The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1804-05-23 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
Richmond, (Virginia) Published by RITCHIE & WORSLEY, opposite the Post-Office....At four dollars per annum, payable in advance.
NUMBER 5.]
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 23, 1804.
[VOLUME 1.]
TERMS OF THE ENQUIRER.
 1. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week. During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  2. Terms of payment, will be FOUR DOLLARS per annum; the whole to be paid at the time of subscribing.  3. ADVERTISEMENTS from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion, thirty three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  4. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
Horses & Mules AT AUCTION.
WILL BE SOLD, at Prosser & Moxley's Vendue Office, on Monday the 28th instant.
Three very likely Mules. ALSO, Two likely Wagon-Horses. The Mules are in good order, rising four years old, and well broke to the wagon, cart and plough. 90 days credit will be given, with Notes and approved security. May 19. 34
THE subscriber has in his possession, a GREY GELDING about 14 hands high, 5 years old, the hairs of his mane and tail lately by appearance cut short, branded on the near shoulder (as well as can be made out) I.W. and which has been appraised, according to law, to $40. The said horse was taken in the main road, near Danville, Prince William county, from a dark Mulatto Man, (about 5 feet 6 inches high, and 27 years old) who says he is free. He produced a certificate signed Geo. Wm. son, of Henrico county; but it appearing to the magistrate before whom he was carried to be a forgery, he was therefore committed to the jail of the aforesaid county, on suspicion of being a runaway, and there remains at this time. In company of said mulatto, there were a white woman, who says her name is Polly Mackay, and a small white boy about three years old. Francis Patterson. May 19. 34
CAROLINE SPRINGS.
THE subscriber intends to open a TAVERN at the Caroline Springs, on the first day of June next; and hopes, from the pleasant and healthy situation, exclusive of the medicinal qualities of the waters, that it will be a place of general resort. The Springs are situated about 56 miles from Richmond, 18 from Port-Royal, 12 from the Bowling-Green, and 14 from Fredericksburg. The roads leading to them are remarkably good...they are surrounded by an agreeable and respectable neighbourhood. There are out-houses for the accommodation of those who wish to live separate from the Tavern.
The subscriber flatters herself, that these inducements will not only operate on invalids, who, in the sickly season, attend the Springs for the sake of having their health restored, but will also be felt by those whose only object is the enjoyment of company, as it may be safely said the society will be equal to any in the country. No exertion will be wanting to make every thing perfectly agreeable. ANN GATEWOOD. Fredericksburg, May 19. 34
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to us by Mr. John Woodson, of Hanover County, to secure the payment of a debt due from him to Charles Terrell, Executor of Rev. William Douglass dec. will be exposed to SALE at Hanover Court House on the fourth Wednesday in June next, it being Hanover Court day, the
TRACT OF LAND, WHEREON the said Woodson now resides, adjoining the lands of Nathaniel W. Dandridge and others, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the balance of the said debt still due, and the costs attending this trust, by
DAVID BULLOCK, } Trustee. FRED'K. HARRIS, } May 9, 1804. 14s. (1)
Foreign Intelligence.
NORFOLK, May 17.
The British frigate Boston, Captain Douglas, arrived in Hampton Roads, on Tuesday. Capt. Douglas fell in with a ship from England, in 30 days, from which he got a London paper of the 3d of April, which he politely handed us.
[Norfolk Herald.]
LONDON, April 3.
We had written some remarks on the contents of the Paris Journals to the 17th, when late last night we received them down to the 24th; and the latter bring very interesting news. By a most extraordinary outrage, the French Government have got into their hands, the Duke D'Enghien, son of the Duke of Bourbon, and grandson of the Prince of Conde, and that unfortunate youth has been tried by a Court Martial at the castle of Vincennes, and condemned to die. Whether the sentence is to be executed or not, is not stated. The hurry with which the trial took place is extraordinary. On the 18th the Prince was taken at Ettenheim, in Germany, and on the 21st, doomed to death at Vincennes, near Paris.
The manner in which the Duke D'Enghien was taken was this: The French Government having received information that a number of emigrants were assembled at Ettenheim and Offenborough, in the territories of the Elector of Baden, resolved to seize them. It does not very clearly appear whether application was made to the Elector of Baden on this subject, who probably would have given notice to the intended victim. Be this as it may, the French on the morning of the 15th March, passed the Rhine at Rheinau, Plobsheim and Kehl, under the direction of M. Caulincourt, an Aide-de-Camp of the First Consul, &c proceeded to Offenborough and Ettenheim. On this occasion a number of French emigrants, with all their papers, were seized and carried into the French territories. Among them it seems, was the Duke D'Enghien. It is said also, that two Englishmen of distinction were apprehended; but we hope this is not true. The report of Dumourier being there is certainly false. Several French Ladies were taken, and we fear not a few emigrants of distinction. The Minister, it is very remarkable, does not say where or when the Duke was apprehended, though his trial and condemnation are published.
The arrest of Duke D'Enghien in this unprecedented manner, must excite much interest all over Europe. The Elector of Baden is the father-in-law of the Emperor of Russia, and the invasion of his territory cannot fail to be viewed, not only as a gross insult, but as a precedent for every violence in future. As the effect it involves the life of a prince of the blood royal of France, it is more likely to be resented than if inferior persons were the sufferers. At the Court of Russia it will be deeply felt. But degraded & subdued as Europe is, what is to be expected? The German Empire has been trampled upon. At former periods, such an outrage would have kindled a war.
As to the nature of the charges against the Duke D'Enghien, six in number, not a shadow of proof was produced. That he was an emigrant, and bore arms against the Republic is certain; but he was not taken in France, or with arms in his hands. As to his plots and correspondence, &c. with the disaffected, we repeat there is no proof on which any man could be condemned in a country in which the slightest attention was paid to the forms of law.... Whether the Prince was carrying on any plot, or conducting any plan of overturning the French Government, is another affair.
Pichegru, it is now evident, will be summarily tried in the same way as the Duke D'Enghien. The French Government have proposed to raise an additional levy of 60,000 conscripts of the year 12, but not to increase the army, but to fill up the places of those who are dead or discharged; and 30,000 being sufficient for this purpose, the other 30,000, though drawn, will remain in reserve. The speaker of the government on this occasion spoke with the utmost contempt of the conduct of Ministers & represented the French armies, as they now stand, as quite adequate to the war against us.
The alarms of new plots, the arrest of the Duke D'Enghien, &c. seem to have depressed the French fund, which are 52.
The Minister of Marine has officially published maps and charts of the coast and the principal roadsteads, bays and harbors in Great Britain and Ireland.
We yesterday received the Moniteur of the 14th, and some of the 17th, with Dutch journals to the 21st. The official Journal contains a detailed account of the arrest of Georges, in which the zeal and devotion of the lower orders in assisting in apprehending him, are highly praised. No step is yet taken for the trial of Moreau and Pichegru. Addresses to the Consul fill pour in from all quarters. A letter from the Hague states, that the First Consul has
written a letter disapproving of the violent mode pursued by the French soldiery in searching for English goods. Gen. Monnet in taking that step, published a proclamation expressive of his reluctance to the measure, and excusing himself from the peremptory orders he had received. We doubt the truth of the First Consul's statement of the case.
The stone expedition, if we may judge from circumstances, was destined for Boulogne. There seems no chance of its being attempted with success. We have received the following letter on the subject.
OFF BOULOGNE, 30th March, 1804. The Immortalité and her convoy of stone ships arrived here yesterday; unfortunately the weather has been so unfavourable that they were obliged back to Dunkerque. I doubt the success of this enterprise, and the enemy from their motions appear to be apprised of it. They have cannon planted on every little low point round the harbor.
It is fortunate that the stones at least are not lost—They may be turned to some account. They may help to build harbors and bridges; or, better still, they may raise a monument to perpetuate the wisdom of Mr. Addington's administration, provided any fabric in this country can survive it.
From the French and Gottenburg Mails.
PARIS, March 12.
The following are the latest accounts collected by the Prefect of Police respecting the circumstances attending the arrest of Georges:—
Citizen Petit, a peace officer, has discovered that a cabriolet was on Friday, about seven at night, to go and fetch Georges, and some other individuals of his band. He stationed his Inspectors of Police, and followed the cabriolet from the Point des Thuilleries to opposite the Pantheon. As the cabriolet went very fast he could only overtake it with Citizen Desfreville, his colleague, and three of his assistants. At that moment Georges jumped into the cabriolet, with Lerian, and without waiting for Durband, another brigand, who was to have gone in with him, he immediately drove on, crossing the Rue St. Jacques, and going down the Rue St. Hyacinthe, the Place St. Michel, and the Rue de la Liberte. Citizen Petit, and three of his assistants, followed the cabriolet, which went on rapidly, as fast as possible. Georges having perceived, through the back window of the cabriolet, three men following the carriage, told the driver to stop on the horse and to go quicker. The moment the cabriolet entered the Rue des Folies M. le Prince, the Inspector of Police, Jean Francois Calliole, who reached it the first, seized the horse by the reins; Buffet another Inspector, soon came up to look in the carriage. Georges with a pistol fired at the same time, shot Buffet dead, and wounded Calliole very dangerously. Georges and Lerian instantly jumped out of the cabriolet, one on the right and the other on the left—the third Inspector ran after Lerian—Petit seized Georges by the collar, and was immediately assisted by Citizen Desfreville; but they would have had some difficulty in securing the brigand, who was still armed with his pistol, if Citizen Thomas, a hatter, had not darted upon him, whilst the two Lamottes detained him. Several Citizens, and particularly Colquhoun and Langume, of the Rue de Theonville, lent their assistance.
The people assembled in a crowd, and each offered assistance more or less efficaciously. When they learnt that it was Georges who had been taken up, they wished at first to tear him to pieces. But as he had been chiefly taken by the Citizens of the quarter they secured to themselves the glory of delivering him up to the Magistrates. They tied and carried him to the Prefecture of Police.
The First Consul has ordered that the children of Etienne Buffet and Jean Francois Calliole, should be brought up at the expense of the state.
All that was taken upon Georges's person, amounting to a sum of 60 or 80,000 livres, have been given to the children and the widow of Buffet. At noon to day the situation of Calliole afforded some hopes of preferring his life.
The First Consul has directed the Grand Judge to make authentic inquiry, in order to discover the names of the Citizens who manifested their courage and attachment under this circumstance. They will be rewarded by distinctions of honor.
MINISTRY OF MARINE.
The Charge d'Affaires and Commissary General of Commercial Relations at Algiers, to Citizen Decree, Minister of Marine. Algiers, 28th Jan.
CITIZEN MINISTER, The English appeared before Algiers on the 15th, with nine sail of the line; two of them three deckers, and one frigate and a brig. Admiral Nelson, who commanded the fleet, demanded, imperatively, in the name of his king, that the English Chargé d'Affaires sent away from Algiers some months ago, should be honorably reinstated in his functions; he required besides, the restitution of five Neapolitan and Maltese ships taken with his passports, the release of seventy nine unfortunate persons who composed the crews
of those ships, and the severest orders to the Corsairs to respect all ships of whatever nation they might be, which had British passports. The Dey refused every thing, and replied with much firmness to the English. After several days spent in very violent explanations, Admiral Nelson, ignominiously retired. The Regency continue their preparations of defence with the greatest activity, and it may be depended upon that the Algerines will suffer a bombardment, rather than yield to one of the demands made by England.
All the agents of the different nations have retired to their country houses. I salute you with respect.
DUBOIS THAINVILLE.
Continuation of News by the Hardware arrived at New-York. [LONDON DATES TO APRIL 6.]
LONDON, March 27. Message from his Majesty. The Chancellor of the Exchequer presented a Message from his Majesty to the following purport:—
"GEORGE REX, "His Majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the house of commons, that the officers, Noncommissioned officers, and Privates, of several regiments of the Militia of Ireland, have made a voluntary tender of their services to any part of Great Britain. His Majesty has received with satisfaction this striking proof of the attachment and zeal displayed by his loyal subjects, for the general defence and security of the United Kingdom. Conceiving that this patriotic offer may be attended with the most important advantages at the present critical juncture of affairs, his Majesty recommends it to his faithful Commons, to enable him to avail himself thereof, and to make provision for such regiments as may have occasion to come into this country, for such a length of time, and to such an extent, as they shall think proper and expedient."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that this message be taken into consideration on Wednesday next, and said, that on the same day his Right Hon. Friend, Mr. Secretary Yorke, intended to make a motion for improving the military force of the country.
Particulars relative to the arrest of General Pichegru.
PARIS, March 20.—The broker le Blanc was the person who betrayed Pichegru, who occupied in his house a small room in the fifth floor, for which he paid 150,000 livres in the month. Le Blanc went to General Murat the Governor of Paris, and offered to inform him of Pichegru's place of concealment, and to deliver him up for 100,000 livres (4000l. sterling.) This sum was promised him. The manner of arresting him was then settled. Le Blanc introduced the gens d'armes into his house at night, when Pichegru was asleep, and gave a key to his room. As they were informed that Pichegru had with him two pistols and a dagger, they opened the door with as little noise as possible, and rushed on his bed. Though surprised and alarmed, Pichegru conducted himself with the greatest vigour, and in a manner that even his enemies were forced to esteem his courage and pity his misfortunes. He jumped out of his bed, naked and without arms; knocked down four gens d'armes, and they were unable to hold him, although six in number. He almost choked two, in pushing them against the chimney; a third he struck so strongly upon the breast that he spilt blood; and the fourth he pinched in the arm with such strength, that the gens d'armes cried out, "If you do not let me loose, I will shoot you through the head." With the loss of part of the flesh, he got loose, and Pichegru exclaimed, "Fire rascal, and you shall receive a sword of honor." At last he was obliged from fatigue to capitulate—and surrendered himself, upon condition of not being tied or chained. He was however, wounded in the head, and on the shoulders, and had lost a great deal of blood. In dressing himself he declared, that if he had not been deprived of his arms, he should not have fallen into their hands. He was afterwards carried before the Counsellor of State and Police Director, Real, and underwent a long examination. Bonaparte had ordered the gens d'armes to take him alive, and they were all six picked men.
Upon Real asking who he was? Pichegru answered, "I am known enough." "Where do you come from?" "From England." "In what manner?" "In a ship, not a balloon." "Where did you land?" "At Dieppe." "Who brought you here?" "Nobody; I came here by myself." "Were you not accompanied by your accomplices?" "I am no criminal, and therefore have no accomplices." "Do you know Moreau?" "Yes." "Have you seen him?" "After what has happened between us, I could only see him, with arms in my hands." "Have you seen Georges?" "Yes, the Royalist; but not the supposed assassin Georges." But Georges has more than once plotted the death of the First Consul." "So says Bonaparte," Georges says the contrary. I believe the latter more humane and honest than the former, and his words are therefore more to be depended upon." "With what view did you come to Paris?" "To call Moreau to account for his conduct in 1797." After these and some other questions, he was sent to the Temple, where Moreau is shut up in one of the dungeons."
Extract of a private letter from Paris, dated the 20th of February. "It is astonishing what universal displeasure and dismay, the arrest of Moreau has oc-
casioned in Paris, and indeed throughout France; no one believes him capable of conspiring against the country. Moreau's brother, after the glorious display of generous and fraternal feeling he manifested in the Tribune, was arrested for fear he should have an opportunity of exerting himself in the General's behalf, and even Madame Moreau and the rest of the family have been put in confinement."
March 10.
General Bessieres presented lately the officers of the consular guard to madame Bonaparte, who condescended to receive graciously their addresses of congratulation on the escape of her husband from the plots of the conspirators. In return, she said, that the first Consul's sole and most cherished children were the soldiers, among whom he always regarded those of his guard as the first born (commes des aines.)
GOTTENBURGH, March 19.—Extract of a Letter.—"A Russian courier, with dispatches for Count Worontzow, in London, will sail to day for England, this courier has performed the journey from Petersburg hither in seven days, which is almost incredible; his dispatches relate to the resignation of Worontzow, the Minister at St. Petersburg, who has retired to his estate in the country. His successor is not yet named: but there is reason to think Markoff will be the man: if so the resignation and new appointment may be both favourable to England, for it is understood that Worontzow at Petersburg, was by no means a friend to the English, and surely Markoff cannot be expected to prove one to the French, after the treatment he received from Bonaparte at Paris."
"An English courier left St. Petersburg, at the same time with the Russian (but is supposed to have taken the route of Helsingfors.) From this it would appear that Sir John Warren, thought the resignation of Worontzow of importance at this time."
MILAN, Feb. 23.—The approaching spring may be expected to produce events of the greatest importance on the coast of Italy and in the Mediterranean Sea. The French army in Italy will be considerably reinforced, and several corps are on their march from our Republic for the Neapolitan territory, which will be replaced by fresh troops from France. It is reported, that the French troops have received orders to take possession, not only of the city of Naples, but of the island of Sardinia. Admiral Nelson appears to be informed of their intention, as he has already appeared with his fleet off Sardinia and the Genoa coast. The accounts from France and Italy say nothing of the falling of the Toulon fleet.
The exchange of couriers between this city and the French head-quarters in the Neapolitan territory is very frequent, and every thing appears to indicate that important events may soon be expected.
VIENNA, March 3.—According to accounts from Constantinople the Porte is strengthening his force by sea and land as speedily as possible. A great augmentation of the army has in particular been ordered.
HAGUE, March 6.—Harmony, who will to-morrow set out again for Utrecht, had a long conference with our minister of war, Pyman, and the Marine Council. He is not entirely satisfied with the state of our preparation in the Texel. To day he will review the garrison here.
AMSTERDAM, March 6.—We are assured that the destination of the squadron of adm. Hartline, on board of which is 2000 troops, is Ceylon. An expedition for the recovery of our settlements there, could not be undertaken at a more favourable time.
From the New-York Gazette, May 14.
"Captain Goodrich, who arrived here yesterday from Amsterdam informs, that the transports had fallen down to New-Diippe, and were in readiness to receive the troops for the invasion. There was a report in circulation at Amsterdam, that the Prince of Conde had been taken up and executed for having been concerned in the conspiracy. The fate of Moreau, &c. was not known when the Frances Henrietta failed."
"By the Frances Henrietta, we have received a file of Amsterdam papers to 30th March. One of these papers contains the following article:—"
PARIS, March 22.—The report which was yesterday in circulation respecting Louis Anthony Henry, of Bourbon, is this day confirmed by the public papers. A few hours after he was brought from Strasbourg to Paris, he was sentenced to death in consequence of his having been concerned in the conspiracy—Another paper says, that Louis was taken in the night by a French officer dispatched to Strasbourg for the purpose—He had prepared to defend himself; but his own Secretary, who was a Frenchman, secretly deprived him of his arms, which he did not discover till the moment of his seizure."
AN APPRENTICE TO THE PRINTING BUSINESS, WANTED AT THIS OFFICE.

FOREIGN NEWS...CONTINUED.
From the New-York Daily Advertiser, of May 15.
LEYDEN, MARCH 20.
The Nouvelles of Paris of the 25th cur. announces the closing of the session of the French Legislative Body. The last sitting took place on the 3d Germinal (March 24th) and was remarkable for a proposition made by citizen Marcerelle, warmly supported by other Legislators, and unanimously adopted by the Assembly: it was proposed to consecrate, by a monument, the epoch when the civil Code, fashioned by all parties, came to be presented to the Nation; the monument consists in the bust of Bonaparte in white marble, and it shall be placed with pomp in the enclosure of the sittings of the Legislative Body. After having come to this determination, it was agreed, by a majority of 211 against 8, that 60,000 conscripts be raised in the year 1804, above the conscription of that year. The three Counsellors of state then produced the arrest of Government which fixes the termination of the session: the discourse, pronounced by one of them, was filled with very animated expressions, relative to the discovered conspiracies, especially with regard to the part which the English ministers, and French Princes have had in these plots, of which one of the latter has already become the victim. But in particular the French Government caused to be announced on the 2d Germinal to the conservative Senate, extraordinarily convened, the secret correspondence of Mr. Drake, Britannic Envoy at Munich: the Grand Judge has been in this instance the organ of the First Consul, and has communicated his report, and the annexed papers.
[THESE papers contain the instructions from Mr. Drake to Mr. D. L. They are too lengthy to be introduced into our paper. A faithful summary however, is presented:—
HE is to go to France; confer with his associates; and inform them that the pecuniary means shall be furnished them for bringing about the overthrow of the actual government, and putting the French nation in a capacity for choosing a more happy and tranquil form of government.
Twice a week he is to send a Bulletin of all the interesting events which occur, in the ports, in the armies, and in the different departments. These secret communications are to be written in sympathetic ink.
In some additions to these instructions, he is required to go to Paris. He is to employ the most effectual means for diving into the secrets of the government, such as having correspondences in the different offices. He is to take the greatest precautions in writing his dispatches and transmitting them. He is to learn the state of the parties in France; whether there is any chance of overthrowing the government of Bonaparte, and of restoring the king to his throne.
These papers conclude with the following remarks:—
OBSERVATIONS which precede the ten letters of the English Minister, in the collection of papers annexed to the Report of the Grand Judge.
The Agent Mr. D. L. having been sent from England to Bavaria, to receive the instructions of Mr. Drake, before commencing his operations, informs him by a billet of his arrival at Munich. He has received an answer to it, which it has been thought proper to print, because it is entirely written by Mr. Drake, and signed by him and all the correspondence which has been read is by the same hand.
SIR; I am very happy to learn your arrival in this city, and shall be charmed to see you as soon as convenient. You will have the goodness to stay to dine with me if the hour of four suits you.
V. T. O. B. S. FRANCIS DRAKE.
The Agent arrived at Paris, very soon perceived that he had nothing to do in the end of his mission: he did not discontinue, however, to give letters and bulletins to Mr. Drake for his money; but betrayed introduced the police to a knowledge of this correspondence.
[If these instructions were really given by the British minister at Munich, too much blame cannot be thrown on the dishonourable conduct of England. Whatever we may think of Bonaparte, there are certain measures for his overthrow, which no just government would resort to. All the modern laws of nations have acknowledged certain rules of warfare, which civilized governments should never violate. To poison the springs of an enemy; to make use of poisoned weapons, have been very properly exploded. But how are these acts superior in infamy to stealing into the capital of an enemy's country; to bribing the confidential ministers of its cabinet; to effect a change of government, which the force of its arms, or the customary forms of diplomatic skill could not accomplish. The fate of Arnold, however, has already shown us, that such methods are not too low for some of the English ministers to employ in some of their hopeless experiments.
Should these papers, however, be not owing to the ingenuity of the British Envoy; but should they have originated in the intriguing brain of Bonaparte and his grand judge, the dishonorable action has only shifted sides, without losing any of its intensity. It is a curious fact, that the name of Moreau, without any comment upon his character or his assistance in the enterprise, is mentioned only once in these instructions. I pay very little respect indeed to the virtues of Bonaparte, when I rely upon this circumstance as one of the reasons
for believing that these papers were not written by him. A patriotic desire of heightening the indignation of his countrymen against the English, would not have been the only object which he had in view when he forged these papers. Whilst he was wading in a sin of this kind, he would not probably have lost in his career, to calculate the different degrees of guilt, into which his passions were hurrying him. His ambitious temper would not have lost such an opportunity of affording Moreau with the enemies of his nation, and bringing down upon the innocent head of a respectable yet dangerous rival, the just vengeance of his incensed countrymen.]
Domestic Intelligence.
IMPORTANT!
PHILADELPHIA, May 16.
By the politeness of capt. Calver, of the ship Maria, arrived last night from Cadiz; we are favored with a copy of the following important letter from Commodore Preble to John Gavino, esq. our consul.
United States Frigate Constitution.
Syracuse Harbour, Feb. 7, 1804. John Gavino, Esq. Consul of the United States.
Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to announce to you the pleasing intelligence of the capture and destruction of the Tripolitan frigate of 40 guns, late the U. States frigate Philadelphia, by the U. States Ketch Intrepid of 4 guns and 70 men, commanded by Capt. Decatur of the Enterprise, who volunteered his services on the occasion. It is to be regretted that she was so situated, that it was impossible to have brought her out. On the night of the 3d January, the brig Syren, capt. Stuart, and Ketch Intrepid of 4 guns, fitted for the purpose and commanded by capt. Decatur, with seventy volunteers, from the squadron, sailed for Tripoli, with orders to burn the frigate in that harbour. They this day returned, having executed my orders much to my satisfaction.
On the night of the 16th ult. capt. Decatur, entered the harbour of Tripoli, with the ketch, laid her alongside the frigate, and in a gallant and officer like manner, boarded and carried her against all opposition. After gaining complete possession, he proceeded to fire her with success, and left her in a blaze, in which she continued until she was totally consumed. He had NONE killed and only one wounded. The Tripolitans had between 20 and 30 men killed on the deck. One large boat load made their escape, some men ran below and perished in the flames; but the greater part jumped overboard. She was moored close to the Batteries, with all her guns loaded and two of their corsairs full of men, lay within half a musket shot of her. A fire was kept upon the Ketch by the Batteries, Bashaw's Castle and Corsairs. Not a musket or a pistol was fired by our men, every thing was settled by the sword.
The Syren anchored without the harbour to cover the retreat of the Ketch, and sent her boats to assist, but unfortunately they did not arrive in season, as the business was accomplished, and the Ketch on her way out, before the boats met her. Had they got in sooner, it is probable some of the Tripolitan corsairs would have shared the fate of the frigate.
Very respectfully, I am, Dear Sir, Your obf. servant, EDWARD PREBLE.
Extracts from the letters of a Midshipman, dated, in prison, Tripoli, Nov. 22, 1803, to his friends in this city. In my last to you I mentioned, that in consequence of the Tripolitan Captain's letter to the Bashaw, we were ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to march to the castle, as we supposed to the apartment of the Bashaw, to undergo another examination; but in the morning following, when
the guard arrived, we were conducted to the prison, where our men are confined, and informed by the guard, that it was to be our prison in future by order of the Bashaw, to retaliate for the treatment his subjects received while on board the John Adams. The prison has been formerly the Bashaw's smoke-house, and the most wretched looking place I believe they could find, however in the evening we were ordered back to our old prison, but a palace to the castle, in consequence of the French and Danish Consul having interceded in our behalf. Since then we have been closely confined as before. Our chief support is sleep; we mostly retire to rest at 7 o'clock, and in the morning when we awake, the iron bars around the windows pronounce too plainly that we are prisoners. I am sorry to inform you that three or four of our crew have turned traitors to their country, by embracing the Mahometan Religion and taking up arms against their country; they have already made their appearance with their heads shaved and a Turkish habit on. I am induced to believe, that their way of living drove them to this conduct. Mr. Helen, Danish Consul, continues to pay us the greatest attention; he informed us, the Frigate will never be fit for sea again unless she is hove down, which is impossible to be done here.
November 29.
Our friend, Mr. Helen, the Danish Consul, I am told is going to return to Copenhagen. I am sorry to inform you, formerly Quarter Master on board the frigate, has got his freedom, and will leave here to day for Alicante, on account of his having given the Bashaw information that the ship was scuttled, and in fact every thing he knew, which could be of service to the Bashaw; I hope Captain Bainbridge, will write to our Consul at Alicante, and have him taken up, so that he may be punished by the laws of the U. S.—No doubt but malicious attacks will be made against Capt. Bainbridge and his officers concerning the loss of the frigate, but I assure you all that was in the power of man to be done, was by our noble commander.
The following is a copy of a communication issued by Capt. Bainbridge, a few days after the loss of the frigate.—It is directed to the First Lieutenant.
SIR, The late unfortunate event prevents the midshipmen from receiving that information in their profession, which they otherwise would have derived; and that the distressing time spent here may not be entirely lost to them, you will inform them, that it is my request, that immediately after breakfast, they will repair to their room to study navigation, and read such books, as are in our possession, which will improve their minds.
Given in a prison in Tripoli, Barbary, Nov. 5. (Signed) WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. LT. PORTER.
FROM THE AURORA.
CELEBRATION.
THE ACQUISITION OF LOUISIANA.
This joyous festival was celebrated according to the intention on Saturday, in a manner which must have communicated to every lover of American happiness and prosperity, feelings and emotions the most impressive.
The heavens for three preceding days had been overcast, and an uncomfortable drizzling rain had continued with little intermission the whole of that time and until about the midnight of Friday.—Those who felt an interest in the celebration were apprehensive that the effect of the spectacle in the procession, and on the plain, and of the oration, would have been marred by the unseasonable state of the weather—and those who were adverse to the felicity (for there are some who repine even at the prosperity and honour of their country) had manifested their joy in anticipating the disappointment which they calculated upon as certain, for which many piously avowed they had prayed—and upon which zeal had already staked many wagers.
The committee of arrangement, however, determined that the procession should proceed, and that the expression of the feelings of patriotism should not depend upon sunshine. Early on Saturday morning the usual demonstrations of joy were made by a salute of 17 guns near Centre Square by the artillery corps commanded by capt. Powell;—the bells of Christ Church rung "a merry peal," and the drums of the several military corps spoke "notes of preparation."
The heavens soon wore a cheerful aspect—the dawn that had been ushered in with the transient shadows of dissipating clouds cleared up, and gave a cool and charming day.
The arrangements previously made were judicious, and conducted from the commencement to the close of the day without disorder or accident, either to interrupt or to allay public enjoyment.
The procession commenced at half after ten in the morning from the corner of Vine street in the order following; the whole line from that point extending thro' the northern liberties till its left reached the Germantown road.—
ORDER OF PROCESSION.
MAY 12th, 1804.
Corps of Pioneers. Two Trumpets. Troop of Horse, (Major Leiper's) Troop of Horse, (Capt. Holgate's) Rifle Corps, (Capt. Huff's) Light Infantry Corps, (Capt. Irwin's) Braft Field Piece—6 pounder. Corps of Artillery, (Major Shaw's) Braft Field Piece—6 Pounder. Artillery corps, (Capt. Worrell's)
Major and Adjutant. Infantry Corps, Capt. L. Ruh, — Lyle, — Lloyd, Eleven Standards—Martial Music. Capt. Herkheimer, — Waterman, — Fottal. Sergeant Major. Braft 6 pounder. Artillery Corps, (Capt. Goodman's) Braft 6 pounder. Artillery Company, (Capt. Forepaugh's) Flankers. Capt. Ebberty's Corps, Infantry. Capt. Dalzell's Company, Infantry. Capt. Wagner's Corps, Riflemen. Two Trumpets. Corps of Horse, (Capt. Hill's) Colonel of the First Battalion. The Tammany Society or Columbian Order.
A Bugle Horn. Grand Sachem of Tammany Society. A warrior carrying flag of Pennsylvania—Father of the Council. A Sachem with the Calumet. The Cap of Liberty. The Tribe of Pennsylvania. The 16 other tribes led by their several Sachems and the Flag of each tribe. The Scribe of the Society. The Wiskeknee. The St. Patrick Society. The Union Society of Cordwainers. The United German Benefit Society. The Incorporated St. Tammany Society. The Union Society. The Provident Society. The True Republican Society. The Democratic Republican Benevolent Society. The Friendly Society. The Victuallers. The Cincinnati. The Committee of Arrangement.— Matt. Lawler, Esq. Fred. Wolbert, Esq. Major Kitts, Gen. Barker, Hugh Ferguson, Esq. Major Simmons. The Orator of the Day.—H. Leib. The Young Men of Democratic Principles, bearing an emblematic flag.
Wisdom and Virtue Triumphant. Citizens in Ranks. Governor of the Commonwealth. Civil officers of the state and general government. The City Councils. The Major General of the Militia and commandant of the legion, with his staff. The officers of the City and County Militia. Second Battalion of the Legion. Two Trumpets. Corps of Horse, (Capt. Jones's) Rifle Corps, (Capt. Snyder's) Infantry Corps, (Capt. Stern's) Braft Field Piece—6 pounder. Artillery Corps, (Capt. Powell's) Infantry,—Capt. Sweeney, —Duane, —Mentzer, —Montgomery, —Vogdes. Twelve Standards Martial Music. Capt. Fox, —Marshall, —M'Kellar, —Allen, —Simington. Colonel of the second Battalion. 9 Pounder. Artillery, (Capt. Caff's) Rifle Corps, (Capt. Feimire's) Infantry, (Capt. Altimus's) Rifle Corps, (Capt. Seyfert's) Trumpets. Corps of Horse, (Capt. Comely's)
The witnesses of the ground rendered it necessary to limit the progress of the march to the streets which are paved, therefore instead of proceeding to South street, the cortege taken was through the New-market up Lombard, into Third, and by the governor's thence to Chestnut up to Sixth, into Market street, and thence to the Centre square. The committee of arrangement had previously caused to be erected a rostrum, on the west side of the area formed by the north side of the Centre square and Broad street—upon the pioneers entering the ground, they took possession of the area, the place of the orator was intended to form the centre of the segment of a circle, to be formed by the two military divisions.
The cavalry of two divisions formed on the right and left of the orator in a right line facing inwards to the east—the right wing of infantry marched, took the line formed by the left of the cavalry to the eastward facing inward forth; and the left wing of the infantry took possession of the line formed by the right of the cavalry extending eastward, and facing inward to the north; the rifle corps and pioneers forming the east side of the square, which gave an area of about 650 by 300 feet, in the centre, of which the several societies noticed in the detail of the procession took their stations according to the order previously determined, when the whole having entered the field, the committee of arrangement with the orator of the day ascended the rostrum.
The military lines according to the order then closed in from the eastern flanks, towards the centre; and formed on their junction the outer lines of the segment of the circle, each corps forming eight deep—the coup d'oeil was beautiful, and the effect for audience answered the end designed.
The Oration was delivered by Dr. Michael Leib, and took up in delivery about 18 minutes.
Upon its being closed the artillery fired a salute of 17 rounds.
The 2 battalions of the legion immediately displayed, and countermarched, forming the line with the right on the centre square, and extended along Broad street to Vine street, where they fired a triple feu de joie.
The several military corps and civil associations retired to their respective places of entertainment, and the day was concluded with gladness as it had begun—the bells rung during the day—several vessels in the river were dressed out and fired salutes.
The following toasts are selected from a great number, that was given.
The amendment of the constitution—may we never be governed by a constitution, which forbids the amendment of its errors.
Thomas Jefferson the pacific conqueror, more successful than the legislator of the Hebrews, he has given us the land of promise without crossing the Red sea.
The wreaths of liberty, stronger ties than the chains of slavery. The river St. Laurence—may she become the Mississippi of the north.
The Union—may he who would attempt to disserve it—be diserved from the number of the American people.
The Sampsons of N. England—may they learn that the modern Philistines are not to be subdued or terrified by the jawbones of asses.
The press—May its conductors know no friends but those of freedom—and no enemies but those of liberty and virtue.
The day—an emblem of days not long past clouds and storms, the precursors of tranquility and gladness.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, March 23.
DEBATE on the Bill further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary Powers.
[Concluded.]
Mr. DANA. The gentleman from Maryland must surely have committed a mistake when he said that there is no measure proposed on his side of the House which does not meet with opposition. When the President considered vigorous measures necessary against the Emperor of Morocco, the Journal will show that we entered into them unanimously. Nor is the objection now urged in any wise an objection to the general measure contemplated. The only objection is to the imposition of unnecessary taxes. If the force necessary to be sent into the Mediterranean will not exceed an expense of 338,600 dollars, the necessity for the imposition of the proposed taxes surely does not exist. I admit that after the force is raised, the President, in virtue of his authority as commander in chief, is to have its whole direction; but it is perfectly novel to me to learn that we are not previously to be informed of the extent to which it is proposed to carry it. If to the present number of vessels in service we add two frigates and five smaller vessels, they will require only an additional appropriation of 354,000 dollars. This, I believe, is the full extent of the additional force contemplated. As to raising money to that amount I make no objection. Though I dislike laying duties thus in gross, yet I do not know that there can be any great objection to it. The sum proposed to be raised will give 780,000 dollars, which is more than double the sum necessary.
Is it proper thus to raise these duties and hold forth to the nation that the commerce of the Mediterranean is so expensive? The dire disaster in the Mediterranean is not of itself an adequate cause for the measure. I object to this measure because it goes to give an improper impression of the causes of the bill.
Formerly this way of raising revenue was arraigned as a deceptive mode of drawing money from the people. Now we find no murmur at extending it. Gentlemen may possibly be right when they say the country would not feel an additional duty of ten or fifteen per cent. I believe, however, they have not so much apathy as the remark implies.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD said he would not detain the committee for many minutes. The gentleman from Maryland says that in the select committee that introduced the bill, no estimate of expenses was considered necessary.
The sum proposed to be appropriated was 750,000 dollars. I said Mr. G. proposed adding to it; stating the necessity of making the sum appropriated sufficient, and that if the whole was not wanted it could not be used. I was willing, therefore, to appropriate a million: and I am still of opinion that it is proper to vest the President with ample powers, and I will vote with great cordiality for appropriating a million, trusting if the whole expense is not necessary it will not be incurred.
The gentleman from Maryland finds fault with my being ready to incur the expense, but not to provide the means for meeting it. If the new taxes were necessary, I would vote for them, much as I dislike the mode. Gentlemen will, I hope, have the candour to believe us sincere, when they recollect that I opposed the repeal of the internal taxes. I thought then that it was not politic to goad commerce with the whole burthens of the nation. I think so still.
By the last treasury report, there appears to have been in the treasury,
Dollars. Deduct for payments under French convention 3,750,000 Under British ditto 800,000 4,550,000 Still in the treasury 1,310,000

I am sensible that there is some charge for the new debt contracted for Louisiana; but if we advert to the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, we will find he has not so estimated it. He states a surplus of 200,000 dollars of net revenue. He considers the interest of the Louisiana stock as chargeable upon the net revenue and not on the specie balance in the treasury; for as the interest accrues annually the specie balance would soon be exhausted. I am sensible that it is difficult, from any documents on the table, to be perfectly correct. Had the gentleman distinctly attended to my estimate of the evils of the proposed additional duties, he would have seen that it was not incorrect. I took the gross amount of goods chargeable ad valorem at forty millions, and estimated that two and a half per cent. duty thereon, would produce a million; making twenty five per cent. allowance for drawbacks, I made it produce the net sum of 750,000 dollars.
Mr. G. concluded by observing that the committee must be sensible, by advertising to the act, that the proposed fund would not be confined to the Mediterranean. The 2nd section is as follows: "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That a distinct account shall be kept of the duties imposed by this act, and the proceeds thereof shall constitute a fund, to be denominated the 'Mediterranean Fund,' and shall be applied solely to the purposes designated by this act; and the said additional duty shall cease and be discontinued at the expiration of three months after the ratification by the President of the United States of a treaty of peace with the regency of Tripoli, unless the United States should then be at war with any other of the Barbary Powers, in which case the said additional duty shall cease and be discontinued at the expiration of three months after the ratification by the President of the United States of a treaty of peace with such power; provided however, that the said additional duty shall be collected on all such goods, wares and merchandise, liable to pay the same, as shall have been imported previous to the day on which the said duty is to cease."
The object is general, and gentlemen must be sensible if the money collected is sufficient to discharge the expense of the navy, it may be so applied. It must, indeed, be applied to that object, as none other is stated.
Mr. NICHOLSON said that the gentleman from Connecticut seemed to consider the object too general, he would, in case the committee refused to strike out the first section, move to limit the application of the fund "to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States in the Mediterranean."
The question was then taken on striking out the first section, and passed in the negative—Ayes 26.
Mr. NICHOLSON then offered the amendment just stated.
Mr. EUSTIS hoped the gentleman from Maryland would withdraw his amendment, as in a subsequent part of the bill the object is distinctly specified. It is otherwise unnecessary; and if agreed to, it will be necessary to add "or adjacent seas."
Mr. NICHOLSON said he considered the amendment as unnecessary; but as he had promised to make it, he could not withdraw it.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he would suggest one reason why it ought not to obtain. One of the Barbary Powers possessed a coast out of the Mediterranean. If the misfortune of the United States should dispose this power (Morocco) already predisposed to hostility, to war upon the United States, it would not be in our power to block up the port of Salles, and several other ports out of the Mediterranean.
The question was taken on the amendment, which was lost without a division.
The committee then rose and reported the bill without amendment.
The House immediately took it up.
When Mr. R. Griswold renewed his motion to strike out the first section.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said that on his return yesterday, to his seat, after an indispensable absence during last week, he had learned with as much surprise as concern the disastrous event which had given rise to the bill then before them. Not being present when the bill originated in the committee of ways and means, it could not be expected that he should go largely into detail; and even if he had been prepared so to do, the very satisfactory statement of his friend from Maryland (Mr. Nicholson) rendered it altogether unnecessary. He should content himself with offering some few remarks, by way of reply to the objections of the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Griswold). These resolved themselves into two distinct branches—first to the raising of any additional revenue whatever—secondly to the proposed mode of obtaining it.
On the first of these points, Mr. R. begged leave to refer to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, laid before the house early in the present session. He therefore computes the permanent annual revenue of the United States at
Dollars. 10,400,000
And the permanent annual expense [viz. sinking fund, civil list, foreign intercourse, military and Indian, naval departments, on the existing establishments] is estimated at
9,800,000
Leaving a surplus of 600,000
How these six hundred thousand dollars are to be disposed of will be seen hereafter. So much, Sir, for our permanent revenue, and permanent expenditure.
The extraordinary resources, consisting of specie in the Treasury and arrears of old taxes, amount to 6,660,000 dollars, and this is the fund from which the gentleman from Connecticut boldly asserts, we may defray the expense of the projected armament. But it will be observed, that these extraordinary resources, ample as they are, are charged, as the gentleman himself well knows, with very heavy extraordinary demands. These, on account of our convention with Great Britain, expenses in relation to it and to the convention with France, a loan due the state of Maryland, and two million for the purchase of Louisiana, amount, together, to 4,965,000 dollars; which being deducted from the preceding sum, of 6,660,000 dollars will leave only 1,695,000—beyond
which the secretary is of opinion it would not be prudent to reduce the specie in the Treasury.
But it is to be remembered that the purchase of Louisiana has created an additional debt of fifteen millions—11,250,000 dollars of six per cent. stock transferred to the French government, and 3,750,000 dollars, payable in specie, during the present year, to American citizens, having claims for spoliations against that government. For discharging this last demand however, two millions are reserved out of the extraordinary resources, as has just been stated—leaving a balance on this account of 1,750,000 dollars, & reducing the whole amount of debt to be otherwise provided for, on account of Louisiana, to thirteen millions. And here permit me to remark, that granting, for argument's sake, that no necessity to retain a dollar in the treasury, the above balance of 1,750,000 would, of itself, be more than sufficient to absorb all that remained of our extraordinary resources, after defraying the extraordinary demands which I have enumerated. So sensible however have we been of the danger of entirely emptying the treasury, that we have made provision for funding this balance of 1,750,000 dollars which will fall due this year, on account of American claims for spoliations, as well as the 11,250,000 payable to France. These thirteen millions of new debt form no part of the preceding statements. Out of what funds then, is the annual interest, amounting to 780,000 dollars, to be discharged? Certainly not out of the extraordinary resources, for these, after paying the extraordinary demands above stated, leave no greater surplus than it is necessary to keep in the treasury. And if the six hundred thousand dollars, the amount of that surplus, could be spared; the specie balance of American claims, unpaid, is more than sufficient to employ it. No Sir, the only fund relied on to meet the interest of this additional debt, is the surplus of the permanent revenue beyond the permanent expense [under the existing establishments] to which I formerly adverted, amounting to six hundred thousand dollars and, to supply the deficiency, the proceeds of the custom-house at New Orleans, taken at 200,000. These, & these only, are the means which can be relied on to meet this additional expense. And the house will perceive, that the Secretary of the Treasury advances "with diffidence the opinion, that it is possible thus to provide for the payment of the interest of a new debt of thirteen millions, without recurring to additional taxes."
Mr. R. said that he trusted it had been sufficiently shown, that there was not one dollar, of either ordinary or extraordinary revenue, which the existing engagements of the government would not require. This had been repeatedly stated on various other occasions. It had been made an objection to the Senate's proposition for building two small vessels of war. It was then said, if necessary, we are ready to incur the expense, but not unless gentlemen are ready to raise the supplies for meeting it. The gentleman from Connecticut is too liberal—he is willing to grant the admiralty ration credit for more than they require or deserve. After having paid near ten millions of the principal of the public debt, —being ready to discharge near five millions more on account of the extraordinary demands before mentioned, and having provided as well for the final extinguishment by adding to the sinking fund, as for the interest of the debt incurred by the purchase of Louisiana, without levying a single additional tax, they are content to acknowledge that they do not possess resources for defraying the expense of an extraordinary armament to the Mediterranean. The gentleman from Connecticut, however, insists that, after defraying these heavy demands, there is a large surplus remaining, and is willing to vote a million for this service, without providing means to raise a dollar.
Having established, as he conceived, the main object for which he rose, that additional revenue would be required, in case we launched into this new expense, it only remained to enquire to what subjects of taxation we should resort. This point, Mr. R. said, had been so ably and forcibly dilated on by his friend from Maryland, that it was scarcely necessary to ask whether the house were prepared to encase the duties on tea, coffee, spirits, wine, sugar, salt, & other articles of greatest primary necessity, (for such our habits had rendered those, which were not actual necessities of life) already burdened with specific duties, amounting from 25 to 75 per cent. on their prime cost, or whether we should raise the comparatively low duties on those articles which were taxed ad valorem.
The gentleman from Connecticut has indeed gently insinuated his recommendation, that we should burn our fingers with that species of taxation with which he had formerly scorch his own. He is unwilling to throw the whole burden of the nation upon its commerce, as if the very children had not learned, that every tax on imports is not paid by the consumer of the article in question; and as if the very revenue in question were not for the protection of trade. Here Mr. R. went into a comparison between the advantages of indirect and direct taxation, and concluded by observing, that there were two insuperable reasons for preferring the former—that it was the only mode, in the present state of our society, by which the necessary revenue could be raised—and that by confining ourselves to it altogether, the number of officers employed in the collection of that revenue, was as much as possible restricted. The proposed duties would not give a single additional officer, or add in the smallest degree, to the patronage of the executive.
It was a needless memento to the House, or to the nation, to tell them that the gentleman and his friends opposed the repeal of the internal taxes. It would never be forgotten who had laid them on, nor who had taken them off. The people would never forget that the men who had given up that source of revenue and swept off a host of those blood suckers, the excisemen, had rapidly diminished the debt, and acquired Louisiana without laying one additional tax. They will pay the duties proposed in this bill with that cheerful confidence which they repose in its tried and faithful agents—an men who never draw a cent from their pockets but when the public exigency requires it. This language might be reprehended as boastful, but there were occasions when it was trea-
chery to our principles not to assert them with freedom and boldness. He would never pusillanimously sit still and see an attempt to delude the public opinion, without endeavoring to expose it. There was but one point on which he differed from his friend from Maryland. He could not deplore the opposition which this measure had received from a certain quarter. He conceived it a criterion of its merit. In the political, as in the physical world, there must be a centrifugal as well as a centripetal power. In no other manner, said Mr. R. can the harmony of this sphere be preserved. And so far from deprecating opposition, such as we have seen to day, I invite it. I shall ever prefer the fair adversary to the skulking assassin who declines the public combat only that he may spring upon me in an unguarded moment.
Mr. HUGER said he only rose to observe that if this clause were retained, he should, notwithstanding, vote for the bill. He was perfectly ready to meet any expense necessary to support the national interest and character. He believed other modes than that pointed out by the bill would be better. He would prefer borrowing the sum and that a tax on carriages should be laid to pay the interest.
The question on striking out the first section was taken by Yeas and Nays—Yeas 77—Nays 28.
The bill was therefore ordered to a third reading.
Being engrossed it was soon after brought in, and read a third time.
When Mr. HUGER required the Yeas & Nays on its passage. It was his wish to show that those most averse to this mode of raising revenue from its inequality and oppression, were, notwithstanding, ready to vote for carrying the great object of the bill into effect.
Mr. J. C. SMITH said he was sorry that the appropriation male and the mode of obtaining revenue to meet it were incorporated in the same bill. As to the first object of the bill, there was no division in the House—on the second there was a diversity of opinion. He was persuaded it was not proper at present to raise more revenue. Gentlemen, however, were determined to preserve the first section; and the responsibility of it must rest with them. However we may dislike it, approving the great object of the bill, we must vote for it.
The question was then taken by Yeas & Nays on the passage of the bill, and carried unanimously in the affirmative—YEAS 96—NOES NONE.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND: WEDNESDAY, MAY 23, 1804.
ON THE PRESS. NO. 2.
Of all the methods then which have ever been introduced, the Press seems best fitted to increase the number of truths, the spirit of enquiry, and the certainty of information, on every subject. In no concern of man, perhaps, is its importance more strikingly visible, than in the administration of a free government.
The great advantage which such a form of government has over a despotism, is, that there is a greater chance of proper men being put into office. To the people belongs the power of making this selection. If they were not acquainted with the private character and political opinions of the different candidates, how could they know whom to choose or whom to reject? Was their choice indeed confined to some narrow district, such as the limits of a corporation, or even the boundaries of a county, the people might be contented with the ordinary methods of communication. It might be sufficient for them merely to talk over the merits of the different candidates. They might even in this way acquire sufficient information from their neighbours to direct them to a proper choice. But when the selection is made to extend over a much larger district; when it is not the officer of a corporation, or of a county, but the Governor of a State, or the President of the United States, that is to be voted for; how can the people exercise too much vigilance in the use of their elective franchise? Or how can this elective right be properly directed in the remote parts of the country, where the pretensions of a candidate are unknown, unless the Press takes up and fearfully pursues the investigation of their different pretensions?
Let us now suppose that the people, having been instructed by the lights of the press, have invested the most proper men with their legislative or executive functions; does the influence of the press also terminate here? Are there no other benefits which it can render to the administration of the government? Certainly; under a free government, it is the right as well as the business of the people, not only to choose their officers, but to assist their deliberations by their advice. The man, when he puts on the robe of office, does not on that account acquire the necessary information to direct him in the exercise of his powers. He is still dependent upon the opinions of others, for much of that knowledge which is so necessary to him in the proper use of his functions. The press, which brings before him all the opinions of others in their most striking form, seems thus to put a new power in the hands of the people to act upon their representatives. To them this power of informing their officers is not of less value than the original exercise of their elective franchise. It is not before congress only, or even in the cabinet of the executive, that the deliberations on public measures are only carried on. The principal debate on the affairs of the nation takes place, in this country, even
before the meeting of Congress. In some cases, indeed, where the executive is to supply them with new and important facts, this debate is necessarily inaccurate in detail, though not perhaps useless for the establishment of principles, on which they may act. I would appeal to the members of any legislative body in this country, to say, whether they have not generally drawn more instruction from the previous deliberations of the press, than they have from the subsequent debates of their own body. The adoption of proper measures by the government seems thus to depend very much upon the labours of the press. Indeed it is difficult for me to conceive how in a republican government, which is scattered like ours over such an immense extent of country, the affairs of the nation could be well administered. How could the people in the remote parts of the country obtain the proper insight into the proceedings of their officers? How could the injuries, which are done to different parts of the country by any political system be made known to all? How could a combination be effected among them to overfet this system, and to introduce a new order of things?
This sketch of the political use of a press, in a free government, whilst it shows how perfectly free from the influence of government it ought to be, supplies us at the same time with the strongest argument against its licentiousness. If the great use of a press is to inform the people on the pretensions of their candidates, and to inform their officers on the effects of public measures, a press perfectly licentious almost as useless as no press at all. What confidence can the people repose in the characters of their candidates, thus faithlessly drawn? What information can their officers receive on public measures, from writings which contain not the luminous opinions of a candid judgment, but the suggestions of party spirit? In this respect, the Editor of a public paper, who prostitutes it to personal abuse or party spirit, may be regarded (at least in his own sphere) almost as great an enemy to the Press, as the despot who would wish to paralyse its political influence altogether.
On Monday the Court of Appeals, having given their decision on the Glebe Case, terminated their session. The Court was divided on this cause: Judges Roane and Tucker being for the Glebe; Judges Lyons and Carrington against it. In the 19th section of the law for establishing the Court of Appeals (late Revised Code, ch. 65) it is provided that the judgment of the inferior Courts shall be affirmed on those cases where the voices on both sides shall be equal. The Chancellor's decision that the Glebe lands should be sold, is consequently affirmed by the Court of Appeals.
MISCELLANEOUS.
The following prize questions have been proposed by a committee of medical men appointed by Harvard College (Mass.) to select proper subjects, for discussion, and award suitable medals. The funds for this purpose were given by a Mr. Boylston. The dissertation must be addressed to Dr. F. A. Holyoke, Salem.
QUESTIONS.
1st. How does Air act upon or influence animal bodies, in originating, and continuing respiration, maintaining organic motion, and preserving the exercise of the vital functions? 2d. Are there any anatomical, physiological, or pathological facts, already discovered by which the nature of TETANUS TRAUMATICUS, or Locked Jaw can be explained? If so, what are those facts, and what the best mode of preventing or curing the disease? 3d. What are the causes of the VARIETIES observed in DISENTERY, and what the methods of treatment adapted to the cure of those varieties?
[N. E. PALLADIUM.]
The following list of distinguished persons, exclusively of Pichegru and Moreau, apprehended at Paris, as implicated in the conspiracy, has been transmitted as genuine:—Gen. Dumas, Madame Dumas, Monf. De Spentuil, Gen. La Fayette, the Abbe David, Monf. Roland, E. Godin, a Tribune, Lajolais, Madame Tallien, Madame St. Léger, Limodin, Bouvet, Defonvilles, Charles De'Ofer, Gen. Delmas, &c.
Mr. MONROE.—It is stated on good authority, that letters from Mr. Monroe mention the inadequacy of his salary to defray the expenses necessarily incurred at the court of St. James. His special return is of course expected, to take possession of the government of Louisiana, which is understood to have been offered to his acceptance.
[Morn. Chron.]
In the Hindostan from Lisbon, came passenger, Mr. Willis, Consul of the United States, at Barcelona, with dispatches for Government from Mr. Pickney the American minister at Madrid. These dispatches are said to relate to Louisiana, and supposed to be of importance.
[Phil. Gas.]
Taken up by the subscriber, living in Louisa county, a BLACK HORSE about four feet ten inches high; he has a star in his forehead, a snip on his nose, and a small white spot near the middle of his back, with a hanging mane and bushy tail; he appears to have the marks of gear on his side, and is supposed to be about six years old.—Appraised to sixty dollars.
JOHN BIBB.
Louisa, February, 7th 1804.
The papers which came by the yesterday's mail to this office, do not mention any later arrivals than those by which the articles in the preceding columns have been received. One article only is extracted, which appears more interesting than the rest:
Yesterday's Mail.
Via Boston.
LONDON, April 2—4.
MILITARY DISAFFECTION.
A private letter, received from a gentleman residing at Rennes, in Brittany, states the following particulars. "The commandant of the town having been informed that two regiments of the French line stationed there, had expressed great dissatisfaction at the arrest of General Moreau, he ordered them to assemble upon the Esplanade, where he exhorted them to inform him of the cause of complaint, and told them if any man would come forward, and state his grievances, they should be immediately remedied. One of the grenadiers immediately stepped from the ranks, and in loud terms informed the commandant, "that their grievances arose from the conduct of the Chief Coastal, who had caused their general, Moreau, to be unjustly arrested, and had instituted charges against him which were completely unfounded; that the General (Moreau) had rendered more services to the republic by his retreats, than even the Chief Coastal had done by his victories." The commandant observed to him, that it was necessary, for the safety of the republic, that traitors should be denounced; that whatever services Moreau might have rendered, it was evident he had associated with a set of miscreants, who were determined upon the restoration of monarchy, and the return of Tyranny.—He wished, however, to know, if they were all of the same opinion as the grenadier who had stepped forward? Upon this being made known, the whole of the two regiments to a man stepped out and seconded their comrade, declaring they were anxious to defend their General (Moreau.) The consequence of this intimation was, the regiments were ordered immediately into the interior of the country.
Admiral Truguet has been appointed Chief Admiral of France, with a salary of 60,000 francs per annum.
A portfolio belonging to Pichegru, containing the whole plan of the conspiracy, is stated to have been found, and given up to the Minister of the Police; and in the apartment where Georges resided 200,000 pieces of gold have been discovered.
CASH WANTED,
(IN ABOUT A WEEK)
FOR about six tons of D R IRON. The price will be made an inducement to purchase. And IRON CASTINGS of various kinds, for sale on the usual terms by the ton or single piece, among which are a few tons of 30 and 60 lbs. per foot. Also T & R by the quantity or single barrel below the common price. And also best fine and superfine FLOUR.
MICAH JAH DAVIS,
Richmond, 22d of Jbe 5th Mo. 1804.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
(Living on Shockoe-Hill, near Mr. Daniel L. Hylton and Mr. Benj. Mosby)
RESPECTFULLY inform the citizens of Richmond and its vicinity, that they have lately commenced the
CARPENTER & JOINER'S BUSINESS;
and are now ready to undertake any business in their line.—They trust, from their particular attention, and faithful performance of every thing they undertake, to merit public patronage.
WILLIAM E. LEE,
JOHN S. LEE.
tf (3)
The Court of Hustings of the City of Richmond have established the following rules concerning applicants for licenses to manufacture Tobacco within the said City viz.
"All Applicants to the said Court for Licenses to manufacture Tobacco must be made one Month at least, previous to the Time of granting thereof, and the Name or Names of the Applicant or Applicants entered on the Records of the said Court, and inserted in all the Newspapers published in the City of Richmond."
IN PURSUANCE WHEREOF, Public Notice is hereby given, That from the Records of the said Hustings Court, it appears that GEORGE TATE means to apply to the next succeeding Court for a license to manufacture Tobacco within the said City.
(By Order of Court)
AND W. STEVENSON, D. C.
May 23. 8mo (5)
PROPOSALS
By MARCUS LEVY of Richmond, For printing by subscription, a scarce and valuable Book, entitled
Opinion of a Jewish High Priest,
ON REASON AND FAITH, AND PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION, & THE NECESSITY OF REVELATION. Intended to prove faith among infidels, and the unbounded power of humanity among all religious men.
BY RABBAHEN RAJOUS, Esq.
I. The Book will be neatly printed, and contain about 183 pages, small octavo. II. The price to subscribers will be HALF A DOLLAR per copy, which is less than half the cost of printing the book, and no money required until the book is delivered. III. So soon as 300 subscribers are obtained, the work will be put to press.
* Subscribers received by the publisher, at his house, opposite the Bell Tavern.

GLEBE LANDS.
The 1st. number of the Enquirer mentioned, that the important question relative to the Glebe lands, was at that time pending before the Court of Appeals.
In the Bill of complaint, which was laid before the Chancellor, the grounds of the title, which the Protestant Episcopal Church claims in the Glebe lands, are thus exhibited: "That the purchase of the said Glebe was for the benefit of the religious Society called the Church of England, in the parish aforesaid, to be applied to the use of its ministers from time to time, but continuing as the property of the said Society, even when there was no incumbent: that by the revolution, the establishment was destroyed, but the said Society remained unimpaired in the rights of property; it being a fact, justified by the history of the day, that no member of the convention of 1776, in the most remote manner, ventured to suggest the deprivation of the church of their property; and the same convention, which sat again in November 1776, gave what your orators are advised, was to be an extemporaneous exposition of the new constitution, as to make plain and unequivocal the distinction between an establishment which was to create future burdens for the support of a particular clergy, and the rights of the Church of England to the property already acquired: that your orators might if it were necessary, refer to the various acts of the legislature, acknowledging the identity of the protestant (episcopal) church with the church of England in Virginia, and confirming the property of the latter to the former, as successors of title, altho' the said acts are repealed, a right vesting under a statute, not being divested by its repeal: that this identity being admitted by the members of the church of England itself, is not questionable by others, although it were questioned, it is easily shown from the principles of a church: that, but for the incorporating act of 1794, and the subsequent acts of confirmation, the church of England, which the legislature itself repeatedly recognized to exist from the declaration of Independence to that time, would have been carried on by the appointment of vestries and ministers: a usual: that the petition for the act of incorporation proves that a new church was not created, but an old one preserved under a new name, for the avoidance of a denomination, which might be odious, and of evils which the assumption of a new name might generate: that it is most unresonable, that the modification of the old form, after being sanctioned by the legislature, should be construed into a legislative right, to deprive the religious society itself of its property, because the preservation of the old form was prevented by that very sanction: and that if a right of estoppel is claimed, the usual course of a judicial enquiry ought to have been observed, on which, it is supposed, the right of the Common-wealth to the said Glebe, could never be obtained."
The answer of the Attorney General denied these several allegations, and demurred to so much of the bill as prayed for an injunction to stop the sale.
An appeal was granted by the Chancellor to the Court of Appeals.
COURT OF APPEALS, May 4th, 1804. Present Judges LYONS, CARRINGTON, ROANE & TUCKER. Vestry and Church-Wardens of the parish of Manchester, in the county of Chesterfield, vs. Overseers of the Poor of the said County.
Mr. CALL (for the Appellants) laid down two positions: 1st. That the Glebes were vested in the church, when the act of 1801 passed. 2nd. That they were not divested by this act.
1st. They were vested in the church both by the laws which were passed before and after the revolution. (See a summary of those laws in the 2nd. part, vol. 1. Tuck. Plac.) The act of 1661 gave perpetual succession to the vestries. Hence they had the power of holding property and transmitting it to their successors. As this is one of the great rights of an incorporated company, the church may in this respect at least be considered as a corporation, although it had not received a technical charter, which should give it all the other rights of an incorporated company, such as the right of acquiring and alienating property. Whatever property then is given to them at any one time, must be considered as belonging to it, so far as there remained any members of the church, who by this act are authorized to succeed to it. But the act of 1748 did confer certain property on it, inasmuch as it empowered the vestries to levy an assessment upon all tithable persons
in their respective parishes, and apply it to the purchase of a Glebe for the use of the minister. Several laws were passed during & after our revolution, which acknowledged & respected this investment of property. The act of 1776, passed by the very Assembly, which had overturned so many of our ancient institutions, expressly reserves to the use of the church, by law established, the several parts of the Glebe land already purchased. The act of 1784, which incorporates the church, gives to the minister (if there be one) and the vestrymen respectively, and their successors forever, the power of holding the property already belonging to it in each parish. The act of 1786, which repeals this incorporating act, still leaves to all religious societies, the property to them, respectively, belonging. So that in the whole chain of legislative proceedings, from 1748 to 1798 or 1801, he could not discover a single law which is not either silent on the rights of the church, or which does not expressly acknowledge and reserve its right to the Glebe land.
2d. The acts of 1798 and 1801, however, interrupt this uniform admission of a vested right. The first repeals all the preceding laws: the last appropriates the Glebes to such purposes as a majority of the parishioners might direct. Mr. Call, however, thought that these laws could not affect the rights of property. If rights be acquired under an existing law, they are not lost by its repeal. If rights be vested by law, they cannot be divested by law. He hoped that the court would not in their judicial capacity sanction the attempt of the legislature to exercise a power, which was not given them by justice, by custom, or the constitution. But (said Mr. C.) it is contended, that whatever rights were given to the Church before the revolution, were divested by that event; & whatever rights were acknowledged after the revolution, could not be given by the legislature, because the Bill of Rights expressly denies to them the exercise of any such power. Each of these positions is unfounded.
Why is it contended that the revolution destroyed the rights of the church? Because they say it abolished the church itself. And how is it contended that it abolished the church? Because they say, it abolished the kingly office, with all its appurtenances. This Mr. Call, however, denied that in this country the king constituted any part of the church; that he exercised any authority in religious matters. This authority resided either in the clergy or in the civil officers. Even in England, the revolution of 1688, did not abolish the church. Tho' Cromwell usurped the functions of the government, the rights of the ecclesiastical body continued inviolate. Our revolution did not abolish the professions of Wm. & Mary College. It has been changed from a College to an University, and old professorships have been put down: And yet by this change, as great as any which has taken place in the church, it has been held in the Court of Appeals, that the College is not dissolved.
It has been said that the pretensions of the Church are inconsistent with the Bill of Rights. Let the article be produced. The 16th article of the Bill of Rights relates not to temporal, but spiritual matters: to matters of faith and conscience, not of property. The general phrase used in this article is not to be taken in its utmost extent. The Court of Appeals has decided in a case (commonly called the case of county levies) that general words used for some one purpose should not apply to all other particular cases. The 4th section of the Bill of Rights denies to all persons particular privileges and emoluments. But the rights of the church do not come under either of those general descriptions of political favor. They are not privileges, because they do not confer on the church a right to do, or an immunity from doing anything. They are not emoluments because they are not a profit confined to particular persons. It is admitted that a salary may be an emolument, but then it would require some new act of the government to confer it: whereas these ecclesiastical rights have been already vested. Mr. Call also asserted that this section applied to officers of government only: because it lays nothing about religious, and because this interpretation is supported by the very best authority: the contemporaneous exposition of the act of 1776, passed by the very same convention, which had formed the Bill of Rights.
From this series of statements, Mr. Call concluded, that the rights were originally vested in the church; and that there was nothing in the act of 1801, nothing in the revolution, nothing in the Bill of Rights, which could divest them. But even if they did, this property would not revert to the public: the public would have no right to confiscate and sell it.
Mr. Call produced some English authorities to prove, that a trust does not escheat to the crown. His conclusion was, that the property would not revert to the public, but to the original donors. As if our own system of jurisprudence would not justify this violation of church property, precedents have been sought for in other countries to sanction this proceeding. The Attorney General at the discussion of this case before a former court introduced the case of the ecclesiastical property in France, with all the reasonings which have been assigned by its ablest advocate Mc. Intosh, to justify its confiscation. If Mc. Intosh be relied on as an authority, it would be sufficient to rebut it by the counter opinion of Calonne. But even from the positions of Mc. Intosh, no arguments can be gathered to countenance the confiscation of the Glebe lands in this state. His 1st position is, that the priesthood have only the usufruct of the property without the right of alienation; and that therefore the state has a right to confiscate it without any injustice to the usufructuaries. But, says Mr. Call, is not
usufruct itself property? Is not a lease property? Even if it were otherwise, the position would not be applicable to our ecclesiastical property; because in France the property was given to the priesthood, but here it was given to the religious society for its own benefit. His 2nd. position is, that a salary in money may be taken away, why not then land, if the use of land be substituted for a salary in money? this may be true, said Mr. Call, but it does not apply. It may be just to take away a salary, but not to take away property already purchased and vested. Yet, however accurate the reasonings of Mr. Mc. Intosh may have been on this subject, the particular case to which he applies them, is very different from our own. 1st. In France he asserts the property was conferred by the king: Calonne ascribes it to private benefactions. But here all the Glebes were not given by the state, or individuals; but most of them were acquired by the parishes. 2dly. Mc. Intosh was speaking of the powers of a convention of the people, who were called upon to form a constitution: here the question relates to the powers of an ordinary legislature, acting under a constitution already formed. Surely the legislature, would have no power to revoke a grant to an individual for its services: and whereas the difference between rewarding an individual and a society for its services? The church was supposed to be a useful society: a grant of lands was made to it. How can the legislature then revoke this grant? Can it resume the endowment of Wm. & Mary College? If they have power in one case they have it in others. 3dly. Mc. Intosh has pleaded the exigencies of the times in justification of the confiscated property in France: but here what does the legislature perform? Without a single fault being laid to the church; without the smallest indemnification being allowed to it; without even the plausible pretext of state policy, its property is to be swept away.
So far from the position being true, that the rights of the church are contrary to the Bill of Rights, it may be contended, that this repealing law is itself unconstitutional. It is contrary to the 3d. art. of the Bill of Rights, and to the 10th. sec. art. 1. of the federal constitution.—The first of these declares, that "government, is or ought to be instituted, for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people," &c. Now what kind of protection or security is that, where private property may be laid hold of by the legislature; where the rights that are vested in any society may be completely destroyed, without any indemnification, without a single fault, without any plea of public necessity? It is declared in the section of the federal constitution above referred to (among many other things) that "no state shall pass any ex post facto law." Can any act be a more open violation of this clause of the constitution than this act of 1801? The legislature itself vests certain rights in the church, and afterwards passes a law, which is intended to overrule these rights. He hoped that the court would arrest the proceeding. He hoped that they would think with him, that it was an ex post facto law; and if they did, that they would exercise the same power which they had once exercised in the case of Turner vs. Turner, and declare the law unconstitutional and void.
After having made some remarks upon the jurisdiction of the Chancery Courts in this case, Mr. Call concluded his speech.
* Vindiciae Gallicae. [TO BE CONTINUED.] BY AUTHORITY.
[LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.]
EIGHTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, at the First Session, began and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday the seventeenth of October, one thousand eight hundred and three.
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that, in lieu of the third paragraph of the first section of the second article of the Constitution of the United States, the following be proposed as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of the legislatures of the several States, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution, to wit:
The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each; which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted.—The person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and
a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. JOHN BECKLEY, Clerk of the House of Representatives. SAMUEL A. OTIS, Clerk of the Senate.
AN ACT Further to alter and establish certain post roads and for other purposes.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the following post roads be discontinued: In North Carolina. From Woodstock to Hyde court house; from Halifax to Tarborough; and from Tarborough to Louisburg. In Virginia. From Lexington, by Amherst springs to Cabell'sborough; from Pendleton court house to Bath court house; and from Alexandria to Piscataway in Maryland. In Kentucky. From Hartford, by Vienna, to Muhlenburg court house. In Ohio. From Zanesville to Marietta; and from Cincinnati to Detroit. In Maryland. From Westminster to Taneytown; from Emmitsburg to Fairfield in Pennsylvania — from Elkton to Salinaas, from Bridgetown to Greenborough; and from Brookville to Taneytown. In Pennsylvania. From Pittsburg to Meadville. In Massachusetts. From Worcester to Providence, in Rhode Island. In Vermont. From Newbury, by Barry, to Montpelier. In New York. From the town of Chester, in Washington county, to Plattsburg. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the following post roads be established, to wit: In Georgia. From Athens, to Watkinsville. In South Carolina. From Orangeburg, by Barnwell court house, Tredways and Town creek mills to Campobello. From Statesburg to Columbia. In North Carolina. From Warrenton by Ransom's bridge and Enfield, to Tarborough; and to return by Nalh court house, Sill's store and Ransom's bridge, to Warrenton; from Halifax to Enfield; From Scotland Neck by Granbury's Cross Roads to Windsor, and from Newburn to the town of Beaufort; from Raleigh by Nuttall's store to Merittsville. In Virginia. From Frederickburg, by Falmouth, Elk run church, Fauquier court house and Salem, to Paris; from Clarkburg, by Buchanan's settlement to Randolph court house; from Lancaster court house to Kilmarnoak; and from Kanawha court house, by Point Pleasant to Gallipolis, in Ohio; from thence to the Scioto Salt springs and from Prince Edward court house by Lester's store, Wheeler's springs, and Campbell court house, to New-London; from Danville, in Virginia, to Lenox's castle, in North Carolina, and from Wood court house to Marietta. In Kentucky. From Springfield, by Green court house, Adair court house, and Cumberland court house, to Jackson court house in Tennessee, and from thence to Blackburn springs; from John Wood's near the Hazle patch, to Lincoln court house; from the town of Washington to Augusta; from Frankfort to Henry court house; that the post road from Montgomery court house to Flemming court house, shall pass by State creek iron works and the upper Blue Licks—and that the post road from Hartford to Logan Court house shall pass by Muhlenburg court house. In Tennessee. From Dixon's springs, by Lebanon and Rutherford court house to Nashville; and that the post road from Nashville to Springfield, shall pass by Manifer's lick. In Ohio. From Warren, in the county of Trumbull, by Cleveland to Detroit; from Chillicothe to New-Lisbon; from Chillicothe to Franklinton; from Cincinnati, through Franklin and Dayton, to Staunton, from thence through Wainville to Deerfield to Charleston; from Zanesville to Tuscawawa to Garden button; and that the post road from Georgetown to Canfield, shall pass through New London.
In Pennsylvania. From Alexandria through Hollidaysburg, Beania and Armagh to Greensburgh; from Pittsburgh through Butler and Mercer to Meadville; from Bedford by Berlin to Somersett; from Chambersburg through Strasburg and Fauntensberg to Huntingdon.
In New Jersey. From Ringoes tavern by Somersett Court house, Bound brook, Scotch plains and Springfield to Newark; and from Rahway by Scotch plains to New-Providence.
In New-York. From Kingston through Catskill, Loonenburg, and Coxsackie, to the city of Albany; from Lansingburg, through Schaghticoke, Easton, Argyle, and Hartford, to Whitehall; from Owego to Aurora; from Unadilla to Cooperstown — from the little falls on the Mohawk river, to the academy in Fairfield—and from Kingston, by Delhi, to the post office in Meredith; From Walton to Jericho; from the painted post in the state of New York to Williamport, in the State of Pennsylvania; the post road from Canandagua to Niagara shall pass by Buffalo Creek.
In Connecticut. From Hartford, through Granby and Granville, to Blanford, in Massachusetts; from New-Haven, through Hamden, Cheshire and Southington, to Farmington; and from Hartford, through Glastenbury and Colchester, to New-London.
In Massachusetts. From Shrewsbury, through Holden, Rutland, Oakham, Hardwick, Greenwich, Pelham, and Amherst to North Hampton.
In Maine. From Brunswick, by Litchfield and Hallowell, to Augusta; from Wiscasset to Boothbay; and from Fryeburgh, through Conway, the notch of the white mountain, Jefferson, Lancaster, to Guildhall courthouse in Vermont.
In New Hampshire. From Haverhill in Massachusetts to pass through Salem to Windham in New-Hampshire, from Abbot to Conway— from Salisbury to Plymouth, alternately on each side of Merrimack river; from Littleton to Guildhall court house, alternately on each side of Connecticut river; from Littleton to St. Johnsbury and Danville in Vermont, to St. Alban's on Lake Champlain.
In Louisiana. From Massac, on the Ohio river, to Cape Girardeau, in Louisiana; from thence to New-Madrid; from the said Cape Girardeau by St. Geneve to Kaskaskia, in the Indiana territory; and from Cahokia to St. Louis, in Louisiana; from Natchez to Tombigby, and from Natchez to New-Orleans.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That all letters, returns, and other papers, on public service, sent by the mail to or from the offices of inspector and pay-master of the army, shall be received and conveyed free of postage. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That whenever it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the post-master general, that any road established by this or any former act, as a post road, is obstructed by fences, gates, or bars, other than those lawfully used on turnpike roads, to collect their toll, and not keep in good repair with proper bridges and ferries, where the same may be necessary, it shall be the duty of the post-master general to report the same to congress, with such information as can be obtained, to enable congress to establish some other road instead of it in the same main direction.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That this act shall not be construed as to affect any existing contract for carrying the mail.
NATHL. MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. JESSE FRANKLIN, President of the Senate, pro tempore. March 26, 1804. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON,
Spring Goods. WILLIAM TEMPLE Has just received by the ship Rebecca, from London, and Yorkshire from Liverpool. AN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS, Suitable to the season, which he will dispose of on the usual terms. Richmond, May 9th. (1)
TO BE DISPOSED OF BY PUBLIC SALE, At Mrs. Buckner's Tavern, in the town of Manchester, on Wednesday the 30th day of this present month, at the hour of Four o'Clock precisely:
One Hundred and Seventy-Eight 33 1/3 acres Well Timbered LAND, adjoining the lands of Mr. David Ross, called and known by the name of the Falls Plantation.—To house-builders and others using pine and oak timber, this land must certainly be an object. The terms will be made suitable to intending purchasers, and declared at the time of sale. For further particulars, application may be made to Mr. Benjamin Isler, Manchester, or to Mr. Thomas Wilson, Richmond.
Petersburg, 15th May, 1804. [9] Printing, IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER, WITH NEATNESS, ELEGANCE, AND THE GREATEST DISPATCH.