The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-05-25 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 25, 1803.
THE NEW EDITION OF THE REVISED CODE OF THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA,
BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. and HENRY PACE, Richmond, Virginia, Is now ready for Sale, at this Office.
THAT the public may be so far enabled to determine upon the merit of the work, it is thought most ad- visable to publish the
PREFACE.
By an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated December 28th, 1792, it was ordained, that a collection should be made of all such acts of the Assembly, of a public and permanent nature, as were then in force. For this purpose, several lawyers were solicited to superintend the compilation. Mr. Davis, then printer to the commonwealth, did not get the work completed till the close of the year, 1794. It, therefore, embraced all such laws, of a public and permanent nature, as were passed during the session, which commenced November 11th, 1794.
It was unavoidably to happen that this collection would almost immediately become defective; and that its defects were to increase annually, and without intermission. The new laws of the more important class were, for the most part, occupied in altering, or in repealing some of their predecessors. Hence, it was evident, that if a man of business was not regularly supplied with the additional laws, the Revised Code would be quite as likely to lead him into mistakes, as to give him proper information. The consequence was, that every practitioner of the law found it necessary to purchase, annually, the large folio pamphlet, containing the laws of each succeeding assembly. In the course of a man's life, these publications would have swelled into a library; and, what was extremely inconvenient, by far the greater part of them were laws of a local and private nature, which were totally useless, and a mere incumbrance to the practitioner in a court.
This Revised Code, with all its augmenting imperfections, had become extremely scarce. The original price was eight dollars. But it was almost impossible to obtain the book at any price whatever. The constant demand for the Revised Code induced the proprietors of the present work to publish proposals for a second, and improved edition, which was to bring down the collection so late as to the end of the session of December, 1801. In the former edition, therefore, the latest act of Assembly bears date 26th of December, 1794. In the present edition, the latest statute passed upon February 2d, 1802. This makes a difference of more than seven years; and these seven years appear to have been distinguished beyond every former period of the history of the commonwealth, by the multitude and importance of the laws which in that time were passed. To give a complete idea of this fact, we have only to observe, that the edition of Mr. Davis, contained one hundred and eighty one statute; and that the present contains THREE HUNDRED AND THIRTEEN. Of these, one hundred and thirty two were passed within those seven years. They compose, therefore, in point of number, more than two thirds of the whole collection. The other six laws, which make up the total additional number of one hundred and thirty two, had been passed long before the publication of the former edition of "The Revised Code." Some of them are of very considerable length. They were selected, and inserted by the special advice and desire of Governor Monroe. He was one of the gentlemen who had been appointed to revise the former edition; and it was his opinion that these six acts of assembly had been improperly omitted.
Exclusive of the index, the title page and preface, the present volume contains four hundred and fifty-four pages. Of these, the additional laws till an hundred and twenty four pages, which is not much less than a third part of the whole text. It is not necessary to say how much more convenient this concise and perspicuous arrangement must be, than to have the trouble of wandering through seven folio pamphlets, in quest of a statute.
These details, without any comment of ours, abundantly prove, had, indeed, other evidence been wanting, the propriety and necessity for a second edition of this book. It is now, also condensed into a much more manageable size than it formerly assumed. No gentleman's pocket can, at least, in the present age, contain a folio volume; and much less would it contain the enormous appendage of seven folio pamphlets. In riding ten, or fifteen miles to a country court-house, a gentleman does not at all think it worth while to take a portmanteau along with him; nor, indeed, is every portmanteau large enough to contain such masses of print and paper. Upon this account, the present edition has been reduced to an octavo size, and printed as closely as possible. Hence, a lawyer, when he sets out for the county court-house, will no longer be obliged to leave his eight
folios behind him, and, amidst a crowd of competitors, to solicit the unfortunate clerk of the court to let him have a sight of the Revised Code. He can now put his hand into his pocket, and take out a genteel, portable, octavo volume, which comprehends his former library, disencumbered of all its rubbish. The type on which the present edition is printed, is either the same, or almost exactly the same with that of the last, and most esteemed London edition of Coke upon Littleton. This circumstance is mentioned here, because a complaint had been made, in one of the Richmond newspapers, by some nameless writer, that the type was too small. You cannot, at the same time, enjoy the cool, bracing breeze of winter, and the verdant vegetation of summer. You cannot, in the same book, unite the advantages of a folio, and of an octavo. If this edition had been printed upon a type as large as that of Mr. Davis, it must have been one third part dearer than it is; for the volume, including the new index, and the bottom notes, positively contains one third part more of matter than the former edition. The price to subscribers, must have been raised to nine dollars; and to non-subscribers, to twelve dollars. Very few purchasers will regret that the publication can be had at a price so much more reasonable.
The former edition laboured under more than one material defect. It was often impossible to tell at what time a statute had originally passed. Put the case, that a deed was to be contested, which bore date in 1760. It is clear that this transaction could not be affected by laws made posterior to its date. It became a question how long the law had existed, or, when a predecessor to it, or to some part of it, had been passed in, perhaps, a different form. For instance, of chapter CXXVII. a considerable part appears to have been enacted at different periods; one part in 1786, others in 1791. In the old edition of the Revised Code, the law is dated December 26th 1792.
The bottom notes of the new edition give notice, that various parts of it were in force before, although the whole had been covered by the subsequent statute of 1792. The same notes give intimation, that this law has been amended by another, of 1801. Again, chapter CXXVII bears date the 26th of December, 1792. But we learn that the first clause of the statute existed in 1762, that is to say, thirty years before. The second clause, which is by far the longest in the act, had been taken from a former statute, dated October, 1770. From not knowing how far back the force of these laws extended, the court was often cast into irretrievable confusion. To discover how far back a statute extended, was often a work of great time and difficulty; and perhaps the requisite apparatus of old laws could not always be had. Gentlemen of the bar assure us, that the bottom notes, which are to be found at the foot of almost every page of this edition, are, themselves alone, fairly worth the whole price of the book. We have neither received, nor asked permission to publish the name of the supposed author of these notes. He is, however, a gentleman whose name has long been familiar to every lawyer in Virginia. He has long filled more than one interesting department in the system, and the science of Jurisprudence. In point of legal knowledge and abilities, his reputation is inferior to none.
All the gentlemen of the law, with one voice, complained of the imperfection of the former index. A new one has been entirely wrote over again, and at a very considerable expense for the present edition. In the former, there were, under the letter A, only twenty six different heads. In this edition there are forty-nine. In the former, letter S contained only twenty five heads. This has forty seven. These particulars are mentioned to show the superior perspicuity and completeness of the present index; and how greatly it will facilitate an accurate examination of the contents of the volume. The index contains seventy two pages. The text of the laws, exclusive of the preface and title page, contains as above mentioned, four hundred and fifty-four; so that there is one page of index for about every six pages of text. A larger number of references would have been useless, and have served rather to embarrass, than assist the reader. This laborious part of the work was drawn up by Mr. James Kind, who had been employed as an assistant, by the supervisors of the former edition. We have every reason to think that his performance will give entire satisfaction.
This volume, the index excepted, was completely printed off several months ago. But it was impossible to deliver the book until this time, because the bad state of Mr. Kind's health did not permit him to furnish the index sooner. This apology will, no doubt, be considered as sufficient for a long delay of publication, which it was impossible for the editors to prevent.
It would be the summit of frivolity to exonerate upon the importance of a work like this; because it is plain, that every family in the commonwealth, should, if possible, possess a copy of it. Judges, magistrates, and lawyers, it is indispensably necessary; and every private gentleman, who wishes to understand either his own rights, or those of his neighbours, ought to be conversant with its contents.
Richmond, April 1st, 1803.
ELEGANT
PRINTS & LOOKING GLASSES
A BEAUTIFUL assortment of PICTURES and LOOKING GLASSES are repeatedly offered to the public at very reduced prices. They are to be seen at Messrs. Robert Gamble and Co's. store up stairs.
Mrs. Atkins intending to leave Richmond in a few days, for Philadelphia, solicits the attention of the inhabitants, assuring them, that a more elegant assortment has not been offered on the continent.
R. ATKINS.
Re-gilding in its various branches, in a superb manner. Also, Oil Gilding, that will stand washing.
Those Ladies and Gentlemen who with to favor Mr. Atkins with their commands, will be pleased to apply as early as possible.
May 14th, 1803.
4/24.
GREY MOGUL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the ensuing season at my stable, near Rocketts; to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; to be discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected to soon as the mare is covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom.
May 10, 1803.
ISAAC ALLEN.
PEDIGREE.
Mogul was got by Quicksilver; Dam by Sprightly Cub, a son of old Cub; sprightly Cub's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a tall bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richards, esq of Culpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richard's celebrated running Mare, by Snark.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GENTLEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately by post to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references.
The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleasants, Richmond, a directed to A. Small.
May 10, 1803.
1m/28.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed, that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 56 lbs. 3s 6d. Hominy per bushel of 56 lbs. 3s. 3d. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to tickets which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFORD & Co.
March 31st. 1803.
TO RENT,
AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD.
Richmond, April, 2d. 1803.
4/.
NOTICE.
THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The assortment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803.
(if.)
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers. The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVISON.
Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803.
(if.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
WALTER POTTER,
BOOK BINDER AND STAT ONER, Opposite Misses Mitchell and Gardner's, Main Street, Richmond.
GRATEFUL for the encouragement he has received, since commencing business, takes this method of returning thanks, and to solicit a continuance thereof.
He has just received a fresh supply of Stationery, consisting of Super-Royal, Royal, Medium, Remy, Folio, and Quarto Post, Fool'scap, and Post Writing Papers.
Blue, Blotting, Cartridge, and large Brown Wrapping Papers. Red and Black Ink-Powder, Liquid ditto; Fewterand Glass Ink Stands; Sand and Sand Boxes; Pounce, and Pounce Boxes; Red and Black Sealing-Wax; Red, Black, and variety of Wafers; Gold Leaf; Slates, and Slate Pencils; Red and Black Lead ditto; Ivory Folders; Red Tape; Quills, India-Rubber; Bonnet Passeboard, &c.
Merchants Accompt Books ruled to any pattern. Book-Binding in all its various branches executed with neatness, accuracy, and dispatch. Now on hand, a large assortment of Blank Books.
May 11.
3t/7
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expense, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr-Stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne-Stone now ready to grind CORN.
That the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at fifty pounds to the bushel, and a supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be less ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or ninety-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the loss of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only, and none but such as is merchantable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFORD.
N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr Mill-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he will warrant them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every fixed Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY.
Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803.
(if.)

Foreign Intelligence,
LONDON, March 28.
Extract of a letter from Paris, March 22,
THE French revolution has not respected the etiquette of courts more than it has the laws of nations. Ambassadors from independent states have been arrested without cause, and released without apology; nay, insult has sometimes been added to the offence, and strange to say, it has never excited amongst the diplomatic corps, any other feelings, than apprehension for the individual safety of each of its members, and a silent pity for the victims of the violated laws of nations. By this impolitic conduct, the representatives of emperors and kings have accustomed upstarts to treat them with impertinence and insolence, and to hold to them, at the courts of Luxemburg and Thuilleries, the low language of the bar, or the haughty and commanding language of the camp.
"In former times, even when wars or conspiracies forced the French monarchs to order any foreign ambassador to leave the court or the country, anger did not get the better of dignity, and the offended never forgot that the offender was the representative of an independent prince, his equal in rank, if not in power.
"These remarks I heard yesterday, when I dined with the count De M——, who very justly observed, that some new diplomatic regulations are absolutely necessary, and either all other independent states must adopt the revolutionary laws, language, and conduct of France, or force France to fix the period when it will again acknowledge and respect the laws, customs and etiquette, acknowledged by all other states and nations of Europe; and that till such a period, charge d'affaires should be the only persons employed in France.
"You ask me if I visit the foreign minister here, and if they are men of diplomatic talents? I have the honour of the acquaintance of ALL the ministers from all the yet independent nations, and most of them are grown old in diplomatic employment, and are of tried abilities.
"Count De Cobentzel, the imperial ambassador, brother to the successor of baron Thugut, is a person of amiable manners, and if his attendance at St. Cloud, two days after the insult offered to Count De Stahrenberg, before any satisfaction was given, or orders received from his own court how to act, has rather lowered him in the public opinion, the treaty then negotiating about the indemnities for the grand duke of Tuscany, forced him, no doubt, on this, and other occasions, to behave differently from what as a Kunitz, or a Thugut would have done: he has abilities, but it is reported, that Talleyrand has said, that his official dinners are better than his official memorials.
"Count De Marcoff, the Russian ambassador, was under the great Catherine II. ambassador to the courts of Vienna, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, and at her death, he was left prime minister: exiled by Paul I. he was recalled by the present emperor, and sent as his ambassador to Paris. Accustomed to the polite etiquette of courts, the revolutionary one in France surprized and offended him, and he did not conceal his sentiments: the French intrigues at St. Petersburg, much wished his disgrace; they were, however, disappointed; his great abilities, and his past services, were not forgotten by such a prince as Alexander, who told his enemies, that count Marcoff must either remain where he is, or re-assume the place he occupied at home, at the death of the late empress: this answer silenced them at once, and he is at present hated and feared at the Thuilleries, but honored and esteemed by the whole diplomatic corps.
"The marquis de Lucchesini, the Prussian ambassador, was born at Lucca, in Italy, and as a disciple of Voltaire, was received as a literary companion at the court of the great Frederick: he
has been a minister of state to the late and to the present king of Prussia; and was in 1800, sent ambassador to France; his talents are as great as various, and, it is believed that the Prussian prime minister, count Haugwitz, was not quite disinterested when he advised the king to send him out of the way; a philosopher from principle, and a republican by birth, he declared himself some what confounded at his arrival in France, in 1800, to find, instead of a nation of philosophers and republicans, as he expected, a nation of political fanatics, political slaves, and political tyrants.
"Baron F'Ehrensward, the Swedish ambassador, has resided in the same capacity fourteen years in Spain, and was in 1800, sent to England, to negotiate about the captured Swedish convoys. He is a general in his country, and a man of loyal and noble manners and sentiments; he was some time ago exposed to the official anger of a certain great man, because his king, as a prince of the German empire, disapproved of the plunder called German indemnities; after half an hour's uninterrupted abuse, he bowed and retired, but said to a Swedish nobleman by his side, loud enough to be heard: "My friend, it requires more true courage to submit with patience to insults one cannot prevent or resent, than to insult persons we know can neither prevent nor resent it" since that time he has been received coldly at court, but warmly by all persons of generous and independent principles.
"Chevalier De Dreyer, the Danish minister, has passed thirty-six years in embassies at the courts of St. James, St. Petersburg and Madrid, and in 1797, a short time after Talleyrand ascended his ministerial throne, he was appointed to his present station, which he has filled with honor and ability, and in the critical times of the directory, he more than once expected lodgings in the temple. In 1802, he was a favorite with the great man; but having formerly known at Madrid, the British minister in France, and continuing to live upon friendly and intimate terms with him, all his other prudence, all the services he formerly did madame Talleyrand, have not enabled him to escape the reproach of being an anglo-man; an unpardonable crime with certain persons in certain countries.
"As to the ambassadors from Spain, Switzerland, Italy, Holland, and other free and independent nations, they are all chosen men, and might lose their places, if they admitted in their familiar society such an anti-jacobin as I am known to be. One of them, report says, has, however, had the courage or imprudence to say, that nothing proved more, that all the abuse in the Moniteur , for the last nine months, against England, was official, than its late silence since the king's message: but added he, " the speaking monitor of the drawing room has, no doubt, silenced the printed one, because he never yet suffered any rival, any equal, or any superior. "
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
MAY 25th. 1803.
JOSEPH LEES, of Norfolk, is informed, that his first letter was answered, before his second and third were received at this office.
IN last Wednesday's Recorder, there was inserted an essay objecting to a paragraph in the Virginia Gazette . Mr. Wood has replied. We do not chuse to prolong the debate for three reasons. 1. We have, at present, nothing farther to say upon the subject. 2. We have already endured a tenfold surfeit of personal debates with Richmond editors. 3. This might degenerate into such a hateful thing, and personal respect and friendship for Mr. Wood forbid an approach to the possibility of that event. Here follows, after this article, Mr. Wood's reply. The reader can now look at both sides, and judge for himself. The Virginia Gazette is now republishing from the Recorder those excellent essays signed FEDERALIST , concerning Gallatin , and the sale of the bank stock. Mr. Davis has forgot to tell the public that
the Recorder had the honour of their original publication. Between the circulation of his valuable newspaper and our own, these papers cannot fail of an extensive perusal, especially in this state; and it is as certain that they cannot fail of giving a severe blow to the reputation and popularity of the Jeffersonian cabinet.
That popularity is already upon the wane. Of this incontestible fact we give the following proof. There is good authority for saying that, at the late election for congress, 4 or 5 federal members were chosen, a circumstance which has no precedent in the annals of Virginia. Once, and only once, that party obtained three. This was in the bragged reign of John Adams; and such an important acquisition has been obtained, although the republican majority in the assembly had their own free will in the parceling out of the districts. It is plain, therefore, that the Jeffersonian interest is upon the decline; and while the federal editors are railing with such stupid malignity at the democracy of this commonwealth, they would do well to remember what is here stated. For their farther comfort we take leave to inform them, that at all the late elections for this city, the demos were absolutely routed. The magistracy, by an irrepressible majority, remains, where it long has been, in the hands of those horrid fellows, the aristocrats. The federal railers are also requested to observe, that Dr. Adams, the federal candidate for the assembly, has been chosen a second time. In spite of the new arrangement of the wards, he has been re-elected with every circumstance of victory, and of triumph, which could flatter the sensibilities of a man, who has deserved and acquired the confidence of his fellow citizens. As a man of business, and a man of fortune, the office was, in a pecuniary point of view, far beneath his acceptance. But every man of probity, every man of public spirit, was fully satisfied with his conduct. A great majority of the citizens at large, and a far greater majority of the men of property in Richmond, were determined that, if the doctor would represent them in the assembly, they would accept of nobody else. Ye federal editors to the eastward, and you, Alexander Hamilton, in your next election speech at New-York, forbear to calumniate so very grossly half a million of your fellow citizens. Was not general Washington a native of Virginia? At the last election for president, when Mr. Jefferson got sixteen thousand votes, did not Mr. Adams get six thousand? Was not this a numerous and powerful minority? Why then, do you rail at the whole state, as if we were no better than gypsies in a barn, or felons at the wheelbarrow? Does this style become a sensible editor, or an enlightened statesman? Were the six thousand freeholders, who voted for Mr. Adams, bankrupts, gamblers, and traitors? Doe the numerous federal newspapers in Virginia announce that the whole state is opposed to your schemes, which are often by on means better than those of republicans? Did you ever hear of a Virginian newprinter, whose practice it was to rail at New-England? For shame, gentlemen! if such you may be called, learn a little more both of policy, and politeness.
We return to the city of Richmond. From what has been said above, it must not be inferred that there is designed a general or indiscriminate censure upon the republican party in Richmond. No such thing. The morals of all parties are alike. But this is certain that, while the demos governed the city, the state of its finances was as wretched as that of the commonwealth itself is at this moment. That their intentions were entirely honorable there is no purpose to deny. But so it was that when they left the administration, they left Richmond drowned in debt. They had unwarily repealed some necessary taxes, because there was a small sum of money in the treasury. This was speedily exhausted; and then public credit went to the bottom, with the rapidity of a millstone in James river. When a tradesman was employed to work for the city, he knew that the
period of payment was sure to be distant. Hence, he charged fifty or an hundred per cent. additional for the expected delay. After waiting perhaps a twelve month for his money, he sold his claim for a large discount, probably twenty or thirty per cent. It was in this rapidity of destruction that affairs went on for several years, till at last a different set of men came into office, a set of men not different by the purity of their principles, but by the soundness and superiority of their judgment.
It required a long interval of diligence and economy to redeem the credit of the corporation. This has at length been done, and it would undoubtedly have been the height of folly, as well as of ingratitude, to turn out those men who had restored public credit, in order to replace them by others, of whom a part had, although without intention, contributed to destroy it.
There was another, and a still more powerful reason for rejoicing at the exclusion of the democrats from the magistracy. The party in Richmond contains at present a band of miscreants, who are fit for any mischief. Of these the king of clubs may be considered as the prime mover and preceptor, and Mr. Jefferson's private secretary, who is evidently deranged in his brain, may be considered as a sub-agent. Whatever brutality such ruffians might have committed, it is too evident that, before a democratical mayor, not even the shadow of justice could have been obtained against them.
The reader has already been too long detained from Mr. Wood's reply to the Recorder . We cannot agree with him that the first consul is a worse man, than any king in Europe. But the dispute must not be prolonged.
"Mr. Callender, in his last Recorder , has made some observations on a paragraph, which lately appeared in the Virginia Gazette , respecting the conduct of the American executive relative to Louisiana. It was stated in the Virginia Gazette , that had our administration acted with firmness, New-Orleans might have been several months since in the possession of the citizens of the union, and that they should have had nothing to dread either from France or Spain. Mr. Callender considers that this would have been the height of rashness, for says he, "supposing that three thousand Kentuckians had been placed there as a garrison, would they forsooth, have had nothing to fear from general Victor, disembarking, six weeks after, at the head of ten or fifteen thousand men?" Much as Mr. Callender's opinion in political affairs is to be respected, yet he seems in the Louisiana business not only "to have taken the unpopular side," as he himself confesses, but to defend measures that must ultimately be ruinous to the interest and commerce of the United States. The writer of this article would have cordially coincided in opinion with Mr. Callender did he regard the first consul of France in the same light as he views the rulers of the other nations of Europe. Could a shadow of reasoning be produced that Bonaparte was anxious for the general independence of mankind, then he would agree that any other measures than pacific ones on the part of this country, would be both imprudent and unjust. But anticipating the future character of the first consul, from that which has passed, and his conduct to this country, from his treatment to the nations of Europe, we must expect at all events to be embroiled in a war with France, if Louisiana be possessed by a French army. Under these impressions, to have possessed ourselves of New-Orleans while we had it in our power, appeared to be the soundest policy which this country could have pursued. If hostilities take place between Britain and France, the United States unquestionably had nothing to fear from France and Spain, for supposing that even thirty thousand men were landed at present in Louisiana they could not resist the United force of America unless they received from time to time succours from the mother country, and this would be impossible on account of the English fleets. If hostilities do not take place between France and Britain still it would be more advantageous for the United States to have the first possession of Louisiana, than at a future period to be compelled to take up arms in defence of their rights, after the French had completely settled in the province. W.
IMPORTANT.
FROM THE NEW-YORK OF MAY 17.
The following note was yesterday published in the Commercial Advertiser . I am requested by our minister in

France to communicate publicly, that he had on the 11th March received the most flattering letter in answer to one addressed by him to the first consul, on the subject of our debts, &c. in which the most full and complete assurances are given that every letter of the convention shall be punctually complied. That their finance are in the best situation, and capable of meeting all engagements, and that even were it otherwise, and though it should submit them to partial inconveniences, he would strictly comply with the demands of justice, and calls upon the minister to make out the accounts of American claims, for which he promises a full and ready payment.
The minister adds, that he gives this early intelligence, because it will probably come through other channels, as he intended to call the Americans at Paris together, the next day, and communicate it to them, in which case he feared that interested persons might speculate on the wants of those who have already suffered too much by the delay. He concludes by saying, that without being absolutely certain, he thought he might confide in the promises, so solemnly made, and that he would press eagerly for their execution.
EDWARD P. LIVINGSTON.
FROM PHILADELPHIA, MAY 18.
POSTSCRIPT.
Office of the TRUE AMERICAN half past ten o'clock, P. M.
Our boat has just returned, having boarded near Chester, the ship Roebeck, captain Kelly, from Liverpool, which he left the 6th April, and brings papers to the 4th. From a cursory review of the papers we have received, it appears that WAR is still the order of the day. From a paper of the 4th of April, we select the following as a summary of the news.
LONDON, April 4.
The veil of secrecy still covers the negotiation with France. Councils are held; dispatches are received and sent off; couriers pass and repass; but nothing has transpired to enable us to form any decisive opinion. A cabinet council was held on Friday night, and an ultimatum is said to have been drawn up. The answer it is hoped, will be received by Thursday, the day on which parliament is expected to adjourn for the Easter holidays. The public will certainly be not a little surprised, if both houses adjourn without any information being communicated to them upon the situation of the country.
We have strong suspicion, that the question of peace or war will be decided before many days have elapsed. It is probable that a communication will either be made to parliament, or that a discussion will take place upon the situation of the country, before the adjournment for the recess. In the mean time a negotiation is said to be going on for effecting a partial change of administration. Lord Grenville is gone to visit Mr. Pitt at Walmer castle; and many of the minister's friends begin to talk of the necessity of introducing Mr. Pitt again into the cabinet.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board the United States ship Chesapeake, dated Gibraltar, March 26, 1803.
Captain Sterett has taken a prize; she is an imperial polacre, from Smyrna, bound to Tripoli, with Tripolitan property on board; very valuable.
[BY DESIRE]
FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
NUMBER 1.
Virginia, 9th April, 1803.
To CHARLES LEE, Esq.
I speak as to wise men; Judge ye what I say— 1 Cor. 10 Chapt. 15.
SIR,
It is not from a coincidence in our opinions on the subject matter of the following piece, that I take the liberty of prefixing your name
to it; but from a persuasion, that its being addressed to you, will draw to it an attention, which in all probability it would not otherwise attract. Though we differ in opinion, I am sure, such is the liberality of your mind, and such the unprejudiced tone of your judgement, that you will give it a fair hearing; and if in the sequel it should convince, you will ingeniously say, it has wrought conviction. The substance of a letter I addressed to Judge Chase, in August 1800, which was published in the Richmond Federalist, I shall beg leave to recapitulate in this. In the trial of James T. Callender, the learned judge laid this down as law, "that it was the province of the judge, or judges to decide, whether any laws were or were not repugnant to the constitution; and, if it were, to declare it null and void, or in other words, suspend, or dispense with it." —In the late case of Marbury, vs. the secretary of state, the court refused to grant the mandamus, grounding their opinion on the unconstitutionality of the act of Congress which gave to the supreme appellate court that power; dispensing with (quod hoc) this statute—The claim to this most dangerous power was first founded on a clause in the compact, which indirectly conferred this power, as they alleged, and which now fortified by precedents, and if not resisted will become the law of the land. They secondly claim this power by virtue of their oath. The clause runs in these words, "the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution, and the laws of the United States." —But is a question that goes to this extent, namely, whether a body of men separate and distinct from the legislature can so far intrude upon its rights and privileges as to suspend or dispense with a solemn act of this supreme power, a case in law and equity, arising under this constitution? If so, this instrument is a solo de se, and has erected an ephoral power in the judges above the legislature, fatal to its own independence. Reason will not deny its assent to this position. —That no instrument of this solemn nature, a great federal compact laying down permanent canons to govern the legislature, the executive and judiciary, should of purpose, make an absolute provision for its own destruction." If it had been intended to confer this pre-eminent power on the judiciary, would not those great and wise men, who composed the convention, have given it by marked expression, limited veto," and not left them to assume, as they now do from inference, the unlimited? No Sir! such a cardinal power would not have been left to indirect deduction, to be brought forward by accident, and acted upon at uncertain periods, as this, or that factious, or labor citizen, should feel a disposition to draw into question the validity of the law. Permit me now to illustrate by an hypothesis, the danger and inconsequence of such power residing in the judges—suppose it lodged in Congress passes a bill, and send it to the president for his assent, which he withholdeth after mature deliberation, because, it is unconstitutional; he gives his reasons for his dissent at the great length, and with great force of argument. He then returns the bill with his objections to that house, in which it originated, who enter the objections at large on their journals, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that house, it shall become a law.* These are the words of the constitution: "it shall become a law," surely a constitutional law, and made in pursuance of events this very law is questioned and brought before the judiciary, who by some distinction, subtle as the web of Arachne, pronounce it unconstitutional. In reason, in consistency with any ideas we have ever heretofore entertained, concerning the legislative and judiciary departments, can such a fatal power reside with the latter? Do you not perceive, Sir, from the above hypothetical case, the evil consequences, that would ensue from such conflicting jurisdictions? Do you not see how infinitely litigation would be engendered? That eternal disputes would distract our government? That the time of our judiciary would be engaged on properly legislative questions, which by the very genius and spirit of the constitution they cannot interfere with, and not infract it? Would not this introduce and establish the "imperium imperio," that solocism in politics? Would it not lead to that "miser servitus, just vagum et incognitum?"—And violate the hitherto unshaken maxim, that nulla lex "dissolvetur, nisi coligamine, quoligatur?"
Let me indulge a further supposition, and consider this question under litigation, in Charlestown, in Boston, and in Virginia. The one judge is of opinion, it is not unconstitutional; the other two, that it is; the court of appeals, finally, (after a lapse of years) agree with the two last judges. The evident consequence of this will be, that a law of Congress (in this interim) will be in operation in one state; and in two others, the minds
*Art. 1 Sec. 7.
of the people will be so distracted as not to know by what rule to regulate their conduct; if an unpopular law, they will disobey it probably. The effects of the exercise of this power by a body of men, (or by an individual even) in whom the constitution has invested no legislative authority, has a direct tendency, in my judgement, to destroy the constitution; on the existence of which, our political safety, happiness, and prosperity depend. But the reply to this is, "the obligation of their oath;" read the clause. "The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution," &c. It has been endeavoured to be maintained in the exposition of this clause that these cases are not cases under the constitution, and ought not to be entertained by the judiciary tribunals. "Maledicta est interpretatio, quae corruptit textum." Such an interpretation, not only corrupts the text, but destroys the constitution. The clause must refer, solely, to questions properly judiciary, and not to those which impugn upon legislative jurisdiction, from statutory No. 80 provisions, for instance, adapted to our situation; and all cases, in which the state legislature shall pass acts in contravention to the constitution and laws of the United States, which are the supreme laws of the land, and pervade and extend over the legislative jurisdiction of each and every state in the union. In these cases, all power is conceded to the judges of the federal government in the same manner, as to the judges of Westminister Hall, to set aside the law of the land and out of the limits of its jurisdiction. Here there will be no occasion of a clashing of jurisdictions, nor of the imperium in imperio traced to a well intended commentary on the constitution; "Vae Pede alii, No. 78." At the time this paper was written, there were folios of glossary on the constitution; many written with great ability to oppose the adoption of it, to shew its imperfections, and to operate this conviction on the vulgar ear; to counteract the enemies of it, it became expedient, to conciliate the public mind to the reception of it, by all the honorable means of address, and by all inducements ingenuity could devise; nothing promised more likely to effect this, than shewing it contained less energy than its enemies imputed to it, (for the forth this position (to whittle it down, in consequence to the existing prejudices) that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to its authority." Absurd as was the idea of the Supreme Legislature (a supreme legislature there must be in all governments,) being under any check but that of the people, the constitution they were sworn to observe, and the characters they must with to preserve; it short their duty to God and man, it was popular; it was however, commonly, not text, inference, not impression.—What would become of the liberties of England, had their judges possessed such powers, as is contended for them here, a body of men separate and distinct from the legislature, (without any constitutional revolutionary power over the acts of the legislature) invested with the destroying power of suspending the laws of the land." If such an ephoral power be, to be erected here, it will induce all the evils which Sparta experienced from a similar institution, and the government of France from their different parliaments refusing to register the royal edicts; this kept the government in a perpetual state of fermentation. The ephori were inspectors, or overseers (as the word means) of the legislature, to guard the rights of the people against their encroachments, or to use the words of Publius, "an intermediate body between the people and legislature, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to its authority." But this body of men, (only five in number) by their interference between the different branches of the legislature, totally destroyed the balance of power established by Lycurgus, introduced those convulsions which shook the state, and finally brought on its total subversion.—The power assumed by our judiciary are as formidable as that which the ephori exercised; it goes to abrogate, by its authority, the acts of the legislature, in their opinion (which by the bye, ought not to have infallibility annexed to it) not strictly constitutional; in contradiction to the established axiom, which should for ever remain inviolate, "that no law can be dissolved by a less power, than that which enacted it." It is remarkable, and not unworthy of observation, that at the very period when we were by strained constructions of our constitution enlarging the power of our judiciary, the English parliament was confining those of their judges within narrower limits. Mr. Fox, and Mr. Erskine brought forward the bill, declaring the right of juries in all cases of libels, to decide on both the law and the fact; and when in their consciences they felt themselves competent to this decision, to disregard the directions of the bench as to special verdicts, but following their judgement, bring general verdicts. Ever since this act has
passed the judges have never presumed to guide their direction. (To be continued)
ON Saturday, the 26th March, a dinner was given at the London Tavern by the American Merchants, to Rufus King, Esq. the American Ambassador at the court of St. James's, who is on his return to America. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Hobart and several other distinguished characters were present.
(Phil. Pap.)
SALEM, May 9. FROM BOURDEAUX.
CAPT. Gould, who arrived yesterday in the brig Catherine, in 38 days from Bourdeaux, informs that when he left there, transports were fitting out for St. Domingo, and that there was a heavy press to man them. Capt. G. also informs, that the probability of war between France and England was still great.
Extract of a letter from Bourdeaux, to a gentleman in this town, dated March 30, received per the Catharine.
"War between this country and Great Britain has been very much spoken of and dreaded for this few days past; we however hope here that matters will be soon amicably arranged."
In a postscript to the same letter it is also added. "That there is every probability of an immediate war with England. All West-India produce on the rise."
FROM THE JOURNAL "DE COMMERCE," MARCH 27.
The dey of Algiers having received 80,000 dollars from Spain, and very considerable presents from Denmark, sent for citizen Thainville, commissary General of the French republic, and told him that all nations sent him money, and that the first consul had neglected, and had sent nothing. That France formerly sent him presents. Citizens Thainville then reminded him of the article in the letter to the first consul, by Gen. Hulin, in which the dey renounced all claims to presents. This reply threw the dey into a violent passion, with severe threatening. Upon the arrival of this news at Paris, the minister of Marine fitted out two frigates for Algiers, under the command of citizen Gourdon, with orders to take on board the commissary general and his family, and to inform the dey, that if he once declared war, he must remember, that he could not tell where it would end. Upon the arrival of the frigates, the people crowded the palace of the dey, to represent to him the evils which threatened them. The dey sent for Thainville and demanded the intention in sending the frigates. He told the dey the orders from France. Do you wish to have war with me, said the Dey. No, replied the commissary, but the first consul is too powerful to be your tributary. After some dispute, the dey added, he shall pay nothing, I wish to be at peace with him. Write to him that I recall my demand. So the affair ended. The commissary was conducted from the palace of the dey amidst the acclamations of the multitude, which expressed the strongest desire to be at peace with France. The commissary returned to his post, and the frigates returned to Toulon.
SALE OF
PRINTS & LOOKINGGLASSES MRS. ATKINS being about to return to Philadelphia, respectfully informs the ladies and gentlemen of Richmond and its vicinity, that on Wednesday next at 10 o'clock, in the large room above col. Gamble's store, she will dispose of her Prints and Looking Glasses at public sale; they are very elegant and will be sold for cash. May 20, 1803.
No. 30,489, a ticket in the second class of the lottery in Washington City, was bought by me in Baltimore, the 10th day of August, 1796: in the year 1797, some time in June was sent by one William Smith to Philadelphia, supposing the lottery to have been drawn, to be examined. I have since seen said Smith in Charlestown, he proved to me as I think, said ticket was lost in a vessel that he was cast away in. I advertised the said ticket on the 30th of June, 1797, in the Virginia Argus, forbidding any person from purchasing it, if it should be in being, as am sole owner of it.
JAMES ROBERTS.
Richmond, May 25, 1803.

IN this day's paper we conclude the debate on the resolution proposing an investigation of the report of the commissioners of the sinking fund. The reply of Mr. Griswold to Messrs. Randolph, Nicholson, and Smith, cannot be read with too much attention; nor do we with our readers lightly to pass over the speeches of the democratic members. If their remarks are not attended to, it may perhaps be supposed that much was said in defence of Mr. Gallatin. But if they are carefully perused, it will be obvious, that no one fact nor argument was adduced by the friends of the Genevefe, which tended in any degree to exculpate the secretary of the treasury. On the contrary, they involved the obscure and contradictory statements of Mr. Gallatin in still greater obscurity. As to Mr. Randolph, who spoke first in defence of the secretary, if he had the happiness to understand his own meaning, we are sure he had better luck than any person who heard him. And if he was able to convince himself of the innocence and ability of Mr. Gallatin, we are afraid that he is the only person on whom his speech produced the desired effect. One thing, however, is very plain, and that is, that Mr. Randolph could not, for the soul of him, find out what had become of 114,000 dollars, which had been taken from the treasury, and of the expenditure of which no sort of account had been rendered by the Genevefe. But the gentleman consoles himself, and endeavours to console the people, by speaking of 114,000 dollars as a mere trifle, and of no consequence to the United States. He was astonished that so small a sum (as 114,000 dollars) should appear unaccounted for, on the payment of 7,000,000. In Virginia, where it is said to be the fashion to talk rather largely upon money matters, it may perhaps do well enough to talk of 114,000 dollars, as quite a thing of nothing, and hardly worth looking after. But we must confess that we are not inclined to think altogether so lightly of the sum. 114,000 dollars would make several people tolerably rich.
It would be a right handsome capital for a man to trade upon. It would be very convenient, for a good many democratic merchants, who bawled pretty loudly for Mr. Jefferson and Monsieur G. to receive from the treasury one hundred and fourteen thousand dollars without interest for a year or two. In that time, if they were successful, their fortune would be made, and they might then return the money they at first obtained. And if they were unfortunate, or should take it in their heads to run off, why the U. States could but lose it, and the people would think nothing of paying 'so small a sum' as Mr. Randolph calls it, over again. So much for Mr. Randolph. Mr. Nicholson seemed really disposed to explain the accounts, if he had known how. But finance is a subject rather above his ken. General Smith, of Baltimore, indeed, was astonished that Messrs. Randolph and Nicholson were able, off hand, to answer so effectually the objections that were raised. But it so happened, that what general Smith terms 'off hand,' was a preparation of several weeks; aided all the time, by secretary Gallatin. And truly it was enough to astonish the general, that in so short a space of time, Mr. N. should be able not to know the debit from the credit side of the accounts. It might have taken another man a life time to get to deep. But yet, it is a certain fact, that Mr. Nicholson, after several weeks study, did discover that the commissioners were to take credit for about 23,000 dollars which they had drawn from the treasury, instead of its being charged to their debit. So that according to Mr. Nicholson's calculation, secretary Gallatin, after taking from the treasury, twenty three thousand dollars, and rendering no account of the expenditure, would be entitled to twenty three thousand more, merely for having done so. But it happened,
unluckily for Mr. Nicholson, that Mr. Griswold, who knew something more about these matters than he did, detected his mistakes, and corrected his calculations. Mr. Nicholson's speech did not therefore much mend the secretary's report.
General Smith appeared to think that congress knew quite as much of the business as he did (which was very probably the case) and instead of speaking about the report of Mr. Gallatin which was then under consideration, the general amused himself and the house of representatives in taking up other subjects no way connected with the object of enquiry. He told them how he had been consulted by Mr. Wolcott; how his advice was followed; how much he was near getting for his bills on Holland, and how cunningly citizen Gallatin had disappointed his schemes. If the general had talked about every cent's costing 'half a dollar' it would have been just as much to the purpose, as what he did say, only he could not then perhaps, have said so much about his own dear self. But as the general seemed to think he could not throw any new light upon the obscure accounts of the secretary, it might have been ill-natured not to indulge him with the privilege of making a speech upon something else, and we know of no subject on which general Smith can talk with more fluency and pleasure, than on the merits, services and talents of gen. Smith.
If, with the clumsy and unintelligible speeches of Randolph, Nicholson and Smith, we contrast the clear and lucid arguments of Mr. Griswold, democracy must hide its head in shame. After attentively considering and comparing the arguments of these gentlemen, on the interesting subject of public money, it must be a matter of astonishment and serious regret, to every reflecting mind, that by some unaccountable whim or madness such men as Mr. Griswold are excluded from the administration of the government and our most important concerns, are placed in the hands of persons, who are perfectly and obviously, unacquainted with the subject.
We cannot close these remarks, without paying a tribute of justice to Mr. Bronson, one of the editors of the Gazette of the United States, to whom the public are indebted, for this report of the debate on Mr. Griswold's resolution. The precision and correctness, with which the different calculations are reported, and the clearness and force with which the arguments, on this complicated subject, are stated, exhibit at once the accuracy and attention of the reporter, the knowledge and judgment of the politician.
FROM THE PALLADIUM.
BY all the late accounts from Europe it appears, that war is regarded as not far distant; but as to the present points of dispute, whether they will bring it on immediately or not, few are willing to hazard an opinion.
The conversation between BONA PARTE and Lord WHITWORTH, published in our last, seems to have been generally credited by the London editors, down to the 23d of March. They state that the substance of the conversation has been confirmed by a number of letters from Paris. Bell's Weekly Messenger, of March 20, however, declares it to be a fabrication; but when it is considered that this paper is the only one which is well received in France, our readers will judge, whether this contradiction does not corroborate the account. No certain conclusion can be drawn from this, as to the present policy of the first Consul; but it shews his inveterate hostility towards England. Even Mr. Fox must admit, that such insolent and arrogant language is hardly consistent with professions of being the "pacifier of Europe." It will tend to rouse the spirit of the nation, to unite them as one man, and teach them that even war, with so ambitious an enemy, may be
safier than a delusive and treacherous peace.
Upon these topics of peace and war the Chronicle, with its usual truth and consistency, remarks, that this whole transaction, (the retention of Malta and the Cape of Good Hope) is a mystery not easily resolved or explained by the ablest politicians. After a short paragraph, upon the "foolish and non-sensical stories" of English and American newspapers, it goes on to inform us, that the "whole of the difficulty originated in Switzerland, where the British Minister intended to produce a civil war, by an insurrection of the aristocratic cantons against the established Government!"
THE Morning Chronicle informs its readers that the democratic ticket in this city lost at least 791 votes, and how many more he cannot tell, by the management of the American Citizen-- Now if any do, after this, dispute Mr. Cheetham's title to be considered as an able editor, he must certainly be very maliciously disposed towards that gentleman. More of this anon. Even. Post.
SCRAPS.
An American newspaper, says, that Tom Paine is now busily employed in writing a third part of his Age of Reason A Cheesemonger in Philadelphia, has contracted for all the copies. (Lond. paper.)
We are gravely told in an Italian Newspaper, that Bonaparte is a great favourite with all the saints except with St. Domingo. ib
WILLIAM MCAY, CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, MAIN STREET, RICHMOND,
TAKES this method to inform the public, that he has just received by a late arrival from Europe, a large and general assortment of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES. Among which are elegant repeating watches, lady's gold do. Also an elegant assortment of seals, keys, chains, &c. He has likewise a few good CLOCKS for sale. All of which he offers to dispose of on as reasonable terms for cash, as they can be purchased in any part of the United States.
He returns his sincere thanks to his friends for the liberal encouragement he has met with since his residence in this city. * * * Clocks and watches repaired on the shortest notice.
May 6, 1803. gw '6
NOTICE.
I SHALL be obliged, very shortly, to leave this State for a few months. Should any persons having demands against me, wish to have them previously adjusted, I shall be glad if they will bring them forward immediately, for that purpose.
As the patronage I have received from my Friends and the Public, since my commencement in Business, has fully qualified my most flattering expectations, I beg leave, with due sensibility and respect, to offer to return my most grateful acknowledgements.
During my absence Mr. William H. Fitzwhyllon will receive and pay money, and settle all outward transactions and accounts on my behalf. The business of Book-binding, in all its various branches, will be carried on by Mr. Samuel Combs, who will execute all orders with promptitude and fidelity.
There is now on hand, and will be constantly kept up a complete assortment of Stationery, and of all kinds of Blank and Ruled Books used in Mercantile, Legal and Private business.
JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, May 21st, 1803. '10
IRISH LINENS.
THE Subscribers have just received a large assortment of 7/8ths. and 4/4ths. Irish Linens, which they offer for sale on very low terms. Also a few Bales of best Twill'd SACKING.
GILLIAT & KIRBY. Richmond, May 18th, 1803. 1m. u '9.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierses, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
DR. LOZARUS,
OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND,
TAKES this opportunity of returning his great acknowledgment to the public, for the flattering encouragement he has met with during a residence of upwards of three years in this city. The number of persons in Richmond who have been relieved by his Antiphlogistic Patent Stomach Cordial, can well attest the utility of this invaluable medicine.
He also informs the public, that he has obtained a PATENT from the United States. For the benefit of the Public, therefore, he has reduced the price from Two dollars to Seven Shillings and Sixpence per bottle.
CORDIAL.
WHICH cures every internal disease; recommended for all complaints at the stomach and bowels, corrects bile, particularly relieving all cholick pains in the intestines. This medicine should ever be in the possession of those men who work in poisonous paint, such as white lead, verdigris, &c. As it is well known that the effluvia of those pernicious particles, lodges at the coat of the stomach, and cause acute pains and gripings, A wine glass full of this cordial will give immediate relief. This cordial will prevent weak stomachs from being chilled. It will give relief in gouty attacks of the stomach, and other internal parts. It will restore appetite, relieve griping pains attended with purging. It revives the strength and spirits. Its great efficacy is in promoting digestion, by strengthening the stomach and bowels. It is of the greatest use in traveling. Taking a wine glass of it in the morning, fasting, it is an excellent stomachic and carminative. It is also a certain prevention against taking the ague and fever, or any malignant fevers. This cordial may be given to infants a month old, if troubled with wind and cholick, giving a half tea spoonful. It is an excellent medicine for women in the early state of pregnancy, taking a wine glass at any time. What makes this medicine valuable is, that persons need never be under an apprehension of taking too much. It may be taken at all times. This cordial is pleasant to take, and has a very agreeable taste. This cordial is not like foreign patent medicines that are daily advertised for sale, which most of them are counterfeited; and those that are not counterfeited have lost their virtue, by being old and a long time prepared, which is not the case with this cordial. It is freshly prepared when wanting, and certificates produced of its efficacy from a people of the city of Richmond, and other parts of Virginia. Three bottles of this cordial will cure the dysentery. It is an excellent medicine to take after hard drinking. It is also a very valuable medicine to take to sea, as it will cure sea sickness. This cordial has worked wonders to persons afflicted with asthmatic complaints, as it causes a free passage to the whole internal frame. Families should ever be in possession of this invaluable cordial. By making use of it, according to the above directions, they will need no application to doctors for any internal disease. The doctor is of opinion that, by making use of this cordial freely in sickly months, persons will be prevented from taking the yellow fever, as it invigorates the nerves, gives a healthy motion to the fluids, and elevates the mind. Persons taking this medicine may eat or drink whatever they please, and can go out at any time after their business, need never be under apprehensions of taking cold.
N. B. The doctor continues curing the Rheumatism, acute, or chronic. He also has for sale his OPODELLDOX CORDIAL, and DROPS, that cure the rheumatism acute or chronic, for persons living at a distance by which they may cure themselves. He cures the scurvy in the mouth, and cleans the teeth. He has for sale his wonderful Paste and tincture, so astonishingly successful in curing the scurvy, and which renders the breath at all times sweet and agreeable. He also has for sale a cosmetic, which is a beautifier to the skin for Ladies, takes off pimples and freckles from the face, and cures ringworms.
Doctor Lozarus's Cough Drops, and Corn Plasters prepared only by himself, which eradicates corns on the feet and toes. An infallible remedy for destroying worms in persons of every age and description. An incomparable ointment for the piles. The wonderful eyewater which cures inflammation in the eyes. All kind of medicine ready prepared for private families, with printed directions how to use them for every disease incident to the human body.
The doctor may be spoken with, at his dispensary, near the Market Bridge.
Richmond, April 27th, 1803. smw 3.
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia, or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Levis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder, and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
WANTS A PLACE.
A WHITE MAN wishes to be employed as COOK, or as a HOUSE SERVANT. Enquire at this office.