The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1809-06-09 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
VOL. 6.]
RICHMOND, FRIDAY, JUNE 9, 1809.
[No. 9.]
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE GLOBE TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
THE SUBSCRIBERS, TAKE LEAVE TO INFORM THEIR FRIENDS AND THE PUBLIC IN GENERAL, THAT THE
EAGLE TAVERN,
IN the City of Richmond, will hereafter be conducted under the immediate management of GEORGE TURNER, they having formed an engagement for this purpose. They entertain the most sanguine hopes that their unremitted exertions will entitle them to patronage and favor. Every comfort which necessity may require, or which taste may suggest, will be procured with avidity and pleasure. They are determined, if possible, to render the EAGLE, in every department of their business, agreeable to their guests, and a pleasant abode to the stranger. Their solicitude upon this score has induced them, at considerable expense, to make some important changes in the arrangement of the rooms. They feel a great share of confidence in assuring their friends that they will meet with every convenience and attention that a house of this character is calculated to afford. Their Bed-Rooms are furnished with an entire new set of beds and furniture, with a suit of curtains to each, and the floor covered with carpets.
Their stables are large & commodious (which will always be furnished with a full supply of the best provender the country affords) stands within twenty steps of the house, with a pump of excellent water at the door, for the purpose of watering and washing the horses.
They take leave further to state, that a COFFEE ROOM has lately been established in one of the rooms of the Eagle, in which the newspapers from all the principal towns on the continent are to be seen. With these advantages, & these determinations, in which they are resolved never to relax, they can but hope for the most flattering success.
GEORGE TURNER. JAMES S. SMITHERS.
N. B. The printers throughout the U. States who now direct their papers to Jas. S. Smithers, are requested to insert the above one week, and in future direct to Turner and Smithers.
G. T. & J. S. S. May 9.
NEW ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BELL TAVERN.
The exclusive management and superintendence of this House, has devolved upon the Subscriber, who, with Dr. Wm. HUGHES & Wilson Allen, are alone interested in it. No pains or expense has been spared to render this establishment one among the first upon the continent—and nothing, on the part of the subscriber, shall be wanting to support its reputation and deserve public patronage. There are 40 rooms in and attached to the Tavern. The largest and most commodious Stable in the City, and every convenience necessary to render the House a good one. It has lately undergone considerable change, and thorough repair. The Subscriber has laid in an assortment of the best Liquors, and Imps, from his experience, to merit and meet with public support.
RICHARD C. WORTHAM.
May 12.
LANDS FOR SALE. —The Subscriber being advanced in years and infirm, which prevents him from attending to the disposal of them on the different spots, offers the following Tracts to the inhabitants of Richmond and its vicinity. He will simply observe, that it will be seen by the dates of the surveys, that they are not common speculation Lands: They contain a large sum, but will be sold, without reserve, either by private sale, or exchange for property in this neighborhood, if any offers are made; else at public auction, on the first Thursday in Oct. next, if it happens to be the race week, else on the Thursday of said week and month, on a credit of 6 and 12 months.
The subscriber is thus early in publishing his intention, because he wishes to offer an opportunity to those who might become inclined to purchase, either in person, or on their friends and acquaintances visiting the neighboring Springs and counties, to get some knowledge of the situation and value of the same, by which alone, they may be enabled to judge whether or not great bargains may be expected from the purchase of them.
G. S. STRAS.
4535 Acres, (more or less by 200 acres) in the county of Greenbrier, on Meadow river, facing the mouth of such, and joining the lands & low grounds of Samuel McClung, William McClung, Samuel Price, and Wm. Renix, on the great road to Kentucky.
1550 acres, in Botetourt county, on Barber's creek, on the main road (made lately) from the Sweet Spring to Fincastle, distant 9 miles from the Spring, and 16 from Fincastle.
1000 acres in aforesaid county, and joining the foregoing tract, and the plantation of Thomas Price, on said creek and road to Fincastle: there is a bold sulphur spring on this tract.
850 acres in said county, joining the plantation of Koffinger, and extending a small distance over the Blue Ridge in Bedford county.
230 acres in said county of Botetourt, on Loney's mill creek.
1200 acres, formerly in the county of Montgomery, but is (I am informed) by a late division, in Kanawha, on Point creek.
780 acres on Peery river and Walker's creek, in the Chestate Forest, (in last mentioned county) including the Iron pond and Iron banks.
580 acres in said county, on No-Business-Creek, a branch of New river.
2000 acres on the forks of Salt river, state of Kentucky, being part of a tract of 6000 acres, on which General Mathew Walton formerly resided.
150 acres in Kanawha county, part of a tract of 1500 acres, on which col. Wm. Glenelien resided, and which is a part of a large military survey made by George Mase and others, on the Ohio and Kanawha rivers.
234 acres north west of the Ohio, in what is called the Piquoa Grant, bearing the No. 248, (a military right)
(1000 acres) on Deer creek, Green river, state of Kentucky, bearing No. 517, surveyed in 1783, for Major George Lewis, being in part for his own military services.
2000 acres on said Deer creek, bearing No. 129, surveyed in 1785 for Gustavus B. Waller, being originally gen. Mercer's and his own military rights. This tract joins the preceding. The two last mentioned tracts, besides being valuable farming Lands, are supposed to contain Salt Springs, lying in the neighborhood of a large Salt lick, and exhibiting every indication of being impregnated with it.
May 20.
FOR LONDONDERY, GREENOCK AND LIVERPOOL.
The fast sailing ship Perseverance , Capt. Pele, now lying at Bermuda Hundred—She is Philadelphia built, has excellent accommodations for passengers, and is expected to sail about the 10th of next month.—For passage only, apply to the Captain on board, to John Bell, Esq. of Petersburg, to John Granbury, Esq. of Norfolk, or to, M. W. HANCOCK.
Richmond, May 22.
FOR CORK, THE FAST SAILING SHIP
Nancy , William R. Noyes, Master—Now lying in the Port of Richmond, and will sail in a few days. For Passage only, apply to THE CAPTAIN, on board, or to WILLIAM BROWN & Co.
June 2.
FOR NEW-YORK, THE SLOOP WINDHAM, BURTHERN 80 TONS, CHRISTOPHER VAIL, MASTER.
Will sail in all this week. For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, lying at Wilkinson's wharf. Said Sloop has excellent accommodations for passengers.
Said Vail, has for sale, on board, a quantity of coarse HATS, Writing and Wrapping PAPER, &c.
June 6.
NOTICE. —Pursuant to a deed in trust, executed to us by John Harper of Nottoway county and recorded in the same court, bearing date the first day of July, 1808, in order to secure the payment of a debt due Owen Smith—We shall, on the first day of July next, at Jennings's Ordinary, proceed to sell, to the highest bidder, the following SLAVES , to wit: old John, Betty and her increase, young John and Rachael, or as many of them as may be sufficient to satisfy the purport of said deed and cost accruing, JOHN BOOTH, JOHN P. SMITH.
June 2.
A REWARD of twenty dollars will be given for the delivery, to us, of a TRUNK , which was put in charge of a negro waterman, on the 11th ult. to be carried to Milton. It was a hair trunk of about 7 or 8 feet cubic contents, labeled on a card on the top T. I. No. 28, and contained principally writing paper of various qualities, but also some other articles of stationery, a pocket telescope with a brass case, a Dynamometer in steel and brass, or instrument for measuring the exertions of draught animals, a collection ofocabularies of the Indian languages, & some other articles not particularly noted in the memorandum taken.
GIBSON & JEFFERSON.
May 30.
A TUTOR WANTED. —The Trustees of the town of York, are anxious to employ a gentleman of character & literary acquirements, to conduct a SCHOOL in the said town. The branches of Science to be taught are, reading, writing, English grammar, arithmetic, geography, use of the globes, the Latin and Greek classics. The situation of York is pleasant and healthy: From twenty to forty pupils can be procured: A comfortable house will be furnished the Tutor free of expense. A person who shall produce testimonials of his sobriety, discretion and acquirements, which shall qualify him for the conduct of the school, will meet with encouragement on application to
CORBIN GRIFFIN, } Committee TH: GRIFFIN, } of ROBT. NELSON, jr. } Trustees.
May 2.
CONGRESS.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, May 26.
DEBATE.
On Mr. Randolph's motion for approving the late conduct of the President of the U. States—Continued.
Mr. Dana said that at the present time he should certainly not be for adopting the resolution. The adopting it at this time would certainly not comport with the object professed by the mover, which he had understood to be, to present a question on which there might be a general view of the conduct of the Executive in relation to the object in question. If the object was to bring up the question in a regular form that gentlemen might express themselves fully in relation to our affairs, it was very proper that this subject should be discussed in committee of the whole on the state of the Union. For himself, Mr. Dana said that he thought the mode of answering speeches might do very well in such a government as this, and whatever might be said of the economy of time, by an attention to the actual expense it would be found that in fact very little time was lost by it. At the last session of Congress a committee had reported a resolution to which there were but two dissentients, the discussion of which occupied nearly three weeks. All agreed as to the result, but gentlemen combated each other's arguments. And undoubtedly, Mr. D. said, the rapidity with which the message was shot through a committee of the whole, was rather a farcical piece of business—and, indeed, it was not without some little surprise that, when he had come to the House this morning, he found the whole subject disposed of. If he had a convenient opportunity, Mr. D. said he should have no objection to express some of his opinions on points in the conduct of the administration. Yet he was not certain that an abstract proposition of this kind was a desirable thing to be adopted; although he had admitted that it was desirable that there should be some mode of expressing an opinion on the measures adopted by the Executive during the recess, without being narrowed in the discussion by the rules of order.
Mr. W. Alston said, that when a resolution like the one proposed was presented to him, the substance of which met his approbation, if he was compelled to vote directly upon it, he would rather vote for it than against it. But if it were the object to bring before the House a discussion upon the mes-
sage of the President and to return an answer to his Excellency's most gracious message, he should certainly be opposed to it. If ever there had been one particular part of the conduct of the former administration which had met the approbation of the Republicans of this country generally, it was the discontinuance of this practice. The result of the alteration was, that although more was done during the sessions of the Republican congresses, they summitated them three or four weeks sooner than ever had been done before. As to the opportunity which the answers afforded for debate, could any one say that sufficient latitude had not been taken in debate? Had not gentlemen even called others by name, and introduced every subject on any question? Mr. Alston said he was pleased with what had been done, and he could not vote that he was not pleased; but he was certainly opposed to entering into a full discussion at the opening of each session, of every thing which was to come under the consideration of the House. If they were to take up this resolution, they might as well take some abstract act of Mr. Adams's, he being still living, & discuss his political life. Washington, at least he hoped, having departed from us, would be permitted to rest in peace.
Mr. Bacon said that with other gentlemen he could not but regret that this proposition had been brought forward. If he were not to vote upon it, he need not tell the House that he should cordially vote for it; but it was really one of the last observations which he had expected to have heard from any gentleman that we wanted field for debate. He had thought that the grievance was the other way; that the cause of complaint was, that they consumed too much time in debate. He said he should certainly vote for the resolution, were it brought to a direct vote; but for the purpose of placing before the House the view of the subject which he entertained he should take the liberty to move an amendment to it, and then move to refer it to a committee of the whole. The amendment was in these words, proposed to be added to the motion:—"And furnishes an additional proof of the spirit of accommodation on the part of the government of the United States, which has at no time been internunted."
Mr. J. G. Jackson moved that the whole subject be postponed indefinitely.
Mr. Randolph said, that as an indefinite postponement was considered as tantamount to a rejection—for it prevents a renewal of the subject during the session, and a rejection does nothing more, as the house had heretofore had a woeful experience in the case of certain very pertinacious petitioners, and as he was afraid, they would again have from a certain body of petitioners, who, he presumed, had not entirely given up their hopes of quartering themselves on the public property—an indefinite postponement then being equivalent to a rejection, he certainly was opposed to the rejection of his own motion. He could not have believed that this motion would have been rejected by the house; though he said he had certainly calculated on its being opposed by those who condemned the promptitude and frankness with which the president had proceeded to restore, as far as depended on him, the intercourse between the two nations. It is this part of the conduct of the president of the U. States (said Mr. R.) on which I mean to give an opinion—"By the President of the U. States a proclamation"—and in that proclamation in my opinion, he has deserved well of his country. I ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findley) if he is near enough to hear me on this vast room, when I have proposed bringing in review the whole measures of former administrations—when I have proposed an answer to an address to the two houses? I have proposed no such thing, sir—altho' my motion is nearly tantamount to it; because it so happens that the only act of which we have any knowledge, except the laying up the gun-boats in dry dock, which I also most cordially approve, is this very thing. Now, I have not the slightest objection, if the gentleman chooses, that the hon. and worthy gentleman from Massachusetts should insist on a venire on the conduct of any former President of the U. States—but I beg myself to be excused from serving on it. As an unqualified juror, I choose to except to myself—for, really as to one of those Presidents, his career does not seem yet to be finished—it would seem as if he yet meditated another batch of midnight judges and another midnight retreat from the capitol. I do therefore except to myself as a juror as to him or any other President.— De mortuis nil nisi bonum —agreed, sir.—
Let the good that men do live after them and the evil be interred in their graves. But I would ask the gentleman from Connecticut and the gentleman from Pennsylvania also, if this be one of their abstract propositions? How abstract, I pray you? Or if it be one of those unmeaning propositions, the discussion of which can answer no good to this house? It would be idle in us now to be trying Mr. Adams on the merits of the sedition law, the 8 per cent. loans, or any other such act; it would answer no purpose—and it would be equally idle and futile to pass any opinion on the merits or demerits of the first 4 or last 4 years of the late administration, for this plain reason; the question bolts upon you; cut bono ?—What earthly good can result from it? But is that the case in relation to the Executive, on whose future dispositions rest the best interests of this nation? Is that a mere idle discussion? And is it come to this? Is this house so sunk in the Executive opinion? I trust not, sir; I scent the idea; that its approbation of a great course of national policy is to pass for nothing, is to have no influence on the conduct of the Executive of the U. S.? This, sir, is taking higher doctrine than was ever advanced by those who wished to see the president open parliament by a speech from the throne, & to see the faithful commons return a loyal and humble address in reply to the gracious speech from the throne.—It is taking higher ground than the minister of that country from which the precedent was derived. The weight of the house of commons is felt too sensibly there for their inclinations not to be scouted by motions from their chancellor of the Exchequer and their members of opposition in relation to the great course of foreign affairs. And sir, shall we
now be told that it is a mere matter of moonshine—a thing of no moment, whether this house really does approve the conduct of the administration of the government of the U. States or disapprove it? Praise in my opinion, properly and not prodigally bestowed, is one of the best resources of a nation. Why is this house called upon, and I am sorry to say it is, too often and too lightly, to give its sanction to the conduct of individuals in the public service, if its approbation is estimated so trivially? No, sir; this is a great question which I have presented to you; and gentlemen may hamper it with as many amendments as they please; they cannot keep the question out of sight. Some may be against it, because they are for it; some because it does harm, and some because it does no good. The question cannot be kept out of sight; it has been presented to the American people, and they have decided it, decide you how you may.
With respect to the gentleman's amendment I need not tell him, I presume, that I shall vote most pointedly against it, because in my opinion, it does not contain the truth. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) will be among the last of the members of this House to attribute to me an improper sentiment in regard to him, when I say that it does not contain the truth. If the gentleman from Massachusetts chooses, in imitation of another Eastern nation, not those who tried their kings after they were entombed, but those who consigned to one common grave the living and the dead; if he be willing to attach the sound, healthy body of the present administration—healthy so far, and I trust, fortifying itself against contagions—to the dead corpse of the last, let him. He shall not have my assistance in doing it; nor have I the least desire to draw a marked distinction between the two administrations. The gentleman will hardly suspect that I am seeking favor at court. My object is plain; it is to say to the President that in issuing that proclamation he has acted wisely and we approve of it. I know, sir, that there are men who condemn the conduct of the President in issuing the proclamation—and why? They say he was precipitate; where was the necessity, they will tell you of declaring that the orders in council will have been withdrawn? This is the language of objection. There is a difference of opinion subsisting in this country on these two points. There are men who condemn this proclamation, and men who condemn the construction given by the Executive to the non-intercourse law. I approve both. I wish the president of the U. States to have the approving sentiment of this house, and to have that approbation as a guide to his future conduct; and I put it to the gentleman from Massachusetts whether it be fair to mingle it with the old, stale, refuse stuff of the embargo. No, sir; let him not put his new wine into old bottles. There is a difference of opinion in this country. The president of the U. States stands condemned by men in this nation, and, as I believe, in this house, for having issued that proclamation and put that construction on the non-intercourse law: I wish to see by how many he is thus condemned. I do not wish to see the question shirked, to see it blinked. If there be a majority of the house, as I believe there is, in favor of the conduct of the President, I wish him to have that approbation expressed, as a guide to his future and a support to his present conduct. It is due to him.
Sir, have I moved you a new, sickening resolution stuffed with adulation? Nothing like it; but a resolution that the promptitude and frankness with which the President of the United States has met the overtures of the British government towards a restoration of the ancient state of things between the two countries—the state prior to the memorable non-importation act of 1806—meets the approbation of this House. Either it does or it does not. If it does, let us say so. If it does not, let us say so. If gentlemen think this House never ought to express an opinion, but to leave the President to grope in the dark as to our views, or get them through unofficial channels, I presume the previous question will be taken, or a motion made, that the resolution lie on the table. The gentleman from Pennsylvania says, shall we go back and approve of what he conceives to be similar conduct of the late President of the United States in relation to the embargo. I hope not, sir. But if a majority of this House choose to do so, let them. I shall say no. But why mingle two subjects together, on which there does exist, and I am afraid it will leak out on this very vote a difference of opinion in different parts of the House? For example: I do not think of the offer about the embargo as the gentleman from Massachusetts and Pennsylvania think; and I think it probable, that those two gentlemen do not think of this proclamation and the construction given to the non-intercourse law as I think. And why should we make a sort of hotch-potch of two subjects, on which we do not think alike, for the purpose of getting us all united against both?—It is an old adage and a very homely one, perhaps, too much so for the delicate ears of this assembly, that if you put one added egg into a pudding, you may add fresh ones ad infinitum , but you can never sweeten one. And, sir, I defy the gentleman from Massachusetts, with all his political cookery, by pouring out of the jar of our present situation into the old mess, to sweeten it. I am here prepared to prove, as I conceive that gentlemen deny it, that the conduct of the two administrations has been radically, essentially and vitally different; that owing to this difference, is the change which we now experience in the state of our foreign affairs; that there is no sort of analogy between the offer to suspend the embargo as it respected Great Britain, and the situation in which we put ourselves, in relation to France and G. Britain, by the suspension of the non-intercourse act towards the latter. And to the promptitude and frankness with which the President met the overtures of the British ministry, do we chiefly owe the difference in the situation of the country. For, might not the President of the U. States, instead of proclaiming, that the orders in council will have been withdrawn, have proclaimed, that when they shall be withdrawn, a renewal of intercourse shall take place? And
here too comes the construction given to the non-intercourse act. On the question whether the renewal of intercourse on the 10th day of June applied to a vessel clearing out hence or to her arrival in England, our government, (and I am obliged to them for it,) decided that it applied to the time when the vessel should arrive in England. Then, sir, if we take the time which will be required for a voyage hence to Europe, it is lucis clarior that the non-intercourse will never have been in force at all as to trade of export. Is that nothing? And, lest the gentleman from Pennsylvania or any other gentleman in this House may get alarmed at my approbation of the administration of the government of the United States, I will state to them—I do not wish to terrify them out of their opinions—I wish them to judge the administration upon its merits, without a reference to persons, as I have judged of the proclamation without reference to the parties concerned in the manufacture of it—Lest they should be too much alarmed at that approbation, I will state that my idea is, that the President of the United States has but done his duty; and that the minister of Great Britain has no cause to put on sack cloth and ashes for any concession which he may have unwarily made to our government. If my strength will hold me out, sir, I will state why.
In the year 1806, we passed that miserable old non-importation act which last session we repealed—and really, sir, we got rid of it with an adroitness which pleased me exceedingly. Never was an obnoxious measure more handsomely smothered by its avowed friends. Gentlemen said it was merged in the non-intercourse act, and therefore, as a matter of indifference, they would repeal it; and when the non-intercourse act shall expire by its own limitation at the end of this session or be suspended by the President's proclamation, as it is in relation to Great Britain, there is an end of both; and thus the old measure, the old original sin to which we owed our first difficulties, was as much gotten rid of, as if a majority of this House had declared it an unwise measure, and therefore repealed it. I do recollect to have heard one gentleman (Mr. Eppes) say, that unless the section repealing this law were stricken out, he should be compelled to vote against the non-intercourse bill. He conjured the House to cling to the old non-importation act, as the last vestige and symbol of resistance to British oppression—but the House was deaf to his call, and the non-importation act was plunged beneath the wave, never (I trust) to rise again. When, therefore, the late President of the United States made an offer to Great Britain to suspend the embargo as to her, provided she would withdraw her orders in council, I will suppose that she had accepted that offer—In what situation would she have stood in relation to the United States? Her fine cloths, her leather, her watches, her furs and her hat, would have been prohibited admittance into this country, under the old non-importation act of 1806 which would have been in force. That act, in point of fact, had no operation on her adversary. Her ships would have been prohibited the use of our waters, whilst the ships of her enemy were admitted. Did that make no difference? That, sir, would have been the situation of the two countries, provided she had accepted the offer to suspend the embargo as to herself—the old non-importation act in operation, her ships of war excluded and her rivals admitted. I pray you, was not that the condition of the country when Mr. Rose arrived? Was there not some difficulty, under the proclamation, in the admission of the Statira frigate, bearing that minister into our waters? And were not French ships of war then, and have they not since been riding quietly at Annapolis, Norfolk and elsewhere? Has not, in fact, the gallant Capt. Decatur taken our own seamen out of one of them? And yet, sir, the offer at that time made by us, has been identified with the negotiation between Mr. Secretary Smith and Mr. Erskine. What then was her situation? The non-importation act in force, her ships excluded and those of France admitted—and nothing in force in relation to France, except the embargo. What is now the situation of affairs? Trade with her is restored to the same situation, in point of fact, in which it stood when Congress met here in 1806—at the memorable first session of the ninth Congress, which generated the old non-importation act of eighteen hundred and six: Her ships of war are admitted into our waters, her trade is freed from embarrassment, while the ships of her adversary are excluded, and the trade between us and her adversary forbidden by law. While, therefore, I am ready and willing to approve the conduct of the present administration, it is not because I conceive that they have effected any thing so very difficult, that they have obtained any such mighty concession, but because they have done their duty. Yes, sir—we all recollect the objections made to the treaty negotiated by col. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney on two great leading accounts—and 1st, that it contained no express provision against the impressment of seamen. Is there any provision now made? No, sir. The next objection to the treaty was the note attached to it by Lords Holland and Auckland. What, sir, did gentlemen on the floor say was the purport of this note? That its object was to put us in a state of amity in respect to Great Britain at the expense of the risk of collision with France. On account of this note, the treaty and treaty-makers have been politically damned. And yet we are now, in point of fact, in that very situation in relation to the two nations, in which it was said that the British Commissioners by the note aimed to place us—and which was a sufficient reason, according to the arguments of gentlemen, for rejecting the treaty. The note was a sort of lien, gentlemen said, that would put us in a state of hostility with regard to France and amity with regard to England. We refused to give our bond, for such it was represented (however unjustly) to be, to be sure, sir—but we have paid the money. We have done the very thing which gentlemen say the note aimed to induce us to do. We have put ourselves in a situation endangering collision with France and almost ensuring amity with England. We have destroyed the old non-importation act; the non-inter-

course act is suspended as to her; trade is again free—there is nothing now to prohibit her ships, whether for commerce or war, from coming into our waters, whilst our trade with France is completely cut off, and her ships excluded from our waters. I cannot too often call the attention of the House to this fact, on which I am compelled to dwell and to dilate, to get rid of this merciles motion, which kills while it professes to cure. When Mr. Rose came into this country, French ships of war were freely admitted. English ships were excluded.
As "the physician, in spite of himself," says in one of Moliere's best comedies, on a change tout cela —the thing is wholly reversed. We are likely to be on good terms with England, despite the best exertions of some of our politicians. Trade with Great Britain is unshackled—her ships are admitted—trade with France is forbidden; and French ships excluded, as far as it can be done by paper. Now, in the name of common sense, what more could Mr. Canning himself want, than to produce this very striking and sudden change in the relations between the two countries? For a long time previous, it was the ships of England that were excluded, while those of her adversaries were admitted. And we know that we could not have touched her in a more jealous point than in her navy. Things are now reversed—we have dextrously shuffled the non-importation act out of the pack, renewed trade with her, admitted her ships, and excluded those of France. And what, I ask this House, has the British minister given us in requital for this change of our position in relation to him and his rival belligerent? The revocation of the orders in council—this is the mighty boon. For, with respect to his offer in relation to satisfaction for the attack on the Chesapeake, he made that offer to Mr. Monroe spontaneously, on the spur of the occasion, and there is not a doubt in my mind but that we had nothing to do but receive it at that time, provided the instructions of our minister had permitted him to receive it—but perchance, sir, if he had received it, we might have been at this day discussing his message, & not the message of another President. All that Mr. Canning has given this country is a reiteration of his offer to make reparation for the affair of the Chesapeake, and his withdrawal of the orders in council—& to what did they amount? So soon as you, by your own law, cut off our trade with France, he agrees to revoke the orders interfering with it. Mr. Canning might as well have withdrawn blank paper. They had nothing left to operate upon. The body upon which they were to operate was destroyed by our own act, to wit, the trade of France. And, sir, while I compliment the present state of things, and the conduct on the part of our government which has led to it, I cannot say that we have greatly over-reached Mr. Canning in this bargain, in making an exchange of the old non-importation act with the admission of English, and exclusion of French ships and trade, for the orders in council. Mr. Canning obtained as good a bargain out of us as he could have expected to obtain—and those gentlemen who speak of his having heretofore had it in his power to have done the same, did not take into calculation the material difference between the situation in which we now stand, and the situation in which we before stood—to say nothing at all of Great Britain's having taken a stand against the embargo, having declared that she had nothing to offer in exchange for it; that we might keep it as long as we pleased. If she had accepted our offer, as I before stated, the old non-importation law would have been in operation, her ships of war would have been excluded, whilst those of France were admitted. Now, the non-importation act is not in force, her ships are permitted to enter our waters, and those of France excluded. And what has this sarcastic Minister of Great Britain given us in exchange? The orders in council, which had completely ceased to operate by the cutting off of the trade between us and France. Let me state this argument in a shape most favorable to ourselves, and least so to the British government. I speak as to argument; for, as to friendship between nations, there is no friendship in trade. We ought to get the best bargain out of them that we could, and it was the duty of their minister to get the best out of us. Let us throw out of view the exclusion of French ships and French commerce. Is the removal of the non-importation act, and the admission of British vessels, nothing? What has Mr. Canning given you in return? The orders in council—and what were they worth to him? Not a straw.
If, sir, we are not to have a full discussion of the conduct of the present administration, and it is to be blended and identified with the conduct of the last—which I very much deprecate, because I see nothing but a most striking difference between the two—we must take into view the situation of the two countries, Great Britain and America, at the time the first session of the 9th Congress commenced, in the beginning of the winter of 1803, that unhappy year of schism. Were those orders then in force which Mr. Canning has withdrawn? No, sir. What was then the language of gentlemen in this House? That something must be done—and that unhappy opinion that something must be done, that some medicine must be taken, has destroyed many a patient, political as well as individual—that something turned out to be the old non-importation act. After that, the disease instead of yielding to the remedy, only became exasperated by it. Something more must be done. What was that, sir? The embargo. When that was laid, was the existence of the British orders in council known? It was not—and I take the opportunity of saying so here, because I see it has been asserted in the British Parliament, by a gentleman of the first respectability for talents and character, that they were known here. They were not, as was in my opinion unequivocally demonstrated on Saturday night, the 17th and Sunday the 18th December last—although that debate has been suppressed. I say they were not. The embargo was laid on the receipt of the documents expressing the determination of the French government to enforce the Berlin decree and the copy of the proclamation of the king of England, which last was cut out of a newspaper. I again repeat what I said and repeated that night, unknowing whether it will go to the public or not, that in my opinion the President of the United States acted with perfect propriety in sending us that news-paper information; that though it was unofficial, it was proper to have been laid before this House as a guide to its decision—and it is an irrefragable proof, the President having sent us that paper, that he did not possess information official or un-
official on the subject of the orders in council, when he recommended and we received the proposition of the embargo. It cannot be gotten over, unless gentlemen are willing to admit, which I, totis viribus , deny, that the President of the United States was deficient in his duty, or that the news-papers of this place have earlier and more correct information on the subject of our foreign relations than our government. I say that by a recurrence to that message of the President of the United States it will be found, that there was no knowledge in the cabinet of the existence of these orders in council—for, although we received the British proclamation, we did not receive any information of those orders in council, though I presume that something might have been apprehended without distinctly knowing what it was. The non-importation act was passed previous to the orders in council, and consequently did not grow out of them; and the embargo, though posterior, was recommended and received by this House before they were known either to the President or to this House, as the journal and a comparison of that file of the National Intelligencer brought into this House on a former occasion will show. The non-importation & embargo acts were passed. They no longer exist—the one no longer exists at all; the other no longer exists as to Great Britain—and the removal of these obstructions was the alleged and true reason of the revocation of the orders in council, which were not moving considerations to passing the non-importation act or laying the embargo. This is the truth. The withdrawal of the orders in council, out of which the non-importation and the embargo did not arise, may be considered as the cause of doing away both the non-importation and the embargo, and the non-intercourse act besides—for the non-intercourse act did grow out of the orders in council and the affair of the Chesapeake—there is no doubt about that—or more properly speaking, sir, the non-intercourse act grew out of the embargo; for, really, smarting under the tortures of that most wretched measure, this House and the nation were goaded to that pitch of madness, that a declaration of war from any quarter would by many have been considered better than our then situation. We were in a situation, in which if something be not administered to the suffering patient, he must die—and we took the non-intercourse act. We rejected, and (thank God for it!) not without some little of my instrumentality, the proposition to issue letters of marque and reprisal, which, if adopted, I leave to you and the House to decide whether we should have met in our present agreeable situation. Yes, sir, with the embargo like a blister-plaster upon our backs, we were in such a situation that the committee of foreign relations said, and we affirmed their decree, we must be disgraced or fight all the nations of the earth—fight all, fight nobly, fight like demi-gods. A worthy gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. D. R. Williams) now not a member of the House, also thought that we must fight every body—but he thought better of it, and was content to fight one, and to chase his antagonist. Gentlemen in the other House were of the same opinion; and as they alleged they could not get at France, they chose to fight Great Britain. This was the situation in which we were placed by the operation of the embargo on the public mind. Sir, if we were not quite cool, like Sir Anthony Absolute who has been quoted on the floor of the British House of Commons as the prototype of the British minister, we were something like honest Bob Acres—fighting Bob, who was not sensible, till he was put to the pinch, how little he really liked fighting—our fighting disposition, like his, oozed out of our finger ends or rather out of our tongue's ends—and we are at peace. It is for these reasons that I hope this slur will not be cast on the government of the United States, though I do not conceive that they greatly overreached their antagonist. But I am willing to concede they have done their duty, and to give them my approbation for having so done.
Mr. Canning, to be sure, most dextrously seized upon our situation, but still our government have shown how easy it is for men, when they set about it bona fide , with honest intentions to make up a difference—and I have not the least doubt, that if his majesty the emperor of France and king of Italy will meet our PACIFICUS, a much more honorable designation than any in the long list of his majesty's titles, that we shall be placed in the same state of amity in relation to France in which we are in relation to Great Britain; in which we were five years ago, and from which we have, for reasons which gentlemen no doubt are prepared to give, so wantonly strayed. After all our friskings and curvettings, we have come back to the same point. All my fear is, sir, lest the cure be not complete—lest some political wizard should discover that, inasmuch as in 1803, prior to the existence of the orders in council, we stood in need of the non-importation act, and as in 1807-8, prior to a knowledge of the orders in council, we stood in need of an embargo, for the same reasons we now stand in need of some other substitute—not the same, sir; for I undertake to say that we never shall have another embargo without limitation of time—it was indeed a horse medicine, but it has worked a complete cure. Really, sir, if we could have been brought to believe in 1805-6, that we could do as well without a non-importation as we can now; in 1807-8, that we could have dispensed with the embargo as well as we can now—and, more especially, if we could have been brought to accept the treaty negotiated by our commissioners at London, which treaty, to say the worst of it, that its enemies ever pretended to allege, was only deficient as containing no express stipulation on the subject of impressment, and redundant as containing this note by way of rider, the object of which I have explained to the House, and which has been accomplished already, by undoing the non-intercourse, withdrawing the prohibition of our waters to British ships, and repealing the old non-importation act—if we had consented at that time to accept the treaty, we should not only have saved ourselves the price of the embargo—how many hundred millions our Secretary of the Treasury himself, great a financier and able a calculator as he is, cannot tell; I do not believe he could come within an hundred—but have avoided other disagreeable consequences.
Yes, sir; as to the note attached to that treaty, the object of that has been attained. The state of the two countries is materially changed for the better, as it regards England; and for the worse as it respects France. We should then have had the colonial trade placed in a most eligible situation—our East India trade placed on a better basis than our commissioners were instructed to have it placed upon, viz. on the footing of the most
favoured nation. For, if Great Britain be as we have heard, at war with Sweden, what are the terms on which the most favoured nation is admitted? No terms at all. The terms obtained therefore were unquestionably better than the footing of the most favoured nation. We should also have had an excellent stipulation as to the sea-lane; but above all a practical arrangement of the great question of impressment. It now remains to be seen whether we shall get better terms in relation to impressment than that informal understanding. It now remains to be seen whether we shall obtain better terms from the Portland and Canning administration, than we have heretofore been unwilling to accept from the Grenvilles and the Foxes. If we do, sir, I shall most cordially rejoice at it; and I will, if gentlemen will tell me to which of the causes they ascribe it, whether to the promptness and frankness of our Executive in meeting the British government half way, which I much applaud, or to the defeat of the British arms in Spain; if they will but make up their minds how these better terms shall have been obtained, I will agree to the cause which they shall assign. If they recut the idea of their being ascribable to the present administration, I will agree to ascribe them to the defeat of the English in Spain. I will only beg of them, when they wish to touch the chere of our good old revolutionary principles, that they will not ascribe it to the defeats in Spain, and on the next occasion when their object is to do honor and blazon forth the merits of the men who conduct our affairs, that they will not ascribe it to the wise and most excellent measures of our former most sapient and virtuous administration. I am willing to take either as the cause, but I will not subscribe to both, as it shall suit their purpose. I protest against gentlemen's coming out upon us with the Spanish successes, and the wisdom of the administration at the same time.
I am sensible, sir, of having detained your attention and that of the House, not only now, but on many former occasions, much beyond what I had a right to do. It is an offence, and I am willing to confess it; but it grew out of the unprecedented manner in which I conceived a very unexceptionable motion has been made by gentlemen of this House. You cannot be ignorant, sir, that there are gentlemen in this House, who when their object is to obtain the passage of any motion, however reasonable, certainly have to encounter greater difficulties than others; and who, when they see any thing like opposition arising in a certain quarter of the House, like council addressing a jury, supposed to be somewhat prejudiced against their cause, have to labor their points and to impress them much more than the council, who knows that the ear of those to whom he speaks, is attuned, like that of a partial mistress, to his address, and will put the most favorable construction upon them.
This subject which I have opened in regard to the renewal of intercourse with one of the belligerents, which I hope, in time, to be renewed with the other—and then, sir, we shall have choice, whether we will begin again the cotillon of non-importation, embargo and non-intercourse, or reap the rich harvest of neutrality like men of sense; whether we shall put the interests of the nation at stake, for the purpose of making very grand and warlike speeches on this floor—this change, on which I most cordially congratulate the nation, is a subject which I should not have opened at this time and in this manner, if gentlemen had been willing to take my motion for what it is worth—if my motion had been taken at its current and actual value, I should have waited until I could have presented the points which I have endeavored to enforce in a more condensed form—for I have not even a note—and nothing but the manner in which this motion has been received, has compelled me to endeavor to show, that the motion ought not to be indefinitely postponed; to show that there does exist a difference of opinion in the nation and in the House, in relation to that proclamation and the construction of the non-intercourse law, and to show the means resorted to, and very ingeniously too, to smother and keep out of sight that difference of opinion. Those who think that America ought to take warning by all nations who have first resisted and soon after succumbed to the power of France, and that we ought, therefore, to bend the knee whilst we can do it with a good grace—and there are those who think so, for you see that opinion expressed in papers of a high character, (for their influence; of no other character,) in one edited by an officer holding a high rank in your public armies—I believe I have the extract in my desk; I will read it—We have been told that, "our bane and antidote" [speaking of England and France,] are "both before us, and that after the examples of the nations of Europe, who have first resisted and then succumbed to Napoleon, the people of the United States would be fools indeed, if they did not see their course,"—which, I presume, sir, is succumbing first, without resistance. I see "the little state governments" denounced too, and I confess I tremble; I see this country told, that it is time to put them down—for that reason, and not from any deliberate hostility, which I believe the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Glotson) entertains for the state governments; it was that I was alarmed, when I yesterday heard the doctrines of 1800 revived, that we ought to have little federal courts for the trial of every possible controversy; that the state courts were not even to be trusted with the decision of suits, to the amount of five pounds, or even five shillings. If gentlemen suppose I throw out this in the spirit of an adversary, they are much mistaken. Let us rally around the state governments—pronounce, with my friend from N. Carolina, (Mr. Macon,) oblivion to former distinctions. Let us, if we do approve the policy by which the administration have, so much to their honor, changed the affairs of this country—so much to their honor as to the quo animo , not as to the quid pro quo or value received—let us express it in moderate, decent terms, that it may be a guide to the administration of the country hereafter, that it may be a sort of pacific pledge from ourselves to ourselves. I know the aversion of my friend on my left, (Mr. Macon) to pledges—I hope he will excuse me. But do not let us give the thing the go-by, though the motion for so doing, come from a member connected with the administration (Mr. J. G. Jackson.) If the President have done well, let us say so; if not, let us say nothing. If the majority be of opinion, that the President has not done well, I am agreed so to decide. But I think the President ought to take a vote for indefinite postponement, as an expression of our opinion, that we disapprove of his conduct, but will not directly express that opinion to him from motives of delicacy.
(Debate to be continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FRIDAY, June 2.
Some business of minor importance was done, which shall be noticed in our next paper.
FOREIGN RELATIONS.
On motion of Mr. J. G. Jackson, the unfinished business of yesterday (Mr. Randolph's motion for a vote of approbation) was ordered to lie on the table, 54 to 41; and
The House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Bassett in the chair, on the bill for continuing in force and amending the non-intercourse law. A motion was made by Mr. Gardener that the committee rise for the purpose of recommending the bill to a second reading wholly to repeal the Non-Inter-course law, and re-enact that part of the system which it was judged proper to retain, in a separate bill. This motion was opposed at great length by Mr. J. G. Jackson; and supported by Messrs. Quincey, Livermore, and Gardener. Mr. Randolph commenced a speech, but a question arising on a point of order, and some irritation being caused by it, after a reversal by the committee of the chairman's decision on the point of order, the committee rose and reported progress, and at three o'clock.
The House adjourned till Monday.
EUROPE.
FROM LATE LONDON PAPERS.
LONDON, April 9.
Sir John Moore's celebrated last letter.
Yesterday we were favored with a copy of the following letter of Sir John Moore, which has just been printed, in pursuance of the order of the house of Commons, and concerning which great curiosity has been excited.
Extract of a letter from Lieutenant General Sir John Moore, to Viscount Castlereagh, dated
CORUNNA, January 13, 1809.
"Situat as this army is at present, it is impossible for me to detail to your lordship, the events which have taken place, since I had the honor to address you from Astorga, on the 31st of December; I have therefore determined to send to England, Brigadier General Charles Stewart, as the officer best qualified to give you every information you can want, both with respect to our actual situation, and the events which have led to it."
"Your lordship knows, that if I had followed my own opinion, as a military man, I should have retired with the army from Salamanca. The Spanish armies were then beaten; there was no Spanish force to which we could unite, and I was satisfied that no efforts would be made to aid us, or to favor the cause in which they were engaged."
"I was sensible, however, that the apathy and indifference of the Spaniards would never have been believed; that had the British been withdrawn, the loss of the cause would have been imputed to their retreat, and it was necessary to risk this army to convince the people of England, as well as the rest of Europe, that the Spaniards had neither the power nor the inclination to make efforts for themselves. It was for this reason that I made the march to Sahagun. As a diversion, it succeeded; I brought the whole disposable force of the French against this army, and it has been allowed to follow me without a single movement being made to favor my retreat. The people of the Gallicias, tho' armed, made no attempt to stop the passage of the French through their mountains. They abandoned their dwellings at our approach, drove away their carts, oxen, and everything that could be of the smallest aid to the army. The consequence has been, that our sick have been left behind; and when our horses or mules failed, which, on such marches, and through such a country, was the case to a great extent, baggage, ammunition, stores, &c. and even money were necessarily destroyed or abandoned."
"I am sorry, to say, that the army, whose conduct I had such reason to extol on its march through Portugal, and on its arrival in Spain, has totally changed its character since it began to retreat. I can say nothing in its favor, but that when there was a prospect of fighting the enemy, the men were then orderly and seemed pleased and determined to do their duty. In front of Villa Franca, the French came up with the reserve, and with which I was covering the retreat of the army; they attacked it at Calcebelos. I retired covered by the 95th regiment, and marched that night to Herresies and from thence to Nogales and Lugo, where I had ordered the different divisions which preceded, to halt and collect. At Lugo, the French again came up with us. They attacked our advanced posts on the 6th and 7th, and were repulsed in both attempts with loss on our side. I heard from the prisoners taken, that three divisions of the French army were come up, commanded by Marshal Soult; I therefore expected to be attacked on the morning of the 8th. It was my wish to come to that issue; I had perfect confidence in the valor of the troops, and it was only by crippling the enemy that we could hope either to retreat or to embark unmolested. I made every preparation to receive the attack, and drew out the army in the morning to offer battle. This was not Marshal Soult's object. He either did not think himself sufficiently strong, or he wished to play a surer game, by attacking us on our march, or during our embarkation. The country was intersected, and his position too strong for me to attack with an inferior force. The want of provisions would not enable me to wait longer. I marched that night; and in two forced marches, bivouacing for six or eight hours, in the rain, I reached Betanzos on the 10th inst."
"At Lugo, I was sensible of the impossibility of reaching Vigo, which was at too great distance, and offered no advantages to embark in the face of an enemy. My intention was then to have retreated to the peninsula of Betanzos, where I hoped to find a position to cover the embarkation of the army in Ares or Redes Bays; but having sent an officer to reconnoitre it, by his report I was determined to prefer this place. I gave notice to the admiral of my intention, and begged that the transports might be brought to Corunna; had I found them here on my arrival on the 11th, the embarkation would easily have been effected, for I had gained several marches on the French. They have now come up with us, the transports have not arrived; my position in front of this place is a very bad one; and this place, if I am forced to retire into it, is commanded within musket shot, and the harbour will be so commanded by cannon on the coast, that no ship will be able to lay in it. In short, my Lord, General Stewart will inform you how critical our situation is. It has been recommended to me to make a proposal to the e-
enemy, to induce him to allow us to embark quietly, in which case he gets us out of the country soon, and in a place, with its stores, &c. complete; that otherwise we have the power to make a long defence, which must cause the destruction of the town. I am averse to make any such proposal, and am exceedingly doubtful, if it would be attended with any good effect; but whatever I resolve on this head, I hope your lordship will rest assured, that I shall accept no terms that are in the least dishonourable to the army or to the country."
Affairs of Austria. —Report speaks of a Treaty of peace having been signed between Russia and Turkey, effected through the mediation of Austria, and that the Emperor Alexander has put in motion an army for the protection of the Austrian territories.
A paper of Tuesday states, that the war of France against Austria will be conducted on a new plan. Our ministers, it says, have reason to believe, that while Berthier, Massena and Oudinot advance by Augsburg, Ratisbon, Brannau, and Straubing towards Linz, Napoleon will, in person, take a new course, hitherto unattempted in his former campaigns. It is to penetrate through Carinthia and Carniola, into Croatia and Hungary, leaving Styria and Austria altogether unattacked, and appearing at the head of 70,000 men, under the walls of Buda. A convocation of the Hungarian States is then to be assembled there for the purpose of declaring the throne vacant, and of placing on it one of his brothers or generals. One letter dated from Vienna, received in London, mentions Jerome as destined for the king of Hungary, and that he is to be replaced at Cassel by Bernadotte. The wisest measures have been taken by the cabinet and government of Austria, to conciliate, to arm, and attach the people, as well as the nobles of Hungary. Maria Theresa found, under similar circumstances, the best support of her crown, in the loyalty and devotion of that generous nation. We dare not, however, compare those dangers with the present awful revolutionary evils that overhang Europe; nor calculate on the defeat of Napoleon, because Belleisle was driven back in 1742. Never did a crisis impend, more full of hazard, or more appalling.
PHILADELPHIA, May 30.
LOYALTY OF THE SPANISH COLONISTS.
A letter from the Havana of the 6th inst. states, that the St. Paulo, man of war, was to sail immediately from La Vera Cruz for Cadiz, with eleven millions of dollars, on account of Fernando Septimo.
Advises from the Canary Islands state, that all the regular troops and militia, that could be spared, were embarking for Cadiz.
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON, June 5.
It is with sensations of painful regret that we announce the sudden DEATH of FRANCIS MALBONE, Esq. a Senator from the State of Rhode Island. He dropped down yesterday on his way to attend divine Service at the Capitol, and immediately expired.
The following is a report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to both houses of Congress, received on Friday last:
REPORT.
In obedience to the directions of the act supplementary to the act, entitled "An act to establish the Treasury Department," the Secretary of the Treasury respectfully submits the following report:
The net revenue arising from duties on merchandise and tonnage which accrued during the year 1807, amounted as appeared by the last annual statement, to
Dolls. 16,060,000
A correct statement of that revenue for the year 1808 cannot be prepared at this time but may be estimated as will appear by the estimate A, to about
10,270,000
The revenue arising from the same sources which accrued during the first quarter of this year did not much exceed one million of dollars; and although considerable importations may be expected from Great Britain and the West Indies during the last six months of this year; yet, considering that there will be no arrivals from China and the East Indies, and the situation of the commercial intercourse of the U. States with the rest of the world, it is not probable that the revenue accruing during the year 1809 will exceed that of the year 1808.
The specie in the Treasury on the 1st of October, 1808, amounted to
13,846,717 52
And the receipts during the last 3 months of that year, as appears by the statement (B) to
3,586,316 99
17,433,034 51
The disbursements during the same period have amounted, including 6,105.00 dolls. paid in reimbursement of the principal of the public debt, to
7,491,339 79
Leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the 1st of Jan. 1809, of
9,941,694 72
17,433,034 51
The cash in the hands of Collectors and Receivers, and the out-standing revenue bonds, amounted, on the first January 1809, to
9,880,000
From which deducting for the expenses of collection and for the draw-backs payable during the year 1809
5,000,000
Leaves for the probable receipts of the year 1809, exclusively of the inconsiderable sums which may be received on account of the revenue accruing during that year, a sum of
6,880,000
Making together with the balance in the Treasury on the first of Jan. 1809, of
9,941,000
16,821,000
An aggregate of 16,821,000, dolls. applicable to the expenditure of this year.
The expenses of the year 1809 are, in conformity with the existing appropriations estimated at 14,500,000 dollars, consisting of the following items:
Civil list (including the expenses of this session of Congress) miscellaneous expenses and foreign intercourse
1,342,000
Military and Indian Departments, viz.
Appropriation for the Army & Indian Deptts.
2,765,000
Ditto for fortifications
475,000
Arms & military stores
559,000
3,796,000

Naval Department, this year's appropriation 2,815,000 Public debt (1,547,000 dolls. of the appropriation of 8,000,000 of dollars for the year 1809, having been paid in advance in the year 1808, in order to effect the reimbursement of the whole of 8 per cent stock) 6,453,000 14,500,000
It must, however, be observed that the estimate of the sums payable in the course of this year on account of draw-backs is conjectural, and that the exportations particularly of colonial produce would, if the restrictions laid by the Continental powers of Europe on neutral commerce were removed, produce a much greater defalcation in the net receipts into the Treasury than the sum assumed in the preceding estimate. In order to guard against any inconvenience arising from that contingency, and for the purpose of keeping always a moderate sum in the Treasury, it may be necessary to borrow a sum equal to the amount of the principal of public debt which will be reimbursed during the year, and which will exceed three millions of dollars.
By the 10th and 19th sections of the act making further provision for the support of public credit, and for the redemption of the public debt, passed on the 3d March, 1795, the commissioners of the Sinking Fund are authorised from time to time to borrow and the bank of the United States to lend sums equal to the reimbursements of the public debt. But some doubts having arisen whether the power vested by those two sections are applicable to the new six per cent. stocks issued by virtue of the act of February 11, 1807, in exchange of the old six per cent. deferred and three per cent. stocks, it is desirable that the authority should be expressly extended by law to that case. And no other provision seems necessary for the public service of this year.
It would be premature to attempt at this time an estimate of the receipts and expenditures of the year 1810. It is sufficient to observe that, although the receipts may exceed those of the present year, it is highly improbable that they should be equal to the expenditures of that year, which, unless the military and naval establishments should be reduced, will amount to sixteen millions of dollars. But it is believed that the revenue will, after that year, be adequate to the discharge of the annual expenses.
All which is respectfully submitted. ALBERT GALLATIN. Treasury Department, } June 1, 1809.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of high respectability to a member of Congress, dated St. Louis, (L. T.) May 10th, 1809.
The tranquillity of the people in this territory has of late been disturbed from a fear of Indian hostilities. Fort Madison, on the Mississippi and in the Indian country, was threatened to be attacked. Two companies of militia marched to reinforce it, and three more of volunteers have made this place their head-quarters for several days past, waiting marching orders. The general court opened and adjourned sine die —no business was done. But the danger is happily over; the militia are returning—the volunteers have returned, and the people are returning to their habitations and to their senses. The Governor deserves credit for his zeal and exertions to defend the country."— Vat. Int.
The following is an extract of a letter from Christopher Greenough, Esq. late Governor of Kentucky, to a gentleman in this city, dated May 23.
"I am happy to inform you that by letters lately received from Kaskaskias, we learn that the alarm of Indian war has subsided."
ST. LOUIS, April 19. Letters have been this day received, by his excellency Gov. Lewis, and Brig. Gen. Clark, from Lieut. Kingsley, commanding officer of the Garrison of Belle Vue, on the Mississippi; and from Mr. Johnson, U. States Factor at that post, from which we have been desired to republish the following extracts: From Lieut. Kingsley, of the 11th current.
"At the time I wrote you by Lt. Pryor, I was doubtful as to the friendship of the Indians in this quarter. Those doubts have been dissipated by the recent occurrences; and I am now convinced that they are disposed for hostilities, and delay only to obtain those first advantages, which might lead to ultimate success."
"I have slept but little for three nights past, we labor all day, and he on our arms all night. If no accident happens, we shall move into the new Fort in five days from this time. This fort I will pledge myself to defend, against two thousand Indians; provided I am supplied with small cannon for the Block-House, with the necessary ammunition, and with two or three good men to act as spies. In our defenceless state, the most vigilant precautions have been adopted. Fires have been kept up at the distance of one or two hundred yards from the Fort, in order that the approaches of an enemy might be more readily discovered, at the same time that they serve for the concealment of our own movements."
"From Mr. Johnson, of the 12th current." "We have now in sight of the garrison, on the opposite side of the river, the whole nation of the Sacs, who have been counselling and trading here for ten days. They declare themselves our friends, though we are somewhat disposed to distrust the sincerity of their professions. The only evidences, however, of a contrary disposition, occurred two days ago. The chiefs were in company with Mr. Kingsley and myself, when a dancing party came up, and asked permission to dance round the garrison. One of the gates having been opened near the guard-house, they attempted to force it by a crowd. The guard put themselves in a position to charge bayonet, and were obliged to retreat a few steps, or run them through. The cannon was drawn up and charged, which put a stop to the dancing. They returned out of the fort with a yell."
"Mr. Jarrot, who arrived here two days before this took place, informed us that the plan of the Indians, as he had been told by the traders, was to take the garrison and factory; that this was to be accomplished under the fair disguises of trade and council; that as soon as they should have silenced the apprehensions, and quieted the suspicions of the garrison, by these pretences, the tomahawk and the scalping knife would complete the work."
"The whole nation, men, women and children are now here. They talk of leaving us to-morrow. Messrs. Blakey & Poirier were the traders who have made presents to the Sacs. They have also been selling whiskey during the whole winter to the Indians, and have now in Julien's care six barrels, which Lt. Kingsley will take this day. These times oblige us to be alert. Six days more, and the troops will move into the Fort, when we bid defiance to the Indians, if the contractor's boat will only come on."
"From the foregoing statements, combined with the miscellaneous observations of Messrs. Kingsley and Johnson in various parts of their letters, we are authorised to say, that the hostile dispositions of the Indians of the Mississippi, and the
Plans and Sacs particularly, can be no longer doubted."
"It is not the interest and honor of the U. States alone to maintain the establishment at Belle Vue, the peace, security and happiness of this territory, as it will require it. The massacre of that garrison would put the Indians in possession of such military stores, and provisions as would enable them to carry on a successful warfare on our frontiers, and perhaps into the heart of our populous and flourishing settlements. A prompt and timely check will repress that ardour and confidence, which such a triumph would necessarily create."
Messrs. Poirier and Blakey mentioned in the letter of Mr. Johnson, are British subjects and partners of the 'Macinac' company. The presents alluded to were given by them to the Sacs, when on a visit to the Sacs last winter, with the avowed purposes of the engaging them in a hostile combination against the U. S.
The Sacs are not disposed for war: they have resisted the repeated solicitations of the confederacy of the Mississippi, and drawn on themselves the hostility of the Sacs as well as of their tribes, over which the British traders have obtained a cruel and surreptitious influence.
By an arrangement made twelve days ago, as we understand, between Governor Lewis & Capt. House, commanding the garrison on the Mississippi, the latter gentleman left Belle Vue on the 12th, for Belle Vue, with 6 regulars, two boats loaded with provisions, artillery, ammunition and other supplies, for the reinforcement of Lieut. Kingsley, in anticipation of those difficulties which have since occurred, and which are alluded to in the general orders lately issued by the Governor.
It ought to be added, that all the concurrent accounts from the Indian Country, demonstrate the correctness and propriety of the precautionary measures adopted in those orders.
PHILADELPHIA, June 3. There is no truth in the report of an arrival in the Delaware from Bordeaux, as stated in the Aurora of this morning. A gentleman passenger in the Active, from St. Bartholomew, says, that he was captured on his passage from Bordeaux, which port he left about the 1st May, at which time there was great rejoicing on account of the news of France and Austria having concluded a strict alliance, the latter power giving two of her principal ports as a security for the faithful performance of the compact. This report, (which we are far from believing) probably gave rise to the paragraph in the Aurora.
Ref. June 5. The report of an arrival in the Delaware from Bordeaux, appears to be unfounded, & is now supplanted by a similar report from St. Bartholomew. We gave the matter only as a report, but our judgment as to the alleged fact led us to disbelieve it; for we could not credit the conclusion of a treaty on the part of Austria with France, after all her stupendous preparations for war against France, upon any other grounds than an assumption that the court of Austria had become more wise than it has been half a century past, an assumption which there is nothing to sanction. We believe that the Austrian cabinet will be stimulated to its destruction, in order to occupy France in Europe, while the British are carving on their plans in South America, plans long formed, much matured, of which the agents are already in the Islands and on the Maine, where we may expect at no very remote day, to hear of an explosion which will require all the wisdom and constancy of our government, in its neutral and pacific policy, to guard our country from the effects of it. The United States, with a steady pursuit of the policy that has so far preserved us from direct involvement in European conflicts, will no doubt profit commercially by the convulsions which Great Britain is stirring up in South America; the French scattered over those colonies, will like those of Havana & St. Jago, and like those of St. Domingo in former years, fly to our country, and the wealth of the fugitives will be diffused among us; but the most lucrative effects will be what has greatly influenced the abandonment of the British orders in council; the provisions and other supplies of the United States will be essential to any military or maritime enterprises; and as Britain is cut out from the supplies of bullion, which were formerly procured by agents established at Cadiz, Lisbon, & at the seaports of Spain; the U. S. will become the depository of the bullion plundered or extracted from South America. How far these considerations may affect us with other nations, is not easy to anticipate.— Aurora.
NORFOLK, June 5. By a passenger, who came up on Saturday morning from the brig Argus of Salem, bound to Philadelphia, which he left off the Capes, we are informed that the brig left Porto Rico on the 21st of last month.
The Master of an American vessel which arrived at Porto Rico, two days before he sailed, informed that in latitude 28, longitude 64, spoke the two French ships of the line that escaped from the Sables, from the city of St. Domingo, bound to France, and was treated politely. Was informed that those ships after losing sight of the British fleet, steered directly for St. Domingo, where they landed 1200 troops, with stores & ammunition. They took five sail of American vessels into St. Domingo with them, but whether as prizes or not, could not learn. These ships made no stay at St. Domingo. A new governor was daily expected at Porto Rico. All kinds of American produce dull at Porto Rico, flour at 9 dollars, coffee at 15 to 16 dollars. Left ten sail of American vessels, among them the brig Elizabeth, Morton, of Baltimore, to sail the 23d of May.— Ledger.
LANDS, NEGROES and other PROPERTIES—FOR SALE.—Pursuant to the power vested in us, by a deed of trust, executed on the 6th day of July, 1808, by Robert Bird and wife, which is of record in the court of Hanover county: Will be sold, at public auction, for ready money, at the house of the said Robert Bird, in the Forks of Hanover, the following real and personal estate, or so much thereof, as may be sufficient to pay off and satisfy the debts in said deed expressed, together with the charges of executing the same: Two tracts or parcels of Land, one containing, by estimation, 135 acres, the other 400 acres, lying in the Forks of Hanover, near Price's New-Found-Mills: Also, eight likely Slaves, fourteen head of Cattle, twenty-five head of Hogs, thirty-five Sheep, four Horses, three Mules, likewise a large quantity of household and kitchen Furniture, particularly named in said deed. The sale will take place on Friday the 23d of this month, if fair, if not, the next fair day.
THE TRUSTEES. June 9.
NEGROES FOR SALE. WILL be sold to the highest bidder on twelve months credit, at Capt. Nat. Perkins's Tavern, on Saturday the 30th day of July next—Three Negroes viz. a woman and two likely girls—belonging to the estate of Henry Hopkins dec'd.—Bond & approved security will be required to bear interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
ROBERT FRENCH, Administrator. Gooshland, June 9. wids
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, JUNE 9, 1809.
MORE SMUGGLERS!
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
SIR, Through the medium of your widely circulating paper, I wish to invite the attention of the public, to a subject of the first importance, so far as it respects the Staple Commodity of this State,—as a practice now prevalent, tends most essentially to affect the interests of the Planter, of the fair Merchant and the Community at large.
By an Act of the General Assembly, every Hoghead of Tobacco, brought for inspection and considered by the Inspectors unfit to pass , is prohibited, under a heavy penalty, from being exported. Notwithstanding this regulation, there are several persons in this place and Manchester, who are in the habit of purchasing, and in defiance of the Law, exporting large quantities of this refused Tobacco.
To avoid Detection in this nefarious Traffic, numerous plans have been devised by these Transgressors of our laws, and the success which heretofore appears to have attended their pursuits, has emboldened them to proceed with increased avidity. Part of their system seems to be, to remove each hoghead of refused tobacco from the Public Warehouses, to well known convenient Private Warehouses, where it requires but a slight exertion of ingenuity, to obliterate the noted scratch of T. R., and substitute the little variety of Warehouse, Tare and Nett—and thus to export it.
This evil has been increasing, as the quantity of refused Tobacco has been very considerable, owing to the injury sustained to the Crop by the Frost—the quantity refused at the present Crop that has been booked at the different Warehouses in Richmond and Manchester, is about 1600 hogheads, exclusive of what is brought from the upper Inspections.
No Tobacco of consequence, has been stemmed during the present season, nor is the quantity of inferior Tobacco, consumed by the Manufacturers, considerable.
The Tobaccoes, thus exported , are principally shipped to Baltimore—and to lull suspicion and avoid detection, frequently by way of Norfolk, where it is lodged awhile, and if not sold there, re-shipped.
Baltimore and Norfolk are selected as the principal places of Deposit, because the mode of purchasing Tobacco there, peculiarly favors the Fraud. In these places, they never break Tobacco in selecting it, but merely open and look at the head. Such an inspection, affords no proof of what the Tobacco really is.—It also frequently happens, that such buyers are guided by the general reputation of the Inspection, which they may have thought proper to mark on the Cask.
These proceedings affect the price of the Tobacco, which passes Inspection here—as the honest dealer in the article, cannot come into competition with the fraudulent one —the prices, which yield the latter 100 per Cent. profit, will barely cover the former's Cost and Charges.
The New-York Market, which is of importance to the Dealers here, has also been injured. To avoid the re-inspection of Tobaccoes there, where they are in the habit of breaking it, as is usual here, these fraudulent Exporters direct their correspondents to sell it at auction, where it does not undergo the same scrutiny. It has the effect of lessening the demand for such Tobaccoes, as are permitted to be exported, and thus the honest Merchant is injured, and the Planter cannot obtain the prices to which he is entitled.
It may not be amiss to hint to the Planter, that his interests would be promoted, by having his Tobacco picked, and that the few Hundreds Weight, which are saved, will net him more than what he obtains for the whole Hoghead refused. It has been frequently observed at the Warehouse, that the exporters of the refused Tobacco combine together in the purchase, and thus play off their impositions upon the Planter. It is well known, that in many instances, only ten dollars per Hoghead have been paid for it.
It may not also be amiss to hint to the Grand Jury, whether this flagrant violation of the Act of Virginia does not come within the purview of their powers, and whether an indictment will not lay against these fraudulent sinners against the offended laws of their country. After all their investigation in particular cases, however, the ingenuity of the smuggler will in the greater variety of instances elude all their researches.
Being one among those, who have suffered from this illegal traffic, I have thought proper to point out to you, sir, the foregoing Facts, which can be corroborated by almost every intelligent Merchant in this place. Our next Legislature will I hope, provide a remedy, adequate to an Evil, which, if suffered to continue, must prove extremely detrimental to the Interests of the State.
In the mean time, this Communication may tend to lessen the Impositions, which are practised, in the purchase of this article, at Norfolk and elsewhere.
On the 30th Nov. 1808, Mr. J. Randolph ridicules the idea of adopting what was called an abstract proposition . "It is not, said he, to be made the basis of any measure: no bill can grow out of it. And are we to employ ourselves in this manner, for the amusement of the Galleries, of the Public of Washington, Georgetown and its vicinity."
That proposition was a resolve, a sacred pledge, "that the U. States cannot without a sacrifice of their rights, honor and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and France."
In May, 1809, this very gentleman brings forward a naked resolution, a mere vote of thanks to the President of the U. S. for doing what Mr. R. confesses, was only his duty—a resolution, out of which no bill is to grow—to amuse the galleries and the public, and to expend thousands of dollars for the U. States.
Mr. Randolph contrasts the terms of adjustment offered to G. Britain in 1808, and made in 1809.—Among other mistakes, he says, "That her ships of war are (now) admitted into our waters." Those of France are excluded. Let him consult the Non-Inter-course law—and he will find his mistake. That law permits the President of the U. S. on certain conditions to restore commerce only & the proclamation of Mr. Madison is true to the law. The truth is that all French as well as British ships of war are at this moment excluded. The senate of the U. States are now determining what is to become of this very provision.—This exclusion of Bri-
tish ships continues, although a reparation has been accepted for the attack on the Chesapeake.
Mr. R. says, that we are now in the same situation, that the British note would have placed us in. "The object of that, says he, has been accomplished already." Even if this were the fact , it does not prove that we should have taken the Treaty with this "sin upon its head." At that time, the French decree was not in force against our rights. The government had given us some assurances, that it would not be enforced. In the one case then Great Britain had no right to require of us to resist that decree, and in any way too that she might please to call resistance. The subsequent execution of this Decree called upon us to change our relations as to France—to exclude her trade as well as that of her enemy.
But it is not the fact. It is Great Britain, and not the United States that has receded from the ground taken in that note. Then Great Britain claimed of us to resist the French decree. Now all that she asks of us, as the condition of repealing her orders (her retaliatory Orders ) is not that we, should suspend trade as to France, but merely revive it as to herself.
This alone constitutes one great difference in the terms of adjustment, negotiated under the two administrations. In 1808, we offered to repeal the embargo as to Great Britain, and to continue it as to France. In 1809, G. Britain offers to revive trade with us, without stipulating and claiming from us any particular attitude as to her enemy.
Both administrations have acted according to the laws. Under the Non-Inter-course, Mr. J. would have accepted the same propositions, as Mr. M. has done.
** CRITICS, on Mr. Randolph's resolutions and speeches—in our next.
On Monday the H. of R. adjourned, after a session of twenty minutes—in compliment to the memory of FRANCIS MALBONE, Esq. a Senator from the state of R. Island, who died suddenly on Sunday morning.
The Alexandria Advertiser states, that the committee appointed to enquire what business was necessary to be done this session, have drafted their report, but it was not laid before the House—but they state it as their opinion, that all may be done by the 20th instant"—saying and excepting, say we, "abstract propositions," as votes of thanks, and long, wire drawn discussions, on such useless resolutions.
The legislature of Massachusetts, assembled at Boston on the 31st ult.—In the Senate, Messrs. Otis and Coffin, were elected as President and Secretary—the whole No. of votes 38, of which Mr. O. had 20—Mr. Coffin had 21.—In the other House, Mr. Bigelow was chosen Speaker, and Mr. Tillinghast, Clerk—whole No. of votes 376—of which Mr. B. had 306 federal votes, and Mr. T. 509. Mr. Morton (D.) was run for Speaker, and had 259—Mr. Sumner (D.) for Clerk, and received 262.
The following is the close of an Address from the Tammany Society of the city of Baltimore to the 1st President—and his Reply. The whole of the Address deserves republication, but our columns are too much crowded with other articles:
"Great and good friend of our nation, & of the whole human family—farewell. The Great Spirit looks down with complacency and approbation on your virtuous and most peculiarly difficult labors in the cause of Freedom and Humanity—May the days of thy age be pleasant in the halls of thy youth. May no cloud pass between thee and thy sating sun. Thy memory shall live for ever, and future statesmen emulate thy fame:—And when it shall please the Great Spirit to call you to himself, may the consciousness that you have fulfilled the great purposes of your creation, console and support you in the last moment of this life."
TO THE TAMMANY SOCIETY OF THE CITY OF BALTIMORE.
Your free and cordial salutations, in my retirement, are received, fellow-citizens, with great pleasure—and the happiness of that retirement is much heightened by assurances of satisfaction with the course I have pursued in the transaction of the public affairs, and that the confidence my fellow-citizens were pleased to repose in me has not been disappointed.
Great sacrifices of interest have certainly been made by our nation under the difficulties latterly forced upon us by Trans-Atlantic powers—but every candid and reflecting mind must agree with you, that while these were temporary and bloodless, they were calculated to avoid permanent subjection to foreign law and tribute, relinquishment of independent rights, and the burnishing, the havoc and desolations of war: that these will be ultimately avoided, we have now some reason to hope; and the successful example of recalling nations to the practice of justice by peaceable appeals to their interests, will doubtless have salutary effects on our future course.—As a counterpoise too to our short-lived sacrifices, when these shall no longer be felt, we shall permanently retain the benefit they have prompted, of fabricating for our own use, the materials of our own growth, heretofore carried to the work-houses of Europe, to be wrought and returned to us.
The hope you express that my successor will continue in the same system of measures, is guaranteed, as far as future circumstances will permit, by his enlightened and zealous participation in them heretofore, and by the happy pacification he is now effecting for us.
Your wishes for my future happiness are very thankfully felt, and returned by the sincerest desires that yourselves may experience the favors of the Great Dispenser of all good.
TH: JEFFERSON. Monticello, May 25, 1809.
The Republican citizens of Ontario county, in the Genessee country, state of N. York, have made arrangements to celebrate, on the 10th of June, the restoration of a free commerce with one of the belligerents of Europe, and the wise, firm and patriotic measures of the administration, which have produced it.—In consequence of which, Judge Atwater has addressed a letter to John Nicholas, Esq. formerly of Virginia, requesting him to prepare an oration for the purpose; under the persuasion that, "the occasion requires a pourtray of the wisdom and firmness of our government, in the mild and honorable measures it has pursued." The following is Mr. Nicholas' reply:
GENEVA, May 14, 1809.
SIR, I heartily concur with you, as to the propriety of bearing public testimony to the wisdom and fortitude displayed by our government, in the measures which will have removed the restraints on our intercourse with Great Britain, after the 10th of June next.—We owe it to those who render great public service, to procure for them the applause of future generations, as much as to give them our own; and we owe it to
those generations themselves, to keep alive their time, the spirit which can pursue public good, regardless of the seductions of private interests or popular favor, and of that malignant spirit of party, which continually keeps up accusation, against the time when public calamity shall dispose the people to credit it.
Few events, in the annals of history, are of equal importance with the settlement of our differences with Great Britain, and no one more strongly demands the watchfulness of those who feel its importance, for, already we find a great and powerful party in the United States, struggling to transfer the triumph from their own country to Great Britain, and the credit of the settlement from the government to themselves—when Great Britain undoubtedly considers it as the most humiliating act of her existence, and it is notorious, that the party among us, have done every thing in their power to prevent the measures of government from effecting it.
No one can properly estimate the rancour which now assails the credit of those measures, or that which will pursue their history to future times, without considering them as the rivals and substitutes of war.
Those who speculate on improving our government, by adding to its energy—those who wish to keep open the road to fortune and power, will never quietly suffer it to be believed, that experience has proved war to be necessary to the United States, and that her office is better performed, by the peaceful measures of our present government.
My sentiments on this subject, are a pledge of my zeal in the service to which I am called, and I assure you, I feel no reluctance in undertaking it, but what arises from a wish to have it better performed.
I am, Sir, Your most ob't. serv't. JOHN NICHOLAS. The Hon. Moses Atwater.
COMMUNICATION.
The following are the weights of some of my Sheep, which, if the Editor of the Enquirer thinks proper, he may give a place in his paper: No. 1 a tup 16mo. old. Carcass 52 lbs. fleece 13
  2 ewe do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   No. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   3 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   4 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   5 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   6 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   7 old ewe do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   8 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.   9 do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do.     Spottsylvania, June 3, 1809.   EDW'D G. HILL. 
* The length of the Tup's Fleece Thirteen & One-Fourth inches.
HAVING executed a deed of trust to Benjamin Oliver, jr. William Cunningham, and Samuel Richardson, conveying certain property therein mentioned, to them, for the purpose of making sale thereof, in order to discharge all debts for which I am bound for my father, and my own debts—it is therefore my wish that all such creditors may as soon as possible, make their respective claims known to the above named gentlemen, that they may know how far to carry the sales, which will take place the 1st of August next.
JOHN M. SYME. June 9.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to a deed of trust executed to us, by John M. Syme, of the County of Hanover, for the purpose of satisfying all debts for which he is bound for his father's & his own debts—we shall, on Thursday, the first day of August next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, upon the premises, proceed to sell, four hundred and sixty three acres, (by a late survey) of prime and valuable land, adjoining the Town of New Castle, upon Pamunkey River, and the ferry across that river. Also, ELEVEN NEGROES, consisting of MEN, WOMEN, BOYS and GIRLS, all the stock of HORSES, CATTLE, HOGS, SHEEP, and implements of husbandry, &c. conveyed by the said instrument. Such title as we hold as trustees will be made the purchaser or purchasers, and possession of the land given at Christmas with the privilege of seeding wheat this fall. The terms of sale will be one third cash, one third in six months, and the balance in 12 months, from the day of sale. Interest will be expected upon the distant payments. Bonds with approved security will be required of the purchasers of the personal property, and Bonds with deeds of trust upon the land and ferry of the respective purchasers. The land & ferry will be shown by Mr. WM. CUNNINGHAM, living in New-Castle, or either of the Mr. SYME's, to any person wishing to view the premises. Creditors will be allowed to purchase, and their claims discounted.
According to Mr. John M. Syme's notification above, or either of us, will receive the amount of any claim, and it is our wish that they be made known prior to the day of sale.
There are some previous liens upon this property, or some of it, to secure certain debts, which will be first paid, according to their several dates. Proposals for any part of the above property will be received by either of the trustees prior to the sale.
BENJAMIN OLIVER, jr. WM. CUNNINGHAM. SAM. RICHARDSON