The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-12-31 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURLEIGH'S, and 300 of BREWER'S. The same Type on which the ENQUIRER was lately printed.
MR. LE TELLIER, DENTIST—is now practicing in the various branches of his profession, i. e. cleansing and restoring the Teeth to their natural elegance, setting artificial ones, so as to be useful as well as ornamental, plugging the decayed cavities of such as are preserved, and extracting such as are too far gone to be saved, in which operation he makes use of— Bruff's Patent Extracting Instrument —which takes the teeth out without any possibility of fracturing the jaw or bruising the gums, and with much less pain than the instruments that are in general use.
He deems it unnecessary to say any thing concerning the advantages derived from the manner of his performance or his abilities, leaving it for his former operations to speak.
He has DENTIFICE of a superior quality, void of corrosive substances, prepared by himself and for sale.
His dwelling is at the house next to E. Randolph's, near the Capitol. A line or servant directed to the said place, will be attended to.
Dec. 15. [ep2w] MR. LE TELLIER informs those that are travelling to Norfolk, that his Brother is practicing Dentistry there, and his abilities are unexceptionable.
FOR SALE.—Will be sold on the premises, by the subscribers, on Monday the 4th January next, a valuable HOUSE & LOT , situated on Shockoe Hill, on the main-street leading to the Capitol, at present occupied by Mr. Stanton. A credit of one, two and three years will be given, the purchasers giving a deed of trust on the property. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M.
We shall also offer for sale the day following, five valuable half-acre LOTS , situated in Duvall's plat of the City of Richmond. Six and twelve months credit will be given the purchaser, giving approved negotiable notes. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M.
Dec. 24. [ep2ds]
YOUNG NEGROES FOR SALE.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, for cash, at Duvall's Tavern, in Petersburg, on Wednesday the 13th January next, 25 young NEGROES. They are all young and likely, and consist of men, women and children. Should the above mentioned day be unlikely, or a sufficient number of purchasers from any cause not attend on that day, the sale will be continued from day to day till the whole are disposed of. JAMES DABNEY. Gloucester C. H. Dec. 24. [ids.]
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. [ff]
October 7.
VIRGINIA MILITARY CERTIFICATES, bearing an interest of 6 per cent and receivable in the arrears of taxes, FOR SALE at a reduced price by WM. PRICE, Cashier General M. A. Society. [ep6w.]
Nov. 24. FEMALE EDUCATION will be continued at Mount-Terrill, the ensuing year, under the direction of Miss Terrell; who will teach Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, English Grammar and Geography. The school will be opened on Monday the 18th January.
Terms.—For Board and Tuition, each finding her own bedding, $100 per annum, paid quarterly in advance; and as provisions will be made in due time for the reception of boarders, no deduction can be made for entering a boarder after a part of the first quarter has elapsed nor for the necessary vacations. HUMPHREY HILL. Caroline, Dec. 17. [94t]
MORE CHEAP GOODS.—JOHN KING, again respectfully informs his customers & the public, that he has just received, by the late arrivals from Philadelphia and New-York, a general assortment of Fashionable and Seasonable GOODS, which are now opening at his Store, the second door below the Eagle-Tavern; where they may be had upon as good terms, for cash, as at any other place in the City. November 6. [ep1t]
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy River: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river: 20,000 do. in the county of Wythe, on Reed and Peak creeks: 1,000 do. in Randolph county, on the waters of Cheat river: Also, 30,000 acres of Virginia Land Warrants. The above will be sold very low, and great accommodation given in the payments. To RENT, a Brick House, on Shockoe-Hill, in a good neighborhood, and possessing every accommodation for a family. THOS: NORVELL. [ff]
Dec. 19. KIRBY, DRAKE & TAYLOR—Have just received by the late arrivals from London & Liverpool, in addition to their Fall Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths and Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Saucings. All of which will be sold low for cash or on a short credit. Dec. 15. [ep1t]
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession, of thin consumptive appearance, about forty years of age, five feet eight or nine inches high. From circumstances attending his employment, it is believed he intends making his way to one of the eastern states and has been provided with false papers of freedom. If taken within the state and delivered me here or secured that I get him, I will give fifty dollars, or if taken out of the state, one hundred dollars. ROBERT GAMBLE, Jun. Richmond, Dec. 29. [ep1t]
A CARD.—A Mr. Moore, who left the Washington Tavern on the 12th instant, and took from thence (supposed through mistake) a pair of SADDLE BAGS resembling, externally his own, will please return them, with their contents as soon as possible, and receive his. Dec. 29. [3t]
EDUCATION.—On the 12th of next January the subscriber intends to open a SCHOOL, at the Green Springs, in Louisa county, where boys may be instructed in the Latin, Greek, French and English Languages. It is deemed unnecessary to say any thing of the advantages of the situation which he has selected, as its healthiness and remoteness from every kind of dissipation are well known to most gentlemen of the lower country. No scholars will be admitted, except those who board at the Springs (where a Boarding House will be kept by Col. Morris) by which means, the subscriber will have his pupils immediately under his eye, and be enabled to attend at all times both to their morals and education. The terms will be—Board 28 pounds per annum exclusively of bed and washing—Tuition 10 pounds, one half of each to be paid at the expiration of six months, and the other at the end of the year. Those gentlemen who intend to commit their sons or wards to the care of the subscriber, will please to notify him of it by letters directed to Lindsay's Post-Office, Albemarle county, and addressed to
FRANCIS F. MAURY. Dec. 15, 1807. N. B. The following letters, one from Mr. Carr, and the other from Col. Nicholas (in whose family I have lived three years in the capacity of private tutor) are published as testimonials of my qualifications as a teacher. F. F. M.
Carr's Brook, Nov. 13, 1807. MY DEAR SIR—I have learned with real pleasure, your intention of opening a school for teaching the dead languages. Although my opinion as to their utility and ornament may be deemed by some absurd, and by others unfashionable; yet my reason does not yield its assent to any of the arguments which I have heard against them, and until it does, I must be permitted to believe they are both useful and ornamental. Having frequently had an opportunity of being in your school at Warren, it is with great sincerity and truth that I give my feeble testimony in favour of your ability as a teacher, and the excellence of your method of instruction. When I had last the pleasure of seeing you, it seemed to be your intention to open a school at the Green Springs; I do not think you could select a more eligible situation. With best wishes for your success, believe me your friend. P. CARR.
Warren, Nov. 8, 1807. DEAR SIR—It gives me great pleasure to hear that you intend to establish yourself at the Green Springs. The situation is an admirable one for a large school, it has every thing to recommend it. From three years intimate acquaintance with you, I have the utmost confidence you will give entire satisfaction to all who may commit their children to your care. For your diligence and amiable qualities, and for my opinion of your capacity and skill, let the regret I feel at my sons being deprived of your instruction vouch. Accept my most sincere wishes for your success, and assurances that I believe your expectations will be fully answered. I am Dear Sir: With esteem and regard, Your humble servant, W. C. NICHOLAS. Dec. 15. [ep 74t]
By virtue of a deed of trust from David Ross and Thomas Norvell to the subscribers, bearing date the 4th day of December last, and of record in the Honorable the General Court of this Commonwealth; will be exposed to sale on Friday the 18th day of next month (December,) before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, at public auction, for ready money, for the purpose in the said trust deed mentioned, five tracts or parcels of LAND in the county of Fluvanna, adjoining each other, containing in the whole three thousand one hundred and eighty acres, be the same more or less, it being the same lands conveyed to the said David Ross by John Granberry and Susanna his wife, Littleton W. Tazewell and Ann S. his wife, and Michael W. Hancock. Also, one other Tract in the counties of Montgomery and Botetourt, called Fort Lewis, containing two thousand six hundred acres, be the same more or less. Wm. C. WILLIAMS, } Trustee. JOHN PROSSER, } Richmond, Nov. 20. [ids.]
The sale of the above property is postponed by consent of the parties interested, until Thursday the 14th of next month, then to be sold before the door of the Eagle Tavern. Wm. C. WILLIAMS, JOHN PROSSER. [ep2ds.]
Dec. 29. FOR SALE—A Tract of LAND, lying on Mattaponi river in the county of King William, about two miles above Fraser's Ferry, belonging to the estate of William Brooke, dec'd. This Land lies remarkably well, and contains 760 acres of high land and upwards of one hundred acres of wild out marsh, which afford a delightful range for stock. The sale will take place on the 4th day of January next, on the premises, on the following terms, to wit: One fourth of the purchase money to be paid on the 1st of February next, the balance in two annual instalments, with interest from the date if not punctually paid. A more particular description of this Land is thought unnecessary, as those who are inclined to purchase will doubtless view it. The Land will be shown to any person disposed to purchase, by Mr. Wm. Alvey adjoining the premises. RICHARD BROOKE, Executor. Dec. 29. [ids.]
ABSCONDED from the subscriber on the night of the 16th current, a Negro MAN named Archie, about 25 years of age; he has been branded on both cheeks some years ago by his former master, which makes them blacker than the rest of his skin, and perhaps may have the mark of the whip on his back; he is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, somewhat bow legged and stoops a little as he walks; he has a variety of cloths; amongst which are a long black coat, a sailor's dress of dark blue cloth and an old drab short jacket; he generally has his hair pleated in various parts of his head; he is well known about Rocketts, having sailed from thence several years in the sloop Planter, belonging to me. I will give ten dollars reward to any person apprehending and lodging him in jail so that I get him again, and all masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him out of the country or employing him, for if they do the law will be enforced against them. DAVID ANDERSON. Petersburg, Dec. 29. [4t]
WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on the 18th day of January next, at the door of the Eagle Tavern, ninety-two thousand, seven hundred and thirty acres of western LANDS, lying in the counties of Montgomery, Harrison and Kenawha. A credit of one, two, three and four years will be allowed, if satisfactory security shall be given. SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond, Oct. 7. [owatds.]
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, Dec. 8.
Debate on the bill from the Senate authorizing the building of gun-boats and for the defence of ports and harbors.
(CONTINUED)
Mr. Sawyer said, it was not his intention to trouble the House often with his observations; for being but a young member, he sat there more for the purpose of acquiring information than of giving it; nor should he have risen at this time, had not his duty compelled him to reply to some remarks, and to oppose the amendment offered by the gentleman from New-Hampshire (Mr. Durell). The gentleman wished the U. States to have a fleet; to have four 44 gun frigates to assist in the defence of New-York. For his own part, Mr. S. wished the U. S. were in such a situation as to enable them to usher into existence a fleet capable of annihilating one of the whole naval power of England, which had so long proved a scourge to all nations; and to this nation in particular; that such a consummation was devoutly to be wished; but the attainment of such an object by the U. S. was utterly impossible; they had not means wherewith to do it, and an attempt which should fall short of the end, would do the nation more injury than good, by tending to swell the already overgrown naval power of G. B. At present, he must say, he was entirely opposed to a naval establishment, and differed entirely with the gentleman from Massachusetts, upon the propriety of any such establishment in the present situation of affairs; he wished to have nothing to do with any establishment unconnected with a system of land defence. There was a time when a naval establishment might have been consistent with national policy; when a naval armament such as could then have been constructed, might have been instrumental, by proper management, in maintaining the balance of naval power in Europe; that time was, when the combined fleets of France, Spain and Holland, were nearly a match for the British naval force; but that time was now elapsed; that opportunity, which might have been so advantageously seized, was, through an unfortunate prejudice in favor of one nation and against another, suffered to escape unheeded. They now saw the effects of that policy; the fleets of France, Spain and Holland, were swept from the ocean; the British navy retained the undisputed possession of every sea, and it would be an extravagant undertaking in the U. S. to attempt the creation of a naval force calculated to make a serious impression upon G. B.; they would become the mere ship wrights of G. B. who would be ready to receive their ships as fast as they could be launched. Could they erect a navy equal to that which Denmark had possessed? Could they build and equip twenty-four sail of the line at once? If they could do this, experience had fatally shown, that so far from aiding in the defence of the nation, this force would soon be turned against it; England, with a superior force, would soon convert them into a means of offence against this nation. But it would not be in the power of the U. S. encumbered as they were by a great national debt, and cramped in their resources by interruptions of their trade, to provide a navy as respectable as that of Denmark was; and surely any smaller force could not be contemplated. Let us then, said he, apply our limited means to a mode of defence on which more reliance may be placed; let us in the first place put our ports and harbors in such a state of defence as will, in a great degree, prevent our feeling the want of a navy.
To effect this object he said they must have recourse to gun-boats. He did not conceive this means of defence to be so trivial as the gentleman from New-Hampshire (Mr. Durell) seemed to think them; not that they could be relied on as an efficient system of defence by themselves; not that they were to expel the British squadron from our shores (though it was thought they could effect that object;) but because in conjunction with land batteries & fortifications they would ensure some safety of persons and property in our seaport towns. By judicious management, by disposition in shoal waters, so as to aid the batteries on shore, they might be the means of preventing our cities from being plundered and burned, and our banks and stores from being rifled of their wealth. In this point of view, he considered them as part of a land defence, totally unconnected with a navy; they were not to go into deep water; the ocean was not their element; they were to remain in stations from which they might afford the greatest assistance to our forts and batteries, and when hard pressed or overpowered by force they could take shelter under them. This, said Mr. S. is the great advantage they have over heavy ships, there being no danger of their capture while we can maintain possession of our forts. He did not calculate upon their always escaping unhurt; he trusted they would not be too much given to running; they would no doubt be sometimes hit, and he trusted their brave seamen would sometimes expect to suffer and would not shrink from the danger. He trusted they had at present many mariners ready to emulate the glorious example of those brave fellows who devoted themselves for their country at Tripoli; but what would stimulate their courage and inspire them with confidence, was that these boats presented but a small mark to their adversary, while he at the same time, owing to his superior bulk, would scarcely ever be missed, and one of their six and thirty pounders would make no small impression upon a large ship; the wound would be dangerous, and if as he was told would be the case, they fired red hot shot, very often mortal. These boats in co-operation with forts, would secure the shore at least from the depredations of a few frigates. Without them, they might soon expect to see their cities wrapt in flames, their banks plundered, and individuals despoiled of millions; but with this powerful aid to fortifications, disposed in the manner directed in the bill, to effect an object of this kind would require a force from England which it would be very inconvenient if not impossible for her to spare. He had this morning received a piece of news which very much lessened the necessity of aced-
ing to the gentleman's motion for the construction of four additional frigates for the defence of New-York: he was told from good authority that the commandant of the gun-boats stationed at that place confidently declared, that with fifty of those boats, in conjunction with the forts, he would be able to repel any force that could be sent against him—and Mr. S. said he had no reason to doubt the correctness of this calculation—Nearly all the effective impression which the arms of the U. S. made upon Tripoli was by gun-boats, and that was the first experiment of the kind they ever made; and it might be supposed that great improvement in their construction and management had been since made. Besides, they were then put to an use for which they were not originally intended; they were meant to be employed as defensive weapons, not offensive. The next experiment was tried at Algiers, and the last at Boulogne. From their efficacy there as auxiliaries to the batteries, was to be ascribed the salvation of the French squadron and the escape of the town from plunder and conflagration.
The British have not dared to attack a single French port since, though they had full possession of the channel and every means of attack which their unopposed navy superiority could afford. Though they saw preparing in those ports materials for their destruction, though they saw rising up in them means of offence so much dreaded as to require the utmost rigor of national exertion to provide against them, still did they stand aloof. Had Copenhagen been defended by gun-boats distributed so as to act with the batteries, she would not have fallen so easy a prey; in fact, the few gun-boats they had did all the execution that was done to the British shipping; for the fleet which remained in the port for its defence had no retreat from the superior force of the enemy, but where they could be pursued by vessels of equal size, while the gun-boats ran under the forts and continued to annoy the British ships until those forts were taken by land. And if all the vessels which were captured had been gun-boats, how much better would it have been for the Danes; how much less heavy would the loss of a few boats have been than that of so many large ships, so long building and accumulating, and at such an immense expense. But in order to shew the utility of gun-boats, as well as fortifications, this House was told the British could succeed against outposts by landing a sufficient number of men below our forts and attacking them by land. This is exactly, Mr. S. said, what he wished to hear; for it was conceding at once that our gun-boat and fortification defence would be too much for them to pass; that they would be compelled to give up the idea of carrying the place by water, and thus lose all the great advantages which their boasted irresistible naval power could afford them. If it proved any thing else, it was an argument that equally applied against making any preparations for defence at all; for as they could not pretend to put their whole line of sea coast in a state of defence, an enemy might always find some place at which to land, and it might as well be said that one place ought not to be put in a state of defence, because a landing might be effected at another. Mr. S. hoped they should be prepared to meet them at every vulnerable point; he hoped their care would be extended to all our large commercial cities in such a manner as would, with the aid of their patriotic citizens and the militia, protect them from the predatory incursions of the enemy, for it was that species of warfare on which the enemy seemed mostly to rely. To her disgrace be it spoken, that the chief hostility at present carried on by Britain was by buccaneering, robbery and plunder; they watched opportunities to trespass upon the property of individuals by surprise, and insidiously carried off every thing they could lay their hands upon. The British, he said, find their sources of wealth obstructed from being driven with their trash from the continent of Europe; and in order to support their expensive establishments and the appearance of a nation, they made up the deficiencies by such crimes against neutrals as in individuals would send them to the gallows; they became highwaymen by sea and land; they were guilty of violations not only of the laws of nations, but of the municipal laws or almost every state, through every grade of criminality from piracy even down to petty larceny; we are therefore to provide against them, not as an honorable, open enemy, but as a gang of robbers. If they went on and adopted the defensive measures recommended in the bill reported by the committee of aggressions, as well as this bill, they would be sufficiently prepared for their reception, without going to the expense of building more frigates. Should they attempt any thing more serious against us, said he, I trust we shall be prepared to meet them on equal grounds, and that we shall not be outdone by the Spaniards in Buenos Ayres, or even by the Turks at Constantinople. Of this kind of assault, said he, we have little to dread; they have sufficient employment for their men without sending them abroad to fight. It is their despicable, free-booty mode of warfare against which we have the greatest occasion to provide: that they may not, with a few ships and men, seize upon New-York, for instance, and carry off the accumulated millions of her banks and merchants; and such provision is already amply contemplated in the two items of the bill reported by my colleague.
(Debate to be Continued.)
DOMESTIC.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 23.
A rapid view was taken in our last paper of the nature and effects of the Embargo. As it is the strongest measure yet taken by the government, and from its very nature will be productive of interesting consequences not only on the foreign world, but likewise on ourselves, it is of the first importance that the public should receive correct impressions upon it. For a time it will materially reduce the price of our produce, and enhance that of many foreign commodities. The latter circumstance will operate as some indemnity to our merchants for the suspension of their business; the former will, in a considerable degree, affect the interests of the farmer and planter. Fortunately, in this country it is the latter class of citizens, who, from their numbers as well as their wealth, are the most able to bear a pressure. The reason at which the embargo is said to be favorable to them. They will already have supplied themselves with most of the goods they will want for the ensuing winter, the crops of the last autumn will to a great extent have already found a market, and the principal exertions requisite for the next harvest will not be called for until the ensuing spring. This will alleviate, though it certainly will not supersede the effects of the measure. There will still remain occasion for much fortitude, perhaps for great patience.
Is the state of our affairs such as requires this sacrifice? Might not a resort to milder measures do as well? We confidently answer no; not only for the reasons assigned in our last, but for other reasons.
A crisis has arrived, that calls for some decided step. The national spirit is up. That spirit is invaluable. In case of a war it is to lead us to conquest. By the vigor with which it shall wield the physical force of the country, it is to inspire us with unshaken confidence in our strength, and to appal our enemy. In our solemn appeal to the world, it is to silence forever the idle hope that flatters itself with the phantom, either that we are a divided people, or that our republican institutions have not energy enough to defend us, much less to inflict serious injury on our enemies. To dispel this illusion, in such an event there must cease to exist an inch of British ground on this continent.
The people having shown their spirit, the season has arrived for the government to sustain, second and direct it. To delay any longer to do this, would be to jeopardize its existence. The crisis not requiring war, still hoping, if not expecting peace, an embargo is the next best measure for maintaining the national tone. It will arm the nation. It will do more. It will arm the Executive government. It is an unequivocal, and efficient expression of confidence in the Executive; and gives the President a new weapon of negotiation—we say weapon of negotiation, for, in the present state of the world, even negotiation has ceased to be pacific. Without being backed by force it is an empty sound.
The embargo furnishes this weapon. The sword is not drawn from the scabbard, but it may be drawn at a moment's warning. By it, every member of the community will be sensibly impressed with the solemnity of the crisis, and will be prepared for events. The public will be impatient for a decision of the great interests depending. All will be anxious for a restoration of their ordinary pursuits. Our negotiator will be armed with the public sensibility. He will be constrained to require a definitive answer, and the whole nation will call upon him with one voice to require that this answer be prompt. The negotiator of a foreign nation, if his instructions be amicable, will himself perceive the necessity of a prompt and candid answer, and give it; and if hostile, the sooner the truth comes out, the better.
This is exactly the result so long impatiently expected by the nation, a result, whose further protraction might be ruinous to our interests and derogatory to our character. There are those who suppose that this step will be productive of incalculable commercial losses. It will certainly produce much inconvenience to the mercantile world. But it will be not unaccompanied with benefit. It will separate the wheat from the chaff. It will coerce the settlement of long standing and complicated accounts. The merchant, who has been fraudulently trading on another's capital, may sink. And will not this be just? Is the man an object of com-

miseration who, at such a moment, when all our resources ought to be carefully husbanded for the day of danger, is base enough to risk not his own property, for he has none to risk, but that of another more cautious than himself, and that too which if lost is so much lost to the nation, and so much gained by our enemy? Can any legal measure be too strong for such a man; one who to personal dishonesty adds a total destitution of patriotism; one, who to promote his own interest, can behold with indifference the wreck of his friend's fortune, and the disgrace or ruin of his country? If there is in the United States such a class of men, the sooner they are called to account the better, and the sooner they are arrested in their injustice, the happier for the honest part of the community. As to the solid, honest traders, it is a fact that the greater part of them have long contemplated the lowering aspect of the horizon, and have wisely and honorably, by withdrawing their property from the ocean, determined to await the issue of events. This body of men, and we hope it includes a great majority of our merchants, will approve the embargo.
We believe it will be a popular measure with all classes. We are certain that the farmer, the planter and the mechanic will approve it from the security it offers to the public interests; and if the merchants be as honest and enlightened, as we trust they are, they will perceive the indissoluble connection between their solid and permanent prosperity and the general welfare. Facts too attest the general expectation that this measure would be resorted to by the government; no sooner was the late news received than the public prints of different political characters and in different parts of the union demanded an embargo; and no sooner were the doors of Congress closed, than it became the universal impression that this measure was about to be taken. In proof of this take the following extract from the Gazette of the United States, a paper decidedly federal, of the 21st inst.
"This is, therefore, no time to stand upon punctilio, or to adopt provoking and enfeebling regulations. The necessity of the case points out its remedy. We have it in our hands. Let an embargo be laid upon all our shipping, till they can venture out with a chance of safety. Who knows but that both our enemies (for such I reckon them both) would then agree to except us from their tyrannical interdicts, for the general benefit of indirect communication; and that mutual privilege be thus obtained, by fair means, which we are utterly incompetent to force." "An embargo is a measure that will give the government an opportunity of feeling the pulse of the people, before they commit themselves; and that will manifest our determination not to submit to every belligerent imposition as unequivocally as our boldest efforts at direct retaliation." Nat. Int.
Private letters in town say, that the British government have sent orders to the British colonies beyond the Cape of Good Hope, to issue letters of marque against all vessels sailing under the American flag—the orders are said to be dated the 25th Sept. 1807.....Aurora.
The expedition of general Moreau to the southward, is said to be an amicable one —that more than thirty of his friends in Philadelphia, and double that number in N. York, are acquainted with the innocence of his excursion —who are the general's friends? Ib.
Those who wish to amuse themselves in conjectures about the late events in Spain, may consider a few of the following facts:— Yrajo, after his ignominious dismissal does not return to Spain.
Read a dream that appeared in the Aurora a few months ago. Turn over the files of the Aurora and read the correspondence of Mr. Frere, the British charge des affaires at Madrid.
Remember the number of British frigates that entered the Spanish port of Vera Cruz, in South-America, & sailed thence with millions of dollars.
How should it happen that more than twenty-two millions of dollars should in the course of eleven months pass by the route of Vera Cruz—N. Orleans—Philadelphia—and the monthly packet from N. York for England—and that in a single vessel (of that description) there are now nine millions of Spanish dollars. All hollow!.....Ib.
EXTRACT TO THE EDITOR: Washington City, Dec. 18. I take the liberty of informing you, of an occurrence which happened here very lately—which must at once form a conviction in the mind of every one, that we have a loyal party in this country, and not a very inconsiderable one. Last Saturday, the federal mess which lodge at Miss Fugian's, were honored with the company of his Britannic majesty's ambassador (Mr. Erskine) and suite, at dinner, agreeably to an invitation from them.
This honorable & loyal congressional mess having allayed their hunger with a dinner, (which I suppose would not be numbered among the worst served up here this season) began to regale themselves with wine, (no other certainly would suit but London particular.) The first toast drank at table, could an American believe it, was— George the 3d!
Any comment on this toast, being drunk in this country during the existing circumstances with Great Britain, and by delegates too, of the people of the United States, sent to the seat of government, to adopt the best measures to avenge the insults our country has received, and to retrieve the honor of the nation, must be superfluous.
They have already received an awful warning for their pertinaciousness. On Sunday last, we had a very violent storm of wind, which spent its force on the gable end of the very house in which they lodged, having destroyed it from the second story to the roof—no lives were lost.
N. B. Those composing this mess, are Senators White and Bayard, of Delaware; Van Rensselaer, N. York; Lewis of Virginia; Gardener of N. York; Goldsborough, Maryland; Kelly, Penna. and others whose names I do not know.....Aurora.
LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA. The following resolution was, on Monday last, laid on the table of the house of representatives, by a leading democrat member from Beaver county:— "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire, and report to this house the expediency of extending the powers of the traverse juries, to the determination of the law, as well as the facts, in civil cases; and also the right of such juries to decide on the competency of all witnesses brought before them, and likewise the propriety of regulating by law, the manner in which new trials shall be granted."
regulating by law, the manner in which new trials shall be granted."
TRENTON, Dec. 21. THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER TO THE Legislature's Address.
Washington, Dec. 10, 1807. SIR. HAVING a few days since, received through you an Address from the Legislative Council and General Assembly of the state of New-Jersey, I beg leave, through the same channel, to return the answer now enclosed, and to add the assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TH: JEFFERSON. His Excellency Gov. BLOOMFIELD.
To the Representatives of the People of N. Jersey in their Legislature.
THE sentiments, fellow-citizens, which you are pleased to express in your address of the 4th inst. of attachment and esteem for the general government, and of confidence and approbation of those who direct its councils, cannot but be pleasing to the friends of union generally, and give a new claim on all those who direct the public affairs for every thing which zeal can effect for the good of their country.
It is indeed to be deplored that distant as we are from the storms and convulsions which agitate the European world, the pursuit of an honest neutrality, beyond the reach of reproach, has been insufficient to secure to us the certain enjoyment of peace with those whose interests, as well as ours would be promoted by it. What will be the issue of present misunderstandings cannot as yet be foreseen; but the measures adopted for their settlement have been sincerely directed to maintain the rights, the honor and the peace of our country. Should they fail, the ardor of our citizens to obey the summons of their country, and the offer, which you attest, of their lives and fortunes in its support, are worthy of their patriotism, and are pledges of our safety.
The suppression of the late conspiracy by the hand of the people, uplifted to destroy it wherever it reared its head, manifests their fitness for self government, and the power of a nation of which every individual feels that his own will is a part of the public authority.
The effect of the public contributions in reducing the national debt, and liberating our resources from the canker of interest, has been so far salutary; and encourages us to continue the same course; or, if necessarily interrupted, to resume it as soon as practicable.
I perceive with sincere pleasure that my conduct in the chief magistracy has so far met your approbation that my continuance in that office, after its present term, would be acceptable to you.
(Here follows the same sentiments in the words, which Mr. J. addressed to the Legislature of Maryland, relinquishing all pretensions to she next election.)
(CIRCULAR.)
Commercial Agency of the U. S. of America, NANTES, OCT. 11, 1807.
To the Masters of America vessels now in the port of Nantes. GENTLEMEN—Being instructed this day, by His Excellency Gen. Armstrong Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, that he has reason to deem it probable, that the English ships of war and cruisers will be let loose on such part of our commerce with this country, Spain, Holland, &c. as may be found within their reach, he therefore deems it prudent, and I hereby advise you, that you should return as soon as possible to the United States.—I am, Gentlemen, with much respect, your Ob't. Serv't. W. B. PATTERSON.
In another circular letter, dated Oct. 30, the Consul mentions his having received advices from Gen. Armstrong, dated Oct. 22a, and again urges the departure of all American vessels, on the same grounds.
A late Census of the inhabitants of the city of N. Y. gives the following estimate:—   In 1697 4,302  1796 15,000  1771 21,263  1786 23,614  1790 33,131  1801 60,489  1805 73,770  1807 83,530 
WASHINGTON, Tuesday Evening, December 22.
The great secret is at length disclosed—Congress have laid an embargo. The act goes into immediate operation, and is without limit in respect to time. Foreign vessels in port may depart in their present condition, whether loaded or in ballast. I shall endeavour to obtain a copy of the act, together with such documents relative to the subject, as ordered to be published, and transmit them to you by the next mail. The act was passed by a large majority—82 yeas, 44 nays. Though the House were three days debating the expediency of the measure, yet the friends of it said little in its favor. Most of the time was taken up by its opponents with great energy and eloquence insisted on its ruinous consequences to this country. Among the principal opponents of the measure were Messrs. Key, Randolph, Dana, Gardiner, Rowan, Livermore, Elliot and Masters. Messrs. Nicholas and Smilie said a few words in favor of the measure in the early stages of the discussion.
Dispatches from Mr. Armstrong have been communicated to congress by the executive announcing the determination of Bonaparte to enforce his decree against neutral commerce in its utmost extent. Mr. Monroe is expected here this evening.
The reports in circulation are that Mr. Randolph delivered last evening one of his most eloquent speeches against the bill before the house in secret session; that all the speakers yesterday in the 12 hours session were in opposition, the advocates of the bill relying on their numbers and declining to reply, through confidence of victory—and the question was finally carried by a great majority—82 to 44. The above is from a Federal Philadelphia paper.
NORFOLK, Dec. 21.
A frigate (supposed to be British) looked into Hampton Roads on Friday, and afterwards stood out to sea again. This could not be the Statira with Mr. Rose, but one of the squadron that has been here so long, looking for the Patrit .
From the 8th to the 14th Dec. inclusive, seven vessels arrived at Charleston from America, with 1299 SLAVES!!
Amplification from American Merchants.
It appears from the instructions given to Mr. Munroe, in 1804, that our Government then insisted on the exemption of Merchant Vessels from search for seamen—and it appears, also, from the following extract, that the British had once yielded the point generally, and that the negotiation failed because our Minister contended that the right of search should likewise be abandoned in the "Narrow Seas." How far the opinions of our Rulers may have become altered by a further consideration and investigation of the subject remains to be known:—
Extracts from the Instructions. "The British pretensions to domain over the narrow seas are so obsolete, and so indefensible, that they never would have occurred as a probable objection in this case, if they had not actually frustrated an arrangement settled by Mr. King with the British ministry, on the subject of impressments from American vessels on the high seas. At the moment when the articles were expected to be signed, an exception of the "narrow seas" was urged and insisted on by Lord St. Vincent; and being utterly inadmissible on our part, the negotiation was abandoned."
"From every view of the subject it is reasonable to expect that the exception of the narrow seas, from the stipulation against impressments will not be inflexibly maintained. Should it be so, YOUR NEGOTIATION WILL BE AT AN END. The truth is, that so great a proportion of our trade, direct and circuitous, passes through those channels, and such is its peculiar exposure in them to the wrong practised, that with such an exception, any remedy would be very partial. And we can never consent to purchase a partial remedy, by confirming a general evil, and by subjecting ourselves to our own reproaches, as well as to those of other nations."
"It seems it was then supposed there would be no difficulty about the high seas. But the late Proclamation makes no exception whatever. This is not a time we apprehend when there can be a rupture of a negotiation, and no harm come of it."
ON OUR TRADE.
A good deal has been said of the non-importation act; of its imbecility and so forth. That it can be of no injury to Great Britain and little better than a useless expedient to the U. States. If this is really the case, why all the clamour about its going into effect, because, it will irritate England and she retaliate—Who will be the loser in the event of forcing us to extremities. It is well known, that for a number of years, the trade of the U. States to the British West India islands, is a complete monopoly in favor of Great Britain; of course the participation in that part of our trade is not equal. If then, the U. S. do not participate equally in the advantages of their intercourse with Great Britain, it is proper to enquire, whether the nature of their supplies, and their present political situation, do not enable them to demand and enforce a reciprocity? The supplies of the U. States to Great Britain, consist either of articles of subsistence, or articles for re-exportation, or the rude fabrics for manufacture. The articles of supply from Great Britain, to the U. States, are for their own consumption, and the great proportion, at least, in point of value, consists of luxuries. The British Empire is incompetent to her own supply of subsistence, and is every day becoming more so.
Two very interesting reflections may be inferred from this consideration. The one, that continual increase of debt, and paper machinery, will not produce a corresponding increase of ability in the nation to feed itself. That an infinity of paper will not produce an infinity of food. The other, that proportioned to the inability of G. Britain to feed herself, will be her dependence upon a nation who can feed her. The U. S. furnish an abundant supply of subsistence for herself, and, but that England does not deserve it, might still feed her encroaching wants. If the two nations cannot avoid the alternative—"who shall do each other the most harm?"—we have this consolation, (if it can be considered one) G. B. cannot change the direction of her labor; Every species of occupation and employment is not filled, but surcharged—her subjects will be compelled to plough the ocean for subsistence and plunder. In the U. States, agriculture, the primary occupation of man, is not yet filled; hence the facility of changing the direction of labor.
It is a fact, that one sixth of the whole exported manufactures of the British dominions, finds a market and consumption in the U. States; it is computed, that at least 50,000 hands are employed in making this supply; stop the consumption, and examine the effect. Many persons are of opinion, that no great effect can be expected from so trivial a cause. They should reflect that the nation is incompetent to her own supply of subsistence; is growing more so; cut off from her dernier resort in South America, and that every occupation is surcharged. To deprive 50,000 persons of the means of subsistence, would not be a trivial cause. Shut out from the markets in Europe, in such a state of things it would be a great cause, and even the auxiliary expedient of the non-importation act will produce great effects.
What is the actual state of Great Britain? She is tottering under the weight of a king, a court, a profligate nobility, a priesthood, armies, navies, debts, and all the complicated machinery of misery and oppression, which serves to increase the number of unproductive hands, and lessen the number of productive hands, and is the true source of the inability of the nation to feed herself. She is at this moment engaged in a war with Europe; while taxation is already carried to the ultimatium of financial device—the ability of the people probed to the very quick in the payment of taxes, constituting at once the debility of her systems and the decrepitude of old age. On the other hand, the United States, in the flower of youth, increasing in hands, increasing in wealth, and although an imitative policy has been pursued by the predecessors of the present administration, yet the operations of natural causes have, as yet, in a great degree, counteracted their influence, and still furnish a great superiority, in comparison with the resources of Great Britain.
It has been said that one-sixth of the trade of Great Britain is carried on with the United States, and that one half of the trade of the United States is carried on with Great Britain; and from these facts it is inferred, that in case of a commercial war between the two nations, the United States would be the greatest sufferer. From a mere theoretic proposition, the inference would be just; but it is completely reversed by the existing practical state of things. In the existing state of things, the one-sixth of the trade of Great Britain to the United States, is extremely
profitable to her. It consists of articles in some degree essential to her other trade. For instance: pea and pea ash for her linen— indigo for cloth— cotton for manufactures and re-exportation, and of course making a part of the other five-sixths of her trade— lumber for her navy and her W. India possessions. Whereas one half of the trade of this country to the British dominions, under its present restrictions, may be a losing trade—a great proportion of it consists of luxuries for consumption, after having received the last polish from the artizan, and so far cannot be essential.
If the U. States be competent to their own supply of useful and necessary articles, or can furnish themselves from other markets, no ill can arise from making articles of mere luxuries less accessible to the citizens of the U. S. than they now are; on the contrary, it is believed it would add to the morals, the wealth and the independence of the United States. All that is wanted is a beginning. N. Y. Pub. Adv.—A MERCHANT.
EUROPE.
We publish the following remarks that our readers may perceive the contemptuous manner in which our rights and resources are considered by our former masters; that their hearts may kindle with the energy which honest indignation inspires; and that they may perceive the necessity of stringing every nerve and sinew to meet the proud and consumelious demands of these lords and tyrants of the ocean. Eng.
AMERICA AND GREAT-BRITAIN.
FROM THE LONDON "TIMES"—AUG. 26.
DISPUTE WITH AMERICA.
The matters in dispute between this country and the United States of America still continue undecided. Indeed, no communication have been received by the American Minister in this country, the negotiations are of course not yet entered upon. We do not complain of the waste of time on an occasion of so much moment: it affords opportunity to the people of both countries to form right sentiments on the merits of the cause; for the ebullitions of wrath to discharge themselves by effervescing on the one side; and on the other, for the steady principles of patriotism to prevail over the paltry considerations of trading interests and the temporary parties of mercantile corporations. At all events, it will not be the inordinate zeal of the British public that is likely to drive Ministers into a war with America. We hope, the worse than apathy on this side the water, and the blustering on the other, will not withhold them from the just assertion of the maritime code of Europe, and the proud enforcement of our naval pre-eminence. For ourselves, we see no great disinclination between stealing British seamen, and stealing British ships, and between our right to execute what may be called a naval search-warrant in the one case, and in the other, after having declared our reasons for supposing the property we have lost to be in the place where we institute the search. From this right, we trust Ministers will never recede. The policy and interest of the case, on the broad ground of national expediency, is as decidedly with us as the justice; but, before we enter upon that consideration, we will venture to ask the Chamber of Commerce at Liverpool, who in their resolution have expressed so strong a wish for concession on our part, what the American people would at this moment say to a company of Merchants, at Charleston for example, who should enter into certain resolutions, tending to bind the Executive of that country from insisting upon their exemption from our search? Would not the persons forming such a confederation, in the present state of popular feeling in America, stand a fair chance of being torn to pieces?—And is it there only we look for the sacrifice of personal interest to national welfare? For it will be found, on examination, that the American has much stronger reason to deprecate a war than the British people; and though in the fury of passion, this may not be perceived at present, it will soon be both seen and felt, if the war is conducted as it ought to be, and is made a war against almost the only thing which the Americans possess, their commerce and their carrying trade. As to the resolutions and readers of service made by that people to the President of the U. S. they mean no more than if a party of pigmies had volunteered their services in an expedition against the cranes to the regions beyond the clouds. How can they, when they are armed and associated, get at us? Can they march their volunteers upon the decks of our ships of war, or charge with bayonets upon our seamen at their great guns? No, however, that we would in the slightest degree insinuate, that because we hold in our hands the power of repelling American aggression, we would therefore uphold British injustice. No—all that we mean to prove is, that war has nothing terrible in it, when compared to the surrender of our maritime rights. We would recommend peace and conciliation with the Americans, but it must be such a peace as leaves us in the free and undisputed possession of all the advantages resulting from our naval superiority; such a conciliation as borders pretty much on concession on their part.
The dispute between us and America (and to this we would call the attention of the whole nation) is, in its nature, novel and unique; it has been ignorantly or inadvertently confounded as similar in principle with that between us and the northern Powers about the year 1780. It is no such thing; it is not in the slightest degree like it; it is a dispute which can exist only between Great Britain and the United States on account of the similarity of our language. It is not for our right to search a trading vessel for a package of contraband goods, that we are now contending, but for our right to pursue and capture the bodies of British seamen absconding from the service, and knowingly & wilfully concealed (or at least not brought forward for examination) under a neutral flag. It would have been no degradation to the Americans—on the contrary, it would have been an honour to Commodore BARON, to have mustered these men on the deck of his vessel; to have invited the British captain to be present at their examination; and, if the charges against them were true, the Cheapeake should have regorged them with indignation, as affording a bad example to the subjects of any nation. What! are British sailors to be called upon for the performance of that most distressing of all duties, the tearing of their brethren and countrymen from the arms of their wives, and the bosoms of their families, when the necessities of the State demand the enforcement of the impress service; and may they not follow and indentify the person of a renegade, on a foreign station? Is an American hulk to be a more secure
place of refuge than an English ship? The question has not long been in common (and we again summon the attention of our countrymen to this striking particular; it is miraculous that it should have escaped general observation); it has nothing in common with those rights of neutral nations which have been heretofore disputed. The powers of the Continent have no concern in it. It is a question merely British and American; and if it is given up, or frittered away by the concessions of our Government, we avow that it is a sacrifice more prejudicial to the interests of England than any that has been yet made, even in this season of sacrifices.
Aye, but the bloodshed, the calamities of war! in Hotsper's words, 'the purpose you undertake is dangerous?' 'but I tell you, my lord Fool, out of this nettle danger, we pluck this flower safety.' We deprecate the extension of war, and its concomitant calamities, as much as the most humane of our countrymen; but if it is the only road to safety and honour, it is the road we must take, though at every step we tread on a mangled body. The horrors of war, therefore, do not alter the justice of our cause: these horrors ought first to be considered by those who are in the wrong. It may be said, 'Nay, but it is not this nation or that with which we are engaged in hostilities, it is with the whole world.'—And what does that signify? We are at war with the whole world's master, and no wonder therefore if we are at war with the world. But with America, if possible, we would still continue in amity: we would point out to her the injustice of her cause; we would modify the unfounded violence of her anger; we would deprecate the temerity, with which she is rushing into hostilities that can but feebly affect us, and may fall with aggravated weight and rebounded violence on her own head. Yes, they can but feebly affect us, for we have shown before, the inefficiency of her armed associations to operate any momentous political evil to G. B.; and they must fail with redoubled violence on her own head; for let her but consider the consequences, generally, of a war with England.
There is nothing more degrading to the dignity, and more prejudicial to the interests of Russia, than the exclusion of that country from the concerns of Southern Europe, the necessary result of the treaty of Tilsit. And yet how feeble, how paltry an exclusion is this—when compared to the insurmountable barrier which England can place in the way of the American intercourse with the whole of Europe, Asia and Africa! They cannot stir from their harbors without our leave. Should their Ambassador at the Court of France give offence to the new-ranged pride of the Emperor Napoleon, they cannot move him, and send out his successor, except with our permission, or through our neglect. They can hardly pass their troops from the Continent to the adjacent Islands, Rhode, and Long, & Staten Islands, without being subject to the annoyance of our cruisers. Their naval trade, if we act with sufficient energy, must be confined to the Lakes in the interior of their own country. From the banks of Erie, or Ontario, they may bring home timber which they do not want, or purchase furs of the Iroquois which they cannot export. It may be possible, indeed, to keep the whole of the American ports in a perpetual state of blockade, owing to the vast extent of coast they possess, from Acadia to the Gulf of Mexico; but a small squadron, stationed off Pensacola, would intercept all the European traffic of the Eastern states; and the length of the voyage, and the difficulty of entering European harbors, would totally obstruct all their commerce with the Old World. Think too of the vast expanse of ocean which their vessels must measure; with scarce a friendly port to touch at, while we possess the Cape, in order to obtain the commodities of the E. Indies. We should not wonder if a maritime war, carried on with sufficient spirit & activity on our part, were to dissolve the fabric of their federal government, as ill assorted bodies fly asunder by compression.
And what can America do to reciprocate such our annoyance in an equal degree? Why, she will sequester the property of British subjects, vested in her funds. A more atrocious insinuation was never thrown out against a civilized people than this. Amidst all the difficulties and distresses which this nation has sustained, the money which has been entrusted to her honour, has ever been held sacred from her necessities or her revenge. It has even been exempted from taxation, a more favourable provision than some have been willing to approve. And look at the high state of unassailable pre-eminence in which the British funds will then stand, the decided preference they will in future receive, if America is guilty of this most impolitic seizure. Her worst enemies could not wish her a greater evil, than the commission of this suicidal act upon her own integrity. We will venture to prognosticate, she would never have another European creditor, whatever might be her necessities, or whatever the terms she might offer for a loan. England would then contain the only unsuspected depository of the gains of the enterprising, and the competence of the industrious; of the provision for old age, and the maintenance of infancy. As to the individuals who should suffer by such an act of the American Government, the unpatriotic infatuation by which they could prefer the security and honour of any other country to that of their own, deserves some punishment; and if the Americans are capable of inflicting it, none so proper as this; and the clamours of such men are only a proof of the justice of our cause: but the loss of reputation is never compensated by the gain which accrues from any act of injustice; and America herself would be ultimately the chief sufferer by such conduct. But, however, we may blame our Transatlantic brethren for their intemperance and indiscriminate rage, we would not willingly see cause to accuse them of robbery and plunder, and we shall therefore urge this matter no farther. We trust we have pointed out the wrong they would already have done us, if they had been suffered, in hiding and attempting to carry off the persons of men suspected to be amenable to the laws of the British navy. The production and examination of them could have led to no evil consequences, if they had been innocent. It is no disgrace even now to recede from the commission or avowal of what, if reason cannot justify it, violence certainly will be unable to support. With us we believe no choice remains: where the honour of our flag, and the essential interests of our navy are at stake, our conduct is matter not of option, but of necessity.
FROM BATAVIA.
Ship Leda, Spear, 103 days from Batavia, has arrived at Baltimore. Five days previous to the Leda's sailing, the British frigate Fox, came in the harbor, and commenced a brisk fire on the Dutch vessels; all their cables were immediately cut and ran ashore. The

disgust came to anchor, but finding that the anchor was not deep enough, the anchor was weighed. Had not the frigate been very expert in getting off the American shipping would have been much injured by the force. At night an officer from her boarded all the American vessels in the harbor, & pressed two men from the ship Fame, Jones , of Philadelphia. The Leda was boarded off the Capes by an officer of the British frigate Horatio , & treated politely. The Fame, Jones , for Philadelphia, sailed 5 days before the Leda .
FRENCH PAPERS. To the 5th Nov. have been received at Newburyport, via Marblehead . They contain but little new intelligence. A Bayonne article of Oct. 26, mentions the arrival at Cadiz of the Russian fleet of 11 sail of the line, from the Mediterranean !
Virginia Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES, TUESDAY, December 22.
Mr. Barbour from the committee appointed to enquire into such laws as require amendment or revision, presented A bill "Concerning lapsed legacies," A bill "To amend an act concerning rents;" and A bill "Concerning sheriffs;" which were severally received and read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time. A petition of Mary Jeter (which lay on the table) was taken up and read, praying that she may be exempted from any penalty which she may have incurred by bringing into this state certain slaves from N. Carolina, and that she may be permitted to retain the said slaves in bondage in this state; Also a petition of Baldwin Dade and Catharine his wife, praying the passage of a law authorizing the sale of a certain tract of land in Fairfax county conveyed in trust by the petitioners, for reasons in the said petition stated; Also a memorial of Archibald McCall of the city of Philadelphia, praying relief against the consequences of the act of Assembly for collecting the arrears of taxes due on lands, as far as the same affects certain lands held by the memorialist and the other heirs and legal representatives of his father Archibald McCall, deceased. A petition was presented and read from George Pickett and others, admrs of John Pendleton, dec'd, praying provision for the discharge of certain certificates of the commonwealth held by the said Pendleton, and that they may be permitted to discharge a certain claim of the commonwealth against said Pendleton in said certificates at their nominal value, provided such claim should be determined in favor of the commonwealth by the court before which it is depending; Also a petition of James Semple and Joanna his wife, praying that the commonwealth would relinquish to the petitioners any right which it may have, to certain lots and land formerly the property of David Black, dec'd, lying in and adjoining that part of Petersburg called Blandford;
Also a petition of the heirs of George Gilmer, late of Albemarle county, praying that they may be authorized to sell two tracts of land in the county of Fluvanna and one lot in the city of Richmond, belonging to the estate of the said Gilmer; Also a petition of Henry Lyne of North Carolina, stating his wish to remove into this state, and praying that he may be authorized to bring with him certain slaves; Also a petition from a number of the inhabitants of Amherst county, praying that the said county may be annexed to the district for which a superior court of chancery is holden in the town of Staunton;
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee for courts of justice. A petition of the president and directors of the Potomac company, praying that they may be allowed the further time of three years for completing the navigation of the Shenandoah river; Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Norfolk and Princess Anne counties, praying the passage of a law authorizing the erection of a toll bridge across Tanner's creek, from the land of Samuel Coleman to the land of Doctor James Taylor;
Also a petition of a number of the inhabitants of Spotsylvania county, praying the passage of a law incorporating a company for opening a turnpike road from Fredericksburg to the Blue Ridge; Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee of propositions and grievances. A petition of Thomas Davenport, late sheriff of Halifax county, praying that a certain sum of money may be refunded to him from the public treasury, it being so much more than the claim of the commonwealth against him;
Also a petition of John Hope, of Hanover county, praying the remission of a fine inflicted on him by a court martial in the said county; Also a petition of John H. Allen, praying the remission of a fine inflicted on him by the district court of Williamsburg, for not attending as a witness, in a certain prosecution depending in the said court;
Ordered, That the said petitions be referred to the committee of claims. A petition was presented and read from a number of the inhabitants of Rockbridge county, praying the passage of a law authorizing the appointment of inspectors of whisky;
Ordered, That the said petition be referred to Messrs. Preston, Tucker, Prunty, Strickler, W. Foushee, Rutherford, Morgan, Irvine, Gholson and H. Craig; that they do examine the matter thereof and report the same with their opinion thereupon to the house. The following petitions were received, and on motion, ordered to be laid on the table:—to wit: A petition of Joseph C. Baldwin and Cyrus B. Baldwin—a petition of David Hunter—a petition of Bryan Gormley and Daniel Desmond, and a petition of William L. Lewis.
On motion, Ordered, That the committee of privileges and elections be discharged from further consideration of the petition of John Putnam, to them referred, and that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition.
WEDNESDAY, December 23.
An engrossed bill "For dividing the county of Amherst" was read a third time & several blanks therein filled up; Resolved, That the bill do pass and that the title be, an act "For dividing the county of Amherst." Ayes 101—Nays 54. Certain resolutions (which lay on the table) as reported from the committee for courts of justice, were taken up and read in the following words: 1. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Henry J. Arnhold, praying that an act may pass vesting in the petitioner the right of the commonwealth to a certain lot of ground lying in the city of Richmond, whereof Wm. F. Art died seized and intestate, and which hath escheated to the commonwealth, is reasonable. 2. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Sarah Hewlett, admx of Wm. Bewley, dec'd, praying that an act may pass authorizing a sale of a tract of land of one hundred acres, lying in Caroline county, whereof the said William died seized and intestate, and an application of the proceeds of the said sale towards discharging the debts of the said decedent, be rejected. 3. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of Elizabeth Michael, praying that an act may pass vesting in her the right of the commonwealth to a certain tract of land lying in the county of Hardy, whereof a certain John Shoemaker died seized and intestate, without heirs capable of inheriting the same, be rejected.
The 1st and 2d resolutions being read a second time, were on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house. The 3d resolution being read a second time, a motion was made to amend the same, by striking out at the end thereof the words "be rejected" and inserting in lieu of them the words "is reasonable;" and the question being put on the proposed amendment, it passed in the affirmative. The question being then put on the resolution as amended, it was agreed to by the house. A report from the committee for courts of justice (which lay on the table) was taken up and read in the following words: The committee for courts of justice have, according to order, had under their consideration several petitions to them referred, and have come to the following resolutions thereupon: 1. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of Nottoway county, praying that an act may pass for establishing as an academy, a private school now under the management of Donald Stewart, near the court-house of the said county, is reasonable. 2. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Centerville and its vicinity, praying that an act may pass incorporating trustees for the Centerville academy, similar to the act passed for incorporating those of Dumfries academy, is reasonable. 3. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry members of the court of Goochland county, stating that from accident they omitted at the proper times to appoint processioners, and to make the necessary arrangements for the election of overseers of the poor of the said county, and praying that their proceedings afterwards adopted on these subjects, may be legalized by the legislature, is reasonable. 4. Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of the president and professors of the college of William and Mary, praying that an act may pass authorizing them and also the professors or trustees of other public seminaries, to summon and compel the attendance of witnesses, and to administer an oath to any person not a student, to answer all questions respecting those transactions in which students may be supposed to be concerned, in violation of the rules and statutes of their respective seminaries, is reasonable. 5. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Suffolk, praying that an act may pass, authorizing an annual election of trustees of the said town, with powers sufficient to enable them to keep the streets, lanes, alleys and foot ways thereof in good repair, and to regulate in other respects the internal police of the said town, is reasonable. The said resolutions being read a second time, were on the question put thereupon, agreed to by the house. (To be continued.)
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, DECEMBER 31, 1807.
THE EMBARGO.
The arguments which may be urged in favour of this energetic measure, are very ably explained in the observations which we have quoted from the Washington paper.—It is our intention to offer a few additional remarks, for the purpose of explaining the nature of this Embargo; and obviating some objections which may be urged against it. This measure emphatically addresses itself to the spirit and patriotism of the people. If they uphold it, the embargo will continue to operate until it leads to the most salutary results. If they oppose it, if they murmur at it, if like children, they will not put up with a little temporary inconvenience for the sake of obtaining some great ultimate good; it is in vain that their government has taken this dignified stand. Some embargoes are intended not only to preserve the property of the nation, but to get their adversary's into their power. But this one, adopted only in the prudent spirit of precaution, operates upon our vessels only, and not upon foreigners. The property of our adversary is permitted to escape. How different is this measure from the following scheme of the Embargo that was laid in 1794! Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives or the U. S. of America, in Congress assembled, That an embargo be laid on all ships and vessels in the ports of the U. S. whether already cleared out or not, bound to any foreign port or place, for the term of thirty days; and that no clearances be furnished, during that time, to any ship or vessel bound to such foreign port or place, except ships or vessels, under the immediate directions of the President of the United States. And that the President of the United States be authorised to grant such instructions to the revenue officers of the U. S. States, as shall appear best adapted for carrying the said resolution into full effect. Approved. March 26, 1794. Other resolutions were afterwards adopted, relative to coasting vessels, and to American vessels, which were permitted to be cleared out for ports beyond the Cape of Good Hope. This measure rests upon the strong and irresistible reasons and documents, communicated by the President of the U. S. These reasons apply to France as well as to England; these documents consist of the opinion of Regnier (a French Judge) and of the British proclamation. These papers menace the safety of "our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise, on the high seas and elsewhere." Under such circumstances it would have been madness in our government not to have drawn us into our own shell, and by this precaution to have protected the persons and property of our countrymen. This is the great object for which this embargo has been instituted. Neither France nor England can complain of this embargo. It does not affect their property, because it is only intended to secure our own. It is not partial to either, because it equally affects both. It is not adopted from any wanton desire to injure the interests of either, but because that sense of preservation on which they, particularly England, have so much insisted, loudly demands it. But if it should injure either, let them recollect that it was forced upon us by their own measures. Neither of them therefore has any cause of complaint. From the peculiarly liberal provisions of this embargo, as well as from the general character of such a measure, it is impossible that it can interrupt our negotiation with G. B. or that she can consider it as a just cause of war. This is a measure, which is frequently practised by the powers of Europe, without being supposed to furnish any cause for either hostility or even resentment in the other nations. If a fleet is about to sail from any port, and the government wishes to keep it secret, the usual measure is an embargo in that port. If a fleet is in want of seamen, and they are to be obtained by impressment, nothing is more common than an embargo—If the merchant vessels of one nation are ex-
posed to the depredations of another, the usual refuge is an embargo. It is a measure practised both in peace and in war; by France, or by England. It is practised from various motives; and it never furnishes a plausible ground for hostile retaliation, unless it be accompanied by other circumstances which mark its hostile character. Then, the nation against whose vessels and cargo it is particularly directed, may sometimes choose to consider it in the light of a war-measure. It may be objected, that this measure should have been more specific in its provisions; and that of foreign vessels, it should have prevented British vessels only from taking our cargoes on board. But those who urge this objection, forget the object of the measure. The embargo was not laid to keep our cargoes, or our produce, out of the hands of G. Britain; but also of France. France too menaces our property; we may have causes of irritation with that power; we cannot anticipate the lengths to which those may conduct us; and in case of a war with France, would it not have been a ridiculous policy for us to have endangered the safety of those cargoes, which have been transported in French vessels and deposited in French warehouses?
Those who make this objection, forget too that the French vessels, which visit our ports are comparatively few in number, that they could take off a very small portion of our produce, and would in an inconsiderable degree relieve the pressure of this embargo upon our merchants and farmers. They forget too, that this invidious exception against British vessels would have furnished Great-Britain with an adequate cause for resentment and hostility; that she might have considered it as a war-measure on our part, to be properly retorted by a similar or a severer measure on her part.—Very few of the advantages too would have arisen from this exception, which its advocates contemplate. Few, or no British vessels would have entered our ports; and those which are already in our ports, have generally unloaded the British cargoes which they brought here, and the present embargo actually prevents them from receiving any more of our own produce on board.
There are some, who may urge an opposite objection; that this embargo ought to have extended to all foreign vessels but to those of G. Britain: they contend that this policy should have been pursued, because it might have the effect of throwing the British vessels & cargoes into our possession. Those who recommend this policy, must necessarily have authorised British vessels not only to have landed their cargo, but to have taken an American cargo on board; if the first privilege only was conceded without the last, it would be exactly the plan of the present embargo. But if the British vessels were to be permitted to receive a return cargo in exchange for British manufactures, how could it throw British property into our possession? The return cargo would be just the same pledge in the hands of G. B. as her original cargo was in the hands of the U. S.
The only advantage that could possibly arise to us from this exemption, would be, that whenever we apprehend a war to be certain, this exemption would bring some of the British vessels into our ports. A new embargo might throw these into our possession. But is not this possible advantage more than counterbalanced by the certain inconveniences of this measure? In the first place, G. B. would obtain a monopoly of our commerce, and with it, all the advantages to herself and all the disadvantages to ourselves, which a monopoly of the market always produces. She would sell her own manufactures for much more; she would buy our produce for much less, than their relative value. This is the very state of things, which G. B. would desire and it would consequently furnish her with a very feeble inducement to discontinue those depredations of her own, which produced our embargo. She would be more disposed to continue the one, that she might enjoy the profits of the other.
The advocates of this policy should also recollect, that the concession of this commercial monopoly to G. B. would necessarily produce a jealous and hostile spirit in France. That power has made the most astonishing exertions to expel the commerce of her rival from the continent of Europe. She will scarcely, therefore, behold her self excluded from our ports, and her rival alone admitted, without necessarily feeling the keenest disappointment and vexation.
Some persons, who are for getting the British cargoes and vessels into our possession, have proposed another method for obviating these inconveniences. Instead of exempting the British vessels alone from this embargo, they propose a general exemption all foreign vessels. These politicians in other words, object to the present embargo, because it is not confined to our own vessels alone. According to their doctrine, their plan of an embargo would invite the British vessels and cargoes into our ports, and in case of a war would throw so much more of our adversary's property into our possession.—But this plan would have given the same monopoly to G. Britain and the same jealousy to France, which the other system would have produced.
There are only two ways by which the U. S. import the manufactures of Europe and export their own produce; these are British, or American bottoms. The number of French or Spanish vessels, which visit our ports, is not worth entering into the calculation. By embargoing our own vessels, therefore, and allowing a free trade to all foreign vessels, we substantially grant a complete commercial monopoly to British vessels. This system, too, would really cut off France from all commercial connection with the U. S. France has very few of her own vessels trading to our ports. It is by means of our own vessels, that she receives the productions of this country and of the W. Indies. An embargo therefore which is confined to our own vessels, might not only diminish the value of her commerce but would increase that of her enemy. It not only cuts off her trade with the U. S. but grants an almost absolute monopoly of our trade to G. Britain. Could it be expected, that France would contemplate this unfavourable situation without some sentiment of jealousy and resentment? And where is the politician among us, who is so smitten with a Quixotic love of arms, as to wish to precipitate us into a war with all the powers of Europe?
Some have contended that this law is defective, as it does not provide for the case of foreign vessels which may hereafter enter our ports. But they who make this objection have not certainly studied its provisions. Foreign vessels may no doubt enter. They may land their cargoes; but they cannot ship a new one. The only difference between French and English vessels, is, that the former may land all sorts of cargoes; the latter such only as are not interdicted by the Non-Importation Act.
We confidently trust that the patience and gallantry of our countrymen will readily prompt them to submit to the inconveniences of this law. No doubt it will give a temporary shock to the value of our produce, when the merchants choose to encounter the obloquy of the speculation, it will raise the price of goods. But the honor of our country is at stake. It is our firm belief too, that it will contribute to bring the European nations to a sense of justice.
MR. ROSE.
A letter from Norfolk, of Dec. 27, to a merchant in this City, says, "We are this moment informed, that the Statira frigate, with Mr. Rose, has arrived in the Roads."—It is reported in this city, that Mr. Rose had taken a pilot-boat and sailed up the Potomac for Washington. It is presumed, that our government will make "short work" of it with this special Envoy. The British manifesto about seamen has already contributed to save much unavailing discussion.—It is now understood, that our government will not consent to negotiate at all with Mr. Rose, unless he is authorised to treat of the affair of the Chesapeake in connection with the general questions in dispute. And indeed if we can place any confidence in the following extract from a letter addressed to the editor of a Federal paper in Philadelphia, the President may have imparted this idea in some confidential communication to Congress:
"Yesterday, (December 17) in the course of debate in the House of Representatives as Mr. Sturges was giving a general view of our difficulties and negotiations with the British government, he stated that it was well understood that the British had refused to blend the affair of the Chesapeake with the other points in controversy, and that our government insisted on discussing them in connexion. While Mr. S. was stating these facts he was called to order by Mr. Nicholas, and afterwards by Mr. Crowninshield on the score of revealing what he was not at liberty to communicate. Mr. S. observed, that in what he was about to say, he placed no reliance upon any confidential communications; he derived his information from other distinct and independent sources, and was therefore in order while stating it to the House."
We may therefore presume, that the first measure to be taken by our government will be to call upon Mr. Rose for the extent of his instructions. If Mr. Rose is only authorised to negotiate on the affair of the Chesapeake, it is presumable, that all further negotiation will be at an end.
Some of the London prints have certainly given a very different account of Mr. Rose's mission. They represent him to have certain general powers. They say, that he is authorised to propose to the Americans, that as Great Britain means to put all the French and Spanish colonies under a more rigorous blockade, they can no longer be allowed to carry the produce of Cuba, Guadalupa &c. to Europe; but in recompence they shall be allowed to take rum and molasses, and to carry them to the European markets.—The London Editor very politely adds that this proposition is expected to conciliate the states.
COMMUNICATION.
THE citizens of Hanover, are respectfully requested to convene at the Court-House on the fourth Wednesday in January next, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of addressing the Legislature of Virginia, on the subject of erecting BUSTS, in honor of the late Patrick Henry and Gen. Thomas Nelson , or of adopting resolutions commemorative of the revolutionary services of those illustrious patriots. The attendance of the surviving volunteers, who marched under the command of Mr. Henry, upon the gunpowder expedition, in the year 1775, as also of those, who by voluntary enlistment, exempted the militia of Hanover from a draft, and reinforced the American army in the year 1778, is particularly solicited.—As Hanover was the theatre upon which many of the republican virtues of these compatriots were exhibited: as Hanover gave birth and education to Mr. Henry, and was the chief residence of Gen. Nelson, who drew here his last breath; it is believed that an address upon the subject proposed, will come with more propriety from Hanover, than from any other county in Virginia.
The citizens of Hanover first commenced the glorious Revolution, which gave Liberty and independence to these U. S. and their sons at the late call of their Country have proved themselves worthy of the rich inheritance bequeathed to them by their fathers; for it is believed to be a fact, that more volunteers marched from Hanover, for the defence and protection of Norfolk and Hampton, than from any other County in the Commonwealth: four companies, Wm. Ke's, Thornton's, Davis's and Goodwin's , under the command of Major Thomas Starke , marched to the City of Richmond and made a voluntary tender of their services to the Executive of Virginia; and a similar tender of his services, about the same time, was made by Capt. Bathurst Jones of the Artillery.—This, and their late resolutions and address to the President of the U. S. upon the subject of British aggressions, afford the most satisfactory evidence that the Citizens of Hanover continue to occupy the high ground taken by their ancestors, and that they are animated by the same spirit of patriotism, which so eminently distinguished the republican Heroes of 1775. It now remains for the Citizens of Hanover to refute, by their conduct upon the subject proposed, that ingrate charge, too frequently repeated, that ingratitude is the distinguishing characteristic of republicans.
The Niche in the Capitol clearly prove, that the Assembly of Virginia had in contemplation when they were constructed, to fill them up at some future day, with the Busts of Heroes, Legislators and Judges; and it is believed that two of them cannot be supplied with the Busts of characters more meritorious, than those now proposed. The erection of those Busts or Resolutions, expressive of the public gratitude, will do justice to the dead, honor to the living, and excite in the breasts of the rising generation, a spirit of generous emulation and exalted patriotism, from which our country, in the event of a War with G. Britain, or any other foreign nation, may derive to herself incalculable benefits.
By the 4th Wednesday in January, dispatches from our Ministers, at the Court of St. James, will certainly arrive, when the Citizens of Hanover, in case of a rupture with G. Britain, can then adopt such measures, as such a crisis may require. HANOVER, Nov. 26, 1807.
As this is a national subject, or one at least in which the State of Virginia is interested, it will not be considered as arrogant or presumptuous in the citizens of Hanover, if they should not, in their selection of worthies, confine themselves to residents of their own county; it is therefore proposed, that General Mercer , who sacrificed his life in defence of American Independence, and the late Edmund Pendleton and George Wythe , who were the firm advocates of Liberty and Republicanism, and who for nearly half a century, rendered their country great and pre-eminent services in the judicial and Legislative departments, should be included in the contemplated address or instructions to the representatives of Hanover. NOTE.—Authentic Documents will be submitted to the citizens of Hanover, by which it will satisfactorily appear, that the late General Thomas Nelson , during the revolutionary War, made greater pecuniary sacrifices, and indeed, displayed more Genuine Patriotism , than any other Citizen in the United States. Hanover, Nov. 26th, 1807.
MARRIED —On Tuesday the 15th inst by the Rev. Henry Beekman , JOHN DAVEY , Esq. of Richmond county, to Mrs. LOU BURNETT (widow of the late Thomas Churchill , Esq. of W. Ken.)
NOTICE —The subscriber purposes leaving this City in the course of a few days, has determined to dispose of the whole or any part of his stock now remaining on hand at a severed price , which consists of a large and superior assortment of Mahogany Furniture, Mattresses of all kinds and sizes, Pender-hangers, Widow Blinds, Fringes, Ticks, Cords, &c. W. HAIGHT N. B. Those who feel inclined to purchase, will apply opposite the City Tavern, on the main street. Dec. 31. [F44]
EDUCATION —A French gentleman, well known in this place, intends devoting his time to the Tuition of the FRENCH LANGUAGE . The most ardent attention shall be paid to those who may become his pupils. A line addressed to A. B. and left at the office of the Enquirer, will be attended to. Dec. 31. [Op44]
TUITION —A young man qualified to conduct an English school (and has taught seven or eight years) wishes to engage in a private family or good neighborhood, with about 12 pupils: Wages being a secondary consideration, an agreeable situation is more his object than a lucrative one. A line directed to D. P. C. King & Queen court house, will be promptly attended to. Dec. 31. [225]
I TAKE this method of informing my distant clients, that I have relinquished the practice of Law in the county courts of Northumberland and Lancaster, and the district court of Northumberland, and have transferred my law-business, except in those cases in which he was opposed to me, to Stokely Towles , Esq. of Lancaster county. JOHN MILLER, Jun. Dec. 31. [144W]
VIRGINIA to wit —At a Chancery District Court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 20th day of April, 1805. Benskin H. Hilliard, Plaintiff —Against Armstead Hilliard and Reuben Jones, Defendants . The defendant Armstead Hilliard not having entered his appearance and given security according to the acts of Assembly and the rules of this Court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this country, on motion of the plaintiff by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of the next term and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the former Capitol in this city. A Copy. ANTY. ROBINSON, c. c. Dec. 31. [144W]
STOLEN or strayed on the evening of Christmas day, a small light dun coloured Poney, white mane and tail, roached and bobbed. The person who will return him to the subscriber, shall be rewarded according to the trouble he has had. WILLIAM DYER, near the Loan-Office. (24)
NOTICE —All persons indebted to the late Alexander Banks , dec'd. of Manchester, are hereby requested to come forward and discharge their accounts as speedily as possible; and those persons having claims against the estate will bring in their claims properly authenticated, when provision will be made for their discharge, by ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks , with the will annexed. Manchester, Dec. 31.
PUBLIC SALE —On Saturday the 29th day of January ensuing, will be sold, at the plantation of the late Alexander Banks of Manchester, the entire stock of Cattle, Corn, Fodder, Hay, Plantation Utensils, &c. Terms of sale—Cash for all sums under 20 dollars, over twenty dollars, six months credit, the purchaser giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. ROBERT GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks , with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds)
SALES of Valuable Property —On Monday the 13th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks , deceased, a variety of Household & Kitchen Furniture, three or four likely Negro Men, a few excellent milch Cows, two Horses, a small Waggon and Gear, &c. &c. Terms of sale—Six months credit for all sums over fifty dollars, the purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, payable at the Bank of Virginia. R. GRAHAM, Adm'r. of the estate of Alex'r. Banks , with the will annexed. Dec. 31. (tds)
WINGFIELD GRAMMAR SCHOOL will be opened on the 10th of January, on the usual terms, where accommodation will be provided for 15 or 20 boarders. PETER NELSON. Dec. 31. (34)
FIVE DOLLARS REWARD —Stolen with the Saddle-Bags of the Farmville Post-rider, two water proof Locks, belonging to a double-barreled gun; the cock of the right hand lock was broken off with the part of the tumbler with which it was connected; the upper jaw and screw of the left hand cock were wanting. The above reward will be given to any person delivering them at the office of the Enquirer, or furthering them to the subscriber.—No questions asked. THOS. ROBINSON. Farmville, Prince-Edward, Dec. 19—[new 2w]

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Friday, December 18. A message in writing was received from the President of the United States...
Monday, December 21. The House according to the order of the day, again resolved itself into a committee of the whole...
Tuesday, December 22. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
Wednesday, December 23. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
Thursday, December 24. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
Friday, December 25. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
Monday, December 28. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
Tuesday, December 29. A measure from the Senate by Mr. Otis their Secretary...
On motion of Mr. Mumford and seconded, to amend the first section of the bill, by inserting after the word "laid" the words "for and during the term of 60 days,"...
On motion of Mr. Otis, their Secretary, Mr. Speaker, the Senate have in confidence directed me to inform this honorable House...
On motion of Mr. Crownsfield and seconded, Resolved, That the House will immediately resolve itself into a committee of the whole House on the said bill.
On motion of Mr. Gardner, and seconded, that the House now adjourn; the question being taken thereon, it passed in the negative—Ayes 40—Noes 81.
On motion of Mr. R. Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—40.
On motion of Mr. R. Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—81.
On motion of Mr. R. Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—45.
On motion of Mr. R. Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—82.
On motion of Mr. R. Rhea (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards, Riker, Sawyer, Seaver, Sloan, Smelt, Smilie, J. K. Smith, Southard, Storer, Taylor, Trigg, Troup, Van Allen, Van Cortlandt, Wharton, Whitehill, Wilbour, M. Williams, Wilson, Winn, Witherell—30.
LOAN OFFICE. State of Virginia, June 2, 1817.—Notice is hereby given—That in conformity with the provisions of the act supplementing the act...
NOTES. Proprietors of 1000 dollars nominal six per cent. stock, subscribed before the 1st October, 1807, will be entitled to receive...
NOTES. The Co-Partnership of Hobson & St. John, terminated with the 31st day of August last...
ROSTER & BOHANNON—Have just received a general assortment of GROCERIES...
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public...
FOR SALE, a few prime tracts of Military LAND, in the state of Ohio. Bank Shares wanted—Apply as above.
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 30 feet front...
FOR RENT—A large three story Brick HOUSE, near the Basin, in which Mr. Southgate has lived for some years...
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff—A. J. Scott and William Watts, Defendants.
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, on Tuesday the twenty-ninth of December next...
EDUCATION.—John Robertson respectfully informs the public that he will continue to teach in capt. Wm. B. McIlwaine's neighborhood...
LOST, between Hanover Court House, and the Eagle-Tavern, in the city of Richmond, this day, a red Morocco Pocket-Book...
EDUCATION.—My school will be open for the reception of students the ensuing year about the first of February...
NEGROES FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us by Chas. M. Gilliam, to secure the payment of a sum of money due to Richard Richardson...
JOHNSON AND REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond; a few doors above the Bell-Tavern...
TEACHER, who can teach the Latin and French Languages, the English grammatically, Arithmetic and Geography...
WILLIAM TEMPLE, Esq., received by the ship Herschell from London, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE...
BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's warehouse...
FALL GOODS.—Richard Bridges, has just received an elegant assortment of GOODS, calculated for the ensuing season...
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A NEGRO WOMAN of 25 or 30 years of age, that understands Cooking...
CASH SALES.—To be sold, for ready money, in pursuance of a deed of trust from David Ross, Esq., bearing date on the 5th day of July, 1806...
A NEW TAVERN will be opened at King & Queen Court-House on the first day of January next...
COLUMBIAN MILLS & COAL LANDS FOR SALE.—By virtue of a Deed of Trust, bearing date the first day of October, 1801...
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality—For sale by J. DANSEDTT.