The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-12-30 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
Vol. 6.]
RICHMOND, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 30, 1809.
[No. 71.]
Published by Thomas Ritchie, nearly opposite the Globe Tavern, Richmond, Virginia. CONDITIONS: —Five dollars a year, to be paid annually in advance. Those who wish to be considered as annual subscribers, must hereafter designate it at the time of subscribing, otherwise their papers will be discontinued at the expiration of the first year. No paper can be stopped until all arrearages have been paid off.—Good acceptance, in Richmond only, will be received in payment. The same rule as to Advertisements.
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE: The 5th Volume of the ENQUIRER, complete, bound in boards.
VIRGINIA DEBATES, in the Convention, bound in calf, sheep and boards.
BURR'S TRIAL, for Treason and for a Misdeemeanor, in boards—By D. Robertson.
LETTERS on the Subject of THE CATHOLICS—By Peter Pymley —from the 11th London Edition.
BLANKS, for Lawyers, Clerks, Sheriffs, Constables, Merchants, &c. &c. which will also be printed according to any form exhibited, at the shortest notice.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
A New Theory,
OF THE DIURNAL ROTATION OF THE EARTH: Demonstrated upon Mathematical Principles, from the properties of the Cycloid and the Epicycloid.
WITH
AN APPLICATION OF THE THEORY, To the explanation of the various Phenomena of the Winds, Tides and of those Stony and Metallic concretions which have fallen from Heaven upon the surface of the Earth.
By JOHN WOOD, Author of Elements of Perspective , printed in London, in 1799.
December 14.
THE SUBSCRIBERS having connected themselves in business under the firm of MURPHY & CRUMP, Offer For Sale, in the store lately occupied by Mr. Wm. Temple, four doors above the Bell-Tavern: A general and well selected Assortment of GROCERIES, CHINA, GLASS, & STONE WARE, which they will sell low for cash or exchange for country produce.
They also tender their services to the public as COMMISSION MERCHANTS. Any business committed to their care will be attended to with all possible dispatch.
WILL: MURPHY, JOSEPH CRUMP. Richmond, December 2aw3w.
WAS Committed to the Jail of Northumberland County on the 17th day of May last, a negro Fellow who calls himself Billey: he is about five feet, ten inches high, of a jet black complexion, he was sold from this County about fifteen years ago by Griffin Forester to a Mr. Jones of Bedford, and by him to a Mr. Scott of Hawkins County in the State of Tennessee. The owner is requested to apply, prove property, pay charges, or he will be sold to pay his prison fees according to law.
JOSEPH ROGERS, Jailor. Northd. County, Oct. 2. w5m.
THE SUBSCRIBER gives Notice, that with a view to the education of his own Children, he has determined to remove his family to the City of Richmond—He has rented the House at present occupied by the Chancellor, and proposes taking in 10 or 12 young boys or girls into his family as boarders.
He pledges himself that the most rigid attention shall be paid to the morals and general welfare of such as may be committed to his care. The situation he has chosen is high and healthy, and sufficiently convenient to the Academy. He expects to be in readiness to receive boarders by the 10th of January; in the mean time any communications on this subject may be addressed to him at Columbia.
His price for board is $120 per annum; one third to be paid in advance, one third in six months, and the balance at the end of the year, each boarder finding his bed.
RO. QUARLES. December 12. w8w9a.
THE SUBSCRIBER wishes to hire for the ensuing year, five or six NEGRO COOPERS and a few Boys—He will also be in the habit of purchasing Tobacco of a good quality, for which the highest prices will be given.
M. GRANTLAND. December 14. w4t.
IN CHANCERY —Northumberland County Court, 14th November, 1809. James Smith, Pl. Against Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Bk. Walter Baker and Samuel Blackwell, defs.
The Defendants Elizabeth B. Baker, Virginia Baker and Walter Baker not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of this court that they are not inhabitants of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff, It is decreed and ordered , That the said defendants appear here on the first day of March Court next, and answer on the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted for two months successively in some newspaper published in the city of Richmond, and posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
Attest FLEMING BATES, cl. December 7. w2m.
VIRGINIA to wit: —At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 3th day of July 1809.
William Evans, Thomas R. Evans, Sally Evans, Peter and Elizabeth his wife, Thomas Evans and Dick Evans infants under the age of twenty-one years by Thomas R. Evans their next friend, Harry Gardner and Stephen Prince and Elizabeth his wife, Plaintiffs —Against William Blake, Thomas Evans, senior, John Evans and Thomas Evans, Junr. Defs.
The defendant John Evans not having entered his appearance and given security according to the Act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the Court, that he is not an inhabitant of this County on the motion of the Plaintiffs by their counsel, It is ordered , That the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term, and answer on the bill of the Plaintiffs, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this City.
A Copy. Nov. 14. ARTT. ROBINSON, c. c. w8w.
Congress.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
DEBATE
ON THE JOINT RESOLUTION Approving the conduct of the Executive in relation to the refusal to receive any further communication from Francis James Jackson.
TUESDAY, Dec. 19.
In committee of the whole, Mr. BASSETT in the chair—
(Mr. Dana's speech continued.)
If the principle of approbation be considered as involving an equal right to censure, I make no objection to the resolution on that account. But on this subject I would be cautious, because I might censure wrongly. The President might have reasons for his conduct which I did not know; I would be cautious, because if I should censure where censure ought not to be pronounced, I might do injury by concurring in a procedure tending to diminish the confidence of the nation in the Chief Magistrate.
But this is not a resolution merely approving the conduct of the President of the United States. It is not called for by anything which has been done. It is not conformable to the true spirit of what has taken place. It is rather reproachful to the President than honoring him with praise. It is a denunciation of a foreign minister here accredited; it is expressed in language which your Chief Magistrate would not adopt in his message to Congress, and which he did not authorise in addressing our minister abroad. Sir, public ministers and other public men may be exposed to wrongs of two kinds, personal violence and violence done to their reputation. The case is rare indeed in which a public minister, a Secretary of State, or Head of any other department, commits an offence legally exposing him to corporal punishment. But on a question of decorum, should we permit ourselves to outrage it? When reprehending a violation of decorum, shall we ourselves violate it? Sir, I request you to look at the letter written by the Secretary of State, under the direction of the President, to our minister in London. I will not say that the Secretary of State in his letter to Mr. Pinkney meant to affirm that those printers in this country who publish matters affecting the reputation of a public minister might be prosecuted at common law here, and be subjected to fine and imprisonment at the discretion of the court; and yet, if that be not his meaning, where is the law to which a foreign minister could have recourse? But his language at least shows, that he considers a wrong done to the reputation of a public minister as an injury for which he may reasonably complain, as he may for a wrong done to his person, and that however freely our citizens may speak or publish their sentiments, it is not proper in our public acts to speak wantonly against any person coming here in a public character from a foreign government. When a public minister has been admitted to come here in the faith of an honorable reception, shall the National Legislature undertake to blast his character? Gentlemen will feel it as becoming them to be cautious of inflicting this wound on the reputation of a stranger, having a public trust of high distinction, and thus honorably received by our administration, especially when they are not warranted by the course adopted on the part of the administration.
Let us then, sir, compare the language of this resolution with the language adopted by the President of the United States. The resolution charges "Francis J. Jackson, minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty near the United States," with having used in official correspondence a language highly indecorous and insolent; and then, going on in form of elaborate climax, language still more insolent and affronting; next outrageous and premeditated insults; then a still more direct and aggravated insult and affront to the American people and their government—an invidious attempt to excite resentments and distrusts; and lastly, appealing through salac or fallacious devices. Let us now observe in what manner the President has thought proper to speak by the Secretary of State, with respect to what is called the appeal in the letter, headed "Circular," and purporting to be a letter from Mr. Jackson to the British consuls in the United States. After stating it in the letter to Mr. Pinkney, the Secretary of State remarks, "it can only be regarded as a virtual address to the American people of a representation previously addressed to their government; a pro- re which cannot fail to be seen in its true light by his sovereign." So much on that subject. With respect to the other, there is this general phraseology: "The observations to which so much extent has been given in this letter, with those contained in the correspondence with Mr. Jackson, will make you fully acquainted with the conduct and the character he has developed; with the necessity of the step taken in refusing further communications with him, and with the grounds on which the President instructs you to request that he may be immediately recalled. You are particularly instructed at the same time, in making those communications, to do it in a manner that will leave no doubt of the undiminished desire of the United States to unite in all the measures of the best calculated to establish the relations of the two countries on the solid foundation of justice, of friendship and of mutual interest." Considering this instruction as marking the disposition of the Executive, does the resolution before us correspond with that disposition as expressed in the letter to our minister at London or in the President's message to Congress at the opening of the present session?
Much has been said (not however on this floor) of some case or cases in which a similar course is supposed to have been deem-
ed necessary; and a case has been mentioned of a minister from the court of Vienna in the reign of George the First. But as it has not been urged in this debate, I content myself at this time with observing, that the case of the imperial minister (De Palm) was essentially distinguished from the present, and that as far as I recollect it I find nothing to warrant the resolution before us.
I have some objection, however, to the present resolution, because it seems, although I do not here charge it as a fact, to have been so much copied from a precedent to be found in a resolution of a British House of Commons, respecting an affair materially different; and in some part there seems to have been copied a language better adapted to auxiliaries in pugilism than to the legislators of a great and enlightened republic, a language which the British parliament did not address to their king. A resolution was moved in the House of Commons for an address; and on that motion there was objection as to manner of expression, although the resolution was ultimately carried without a contradictory vote. But in the joint address of the Houses of Parliament to the King, the phraseology was varied, and they did not address him in the style of boxing familiarity.
Thus far, sir, I have considered the resolution before us as not warranted by the official language of the President of the United States and the Secretary of State. In addition to what has already been observed with this view, it is to be noted, that the President in his message to Congress, has not even mentioned Mr. Jackson's circular letter to the British consuls. This letter, indeed, and its being put into circulation, are noticed, but not with laborious hardness of phrase, in the letter of the 23d of November, from Secretary Smith to Mr. Pinkney. But the President of the United States did not regard the subject as worthy to be named by him, when giving to Congress information of the state of the union and recommending the measures necessary and expedient.
The President's message and the Secretary's letter appear expressive of a disposition to use language which should not in its manner be offensive to the British government itself, and to suspend proceedings of an hostile character until an answer may be received from that government. This resolution appears to be formed on directly opposite principles. What, sir! can Congress, can any men think it necessary to say that they will support the President in refusing to receive a communication from a foreign minister, or, that they will support him with the whole force of the nation in so refusing? You do not expect the minister to force a communication on the President. This is too absurd and cannot be the real meaning of the resolution. The only many idea intended to be conveyed by the resolution in this respect must be, that the Congress mean to support the President in a conflict with the British government eventually. Why, sir, is such language at the present time proposed for adoption, as if it were either necessary or expedient? The British government perhaps may not be perfectly satisfied with the conduct of this administration towards the minister from Great Britain to the U. States; and yet it might be thought proper to recall him; because unacceptable to the President of the U. S. because the President has requested his recall, and because under existing circumstances the further continuance of such a minister in this country might not be useful to the government that sent him. Do you wish to place the affair in such a state as to render it peculiarly difficult for the British government to recall him, except in prelude to war?
Do you approve the procedure of the President in causing application to be made by the Secretary of State in a style of guarded decorum, instructing the American minister at London to request the recall of the British minister who has been here received, and will you send a menace to accompany the request? In this view what is the proposed resolution, if it be any thing? What is meant by a solemn pledge to the world for calling into action the whole force of a nation, eventually against a foreign power? If language has certainty of meaning, it is a provisional defiance of war, solemnly made known to the world—a national challenge to battle. Have you weighed fully all that is implied in this defiance of war? Are you prepared to sustain it fully by all your means? Or can you say that you do not intend this? Is it possible that the representatives of the people of the U. S. can solemnly announce to the world a pledge to call into action the whole force of the nation, and yet that it can be all idle words? That in fact they intend to do no such thing as they promise? Are we indeed prepared to pronounce ourselves fallen thus low?
Considering gentlemen as serious in announcing this pledge to the world, and giving this national defiance to war, I ask what is to be the result of the conflict if we were not prepared for it, and how far are we prepared? This enquiry suggests an attention to the resolution under two different aspects, as we know the relations of Executive departments to be affected or varied according to views of peace or war. On questions of great national controversy, the department of state has in charge to attend to those gratifying themes, the rights, the honor and dignity of the nation and government. And these themes may be presented the more for public attention as the state of affairs becomes hostile until their most imposing influence over the public passions is realised amidst the operations of declared war. In a state of peace, the department of the Treasury may attract regard from redundancy of revenue and extinction of debt, and projects of improvement. But the frown of war reverses the scene. On this department is now devolved the task of devising ways and means for supplying extraordinary expenditure or waste. The ungrateful subjects of attention are the exhaustion of the treasury—loans—taxation—the option of difficulties in procuring money—the choice between different modes of imposing pecuniary burdens on the people. If this resolution be pursued according to its import, additional charges on the people must be required. To give eclat to the de-
partment of state, can you be willing to embarrass the department of the treasury?
There is another reason why we should be cautious. Can it be expedient for the public to make experiments tending to waste the national character? More than two years have elapsed since an interdictory proclamation was fulminated from the palace against the British navy. A squadron concerned in committing the offence mentioned in the proclamation, was suffered to remain for several months within the waters of the U. S. in open defiance of the executive interdict and the exclusive right of territorial jurisdiction. There that squadron was suffered to remain, although the power given to the President by statute, I believe, extended to employing the military and naval forces of the U. S. and the militia at the President's discretion to compel respect to his proclamation. The offending squadron was suffered to remain there, notwithstanding the number, which the government had, of those highly recommended aquato-terrene vehicles denominated gun-boats. The indignity then was greater than is to be found in the subject of this resolution. Yet the government did not then assert the paramount right of territorial sovereignty with effect. With such experience, what honor what utility is to be expected, from passing this resolution now? What is to be expected but irritation without benefit, embarrassment without extrication? When they attend to your measures, will foreign powers believe that such a resolution proves your title to respect?
A further reason against the resolution is founded on the conduct of the President of the United States; it is the consideration, that he has not ordered the British minister, Mr. Jackson, to depart from this country. Until that order is given, no such resolution as the present, ought to be passed. The extraordinary spectacle is now exhibited of a minister accredited from a foreign government, who is denied the eminent, direct privilege of the diplomatic character, the privilege of communicating with the government to which he is sent, and yet is to enjoy the immunities which are auxiliary to the exercise of diplomatic functions. The case is novel in the proceedings of this country. It is so extraordinary, that the official publication of the refusal to receive communications from him might have been considered as a disavowal by the administration of his diplomatic character, and consequently as a deprivation of his characteristic immunities, had not a certificate of special safe-guard to the contrary been given by the administration. The case is clearly different from that of the Spanish minister, who, I believe, was admitted to have written communication with the administration, but was admonished, by authority from the President, not to appear in the city of Washington, who refused, however, to obey the admonition; but was suffered to come and remain, according to his avowed determination, within this extensive city, as he might find convenient, or for the interest of the king his master.
These are some of the reasons for which, although it were supposed correct in statement of facts, I am not prepared to vote in favor of the resolution on the table.
It is a consideration of a different nature, that the phraseology of the resolution tends to draw aside the attention by placing it on a basis which is objectionable, as being incorrect, not as in point of fact, but of principle. This, sir, leads me to consider the litigated subject of the powers of Mr. Erskine to negotiate and conclude the provisional arrangement of the last April. On this subject, I leave at once the greater part of the discussion between the Secretary of State and Mr. Jackson, as not distinctly exhibiting the specific character of the question. I consider a public minister not authorized in virtue of a general letter of credence, to stipulate any one thing to be done on the part of his government. If I understand the course of argument on the part of the Secretary of State, it seems to assume as a basis, that a public minister here accredited, is entitled to stipulate for his government, in virtue of his letter of credence, without further authority, or at least, that the government here should regard the minister, in virtue of his letter of credence, as authorized to conclude such stipulations, so as to be obligatory on the government giving the letter of credence. This I do not admit to be correct, either in principle or usage.
Permit me, sir, to call upon gentlemen to recur to the time when the public law of Christendom, in relation to diplomatic intercourse, may be considered as assuming regularity of character. I request gentlemen to recur with me to the epoch of the treaty of Westphalia. The great work of the learned Grotius on war and peace, first reduced to general system the body of public law in Europe. He was one of the great masters in science, who have appeared formed to rise above contemporary competitors in their respective spheres, and acknowledged beyond dispute to be greater than those preceding or succeeding them. As such, he was first made known with distinguishing honor by Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, one of the greatest men and heroes of his age, or of the world. The work of Grotius was published in the year 1625; and the treaty of Westphalia was concluded in the year 1648, consisting of a treaty concluded at Munster, and another at Osnaburg within the circle of Westphalia, and both signed on the same day, being the result of a Congress composed of ambassadors, plenipotentiaries, ministers, delegates, commissioners, deputies, indeed almost, if not completely, every grade of description of governmental representation known in the whole christian world. The conclusion of the treaty put an end to conferences which had long held Europe in suspense, and terminated the famous thirty years war. Never before or since, I presume, were so many diplomatic characters assembled for negotiation or mediation, and such and so various interests to be arranged at one time by treaty. The great interests of the Catholic and reformed religions in Europe, the Emperor, the Electors, Princes and states of the Germanic body, France, Sweden, the States General, with the respective allies, all were concerned. Prussia was not then erected into a
kingdom, and Russia had not taken rank under the Great Peter, among the civilized powers of Europe. From the nature of the affairs and the great number of public men from different portions of Europe, the publication of Grotius had attained high distinction, served to make known and establish extensively the principles constituting the public rules of intercourse among the governments of the christian world.
We are now called upon to pronounce respecting a question, depending on those rules of intercourse as recognized and illustrated by national usage. What is the principle, that protects and sustains in full immunity the ministers of the United States in Britain, in France, in Russia, or in any part of the civilized world? It is the respect due to those rules, a respect which the various governments, of whatever form, have concurred in manifesting and enforcing. Nor can we claim to hold a course in diplomacy incompatible with such national usage, unless we strike ourselves out of the general pale of Christendom.
This question therefore is to be considered not merely as an abstract discussion; but we have now to enquire, what is a letter of credence according to the public law and diplomatic usage of Europe? Is it an authority for stipulating any thing to be done on the part of the government sending the minister? If it be, I request to know the proof; According to my apprehension, it is not; and I desire gentlemen to enlighten me on this point if I err. If this opinion be erroneous, I should hope it might be made evident with respect to myself, that I may not continue in error. From whatever source there can be derived any aid to ascertain the true principle, if gentlemen honored by especially confidence respecting affairs of state, if any of the law officers or even members of the cabinet, would be pleased to contribute to the stock of legislative information, I solicit the correction of any error, if indeed I err, on this topic.
With these sentiments, I do not propound for discussion any question respecting the negative knowledge of the administration. I do not enquire, whether the Executive administration of the U. States had a knowledge that Mr. Erskine had not competent powers, or had a knowledge that he was not instructed to accede to the provisional arrangement between him and the administration in April. The question is, did the administration know that Mr. Erskine had the necessary authority? The question is not, what was the ignorance, but what was the knowledge of administration? Was Mr. Erskine known to have any power for making that arrangement?
Permit me now, sir, to state what I understand to be a letter of credence. It is a letter of state addressed to the government to which a minister is sent, and it is expressive of the character and grade of diplomacy with which he is invested; if the minister be received, he must be received according to the letter of credence and not otherwise.
This is so much the established course, that where a minister remaining at any government is promoted to a higher grade of diplomacy, he presents letters of recall as to the lower grade and of credence as to the higher grade in which he is to be received. The authority which a minister has in virtue of a letter of credence is not to make promises for his government. He may declare facts; he may present complaints and remonstrances; he may exhibit his powers of argument; he may discuss topics of great interest, but he cannot stipulate for anything to be done as obligatory on his government. For this purpose the minister must have a distinct authority. This I understand to be the general usage, not however without exception. The exception has been made with respect to a nuncio or legation from the Pope, whose letter of credence was so framed as to include the necessary authority to negotiate or conclude arrangements. This authority was added to the necessary clause of a letter of credence, and the essentials of two diplomatic documents were comprehended in one. But the mere letter of credence gives no such authority. In support of these positions, I would refer gentlemen to writers on public law whom I presume they will admit to be correct on this topic—Martens, Vattel, Wicquefort; writers of authority certainly as to the known diplomatic usage in Europe. Others perhaps might have been named, if I had found opportunity in this place to consult all the writers worthy of attention.
It may now be proper to state what I consider to be the full power, which expression is almost technically appropriate in diplomatic language. It is a document not addressed to the government to which a minister is sent. It is in the nature of an open letter addressed to mankind in general, and committing to the minister bearing it the necessary authority to negotiate and eventually to conclude terms of agreement respecting the subject or subjects therein mentioned. It is a public commission expressing the powers to be exercised, a document of ample form, a letter patent, a public act authenticated under the seal of government: And this the minister exhibits in manifestation of his being fully empowered to negotiate and stipulate on the part of his government. The full powers are especially proper in the more solemn agreements, and in cases of formal treaty between independent nations.
(Mr. Dana's Speech to be continued.)
FRIDAY, December 22.
Mr. Troup obtained leave of absence for two weeks.
Mr. Love reported a bill to establish a college in the city of Washington.
On motion of Mr. Livermore, it was agreed that when the House adjourned, it adjourn till Tuesday next.
On motion of Mr. Lewis, the report of the Surveyor of the Public Buildings was referred to a select committee consisting of Messrs. Lewis, Stanfield, Livermore, Root and J. Brown.
The bill from the Senate to prevent the abuse of the privilege and immunities enjoyed by foreign ministers within the United States, was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they had appointed

Messrs. Lobb, Lloyd, and S. Smith a committee to superintend the Library of Congress. The message was concurred in, and Messrs. Darr, Newton and Sycert appointed on the part of this House.
The committee of elections to whom was referred the petition of Thomas Randolph, praying that the seat of Jonathan Jennings, the sitting delegate from the territory of Indiana, be vacated, made a detailed report in favor of the petition, and recommending to the House the adoption of a resolution that the election, having been illegal, is therefore void, and that the seat of Jonathan Jennings might be vacated. The report was referred to a committee of the whole House.
RESOLUTION WITH MR. JACKSON. The House again in committee of the whole on the resolution from the Senate.
Mr. Goldspoke at length against the resolution, denying altogether the correctness of the statement it contains.
Mr. Mason spoke against the resolution on the ground of the inexpediency of passing any such resolutions, but admitting the correctness of the statement.
The committee rose at half past three, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again. And the House adjourned till Tuesday next.
TUESDAY, Dec. 26. Mr. Johnson reported a bill for the relief of William White and others; which was twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Smith reported a bill to increase the compensation of the military agent for the middle department.
Mr. Poindexter presented to the House the proceedings of a number of persons of the district east of Pearl river, (Miss. Ter.) calling themselves a convention, stating the project of a form of government which they should wish to be established in that district in case Congress should think proper to divide the Mississippi Territory. Referred to the Committee to whom was referred the petition for the division of the territory.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill to extend the time for locating Virginia military land warrants, and for returning the surveys thereof to the office, &c. Twice read and referred.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON. On motion of Mr. Goodwyn, the House again resolved itself into a committee of the whole—Mr. Bassett in the chair—on the joint resolution from the Senate approving the conduct of the Executive in refusing to receive any further communication from Francis J. Jackson.
Mr. Fisk occupied the floor in favor of the resolution till 4 o'clock, when the committee rose, reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.
IN SENATE. December 22.
The bill for the relief of William and Elias Rector was read a third time and passed. Mr. Meigs, from the committee to whom was referred the bill to authorize the surveying and making of certain roads in the state of Ohio, as contemplated by the treaty of Brownstown in the Territory of Michigan, reported the same with amendments; which were read.
The further consideration of the bill making further provision for the corps of engineers was postponed on motion of Mr. Bradley till the first Thursday in January.
The Senate adjourned till Tuesday.
TUESDAY, Dec. 26. Mr. Franklin appeared and took his seat. Mr. Bradley submitted the following motion for consideration:
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate the account of all the monies disbursed from the Treasury or the United States in their relation or intercourse with the Barbary powers subsequent to the signing of the treaty of peace with Tripoli in June 1805, including the monies paid to that regency at the signing thereof—and to cause to be noted (where the same can be ascertained) the agent or consul to whom the respective disbursements were made the time when and place where the respective sums were drawn for, or received, by said agents or consuls; and the particular purposes to which the same have been applied; and what sums have been retained in the hands of said agents or consuls for compensation, salary, commissions, or for any other purposes.
The bill to authorise the surveying and making of certain roads, in the state of Ohio, as contemplated by the treaty of Brownstown, in the territory of Michigan, was ordered to be read a third time.
Domestic.
LAW INTELLIGENCE.
Court of General Sessions.
A motion was made in this Court on Thursday last, by Colden and Sampson , on behalf of a great number of Journeyman Shoemakers, against whom a bill of indictment was found, charging them with a combination to raise the price of their labor, and thereby to impoverish the master-shoemakers and others; which was opposed on the part of the prosecutors, the master shoemakers, by Riker , District Attorney-General and Emmet . No statute existing in this country on the subject, the offence was stated to be a violation of the Common Law. The argument was maintained on one side and on the other with unusual ability, and was the fruit of elaborate and profound research. Two topics of the highest public concern, were involved in the discussion. The history of the crime of conspiracy from the earliest annals of the law; and the introduction of the common and statute law into this country, and to what extent it had been adopted either during the period of the Colonial Government, or at, or since the epoch of this nation's independence. Comparative views were taken of the antient law and its origin, with the present condition of this state and its applicability thereto. The Counsel took time to consider the very numerous authorities cited and the opposite conclusions drawn from them, and deferred showing its opinion till the ensuing session. We lament not having been present, which would have enabled us to have given our readers an idea of a combat of reason so ably sustained. The legal history of Ireland was incidentally touched upon, in which Emmet and Sampson were opposed to each other in animated debate; and in which the latter, to defeat the arguments of his learned antagonist, cited the work entitled, "Pieces of Irish History by Emmet and McNiven."
Mr. Advs. Dec. 25.
French Cruisers. Captain Candler, from Tunis, informs, that French Cruisers are numerous in the Mediterranean—many
cruise on the Barbary coast and there were 6 in the port of Tunis, the commander of one of which showed his orders, which directed him to capture American vessels wherever bound. Three American vessels had been carried into Bizette, and sold with their cargoes without a form of trial or condemnation. The crews were turned ashore to sustain themselves as they could.
Boston Palladium.
The Juno, French privateer, is said to have robbed the ship Augusta from London, of $350, and would have burnt her, had it not have been that there was a lady on board, on whose account they suffered the ship to proceed—as the Frenchmen are so gallant, it might have been a bad plan to take a lady in every ship by way of charm against depredations. Query—what is there would charm an English privateer against depredations? This we cannot tell, but it seems that his majesty's ship Atlanta, out of Halifax, was not much charmed in finding the ship Rising States in ballast, 40 days from the Downs. It seems he suffered her to pass but by the conduct of the officer it appeared she was on a cruise, to capture all American vessels with cargoes. It would seem then that the charm which operates on the British privateers in suffering Americans to pass is negative—having nothing to take...Charleston Strength of the People.
The American ship Hope, Cockran, was condemned in the English Admiralty court, Nov. 6, having been captured on her entrance into a French port, though on an asserted voyage to England.
Trade from France to England. —The Good Hope, a neutral vessel, laden with Brandy, and bound from Rochelle, to Hull, captured and sent into England, was tried Nov. 7, before the English Admiralty court. She had sailed under a license, which had expired. But Sir William Scott observed that, under the obstructions existing in respect to the commerce of England, the most liberal construction should be given to licenses—She was therefore restored, paying the captor's expenses.—The Mercury, another licensed neutral vessel, with Brandy, from Charante to London, captured, was tried at the same time, and restored with freight & expenses.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 25. The following view of the condition of the Cherokees cannot fail generally to interest our readers, or to afford peculiar gratification to the philanthropist. It confirms the most sanguine expectations that have been entertained of ameliorating the lot of the Aborigines of our country, and must operate as a sufficient motive to a strenuous perseverance in the enlightened policy that has hitherto characterised our conduct towards them.
Letter from Return J. Meigs, Esq. to the Secretary of War.
HIGHWASSEE GARRISON, Dec. 1, 1809.
SIR, I now transmit a General Statistical Table for the Cherokee nation. This was attempted in 1806, having at that time the consent of the late Secretary of War; but the Cherokees having some unfounded jealousy, that there was something in the measure intended to take advantage of them, and expressing some reluctance to the measure, it was postponed until the last year. It has now been done with as much accuracy as possible, by the interpreters. If there is any error, it has probably arisen from a disposition in some to report a less number of persons, and of live stock than they actually have. The Cherokees on the Arkansas and White rivers, are not included in the table now transmitted; it is estimated that there is about 1000, including men, women and children on the west side of the Mississippi; they have also many cattle and horses, some of them being very wealthy.
The table now forwarded, does not exhibit all their wealth; they have no inconsiderable quantity of cash in circulation, which they receive annually for the sale of cattle and swine. In 1803 they had not a single perch of wagon road in whole country. In that year they consented at the request of the government to have a road opened for a communication between the states of Georgia and Tennessee. This road with its branches was opened by those states and is about 220 miles, on which they have a turnpike by agreement with the government, for which they are bound to keep the road in good condition for carriages. Since finding the advantages arising from roads, they have at their own expense opened upwards of three hundred miles of wagon road for communication between East and West Tennessee. These roads intersect the first-named great road at different points, except one road of 100 miles in length, opened by Doublehead, commencing in Franklin county, Tennessee, and runs to the Muscle Shoals, and it is contemplated to be continued to the navigable waters of the Mobile. But to effect this the interposition of the government will be necessary; because, from the Shoals to the navigable waters of the Mobile, the road must cross lands claimed by the Cherokees and the Chickasaws.
Thus far, as exhibited by the Statistical Table, have the Cherokees prospered by the pastoral life and by domestic manufactures; but it must be understood that a spirit of industry does by no means pervade the general population; the greatest number are extremely poor for want of industry. The hunting life is here at an end; but a predilection for the hunter's life pervades a great part of the Cherokees, and many are waiting to hear whether the government will give them the necessary aid and encouragement to migrate to the west side of the Mississippi. Notwithstanding this, they have a strong local attachment to the place of their birth, and to the sepulchres of their fathers. This being the case, to induce great numbers to migrate, they must be excited by advances of such kind as they need to establish themselves on the rivers mentioned, viz. arms, ammunition, beaver traps, blankets, and some provision of the bread kind, flour or corn, corn will suit them best. After the first year they will want nothing of the government, except a factory for Indian trade, and a promise of protection by the government. These things once attained, and their attachment and friendship is secured forever—they will be proud of being closely connected with the United States, by whom they have been raised by improvement far above the western Indians.
I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
RETURN J. MEIGS. William Eustis, Esquire, Secretary of War.
The document referred to in this letter purports to be "A general Statistical Table for the Cherokee nation, exhibiting a view of their population and of improvements in the useful arts, and of their property acquired under the fostering hand of government, which has principally been done since the year 1796"
It exhibits in detail the number of Cherokee males and females, of horses, black cattle, sheep, swine, spinning wheels, looms, wagons, ploughs, grist mills, saw mills, salt petre works, powder mills, silversmiths, schools, white people and negro slaves in each town, village and plantation, amounting to one hundred and thirty-five.
It is scarcely practicable in a newspaper to present in its details such a comprehensive table, and almost every useful purpose will be attained by the following condensed view of its contents.
 Number of Cherokee Males 8,114  do. Females 6,279  Horses 6,519  Black cattle 19,165  Sheep 1,047  Swine 19,778  Spinning wheels 1,572  Looms 429  Wagons 20  Ploughs 407  Grist-mills 13  Saw-mills 8  Salt petre works 2  Powder mills 1  Silversmiths 49  Schools 5  Children at school 94  White people 341  Negro slaves 535 
A considerable number of the white men are married to Cherokee women, others are employed as croppers for the Cherokees.
Colonel O're, who carries on the making of Salt-petre at this town (Niekajaeh) told me last year, that he had made in five years upwards of 60,000 pounds of Salt-petre, a considerable part of which he used in the making of powder. An estimate of the principal articles, their value,
 6519 horses at $30 each 195,570  19165 black cattle at $8 each 153,320  1047 sheep at $2 2,074  19778 swine at $2 39,556  15 grist-mills at $260 3,900  3 saw-mills at $500 1,500  20 wagons at $40 800  585 negro slaves at $300 175,500  Dollars 571,500 
This property has been acquired by the Cherokees within a few years.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
FRIDAY, Dec. 22.
Mr. Cabell from the committee on Courts of Justice made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon:
1. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of Talcott Moore, praying that he may be relieved by the Legislature from the effect of certain process issued by the Superior Court of law for R. H. county, upon an indictment preferred against him for an unlawful gaming, with false dice, be rejected.
2. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That so much of the petition of Morgan, late sheriff of Gloucester county, as prays that the damages, &c. paid by him in consequence of a judgment recovered against him for the revenue taxes of the said county, which were payable into the Treasury in the year 1807, and that he may be allowed a credit therefor, and also for interest and non-residents, against a judgment obtained against him for the revenue taxes of the said county, which were payable into the treasury for the year 1808, is reasonable.
3. Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the residue of the said petition, praying that the petitioner may be authorised by law to collect or recover the balances due him in the said county, as late sheriff thereof, in such manner as the Legislature may seem best, is reasonable.
The said resolutions being severally read a second time, were on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
Mr. Otey, from the committee appointed to examine the Land Office, made the following report:
The committee appointed to examine the state of the Land Office, have, according to order, performed that duty, prepared a report, and come to a resolution thereon:
It appears to your committee that there are contained in the Land Office—
Forty two large folio books, containing the records of patents issued from 1523 to 1774, all in good order, with a particular index to each book, and a general index to the whole; Eighty two large folio books, containing the records of grants issued since the establishment of this office, all in good order, with a particular index to each book, and a general index to the whole; Thirty one large folio books, containing the records of deeds issued from the late proprietor's office of the Northern Neck, and grants issued from the late proprietor's office of the Northern Neck, all in good order, with a particular index to each book, and a general index to the whole; Thirty one large folio books, containing the records of surveys, on which grants have been issued from the establishment of the Land Office, to the year 1797, all in good order, with a particular index to each book, but no general index; Two presses, containing the original plats and certificates of surveys, on which grants have been issued since the establishment of the land office, filed in neat and regular order; A press, containing the original plats and certificates of surveys, on which grants have been issued from the late proprietor's office of the Northern Neck; Two presses, containing the original plats and certificates of surveys, on which grants have been issued from this office, for lands in the Northern Neck district, filed in neat and regular order; A press containing four books, in which are recorded surveys on which grants have been issued from this office, for lands in the Northern Neck, and 23 books containing entries made in the late proprietor's office; A press, containing vouchers on which warrants of different descriptions have been issued, also the original caveats that have been entered in this office, all filed in neat regular order; A press, containing original grants issued in this office; A press, containing the plats and certificates of surveys, on which grants have been issued in the present year; and all the surveys of every description remaining in the office for grants to issue on, also sundry public papers;—50 Books, containing the registers of warrants of different descriptions, records of caveats, military certificates, &c.
It appears to your committee, that the business done in the land office in the year ending the 14th day of the present month, is as follows: to wit:—1004 Grants issued—1166 Grants recorded in 1433 pages of large folio books, with the indexes brought up and examined complete—538 Plats and certificates received—94 Treasury warrants for 55,046 acres issued—117 Exchanged treasury warrants for 64,431 acres issued;—200 Military bounty warrants for 85,029 acres issued;—477 Certificates for military bounty warrants recorded and examined with particular notes referring to the vouchers filed;—Copies and searches made, on which the fees received amount to $243.52;—A complete general index to the records of military certificates;—A general index to 42 record books of patents, issued under the regal government.
This has been a work of considerable labor, which it is supposed, has occupied the time of one clerk nearly the whole year, and is considered a book of great importance, inasmuch as it facilitates the business of searching in the office and preserves the only evidence there is of titles to the greater part of the lands on the Eastern Waters.
It also appears to your committee, that the fees received in the land office, in the year ending the 1st of October last, are as follows, to wit:
 On plats and certificates received, $1364 59  Treasury warrants issued, 124 51 2  Exchanged Treasury warrants, do. 124 51 2  Military warrants, do. 649 92 1  Caveats entered, 60  18 
Mr. Cabell, from the committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Leonard Owen, to them referred, and have agreed upon a report, and come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee, from the affidavits of sundry persons, that since the intermarriage of the petitioner with his wife Nancy, formerly Nancy Hampton, the said Nancy has been delivered of a mulatto child;—Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of the said Leonard Owen, praying that an act may pass, divorcing him from his said wife, is reasonable.
The said resolution being read a second time, was, on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
Mr. Cabell, from the committee for Courts of Justice, made the following report:
The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Polly Toomes, to them referred, and have agreed upon a report, and come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee from the affidavit of a witness, that the petitioner has been abandoned by her husband William Toomes, who is now living separate & apart from her, that the said William, since his intermarriage with the petitioner, has cohabited with another woman, who has been delivered of a child, which is recognized by the said William;—Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of the said Polly Toomes, praying that an act may pass divorcing her from her said husband, be rejected.—The said resolution being read a second time, was, on motion, ordered to be laid upon the table.
Mr. Cabell, from the committee for Courts
of Justice, made the following report:—The committee for Courts of Justice have, according to order, had under their consideration the petition of Mary Barbara Hoover, to them referred, and have agreed upon a report, and come to a resolution thereupon, as follows:
It appears to your committee, from the affidavits of several persons, that since the intermarriage of the petitioner with her husband Henry Hoover, the said Henry has abandoned her, and removed with a woman by the name of Marcus Read, otherwise called Darcus Miles, from the county of Lee, wherein he resided;—Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, That the petition of the said Mary Barbara Hoover, praying that an act may pass, divorcing her from her said husband, be rejected. The said resolution being read a second time, was, on motion ordered to be laid on the table.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 30, 1809.
VIRGINIA.
We are happy to see the literature of Virginia in so thriving a condition, that there are now two periodicals in existence, the History of this state.—The Prospectus of one of these works was in a late paper—from the pen of a gentleman, whose name is not before the public, but who has seen and observed much, has been conversant with many of the scenes which he records, and who may truly say "Quoniam magna pars sui"—The other is Skelton Jones, Esq. who is to continue Butt's History —a gentleman whose genius is splendid, and powers of composition are at once brilliant and chaste—and who has had access to many rare documents and valuable materials.—The following is an Extract, from the 1st Part of his Continuation —we present it as a specimen of the promised work.
Extract from the Manuscript of the fourth volume of the History of Virginia.
Patrick Henry was now the idol of popular adoration. He was this year a delegate from the colony of Virginia, to the continental Congress, which was to meet in Philadelphia. On the 11th of May, he commenced his journey from Hanover.—Upon this occasion, he was escorted by a number of young gentlemen, from Hanover, King William and Caroline. They attended him as far as Hooe's ferry on the Potomac. Here they saluted him with a discharge of musketry, by platoons, & rent the air with shouts of congratulation. A guard attended him across the river, and saw him safely landed, on the Maryland shore—thus committing him, by their wishes and prayers, as it were, with martial and pious formality, to the Almighty disposer of all human events. This must have been a day of proud triumph to the heart of Henry: He saw the estimation in which his countrymen held him, and it could not but have inspired grateful feelings, even into the bosom of virtuous ambition. To the actors in this scene of exultation, it must have been a moment of delicious sensibility, and exquisite enjoyment—employment without alloy. They felt themselves all animated by one consentaneous impulse of patriotism, conducting the ambassador of Virginia to patriotism, and the very genii of eloquence itself, to a scene more glorious than Greece or Italy ever witnessed. It was the chosen minister of freedom, approaching, with hallowed steps, the sacred vestibule of liberty, and laying his credentials on the altar of eternal truth.
Dunmore had now issued a proclamation convening the General Assembly. This was as unexpected as unhoped for. The publications of the day averred that the governor had previously been deaf to the intreaties of the council to assemble the legislature, and that "the summons came from Lord North". It was recommended from the same source, that every member of the House of Burgess should repair to Williamsburg "prepared as an American." This intimation has been construed to mean that they should assemble in arms and clad in uniform. Whether this intimation was obeyed, I am not prepared to assert; but it will appear in the sequel that they did indeed convene with a truly American spirit. I have heard, verbally, but from authority which does not warrant any hazarding the statement here, that some were armed with rifles and in hunting shirts, and that others were not. This precaution, if it was really taken, is said to have been intended to guard against the seizure, and transportation, of some of the conspicuous members of that illustrious body. But there is no evidence before me that the governor meditated such a project. Be this as it may, the General Assembly convened on Thursday the first day of June, and the governor addressed them in a speech.
With this speech commenced a political correspondence, between the governor and the House of Burgess, which withstanding its extreme length, I shall give entire. Independent of its great importance from other considerations, it has been permitted by all preceding historians.
Taking this correspondence in an abstract point of view, it contains no weak or inelegant exposition of the political privileges of mankind in general; and taken in a practical point of view, by far the most close and animated examination, and by far the most clear and forcible defence, of the rights of what was then termed British America, that I have ever had an opportunity of perusing. The modest arguments are here clothed in a language the most chaste and simple.
There has not reached us, from antiquity, amongst the various struggles for liberty in the republics of Greece and Italy, any documents with which these can be fairly compared; but the resolutions and addresses, drawn up, and published, by the English parliament, and the French convention, during the periods of their respective revolutions, would suffer by a comparison with the resolutions and addresses of the House or Burgess of Virginia. They have a merit peculiar to themselves. Composed in the tumult of a popular assembly, highly irritated at the insulting deportment of the haughty deputy, and the despotic designs of his tyrant master—they possess the perspicuity and precision of the most labored productions of the closet politician.
I have omitted the courtly forms and ceremonies with which these resolutions and addresses were draughted and presented; but I trust, that I have retained their substance and spirit. Most frequently, indeed, the very language itself is preserved.
From what causes the representatives of the people of Virginia became possessed of a spirit so lofty, and a genius so commanding, it may not, perhaps, be an unenlightening enquiry: And these causes will be found, I believe, in the character of the Virginia people.

• Numerous have been the speculations as to the causes which produce a difference in the characters of nations, often separated, with respect to geographical boundaries, by a mere imaginary line. Perhaps Hume's Essay upon National Characters is superior to any thing that has been written on this subject. He seems inclined to attribute much more to moral than physical causes, in the formation of national characters. The character of savage man is, in a great degree, the effect of physical causes, while that of civilized nations depends chiefly upon moral causes. An examination of this subject, in however, upon general principles, is foreign to my purpose. The author just mentioned, remarks, that in the formation of the characters of nations, those leading and important circumstances which influenced their original organization into societies, or their emigration and settlement in new countries are indefinable, and never totally obliterated, but by the extermination of the inhabitants. This observation may be illustrated by many instances, ancient and modern. The Greek character is still visible at Marseilles; the Milesian in Ireland; the Ancient Briton in Wales; and the enterprize and spirit of adventure of the London Company is not extinguished in the "ancient dominion." In sketching so much of the national character of the Virginians, as belongs to my subject, we shall have occasion to apply the remark of Hume, and reason, I believe, to be satisfied of its justice.
"The causes which led to the establishment of the colony of Virginia, and the manner of its settlement, were peculiar to themselves."
"The national character of the present inhabitants of those states, which were settled by dissenters from the established church of England, has received its entire bias and aspect from this circumstance. The hardy sons of those venerable sires, sustain their pilgrimage on earth with admirable sobriety, prudence, thriftiness and content. Unambitious, but of the comforts of life, they follow, most frequently, the occupation of their forefathers. The pulpit, the bar, the druggist's shop, (not indeed filled with "a beggarly account of empty boxes,") the counting-house, or the mechanic's stall, are often hereditary in the families of these laborious people; and the destiny of a farmer's son is decided for him, and his lot is cast for life, before he has arrived at an age to acquire the first rudiments of knowledge. Where they turn their attention to science, the national character is still preserved: A lucrative professorship, or the profitable sale of some laborious composition, are the rewards of many long years of probationary study. From these circumstances, perhaps, it may arise, that our Northern brethren far excel us in their progressive improvement in manufactures, and the several branches of natural philosophy. For reasons, however, which will now be offered, it is certain that Virginia has produced more public characters of eminence in the political world, more orators and statesmen, than all the remainder of the United States combined together. So large a portion of enterprising Virginians have emigrated to the other states, and have been selected by those who possessed the elective franchise, to represent them in the grand council of the nation, that a majority of the members composing that body, have been said (by those, indeed, hostile to the influence of Virginia,) to be natives of the Ancient Dominion ."
"Virginia was settled under the auspices of the London Company, which was an association composed, in part, of noblemen and gentlemen of conspicuous characters & enlightened minds, for the purpose of peopling a new country. Their views were elevated, their operations upon a large scale, and their success commensurate with the exertions made to obtain it." "Virginia was settled by Englishmen, from the metropolis of their country; by men of adventurous spirits and enterprising characters: Among these, were ruined gentlemen, broken baronets, and beggared lords; men, who had received good education, whatever use they might have made of them: They formed a class by themselves, and apted the haughty airs and mocked the gorgeous splendor of European aristocracy; yet, they preserved some of the literature, much of the politeness, and all the pride of the fashionable circles of civilized Europe. This state of society had the effect of giving a tone and character to the manners and morals of the whole population of the colony, without affecting its political institutions. The pride of these self-created lordlings, by the force of example and habit, gradually reached the very lowest of the people, and became, as it were, a national feeling: This inspired them with a vain idea of their own importance; but, at the same time, it also excited in them very elevated sentiments of their rights and privileges."
"Some of these men, who affected a superiority over the other settlers of the colony, were transitory visitors, and from dissatisfaction, or some other cause, returned again to England; but the effects produced by the polish of their manners remained; the names of others, who became permanent inhabitants, are extinct, and where they are to be found, they are amongst the obscurer in the state. According to the uniform vicissitude in human affairs, while these were going to decay, others were rising in opulence and pride. They too affected a distinction from the poorer classes of people, and imitating the manners of those they had been accustomed to look upon as superiors, continued that state of society, which had been introduced by the original settlers or visitors from England."
"In the latter days of the Roman Republic, there sprang up a sort of mongrel nobility. Any Plebeian who could boast an ancestor that had borne a curule office—that is an office by which he was entitled to sit in an ivory chair, was recognized as belonging to the order of nobility. They were at first styled novi homines , (new men,) or what we understand by the term upstart, but the distinction was soon lost."
"Sometwhat of this description was the Virginia Aristocracy before the revolution. But if tradition be correct, there are many names which will shine bright upon the page of history, that derive their origin from sources far less respectable than the opulent plebeian; from ancestors whose emigration to Virginia was not voluntary—but from such as were transported from England to this dominion, in consequence of their dexterity in making irregular transfers of property from their neighbor's pockets to their own."
"Like the Patricians of Rome, their origin is lost in fable, or is traced to a runaway menial, or a fugitive from justice."
"It has not unfrequently happened that an adventurous spirit, who might be dissatisfied with his condition in Britain or Ireland, would indent himself as a servant; work his passage to Virginia; serve 'till his term of his indentures expired; become his own master; grow rich; of course, grow proud; leave his pampered offspring princely fortunes; & die in his own opinion a very great man: But the topmost round, in the ladder of family ambition, was not even reached; the son of this prudent sire must be a councilor—a king's councilor—he is dubbed such; and he and his family have reached the acme of colonial distinction."
"The decayed gentry of England, and the upstart aristocrats of Virginia, thus formed a sort of heterogeneous class, into which were admitted, from time to time, the opulent and well bred sons of fortunate tradesmen and mechanics."
"But this aristocracy, so obscure in its origin, and so important in its effects, would have had no subjects upon which to exercise their tyranny, and gratify their lust of power, had it not been for the introduction of slaves from Africa."
"These occupied the place of a race of men unknown in Virginia, but well known in all the civilized countries of the old world. In France, they are called Canaillies , in England, "The swinish multitude." These are the men who in other countries, are so dangerous in riots, mobs, and insurrections, and this perhaps is a second benefit arising from the possession of slaves: Virginia has never disgraced herself by these tumults, even during the worst times of the revolution, nor since, within the author's distinct recollection, when party spirit rose almost to phrensy, in '98 and '99."
"The first class, already mentioned, consisted of the upstart aristocracy of the colony, the decayed gentry, and sometimes the younger sons of the nobility of Britain and Ireland: They imitated the manners of the higher orders of Europe. They had received good education themselves and gave them to their sons at Oxford or Cambridge, or at William and Mary College. They affected a superiority to the honest, blunt, plain, Virginian; in many particulars existed; the latter was the case in learning, and a taste for the fine arts; courtesy and polish of manners; but above all, in that which is an unerring test of civilization and liberal attainments—a ceremonious, habitual and studious regard, to the feelings, the wants, the wishes, the whims, of the other sex."
"But the population of the colony did not consist alone of upstart aristocrats and their miserably entralled slaves. There was another, and the only remaining class, which I have just distinguished as the honest, blunt, plain Virginian. The human character is made up of virtues and vices—of wisdom and folly. For these aspired to surpass their superiors in nothing but a love of liberty, and a jealousy of their freedom; to equal them in nothing but pride and independence of spirit; to rival them in nothing but cruelty to their slaves. But their vices were the vices of the times, and their virtues were all their own; and their character and condition, upon the whole, was a most respectable and eligible one. Possessed of a plain English education; by which we understand his having been taught to read and write his mother tongue, and the first practical elements of arithmetic; his literary enjoyments were generally bounded by the sacred writings, and the almanac. All he ate and drank, with the exception of tea, coffee, and sugar, were the produce of his own farm; his wheat bread, and his corn bread, his beef and his bacon; his apple brandy and his peach brandy, were all raised for him, and served up to him, by the sweat of the poor black man's brow."
"But there is one remarkable trait in the character of the Virginians of this description, different, it is believed, from any to be found in the character of the same class in any other country. Among this class in society, as before observed, particular trades and occupations are, generally speaking, hereditary, in different families, and the destiny of a farmer's or mechanic's son, is decided for him, and his lot is cast, by the time he can lisp the first elements of his mother tongue."
"I say generally speaking, for in almost every country there are a thousand accidents which may raise the child of the meanest parentage to the most exalted station; were it otherwise, the effect would be the same that it is in the East Indies, where it has been the custom, from time immemorial, for the children to follow the occupations of their fathers."
"There is less of this in Virginia than any where else: In conformity with that aspiring temper, that adventurous disposition, that spirit of enterprise, approaching almost to romantic and chivalrous extravagance, which marked the original settlement of the colony, and of which the celebrated Captain Smith may be considered the very personification; there is almost always among them a laudable pride which prompts them to give their children, where there is any promise of genius, and in a thousand instances where there is none, such an education as will qualify him, by engaging in some of the learned professions, to rise to opulence, and thus secure his only passport, into the higher circles of society; for though, as has been said, these men affected to despise the pomp and splendor in which the opulent, well bred circles moved, yet they never lost an opportunity, where one offered, of entering into its circumference:—The possession of slaves, even by the very lowest orders of white men in Virginia, among the multiplied enormities to which it has given birth, has been productive of this beneficial temper of mind; it exempts him from making his children bodily laborers, and affords him an opportunity, according to his property, and the vicinity of his residence to a seminary of learning, where there is any early indication of genius, or where a partial parent thinks he discerns it, of cultivating it to the best advantage."
"We have thus reviewed the causes of the national character of the Virginians. We have seen Virginia settled by adventurers under the auspices of the enlightened London Company; and we have seen her forests peopled by the bloody savages, and as old as the world, disappear, and her "wilderness blossom like the rose." We have seen the for the plans of the ancient dominion, peopled by men who sought to occupy large tracts of country, and like the feudal barons of the middle ages, live in rude profusion."
"Dr. Franklin in speaking of his ancestors, before their emigration to America, says, they had been for 400 years hereditary blacksmiths."
in the midst of their numerous vassals. The great Virginia land-holder, like the English baron, might lay his hand upon his sword, when questioned as to his title to his estate. Like the feudal baron too, the rich Virginia planter, had a high idea of his own importance. He saw himself the Lord over hundreds of his fellow men. He proudly looked about him & he saw that he had no superior. The deformity of slavery was obtruding itself upon his view every moment in the day, and the contrast between its hideousness, and the beauty of unlicensed freedom, had a powerful effect in increasing to a romantic extravagance, the high sense of liberty and daring spirit of independence of the Virginian Free-holder—a spirit which manifested itself so long ago as the usurpation of Cromwell. The love of liberty among the Lacedæmonians of old, and the Virginians of modern times, seems to have increased, though it may appear paradoxical, to say so, with the severity of the discipline which they exercised over their slaves. When to these causes, which gave a peculiar high-mindedness to the Virginian, became superadded, the mild lights of a cheering philosophy, arising in the East, immediately after the revolution in England, in 1688, irradiating, and beautifying the wide expanse of the Western World—The Virginian Planter stood erect and alone; self collected, his bosom dilated, "his soul walked abroad in its own majesty," and he no longer brooked command, even though it flowed in the Eastern blast of royal authority."
"Dunmore now addressed the House of Burgess, composed of the Representatives of such a people as the foregoing sketch describes, in a set speech. He commenced by observing, &c. &c. &c."
"'Statutes at Large'—a book which ought to be in the hands of every Virginian."
"THE TIMES."
"These are the times that try men's souls."
"PAINES'S CRISIS. "It is time to assume a station that will bid defiance to any power, and put an end to that party spirit, which has taught those nations to believe, that we had gone from that just standard of honest measures, and could be easily made a victim to intrigue or force—We have talked long enough of our rights and our national honor; let us now prepare to defend them." Governor Tylers communication to the Legislature."
"We have scanned most of the courses, in which it has been proposed to steer the vessel of State, in these tempestuous times. We protest against submission —the Non-Intercourse law , in its present form, is weak and unavailing—the resolutions of Mr. Troup are open to objections—the report of the Committee of Foreign Relations, if comprising every thing that is to be done by the Representatives of the people, is a poor and miserable shield for the rights of the country. We speak of it, as a measure of coercion and defence—and not as a feature of a permanent system of regulations for the encouragement of our commerce and manufactures."
"What then are we to do?—We presume, that the embargo will not now be used as a system of coercion—The spirit of many of the people, in the East, has been most insidiously roused against it—The members of the 10th Congress, who should have clung to a measure, that was at once our shield against dishonor and war, were actually driven from it by its clamour of oppositors—smugglers are now so deeply steeped in the school of evasion, and so accomplished in the arts of villainy, that it would require the strongest terrors to repress their violation—besides, this is an alternative , and not a drastic remedy —one, whose effects are not hastily produced—time is requisite for its operation—and the suspension of the former law has removed its pressure upon our aggressors—so that if we were to enact it again, we should again have to pass through the same course of preparation and pressure, before we should be able to make it bear with success upon the enemy."
"The question then recurs—what are the United States to do?—This point cannot be duly weighed, without considering the peculiar circumstances under which this country labors. We are assailed, at the same time, by two nations, whose aggressions are calculated to rouse our resentments. Should we fly to hostilities for redress, shall we war against both? or which shall we choose as our adversary? If we adopt the latter course, by what standard shall we make the selection?"
"If we fly to this last expedient, the choice of our enemy will not be a very abstruse or difficult question—viewing the thing on its own merits only. We would certainly choose the assailant, on whom we could inflict the greatest injury, who was the first to attack us, and who has inflicted on our savages the greatest injury. These are the circumstances which should regulate our choice—and by such tests, our vengeance would peculiarly fall upon G. Britain. We reprobrate the conduct of France in the severest terms—her arrests are in the very teeth of those natural rights, which she professes to cherish—her capture and conflagration of our vessels are the objects of the bitterest reproach against her cruisers. But who will think of comparing even these attacks, with the Wounds, inflicted by G. B. on our national honor and prosperity?"
"Her imprisonment of our seamen—her nominal blockades of ports, which she had no right to close—her sacrifices of our trade to her own commercial jealousy and avarice—her interruption of the colonial branches, in the very teeth of her own public acknowledgments—her thrusting us out of a trade with her enemy and licensing it to her own vessels—her orders of blockade and insolent exaction of tribute—the atrocious breaches of our jurisdictional rights by her public ships, at which her cabinet has connived—the insults of her minister—these features would form a terrible Manifesto against the British government. The circumstances of the affair of the Chesapeake alone, most strongly distinguishes the conduct of the two governments. Great Britain has been not merely the greatest, but generally the foremost assailant, in all affairs relative to our commercial rights, as may be easily traced by the dates of their respective acts. And, besides, she has not only done the most harm to us, but we can do the most harm to her. Our enterprising spirit could more vitally reach her colonies and her commerce. In case, therefore, of the selection of an enemy, the fatal lot would sooner fall on her, than on France."
"But it seems not to have come within the views of Congress to make this discrimination. In all the measures which they have pursued, since the execution of the late orders and decrees of France and G. Britain, the two nations have been blended together."
The same measure of coercion and remission has been meted to both. The embargo was common to both—that law empowered the President to rescind it, in whole or in part, whenever the commerce of the U.S. was in his opinion, rendered sufficiently safe. The non intercourse law, was extended to both—and so impartial were its provisions, that it empowered the Executive to rescind it as to either power, whose decrees should cease to violate our neutral rights. The same principle is recognized by the late Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, submitted to the House of Representatives—This seems to be the present determination of the majority of both Houses of Congress."
"Presuming, therefore, that such is the rule, which will guide their decisions, we would ask, is there no energetic course to be pursued towards both powers? Must we sip shame and suffer submission?—Rather than do nothing, we would resort to a proposition which was laid before the 10th Congress, as a substitute for the partial repeal of the embargo—though with one or two modifications. This proposition was embraced in the following resolution of Mr. John G. Jackson, laid before the House of Representatives, on Feb. 24th, 1809."
"That in case either Great Britain or France shall revoke her edicts alleged to have been made in retaliation of the edicts of the other power, and violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the U. States, the operation of this act, and also of the act laying an embargo, and the several acts supplementary thereto, shall cease in relation to the nation so revoking, at the expiration of 30 days, to be computed from the date of the notice of such revocation to be given by proclamation of the President of the United States, and letters of marque and reprisal shall at the same time be issued against the nation which shall continue to force its unlawful edicts violating the lawful commerce and neutral rights of the United States."
"This resolution was withdrawn by the mover, with a view to offer another in place of it; which, besides provisionally extending letters of Marque and Reprisal to both, empowered the President to employ such a portion of troops, "as may be necessary to take possession of the territories of His Britannic Majesty, bordering on the United States." The substitute was, however, rejected."
"Let us go on the basis of this suggestion. Let Congress pass an act, with a view of enabling the President, to state certain categorical questions to the belligerents—such as, "will you repeal your obnoxious regulations? Will you respect our rights, by the removal of all your edicts violating our neutral ground, provided your enemy will do the same?—then, do it." This Act, at the same time, to be back the negotiation, by such provision, as to let it be understood by the belligerents—though without any pledge to either to that effect—that we will arm for the protection of our lawful commerce, and issue Letters of Marque and Reprisal against the refusing nation."
"This proposition does away the objection, urged in February, that "it was unconstitutional; that the power of declaring war, and issuing Letters of Marque and Reprisal, belonged to Congress, and was a power which they could not delegate to the executive"—because whenever the result of such a negotiation should be known, Congress would be still in session to issue Letters of Marque and Reprisal, for themselves."
"It calls upon the Congress too, to back such a negotiation by the proffer of exercising their peculiar powers—for as Mr. Giles truly observes, "the organization and distribution of the powers of the constitution is peculiar to this country"—for "the same department which possesses the power to receive and negotiate with foreign ministers, does not possess the power to make war."
"In the mean time, if any thing like this plan is carried into execution. An embargo should be put on, to keep our property out of the hands of G. B. and get it safely home. And to meet every emergency, the nation should be put into a state of defence —preparations should be made for the last resort, and a system of finance adopted, commensurate with our wants, our resources and our honor."
"Less than this we ought not to do—more we should perhaps do, by selecting our enemy."
"* Let England revoke her declaration of Blockade against France; France will revoke her decree of Blockade against England. Let England revoke her Orders in Council of the 11th of November, 1807; the decree of Milan will fall of itself." Champagne's letter to Armstrong, Aug. 22, 1809. Would the "magnanimity" of his master insist upon a previous revocation by England, if that revocation were complete?
"† The former French constitution says, "that the right of war and peace is in the nation. Where she should reside, but in those who pay the expense?"
"ANOTHER!
"The following is from the "Alexandria Advertiser" of the 30th Inst."
"The plan to provoke Mr. Jackson to maintain like a man, the dignity of his Sovereign, and in so doing, to act with firm and positive language, and such as Mr. Smith should choose to take offence at, I say the plan was hatched before Mr. Jackson's arrival at the city—Immediately on his being known that he was at Annapolis, Mr. Secretary Smith posted on to Monticello, where the President met him, and a caucus was held, attended by the Philosophic Chief of that place. On that caucus breaking up, the Chief of Monticello repaired to Richmond in Virginia, where another caucus was held, and the head of the Editor of The Enquirer was furnished with ample materials for the subject whenever the event happened; and at these two enlightened meetings it was resolved nem. con. that the man who had been at Copenhagen, was an improper character to be sent hither, and the means were then plotted to prevent his mission having the desired effect through his exertions; so that the man himself, and not his manner or matter was the grievance and was the bone to gnaw."
"It is only necessary to say, that whatever relates to the Editor of this paper, is absolutely, and on the face of it, false—and as to the Caucuses, there is not the least colour of truth or probability. This slanderer seems not yet to have had his Cue —else, he would not have ascribed a thing to a caucus at Monticello, which his wiser brethren are tracing to the bureau of Pa. is."
"Does he wish to thwart their tale? He should have known, that it is easier to prove two stories than one—He seems to have lost sight of a pretty good rule of Sir J. Newton, that "no more causes are to be admitted, than are both true and sufficient to explain the phenomena." Such a Rule is of use, as well in story-telling as in philosophy."
"AGRICOLA—On Tuesday—in these times, we are proud to see such puns enlisted in the service of the public."
DIED—In Gloucester County, on the 29th ultimo, PETER KEMP, Esq. son of Mr. Matthew Kemp. He was a young man possessed of many virtues, and most tenderly beloved by an affectionate father and many near relatives and acquaintances—So sad was the loss in life, is he regretted in death. Farewell O! youth! thou art for ever gone! The hand of Death hath thee of life and liberty shorn."
COMMUNICATION. 37 16 popular mimes, as a Dramatist , claims patronage from the public, the Benefit of Mr. RUTHERFORD, this evening, will call forth a respectable and numerous audience.
Richmond Theatre.
MR. RUTHERFORD'S BENEFIT.
Mr. RUTHERFORD is again informed the public, that in consequence of a mis-sustained a former occasion, the Managers had kindly allotted him another opportunity, which, from the postponement that took place of the Wood-Damson, has been deferred from last Saturday to the present evening, when he hopes for a share of their patronage.
On this Evening, (Saturday) December 29, 1809, will be presented the celebrated Tragedy of
THE GAMESTER.
AFTER THE PLAY. Comic Song, "Murder in Italy," Mr. SULLY. Recitation, "Alonzo the brave and the fair Imogene," Mr. FOX. Comic Recitation, "Giles Jollup, the Grave, and the Brown Sally Green," Mr. Rutherford. Comic Song, Mr. BRAY.
To which will be added the Musical Entertainment of the
HIGHLAND REEL.
Doors to be opened at 5, the Curtain to rise at a quarter past 6 o'clock.
ONE hundred dollar BANK NOTE paid in from a servant, the owner may have it by paying his right, paying the expenses of advertising and applying to
SEWALL OSGOOD.
December 28.
By request of Mr. Robert Turner, we shall sell at public auction on the 8th January ensuing, at 11 o'clock A. M. on the premises, for the benefit of the concerned: That really beautiful and truly desirable situation, MANSFIELD situated about one mile from the Capitol and adjoining the farm of Edmund Randolph, Esq. There are about six acres of land, a comfortable Dwelling House, with all other out houses, for the complete accommodation of a genteel family. The high, airy, and commanding prospect of this Farm renders it equal, if not greatly superior to any in the vicinity of the City of Richmond, and it is now in a very high state of improvement and productive of much profit to the proprietor. Also, at the same time, that large and valuable MEADOW immediately below the said Mansfield Farm, containing about 15 acres, very well set with grass, and yields abundant crops; there was cut from it the last season fully 45,000 wt. of fine hay. Terms of sale will be made known on the day of sale.
PROSSER & MONCURR, Auctrs. Mansfield Farm, as well as the Meadow, are very handsomely and substantially enclosed. P. & M. tds
December 30.
AMOS ALLEY, at the NEW YORK SHOE STORE, respectfully informs the Ladies of Richmond, that he has just received a handsome assortment of Ladies Moscow BOOTES, CORK SOLES, &c. &c. Also, some tea colored Morocco SHOES of the newest fashion; likewise, Gentlemen's Fine Shoes and Morocco Pumps, and a general assortment of other kinds, New York Manufacture. December 29. 2w
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE—In pursuance of a decree of the Circuit Court of the United States, in the Virginia District, pronounced at the last session of that court, in the suits there depending between Wm. Frickell & Co. plaintiffs, against Thomas M. Deane and others, defendants, and between Scribs Scribner and Starman, plaintiffs, and the same defendants. Will be exposed to sale, at auction, on the 15th of February next, that valuable MERCHANDISE, usually called the Gara Mills —Tobacco Warehouse, Tavern, and other Lots of Ground at that place—Also, all the Lands at or near Cains , (consisting of 2000 acres and upwards) which belonged to James Deane, Thomas M. Deane & Francis B. Deane or to either of them, on the 20th day of March, 1801.—Terms of sale—Ten per cent on the amount of the purchase to be paid in cash; a credit of one, two and three years for the residue of the purchase money, to bear interest from the day of sale, the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds with security, to be approved by the undersigned commissioners, or the one that may act, and also executing a deed of trust upon the property so purchased, for securing the payment thereof at the periods aforesaid. Previous to the day of sale the Land will be divided into convenient lots to suit purchasers. C. COPLAND, } Commissioners. W. C. WILLIAMS, } epids
December 30.
PHILADELPHIA BEER—A few barrels Philadelphia Beer just received, for sale by D. J. BURR.
WANTED to attend in a store, a Young Man who can be well recommended for steadiness and industry, and has some knowledge of accounts. December 30. (f
JUST received, a large and handsome assortment of Split Straw BONNETS, Trimmings and Ornaments—For sale wholesale and retail, by JACOB LYON, Sign of the Plough. 4t
December 30.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD—For apprehending and securing in any Jail within this State, so that I get him again, a negro man named David—who eloped from me, on the 18th instant on my way to Natches, near the fork of the Roanoke—he is about thirty-five years of age, of middle stature, dark complexion, much pitted with small pox and remarkably cañable, with a very forbidding countenance—his apparel is not recollected—it is probable he will attempt to get back to Richmond again, or else pass for a free man. The above reward and all legal expenses will be paid on application to Mr. William Munford or Mr. Davidson Beadiute, living in the city of Richmond. Wm. BYRD.
December 30.
THE Subscribers here commencing the ROPE-MAKING BUSINESS. They wish to purchase or hire ten good Spinners; they are also in want of 8 or 10 Labourers, for which a liberal hire will be given. WHITE & SHELTON.
December 30. 5.

Europe.
LATEST LONDON NEWS.
NEW YORK, Dec. 23.—By the ship Telegraph...
The "Times" a ministerial paper of the 14th...
By the brig Happy Return, from Dieppe...
Despatches were yesterday received in the...
EXTRACTS.
LONDON, Nov. 13.—(Courier.) There is very great reason to believe that...
A letter from Malaga, Oct. 24, says "Compliments here are loud that we have received...
From the London Gazette, Nov. 11.
Foreign Office, Nov. 11.
A letter, of which the following is an extract, was this day received by Earl Bathurst...
I have the honor to acquaint you that the army of Marshal Ney...
The loss of the enemy, as far as we have been able to ascertain, exceeds 1600 in killed and prisoners...
The vanguard of Gen. Ballesteros's division is in sight; we only wait its arrival to pursue and annihilate the discomfited enemy.
A report was in circulation this afternoon, that the French General Kellermann...
would not at all surprise us; but however the defenders of the Cintra Convention...
Lord Wellesley was expected to embark at Cadiz in the first week of this month.
Letters from Cadiz state a prevailing opinion, that the Supreme Junta would be dissolved...
LONDON, Nov. 14.—It was rumored yesterday that a Monitor had reached town, containing an official report of the action which is believed to have taken place in the Mediterranean.
It is stated in some letters received by the last Cádiz mail, that the army of Venegas, the advanced guard of which was posted opposite Aranjuez...
We have given in our subsequent columns a document, which cannot fail to operate powerfully on the feelings of those who can appreciate the efforts of a gallant people...
The statement before us, authenticated by the signatures of the two Deputies, was yesterday circulated among the members of Parliament.
The determination to evacuate Walcheren is at length officially announced, and the necessary arrangements for withdrawing the wreck of our brave army from that horrid pest-house are ordered.
The Empress of Austria, and the Empress's second daughter Archduchess Carolina, are both dead.
The following account of goods arrived at London in one week, between the 6th and 13th of October last...
Table with 2 columns: Item, Quantity. Items include: 16500 qrs. or 132000 bushels flaxseed, 2880 do do 23040 do oats, 3550 do do 28400 do peas, 2440 do do 19520 do wheat...
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond...
The defendant Elisha Jenny not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of assembly...
A Copy. Teste, PETER TINSLEY, c. e.
SHEPPARD AND LUCKE. HAVE received a general assortment of Groceries consisting of Sugar, Coffee, Pepper, Pimento, Ginger, Must, Tea, English Imported, Salt in Sacks.
Also, Earthen Glass, China and Stoneware, Germantown and blistered Steel, Bar Iron, Nail-rod, Sheet-iron, Writing, Wrapping and Printing Paper, Spanish Segars, Cotton Cards, Shot, Powder, Window-glass, Indigo, Copper, Alum, Logwood, Cut-Herrings, &c. &c.
THE subscribers offer for sale, a very general assortment of Groceries, which they will dispose of on moderate terms...
NOTICE.—The Copartnership of Fitzgerald and Vaughan will dissolve by mutual consent...
Those persons yet indebted to the old concern of Henderson and Fitzgerald, are also desired to discharge their respective balances immediately...
THE Subscriber offers for sale the PLANTATION whereon he now resides, near Nottoway Courthouse...
Also, 800 acres, by an old survey, on the waters of Little Nottoway river, about 8 or 10 miles from the southouse...
ROBERT FITZGERALD.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN-AWAY, from the Subscriber, in the city of Richmond, on the 20th of October last, a Negro Man named BILLY...
I will give the above reward if secured in jail in the City of Richmond, or sixty dollars if secured in any jail in the state of Virginia...
THOS. WINN, Jr.
EDWARD HALLAM.
HAS just received, from New-York, and for sale at the store lately occupied by Daniel Triplett, a supply of fresh Groceries...
THE above articles will be sold low for Cash or Country Produce.
BATTESEAPAPER MILLS.—Those who wish to encourage the manufactures of their own state are informed...
PRICES AS FOLLOWS:
Table with 2 columns: Item, Price. Items include: Fine Letter Paper Vellum, 4 75, Do. No. 1, 4 37 1/2, Do. No. 2, 4 37 1/2, Do. No. 3, 4 12 1/2...
BANISTER & Co.
JUST PUBLISHED by JOHNSON & WARNER, Booksellers & Stationers, Richmond, A NEW GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, AND COMMERCIAL GRAMMAR...
JUST RECEIVED, ARROWSMITH'S MAP OF THE WORLD, ON A GLOULAR PROJECTION.
Exhibiting particularly all the Nautical Researches of Capt. James Cook, with all the recent discoveries to the present time.
THE Subscriber having connected themselves in the AUCTION BUSINESS...
A RETAIL NIGHT AUCTION! Also to sell in the day all kinds of Goods, Wares and Merchandise, Lands, Houses and Lots, Horses, Negroes, &c. or any other kind of Property...
STILL & BROOKE.
N. B. BARTLETT STILL individually will transact business, as a Tobacco Broker and Commission Merchant...
EDUCATION. THE subscriber intends to continue his school in the Forks of Hanover, the ensuing year...
JAMES BAKER, Jr.
FASHIONABLE BOOT & SHOE-MAKERS.
THE Sub-Header"> THE Subscribers next door above Messrs Prouse and Moncure's Vendue-Office...
Orders from the Country shall be duly executed and are respectfully solicited.
CAMPBELL & PAUL.
Three or four good Journeymen will meet employment as above.
JOHNSON AND REAT.
JEWELLERS & SILVERSMITHS.
AT the crescent sign, opposite the Eagle-Tavern, have just received an additional supply of Articles in their line...
Silver Tea-Pots, Coffee-Pots, Sugar Dishes, Slop Bowls, Cream-Pots, Cans and Goblets. Table-de-sert, tea and salt Spoons, soup, toasty, cream and mustard Ladles, Salt-Stands, Thimbles, Coral & Beads, Tea-Tongs & Pencil Cases...
Plated Castors of various prices, Candlesticks, Fruit Baskets, Tea-Pots, Sugar Dishes, Cream-Pots, Salt-Stands, Table-Spoons and Tea-Tongs. Block tin Tea-Pots and Tea Caddies...
TWO hundred NEGROES for sale.—Will positively be sold at Christopher Owen's Tavern, in the town of Urbanna in Middlesex county...
The Sale will commence on the 9th of January next, (if fair, if not, the next fair day) and will continue from day to day till all are sold.
ROBERT WEST.
Administrator, Cre. of PHILIP L. GAMES, dec'd.
VENI, VIDI, VISI. THE Fair & the Fair-play, the Statesman and the Philosopher having already unanimously acknowledged the unrivaled exertions of A. C. D'LA VIGNE...
Where the inimitable partners of Mankind, may embellish those charms which ensnare the world—and man, the lordly master of created beings—display all the loveliness of masculine beauty—but
TEMPLE OF APOLLO.
"Let Hercules himself, do what he may, The Cat will mew, and Dog will have his Day."
WILLIAM W. DICKENSON has received, and offers for sale 25 Crates Earthen Ware, 4 Cases English Glass Ware...
WANTED TO HIRE for the ensuing year a Female SERVANT who has been accustomed to the house, and is a good Seamstress.
NOTICE.—In a former advertisement, I requested all persons indebted to the estate of Mr. Thomas Nicolson, dec'd. to pay off their respective debts...
EDUCATION.—The subscriber offers his services to the public for the ensuing year to instruct boys and young men in the following branches of Literature...
THOS. NELSON.
A TANNER—I wish to hire the above Man the ensuing year. For terms, apply to Mr. Hugh Davis, Richmond, or to the subscriber in Hanover.
EDWARD C. STODDOR.
BY virtue of the last will and testament of Reuben Means, dec'd. will be sold to the highest bidder, on Wednesday, the 3rd day of January next...
DANIEL CALL, Executor of the Testament and last Will of ROBERT MEANS, Dec'd.
PURSUANT to the will of the late Ralph Wormley, esq. will be sold on Tuesday, the 9th of January next for cash...
ELEANOR WORMLEY, Administratrix with the will annexed. JNO. CHEW, Administrator.
CHEESE, HATS, SALT-PETRE, GUN-POWDER.—A consignment of Coloured Cheese of superior quality, in casks and boxes, just received.
A large and general assortment of gentlemen's Silk Beaver and Furr HATS.
English refined SALT-PETRE, F and FF glazed and rough GUN-POWDER. FOR SALE, BY B. J. BURR.
LE TELLIER—DENTIST.—Has removed to the corner house between the Swan and Washington Taverns, where he is practising in the various branches of his profession...
AT the request of Mr. Robert Turner, we shall proceed positively to sell on the 6th of January next, at 11 o'clock A.M. on the premises, for ready money...
PROSSER & MONCURE, Auctioneers.
FEMALE EDUCATION, will be continued at Monticello the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell...
HUMPHREY HILL.
CAROLINE, Dec. 16, 1809.
CAROLINE, Dec. 23, 1809. WE the subscribers have this day attended an examination of the Female School, at Mr. Humphrey Hill's, under the tuition of Miss Matilda Terrell...
PETER NELSON. ANDW. BROADHURST.
A SWEEP STAKE of four hundred dollars will be run for the third of January, over the Fairfield Course, four Horses entered...
BANK OF VIRGINIA.—The Stockholders are hereby notified that the first Monday in January, is the day appointed by law for a general meeting...
JOHN BROCKENBROUGH, Cashier.
BENT CREEK, 19th Dec. 1809.
Messrs. Taliaferro & Patterson, Mississippi Territory.
SIRS.—You will take notice, that we shall, at the Compting Office of Messrs. Higgingsbotham, Brown & Co. in this place...
THO. HIGGINSBOTHAM & Co.
WINGFIELD ACADEMY. (Forks of Hanover).
At this place will be taught, the ensuing year, the Greek, Latin, French, and English Languages; Geography, the use of the Globes, Belles Lettres, Geometry, Arithmetic, Book-keeping and Writing.
EXPENCES. Board, Tuition, Washing, Bed & Bedding £ 32 per annum.
Board, &c. exclusive of Bed & Bedding 30 per annum.
In either case quarterly payments in advance will be required.
For eligibility of the institution, the subscriber wishes the appal to be made to its patrons and scholars for a long series of years past.
PETER NELSON.
WANTED for the ensuing year, a male House-Servant.—If one who is active, industrious and honest, liberal hire will be paid.
Apply to the Editor of this paper.
December 14.