The recorder (Richmond, Va.), 1803-06-01 00:00:00

THE RECORDER;
PRINTED BY HENRY PACE, & JAMES T. CALLENDER, RICHMOND, VIRGINIA; PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AND SATURDAY. SUBSCRIPTION FOUR DOLLARS PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 1, 1803.
WILLIAM M'CAT, CLOCK AND WATCH MAKER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND,
TAKES this method to inform the public, that he has just received by a late arrival from Europe, a large and general assortment of GOLD and SILVER WATCHES. Among which are elegant repeating watches, lady's gold do. Also an elegant assortment of seals, keys, chains, &c. He has likewise a few good CLOCKS for sale. All of which he offers to dispose of on as reasonable terms for cash, as they can be purchased in any part of the United States.
He returns his sincere thanks to his friends for the liberal encouragement he has met with since his residence in this city.
* * * Clocks and watches repaired on the shortest notice.
May 6, 1803. grey 6
No. 30,489, a ticket in the second class of the lottery in Washington City, was bought by me in Baltimore, the 70th day of August, 1796: in the year 1797, some time in June was sent by one William Smith to Philadelphia, supposing the lottery to have been drawn, to be examined. I have since been told that in Charleston, he proved to me as I think, said ticket was lost in a vessel that he was cast away in. I advertised the said ticket on the 30th of June, 1797, in the Virginia Argus, forbidding any person from purchasing it, if it should be in being, as an sole owner of it.
JAMES ROBERTS. Richmond, May 25, 1803.
TO RENT, AND possession given the first of next month the upper part of the house occupied by the subscribers, in which there are five convenient rooms, together with a good kitchen and stable for three horses. There is a well of water in the yard.
Apply to THOMAS AND AMOS LADD. Richmond, April, 2d. 1803. tf.
NOTICE. THE co-partnership of Adams and Fisher, was, on the 12th of last month dissolved by mutual consent. All those having claims against that concern, will apply to James Fisher for settlement, and those indebted will make immediate payment as no further indulgence can be given.
RICHARD ADAMS. JAMES FISHER.
N. B. James Fisher having purchased the stock of goods belonging to Adams and Fisher, intends carrying the business on for his own account. The affortment of goods is equal to any in that line.
Richmond, April 6th, 1803. (tf.)
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE subscriber hereby informs the public, that at length, after much trouble and expence, he has nearly completed one of his Mills on the James River Canal, in which there are two pair of Burr stones for manufacturing WHEAT, and two pair of Cologne stones now ready to grind CORN.
In that the inconveniences which might arise from delay and difference of measures may be avoided, CORN will be received only by weight, at any pounds to the bushel, and supply of MEAL and HOMINY will always be ready to give in exchange, at the rate of eighty-five pounds of Meal, or sixty-two pounds of Hominy, for one hundred pounds of Corn.
After the lots of weight by cleaning, and evaporation in grinding is deducted, the toll on Meal will be only about one tenth, and on Hominy one twentieth; it will, therefore, be much to the interest of those who keep horses, to have all their Corn ground.
As the subscriber is now providing a Fan and Screen for the purpose of cleaning the Corn, effectually before it is ground, and as the Meal will be made from the best Corn only and none but such as is marketable will be received; he hopes that general satisfaction will be given.
THOMAS RUTHERFOORD. N. B. The deduction for Storage and Shrinkage on Corn, deposited to be exchanged for Meal and Hominy, will be made as moderate as possible. January 1, 1803.
GREY MOGUL.
A BEAUTIFUL DAPPLE GREY, six years old this spring, fifteen hands and an half high, will stand the balance of the coming season at my stable, near Rocketts; to be let to Mares at the moderate price of Twelve dollars; the Mares discharged by the payment of ten within the season. Five dollars will be expected to soon as the Mares are covered. Corn will be taken at the market price in discharge of the season, with half a dollar to the Groom.
May 10, 1803. ISAAC ALLEN.
PEDIGREE. Mogul was got by Quicksilver; Dam by Sprightly Cub, a son of Old Cub; Sprightly Cub's Dam was got by True Whig, on a thoroughbred Mare; Grand Dam of Mogul was a full bred Mare, the property of Mr. Richards, esq. of Culpepper, remarked for having produced a number of fine colts; also the Dam of Mr. Richard's celebrated running Mare, by Shark.
A QUANTITY OF STONE LIME
In Tierses, for sale by
WILLIAM DAVIDSON,
Who has just received a large quantity of excellent IRISH POTATOES which he will sell cheap for cash.
Richmond, April 2d. 1803.
NOTICE.
I SHALL be obliged, very shortly to leave this State for a few months. Should any persons having demands against me, wish to have them previously adjusted, I shall be glad, if they will bring them forward immediately, for that purpose.
As the patronage I have received from my Friends and the Public, since my commencement in Business, has fully equalled my most flattering expectations, I beg leave, with due sensibility and respect, to offer in return my most grateful acknowledgements.
During my absence Mr. William H. Fitzhugh will receive and pay money, and settle all outward transactions and accounts on my behalf. The business of Book-binding, in all its various branches, will be carried on by Mr. Samuel Combs, who will execute all orders with promptitude and fidelity.
There is now on hand, and will be constantly kept up a complete assortment of Stationery, and of all kinds of Blank and Ruled Books used in Mercantile, Legal and Private business.
JOHN PUMFREY. Richmond, May 21st, 1803. tf.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber takes this mode of returning his thanks to his former patrons, and informing the public in general, that he has (by desire of his friends) re-commenced the MANUFACTURING of BURR MILL-STONES, and having furnished himself with a supply of the best materials, and having had sixteen years experience in the business in Baltimore, Petersburg, and Richmond, hopes to be able to give satisfaction to his employers.
The stones he will warrant to be as good as any in the United States.
Any orders left with Capt. WILLIAM PENNOCK, Norfolk; Capt. WILLIAM CHAMBERS, Staunton; Mr. WILLIAM HAY, Wythe County; or Mr. ROBERT MOORE, Petersburg, shall be duly attended to, and country produce received in payment at the customary prices.
TWO APPRENTICES will be taken to the above business, and short time required. WILLIAM DAVIDSON. Richmond, Jan. 10th 1803. (tf.)
N. B. For sale, PLAISTER of PARIS, in stone or ground, for the improvement of land, with directions for the use thereof.
RICHMOND MILLS.
THE public are hereby respectfully informed that we shall continue to furnish Meal and Hominy for next quarter at the same prices as the last, viz. for Meal per bushel of 56 lbs. 35 5/8. Hominy per bushel of 56 lbs. 32 1/2. And they are requested to take notice, that these articles will only be delivered hereafter to ticketed which may be had at our counting-house.
T. RUTHERFOORD & Co. Mar 6 3/8, 1803.
TUCKER'S BLACKSTONE.
GENTLEMEN in any part of Virginia, who have subscription papers in their hands, are earnestly requested to send them immediately to the publishers in Philadelphia. The work is in great forwardness, and will, it is presumed, be ready to deliver early in the fall; before which time it will be the interest of those who intend to subscribe to leave their names with the publishers. Since the Prospectus was first issued, Judge Tucker has made a selection of the most applicable of Mr. Christian's Notes, which will be printed under their proper references.
The printers of all the Virginia papers will please to insert the above one month, and send their accounts to Mr. S. Pleasants, Richmond, a directed to A. Small. May 10, 1803. tm. 19.
BURR MILL-STONE MANUFACTORY.
THE subscriber returns sincere thanks to his friends and the public generally, for the very great encouragement he received in his line of business since his commencement in Richmond. He has lately received a large supply of excellent Burr-Stones at his manufactory, and does not hesitate to say, that he will sell Burr-Stones as cheap as they were ever sold in the United States; he warrants them to be of the best quality, and give ample security (if required) for their performance. Country produce will be taken in payment, or a short credit given; he has almost every sized Mill-Stone ready for delivery; also PLAISTER of PARIS ground and in the stone.
CARSON HOLIDAY. Richmond, Jan. 25th, 1803. (tf.)
PUNISHMENT OF DEFAMATION.
Richard Varick, esq. late mayor, of N. York instituted a suit against James Cheetham, and another against David Denniston, as printers and editors of the American Citizen, for a libel which appeared in that paper of the 28th. of September last, consisting of an extract from the scandalous publication called "Blow's Travels," and which was by them applied to Mr. Varick. The defendants suffered judgement to go against them by default, and last evening a sheriff's jury was empanelled to assess the damages.
The principal object aimed at by the defendant's counsel was to move the compassion of the jury by impressing them with a due sense of the miserable state of the defendant's affairs. In the suit against Denniston, Cheetham was sworn, who testified that when Denniston moved to this city, a few years ago, and purchased his establishment, he was worth about three thousand dollars, given him by his father, but that it had all been sunk since, inasmuch that he had been extremely perplexed to make up five hundred dollars to save him from execution on a judgement recovered against him in August last for a libel. Cheetham's brother, Benjamin, was sworn, to prove his impoverishment circumstances: he stated, that James was in 1798, worth from six to seven thousand dollars, but that, unfortunately, by shipments and losses, &c. &c. since, he had been so reduced, as at this moment, to be worth but little, if any thing.
In the course of Mr. Riker's pathetic address to the jury, he observed to them, that they should not give any thing by way of punishment, because the defendants were both liable to be indicted for the same offence, and that the jury ought therefore to leave the punishment to the event of a prosecution. To which, the counsel for the plaintiff replied, that for this observation to come from the lips of the public prosecutor on the state, was not a little extraordinary; that when it was considered that although many months had elapsed since the commission of this offence, no sense of duty had induced them to bring the case before the grand jury, nor, it was believed
to contemplate doing so now, nor at any future period, certainly such expressions were neither calculated to be of much service to his clients, nor to do any credit to himself.
Verdict, two hundred dollars in each suit with costs.
Harrison and Riggs, for the plaintiff; Riker and Standford, for the defendants. N. Y. Evening Post.
ANECDOTE.
About fifty years ago, the general assembly of New-Hampshire used to sit in a tavern. A countryman happened to come into Portsmouth to buy nails, and was enquiring at the shops for single tens. A wagging fellow known by the name of doctor Moses, overhearing him, directed him to the tavern, where he told him there were plenty of single tens.---The man went, and enquired of two members, who happened to be in the porch---they deemed it an insult on the house, and made a complaint to the speaker. The man was taken into custody, and laid the blame on Moses. He was then sent for, and having acknowledged the fact, was ordered to receive the speaker's reprimand and ask pardon on his knees. Moses obeyed, and having performed his humiliation, as he was rising from the floor, brushed his knees with his hand, and exclaimed a dirty house! a dirty house! [An old backneyed story.]
FROM THE FREDERICK-TOWN HERALD,
SECRET
TWO MILLIONS OF DOLLARS.
THIS subject seems for the most part to have given the democrats the lock-jaw. It is very seldom they venture to say any thing about it, and what they do say only makes the matter worse. Of course it is high time for us to keep baiting them with it. Left however it should be supposed from their general silence that they could lay a great deal to the purpose if they would, it behoves us to give the people all the intelligence we can about this affair. In private we know some of the impudent tools of the party have even gone so far as to deny that the last congress ever did place two millions of dollars under the president's direction. Perhaps many well disposed citizens, living out of the way of information, may have been imposed on by such audacious gain-sayers, and may think that the business of the two millions of dollars is altogether a federal story. For fear of this, and to put the thing beyond all dispute hereafter, we now print the law itself, as it passed at the last session. With the manner in which it passed, the reader must by this time be well acquainted. It will be recollected, that when the democrats, who a few years ago used to bawl out that government ought to have no secrets, were going to pass an act committing two millions of dollars of the people's money to Mr. Jefferson's custody, the first thing they did was to clear out all hearers and lookers-on, to fail their doors close, and to make an order that none of the members of congress should dare tell on them after their work was done. In like manner, they voted away the further sum of two thousand five hundred dollars. And to this day, so well has government kept its secrets from the people, that we know not with any certainty to what uses all this public money is to be applied. No particular objects are mentioned in the appropriation. True it is, that the president

is to account for its expenditure "as soon as may be." But how soon "may be" will be, cannot be foretold. Nor can we find out any good reason whatever, why such concealment should have been observed, or why the "extraordinary expenses" which called for so large a sum, should not have been specified. The democrats talk of its being intended to buy Louisiana and New Orleans from Bonaparte. But surely they cannot think the first consul such a simpleton as to part with that country for any pecuniary compensation we can make him, or that his ambition is to be disarmed by his avarice. The law itself speaks of "Foreign intercourse." Now whether under that head the two millions are to be laid out by ambassador Monroe in presents to the officers and creatures of the French court, or in any other bribing speculation, cannot be positively asserted. But this we do assert, that the democrats have done the very thing, which they falsely charged the federalists with as a crime; and that their conduct is most shamefully inconsistent with all their former clamours and cunning pretences. The words "Foreign intercourse" are so general, that we find nobody can tell exactly what expenses are now meant to be defrayed; and the democrats used to say that this ought never to be the case, but that every law appropriating money should be so particular that all the people might see in what way the money was to be expended. In their late "doings" they have then flatly contradicted themselves, and have as much as confessed that all their outcry on this score against the federal administration was a false and scandalous contrivance to destroy their betters in the good opinion of the nation, that they might make way for themselves to office. In a pamphlet written by one of their great men in the year 1799, the report of Mr. Madison now secretary of state, to the general assembly of Virginia, the following principle was laid down, (page 46) — "Money cannot be applied to the general welfare, otherwise than by an application of it to some particular measure conducive to the general welfare. An appropriation of money to the general welfare, would be deemed rather a mockery than an observance of the constitutional injunction." In addition to this, another of the democratic leaders, the present comptroller of the treasury, when in the year 1800, he was retailing to the citizens of Maryland the above mentioned report, in a publication under his own name of the 29th of September, thus proceeds: — "What would the people of the United States think of an act of congress appropriating five millions of dollars to the general welfare? The integrity of the legislature, and the fairness of their motives and intentions in passing such an act would be immediately questioned." As these two extracts form the best comment on the act of congress appropriating the secret two millions, it is unnecessary, by adding a word more, to detain the curiosity of the public a moment longer from reading the act itself, as follows:
AN ACT
Making further provision for the expenses attending the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations.
Sect. 1. Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, That a sum of two millions of dollars, in addition to the provisions heretofore made, be and the same is hereby appropriated for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, to be paid out of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropriated, and to be applied under the direction of the president of the United States, who shall cause an account of the expenditure thereof to be laid before congress, as soon as may be.
Sect. 2. And be it further enacted, That the president of the United States may, if he shall deem it necessary, and he hereby is authorised to borrow the
whole, or any part of the said sum, at an interest not exceeding six per centum per annum, reimbursable before the year one thousand eight hundred and eleven: And it shall be lawful for the bank of the United States to lend the whole, or any part of the same.
Sect. 3. And be it further enacted, That so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on imports and tonnage, beyond the permanent appropriation heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be, and hereby is appropriated for the payment of the interest, and reimbursement of the principal of all such monies as may be borrowed in pursuance of this act, according to the terms and conditions on which the loan or loans may be effected.
FROM LANG'S NEW-YORK GAZETTE.
THE CONSULAR MANIFESTO.
The following is a copy of the manifesto its original date, inserted by desire of the French minister at Hamburgh, in the Hamburgh Correspondent, of the 20th ult.
Paris, March 15.
For some months, a war of newspapers, and of the press has been kept up between France and England. This seemed merely the dying embers of an extinguished conflagration; the last consolation of a desperate party; the food of some low passions and a few hungry scribblers. The French government was far from attaching importance to such matters. Notwithstanding some difficulties in the complete execution of the treaty of Amiens, they still believed they might rely on the good faith of the British government, and directed their attention solely to the re-establishment of the colonies. Relying upon the sacredness of treaties, they secretly dispersed the remains of the French naval force, which had been given a prey to the English fleet. In this situation, suddenly appeared a solemn message from the cabinet of St. James's, and informed all Europe, that France was making considerable preparations in the ports of Holland and France; an address was voted by parliament, promising to the king of England such extraordinary means of defence as the security of the British empire; and the honor of the three crowns might require. From the sudden appearance of this message, people doubted whether it was the effect of treachery, or of lunacy, or of weakness.
Let any one cast his eye over the ports of France and Holland, where he will find only detached naval preparations, destined for the colonies, and consisting only of one or two line of battle ships, and a few frigates. On the other hand, let him look at the ports of England, filled with a formidable naval force; on such a review, one could be tempted to believe that the message of the king of England, was mere irony, if such a farce was not worthy the majority of a government. If one considers the influence of nations in so far as a country one might suppose that the king of England had only had the weakness to yield, if weakness were compatible with the first quality of a king. In short, no rational man can see, to which it can be ascribed, except bad faith, except a sworn enmity to the French nation, except perfidy, and a desire to openly breaking a solemn treaty, for the sake of advantages which will be obtained, and the facilities of which, the honour of France, and the faith of treaties forbid. When a man reads this message, he thinks himself transported to the times of those treaties which the Vandals made with the degenerate Romans, when force usurped the place of right, and when, with an hasty appeal to arms, they insulted the antagonist they meant to attack. In the present state of civilization, there is a respect which a great monarch, which a powerful people owe to themselves, were that respect no more than to seek a plausible pretext for an unjust war. But in this instance, every thing is precipitated, and repugnant to decency and to justice. An eternal war would succeed a dreadful contest, and the more unjust the attack, the more irreconcilable would be its animosity. Such a novelty will doubtless excite the disapprobation of Europe. While those Englishmen, whose national pride had not entirely blinded them, sighed at this prospect, did the Times call the peace of Amiens an armistice; and in doing so, passed the secret fire on the government it defended, and the rapid fall of the national funds is the first prelude to the misfortunes which may follow, as the revenge due to the wound given to all social rights. The French are less intimidated, than irritated by the threats of England. They have neither been dispirited by their reverses, nor elated by their victories. In a war, to which there appeared no termination, they saw all Europe confederated against them. Their constancy, their courage, and the prompt activity of their government, brought it to a conclusion. This war would have a different object. France would contend for the liberty of the states of Europe, and the sacredness of treaties; and if the English
government be determined to make it a national war, perhaps her boasted formidable naval strength would not be sufficient to decide the result, and to secure the victory. The French, strong in the justice of their cause, and in the confidence they repose in their government, do not dread the new expenses and new sacrifices which such a war might render necessary. Their system of finance is more simple and less artificial than that of London, and so much the more solid. It all lies in their soil and in their courage. On the first news of the English message, all eyes were returned to the cabinet of the Tuileries. As most trifling motions receive a character of importance, its most unpremeditated words were eagerly caught up. Every one impatiently expected the assembly for the presentation of foreigners, which Madame Bonaparte holds once a month. Every one was prepared to draw some inferences from it. It was as splendid as usual. The first consul made his appearance, and said, on his entrance, to the English ambassador, who was standing beside M. Markoff, "We have been at war for twelve years. The king of England says, that France is making immense naval preparations. He has been led into an error. In the French ports there are no preparations of any magnitude. The fleet is gone to St. Domingo and the colonies. With regard to the ports of Holland, to which the message likewise alludes, there are only the preparations for the expedition under general Victor, and all Europe knows its destination is for Louisiana. The king says further, that, between the cabinets of Paris and London, differences continue. I know of none. It is true that England ought to have evacuated Malta, and Malta is not evacuated; but as his Britannic majesty has bound himself by the most solemn treaty ever entered into, it is impossible to doubt of the speedy evacuation of that island. And" added the first consul, "those who would attempt to frighten the French people, should know, that it is possible to kill, but not to intimidate them." During the course of the evening, when the first consul happened to be near M. Markoff, he said to him in a low voice, "That the British ministry wished to keep Malta for five years more. Such a proposal was insulting, and no treaties should be entered into, which it was not resolved to observe." At the conclusion of the assembly, when the English ambassador was about to retire, the first consul said to him, "Madame, the Duchess of Dorset, has spent the unpleasant part of the season at Paris. It is my lucure with that she may also spend the agreeable season. But if it should happen, that we really must go to war, the responsibility is exclusively with those who deny the validity of their own contracts, since they refuse to observe treaties which they have concluded." These words of the first consul require no comment. They explain, completely, his present opinions, his past conduct, and his resolution for the future. It is sufficient to compare them with the tergiversations, the duplicity, the evasions, and the message of the English government, in order to be enabled to decide on the justice of the dispute.
The RECORDER.
RICHMOND.
JUNE 18. 1803.
LAST Saturday's Recorder contains, among other matters of greater value, an ample collection of the invectives and calumnies, which the newsprinters of England are discharging against the first consul. The truth is that the war cost England three hundred millions sterling; that it was begun, as Mr. Erskine, in his famous pamphlet, has clearly proved, without a spark of provocation on the part of the republic; and that the English, as they richly deserved, have got a most confounded drubbing. They have been disappointed in every object for which they began the war. The Island of Ceylon excepted, they have gained nothing which was worth their having. Royalty has not been restored in France; neither has the republic been partitioned by the crowned vultures of despotism. The king of Prussia, the king of Spain, the king of Sardinia, the king of England, the Rulerholder, the emperors of Germany and Russia, have all in succession been taught how dangerous it was to trifle with the feelings of a free people. The English vented their poor spite in libels and scurrility, against Bonaparte; and he, in return, prohibited the circulation of English newspapers in France.
We do not believe a word of the first consul's having insulted the Swedish ambassador. We give as little faith to the tale of sixty citizens of Marseilles being hurried off to the army, because they conversed on politics. Does not the whole French nation converse on politics? And
how is it possible to hinder them? With the readers of an English newspaper, the grossest nonsense will go down, providing that its object is to vilify the first consul. The story of eighty families from the Swiss cantons, that are going to settle in North America, is another bold spell, that has not a vestige of probability. It is impudently said that Bonaparte's imprudence in the cabinet "forms a strong contrast with his discretion in the field." In both, he has maintained an equal superiority. He has in a manner dictated every treaty, which he has made. If success be a mark of imprudence, he is certainly the greatest fool in Europe.
This charge is perhaps grounded on the late alleged conversation between him and lord Whitworth. In this day's Recorder, the reader will find a manifesto, which seems to have been wrote by the first consul himself, and which flatly denies all that bore an appearance of impropriety in that conversation. It is not worth while to compare the authority of an English newsprinter, forging extracts of letters from Paris, with the explicit denial of the French government.
The stile of this manifesto is bitterly condemned in the English newspapers, as disrespectful to the king of England. In modern state papers, sincerity, and sometimes common sense, is buried under the rubbish of parade and pedantry. Mr. Jefferson, mimicking his European preceptors, cannot close a letter, like other people, by saying that he is your most obedient servant. No! He is with high consideration! The mind of Buonaparte is superior to such frivolity. Of this we have had a thousand instances; and the recent manifesto affords one of them. The first consul expresses the feelings of a man in the natural language of mankind, although perhaps a little too roughly. That he is absolutely in the right we do not pretend to lay. We have no documents upon which to form an opinion. But this we know that the English nation is, beyond all others, the most generally disliked on the continent of Europe, and that its ambition and rapacity are at least equal to those of the first consul. There is nothing quite so infernal, even in the history of the Jews, or of the French revolution, as the progress of the British in Bengal. And yet natives of Britain, who are not otherwise fools, bristle up at a comparison between the characters of the French and English nations, as if the latter, forsooth! were some superior class of beings.
We lately quoted from the Virginia Gazette an expression announcing that Bonaparte was a worse man than the present face of European sovereigns. Did not these sovereigns attack France, merely because they thought her defenceless? Will it still be denied that a Hungarian colonel was employed to murder three French ambassadors on their return from Rastadt; and may not this be fairly traced up to Francis the second, without whose connivance, it is hardly conceivable that any man would have adventured upon an act of such matchless enormity? Bonaparte cannot be a worse neighbour in Louisiana, than the French, governed by a king, were in Canada.
That the first consul should wish to go to war with England is, in itself, extremely unaccountable. His naval force is reduced to almost nothing. His hands are full with the business of St. Domingo, and the expedition of general Victor to the Mississippi. Upon what principle of reason could he, under such circumstances, wish to seek a quarrel with England, whose navy is at present at least ten times more powerful than his own? We cannot affirm that the fault does not lie with the first consul. But if he has really courted a quarrel, we say that it is the strangest of all strange things; and the farthest from the reputed good sense of the Corsican. By delay, he has every thing to gain. By precipitation he has every thing to lose. As
NOTE.
* During the late war, the arch-duke Charles, and Buonaparte, who has since suppressed a letter of his name, were to enter a garden, by opposite doors, in order to hold a conference. The Austrian valets were puzzled about the method of going into the garden. They had arranged matters so as that the two generals were to come in at the same moment: "the republic is superior to such trifles," said the conqueror of Italy; "let prince Charles enter first."

for the old song says about his ambition, there is not the smallest reason for supposing that the British would have made a more moderate use of their good fortune than the French have done of theirs.
That stupid partiality which makes it impossible for a man to see the faults of his native countrymen can have no influence on the conduct of the Recorder. We know that the British are quite as remarkable for ambition, for rapacity, and for treachery, as any other people upon earth; witness their horrible behaviour in this country during the war of the revolution! Nor is there the smallest reason to make a moral distinction in their favour to the prejudice of the French nation. They have always been as forward as any other people in the commencement of unjust wars. Edward the III. invaded France without provocation and almost without pretence. He conquered a great part of the country. But the tyrannical government of his son, the Black Prince, compelled the conquered provinces to revolt and drive him away. All these facts, the injustice of the invasion, and the rapacity of the conqueror, are tacitly confessed by the English themselves,* and even by David Hume, who is, upon all occasions, sufficiently solicitous to give a varnish to their crimes. Yet, because Edward was for a time successful, the present English are proud of his reign, which is distinguished by nothing but rapine, perfidy, and murder; and although it was such a reign, is virtually acknowledged by the English themselves, yet, if any writer of history were to say as much, nobody would read his book. Mr. Macpherson, the translator of Ossian, published a large work, wherein he probed, although with a tender hand, the real characters of king William, and the heroes of the revolution of 1688. "I cannot endure that 'book,'" said a whig gentleman of some eminence, "I believe that what the writer says is true; but I cannot bear the exposure of the characters of those men, whose names I have been accustomed to revere."†
It was indeed impossible to contest Macpherson's facts, for most of them were supported by the hand-writing of the parties themselves; just as the bitter denial of Thomas Jefferson that he paid an hundred dollars for The Prospectus was exploded by the production of his own letters. But still this weight of testimony did not hinder the world, [ Horresco referens! ] from reviling the man whom they could not refute. He became one of the most unpopular characters in England; because he had acted like an honest man. On the same principles, and on the same portion of English history, Sir John Dalrymple met with the very same fate.
As an additional proof that the English are as often in the wrong as other nations, accept of the following particulars. Henry the IV. of England had usurped the crown to the exclusion of the lawful heir, and against the sense of a majority of the nation. He advised his son and successor to get the country into a foreign war, otherwise the people would be rebelling at home. Accordingly, the new king invaded France and carried matters so far that he was actually crowned at Paris. The war lasted for many years, and the expulsion of the English was not completed without an immense carnage on both sides. This is a portion of English history, upon which that nation looks back with peculiar satisfaction and pride; and yet what is it but a scene of rapine, of barbarity, and of guilt? In all this account of Edward and Henry, it is not French but English treachery, which bears away the palm of infamy. Some honest Englishmen are apt to deafen us with invectives against the peculiar and indelible perfidy of the French character. Away with such nonsense! If they are such hateful beings, what is the reason, that both in Europe and among the savages of America, they have always been a thousand times more popular and beloved than the English? Ay, but then, sir, the French are a false, cringing, hollow people, extremely selfish, full of fair professions, and they are always ready to stoop to little attentions, which a plain honest English-
man would spurn at with disdain. Very well. As for French falsehood, we truly believe that England has produced her full quota of consummate villains as ever infested the world. As for cringing, you may among peruse the fulsome addresses, which parliament is in the habit of presenting to the king, to a king without talents and without virtues. This king has been much more a subject of laughter and ridicule than any other man in England. His reign has been nothing but a series of misfortunes and disgraces. His wars, undertaken without justice, and conducted without judgement, have added much more than four hundred millions sterling to the public debt, besides enormous sums that have been squandered out of the annual revenues of the country. A writer of fourteenth century, has earned a genteel subsistence chiefly by making this royal pageant an object of mockery. The English, at once, venerate and contemn their most gracious sovereign.
After Pitt and the house of commons had vented a vocabulary of the most outrageous and even personal reproach against Bonaparte, after they had ten thousand times reproached him, as void of probity and humanity, after some of them, as the climax of absurdity, had represented him as without abilities,* they now complain with bitterness, because he begins to repay them in their own coin. If George permitted his ministers to make speeches for him, wherein the crowned parrot belied and calumniated the French nation, his ministers themselves stood up in parliament, and squirted venom for hours together against the greatest man in Europe, if the newspapers under their immediate direction have represented him to be as black an usurper, as the very worst tyrants of antiquity, they must not be surprised if the first consul begins to address them in their own style. They must not be surprised if he tells them that their master has acted either like a lunatic, a knave, or a fool.
Thus much for the two charges against the French nation, that they are false and cringing. A third is that they are extremely selfish. Granted. But are they worse than their neighbours? No. The British are quite as bad as it is possible that the French or the Tartars can be. General Burgoyne, as chairman of a committee of the house of commons, once gave in a report of their conduct in Bengal. In the first page he affirmed that in five or six years from 1766, to 1771, they destroyed in that country five or six millions of people. This estimate is given in the first page of a quarto volume, which contains mountains of testimony to the truth of this assertion. The correctness of the estimate was confirmed, if, after such authority, it could want confirmation, by colonel Dow. He was a Scots officer in the company's service, an eye witness to the scene, and an historian of uncommon merit. Two millions of these harmless people perished of famine by a British monopoly of rice. Now don't speak another word about the selfishness of Frenchmen, or the horrors of the French revolution; because Robespierre himself never committed any crime that came within sight of this.
It shall be granted that Frenchmen are often affectedly, and even sometimes absurdly polite. But does finery consist in rudeness? Or, to be an honest man, is it necessary to become a brute? Is not an excess of civility more pleasing, as well as more rational than an excess of rudeness? And is not almost every human character stuck as full of foibles, as a bear's poke is with bristles? Without some attention to the feelings, without some tenderness for the faults of each other, society would become a bear garden. "The purest felicity upon earth," says a late writer, "the purest felicity upon earth, or at least the purest of mine, is always that which arises from the consciousness of giving innocent pleasure, or brightening the flame of benevolence, and animating the glow of friendship." Nor do I see for what purpose any man should wish to become president, but for the sake of exerting the power, and enjoying the glory of making mankind happy.**
Thus much in defence of the first consul, or his recent manifesto, and of the character of the French nation. It is not our design to represent them as better than their neighbours, but merely as not so bad. Reasons have been stated, why it is highly improbable that Bonaparte should wish, at present, to go to war with England. Let us examine the other side of the picture, and see what might be the motives of England for desiring a speedy rupture. We begin with some previous remarks on the French navy. The existence of British independence rests entirely upon the maintenance of her superiority by sea. By land, France has beaten almost all the rest of Europe collectively; and has added to her
dominions, in the shape of allies or fellow citizens, a much greater number of people than Britain contains. If that country, therefore, were accessible by land, or, what is the same thing, if her navy were overpowered, Britain would run the utmost risk of sharing the same fate with Holland, Italy, and the Netherlands. Were France to enjoy peace for ten years, and to expend two millions sterling, per annum, upon building a navy, she could, in that time, make ready for sea two hundred seventy-four gun ships. The common estimate for building and equipping an English man of war, with provisions for a six months voyage, is a thousand pounds per gun. Three hundred and sixty-four are therefore allowed for a French seventy-four. By turning her attention more seriously than she ever has done to maritime affairs, the republic may, in a few years, possess a very formidable navy. It is not from want of physical strength that she has hitherto made so wretched a figure by sea. It is an adherence to some absurd maxims that has hitherto prevented her success. Some time ago, a pamphlet on this subject was printed at Paris. The writer, besides other matters, blamed the French seamen for firing at the masts and rigging of a vessel, while the English are constantly at the hull. It is this, and other reasons, which so frequently makes the carnage aboard a French ship ten times greater than that in an English one.
Something more still remains to be said concerning the comparative prowess of French and British ships of war. But this must be deferred till next Saturday.
NEXT Saturday's Recorder will contain a second essay concerning the consular manifesto, a series of details as to the French and English navy, an answer to some of the demeritorial newspapers, respecting the two millions of dollars, an acknowledgment of a mistake, which has been corrected by the Examiner; something about the horrid practice of stealing dead bodies from the grave, another small brush at our Washington Albion , and a little more about the national debt. The history of the Armory, which was begun some months ago, was interrupted by the loss of a part of the manuscript, which had been prepared for the press; but the materials were safe; and the whole will speedily be published at once, including what was printed some months ago, as a first part. This will be done in one of the Saturday's Recorders.
The following is the preface to a small volume, entitled Sedgwick and Co. or a Key to the Six per cent Cabinet ; published at Philadelphia in 1798, by one of the editors of the Recorder. It exhibits an amusing specimen of the levity of public opinion.
NOTHING is more conspicuous than the versatility of political opinions. They blossom and wither with the quickness of Jonah's gourd. The Dragon of yesterday becomes the demon of to-morrow; and the foreign war, which was but lately considered as big with destruction, as a calamity too stupendous to be comprised in the chapter of possible evils, is at once transformed into a matter of indifference, or disdain, into a reasonable, and perhaps a desirable experiment of national prowess. These remarks derive a striking illustration from the last five years of American history. On April 22d, 1793, president Washington issued a proclamation of neutrality. His object was to hinder the United States from being involved in the war with Europe. Like every public measure, this met with the disapprobation of many; but it certainly gave the highest satisfaction to a numerous and reputable majority of citizens. Be it so.
On May 17th, 1792, exactly twenty five days after the publication of this paper, Genet arrived in Philadelphia. He had landed at Charleston, (S. C.) a fortnight before that time, and his conduct had tended to violate the proclamation. How far he could be executed in his proceedings is not the point now before us. The consistency of the public is what we are to examine. The edict of neutrality had been in general approved: but when the foreign envoy, who disrespected it, entered the town, all Philadelphia seemed to pour itself forth in one flood of rapture. Fifty citizens, as a committee, were appointed to wait upon him in name of the rest. The gravest member of that body would, possibly, at this distance of time, smile at some of the solemnities observed
in the succeeding festival. Every street, every store, echoed the name of Genet. A Scotsman who came here about the same period, could not help inferring that the Americans were fond of novelties. He remarked that the prince of Wales had a hereditary claim to popular noise, but that Genet, dropping as it were from the clouds, obtained more popularity in a single week, than the other could acquire in any part of his life.
Within ten short weeks, a straw began to turn the scale. The six per cent regiment had been surprised, but not overpowered. With as much solemnity as if they were announcing the resurrection of the dead, Messrs. Jay and King intimated to the public the dreadful news that, on some points in agitation between them, Genet had threatened to appeal from the president to the people. I do not, in this place, mean to follow the old woman's tale through all its windings. Genet immediately denied the charge. His denial did not succeed. The correspondence of Mr. Jefferson, laid before congress on the 5th of December following, gave the last blow to his importance. The chevalier D'Yrujo has since appealed to the people; without exciting their resentment, or alarm.
The summer of 1794 produced another scarecrow, under the terrific title of the western insurrection. It was affirmed by the federal party, that one half of the continent had a disposition to revolt. The sequel produced an enormous expence, a deluge of calumny, a multitude of horrid outrages perpetrated by the federal army, a series of insults on every form of justice, in the persons of sheriff Hamilton, and other prisoners; and lastly, complete evidence that there was no serious cause of alarm, but that government had neglected or despised every previous measure of prevention.
The publication of Jay's treaty afforded, in July 1795, the materials for a third panic. The spirit which led to that transaction, the ignominious omission of even an attempt to secure our seamen, the article which deprived American debtors to Britain of a trial by jury, the attack upon Mr. Dayton and his supporters in congress, inferred in the bosom of the dead, and the obvious danger of provoking France, were objections more weighty than those on which opposition principally rested. If the compact went to discourage or restrain American navigation, employment at least as advantageous could be found on shore. But the subsequent increase of American shipping seems to shew that some of those fears for our navigation were imaginary. The British power of imposing a countervailing duty was incomparably the hardest part of the commercial stipulations; and, as I believe, little or nothing was laid about it.
The agreement, good or bad, met with general censure. The newspapers were overwhelmed with all sorts of publications against it. The upright intentions of the president were doubted by no man; yet his popularity seemed to bend under the torrent. A large majority of representatives in congress were on the verge of subverting the treaty. Without a change of events that could justify a change of opinion, the voice of the people at once took an irresistible turn; and thousands who, but nine months before, had held it in abhorrence, now regarded the British treaty as the palladium of America.
The last and present summer have added another instance to this catalogue of reversals in the national mind. A year ago, nothing could be less pleasing, or indeed more alarming than the prospect of a French war. The first speech of Mr. Adams to congress was plainly fitted to provoke the rulers of the republic; and his second was hardly better. His views were seconded by his friends in the legislature, and by the newspapers under his influence. These joint efforts met with a cold and suspicious reception. The popularity of the party was palpably on the decline. The disclosure of X. Y. and Z. hath suddenly turned the current.
NOTES. * We do not mean to say that, if placed in the same situation, the Scots, or Irish would have behaved better than the English. † When the first volume of The Prospectus was published, a friend, with tears in his eyes, entreated the author, to be more tender in his details. "I believe it all to be true" said he "but still I cannot bear it" ‡ What an idea must we form of the veracity of this man! It has been said that when he paid fifty dollars for the first volume, he was a stranger to the tone of its contents. An absolute untruth! which is refuted by his two letters. But it is not denied, that, nine months after its publication, he paid fifty dollars for the second. When his cowardly and ungrateful conduct had very justly provoked the writer to tell all this, he denied it, in the most solemn manner to bishop Madison. His letters were then produced and printed. They ran, like wild fire, all over the continent; and his excellency will stand recorded to the next age, as an atrocious and execrable violator of truth. There are some wretched parts of the story, which we have never yet had the fortitude to publish.
§ Peter Pindar. * Mr. Sheridan made a smart reply to a harangue of this sort. By the way, the British government never employed their newspaper pitch-pipes to recommend the murder of the first consul. Can our beloved president say as much?
† Defence of Thomas Jefferson, dated Richmond jail, December, 1800.

REMARKS ON THE PUBLIC DEBT. (FROM THE SAME WORK.)
ON January 1st 1790, Dis.  Cts. the national debt was 64,260,294 33 Increase of debt from January 1st. 1790, to January 1st. 1796, 14,437,115 79
Amount of debt on Ja- nuary 1st, 1796, 78,697,410 12
Mr. Gallatin, in the last page of his work, says that the above was the true extent of the public debt, at the periods before named. The augmentation, when divided equally among the six successive years, from 1790 to 1796, exceeds, by a fraction, two millions four hundred and six thousand dollars per annum.
An addition of two hundred thousand dollars per month, or of two millions and four hundred thousand dollars per annum, to the public debt, offers a frightful prospect both to the present age and posterity. At this rate, in twenty years more, viz. on the 1st of January, 1816, the increase would come to forty-eight additional millions. "It has already been shown that our present receipts are hardly equal to our present expenditure; in fact, that we have hitherto made only a nominal provision for paying the principal of any part of our debt."
Mr. Gallatin states, that in 1795, an act passed for converting the six per cent stock, and the deferred stock, into annuities of eight per cent. The distinction between these two modifications of public debt will be found in his volume. For this place it is enough to say, that they comprehend about forty-two millions of dollars; and that, if the eight per cent annuity transaction can be closed, and the money regularly paid, the six per cent stock will be discharged in the year 1818, and the deferred stock in 1824.
This will lighten the United States of forty-two millions, and put an end to the far-famed domestic debt; but to accomplish that object, there will be wanted, after the year 1800, until the term of its extinction, a superadded income of eleven hundred thousand dollars a year. From whence that further revenue shall be had, nobody can conjecture. As yet our public debt has been almost annually augmenting. The whole amount of new taxes can hardly keep the balance even. Other incidents must be expected to happen, and to cause an unforeseen and unavoidable necessity for new loans. Fourteen years of greater calmness than the last ones are not to be expected. In point of credit our situation is, at present, terrible. An act of July, 8th, 1797, authorized president Adams to borrow eight hundred thousand dollars. He has not been able to raise any part of the loan.
Of the fourteen millions and four hundred thousand dollars of addition to the public debt, upwards of eight millions, three hundred and fifty thousand dollars were created by the assumption of the debts of individual states. This whole affair, as has already been observed, cost twenty-two millions of dollars, when eleven millions would have answered the very same purpose. A precious proof of congressional economy!
At present the United States neither enjoy the tranquility of peace, nor the animation of war. Equally despised and hated by France and England, this country must remain the helpless spectator of her own commercial ruin. The English in virtue of Jay's treaty, and the French in revenge for it, are almost alike diligent in the interruption of our trade. In spite of the Spanish treaty, the western navigation continues to be obstructed by the vassal king , as Mr. Harper in his lesson of congress, politically termed Charles the Fourth. This forms another postscript to Jay's embassy. The savages of the south-western fron-
tier have been long and carefully fostered to murder under the wing of federal friendship. They begin, it is now said, to menace the union. The people of Tennessee cannot fail to become alienated from the government of the federal party, which, with the blindfold, or most culpable perverseness, forbids them to protect themselves, and mocks them with platoons of the standing army, which are altogether inadequate for that purpose. The revenues of the United States arise chiefly from impost on importation of foreign articles. The destruction of exports includes the annihilation of imports; for he who has nothing to sell must buy with money; and all the silver on the continent would not pay for the imports of one single year. The French and British piracies, by destroying our trade, are sure to reduce the public revenue. Suppose that, in 1798, there shall be a diminution to the value of one million of dollars per annum in the impost. This is a very moderate computation, for it will more likely come to twice that sum. There must be a loan of a million of dollars; and, unless trade recovers its former height, government must continue to borrow, if it shall be found practicable to procure the cash.
As for a land tax to fill the gap, every day will augment the weight of opposition to it. The people of Kentucky and Tennessee may chance to reply, "what have we to do with you, and your taxes? We became members of the federal union, in confidence of being protected; and what sort of protection have we received? When a Spanish treaty had unlocked the Mississippi, Mr. Hillhouse and the rest of your presidential members adopted a measure the most profligate and odious ever heard of in a legislative assembly. They refused to appropriate for this treaty, or that of Wayne with the north western savages, unless the representatives would, at the same time, agree to ratify the treaty with England. The latter negotiation had not even a pretended connection with the two former; and, after a hard struggle, aristocracy was driven from her trenches. But we have not forgot the scheme, nor shall we forgive its authors. Our families were to be butchered by the Wyandots, and our barnyards to be converted into dunghills, unless congress would consent to vote money for the execution of a treaty, in the alleged benefits of which we had little or almost no concern. The sequel stands thus. The British treaty has offended the French; and Spain, at the nod of the republic, evades the execution of her agreement for setting open the western waters. She does more. She is assembling the Indians, whom you would not permit us to chastise; and we may be sacrificed to the resentment of France, excited by the fatal appropriation."
"We, therefore, take leave to inform you, that from this day, forward, we sever from the federal union. Your treasury newspapers are constantly asserting, that holders of slaves are unfit to be citizens of a republic. They sometimes threaten a separation. If it can be advantageous to the Atlantic states, it cannot much injure Tennessee and Kentucky. As for compulsion, we are too distant to be reached, and too numerous to be subdued. Spain will receive our friendship with open arms, and cheerfully grant the desired navigation. We can muster forty thousand militia; and, such is the torrent of immigration, that their numbers will double in ten years. Our country is the paradise of America; and its local strength defies invasion."
After what the last seven years have seen, it will not be wonderful if the collectors of a land tax on the Ohio, shall meet with this reception. Meanwhile
France is exasperated. She knows her own strength, and our weakness; and if she forbears to declare war, she will not fail to wrench full satisfaction. She lessens the American revenue, by cramping our commerce: and she may, at once, augment the public debt by a requisition. In the best view of matters, it is difficult to conjecture from what quarter eleven hundred thousand dollars of additional income are, in 1801, to be derived.
At eight per cent, forty-two millions of dollars come to three millions three hundred and sixty thousand dollars a year. One part of this burden falls off in the year 1818, and the remainder in 1824. But as the money must be paid by taxes, the importing merchant, who advances an impost of ten or fifteen per cent, will, in his own defence, charge at least five per cent additional upon his customers. The goods may pass through six different hands before they reach the ultimate consumer, who will most likely pay two or three times the original burden of the impost. It is within compass to say, that these three millions three hundred and sixty thousand dollars will actually cost the public, in one shape or other, five millions. To this add one million, being a profit of twenty per cent, which would have been cleared upon the capital of five millions, if it had remained in the hands of those who pay it. Here is a real burden of six millions of dollars per annum; and take as a medium between 1818 and 1824, the year 1821 for the term of expiration. The domestic debt then resolves into this simple proposition; an hundred and twenty-six millions of dollars payable by twenty-one annual instalments. Of this sum a great part will be transmitted to Europe, as many purchasers of the domestic debt reside in that part of the world.
Justice and necessity equally demanded, that the foreign loans, made by the old government in France and Holland, should be discharged to the last cent. A refusal would have supplied very good reasons for these two countries to declare war against America. On the 1st of January, 1790, this foreign debt, including one due to foreign officers, with the interest of both, came to twelve millions one hundred and six thousand dollars. For some time before the funding act, monied men in Holland dealt to a considerable extent in our domestic certificates. Here they shifted their ground, and were entitled to no farther indulgence than an American speculator.
Besides the above domestic and foreign debt, there was a third principal division of public debt, which consisted of those contracts assumed for the individual states. Of that subject nothing more shall be said at present. We proceed to examine the nature and merit of the domestic debt, or what are commonly called the certificates of the old holders .
A great clamour has been raised, as to the injustice endured by the continental army. They were compelled from poverty to sell the certificates which they had obtained for their arrears of pay; and they received a very reduced price from the purchasers. One reason for this prodigious discount was the uncertainty whether the new government would undertake to fund that paper, and give security for its payment. It is believed that this subject has never yet been placed in a just light, by any of the parties concerned. A new path remains to be struck out. The discussion, after every trial to condense it, requires considerable room. Attention is entreated, and more than a common degree of patience.
We begin by examining this highly important question, what degree of moral obligation lies on the people of America to pay this domestic debt, these twenty-one annual instalments of six millions of dollars each? The morality must not, however, be confounded with the expediency. They are two matters essentially distinct from each other. It may prove extremely prudent to pay a claim, though not entirely just; because the trouble of contend-
ing about the money, will perhaps exceed the worth of it.
When the business came originally before the congress of 1789, three different plans were suggested. The first proposed a new settlement of accounts, and aimed to annihilate the largest part of the debt. But the new constitution had been, in a great measure, established by the influence and activity of traders in these certificates. They and their friends were superior in the legislature; and this scheme was rejected by a numerous majority.
A second proposal went on the ground of paying the purchasers only the real value which they had given for the certificates, and to give the difference between the half crown which they had disbursed, and the twenty shillings which they claimed, to the original holders. Thus, when William Smith demanded five hundred dollars, as the arrears due to an old sergeant, the reply might have run thus: "You gave fifty dollars of money for these five hundred of paper. Here take your fifty silver dollars back again. We shall reserve the remaining four hundred and fifty for the man who shed his blood in earning them." This plan, also, was negatived.
The third proposal succeeded, and by it the whole debt was funded, at its full value of twenty shillings per pound, on behalf of the actual holders of the paper. The plan was, indeed, morally certain of being adopted; for a great number of members of congress had previously entered into a combination to purchase up certificates, because they knew that they would be strong enough, in both houses, to carry the vote for having them funded at full value. On these three projects, Mr. Gallatin has the following observations.
"Whether the debt had been funded on the plan of discrimination, in favour of the original holders, of those who had performed the services, or, as has been the case, in favour of the purchasers of certificates, the general effects would have been nearly the same; and unless the American government had chosen to forfeit every claim to common honesty, it must necessarily provide [have provided] for discharging the principal, or paying the interest, to one or the other of (these) two descriptions of persons."
[The first of the three plans above recited aimed at annihilating the greater part of this domestic debt. The words every claim to common honesty express a positive affirmation that the supporters of that project were void of honesty.]
"Whatever difference of opinion may heretofore have existed on that subject, on the propriety of paying those who had purchased the debt so much under its value, it now exists no more. It has ceased with the cause; for all the present owners have, or may be supposed to have purchased the debt at the market price, which, since it has been funded, has been obtained for it. The solemn obligations, superadded by the present government! (or, to speak plainly, by the creditors themselves,) "to those contracted before, never can be set aside without the most flagrant & pernicious breach of public faith and of national morality."
NOTES.
* Gallatin, p. 97.
† Gallatin, p. 131.
(To be continued.)
TO THE PUBLIC.
MANY gentlemen residing in states north of this have addressed letters to us, to send them the Recorder; and requested we would name any person in Philadelphia or New York, where they could send their subscription money. We take this opportunity of informing the public, that Mr. Lewis, paper-maker, at Philadelphia, will receive any subscriptions sent for the Recorder; and Mr. Coleman, printer of the New York Herald, at New York.
BLANK
BILLS OF LADEN, For sale at this Office.
NOTES.
* Gallatin, p. 137. † The law is dated March 31. 1790, and is prepared, as usual, with the jargon of official style.
‡ History of 1796, Chap. vi.
* See, for one instance out of many, the treatment of the Tennessee militia, who burnt Nickajack. History of 1796, Chap. vii.
† Ibid, Chap. viii.