Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-08-23 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1577]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1803.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
   (CORRECTED WEEKLY.)     Tobacco, $ 4 00 CASH   WHEAT, new, red 75, white 83 do.   FLOUR, superfine, new, 5 00 do.   do., fine, 4 50 do.   CORN, 2 25 do.   FEED, clean, (per ton) 180 00 do.   IRON, 110 00 do.   WOOL, 10 do.   WHISKEY, 50 do.  
Buckingham County, June
Court, 1803. George Anderson, (who sues for the benefit of George Carson) Plff. In AGAINST Theodore Scruggs and William Palmer, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiff, by counsel, and in appealing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendant Scruggs is not an inhabitant of this state, it is ordered and decreed, that unless he shall appear here at September court next and answer the bill of the plaintiff, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Teste,
R. Eldridge, Jr. D. C.
Buckingham County, June
Court, 1803. Thomas and Francis Dancy, for the benefit of Archibald Womack, Plaintiffs, In AGAINST John Francis, Silas Flournoy and Samuel and Drury M. Allen acting partners of Hughes Allen & Company, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiffs by counsel, and in appealing to the satisfaction of the court that the defendants, Drury M. Allen and Silas Flournoy, are not inhabitants of this state, it is ordered and decreed, that unless they shall appear here on or before September court next, and answer the bill of the plaintiffs, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to them, and decree the matter thereof accordingly; and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A copy—Teste,
R. Eldridge, Jr. D. C.
POETRY.
SONNET
ADDRESSED TO DR. CURRIE, OF LIVERPOOL.
FROM THE PEN OF ROSCOE.
As o'er the smooth expanse of Summer's sky Pass the light vapors that return no more; As on the margin of the breezy shore Waves after waves successive rise and die; Thus pass the transient race of human kind, That sweeping onward tow'rds oblivion's gloom Yield, unwilling to their cheerless doom, Nor of existence leave a trace behind. Yet C—, some there are of nobler aim, Who spurn th' inglorious lot; and feel within The generous hope of well-deserved praise. Anxious, like thee, by deeds of just acclaim From glory's shrine her greatest wreaths to win, And bid their memory live to future days.
BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
WEDNESDAY June 15.
SPAIN.
Mr Sheridan rose, and spoke to the following effect:—“Mr Speaker—However I may regret that the proposition which I had the honor of giving notice that it was my intention to bring forward this evening, has been postponed until this late hour, and that the attention of the House must be considerably exhausted by the discussion which has just terminated, yet, Sir, I still think it right to submit to their consideration, the important subject which was the object of that notice. I cannot conceal that a kind of negotiation has been carrying on between my Right Honourable Friend opposite and myself, in the course of which my Right Hon. Friend expressed his wish that I would put off my motion for this evening, because the distinguished persons who have lately come over to England to represent to the British Government the state and disposition of their native country, are at this very moment partaking of the hospitalities of his man- sion—Sir, I allow that this was a strong reason on the part of my Right Hon. Friend for desiring a postponement of this business; for I believe, with all my Right Hon. Friend's public spirit and enthusiasm, that he has no very great inclination to lose a good dinner—(a laugh.) But as my Right Hon. Friend has detached a very able General (the Secretary of State for Ireland)
to represent him at his house, I feel less reluctant at thus intruding on his patience and shall therefore proceed, only expressing my hope, that that gallant Baronet may soon be detached on a more serious service; that he may soon be sent into Spain to represent in that country the enthusiasm of England in her cause—(Hear hear!)—In the first place, Sir, I wish to correct an idea which has gone abroad, that I entertained the folly, the presumption, the ill judgment, and the bad taste, of intending to teach his Majesty's Ministers how to conduct themselves in the existing circumstances—All I desire, Sir, is to win the attention of the House to the present situation of Spain. Having communicated the tenor of my motion on a former evening to my right hon. friend opposite and my intention not having been disapproved by my right hon. friend, I was surprised to find that his right hon. and learned colleague imagined that my motion would tend to embarrass his Majesty's Government. After the communication to which I have alluded, I expected that he would give me credit for having no such object in view. On the other hand I expected something like rebuke from my Honourable friend near me (Mr Whitbread) who seemed to think I was going to bring forward a motion which was to save Administration from all responsibility on the subject. Now really, Sir, this was a most unfortunate outset on my part. I meant to do neither the one thing nor the other. And here I must say, that although so many living more highly respects the political probity and ability of my hon. friend, as well as the estimable qualities of his private character, yet when he gets up to rebuke me for doing that which appears to me to be my duty, I am free to confess, while I applaud his judgment—his understanding—the deliberation with which he decides on questions of importance—that if there be any one point in his character on which I should not be disposed to dwell with the greatest satisfaction, it would be his deference to the opinion of others, or his doubt with respect to his own—(a laugh.)
I am placed, Sir, in this dilemma; that while my honourable friend accuses me of a disposition to cover Administration, the right honourable gentleman opposite suspects me of an intention to do all the mischief in my power. Sir, I may be wrong—I am far from wishing ministers to embark in any rash and romantic enterprise in favor of Spain; but, Sir, if the enthusiasm and animation, which now exists in part of Spain, should spread over the whole of that country, I am convinced that since the first burst of the French revolution, there never existed so happy an opportunity and occasion for Great Britain to strike a bold stroke for the rescue of the world—(Hear, hear, hear!)—But, Sir, it is said, “if you do not distrust the Administration, why discuss this subject in Parliament?” Sir I will tell you why. I am disposed to trust Administration.—But I wish to demand two things; I wish first to declare, that, in my opinion, we must not deal in dilemmas—we must do much or nothing. Why do I make this declaration? Because no Cabinet which has hitherto existed in this country—not even excepting that with which I had the honor of being connected, has pursued simply and plainly one clear and distinct object. Instead of striking at the core of the evil, the Administrations of this country have hitherto contented themselves with nibbling at the rine. In this censure, I must not include an honourable friend near me, nor Mr Burke, they would have proceeded directly, and completely to the object which they had in view, or they would not have advanced to it a step. But with these exceptions the Ministers of England have pursued a petty policy; they have gone about flicking sugar islands, and neglecting all that was dignified and all that was consonant to the truly understood interests of their country. I wish, therefore, Sir, to let Spain know, that the conduct which we have pursued we will not persevere in, but that we are resolved fairly and fully to stand up for the salvation of Europe.—The next demand I have to make, Sir, is, that if a co-operation with Spain be expedient, it should be an effectual co-operation. I repeat, that I am far from prompting his Majesty's government to engage in any rash romantic enterprise; but, Sir, if upon ascertaining the state of the popular mind in Spain, they find it is warmed by a patriotic and enthusiastic ardour, then, Sir, all I ask is, that that feeling should be met here with corresponding energy and enthusiasm—Bonaparte has hitherto run a most victorious race. Hitherto he has had to contend against princes without dignity, and ministers without wisdom. He has fought against countries in which the people have been indifferent as to his success; he has yet to learn what it is to fight against a country in which the people are animated with one spirit to resist him—(Hear, Hear)—So far, sir, from bringing forward a motion, prematurely to embarrass his majesty's
government, I solemnly declare that if the opportunity to which I have alluded of a vigorous interference on the part of England should arise, the present administration shall have from me as cordial and as sincere support as if the man whom I most loved were restored to life and power.—Is this a vain discussion?—Let those who think so, look at the present state of Europe. Will not the animation of the Spanish mind be excited by the knowledge that their cause is espoused, not by Ministers alone, but by the Parliament and the people of England?—If there be a disposition in Spain to resent the insults & injuries, too enormous to be described by language, which they have endured from the tyrant of the earth, will not that disposition be roused to the most sublime exertion, by the assurance that their efforts will be cordially aided by a great and powerful nation?—Sir, I think this a most important crisis. Never was any thing so brave, so generous, so noble as the conduct of the Asturians. They have magnanimously avowed their hostility to France—They have declared war against Bonaparte—they have no retreat; they are resolved to conquer or to perish in the grave of the honor and independence of their country. It is that the British government may advance to their assistance with a firm step, and with a bolder men, that I have been anxious to afford this opportunity to the British Parliament, of expressing the feelings which they entertain on the occasion. I move, Sir,
“That an humble address be presented to his majesty that he will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid before this house, copies of such proclamations as have been received by his Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and which have been issued since the arrival of the French army at Madrid; whether by the Spanish government, the French Commander in Chief or by persons since claiming to act on behalf of the Spanish nation.”
Mr. Secretary Canning replied nearly as follows:—“Mr. Speaker, I am disposed to give every credit to my right honorable friend for his motives in agitating this subject, and I can assure him, that he is very much mistaken if he imagines that it was intended to check or rebuke him by any thing that was said on a recent evening from this side of the house. At that time, although I was in possession of my right honorable friend's communication my right honorable friend near me was not so. Sir, I could very easily show my right honorable friend, that it is impossible to produce the papers for which he has moved; some, because they have not reached his Majesty's government in an authenticated form; others, because they are not accurately described in the motion; and all, because if we were in possession of the information which they contain, it would be highly imprudent in us, at the present moment, to communicate that information to the world (Hear, hear, hear.) While I state this, however, Sir, I hope my right honorable friend will not misunderstand me so much as to suppose that I impute to him any blame for this proceeding, or that I undervalue the pledge which he has given us of his support in any plan of active operations which it may be deemed advisable to adopt with respect to Spain; the more especially when it is considered, that in that pledge may be implied the support of those persons with whom my right honorable friend is accustomed to act in Parliament, and of whose body he is so eminent and distinguished a member; Sir, I should have been far from charging my right honorable friend with blame even had he gone so far as to chalk out to his majesty's ministers the line of conduct that in his opinion it would be expedient for them to pursue. From this he has abstained. Indisposed as I should have been to censure my right honorable friend, had he proceeded to that extent, I cannot but feel that his speech, moderate as it has been, calls for such a general disclosure of the sentiments of his majesty's ministers as cannot be made without hazard, without a dishonorable compromise, and without exciting expectations which may never be realised. It is, therefore, sir, I declare to the house and to the country, that his Majesty's ministers see with as deep and lively an interest as my right honorable friend, the noble struggle which a part of the Spanish nation is now making to resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to preserve the independence of their country; and that there exists the strongest disposition on the part of the British government to afford every practicable aid in a contest so magnanimous. In endeavoring to afford this aid, sir, it will never occur to us to consider that a state of war exists between Spain and Great Britain—(Hear, hear, hear!)—We shall proceed upon the principle, that any nation of Europe that starts up with a determination to oppose a power which, whether professing insidious or declaring open war, is the common enemy of all nations, whatever may be the
existing political relations of that nation with G. B. become instantly our ally. In that event his Majesty's ministers will have three objects in view. The first, to direct the united efforts of the two countries against the common foe; the second to direct those efforts in a way which shall be most beneficial to the new ally; the third to direct them in a manner conducive to peculiarly British interests. But, sir, of those objects, the last will be out of the question, as compared with the other two. These are the sentiments with which his majesty's government are inspired. To the measures which these sentiments may dictate, they confidently look for the support of parliament and of the country. It cannot, sir, be expected that I should say whether we think the crisis arrived, or whether we anticipate its speedy approach, when the sentiments which I have described must be called into action. It is sufficient that I have stated what we feel and what we intend.—(Hear, hear, hear!)—For these reasons, sir, which I have before mentioned, I am compelled to dissent from my right honorable friend's motion.
Mr. Ponsonby perfectly agreed with the Right Honorable Gentleman who had just sat down, that it was impossible to agree to the motion of his Right Honorable Friend. Neither he, nor any of his friends could be so devoid of common sense as to suppose, that his Majesty's Ministers could entertain any idea that any power which was essentially the enemy of France, was not essentially engaged in promoting the cause of this country. And he could not agree to any disclosure at present. What use could arise from bringing forward this question except to show those patriotic sentiments which all who knew his Right Honorable Friend were satisfied, he possessed?—How could the Members of that House advise his Majesty's Ministers upon a subject upon which they had no information? It was for them to apply the means of the country in the manner best suited to occasion and exigencies. They had the whole of the public force at their disposal, and the vote of credit, he was not prepared to give more. It was not his intention, as had been stated by his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Sheridan) to stand by dogging the measures of Administration, and watching an opportunity for condemning them. But he was at the same time not rash enough to advise what course they ought to pursue, because such advice could not be given without full information upon all the circumstances of the case.
Mr. Whitbread, as his Right Honorable Friend had bestowed a part of his exordium upon him, felt himself called upon to say a few words; and indeed he was persuaded that his Right Honorable Friend (Mr. Sheridan) would be disappointed if he were not to say something on the present occasion. His Right Honorable Friend misunderstands him when he supposed him unfriendly to bringing forward this motion, on the ground that it would diminish the responsibility of his Majesty's Ministers. He would, however, have been glad, if his Right Honorable Friend had not made his motion. His Right Honorable Friend had alluded to the pertinacity with which he had adhered to his opinions, and certainly it would be inconsistent with that probity for which his Right Honorable Friend gave him credit, if he could be capable of abandoning any opinion which he conscientiously believed to be correct.—There had been but two instances in which this pertinacity had been shewn by him; and in one he had the vote of his Right Honorable Friend in his favour, whilst on the other, he had not pressed for a vote. It would be inconsistent with the whole tenor of his public conduct, if he were now to grant that confidence to his Majesty's Ministers, which he had uniformly hitherto refused to all their measures since he had come into office. The present case was of a most important nature, and upon this he was obliged to confide in those whom his majesty may think proper to appoint his ministers.—When he reflected how great a master his Right Honorable Friend was of the passions of mankind, he had feared the effect that might be produced by his motion. But he would ask, whether his confidence was not more constitutional than that of his Right Honorable Friend who brought forward a motion which he did not mean to press to a vote, and thereby give the Right Honorable gentleman an opportunity of expressing his opinions upon measures upon which no decision could take place, and to which the support of parliament was to be thus indirectly pledged. They had not heard from the Right Honorable gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Canning), whether there was any probability of these measures leading to the destruction of any but the parties engaged in them. He was sorry that the subject had been mentioned, but he thought the Right Honora-
ble gentleman went too far, when he supposed that the support of his Right Honorable Friend would insure the support of all the gentlemen on that side. If ministers were anxious for a vote on the subject, or wanted money, they should have come down to the house, and asked for it themselves. The Right Honorable gentleman had adopted an expression which had been too often used on former occasions, when he represented this as a contest against the common enemy of mankind. All he should say upon this head was, would to God that we could come into this contest with clean hands; that we could embark in it without being liable to the charge that we ourselves had been the oppressors of that very country. The Right Honorable gentleman had said that in the first instance all objects should be left out but Spanish objects. It was his opinion however, that, first and last, no objects should be consulted but those purely Spanish, and he was therefore sorry to learn by the speech of the Right Hon. Secretary, that British interests were in any event to mix themselves with the prosecution of this contest. He was ready to give his cordial consent to the vote of credit. The Right Honorable gentleman had said that it was impossible to comply with the motion, and upon this he was sure the opinion or sense of the house was unanimous.
Mr. Secretary Canning rose to explain a misconception which the Hon. Gentleman seemed to feel as to what he had stated respecting the objects to be prosecuted in the contest. He had mentioned British objects on that occasion, for the purpose only of disclaiming them as any part of the considerations which influenced his majesty's government. In this contest in which Spain was embarked, no interest could be so purely British as Spanish success; no conquest so advantageous for Great Britain, as conquering from France the complete integrity of the dominions of Spain in every quarter of the world.
Mr. Whitbread was glad that he had given the Right Hon. Gentleman the opportunity of that explanation.
Mr. Windham, though there were many important topics belonging to this question, and arising out of the discussion, as far as it had hitherto gone, did not mean to offer any observation on them. He had then risen only to touch upon one or two particulars, which were more personal than any general reference to the general situation of the country—the one, that it might not be misunderstood, and the other to rectify a mistake that might prevail respecting it. And here we must observe the gloomy prospect held up at the outset by the bad specimen of candor, openness, and ingenuousness with which the Right Hon. Genl. had endeavored to construe the sentiments expressed by his Right Honorable Friend, as pledging the whole of those who acted with him to a general support of the measures of administration, (a cry of No, no! from the Treasury Bench.) In to their own measures at least to those measures which may be connected with the object which his Right Hon. Friend had in view. He had felt it necessary on his part to disclaim being included in any such pledge, and he hoped this construction of the Right Hon. Gentleman was not a specimen of the openness which the House was to expect in the progress of this transaction. The points upon which he wished to touch were, first, the advice which had been given by his Right Honorable Friend to Ministers, either to do a great deal, or do nothing in this case. If his Right Hon. Friend meant by doing a great deal to send a large force to the assistance of Spain, he feared that we should not be able to do that. But it was not thence to be concluded that nothing was to be done. Though we could not assist them in the highest degree, it did not follow that we might not do what would be extremely serviceable to them. The part of his Right Honorable Friend's sentiments in which he completely concurred, was, that in which he recommended not to adopt the conduct that had been pursued in former wars since the commencement of the French revolution. It was his decided opinion, that we should not mix little British interests with this important question. He was happy to agree with his Right Hon. Friend on this point; though he could not concur with him as to the alternative, or admit his conclusion, that if a great deal could not be done, nothing was to be done. The other point upon which he wished to touch, related to the general censure which his Right Hon. Friend had passed upon the conduct of all administrations. He was ready to admit that this censure was just in general, but he denied that it would apply to the last administration, of which he had the honor of being a member. (Hear, hear, hear!) He defied any gentleman to prove one instance in which it would apply. If they could not show any such instance, they should receive his statement with more temper. He did not claim any praise for that administration, because it had not an opportunity of incurring the censure. He was anxious to urge as strongly as his Right Hon. Friend the propriety of prosecuting hopes for the restoration of Europe, in that way alone in which they were likely to be realized. He had often been reproached for enthusiasm on this subject; but he trusted he would not readily be reproached again, inasmuch as his impressions, though late, yet not slowly, had been adopted. It seemed now to be admitted, that the only way of overturning revolutionary despotism, was by aiding the internal means of a country with external co-operation. Now there was nothing external but England; it was Bonaparte and France every where beside; and those who would not take to the pinnace or the long boat in the late storm, were now glad to catch at any broken oar, or fragment of a plank.—When Europe was un-subdued; when Austria was entire, when

Russia was a formidable military power; when Italy was not yet parcelled out; and Spain itself whole, the internal state of La Vendee held out the fairest hope of arresting the progress of the revolution. What then had been neglected, was now looked up to with sanguine expectation; and the only hope now was, that this insurrection in Spain might prove a La Vendee. Here he should recur to the exportation, or rather deportation of his Right Hon. friend, that we should mix no little interest in the contest, but conduct it on the principles stated by the Right Hon. gentleman in his second speech. We should remember how great an arrear we had to settle; how much Spain had to forget in consequence of the outrage which she had sustained in the capture of her frigates. (Hear, hear, hear) — Were they prepared to restore them, and prove to Spain the disinterestedness with which we were to embark in her cause? He hoped that we should keep clear of every thing of every thing of this kind — As to the advantage or disadvantage of bringing this motion at this time, he owned he did not share with the sentiments of his honorable friend. He thought that a demonstration of the disposition to promote the cause of Spain made to that house, to the country, and to the Spanish nation, might be productive of advantage. But though he felt this impression, it was still to be apprehended, that such a demonstration might have the effect of influencing the Spanish nation to its ruin. He had no objection, however, to the expression of a disposition on the part of the country, to support all rational measures, that might be necessary to aid the efforts of the Spanish people.
Lord Castlereagh observed, that enough had been said, as to the discussion of the motion, in what had fallen from the Right Hon. gentleman who brought it forward, and from his Right Hon. friend who followed him; yet certain topics had been touched upon by other gentlemen in the course of the debate, which rendered it impossible in him to pass them over without observation; undoubtedly a difference of opinion may exist as to the propriety of bringing forward the motion; but of this he was convinced, that in the view which the Right Hon. gentleman had taken of the subject, no mischievous consequence could arise from the discussion. — He did not press any proposition upon his majesty's ministers, which required any improper disclosure. — It had been brought forward by an eminent gentleman, who, on all occasions of difficulty, in every crisis of the country, waving all political hostilities, had uniformly come forward in support of the government. — The Right Hon. gentleman was unquestionably not pledged by the sentiments expressed by that Right Hon. gentleman to a general support of government. — It was not an irrational pledge of that description to which his Right Hon. friend had adverted; and if the gentlemen on the other side were not disposed to concur in the feelings and sentiments of that Right Hon. gentleman, if they felt not a disposition to assist the Spanish nation, on this opening for resistance to the tyranny of France, they certainly were at liberty to pursue what course they might deem most expedient. — But on this, as on every former occasion, they seemed in language to have disowned the Right Hon. gentleman, who had from such laudable motives brought forward this question. — The house and the country would not fail to contrast the tone of that Right Hon. gentleman's speech, with the chilling language of the honorable gentleman on the bench with him. — He had to regret the course of observation pursued by the Right Hon. gentleman opposite, in the latter part of his speech, by bringing forward some topics between the two nations, at a time when the co-operation of both were necessary and desirable for the salvation of the world. — It was not a course which any true patriotism would recommend at such a time, to remind that nation that England was the power to oppress, by the plunder of its frigates, and this too when the object of the Right Hon. gentleman was to disclaim any pledge to support the contest. (Hear, hear!) Then again the Right Hon. gentleman had adverted to all the topics of the last fifteen years, and certainly it was not with a good grace that such condemnation came from the Right Hon. gentleman who was so long during that period in office. — But no gentleman was more ready to condemn any principles which he might have once entertained, and it appeared that he was always in opposition to all the governments of which he was a member, though he generally remained in office to the last. (Hear, hear!) — Surely no Right Hon. gentleman stated, that no British objects were to be prosecuted in this contest, he could not mean to contend that objects of British interest, which may not be connected with Spanish objects should not be attended to; at an rate it was not for that Right Hon. gentleman, to maintain such a doctrine; he who had sent out a force to Alexandria, who had diverted a considerable part of the forces of the Empire to Buenos Ayres, and who had even dispatched an expedition to the other side of South America, for the purpose of supporting the cause of Europe by an attack upon the back of Spanish America. (Hear, hear!) — It was strange that the Right Hon. gentleman should be so fond of returning to the charge of ship-stealing, when he had himself sent a fleet to Constantinople, not to support the Russians, but to bring away the Turkish fleet, whilst the troops which were necessary for the success of the expedition had been sent not to Constantinople, but Alexandria. (Hear, hear!) — That Right Hon. gentleman had also directed another expedition to Lisbon, the only force he had employed in Europe, and for the purpose of bringing away the Portuguese fleet. — He could assure the Right Hon. gentleman, that the present administration, in the conduct they should adopt, would not follow his piratical example, but act upon the result of their best and soundest judgment, in adopting such measures as may, under all the circumstances of the case, be most conducive to the great and important object which they have in view — As to what had been said, respecting the question, as to the extent of the assistance to be afforded, he was aware of the justice of what had fallen from the Right Hon. gentleman, who had brought forward the motion, and if the occasion should arise, he could assure the Right Hon. gentleman, the country was in a situation to afford effectual assistance. — When he considered the contrast between the patriotic sentiments of that Right Hon. gentleman and the language of those around him, who were disposed to throw worse than cold water upon the hopes of the retrieval of Europe, he was sorry to see him sit amongst them, but he was confident that the country would do justice to the Right Hon. gentleman. — Lord Temple should not for a few moments prevent the House from the satisfaction of coming to a decision upon this question. He regretted the discussion had taken place, he was sorry for the manner in which the question had been discussed. However important the lesson of his noble friend as to recrimination, and the consistency of remaining in a government with which he differed, he must regret that the people of Spain, who looked to this country for support, should find that this question had been made a ground of recrimination.
tion by gentlemen on both sides of the House. He hoped that the principle stated by his Right Hon. friend, of considering any power that should be at war with France, as in alliance with us, should not be acted upon to the full extent. He thought, that they should not be considered as our allies any longer than whilst they would fight with us to obtain a secure and honorable peace.
Mr. Secretary Canning again explained. He had been misunderstood by his noble friend, if he had supposed him to have stated the principle to that extent. He had intended expressly to say, that we should consider all powers embarked in hostility with France as our allies, engaged in a common object for the attainment of a safe and honorable peace, and not for purposes of perpetual war.
Lord Temple was glad that he had given his Right Hon. friend an opportunity of making this satisfactory explanation.
Mr. Sheridan then waving his reply, consented to withdraw his motion, and stated his object in bringing it forward only to be engaged that house to give its confidence to ministers, till they should be able to come down with their case, and claim the en thusiasm of the house, and the country, on behalf of the Spanish nation, to rescue it from the Gallic tyranny. He wished, however that his Right Hon. friend would consent to lay before the house the proclamation, or declaration of Bona parte to the prince of Asturias, which stated, all sovereigns were hated by their subjects, who would take every opportunity of revenging themselves for the homage exacted from them.
Mr. Secretary Canning consented that the motion should be withdrawn, as it would not be desirable to dispose of it by a negative. He assured the Right Hon. gentleman, however, that if his motion even had been agreed to, he would not derive any information from it, as neither the proclamation he last mentioned, nor any of those mentioned in his original motion, existed in the office in any authenticated shape. The motion was then withdrawn.
BOSTON, August 8. As Col. Duane's appointment is now a principal theme of federal clamor, justice to him, to the government and to the cause of truth, requires that we should correct two falsehoods, which are considered as very material by an unprincipled faction, and industriously circulated accordingly.
It is said Col. Duane, as editor of the Aurora, published in that paper a certain pointed piece against Gen. Washington, at the time of his resignation.
It is a fact which cannot be controverted, that at the time when the piece in question was published, Duane was not the editor of the Aurora, nor indeed till a long time afterwards.
It is a fact that Col. Duane is a native of America; though he was descended of European parents, and spent his youth in Europe and Asia.
Who, on reflection, will believe that a faction who have recently supported for governor of this state, a man resident a great portion of his life in England, are sincere in pretending to object to Duane, because as well as Gore, he came from England to America?
Duane, though a native of America, was born a British subject; so was Gore; so were all natives of America, who are 38 years old. So far there is no distinction. The true question then is — who were the promoters, and who the opposers of that revolution which dissolved that allegiance to Britain in which our elder citizens were born? No one will pretend that Col. Duane was any way connected with its opposers. Can as much be said of Gore, and of senator Lloyd?
Who believes that a person's being an Englishman is alone a disqualification in the eyes of federalists? Though some of them, for want of proper enquiries, may believe Col. Duane to be such; yet this is not their real objection. The talents, the spirit and the unwearied perseverance and vigilance with which he has detected and exposed their falsehoods and inconsistencies, and their ignorance; his triumph over their attempts to crush him; and his essential agency in the establishment and preservation of republicanism — these they can never forgive — these constitute the inexhaustible fuel of their malice — these are their real objections to Col. Duane's appointment to a post of honor — which honor he has deserved as richly as he has deserved the glory of their eternal hatred.
It is a curious proof of the disposition of England to be at peace with us, that she never fails to throw open her arms to the disturbers of our government, and the violators of our laws! — Democrat.
BOSTON TOWN MEETING. On the 9th instant agreeably to a notification for the purpose, a meeting was held in the town of Boston, to consider of the propriety of petitioning for an immediate repeal of the embargo. After a considerable debate, the following petition was agreed to by a large majority:
To the President of the U. States. The inhabitants of the town of Boston, in legal town meeting assembled, beg leave respectfully to represent: —
That uniformly influenced by a sense of patriotism and a respect for the constituted authorities of their country, they have sustained without opposition or complaint, the embarrassments and losses arising from the existing embargo on the vessels and export trade of the United States, and they trust the history of the revolutionary war, and the annals of the present government, will furnish ample testimony of their readiness to make any personal sacrifices, and to endure any privations, which the public welfare may truly require:
That they are fully aware of the indispensable necessity of supporting, at all times, the laws enacted by the government of their choice. — Under this impression they have refrained from expressing the wishes they most sensibly feel for the removal of the embargo; and but for the great events in Europe, which materially change the aspect of our foreign relations, they would yet silently wait for the meeting of Congress, in the hope of obtaining from that honorable body, relief from the pressure of this great calamity, which bears with peculiar weight on the Eastern states.
Denied by nature those valuable and luxurious staples which constitute the riches of the South, they necessarily owe much of their prosperity, under the blessing of Heaven, to their own enterprise and industry on the ocean. It is therefore a duty, as
well as a right, to avail themselves of every fair occasion which offers for procuring the removal of the existing restraints upon their maritime commerce, more especially when this may be effected in a mode consistent with the laws and policy by which they are imposed.
They therefore pray that the embargo, in whole or in part, may be suspended, according to the powers vested in the president by the congress of the United States; and if any doubt should exist of the competency of those powers, they would humbly request, that congress may be convened as early as possible, for the purpose of taking the subject into consideration.
It was then voted, that the select-men, in behalf of the town, transmit the petition to the president of the U. States.
AUGUST 11. TOWN MEETING. On Monday last, in conformity to a previous arrangement of the Essex Junto, an application was made to the selectmen of this town to call a meeting for the purpose of requesting the President, to raise the Embargo, or permit a commercial intercourse with Spain and Portugal. This was directly granted, and the next day appointed for the meeting. The importance of the subject, and the probability of an ardent debate brought together a large assemblage of citizens of this and the neighboring towns — Stephen Codman, Esq. was chosen moderator; and the debate was opened by the Hon. Jona. Mason, who, after a number of observations, submitted the following motion:
"That it is expedient for the town of Boston respectfully to petition the President of the U. S. to suspend the laws laying an embargo, either wholly or in part, according to the power vested in him by the Congress of the United States; and if any doubts should exist as to the sufficiency of those powers, that he be requested to call congress together, as soon as may be; and that a committee of eight persons be appointed to prepare and submit to the town a petition in conformity."
This motion was advocated by Messrs D Sargent, H. G. Otis and C. Gore; and opposed by Messrs. Wm. Jarvis, B. Austin, and G. Blake. It was finally carried, by a considerable majority of those present, but more than half the meeting retired before the vote was taken.
It was remarked, that not a merchant, (except Mr. Sargent, and his address was very short) or underwriter, took any share in the debate, although Messrs Bussy, Parker, Dennie, Coolidge and Robinson, of the Boston delegation to the General Court, attended the meeting; and being statesmen as well as merchants, might have elicited commercial information of great pith and moment."
We hope the good sense of the people out of Boston, will prevent them from becoming the tools and dupes of a party within it. We do not attach any wilful misconduct to many who voted for it, being sensible that some are led by ignorance and others by fear. We trust the President will duly appreciate the address as it was evident to every man present, that no measure was ever adopted in Boston on the federal side of the question, so defective in energy. There is no doubt the federal party in this town are desirous of a war with France in alliance with England, this no doubt is their main object; but in the present measure, they have completely baffled their own purposes and are bringing this country into a war with England. If this partiality is granted to Spain, the honor of Britain in maintaining her treaty rights is involved in the decision.
Chronicle.
The rash proceeding of the town of Boston, with regard to the repeal of the embargo laws, will not we presume, be at all surprising to our fellow citizens in the country. They have long since been apprised that Boston is the head quarters of British principles; that there are hundreds who receive pensions from England and hundreds more, who are the agents and debtors to British merchants — All of whom voted in favor of the petition to the President, notwithstanding which, we observed, when the vote was taken, a very large number of citizens who did not vote at all on the question. — The arguments used by Messrs. Austin, Blake, and Jarvis, in opposition to this premature measure, were conclusive and irresistible. They were not, and indeed they could not be answered; particularly Mr. Jarvis's whose maiden speech was declared by men of opposite political opinions to lose nothing when compared with even the eloquence of an Otis.
Mr. Gore and Mr. Otis were greatly distressed about the poor sailors, &c. and exclaimed against a "perpetual embargo" but they should remember that their measures have the tendency to prolong the embargo and to deprive our sailors of employment. — The constant clamor by the Boston Junto; the publications in the federal papers; Timothy Pickering's letter; Wheaton's resolves; and the late town meeting when known in England will encourage the ministry to keep on their orders in council and thereby have a tendency to prolong the troubles arising from the embargo. There is no doubt the embargo would have been taken off long before this time, by a relaxation in the orders of England and decrees of France, if these powers had not been encouraged to continue them by the expectation that we should be obliged to repeal our embargo laws. If then the sailors are distressed, they have nobody to blame but those who are constantly telling the British and French that the embargo is daily becoming more unpopular in America. Timothy Pickering has done more to perpetuate the embargo than any man in the U. States. — The late town meeting in Boston will give it a new run for six months longer. ib.
BURLINGTON, (Ver.) August 5. We have to record a very melancholy event, which took place in this vicinity on Wednesday last. A revenue cutter from the lines, commanded by Lieut. Farrington, with a sergeant and 12 privates, was dispatched by the collector of the customs in pursuit of a large batteau called the
Black Snake, owned by persons near the lines, well known there to have been employed in smuggling. The cutter pursued her up Onion river, where she was found and taken possession of by Lieut. Farrington, while her crew, who were armed, stood on the bank of the river and threatened to fire on the first man who attempted to come on board. The Black Snake was manned by a part of the crew of the cutter, who proceeded with her down the river, while the smugglers repeatedly declared they should never take her out of the river alive. They had not gone more than 1000 yds, before they were fired on from the shore, thro' the bushes, and one man on board the cutter, by the name of Ellis Drake, was shot thro' the head and immediately expired. Several more shots were made when the lieut. ordered his men to steer for the shore.
Scarcely had they landed, when the whole contents of a large gun, called a wall piece, about ten feet in length, carrying 16 oz. balls, was discharged upon them, which proved fatal to Asa Marsh, another of the crew of the cutter, and Mr. Ormsby, an inhabitant of this town, who returning from work, happened to be present at this unfortunate moment. — The lieut. also received a ball thro' his left arm and was slightly wounded in his head. By the spirited exertions of the pleople of this village, 8 persons were apprehended and safely lodged in the common jail which is guarded by a detachment of the town militia. A jury of inquest was immediately summoned, who after a view of the bodies and a careful examination of the witnesses, returned their inquisition that the deceased came to their death by WILFUL MURDER. Two of the persons apprehended will probably make it appear that they were not concerned in this horrid transaction.
The funeral of these unfortunate victims was attended yesterday by a vast concourse of persons from this and the neighboring towns. An appropriate and pathetic discourse was delivered by the Rev. D. Williams. The procession proceeded from the court house to the burying ground, and extended nearly half a mile in length. The militia of this town under the command of capt. Justus Warner, rendered Martial honors to the memory of the deceased.
An examination of the prisoners has not yet taken place. As soon as an enquiry is made, the public will have a minute detail of the facts; in the mean time, it is hoped all opinion will be suspended. There are four of these desperadoes who have not yet been taken, but the greatest exertions are making to apprehend them.
In the Burlington paper, we find an advertisement under the signature of the collector of the Revenue, offering a reward of 100 dollars for Samuel I Mott, commander of the batteau; and 50 dollars each for Wm. Nokes, capt. Pease, and Siocum Clark, the remainder of the crew, who had committed the above recited outrage upon our citizens, and fled from the hand of justice. Capt. Pease it is said, has since been apprehended, and committed to Burlington jail — Rutland Herald.
Two long 12 pounders, and several smaller pieces of cannon, passed through this village for Lake Champlain, one day last week, under the care of a lieut. of the navy and several midshipmen. They are intended for the two gun boats, now building or about to be built, on the lake, to aid in enforcing the embargo laws. — Lansingsburg Gazette.
NEW-YORK, August, 15.
** In our paper of Saturday, we stated the capture of the brig Montezuma, by the frigate Chesapeake, Commodore Decatur, for a breach of the embargo law. It was the brig Mount Vernon, from Providence, (R. I.) for Antigua, cleared in ballast, by permission. She was laden with provisions, which she took on board after she had cleared out.
The ship John, capt. Bullock, from Providence, (R. I.) laden with provisions, from Havana, was capured on Tuesday night, between Block-Island and Grey-Head, by the frigate Chesapeake, Commodore Decatur, for a violation of the embargo law, who ordered her to this port for adjudication, where she arrived on Saturday evening.
The Chinese Mandarin who had obtained permission to return home in the ship Beaver of this port, is now said, is nothing more than a China pedlar; and that representations to this effect have been forwarded to Mr. Gallatin, to prevent the artifice from succeeding.
PHILADELPHIA, August 15.
We have heard many inquiries, who is to have the command of the regiment of light (or horse) artillery; the public may be pleased to know that the government has endeavored to place a man eminently qualified for the office, in that station. — To reward the well directed efforts of genius is to stimulate men to virtuous pursuits; it is equally honorable to the government, and advantageous to the nation. The president, a considerable time since offered to ROBERT FULTON his choice of two stations, to be colonel of engineers or of the flying artillery. This was done with the double view of engaging his talents in the public service, and of securing a continuance of his course of experiments on the various modes he has projected of attack on ships of war. We regret, however, to state, that Mr. Fulton has declined the military command; and we should deplore it as a public misfortune, if we were not assured that it is only to keep himself more free for voluntary enterprise and exertions in perfecting his system of sub-marine attack.
Mr. Fulton is now at Washington, pursuing a course of experiments, in which the government gives him all the aid in its power, and will continue to give. And we feel such perfect confidence in his success in this system, that we firmly believe it will prove a bason of destruction to military navies; and ultimately will sweep the ocean of its tyrants, set commerce free, and while it assures external tranquility to the U. States, it will greatly diminish the causes of war among the nations of Europe. — Blessed will be the name of the author of such benefits to the human race.
Mr. Fulton has already done more for the good of mankind than thousands who have been considered as their benefactors. In discovering and conquering the obstacles that lay in the way of moving vessels by steam, he has done what the ablest engineers in Europe and America have been laboring in vain these thirty years to accomplish. He has opened all our immense rivers to a rapid and easy navigation; and he will thus send a lucrative commerce to the interior of every continent in almost every direction.
A little attention to the simple principles, general application, and effects of Mr. Fulton's new naval tactics, which he is now engaged in perfecting, will present to every discerning mind, its vast power and probable effect; the result he contemplates would lead to consequences great beyond the first conceptions of men of experience.
The steam navigation has established itself on the Hudson river, against prejudice, and triumphs even over envy in its utility. Mr. Fulton contemplates employing the steam to the navigation of the Mississippi; and it is from an apprehension that the acceptance of a military station would subject him to duties which might interrupt or retard the prosecution of these two grand undertakings, that he has declined; but whenever the circumstances of the country require his talents in any quarter, perhaps the enemy will be the first to know and to feel the presence of American genius. (Aurora.)
NORFOLK, August 17.
On Monday last three men in a boat attempting to board the Schooner Dispatch, capt. Smith, of Richmond, in Hampton Roads upset, and two of the men, Aben Hawes, of Cape Cod, and — Henderson, a pilot, belonging to St. Marys, were drowned; the other was saved by capt. Smith.
CHARLESTON, August 13.
The ship Caroline, capt. Tufts, arrived at quarantine this morning from Havana, in 3 days; by her we learn, that the governor of Havana, had issued a proclamation, ordering all Frenchmen in the places who had not taken the oath of allegiance to Spain previous to the late revolution, to quit the Island immediately; and that vast numbers had already sailed for the United States. The Caroline had 30 on board. Five sail of British men of war were lying at Havana when capt. T. sailed, besides a number of English privateers. The frigate La Franchise, and brig Fire Fly, which had been at Havana, had sailed for Jamaica, with dispatches.
The British Officers are treated with the most marked and enthusiastic respect. It appears to be the firm determination of Cuba to declare itself independent, in the event of Bonaparte's success against the present government of Spain.
Extract of a letter from Havana, to a gentleman in this city, dated 31st July, 1808.
"This day his Britanic Majesty's brig Phipps, capt. Bell, in 9 days from Jamaica, arrived in this port, and brought the following intelligence:
"By accounts received from Cadiz the 19th of June, the Spanish general of marines, APADOCA, with four associates, were ordered by the National Junta of Spain, to proceed to London, not only with powers to conclude peace, but to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance, to carry on the war against France, as their common enemy. On the evening of the 19th June, these Commissioners sailed from Cadiz for London, on board the Revenge British ship of war, Sir John Core, Commander.
"In consequence of the Emperor of Constantinople declaring war against France, a Turkish Ambassador had arrived at Gibraltar, with a splendid retinue, and only waited for a British ship of war to convey him to London."
At a Quarterly Sessions
Court continued and held for Gloucester county, at the Courthouse, on Wednesday the 17th day of August, 1808.
Christopher Anthony, jr. & Co. pls
vs
Shaw-Wood Strong, John R. B. Eldridge, and John Guerrant, jr. defts.
THIS case came the plaintiffs, by their attorney, his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the plaintiff by their attorney, it is ordered that the said defendant Strong do appear here on the third Monday in November next, and answer the plaintiff's bill, and give security for performing the decree of this court, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper, printed in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and that another copy be posted at the front door of the courthouse of this county, and it is further ordered that the defendants John R. B. Eldridge and John Guerrant jr. do not pay, convey away, or secrete the debts by them owing to, or the effects in their hands of the said defendant Strong, so as to render them unable to pay the demand of the plaintiff stated in their said bill, with interest and the costs of this suit, until the further order of this court.
A Copy — Test, Wm. Miller, C. C. C.
TO all whom it may concern. A Petition will be preferred to the next General Assembly praying a release of all rights of the Commonwealth to the lands lying in Gloucester and Middlesex counties, to the subscribers, of which Dr. Robert E. Spratt and Dr. George D. Spratt deceased, the subscriber Charlotte Gwathmey, being nearest of kin to the deceased.
Richard Gwathmey and Charlotte Gwathmey. King Wm. County, Aug 29 1808. v.6.
Notice is hereby given,
THAT a memorial will be presented to the ensuing General Assembly, praying a reconsideration of the claim of Henry J. Arnhold, and the restoration of the property escheated to the commonwealth, which was left by William F. Ast, dec. his uncle, who died intestate.
Richmond, August 20, 1808. w2

Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.
SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock, and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—It would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvement.
For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Gannett, or to
Carter Wood,
Mount Comfort, if
June 1. 1808
MATRESSES
OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS, MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleafants.
May 31, 1808
I AM desirous to exchange the following property, or any part thereof, as may be agreed on, for a small tract of good Land, in a healthy situation, with a dwelling house and other improvements, a good spring of water, and an agreeable neighborhood, at a distance of 30 to 100 miles up the country—To say for Houses in this city—Lands in Henrico county, joining the academy lands, and near this city—2,000 acres on Richland creek, in Lincoln county, Kentucky—1,000 acres on the waters of the Ohio, in Mason county—and two tracts of Military Lands on the river Tennessee, each 866 2/3 acres.
Robert Mitchell.
Richmond Feb. 6. 1808.
Gallego, Richard & Co.
HAVING NO LONGER ANY CONCERN IN
Columbian Mills,
COMMONLY CALLED ROSS'S MILLS,
Inform their friends and the public in general, that any WHEAT sent to them by water, from the upper country, will be received at THEIR MILLS ON THE CANAL, and any wheat sent them by LAND, will be received at a convenient lumber-house contiguous to their counting room.
Richmond, July 11, 1808
2m
TO RENT
And possession given the first day of October next,
The Tenement,
OCCUPIED by Alexander Plainville, next door below Samuel Pleafants' Book-Store. For particulars, apply to
WILLIAM COOK.
Richmond, 1st July, 1808
BOARDING HOUSE.
Mrs. Judith Nelson
HAVING taken the tenement belonging to Mr. William Price, lately occupied by Mr. M. Graw, on the street leading from the capitol, has opened a BOARDING HOUSE, where she will take gentlemen, ladies and children, to board and lodge by the day, week, month or year. She has excellent servants, and assures those who may become her boarders, that no exertion shall be wanting to give satisfaction.
Richmond 24th July, 1808.
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Will be Let,
To the lowest bidder, at Amelia August Court day, being the 4th Thursday, in the month,
The Building of a Jail,
To be of Brick, Wood, &c. The Plan will be shown by applying at the said Court House, to W. T. Eggleston.
By the Commissioners.
July 31, 1808.
2w
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, living near Richmond, a dark mulatto man, named JOHN, about five feet 6 or 7 inches high, of a good appearance, but grum look; he has a quantity of clothing of all descriptions, I suppose he is either in Richmond or Williamsburg, as he has a wife in both places, and he came from the estate of Col. Peaches, who resides in Williamsburg. Whoever will deliver the said fellow to me, shall receive five dollars, if taken in Richmond, and ten if out of the county of Henrico, or to Mr. John Poe, living with Capt. Tare
Richard Brooke.
Richmond, 3d August, 1808.
(4)
Just received and for Sale,
At the Bookstore of S. PLEASANTS, JR. RICHMOND, VOLUME TWO, OF The American Register, Price 3 Dollars and 25 Cents.
The first volume of this work has been so long before the public that its merits are too well known to need any encomium. It may not, however, be improper to observe, that it contains a very complete History of the Political Occurrences and Transactions both Foreign and Domestic, of the last year; a sketch of American and British Literature—and a valuable collection of State Papers, both American and European, besides a number of Miscellaneous Articles.
Perhaps no other publication in this country, condenses so much historical information in the same limits; and being an annual publication, it is presumed that it will be deemed a necessary addition to every well furnished library.
6w
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the executive by an inquisition held in the county of Northumberland, on the 21st day of September, in the year 1806, before John H. Fallin, Esq. coroner for the said county, that on the 20th day of the said month of September, in the year aforesaid, a certain George Gordon, late of the county aforesaid, stands charged with the murder of a certain negro slave named Bartley; and it appearing that after the perpetration of the said murder, the said George Gordon did immediately, and doth still fly from justice; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and convey before some justice of the peace for the said county of Northumberland, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with as the law directs. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors, to apprehend and convey as aforesaid, the said George Gordon, that he may be dealt with in the manner which the law in such cases prescribes.
Given under my hand, with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 5th day of August, 1808.
Signed,
WM. H. CABELL.
George Gordon is about five feet eight or ten inches high, is stout made, has light colored hair, blue eyes and a down look when spoken to. It is believed that he is frequently lurking in the county of Saint Mary's, Maryland. The editor of the National Intelligencer is therefore requested to insert this proclamation in that paper for two weeks.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the executive from an order made at the October term, 1807 of the district court at Winchester, duly certified by the clerk of said court, that Jacob Ockerman, who was examined for murder in the county court of Shenandoah, and adjudged by that court to be tried in the district court, and entered into recognizance to appear in the said district court, on the first day of the term, and against whom the grand jury found a bill for murder, failed to appear, and is going at large; I have therefore thought fit, by and with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and conduct the said Jacob Ockerman before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the county of Frederick, in which county the jail of the said district court of Winchester is situated, that he may be dealt with as, in such cases, the law directs. And I do moreover enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of this commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and carry before some one or more of the justices of the peace in and for the aforesaid county of Frederick, the said Jacob Ockerman, to be dealt with according to law.
Given under my hand with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 19th day of July, 1808.
Signed,
Wm. H. Cabell.
By the Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it appears to the Executive by an inquisition taken before William White and James M. Williams, gentlemen, justices of the peace for the county of Pittsylvania, that an atrocious murder was committed on the 14th day of the present month, by a certain Gardiner Mays, late of the county aforesaid, on the body of Robert Wynn, who it appears was late a deputy sheriff for the said county and in the execution of the duties of his office as such, when the said murder was committed, and that the said Gardiner Mays has fled from justice; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of the council of state, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of one hundred dollars to any person or persons who shall apprehend and carry before some justice of the peace for the county of Pittsylvania aforesaid, the said Gardiner Mays, that he may be dealt with as directed by law. And I do moreover hereby enjoin all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of this commonwealth to use their best endeavors to apprehend the said Gardiner Mays, that such proceedings may be had against him as is prescribed by law.
Given under my hand, with the seal of the (L. S.) commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 27th day of July, 1808.
Signed,
William H. Cabell.
N B Gardiner Mays is from 40 to 45 years of age, 5 feet, from 3 to 5 inches high, close set and strong made, particularly in the body, in which he is longer than usual for men of his height, his arms are stout, his thighs short and small compared with his body, his legs short and well proportioned, his face a little prominent, with strong full beard, his nose large, and a little swelling from the forehead to the end, where it appears quite full; on nice observation his eyes may appear rather nearer together than usual, and it is believed there is a small blemish in one of them, perhaps the left; his hair is dark colored and short; he has been bred to labor, and is of a complexion common to men of that description. Amongst his wearing apparel, is a blue common cloth suit, lined with red flannel; a Virginia cloth coat with black buttons, button holes and black silk cape, and a pair of white cambric pantaloons and waistcoat. He occasionally carries a large butcher knife, under the breast of his coat, ground on the back to an edge, so as to represent the blade of a dirk.
By the Commissioners.
Richmond, 3d August, 1808.
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Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent.
10th May, 1808.
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A FEW COPIES OF
BROUGHAM'S
CELEBRATED
SPEECH
AGAINST THE BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL;—AND,
Baring's Pamphlet,
On the same subject, are just received and for sale at this office.
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To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from the county court of Henrico, I shall proceed on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Gwatney's tavern, in the town of Louisville, Kentucky, to take depositions to be read in evidence in a suit depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant.
Your ob't. serv't.
HENRY SCHROEDER.
August 3, 1808.
5w
To Aaron Burr, Esq.
SIR, TAKE NOTICE, that by virtue of a commission from the county court of Henrico, I shall proceed on the first Monday in October next, between the hours of eight in the forenoon and six in the afternoon, and between the same hours of each succeeding day, until the whole testimony is taken, at Wilson's tavern, in the town of Lexington, Kentucky, to take depositions to be read in evidence in three suits depending in said court, in which I am plaintiff and you are defendant.
Your ob't. serv't.
ROBERT MILLER.
August 3, 1808.
5w
NOTICE.
WHEREAS Mr. James Fisher, by a deed executed on the first day of July, 1808, and recorded in the county court of Henrico, has assigned to the subscriber as trustee for certain of his creditors therein named, the whole of his estate of every description, (except his household furniture, and some few debts transferred by him as trustee, subsequent to the execution of said trust, as will more fully appear by a reference to the schedule annexed to said deed,) consisting of some lots in the city of Richmond, together with all his bonds, notes and accounts—This is therefore to give notice to the debtors of the said James Fisher, that all judgments obtained where the money has not been paid, all suits now depending in the courts of this commonwealth, or elsewhere, all monies in the hands of attorneys, sheriffs or others, which may have been collected by virtue of any suit debt or demand of the said James Fisher; that he is the only person authorized to receive such debts and demands and grant such acquittances and make such compromises as he may deem most advisable for the interest of said creditors.
A hope is therefore cherished, that every effort on the part of said debtors, will be made, in order to a settlement of their balances, and every indulgence will be given by him to those who manifest such a disposition.
And whereas it is stipulated by the contracting parties to said deed, that certain creditors of said James Fisher, who from absence or other causes, could not signify their wish of becoming parties thereto; now, be it understood, that if they do within sixty days, from the said first day of July, 1808, sign the said deed, that in that case, they are to be considered entitled to their ratable proportion of such money as shall be collected from the sale of property and collection of debts—otherwise, if they do not, within the time specified, make known their determination by subscribing to the terms agreed upon in the said trust, that he the said trustee shall pay over such sums as they would have been entitled to if they had acceded to the said James Fisher.
Edw'd. W. Trent.
28th July, 1808.
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Notice.
A PETITION will be presented to the General Assembly at their next session, praying that the width of certain streets on Shockoe Hill, may be reduced to sixty-six feet.
August 10, 1808.
3w
A GREEABLE to an order of Hanover county court, WILL BE SOLD, on the premises, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 2d of next month, the
Land and Mill
Of William M. Caut dec of Hanover, upon a credit of twelve months, the purchaser giving bond with approved security.
By the Commissioners.
August 10 1808.
3t
Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment.
THE subscriber will commence keeping a boarding house on the first day of September next, in the commodious & conveniently situated house at present occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main street, opposite to Har's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd.
Richmond, August 3, 1808.
tf
THE subscriber, in Lee county, wants to engage to furnish the government with four thousand weight of the best kind of GUN-POWDER,
On a very short notice. If Salt-Petre is preferred, either crude or refined, I will furnish a large quantity of that article, and deliver it any where, provided that the price will justify the business. I hope that any gentleman authorized by the President of the United States, will inform me by letter, how a contract can be effected, what price is given and where to be delivered.
HIRAM CRAIG
August 10, 1808.
tf
Virginia, to wit:
At a court of Appeals held at the capitol in Richmond, the third day of June, 1808.
GENERAL RULE—After the end of this present term, all causes depending in this court, shall be called in the order in which they stand upon the docket; and such as may be ready for hearing pursuant to the former rules of this court, shall, unless good cause be shown to the contrary, be heard in the same order in which they stand upon the docket, until the whole shall be gone through—and the causes which shall be passed over, shall, unless for some very special reason appearing to the court, be put at the end of the docket of each term.
Ordered, That the above rule be published in at least three of the newspapers printed in Richmond, once a week, until the first day of October next.
A Copy—Teste,
J. Brown, C. C.
TO MANUFACTURERS AND FARMERS.
LATELY PUBLISHED, IN PHILADELPHIA
AND FOR SALE
AT S. PLEASANTS, BOOK STORE
RICHMOND,
THE
REGISTER OF ARTS;
OR A COMENDIOUS VIEW
OF SOME OF THE MOST USEFUL
MODERN DISCOVERIES & INVENTIONS.
By THOMAS GREEN FESSENDEN.
(Price $3 neatly bound, or $2 75 cts. in boards.)
THE object of this work is to present to the American public, useful information in agriculture and the arts. The editor has selected from every quarter within his means, such intelligence as promised to be of advantage to the citizens of the United States. The following is in part, a list of the papers contained in the volume, and will serve to show that much industry has been used to make the selection interesting and useful—Description of a machine for grinding colors; description of a wheel drey: cheap engine for raising water; apparatus for driving copper bolts into ships; on blasting rocks; patent for tanning leather; method of extinguishing fire; process of watering hemp; purification of fish oil; apparatus for purifying infected air on the clarification of wines, &c.—on making glue; facts relative to mildew; on making butter and cheese; on the use of steam in conveying heat from one place to another; method of heating rooms by steam; method for preventing the premature decay of fruit trees; method of cultivating peach trees; description of Count Rumford's boiler; on making soap by steam and saving fuel; wooden matches for firing cannon; fabrication of sulphuric acid; method of rendering white-wash durable; Dutch method of curing herrings; cement to preserve vessels from worms; on raising and dressing hemp; account of Sir Sidney Smith's double boats; on the use of lime with gunpowder; on the cultivation of potatoes from the rind; a method of destroying caterpillars; on raising potatoes from seed; on the application and use of certain vegetables in dying; method of preparing oil cakes; on promoting the growth of young fruit trees on grass land; on oil as a manure; improvement in bagging weaving; the best mode of taking honey; a new invented compound for covering houses; on preserving seed in a state fit for vegetation; the Bavarian method of evaporating salt waters; method of preventing accidents in wheel carriages; experiments on Calcareous and Gypsum Earths; on melting iron in a reverberatory furnace; on the raising of red cloverseed; the process of obtaining opium from the white poppy; on the culture of opium; the method of forming cast iron railways for running of waggons, drays, &c.—Substitute for Verdigris; new method of bleaching cotton; method of procuring good water from wells; on manufacturing different kinds of saws; method of making indelible ink; improvements in the constructions of malt kilns; on the distillation of ardent spirits; French mode of making salt petre; an improvement in brewing malt liquors; on the purification of crude salt petre.
Sketch of some of the principal American manufactures and manufactories, bridges, canals, turnpike roads, agricultural improvements, patent inventions, &c. Also just received and for sale as above, The American Artillerist's Companion, No. 3 by Louis de Tousard, late Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery, Regiment of Artillery—Price 2 dolls. per No. to be comprised in 6 Nos. with plates.
The American Register or general Repository of History, Politics and Science, vol. 2d.—published semi-annually—price $3. 25 cents.
Modern Chivalry: or, the Adventures of Tague O'Regan, by H. H. Brackenridge 2 vols $2. 50 cents.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, living in Henrico county, near Richmond on the 7th of June, 1808, a SORREL HORSE, about 8 years old, 14 feet 11 inches high, shod before, who will saddle spots on his flanks. Appraised to fifty five dollars.
GEO: BROOKS.
ALL persons having claims against the estate of DANIEL TURNER deceased, are hereby requested to make them known to the county court of Caroline, on or before the second Monday in October next, as the court will, on that day, proceed to make an order for the distribution of said estate, and this advertisement will be plead in bar to the recovery of any claims that may be thereafter exhibited.
Philip Samuel, D. S.
for John T. Woodford, S. C. C.
and committee administrator.
July 25. wt 10 O.
To Rent or Lease,
FOR A TERM OF YEARS,
THE PLANTATION
WHEREON the late William S. Smith, dec. resided, in the county of Powhatan, about 22 miles from the city of Richmond. There are on this plantation, a good dwelling house, out houses, orchards, &c.—Possession given at Christmas next, with the privilege of sowing wheat this fall. Further particulars will be made known on application to Mr. Wm. Graves, living near the premises, or to the subscriber.
JOSIAH SMITH.
Powhatan, August 4, 1808. wt 4*
Blank Notes
AND FLOWERS OF ATTORNEY, used in depositing stock in the Bank of Virginia, for sale at this office.
Penitentiary Store.
THE subscriber, Agent for the Penitentiary, offers for sale the following articles, the manufacture of that institution, at very low prices for cash only at retail, and at 90 days credit at wholesale, for approved endorsed neg. stable notes.
   Wholesale prices Retail prices     3dy 13 cents. 14 cents per lb   4 12 1-2 13 1-2   6 11 1-2 12 1-2   8 10 1-2 11 1-2   10 10 11   12 10 11   20 10 11   Slating nails 11 1-2 12 1-2   CUT BRADS   8dy 10 cents

The measures which have been recently adopted by some of the northern meetings, evince a temper of mind much to be lamented, but more to be despised. It may be true that they suffer extremely from the evils of commercial suspense, but they are certainly out of their wits, when they ascribe these evils entirely to the embargo, and not to the blocking decrees of Europe.
If Great Britain should display mercy, which the Lamb might as soon expect from the Wolf, we should then involve ourselves with France, because our commerce would, in fact, be conducted under British protection, and would, in fact, be nothing more than holding forth the hand of alliance, which we suspect is the sole object of these petitions.
If Great Britain should relax in the execution of her orders, which the policy of deceiving us into her toils, may induce, we must evidently run the hazard of trusting to her worse than Carthaginian faith. The conclusion would be instantly drawn by France, and very correctly too, that we were determined to take part in the contest in favor of G. Britain, which must surely be hateful to every mind. Our undying policy, is, to remain neutral, and endeavor to avoid the calamities of war.
It is truly astonishing, that the opponents to the embargo, should act in such a style, as to render its continuance absolutely necessary. Great Britain will never rescind her orders of council so long as she entertains the hope of forcing our commerce upon her own terms; and what can be more cherishing to that hope, than the appearance of distraction in America, and tumultuous opposition to the embargo.
It is a source of serious regret, that these meetings should have acted with so much rashness and absurdity—but we trust that while the extremities are discussed, that the soul of the American people will remain calm and unruffled in patriotic patience.
FOR THE VIRGINIA ARGUS.
To JAMES MONROE, ESQUIRE.
LETTER I.
"BEATUS VIL, QUI NON OBIT"
It is a common remark, that power has the same spell-like charm upon human nature, as that which the serpent is fabled to possess in regard to the bird. That when once it is presented, the eye becomes enamored of its form, and the brain giddy and confused with its influence. These corollaries are drawn from other times and other governments, and remain alone for our virtue to decide, whether they will be true in their application to us. The time is fast approaching, if it has not already arrived, which will demand our most active exertions in behalf of that government which we profess to love, better than any in the world.
The anti-republican theorist who contends that there is not virtue enough among us, to support our free institutions, will delight in the coming opportunity, under a hope, that experience will confirm his calculations, and that the necessity will result of embracing the energy of king, lords and commons. It is unnecessary for the imagination to "body forth" unseen dangers, for we have enough without them, which are palpable and serious.
Every American must be deeply impressed with the awful situation of his country, both abroad and at home. The powerful and domineering nations of Europe, have, in fact, decided that there shall be no neutral power, which is tantamount to a declaration of war against every republican government.
They have adopted the base, inhuman doctrine of feeling power and forgetting right , and every principle of moral and political justice, bends to self-aggrandizement, as the Osler to the breeze. The state of Europe and its perfidy, are, however, too well known to you, to require the smallest refreshment of memory from me. The painful situation of our country at home, may be known to you in a general way, and I have no doubt but that your sympathy is tenderly alive; but I am inclined to doubt very much, whether you are acquainted with the seat of its disease. It is impossible, but that amidst the threatening disorders which have occurred in a few years back, you must have observed the birth and gradual progress of an anti-ministerial party, whose avowed object is the destruction of the present administration. Whether you think the causes which have been assigned by that minority, sufficient to justify their conduct,
is a question addressed to your most calm and serious consideration. Your virtues have justly elevated you to a lofty eminence in society, and aware of this, they are anxious to make you an instrument in their scheme of reform. If we recur to history, we shall find that the salvation of a state, has not unfrequently depended upon a single individual, and the present crisis, I fear, is about to afford additional evidence. You are forced into a delicate, an interesting and a slippery situation upon the political drama, and it is essentially necessary that you should know something of the machinery behind the curtain. It is common with great men, to turn an "Adder's ear" to communications, unsoiled and unsordid to their greatness, but I feel confident that you will be at least an exception to this commune nobilitatis malum . You have, yourself, experienced the bitterest persecution of a political sect, and you know better than it becomes me to repeat, how many arts and calumnies were resorted to, to dash you from the Tarpeian rock of federalism, into the deepest ignominy and disgrace—thank Heaven, they were foiled in their attempts, and they became the victims of their own perfidy. You cannot have forgotten these circumstances, for they must be treasured up in your memory, as the triumph of virtue over vice, and as ample evidence to prove how far the machinations of partyism will extend. With these facts deep-cut upon your mind, you surely will not "throw away a pearl richer than all its tribe," you surely will not abandon the administration to gratify the ambition of an unquiet and designing faction. Sir, I recollect when this evil deity first arose at Washington, under the auspices of French far and back-stair influence , that it excited unmeasured execration from some of the very men who are now pleased with the charms of apostasy and deluded with the hope of self-elevation. We are told that deformity and vice become agreeable by familiarity, and so it would seem upon the present occasion, from the increase of its advocates. If I am not mistaken, you were unfortunately, at this period, performing the functions of a patriot abroad, and of course you could know but little of the mean parentage of this enemy at home. You heard of its existence, but you knew nothing of its birth. You heard of its object, and if I am not mistaken, (which God forbid) it met with your indignant reproof.
Your return to this country was impatiently wished, as it was fondly expected that you would remain in your place, as one of the main pillars of government. These feelings were evidently shown in the heart-flowing salutations of your countrymen, but if they had thought that the Atlantic breezes had cooled your attachment to the present administration, which you helped to raise, and to those old principles which you assisted to inculcate, they would have been silent, and lamented your fate. Your return was likewise eagerly wished by a certain party at the seat of government, but from motives far different, and with views that would excite a crimson blush to have expressed.—Suffice it to say, that you may get a key to their characters, by turning to the dramatis personae of "Venice Preserved." This far reality may be unacceptable to some, but when I assure you that it is mentioned from the highest veneration and esteem for you, it cannot be unwelcome. We are now upon the margin of my object. The presidential electioneering events of the last winter. Here let me avow that at this time, I was your fervent and decided advocate, and for some time after the announcement of the caucus. It was my most ardent wish that you should succeed the present illustrious man who is about to retire. My preference of you, however, was not of that stubborn and unbending cast, that it would not yield to the reflections of judgment, and the wishes of the people, for I have always conceived it a duty to surrender private predilection to public choice. It was some time before this preference was dismissed, because it has not been fully ascertained until lately, that Mr. Madison is the undisputed choice of the people. There was a thin party to the North in favor of Mr. Clinton, but the stream of public voice was too strong, and some of the most eminent of his advocates have confessed the majority and necessity of adhering to Mr. Madison. Every effort which ingenuity and calumny could invent, has been industriously practised to lessen his popularity, but they failed in that attacking his character, they were playing with a sun beam, which would shine upon their faces, while it baffled their touch. This has been precisely your situation, and you surely must "pty wocs so like your own."
If then this is the fact, which but few will deny, that Mr. Madison is the choice of the people, why should there be any opposition, except from those who are actuated by malice and deluded with the idea of self-aggrandizement. I am confident that you are not of this description, for the slightest review of your life, will forbid even the approach of its conjecture. The only opposition then which the people will have to encounter is formed of minority men and federalists. It cannot be expected that they will divide their little forces, no, the secret link of alliance is too strong, an union will be the result, and in order to give plausibility to their schemes you will be their candidate. Here I should pause to contemplate the dangers that surrounded you, but for "the sweet conviction" that your patriotism is too pure and your firmness too immovable. My principal object is, to awake your attention to your situation. It is possible that many of your partisans have endeavored to convince you by perverted statements that you are really the choice of the people. There is no doubt but that your popularity is deep and extensive, but there can be as little doubt if you give way to this delusion, but that the hearts of the people which beat with tremulous solicitude for your welfare, will cease to swell with the smallest emotion of regard. Your popularity like that of the administration has arisen from the same cause, and is now notwithstanding the baseful efforts of your Siren friends, continued for the same reason. If you accept the invitation of this union, what will be the conclusions. That you approve of the bold and daring attempt to pull down the administration. That with them you believe that they are corrupt and swayed by French far and back-stair influence . That with them you are willing to compromise national independence in order to show resentment to France, and that you are willing to acquiesce under British usurpation. That you like them have forgotten the principles of your character and those of the people. That you like them
are determined to destroy if you can, the merits and reputation of Mr. Madison, and above all, that you like them, are resolved to avail yourself of this unfortunate moment of commercial restriction, the distressful stroke of necessity, and not of choice, to excite discord and commotion. These things are suggested for your most serious contemplation, the arms of the people are open to embrace you, and I laudably hope that you will not fly from them. If I were an unqualified advocate for the old doctrine, that in peace and war we ought certainly to submit to the established authorities , I might urge it at this time with the powerful auxiliaries of a trembling prosperity, an aspiring faction and alarming decisions. This critical situation of our country arises not so much from foreign injustice as domestic feuds, and I trust that while you have endeavored to prevent the first, you will not encourage the last. The people, Sir, are really extremely anxious about you in consequence of the tricks and artifices which have been used to induce them to believe that you are inimical to the administration, and that you will co-operate with the minority. They wait in painful suspense under a hope that they may hear from you explicitly upon this important subject, and I trust that you will find this precept as true in politics as it is said to be in religion, " Beatus vir, qui non obit ."
TIMOLEON.
Nathaniel Macon, Richard Stanford, and Thomas Kenan, are re-elected members of Congress from the state of North-Carolina.
The 5th Patriotic Ode , addressed to the Emperor Napoleon, in our next.
Erratum in the poetry of last Argus. In the first line of Verse 8, instead of "pendent" read prudent.
It was proved on oath before the British House of Commons, since their orders of council of November, 180, 1807, that insurance of American ships and cargoes, to the continent of Europe, against British captures only , had risen to 90 guineas on the 100. 100s sterling, which is 94. 10s on the 100. Such are the fatal effects of these British orders to confiscate our property . Yet unwise and wicked men condemn the embargo, and pretend it is produced by French influence. These inconsiderate or bad men have much to answer for in their injured country. They condemn the only means of our temporal salvation, and would destroy the men, who have devised and enacted those means.
THE REAL TRUTH ABOUT THE EMBARGO.
The British and French governments, and the powers co-operating with them, and under their influence in December last, prohibited all our trade, under the penalty of confiscating our ships and cargoes .—It was a serious state of things to our executive government, whose duty it was to protect our floating property , by all the means which the laws put into their power. The orders of council and decrees, directing the seizure of neutral ships and cargoes, our government could not annul. But they considered, that they could render them harmless , by keeping our vessels and cargoes, for a time at home. The British orders and decrees might continue in force, but our government saw, that they could remove the odious and fatal penalty of confiscation by an embargo.
The President therefore recommended, the consideration of an embargo to congress. The constitution requires the President to do such things from time to time; for it directs the President to inform congress of the state of the Union and of our public prospects, dangers, sufferings or prosperity. Had the President thought an embargo possibly right, or probably right, he was in duty bound to communicate his belief or knowledge, with the necessary explanations to Congress.
It is agreed by a vast number of federalists, that the embargo was a wise measure. President John Adams and his son, senator John Quincy Adams both agree now that the embargo is a wise and necessary measure. People who know and think it right, and yet abuse the government for adopting it must be deeply dangerous, and profligately base and unprincipled. They are very foolish also. For when they say that Mr. Ross would have prevented, or remove the embargo, they say as much as that he would take the fleets of Britain, France and all their allies, and bring them into a water pond as easy as Gulliver did the Lilliputian fleet. Berkely would be as harmless as a sucking dove in the hands of that great necromancer James Ross. He would, in the very first week of his government, get the British and French fleets into 3 feet water, in the Connietoga or Connegochague, or the Youngshogeny, and keep them there till the end of the war.
No: the only way to subdue the ravenous sea monsters , that devoured our property on the ocean was to keep back their food:— no prizes—no sailors to impress—no raw materials to work on—no food to maintain their people—no purchasers for their manufactures .—It is certain, that some of the English here have openly condemned their own government for not beginning to capture all our ships at an early period.—Men with our oath of allegiance yet in their mouths, for it never reached the hearts of such men, tho' they attested their fidelity to this protecting country with all the solemnities of religion! The extreme wickedness of many English and federal men on the subject of the Embargo is really awful. Their deepest, deadliest crime is the shameful pretence that the Embargo is produced by French influence upon our Legislature and our Executive government. Wicked men, who have encouraged England to capture our vessels by their apologies for her, now say that an honorable and wise resistance to her fatal conduct is the fruit of French terror or purchase.— Dem. Press.
FROM THE AURORA.
THE ROBBERS AND THE FARMER, A TALE.
There were formerly two robbers, who were the scourge of the country which they infested—one of them plundered (and often murdered) every one who was so unfortunate as to fall in his way on the roads, or in the fields. The other took possession of a large lake, on the borders of which lived a num-
ber of manufacturers, such as blacksmiths, weavers, &c. near whom our freebooters resided, though they frequently plundered their nearest neighbors—on the other side of the lake lived a respectable, peaceable farmer, (for whom the robbers professed great friendship,) who by his industry had so improved his land from a wilderness state, that he was enabled to send many canoe loads of produce for sale to the people on the other side. Now it happened that the lake robber became jealous of the increasing prosperity of the farmer, (who by the bye, was a very good customer of his children, by buying all his ploughs, scythes, coats, hats, &c of them, who, notwithstanding the bad example of their father were very expert in making these things) to such a degree that he used to fire muskets loaded with balls into the boats, and several times killed the children of the farmer. His reason for committing these friendly actions, was, as he pretended, to search for old breeches &c. which he suspected the farmer to be guilty of conveying to the land robber's people, (with whom he was at variance,) or to discover some of his sons who he alleged had entered into the service of the farmer, in doing which he frequently made slaves of the old man's sons—sometimes he said he was obliged to rob and murder them for his own preservation, as according to his logic, the trade the farmer carried on with the land robber's children, was injurious to him, inasmuch as the children of his enemy were thereby prevented from starving—this doctrine was rather too absurd to be assented to by the farmer, who thought a plain old fellow, had too much spirit to submit to such notions—he therefore forbid any of the armed boats of the water robber, from coming near his house, or receiving any provisions from thence, until he behaved in a more peaceable manner—our waterman now came openly forward, and declared that he would take every canoe belonging to the farmer that he found going to the other side—he would, however, permit him, as a great favour, to send a boat to a small spot in the lake, where the former used to buy his sugar and coffee, and then he was only to be allowed to buy sufficient for his own family use—the land robber finding his opponent's measures begin to affect himself and children, in order to counteract them, swore that if he caught the farmer's people going to or from, or even looking towards the pirate's house, or were seen talking with him, he would plunder them whenever he could meet them. These unfair proceedings the farmer perceived would, if persisted in, involve his family in the dispute, and in the end perhaps cause their ruin. He therefore determined to keep his children at home, & as they were ingenious and industrious, he knew they would be able to make for themselves, all those articles which they had formerly purchased at great risk from their enemy's children and their neighbors.—This wise and peaceable conduct, was much opposed by a few silly servants, and some interested visitors in the old man's family; but he had the satisfaction in the end, to find that his measures were well planned, and approved by all candid people at home and abroad; for the two robbers experiencing greater distresses every day, in consequence of the former's wise measures, finding that he would not be imposed upon, that the produce of his farm was necessary to their existence, and that if they persisted in their unjust notions, the former would soon require none of the produce of the labor of their children, they determined that in future the trade of the farmer should be restricted by other than the laws of reason. The consequence was, that the farmer's plantation prospered to a great degree, and those who had most loudly complained against his conduct, were obliged to confess that it was dictated by principles of reason and humanity.
OBERON.
FROM THE SAME.
EXTRACT TO THE EDITOR.
Providence, (R. I.) August 8, 1808.
"Within thirty miles of this town there are thirty-two cotton mills, containing 11,704 spindles; they will hold when full of machinery, 23,320—there are seven more erecting, which it is contemplated will contain 14,200—one of the last 7 measures 211 feet by 40, three and an half stories in height, and to contain ten thousand spindles—two of the first mentioned are built of stone, and measures each 150 by 27, and 122 by 37, three stories in height, and will contain about 7000. The whole number of mills already erected and erecting, with those for which preparation is now making, will contain 42,500, and from calculation predicated upon the past increase with the prospect before us, there is reason to believe, that in the course of eighteen months, there may be moving in this small part of the United States, fifty thousand spindles:—This spirit for manufacturing is not confined to us alone. Cotton mills are fitting up, and new ones erecting in various parts of the New England states, which render it highly probable, that (with the patronage of government) we shall soon be able to supply our market with the different kinds of cotton cloth which we have now to transport the raw material three thousand miles to have manufactured."
"On Tuesday last the republicans of this state met in grand convention, and agreed unanimously to support Mr. Wilbour, and Jona. Russell, esq. for representatives in congress."
"Mr. Russell is a gentleman of superior natural talents, to which he has added the scholar and the gentleman. Inclosed is an oration of his composition, which if you have not met with before, I think you must admire it."
IN THE PRESS
And shortly will be published by the printer hereof,
The Virginia Almanack, FOR THE YEAR 1809:
Which will contain, in addition to the Astronomical Calculations by Benjamin Bates, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter.
** A liberal discount will be made to wholesale purchasers.
A Good Compositor, WHO has been accustomed to Book-Work, may obtain constant employment at the office of the Argus.
Electoral ticket.
THE following is the Madisonian Electoral Ticket, republished for the information of the citizens of Virginia:
Joseph Godwin, sen. Nansemond. Benjamin Harrison, Prince George. Edward Pegram, sen. Dinwiddie. Richard Field, Brunswick. Col. Thomas Read, Charlotte. Joseph Eggleston, Amelia. Hugh Nelson, Albemarle. Col. George Penn, Patrick. Philip N. Nicholas, Richmond City. Judge Spencer Roane, Hanover. John Roane, King William. Robert Taylor, Orange. Gustavus B. Horner, Fauquier. Robert Nelson, York. Mann Page, Gloucester. Richard Barnes, Richmond County. John T. Brooke, Stafford. Hugh Holmes, Frederick. Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire. James Allen, Shenandoah. Archibald Stuart, Augusta. Col. Alexander Smyth, Wythe. Gen. John Preston, Montgomery. William McKinley, Ohio.
To be Sold,
On the premises on Monday the 5th day of September next, to the highest bidder, on a credit of two months, between the hours of 12 and 1 o'clock,
A House and Lot,
in the city of Richmond, on the cross street near the courthouse, and adjoining William Davidson, which said house was lately occupied by George Quick, now deceased. Bond and good security will be required, by
William Lyne, Ex'or of John Lyne.
August 19, 1808. By the Lieutenant Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia,
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS it is presented to the Executive, that on the fourth day of the present month, an atrocious murder was committed in the county of Mecklenburg, by a certain John Daws, an inhabitant of the said county of Mecklenburg, on the body of Francis Ballard, late of the same county; and that the said John Daws hath fled from justice: I have therefore thought fit with the advice of the Council of State, to issue this proclamation, hereby offering a reward of two hundred dollars to any person or persons, who shall apprehend and deliver the said John Daws, before some justice of the peace for the said county of Mecklenburg, the said John Daws, that he may be dealt with as he law deserves. And I do hereby order all officers, civil and military, and exhort the good people of the commonwealth, to use their best endeavors to apprehend and carry before some justice of the peace for the said county aforesaid, the said John Daws, that such proceedings may be had thereupon as are prescribed by law.
Given under my hand, with the Seal of the L. S. Commonwealth annexed, at Richmond, this 19th day of August, 1808. Signed,
Alexr. M c Rae.
William Lownes,
RETURNS his thanks to his friends and the public generally for their liberal encouragement, and hopes his assiduity to business and punctuality will entitle him to a continuance of their favors. He has removed to the corner immediately opposite to Bell, formerly occupied by S. Grantland, where he intends carrying on the Book-binding business in all its variety and in the most modern & fashionable style, with punctiliousness, neatness and dispatch.
Printed books bound in the most elegant manner in Morocco and Calf skin, full gilt and lettered; also in sheep skin, gilt, lettered and plain. Blank Books of every description ruled to any pattern and bound with the latest improved spring or patent backs.
Orders from the country will be thankfully received and punctually attended to. Old books rebound.
N B. An apprehension will be taken to the Book Binding business, if immediate application be made, with good recommendations. August 23 if.
MASON'S HALL.
Mr. Manfredi
Will perform to-morrow evening, Aug. 24. HIS exhibition will consist of Kofe Dancing , with and without the balance pole; of Tumbling and Feats of Activity ; the Pyramids ; Dancing on the Slack Wire , &c. &c. & hopes by his exertions to merit the public patronage. HE WILL ALSO PERFORM A NEW FANTO.
MINE, CALLED
The Old Man seeking his own Fancy,
Or, Harlequin Dead and Alive. Clown, Mr. Manfredi. Columbine, Miss Catherine. Old Man, Mr. Copene. Magician, Mr. John. Harlequin, Master Glorious.
** The performance to commence at half past 7 o'clock precisely. Tickets half a dollar.
August 23. 1808. 1
FOR SALE
AT THIS OFFICE,
THE History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, by E. Gibbon, 8 vols. The Life of Gen. Geo. Washington, by Da. vid Ramsay, M. D. The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic, by Adam Ferguson, 3 volumes. The Domestic Encyclopedia, 5 vols. The Travels of Anacharsis, 4 vols. Henning's New Virginia Justice.