The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-06-17 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 12.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 17, 1806.
[VOLUME 3.]
Sales at Auction.
On Wednesday the 24 th of July next, will be sold by Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale.
THAT VALUABLE BRICK TENEMENT on Shoe-keel Hill, opposite to Mr. Page's, now occupied by Mr. James H. Lynch.
Terms of payment—one and two years credit, the purchaser to give a deed of trust on the property to secure payment of the purchase money.
TAYLOR & BROWN, V. MRS. June 6. (tdf)
FOR SALE—on the lowest terms:
2500 sacks of LIVERPOOL SALT, and 90 crates of LIVERPOOL EARTHEN WARE of superior quality & well assorted, just arrived in the ship Merchant, Captain JOHNSON, from Liverpool, at Bermuda Hundred.
Which ship will take in Tobacco to the address of JAMES MARKS, Esq., of Liverpool. She has excellent accommodations for passengers. For terms apply to Messrs. PICKET, POLLARD & JOHNSTON of Richmond, the Captain on board, or the subscriber, OVERTON ANDERSON. tf.
By virtue of a deed of trust, entered into the day of—1806, by Jacob Wood, of the county of Amherst, to secure and insure the punctual payment of a debt due from the said Jacob Wood to Fisher and Lesieur, merchants of the city of Richmond, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, on Saturday the 28 th inst. on the premises: THE TRACT OF LAND, with its appurtenances, on which the said Jacob Wood at present resides, in the county of Amherst, containing fifty two and half acres, be the same more or less. This land is valuable in point of soil and situation; the improvements therein consist of a Grist Mill, Saw Mill, Distillery and Dwelling House, well deserving the attention of a purchaser.
DAVID S. GARLAND, Trustee. June 12, 1806. (tdf)
FOR SALE.
A TRACT OF LAND, lying on the main road, leading from Richmond to the Deep Run coal pits, about six miles from Richmond, containing one hundred and ten acres, formerly the land of Orson Kelly, adjoining the lands of Doct. Cringan, Mr. Pendleton and others; it will be sold at Public Auction, the 28 th day of June, on the premises, if not disposed of by private sale, before that day—Also six LIKELY NEGROES. Any person that is inclined to purchase, may know the terms by application to the subscriber, at the Meadow-Bridges. ROBERT WHITE. (tdf)
June 13. (tdf)
STAUNTON STAGE.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the public, his STAGES will regularly, during the season of the Springs, leave the Bell-Tavern in this city, on Tuesday at 5 o'clock in the evening; & on each Saturday at the hour of 10 o'clock in the morning, and will arrive at Capt. Edmiston's Tavern in the Town of Staunton; where passengers, going on to the Springs, may be furnished, at all times, with Hackney Coaches, and other private conveyances, from thence. Much pains and expense has been taken by the proprietor in the selection of good horses, carriages and careful drivers—and confidently assures the public, he is in possession of as good as any in this State. RICHARD TERRELL. tf.
May 23.
FOR SALE.
A Valuable Negro WOMAN, about thirty years of age, who is a good cook, and two Children, the eldest a girl about eight years old, the youngest a boy 10 or 11 months old. Enquire at the bar of the Union Tavern, or at the Office of the Enquirer. June 10. 3t
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. [spcl.]
Dec. 4.
TO BE RENTED.
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Elefants; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family.
Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the bird in hand) at the corner of the street leading to church hill; to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, for-jutant of the City, or to
JACOB I. COHEN. (law tf)
February 25.
LANDS IN CUMBERLAND FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the 11 th April, 1801, recorded in Cumberland Court-Office, to me executed by James Deane, Francis B. Deane, and Thomas M. Deane, to secure a certain sum of money, due by them to Joseph Gallego—I will offer for sale, to the highest bidder, on the 28 th day of May next, at Cumberland Court, TWO TRACTS OF LAND, being part of the property, thereby conveyed, viz.
One Tract containing one hundred and thirty-seven acres, more or less, situate in the county of Cumberland, six miles above the Court House, being a tract purchased by the said Deane, from Parton Clopton, as will appear by reference to the deed of sale on record, in the said County Court.
One Tract containing two hundred and five acres, more or less, situate in Cumberland, on the fourth side of the road, leading to the Court House, one mile distant below the same, bounded by lands of William Beverly Langhorne, and by lands of John Ford.
The first of the above Tracts, is said to contain prime tobacco land, and valuable timber; the other is nearly half cleared.
N. B. By the consent of all parties interested, the sale will take place on the 28 th day of May next, as above stated, and the terms of payment will be one and two years credit, the purchasers to give bonds bearing interest and approved security.
M. B. POTTHAUX. April 15. (tdf)
N. B. The sale of the above property is postponed to the 28 th day of July next. M. B. P.
All persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, dec'd. of the Bowling-Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOOLFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, dec'd. Jan. 28. (tdf)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
BEING anxious to discharge all my just debts, I will sell a great bargain in two new BRICK TENEMENTS, on the Main-Street, on Shoe-keel-Hill; they are well calculated for stores and private families, and considered to be as good stands for business as any in that part of the city; they will be sold separately or together, to suit purchasers. If this property is not sold by private contract before Tuesday, the 24 th day of June next, it will, on that day, be sold at public auction. Any person wishing to purchase, will be shown the property, and may know the terms (which will be very accommodating), by application to the subscriber living adjoining the premises.
I will also dispose of, by private contract, my half acre LOT in the neighborhood of Gen. Mosely, on which there is a two story Brick House erected, 44 feet long by 22 feet wide; this house is not finished in the inside, but can be finished to suit the purchaser. For terms apply to J. B. WINN. (tdf)
May 30.
TO BE RENTED—The Tenement where I now reside, and possession given in time.
J. PENN. April 11. tf
THE subscriber having relinquished all idea of removing to the Western Country, deems it necessary to inform his friends, that he intends practicing in the courts of Richmond county, Essex, King and Queen, and in the district of King and Queen, in the Chancery Court of Williamsburg. JOHN HORACE UPSHAW. April 29. tf
TO RENT.
THE HOUSE and LOT belonging to Mr. Wm. Dandridge's estate, next above Mr. Wm. Price's large building. For terms apply to NATHANIEL SHEPPARD, Agent for the exec'r. April 15. tf
THE subscriber has removed his Broker's Office to the middle tenement, in Doct. Terrell's new building, the first door above Messrs. Pickett, Pollard and Johnson, and the second below the Post-Office; where he will attend particularly to all business confided to him. THOMAS NORVELL. (tdf)
For sale, 10 SHARES in the JAMES RIVER COMPANY. June 6. (tdf)
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by Archibald McCall, of the town of Tappahannock, and county of Essex, to Archibald Dick and David Bachmann, bearing date the 25 th day of May, 1789, for security purposes therein mentioned; will be sold in the said town of Tappahannock, on the 27 th day of June next, THREE LOTS, known in the plan of the said town by No. 1, 2, and 73, whereon the said McCall at present resides; on these lots are very valuable improvements, consisting of a Dwelling House two story high, with three rooms and a passage below, and three rooms above stairs, three rooms in the cellar, with a fire place in every room, and several out-houses, consisting of a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, &c. all of which are pleasantly situated on the river bank, and command an extensive view of the river above and below. A few articles of household furniture will be sold together with those lots and houses, &c.
Will be sold on the same day, on the premises, A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said McCall, situate in the county aforesaid, on Holkins's creek, adjoining the said town of Tappahannock, containing by estimation, five hundred and two acres, be the same more or less, together with the water-grist mill adjoining, which is at present out of repair, but may be rendered very valuable at a small expense, being one of the most valuable and convenient mill sites in all that part of the country. Having a large & convenient mill-house two story high, built of stone, brick and wood, calculated for manufacturing on an extensive plan, situate on a never-failing stream, within one mile of tide water; belonging to this mill are two very convenient houses for the accommodation of a miller, cooper, &c. This tract of land is generally of good quality, lies well and is well timbered. Will likewise be sold on the 28 th day of the same month. (June) at John Miller's Tavern, in the said county of Essex. A TRACT OF LAND, the property of said McCall, situate near said Miller's Tavern, adjoining the lands of Thomas Allen and Joseph Man, containing by estimation, one hundred and seven acres, be the same more or less, being the land the said McCall purchased of Richard Jeffries. This is good farming land, lies well and is well timbered. Twelve months credit will be given, upon the purchaser or purchasers giving bond, and in every case a Deed of Trust on the property will be required to secure the purchase money, by GEORGE POTTIE, and CHARLES THOMPSON, Attorneys in fact for the creditors of Arch. McCall. Louisa, April 18. (tdf)
FOR SALE, At public auction, on the premises, on Wednesday, 10 th September next, (if not previously disposed of by private contract), FIVE hundred and fifty acres LAND, situated in the upper end of Cumberland county, eighteen miles from the Court-House, three from Farmville, and one from a good manufacturing mill on Appomattox, now navigable, almost to Petersburg. This LAND lies handsomely, is in good order and inferior in quality to none east of the mountains; there is 10 or 12 acres meadow, handsomely set with timber, and about 20 acres more prepared for sowing next spring; in addition there is an extensive bed of Coal which to a person of capital would be highly valuable; one third the purchase money will be required in hand and the balance in two annual instalments JOHN KELSO. May 23. 4w.
TO MY THOMAS BRADSHAW, SIR,
As you are not an inhabitant of this state, and have not any agent therein, known to me, to whom a notice can be given, he pleased to take notice, that on the last Sunday in June next, I shall, at the dwelling house of Nicholas Vaughan, in the county of Nottoway, between the hours of eight in the morning and seven in the evening of the above mentioned day, take the depositions of the said Nicholas Vaughan, of Jacob Smay, Nathan Fowles and Peter Knight, to be read as evidence in a suit depending in the county court of Prince-Edward, wherein you, and others are plaintiffs, and I am defendant. BENJAMIN BORUM. Prince-Edward county, April 22. ep2m.9
CHARLES SPENCER.
HAS just received a supply of GOODS by the ships Proteus and Intrepid, amongst which is a very general assortment of HARDWARE and CUTLERY. A few Hornby and Wheat Mills, of a large size and on an entire new and approved construction, which may be worked by water, horse, or hand. May 30. eo3w.
PROPOSALS
For carrying Mails of the United States, on the following Post-Roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the first day of August next, inclusive.
6. FROM Washington City by Alexandria, Colchester and Dumfries, to Fredericksburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 5 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 6 3/4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 11 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 5 P. M. in 13 hours.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 2 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 3 P. M. and arrive at Washington by 5 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Washington City every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 6 A. M.; leave Alexandria at 7 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 11 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 2 P. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 7 P. M.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. arrive at Dumfries by 9 A. M.; leave Dumfries at 10 A. M. arrive at Alexandria by 1 P. M.; leave Alexandria at 4 P. M. and arrive at Washington City by 6 3/4 P. M.
7. Fredericksburg by Bowling Green, White Chimneys, Hanover Co. to Richmond and Osborne's to Petersburg, six times a week.
APRIL 15 TO DECEMBER 1.
Leave Fredericksburg every day at 4 A. M. & arrive at Richmond by 3 P. M.; leave Richmond at 4 P. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 9 P. M.
Leave Petersburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 A. M. arrive at Richmond same day by 6 A. M. and leave Richmond at 6 3/4 A. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Fredericksburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 5 A. M. and arrive at Richmond by 6 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 A. M. & arrive at Petersburg by 10 A. M.
RETURNING. Leave Petersburg every day, Sunday excepted, at 2 P. M. & arrive at Richmond by 8 P. M.; leave Richmond every day, Sunday excepted, at 4 A. M. and arrive at Fredericksburg by 8 P. M.
8. From Richmond to Fraziers, New-Kent Co. to Williamsburg, Yorktown and Hampton, to Norfolk, three times a week.
Leave Richmond every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Hampton by 9 P. M. & at Norfolk on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday by 10 A. M.
RETURNING. Leave Norfolk every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 3 P. M. & arrive at Richmond the next day by 8 P. M.
9. From Petersburg by Cabin-Point, Smithfield, Surry Co. & Sleepy hole, to Portsmouth, three times a week.
Leave Petersburg every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 2 P. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 3 P. M. and arrive at Portsmouth by 7 A. M.
Leave Portsmouth every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday at 5 A. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 A. M.; leave Sleepy hole at 10 A. M. and arrive at Petersburg by 8 P. M.
DECEMBER 1 TO APRIL 15.
Leave Petersburg every Sunday, Tuesday & Thursday at 11 A. M. and arrive at Sleepy hole by 9 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Monday, Wednesday & Friday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Portsmouth by 8 A. M.
RETURNING. Leave Portsmouth every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 P. M. & arrive at Sleepy hole by 7 P. M.
Leave Sleepy hole every Tuesday, Thursday & Saturday at 4 A. M. & arrive at Petersburg by noon.
From Lynchburg by Bethel, Pedlar mills & Winton, to Lexington, once a week.
Leave Lynchburg every Saturday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Lexington by 6 P. M.
Leave Lexington every Sunday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Lynchburg by 6 P. M.
From Waterford by Snicker's gap, R. Braten's store, J. Janny's store, Upperville and Israel Janny's mill, to Waterford, once a week.
Leave Waterford every Wednesday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Upperville by 6 P. M.
Leave Upperville every Thursday at 6 A. M. & arrive at Waterford by 6 P. M.
From Wythe Co. by Tazewell Co. Russell Co. and Lee Co. to Robinson's mills, once in two weeks.
Leave Wythe Co. every other Thursday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Robinson's mills on Sunday by 6 P. M.
Leave Robinson's mills every other Monday at 6 A. M. and arrive at Wythe Co. on Thursday by 6 P. M.
NOTES.
1. The Post-Master General may expedite the mails and alter the times of arrival and departure at any time during the continuance of the contracts, he previously stipulating an adequate compensation for any extra expense that may be occasioned thereby.
2. Fifteen minutes shall be allowed for opening & closing the mail at all offices where no particular time is specified.
3. For every thirty minutes delay (unavoidable accidents accepted) in arriving after the times prescribed in any contract, the contractor shall forfeit one dollar; and if the delay continue until the departure of any depending mail, whereby the mails delayed for such depending mail lose a trip, an additional forfeiture of five dollars shall be incurred.
4. Newspapers as well as letters are to be sent in the mail; and if any person, making proposals, desires to carry newspapers, other than those conveyed in the mail, for his emolument, he must state in his proposals, for what sum he will carry it with that emolument, and for what sum without that emolument.
5. Should any person, making proposals, desire an alteration of the times of arrival and departure above specified, he must state in his proposals, the alterations desired, and the difference they will make in the terms of his contract.
6. Persons making proposals, are desired to state their prices by the year. Those who contract will receive their pay quarterly, in the months of February, May, August and November, one month after the expiration of each quarter.
7. No other than a free white person shall be employed to convey the mail.
8. Where the proposer intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals.
9. The Post-Master General reserves to himself the right of declaring any contract at an end whenever three failures happen, which amount to the loss of a trip each.
10. The contracts for the routes numbered 1 to 14, are to be in operation on the first day of October next, and to continue in force for two years, from that time; for the routes No. 15 to 57, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force one year; and for the routes No. 58 to 77, are to commence at the same time, and continue in force until the 31 st of March, 1809.
GIDEON GRANGER, POST-MASTER GENERAL. GENERAL POST-OFFICE. Washington City, April 20 th , 1806.1
Foreign Intelligence.
Translation from the Paris Moniteur.
AFRICA.
ALGIERS, February 23.
The spirit of revolution which has announced itself in this country with such terrible symptoms, does not yet seem to be entirely stifled. It is known that Tremecen has been delivered up to the horrors of a pillage, in which two hundred Jews perished. Here, the scarcity excited apprehensions of fresh tumults. A few executions stopped the troubles ready to be renewed. A woman accused of having propagated seditious rumours, was thrown into the sea; at present the town is quiet, but the minds of the soldiers in the barracks are still agitated; it is even asserted that a conspiracy had been formed there, and that several Turks, convicted of being concerned in it, were strangled.
In the mean time, the regency has been the theatre of agitations of another kind. Mr. Cartwright, the English consul, set all the springs at work of intrigue and corruption to detach the Dey from the particular affection he bears to France in the person of her emperor. He distributed presents to all the grandees, to the men in office and even to the lowest spies of the regency. Six weeks after the battle of Trafalgar, he officially announced that the British fleet had gained a victory in which the admirals of the two fleets were killed. But these pretended advantages, and the presumption with which he displayed them, were unable to regain him the favor he had lost, and in consequence of discussions which took place three days after, relative to the French consul, the Dey ordered Mr. Cartwright to be driven out of his palace by a chaos.
However, the British consul, still united with either humiliations or intrigues, did not renounce his hopes. His projects tended to nothing less than to bring the three regencies into the coalition and to get possession of the trade of the kingdom of Algiers, by establishing armed factories at Bonne and Oran, to arrive at this result, all measures are eligible for the English agent, and he was powerfully seconded by his government. It was exactly at the moment when the immortal emperor of the French was entering Germany at the head of his grand army, that Cartwright redoubled his efforts; a d cannot be denied that protected by all the powerful Aga, he had for some time great advantage. Succours in men, in warlike stores and provisions were carried by English armaments to the fortresses of Oran, besieged by the rebels (*); present's were distributed to all the grandees of the regency; a considerable sum was promised to the Aga, if he resolved on the measures proposed against France and Spain; in fine, two commanders of frigates were sent hither to congratulate the Dey upon his accession to the throne, and offer him presents proportioned to the importance of the determination solicited. These two commanders even positively asserted that the grand seignior and Prussia had united their arms to those of Austria and Russia against France, and that the emperor of the French had already met with considerable losses upon the Rhine.
This news, guaranteed in the most solemn manner, supported by the charms of seduction and by odious rumors spread against the French charge d'affaires, placed the life of the latter in the utmost danger at the time of the dreadful pillage exercised over the unfortunate Jews.
More authentic and more certain information, together with the death of the Aga, which happened at that interval, suddenly disconcerted the intrigues of the English consul. A few days previous to the death of the Aga, the Dey had convoked a divan at the marine, which the French and English charge d'affaires were invited to attend. The purpose of this assembly was to discuss the complaints lodged against the practices of the English of Bonne. The French consul general and charge d'affaires, arriving from the country where he had received this invitation, learned that the English consul was already two hours at the marine, and had taken the place of honor next the admiral, to obtain over him the precedence which was granted by the ancient and new treaties to the French consuls over all the others, and in a private conversation which he had with the Dey, he expatiated at large on the tyranny which the English agents were endeavoring to exercise in all governments. The Dey listened to him with great attention, was struck, above all when the French consul unveiled to him the intrigues of the cabinet of St. James's at Constantinople, to bring the grand seignior into the deplorable state which his power is fallen into. The divan of the marine was broken up, and the Dey gave orders at Bonne, conformably to the desires of the French consul.
This conference may be considered as the period of the absolute fall of the consideration of the English consul with the regency. A few days after the death of the Aga, bereft him of an accomplice and a powerful protector. He tried in vain by presents, flattery and intrigues, his usual resources, to resume the favor which he had lost. These means turned against himself. Prostrate at the feet of the grandees of Algiers, he even fatigued them with his business; he meddled in the affairs of the country, made exaggerated claims for Jews whom he caused to wear the English cockade. The Dey began to desire him to present himself before him only for the affairs which concerned the government, and which could not be treated by the organ of his drogman. Mr. Cartwright, himself again, and the Dey was charged to order him to be refused admission at the gate of the palace, and at length have him turned away by a chaos.
According to an immemorial custom, at the festivals of Bayram, all the foreign consuls came in corps to the palace to salute the Dey and the grandees of the regency. A few days before, the Dey had given orders not to let in the English consul, who had the prudence not to present himself, and the customary presents, which he got shamefully delivered by a Janissary, were sent him back.
Nevertheless, this English agent, who affected the greatest haughtiness towards the agents of the other nations, and who called himself Consul of the consuls, had obtained through intrigues
The English consul at present claims 50,000 Spanish dollars for this object. But the Dey answered that he acquited that by restoring 25 Maltese slaves.
under the power of the Aga, the country-house of the unfortunate Dey Mustapha. It is a very handsome palace situate at some distance from, and to the eastward of the tower, commanding the whole road; even in Europe it would be a very remarkable monument. The Dey sent him orders to quit it. Mr. Cartwright caused several steps to be taken by a few partizans he had left, in order to avoid this new humiliation; but the Dey remained inflexible and the British agent was obliged to cause his furniture to be removed in the utmost haste. He still, however, left the pole of his flag standing; but the regency caused it to be taken down. A few days afterwards, the Dey made an offer of this country-house to the French consul, who thanked him for the favor, but alleged that he had another; the Dey, however, insisted, saying that he was determined that the charge d'affaires of the emperor of France should have a suitable residence, and sent him the keys by a chaos. The flag of his majesty the emperor and king have continued floating on it since that period.
After his return to the town, the London consul shut himself up in his house, which he did not quit for fear of being insulted by the vilest of the populace. He did not even see any of the other consuls.
Another circumstance complicated the disgrace and ended by causing Mr. Cartwright to be sent off. It deserves to be developed.
From four to five hundred Portuguese prisoners were in slavery and the Spanish consul was to be appointed to ransom them. But Mr. Cartwright, wishing to take this negotiation into his own hands, had, in conjunction with some officers, caused the dispositions of the court of Lisbon to be changed. The prisoners seeing the contempt in which the English consul was held, wished to entrust their interest to the French consul. But Mr. Cartwright's intrigues had suspended all negotiation—Thus, whilst the protection of the emperor of the French caused all French or Italian subjects to be gratuitously released, whilst even the Sardinians who had been slaves for twenty years, such as Joseph Granara, and Theresa Calderoni, by the French consul's intervention, got rid of their chains, for the fourth of the ordinary ransom; the consul of a power which calls itself the sovereign of the seas, suffered the subjects of an ally to languish in all the horrors of slavery, and even obstructed the efforts which the French consul was making to redeem them!
In short, after this affair had been delayed several months, owing to the opposition it met with from the English consul, an advice boat arrived here on the 29 th January, by which the Spanish consul learned that a Portuguese squadron consisting of two sail of the line, two frigates and a brig, were at Alicante and might be expected here every instant, in order to negotiate peace and ransom 500 slaves who were at Algiers. On the 30 th , signals were made for the Portugueses to the middle of the road, with the flag of true hoisted. The consul of Spain immediately hastened on board, but the very moment the division appeared, Mr. Cartwright sent out a small English privateer which fired first towards it. After some conversation had taken place between the captain of this privateer and the Portugueses squadron the latter tacked about.
The regency presumed that the English consul, who had for a long time been intriguing both here and at Lisbon in order to be charged with the negotiation; seeing that his attempts for the purpose were baffled, had hastened to break it off, by giving advice to the Portuguese commandant, that three of the regency's corsairs were on the point of coming into port as well as a large Portuguese merchantman richly laden taken by the rais Ahmeda. The D

considered as wholly inadmissible under any circumstances. The treaty of Amiens was to be the basis, in addition to which, our navy was to be reduced to a number of ships to be dictated by France!!!
HOUSE OF LORDS, April 21.
Colonial intercourse with North America.
Lord Holland, pursuant to his motion on a former evening, presented a bill to enable his majesty, in council, to vest certain powers in the governors of the British West-India Islands, with respect to the intercourse between the same and the U. S. of America. What he should propose, he said, was, that the bill be read a first time now, and to receive a second reading on Thursday, which he thought could not be objected to as too short a notice.
The duke of Montrose observed, he considered the subject in a very different light from that in which the noble lord seemed to view it; it merely concerned the regulation of our trade; it was no party concern; nor had any other country any thing to do with it. The subject to which the bill referred, was one of the greatest importance. The tonnage employed in that part of the carrying trade was immense, it would be found to exceed 110,000 tons, and to employ more than 6,500 seamen. In order to have these facts in proof before the house, he wished for the production of certain documents, respecting chiefly the commercial intercourse in question; at the same, he thought Thursday too early a day for the second reading of the bill. His grace concluded by moving for the production of a number of commercial documents, which were ordered to be laid before the house accordingly.
The bill presented by lord Holland, was then read a first time, and ordered to be printed.
HOUSE OF COMMONS—April 21.
SUSPENSION OF THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. Rose, pursuant to motion, rose to call the attention of the House to some papers he wished to move for, respecting the suspension of the navigation laws. He prefaced his motion with some references to the American war, when it was found a great convenience to supply the West-India Islands with provisions, from the American colonies, and the subject was investigated by the privy council, who advised that the American colonies should not be indulged with too great a freedom in that way, and that no trade should be allowed but in British ships, and by British seamen, from whence the West-India proprietors were properly supplied with provisions. In 1798, however, great inconveniences arose, from the indulgencies granted to the American traders, by relaxing the navigation laws, in consequence of which our shipping, which amounted to 937 vessels, and 6,500 men, before, were reduced to 197 ships, and 1,300 men, and the trade grew up with the Americans, to almost the total exclusion of the British. He considered the taking the responsibility out of the hands of the governors of the West-India Islands, and placing it in those of his majesty's ministers (which he understood was the intention), was a very dangerous measure, and should not be resorted to, but from the strongest and most urgent necessity. He then adverted to the exportation of rum, sugar, and other West-India produce, which he considered must be much diminished by such a measure, and concluded, by earnestly entreating the house to give the subject the most calm and attentive consideration, before any measure of this nature was adopted.
Lord Henry Petty said, he had no hesitation in declaring, that it was the intention of his majesty's ministers to change the responsibility of the governors of the West-India Islands, with respect to the suspension of the navigation laws, to themselves, and he was well convinced, the house would consider it a most beneficial change; nothing he thought more dangerous than to leave it in the discretion of a governor, whether he will or will not relax the laws on that subject, and by leaving it to that risk, and in that uncertain state, was only exposing the ship-owners and the Islands themselves to danger. The great object was to supply those Islands with provisions and subsistence. The right hon. gentleman had referred to a former government who had relaxed those laws: his Lordship highly approved of it, as from the various instances of famine and desolation, it was found highly necessary. These laws, he concluded, required a revision, which measure was strongly in the contemplation of his majesty's ministers; but in the mean time it was their wish the proposed measure should be adopted.
Lord Castlereagh differed strongly from the noble lord in taking away the discretion of the governors, whom alone he considered as the persons competent to judge of the necessity of the case; and unless the noble lord was prepared to make out that there was an absolute necessity for the suspension of these laws in time of war as well as in time of peace, the conviction on his mind was, that if the admiralty could supply a sufficient convoy, the West-India Islands would be better supplied with provisions from the mother country than from the American colonies.
Mr. Fuller said, it seemed to him, that some persons, when once they got into error, determined to keep to it. He very well knew, that upwards of 15,000 persons were starved to death in some of the West-India Islands by not relaxing these laws; and from the information he received from a most intelligent gentleman (Mr. Standish) upon the subject, he was satisfied, that unless an intercourse was kept up with the American colonies, the Islands could not be maintained. The stupid policy of some people in not buying the ankers of brandy imported into the Islands, had increased that trade, and greatly diminished the exportation of rum; and while the latter languished, the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Rose) with the assistance of his late right hon. friend Mr. Pitt, had encouraged the smuggling of foreign brandy into this country, to an extraordinary extent by which the revenue was lessened near 150,000, while the quantities of rum which were flavoured in the West-Indies, for want of shipping to bring them over, were incredible. For these reasons, he highly approved of the measure.
After some explanation by Mr. Rose, and some further general observations from Sir William Young, Mr. Barham, and Lord Temple, in favour of the measure, and Mr. Jeffery against it, the question was put and agreed to—“That there be laid before this house, an account of the number of British ships, tonnage, and men employed between the West-India Islands and the American colonies, from Jan. 1789, to Jan. 1804.
“Also, the number of foreign ships employed for the same purpose, from 1791, to 1804. Also, an account of the quantity of provisions and lumber imported in every three years, during the same period, from the colonies to the Islands, distinguishing such as were imported in British vessels, from those in foreign. Also, an account of the quantity of rum, sugar, and other West-India produce, exported from the Islands to the colonies, during the same period.”
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.
A London paper of the 21st April, received by a recent arrival at Boston, contains the following intelligence:
The letters brought by the Lisbon mail were delivered this morning. A general apprehension appears to prevail in Portugal that some attempt against the independence of that country will be made by Spain. The Emperor of the French, it was reported, had determined to annex part of the Spanish territory to his dominions, for the loss of which Spain is to be indemnified by the acquisition of a considerable part, if not the whole of Portugal. The Spanish provinces which Bonaparte is desirous of obtaining, are those of Biscay and Galicia, within which are comprised the ports of Bilbao, St. Sebastian, Ferrol, Coruna, and Vigo. When the packet left Lisbon, Spanish troops were expected there, and it was reported that all these ports were shut against neutrals. The Portuguese Government was to be transferred to the Brazils.
That Bonaparte should be anxious to possess the whole of the territories which skirt the Bay of Biscay, is natural enough, and, fatal as such an arrangement may prove to Spain, we fear there is neither energy nor disposition in her government to resist it. We are sure that if Biscay and Galicia are surrendered to France, the Spanish monarchy will not out-live their formal occupation half a year; or, if it should, the authority of the king will not be greater in his capitol, than that actually enjoyed by the Pope at Rome.
West-Indies.
NEW-YORK, June 9.
MASSACRE AT CAPE-FRANCOIS.
We learn from captain Dodge, of the Schooner Mary-Ann, who arrived here yesterday, in 16 days from Cape-Francois, that on the 14th and 15th of May, a general massacre of all the remaining white inhabitants at Cape-Francois took place, and it was said, generally, throughout that part of this ill-fated island under the dominion of Dessalines. The particulars of this tragical event are briefly these:
Some time previous to the 14th of May, the greater part of the white French inhabitants of Cape-Francois, were ordered under some pretence to a fort about 3 leagues from the town, and there confined. On the night of the 14th, the residue of these unfortunate people, amounting to about 150, were strangled in their beds, by order of the emperor; the blood-thirsty villains, not content with this, plunged their bayonets in their bodies—mangling them in a horrid manner. They then plundered the houses of those unfortunate people, who had thus fallen victims to the avarice and cruelty of the black emperor. On the 15th, it was reported at the Cape, that those of the inhabitants who had been sent to the fort, had been put to death in the most cruel manner, and their dead bodies treated with the greatest dignity.
Domestic Intelligence.
BOSTON, June 6.
IN SENATE, June 2. The Hon. John Bacon, was elected President of the Senate, by 20 votes out of 39; 20 votes making a choice.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
ATTORNEY GENERAL.
TUESDAY, June 3.—Mr. Parsons, of Chesterfield, observed, that the Legislature was the guardian of the monies of the commonwealth; and that the laws had entrusted certain officers with the collection of those monies—it was, therefore, of importance that the legislature should know if those officers had been faithful to their trust; and when there were suspicions of default in any, that an investigation should be had. Indeed, it was the right of those officers to claim such investigation; that their innocence, if they were innocent, should be established. The Attorney-General, he added, was invested by law with the collection of certain monies; and there were reports in circulation, which had been publicly made, that he had not accounted for all those monies to the Treasurer of the state. He therefore would move,
That a committee be appointed to inquire what fees have been received by the Attorney-General of this commonwealth, upon bills of costs, taxed in criminal prosecutions in the several counties, and whether any account has been rendered thereof, or any allowance, or deduction made therefor, in the salary paid to that officer, according to law.
This motion was seconded by Mr. Upham, and advocated by the mover, Messrs. Upham, Slocum, Sprague, Thatcher, King and Bacon; and opposed by Mr. Hobart. It passed nearly unanimously, and Messrs. Parsons of Chesterfield, King, Danforth, of Pittsfield, Upham, Bacon, Livermore, and Story, were appointed the committee.
On the Election of a Governor.
June 6.
Yesterday the committee appointed to examine the returns of votes for Governor and Lt. Governor, made the following report to the Senate:
The committee of both Houses, appointed to examine the returns of the votes from the several Towns, Districts and Plantations in this Commonwealth, for Governor and Lieutenant Governor,
REPORT,
That they have carefully examined all the returns of votes from the several Towns, Districts and Plantations in this commonwealth, after revising and correcting a schedule herewith reported, entitled, “Votes for Governor and Lieutenant Governor, 27th Election, 1806,” they find the whole number of votes contained therein for Governor to be, seventy-five thousand two hundred and seventeen; and the whole number of votes for Lieutenant Governor to be, seventy-three thousand five hundred and nineteen.
Your committee report, that a number of said returns appear to have been altered, either in the words or figures which give the number of votes, set against the name of each person—Nevertheless there is no reason to believe that said returns have been fraudulently altered; and they report as their opinion, that they ought to remain on said schedule.
And your committee further report, that there is a return from the town of Sturbridge, in the county of Worcester; and a return from the town of Provincetown, in the county of Barnstable; and a return from the town of Amesbury, in the county of Essex; and returns from the towns of Pittstown, New Sharon, Rome, Athens, and Harmony, in the county of Kennebec; and a return from Ellsworth, in the county of Hancock; and a return from Addison, in the county of Washington; and a return from Brookline, in the county of Norfolk; and a return from Edgartown, in Duke's County; which do not appear to be signed by any Town Clerk.
And your committee report, That said lists, so returned, as aforesaid, are insufficient, and ought to be deducted from said schedule.
And your committee further report, That in the town of Ilshboro', in the county of Hancock, there were given twelve votes for Caleb Strong, as Governor;
And that in the plantation of Davistown, in the county of Hancock, there were given thirty votes for Caleb Strong, as Governor.—As by the said list may more fully appear; which votes were upon said schedule, set against the name of His Excellency Caleb Strong; which ought to be taken from that column, and placed in two separate columns, so as to be counted with the scattering votes.
And that in the town of Lynn, in the county of Essex, there were given three hundred and fifty-seven votes, for James Sullivan, as Governor.
And that in the town of Otisfield, in the county of Cumberland, there were given twenty-seven votes for James Sullivan, as Governor, as by the said lists may more fully appear.
Which votes were set against the name of the Hon. James Sullivan, Esq.; both which numbers ought to be taken from his column and placed in separate columns, and counted with other scattering votes.
That in the return of votes from the town of Belfast, in the county of Hancock, it is certified, that there were four votes given for Governor, as “scattering,” and four votes for Lieutenant Governor as “scattering,” which are not entered on said schedule, but which ought to be entered in a separate column, under the title of “scattering;” and that in the return of votes from the town of Plympton, in the county of Plymouth, it is certified, that there were three votes given for Lieutenant Governor, as “scattering,” which are not entered on said schedule but which ought to be entered in a separate column under the title of “scattering.”
And your committee further report, That there is among said returns a list from the town of Parsonsfield, in the county of York, on the margin of which is written the words following, to wit: “N. B. by reason of the Town Clerk being sick, this was not sealed up in the meeting;” but the committee are of opinion, that the words aforesaid are not in the hand writing of either of the select men or Town Clerk of Parsonsfield, and is no part of said return, but an interpolation thereon, and that the said list ought not to remain on said schedule.
And your committee further report, That it does not appear from the return or list sent from the town of Paxton, in the county of Worcester, when the meeting at which said list was made, was holden, nor is there any date upon said paper, from whence it can be inferred when said meeting was holden, your committee therefore report, That the said list ought to be rejected for the uncertainty thereof; and they further report, that it does not appear from the return or list of the town of Berwick, in the county of York, when the meetings, at which the said list was made, was holden, and ought, for that reason, to be rejected from said schedule.
And they further report, That there are two papers purporting to be lists or returns, both of which are made and returned by the same select men and same Town Clerk, from the town of New-Bedford, in the county of Bristol, and as the said lists contain different candidates who were voted for as Governor, and it cannot, from said lists, be certainly known which is the true or which is the false list, the same ought, for the uncertainty aforesaid to be rejected from said schedule.
And your committee further report, That there are among said lists or returns, two papers, purporting to be returns or lists from the town of Troy, in the county of Bristol, made and returned by two different sets of Selectmen & Town Clerks; and your committee report, that the list or return made and returned by Jonathan Brownell, Abraham Bowen, and Elijah Blossom, Jun. Selectmen of Troy, and Benjamin Brightman, Town Clerk, is the return from the town of Troy, and ought to be added to said schedule.
And your committee report, That when said schedule shall be rectified and amended as aforesaid, the whole number of votes for Governor will be 73410, and that 36706 will be necessary to make a choice. That no person has a majority of votes for Governor.
That His Excellency Caleb Strong, Esq., who had 36692; the Hon. James Sullivan, Esq., who had 36031; J. Sullivan, Esq., who had 357 votes; and the Hon. William Heath, Esq., who had 85 votes are the four persons who had the highest number of votes, are the candidates for the office of Governor.
And your committee report, That when said schedule shall be rectified & amended as aforesaid, the whole number of votes for Lieutenant Governor, will then be seventy-one thousand eight hundred and seven. Necessary to make a choice—thirty-five thousand nine hundred and four.
That the Hon. William Heath has thirty-six thousand eight hundred and eighty, for Lieutenant Governor, and is chosen.
Lastly your committee state that they have considered the petitions and remonstrances from the several towns of Canton and Medfield, in the county of Norfolk; Topsham, in the county of Lincoln; Plymouth, in the county of Plymouth; Alfred in the county of York; Barnstable, in the county of Barnstable; and of New-Bedford, in the county of Bristol; which were committed to them, with the several documents which accompanied the same, and your committee report, that it is inexpedient for the Legislature to take any further order thereon.
The report being read, Mr. Titcomb, chairman of the committee, observed, that he considered the third letter in the surname of the 12 votes from Ilshboro', a blotted r, and the name was Strong.
Mr. Otis rose and observed, that investigation was necessary for the members of the Senate to determine for themselves the correctness of the facts and deductions; and moved that 4 o'clock should be assigned for the consideration of the report.
Mr. Dana moved, that the consideration should be commenced, and such parts only postponed as gentlemen should say they wished for further light upon. Mr. Howe was in favor of this motion. But it was replied, that without examination it was difficult to know what to oppose and what to admit. Mr. Hill was in favor of proceeding with the discussion.
Mr. Phillips said, as the question was, whether the Legislature should choose a Governor, or confirm the choice of the people—it was proper that the legislators should proceed with caution and delicacy, in ascertaining that this was a case in which that power devolved upon them.—He moved, that to-morrow, [this day,] 10 o'clock, be assigned for taking up the report. Negatived—Yeas 19, nays 20.
A motion for 5 o'clock yesterday afternoon, was then put, and carried—Yeas 21, nays 18. Mr. Smith moved that the returns should be returned to the custody of the committee; but this motion was superceded by a motion
that they should be placed in the hands of the clerk for the inspection of the members.
AFTERNOON.
The Senate met at 5 o'clock, and took into consideration the report of the committee on the votes for Governor.
Mr. Howe moved the acceptance of the report. Mr. Otis moved it should be read in portions, and the President proceeded to read it accordingly.
When the part which relates to the votes of Ilshborough was read, Mr. Gore moved, that the votes of Caleb Strong (or Caleb Strong, as he was convinced it was) should be taken from the scattered votes and placed in the column for Caleb Strong. On this question the yeas were 19, nays 20. All the federal members voting in the affirmative, and all the democratic members in the negative. A similar vote was taken on the votes of Davistown for Caleb Strong, and decided by the same votes.
Previous to these questions being taken, Mr. Titcomb read a list of thirty-one instances, wherein Mr. Sullivan's name was variously misspelt, and yet the votes were placed in the column under the name of that gentleman. The number of votes in these cases were 1910.
Mr. Otis then remarked, that as gentlemen appeared willing to reject returns for an incorrectness of a letter in spelling, he moved that the votes of the plantation of Davistown, should be altogether rejected, they being returned for “Davistown in the county of Hacoek” and there being no county of that name. Negatived—19—20.
When the paragraph respecting Belfast was read, Mr. Bliss moved, that the “scattered” votes should be rejected. Negatived—19—20. Mr. Phillips moved that the votes for James Sullivan in Lynn, should be placed in Mr. Sullivan's column. Negatived—19—20.
Mr. Otis moved that the return from Parsonsfield should be rejected, it appearing on the face thereof not to have been sealed up according to the constitution.
This motion was superceded by a motion to adjourn, which was carried, and the Senate adjourned about 9 o'clock, after several motions to adjourn previously made had been unsuccessful. The report will be resumed this morning.
BOSTON, June 2.
Late letters from London, state, that in consequence of the severe measures which France has adopted to prevent the importation in neutral as well as other bottoms, of English goods in the North as well as South of Europe, it was conjectured the new British Administration would be necessitated, from self-preservation, to declare every port, from Venice, in the Adriatic, to Hamburg, &c. in a state of blockade; to cover the seas with cruisers, and to take measures to prevent the supply of a single pound of coffee, sugar, cotton, &c. to any of the dominions under the power or influence of France. This measure, it is said, will be very rigidly executed—and will unquestionably be justified by those who justify the French measure. Mr. Munroe had been officially notified of the blockade of the Ems, Weser, Elbe and Trave. A great number of neutral vessels, bound to and from the ports under the French rule, among which are twenty-five Americans, have recently been sent into England—Some of whom, however, had been released. Gazette.
Capt. Mantor, arrived at Boston from Mar-quees, in lat. 42, long. 64, was boarded from the Leander, Capt. Whitty, and treated with great politeness. Whitty shewed him the President's late proclamation, and expressed his regret at the unfortunate occasion of it, and said the accident was wholly unintentional.
MIRANDA.
NEW-YORK, June 7.—We learn by captain Fitzgerald, in 20 days from Santa Domingo, that a Spanish schooner had just arrived there from Laguira, on her passage had been boarded by two Spanish government brigs, which had been dispatched, (after the capture of Miranda's two schooners) in pursuit of the Leander. The above schooner had two men pressed by one of the brigs, by which means this information was received. There now no longer remains a doubt about the capture of the two schooners which Miranda chartered at Jacques-mel, to further his designs against the Spaniards. As to the news of the execution of the crews of the schooners, we have only to observe, that it may be true; but it rests on mere report at Currao, which report may have no other origin than conjecture.
The expedition of General Miranda, has thus far, proved unfavourable; but, after the loss of part of his force, and finding it unsafe to remain in the midst of danger, the probability is, that he has shaped his course for Trinidad, to solicit the co-operation of the British.
While we are on the subject of General Miranda's expedition, we shall notice another article of intelligence which has just come to our knowledge—it is, that on his arrival off Barcelona, he wrote a letter to his brother on shore, advising him of his intention, and requesting him, his mother, and sister, to retire into the interior, and to take with them the most valuable of their property. Miranda's brother was alarmed, and left he should be suspected of being concerned in the enterprise or favouring the views of his brother, he hastened to the Governor General at Carracas with the letter. An immediate alarm was excited, and vessels were dispatched in pursuit of Miranda. The capture of his two fchrs. was the result.
We also learn, that after the engagement, the Leander kept two days off Bonaire, repaired her rigging, and put to sea: since which she has not been heard off.
We learn verbally, that the two Spaniards who went out with Miranda, as soon as the two fchrs struck their colours, jumped into the sea, and were drowned.
June 9.
In a Kingston paper of the 10th May, received by the ship Emerald, Murdock, from Jamaica, we find the following interesting article:
KINGSTON, May 10.
Arrived, his majesty's ship Echo, captain Middle, from Aruba. The Echo failed from Aruba, with the expedition under general Miranda, but parted from the Leander on the same evening, in a squall, and fell to leeward of Curacoa the therefore returned to Aruba, and took in a cargo of mules, for Kingston.
A vessel arrived at Aruba on the 3d inst. and brought intelligence, that general Miranda had effected a landing at Porto-Cavello; where the garrison, after discharging a few guns loaded with sand, opened the gates of the city, and received him; also, that Carracas was ready to yield in the same way, to which province he had proceeded; and that the Leander, after debarking the general and staff, and 150 soldiers, had returned on the 30th ult. to Bonaire.
The force under the duke of Kent, mentioned some time since, as being expected in the West-Indies, is reported to be destined against Carracas; and it is supposed, with good reason, that Miranda's expedition was fitted out under the auspices of G. B.
“The Leander, we understand, had 7000 stand of arms, and 500 barrels of gun-powder on board.”
TOO IMPORTANT!
The following extract of a letter from cant. Dawson, of the ship Olive, dated Laguira, May 4, confirms the news of the capture of general Miranda's two schooners, and gives other particulars not heretofore received; and which, coming from a respectable source, are inclined to believe is correct. The letter was received yesterday by the fchrs. William, in 18 days from St. Thomas.
The Extra.
“General Miranda has made a great deal of noise at this place. A few days ago a man of war, brig and schooner was sent in pursuit of them. The day after they left this place, they fell in with the Leander and two schooners, &c., after a short action, they captured the schooners. The Leander made sail and got off. The schooners have arrived at Porto Cavello. Young Smith is on board one of the schooners—he, and eight of the principal officers are ordered up to Carracas.”
The Olive was to sail for New-York in 10 days after the date of captain Dawson's letter, and may be hourly expected. N. Y. Gaz.
The Hon. George Berkeley, Vice-Admiral of the White Squadron, is appointed to the Chief command on the Halifax station, vice Admiral Mitchell, deceased.
PHILADELPHIA, June 5.
If reliance is to be placed on the communication, which was made by the President to Congress, towards the close of the last session, purporting
“That the Tunisian Ambassador had demanded tribute from the United States, and had declared his master, would make war against us—and that the demand having been refused, the Ambassador had decided to depart from the United States.” The following official article, which we translate from a Paris paper of the 9th April, received at the office of the Register, must excite apprehension for the safety of our commerce in the Mediterranean, and ought to put our merchants on their guard.
The affecation of a descent by the Tunisians on the Italian coast (all of which is now comprehended within the dominion of France) can only be a feint, or ruse de guerre, which may give certainty to the blow that is aimed against the American commerce. Phil. Reg.
From the Paris Journal de Commerce, April 9. “GENOA, March 22. The Chamber of Commerce has been charged by order of his serene highness the Arch-Treasurer, to announce that the Regency of Tunis is preparing a considerable armament to effect a landing on some part of the coast of Italy. The armament consists of a frigate, a sloop of war, two brigs and two galleys, with troops on board.”
“The chamber of commerce believes it useful to give this information, particularly to the Neapolitan vessels now at Genoa, as the Regency has not yet recognized the Captains, who command vessels sailing under the flag of Naples, as French subjects.”
INTERESTING PAMPHLET.
We have been favoured with the loan of a valuable English production entitled “An Inquiry into the state of the Nation, at the commencement of the present administration.” Its author is avowedly hostile to the policy of the late British minister, particularly with regard to the continental alliance.—Under this head he proceeds, in a copious and perspicuous manner, to trace back to its cause, the unfortunate failure of the “third Coalition.” The facts and arguments which he produces, evince that he has had ample access to the highest sources of political information; and that he has viewed, with a clear and steady eye, the operating causes of the present calamitous situation of all Europe.
So far back as 1803, the courts of Vienna and Petersburg, had yielded to the influence of British representations, and determined on hostility to France, but as the author indignantly remarks, “by a confirmation of headlong impatience, the execution of the enterprise was attempted before time was given to obtain a definitive answer from Prussia, whether favourable or adverse to the views of the league. What shall we say, then, if it appears, that far from waiting until Prussia had become favorably disposed, the allies did not even suspend their measures until they had given a positive answer; that far from waiting to ascertain whether Prussia meant to join them, or remain neutral, they rushed into the war, before they knew whether she was to remain neutral, or to take part with France!”
But that part of the present work which most interests this country, is that which treats of the relations of England with the few powers which have preferred a British neutrality, particularly with the United States.—“the chief” adds the writer, “indeed the only considerable nation of this description.” The doctrine of the British in relation to neutral trade is here discussed, not so much on the point of propriety and right, as to its policy.—As we mean to lay before our readers, the whole of the article on this subject, we shall at present forbear making any extracts from it. The pamphlet next treats of the right assumed by the British of searching all American vessels at sea, and impressing the British seamen found in them. This right, he contends, does not belong to us, nor can it with justice be exercised by the nation. “Do we mean then,” exclaims he, “to deny to our sailors alone, of all classes of the people, a right to leave the country, and seek employment in the territories of friendly powers? It is hurtful to the commerce of the country, that artisans should go to America and Russia, and we have various laws on our statute book, the fruits of a mistaken policy, framed with a view of preventing such an emigration. But no one can propose, at the present day, to extend such prohibitions, and still less was it ever in contemplation to reclaim the artisans who had actually gone away and settled in foreign countries.—A fairer working in an American ship, is only in the predilection of a farmer cultivating an American plantation; and the fear of the ship for the purpose of seizing the sailor, would be an act of as violent aggression, as the search of the country for the seizure of the farmer. The only difference between the cases is, that we happen to have the power in the former, and not in the latter.”—On this subject we shall hereafter give this article also at full length.
The general contents of this pamphlet cannot fail of interesting the American reader. From the drift of its reasoning, we are led to make this single, but to us important inference, that being the production of a pen evidently in the service of the present English cabinet, the public will be enabled, by a perusal of its contents, to judge of the views and disposition of that ministry towards this country; and we are happy to say, from a hasty glance at its pages, that it breaks no sentiments towards us but those of conciliation and perfect good will. Phil. Gaz.
LOUISVILLE, (K.) May 14.
On Monday two of the United States Gun-Boats, built at Columbia, passed safely over the Falls.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF BLANKS, FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.

Oration,
PRONOUNCED AT THE FUNERAL OF George Wythe.
[CONCLUDED.]
Such then, were the public virtues of this great man. His private virtues were not less exemplary. Among the most conspicuous of these were his integrity and disinterestedness. Undoubtedly, no man, not even the best of the worthies of ancient Greece and Rome, ever carried those virtues to a greater height than he did. Plain in his manners, strictly temperate in his life, and regardless of all profits except such as were made with honour and a good conscience, he furnished an example in the vigor of his youth (as I have been told by some whom I am happy to see here present) of a truly honest and upright lawyer, a character supposed by many (though I hope erroneously) to be very uncommon. No consideration could ever induce him to swerve from the strict line of integrity, to violate justice, or the laws of his country. With the spirit of a philosopher he lived a lawyer, and was indeed the brightest ornament of the bar.
With these virtues of a stern and rigid cast, it should moreover be known, that this laborious student, this man of undeviating integrity, this firm and inflexible republican, possessed a heart overflowing with the milk of human kindness. A kinder never throbb'd in the bosom of a human being. His soul was the seat of benevolence and sensibility. From this most amiable turn of mind proceeded his ever active charity and liberality, the gentleness and mildness of his temper, which was seldom irritated but by his zeal for his country's good, his modest and unassuming deportment, and unwillingness to give pain to any mortal. His charity extended to every human being, however low & humble his station; for he, emphatically, was always striving to do good. Let the officers of his court, the gentlemen who had the pleasure of pleading, and those who had causes depending, before him, let all who were educated by him, and indeed all who knew him, bear witness to the sweetness of his temper, his benevolence and kind deportment. His unwillingness to give trouble and pain was apparent almost in his last agonies—"Oh gentlemen!" said he, scarce audibly, "you are very good—I am sorry you take so much trouble—but all will be in vain!"
It may be said indeed that in one deplorable instance, (which I strike me with horror even to mention,) his benevolence was placed on an unworthy object, and repaid with black ingratitude. But let not the selfish man deduce from this dreadful event an argument against the indulgence of charity, nor let the good man be discouraged. As no human being can be perfect, it is true, perhaps, that the mildness and goodness of Mr. Wythe was sometimes carried too far. But if he had any fault, it was that of excessive goodness, which injured himself alone. Injured did I say? No; whatever may have been the cause of his death, and I tremble to think of its probable cause, he is not really injured. He is only relieved from the infirmities of mortality a little sooner; and although he may be a proof of the truth of the saying,
How oft alas! does goodness wound itself, And sweet affection prove the source of woe?
yet the multitude of friends who sincerely mourn his death, and the affection of all his former pupils for his memory, prove that he did not die in vain, but has indeed his reward. This then, fellow-citizens, is the true character of the man, whose death we lament, of him who now sleeps in that coffin, a lifeless lump of clay. But no—he is not there! The good, the kind, the generous, the noble-minded George Wythe is not there. His mortal body, I admit, is before us. But the real man, the divine and immortal soul is far away, perhaps above the stars themselves, enjoying everlasting bliss in the presence of that God, on whom he called as his hope and refuge, in the last agonies of expiring nature.
Here permit me to correct a mistaken opinion, which has gone abroad concerning this excellent man. I think it particularly important to state that he was a christian. He communicated to me himself, a year or two before his death, his full conviction of the truth of the christian religion, and, on his death-bed, often prayed to Jesus Christ his Saviour for relief. But death he did not dread, expressing only a wish to lay down his life with ease, observing, that, alas! it was a pity it should be so hard for a man to die!
I will now conclude with exhorting every person present, and particularly the younger part of my audience to imitate the example of the virtues of that man whom I have endeavoured to portray. True it is, that all who now hear me, cannot expect to attain the honors and dignified stations which he enjoyed and adorned. But it is in the power of all to emulate him in his industry and application to study, in his integrity, plainness and purity of manners, and in his patriotism and republican principles. Let me entreat you to consider that it is not by the love of money, by happiness and pride, by pomp and luxury, that the liberties of the people are to be preserved. If you with the Temple of Freedom, that glorious structure erected in America, to remain unimpaired a thousand years hence, it is incumbent upon you to live as republicans ought, free from vice and profusion, ever firm and inflexible, and never deviating from the course of rectitude. If you admire the character of the illustrious George Wythe, strive to make that character your own.
Your reward will be, in the first place, the approbation of your own consciences, the best and most valuable reward of virtue in this world, far more precious than the applause of a crowd, which often is bestowed on the undeserving. This was the approbation which the honest republican Wythe valued above every other, and this we may all obtain, if we sincerely desire it. Your reward in the next place will be the applause of all good men, that applause which the patriot George Wythe obtained. Such are the charms of true virtue that bad men admire it against their own inclinations; and good men never fail to love it, even in those who differ from them in opinion. Thus, you see that federalists and republicans, friends and foes in politics, all unite in sincerely mourning the loss of the firm, the sincere, the virtuous republican George Wythe, all being convinced that his intentions were upright, although in some things he differed with themselves.
Your last and best reward will be happiness after death. In this world, our portion of happiness is but small. The best men are often afflicted like the worst. They have to weep with agonized hearts for the loss of those they love most dearly, as we do now; and some-
times, as was the case of our unfortunate friend, they feel the stroke of death embittered by the sharp and venomous sting of ingratitude. But they have their consolation. They repose their hopes in the bosom of their God, and look to the place he has prepared as their permanent abode. Such was the comfort, which smoothed the bed of death to our departed friend.
He always believed in a future and a better state, which alone can afford to good men their just retribution; and I trust is himself at this moment in that happier world, where "the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." If his blessed spirit, exalted above the cares and pains of mortality, could now render us any services, I would invoke it, and call upon him to infuse into our hearts, at least a portion of his virtues. But to him it would not be proper for us to make our application. To the Almighty Creator only, to that God who made him all that he was, our requests should be directed. And that he may, in his mercy teach us properly to estimate, and draw the most useful instruction from the great example which is now set before us, is my most sincere and fervent prayer.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. ON THE DOCTRINE OF CONTEMPTS.
There is nothing more abhorrent to the feelings of a republican people, & there cannot exist a more abundant source of oppression than the uncertainty of penal laws. In our state, crimes are for the most part accurately defined, and the corresponding punishments clearly pointed out, so that in most instances it is almost impossible for any man to offend against the laws without knowing that he is guilty of a certain crime, and is liable to a certain punishment. The doctrine of contempt committed against courts of justice, forms perhaps a solitary exception to this honorable and excellent provision in our criminal code. We are obliged to peruse the volumes of the common law of England not only to ascertain in what the crime of "contempt" consists, but also to find out what punishment is annexed to it, and the no less important circumstance of the manner in which the punishment shall be inflicted. Indeed after the most attentive perusal of those volumes, we shall still be puzzled to ascertain the extent of the crime, because there is a discretion vested in the courts on this subject which places certainty beyond our utmost reach. That discretion is in my humble judgment repugnant to republican principles, and in less auspicious times may be easily converted into an engine of great oppression.
By referring to the commentaries on the laws of England, we find that the contempts which are punishable by the superior courts of justice there, are either direct or consequential, and it is astonishing to observe how many acts are considered as coming within that crime. Perhaps many of the instances which are recited ought in fact to call down the vengeance of the law; but when we recollect that those who are guilty of contempts are to be punished in their persons and their fortunes, in a summary manner, without the intervention of a jury, by a court who are most commonly interested, and who can hardly be removed from office even for the grossest misconduct, we may surely pause and ask, can there be safety whilst such laws exist. Let us take a short view of the various acts which are punishable in a summary way, and are considered as coming under the description of contempt.
1st: When Judges and Magistrates of inferior courts act unjustly, oppressively or irregularly in the discharge of the duties of their office, or when they proceed in a cause which they are directed by a superior court not to proceed in, they are considered in all these cases as being guilty of a contempt. Under this regulation, a complete mastery is given to the superior courts over the inferior, not only for the purpose of reversing their judgments, but of punishing them for injustice, oppression, and irregularity, and those superior courts have the complete discretion to say what shall be considered as unjust, oppressive, or irregular. Under this regulation a respectable magistrate who may have discharged the duties of his office with fidelity, may under a charge of disobedience to a writ proceeding from a superior court, or of irregular conduct, be dragged before that very court, and without being allowed to defend himself before his peers, be fined and imprisoned according to no measure but that of the judge's discretion. The common law of England is the law of Virginia, and I presume that our superior courts consider themselves as having the same authority over our inferior magistrates, that the court of king's bench has over the subordinate jurisdictions in England. In this state there are upwards of a thousand magistrates. Is this numerous and respectable class of citizens willing that they should be subject to the discretion, or more properly speaking the whim and caprice of a few judges, however wise, and virtuous they may be? Can any reason be possibly assigned why a magistrate should be deprived of the benefit of a trial by jury, even when he is guilty of oppression? Besides the question necessarily occurs, "quis custodiet ipsos custodes?" If by this short and summary method the inferior judges are to be punished for a violation of law, who shall punish the superior magistrates when they shall equally offend? They will sometimes act irregularly, unjustly, or oppressively, and in such cases would deserve punishment in a summary manner as the inferior judges. Let the justices who constitute a considerable portion of our legislature look to this subject, while yet they have the power.
2d: When bailiffs, gaolers, sheriffs and other officers of the court abuse the process of the law, or deceive the parties by any acts of oppression, extortion, collusive behaviour, or culpable neglect of duty, they are considered as guilty of contempt, and are punishable in the same way. In this instance also, I conceive the power of the courts is considerable. A jury must be infinitely better calculated to judge of these criminal acts, and of the punishment proper to be annexed to them than the court.
3rd: Attorneys and solicitors who are guilty of fraud and corruption, injustice to their clients, or other dishonest practices, I see no reason why they should not have the benefit of the trial by jury. Indeed the law of Virginia seems to have altered the common law in this respect. By our statute law, the counsel who practise in the court of appeals, court of chancery, general or district courts, are liable to have their license suspended or vacated for mal-practices, either in those courts or the inferior ones; but the process against them is not summary, for the party accused is to be summoned to show cause why an information should not be filed against him, and when the information is filed, a jury is empanelled to ascertain his guilt.
4th: Jurymen who make default when summoned, who refuse to be sworn, or to give any verdict, who eat or drink without leave of the court, or at the expense of either party, &c.
5th: Witnesses who make default when summoned, who refuse to be sworn or examined, or pervert in their evidence when sworn; are deemed to be guilty of contempt.
In these two last cases, the legislature seem to have been aware of the danger of trusting too
much to the discretion of the courts, and they have for that reason in each instance either specified the sum in which the perion offering the contempt shall be fined, or limited it to a certain sum which the court cannot exceed.
6th: There are contempts also offered to courts, by parties to a suit, as by disobedience to any order, or rule of court made during the pendency of a suit, &c. But the attachments which are issued, in consequence of contempts of this sort, are considered rather as civil executions for the benefit of the party, than as a criminal prosecution.
7th: The last species of contempt is that which may be offered by every person, and is fraught with most danger to the citizen on account of the great discretion given to the judge, and the undefined nature of the crime. Some of these contempts may arise in the face of the court, as by rude and contumelious behaviour, by obstinacy, perverseness or prevarication, by breach of the peace, or wilful disturbances. Others may happen in the absence of the party, as by disobeying, or treating with disrespect the writs, or the rules, or the process of the court; by perverting such writ to the purposes of private malice, extortion or injustice; by speaking acting in their judicial capacity; by printing false accounts or even true ones, without proper permission, of causes then depending in judgment, or by any act which demonstrates a gross want of regard and respect for courts of justice.
It is certainly proper that courts of justice should be vested with the power of preventing any disturbance, or any act from being done whilst in session which has a tendency to interrupt the important business which it may have to transact, but would not this object be secured by authorizing the courts to deliver the party to the custody of the sheriff, there to remain until the end of the court, or for a certain number of days, as completely, as by authorizing them to inflict a rigorous fine, and a more lengthened imprisonment? The power of the legislature, over those who interrupt their proceedings, I believe, extends no farther, and to every religious man it may seem as important that an assembly collected for the purpose of worshipping their creator, should have as complete a power to preserve order, and punish contempt against them, as a court of justice. By seriously disturbing a religious assembly, he may be guilty under restraint by any magistrate during religious worship, and bound to appear at the next court, where he may be punished with fine and imprisonment to be assessed by a jury. Where is the impropriety, or the danger to the good order of society, in measuring the same justice to a judge as to a preacher of the gospel?
The power however which is entrusted to the courts of punishing contempts offered in the absence of the party, is much more objectionable. If a man speaks or writes contemptuously of judges acting in their official capacity, or if he publishes even true accounts of depending causes without authority, he is liable to be fined and imprisoned by the very court of whom he thus speaks, or writes contemptuously, or whose proceedings he announces to the world. Nay, farther, if he does any thing which in their opinion amounts to a want of respect and regard to them, he equally comes under their lash. Such a power as this, is monstrous and unwarrantable. It may be necessary for a court of Star-chamber, which requires that its despotic proceedings should not be exposed to the light of day, and that not even a murmur of discontent should be heard, but surely it is an useless encumbrance for courts who are bound to administer with impartiality salutary laws to a free people. If such a law is suffered to remain in our code, in vain may we boast that our constitution secures the freedom of speech and of the press; in vain does it establish the responsibility of public servants; in vain does it establish Tribunals for the impartial administration of justice: all of these sacred principles are sacrificed to the ruthless spirit of the common law. Are not the decisions of judges as proper subjects of animadversion and censure, as the laws made by our legislatures? If so, how does it come to pass that it is criminal to speak contemptuously of judges when acting in their official capacity, and not criminal to speak of legislators when acting in their legislative capacity with equal contempt and acrimony? Judges are removable even for misbehaviour, yet it ought not to be forgotten that they are considered as amenable to the people for their judicial acts. As such, their motives may be arraigned and their proceedings scrutinized with as much freedom and curiosity as those of other responsible agents. Let us suppose a case to be brought before a court which is of great public moment and which has excited great public curiosity. The court delivers an opinion, or acts in a manner that offends disinterested spectators. In a moment of honest indignation one of them declares that the opinion delivered by the court is contrary to law, and repugnant to the constitution, & that the court must be either foolish or wicked. He delivers his sentiments freely, not in the view of the court, but to a circle of acquaintances; he does not attempt to interrupt the business of the court nor to intimidate it. Ought he to be considered as criminal? Every freeman will pronounce him innocent, but yet the common law pronounces him guilty, and drags him before the very tribunal whose acts he censures. That tribunal is party and judge; it decrees his punishment. But I may be told that the common law on this subject is repugnant to the constitution and therefore void. This may be true, but who are to decide on the unconstitutionality and invalidity of this law? The judges; & those very men who (as to this subject) are called on to decide their own causes, are relied on to declare a law void which attaches to their character a degree of infamy, which belongs to no other class of men. Is it not strange that so much confidence should be reposed in any set of men? Is it not singular that some modification should not be attempted to be made of a law which jeopardizes the liberty of the people, and places them at the mercy of twenty four superiors, and one hundred inferiors?
The process directed by law to be used in cases of contempt, is perhaps as objectionable as the nature of the crime and the mode of punishment. An attachment is issued against the party and he is compelled to answer on oath the interrogatories propounded to him. If he refuses to answer, he is guilty of a high contempt. How variant is this mode of proceeding from that generally adopted in criminal proceedings? That no one shall be compelled to condemn himself is a principle engrafted on our code; a witness, in delivering his testimony is not obliged to answer a question which tends to criminate himself, and yet when any reproach or censure is thrown against this favored branch of government, or any of its officers, the ordinary rules of evidence are prostrated, and the party accused is obliged to condemn or acquit himself. If this law should ever be generally enforced, we may expect not only many oppressive acts, but that perjuries will be greatly multiplied.
This law has been more rigidly enforced in Pennsylvania, than perhaps in any other state. We have all heard of the fate of Passmore, who
was fined and imprisoned for some contemptuous expressions written not against the judges or their officers, but against his adversary in a law suit. I presume that the judges tortured these expressions into a want of respect and regard for the court. The punishment seems to have been so wanton and oppressive, that if the good people of Pennsylvania had each man placed himself in the situation of Passmore, the judges would surely have been displaced, or the law which gave them such unwarrantable power entirely repealed. I believe that few instances have occurred in Virginia, in which the doctrine of contempt has been completely carried into effect; but it is not to be expected that our judges should always be moderate in the exercise of the discretion which is given to them. In the course of the month of April last, I witnessed an instance in which a district court punished an individual for a contempt. The contempt in that case partly consisted of expressions disapproving of the conduct of the court, in giving a direction to the jury, which was thought by some persons to be illegal, and partly by rude and indecorous language used towards one of the court after they had adjourned. The person accused was not, however, punished by imprisonment; he was bound over to his good behaviour for twelve months, and a pecuniary fine was assessed by the court without the aid of a jury. On that occasion the common law doctrine of contempt was, I believe, recognized by the court as the law of Virginia, and although the process of attachment was not used, nor the party compelled to answer interrogatories on oath; yet it is sufficient to shew that the freedom of the citizen does not rest on a firm foundation, until a law shall pass defining the crime of contempt, prescribing its punishment, and regulating the mode by which it shall be inflicted.
A CITIZEN.
COMMUNICATION.
In a report in the National Intelligencer of the last day's proceedings of the House of Representatives, abounding in misrepresentations, an insinuation is thrown out, in a note to Mr. T. M. Randolph's last observation, that Mr. J. Randolph, or some person authorized by him, had disavowed on his part any intention to wound the feelings of Mr. T. M. Randolph. This is utterly untrue. No member of the House of Representatives could have been more adorned than Mr. J. Randolph was at the very extraordinary spectacle exhibited on that night by Mr. T. M. Randolph and nothing short of a specific declaration to that effect could have induced Mr. J. Randolph to believe that Mr. T. M. Randolph's remarks were addressed to him. Accordingly, at his request, his friend Mr. Garnett waited on Mr. T. M. R. and required to be informed whether those observations were intended for his principal. Mr. T. M. R. replied, that unless he had supposed some of Mr. John R.'s expressions pointed particularly at him, he should have thought himself highly culpable in laying what he had; but believing that they were intended for him, he felt himself called upon to say something. Mr. T. M. R. having acknowledged that his observations were levelled at Mr. J. R. Mr. Garnett told him that Mr. J. R. expected Mr. T. M. R. to meet him. Mr. T. M. R. replied that he was ready to do so, but that if Mr. J. R. would only say that he meant no allusion to him, there was no apology which a man of honor could, or ought to make, which he would not be ready to offer. When Mr. Garnett delivered this message to Mr. J. R. that gentleman observed that the course which Mr. T. M. R. had chosen to pursue, precluded any sort of declaration or acknowledgement on his part: That Mr. T. M. R. must make reparation commensurate with the injury aimed at his feelings, or meet him & give him satisfaction. Of these conditions Mr. T. M. R. was immediately apprized by Mr. Garnett, who requested that Mr. T. M. R. would choose some friend with whom Mr. Garnett might converse further on the subject. Mr. R. retired and returned soon after with Mr. Coles, to whom Mr. Garnett recapitulated what had passed; Mr. Coles after a short conversation, held apart with Mr. T. M. R. joined Mr. Garnett and said, all that Mr. T. M. R. desired was an assurance that none of Mr. J. R.'s remarks were intended for him, and that he would be willing (in that case) to make any apology that a man of honor could offer. Mr. Garnett replied, that there was no doubt on his mind, or he believed, of any other spectator, that Mr. T. M. R. had entirely misconceived Mr. J. R.'s expressions;—but that, after what had passed, Mr. J. R. would make no statement whatever, and that if Mr. T. M. R. could not reconcile it to himself to make a suitable apology, Mr. J. R. would expect Mr. T. M. R. to meet him, either that night (which he preferred) or in the morning. Mr. Coles said he was too much engaged in the public business at that time to see his friend, but would do it as soon as he could, & let Mr. G. know the result. Mr. Garnett returned with this statement to Mr. J. R. who was still in a remote room of the capitol, and then took his seat in the house. In a few minutes afterwards Mr. T. M. R. rose in his place, and said that he had been assured, by several of those who sat near him, that he had acted in what he had before said under a misapprehension of Mr. J. R.'s remarks, which none of them understood as having been intended for him;—that under this misapprehension he had acted;—that it was the sole cause of his saying what he had done, and that he was then persuaded by the assurance of his friends, of his mistake. He regretted very much what he had said, for he had no disposition to wound any gentleman's feelings, who did not intend to wound him.
Mr. Garnett immediately went to Mr. J. R. and stated that Mr. T. M. R. had made such an apology in the house, as Mr. Garnett conceived, and as every member said, who mentioned the subject in his hearing (which several did) was proper for Mr. T. M. R. to make and for Mr. J. R. to receive. Mr. J. R. then requested Mr. Garnett to flate to Mr. Coles that he received Mr. T. M. R.'s apology, and had no further commands for that gentleman; which Mr. Garnett did just as the house was breaking up—and thus the business terminated.
We have been hitherto solicitous to draw the attention of the good people of this state to the political dispositions of New-York. The following letter to a gentleman in this city from a gentleman of New-York, who was for several years a member of the State Legislature, displays the probable consequences to which they may lead, and proposes a most effectual measure for their cure.
Extract of a letter from New-York, dated 2nd June.
"You no doubt have regular files of the Citizen and the Chronicle—You perceive by those papers, the contention between the Livingston and Clinton families; but perhaps you have not clearly seen the certain result of their aspiring and ambitious views. I have viewed (with great concern for the support of pure principles) the strife between those two families, for some time back; and am willing to risk an opinion, which I have long and deliberately entertained and promulgated among my confidential friends, viz: That unless those two families would consent (which would be the most honourable to them) or were compelled (by the suffrages of the republicans of this state) to come down to the rank of private citizens, the animosities and divisions between republicans, (occasioned by these families), would terminate in the triumph of federalism in this state, in a few years, if not within one year, from the date of this letter.
"I find that both the parties or republicans, are claiming the victory, as they foolishly term it, over each other, last election; and are so blindly attached to their leaders, that they do not see the dangerous consequences that must inevitably ensue, if they persist in it until next spring election.—From the knowledge I have of the characters and conduct of a large majority of the members returned for the year ensuing, I believe the Governor will have a Council of Appointment, next winter, composed of men well satisfied with his administration.—Should this be the case, it requires but little penetration to foresee, that Dewitt Clinton (mayor), Mr. Van Wyck (recorder), Tunis Wortman (clerk), the Justices of the Ten Pound Court, and many others, will be removed from the offices they severally hold.
"Do not imagine, from my saying (just above) that the Governor would have a Council, &c. that I am in favour of the Governor: no such thing. I am equally opposed (under the present circumstances of division and contention), to both families holding any civil offices in this state, for some years to come.
"Nothing short of the policy I have recommended, will unite the republicans of this state; and I am confidently of the opinion, that such an union may bid defiance to federalism in the state of New-York.
"The federalists will not fail to take every advantage of the unfortunate divisions among us. They appeared to be very sanguine at our last election in this city, and were very spirited.—Our majority was very small to what it has been. They carried their ticket in Westchester county and some other counties, this last election."
The Grand Eclipse of the Sun has produced much curiosity and some speculation in this city. Science has even kept forward to take advantage of its instructions. Mr. Lambert and some gentlemen of this city had previously collected a good time-piece, a Quadrant and Telescopes, to take their observations, for determining the latitude and longitude of Richmond. The day was as favourable to their purposes as could have been expected. Tho' it was cloudy in the early part of the morning, the Eclipse was sufficiently visible at its commencement and some of the intermediate stages, to admit of repeated observations. It was unfortunate that a cloud should have intercepted the sun at the end of the Eclipse, and prevented the precise moment of emersion from being accurately noticed.
The necessary calculations on these data have not yet been made.
On Saturday last, Creed Taylor, Esq. was nominated by the Executive Council to fill the vacancy of judge of the High Court of Chancery for the Richmond district, occasioned by the death of the venerable George Wythe. Mr. Taylor has accepted and qualified to the appointment.
It remains to be decided whether the Legislature will at its next session ratify the nomination.
Delegates to serve in the next General Assembly.
Monongalia—Dudley Evans, Benjamin Reader. Harrison—John Prunty, Elias Louthier. Randolph—Nicholas Gibson, Wm. Morreny. Hardy—Christian Simon, John Cunningham. Pleasants—John Davis, Dyer. * New Members
MARRIED—on Thursday evening, THOMAS L. PRESTON, Esq. of Rockbridge county, Attorney at Law, to the highly accomplished Miss EDMONIA RANDOLPH, second daughter of Edmund Randolph, Esq. of this city.
DIED—on Wednesday the 4th inst. Mr. Edward P. Chamberlayne, of the county of King William, in the 48th year of his age, leaving a widow and eight children.
At a meeting of the Officers of the 23rd Regiment of the Virginia militia, at Zachariah Brooks's in the town of Manchester, agreeably to previous notice, for the purpose of taking into consideration the proclamation of his Excellency the Governor of the 10th of March last, declaring what should be the uniform of the militia of this commonwealth, Colonel Thomas Branch being unanimously called to the chair, and Wm. B. Clarke appointed secretary,—the meeting then proceeded to take into consideration the said proclamation, and after mature deliberation unanimously resolved, that a respectful memorial be drawn up and presented to his excellency the governor, touching the subject of the said proclamation; whereupon a committee was appointed to draft the same, & the following was unanimously agreed to:
TO HIS EXCELLENCY, THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. THE Officers, non-commissioned Officers and privates of the 23rd regiment of militia, respectfully represent to your excellency that the proclamation of your excellency of the 10th day of March last directing the uniform of the Virginia militia, has produced some agitation in this and every other regiment as far as your memorials have been informed. The old revolutionary characters are concerned at parting with an old military acquaintance; they respect the true blue, with which they were clothed and under which they fought, and their fading and their faces were presented to the enemy with success. The fame, they beg leave to state, they will be happy to retain; independent of the attachment of your memorials to this happy and military uniform, they beg leave further to suggest to your excellency, their prompt submission, to any order issued from the proper source; the orders are issued from the correct source, but they beg leave to remark that most of the officers in this regiment and they presume, in others also, are uniformed according to ancient custom, and if they be directed to discontinue the old uniform & assume the one now ordered, they will in many instances be compelled to encounter an expense which they cannot meet or defray; and thus the character of the officer may be improperly tested by his appearance. Your memorials with great deference, beg leave to observe, that the ancient uniform (to wit, blue and red) is much more durable and military, less liable to soil and better calculated to inspire martial ardor.
THOS. BRANCH, Chairman. Wm. B. CLARK, Secretary. Chesterfield, June 11th, 1806.
TO BE RENTED,
THE tenement on the street leading from the Main Street up Shockoe-hill by the Governors, at present occupied by Mrs. Pheobe as a Miller Store and dwelling house, there is a large cellar, a room which she uses as a kitchen; a very convenient and well fixed store and counting room; upstairs a room 18 by 23 feet, another 14 by 16 feet, three sleeping rooms and a lumber room. It being on a street very much frequented, nigh to the Capitol and Main Street, it suits very well for a store or other business. The situation is healthy and pleasant. Also, to let, four rooms in the tenement, wherein I live, that is, a dining room, drawing room, two bed rooms, part of the kitchen, stabling for two horses, and a place to put coals and wood.
June 17. W. T. AST. (law3w.)

Seat of Government.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, April 21.
DEBATE
On offering the memorials of William S. Smith, and Samuel G. Ogden, relative to their concern with General Miranda in fitting out the Leander.
The memorial having been read, Mr. LYON moved, that the petitioners have leave to withdraw their petitions.
Mr. N. WILLIAMS said that it appeared to him that the tendency of this memorial was, by obtaining the sanction of the House to its contents, to throw the blame and censure on the prosecution. It appeared to him proper to arrest such a mode of proceeding, especially while the business to which the memorials referred was sub judice . They contained accusations against the judge, who himself was under a prosecution. He did not see the object of the petition, unless it was to excite a clamor and indignation against the court. It was improper that they should be sanctioned by being printed under the direction of this House, while the cause was depending, and it was unknown whether the court had acted properly or improperly. Suppose previously to these trials coming on, a censure should be cast on the court; would not this be a novel kind of proceeding—would not it be a degradation of the court, and be a degradation to the legislature? Such a proceeding would tend to be dangerous to the principles of justice. Shall we permit a person under accusation to prefer a charge against the tribunal before whom he is summoned to appear? Suppose we declare the court, and we the criminal guilty, shall we not thereby prostrate every principle of justice, and set a precedent never known in any country, as dangerous to the liberty of the subject, as violative of the constitution? In my opinion the legislature ought not in this case of the business to interfere. Such interference will be premature. If hereafter the prosecution appears to have been improperly conducted, it will be time enough to make an enquiry into the conduct of the prosecutor and the court; but before that, such an enquiry will be premature, and will be a prejudging of the case. From the moment I heard these petitions read, they struck me as being of a most dangerous tendency—if at all sanctioned by this House, they will tend to incite not only the country against the administration, but against the tribunals of justice. We find it asserted in them, that the administration, and particularly the secretary of state had a full knowledge of all the transactions connected with the fitting out of the Leander. This charge has been already made in the newspapers; it has gone abroad, and been contradicted; and I do not hesitate to declare in my place that the accusation is false, that it is a calumny, that there is not a word in the petition charging the administration with this fact that is founded in truth. I think the proper course is for the petitioners to have leave to withdraw their petitions. Not that I am for a denial of justice. If the petitioners fall in their application for justice to the court, it will then be time enough for us to interfere. Indeed it is a thing unheard of in this nation—while the accused are under prosecution, that they should be suffered to come forward to the House of Representatives with charges against the court and the government. The memorials not only charge the government, but the magistrates with corrupt motives. Shall we permit the government to be thus treated, and the tribunals of justice to be thus calumniated; and give a sanction to the charges by printing a paper that contains them? I hope we shall have virtue and firmness enough to resist such a procedure. I think we have gone far enough in patiently listening to petitions which have no legal object in view, which not only charge the departments of the executive government with improper views, but which contain accusations against the tribunals of justice—what scarcely merit to be called accusations—but base calumnies. The manner too in which these memorials have been presented is most extraordinary. In point of time, this being the last day of the session, it must have been known that it was out of our power to investigate their contents. It is also very unfortunate, when the citizens of New-York are so ably represented on this floor that the petitioners have been obliged to travel to Boston, in order to obtain a gentleman to present their memorials. For these reasons, I shall vote decidedly against the printing.
Mr. QUINCY said that the observations which were made were such as might have been expected to be offered, had it been proposed to go into an enquiry on these memorials. I do not say, said Mr. Quincy, that the information contained in the petitions is true—all I say is, that as a high officer of the government is implicated, justice requires that an enquiry, at some time should take place. I do not say that it ought now to take place. The question at present is whether this information shall rest on our tables. Gentlemen say no—throw it off. But I say enquire; because I believe when an examination shall be made a part of the statement at least will be found to turn out correct. It is said that the memorials are under accusation; but have they not, therefore, a right to petition this House? But so far as relates to the judge, there is only an information by the grand jury—not a prosecution. Whoever heard of a man accused before himself? Gentlemen may throw these petitions under the table, but if they do so, they will do a great disservice to the House. My only object is that an enquiry should be made at a convenient season into the facts alleged in these petitions. The information contained in some of those statements is corroborated by information known to some gentlemen on this floor—that the executive had been advised of the fitting out of the Leander time enough to have prevented her sailing. By throwing these petitions under the table, gentlemen will show that they are not disposed to investigate their facts.
Mr. SMILIE believed the House were to blame in permitting these petitions to be presented. It was a rule of the House that every member presenting a petition should first generally state its contents. The member who presented these petitions, having made this statement, I think the House ought not to have permitted them to have been read. I will call to the recollection of gentlemen a transaction which took place two years ago. A petition was then presented from certain aliens in Pennsylvania and New-York; and because they reflected on a former administration, the House would not hear them. I never did, said Mr. S. witness such an attempt as this; and could such attempts be sustained, they would subvert all government whatever. Shall a person accused of a crime, while his trial is pending, bring forward complaints against his judges? If so, we have no regular government. This is turning the House of Representatives into a judiciary body, and authorizing them to wrest all other business from the tribunals of justice.
Mr. ALSTON. I would not rise, but for the extraordinary declaration of the gentleman from Massachusetts, who says members of the House knew that the President was possessed of knowledge of the Leander's fitting time enough to have prevented it. He says he knew it. If so, this sufficiently accounts for the course now proposed to be taken. If the fitting out and the destination of the Leander were known to any member of this House, I pronounce that member equally criminal with the Secretary of State or the President. For my part I had heard a gentleman of respectability from New-York say, though some people were prepared for the sailing of the Leander, he did not think twenty men in New-York knew the place of her destination. As to the course pursued by the House, it is perfectly immaterial to me, whether the petitions lie on the table, or are returned to those from whom they came—my only wish is, that we do not sanction a thing of this kind without knowing more about it.
Mr. JACKSON. The gentleman from Massachusetts has told us of information possessed in this House of a most extraordinary nature—certainly the most extraordinary in the annals of jurisprudence.
That government had a knowledge of this case, and that they are afraid to trust the decision of a jury of their country. This is most extraordinary indeed. For my part, I regret that the gentleman from Massachusetts had so far forgot his own dignity, and the duty he owes his country, as to have permitted himself to have become the organ of these charges. He has told us we will discredit ourselves by rejecting these petitions. But permit me to say he has already more discredited himself by presenting them. The petitioners say this expedition has received the approval and encouragement of the government, and the gentleman says this is known to the House. I pronounce this false. I say it is a base calumny, of which the gentleman has made himself the organ; and in saying so, I hold myself responsible in any place the gentleman pleases.
Mr. QUINCY. I deemed it my duty to present a petition handed to me, let it come from what quarter it might—and in this instance before I presented these memorials I made a correct statement of all their contents, which the House heard, and having heard, received them. As to the harsh things which have been uttered by the gentleman from Virginia it is not in his power to hurt my reputation. I laid some information, stated in the memorials, was correct. I say so now. But did I say the whole information contained in them, with the coloring, was true? Gentlemen will bear me witness that I said I did not believe the facts could be proved; but that there was ground enough to justify the going into an enquiry. Now as to the information alluded to. I received no information myself from New-York—the information came to a gentleman on this floor. Was it for me to bring this information before the House. Other gentlemen had the same information. I have said these things as a reason for not being too precipitate. Such conduct will look as if we were influenced by improper motives. In what I have said, I by no means mean to give a sanction to the memorials.
Mr. MUMFORD. On the 1st of February, I applied to the collector of New-York. He declared he did not know the real destination of the Leander—he had cleared out for Jacmel. The 2d February, the Leander failed from the watering place at Staten Island. Her destination was the common subject of conversation. Some supposed it was to one place, and some to another; but it was generally conjectured to be a British expedition. It was common conversation that Miranda had brought with him a credit on Great-Britain, and he vice versa been informed he drew a bill on one of the late British administration. Shortly after I heard of the prosecution; but I never imagined the administration had any thing to do with the expedition.
Mr. QUINCY said, in the remarks he had offered he had only meant to say there had been an extraordinary equipment and arming in the harbor of New-York. He did not mean to pledge himself as to the knowledge of the destination, or to the other facts, whether there was time for the administration to have prevented it.
[Mr. JACKSON. The gentleman did say so.] Mr. QUINCY. Such is my impression at present, but I am not certain of it. Since I rose, I have understood that after this information was received, an attempt was made by the executive to stop the vessel. In making the remarks I have offered, I did not mean to criminate the administration. If my words bore such a meaning, I withdraw them. Such was not my intention.
Mr. BIDWELL said, the memorials referred to two subjects. On the first, the memorialists state that they have been indicted for an offence, and represent certain facts, which they say are in their favor—they say the indictment is depending—this is begging the case. That while these facts remain to be tried before a tribunal of justice, where the whole benefit of evidence may be made use of either in justification or destruction of the charges, that the memorialists should resort to a petition of this nature on the last day of the session, is most extraordinary; and for the House to undertake to decide a question now pending before a court and jury, before whom any witnesses may be summoned, would be still more extraordinary. The other subject relates to the conduct of the judge in this particular case. If when this case shall be ultimately decided, the memorialists shall think themselves aggrieved, it will be time enough to come forward with their complaint.
Mr. EARLY. The memorials have been presented at a time and under circumstances so extraordinary, as in my opinion, to call for, at the hands of this House, some thing more than is contained in the motion of the gentleman from Kentucky. These peculiarities of time and circumstance have been already noticed by different gentlemen, and are of a nature so striking that they cannot escape the attention of any. I shall not, therefore, detain the House with any arguments, or with a detail of them. I rise for the purpose of offering a resolution which I think the occasion calls for, and in favor of which I hope the gentleman from Kentucky will withdraw his motion.
Mr. EARLY then offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the charges contained in the memorials of S. G. Ogden and William Smith are, in the opinion of this House, unsupported by any evidence which in the least degree criminate the executive government of this country—that the said memorials appear to have been presented at a time and under circumstances, intentionally calculated to excite unjust suspicions in the minds of the good people of this nation against the existing administration of the general government—and that it would be highly improper in this House to take any step which might influence or prejudice a cause now depending in a legal tribunal of the U. S.—Therefore, resolved, that the said memorials be by the clerk of this House returned to those from whom they came.
Mr. LYON withdrew his motion. Mr. CLARK said this resolution was susceptible of division. He had no objection to the latter part of it, but he did not wish to give a hasty decision on the former, as he was not acquainted with all the circumstances referred to. He would therefore move to strike out the first part of the resolution. Mr. SMILIE. We are now to give a vote whether these charges are true or not. Believing them to be untrue, I shall vote against the motion to strike out. Mr. CLARK. I do not believe they are true. But it is not proper to condemn a cause unheard. These men think themselves aggrieved—they set forth certain charges, and we at once give our opinion that they are false. I can never agree to this course.
Mr. DANA. These memorials contain a statement of certain facts in the nature of allegations against certain officers in this government. Whenever allegations of this kind are made, such language ought to be used as is best adapted to convey the ideas of the petitioners. These memorials contain two things. In the first place, they charge the executive of the United States with a participation in Miranda's expedition. As to this charge, I am fully sensible of the impropriety of the House interfering. Under a law of the United States the equipment of a vessel against a power with which we are at peace is considered as a midsemeur punished by fine and imprisonment; and if general Miranda misled these men under a belief that the President or Secretary of State did countenance, though in fact they did not, this enterprise, they may, if found guilty by a jury, avail themselves of this circumstance, in mitigation of their fine and imprisonment. It does not become this House by any declaration to give an opinion on this point either one way or another. On the other point relative to the conduct of the judge I am not so satisfied relative to the course to be pursued. Is not every man accused entitled to a fair trial? And if the charges are true, and the man guilty, and yet the judge has erred—he has abused his authority. I will not pervertly, but he has not pursued the usual course of administering criminal justice. As to this part of the memorial, therefore, I am willing it should lie on the table; while I am perfectly ready as to that part which respects the executive to reject it.
Mr. ALEXANDER. I wish to be informed of the correctness of my impression, that the mover of the memorial prayed it should be printed. Before
the House give their consent to publish such a voluminous piece of calumny, I should be glad to hear some reason assigned for it. At first blush, as has been represented by the gentleman from New-York, this appears to be an unjust and un candid attempt to obtain the interference of this House. I should be glad gentlemen would show us any case in which it would be right for this House to interfere while it was coram judice .
Mr. Alexander concluded with suggesting a modification of the motion of Mr. Early, which he afterwards withdrew.
Mr. CLARK likewise withdrew his amendment. Mr. MASTERS. It is the first time I ever heard of a defendant under an indictment for a public offence petitioning the representatives of the people to interfere and arrest him from public justice. It is a kind of imputation on this House.
The petitioner is accused of a breach of the law, and is called on to answer that accusation before the proper forum; it does not belong to this House to interfere with that tribunal; the constitution has set apart and defined the different powers.
The memorialists attempt to criminate the administration. The administration are not on trial before this House. If the district judge in the course of the examination and trial, acts corruptly, there is a proper time and manner of bringing him constitutionally before this House. We ought not to countenance the defendants endeavors to cast an odium on the court before whom the trial is depending, and the petition ought to be dismissed, in stronger language than is expressed in the resolution.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH asked for a division of the resolution down to the word "country" preceding the first draft.
Mr. CLARK said he really felt for the dignity of the House—he had no hesitation to say that the petition was unsupported by evidence. But the journals would show that this was not the first instance that similar petitions had been asked upon. The petitioners thought themselves injured, and had a right to call for redress. In order to get rid of this difficulty he moved the previous question.
Mr. JACKSON asked the yeas and nays, which were taken on the previous question, "shall the main question be now put," as follows—Yeas 71—Nays 15.
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blake, Brown, Caley, Chandler, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Earle, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Garnett, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, Lyon, Magruder, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Russell, Saily, Sandford, Schumann, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, P. R. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Varnum, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, N. Williams and Winton.—74. NATS—Messrs. Betton, Clark, Dana, Ellis, Ely, Lewis, Mosely, J. Nelson, Pitken, Quincy, Tammadge, Tenney, T. W. Thompson, Van Rensselaer, and Washburn.—15.
The question was then taken on agreeing to the first member of the resolution—Yeas 75—Nays 8—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blake, Brown, Caley, Chandler, Claiborne, Clark, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Earle, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Garnett, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Hough, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, Lyon, Magruder, Marion, M'Creery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, T. M. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Russell, Saily, Sammons, Sandford, Schumann, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, P. R. Thompson, Tracy, Trigg, Varnum, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, N. Williams, Winn and Winton.—75.
NATS—Messrs. Bassett, Dana, Ely, Lewis, Mosely, J. Nelson, Quincy, and Van Rensselaer.—8.
The yeas and nays on the second member of the resolution were—Yeas 70—Nays 13—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bedinger, Bidwell, Blake, Brown, Caley, Chandler, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Earle, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Jackson, Jones, Lambert, Lyon, Magruder, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, Jer. Morrow, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Russell, Saily, Sammons, Sandford, Schumann, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, Tracy, Varnum, J. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, N. Williams, Winn and Winton.—70.
NATS—Messrs. Clark, Dana, Ely, Lewis, Mosely, J. Nelson, Pitken, Quincy, T. Randolph, P. R. Thompson, Trigg, and Van Rensselaer.—13.
The House were unanimous in their vote on the third member of the resolution.
The yeas and Nays on the last member of the resolution were—Yeas 71—Nays 14—as follows:
YEAS—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Jon. Anderson, Bard, Barker, Bassett, Bidwell, Blake, Jon. Brown, Caley, Chandler, Claiborne, M. Clay, Clopton, Conrad, Covington, Crowninshield, Cutts, Darby, Dawson, Earle, Early, Elliot, Elmer, Eppes, Findley, Fisk, Fowler, Garnett, Gregg, Green, Halsey, Hamilton, Holmes, Jackson, Lambert, Lyon, Magruder, Marion, Masters, M'Creery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore, John Morrow, Mumford, Newton, Olin, Pugh, J. Randolph, Rea, of Pen. Rhea, of Ten. Saily, Sammons, Sandford, Schumann, Sloan, Smilie, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Thomas, P. R. Thompson, Tracy, Varnum, J. Whitehill, R. Whitehill, D. R. Williams, N. Williams, Winn and Winton.
NATS—Messrs. Bedinger, Clark, Dana, Ely, Lewis, Jon. J. Nelson, Pitken, jr. Quincy, J. Randolph, Russell, Tenney, T. W. Thompson, Trigg, and Van Rensselaer.
When the whole resolution was agreed to—yeas 65.
By Authority.
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
Regulating the currency of foreign coins in the United States.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passage of this act, foreign gold and silver coins shall pass current as money within the United States, and be a legal tender for the payment of all debts and demands, at the several and respective rates following, and not otherwise, viz.
The gold coins of Great-Britain and Portugal, of their present standard, at the rate of one hundred cents, for every twenty seven grains of the actual weight thereof; the gold coins of France, Spain, & the dominions of Spain, of their present standard, at the rate of one hundred cents, for every twenty seven grains and two fifths of a grain, of the actual weight thereof. Spanish mil dollars, at the rate of one hundred cents for each, the actual weight thereof shall not be less than seventeen penny weights and seven grains, and in proportion for the parts of a dollar. Crowns of France at the rate of one hundred and ten cents, for each crown, the actual weight thereof shall not be less than eighteen penny weights and seventeen grains, and in proportion for the parts of a crown. And it shall be the duty of the secretary of the treasury, to cause assays of the foreign gold and silver coins made current by this act, to be had at the mint of the United States, at least once in every year, and to make report of the result thereof to Congress, for the purpose of enabling them to make such alterations in this act, as may become requisite, from the real standard value of such foreign coins. And it shall be the duty of the secretary of the treasury, to cause assays of the foreign gold and silver coins of the description made current by this act, which shall issue subsequently to the passage of this act, and shall circulate in the United States, at the mint aforesaid, at least once in every year, and to make report of the result thereof to Congress, for the purpose of enabling them to make such alterations in this act, as may become requisite, from the real standard value.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the first section of the act, entitled "An act regulating foreign coins and for other purposes," passed the ninth day of February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety three, be, and the same is hereby repealed. And the operation of the second section of the same act, shall be, and hereby is suspended for, and during the space of, three years from the passage of this act.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, President of the Senate, Pro tempore.
WILLIAM HART, Opposite the State House, BOTTLED PORTER and ALE, which he can recommend as of the first quality, having purchased Mr. BILLINGTON's stock, and seeing every bottle filled himself. Families supplied with DRAFT BEER by the barrel or retail. Also for cash or country produce only, a general assortment of Groceries, among which are— Fine flavored transparent Rum Shrub. Bohemian Tea by the chest or lb. A quantity of New-England Cheese and a few bushels of Irish Potatoes, very cheap. April 22. et4w &coawtf.
FOR SALE, Three valuable PLANTATIONS, viz: ONE containing 1300 acres of land, situated in the county of King & Queen, within five miles of Dunkirk, of this tract 600 acres are cleared, well enclosed and in high cultivation; it is well adapted to the culture of tobacco, wheat and corn, and for several years past, has been as productive as any in the country; the other 600, has ever been remarked for the quantity and excellence of its timber, for which a great price can be obtained on the spot. This farm is well furnished with every thing necessary for the accommodation of an overseer and negroes, and for securing a crop, it is level and well watered; from 200 to 300 bushels of wheat, may be seeded the next fall, to the greatest advantage—My manager, Mr. Meadows, will ride over this land, with any one wishing to purchase. Also, a tract of 1000 acres in Essex, within ten miles of Tappahannock, in a very wealthy neighbourhood; most of this land, is peculiarly adapted to the growth of corn, wheat and grass. It is in good cultivation, and well enclosed. There is on this farm from 75 to 100 acres of meadow, which is as rich as any in this state. My overseer, Mr. Hill, will show this land, and Major A. Ritchie, is fully authorized to dispose of it. I also offer for sale, MOUNT CLEMENT, the seat on which I reside; it is believed that there are few tracts in the state, uniting more advantages, or that can boast of so much beauty: it is situated in a mile and a half of Tappahannock, & affords as fine a view of the Rappahannock, as any on the river. Mount Clement is washed on one side, for more than a mile, with a broad navigable creek, from which an abundance of fish may be taken at every season; it contains by old survey 550 acres. 3-4ths of this plantation is very rich low grounds, and in high cultivation. Several hundred dollars worth of wood may be sold annually from it, without injury to the estate. There is on this estate, a brick dwelling house, in good repair, 62 feet long, and 24 wide, and all necessary out-houses lately repaired. I shall forbear a minute description, as I presume any one wishing to purchase, will view the premises. I also offer to sell 200 or 300 acres near the Bolog-Green. The terms of sale will be one fourth in three months, the balance in two years, the ultimate payment to be secured by deed of trust. The negroes on the above plantations, with valuable teams of every kind, with fine flocks of cattle, hogs & sheep, with a variety of the best utensils, the purchasers may have by paying a fair valuation, on reasonable credit. EDWIN UPSHAW. My terms will be communicated by John Horace Upshaw, Esq. on application. Mount Clement, April 11. (if)
DOCTOR WILSON has removed from the Bell Tavern to the Brick House opposite the stores of Messrs. J. & R. Gamble and Mr. Neil McCoull, where, in addition to his former stock, he has just received a considerable supply of MEDICINES, PAINTS, &c. The whole of which he offers for sale at reduced prices. Orders from Physicians, Merchants and others, will be promptly attended to and carefully executed. It is his intention to devote much personal attention to his shop, and to sell such Medicines as he uses in his practice only. Families can have proper directions to accompany such articles as they buy of him. Among a great variety, he begs leave to enumerate: Peruvian Bark, Tulapa, Calomel, Rububarb, Scammon, Magnesia, Manna, Salts, Camphor, Spanish Flies, Digitalis, Pink Root, Opium, Arrow Root. Also, Anderson's Pills, Bateman's Drops, British Oil, Balsam of Honey, Ching's Worm Lozenges, Hamilton's do. do. Church's Cough Drops, Corn Plaster, Dalby's Carminative, Daffey's Elixir, Essence Peppermint, Essence Spruce, Essence Mustard, Gourdland's Lotion, Church's Lotion, Goffrey's Cordial, Harslow's Oil, Harslow's Water, James's Powders, Jesuit's Drops, Jessop's Plaster, Peppermint Lozenges, Lip Salve, Liquid True Blue, Stearns' Ophidolon, Orange Flower Water. ALSO—A small supply of Medical Books for sale. February 4. Stf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. RAN away from the subscriber, a Negro LAD about 22 years of age, about 5 feet ten inches high, with very thick lips, and very black; had on a checked Virginia cloth short coat and waistcoat, his pantaloons of plain purple, the same manufacture. Any person who will deliver the said lad to me in Powhatan, shall receive the above reward. ISHAM RANDOLPH. His name is AMPES; he is accustomed to horses and serving in the house. April 11.
ENTERTAINMENT. PETER MOSELEY, most respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has taken a lease of the house in this city commonly called the UNION TAVERN, & Coffee House, lately occupied by Mr. Lynch, where he proposes to carry on the business of a Tavern-keeper, and likewise to provide coffee in the evening. He is also provided with an excellent stable. Those who have heretofore favored him with their company and commands, he conceives will require no further assurances; to others, he will only say, that he will diligently and faithfully discharge the duty, which he has undertaken. May 13. oaw8t.
The Subscriber being desirous to remove to the Western Country, will offer for sale at public auction, in the Town of New Canton, on the third day of July next.
THAT valuable TRACT OF LAND called Bear Garden, containing by estimation nearly five hundred acres, one hundred and forty-nine of which are low grounds of very superior quality. The extraordinary and well known fertility of this Land makes it useless to say much about it, it is without doubt among the most valuable spots on James River. At the same time and place will be sold, a complete Grist Mill and distillery, with about one hundred acres of Land, including nine acres of low ground at the ferry, which has once sold for thirty pounds per acre: this tract is adjoining the one above mentioned, and will be sold either with or without it to accommodate purchasers; the two united would make a most complete establishment. The terms of sale for either or both, will be one fourth of the purchase money in hand, another fourth on the first day of January next, when a legal title and possession will be given, and the balance in two annual instalments, secured by a deed of trust on the property. Mr. Johnson the overseer will show the land to any person disposed to purchase. PEYTON HARRISON, et4t. April 22.
FOR SALE, THAT extensive and valuable property formerly owned by Presley Thornton, Esq. and late the property of Sharp Delany, Esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county, state of Virginia, three miles from the Court-house, lying on the Potomac, nearly opposite Point Lookout. This property consists of about 2500 acres of LAND, 1700 acres of which is fertile low grounds, well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco, and every kind of small grain, and highly important for grazing. These lands, naturally rich and fertile, are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weeds cast on the shores easily obtained, and large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and Indian Banks in different parts of the land, some valuable worth easily reclaimed, may be adapted either to grass or culture. There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house, two stories high, upwards of 80 feet front, well finished; two well built brick houses, forming a square with the dwelling house, and used as offices, upwards of 30 feet by 20, in good repair; a brick stable with stalls for 24 horses, and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy; a brick house used as a still-house, and also an extensive frame barn. There is a good proportion of wood land included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of fine thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry. The high lands consists of 800 or more acres, of a good quality, level, and affords a good opportunity of improvement. This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms to suit purchasers. Possession will be immediately given. A further description of this property is thought unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the farm. Application to be made to John Murphey, Westmoreland county, or to James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same. June 10. 1aw2m
5,000 wt. SALT PETER'D BACON, 1,000 wt. first quality N. ENGLAND CHEESE, 10 grots BOTTLED CYDER, A few bushels CLOVER SEED, 150 pieces PAPER HANGINGS. For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. Constantly for Hire—An Excellent Carriage and Horses—apply as above. May 27. eof
TO RENT, THE HOUSE on the Main-Street, lately occupied by Mr. Henry McClatchy, and situate between Messrs. Ellis & Allan and Mr. Manuel Judah. Also—A HOUSE on the Main-Street Snocke Hill, a few doors below Mr. Bootwright's and nearly opposite to Mr. Benjamin Wolfe. Possession of both Houses to be given immediately. Enquire of JOSEPH GALLEGO. May 30. tf.
WILL be exposed to sale to the highest bidder, on the eighth day of July next, on the premises, the GLEBE LANDS of the Parish of Trinity, in the county of Louisa. THE COMMISSIONERS. June 3. ep3w.
In pursuance of a decree of the Superior Court of Chancery, for the district of Richmond. WILL be held on the first day of July next, at the Tavern of Mr. Zachariah Brooks in the Town of Manchester, the LOT & appurtenances in said town, lately occupied by Mr. William Robinson. The sale will be on twelve months credit, the purchaser to give a bond, with security, to bear interest from the date. JOHN MINOR, Commissioner. June 3. tdf.
JUST PUBLISHED, And for sale by Thomas Nicholson, near the Capitol; THE THIRD VOL. OF CALL'S REPORTS. June 3. (if)
MARSHAL'S SALE. To be sold, for ready money, under a decree of the court of the United States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, between Phineas Bond, attorney for the creditors of Esdaile Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 11,450 dols. 94 cts. due and payable on the 31st Jan. last, that valuable and well known estate in the county of Botetourt, called FORT LEWIS, situate on the said Rappahannock to contain 2008 acres. This sale will take place on the premises on Monday the 14th day of July next. This estate having been before advertised and the sale postponed, it is deemed necessary to apprise the public, that though the sales formerly announced were postponed, on account of payments received from the defendant Ross and the defendant, the sale advertised would have been made but for a mistake in the advertisement. The advertiser has no reason to suppose that the one now advertised will not take place, and if, contrary to his expectation, it should again be put off, the earliest public notice will be given, that those who are disposed to become purchasers, may not be put to any unnecessary trouble. BENJAMIN MOSBY, B. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. May 30.
FOR SALE, THAT extensive and valuable property formerly owned by Presley Thornton, Esq. and late the property of Sharp Delany, Esq. deceased, situated in Northumberland county, state of Virginia, three miles from the Court-house, lying on the Potomac, nearly opposite Point Lookout. This property consists of about 2500 acres of LAND, 1700 acres of which is fertile low grounds, well adapted to the growth of Indian corn, tobacco, and every kind of small grain, and highly important for grazing. These lands, naturally rich and fertile, are capable of the highest improvement, having inexhaustible sources of sea weeds cast on the shores easily obtained, and large quantities of oyster shells on the shores, and Indian Banks in different parts of the land, some valuable worth easily reclaimed, may be adapted either to grass or culture. There is on the premises a substantial built brick dwelling house, two stories high, upwards of 80 feet front, well finished; two well built brick houses, forming a square with the dwelling house, and used as offices, upwards of 30 feet by 20, in good repair; a brick stable with stalls for 24 horses, and a large coach house in the middle; a brick dairy; a brick house used as a still-house, and also an extensive frame barn. There is a good proportion of wood land included in the 1700 acres, heavily covered with white oak, hickory and chestnut, and a considerable quantity of fine thriving locust, red cedar and wild cherry. The high lands consists of 800 or more acres, of a good quality, level, and affords a good opportunity of improvement. This property will be sold together or divided into convenient farms to suit purchasers. Possession will be immediately given. A further description of this property is thought unnecessary, as persons inclined to purchase will no doubt view the farm. Application to be made to John Murphey, Westmoreland county, or to James Moore on the premises, who are duly authorized to make conditional contracts for the same. June 10. 1aw2m