Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-04-01 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVTH YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1446.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, APRIL 1, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
CONGRESS.
MARCH 22, 1808.
Message from the President of the United States, transmitting a letter from the Secretary of State, to Mr. Monroe, on the subject of the attack on the Chesapeake; also Mr. Monroe's correspondence with the British Government, and Mr. Madison's correspondence with Mr. Rose, on the same subject.
(Continued from our last.)
No. 12
TO MR. CANNING.
PORTLAND PLACE, Sept. 7, 1807.
Sir, By the order of my government it is my duty to request your attention to the aggression lately committed on the peace and sovereignty of the United States, by his Britannic majesty's ship of war Leopard, in an attack on an American frigate, the Chesapeake, off the capes of Virginia. The object of this communication is to obtain of his majesty's government a suitable reparation for that outrage, and such an arrangement of the great interest which is connected with it, as will place the future relations of the two powers on a solid foundation of peace and friendship.
In bringing this subject again to the view of his majesty's government, it is unnecessary to dwell on circumstances which are already so well known to you. By the documents which I have the honor to transmit you, it is shown that while the outrage was unprovoked and unexpected on one side, there was nothing to extenuate it on the other. The commander of his majesty's squadron on the coast of the United States, appears to have acted on a presumption, that he possessed the power to make war, and to decide on the causes of war. It will be difficult to explain the conduct of that officer on any other principle; and equally so to find an example of an aggression marked with such high indignity and injustice to a friendly power.
The pretext for this aggression could not fail to heighten the sense of injury which the act itself was so signalily calculated to excite. My government was taught to infer, from it, that there was no limit to a pretension which had already produced so much mischief and against which so many remonstrances had been presented. It is application to merchant vessels. But I find with great satisfaction that this pretension forms no topic for discussion between us in respect to ships of war; and I trust that the just and enlightened policy which produced the decision in one instance, will surmount the obstacle which has hitherto embarrassed it in the other.
The national character of the men who were taken thus violently from on board the Chesapeake, makes no part of the question. It is impossible that it should come into view in estimating the injury which the U. States have received. The outrage involves a great and uncontested principle, which ought not, in any view, to be affected by appealing to national sensibilities on either side. I have however the honor to transmit you documents which will, I presume, satisfy you that they were American citizens.
With respect to the reparation which my government ought to receive for this outrage, it will only be necessary to appeal to those sentiments which Great Britain would be sure to indulge, under like circumstances: to that sensibility to national honor, which has distinguished so many epochs of her history. It will be recollected that the injury, which itself was great, was much aggravated by the circumstances which attended it: that the peaceful relations of the U. States were violated, and their unsuspecting confidence surprised. But I forbear to recite details which it is painful to contemplate. You will, I am persuaded, be satisfied that in every light in which the subject can be seen, the honor of my government and of the whole nation has been greatly outraged by the aggression, and that it becomes the honor of his majesty's government to make a distinguished reparation for it.
In presenting, in this friendly manner, this important subject to the consideration of his majesty's government, I am particularly instructed to request its attention to the great cause to which this, and so many other injuries of a like kind may be traced; the impressment of men from the merchant vessels of the U. S. In many essential circumstances, the objections which are applicable to impressments from ships of war, are equally applicable to those from merchant vessels. To the individuals who suffer by the practice, the injury is the same in either case. Their claim on their government for protection is in both cases equal: every maxim of public law, and private right, which is violated in one, is equally violated in the other. The relation of the belligerent to the neutral power, extends to certain objects only, and is defined in each by known laws. Beyond that limit, the rights of the neutral are sacred, and cannot be encroached on without violence and injustice. Is there a question of contraband, is the vessel destined to a blockaded port in violation of established principles, or does she contain enemies property, the greatest extent to which the maritime law is carried by any nation? In these cases, she is conducted to port for trial; the parties are heard by an impartial and responsible tribunal, and are heard again by appeal if they desire it. Are any of the passengers on board the neutral vessel in the naval or military service of the enemy? If such are found they are made prisoners, but as prisoners they have rights which the opposite belligerent is bound to respect. This practice however looks to other objects
than are here recited. It involves no question of belligerent on one side, and of neutral on the other. It pursues the vessel of a friend for an unlawful purpose, which it executes in a manner equally unlawful. Every commercial vessel of the U. S. that navigates the ocean is liable to be invaded by it, and not an individual on board any of them is secure while the practice is maintained. It sets up every officer of his majesty's navy as a judge, from whose decision there is no appeal. It makes him a judge, not of property, which is held more sacred, nor of the liberty of his fellow subjects only, however great the trust, and liable to abuse on the main ocean, but of that of the citizens of another power, whose rights as a nation, are trampled on by the decision; a decision, in rendering which, every rule of evidence is violated, as it puts the proof of innocence on the accused; and is further highly objectionable, as there is too much reason to believe that it has been often guided more by the fitness of the party for service, than any other circumstance. The distressing examples of this system of aggression, as it has affected individuals, on a scale of vast extent, it is unnecessary to recount here. They may be easily imagined. Voluminous documents which prove them, are in the possession of both governments.
It is possible that this practice may in certain cases, and under certain circumstances, have been extended to the vessels of other powers; but with them there was an infallible criterion to prevent error. It would be easy to distinguish between an Englishman and a Spaniard, an Italian, or a Swede; and the clear and irresistible evidence of his national character, and perhaps of his desertion, would establish the British claim to the individual, and reconcile the nation into whose service he had entered, to his surrender. But the very circumstances which would constitute an infallible criterion in those cases, would be sure to produce endless error in the other. Who is so skilful in physiognomy as to distinguish between an American and an Englishman, especially among those whose profession and whose sea-terms are the same? It is evident that this practice, as applied to a foreign nation, to any great extent, has grown out of the American revolution, and that it is impossible for the U. S. not to see in the assertion of a claim which is utterly incompatible with that great event. When the character of this claim, and the pernicious tendency of the practice, are maturely weighed, it must furnish cause for surprise, that some just and friendly arrangement has not long since been adopted, to prevent the evils incident to it.
My government is aware that his majesty's government has also an interest of importance to attend to, in this delicate concern—and I am instructed to state, on its part, that the best disposition exists to provide for it. The U. S. are far from desiring to profit of a resource which does not belong to them, especially to the prejudice of a friendly power. In securing them against a practice, which is found to be so highly injurious to their dearest rights, and most valuable interests, every suitable provision will be made to give equal security to those of Great Britain. On this point I am authorised to enter into such an engagement as will, I am persuaded, be adequate to the object.
This great interest of impressment, has been blended in all its relations, as you will perceive, by no act of the U. S. Its connection with the late disastrous incident has been produced by an extraordinary act of violence, of which they were the victims only. That act, which exhibits the pretension in its widest range, has become identified with the general practice, in the feelings and sympathies of the nation, and in the sentiment of the government. I trust, therefore, that his majesty's government will be equally disposed to take up the whole subject at this time, and in making the reparation which the particular injury claims, provide a remedy for the whole evil. My government looks to this complete adjustment with confidence, as being indispensably necessary to heal the deep wound which has been inflicted on the national honor of the U. S. by so great and unjustifiable an outrage.
I avail myself, with great satisfaction, of the opportunity which this communication affords, to acknowledge the prompt assurance which you gave me of the disposition of his majesty's government, to make a suitable reparation to the government of the U. S. for the injury, of which, by its order, it is now my duty to complain; and for the frank disavowal of the pretension on which it was founded. I hastened to transmit copies of those documents to my government, by whom, I trust, they are by this time received.
I have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, your most obt. humble serv't, JAMES MONROE. (Signed) The Right Honorable George Canning, Bt. &c. &c.
MR. MONROE TO MR. CANNING.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and has the honor to inform him that he called at his office yesterday, for the purpose of making some remarks on the subject treated in the note which he addressed on the instant to Mr. Canning. Mr. Monroe regrets that he had not the pleasure of seeing Mr. C. at that time, and requests that he will be so good as to give him an interview to-morrow, at such hour as may be most convenient to him. Mr. Monroe will be happy to attend Mr.
Canning in the country, should it be more agreeable to Mr. Canning to receive him there.
Portland Place, Sept. 9th, 1807.
From Mr. Canning, in answer.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe, and will be happy to have the honor of seeing him at the foreign office to-morrow at 12 o'clock.
Mr. Canning has but this minute received Mr. Monroe's note. Burlington House, Wednesday, September 9, 1807. 3-4 P. M.
Duplicate. No. London, Sept. 16, 1807.
Sir, I had the honor to receive your letter of July 6th, by Dr. Bullus, on the 31st ultimo, and did not lose a moment in entering on the business communicated to me by it, in the manner which seemed most likely to obtain success. The details shall be communicated to you in my next dispatch. All that I can state at present is, that the whole subject has been placed fully before this government, in as strong an appeal to its interest and judgment as I could make, and that as a week has elapsed since my official note was presented, I am in daily expectation of receiving its decision on it. The moment it is in many views very favorable to a satisfactory result, but still it is not in my power, from any thing that has occurred, to speak with confidence of it. The joint negotiation committed to Mr. Pinckney and myself, was suspended by the intelligence of the affair with our frigate, and has never been revived since. That intelligence reached this about a week after Mr. Purvis's arrival, so that we had only been able with the utmost diligence, to take the preliminary step of presenting to Mr. Canning, in conformity to our instructions, a project, and of explaining to him in the most minute and comprehensive manner that we could, every circumstance appertaining to it. No answer was given to our communication; the suspension therefore of the negotiation was imputable to Mr. Canning; had he answered our communication and proposed to proceed in the negotiation, it would have become a question for the commission to have decided, how far it would have been proper under existing circumstances to comply with the invitation; his silence however relieved us from that dilemma.
Permit me to present to you Mr. Jos. A. Smith, of South Carolina, and to refer you to him for much information, of a general nature, on the subject of our affairs with this country. Having been long in Europe, and visited almost every part; he possesses great information of the political state of its several powers, especially of Russia, from whose sovereign he received very distinguished marks of attention. In much communication which I have had with Mr. Smith for a year past, I have found him to be animated with strong sentiments of patriotism towards his country, and as he has expressed a desire of being personally known to the President, and yourself, I have been happy to promote his object, by giving him this introduction.
I am with great respect, Sir, Your most obedient servant, JAMES MONROE. P. S. A copy of my note to Mr. Canning is enclosed. James Madison, Secretary of State.
FROM MR. CANNING. No. 16. FOREIGN OFFICE, Sept. 23d, 1807.
Sir, I have laid before the king my master the letter which I had the honor to receive from you, on the 8th of this month. Before I proceed to observe upon that part of it which relates more immediately to the question now at issue between our two governments, I am commanded, in the first instance, to express the surprise which is felt at the total omission of a subject; upon which, I had already been commanded to apply to you for information on the proclamation purported to have been issued by the President of the United States. Of this paper, when last I addressed you upon it, you professed not to have any knowledge, beyond what the ordinary channels of public information afforded, nor any authority to declare it to be authentic. I feel it an indispensable duty to renew my enquiry on this subject. The answer which I may receive from you is by no means unimportant to the settlement of the discussion which has arisen from the encounter between the Leopard and the Chesapeake.
The whole of the question arising out of that transaction, is in fact no other than a question as to the amount of reparation, due by his majesty for the unauthorised act of his officer: and you will, therefore, readily perceive that, in so far as the government of the United States have thought proper to take that reparation into their own hands, & to resort to measures of retaliation previously to any direct application to the British government, or to the British minister in America, for redress; in so far the British government is entitled to take such measures into account, and to consider them in the estimate of reparation which is acknowledged to have been originally due.
The total exclusion of all ships of war belonging to one of the two belligerent parties while the ships of war of the other were protected by the harbors of the neutral power, would furnish no light ground
of complaint against that neutral, if considered in any other point of view, than as a measure of retaliation for a previous injury; and, so considered, it cannot but be necessary to take it into account in the adjustment of the original dispute.
I am therefore distinctly to repeat the enquiry, whether you are now enabled to declare, Sir, that the proclamation is to be considered as the authentic act of your government? And, if so, I am further to enquire, whether you are authorised to notify the intention of your government to withdraw that proclamation, on the knowledge of his majesty's disavowal of the act which occasioned its publication?
The light in which you are directed to represent admiral Berkeley's conduct, and the description which you give of the character of the measure imputed to him,—that "he acted as if he had the power to make war, and to decide the causes of war;" sufficiently evince the necessity of comprehending in this discussion, all the circumstances which have led to, or have followed the action with the Chesapeake.
Undoubtedly the attack upon a national ship of war, is an act of hostility, and the very essence of the charge against admiral Berkeley, as you represent it, is the having taken upon himself to commit an act of hostility without the previous authority of his government.
The provocation which may have led to such an act, without such previous authority, if it cannot justify, may possibly extenuate it; as the steps which have been taken in reprisal, though they cannot alter the character of the original act, may and do materially affect every question concerning the reparation claimed for it.
On this ground it is, that, while I am commanded to repeat to you (what you consider as so satisfactory) that the general and unqualified pretension to search ships of war for deserters, is not asserted by this country, "I am precluded from concurring in the inference, that therefore the national character of the men who were violently taken from on board the Chesapeake, makes no part of the present question."
If the right to search ships of war for deserters is not insisted upon by this country, it is not because the employment and the detention of British mariners on board the national ship of any state, are considered as less injurious towards Great Britain than their employment on board of merchant vessels (a proposition which would be manifestly absurd): It is not intended to allow that the sailors of Great Britain may be unjustly employed, against her consent, in foreign ships of war; but merely that redress is, in that case, to be sought for by government from government; and not to be summarily enforced by the unauthorised officer of any of his majesty's ships of war.
It follows from this reasoning, that not only the "national character" of the men taken out of the Chesapeake is matter for consideration; but that the reparation to be made by the British government to that of the United States, would depend, among other circumstances, on the question whether an act, which the British government would be justified in considering as an act of hostility, had been committed by the government of the United States, (in refusing to discharge the British seamen in their national service) previously to commission of an act of hostility of an officer of his majesty.
The act of the British officer would still be an unauthorised act, and as such liable to complaint and disapprobation; but the case, as between government, and government, would be materially varied.
At the same time that I offer to you this explanation of the principles upon which his majesty has authorised me to discuss with you the subject of your representation, and that I renew to you the assurance of the disposition to conduct that discussion in the most amicable form, and to bring it to a conclusion satisfactory to the honor and to the feelings of both countries; it is matter of regret that you should have been instructed to annex to the demand of reparation for the attack of the Leopard upon the Chesapeake, any proposition whatever respecting the search for British seamen in merchant vessels; a subject, which is wholly unconnected with the case of the Leopard and the Chesapeake, and which can only tend to complicate and embarrass a discussion, in itself of sufficient delicacy and importance.
In stating the grounds upon which your government expect with confidence that "the whole subject of impressment shall be taken up at this time," and that in making the reparation which is claimed for the particular injury alleged to have been sustained by the United States, in the late unfortunate transaction off the capes of Virginia, "a remedy shall be provided for the whole evil," you appear to have been directed to assume that this act of violence (such as you describe it) is the natural and almost necessary result of the practice of impressment of British seamen from the merchant vessels of other states; and to represent the particular transaction and the general question of impressment, as identified in the feelings and sympathies of your nation, as well as in the sentiment of your government.
With every attention due to the feelings of the people of the U. S. I am sure you will readily allow that those feelings cannot properly be considered as affecting the merits of the case.
The first ebullitions of national sensibility may very naturally have communicated an impulse to the proceedings of the American government; but it cannot be expected, that they should guide the delibe-
rate opinions and conduct of the government with which you have to treat. I would far rather observe to you, that your government cannot reasonably claim any advantage in argument from the expressed sense of its own people, unless it be prepared at the same time to take upon itself a responsibility (which there is no desire of enforcing) for the outrage and indecency, which, for the late occasions that expression has in too many instances been accompanied. It is better for temperate reasoning, and assuredly it is more advantageous for the government of the U. S. that the consideration of popular feeling should be wholly omitted in this discussion.
The right and the practice of which you are instructed to complain, are irreconcilable in all their parts, have been exercised by Great Britain from the earliest ages of the British naval power, even without any qualification or exception in favor of national ships of war.
The grounds upon which such a distinction has been admitted in later times, and upon which, for the course of nearly a century, the crown has forbore to instruct the commanders of its ships of war, to search foreign ships of war for deserters, I have already had the honor to explain to you:—And you will have perceived that those grounds are wholly inapplicable to ships in the merchant service.
That a foreign power will not, knowingly, retain in its national service, mariners, the natural born subjects of his majesty, who have been recalled by the public proclamation, may be regarded as a presumption arising out of the hostile nature of the act, and out of the probable consequences to which such an act of hostility must lead, but with respect to merchant vessels, the case is such presumption.
When mariners, subjects of his majesty, are employed in the private service of foreign individuals, under private civil contracts, the king's subjects, and the foreign individuals with whom they serve, enter into engagements inconsistent with the duty of his majesty's subjects towards him; but to those engagements the government of the foreign nation has not made itself a party.
In such cases, the species of redress which the practice of all times has admitted and sanctioned, is that of taking these subjects at sea, out of the service of such foreign individuals; and recalling them to the discharge of that previous and paramount duty which they owe to their sovereign again to their country.
That the exercise of this right involves some of the dearest interests of Great Britain, your government is ready to acknowledge, and has accordingly authorised you to propose certain regulations, which you apprehend would be equivalent in their effect for the preservation of the interests concerned.
There will be no indisposition here to entertain, at a proper time the discussion of such proposed regulations. But when you recollect that many proposals to this effect have already been brought forward, and have been found wholly inadmissible; when you have, yourself, had occasion to experience the difficulty of framing any satisfactory arrangement upon the subject; with all the anxiety which is properly felt by both governments for the speedy adjustment of the difference between them, and for the healing of that deep wound which "you state to have been inflicted on the national honor of the U. States;" surely it is not well-advised to make the termination of that difference, and the healing that wound, dependent wholly on the complete success of an attempt, which has already been made so often, and which has hitherto uniformly failed.
Your own reasoning shews that you are aware of the more than ordinary difficulty which must attend any arrangement for the prevention of desertion, between two nations, whose language, and habits, and whose identity of language, interpose so many impediments to the discrimination of "national character."
To these circumstances, and not (as you almost seem to insinuate) to any peculiar harshness towards the U. S. it is owing, that the exercise of the right, as with respect to them, is necessarily more frequent, than with respect to any other nation; and is felt by them to be more rigid and vexatious. But these circumstances cannot furnish an argument for the suspension of the exercise of the right with respect to America; unless it be contended, that multiplicity of frauds and difficulty of detection are reasons against suspicion or motives for acquiescence.
As little foundation is there for the complaint that the practice has grown out of the recognition of American independence; and that the character of that event is affected by its continuance.
It is needless to repeat that these rights existed in their fullest force, for ages previous to the establishment of the U. States of America as an independent government; and it would be difficult to contend that the recognition of that independence can have operated any change in this respect; unless it can be shown that it acknowledged the government of the United States, Great Britain virtually abdicated her own rights as a naval power; or unless there were any express stipulations by which the ancient and prescriptive usages of Great Britain, founded in the soundest principles of natural law, though still enforced against other independent nations of the world, were to be suspended whenever they might come in contact with the interests or the feelings of the American people.
I would now recall your attention to the consideration of the question respecting

The late transaction between the Leopard and the Chesapeake; which till the receipt of your letter, I imagine to be the only question actually in discussion between us, and in consideration of the delicacy and pressing importance of which, we had, by common consent, waved the consideration of all other matters pending between our two governments.
Into the discussion of this question I am prepared to enter; with what disposition, on the part of his majesty's government, to consult the feelings and the honor of the government of the U. States, it is not necessary for me here to declare—for you have yourself done justice to the sincerity of that disposition.
The difficulties in the way of such adjustment are already smoothed, by the disavowal, voluntarily offered, at the very outset of the discussion, of the general and unqualified pretension to search ships of war for deserters. There remained only to ascertain the facts of the particular case, and to proportion the reparation to the wrong.
Is the British government not understood, that you, sir, are not authorized to enter into this question separately and distinctly; without having obtained, as a preliminary concession, the consent of this country to enter into discussion with respect to the practice of searching merchant vessels for deserters?
Whether any arrangement can be devised, by which this practice may admit of modification, without prejudice to the essential rights and interests of Great Britain, is a question, which as I have already said, the British government may, at a proper season, be ready to entertain; but, whether the consent of Great Britain to the entering into such discussion shall be exacted as the price of an amicable adjustment, as the condition of being admitted to make honorable reparation for an injury, is a question of quite a different sort, and one which can be answered no otherwise than by an unqualified refusal.
I earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to consider whether the instructions which you have received from your government, may not leave you at liberty to come to an adjustment of the case of the Leopard and the Chesapeake, independently of the other question, with which it appears to have been unnecessarily connected.
If your instructions leave you no discretion, I cannot press you to act in contradiction to them. In that case there can be no advantage in pursuing a discussion which you are not authorized to conclude: and I shall have only to regret that the disposition of his majesty to terminate that difference amicably and satisfactorily, is for the present rendered unavailable.
In that case, his majesty in pursuance of the disposition of which he has given such signal proofs, will lose no time in sending a minister to America, furnished with the necessary instructions and powers for bringing this unfortunate dispute to a conclusion, consistent with the harmony subsisting between Great Britain and the United States. But, in order to avoid the inconvenience which has arisen, from the nature of your instructions, that minister will not be empowered to entertain, as connected with this subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels.
It will, however, be far more satisfactory to his majesty to learn, that upon reconsideration, you think yourself authorized to separate the two questions.
I hope you will allow me to express, at the same time, the sincere pleasure which I should feel in having to treat with you, sir, personally, for the re-establishment of a good understanding between our two countries.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) GEORGE CANNING.
Portland Place, Sept. 22, 1807.
Sir,—I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 23d of this month, and shall transmit it without delay to my government. I perceive by it, with great regret, that his Britannic majesty's government is not disposed to enter into an arrangement at this time, of all the differences that have arisen between our governments, respecting the impressment of seamen from American vessels by British cruisers; that it is willing to look to one object only, the late aggression, and provide for it, while the other is left to depend on future adjustment. My government had presumed that his majesty's government would have seen in the recent and greater injury, a strong motive for bringing the whole subject into one view, and providing for it at the same time. The excess of the latter outrage could not fail to revive in the mind of the suffering party, a high sense of former injuries, and it was reasonable to infer that the great injustice I separate from the practice, of which the incident furnished so striking an example, would have produced between our governments the most prompt and friendly co-operation in the means of suppressing it. That the U. S. have suffered a greater injury by a recent occurrence, than they had done before, cannot be a good reason, and ought not to be a motive for delaying redress of the others, especially when it is considered that they were already in a train of amicable accommodation and arrangement. Since, however, you inform me that his majesty's government is unwilling to take up the subject in a combined view, it is unnecessary for me to press it.
You ask whether I am authorized to separate this latter incident from the general practice, and to treat it as a distinct topic? On this point I have to state, that my instructions, which are explicit, enjoin me to consider the whole of this class of injuries as an entire subject; and indeed so intimately are they connected in their nature, that it seems to be difficult, if not impossible, to separate them for any useful purpose to either party. My government being sincerely desirous to place the relations of the two powers, on the solid basis of permanent friendship, is satisfied, as well by what has occurred in the general practice, as by the more awful admonition derived from the late incident, that that can only be done with effect, by mounting to the source of the evil, and providing an adequate remedy for it. In pursuing this great object, it is my duty to repeat, that my government does not seek to confine the remedy proposed to the injuries which the U. S. have suffered, and continue to suffer, but is desirous to extend it to those also which are complained of by Great Britain. Experience has shown that both parties complain of injuries, though certainly of a very different character and less urgent nature. How much more advi-
sable then is it not, in every view, forthem to enter into an arrangement which shall provide an adequate remedy for their respective injuries; which shall bind the honor of each government to do what is just and right in respect to the other, and enlist the feelings of each nation on its side, than to suffer things to remain longer in their present state? How much more advantageous would not such an arrangement be likely to prove to Great Britain, in the particular object which she has in view, than her adherence to a practice which rejects a means which could not fail to be more productive; a practice which cannot be maintained in principle; which leads by immutable causes, that ought to inspire different sentiments in the parties to each other, to great and constant abuse, and which is also considered by the U. S. as subversive of their rights, and degrading to their character as an independent power.
So much I have thought it proper to state, in order to place in a just light, the conduct of my government on the present occasion, on this great and very interesting subject of impressment. Well knowing its desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with Great Britain, on just and honorable conditions, it would be highly improper that any doubt should be suffered to exist on that point.
You inform me that his majesty has determined, in case my instructions do not permit me to separate the late aggression from the general practice of impressment, to transfer the business to the U. S. by committing it to a minister who shall be sent there with full powers to conclude it. To that measure I am far from being disposed to raise any obstacle, and shall immediately apprise my government of the decision to adopt it. Under such circumstances, I perfectly agree with you in the opinion, that it would be useless to pursue a discussion, which it would be impossible for me to bring to a satisfactory conclusion.
It is still my duty to give the explanation which you have desired, of the motives which induced the President to adopt the measures announced in his proclamation, of the 2d July last. However great the injury which the U. S. had received by the aggression complained of, it is just that it should be shewn that the President did not lose sight in those measures of the friendly relations subsisting between the two powers. When the hostile nature of the attack on the Chesapeake, is taken into view, and the general conduct of the British squadron within the waters of the U. S. before and after the attack, I am persuaded that there was no limit to which the President would not have been justified in going, which he might have thought essential to the honor and safety of the nation. Before the attack, the British squadron had violated the jurisdiction of the U. S. by the impressment of men within it, whom the commander had refused to surrender; and after the attack the attitude which he assumed continued to be of a very menacing and hostile character. An act of hostility, it must be admitted, justifies any act of a like nature towards the party who commits it. The President, however, did not believe that his majesty's government had authorized the conduct of the British squadron, and his measures were evidently founded on that belief. They were marked by no circumstance of hostility, or of relation towards Great Britain; but were intended simply to preserve order within the jurisdiction of the U. S. to which end the removal of the British squadron without their limits became indispensable. After the acts of violence which had been committed by that squadron, it was impossible that it should remain longer there without increasing the irritation and widening the breach between the two nations, which it was the earnest object of the President to prevent. There certainly existed no desire of giving a preference in favor of the ships of war of one belligerent party to those of another. Before this aggression, it is well known, that his Britannic majesty's ships lay within the waters of the Chesapeake, and enjoyed all the advantages of the most favored nation; it cannot therefore be doubted that my government will be ready to restore them to the same situation, as soon as it can be done consistently with the honor and rights of the U. S. States.
I cannot conclude this communication without expressing my earnest hope, that the differences which have unhappily arisen between our governments may soon be settled, on conditions honorable and satisfactory to both the parties. To have co-operated with you in the accomplishment of so great and useful a work, would have been highly gratifying to me. The disposition which you have brought to the discussion, and the sentiments which you communicated on the principal transaction, when the first intelligence of it was received, have inspired me with great confidence, that we should soon have been able to bring it to such a conclusion. To have been a party to it, would have terminated my mission to his majesty in the mode which I have long and sincerely desired.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MONROE.
TO MR. CANNING.
PORTLAND PLACE, Oct. 9, 1807.
Mr. Monroe presents his compliments to Mr. Canning, and requests that he will be so good as to inform him, whether it is intended, that the minister whom his majesty proposes to send to the government of the U. S. shall be employed in a special mission without having any connection immediate or eventual with the ordinary legation. Mr. Monroe has inferred from Mr. Canning's note, that the mission, will be of the special nature above described, but he will be much obliged to Mr. Canning, to inform him, whether he has taken a correct view of the measure. Mr. Monroe will also be happy to know of Mr. Canning at what time it is expected the minister will sail for the U. S. Mr. Canning will be sensible that Mr. Monroe's motive in requesting this information is, that he may be enabled to communicate it without delay to his government, the propriety of which, he is persuaded Mr. Canning will readily admit.
Mr. Monroe requests Mr. Canning to accept the assurance of his high consideration.
The Right Honorable
GEORGE CANNING, &c. &c. &c.
FROM MR. CANNING.
FOREIGN OFFICE, Oct. 10, 1807.
Mr. Canning presents his compliments to Mr. Monroe: and in acknowledging the honor of his note of yesterday, has great pleasure in assuring him that he is at all times ready to answer any enquiries to which Mr. Monroe attaches any importance, and which it is in Mr. Canning's power to answer with precision, without public inconvenience. But it is not in Mr. Canning's power to state with confidence what may be the eventual determination of his majesty in respect to the permanent mission in America. The mission of the minister whom his majesty is now about to send will certainly be limited in the first instance to the discussion of the question of the Chesapeake.
TriPLICATE.
London, October 10, 1807.
Sir, I have the honor to transmit you by doctor Ballis, a copy of my correspondence with Mr. Canning on the subject which was committed to my care, by your letter of the 6th of July last. You will find by it, that the pressure which has been made on this government, in obedience to the instruction contained in that letter, has terminated in a decision to send a minister to the U. S. to adjust the business there. What the powers of that minister will be; whether it is intended to confine them to the sole object of reparation for the special outrage, or to extend them, in case the proposed separation of that from the general topic of impressment is admitted, to the latter object, it is not in my power to state. Mr. Canning has given me no information on that head in conference, and his note is not explicit on it. It states that the minister who shall be sent to the U. S. to bring the dispute relative to the attack on the Chesapeake to a conclusion, shall not be empowered to entertain, as connected with that subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels—a presumption is authorised by those terms, that the minister will have power to treat on the general topic after the special one is arranged. But it is possible that that presumption may have been raised for some other purpose, or that the terms which excited it, were introduced merely to convey the idea that the mission should be confined to the special object.
In the discharge of this delicate and important trust, I thought that I should be able more effectually to promote its object, by opening the subject to Mr. Canning in conference, than by an official note. As the attitude taken by my government, which was evidently supported by the whole nation, was of a very impressive nature, it seemed probable from the feverish state of the public mind here in regard to us, that a tone of conciliation which should not weaken the pressure, would be more likely to succeed in obtaining the reparation desired, than an official and peremptory demand. Under this impression, I had several conferences with Mr. Canning, the substance of which, in each, I will endeavor to state with precision. A knowledge of what passed in these interviews, in aid of that which is afforded by the correspondence, will enable you to form the most correct idea of the object of the proposed mission, that present circumstances will admit of.
The first interview, was on the 3d of September, as soon as it could be obtained, after the receipt of your letter of July the 6th, which was on the 30th of August. I informed Mr. Canning, that as I wished the discussion in which we were about to enter, to terminate amicably and honorably to both our governments; I had asked the interview, for the purpose of promoting that desirable end; that by explaining to each other fully, in friendly conference, the views of our respective governments, relative to the late aggression, I was persuaded that it would be more easy for us to arrange the business, to the satisfaction of both parties, than by any other mode which we could pursue. He expressed his sensibility to that which I had chosen, and his readiness to concur in it; I then stated in detail, in explicit terms, the reparation which my government thought the U. S. entitled to, and expected that they should receive, for the injury and indignity offered by the late aggression: that the men taken from the frigate should be restored to it; that the officers who had committed the aggression should be exemplarily punished; that the practice of impressment from merchant vessels should be suppressed; and that the reparation consisting of those several acts should be announced to our government, through the medium of a special mission, a solemnity which the extraordinary nature of the aggression particularly required. I observed that as the aggression and the principle on which it was founded had been frankly disavowed as soon as known, by his government, I was persuaded that there could be no serious objection on its part, to any of the acts which it was desired should constitute the proposed reparation: that to the first act, the restoration of the men, there could doubtless be none, as the least that could be done, after such an outrage, would be to replace the U. S. as far as it might be practicable on the ground they held before the injury was received: that the punishment of the officers followed, as a necessary consequence, to the disavowal of the act: that the suppression of the practice of impressment from merchant vessels had been made indispensable by the late aggression, for reasons which were sufficiently well known to him. I stated to him that the mode in which it was desired that the reparation should be made, by a special mission, was that which had been adopted by other powers, and by Great Britain herself, for injuries less severe than the one alluded to, of which I gave him the examples furnished me in your letter of July 6th—Mr. Canning took a note of what I had stated, and made some general remarks on the whole subject, which were intended to give a view of it, on each point, but without compromising himself in a positive manner on any one. He said that, by the proclamation of the President, and the seizure and detention of some men who had landed on the coast to procure water, the government seemed to have taken redress into its own hands; he complained of the difference which he said had been made between France and England, by restoring deserters to the vessels of the former, and not the latter: he insisted that the late aggression was an act different in all respects from the former practice, and ought not to be connected with it, as it shewed a disposition to make a particular incident, in which they were in the wrong, instrumental to an accommodation in a case where his government held a different doctrine. I urged in reply, that the proclamation could not be considered as an act of hostility or retaliation for injuries, though the aggression had provoked and would have justified any the strongest act of reprisal, but as a mere measure of police, which had become indispensable for the preservation of order within the limits of the U. S. States; I informed him that the men who had landed from the squadron, in defiance of the proclamation, and of the law on which it was founded, had been restored to it: that with respect to the other point in difference, said to be made in the case of deserters from British and French ships, I was unacquainted with the fact, but was satisfied, if the statement was correct, that the difference was imputable to the local authorities, and not to the national government, because as the U. S. were not bound by treaty to restore deserters from the service of either nation, it was not presumable that their government would interfere in the business. I observed, however, that if such a preference had been given, there was a natural and justifiable cause for it, proceeding from the conduct of the squadrons of France and England, on the coast of the U. S. and on the main ocean, it being a well known fact that the former did not maintain as a right or adopt in practice the doctrine of the latter, to impress seamen from our merchant vessels. I then discussed at length, and urged with great earnestness the justice, and policy of his terminating at this time all the differences which had arisen between our governments from this cause, by an arrangement which should suppress the practice on the part of Great Britain, and remedy the evil of which she complained.
In aid of those reasons which were applicable to the merits of the question, I urged the example given by the late ministry, in the paper of Nov. 8th, presented to Mr. Pinkney and myself, by the British commissioners, which had, as I thought, laid the foundation of such an arrangement. I stated that as it was stipulated by that paper, that the negotiation should be kept open for the purpose of arranging this great interest, without prejudice to the rights of either power, it was fairly to be understood as the sense of both parties, that our rights were to be respected, till that arrangement was concluded; whence it would follow that the same effect would be produced in practice, as if it had been provided for by treaty. I relied on this paper and the construction which I thought it admitted, with which, however, the practice had since in no degree corresponded, to shew the extent to which the former ministry had gone in meeting the just views of our government, and thereby to prove that the present ministry in improving that ground had nothing to apprehend from the preceding one. Mr. Canning admitted that the view which I had taken of this paper derived much support from its contents, and the time and circumstances under which it was presented, but persisted in his desire to keep the subjects separate. I proposed, as an expedient to get rid of his objection, that we should take up and arrange both points informally, in which case, provided it was done in a manner to be obligatory, I offered to frame my note which should demand reparation for the outrage, in general terms, so as that it should not appear by official document, that the subjects had any connection in the negotiation. I urged that unless it was intended to make no provision against impressment from merchant vessels, I could see no objection to his meeting me on that ground, as after what had passed, it was impossible to take up either subject without having the other in view, and equally so to devise any mode which should keep them more completely separate, than that which I proposed. Mr. Canning still adhered to his doctrine of having nothing to do with impressment from merchant vessels, till the affair of the Chesapeake was disposed of, after which he professed his willingness to proceed to the other object. In this manner the conference ended, without having produced the arrangement which I had hoped from it. Mr. Canning's conduct was in all other respects conciliatory.
My note to Mr. Canning was founded on the result of this conference. As it had not been in my power to come to any agreement with him on the general subject of impressment from merchant vessels, I considered it my duty to combine it with the affair of the Chesapeake, in the paper which I presented him to claim reparation for the outrage. I thought it best, however, to omit the other acts, of which it was desired that the reparation should consist. It seemed probable that a specification of each circumstance, in the note, would increase the indisposition of the ministry to accommodate, and give it support with the nation, in a complete rejection of the demand. I expressed myself therefore in regard to the other acts, in general and conciliatory terms, but with all the force in my power. The details had been communicated to Mr. Canning in conference too recently to be forgotten. Still it was just that no improper inference should be drawn from the omission of them. To prevent it, I obtained an interview of Mr. Canning immediately after my note was presented, in which, after reminding him of the omission alluded to, the motive to which I presumed he could not mistake, I added that my object in asking the interview had been to repeat to him informally, what I had stated in the former one, the other acts of which my government expected that the reparation should consist. In this interview nothing occurred without the limit of the special object for which it had been obtained. Mr. Canning did not lead the conversation to any other topic, and I could not invite it.
Mr. Canning's answer to my note was delayed more than a fortnight. Having refused to treat the subject in connection, and intimated in plain terms that if I was not authorized to separate them, it would be useless to prolong the discussion, I thought it improper to press it. My reply was equally explicit, so that with it the negotiation ended. The measure which he announced, as being determined on by the
king, in case I could not agree to the separation, is completely the act of his government. You will observe that it is announced in a form which precludes in a great degree, the idea of its being adopted at my suggestion, as an act of reparation, and in a tone of decision which seemed equally to preclude my holding any communication with him on it.
My mission being thus brought to an end, has afforded an opportunity for me to return to the U. States, as I have long desired. Nothing but the great interest which I take in the welfare of my country, and my earnest desire to give all the aid in my power to the present administration, in support of the principles of our most excellent constitution, would have detained me here so long. In the present state, however, it is not possible, if in any it would be, for me to render any service by a longer continuance here. As soon, therefore, as I had answered Mr. Canning's note, I communicated to him my intention to return, & requested that he would be so good as to obtain for me an audience of the king for the purpose of taking my leave of him. This was granted on the 7th of this month, in which I renewed the assurance of the sincere desire of my government, to preserve the most friendly relation between the United States and Great Britain, which sentiment was reciprocated by his majesty. Mr. Pinkney succeeds me by an arrangement with Mr. Canning, which will appear in the enclosed copy of my correspondence with him, and which I have full confidence the President will approve. I regret that in transferring the business into his hands, I do not leave him altogether free from difficulty.
I have the honor to be,
with great respect, Sir,
Your most obt. servt.
JAMES MONROE.
James Madison, esq.
Secretary of State.
P. S. Not being satisfied with the undefined character of the proposed mission of the United States, and Mr. Canning having communicated nothing new to me on the subject, in my interview with him on the day I was presented to the king, although an opportunity was offered for the purpose, I wrote him a note after the commencement of this letter, to make certain enquiries on that head, a copy of which note, and of his answer, is herewith enclosed. You will observe that he still holds himself aloof on it. I thought it my duty, and that it comported with strict delicacy, to make the enquiry, and I cannot but consider his reserve as affording cause for an unfavorable inference. It is probable, however, as the door is left open for further communication between us till the moment of my departure, that he will take some other occasion to explain himself more fully on the subject. You may be assured that I will seek every favorable opportunity to obtain such explanation of him.
FROM MR. CANNING.
Foreign Office Oct. 22, 1807.
Sir,
Having seen in the American newspapers, an official article (of which I have the honor to enclose a copy) prohibiting all intercourse between the inhabitants of the United States, and his majesty's ships of war universally ; I have the honor to request that you will have the goodness to inform me, whether this prohibition will extend to the ship of war, in which a minister accredited from his majesty, and charged with a mission to the American government, shall arrive in any of the ports of the United States? or whether you, or Mr. Pinkney, can undertake to furnish Mr. Rose with such documents, as shall ensure his admission into the American ports, and a reception therein, suitable to the character with which he is invested?
I have the honor to be,
with great consideration, Sir,
Your most obt. humble servt.
(Signed) GEO: CANNING.
James Monroe, esq.
&c. &c. &c.
TO MR. CANNING.
Portland Place, Oct. 23, 1807
Sir,
I have the honor to state in reply to your letter of yesterday, that the case to which you alluded, is specially provided for by the proclamation of the President. You will observe, on a view of that document, that an exception is made, from the prohibition it contains on other vessels, in favor of such ships of his majesty as may enter the ports of the United States with dispatches from his majesty's government. Had the case of a public minister, employed in a special mission to my government, not been comprised in that exception, as it clearly is, I have no hesitation in stating that he would be received without delay, at any port at which he might arrive. I have the honor to add, that Mr. Pinkney and myself will be happy to give to his majesty's minister every facility in our power, to secure him the reception at the port of his destination which is due to his public character, and promote his speedy arrival at the seat of the government of the United States.
I have the honor to be,
with great consideration, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MONROE.
The Right Honorable
George Canning,
&c. &c. &c.
To be Sold
TO the highest bidder, for ready money, on Thursday the 21st instant, April, at the house called Napier's Tavern, in the town of Columbia, a
Tract of Land
whereon Abraham Shepard now lives, on the Rivanna, in the county of Fluvanna, containing by a late survey, 334 acres, more or less, adjoining the lands of Charles Adams, Richard Adams, Pleasant Bybee, and others, being land sold by David Ross to said Shepard, and conveyed by him, Shepard, to us in trust, to secure a debt due to said Ross, as stated in said trust deed, which said debt has since been assigned by said Ross to Henry E. Coleman—We sell our right as trustees only.
George Holman,
William Pasteur,
Jacob Myers,
Trustees.
1st April, 1808.
tdo

WE will venture to prophecy the wonderful effects to be produced by the President's last communication to Congress, accompanied by the very important and interesting documents, which are now publishing.
Messrs. Philo, Pacificus, Spartacus, and the Virginian, will discover the error of their ways, in favoring and eulogizing the rejected treaty, which they had never seen, and insinuating that our administration were the culpable cause of the present embargo; but, whether they will have the magnanimity to acknowledge and confess their sins, is more than we can tell. It is to be hoped, however, that they will do so, and return to the right path, repenting, and resolving to transgress no more, when they discover that Col. MONROE, whom they have long been injuring by their mistaken, tho' well-meant, zeal in his favor, himself approved of the rejection of the treaty.
Truly terrible is the blow which this grand development will inflict on the enemies of the administration. They will see, and, in spite of themselves, be convinced, that the government has acted with firmness and impartiality towards both the belligerent powers; having uniformly nothing in view but the good of our country, and aiming to attain it, by inflexibly maintaining her rights. Even Timothy Pickering will shrink aghast from the light of evidence; he will hold down his head, and be struck dumb. If he could speak, and was really noted (as he modestly says of himself) for never telling an untruth, he would own the charge of French influence in our councils to be altogether false and unfounded.
The lofty Lord FALKLAND, leader of the minority, will find he was grievously mistaken in charging Mr. Madison with want of energy.
The Grecian CONON, so famous in the battle, will break his lance in dismay; that lance which ought always to have been levelled at tyrants, not at patriots and republicans.
The seventeen PROTESTERS, together with their faithful allies the federalists, will mourn their blasted hopes of discord, and division, and gnash their teeth in despair: for all, except the incorrigible few, will unite in their country's cause, and resolve to support Mr. MADISON for the Presidential chair.
The whole world will be satisfied that the great and good MONROE has always been faithful to his duty and his principles; that he never has been opposed to the measures of the present administration, but has always been the political as well as personal friend of JAMES MADISON. Thus, have the attempts to set these illustrious men in array against each other, proved totally abortive.
Such we predict will be the effects of the information now given to the public. But the STANCH Federalists; Quids and Randolphians will persevere, notwithstanding all this; for, "seeing they will not see, and hearing they will not hear, lest they should repent and reform, and the Lord should spare them."
We are requested to state that William Jones, Esq. will not serve on the committee for supporting the Monroe ticket in the county of Caroline.
FOR THE ARGUS.
ELECTION OF A PRESIDENT.
As astronomers in the arrangement of celestial bodies, have designated some of the first magnitude, others of the second, and in successive order down to the eighth, according to their apparent diameters. So politicians may rank their state matters into a variety of magnitudes, according to their power in influencing the whole, or a part of the body politic.
No political object of equal importance, can present itself in the hemisphere of citizens, as the election of a President. Not only counties, and portions of states are concerned, but the nation of all the states completely taken from a right choice, may augment the quality, and magnitude of their felicity: vice versa, from a mistake in their election the good people in the union, may increase the number and quantity of their miseries. Let wisdom, and extreme caution, prevail in this infinitely consequential business.
Numbers of candidates will dart into the hemisphere of election: then, let the statesmen, the electors, measure the figure of the orbit in which they move, in order to discover how near they may approach to the real utility of the union, or how far they may be distant therefrom.
External appearances may delude the simple, and the honest; but the man of wisdom, must penetrate into the interior essences to prevent imposture. Let men then be elected according to their real and known value, and not from imaginary qualities.
The man that has done most for the United States, in all probability, will continue his future exertions, according to the order of his former tried conduct.
Setting apart from the election the other candidates, in this instance, let it be supposed that the impending election wholly rests, betwixt colonel Monroe and secretary Madison, both worthy moral characters and both resolute friends to their country, and the real essence of republicanism.
Let us now examine the times past, that we may the more easily and certainly conclude concerning events, as yet, under the veil of futurity.
Let us weigh these two gentlemen in the impartial balance, which respects the profit of the union.
In storms in the ocean, men have most turned their eyes to him who, in former tempests, may have saved their lives, their ship and property.
There is a striking resemblance betwixt the above, and the situation of states in certain periods.
The man who, in former days, have saved from, or quieted the tempest, when possessing his former wisdom and philanthropy; no doubt should be most depended on, to keep in the prospect of, or in the actual subjection to state hurricanes.
Not many years ago, an apparent dreadful political gust from France, threatened this happy union, and our worthy leader, Washington,
intensely looked out for the mean, best calculated to extinguish, or diminish the menacing evil.
Sometimes he turned his attention to one friend of the union, and sometimes to another, and when weighing them in the scale of his judgment, he found them wanting in some particular, tho' otherwise worthy citizens and friendly to their country.
But, when that brave hero and consummate statesman, cast his eye on colonel Monroe, all competition ceased to exist. This gentleman seemed in aggregate to possess the whole qualities necessary for the important affair of quieting the ocean, that the political ship and cargo, might sail in smooth waters.
Colonel Monroe went to France in the most tremendous times that ever existed from the creation. He procured a quietus for the union, which in some measure has lasted to the present day.
Again, within the horizon of the U. States about the distance of four, or five years ago, from the Island of Great Britain, appeared a tornado, threatening to shake the very centre, scale to annoy, and confound us much. President Jefferson, that firm and early friend of the union, projected in his mind, what politician of consequence, he must depute to defend us from the threatening danger. He had musingly to his choice, who would have been exceedingly glad to have been commissioned on this occasion. Whom then did he elect for the above important object? Colonel Monroe was the person whom the present President judged most eligible, and of consequence, in his view, must fit.
Monroe has been the object chosen in perilous times, by two great and worthy Presidents, and from these premises, it may be a fair conclusion to say, that the person thus twice selected by the above sages characters, must be deserving. Our times at present are somewhat alarming; let us look then to our former friend, said the Asiatic philosopher.—Thine own, and thy father's friend, forget thou not. A man's opportunities of improvement, and not intrinsic qualities, alone constitute the man of abilities. Some Indians on the prougs of the Missouri, may have innate abilities equal to the son of Philip, or a Bonaparte; but for want of opportunity, their actions remain on a small scale. Madison's original abilities, no doubt, are great, but he has not had the famous opportunity of the French school, famous for finessing, and that of Great-Britain, noted for acting under disguise.
Some urge, that secretary Madison's sublime literary abilities, should determine the election. The writer owns that, not being personally acquainted with that gentleman, he knows not minutely how far in this point, he may be said to exceed Col. Monroe.
Let us, however, suppose that Mr. Madison, that worthy, moral character, may be master of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, &c. and qualified in the most essential branches of philosophy, that he can at pleasure investigate the properties of the P. parabola, Hyperbola, &c. What then? These above qualifications would rather make him a fit person in a university, than render him capable of steering the helm of such an important vessel in such perilous times. One pound of genuine political knowledge, is worth a ton of literature in languages and philosophy, in this critical moment.
Wherefore citizens, then look out. Much depends on your choice. The fate of many millions, in some measure, is decided by your election.
FOR THE ARGUS.
EUSEBIUS—No. V.
Having sufficiently proved that there is a God of infinite power, but that he is so far beyond all human comprehension, that a revelation respecting his being and attributes, is absolutely necessary for the information of the generality of mankind; and having shown from the nature and disposition of man, that his happiness depends on a proper knowledge of God; therefore, that as God appears in all his works to have displayed great beneficence, and towards man, a peculiar kind attention, hence it might well be expected, that he would make such a revelation of himself, as the scriptures say he has made, I will now return to show that God did make himself known to man, before I proceeded further in my attempt to prove that Christ has revealed all that can be known, or ought to be known, by such a creature as man respecting his creator. For, he not only in a most striking manner made himself known to the Israelites, Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes, and Persians, in ancient days, as has been before observed, but he has to our time displayed his power, and demonstrated his superintending providence to the nations of the earth, by dispersing amongst them the Jews, who are a living monument of his almighty power, and of his ruling over the affairs of men! He has been seen, but a few ages past, leading, not Israelites indeed, but Spaniards and English, into another Canaan, and destroying the idolatrous Hittites and Hivites of America: and he has been seen, infatuating a British monarch, and his subjects, chastising them for their sins, and the abuse of the great power with which he had invested them. And we have seen, the sins of all Europe in fact, and the hypocrisy and immorality of the Bishops, Priests, Kings, Queens, Princes, and nobles of France, scourged with a rod of iron: and the Kings of Spain, and Portugal, of Sweden, Sardinia and Naples, chastised in a miraculous manner! and the atheism of the French republic, miraculously checked, and humbled in the dust! And I may add, we have seen his protecting hand, stretched forth to shield the innocent British colonists, against the deadly blows aimed at them by their cruel king.
For it is a fact, that some of the most wonderful interpositions of providence, which have ever been recorded, except in the scriptures, circumstances are of too much importance to be omitted, but too numerous to be related here; but some of them, every Virginian ought to hear frequently, and never forget.—When five British tenders, were endeavoring to force their way into Hampton, to burn that little patriotic village, and fired on the few trees which opposed them, till forced to abandon their enterprise, on their second day's attempt, in which they lost one or two of their leading vessels, there was not a man killed or wounded. A company of regulars, under captain G. Nicholas, and of another of minute men, commanded by capt. G. Lynes, and of one or two of militia the first day, nor of those corps, and one hundred rifle-men, of the regular troops, with which they were reinforced early in the second day's contest, was there a single person, nor one of the inhabitants of the town killed or wounded: and after a daily firing for five or six days at the great bridge, and in Tordyke's gallant sortie and attack on our breast work at that place, commanded by the brave Lt. Travis, we found that we had not lost a man, and had only one slightly scratched on a finger.
Again, in Norfolk after twenty four hours incessant firing from above one hundred cannon, from the Liverpool Frigate the,
Dunmore, and Elebeck armed ships of 20 guns, the Oner and King's Fisher, sloops of war, and several tenders, not one was killed, and only one or two wounded: and when Lord Dunmore was forced to quit Elizabeth River, and repair to Gwynn's Island in Gloucester, for fear of the fire-rats and heavy cannon, which were by Gen. Lee's orders, preparing for an attack on the fleet, whilst in Elizabeth River, and there (Gwynn's Island) for six weeks, fired every day from tenders sent close in shore, we had but one or two men wounded; and finally, we put his fleet to the rout, by two 24 pounders, one 12, and two 6 pounders, without the loss of a single person by the fire which the vessels in the river and battery on Gwynn's Island returned.
I must not omit here to mention the wonderful discovery of Brig. Genl. Donald McDonald's plot in N. Carolina, communicated to the committee of safety of Virginia, almost miraculously: who promptly and with astonishing celerity announced to Governor Caswell, of North Carolina, who, patriotically and with address and bravery, met, defeated and captivated Donald McDonald and 300 of his High landers and Tories: nor the more wonderful discovery of Lord Dunmore's plot, entrusted to the execution of Dr. Connolly, of Pittsburgh; and the truly miraculous ultimate frustration of them by Col. Clark's taking first Rich. Hove, the British Governor of the Raskias; immediately after, the accomplished and active Lt. Col. Hamilton, governor of Detroit, who, when Dr. Connolly was a second time taken prisoner by us, had moved down to St. Vincennes to direct, and aid the operations of the 15 Indian tribes, who were to have been let loose on our frontiers by Connolly, was there forced to surrender himself and his troops, to that extraordinary Heroine-interceding commander Clarke.
Nor can I here omit to mention the providential escape we had from the slaughter which might have ensued, had the 317 young Highland soldiers, in a large transport bound to Boston, and which not knowing that Boston had been evacuated by the British troops (when they were compelled by Gen. Washington's cannonade from Dorchester neck and its height, to fly to Halifax) fell into the hands of an American privateer, from which she escaped by her numerous crew rising on the small guard which had been put on board, and which they compelled to quit the ship; which they did however, without leaving one of their arms on board—these Highlanders believing that Lord Dunmore was in possession of Norfolk, stood for that port, and meeting our two little elegant armed pilot boats, commanded by the brave and enterprising brothers, the captains James and Richard Barron, who taking advantage of their supposition that they were British boats, boarded the transport, and brought her up to James Town, where they delivered them into Williamsburg. Had these Highlanders reached Dunmore, he might with their assistance have broken up our camp in Gloucester county opposite Gwynn's Island before which in about three weeks after, we drove his troops from the Island and put to flight his fleet of about 100 sail, which, after watering their proiets, and the informal attempt to spread the small pox and putrid fever amongst us, by the wretched slaves who had joined them and who were ill of those dreadful diseases, and sailed to New-York. Who can reflect on these circumstances, and on those which so remarkably struck our Washington as to induce him to say, "God be praised," "as surely favours us." Upon having received certain information (when he was blockading Boston and had not three rounds of powder and ball) that a British store ship was brought into Salem, which was loaded with military stores of all sorts, and such as, said Washington, "had I written the invoice should have been enumerated in it." And when the revengeful King, had thence formed confederacies against France to be revenged on her for the assistance she had afforded to the United States, in their arduous struggle for their liberties; recollect how they were crushed, and then forced to join France against Britain, and this too at the moment that Britain was plotting the destruction of these states, and had in fact levied war upon them, by the attack on the Chesapeake, and you will see the hand of God stretched out to save US.
I say, therefore, who can reflect on these numerous and various circumstances, and not see the hand of divine providence stretched out to save the oppressed, and to chastise the oppressor, and in this, we see God and his over-ruling providence.
Having now shown that God has at all times "and in divers manners," made himself known to man, and demonstrated his over-ruling power and providence, I will, in my next number, attempt to prove that Christ has revealed all that can be known, or ought to be known, by such a creature as man, respecting his creator.
EUSEBIUS.
* The four preceding numbers were in the Guardian, &c.
In the Aurora of last Monday is re-published the Letter from the Editor of the Aurora, to the Editor of this paper. To which Col. Duane has added the following notes.
"ADDITIONAL.—The publication of a paper, called a protest against caucusing, by a caucus of seventeen members of congress, has completely drawn the line, and made the question of president, a question whether the public of America would approve of or condemn the measures of the present administration. Such was the impression which the volumes of that publication made on the members of the convention of this state at Lancaster. Engagements in attending courts of law, have hitherto prevented us from attending to that publication in particular, and to many others—but there is ample time between this and October."
The following is an extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, to his friend in Boston;
That Rose will go away without effecting any thing—that the object of his mission was only delay—that notwithstanding the British orders of November last were determined on before he left England, yet he had nothing to say on that subject—that the treaty returned by President Jefferson would, if ratified, have destroyed our Commerce, and our independence as a nation—that the conduct of our government had been truly impartial, and perfectly correct and upright towards the European powers, and unflinched by either—that under existing circumstances with both nations, nothing but an embargo could preserve us from war; the little finger of which would be more heavily felt than the loins of an embargo. That the stories of
Bonaparte's having told General Armstrong "we must take one side or the other," were without foundation.—That of upwards 40 members of Congress who were originally opposed to the embargo, that minority is now reduced nearly to one half of its former number whose violence increases as their number diminishes; consequently the late Duel. That all the French decrees we know of existing against neutral commerce may with propriety be said to be retaliating for those issued by the English, who were the first aggressors, in 1792.
The Trenton True American not long since reviewed the inconsistencies of the opposition, by examining their papers of some past years. We have only to read their own papers to refute them at the present moment. When they cry "oppose," we must read what they said about the support of Government. When they oppose, we must read their account of Sedition. When they insult us about the national defence, we must remember the "millions for defence" they promised us. When they say Peace with England, let us read their language of "War with France." When they cry, "accept the terms of England," we may read what they said when they cried "Defend your rights." When they preach a non-intercourse with one nation and condemn a non-importation from another, we may find how to answer them. Washington was applauded for withholding papers but it is a crime in Jefferson.
A letter from Bordeaux, received at New York, says, "We are well assured, that a negotiation is on foot between England and France, and in corroboration, six blank passports have been sent to England, to be filled with the names of such characters as the British government may think proper."
The Roman Catholic clergy in Europe, in future, are to be admitted to partake of the nuptial rights, celibacy is no longer enjoined upon them.
NEW-YORK, March 26.
The French cruisers have adopted a very mode of disposing of vessels which unfortunately fall into their power. The Bristol Packet, Capt. Barnes, of Portsmouth, N. H. in his passage to this port from London, was taken on the 24th January by the French frigate Penelope, and Thernes, and captured under the operation of the Milan decree. The letters were all opened, 50 packages of goods taken out, the passengers and crew removed on board the Frigates, and then they scuttled and sunk the ship. She was owned by Abel and Robert Harris, of Portsmouth, N. H. and was coming to Blisha Coat of this city. It is supposed she had on board a cargo worth 150,000 dollars.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 23.
Both Houses of Congress were almost exclusively occupied on Friday and Saturday in reading the documents accompanying the message of the President of the 22d inst. The reading, notwithstanding, still remains unfinished, and it is doubtful whether it will be completed on Monday.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, MARCH 25.
The doors were opened a short time today, when the following messages were received from the President of the United States.
"To the senate and house of representatives of the United States."
"I transmit to both houses of Congress a report from the surveyor of public buildings, of the progress made on them during the last session, of their present state, and of that of the funds appropriated to them. These have been much exceeded by the cost of the work done, a fact not known to me till the close of the season: the circumstances from which it arose are stated in the report of the surveyor."
"TH: JEFFERSON."
March 25, 1808."
"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the U. States."
"I now lay before congress a statement of the militia of the U. S. according to the latest returns received by the department of war. From the state of Delaware alone no return has ever been made."
"TH: JEFFERSON."
"March 25, 1808."
"From this statement the following accounts of the militia is extracted:"
  "From South Carolina 30004   N. Hampshire Georgia 20378   Massachusetts Kentucky 36236   Vermont Tennessee 16822   Rhode Island Ohio 13351   Connecticut District of Col. 2201   New York Mississippi Ter 2138   New Jersey Indiana do 2067   Pennsylvania Orleans do 5626   Delaware no ret'n. Louisiana do 2433   Maryland Michigan do 1028   Virginia   North Carolina Total 63633 
SATURDAY, March 26.
Mr Gardener, who has been absent from the House for some time from indisposition, this day resumed his seat.
Mr Burwell reported a bill supplementary to the act fixing an uniform rule of naturalization, and repealing all other acts on that subject. [The bill recognizes the same rule of naturalization as the above recited law; also declaring that all citizens shall be considered as such no longer whilst they actually reside within the U. States; and also that if any citizen shall expatriate himself, he shall ipso facto be deemed an alien and ever after be incapable of becoming a citizen.] The bill was twice read and committed.
Mr J. Clay presented the petition of the Stockholders of the Bank of the U. S. praying an extension of its character. Mr C. said he did not mean to press the consideration of the subject during the present session, and moved its reference to the Secretary of the Treasury.
Some conversation ensued on this motion, the great objection being that it would be incorrect to refer a subject for the purpose of obtaining a report on its expediency, until its constitutionality (which has been
so much questioned) were decided on. To obtain a decision of the House on its constitutionality previous to a reference is consider its expediency. Mr D. R. Williams moved its reference to a committee of the whole.
Which latter motion having preference was carried, 55 to 45.
The House then resumed the reading of the documents accompanying the message from the President on Tuesday last.
A motion was made by Mr D. R. Williams to meet to-morrow (Sunday)—Negatived, Ayes 19.
About 4 o'clock the House adjourned.
A List of Letters
Remaining in the Post Office, Richmond, 1st April, 1808.
A. William Aylett, Jones / Alex. Miss Elizabeth Armstrong, Ignatius Allen, Mrs. Anderson, David Allen, William S. Austin, Richard Adams, Joseph Armstead, Moses Austin.
B. Daniel Burton, Samuel Blackmore, Miss Mary Bell, Izard Bacon, Wilson Bryan, Thomas Benford, Robert Bell, James W. Bates, Edmund Bacon, James Brinner, Mrs. Ann Bowles, John Boisher, Cand P. Beverly, Frederick Boler, Patrick B. Barney, Mrs. C. Bowles, Benjamin Bowles, Adam Beard, Jesse Bowles, John Bellamy, Francis N. W. Burton, Samuel Burch, Robin Brond, Andrew Burne, William R. Boulwan, Tod Bacon, Capt. William Bell, John Baker, Mrs. C. Barrett, Mrs. Anna Brown, Abraham Bradford, Charles Bennett, Thomas Brinston, Thomas Bowles, George Brister, Maj. John Beal, Francis Bryant, William Bassett, Patrick Brancy, Katy Brown, William F. Behn.
C. Philip Courtney, Richard Carter, Zack Clarke, Abraham Carroll, David Chalmers, Messrs Wm. Coling & co John Carter, John Cowley, John Clarke, Mrs. Carney, Mrs. C. Clarke, John Clarke, Mrs. E. Charman, John Courtney, Jr. William Crawford, John Coles Jr. Bowler Cocke, David Carrier, Joseph Carter, Jas. Campbell, Mrs. E. Cordis, Adam Craig, Miss Sarah W. Chandler, William Chamberlayne, Henry Clarke, Jesse Crump, Thomas Campbell, Samuel Catwell, Edmund B. Crenshaw, Walter Candler, Jr. Miss J. Creigh on.
D. Jacob Day, Abraham Dillon, Samuel Dilworth, William Davidson, Nicholas Dave, Mrs. H. L. Dabney, Miss Ann Diggs, Mrs. Sarah Darbin, Mrs. Mary Davidson, John W. Denny, William Dorrough, Coles Diggs, Criswell Dabney, Hug. Davis, M. De Laplanche, M. Dupre.
E. Samuel Evans, Tobias J. Ezekiel, Mrs. E. Eyre, Robert Elliott, John Ewing, Thomas Eldridge, George Edgington, Samuel Everetts, Miss Ann H. Eggleston, Miss F. B. Eggleston.
F. Doctor John Faushee, John Friend, John Ferris, William Flood, Z. Frankling, Richard H. Frayser, James Frost, William Fuqua, George Fry, William Fough Jr. Jacob Ferris.
G. Samuel Gathright, Mrs. Galt, Jas. Goodwin, William Griggs, John Gunn, Mathew Glenn, Mrs. Mary Goodall, Edwd. Gwatkin, Alexander Grant, John Glynn, Barke Gatewood, Reuben Garnett, Charles Gwatkin, James H. Gordon, Capt. William Goodwin, William P. Graves, Miss J. F. Graves, Mrs. F. Gollephin, Nathan Garson.
H. Felix Hayden, William Haire, Benjamin Hawkins, Hezekiah Hayes, William Howe, Jr. Mr Hillier, Mr Hitherton, Messrs Harrison, Nicholas & co William H. Hanning, John Hair, William B. Hood, Miss Elizabeth Hay, William Howard, William Hay, William Harris, Spotswood Henry, Anthony Hay, James Harvey, Mrs. M. Hodgson, Mrs. Sally Harlow, Maj. William Heiron, James Hall, Nathaniel Hall, Maj. Peter Hall, Daniel Harwood, Miss Margaret Hare, Richard D. Hines.
I. William Jennings, Miss C. Johnson, Robert Jordan, Elijah Johnson, James Johnson, Fanny Jones, Mrs. E. Johnson, Miss Mary Ann Jones, Mrs. Judith Jones, Jn. Johnson.
K. Meredith Kersey, John Kennedy, Mrs. Kinmonth, Edward Kempton.
L. Samuel Lawwell, Mr Lugar, William Littlepage, William Lightfoot, Marcus Levy, Gen. Henry Lee, Mr Lantat, William G. Lee, David Logan, Charles Lewis, Smith H. Lewis, B. W. Leigh, Sessions Lester, Jn. C. Littlepage, Arthur Lee, S. Logan.
M. William Mann, William Morrow, P. Miller, Doct. Geo. Martin, Nicholas Munieur, Joseph Merrimand, Seth Meade, Hugh Mullin, Palsey Morris, Jacob Mordecai, Robt. Mitchell, Robt. M'Kim, John Merritt, Peter Mansfield, Wm. Moore, William Merritt, Henry Maynard, John Moucarter, Thomas R. Morain, Martin Mims, Robt. Mitchell, Manlow Medford, Mrs. Sally Meredith, Daniel Murphy, John McDonald, Clarence Mulford, Peter Mansfield, Benjamin Mosby.
N. Samuel Norton, Alfred Noel, Francis Nelson, David Nisbet, John Nux, Wm. Nicholson, Mrs. Newman, Wm. Nettles, John Nicholson.
P. Henry Pollard, William Pollard, Mrs. Nancy P. Patterson, Nathaniel W. Price, William Parker, John Pearson, Reuben Pickett, William Price, Joseph Pannell, Thomas Preacy, Ellis Preacy, Thomas Pulling, Elisha Price, James Price, Sally Parry, Francis Plate, Richard Pritchard, David Pean, Samuel Price, Edward E. Parker, Mrs. Nancy Peck.
R. Charles Roper, Benjamin Ross, Geo. Randall, Benjamin P. Road, James Russell, Robert Richards, William Rawleigh, William Ruffell, Henry Rigby, Miss Polly Rose, Benjamin Rose, Archibald C. Randolph, Elizabeth Randolph, William Roan, William Rutherford, John Ross, Miss Sarah Richards, Mrs. Lucy Rose.
S. Sterling Smith, Henry Stimon, Mrs. Ann Southard, Elizabeth Sharp, Solomon Stoddart, Turner Southall, Capt. J. Searman, James Stewart, James Stratten, John Scott, Richard Sampson, Thomas Strode.
T. Miss E. Taylor, Daniel Truchart, P. Thurmon, Myra M. Taylor, Capt. Trearer, C. Timberlake, Betsy Toney, William Taylor, John Timberlake.
W. Mathew Whiting, Stephen White, John Williamson, Levy Whenton, John White, Benjamin Wood, John Williamson, Francis Wright, Samuel Woody, May I. Winston, Miss Mary Winston, William Walker, John Woodfin, Miss Lucy Walker, Amos Wilkins, Mrs. Susannah Worley, Rhoda Wion, James Wood, Robert P. Watkins, Philip Woods, Polly Wine,

REMOVAL. WE have removed our Countinghouse to the house immediately below, and contiguous to the one we have hitherto occupied, where we have for sale, Muscovado Sugar by the hogshead or barrel, Sherry Wine, in quarter casks, and few cases Old Claret of superior quality. ROBERT & ALLAN POLLOCK & Co. March 8, 1808. (if)
20 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the 8th May from Richmond, JACOB, a very black fellow, about six feet high, twenty-eight years old, handsome address and very artful, has several scars on his neck, and one or two, I believe, on his left cheek, resembling small pox pits, a waterman by trade, and left his boat in the basin of the canal in the above city when he went off, at which time he broke open the store of a gentleman in Richmond and stole to a large amount, for which said gentleman has offered a reward of 50 dollars for apprehending said fellow (as I am informed) — he has a numerous acquaintance in the said city, the counties of Hanover and Caroline, in one of which he was raised, and where I expect he may be harbored. The above reward will be paid and all reasonable charges, for securing said fellow in any jail so I get him, or delivered me in Bent Creek, Buckingham, Virginia. Samuel Howseley. November 20, 1807. (if)
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country. To say for Houses in this city — Lands in Henrico county, joining the acc. deary lands, and near this city — 2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky — 1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county — and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres. Robert Mitchell. Richmond, Feb. 6, 1808. (if)
10 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY from the Subscriber on Friday last, a Negro Man named JOHN, a carpenter by trade. He is six feet and upwards high, very likely of insinuating manners, extremely polite when spoken to. For three years past he lived with Mr. Anderson Barrett. He has a free mulatto woman for his wife, in Richmond, living near the work house, where I expect he will stay. He took with him several articles of husbandry; amongst them, a pair of iron wedges, marked with the letter P. I will give a reward of ten dollars, if delivered to me in the lower end of Hanover, or eight if confined in jail, and I apprised of it. He is called by the negroes John Russell. ARMISTEAD RUSSELL. Hanover, January 24, 1808. (if)
NOTICE. I WILL DISPOSE OF MY TRACT OF LAND, LYING in Powhatan county, containing 500 acres, of which there is 30 or more prime low grounds, which never is overflowed by the river Appomattox. There is also a fine mill seat, the dam nearly completed, and timbers ready to go to complete the mill, upon a never failing stream. The terms will be one-half cash, the balance in 12 months. I will sell or treat with any one between this and the 1st July next, otherwise it will be sold upon the premises, to the highest bidder, together with other property. The terms of the personal property will be made known on the day of sale. John H. Saunders. January 5, 1808. (if)
Partnership Dissolved. THE partnership carried on under the firm of A. Foster, & Co. is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All those indebted to the concern are requested to make immediate payment to A. Foster, who will also settle all just claims against said firm. Archibald Foster. John Johnston, by A. Mecaskey, Atty. N.B. The business in future will be carried on by A. Foster. Richmond, March 9, 1808. (if)
For Sale or Rent, THE HOUSE, OFFICE & STABLE, with an excellent garden, all in good order, and at present occupied by Mr. Samuel P. Parsons, joining major Prior, on the Hay-Market square. For particulars apply to JASPER ROBBINS, at Mr. JOHN M'ENERY'S. Feb. 24, 1808.
Will be Sold FOR ready money, on the premises on the fourth day of June next, in obedience to a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery, for the Richmond District, made on the ninth day of February last past, in the suits in said Court, viz: Brown, Rives, and Company, Mer- } pks. chants and partners, against William Alcock, Andrew Hart, Ro- } d/18. bert Alcock, James Barbour, and Martin Dawson, and William Galt, } pks. against William Alcock, Andrew Hart, Ro- } d/18. bert Alcock, James Barbour, and Brown, Rives & Company, Mar- } d/18. tin Dawson & David Anderson, ONE TRACT OR PARCEL OF LAND, in said suits mentioned, lying and being in the county of Albemarle, in the North Garden, on the head waters of Hardaway river, containing SEVEN HUNDRED AND EIGHTY FOUR ACRES, be the same more or less, and adjoining the lands of James Garland, Hukey R. Morris, William Woods, &c. subject to the life estate of the defendant Robert Alcock and Mrs. his wife, in the lower moiety thereof. MARTIN DAWSON. March 21, 1808. (if)
LAND In the state of Ohio — For Sale: THE subscriber wishes to SELL a valuable TRACT OF LAND, in the state of Ohio, containing 1,000 acres. This tract is of excellent quality, as the subscriber has understood from most respectable information. It lies on Deer creek, a branch of the Sciota, about 16 miles from Chillicothe, in a well settled neighborhood, and is very convenient to the trade of the Ohio. He will dispose of it for cash, or on a short credit, for notes negotiable at the Bank of Virginia, or will exchange it for property in the city of Richmond. An unquestionable title, with general warranty, will be made to the purchaser. Wm. Munford. Richmond, Sept. 24, 1807. (if)
FOR SALE. MY Dwelling House, and Four Half Acre Lots of Ground, in the Town of Manchester, as formerly advertised. On receiving a part in cash, I am disposed to give a considerable credit, for the balance of purchase, or I will take young Negroes at a fair valuation, and Land in the State of Ohio, Tennessee or Kentucky, on such terms as may be agreed on — If the said property is not sold between now and Christmas, it will be leased to an approved tenant for a term of years. ARGUD CAMPBELL. Manchester, Nov. 30, 1807. (if)
Valuable Lands. THE subscriber will Sell, on a credit, or exchange for Property in Richmond or its neighborhood, the following LANDS, to wit: 822 acres in the state of Kentucky by survey bearing date the 10th day of October 1797, lying and being in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on Little Barren river. Also, 1000 acres, in Kentucky, by survey bearing date the 10th October 1797, likewise lying in the district set apart for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia state line, on the north side of Little river, a branch of Cumberland river, and about two and an half miles from the mouth of Little river. Also, 450 acres of Land in the county of Mason, state of Virginia, on Old Town creek, about 8 miles from Mason courthouse. Indisputable titles will be made to the above mentioned lands; and plots of each tract may be seen on application to the subscriber residing in Richmond. THOMAS BOHANNAN. January 23d, 1808. (if)
100 Dollars Reward. RUN AWAY about the first inst from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh, (to whom he was hired) a BLACK MAN, named JACKSON, a House Carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about 40 years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high; from circumstances attending his elopement, it is believed, he intends making his way to one of the Eastern States, and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the State, and delivered to me here, or secured, that I get him, I will give Fifty Dollars, or if taken out of the State, One Hundred Dollars. Robert Gamble, Jr. Richmond, Dec. 24th, 1807. (if)
TO RENT The House and Lot, At present occupied by Mr. Ezekiah Mosby pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill and very convenient for the accommodation of a family. Possession may be had on the 3d March next, when Mr. Mosby's time will expire. Thomas Elliott. Richmond, 29th Jan 1808. (if)
For Rent, THE House on the Main Street, next to Messrs Ellis and Allan, and now occupied by Mrs. Phebe. Possession will be given on the first of January next — apply to JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1807. (if)
The Tencement, ON which the subscriber lives, situated on Church Hill, within about one half mile of the Richmond market — containing two acres of ground, well enclosed and highly improved — The buildings consist of a large and well constructed dwelling house, laundry, kitchen, dairy, smoke house, two stores, brick office, coach house, barn and stable. All these buildings are well finished, and in complete order; for the accommodation of a large and genteel family who may have easy access to all the advantages of the city, and live as retired as they could wish. John Ellis. February 4, 1808. (if)
By virtue of a deed of trust executed by Zachariah Hall on the 27th day of April 1807, to us, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money unto Jacob Fackler and Shepard and Lucke, and all costs incurred by carrying the same into effect, we shall at the Eagle Tavern in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the second day of April next, between the hours of ten and two of that day, proceed to sell for cash to the highest bidder, that valuable and well known tract of land, lying in Chesterfield county, on the main Buckingham road, and distant from the town of Manchester 17 miles, containing by estimation one hundred and thirty acres, more or less — the improvements are new, and consist of a convenient dwelling house, store house, kitchen, &c. and in an excellent neighborhood for business of any kind. Thomas Taylor, } Trustees. Benj. Sheppard, } March 4, 1808. (if)
A LIST of 4 hogsheads of Tobacco remaining in Coan Warehouse over two years. 1800 — December 23. Richard Morris No. 153, gross 1211, tare 115, nett 1096. Barns and Havnis Inspectors. 1803 — 22d March. Richard Beale 93, 112, 105, 107. — Haynie and Crowther Inspectors. 12th February. Daniel Dawson 102, 1085, 118, 977. 14th do. William Forrester 117, 1278, 100, 1178. — Fallin and Berryman Inspectors. Now remaining in Coan Warehouse, 5th March, 1808. ANDERSON & ROGERS, } Inspectors. 31 Map of Virginia For Sale at this Office.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Drury Childers, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money due to William and Daniel Thompson, & all cost incurred by carrying the same into effect, we shall on Saturday the thirtieth day of April next, at Mr. Peter Francisco's Tavern, proceed to sell for cash, four negroes, viz: Isham, Phillis, Rachel, and Salley, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. TARLTON WILLIAMS, STEPHEN HOOPER, Trustees. Buckingham, 19th March 1808. (if)
Richmond Tile Manufactory. THE subscriber having procured the exclusive right to manufacture in this and several other states Harwood's much improved Patent Tile for covering houses, and at considerable expense erected the necessary buildings, &c. for carrying on that useful business extensively, now offers to supply, at a short notice, any quantity that may be required, at the moderate price of Thirty Five Dollars per thousand, delivered at his factory. He can with confidence, founded on actual experiment, in the covering of about 20 houses in this city, assert, that houses can be covered with this tile as cheap in the first instance, as with shingles of the first quality, and when the security against fire, the difference of insurance, the durability and particular construction on these tiles to resist the most penetrating rains and snows are considered, he cannot doubt of meeting with considerable encouragement. It requires only the examination of a well covered roof to convince the most prejudiced mind of their superiority to any other tile heretofore made, or to the best slate, and will cost less than the latter, after paying the expense of water carriage to almost any part of this continent. Particular attention will be paid to orders from other towns, and in all cases where they are shipped, he will deliver them whole and sound, along side of the vessels, at the expense of cartage only to the purchasers. Any person skilled in the art of tiling, will put on those tile with great facility, but where they cannot be procured, he can engage a few here who have had some experience, and will go a moderate distance, if the job is of sufficient magnitude and their travelling expenses paid. BENJAMIN DU VAL. Richmond, March 12, 1808. N.B. I wish to sell Patent Rights in several other states. B.D. wtf
REMOVAL. GEORGE WATT, has removed to the main street, next door above the Bell Tavern, where he offers for sale the following articles: 20 hds Brown Sugar, 30 hds Molasses, 8 Tierces and 8 barrels best Green Coffee, 20 hds Anigua Rum, 5 pipes Hol and Gin, 4 pipes Cognac Brandy, 2 hds, and 20's Northern Whiskey, 15 qr casks old Sherry Wine, 3 chests Young Hyson Tea, 6 chests Hyson Skin, do. 5 chests Souchong, do. 70 sacks Liverpool ground Salt. Richmond, 16th March, 1808. law6w
United States Court, Fifth Circuit & Virginia District, Nov. term, 1807. Charles and Jesse Ewell, Puffs } In Chancery. Against, Tristram Dalton & Tobias Lear, merchants and traders under the firm of Dalton and Lear and Company. D.F. THE defendants Tristram Dalton and Tobias Lear, not having entered their appearance and given security according to a rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that they are not inhabitants of this district, on the motion of the puffs by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendants do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the puffs bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. A copy — Teste, WILLIAM MARSHALL, CLK.
FOR SALE, OR EXCHANGE FOR CITY PROPERTY, NO 1. 20,000 acres of land in Harrison county, state of Virginia, in 4 tracts of 5,000 acres each, on the waters of Elk and Little Kanawha, surveyed in 1784. 2. 2,500 acres on Hughes's river, in the same county, surveyed in 1783, being the moiety of a tract of 5,000 acres. 3. 1,200 acres of land in the district of Baird's Town, on Buck Fork, near Baird's Town, Kentucky. 4. A handsome Frame House, with 5 rooms on a floor, coach house, stables, smoke house, with the Lots on which they stand, and a garden adjoining, in a board fence, at Bath, Berkeley Springs, Virginia, suited for a family or a tavern. Also, one Out Lot of six acres, enclosed with a stone wall. Joseph Galleco. January 14, 1808. w3m
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to Edward P. Chamberlayne, dec. and myself by James B. Littlepage, to secure the payment of sundry debts therein mentioned, due by the said Littlepage, to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge. I shall on Wednesday the first day of June next, proceed to sell to the highest bidder, for ready money, at King William courthouse, a certain tract or parcel of LAND, lying and being in the parish of St. John's, and county of King William, and commonly known as and called by the name of Palmers, containing by estimation Four Hundred and Fifteen Acres of high Land, and One Hundred Acres of Marsh Land, be the same more or less, and bounded by the lands of Bernard Moore, William Gregory, George W. P. Custis and John Quarles, dec. and Mataponi River. BERN'D LIPSCOMB. February 24. wtds
At a Court held for Buckingham County, the 11th day of January, 1808. James Murphy & Company } In AGAINST } Chancery. William Jones (son of John) and Thomas E. Jones, defts. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant William Jones, is not an inhabitant of this state. It is ordered and decreed that unless the said William Jones shall appear here, on or before May court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A Copy, R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C.
At a Court held for Buckingham County, the 11th day of January 1808. Sarah Holloway, widow of Robert Holloway, deceased; Geo: Season Holloway, and Elizabeth Holloway children and devisees of the said Robert Holloway, deceased, by the said Sarah their mother and next friend, } Plaintiffs. AGAINST Smith Tandy and Nathan Ayres, } Defendants. ON the motion of the plaintiffs by their counsel, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Smith Tandy is not an inhabitant of this state: It is ordered and decreed that unless the said Tandy shall appear here on or before the first day of May term next and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy — Teste, R. Eldridge, jr. D. C.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to us by Ambrose Dudley of King William county, to secure a debt due by the said Ambrose Dudley to Benjamin Mosby, assignee of William Dandridge — We shall proceed to sell, for ready cash, for the best price that can be obtained, on the premises, on the second day of June next, a certain Tract or Parcel of Land, lying and being in the county of King William, being the same on which the said Dudley now resides, and the same which the said Dudley purchased of William Dandridge, containing 602 acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to pay the sum of 400 pounds, current money, with legal interest thereon from the 1st day of April, 1807, till payment, together with all expenses attending the execution thereof. BERN'D LIPSCOMB. NATH'L FOX. 26th February 1808. wids
At a Court held for Cumberland County, 25th January, 1808. JOHN ANDER ON Puffant, } In AGAINST } Chancery. JOHN HOLLAND & JAMES HOLLAND } Defendants. THIS day came the plaintiff, by his attorney and the defendant JOHN, not having entered his appearance and given security according to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; On the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney aforesaid, It is ordered that the said defendant JOHN, do appear here on the fourth Monday in April next and answer the plaintiff's bill, and that a copy of this order be published in one of the public newspapers printed in the city of Richmond for three months successively and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county. A copy — Teste, (125) MILLER WOODSON, CLK.
Charlotte Court, 1st February, 1808. JOSEPH OLIVER, Plaintiff, } In AGAINST } Chancery. WILLIAM BAKER, Deft. THE defendant not having entered his appearance according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of May court next and enter his appearance and that a copy of this order be inserted in one of the newspapers printed in Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of the said county. A Copy — Teste, THOMAS READ, CLK.
SALE OF NEGROES. In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to me by John Ogilby of the county of Person, North Carolina, for purposes therein expressed, I shall on the first day of April next, if fair, if not the next fair day, proceed to sell, at the Red House in Caswell county, (N. C.) to the highest bidder, for ready money, the following SLAVES to wit: James, Davy, Tom, Adam, Bob and Major, or as many of them as will be sufficient to answer the purposes of said deed. Wm. S. Archer. March 4th, 1808. wids JUST RECEIVED AT THIS OFFICE, No. 4, of THE American Military Library OR Repository of Modern Tactics; Adapted to the use of the Militia of the United States. — Illustrated with a sheet plate of nineteen manoeuvres. (The plate alone sells for 75 cents.) March 9
Charlotte County, to wit. TAKEN up by Capt. John D. Richardson, the 24th December, 1807, a Sorrel Horse, about fourteen years old, neither docked nor branded; he is blind in the right eye, and about 4 feet 8 inches high, appraised to forty dollars. Copy. THOMAS READ, C. C.
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATES OF OHIO AND KENTUCKY. THE subscriber has for SALE, sundry valuable tracts of LAND, on the waters of the Miami and Scioto rivers, state of Ohio. Also, on the waters of Cumberland and Green rivers, state of Kentucky, which will be sold low for cash or good bonds — For further particulars enquire of William Price, register, who has the title papers, or to William D. V. Buckingham, January 20, 1808. (if) The subscriber will SELL, or exchange for land in the state of Ohio,
THE FARM WHEREON he now resides, containing 77 1-2 acres. This farm is particularly valuable for its proximity to the city of Richmond, being near enough to give it occupant the advantages of a city residence combined with the pleasure of a country life. The situation is high and beautiful, commanding a fine view of part of the city & capitol, about 25 acres of this land is cleared and well wooded, is of a good soil, affords excellent water, and is believed to be remarkably healthy. On it is a thrifty young apple orchard of choice fruit, beginning to bear, and the improvements are new, and being such as would accommodate a small family. Joseph Anthony. January 26, 1808. wtf
Advertisement. THE sale not having taken place at the time appointed in a former advertisement; will be sold, on Friday the 6th day of May next, for ready money, on the premises, a Valuable Tract of Land, lying in the county of Halifax on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty five acres, more or less; it was once the property of Samuel Beall, was sold by him to Wm. Mosely, and mortgaged by Mosely to Robert Andrews and John Pierce, trustees of Beall, to secure the payment of the purchase money — The indenture of mortgage, which was recorded in the general court, bears date the 22d day of June 1795. At the same time and place, such of the SLAVES as are described in the said mortgage, and may be produced by the said Mosely, will also be sold for cash. — The sale is made by virtue of a decree of the superior court of chancery for the Richmond district, pronounced in a suit therein depending, in which the said Pierce, surviving trustee is plaintiff, and the said Mosely is defendant, and for the purpose of raising the following sums, with interest, viz: 1081. 15s. with interest at the rate of 5 per cent, from the 1st of January 1795 — 1081. 2s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1794 — 1012. 10s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1795 — 971. 17s. 6d. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1796 — 961. 5s. with like interest from the 1st day of January 1797 — 811. 14s. with like interest from the 14th day of July 1802 — and 5 dollars 88 cents, the costs of the suit. The residue of the money decreed to be raised the plaintiff does not pretend to claim, as appears by an endorsement made by the clerk of the said court on the order dissolving an injunction obtained by John B. Scott, to stay the sale of the said land, which endorsement is copied from a writing filed in the suit first above mentioned by the plaintiff's agent and attorney. The COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, March 11, 1808. wids
Landing this day From the Schooner Richmond, Issa Seaman master, at Lester's wharf, seventeen hogsheads best GREEN COFFEE, and twenty hogsheads MOLASSES; for sale by GEO. WATT. Richmond, March 29, 1808. (if)
COUNCIL CHAMBER, March 26, 1808. PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive, on the 8th day of April next, for furnishing the public guard with clothing for the present year. Also, at the same time proposals will be received for furnishing the diet of the convicts in the penitentiary, for one year, from the 17th day of April next. DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Cl.
Lands for Sale. AT next Buckingham court, being the 11th of April, and the day of election, will be Sold, to the highest bidder, on a credit of twelve months, two Tracts of Land, belonging to the estate of Thomas Anderson, dec. viz: one lying on the waters of Rock Island Creek, containing 147 Acres, more or less; the other lying near James River, adjoining the lands of Col. Wilson C. Nicholas, and Price Perkins, containing 41 Acres, be the same more or less, both in the aforesaid county; the purchasers giving bond with approved security to the EXECUTORS. March 23d. 1808. 2w
A Young Man WHO is single, that understands the management of Negroes, and can read and write, with a very little knowledge of figures, if well recommended for honesty, industry and sobriety, may hear of employment by application to the printer. Richmond, March 18, 1808. (if)