The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-01-21 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY, JANUARY 21, 1809.
[No. 83.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
ATTENTION !!! MANCHESTER REPUBLICAN BLUES. In consequence of the death of our late beloved Capt. ARCHIBALD MERA, you are requested to attend at Brooks's Columbian Inn, in complete uniform, on Saturday evening, 28 inst. at 6 o'clock, for the purpose of choosing your Capt. It is hoped on an occasion, so important as this, to the future welfare of the company, the members will be punctual in their attendance. By order of the standing committee.
MANSFIELD WATKINS, Secretary. January 17.
LANDING FROM THE Schooner RICHMOND, Isaac Seaman, Master:— 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 5 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine.
IN STORE. 17 Hogsheads Brown Sugar, 25 do. Melasses, 5 Tierces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havana Segars, 3 Bales Welch Planes, Family Flour in barrels and half barrels, Young Hops, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea, 10 Boxes Mould Candles, FOR SALE BY, GEORGE WATT.
January 17.
TO ALL WHOM IT MAY CONCERN. At the time of a dissolution of the firm of Campbell and Clark, merchants here, a transfer and sale was made to the subscriber, one of the partners, by Mr. Archibald Campbell of New York, the other of all his interest in the debts and stock of that copartnership, and also of the house of Robert Campbell & Co. of Charlotte county, carried on under the superintendence of Robert Campbell deceased, who was exclusively interested in that firm, one third, and the remainder belonging to the house here.
There is still due from Robert Campbell & Co. a considerable balance for advances made during the existence of that firm, to the subscriber, who is therefore, only competent (or his agent) to collect & grant discharges for debts due Robert Campbell & Co. to amount of the sums owing by them for advances of stock, and the remainder, if any, will be profits, and to which the representatives of Robert Campbell, will be entitled one-third part.
SAMUEL CLARK, Only surviving partner of the late firm of Robert Campbell & Co. Richmond, January 17.
N. B. I will give the highest price for Tobacco and other produce in discharge of the debts due to Robert Campbell & Co. S. CLARK.
JOHN ALCOCK, informs his friends, and the public, that he is carrying on his CABINET MAKING BUSINESS , in all its branches where he makes all kind of Mahogany Furniture in the best manner, and on the newest fashions—Any gentlemen or ladies wanting any Furniture, will find good work executed, and on low terms, as can be bought in New York, or any other place. Any orders left at my shop, in the Cross-Street, adjoining Prosser and Moncure's Vendome Store, or at Mr. George Greenhow's where I keep my Ware-Room, will be pointedly attended to, and great care taken to deliver it in good order. N. B. Two Apprentices wanted at the above business, who can come well Recommended. January 17.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust, executed to the subscribers, by John P. Shields and Jane C. Shields, to secure the payment of several sums of money therein mentioned, to Henry Gay—will be exposed for sale, on the premises, for cash, on Monday, the 23d instant, the balance of that valuable tract of LAND, called and known by the name of Sallie's Hill, lying in the county of Chesterfield, and in the vicinity of the Coal Pits, or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to meet the intention of said trust deed, together with the appurtenances of sale. BEV. C. STANARD, ARCH'D WOODBRIDGE. January 10.
MUSICK—JOHN ABERCROMBIE, having returned from his tour to the Northward, begs leave to acquaint his friends and the public, that he still continues teaching, in this city, on the Piano, Violin and Guitar. He likewise times instruments as formerly, and respectfully solicits the favor of their patronage. Applications at Messrs. Prichard & Adams, Mr. Pleasants's, and Mr. Shields's, will be duly attended to. dec. 24.
N. B. Mr. Abercrombie could conveniently attend three or four pupils in Manchester.
FOR SALE, a very likely Negro WOMAN, about 25 years of age, a good Sempstress, and used to the House—with her daughter, about 9 or 10, also used to the House—Apply at this office. Dec. 29.
BY virtue of the last will and testament of the late Dr. John Cringan, will be sold on the premises, in this city, on Saturday, the twenty-eighth inst. (January) at public auction, upon a credit of twelve months, the purchasers giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, the LOTS whereon the deceased resided, except that part allotted to his widow for her dower—Also, a lot whereon is a stable and carriage-house together with a moiety of an inch-house on the square whereon Mrs. McCreddie now resides. WM. C. WILLIAMS, Exor of Doctor J. CRINGAN, dec'd January 10th 1809.
VALUABLE PROPERTY, FOR SALE. The owner have become desirous of selling that well known, and valuable Property, the WARM SPRINGS, lying in Bath county, with all the Land and Tenement, belonging thereto, or they will sell the Springs with 5 or 6 hundred acres of Land. It would be useless to say anything about the situation of those Springs, and their great Medical qualities, with the superior advantages attached to them, over any of the other Mineral Waters in this country. As it is presumed that no one will attempt to purchase, who is not well acquainted with them, or will view the property before they purchase. Any communication on this subject, addressed to the Subscriber, will be speedily attended to. CHARLES A. EVIS. Warm Springs, December 10. oaw3m N. B. A considerable promy. payment will be expected, and a new likely young NEGROES taken.
VIRGINIA, TO WIT—At a Chancery District Court, held in Williamsburg, the 5th day of November, 1808. Samuel Coleman, executor of John McLean, Plaintiff against Richard Fletcher, executor of Francis Ruffin, who was executor of Robert Newsum, Samuel Butler and Martha his wife, late Martha Cooke, Martha Cooke, infant daughter of Robert Cooke, and Martha his wife, by John Newsum her guardian, John Newsum, administrator of Robert Cooke, deceased, George K. Taylor, Richard F. Taylor, Robert Burchell and Ann his wife, Watson Stott and Sarah his wife, and Elizabeth Taylor—which George K. Taylor, Ann, Sarah, and Elizabeth are children of Richard Taylor, deceased, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and Company; and George Wray her devisee and executor of Jacob Wray, who was executor, heir, devisee & legatee of James Wray, who was a partner of Richard Taylor and company. Defendants.
The defendants Watson Stott & Sarah his wife not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, & the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on the motion of the Plaintiffs, by their counsel, It is Ordered That the said defendants do appear here, on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the Plaintiff; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper, of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted on the front door of the former Capitol, in this city.
Attest, ANTHONY ROBINSON, C. C. January 21. oaw8w
A NEW PLACE OF ENTERTAINMENT, near the City of Richmond—The Subscriber now occupying that pleasant seat formerly the residence of William Alexander, Esq. a short distance below the city of Richmond, on the road to Williamsburg, respectfully informs the citizens of Richmond, and the public generally, that may pass that way, that he has opened a House of Entertainment at that place; where he is provided with good Beds, Stable & a commodious house for the reception of company. He offers his services to provide for Parties who may wish to parambulate that short distance from town, for variety, for dancing or hunting, (it being a fine range for Game.) I will undertake to furnish Venison or Fish, or wild Fowl, Dinners and Barbecues in their season—Families who wish a change of air can be accommodated with Rooms and Board for any length of time. It is his intention also, to add to and beautify the former Garden, by laying out pleasant walks, erecting Bowers, &c. in the most pleasing variety of which his taste may be capable, to be prepared in the proper season, with Ice, Ice-Creams, Syllabubs, best fruits of the season, and every other refreshment that may be agreeable to his visitors, and will always keep a supply of the best Liquors, and good attendance on the most moderate terms—trusting thereby to merit the indulgence and approbation of an indulgent and liberal public, who may witness his unremitting endeavors to please.
THOS. G. HULL. oaw4t
N. B. T. HULL is desirous of employing a few excellent Washers and Ironers, during the present year, and will undertake the Washing & Ironing for 5 or 10 families, and as many single gentlemen, on the most moderate terms, by the quarter or year, and attend, in person, in the city of Richmond, to the receipt and delivery of the clothes. Orders left at the Vendome Office of Messrs. Prosser and Moncure, will be attended to. White House Inn, January 17.
WILL BE SOLD, at Public Auction, on Wednesday, the 25th inst. that most convenient and beautiful SCITE, on Shockoe-Hill, opposite the Governor's House. It is a 1.4 acre Lot, and runs about 60 feet on the street. There are two Tenements on it, the one inhabited by Mr. Wren, and the other by Robert Cooley—Terms of sale, one third in cash, one-third on the 1st of October next, and the remainder on the 1st of October twelve-month, in notes negotiated at the Bank of Virginia. If required, a mortgage is to be given on the property. NICHOLAS GAUTIER, THOMAS RITCHIE. January 19. epids
JAMES SEABROOK, TAYLOR, returns his grateful thanks to his friends and the public, for their liberal encouragement, and informs them, that he has removed from Harris's Corner, to the House lately occupied by Mr. William Prichard, Book-Seller, next door above the Post Office, where all commands, in his line, will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to—as that he still continues, constantly, to receive the newest fashions from Philadelphia. Jan. 5. 2aw2w1aw4w
THE Subscribers have on hand, at Private Sale:— 10 Hogsheads, and 90 Barrels Loaf Sugar, 15 Hds. Brown Sugar of superior quality, 10 Pieces prime Green Coffee, 20 Bags of superior white do. 20 Hds. Molasses. 9 Casks Old Port Wine, of superior quality in Bottles, 6 Cases Stoughton's Bitters, containing 2 doz. Pint Bottles each, 3 Do. Raspberry Brandy, 3 Do. Methedien, Choice Old Cognise Brandy in Pipes, Holland and Country Gin in Do. Candles and Soap in Boxes, Ground Ginger in Kegs, &c. &c. 12 Bales Kendal Cotton, With a very general assortment of coarse Woolens, all of which will be sold low for cash, or on short credit, for approved endorsed negotiable notes at the Bank of Virginia. PROSSER & MONCURE. december 27. oaw4w
N. B. Cash will be given for two likely young Negro MEN, that have been accustomed to plantation business, 2nd an inexperionced COOK; and for sale, the best male House Servant in Virginia: Also, 55 Virginia Bank Shares, for cash by
DESERTED, from the service of the United States, on the 8th inst. a Musician in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named HUGH WESTERN, thirty years of age, of a sallow complexion, grey eyes, light hair, 5 feet 7 inches high; when spoke to has a down look, slow in speech, and much addicted to strong drink; was born in South-Amboy, (New-Jersey)—Had on when he deserted, a drummer's uniform, which it is conjectured, he may have changed for those in which he was enlisted, viz. light colored Virginia cloth coat and pantaloons, swansdown vest and cotton shirt. A reward of Ten Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver said Deserter to me or to any officer in the United States' service. COLIN BUCKNER, Capt. 5th regiment Infantry. Fort Norfolk, Dec. 31.
NOTICE. —On Friday the 26th day of January next, will be sold, to the highest bidder, in the plantation of the late Wm. Friend in Amie Stock of Cattle, Hogs, Horses and Sheep, the Stock of Corn, Fodder, Shucks, &c. and about 200 20 likely young Negroes.—Terms of sale—one third cash, and the balance in 12 months. At the same time, will be offered for sale, the above mentioned tract of LAND, upon a credit of one, two and three years. Persons disposed to purchase this Land, had better view the same before the day of sale. In every instance, bond and unquestionable security will be required. All those indebted to the said estate, will please make immediate payment, & those having claims, will present them on or before the day of sale. THOMAS BRANCH, Executor. Chesterfield, dec. 13. oaw8w
IN CHANCERY. —Northumberland County Court, 14th Nov. 1808. George & Thomas Brown, Complainants—it against Jacob Walsh, & & Stokely Towles, Defendants. THIS day came the complainants, by their counsel, and the deft Walsh, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the complainants, it is decreed and ordered, that the said deft Walsh appear here on the first day of March term next, and answer the bill of the complainants, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted, for two months successively, in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the court house of this county. And it is further ordered, that the deft Towles, retain in his hands whatever money or property he may have belonging to the said Walsh, until the further order of the court. Attest, FLEM, BATES, C. N. C. oaw8w
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS, at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town. Those persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts. dec. 17. tf
NOTICE. —Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Friday the 27th day of January next, if fair, if not the next fair day, the PLANTATION, called and known by the name of Mount-Folly, lying on York River, in James City county, belonging to the estate of Stephen Bingham, deceased, containing by estimation, fourteen hundred acres, including Marsh, said Land will be surveyed prior to the day of sale, and will be sold, subject to the widow's dower. The purchaser will be allowed a credit until the younger son of said Bingham, arrives to the age of twenty one years, which will be some time in the year eighteen hundred and twenty-three. Bond and approved personal security, as well as a deed of mortgage on the said Land, will be required—Possession will be given on the day of sale, for all the land except the part laid off for the widow's dower. The above sale will take place in compliance of Stephen Bingham's will, as well as a decree of King William Court. B. LIPSCOMB, Deputy for Wm. GREGORY, Sheriff. January 12. oaw2w4w
LOST, a NOTE signed by Wm. Crawford, & endorsed by John Clarke, both of the city of Richmond, dated the 1st of Nov. last, and due the 1st day of May, 1809, amounting to $ 506 4/3; it is supposed it has been dropped in the street. Any person having found the same will be liberally rewarded on leaving it with the subscribers. All persons are forewarned from receiving or trading for the same in any manner whatsoever. PROSSER & MONCURE. dec. 27. oaw4w
WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, at Hanover court-house, on the 25th of January, 1809, being Hanover court day, by virtue of three Deeds of Trust, executed to the subscribers, by Samuel Richardson, to secure the payment of certain sums of money, therein expressed, a tract of LAND, lying in the county aforesaid, containing 227 acres, more or less, adjoining the Lands of Wm. Vin and others. The terms will be, one-third cash, one-third in nine months, and the other third in twelve months, to carry interest from the day of sale. PARKE STREET, JOHN B. JOHNSON, } Trustees. dec. 27. 2awtds
FOR SALE, THE TENEMENT on which the subscriber lives, situated on Church-Hill, within about one mile of Richmond Market, containing two and half acres of Land, well enclosed and highly improved. The buildings consist of a large and well constructed Dwelling-House, Larder, Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, 2 Stoves, Porch Office, Coach-House, Barn, Stable, and Ice House. All these buildings are in complete order for the accommodation of a large and genteel family, who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. JOHN ELLIS. Nov. 25. [oawtf]
IN CHANCERY. —At a Court held for Albemarle County, the 5th day of Dec. 1808. Nimrod Bramham, Plaintiff—against Jno. Jouett, Alice Jouett heir of Robert Jouett, Nathan Crawford and Margaret his wife, John Allen and Mary his wife, John Mills, Minan Mills, Margaret Mills, Frances Mills, Clinton Rootes and Elizabeth his wife, Charles Jouett, Thomas C. Fletcher and Susanna his wife, Defendants. The Defendants John Jouett, John Allen and Mary his wife, and Charles Jouett, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this Commonwealth; On motion of the Plaintiff, by his Counsel: It is ordered , That the said defendants do appear here on or before the first Monday in March next, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some public news paper, printed in the city of Richmond, for eight weeks successively, and posted at the front door of the court-house of said county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, ALEX. GARRETT, D. C. december 13. oaw8w
VIRGINIA. —At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in the city of Richmond, the first day of September, 1808. James Godden and Mary his wife, late Mary Tucker, Administratrix of Joel Tucker, deceased, and relict and executrix of Wm. Parrot deceased, and in her own right, Plaintiff—against Joseph Wilson and John Groves, Defendants. The defendants Joseph Wilson and John Groves, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country, on motion of the plaintiffs, by counsel, It is ordered , That the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, & posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, C. C. jan. 5. oaw8w
POLITICAL.
TO CONGRESS.
The period has arrived—circumstances which could not be foreseen, and which, indeed have long been foretold, have brought the nation to a crisis which will determine the question beyond dispute or equivocation. The period has arrived, when the nation must decide—when it must sit in judgment upon itself and pronounce to the world, whether this nation, at this day, is worthy or unworthy of the noble resistance, the magnanimous sacrifices, the unparallelled sufferings—the patience, constancy, and fortitude which established our independence, & made us, from being slaves to a tyrant, a free, sovereign, and independent people. The period has arrived—it has been forced upon you in spite of the most consummate prudence and the wisest counsels that ever governed a nation—when it is to be determined whether your virtue, as the representatives of the people, shall decide upon the rights, honor, and safety of your country; or whether the corruption and the emissaries of Great Britain shall give the law to the land, by setting the legitimate law and constitution at defiance.
The sentiment, the principle, the ennobling spirit of true patriotism, however tarnished by abuse, still remains in its pristine purity; and can be resorted to as the touchstone of virtue whenever the exigency of the nation calls it forth. The time is come to try this touchstone, and if there be virtue in the nation it is the duty of their representatives to call it forth. The attention of the representatives of the people is requested to the following article; it is copied from a paper published in New York, called the Evening Post, a paper published with the united patronage and support of the British government, of its privileged spies and agents, and secretly aided by men who have been employed as the agents, of Great Britain at various courts of Europe. "Look out!!"—A report from Washington of a pretty imposing nature is in circulation that Mr. Erskine has informed our government that the expedition lately fitted out at Halifax, intends in the first place to visit Baton Rouge, in possession of their friends and allies the Spaniards. Report further adds, that since this intimation was given, Wilkinson has been ordered to New Orleans, where he is to take the command of 4000 troops, and is to be aided by two frigates and 40 gun boats, now fitting out for that place. Why, however, a force should be sent to New Orleans any the more because the English expedition means to navigate the river Mississippi, conjecture must still be at a loss; for it is clear to a demonstration that they have a perfect right to do so as secured by the treaty of peace, and recognised by one of the permanent articles of the treaty of amity and commerce. By the 3d article of the latter it is stipulated that,
"The river Mississippi shall according to the treaty of peace, be entirely open to both parties."
"By the 8th article of the treaty of peace it is stipulated;
"The navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of G. Britain."
"It is to be hoped that if the torch of war with any nation is to be lighted, even by the hand of a Wilkinson, it will be such a war as the nation can conscientiously unite in to support the government, & not one occasioned by a barefaced attempt to deprive any foreign power of rights secured to her by solemn treaty. Let the people look out!"
This sedition, if not treasonable production, is submitted to the consideration of the national congress.—Aurora.
The rumor of an insurrection to the Eastward is not entitled to credit.—Ib.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 14.
NAVAL ESTABLISHMENT.
The documents from the Senate on the subject of the naval establishment, were ordered to be printed.
The House agreed now to take up the report of the committee of the whole of yesterday on the amendments from the Senate 43 to 39.
Mr. Nicholas moved to postpone the consideration of the subject till Monday, that the documents might be printed.—54 to 37.
DISPENSED SEAMEN.
The House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill for the relief of sick, disabled and distressed seamen—Mr. Desha in the Chair.
The blank for the sum to be appropriated for the purpose, was filled with 200,000 $s. 63 rising in the affirmative.
The committee rose and reported the bill. The question on concurrence with the committee in filling the blank, having been stated.—
Mr. Burwell said he should vote against this, because he did not consider this class of the community as particularly entitled to relief from the government; and even if it were proper, there was no security in the bill that the money would be properly applied. He did not believe that there was any such distress among the seamen as represented.
Mr. Newton explained that the Secretary of the Treasury had the direction of the fund for the relief of distressed and disabled seamen, which had heretofore been supplied from a tax on their wages. This fund was now exhausted; and the Secretary of the Treasury said, if money were not appropriated, the doors of the hospitals must be closed against them, an office which the Secretary did not wish to perform. He had therefore recommended an appropriation of 200,000 dollars for their relief. Mr. Newton then stated the peculiar hardships attached to the seaman's situation, &c.
Mr. Holland considered this a novel measure. The seamen who were in distress, he conceived, entitled to relief from the respective states in which they might be, who were bound to support their poor. Indeed this money could not be applied to the use of the embargoed seamen generally, because it was only for the relief of those who were subject to the municipal regulations of the state in which they may be.
Mr. Quincy observed, that the fund for the support of distressed seamen had heretofore been derived from a tax on the wages of seamen. This fund, which had heretofore been sufficient, having been destroyed by the suspension of commerce, he asked whether the general government was not pledged to do something for these men, who would not have suffered but for its measures?
Mr. Smilie was in favor of the bill. The funds heretofore established for the relief of our seamen had been destroyed by a measure which had been deemed necessary for the good of the country; and he thought assistance ought to be given to them. Mr. S. called for the reading of the Secretary of the Treasury's report on the subject.
Mr. Talmadge said, that every gentleman who attended to the reasoning of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, could not fail to be convinced of the rectitude of his statement, and the conclusion which he had drawn from it. The general government had destroyed the service, by which the seamen had heretofore been supported; in doing which they had thrown a burthen on the community in the same ratio as the service had been destroyed. The Secretary of the Treasury had fairly and candidly told the House, that the fund for the support of the distressed seamen was destroyed. What should be done? Should nothing be done, a prostration of the credit of this government to support the establishment? He hoped and trusted that there would, for the information of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Burwell) who did not know that this class of men was more distressed than any other, Mr. T. said, he would mention that he had lately from Philadelphia, from one of the most respectable merchants in this city, informing him that the merchants had formed a fund for the relief of these persons, which had been exhausted, the seamen being in the greatest distress, without their victuals; and requesting him as a member of the general government to exert himself for their relief. Mr. T. said he would venture to declare that this was the case in all the ports of the U. States; and he thought it most unquestionably became the government to grant some sort of relief to these citizens. He believed that the appropriation proposed was proper; and that less than that would be too little for the purpose.
Mr. D. R. Williams thought the object of the bill very laudable, but he wished a modification of the principle. He was willing to advance the 200,000 dollars, subject to be refunded, from the funds hereafter to be received for the support of this establishment. He thought this amendment most highly proper, because from a document in his hands, he found that the funds of the seamen, had always been more than sufficient for their support. In June 1802 the balance of the fund was 76,158 dollars, in 1803 the balance was 67,449 dollars. This showed that the funds arising out of the 20 cents a month tax on the seamen's wages, was more than adequate for the purpose for which it had been established, and that the fund would hereafter be able to refund to the government the monies now about to be appropriated. Considering the commercial prosperity of this government since 1803, it was fairly presumable, he said, that at the time of the imposts on the embargo, the balance of the imposts was greater than at the former period. Under this view of the subject, though he had not the slightest wish to delay the bill, he moved that it be on the table till an amendment could be prepared.
Mr. Newton said, that the fund heretofore derived from the tax on seamen, had not been more than adequate to their support. In the town in which he lived, persons had not been admitted into the hospital, who were acknowledged to be entitled to relief. In consequence of the construction put upon the law, a great many of the very people who had paid 20 cents a month out of their wages had been thrown upon the community as paupers and supported by the community at large.
Mr. D. R. Williams replied, that the result of the amendment which he contemplated would be, that if there ever was a balance in the funds, the monies appropriated would never be repaid.
Mr. Story deprecated the delay which would result from the bill lying upon the table. The means of supporting this fund were destroyed by a law of the U. S. and he thought that the general government should, by giving an aid to it, supply the deficiency. He represented the peculiarity of the seamen's general character; having no thought for tomorrow, when deprived of his monthly pay, he was of course subjected to distress. In the protection of the general rights of the community, the general government had been compelled to subject the seamen to a particular calamity. He therefore thought, that an additional aid for the support of the sick and disabled should be afforded by Congress.
Mr. D. R. Williams withdrew his motion for postponement, with a view of moving an amendment.
Further debate took place on this subject, in which Messrs. Sloan, Alexander, Quincy, Story, Smilie, Newton and D. R. Williams advocated the principle of the bill; and Messrs. Holland, Boyd, Gardener and Macon opposed it. Mr. Gardener started a constitutional objection to the bill—he said that there was no power given under the constitution, by which either house of Congress could be converted into an almshouse; it was assuming the exercise of the legislative powers of the states, which had never been proposed to be given to the general government. He said he thought he saw a disposition in a certain part of the government to encroach upon the rights of the states; and in however pleasing forms those encroachments were dressed, they ought to be guarded against. To this it was replied by Messrs. Quincy and Story, that as under the sanction of a law of the United States, hospitals had been erected, and they labored under a temporary embarrassment it was in the power of the general government to afford them temporary assistance. If the general government had a right to establish marine

hospital, which question had been settled and determined, for many years past, and the funds for their support should fail, it was in the power of Congress, under the general clause of the constitution, to provide temporary funds for their support.
The question on inserting 200,000 dollars, was taken by yeas and nays, and carried—Yeas 69, Nays 24. Mr. D. R. Williams moved to add to the cause making the appropriation the following words: "and that the same shall be refunded into the Treasury of the United States out of such sums as may accrue to the fund for the relief of diseased seamen." This amendment was modified in the suggestion of Mr. Quincy, by adding to the words: "At such times and in such manner as may be directed by the general purposes for which each fund was established." This amendment, as modified, was agreed to.
Mr. Stedman moved to add to the bill the following sentence, which he conceived would make the bill conform to the Secretary of the Treasury's letter on the subject: "And shall be expended therein in proportion to the amount collected in each port on account of the fund for the relief of sick and disabled seamen during the year 1807." This was objected to by Messrs. Mason, D. R. Williams and Newton, who declared that it would defeat the object of the bill, and if adopted would compel many to vote against the bill. Mr. Stedman, desiring that the bill should pass, withdrew his amendment.
And on the question "Shall the bill be engrossed for a third reading?" there were
In favor of it 54 24 30 Majority
The bill was ordered to be read a third time on Monday.—Adjourned.
MONDAY, Jan. 16. Mr. Holmes presented a memorial of Thomas Urquhart and David Urquhart, of New Orleans, merchants, praying relief in the case of certain bonds given by the memorialists on the exportation of a quantity of indigo of foreign growth, from the port of Orleans to Liverpool, &c. It was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Mr. Boyd presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of certain towns and villages in New Jersey, praying the establishment of Post Offices. It was referred to the committee of Post-Offices and Post Roads.
The petition of sundry inhabitants of Bridgeport, Massachusetts, presented the 29th of March last, was referred to the same committee.
The Speaker presented to the House, a representation of sundry inhabitants of Dunstable, in Massachusetts, remonstrating against the mode of choosing electors, as lately practised in that state.
Mr. Seaver presented a similar representation from sundry inhabitants of Canton, in the same state, of the like tenor; as did also Mr. Barker from sundry inhabitants of towns in Plymouth and Norfolk, in Massachusetts, of a similar tendency; they were ordered to lie on the table.
An engrossed bill for the relief of sick, disabled and distressed seamen, was read the third time and passed. Yeas 66—Nays 30.
Mr. Love presented a petition from the surveyor of the customs for the port of Nansemond, in the state of Maryland, praying an increase of fees, &c. It was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
On motion of Mr. Blount, it was resolved that the committee of post-offices and post-roads, be instructed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a post-road from Washington, in North-Carolina, by way of Bath, &c. &c.
On motion of Mr. Lloyd, it was resolved that the committee of post-offices and post-roads be instructed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a cross-post from Centreville, in Queen Anne's county, to Queen's Town, in the said county.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for dividing the Indiana Territory into two separate governments; Mr. Willis Alston in the Chair. Several amendments were made and reported by the Chairman to the House, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. Van Horn presented the memorial of sundry inhabitants and proprietors of lots or parcels of land in George Town and its vicinity, (Columbia,) stating sundry objections to the provisions of the bill pending before the House, supplementary to the act entitled "An act to amend the charter of George Town," praying the same may be revised and amended, &c. It was committed to the committee of the whole, to whom said bill was referred.
The House went into committee of the whole on the bill for the relief of Edward Beament, Mr. Patten in the Chair—it was reported to the House without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The House resumed the consideration of the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act authorizing the appointment and employment of an additional number of navy officers, seamen and marines." Whereupon
The first amendment, to which the committee of the whole House reported their disagreement on the 13th instant, being again read at the Clerk's table, in the words following, to wit:—
SEC. 1. line 2—After the word "assembled," insert as follows: "that there be fitted out, officered, manned and equipped, as soon as may be, all the frigates and other armed vessels of the United States, and gun boats: That the President of the United States be authorized and empowered to cause the frigates and armed vessels, so soon as they can be prepared for actual service, respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea coast, as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the United States or territories thereof, and"
After considerable discussion, the question was taken, that the House do concur with the committee of the whole House in their disagreement to the said first amendment—and it was carried in the affirmative—Yeas 68—Nays 55. This decided the fate of all the other amendments from the Senate, which were successively voted out, and the bill, precisely in the shape it had originally gone to the Senate, was before the House, when an adjournment was called for and carried.
SENATE. MONDAY, Jan. 16, 1809. A bill making further provision for the corps of engineers.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That so much of the 2d section of the act, entitled "An act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States" as provides that
the corps of engineers shall be stationed at West Point, in the state of New York, shall from and after the first day of next be, and the same is hereby repealed, and thereafter the said corps of engineers constituting the military academy, shall be removed under the direction of the President of the United States from West Point, and stationed at Washington, in the district of Columbia.
Mr. Mitchell moved to strike out the latter member of the section, and in assigning his reasons for the motion spoke in terms of high encomium on the excellency of the military academy, the learning of the professors, and the acquirements of the students. He declared himself one of its warmest friends, and professed his willingness to appropriate funds for its better endowment—But he wished it to remain at West Point, a place famous in the history of the revolution, and which he hoped would be continued as the head quarters of tactics and engineering. Mr. Mitchell extolled the healthiness of that charming spot, and dwelt with emphasis on its scenery, wherein the beautiful, the picturesque and the sublime are incomparably blended. He pointed out the singular fitness of the place for practical exercises both on land and water, & calculated to render cadets familiar at a safe and easy rate, not only with perspective, drawing and geometry, but with the use of field pieces, cannon, howitzers and mortars.—West Point he said was that precise spot where the teachers and the pupils were in the proper situation between seclusion and society. They could have the one or the other as they pleased, and he should consider it as an injudicious vote to remove this hopeful seminary, from the celebrated seat where it had so long existed, and had thriven so well, to the less auspicious place contemplated in the bill. He hoped the fortress which had resisted the treason of one of the most distinguished revolutionary commanders, would be continued as the centre of military science and the resort of all the young martial spirits who visit the temple of science on their Journey to the field of glory.
On the question for striking out, the motion was negatived, to wit:
Yeas—Messrs. Gillman, Goodrich, Hillhouse, Howland, Kitchel, Mathewson, Mitchell, Parker, Robinson, Smith, of Maryland, Smith, of New York, Turner—12
Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Bayard, Bradley, Coddington, Crawford, Franklin, Gaillard, Gregg, Meigs, Milledge, Moore, Pope, Smith, of Tenn. Sumner, Thurston, White—16.
THE TWO MILLIONS.
Gen. Smith of Maryland, said that as our government was predicated upon the will of the people, it was the duty of government to give to the people every necessary information of measures pursued by it. And this had become the more necessary, not only as newspapers, but also as gentlemen of very high respectability in the several states, firmly believed, and had positively asserted, that the two millions of dollars appropriated by the act of 21st February, 1806, for the purchase of the Floridas had actually been sent to France or Spain as a present. Mr. Smith said, that in his travels to the eastward, during the last recess he found many respectable persons as firmly believing this report, as they did any fact known to them. To remove this impression from the public mind, (for this falsehood is universally circulated,) he moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That the president be requested to direct the proper officers to report to this house the measures which have been adopted to carry into execution the "act of congress of 21st February, 1806, appropriating two millions of dollars for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations," particularly whether the said two millions of dollars, or any portion thereof was sent in specie or by bills of exchange to either France, Spain, Holland, or any other country, for the purpose of carrying into execution the said act, and also to what object the sums so remitted have been applied, or were authorised or intended to be applied.
Ordered to lie on the table.
Gen. Smith said that no gentleman in this house believed this report, because each one knows that not one cent of this money was ever drawn out of the treasury in specie, or by bills, or in any other manner.
NEW-YORK, Jan. 14. At a meeting of many thousand of such citizens of New York, as disapprove of the recent measures of the Administration, particularly of the "Act making further provisions for enforcing the Embargo," at Mechanic Hall, on Friday, the 13th January 1809.
On motion of Judge Pendleton, The hon. EGBERT BENSON, Esq. was chosen chairman, and
EDWARD DUNSCOMB, Esq. secretary. Mr. Pendleton on behalf of the committee, appointed to prepare and submit to their fellow citizens certain resolutions for their consideration, in the present and alarming crisis of our public affairs, informed the meeting that the committee was prepared to report.
Ordered, on motion, the same be received and read, and thereupon the following resolutions were read:
Resolved, That it is always the right of the people, and in times of immediate danger, their indispensable duty, peaceably to assemble and declare their opinions upon the measures of government, and the state of public affairs.
Resolved, That the U. States, placed along an extensive seacoast, & upon the banks of great navigable lakes and rivers, has by a successful pursuit of commerce, risen in wealth and power with a rapidity unexampled in the history of nations; a prosperity which, under Divine Providence, was owing to the wise and prudent policy of former administrations, who while they resisted injustice with firmness and energy, cultivated with good faith and impartiality, peace and friendship with foreign nations.
Resolved, That the conduct of the government in 1798, supported by the people in the measures then adopted, were completely successful and in all illustrious instances which can never be forgotten, fully demonstrated that it is always both wiser and safer to repel first aggressions, with spirit, than by a tame and submissive acquiescence to invite a repetition of injuries and insults.
Resolved, That if the like conduct had been pursued by the present administration on the promulgation of the decree of Berlin, the consequence would, in all probability, have been the same; & the national interests would have been promoted and the national honor preserved.
Resolved, That the acts of Congress lay-
ing a permanent embargo, are repugnant to the habits of the people and injurious to their welfare; not to be justified by the situation of public affairs, and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution.
Resolved, That this and other ruinous measures of the administration have paralyzed every branch of industry, reduced the value of property, distressed all classes of our fellow citizens, extinguished commerce, discouraged agriculture, nearly annihilated the public revenue, and must eventually load the people with heavy and oppressive taxes.
Resolved, That the amendments to the Constitution of the U. S. declaring that "the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; and that no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized," and that "excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines imposed" are essential to the enjoyment of liberty and property, but that the act making further provision for enforcing the embargo is a violation of the same. Inasmuch as the executive officers are authorised, upon their own mere suspicion to enter any place (not exceeding even our dwelling houses) where specie or goods of domestic growth and manufacture are deposited, and take the same into their custody; or may stop and detain any vessel or any sort of carriages, by land, apparently going towards the territories of a foreign power or towards the vicinity thereof; all which they may do, without oath, without the interposition of a civil magistrate, or process of law, and without being obliged to assign any cause for such violence: Inasmuch as the president, or even any person he may choose to appoint, by a simple mandate, may call on the land and naval forces of the U. States to assist in enforcing this provision of the law: Inasmuch as the President is invested with the power to give secret instructions at his will & pleasure to his various deputies, which are to be their guide in the execution of the said act; which they are bound to obey, and which are to be their complete protection against any appeal to the law of the land at the suit of the aggrieved: Inasmuch also, as in many cases excessive fines are required, and the citizens subjected to enormous penalties and vexatious suits, in which innocence is no defence, followed by ruinous judgments, against which there is no possible relief but by application to the mere direction of the very ministerial officer at whose recommendation this odious law was adopted; in all which, and several other provisions, the said Act is, in our judgment, arbitrary, oppressive and unconstitutional.
Resolved, That we are ready to expose ourselves to every hazard & every sacrifice of life and fortune, to preserve the safety, the honor, peace and liberties of our country.
Resolved, That whilst we cannot forbear to express a want of confidence in the wisdom and impartiality of our present rulers, yet in a period of so much difficulty and danger, we feel it our duty solemnly to call upon our fellow-citizens, however aggrieved, to act with the utmost caution and moderation, and to abstain from every thing that might endanger the peace and safety of the country or put the union of the states in jeopardy.
Resolved, That it be recommended to our fellow-citizens throughout this state, peaceably to assemble in their several counties, to take into consideration the alarming crisis of our public affairs; to unite with us in our endeavors to obtain a redress of grievances, and by averting the calamities which threaten our beloved country, restore it to that elevated prosperity and honor which it enjoyed under the administration of our IMMORTAL WASHINGTON.
EGBERT BENSON, Chairman. EDWARD DUNSCOMB, Secretary.
Tocsin Meeting—Yesterday was a jubilee among the British agents. Their meeting was well attended. A motley race of "spirits, black, white and grey," assembled at an early hour, it was composed of such opposite elements, as to carry in itself the seeds of speedy dissolution. Yet a opposition was the watchword, & the tune on the tocsin of the day, they assembled, and even dispersed, without doing any material injury to any of the peaceable citizens, excepting wounding their feelings with curious maledictions on our republican government.
Their resolutions are of a piece with their leaders, and nothing better could be expected from a faction, whose constant study has been to stir up, and keep alive the dying embers of a once respectable party, against the present administration. They were aided yesterday in this laudable enterprise by all the old refugees and foreigners in this city, whose conduct and habits are marked with deadly hostility to our republican form of government.
As the meeting was professedly called in order that the opposition might be able to ascertain their strength. It became a duty on the republicans to assemble in a similar manner, and by an unanimous approbation of the administration & of the Congressional proceedings to wipe away the foul stain which the honor and patriotism of our city yesterday received.
Depend upon it, the British cabinet has calculated upon divisions & seditions among us, and her agents were delighted with the sight of so many of the "well born" advocating her interests and conforming to her views, at the meeting to oppose the laws of our country. Let us put them to silence on this head by assembling in a peaceable and orderly manner, by showing at least three times their number, and evince that this city contains a large majority who are loyal to the constitution of their country, and who place unbounded confidence in those who administer the government. Daily Adv.
The Philadelphia Press asserts, that General Moreau has presented a petition to the Pennsylvania Legislature, for permission to hold real estate, he having purchased a plantation in Bucks county. He professes his intention of becoming a citizen of the United States.
Judge Rush, of Philadelphia, having been accused of good behavior in the case of one Burroughs, who was punished contrary to the verdict of the jury, the Legislature of Pennsylvania have resolved to enquire into it, having appointed a committee with power to send for persons and papers.
Tar and feathers would be too mild for the author of the following infamous paragraph—From the Democratic Press of Saturday last.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. Will be paid by the Editor of this paper to any person or persons who will prove
who was the Tocsin's incendiary, who at the Merchant's Coffee House in this city, did, this day, post up a paper on which was written the following words, to wit: "The Potomac the boundary, the Negro States by themselves."
WASHINGTON, Jan. 16. (Here is a quotation from the N. York Gazette, of remarks accompanying the letter of George Canning.)
We are even more astonished at the profligacy of these assertions, ostensibly promulgated by an American, than at the hardness of the British minister, whom we had during the course of the last summer, occasion to detect in the most disingenuous misrepresentation and distortion of facts. The colored act of misrepresentation can only be accounted for, by the assumption of the letter, as well as the comment to the same foreign feeling.
The falsehood of the first allegation will abundantly appear from a reference to the documents recently published, from which the following extract will suffice.
M. Pichon, in his note to Mr. Canning, bearing date the 25th of August; precisely a month anterior to the date of Mr. C's extrajudiciary letter, says—
"I had the honor to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of congress, entitled "An act to authorize the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the U. S. and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain.
"I am authorized to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and I trust that upon impartial enquiry, it will be found to leave no inducement to perseverance in the British orders, while it creates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them."
If Mr. Pinkney is to be credited, Mr. Canning has most egregiously misrepresented him on this point. And if, on this point, there is equal reason to infer, that he has equally misrepresented him on the other; nay, stronger. For, in this last instance, however unimportant the fact in dispute, let it be recollected that the opposition in this country had taken the ground contended for by Mr. C. who in this part, as in every other of the controversy between the two governments, appears most wonderfully to have co-operated with the American malcontents.—Whether the government of the United States had a perfect knowledge of the orders of Nov. 11th, previous to the imposition of the embargo, is of no importance; but it is certain that they were in existence time enough to have reached this country before that event, and that the government, as well as the people, knew of their existence, and enough of their contents to justify, with other causes, the embargo.
O the general tenor of Mr. Canning's letter, it will be but fair for the reader not to decide until Mr. Pinkney's answer shall appear. From the late date of Mr. C's note, it may be presumed that Mr. Pinkney's reply had not reached the U. S. when the documents were laid before Congress.—Nat. Int.
***From an Advertisement in the Enquirer, the subscriber now thinks it his duty to inform the public, that he is immediately under an obligation to return to Providence, Rhode Island, where he expects to be about 3 months. He expects to return to this place about the 1st of May, prepared with the tools and engine, to execute any thing agreeable to his advertisement. Any person, in his absence, wanting any information on the subject of his pursuit, will please address him at the place of his destiny. RICHARD HARRIS. January 21. II
PRICHARD & ADAMS, at their BODY-STORE, opposite the Post Office, Richmond, offer for sale LEE'S Genuine Patent and FAMILY MEDICINE; Each article having the signature of Richard Lee & Son, on the outside wrapper.
Persons not attending to the above instructions are liable to be imposed upon.
The proprietors think it necessary to remind the public, that these Medicines have been for several years prepared by them—the good effects of which are authenticated by some of our most respectable citizens; and without attending to the place of sale as above, and our signature, the purchaser may be disappointed, by receiving no benefit—not having the genuine Medicines of Richard Lee & Son.
LEE'S ELIXIR, a sovereign remedy for Cold obstinate Coughs, Catarrhs, Asthmas, Sore Throats and approaching Consumptions. A single trial of this Medicine, will prove its efficacious quality in restoring a perspiration common to healthy people, it dislodges and expels the tough viscid phlegm or mucus, strengthening the weakened vessels of the lung; thus striking at the root of the disorder, the symptoms of course are effectually and permanently conquered.
To parents who may have children afflicted with the hooping cough—This discovery is of the first magnitude, as it affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and, in a short time, entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are liable—The Elixir is so perfectly agreeable, and the dose so small, that no difficulty arises in taking it.
LEE'S WORM DESTROYING LOZENGES. This Medicine is superior to any ever offered to the public, being innocent and mild, certain and efficacious in its operations. Should no worms exist in the body, it will, without pain or griping, cleanse the stomach and bowels or whatever is foul or offensive, and thereby prevent the production of worms and many fatal disorders.
LEE'S ESSENCE OF MUSTARD, so well known for the cure of rheumatism, gout, palsy, sprains, &c. &c.
LEE'S GRAND RESTORATIVE, proved by long experience, to be unequalled in the cure of nervous disorders, consumptions, lowness of spirits, inward weakness, &c.
LEE'S ANTI-BILIOUS PILLS. Prepared by Richard Lee & Son, Baltimore.
Persons willing to purchase this valuable medicine, are requested to be particular in enquiring for Lee's Anti Bilious Pills, put up in wooden boxes, having the outside wrapper, the signature of Richard Lee and Son.
LEE'S SOVEREIGN OINTMENT, for the Itch, which is warranted an infallible remedy at one application.
AGE AND FEVER DROPS, for the cure of agues, remittent and intermitent fevers.
PERSIAN LOTION, celebrated for the cure of ringworms, tetter, and all eruptions of the skin, rendering it soft and smooth.
LEE'S GENUINE EYE WATER, an effectual remedy for all diseases of the eyes.
TOOTH-ACHE DROPS, which give immediate relief.
LEE'S CORN PLAISTER DAMASK LIP SALVE.
RESTORATIVE POWDER, for the teeth and gums.
THE ANODYNE ELIXIR, for the cure of every kind of head ache.
INDIAN VEGETABLE SPECIFIC, a certain and never failing cure for venereal complaints.
N.B. Each and every medicine above enumerated, have directions describing their mode of use in the most perfect manner.
*** A few new Publications just received. January 21. oaw4w
IN pursuence of decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place herein after mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on the 3d Monday in April. The dower of the widow Wm. Rollins, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of purchase will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three tenths in three equal instalments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued.
WM. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, WM. MANN, } Commissioners. January 21. [law2m]
A. C. D'LA VIGNE, HAIR-CUTTER, (from Paris,) near the Bell-Tavern, (and opposite Mr. Pleasants's Printing Office,) has the honor to inform the Ladies of Richmond, that he dresses their Hair after the Greek, Flora, Virginia and Parisian fashions. He intermixes the hair, crape, gauze, flowers, pearls and diamonds. He also makes hair nets, bandos, plait, frizets and wigs. He has an assortment of hair of every color. He also informs the gentlemen that he cuts the hair Alsatian and Alabatus, and trims in the most modern fashion. January 21. II
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JANUARY 21, 1809.
We recommend ALGERNON SIDNEY, to the attention of our readers.
A few Queries to the framers of the Resolutions of the City of New-York.
1. You are the friends of "commerce"—and on this ground you have waged war upon the Embargo. Do you not know, gentlemen, that it is not the Embargo which has cut off the commerce of the United States—that this very measure was dictated by a respect to the rights of commerce—that if we had submitted to the atrocious encroachments of both the belligerents of Europe, this very commerce would have been good for little or nothing—the present prey of free-booters—and at any time hereafter the victim of such aggressions, as British jealousy might choose to dictate, or our own submission might have invited?
2. Why do you complain of the "tame & submissive acquiescence" of the United States in the first aggressions of the Berlin Decree?—this acquiescence did not exist—these aggressions were not in being. Did not Mons. Decres assure our Minister, that this Decree effected no change in the existing relations of the two countries—did not the interpretation and execution of this decree for months correspond with this assurance—have the utmost researches of your partizans been able to light upon a single case of condemnation, sooner, than that of the Horizon?
3. Why confine your views to the Berlin Decree? Have you no complaints to make against Great Britain? Your British feelings are manifested by your profound silence as to British encroachment. Where are the British orders of January, passed in direct contravention of the Laws of Nations, in the very face of a treaty so solemnly signed by her commissioners, and before the Berlin decree, of which they professed to be a retaliation, was known in this country? Where are her Orders of November, which interdicted our "commerce" to the whole continent of Europe, except Sweden, and placed it under the requisition of British tribute? Are these things nothing? Are they insufficient to raise the slightest resentment in an American bosom? Are they so contemptible, as not even to be worthy of your notice? No, Sirs, your gorge does not rise at these things—The Republicans are opposed to the aggressions of France—No man conceals them, no man justifies them, there is no man, who does not execrate them. There is not a French advocate on the floor of Congress. A genuine patriot will resent aggression from whatever quarter it may proceed. Have you no fears, Gentlemen, that the world should hail you as Briti partizans—from the indifference which you have displayed towards the much deeper sins of G. Britain?
4. But, Sirs, if the Embargo does not suit you, what substitute have you proposed? Are you for submission or for war?—You have not avowed your preference of expedients.—Permit me to say you have shown no little art and ingenuity in evading this question.—But as all your denunciations are aimed at the embargo—as the repeal of that measure seems to be the great object of your ambition—as you have not said, "Arm our vessels; issue letters of Marque and Reprisal; go to war" is not the inference irrepressible, that arbitration is white and encroachment is the favorite wish of your heart?—And how then stands the question?
You, Gentlemen, profess a veneration for the constitution of the U. States—and yet are the very first to abandon that sovereignty & independence on which this constitution is founded.
You are ready to defend "the honor and liberties" of this country—and yet all your fury is turned against the administration of this country—You have already taken the part of G. Britain against the U. States.
Your party has hitherto professed the most refined sensibility to the rights and honor of this country. At the slightest insult of Spain or France, your swords have been ready to leap from your scabbards! When the right of deposit was suspended at New Orleans, your party were for marching & once to Louisiana, with drums beating, & colors flying to chastise the violators of our rights. On the 22d of Feb. 1802, when the Birth-Day of Washington was celebrated by your party at the seat of government—when some of your choicest cavaliers were present in the persons of Messrs. Bayard, Ross, and Chief Justice Marshall—at that honorable feast, which was graced by the

presence of Aaron Burr, & enlivened by his toast to "An Union of all honest men" the following toasts were quoted amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of the company:
The American People—Freedom, when insulted, take counsel from their courage.
The constituted Authorities—May they never want vigor nor discernment.
The Militia and Army—Able negotiators.
The honor of our Country—Her most precious treasure.
And yet now, when Great Britain has perpetrated the most insolent aggressions upon our rights, all our nice sensibility is converted into indifference; at her magic name, all our warlike resentments, are softened into "peace." When the right of deposit, at New Orleans was suspended, each man among you was a truce chevalier . But now when the sovereignty of the United States is trampled upon by Great Britain, you are as mild as the dove. You were for a tilting match with Spain, before the least demand for justice had been made by our government. But now—when Great Britain has so arrogantly rejected all our propositions and demands—you are recommending submission. Where is that "courage of freedom"—where that high respect for the "Vigor of the constituted authorities"—where are those "able negotiators"—Where that "most precious treasure of our country"—on which you have once expatiated with so much transport? All gone, Gentlemen! Are they all vanished beneath the magic influence of Great Britain? I pray you, recollect your own chivalrous effusions in the years '98 and 1802—and then blush for the resolutions of the city of New York.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
ARGUMENT
ON THE EXECUTION-LAW
(Continued.)
The Bill proposed by the select committee before the House.
MONDAY, January 9.
Remarks of Mr. Ferson (of Prince William.)
The importance of the subject before the House, together with the strong desire which I feel, that the principles which influence my vote should be fully understood, is the apology which I offer for taking part in this debate, after the luminous discussion it has received from the representative of the city. I am opposed to the passage of this bill, because I believe it to be both unconstitutional and inexpedient. By the 10th section of the 1st article of the Constitution of the U. States, it is among other things provided, "that no state shall pass a law impairing the obligation of contracts." Why was this clause introduced into the constitution or the U. States? It was to prohibit the states from the exercise of a power in violation of the first principles of the social compact—a restraint dictated by a woeful experience of the effect flowing from a contrary policy during the revolutionary war. The shutting of the courts of justice—which contracts were not only impaired, but debts in many instances lost, by the lapse of time, by change of residence, and by the still more fluctuating circumstances of the contracting parties; the emission of paper bills of credit, together with a variety of other legislative interferences with private rights, had during the period aforesaid completely destroyed both public and private confidence. This restraint was therefore introduced to restore public credit and general confidence. These I presume, were among the reasons which influenced the enlightened framers of the constitution, to impose this restriction upon state authority. That in doing so, they acted wisely, no man who feels the obligations of private honor or public justice will deny. Let us then enquire whether the bill before us falls within the scope of the restriction which the wisdom of our sages has approved, and reason has sanctioned.
In discussing this subject I shall take broader ground than those who have gone before me. I confess that I cannot see the merit of the distinction taken between bonds and deeds of trust. It is said that a bond is a contract entered into with an eye to the power of the legislature to suspend the courts and thereby protract its payment, but that no aid from a court is required to carry into effect a deed of trust. But can the legislature suspend the courts constitutionally? I say they cannot, because thereby they would impair the obligation of contracts. Bonds are entered into & received from a confidence in this constitutional barrier—from a confidence that they are to be complied with according to the laws existing at the time of their execution. This doctrine does not contravene the power of the legislature to new model or organise the courts—courts are instituted for the enforcement, not for the impairing of contracts, and any new organization of them is for the purpose of obtaining this object more effectually. Theoretically , there should be no delay in obtaining justice in court, practically there is—hence deeds of trust have been resorted to in which the parties by consent waive this delay and chalk out their own remedy. In the first, the faith of the nation is pledged to the contracting parties by the tenor of the constitution and the laws existing at the time of the contract. In the latter, it is also pledged, but not in a higher degree. I conclude therefore that if this bill is unconstitutional so far as respects deeds of trust, it is equally so as it respects bonds.
What is the substance of the bill upon your table? By it you proclaim to the people of Virginia, that they need not comply with their contracts provided they will make the debt ultimately secure. The time at which the money is to be paid is not pointed out by the bill; whether it is to be paid at the end of 6 or 12 months, at the raising of the embargo, or 50 years hence is totally uncertain. What is the obligation of a bond? Gentlemen say, the only obligation is the payment of money, and that this bill proposes merely a suspension of that payment, and therefore does not impair the obligation. In reply to this argument, I say that an indefinite postponement of payment does weaken, desincur the contract as far as the interests of the contracting parties are concerned. If the Legislature can postpone the payment of a debt one year, they can two years. Of what value would my debt be to me, probably one hundred years hence, admitting it to be ultimately secure—yet from the argument of the friends of the bill, the legislature can constitutionally do this. But this argument is founded upon incorrect premises and consequently the conclusion is incorrect. The obligation of the contract is not only for the payment of money, but for the payment of money at a particular day. And the bill upon your table in as much as it changes the day of payment, violates the obligation of the contract and is of course unconstitutional.
2dly. But, Mr. Speaker, were I convinced that this bill was, in all its provisions constitutional, yet I should give it my decided negative—because I think it in its operation, and ruinous in its consequences. A few remarks upon each of these heads in order, 1st, as to the expediency of the law. By it you prevent the recovery either in whole or in part of all debts, the effect of which will be, that no debt or description of people can live except the mounted capitalist, and the agriculturalist. Will you immunize the rest of society in a vain attempt to protect these two classes? By the passage of the law upon your table, you strike a deadly blow at the credit of the nation—for every legislative interference with private rights affects public credit, and creates distrust. This want of confidence, will completely unhinge society. It will either induce the mounted man to hoard up his treasure, or if he be tempted to use it at all, he will speculate upon the need, and distressed. Your bonds, your property, the hard earnings of a life of industry is swept from you for a trifle, and you and your family are left destitute and sunk into the blackest poverty.
2dly. Your law is partial, because it operates almost exclusively to the relief of the debtor, without sufficient attention to the interest of the creditor. Debtors form but a portion of your society, and though many of them are unfortunate and have strong claims upon the humanity of this house, yet there is another portion of them, the imprudent and improvident, who would be debtors in the best of times. The former class are entitled to relief, the latter it would be unwise, in any country, to provide for.
The bill upon your table, proposes to provide for the interest of both, by a sacrifice of the rights of the creditor; and from the period given to the operation of this law: (to wit, the rising of the next session of the Gen. Assembly,) together with the arguments urged in its favor; it is but the first link in a long chain of acts of subsequent legislatures, for their further relief. Now, let me enquire, what provision there is made in behalf of the creditor? The debtor, who is enjoying his property, gives him paper, with a security to be judged of by a clerk—a court; (if the court is not in session,) an officer, interested in taking the bond to obtain his fee—should the security be adequate, the bond must go into the market to procure you the means of subsistence. But such will be the fatal stab given to public credit and private confidence, by the passage of this bill, that your paper thus secured, will not bring you one half its nominal value—Again, the mercantile portion of the community are completely immolated by the provision of this bill—the debts which they owe, are due to citizens of other states, or foreigners—the federal courts are open to such claims, and the property of the merchant, though he may have ten times the amount due him within the state, is sacrificed.
3d. The bill upon your table, tho' it purports to be a law for the relief of debtors, will ultimately tend to the ruin of both debtor and creditor. The law is bottomed upon the low price of produce, arising from the act of Congress, laying an embargo—When the embargo is withdrawn, and Europe returns to a state of peace, it is questionable whether the present price is not as good as the peace price . Should this be the fact, & that it is, is rendered more than probable, from a comparison of the average prices of produce from the treaty of peace in 1763, till the commencement of the French revolution, with the present price, and the price during the last twelve months; creditors will lose debts, the payment of which is suspended by that bill. For if the price be now as high as the peace price, and yet so low as to induce the legislature to pass this bill, the argument will operate equally strong against a repeal of the law—Should the debts, however, be paid, they will fall most heavily and ruinously upon the debtor—in your reprieve bond, you include debt, interest and costs, and take 6 per cent. upon the aggregate sum—few landed estates produce more than 2 per cent. to the farmer, upon the amount of capital employed in conducting the farm; a heavy debt running at 6 per cent. interest, high at any time for a farmer—but at a time like this, is inevitable ruin.
Gentlemen say, that the voice of the people requires this measure; this I cannot believe—That the people feel the pressure of the present times most heavily, is certain; but I have more reliance in the virtue and patriotism of the people, than to suppose that they would be gratified by the adoption of any measure contrary to the constitution of their country—a measure productive of but a deceitful relief to themselves and attended with so many deleterious effects to the community at large. I am happy in having it in my power to record my vote in opposition to this bill, so that hereafter I may have this consolation—that if Rome is destroyed, I for one warned her of her danger. (Argument to be concluded in our next.)
To the Freeholders of the Congressional District composed of the Counties of Powhatan, Goochland, Amelia and Chesterfield.
FELLOW CITIZENS,
Our present worthy Representative, having publicly announced his intention to decline being a candidate for the ensuing election; it, of course, devolves upon us to elect some person to succeed him.
Sensible of the great responsibility, and arduous duties attached to this important office, and of my own inability to discharge it, to its full extent; it is with humble deference, that I presume to offer my pretensions for a trust so high and arduous. But emboldened by the friendly solicitations of some of my Fellow-Citizens—Encouraged by the experience of 21 successive years, in the Legislative and Executive departments of our government; as well as several years in the armies of the Revolution; I impressed with a due sense of the high and distinguished honors, attached to the office in question, and willing always to render to my country, all the service in my power; I am induced, most respectfully, to offer myself a candidate for your suffrages.
Professions of patriotism, Fellow-Citizens, are vain and empty sounds; they are as easily, and more frequently made by the enemies, than the friends of free government;—Of the former, I trust, there are few (if any) amongst us; and, amongst the latter, differences of opinion exist at a crisis so difficult and eventful, as the present, they ought to be imputed to the proper cause. In the political state of our society, there happily exists no pre-eminence of character; no privileged orders; all equally participate in the rights and privileges of the community; all are equally entitled to the free exercise of opinion; and it is natural for men pursuing the same object, with the same laudable views, to differ in opinion, as to the means best adapted to attain that object; nor will a liberal and generous mind cease to respect the freedom of opinion, in others, so long as the principles of free government, shall continue to influence the human heart.
Altho' I am opposed to ardent professions not being personally unknown to most of you, Fel-
low-Citizens, permit me to say, that at a very early period of my life, I embarked in the revolution of our country, and zealously fought, to establish its independence. First I possess no interest in the community, separate or distinct, from the great body of the people, being in private life solely engaged in agriculture; and to the principles of the free government, essentially depending upon the freedom and frequency of elections, I have ever been anxiously devoted; I revere the security afforded to our civil and religious rights, by our state constitution, which, like all human institutions, has its enlightened assemblage of patriots, and ever-witnessed; I was opposed to the adoption of the federal constitution, in its original form; because I thought the rights of the people, and the sovereignty of the states, were not sufficiently secured thereby. But its subsequent amendments entirely removed my objections, and none more cordially admires its wise and excellent provisions than myself; nor has, or will any support it with more ardent and sincere zeal. I admire its federative principles, because they tend to unite in every great crisis, all the various sections and interests which compose it. I admire its sacred guarantee of republican forms to the state governments and its maintenance of state rights.
In support of these professions, uniformly maintained, I appeal to every candid man who knows me, and to the various public acts to which I have assented, for twenty-one years; they afford better evidences than mere professions. Being a child of the revolution, an humble, (tho' zealous) actor, in the great theatre of our political conflict, my first impressions were in favor of liberty, and independence, nor have I ever ceased to cherish them. My political principles and opinions, are the same now, as they were "in the times which tried men's souls;" the same which conducted us through the revolution; they have been uniformly the same, through every intervening crisis, from that period to the present moment.
With these declarations, freely and candidly offered to your consideration, I submit, with great deference, my respectful pretensions—Should they meet your approbation, Fellow-Citizens; be assured, that my best exertions will be used, to support the constitutions, the independence, the rights, the freedom and the general prosperity of our common country.
Accept, Fellow-Citizens, assurances of the sincere regard, of your most obedient servant, JOHN GUERRANT, Jr. Goochland, January 13.
MARRIED. On Tuesday, the 10th inst. by the Revd. Michaeljohn , Mr. Robert Nelson , of Mecklenburg county, to the amiable Miss Isabella H. Wilson , only daughter of John Wilson, Esq. of Halifax county.
Last Night's Mail.
The surmises of the letter from Liverpool, published in our last, are completely refuted by the following intelligence, which we received from Norfolk last night—to make way for which, we have laid aside many original articles. ENQUIRER.
NORFOLK, January 18. WAR IN SPAIN. We have given in this day's paper as many of the details which are contained in the London papers, in respect of the war in Spain, as we could. It will appear from both the French and Spanish accounts, that the battle of Sornosa, on the 31st October, had terminated in favor of the former; but as neither appears to attach much importance to its result, it may be concluded that nothing important was gained. But there appears to be a considerable anxiety respecting a battle which is supposed to have been fought on the 6th or 7th of November, of which, accounts are so contradictory, that it is impossible to arrive at any conclusion from them, or indeed to say with certainty if there was any battle. The very quick passages of the last weeks from Spain, render it probable that no certain accounts had been received before the London sailed, though she brings, we understand, papers to the 26th of November. Verbal accounts say that the Spaniards had been successful.
FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. From papers received at the Office of the Public Ledger, by the British ship London , Capt. Amory , from Liverpool—with London dates, from the 11th to the 21st inclusive.
LONDON, NOV. 15. Bonaparte's entrance into Spain—Actions in Spain. We have continued our extracts from the Paris papers to the 12th this day—they are of great importance—we have no room to-day for comment.
BAYONNE, NOV. 14. The emperor set out to-day, at noon, for Spain. His majesty with it, is said, sleep at Irun, and arrive early to-morrow with his august brother at Vittoria. His majesty was not able to keep himself long incog. at Marac; the Bayonnese were more eager to manifest the joy which they experienced at learning the happy arrival of their august sovereign. Last night the town was spontaneously illuminated. An immense concourse of people filled all the streets, and public places, and the city of long live Napoleon, resounded from all parts. We learn that there has been a very brilliant affair for our troops near Legrono. The insurgents have been completely beaten. On the other side, a division of the army, commanded by marshal Moncey, had, on the 26th of last month, an engagement at Lenin, in which the Spaniards were defeated.
In this affair we took several pieces of cannon, and 500 prisoners, which yesterday arrived at Bayonne. The officers are confined in the citadel. These miserable Spaniards are in a most deplorable condition—their clothes are mere shreds, and they are without shoes. Every disposition is making for vigorous offensive operations, and the arrival of his majesty will, without doubt, give birth to great events. Romano's corps will be first attacked; we are even assured that every means have been taken for cutting off its retreat. The siege of Saragossa will commence in a few days, and be vigorously carried on.
There is a report to-day at Bayonne, that Blake has lost 5 or 6000 men in an engagement which he had with general Verdier, but this report appears premature. Troops, of all descriptions are continually passing through this place, they are animated with the best spirit, and burn with impetuosity to fight under the eyes of the hero, who always led them to victory. The army of Spain will, it is said, be divided into eight grand divisions, and commanded by marshals Ney, Bessieres, Soult, Mortier, Victor, Moncey and by the generals St. Cyr and the Due d'Abrantes. They also talk of an army of reserve, but it is not yet known by whom it will be commanded. The imperial troops, infantry and cavalry, which were at Bayonne, all set out at break of day this morning, preceding his majesty. Courier de l'Empire Nov. 10.
BAYONNE, NOV. 5. According to intelligence which has this instant been received, the defeat of the Spanish at Bidasoa has been most complete. Marshal, the duke of Dantzic has made 4000 prisoners, among whom are two aide-camps of gen. Blake. A great number of carriages, and servants, belonging to the king of Spain, have arrived here this morning, on their way from Bayonne. Journal de l'Empire, Nov. 11.
LONDON, NOVEMBER 21. The canal was yesterday thrown into transports of joy by an account received from Ply-
mouth of a brilliant victory having been gained over the French near Bilboa, and of the Spaniards having again taken possession of that town. To render the public satisfaction complete, it was added that Saragossa had bound another wreath round their brows, and had again driven the French with disgrace from their walls. The following were the accounts from Plymouth.
Plymouth, Nov. 13. The Black Joke frigate is just arrived from Gijon, in 63 hours, in a gale of wind the whole passage. She left Gijon the 14th only, and brings the important intelligence of a grand attack having been made on Marshal Ney's army on the 7th, near Bilboa, by general Blake, in which he succeeded in giving them a complete thrashing, the enemy have killed, wounded and prisoners, 9000 men. The heroic Spaniards suffered severely. It is also understood that Saragossa has been attacked by the French, and they have been completely repulsed.
Inquiries were actually made in the course of yesterday afternoon at the office of government, to ascertain whether the Plymouth intelligence was correct. But government had received no such accounts, and the arrival of Corona papers in the evening to the 16th, which made no mention of any victory, put a period to the exultation which had been so generally felt in the morning. The morning and the evening were, indeed, in decisive contrast with each other.
There is a rumor from Falmouth, that Blake has sustained a check. The accounts from Falmouth and Plymouth, which we received this morning, are directly contradictory; they are as follows:
Plymouth, Nov. 19. In addition to the intelligence brought by the Black Joke, it is confidently asserted, that Marshal Ney was killed in the battle of the 7th November, and general Blake wounded.
Falmouth, Nov. 16. Yesterday arrived the Gleeful cutter, 14 guns, Bent Carpenter, from Coruna, with dispatches, after two days passage. It is reported that she brought an account that the Spaniards under general Blake have met with a check, but nothing certain is known here. The dispatches are sent on by express.
Extract of a letter from a person at St. Andero dated Nov. 7.
"I take this opportunity of giving you the earliest account of the state of the affairs here. The French army is within ten miles of Andero; they have had a brush with the Spaniards, and came off with the loss of 7000 men. The loss on the side of the Spaniards are computed at about 3000 besides one regiment, called the Castilian, which was destroyed to a man, by the French undermining them with powder. Fifteen thousand English troops in good health and spirits, marched within six miles of this place on their way to join the grand army. As soon as their artillery gets up with them, we may expect to hear of a terrible battle."
General Baird and his suit set out from Coruna on the 14th for the army; but the cavalry had not then commenced their march. Private accounts, however, inform us, that the latter were immediately to proceed towards the scene of action. The prince of Wales's fine regiment arrived on the 11th, and were to accompany the other troops. The 71st regiment passed through Badajoz on the 27th ult. and were received by the people with expressions of the utmost gratitude and joy. The foreign troops in the French army who were made prisoners in the battle of Baylen, have enlisted in one of the Walloon regiments of Spain.
BATTLE OF SORNOSA.
Private communications from an Officer of rank in the Spanish army.
VALMASEDA, NOV. 2. At day-break yesterday morning, the enemy, who had received very considerable reinforcements from Vittoria, attacked the Galician army, posted about a league and a quarter in advance of Sornosa, in the following order:
The first regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia, being part of the van-guard, occupied a hill to the right of the road leading to Durango.
The third division, commanded by gen. Riquelme, was stationed on the heights to the right of Sornosa to support the van-guard, and defend the right flank of our position.
The van-guard, commanded by general Mandizabal, defended the road leading to Durango.
Our centre was drawn up in line, on an eminence to the left and rear of the van-guard.
Our left, commanded by brigadier general Figuerola, possessed themselves of a hill to the left of the road. The base of the hill was joined to that occupied by the fourth division and reserve.
During the night of the 30th, the enemy advanced his force in very large columns, opposite to the different points which he meant to assail. The next morning, at day-break, the different columns moved forward to the attack, their approach being concealed by a very heavy and thick fog, which in these parts is prevalent in the morning.
The first attack was made on our right. Two large columns advanced with the intention of surrounding that part of our force. The enemy was opposed in a most steady and gallant manner by the 4th regiment of the volunteers of Catalonia; this famous corps kept up a tremendous and incessant fire by platoons, and for a considerable time, kept in check a force upwards of four times its own number. Two battalions of marines and the iradores , or sharpshooters, of the third or fourth division, reinforced the regiment of Catalonia; however, being overpowered by numbers, they were obliged to retire on the third division; this enabled the enemy to place a column on the right of the third division, while another column attacked in front. The enemy advanced in force along the road, and attacked the van-guard, which defended the road and valley leading to Durango. The enemy was most gallantly and vigorously opposed, and compelled to retreat to a considerable distance, by the van-guard, headed by Gen. Mandizabal. The enemy, however, having considerably increased his numbers in this point, advanced a second time, accompanied by a howitzer and a four pounder, and succeeded in gaining a sufficient advance on the road, to enable him to bring his gun to bear (within about three quarters of a gun shot) on the centre and the left division.
Whilst these operations were carrying on against our right and centre, the enemy advanced two very strong columns against the front of our left position; and at the same moment a very numerous corps of sharpshooters ( voligurs ) advanced under cover of the howitzer and four pounder, and got possession of a wood which ascended from the road to within less than musket-shot of the right flank of the left position. This obliged general Figuerola to throw back one to the two battalions upon his right, to oppose the enemy's light infantry. Nothing could be more gallant or more orderly than the enemy's attack of this post (he advanced in the greatest military regularity, under a most tremendous fire. The gallantry of the enemy's attack could be only equalled by the intrepidity of the defence made by the 1st division. It is impossible for me to do justice to the soldier-like conduct of this division. Attacked on their side by a very
superior force, and occasionally fired on by the howitzer and four pounder, they defended their post with determined obstinacy. They appeared resolved not to yield a foot of ground. The enemy were equally obstinate and persevering and being enabled by their very superior numbers to nearly surround the hill occupied by this gallant division, general Figuerola felt himself called upon to order a retreat; which was effected with as much order as existing circumstances would admit of. Whilst the 1st division was thus engaged, the enemy kept up a heavy fire of shot and shell, and some musketry (from the woods in our front) on the centre division and the reserve. The guns were supported by two very large columns and a disposable reserve.
Nothing could exceed the soldier-like steadiness with which the fourth division and reserve remained on their post under this heavy fire; this courage will not be wondered at when I mention that the commander in chief himself was at the head of the centre division, animating the soldiers by his presence and example. When the first shell burst, there general Blake repaired, and placed his horse on the very spot, displayed his division into two lines, part of the reserve remaining in column. His address to the soldiers was simple, and spoke to their feelings—"Remember you are Spaniards; be man soldiers." Never did the most veteran troops, or those most accustomed to cannon, remain more cool, steady, and determined. After an action of nearly 9 hours incessant fire, & it became evident that the enemy had received very great reinforcements, and having been enabled by the assistance of his cannon [of which aid this army was entirely destitute] to push forward a strong force against our centre, and having in consequence occupied the woods flanking the right of our left position, it was deemed advisable to retreat. General Blake placed himself at the head of the fourth division and part of the reserve, and in person superintended and directed the covering of the retreat of his army, which was effected in order, the enemy not appearing inclined to molest our movements. By eleven o'clock on the night of the 30th October, the most part of the troops arrived at Bilboa.
Early in the morning of the first (yesterday) gen. Blake arrived in that town with the fourth division, and lost not a moment in proceeding to the great square, where he superintended in person the issue of bread and spirit to the troops. Nothing could exceed their joy at seeing their general return to them, a false report having obtained that he had been cut off in covering the retreat.
No language of mine could do sufficient justice to the gallantry and ardor of the officers and soldiers of the army in the action of yesterday. I trust however, the statement of facts which I have given, in a plain unvarnished manner, will give some idea of their brave conduct.
Nothing can exceed the patience, and I may add, the cheerfulness of the Spanish soldiers, under difficulties and privations of all sorts.
The impression left on my mind from the account of yesterday, is decidedly favourable to the Spanish soldiers.
The effect produced on their bosoms from yesterday's defence, is a manly and soldier-like pride, arising from a self conviction of their having done their duty.
AN ADDRESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW ENGLAND. BY ALGERNON SIDNEY.
People of New-England.
In the name of every thing that is dear & valuable, your happiness, the fame of your ancestors, the recollection of your revolutionary services, your sectional and national honor, and the duty you owe your country at this crisis, I invoke your attention to its present condition. I entreat you to reflect seriously on the following view of our public affairs, and of the conduct of government, in particular, as it relates to those things which at present interest your feelings.
It is offered to your consideration by one, who was born, educated, and lives among you; who is not elevated above, nor depressed below a participation in your sufferings and enjoyments; and who knows the high importance of your commerce, which he will never cease to cherish.
He asks your confidence for your government, which is your shield and protection and without which you must experience all the evils of discord and civil war. He asks, not when you are called to declare a preference for a favorite candidate; but after an important election, which has decided for years the course of government. At a time when the two great powers who rule three quarters of the globe, are threatening this republic with destruction; and attempts are made to subvert the institutions of civil order, to humble your government, or to disserve the union, and introduce all the evils which have afflicted Europe for centuries.
While foreign and civil wars have for seventeen years marched over Europe, carrying death & desolation in their train, while nation after nation has been overturned, and tyranny generated—while not a nation of the Old World has escaped these inculcable calamities, we have remained a quiet, prosperous, and happy people.
But the day of our adversity has arrived; our example has excited hatred, envy, and those warring powers, who never united in any thing else, have manifested a unity of sentiment in their desire to destroy our republic.
France, guided by a policy which threatens the independence of all nations, and ruled by a chief, whose law is power, whose reason pride, and whose object universal empire, has forbidden our trading with England; had sequestered and confiscated the property of our merchants; burned their ships; and insolently, though indirectly told us that we must go to war for, or against her.
Will this nation submit to their insults & injuries? Will it bend to those decrees which to us are as impotent as they are insulting? It will not. What then shall be done? We cannot levy war on her, for with her we cannot come in contact. She has no commerce to seize, no adjacent territories to conquer.
It only remains for us to suspend all intercourse with her, and to deprive her of the benefits of our commerce.
England humbled by our independence, and vengeful in her temper, has never ceased laboring to promote disunion, to check our rising importance, and to destroy our happiness. To her other passions has been added, by her commercial prosperity, that of jealousy.

Next to averting the evils inflicted and threatened by France, her first and most unremitting endeavours are, and have been, to cripple our navigation.
Before the treaty of 1794, she harassed and pillaged our commerce on the high seas, retained our posts on the northern frontiers, eleven years, and instigated the savages of those regions to war; supplied them with provisions and ammunition, with the rifle and the tomahawk, and by them desolated our infant settlements. Since that period she has invariably pursued a system destructive to our commerce, unheard of in other days, and unknown to the law of nations. By issuing decrees of blockade where she had not even a pretended force to support them. By laying invidious taxes on her manufactures for our consumption which were not extended to other nations; and by unjust seizures and condemnations. She has seized thousands of our citizens while under our protection; and at the point of the bayonet, forced them into her service, to fight her battles, and to assist in plundering their own neighbors and kindred. She has violated our rights of sovereignty, by seizing our merchantmen in our waters; by blocking our bays, ports and harbors; and in one of them, by destroying the life of a citizen. Our demand of "satisfaction for the past and security for the future" proved fruitless. Our merchants petitioned for protection and redress. A partial non-importation law was passed, to take effect at a day then distant, that time might be allowed her to reflect on the consequences which must result from her continuance in this unparalleled system of aggression. The ministers of this nation were directed to assure her of the continuance of our pacific disposition, and if possible to reclaim her from the course of aggression, to an observance of national law. A treaty was formed, its merits I know not, but the signature on her part was accompanied with a reservation of the right to destroy our trade, if we did not resist the decrees of France in a manner to her satisfactory; and it was rejected by our executive.
The partial non-importation law was suspended. Again the olive branch was offered, and again it was trodden under foot. What followed? In June, 1807, your national ship was unexpectedly attacked in your waters, your mariners were killed, while in the service of their country, your flag was lowered at their shot, and from it were taken your seamen. The act was disavowed, but mark! One of your seamen acting under the authority of your government, in contempt of it, and of this nation, was afterwards deliberately put to death.
Is there a point beyond which a nation ought not to bear? And did we not then reach that point? Still our love of peace prevailed. Once more we tried negotiation, and once more we met insult and contumely.
Believing we feared war, and governed by no principle other than misguided self-interest, she resolved to annihilate our commerce, except with herself.
In November, 1807, she, by her orders in council, resolved to seize and condemn all our commerce bound to any port, except Sweden, of the continent of Europe.
In short, in the language of that instrument which pronounced us a nation, "she has taxed us without our consent, cut off our trade with most parts of the world, plundered our seas, and destroyed the lives of our people."
Between these powers I will not hold the scales of an apothecary, to decide whose offenses outweigh by a grain or a scruple. Nor will I detain you to refute those suggestions in favor of either which are offered by their partisans, or arise from jealousy.
In this situation, your executive recommended, and congress established an embargo. Of the orders in council he had certain, though not official intelligence, & the suggestions of opposition to the contrary, are founded at best in error. Here was presented that case in which politicians of all parties have agreed that an embargo is both proper and necessary. A government informed of facts which clearly proved that the interests of commerce were exposed to imminent hazard, yet so circumstanced that it could not with propriety communicate that knowledge.
In a similar case, Washington recommended an embargo; and Jefferson followed the example.
This measure presents itself in two lights. First—As a precautionary measure; to save our merchants from the evils of seizure, condemnation, and confiscation; to bring home our wealth, our navigation, and our sailors, that their energies might be applied, when necessary, in support of the nation; and for the moment to withdraw, from the element, where alone we can be materially annoyed, that the aggressors might review their conduct, and its consequences, before a final appeal to war. The wisdom of the measure for these purposes is incontestible; and it has received most universal approbation.
Secondly—As an act of coercion; by the privation inflicted, to teach aggressors to treat this nation with respect. In this light it is to be considered as a political experiment, not as the forerunner of the annihilation of our trade.
If it proves successful, the afflictions of your commerce will cease, and never be renewed. Every man will applaud the measure. Its preference to war is incalculable. One gives a temporary check to our prosperity; the other introduces almost every evil incident to human nature. One can be removed when the nation wills it; the other continues during the pleasure of a foreign nation. One hazards not the institutions of civil liberty, the other increases the power of government, and lessens the rights of the people.
If it fail, it will be for ever abandoned as a measure of coercion; and more efficient measures adopted to maintain our commercial rights.
It is said that our prosperity and happiness ought not to be interrupted to try a political experiment; nor have they been; they were interrupted, and, as far as they depend on foreign concerns, destroyed by foreign powers; and the experiment was tried to restore them; not at their hazard. Every act of government, every improvement in arts, sciences, and the ordinary pursuits of life; and every effort to open a new trade, is an experiment. So was the settlement of this country, and so was your confederation, the declaration of independence, and the constitution.
What is the course opposition would have pursued? Would they consent to pay tribute? Tribute! from whom? America! to whom? England? It is impossible! You settled this question when you were colonies, at the edge of the Hessian sabre, & the
Indian tomahawk, and the mouth of the British cannon. You were then few, poor, and infantile; without arms, without resources, and without a government. And on what question? whether you should pay a tribute of six cents on a pound of tea; a luxury of foreign growth. It was the principle, not the tax, that roused your passions, called your hidden energies into action, and in view of the astonished world, led you to triumph over the most powerful nation then on earth. And will you now, a numerous, powerful people, with the best government, replete with resources and arms, whenever you wish to sell a cargo of your own products to an European power, pay tribute for permission? If you would not then pay it for a single luxury of Asia, will you now on all the products of America? On your cotton its full value, and one fifth on all other articles?
If you will! act up to the principles that govern you; at the loss of your and your country's honor and independence. Save as much as you can. As England's law stands, you have to pay, going and returning, double freight and double charges. You convey your products, and the return cargo to England; and store them; pay storage, lightage, wharfage, and tribute; and then, and then only, you may reload your vessel and sail for the destined port. You had better petition his Gracious Majesty in tender regard to the ease and happiness of his American subjects to appoint proper officers at his ports and harbors in these U. States, to receive your (not our) contributions; and to allow you to sail direct to the ports of destination. The saving will be great in money, and greater in feelings; and his Majesty may grant the request, if his tidewaiters, wharfingers, bakers, victuallers, deputy collectors, tavern and store keepers, alarmed at the loss of their profits, do not object. I absolve the opposition from the most distant thought of such baseness. In conjunction with the republicans they have voted "That the United States cannot without a sacrifice of their right, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France." What then remains? War or intermediary measures.
My principal object is, to convince you beyond a reasonable doubt, that the national government merits general confidence; that it ever has been, and is attentive to the rights of commerce; that it is your interest, as well as your duty, to yield it every support; and that the separation of New-England from the other states would to a certainty terminate in the ruin of that part of the nation. Proceeding to elucidate these points, it will not be useless to consider for a moment the three great interests of Agriculture, Commerce and Manufactures. They are sisters. Agriculture is the parent of wealth, strength and virtue; without her, commerce cannot exist, and manufactures cannot flourish: without her, in modern, if not in ancient days, no nation has become great and powerful, except Holland; & the circumstances which led to her prosperity, have long ceased to exist.
The wealth of the farmer is fixed; it cannot be removed or destroyed. It is visible; it is tangible; it possesses an inherent power of producing wealth; and it for ever remains a corner stone and pillar of national security. This employment gives health and energy; he knows no country other than his own; and he and the manufacturer are ever at their posts ready to defend the nation.
The wealth of the merchant, as well as himself, may be here to day, to-morrow in Europe. They may be withdrawn the moment they are the most wanted. This wealth is fleeting and transitory. It has no country, no home. It seeks all climates; and for all it has nearly an equal respect; laboring only for self multiplication. But Agriculture flourishes most when commerce is most active; and the manufacturer thrives better when aided by both, than when deprived of either.
The principal of the four reasons which induced the formation of our constitution, was to give life to commerce, and through it to derive a revenue.
Recur to the period between peace and the present government. Did not the commercial states, enrich themselves at the expence of the agricultural? Did not Maryland affect the vital resources of Virginia? Did not New York and Massachusetts lay North Carolina, Jersey, Connecticut, and Vermont under contribution? Did the farmer thrive, or was his visage marked with the smile of content?
If our commerce be annihilated, will not the period of agricultural discontent and despondency return?
If it be transferred to a foreign power, will not that power in imitation of the commercial states, enrich herself at this nation's expence?
The national benefits of our manufactures are apparent; and political considerations should induce us to foster them. They depend for their success, not less on commerce, than on agriculture. Commerce supplies the manufacturer with capital, with raw materials; vends his wares and manufactures in different countries, and in different parts of the same country; and returns to the artist his profit and reward.
That such is the opinion of the manufacturer is evident from his establishing himself, almost universally, within the reach of navigation; and in the commercial parts of the country, in, or near towns.
The correctness of his opinion is proved by these facts. In 1806, notwithstanding the infancy of our manufactures, our merchants vended in foreign countries two millions seven hundred and seven thousand dollars worth of American manufactures, to produce which, eight hundred and eighteen thousand dollars worth of foreign materials were used.
No man of reflection will deny the wisdom of progressively aiding our manufactures, by laws prohibiting the introduction of such articles as our citizens can supply at a reasonable price, or imposing such duties as will give them a decided advantage. Nor will this operate materially to the injury of the merchant—when it takes from him an article of import, it furnishes an article of export to a foreign country, or to a distant part of his own; and the change will be gradual and almost imperceptible. The merchant may turn his capital to a different commercial channel.
But great and sudden changes are dangerous to all governments; and the remark applies with additional force to a republic.
Nothing is more difficult than to force the people of a profession or a section, to abandon a favorite pursuit, and to assume one which they detest, and in which they are not skill-
ed. It may be possible for a tyrant to effect it, by scourging his nation with a rod of iron. This weapon does not belong to a free government.
I come now to speak of that interest, in
which the greatest portion of your prosperity is at stake—I mean commerce.
In its most extensive sense, it includes the internal traffic, which is carried on between citizens of the same state or nation, or different states, by purchase or exchange; as well as that intercourse which is carried on between different countries by navigation. The former is usually called internal trade, the latter foreign commerce.
The former is calculated by economists, to be from five to twelve times as extensive as the latter; varying its proportion according to the extent of foreign enterprise. This internal trade is assisted by its freedom from taxation, by the activity of foreign commerce, and by occasional bounties granted by states for the culture of particular articles. It ought to be stimulated by public, improved roads, canals, and bridges, and by every thing which facilitates internal intercourse between the seaboard and the country, and different parts of the interior.
Nothing is more certain, than that as you increase the safety of internal transportation, and lessen its expenses, you increase the value of each man's farm—open an additional country to market, extend the amount of your products for foreign commerce, and enlarge the means of acquiring the comforts and elegancies of life. Nor is it less clear that by internal improvements, the national domain might be increased in value, a sum equal to the necessary expenditure; so that by a judicious and liberal plan, the facilities of intercourse might be furnished to the interior, even without the inconvenience of a temporary advance. When to these considerations is added one of higher importance—the amalgamation of local interests and feelings which these improvements would produce, without injuring the rights of state sovereignties, is it not matter of deep regret, that notwithstanding the repeated attempts of the President to induce an attention to this subject, no one step should have been taken? What is easier than by a rule which shall do equal justice to each state, to effect these necessary and all important improvements?
And is it not worthy of serious reflection, that while more than twenty eight millions of dollars, have been advanced to aid foreign commerce, in which five sixths of the nation have only an indirect and partial benefit, not one cent has been advanced to aid the farming interest directly although it would indirectly give an equal aid to commerce.
Few men entertain a higher opinion than I do of the value of foreign commerce: it produced before the revolution a great portion of the capital that enabled us to carry through the struggle. It generated that spirit of hardy enterprise, which aided by our nautical skill, severely annoyed the trade of the enemy; and supplied this nation with many articles of the first necessity. It encouraged that love of liberty, and independence of thought and action, which eminently contributed to our becoming a nation.
It has since given life and spirit to agriculture, raised the value of our lands, and furnished an extensive American capital, indeed superior, to the demands of our whole commerce. A capital which may constitute a fund for the support of the nation in the day of necessity.
Nothing is more unbounded than the suggestion that American commerce is indebted to Europe; the reverse is the fact, to the amount of many millions. England's pretended balance embraces all the insolvencies and bankruptcies of sixty years; and British merchants have more of American capital than sufficient to pay British demands.
It has furnished funds for the most of our banks, insurances, turnpikes, bridges, and canals.
To this it has been principally owing that New-England has arrived to her present state of improvement & wealth. In New-England it is coeval with her existence. The revolution and constitution both found you highly commercial; in that character you became parties to both compacts of civil government, and your right to a reasonable support in your favorite pursuit, is as clearly and fully guaranteed, as is to any other class in society, its pursuits and interests.
In further considering the rights of this commerce to the countenance and protection of government, its division into two classes will lead to a more perfect knowledge and more correct decision.
First. The carrying trade.
It is that commerce, where the merchant sends his vessels with a cargo of our products or commercial capital to any foreign port, & brings in return the merchandise of that port, destined for foreign consumption, or in such quantities as exceed the demands of our market; and after it has been incorporated with the body of our merchandise, it is sent to another foreign port for sale. Often it is extended still further—after leaving our ports, it disposes of its cargo at the port of its first destination; procures another, sells it at a third, and so on; till finally it returns home enriched with the commerce of many countries. It always exists in a limited extent; but its profits are principally derived from a state of warfare among the great nations of Europe.
From this nation derives the following benefits.
 1st. An annual increase of wealth drawn in time of war from foreign countries, equal to from ten to twenty millions of dollars.  2d. A more perfect knowledge of the commerce of the world, from which our merchants are enabled to make more correct calculations in favor of our necessary foreign commerce.  3d. The increase of our navigation; our seamen and their skill.  4th. A reduction of price, effected by the surplus quantities on hand, of from twenty to forty per cent, on many of the articles for home consumption.  5th. An income to the public coffers, exclusive of the expenditure it occasions, equal in time of war between foreign nations to about one-twelfth of our revenue. This is a tax actually defrayed by other countries, and is the only revenue that is not eventually paid by the people of this nation.  This trade merits the attention of government, and its services by the appointment of necessary agents, by negotiations, and by an armaments as far as practicable; but as the vital interests of no class of citizens, and consequently of no section, are involved in it, its maintenance is not to be expected at the expense of war. Secondly. Necessary foreign commerce. This embraces the export of our products, and the importation of such articles of foreign growth and manufacture as contribute to our necessities, comfort and happiness. This commerce can never be surrendered for any considerable time under any possible circumstances. It is essential to our prosperity and happiness, and even to our independence. It is fairly guaranteed to the
commercial interest, and its annihilation might produce consequences most disastrous.
To resign this commerce in the present state of the world, would make us vassals to England; this nation excepted, there is not one that can assume the character of a neutral. Every man contemplates a speedy return to the accustomed relations of life, at least so far as to enable our farmers to vend their surplus products. If we surrender this state of things she would monopolize our products, reduce their amount, and lessen their price. She would naturally acquire that influence on our politics which could not be controlled, and we should become a second Portugal.
I have heard of a real or imaginary system of China, of a civilized nation supposed to inhibit foreign commerce, and the recommendation of that system, though not by times of suffering. But she will never desert her interests. When the day is overcast, when the tempest lowers, and the lightnings play, she pauses to decide on the course of the voyage.
It is time to return to the main subject. Confidence the most durable, as well as the most rational, is derived from a series of walks and useful actions. In the ordinary course of life we do not readily believe that the agent who for years has served us with zeal, integrity, and ability, has in a particular instance evidenced a want of wisdom, or listen with more caution to those charges which implicate his integrity. If on a comparison of Mr. Jefferson's administration with those of his predecessors, we find that his efforts have been as useful to his country as theirs, justice and liberality will for him your confidence. If they exceed the efforts of others, justice will require you to add to confidence, surplus produce is immense, be assimilated. Let us proceed to the comparison. The facts which will be stated cannot be controverted, and you will decide who has the highest claim to your confidence. Shall the fancied system of an absolute
THE THREE ADMINISTRATIONS.
UNDER THE WASHINGTON ADMINISTRATION.
THE ADAMS ADMINISTRATION.
THE JEFFERSON ADMINISTRATION.
The national debt was funded. The interest on the six per cent and six per cent interest paid on cent and three per cent was paid interest of six per cent which has been paid, and also the interest of the three per cent and the old six per cent.
The deferred stock drew an interest of six per cent which has been paid, and also the interest of the three per cent and the old six per cent.
The deferred stock drew an interest of six per cent which has been paid, and also the interest of the three per cent and the old six per cent.
The duty on foreign goods was levied.
It was continued.
It was continued, and an additional duty laid on the Mediterranean trade, to support the Tripolitan war, the products of which are equal to the excise duties which have been repealed.
A duty was laid on salt.
It was continued and an additional duty laid of eight cents per bushel.
All taxes on salt were repealed.
The excise on carriages, snuff, refined sugar, & domestic distilled spirits was levied.
It was continued.
All excise taxes were abolished.
Aid and encouragement were given to commerce.
The same encouragement & aid were continued.
The same, and still greater aid and encouragement were given to commerce.
There was an embargo.
There was no embargo.
There is an embargo.
The savages were humbled and peace restored to our frontiers.
The peace of our frontiers was preserved, and a friendly intercourse with the savages cherished.
The frontiers have been eminently extended, peace preserved, the most friendly dispositions cherished, and the savages induced to make considerable progress towards civilization.
The northern posts were gained, & the limits fixed between Spain and this nation.
No territorial question arose, except the line between Maine and Nova Scotia, which I believe is not finally settled.
The island and territory of New Orleans and all the Territory of Louisiana were purchased, whereby we have acquired the sole right to the Mississippi and all her tributary waters.
Tribute was granted to Algiers.
It was paid.
It has also been paid.
Several sums of money were borrowed, nor could it be avoided as the government was just torped.
An authority was given to loan eight millions, at eight per cent, and he actually loaned five millions, at that interest.
No loan has been made.
Treaties to aid our commerce were formed with England, Spain, Algiers. He gained redress for the injuries sustained by our merchants.
A commercial treaty was formed with Prussia. A treaty allowing tribute to the Barbary powers. A commercial treaty with France, in which our merchants gained no compensation for their losses, and the right to demand redress in future was surrendered. He never gained a cent for indemnity to our merchants.
The Tripolitans have been humbled and forced to sue for peace. No commercial treaty has been formed. The demands of the British under Jay's treaty have by a convention been fixed at six hundred thousand pounds sterling, which have been paid. By the purchase of Louisiana, three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, have been gained of France and paid over to our merchants for those demands which were surrendered under the treaty of 1800.
The native right to 410,880 acres of the national domain was extinguished.
The native right to 150,000 acres of the national domain was extinguished.
The native right to 150,061 square miles, which is equal to 95,879,040 acres of the national domain was extinguished. Thus by this administration has been brought into the stock of national wealth, as much as a farm of one hundred acres, for each family of five people in the nation.
The sedition and alien laws were passed.
The sedition law expired when this administration commenced, and the alien law was repealed.
The sedition law expired when this administration commenced, and the alien law was repealed.
The stamp duty was levied.
The stamp duty was repealed.
The stamp duty was repealed.
The land tax was laid.
The land tax and all the other internal taxes were abolished.
The land tax and all the other internal taxes were abolished.
In consequence of the war of 1807, the increase of arms and artillery cannot be stated.
Into 4770 stands the number of fifty arms have been doubled, and it will be recollected that most of the arms which this administration found in the arsenals, were those which belonged to the revolutionary army.
There have also been added 136 pieces of artillery.
The average national expense was five millions three hundred and twenty two thousand five hundred and ten dollars and twenty two cents per annum.
The average national expense has been four millions sixty three thousand and three hundred and twenty two dollars & fifty seven cents per annum.
The average national expense has been four millions sixty three thousand and three hundred and twenty two dollars & fifty seven cents per annum.
The national debt was increased three millions three hundred and ninety four thousand three hundred and seventy seven dollars and forty two cents.
The national debt has been diminished thirty three millions six hundred and thirty thousand dollars, of its principal.
The national debt has been diminished thirty three millions six hundred and thirty thousand dollars, of its principal.
This administration left in the Treasury, one million seven hundred and ninety four thousand and forty four dollars.
There are now in the Treasury sixteen millions of dollars.
There are now in the Treasury sixteen millions of dollars.
(To be continued.)
FOR SALE—The subscriber has 40 or 50 bushels of Red Clover seed for sale, of two years growth, any person wanting, can get supplied by calling on the subscriber, at Dover, in Goochland County, or Dunsmore and Turner in Richmond.
telims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he tends closing his executorship.
telims upon the said estate, are requested to make them known to the Subscriber, before the first Monday in March next, for at that time he tends closing his executorship.
GEORGE HARDING. January 14.
JAMES SEABROOK. December 31.
JAMES SEABROOK. December 31.
FOR SALE—An excellent young riding HORSE, enquire at this office, or at the Bar of the Washington Tavern. January 18th 1809.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplet & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
THE partnership of Daniel Triplet & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL TRIPLETT, SAML. P. PARSONS.
NOTICE—All persons indebted to the Estate of Mary Seabrook, dec'd. are desired to make immediate payment, and those who have
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22.
THE Subscriber wishes to hire 40 or 50 NEGRO MEN, and a few BOYS of 14 or 15 years of age, to work at the coal business the ensuing year. DANIEL TRIPLETT. Dec. 22.