The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1805-03-08 00:00:00

THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, (Virginia) PUBLISHED BY RITCHIE & WORSLEY, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM...payable in advance.
NUMBER 92.]
FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 8, 1805.
[VOLUME 1.]
CONDITIONS.
 I. The ENQUIRER will appear twice a week...During the session of Congress and the Virginia Legislature, either a third paper or a supplementary half-sheet, during the week.  II. Terms of payment FIVE DOLLARS per annum, in advance.  III. ADVERTISEMENTS, from those who do not subscribe to the paper, should they not exceed a square in length, shall be inserted for seventy-five cents the first time, fifty cents for each time during three weeks, and for every additional insertion thirty-three cents; long ones in the same proportion.  IV. SUBSCRIBERS shall have their advertisements inserted for fifty cents the first time, and thirty-three cents for every additional insertion. 
Richmond Prices Current.
   D. C. D. C.     TOBACCO : 5 50 a 6   FLOUR : Superfine : 11 a 12    fine : 10 50    middlings : 9 50 a 10   WHEAT : 1 75 a 2   INDIAN CORN : 5 50   WHISKEY : 50 a 60   BACON : 13   BEER : 170 180   BAR IRON : 110  
Auction Sales.
THOMAS TAYLOR & Co. Will in future sell at the store occupied by M. W. Hancock & Co. on Wednesdays in each week; and at their office, on Tuesdays and Fridays as usual. Dec. 1, 1804. epf
RISH Linens and Sheetings; Superfine Cloths and Cashmere; India, Italian and French Silks; Do. Mill Mill Muslins; Do. Do. Do. Do. Fancy Muslins, Vails and Shawls; Calicoes Muslins; Cambric Dimities & Gallies; Laced Gowns and Veils; Do. Hdkfs and Shawls; Do. Gowns and Petticoats; Wigs, Boilers and Kid Gloves. For Sale by BARTLETT STILL. January 18. tf
BURR MILL STONES, of all sizes; and a PLASTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, for sale, as usual, by WILLIAM DAVIDSON. near the Market. [epf.] Dec. 1.
FOR SALE, By the Subscribers, at their PAINT & OIL MANUFACTORY, Water-Street, Norfolk: WHITE LEAD, Yellow Ochre, Venetian Red, Spanish Brown, Black & Lead Colour for painting roofs, Blue and Green in pats of 1, 2 & 5 lbs. each, Vermilion, Prussian Blue, Patent Yellow, Red Lead, Litharge, Sugar of Lead, White Vitriol, Ivory Black. — A L S O — 1200 gallons Dutch Linseed Oil, Spirits of turpentine, Copal and Turpentine, Varnish and Window Glass, of all sizes. Orders for any of the above articles, left with Messrs. P. & Co. Merchants, Richmond, will be attended to immediately, by JOHN RORKE & CO. Norfolk, March 1, 1805. (epf)
FOR SALE. FIVE Hhds. and 10 qr. casks of LONDON PARTICULAR TENERIFE WINE of a superior quality, on a credit of 120 days—Negotiable notes. Enquire of THOMAS NORVELL. December 29. (tf)
SPANISH HIDES. FOR SALE, a large quantity of Prime Spanish Hides, on moderate terms. Apply to the subscriber opposite the Post-Office, Richmond. MICHAEL DAVIS. 2d Mo. 19th. tf
FOR RENT. THE Large White HOUSE at Rocketts, formerly occupied by Mr. William Fenwick, and afterwards by Mr. Braxton Coddington. For terms, apply to GALLEGY, RICHARD & CO. January 11. (tf)
LAND FOR SALE. A TRACT of about 850 acres, lying on James River, adjoining the town of Lynchburg; one hundred and forty of which is low ground, and said to be of the first quality; a considerable proportion of the high ground lies well, and well adapted to the culture of tobacco and grain. It has an excellent fluid and red fishery on it; a small apple orchard, a good dwelling house and convenient out-houses; a mill seat, supposed to be superior to any in that part of the country—the mill house would fit within thirty-six poles of the river, on a navigable water. Likely negroes would be received in part pay, and a generous price allowed for one or two blacksmiths that are under 35 years of age, and good workmen. For further particulars, apply to the subscriber, on the premises, or Mr. William Brown, merchant, in Lynchburg. LEWELLEN JONES. March 1. (epf)
ONE DOLLAR (EACH) REWARD. RUNAWAY from the subscriber, Two Indentured German Servants—one a middle aged man named George Smith, about 5 feet 10 inches high, almost black, very fleshy but his dress a short waist grey coat and breeches, and scarlet cap. The boy named J. W. Winkelman, dressed in a red waistcoat and jacket and button breeches; is about 13 years of age, full faced and fair complexion. Whoever returns them to the subscriber, at the Eagle Tavern, shall receive the above reward. GEORGE C. HAGENMATER. March 1. (34)
THE subscriber wishes to hire two pair of good SAWYERS for five months. JOHN PENDLETON. Feb. 19. epf
MAP OF VIRGINIA.
PROPOSALS FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, A Map of Virginia: FORMED FROM ACTUAL SURVEYS, AND THE LATEST AS WELL AS THE MOST ACCURATE OBSERVATIONS. BY JAMES MADISON, D. D. PRESIDENT OF WILLIAM & MARY COLLEGE.
To which will be added, A MAP of the greater part of the State of Ohio, from actual surveys; including the whole of the Virginia Military Tract; with all that part of the State West of the Ohio River, to the Indiana boundary line. The north-east corner of the Map will be ornamented with an interesting View of the City of Richmond. The size of the MAP will be five feet six inches in length, and three feet eight inches in breadth. An ingenious and skillful Engraver is engaged to execute the work, in a style not inferior to any similar work in the United States.
CONDITIONS. The price to subscribers will be eight dollars, neatly mounted, colored and glazed.—One dollar, (to lighten the great expense of publication,) to be paid on subscribing. To non-subscribers the price will be ten dollars. [COPY RIGHT SECURED.]
In offering the above work to the public, the proprietors are sensible that excellence is not often attainable; but with candor and truth, equally remote from arrogance and partiality, they can say, that they confidently believe it has a just claim to the confidence and patronage of the people. A Map of Virginia has been long and anxiously looked for: None has been published, on the plan of the one now offered, for many years, when Augusta was the frontier country. The labor, expense, and apparent difficulties, in accomplishing so interesting a work, have deterred several from the arduous undertaking. The proprietors, finding that most of the other states had recently given encouragement to similar productions, and entertaining a high sense of the real dignity and importance of Virginia, embarked in the business, from a well grounded belief that the magnitude and utility of the work, would insure, if accomplished, a remuneration. And while Virginia is powerfully stimulated with the love of science and virtue, they hope and believe she will view domestic productions, which prove eminently useful, with a generous pride. Those gentlemen who take subscription papers, are requested to return them to the subscriber, in Petersburg, by the first day of May. The maps will be ready for subscribers in the course of the ensuing summer. WILLIAM PRENTIS. Petersburg, February, 1805. Subscriptions received by RITCHIE & WORSLEY and others with whom subscription papers are lodged.
CHOICE LANDS—FOR SALE.
A DIVISION of the famous Saura Town Lands having taken place between the heirs of James Park Farley, Esq. dec'd. and Col. John S. Farley and his sister Mrs. Elizabeth Morton, the subscribers, Robert Taylor of Norfolk, and Charles Duncan at Roanoke, near Petersburg, are fully empowered by the said Col. Farley and Mrs. Morton, to dispose of their proportion, containing 12,882 acres, which are surveyed and laid off in eight lots, containing from 500 to 2800 acres, agreeable to plots in the possession of the said Duncan. The four largest lots are of excellent quality, each containing a considerable proportion of the richest of low grounds, which produce tobacco of the very first quality, as has been experienced by one of the subscribers, who shipped it for a number of years. These lands lie on Dan and Smith's rivers, in Rockingham county, on the borders of North Carolina, about 170 miles from Petersburg and Richmond. As there are seldom such lands for sale, they must be an object to those who want to purchase such as will produce fine tobacco, hemp and small grain. One third of the price must be paid in ready money, one third in twelve months, and the other third in two years, the purchaser giving bond with unexceptionable security bearing interest from the date if not punctually paid. Those who wish to purchase will be shown the lands by Doctor John C. Cox, living at Lockville, near Rockingham Court-House, and the terms made known by ROBERT TAYLOR, or CHARLES DUNCAN. Petersburg, Nov. 21. epf
LOST. ON Sunday Evening 3rd inst. on the Main-street, on Shockoe-Hill, near about the New Brick House, of Mr. Varner. A NEW RED MORROCO POCKET BOOK, containing sundry papers, which is of no use to any person but the subscriber; amongst which is a note of John Webber, payable to Jeremiah Burton, for forty Dollars, and some other amounts and articles of agreement. Any person who will deliver the said Pocket Book and its contents unto the subscriber, shall receive a reward of Five Dollars. WILLIAM NASH. March 5.
Debate.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES. WEDNESDAY, January 30. DEBATE ON THE GEORGIA CLAIMS. (Continued.)
Mr. BOYD. The question before the House is not whether we are to do a good or an injury to the class of men who are denominated a band of speculators; but it is whether we shall agree to or reject the amendment to the resolution offered yesterday to the House by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Clark). Yesterday was taken up in reading the laws of Georgia, and of the United States, and various other papers, which have been long in the hands of the members, and which no doubt had been attentively perused by them, as to have rendered the reading at this day so indispensable requisite—Mr. Boyd said, that if papers were to be read for the information and edification of the members as to well known facts, he thought it would have been of more consequence to have read the declaration of independence, and the treaty of peace of 1783, in which the independence of the United States was acknowledged by the only power on earth who contended against it.—We were then free, sovereign, and independent states, to all intents and purposes, and as sovereign states each and every state in the union had full power and authority to dispose of their lands to whom they pleased, and under what conditions they pleased, and if the state of Georgia in the exercise of her sovereignty have conveyed to the Mississippi land company the right of soil to the land in question, and that company have transferred the same to the New-England Mississippi land company, the right is vested in them, unless we have arrived at that state of political depravity, that what was yesterday acknowledged as a right shall to-morrow be declared a wrong. Why is it that speculators are so much reproached, when we ourselves have become speculators to an extent beyond the aggregate of the land speculations in the United States of America? Has not Congress recently speculated in the purchase of Louisiana, and paid the price, and will gentlemen contend here, as if they mean to be consistent they might do, that we have acquired no right to the same, because we purchased of France, who had no right to sell as its government holds all its powers for the good of the people, and that it is not for the good of the French people that their territories should be alienated from them? Does it follow that when a nation has vested in another its rights of soil and jurisdiction, that the investment does not hold good, without enquiry into the purity of the motives of the contracting parties? Will you then prevent men from putting their reliance and confidence in the state legislature?
It is asked why, if they have a right to the lands in Georgia which they claim, why do they propose to relinquish to the United States one-tenth of their claim? It would be a sufficient answer to that question to say, that Congress is the only power possessing the right to extinguish the Indian title to that country, and if Georgia had possessed that right she apprehended the present claimants would have been suffered to go on and improve their farms in that district; they never would have been disturbed in their possession. He was not in favor of speculators, but he had made up his mind never to lay his hand violently upon the claim of any man, more than he would a man's property when he was in full and quiet possession. Nor should he pretend to intrude others in the disposal of their money, persuaded that every man had a right to lay his money out in such way as was most agreeable to himself, and of which he was the best judge. We are asked who dare vote for squandering the public money in this wholesale manner? This is my declaration in reply. I dare to vote for the measure proposed by the committee of claims. Nay, further, I am bound to vote in its favor. It is my duty to vote, for I have sworn to support the constitution of the United States, and that constitution declares that no state shall make any ex post facto law, or law impairing contracts. But why do gentlemen dwell so much upon speculators. The act of Congress to obtain the cession of her western territory from the state of Georgia, is a speculation upon the speculators who purchased the right of soil to the Mississippi territory. I do not enquire whether Georgia sold her land in small tracts or in large districts; nor whether she sold the land to individuals or companies—numbers and quantities I lay out of the question, and confine myself merely to the enquiry, did she sell, and finding that she did sell, and that for a valuable consideration, my mind rests satisfied, and I am compelled to render that justice which the annulling act of Georgia refused—Nay the price itself does not enter into my contemplation; circumstances may alter the relative value of the price to the article. —Will any gentleman say that the price at which Congress have sold their lands to the great purchasers, such as Simms and others, is a cause to justify our setting those sales aside? I apprehend not—Why then do they measure by a different standard in the case of Georgia. Georgia under the old regime was what was called a king's government; the right of jurisdiction was given up to her exercise from the first; the right of jurisdiction was given up to her exercise from the first; the right of soil remained in the crown; but when we acquired our independence, Georgia took possession, which she was justifiable in doing, of the soil as well as the sovereignty—and their being possessed of both, it was competent for her legislature to dispose of the vacant land, and no subsequent legislature could constitutionally say it avails not, and it shall not hold—I am not ashamed of this opinion; on the contrary it is corroborated by the practice of all the states in the union. A grant of land by the legislature is universally held sacred—It is so under the government of the U. States also, yet neither the state legislatures are all the citizens of the state, nor are Congress all the citizens of the United States, which according to the doctrine we have heard advanced are requisite to complete the contract. This being the case I will not vote for the amendment; it goes to destroy the right, which the petitioners have to the reserved fund of five millions of acres; it goes to defeat and overturn a well established security which the people of the U. States have for landed property. I will not vote for it, because I do not believe that Congress have a divine right to do wrong.—Mr. Boyd said, if all the speculators were scouted from these walls, he did not know who would remain—He had no quarrel with them about the question, but he should ever contend that every man had a right to pursue his object in his own way, the right grew out of the moral compact agreed to as fundamental in every established and well regulated society.
Mr. CLARK said, he was still in favor of the amendment on the table, and which he yesterday had the honor of submitting. He did not wish it to be understood, that the amendment was intended to give a preference to any description of claims under the different acts of the state of Georgia and provided for by the general resolution; but intended it should meet distinctly those which have excited the most public attention, have been the most ardently pursued, the most zealously advocated, and attended with the most extraordinary circumstances. If the facts which have accompanied this monstrous business from its origin to the present moment were publicly known, or if it could be retraced through all its cunning and wily mazes, the claims would sink beneath the weight of honest indignation; and instead of now being urged before the Congress of the United States, would be gladly withdrawn from public view and buried in perpetual silence. He peculiarly wished on this occasion a cool and temperate discussion, to divest ourselves of all feelings either of improper compassion or prejudice, that equally tend to inflame the heart and mislead the judgments. It should be his humble province to endeavour a fair investigation of the naked question disrobing it of those tinsel habiliments which have been artfully thrown around it for the purpose of concealing its real deformity.
The claims the amendment goes to reject, are derived from a pretended law of the state of Georgia; said to have been passed in the month of January 1795.—He would contend this law was absolutely void, ab initio , not only because the legislature had no power to make such a law, but from the circumstances under which it was made. That the grantees under this law could have no title to the land either legal or equitable, and that there has been no circumstances attending the subsequent sales, that places the sub-purchasers under superior equitable advantages. It will be particularly necessary, Mr. Speaker, to be attentive to dates; that of the law under which the claims are made, and generally known by the name of the cession law, has already been noticed. Let us now see how this law passed, it stands characterised by circumstances unparalleled in the annals of pollution, of which we have the most conclusive evidence before us; the whole state of Georgia has borne testimony to the fact—and it is now deposited in the archives of the government, that a majority of the Assembly which passed the law were corrupted and bribed; some had money given them, others shares in the land they were affecting to sell. This is so universally admitted, and detected, that the most enthusiastic friends of the present claimants cheerfully allow the original grantees have no titles, and he believed there was not one now before Congress with his claim. But it is contended the sub-purchasers had no notice of the fraud in the original contract, but are bona fide purchasers for a good and valuable consideration actually paid. This he never could agree to; the evidence before him was the contrary, and he would here take a review of at least a part of that evidence, a great portion of which no doubt has been destroyed by the lapse of nine years, but a sufficiency remains when brought together, irresistibly to carry conviction to the mind of the most sceptical; the law itself is almost enough for this purpose. The simple object was to sell to four companies the vacant western land, but to delude the people and full enquiry, it is called "an act supplementary to an act entitled an act for appropriating a part of the unlocated territory of this state, & for the payment of the state troops, and for other purposes, and the same in part in aid of the frontier," and the same fabrication is kept up through the enacting clauses, and is the longest act in the statute book; it goes into a lengthy examination of the state title, of extinguishing the Indian title, and appropriating the money, directing it to be laid out in bank stock.—Where, Mr. Speaker, will you find such a law as this. If the object of the legislature had been correct, would there have been a necessity for clothing the law, in such delusive colours; no, Sir, fraud and infamy were to be cancelled and the covering must be thick. They were however disappointed in their aim, for honesty and integrity had yet their residence in the state, and as soon as it was known, the whole country was felling alive to the abuse, and a general effervescence pervaded the public mind; this was manifested in the only possible way that remained. The assembly had adjourned, not to meet again in a twelve month; presentments of the grand juries in almost all counties of the state, were made in terms of bitter disapprobation of the law; it was also denounced in the public prints from one end of the continent to the other. In the other. In the month of May 1795, a convention was held in the state, the grand Jury presentments, petitions and remonstrances, from all parts of the country were sent up; these were by the convention remitted to the next legislature as the only competent authority to remedy so enormous an evil; in the month of February before, as has been so ably stated by my valued friend and colleague, (Mr. Randolph,) had this subject been the substance of a communication of the President of the United States to Congress, and a resolution, and a bill passed the House of Representatives on the subject. Shall I after this be told the sub-purchasers had no notice: impossible, no historical event so notorious, but the evidence does not stop here, the Georgia legislature again assembled in the month of November 1795, the subject of this nefarious and wicked speculation that covered the country with shame and disgrace, was taken up, and if a doubt before had remained of the corruption, it was then removed by a number of affidavits proving incontestibly the fact, and on the thirteenth day of February 1796, a law was passed, not repealing the act of 1795, but with honest and laudable indignation, declaring it null and void, as being bottomed upon fraud and perjury, and upholds the world the most flagitious conduct that ever disgraced a legislative assembly; it is there ascertained and declared that one land had been sold for three hundred thousand dollars less than what had been offered for it, and the quantity of land much greater than it had been represented; the lands contained in the grants to the four companies were estimated at twenty-one millions of acres, which at five hundred thousand dollars, the price given, is 21-1-2 cents per acre; the real quantity is about thirty-five millions of acres, this reduces the price of the garden of the world, to nearly 1-1-2 cents the acre; take notice Mr. Speaker that the law of 1796 does not pretend to repeal the act of 1795, but proclaims to every body that to be void which was in reality so before, and with an honest zeal, provides that the money which had been paid should be repaid to the purchasers. This annulling law was so precious to the people, it was a monument so honorable to the state, that when afterwards the citizens of that state arose in the majesty of their strength, refusing all those rights and acted in convention, this very law was engrafted in their constitution.
Here the general evidence ends; and is there yet a remaining hesitation about the proof of notice; to such infidelity the glare of meridian light will not be convincing. The advocate for the claimants have chosen their ground with great address. If they cannot be supported upon principles of law and equity, they adroitly change their position and take the more defensible stand of policy; but even the ramparts here raised will crumble away and fall to the ground at the conquering touch of truth. Can it be good policy to do what is wrong? Shall virtue and integrity, the foundation of our government, the pillar of our
Boaz & Jachin of the temple be thrown down and trampled under foot? Shall justice be driven weeping from our walls, and vice a corruption here rear their hideous heads? forbid it reason, forbid it God. But they have high authority on their side. The commissioners who made the articles of agreement and cession with the state of Georgia recommended it; so they did; but I ask you under what circumstances? In the report they made on this subject and containing this recommendation, they detailed, and conclude by declaring that "under all circumstances which may affect the case and had come to their knowledge, the claimants could not support their title; upon which data there has been this compromise been recommended—as great as these gentlemen may be, and as illustrious as their characters and services to their country, and as great as it may regard; and in this article I yield to no man; yet it is incomprehensible upon what principles such a conclusion is drawn, from such premises the claimants have no title, yet they ought to be provided for, they have cheated the government and therefore ought to be rewarded, they have profited the fairest of the social virtues—but they are entitled then to compensation, they have acted with the most unbounded profligacy and immorality, nevertheless, they must be noticed and encouraged; they have speculated, therefore must have money. Is this House prepared to assent to such reasoning and to accept such a system of policy? A man to entitle himself to justice, ought to have clean hands and a pure heart. With a very ill grace does he ask for equity, with bribery in his hands and perjury and corruption in his heart; and shall a horde of speculators be the peculiar objects of Congressional bounty? Shall they be the selected and chosen few whose magnanimity and virtue shall be rewarded with unbounded wealth. Permit me now, Mr. Speaker, after having said much upon the general question, to examine it more minutely and in detail. One particular case before us deserves peculiar attention, it is that known formerly by the name of the Georgia Mississippi Company, now the New-England Mississippi Company. Too well known in its old jockey dress, it has changed its livery, and after having been driven from the sporting fields of the south, it has taken up its residence in the east as the theatre of its future career. The agents for this company have written a large pamphlet in vindication of their claim, and every member has been furnished with a copy as an entertainment for his evening's leisure, and pious employment of his sabbath's holiday. In this book it is stated that the New-England Company finished their contract and took a deed from the Georgia Company on the 13th day of February 1796. This is the very day the annulling law received the executive sanction in the state of Georgia, a wonderful coincidence of circumstances, it seems almost providential, but how different the employment, the Assembly of Georgia completing an act, the proudest boast of their political life, which poverty will praise and admire, while the New-England company, were planning cunning, and extensive schemes of speculation, and which we are told have been but too successful in their effects. That the widows and orphans of men of wealth are now chewing the cruft of poverty from this accursed business. This is the melancholy effect of this baneful influence of speculation, and we are called upon to minister to the very passion, and by our imputed righteousness to expiate the sins of this ruinous, vile & destructive transaction, and that we shall by sanctifying their claims fix a stigma on that glorious monument of Georgian honesty, the annulling law. But to return, will these people after these things tell us they are innocent purchasers without notice for a valuable consideration, bona fide paid; yes, they have told us so, and told us so too by lawyers, for of this description are their agents, and who have admitted that it is not necessary to prove positive notice, a constructive one being sufficient. Where did these people reside, in the town of Boston in the state of Massachusetts. Are they ignorant? no, they are the best informed men in the state, and most of them public characters, and yet had no knowledge of what was passing in the state of Georgia, or in Congress, which then sat at Philadelphia. The newspapers of the south could not penetrate the frozen regions of the north, yet the polluted laws of Georgia could travel there. Permit me modestly to ask the agents, who are professional gentlemen, if the company upon the most correct construction of the doctrine were not pendente lite purchasers, did they not buy a law suit, and ought they not to abide the decision? The legislature of Georgia convened in the month of November 1795, and immediately took up the subject, and on the very day of the decision is the deed made to the purchasers; was not there re the case pending when the purchase was made. If I am asked how could people in Boston know what the assembly of Georgia were doing, I answer that the purchaser ought to take care the doctrine of latent equity, so much relied upon by the claimants, does not apply here as in individual cases; if a man has an equity which he does not assert, and an honest purchaser interposes it, he is supposed guilty of negligence, by which a third person may be injured, and therefore he is not permitted to disturb the honest purchaser, for the best of all reasons, that when one of two innocent persons must suffer, it ought to be him whose act permitted the injury. But suppose a suit had been commenced against the first grantees in the state of Georgia, in a court of common jurisdiction; as early as November, and on the 13th day of the next February it was determined against the grantees, and the patent ordered to be cancelled: would not the purchasers in Boston be bound by it! No legal gentleman will controvert this position. The people of Georgia did more than this. It is true they did not institute a suit, because there was no possible way in which this could be done. No court of competent jurisdiction in which the ordinary process of law could be carried on, and redress afforded existed; the injury was previous and sensibly felt; the representatives of the people had violated the most sacred trust, and had justly doomed themselves to their severest vengeance. The case being jus generis all that could be done was immediately accomplished. The grand juries presented, and the people generally petitioned and remonstrated, it was canvassed in every company, and the topic of universal conversation, at least in that part of the country; these circumstances could not have been unknown to the purchasers. One more

circumstance on this head, and which he had nearly forgotten, the President's communication was made in Feb. 1795, on the third of March following, Congress rose and the Senators and Representatives returned to their respective states with a full knowledge of this wicked transaction, and it would be doing great injustice to suppose they were silent on this important subject. Let the House determine this question by each member asking himself if he did not know it, and on the answer, he would with certainty reply; should he be told that even all this is not positive proof of notice, in answer, he would assert that it is a mass of testimony strong and invincible, and such as is seldom produced in courts of justice, an unbroken chain of evidence, that itself cannot resist, nothing but a mistaken tendency for these unworthy speculations can turn the mind aside from the path of truth and justice.
On this subject he would add but one more remark, if all that has been mentioned shall fall short of positive notice, have not these people been guilty of culpable negligence, inaccountable and even criminal remissness; the sources of information were numerous, and the means of this information easy and convenient, the contract an important one, they were about to purchase a tract of country nearly as large as the state they lived in, and was it an evidence of simple honesty, and prudence to proceed thus precipitately? Is it customary for men, men too remarkable for their quick-sightedness to act with such unguarded temerity? We must leave this ground before we can reconcile the conduct of the purchasers under any reasonable and rational principles of human action; here is one, and only one on which all these strange things are reconcilable, speculation, yes, sir, this was the moving cause, the primus mobile, the grand desideratum, gain and loss employed the whole of their attention, they had their data before them, they knew the circumstances, and calculated their chances, and adventured in the game of hazard, and because they have been unsuccessful, our ears are flattered with the yell of lamentation.
Mr. Speaker, law has been dragged to the support of these claims, judicial authorities have been cited, and decisions in equity quoted. Yes, unhallowed hands & polluted hearts have ventured to approach the pure temple of justice. A book on which the claimants very much rely, I hold now in my hand. I acknowledge it of high authority from the sacred equity and immutable principles of justice, on which the decisions are founded. Powell on contracts is the book, in the 221st page of the 2nd book, is a correct and general description given to the qualifications of a contract necessary to engage the interposition of a court of equity, and it must be again repeated, the claimants are the applicants. "It must be fair, just, reasonable, bona fide, certain in all its parts, mutual, useful, made upon a good and valuable consideration, not merely voluntary, consistent with the general policy of a well regulated society, and free from fraud, circumvention or surprise."
Under these general rules it has been uniformly and invariably decided, that a contract wanting any of these constituent parts will be set aside in a court of equity; that is, if it be not bona fide, and it must not only be so between the contracting parties, but it must not be mala fide with respect to others. Fraud has in all well organized societies, and systems of jurisprudence with which he had any acquaintance been considered as a sufficient ground to destroy a bargain, it is just and proper it should be so, otherwise what is considered as immoral and detestable in private life, would receive the sanction of a publicly recognized principle, having its foundation in impunity; so far have the conscience of courts of equity gone, that contracts though fair in themselves, yet if they had a fraudulent object in view, were set aside, and no rule is more generally received and better established than that contracts made with a view to cheat the government are void both in law and equity. Here let me pause, and emphatically ask gentlemen, upon what principle of law or equity can these claims be maintained—this government has never in the most remote degree recognized them or guaranteed the title, and what is not a little surprising, the best informed gentlemen on judicial subjects on the other side of the House, are profoundly silent. If the claims could be maintained by reason, argument, law or justice, would they be satisfied by the silent eloquence of a full vote; this House and their country have something to expect from them, why therefore are they mute conscience whisperers, management and policy command this silence; he frankly acknowledged it was not competent to him, it was not his wish or design to speak of motives—it would be uncharitable, highly unbecoming and greatly indiscreet: what he had never been in the habit of doing, and hoped never should do; every member on this floor, and himself with the rest, had to answer to his country, his conscience and his God for his conduct, and he would now solemnly declare that as greatly as he disapproved the measures of the former administration, he would rather vote for every one, than for the resolution reported by the committee.
(Debate to be continued.)
Foreign Intelligence.
SALEM, (M.) Feb. 18.
By Captain Field we have received a file of Calcutta papers.—From them we discover the Universal testimony of joy upon the success of the English arms in the English Colonies.—The most interesting paper contained the general orders from the Governor, communicating extracts from the Directors in the Military Department, and published in April last.—In this letter, the associations relative to the Off reckoning Fund, among the military gentlemen, are considered as "completely subversive of the system of military correctness and subordination," and it is required, that all such associations should be discontinued. Upon the argument, that the commanding officer, in the absence of the Colonel, is exposed to additional expense, it is observed that "it is the duty of the government to discountenance habits of useless expense incompatible with the well regulated constitution of an army, and to relieve, by the weight of their sanction and admonition, the feelings of the officers who might otherwise be reluctant to depart from what may have grown up into a general habit." In another article of military arrangement, it is said, "we have also to inform you, that after mature deliberation, we have resolved, that General Officers on the Staff shall continue to hold the Staff appointments for four years only, at the end of which, they are to be relieved by other officers, unless our governments should re-appoint them to the Staff at the expiration of the four years, subject of course to our approbation." Nothing remarkable is reported in the civil government of Colonies in India.—In March last Commodore Dame communicated an account of...
that on the fourteenth they fell in with French ships, but no serious affair ensued. Captain Farquhar, commanding at Malacca, gives also an account of this event.—In the commercial world, we find, that in June last, from the honorable the Court of Directors, a paper was published from the Governor, having the following articles.—"That the peace rate of freight for goods shipped in England, on extra ships, for India, be at a rate not exceeding 50 per ton; and that an additional freight of 10 per ton, be paid for goods shipped in England, in the ensuing twelve months, if the war should so long continue.—That the peace rate of freight, homeward, shall not exceed 100 per ton, and that an additional freight of 50 per ton be paid on goods laden in India, on extra ships, where voyages from England shall have commenced in the ensuing twelve months, if the law should so long continue."—On their voyage from Europe to the East Indies from the 18th of May, 1803, to the 16th Feb. 1804, the following vessels touched at St. Helena.—The whole number, 111.—In May, 10; in June, 9; in July, 12; in August, 19; in Sept., 15; in Oct., 8; in Nov., 15; in Dec., 4; in Jan. 1804, 19; in Feb., 8.—Eng. 60; Amer. 21; Dutch, 6; French, 5; Dane, 4; Portuguese, 4; Swedish, 3; Spanish, 1.—Six of the American vessels were from Salem.—In India the bounty on grain, in Challengong, was ten rupees for every hundred maunds.—It was ordered, that forty lacks of maunds of salt, should be sold at four sales, in 1804, from the salt office in Calcutta, by Government, which directs the sales.—From Arabia, they had the news, that in January, 1804, Auduel Wechab and his brother had been assassinated, while at their devotions. The assassin had been immediately cut in pieces. No change had taken place, as the Son succeeded to the honours of his Father. The Bombay Courier mentions a trial for murder upon a duel.—A bill for murder was found, but the jury, after a long and patient investigation, brought in a verdict not guilty.
At the Cape of Good Hope, great preparations were made to put the place in the best state of defence.—The English were not allowed to be free of the Colony, and the General had paid the greatest attention to the discipline of his troops which exceed 6,000.—As General Janssens unites personal bravery, a high sense of honor in his trust, it is believed by the Dutch, that the Colony will not be delivered to the English, but upon brave resistance.
Sal. Reg.
Domestic Intelligence.
NEW-YORK, February 25.
The valuable ship Manhattan, of this port, has been captured by the British sloop of war Bufy, of 16 guns, commanded by capt. Bion. Mr. Mumford, second mate of the Manhattan, arrived yesterday, in the brig Traveller, and furnishes the following statement:—The Manhattan left Batavia about the middle of September; and on the 17th February, in the latitude of Bermuda, she was boarded by the British sloop of war Bufy, captain Bion, who took out the second mate and sixteen of the crew, and put on board the same number of men with a prize-master. From the course she steered it is believed she proceeded for New-Providence, though the captors said they had sent her to Bermuda. The cause of capture was said to be her having French passengers on board. Mr. Mumford was in the Bufy only two hours, when they fell in with the brig Traveller, and put him on board, after taking out two of her crew.
The United States frigate John Adams, capt. Chauncy, (with Commodore Preble and Consul O'Brien and family on board) from the Mediterranean, arrived at Sandy-Hook on Saturday last, and will probably come up the first fair wind. Captain Newman of the ship Laura spoke her on Saturday, and informs, that there are a number of Turks on board.
PENNSYLVANIA.
The Senate of Pennsylvania have by the casting vote of their Speaker, directed a committee to bring in a bill for the removal of the seat of government to Harrisburgh.
PHILADELPHIA, February 26.
All those who are interested in the "fir of commerce and the hum of trade," will hear with pleasure, that our river is at length freed from its icy fetters.—The ships Annawon, for Liverpool, the Connecticut, for St. Domingo, and several others, were getting in readiness to sail this morning.
As the clearance bill is still pending, we may hope that every article of information connected with that subject will still have its weight. We would therefore recommend to the consideration of Congress the following facts, of which we are just informed.
The schooner Thetis, Capt. Daugherty, from St. Thomas to Havana, was taken by a French privateer and carried into Samana Bay, a Spanish port. Thence the Capt. was compelled to go across the island to the city of St. Domingo for trial, where the schooner was acquitted. It was afterwards discovered, however, that she had money on board, which was taken out by order of the governor of the city of St. Domingo, and in payment for it, bills of exchange on the French government were given. These bills, which are good for nothing, are now delivered up, by the owners, to the Delaware Insurance Company of this city.
This is one instance out of many in which specie is thus completely lost to the country. [U. S. Gazette.]
Extract of a letter from an officer on board one of the United States' ships, dated
Off Tripoli, Oct. 6, 1804.
I embrace the opportunity of writing you by the John Adams, who goes home with the sick and wounded of the fleet. We have lost several brave men off here, among whom are your friend John Walcott and his Capt. We have taken five prizes, large ships loaded with powder and ball bound into Tripoli, all which we have sent into Malta where they are condemned. In the course of 12 days we are to make a general attack, which perhaps, will afford a subject for a larger letter. A few days ago we took three of the Philadelphia's late crew in one of the enemy's gun-boats, as they and a number of them have turned Turks. Ships here, Constellation, Constitution, President, Congress and Essex; brigs Syren, Argus and Vixen; schooner Experiment and Enterprize. Phil. Paper.
APPOINTMENTS.
Approved by the Senate. ROBERT SMITH, Attorney General of the United States, in the room of Levi Lincoln, resigned. JACOB CROWNSHIELD, Secretary of the Navy, in the room of Robert Smith, appointed Attorney General. GENERAL HOLL, Governor of the territory of Michigan. We understand these appointments received the...
WASHINGTON CITY, MARCH 4, 1805.
JUDGEMENT PRONOUNCED
ON THE IMPEACHMENT AGAINST SAMUEL CHASE.
ON FRIDAY the Chamber of the Senate was opened at noon; and the extensive galleries were in a few minutes filled with a crowded auditory. The deep interest, which had attended this important trial from its earliest stages, and had continued without abatement, through its whole progress, was now wrought up to the highest pitch. Sanguine minds spoke with confidence of the issue; but there can be no doubt, from numerous indications, that hope and fear, according to the wishes of the individual, kept the judgement in suspense. This demonstrates, in lieu of a thousand arguments, that the impartial justice of the high tribunal, before whom the trial had been conducted, was looked to as the polar star of their decision. It was well known that of the thirty-four members composing the Senate, twenty-five were republicans; but it was felt that the decision would not depend on the preponderance of political sentiment.
In this state of the public feeling the Senate entered the court room at about half past twelve o'clock. In a few minutes after Mr. Tracey, a Senator from Connecticut, for some days past confined to his house from illness, came in, under marks of severe indisposition, and with a strolling bottle in his hand. Soon after the Speaker, attended by the House of Representatives, took their seats.
The President (Mr. Burr,) having given directions to the peace officers to seize whoever should in any wise disturb the proceedings, rose, and addressing himself to the members of the court, said—
GENTLEMEN. You have heard the evidence and arguments adduced on the trial of Samuel Chase, impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors: you will proceed to pronounce distinctly your judgement on each article. Mr. Secretary read the First Article.
Mr. Oti, then read the First Article, when the President rising, addressed in alphabetical order, to each member of the Senate, who also rose, the following question—
Mr. —, How say you; Is Samuel Chase, Esquire, guilty, or not guilty of a high crime or misdemeanor, as charged in the Article of Impeachment last read?
To which question each member answered guilty, or not guilty. The several remaining articles were read in succession, and the same course pursued as on the First.
After the whole had been gone through, which occupied about two hours, the President directed all the votes to be called over, to avoid any mistake in the record.
This having accordingly been done by the Secretary; The President rose and said, on the First Article, sixteen gentlemen have pronounced guilty, and eighteen not guilty; on the second Article ten have said guilty, and twenty-four not guilty; on the third Article eighteen have said guilty, and sixteen not guilty; on the fourth Article eighteen have said guilty, and sixteen not guilty; on the fifth Article, there is an unanimous vote of not guilty; on the sixth Article, four have said guilty, and thirty not guilty; on the seventh Article, ten have said guilty, and twenty-four not guilty; and on the eighth Article, nineteen have said guilty, and fifteen not guilty.
Hence it appears that there is not a constitutional majority of votes finding Samuel Chase, Esquire, guilty, on any one Article. It, therefore, becomes my duty to declare that Samuel Chase, Esquire, stands acquitted of all the Articles exhibited by the House of Representatives against him.
Whereupon, The Court immediately rose, at about half past 2 o'Clock.
The following is a table of the votes given on the several Articles.
   Art. 1. Art. 2. Art. 3. Art. 4. Art. 5. Art. 6. Art. 7. Article 8.    Mr. Adams, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Anderson, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Baldwin, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Bayard, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Bradley, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Breckenridge, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Brown, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Cooke, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Candler, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Dayton, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Ellery, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Franklin, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Gailard, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Giles, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Hillhouse, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Howland, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Jackson, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Logan, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Maclay, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Mitchell, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Moore, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Olcott, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Pickering, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Pinner, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Israel Smith, g g g g g g g g  Mr. J. Smith, N. Y. g g g g g g g g  Mr. J. Smith, Ohio. g g g g g g g g  Mr. S. Smith, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Stone, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Sumpter, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Tracey, g g g g g g g g  Mr. White, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Worthington, g g g g g g g g  Mr. Wright, g g g g g g g g  Guilty— 16 10 18 18 0 4 10 19  Not Guilty— 18 24 16 16 34 30 24 15  
This day, at 12 o'clock, THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, took the oath of office, and delivered the following INAUGURAL SPEECH, in the presence of the members of the two Houses, and a large concourse of citizens.
S P E E C H.
PROCEEDING, fellow citizens, to that qualification which the constitution requires, before my entrance on the charge again conferred on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations.
On taking this station on a former occasion, I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. My conscience tells me that I have on every occasion acted up to that declaration according to its obvious import, and to the understanding of every candid mind.
In the transaction of every foreign affairs, we have endeavoured to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. We have done them justice on all occasions, favour where favour was lawful, and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms: we are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our interests, soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties. And history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is trusted on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bribe others.
At home, fellow-citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes. These, covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation, which once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of produce and of property. If, among these taxes, some minor ones fell, which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved.
The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles, is paid chiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts. Being collected on our sea board and frontiers only, and incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be the pleasure and the pride of an American to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what labourer, ever sees a tax-gatherer of the United States? These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the government, to fulfill contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our
public debts, as places at a short day their final redemption, and that redemption once effected, the revenue thereby liberated, may, by a just repartition among the states, and a corresponding amendment of the constitution, be applied, in time of peace, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education and other great objects within each state. In time of war, if injustice by ourselves or others must sometimes produce war, increased, as the same revenue will be by increased population and consumption, and aided by other resources, reserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expenses of the year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burthening them with the debts of the past. War will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to a state of peace, a return to the progress of improvement.
I have said, fellow-citizens, that the income reserved, had enabled us to extend our limits; but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on, and in the mean time may keep down the accruing interest. In all events it will replace the advances we shall have made. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory may endanger its union; but who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions, and in any view, it is not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family? With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse?
In matters of religion I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it; but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of the state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies.
The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries, I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores. Without power to divert, or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it. Now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter-state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that state of society, which, to bodily comforts, adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use: we have placed among them instructors in the arts
of best necessity; and they are covered with the wings of the law against aggressors from among ourselves.
But the endeavors to enlighten them on the state which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter. They are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. These persons inculcate a fallacious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that time which that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation; that their duty is to remain as their Creator-knowledge full of danger. In short, my friends, among them all is seen the action and counter-action of good sense and of bigotry. They too have their anti-philosophists, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state; who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendancy of habit over the duty of improving our reason and obeying its mandates.
In giving these outlines, I do not mean, fellow-citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measures. That is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. It is due to the sound discretion with which they select from among themselves those to whom they confide the legislative duties. It is due to the zeal and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others; and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated them with us in the executive functions.
During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the calumny of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These calumnies are important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its vitality. They might perhaps have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved for, and provided by, the laws of the several states against slander and defamation. But public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore be left to find their punishment in the public indignation.
Nor was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth; whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood & defamation. The experiment has been tried.—You have witnessed the scene.—Our fellow citizens have looked on cool and collected. They saw the latent force from which these outrages proceeded. They gathered around their public functionaries: and when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes he may be entrusted with the control of his own affairs.
No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the states against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced. He who has time, renders a service to public morals and public tranquility, in reforming these abuses by the salutary corrections of the law. But the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraints. The public judgement will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties, and no other defence can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press, and its demoralizing licentiousness.
If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion.
Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested to generally, as auguring harmony and happiness to our future course I offer to our country sincere congratulations. With that too not yet rallied to the same point, the disfusion to do so is gaining strength. Facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them by our doubting brethren will at length see that the mass of their fellow-citizens, with whom they cannot yet resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as they think, and desire as they desire. That our will, as well as theirs, that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, law and order preferred, equality of rights maintained, and that state of property equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry and that of his fathers. When satisfied of the views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and support them. In the mean time let us cherish them with patient affection. Let us do them justice, and more than justice in all competitions of interest; and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interest will at length prevail, will gather them into the fold of their country, and will complete that the union of opinion, which gives to a nation the blessings of harmony, and the benefit of its strength.
I have now entered on the duties to which fellow-citizens have again called me; and I proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved. I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray; I am sensible of no passion which could reduce me knowingly from the path of justice; but the weight of human nature, and the limits of my understanding, will produce errors of judgement sometimes injurious to your interests. I need therefore all the indulgences I have heretofore experienced; the want of it will certainly lessen with increasing years. I shall, too, too the favor of that being in whose hands are, who led our fathers, as a free people, to their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessities and comforts of life, who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power; and to whose goodness I hope to join with me in supplications, that he enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, whatsoever they do, shall result in your good and shall secure to you the peace, friendship and approbation of all nations.
TH. JEFFERSON
"Our best friends"—Early in the winter took a part in calling the attention of Congress and of the public, to the murder and the outrages committed, upon our right commerce, by British cruisers—these outrages were of two descriptions, those committed within our own harbours, by being upon

ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, MARCH 8, 1805.
The Clearance Bill has passed the Senate, Feb. 20, 1805. It contains two important provisions...
They serve to recognize the abstract principle, that the right of private armament is subjected to the complete regulation of the government.
MEDITERRANEAN AFFAIRS. There is scarcely an incident in the whole history of the Barbary States...
THE FOURTH OF MARCH, being a day dear in the estimation of the republicans throughout the union...
but this will have no effect, the insult and injury to our rights and commerce are national...
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 27. Agreeable to notice—Mr. Logan asked leave to bring in a bill to suspend trade...
ORLEANS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. FRIDAY, December 7, 1804. Dr. Watkins from the committee appointed for that purpose, on the 6th inst. reported rules of proceeding...
WEDNESDAY, December 11. Rejected, That there be printed in the English and also in the French language, five hundred copies of the constitution of the United States...
merchants entering or departing from our own ports, and the improvement of our citizens within our own ports and on the high seas.
Under these circumstances, Congress took the subject into consideration at the present session...
The documents, relating to the improvement of our seamen, which were lately laid before Congress...
Summary table with 2 columns: Item, Number. Includes: Number of applications (1538), Of which are duplicate applications (396), Original applications (1232), etc.
The number of American seamen, whose improvement had been made known to Mr. Savage amounts to eighty-eight, every one of whom almost are native citizens.
in Massachusetts. He has served as the Captain of an East India ship, and is said to be concerned at the present time in the East India trade.
Col: Anthony New is no longer a candidate for the congressional district of Caroline, Essex, Middlesex, King and Queen, and K. William.
The 4th of March, the Anniversary of Mr. Jefferson's administration, was celebrated in this city with its usual honors.
According to a previous arrangement, the republicans divided themselves into two convivial parties...
VOLUNTEER TOASTS. AT THE EAGLE-TAVERN, 4th MARCH, 1805. By the president, Dr. Wm. Foushee—John Page, Governor of Virginia.
COMMUNICATION. The Editor has already published one translation of the celebrated Swiss song "Kanz des Vaenes."
by their conduct the high confidence of their country—7 Cheers. 11. James Monroe—The patriotic and enlightened citizen...
12. Our infant navy—Whilst our gallant tars cover themselves with glory, they do honor to their country—7 Cheers.
13. The agriculture, commerce and manufactures of the U. States—The honorable and abundant sources of public wealth and private independence—7 Cheers.
14. National economy—The bell is rung of its resonance—3 Cheers. 15. Our fellow-citizens, who celebrated this day at the Eagle-Tavern...
16. Our republican brethren throughout the union—6 Cheers. 17. The American Fair—Their lives hold out to virtue its brightest example...
18. Peace, commerce and friendly intercourse with all nations, entangling alliances with none—17 Cheers.
VOLUNTEERS. Judge Wythe having retired, the president gave the following volunteer: George Wythe, distinguished alike for his wisdom and integrity as a magistrate...
COMMUNICATION. I presume that the following communications, so highly honorable to our unfortunate brethren in Tripoli, will excite the firmest sensations in the breast of every American.
When Commodore Preble appeared off that abandoned den of pirates, which to the eternal disgrace of civilization has made all Europe tributary...
MARRIED, at Petersburg, on Monday last, Mr. JOHN GAMBEL, of Richmond, to Miss ELIZA SMITH DUNCAN, of Petersburg.
Sales at Auction. ON Monday next at 11 o'clock, at the Store of Mr. GEORGE WATT, will commence the Sale of his present Stock of DRY GOODS...
FRESH CLOVER SEED. The subscriber has a few Tiers of fresh Clover Seed for sale at a moderate price by the Bushel or pound.
BANK OF VIRGINIA. The Shareholders are hereby notified, that the fourth installment will become due on Friday the 6th of April...
BRADDICK & SKIPWITH. HAVE this day dissolved their partnership; for settlement of all accounts, reference is made to S. P. BRADDICK...
NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the estate of the late Joseph Price, dec'd. are requested to come forward and make payment...
CHARLES SPENCER. HAS just received by the ship Industry, from Liverpool, a variety of Japanese and Hardware amongst which are Joiner's, Backsmith's, & Bricklayer's Tools...

MR. S. H. SMITH,
I request a place in your paper for the vindication of my character, against an unusual attack made thereon in the Aurora, headed February 5. If the attack had been only surmised, I would have passed it over, as I have always done every thing of that kind; but it was an unqualified assertion of fact. On reflection I am induced to believe, that I owe it to my friends, my children, and society, at my time of life, not to sanction an absolute untruth against my character by my silence. The words are, "the Yezco squad gains strength—Mr. Findley is gone over to them, &c." He voted uniformly against this nefarious speculation before, and his eyes became suddenly open in his old age. I do not quote for your paper any more of such language than is necessary to state the fact. I called peaceably on the editor of the Aurora, and requested him to correct the assertion in what manner he pleased—he refused to take my word as authority, and I referred him to the journals from the year 1795, on that subject. He refused to pay that attention to the subject, but told me I might write in his paper if I pleased. This I was justified in declining, by the disposition he discovered. I am not too old to have my mind enlightened. I certainly would think it my honor to change my vote if I was convinced I was wrong, and never condemned a member in any public body for doing so. It is not the charge of changing, made in the most indecent language, that I resent, but the absolute falsehood of what is stated as a fact in this case. I perfectly recollected what my judgment was always on this subject; but lest I should have forgot, I have examined the journals for ten years back, and can trace no inconsistent vote respecting it.
The solemn obligation entered into by the states before they consented to ratify the confederation, that every colony and new state should make a cession of the territory within its jurisdiction, that was the property of the King of Great Britain, and not appropriated to any individual, to the United States, as a common fund to defray the expenses of the war, must be recollected by every citizen acquainted with the proceedings of that eventful crisis. Other states made such cessions of territory as was accepted by Congress. Georgia made a cession clogged with such conditions as was rejected—perhaps unwisely that state was frequently called on by Congress to make such a cession as would be accepted, but declined. In 1789, when the confederation government had ceased, the legislature of Georgia made a sale of the lands, including the Yazoo creek or river, to several companies, and received part of the payment. The succeeding assembly, by an ex post facto resolution, in opposition to a law, rejected the tender of the remaining payment, refused to complete the title, and directed the money to be returned, which was eventually done; at this time Congress was not so far organized as to think it prudent to interfere.
In 1795, the legislature of Georgia made a more extensive sale of land, to certain companies, located by natural boundaries, of which the amount could not be known, but was then estimated at about 20,000,000 of acres, but which the commissioners of the United States have estimated at 85,000,000, and some others without any data, have called 40 and some 50,000,000 of acres, and some an empire. During the next month, February 1795, the President by message informed Congress of this extensive sale. The message was referred to a select committee, consisting of Mr. Nicholas of Virginia, Mr. Macon of North Carolina, Mr. Murray of Maryland, Mr. Findley of Pennsylvania, Mr. Boudinot of New Jersey, Mr. Ames of Massachusetts, Mr. Sherburne of New Hampshire. Though parties had not been discriminated in the same degree as they were some time afterwards, all these were members well known in the United States, and four, viz. the majority at least, uniform republicans. On this subject, however, there was but one opinion. They knew that no method had been provided to compel a state to relinquish territory which she claimed, however invalid her claim might be, nor to pay her debts due to the United States. They knew that Georgia was under a moral obligation arising from contract to make a cession.
They also knew that the titles of the colony of Georgia from the king, having been so often varied and so greatly extended, might be doubtful. They knew that the cession from South Carolina, lying along the northern boundary of Georgia, belonged to the United States, and did not admit that the 31st degree of latitude then about to be ceded by Spain to the United States agreeably to the definitive treaty with Britain, and which lay all along the southern boundary of Georgia, did of right belong to Georgia, though she claimed it. They also believed that the claim of Georgia was much too large for one state to occupy. But they knew also that there was no method of bringing about an accommodation, but by compromise, and therefore laid the plan which at last, though slowly, accomplished that desirable object. The first resolution that passed in consequence of the deliberation of that committee, provided for authorizing the President to obtain a cession of the whole or a part of that territory, then and yet owned and occupied by the Indians. The next was, requesting the President to direct the attorney general to examine and report on the charters or other titles of Georgia to the jurisdiction and soil and the extent of her sales and the boundaries, &c. of the lands of the United States adjoining. This was followed by a resolve that no state or individual should negotiate with the natives for the extinguishment of the right of soil; all these resolutions were calculated and designed to induce the state of Georgia, and the companies or individuals who had purchased pre-emption rights to soil owned and occupied by the natives, and to make it their interest, to agree to an equitable compromise with the United States; but a bill founded on these resolutions which passed the House of Representatives was too late in the session to be passed by the Senate, and it was the second session of the next Congress before the report was received in Congress from the attorney general.
On April 7th, 1798, a law was passed authorizing the President to appoint commissioners to treat with commissioners that were or might be appointed by the state of Georgia for that purpose. By the same law a temporary government is created for that territory, with an explicit security of the right of jurisdiction and soil to the state of Georgia and to individuals. So far I was one of the committee which originated the plan of compromise and that voted for all the subsequent measures to carry that plan into effect.
After I had ceased to be a member of Congress, viz. in May 1800, a supplementary law was passed renewing the authority of the commissioners to obtain a cession of territory from the state of Georgia, on the principles of an amicable compromise, and renewing the assurances in the most explicit manner, that the claims of individuals should not be impaired. On the 26th day of April, 1802, the present
President, in pursuance of the aforementioned act, certifies that Messrs. Madison, Gallatin & Lincoln were appointed to settle by compromise with the commissioners appointed by the state of Georgia the claims and cession to which the said act has relation; that is to say, the claims of persons and cession of the state. The President afterwards certifies that articles of agreement and cession had been signed and entered into, &c. and lays the same before Congress to act thereon legislatively. One express condition of the act of cession was a reserve of five millions of acres out of what is estimated at 52 millions, to satisfy specific claims, and the residue to satisfy, quiet and compensate other claims derived from any act or pretended act of the legislature of Georgia. And the law regulating the lands office for specific claims expressly appropriates the residue of the five millions of acres towards satisfying, quieting and compensating these claims which originated under any act or pretended act of Georgia.
In pursuance of the said law the aforesaid commissioners made proposals of compromise to the claimants aforesaid, and required them to register their claims in the secretary's office within twelve months, and they received proposals from them, both which are contained in the President's message. They were also required by law, agreeably to the proposals of the commissioners to register their claims at a specified rate of expense. Thus it appeared to me that the faith of government, before the question came up in Congress, was fully and repeatedly pledged to apply the residue of the five millions of acres agreeably to the express words of the contract with Georgia and of the law of 1803, towards satisfying, quieting and compensating these claims, otherwise making proposals to them and receiving proposals from them inviting them by law to bring their claims forward and to register them, and having received a deposit of land from Georgia for that purpose to refuse now to enter on a compromise was what I did not expect to be attempted, and could not avoid considering it as an instance of tantalizing beneath the dignity of a regular government.
I was always very much opposed to the extent of the territory over which Georgia claimed jurisdiction, as it contained the most numerous and powerful nations of Indians within the United States and with whom none but the U. States or by the intervention of the United States could hold treaties. I also thought it wrong that the blood and treasure of the U. S. should acquire such an extensive unsettled territory to give it to one state. I was equally opposed to her large sales of land, not only as impolitic, but as calculated and apparently designed to defeat the claims of the United States. Therefore cheerfully promoted the plan to bring about the compromise. When however it was accomplished, I was not in Congress, but rejoiced at the success of the plan and approved of the terms of the cession, and of the terms of compromise proposed by the commissioners. I rejoiced that the state of Georgia, and the speculations were both reduced to reasonable bounds. Consequently I was astonished when I found the resolutions for carrying it into effect opposed with so much zeal, and unusual resolutions brought forward to defeat it. I voted against every resolution that had that tendency, and finally, for a postponement of the question till this session, that the members whose attention had not been formerly called to the subject might have opportunity to be more fully informed. [See the yeas and nays on the journals.] This session I have voted for and advocated the report and the recommendation of the commissioners, and in doing so, I have acted in consistency with my whole conduct with respect to this subject for ten years past, since it originated, and am sorry that so good a plan for the tranquility of the U. States, should meet with difficulty in the conclusion.
Among the new things that this question has produced, one of the greatest novelties is, ascribing the decisions on this subject to political party views; this indeed applied to the decision on claims, is by implication a charge of the highest degree of depravity. That this should be done in such a manner in a public newspaper while the case is still depending, is a novelty in this, and I presume in every other country. That it was not considered as a party business heretofore, is evident from the records. The majority of the Congress in Feb. 1795, and the majority of the committee appointed to originate the plan were republicans. The majority of Congress in 1798 and 1800, were decidedly federal, but they pursued the same plan and carried it to greater maturity. The majority of the Congress of 1803, which carried the plan into effect so far, was republican, and the commissioners on both the part of the United States and the state of Georgia, who had actually made the compromises, and whose recommendation is contained in the President's message, are decided republicans. Of a committee of five members last session, who unanimously recommended a similar resolution to the present Congress, four are republicans, and the majority of the committee of Claims, who reported the resolutions under debate are also republicans, and it is admitted that the majority of the claimants are republicans. This far I thought proper to state, to vindicate the character of the legislature from the imputant standards of being influenced by political party in deciding on claims. For my own part I can say with a good conscience that I have always acted agreeably to the degree of information I possessed in deciding on claims, as an honest man, and not as a party politician; and I trust every member does the same thing. If I had not been mentioned by name and distinguished by a particular and absolutely false charge of criminality from the rest of the majority of Congress, I would not in this way have addressed the public attention.
WM. FINDLEY.
ALL persons indebted to the estate of the late Doctor John Brackenbrough, are requested to come forward and make immediate payment; those who have claims against the estate, will be pleased to make them known, in order that provision may be made for their discharge. Mr. Edward Ware is authorized to collect the debts due in Essex and King & Queen counties, and Capt. Wm. Bragg in Richmond and Wellesley.
THOMAS BROKENBROUGH, Adm't with the will annexed. Tappahannock, March 1, 1805. (eF33)
A VALUABLE PLANTATION, LYING on Fighting-creek, in this county, will be offered for sale to the highest bidder at Powhatan April court, which is the 17th day of the month. It is supposed to contain 800 acres, but previous to the day of sale, a survey will be made thereof, and a plot exhibited on that day; in the mean time, it will be shown to any person desirous of viewing it, either by myself or my overseer living thereon. It is distant from Richmond 30 miles, Petersburg 40; James river 10; Appomattox 1; and is thought by judges to contain a body of coal. A small proportion of the purchase money will be required in hand, one half of the remainder on the 1st day of January next, and the balance in two equal annual payments, for which security on the land or otherwise will be expected.
BRETT RANDOLPH. Fighting-creek, Powhatan county, Feb. 17, 1805. (eF34)
FOR SALE, BY WILLIAM ROSS, AT THE EAGLE TAVERN: LIGHTY-four yards Fancy, Tailonet, Calimbere and Swandown Welecoating, 2 cases Britannia, 1 bale Ticklenbures, 8 cases and trunks Chinzees and Calicoes, 1 case Cotton Shawls and Pocket Hdkfs. 1 do. India Satins, assorted colours, 1 bale Gurrah Mullins, 2 do. Bafta do. 3 do. Cossia do. 1 do. Jaamha Mamoodo do. 1 do. Samnah do. 60 boxes Spanish Sugars, 20 do. containing sets of Tea China, 61 pieces each, 5 do. assorted ditto. 80 rheam Medium Vellum Printing Paper, 6 do. Poulap Writing ditto. Also, 5 boxes Glass Tumblers and Decanters. N. B. Crops Tobacco, Flour, or Flax-Seed, will be taken in payment as cash. January 11. (law6)
VIRGINIA. At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond, the first day of March, one thousand eight hundred and five—
Between Marcus Elcan and William Temple, as Esqs. of Hoope and Toler Bankrupts, Plaintiffs. And Thomas Stewart and company and William McKenzie and Company. Defendants.
THE defendants Thomas Stewart and company, not having entered their appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly, and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that they are not inhabitants of this country; on the motion of the plaintiffs, by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of next term, and answer the bill of the plaintiff, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some news-paper published in the city of Richmond for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the capitol in the said city. P. Timiney, C. C. March 5.
TO THE PRESIDENT & DIRECTORS OF THE JAMES RIVER COMPY.
I FIND that our last Legislature has directed that you shall have the Navigation of the Canal connected with Tide-water by means of Locks. Much has been said on this subject, and many have suggested their doubts as to the practicability of erecting such Locks as will be permanent, and answer the purpose. In my opinion, it is practicable, plain, and easy; but the cost will far exceed common computation, but not more than some of you calculate.
As I have made myself well acquainted with two plans that will answer, differing from each other only in the materials, I hereby offer myself to you as a superintendent of the building of them on the following terms, viz:
Ten thousand dollars for my services, to be paid at the end of five years from the time the Locks are finished, provided they stand; otherwise nothing. It will be equally agreeable to me, to take a larger or smaller sum, on a longer or shorter time, adding or deducting at the rate of one thousand dollars per ann. If you wish to have my plans explained to you, you will please to address me through the medium of this paper, and I will attend you in person at any time and place you may appoint.
Should you conclude that my price is more than you will give, in the event that you shall approve my plans, nothing need be said by you to me on the subject.
Your silence for three months, I shall consider as full disapprobation to my proposition. A CITIZEN OF RICHMOND. March 1. (eF2m)
THE SUBSCRIBER OFFERS
FOR SALE, SIX hundred and forty acres of the well known
TRACT of Land called "THE SEATON'S FERRY TRACT," lying upon the Paunkeatan river in Gloucester county, adjoining the land of Mr. Johnson, the estate of Benjamin Marable, dec. and others. This land is heavily timbered with the best chestnut, oak, hickory, dogwood, and a second growth of pine, capable of being converted into common plank or scantling. There are not more than two hundred acres of cleared land upon the tract. A stream runs through the body of this land, upon which an over-rust mill might be erected at a small expense. No situation in the low Country of Virginia, has more the advantage of good water, fish, oysters, & salubrious air, than this. The improvements are inconsiderable. The dwelling House has lately been in part repaired, and consists of three rooms and a passage below, and two above stairs. The terms will be made known upon the premises by JAMES R. MICOU. Season's Ferry, Feb. 19. (eF3m)
VALUABLE PROPERTY
FOR SALE. WILL BE SOLD, to the highest bidder, on the
premises, on the third day of April next, at 12 o'clock, an undivided moiety in the two lots of ground, formerly the property of Andrew Ronald, dec'd. fronting the Basin of the James River Canal, near the center of the city of Richmond, with an undivided moiety of all the valuable buildings thereon, consisting of a large three story BRICK BUILDING, eighty feet in length, with fourtenements, twenty feet wide and forty-five feet in length, with fire places on the first and second floors, roomy garrets in each, with large wheels fixed for hoisting and lowering packages, &c. with dispatch and ease, good dry cellars, with fire places in each. This house has been lately built and in good repair; adjoining is a well finished two story framed dwelling house, thirty eight feet square, with two good cellars, with fire places in each for cooking, in the first and second floors are eight rooms and six fire places—Also, a small two story Brick House with four rooms, with fire places in each, convenient for a store or small family, likewise a small wooden building with a cellar, built for a kitchen, stable and carriage house, are insured in the Mutual Insurance Company against fire in the state of Virginia, and the premiums paid. The lots front on the basin on one side, and are bounded by Cary's Creek, and the street leading to Shockoe warehouse, on the two other sides of them, and are as convenient for commercial or other business as any in the city.
The terms of sale, will be seventeen thousand dollars in ready money, the residue payable the fifth day of August next, for which residue, bond with approved security will be required. It is deemed unnecessary to state the great value of the above property, to those who reside in this city, but for the information of strangers, the subscriber begs leave to state, that the aforesaid property is immediately opposite the lower part of the basin of the James river canal, where all the produce of the upper country is landed; and to any person desirous of carrying on the commission business extensively, perhaps is superior to any other in this city. WILLIAM AUSTIN. February 8. (eF3)
NOTICE. THE subscribers having put an end to their retail business, request the debtors to this firm to come forward, without loss of time, to have their accounts adjusted, and to pay what may be due. As great indulgence has been already given, further cannot reasonably be expected. George McCrede will attend at this place, for the purpose of settling the accounts, and receiving payments. Those who do not pay, or give satisfactory assurance of paying soon, must blame themselves if suits are instituted against them. LYLE & McCREDE. Manchester, Feb. 5. (eF34v)
NOTICE. To facilitate to claimants under the 7th article of the treaty with Great Britain the receipt of the third installment due on the 17th July next, in instances in which they have not constituted the public agent in London, their special attorney, it has been thought proper to draw to the United States all such monies of the above description as may not be drawn from him by the individuals themselves prior to the 1st of September next. The agent is accordingly instructed to cease paying them after that date; but after the 1st of November next, they will be again payable at the city of Washington to those who have right, or to their attorneys duly authorized. Department of State, Feb. 4, 1805. Note. The Printers of the Laws of the United States are requested to insert the above four times in their gazettes. Feb. 1.
TO RENT, AND POSSESSION GIVEN IMMEDIATELY, A TENEMENT on Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house now occupied by Mr. John McCrede, lately possessed by the Subscriber. There is on it a convenient Wooden House with two rooms, a closet & a passage, on the first floor. Two rooms and a closet above, a kitchen and three cellars below with a Smoke House and Garden. Wm. LONG. January, 17th 1805. (eF3)
JUST RECEIVED, and for sale at the Office of the ENQUIRER, a few copies of the following BOOKS: Moore's Anacreon, Life of Doctor Darwin, Report of the Trial of Lord Headfort, Graydon's Digest of the Laws of the U. States, Terrivle Tradecation, Volney's View of the United States, &c. &c. February 5.
J. TOMPKINS RESPECTFULLY informs those concerned, that he has removed the books and papers of the late concern of Robert Pollok & Co. and Dunlop, Pollok & Co. to a new Brick House near the Basin, and directly opposite to the Scale-House. Where he has for sale, a few pipes of OLD COGNAC & BRANDY, of superior quality. December 11.
NOTICE. WE the undersigned, partners in the late concerns of BUCHANAN, DUNLOP, & Co. at Peter-
burg, of ROBERT POLLOK, & Co. at Richmond, and of DUNLOP, POLLOK, & Co. at Manchester, have sold to Mr. James Dunlop, our late partner in said concerns, the debts now due to, and outstanding at these different establishments. These indebted will therefore please to take notice, that hereafter payments are to be made only to the said Mr. James Dunlop, his attorney or attorneys, and to whom those having claims against these concerns will apply for payment. DAVID BUCHANAN By ROBERT POLLOK, his Attorney. ROBERT POLLOK. Virginia, Petersburg, Dec. 6, 1804. (eF3m)
NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the late firm of BUCHANAN, DUNLOP & CO. of Petersburg, ROBERT POLLOK & CO. of Richmond, and DUNLOP, POLLOK & CO. of Manchester, are hereby notified, that James Dunlop, late a partner in the above concerns, has become purchaser of the outstanding debts—They will therefore be pleased to make payment to Mr. John Tompkins residing in Richmond, or the subscriber residing in Petersburg, who alone are authorized to make collections and grant discharges—Suits will be indifferently commenced against all who do not make payment before the first of February next. JOHN DUNLOP, Attorney For JAMES DUNLOP. Petersburg, Nov. 15, 1804. (eF3)
LANDS, LOTS & CANAL SHARES, FOR SALE. On Monday, the twenty-fifth day of March next, Will be exposed to Public Sale at the Eagle-Tavern, in the City of Richmond, in order to close the Mercantile concern of Buchanan, Dunlop, & Co. the following
TRACTS OF LAND, &c. viz. A CERTAIN TRACT OF LAND, SITUATED in the county of Campbell, on the branches of Flat Creek and Falling River, containing 2,600 acres, bounded by the lands of Hughes and M'Reynolds.
ALSO, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND, in the same county, on the waters of Beaver and Pafsum Creek, containing four hundred and fifty acres, by a late accurate survey, and including part of what is called Coope's or Montain.
ALSO, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND, in the said county, on the branches of Pafsum, Rockafle and Flat Creek, containing 850 acres, and bounded by Stevenson's, Gandler's and Martin's lands.
ALSO, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND, in said county, containing 870 acres, on the head branches of the fourth fork of Falling River, and upon the south east side of Long mountain, and bounded by Osby's, Farber's and Stith's lands.
ALSO, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND, in said county, containing 90 acres, on the head branches of the fourth fork of Falling River, on both sides of the main road, and bounded by the Long mountain and Richard Stith's land.
ALSO, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND, situated on the western branches of Buffalo Creek, in the county of Campbell, containing 350 acres, and commonly known by the name of Turner's place.
ALSO, A TRACT OF LAND, situated in Parson county, North-Carolina, containing 99 3/4 acres, sold under an execution against Duncan Rife, Jr. and purchased at the marshal's sale at Raleigh, North-Carolina, as per return to John Tompkins, made by the marshal, recorded in Parson county court.
ALSO, A TRACT OF LAND, in Patrick county, Virginia, on the head waters of South Mayo river, containing 1020 acres, more or less, as per deed from John Hughes to Buchanan, Dunlop & Co. recorded in the county court of Patrick, at February Court, 1800.—A considerable part of this tract is rich low grounds.
ALSO, LOTS NO. 4 & 5, each half acres, situated on the main street, in the town of New-London, on which area are four dwelling houses.
ALSO, LOTS NO. 45 & 46 in said town, containing 5 acres, adjoining the above half-acre lot, whereon a Barn and other out houses now stand.
ALSO, LOT NO. 41 situated in said town, containing eleven acres, & No. 42 & 43, containing each eight acres.
ALSO, A TRACT OF LAND adjoining the above lot, containing 200 acres, which land Thomas Reid purchased of Pamela Crump, as will appear by the deed of indenture, recorded in the district court of New-London.
At the same time and place and upon the same terms, will be sold, ANOTHER TRACT OF LAND in Campbell county, containing 400 acres.
At the same time and place will be sold, FIVE SHARES IN THE UPPER APPOMATTOX CANAL COMPANY.—A further description of the lands and lots is deemed unnecessary, as those inclined to purchase, will of course view them.—Mr. Thomas Reid will show the lands in Campbell county and lots in New-London.—Mr. Samuel Rife, Jr. the lands in Parson county, and Mr. Samuel Staple that in Patrick county, and the deeds may be seen on application to Messrs. Proffer and Moore of Richmond.—On the lands and lots a credit of 18 months will be given, and on the Canal Shares, a credit of 12 months—the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not pointedly paid.
DAVID BUCHANAN. By ROBERT POLLOK, his Attorney. JOHN DUNLOP. Attorney for JAMES DUNLOP. ROBERT POLLOK. February 8. (eF3)
NEAL NELSON, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER, MAIN-STREET, RICHMOND. MAKES Boots to any pattern or fashion, equal in point of MATERIALS and WORKMANSHIP to any in general use. Imported Boots and Shoes, of the first quality and newest fashion, for sale. Gentlemen at a distance, who are disposed to forward me their measure, by paying attention to the annexed cut, can be fitted with Boots or Shoes as well as if they were on the spot. A—the length of the Foot. B—round the Call. C—round the instep. D—round the heel and instep. E—round the instep. G—across the ball of the foot. Fix the heel against a perpendicular, and stick a knife at the end of the great toe; for down in figures the number of inches and quarters, in the different measures. January 1. (eF3)
TO MR. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSON, OF SOUTH-CAROLINA.
SIR, As you are not a resident of this Commonwealth, and have no agent or Attorney within the same, to whom a legal notice can be given; you are hereby informed, that by virtue of a commission issued from the office of the High Court of Chancery, for the middle district of Virginia, by law directed to be held at the Capitol in the City of Richmond, in the suit in Chancery depending, in said court, in which you are Complainant, and I am Defendant, I shall proceed on the second Monday in April next, at the Tavern of James George in the county of Cocke and state of Virginia, to take the depositions of Thomas Johnson, John Johnson, Zachariah Pattison, John Prescott, and William Cook, to be read as evidence in the said suit, and that if the same cannot be taken on the day aforesaid, the taking thereof will be continued by adjournment from day to day until the whole are completed; when and where you may if you please attend. I am Sir, Yours, &c. BERRYMAN JOHNSON. Louisa county, and state of Virginia, February 22, 1805 (eF4v)
CUMBERLAND December Court, 1804. IN CHANCERY.
WILLIAM CLARKE, Against JANATT RISON, THOMAS LIGON & THOMAS DENT, Defendants.
THIS day came the plaintiff by his attorney, and the Defendant Janatt Rison not having entered his appearance and given security according to the act of Assembly and rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state, on the motion of the plaintiff, by his attorney, it is ordered, that the said Defendant, Janatt Rison do appear here, on the fourth Monday in April next, and answer the complainant's bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in some one of the newspapers published in the city of Richmond, for two months successively, and posted at the front door of the Courthouse of this county. A copy, teste, M. WOODSON, clk. Feb. 22. (eF2m)
FOR SALE, On a credit of 18 months, at the Eagle tavern, on the 25th March ensuing:
A Certain tract or parcel of LAND, lying in Patrick county on Mayo river, containing 550 acres more or less, being that tract lately owned by John Spencer, and sold by virtue of a deed of trust for the benefit of Dunlop, Pollok & Co. Col. Geo. Poin of Patrick, will show the land to any person disposed to purchase. An undivided title with general warrantee, will be made the purchaser on payment of the money—undoubted security will be required. PROSSER & MONCURE, V. M's. February 19.
CASH WILL be given for 12 or 15 BOYS, from 7 to 15 years old. Enquire of the Printers. Dec. 15. (eF3)
WILL BE SOLD, At Public Auction, on Saturday the 20th day of April next, at the Rawleigh Tavern, in the city of Williamsburg;
THAT valuable Plantation called YARMOUTH, lying in James City county, on Chickahominy River, ten miles from Williamsburg. The improvements are, a two story brick house, with two rooms and a passage above and below; porricoes on each side; a large and capacious barn, and three other out-houses. The whole tract, including an island, in view of the house, high and low land with marshes, contains about 2700 acres; scarcely one third of which is cleared. Two thirds of the island is arable, which, with the land adjoining the house, is of superior quality. Adjacent to the island are two bold and navigable creeks, with a convenient landing to each. The range for cattle is very extensive, and the marshes and meadows will supply an abundance of hay. Fish and wild fowl, in their respective seasons, may with ease be obtained at your door. The orchards, consisting of the greatest variety of all kinds of fruit, selected with care, are now in their prime. The terms of sale are one third cash and one, two and three equal annual payments, for the balance. PEYTON RANDOLPH, Jr. For ELIZA INNES. Feb. 19. (eF3d)
BROKER'S OFFICE. THE Subscriber has opened a Broker's Office, opposite the Union Tavern, and over the Counting-house of Thomas and Amos Ladd. All business confided to him, will be transacted with fidelity. THOMAS NORVELL. October 3. (eF3)
TO BE SOLD FOR READY MONEY, In pursuance of a decree of the Circuit Court of the United States, between Plinius Bond, attorney for the creditors of Ezekial Edwards, plaintiff, and David Ross and others, defendants, in order to raise the sum of 7000 dol. 40 cents, with the expenses of sale, A NUMBER OF SLAVES and to much of that valuable Estate in the county of Campbell, known by the name of the OXFORD IRON WORKS, as shall appear sufficient to raise the said sum of money and the said expenses; the said land being now in the occupation of the said David Ross, and the slaves aforesaid, being on the land.
The sale will take place at the Oxford Iron Works, in the county of Campbell, on Thursday the 11th of April next.
The slaves are represented to be very valuable. The land is so well known, as to render a description unnecessary. BEN. MOSBY, D. M. for JOS. SCOTT, M. V. D. March 1, 1805.
TO PRINTERS. HENRY OURAM—PRESS-MAKER. South-east corner of Prime and Sixth-streets: RESPECTFULLY informs the trade, that he undertakes to supply Printing-Offices with every thing in his line, having a complete Printer's Fount, constantly employed in making the good part of Presses, Furniture, Rules, &c. &c. Copies of all Sizes, Composing Sticks, Brans & Wood Galleys, &c. &c. constantly on hand, or made to order with dispatch and neatness. Orders from any part of the Continent attended to. Philad. Jan. 5. (eF3m)