The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-02-01 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE)
NUMBER 84]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 1, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.]
AUCTION.
THE sale of BOOKS at Wm. Prichard's Book-store, will be continued on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday evening's next, to commence at 6 o'clock. Catalogues may be had at the place of sale. January 29.
THE subscriber has opened a BROKER'S OFFICE over the Store of Mr. Henry Hovey, and promises attention to all business entrusted to him. JOHN SATCHELL. Jan. 30. ep4w.
LOST.
ON the 27th inst. a RED MOROCCO POCKET BOOK, fastened on the outside by a steel clasp. There was in it a ticket, in the second class of the Richmond Academy Lottery (No. 5853) and papers which can be of no service to any person but the owner. A liberal reward will be given to any person who will deliver it with its contents at the Enquirer Book-Store. Jan. 30.
A TUTOR wanted, who can teach Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, in a small family. Apply to the Editor of the Enquirer.
VALUABLE PROPERTY—FOR SALE. THAT large five story BRICK TENEMENT, north side of the Main-street leading to the Capitol, now occupied by Mr. S. Rawlings, and in which Mrs. Harris has an interest during her life time. The situation is surpassed by none, being near the bank, the Capitol, the basin, and the post-office. For terms apply to AUBIN LAFORST. Jan. 30.
NEIL MCCOULL HAS received, by the late arrivals from London and Liverpool, his usual supply of FALL & WINTER GOODS.
JOHN ALCOCK, INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Proffer & Monroe's Vendue-store, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the State, as he has provided himself with the best of materials. He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few Windsor chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold uncommonly low for cash. January 30. tf.
IN pursuance of a deed of trust made to the subscriber by John Kilby of the county of Henrico, to secure the sum of £115. due from the said Kilby to Thomas Covell of the city of Richmond, will be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, for the best price that can be obtained in ready money, at the Auction Store of Taylor and Brown, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 8th day of February next.
CHARLES SMITH, Executor of Christopher Smith, dec'd. Smith Hill, Louisa, January 28. (2t 1wp.)
NOTICE. To purchasers of warrants at the sale made at Louisa court house, in December 1804, by the subscriber as executor of Christopher Smith dec'd. THAT their bonds become due on the tenth day of next month (February) that the subscriber will attend at Louisa court house, on the eighth and ninth day of next month, for the purpose of receiving the money due, between this and then he may be seen at Smith Hill in Louisa. Those who fail to make payment at said time will certainly be interested on their bonds, returnable to the spring quarterly or di-annual course. As he is determined to close his administration as soon as possible. CHARLES SMITH, Executor of Christopher Smith, dec'd. Smith Hill, Louisa, January 28. (2t 1wp.)
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD. FOR apprehending and delivering to the subscriber, or securing in jail, so that I get him again, a negro man, by name, SHADRACK, who absconded from me the 27th of the 1st month; he is about 30 years of age, of a tawny complexion, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, and well made, has lost two fore-teeth of the under jaw, has a long face with a very high forehead, has at times (when spoken to) an impediment in his speech and a smile on the countenance—no certain description of his dress can be given, as he has a variety of clothes and those of different kinds and colours. This fellow is shrewd, sensible and ingenious, who understands shoemaking, sawing, the carpenter's and cooper's trade. RICHARD NUTT. Northumberland County, Jan. 28.—to & th. 8tp.
GENERAL OFFICE OF INSURANCE, JANUARY 8th, 1806. THE general meeting of the Mutual Insurance Company against Fire on Crops and Farming Stock, in the State of Virginia, which took place this day agreeably to notice previously given, in the public papers, was too thin to authorise any proceedings, as to the general concerns of the company. The meeting was therefore adjourned until 10 o'clock in the morning of Tuesday the fourth day of next month. As the affairs of the company are in such a state as to require immediate attention, and as most of the members are now liable to incur all the disadvantages of the institution, without a possibility of being, in any degree, benefited by it, should any accident occur to them, it is earnestly hoped, as a matter of the first consequence to their individual interests, that they will be present in attending the said meeting, either personally or by proxy. W. B. FITZWYLLSONN, P. A. Richmond, January 28th. tnd.
THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER in the city of Richmond, and will transact business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interests. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission. His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. CARTER B. PAGE. December 34.
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY
9th REQUISITION. THE shareholders of said company, are hereby required to pay into the hands of James Brander, treasurer, the additional sum of ten Dollars, on each share, on or before the 8th day of February next.
Delinquent shares on former Requisitions. NOTICE is hereby given, that all shares upon which there shall appear to be due delinquencies of former requisitions, will be offered for sale at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the 11th day of February next, at 12 o'clock in the forenoon. By order of the Directors. JAMES BRANDER, Clerk. Dec 27. f&c 11th E.
SLAVES FOR SALE. ON Monday the 10th day of February next, at Hanover Town, will be exposed for sale, five or six likely SLAVES, to the highest bidder, for ready money. January 16. ep1df.
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION.
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next ensuing. THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chitwell's Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied. That purchase was made on the 30th day of February 1793, for the sum of £6,503, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate. The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary. The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 8th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802. Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the uses in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; in which payment a conveyance or conveyances will be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by JOHN WICKHAM, } Commissioners JOHN WARDEN, } of the WILLIAM HAY, } court. Jan. 21. 8w.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half-acre of ground well enclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the abovenamed banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half percent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditor's office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (ep1 May.)
NOTICE.
Pursuant to the last will and testament of Philip Gooch, dec'd. late of Amherst county, will be exposed to sale— A Valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the said county, on the main road leading from Lynchburg to New-Glasgow, within 3 miles of the latter and 18 of the former place; containing by estimation, four hundred and seven and one half acres, to be the same more or less—To Be Sold to the highest bidder, for one third of the value in ready money, to be paid on or before the first day of January, 1807, at which time a title will be made and possession given. The balance of the purchase money, to be paid in four equal annual payments. To secure the payment of which, with interest from the date of each, bond with good security, and a mortgage upon the premises will be required from the purchaser or purchasers. The interest to be remitted in either case upon partial payment being made. It is thought useful to say more of this Tract of Lands, than that it is very valuable, and will worthy the attention of any person inclined to purchase property of the kind (being in a very agreeable and well-neighborhood) as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with previous notice to view the premises, which will be shown at any time by application to either of the subscribers, living in the neighbourhood thereof. The sale of the said Tract of Land as above described, and upon the terms, abovenmentioned, will certainly take place on the third Monday in March next; being court day of the said county, will which time the executors will treat privately with any person disposed to purchase upon the same conditions. WM. B. GOOCH, ROBERT WALKER, } Executors. Jan. 30. Th3wp.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
PROPOSITIONS will be received by the executive for the purchase of eight condemned negroes, reprieved for transportation under the act "to empower the governor to transport negroes condemned, when it shall be deemed expedient."
Dec. 31.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
A POINTER DOG.
Lost from this city, about the 20th of last month: A small compact handsome Dog, thickly speckled, with brown colour, particularly his legs, which are much darker than his body; the ends of both ears are frayed and he is supposed to be a Pointer. He has a brass collar with the name of NERO on it, and probably fleeces marks on his throat occasioned by its friction.
Tis supposed the dog has been in possession of different people, and has at length fallen into the hands of a gentleman—if so, any person who may be deputed, or any other individual whatsoever, who will bring him to the editor of this or any other newspaper in Richmond, shall receive Five Dollars reward, together with reasonable expenses, even if a man and horse are employed in bringing him, and no question will be asked. Should the dog have been stolen, any person who may be capable of giving such information and evidence, as will bring the thief to the penitentiary or shipping port (be the dog dead or alive) shall receive FIVE GUINEAS. The Editor chooses himself answerable for the above rewards. January 18. epf.
TO BE RENTED.
A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half-acre of ground well enclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY.
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorize some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight. The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the abovenamed banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half percent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will include duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditor's office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (ep1 May.)
NOTICE.
Pursuant to the last will and testament of Philip Gooch, dec'd. late of Amherst county, will be exposed to sale— A Valuable TRACT OF LAND, lying in the said county, on the main road leading from Lynchburg to New-Glasgow, within 3 miles of the latter and 18 of the former place; containing by estimation, four hundred and seven and one half acres, to be the same more or less—To Be Sold to the highest bidder, for one third of the value in ready money, to be paid on or before the first day of January, 1807, at which time a title will be made and possession given. The balance of the purchase money, to be paid in four equal annual payments. To secure the payment of which, with interest from the date of each, bond with good security, and a mortgage upon the premises will be required from the purchaser or purchasers. The interest to be remitted in either case upon partial payment being made. It is thought useful to say more of this Tract of Lands, than that it is very valuable, and will worthy the attention of any person inclined to purchase property of the kind (being in a very agreeable and well-neighborhood) as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with previous notice to view the premises, which will be shown at any time by application to either of the subscribers, living in the neighbourhood thereof. The sale of the said Tract of Land as above described, and upon the terms, abovenmentioned, will certainly take place on the third Monday in March next; being court day of the said county, will which time the executors will treat privately with any person disposed to purchase upon the same conditions. WM. B. GOOCH, ROBERT WALKER, } Executors. Jan. 30. Th3wp.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
NOTICE.
THE subscriber wishes to sell two WAGGONS & TEAMS, one of six horses, waggon and gears, and the necessary appendages; the other six mules, waggon, gear, &c. Both have been used in hauling coal, and judging by the quantity hauled last year, are capable of doing as much as any others employed. On receiving a part of the money a credit will be allowed for the balance. A purchaser can be accommodated with an extra mule, or horse to each team, and may have in his power to employ both drivers at a moderate hire, for a part, or for the residue of the year, as may be agreed on. I would also sell a mare, and a valuable mule, both well suited to the purposes of a plantation; the mule is perhaps as large as any in the state. JAMES BRANDER. Manchester, January 21. (18th 3w)
By Authority.
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Making an additional appropriation to supply the deficiency in the appropriation for the naval service, during the year one thousand eight hundred and five.

tee of the whole, and took a general view of the state of our country, a spirit of accommodation would have discovered itself, that forgetting all party or local distinction we should have united our efforts in support of our violated rights, of our plundered property, of our degraded citizens—nor did I doubt, nor do I now, that with this disposition the wisdom of Congress was adequate to all their purposes; to support the peace, interest and honor of our country. Mr. CLINTON. It must strike every member of the House that the sum contemplated to be appropriated by the resolution to the protection of our ports and harbors, is altogether inadequate. I did not expect that we should be called upon at this time to take this subject into consideration, and I am not, therefore, prepared to go into the necessary details upon it; but I believe the proposed sum will go but a small way to fortify even the port of New-York alone. I believe the fortification of our ports and harbors is an object of the very first importance, which has excited the sensibility of our countrymen from one end of the continent to the other. The attention of Congress has been particularly called to the defenceless and unprotected state of the port of New-York, on which two memorials have been presented, one from the merchants of the city of New-York, and the other from the corporation. I do not wish to be understood as calling any reflection on the opinion of the Secretary of war, or on the respectable committee who have made this report. But before I give a vote on the subject, I wish it could be enquired into more particularly. I could with that we had previously a statement of the situation of the harbors, and of the sum necessary to protect each port. Before we have this statement, it is impossible for us to decide whether the proposed sum of 150,000 dollars will be competent. I would rather not appropriate a cent than agree to such a sum as would be a burlesque on the subject. (To be continued.)
Domestic Intelligence.
To the editors of the Federal Gazette.
A friend in Washington has furnished me with the inclosed translations of diplomatic papers now in circulation at that city, with liberty of giving them publicity here; you may, if agreeable, insert them in your useful paper.
A SUBSCRIBER. Baltimore, 23d January, 1806.
A translation from the French, of the Marquis de Casa Yrujo's circular, addressed to the different foreign ministers accredited near the United States. Philadelphia, January 21, 1806.
SIR, The want of correctness which appears to prevail throughout the article, relative to Spain, of the message which the president of the United States sent to congress on the 6th of said month, compelled me to transcribe the note of which I have the honor of inclosing to you a translated copy. The extreme publicity given to said message, as well as to the documents relative to the above-mentioned article, sent to congress some time after, caused me to hope that government, from the ostensible purity of its intentions, would also have published my note, as its publication would have tended to present the affairs in question under their true point of view. I have been waiting in silence for more than forty days in expectation of this act of justice, but I have waited for it in vain; and as no hopes any longer remain of seeing it verified, I have thought it my duty to transmit you a copy of this document, for the information of your court, with the object that whatever may have been the light under which the president of the United States may have thought proper to present the conduct of Spain, it may be known that the king my master, in his political relations with the United States, has always manifested that good faith, so well known, which is the true character of his government, acting towards them always with justice, and very often with generosity.
Accept, Sir, the sentiments of high consideration, with which I have the honor to be, your most obedient humble servant, (Signed)
THE MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO.
P. S. I authorize you, Sir, to give copies not only of my note, but even of the present letter.
[TRANSLATION]
Philadelphia, 6th December, 1805.
SIR, The zeal with which I have endeavored to preserve the harmony and good understanding betwixt Spain and the United States, has caused me to read with particular regret the article of the president's message, sent to congress the 6th inst. respecting the political relations betwixt the U. States, and the king my master. As in the exposition to which I allude, there exists in my opinion, several mistakes of a delicate and important tendency, although I render to the president due justice in regard to the motives which may have caused this apparent want of correctness, yet my character imposes on me the task of entering into an examination of some of his assertions, and of demonstrating that either from the want of exact information or owing to defective translations, they appear in some cases not altogether correct.
In the article of the president's message relative to Spain after mentioning that the negotiations for the settlement of the existing differences had not had a satisfactory issue, he says, "Violations during the former war for which she had formerly acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them. Yet the same practices are renewed with them. Yet the same practices are renewed with them. Yet the same practices are renewed with them. It is very well known that in a state of war, there exists and will probably ever exist, a certain abuse of force, confined to belligerent hands. Even the U. States themselves have not been an exception to this general rule, and during the flourishing of hostilities with France, in the year 1798, notwithstanding no privateers were armed and that their protecting forces consisted only of a small number of frigates, neutrals experienced from them many injuries, well authenticated by the numerous claims on this government by the injured powers, principally on the part of Denmark and Sweden."
Probably there might have existed last war some abuse of this nature, although very rare, on the part of the royal navy of Spain; but the king, my master, animated by that love of justice, which characterises him, authorises his principle secretary of state to sign a convention with the American minister near his person, in which were stipulated reciprocal compensations for the damages and injuries their respective subjects and citizens might have sustained from officers, or individuals of either, contrary to the right and laws of nations. This stipulation, similar to that of the same nature in the treaty of friendship, navigation and limits, concluded in 1795, and scrupulously complied with by my sovereign, would now have had the same effect by the ratification of the convention, had not an article been inserted therein tending to impose on Spain the obligation of a responsibility both detrimental and important in its result, as well as unsupported by reason and justice under existing circumstances. My court has in a direct manner, as well as through me, repeatedly manifested to the American government its readiness to carry the said stipulation into effect, whenever the article in the same convention relative to the above mentioned responsibility, should either be suppressed or altered in a manner more conformable to justice, and has been so far from refusing to satisfy said compensations on account of other claims, in no wise connected with them, that it was precisely because they are connected that the said convention has not been entered into. It was, as was and still is the will of the king my master.
It is true that the two subjects by their nature are not connected with each other in themselves, but it is
also true, that this connection is very great, when we consider that an endeavor is made to form out of these two things, distinct in themselves, component parts of the same whole; thereby, placing the king, my master, under the disagreeable dilemma of either refusing to ratify a stipulation which he conceives to be just, and therefore wishes to fulfil, or else of taking on himself a responsibility, more or less direct, in favor of the United States to which, it is well proved they have no right to pretend. In regard to what concerns the new stipulations, I can assure you, Sir, few are those that can strictly merit this denomination on the part of Spanish vessels, as many of the captures, which so frequently figure on the American papers, arise either from acts of contraband, or from a want of having on board the documents required by the treaty of 1795, or even from other circumstances which the captains and owners of said prizes will take care to conceal; besides, on this head, the citizens of the United States would receive that justice which they have already experienced on the same subject, in virtue of the treaty of 1795. I cannot but observe, that although I had the honor of communicating to you, Sir, two months ago, that the British injunctions had been given by the king, my master, not to interrupt the navigation of American citizens, when employed in lawful trade, no mention is made by the President of this circumstance, as highly important in its effects towards the American commerce, as it is necessary to demonstrate his just and pacific intentions.
Without any view to recrimination, I find it necessary to observe, that although the violations of the rights of neutrals are infinitely more frequent and extensive on the part of England, whose vessels the royal navy have almost continually blockaded the ports of the United States, and what is more, when this power daily establishes new principles on the rights of neutrals, which in reality tend to undermine and annihilate them—the name of Great-Britain is no where to be found in the columns of the president's message.
These circumstances in themselves would not authorise any animadversions on my part, were it not for a most essential one which immediately affects the interests of the king, my master—I allude to the many thousand American sailors violently forced from the shelter of the flag which ought to protect them, and compelled to fight on board of British ships of war, against the subjects of the king, my master. I cannot but call the attention of the government of the United States towards such a conduct, that in their wisdom, they may adopt the necessary measures to correct an abuse, which at the same time that it violates their neutrality is extremely prejudicial to Spain.
The president adds, "On the Mobile, our commerce passing through that river continues to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches." Although this assertion is not verified by any observation whatever, which might cause it to be viewed as a national offence, I must observe, that according to my information, the duties on imports and exports are very moderate, only 6 per cent. and every power has a right to regulate as they please these objects within the boundaries of their jurisdiction, and that this exercise of sovereignty is practised by the American government at Fort Stoddert; that is, within their lines, without any pretension on the part of Spain to interfere in their regulations. But even admitting it may be troublesome, it never surely can be pretended as a national offence.
He afterwards says—"Propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to." This assertion is not strictly correct; for it is, and always has been, the wish as well as the intention of Spain, to adjust amicably the limits of Louisiana; but however friendly (amicably) may have been her disposition towards it, she cannot sacrifice thereto either the dignity or rights of her crown; so that it was not, as the president supposes, owing to the want of a desire of adjusting amicably, that this business was not concluded; but rather from the nature of the proposals, which were in themselves inadmissible. The paragraph continues—"While the right is unsettled, we have avoided to change the state of things, by taking new posts, or strengthening ourselves in the disputed territories, in the hope that the other power would not, by a contrary conduct, oblige us to meet their example, and endanger a conflict of authority, the issue of which may not easily be controlled; but in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confidence. In truth, I cannot comprehend what the president can call unsettled right; and still less, if he wishes to apply it to that part of W. Florida comprehended within the Mississippi, Iberville, the lakes, and the river Perdido. The right of this territory cannot be considered as unsettled; for independent of that right arising from actual possession and from the treaty of re-trocession of Louisiana to France, there is another conclusive circumstance, well known to the American government, which ought and must dissipate every doubt, if any could ever exist on this subject. The most distinguished civilians agree, that the true interpreters of a treaty, doubtful in any of its clauses or expressions, are the contracting parties themselves, when this can be obtained. Spain and France who were the contracting parties in the treaty of retrocession, on which is founded the title, of the 30th of April, from whence the pretensions of the American government emanate, have explained it in the manner already known to you, Sir, namely that it was not the intention of Spain to cede to France more than that she had received from her, as the title and word retrocession made use of therein, clearly imply; and that France never would have pretended or hoped to obtain one inch of land east of the Mississippi, Iberville and the lakes. The true intention of the contracting parties being thus expressly manifested, I shall content myself by copying a single paragraph from Vattel, among many other similar ones which I could produce from other civilians, in support of the rights of the king, my master, on this subject. In paragraph 274 of "The Interpretation of Treaties," Vattel says—"When we manifestly see what is the sense it is not permitted to turn their words to a contrary meaning. The intention sufficiently known furnishes the true master of the convention, of what is promised and accepted, demanded and granted. To violate the treaty, is to go contrary to the intention sufficiently manifested, rather than against the terms in which it is conceived; for the terms are nothing without the intentions throughout to dictate them." According to this, the position taken by the president, in the said paragraph of his message, that the right (no doubt alluding to the territorial right) was doubtful or unsettled, is inadmissible, and of course all the inductions and consequences he draws from this supposition, fall completely to the ground.
Besides, whatever alteration or change might have taken place in the territories of his Catholic majesty could never have been, as I have had the honor to inform you, Sir, but the effects of a new plan of frontiers, which the retrocession of Louisiana would of course render necessary; or else it might proceed from the circumstance of Spain's being engaged in war with England; but never with a view to disturb the peace and good understanding betwixt Spain and the United States.
The president continues saying, "Inroads have recently been made into the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi; our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very parts of the former, which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that government."
Although I have not on this subject more information than that received thro' the American newspapers, whose accounts cannot be supposed very impartial, nevertheless supposing them correct in all their extent, from those I have read it is neither proven, nor do I think it possible to believe, that the officers and soldiers of the king, my master, have crossed the American line, to commit within the jurisdiction of the United States, the pretended insults. The first example of these inroads was given by several American citizens, who in August, 1803, penetrated through the territory of Baton Rouge, and aided by the brother Kemper, and other malcontents of the Spanish side, made an attempt to surprise, and render themselves masters of the fort of Baton Rouge, and actually arrested some magistrates and other persons of note. On this subject I had the honor of speaking and writing
to you Sir, in due time, but I am hitherto without the least answer. If the seizing of American citizens (for our citizens have been seized) has any reference to the arrest of the Kemper, I must in the first place declare that according to my late information, these Kemper are not American citizens, because when they settled themselves in the Spanish territory, they became subjects of the king, and of course had lost their rights as American citizens; and in the second, that the arrest of these persons, according to a letter from Natchez, of the 8th October last, published in the United States Gazette, of Philadelphia, was effected by negroes, mulattoes and American citizens, who, no doubt, expected some recompence, delivered them within the Spanish line, from whence it appears, some Spanish soldiers took charge of to conduct them to Baton Rouge. It is true, that it has also been said, that a part of a company of cavalry commanded by a certain capt. Jones, had entered another part of the line and had conducted themselves in a violent and improper manner, towards two families; but should this account be true, I can assure you, Sir, that the government of the U. States shall receive due satisfaction from Spain, the reputation of whose government is too well established, to believe it can in any manner be privy to, or approve of acts, as far beneath its character, as they are supposed to be. Incidents of this nature often happen on the frontiers of every country, and they naturally deserve attention when they receive the sanction of the government of the aggressors, or when in such cases, due satisfaction is refused.
I have gone over, step by step, the article of the president's message, which relates to Spain, and I have endeavored to present with candor and truth, altho' in a cursory manner, whatever may give correct ideas on its nature and tendency. Having fulfilled this duty incumbent on my situation, permit me to offer you, Sir, the sentiments of high consideration, with which I have the honor to be, EL MARQUIS DE CASA YRUJO. JAMES MADISON, Esq.
* Note.—It is necessary to remark that the navigation of the Mobile, which appears to furnish the president a matter of complaint, is enjoyed by the Americans, in consequence of a gracious indulgence on the part of Spain; as no right does yet exist, to navigate the waters of that river within the boundaries of Spain, who holds exclusively that right grounded on sovereign possession, on the opinions of the most celebrated civilians, and supported by the very principles established by the American government, through the prize Grange, taken on the waters of the Delaware. After this, it is necessary to confess, that the animadversions of the president upon this head are as unjust as they are impolitic.
Retrocession by the minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the British government. [Accompanying a message of the President.]
GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE, No. 12, September 23, 1805.
MY LORD, I flattered myself, from what passed in our last interview, that I should have been honored, before this, with an answer from your lordship, to my letters, respecting the late seizure of American vessels. I understood it to be agreed, that the discussion which then took place, should be considered as informal, as explanatory only of the ideas which we might respectively entertain on the subject, and that your lordship would afterwards give me such a reply to my letters, respecting that measure, as his majesty's government might desire to have ed States. In consequence, I have since waited with anxiety such a communication, in the daily expectation of receiving it. It is far from being my desire to give your lordship any trouble in this business, which I can avoid, as the time which has since elapsed sufficiently shews. But the great importance of the subject, which indeed become more so, by the continuance of the same policy, and the frequency of seizures which are still made of American vessels, place me in a situation of peculiar responsibility. My government will expect of me correct information on this point, in all its views, and I am very desirous of complying with its just expectation. I must, therefore, again request that your lordship will be so good as to enable me to make such a representation to my government, of that measure, as his majesty's government may think proper to give.
I am sorry to add, that the longer I have reflected on the subject, the more confirmed I have been in the objections to the measure. If we examine it in reference to the law of nations, it appears to me to be repugnant to every principle of that law; if by the understanding, or as it may be more properly called, the agreement of our governments, respecting the commerce in question, I consider it equally repugnant to the principles of that agreement. In both these views your lordship will permit me to make some additional remarks on the subject.
By the law of nations, as settled by the most approved writers, no other restraint is acknowledged on the trade of neutral nations, which those at war, than that it be impartial between the latter; that it shall not extend to articles which are deemed contraband of war; nor to the transportation of persons in military service; nor to places actually blockaded or besieged. Every other commerce of a neutral power; and every other restraint on it to either of the belligerents by the other, an unlawful restraint.
The list of contraband is well defined, as are also the circumstances which constitute a blockade. The best authorities have united in confining the first to such articles as are used in war, and are applicable to military purposes; and requiring, to constitute the latter, the disposition of such a force, consisting of stationary ships, so near the port, by the power which attacks it, as to make it dangerous for the vessel of a neutral power to enter it. The late treaty between Great Britain and Russia, defining these circumstances as necessary to constitute a blockade, and it is believed that it was never viewed before in a light more favorable to the invading power.
The vessels condemned were engaged in a commerce between the U. S. and some port in Europe, or between those states and the West India Islands, belonging to an enemy of Great Britain. In the European voyage the cargo consisted of the productions of the colonies; in the voyage to the West Indies, it consisted of the goods of the power to which the colony belonged, and to which the ship was destined. The ship and cargo in every case, were the property of American citizens, and the cargo had been landed and the duty on it paid in the U. S. It was decided that these voyages were continued, and the vessels and cargoes were condemned on the principle that the commerce was illegal. I beg to refer more especially in this statement to the case of the Effex, and appeal from the judgment of the vice admiralty court, at New-Providence, in which the lords commissioners of appeals in confirming that judgement, established this doctrine.
It requires but a slight view of the subject to be satisfied that these condemnations are incompatible with the law of nations as above stated. None of the cases have involved a question of contraband, of blockade, or of any other kind that was ever contested till of late, in favor of a belligerent against a neutral power. It is not
on any principle, that it is applicable to any such case, that the measure can be defended. On what principle then is it supported by G. Britain? What is the nature and extent of her doctrine? What are the circumstances which recommend the arguments which support it? For information on these points we cannot refer to the well known writers on the law of nations; no illustration can be obtained from them of a doctrine which they never heard of. We must look for it to an authority more modern; to one which, however respectable for the learning and professional abilities of the judge who presides, is, nevertheless, one which, from many considerations, is not obligatory on other powers. In a report of the decisions of the court of admiralty of this kingdom, we find a notice of a series of orders issued by the government, of different dates and imports, which have regulated this business. The first of these bears date on the 6th of November, 1793; the second on the 8th of January, 1794; the third on the 25th January, 1798. Other orders have been issued since the commencement of the present war. It is these orders which have authorised the seizures that were made, at different times, at different times, in the course of the last war, and were lately made by British cruisers of the vessels of the United States. They too form the law which has governed the courts in the decisions on the several cases which have arisen under those seizures. The first of these orders prohibits altogether every species of commerce between neutral countries and enemies colonies, and between neutral and other countries, in the productions of those colonies; the second and subsequent orders modify it in various forms. The doctrine, however, in every decision, is the same; it is contended in each, that the character and just extent of the principle is to be found in the first order, and that every departure from it since, has been a relaxation of the principle, not claimed of right by neutral powers, but conceded in their favor gratuitously by G. Britain.
In support of these orders it is urged, that as the colonial trade is a system of monopoly to the parent country in time of peace, neutral powers have no right to participate in it in time of war, although they be permitted to do so by the parent country; that a belligerent has a right to interdict them from such a commerce. It is on this system of internal restraint, this regulation of colonial trade, by the powers having colonies, that a new principle of the law of nations is attempted to be founded: one which seeks to discriminate in respect to the commerce of neutral powers, with a belligerent, between different parts of the territory of the same power, and likewise subverts many other principles of great importance, which have heretofore been held sacred among nations. It is believed that so important a superstructure was never raised on so slight a foundation. Permit me to ask, does it follow, because the parent country monopolises in peace the whole commerce of its colonies, that in war it should have no right to regulate it at all? That on the contrary it should be constructed to transfer, in equal extent, a right to its enemy, to the prejudice of the parent country, of the colonies, and of neutral powers? If this doctrine was found, it would certainly institute a new and singular mode of acquiring and losing rights; one which would be highly advantageous to one party, while it was equally injurious to the other. To the colonies, more especially, it would prove peculiarly onerous and oppressive. It is known that they are essentially dependent for their existence, on supplies from other countries, especially the United States of America, who being in their neighborhood, have the means of furnishing them with greatest certainty, and on the best terms. Is it not sufficient that they be subjected to that restraint in peace, when the evils attending it, by the occasional interference of the parent country, may be, and are frequently repaired? Is it consistent with justice or humanity, that it should be converted into a principle, in favor of an enemy, inexorable of course, but otherwise without the means of listening to their complaints, not for their distress or oppression only, but for their extermination? But there are other insuperable objections to this doctrine. Are not the colonies of every country a part of its domain, and do they not continue to be so until they are severed from it by conquest? Is not the power to regulate commerce incident to the sovereignty, and is it not co-extensive over the whole territory which any government possesses? Can one belligerent acquire any right to the territory of another, but by conquest? And can any rights which appertain thereto, be otherwise defeated or curtailed in war? In whatever light, therefore, the subject is viewed, it appears to me evident that this doctrine cannot be supported. No distinction, founded in reason, can be taken between the different parts of the territory of the same power to justify it. The separation of one portion from another by the sea, gives lawfully to the belligerent which is superior on that element, a vast ascendancy in all the concerns on which the success of the war, or the relative prosperity of their respective dominions, may in any degree depend. It opens to such power ample means for its own aggrandizement, and for the harassment and distress of its adversary. With this it should be satisfied. But neither can that circumstance, nor can any of internal arrangement, which any power may adopt for the government of its dominions, be construed to give to its enemy any other advantage over it. They certainly do not justify the doctrine in question, which asserts, that the law of nations varies in its application to different portions of the territory of the same power; that it operates in one mode, in respect to one, and in another, or even not at all, in respect to another; that the rights of humanity, of neutral powers, and all other rights, are to sink before it.
It is further urged that neutral powers ought not to complain of this restraint, because they stand under it, on the same ground, with respect to that commerce, which they held in time of peace. But this fact, if true, gives no support to the pretension. The claim involves a question of right, not of interest. If the neutral powers have a right in war to such commerce with the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, as the parent states respectively allowed, they ought not to be deprived of it by her, nor can its just claims be satisfied by any compromise of the kind alluded to. For this argument to have the weight which it is intended to give to the commerce of the neutral powers with those colonies should be placed and preserved through the war, in the same state, as if it had not occurred. Great Britain should in respect to them take the place of the parent country, and do every thing which the latter would have done, had there been no war. To discharge that duty, it would be necessary for her to establish such a police over the colony, as to be able to examine the circumstances attending it annually, to ascertain whether the crops were abundant, supplies from other quarters had failed, and eventually to decide whether under such circumstances the parent country would have opened the ports to neutral powers. But these officers cannot be performed by any power which is not in possession of the colony; that can only be obtained by conquest, in which case, the victor would of course have a right to regulate its trade as it thought fit.
It is also said, that neutral powers have no right to profit of the advantages which are gained in war, by the arms of Great Britain. This argument has even less weight than the other. It does not, in truth, apply at all to the question. Neutral powers do not claim a right, as already observed, to any commerce with the colonies which Great Britain may have conquered of her enemies, otherwise than on the conditions which she imposes. The point in question turns on the commerce which they are entitled to with the colonies which she has not conquered, but still remain subject to the dominion of the parent country. With such it is contended, for reasons that have been already given, that neutral powers have a right to enjoy all the advantages in trade which the parent country allows them: a right of which the mere circumstance of war cannot deprive them. If Great Britain had a right to prohibit that commerce, it existed before the war began, and of course before she had gained any advantage over her enemies. If it did not then exist, it certainly does not at the present time. Rights of the kind in question, cannot depend on the fortune of war, or other contingencies. The law which regulates them is inviolable, until it be changed by the competent authority. It forms a rule equally between belligerent powers, and between neutral and belligerent, which is dictated by reason and sanctioned by the usage and consent of nations.
The foregoing considerations have, it is presumed, proved that the claim of G. B. to prohibit the commerce of neutral powers in the manner proposed, is repugnant to the law of nations. If, however, any doubt remained on that point other considerations which may be urged cannot fail to remove it. The number of orders of different imports which have been issued by government, to regulate the seizure of neutral vessels is a proof that there is no established law for the purpose. And the frictions with which the courts have followed those orders, through their various modifications, is equally a proof that there is no other authority for the government of their decisions. If the order of the 6th of November, 1793 1793, contained the true doctrine of the law of nations, there would have been no occasion for those which followed, nor is it probable that they would have been issued; indeed if that order had been in conformity with that law, there would have been no occasion for it. As in the cases of blockade and contraband, the law would have been well known without an order, especially one so very descriptive; the interest of the cruisers, which is always sufficiently active would have prompted them to make the seizures, and the opinions of eminent writers, which in that case would not have been wanting, would have furnished the courts the best authority for their decisions.
I shall now proceed to shew that the decisions complained of are contrary to the understanding, or what, perhaps, may more properly be called an agreement of the two governments, on the subject. By the order of the 6th Nov. 1793, some hundreds of American vessels were seized, carried into port and condemned. Those seizures and condemnations, became the subject of an immediate negotiation between the two nations, which terminated in a treaty, by which it was agreed to submit the whole subject to commissioners, who should be invested with full power, to settle the controversy which had thus arisen. That stipulation was carried into complete effect; commissioners were appointed, who examined laboriously and fully, all the cases of seizure and condemnation which had taken place, and finally decided on the same, in which decisions they condemned the principle of the order and awarded compensation to those who had suffered under it. Those awards have been since fairly and honorably discharged by G. B. It merits particular attention that a part of the 12th article of that treaty, referred expressly to the point in question, and that it was on the solemn deliberation of each government, by their mutual consent, expunged from it. It seems therefore to be impossible to contend that that transaction, under all the circumstances attending it, in any other light than as a fair and amicable adjustment of the question between the parties; one which authorised the just expectation, that it would never have become again a cause of complaint between them. The terms of both was expressed on it in a manner too marked and explicit, to admit of a different conclusion. The subject too was of a nature that when once settled ought to be considered as settled forever. It is not like questions of commerce between two powers, which affect their internal concerns, and depend, of course, on the internal regulations of each. When these latter are arranged by treaty, the rights which accrue to each party under it, in the interior of the other, cease when the treaty expires. Each has a right afterwards to decide for itself in what manner that concern shall be regulated in future, and in that decision to consult solely its interest. But the present topic is of a very different character. It involves no question of commerce or other internal concern between the two nations. It respects the commerce only, which either may have with the enemies of the other, in time of war. It involves, therefore, only a question of right, under the law of nations, which in its nature cannot fluctuate. It is proper to add, that the conclusion above mentioned, was further supported, by the important fact, that until the late decree, in the case of the Effex, not one American vessel, engaged in this commerce, had been condemned on this doctrine; that several which were met in the channel, by the British cruisers, were permitted, after an examination of their papers, to pursue their voyage. This circumstance justified the opinion, that commerce was deemed a lawful one by G. B.
There is another ground, on which the late seizures and condemnations are considered as highly objectionable, and to furnish just cause of complaint to the U. S. Until the final report of the commissioners under the 7th article of the treaty of 1794, which was not made until last year, it is admitted that their arbitration was not obligatory on the parties, in the sense in which it is now contended to be. Every intermediate declaration, however, by G. B. of her sense on the subject, must be considered as binding on her, as it laid the foundation of commercial enterprises, which were thought to be secure while within that limit. Your lordship will permit me to refer you to several examples of this kind, which were equally formal and official, in which the sense of his majesty's government was declared very differently from what it has been in the late condemnations. In Robinson's reports, vol. 2, page 368, (case the Polly, Laity, master) it seems to have been clearly established by the learned judge of the court of admiralty, that an American has a right to import the produce of an enemy's colony into the U. S. and to send it on afterwards to the general commerce of Europe; and that the landing the goods, & paying the duties in the U. S. should preclude all further question relative to the voyage. The terms "for his own use," which are to be found in the report, are obviously intended to affect the claim only that the property shall be American, and not that of an enemy; by admitting the right to land on the produce after

to the general commerce of Europe, it is not possible that those terms should convey any other idea. A bona fide importation is also held by the judge to be satisfied by the landing of the goods and paying the duties. This therefore is, I think, the true import of that decision. The doctrine is again laid down in still more explicit terms by the government itself, in a correspondence between lord Hawkesbury and my predecessor, Mr. King. The case was precisely similar to those which have been lately before the court. Mr. King complained in a letter of March 18, 1801, that the cargo of an American vessel going from the U. S. to a Spanish colony had been condemned by the vice-admiralty court of Nassau, on the ground that it was of the growth of Spain, which decision he contended was contrary to the law of nations, and requested that suitable instructions might be dispatched to the proper officers in the West-Indies, to prevent like abuses in future. Lord Hawkesbury in a reply of April 11th, communicated the report of the king's advocate general, in which it is expressly stated that the produce of an enemy may be imported by a neutral into his own country and re-exported thence to the mother country; and in like manner in that circuitous mode, that the produce and manufactures of the mother country might find their way to its colonies; that the landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country, broke the continuity of the voyage, and legalized the trade, although the goods were re-shipped in the same vessel, on account of the same neutral proprietor, and forwarded for sale to the mother country of the colony. It merits attention in this report, (so clearly and positively is the doctrine laid down, that the landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country broke the continuity of the voyage) that it is stated as a doubtful point whether the mere touching in the neutral country to obtain fresh clearances will be considered in the light of the direct trade; that no positive inhibition is insisted on any but the direct trade between the mother country and the colonies. This doctrine in the light herein stated, is also to be found in the treaty between Great Britain and Russia, June 17, 1801. By the 2d section of the 3d article, the commerce of neutrals in the productions or manufactures of the enemies of Great Britain, which have become the property of the neutral, is declared to be free; that section was afterwards explained by a declaratory article of October 20 of the same year, by which it is agreed that it shall not be understood to authorize neutrals to carry the produce or merchandise of an enemy either directly from the colonies to the parent country, or from the parent country to the colonies. In other respects the commerce was left on the footing on which it was placed by that section, perfectly free, except in the direct trade between the colony and the parent country. It is worthy of remark, that as by the reference made in the explanatory article of the treaty with Russia, to the U. S. States of America, it was supposed that those states and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, had a common interest in neutral questions, so it was obviously intended, from the similarity of sentiment which is observable between that treaty as amended, and the report of the advocate general above mentioned, to place all the parties on the same footing. After these acts of the British government, which being official were made public, it was not to be expected that any greater restraint would have been contemplated by it, on that commerce, than they impose, not whether an enquiry would ever have been made, not whether the property with which an American vessel was charged belonged to a citizen of the U. S. or an enemy, but whether it belonged to this or that American; an inquiry which imposes a condition which it is believed that no independent nation, having a just sense of what it owes to its rights or its honor, can ever comply with. Much less was it to be expected that such a restraint would have been thought of after the report of the commissioners above adverted to, which seemed to have placed the rights of the U. S. States incontestibly on a much more liberal, and, as is contended, just footing. It is proper to add, that the decree of the lords commissioners of appeals in the case of the Eliza , produced the same effect as an order from the government would have done. Prior to that decree, from the commencement of the war, the commerce in question was pursued by the citizens of the U. S. States as has been already observed, without molestation. It is probable that till then his majesty's cruisers were induced to forbear a seizure, by the same considerations which induced the American citizens to engage in the commerce, a belief that it was a lawful one. The facts above mentioned were equally before the parties, and it is not surprising that they should have drawn the same conclusion from them. That decree, however, opened a new scene. It certainly gave a signal to the cruisers to commence the seizures which they have not failed to do, as has been sufficiently felt by the citizens of the U. S. States who have suffered under it. According to that information which has been given me, about 50 vessels have been brought into the ports of Great Britain in consequence of it, and there is reason to believe that the same system is pursued in the West-Indies and elsewhere. The measure is the more to be complained of, because Great-Britain had, in permitting the commerce for 2 years, given a sanction to it by her conduct, and nothing had occurred to create a suspicion that her sentiments varied from her conduct. Had that been the case, or had she been disposed to change her conduct in that respect towards the U. S. it might reasonably have been expected that some intimation would have been given of it before the measure was carried into effect. Between powers who are equally desirous of preserving the relations of friendship with each other, notice might in all such cases be expected. But in the present case the obligation to give it seemed to be peculiarly strong. The existence of a negotiation which had been sought on the part of the U. S. States some considerable time before my departure for Spain, for the express purpose of adjusting amicably and fairly all such questions between the two nations, and postponed on that occasion to accommodate the views of his majesty's government, furnished a suitable opportunity for such an intimation, while it could not otherwise than increase the alarm to it. In this communication I have made no comment on the difference which is observable in the import of the several orders which have been regulated, at different times, the seizure of neutral vessels, some of which were more moderate than others. It is proper, however, to remark here, that those which were issued, or even that any had been issued since the commencement of the present war, were circumstances not known till very lately; on principle it is acknowledged, that they are to be viewed in the same light, and that has been my object to examine them by that standard, without going into detail, or marking the shades of difference between them. I have made the examination with that freedom and candor which belong to a subject of very high importance to the U. S.
to prove that all the orders are repugnant to the law of nations, and that the late condemnations which have revived the pretensions on the part of Great-Britain, are not only repugnant to that law, but to the understanding which it was supposed had taken place between the two powers, respecting the commerce in question. I cannot conclude this note without advertizing to the other topics depending between our governments which it is also much wished to adjust at this time. These are well known to your lordship, and it is therefore unnecessary to add anything on them at present. With a view to perpetuate the friendship of the two nations, no unnecessary cause of collision should be left open. Those adverted to, are believed to be of this kind, such as the case of boundary, the impressment of seamen, &c. Since it is presumed there can be no real conflicting interest between them, on those points. The general commercial relation may then be adjusted or postponed as may be most consistent with the views of his majesty's government. On that point also it is believed that it will not be difficult to make such an arrangement as, by giving sufficient scope to the resources, to the industry and the enterprise of the people of both countries, may prove highly and reciprocally advantageous to them. In the topic of impressment, however, the motive is more urgent. In that line the rights of the United States have been so long trampled under foot, and the feelings of humanity, in respect to the sufferers, & the honor of their government, even in their own ports, so often outraged, that the astonished world may begin to doubt, whether the patience with which these injuries have been borne ought to be attributed to generous or unworthy motives: whether the United States merit the rank to which in other respects they are justly entitled among independent powers, or have already, in the very morn of their political career, lost their energy and be some degenerate. The U. S. States are not insensible that their conduct has exposed them to such suspicions, though they well know that they have not merited them. They are aware, from the similarity in the person, the manners, and above all, the identity of the language, which is common to the people of both nations, that the subject is a difficult one; they are equally aware, that to Great Britain also, it is a delicate one, and they have been willing in seeking an arrangement of this important interest, to give a proof by the mode, of their very sincere desire to cherish the relations of friendship with her. I have only to add, that I shall be happy to meet your lordship on these points, as soon as you can make it convenient to you. I have the honor to be, With high consideration, Your lordship's most obedt servt. (Signed) JAMES MONROE.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, 1st FEBRUARY. CALL OF A CONVENTION. House of Delegates, Monday, Jan. 20. Concluded from last Tuesday's paper.
MR. STANARD moved that the Ayes and Noes should be taken. On such an important question, it was proper for the votes of the house to be recorded. MR. RANDOLPH (of Amelia) —Hoped that the motion for postponement would prevail. Had the gentleman from Franklin confined his observations to this question, he would have been in favour of going into a committee of the whole on the resolution for calling a convention, but since he has fully entered into the discussion of its merits, the object for going into a committee is answered, and to do so now, would be an unnecessary waste of time. Our Bill of Rights secures to the majority of the community, an inalienable and unalienable right to reform, alter, or destroy the constitution, when the public weal may require it. No man on this floor estimates more highly (said Mr. R.) than I do, this invaluable privilege. Let us revere it; let us cherish it as the safeguard of our liberties; but let us not abuse it by an unnecessary exercise of it. Founded on this Bill of Rights, distinguished patriots, equally distinguished for their wisdom, formed our present constitution, than which, few, in my opinion, approach nearer perfection. At the period of its institution, when an insupportable tyranny, pathetically described in the preamble, enumerating the various instances of royal misrule, drove to despair the thinly scattered inhabitants of this then widely extended wilderness, the genius of liberty animated its councillors, and by her supported, breasted the storm which hung over them. It was under the influence of this spirit, that the Bill of Rights and our present government were formed, in comparison with which the cold speculations of the theorists must sink into insignificance. As a human institution it must be imperfect; the wisdom of man cannot devise that system of government which will please us all. This, however, has proved salutary in its operation, and experience, the best teacher, speaks loudly in its favour. When the grand desiderata of a government are secured, let us not quibble about minutiae; for government is at best an evil, imposed on us by our vices. Wherefore hazard the experiment? It is a dangerous one; the conflicting opinions of a multitude are not easily reconciled, and dire necessity alone, should induce us to adopt the expedient. He could not perceive the necessity of the measure; we are all equal, we are happy; the liberty of the press, trial by jury, and religion, are secured by the present constitution. Why, then, hazard certain blessings, for those which a new system may produce, but the dangers and consequences of which cannot be foreseen? The right of suffrage, it had been said, ought to be extended, yet it is admitted, that some evidence of attachment ought to be required to give the right, but what that evidence should be, would be a subject of great diversity of opinion. Without advocating the present requisite, he would only observe, that it is at present easily acquired, and equally in the power of us all. There were other objections to the present measure, flowing from the mode which is proposed for calling a convention. It should never be done by our ordinary Legislature. We should be warned by the experience of Pennsylvania. Until the people themselves call for an amendment to the constitution, until they demand a convention to be called, we ought not ourselves to interfere. MR. ROBINSON Heard with admiration and regret the motion to postpone the consideration of this subject. Shall the Legislature devote its whole time to enacting laws the most frivolous and uninteresting, and shrink from the discussion of principles, upon which the liberties and happiness of the people depend? When important questions are brought forward, was it not incumbent upon the house to bestow upon them the most mature and deliberate consideration? Gentlemen have insisted that the constitution requires no a-
mendments. If this is the case, scrutiny need not be feared; examination will only tend to establish the facts. If it is defective, remedies can and ought to be applied. Do they suppose that society is to be always stationary, and that the science of government is never to be progressive? When the present constitution was formed, the theory of politics was in its infancy. We had not the advantages of experience, and the American mind was still tainted with prejudices imbibed from a government, hostile to the principles of democracy. Are we then altogether certain that men had at that time arrived at the true principles of representative government? We say, that the people have a right and are competent to govern themselves. If this is denied, republican government here is a word without meaning. I do not see then, how any man can call himself a republican, who fears to trust the people with sovereignty, or who refuses to allow them to retouch the principles of their political fabric. For my own part, I have no objection to their remodelling the constitution, whenever they may deem it expedient, and so far from avoiding investigation, should consider it an admirable trait in a government, which should enjoy a full, free and frequent discussion of the principles upon which it was established. Most of the objections urged against the present constitution meet my concurrence. Indeed it seems to me to have been framed in direct violation of all the political truths, contained in the Bill of Rights. I can scarcely admit, and posterity will never believe that the men who drafted the one, established the other. The very principles too, against which we were fighting, were with daring effrontery engrafted on that instrument. We complained that we were taxed without being represented. Virginia called upon her sons to gird on their armour and oppose this iniquitous principle. The people obeyed her call; they fought and triumphed over her foes: Yet did the framers of this constitution with an ingratitude the most flagrant, apply the same doctrine to the very men, who had been called upon to oppose it. Yes! against the very men who had fought for the principle of equal rights, was this doctrine of inequality exerted. Shall the soldier of the revolution be told when coming to the poll, that he has no vote, because he has not 50 acres of land? He points to the wounds he received in fighting the battles of his country; he tells of the blood he spilt in the cause of republicanism; he is rudely and inhumanly rejected, because he can give no evidence of permanent attachment to his country. We eulogize the people. We speak of the government of the people. We toast the people. The Bill of Rights acknowledges the people. Why is it that the word is treated with so much respect and the people themselves with so much injustice and contempt? It is nothing but rank hypocrisy. Away with the word. Let us change it into one more familiar to our system of government. Let us speak only of freeholders. Let them be the subjects of our eulogies. We are their representatives and not the representatives of the people. Political writers acknowledge no distinction between the rights of freeholders and the rights of the people. It was left to our constitution to introduce this innovation, to add insult to injury. It was not made for the people. It is not a republican constitution. Nature has made no distinction among men. Man is man, and it is not within the power of a freeholder to change his character. But why should a freeholder be the criterion of rights? What analogy is there between them? If laws operated solely on landed property, then would the freeholder have a shadow of claim to exclusive legislation; but are life, liberty and reputation nothing? They are nothing if not united with the possession of fifty acres of land. The term liberty seems not to be well understood: the most eminent authors and orators have differed as to its meaning. Liberty is of kinds, political and civil. Political liberty may be defined to be the security with which from the form of the government, civil liberty is enjoyed. It is the power we have over the government. Civil liberty consists in the rights, we are permitted to enjoy under it. Nothing is more true than that civil liberty may be enjoyed to as full an extent under a despotism as under a democracy. Political liberty is known only in a democracy: Indeed they are the same, and the one does not exist where the other is denied. The man is destitute of this species of liberty, who has no voice in the enactment of laws. He is as much a slave in a political point of view, as the wretched inhabitant of Turkey. The friends of a convention do not complain of the want of civil liberty: they complain that it is not alike secured to the people. The laws it may be said, operate equally: they will continue to do so only as long as the freeholder shall choose. He holds his rights & interests of himself; he knows no superior. The man who has no vote, politically speaking, is a slave and enjoys his civil rights at the discretion of another. It is a cruel mockery to call the citizens of this commonwealth, free men. I wish to see in this union at least the purest principles of democracy reduced to experiment. In no other part of the habitable globe, can it now be done. If they fail here, then shall I be contented to put up with any other more arithmetical form of society. I will lose sight of the truths and principles of republicanism, and will unite to form and support a government upon the principles of expediency. To an extension of the right of suffrage it is objected, that the people are poor and would be liable to corruption. But Thomas Paine (for introducing whom name he should make no apology: strange indeed would it be if he who had done so much for the cause of liberty should find an enemy here) Thomas Paine has observed, that poverty is a negative proof of a man's honesty. He has not resorted to those arts, villanies and speculation, by which a fortune is very generally acquired. But if this objection be well founded, why not strike off another part of the constitution and extend the exemption to the rich? He who is able to corrupt the poor is certainly as great an enemy to our liberties, as he who is poor enough to be corrupted. Let us strike both these classes from the list of electors. But no: this would not answer. It would not suit that aristocratic spirit, which has already imposed its fetters upon the poor. It has been well observed, that when we are in need of assistance; when insurrection and invasion threaten our tranquillity, we look to these causes for succour. Would it weaken their attachment to their country and their exertions for the common cause, if they felt another inducement to exert their energies; if they had political rights? Let us beware, that like the ants those men not say to us in the hour of danger "take care of yourselves, the enemy is approaching; expect no aid from us." It is absurd to say that the poor man has no regard for the interests of his country. Patriotism does not flow from property. In other countries it flows from the soil on which a man is born. The soldiers of Switzerland, the poor, were of all others the most devoted to their country. Shall we attach the right of suffrage to a tax? to meer property? No, Sir, let us attach it to a man's country. Let it be to every man one of the attributes of his birth-right. It would be unnecessary to enter into other objections against the present constitution. If there were no other objection than this, the mere of the inquiry which it comprehends would of itself be sufficient to call for a reform. But though I did not object at all, I can see no reason, why the people themselves may not be permitted to examine & reform. I believe they are competent to all the purposes of self-government. Certainly they are not so weak or foolish as to pursue any course which may conduct them to ruin. GEN. MINOR I with gentlemen, in discussing this question, had said something about our right to adopt the proposed measure. Have we a right, Mr. Speaker, to call a convention? We ourselves are but the creatures of the constitution, and yet we are taking steps to destroy it. This is indeed a novel spectacle, the creature superior to the creator! If we have this right, what limits are there to our powers? What prevents us from assuming to ourselves the powers of convention? But if we have this power, whence do we derive it? Is there any thing in
the Bill of Rights or Constitution, which confers it on us? As to the constitution, as it now is, experience has tested its utility; but were I of opinion that it needed some amendments, I should be deterred from attempting them, by the boldness of the innovation proposed; when gentlemen possessing the excellent understandings which they do who support this measure, talk of such wild innovations, as have been avowed to day, what may we expect when we are set afloat, and left to the uncontrolled discretion of a convention, the greater part of whom would certainly not be so happily gifted? We might expect, Mr. Speaker, a wretched piece of patchwork. One gentleman has said that the present state of representation is unjust; that every freeman ought to have the elective franchise. I understand the true principle on this subject to be, that the great body of taxed ought to be represented; and it is a fact that under our present system, the land-holders do pay the taxes. The present constitution, Mr. Speaker, has served us well for thirty years; it has borne us thro' a difficult and perilous war, and has served us through a long and prosperous peace; let us not then, without the wish of the great body of the people, on the ill supported petition of two or three counties, jeopardize this valuable instrument, by setting afloat on a sea of uncertainty. We are well, so let us remain, and not imitate him, who being well, wished to be better, took physic, and died. MR. BURWELL Rose to answer the enquiry of the gentleman from Spottsylvania, who had asked, by what power the prayer of the petitioners could be granted, since the constitution was silent. Nothing was more clear to his mind, than that the question of jurisdiction had been settled by the reception and reference of the petitions to the most important committee known to this house, if they had contained language inflicting to its dignity, or demands which could not be granted without transcending the limits of our authority, they would have been arrested at the threshold and rejected. But, Sir, there is another ground upon which the gentleman may be answered: the right of this house to suggest to the people the necessity of calling a convention, is settled by precedent. In 1788 a resolution passed the legislature, recommending the election of members to serve in convention, to ratify or reject the federal constitution. This act has never been considered as an usurpation; but on the contrary, has been sanctioned by the people, who have obeyed the laws of the general government, & thus admitted its legitimacy; it was the first time, Mr. B. said, he ever heard it doubted. If then a former House of Delegates exercised this power, upon every principle of politics, the same thing may be done by us, who are equally invested with authority, equally competent and unlimited. Those who contend that every change effected in government, must be permitted by some clause in the constitution, will find it difficult to account for the existence of the instrument under which we now meet. The truth is, said Mr. B. the right to modify and change our institutions would be nugatory, if the confidential agents of the people were precluded from making arrangements for their purposes; as it is impossible that the nation can move en masse to some central spot, and fix on the preliminaries to a convention. The nature of the case therefore, in addition to precedent, places the question out of doubt; had his motion to resolve the House into a committee of the whole prevailed, he would have submitted proper resolutions, explained them, and thus anticipated the enquiry just made. He was surprised at the arguments used on this occasion, and particularly, by the gentleman from Spottsylvania (General Minor). They consist of appeals to our fears, and eulogies on the patriots who formed the constitution. One would suppose the dogs of war and confusion, were to be "unmuzzled and uncoupled;" that every ligament which binds society together, was to be severed, and full sweep given to fashion and civil broil; that a new experiment was to be made, & such a spectacle exhibited as the world never saw before. Has it been forgotten that every state in the union has called a convention, & formed a political fabric? & that some which were defective, have been changed for the better; the science of politics is progressive, and it is posterous that society should lose the benefits of improvement, by tenaciously adhering to old errors. Since the adoption of the federal government, many of its most valuable provisions have been incorporated into that instrument. Those amendments, securing religious freedom, and the rights of the press are among the number; both of which would have been invaded but for this barrier. The alteration in the election of president and vice president, deserve no less commendation. When it was proposed to abolish the old confederation Patrick Henry exclaimed we are about to rebel, to become dissatisfied with our King Log, and pray to Jupiter for a Stock, who will devour us; but every man feels the superior blessings of the present government, and notwithstanding these alarming predictions, the country is more secure and prosperous than formerly. A gentleman says, beware of extending the right of suffrage; look at Pennsylvania, see what scenes have ensued from that cause. He apprehended other reasons might be assigned, more solid; the disorders of that state arose from defects in the constitution; from the power and influence of the executive. The first band of the Virginia legislature in times past has been attributed to the landholders. Yet it cannot be contradicted, that the resolutions which called forth the energy of this state, emanated from Kentucky, in which the universal right of suffrage is recognized. Tennessee, North-Carolina, and Pennsylvania, have been equally distinguished with our own state, for adhering to republican principles, though the right of suffrage is unlimited. This principle which appears so dangerous to some, has been found fraught with good, wherever put in practice. Believing, as he did, that the prayer of the petitions was reasonable, and that we possess power to grant it, he should vote against the postponement. He should add a sentiment attributed to general Hamilton, to which he cordially assented. "Upon this as upon all former occasions, the good sense of the people must be relied upon; and it must be taken for granted, that now, as heretofore, they will maintain their character abroad and at home, for deliberation and reflection, and disappoint those who are in the habit of calculating upon their credulity, who treat them as children incompetent to think and act, to be misled by whomsoever may desire." MR. MALLORY Mr. Speaker, as the subject to which this question relates is, in my estimation, of far more magnitude than any which has been agitated during the present session, I must solicit the indulgence of the House a few moments, in order to state as briefly as possible, those reasons which will influence my vote on so interesting an occasion.
I am in favour of the proposition for a postponement, Sir, not because we should transcend the limits of our authority, by recommending to the people of Virginia, the measure contemplated by the petitions from Franklin and Patrick. It is not contended by the advocates of that measure, that the Legislature, in its ordinary capacity, is invested with the right of calling a convention, or of saying to the people, you shall constitute a conventional body, to reform the constitution of the state; but certainly it has a right, in common with every individual of the community to advise and recommend any means that would be adequate to so great and sacred an object. I shall vote in the affirmative of this question, not because the constitution is too perfect to require or admit of an amendment. Well am I aware of the defects it contains, and believe me, no man can lament their existence more than myself. I am particularly opposed to that part which confines the right of suffrage to the owners of the soil, in as much as it creates distinctions of an odious nature, and a great portion, perhaps a majority, of our fellow-citizens, is deprived of the dearest and most inalienable privilege which a freeman can boast of or enjoy. It is, Mr. Speaker, a feature in our constitution, in direct hostility to one of the great fundamental principles of republican government—a principle which has been recognized by our Bill of Rights, which declares in substance, that no man ought to be ruled by a law, in the establishment of which he has no agency, either mediately or immediately. For my part, I would with this right to extend to every Virginian who is liable to be called out with his musket on his shoulder in defence of his country. I am for a postponement, Sir, not because I fear to trust the people. In this country, and at this enlightened era, such an idea would be strange in the extreme. The people already, without the interference of the Legislature, possess the power, not only of reviving, but of annihilating the constitution whenever and in what manner they think proper. And were this not the case, I will venture to affirm they are as patriotic and as much attached to principles of freedom at this day, as they ever were or ever will be. Can we then suppose that the important portion of their sovereignty, would not consult the happiness and prosperity of Virginia with as much anxiety and zeal as those faces who formed the constitution, which, with all its defects, secures to us at this moment so many invaluable blessings? But, Sir, I am in favour of the proposition for postponement, because I deem this a dangerous period to attempt an amelioration of our political condition. That tranquillity which has so long reigned in this western hemisphere, seems likely to be interrupted. A prospect presents itself, which I view with emotions of concern and distress, of our being ere long engaged in those ruinous wars which now convulse ill-fated Europe. But, admitting there was not the most distant probability of such an event, still I think we have progressed to too late a period of our history, to consider this subject with that calmness and mature deliberation which its importance merits. In short, Sir, I am actuated by another weighty consideration: the people whom I represent—by whose authority I hold a seat on this floor—whose sentiments I come here to express, and to whom I am responsible—they, Sir, I conceive, are opposed to the calling of a convention. MR. AVLETT said he should make but a single remark. Perhaps he should not have troubled the house at all on the present question, if it had not been asserted that no man could be called a republican, who should be opposed to a convention. It was therefore a duty which he owed to himself to justify himself for the vote which he should give. The gentleman from Dinwiddie has asked which of the people are not competent to the purposes of self-government. By such a question, he has refused himself. For are not the people as competent to judge for themselves as gentlemen here? Why is this question agitated now? Has the great body of the people petitioned? No! the petition in fact comes only from two solitary counties. Shall we then presume to act without the consent of the people? If they were assembled here, Mr. A. said he had no doubt that they would be opposed to a change of the constitution. Constitutions ought to be held sacred. It would be ridiculous to summon convention after convention for the purposes of amendment; for it would soon be regarded with no more veneration than an ordinary legislature. The gentleman from Franklin has said that we may if we pleased divide the Treasury among ourselves. But is there any man in his senses who can think this possible? Might not the people themselves in a mass exercise the same power? MR. BURWELL said he had not declared there was any danger of it but only that they had the power. MR. AVLETT said he was not used to public debate; he might therefore have misunderstood the gentleman. He had also found fault with the legislative appointment of the executive. But how was the evil to be remedied? It is likely that the people could so well elect the executive as their representatives collected here from all parts of the state, directly elected by the people and eternally subjected to their control?—The gentleman from Franklin admits that the present may be a good constitution for peace but not for war. Let him recollect however whether it did not carry us through a severe and difficult struggle.—He says that the legislature is too numerous. Let him again recollect, that safety consists in the number of councillors. If the numbers were too few, they would be exposed to bribery; and if the present number was diminished, where should we stop in the reduction of the number? He says that our judiciary is not sufficiently responsible. But for my own part (said Mr. A.) I had always thought that the judges were answerable, by impeachment. The gentleman from Franklin wishes to make the governor independent of the legislature, yet would he make the judiciary directly dependent, by giving the power of removing them. Certainly we could as soon trust the judges, as the governor. The gentleman from Dinwiddie says, it was reserved to the present constitution to add insult to injury. What Sir? When we hear within these walls the warmest eulogies upon the heroes of '76, shall we now be told that they have thus added? For my own part, I think they were actuated by the best motives. They conceived that the rights of suffrage, as regulated by the constitution would promote the agricultural interest. Besides; it is not difficult to acquire this right; and a man who would not give 50 f. or 50 dols. for it, ought not to have it. That man knows not the use of it. Upon taking the question of postponement it was carried by a considerable majority. The Ayes and Noes have already been published in our extracts from the journals of the House of Delegates. We give in this day's paper the weak and contemptible letter of the Marquis de Casteja to the Secretary of State. It requires and shall hereafter receive some comments.
NEW THEATRE. Monday evening, February 3d, 1806, Will be presented, Cumberland's celebrated Comedy of the SAILOR'S DAUGHTER. To which will be added, the farce of the DEVIL TO PAY, OR, WIVES METAMORPHOSED.

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. January 13, 1806.
MESSAGE From the President of the United States, respecting the APPLICATION of HAMET CARAMALLI, Ex-Bashaw of Tripoli.
(Continued.) COPY. Tobias Lear to commdre Samuel Barron. MALTA, May 19, 1805.
I had the honour last evening to receive your letter of yesterday, on the subject of opening a negotiation with the bashaw of Tripoli. Most sincerely do I lament the long and severe ills you have suffered, & under the effects of which you still labour; and I am fully persuaded that no consideration would lead you to relinquish the command vested in you by the government of our country, but a thorough conviction that your retaining it when unable to perform the duties inseparable from the station, would be injurious to the cause in which we are engaged; and I am also persuaded that when such conviction arises, all personal considerations will yield to your patriotism. I have maturely considered the several points mentioned in your letter, relative to a negotiation with the bashaw of Tripoli; and upon a view of my instructions from the government of the United States on that subject, I conceive it my duty to endeavour to open and bring to a happy issue a negotiation for peace, consistent with the tenor of these instructions, whenever the commander of our naval force, in this sea, shall judge that the occasion is proper and favourable; as it is presumed that the bashaw will be impressed by the aspect or operations of that force, and as this is in your opinion a proper occasion, I shall hold myself in readiness to proceed in a few days on that business, with captain Barron, in the United States' frigate Essex, which you are so good as to say will wait my arrangements.
I presume, as captain Rogers, who is your second in command, and who will of course take the command of the squadron if your health, as you apprehend, should compel you to relinquish it, is now off Tripoli, and may be possessed of some information relative to our affairs with that regency, which has not reached you, that he will be fully advised of the motives which have induced this measure, and instructed to give it all the facility which his judgment may suggest.
Although I cannot, Sir, agree with you in opinion, that any impression favourable to us has been made on the mind of the bashaw from our co-operation with his brother thus far, excepting what may arise from the undaunted bravery and perseverance of the force of our countrymen at Derne, which will be to him a further proof of what we can do alone against him; yet I am of opinion that as he has discovered a disposition to open a negotiation, we should embrace it, to see if such terms can be made as are admissible on our part, and to release our unfortunate countrymen out of his power, whose fate ought not to depend on small punctilios.
COPY. Commadore Barron to captain Hull of the Essex. MALTA, May 19, 1805.
Your several communications were received by the Hornet, which did not arrive here until the 16th, having met with head winds and heavy gales.
Your various information is under my particular attention. The state of my health and my anxiety to dispatch the sloop without loss of time, does not allow me to enter into lengthy observations. Nor is it indeed necessary. The letter I have written to Mr. Eaton, by this conveyance, and which he will communicate to you, will, no doubt, determine him and the officers to leave the coast, as a measure rendered necessary by existing circumstances, and especially by the intention of the consular general to open a negotiation with Jusuff, reigning bashaw of Tripoli. You will, therefore, as soon as the requisite arrangements are made, return with the vessels under your command, to Syracuse, to which place it is contemplated to transfer head quarters, in the course of a few days. Lieut. Evans is instructed to deliver the stores which have been laden in the sloop, to you, to be distributed according to your discretion. You will understand those stores are intended for the use of the crews of the United States' vessels, and the christians under the command of Mr. Eaton.
Nothing material has occurred in our affairs since your departure. Mr. Evans will be able to inform you of every thing worthy of notice. I have likewise sent with Mr. Evans, 2,000 dollars, (Spanish) in specie, which will serve to extinguish any individual engagements that you or Mr. Eaton may have contracted at Derne.
I look anxiously for further intelligence from Derne. Commadore Barron to William Eaton, Esq. MALTA, May 19, 1805.
SIR, By the Hornet sloop, which arrived in this harbour on the 16th inst. (having had a tedious passage) I had the honour of receiving your dispatches of the 20th ult. and 1st inst. announcing the capture of Derne, after a contest, in which permit me to observe, that your conduct and that of your companions in arms, will not discredit the character which our countrymen have established among the nations of Barbary. I have perused with deferved attention the arguments and reasons adduced in your letter of the 1st on the subject of pursuing the co-operation with Sidi Hamet Bashaw. Being myself too weak for the exertion of letter writing, and my secretary writing with difficulty owing to an inflammation in his eyes, it is impossible for me to enter into lengthy reply, nor does it indeed appear necessary. The business is now arrived at that point, where, if the ex-bashaw, after being put in possession of Derne, his former government, and the district in which his interest is most powerful, has not in himself energy and talent, and is so destitute of means and resources, as not to be able to move on with successful progress, seconded by our naval force acting on the coast, he must be held as unworthy of further support, and the co-operation as a measure too expensive and burdensome, and too little pregnant with hope or advantage, to justify its further prosecution; for whatever, Sir, may have been once the intentions of government on this subject, and whatever your ideas, touching those intentions, I feel that I have already gone to the full extent of my authority. The instructions from the navy department, on this particular point, with which you are not unacquainted, fall short of that unlimited discretion and power of application as relates to funds, insisted on in your letter, and are totally silent in regard to the quantity and description of supplies and stores,
which you mention to have been in the contemplation of government to furnish to the bashaw; hence you will be sensible, that without taking a latitude that would involve me in a sum of responsibility, which it were the extreme of folly and rashness to encounter, I cannot proceed further. Independent of this consideration, it may not be improper to state, that I have not at my disposal funds sufficient to meet the large sums, which, according to your calculation, would be required to pursue the plan with effect. With respect to any engagements to Sidi Hamet, I cannot consider them as binding or definite. We have, by our resources and your valour and enterprise, placed him at the post from which he was driven, when first he solicited the aid and support of our arms, & in the "most valuable province of Tripoli;" in performing which, we have, I conceive, fulfilled every pledge, and that he can neither charge us with bad faith in our engagements, or with injustice to himself. His want of those qualities so essential in the character of a commander, and especially to a prince contending for his throne, is a serious obstacle to the advancement of his cause, not to be surmounted even by the existence and manly exertion of them, in those about his person. But it is what we had no reason to anticipate, and still less to suppose, that when master of the finest province in his kingdom, where his influence is greatest, and his adherents most numerous, his situation would not be materially altered, and himself as destitute of means to carry on the contest, as when he was brought from his exile in Egypt. In short, Sir, the matter reduces itself to this: we are willing & ready to support the bashaw, by a union of operations on the coast, so long as the war with Tripoli continues; but you will state explicitly to his excellency, that our supplies of money, arms, and provisions, are at an end, and that he must now depend on his own resources and exertions. This determination will suggest to you and your comrades that line of conduct most prudent to be adopted in the present posture of affairs. I have lost no time in dispatching the Hornet with a supply of provisions, for the crews of the Argus & Nautilus, and the christians under your command, and I hope they will arrive in time to prevent your suffering from want.
I have now to acquaint you with an occurrence in our affairs, interesting in itself, & momentous as relates to your situation. In consequence of recent advices from Tripoli, I have thought it my duty to state to the consular general, colonel Lear (now at this place) my candid opinion that the present is a moment highly favourable to treat for peace, and a communication has this moment been handed me from that gentleman, expressing his determination to meet the overture lately made by the reigning bashaw, so far as to found on it the commencement of a negotiation, and to proceed to Tripoli in the Essex frigate, in the course of this week. From a variety of concurrent circumstances, the present appears to be a period propitious to such a step, and I cannot help indulging sanguine hopes that a very short time will restore captain Bainbridge and his unfortunate companions, to freedom and their country. It would be useless in me to say anything on the effect which this measure must needs have on your situation and determinations; it is a measure which was anticipated in my letter to you by captain Hull, and as such, the intelligence of it will not, I presume, reach you unprepared. The interests of Sidi Hamet Lear's express sanction that I state to you his intention to endeavor at disputing some conditions for the unfortunate exile, provided this can be done without any considerable sacrifice of national advantage on our part, and without giving up points that are essential.
I have sent by lieutenant Evans 2000 Spanish dollars, which he is directed to deliver to you or captain Hull. This sum will serve to extinguish any little engagements you may have contracted at Derne. I am extremely anxious for further intelligence from you, and remain, With much respect, &c. S. BARRON.
Extract of a letter from Robert Denison, secretary to the commander of the Mediterranean Squadron, to the secretary of the navy, dated MALTA, 22d May, 1805.
It appears, by a variety of letters which have been received, that the bashaw is seriously disposed and earnestly desirous for peace with the United States, and what confirms this idea beyond all doubt is the receipt, by colonel Lear, of a letter, written at the express solicitation of the bey, by the Spanish consul, with overtures for opening a negotiation, and accompanying a tesschera or passport, under the bey's seal, guaranteeing the inviolability of any person or persons sent to Tripoli to treat of peace. These direct evidences of a pacific disposition in the bashaw, were a few days ago prefaced by a communication to commodore Barron from Mr. Nissen, the Danish consul, written at the desire of the minister Sidi Mahomet Doghies, expressing the minister's sincere and earnest wish for the re-establishment of peace, and recommending that a person should be sent over immediately to commence a negotiation. In consequence of these repeated and unequivocal manifestations of a disposition, on the part of the enemy, to accommodate differences, the commander in chief thought it his duty officially to communicate to the consular general his opinion, that the present moment is favorable for opening a negotiation, and the latter having expressed his coincidence therewith, the measure has been agreed upon, and colonel Lear is making arrangements to proceed, on board the Essex frigate, to the coast of Tripoli, in the course of two or three days. Commadore Barron entertains the most sanguine hopes of the happy issue of this measure, and anticipates, with not less confidence than pleasure, the speedy emancipation of captain Bainbridge and his suffering companions. I think it is not hazarding too much to say there is scarcely a doubt but the business will be honorably and satisfactorily terminated in less than a fortnight.
Article 3d of the preliminary articles of a treaty of peace to be entered into between the president and citizens of the United States of America, on one part and the bashaw, bey and subjects of Tripoli, in Barbary, on the other part— Upon the conclusion of a peace, as aforesaid, between the United States and the regency of Tripoli, all the forces of the United States which have been, and may be, in hostility against the bashaw of Tripoli, in the province of Derne, or elsewhere, within the dominions of the said bashaw, shall be withdrawn therefrom, and no supplies shall be given by, or in behalf of the said United States, during the continuance of the said bashaw, who may be in hostility against him, in any part of his dominions; and the Americans will use all means in their power to persuade the brother of the said bashaw, who is co-operated with them at Derne, &c. to withdraw from the territory of the said bashaw of Tripoli; but they will not use any force or improper means to effect that object; and in case he should withdraw himself as a
foresaid; the bashaw engages to deliver up to him his wife and children; now in his power. (Signed) TOBIAS LEAR, Commissioner in behalf of the U. States for negotiating a peace with his excellency the bashaw of Tripoli.
EXTRACTS. Colonel Lear to William Eaton, Esq. TRIPOLI, 6th June, 1805.
In consequence of a representation made to me by commodore Barron, that the present was a favorable moment for us to enter into a negotiation with the bashaw of Tripoli, and my instructions leaving it to the commander of our forces in this sea to determine the proper time for such an attempt, I repaired off this place on the 26th ultimo, in the United States' frigate Essex, and immediately opened a communication with the bashaw. His demands were 200,000 dols. for peace and ransom, and the delivery on our part of all the Tripolines in our possession, and a restoration of all their property. These terms were at once rejected in toto; and after some discussion, I proposed, as the ultimatium, that a mutual delivery of prisoners should take place, and as he had a balance of more than 200 in his favor, I would give him 60,000 dollars for them; but not a cent for peace, which should be made on terms of the most favored nation with whom he has a treaty, and a regulation respecting prisoners, if a future war should take place between our nations; and in order to prevent any fruitless altercation, I declared I would not go on there to complete the business until these terms were formally acceded to. The weather proving bad for the season, obliged our vessels to keep off, and prevented a regular communication with the shore, which prevented the completion of the preliminaries until the 3d instant, when they were sent off to me with the bashaw's seal. I immediately went on shore, and in 24 hours all the officers and crew of the late frigate Philadelphia were on board the ships.
I found that the heroic bravery of our few countrymen at Derne, and the idea that we had a large force and immense supplies at that place, had made a deep impression on the bashaw. I kept up that idea, and endeavoured from thence to make an arrangement favorable to his brother, who, although not found to be the man whom many had supposed, was yet entitled to some consideration from us. But I found that this was impracticable, and that if persisted in, would drive him to measures which might prove fatal to our countrymen in his power. Therefore engaged, of course, that on the conclusion of peace, we should withdraw all our forces and supplies from Derne, and other parts of his dominions; and the bashaw engages, that if his brother withdraws himself quietly from his dominions, his wife and family should be restored to him. This is all that could be done, and I have no doubt the United States will, if deserving, place him in a situation as eligible as that in which he was found.
TRANSLATED. Copy of a letter from Hamet Bashaw Caramallin to his friend and brother, William Eaton, late general and commander in chief of our allied forces in our kingdom of Tripoli.
Without placing in view the misfortunes which so long pursued me, I cannot forbear expressing to you, at this moment of our final separation, the deep sense of gratitude I feel for your generous and manly exertions in my behalf. Be assured, that in whatever situation the will of God shall place me, I shall always bear this impression of gratitude on my heart.
On returning to your happy country, to which I wish you a safe passage, I request you will express to your sovereign, my cordial thanks for his manifestations of friendship towards me. Had it been ordained, that measures might have been carried forward to the attainment of my wishes, the restoration of my rightful dominions to me, it would certainly have been cause of eternal gratitude. But it is true, my own means were small. I know indeed they did not answer your reasonable expectations. And this I am ready to admit, is a good reason why you should not choose to persevere in an enterprise hazardous in itself, and perhaps doubtful in its issue. I ought, therefore, to say, that I am satisfied with all your nation has done concerning me. I submit to the will of God; and thank the king of America, and all his servants, for their kind dispositions towards me. Situated as I am, you must still allow me to ask another expression of your friendship. You tell me that in your treaty with Jusuff Bashaw, my perfidious brother, he has promised to restore to me my family. I pray you will use your influence with your admiral, to permit one or your vessels to go and ask for them, & that he will give me the means of repairing, with some small assistance to enable me to subsist myself, and suite, into some country where I may hope to spend the residue of my days in peace.
Again I repeat to you, my love and esteem, and I send honor and long life to your sovereign, which may the merciful God confirm to him. Done at Syracuse, the 29th day of June, 1805. [Hamet's Seal.] (To be continued.)
VALUABLE PROPERTY. WILL be sold, to the highest bidder for ready money on the premises on Saturday the 15th day of February next, by virtue of a deed of trust executed by Richard Bates, to secure the payment of $33 dollars 33 cents with interest thereon from the date, due to Ransom & Gernon and George Pegram junr. and the expenses of the sale. Two acres of land lying upon Appomattox river, within one mile of the town of Petersburg with the water grit and manufacturing mills, Bake house, Distillery house and other houses of improvements erected thereon.
PLEASANT AKIN, for Henry Gagnon and Pheasant Akin. Petersburg, January 7. idf.
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and a PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [spu.]
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. df.
DOCTOR UPSHAW, INTENDS practising medicine and surgery in the city and neighbourhood of Richmond; he promises punctilious attendance on those who give him employment. Jan. 11. S&T4w.
THE SUBSCRIBER, INTENDS in addition to the courts of Richmond and King William, in which he now practises, to attend the county court of New-Kent. WILLIAM FITZHUGH BRAXTON. January 10. Ttv.
NOTICE. HAVING commenced the BURR MILL STONE MAKING, in September last, at my shop, near the Basin of the Canal, I have now finished for sale stones of 4 feet 4 feet 6 and 5 feet diameters of best quality and workmanship. I have a large proportion of Close Hard Burrs, suitable for grinding corn, and will shortly receive additional supplies of good materials. Those who please to favour me with their commands, will be served faithfully on reasonable terms. I will choose bolting Cloths for those who desire it, suitable to their purposes. I tender my thanks to the public for past favours, and hope for future encouragement. JOHN MOODY. December 24. T&56w.
ADVERTISEMENT. AS I intend next fall to remove to the western country, I will sell a bargain in the tract of LAND, whereon I now reside, in Amherst county, containing 476 acres, with good improvements for the reception of a genteel family; the plantation in good repair for cropping, and lies well for land in the upper country, and conveniently situated, being within one half mile of a manufacturing mill on Buffalo river, three miles from the town of New-Glasgow, and the neighbourhood in every respect desirable; this land also lies within 16 miles of an inspection of tobacco on James river, and 20 miles from the town of Lynchburg. Any further description is now deemed unnecessary, as it is presumed that any person disposed to purchase, would with first to view the premises. The payment will be made easy to suit the purchaser. JOSEPH BURRUS. January 11. 56p.
I HAVE received direct from Bordeaux, 100 Boxes of PRUNES, which I shall sell very low; they are fine and very fresh. Those who feel an inclination to purchase a few boxes, will apply to the subscriber on Shockoe-Hill, in one of Judge Wylie's new brick houses. LEWIS M. RIVALAIN. & idf. December 27.
LAND FOR SALE. THE Subscriber will sell a great bargain, in the TRACT OF LAND, whereon he now lives, lying on the waters of Hardware river, in North Garden, in Albemarle county, containing about 500 acres. It is a rich soil, producing excellent Tobacco, Corn and wheat, with a stream running thro' it, supposed sufficient to turn a grist mill. It is supposed no one would purchase without viewing it, therefor it is unnecessary to be more particular in the description. Any one wishing to see the land or enquire of terms, will apply to the subscriber on the premises. MATTHEW BROWN. January 21. 16.
NOTICE. BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to me by John Kelso, to secure the payment of a debt due by him to John and Wm. Bell, I shall, on the 25th of February next, at the house of the said John Kelso, in the upper end of the county of Cumberland, proceed to sell so much of that valuable FARM, containing 550 acres of Land, on which he now lives, (subject to two prior deeds of trust) as will pay the sum due to the said John and Wm. Bell, of about six hundred and fifty pounds, with some interest thereon, for the benefit of John Eppes. CREED TAYLOR, Trustee. (epds.) Jan. 23.
P. S. On the above land, is one of the best farms in the surrounding country, in fine order, with an excellent crop of wheat sown on it, and it is within 9 miles of a manufacturing mill on Appomattox, from whence there is a good navigation to the Petersburg canal. I will dispose of it at private sale and give a reasonable credit for the balance after receiving 2000 dols in cash. JOHN KELSO.
WILL BE SOLD, On Saturday the first day of February next, at Zachariah Brooks's Tavern in this place. THE HOUSEHOLD & KITCHEN FURNITURE, one excellent milk Cow, and fundary other articles, belonging to the estate of Wm. Jackson, dec'd.—Also, at same time and place will be hired for the remainder of the year, a valuable negro man, a likely negro boy, woman and girl, belonging to said deceased. Terms will be made known on the day of sale. All those who have claims against said deceased, are requested to bring them forward properly authenticated, and those who are indebted are requested to make immediate payment. THOMAS TREDWAY, Administrator, with the will annexed. Manchester, January 23. 3p.
FOR SALE, BY AUCTION. Valuable property on the Brick Row, in the city of Richmond. IN conformity to a decree of the honorable court of the United States, for the fifth circuit and Virginia District, (made between Joshua Waddington plaintiff, and James Brown, Henry Banks and Daniel Call defendants, and between the same plaintiff, and Henry Banks, James Taylor executor of James Herron, dec'd. and James Herron, John Herron, William Herron, and Sarah Herron, infants, under the age of twenty one years, by the said James Taylor, then guardian, James Brown and Daniel Call defendants,) Will be sold, upon the premises, to the highest bidder, at public auction, on the 20th day of February next ensuing, the Houses, Lands and tenements situated on the Brick Row, in the city of Richmond, at present occupied by Samuel Clark, Samuel Barrar & Co. and Barach H. Judah. The tenements will be set up separately, and there will be attached to each tenement the land now occupied therewith, and one third of a brick lumberhouse 60 by 30 feet.
The sales will be made by the subscribers as commissioners under the said decree, and the terms thereof will be one fourth of the purchase money paid down, one fourth in four months, one fourth in eight months, and the remaining fourth in twelve months from the day of sale—the purchasers to give bond for the three last installments, to carry interest from the date; if not punctually paid—on payment whereof and not before (as the property will be held liable for the purchase money, and subject to be sold to raise the said installments, or any, or either of them if not punctually paid) a conveyance or conveyances, will be executed by us as commissioners aforesaid to the purchaser or purchasers, in virtue of the said decree. GEO. FISHER, CHAS. J. MACMURDO, } Commissioners JAMES BROWN, January 25. idf.
ROBERT GORDON & Co. HAVE just received, and offer for sale, an additional supply of the best Madeira WINE in pipes, hds. and qr. casks. The two last vintages in Madeira, having yielded wine of a better quality than for several preceding years, they are enabled to say the quality is excellent—it is imported from two houses, from which very different flavored wine is sent. They have heard of the arrival, and will have at hand in a few days, a parcel of London Particular Dry Lisbon Wine, directed to be put up in the same way as some they had two years since, which gave great satisfaction to all who had of it; also, a parcel of Corks, Almonds and a quantity of Oranges in boxes, ON HAND: Port Wine, in pipes, hds. and quarter casks; A few Demijohns Old Madeira, at 8 dols. per gall. A quantity of Sheet Copper and Tin Plates. A general and extensive assortment of Dry Goods, consisting of Woolens of all kinds; printed goods, Manchester Stuffs, Irish and Scotch Linens, Glazes and Hosiery, Hardware, Cutlery and Ironmongery. Plain Cambric, Laced Cambric, Book, Chambray and Colomade Mullins, &c. January 25. New2w & low2w.
WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE. A TABLE is established in college to receive boarders at the low rate of thirty dollars per quarter; it is intended that the table shall be plentifully furnished in a plain but decent style. Those who wish it, may be accommodated with Beds, Fuel and Candles at a moderate charge. January 25. s & tu 12r.
MARSHAL'S SALES. TO be held for ready money, under a decree of the court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia District, between Princess Bond, attorney for the creditors of Backell Edwards, ptf. and David Ross and others, defts. in order to raise the sum of 907 dols. 89 cts. due and payable on the first day of July, 1805, and the sum of 1656 dols. 66 cts. due by the 1st day of January, 1806, that valuable and well known estate, in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LENIS, fixed by said Ref. to contain 2608 acres. The Sale will take place on the premises, on the 27th day of February next. Also on the 4th day of March next, under the aforesaid decree, will be sold at the Oxford Iron Works, in the county of Campbell, a number of valuable SLAVES. BENY. MOSBY, D. M. for JOS. SCOTT, M. F. D. January 16. idf.
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND. MAKES Boots & Shoes to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance who are disposed to forward their measures, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—The length of the Boot. C—round the Calf. B—The pitch of ditto. D—round the Heel and instep. E—round the Inber. G—across the ball of the foot. F—the heel against a perpendicular line, and figure a knife at the end of the great toe—let down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. eptf.
WARM SPRINGS, IN THE COUNTY OF BATH, VIRGINIA. HAVING taken a lease on the WARM SPRINGS for 10 years, from the 1st April, 1805; we wish to acquaint the public, that at a great expense and most labour, we have improved it, to accommodate gentlemen by 150 persons, having erected 15 new houses, among them a range of stables 240 feet long, together with other stables, rooms enough to hold about 100 horses, also 10 new houses 21 by 17 ft. built convenient to the Bath, with fine chimneys, and finished off neatly; a large and commodious bathing room for the ladies, furnished with different kinds of instruments of music, and kept for that purpose only. A new Bath will be made distinct from the present one, intended for such persons as may not wish to mix with the frang and bodily. We have also torn a lease on the Sweet Springs in the county of Monroe, distant 50 miles from the Warm, for 9 years, and are making the necessary preparations for the accommodation of the visitors. The first object of attention will be paid to give satisfaction, as we know from many years experience, that without it but few customers can be expected. It is with much satisfaction that we have it in our power to assure the public that the different kinds of entertainment on the roads leading to the Springs, have of late been much attended to by the proprietors, most of which (above the vipers) the subscribers have visited, and have found that appearances run to indicate that in future travellers will be well accommodated. We wish to purchase a Black-Smith, for one that comes well recommended, a generous price will be given. Also wanted to employ a different elderly person to undertake the management of the place of house-keeper, either at the Warm or Sweet Springs, one inclined to be kind, frugal, and qualified to discharge such duties, will meet with liberal encouragement, on application to us. ROBERT & GEORGE TURNER. January 21. epds.
JOHN AMSDEN, From New-York, a few doors below the Court-House, Richmond. RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has taken the house lately occupied by St. Olaf's, at a lucky find stop, where he is carrying on the above business in all its various branches. He makes Ridge tiles, floor Tiles and repair; Nick screws, Balustrades and Step Railing made to any pattern; House-Work in general executed with dispatch. He flatters himself that by the attention he will pay to his business, and from the experience he has had in the U. States, that he will give general satisfaction to those who are good enough to favour him with their custom. January 16. T&T 3p.
IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN. On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county, THE STUD, of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, feared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sport of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for size, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid. A considerable discount will be made for cash. Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale shall positively take place on the day above stated. A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.
JOHN C. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Bowling Green, January 28. (ids)
SALE OF STOCK. On Friday the 14th of next month will be sold at Winton, for the last of the late William Dandridge deceased, the balance of the Cattle, Sheep and Hogs belonging to the estate of the deceased. A credit of 12 months will be allowed purchasers for all sums above ten dollars. N. SHEPPARD, Esq. Wm. Langhorne executor of Wm. Dandridge. January 28. (ids)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN C. WOODFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. idf.