The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1806-03-18 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE...AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM... (PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
NUMBER 99.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 18, 1806.
[VOLUME 2.]
Richmond Prices Current.
   Dolls. Cts.     Tobacco, 5 25   Wheat, 1   Flour—superfine, 6   fine, 5 50   Corn Meal—per bushel, 75   Bacon—per lb. 13   Bar Iron—per ton, 120   Whiskey—per gallon, 53  
Sales at Auction.
On Saturday the 29th instant, will be sold at Auction on the premises, if not previously disposed of at private sale:
A HOUSE & LOT on Shockoe Hill; the lot containing about one quarter of an acre, forms a part of what is commonly called Jackson's square, and adjoins Mr. William Neece's garden; it is well enclosed, and has a well of excellent water upon it, and its situation is as desirable as any in that part of the town. The house is nearly finished, and well calculated for the comfortable accommodation of a small family. The terms will be made known on the day of sale.
TAYLOR & BROWN, Auctioneers. (law eds.)
FOR SALE.
A TRACT OF LAND, in the county of Amelia, containing 800 acres, within one mile of the Court House, about forty from Manchester, and the same from Petersburg. There is a most excellent stand for a Tavern on this land. A credit of one, two and three years, will be given for the greater part of the purchase money. The subscriber also offers for sale, about twenty negroes, consisting of men women and children. A credit of twelve months will be given; and could they be held in families, I would allow a credit of two years.
WILLIAM ARCHER. (law eds.)
MARSHAL'S SALE.
BY virtue of a decree of the Court of the U. States, for the fifth circuit in the Virginia district, pronounced at May term, 1805, in behalf of John Tate and Thomas Alton, assignees of Henry Martin, against James Vaughan, administrator of Mathew Vaughan, deceased; and others; will be sold, to the highest bidder for ready money, at the Cross Roads, in the county of Goochland, at the dwelling house of Mr. James Vaughan, on Friday the 22nd day of March next, the following SLAVES, viz. Gibb, Joe, Ned, Trip, Cyrus, Peter, Parrot, Billy, Lewis, Lewy, Carter, Phil and Portia, (males)—Nell, Franky, Lucy, Fanny, Judy, Amy, Dolly, Sylvia, and Betty, (females); or so many of them as may be sufficient to raise the sum of one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six dollars and thirty-four cents, with interest on one thousand four hundred and seventy-nine dollars, part thereof, at the rate of six per centum per annum, from the 23rd day of May, 1805, and the expenses of sale.
WILLIAM MANN, D. M. for JOSEPH SCOTT, M. V. D. (law eds.)
LAND FOR SALE.
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust executed to the subscribers by Shandy Anderson, will be sold on Friday the 28th day of March next, at Edmund Anderson's Tavern (formerly James George's) to the highest bidder for ready money, a tract of LAND lying in the County of Goochland on the three chock roads, about one mile above the above-mentioned place, containing by a late survey one hundred and fifty five and a half acres, or so much thereof as will be sufficient to satisfy the sum of twenty-three pounds twelve shillings and nine pence with interest thereon from the first day of January last.
CHARLES ATKINSON, } Trustees. JOHN SHELTON, Jr. (law eds.)
ALL persons having claims against the estate of John Hoomes, deceased, of the Bowling Green, are requested to make them known, that provision may be made for a final settlement. And those indebted must make immediate payment to JOHN HOOMES, and JOHN G. WOODFOLK, Executors of John Hoomes, deceased. (law eds.)
JOHN ALCOCK.
INFORMS the public that he has lately established a CABINET SHOP in the city of Richmond, on the Cross-street leading up from Profier & Monroe's Vendue-house, and near the Fire Insurance Office; where he intends manufacturing all kinds of Cabinet Ware in the most modern style; he flatters himself that those who may favour him with their commands, will find his work equal to any made in the state, as he has provided himself with the best of materials.
He will sell his furniture low for prompt payment only, as his situation will not admit of giving a credit. A few window chairs on hand, well made, which will be sold uncommonly low for cash. January 30. (law eds.)
TO BE RENTED.
THE large THREE STORY HOUSE on the Main-Street east of the Market, formerly occupied by Cohen and Isaac, and lately by Capt. John S. Peasant; it is a good stand for business and suitable for the accommodation of a large family. Also, the HOUSE (formerly known by the sign of the Bird in Hand) at the corner of the Street leading to church hill: to both of these tenements gardens are attached. The terms will be moderate, and made known on application to James Whitelaw, Sergeant of the City, or to JACOB I. COHEN. (law eds.)
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber in December last, two negro men by the names of HARRY and DICK; Harry is about 5 feet 6 inches high, of a tawny complexion, 22 years of age; Dick 6 feet high, slim and very black, with large white teeth, wide apart, projecting out of his mouth, 18 years of age. When they went away, they had on home manufactured breeches and old grey jackets. I have been informed they are now dressed in blue jackets with sailor's trousers, and are making their way to Maryland with a free pass. They have relations at Renben Bede's, Esq. of Richmond county, and Mr. John Turberwell's quarter in Westmoreland, where it is probable they may lurk until they can procure a passage across the Potomac. Whoever will deliver them to me, or secure them so that I get them again, shall receive the above reward, or the proportion for either. ELLIOTT MUSE. (law eds.)
TO BE RENTED.
Till the 1st of January next, either with or without the office. THE HOUSE on Shockoe Hill in which the subscriber lately resided. MERIWETHER JONES. (law eds.)
War Department, March 1, 1806.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT separate proposals will be received at the office of the Secretary for the department of War, until 12 o'clock at noon of the first Wednesday in June next, for the supply of all rations that may be required for the use of the United States, from the 1st day of October 1806, until the 30th day of September 1807, both days inclusive, at the following places, viz.
First, At Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, Fort Wayne, Chicago, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of Ohio, and territory of Michigan, and at any place or places within the Indiana territory north of the 41st degree of north latitude.
Second, At South-West Point, Tellico, Knoxville, Nashville, and within the Cherokee nation between Tennessee and Georgia; and on the Tennessee river, and on the road between said river between said river, and Nashville, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
Third, At the garrison near Vincennes on the river Wabash, at Fort Mafac, New-Madrid, Chickasaw Bluffs, Arkansas, Natchez, and Fort Adams, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited in the Mississippi territory, except the county of Washington, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory south of the 41st degree of north latitude and fifty miles east of the Mississippi river.
Fourth, At St. Louis, St. Charles, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Louisiana north of New Madrid, and at any place or places in the Indiana territory within fifty miles east of the Mississippi river, and south of the 41st degree of north latitude, Fort Mafac excepted.
Fifth, At New Orleans, Plaquemines, Point Coupee, Oacheta, Natchitoches, Appalousa, Atakapa, Fort Stodder, Fort St. Stephens, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited within the territory of Orleans, and in the county of Washington on the Mississippi river, and at any place or places on the well side of the Mississippi river below Arkansas.
Separate proposals will also be received as aforesaid for the supply of all rations, which may be required for the use of the United States, from the first day of January 1807, to the 31st day of December of the same year, both days inclusive, within the several states hereafter mentioned, viz.
Sixth, At Fort Wilkinson, Cockspur Island, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Georgia, and on the Indian boundary between Georgia and the Creek nation.
Seventh, At Charleston, Rocky Mount, on the head waters of the Santee, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited, within the states of North and South Carolina.
Eighth, At Norfolk, and at any place or places where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Virginia.
Ninth, At Fort M'Henry, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Maryland and the district of Columbia.
Tenth, At Fort Mifflin, Carlisle, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, east of the mountains, and within the states of New Jersey and Delaware.
Eleventh, At Pittsburgh, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Pennsylvania, west of the mountains.
Twelfth, At Fort Jay, West Point, Albany, Schenectady, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of New-York Niagara and its dependencies excepted.
Thirteenth, At Fort Trumbull, Fort Wolcott and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the states of Connecticut, Rhode-Island and Vermont.
Fourteenth, At Fort Independence (Boston harbor) and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched or recruited, within the state of Massachusetts, the town of Springfield, and the district of Maine, excepted.
Fifteenth, At Portsmouth, Portland, and at any place or places, where troops are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the state of New Hampshire and the district of Maine.
Sixteenth, Proposals will also be received as aforesaid, for the supply of all rations, which may be required by the United States, for the troops which are or may be stationed, marched, or recruited within the town of Springfield in the state of Massachusetts, and for the armorers and other persons employed in the United States' armory at that place, from the 1st day of January 1807 to the 31st day of December in the same year, both days inclusive.
A ration to consist of one pound and one quarter of beef, or three quarters of a pound of pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, one gill of rum, whiskey or brandy, and at the rate of two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles, to every hundred rations. The prices of the several component parts of the ration shall be specified; but the U. States reserve the right of making such alterations in the price of the component parts of the ration aforesaid, as shall make the price of each part thereof bear a just proportion to the proposed price of the whole ration. The rations are to be furnished in such quantities, that there shall at all times, during the term of the proposed contract, be sufficient for the consumption of the troops at Michilimackinac, Detroit and Chicago, for six months in advance; and at each of the other posts on the western waters, for at least three months in advance; of good and wholesome provisions, if the same shall be required. It is also to be permitted to all and every of the commandants of fortified places or posts, to call for, at seasons when the same can be transported, or at any time in case of urgency, such supplies of like provisions in advance, as in the discretion of the commandant shall be deemed proper.
It is understood that the contractor is to be at the expense and risk of issuing the supplies to the troops, and that all losses sustained by the deprivations of an enemy, or by means of the troops of the U. States captured or destroyed as aforesaid, on the deposition of two or more persons of creditable characters, and the certificate of a commissioned officer, stating the circumstances of the loss, and the amount of the articles for which compensation shall be claimed.
The privilege is understood to be reserved to the U. S. of requiring that none of the supplies, which may be furnished under any of the proposed contracts, shall be issued, until the supplies which have been or may be furnished under contracts now in force, have been consumed; and that a supply in advance may be always required at any of the fixed posts on the seaboard, or Indian frontier, not exceeding three months.
H. DEARBORN, Secretary of War. (Epit. 1M.)
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF
BLANKS,
FOR SALE AT THIS OFFICE.
FOR SALE.
FIVE hundred acres of LAND in Powhatan county, lying on the Buckingham road above the Court House; four fifths of which is in woods and well timbered. Also, four or five hundred acres lying on Appomattox river, bounded on the upper side by Maj. Peterfield Archer, and on the lower by Mr. John Powell. The above is part of the land generally known by the name of the fighting creek estate. Terms will be made known by applying to Wm. Barkley living thereon, or to the subscriber.
WM. RANDOLPH. (law eds.)
A FEW BUSHELS OF FRESH CLOVER SEED,
For Sale by EDWARD HALLAM. (law eds.)
TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION.
At the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on the eighteenth day of March next, enuing.
THAT most valuable estate, situated in the county of Wythe, and commonwealth of Virginia, and heretofore well known by the name of Chitwell's Lead Mines; but which, for sometime past hath been considered, as the property of Stephen Austin and company, of the city of Philadelphia, by virtue of a purchase thereof by them, made under a decree of the high court of chancery of the said commonwealth, with the terms whereof they have not complied.
That purchase was made on the 20th day of February 1793, for the sum of £ 6,505, and since that period, they have made sundry great and valuable improvements on the said estate.
The well known value of the property, and the certainty which the subscribers feel, that those who mean to become purchasers will satisfy themselves thereof, on view, render any further description of the property to be sold unnecessary.
The sale will be made in conformity to two several decrees of the superior court of chancery, which is directed by law to be held at the Capitol in the city of Richmond aforesaid, the one pronounced on the 30th day of June, and the other on the 7th day of October, in the year 1802.
Credit will be given to the purchaser or purchasers, for a term of nine months for one, and eighteen months for the other moiety of the purchase money, each moiety being secured not only by a bond with good security made payable to the subscribers, or the survivors of them, their executors, administrators or assigns, for the uses in the said decree specified, and bearing interest from the date; but also, by the retention of the legal estate, until the whole purchase money, with such interest, shall be fully paid; on which payment a conveyance or conveyances shall be executed to the purchaser or purchasers in virtue of the said decree by
JOHN WICKHAM, } Commissioners JOHN WARDEN, } of court. WILLIAM HAY, }
Jan. 21. (law eds.)
37 The sale of the above property is postponed to the 15th day of May next.
LAND.
Positive for sale by the subscriber, ONE thousand acres, formerly known by the name of David Irvin's Quarter, on Otter river, in this county, adjoining the Land whereon the subscriber lives, where there is a merchant mill that makes as good flour as any in America; nor more than twenty two miles from the flourishing town of Lynchburg, where there is a good market for all kinds of produce. On this tract there is as much cleared land as is sufficient to work seven or eight hands to advantage, consisting of two fields of right river Low Ground and three of High Land, all in good order for cropping, the balance is in woods, a great part of which is heavily timbered, and a great quantity is good tobacco land; there is also on this tract abundance of the best spring water in every field, a good lime-stone quarry the quantity inexhaustible, also an overleaf-house, together with other necessary houses for plantation business. The Land is well adapted to the culture of Tobacco, Wheat, Cotton, Corn, Rye, Oats and Flax; the situation is very healthy, and in a good neighborhood, attached to which is a very good range for all sorts of stock. The purchaser may be accommodated with every kind of stock, grain and plantation utensils, and possession given next Christmas, or sooner if required. Credit will be given for two thirds of the purchase money at three equal annual payments, the other third will be required in hand. Tobacco, Bank stock, public securities or negroes will be received in payment.
ROBERT SCOTT. (law eds.)
Campbell, February 1.
N. B. The above land may be divided into two plantations if required. In the absence of the subscriber the Overseer will show the premises. R. S.
JAMES RIVER COMPANY. At a meeting of the President and Directors of the James River Company on the 28th of February 1806,  RESOLVED, that the Treasurer advertise that the company are desirous of contracting for a supply of meal for about fifty hands, until the 25th of December next, to be furnished at such terms and in such quantities as may be required, and that proposals will be received until the first day of April next.  ROBERT POLLARD. (law eds.)  March 4.  NOTICE.  THAT the first Wednesday in April next the Polls will be opened in the different wards for the election of Common Council Men for the City of Richmond: in Jefferson ward the Poll will be held at the Court House in the City of Richmond, and in Madison ward at the Eagle Tavern, and in Monroe ward at the house of Mr. Samuel Pointer.  JAMES WHITEWALL Serjt. (law eds.)  March 4.  LAND FOR SALE.  BY virtue of a decree of Louisa Court, will be sold on the premises, on the 20th day of March next, to the highest bidder, for ready money; a TRACT OF LAND belonging to the estate of Major Thomas Johnson, deceased, lying on the waters of Harris's Creek, about two or three miles from Louisa Court-House; containing by estimation six hundred and thirty acres. This sale is to be made for the purpose of paying a debt due from the estate of said Major Thomas Johnson, deceased to Elizabeth Johnson executrix of Thomas Johnson, deceased.  COMMISSIONERS. (law eds.)  February 18.  THE subscriber offers his services as a BROKER  in the city of Richmond, and will transact any business in that line for a moderate commission. He will not inform the public that it is a business with which he is familiar, but assures every one who may think him worthy of their confidence, that no one will be more attentive to their interest. He will also undertake to purchase tobacco on commission.  His office is kept on the cross street leading from the Capitol square towards Col. Carrington's. CARTER B. PAGE. (law eds.)  December 31.  IMPORTANT TO SPORTSMEN.  On the 29th day of April next, will be offered for sale, at the Bowling Green in Caroline county,  THE STUD, of the late col. John Hoomes, consisting of imported and country bred Stallions, Brood Mares, and their produce, for several years past—total about one hundred head. This is certainly the most numerous, and probably the best selected Stud, ever before offered at public auction in this country; as it is well known, that the late owner, spared neither money or exertion, in procuring both at home and abroad such stock as appeared most certain to insure him success, as a breeder. To gentlemen who may feel a disposition to engage immediately in the sports of the turf, several fine three and four year olds could be highly recommended, for sale, blood and figure. Should any of the Stud horses be farmed out for the approaching spring, the sale of such, will be postponed, until the expiration of the season. The other stock will be sold without reserve. The terms of sale will be one half of the purchase money payable in six and the other at 12 months, to be secured by bond, with approved securities, to carry interest from the date if not punctually paid.  A considerable discount will be made for cash.  Gentlemen in the neighboring states are hereby assured, that the sale will positively take place on the day above stated.  A catalogue will be exhibited, stating age, blood, &c.  JOHN G. WOODFOLK, JOHN HOOMES,  Executors of John Hoomes, deceased. Bowling Green, January 28. (law eds.)  Seat of Government.  HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.  Wednesday, March 5.  BRITISH AFFAIRS.  DEBATE—in committee of the whole on the State of the union—Mr. J. C. Smith in the chair, on the following resolution offered by Mr. Gregg.  Whereas Great Britain impresses citizens of the U. S. and compels them to serve on board her ships of war, and also seizes and condemns vessels belonging to citizens of the U. S. and their cargoes being the bona fide property of American citizens, not contraband of war, and not proceeding to places besieged or blockaded, under the pretext of their being engaged in time of war in a trade with her enemies which was not allowed in time of peace:  And whereas the government of the U. S. has repeatedly remonstrated to the British government against these injuries, and demanded satisfaction thereof, but without effect,  Therefore, Resolved, That until equitable and satisfactory arrangements on these points shall be made between the two governments, it is expedient that from & after the day—next, no goods, wares, or merchandise, of the growth, product, or manufacture of Great Britain, or of any of the colonies or dependencies thereof, ought to be imported into the U. S. Provided, however, that whenever arrangements deemed satisfactory by the President of the U. S. shall take place, it shall be lawful for him by proclamation to fix a day on which the prohibition aforesaid shall cease.  Mr. GREGG. Mr. Chairman, I cannot but congratulate the committee, on our having at length taken up the business to which I believe the people of this country universally expected we would have turned our attention on the first moment of assembling in our legislative capacity. Before we left our homes, we had learned thro' the channel of news-papers, that outrages of a most atrocious kind had been committed on the persons and property of American citizens, by some of the belligerent nations of Europe. This intelligence has been officially confirmed by sundry communications which we have received from the President of the U. S. From these sources we have derived the information that irruptions have been made into our territory on its southern frontier by subjects of Spain; and that depredations to a very considerable extent have been committed on our commerce, by the cruisers of that nation. The many spirit with which these irruptions were resisted by the officers of our government, appears for the present to have checked the farther progress of that evil: And it seems that the system of depredation has been discontinued, in pursuance of instructions issued by the minister of state and of marine to the director general of the fleet. These orders were issued on the 30th day of September, 1805, and are understood to have been produced by the remonstrances of our minister at that court. From these favorable symptoms, a presumption naturally and necessarily arises, that an amicable adjustment of the points in dispute betwixt that government and ours, is not to be despaired of. Should we, however, be deceived in this calculation—should similar aggressions be repeated, we are not destitute of means to obtain redress, and on such an event taking place, I presume we would not hesitate in resorting to the complete exercise of these means.  I wish the prospect of an accommodation of our differences with G. Britain was equally bright and flattering. But the systematic hostility of that government towards our commerce, and its obstinate perseverance in the impairment of our seamanship notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of our ministers, leave no room to expect an accommodation, until we resort to such measures, as will make her feel our importance to her, as the purchasers and consumers of her manufactures, and of the great injury she will sustain thro' a total privation of our friendship.  This it must be acknowledged is a very important subject, and one which cannot fail to engage the earnest attention, not only of this committee, but must also excite the anxious solicitude of every member of the community. On the course we may now take, on the measures we may now pursue, will in a great measure depend, in my view, the determination of the question, whether we are to be a free and independent nation? Or whether we are to surrender that boasted privilege, and tamely submit to such indignity and oppression, as our forefathers even in their state of colonization would have resisted with indignation. In the discussion of a question of such magnitude, in the decision of which we are all so materially interested, and on which the honor and true interest of our country so much depends, I trust we will divest ourselves of all party feelings, whether arising from our different pursuits in life, from geographical distinctions, or from political considerations, so that our decision may be the result of a sound judgment, uninfluenced either by improper partiality or prejudice.  From the hostile conduct of the nations to which I have alluded, and from the pointed manner in which the President has recommended preparations for defence, an idea appears to have gone forth that we are to be immediately engaged in war. This opinion has received additional currency from a report made by a select committee of the House, recommending an appropriation of money to a considerable amount, for the purpose of erecting fortifications for the defence of our ports and harbors, and for building gun boats and ships of the line. Did my sentiments accord with this opinion, I should certainly give this report my countenance, so far as respects fortifications, which from their situation are to be considered as affording any substantial protection. Even as things are, I may perhaps be induced to vote in favor of the appropriation for gun boats, to relieve the anxiety of some of our fellow citizens, whose alarms appear to be greatly excited; and because I believe, from all the information I have been able to collect from naval and military gentlemen, gun boats will afford the most effectual protection, in the event of our being compelled to have recourse to defensive measures, by any occurrences that may hereafter take place.  But here I must be permitted to declare that I have no apprehensions whatever of a war. The present situation of the nations of Europe furnishes no ground for entertaining such apprehensions. Their present engagements furnish ample employment for all their resources both of men and money. The important contest which now occupies their attention, is not likely to be brought to a speedy termination. Even if the minor powers should withdraw from the confederacy, there is no prospect of a general peace betwixt the two great nations. They will most probably soon return to the situation they respectively occupied at the commencement of the present campaign. The scene of Boulogne will probably be acted over again. The fleet of the one nation must be employed in guarding its coasts against an invasion by the army of the other. In this situation neither will be disposed to add to the number of their enemies. Great Britain derives some advantage from that predatory war which she permits and authorizes to be carried on against our commerce, and she also experiences some convenience in manning her navy, from the facility with which deficiencies are supplied by impressment of our seamen from on board our trading vessels. Interest and convenience will induce her to pursue this system, so long as we discontinue to yield implicit submission; but a national spirit of disapprobation and resistance will once tell her in proud language of independence, that we no longer submit to this indignity and oppression, and we will find the practice relinquished, and our fellow-citizens liberated from the odious bondage in which they are now held and restored to their country and friends. G. B. is too well versed in the business of calculation, and too well acquainted with her own interest to persevere in this lawless system at the hazard of losing customers, whose annual purchases of her manufactures and other merchandise, exceeds, I believe, 30,000,000 of dollars.  In searching for materials to substantiate the facts stated in the preamble to the resolution, it is only necessary to refer to the history of the conduct of the British government towards us for a very short period. By turning a few pages of that history we will find, that a large number of our fellow citizens have been forcibly taken from their homes (for his ship is a seaman's home) have been put on board British ships of war, and compelled to fight her battles against a power, betwixt whom and their own government there exists no difference. The general notoriety of this truth precludes the necessity of a reference to any particular document to prove the correctness of the statement. Was such a reference necessary, I might point to a report from the department of state made at the last session of Congress. In that report we find, that at that time fifteen hundred and thirty eight persons claiming to be American citizens, had been able to extend their application for relief to their own government; and though Great Britain claimed some of these as her subjects, agreeably to her doctrine of non expatriation, the great mass was acknowledged to be Americans, for whose detention no other cause could be assigned, but because the flood in need of their service. And is it not a fair presumption that this number was but a small proportion of those who were actually impressed?—Changed from ship to ship, and the vessels in which they are frequently changing their station, guarded with the most scrupulous attention, it is almost impossible for them to find any opportunity of applying to their own

is now taken up it will be pursued with zeal and ardor, until relief is extended to this unhappy class of sufferers, and security obtained against similar aggressions on their persons in future, by such arrangements as ought to be deemed satisfactory.
In relation to the capture and condemnation of our vessels, contrary to what we consider, and to what I verily believe to be the law of nations, I shall not detain the committee with many observations. I have no intention of entering into a discussion of the abstract question, whether a trade is justifiable in war, which is not open in time of peace? I will only observe, that on the principles of reason and justice, and from such authors as I have had an opportunity of consulting, the right for which we contend does appear to me to be clearly established. In some late publications this question has received a very luminous and ample discussion, and the right insisted on by us has been placed on such ground, and supported by reasoning so clear, so cogent, and so conclusive, that G. Britain with all her boasted talents will find it extremely difficult to find answers for them.
But even admitting the British doctrine to be correct, what, I would ask, has been the conduct of that government under it? Has it been that of a nation actuated by motives of liberality and friendship? Has it been that of a civilized and polished nation? Has it been such as justice and the fair and honorable conduct of our government has given us a right to expect? No person, I think, is prepared to answer in the affirmative. It does not appear that the principle was practiced on during the last, nor for some time after the commencement of the present war. I will not undertake absolutely to say, that they relinquished it, but the trade which it now prohibits was permitted to be carried on to a great extent without any interruption from their cruisers. Numbers allured by the prospect of gain, were induced to engage in the profitable business, and supposing themselves safe under the protection of law, had their vessels and effects seized to a large amount. The capture and condemnation of their property was to them the first promulgation of the law. Ignorance of what it was impossible for them to know, was imputed to them as a crime, and an honorable dependence on the justice of a government professing to be friendly, was prosecuted with penalty and forfeiture.
But even independent of our just cause of complaint arising from this principle, apparently new, thus unjustly brought into operation, how has that government conducted in relation to captures, in which after the most minute investigation, all the ingenuity of her courts have not been able to discover any principle to warrant the condemnation. The perplexing difficulties, the vexatious delays, and the enormous expense attending the prosecution of a claim through every stage of its progress, place an almost insurmountable barrier in the way of obtaining justice. In fact, all her commercial maxims, and the whole system of her conduct, discover a manifest intention, a fixed determination to consummate the ruin of the commerce of this country.
I am aware, Mr. Chairman, that many of the captures and condemnations, of which we have heard such loud complaints, are strictly warranted by the law of nations. An immoderate desire of gain very frequently leads the merchants to engage in a trade, which the universal consent of all nations has declared to be unlawful. This observation will, however, perhaps, apply with more propriety to foreigners, who have lived their residence among us, to enjoy the advantage of trading under our neutral rights, than to the real American merchant. This description of men, under no influence of patriotism, and too generally unrestrained by any principles of justice, pursue their object, wholly regardless of the interest of the country, or of any injurious consequences to which it might be subjected through their misconduct. I have no idea of involving any country in any difficulty on account of these people or their trade. As they are citizens of the world, equally attached to every country, I would always willingly surrender them to be punished according to the laws of whatever country they might be found transgressing. But in withholding protection from these lawless adventurers, let us not withdraw it from the real American merchant. Acting from motives of patriotism as well as of gain, he combines his own interest with that of his country. While he is accumulating wealth to himself, he is adding to the revenue and riches of his country, and while he is searching a market for the productions of the farmers, he is discovering something that they may contribute to their convenience and comfort. He is a necessary link in the chain of our society. There is a mutual dependence betwixt him and the farmer. The interest of the one is promoted by the success of the other. This being the case, these two classes should be extremely cautious how they suffer that kind of jealousy to grow up betwixt them, that might eventually prove a source of distress and calamity to them both.
I hope it will not be inferred from any thing that I have said, that I am going to be an advocate for the protection, even of American merchants, in that wild, extravagant carrying trade, to which some of them appear to extend their views. I shall never agree to risk the peace and safety of the nation in such a cause. Even in doubtful cases, or where the law was not perfectly clear, if they would embark their property, let it be at their own hazard. But in carrying on the direct trade of our country, and even in the carrying trade, while they confine themselves within the acknowledged law of nations, I think they are entitled to protection. And in affording this protection I take it that we are promoting the real interest of the country. By cherishing navigation to a certain extent, we secure to ourselves at all times the means of procuring a market for such articles as we have for sale, we furnish means for promoting industry, and we make provision for the maintenance of men, on whose bravery and exertions in the event of war, we must always rely very much for our defence. On this subject I cannot express my sentiments better than I find them expressed in a report made by the present Chief Magistrate, while Secretary of State, and which I consider as declaratory of the true interests of the nation. I shall therefore take the liberty of reading a paragraph of that report.
"It, that is navigation as a branch of industry, is valuable,—but as a source of defence, essentially. Its value as a branch of industry, is enhanced by the dependence of so many other branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exported in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war-freight & insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands."
"But it is as a resource for defence, that our navigation will admit, neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of
the U. S. save them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their sea-board they are open to injury, and they have there, too, a commerce that must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen seamen, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship building."
From this very brief view of the conduct of the British government towards us, and I have confined it merely to the points stated in the preamble to the resolution; every candid, every unprejudiced person I think must acknowledge, that we are arrived at a crisis; that we have reached a period at which the honor, the interest, and the public sentiment of the country so far as it has been expressed, call loudly on us to make a stand. The evil we have already suffered is great, and it is progressing. Like a cancerous complaint it is penetrating still deeper towards our vitals. While we yield year after year, G. B. advances step by step; yet a little longer and our commerce will be annihilated, and our independence subverted.
Here the great difficulty presents itself. What are the proper steps to be taken, what measures that we can adopt will be most likely to effect the object we have in view, and in its operation produce the smallest inconvenience to ourselves? I, sir, have reflected much on this subject. I have considered, so far as I was capable, the bearing which every measure, which I have heard proposed, would have on it. The result of my reflections is, that under all the circumstances of the case, the resolution which is now the subject of immediate discussion ought to be adopted. What is the resolution, what does it say? It addresses G. B. in this mild and moderate, though manly and firm language, you have insulted the dignity of our country by impressing our seamen, and compelling them to fight your battles against a power with whom we are at peace? You have plundered us of much property by that predatory war which you authorise to be carried on against our commerce: To these injuries, insults, and oppression we will submit no longer. We do not, however, wish to destroy that friendly intercourse that ought to subsist betwixt nations, connected by the ties of common interest, to which several considerations seem to give peculiar strength. The citizens of our country and the subjects of yours, from the long habit of supplying their mutual wants, no doubt feel a wish to preserve their intercourse without interruption. To prevent such interruption, and secure against future aggressions, we are now desirous of entering into such arrangements, as ought to be deemed satisfactory by both parties. But if you persist in your hostile measures, if you absolutely refuse acceding to any propositions of compromise, we must slacken those bonds of friendship by which we have been connected, you must not expect hereafter to find us in your market, purchasing your manufactures to so large an amount. What will the people of this country say of this proposition? Will they not be ready to exclaim, that it is too mild for the present state of things; What will be the opinion of foreign governments respecting it? Will they not say that we have extended the principle of moderation too far? What must be its impression on G. B. herself? Sir, if she is not lost to every sense of national justice she must acknowledge its equity and fairness. But I would enquire particularly what would be its operation on the people of that country? If carried into effect, I believe it will strike dismay throughout the empire. Its operation will be felt by every description of people, but more especially by the commercial and manufacturing part of the community. The influence of these two classes is well known in that country. They are the main pillars of its support. They are the sources of its wealth. Their representations therefore are always attended to. And what language must they speak on this occasion? It must be evident that a regard to their own interest will lead them to remonstrate loudly against that system, which will produce an annual defalcation in the sale of their manufactures, to the amount of 30,000,000 of dollars. This is their vulnerable part. By attacking them in their ware-houses and workshops we reach their vitals, and thus raise a set of advocates in our favor, whose remonstrances may produce an abandonment of those unjust principles and practices, which have produced the solemn crisis.
But, Mr. Chairman, should G. B. contrary to our wishes, and certainly contrary to her own true interest, persist in her ill-starred policy, what must be the effect of such conduct on herself, and how will we be ultimately effected by it. Shut out from British markets, our merchants will obtain a partial supply from other countries, and we will resort to domestic manufactures to make up the deficiency. Should this system be adopted, Britain may find it difficult to recover our custom. It is certainly a subject of serious regret, that owing to the large importation and extensive consumption of British goods, domestic manufactures have nearly vanished. I do not expect to see the establishment of large manufactures in this country. The extensive vacant territory we possess furnishes such powerful inducements for settling on land, that few are to be found willing to be confined within the narrow limits of a manufactory. Should, however, such establishments be set on foot, I have no doubt they would receive a large accession of workmen from the numbers which a non-importation act would compel to leave their present homes, in search of employment in this and other countries. But my present view does not extend to these establishments on so large a scale. I want to see every family a little manufactory, vying with each other in the excellency of their workmanship, and exhibiting in their dresses specimens of their ingenuity and industry.
Mr. Chairman, when I first submitted this proposition to the consideration of the House, I was so forcibly impressed with the propriety of adopting it, that I had no expectation it would meet with any opposition. It was not until a resolution was laid on the table, calling on the secretary of the treasury for a statement of our exports and imports to and from G. Britain and her dependencies, that I had any suspicion it would be opposed. When that call was made, I began to presume an opposition was intended, and that the opposition would be grounded on the supposed effect which the adoption of the measure now under discussion would have on the revenue. This was brought particularly into view some days after in the form of a preface to a resolution on this same subject offered by a gentleman from Maryland.
We were told then, that our imports from G. Britain and her dependencies, amounted annually to 25,000,000 of dollars, and that at the average rate of duty of 20 per cent. the revenue would of course be affected to the amount of 5,000,000 of dollars. That the revenue will be partially affected by the proposed measure is readily admitted; and if it should be affected to such an extent, as to retard the extinguishment of the national debt a single day beyond the time fixed by law for its final redemption, I would certainly regret it very sincerely. No person in this country can with more anxiety to see that debt paid than myself. But, sir, I don't believe the effect on the revenue will be by any means so great as has been stated. The
average duty on imports from Britain does not, I believe, amount to 20 per cent. and therefore the defalcation in the revenue will not be so great as has been stated, even admitting that we do not import from other countries. But it is to be supposed that the enterprise and industry of the merchants are to be wholly paralyzed by this measure? Will they lay up their vessels in their docks, and shut up their money in their chests? No, sir, when they find themselves excluded by law from British markets, they will resort to other countries, and no doubt they will find goods to answer our purpose quite as well as many of the gewgaws we get from England, and quite as many as we will be able to find money to purchase.
It has been said also that the price of our exports is to be greatly affected by this measure. The article of cotton has been particularly mentioned. Why, sir, the resolution does not say a word about exports. It is entirely silent as to them. They are left at liberty to go to those markets where they have heretofore found purchasers, or to search for new ones as it may suit their convenience. The adoption of the measure may produce a momentary diminution of price, and this inconvenience will be promoted by the representations of designing speculators, who are continually roaming through the country to take advantage of the ignorant and unwary. But when the first impression is removed, our productions being either necessaries of life, or materials for manufactures will be in demand, and sought for, and purchased at a price corresponding to that demand. But, sir, even admitting that we were to sustain a temporary inconvenience from a small reduction in the price of the produce of our farms, are we to put a few cents difference in the price of a pound of cotton, or tobacco, or a barrel of flour, or a quintal of fish in competition with the honor and general interest of our country? Is there a member of this House, is there a man in the community that would submit to see his neighbor dragged into ignoble bondage, merely because it would produce a slight shock in the market for his produce? Such an idea would, I believe, be universally spurned at.
But, Mr. Chairman, the strongest objection I have heard mentioned is, that if we do pass a non-importation act, it cannot be executed, and either we shall be laughed at by Great Britain, or it will afford a pretext to her minister, whose decision is well known, to let loose his cruisers, and sweep the ocean. This is the language used in Britain. Their writers acknowledge that a non-importation act would be to them a serious calamity, but comfort themselves with the reflection that it could not be executed. Now I ask, what reason can be assigned why it could not be as well executed now as it was in former times? Are we so abject, so degenerate as to submit to such national indignity, rather than forego the pleasure resulting from an indulgence in British luxuries? But it may give offence to the British minister who will sweep the ocean with his cruisers. This, to be sure, is a sweeping objection, but how will it apply? What right has the British minister to take offence at any regulations we may see proper to adopt? We have a moral, and we have a constitutional right to manage our commercial concerns in our own way, provided we don't infringe, or violate the rights of other nations. This sacred trust has been committed to us by the people of this country, and I trust we will never feel disposed to relinquish it to any foreign minister.
But admitting that great man with all his decision, should let loose his cruisers, what will he gain? Is he not more at our mercy than we are at his? If he attempts to make a general sweep, self-defence will justify reprisals. The debts owing to British subjects, the immense property owned by them in this country, will of course be laid hold of. I will perhaps be told here, that by the treaty of 1794 sequestration of debts is prohibited. True—but if one of the contracting parties violates the contract, the other is released from his obligation. If Britain violates nine articles of the treaty, she cannot complain under the tenth. Besides, her provisions are quite contiguous and open to us, and by securing them, we would make ourselves masters of the fur trade, from which she derives such important advantages. Even on the ocean I doubt whether she would be a gainer in the contest. And this is not mere theory. During the last war, our privateers captured more of their vessels than they took of ours with all their navy. Our shipping then was not more than a fourth of what we are now possessed, and the number of seamen about in the same proportion. And it is worthy of remark, that owing to the difference in the value of their cargoes and ours, the one consisting entirely of bulky articles, necessaries of life and raw materials for manufactures, and the other made up of these materials after they have received the last touch of art and industry; if we succeeded in taking one for their three, the balance perhaps would be about equal.
The resolution has also been called a war measure. Now, I would ask, what is there warlike about it? Sir, I before have said and I repeat it, that I deprecate war. With me it will always be a last resort. Recourse should be had to every peaceable means to obtain justice, before an appeal is made to arms. The resolution I consider purely as a measure of that kind, & so it must appear to the British minister, unless he is determined on war, and then he will find some pretext. It is common for nations going to war, to publish a declaration stating their reasons in justification of their conduct to other nations. Let the British minister take the resolution and publish it at length, and will any other nation consider it as a sufficient ground for war. It merely states that we consider ourselves injured, and that in justice to ourselves, we must suspend our intercourse until we obtain redress. The British minister will never put his reputation and character at hazard on such a foundation.
Mr. Chairman, in every point of view in which I have been able to consider this subject, the propriety of adopting the resolution which has been read, appears to me equally imperative; and therefore altho' it may be opposed, I cannot but hope it will receive the sanction of a large majority of the House. In this hope I am confirmed when I refer to the journals, and see what was done by the House of Representatives under circumstances somewhat similar to the present in the year 1794. The same nation of whose conduct we now complain, was then committing depredations on our commerce. She had on the 6th of November issued her celebrated orders, and it is worthy of remark, that these orders were first published by the cruisers which were acting under them. The late captures unauthorised by any public orders but proceeding on a decree of their admiralty which it appears was to be considered as the signal for making the sweep, evince a fixed system of hostility towards our commerce, and an ungenerous mode of making its attacks. The unwary & unsuspecting fall into their hidden designs. She was at that time also stimulating the Indians to commit hostilities on our frontiers, and the western posts were not surrendered agreeably to what we considered the true intent and meaning of the treaty of 1783. To counteract these hostile measures, a proposition was made in the House of Representatives, for sus-
pending an commercial intercourse with Great Britain. That proposition was at that time adopted by a very large majority. All parties united in giving it their support. The great political distinction, which has unfortunately prevailed too long in this country, did not on that occasion discover itself a great deal. The representation from the state in which I live, was at that time about equally divided betwixt the two great contending parties, and yet on that question their votes were completely blended. The representation from the southern states I observe, was generally in favor of that measure. The respectable state of Virginia in particular, which was represented by a constellation of talents, not only ranged itself on the affirmative side of the question by its vote, but also bore a very distinguished part in the argument in support of the measure. From a familiarity of circumstances, we are not now to expect a similar result. Although the evil complained of is in the first instance more severely felt in a particular section of the country, its effects will ultimately extend to every part of it. And so far as the honor of the government is implicated, a sensibility arising from that source must necessarily be experienced by all its citizens at the same time.
Before I sit down, Mr. Chairman, permit me to say, that although my opinion on this subject is formed on the most mature reflection, yet if a majority of the committee think differently, if they prefer something more energetic, or if they have any other system, which they consider more efficient to obtain the object, I may for the sake of unanimity be disposed to yield my opinion. Unanimity I consider as all important. We are told by a document on our table, that the nation against whose conduct we complain, calculates on our divisions. Her hopes of being enabled to pursue her system, are built on an idea, that division among ourselves will prevent our adopting any efficient measures. In this hope I trust they will now be disappointed, and that we will shew to them and to the world, that however we may differ as to the administration of our internal affairs, on all great national questions, in which the honor and true interest of our country in relation to foreign governments is involved, that we are but one people.
Mr. J. CLAY. I had entertained a hope that the call of my colleague would have been delayed for a few days longer, as the documents we have received from the Treasury Department have been but two days on our table, at least in a printed form, and as they are calculated to throw much light on the subject before us. In the few remarks which I am about to offer, I shall not follow my colleague through the detail he has made of the injuries and insults of G. Britain. We all of us well know that the national flag has been grossly outraged and the national honor violated by her. But I do not conceive that the best mode of obtaining redress for these wrongs is to do that which will be more injurious to ourselves than to her. My objections to this resolution are two fold. The first is that, if carried into effect, it places greater means of injuring us in the hands of our enemy than the already possesses; and the second, that we shall not be able to maintain the course it points out for any length of time.
By the resolution before us we are prohibited from importing from Great-Britain, any articles, however necessary or convenient they may be; while at the same time we are permitted to carry any articles to her market. The effect will be that while our productions are accumulating in the hands of the British manufacturers and merchants they will have no means of paying for them. And of consequence debts to a very large amount will become due from British merchants to American citizens. Even at the present day I have great doubts whether there are not greater sums due by the merchants of Great-Britain to the citizens of the U. S. than there are recoverable debts due by American citizens to them. If so, what will become of the second expedient proposed to be resorted to by my colleague, that of sequestration? The balance of injury, instead of being in our favor, will be against us. If my colleague had looked over the report of the secretary of the Treasury, and had attended to the amount of American property afloat, he would have seen that there is not less than one hundred millions of dollars worth of American property at the mercy of the cruisers of Britain. I believe that the naked vessels, independent of the products they carry, amount in value to more than thirty millions of dollars. It will be seen that the commerce of the U. S. in exports and imports amount to 150 millions, of which it is fair to calculate that one third is constantly exposed on the ocean. Of this amount about forty millions is carried on between the U. S. and the power with whom it is proposed to cut off intercourse. With this fact glaring in the face, would it be politic to expose so much property to the retaliation of the British ministry. When the gentleman spoke of the amount of British depredations, he ought to have stated the amount of those recently committed. I believe I am not very wrong in stating the whole amount of American property detained by British cruisers as not exceeding six millions of dollars. On balancing, therefore, their interests, ought the U. S. to resort to measures of hostility, to measures which, in the opinion of every man, will justify retaliation.
Besides, I would with my colleague to shew us how we are to be supplied with articles heretofore derived from G. Britain. All articles of iron manufacture, hard ware, of cotton, and coarse woolens, we are obliged to import from that Island. From her East India dominions we likewise import a great variety of useful articles; while from her West-India islands we import a great portion of one article, spirits, which pays one sixth of our whole amount of duties—the amount which we get from her colonies will be found to be two and a half millions of dollars. From the same document it appears that the whole of this article imported from the British dominions is consumed in the U. S. But it is said that we may find a substitute for it. I acknowledge it. We may find this substitute in the products of our domestic distilleries which pay no duties. Are we prepared to sacrifice so large a part of our revenue as is derived from the importation? For it will be observed that other kinds of spirits are in a great measure exported from the U. S. while all that we import from British settlements is consumed in this country. If the importation of British manufactures is prohibited, I do not know whence we are to be furnished with the articles we stand in need of. It is true, France has some rising manufactures, and that she takes off about a fourth part of the cotton exported from the U. S. But are we, by this measure, to cut off the market of the agriculturalist for this article to the extent of 90,000 bales at present annually exported to G. Britain?
But the great and material injury to the U. S. will be from the destruction of revenue occasioned by this measure. The present revenue may be estimated at 12,000,000 of dollars, of which 5,400,000 dollars is paid on importations from G. B. and her dependencies. We have an annual appropriation of 8,000,000 for the payment of the principal and interest of the public debt. We have been engaged in extinguish-
ing the debt for about twenty years, and have so far succeeded.
It is a probable calculation that if we remain at peace, and do not cut off the right hand of our revenue, the debt will be extinguished by the year 1816. To me this is an object as desirable as it can be to my colleague. I do not, therefore, wish to deprive the government of this large share of revenue derived from duties on merchandise imported from G. Britain.
As to the effects of this measure on G. B. I might acknowledge, if it could be permanent, that it might raise a clamor among her merchants and manufacturers, which might induce the minister of that nation to relax in the course now pursued. But I will appeal to any gentleman conversant with the state of the country from the year 1792 to this time, to say whether there is any probability of our being able to endure a non-importation of British goods for any length of time; for more than about six or eight months. We have neither stock enough on hand; nor manufactures or manufacturers of our own to enable us to do so. It is true that our manufactures are advancing surely, though slowly, & I may state in corroboration of this fact, what may not generally be known, that in the city of Philadelphia, manufactures are now carried on to a greater extent than they were forty years ago in the town of Birmingham. But can we from this source, or from foreign markets supply the great demand of our citizens? No. There are some articles which we may obtain elsewhere—Let us then prohibit the importation of these from Britain. Let us carry as it will do us little injury, is likely to be permanent, and will therefore have a permanent influence on G. Britain.
My colleague has alluded to the measures taken in the year 1793. But he will recollect that the orders, issued by the British government, at that period went much farther than the principle now set up. Besides in 1793 the spirit of this country was very different from that which now prevails. The revolution of France had, at that time, rekindled the enthusiasm of our own revolution; and I believe I shall not be incorrect in saying a majority of our citizens were in favor of drawing the sword in favor of France. I ask, if that is the case now? If a majority of the people of America are ready to take part with the emperor Napoleon. And notwithstanding the measures then taken, in 1794 we concluded a treaty which sacrificed every thing we had contended for, and for which I believe my colleague voted, at least for appropriations to carry it into operation. If this was the issue of violent measures, I am not now for taking them. I am not for taking measures, which my colleague says will strike at the vitals of Britain, but which, he says at the same time, will not be a cause of war. I am, on the contrary, in favor of such measures as we are able to carry into effect, and which may be adopted without permanent injury to ourselves.
(To be continued.)
Monday, March 10. The committee of claims made an unfavorable report on the petition of the representatives of Baron Beaumarchais, which was referred to a committee of the whole House on Thursday.
Tuesday, March 11.
Mr. Gregg, from the committee on public lands, reported on the petitions of sundry inhabitants of the Indiana and Mississippi territories, praying for the right of pre-emption to the lands on which they are settled. The report was unfavorable to the petitioners.
Mr. Gregg from the same committee, reported on the petition of sundry settlers in Washington county, in the Mississippi territory.—The report was in favor of granting school lands, and opposed to exonerating claimants from the expense of having their surveys executed.
WASHINGTON, March 12.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES are still almost exclusively occupied with the discussion of Mr. Gregg's resolution relative to a non-importation of goods from Great Britain.
ON MONDAY, Mr. Clark, Mr. Eppes, Mr. Nicholson and Mr. Macon, spoke against the resolution.
ON TUESDAY, Mr. Macon having concluded his remarks, was followed by Mr. G. W. Campbell and Mr. Jackson.
Messrs. Eppes and G. W. Campbell declared themselves in favor of strong and decided measures, though against Mr. Gregg's motion—Mr. Jackson had not finished his remarks when the House adjourned and had not declared himself definitely in favor of the resolution, or of any other particular measure, though he avowed that he was impressed with the necessity of vigorous measures.
Messrs. Clark, Nicholson and Macon did not avow the particular measures they were in favor of pursuing.
The SENATE on Monday took into consideration the resolution which has, for some time been on their table, prohibiting the importation into the U. S. of certain articles from G. Britain. This measure was supported by General S. Smith and Mr. Bayard.
The bill introduced by Mr. Adams, relative to foreign ministers, has been disagreed to, under the impression that full powers are to be found in the laws of nations to meet the cases contemplated by the bill.
WAR DEPARTMENT, February 24, 1806.
GENTLEMEN. Your letter of the 24th of Dec. last, enclosing the copy of a patriotic and spirited resolution, entered into by yourselves and the company under your command, having been submitted to the consideration of the President of the U. S. States, I have the honor of enclosing to you a copy of his letter to the secretary of war on the subject. I am, very respectfully, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, H. DEARBORN, FRANCIS SHALLUS, Captain, JOHN STRATTON, Lieutenant, JOHN HUFFY, Lieutenant, First Light Infantry Company, first brigade, first division, Pennsylvania militia.
Washington, Feb. 21, 1806. Sir—In expectation that further information would give us a more distinct view of the course which our foreign affairs are likely to take, I have kept unanswered the letter of Captain Shallus and others, covering resolutions of the first light infantry company of the first division of Pennsylvania militia, offering their services to their country if necessary, and asking the honor of being first called to its defence, and in that event, of being placed on the same footing with the regular troops of the United States. I think it improper longer to withhold the expressions of my sense of this very generous and patriotic offer. It confirms me in the belief I have ever entertained, that should this country be compelled to resort to war for justice, it will distinguish

LETTER From the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting the annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States, on the 31st day of December, 1804, together with an explanatory letter from the Register of the Treasury thereon.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Feb. 20, 1806. SIR, I have the honor to transmit the annual statement of the district tonnage of the United States, on the 31st Dec. 1804, together with an explanatory letter of the Register of the Treasury.
It appears from those documents, that the actual tonnage of the United States on the 31st Dec. 1804, might be estimated at about 983,000 tons, viz.
Registered tonnage, 672,500 Enrolled do. 252,800 Fishing do. 57,800 983,100
I have the honor to be, Very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN. To the Hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Register's Office, Feb. 18, 1806. SIR, I have the honor to transmit the annual statement to 31st Dec. 1804, of the district tonnage of the United States.
The corrected registered tonnage is stated in said abstract at 672,500 18 The enrolled and licensed at 252,800 57 The fishing vessels at 57,857 26 Amounting to 983,157 01
The tonnage on which duties were collected during the same year, amounted as follows: Registered tonnage, paying duty on each voyage 1,132,709 00 Enrolled and licensed tonnage employed in the coasting trade, paying an annual duty, 252,890 00 Fishing vessels the same, 57,857 00 Amounting to 1,443,456 00
The registered tonnage having been corrected according to the mode prescribed for the government of the collectors of the several districts, and as stated in the communication made by the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress the 27th Feb. 1802, is considered the true amount, as near as may be, of that description of tonnage, 672,500 18 The enrolled and licensed tonnage is stated at the amount upon which the annual duty was collected in 1804, on that description of tonnage as being the most correct, and may be considered nearly the true amount, 252,890 00 The fishing vessels the same, 57,857 00 The district tonnage of the United States on 31st Dec. 1804, is stated at 983,277 18
Of the registered tonnage, amounting as above stated to 670,530 18, it has been ascertained, that there were engaged in the whale fishery, 12,015 71 Enrolled and licensed tonnage, also in the whale fishery, 323 40 Amounting to 12,339 11
It appears by the collector's abstracts that 103,733 91-95ths tons new vessels, were built in the year 1804, whereof 73,649 39-95ths tons were registered, and 30,104 52-95ths tons were enrolled. I have the honor to be, Sir, With the greatest respect, Your most obedient, And most humble servant, JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. Hon. ALBERT GALLATIN, Secretary of the Treasury.
INDIAN TREATIES. On the 3rd of February the President laid before the two Houses the following MESSAGE: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
In the course of the last year the following treaties & conventions for the extinguishment of Indian titles to lands within our limits, were entered into on behalf of the U. S. A treaty between the U. S. and the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanese and Pottawatomie nations of Indians. A treaty between the U. S. and the agents of the Connecticut land companies on one part, and the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa, Munsee, and Delaware, Shawanese and Pottawatomie nations of Indians. A treaty between the U. S. and the Delaware, Pottawatomie nations of Indians. A treaty between the U. S. and the Chickasaw nation of Indians. Two treaties between the U. S. and the Cherokee nation of Indians. A convention between the U. S. and the Creek nation of Indians. The Senate having advised and consented to the ratification of these several treaties and conventions, I now lay them before both Houses of Congress for the exercise of their constitutional powers as to the means of fulfilling them.
TH: JEFFERSON. Feb. 3, 1806.
The treaty with the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanese and Pottawatomie nations, establishes the boundary line between the U. S. and the nations aforesaid, to be in future, a meridian line drawn north and south, through a boundary to be erected on the south shore of Lake Erie, one hundred and twenty miles due west of the west boundary line of the state of Pennsylvania, extending north until it intersects the boundary line of the U. S. and extending south until it intersects a line heretofore established by the treaty of Greenville.
The treaty with the Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa, Munsee and Delaware, Shawanese and Pottawatomie nations, cedes and relinquishes, to said U. S. forever, all the lands belonging to said U. S. lying east of the aforesaid line, bounded southerly and easterly by the line established by said treaty of Greenville, and northerly by the northernmost part of the forty-fifth degree of north latitude.
In consideration of this cession the U. S. allow an annuity of 1,000 dollars, of which 175 is payable by the Connecticut land company.
fourth one hundred and twenty miles due west of the west line of the state of Pennsylvania, and south of the northernmost part of the forty-second degree and two minutes north latitude."
The treaty with the Delaware, Pottawatomie, Miami, Eel river and Weaw, makes a cession to the U. S. by the Delaware of "all that tract of country which is bounded by the White river, on the north, the Ohio and Clark's grant on the the south, the general boundary line running from the mouth of Kentucky river, on the east, and the tract ceded by the treaty of Fort Wayne and the road leading to Clark's grant, on the west and south-west."
"The said Miami, Eel river, and Weaw tribes cede and relinquish to the U. S. forever, all that tract of country which lies to the south of a line to be drawn from the north-east corner of the tract ceded by the treaty of Fort Wayne, so as to strike the general boundary line running from a point opposite to the mouth of Kentucky river, to Fort Recovery, at the distance of fifty miles from its commencement on the Ohio river."
"In consideration of this cession, the U. S. give an additional permanent annuity to the said Miami, Eel river, and Weaw tribes, in the following proportions, viz. to the Miamis, six hundred dollars; to the Eel river tribe, two hundred and fifty dollars; to the Weaws, two hundred and fifty dollars; and also to the Pottawatomies an additional annuity of five hundred dollars, for ten years, and no longer; in addition to four thousand dollars delivered at the time of forming the treaty."
The treaty with the Chickasaw nation of Indians, cedes to the U. S. the tract of country included within the following bounds, to wit: Beginning on the left bank of Ohio, at the point where the present Indian boundary adjoins the same, thence down the left bank of the Ohio to the Tennessee river, thence up the main channel of the Tennessee river to the mouth of Duck river; thence up the left bank of Duck river to the Columbia highway or road leading from Nashville to Natchez, thence along the said road to the ridge dividing the waters running into Duck river from those running into Buffalo river, thence eastwardly along the said ridge to the great ridge dividing the waters running into the main Tennessee river, from thence running into Buffalo river near the main source of Buffalo river, thence in a direct line to the great Tennessee river near the Chickasaw old fields or eastern point of the Chickasaw claim on that river, thence northwardly to the great ridge dividing the waters running into the Tennessee from those running into the Cumberland river, so as to include all the waters running into Elk river, thence along the top of the said great ridge to the place of beginning: reserving a tract of one mile square adjoining to and below the mouth of Duck river, on the Tennessee, for the use of the said Chickasaw or Lithumastubee.
"The U. S. on their part, and in consideration of the above cession, agree to make the following payments to wit: Twenty thousand dollars for the use of the nation at large, and for the payment of the debts due to their merchants and traders; and to George Colbert and O'Koy two thousand dollars, that is, to each, one thousand dollars; this sum is granted to them at the request of the national council for services rendered their nation, and it is to be subjected to their individual order, witnessed by the resident agent; also to Chinubba Mingo, the king of the nation, an annuity of one hundred dollars, during his natural life, granted as a testimony of his personal worth and friendly disposition."
The treaty with the Cherokee Indians, "cedes to the U. S. all the land which they have heretofore claimed, lying to the north of the following boundary line: Beginning at the mouth of Duck river, running thence up the main stream of the same to the junction of the fork, at the head of which fort Nashod, with the main south fork; thence a direct course to a point on the Tennessee river bank, opposite the mouth of Hiwassee river, [if the line from Hiwassee should lean on Field's settlement, it is to be marked round his improvement, and then continued the straight course]; thence up the middle of the Tennessee river (but leaving all the islands to the Cherokees) to the mouth of Clinch river; thence up the Clinch river to the former boundary line agreed upon with the said Cherokees, reserving at the same time to the use of the Cherokees, a small tract lying at and below the mouth of Clinch river; from the mouth extending thence down the Tennessee river from the mouth of Clinch to a notable rock on the north bank of the Tennessee, in view from South West Point; thence a course at right angles with the river to the Cumberland road; thence eastwardly along the same to the bank of Clinch river (so as to secure the ferry-landing to the Cherokees up to the first hill) and down the same to the mouth thereof, together with two other sections of one square mile each, one of which is at the foot of Cumberland mountain, and near the place where the turnpike-gate now stands, the other on the north bank of the Tennessee river where the Cherokee Talloolike now lives."
"In consideration of the above cession and relinquishment, the U. S. agree to pay immediately three thousand dollars in valuable merchandise, and eleven thousand dollars within ninety days after the ratification of this treaty; and also, an annuity of three thousand dollars."
Another treaty with the Cherokees cedes to the U. S. the section of land on which the garrison of South West Point stands, it being considered a desirable place for the assembly of Tennessee to meet at, and gives the U. S. the unqualified right to use a road to be laid out from Tellico to Tombigbee in consideration for which the U. S. agree to pay 1600 dollars.
A convention between the U. S. and the Creek nation of Indians concluded at the city of Washington cedes to the U. S. all their right to a certain tract of land, situate between the rivers Oconee and Ocmulgee (except as herein after excepted) and bounded as follows, viz. Beginning at the high shoals of Apalachicola, where the line of the treaty of Fort Wilkinson touches the same; thence running in a straight line to the mouth of Ulcofauhatche, it being the first large branch or fork of the Ocmulgee, above the seven islands: Provided, however, that if the said line should strike Ulcofauhatche, at any place above its mouth, that it shall continue round with that stream, so as to leave the whole of it on the Indian side; then the boundary to continue from the mouth of the Ulcofauhatche, by the waters edge of the Ocmulgee river, down to its junction with the Oconee; thence up the Oconee to the present boundary; at Tuckahatche creek; thence up said creek, and following the present boundary line to the first mentioned shoals, at the high shoals of Apalachicola; excepting & referring to the Creek nation, the title and possession of a tract of land five miles in length and three in breadth, and bounded as follows, viz. Beginning on the eastern shore of the Ocmulgee river, at a point 3 miles on a straight line above the mouth of a creek, called Ockehoucooquah, which empties into the Ocmulgee, near the lower part of what is called the old Ocmulgee fields; thence running three miles eastwardly, on a course at right angles with the general course of the river, for five miles below the point of beginning; thence from the end of the three miles, to run five miles parallel with the said course of the river; thence westwardly, at right angles with the last mentioned line, to the river; thence by the river to the first mentioned bounds.
This treaty further gives a right to the U. S. to a horse path through the Creek country from the Ocmulgee to the Mobile.
In consideration of these cessions, the U. S. agree to pay annually to the Creek nation, for the term of eight years, twelve thousand dollars, in money or goods and implements of husbandry, at the option of the Creek nation, seasonably signified from time to time to the agent of the U. S. refusing with said nation, to the department of war; and eleven thousand dollars shall be paid, in like manner, annually, for the term of ten years succeeding years, making in the whole, eighteen payments in the course of eighteen years, without interest.
MISCELLANIES.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. The following Indian fangs, with the observations thereon, are taken from the Aurora. For the translation, we are indebted to the leisure moments of DR. MCHILL.
INDIAN TRIBES. The Ofages who have been lately at Washington, are represented as possessing a more enlarged intellect and a greater share of that acute sensibility which characterizes reflection, improves by observation, enlarges the reasoning faculty and assimilates to matters of taste and elegance, than our more northern and western tribes. We have had presented to us copies of two poetical articles, which we are informed are translations as close as the dissimilarity of two languages, and the structure of English metre will admit—we give them as we received them:
SONG, OF THE OSAGE INDIANS. On making their visit to Washington, the first of the national government, in Dec. 1803.
SUBJECT—Their journey to Washington to have an interview with Mr. Jefferson, President of the U. S. and their satisfaction on meeting their great father.
My comrades brave, and friends of note! You hither come from lands remote, To see your grand exalted Sire And his majestic words admire. "The master of your life and breath" Averted accidents and death, That you might feel a sight behold, In spite of hunger, foes and cold. To Red Men! since ye here have been, Your Great White Father ye have seen, Who cheered his children with his voice And made their beating hearts rejoice. Then chief Ofage! fear not to come And leave awhile thy Ilyan home— The path we passed is clear and free, And wide and smoother grows for thee. Whenere'to march thou feel'st inclined, We'll form a length'ning file behind, And dauntless from our forays run To hear the talks of JEFFERSON.
Washington, Jan. 7, 1806. A WAR SONG BY THE OSAGES. SAY, warriors, why, when war is sung, And dwells on every native tongue, Do thoughts of death intrude? Why weep the common lot of all? Why think that you yourselves may fall, Pursuing or pursued.
Doubt not of Toivah's care, To lead you forth and shew you where The enemy's concealed; His single arm shall make the attack, And drive the fly invaders back, Or fetch them on the field. Proceeding with embodied force, No nation can withhold our course. Or check our bold career; Tho' they knew myriads fame, The terrors of my form or name— They'd quake—or die with fear.
The great Spirit or Supreme being is called by several tribes "The master of breath, or the master of life."
Extraordinary Woman.—The Paris papers recount prodigies of a woman in the neighborhood of Lyons. The circumstances of her case have confounded the philosophers, and left her no credit with men unacquainted to scientific reasoning. Learning hesitates, because it wants principles to explain; Ignorance decides at once, because it knows not the variety of undiscovered principles which exist.
The case of this woman is, that of a confusion of all senses—or seeing, smelling, hearing, touching, tasting. The quality of one sense seems transferred to another; there is a kind of organic confusion and substitution; the eyes do duty for the ears, the taste for the eyes, and the touch for the taste.
A very learned physician, a writer in the Journal de Sant, gives an account of having visited this woman at Lyons:
"To believe in apparent impossibilities (he says) is often the necessity of men of science; but it is their good fortune likewise to discover that the world contains many more miracles than is first imagined, and that nothing is impossible, as referred to the Omnipotence of the Deity, and that impossibilities are much rarer in the combinations of human life than the vanity of science will acknowledge.
"This woman whom I visited, and to whom I presented several sorts of medicines, powders, simple compounds, and many other substances, which I am convinced she never saw before, told me their several tastes, as nearly, and with as much precision, as taste could pronounce. She described them, indeed, with astonishing exactness, and frequently when my own palate was confounded.
"Her eyes were next bound with a thick bandage, and I drew from my pocket several sorts of silk ribbands. All these that differed in the original colors she immediately told me. It was in vain to attempt puzzling her; she made no mistake; she passed the ribband merely through her hand, and immediately decided on its peculiar colour. She could, in fact, discover the quality of any thing by the touch or taste, as accurately as I could know with my eyes.
"The organs of hearing were then closed, as well as the contrivance of stuffing the ears would answer the purpose. I then commenced a conversation with a friend in the apartment, and spoke in an almost inaudible whisper. She repeated, with great power of memory, every word of the conversation. In short, I came away a convert; in other words, I believed what I had seen. A philosopher knows the fallibility of the senses; but he should know likewise that science ought not to reject because it cannot have demonstration. We must admit miracles, and the power of miracles, or we must question almost all the appearances of nature. Ignorance doubts what, if it choose, it may easily understand; science endeavors to comprehend, and, when it cannot, it submits to the senses."
By Authority,
LAW OF THE UNITED STATES.
AN ACT
To suspend the commercial intercourse between the United States, and certain parts of the island of St. Domingo. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all commercial intercourse between any person or persons resident within the United States, and any person or persons resident within any part of the island of St. Domingo, not in possession, and under the acknowledged government of France, shall be, and is hereby prohibited: and any ship or vessel, owned, hired or employed, wholly or in part, by any person or persons resident within the United States, and sailing from any port of the United States,
respectively, which, contrary to the intent hereof, shall be voluntarily carried; or shall be deemed to proceed, whether directly, or from any intermediate port or place, to any port or place within the island of St. Domingo, and not in possession, and under the acknowledged government of France, and also any cargo which shall be found on board of such ship or vessel when detected and interrupted in such unlawful purpose, or at her return from such voyage to the United States, shall be wholly forfeited, and may be seized and condemned in any court of the United States having competent jurisdiction.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That after due notice of this act at the several custom houses, no ship or vessel whatever shall receive a clearance for any port or place within the island of St. Domingo, and not in the actual possession of France: nor shall any clearance be granted for a foreign voyage to any ship or vessel, owned, hired, or employed, wholly or in part, by any person or persons, resident within the United States, until the owner or the employer for the voyage, or his factor or agent, with the master, shall give bond to the United States, in a sum equal to the value of the vessel and of her cargo, with condition that the ship or vessel, for which a clearance shall be required, is destined to some port or place without the limits of such part of the island of St. Domingo, as shall not be in the actual possession, and under the acknowledged government of France, and during the intended voyage shall not be voluntarily carried, or permitted to proceed, whether directly or from any intermediate port or place, to any port or place within such part of the island of St. Domingo, as shall not be in the actual possession, and under the acknowledged government of France; and in case of being forced by any casualty into any port or place hereby interdicted, shall not at any such port or place, voluntarily sell, deliver or unload any part of such cargo, except so much as may be absolutely necessary to defray the expenses requisite to enable such vessel to proceed on her intended voyage; and generally, that such ship or vessel, whilst on such voyage, shall not be employed in any traffic or commerce, with or for any person resident within any part of the island of St. Domingo, not in the actual possession, and under the acknowledged government of France.
SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures incurred by force of this act, and which may be recovered, shall be distributed and accounted for, in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," passed the second day of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, and may be mitigated or remitted in the manner prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures, penalties and disabilities, accruing in certain cases therein mentioned," passed the third of March, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and made perpetual by an act passed the eleventh of February, one thousand eight hundred.
SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force for one year and no longer.
SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That at any time after the passing of this act it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, if he shall deem it expedient, and consistent with the interest of the United States, by his order, to remit and discontinue the restraints and prohibitions on the commerce aforesaid.
NATH: MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. GEO: CLINTON, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate.
Feb. 28, 1806. APPROVED TH: JEFFERSON.
SCHEME OF A LOTTERY
To raise the sum of four thousand two hundred dollars, for the purpose of establishing a Library and philosophical apparatus for the use of the students of RUMFORD ACADEMY, in the county of King-William.
2800 Tickets at 10 dollars each, dolls. 28,000
1 Prize of dls. 5000 is dls. 5000 3 of 1000 is 3000 5 of 500 is 2500 25 of 100 is 2500 60 of 50 is 3000 1000 of 12 is 12000
1094 Prizes. 1706 Blanks. 2800 Tickets 28,000 dollars. Subject to a deduction of 15 per cent. equal to Dollars 4,200
First drawn ticket having a blank to its number 100 First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 750 tickets are drawn 500 First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 1000 tickets are drawn 500 First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 1500 tickets are drawn 1000 First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 2000 tickets are drawn 1000 First drawn ticket having a blank to its number after 2500 tickets are drawn 5000 In the above Scheme, there are considerably less than two Blanks to a Prize. This Lottery has been authorized by the Legislature of Virginia for the laudable purpose of purchasing a Library and Philosophical Apparatus, for the use of the students of Rumford Academy, in the county of King William, which has been opened and in successful operation for nearly twelve months. When it is recollected by the public that this Academy was built by an individual, who has also appropriated a considerable lot of ground for the use of the students, and that a small portion of public patronage will probably cause it to flourish, the underlined Commissioners confidently hope, that they will meet with great success in the sale of the Tickets. The situation of the academy is elevated, and healthy, and remote from the vices of towns.
John Roane (of King William), Robert Pollard (of King William), Carter Braxton, Beverly Robinson, and William Brackenbrough, are appointed by the Commissioners to sell and dispose of the Tickets, and they are authorised to appoint agents for that purpose.
SPENCER ROANE. BEVERLY ROBINSON ROBERT POLLARD, ROBERT HILL, WILLIAM BRACKEN-PHILIP AYLETT, BROUGH, WM. D. CLAIBORNE, JOHN ROANE, CARTER BRAXTON. March 11, 1806. lawf
TO BE RENTED,
A BRICK HOUSE, near that of Mr. Robert Gordon, on the Hill, calculated to accommodate a small family comfortably; attached to it is a half acre of ground well inclosed. JAS. GREENHOW. December 7. tf.
TO RENT,
TWO HOUSES on the Croft-Street leading to Mr. Craig's Office: both of which are large and convenient for private boarding houses. They may be divided into four separate tenements, affording a good kitchen to each. I will also rent a tenement on the Main Street at present occupied by Mr. Lideberty Waddi as a grocery. I have for sale between four and five acres of LAND, opposite Mr. McKenzie's garden; part of which is an excellent meadow, the balance is in a garden, &c. there is on it two good springs and a small dwelling house; is a healthy and desirable situation for any person wishing to purchase near this city. MICHAEL GRANTLAND. February 21. (4w Law.)
S hereby certify that I will not be responsible for any backbills, or on board my BOAT, commanded by James & branded W. Norvell, except it be done with my consent. WILLIAM ROSE, jr. Feb. 25. gwgw
HOUSTON'S newly invented PATENT METALLIC HONE, may be had at Mr. Geo. Greenhow's Store, opposite the Eagle Tavern. The utility of this machine for setting Razors and other instruments which require a fine edge, renders it an object worthy the attention of every individual who may have occasion for its use. December 12. tf.
THE subscriber offers for sale, the square of LOTS near that of Mr. Robert Gordon and Robert Johnson. It is under a good enclosure and the situation for building not surpassed by any Lots in that part of the city. GEORGE GREENHOW. February 28. (ep Sw.)
A Constant supply of fresh ground CORN MEAL, and HOMONY, will be kept for sale at the Columbian Mills. GALLEGLO, RICHARD & Co. February 28. (law Sw.)
BURR MILL STONES, OF ALL SIZES; and PLAISTER OF PARIS, of an excellent quality, FOR SALE, AS USUAL, BY WILLIAM DAVIDSON, near the Market. Dec. 4. [epf.]
THE SUBSCRIBER, OFFERS FOR SALE,
THE HOUSES AND LOTS on Shockoe-Hill at present occupied by himself; the quantity of ground, is two half acre lots and twenty-four feet. The Dwelling-House has a Cellar beneath perfectly dry, on the first floor are three good rooms, besides a Store-Room and Closet; on the second floor are two chambers with fire places and a small Lodging-room.
The other houses on the Lots, are, a brick office 24 by 20 feet having a Cellar beneath, of the same size, a large and convenient room for business on the principal floor and a lodging room above stairs. A Kitchen having four lodging-rooms besides a cooking room, a Smoke-House, a Hen-House, a Carriage-House, a Stable with three apartments, one containing Stalls for Horses, a second having Stalls for Cows, and the third being a Grainery and Harnes room, above these is a capacious Hay-loft.
The well is plentifully supplied with water of the best quality; the yard above the house is nearly turf-ed and shaded with trees, and ornamented with flower-edges. The earth intended for cultivation is highly manured.
The garden has in it every description of pot herbs, some fruit trees, and a number of Currant, Goose-berry and Raspberry bushes, with extensive beds of Strawberries.
The whole of these buildings are in a state of perfect repair; and whilst the occupant may with convenience attend to business in any part of this city, he will enjoy the health and retirement of the most pleasant country residence, and the society of an amiable, polished and intelligent neighborhood. It is proposed to sell this property for cash, United States Stock, Bank Stock, or slaves at their cash value.
The subscriber is likewise desirous of selling on a credit of six and twelve months, fourteen half acre Lots near the intended site of the Richmond academy.
9,730 acres of LAND in the counties of Kenhawa, Harrison and Montgomery, which will be sold at very long credit, or exchanged for property on the eastern side of the Blue Ridge. This land is believed to be generally of inferior quality, but the very low price expected for it, and the probable appreciation of its value in the course of a few years, will, it is supposed, offer a sufficient inducement to persons surrounded by a numerous offspring, to give in exchange for it, lands which have already reached their ultimatum of price.
And 666 2-3 acres on the Little Kanawha river in Kentucky, on which the taxes have been regularly and fully paid, and to which a general warranty title will be made. This land is of excellent quality, and situated in a healthy and thickly settled neighborhood. Twelve months credit will be given to the purchaser of this tract of land. SAMUEL GREENHOW. (Grow &aw tf.) February 25.
TO NON-RESIDENTS OF KENTUCKY,
THE SUBSCRIBER living in the neighborhood of Frankfort, Kentucky, having undertaken to pay the taxes of a number of gentlemen residing in Virginia and elsewhere, on their lands in this state, and finding that the remitting of money to him for that purpose is attended with great difficulties, risk and trouble, proposes it to those gentlemen and any others who may find it an accommodation to them, the following plan, to wit: That they shall deposit their money in either of the banks of Richmond, Alexandria, George Town or Baltimore, on or before the first day of May annually, and authorise some person at those several banks to advise him by post of the amount, and to whose credit it shall be applied, and empower him to draw for the same, payable on sight.
The lands of non-residents are advertised about the first of July, which is an expense of twenty-five cents on each tract. The subscriber's draft will command the cash in this state, and as soon as his bills are honoured at any of the abovenamed banks, he will advance the money in Kentucky, deducting seven and a half per cent commission for his trouble, in attending to and executing the business. He will inclose duplicate receipts to those banks in which the money is deposited, or to the proprietors of the lands, keeping the original in his own possession, to correct any errors which may occur in the auditors office of Kentucky. To those gentlemen who may wish to pay their taxes in this way, and who have not a personal acquaintance with the subscriber, he begs leave to refer them to the Hon. John Breckenridge, the Hon. Matthew Walton, Esquires, now in congress at the city of Washington, or to Gen. John Preston of Montgomery county, and Col. James Breckenridge of Botetourt county, Virginia, as to the confidence which may be reposed in him. NATHANIEL HART. N. B. The postage on all letters directed to me on the above business must be paid. December 10. (eFt1May.)
JUST RECEIVED,
And for sale at the Enquirer Book-Store: THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH COLONIES in the West-Indies, with that of the island of Hispaniola or St. Domingo, by Bryan Edwards, Esq. R. S. A. To which is now added, a General History and description of the Bahama Islands in four volumes octavo, illustrated by an atlas, containing a whole sheet general map of the West-Indies, a whole sheet map of St. Domingo, and maps of the following Islands, viz: Jamaica, Barbadoes, Trinidad, St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Christopher, Nevis, Antigua, Virgin Islands, and Tobago. ALSO, A few copies of "BELLES-LETTRES Repertory," for 1806, Elegant. March 4.
Printing,
IN ALL ITS VARIETY, EXECUTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE ENQUIRER.