The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-07-11 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 19.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. TERMS of payment will be four DOLLARS per annum, to those who subscribe previous to the 9th August, after which, the price will be five DOLLARS, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
SAMUEL MYERS,
HAS FOR SALE, An assortment of BOLTING CLOTHS, just received from Amsterdam. June 27.
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States. JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshal V. D. (epit.)
June 30.
NEAL NELSON,
BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
MAKES BOOTS & SHOES of any Pattern or Fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use in the United States. BOOTS and SHOES , of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. June 30. (epit.)
SPRING GOODS.
WILLIAM TEMPLE. HAS just received, by the ship Rebecca from London and Kirkcaldy from Liverpool, AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS, Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. (1)
THE SUBSCRIBERS,
Living on Shockoe-Hill, near Mr. Daniel L. Hylton and Mr. Benj. Mosby) RESPECTFULLY inform the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that they have lately commenced the
CARPENTER & JOINER'S BUSINESS; and are now ready to undertake any business in their line. They trust, from their particular attention, and faithful performance of every thing they undertake, to merit public patronage. WILLIAM E. LEE, JOHN S. LEE. May 23, '04. (5)
At a Court of Appeals held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the 21st May, 1804.
ORDERED, that the following Rules be published in the Richmond Gazette, for one month.
NOVEMBER 18th, 1803. RULE.—In all cases whether of appeal, writ of error, or otherwise, the Court will proceed to a hearing at the term to which such case shall be returned or sent up, unless good cause shall be shown to the contrary.
MAY 15th, 1804. RULE.—A clear and concise state of the case of each party in an appeal, writ of error or supersedeas, from a decree of the high court of Chancery, or any District Court in Chancery, or from a judgment of the General Court, or any District Court in which a demurrer, special verdict, case agreed, demurrer to evidence, bill of exceptions, or point reserved, shall constitute a part of the record, or exhibits in the cause, with the points relied on, signed by his counsel and printed, or fairly transcribed, the expense whereof shall be taxed in the bill of costs, shall, after the end of this present term be delivered to each Judge, time enough before the hearing of the cause, that no error, other than such as shall be pointed out, and insisted on in such statement, on the part of the plaintiff or appellant, shall be (without leave of the court) admitted as a ground for argument on the hearing of the cause, or for reversal of the decree or judgment sought to be reversed. And that all depositions and exhibits, accounts and articles intended to be relied upon or objected to in the argument, be particularly noticed in such State and recited, and a reference thereto in the official copy of the record in the cause made.
MAY 21st, 1804. RULE.—That after the end of this present term, all causes depending in this Court, which shall be ready for hearing in pursuance of the rule of this court, made on the 15th day of this present month, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same or in such other term as they stand on the docket.
TESTE, J. BROWN, C. C.
DOCTOR WILSON
HAS taken (as a temporary residence) the house lately occupied by Doctor Adams, opposite the Bell Tavern, and intends to combine the APOTHECARIES BUSINESS with the PRACTICE OF PHYSIC. He is now opening a part, and expects to receive by the next arrivals from Philadelphia, the balance of a fresh and very general supply of MEDICINES, and other articles in the Apothecaries Line, which will be sold on the lowest terms.
Orders from the country, Recipes, &c. will be carefully attended to. June 27. [eW6m]
CITY OF RICHMOND,
IN COMMON HALL, July 3d, 1804.
IT appearing to the Common Hall of the City of Richmond, that the regulations of the Trustees of the Free School in the said city, have been established on liberal and just principles, whereby many poor children of both sexes have received at the said school, such advantages in the acquirements of their education, as to encourage a strong belief that great utility will result from a continuance of the institution, should it receive a proper patronage;
Resolved therefore, That the Chamberlain of this City, and Messrs. John Robinson, Samuel Paine and Samuel Pleasants, be requested and empowered to receive subscriptions, and the funds that may be subscribed for the benefit of the said school; and that it be recommended to the humane and liberal inhabitants of this city, to raise by subscription other funds for the purpose of continuing the said institution.
Teste, ANDREW STEVENSON, C.C.H.
IRISH LINENS
AND SHEETINGS.
THE subscribers have just received a few Boxes of 7-8 and 4-4 IRISH LINENS, and 5-4 SHEETINGS from B. Liff, which they will sell on moderate terms. ELLIS & ALLAN. Richmond, July 7, 1804. (3w)
LITERATURE.
EVERY new work, or republication of merit is always to be had at WILLIAM PRICHARD'S BOOK & STATIONARY STORE, Richmond, as soon as they issue from the northern presses, and at the same rates as there printed.
Among the many recent publications of the greatest use and celebrity, are the following, viz.
 Elliot's Journal and History of the Western Territory, containing five accurate Maps of the country, including the Ohio, Mississippi, the Gulf of Mexico, the Floridas, &c. &c.  Wilson's History of the British Expedition to Egypt, Denon's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, 2 vols.  Barrow's Travels in the Interior and South of Africa, Witmann's Travels in Turkey, Asia, Syria and Egypt, Park's Travels in Asia, with Rennell's Map, Staunton's Embassy to, and Travels in China, Tooker's Life, and Reign of Catharine, Empress of Russia, 2 vols.  Hayley's Life of William Cowper, Darwin's Temple of Nature, and his Botanic Garden, Life of Darwin, by Anna Seward elegant.  Willich's Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols.  Priestley's Lectures on History and General Policy, 2 vols.  The Beauties of the Evangelical Magazine, 2 vols  William's Song of Solomon with Commentaries, Robinson's Translation of Dr. Saurin's Sermons, 6 vols.  Dickson's Translation of Dr. Massillon's Sermons, 2 vols.  Milton's Works with Todd's notes &c. Elegant, 6 vols.  The Parent's Friend, an useful Book on Education, 2 vols.  Heron's Letters of Junius Elegant, 2 vols  Evans's New Millwrights Guide. 
The above new works are from the best Presses in Europe and America, chiefly printed on wove paper, adorned with Maps and Plates.
Kelly's New Elements of Book-keeping, Abbott's Law of Merchants Ships and Seamen, Montefiore's Commercial and Notarial Precedents, a New Commercial Dictionary, 3 vols.
Bofanquet and Puler's Reports 2 vols.
McNally's Rules of Evidence 2 vols.
Jones's Law of Bailment, by Balmann, Chitty, on Bills of Exchange and Bank Notes, Mayor's Natural History with Plates, Clark, Bracken, Taplin and Whites Farriers, The American Medical Miscellany, Modern Novels, Plays, Poems and Periodical Works.
Music, Musical Instruments, Plotting Instruments, STATIONARY of all kinds, for Counting Houses, public Companies, Banking Houses, &c. A large assortment of genuine patent MEDICINES, just received.
July 4. [92]
Twenty-five Cents Reward.
RAN AWAY from my service, in the county of Louisa, about the middle of April last, an apprentice of mine named BENJAMIN JENKINS, about 16 years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, of a sturdy make and very well grown for his age. His parents reside in the county of Hanover near the Merry-Oaks, where it is probable he is lurking.
Any person who will take the trouble of apprehending and conveying the said lad to me, in the county of Louisa, shall receive the above reward, besides what the law will entitle him to. ROBERT KING. June 21st, 1804.
N. B. I do hereby forwarn all persons from harbouring the said apprentice, or in any manner concealing him, to prevent my recovering him again. R. KING.
WALTER POTTER,
BOOKBINDER & STATIONER,
MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND.
THANKFUL for the encouragement he has received since commencing business, hopes by his strict attention, and faithful execution of all orders which he may be favoured with, to merit a further continuance of Patronage. He has lately received a fresh supply of STATIONARY, and has now on hand a large assortment of BLANK & RULED BOOKS.
Merchants account BOOKS, ruled to any pattern, and BOOK-BINDING in its various branches, executed with neatness, accuracy and dispatch. June 27. [eW6m]
TO RENT,
And immediate possession given,
THE HOUSE lately occupied by Mr. Wm. Nimmo, deceased.—For terms, apply to ROBERT M'KIM. June 27. [eW6m]
TOBACCO,
now lying in Dyger's Ware House, will be sold according to Law:
1800, January 10th.—Judith Kelly, marked I. K. No. 5, Gross 1111, Nett 1114, Nett 997. 1801, January 9th, do. do. No. 10, Gross 1200, Nett 1197. January 22, Gross 1200, Nett 1197. January 23, William Diggs, marked W. D. No. 17, Gross 1165, Nett 1162. January 24, do. do. John Brent, marked I. B. No. 21, Gross 1035, Nett 1032, Nett 946.—January 30, George Brent, marked G. B. No. 25, Gross 1179, Nett 1176, Nett 1099. March 13, Spencer George, marked S. G. No. 43, Gross 1032, Nett 1029, Nett 946, THOMAS HURST. } Inspectors. Wm. MEREDITH. } Inspectors. May 19.—lawm.
Mediterranean Passports.
NOTICE is hereby given, that it has been deemed expedient to change the form of the Mediterranean passport issued to vessels of the United States; that from the 8th day of July next, those of the new form will be issued at the custom houses to every vessel, for which application may be made on a compliance with the terms prescribed by law and surrendering the former passport of which she may be possessed, if any, in which latter case no fees will be required for the exchange: and that by an arrangement agreed upon by the Barbary powers with whom we are at peace, either the old or the new form of passport will be sufficient to protect the vessels of the United States, from capture until the 1st of July 1805, after which the old form of passport will be unavailable and the new one alone in use.
Department of State, } 23d of May, 1804. }
The printers of the laws of the United States are requested to insert the above in their Gazettes twice a week for the space of six months, and the Collectors of the customs to keep copies of it posted up in their offices. June, 2.
LOW FOR CASH, OR ON SHORT CREDIT,
Direct from Pennington's Manufactory, Philadelphia;
LOAF SUGAR
OF an excellent quality, either by the hogs-head, barrel, or single loaf. The supply will be regular and large. MICAJAH DAVIS. 4th of 7th mo. 1804. [eW6m]
Richmond County June 1804.
John Campbell, compl't.
AGAINST
William Morgan and Peter Northern defts.
THE defendant Morgan not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on motion of the complainant, by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bills of the complainant, and that a copy of this order be published in some newspaper printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and a copy also posted at the front door of the courthouse; and it is further ordered that the defendant Northern, do not pay, convey away or secrete, the debts and effects in his hands, due and belonging to the said Morgan, until the further order of the court, in the premises. A copy Teste, D. M'CARTY, C. R. C.
Virginia.
At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, 12th of September, 1803—
Betweeen
Mary Ruffin, executrix, and Herbert Claiborne, James Ruffin and William Ruffin, executors of Robert Ruffin deceased, and the said James Ruffin, Robert Ruffin and Sterling Ruffin, procuring in their own rights.....Plaintiffs.
And
William Clark, and James Gargill Jones, and Richard Jones, infants by Charles Binns Jones, their guardian.....Defendants.
IN this case, abated as to the plaintiffs Mary Ruffin and James Ruffin, by their deaths, and heard on the bills, answers, exhibits, and examinations of witnesses, and argued by counsel, the fourteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and three, the court directs one of the commissioners to state and report the credits, to which the defendants are, if to any they be, entitled, exclusive of the paper money tendered, and justly rejected in November, of the year one thousand seven hundred eighty one, towards discharging the debt, for securing payment of which, the mortgage proposed to be foreclosed, was granted.
A Copy—Teste, P. TINSLEY. May 25th, 1804. (w2m) (7)
On the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel,
John Jones is assigned guardian to the infant defendants, to defend them in this suit, in place of Charles Binns Jones, who is dead. A Copy. P. TINSLEY.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE,
Richmond, May 25th, 1804.
THE parties concerned are desired to take Notice, That I have appointed Wednesday the twenty-fifth day of July next, for carrying into effect the decree; upon which day their attendance is required at my office, with their papers and accounts, ready for examination. WM. HAY, M. C.
Foreign Intelligence.
IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MONDAY, APRIL 23rd, 1804.
MOTION ON THE DEFENCE OF THE NATION.
MR. FOX rose, and addressed himself to the Chair in substance as follows:—"I am afraid, Sir, that I shall find it necessary to make some preliminary observations before I proceed to state my motion to the House on the military defence of the country. These preliminary observations are rendered necessary by the construction which has been manifested by the people in support of the war.—That great zeal has undoubtedly been manifested by all descriptions of persons, is a truth which I have great pleasure to observe; but the attempt to construe this zeal into an approbation of the principle of the war itself, or of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers in involving the country in that war, is what I will not permit to pass unresisted; for it is not a fair construction, nor can it be supported by any fair reasoning or found deduction.—The zeal which has been displayed by the people of England, is most honourable to their feelings: it does not spring from any approbation of the war, much less from any approbation of the measures of government, but that motive which will ever be inseparable from the breast of Englishmen, that of a determined resolution to resist the menaces of a foreign enemy. Their zeal has been displayed in the maintenance of all that was dear to them, in the defence of their country against the threats of invasion and in the support of its glory, and may in truth be termed a zeal shown in self-defence. It is not a proof that they either consider the war as originally necessary, or that they approve of the spirit and temper of those negotiations by which it was brought on. I, in common with every one of my fellow subjects, partake of the zeal which I have described, and I know that that species of zeal is not singular to myself. However unwillingly, however necessarily we plunge into the war, that war was immediately followed by the threat of invasion, and the country was brought into the most imminent danger, according to the belief of all ranks of people, by the formidable preparations of the enemy. In that case it is possible for any man to interpret the zeal which burnt forth into any other motive than that of self-defence? The country at large stood forward to protect themselves and families against the danger, whatever might be the cause from which it sprung. If this sort of zeal to be argued upon as a proof of the popularity of the war, or if Ministers are allowed to consider it as a proof of the approbation of their measures, then we may fairly say that it is only necessary for government to plunge the nation into the greatest possible danger, in order to obtain the universal support of the people. The character of the people of England is perfectly understood; they will always be found ready in the moment of danger, and the greater and more deplorable the state of calamity in which the kingdom may be involved, the greater and more zealous will be their exertions for its deliverance. It is impossible, therefore, that Ministers can flatter themselves with the idea that the manly and virtuous stand which the people have made in a case of life or death, was in any shape connected with the causes of the war, the negotiations with which it was accompanied, or the time at which it was brought on. In truth, no symptom of approbation has been shown in any part of the country, nor was it even received in Parliament with any decided mark of applause; for though in the first address Ministers did obtain the sanction of the House, yet it was in very general terms, and these, in a subsequent debate, were qualified by many considerable persons, with objections to the conduct of the negotiations, so as to show that it was the general opinion that the war might have been avoided, and I therefore contend, that from the commencement of the war to the present moment, whatever display of spirit, exertion and zeal has been made by the country, has nothing to do with the cause of the war, and much less with the conduct of Ministers. Indeed it might be shown that the exertions that have been made by the people arose out of the inaction and incapacity of Ministers themselves. The want of any strong well concerted plan on the part of Ministers forced the people at large to come forward and defend themselves, and I am sure I speak the language of many gentlemen who hear me, when I say that this was the prevalent feeling in the country. Those who know my character, will not think it necessary for me to assert that I am as zealous as any man in defence of the country from all foreign attack, and as ready, in the moment of danger, to forget the cause that led to it, but I must deprecate all misconstruction of my conduct in loading. Though I am ready to make any sacrifice for the independence of the Empire, I must not therefore be considered as an abettor of the rashness, ambition, or dangerous councils that led us into the dangers. Perhaps, Sir, there may be persons who think that the danger of invasion was not so imminent as they who would have made us believe, and certainly the apprehension of an immediate attack was not universally felt. This, however, does not change, in any respect, the nature of the exertion which was made by the country. It was not the panic of invasion that seized the people—not the dread of being overrun by the enemy, for in the most alarming moment, they had just confidence in themselves—but an universal feeling that it was wise and prudent to be prepared; and a pretty general conviction, that, in the incapacity of ministers, they must look for themselves. But independently of all real ground for alarm, it was impossible for the country to see the parade that was made by ministers, and the noise that was excited of some dreadful gigantic mischief with which we were threatened, without being in some sort terrified into a belief of the reality. I certainly would have justified any gentleman, like Sir Christopher Hatton, to have addressed the minister in the very words that he uses:
 "As, my noble friend, when I behold"  "Tom tented plains in martial symmetry"  "Array'd—"  "I cannot surmise—Forgive, my friend,"  "If the conjecture's rash—I cannot but"  "Surmise—The state of some danger apprehends!" 
I have no objection to this language, and I subscribe to all the reports which have been made on the threats of invasion, with two provisos: 1. That we shall be prepared to meet it; if real; and 2. that such language shall not be used to excite needless terror. If there are serious apprehensions that the enemy has meditated the plan of invasion, and made or is making formidable preparations for that purpose, and that he has weighed in his mind all the probabilities of such an enterprise, it becomes indispensable for this country to devise the means of effectual defence. We must not content ourselves with temporary frugality, nor repose in any temporary defence. We must not reckon on his coming in the year 3, or 4, or 5, because if he has meditated the scheme, he will not limit himself to the time. The plan once considered and determined on, the attempt may be made hereafter, and therefore we have no alternative. To temporary danger we should do right to oppose temporary means; but to permanent designs of annoyance, we must provide permanent remedies. It is my object, Sir, to draw the attention of the House to this view of the subject. It certainly does appear, that the French consider by their preparations the enterprise of an invasion of this country a practicable attempt. It cannot be concealed that they have gone to a great extent of preparation, and a considerable part of this may be regarded, as meant for the purpose of permanent annoyance. The nation is called upon, therefore to devise the means of permanent safety. My motion, however, will not extend to the general system of defence, which it is essential to provide, but to
that of the army only. In the many difficulties which assail us at this moment, and which it would be tedious and wearisome to particularise, I wish to keep the view of the house to a system of permanent defence by land. I do not wish to incur the question by enquiring, this day into the difficulties that press upon us respecting the finances of the country—nor the difficulty arising from the want of currency in Ireland—nor the circumstance of the excellence to this day of Martial Law in that country—I wish to avoid all other topics of enquiry this day, except that of the establishment of such a plan of military defence as shall be equal to the hostile designs of the enemy, however formidable and however protracted they may be. I wish to bring the discussion into as narrow a compass as possible, and therefore to confine myself to the mere question of internal defence. I do not even mean to mix with it any observations on the naval defence of the country; nor shall I attempt to revive the discussions that have taken place on the Volunteer question. That subject has been so frequently before the house, that I can only say what I have before so often expressed, that the Volunteer Body merit the most grateful thanks of their country for the exertions they have made, and that on the motion with which I shall conclude for a Committee to consider of the best means of a permanent military defence, the alacrity, spirit, and perseverance of the Volunteers will be a good ground for trusting to the system which I mean to suggest. In moving for a Committee generally to consider, I leave it to other Gentlemen to throw out what particular objects it ought to embrace. It will strike the house, at the outset, that such a Committee will have two distinct objects:—1. The solid increase of the regular military force, and to remove the impediments that have stood in the way of its late recruitment. 2. The formation of an irregular auxiliary force of a permanent kind. As to the first, it is impossible for the House at this time to know the real state of it. They have no documents before them upon which they can ascertain the state of the regular army. Gentlemen who have good means of information differ essentially from Ministers in the estimate which they make of the amount of the regular army, that it is impossible to judge between them.
According to the assertions which have been made in this House, the returns of the infantry are said to be double what officers of good information believe them to be. Now why is there all this mystery and concealment on the subject? Surely it cannot be alleged that the enemy will gain any thing by knowing the amount. The number of battalions are known to every one. The expense of an establishment is nearly ascertained, and it is therefore in the power of any military man, accustomed to these details, to calculate the force of rank and file. It is idle, therefore, to attempt to make a secret to Parliament only of that which is no secret, and which can be no secret to others. But Ministers think it quite sufficient to say, that the regular force is fully equal to what it was at the end of the last war. I can only say for myself, that it is difficult to believe this assertion, and alluding particularly to Ireland, in which they assert the regular force to be equal, I fairly say, I do not believe it, if you take into the account of regulars, the militia and British Fencible regiments then in Ireland. At the end of the last war, the amount of the military force in Ireland of these descriptions, was between 50 and 60,000 men. Is it possible to believe that there is at this time an equal number? With respect to auxiliary force, such as artillery, guns, looses, and drivers, it is considerably higher than at the end of last war, if we are to trust to Minister's speeches; but as I am incredulous on the subject, I will force it to be made apparent by documents laid before the Committee.—Before I go on, however, I must advert to an observation that may be made, that I of all men ought not to complain that the ranks should be thinned, because I was for keeping down the peace establishment. It is most true that I was for keeping down the peace establishment & I was for upon the ground taken by Ministers themselves. They did not demand a greater establishment than they obtained—they gave the House the most solemn assurances of continuance of peace, and therefore the ground was specifically different from what it is now, and I am justified in saying, what I have always maintained, in a time of a profound peace is the sure and best means of enabling us to provide an adequate force in the time of war. But in time of peace, that old constitutional force, the militia, in favour of which so many of my most respectable friends were such warm admirers, was recommended as excellent in its principles, and I know that these persons think we ought ever to have in view that force, as our chief dependence for internal defence. No man however will say that a Militia can be altogether equal to a regular army, since an army that has not seen actual service, cannot be equal to an army that has seen it. For the great purpose therefore of a permanent defence against the meditated plan of attack, the increase of the regular force, or the provision of an elementary force, which would always come in aid of it, is the desideratum to be obtained.
And what I complain of is, that our efforts have not been wisely devoted to that purpose. Every regulation has been calculated to counteract the recruiting of the army, and with the impediments in the way of the regulars, it is morally impossible that they should get men. It is natural to think that on the breaking out of a war, there must always be some contraction of the manufactures of a nation, some diminution of the commerce, some parts of its population thrown out of employment, and that consequently men are to be had by the regular army without much difficulty. So it would be perhaps upon a good system; but when I am told that this has happened, and that men are to be got by the regulars at ten guineas, when the Army of Reserve are giving 50, I must say I do not believe it. Human nature is the same at all times, and I cannot believe that the people of this country are so little capable of calculation, or so foolish, as to accept of the smaller sum when the greater is to be had. It is vain bubbled to rattle plain and simple truths. Men are not to be bubbled by theories which contradict human reason. You must put an end to every foolish impediment that stands in the way of recruiting the regular force, if you expect to succeed. You cannot hope to get men by the ordinary bounty which the regulars offer, while a competition is maintained so extensive; and it is not that inequality only which you have to remove, but a much more serious obstacle, and upon the folly of which I never heard one single military man to differ. I mean the monstrous error of enlisting men for life. Is it not a most glaring thing that this should be the only country in Europe in which this practice prevails? In all the great military establishments on the Continent, no such thing is attempted. In countries the most despotic, where governments of Tyranny demand the service of unconditional

submission, and where it may be supposed the government would give the greatest facility to perpetuating the service, no such thing has been attempted. But in the free country in Europe, in that country which boasts of the vigilance and care which it exercises by law over the persons and properties of the people, is it not monstrous that this should be the only place where men are so enlisted? In England the law imposes restraints upon persons with respect to the alienation of their property. A man in many cases, cannot dispose of his property, and no man under the age of 21 can alienate any part of his estate. Nay, most unwise in my mind, both sexes are restrained from disposing of their persons in marriage long after they have obtained an age when nature dictates to them the propriety of doing so. But though they cannot give away their properties, nor even yield to the honest and generous affections of the heart in disposing of their persons in marriage, without the consent of their parents, they may by law, in this free land, sell themselves at any age into military bondage for their natural lives! It is a monstrous solecism. It is a stain upon our military code, and, like every other gross and absurd practice, it serves to impede instead of promoting the service. For what is it but this contract for life that renders this service so terrific to every parent and to every relative? Every gentleman must have had frequent opportunities of seeing the effect which it has upon the hearts of fathers and mothers, even in the very lowest classes of society. They must have seen with what agony they have heard of their son's enlisting for life. And with what eagerness they hoard up from their scanty earnings a sum to buy him off. With what earnest supplications they pray for his relief. And why is all this—but that by the nature of this engagement, made by a youth in a giddy moment, they consider him as cut off from their family forever; cut off from the enjoyment of all the quiet blessings they intended for him or from the exertions by which their own toils were to be saved, and their old age protected; because they consider his enlisting for life a tantamount to civil annihilation; but would it be so if the contract were limited to a certain, and that a short period?—On the contrary, would it not dispose many a parent, not merely in the lowest classes of society, but even farmers and tradesmen, to consent to a son's entering into the service or viewing his entrance with complacency, if thinking him perhaps little too unsuitable for their quiet occupations, they knew that his military career would be over in a certain number of years, and that he might then return to them with a mind improved by the knowledge of the world, and with habits useful to his future life? If the absurd practice were done away, is it to be apprehended that any considerable number of good men would be lost at the expiration of their terms; and is there any just reason to dread that they should disband in numbers at one time? Against both evils easy provision might be made. Good soldiers would not be likely to quit the service. Men are fond of that in which they excel—a new bounty—hope of promotion—or perhaps in some cases an increase of pay would be irresistible temptation. And as to a general disbanding, that might be easily avoided, and would of course be so if the nature of enlisting was made uniform. New modes must be undoubtedly tried;—for hitherto no plan had succeeded. The breach of the peace was announced so long ago as the beginning of March, and hostilities began in May last. We are now within three weeks of a twelve month at actual war, and what success have we made in erecting a regular army? It is said—that one great evil is removed by putting an end to the abuse of rank. Officers cannot get now more than one step. This is something, but with all possible respect for the vigilance with which office is administered at this time, I do not think it possible altogether to check the abuse of rank. There will be evasion of the rules, if the least loop-hole is permitted, that which is so pernicious to the service. Nothing effectual can be done in the way of recruiting the regular army, without radical reforms. There must be no competition for men—no buying them by extravagant bounties, and no enlisting for life. The army of Reserve must be totally suspended, and the militia be suffered quietly to melt down to its proper level. With respect to an accession of force, I think there should be a more general armament than that of the Volunteers. I will not say to what length the system might have gone indeed, if it had not been checked by government in every way, and by every species of persecution. They refused their right of re-enlistment until they were compelled to yield it, and in the same manner they sought every privilege for which the Volunteers contended, and to which they were entitled by the acts under which they enrolled themselves. In this way the government certainly laboured to their utmost to damp the zeal of the volunteers, if their zeal could be dampened by anything which Ministers could do.—But without infringing on the Volunteer system, I wish to go farther, and to propose a general arming of the Peasantry—a force which though not so good as the volunteers, as to fighting in battalion, will yet be of infinite value for the kind of attack with which we are threatened. I do not wish to propose the training of the peasantry to the use of arms, in the hope of using them as an army; but it is a great thing to embody all the physical force of the country, and to form it into a shape which might be contributory to the regular force. I should never have done so if I were to attempt to enumerate all the advantages which would arise from arming the peasantry, and from employing them locally in the defence of their own immediate homes and neighbourhoods. Those who have seen the consequences of an armed peasantry in the case of an invading foe, can alone form an idea of the inestimable value of such a force. It sets a nation actually at ease against the most desperate attack of an enemy.—An armed peasantry, with their geographical knowledge of their own territory is irresistible. It is the natural strength to which of all others, a free people in a cultivated country ought to look. Every thing else may fail us. The volunteer system may relax. As the immediate danger disappears—as the threatened invasion is protracted, the volunteers may melt away. Your regular army would be too small to guard every part of so extensive a coast—but in a country so adapted to defence—so populous an armed peasantry taking advantage of every hill—of every valley—of every lane—of every hedge—acquainted with every turn and pass, would make it impossible for an enemy to advance, or if advanced, to return. I do not speak of them as of an army to fight battles; I speak of that fiercer and more fatal species of attack, which they would be instructed to make on an enemy, in which they would give them no respite, and from which the enemy could have no retreat.
[A new report appears to have been made by the Grand Judge at Paris, implicating Mr. Spencer Smith, British Minister to the Elector of Württemberg, in the conspiracy. We have not received the paper containing the first part of this report, but the following articles accompanying it appears to be the information given by one of the agents employed.]
[N. Y. Morning Chron.]
THE CONSPIRACY.
No. I.
Report of the mission with which I have been charged by the Cousseler of State and Prefect of the Department of the Lower Rhine, near Mr. Drake, Minister from England to Munich.
“On the 10th Ventose, after having received from the hands of the Prefect of the Lower Rhine the instruction of Mr. Muller, I quitted Strasbourg to go to Mr. Drake, minister of England, at Munich. On the 15th I arrived at Augsburg, and sent him two letters, of which I give the copies.”
“Sir, I have been charged by Mr. Muller, with a letter which I shall very much wish to give into your hands. Will you therefore have the goodness to name the hour and day that will be most convenient to you. I have the honor, &c.”
“On the 17th in the morning, finding that I did not receive any answer, I departed for Munich; on my arrival I wrote again to Mr. Drake, as follows:
“Sir, During the four days that I remained at Augsburg, I have had the honor to address two letters to you, and I presume that you have not received them, as no answer has been sent to me; will you, sir, let me know the hour when I may hope to deliver to you in person, that which Mr. Muller charged me to deliver to you. I have the honor, &c.”
As soon as he had received this letter, he sent for me to come to him immediately, and that he expected me. I accordingly presented myself to Mr. Drake, as aid-de-camp to a republican general, and delivered to him my letter of introduction, the tenor of which was as follows:
“Sir, The person who will deliver this note to you, has been appointed by the company to address you, some days since, as my organ: he has the entire confidence of those who send him; and I beg you to consider whatever he may say as the sincere expression of their sentiments. The most agreeable part of his commission, will doubtless be, to assure you of the devotion of the company. Permit me, sir, to add, the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, &c.”
MULLER.”
“He had no sooner read this letter, than he enquired what news there was in France, and how things went on in that country? I answered him that the moment of triumph for the Jacobins was arrived; that every one was of opinion that a more favourable occasion to attempt something against the government would not be found, than that which now presented itself.”
“What can I do for you? Tell me what are your views? What do you hope to accomplish? Have you General and your committee formed any projects?”
“Perceiving this to be a favorable moment, I presented him my plan of operations which is the same as that noted down in the minute of my instructions. After having read it three different times with attention, he said to me this is a very good plan, but I do not observe many fortified towns among those that you ascribe, and it is to those, however, we must pay the greatest attention. I named the place of arms, and the citadel of Besançon. I represented to him that this town was very strong, and that we were certain of finding there a large park of artillery and ammunition of every kind. ‘Have you horses for your artillery?’ ‘We are assured of having them.’ ‘That is very well, but take care to use dispatch, and never strike till you are sure of your blow; but in case it should fail, can you retire to Mount Jura? Can you find a secure retreat there, and be certain of defending yourselves for a long time? In this interval, the other departments, in which you have already formed a party, will produce a division.’ After having paused a moment, he hastened to fetch his map, to discover what town of Germany was nearest to one of those that we were to occupy, in order, said he, to render our communication more prompt, and to give every necessary assistance. This plan merits on my part the greatest attention, and it has my hearty approbation. Tomorrow, or the day after, I shall write to your General, and I doubt not but you will be the bearer of a very satisfactory answer.”
“Mr. Drake then spoke to me of Pichegru. I asked him if it was his opinion that he was in France? He said, ‘certainly not; I am extremely well acquainted with him, and he is a man of merit; but he is too cold and too heavy to be engaged in such a step; be assured that he is at this moment in London, and propagate that opinion every where. As to Georges, I positively know he cannot be in Paris, as I have received letters from persons in London, who had seen him the moment before they wrote to me—I have informed him of the reports which have been circulated of a continental war; I have described such an event as the most terrible that could happen for the Jacobins, as that would establish the government forever.’ He said in answer, ‘That there were strong reasons to justify the expectation that Russia would be prevailed on to declare war against France.’ He conversed at considerable length on the projected descent on England, and at the same time was very prodigal of injudicious expressions against the Pitt Council; and it was in vain that he discovered the fear which affected him, respecting the descent and enterprising genius of the French army. He spoke much of Mr. Muller. I answered him according to my instructions, that I had not seen him, &c. and that I knew positively that he was gone to the army of the coast on a very important mission. He smiled with an air of satisfaction, and said to me—‘On my learning the arrest of Moreau, I wrote to Mr. Muller to come to me, with orders to forward the letters to him wherever he might be; nor can I conceive why it has been delayed. I am, however, certain that he is in Germany; for one of my friends writes me word, that he has not only seen but spoken to him; in short I expect to see him every day.’ I am very glad to tell you that this citizen Muller does not possess a very great degree of confidence; he goes rarely to the committee, which is a matter of great complaint. ‘With respect to that I desire you to tell your General, that when I sent him into France, it was merely to form a correspondence, but not to remain there as he has done, for he ought to have been returned these two months. He has also informed me by letter of every thing you tell me, and even more, that the committee had accused him of having received funds for another revolutionary committee of which I have no knowledge whatever. If I have not remitted more funds, it is, I must avow frankly, that I did not clearly understand the project of your committee. Some time since it was communicated to me by letter, that four departments might be incited to insurrection, and that I was to send them a plan of operation. I ask you, however, if it was reasonable that I should do so as I was not acquainted with their means, and what they were qualified to execute?’
Now, things are very different, and I have a clear insight into them. I shall therefore employ myself most willingly to give all the pecuniary aids which are at my disposal; you may have an entire reliance on me—come and dine with me, therefore, on Friday at 4 o'clock, and you will find your dispatch ready. On Friday I presented myself again to Mr. Drake, when he gave me a gracious reception—Your business is completed, and I have written to your general, and I think he will have reason to be satisfied with me; the writing is not visible, but I presume that he has a receipt to make it so. If he did not know it, Mr. Muller would communicate it to him. You will also recommend him not to be in too great a hurry; for my first advice was to wait till B— was departed for Boulogne, and on the point of embarking. You will make your general feel the necessity of getting possession of Alsace, but principally of Hunningen and the citadel of Strasbourg; Ah! what a blow it would be, if you could obtain these two places; I could come nearer to you, and give pecuniary succour; there would be then no delay in our operations, we could act in concert, and every thing would proceed infinitely better; it is also of great importance to have a large party at Paris, for without that the rest is nothing; you must get rid of B—. (I acknowledge my fears at this moment of betray-
ing the lively indignation which agitated me.) He proceeded: “It is the surest means of obtaining your liberty and making peace with England. One thing I recommend to your general, to stir up parties of every denomination; they are all equally important to you, whether they are royalists or jacobins, &c. You must, however, except the friends of B—, whom you cannot trust, from the fear of being betrayed. Your general must also set at defiance the proclamations which the royalist will not fail to have circulated when your insurrection shall be commenced; he will say that such and such departments had a disposition to rise, but that it is entirely at an end, which will be done to alarm the other departments, and prevent them from acting, for such were the means employed to extinguish the war in La Vendée.”
A report was spread abroad that Georges was arrested, a familiar rumour was propagated respecting Pichegru; for though this day's Gazette announces his arrest, I do not believe a word of it. ‘It is very possible to seize on some unfortunate person, and say that it is Pichegru; it is a matter of great importance that you should tell your General to take the earliest opportunity of indicating to me one or two to whom I may send confidential persons, who shall be furnished with funds at the disposition of your general. Two or three thousand louis may be sent him at a time. It is good, I believe that will be most convenient to him, as I cannot send him paper on Paris without giving cause for suspicion.’
You will remit to him these four bills of exchange, for 9990 francs, or 10,114 livres 17s 6d; it is all the paper I have been able to procure on Paris. I have just written to Mr. Smith at Stuttgart, to collect all the funds in his power, in order that the operations may not languish for want of money. If, however you will wait till Wednesday, you may carry with you a more considerable sum.’
“I answered him that my General had expressly ordered my immediate return, and that it was impossible for me to wait. ‘If your General sends you again, or any other person, you will tell him to send them directly to me; an apartment will always be ready for them. I live out of the town on purpose, for I am surrounded with spies; every motion of mine is watched.’
“‘Apropos,’ I replied, it had escaped my memory to tell you of the report, that you are about to quit this town, and return to England; you are as it is said, recalled by your government, and I declare that the news greatly afflicted me. ‘It is true that such a report has prevailed, but I can explain the cause of it: some time since I furnished my house, and having demanded of the upholsterer the inventory of the goods which he had supplied me with, it was immediately thought that I was about to take my departure; but never fear my friend, this report is without the least foundation.’
He let me out by a secret door, and accompanied me to the gates of the town, telling me, at the same time, that he hoped very soon to bear news from my general.
“Such were the expressions made use of by Mr. Drake in the conversation which we had relative to my mission. The plan or the letter of Mr. Drake written in sympathetic ink, the letter which was addressed to me by the name of Lefevre, the Receipt of the Post-master of Rastadt, of the letter addressed to Mr. Smith at Stuttgart, with the four bills of exchange, have been sent to the press.”
“ROSEY,”
Adjutant Major, Capt. of the 19th regiment of Infantry of the line.
Strauburg, 25 Ventose, An. 12.
NO. II.
“On the 4th Germinal I arrived at Munich at 6 o'clock in the evening and lodged at Mr. Drake's minister of England; he lodged me at his house, in a chamber on the same floor with his own apartment, as had been agreed upon at our former interview. Enraged Jacobin as I was supposed to be, he received me with the most affectionate regard, and I presented him with the letter of my pretended general, with a request to answer it immediately, which he did the next day. As this answer contained the principal details of our conversation, I shall content myself with giving a succinct result of it. On Mr. Drake's asking me what news there was in France, I answered, that events had never yet been so favorable for us; that the arrests of different royalists had cast an impenetrable veil over our secret projects, and we were rejoiced to find that not a single Jacobin had been apprehended, &c. ‘I believe with you,’ replied Mr. Drake, ‘that you are secure from being suspected, and I have no doubt that every stroke which you make is directed with a certainty of success; but remember to recommend it to your general, that it is essential to unite all parties in the first operations that he shall undertake, and that he must present an imposing task to the confid; on this occasion, he will be able to employ the royalist party with the greatest advantage.’ I observed to Mr. Drake, that my general was entirely of his opinion, but that the committee could not bring itself to unite to such an excellent cause a party so contrary to its principles, &c.—‘Make your use of it, at all events (said he to me, as he walked in his Garden) and when you have overthrown B—, it will be very easy to purge yourself of all that are not of your party, as you have frequently done in the course of the revolution.’
“It was necessary for me to consider the task in which I had engaged, and the utility of my mission to my country, to enable me to refrain the indignation that I felt on the occasion. I felt myself powerfully urged to divulge my real name to the wretch, and to demand satisfaction with my sword in my hand, for all the calumny that he dared to express and think.—However, I governed my resentment; the conversation then languished for a time, but Drake soon renewed it.—Remember, said he, support the idea that I threw out to your general; an augmentation of pay must be promised to the regiments on which you can rely. I will furnish for some months all this expense, and you may hereafter, supply them from the confiscations of your party. I should have wished that your general would have waited a little before he began his first operations; but since he thinks the present moment favorable, he is anxious to get possession of Hunningen, which is not remote from the centre of your operations. I intend to fix myself at Rastadt, to be able to give you prompt and certain assistance.—As to the citadel of Strasbourg, we must think no more of it; it is too distant. I believe that your general will not have failed to make a powerful party in the army to produce a diversion, for without that B— would be able to fight you with advantage; all the means which he possesses to oppose you must be previously calculated, in order to render his efforts abortive; but profit, when the occasion shall offer of the trouble in which the rest of the partisans shall be plunged. Delirium without pity, pity is not the virtue of a politician.”
“Mr. Drake insisted very much that my general should send Mr. Muller to him. ‘He is indispensable to me; I want him very much to put me in possession of the present course of affairs, and to inform me who are of your party, for without that I shall not be able to judge myself to my own government, which will be desirous of knowing the names of the principal persons when it is to furnish you with such considerable sums of money.’ Mr. Drake gave me a sum amounting to 74,976 livres in gold.—‘It is all that I can do for you at present (he said) but I shall soon send to Mr. Spencer Smith at Stuttgart, who will furnish you with a much larger sum; I give you a letter for him, and a passport as an English courier, charged with dispatches for Cassel, as that character, it will not be necessary for you to present yourself to the French envoy, who watches our most minute actions. You will say nothing to Mr. Smith as to what has passed between us; you may, however, fa-
tisfy his curiosity respecting the news in France.’ I then took leave of Mr. Drake (Monday the 8th inst.) and entered my post-chaise, which was brought to the gate of his hotel, at half past ten at night, and took the road for Stuttgart; in that city I arrived on the 7th at half past one in the afternoon, as an English courier. I stopped at the Golden French Horn inn, and was conducted to the house of Mr. Spencer Smith, where I was announced under the name of Lefebvre. His first reception of me was cold, and accompanied with an air of suspicion. I then gave him the letter from Mr. Drake, and no sooner was he informed who I was, than he overwhelmed me with civilities. He begged me to excuse the ungracious manner in which I was received, ‘for (said he) I do not consider myself here as in a state of security. I assure you, that for some days past, I have received no one, but with a pistol in my hand; I am not upon a bed of roses. I regard myself as an outpost, and I declare to you that if B— required I should be arrested, the elector of Württemberg, though his wife is a princess of England, would instantly deliver me up, without giving me the least previous notice; for he already entertains some doubts as to the nature of my occupation here; and he actually feared it may compromise him with the confid.’ He informed me with much apparent interest of the affairs of France, and told me that the arrest of the dukes D'Enghien had greatly disconcerted him; that he was very much affected by the misfortunes of Pichegru; and that England had with reason formed sanguine expectations from the mission of a man at once so popular and so full of talents. ‘I knew him very well,’ he repeated with great emotion, ‘because it was the lieutenant of my brother who disembarked him on the coast of France. I flattered myself then he would have been able to escape, but we must reckon no more upon him, since it appears to be certain that he has been apprehended.’
“He earnestly requested me to write a letter to Strasbourg to madam. Franck, the banker, to desire her to forward and herafter all her letters which should receive address to baron de Herbert, a German officer. ‘She may forward them to me under the false cover of the son of George Henry Keller, banker, at Stuttgart; I am the more anxious to receive them, because some among them may be from Pichegru.’ He desired me also to inform myself of Madame Henrietta de Tromelin whose husband had been known at Constantinople, he had the very great Induce to inform me that his assumed name was de Blond, and he appeared to derive no considerable consequence, in his own opinion, from the intrigues he had carried on under that denomination. The secretary of this Mr. Smith, is a Pericard, formerly in the service of the bishop Seitz; this emigrant entertained me for a long time with his lamentations, & quite overcame me with the horrible actions he recounted of the list of the French nation. Mr. Drake, Mr. Spencer Smith, and Mr. Pericard, let me know that they had been most completely tired with the dullness of Munich and Stuttgart, if it had not been for the occupation afforded them by the affairs of France; they boasted however, that they could draw a very considerable sum from the English government. ‘Trust in your friends,’ said Mr. Spencer Smith to me, ‘there are bills of exchange for 118,150 livres, & I will send whatever they may want, but far Dreu, they must strike home for it.’ At this moment he presented me with a pair of pistols of the manufacture of Versailles: ‘You may, said he, make an advantageous use of these little friendly twins, for they never miss.’—I at first hesitated to take them, but I considered myself as an officer of artillery, who assumes a disguise to acquire the knowledge of an enemy's town—every kind of mask becomes him, he fifies his sensibility, and lies nothing but the order of his general and the objects of his mission.
I took leave of Mr. Spencer Smith the 9th instant. One of his domestics bought me the post horses, and hastened them to my chaise at four o'clock in the afternoon. I proceeded to Strasbourg the following day, and continued my route for Paris, where I arrived on the 14th instant. It is in vain for me to attempt a description of the sentiments of horror and rage with which these monsters are animated against our country. The only hope that sustains them, is to be armed one against the other. There is no occupation so vile or atrocious, for which they are not fitted; at the same time their cowardice is extreme; the shadow of a brave man alone is sufficient to sink them into the earth; they pass their lives in forming plots, and which is the natural effect of criminal habits, they continually imagine themselves surrounded with dangers. Whether it is in the courts friendly to France, and that are under essential obligations to the first consul, they are not regarded with favourable eye; whether it is that their real characters have been discovered by the inhabitants of the cities where they reside, & that they perceive that all public opinion is against them; whether it is that their own minds every moment inform them that the man who respects nothing has no claim to respect; they seem bent down by the weight of public contempt, & are marked with the ineffable opprobrium which is attached to their names.
(Signed)
ROSEY.”
Domestic Intelligence.
Extract of a letter from Genoa, dated March 10. “The blockade continues as heretofore, to be nominal, as no British vessels of war ever appear in sight and any vessel with clearance for Leghorn, for form sake, may freely enter into this port without the least hindrance. Notwithstanding the general stagnation of trade, our market continues to be as favourable as any in the Mediterranean.”
[The last paper observed that the governor of New-Hampshire, had negotiated the resolution of that legislature passed in compliment to the present administration, and also two bills, one for ratifying the proposed amendment to the Federal Constitution, and the other for disbanding the State into districts, for the purpose of choosing representatives to Congress.] The objections which the Governor had offered to the resolution, were published in the last paper. The public are now presented with his objections to the two bills, which passed the legislature.]
The GOVERNOR returns to the Honourable the Senate in which the same originated, the Bill entitled, “An act to divide the State into districts for the purpose of choosing Representatives to Congress”—with the following objections.
It has been his uniform opinion, that the choosing of Representatives to Congress by the people of the State at large is most conformable both to the letter and spirit of the Constitution of the United States, and that no citizen of the State, qualified to vote for members of Congress, should be debarred the right of voting for the whole number of Representatives, which the State is entitled to choose, unless some great inconveniences resulted from this method.
A Law was passed twelve years ago, intended to be permanent, and in pursuance of which all our Representatives to Congress since that time have been chosen, and any material inconveniences have resulted from this mode of choosing they are to me unknown.
The GOVERNOR returns to the Honourable the House of Representatives, in which the same originated, the Bill entitled “An act to ratify an article proposed in amendment to the Constitution of the U. States;” with the following observations and objections.
By the articles of Confederation and previous to the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, the Votes of the several States in Congress, being equal, the alteration made in this respect the Votes given in the House of Representatives, was a concession on the part on the smaller States!—Electors choosing the President and Vice-President, being proportioned to each State, according to the number of representatives, as well as that of Senators, four or five of the larger States, have it in their power, to elect those Officers, & it is believed that the alteration proposed may operate so as to lessen the probability of the smaller States appointing either President or Vice-President—even if nearly three fourths in number of the States in Union should be agreed in voting for the same persons.
It is feared, if the alteration takes place that the exercise of Vice-President, who in certain events is to be at the head of the nation, may be deemed less respectable than heretofore.
Although the Constitution has provided for amendments, yet the reasons therefor should be clear and strong, lest by frequent alterations others are facilitated, many of its important principles changed, and the Constitution not sufficiently regarded as a permanent Rule.
From such a view of the subject the Governor has been able to take, he is of opinion that the article referred to as it now stands in the Constitution, is preferable to the proposed alteration.
On taking the question on the proposed amendment to the Constitution, the yeas and nays were—YEAS 21. NAYS 73.
COURT MARTIAL.—AT BOSTON.
June the 25th the Court Martial sitting at Boston, adjourned from the Court-House to the Representatives Chamber in the State House. The defendants, it is understood, after making an application to be assisted by counsel, which was not granted, presented a protest against the proceedings of the court, and immediately withdrew. The court was expected to meet next day, and make up their judgment.
The General Court Martial, which has been sitting in this town for several days past, closed their proceedings, we understand, yesterday, (27th June). The papers and documents relating to the trial which has engaged its attention, must be transmitted to the Commander in Chief, for his consideration and decision. In the mean while, it is judged proper to withhold any comment whatever.
[Bost. Gaz.]
We learn that the request made by the defendants at the late Court Martial, was for leave to introduce Counsel; to manage their defence, and not merely to advise and assist them during their proceedings. ‘The Court were perfectly willing that they should have whatever friend they pleased to fit by them during the trial, to suggest to them whatever might be thought conducive to the support of their defence.’
[N. E. Palladium.]
In the Legislature of the state of Massachusetts, the question on the proposed amendment to the Constitution was lost, two thirds being requisite to a vote. In the House, YEAS 81, NAYS 73.—In Senate, YEAS 7, NAYS 5. The other measures met a similar fate.
A Halifax paper of the 16th June says, some uneasiness has been excited within these few days past, by different vessels having appeared off the harbour; and various reports of guns heard in the offing. A Schooner arrived this morning in fourteen days from Quebec; she was, yesterday, ten leagues off Jeddore; but saw no square-rigged vessel.
Thelander, of 50 guns, capt. Shere, sailed this day to look after some privateers said or supposed, to be on the coast. This ship was not ready in season off the coast, and went to New-York. At 11 o'clock this morning she was in the navy yard re-fitting. The admiral was afterwards requested to send her to scour the coast, (she being the only man of war here.) He gave the necessary orders, and at 4 the proceeded to sea.
NEW-YORK, July 2.
CAMBRIAN FRIGATE.—On Saturday, the United States Marshall of this district went again down to the Cambrilian, for the purpose of arresting the lieutenant who commanded the men employed in impressing the crew of the Pitt, and who forcibly prevented the revenue officer from boarding that vessel. The Marshall went down in the Revenue Cutter, but returned yesterday without success, having been refused admittance on board the frigate.
Affair of the Cambrilian, again.—Letters from Washington inform us, says the Evening Post of Saturday, that a very interesting discussion is now on the tapis, at that place, between the United States and Great Britain. On the part of the United States complaints are made to Mr. Merry, Minister Plenipotentiary from his Britannic Majesty, of the irregular conduct of the officers of the Cambrilian frigate in the port of New-York; on the other hand, the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty, strongly remonstrates against the improper and illegal interference of the Mayor of the city of New-York, and of the Wardens of the Port, in depriving the Cambrilian frigate and Driver sloop of war, of pilots, to navigate them out of port. Thus what would have been a clear and undisputed case on the part of the United States, and enable us to take high and commanding ground, to insist on signal satisfaction for an unprecedented violation of sovereignty, has now, by the rash and unadvised interference of an officer, having no competent authority, sunk into an affair of crimination and recrimination. This is no more than reflecting and well-informed men immediately fore saw, and what was expressly predicted in this paper at the commencement of the business. It would not become us to say more at present.
As the brig Rolla entered the Narrows, bound to Bordeaux, on Friday, the British frigate Boston got under way to cut her off, in which act she got ashore, where she remained 8 hours before she got off. She went to sea on Saturday morning.
The Boston gave chase to the Rolla, in consequence of understanding that Jerome Bonaparte intended departing in her incog.
Captain Ellis, of the brig Eliza, from Malaga and Gibraltar, arrived at the Lazaretto, Delaware, informs, that it was reported at Gibraltar, previously to his sailing, that the Prince of Peace was displaced, and the Count de Florida Blanca re-established at the Court of Madrid.—The politicians at Gibraltar were anxiously waiting the confirmation of that important intelligence.
The ship Young Factor, from Galway, just arrived, was boarded by the Driver sloop of war at sea, on Monday last, who took from her a native black man of Rhode Island, named Robert Brown, and three passengers, named Pendergraffe, Clens, & Corigar, that they treated capt. Gardner very abusively and detained him three hours.
[American Citizen.]
Extract of a letter from James Maury, Esq. consul of the United States at Liverpool, dated May 4, 1804.
“An act has been passed this session for continuing the permission of importing in neutral vessels, until eight months after a definitive ratification of peace, the produce of any part of any of the territories, not under the dominion of this country, either on the continent of America, or in the West-India islands, under the regulations and restrictions of the act, which expired the 1st January last.”
Capt. Crooker, of the brig Sally-Tracy from Gibraltar, informs us, that previous to his sailing a report prevailed there of the Regency of Tu-

his having declared war against the United States.
Mr. Moreton, supercargo of the Nimrod, captain Farland, arrived at Baltimore from St. Jago, via Philadelphia, states that he left there the 20th ult. was captured by a French privateer on the 27th, and recaptured by the British ship of war the Hunter on the 29th, who sent the Nimrod to Jamaica. Mr. M. understood from the French prize-master that the privateer which took him was the same on board of which general Noyes was killed some time since, and though the captain pretended to act under orders from the governor of Guadaloupe to capture all American vessels with coffee on board, yet he is of opinion that his capture proceeded entirely from the general licence which the French privateers assume of "making their own affair in their own way," and not from any official orders whatever. It was the intention of the Frenchman to hoist out the Nimrod's cargo at sea, or to carry her to Novitas, where he could discharge and dispose of his plunder in security, and send her off to sea again.
We are happy to hear by Mr. M. that the St. Jago privateers have been so unsuccessful of late, as to be nearly broken up. Not an American had arrived there as a prize for 30 days before he left it, and what captures they make, are snatched out of their hands before they can get them into port, by British cruisers and carried into Kingston. [N. Y. Morn. Chronicle.]
Saturday arrived at the Lazaretto, the brig Ceres, from St. Jago de Cuba, with forty-five passengers on board, principally fugitives from the scenes of bloodshed and rapine at Hispaniola. We add with regret, that the vessel first attempted to enter at New-Castle, and was refused; then went into Wilmington, and was there also turned off, for reasons best known to the concerned. [Phil. Gaz.]
A letter from Cape-Francois dated May 25th, received at Alexandria, says—"The sloop Philadelphia got under way yesterday morning, but was ordered to be detained. She had forty-one passengers on board, of whom four were embarked in the hold by the agents of the government; the remainder being all re-landed, were immediately masqueraded." [Ib.]
The French frigates, it is said, now in the port of New-York, will not sail till after the arrival of a 74, and some other vessels, which are daily expected from Trinity Martinique, where they were to stop and land troops. [Ib.]
Captain Selby, arrived at New-York from Surinam, informs, that permission is granted to import into that colony all kinds of American Produce, for which payment is to be made in the produce of that country. A duty of four per cent, is to be levied on the invoice of the goods imported, and 8 per cent. on those articles which are received in exchange; to commence from the 9th May, and continue in operation during four months thereafter.
DIRECTIONS
Given by Bernard de Clamouse Brozune, Consul of the U. S. of America, in the city of Oporto, to all the masters of American vessels, to be observed in this harbour.
 1. All ships that come over this bar, are to bring to St. Johns, to receive the visit of the castle.  2. If the master of any vessel should happen to have no direction for any route in this city, to whom to consign either his vessel or cargo, the Consul will recommend him to a house of responsibility; by this means the captains avoid all impositions to which strangers are subject.  3. Any ship that wants Franquia, viz. licence to get out again without unloading, must not come to anchor higher than between the Crofs Rock and King's Yard called the Ouro, and is to demand Franquia within twenty-four hours; and any master who shall neglect to do it within that time will be obliged to come up and deliver: but to obtain Franquia, it is necessary to have it expressed in his charter party, bills of lading, and other documents, what port he is bound to.  4. Any ship that is to unload but part of her cargo here, declaring at the custom-house, what part of it is for another port, she will be permitted to proceed accordingly, provided it be expressed in the charter party, bills of lading, &c.  5. No ship that brings gun-powder must come up higher than Massarellos, where the is to wait till the proper officers go aboard to have it unloaded there, but the master is to come ashore (after the several visits have been abroad) and make entry at the custom-house of his cargo, and at the consular office.  6. All ships that bring bills of health are to come up to the Bandeira, at Miragaya, and the masters are to attend on board for the visits of health inquiries and tobacco, having the ensign spread in its proper place.  7. When the tobacco visit goes aboard, both masters and sailors must be very careful in producing what tobacco they have to the officers, because, in case the least quantity should be afterwards found more than what was at first produced (according to the certificate the master signs) it will be deemed as concealment, & they will be liable to imprisonment and confiscation, &c. Neither are they to carry any tobacco or snuff ashore, or to carry it from one ship to another, under the same penalties: the same care to be taken as to soap and cards, under the same penalties.  8. After the aforesaid visits, the ships are to come up to the key, and the masters are to come to the custom-house, there to give entry of their cargoes, and at the same time to enter what protests they have to make, before the hatchers be opened, and to have a survey to determine what the damages proceeded from, & then they are to go aboard to their respective ships to receive the custom-house visit, and not unload any of their cargo but in the proper boats, and not in the ship's boats without especial licence.  9. All masters of vessels are to produce their registers to the Consul on their landing, that he may ascertain the authenticity of their vessels belonging to citizens of the United States.  10. No ship that has custom-house goods aboard, must take in any lading, or haul ashore or along side any other ship, before the water is taken off, unless liberty be granted by the judge of the custom-house.  11. No ship must load or unload ballast without licence from the office, neither haul along side any ship either to receive or discharge it, without licence, nor throw any ballast overboard or discharge it into any boat, bark, hulk or vessel; penalties of imprisonment, and a fine of 300 mil reis if thrown overboard, if into a boat, 50 mil reis.  12. No ships are to receive or carry aboard any provisions, or any other goods, without a licence, or proper discharge from the custom-house, nor any Portuguese money, exceeding 20 mil reis. Penalty at least in seizure, and forfeiture of the money and goods.  13. No kind of foreign liquors, wine, brandy, rum, beer, cider, flour, &c. can be entered, being here deemed as contraband. 
14. If any master has any black, or blacks aboard, either as servants or sailors, he is to manifest them in the custom-house.
15. If any ship brings wines from any part of this kingdom or the islands, the master must enter them in the custom-house.
16. When ships are unloaded, they are to make a signal with their ensign spread in its proper place, and the masters must come to the custom-house to sign the book, at which time they are to make declaration of what goods, provisions, or stores, still remain aboard, which, if they neglect to do before the officers go over the ship's side, the masters will be condemned to pay the value of the goods, over and above the the lots of them; and they are to attend when the said visit goes aboard.
17. Before any vessel takes in goods, the master is to come to the custom-house and enter his vessel outwards, and is to keep the dispatches of such goods as he receives, to be delivered to the broker when he comes to him in order to clear at the custom-house.
18. All masters that want to have their papers current in the custom-house in order to sail, are to acquaint the consul of it three or four days beforehand, giving him their several dispatches of the goods loaded aboard, in order to give him time to pass them through the respective offices to prevent any delay, which may otherwise happen by the absence of the officers.
19. All masters of vessels when they are loaded, or ready to depart, are to go to the consul, to pay him their port charges and recover their registers, without which their dispatches will not be sent down to the castle, for liberty to sail.
20. All masters of ships are to go with the broker and clear out at the Ouro, viz. King's Yard before they sail, where they are to make oath, that they carry no Portuguese sailors; or if they carry any, to give in proper security for 21. No great guns to be fired on any occasion whatever in the harbour.
22. No person whatever is to bring to land any sort of fire arms, pointed knives, nor forks, nor razors, nor awls, nor marline spikes, nor any wood with a point, nor any other instrument, of any metal, whereby a wound may be made by a thrust or a stab, under the penalty of imprisonment, and being whipped, and to serve ten years in the galleys, and to pay one hundred milreis.
23. So many seamen being lost in this port from the consequence of drunkenness, it is earnestly recommended to all masters of ships, as they value the lives of their seamen, to keep them on board, particularly at nights, and on Sundays and holidays: and to caution those who are obliged to go on shore, to keep sober, and observe a decent behaviour, not frequenting wine-houses and other bad places of resort; if any seamen are found in such houses after dark, they will be carried to prison and punished as the law directs.
24. No American seamen are to be discharged in this harbour upon any account.
25. A constant watch is to be kept upon the deck day and night.
26. The masters are to pay all the expenses for attending their sick seamen sent to the hospital, or seamen sent to prison for misbehaviour, and they are to receive on board their vessels, on their voyage back, all such seamen, unless it shall appear by a certificate, under the hand of a physician, that such seamen are unfit to go to sea, in which case the said masters are to give accounts under oath, before the consul, of what shall be due from them to the said seamen, which shall be deposited to be delivered to whom it may be long.
27. All masters of vessels are desired to take notice, that the consul has his office open for clearing the vessels every morning, from eight till twelve o'clock, Sundays and holidays excepted.
NORFOLK, July 4.
The United States squadron, under command of Commodore BARRON, failed for the Mediterranean yesterday. [Nor. Herald.]
The interest which the public takes in all that relates to the country on the borders of the river Mississippi, induces the editor of this paper, to publish the following extract of a letter from a valuable friend, who has promised at some future period, to favor him with a more minute account of his excursion. [Alexandria Expositor.]
NATCHEZ, May 25, 1804.
The route I took was by the Kentucky trace as far as the Chickasaw Nation, from thence following a trace to the Chickasaw Bluffs, a distance of about 140 miles, thence crossing to the Louisiana shore, and keeping between the waters of St. Francis and the Mississippi, to the settlement below New-Madrid—seven days travel without any trace or path. Another day took me to New-Madrid, and two more to Cape-Girardeau. The country on the road, to the nation being well known, I shall say nothing about, except that the land in general is but low and very indifferent, being on the ridge which divides the waters of the Mississippi and Tombigbee rivers. From the Nation to the Bluffs, the road lies a good deal on ridges, travelling is generally good, with open woods and indifferent lands. I had to cross several branches of the Yazoo, which afford some good bottom lands, and as we approach the Bluffs, they generally improve. The Bluffs form a handsome elevated plain for several miles extent, with very fine land well covered with every species of timber indicative of a good soil. On enquiry here respecting my route to New Madrid, I found there was no trace, on the east it had been travelled to Mafac, but through a hilly country, on the west it had also been accomplished, but that the country was so low and swampy, that it would in all probability, at this season (Christmas) require a month, to get there, I was therefore advised to return by the Nation, and proceed to Nashville and descend Cumberland river, this you must feel was very discouraging, however I procured a good woodman as a guide, and undertook a journey, which we had no expectation of performing with the success we did. We struck out from the river perhaps 10 or 12 miles, without regard to our course, in order to clear the bottom lands, then travelling as nearly north, as thickets and cane breaks would permit, the second day we arrived at a branch of the St. Francois, which we crossed without difficulty being careful to ascertain the nature of the bottom, before we ventured our horses. For several miles together, we saw fine rich lands, which were flooded, the 2d day we passed a large body of similar lands, and came to another branch of the St. Francois, with bold banks about 50 yards wide—the sides were so miry as not to admit of crossing, and this river bearing only a little to the east of north, we kept as near to it for four days, as the cane, &c. would permit—when we arrived at a settlement and bridge, 12 miles from the little Prairie, on the Mississippi 30 miles below New Madrid. Never in my life before have I seen so large a body of rich, fertile soil, and for more than a day's travel, could perceive no sign of overflowing. The land abounding in the best timber, with such immensities of cane, as well for ages, afford a range for the flock of the settlers, in this luxurious country. This was the more surprising as I had indulged an idea, that the country near the
Mississippi was almost unfit for settlement. The district of New Madrid, will soon be a rich and valuable settlement, from the town upwards on the road to St. Louis, it is beautiful beyond description. A rich Champagne country for almost 40 miles, without interruption, not a hill, a creek, or a swamp, on the whole road, but many most delightful prairies.
The face of the country alters considerably in the Cape Girardeau district, where it is hilly and broken, and abounds with springs, and many creeks, which will admit the erection of mills. This country is favorable to the cultivation of wheat, Tobacco, corn, besides which timothy grass is most plentifully produced, and from the vigour imparted to the inhabitants, by the late change in their government, we may venture to predict, that the produce from these new settlements, will in proportion to their population, be little short of the most fertile parts of Kentucky.
Being detained by head winds, a little below the mouth of St. Francois river, where a few families are settled, I had the curiosity to satisfy myself with respect to the lands back, which they told me were high—One of them walked out with me to the distance of about 100 rods, where we met five hills at least 100 feet in height, whose ramifications could not perceive; my companion assured me, he had been across to the Auzarque-Village, on the Akanhan river, and that these hills continued for 5 or 6 miles, and then broke off, in a high level extending from the St. Francois to white river, a distance of at least one hundred miles."
ENQUIRER
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1804.
A SKETCH OF THE ARRANGEMENTS WHICH HAVE BEEN MADE FOR CARRYING THE VIRGINIA BANK INTO OPERATION.
Agreeably to the 1st section of the "Act for incorporating the Bank of Virginia," books for receiving subscriptions were opened on the 8th of May by the Commissioners at Richmond, and at the towns where Branch Banks are to be established. On closing the books at 5 o'clock on the first day, it was found that 3668 shares had been subscribed for at Richmond. At the end of the ten days 4381 shares had been taken by 2702 Stockholders. Having graduated them according to the 4th section of the law, the Commissioners discovered that 1048 Stockholders only were nominally entitled to 2 shares, and that 1654 Stockholders were nominally entitled to one share each; the whole amount of these shares having constituted the legal number (3750) allotted to Richmond. In the Branch Banks, the demand for shares was not so eager, fewer were subscribed in proportion to the legal number, & each Stockholder became nominally entitled to a higher interest in the bank. The Commissioners having thus discovered by the legal scale the greatest number of shares which could devolve upon any Stockholder, proceeded to determine by lot the fortunate Stockholders, who should be entitled to this highest number—Other operations soon required and attracted their attention. Having no time, no ground, and perhaps no skillful architects to build a house for their reception, they have leased one for a certain term of years, at the rate of 1000 Dollars per annum. The roof is to be covered with slate, the vaults are to be dug, and all the other necessary arrangements to be made at the expense of the proprietor.
To obtain the necessary paper, to employ an adequate Engraver, and to make other indispensable preparations, Dr. Brockenbrough set out for Philadelphia on the 29th of May. Those only, who have the happiness of being personally acquainted with this gentleman, are able to estimate the judiciousness of a choice, which committed an office so delicate and so important, to such a virtuous, zealous, and, let me add, accomplished man. With a mind fraught with the various treasures of reading and reflection, with manners highly cultivated by travelling and by an extensive acquaintance with enlightened society, with a heart of unshaken integrity, and a zeal not to be diverted from its object, Dr. Brockenbrough was eminently qualified for this arduous and delicate appointment. My pen yet lingers to remark, that although he has not been accustomed to all the details of mercantile business; although he has not been trained to the necessary and mechanical duties of account books and counting houses, he combines a penetrating mind, fully competent to understand his duties, with a perseverance, which few obstacles can overpower. His successful attention to the objects of his mission will fully demonstrate, that this imperfect sketch of his character is not delineated in too flattering colours. I cannot give a more satisfactory account of the principal objects, to which he has directed his attention, than by giving the following extracts from letters to his correspondent in Richmond, which though evidently written in the haste and hurry of business, possess an epistolary ease and elegance, that can scarcely fail to gratify the public taste. In a letter dated Philadelphia 13th June, the Dr. states: "I have agreed with Mr. Wilcox, who resides 25 miles from this place, for 30,000 sheets, which is the quantity advised by the Cashiers of the Union and United States Banks. I have procured the materials, and the operation will commence the instant I can get the moulds finished. All the necessary books and stationary I have contracted for with the Stationer to the United States Bank, and he will have them prepared before the paper and the printing press can be completed; which will require nearly 4 weeks from this time. I have succeeded too in engaging an Engraver of "skill and respectability" to go to Richmond by the last of the present month. The terms are the same with Harrison's and the Union Bank; that is, 110 dollars for each plate; and 100 dollars, for his expenses to Richmond." A subsequent letter, dated from Wilcox's Paper Mill, June 22, will continue the chain of events: "I have contracted with a young artist, by the name of Jones, and forwarded the agreement to Col. Carrington. He was strongly recommended as a young man of genius and respectability. The specimens I saw of his execution were adapted to my taste; and as to the time that will be required to engrave the plate, I refer the invidious to their own observations. All the articles necessary for the Bank will, I hope, be prepared, by the time when the paper is completed; I suppose, about the 8th or 9th of July. I am informed that it will be necessary to have a Seal for the use of the Bank; indeed, I know that the certificates issued by the President of the Bank in Philadelphia are all stamped. But it was the opinion of the Commissioners, that we had no right to decide on the Devices of the copper-plates; and of course I did not choose to assume the right of selecting a device for the seal. I think proper however, to mention that it will require one month to cut the seal, and that the price will be from 80 to 100 dollars. Should the Directors be chosen before I leave Philadelphia, and should a sketch of the device be sent on to me, I will put it into the hands of the best seal-cutter in this city." A letter of July 2d, announces the accomplishment of the object of his journey: "By urging the workmen, I have
succeeded in getting the Bank-paper made earlier than I had expected. It is now under press, and will be brought to town on Saturday, and shipped together with the other apparatus on Monday on board the Schooner Caroline." So that the Bank-paper, the Books, Stationary, Printing-press and Ink, Seal-press, Scales, Weights adjusted at the Mint, and other utensils, may be expected to arrive at Richmond in a few days. The Commissioners having thus faithfully and successfully accomplished the great objects of their appointment, proceeded to perform almost the last duty which the law devolved upon them, by appointing a day "for proceeding to the choice of Directors."
On July 5th the Stockholders met in the Capitol at Richmond, to vote, in their own names, or as proxies, for Directors. Two questions were previously submitted to their consideration. 1st. Whether (by the 8th sect. of the law) any one "could be entitled as proxy to a greater number than 30 votes," in case the votes which he represented, belonged not to one, but to different Stockholders? This question, contrary to the intimation given in the last number of this paper that it had been postponed till the next day, was immediately determined in the affirmative by a large majority. The next question, whether the Directors for the Branch Banks could be voted for at that time, as sect. 6th of the law had made no express provisions for that purpose? was postponed, and on Saturday it was determined in the negative by the casting votes of the Treasurer of the state. However compatible this decision might have been with the words of the law, any one will easily perceive that it will have an effect very injurious perhaps to the interests of the other towns, which are entitled by the law to Branch Banks. For the merchants of this place will enjoy an evident superiority over the merchants of other towns, in the busy interval which will exist between the time of carrying the Richmond Bank into operation, and the first Monday in January next, when the law has preferred the appointment of Directors for all the Branch Banks.
Having determined the first of these questions, and postponed the second, the Stockholders and the Treasurer of the State proceeded to give their votes for Directors to the Richmond Bank. The following list is republished from the last paper, with a correction of two mistakes; one in stating the number of votes given to Mr. Hatcher: the other which was corrected in the press, after several of the papers had been struck off, in stating the number of votes given by the Treasurer.
  J. Gallego 1425 R. Pollard 1425   B. Hatcher 1424 G. Jefferson 1424   E. Carrington 1417 J. F. Leitch 1418   J. Selden 1413 W. Mitchell 1387   W. B. Giles 1353 A. Venable 1333   S. Pleasants 1316 J. Harvie 1308   J. Brown 1264 J. Storr 1259 
The Treasurer gave 713 votes to each one on this list. Three other regulations were adopted by the Stockholders, before they adjourned, which may be worthy of commemoration. The first was that the Jerip should be transferable from one person to another by indorsement or assignment. From this regulation it will follow, that all the shares which have been nominally taken, may be easily transferred to the real proprietors. The second was that the President and Directors be appointed a committee, to report a set of bye-laws for the Bank, to be presented to them for examination, on the first Monday in September. The third was, that the President should receive an annual salary of 2500 dollars.
The Directors have proceeded to discharge some of the duties which their appointment has devolved upon them. They have elected Mr. Venable President. The votes were underfoot to be,
  For A. B. Venable 10   E. Carrington 2   B. Hatcher 1 
Two of them, Messrs. Gallego and Brown were absent. They have determined to elect their Cashier and two Book-keepers on the 25th of this month. The Engraver whom Doctor Brockenbrough engaged, having arrived at Richmond, they have determined to proceed immediately, to the engraving of the plates; and to accelerate this branch of the business, they have determined to have two notes only, instead of 4, engraved on one plate. They will have four plates, one for the 10 dollar notes, one for 20, one for 100, and one for the post-notes, leaving the dates and sum blank. Each note will require the labour of a week; and of course each plate will occupy a fortnight; and the four plates, eight weeks. The directors have not yet selected any particular Device and Motto. They have some idea of introducing into the note a device which shall be composed of the figures of Agriculture & Commerce with joined hands, & appropriate emblems. This device will be elegantly drawn at Philadelphia, before it can be engraved on the plate. As a device for the seal, they have thought of delineating the figure of Virginia presenting the charter of the Bank to Agriculture & Commerce. The motto on the seal is understood to be of this sort, "UTERE SED NON ABUTERE;" use, but do not abuse —The general opinion is, that the Bank will go into operation about the first of October. [* At present.]
The first part of Mr. SMITH's Oration on the 4th of July, will be found on the last page of this day's paper. Mr. Smith had, perhaps, some right to expect, that the same committee of arrangements which had requested him to deliver the Oration, would not have forgotten the customary compliment of requesting him to publish it to the world. This committee having been dissolved before the arrival of the day, whose felicity they had been appointed to direct, Mr. Smith has never been solicited by them to favor the public with a printed copy of his speech; & it is only at the particular request of his friends, that he has now consented to give it to the world. The Editor anticipates with a sympathetic pleasure, the delightful gratification of the public curiosity, and the overflowing applause which is indispensible due to so fine a specimen of juvenile talents. However doubtful the indications of private character may generally be, and however diffident the Editor has always been of his own knowledge of the human mind, he will not hesitate to declare, that Mr. Smith's Oration contains the elementary traits of a man, who should be able to overcome the paralyzing influence of an extreme modesty, is one day destined to become an ornament to his country, and an able defender of her dearest rights.
The Academical Exhibition which was advertised in two late numbers of this paper, took place at the Capitol on Friday last. Several Oration were delivered in the forenoon by Mr. Ogilvie's advanced pupils: & none but the most imperious necessity should have prevented the editor from attending the exhibition. The public voice has been loud and distinct in the expression of its applause. Most of these speeches were submitted to the perusal of the Editor, before they were delivered in the Capitol, and had the manner of their delivery corresponded in any degree with the style and sentiments of the speakers, no auditor present would have given them a more unbreathing attention, or a more distinct approbation. On the examination of the afternoon, when the younger pupils displayed original pieces, the Editor was present, and can pronounce a more conclusive opinion. Never has he witnessed a more illustrious specimen of early improvement. On the various topics which they examined, they displayed striking proofs of an elegance of diction, a perspicuity of understanding, and what was still more valuable, of a conscious viracity, which demonstrated that all was want which met the ear .—Accustomed as he had been to indulge the amplest pre-sentiment of the capacities and improvements of the early mind, he does not hesitate to declare, that all which he had ever thought or hoped before, was far outstript by what the "passing scene" continued to bring before the audience. On a subject of this sort he may venture to hope that his testimony may be permitted to make some impression. He also has been accustomed to trace the gradual evolution of the youthful mind; to compare the progress of different minds together, and to form various, yet imperfect standards for graduating their respective powers. And he is now free to declare, from the new series of experiments which he witnessed on Friday, that he must throw away his old scale as almost altogether useless, and adopt a new one more suitable to the possible powers of a cultivated mind. That his own judgment of this exhibition is not too much exaggerated, he hopes to present in the next paper, a satisfactory proof in the speech of one of the little boys on the Love of Praise.
On the merits of their respectable Instructor he would delight to indulge the full flow of his feelings. But he does not know how far his personal friendship might give a false colouring to his judgment, or how far the world might suspect his impartiality, when they recollect the incalculable obligations which he himself owes to that man.
The last number of the VINDICATION OF VIRGINIA will appear in the next paper.
TACITUS (No. I.) cannot appear.
COMMUNICATION.
Our Executive Council will shortly have to select two citizens of this Commonwealth, to serve as Senators from this state, in the Senate of the United States, in the room of Wilson G. Nicholas , and Abraham B. Venable ; the former appointed Collector of the Port of Norfolk, and the latter President of the Bank of Virginia. I take the liberty of submitting to the consideration of the Executive, the pretensions of two of our citizens, who reside in different and distant parts of the state; who have long served their country in various capacities, with acknowledged ability, unimpeached fidelity; and genuine republicanism: I mean William B. Giles , residing on the fourth fide of James River, and Walter Jones , the elder, on the shores of the Potomac.
The Editor of the Enquirer has been presented with the following Extract of a Letter, dated Abingdon, June 23d, 1804.
"Yesterday went on a deputation of Indian Chiefs and Warriors, from a nation in the interior of Louisiana, called Ofages , on their way to pay a visit to the President of the United States. This is the nation of Indians, of whom so much has been said, with respect to their stature and prowess in war—that most of the tribes on the Missouri are subject to them, and that they have at times been troublesome both to the French & Spaniards, since the first settlement of the country, having extended their hostile expeditions as far as New-Mexico on the West, and to the Mississippi on the East. This friendly embassy from one of the most warlike and numerous nations of Indians in Louisiana, augurs well for the interests of the United States, as their example will no doubt be followed by all the other tribes, and a general peace and friendly intercourse will ensue throughout that great country."
The Governor of Tennessee has issued a proclamation for the meeting of the Legislature of that state on the 23d inst. to take into consideration the proposed Amendment to the Constitution. [Nat. Intell.]
The news announced by an arrival at Alexandria, of Bonaparte having been proclaimed Emperor of the Gauls, appears to be incorrect. Letters received in this city from Mr. Jarvis, as late as the 25th of May, are entirely silent on the subject. They mention the celebration of Te Deum at Lisbon, not on this account, but for the birth of the Prince. [Ibid.]
NOTICE.
THE office of Supervisor of the Revenue for the District of Virginia being discontinued, and the unfinished business of the said Office transferred to me; the Collectors of the Direct Tax and Internal Revenue, whose accounts have not been finally adjusted and paid, are hereby informed, that they are now requested to call at my office, in the city of Richmond, without delay, and pay the balances due to the United States.—And those who hold lands have been sold in the District of Virginia by authority of an act of Congress of the United States for non-payment of the Direct Tax, may redeem such lands, by paying to me within the time limited, the principal costs and fees as the law directs.
As most of the abovenmentioned lands were sold in Dec. 1802, the privilege of redemption will continue until December next.
The money received by me for the redemption of the said lands, will be returned to the purchaser, with interest at the rate of 25 per cent per annum on the purchase money, to the day on which it may be paid to me.
JOSEPH SCOTT, Marshall V. D. July 7. cp—4f
WILL BE SOLD,
To the highest bidder, in Charles City county, on September Court Day,
THAT well known TRACT of LAND, called the INDIAN FIELDS; containing between eight and nine hundred acres, pleasantly situated on the main road leading through the county. The situation is so generally known and admired, that a minute description would be superfluous. Presuming that any person who wishes to purchase, will previously view the land, I shall only observe, that the houses are all in good order, having lately gone through a thorough repair; and the small proportion of land in cultivation, proves it to be very valuable and productive; the soil being admirably adapted to the culture of Corn and small grain.—Any person wishing to view the land will call on Mr. Royster who lives on the place.—The terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale. WILLIAM EDWARDS. cp—1m
Surry County, July 7.
WAS FOUND,
By a Negro woman, a small bundle of BANK NOTES. The owner may have them by giving a satisfactory description, and paying the expense of this advertisement. Enquire of the Printers. July 11. cf—19
NEGROES FOR SALE.
I WILL sell for cash, or on a short credit, a likely young FELLOW, who is a good crop Negro; and a young WOMAN about 18, who is an excellent house servant, well acquainted with and fond of the management of children, and a good seamstress. THOMAS RICHARDSON. Goldmine, Hanover, July 11. 1w.

AN ORATION,
BY JOHN HILL SMITH; DELIVERED AT THE CAPITOL, IN RICHMOND, ON THE 4TH OF JULY, 1804.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
WE have convened on an important, on an awful occasion. We assemble in celebration of the most memorable event which the history of any nation or any age has recorded. This is the anniversary of that glorious revolution which freed us from the servile yoke of Britain, and proclaimed us an independent and happy people.
It is, Fellow-Citizens, for these interesting purposes that we are now convened. We meet to testify our joy at the event of our revolution, and to evince our gratitude for the happiness so liberally bestowed on us. To delineate the causes of our separation from Great Britain, to point out the origin, the objects and the consequences of our revolution; to trace our progress from provincial servitude to national liberty, has been the pleasing though arduous task allotted to me.
A regular series of events seem to have preceded and introduced the American revolution. At a period when the despots of Europe, of Asia & of Africa, "secure & sceptred in the foul servility," dreaded not the bold champions of independence—when freedom seemed to have been almost banished the world, and the hideous figure of anarchy, or the gloomy monster of despotism to have usurped her seat—Columbus, directed by his sublime genius, pursuing his discoveries with a bold and enterprising spirit, at length reached those western shores; at length penetrated to a new and unknown country, which in the progress of time was destined to become "the chosen land, the last retreat of freedom amidst a world enslaved."
As soon, however, as the different nations of Europe were informed of the discovery of an extensive, fertile, unimproved and almost uninhabited country—of a country remote from the sphere of eastern oppression, they felt the full force of their own calamities, perceived the chains which they had for ages worn unfeen, & parted for the enjoyment of freedom. The discovery of this continent opened to them a new world in which they might erect an altar to liberty.
The rapid progress of colonies to a state of wealth and prosperity, their peculiar tendencies to enlarge the human mind and generate ideas of independence and of liberty, had already been witnessed by the world. Many of the Greek colonies seem to have progressed with such astonishing rapidity, as in a short time to have rivalled, or even excelled the mother country.
"been at least equal to any of the cities of anti-ent Greece." From the auspicious situation of the colonies planted in America, a boundless prospect of happiness was offered to their view.
Progressing daily in opulence and improvement, the colonies attracted the attention of the parent country. Those countries whose inhabitants had emigrated to America, now assumed the tender name of mother country, ("that name which addresses itself peculiarly to the first feelings of the heart,") and arrogated to themselves the direction, jurisdiction and legislative controul of the colonies.
Humiliation, patience and fortitude at first characterised the colonies; they kept sheathed the sword of destruction, and held forth the olive-branch to Britain. Petition was heaped on petition, and remonstrance on remonstrance, but all was ineffectual.
At length the glorious and doubtful contest was brought to a close, and America proclaimed an independent nation. The veteran troops of Britain were repulsed, and "liberty marched on the heels of the fugitives."
America, however, after having dethroned the usurpation of Britain, after having accomplished the complete and final establishment of her independence, did not retire beneath the shade of peace, to yield to the soft allurements of pleasure, or to repose in indolent enjoyment.
which was to ward off the remains of impending evil, and to erect the ramparts which were to guard us against the invasions of tyranny.
When we cast our eyes, fellow citizens, over the histories of nations, no objects appear more prominent or more conspicuous than the late political revolutions which have taken place in the world.
To comprehend, tho', fully, the importance of our late revolution, we must reflect on its necessity; we must consider what would have been the situation of this country had no political change overtaken place.
(To be concluded in our next.)
BY AUTHORITY.
[LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.]
AN ACT
Making appropriations for the support of government, for the year one thousand eight hundred and four.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That for the expenditure of the civil list in the present year, including the contingent expenses of the several departments and officers;
For compensations granted by law to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, their officers and attendants, estimated for a session of four months and a half continuance, one hundred and ninety eight thousand nine hundred and fifty five dollars:
For the expense of fire-wood, stationery, printing, and all other contingent expenses of both Houses, including the expense of printing the President's message of the twenty-third of December, one thousand eight hundred and two, with the accompanying documents, thirty two thousand seven hundred dollars:
For the purchase of books for the use of both Houses of Congress, the balance of the former appropriation being carried to the credit of the surplus fund, two thousand seven hundred and three dollars, and five cents:
For furniture for the House of Representatives, being an expense incurred in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, twelve hundred dollars:
For compensation to the President and Vice-President of the United States, thirty thousand dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of State, clerks & persons employed in that department, eleven thousand three hundred and fifty dollars:
For the incidental and contingent expenses in the said department, four thousand eight hundred dollars:
For printing and distributing copies of the laws of the first session of the eighth congress, and printing the laws in newspapers, eight thousand, two hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, including those engaged on the business belonging to the late office of the commissioner of the revenue, thirteen thousand and ninety two dollars and eighty seven cents:
For expenses of translating foreign languages, allowance to the person employed in receiving and transmitting passports and sea-letters, and stationery printing, one thousand dollars:
For compensation to the comptroller of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand nine hundred and seventy seven dollars and eight cents:
For expense of stationery, printing, and incidental & contingent expenses in the office of auditor of the treasury, five hundred dollars:
For defraying the expense of preparing new certificates of registry for ships and vessels, in conformity with the law of the second of March, one thousand eight hundred and three, four thousand five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the auditor of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty dollars and ninety three cents:
For expense of stationery, printing, and incidental & contingent expenses in the office of auditor of the treasury, five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the treasurer, clerks and persons employed in his office, six thousand two hundred and twenty seven dollars and forty five cents:
For the expense of stationery, printing, and incidental & contingent expenses in the treasurer's office, three hundred dollars:
For compensation to the register of the treasury, clerks and persons employed in his office, sixteen thousand and fifty two dollars:
For expense of stationery and printing (including books for the public use and for the arrangement of the maine papers,) two thousand eight hundred dollars:
For the expense of printing and transmitting the certificates of the six per cent. stock, created by virtue of the act of the tenth of November, one thousand eight hundred and three, one thousand five hundred dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the commissioner of the sinking fund, two hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation of the clerks employed for the purpose of making drafts of the several surveys of land in the territory of the United States, north-west of the river Ohio, and in keeping the books of the treasury in relation to the sales of lands at the several land offices, two thousand dollars:
For fuel and other contingent expenses of the treasury department, four thousand dollars:
For defraying the expenses incident to the stating & printing the public accounts, for the year one thousand eight hundred and four, one thousand two hundred dollars:
For purchasing books, maps, and charts, for the use of the treasury department, four hundred dollars:
For compensation to a superintendent employed to secure the buildings and records of the treasury, during the year one thousand eight hundred and four, including the expense of two watchmen, and for the repair of two fire engines, and other incidental expenses, one thousand one hundred dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of war, clerks and persons employed in his office, eleven thousand two hundred and fifty dollars:
For the expenses of fuel, stationery, printing, and other contingent expenses of the office of the secretary of war, including certain contingent expenses incurred in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, one thousand one hundred and fifty dollars and two cents:
For compensation to the accountant of the war department, clerks and persons employed in his office, ten thousand nine hundred and ten dollars:
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the war department, one thousand dollars:
For compensation to clerks employed in the paymaster's office one thousand eight hundred dollars:
For fuel in the said office, ninety dollars:
For the compensation to the surveyor of public supplies, clerks and persons employed in his office, including a sum of twelve hundred dollars, for compensation to his clerks, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, and for expense of stationery, rent and fuel for the said office, four thousand eight hundred dollars:
For extra expenses incurred by the removal of the office of surveyor of public supplies from Philadelphia to Germantown, in the year one thousand eight hundred and three, two hundred and three dollars:
For compensation to the secretary of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, nine thousand one hundred and ten dollars:
For expense of fuel, stationery, printing, and other contingent expenses in the office of the secretary of the navy, two thousand dollars:
For compensation to the accountant of the navy, clerks and persons employed in his office, including the sum of one thousand one hundred dollars, for compensation to his clerks, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the second of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, ten thousand four hundred and ten dollars:
For contingent expenses in the office of the accountant of the navy, seven hundred and fifty dollars:
For compensation to the post master general, assistant postmaster general, clerks and persons employed in the post master general's office, including a sum of four thousand five hundred and ninety five dollars, for compensation to his clerks, in addition to the sum allowed by the act of the second of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine, thirteen thousand nine hundred and fifty five dollars:
For expense of fuel, candles, house rent for the messenger, stationery, cheifs, &c. exclusive of expenses of prosecution, portannuence, mail locks, and other expenses incident to the department, these being paid for by the postmaster general out of the funds of the office, two thousand dollars:
For compensation to the several loan officers, thirteen thousand, three hundred thirty three dollars and thirteen cents:
For compensation to the clerks of the several commissioners of loans, and an allowance to certain loan officers, in lieu of clerk hire, and to defray the authorized expenses of the several loan offices, thirteen thousand dollars:
For extra expenses occasioned by the removal of the loan office of Pennsylvania to Germantown, during the summer of one thousand eight hundred and three, three hundred and forty nine dollars:
For defraying the expense of clerk hire in the office of the commissioner of loans of the state of Pennsylvania, in consequence of the removal of the offices of the treasury department, in the year one thousand eight hundred, to the permanent seat of government, two thousand dollars:
For compensation to the surveyor general, and the clerks employed by him, and for expense of stationery and other contingencies of the surveyor general's office, three thousand two hundred dollars:
For compensation to the surveyor of the lands south of the state of Tennessee, clerks employed in his office, stationery, and other contingencies, two thousand seven hundred dollars:
For compensation to the officers of the mint:—
The director, two thousand dollars:
The treasurer, one thousand two hundred dollars:
The assayer, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The chief coiner, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The melter and refiner, one thousand five hundred dollars:
The engraver, one thousand two hundred dollars:
One clerk, at seven hundred dollars:
And two, at five hundred dollars each:
For the wages of persons employed at the different branches of melting, coining, carpenters, mill-wrights and smith's work, including the sum of eight hundred dollars per annum, allowed to an assistant coiner and die-forger, who also oversees the execution of the iron work, six thousand five hundred dollars:
For the repairs of furnaces, coil of rollers and screws, timber, bar-iron, lead, steel, pot-ash, and for all other contingencies of the mint, two thousand nine hundred dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Mississippi territory, including a sum of eighty two dollars, for the compensation of one of the judges which has been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, five thousand two hundred and thirty two dollars:
For expenses of stationery, office rent, and other contingent expenses in the said territory, three hundred & fifty dollars:
For compensation to the governor, judges and secretary of the Indiana territory, five thousand one hundred and fifty dollars:
For expenses of stationery, office rent, and other contingent expenses in the said territory, three hundred & fifty dollars:
For the discharge of such demands against the United States, on account of the civil department, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted in a due course of settlement at the treasury, and which are of a nature, according to the usage thereof, to require payment in specie, two thousand dollars:
For additional compensation to the clerks of the several departments of state, treasury, war and navy, and of the general post office, not exceeding for each department, respectively, fifteen per centum, in addition to the sums allowed by the act, intitled "An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks," eleven thousand eight hundred and eighty five dollars:
For compensation granted by law to the chief justice, associate judges and district judges of the United States,
including the chief justice and two associate judges of the district of Columbia, and to the attorney general, and including also one thousand dollars for the compensation of the district judge of Ohio, for the year one thousand eight hundred and three, fifty four thousand five hundred dollars:
For the compensation granted to the several district attorneys of the United States, two thousand eight hundred dollars:
For compensation to the marshals of the district of Maine, New-Hampshire, Vermont, Kentucky, Ohio, east and west Tennessee, one thousand four hundred dollars:
For defraying the expenses of the supreme, circuit and district courts of the United States, including the district of Columbia, and of jurors and witnesses, in aid of the funds arising from fines, forfeitures and penalties and like-wise, for defraying the expenses of prosecution for offences against the United States, and for safe keeping of prisoners, forty thousand dollars:
For the payment of sundry pensions granted by the late government, nine hundred dollars:
For the payment of an annuity granted to the children of the late colonel John Harding and major Alexander Trueman, by an act of congress passed the fourteenth of May, one thousand eight hundred, six hundred dollars:
For the payment of the annual allowance to the invalid pensioners of the United States, from the fifth of March, one thousand eight hundred and four to the fourth of March, one thousand eight hundred and five, ninety eight thousand dollars:
For the maintenance and support of light houses, beacons, buoys and public piers, and slackage of channels, bars and shoals, and certain contingent expenses, fifty five thousand nine hundred and fifty one dollars & thirty three cents:
For the erection of a light-house on Newpoint Comfort, five thousand dollars, being the amount of a former appropriation carried to the credit of the surplus fund:
For the payment of balances due on the contracts for erecting the light houses on Old point Comfort, & Smith's point, and for the inspection of the work, the balance of the former appropriations being carried to the credit of the surplus fund, two thousand dollars:
For erecting a light-house on Gull's Island, in the sound between Long Island and the Main, in addition to the sum heretofore appropriated for that purpose, three thousand five hundred dollars:
For defraying the expenses incident to the purchase or erection of certain ware houses and wharves, under the act respecting quarantine and health laws, in addition to the sums heretofore appropriated for that purpose, five thousand dollars: and so much of the sums received on account of storage for merchandise deposited in the public ware houses under said act as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated to the erection and repairs of the ware houses, and to carry the said act into effect:
For defraying the expenses incident to the valuation of lands and houses, and enumeration of slaves within the United States as directed by the act of the ninth of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight; the balance of former appropriations having been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, three thousand dollars:
For the purpose of carrying into effect the act of the third of March, one thousand eight hundred and three, in relation to the lands south of the state of Tennessee, in addition to the sum therein appropriated, ten thousand dollars:
For the discharge of such miscellaneous demands against the United States, not otherwise provided for, as shall have been admitted in due course of settlement at the treasury, and which are of a nature, according to the usage thereof, to require payment in specie, four thousand dollars:
For furniture for the President's house, being the balance of a former appropriation, carried to the credit of the surplus fund, one hundred and forty five dollars and seventeen cents:
For expenses of intercourse with foreign nations, including the compensation of the consuls at the several Barbary powers, forty six thousand five hundred & fifty dollars:
For the other expenses of the intercourse between the United States and Algiers, and other Barbary powers, one hundred thousand dollars:
For carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and the king of Spain, the balance of former appropriations having been carried to the credit of the surplus fund, thirty-two thousand seven hundred and forty-seven dollars and thirty-six cents:
For the relief and protection of distressed American seamen, ten thousand dollars:
For salaries of the agents, in Paris and Madrid, for prosecuting claims in relation to captures, three thousand three hundred and fifty dollars:
For satisfying a balance due to John Habersham, late agent for supplying the troops in Georgia, nine thousand and fifty-five dollars and seventeen cents:
For the relief of sick or disabled American seamen at New-Orleans, in addition to the appropriations heretofore made for that purpose, one thousand dollars:
For discharging such sums, as may, on settlement of their accounts, by the accounting officers of the treasury, be found due to persons whose property was taken for the use of the militia employed on the expedition to suppress the former insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, one thousand dollars.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the several appropriations herein before made, shall be paid and discharged out of the fund of six hundred thousand dollars, reserved by the act making provision for the debt of the United States, and out of any monies in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the sum which shall be found due on a settlement of the accounts of the militia who served on an expedition commanded by Major Thomas Johnson, against the Indians, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety four, be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated; the appropriation made by the act of the thirteenth of May, one thousand eight hundred, having been carried to the credit of the surplus fund.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate pro tempore.
March 14th, 1804.
APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort.
The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg. The roads leading to them are remarkably good... they are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood. There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern.
The subscriber flatters herself, that these inducements will not only operate on invalids, who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of restoring their health restored, but will also be felt by those who only object to the enjoyment of company, as it may be safely said the society will be equal to any in the country. No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable.
ANN GATEWOOD.
Fredericksburg, May 19. 31/3/.
Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE of the ENQUIRER.