Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1808-12-09 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVIIth YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 1608.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
[Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1808.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
The price of this paper to subscribers is four dollars per annum, to be paid in advance.
ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceeding a square in length (20 lines) are inserted, the first time for seventy-five cents; three weeks (six times) for three dollars; and for every subsequent insertion, thirty-three cents. Long ones in the same proportion. In favor of those, however, who advertise by the year (either once or twice a week) a deduction from the above price of twenty per cent. is made.
30,000 DOLLARS
FOR EIGHT HUNDRED CENTS.
NEW YORK STATE LOTTERY,
For opening and improving certain great Roads to the Black River.
Positively to commence drawing on the 12th of April next. 600 tickets to be drawn each day until the whole are concluded. Prizes payable 30 days after the drawing, and the payment guaranteed by the State Legislature.
THE CAPITAL PRIZES ARE,
 30,000 Dollars,  20,000 Dollars,  10,000 Dollars,  5,000 Dollars,  2,000 Dollars, 
Besides several of 1,000, 500, 200, 100, &c. &c. Less than two blanks to a prize. The scheme of this lottery is universally acknowledged to be the best ever yet offered to the public, and the price of tickets at present no higher than Eight Dollars each.
TICKETS,
Halves, Quarters and Eighths, ARE TO BE HAD AT
G. & R. WAITE'S
TRULY-FORTUNATE LOTTERY-OFFICES,
No. 64, MAIDEN-LANE, And No. 38, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK,
Where was sold in the LAST New-York Lottery, the three capital prizes of 25,000 Dollars, No. 20231 10,000 Dollars, No. 25403 5,000 Dollars, No. 20799 Also, No. 20310, a prize of 2,000 Dollars, best six several others of 2,000, 1,000, 500 Dollars, &c. &c. And in former New-York Lotteries were sold at the above Offices,
 17199 25,000 Dollars  3929 20,000 Dollars  5039 10,000 Dollars  26135 5,000 Dollars  30356 5,000 Dollars  15298 3,000 Dollars  11736 2,000 Dollars  28573 2,000 Dollars  13904 2,000 Dollars  16617 2,000 Dollars  25396 2,000 Dollars  20885 2,000 Dollars 
And at their Lottery Office in Baltimore, corner of Charles and Market Streets, were sold nearly all the Capital Prizes in the late St. Mary's College Lottery, among them were the following viz.
 6974 30,000 Dollars  15364 15,000 Dollars  7001 10,000 Dollars  6377 5,000 Dollars  19894 1,500 Dollars  1788 1,500 Dollars  1525 1,500 Dollars  7440 1,500 Dollars  14425 1,500 Dollars 
Distant Adventurers, by enclosing Bank Notes in letters, post paid, directed to WAITE'S Office, in Baltimore New-York or Albany may have tickets and shares returned by post to any part of the Union, with the utmost punctuality, and the earliest advice sent of their success. Scheme at large, gratis, and Cash advanced for prizes as soon as drawn. A weekly printed Prize List will be forwarded to the printer of this paper, and at the conclusion of the drawing, the Managers' Official List of Prizes as soon as printed, where any gentleman can examine his own number. Prizes in former lotteries taken in payment to tickets in this.
The Baltimore Trinity Church Lottery commenced drawing on the first of November, and will continue to draw 2,000 tickets per week till finished. Tickets and shares, warranted un-drawn, may be had at either of G. & R. Waite's Lottery Offices.
New-York, October 23. 1808. iff
WILLIAM COWAN,
WATCH MAKER, AT the shop heretofore Capt. William Richardson's, has for sale, a general assortment of
Watches, Jewellery, Silver and Plated Wares, Consisting of English and French Watches, Time pieces, Miniature settings, mourning and fancy Lockets, Breast Pins, brooches, fancy and plain finger and ear Rings, Bracelets, Neck clasps, pins, or ornamented Chains, gold, gilt, steel, hair and silk. Watch Chains, gold, gilt, pebble and glass Seals, gold, gilt, and steel Keys, gold and silver Sleeve Buttons and Studs, table, desert, gravy, caddy, tea and salt Spoons, soup, toddy and butter Ladies, Sugar Tongs, silver and plated Casters and Salts, Candle sticks, Snuffers and Snuffer Trays, Scissors, Scissor Chains and Cases, thimbles, pencil cases, fruit knives, plain and paste knives, buckles, sword knots, pocket hooks, and small boxes, dressing combs, morocco lockets and ring cases, &c. &c. N B. Watches and clocks of every description, neatly repaired. Richmond, December 5, 1808. 3-
Wirt's Speeches.
The Editor of the Argus has lately published the SPEECHES of WILLIAM WIRT, Esq. on the trial of Col. AARON BURR, and others.—With a portrait by St. Memin.
DOCUMENTS
Accompanying the President's Message of the 8th November, 1808. Continued.
(Extract.)
MR. PINKNEY TO MR. MADISON. London, September 6, 1808.
"You will perceive, that some time had elapsed, after I had sent off my despatches by the St. Michael, (the 8th of August) before my note was presented—The truth is, that I had employed a part of that time in framing a note of great length, which, when nearly completed, I thought it prudent to abandon in favor of one that held out fewer invitations to unprofitable discussions, which, although I would not shun them if pressed upon me, I did not suppose it proper that I should seek."
"I believed, too, that a little delay on my part, would be far from being disadvantageous. There would still be sufficient time for obtaining a final answer to my proposal, in season for the meeting of congress; and as the temper of this government, as far as it had been tried, had not appeared to be favorable to my purpose, I believed that I should act in the spirit of my instructions, and consult the honor of my government, by avoiding, under such circumstances, the appearance of urgency and precipitation."
"Upon the terms or general plan of my note, it is not, I hope, necessary to remark. You will discover, that it was prepared under a persuasion that, whatever might be its effect, it was infinitely better to make it as conciliatory as, without a sacrifice of principle or national dignity, was possible."
"The topics to be embraced in it, were such as did not demand, but rather forbade minute exposition. While it was difficult to urge, in their full force, without seeming to aim at exciting a disposition unfriendly to the object of my instructions, all the considerations which justify the U. States in remonstrating against the British orders, it was yet more difficult, without a degree of harshness, scarcely suited to the occasion, and without also the hazard of indiscretion, to display in detail the signal injustice & impolicy of persevering in them, after what I had proposed. This could be done, and had been done in conversation; but it did not, upon trial, appear to be equally practicable, in the more formal and measured proceeding which I was now called upon to adopt."
"I considered, besides, that an overture, so highly advantageous to Great Britain, which the U. States were not bound to make by any obligations of equity, although it was wise to make it, did not require with any view to the character of my country, or even to the success of the overture itself, to be again recommended, by an anxious repetition of arguments already fully understood."
"As soon as my note was prepared, I called at the foreign office to arrange an interview with Mr. Canning, for the purpose of enabling me to accompany the delivery of it with a communication, which I deemed important, as well as of affording him an opportunity of asking and receiving such explanations as he might desire. The interview took place on the 26th of August."
"It had occurred to me that it would be proper (and could not be injurious) to read to Mr. Canning from your letter to me of the 18th of July, a brief summary of the instructions under which I was acting. This had not been requested; but it could not be unacceptible, and it was, besides, well calculated to do justice to the liberal sentiments by which my instructions had been dictated, as well as to give weight to my efforts in the execution of them."
"I was led, by the reading of these passages, (without having originally intended it) into a more extensive explanation, than I had before attempted, of the influence which the proposal of my government would have, in truth, as well as in the judgment of the world, upon the supposed justice of their new system, as it affected the United States. To that explanation, with the particulars of which I will not, and indeed, for want of time, cannot at present trouble you, I added a concise recapitulation of some of the prudential considerations which had been so often pressed before, and there I left the subject."
Correspondence between Mr. Erskine and Mr. Madison.
Copy of a letter from the honorable David M. Erskine, esq. envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, to the Secretary of State, dated
WASHINGTON, March 12, 1807.
SIR,
I am charged by his majesty to express to the government of the U. States, his majesty's perfect confidence in their good sense and firmness in resisting the unjust pretensions contained in the decree issued by the French government at Berlin, on
the 21st November, which, if suffered to take effect, must prove so destructive to the commerce of all neutral nations.
His majesty has learnt that the measures announced in this decree, have already, in some instances, been carried into execution by the privateers of the enemy, and there could be no doubt that his majesty would have an indispensable right to exercise a just retaliation. Neutral nations cannot, indeed, expect that the king should suffer the commerce of his enemies to be carried on through them, while they submit to the prohibition which France has decreed against the commerce of his majesty's subjects. But though this right of retaliation would unquestionably accrue to his majesty, yet his majesty is unwilling, except in the last extremity, to have recourse to measures which must prove so distressing to all nations not engaged in the war against France.
His majesty, therefore, with that forbearance and moderation which have at all times distinguished his conduct, has determined, for the present, to confine himself to the exercise of the power given him by his decided naval superiority, in such a manner only as is authorised by the acknowledged principles of the law of nations, and has issued an order for preventing all commerce from port to port of his enemies, comprehending in this order, not only the ports of France, but those of other nations, as either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
His majesty feels an entire confidence that the moderation and justice of this conduct will be duly appreciated by the U. States, and has charged me to express to their government, in the strongest terms, the regret he has experienced in being thus compelled, in his own defence, to act in a manner which must prove in some degree embarrassing to the commerce of neutral nations, and his sincere desire to avoid any stronger measures, to which, however, if the injustice and aggression of his enemies should not be resisted by those nations, whose rights and interests are invaded by so flagrant a violation of all public law, it may be ultimately necessary for him to have recourse.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) D. M. ERSKINE. Hon. James Madison, esq. Secretary of State.
MR. MADISON TO MR. ERSKINE. Department of State, March 20th, 1807. SIR,
I have laid before the president your letter of the 12th inst. communicating the views of his Britannic majesty, in relation to the French decree of November 21st, 1806, and the principle of retaliation, through the commerce of neutrals, who may submit to the operation of that decree; as also, the measure actually taken, of prohibiting all neutral commerce from port to port, of his enemies, not only the ports of France, but those of such other nations, as either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have, by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war.
The president cannot be insensible, sir, to the friendship and confidence towards the United States, which are signified by his Britannic majesty in this communication. In making this acknowledgment, however, the president considers it not less incumbent on him, to reserve, for a state of things which it is hoped may never occur, the right of discussing the legality of any particular measures, to which resort may be had, on a ground of retaliation. At this time, it would suffice to observe, that it remains to be more fully ascertained, in what sense the decree in question will be explained, and to what extent it will be carried into execution; and consequently, whether in any case, the United States can be involved in questions concerning measures of retaliation, supposed to accrue to one belligerent, from such a proceeding, by another. But it is worthy the justice and the liberality of the British government, to recollect, that within the period of those great events, which continue to agitate Europe, instances have occurred, in which the commerce of neutral nations, more especially of the United States, has experienced the severest distresses from its own orders and measures, manifestly unauthorized by the law of nations. The respect which the United States owe to their neutral rights, and the interest they have in maintaining them, will always be sufficient pledges, that no culpable acquiescence on their part, will render them accessory to the proceedings of one belligerent nation, through their
rights of neutrality, against the commerce of its adversary.
With regard to the particular order issued against the trade of neutrals from one port to another of the enemies of Great Britain, no fair objection can lie against it, provided it be founded on, and enforced by actual blockades as authorized by the law of nations. If, on the other hand, the order has a reference, not to such a blockade, but a supposed illegality of the neutral trade from one to another of the described ports, the remark is obvious, that on that supposition, the order is superfluous; the trade being, as interdicted by the law of nations, liable at all times, without any such order, to the capture of British cruisers and the condemnation of British courts; and if not interdicted as such by the law of nations, it can no otherwise be made illegal, than by a legal blockade of the ports comprehended in the order. This inference is applicable even to the case of a neutral trade between the ports of France herself; since it is not a principle of the acknowledged law of nations, that neutrals may not trade from one to another port of the same belligerent nation. And it would be an innovation on that law, not before attempted, to extend the principle to a neutral trade between ports of different countries, confessedly open in times of peace as well as of war.
If the British order refers for its basis, to the principle of retaliation against the French decrees, it falls under the observations already made on that subject, and which need not be repeated.
I am, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. Hon. David M. Erskine, &c. &c.
[Here follows a letter from Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine, dated March 25, 1808, published in a former Argus.]
From Mr. MADISON to Mr. ERSKINE. Department of State, March 29, 1808. SIR,
Further reflection on the tenor and tendency of the order of his Britannic majesty, communicated by your letter of the 12th inst. which was answered by mine of the 20th, induces me to resume that important subject.
From the difficulty of supposing that the order can have for its basis, either a legal blockade impossible to be extended to all the ports described in the order, or a supposed illegality of the trade, between those ports, an illegality which has never been applied by the British government or its admiralty courts to an accustomed trade, even between the ports of the same belligerent nation, and is utterly at variance with the conduct of both in reference to a trade between a belligerent nation and its allies; a necessity seems to result of ascribing the order to the policy of countervailing, through the commerce of neutrals, the French decree of the 21st of November last.
In this view of the order, it demands, on the part of the United States, the most serious attention both to its principle, and to its operation.
With respect to its principle, it will not be contested that a retaliation by one nation on its enemy, which is to operate through the interest of a nation not an enemy, essentially requires not only that the injury inflicted should be limited by the measure of injury sustained; but that every retaliating step, in such a case, should be preceded by an unreasonable failure of the neutral party to put an end, in some mode or other, to the inequality wrongfully produced.
Were it certain, therefore, that the French decree is to be enforced in the sense in which it is taken, and that in violation of the treaty between France and the United States, the commerce of the latter will not be exempted; the British order, being peremptory in its import, and immediate in its execution, might justly be regarded by the United States, as a proceeding equally premature and unfriendly.
But in the uncertainty as to the real meaning of that decree; and whilst a presumption offered itself, that the decree, if avowed and executed in an unlawful extent, might not embrace the commerce of the United States, they are bound by justice to their in-
terests, as well as by respect for their rights, to consider the British order as a ground for serious complaint and remonstrance.
Should it prove that the decree had not the meaning ascribed to it, and particularly, should the respect of France for her treaties with the U. States exempt their trade from the operation of the decree, the order of the British government will stand exposed to still severer comments. It will take the character of an original aggression, will furnish the French government, a like ground with that assumed by itself, for retaliating measures, and will derive a very unfavorable feature from the consideration, that it was a palpable infraction of a treaty just signed on the part of the British government, and expected, at the date of the order, to be speedily ratified on the part of the U. States.
The necessity of presenting the subject in its true light, is strengthened by the operation which the British order will have on a vast proportion of the entire commerce of the U. States. Not to dwell on the carrying branch of the commerce between the ports and countries of Europe, and which the immunity given by our flag in consequence of treaties with the enemies of Great Britain, to British property, and not enjoyed by the property of her enemies, has hitherto been advantageous to Great Britain; and without enquiring into the effect of an application of the interdict, to the other quarters of the globe, all of which are evidently within the comprehensive terms of the order, it cannot be overlooked, that the character and course of nearly the whole of the American commerce within the ports of Europe, other than of Great Britain, will fall under the destructive operation of the order.—It is well known that the cargoes exported from the United States, frequently require that they be disposed of, partly at one market, and partly at another. The return cargoes are still more frequently collected at different ports; and not unfrequently, at ports different from those receiving the outward cargoes. In this circuitous voyage, generally consisting of several links, the interest of the undertakers materially requires also either a trade or a freighting between the ports visited in the circuit.—To restrain the vessels of the U. States, therefore, from this legitimate and customary mode of trading with the continent of Europe, as is contemplated by the order, and to compel them on one hand to dispose of the whole of their cargoes at a port which may want but a part, and, on the other hand, to seek the whole of their returns at the same port, which may furnish but a part, or perhaps no part of the articles wanted, would be a proceeding as ruinous to our commerce, as contrary to our essential rights.
These observations, which are made in conformity with the sentiments of the president, cannot fail, sir, to have all the weight with an enlightened and friendly government, to which they are entitled; and the president persuades himself, that the good effect of the truths which they disclose, will be seen in such measures as will remove all ground for dissatisfaction, and demonstrate on that side the sincere disposition to cultivate harmony and beneficial intercourse, as is felt and evinced by the United States and their government.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MADISON. The hon. David M. Erskine Esq. (To be continued.)
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, Nov. 28. (Concluded from our last.)
Mr. Sloan engaged the house with a variety of remarks. He justified the conduct towards the belligerents; and dwelt upon the miseries of the embargo. [The formal manner in which Mr. Sloan divided and proposed his argument excited some laughter: he arranged it under several heads, and said he would close with some miscellaneous observations.] He observed that the inhabitants of Philadelphia, particularly, expressed to him the miseries they endured from the embargo; crying out whenever they saw him, "What's to be done with the embargo? For God's sake Mr. Sloan do something for us." Mr. Sloan said he should not be otherwise than affected by these applications.

Mr. Smilie said he just rose to express his feelings at the fatherly regard the gentleman, (Mr. Sloan) had manifested for the people of Pennsylvania. He had expected, however, that he would have furnished the house with an account of the state of the people in his own district. It was a little strange that the city of Philadelphia which had two representatives on the floor, should have chosen the gentleman from New Jersey as the organ for communicating their complaints to the house. From them there had been no complaint. Indeed, said Mr. S. there had been no petition or remonstrance from the state of Pennsylvania respecting the embargo. Perhaps the reason the gentleman from New Jersey was applied to was, the great weight which it was known he had in the house! But with respect to Pennsylvania the government might be easy: He pledged himself that that state would support government in all constitutional and necessary measures.
Mr. Rhea, (of Tennessee) made a very patriotic speech. He said the present was an enquiry which concerned ourselves all, and it was not worth the trouble of ascertaining the particular dispositions of Great Britain and France on the occasion. The resolution under consideration was worthy of adoption by Americans, and he hoped every gentleman would respond to it.
Mr. Rhea took a rational view of our present situation, vindicated the report of the committee, out of which he said the resolution naturally grew, declared his determination to resist foreign aggression, and advocated the question before the house as being consonant to national honor and feeling.
The committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again.
WEDNESDAY, Nov. 30, 1808.
Mr. Burwell moved the following resolutions, which were agreed to, and ordered to be printed:
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the entry of any vessel into the U. States from any port or place to which a vessel of the United States is not admitted by permanent regulation of the government owning such port or place, or by treaty.
Resolved, That the committee of commerce and manufactures be instructed to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting the masters, commanders, and owners of vessels of the United States from receiving British licences and of enforcing the return of all vessels of the United States now without the same.
Mr. Burwell gave notice at the same time that he should introduce a provision to exclude from the vessels of the U. S. all foreign seamen.
The house then went into committee of the whole on the report in part of the committee of nine reporting our foreign relations; Mr. Sorer in the chair.
Mr. Johnson (of Kentucky) in a very nervous speech of considerable length, advocated the resolution, and portrayed in glowing colors the wrongs of the United States. The resolution, he hoped, would have passed unanimously; and it was important, inasmuch as the proposition it contained met the sanction of the representatives from every quarter of the union, and he believed it would meet the sanction of the people. — There would be no occasion for the wounding of feelings, after it was ascertained that all united in a determination to resist the encroachments of foreign powers, and the discussion would then be carried on with less asperity, seeing that every one had the same object in view.
It was time (Mr. Johnson said) that a line of distinction should be drawn between the friends of our republican institutions and their enemies, and that at a crisis like the present there should be no neutrals. Mr. J. conceived the question ought to be thoroughly discussed, because, although there might be no difference of sentiment in the house there was some contrariety of opinion out of doors, and liberal and candid discussion would serve to put an end to it, and introduce a spirit of unanimity in the country. He alluded to the licentious productions which issue from the press, urging the citizens to resist the laws; and declared that those who attempted to stir up treason, those miscreants who set the laws at nought, ought to be frowned upon indignantly.
Mr. Johnson took a copious view of the conduct of G. Britain towards this country, both as it respects their behaviour in Europe, on our sea-board, and interior frontier; the vacillating policy she had adopted towards us, and the cunning and contumely which she had, as her interests demanded, played on our ministers from time to time.
Speaking of the Chesapeake, and alluding to Mr. Quincy's saying the liberty of New England was a sea nymph; yes, sir, said Mr. J. our goddess of liberty is born of the ocean at the murder of our citizens she came angry and raging from the deep, and kindled throughout the land a flame of horrible indignation and resentment.
Mr. Johnson discarded all local feelings; whatever portion of the union was attacked Kentucky felt it with keen sensibility and was ready to do her duty. It is not, sir, (said he) the case of an individual, but of seventeen states. It does not interest the present generation alone but posterity also. What have we to dread? Why should we, like the Athenians, go about enquiring is Philip dead? Let us act with unanimity and fear nothing.
Mr. Clopton would vote for the resolution, but not (as a gentleman from Massachusetts had said) as a pledge for a change of measures. He would vote for it because it was correct in itself. He was not of opinion with some gentlemen, that a suspension of commerce was submission to foreign edicts; it was resistance, because it was a refusal to trade under the terms prescribed. Mr. Clopton said a sentiment which he had uttered some time since, had been misstated by the gentleman from Massachusetts. The observation he had made was predicated upon the naked proposition of the gentleman from Vermont to repeal the
embargo without substituting any other measure. Mr. Clopton did not mean that there might not be a time when the repeal of the embargo and a resort to other efficient measures would be necessary; but he certainly would not vote for a repeal without a very safe and effectual substitute. He expressed his decided approbation of the embargo, and said he wished the present policy strengthened instead of being weakened.
Mr. Clopton was followed by Messrs. Randolph, Troup, Masters, and Lyon, whose observations we shall notice hereafter, want of room excluding them to day.
The following message was received from the president of the U. States, by Mr. Coles, and read by the speaker: — the proclamation alluded to therein has already been published in the newspapers. It was ordered to be printed for the use of the house.]
To the H. R. of the U. S. According to the request of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of the 25th instant, I now lay before them a copy of my proclamation of the 19th April last.
TH: JEFFERSON. Nov. 30.
Mr. Randolph. We have progressed, sir, far in the fourth week of the session, at a time when every man in and out of the house seems to vie in the expression that the crisis is imminent. There are few of us, I believe, sir, who have influence enough at home to avoid the censure of our constituents for a failure of punctuality in attendance upon our duties, and yet one fourth part of the time assigned by the constitution for our deliberations has passed away, and in what situation does the house find itself? Debating upon an abstract proposition. And with what view? The sagacity of my worthy friend (Mr. Macon) who sits before me, saw at once its entire futility. Let me not be mistaken, sir; I do not mean to deny the truth of the proposition contained in the resolution, much less to vote against it. But, sir, it is not to be made the basis of any measure; no bill can grow out of it. And are we to employ ourselves in this manner; for the amusement of the galleries, of the public of Washington, Georgetown and its vicinity? When the report was first introduced I regretted it. I asked myself on whom it was to operate? On us? Have we so conducted ourselves heretofore, or now, that we must make it a question whether we will support our rights or submit? Is it for us, or for the American people that the dose is intended? Has ground been taken which cannot be supported, and is the report calculated to rouse their courage to the sticking place? Or is it intended to operate upon the two belligerents of Europe? Are Messrs. Armstrong and Pinkney in some new note to serve up this prescription to excite Great Britain and France to a sense of our wrongs? I fear this practice has been tried too often not to fail of success. I regret the introduction of the report, not only for these reasons; but because it is an additional proof that words, in some form or other, are all the measures we have employed. If we make an impression on Europe, it must be by something more substantial. You have tried the old diet drink long enough. The house will pardon me if I obtrude into a minute recapitulation of the insults and injuries we have experienced, not only from the great belligerents, but the little belligerents too. I have not the stomach to go through the detail. I cannot, sir, like Shylock, say, "On such a day you call'd me dog, and spit upon my gabardine." The tale has been often enough repeated. I have seen it dressed up in ministerial correspondence, and in reports. I wish our enemies' arguments were a little better, and our wrongs something less. I could wish that we had fewer of the arguments and they more of the injuries. Whilst you have the whole injury and insult, they will cheerfully yield you the best of the arguments. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I confess I feel a deep sense of mortification and of humiliation, at hearing this theme continually rung in my ears; nothing but words, words, words! Correspondence of ministers, communications of a secretary of state, and reports of committees! We have been four weeks in session, and — I hope other gentlemen have been of more service to the nation — for my own part I had better have been at home, enjoying fine weather on my own farm. We have a proposition without substance, which leads to no action. The committee on our exterior relations have made a long report, and so help me Heaven! it does not contain a single atom of substance! the whole of it is contained in the resolutions of my honorable friend from N. Carolina (Mr. Macon). All the rest is preface, prologue and eulogue. I have no disposition to attack the report; it is the old story and after the fashion of the times — the aggressions of France and the insults of Great Britain — not quite so much in point as it had been sometimes presented to our palates. It may, perhaps, be said, the declarations which occupy that report are to be taken in conjunction with the resolutions; and that we are to regard the whole in one point of view. As far as I understand it, nothing more is meant than meets the eye. It is a resolution not to submit. Is this to be considered a declaration of war against the two belligerent powers? Or are we to resolve in one breath that we cannot submit, and in the next solemnly resolve that we will? I know it has been said that a suspension is not a relinquishment of commerce. But where will you find it designated as temporary? In what part of your statute book will you find the period stated at which it shall revive? If a relinquishment of commerce is not submission, I know not in what submission consists. I have not the assurance, sir, to stand on this floor, and declare the embargo to be resistance to G. Britain and France, when our own government has given an explanation so very different thro' the medium of our ministers in Europe. It has been represented as merely an internal regulation, and not reasonable ground of offence.
It is, therefore, not resistance. If the prohibition of exportation be not resistance, in what respect can the suspension of importation be resistance?
I listened to the gentleman from Massachusetts the other day with pain, because he drew lines of distinction that ought not to be traced. His calculations with respect to the unequal pressure of the embargo, I know to be erroneous. I do not mean to deny that the measure is more oppressive in some parts of the union than in others; but I will not enter into particulars, although I protest against his estimate in toto, and I deny that the custom house books or treasury reports, form true data for calculations of the exports from the respective states. But while I deprecate the existence of the embargo, I trust there exists, and that there always will exist a disposition to enforce the laws of the general government. I will be one among the first, sir, to resist a contrary doctrine. If the laws cannot be enforced, to what purpose are we a confederated people? and why have we organized a national government? I will not believe that the citizens of any portion of this country will rise in resistance to the laws of the land until the fact has actually occurred; and in this point of view I regard the introduction of the report and resolutions, as they lead to suggestions of a different nature. When the case does occur, I would apply the proper remedy; I would have recourse, sir, to the knife and the cantary. Yet, on this account, I do not the less deprecate the embargo. It is a measure ruinous to the country. In one point of view, however, I regard it with pleasure. It is a test of the patriotism and virtue of this people. The submission of those who think worse of it than even I do, can only be regarded as proof of their willingness to support government — to support it, when that government has obviously mistaken their best interests. Compare the evils of the embargo with those of the excise law; put them in the balance and weigh them. What is the result of each? One produced open rebellion, and rendered it necessary to call in military authority to support it. The father of his country was obliged to stretch forth his hand to chastise his undutiful children. In the other instance, whatever may have been the evasions of the law, there is an ostensible submission to its provisions. The forbearance of the people in the one case is not to be put in competition with their conduct in the other.
Reviewing the policy pursued for some time back, and which is still persevered in, I have been led to inquire into the causes which produced the present form of government. The principal difficulty which existed under the old plan of confederation, was the want of powers for the establishment of general and uniform commercial regulations. The first proposition was, to invest the old congress with authority to impose an ad valorem duty. The meeting held at Annapolis, was intended principally for commercial purposes: The consequence four present system of government, which grew out of those propositions, was, that we had risen to a height which no man had expected. And now are we without notice, without warning, to be deprived of all the benefits which we have heretofore enjoyed from our wise political institutions, and prepare for a Chinese policy? It may be recollected, sir, what excitement was occasioned by imposing discriminating duties upon foreign vessels; the southern people conceived it a tax upon them for the benefit of the eastern navigation; and when the non-importation act was passed, it was considered by the eastern section of the union as an imposition upon them for the advantage of the southern states. Could it have been thought, sir, that there would have been a combination between the north and the south to cut up the prosperity of the productions of our soil and of navigation too? Where heretofore there has been a competition, that they should unite to destroy both, is singular. The gentleman from Massachusetts has spoken feelingly; I believe his representations true. I hold up my hand, sir, against the measure. I believe it may be more severe in one part of the country than in another. What is the situation of the tobacco planters? I live in the very centre of a tobacco country, and can speak with accuracy. What is the consequence of this Chinese policy? Cotton depreciated, fish on hand unsaleable. And what is the fact with regard to tobacco? There are now two crops on hand, and gentlemen acquainted with the culture of that article know the time is fast approaching when we must prepare for the third crop. I have no disposition to enter into a high-colored picture of the suffering of the country; I see too much of it in the part from which I come. It is deplorable; that is enough.
Perhaps it may be said, that whatever objections there may be to the two first resolutions, there can be none to the final one. What is it? Twin brother to the first. Will you refer it to a committee to draft a bill? Do you mean to dispose of the first in the same way, or will you engraft it in your statute book? And at the same time prepare no measure of aggression upon the enemy? If a man is insulted beyond the power of forbearance, he prepares for defence. He does not increase the bolts of his doors. Is this the way to prepare for defence? The committee tell us not to submit. This sir, is vague. In what way will you resist? Will you raise more troops? I believe, sir, you will hardly venture on this. Will you arm the militia, the only effectual mode of preparing to defend the country? But, sir, when I speak of arming the militia, I must be permitted to observe that a proposition to that effect was lost! To use the slang of the day, it has been given the go-by. Arming the militia in small portions, is inefficient. Will you build more gun-boats, or what new measures of defence are to be adopted? You have tried every manner and form, and can find none that will vibrate. I am sorry to speak in this free manner of the report; but it appears to me, sir, that the house has asked for bread, and the committee has given them a stone. Naked these resolutions came into the house, and naked they will go out. They are to be clothed with no measures; no measures are to be taken in consequence of one of them. I have gone on, sir, in this desultory way, and know not how much I may have been out of order. It will, perhaps, be thought
I have discussed the question in this manner in order to redeem the pledge which by some one has been thrown out to the public in a newspaper, and certainly without my knowledge: But, sir, nothing at that time was farther from my mind: I had no intention of the kind.
Before I dismiss the report, I will ask the committee to reconcile some things which it contains that are not to me altogether satisfactory. [Mr. Randolph then quoted from the 5th page of the report as follows:]
'The Milan decree of 1807, can still less rest for its defence on the supposed acquiescence of the United States in the British orders of the preceding month, since those orders which have not certainly been acquiesced in, were NOT EVEN KNOWN in America at the date of the decree. And it is proper here to add that the French have particularly by the sequestration of certain vessels in their ports, and by burning our ships on the high seas, gone even beyond the tenor of their own extraordinary edicts.'
The Milan decree, sir, was passed on the 17th December, 1807; and I find in the 8th and 9th pages of the report the following passage:
'He had, in the mean while transmitted to America the instruction to the council of prizes of the 18th of September. This was received on the 22d of December, and a copy of the decision in the case of the Horizon, having at the same time reached government, the President, aware of the consequences which would follow that new state of things, communicated immediately to congress the alternative of the French decree, and recommended the embargo, which was accordingly laid on the 22d of December, 1807, AT WHICH TIME it was well understood in this country, that the British orders of council of November preceding, had issued, although they were not officially communicated to our government'
This anachronism — this inconsistency, I cannot reconcile, although I will not say it is not reconcilable.
It is very far from my wish, sir, if the United States be determined to resist, to destroy the unity of that resistance. I wish to see in what that resistance is to consist. I am as firmly convinced as I am that I am now addressing you, sir, that our present difficulties took their origin from 1805: from that period at which, instead of resisting, we began to brook foreign wrongs. Much has been said of the spirit of '76 — the spirit of '76 was asleep in 1805. At that period our territories were violated by hostile steps, which trampled on our rights. — By our conduct on that occasion, we lost our character in Europe, and we must redeem it by something better than this report. I have seen nothing of an efficient nature hitherto, unless the first resolution be a declaration of war against both belligerents, and the second the mode of waging it against one.
From 1803 our difficulties have been thickening and our reputation declining abroad. There must be a different policy pursued, and the character of the country from that period retrieved. What have we done? We had been trampled on unresistingly by Spain, and when our minister had, (as it appears from documents communicated to the house) taken an imposing position, his efforts were paralyzed by means of a special mission, in the person of Mr. Bowdoin, (who if a special minister must be sent, was as well qualified in every respect as any man.) But a special minister was sent when we had already two in Spain. Indeed it appeared as if there had been a fear that our differences should be adjusted with foreign powers; for, when they were upon the point of settlement, a special mission was resorted to, and the whole affair suspended, as it were, in a kind of diplomatic chancery court. When the non-importation law passed, I prophesied that it would destroy your commerce. And did not a very respectable commercial character on this floor (Mr. Crowninshield) whom death has since snatched from us, flout the idea? The non-importation law was to sweep the commerce of our adversary from the ocean, but it has swept our own; and it will sweep our agriculture from the land. One false step led on to another. Non resistance to a weak power (Spain) had led to non-resistance to those which are stronger. This hesitating, this temporising, this extraordinary mission-sending policy will do no longer. The non-importation and embargo laws were to be our sword and shield. There was to be action and reaction, and much effect was to be produced not only upon France and G. Britain, but upon Europe in general! Sir, we have been too long waiting for the downfall of Great Britain; we have waited till our own approaches. It is time to calculate less on her weakness, and more on our own strength. We are forever kept in a state of expectation. The Grenvilles make a treaty, which is rejected — they go out, and the Canninges and the Portlands come in — then you rely on the Barings, and the Broughams, and others. Sir, it is all the same. It is time to give over our calculations of the insurrections of Manchester weavers, and for them to refrain from calculating upon the ungovernable spirit of the Green Mountain Boys. It is a mistake. Those who reason upon the downfall of the British ministry from the extent of their navy, or the destruction of Bonaparte from the immensity of his army, ought to procure a new dictionary or be furnished with a new language. Why, sir, in those very particulars consists their actual strength.
But the embargo was to be the real Simon Pure — We have offered to repeal it; from one of the belligerents we have received no answer, & by the other we have been laughed at. No answer, did I say, sir? Yes, there does exist an answer, satisfactory to every man in the country. I hope there is not a man in the nation base enough to submit to either the one or the other; but really we seem like Jack in the tale of a tub, who hung himself for spite in order that his enemies might come and cut him down. — And now we are to deliberate whether we are to dangle in our garters or not? For one I have no such disposition.
With respect to the embargo, there was an erroneous impression with regard to its origin, and there has been as great a mistake with respect to the effect it was intended to produce. It originated, sir,
in the intention of France to enforce the Berlin decree and in the British proclamation relative to her seamen. Whatever may have been said to the contrary, the orders in council were not known in this country at the time the embargo was laid. They had, in fact, never been mentioned.
Mr. Randolph concluded by expressing the satisfaction he enjoyed in the consciousness of having had no hand in bringing the country into its present critical posture, and that he would not exchange his feelings in that respect for any consideration whatever.
Mr. Troup. I am happy, sir, that the gentleman from Virginia and myself agree as to one thing — the pressure of the embargo on the southern states: it is a fact that they have not suffered less than other parts of the union. But whilst differing on this point with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy) I regret extremely that I must differ on another point with my friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.) I do not conceive that the embargo has reduced us to a state of degradation, nor is it an act of submission. Whatever may have been the object of the executive in recommending it, it was supported by me as a measure of security and of coercion. It is not a sacrifice of rights, but resistance. Commerce, sir, is the life-blood of England. Upon that rests her riches, her prosperity and her grandeur. The gentleman from Massachusetts says we have retired from the ocean, and abandoned trade to G. Britain. But what trade did we leave her? To what regions does her navigation extend? Merely from port to port of her own dominions. France, by her decrees, had shut her out from the continent of Europe, and deprived her of a commerce to the value of 100,000,000: and our embargo has robbed her of fifty millions of dollars worth more. What trade have we to enjoy? Take off the embargo to morrow, and you have not open to you a vent for more than 7,000,000 of dollars. And for this paltry sum shall we surrender our rights? It is said the people of the southern states are enemies to commerce. Sir, this idea is founded in a pitiful, contemptible jealousy. How can it be supposed those are enemies to commerce who raise seventy millions weight of cotton annually for exportation? I will venture to say that Georgia is willing to risk as much as any portion of the union in vindication of commerce; and when the attack was made upon the Chesapeake, I believe, sir, she was ready to go somewhat further than others. Compare the depreciation of price in the two great staples of the eastern and southern sections of the union. The ordinary price of cotton is from eighteen to twenty dollars, the embargo price is from ten to twelve — the customary price of rice is from five to six dollars per cwt. the embargo price is from two to three. Two very different views have been given of the temper of the eastern people — one gentleman had told us of the universal prevalence of a disposition not to endure the measure, whilst another with more likelihood has stated the existence of a more rational sentiment. Indeed, sir, I fear no violent hostilities from the anti-embargoists. They are actuated by too base a passion to be formidable to the government — they are actuated by the basest of all passions; and one brave, liberal yeoman of Massachusetts, would drive half a dozen such fellows into the ocean. What singular inconsistency, sir, is manifested on this occasion. Two years ago these same men would have gone to war for the carrying trade; now it is too trifling to merit even their resentment or attention: they would then have gone to war for the colonial trade; but now they are contented to beg a little commerce from England — they would open your ports to her and shut them to France. As the committee says, sir, you must, in present circumstances, have a war with both, or an embargo. The case has been misrepresented to the people, and avarice and credulity have been made the instruments of political artifice. British agents and American malcontents are spread through the country, and excite dissatisfaction — men who would sacrifice the honor and independence of the country for a little trade in codfish and pot-ashes. For one, I will say that I will not make this base barter for gold. If you cannot submit to a few privations, it is time to abandon your republican government; you are ripe, sir, for monarchy; for the dynasty of the Bonapartes, or for any other dynasty. This passion of avarice, if indulged in, will destroy us all. [Mr. Troup paid a very handsome compliment to the patriotism of Virginia.] The southern states, sir, have risked every thing for commerce, and they have been repaid with bitter reproaches. I do not allude to the Smiths, the Crowninshields, or the Grays, they are men of high patriotism. Raise the embargo,
in the intention of France to enforce the Berlin decree and in the British proclamation relative to her seamen. Whatever may have been said to the contrary, the orders in council were not known in this country at the time the embargo was laid. They had, in fact, never been mentioned. Mr. Randolph concluded by expressing the satisfaction he enjoyed in the consciousness of having had no hand in bringing the country into its present critical posture, and that he would not exchange his feelings in that respect for any consideration whatever. Mr. Troup. I am happy, sir, that the gentleman from Virginia and myself agree as to one thing — the pressure of the embargo on the southern states: it is a fact that they have not suffered less than other parts of the union. But whilst differing on this point with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Quincy) I regret extremely that I must differ on another point with my friend from Virginia (Mr. Randolph.) I do not conceive that the embargo has reduced us to a state of degradation, nor is it an act of submission. Whatever may have been the object of the executive in recommending it, it was supported by me as a measure of security and of coercion. It is not a sacrifice of rights, but resistance. Commerce, sir, is the life-blood of England. Upon that rests her riches, her prosperity and her grandeur. The gentleman from Massachusetts says we have retired from the ocean, and abandoned trade to G. Britain. But what trade did we leave her? To what regions does her navigation extend? Merely from port to port of her own dominions. France, by her decrees, had shut her out from the continent of Europe, and deprived her of a commerce to the value of 100,000,000: and our embargo has robbed her of fifty millions of dollars worth more. What trade have we to enjoy? Take off the embargo to morrow, and you have not open to you a vent for more than 7,000,000 of dollars. And for this paltry sum shall we surrender our rights? It is said the people of the southern states are enemies to commerce. Sir, this idea is founded in a pitiful, contemptible jealousy. How can it be supposed those are enemies to commerce who raise seventy millions weight of cotton annually for exportation? I will venture to say that Georgia is willing to risk as much as any portion of the union in vindication of commerce; and when the attack was made upon the Chesapeake, I believe, sir, she was ready to go somewhat further than others. Compare the depreciation of price in the two great staples of the eastern and southern sections of the union. The ordinary price of cotton is from eighteen to twenty dollars, the embargo price is from ten to twelve — the customary price of rice is from five to six dollars per cwt. the embargo price is from two to three. Two very different views have been given of the temper of the eastern people — one gentleman had told us of the universal prevalence of a disposition not to endure the measure, whilst another with more likelihood has stated the existence of a more rational sentiment. Indeed, sir, I fear no violent hostilities from the anti-embargoists. They are actuated by too base a passion to be formidable to the government — they are actuated by the basest of all passions; and one brave, liberal yeoman of Massachusetts, would drive half a dozen such fellows into the ocean. What singular inconsistency, sir, is manifested on this occasion. Two years ago these same men would have gone to war for the carrying trade; now it is too trifling to merit even their resentment or attention: they would then have gone to war for the colonial trade; but now they are contented to beg a little commerce from England — they would open your ports to her and shut them to France. As the committee says, sir, you must, in present circumstances, have a war with both, or an embargo. The case has been misrepresented to the people, and avarice and credulity have been made the instruments of political artifice. British agents and American malcontents are spread through the country, and excite dissatisfaction — men who would sacrifice the honor and independence of the country for a little trade in codfish and pot-ashes. For one, I will say that I will not make this base barter for gold. If you cannot submit to a few privations, it is time to abandon your republican government; you are ripe, sir, for monarchy; for the dynasty of the Bonapartes, or for any other dynasty. This passion of avarice, if indulged in, will destroy us all. [Mr. Troup paid a very handsome compliment to the patriotism of Virginia.] The southern states, sir, have risked every thing for commerce, and they have been repaid with bitter reproaches. I do not allude to the Smiths, the Crowninshields, or the Grays, they are men of high patriotism. Raise the embargo,

an I who would trade? Not the BONAFIDE American merchant, but bankrupts—men of desperate fortunes would alone venture on the ocean.
It has been said that we ought to give our merchant vessels permission to arm. This would be war; and to gratify whom? A few bankrupt speculators. A war, sir, in which this country shall be engaged, to be successful must be popular. It is easy to declare war—more difficult to preserve peace under certain circumstances—but most difficult of all to wage a successful war. The gentleman (Mr. Quincy,) wishes to lead you into war—into an unpopular war; by which the men at present in power should be ruined, and the gentleman and his friends should come into office. I could be reconciled to this, sir, if I could be persuaded they would govern us according to the constitution. But liberty has been hunted almost from the world; here alone she has found an asylum, and here she is only maintained by the ruling party. Deprived of their patronage, she is banished from the land, and driven from the universe forever. Let gentlemen manifest their patriotism by devising a plan for arming and disciplining the militia; and what is next in importance, in organizing a system of finance.
I have supported an embargo as a measure of security and just retaliation; and I believe, that had it not been for the anti-embargo men, it would have been effectual. A gentleman from New-York, (Mr. Mumford) by his resolution for raising the embargo in part, seemed to imply that we could trade to Spain and to Portugal. What, sir! the junta of Seville? Is it that ephemeron of the day to which we are to look for security? It is ten to one but by this time they are overcome, and that they are at this moment imploring clemency at the footstool of the usurper.
Mr. Masters said there had been two occasions which had offered for an adjustment of differences with G. Britain, that had not been properly improved: the one under the administration of Mr. Fox; the other when Mr. Monroe's treaty was proposed; and this latter he conceived at least as good, if not better than the treaty of Mr. Jay. Why this treaty had not been accepted he could not say; the reason assigned for its rejection was that G. Britain reserved to herself the privilege of retaliation against the Berlin decree if the U. States did not resist it; and yet this condition was fairly conceded when our administration offered to raise the embargo with respect to England, if she would rescind her orders, and to keep it on with regard to France if she refused to revoke her decrees. Mr. Masters said the determination of congress on the second resolution [non intercourse] would decide the fate of the country. There had been no digested plan of procedure on the part of the government—the embargo originated in no sound principles of action. It compresses the vital energies of the nation, and finding relief in no other way, they will break out into smuggling. Mr. Masters said, when he recollected the former flourishing state of the country, and compared it with the present deplorable situation of commerce and agriculture, of all classes of the community, he was penetrated with the most melancholy sensations. He would renounce the embargo; it created local jealousies, and might lead to a separation of the states; and would receive the curses of posterity. Repeal (said Mr. Masters) the embargo in part, if not entirely.
Virginia Argus.
RICHMOND: FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1808.
The affairs of our own country are so interesting—the grand political drama now acting on the American theatre, is calculated to excite so much of our attention, that we have but little time to bestow on foreign politics: But aware that the taste of our readers must necessarily differ, and that some feel much curiosity with respect to foreign news, particularly the affairs of Spain, we have endeavored, from time to time, to give such succinct and concise information of these subjects as we could spare from our attention to our own affairs. It may be asked then by some, what is the situation of Spain now? In truth, we cannot tell them; there have been no late arrivals, and as we can give no correct information, we are entirely left to surmise and conjectures. A gloomy and mysterious silence seems to wait upon the destinies of Spain, portentous of the coming storm. If Bonaparte puts forth his strength, which he no doubt will do, Spain must be conquered; he has forces sufficient to annihilate the Spanish nation. But then Bonaparte will have to fight a very different battle from what he ever fought before. Hitherto he has had to fight against corrupt governments, and mercenary armies; and, accordingly, he has swept nations and governments before him with as much apparent ease and velocity, as an eruption of Vesuvius or Etna, blasts and destroys the shrubbery of the mountain. But the ancient spirit of Iberia and Lusitania is aroused, and Bonaparte has to fight with a people. If "some arm more lucky than the rest," does not "reach the heart" of this destroyer of nations, we fear that ill-fated Spain, will exhibit the most shocking scenes, amongst all the shocking scenes, which Europe has so long exhibited to wearied humanity. At present, we can only speak by anticipation; it may be our melancholy task, at a future day to record those horrors. Thus much, is all at present we can say of foreign affairs. The attention of our readers will, no doubt, be sufficiently engrossed by the scene now exhibiting before us in our own country.
Our Ministers in Europe. —It appears from the New York papers, that the United States' brig Argus, has sailed for France, for the purpose of bringing home General Armstrong, and it is also suggested that Mr. Pinkney will return in the same vessel. From this circumstance it is natural to infer that our government meditate some strong, energetic stroke. Perpetuity to the embargo, seems to be out of the question. An armed commerce, or an immediate declaration of war, will probably be the result. Shall we declare war against both nations? Strictures upon this question in our next.
We are well aware of the exclamations which will be made by the federalists and the minority men, when we give it as our opinion, that war ought not to be declared against France. We admit that there is sufficient cause to induce us to make this declaration against both nations, but at the same time, we should possess le mot in our anger , and pursue that course which is most consonant with our policy. Great calculations are made upon privateering, but if we declare war against both, these calculations must necessarily fail, because we shall have no port whatsoever, but our own to carry in the prizes which may be taken. If the order of things is sufficient to remain in statu quo , in regard to France, we may naturally expect an adjustment of our affairs with her, or at least, that we shall have the use of her ports. No benefit can possibly result from a declaration of war against this country, because she will scarcely feel the effect of our privateering system, and it is evident that the loss of her ports would be a most serious disadvantage. The eastern people who are so clamorous for war, and who anticipate so many blessings from privateering, will, we presume, rather concur in this opinion, than join in the ridiculous outcry of French fear and French influence . This subject is worthy of serious reflection, and the most impartial determination.
The opponents of the embargo speak with an air of triumph, when they portray the consequences which may result from a continuation of this measure. These gloomy anticipations, if seriously felt, must excite the most disagreeable sensations in every American heart. But we very much suspect that these feelings are in a great measure, affected to render the administration unpopular, and if possible, to give effect to their opposition. This mode of conduct is replete with the most evil tendencies, and cannot surely be suggested by any mind that is under the influence of patriotism, or that is capable of tracing the dreadful consequences which await disunion. Instead of exaggerating the picture of eastern distress, and calculating upon insurrection, it is our duty, whilst we feel an honest sympathy to endeavor to reconcile them to the present posture of affairs, and to expose those libels which are so current with the opposition, and which are fabricated for the base purpose of making them more uneasy under their pressure, and more lively and determined in their violations. We have confidence in our Eastern brethren, and we feel assured, that they will not resist those laws which are passed by the collected wisdom of the nation, for our general prosperity.
They will not suffer themselves to be demoralised by mercantile cupidity, or to be seduced by the wily doctrines and busy intrigues of a PICKERING, a LLOYD, or a HILLHOUSE, or even the plaintive strains of Mr. WHITE. We are well aware that this weapon will be used with industry by the minority men and the federalists, but we trust that its edge will at least be blunted by a well-timed appeal to their virtue and good sense. This argument was expected to frighten the administration from its course, but they have proved themselves to be too firm and enlightened, to be affected by these dangers, which are thrown out in terrorem .
The Eastern delegation reflect very little credit upon themselves or their constituents, when they intimate that they are determined to rebel rather than submit to the privations of the embargo. Instead of inspiring confidence, they are cherishing distrust, and instead of invoking patriotism, they are calculating upon anarchy and insurrection.
Honest men Are the soft, easy cushions on which knaves repose and fatten. But we hope that the time is not far distant when Pickering & Co. will appear in their true colors, and when they will be indignantly dismissed from the confidence of the people. The Eastern people are now most emphatically called upon by the honor and interest of their country, to act with patriotism and firmness. They must, by this time, be fully convinced, that Great Britain has all along, calculated upon their disaffection and want of virtue. In a late pamphlet of considerable celebrity entitled "Hints to Both Parties," these calculations are avowed in the most open and insulting manner. The author remarks, "this forced state of things, cannot be of long continuance. Already have the Vermontese set the constituted authorities at defiance, and persist in carrying on their trade with the Canadians, across Lake Champlain, while the Northern states manifest strong symptoms of discontent." At such things as these, the American pulse ought to throb with the quickest indignation, and we sincerely hope that it will not be slow and languid in the East.
The election of a Governor of this commonwealth, by joint ballot of both Houses of the General Assembly, will take place this day. Judge John Tyler, and Hugh Nelson, Esq. Speaker of the House of Delegates, are in nomination.
The Senate formed a Quorum on Monday last, Robert Taylor, Esq. of Orange was re-elected Speaker. Theodosius Hansford, Clerk; Mr. Denham, Serjeant at arms; and Mr. Hicks, Door-keeper.
Mr. A. Smyth (new member from the district of Wythe &c.) informed the house that he had accepted an appointment in the military department under the U. S. but had not received any commission—under these circumstances, he must leave the Senate to determine whether he was or was not a member. Should it be their opinion that he was not entitled to his seat, he wished a writ for a new election to issue.
On the motion of Mr. Currie, the question was laid over for future decision.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE OF VIRGINIA.
Wednesday at 12 o'clock, the Electors of President and Vice President of the U. S. assembled in the Hall of the House of Delegates in the Capitol in this City—the House having previously adjourned for this purpose. The members of both Houses of the Legislature, and a considerable concourse of Citizens attended, to witness the proceedings of this small but august body.
Of the 24 Electors, who had been chosen by the people, were present—According to the law of Virginia, if any Elector does not make his appearance, by a certain time on the previous day, the vacancy is supplied by appointment of some person within his district, by a joint ballot of both houses of the Legislature. If the original Elector does not make his appearance by a certain time on the day of the Election, the Elector thus nominated is to supply his place. On Tuesday the Legislature received intimation from the Electors, that Mr. John Brooke one of their body, had not yet appeared. The house consequently elected George Graham, Esq. of the county of Fairfax, with about 6 or 8 dissenting votes—to supply this provisional vacancy—Mr. Brooke however arrived, in the course of the evening, and took his place in the college of Electors.
SPENCER ROANE, Esq. one of the judges of the Court of Appeals, was called to the chair; and Theodosius Hansford Esq. was appointed Secretary.
On motion, the amendment of the constitution of the U. S. relative to the appointment of the President and Vice-President, was read—and also the Act of Congress, relative to the same subject.
The President then requested the Electors to prepare their ballots for President of the U. States. The names of the Electors were then called over in the same order in which the respective districts from which they were selected, are arranged in the law. As each Elector was called, he rose from his seat and deposited his ballot in the box.
Messrs. Taylor (of Orange,) Nelson (of Albemarle,) and Stuart (of Augusta,) were appointed a committee to examine the ballot. As each ballot was opened, its contents were audibly and successively pronounced by the three members of the committee. All the ballots, with a very little variation ran in the following style.
"JAMES MADISON—of Orange County, State of Virginia, now Secretary of State, to be President of the U. S."
The Committee reported, that they had examined the ballots, and found that James Madison had twenty-four votes.
The Chairman then requested, that the Gentlemen would prepare their ballots, for Vice-President of the United States. The same order was observed in the depositing and counting the Ballots.
The committee reported, that they had examined the ballots and found, that George Clinton had twenty-four votes.
After making some further arrangements as to the style of the certificate of election and the appointment of a person to bear the certificate to the seat of government of the U. S. the College of Electors adjourned sine die .
FROM WASHINGTON, Dec. 6.
CONGRESS.
The report and resolutions on our foreign relations are still before the house of representatives.
On Saturday Messrs. Dawson, J. Montgomery, Mansford, Nelson, Macon and Randolph spoke on the subject.
Yesterday Messrs. Randolph and Love occupied the floor.
FROM THE MONITOR.
Writers have frequently differed in opinion with respect to the trait which constitutes the true ridiculous in the human character; but they all agree in this, that when a man imagines he is doing a very cunning thing, whilst every body sees through it, and knows it to be nothing but a trick , he becomes a just object for ridicule. The little boys in their playfulness, often illustrate this idea to admiration; for you will sometimes find a droll urchin hiding his head, whilst his body is otherwise wholly exposed to view, and crying out "nobody can see me," although the eyes of his comrades are full upon him. The procedure of Mr. Randolph in calling for closed doors, is a grave case in point, partaking extremely of the ridiculous in political management. A resolution of high importance is announced—a secret sitting is demanded—three days are consumed!—and every one is led quite impatiently to expect extraordinary performances from Mr. Randolph! "What is it? What can it be? Something, surely, of the size of an elephant at least. Nobody could think it was a mouse! At such a time as this, when every man seems disposed to put his whiskers upon the war establishment, who could dream that Mr. Randolph was trifling with a serious face? yet it was even so. Mr. Randolph wishes to pass for the particular friend of the people, and to make them believe so, he calls for the publication of the secret documents. He desired, it seems, that all the world should know the private opinions of general Armstrong and Mr. Pinkney respecting the occult views of the French and English governments. It was not enough that the representatives of the people should be made acquainted there-with—but all the old Tories in the country must understand all about it. If general Armstrong should be incarcerated at Paris for his freedom of remark, or Mr. Pinkney, for the same fault, should be conducted to the tower of London, what was that to Mr. Randolph? If from the publication of their private sentiments they should fall victims to the vengeance of European ministers, how could that affect a representative of the people, telling at his ease and courting the genius of invec-tive! Some men might imagine, with respect to General Armstrong, that there is a lurking spirit of hostility; especially when we reflect that the general once wrote a certain pamphlet, which bore with some severity on Mr. Randolph; but remembering the astonishing magnanimity of the latter, we throw far from us an imputation so odious. To be sure, there have been suspicions arising from a gossiping story fabricated concerning Mr. Madison, that Mr. Randolph can amuse himself with furious gusts of spleen, yet we can hardly conceive that he would assail indirectly the welfare of ministers abroad, particularly when, if fame be no brazier liar, he was ambitious to become one of the diplomatic corps himself.
Persons of a more scrupulous temperament than Mr. Randolph would have paused before they attempted to violate confidence reposed in the legislative body by the executive magistrate; because the injunction of secrecy could not be honorably taken off without the assent of the president. But, in that case there could have been no trick ; there could have been no catch at popularity. Mr. Randolph could not have said with an air of false patriotism, I wish the people to know every thing! And yet the trick is exploded; every body looks clear through it; but the author of it does not think so. He believes, doubtless, with the comical boy who hides his head, that "Nobody can see Mr. Randolph."
The house has acquitted itself with credit. It has not, to gratify mere curiosity, committed a great mistake. The violation of private correspondence can never be justified, in a nation any more than an individual. When Messrs. Armstrong and Pinkney wrote home their sentiments with freedom, they relied on the honor of the nation not to expose them to the world. Once expose the private letters of your ministers, and you lay a spell upon their pens: for who would confide in a government that could not keep its own counsel?
A Tennessee paper of the 14th ult. says—"We state it on the most authentic information, that Mr. Madison will get an unanimous vote in this state."
NORFOLK, December 5.
The British cutter Alert, captain Turnbull, arrived here yesterday from Plymouth. By a passenger we have been favored with a London paper of the Fifth of October, the only one we understand brought in this vessel. Its contents are not very interesting, but such as were most so, are copied into this day's paper. It appears that explanations have been made by the government of Portugal upon the subject of the convention, and the British army was marching to the frontiers of Portugal, to be ready, it is presumed
to enter Spain when necessary. It will be seen by an article in this day's paper that the French are acting on the defensive in the Pyrenees. Verbally we understand that General W. Wesley had arrived in England, a few days before the Alert sailed.
PRINTING.
JOHN LYNCH, who recently conducted the Printing Office of the late Mr. Thomas Nicholson, and Charles Southgate, the present proprietors of that establishment, respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they intend, under the firm of
Lynch & Southgate,
To carry on the business of printing in general; and having determined to execute orders with correctness, neatness, and dispatch, and on moderate terms, they humbly hope to be patronized accordingly.
N. B. The said office is, as heretofore, three doors east of the Bank of Virginia, where may be had Almanacks for the ensuing year; Books of Sacred Music, and Blanks of every description.
December 5th, 1808.
Notice to Surveyors.
THE Surveyors of the different counties in Virginia, who are to pay a portion of their fees to the College of William & Mary, and whose accounts are unsettled for the last, or for preceding years; are requested to return their list of surveys, and pay the respective balances due to the college. During the ensuing session of the General Assembly, James Semple, Esq. member from Williamsburg, will be in the city of Richmond and will receive any money, which it may be convenient to send to that place.
A particular attention on the part of Surveyors, is requested to this notification. WILLIAM COLEMAN, Bursar. Williamsburg, December 1st, 1808. w3.
To be Sold,
AT Epaphroditus Howle's tavern in the forks of Hanover, on Friday the 30th of December next,
7 Likely Negroes,
belonging to the estate of Thomas Anderson, dec. consisting of a man, a woman and five young negroes, boys and girls—12 months credit will be allowed the purchasers, by their giving bonds with approved security, to carry in interest from the date, if not punctually paid.
JOHN ANDERSON, Exr. Hanover, Nov. 23d, 1808. w3.
25 Dollars Reward.
DESERTEA a few days ago, when on the indulgence of a Furlow, EDWARD H. SCRUGG, a Sergeant in my company, about twenty-one years of age, six feet three and a half inches high, fair complexion, blue eyes, and hair nearly white is very straight and slender, was dressed in citizens clothes, and is a man of genteel address and appearance. It is probable he is gone, or will go to Buckingham county, (Virginia) where he was born, and where some of his relations now reside. The above reward, with all expenses, will be paid to any person for apprehending and securing the said deserter in some prison, and giving notice thereof, or delivering him to me, or any other officer belonging to the forces of the United States of America.
Gilbert C. Russell, Capt. of U. States Infantry.
Nov. 9th. 3c.
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to us, by William Royster, in order to secure the payment of a sum of money, due to Anderson and John Bowles, as therein expressed, will be sold on the twenty-fourth day of this month, (Dec.) at John Trevilian's tavern, in Goochland county,
3 Negroes, to wit:
Ned, Harry, and Judith, or as many as will be sufficient to discharge the said debt, and the cost attending the execution of said trust.
John Trevilian, } Trustees. Thomas B. Watkins, } Goochland, Dec 8th, 1808. w3.
The Virginia Literary Warehouse, Book and Stationary Store.
WILLIAM PRICHARD & LEWIS ADAMS, having entered into a joint Copartnership in the Book and Stationary business, under the firm of
Prichard and Adams,
offer for sale, at their store, opposite the one lately occupied by William Prichard, on moderate terms, for cash, or approved credit, a general assortment of BOOKS in every department of Literature, Law authorities, Medical, History, Philosophy, Mathematics, Belles Lettres, Periodical & Political publications, a good assortment of Novels, many of which are new, most kinds of Stationary, both for the merchant, gentleman and artist, will be sold at the lowest prices. They have and will constantly keep a supply of those Classics & School-Books, which are used in the seminaries of Virginia, and at the College of William & Mary, which they assure their customers and the teachers in general, shall be of the best and latest editions, and at the most moderate prices. Their Law department in particular, which is more extensive than any other in the state, they flatter themselves will meet the attention of the gentlemen of the bar. To those who purchase largely, liberal discounts will be given. Their extensive correspondence abroad will enable them to keep up their assortment, and procure almost any book (not out of print) on the continent, at the shortest notice. As no exertion will be wanting on their part to serve the public, from them they solicit and expect a portion of their generous patronage.
WILLIAM PRICHARD, LEWIS ADAMS.
A Catalogue of their Books will be published as soon as the same can be fully arranged.
Prichard and Adams will pay the highest cash price for clean Cotton and Linen RAGS.
December 5. 2t.
Just received at this office, Part 2d of vol. 9th—or No. 13 of
Dr. Rees' New Cyclopaedia.
Subscribers to the above work are requested to apply for their books.
Subscription still open.
Mrs. Lucy Burton,
As you are a resident of Tennessee and have no agent in this state, known to me, you will please to take notice, that on the first Saturday in January next, (being the 7th of the month,) at the house of Bernard Richardson, in the county of Cumberland, between the hours of ten in the morning and five in the evening, I shall proceed to take the depositions of James Desha and Peter Forrest, to be used as evidence in a suit depending in the court of Cumberland county, wherein you are plaintiff and I am defendant.
William W. Barker. December 3, 1808. w4t
Advertisement.
BY virtue of a deed of trust from John Boatwright to the subscriber, bearing date the 17th day of August 1805, and duly recorded in the county court of Cumberland, will be sold to the highest bidder, at next Cumber and (December) court, before the front door of Thomas Hobson's tavern, for cash.
100 Acres of Land,
adjoining the lands of Alexander Trent, dec. Barter Hill tract, and the land that formerly belonged to Loyall Maddox; six head of Horses, a Cow and the yoke of Oxen, twelve head of other Cattle, twelve head of Sheep, five feather Beds with their furniture, and all the residue of the said Boatwright's household and kitchen furniture; or so much thereof, as will be sufficient to discharge the debt with the interest specified in the deed aforementioned, with the expenses attending the execution thereof.
Henry Bell, Trustee. Buckingham, Nov. 26th, 1808. w3t.

Boarding, Lodging & Entertainment.
THE subscriber is now keeping a boarding house in the commodious & conveniently situated house lately occupied by Major James Gibbon, on the main street, opposite to Harris's brick buildings, where she will accommodate ladies and gentlemen by the day, week, month, quarter or year, with gentle board, lodging and entertainment. No exertions shall be wanting on her part, to give satisfaction to those who will favor her with their company.
Anna Byrd. Richmond, August 3, 1808.
Mount Comfort, FOR SALE.
SITUATED on Rappahannock in the county of Essex, within fifteen miles of Tappahannock and about the same distance from Urbanna and King and Queen Courthouse and very convenient to the post office at Montague's Tavern—there are upwards of one hundred and fifty acres of land attached to this seat, a considerable part of which is wood land and heavily timbered—The improvements are a dwelling house, forty feet by eighteen, a Kitchen, Smoke-house, Stable, Ice House, &c. on the Hill—And on the river bank, a store house, with a commodious Store and Counting Room and an excellent Granary—all of which—except the Stable—have been recently built. Mount Comfort commands as good, if not the best view of the river of any seat on the Rappahannock—and the best fish and oysters may be had at the door with very little trouble—It is well calculated for a merchant, being in a populous and wealthy neighborhood, where it is believed five or six thousand pounds worth of goods might be retailed annually—it would also be a convenient stand for a professional character—I would either sell on credit if the payments can be agreed on, or exchange for other lands without improvements.
For further particulars apply to Reuben M. Garnett, or to
Carter Wood, Mount Comfort.
June 1, 1808
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considerably below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS.
MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808
FOR SALE, On private contract, the fine, high bred running horse
DOCTOR,
Late the property of Doctor A. T. Dixon, out of Hill Box, by Pantaloons. Also, A FILLY, 3 years old, by Preakness, out of the same mare, of the best and purest blood in Virginia. Doctor was by Play or Pay, is in high health and perfectly sound, six years old, a beautiful bay and 15 hands high. This horse has proved his bottom and speed in many trials, having from three years old been successful, except in two instances, which accident prevented. The filly is unraced, but she would be highly valuable to a gentleman whose wish is to raise from a good stock. Apply to
John Tyler, Green Way, Sept. 6, 1808.
THE FIRST VOL. OF ROBERTSON'S REPORT OF THE
TRIAL OF A. BURR,
Is just received and ready for delivery to subscribers at this office.—A few copies for sale. Sept. 27
IN pursuance to a deed of trust executed to the subscriber by Archibald C. Randolph, to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, mentioned, due to Samuel Harris, will be exposed for sale,
at Jefferson, on the 23d of December next, one MULATTO GIRL, named Priscilla, for cash, which after defraying the expenses of said trust, and the debt specified, the residue if any, to be returned as the law directs.
ALBAN GILPIN, Trustee. Powhatan, Oct. 20th, 1808.
UNAWAY from the subscriber, 1st August last, a Negro Fellow EDMUND, who has a pretty general acquaintance, and well known, inclined to be of a yellowish complexion, has a slight scar on one of his cheeks, 28 years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, a tolerable stout, active, bony fellow, slop shouldered, his mouth and lips are large and prominent; he is accustomed to the management of young horses and is a carriage driver. He was purchased out of Page's estate, near Hanover Town, 10 or 12 years ago—previous to that period, he had been hired by Paul Thilman, dec. and used to train horses. It is conjectured he is gone to that part of the country—He is well acquainted in Richmond and Manchester. I will give Twenty Dollars for his delivery, or Ten for lodging him in any jail, besides what the law allows.
ED: DILLON. Prince Edward, 24th Oct. 1808.
One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer. September 8, 1808.
For Sale,
Twenty-five Tons Sweet and American Iron, Eighty Bundles Nail Rods, Eighty Kegs Paint, white, red and yellow, Twenty-five Boxes Window glass, 10, 12, American and English Powder, Spanish Indigo, Pipes by the Box, Sweet Oil by the Box and Retail, A few Sacks Salt, Shot of all sizes, with our usual assortment of GROCERIES, &c. Russell & Wallace. Richmond, Nov. 3d, 1808.
To Rent,
THREE Houses on the main street, one between Messrs. Ellis and Allan, and Mr. Manuel Judah, one opposite the Eagle Tavern, now occupied by Mr. Simpson Morris, the other is occupied by Mr. Benjamin Duval, next door to Gallego, Richard & Co's. office; of the two first, possession may be given immediately, and of the other the first of January next. Also, a house situated in the alley, between the street going to Shockoe warehouse and that going to Mayo's Bridge; possession to be had immediately. JOSEPH GALLEGO. Richmond, Oct. 6, 1808.
Notice.
FOR LEASE OR SALE, A House with 6 rooms,
Well finished, with the necessary offices, and a new garden paled in, situated about 7 miles from Manchester, on the turnpike road, and a good stand for a tavern. With the tenement may be had 100 acres of land adjoining, nearly the whole of which is in timber. Should a person of good character, well qualified for a publican, apply, I would prefer a lease of the premises—and as an encouragement to such an one, I would let it go cheap, if I would sell the same. The terms will be made known, in either case, on application to the subscriber, near the same. William Sowell. Chesterfield county, Oct. 20th, 1808.
Those persons who have put into the hands of James Thompson, late Constable of the City of Richmond, any bonds, notes, or accounts, which are not satisfied, are requested to make application to the subscribers for such claims, on or before the 12th day of December next, after which period, the securities of said Thompson will not consider themselves responsible for any claim after that date.
JAMES THOMPSON, RICHARD THOMPSON, JAMES MCCLURE. Richmond, Nov. 21st, 1808.
WE the subscribers, Judges of the General Court, have pursuant to law allotted the Judges of the respective District Courts as follows:
Robert White, Jr. and Archibald Stuart, esqrs., to the Districts of Winchester, Hardy and Monongalia courts; John Tyler and Paul Carrington, jr., esqrs., to the Districts of Richmond, Petersburg, Brunswick courthouse and Suffolk; Richard Parker and Edmund Winston, esqrs., to the Districts of Prince Edward courthouse, Franklin, Washington courthouse, and the Sweet Springs in Botetourt county; Joseph Prentis and William Nelson, esqrs., to the Districts of Northumberland, King & Queen, Williamsburg and Accomack courthouses.—And Francis T. Brooke and Hugh Holmes, esqrs., to Staunton, Charlottesville, Fredericksburg and Haymarket districts at the next succeeding terms thereof.
Witness our hands and seals this 11th day of November, one thousand eight hundred and eight.
Jos. Prentis, (Seal) Jno. Tyler, (Seal) Wm. Nelson, (Seal) Robt. White, jr. (Seal) Paul Carrington, jr. (Seal) Francis T. Brooke, (Seal)
Published by order of the Judges. WILSON ALLEN, c. c. c.
LAND, NEGROES, STOCK, &c. FOR SALE.
PURSUANT to the last will and testament of Benjamin Toler, dec. WILL BE SOLD, at public auction, on Tuesday the 20th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, (and continue from day to day until all are sold) on the premises, that valuable
Tract of Land,
in Caroline county, called the GOOSE PONDS, lying immediately on Pamunkey river, containing 842 Acres, more or less. The quality of the land, the buildings, water and neighborhood, renders it an object worthy the attention of any person wishing to purchase; a crop of wheat is sown thereon, and immediate possession will be given—Terms of sale, one fourth in ready money, and the balance at the expiration of twelve months, to be secured by a deed of trust upon the land, with a bond and approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid—Also, at the same time and place, will be sold, about
16 Likely Negroes,
Among which is a valuable blacksmith—the stock of Horses, Cattle, Hogs, Plantation Utensils, the crops of Tobacco, Corn, Wheat, Fodder, &c. for all sums above twenty dollars, on receiving bonds with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid, and for all sums under twenty dollars, cash.—And on Tuesday the sixth day of the same month, WILL BE SOLD, in Hanover Town, on the premises, the
House and Lot,
In good repair, whereon Dr. Christie at present resides, for which twelve months credit will be allowed, on the purchaser giving bond with approved security, to carry interest from the date, if not punctually paid. Possession may be had on the first day of January, 1809.—Bond creditors may find it to their interest to attend those sales. Matthew Toler, Administrator with the will annexed of Benjamin Toler, dec. Hanover, October 31, 1808.
THE Subscriber having furnished himself with an elegant assortment of mountaintains and other materials; begs leave to inform the public that he has commenced the
Cabinet Making Business,
upon an extensive scale, in the house near Shockoe bridge, next door to Samuel Pleasants, Jr's, printing office, where he will keep a constant supply of furniture for sale upon reasonable terms—and where furniture in his line will be made upon the shortest notice, and in the most approved fashions, or upon any model which may be directed. The subscriber will also keep on hand, a constant supply of Fancy and Windsor CHAIRS of all descriptions, for sale upon reasonable terms. C. M. PERRY. Richmond, November 28th, 1808.
N. B. Coach and Sign Painting, done at his shop on the shortest notice and in the very best manner.
Deserter.
DESERTED from the service of the United States, on the 6th inst., a private in the 5th Regiment of Infantry, named Daniel L. Bradley, 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, dark complexion, hazel eyes, and dark hair.—He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, and is a farmer by profession. The said Bradley had on at the time of his desertion, the uniform of the United States Light Infantry. A reward of ten dollars will be given to any person who will deliver the said deserter to me, or to any officer in the service of the U. States. EDWARD DILLARD, Capt. 5th U. S. Reg't. Infantry. November 28, 1808.
Negroes to be Hired out; and Cattle, Sheep, Horses, Hogs, and Crops to be sold.
ON Thursday the 29th day of December next, if fair, if not, the next fair day, will be hired out, for the ensuing year, at Richland, in the county of Mecklenburg,
25 Likely Negroes.
At the same time and place, will be sold, to the highest bidder, at public auction, all the Stock of Cattle, (consisting of seventy or eighty head, among which are several valuable yoke of young steers,) Sheep, Horses and Hogs; about 400 Barrels of Corn, 15 Stacks of Oats, the Crop of Wheat, and all the Plantation Utensils. Twelve months credit will be allowed on all sums exceeding twenty dollars, bonds with good security being given, bearing interest from the date, which interest is to be remitted, in case of punctual payment of the principal. Ten per cent deduction will be made for cash. Wm. MUNFORD. Richmond, Nov. 24th, 1808.
Wanted, on Hire THE NEXT YEAR,
A Man and a Woman servant—the man must be well acquainted with house business generally, and the management of horses—the woman a good cook—both must come well recommended for honesty and sobriety. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 29. tf
100 Dollars Reward.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber the 5th November, 1808, a Negro Man, named AN. DREW; he is about 24 years of age, about 6 feet high, well made, of a dark complexion; he has a pleasing countenance, and when spoken to has a stoppage in his speech. He was raised by Dr. John Shore, of Petersburg; his father and mother are living in Manchester, where it is probable he is now lurking. The above reward will be given to any one who will deliver the said negro to me near Petersburg, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. Masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him off or harboring him at their peril. Drury Birchett. Richmond, August 25, 1808.
LANDING
From the Schooner Richmond, at Lester's new Wharf, 23 Crates Earthenware, 25 Hds. Mucovado Sugar, 11 Hds. Green Coffee, and 9 Bales Woolens
IN STORE.
FOR SALE by Geo. Watt. Richmond, 1st Nov. 1808.
At Private Sale, AT MYERS'S AUCTION STORE.
JUST RECEIVED, 4 Bales Kendal Cottons, 3 Bales blue & white mixed Kerseys, 3 Bales Half Thick, assorted—white, blue, green & mixed, 2 Bales Welsh Plains—white & blue, 3 Bales Coatings—blue & red, 5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats—And an additional supply of the best Dutch Bolting Cloths.
ALSO, IN STORE,
Prime Mucovado Sugars, in hds. and barrels, Loaf Sugar, old Madeira Wine, Molasses, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct 14th, 1808
Royster & Bohannan, Have For Sale, at their Store near the Market Bridge, Richmond,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries,
—AMONG WHICH ARE— Brown Sugar in hds and bbls, Leaf Sugar, in do, Best Green Coffee, Imperial, and Young Hyson TEAS, Chocolate, by the box, Pimento, Pepper, Ginger, Rice, Mustard, W. I. Rum, Jamaica do, N England do, Molasses by hhd, Sherry and Malaga Wine, Holland and Country Gin, Spanish Segars by box or retail
Whiskey by the bbl, or tierce, French Brandy, Salt by the Sack, A quantity of excellent Lard by the firkin, A large assortment of Iron Castings, every description, An assortment of Stone Ware, Queen's Ware, Soap and Candles by box, Leiper's Snuff, Writing Paper, Wrapping do, Decanters, Tumblers, Wine Glasses, Leading Lines, Bed Cords, &c &c &c
Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town. It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given.
Notice!
All persons having claims against the estate of Boyle Brackett, dec. are requested to meet me at Hugh French's Tavern in the upper end of Powhatan County, on Monday the 20th day of December next, and make them known—those indebted to said estate, are once more requested to make payment at the same time. I shall on the same day offer
Several Negroes for sale, and a few to hire for the ensuing year.
Ludwell Brackett. November 24th, 1808.
Notice.
THE subscribers have lately opened store in Mr. Mitchell's brick building near the Market House, where they offer for sale, a general assortment of
GROCERIES,
on moderate terms for cash or country produce. Pulling & Collins. Richmond, Dec 1, 1808.
NICHOLAS HALLAM,
(NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the
Best Philadelphia Leather,
Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal-ly good terms as heretofore.
Wax and fair Calf Skins
First quality Cossack boot legs
do. do. Long, three quarters and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do.
Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins
Bridle and sole leather, &c. &c. Boots and Shoes.
Nails of all kinds.
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES.
Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling
BACON.
The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit. August 2, 1808.
TO BE RENTED For the Ensuing Year,
THE valuable plantation in the County of Mecklenburg, known by the name of
RICHLAND,
Containing 1019 Acres, of which 125 are low grounds, of excellent quality.—The high lands also are generally fertile, and well adapted to the cultivation of corn, tobacco, and wheat. The dwelling house, which stands in a high and healthy situation, commanding a beautiful prospect of the river Roanoke, is large and commodious, with all necessary out-houses for a genteel family. The plantation is in good order, and furnished with a spacious granary, and tobacco-barns, sufficient to cure a good crop for 12 or 15 hands.
Also to be rented, for the same time, a plantation adjoining RICHLAND, on Roanoke river, and Little Creek, (being the place whereon John Robinson formerly lived,) containing 164 Acres of Land, generally good, and having upon it convenient houses for an overseer and negroes, and for the reception of corn and tobacco.
The premises will be shown by Erasmus Kenon, now living at Richland, and terms of lease made known on application to the subscriber. Possession to be delivered on the first day of January next. Wm. MUNFORD. Richmond, Sept. 29th, 1808.
100 Dollars Reward.
RUNAWAY from the subscriber the 5th November, 1808, a Negro Man, named AN. DREW; he is about 24 years of age, about 6 feet high, well made, of a dark complexion; he has a pleasing countenance, and when spoken to has a stoppage in his speech. He was raised by Dr. John Shore, of Petersburg; his father and mother are living in Manchester, where it is probable he is now lurking. The above reward will be given to any one who will deliver the said negro to me near Petersburg, or secure him in any jail, so that I get him again. Masters of vessels and others are forewarned carrying him off or harboring him at their peril. Drury Birchett. Richmond, August 25, 1808.
LANDING
From the Schooner Richmond, at Lester's new Wharf, 23 Crates Earthenware, 25 Hds. Mucovado Sugar, 11 Hds. Green Coffee, and 9 Bales Woolens
IN STORE.
FOR SALE by Geo. Watt. Richmond, 1st Nov. 1808.
At Private Sale, AT MYERS'S AUCTION STORE.
JUST RECEIVED, 4 Bales Kendal Cottons, 3 Bales blue & white mixed Kerseys, 3 Bales Half Thick, assorted—white, blue, green & mixed, 2 Bales Welsh Plains—white & blue, 3 Bales Coatings—blue & red, 5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats—And an additional supply of the best Dutch Bolting Cloths.
ALSO, IN STORE,
Prime Mucovado Sugars, in hds. and barrels, Loaf Sugar, old Madeira Wine, Molasses, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct 14th, 1808
Royster & Bohannan, Have For Sale, at their Store near the Market Bridge, Richmond,
A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF Groceries,
—AMONG WHICH ARE— Brown Sugar in hds and bbls, Leaf Sugar, in do, Best Green Coffee, Imperial, and Young Hyson TEAS, Chocolate, by the box, Pimento, Pepper, Ginger, Rice, Mustard, W. I. Rum, Jamaica do, N England do, Molasses by hhd, Sherry and Malaga Wine, Holland and Country Gin, Spanish Segars by box or retail
Whiskey by the bbl, or tierce, French Brandy, Salt by the Sack, A quantity of excellent Lard by the firkin, A large assortment of Iron Castings, every description, An assortment of Stone Ware, Queen's Ware, Soap and Candles by box, Leiper's Snuff, Writing Paper, Wrapping do, Decanters, Tumblers, Wine Glasses, Leading Lines, Bed Cords, &c &c &c
Together with a number of other articles too tedious to enumerate—which they will sell low for cash, country produce, or approved paper in town. It is earnestly requested that those who have long standing accounts, will settle them immediately, as no longer indulgence can be given.
Notice!
All persons having claims against the estate of Boyle Brackett, dec. are requested to meet me at Hugh French's Tavern in the upper end of Powhatan County, on Monday the 20th day of December next, and make them known—those indebted to said estate, are once more requested to make payment at the same time. I shall on the same day offer
Several Negroes for sale, and a few to hire for the ensuing year.
Ludwell Brackett. November 24th, 1808.
Notice.
THE subscribers have lately opened store in Mr. Mitchell's brick building near the Market House, where they offer for sale, a general assortment of
GROCERIES,
on moderate terms for cash or country produce. Pulling & Collins. Richmond, Dec 1, 1808.
JUST PUBLISHED,
BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUN. RICHMOND, THE
SECOND VOLUME OF THE
Revised Code,
(Containing 500 pages super-royal octavo, bound to match the first vol.—Price to subscribers $5. to non-subscribers $6.)
BEING
A COLLECTION
OF ALL SUCH
ACTS
OF THE
General Assembly
OF
VIRGINIA
Of a public and permanent nature as have passed since the session of 1801: TO WHICH ARE ADDED
APPENDICES,
CONTAINING
A compilation of the several laws for the establishment of the James river, Potomac, Appomattox and Dismal Swamp Canal Companies,
Laws concerning the Northern Neck, Titles of acts authorising the establishment of Turnpike Roads, and the erection of Toll Bridges,
A compilation of the several acts concerning the Mutual Assurance Society against Fire on Buildings,
Acts and resolutions of a general nature, which were omitted in the revisals of 1794, and 1803,
Laws concerning waste and unappropriated lands on the eastern and western waters,
Laws establishing ferries,
Laws concerning the public guard,
Titles of private and local acts—And
A table of fines, forfeitures, penalties and amendments; designating such as are to the use of the commonwealth; such as go towards lessening the county levy; such as belong to individuals; and such as are appropriated to any particular object.
With a complete Index to the whole. Published pursuant to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, passed the seventh day of January, one thousand eight hundred and seven.
At a Court of Quarterly
Session, held for Cumberland county, the 27th day of October, 1808.