The recorder, or, Lady's and gentleman's miscellany (Richmond, Va.), 1802-04-24 00:00:00

THE RECORDER; Or, LADY'S AND GENTLEMAN'S MISCELLANY;
Printed by HENRY PACE, and JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; and published every SATURDAY Morning. Subscription Two Dollars per annum;
SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1802.
THE Subscribers to this Paper, who have not yet paid their Subscriptions, agreeably to conditions of Subscribing, are respectfully requested to forward the same to this Office. Numbers have not yet paid any money since their commencement of receiving from the first Number of this Paper, although the terms are one half Year in advance. We can only say, that those Gentlemen must see the propriety of our discontinuing to forward their Papers any longer, if the money is not immediately remitted, which can be done by the means of Bank Notes, by letter. The little Profit arising from this Paper, on account of the quantity of original matter contained in it, renders prompt payment necessary. The Post-Masters, who have Subscriptions on hand, are respectfully requested to forward the same, as above mentioned, or many Subscribers who have paid, will otherwise be in danger of having their papers discontinued.
April 3, 1802.
STEPHEN BROWN, GUN MAKER,
From LONDON,
Near the OLD CITY TAVERN, Main-Street, RICHMOND,
MAKES all sorts of Guns and Pistols, in the neatest manner, and on the most reasonable Terms. He returns thanks to his friends for their encouragement, and informs them he continues to clean and repair old Guns and Pistols.
N.B. Two Apprentices wanted. A small Premium will be expected.
April 22d. 1802.
CHARLES SMALLWOOD, TAYLOR,
RETURNS his respectful Thanks for Favors already conferred on him by a generous Public, and begs Leave to inform them, that he has
REMOVED
His Business to the Street leading up to Shockoe Hill, next Door to Crouch and Webster's CITY HOTEL, where all Orders committed to his Care will be thankfully received.
Every Article in the above Business executed with neatness and dispatch, and on the most reasonable Terms.
A PERSON that is well acquainted with the Branch of Gardening,
Wishes to employ a great Part of his Time with two or three Gentlemen, in or near the CITY of RICHMOND, or MANCHESTER, by Way of superintending their Gardens.
For further Particulars enquire of the Printer.
RICHMOND, Jan. 21, 1802.
The Laws of Virginia,
TO BE PRINTED By SAMUEL PLEASANTS, Jun. And HENRY PACE.
AMONG other numerous and important Improvements in the proposed Richmond Edition of "The Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia," the following will be particularly attended to:—The Act of Assembly, for convoking the Convention of this State, in Order to discuss the Question of the Federal Constitution;—the Law, respecting the Acceptance and Ratification of the Federal System;—the Laws concerning Canals, the Patowomac, the James River, and other Companies.
This edition will also comprehend the Compact with the State of Maryland, respecting the River Potomac; and that regarding the Boundary between Pennsylvania, and Kentucky; with other Additions, too numerous for Insertion in this Place.
It has already been stated to the Public, that this Work will cost only SIX DOLLARS, elegantly bound and lettered, in one large octavo Volume.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received a quantity of
Plaister of Paris,
of the very best quality for manure, which he proposes selling on Reasonable terms, either ground or in the Stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond April 13th 1802.
Stone Lime,
in Tierses,
LOW FOR CASH,
BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, Near the Market House.
FOR SALE,
ON the fourth WEDNESDAY in the present Month (April) the Subscriber will sell, at public auction, his LEASE of Four Years from September last, of the Cross Keys Tavern, two Doors below the Court-House, in the City of Richmond, and give immediate possession.
There is attached to this tenement, a good Stable, and a very large Lot of LAND, newly-enclosed with Posts and Rails, a good Garden, a commodious Yard, and Hen-House. The whole subjected to a Rent of 34 Dollars per Annum, to be paid Monthly throughout the whole Term of the Lease, which is Seven Dollars per Month. The Buildings are all in good Order; and all, except the Dwelling-House and Kitchen, put on the Place at the Expence of the Subscriber, which cost him upwards of One Hundred Pounds. He will treat with any Person privately in the Interim.
There can be no better Stand in this City for nearly one-third of each Month in the Year, being two Courts holden at the Court-House (which is in Twenty Yards of the Place, in every Month, Eight of which are Quarterly Courts, that hold Six Days each.
Should the Person who purchases wish to purchase a Quantity of suitable Furniture, the Subscriber will supply them as it stands in the House.
NATHANIEL CHILDERS.
Richmond, April 7th, 1802.
Revised Code.
THE Publishers of the new edition of "The REVISED CODE of the LAWS of VIRGINIA," had advertised that the subscription for this work was to close on the first of March. They have since found it advisable to keep the Subscription open till further notice, as a number of copies of the printed proposals, which had been sent into the country, for the purpose of collecting Subscribers, have not yet been received back; and while the editors are accepting of lists of Subscribers from different parts of the State, they do not consider it as proper to decline the acceptance of Names in Richmond.
It has already been observed, that this edition will be rendered much more valuable than the former, by the addition of the Statutes of a public nature of EIGHT Succeeding Sessions. In these, a considerable number of the Laws, inserted in the former edition have been revised, altered, or repealed. The whole will now be comprehended within a single volume, whereas the possessors of the former edition can only have recourse to them, at the expence of purchasing the entire sets of the Laws of all the former Sessions; of which an immense majority are of a private nature. Of course, these are totally uninteresting to magistrates, or lawyers; and besides the expence of the purchase, they are of a very unmanageable bulk.
CALEB WILLIAMS.
[Continued from our last.]
So saying, she advanced to the door of the back-room upon the ground-floor in which Emily lay, but the moment it was opened, instead of waiting for the appearance of the mother, the bailiff entered along with the girl.
Mrs. Hammond looked up. Who are you, said she? Why do you come in here? Hush! be quiet!
I must speak with miss Melville. Indeed, but you must not. Tell me your business. The poor lady has been light headed all day. She is just fallen asleep, and must not be disturbed.
That is no business of mine. I must obey orders.
Orders? Whose orders? What is it you mean?
At this moment Emily opened her eyes. What noise is that? I wish you would let me be quiet.
Miss, I want to speak with you. I have got a writ against you for eleven hundred pound at the suit of squire Tyrrel.
At these words both Mrs. Hammond and Emily were dumb. The latter was scarcely able to annex any meaning to the intelligence; and, though Mrs. Hammond was somewhat better acquainted with the sort of language that was employed, yet in this strange and unexpected connexion it was almost as mysterious to her, as to poor Emily herself.
A writ! How can she be in Mr. Tyrrel's debt? A writ against a child!
It is no signification putting your questions to us. We only do as we are directed. There is our authority. Look at it.
Lord Almighty! exclaimed Mrs. Hammond, what does this mean? It is impossible Mr. Tyrrel should have sent you.
Good woman, none of your jabber to us! Cannot you read?
This is all a trick! This paper is forged! It is a vile contrivance to get the poor lady out of the hands of those with whom only she can be safe. Proceed upon it at your peril!
Rest you content; that is exactly what we mean to do. Take it at my word; we knew very well what we are about.
Why, you would not tear her from her bed? I tell you, she is in a high fever, she is light headed; it would be death to remove her! You are bailiffs are not you? You are not murderers?
The law says nothing about that.
We have orders to take her sick or well. We will do her no harm; except to as we must perform our office, be it how it will.
Where would you take her? What is it you mean to do?
To the county jail. Bullock, go, order a post chaise from the Griffin!
Stay, I say! Give no such orders! Wait only three hours; I will send off a messenger expressly to squire Falkland, and I am sure he will satisfy you as to any harm that can come to you, without its being necessary to take the poor lady to jail.
We have particular directions against that. We are not at liberty to lose a minute. Why are not you gone? Order the horses to be put to immediately!
Emily had listened to the course of this conversation, which had sufficiently explained to her whatever was enigmatical
at the first appearance of the bailiffs. The painful and incredible reality that was thus presented, effectually dissipated the illusions of frenzy to which she had just been a prey. My dear madam, said she to Mrs. Hammond, do not harass yourself with useless efforts. I am very sorry for all the trouble I have given you. But my misfortune is inevitable. Sir, if you will step into the next room, I will dress myself, and attend you immediately.
Mrs. Hammond began to be equally aware that her struggles were to no purpose; but she could not be equally patient. At one moment she raved upon the brutality of Mr. Tyrrel, whom she affirmed to be a devil incarnate, and not a man. At another she expostulated with bitter invective against the heard-heartedness of the bailiff, and exhorted him to mix some humanity and moderation with the discharge of his duty; but he was impenetrable to all she could urge. In the mean while Emily yielded with the sweetest resignation to an inevitable evil. Mrs. Hammond insisted that at least they should permit her to attend her young lady in the chaise; and the bailiff, though the orders he had received were so peremptory that he dared not exercise his discretion as to the execution of the writ, began to have some apprehensions of danger, and was willing to admit of any precaution that was not in direct hostility to his functions. For the rest, he understood, that it was in all cases dangerous to allow sickness, or apparent unfitness, for removal as a sufficient cause to interrupt a direct process, and that accordingly in all doubtful questions and presumptive murders the practice of the law inclined [with a laudable partiality] to the vindication of these general rules he was influenced by the positive injunctions and assurances of Squire Tyrrel, and the terror which universally through a circle of many miles, was annexed to the name of Tyrrel. Before they departed, Mrs. Hammond dispatched a messenger with a letter of three lines to Mr. Falkland, informing him of this extraordinary event. Mr. Falkland was from home when the messenger arrived, and not expected to return till the second day; accident seeming in this instance to favour the vengeance of Mr. Tyrrel, for he had himself been too much under the dominion of an uncontrollable fury to have leisure to take a circumstance of this sort into his estimate.
The forlorn state of these poor women, who were conducted, the one by compulsion, the other as a volunteer, to a scene so little adapted to their accommodation as that of a common jail, may easily be imagined. There were however a masculine courage and impetuosity of spirit in Mrs. Hammond, eminently necessary in the difficulties they had to encounter. She was in some degree fitted by a sanguine temper and an impassioned sense of injustice for the discharge of those very offices which sobriety and calm reflection might prescribe. The health of miss Melville, as might have been expected, was very materially affected by the removal she had undergone, at the very time when repose was most necessary for her preservation. Her fever became more violent than ever, her delirium was stronger, and the tortures of her imagination were in some degree proportioned to the extreme unfavourableness of the state in which the removal had been effected.
To be continued.

WHILE this paper was going to press, Mr. Lewis Harvie called at this office. He had apprehended, from a passage in "The Recorder," of the 17th current, page 2d column 1st line 39, that the mention of Mr. Madison had been designed to be represented as coming from him. It is perfectly certain, that Mr. Harvie never mentioned Mr. Madison's name, nor did it even come into our conception that the passage in inverted commas as would be considered as coming literally from Mr. Harvie. There are other words in that passage which we never meant to attribute literally to Mr. Harvie. We only gave the substance, or meaning of his speech; but an attentive perusal will shew, that the ascribing it verbatim never came into our mind. To prevent mistakes, however, or misrepresentations, it is proper to make this explanation.
THE unexpected length of the original matter, under the Richmond head, has for this day prevented the admission of various articles. They are not of any pressing or important nature.
We have heard of no arrivals from Europe, since our last, or at least none, which are worth notice. There has likewise been a short cessation of extracts of letters from St. Domingo. This is the less to be regretted, as one half of them are fabrications, which we shall prove in our next paper; and the remainder are crammed with disgusting details of carnage.
LOUISIANA.
IN "The Recorder" of the 3d current, we mentioned the cession of Louisiana by Spain to France. At the same time it was remarked that "The French are now masters of the Western waters. Tennessee and Kentucky cannot send a single barrel of flour to the West Indies, if the first consul chooses to forbid them. At least they cannot send it by the Mississippi, which is tantamount to an absolute prohibition." These observations are self evidently true. The facts which they relate are likewise of the greatest moment. Put the case that Mr. Jefferson shall, in the course of his duty, find it essential to refuse some demand which the first consul chooses to make. This is a thing very likely to happen. Well; and what then? Why then, Sir? Buonaparte sends two seventy-four gun ships to the mouth of the Mississippi, and there is an end of your Western trade to the West Indies.
But the citizens of the Western waters will not suffer such a blockade to continue for any length of time; because it would reduce them to a complete destitution of money; because it would debar them from all those conveniences, or luxuries, which they have been in the habit of receiving from Europe; and which they cannot, or at least which they will not bear the want of.
Thus it becomes an important question, what course will the western states adopt, in the case of a rupture between France and the American government? The answer to this question embraces many particulars. To collect some of them, we must go backwards.
It is very well known that the citizens on the other side of the mountains are not distinguished by the violence of their federalism. They possess also a truly democratical aversion to the payment of all kinds of taxes. Their coolness towards the federal government has been produced, and very justly, by the atrocious treatment which, until the accession of Mr. Jefferson, they have always received from it. Their aversion to pay taxes arises partly from their want of ability. It is also to be remarked that very few, or perhaps not one of their citizens, holds a dollar in the public funds. Almost every man who possesses a share of the national debt, is, of course, a firm supporter of the general government. This is the
reason that Massachusetts and Connecticut have always been so firmly attached to it. They contain an immense number of the public creditors. The Southern states contain very few. And the Western states almost none at all.
In this part of the union, money is extremely scarce. The smallest taxes are paid with an effort and consequently with reluctance.
The blockade of the Western waters, by a small French squadron, would reduce those states to the same confusion, and proportion of distress, which Virginia would suffer from a French fleet at the entrance of the Chesapeake, the Rapahannock and James River. To attack the French upon water, would be to rush upon destruction. An attempt to drive them out of Louisiana by land would be almost as absolutely desperate. But even success by land would not advance the Kentuckians by one inch nearer to the restoration of their commerce with the West Indies.
Under this depression, the price of lands in Kentucky would fall at least one half. Thousands, and tens of thousands of their inhabitants, would cross the Mississippi to the French colony. The rest of them would have no money; and of consequence, they could pay no taxes. They would in all probability, shake off their connection with the Atlantic states, and recover the navigation of the river. It would be folly for us to talk of reducing them by force.
In this case, congress would perceive the weakness of their former policy, in having suffered the Greeks and Cherokees to remain upon this side of the river. On the first coolness between this country and the French colony, the latter would supply them with arms and ammunition; and very likely with troops; and the whole Western frontier of Georgia would be soaked with blood. That state would very soon find herself in imminent danger of becoming a province of France. She is too weak to defend herself; and in case of a sudden invasion from Louisiana, she could not have time to receive a supply of forces from the middle and eastern states.
By the way, Georgia has many reasons for being extremely discontented with her treatment from the general government. The conduct of the standing army in that state has produced volumes of the bitterest complaints to congress. They have seized a large tract of territory, which had been claimed by Georgia; and the matter is still in dispute. A summary of the particulars was printed in the second volume of The Prospect before Us . They have since been stated in congress by Mr. Milledge. It is possible that congress did not, in this case, act with injustice; but the Georgians think that they did so; and it is certain that they acted with some degree of despotism.
Put the case then, which we trust will never happen, that a difference arises between a federal president, and the first consul. The latter, with his wonted silence and promptitude, embarks forty thousand men for the West Indies. Were England disposed to prevent him, Buonaparte can do it in spite of her; and by taking certain precautions, he can do it, almost before she has a month's warning. One half of these troops land at Savannah; and before intelligence of their arrival can reach Washington, the whole state is reduced. The entrance of the Mississippi is closed, by French ships of war. Macdonald, with twenty thousand men, advances up the river. The new colony supplies him with abundance of provisions. Horses, which run wild in immense droves, are easily caught and tamed before hand to convey his baggage. His flanks are skirted with Kentuckians, that have settled on the French side of the river. The march is difficult; but the French have long been accustomed to despise and trample danger. Look at the first consul's clamoring, or sullen upon his posteriors, over the Great St. Bernard, with an Indian file of fifty thousand men! Observe Le Clerc, sweeping the negroes of St. Domingo before him! And remember that twenty or thirty thousand British troops were extirpated in the same island, and that almost without fighting!
The Kentuckians are brave and warlike. Their situation affords advantages for resistance. But they would say to themselves, for what object are we going to fight? Of the general government we know nothing but by the heavy price that she sets upon the western lands, and by the taxes which we pay her. She cannot set open the river. We are sufficiently numerous to defend ourselves; or to make honorable terms with the republic. The federal government cannot shield us from France; and our efforts to serve her will certainly beggar ourselves. We shall, therefore, make peace
with Macdonald. We shall thus recover the freedom of navigation. During the war between France and the Atlantic states, our crops will be sure of an excellent market in the West Indies. Our exports shall be doubled; and our dollars come back by hundreds.
It may be said that the French have nothing to gain by the conquest, or alliance of the Western states. As a mere extension of empire, they are indeed useless to the republic. But mark what follows. In the late wars the United States might have turned the scale, and given peace to the world, six years sooner than it was obtained. This sounds very strange; and yet nothing is more probable. An embargo of American provisions was imposed in Spring, 1795. This lasted but for sixty days. And in ninety days more, the British in the West Indies must have been cut off by famine. England was the foul of the war. She had nothing to hope for by victories in Europe, that could balance so vast a mutilation. Before France, therefore, begins her next war with England, she will be careful to secure at least the strict neutrality of the United States.
To rivet the respect of the Western States, France could not have found a shorter or a more certain expedient than by planting a colony at the entrance of the Mississippi. The immensity of her force by land will always enable that colony to resist attacks upon this quarter, if the republic thinks it worth her while to protect it. Her absolute command of the mouth of the river must of itself compel the Trans-allean states to cultivate her friendship, at whatever expence it may cost them. Thus, a form of able lodgement is made upon the Western frontier. The numerous rivers which intersect it afford access to the heart of the country. The French are fully conscious of the advantages of their situation. They will be sure to make the most of it.
On this subject, the Examiner of the 17th current has the following observations:
"We cannot believe that this event is all prejudicial to the interests of the United States . We cannot believe that it is injurious to America ; that Louisiana is in the possession of inhabitants from the north, instead of those from the south, side of the Pyrenean mountains. On the contrary, if it is any advantage to the United States, to have a weak and distant colony of the most powerful nation in Europe, lie exposed to their attack; if it is an advantage, that France should have an additional interest in cultivating peace with America; then it is to the interest of America, that France should possess Louisiana. On the prospect of any difference between Britain and America, has not Canada been all along mentioned as the first point, where we could wound them? Heretofore, was not this very country held up as a tempting bait to induce America to go to war? Is Harper's Mexico expedition already forgotten? Is it just now that we have discovered how injurious it is to the United States for Europe to colonize the uncultivated regions of America? While Louisiana is a colony we have nothing to fear."
The independence of America must unquestionably be somewhat crippled by the new French colony. Important truth ought not to be suppressed, merely because it may chance to be painful. The Examiner's reference from Canada to Louisiana is not happy. It would have been very convenient for the United States to drive the British out of Canada. The principal reason for this was that they fostered Indian wars. But the cheapest way of putting an end to these wars was by correcting the principles of conducting them. The expulsion of the British would have been a much easier task than that of the French from Louisiana can be. The greater part of the Canadians are of French descent. They would see an American invasion with stern indifference, or with secret joy. The British could not bring into the field an army of any very considerable number. The French, to carry a favorite point, could easily send fifty thousand men. The British, by blocking up the entrance of the St. Lawrence, could not injure the commerce of the United States. The French, by shutting the Mississippi, can reduce three or four western states to their own terms.
As for Harper's Mexican expedition, we do not perceive what it has to do here, unless to keep us in mind that Harper is a fool. When the Examiner tells us that we have nothing to fear, while Louisiana is a colony, the facts that ground his affirmation break down under him.
THE next article in the same paper tells us that "after one year's experience of a wise and frugal administration, congress has been able to abolish all the internal taxes amounting to near a million of dollars annually, and at the same time to appropriate about seven millions to the payment of our debt; and that this happy change is the effect of our union and attention to the giving our suffrages at the last federal elec-
tions; and thence to the state legislature proceedings; and is only to be preserved by the same vigilance which produced it."
We cannot subscribe to all this. The abolition of the taxes, to be sure, is a good thing, if it can be done with safety to the country. But the speech of Mr. Huger, inserted in this day's paper, shews that the story has, as the phrase is, a great many sides. The National Intelligencer has cackled and crowed very much about the wonderful effects which this repeal is to produce; and the unparallelled majority by which it past through the representatives. But if you repeal your taxes, what is to become of the national debt? At this rate, you never can discharge any considerable part of it. The democrats have always represented that debt as a public curse. And yet they are not taking the common method of discharging debts, when they repeal a million of dollars of taxes, per annum, that have been peaceably paid, and that would go a certain length in the discharge.
It is said, in some of the federal news papers, that general Jackson has recommended in the senate of congress, a tax upon this debt. This affords room for a new complaint against the republicans. We can see no proper reason for objecting to a tax upon that species of property. Suppose an extinction, by a rate of one per cent of the principal, per annum. This, in the course of a century, would put an end to the whole budget. In strict justice two thirds of it should long since have been cast into the fire. Opinions of this kind are familiar to many of the most respectable democrats. But—more of this another time. We return to the Examiner's correspondent.
If seven millions are going to be appropriated to the payment of the public debt, they must come from some arrears that had been due by collectors of taxes previous to the dismissal of John Adams; or they must arise from some fund, or contingency, which existed in his reign of terror. In either case, the present congress cannot assume the smallest merit from the appropriation of that sum towards the discharge of the public debt. Truth despises the support of fiction. But one passage in Mr. Huger's speech, (see this day's Recorder,) puts this matter in a quite different light. At any rate, we shall be glad to hear how this happy change, as the writer in the Examiner calls it, can have arisen from the last elections, for the states and congress. They certainly did not create seven millions of dollars. We were as anxious, as any person could be, for the success of the republican candidates. But this ascribing of seven millions of dollars to their economy is a mere tub to the whale. We might as well celebrate Buonaparte, as the author of Homer's Iliad, or Shakespeare for having discovered the perpetual motion. We might as well speak of the fourth side of a triangle, or the two ends of a circle.
NOTE.
* It begins thus: "Have these savings appeared? No." &c.
The same Examiner has an extract of a letter from a member of congress to a gentleman in Richmond, dated the 7th instant. Here it follows:
"It is not true that France has yet demanded payment for the Insurgents.
"It is not true that the French charge d'affairs has solicited a loan for six millions of dollars. It is not believed that he has authority to ask a loan of any kind, even if wanted.
"It is true that the charge d'affairs of the French republic was desirous of selling bills on France to our treasury; but the secretary had no occasion for bills at present and did not purchase.
"It is true that a sum was unanimously voted to carry into effect the convention with France. The largest item of their demand is for the proceeds of prizes taken by our public ships of war, carried into the British Islands and there sold directly contrary to law, without any form of trial whatever. The mode was, the captains called a survey on the prizes, and the surveyers never failed to declare the prize unfit to proceed to America. She was then sold; the captors received their one half of the prize money; the other half was paid into the treasury; so that in fact we lose only that half received by the crews of our ships.
"This improper conduct was not only winked at, but countenanced."
This, to be sure, was vile work. But what better could be expected from an administration which passed such wonderful bills as those of Citizen David for the sale of the Fair Play, and the Hoop Dolphin. But this extract leads us to some farther reflections.
It was improper in an American cruiser to make an irregular capture of a French merchantman. It was also quite as wrong in a French privateer to rob an American. The proper mode of settlement was to have placed
NOTE.
* This assertion is proved by millions of details. A vast number of them have been collected in the History of the United States for 1796 , in Sketches of the History of America , and in Sedgwick and Coote's Key to the Six per cent Cabinet . It was on account of this disgust that John Adams expressed his wish to have placed a part of the standing army upon the Western frontier, to prevent the farther progress of its population. In the Richmond trial for sedition, Mr. Giles was cited as a witness; and one of the reasons for citing him was to prove, by his testimony, that Mr. Adam held a conversation with him to this effect. Mr. Giles refused his attendance, as a witness. The constitution afforded means for compelling him to appear; and Chase and Griffin, for it is needless to make a distinction between them, barred on this trial, without giving the traverser time to lead or drive his witnesses to the bar.
NOTE.
* Vid. See The Campaign of Italy , printed in this paper.
† The British Annual Register for 1799 contains a debate in parliament, wherein it is stated that St. Domingo cost England, upon this occasion, TEN MILLIONS STERLING.
* Complete proofs of this are collected in the history of 1796.
* See the Recorder of the 2d current.

the two catalogues of piracy in two opposite columns. We should then have seen which of the two nations had committed the greatest number of robberies upon the other. The next step should have been to strike the balance; and the greatest of the two robbers to pay the balance that he stands indebted for. This was the natural and equitable method of proceeding. But instead of this, congress are discharging the debts due to France, without daring to ask for the balance of the same nature which France owes to this country. It is well known that the French took forty vessels of ours, for every one that we took of theirs.
MR. SKELTON JONES
WE had got thus far, when the Examiner of the 21st current came to hand. It contains a violent attack upon one of the Editors of this paper. Before proceeding to notice this piece, it must be observed that Mr. Meriwether Jones has been, for some time, at Charlottsville. He has, therefore, no concern whatever with the contents of the article in question. Had he been in Richmond, his discretion, his candour, and his good sense would have produced something very unlike the performance before us. We can appeal to every man who reads the Recorder, as a witness, that it has never contained one line, which tended to reflect upon the literary character of the Examiner, as a newspaper. We are as certain that this paper never conveyed the remotest insinuation of disrespect either for Mr. Jones, or any other editor in the city. We have once adverted on an article in the Virginia Gazette. The original author told us unasked who had wrote it; and smiled at the circumstance of finding that we were upon opposite sides. In summer, 1798, when writing for the Examiner, it came in our way to advert upon the contents of the Virginia Gazette. This was done with ten times more freedom than any thing that has occurred in last Saturday's Recorder concerning the Examiner. Yet such sparing never interrupted an intercourse of civility between Mr. Davis and his critic. The Virginia Gazette retorted these attacks; and we never felt one moment of irritation about the matter. We do not consider it as a personal affront upon any man to tell the world that he is mistaken, or even that he writes absurdly. It is impossible to get forward in the duties of an editor, if liberties of this kind are prohibited. Is not every human being in the habit of committing errors? Is not every man who writes for the press very apt to be in the wrong? And how shall truth ever be struck out but by the collision of opposing minds? Mr. Meriwether Jones has both received and inflicted a multitude of censures much more severe than that in last Saturday's Recorder, when, at the same time, he never gave, nor felt the smallest wound, as to what are properly called private and personal concerns. With this previous explanation, we proceed to our defence.
In the Recorder of last Saturday, there was inserted an article entitled "The Examiner examined." The Examiner of last Wednesday attacks this piece. Those who will read the two papers, at the same time, are entirely welcome to form an opinion upon the comparison of their contents. We do not think it would be difficult to prove that the writer of last Wednesday wishes partly to retrace his steps; but a minute discussion of such a question is not worth while.
The Examiner is offended with our stile. Here follow some specimens of his own. "The pen of the far famed Scots Correspondent —We this day publish, unsolicited, the letters of Mr. Rind and Mr. Fisher." [We do not believe that Mr. Rind ever solicited any editor to publish these letters. He had them printed and dispersed at his own expence. They have since been republished in the Virginia Gazette, and the Recorder. These two papers have between them a much greater circulation in Richmond, and Manchester, collectively, than the Examiner itself. Hence the favor comes too late to deserve that name. We return to the Examiner's stile.] "The neutral, and hitherto ineffably vapid pages of the Recorder.—Perhaps these weather-cock lucubrations bring in federal subscribers. We believe indeed some editors would spurn a LITTLE bribe: but twelve or fifteen federal subscribers, that give federal dollars, are not to be despised." [We can appeal with safety the candour of Mr. Meriwether Jones, when he returns to town, whether the Recorder deserved such aspersions from the Examiner; and whether self defence does not compel some notice of them.] "In mercy to poor scribblers, do not be such a cormorant of fame.—Let us pluck a leaf from the bough of the renowned author of The Prospect before Us. He can well spare it." There is much more of this commodity; but we pass it over.
And now let us ask this writer for what reason he calls the pieces in the Recorder weather-cock lucubrations? We call upon
him to assign his reasons for believing, that a bribe of twelve or fifteen subscribers would influence our sentiments. We have never cast a similar aspersion upon the Examiner and calumnies, this was not the satisfactory method of repelling an accusation. The opportunities of objecting to the conduct of both parties in congress; for example, as to the two statutes of limitation, the law for selling the western lands, the history of the Crescent Frigate, the case of Joseph Ball, and a great number of others. The same spirit of impartiality successively pervades The American Annual Register for 1796, the Sketches, and Sedgwick and Co. &c. In the case of John de Neuville, Mr. Jefferson, when secretary of state, had opposed the granting of relief. Some years thereafter, the case was brought before congress, a second time. The report of Mr. Jefferson was read. The bill of relief passed in spite of it; and partly by the exertions of Robert Goodloe Harper. As a public officer, Mr. Jefferson was most likely in the right. But this did not hinder the writer of The Prospect from pausing, in that book, to praise the active and successful benevolence of Harper. The reader is requested to excuse this egotistical detail. It has been extorted by the necessity of self defence.
The book last mentioned contains an examination of two laws passed by congress for calling out the militia. This was not a party business, nor does the writer refer it as such. Of the first of these acts, he speaks thus: "It not only breaks through the most sacred ramparts of the constitution, but strikes at the very root of liberty. This law prostrates the national treasury, as well as the peace of the continent, under the discretion or folly, of a single man. Of that assertion, the Northampton bubble presents a luminous illustration. I shall therefore proceed to examine its principal clauses, with minuteness, and without caring whose withers may be wrung. I halt upon a kind of sitimus between the two parties. From the aristocrats I can expect nothing but mischief; and I have studied farther to serve the republicans than they will ever study to serve me. But as I had never placed confidence in their gratitude, their friendship, or their justice, I am altogether exempted from the pangs of disappointment." This publication is dated from "Richmond Jail, November 3d, 1800." The passage here quoted is not very flattering either to republicans, or any one else.
The Recorder had not even the smallest design or desire to interfere in the Richmond election. For the character of Mr. Hay we have always entertained a high sense of esteem. We have stated that as a Richmond delegate, he is "a most able and proper man." As an evidence of our anxiety to do him every degree of justice, the Recorder is republishing his pamphlet against the Merchant tax. This is a free of recommending Mr. Hay to the good opinion of the citizens. Does all this look like hostility?
It has been objected to Mr. Rind that he disapproves of the disbanding of the sixteen additional judges. Hence, he is held as unfit to represent the republicans. This is the opinion of some very good people. From what we know of Mr. Rind and his political dogmas, we are disposed to think otherwise than they do. But what if it should happen that Mr. Hay himself holds the same opinion of the repeal with Mr. Rind? We have some violent suspicions that this is positively the case. From an explanation upon that point, the Examiner keeps at an awful distance. The editor of that paper is in habits of intimacy with Mr. Hay; and if he had felt himself authorised to give an opinion, as from Mr. Hay, in favour of the repeal, we are convinced that he would have done so.
We close this subject with two cases in point. FIRST; Mr. Jefferson disapproved of the federal constitution, as it was adopted. He wished that only nine states might accept of it, and that the other four might stand out for certain amendments. The account of his opinion is to be found in the printed debates of the Richmond convention. Mr. Jefferson afterwards became secretary of state, under this very constitution. He discharged the duties of this office to the confusion of his enemies, and the admiration of the world. But if general Washington had taken the same ground with some of the republicans of Richmond, he would have said to himself "I cannot accept of Mr. Jefferson, as my secretary; for he is opposed to various parts of the instrument by virtue of which he is to hold his office."—General Washington digested those scruples; and the wisdom of his choice was justified by its success. From the day when he left this office till the day that he became president, the federal administration continued to walk regularly downwards upon the ladder of perdition.
Mr. Rind, like Mr. Jefferson in the above place, disapproves of some parts of the republican proceedings in congress. But of their principles in general, he has always been a
zealous advocate. Hence, we apprehend that he may perform the duties of a delegate with success. The objection would have been stronger against Mr. Jefferson than it is against Mr. Rind. At least, this is our humble opinion. The public will determine, who is right, or wrong.
The second case is that of the minority of the Richmond convention, who voted against the adoption of the federal government. This minority comprehended Patrick Henry, George Mason, the present judge Tyler, governor Monroe, Henry Lee, John Guerrant, George Carrington, General Mason, Mr. Samuel Jordan Cabell, general Joseph Jones, Abraham and John Trigg, and sixty seven other gentlemen. If Mr. Rind is to be expelled from republican confidence, because he condemns one single act of congress, what are you to make of all those gentlemen, who wanted to prevent the very existence of congress itself? It is clear that these citizens deserved better to be dismissed. This project leads to strange consequences. Does any man fancy that he has more eloquence than Henry [more absolute] foresight of futurity than Monroe, when he described, with such intuitive precision, what sort of an overgrown magistrate a federal president would infallibly prove to be? Is any man a braver soldier than colonel Cabell? Or a better republican than judge Tyler? Is general Jones, or general Mason, unfit to be chosen a member of the assembly of Virginia? We intreat the indulgence of the public for advancing such queries. But we cannot help thinking that the doctrine espoused at the capitol, bears harder upon the convention minority than upon James Rind.
We close this long article with observing that the present editor of the Examiner is not Mr. Meriwether Jones, but his brother, Mr. Skelton Jones. The former gentleman has, for about two weeks past, been in the country. We are extremely sorry, both upon his account, and our own, that it became necessary to write an article such as the present. Mr. Skelton Jones is invited to come forward, and assign his reasons for thinking that the makers up, as he terms them, of the Recorder, can be bribed by the names of twelve or fifteen federal subscribers to write weather-cock lucubrations. If he designed to impeach us with the crime of poverty, our answer is that no man has ever been desired to call, at this office, a second time, for the payment of an account. If the accusation rises to venality, or political inconsistency, we desire Mr. Skelton Jones to bring forward his proofs, or even his probabilities of our guilt. We shall not quit the subject till an answer is given, with the openness, as he terms it, of a republican, and a man.
We are at all times happy to correct a real mistake, for mistakes could not on every occasion be avoided, even by all the wisdom that shines in Clarendon, or that blazes in Shakespeare.
Extract from the Speech of Mr. Huger in the House of Representatives of Congress, March 18th, on the repeal of the Internal Taxes.
THE arguments of gentlemen are very strange. They say the repeal of these taxes has been talked of all over the continent, and because talked of, and expected, they must be repealed. What does this mean other than this? If you elect me, I will get you rid of these taxes; and gentlemen now gravely get up, and assign this as a reason for their votes.
The next argument is not less curious. We are told that though a particular branch of the internal duties does not fall heavily, yet that if one be repealed, we must repeal the whole from the expence of collection. But if one of these taxes be wrong, why not repeal it; and let the others stand? I say with the gentleman from Virginia, that if we cannot collect the tax on whiskey without a system of espionage odious to a free people, I have no objection to doing it away.
When, too, we call upon gentlemen, for particular information to enable us to determine the comparative merits of internal and external taxes, we are answered by the exhibition of a profound and philosophic style of silence. I conceive that when the time comes for a repeal of certain taxes, we ought to have statements in black and white; we ought to have chapter and verse; and I have always thought it best ever to shew our ways, before we do away our means.
Though I shall vote against giving up the carriage tax, and other branches of the internal revenue, yet if these amendments do not succeed, I shall notwithstanding vote for the bill. For though I have strong doubts that the United States cannot do without these taxes, I am one of the minority, I stand not on the vantage ground. Having therefore
strive ineffectually to relieve my constituents from the burthen that is likely to be thrown upon them, I will vote for the bill, though I think gentlemen ought not to have attempted this thing till the last moment of the session, until the savings which are talked of, had clearly been exhibited.
Have these savings appeared? No. According to the report of the secretary of the treasury, not a cent can be spared. The secretary of the navy, stated that his department required more than a million. And yet in the report of the committee of Ways and Means, this sum is pared down, and 200,000 dollars taken from it without assigning any reason for the reduction. It is a fact then, that these taxes are to be demolished, and the funds of the navy and treasury departments to be cut down. When then, though the resources are not over the demands for the year, gentlemen are inflexibly bent on this act, I must say that in my opinion it is predicated on popularity. I do not say that the present administration are for destroying public credit, the army and navy. I hope in God it is not so. But gentlemen will recollect that they have been charged with these designs. I will ask if it will not be more prudent first to make savings, and at the next session, if admissible, to take of these taxes? But gentlemen are scarcely six months in the government, when they pursue measures, not to pay the public debt, but to destroy the means of paying it. I speak the more boldly on this point, as I have no interest in the funds. I am a mere planter.
The expence of collecting these taxes is insisted on. But it has been shewn that many, if not all the present offices may be done away, and the expence reduced to a level with the expence of collecting the imposts; and thus every reason for the repeal is done away. Do gentlemen, casting their eyes over the world, see the defenceless state of our trade? Do they see a large arm in St. Domingo? Do they regard the report that we are about to change our neighbours, and have a great nation along side of us? Do not they perceive that the peace in Europe is barely an armed neutrality? And yet do they imagine the golden age is come; and that this is the moment to alter our wary plan, to reduce our resources, and to leave every thing at six's and seven's?
I have heard no complaint of any of these taxes, except those in bills. Let then the last be repealed or modified, and retain the rest. They yield about 240,000 dollars. Retain these, and take off the 8 cents upon salt, which produce 214,000 dollars; leaving 26,000 dollars for the collection. I will ask if the great bulk of the people will not be benefited by this change.
Had not things taken their present course, I should not have called upon the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) to support me in my present proposition. But I recollect that at the time when the present duty on salt was laid, that gentleman inveighed so eloquently against the measure, that he almost persuaded me to vote against it. Why then this change? Do not the people feel it as heavily now, as they did then?
The present state of trade ought to influence our decision on this subject. Our merchants are in a serious situation. I know as a planter, that my produce stands unfold, even at reduced prices, owing to the embarrassments of our merchants. The want of circulating coin will prevent the merchant from importing, and us from buying goods. It is probable that our commerce may not, but it is probable it will decline. It ought to be recollected, that for some years past we have enjoyed the advantages of neutrality amidst belligerent nations. Hence our tonnage had greatly increased. It must now decline, and I cannot conceive that our external duties will be commensurate to the demands of the government for the next year. You will observe that the secretary of the treasury calculates for a number of years; whereas the committee of ways and means calculate only for this year. Though, therefore, there may be resources enough for the present year, there will be a defalcation the next year, from the increasing instalments of foreign debt.
I have made these remarks, because I think they clearly apply to the proposition before us; and because I think gentlemen should shew us clearly and unequivocally that this measure is proper, before we were called upon to support it. I make this opposition, not because I have any objection to cutting down the expences of the government. I have no interest against their retrenchment. I have never received, or expect to receive any thing from the government.
BOSTON. Wednesday March 31, 1802.
TO THE PUBLIC.
THE Editor of the Telegraph, to satisfy his numerous correspondents and the public communicates the following statement of fact,

as it respects his fine and imprisonment, for a libel on the "Lord Chief Justice of the Common Law of England." At an opening of the Supreme Judicial Court in this town, in February, 1801, his Honor, Judge DANA, after giving charge to the Grand Jury in his usual manner, observed to them "that he had in his hand, a paper called the Constitutional Telegraph , in which was contained the following piece under the head of communications."
"A little dirty piece appeared in the Massachusetts Magazine , of Tuesday 27th ult. dated at Washington, but undoubtedly fabricated here, either by the Illuminati Doctors, one of the pious Editors, or the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Law of England. The author of the paragraph endeavours to blacken the character of that great and benevolent man Thomas Jefferson, esq. whom the people delight to honor. It likewise attempts to degrade Governor M c Kean, and Judge Breckenridge—Now, know ye, that Governor M c Kean, when Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania, nor Judge Breckenridge, now Chief Judge of that State, never set aside the Verdict of a Jury of twelve honest men, upon a promise of receiving one thousand acres of land in the province of Maine—and endeavoured to obtain an impeachment of an attorney general, for disclosing such corrupt conduct. Know ye therefore, that the very lengthy piece in the first page of said immaculate paper, containing as much matter as a common-law Judge's charge to a grand jury, on libels, is artfully designed to reconcile the mind of the citizens, to that execrable engine of tyranny, the common law of England, in criminal prosecutions; and that they may rest easy under it, and embrace it as their birthright."
But, know ye, that whenever a republican Senate and house of representatives convene, purged from those locusts to society, aristocratic lawyers; then this ten headed monster will be slain, and its remains sink in the unathomable gulph of everlasting forgetfulness; and tyrant judges will weep and wail, and gnash their teeth, because their reign of terror is at an end; such tyrants exclaim, " hoc est mali habet! "
Here his Honor, it is said, exclaimed very emphatically (at the same time pointing to himself) "that means ME gentlemen." The editor presumes with as much propriety as the Rev. Doctors Dwight, Morse, Tappan, or in fact, any other doctor in N. E. would, had they been in court at that moment. They might join by and severally, have likewise vociferated, that the 'Illuminati doctor' meant them, or 'that means ME,' 'that means ME gentlemen.' This libel, as it was called, was handed to the Grand Jury, who, after a long and arduous struggle, found a Bill, which when the editor had notice of he absented himself, not knowing who the author was, and being unprepared at that time, to answer to his responsibility, and meet the vengeance of the Judiciary, it being in the height of the reign of terror!—He, however, took this step, more by the advice of his friends, than from his own inclination; being conscious of his own rectitude of heart, he was ready to meet any thing that impartial justice could inflict, for his own inadvertency in giving publicity to the supposed libel. At the opening of the Supreme Court last August, the editor was summoned to appear, and was arraigned before the bar, to answer to an indictment for the above libel, as it is called. He applied to George Blake, esq. as his counsel, who plead in his behalf guilty of publishing, and consequently, threw himself upon the lenity of the court. A few days previous to the rising of the court, he was arraigned before the bar, as he then thought, to receive the judgement of their honors; when his Honor, Judge Bradbury , after making his remarks on the heinousness of the crime, observed that the court would indulge till next term, in order that I might have an opportunity to discover the authors. In the mean time the original manuscript was handed round to different persons, who said they could recognise it as the hand writing of JOHN VINAL, esquire . Accordingly at the meeting of the Grand Jury a complaint was entered against him as the author of the supposed libel. The Grand Jury, after a comparison of hands, were fully satisfied of Mr. Vinal being the author, and were nearly unanimous in finding a bill against him. This gentleman, was therefore arraigned, and plead not guilty; he was tried, and from a comparison of hands not being legal evidence, was acquitted. The editor and his friends then expected that the honor as well as justice of the court would be satisfied with a severe reprimand for his inadvertency, and indiscretion, particularly at the present period; when false, malicious, and scandalous libels are continually issuing from the federal presses against the president and government of the United States; instead of which, a fine of one hundred dollars and three months imprisonment, was the award of the court. The above, to the editor's best recollection, is a true and faithful statement of the facts which he cheerfully submits for the consideration of his friends and the public.
JOHN S. LILLIE.
Boston Gaol, March 30th, 1801 30th day of imprisonment
MARENGO, OR, THE CAMPAIGN OF ITALY;
[Continued from our last.]
XXVI. A few interesting remarks.
I have need of indulgence from the reader, no doubt, for several digressions with which, I have interrupted the thread of my recital; but I have endeavoured, however, not to abuse it, and this it is which has engaged me to reserve for the end of my book, certain characteristic traits and interesting notes very intimately connected with the conquerors of Marengo and the events of that day, rather than pass them over in silence. Lastly, we cannot better terminate our enterprise than by shewing a few flowers over the grave of the inestimable Desaix.
It has been shewn in the course of this recital, with what humanity, and even with what fraternity, we have treated the Austrians. We nevertheless had many complaints to make against them; and it may be said that in the whole of this long and terrible war against liberty, but especially in the day of the battle of Marengo, and those which preceded it, they did not show that respect for the French, which a generous enemy always feel for a valiant though conquered foe. During twelve hours that they had the upper hand of us, could it be believed that they made only eleven hundred prisoners, of which twenty-five were of the consular guard! They must necessarily have had many more; but inflated with their success (as they always are), they did not imagine that we should ever be able to bring back victory to our standards; they treated us without mercy.
The priests of Alessandria manifested a baseness and cruelty towards us, for which it may be proper to mark their forehead with the seal of ignominy. In the beginning of the action some French prisoners were conducted to Alessandria. The priests announced their entry by ringing the bells; cries of victory, and enthusiasm of joy, assailed the prisoners. As far as that went, however, it is lawful, since they may be allowed to prefer the Austrians to Frenchmen, but they dared to call us names, and even to strike the unfortunate, who had not the means of self defence, and even exhibited poniards to them! And these are well instructed civilized men, imbued with a sacred religion, who gave way to such excesses! But mark—these same men, two hours after, (events had changed the face of things) dared to offer to shake hands with us! Nothing is more shocking than the eagerness with which the Austrian strips off the spoils of his prisoner: not one among us preserved his sack, his hat, his cravat or his shoes. They snatched from many Frenchmen the rings out of their ears, without giving them time to unlock them. We are positively assured also (how revolting!) that they sabred several of our comrades three or four hours after they had been taken; and it is added, that this is no uncommon case among them. It will be readily admitted that after such information given to us, it was well for them that they were exchanged the next day.
How ought they to blush, in seeing with what lenity and good-nature we conducted them to Milan! Not one was struck of insulted; all preserved their little effects, and they followed the route as they pleased, attended quietly by only a handful of Frenchmen.
But let us console ourselves for those acts of barbarism we have mentioned by the recital of a generous trait of humanity. A chasseur on foot belonging to the Consular guard, full of wounds, lay almost dead in the field of battle, at the moment of our retreat. Some soldiers of Bussy's legion surrounded him, and disputed among themselves for his spoils. Nothing was already disposed of but his coat, which they had already stripped him of, when an Austrian colonel by chance came up, and driving away these inhuman fellows with his cane,
asked the soldier, whom he at first took for an officer, to what corps he belonged? I belong to the guard of the Consul whom you see before you, replied the chasseur. The colonel, after paying a compliment to that body of men, had his surgeon called, and the wounded prisoner was dressed in his presence, and carried to the Ambulance. Some hours after, when they fell back in their turn, this well-behaved officer came again to offer him his service, to carry him to Alessandria. The chasseur, who saw his deliverance near, thanked him for his generous care and concern, while he represented that his wounds were too serious to allow him the motion of the conveyance. In a short time after, he found himself in the midst of his comrades.
In a moment when our weapons were about to clash with those of the enemy, an Austrian horseman thrown down, lifted up his hands towards and begged us not to trample him to death with our horses. Besieres, chief of brigade, perceived him; My friends, he cried out to us, open your ranks; let us spare this unfortunate man. How many similar traits, so familiar to Frenchmen, are forgotten?
It may be said that Marengo is the glorious patrimony of all the brave men who fought there. There is no one corps, scarce a single soldier, who has not there gathered some sprigs of laurel. But as I consider myself engaged to recount all I have seen and been satisfactorily informed of, I shall just touch on two or three occurrences which could not well enter into the body of my narrative. The modesty of the general in chief has made him silent, in his report, concerning the dangers which he ran, such as that he had his cloaths pierced through and that he more than once saw death making way on every side of him. If we call to mind at the same time, that his adversary General Melas had a contusion in his arm, and two horses killed under him; we may thence easily judge what efforts the two armies made, when the chiefs thus exposed themselves for their welfare and their glory.
The brother of General Watrin was killed; the general's chamberlain and Marmont were wounded.
Who would not wish to have fought in the 96th demi-brigade? Who would not willingly have been in the ranks, with the formidable grenadiers, like the Greeks sustaining the efforts of the Persian army at the Straits of Thermopylae, with the 6th light, the 28th of the line, the 40th, 44th, 50th, &c. &c. who can enumerate almost as many battles they have fought as they have been days in Italy?
What charges were made and withstood by our cavalry! What boldness and what consentaneousness of action in the 20th regiment of cavalry concealed and made up for the weakness of its numbers! What intrepidity in the eight hundred cavaliers of the 1st, 2d, 3d, 5th, 21st and 23d regiments; conducted by the younger Kellerman, who made six thousand grenadiers, chosen troops of the enemy, lay down their arms, and by whose success an uncertain victory was secured! Our artillery was spread in very small numbers, and still less provided for; but how many of these inconveniences, owing to circumstances were ably repaired by the manner in which they were served, by the prodigies they operated in order as it were to multiply themselves! In every place where necessity called them—always in battery at forty paces in front, they braved the fire of triple, nay quadruple the enemy's metal, and were levelled and fired with sang froid ; justness and promptitude. But it was Marmont who had the direction of them!
The loss of the consular guard was considerable only in infantry. In five hundred men, there were two hundred and eight killed or put hors de combat. The cavalry, out of two hundred, had a tenth of that number in killed, and about as many horses were disabled. The light artillery was almost all dismounted, and the train horses killed; but by an unexampled good fortune, only one man was absolutely killed, and but few wounded.
After a slight examination, the best was enabled to make of our respective forces, I judge the French army, at the moment the battle commenced, to have been composed, of from forty to forty-five thousand men, of which three thousand were cavalry; that it had from twenty-five to thirty pieces of cannon, in which were two companies of light artillery.
The Austrian army, according to the accounts of the best-informed persons, contained, notwithstanding the loss in their preceding battles, and those garrisons which we took from them, and which kept the places still in their power, their army, after these deductions, I observe, might still contain from fifty-five to sixty thousand men, including the reinforcements which had just arrived from Genoa. From fifteen to eighteen thousand of these were cavalry; and they had more than four-score pieces of cannon, two hundred ammunition waggons well provided, besides an immense train of army implements and equipage. All the world knows we were not much embarrassed with these last mentioned objects, and that for want of caissons, we were obliged to put our ammunition upon tumbrils drawn by oxen, and that the little we brought into action in this manner was soon exhausted!
It is not to be concealed that this victory cost the Republic dear, by the loss of a great number of its defenders; and one of its ablest Generals; but let it be considered that it was necessary it should be obtained, to save the South from a certain invasion, and France perhaps from a frightful devastation. We now see Italy secured, and an armistice concluded, which perhaps is about to end in a much desired and glorious peace.
ST. LEON.
Mr. Pleasants has just received for sale a small parcel of copies of St. Leon, a tale of the sixteenth century , written by William Godwin.
It is dangerous to raise expectation very high; lest it should finally find itself disappointed; yet we cannot help rising in opinion that St. Leon will amply reward the Reader's perusal. The hero is a bankrupt gambler, who has acquired the secret of making gold, and of composing an elixir that secures him in perpetual health. With these apparent and marvellous advantages, he is yet unfortunate and miserable. If it is pardonable to speak of an imaginary book, there are some chapters of St. Leon which would tempt us to say that they resemble the text of Richardson compressed by Tacitus. The following extract refers to the death of St. Leon's wife; and it is given as a specimen of the style and execution of the performance.
THERE is nothing in the vast variety of objects which this wretched world presents to our view, so dreadful and distressing as the sight of one we have loved, but who is now no more! I saw, these eyes beheld, the lifeless corpse of Marguerite. Great God of heaven! what is man? and of what are we made? Within that petty frame resided for years all that we worship; for there resided all that we know and can conceive of excellence. That heart is now still. Within the whole extent of that frame there exists no thought, no feeling, no virtue. It remains no longer, but to mock my sense and scoff at my sorrow; to rend my bosom with a woe, complicated, matchless and inexhaustible. The cheek is pale and livid; the eyes are sunk and circled with blackness. Corruption and ruin have already seized their prey and turned it into horror. Draw, for heaven's sake, draw the pall over those lifeless features! Bury, bury them deep in the bowels of the earth! Let not my imagination follow them into the chambers of the grave, and dwell midst pestilential damps and all the series of decay! Let me recollect all that Marguerite was as she lived; her numerous accomplishments, her unparalleled virtues,—aye, in all the magnitude and wealth of their detail,—for that is a divine and celestial madness: but let me not recollect her as I saw her on the bier, lest I become raving and blasphemous!