The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-02-16 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING. SUBSCRIPTION TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1803.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
To the Washington Federalist are respectfully informed, that I am empowered by Mr. William Find, to receive payment of the balances due to him in this city, and neighbourhood. THOMAS TAYLOR. Vendue Master. Richmond, Feb. 26th. 1803.
WILLIAM MOFFET,
HOUSE CARPENTER, JOINER, &c. from LONDON, and the CITY OF WASHINGTON, offers his service to the public. Please enquire at Mr. LEISTE's carpenter shop, near Bird's Warehouse.
N. B. Also for sale, at the above shop, a large number of DOORS, SASHES, &c. Richmond, Jan. 19th. 1803.
WANTED, AS AN APPRENTICE
To the Printing Business. A Young Lad, from the Age of Eleven to Fifteen Years. Enquire at this Office. Nov. 17th. 1802.
TO BE RENTED,
THAT large and convenient BRICK TENEMENT in this city, lately occupied by Mr. Robert Turner, as a Tavern and Boarding-house, situate on the corner of the Main-Street; and that leading to Col. May's Bridge. The central situation thereof cannot fail (if rented by a gentleman qualified for the purpose) to ensure a considerable number of respectable boarders; or, it is an eligible residence for a genteel private family. The premises may be entered, on the first day of March next, or immediately, as circumstances may suit; for terms apply to
ROBERT GAMBLE Who has for sale a handsome assortment of CARPETS and CARPETING, and genuine PORTWINE, in pipes and quarter casks.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required.
WILLIAM DAVIDSON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.) N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber intending to remove from this State, requests those having demands against him, to call for payment. Those indebted to him will see the necessity of making immediate payment.
ASHER MARX.
Mand. St. Feb. 1803. (41)
FISH,
A QUANTITY OF HERRINGS and SHAD, for Sale, By FRANCIS HYLAND. Richmond, Nov. 24. 1802. t. 2
CITY OF RICHMOND,
In Common Hall, Jan. 17th 1803. WHEREAS the present funds of the corporation are not adequate to the expense of erecting a WORKHOUSE for the city, which would combine within itself all the conveniences which a well regulated institution of this kind would require; having a regard to the future population of this city, yet it is wise and expedient that the funds now destined for this useful institution should be laid out in such a manner as to answer the present purposes of the corporation, and to admit such future additions as the increasing population may require. Your Committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend it to the consideration of the Common Hall, to call in the aid of those who have experience of such institutions, and to offer a premium for the best plan of a Workhouse, which will be so contrived as to admit of being erected in parts, as the funds of the corporation will from time to time afford.
Resolved, therefore, that the committee appointed to prepare a plan of a Workhouse be discharged from further proceeding therein. And that the Mayor be requested to give notice in the newspapers, or otherwise, that the sum of thirty dollars will be given by the corporation, as a premium to the person who shall produce to the Hall, on the third Monday in February next, the best plan of a Workhouse, constructed as above mentioned, and to be approved of by the Hall, estimating the cost at four thousand dollars.
Copy Teste ADAM CRAIG, C. C. H.
JUST PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS AND THREE-PENCE THE CONDUCT OF MERIWETHER JONES, IN A SERIES OF LETTERS, ADDRESSED TO THE PUBLIC, By JAMES T. CALLENDER.
MANY gentlemen, when subscribing to this paper, have enquired for complete sets of the Recorder. These are not to be had. But this little publication will, in some measure, supply the want of them. Besides the seven letters to Jones, the last of which has rung through every state, and every second newspaper in the union, the collection contains many other articles. Among these are, Defence of Aaron Burr—Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1.—Defence of Timothy Pickering—A little more about republican economy—with a variety of small pieces.
NOTICE.
ALL persons having any claim on the estate of JOHN M'BRIDE, deceased (either by bond or open account) are desired to make them known to the subscriber, and all those who find indebted to said estate are desired to come forward and discharge the same.
ALSO
On the 28th day of February, 1803, will be sold at the late dwelling house of said John M'Bride, deceased at 12 o'clock, all the personal property, consisting of Boats, Sloop, household Furniture, &c. belonging to said estate. A credit of six months will be given to all purchasers above ten dollars, giving bond and approved security.
MARY M'BRIDE, Adm'x.
Richmond, Jan. 26th, 1803.
The subscriber begs leave to inform the citizens of Richmond and public in general, that she continues to carry on the TRUNK making business, as usual, and flatters herself by her attention to merit the patronage of a generous public. At present she has on hand a quantity of Trunks, Portmanteaus, and Band-Boxes, which she will dispose of at low prices.
MARY M'BRIDE.
WANTED,
TO hire, for the present year, a NEGRO MAN, who understands PLANTATION BUSINESS. Likewise, a BOY of 14 or 15 years old, or a woman who has been used to out-door business. Enquire at this office.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr Stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne Stones now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be kept ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
NOTICE.
THE subscribers hereby give notice, that they are desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour Barrels and Staves, and that they are now ready to contract to furnish Meal, Hominy, Ship Stuff, and Bran, at certain prices for the year, and that for the present quarter ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. of Meal, 3s 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have also on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOS. RUTHERFOORD, & Co. January 1, 1803. (t. til. a)
TO MASTER BUILDERS.
A NEW THEATRE of Brick or Stone is designed to be built on the Lot of Ground, on Shockoe Hill, where the old Theatre formerly stood, now the property of Mrs. West. The fund necessary for the completion thereof is raised partly by subscription, and partly from the private funds of the proprietor. Those disposed to undertake the building, or a part thereof, are requested to send in their proposals immediately, to Mr. MERIWETHER JONES, who will shew the plan, and from whom more particular informations may be acquired.
February 1st. 1803. (31) N. B. The subscription for the above building is still open.
VIRGINIA.
AT a court continued and held for Halifax County, on Wednesday the 24th day of November 1802.
Isaac Coles, senr. Plaintiff. AGAINST Stephen Biggs and James Snead, Defendants. In Chancery
THE defendant Biggs, not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this country. On the motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the fourth Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county.
A copy—Teste BERRYMAN GREEN. D. C. H. C.
50 DOLLARS REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber in this city, in May last, a Negro man, named BAILOR. A Black complexion, about Twenty-Six or Seven Years old, about Five Feet Seven or Eight. Formerly belonged to the estate of HOOPER and TOLLE. Has worked at the Blacksmith's trade. Was purchased at Public Sale, last Spring.
Whoever secures the said Negro, and lodges him in Jail in this City, shall have the above reward by applying to William Fulcher.
THOMAS MOORE. Oct. 5th. 1802
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tl.)
THE
CONCLUSION CONCERNING MR. CLOPTON. TO THE PUBLIC.
HAVING closed my letters to Mr. John Clopton, at least for the present, it appears proper that I should say something more to the public.
There are many persons, who will think that the file in which Mr. Clopton has been arraigned is too severe. To this I answer it is the severity of truth, and his most zealous adherents dare not deny, or extenuate one single allegation, or inference. It must be recollected that Mr. Clopton was called upon at the beginning, to explain his meaning upon several points in which the community were interested, and it is well known that he has not only avoided to perform this duty, but has also adopted the means which he deems necessary to obtain a majority of the suffrages at the approaching election. For the satisfaction of those who may not have seen, or who do not recollect, the following extracts from the first letter are repeated.
"As soon as I received one of your circular letters, I discovered, either that you had intended to impose upon your constituents, and the community, or did not understand the subjects concerning which you had written. I did not permit myself to give too much countenance to either of these opinions; because, upon one hand, it would seem that your talents were not equal to your station, on the other, let your talents be ever so great, you did not deserve public confidence. Either of these conclusions would be severe." "The task which I have imposed upon myself is unpleasant. It appears to me to be necessary. I shall, therefore, arraign you at the bar of public political justice, because this duty has not been performed by some other, because all that I shall say ought to be known by the public, and particularly by your constituents."
I now call upon every reader of common sense and candour, to answer whether I have not fully complied with my engagement? When Mr. Clopton is considered as the representative of the district, he becomes the servant of the district, and every man in it has a right to examine his public deportment. I have exercised this right.
When Mr. Clopton is considered as a writer, and author, he becomes fair game for all other writers and critics; his publications belong to the world, and every individual in society possesses a right to expose them if they deserve it. This right I have exercised.
When Mr. Clopton is considered as a politician, and endeavours to inculcate his opinions, he exposes himself to the attacks of all persons who profess, or possess different opinions. Such attacks I have made.
When Mr. Clopton is considered as the public organ of a party, which political truths are to be circulated, we all have right to expect that he will communicate the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. He has failed in these important duties, and therefore I have exposed him.
When Mr. Clopton is considered as a man who has taken the most insinuating, and deceptive means to obtain the place which he holds, and when he is publicly accused of having intrigued with the post-master general to obtain the office at Richmond, while Congress was in session, I consider him as a defector, or as one who was perfectly willing to desert the interest of his constituents for the paltry addition of a few dollars; nay more, was willing to have descended from the honorable and dignified station of repre-

Teating 30,000 people to have become the cringing deputy of Gideon Granger. For this he deserves public indignation and scorn. When Mr. Clopton pretends to be a zealous supporter and preacher of christianity, and at the same time recommends and rejoices with heartfelt gratification at the prevalence of principles and measures which have a tendency to weaken public confidence in these doctrines, I consider him to be not only a dangerous man, but an incorrigible hypocrite, all which I have demonstrated.
In vain have I asked, urged, and repeated, that Mr. Clopton should declare whether he thinks that the measures of Congress ought to have a tendency to the payment, perpetuation, or extinction of the public debt. He dare not answer, because any answer will expose either his weakness, or his duplicity.
Among the terms of deception which Mr. Clopton and his fellow labourers use, there is none which operates with more delusive certainty than their pretended love of the people ; this is manifested very conspicuously in his last circular letter; a moment's consideration will show that it should be termed self love ; or, the love of popularity . That this definition as to the first applies exactly to Mr. Clopton's case, is fully ascertained and explained in all the foregoing letters. With respect to the second, it is not a far-fetched species of madness, it is a disease to which all men are more or less addicted. A man without education, and with limited means of information, might be persuaded that the love of the people, and the love of popularity were the same thing. But when Mr. Clopton is the author of the deception, or pretends that these things are synonymous, he offers a violation to decency and common sense, and exhibits a degree of turpitude which his worst enemy would hesitate in ascribing to him.
How is it, that this love of the people , which breathes through the whole of the circular letter, and is the pretended garb in which Mr. Clopton always appears, is to be found only in his declarations? And how is it that every line points with unerring certainty, to the advancement and perpetuation of his own popularity, and by means too the most deceptions and unmanly? That is by misrepresentation, by exciting prejudice where none ought to exist; and by taking the credit for services which neither have been, or ever will be rendered.
If, after all these things have been so clearly stated, and are universally admitted to be true, the majority of the freeholders shall still chuse Mr. Clopton as their representative, they will surely deserve no better estimation in society, than that in which Clopton himself seems to have considered them. But even if this should be the case, yet there will remain some who will not fail to admit that truth, almighty truth has broken to pieces the fetters of deception, and that universal justice ought to seal the eternal sentence of his political doom .
In assuming the signature of "Federalist" I did not propose to impress upon the minds of my readers, a preference for that party which is so called. My design was, to have explained my own opinion as to the real meaning of the words "federalism and republicanism" in contradistinction to the disgraceful and factious uses to which they are applied. But my letters to Mr. Clopton have extended much further than I expected. They have occupied an unreasonable share of this paper, and have employed more of my time than suits my own private concerns. There are many persons who have read these letters, to whom, some subjects which have been alluded to are more familiar, and who have it in their power to finish with better abilities, what I have only glanced at. For myself, but little more remains, and that will be reserved, until more time shall mature some things which I do not at present well understand.
We hear it from a thousand tongues, and we read it in all the newspapers, that the peace and harmony of society are disturbed by two opposite contending political parties. One of these is called the "federal party," the other is called the "republican party." Of the first, it is alleged, that their plan is to introduce hereditary monarchy and nobility; of the other, that they pursue their own aggrandizement and self interest, by flattening the rates and passions of the licentious, the ignorant, the ambitious, and wicked, by means which will tend to overwhelm the land with immorality, infidelity, and will end in anarchy. How this is in a general view, I shall not here declare. My sole object was, to unfold to his constituents, the political character of John Clopton, and without saying that he has combined with others for such detectable and destructive purposes, nothing is risked in saying, and urging in a thousand different ways, that the course which Mr. Clopton has taken, and probably intends to pursue cannot fail, as far as it can have influence, to produce these dreadful ends.
If there be such parties with such designs, the facts are unknown to me, otherwise the individuals on either side, and both sides, should be exposed to public notice and execration. Their names ought to ride upon the four winds of the heavens, to every region and corner of the earth. It is enough for me to declare that I neither do or will ever belong to either of these or such parties; that, while I retain my faculties, I shall communicate my
sentiments upon all public men and public measures, regardless of the allurements of popular distinction, or of the terrors and frowns of the proud and powerful, "provided the press shall continue free."
Freeholders and electors throughout the country! it is your province and your solemn duty to consider with impartiality and candour, the questions which grow out of the foregoing investigations, because you, and you alone have the power to remedy the evils of which you are warned. I have sounded the trumpet of truth. I have erected a temple of public justice, and I have arraigned a member of Congress at the bar of that temple. He stands mute. He sees himself in the midst of a quick-sand, from which he cannot extricate himself, and knows that every struggle for relief will plunge him deeper and deeper. I have warned the freeholders of this district, through these letters, of the dangers to which they have been allured by him, in whom they have confided; and in whose patriotism, discretion, virtue, candour, and justice , they have committed the most valuable rights of society, as well as the power of involving, not only the present race of men, but future ages, in misery and sorrow; whose conduct I have alleged, and again repeat, has had, and will continue to have, a certain tendency to involve all our social, political, and religious rights, in one universal wreck of delusion, desolation, destruction, and despair.
FEDERALIST.
HENRY TOLER Jun. having purchased of us the debt due, and owing to him before he became bankrupt, those indebted to him therefore take notice, that we have no further interest in said debts, and that the said Henry Toler, has full power and authority to receive the same, and grant discharge, those indebted to the late concern of Hooper and Toler only excepted.
MARCUS ELCAN. WILLIAM TEMPLE, Assignees of Hooper and Toler.
Teste THOMAS HOOPER. Richmond, Jan. 15th 1803.
FRESH FLOUR.
THE Subscriber hereby give notice, that they are now ready to make Sales of FLOUR of their own manufacture, and are also desirous to purchase Wheat, Corn, Flour-Barrels, and Staves.
Such as may want a supply of Meal, Hominy, Sips-Snuff, and Bran, are informed that they can be furnished at certain prices during the year, and that for the present quarter, ending the last of March, the prices will be for 50 lbs. Meal, 3s. and 6d. and for 50 lbs. Hominy, 3s. 3d.
They hereby solicit all those indebted to them, to make payment as fast as possible, as their situation does not enable them to grant such indulgence as heretofore.
They have still on hand a large assortment of IRISH LINENS, which they are anxious to dispose of.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD, & Co. Feb. 16th. 18-3.
REVISED CODE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS to the REVISED CODE are respectfully informed that the Book will be ready for delivery on the first of April next.
February 16th 1803.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
FEBRUARY 16th. 1803.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.
IN last week's paper, it was intimated that the Recorder, will, in a short time, be published twice a week. We had expected to be able, in this day's paper, to lay before our subscribers a complete explanation of this proposed change in the publication. Circumstances have made it inconvenient for the editors to find leisure. But that the idea may not seem to have been neglected, we shall give a very short sketch of our proposal, reserving ourselves till next week for a fuller detail.
The multiplicity of communications that has been made for this paper, exceeds, very far, the limits of a single weekly sheet. Manuscripts have been laid by for six months at a stretch. The armoury article, of which a part appears in this day's paper was received in its original state of imperfection, in the month of July last. The part of it which appears in this day's Recorder was completed, in its present form, between two or three months ago. Of the typographical bullet that scared George Hay into the attempt of assassination, not one sentence has yet appeared. The manuscript has lain by us, dead and buried, for at least eight months. Our subscribers can hardly have a conception of the nature of the atrocious charge. But George was given to understand, that something was in the wind, and he was conscious, that his rotten bulk was liable to be overthrown by the slightest gale of imputation. It is sometime ago since we promised to prove, by Duane's own hand-writing, that he had been a partner in the pilage of the property of one of the editors of this paper. For want of room, the execution of this promise has
been so long delayed, that some people may have begun to suspect it was a mere rodomontade. Blocked up with incessant and various communications, and labouring under the inveterate habit of writing, per se, five or six columns a week of temporary matter, it has been found entirely impossible to give every one of our numerous correspondents that attention which they deserve; for instance, The Mountaineer to Larkin Smith. A letter of thirty-five pages from Newbern Coffee House (N.C.) A letter from a gentleman to the Wettward, (P. S.) concerning the Mississippi business. A truly important communication from Albemarle county. An account of the expedition of Brokenborough, of M'Ray, and of Hay, to the hon. Judge Roan; with many other private communications, have all been unavoidably postponed. This arises from printing only once a week.
From what has been said our original and friendly subscribers are not even for a moment, to suppose, that this additional publication will, in the smallest degree, injure their interest. They will continue to receive their weekly paper, the Wednesday's Recorder. If they think proper to endanger the subsistence of their families, and the existence of their personal credit, by sending forward the enormous sum of two additional dollars, they will receive the Saturday's Recorder, as well as the Wednesday's. But those friends who think, that once a week is quite enough, they will continue during the time for which they have subscribed, to receive the paper at the usual rate. At the expiration of which, all subscribers at once a week, will have to pay two dollars and an half per year.
When this paper was originally published it excited surprise, not on account of its materials, but of its price.
It is intended to commence the publishing of this paper twice a week in the beginning of March, or so soon as a sufficient number of subscriptions are received for that purpose. We therefore beg leave to request such subscribers, who are inclined to encourage the early publications of the Recorder, to forward their subscriptions.
These remarks have been hastily made, and under the pressure of a variety of business very different from that of a printing office. Of course, the candid reader will be disposed to pardon their probable incorrectness---More of all this next week.
[The two following articles were wrote about two months ago. Various circumstances have, till this time, prevented their insertion. Indeed we are so much incommoded for want of room, that we are obliged to make perpetual breaches in our proposed series of publication. Mr. Bronson must, if he pleases, once more accept of this apology. A complete insertion, and a satisfactory answer, he shall have first, or last. The reader will see, in these articles, how much praise has been bestowed beforehand upon the members of assembly, and how very little some of them have deserved it. For the good of the country it may be hoped that a very considerable number of them will, at the approaching election, be turned adrift]
THE PUBLIC PRINTING.
WE have a piece of unexpected intelligence to the public, that must give general satisfaction. The delegates of the assembly have appointed a committee, to enquire into the amount of the profits of the public printer. An appointment so honorable to themselves, cannot fail of being attended with advantage to the state. The committee will discover, that every possible pretence has been made use of to load this public officer with the spoils of the treasury. Last winter, Mr. Jones printed, as we have already mentioned, two thousand copies of the laws; and we stated this in such a way, as if he had not been obliged to print a greater number for this salary. If this had been the case, there still existed some pretence for paying him for the additional number of eight hundred and seventy copies. But, upon enquiry, we find, that the power of the executive was not limited to his printing two thousand copies; but that they were entitled to have demanded three thousand copies, if they thought proper. We thought that we had proved a great deal, when proving that the public printer was extravagantly overpaid; but behold! it comes out, that the executive council were not authorized to pay him a single farthing. They were entitled to these eight hundred and seventy copies for nothing. His salary covered the whole business; and for nothing the council would have had them, if these eight hundred and seventy dollars had been to come out of their own pockets. We respectfully recommend to the consideration of the present committee, whether it would not be doing justice to their constituents to call upon John Guerrant and his associates, for these eight hundred and seventy dollars. If they cannot be brought back again, the assembly have it in their power to put an embargo upon the salaries of the executive council, till the amount shall be refunded. Only think of casting away so con-
siderable a sum of money, without one vestige of a justification! If the council acted thus, in a case where they were so very liable to detection, something much more must be expected, if indeed, any thing worse can be conceived, in such extensive transactions as the Penitentiary, and the Armoury. We trust, that the discernment, the probity, and the perseverance, of the present assembly, will probe all these matters to the bottom. The council had conceived that they were beyond all chance of censure, because four fifths of the assembly were devoted republicans. We trust, they will find to their cost, that they are not to be protected from a rigorous investigation, merely because they happened to be connected in political principles with a majority of the two houses.
It is only doing justice to the federal party to say, that this public printing job did not begin with them. Till the law of January 22d. 1803, the printer was paid honorably, but not madly . His salary was six hundred and fifty pounds. When he did extra jobs, he did not receive such enormous prices as have commonly been paid since that time. It has been said, that Mr. Davis enjoyed, for many years, the same salary that Mr. Jones himself has enjoyed. We are willing to bet fifty dollars against twenty-five, with any man, that this assertion is a mistake. The law of January 22d, 1798, declares, in the 3d section, that the former salary had been found insufficient, and therefore, it is augmented to twenty-seven hundred dollars. Mr. Davis enjoyed this augmentation for only a single year, when Mr. Jones was chosen in his place. The original salary was six hundred and fifty pounds. An addition was made of an hundred and fifty pounds, or, in other words of five hundred and eighty-three dollars and a third. The augmentation was made by a republican majority. It was made, with the express purpose of dismissing Mr. Davis, in order to put Mr. Jones in his room. If the former would have consented to desert his party, he would have been printer to this day. The whole guilt and profligacy of the augmentations remains upon the shoulders, not of Mr. Jones, but of the republican party of 1798. During a great portion of the time in which Mr. Davis held this office, the auditor required a most tremendous quantity of blanks. This induced a large deduction from the profits of his office. The transactions that required these blanks have long since been closed. Hence the auditor does not give the public printer one fortieth part of the trouble that he formerly gave Mr. Davis. In the face of all this, the republicans augmented at the very same time that the duties of the office had been considerably reduced.
When the committee proceed to business, they will most likely consult Mr. Davis. He will show them, that the office has been immensely more lucrative to Mr. Jones, than it ever was, or could be to him. On one hand, the cart loads of blanks that were demanded by the auditor, formed an important deduction from the profits of his salary. At the same time, his salary was less than that of Mr. Jones, by the interesting sum of five hundred and thirty-three dollars. Mr. Davis will also inform the committee, that he never received one farthing for printing acts of assembly, excepting his bare salary, while Mr. Jones has been getting a dollar a piece for pamphlets of fifty-six pages. Mr. Davis will convince the committee that, since the election of Mr. Jones, the number of extra jobs has been swelled beyond all former proportions; and that the payment has been upon a considerably higher scale than what was ever heard of till Mr. Jones became printer. According to our information, Mr. Jones has received, within the last four years, the enormous sum of ten thousand dollars for extra jobs, while Mr. Davis never received any thing like so large a sum within so short a period.
We are extremely happy, for the sake of public peace and satisfaction, that the assembly have taken up this business of public printing. Their promptitude affords a respectable pledge that the barracks, the city guard, and the armoury, will not escape their attention. Upon matters of such moment, the spirit of the ancient dominion would not suffer the assembly to remain inactive. With what consistency could a delegate vote a sum of three thousand dollars to Mr. Jones, and something not unlike a sinecure, of two thousand dollars to John Clark? With what face could they give Samuel Coleman a thousand dollars per annum, for his important services? With what face could he give seven hundred dollars to George Hay, for pleading in Blenheim's case, and Cowley five hundred dollars for sweeping the capital, and keeping the keys and then writing a circular letter to his electors, bragging of his vigilance, as to the expenditure of public money? The happy time has arrived, when the country will no longer suffer such extravagance. There is not a single gentleman in either house of assembly that can be supposed to have the tenth part of a reason to support it. We are in a commonwealth, where the corruption of the state legislature cannot enter into the head of any mortal. The influence of the executive council also, can extend to a very small proportion of members, if, indeed, there is a single gentleman in the house to whom it can be expected to extend. It is alike the interest, and is alike the wish of all parties, to save public money.

When plunder goes on, a part of it must come out of their own pockets. Several members of assembly have assured us, that they had long been misled and deceived; and that, although for very plain reasons, the memorial from this office was repulsed, yet, the gentlemen affirm, that they could not go home, and look straight in the faces of their constituents, if they were not able to give a proper account of the public printer and his business. These sentiments do honor to the gentlemen that express them, and to the rank which they at present fill in society. As soon as the committee have made a report concerning this affair, we shall endeavour to get hold of it. Whatever may be thought of our political publications, in respect to the general government, every man must, in his heart, approve of our firmness in exposing the depredations that have been committed upon the treasury of Virginia. They are, to the last degree, shameful. The people are as zealous, as we can desire them to be, in the cause of reformation. They will, therefore, perceive the propriety of supporting a paper like this, which tells them so many truths which they never heard of before, and which stands like a common mark, opposed to the shafts of vengeance that are incessantly pointed against it by the two great factions which divide this country.
THE ARMORY.
IN July last, Mr. Jones printed a long essay in defence of this building. In answer, we printed a piece, entitled, Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 1. We had been informed, that it was the joint production of Coleman, of Clark, of Mr. Jones, and of John Guer-rant, who has lately made such an illustrious figure in the Court of Chancery, in his quarrel with the widow. In this affair, John was completely and most deservedly beaten; but we have not room at present to tell the particulars. John has likewise wanted to pass in Goochland for the father of this defence of the armory. We are willing to allow him the enjoyment of all the honor which it can acquire him. That the author may gain that honor which the litigant has lost. We shall not, therefore, publish Mr. Samuel Coleman, No. 2. We have introduced our additional remarks with the simple title of THE ARMORY.
The place chosen for the foundation of this building, is exactly upon the top of a hill. Hence, it was necessary to cut this hill down to the level of the canal, before the foundation could be laid. This job had long ago cost fifteen thousand dollars; and has since cost five thousand more. The soil which was removed, or greater part of it, consisted of valuable clay. It is believed that the persons, who removed it, would have been very glad to do this work for the mere value of the clay. They removed it to a very small distance. Where many thousands, or perhaps, millions of bricks, have since been made out of it. At least, if they had not removed it for nothing, they would have been glad to pay a considerable price for it. We should be glad to hear a decent reason, why some bargain of this nature was not struck. Our opinion is, that if it was really necessary to build the Armory upon the top of this hill, the whole twenty thousand dollars might have been saved by a previous agreement with the bricklayer. In the account of expenses, which we obtained in the auditor's office, and printed in the Recorder; and of which Mr. Jones afterwards published a copy, there is the following article:—
Bricks, lime, and workmanship, thirty-two thousand, five hundred and twenty dollars. The bricklayer, who was to remove the earth, might have been bound to give a certain quantity of bricks. This would have made the composition quite easy for him and at the same time, quite as advantageous to the state, as the payment of ready money.
But the negligence, or absurdity of this mission, is lost in another that appears infinitely greater. If the site of the building had been chosen about fifty or sixty yard lower down, towards James river, it might have been placed upon a natural valley, through which a stream of water passes. This valley lies within half a mile of the capitol. The members of assembly, or such of them as are curious, are required to visit the spot, and examine it with their own eyes. John Clark will perhaps, be able to tell them for what reason he chose to make a valley, by cutting down a hill, when nature had placed just behind him a valley ready made, and with a stream of water passing through it.
Perhaps there was a reason for rejecting this valley, although we cannot conceive it. Mr. Clark had then, only to have gone about three hundred yards up the river, just above the spot where Mr. Rutherford's mill stands. At this place, there commences an immediate declivity from the bank of the canal, which terminates in a valley reaching the bank of the river. As far as we can judge, from the foundation that John Clark has since laid, there
NOTE.
But we have learned that there is a schoolmaster in the neighbourhood who helps John to polish his stile and round his periods.
could not have been a more favorable spot, for the building of an armory, than what is here presented. The canal, and the river, run in two parallel lines, with a declivity from the canal, and a fine valley of moderate extent. This valley runs along the edge of the river for a considerable way; so that there is room enough for the foundation of ten or, perhaps, of thirty armories. The choice of such a spot would have saved an expence of at least eighteen thousand dollars, in digging the foundation. We consider that, in the very outset of the business, John Clark committed two unpardonable blunders. The first was that, of paying so extravagant a sum for the removal of good marketable clay, which was honestly worth its carriage from the hill to the brick-field. The second blunder was that in the choice of the situation if the Armory had been placed in one of the valleys, above mentioned there might have been saved much useful labour, for which there is a copious demand upon other quarters. The casting away of so much labour was in itself an essential loss to the community, and especially in a country where labour is so dear, and where hands are so scarce.
To be continued.
Report of the Committee for making inquiry relative to the salary of the PUBLIC PRINTER.
THE Committee beg leave to state that from information received of Mr. James Pleasants, they find that in the session of 1797, from a representation of Mr. Davis, then public printer, that the Legislature were induced to increase the salary from 2200 dollars, to 2700 dollars: It is further stated, that both branches of the Assembly were so fully convinced of the propriety of this measure, that it passed with but little opposition. The Committee further represent, that Mr. Samuel Pleasants and Mr. John Dixon, have given it as their opinion, that the present salary is not too high.
An estimate of Augustine Davis was laid before the Committee, which follows:
  That to be always prepared, it will be requisite for the public printer to keep in constant employ two good journeyman compositors, whose salaries may be estimated at 450 dollars each, per annum. D. C. 900 00   Two good pressmen will also be required, their hire, diet and clothing, may be calculated at 130 dollars each, per annum. 260 00   Paper for printing the laws of each session will require 100 reams at 20s. per ream. 333 33   Paper for the journals of each session 40 reams, at 20s. 133 33   Paper for printing tobacco notes, manifests, &c. 60 reams at 20s. 200 00   Paper for furnishing the Auditor, the Treasurer, and the Executive with blanks, 30 reams at 24s. 220 00   Printing proclamations and other public advt's. 100 00   Dollars 2046 66 
NOTE. The above estimate is made on a presumption that public printing business is nearly the same it was when I had the honor of being employed in the capacity of public printer; and I do not believe that this estimate is overrated, provided the business is executed with neatness and promptitude, and it cannot be expected, nor can it be the wish of the General Assembly of Virginia, that their printer should receive a sum only sufficient to cover the expenses he must necessarily incur in performing the duties required of him, but that he ought to receive a salary to amply pay him for his services. There are many other expenses necessarily incurred by the public printer in executing the business, which cannot be calculated so as to form an item in the estimate.
AUGUSTINE DAVIS.
Your committee must observe, that Mr. Jones stated to them that the Auditor and Treasurer furnished their own paper for printing their blanks.
A statement was laid before your Committee by Mr. Thomas Nicolson, printer, which follows:
  For printing copies of the Journal at 51. per sheet, 8. Say that the whole session will contain 28 sheets. £ 140 00   2200 copies of Laws, making 15 sheets at 81. 10 127 10   Tobacco notes and manifests 200 quires, at 4s 6d. 45 00   Blanks for the Executive, 80 quires at 4s 6d. 18 00   Advertisements, &c in the Gazette, 15 00   Blanks for the Auditor, 80 quires. 18 00   £ 363 10   N. B. From this calculation I have added five sheets more to the Journal than what was printed last Session, which is £25 less. £ 25 00   Laws one and a half sheet more than last ditto is 12 15   £ 37 15   which would reduce the above £ 37 15 
It was proved to your committee that Mr. Nicolson received of Mr. Jones Nine Pounds per sheet for printing the laws; and six pounds per sheet for copies of the journals, which he printed for Mr. Jones; whereas the estimate which he has made, he allows for copies of the laws only eight pounds ten shillings, and for copies of the journals only five pounds per sheet.
It appeared to your committee, that the duties and expences of the public printer have increased considerably of late years;
NOTES.
The following head was annexed to my statement viz.—At the request of a member of the committee Tho's Nicolson, printer, makes the following estimate of printing, (including paper,) which he is ready to make a contract for, if applied to for that purpose.
What is termed a sheet is 500, copies which takes 1 ream 2 quires. And for a sheet of the laws it takes 4 reams 2 quires. The Journals of last session took 27 reams 6 quires; and the Laws 59 reams 16 quires to complete them.
ably of late years; that the number of advertisements have been greatly enlarged since the erection of the Armory, Penitentiary, the Public Warehouse, and the establishment of the Public Guard in the City of Richmond.
Your committee must observe, that the estimate of Mr. Davis who was public printer for a considerable time, and the opinions of Messrs. Pleasants and Dixon, appear to them to be entitled to more weight than the opinion of Mr. Nicolson, and that the balance which is left after deducting the necessary expences of the public printer, is not more than a reasonable compensation for his trouble and labour.
Resolved, therefore, as the unanimous opinion of this committee, that the salary of the public printer ought to be continued as heretofore, at the sum of 2700 dollars.
VINDICATION.
HAVING been called upon by a member of the committee appointed to make inquiry relative to the Salary of the Public Printer; to furnish a statement of what would be an adequate compensation for services rendered the public by that officer. I delivered a statement, of which the above is a copy.
I have been informed that Mr. Jones in order to show that I was unfriendly to him informed the committee that he would prove by a member of the Legislature that I had charged him (Mr. Jones,) upon my books six pounds per sheet for printing the Journals of the House of Delegates and nine pounds per sheet for printing the Laws; and as the committee in their report, have said that it was proved I received of Mr. Jones nine pounds per sheet for copies of the laws; and six pounds per sheet, for copies of the journals. It is a duty I owe to myself and the public to declare that Mr. Jones paid me six pounds per sheet for printing the Journal, and five pounds two shillings per sheet for the Laws, and no more; nor did I debit him on my books with any other, or greater sum, for that service. It was the compensation he offered me at the time he applied to me to print for him; and I accepted his offer. Mr. Jones's account on my books for the services above-mentioned, are open to the inspection of any person who may wish to see them. I did not volunteer the statement I gave to the member of the committee, nor in doing it, was I actuated by an unfriendly disposition towards Mr. Jones. I was applied to for a statement; and as an honest man, I gave such a one as I thought correct, and in that statement I said, I was willing to undertake to perform the duties of Public Printer for £363. 10 per annum.
I have been a master printer for upwards of twenty three years, and with due deference to the opinion of other printers I think I can without vanity say that I know as well as any of them what would be an adequate compensation by the year for the services of the Public Printer.
THOMAS NICOLSON, RICHMOND December 30th, 1802.
MORE ABOUT MR. JEFFERSON AND CONGRESS.
WITH the most oppressive astonishment, and the most poignant anguish, we give it as a report current at Washington, that our illustrious president has declared himself sick of his birth: He will not stand as a candidate, at the next election. We give this only as a report. But we shall presently give our reasons for suspecting that it is true. If the fatal loss of such extraordinary talents should really happen, it is said that the republicans, the only wise and virtuous men in America, have fixed their eyes upon Madison. In this case the party will do well to look very sharp after the vice-presidency. An interregnum, or the succession of a vice president, may with reason be expected. Six or twelve months of close application to business would infallibly put an end to Mr. Madison. His constitution is as feeble, and his health as precarious, as they almost possibly can be. The president's office can never, consistently with common prudence, be filled by an invalid, by a person whose nerves are irreparably ruined, and who, to borrow the language of Pope,
May envy every sparrow that he sees."
His constitutional timidity is even greater than that of Jefferson himself. It is certain that the latter had at least the fortitude to look through a spy glass from Carter's Mountain, at the British dragoons. Madison was, at that time, young and hearty. But it has never been said that he came even within the spy glass light of an enemy. In what corner he buried himself, from the first to the last day of the revolution war, the future historian will not easily discover. If Mr. Jefferson cannot sit firm in the saddle of the presidency, there is no reason to think that Mr. Madison will run the hazard of mounting.
We now return to Mr. Jefferson, and the probability that he is almost
sick of his office. We hardly know how to proceed. With shame do we relate, and with sorrow will it be read, that he has just received from his friends in Congress an affront of the most mortifying kind. We preface it with a few remarks.
Every housewife in this country knows that, if a beef tub, or any other vessel made of wooden staves, shall be exposed in a dry situation, for a few weeks, it will become full of chinks. The substance of the timber contracts itself, and it must be thoroughly soaked in water, before the fibres of the wood swell out again to their original size. The very same rule must take place with regard to shipping. About eleven years ago, a vessel was built at Norfolk; but upon some dispute with the owner, he was seized by the builder, and after a tug of litigation, she was offered for sale to pay his account. She had, by this time, lain for eight months, dry on the stocks. A gentleman wanted to purchase her. Upon examination, he found that her timbers had shrunk to such a degree that she was utterly unfit for launching. Her seams were gaping so wide that a man might thrust his hand right through between every plank. In short, she could not go to sea until every second plank in the vessel was taken out, and a larger one put in its place.
It is well known that the British have carried their naval system to a much greater degree of perfection than any other nation since the beginning of the world. At the end of a war, when their vessels are to be laid up, their method is as follows. The ship is well moored in deep water, where she continues to float. Her masts are taken out, and laid by. A shed is erected, which covers her upper works entirely, and preserves them from the injuries of the weather. A boatwin and his crew reside on board. He decks are carefully washed every morning, to prevent the drying of the timbers. In time of peace, dozens, and scores of ships may be seen crowded together in this situation, at Plymouth, and Portsmouth.
It seems that our president was ignorant of all this. In his message to Congress at the beginning of the session, he recommended the erection of a dry dock, "within which our vessels may be laid up dry, and under cover from the sun." On January 19th, a complaint committee reported to Congress that such a dry dock should be constructed at Washington, capable of containing twelve frigates. It then appeared how little harmony there was between the republicans and the president. Mr. Smilie, general Smith, and Dr. Eustis, all democrats, rose in opposition to it. Mr. Smilie said that this dry dock would cost millions of dollars. General Smith said that if any thing was to be done in the business, he would move to postpone the subject till the fourth monday of November next.
Dr. Eustis made a very sensible and convincing speech upon the impolicy of attempting the measure recommended by the president. He thought it capable of demonstration, that the mode proposed of laying up the ships, instead of preserving, would destroy them. The dampness and warmth of the dock would corrode the copper and iron, and occasion the wood to rot much faster than when lying in the water. The weight of the ships also, and the shrinkage of some parts more than others, would be in danger of crushing them to pieces by an unusual pressure upon particular parts. Besides, if an attempt of the kind were to be made, he thought this an improper place to make it. It ought to be in the neighbourhood of some city, where work-men and materials could be easily procured. Instead of such a project, which would involve the government in vast expence, he wished to see a common dry dock constructed in some suitable and convenient place for the purpose of repairing ships. Such a dock he said might be completed for 10,000 dollars, and perhaps for a less sum.
On January 20th, the subject was resumed. General Smith persisted in a

vigorous opposition. Mr. Griswold, a federal member, was not willing to let the story die still born. His evident purpose was to fatten as much ridicule as possible upon the president, and his dry dock. He said that the president at the opening of the session, had informed the house, that "another year has come around, and finds us still blessed with peace and friendship abroad , law, order and religion at home, good affection and harmony with our Indian neighbours, and lightened burdens, yet income sufficient for the public wants; and the produce of the year great beyond example." Mr. Griswold said no change had since taken place, and of consequence we must still be in the same happy situation, "blessed with peace and friendship abroad ." This then, he thought the proper time to act upon a subject of that nature. A time of peace and friendship abroad is the only time in which improvements upon our national system can readily be made. Mr. Griswold, in these words, referred to the duplicity or absurdity of that part of Mr. Jefferson's message, wherein he boasts of external security, when he must have known that Louisiana was transferred to France. And so little respect did both parties pay to these assertions of the president, that in this very discussion, Smith declared the country to be on the eve of a war . The general is an intelligent man. But he is in the habit of speaking rash things, and this is one of them. We only mention these matters to show in what high consideration both sides of the house hold the president's message, and what a brilliant example, is held up to his judgement and veracity. His judgement appears by his wanting to squander a million or fifteen hundred thousand dollars upon a dry dock , in wanting to preserve ships by a method, which, as every cabin boy could have told him, was certain to destroy them. His veracity appears by his boasting of our peace and friendship abroad , when he must have known, at least eight months before the message, that Spain had restored Louisiana to France. The dry dock was unanimously rejected by the representatives. No American president has ever before met with any thing from Congress, which resembles so humbling a rebuff. This may be one reason for Mr. Jefferson's alleged disposition to retire from office.
Nothing can more completely demonstrate the ignorance, the weakness, and the self-conceit of our cabinet than the existence of such a whim. We may be sure that Madison and Gallatin were consulted. Hence it follows that their folly and presumption were as gross as those of the president. It is unaccountable that they had not the common sense to consult Smith beforehand, as well as some sea-faring people. It is extremely strange that they did not confer with Smith's brother, Robert, the secretary to the navy; or, if they did consult him, that he could not hinder the triumvirate from making themselves thus absolutely ridiculous. The famous committee of investigation, which made so much noise last summer, could not distinguish a dock wherein ships are repaired, from a navy yard, where ships are built. Yet these matters are as distinct as a pyramid and a pigeon house. The blunder of our great Jefferson covers and obliterates the mistake of his myrmidons, as the seven-fold shield of Ajax overshadowed the archer of Salamis. The committee had enlarged upon the extravagant expense of a military laboratory, which was built near Philadelphia by the late administration. The waste of money upon this ruinous dry dock would have far exceeded all the charges of expense alleged in that report put together.
Much noise was made about the reduction of the navy. But behold! it has been found necessary for congress to retrace the steps of the president. On January 26th, the house, without a division, ordered a bill to be brought in for building, or purchasing four vessels of sixteen guns. They are to be employed against the Dey of Tripoli. Such canoes
† Vid. Homer.
will run every chance of being taken by a stout African corsair. Our policy must be very short sighted; selling a navy in one year, and buying one in the next.
On January 11th, General Smith got the galleries of congress cleared. He then made such a proposition, as had never before been heard of under the federal government. This was that the house should agree to place two millions of dollars at the discretion of the president . Congress were to give this money to the president, without the right of enquiring what he was to do with it. They were to take it from the treasury, without being either authorised or indeed able to tell their constituents for what reason they granted it. After such an exhibition of economy, in a young and virtuous Republic like ours, very little remains to be said concerning the Red book of France, the revenue of the prince of Wales, the palace of Nero, or the suppers of Elagabalus. Within memory, Madison and the president were solicitous to discharge the public debt. To facilitate this project, they and their party abolish the whole mass of internal taxes, by which the interest of a part of that debt was to be paid. Then they want to have a million or fifteen hundred thousand dollars. These were to build a dry dock for the preservation of twelve frigates. This dock was, with physical certainty, to destroy those frigates; and it was at the same time, to cost more money than what would be sufficient for the timber work of twelve others! While we are laying up these twelve large and heavy metal ships of war, in order to split them to pieces, four cockboats of fifteen guns are to be purchased, and sent to the coast of Barbary. Citizens of America! This is Madison's wisdom! This is Jefferson's economy! Would it not be much better, as well as cheaper, to send to Africa some of those ships, which are to be put into the dry dock , and keep the price of the four canoes in our pockets! Or, if all our navy is in actual service, if additional ships of war must really be had, this is not a time for building such a dry dock, were it fitted for the preservation, as it is for the destruction of twelve frigates. Turn over these arguments again and say if you ever heard of such a set of **** before! The cabinet have panned themselves up in such a circle of inconsistencies, that the acuteness of Gulliver could not disentangle them. Two millions for secret service money, one million for a dry dock, one million to build the twelve frigates over again, along with the price of four new ones, would very soon dispatch the boasted surplus of cash, which at present incumbents the treasury.
The scheme for making Mr. Jefferson a confidential deposit of twenty hundred thousand dollars was rejected. Indeed, there hardly could have been conceived a more intolent proposition. — Who is this man, that ought to be entrusted with the absolute management and disposal of so vast a sum? Ask Mr. John Walker, or Mr. Gabriel Jones. They can tell. Or ask the person who travelled an hundred and fifty miles, from Richmond to Washington and back again, in quest of two hundred dollars, without being able to get them. Or ask Mr. Jefferson's table companions, Cheetham, the letter stealer, Duane, the treasury office breaker, or Paine, the deceiver, the pious! They can tell how far they would trust him.
It is understood that this money was designed to have been applied in some way or other, towards the affair of Louisiana. The purity of General Smith's motives we do not suspect. After this fair acknowledgement, his candour will pardon us for thinking that the proposal was a very wrong one. If carried into effect, it would have been even worse than the case of the Algerine tribute, and the Crescent frigate.
In these matters, there was a kind of compulsion upon congress to proceed. This offers a lame excuse for some parts of their conduct, although other parts of it are without an excuse. The rectitude of their intention, also, cannot be
doubted, although their measures were irregular and unconstitutional. They well knew to what purposes the money was to be applied. But, in this matter, congress were to vote not one million only, but two; and that without any precise knowledge in what manner it was to go. As for bribing the ministers of the first consul, Bonaparte is not a man to be led or driven by a circle of favourites. His ministers are little more than his clerks. As for bribing himself, or purchasing the free navigation of the Mississippi, the scheme would, if possible, be still wilder. Two millions of dollars would be but as the bubbling of a tea-kettle in the gulph stream. If general Smith wanted to furnish the Kentuckians with military stores, the remedy would be worse than the disease. It would be like the cutting off a man's head to cure a bleeding at his nose. The Atlantic states would murmur at so vast a subsidy. The French, although beaten by land, would revenge themselves at sea by the destruction of our commerce. To the citizens of Baltimore and Philadelphia, the capture of New Orleans, or the defeat of twenty thousand French troops, would afford but a poor compensation for the blockade of the Delaware, and the conflagration of Fell's Point. These truths are disagreeable, but that does not lessen the propriety of their being told. A man cannot receive a greater service than to be shown that he is walking on the edge of a precipice. A nation ought to thank the monitor that acquaints them with the full extent of their danger. Instead of this, a few people have been offended at the Recorder for the publicity of remarks which they acknowledge to be true. This is very silly. Is it not better, as the proverb says, to be witt before the hand than behind it? Such unpalatable truth does not dispirit and degrade the public mind. It serves only to correct and inform it. Is a man, or is a nation, the more unlikely to be fortunate, or happy, because he, or they have acquired additional wisdom? Truth is the ground story of the temple of wisdom. It is as the root from which her trunk and branches spring. The ultimate definition of wisdom is only this: a clear and luminous perception of truth, with the faculty of making the best use of it . The power of perception is useless without the power of improving by it. The faculty of improving upon truth is alike useless, unless the perception of that truth is obtained. A Tartar may possess the natural talents of Newton; but without Euclid, or an alphabet, he continues a savage. A member of congress, and we have known such, may possess a Potosi of political knowledge, without the probity, the firmness, or perhaps the capacity to make use of it. The American character does not fail for want of energy or acuteness. It is ignorance that originates our misfortunes. When the state of facts is candidly told, the public will feel and act with suitable spirit and propriety. But unhappily, political truth is often, above all others, the most inaccessible. Each of the two opposite bands of newspapers is, constantly, striving to blacken the adverse faction; and truth is smothered amidst the shock of the mutual conflict. Some New-England sages have boasted of the vast number of newspapers printed in that country. They infer the prodigious quantity of information , which must be disseminated among the people. Besides the lying paragraphs, and forged extracts of letters, which are copied from the newspapers of Europe; there is a very considerable number of factitious falsehoods of home manufacture. Newspapers are very much the same all over the union. If they do much good, they also do much harm. This is the best that can be said of them.
The design of these extraneous remarks is to soften, if possible, that savageness of hostility with which a democrat bears the slightest objection to the
NOTE.
* The federals are quite as violent in their way. We do not wish to make a preference of the one party to the other. The letters to John Clopton were not wrote by the editors of this pa-
measures and abilities of the infallible Jefferson, or, of that other divinity of ignorance, the virtuous Madison. You see that the democrats were the foremost in rejecting the president's dry dock. You see that they pitied his ignorance, that they despised and defeated his proposal, that they abhorred his proposal for the waste of a million or perhaps two millions of dollars. You see that this renowned philosopher knows not half as much about the timbers of a ship, as the negro wench in your kitchen knows about the slaves of a pork barrel. Effrontery itself cannot deny that he and Madison wanted to have the secret and discretionary management of two millions of dollars. You know that congress, that a republican congress, that a Jefferson majority of congress, rejected, (Heaven bless them!) this most unprecedented proposal with contempt and indignation. They took up the subject. They instantly lifted this monster in the pangs of its birth. They then opened their doors. Mr. Bayard began to make a reference to the proposal. The republicans were ashamed of it. The speaker warned him to keep at a distance from it. Mr. Bayard then said, "can gentlemen expect that either we, or the nation, will, in any case, be satisfied to make a large grant of money, while no information is given of the grounds upon which the grant is required? When money is asked for, information ought never to be denied. Mr. Bayard subjoined that, for his part, he never would agree to give A CENT, while information which ought to be communicated, was withheld."
Mr. Bayard spoke like a man. He spoke in the spirit of the federal constitution. He spoke the unanimous voice of men of all parties. He spoke the positive reprobation of Jefferson, of Madison, and of their squeaking trumpet, general Smith. Citizens of America! are these the men, that, above all others, deserve to be trusted? If congress can give away two millions in secret, they have the same title to give twenty. — They may divide the spoil, ship themselves for Europe, and smile at your execrations.
We cannot conclude this article without taking notice of a surprising phrase, which Mr. Griswold has quoted, as above mentioned, from Mr. Jefferson's message to congress. The president congratulates congress upon our being " blessed with order and religion at home ." We should be glad to hear what kind of religion Mr. Jefferson refers to, and what sect of religion he belongs to? That he is not a christian we have ten times more evidence than what would be sufficient for hanging a letter stealer, at the Old Bailey. Setting aside the invitation of Thomas Paine, there is a passage in his notes, which has never been quoted by his enemies, and which alone would establish his being an atheist. The words are these.
"The first glance of this scene hurries our senses into the opinion that "this world was created in TIME."
From this passage, it is evident, that the writer considered the world as having existed from all eternity. In this case, it is plain that the supreme being did not create the world. If he did not, we can have no reason to see why he should govern it, since it can go on without him. The English of all this amounts to a denial of his existence; for an omnipotent being, that has nothing to do, is a contradiction in terms.
The debate upon Mr. Griswold's resolution for the production of papers as to Louisiana, the president's letter to the governor of Kentucky, the expulsion of Arthur St. Clair from his government, and some other interesting phenomena in the political world, are to form a separate essay, in next week's Recorder.
per. They contain various encomiums upon merit, such as that of John Adams, with which we are still unacquainted. It is certain however, that the choice of such a man as Mr. Clopton reflects ridicule on the sagacity of Richmond district.