been made therein.
Adjourned.
Thursday, Feb. 14.
Mr. George Clinton, jun. from New-York, after being sworn, took his seat in the House.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of State, accompanied by an abstract of all the evidences of title to land claimed under any act or pretended act of the state of Georgia, which he pretended to be passed, in the years 1789 and 1795, recorded in his office, specifying the dates of the instruments, the names of the parties, the quantity of land with the species of warranty and any proviso or condition that may be annexed, which were ordered to be printed.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying that at 12 o'clock the Senate will be ready to proceed on the trial of Samuel Chase, & that in future the trial will commence at 10 o'clock; also, that they have agreed to the resolution of this House for the appointment of a committee to enquire what measures are necessary for the accommodation of the President of the United States for the term commencing on the 4th of March next, and that they had appointed a committee for that purpose.
The House then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and attended the trial of Samuel Chase, and after some time spent therein, the committee returned, and Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair.
Mr. Varnum reported that the committee had attended the said trial, and that a further progress had been made therein.
Adjourned.
Friday, February 15.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and attended the trial of Samuel Chase, and after some time spent therein, the committee returned, and Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair.
Mr. Varnum reported that the committee had attended the said trial, and that a further progress had been made therein.
The Speaker laid before the House, a letter from the Secretary at War, accompanied by sundry documents relative to the situation of the public buildings on the Schuylkill, near Philadelphia, and the probable expense of finishing the same, &c. and also a statement of the number of the officers and privates in the actual service of the United States during the years 1803 and 1804, with the names of the posts where they were stationed, &c. and which were read and ordered to lie on the table.
A message was received from the Senate, notifying that they have passed the bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1805, with amendments.
Mr. R. Randolph reported a bill making an appropriation for the payment of witnesses summoned on the part of the United States in support of the impeachment of Samuel Chase, which was read the first and second time and committed to a committee of the whole House immediately.
The House accordingly resolved itself into a committee of the whole.
Mr. Dawson in the chair;
And after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported the bill with amendments, which were taken into consideration & concurred in by the House.
Ordered, That it be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter & report from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the petition of John McFadon and John McFadon and Francis Johannot.
Referred to the committee of claims.
Also, a letter, accompanied with an annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States on the 31st of December, 1803, together with an explanatory letter from the Register of the Treasury.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Crowninshield, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, reported a bill for the relief of Robert Patton & Co. and others, which was read the first and second time and committed to a committee of the whole House to-morrow.
Mr. Crowninshield from the same committee, made a report on the memorial of Stephen Kingdon, of the city of Philadelphia.
Ordered to lie on the table.
The House proceeded to the consideration of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1805, when the bill, with the amendments, was ordered to be referred to the committee of ways and means.
Adjourned to half past nine to-morrow.
Saturday, February 16.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and attended the trial of Samuel Chase, and after some time spent therein, the committee returned, and Mr. Speaker having resumed the chair.
Mr. Gregg reported, that the committee had attended the said trial, and that a further progress had been made therein.
The engrossed bill making an appropriation for the payment of witnesses summoned on the part of the United States, to attend the impeachment of Samuel Chase, was read the third time and passed.
Petitions were presented from Wm. Hyston, of Hillsboro' county, New-Hampshire, John Henry Van Bilen, a native of Germany, and John Hardyman, of Charles City, Virginia which were severally referred to the committee of claims.
A petition was presented from sundry inhabitants of the state of Pennsylvania, praying the establishment of a post road from New Hope, in Bucks county, through Doyle's town, &c. to Lancaster, and also,
A petition from sundry inhabitants of the same state, praying the establishment of a post road from Philadelphia thro' Germantown, and to Bethlehem.
Referred to the committee on post offices and post roads.
Mr. Dana from the committee of claims, to whom was referred the petition of W. A. Barron, submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, That the proper accounting officers be authorized to settle the account of Wm. A. Barron, captain in a corps of engineers, for his travelling expenses on two journeys performed by him, on public service, in the year 1802, by order of the lieutenant colonel commandant of that corps; which being concurred in by the House, the committee of claims were directed to bring in a bill pursuant to the said resolution.
Mr. Dana from the same committee made a report on the petition of Francis Mentzer, which was referred to a committee of the whole on Monday next.
Ordered, That the committee of ways and means be discharged from the consideration of the message of the President of the U. States, and the treaties lately entered into and concluded with the Delaware and Piankeshaw Indians, and the tribes known by the name of the Sacs and Foxes, and that the said message and treaties be referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole House.
Mr. Varnum in the chair, On the amendment from the Senate to the bill supplementary to the act regulating the collection of duties on imports and tonnage; and after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported their agreement to the said amendment; which report was taken into consideration, and concurred in by the House.
Adjourned.
MAP OF VIRGINIA. PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A Map of Virginia: FORMED FROM ACTUAL SURVEYS, AND THE LATEST AS WELL AS THE MOST ACCURATE OBSERVATIONS. BY JAMES MADISON, D. D. PRESIDENT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
To which will be added, A MAP of the greater part of the State of Ohio, from actual surveys; including the whole of the Virginia Military Tract; with all that part of the state West of the Ohio River, to the Indiana boundary line.
The north-east corner of the Map will be ornamented with an interesting View of the City of Richmond.
The size of the MAP will be five feet six inches in length, and three feet eight inches in breadth. An ingenious and skillful Engraver is engaged to execute the work, in a style not inferior to any similar work in the United States.
CONDITIONS. The price to subscribers will be eight dollars, neatly mounted, colored and glazed.—One dollar, (to lighten the great expense of publication,) to be paid on subscribing.
To non-subscribers the price will be ten dollars.
[COPY RIGHT SECURED.]
In offering the above work to the public, the proprietors are sensible that excellence is not often attainable; but with candor and truth, equally remote from arrogance and partiality, they can say, that they conscientiously believe it has a just claim to the confidence and patronage of the people.
A Map of Virginia has been long and anxiously looked for: None has been published, on the plan of the one now offered, for many years, when Augusta was the frontier country.
The labor, expense, and apparent difficulties, in accomplishing so interesting a work, have deterred several from the arduous undertaking. The proprietors, finding that most of the other states had recently given encouragement to similar productions, and entertaining a high sense of the real dignity and importance of Virginia, embarked in the business, from a well grounded belief that the magnitude and utility of the work, would insure, if accomplished, a remuneration. And while Virginia is powerfully stimulated with the love of science and virtue, they hope and believe the will view domestic productions, which prove eminently useful, with a generous pride.
The members of the General Assembly, and other gentlemen, who have seen a rough draught of the map, are requested to inform their friends, as the impracticability of drawing the map to all who may be disposed to subscribe, must be apparent.
Those gentlemen who take subscription papers, are requested to return them to the subscriber, in Petersburg, by the first day of May. The maps will be ready for subscribers in the course of the ensuing summer.
WILLIAM PRENTIS. Petersburg, February, 1805.
Subscriptions received by Ritchie & Worshley and others with whom subscription papers are lodged.
RICHMOND ACADEMY LOTTERY. NOTICE is hereby given, that the days of drawing will henceforward be Wednesday and Saturday, commencing to-morrow, the 5th instant.
From the great gain of the wheel, the price of tickets is now eleven dollars each; but to favour early purchasers, the committers will continue to exchange tickets for prizes, until fifteen hundred numbers are drawn.
R. MITCHELL, R. POLLARD, ALEX: STUART, WM: PRICE, G. TUCKER. A committee to superintend the drawing. Richmond, Feb. 5th, 1805.
FOR SALE, A likely young negro fellow, a BLACK SMITH by trade, and well acquainted with the making of plantation utensils. For terms apply to PETER RUST. Richmond County, Feb. 8.—eT2m
THE PATENT BALANCE. The great accuracy, convenience and dispatch, besides economy of expense, labor and time attendant on this truly valuable improvement in the art of weighing, had such weight with the last general assembly, as to induce them to authorize the use of it in the tobacco warehouses of this commonwealth.
This late testimonial in its favor, with many others in proof of the subscriber, together with the general approbation expressed by all purchasers, and his own experience, afford him ample reason to believe they are preferable to the common beams, scales and weights now generally used. As agent for the Patentees, he keeps always a general assortment on hand, to weigh from 100 to 3000 pounds, or fill more if required by particular order.
E. W. ROOTES. Feb. 12. oaw 2m
LANDS FOR SALE, In the Genesee Country, State of New York. THE Subscriber having charge of part of the Valuable LANS in the Genesee country, lately under the agency of Charles Williamson, esq. now offers them for sale on moderate terms either to actual settlers, or to those who declining to settle on the lands themselves, are desirous of investing their monies for the future benefit of their families. The titles of these lands are indisputable.
For terms apply to Mr. John Heslop, at the proprietor's land office at Geneva, in the county of Ontario, in the state of New York, or to Mr. Saml. S. Haight at Bath, in the county of Steuben; or to Mr. Frederick Fanning, at Preston, in the state of Connecticut—or to
ROBERT TROUP. New York, June 5, 1804. eW6m
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers by John Bayne, for the purpose of securing the payment of a debt due Thomas Mitchell:
WILL BE SOLD, on Friday the 18th day of March next—A Lease for Life of an hundred acres of LAND, lying in the county of Louisa, on Cub Creek.
J. GARTH, and LANCELOT MINOR, } Trustees. Feb. 8. eT2m
THE Subscriber intends to practise LAW in the County Courts of Mecklenburg, Halifax, Lunenburg and Brunswick; & in the District Courts of Brunswick and Prince Edward.
Any person wishing to employ him in their business, may have ready communication with him at Lombardy Grove, Mecklenburg, where he will reside.
RICHARD APPERSON. February 19. eT8w
DOCTOR WILSON received yesterday a supply of Peruvian Bark, Castor Oil and Talap, all of the best quality. He also has Calomel, Rheubarb, Senna, Manna, Rochelle and Glauber Salts, Tartar Emetic, Ipecacuanha, Opium, Elastic and Silver Gathers, Elastic and common Bougies, &c. &c. &c.
He defends to keep a supply of the best Medicines that can be procured, and flatters himself that his acquaintance with Medicine, will entitle him to a share of public patronage.
Persons of needy circumstances by paying the retail price of his Medicines, will be preferred for gratis. October 21. eT1f
JUST RECEIVED, and for sale at the Office of the ENQUIRER, a few copies of the following BOOKS: Moore's Anacreon, Life of Doctor Dawson, Report of the Trial of Lord Mansfield, Graydon's Digest of the Laws of the U. States, Terrible Tragedy, Volney's View of the United States, &c. &c. February 5.
TO RENT OR LEASE, FOR ONE OR MORE YEARS, THE HAY-MARKET GARDEN IN THIS CITY.
FEW places on the continent combine more advantages for public entertainments, being immediately contiguous to the most flourishing part of this metropolis—Its situation is unrivalled for beauty of prospect and salubrity of air. The buildings erected therein, are well adapted to this place of amusement, and extensive enough for the greatest number of visitors; are peculiarly favorable to exhibitions and performances of every description, and contains more pleasurable and fortuitous preparations, than can be met with in any place of the kind in America. My dwelling house may be also rented with the public garden, and a never-failing ice house, well filled. This house is on an elevation, overlooking the public garden, is large, and one of the most airy and pleasant buildings in this city; well calculated for private and select entertainments, accommodation of Students, &c. there being many spare rooms and neat out houses, more than sufficient for any family. Should this garden not be rented before the first week in April next, preparations are making for their opening with Fire-works, Musical and other entertainments, by professors of the first celebrity; in which case, a single man as manager, a Bar keeper and a good servant, will be wanted, to whom liberal wages will be given. JOHN PRICE. Feb. 19. eT1f
TWO Dutchmen, whom I purchased at Norfolk lately, left home on the 2d Feb. They are clothed in brown cloth; and have humbugs and brown linen shirts, and an old fine hat. Martin is about 5 feet high, sandy built, broad face, speaks English tolerably. John is tall and thin, with a long sharp nose and chin, and wide mouth. Any person, who will apprehend the said men will be well rewarded by will apprehend the said men will be well rewarded by JOHN BASSETT. Feb. 19. eT
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. JACK, or JACK ASH, a gardner by profession, formerly the property of Lewis Burwell, dec'd, was sold by the Exor. of said Burwell, about this time last year, to a gentleman residing in Amherst county, who permitted him to come down last May, for the purpose of visiting his wife and relations, with a promise that his visits should be repeated frequently. Jack has thought proper to abuse this indulgence by not returning to his master.
His age is something above fifty, rather under the middle size. His believed that he secretes himself in Chesterfield, probably Manchester, where his wife's friends live. The bearer of the toll bridge on the ferryman will have frequent opportunities of stopping him when on visits to his wife, who is free, and who resides opposite Mr. Southgate's garden. Whoever will deliver the said Jack to Mr. Rose the jailor will receive the above reward on application at the office of the Enquirer. Jan. 8, 1805.
FOR SALE, on 12 months credit; A Healthy Young Negro WOMAN, about 18 years old, with her two female children. To any person living in Richmond, who would not part the woman and her husband, the above negroes would be sold on moderate terms. Enquire of the printers. February 19. eT9
TO RENT, AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY, A TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house now occupied by Mr. John McCrede, lately possessed by the Subscriber. There is on it a convenient Wooden House with two rooms, a closet and a passage, on the first floor. Two rooms and a closet above, a kitchen and three cellars below with a Smoke House and Garden. Also a Wooden House with two rooms, fire place, kitchen and cellar, on the Tenement whereon I now live, lately occupied by Mr. Samuel Greenhow, on the lot formerly belonging to Mr. Benjamin Motley. Wm. LONG. January, 17th 1805. eT1f
WILL BE SOLD, At Public Auction, on Saturday the 20th day of April next, at the Rawleigh Tavern, in the city of Williamsburgh; THAT valuable Plantation called YARMOUTH, lying in James City county, on Chickahominy River, ten miles from Williamsburg. The improvements are, a two story brick house, with two rooms and a passage above and below; porticoes on each side; a large and spacious barn, and three other out-houses. The whole tract, including an Island, in view of the house, high and low land with marshes, contains about 2700 acres; scarcely one third of which is cleared. Two thirds of the Island is arable, which, with the land adjoining the house, is of superior quality. Adjacent to the Island are two bold and navigable creeks, with a convenient landing to each. The range for cattle is very extensive, and the marshes and meadows will supply an abundance of hay. Fish and wild fowl, in their respective seasons, may with ease be obtained at your door. The orchard, consisting of the greatest variety of all kinds of fruit, selected with care, are now in their prime. The terms of sale are one third cash and one, two and three equal annual payments, for the balance. PETION RANDOLPH, jr. For ELIZA INNES. Feb. 19. (cpids)
JOHN SPINDLER, RESPECTFULLY informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond, that he intends to teach DRAWING, PAINTING in Oil Colours and Crayons, and would instruct 6 or 8 pupils in single branches, either by visiting on them, or in his house, opposite Thomas Wilson's Esq. back street. N.B. Sign, House, and Military Colours painted by S. S. Orders from the country punctually attended to. [cpids]
NOTICE. THE subscribers having put an end to their retail business request the debtors to this firm to come forward, without loss of time, to have their accounts adjusted, and to pay what may be due. As great indulgence has been already given, further cannot reasonably be expected. George McCrede will attend at this place, for the purpose of settling the accounts, and receiving payments. Those who do not pay, or give satisfactory assurance of paying soon, must blame themselves if suits are instituted against them. LYLE & MC CREDIE. Manchester, Feb. 5. (cpids)
RISH Linens and Sheetings; Superfine Cloths and Cashmerees; India, Italian and French Silks; Do. Mull Mull Muslin; Do. do. do. Habbe. Fancy Muslin, Veils and Shawls; Colorado Muslins; Cambric Dimities & Callies; Laced Caps and Veils; Do. Habbe and Shawls; Do. Gloves and Mitts; Wooll Leather and Kid Gloves. For Sale by BARTLETT STILL. January 18. eT
CASH WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 15. [cpids]
WASHINGTON TAVERN. THE subscriber has taken a lease of this tenement for a number of years, and has put it in a state of repair which renders it not inferior to any in this City. Besides the Tavern he has detached buildings, well calculated to accommodate those who are anxious of greater privacy than a tavern usually affords. These tenements adjoin the public square, and are within two hundred yards of the Capitol. They have decided advantages over every other house in this City, with respect to pure air and excellent water. He has constant servants and a constant supply of the best provision. He tends his services to his friends and the public, and assures them, that no unpleasing gaming, nor any other practice which might, in any degree, have a tendency to disturb the peace of his house, will ever be permitted. EDWARD HALLAM. Richmond, September 26.
BROKER'S OFFICE. THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Gascon-Stage of Thomas and Anna Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with strict fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. October 3. eT
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE. WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the premises, on the third day of April next, at 12 o'clock, an undivided moiety in the two town lots of ground, formerly the property of Andrew Randal, dec'd, fronting the Basin of the James River Canal, near the center of the city of Richmond, with an undivided moiety of all the valuable buildings thereon, consisting of a large three story BRICK BUILDING, eighty feet in length, with four tenements, twenty feet wide and forty-five feet in length, with five places on the first and second floors, roomy parlors in each, with large wheels fixed for boiling and lowering packages, &c. with dispatch and each good dry cellars, with five places in each. This house has been lately built and in good repair; adjoining, as well as situated two story framed dwelling house, thirty-eight feet square, with two good cellars, with five places in each for cooking, in the first and second floors are eight rooms and six fire places—Also, a small two story Brick House with four rooms, with five places in each, convenient for a store or small family, likewise a small wooden building with a cellar, built for a kitchen, and may be used as a shop; also two stables and a stable and carriage house, are included in the Municipal Insurance Company against fire in the State of Virginia, and the premiums paid. The lots front the Basin on one side, and are bounded by Cary's Street, and the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, on the two other sides of them, and are as convenient for commercial or other business as any in the city.
The terms of sale, will be seven hundred thousand dollars in ready money, on the residue payable the fifth day of August next, for which a bond with approved security will be required. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, to those who reside in this city, but for the information of strangers, the subscriber begs leave to state, that the aforesaid property is immediately opposite the lower part of the Basin of the James river canal, where all the produce of the upper country is landed; and to any person desirous of carrying on the commission business extensively, perhaps is superior to any other in this city. WILLIAM AUSTIN. February 8.—eT
FOR RENT: THE Large White House at Rocketts, formerly occupied by Mr