The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-28 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
A PRESSMAN, That is master of his business, and can produce satisfactory recommendations, will meet with employment at this office.
THE Subscriber has taken Rooms at Mr. Shield's near the Capitol and Bank, where he will at all times be ready to give advice as a Counsel, and neglect his public duty as a Counsellor, while health permits. He will further accommodate the public in writing all species of legal conveyance, he trusts, to their satisfaction.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, for which the highest price will be given, TOBACCO of the dark greenish and rich kind, commonly made on manured or low ground. For further particulars, enquire at the Eagle-Tavern for Peter Lorrillard.
TEN CASKS FRESH PHILADELPHIA CLOVER SEED, FOR SALE BY WHITE & SHELTON.
HOUSES & LOTS—FOR SALE—By virtue of the last will and testament of Robert Means, dec'd, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, on Monday the tenth day of April next, the following LANDS & TENEMENTS, in the city of Richmond—that is to say—
Some wooden HOUSES and a piece of LAND opposite to Crouch's Tavern, on the street leading up by the governor's.
Several brick TENEMENTS on the cross-street leading to Shockoe Ware-House.
A HOUSE & LOT upon the Basin. A moiety of another HOUSE upon the Basin, and the third of the LOT belonging to it.
The TENEMENT where Wm. Robertson, Esq. now resides. The TENEMENT where the Testator lived, and a naked LOT of Land adjoining to it.
Part of a naked lot of LAND, lying between the dwelling-house of Augustine Davis and the Basin.
The sale will commence at the house where the testator lived, and will be adjourned to the other tenements successively, until the whole are sold. Twelve months credit will be allowed; the purchasers to give bond and approved security together with a deed of trust upon the property, to ensure punctual payment of the purchase money.
DANIEL CALL, Executor of the last Will and Testament of ROBERT MEANS, Dec'd.
THE Subscriber will practice the LAW in the county Courts of Goochland, Henrico, Chesterfield, Powhatan and Amelia.
EUROPE.
WASHINGTON, March 21.
By the arrival of the brig Batavian at New York, government has received dispatches from General Armstrong, the American minister at Paris. These dispatches are as late as the 26th day of December, and were entrusted to the care of capt. Bunker, a passenger in the Batavian. Our official advices from England and France are now of a correspondent date.
We have once more to repeat the ungracious tidings, that the emperor of the French manifests no disposition to relax his antinatural system. Surrounded as he is by myriads of soldiers, and invariably accompanied by victory in his career of conquest, he seems to have forgotten the idea of national justice, and merged all other considerations in the contemplation of his gigantic policy, which is a monster all eyes and no bowels. It is impossible to account for the obstinacy of Great Britain. Calamity appears to have rendered her only more perversely infatuated.
We have received Paris journals to the 26th of December. There are some of a later date in town, which we endeavored to procure, but were unsuccessful. The two articles which appear in day's Monitor, dated Vienna and Algiers, are copied from the Intelligencer.
To enable the American reader fully to understand the nature of the news from Constantinople, it may be necessary to state that the Janizaries of Turkey have, for a long time, deposed and created sultans at their pleasure. Like the Praetorian bands of ancient Rome, they have become the curse of the Ottomans, occasioning frequent and bloody revolutions. To get rid of this dangerous corps, it was, a few years back, attempted to introduce into the Ottoman army the Nizam-Gedid, or new military tactics, as in practice among the several nations of Europe, by which means a new military class would be organized, by which the Janizaries would be held in check. In this, however, the Janizaries saw nothing but their own ruin; and the attempt has, it appears, cost the lives of two or three of the Grand Seigniors. At any other time, such commotions would create some ferment in the cabinets of Europe; but, as there can be no doubt but what the whole Turkish empire will before long undergo a radical renovation, these occurrences can only be regarded as minor events.
We are happy in being enabled to say, that our consul at Algiers has established with the new dey the relations with the U. S. upon the old & friendly footing; so that the revolution there will have no baleful effect as it regards us. Authentic advices from Tunis, likewise announce that our affairs with that regency are perfectly agreeable.
In the early part of December last, the French general Junot (duke of Abrantes) passed with his division through Bordeaux. His orders from the emperor were that he should be at Lisbon on the 16th of January. About the middle of December there passed through the same city (Bordeaux) a division of 45,000 men; being the last that were destined for Spain. This body of troops com-
pleted a total of four hundred and eighty thousand men, which had deified thro' Bordeaux for the Spanish peninsula. The conquest of Spain and Portugal was regarded as a matter of course. After that had been done, it was supposed the emperor would leave 100,000 French troops in Spain, and recruiting two or three hundred thousand Spaniards, together with his other forces turn his attention to some other object. The quidnuncs at Paris openly spoke of the approaching derangement of Austria, and of the probability that Joseph Bonaparte, (too mild perhaps, for the throne of Spain) would be made king of the Austrian dominions.
M. Dashkoff, who had been appointed charge-des-affaires, and consul-general, by the emperor of Russia, to reside near the American government, was at Paris about the fifteenth of December, intending to depart in about six weeks for Washington.
PROCLAMATION OF BONAPARTE TO THE SPANISH NATION.
Spaniards, You have been blinded by perfidious men. They have seduced you to take up arms and drawn you into a foolish and senseless warfare. Is there one among you who on reflection for a moment upon what has passed, will not soon be convinced that you have been the tools of the eternal enemy of the continent, and who rejoice to see and shed the blood of the Spanish and the blood of the French? What will be the result of a protracted campaign? An unfinished war in the kingdom; and a long anxiety as to the fate of your property and your lives.
In less than a month, you have been delivered up to all the anguish of a popular faction. The defeat of your armies has been an affair of some marches only. I have entered into Madrid. The rights of war will authorize me to give a terrible example, and to wash in your blood the outrages against me and my nation. I have only listened to forgiveness.
Those men only that are inventors of all our evils shall be published. I will soon chase from the Peninsula the English army who have been sent to Spain, not for your aid, but to influence you with a false confidence and to mislead you. I have told you in my proclamation of the 2d of June, that I would be your regenerator.
To the rights that have been ceded to me by the princes of the last dynasty, you have added to me the right of conquest. Nothing will change my disposition. I will approve of what have been your generous efforts.
I would tell you that your enemies have not consulted your interest: they have dissimulated to you the true state of things. Spaniards, your destiny is in your own hands—Throw away the poison that the English have scattered amongst you, that your king may be certain of your love and confidence, and you shall be greater and happier than you ever have been! All those who oppose your prosperity & your grandeur, I have destroyed, and have broken the shackles, which weighed down the people. I have given you a liberal constitution in the room of an absolute monarchy. I give you one temperate and suitable to your habits. It depends on you to say whether that constitution shall be your law.
But if all my efforts are ineffectual, and if I find you unworthy of my confidence, I will treat you only as prisoners conquered, and place my brother on another throne. I will put the crown of Spain on my own head; and I will be respected even by the worst, for God has given me the power and the disposition necessary to surmount all obstacles.
In our imperial Camp at Madrid, 7th Dec. 1808.
NAPOLEON.
FROM LANG'S N Y GAZETTE. EXTRACTS.
At a sitting of the Municipal Body of Madrid, the 9th of December, the Corregidor presented a most bombastic and fulsome address to his Imperial and Royal Majesty, imploring in the most abject and servile manner, the protection of the conqueror Napoleon, for the citizens of Madrid generally—also his imperial pardon for all the inhabitants of the city and country, who have borne arms against the French.
His Majesty answered, that their condition would be prosperous and happy, if the inhabitants adhered, with good faith, to the constitution and acknowledged, with sincerity, Don Joseph Napoleon the first, for their lawful King; but in the contrary case, Spain should become a province of France. Here follows a decree of his Majesty, dated the 12th of December, at the camp of Madrid consisting of 20 articles; the object of which is, principally to relieve the poorer classes of society from burdensome taxes and personal services. By articles 1 and 2. The taxes called servage and colonate are abolished in all the states composing the Duchy of Berg and Cleves. The Cedant Serfs, as well as the other inhabitants of said Duchy, are to enjoy civil rights in all their plenitude.
By Art. 3, Are abolished, the duty of domesticity; the duty of manumission, and enfranchisement; the mortuary duty; the corvées; manuel, transport and all other personal services, &c. &c.
A decree of the emperor Napoleon, dated at the camp of Madrid, 15th December, prohibits the alienation of different branches of taxes, and orders the holders of rights and titles to such impositions, to pay the same to the royal treasury.
Another decree of the same date abolishes throughout Spain all judiciary tribunals of the lords. No other but the royal jurisdiction now remains.
It must be extremely mortifying to every American, and must rouse the enmity of every man who has the least pretensions to American feelings, to hear of the cruelties practised upon our fellow citizens in France, whom chance has thrown upon her shores.
We learn from capt. Lindsay who came home passenger in the Batavian, (and we have heard it before) that the crews of all
American vessels detained in France, are imprisoned, and are released only on condition of their entering on board French ships of war. We have seen a letter from a young gentleman of this city, who went out chief mate of the ship Holland Trader, capt. Sinclair. He states, that he was still in prison at Rochefort, and allowed nothing to subsist on, but bread and water!
It will recur to our readers that captain Sinclair the commander of the Holland Trader, was also imprisoned in France; and that he made his escape in disguise, got on board the ship Bordeaux, and arrived some time since at Philadelphia—and it is a pleasing reflection, that he is now with his family in this city—for his escape had so incensed the French that, immediately after it was discovered that he had gone off, twelve thousand francs reward was offered by the government for his apprehension!
We learn from another passenger, that Bonaparte, by a decree dated the 6th of October last, (but which was not till lately published) has declared Toulon a free port, permitting Toulon vessels on paying a small duty, to enter the ports of his imperial majesty—The Milan and Berlin decrees are thus declared not in force against Toulon.
The British prize officer, who arrived in the Batavian, it will be recollected, was put on board from the Comet frigate on the 16th January. He informs, that about the 7th January, they spoke a cutter in the Channel, and learned from her that admiral Mitchell had fallen in with the Toulon fleet—and that he had taken two ships of the line and sunk two others.
It is also stated by one of the passengers (but for the accuracy of which we are doubtful) that no American vessel, that might obtain permission to sail, would be permitted to clear out, unless heavy bonds were first given, that she would not violate the American Embargo Laws.
IMPERIAL DECREES.
Extract of the minutes of the secretary of State's Office.
In our imperial camp of Madrid, the 12th December 1808. NAPOLEON, by the Grace of God and the Constitution, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine.
Considering that one of the greatest abuses which have crept into the finances of Spain, proceeds from the alienation of different branches of the taxes—and that, however, the taxes, from their nature, are inalienable.
We have decreed and do decree what follows:
From the publication of the present decree, the individuals who may be in possession, whether by the king's donation, or by sale or any other cause, of any portion whatever of the civil or ecclesiastical taxes, shall cease to enjoy them, and the persons taxed shall be held to know that they have paid their taxes to the king's agent and to the treasury.
Another decree. We have decreed and do decree what follows:
Art. 1. All manumission is abolished in Spain.
II There exists no other jurisdiction than the royal jurisdiction.
MILAN, Dec. 27. Some letters from Bayonne mention that his excellency Mr. Albin, the minister secretary of State, has received orders from his imperial majesty to repair to Paris and wait for him in that city. This news, which we have not been assured is true, proves that the Spanish business is much advanced; and, what is in exciting for the French and Italian subjects to know, is, that the Emperor will not be long absent from his capital.
A London paper, of the 13th December, says—The following account of the total supplies (sent and ordered) of the description under mentioned, for the Spanish armies, was transmitted by the chancellor of the exchequer to the Lord Mayor, and read at the city meeting yesterday by Mr. Hovcroft:—
  Suits of clothing for 91,000 men 241,000   Cloth for 150,000 do. men.   Great coats, 50,000 } 100,000   Cloth for great coats, 50,000 }   Shirts, 35,000   Sheeting, 100,000 yards.   Calico, 882,000 do.   Linen, 133,000 do.   Shoes—as many as can be procured.   Of the above articles the following have been actually forwarded to Spain at different times:   Uniforms complete for 58,500 men.   Cloth for do. 50,000 do.   Linen and Calico, 209,000 yds.   Great coats, 33,750   Shirts, 23,000   Shoes, 73,000 pair. 
SAVANNAH, March 11.
Capt. Borie, of the sloop Dauphin, arrived this morning from Guadalupe, which place he left on the 18th of February, informs that on the 26th of January, gen. Prevost landed 12,000 British troops at Trinidade, in the island of Martinico, who were immediately attacked and beaten by the French, with the loss of 1800 men, whilst that of the French was only 400. Our informant states, that among the British troops were a great number of Negroes—that admiral Villaret had signified to the British commander, that unless they were dismissed from the army, he would cause all the blacks on the Island to be likewise armed—this not having been done, the French were engaged in the execution of the threat, and had 5000 of them under arms, when capt. Borie sailed.
Capt. B. adds, that admiral Villaret had caused all the French vessels at Trinidad capable of being armed, to be burnt, to prevent their being made use of by the British. Five of the English transports sailed immediately after the engagement for St. Lucia and Dominica, with their sick and wounded on board.
POLITICAL.
AN ADDRESS
FROM WILSON C. NICHOLAS,
A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM VIRGINIA, TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. FELLOW CITIZENS,
When I last had the honor to address you, at the close of the first session of the Tenth Congress, I exposed to you the embarrassing circumstances into which our public affairs were thrown, by the hostile acts and edicts of Great Britain and France against our rights. I expressed my satisfaction with the means adopted by our government to do us justice, and my concurrence in its measures, as your representative in Congress. I lament that complete success has not attended the policy they embraced, which I still believe to have been correct, wise and dignified, and shall endeavor to trace some of the causes of its partial failure, in the relation I intend to give of our political concerns.
During the recess of Congress, the administration was earnestly and sincerely occupied in the attempt to restore to us the exercise of our rights, by appealing to the justice and to the interests of the belligerent powers of Europe. A single extract from the letter of Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning of the 23d August, 1808, communicated to both Houses of Congress by the President's message, on the 3th November, will suffice to substantiate the assertion, that the administration sincerely sought to reconcile our differences with Great Britain. Mr. Pinkney thus explicitly and unequivocally expresses the intention of the President. "I have the honor to state to you, sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of Congress, entitled, 'an act to authorise the President of the United States, under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereof,' to by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as regards Great Britain."
"I am authorised to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and, I trust, that upon impartial enquiry, it will be found to leave no inducement to persevere in the British orders, &c." I have been thus particular in quoting the precise language of our minister at London, because its strong and decided expression, leaves no ground for the charge of insincerity, which has been brought by the oppositionists, in justification of their unmeasured hostility to the administration, and to the unquestionable interests of their country. To this accusation of insincerity in our offers to Great Britain, is added, that of undue partiality to France. I shall not insult the understanding of my constituents, by attempting to refute a calumny so manifestly base and groundless. But, without selecting particular passages from the correspondence of our minister at Paris, I am warranted to observe, as the most cursory perusal will evince, that independently of its containing no such offer as that made to England, its language generally is stern and forcible, widely differing from the complaisance which would imply the existence of an improper partiality. A comparison of the tone which prevails in the communications of our ministers at London and Paris, will exhibit, at a glance, that the former would be more grateful to the feelings of those to whom they were addressed than the latter. But these charges were not without their object; the opponents of the administration who made them, eager to avail themselves of the opportunity to excite popular feeling, which the embargo presented, and conscious that its propriety could not be questioned, but by first falsifying the circumstances which demanded it, resorted to the expedient of justifying the attacks made upon our neutral privileges, on the part of Great Britain, by imputing to our government an improper bias towards France. The ministers of Great Britain did not themselves, pretend to view the subject of our differences in this light, and we have information that, but for suggestions of this nature, and the convulsions of Spain, our just demands would have been yielded to by Great Britain. The sudden return given to the negotiation in June or July, was undoubtedly, in part, occasioned by advices from this country, by exaggerated accounts of the discontent against the embargo, and by a knowledge that the opposition rested much of its hopes on the obstinate refusal of Great Britain to relax her orders in council. This change in the temper of the British ministry, was so exactly coeval with the arrival of a vessel from this country, as to place beyond a doubt the fact of her having conveyed intelligence which influenced their conduct. By artifices of every kind, practised with unremitting diligence, in a section of the union where commerce is more peculiarly the dependence of the inhabitants than elsewhere, the opposition have so far accomplished their purposes, as to delude some of their fellow-citizens into a belief, that the privation of commerce was an effect of the embargo, when no such can, in fact, be more plainly demonstrated, than that it was an inevitable result of the British orders in council, and the French decrees. Thus the mere trick of a party, abandoning the paramount consideration of the country's right and honor, to a remote and doubtful expectation of its own advancement, has eminently contributed to embarrass the operation of a sound and judicious policy.
From these and similar causes, which produced in the minds of many respectable and upright citizens, a diminution of that reverence for this law, so conspicuous in their cheerful and voluntary obedience of others, unpleasant consequences naturally resulted. For although they would not, themselves, violate its provisions, they did not view its infractions with the same indignation, with which they generally behold violations of
the laws. They saw the worthless and profligate daily enriching themselves, and defeating the object of the law, by yielding to the temptation it necessarily held out to those who could neglect the dictates of morality, and violate their duty to their country, at the instigation of avarice. A strong motive was thus furnished to those who originally approved the measure, to desire its abandonment, and an argument was supplied to its opponents. At the meeting of Congress, some difference of opinion prevailed as to the duration which should be given to the embargo; some gentlemen thought that it should not be extended beyond the 4th of March, others the 1st of June, but none, I believe, contemplated its continuing after the next meeting of Congress, which it was then expected, would be in December; but every dictate of common sense and sound policy, required that its utmost limit should not be promulgated. The period of its most active operation as a coercive measure was then arrived, and to announce the determination of removing the pressure at a fixed and no remote day, would have been to prepare those against whom it was directed, by every increment of interest and feeling, to await its removal without yielding. It would have been simply to say, we can bear the embargo till such a day, if you can hold out until then, the victory will be yours. Much of the dissatisfaction excited against this measure is, I regret to believe, justly attributable to the influence of British intrigues. To obtain the election of a President, whose politics might better suit their views than those of Mr. Madison, was a primary incentive to their active interference with our domestic affairs. On the failure of this attempt, to foment the discontent against the embargo, and wrest its repeal from the government, by exciting clamors and almost resistance, was the next step. One of the boldest features of this attempt to direct our policy, was the publication at Boston, by a British agent, of a letter from Mr. Canning to our minister at London. The purport of this letter was, to misrepresent the conduct of our government, in its negotiation with Great Britain, and to convey an insinuation that the offer, contained in the extract which I have quoted from Mr. Pinkney's letter, was made on the personal responsibility of our minister. As this letter was not adapted to answer any fair purpose, except in this country, we may fairly conclude from thence, as well as from the manner of its publication, that it was solely intended to operate here. A copy of the letter had been, for a short time, in the possession of our administration, but the publication of it was suspended, at Mr. Pinkney's request, until his reply could accompany it: both have since been published. There is not one of you, I trust, who does not feel indignant at the recital of this invasion of our right to regulate our own affairs, a right as valuable as any we owe to the revolution. To the success of these intrigues in promoting opposition to the embargo, to the numerous evasions of that law and to the credulous reliance of the British ministry on the result of the Spanish convulsions, much of their pertinacity, in adhering to their orders in council, may be fairly attributed.
As early as December last, there was a general understanding among the republican members of Congress, that the embargo should not be continued longer than the first of June. In January, a law was passed for assembling Congress in May, and it was understood to be for the purpose of repealing the embargo, and to make the necessary preparations for asserting our rights by arms. These, I am authorized to state, were the motives of the republicans generally, in voting for the law. Some very respectable republican members voted against it, but with them it was a prevalent opinion, that the embargo should not continue beyond the first of June, & a very small number thought of extending it to September. After the passage of this law and the public declaration of its supporters, as to their object in passing it, should be known in Europe, no further advantage could, of course, be expected from the embargo, as a measure of coercion. Its duration being limited and defined, those on whom it acted, had every inducement to sustain its pressure and await its termination. No motive then remained with us for its continuance, but to preserve our property and seamen, for an event which, it appeared to be the general sentiment, could not be much longer deferred, the commencement of offensive measures to assert our rights.
Information, however, soon after reached us, that the violations of the embargo had become so frequent, as to make it certain that Great Britain, the nation which had more materially injured us, was receiving very considerable supplies of our produce. Eight ships sailed at one time from the little port of Jersey, in N. Jersey, loaded with cotton, the article, for want of which, the British manufactories were more especially suffering. Many vessels escaped from New-England. Immense quantities of American produce, not only of the neighboring states, but also of the cotton and tobacco of the south, were collected in Canada, ready to be shipped to Great Britain, as soon as the river St. Lawrence should be free from ice. On the southern limit of our territory, the same game was playing to an equal extent. Twenty British ships had been seen at one time, within the Spanish jurisdiction, on our southern frontier, loading with, and expecting cargoes of American produce. These ships were, in general, strong armed, and dispatched for the purpose of forcing a trade, if occasion should require the employment of force. Circumstances of this nature, convinced me, that, as a coercive measure, the embargo was no longer efficient; its precautionary effects, so far as related to our seamen, were also, greatly diminished, for the crew of every vessel, which left the country in violation of law, (as by the incapacity of the vessel to return, they would be destitute of the means of returning,) must be lost to the country. Persuaded as I had always been, that if the embargo were repealed, without having produced the expected result, no alternative remained to this country, but war, on the
I moved in the House of Representatives, the resolutions you have seen, for repealing the embargo laws, and issuing le-

ters of marque and reprisal against Great Britain and France. Prior to my having made this motion, Mr. Bacon, a respectable republican member from Massachusetts, who had voted for the embargo, announced in his place, a determination to move for the repeal of the embargo laws, with the further intention of passing a law to allow merchant vessels to arm in their defence. I then believed, and subsequent events have confirmed the opinion, that this motion would have prevailed, unless some other measure, connected with the repeal of the embargo, by that Congress, should be proposed and adopted. I believe, and still think, that a majority was then determined to repeal the law before the end of the session. Permit me to refer you to a speech I had prepared in support of my resolution, but which I was prevented, by indisposition, from delivering during the discussion. I publish it now as it was then written, that you may judge of the motives which governed my conduct. That member of the resolution which authorised the issue of letters of marque and reprisal was rejected by a great majority. The member, which related to the repeal of the embargo, was retained, and the blank which I had intended to fill with the 1st of June was filled with the 4th of March. Instead of adopting my proposition to grant letters of marque and reprisal, it was proposed to permit merchants to arm in their own defence; and another proposal was submitted, authorising merchant ships to re-capture vessels which might be taken. In my former letter I stated, some objections to the propriety of arming merchantmen, when the nation was not avowedly at war, and there are additional considerations of great weight, which confirm my original opinions on that subject. It would not only put it in the power of individuals to involve us in war with the nation, against which their prejudices might more particularly prevail, but this power, from the unhappy facility (incidental to all commercial states) with which foreigners can avail themselves of the use of our flag, be extended to persons, not citizens of the United States. Either of the nations, whose acts we complain of, would in this manner, be furnished with ample means to embroil us with its adversary. Convinced as every man must be, that interest as well as inclination, would prompt Great Britain and France to take advantage of this state of things, to promote their several views, it cannot be doubted, but that their agents would be immediately in motion. We should then witness the degrading spectacle of the American flag, an instrument in the hands of foreigners, to effect a purpose, which should never result, but from the mature deliberation & solemn decision of the American people. Nor would it assist mercantile interest. The mere merchant would not arm to obtain a protection which he could purchase at small expense, and it by the payment of tribute he could pursue his commerce with more safety and with not more expense, he would not often be tempted by the consideration of national indignity, to prefer the more hazardous enterprise. By this measure our trade would be resumed with those nations whose outrages and arbitrary restrictions we have pledged ourselves to resist, and under circumstances of great national degradation. We should virtually relinquish our national sovereignty by submitting to taxation and tribute; we should acknowledge the supremacy of nations who presume to dictate to us the manner of exercising our rights; and we should return in fact, to the condition of colonies, by surrendering the monopoly of our trade at the mandate of a foreign government.
A strong conviction that the embargo would be repealed unconditionally, or upon terms which I considered still more exceptionable than an unqualified repeal, induced me to acquiesce in the non-intercourse law. With me it was not a measure of choice, but of necessity. Deficient as it is, I believe it to be preferable to measures which would otherwise have been embraced. If it be not the most effectual kind of resistance, at least it is not submission. It reserves for the decision of the people by their representatives in the next congress, the question, of what course will most probably conduce to the maintenance of interests, deservedly most dear to them. It opens our commercial intercourse with every part of the world except France and England, their colonies and dependencies, or places in the actual possession of either.
For myself, from the moment the aggressions on our commerce and sovereignty began to assume that serious aspect, which they have since borne, I have admitted but one opinion; I believed that our rights, honor and independence were assailed. As a freeman, as your representative, my determination was instantly taken, to resist to the last extremity. Three alternatives were before us, War, Embargo, or Submission. The last was spurned as unworthy a high spirited people. Embargo was resorted to as combining the effects of precaution and coercion. In its former character, we have had sufficient experience of its efficacy, to be satisfied with the consequences; in the latter, although enough was effected to evince its efficacy, entire success has not attended it. You all know why and how it failed, and will not be surprised, that the men whose opposition very materially contributed to its failure, should from that circumstance, deduce an argument to prove its original incompetency.
The question, of how far our resistance to the invasion of our rights shall be carried, which is yet to be decided, does not involve the single consideration of our country's honor, but that likewise of our personal comfort and convenience to a very great extent. Our national honor and individual interest are, at present, so inseparably connected, that to abandon one would be destruction to the other. Upon every interest of the community, a restriction of our undoubted right to convey to the best markets the produce of our industry, would be attended with calamitous effects. To the agricultural interest, it would be equally, if not more injurious, than to any other. While we are excluded from the continent of Europe, the place of consumption for a very large portion of the tobacco raised in this country, to cultivate that plant would be folly; to abandon its cultivation, situated as we are, at the arbitrary mandate of a foreign power, is an oppression not to be endured without a struggle. At present, to carry it to the continent is impossible, without encountering the formidable opposition of the navy of Great Britain, by whose laws, all property taken on a direct voyage to the continent is confiscated. We are permitted to take it to England alone, in the first instance; on paying a tax there of three dollars per hundred, it may be re-shipped to the continent, subject by municipal regulations of the continent
it is liable to confiscation, for having been in England. The access to the only market for the largest portion of our tobacco, is then completely shut, as far as the British navy is competent to effect that object. Were we, indeed, permitted to enter the ports of the continent, after paying a duty of three dollars per hundred in England, it is evident that no commodity could support a tax so disproportionate to its value. Cotton, whose primary market for considerable quantities, is likewise the continent of Europe, must so far be in the same situation, and it finds its ultimate market on the continent, in the form of manufactures, to a great extent. Wheat, one of the principal products of the middle states, is deprived by the British orders, of the markets of Spain and Portugal, for the recent intelligence from these countries, leaves little doubt of their being again in possession of the French, and consequently, subject to the interdiction of the orders in council. We may, it is true, continue to export flour to some of the West India Islands, and to ports of South America, but where shall we dispose of the coffee, sugar, &c. which we receive in exchange, that may remain after supplying the demand for consumption in this country? To the fisheries of the east, no better prospect is presented than to agriculture; the great market for fish is the south of Europe. Our navigating interest is injured by every cause which obstructs the unrestrained pursuit of commerce; to the loss of the carrying trade, is superadded the impossibility of transporting our native products of our own soil. For it is not to be presumed, that we will incur the idle expense of shipping produce in defiance of the conviction, that it can never reach a market where its price might remunerate us. If we submit tamely to such oppression we shall merit the disgrace and ruin in which we shall be involved. This, I will not, I cannot believe will happen; the resentment of my countrymen may be suspended—in twenty five years the American people cannot have lost all love of country, all public spirit and regard to national character. I have the utmost confidence they will assert and maintain their country's rights & independence.
There is not, I trust, an American who will tamely submit to this humiliating oppression, who will suffer the fruits of his labor to perish on his hands, or go to swell the coffers of a proud and insolent nation, without making a brave effort to repel the aggressor. If the man exists, so base and sordid as to admit the idea of averting such insolence by submission, to him I would say, submission will not save you; it will cover you with disgrace, it will overwhelm you with ruin. The implacable jealousy of our growing wealth, of our rapidly rising commerce, threatening at no distant day, to rival on her own element, the mistress of the ocean, can never be appeased by any partial sacrifice. We must immolate to the jealous terors of Great Britain, our wealth, our industry, and above all, our enterprise; or we must resolve to defend them, like men, conscious of their inestimable value; we must not deceive ourselves with any expectation of redress from the justice of our rival. Our real offence consists in the very possession of those things of which she, as yet, pretends only to regulate the exercise; while we are industrious, commercial & enterprising, Great Britain will never cease to be our bitter foe.
These are facts of immense consequence, they ought to be well understood, an acquaintance with them should be widely diffused. The reflexion that Great Britain owes to her maritime supremacy, the undue elevation she maintains among the nations of the world, her conviction that she can sustain it, only by perpetuating her monopoly of commerce, the plain evidence afforded by our rapid progress, that we are fast intruding on her dominion of the seas, are incontestible grounds of belief, that she never will patiently submit to have her power abridged by our commercial advancement. If Great Britain had not checked our career, in a few years the number of our ships, and what is still more important, the number of our seamen, would have been equal to her own. This she saw, and was determined to prevent; she availed herself of her maritime power, to crush our aspiring commerce, and we delude ourselves if we imagine she will ever suffer it to revive with her consent. It remains for us to embrace the only means by which the consequences of this interdicted hostility can be averted, to make a firm and manly resistance. Our evident reluctance to abandon the peaceful situation which we have maintained since the close of our revolutionary war, with equal honor and advantage, has certainly encouraged the British to persevere in a system of attack upon our rights, which might ultimately arrest the progress, whence they had reason to dread an issue unfavorable to their overweening maritime pretensions. If we shew them that our patience of injury is exhausted, and that we are, at length, determined to support our rights, by an exertion of our strength, they will be obliged to choose between a war, which will add too much to the burthens they already support, and an admission of claims whose justice they cannot contest.
Although, in the preceding sketch of our public affairs, I have shown the intimate alliance of our honour with our interest, and that at the present crisis, to vindicate the one, is the best possible mode to advance the other, still I will not believe that my constituents require any other stimulus than their country's wrongs, to step forth with generous devotion, in her defence. The manly fortitude with which they and their fellow citizens of Virginia have borne the heavy pressure, imposed by the unexamined circumstances of the times, their firm support of their government, under privations not surpassed in any other section of the U. States, exhibit the patriotic firmness of men, in whose estimation private advantage sinks to insignificance, when compared with the common good. I am proud to have been the representative of such men in the councils of the nation; confident that they will never shrink from the maintenance of their country's rights, and from the patient obedience they have paid to the embargo, I deduce the most flattering hopes, that when exertion shall be wanting, they will be amongst the foremost. For myself, I will not hesitate to make with them, any sacrifice our country may demand. I trust, that in the discharge of my public duty, I have been so fortunate as to merit your approbation, and hope you will do me the justice to believe, that I have had no object but the public good. I pray God to avert the storm which threatens us, and to enable us to preserve the blessings he has bestowed upon our country; to direct our councils, and to inspire our people with firmness and patriotism, that the hap-
piness, liberty and independence which they enjoy may be transmitted unimpaired to posterity.
I am with the greatest respect and Consideration, Your humble servant, WILSON CARY NICHOLAS.
DOMESTIC.
The following CIRCULAR has been transmitted by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collectors:
CIRCULAR. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, March 18, 1809.
SIR, I sent you on the third instant, together with the Non Intercourse act, some general instructions which, on a first impression, appeared necessary in order to preserve uniformity in its execution. Some of those may not be sufficiently explicit: On one important point, I have, from a further consideration of the several sections of the act, been induced to alter my opinion; and new questions have arisen on which several of the Collectors have applied for instructions.
The expressions used in the sixteenth section of the act, had at first impressed a belief, that vessels, owned in whole or in part by foreigners, could not be cleared for English or French ports. But on more minute investigation of the thirteenth section of the act, and of the proviso of the first section of the embargo act, passed on the twenty second December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, I think that opinion has been erroneous. Vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still permitted in conformity with the said proviso, to depart either in ballast, or with the cargoes which they had brought in, and which have not been landed, for any foreign port whatever if they shall clear for a port with which commercial intercourse is permitted to American vessels by the act of first instant, they must give bond, in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act, that they shall not proceed to a forbidden port; but if they are bound to a forbidden port, no bond is necessary; and they may be permitted to clear accordingly. This applies as well to English or French, as to any other foreign vessels. But the proviso of the act of twenty-second of December, one thousand eight hundred and seven, being still unexpired in all its parts, and the act itself being repealed in part only so far as relates to vessels owned by citizens of the United States; vessels owned in whole or in part by foreigners are still forbidden to take on board any new cargo. American vessels are permitted to go only to the ports not forbidden by the act of first instant, and may export there every species of merchandise. Foreign vessels may depart for any foreign port whatever, but cannot take on board or export any merchandise either foreign or domestic, other than was on board when notified of the embargo, or in other words, as it relates to all foreign vessels now in the United States, other than the cargoes which they may have brought in, and which have not been landed.
On the subject of ports for which clearances may be granted, or must be refused to American vessels, I will observe, that as the legality or illegality of the voyage can, in doubtful cases, be determined only by the courts of the United States, that question can never be affected either by granting or refusing a clearance. The forms or bond, which have been transmitted by the Comptroller, are in conformity with the expressions used in the act; and it must be clearly understood that as, on the one hand, the condition of the bond may not, on trial, be deemed forfeited in every instance where a vessel shall have proceeded to a port for which a clearance had been refused; so, on the other hand, errors may be committed in granting clearances, or ports which the courts may ultimately adjudge to have been forbidden by law, and it is not intended that the mere act of thus granting a clearance shall release the party from the penalty which may be incurred by pursuing an illegal voyage.
I am still of opinion that no clearance can be granted for any part of the Island of San Domingo, or of the kingdom of Italy. The independence of San Domingo has not been acknowledged by any act of government; and, if not independent, it is a dependency of France. The kingdom of Italy, which now includes Venice and Leghorn, though not annexed to France, is governed in the name of the French Emperor, and is not only in fact, but in name, one of his dependencies. There are ports in Spain and Portugal, which may hereafter be exclusively in the possession of Great Britain or France, and for which clearances should according to circumstances be refused. It is understood that at present they are all under the nominal government of a Spanish Sovereign, or of the Prince Regent of Portugal, and that therefore clearances may be granted for all. The rule must be that places held in the name of the sovereign of the country, though garrisoned by British or French troops, are not to be considered as forbidden ports. But if conceded by either, as in the case of Lisbon before its evacuation by the French, they are exclusively in the possession of the conquerors and therefore forbidden.
There is nothing in the law which forbids the sale of American vessels abroad; but the condition of the bond required by the thirteenth section is that they shall not proceed to any British or French port. The condition of the bond will be considered by this Department as forfeited and the bond put in suit, if prior to their return to the United States, and during the continuance of the act, they shall proceed to such port, whether they have been sold or remain the property of the same owners. The provisions in that section which relate to the production of a certificate of the landing of the cargo, only establish the species of proof requisite in that respect, but do not affect that part of the bond by which the vessels are altogether forbidden to proceed to certain ports.
Bonds given under the act of ninth January last, in six times the value of the vessel and cargo, on the condition that vessels having cargoes on board shall not depart without clearance, may be cancelled whenever the owners shall think proper to send such vessels and cargoes to a port with which intercourse is permitted by the act of first instant, and shall give bond in conformity with the thirteenth section of the said act. The extension of the terms of credit allowed in certain cases on revenue bonds, by the acts of March tenth, one thousand eight hundred and eight, and January twelfth, one thousand eight hundred and nine, continues in force, notwithstanding the partial repeal of the act laying an embargo.
The temptations to evade the embargo laws are so much diminished by the partial repeal which has now taken place, that I do not perceive any further necessity for continuing the extraordinary expences which had been authorised for the purpose of enforcing these laws. All the authorities therefore which have been heretofore given to employ additional boats, officers, or men for that purpose, must be considered as henceforth revoked. And under the existing circumstances of the revenue, I have to request that you will, as far as is practicable and consistent with the public service, reduce every branch of expence incident to the collection of duties, and connected with the performance of your official duties. I am, very respectfully, SIR, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.
To the Collector of the Customs of the District of
PHILADELPHIA, March 17. A few days since we promised to lay before our readers an interesting extract from the Log Book of the dispatch ship Union , we this day fulfil that promise. We obtrude no remarks. He who runs may read, and all who read must understand.— Dem Press. Extract from the Log Book of the ship Union , James Girdon, master, under the orders of the American government, on her passage from France to England, December 14th, 1808.
At 6 P. M. was brought to by a shot from an English frigate, the Ruby . The Sandwich lugger and a gun-boat in company; was hauled nearly at the same moment by the frigate and lugger, and ordered to heave to, which was complied with: soon after was boarded by a lieutenant from the frigate, and immediately after, by the commander of the lugger himself. The usual enquiries, what and where the ship was from, &c. having been gone through on deck, the lieutenant of the frigate required of Captain Girdon to see the papers of the ship, and to know if there was a messenger of dispatches on board; when he was invited to the cabin, where, on being introduced to Mr. Purviance, as bearer of dispatches, and after a strict examination of the ship's passports and other papers, together with the log book, he required to take them on board the frigate, the lieutenant adding at the same time, that captain Girdon must go with him, also the messenger with the dispatches; that such were the orders of his commander, a commodore Thicknesse .
Mr. Purviance refused to go, and likewise desired captain Girdon not to leave the ship himself, nor to suffer his papers, least any accident should happen, informing captain Girdon, that he was persuaded the commodore would not insist on it, when the lieutenant would go on board and make his report. At this the lieutenant flew into a rage, and made an attempt to pull the ship's papers out of captain Girdon's hands, in which he but in part succeeded. They were, however, recovered again, by captain Girdon. Both the lieutenant of the frigate and the commander of the lugger, (who, being also then present) threatened captain Girdon and Mr. Purviance, if they did not go with them on board the frigate, they would be obliged to use force. On being again refused, the officers went on deck, and hailed the frigate, acquainting the commodore with what had taken place, who immediately ordered his officers to bring captain Girdon with his papers; at the same time another boat, full of officers and men, was sent from the frigate, who jumped on board and absolutely took command of the Union , compelling the man at the helm to steer after the frigate.
Captain Girdon finding himself thus situated, went on board, insisting, however, to carry his own papers. Whilst captain Girdon was stepping into the boat, the officers were heard consulting what was best to be done about Mr. Purviance going on board. The commander of the lugger advised the lieutenant to desist from forcing Mr. Purviance, until the commodore had seen captain Girdon and the ship's papers. The lieutenant then, addressing himself to the captain of the lugger, said he would again demand Mr. Purviance to go on board also, which, if he positively refused, he would then go on board for further orders. The lieutenant returned to the cabin, accompanied by a string of officers from the second boat of the frigate, and addressed himself to Mr. Purviance, in a very menacing tone, in these words:
"Well Sir! do you positively refuse going on board the frigate without being forced?" —On being answered by Mr. Purviance, that he was "determined neither to leave the ship, or to suffer the dispatches to be taken, unless by force, and that at the risk of his life"—The officers then left the cabin, saying, he (Mr. Purviance) should soon see he would be compelled to go:—That he would return and not only take him, but every passenger on board. On which Mr. Purviance reminded the officer, that "this was not a ship in the merchant service, but a vessel sailing under the special orders of the American government, not only for the protection of its dispatches, but also for the protection of its citizens, and that there were no passengers on board who were not citizens of the United States."
Mr. Purviance added, that "it would become them to be more circumspect in their conduct to both, as, perhaps, they might find it a more serious business than they were aware of; since he should be obliged to make a report of it, not only to the American minister at London, but also to the American government." To which the lieutenant replied "he neither knew nor cared for the American government; that he was executing the orders of his commander, and that he should do the same if she was a king's vessel." Mr. Purviance observed, that "this vessel, in her present capacity, was more sacred, perhaps, than a king's vessel, or an armed vessel of any nation; as she was not only protected, specially, by the American government, but also by the British minister, and every other minister residing in America."
The officers finding Mr. Purviance determined not to give way, then assented to take captain Girdon alone; who, after being detained upwards of an hour on board the frigate, returned with the commander of the lugger, and some of the officers of the second boat—leaving behind them the lieutenant that made the first visit.
The officers then proceeded to examine the ship's hold, which they did minutely, by opening some of the passenger's baggage; as also to ascertain if there was any merchandise on board.—After which they returned to the cabin to take leave—and saying they were satisfied, they went off.
The only apology offered for this strange proceeding, was, that the boarding officer supposed Mr. Purviance, (the bearer of dispatches) from his name might be a Frenchman, and that the possession of the dispatches was assumed as a cover for him. And that when they hailed the ship before boarding, they understood captain Girdon to answer, that the ship was called the Ganges instead of the Union .
Ship Two Mary's , of New-York, & Snow Edward , of this port, were condemned, vessels and cargoes at Paris, on the 21st Dec. by the council of prizes, under the Milan decree, in consequence of their being boarded by an armed British vessel. An appeal to the council of state had been entered.— Phil. Gaz.
WASHINGTON, March 21st. Mr. Coles, who goes out bearer of dispatches to France, and Mr. Reed, of the navy, who goes on a similar mission to England have left this city for New York, whence they will sail in the Mentor and Pacific — Monitor.
The Elections for town officers have lately taken place in the different towns of Massachusetts. In Boston the Federal ticket succeeded without opposition. In the town of Salem, on the 15th inst. the election was strongly contested. Wm. Gray, Esq. was chosen moderator of the meeting. The votes for town clerk were, for John Pynchard, republican, 770—for John Pickering, jun. (son of Timothy Pickering) 713—scattering 14—being a majority of 57 for the republican ticket. In the votes for selectmen, owing to a division of the republican votes, two republicans and two federalists were chosen; of the fifth there was no choice.—The town meeting was adjourned to the 15th inst. when the fifth was to have been chosen. It will be recollected that at the election for a member of Congress in Nov. last, Salem gave a majority of one to the federal candidate.
The Governor of Tennessee has issued a proclamation for an extra session of the Legislature of that state on the 3d day of April.
From the National Intelligencer.
FRENCH BULLETINS. 15th. BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN. MADRID Dec. 7th, 1809.
His majesty has appointed the general of Artillery Senarmont, a gen. of division and major Segur adjutant commandant. The life of the latter officer was at first despaired of; but he is now out of danger.
Count Krakinski, colonel of Polish light horse, although in a bad state of health, always insisted upon charging at the head of his corps.
Corporals Babecki and Wolgurnki and Surzyeski, a private, all belonging to the Polish horse, who took colors from the enemy, have been appointed members of the legion of honor.
His majesty has also granted eight insignia of the Legion of Honor for the officers, and an equal number for the privates, of the Polish light horse.
The chief of squadron Lubinski, on the 2d inst. discovered, near Guadalaxara, the wrecks of Castanos's army; they were under the command of General Pena, Castanos having, as was said, been cashiered by the Junta.
The duke of Infantado was one of the first causes of the misfortunes which has befallen his country; he was the principal instrument made use of by England by her destructive projects against Spain; he was the man whom she made use of to divide the father and son, to subvert the throne of king Charles whose attachment to France was well known, to stir up seditions among the populace against the first minister of that sovereign, to raise to the supreme authority, that young prince, who, with his marriage with a princess, of the former royal family of Naples, had contracted that hatred against the French in which that family has always been steady. It was the duke of Infantado who was principal actor in the conspiracy of the Escurial, and it was to him that the post of Generalissimo of the Spanish armies was confided. He afterwards took the oath from King Joseph in Bayonne, as colonel of the Spanish body guards. On his return to Madrid, he threw off the mask and openly avowed himself the partizan of England. It was in his palace that the English ministers dwelt, it was in his society that the public and private agents of England lived. After having stimulated his fellow citizens to a mad resistance, like a coward and a traitor, under pretext of going for succours, in order to escape by craft from the dangers into which he had drawn his fellow citizens, he fled from Madrid to Guadalaxara, and evinced no kind of anxiety except for the English agent whom he carried with him in his carriage, and to whom he served as a safe guard. What will he gain by that conduct? He will lose his titles, he will forfeit his property, which is estimated to be worth two millions annual income, and he will go to London in search of the contempt, disdain and neglect with which England has always rewarded those men who had sacrificed their honor and their country to the injustice of her cause.
As soon as the report of the chief of squadron count Lubinski arrived, the duke of Istria set out with 10 squadrons in order to reconnoitre the enemy. The duke of Belluna followed with the infantry. The duke of Istria, who had arrived at Guadalaxara, found there the rear of the enemy, which was proceeding to Andalusia; he defeated them, and took 500 prisoners. The general of division Ruffin and the brigade of dragoons Bordesoult, being informed that the enemy were marching to Aranjuez, repaired to that point; the enemy were driven out of it and these troops immediately continued in pursuit of all who were flying towards Andalusia.
On the 5th inst. the general of division Lahousaye entered into the Escurial. Five or six hundred peasants having attempted to defend the convent, they were driven away by main force.
Every day the remains of the stupor into which the inhabitants of Madrid had fallen, are more and more dispelled. Those who had concealed their furniture and most valuable property, are bringing them back to their houses. The shops are beginning to be filled as usual, and the palisades, and all other preparations of defence, have disappeared. Madrid has been taken possession of without any disorder, and tranquility prevails throughout every part of this great city. A fusilier of the guards having been found with several watches in his possession, and being convicted of having stolen them,

was shot upon the principal square in Madrid.
We found in this city 200 thousand weight of gun-powder, 10,000 balls, two millions of lead, 160 pieces of cannon, most of them English. The disarming the people is continuing to be effected without any difficulty; all the inhabitants submit to it with every sign of good will. They return with eagerness and sincerity under the royal authority, by which they were withdrawn from the evil influence of England, the violence of factions and the disturbances occasioned by popular tumults.
The king of Spain has raised a regiment, which is called Royal Foreigners, and into which are admitted the deserters and the Germans who were in the Spanish service. He has also formed a Swiss regiment of Reding the Younger , this officer having conducted himself perfectly well, and like a true Swiss patriot; very different in this respect from general Reding; the one has deserved well of his countrymen, and will be every way esteemed; the other, who is generally despised, will wander in the taverns of London, and receive a pension of a few hundred pounds sterling, ill acquired and paid with contempt; he will be an emigrant from the continent. The regiments of Royal Foreigners and Reding the Younger consist already of several thousand men.
The 5th and 8th corps of the army of Spain, & three divisions of cavalry have just passed the Bidassoa. There are yet far from being on the line, and notwithstanding, the greater part of the work is done.
SIXTEENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
MADRID, 8th Dec. 1808. The duke of Montebello bestows the greatest praise upon the conduct of the general of brigade, Pouzet, at the battle of Tudela; of the general of division, Lefebvre, of the general of brigade in the artillery, Couin, of his aide-de-camp Guehensue, who was wounded. He makes particular mention of three regiments of the Vistula. The general of brigade Angereau, who charged at the head of Morlot's division, was distinguished. Messrs. Viry & Labedoyere, took a piece of artillery in the middle of the enemy's line. The latter was slightly wounded in the arm.
His majesty has raised colonel Popin to the rank of general of brigade and the Polish major Kiki to that of Colonel. The Polish colonel Kasinowski, who was wounded has received the insignia of the Legion of honor.
The general of division Ruffin, having crossed the Tagus at Aranjuez, has reached Ocaña, and cut off the wrecks of the army of Andalusia, and which were upon their retreat into Andalusia, which have thrown themselves into Cuenca.
The divisions of cavalry of generals Lasalle and Machaud are marching to Portugal by the way of Talavera de la Reina.
The duke of Dantzig will reach Madrid to-day, with his corps.
Marshal Ney with his corps, is arrived at Guadalajara from Sarragossa.
His majesty, desirous of sparing the horrors of an assault to the well-meaning inhabitants, has not wished to give orders for attacking Sarragossa, until the news of the events which have taken place in Madrid, and the dispersion of the Spanish armies be known in it. If, however, that city persists in its defence, the mines and bombs will soon bring it to reason.
The 8th corps is arrived in Spain, general Delaborde, is going to move his headquarters to Vittoria.
The Polish division of general Valence, will arrive to-day at Buitrago.
The English are retreating on all sides. The division of Lasalle, however, overtook 15 men, whom it cut in pieces. These were either stragglers or men who had lost their way.
Marshal Mortier will arrive on the 16th in Catalonia, in order to turn the enemy and effect his junction with generals Duhesme and St. Cyr.
On the 23rd November, the breach of Tri-nity fort, of the city of Rosas, was on the point of being practicable. On the same day, the English landed 400 men at the foot of the fort. An Italian battalion marched against them, killed 10 men, wounded still more, and threw the remainder into the sea.
About thirty boats were seen going out of the port of Rosas, which induces us to think that the inhabitants are beginning to evacuate the city.
On the 24th, the van of the enemy, which was encamped upon the Fluvia, and from five to 6 thousand strong, under the command of general Alvares, arrived in several columns to attack the points of Navata, Puntos, Armodas and Garrigas, which are occupied by the division of general Souham. The last regiment of light infantry, and the 4th battalion of the light 3d alone, withstood the effort of the enemy, and afterwards repulsed him.
The enemy has been driven back beyond the Fluvia, after having sustained a considerable loss in killed and wounded. Some prisoners have been taken, among whom are colonel Lebrun, the second in command of the expedition and colonel of the regiment of Tarragona, the major and a captain of the same regiment.
SEVENTEENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
MADRID, 10th Dec. 1808.
Yesterday, at the Prado, his majesty reviewed the corps of the Marshal Duke of Dantzig; and he expressed his satisfaction to these brave troops.
To-day he reviewed the troops of the Confederation of the Rhine, forming the division commanded by general Leveil. The regiments of Nassau and Baden have behaved well. That of Hesse-Darmstadt has not supported the reputation of the troops of that country, and has not answered the opinion which they had caused to be formed of them in the campaigns of Poland. The colonel and the major, appear to be men of no transcendent talents.
On the 16th inst. the duke of Istria set off from Guadalajara. He caused the whole road to be beaten, from Sarragossa as far as Valencia, and took 500 prisoners, as well as a great deal of baggage. At Bastan, a battalion of 500 men was surrounded by our cavalry and cut in pieces.
The army of the enemy having been beaten at Tudela and Catalayud, and abandoned by its generals, as well as part of its other officers and a great number of soldiers, was reduced to 6,000 men.
On the 8th, at 12 o'clock at night, the Duke of Istria gave orders to general Montbrun, to attack a corps which protected the flight of the enemy's army. That corps was closely pursued and we took 1,000 prisoners. It was attempting to reach Andalusia, by the
way of Madridejo, and it appears that it was forced to disperse in the mountains of Cuenca.
The following is the continuation of the operations of the siege of Rosas:
On the 28th, at 12 o'clock at noon, a summons was sent, to which no answer was returned.
Information has been received, by 22 deserters, that the city had suffered very considerably; that an insurrection had broken out among the inhabitants who wished to capitulate, and that this capitulation would already have taken place, if the English had not abused the liberty they have to escape by sea, and thus oblige the fortress to hold out.
A very brilliant and honorable action, for his majesty's troops, has made us masters of the town adjoining the fortresses. The consequence is, that we are at a very small distance from the citadel, and precisely on the side which was formerly blown up by the explosion of a powder Magazine, and the wall of which is but badly repaired.
A breach battery is established opposite this bastion; it was established on the 28th, in the evening, as had also been another battery opposite the same front. These works are going on briskly; but from the nature of the ground such considerable difficulties occur, that the battery cannot be in a state for firing until the 5th day.
A battery has also been established on the port, in the town, the fire of which being directed against the marine gate of the fort, must obstruct the communication with the sea, and render it difficult to embark the garrison, even with a favorable wind, and altogether impossible with a contrary one.
[Here follow some intercepted and other letters:]
EIGHTEENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
MADRID, 12th Dec. 1808.
The central Junta of Spain had but little power. Most of the provinces scarcely attend to its orders: they had all wrested from it the administration of the finances. It was influenced by the lowest class of the people—it was governed by the minority. Florida Blanca was without any credit. The Junta was submitted to the will of two men; the one, called Lorenzo Calvo, a grocer in Sarragossa, who, in a few months, had acquired the title of excellency. He was one of those violent men who appear in revolutions—his probity was more than suspected; the other was a man of the name of Tilly, formerly condemned to the galleys as a robber, the younger brother of Gusman, who acted a part under Robespierre in the time of terror, and very worthy of having had that wretch for his brother. As soon as any member of the Junta attempted to oppose violent measures, these two men cried out treason; a meeting was formed under the windows of Aranjuez, and every body signed. The extrava-gance and wickedness of these demagogues were evinced in every manner. As soon as they learned that the emperor was at Burgos, and that he would shortly be at Madrid, they carried their delirium so far as to make a declaration of war against France, filed with invective and instances of madness.
What the honest people had to suffer from the lowest class of the people would be hardly conceived, if every nation did not find in its own annals the remembrance of such crimes.
Recently, three more respectable inhabitants of Toledo were murdered.
When on the 11th, the general of division Lasalle, pursuing the enemy, arrived at Talavera de la Reina, two of which the English had passed in triumph ten days before, announcing that they were going to succor the capital, a dreadful spectacle presented itself to the eyes of the French. A corpse clothed in the uniform of a Spanish general was hanging upon a gibet, and pierced with a thousand musket shots; it was the gen. don Bonito St. Juan, whom his soldiers, in the disorder of their panic, and to give a color to their cowardice, had so basely sacrificed. They took breath at Talavera only to torment their un-fortunate general, who, during a whole day, was the but of their barbarity and atrocious sur-dress.
Talavera de la Reina is a considerable town, situated in the fine valley of the Tagus, and in a very fruitful country.
The Bishops of Leon and Astorga, and a great number of ecclesiastics have distinguished themselves by their good conduct, and by the example of apostolical virtues.
The general pardon granted by the emperor, and the provisions which mark the establishment of the new dynasty by the annihilation of the houses of the principal delinquents, have produced a great effect. The destruction of the rights odious to the people, and contrary to the prosperity of the state, and the measure which leaves to the numerous class of monks no uncertainty as to their fate, are attended with a good result.
The general animadversion is directed against the English. The peasants say, in their language that at the approach of the French they went to ride their wooden horses.
His majesty yesterday received several corps of cavalry. He appointed the colonel of the Polish lancers a commander of the legion of honor. The corps which that officer commands has covered itself with glory upon all occasions.
His majesty has testified his satisfaction to the brigade of Dyon for its good conduct at the battle of Tudela.
NINETEENTH BULLETIN OF THE ARMY OF SPAIN.
MADRID, 13th Dec. 1808.
The fortress of Rosas surrendered on the 6th. The capitulation is annexed No. 1. 2,000 men have been made prisoners, and a considerable number of pieces of ordnance were found in the place. Six English ships of the line, which were at anchor in the roads, were unable to take the garrison on board. Gen. Gouvion St. Cyr, speaks highly of gen. Reille and gen. Pino. The troops of the kingdom of Italy were distinguished during the siege.
To-day the emperor reviewed, on the other side of the bridge of Segovia, all the troops belonging to the corps of the Marshal Duke of Dantzig.
The division of Gen. Sebastiani has begun its march for Talavera de la Reyna.
The Polish division of gen. Valence has the finest appearance.
The disbanding of the Spanish troops is every where continuing: the new levies which were making are dispersing on all sides and returning home.
The information which is received from the Spaniards themselves, respecting the Central Junta only tends to cover it with ridicule. That assembly was become the object of the contempt of Spain. Its members, thirty-six in number, had assumed titles, ribbands of all kinds, and a salary of 60,000 livres. Florida Blanca was a mere puppet. He is now ashamed of the disgrace which he has drawn upon his old age. As it always happens in such assemblies, two or three men led all the others, and those two or three wretches were in the pay of England. The opinion of the city of Madrid has been loudly declared with regard to that Junta which has fallen into ridicule and contempt and has drawn upon itself the hatred of all the inhabitants of the capital.
The Burghers, the clergy and the nobility, having been convoked by the Corregidor, have met twice; they have passed the annexed declaration No. II.
The public mind in the capital is very different from what it was before the departure of the French. Since that period, the city has been prey to all the evils which are the inevitable consequence of being without a government; its own experience has inspired the disgust of revolutions, and this has drawn closer the ties by which they were attached to the king. In the midst of the scenes of disorder by which Spain has been agitated, the prayers and wishes of all prudent men were turned towards their sovereign.
Never was such a beautiful month of December beheld in this country; people would imagine it to be the season at the beginning of spring. The emperor avails himself of this fine weather, to remain in the country, a league from Madrid.
[Here follows the capitulation of Rosas.]
CAPITULATION.
Proposed by Victor Hughes, commander in chief of Cayenne and French Guyana—and accepted by James Lucas Yeo, post captain in his Britannic majesty's service, commanding the combined English and Portuguese naval forces and Manuel Marques, knight of the military orders of St. Benoit d'Aviz, lieutenant in chief and director of the corps of artillery of Para, commanding the advanced army of the Portuguese.
Although the advanced posts have been carried—and that the commissioner of the emperor and king is reduced with his garrison to the town, he owes to those sentiments of honor which have always distinguished him—to the valor and good conduct of the officers and soldiers under his command—to the attachment of the inhabitants of the colony to his majesty the emperor and king—to declare publicly, that he surrenders less to the force than to the destructive system of liberating all the slaves who should join the enemy, and of burning all the plantations and ports where there should be any resistance.
The commissioner of the emperor commanding in chief, after having witnessed the burning of several plantations, particularly his own, the most considerable of the colony, has attributed it first to the casualties of war; and the disorganization of the gang, and the liberation of the slaves, appeared to him a momentary measure; but being assured in writing, that the English and Portuguese officers acted in virtue of the orders of his royal highness the Prince Regent, and wishing to save the colony from total destruction, and to preserve his august master's subjects who had given him so many proofs of their attachment and fidelity, the commissioner of his imperial and royal majesty surrenders the colony to the forces of his royal highness the Prince Regent, on the following conditions:
 1. The Garrison shall march out with their arms and baggage and all the honors of war; the officers shall retain their side arms, and those of the staff their hatches; the garrison shall lay down their arms, and engage not to serve against his royal highness and his allies during one year.  2. Vessels shall be furnished at the expence of his highness the Prince Regent, to carry the garrison, the officers civil and all those employed in the service with families and effects, direct to France, with as little delay as possible.  3. A convenient vessel shall be furnished to convey to France the commissioner of the emperor commanding in chief, his family, his officers, his suite, and effects; the chief of the administration of the finances, the commander of the troops, the inspector and the commandant of artillery, with their families.  4. A convenient delay shall be granted to the officers who have property in the colony, to settle their affairs.  5. The arsenals, batteries, and every thing belonging to the artillery, the small arms and powder magazines, and the provision stores, shall be given up by inventory, and in the state in which they now are, and the same shall be pointed out.  6. The slaves on both sides shall be disarmed, and sent to their respective plantations.  7. The French negroes whom the commanders by sea and land of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent have engaged for the service during the war, and to whom in virtue of their orders they have given their freedom, shall be sent out of the colony, as they can only remain there in future an object of trouble and dissention.  8. The commanders engage, as they have promised, to solicit of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent the replacing of those slaves, as an indemnity in favor of the inhabitants to whom they belong.  9. The papers, plans, and other articles belonging to the Engineer Department, shall be equally given up.  10. The sick and wounded who are obliged to remain in the Colony may leave it, with all that belongs to them, as soon as they are in a situation to do so; in the mean time they shall be treated as they have been hitherto.  11. Private property, of whatever nature or description, shall be respected, and the inhabitants may dispose of it as heretofore.  12. The inhabitants of the colony shall preserve their properties and may reside there conforming to the orders and form established by the Sovereign under which they remain; they shall be at liberty to sell their properties and retire whenever it may suit them, without any obstacle.  13. The Civil Laws known in France under the title of the Napoleon Code, and in force in the Colony, shall be observed and executed until the peace between the two nations; the Magistrates shall only decide on the interests of individuals, and differences connected with them in virtue of the said laws.  14. The debts acknowledged by individuals during or previous to the time fixed by the preceding article shall be exacted agreeably to the basis determined by the same article.  15. The papers concerning the controul and matriculation of the troops shall be carried away by the quarter master.  16. Desirous of preserving the Spice Plantation on called La Gabrielle in all its splendor and agriculture, it is stipulated that neither it, nor any of the plantation trees or plants shall be destroyed, but that it shall be preserved in the state in which it is given up to the commanders of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent.  17. All the papers of the stores of inspection of the customs, or of any responsibility whatever, shall be deposited in the Secretary's office, or in any other place that may be agreed on, to be referred to when there is occasion; the whole shall be under the seal of the two governments, and at the disposal of his Imperial and Royal Majesty.  18. The present Capitulation shall be written in the three languages, and signed by the three officers stipulating. 
At the advanced posts of Bourde, January 12, 1809.
(Signed) VICTOR HUGHES, JAMES LUCAS YEO, MANUAL MARQUES.
CHARLESTON, March 20.
Capture of Martinique. Capt. Moss, arrived last evening in 11 days from St. Bartholomews, informs us, that shortly before he left that place certain intelligence had been received of the surrender of the island of Martinique to the British arms. It is stated, that early in the month of February the British carried by storm, the important post of Windmill Hill, which in some measure commands Fort Bourbon—the old batteries at this place were strengthened and new ones thrown up—on the 18th of February these batteries were opened upon the Fort, and on the 20th the French com-
mander capitulated. It is also stated, that the surrender of the Fort was accelerated by the accidental explosion of the powder magazine, which also destroyed the water cistern. The British troops were commanded by Gen. Beckwith. There was but one French frigate at Fort Royal, and she was destroyed before the surrender of the place—her commander had been previously killed by the explosion of a bomb. A sloop of war was immediately despatched for England with an account of the surrender of the island.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 28, 1809.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
A reply to a letter under the signature of "John Clarke," published in the last Enquirer.
John Clarke complains of the interruption received in his defence, as he calls the effusions which have appeared under his signature. He says that "an enemy, that had a spark of generosity in his composition, would have remained silent, at least, until the defence was ended." To this reply, four letters have been published by way of exordium—according to this, the defence might have lasted an age. But admitting the correctness of his opinion as related to others; having attacked me, he had no right to expect the smallest indulgence or delay. It seems, I have been introduced into confusion in his camp. I anticipated, and now assure all concerned, that I shall not give them time to rally and form again, until they are vanquished, as this day's Argus will partly prove.
In one of his letters he stated, that I was the author and finisher of the whole work, by which he was overthrown, that I was also the vicegerent of the armory committee—directed every thing, had more weight and influence with the legislature, than the governor and council—several ex-governors and ex-councillors—many generals, colonels, majors and other men of talents and renown; and notwithstanding all this, I am too despicable to receive punishment from him—so great a man is he.
This great man must recollect how often he threatened to call me to an account, as soon as the legislature should rise, and now, behold his subterfuge! he is too dignified, the road to exaltation before him is so obvious that he cannot notice me.
This great man knows, that for several months, I was ready to meet his summons, that is, before his infamy was established. But now, I should prove myself a bad citizen to interrupt the course of the law. Covered with crimes, degraded, disgraced and consigned to wretchedness as well as infamy, I know of no one, who is a more prominent object for the penitential, and I am not willingly deprived of the tenement of so ingenious a visit.
If I should call upon John Clarke, I am advised a prosecution would be immediately entered against me, and that the penalty would be rigidly inflicted; besides, I cannot so debase my man as to become the lie of this unhappy and despicable man. I must therefore leave him to the incessant punishment inflicted by his own morbid mind.
Were it otherwise, what claims to honorable notice can a man support, who has defrauded the public treasury, by certifying the most palpable misrepresentations? Who has fabricated false accounts to support those falsehoods?
Is not such a man fit for piots, for treasons, for conspiracies, nay, for any thing, except for acts of honor and virtue? To these he has bid an everlasting farewell. Early initiated, and familiarized with fraud and deception, it was never his lot to know more of virtue, truth and honor, than that they were attributes to which general homage was paid. Of these he can prate, just enough, to promote his schemes of deception and fraud.
With a mind thus prepared, supported by a false confidence, and the means alluded to, this high priest of impostors, this public defaulter without rival, has been enabled to squander almost half a million of dollars, a great part of which will be lost for ever.
Having in vain, for several months attempted to fix an imputation on my character, for some reprehensible act, poor John Clarke in the paroxysms of disappointment and vengeance has alluded to my misfortune—and in the usual style of misrepresentation. If for these I deserve a condemnation, I am convinced that I shall hold a pre-eminent station. All immoral as he is, I believe, that my misfortunes will, far, very far, surpass his vices. If in the present tide of times misfortunes are to be treated as crimes, I know of no man against whom more charges can be made. I shall therefore without hesitation, plead guilty—but my worst enemy knows well that failing in this they can go no further. But what have they to do in defending the defalcations of public money, with the deceptions long practised upon an unsuspecting people, or with the wounds and murders inflicted by the bursting of the armory muskets? These are the charges!
HENRY BANKS.
OFFICE OF THE VIRGINIA ARGUS. TO THE SUBSCRIBERS OF THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
In consequence of the dreadful fire which broke out on yesterday about 11 o'clock, our paper will not appear in its regular course for some days. It commenced fifty or sixty houses above us, on the same side of the Main Street, and as soon as we heard the alarm, we hastened to afford our assistance to others—when we immediately found it was absolutely necessary at home. The wind was extremely high and directed immediately towards us. It was indeed generally expected, that every house would be consumed on that side, until the fire should be arrested at the market-bridge. Our house was frequently on fire in various places. Such was our conviction of its being out of the reach of redemption, that we deemed it absolutely necessary to remove our types, papers and book-store, to some spot of security. In consequence of the hurry of this movement, many of our sheets of the laws of the last session are lost, our types broken and the forms destroyed. Such is our confidence in the liberality and sympathy of our friends and subscribers, that we deem it unnecessary to say any thing more. As soon as our affairs, with the most unremitting industry, can be re-established, the Argus shall make its appearance.
FIRE!!
The inhabitants of this city were alarmed yesterday about 11 o'clock A. M. by this hideous cry. The fire broke out in the main street in a house occupied by Mr. Marks, Hatter—and is said to have originated from the heat of an iron pipe, which passed thro' the house. The Fire appeared first upon the roof of the house, and as the wind was extremely high, the most serious alarms were immediately entertained, of the progress of the devouring element. Mr. Marks's house was consumed to the ground. The wind being northerly, the fire passed down the street. It caught and consumed the neighboring tenement, occupied by Mr. McKay; & Mr. Neal Nelson—a small wooden building, occupied by a grocer. The devastation next extended to the Vendue-
Store of Mr. James Brown—and consumed the store on the main street, together with the Warehouses behind, with a large quantity of groceries, Sugar, Coffee, Flour &c.
A small alley next presented itself, between the vendue-office and the store of Messrs. Bohn and Hubner—the fire crossed this alley, and consumed the kitchen, in the back yard, attached to this last tenement. The store of Messrs. Bohn and Hubner escaped, partly owing to its superior elevation to the contiguous buildings, and partly to its roof being composed of slate. From the kitchen, the fire extended to the roof of the suite of brick buildings, below Messrs. Bohn and Hubner's, belonging to Gervais Storr, Esq. which suite was completely destroyed. This suite was composed of various tenements, occupied by Mr. Wercq, taylor, Messrs. J. Mason & Reat, jewellers, Messrs. Sheppard & Lucke, and Mr. Green, merchants. The back-houses attached to these tenements, participated of the same fate. The progress of the fire was at length arrested by a parapet or party wall, attached to the tenement occupied by Mr. W. Temple, and separating the roof of that tenement from that of Mr. Green's.
The wind was violent and the most serious fears were entertained of the fate of all the buildings on the north side of the Market-bridge. The flaming brands flew to an immense distance. They set fire to several roofs on the other side of the street—to several on the same side below—they flew even below Shockoe Creek, & set fire to the market-house, close to the market-bridge, and to several houses below. The brands are supposed to have flown in one direction nearly 600 yards.
No computation can yet be formed of the injury and loss sustained. The houses are generally valuable—the suite of brick buildings was however insured by the Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia. A considerable quantity of goods was destroyed, particularly in the vendue office and warehouses of Mr. Brown.
The impetuosity of the flames was immense. A vast number of people attended the fire—but there was little order and little discipline. There were four fire engines on the ground. Some individuals distinguished themselves by their intelligent and powerful exertions. Mr. Osgood displayed all his wonted fire and intrepidity.
This melancholy accident has demonstrated at least three truths to the citizens of Richmond—1st. the necessity of separating their houses by a party or parapet wall several feet high. 2d. the necessity of covering their roofs with tile or slate instead of shingles. 3d. The necessity of better discipline in the fire companies & a more complete apparatus used on these occasions, such as hooks, &c. &c. May the inhabitants profit by this melancholy experience of the losses of our fellow citizens!!
17 We recommend Mr. Nicholas's circular to the notice of the reader—it has just issued from the press, and is, for the first time, published in a news paper.
17 The contest, going on in our paper, is contrary to our rules. It shall be stopped.—A truce with personalities.
No other pieces will be admitted against Major Clarke until he is heard out. We have assurances, that a short time, will complete his defence.
We understand that the following arrangements have been made at Washington, for fitting out a portion of the Navy, agreeable to the act of Congress:—Commodore Rogers, is to command the frigate Constitution; Com. Decatur, the United States; Captain Bainbridge, the President; Capt. Hull, the Chesapeake; Capt. Stewart, the Essex; Capt. Smith, the John Adams; & Capt. Robinson, the Wasp; Many new officers have been appointed. Commodore Rogers is to command on the northern station—Commodore Decatur, on the southern.
THE subscriber, who was brought up in a County Court office, and was upwards of ten years Clerk of the District Court holden in Richmond, and during that time had constantly an opportunity of inspecting the records of the General Court, proposes to publish by subscription, a collection of the most useful and approved forms of process, judgments and orders used in the County and District Courts—also, of bonds usually taken in the said courts, and executions on judgments thereof; records on appeals from, and writs of supersedeas to, judgments of the District Courts; of proceedings on the arraignment of criminals in the last mentioned courts, and of the entries used on the trials thereof.—To which will be added, some forms of the most correct Declarations in special actions, Indictments in Criminal cases and a few of the most unusual and difficult sorts of conveyances, and a complete index to the whole. The volume will contain about 400 pages of octavo. The price whereof will be twelve dollars, as expected to contract for printing a smaller number of copies, which will be bound in boards. The work can be printed in five or six months after it is put to press, and it is now ready for it, but will not be published till subscriptions for 100 copies are obtained, and ten dollars of the price of each paid.
Those gentlemen who wish to be considered as subscribers, will be pleased to communicate it, and remit the above amount of their subscriptions to Samuel Shepard, Esq. Aude of Public accounts in the city of Richmond, who will refund the money in case any circumstance should occur to prevent the publication. I shall endeavor to forward the copies to subscribers as soon as possible—upon receipt thereof the balance of the subscription money is to be paid.
J. ROBINSON. ep3w
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.—RANA-WAY, in Decr. 1808, a NEGRO MAN named JACK, 36 years of age, of the middle size, a good Oatler, and calls himself a Farmer, excels in driving a carriage, fond of strong drink, and when drunk is impertinent and quarrelsome—formerly belonged to Thomas Wilson of the City of Richmond, believed to have been raised by a Mr. Willis of Gloucester county. He has travelled much in Virginia & the Southern states as a body servant. He is very artful and apt to smile (as innocent) when charged with a crime. Probably has lost some of his foreteeth. Any person securing him, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward.
HENRY M. CLAY. Halifax, Va. March 28.
WILLIAMSBURG, March 1809.—The Members of the Protestant Episcopal Church are earnestly requested to take notice, that the second Tuesday in May next is the time appointed for holding the annual convention in Richmond.
S. MADISON, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia. March 28.

SPEECH
DELIVERED BY MR. GILES,
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
FEBRUARY 13, 1809.
In support of the following resolution moved by
him on the 8th of the same month:
(CONTINUED.)
Resolved, That the several laws laying an Em- bargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, be repealed on the 4th of March next, except as to Great Britain and France, and their dependencies, and that provision be made by law for prohibiting all commercial intercourse with these nations and their de- pendencies, and the imposition of any article in- to the United States, the growth, produce or ma- nufacture of either of the said nations, or of the dominions of either of them.
About the same time, those generous interpo- sers in the affairs of other nations, sent a fleet and army to Portugal, their friend and ally, to aid the Portuguese in expelling or subduing a French army, then in the bosom of their country. These wretched & devoted people, deserted by a weak and impotent government, left almost without the smallest semblance of internal police, and struggling against a French army in their bosom, hailed with acclamation of joy, the arrival of their generous deliverers. And what happens? In the month of September following, a convention for the evacuation of Portugal is made by the British and the French. The Portuguese, the principals in the war, and the allies of Great-Bri- tain, not even consulted; and upon taking down the French standard of despotism, the Portu- guese, with indignation and astonishment, beheld unfurling in its stead, the British standard of des- potism.
Now find, sir, from the London news papers, by the last accounts from Portugal, that a formi- dable party has risen up against the regency; or in plain English, against British insolence and despotism; for, sir, the cause of the regency is the cause of the British: and is not this, the na- tural consequence of such conduct? Yes, sir, that miserable and devoted people are probably divided in opinion. The one half thinks the des- potism of their French oppressors the most Intol- erable; the other half that the despotism of their generous British deliverers still worse.
Spain is now also receiving the generous inter- position of this energetic administration. The tragic scene in this devoted and commiserated country is not yet closed, or, at least, not known here. But I should not be at all surprised to hear by the very next intelligence, which shall be wafted from that bloody scene of action, that the generous Britons have run away, and left the Spanish patriots in the lurch, and have forcibly borne away the Spanish fleet as a slight reward for the generous aid afforded the patriots. And if such should be the fact, Mr. President, do you not believe it would be justified in this country? Yes, sir, some old rule, or some new rule, or some no rule, would instantly be hunted out for its justification. After so many atrocious acts of Great-Britain, affecting the dearest interests of our own country, have been justified, there is no act she could perform towards other nations, which would leave her without her advocates here.
I turn with disgust and mortification from this horrible picture of wrongs, inflicted to Great- Britain, upon other nations, to a recollection and re-capitulation of the injuries and insults heaped upon my own country, and particularly by the present energetic administration; and I feel de- graded as an American, when I review and re- collect our patient forbearance under them, and particularly, sir, when I hear any one of my fel- low-citizens say there are no causes of war; or wait for a further accumulation of injuries and in- sults. I have, sir, I am mistaken in the views I have of the causes of war. A discovery of this mistake might relieve me from feelings, which as an American, I cannot but possess, but which I am unable to describe. But, sir, to call the at- tention of gentlemen with more certainty and pre- cision to the injuries and insults inflicted on us, I have reduced the disgusting catalogue to wri- ting. Sir, I believe that nearly contemporaneous with the determination of the British ministry to seize the Danish fleet, was its determination to plunder and destroy American commerce. The principle of that determination applied with equal force to both nations. It was exclusive do- minion on the ocean; and as one false suspi- cion was made the pretext for seizing the Danish fleet, so another suggestion, equally false, was made the pretext at once for the destruction of our commerce, and for sowing the seeds of division amongst our people. That false suggestion was, that the government of the United States was acting under French influence, and engaged in some secret negotiation with the French em- peror for some ridiculous and visionary divisions of the United States. The success of this false hood, and the extent of its circulation, &c. &c. are now pretty generally known in all parts of the United States. Without any further prefatory observations, therefore, let me read to you the catalogue of injuries and insults inflicted by G- Britain on the United States. I think it proba- ble, sir, I have omitted some, because it is a sub- ject to which I turn my mind with disgust, and from it with pleasure.
CATALOGUE OF BRITISH INJURIES AND INSULTS.
 Impressment of American seamen.  Seizing and confiscating our vessels upon various unauthorized pretexts.  Blockading our ports, seizing vessels entering therein, and sending them to some neighboring port for condemnation.  Firing at and detaining coasting vessels within our acknowledged jurisdiction; murdering a citizen in these acts of wantonness.  Violating our neutrality by destroying a French ship of war within our jurisdiction, and thus entitled to protection.  Attacking a public armed ship of the United States.  Killing some, & murdering others of her crew.  Refusing atonement for these outrages. Regulating and restraining our commerce. Colonizing and taxing us by orders of council reduced to the form of law by an act of parliament.  Interfering in our political concerns by inviting our citizens to violate our laws, and by publishing a letter from the British secretary of state, by way of appeal to the people against their own government.  Forcing a contraband trade with armed ships, &c. 
Mr. President, am I mistaken in these facts or are they true? If true, sir, there is a gentleman here present prepared to tell the American peo- ple that all these injuries and insults have been in- flicted upon them by Great-Britain, & all atone- ment for them refused, and that there is no cause of war? That their honor and interest do not demand war, that they are not yet sufficiently de- graded, but must wait for a greater accumula- tion of injuries and insults! But, sir, permit me to press this enquiry still further. Its importance demands it. It is of the last importance to the people to understand it correctly; that not a doubt should be suspended over the fact. Sir, I have said twice before this session, and I now say a third time, and I beg gentlemen to answer me explicitly, yea or nay. I have twice said, and I now say a third time, that Great-Britain by her orders of council, now reduced to the form of law, has abridged the rights of national sove- reignty, that she has colonized and taxed the peo- ple of the United States. Here let me stop, sir, for let me say to you these acts alone, and ask gen- tlemen if they are true? Gentlemen have not de- nied them. Gentlemen cannot deny them. Well, sir, are gentlemen prepared to tell the people of
the United States that Great-Britain has abrid- ged their rights of national sovereignty, that she has colonized and taxed them, and persevers in so doing, and in the same breath, and at the same time, to tell them there are no causes of war, that they must wait for further injuries and insults! I have so much confidence in the in- telligence and patriotism of the people in every section of the Union, that I do not believe such language would be justified or even tolerated in any part of the United States. No, sir, the peo- ple of Boston, enveloped as they are with preju- dices, would repel the degrading exposition if it were fairly presented to their view and consi- deration. But, sir, I propose to press the exami- nation of this subject still further. I propose to select two or three of the most formidable and intolerable acts of outrage from the disgusting catalogue, and to bestow on them a more critical attention. These will be acts of the present en- ergetic administration. I suppose that other gen- tlemen cannot understand the orders of council as I do; if they did, it would be impossible for an American to offer an apology for, or even a palliation of them. They shall, therefore, re- ceive my first attention. First, as they effect our rights of national sovereignty. Secondly, as they affect the different occupations of commerce, ag- riculture and fishing. Thirdly, the pretexts up- on which they are attempted to be justified.
The orders of council now reduced to the form of law, abridge our national sovereignty, in un- derstanding coercively to regulate our commerce in defiance of our own laws and the laws of nations and in subjecting it to heavy taxes or tribute. The power to regulate the commerce of the U- States with foreign nations, is given by the peo- ple to Congress. These orders of council un- dertake to regulate it by force, and in defiance of the laws of Congress. Indeed, the orders extend their regulation of it further than Congress is au- thorised to do by the people; for they have char- ged our exports with heavy duties, which Con- gress is prohibited from doing by the constitu- tion. Great-Britain may, by municipal regulations, lay any tax she pleases upon the exports of our productions from Great-Britain, but she has no right to force our commerce into her ports for the purpose of collecting a tax from it, nor subject- ing it to capture and condemnation for any depart- ure from the rules she prescribes for conducting it upon the ocean. Submission to these regula- tions, would be the surrender of some of the most essential attributes of national sovereignty, and would justly exclude us from the family of nations, because we should thereby consent to be excluded from the exercise of some of the es- sential rights of sovereignty, which are indispen- sable to the equality of nations. The result is so plain, that I suppose that there can be but one op- inion respecting it.
But, sir, I am the more disposed to examine the operation of these orders upon the different occupations of commerce, agriculture and fishing, because I have lately heard it said, and repeated that they merely effect the occupation of com- merce, and as a consequence resulting from this interpretation of them, it is said that the mer- chants may go out and take care of themselves. This, sir, is an extremely fallacious suggestion, and gentlemen, particularly agriculturalists, ought to be very cautious in adopting it. This mistake has probably arisen from the want of a due consideration of the subject. It has arisen from the want of discriminating between the right of commerce, or rather the right of regula- ting commerce, of prescribing the rules for con- ducting it, and the occupation of the merchant - the right to carry on commerce exclusively; any other citizen may, if he chooses, exercise the right - but these orders of council affect both the right of commerce and the occupation of commerce - they also affect the right of agriculture and of fishing still more. They effect the occupation of commerce by limiting its extent and objects; but the principle of the orders once admitted, it will regulate the occupation of agriculture, and prob- ably destroy the occupation of fishing. If sub- mitted to, it would probably lessen the value of every farm in the U. States, as well the farms upon the water, as the farms upon the land - Apply the orders to the articles of either flour, cotton, tobacco or fish. I will select two articles only for the purposes of illustration; but the op- eration of the orders will apply equally to all - Take tobacco for example.
According to the orders, every hogshead of to- bacco, exported from the United States, is to be, carried first into a British port, then to pay an export duty of three dollars per hundred weight before it can be permitted to find its way to the continent of Europe, where it is principally con- sumed. The value of the article to the grower, is upon an average about six dollars per cwt. The merchant in purchasing the tobacco of the grow- er, will tell him, your tobacco is worth six dollars, but I can give you three only, because I am com- pelled to call in Great-Britain, and there pay the other three to make up the price to the British treasury, and besides to incur all the charges of the ports and the circuitry of the voyage, &c. &c. The same observations will apply with equal force to every other article of agriculture. And thus, the principle of the orders of council once submitted to, will enable Great-Britain as effect- ually to regulate the various occupations of ag- riculture, as if she were permitted to say at once, the colonists may raise grain, &c. But they shall not raise tobacco, &c. If you permit her to impose taxes at pleasure, on any of your productions on their way across the ocean, to their market or consumption, she can in that way effectively prohibit its cultivation, as if she were authorised to prohibit it in the first instance by a positive prohibitory regulation. The effect of the principle in each case is the same, the only difference consists in the mode or the medium through which the principle is effected. It is not like- ly Great-Britain would discourage the cultiva- tion of grain, because she generally requires the importation of a certain quantity for her own consumption. But if the orders of council were to be submitted to, living in a part of the country where I have an election to cultivate grain or to- bacco, I should certainly abandon the cultivation of tobacco altogether, because charged with the present export tax, I am persuaded it would af- ford nothing to the grower.
Now, sir, let me see how these orders are likely to operate on the American fisheries, and American fish. I believe no American fish is allowed to be consumed in Great-Britain; yet all the American fish carried to foreign markets for consumption, must first call at a British port, and there pay a duty. I do not recollect the precise amount. Gen Smith, of Maryland said ninety cents per quintal. I do not know the proportion that this tax bears to the whole value of the quintal, but it is not material to my illustra- tion. Admit the principle, and the proportion of the tax to the value of the article can be varied at the pleasure of the British government. When you come to recollect, sir, the extreme jealousy entertained at all times, by the British govern- ment, of the American fisheries, the importance they attach to their own fisheries, as the nursery of their seamen, and as almost indispensable to the prosperity of their navy, would you not con- clude, sir, that the farms upon the ocean were in as much danger from the operation of the orders of council, as the farms upon the land? And I beg gentlemen more particularly interested upon this subject, to give these observations a fair and impartial consideration.
But, Mr. President, this suggestion of with- holding the protection of the government from commerce, I conceive wholly inadmissible; for, exclusively of many other considerations, it must have been the result of some very cursory reflec- tions, on superficial observations, upon the attitude the government has assumed in relation to revenue, or an entire miscomprehension of it.
Sir, the occupation of commerce is as much en- titled to the protection of the government as any o- ther occupation, and an abandonment of it is in- jurious to the interests, and as derogatory to the character of the government, as the abandonment of any other. Once avow that principle, once have it understood by foreign nations that your commerce is abandoned to its fate, and its pros- perity is impossible; its destruction is inevitable. Its very prosperity would produce its destruc- tion, by inviting the cupidity and violence of for- eign nations. But, sir, the attitude the gov- ernment has taken upon the subject of revenue, forbids the abandonment of commerce. Almost your whole revenue is derived from commerce. You have dispensed with your internal taxes, and your only internal resource is derived from the sale of your public lands. Winterver may be the productiveness of that fund hereafter, it is not now more than equal to one twentieth of the de- mands of the government. Hence, Sir, the gov- ernment must either afford protection to com- merce, or renew the internal taxes. Can you doubt, Sir, which of these alternatives the gov- ernment would choose? We are told, Sir, there are prejudices against a navy. I know there are, Sir; and I believe I have partaken of them as much as any gentleman in the United States, and stand as much committed to the nation on that point. But the circumstances of the country, at the time of discussing the question of creating a navy, formerly & at the present time, are extreme- ly different. Our commerce then was compara- tively small to what it now is. The proposed ex- penditure upon the navy would have been nearly equal to the whole annual product of the reve- nue derived from commerce. The revenue now derived from commerce is nearly quadrupled; and besides, at that time, our commerce was al- most exempt from foreign aggressions. Its pres- ent prosperity and unprotected state has invited aggressions from abroad; and unless it is pro- tected, it will be destroyed.
Whatever my prejudices or opinions may have been, or may now be upon this subject, I am not so weak and obstinate, as to suppose that those prejudices or opinions can control the practical progression of human affairs, nor that there is a- ny consistency in applying the same opinions to a different state of circumstances and events. These must and will control prejudices and op- inions. Mr. President, notwithstanding all the existing prejudices against a navy, I now confi- dently express an opinion, that if you continue to draw your revenue through the medium of com- merce - if that commerce should continue to prosper and increase, and if foreign cupidity and violence should continue to exist, you will have an avary to protect your commerce. I consider the effect as certain as any other effect produced by irresistible causes. When this effect will take place - when these prejudices will be over- come, whether this year or the next, or at some more future time, I will not pretend to say; but that it will happen at some time, is as certain as that any other effect will happen that is impelled by irresistible causes. The extent of this pro- tection will depend on the discretion of the gov- ernment, and this is a security against its be- ing carried too far by the great predominating in- fluence of the landed and mechanical interests in the United States. The present measures, dic- tated by the present state of things, are in my judgment peculiarly favorable to the accelerat- ing of this result; and I am surprised that our eastern friends, instead of encouraging them, should be throwing obstructions in the way. A result at all times so desirable to them, and so well calculated to give them that weight in the scale of the union which they now seem to think they do not possess, but which they have lately manifested great anxiety to possess.
With respect to this part of the subject, Mr. Pres- ident, permit me to express my deep mortifica- tion and regret at the unfortunate differences of opinion which exist between the eastern and southern people respecting our foreign relations. I will not examine into the causes of these dif- ferences of opinion, because it might excite un- pleasant feelings in some gentlemen which I wish particularly to avoid. These differences are the more to be wondered at, when we all know, that our interests are common in that res- pect; and that in relation to each other they are peculiarly mutual and reciprocal. Never were there people whose occupations rendered their interests more mutual and reciprocal than the eastern and southern people of this union, whose wants and supplies were better suited to each other, or presented fewer points of rivalry. The eastern people have ships and seamen, and delight in employment upon the water; the southern have lands, and delight in agriculture. Their productions too are bulky and heavy, and peculiarly suited to furnish employment for the eastern carriers, not only coastwise, but for for- eign trade. The southern people have no de- sire to enter into the competition, but are per- fectly content to permit their eastern friends to take the trouble of carrying their productions to the markets of their consumption, and to enrich themselves from the fruits of their labors and their speculations; yet notwithstanding all these things and notwithstanding we all know the horrible consequences of divisions, we still witness alarming difference of opinion, which have not only encouraged and invited the interference of a foreign nation in our political concerns, but have also pervaded social inter- course, and even materially lessened the enjoy- ment of society. And after all, Mr. President, permit me emphatically to ask you, to whom, or to what good? Why, Sir, our foreign adversa- ries may profit by our divisions, but they are et- ternally destructive to the real interests of all par- ties amongst ourselves.
Sir, without pressing this subject, further, may I not be permitted to indulge the flattering hope, that when these solemn truths shall be presented to the serious reflection of all the people of the United States, in every quarter and section, that they may be impelled by a sense of common interests, and common dangers, to unite heart and hand against our common adversaries; and notwithstanding present appearances, that our unfortunate differences of opinion may finally e- ventuate in renewed acts of reciprocal kindness, confidence and friendship!
Permit me now, Sir, to enquire into the pre- texts upon which the British ministry under- take to justify these extraordinary orders in coun- cil, and I will venture to assert, that they will be found both false and insincere. The pretext set up for the justification of these orders, is suggested to be founded on the right of retalia- tion upon their enemy. The right to retaliate through the United States is said to be founded on the culpable neglect of their government to resist French aggressions upon their neutral rights, by which it is pretended that Great-Bri- tain has sustained an injury, and thus claims a right to counteract the injury through the United States. Upon the same pretext France claims and exercises what she calls the same right in consequence of the culpable neglect of the United States in not resuming the aggres- sions of Great-Britain. The suggestion of each is false in fact. The United States have not been guilty of any culpable abandonments of their rights in relation to either of the aggress- ing belligerents. The government has constantly in- terposed all reasonable resistance to the aggress- ions of both; of which reasonable resistance it was the proper judge, at least it was entitled to its full share in the decision, and any forcible re- sistance to that decision when made was an act of war. I do not therefore propose to enter into the question, whether Great-Britain or France first commenced their aggressions, since both were properly and reasonably resisted. But, if I should have an opinion upon this question, I should have no hesitation in saying that Great- Britain first began, and so far France has more pretexts for her conduct. There were many acts of the most serious aggressions committed by Great-Britain under pretended blockades,
before the Berlin decrees, and the impressment of American seamen, was contemporaneous with the commencement of the war. (a) This was not, and is not the less an act of aggression, be- cause it is stale, has been long practised, and because we are habituated to it - but it was not acquiesced in. It was met by reasonable re- monstrance & resistance, and therefore is no jus- tification of the French decrees; but at the same time it takes away even the shadow of a pretext from Great-Britain upon the question of who be- gan to do wrong first; for there is a reciprocal condemnation of each other, and so far a joint exculpation of us, at least from the commence- ment of the wrong to either. But, Sir, let me now examine the pretext of the British min- istry according to Mr. Canning's own exposition of it.
(To be continued.)
(BY AUTHORITY.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Authorizing the augmentation of the Marine Corps.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re- presentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized to cause the Marine Corps in the service of the U- nited States to be augmented, by the appoint- ment and enlistment of not exceeding one major, two captains, two first lieutenants, one hundred and eighty-five corporals, and five hundred and ninety-four privates, who shall be respectively al- lowed the same pay, bounty, clothing and rations, and shall be employed under the same rules and regulations to which the said marine corps are or shall be entitled and subject.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and after the passage of this act, all enlistments in the said corps shall be for the term of 5 years, unless sooner discharged, any law to the contra- ry notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
March 3, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
Supplemental to the act, entitled "An act for estab- lishing trading houses with the Indian tribes"
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Re- presentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a sum not exceed- ing forty thousand dollars, in addition to the sum heretofore appropriated for the purpose of carry- ing on trade and intercourse with the Indian na- tions, in the manner prescribed by the act entitled "An act for establishing trading-houses with the Indian tribes," be, and the same is hereby ap- propriated, to be paid out of any monies in the treasury of the U. States not otherwise appropriat- ed.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sum of eight hundred dollars be, and the same is hereby appropriated, out of any monies in the treasury of the U. States not otherwise appropriated, for an additional clerk in the office of the super- intendent of indian trade.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the proviso to the twelfth section of the act, entitled "An act for establishing trading-houses with the Indian tribes," be, and the same is hereby re- pealed.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the act to which this is a supplement, and also this act, shall, from and after the twenty-first day of A- pril next, commence and be continued in force, for and during the term of three years and no lon- ger.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate pro tempore.
March 3, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
AN ACT
To extend to Amos Whittmore and Wm. Whitt- more, junior, the patent right to a machine for manufacturing Cotton and Wool Cards.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all the privileges and benefits granted to Amos Whittmore, of the state of Massachusetts, in consideration of a ma- chine invented by him for the manufacture of cotton and wool cards within the United States, by a patent issued from the Department of State, & bearing date the fifth day of June, one thousand seven hundred & ninety-seven, be, and the same are hereby extended to Amos Whittmore and William Whittmore, junior, as joint proprie- tors of the said machine, for and during the term of fourteen years, to commence on the fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and eleven; any thing in the act, intit- uled "An act to promote the progress of useful arts, and to repeal the act heretofore made for that purpose," to the contrary notwithstanding.
J. B. VARNUM, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JN: MILLEDGE, President of the Senate, pro-tempore.
March 3, 1809. APPROVED, TH: JEFFERSON.
TAKE NOTICE.
The Subscriber respect- fully informs the public, that he has com- menced the CLOCK-MAKING business near Prince-Edward courthouse, where may be had CLOCKS of different descriptions, which he will warrant to perform to the satisfaction of the purchaser. Also, he intends carrying on the bus- iness of making and repairing the Piano Forte - Organs, both finger and barrel, of every description, made to order.
The subscriber from his experience in the a- bove branches, flatters himself he shall be able to give entire satisfaction to those who favor him with their custom. Any of the above instru- ments he pledges himself will be faithfully made and equal in point of melody, elegance and dura- bility to any European manufactures.
The patronage of the patriotic who wishes to encourage home manufactures, is solicited.
ASA HOPKINS.
February 24.
N. B. Cabinet Work, of every description, made on short notice.
IN CHANCERY.
Louisa county, February Court, 1809. Joseph Woolfolk and Bentley Brown Plffs. a- gainst Samuel M. Smith, executor of John Brown dec'd and Frederick Harris, Defts. THE defendant Samuel M. Smith not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, therefore, on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel; It is ordered and decreed, by the court, That the said defendant Samuel M. Smith, do appear here on the second Monday in May next, and answer the plaintiffs bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the news-papers published in the city of Rich- mond, for eight weeks successively, & published at the front door of the court house of this county on some court day. A Copy. Teste, JOHN POINDEXTER, C. L. C. March 21. oaw3w
TO THE FREEHOLDERS AND HOUSE KEEPERS OF THE CITY OF RI- CHMOND, authorised to vote for common coun- clemen, take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the fifth day of April next, the poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places: in Jefferson-ward, at the Court-House, in Madison-ward, at the Eagle Tavern, in Mon- roe-ward, at Mr. Thomas White's new Brick- House.
JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the city of Richmond. March 10. oaw3w
NOTICE.—Cash given for Northern & South- ern Bank Notes at a moderate discount by SIMPSON MORRIS. Richmond Dec. 14.
FRESH RED CLOVER SEED—For sale by BOHN & HUBNER. March 14. 4t
THIS day is dissolved, by mutual consent, the partnership of Barret & Olds. SAMUEL BARRET, JOSIAH OLDS. March 6. tf
The business will, in future, be carried on by S. BARRET.
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, for ready money, on Tuesday the 28th inst, if fair, if not the next fair day, before the Eagle- Tavern, in the City of Richmond, 20 SLAVES, consisting of Men, Boys, Women and Children, THOMAS H. PROSSER. March 21. tf
SALES AT AUCTION.
WILL BE SOLD, at Public Auction, on Tuesday, the 28th inst. if fair, if not, the next fair day, the HOUSE & LOT oppos- ing Dr. McClurg's, lately occupied by Wm. Du-Val, all the household and kitchen FURNITURE be- longing to Alexander Stewart, Esq. and six very likely NEGROES, among them an excellent Maid-Servant, and a good Gardener. Terms of sale:—For all sums under fifty dollars each; over fifty dollars and not exceeding two hundred, sixty days; for all sums over two hundred dollars 60 & 120 days credit will be given.—Notes with ap- proved endorsers, negotiable and payable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required. THOMAS TAYLOR, Auctioneer. March 17. tf
P. S. Wanted to purchase, in families, about 40 likely NEGROES. March 14. T. T. tds