The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-17 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 5.]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1808.
[No. 68.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
PURSUANT to a decree of the county Court of Chesterfield, will be sold, on Saturday, the 24th inst. to the highest bidder, on the premises, on a credit of twenty months, the HOUSE & LOT , on the main-street, in the town of Manchester, belonging to the estate of James Montgomery, dec'd.—Bond and security will be required of the purchasers, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.
THE COMMISSIONERS.
December 15. 249
FORWARD all persons from trading for any Bond or Bonds, which I have executed to John Head, of the county of Orange, for the payment of money. The said bonds having been fraudulently obtained; as I do not intend to pay the same, or any part of them.
NICHOLAS CRENSHAW.
Culpepper, December 15. 249
DESERTED —from the service of the United States, on the 8th instant, a Private in the 5th regiment of Infantry, named JOHN FERGUSON —30 years of age, 5 feet 5 1-2 inches high, swarthy complexion, dark hair, blue eyes, has a sickly appearance—He was born in Delaware county, state of Pennsylvania—by profession a shoemaker. The said Ferguson had on at the time of his desertion, a round sailor's jacket, slash sleeves, dark drab colour, blue striped Virginia cloth vest, and Corduroy Pantaloons, torn on the knees—Virginia cloth shirt; and an old pair of half boots, bound with cord, which he generally wore under his pantaloons. Also—Deserted on the same day, GABRIEL JONES , 21 years of age, 5 feet 8 1-2 inches high, fair complexion, hazel eyes; auburn hair—was spoken to as a down look—Born in Essex county, Va.—bred a Farmer—He wore a way-worn striped Virginia cloth coat, white home spun pantaloons, and vest of the same.
JAMES STRATTON, TAYLOR —At the corner of the Brick Row and the Cross street leading to Mayo's Bridge, respectfully informs the public and his former customers, that (having returned to this city, and resumed his profession) he is ready and willing to execute their commands, on the shortest notice, in the best manner, and on the most reasonable terms. Nov. 11. [U]
WANTED as a tutor in a private family a person qualified to teach the Latin and English languages grammatically, and Arithmetic—Apply to the Printer Nov. 15. [U]
NAFT COTTONS & KERSEYS —The Subscriber has received a consignment of Nap-Cottons and Kerseys, which he offers at a reduced price, for cash, or inbursed negotiable notes. ROBERT JOHNSTON. December 6. [U]
Whoever will apprehend the said deserters, and deliver them to me, or to any officer in the service of the United States, shall receive twenty dollars reward,—or ten dollars for either.
EDWARD DILLARD, Capt.
5th U. S. Reg. Infantry
Rendezvous, Petersburg. Sept. 16. [U]
NOTICE —In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Brigg house near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1793, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is supposed to be near Petersburg in Virginia.
The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c.
GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston.
THOS. DIGGES, Fort Warburton, Potomac, Maryland.
GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town. October 14. [Sm]
His name was spelt Mills or Milnes.
CONGRESS.
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THURSDAY, Nov. 24.
EMBARGO DEBATE—CONTINUED.
(Mr. Giles's Speech continued)
Let us now take a view of its effects upon some other classes of our fellow-Citizens, which seem almost to have escaped the gentleman's notice; or at least not to have excited so much of his plaitive sympathies; I allude to the manufacturer, the mechanic and the laborer. The manufacturer seems to be in such a state of prosperity, as rather to have excited the gentleman's jealousy than his tender commiseration; he fears that the real object of the embargo, was to erect the manufacturing system upon the ruins of commerce. I do not mean here, sir, to reply to the suggestion of this unfounded jealousy—I mean, in the course of these observations, to make that a subject of distinct and separate examination. I shall here however take the liberty of remarking without the fear of still further exciting the gentleman's jealousy, that I am extremely happy to see not only that we have abundant fabrics for manufactures, but that we have artisans sufficient to mould them into all articles necessary for home consumption, and thus lessen our dependence upon foreign nations for our supply. I rejoice indeed, to see our infant manufactures growing into importance; and that the most successful experiment has succeeded every attempt at improvement. What is the situation of the mechanic and the laborer? They have full employment, good wages and cheap living; I am told, that within the last year, one thousand houses have been erected in Philadelphia; and at this time, those houses building in
Georgetown, even for mercantile purposes, and more improvements in this city, than ever I have seen before, and I believe this generally to be the case throughout the country. That this is a correct statement of facts, I have no doubt;—how then is this agreeable and unexpected scene accounted for, amidst this mercantile clamor about the stagnation of business? It is because a greater proportion of the overgrown mercantile capital is now diverted from external commerce to internal improvements; and I am strongly inclined to think, that this transposition of a certain portion of the mercantile capital, will produce a beneficial operation in a national point of view, and probably even more productive to the capitalists, than risking it in the employment of foreign trade. This I believe to be a fair, just and candid statement of the operations of the embargo laws, upon the several great classes of citizens; and when correctly viewed, how different is its aspect, from the miserable picture of horrors presented to us by the gentleman from Connecticut! When you tell a mechanic or a laborer of his distresses and sufferings, when he has full employment, good wages and cheap living, he would laugh at you; he would either think you silly, or that you meant to treat him with indignity and insult. These are all the blessings he could wish, and they are enough for any man to possess, when he reflects upon the narrow span of human enjoyments, this world affords. Sir, the miserable laborer on the other side the Atlantic, would consider the enjoyments of the laborers here, Elysium itself; and I can but lament for the sake of suffering humanity, that it cannot find the way to these enjoyments. I presume that during the late electioneering scene, that every laborer and mechanic in Pennsylvania, was told a thousand times that he was ruined by the embargo; but thirty thousands vote (majority) have told these frantic, officious disturbers of the public quiet, in loud and awful tones, how silly and ridiculous they consider the suggestion. The recent elections in most of the other states speak the same emphatic language.
I have been thus minute, Mr. President, in the examination of this part of the subject, as well to relieve ourselves from the miseries and apprehensions of our own deluded imaginations, as to relieve foreign nations, as far as was within my power, from their delusions, which I shall shew in the course of my observations, are the principal if not the very cause of the hardships and sufferings so loudly and causelessly complained of by some gentlemen. Now, sir, take an impartial review of the effects of the embargo laws, as operating upon ourselves, and what is the actual result? Why, sir, as far as they were precautionary, their success has been complete; and whilst in their general operations, they have been attended with some privations and sufferings, they have not been without their beneficial effects on society.
The gentleman next triumphantly tells us, that the embargo laws have not had their expected effects upon the aggressing belligerents. That they have not had their complete effects; that they have not caused a revocation of the British orders and French decrees, will readily be admitted; but they certainly have not been without some beneficial effects upon those nations. Let me however ask, Sir, is this failure a cause of triumph to the gentleman? Does he feel more pleasure in the delusive expectation of a triumph over a political adversary, than in the triumph of the nation over our common adversaries? Are his political feelings so strong, that they are to be indulged at the expense of his own, and his country's interests? Does he vainly suppose, that disregarding or postponing all consideration of the people's interests, when their all is at stake, to the indulgence of these petty animosities, will give him a just claim to the people's applause? If he does, Sir, he is mistaken. It is by the reverse of this conduct that he can lay any just claim to their applause. It is by banishing his prejudices—it is by conquering his own passions, and by devoting the whole energy of his mind to their service, at this critical moment, that he can be justly entitled to their applause. This would be for him a glorious triumph—a triumph over his own passions; and it would secure him the public approbation, because the conduct would be right. Let us then, Sir, hope for this conciliation, which would be so honorable to ourselves, and would promise so much advantage to the nation.
In this spirit of conciliation and patriotism, then, Mr. President, let us enquire, first, what have been the actual effects of the embargo laws upon the aggressing belligerents? The first enquiry involves much mercantile information. I have only some views of general mercantile principles—I know little or nothing of their operative details—I had, therefore, hoped for much information upon this part of the subject from gentlemen who possessed it; but have received very little satisfaction from them in that respect.
The first effect of the embargo, upon the aggressing belligerents, was to lessen their inducements to war, by keeping out of their way, the rich spoils of our commerce, which had invited their cupidity, and which was saved by those laws. If they had once possessed themselves of these enormous booty, it would have been a sure pledge of open and direct war. It would have defrayed the expenses of the war for several years. If they had not gone to war, they would have been compelled either to restore the captured property, or to make indemnification for it. It amount alone, would have been a sufficient security against either of these acts of justice. And is it not better, that this enormous amount of property should be on this side of the Atlantic than on the other? In the hands of its lawful owners, than in the hands of unprincipled buccaneers? Is it not better that it should be drawn to our aid in the event of war, than applied to aid our unjust adversary? Upon this point, I presume, there can be but one opinion.
The second effect, which the embargo laws have had on the aggressing belligerents, is to enhance the prices of all American produce, especially articles of the first necessity to them, to a considerable degree, and if it be a little longer persisted in, will either banish
our produce, (which I believe indispensable to them,) from their markets altogether, or increase the prices to an enormous amount; and of course, we may hope will furnish irresistible inducements for a relaxation of their hostile orders and edicts. However, I may generally respect the mercantile information of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) and the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Hillhouse) they appear to me on this occasion, not to have been very correct. I have before me, two prices current from Liverpool, the one of the 1th, the other of the 20th September last. They, I presume, were written under no political bias, favorable to the United States. Let us draw our facts from them. I will begin with the article of the first necessity in Great-Britain, and one which, at all times excites her highest sensibility. She manifests, at all times, more anxiety about her corn laws, than any other subject of her political economy. This is a necessary result from her peculiar state of her population.
Let us then enquire what is the present state of bread stuffs in Great-Britain. In the Liverpool price current of the 8th September, I find this information upon this subject—"Our grain market for the most part of the last month was very dull; however, within this day or two there have been some extensive sales made of New-York wheat at 13s 3d per 70lbs, and the holders now demand 13s 6d a 14s 0d for prime parcels, which may possibly be obtained, as the appearances for the harvest in most parts of this kingdom are not quite so favorable as was at first thought, the late heavy rains having proved injurious to many places, and the grain is much lighter in the ear than former seasons; but as the dealers and country millers buy only to supply their immediate wants, we do not calculate upon a material improvement on the annexed prices, unless some export vent to Spain or our West India colonies takes place.—Good sweet American flour is not to be had in this market."
In the price current of the 20th, I find these observations:—"Large speculations have lately been made in Tobacco, in consequence of our stock becoming limited; but should the embargo be raised, this and every other description of your produce must very materially decline in price, wheat and flour excepted."
"Our stocks of grain are but moderate, although we have been much favored in our harvest."
What reflection does this information naturally present to the mind? That the crop is limited—that bread stuffs are high, and likely to be higher—that there is such a deficiency of bread stuffs, that our whole supply will not depress the market, even in the event of raising the embargo; and certainly continuing it, (which does not seem at all calculated upon in England) would lessen the quantity and raise proportionably the demand and price.
The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) tells us, we cannot starve Great-Britain, she being mistress of the trade of the world, will supply herself with bread stuffs from other quarters, and particularly from Spanish America. I never heard it suggested, except by the gentleman in the opposition, that we could starve Great-Britain; but that through our produce, particularly our bread stuffs, we could make a strong appeal to her interests. This fact is demonstrated to my mind. The Liverpool merchants differ with the gentleman in his mercantile information. They tell us that our whole supply of bread stuffs will not depress their market. If a ready supply could be obtained elsewhere, upon better terms, there would be no need of a supply from us. But when it has happened, that Spanish America could afford this supply? So far from affording a supply to Great-Britain, it gets a portion of its own supply from us.—The gentleman tells us, that Spanish America export great quantities of hides and tallow. That is true. These, however, are not bread stuffs. It is not pretended that Great-Britain is in want of meat, but bread; bread is an essential of life, meat is no substitute for bread—it could not prevent even a famine. These documents also go to shew the reason of the low price of New-York flour, quoted by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd). It is because the flour was not sweet. It had been so long kept, as to become sour—I have no doubt that the British cabinet is now looking at this subject with great anxiety; and particularly at our movements in relation to it. Again, sir, suppose G. Britain should be able to provision her islands, it would be at such an expensive rate, as to render them very unprofitable.
The next important article is cotton. Let us see the prices current respecting that article.
"The operations of our cotton market during the whole of last month have been immense, while our total imports are inadequate to half of the usual monthly consumption; as the stocks of this article have become more depressed, the speculators continue purchasing with increased spirit, and many of them have already realized considerable profits; we therefore quote an advance on all descriptions of cotton from 4d to 6d per lb. above our last month's rates, which has principally occurred within the last 10 days; but we must beg leave to remark, that such unexampled advances are scarcely ever so well maintained as when they are gradually established, and some occurrences may perhaps shortly take place to put a stop to further speculations; we are, however, of opinion, that prices may yet be driven considerably higher, although they have to encounter an extremely bad trade in Manchester."
"West-India cottons have advanced nearly in the same proportion as American, and the recent arrivals have fully brought the annexed prices, with every appearance of much higher being realized."
"In cottons we have a great stir; and should we not soon have arrivals from the Brizils, prices must be enormous."
Here the Liverpool merchants tell us, not only that the prices are extremely high, and may be driven much higher, unless some occurrence (to wit, raising the embargo) may perhaps shortly take place, to put a stop to further speculation; but that the total imports are inadequate to one half the usual monthly consumption. Now, Sir, whence is one half of the usual consumption of cotton to be supplied to the British market?—The Liverpool merchants seem totally at a loss for a supply from any place; but the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hillhouse) has pointed out several places of supply—The East and West Indies; and even Africa has been resorted to.—They have supplies from all these places now, and yet the Liverpool merchants tell you, that the whole imports are not equal to one half the monthly consumption. I therefore have no confidence in the statement made by the gentleman—With respect to the illustration of his position, by stating the supposed analogous case of his better merchants, I shall make no reply. Its fallacy was ably demonstrated by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Crawford.) I will the first time I ever recollect to have seen that gentleman in debate, when it appeared to me, that he did not know on which side his own bread was buttered.
But the gentleman tells us, that the provident British government, has sent Cotton seed to Africa to answer a supply of cotton; that cotton is an annual plant, and of course a competent supply may be produced from that quarter. I am inclined to think, that this provident government does not rely much upon this resource. Because I imagine the whole quantity of seed sent thither, would not be equal to the offal from one good South Carolina plantation; and although Cotton is certainly an annual plant, yet the conversion of the labour of society from one occupation to another, is not the effect of an annual effort. It is one of the most difficult operations to be performed on society. I therefore feel no apprehension of a supply from this source, at least, for many years.—If Great Britain should be cut off from one half of her supply of cotton, it would certainly place the many thousand manufacturers employed in the various branches of the Cotton business, in a state of great distress; and must command the attention of the British government.
The next article I shall mention, is the article of timber or lumber. I mention these articles particularly in relation to the supply of the West Indies; and the rather, as the traders to these Islands have been foremost in urging the British hostile orders. I recollect some time since to have seen a report made, I believe to the House of Commons, showing the proportion of these articles imported to the West Indies, from the U. S. in relation to the same articles, imported thither from all the rest of the world; and the proportion of these articles was, 99 in the 100, imported from the United States. It is known that these articles are indispensable to the exports from those islands; particularly rum, sugar, and molasses.—And I am at a loss to know from whence these articles can be supplied, except from the U. S. States. It should also be recollected, that timber and lumber are not of annual growth, they are part of the veteran sturdy oak itself; and therefore that their deficiency cannot be so easily supplied as is suggested in relation to cotton.
The next article I shall mention is Tobacco.—What say the Liverpool merchants respecting this article?—
"During the last month Tobacco has experienced some fluctuation, and sales have been made at prices under those quoted; but some considerable orders having appeared for export, the market has again settled at these rates, and if any opening to the continent of Europe, through the medium of Holland, should be found, an advance may be expected; on the contrary, if we have only our home consumption to depend upon, little alteration can take place until the sentiments of the American government be known at the meeting of Congress in November next."
It is admitted that Tobacco is not an article of the first necessity, it is however material to the manufacturer, & highly important to the revenue.
Naval stores, are also, certainly entitled to some consideration, although some supply of those articles, is now furnished from Sweden. I have selected these articles as specimens of the intimacy and importance of the commercial connection between the U. States and G. Britain; and to demonstrate, that it cannot be withdrawn on our part without essentially affecting her interests. Again, sir, what effect will this recession of intercourse have upon the revenue of that country?—I shall make no mince estimate, but it will certainly have an effect which cannot be disregarded; and the rather when it is recollected, that Great Britain has imposed an export duty of four per cent. upon her goods sent to the United States, which produces to her an annual revenue of about $600,000, probably much more; and that this is a discriminating duty against the United States, which ought to have been repealed the moment it was laid; and especially, as it was avowed, that it was imposed upon the United States with the view of placing them on the same footing with the British colonies.
The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) tells us, even suppose that your embargo laws drive fifty thousand, or more, manufacturers from their employment in Great Britain, it will only add to her naval and military strength. It would only give her fifty thousand seamen or soldiers more than she now has. This, sir, is an unfortunate specimen of the prosperity, which Great Britain is supposed to derive from the embargo laws. I am rightly informed, generally, and particularly, yesterday, by the learned gentleman from New York, (Mr. Mitchell) of the materials of which the manufacturers consist, I am disposed to think, they would make poor seamen, and sorry soldiers. I do not think the world would have much to fear from their prowess. They are fit for manufacturers, and nothing else; and if driven from their habitual employments, they must starve, or become a charge upon the nation. But, sir, the conversion of fifty thousand productive, into fifty thousand unproductive, and even expensive labourers, could not contribute much to the wealth or power of any nation; and such an operation in Great Britain, where the poor rates are sufficiently high already, would command the serious attention of the government.
There is something essential to the physical power of nation, besides the numbers of seamen and soldiers. It is money—it is revenue. This operation upon labor, could not be productive of revenue, but would be an enormous charge upon it. I am therefore inclined to think that the British cabinet would not feel any great obligation to the gentleman for his ingenious discovery.—All these considerations must present strong inducements to Great Britain to revoke her hostile orders; but she has hitherto refused to do so.
Let a candid inquiry be now made into the actual causes of this refusal. The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) informs us, that the British cabinet shewed some solicitude about the embargo laws, till some time between the 22d of June and the 29th of July last, within which time, information flowed in upon them, which relieved them from this solicitude, and reconciled them to the embargo. (Mr. Lloyd rose to explain. He said he referred to the months of June and July, without mentioning any particular days of those months.) I admit that the gentleman did not mention the particular days; I took the particular days for greater precision, from the correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Madison, from which I presume the gentleman had drawn his information.
What was the information that flowed in upon the British cabinet, from the 22d June to the 29th of July? That period announced two events. First, the wonderful revolution in Spain; although this event must have been pretty well understood in London before even the 22d of June, perhaps not to its full extent. The other event was, the patency attemt at the resistance of the embargo laws in Vermont, magnified into a formidable insurrection against the government and the unhappy discontents manifested in Boston and its neighborhood, together with the result of the election in Massachusetts. All these circumstances were certainly greatly exaggerated, or perhaps, utterly misrepresented. Here, then, sir, we clearly discern the real causes of the refusal of the British cabinet to meet the just and honorable proposition of the U. States, and to revoke their Orders in council. The Spanish revolution, no doubt, contributed to their determination; but the principal cause, was our own divisions and discontents, either wholly misrepresented or highly exaggerated.
Before the 22d June, Mr. Pinkney and Mr. Canning were engaged in the most informal and friendly communications; Mr. Canning had gone so far as to intimate to Mr. Pinkney, that he might in a few days be able to communicate to his government, some agreeable intelligence, a relaxation of the hostile orders.—But, unfortunately, shortly after the 22d June, the packet arrived with this flood of disgraceful information from the U. States. Immediately after the receipt of this information, or rather misinformation, Mr. Canning changed his conduct. All informal conferences with Mr. Pinkney are denied, and a formal note demanded, in reply to which, the note of refusal was returned, marked, as we have seen, with indignity and insult to the United States.
Now, sir, let me ask, whether these facts do not demonstrate, that the continuation of the hostile orders is principally, if not solely, owing to the dishonorable divisions and discontents in this country, and the exaggerated accounts given of them to the British government! That events in Spain alone, however interesting to the British cabinet, were not, of themselves, sufficient to produce this effect; because they were known before the change in Mr. Canning's conduct took place, and had not produced that effect; but, the moment the extravagant accounts of the discontents and divisions in this country were received, was the moment of change in Mr. Canning's conduct, and, therefore, must be considered as the real cause that produced it. Besides, sir, was not this change of conduct the natural effect of this disgraceful information? When Mr. Canning was informed that the people of the U. States had become false to themselves; had refused to bear the necessary privations, imposed by the government; had, in fact, separated themselves from their own government—that they would elect persons to office, who would voluntarily yield obedience to Mr. Canning's orders—what inducement could he have for their revocation? If obedience and submission were gratuitously tendered by the people of the United States, he had certainly nothing to do but graciously to accept them; and his note affords full evidence of this impression on his mind. The refusal of the British government, to revoke their hostile orders, therefore, appears not to have been founded upon a calculation of its interests upon correct information; but upon a miscalculation of its interests upon misinformation. How much, then, is it to be lamented, Mr. President, that our sufferings and privations should be continued, by the discontents, which were intended to remedy them? How can the authors of these discontents, reconcile their conduct to the nation, or to their own consciences? What compensation or atonement can they ever hope to make to the people for the prostrations of their privations and sufferings? What, for the disgrace, horrors and calamities of war, which may, and probably will be, the consequences of such conduct? Let the infatuated authors of it answer these questions. Ages of services cannot atone for these cruel, these unfortunate errors.
It is asked, sir, how do the embargo laws operate on France? It is readily admitted, that the commercial connexion between the United States and France, is not of such a nature as to make a suspension of it operate as injuriously to France herself, particularly in the interior, as on Great-Britain.—But our commerce cannot be deemed unimportant to France in the feeble state of her navy. At the time too, of laying the embargo, Spain, Portugal and Holland, were in alliance with, or in subjection to France.—Its pressure was materially felt by Spain and Portugal from their want of provisions; and it is questionable, how far that measure contributed to the convention for the evacuation

of Portugal by the French army.—The want of provisions being one ground alleged for their late convention for that purpose.
The French West-India islands too, have felt the pressure with great severity. They are at this moment in a state of blockade—There were probably two objects in this blockade—The one to reduce the French Islands for want of provisions—The other, to seize upon our merchant ships, which it was presumed would hasten their immediate return to the embargo. And it appeared extremely well timed to effect that object, if Congress upon their first meeting, had been weak or pusillanimous enough to have raised it. The loss of those Islands, would be severely felt by the French Emperor, and would probably produce some regret on his part, in having contributed to drive the United States to the extremity of the embargo laws.
But, sir, gentlemen are very alarm at an expression in a late French expose—They have made some general allusions to it, but in so vague a manner, as not to be understood with precision. As I am always fond of a correct statement of facts, I will read the expression probably alluded to.—“The Americans, a people who involve their fortunes, their prosperity, and almost their existence in commerce, have given an example of a great and courageous sacrifice. They have suspended by a general embargo, all commerce and all navigation, rather than shamefully submit to that tribute, which the English impose on the navigation of all nations.” I cannot conceive the importance attached to this expression, or the view with which it was introduced. It is to be remarked that this is the character given to this measure throughout all Europe, and by none more loudly and decisively, than by the federal American merchants now in Great-Britain.
(Mr. Gile's Speech to be continued.)
IN SENATE.
DECEMBER 11.
Mr. GILES, from the Committee appointed on the 11th November, on that part of the message of the President of the United States which relates to the embargo laws, and the measures necessary to enforce the observance thereof, made a further report in part, of the following bill, “To authorize and require the President of the United States to arm, man, and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. S.”
“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President be, and he is hereby authorised and required to cause to be fitted out, officered, manned and employed, as soon as may be, all the frigates and other armed vessels of the United States, including gun-boats; and to cause the frigates and armed vessels, so soon as they can be prepared for actual service respectively, to be stationed at such ports and places on the sea coast as he may deem most expedient, or to cruise on any part of the coast of the United States or territories thereof.”
“And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of carrying the foregoing provision into immediate effect, the President of the United States be, and is hereby authorised and required in addition to the number of petty officers, able seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys, at present authorised by law, to appoint and cause to be engaged and employed as soon as may be, midshipmen, corporals of marines, able seamen, ordinary seamen and boys, which shall be engaged to serve for a period not exceeding two years, but the President may discharge the same sooner, if in his judgment their service may be dispensed with: And to satisfy the necessary expenditures to be incurred therein, a sum not exceeding dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated; and shall be paid out of any monies in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.”
The bill for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases and for other purposes, was read the second time and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. BRADLEY gave notice that he should on Thursday next ask leave to bring in a bill in addition to the act, entitled, “An act for the more effectual preservation of peace in the ports and harbors of the United States, and in the waters under their jurisdiction.”
The bill making further appropriation for the public buildings in the city of Washington, was considered without any definitive order being taken thereon.
TUESDAY, December 13.
The bill to authorise and require the President of the U. S. to arm, man and fit out for immediate service all the public ships of war, vessels and gun boats of the U. S. was read the second time and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
After consideration, the bill making further provision for enforcing the embargo was recommitted to the original committee.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, December 12.
MOTION
FOR PUBLISHING CONFIDENTIAL PAPERS.
After the reference of some petitions and resolutions of a private nature—
Mr. RANDOLPH observed, that it was not without some embarrassment that he rose to submit a motion to the House, not because he conceived that there was any thing improper in the motion itself—far otherwise—but because he was not perfectly sure whether, previous to making it he ought not to request the galleries of the House to be cleared. But inasmuch as the motion itself could convey nothing to the spectators: in the galleries which would be improper to be disclosed, and it would be competent for the chair to decide whether the discussion (if any should arise) ought to be carried on with closed doors or not, perhaps it would be better in the first instance to submit the motion with the doors open, because he knew what sensations the closing the doors of the House frequently excited. The public had already seen, by the supplemental journal of proceedings with closed doors, the fate of several motions made in order to give publicity to several communications from our ministers abroad. They had also seen, he presumed, because he had seen in the public newspaper, a letter purporting to be written by a member of this House, (Mr. Sawyer) containing what was stated to be a disclosure of those dispatches in substance. It could not be forgotten that during the discussion on propositions to give publicity to those communications, gentlemen, one in particular from Mass., had conceived that nothing could be more unhappy than to give substantially their contents; that it would be infinitely
better, in fact to publish them verbatim, than to give what each individual might choose to call their substance; and Mr. R. said it was well known that his worthy friend from North Carolina, (Mr. Mason) though zealous for their publication, had voted against giving permission to any individual to make public what he thought to be their substance.
It was with extreme reluctance, Mr. R. said, that he had drawn into question the name of any member of this House, particularly of one who was not present. He said, he had deferred the motion which he was about to submit, in hopes that the gentleman whose name had been used by the public papers would be present to inform the House whether his name had been properly used by the public papers or not. He wished not to be understood as vouching for the proof of the fact; but the impression on the mind was the same from that letter as if it had actually been written by the member in question; and it must be well known to every member of the House, and that, as far as it went, was a proof that it had not been written by the gentleman in question, that the letter did not contain substantially the amount of the dispatches. He said he perceived in that printed letter that an important letter of Gen. Armstrong, he thought of the 22d of February, was not alluded to at all. He thought it important not only that the public should see what the members themselves had seen, that they should know what they knew, but that they should be apprized of what in his opinion was not of much less consequence, of what the House did not know. For this purpose he said he would again submit a motion to the House, which had been once rejected upon ground which in his opinion could not at this moment have weight; since the principal objection had consisted in the impropriety of permitting any thing purporting to be the contents of the communications to be known, on account of the misrepresentation to which they might be liable. Mr. R. then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy imposed on the communication from our respective ministers at Paris and London, which accompanied the President's message of the 8th instant, be taken off, with the exception of the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, December 27th, 1807.
The Speaker observed that in his opinion the rules of the House required that this resolution should be considered with closed doors.
On motion of Mr. Randolph, the galleries were accordingly cleared, and so remained for about an hour and an half, when they were again opened. Whilst the doors were closed, the question on Mr. Randolph's motion was taken, after debate, by Yeas & Nays as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Basset, Champion, Chittenden, Culpeper, Davenport, Durell, Elliott, Ely, Gardener, Garnet, Gray, Harris, Hoge, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Kelly, Kenan, Key, Lewis, Livermore, Lyon, Macon, Masters, John Morrow, Mosely, Mumford, Nelson, Picken, Quincy, Randolph, Russel, S. Smith, Stedman, Sturgis, Tallmadge, Taggart, Trigg, Upham, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Van Rensselaer, & D. R. Williams—42.
NAYS—Messrs. Alexander, L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Bacon, Barker, Bibb, Blackledge, Blake, Blount, Boyd, Boyle, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Calhoun, G. W. Campbell, Clay, Clopton, Cotts, Dawson, Deane, Desha, Findley, Fisk, Franklin, Gardner, Gholson, Goodwyn, Green, Heister, Helms, Howard, Holmes, Holland, Humphreys, Isley, J. G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kirkpatrick, Lambert, Love, Marion, M'Creery, Milnor, J. Montgomery, D. Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jr. Morrow, Newbold, Newton, Nicholas, Porer, Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Say, Seaver, Shaw, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, John Smith, Southard, Stanford, Storer, Swart, Taylor, Thompson, Troup, Van Allen, Verplanck, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, A. Wilson, N. Wilson and Winn—81.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The report of the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration—
Mr. GARDENER commenced a speech against the measures of the present administration generally, and the embargo in particular. When he had been speaking about an hour.
Mr. Upham observed that the usual hour of adjournment (about half past two o'clock) had arrived, and the gentleman appeared not to have nearly finished. He therefore moved to adjourn.
Mr. Gardener giving way for the purpose of permitting a question to be taken on the motion, Mr. J. Jackson called for the yeas & nays on it, giving as a reason his desire that the public should know who were willing to protract public business thus. The motion for adjournment was negatived, Ayes 47—Nays 65.
After Mr. Gardener had spoken about twenty minutes longer.
Mr. Quincy observed that the gentleman from New York appeared to be much exhausted, and renewed the motion for adjournment—Carried—Ayes 67.
TUESDAY, Dec. 13.
On motion of Mr. Thomas, Resolved, that a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of dividing the Indiana territory. The resolution of the House of Representatives of the Indiana territory on this subject was referred to the same committee.
A bill from the Senate for the relief of A. J. Viellard, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
On motion of Mr. Alexander, a committee was appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments were necessary in the laws directing in what manner the judicial acts of one state shall be proven in another state, &c.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The report of the committee on our foreign relations still under consideration—
Mr. GARDENER occupied the floor, in continuation of his observations of yesterday, for four hours.
Mr. Findley spoke for about twenty minutes in reply.
The first resolution, contained in the following words, was divided, so as to take the question first on the part in Italics .
RESOLVED, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great-Britain—and France.
The question was then taken on the first clause of the resolution, and CARRIED, one hundred and twenty-one to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardener and Hoge.
The question being about to be put on the remaining part of the resolution, viz. on the words “and France”—
Mr. Randolph enquired whether it was in order to put a question on these words, as they expressed no definite meaning, containing of themselves no specific proposition to which a response of Aye or No could be made?
The Speaker declared that it was in order.
Mr. Randolph appealed from this decision, and called for the Yeas and Nays on the appeal; alleging, as a reason for making it, that no resolution or motion could be divided except where the sense naturally divided it, and the words “and France,” taken separately, containing no proposition which could either be affirmed or denied.
Much desultory debate took place on the appeal from the Speaker's decision; when Mr. Gholson appealed from the decision of the Speaker permitting the appeal by Mr. Randolph after a question had been taken (on the first clause of the resolution) under the decision appealed from.
The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. Gholson, viz. “Is the decision of the Speaker permitting an appeal correct?” It was determined in the negative, ayes 16; and thus the question of order was decided.
The question was then taken on the second clause of the resolution, and CARRIED one hundred and thirteen to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardener and Hoge.
The question was then taken on the whole resolution as reported by the committee, and CARRIED one hundred and eighteen to two. Nays—Messrs. Gardener and Hoge.
And the House adjourned about 7 o'clock.
WASHINGTON, December 14.
We have received London prints to the 15th of October inclusive. Although they do not furnish intelligence, in addition to that already given, of any great consequence, the following articles, which we have selected, are by no means devoid of interest. The article, in particular, which intimates a relaxation of the orders in Council, which we take from the Morning Chronicle, if correct, would open a wide field for speculation; and would seem to shew, either that the British Cabinet are opening the way to the eventual direction of a system, which a hard necessity may compel them to abandon; or, that they have thrown out this appearance of a disposition to yield to the just claims of neutrals from our government. This last conjecture acquires some weight from the season when this relaxation is alleged to have been made, which just allowed it time, on a common calculation, to reach this country on the opening of the session of Congress. But it is unnecessary further to speculate on what may not have occurred. When substantiated, it will be time enough to analyse its character, and to decide whether it evinces most friendship or treachery.—Nat. Int.
LONDON, Oct. 14.
To some merchants of the first respectability, connected particularly with the trade to Spain & Portugal, who had yesterday an interview with Lord Bathurst upon commercial business, the following important communication was made, namely—“that all articles, the growth, produce or manufacture of such countries and their colonies as are in amity with Great-Britain, may be imported either in British ships or in ships belonging to those countries, and re-exported either directly to countries in amity with us, or through the medium of free ports, without payment of the duty imposed by the Order in Council Act. This order is to be retrospective, so far as respects to the time at which the countries alluded to have been declared in a state of amity.” It is expected that the substance of this communication, which is regarded by the mercantile world as completely official, will appear in the Gazette on Saturday.
Upon a question being put to Lord Bathurst, whether St. Domingo was to be included in this order, the Noble Lord declined to give any decisive answer. Then it seems St. Domingo is not regarded by ministers as a state in amity with us. At least they do not wish it to be understood that it has been recognized as such by government—This was clearly implied in the tone and terms in which Lord Bathurst treated the question.
The state of New-York, it will be seen, has divided her votes for President and Vice President. This will not elevate her in the esteem of her sister states. In such a crisis, and on such an occasion, the minority should have yielded to the majority, and the bitter prejudices of person or place been sacrificed to principle. We therefore, regret this result. It will, however, not be uncaused by good. It will prove that the friends of the Vice President have continued to urge his pretensions to the Presidency, and that all their efforts have only insured him six votes out of nineteen in his own state, and not a solitary vote out of his state. It will show that his support, compared with that given to Mr. Madison, stands in the relation of six to one hundred and twenty-three. For no doubt remains of the final result. It is certain that the votes for President will stand as follows:—
 For Madison, 123  Pinkney, 47  Clinton, 6 
In our last we mentioned the convocation of the Legislature of Pennsylvania at Lancaster. We have since received several letters from that place. The representation they contain is uniform. Whig principles there carry every thing before them; and the whole republican phalanx is devoted to the measures of the administration, ready to stake the last life, if necessary, in their defence. Glorious example! Free from lust or death has ever been your motto. Illustrious state! You have not only declared yourself independent; but by your virtues and talents have actually made yourself so; and, unlike a degenerate sister, you are grateful for the rich blessings with which a benignant Providence rewards you.
Governor McKean has made his valedictory speech. A more finished performance has rarely been offered to the public. We say nothing of its local allusions; but on national topics it is animated in every line, with the fire of seventy-six.
“And should we, after all, be compelled to surrender the blessings and the hope of peace, we have certainly the consolation to see it demonstrated to the world, that neither the guilt of aggression nor the folly of ambition, can be fairly imputed to the measures of our government. Impartial, respectful and conciliatory towards other nations, the federal administration, with becoming firmness and dignity, has sought in return atonement for acknowledged injuries, and security for unquestionable rights.”
After defending the policy of the embargo, he adds:
“Upon a full view of the national situation, its present conveniences and its probable consequences, the patriotic disposition which has been manifested by our immediate constituents, is entitled to universal respect and applause; if it is true, that symptoms of disaffection to the union, of opposition to the laws and of animosity to the chosen rulers of the people, have elsewhere appeared, Pennsylvania, we know, disavows her energies to other objects, has loomed the suspension of her commerce without a murmur or complaint. Neither the restraints of the embargo, nor the feuds of party, nor the allurements of
private interests, nor the menaces of war, have impaired, in feeling or in action, her obedience to the constitution and laws; her pride of character or her pledged faith to the government of the union. An example so honorable and so conspicuous, cannot fail to be beneficial. Extending beyond the limits of Pennsylvania; it will animate and confirm the virtue of her sister states. And, for my own part, I feel the highest gratification that among the latest acts of a protracted public life, after a lapse of more than thirty years, and in seasons of extreme difficulty and danger, I can again unite with my countrymen in “the mutual pledge of our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor,” to support the declaration—“that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent.” Nat. Int.
The latest letters from Liverpool state the price of upland cotton at three shillings and six pence sterling, which is 78 cents a pound.—Ib.
VOTES FOR PRESIDENT.
 Republican. Federal.  J. MADISON. C. C. PINKNEY.  Massachusetts, 19  New-Jersey, 8 0  Pennsylvania, 20 0  Delaware, 3  Maryland, 9 2  Virginia, 24 0 
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
 Republican. Federal.  J. CLINTON. R. KING.  Massachusetts, 19  New-Jersey, 8 0  Pennsylvania, 20 0  Delaware, 3  Maryland, 9 2  Virginia, 24 0 
In New-York, for President, Mr. Madison 13, Mr. Clinton 6; for Vice-President, Mr. Clinton 13, Mr. Madison 3; Mr. Monroe 3.
On the 3d inst. arrived at this place Wm. Wells, Esq. Indian Agent at Fort Wayne, with seven Indian Chiefs and two women. Among whom are the celebrated Little Turtle, a Miami Chief, and the great Maquah, a Pautawatamy chief, on a friendly visit to the President of the U. States. Ib.
Letters have, we understand, been received from Mr. Pinkney to the 10th of October. They are said to contain nothing of importance.
The Legislature of New Hampshire remain firm in their devotion for the Republican cause, as appears from the following concise extract from their reply to the patriotic speech of the patriotic Governor Langdon, which was carried by 95 ayes to 68 noes.—The senate is composed of 6 republican and 5 federal members. The government of this state therefore is Republican in all its departments, and we believe it will continue so.—Balt. Even. Post.
“In reviewing the measures of the national administration, we remain satisfied that they are the result of wise deliberations.—The embargo laws especially we consider as a wise expedient, which has saved the country immense property and thousands of citizens.”
The answer of the senate is still more emphatic; they say, “We cannot but think the finger of Heaven pointed out the embargo as the only measure Congress could devise, which would comport with the honor, safety and independence of our country.”
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
Yesterday the Electors of President and Vice President assembled in the seven States, and gave in their votes, which will be sealed up and transmitted by special messengers to the seat of government. There is not the smallest doubt but Mr. MADISON had a majority of the votes for the 1st Office.
We hear that Messrs. Charles C. Pinkney and Rufus King were voted for by our state Electors. Thus forever putting at rest the hue and cry about southern influence! The Essex Junto are artful in all their proceedings. They are not inclined to become responsible for the doings of the electors; the most prominent characters were omitted. Excepting the late Governor, and the late Chief Justice, there is scarcely an among them that stands in public opinion above mediocrity.—Bos. Chron.
We received last night a letter from a member of the South-Carolina legislature, which advises us that the republican members had met and unanimously resolved to support Mr. Madison for president, and, with some dissentients, Mr. Clinton for Vice-President. In the whole body, composed of about 150 members there are not 15 federalists.—Nat. Int.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
SATURDAY, Dec. 10.
The resolutions (which are on the table) as reported from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, were taken up and read.
The question being put upon agreeing to the 1st resolution, it passed in the affirmative.
A motion was made, to amend the second resolution by striking out at the end of it, the words “is reasonable,” and inserting in lieu of them, the words “be rejected;” and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the affirmative.
The question being then put on the resolution as amended, it was agreed to by the house.
The third resolution was amended and agreed to of course.
Ordered, That a bill be brought in pursuant to the first resolution; and that the committee of Propositions and Grievances do prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That the committee of Privileges and Elections, be discharged from the further consideration of the petition of John Jones of Warwick county, complaining of the undue election and return of Dixon Brown, one of the delegates returned to serve in this present General Assembly from the said county of Warwick, and that the said John Jones have leave to withdraw his petition.
MONDAY, Dec. 12.
On motion, Ordered, That the 28th rule of this House be for the present suspended, and that Messrs. Oley, Murdough, Egmon, Sempie, Wirt, Wooding, Leitwich and Woodson, be added to the committee appointed to examine into the state of the Armory; making the number of said committee consist of 21 members.
A petition was presented and read from Robert Burnett, who was some time since sheriff of Pendleton county, praying the passage of a law which may make some provisions for enabling him to collect certain arrears due to him in said county.
Also a petition of Daniel Rowell of Wood county, praying the remission of a fine inflicted on him by a sentence of the district court of Morgan town:
Also a petition of Nicholas Gautier, a resident of the state of Kentucky, praying the passage of a law, relinquishing to him the right of the commonwealth to a certain lot of land in the city of Richmond, of which Nicholas Gautier, deceased, died seized:
Also a petition of Nancy Bayne of Bedford county, praying to be divorced from her husband Griffin Bayne:
Also a petition of Richard Gwathmey and Charlotte his wife, praying the passage of a law releasing to them the right of the commonwealth to certain lands in the counties of Gloucester and Middlesex, of which Dr. Robert G. Spratt and Dr. George D. Spratt died seized:
Also a petition from Robert Park, praying the passage of a law relinquishing to him the right of the commonwealth to two lots of land in Charlestown, Brooke county:
Also a petition of Aune Lewis, praying the passage of a law relinquishing to her and her children (who are heirs of Richard Lewis) the commonwealth's right to a lot of land in the town of Falmouth:
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee for courts of justice.
A petition was presented and read from the President and directors of the Potomac company, praying the passage of a law authorising the company to make bye-laws for regulating the boating business in the rivers Potomac and Shenandoah:
Also a petition of sundry inhabitants of the counties of Northampton and Accomack, praying the passage of a law, establishing a town at a place called Bellhaven, lying on the post road leading from the court-house of one of the said counties to the other; referred to the committee of Propositions and Grievances.
On motion, Ordered, That the committee of courts of justice be discharged from further considering the petition of John H. Windler, and that the same be referred to the committee appointed to enquire into the subject of the law prohibiting the introduction of slaves into this commonwealth.
A petition was presented and read from Ambrose Hundley, of King & Queen county, praying compensation for a slave, who was some time since supposed to have been murdered by another slave;
And the question being put on the reference of the said petition, it passed in the negative.
A petition was presented and read from John B. Scott, and others, president and managers for the time being of a company, voluntarily associated under the style of the “Halifax Manufacturing Society,” praying the passage of a law incorporating the said company, and also that the state would subscribe for certain shares therein.
Ordered, That the said petition and documents be referred to Messrs. Banks, Sanford, Crutchfield, Morrow, Watson, Lightfoot, Baytop, Hoge, Bowe, W. Brockenbrough, Rozel and Forbes.
Ordered, That writs of election issue to the counties of Amherst and Nelson, to supply the vacancy in the representation from the county of Amherst, occasioned by the acceptance by David S. Garland, one of the Delegates returned to serve in this General Assembly from the said county, of the office of Register of the Land-Office.
Mr. Yerby from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, presented the following report and resolution:—
The committee of Propositions and Grievances, have according to order, had under their consideration the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Harrison, to them referred, and have come to the following resolution thereon:—
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the said inhabitants of the county of Harrison, praying that all that part of their said county contained within the following boundaries, to wit: Beginning at the mouth of Peck's run, including its waters, down Hacker's creek to the mouth, including its waters, thence down the west fork to the mouth of Isaac's creek, then up the same including the waters thereof to its head, from thence to the Wood county line, the nearest point, thence with the same to Mason county line, thence with the line of Kanawha and Randolph counties to the head of Buchanan river, and down the same to the beginning, may form one distinct county, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time was agreed to by the House.
Ordered, That a bill be brought in pursuant thereto, and that the committee of Propositions and Grievances do prepare and bring in the same.
Mr. Sheffield, from the committee of Propositions and Grievances, presented the following report and resolutions:—
The committee of Propositions and Grievances have, according to order, had under their consideration sundry petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereon:—
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of John Aslin, praying that he may be authorised by law to erect a dam from his own land in the county of Fluvanna, across the Rivanna river, to the land of George Pickett on the opposite shore, for the purpose of working a grist and other mills, is reasonable.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Carter B. Berkeley, (guardian of Elizabeth Edmonia Churchill) of the county of Middlesex, praying that the fey be established from the lands of William Fitchett, of the county of Mathews, across Piankank river, to the land now the property of his said ward, may be put down and discontinued, be rejected.
The said resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the House.
Ordered, That a bill be brought in pursuant to the first resolution, and that the committee of Propositions and Grievances do prepare and bring in the same.
Mr. Semple from the committee for Courts of Justice, presented the following report and resolutions:—
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that all able bodied men be required to perform military duty, be rejected.
The 1st, 2d and 3d, resolutions being read a second time, were agreed to by the House.
The 3d, resolution being read a second time, a motion was made to amend the same, by striking out the end thereof, the words "is reasonable," and inserting in lieu thereof the words "be rejected," and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the negative; the question being then put on the resolution as reported, it was agreed to by the House.
Mr. Semple from the committee for Courts of Justice, presented the following report and resolution:
The committee for courts of justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Margaret Brough to their referred, and have agreed upon a report, and come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee, that in the year 1786, the petitioner was married to a certain Thomas Brough, who received in consequence of his said marriage, a considerable estate in real and personal property. That in the course of a few years thereafter the said Thomas Brough sold the whole of the property so received by him, expended the proceeds thereof, and shortly thereafter abandoned the petitioner without providing for her any kind of support.
It further appears to your committee, that some time about the year 1802 or 1803, the said Thomas Brough removed from this state to the state of North-Carolina, carrying with him, a young woman whom he there afterwards married, and has since returned with her to this state, and is now residing with her in the county of Charlotte, recognising her as his wife.
It further appears to your committee, that the petitioner from the time of her said intermarriage, to the present time, has supported the character of a virtuous and good woman.
It further appears to your committee, that the mother of the petitioner, has lately devised certain property to trustees, for the benefit of the petitioner; that the said trustees are anxious to relinquish the said trust, so soon as they can do so, without leaving it in the power of the said Thomas, to exercise a right over the said property.
Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the said Margaret Brough, praying that an act may pass, divorcing her from the said Thomas Brough, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was agreed to by the House.
A letter from the governor, enclosing for the consideration of the General Assembly, the proceedings of the Executive on the claim of John Warden, Esq. to compensation for certain services rendered to the Commonwealth, which lay on the table, were taken up and read, and on motion, referred to Messrs. Shelley, Peyton, Semple, Hooe, R. Starnard, E. Watts, Otey, Harris, Ritchie, Hairston, Faris and Lightfoot.
On motion, Resolved, That the Executive be requested to cause to be furnished to the committee to whom was referred so much of the governor's communication, as relates to the establishment of Circuit Courts, a state of the docket of the Court of Appeals for the last two years.
Ordered, That so much of the governor's communication as relates to the upper navigation of James River, be referred to Messrs. Shelley, Perkinson, Lefwich, Otey, Patterson, Pittman, Wirt, Moreman, Rowland, McClenahan, J. Allen, E. Watts, and Forbes.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 17, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE EASTERN STATES
NO. III.
I have already attempted to trace out to you, Fellow-Citizens of the East, the great object of the encroachments of G. Britain. I have expressed, in terms worthy of an American, my just indignation at the aggressions of her enemy. I have examined the different remedies which were originally proposed for our adoption. One result only presented itself; that a retirement from the multiplied perils of the ocean, and from the encroachments of our numerous assailants, was the only measure for avoiding the evils of war, and the imperishable dishonor of submission.
But at this trying crisis of our national affairs; at this moment, when every nerve of the nation should be stretched to vindicate the rights of the nation; when every real American should array himself in opposition to the injustice of the powers of Europe; when the success of this great experiment, or of any others, which the rights of our country may subsequently demand, essentially hangs upon the harmony and the union of her Sons;—there are men, Fellow-Citizens, among you, who are dishonest enough to attempt to distract your councils & engender opposition to the measures of your government. These men are continually employing every artifice and deception for the consummation of their nefarious purposes. Instead of lavishing their anathemas upon the dictates of the powers of Europe, they are attempting to trace all our restrictions and inconveniences to the embargo. Instead of ascribing the embargo to these aggressions, which are calculated to rouse all the exertions of an indignant country, they are misrepresenting its purposes and designs. Who would have dreamt, that any administration would be so insane as to risk its reputation and existence upon an avowed hostility to commerce? And yet are these men idle enough to ascribe the embargo to such an unpopular motive. Who could have supposed that the people of the South could be jealous of the commercial prosperity of the Eastern States, seeing that agriculture and commerce are so intimately connected, & that even by the statement of these liberal politicians, the south is indebted to the commerce of the north for vessels and markets for its numerous productions? And yet are these men foolish enough to attribute a jealousy of commerce to the people of the South.
Do you complain, however, that the embargo presses more heavily upon you, than upon the other States frigidly to the Lumber? Do you assert, that your commerce is so much superior to that of the other states, and that though your resistance should be greater, yet your sufferings under the embargo are also greater? I am unwilling to touch this topic, Fellow-Citizens. I despise all comparisons in a country, which should be united. But since I am compelled to meet this argument, permit me to adopt the sentiments of one of the most enlightened merchants of the United States, just delivered in the Senate of the Union; the sentiments of General Smith of Baltimore, the former hero of Mud-Fort, the uniform defender of the rights of our Country. These sentiments came before me, as I was just about to lift the pen to express my own.
"We are told that the sufferings of the commercial states are insupportable, & from the discussion in the senate, it would appear as generally admitted that the four New-England states are the only commercial. Comparisons are generally disagreeable—they appear however necessary upon the present occasion, to show the relative state of commerce among the states. I am warranted
also by the exercise set me by the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd) in making the comparison which I intend to present to this house. In doing it, I pray I may be understood, as not meaning any offence to any state, nor to any individual thereof. New-Hampshire cannot be considered a commercial state; Judging from the treasury report, the products of its labor and agriculture go, I presume to swell the amount of exports from Massachusetts, for their export of native products is only $365,950. Rhode-Island may be considered commercial in proportion to her numbers. I have ever admired the industry & enterprize of her citizens, and have been gratified in the extension of her commerce; but their commerce does not exceed the proportion which is due to their numbers—The amount of export of their products is 741,988 dollars. But Connecticut, Mr. President, is she commercial? Every American traveller that visits the eastern states, returns highly gratified with that state; he states with exultation and pleasure, the delightful fields thereof; its high state of agriculture; its smiling villages; and the content and happiness that beams on every human countenance; but does this arise from its external commerce? No, sir, we must give to Connecticut a higher rank; she is agricultural, and will also be a great manufacturing state; her citizens who annually emigrate, to swell the numbers of other states, will be induced to remain at home, and by their labor and ingenuity, extend and promote the manufactures of their native state. Her port of export is probably New-York; with what state, as a commercial state shall I compare her? not with Georgia, for that state, though with only half her population, exports more than double the amount of Connecticut. With South Carolina? No, Sir, that state spares other products, to swell the exports of Baltimore, Philadelphia, New-York, and Boston, an amount equal to the whole of the exports of the native products of Connecticut. With Maryland? No, sir, with a population very little greater, Maryland exports to near three times her amount. With what part of the union shall I then compare her commerce? It assimilates nearly to that of the District of Columbia, its export being $1,363,332, when that of Connecticut is $1,519,083.
" Massachusetts , yes, sir, Massachusetts is really commercial. But not more so in proportion to numbers than other states; nay, not equal to some, for instance, South Carolina with half her number exports $7,129,365, when Massachusetts exports of native products only $6,185,748. New York whose population is the same with Massachusetts exports $9,937,416, being half as much more as that exported by Massachusetts. Maryland exports $4,016,699, being in full proportion to the exports of that state. Nay, sir, New York alone, exports more than all the New England states together, their whole native export being only $3,812,769. "But we may be told what is true, that the trade of a country does not consist alone in its native exports. We may get some information by examining as well its native as its foreign articles of exportation. Let us examine it in that point of view. It will be found that New York alone who appears to approve of the embargo, if we are to credit their governor's speech and the answer thereto of both houses of the legislature, does export of all articles, foreign as well as domestic, to a greater amount than all the New England states together, for her exports are $26,357,963, when the total exports of those states amount only to $24,074,438. Nay, sir, Maryland exports an amount equal to three fifths of the whole of the New England states, her general exports being $14,298,984. I have deemed it not unprofitable to take this view to show the commerce of the U. States, as they compare with each other.
"The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lloyd,) has told us, and told us truly, that the tonnage owned by the citizens of that state, is one third of the whole tonnage of the union; that the want of employment thereof causes an annual injury to the amount of six millions of dollars—My calculation, Mr. President, does not make it near so much; but, Sir, suppose the fact, is this attributable to the embargo? I think not, sir; on the contrary, that the owners of these ships ought to bless the wisdom and firmness of those who laid the embargo, and thus saved this immense tonnage from British depreciation and condemnation under their orders of council, and from French burning and destruction under the infernal decree of Milan. For it has been truly said, by an eminent merchant of Salem (Mr. Gray) that not more than 1 vessel in 8 that sailed for Europe within a short time prior to the embargo ever reached her port of destination. My own experience has severely taught me the truth of his remark; & as a further proof, I have in my hand a list of 15 vessels which sailed for Europe and were insured in an office in Baltimore. They sailed between the 1st Sept. and 23d December 1807.—Three arrived, one was captured by the French, one by the Spaniards, one was seized in Hamburg, and nine carried into England. But for the embargo, the ships of the U. S. that would have sailed for Europe, would have shared a fate at least as bad (in my opinion much worse) than that of those 15.—Not one in 20 would have arrived, for those vessels that sailed in September might well have arrived before the date of the orders in council [11th Nov.] or the decrees of France.—I say again let the ship owners return thanks to their best friends, to those who laid the embargo. As one whose property has thereby been saved I pray you to accept mine. But sir, let us compare in order to know the sufferings of each, whether the other states do not suffer, as to their tonnage, in proportion to the New England states. I take leave to submit the tonnage of the Eastern and a few of the other states.
TONNAGE.
   Tons Registered Licensed.     New Hampshire 20,606 3,493   Massachusetts 504,397 134,603   Rhode Island 28,735 6,523   Connecticut 26,022 20,000   Tons, 579,760 164,619   New York 131,047   Pennsylvania 86,723   Maryland 71,648   South Carolina 48,156   337,574  
By this it will appear, that the 4 states of
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, own of ships engaged in foreign trade nearly the same number of tons as the four N. England states. Thus then, the loss to those states in point of tonnage is nearly equal to that of the other four; and in addition they suffer the loss sustained by having on hand a greater amount of native products. In fact the state of Massachusetts suffers less, because she has immense tonnage employed in the coasting trade, which renders its usual profits and usual employment for her sailors, when those other states have not the same advantage. This advantage applies more particularly to Connecticut than to any other state in the union, for of her 46,000 tons of vessels, 20,000 are actually employed in the coasting trade, so that, as to the use of ships she suffers less than any other in the union. Her trade by land and water to the other states still continues in full vigor and renders to her advantages not known to any other state."
But let us bring this comparison nearer home. The five Eastern States export, of domestic and foreign articles only $24,278,723—while the five Southern states, of Maryland, Virginia, N. & S. Carolina and Georgia, export of the same articles, 35,826,141 $—leaving a balance to the Southern states, of 11,547,418 $—You know at the same time that much of the produce of the Southern states is conveyed to the Eastern states, both for your own consumption and exportation.
Will you then permit these contemptible misrepresentations, to delude your judgment? Will you suffer the energies of our Union to be paralysed by such idle declamation? Examine the arguments of these men. They are too brittle and base to impose upon the understandings of an enlightened people.
You see then Fellow Citizens of the East, that there are other States, whose Trade & even navigation are as much injured by the Embargo as your own. Will you say, that their attachment to this measure springs from a jealousy of commerce?
But can any honest man presume to say that the Embargo was dictated by an hostility to Commerce; who understands the real causes, which produced it? The belligerent powers of Europe have aimed the most alarming usurpations at the commerce of the United States. To protect our commerce against these encroachments, preserve our vessels, and property from the hands of freebooters, a measure of precaution was adopted by our government. Who can perceive in these measures any thing like an hostility to commerce? Do they not, on the contrary, display the most vigilant regard for its rights and security?
In these aggressions, every part of the U. States was seriously concerned. The vessels of Massachusetts were exposed to danger. The wheat and tobacco of Virginia were interdicted from their lawful markets. The rice and cotton of South-Carolina were subject to the same impositions. The danger was common to every portion of the U. States, and it was the duty of all to resist aggressions, which affected the interests of all.
But if there is a portion of the U. S. peculiarly interested in putting an end to these usurpations, it is some of you , Fellow-Citizens, if the accounts which are given by these politicians of your superior commerce, had been correct. Against what have the belligerents waged war by their late edicts? It is against our commerce.—G. B. impresses our innocent countrymen. She declares whole coasts in a state of blockade. And both G. Britain and France are, each of them, now for cutting off your trade with the other, its dependencies and its allies. If we submit to these, who will presume to set limits to their future encroachments upon your commerce?—Who then are interested in resisting them?—People of the East, if your commerce be so much superior to that of the other United States, it is you that should adhere to the Embargo, it is you that should fly to the most energetic measures for the support of our rights.
But you have also been told, Fellow Citizens, that the embargo has been the suggestion of a confirmed jealousy in the Southern States to the interests of commerce. It is time to dismiss these idle misrepresentations. It is time to refute them. There are two criteria, which I might resort to for this purpose. I might take the position on the general ground of principle, and ask the unprejudiced mind, how it can be possible that an agricultural people, that has a large annual surplus to export, can possibly be hostile to commerce. This question would certainly be conclusive in relation to the direct trade of the United States. But if it be said, that the people of the south are not friendly to your indirect carrying trade , I would appeal to that spirit of indignation, which pervaded the public prints, the Legislature, and the people of Virginia three years past, when G. Britain assailed the colonial trade of this country. In what corner of this country, did a more indignant spirit animate the breasts of the people?
Or, we might refute this idle imputation of an hostility to commerce by the lights of experience. We might shew the particular aids which had been extended to commerce, by the laws of your country. On this subject, permit me again to refer to the luminous statements of the representative of Maryland.
"It may not be unprofitable to take a view of the acts which I have considered as expressive of sincere friendship toward commerce.—The statute books are filled with laws establishing light-houses along the whole extent of our coasts, and a chain of lights are now to be seen extending from St. Croix to St. Mary's. No new duty charged therefor, has ever been proposed by any member to be imposed on the tonnage of the United States. The duty on tonnage has remained the same from the first law passed thereon. It is small and not felt. The coasting trade of the United States is countenanced in a peculiar manner. It is confined to our own vessels and free of charge. Early after the adoption of our constitution, Congress passed a law, levying a heavy duty on foreign tonnage, for the promotion of our own, and charging on all goods imported in foreign vessels, a duty of ten per cent. on the duty imposed on similar goods when imported in American ships. This system secured the carriage of all goods imported into the United States, to our own vessels, and tended greatly to the immense tonnage now possessed by the merchants of the Union. This advantage was necessary to promote our navigation when in its infancy, but being now in its manhood, I should have no objection to admit foreign ships on the same footing with our own, to such foreign nations as would admit us on terms of reciprocity into their ports; for on equal terms, I have no fear of the enterprize of any nation being superior to our own.
A system was adopted, and has been continued, highly just in itself and proper, which conduced to the immense neutral trade carried on by the merchants of the United States—I mean the system of granting drawbacks on re-exportation of foreign goods—by which system the nation has been greatly enriched, and thereby aided in the payment of the national debt, but which agricultural men may permit themselves innocently to believe, has contributed to conduct the United States to the present crisis. We, the merchants ought, therefore, to be cautious how we charge agricultural men with hostility to commerce. Had congress been justly chargeable therewith, they had a fair opportunity of shewing it in 1806, when your tables groaned with memorials from the seaport towns. They might then have said, what have the agriculturalists to do with our neutral commerce? We will protect the commerce carried on in native exports, but will not entangle the nation with those of foreign origin. Did they do so? No, Sir; they, as well from the south as from the north, did declare their willingness to support and protect all the fair commerce of the Union. They treated the memorials with respect, and this house acted thereon.
"Of 56 senators present, only seven members voted against the resolution of advice to the President. Three of those were from the East, two from the South, and two from the West. Those gentlemen feared that we should be implicated in war for that trade which the supporters thereof now wish us in a great measure to relinquish. For were the embargo off, it could no longer be pursued to any part of Europe.
"But, say gentlemen, protecting duties have been laid on foreign goods to benefit the manufactures of the union. I sincerely wish there had been, but know of none, except on shoes and on ship-building; this latter, I presume, commercial men will not complain of. The duties heretofore laid were to obtain revenue, not to protect manufactures. Nor did lever until now hear any gentleman from Connecticut complain or oppose any aid contemplated for our manufactures. The complaint is novel to me, for I should suppose, if any state in the union is in a situation to benefit by manufactures, Connecticut, from her population being full, will be that state. Some small duties have been laid to protect our agriculture, such as hemp, indigo and sugars, and a protecting duty has been laid on fish imported from foreign countries to secure the consumption of our own country to the labor of its own fishermen, to which little opposition was made by agricultural men. In truth, Mr. President, there has been no act of hostility shown by Congress to the commercial interest, and much, very much of real friendship has been apparent in all the acts of that body."
Will you then, Fellow-Citizens, permit your prejudices to be excited by such idle misrepresentations, as the federal demagogues of the East have employed. No; it is impossible. You will consider the embargo on its own merits only. You will trace its causes to the aggressions of Europe. The holy spirit which animated your Sires, will continue to fire the bosoms of their Sons.
A FREEMAN.
For the Enquirer.
Extract of a letter from Washington, Dec. 11.
"The news-papers here are so far in arrears of the debates, that they will become stale before they reach you; they are the best indices to public opinion in the various parts of the Union—and all the speeches delivered by the Republicans ( good old Republicans , as Randolph used to call them) breathe a spirit indignant at the wrongs heaped upon our Country—a determination never to submit, and calling loudly for vengeance. Never were the factions opposed to the government so completely prostrate; and those among them who are kept upon their feet by—by what, shall I call it?—British gold, or God knows what—stand appalled; their knees shaking like Belshnazar's, ready to be swept away by the mighty torrent that overwhelms them.
Speaking of tribute the other day, Key, the mouth piece of federalism, who has endeared himself to his party by having turned his arms against his Country, observed "do not we pay tribute to Algiers? and wherefore? Because it is our interest to do so; the honor of a nation consists in its happiness and interest—and we are more happy and flourishing thereby—the Monarch makes war for his mistress—Republics for more substantial causes ." Suppress your indignation; and rather feel pity at our disgrace in being the inmates of P. B. Key.—What would our Fathers have said, when foreign taxation was first systematically attempted by Great Britain, to such language? The reply would have been a halter. The outrage is now far greater. Then as a part of the British empire, the pretext was plausible. Now our independence having been acknowledged by Great-Britain, the bare idea makes the blood boil in the veins of every American.—But this apostate has had the effrontery to ask givens of his Country, for youthful errors .—Whereas his being young damns him so back, that
"Sable night seated on her ebon throne, E'en in the zenith of her dark domain, Is subservient to the color of his crimes."
You know, that in youth the blood boils high and a noble enthusiasm pervades the bosom at the names of liberty, and our Country! And he, who disregarding his patriotic impulse, when a dark gloom hangs over the destiny of man, takes up arms to enslave and rivet the chains of his countrymen, cannot expect, when age has chilled the fire of youthful ardor, to have credit for his regeneration.—But whether I am running? He is unworthy of such attention.
Randolph, as you will have seen, infuriated by disappointment, attacks every body and every thing. He said all our difficulties grew out of the dishonorable submission to Spanish inroad, alluding to the affair of the Kempers and that from that period our character was gone in Europe. Mr. Jackson (of Virginia) stated the case, the disavowal of the act, insisted it was less outrageous than the act of our own officer last summer who arrested deserters in the Spanish territory, and denied that either was just cause of war.
"The newspapers of this evening from the North, indicate something favorable to us; it seems that the Emperors of France and Russia have offered to negotiate a maritime peace with Great Britain, and the conjecture is, that Sweden concurs with them; if the terms are accepted, and peace ensues, our embargo will of course be removed, and commerce will be restored to its former activity—if it is most probable, Great-Britain refuses, because of her occlusion from a continental pacification, or rather negotia-
tion, it will strengthen the competency against England, out of all supplies of timber, iron, cordage, hemp, grain &c. of which they have great need, and produce necessarily a relaxation towards us. I say necessarily, for it is the opinion of the best informed here, that her pride has been so excited like the King-fisher that strikes his talons into a large fish, rather than let it go, she will be drawn under the water and be drowned. It is impossible that the public mind can be halting between two opinions. I firmly believe all our energies will be called into action—there must be no neutrals—and the time is at hand, when every man will take his side with his country, or against it.
Clinton and his party at present appear to be insufficient to the existing measures, but they do not explicitly say what should be substituted. My opinion is, war will be —Congress will unquestionably pass a temporary non-importation act, and I think a permanent navigation act, with increase of duties on foreign manufactures, which we can supply from our own work-shops.
The Grand Jury for this district, have made several other presentments of the violators of the Embargo Laws in addition to those whose names we have already published.—These new presentments are in our next.
We are authorized to state, that Rev. Robert Esq. of Amelia , is a Candidate for the office of Treasurer of this Commonwealth.
In pursuance of a deed of trust executed to the Subscribers , by John Harper, to secure the payment of the sum of £ 56 : 0 : 11, due to Thomas Perkinson: Will be exposed for sale, for cash, to the highest bidder, at Thomas Perkinson's Store, in the county of Amelia, on Friday, the 6th day of January next, the following SLAVES , to wit: John, Rachel and Betty, or any one thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt, with the interest and the costs necessarily incurred, by carrying the said trust into execution. The above deed of trust is recorded in the county court of Nottoway.
SNO. MOFFATT, Jr. THOMPSON SCOTT, Trustees. PETER RISON,
dec. 17. BANK OF VIRGINIA, December 15th 1808.—The Stockholders are hereby notified that the election of Directors of the Bank, and the several Offices of Discount and Deposit, for the ensuing year, will be held on Monday the 22d January.
KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR, intending to close their present concern, will dispose of their stock of DRY GOODS , at reduced prices, for cash, or on short credit, for approved notes in town.
These persons indebted to the concern by open account, are requested to make payment or execute bonds for their respective amounts.
dec. 17. RED SULPHUR SPRINGS, Monroe County, Va. The subscriber takes this early opportunity of informing the public, that he has leased the RED SULPHUR SPRINGS , and he pledges himself that no pains or expense will be spared on his part, to give general satisfaction to those who may visit said Springs. There are six additional houses now building, which, together with the buildings already completed, will enable him to accommodate one hundred Boarders, with their servants, comfortably. He deems it unnecessary to say anything of the valuable properties of said Waters, as the benefits experienced by persons visiting them, have already spread their fame through the greater part of the United States. Letters and News-Papers directed to the visitors at said Springs, will be delivered at the place once a week. There will be a Store kept at said Springs, containing a general assortment of Goods, Medicine, &c.
ISAAC ESTILL.
dec. 17. EXAMINATION.—The Pupils of my Seminary will be examined on Tuesday next Monday, the 20th inst. in Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, Geography and History; on Wednesday, in the Greek, Latin, French and English Classics, Arithmetic, Reading, Writing, &c.
Parents, Guardians, Professional Gentlemen, and in general, all those who appreciate the importance of Juvenile instruction, and wish to promote its cause, are respectfully and earnestly requested to attend. The business of each day will commence at 10 o'clock in the morning.
The examination of the Young Ladies will take place on Wednesday, and begin at 5 o'clock in the afternoon. The presence of their female friends will be peculiarly agreeable.
L. H. GIRARDIN.
dec. 17. JUST RECEIVED, a few trunks of BOOTS & SHOES , assorted. They will be sold to-gether very low, or bartered for Produce. Enquire at the store of Messrs. Hovey and Sizer, of D. M. CURTIS.
dec. 17. TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.—Ran away from the Subscriber, living in Brunswick county, about the 1st of Sept. last, a yellow fellow named JACK, about thirty-five or six years old, five feet nine or ten inches high, strait made, has a burl on his left elbow, which prevents him from straightening his arm, and always carries it crooked; one of his under fore teeth on his left side is out; his address is extremely polite and humble in his manners, and has some pretensions to the Barber's trade. The said fellow ran away and was absent for 7 or 8 years, and was apprehended in Baltimore, at which place and Hagerstown in Maryland, he commonly frequented, and passed for a free man by the name of Peter Jones, at either of which places, or Norfolk, Virginia, it is expected he is gone. The above reward will be given, if delivered to me in Brunswick county, Va. or secured in any goal in the United States, so that I get him, or information of the same.
CHAS. CORDLE.
dec. 17. AN OVERSEER'S PLACE WANTED.—The Subscriber offers himself to any gentleman, who is wanting an Overseer; he has had long experience in this line of business, and can be highly recommended. Application to be made by letter or otherwise, to the Subscriber, in Fauquier county, near to Williamsburg.
TIMOTHY RICHARDS.
dec. 17. TO JOHN FOWLER of Kentucky, and JOHN DAN HARRIS, of Virginia, GENTLEMEN.
Take notice, that on Thursday the 12th of next month, at John Anderson's Tavern, in New-Canton, I shall proceed to take the deposition of Robert Mosely and others, to continue from day to day, until finished; And on Friday, the 20th of next month, I shall, at Buckingham's court-house, again proceed to take the deposition of Daniel Guerrant and others, which depositions are to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond District, wherein I am plaintiff and you are defendants.
Yours, &c. PETER GUERRANT.
dec. 27. JUST received from Philadelphia, a consignment of LEATHER, consisting of—Waxed Calf-Skins, Cowhides, Fair Top, and Cordovan Boot Legs, Skirting, Roundings &c. Indigo Skins. For sale at low price by J. J. BURR.

EUROPE.
Continuation of Foreign News via Salem.
THE SPANISH TROOPS IN PORTUGAL.
The following is the Speech of Gen. Beresford, on returning the sword to the Spanish Gen. Lagune...
"Señor General, the scene which this day affords, excites in me most lively pleasure...
"The cause which unites and impels us is a secure pledge of the noble sentiments which animate the two nations...
"Turning to the Brigadier Don Homoy Gamboa, he delivered him his sword with some observations...
It is said, that 50,000 French troops have reinforced their armies in Spain.
STOCKHOLM, Oct. 14. A cessation of hostilities has taken place in Finland.
SANTANA, Sept. 27. The object of Joseph Bonaparte, is said to be to obtain a post on the coast...
SORIA, Sept. 24. The French have evacuated Miramar, Alfaro, Rothera, &c. and carried off the sheep, &c.
CORUNNA, Oct. 10. On the 30th ult. (three days after the capture) the French attempted to quit Bilboa...
October 13. This morning, a British convoy, of 140 sail, with 13,000 troops, under Sir David Baird, arrived here.
The following article is from a London paper of October 14:
"The Brazilian Committee received from his Majesty's ministers on Wednesday, the important communication...
The Schooner Friendship, captain Dobbins, arrived here yesterday, in forty-one days from Liverpool.
By this arrival the editors of the New-York Gazette have received London papers to the 26th of Oct.
"The title of 'emperor of the two Americas,' which Charles IV. was to assume according to the secret treaty of October 27...
In the London Traveller of Oct. 12, (per capt. Dobbins who arrived yesterday) we find the subsequent important article:
"The title of 'emperor of the two Americas,' which Charles IV. was to assume according to the secret treaty of October 27...
This treaty was made under the authority of the Prince of Peace, and was studiously concealed from the regent.
The emigration of Charles IV. and his family, to America, was also secretly concerted between the Prince of Peace and Bonaparte...
Then to occupy the vacant throne of Spain with...
out resistance, but the unlocked for energy of the Spanish people has happily defeated this dark and insidious conspiracy.
The editors of this gazette have been this State Paper. It fills 30 large quarto pages in small print.
"Exposition of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the crown of Spain...
"This treaty between Bonaparte and the Prince of Peace is dated Oct. 27, 1807, and contains this article:
"XII. His majesty the emperor of the French and king of Italy engages to recognise his Catholic majesty the king of Spain, as EMPEROR OF THE TWO AMERICAS...
Captain Dobbins is the bearer of dispatches from Mr. Pinkney. Letters say they relate to the above treaty.
The following extract from a Liverpool printed price current, from a very respectable house, gives a standard of public opinion in England, relative to our embargo.
"During the suspension of the intercourse between the two countries, many honorary insurances have been effected...
"The embargo on in America, till the 1st October; 10 per cent till the 1st November; 50 per cent to the 1st January...
"Arms and munitions of war, and all other goods, are not to be shipped to any port in America...
"The Russian troops shall occupy the defile which is on the south-east of it; and the Swedes that on the north-west.
"There shall be an exchange of prisoners, man for man, rank against rank.
(20th) Sept. 1808. M. KLINGSPOR, Field Marshal.
SUCHEKALIN, Gen. in Chief, and Quarter-Master Gen.
Le Comte De KAMINSKY, Lieutenant-General.
PROPOSALS for carrying MAIL'S of the United States on the following Post Roads...
IN VIRGINIA. 27. From Martinsburg, by Williamsport to Hagerstown once a week.
28. From Winchester by Stevensburg or New-Town, Strasburg, Woodstock, Newmarket, and Harrisonburg to Staunton once a week.
29. From Washington City, by Prospect Hill, Lanesville, Leesburg, Waterford, Hillsboro', Charles Town, Shepherdstown, Martinsburg, and Middleway, to Winchester once a week.
30. From Washington City, every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Martinsburg on Wednesday by 5 p m.
31. From Washington City, by Fairfax c h Centreville, Middleburg, Goshen, Millwood, Paris, Winchester, Romney, Westmoreland, Green Glades, and Gandy's, to Clarksburg twice a week.
32. From Washington every Monday and Friday at 3 p m and arrive at Fairfax c h by 6 p m.
33. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
34. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
35. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
36. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
37. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
38. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
39. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
40. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
41. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
42. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
43. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
44. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
45. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
46. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
47. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
48. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
49. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
50. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
51. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
52. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
53. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
54. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
55. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
56. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
57. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
58. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
59. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
60. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
61. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
62. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
63. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
64. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
65. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
66. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
67. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
68. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
69. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
70. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
71. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
72. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
73. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
74. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
75. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
76. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
77. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
78. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
79. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
80. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
81. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
82. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
83. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
84. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
85. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
86. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
87. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
88. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
89. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
90. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
91. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
92. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
93. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
94. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
95. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
96. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
97. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
98. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
99. From Washington every Tuesday at 7 a m and arrive at Winchester on Thursday by 5 p m.
100. From Washington every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Winchester on Wednesday by 5 p m.
arrive at Fredericksburg on Monday by 8 p m.
Leave Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
88. From Alexandria, by Fairfax c h, Centreville, Middleburg, Goshen, Millwood, Paris, Winchester, Romney, Westmoreland, Green Glades, and Gandy's, to Clarksburg twice a week.
89. From Alexandria every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Fredericksburg on Monday by 6 p m.
90. From Fredericksburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Washington by 10 a m.
91. From Fredericksburg, by Germany, Steelesville, Culpeper c h, Gains Cross Road, and Front Royal, to Winchester once a week.
92. From Fredericksburg every Friday at 2 p m and arrive at Washington by 6 p m.
93. From Fredericksburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Washington by 10 a m.
94. From Fredericksburg, by Woodville, F. T. Village, Washington, Pass Mills, Thornton's Gap, Munder's Store, and Hawke's Mill, to New-Market once a week.
95. From Fredericksburg every Monday at 6 a m and arrive at Washington by 10 a m.
96. From Fredericksburg, by Thornsburg, Nager's Mills, Chilesburg, Chestersfield c h, Newfound mills, Oxford, Crew's store, Goochland c h, Mitchell's, Yanceyville, Price's mills, Cuckoo's store, Louisa c h, Potomacville, Bibb's store and Spottsylvania c h to Fredericksburg, once a week.
97. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at noon, arrive at Goodland c h on Thursday by 11 a m and at Fredericksburg, the next Tuesday by 9 a m.
98. From Fredericksburg, by Port-Royal, Pittsfield, Layton's, Lloyd's, Tappahannock, Urbanna, Glens, and Gloucester c h to Yorktown once a week.
99. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Yorktown, on Saturday by 6 p m.
100. From Fredericksburg, by King George c h, Mattaponi, Mattapony, Tappahannock, Templeman's Cross Roads, Richmond c h, Mount Airy, Farnham, Kinsale, Northumberland c h, and Lancaster c h to Kilmarnock, once a week.
101. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Kilmarnock, the next Saturday by 5 p m.
102. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at Kilmarnock, the next Saturday by 5 p m.
103. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
104. From Fredericksburg every Thursday at noon, arrive at Tappahannock by 6 p m.
105. From Fredericksburg, by Bowling Green, by Bainsville, Broadus's, mill, Harrisonville, Newtown, Dunkirk, Walkerton, King William c h, Lilly Point, and Cumberland, to New Kent c h once a week.
106. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
107. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
108. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
109. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
110. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
111. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
112. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
113. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
114. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
115. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
116. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
117. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
118. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
119. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
120. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
121. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
122. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
123. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
124. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
125. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
126. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
127. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
128. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
129. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
130. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
131. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
132. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
133. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
134. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
135. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
136. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
137. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
138. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
139. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
140. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
141. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
142. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
143. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
144. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
145. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
146. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
147. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
148. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
149. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
150. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
151. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
152. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
153. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
154. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
155. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
156. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
157. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
158. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday at 2 p m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
159. From Fredericksburg, by Tappahannock, to Richmond c h once a week.
160. From Fredericksburg every Tuesday at 6 a m and arrive at New Kent c h on Wednesday by 10 a m.
161. From Fredericksburg every Wednesday