The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-11-08 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE UNION TAVERN, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
IN CHANCERY—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Charles Thomas, Plff—Against John Tisdale, James Tisdale & Samuel Henson, Defs. THE defendant, John Tisdale, not having entered his appearance & given security, according to the act of Assembly & the rules of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state.
A Copy. Teste. JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. [law8w.]
IN CHANCERY—Louisa County Court, October 10th, 1808.
Robert Yancey & Co. Plffs—Against William Meriwether and Robert Dickenson, Defendants. THE plaintiff, Robert Yancey is dead—and the defendant, Meriwether, not having entered his appearance and given security, according to the act of Assembly and the rules of this court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state.
A Copy. Teste. JNO. POINDEXTER, C. L. C. [law8w.]
TO JAMES WELCH, FORMERLY OF GREEN BRIER COUNTY, VIRGINIA—SIR—As I know not the place of your present residence, and believe you to be no longer an inhabitant of this state, I take this mode of informing you, that I sold on the fifth day of January next, take the deposition of Samuel McCraw, to be read as evidence in a suit, depending in the Superior Court of Chancery, held at Richmond, wherein I am plaintiff, and yourself and others defendants.
SAMUEL GREENHOW. Richmond, Nov. 1. [law8w.]
LANDING from the Schooner Richmond, at Lester's new Wharf: 23 Casks Earthen Ware, 25 Bbls. Muscovado Sugar, 11 Do. Green Coffee, 9 Bales Woolens.
IN STORE—100 bags Salt, 15 hds. Molasses, 10 casks Green Coffee, 6 quarter casks Sherry, 3 pipes Gin, 50 boxes Sops, 8 bags Rice, 10 bags Peas, 10 bags Beans, 10 bags Oats, 10 bags Corn, 10 bags Barley, 10 bags Oatmeal, 10 bags Flour, 10 bags Rice, 10 bags Peas, 10 bags Beans, 10 bags Oats, 10 bags Corn, 10 bags Barley, 10 bags Oatmeal, 10 bags Flour.
TUITION—The Revd John C. Brockenbrough proposes commencing School on Church-Hill the 1st Monday in November. The several useful branches of Literature, which he will teach are, viz. Orthography, Reading, Arithmetic, English Grammar, Geography & History; also, the dead Languages.
PUBLIC SALE—The subscriber intending to remove to the Western country, some time the ensuing year, will positively sell, at public auction, upon the premises, on the second Monday in December next, the tract of LAND on which he lives, lying in the county of Henrico, on Western Creek, containing 315 acres, with a New and Grist Mill; only about thirty acres of this tract is cleared, from which one crop only has been gathered.
WANTED as a HOUSE-KEEPER, in a large family, a discreet industrious woman. To one who can come recommended as such, very liberal wages will be given. Enquire of the Printer. Nov. 4. [5w.]
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY—At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, the 23rd of October, 1808.
Resolved, That a sum of two dollars on each share of the Stock held by the said Company be made, and that the same be paid to the Treasurer on or before the 2nd of next month. N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 23. [epln.]
WILLIAMSBURG, September 1, 1808.—The Subscribers have entered into partnership, under the firm of COLE & HENDERSON, and have supplied themselves with a general and well selected assortment of superior and fine Cloths, Woolens, Manchester stuffs, Cambrics, Hosiery, Hardware, Saddlery, Stationery and Groceries; which they will sell for cash, country produce, or on short credit to customers who are punctilious in their payments. ROSCOW COLE, JAS. HENDERSON.
N. B. For the accommodation of the Students and Scholars of William & Mary College, they will keep a constant supply of the Books used in that Seminary. C. & H. Sept. 13. [epln.]
BY virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to the Subscriber by Wm. Brown of Chesterfield, to secure the payment of a debt due Kenyon Giles, will be offered for sale, on the 30th of Nov. next, at Brooks's Tavern, in the town of Manchester; two Negro Men DIVER & JOHN, the property of the said Brown—for cash. PETER F. SMITH, Trustee. Oct. 28. [epln.]
BY virtue of ample powers delegated to the Subscriber, will be sold to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the Eagle-Tavern in the city of Richmond, on the 22nd day of November next, all that valuable estate in Bonn county, in the State of Kentucky, well known by the name of the Big Bone Lick, or salt works on Big Bone Creek, about two miles from the Ohio River, containing two thousand acres more or less.
IN addition to the above mentioned Lands, & by virtue of the powers aforesaid, will be sold, at the same time and place, the following valuable Tracts of Military LAND, viz. One thousand acres in the state of Kentucky, on the waters of High Land creek, adjoining the Lands of Mayo Carrington, and Peter Casey, patented the 15th June, 1786.
A tract of 333 1-3 acres in the state of Ohio, on a fork of Paint creek, adjoining Nathaniel Burwell's survey, No. 982, patented 22d Nov. 1802. Also, a Tract of 266 2-3 acres, in the state of Ohio, on Todd's fork of the Little Miami river, adjoining Wm. Barlow's survey, No. 3643, Thomas Redley's survey, No. 2028, and John Roberts's survey, No. 699, patented the 23d Nov. 1802.
The three last mentioned tracts of Land, will be sold upon the following terms, to wit: One fourth of the purchase money in hand, and the other three-fourths in three equal annual payments—the purchasers executing deeds of trust, on the Land, to secure the last payments. BEN. MOSBY, WM. C. WILLIAMS. Richmond, Oct. 25. [tds.]
LAND and NEGROES to be rented and hired.—On Monday the 19th day of December next, if fair, if not the next fair day, I will let for the term of three years, a tract of LAND in the county of Louisa, known by the name of the Healing Springs, containing about 1500 acres.—On this tract there is about 800 acres of open land, in good order for cropping, 120 acres of which are creek and river low-grounds, of prime quality—120 bushels of bearded wheat will be immediately and carefully seeded, one half of which will be sown in tobacco land.
FOR SALE, that well known and valuable FARM, on Chickahominy river, formerly the property of Mr. Thomas Watkins, de'd, about 14 miles from a Richmond, containing 546 acres; a very considerable part, is valuable swamp and a part of which is reclaimed and now in meadow, from which I have been credibly informed, that Mr. Watkins in his life-time, cut upwards of 100 ton in the year; there is about 120 acres of swamp Land now in timber; and could be reclaimed at a very inconsiderable expense, to make at least double the quantity of hay, that has formerly been cut.
Also, for sale, five Males and about 32 head of CATTLE, and the crop of Corn, Fodder, &c on hand, which will be sold independently of the plantation. DANIEL L. HYLTON. Nov. 1. [tf.]
SAMUEL MYERS, has removed to the store lately occupied by Richard Brooke, opposite to J. Brown's vendue office, where he offers CASH FOR COUNTRY PRODUCE. Richmond, Sept. 23. [FIOW]
A FEW Boxes of 13 & 12 Window GLASS, of the first quality for sale.—Enquire at this Office. Oct. 14. [tf]
BY virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, by Robert and George Turner, and Ann the wife of the said George, duly recorded in the Hustings Court of Richmond; made to secure the payment of fifteen hundred dollars, to Daniel Couch, according to the terms of said deed: Will be sold by the Subscribers, to the highest bidder, for ready money, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, on Saturday the 12th Nov. next, all that Lot, Piece or Parcel of Ground, situate in the said city, on the east side of the cross-street, leading from the Bell-Tavern to the river, and now under lease to Russell & Wallace (subject to a ground rent of 10 £ per annum) together, with the following NEGROES: George (the cook) Peter (the butler) and Aggy; or so much of the said property as will be sufficient to raise the sum of 1500 dols. together with all costs attending the said sale. ANDREW STEVENSON, C. ANTHONY, Trustees. Oct. 21. [tds.]
DOMESTIC.
Extract from the speech of Governor TICHENOR, to the Legislature of Vermont, delivered at the opening of their Session.
The business which our constituents have constitutionally assigned to their general assembly, the civil and political interests of the state, are the great objects which will necessarily engage your attention. It cannot be concealed, but that these have been considerably affected by a late law of the United States, and the measures pursued to enforce it. Among a people accustomed to honest industry, & under a government which had ever permitted them freely to dispose of the fruits of their labor, as a natural and unalienable right, it was to be feared, there might exist a strong disposition to evade its restrictions.
FROM HAVANNA. On the 28th September, the San Justo, of 74 guns, commanded by the Marquis, del Real Tesoro, arrived at Havanna, from Cadiz.
FOR SALE, that well known and valuable FARM, on Chickahominy river, formerly the property of Mr. Thomas Watkins, de'd, about 14 miles from a Richmond, containing 546 acres; a very considerable part, is valuable swamp and a part of which is reclaimed and now in meadow, from which I have been credibly informed, that Mr. Watkins in his life-time, cut upwards of 100 ton in the year; there is about 120 acres of swamp Land now in timber; and could be reclaimed at a very inconsiderable expense, to make at least double the quantity of hay, that has formerly been cut.
Appointment by the Spanish Government.—Mr. Santibanez, Minister to the United States.—Phil. Register.
The emperor of Russia has appointed Mr. Daschkow, assessor of the College, Consul General to the United States.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Paris, dated 5th of Sept.
"It is a fact that Mr. Scipio (the consular-general) returns to America by the vessel which carries this letter, being recalled by the President on the demand of this government. Mr. Warden, the secretary of General Armstrong, fills up the place." N. Y. Paper.
BALTIMORE, Nov. 1. It will be seen, under the ship news head, that the French continue most industriously to "burn, sink and destroy" such of our vessels as come within their reach. Besides several American ships burnt by the armed vessels lately arrived in the West Indies, we find that this plundering squadron, on its return passage, has scuttled the brig Juliana, of New York.
THINK BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE.
Independence or subjection—Peace or war—Embargo or submission—Are now the alternatives.
Greater or more important questions, no men ever had to deliberate or decide on. The fate of the nation, our happiness, and that of our children, depend on the men we entrust with our interests.
You who desire peace & independence, make choice of no man who will not with all his energy, endeavor to preserve them to you; and the later even in preference of the former; the former even at the expence of some temporary inconvenience, for war will produce many; the latter may be doubtful.
If the measures adopted by the present administration, have been successful in preserving peace, and in preserving the principles of our independence; ought they not rather to be pursued than changed, until we know the issue of the war in Europe? May not a change of that system involve us in war with one, or both of the nations that have injured us?
If with one only, which one will it be? Which one will we be inclined to enter into an alliance with, and sacrifice to that principle for which we are now contending, a principle that involves in it every thing which is dear to us—Such would be the consequence of our joining either.
It is decidedly ascertained, that both nations are obstinately bent on pursuing the measures they have adopted, and which we declare are hostile to our interest and your independence.—Can we will you then hold commercial intercourse with either, so long as they persevere in such measures?
If you will, you can, relinquish all to one for sake of attacking the other! If you will not, what measures will you adopt other than those now pursuing? This is a serious question for you to decide on.
For us it appears to be the wisest, safest, and the only policy, to cut off all intercourse with foreign nations—to seal up our ports, and set too at once to provide internal resources.
Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans? FRANKLIN. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of G. Britain. Q. What is their pride now? FRANKLIN. To wear their old clothes over again, until they can make new ones. Holla Americans!—What say ye my hearties; are we worse off as good now as our predecessors of 1774?
Let one of you speak—for when it comes to the pinch, you'd be found as sound in 1809 as in 1774. Bless the thirty thousand Whigs of Pennsylvania!—Aurora.
THE FRENCH WAR. I have been favored with an interview with Capt. Woodward, of the Hove, who reached this city, on Saturday last, bringing with him the dispatches from Gen. Armstrong, our minister at Paris. Capt. Woodward, who is a gentleman of intelligence and candor, has not in possession of the circumstances which gave rise to the rumor of a declaration of war by France against this country. It occurred in the following way: An American captain, who had been engaged in smuggling grain or flour into France, had just made a trip, and on his return it was necessary to the better concealment of his illegal traffic to invent a plausible story, by which he might offer a colorable excuse for the circumstance of his arriving from the French territories into those of England.
Capt. W. says that there is very little said in France about Spanish affairs; that immense numbers of the old veterans of Bonaparte are on their march for Spain, and that they did not appear to view the affair as one which was of the greatest importance.
as one which was of the greatest importance. Capt. W. was at Paris when Massena's eyes were burnt by an accident when hunting party by Bonaparte's order. One of Massena's eyes is entirely destroyed, and the other very much injured. Massena was to have commanded the armies of France & Spain. (Monitor.)
SEPTEMBER 26. TRUE AMERICAN MEETING. A very numerous meeting of the Republicans of Salem was held at Washington Hall, last evening, to take into consideration the expediency of petitioning Congress to repeal the Embargo.
The object of the meeting was introduced by Benj. Greenfield, Esq. in which he read the petition proposed to be presented to the town meeting. He was followed by Mr. Story, who took an extensive view of our foreign relations, and advocated to public documents for proof of his assertions.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, it is expedient, improper, and unnecessary, to present any petition to the Congress of the U. States, respecting the Embargo, at the present time.
SALICH
Of some of the Remarks made at the Salem Meeting.
During Mr. Pickman, after stating what he conceived to be the grounds and object of the petition, and in the able a motion that it be accepted, signed by the Selectmen, and transmitted to Congress.
Mr. Story observed that if the town acted on the subject at this time they would act without intelligence, as there were undoubtedly many documents in the Cabinet which would be communicated to Congress early in the ensuing session, and which were necessary in forming an opinion of the expediency of passing the embargo, and therefore moved that this petition be dismissed.
The Hon. Mr. Gray was opposed to petitioning, and in a strain of conclusive reasoning, from undeniable facts, with pathetic eloquence, proved the inexpediency and impropriety of the measure. His remarks do him great honor, and justly entitle him to the esteem and confidence of every friend to his country. Mr. Gray said—
"That we have a constitutional right to assemble in legal town meeting and petition the General Government, I am not disposed to deny. But as we have delegated the power to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, I am for leaving the power with them, where the constitution has placed it—their voice will no doubt be given for the removal of the embargo as soon as the general interest of the nation will admit of it. The Representatives and Senators of this commonwealth, are the men of our own choice, and in them we ought to confide. The interference of this town with the general government will proclaim to the enemies of our commerce, that we are a divided people, and will encourage them to continue their orders and decrees until we become half conquered by internal dissensions.
Will not this conduct if pursued, tend to the destruction of all order and government? Can we in this meeting form as correct an opinion on when the embargo ought to be removed, as our representatives can when Congress are convened, as they will have the President's communication, and all other necessary information from our Ministers abroad? If Congress should grant our request and a war proves the inevitable consequence, will our sufferings be removed? There is, I think, no doubt but the powers whose unjust orders and decrees imposed the necessity of the embargo, will take every advantage of our situation, to harass and distress us—but if we would unanimously resolve to support our independence, and confide in our rulers, while they make the constitution their guide, we may bid defiance to every usurping power down to insult us if we were firmly united. These reflections induce me to oppose any application for the removal of the embargo, as I firmly believe it will be removed as soon as it can be, consistent with our national honor and interest."
Mr. Gray then observed, that he thought the distresses of the people had been exaggerated—that cases of real distress and suffering for the necessaries of life, on account of the embargo, were rarely to be found—that he heard no complaint that our taxes and minister's salaries were not paid as well as usual—that it gave him great pleasure to look round and see so many of his fellow-townsmen handsomely and comfortably clothed, and that he believed comfortably fed—that in general the people could find something to do, and that provisions though plenty were but little reduced in their prices—that the voice of complaint and distress was rarely, if ever, heard in our streets, and never, he believed, without immediate relief—That the high tide of our unexampled prosperity, and accumulation of wealth were checked, he readily acknowledged; but added that this was of small consequence when compared with the calamities of war, and was in no degree attributable to the embargo—That the lives of many of our seafaring brethren must be sacrificed in battle, and their health destroyed by pestilential guard ships—That he remembered in the last war, the distresses of our country to which he had been an eye witness.
He adverted to the patience of the people of Marblehead under their sufferings. They leave their homes in March for the fishing banks, draw their fish frequently through sixty fathoms of water, return, cure them, take in a cargo of dry fish, and sail for some part of the continent of Europe, for

within sight of the port, where their fish is wanted, and where they might receive good for it, they are spoken with a British cruiser, ordered home on pain of capture and condemnation—they return, put their fish into warehouses, take in their salt, and again sail for their fishing ground without losing a moment against their own government—[Wonderful people.]
We had better (said he) endure all the embarrassments and inconveniences we suffer on account of the embargo for three years longer, than the unavoidable evils of war. This wise measure of the government was eminently calculated to save our property & our seamen from this dreadful calamity. Where could we go, if the embargo were off? I have a permission to send a vessel to Russia for property I left there, where the prospect is good for making a great voyage—but I dare not, while the decrees and orders of council exist, risk even an empty vessel—and I know of no port where I could send a cargo with the prospect of a profitable voyage. And I sincerely believe that if we had submitted to the embargo with unanimity and cheerfulness, and borne the inconveniences of it with patience, and had placed a just confidence in the government of our own choice, and not by our divisions encouraged the belligerents to believe that we were a divided people, that before this day the orders of council and decrees would have been removed, and we should have enjoyed a free commerce.
Mr. Beckford, one of the overseers of the Poor, said, that he thought himself implicated by Mr. Graws remarks respecting the distresses of the Poor—and said that the overseers had expended 700 dollars for their relief, and if they were not proper objects of distress, the overseers had been guilty of squandering the town's property.
Mr. Gray declared he had no such intention as the gentleman had ascribed to him—that he was glad to hear the overseers had made these disbursements—said that the gentlemen overseers and selectmen would do him the justice to acknowledge, that when the embargo was first laid, he had desired them to let no family want the necessaries of life; and if means were wanting to procure them, he was ready to the extent of his ability to furnish them. I am, sir, (said Mr. G.) so far from complaining of the expending $700 extra on account of the pressure of the times, that the gentleman has my hearty thanks, and I think the town under obligations to the gentleman for his long and faithful services in the important office of an overseer—but the expenditure of $700 extraordinary in 10 months, was certainly no conclusive evidence of the extreme distress, and to the extent that had been represented, and that one of the board of overseers had acknowledged that even part of that sum had been applied, by misrepresentation, where it had not been wanted or was useful.
I have no partiality for the French (said Mr. G.) nor for the English—I love my native country, and in support of its independence and its rights, my whole property shall be expended, if required. [Mr. G. here went into an able and accurate investigation of the situation of our commerce and neutral rights, and the manner and extent to which they had been injured by the decrees of the belligerents.]
He showed conclusively that if the Embargo were removed, no trade could be carried on beneficially to the country, and that all our present evils resulted from the belligerent decrees. We are sorry that we cannot follow him in his various and luminous examinations on this head. They obtained for him the undissembled gratitude of the town, and proved that he was deeply read in every study connected with our maritime and neutral rights.—Never was an effect more electrical than that produced by his decisive statements. It CONVICED even where it did not CONVERT.]
ADDRESS.
Delivered by the Right Worshipful Wm. LOUGHRON SMITH, Esq. on laying the Corner-Stone of the Building, about to be erected by the South-Carolina Home-spun Company.
BRETHREN & FELLOW-CITIZENS,
You have just witnessed the ceremony of laying the Corner-Stone of the First Edifice, intended for Domestic Manufacture, on a great scale, in this part of the Union; and you have witnessed the interesting ceremony with emotions, corresponding with the dignity and solemnity of the occasion. Permit me to congratulate you, and my country at large, on this first step towards the completion of an Establishment from which, in spite of the cold support of doubting friends and the warm opposition of decided foes, we may entertain flattering anticipations of the most successful result.
No reflecting citizen can any longer question the policy of affording every encouragement to Domestic Manufactures. The hostile restrictions, which, from time to time, have enthralled our external trade, must have long ago pointed out the absolute necessity of enlarging the sphere of internal commerce; and the obstructions, which, in times of war, close nearly altogether the avenues to foreign markets, and, even in times of peace, abridge in those markets, the vent of our surplus productions, must excite in every American breast an ardent desire to create a more extensive demand for them at home.
The complete success, which has already rewarded manufacturing enterprise in various parts of the United States, and the promising symptoms which attend some patriotic essay in others and particularly in this state, well justify a hope, that the obstacles are less formidable than some affect to think them, and that the further extension of these essays must be attended by an accession of resources, highly favorable to our welfare and independence.
An era, so pregnant with great and important events as the present, will hereafter occupy a large and distinguished space in the annals of history. Through the discordance of jarring opinions, her candid and impartial voice will be heard—and the torch of truth, dissipating the obscure mists of party, will illumine the deeds of our national government, and display to approving posterity the wisdom of that policy, which, while it has preserved us from desolating wars and degrading alliances, has given a wholesome and quickening stimulus to Domestic Manufactures.
Amidst the inconveniences springing from an unavoidable measure, forced upon us by the rash contumacy of one belligerent and the miscalculating jealousy of another, we derive a most cheering consolation from anticipating the benefits of an institution, which those councils and that jealousy have so essentially promoted.
Whatever may be the artificial coloring of sophistry, or the real discontent of impatient enmity, we may boldly predict, that history, clearing away the rubbish of party declamations, and revealing the veil of political deception, and in the spirit of truth recording those great events, will not fail to applaud America's neutral and pacific system, and to announce to future ages, that if the year 1808 felt the pressure of a prolonged embargo, the year 1809 also gave birth to this beneficial Establishment.
May we not also fondly predict, that the anniversary of this auspicious day, the 24th of Octo-
ber, will be hereafter celebrated with rejoicings and festivals by our grateful descendants, and take its rank, without disparagement, amongst our Carolina's proudest days!
Yes, Fellow-Citizens, let us hail this as a proud day for Carolina's sons! We here see the triumph of reason over prejudice, of love of country over egotism, of perseverance over apathy; we here see, with exultation, the noble result of individual enthusiasm, a result, which exalts our national pride, and makes us strong in the confidence of our own native means. We have long known that we possess, in the bosom of our soil, inexhaustible resources; we now know and feel, that we have, in our own bosoms, a spirit of patriotism to call forth these resources, and to make them instrumental to the security of our rights & to the avenging of our wrongs. The shuttle and the loom, operating on the products of your fields and your flocks, will, in this century, emancipate you from commercial thralldom, as the operations of your arsenals and foundries delivered you, in the last, from political slavery. Your patriot souls, swelling with this great thought, with what multiplied and rapturous emotions must you have beheld the laying this Corner Stone, on which will soon arise, within the limits of your beloved city, a superb edifice, which her citizens will daily contemplate with increasing delight, as the perennial fountain from which will steadily flow those essential supplies, now derived with difficulty and under disgraceful circumstances from unfriendly rivals and from alien industry.
Let the insidious fears of false or suspicious friends be realised; let sordid avarice insinuate the failure of her dividends; let sneering hypocrisy propagate her doubts and apprehensions; let it be admitted that our embryo Essays will be unattended with remunerating profits! Still will patriotism obtain its sweet rewards. If we receive no paltry dividends in our pockets, we shall receive ten thousand times more precious dividends in our hearts, the heart-felt gratification of knowing, that we are at length truly independent of foreign nations, and that knowledge is at length completely brought home to their rulers.—Here on Ashley's cheerful banks, on this judiciously selected site, no less salubrious than fair, will patriotism rear the structure, where domestic industry, enhancing the value of our native products by converting them into manufactured supplies, will be the exhaustless source of our comforts and conveniences, our perpetual security against foreign dependence. Here will be found a never failing asylum for the friendless Orphan and the bereft Widow, the distribution of labor and the improvements in machinery happily combining to call into profitable employment the tender services of those, who have just sprung from the cradle as well as of those who are tottering to the grave; thus training up the little innocents to early and wholesome habits of honest industry, and soothing the wrinkled front of decrepitude with the smiles of competency and protection. Here too will be found an everlasting refuge for those unfortunates of other climes, expatriated, with their useful talents, by the iron hand of unrelenting despotism, or the intolerable pressure of taxation and hunger, and wafted by the sigis of Fellow-misery, to seek liberty and bread on these happy shores. Generous citizens! who have so magnanimously and disinterestedly proffered your services to watch over and rear to maturity this promising institution, you have this day planted a rich germ, which, under your fostering hand, will soon bud forth and grow up into a stately tree, shedding into the lap of your happy country the abundant fruits of domestic comfort and national wealth.—The tablet of gratitude, inscribed with your names, and enshrined within that consecrated stone, is a sufficient pledge of your present zeal, a sufficient incentive to your future exertions. The infant's lisping tongue, and the tremulous voice of age shall hereafter unite, in choral strains of grateful homage to you, their patrons and benefactors, and in invoking the blessings of Heaven on your useful labors: may their pious incense be acceptable at the throne of grace! and may it be the will of Providence to render those labors commensurate with our most sanguine expectations!
Let the wrangling nations of Europe boast of their Nelsons and their Mssenas! we will cherish, we will exult the well-earned fame of our Graws, our Humphreys, and those valuable citizens, the Bedfords of America, who study not the arts of desolation, but of preservation and improvement; who direct their mental energies, not to the discovery of instruments of human destruction, but to the extension and amelioration of those indigenous materials, the precious and never-ceasing supply of our national looms. And when our distinguished biographer, the faithful recorder of the illustrious deeds of cotemporary patriots, eloquently tracing the progress of domestic manufactures, shall transmit with applause to future generations the names of those Carolinians, who have deserved well of their country, he will consecrate a copious, and a splendid page, to the memory of the founders of the Home-spun for Factory , and wreath a civic crown for the brow of the patriotic Suzanne .
But while we thus foster with delight the mild and amiable virtues of peace, and devoutly implore a continuance of her blessings, hitherto so happily preserved to us by a discerning and temperate policy, let not the haughty sovereigns of Europe, misinterpreting the dictates of wisdom for those of pusillanimity, calculate on a tame & servile submission to their arrogant pretensions or their ambitious designs.
Tho' American republicans pre-eminently respect the useful and innocent labors of the plough and the loom, they have not forgotten to point the rifle and to wield the sword. Should any invader, doubting their prowess, violate our peaceful abode, and assail the threshold of our sanctuary, liberty's last refuge, he will find an iron-bound coast, bristling with defensive and inrushing, like their brave ancestors, in all the majesty of their strength, and he and his vile myrmidons will be soon swept away from the soil they have polluted.
Fellow-Citizens! were any thing wanting to add to the interest of this ceremony, and to inflame your breasts with more than usual ardor for the success of this infant establishment, I would invite I would rouse your attention to the memorable spot—to the classic ground, which you now tread—I would direct your eyes to those venerable monuments, the hallowed remains of those proud ramparts, where your illustrious progenitors, with undaunted heroism, breasted the invading foe; I would call on you to survey these sacred shores, bleached with the bones, and purified with the blood, of departed heroes! I would exclaim, "here, my countrymen, from amidst the ruins of these ramparts, once raised to defend your country's rights, on which was unfurled the noble standard of resistance to a tyrant's claims, and the incorporeal assertors of fair freedom's cause raised the bold crest of independence against Albinon's embattled tribes, from amidst these sanctified ruins, on this consecrated soil, on foundations cemented and strengthened by the blood, and enshrining the precious relics of patriot soldiers, is now about to arise another great and lasting monument of American independence."
I would thus invoke the spirits of these immortal worthies! "sainted spirits of departed heroes! here your throbbing veins poured forth the pure and patriotic stream—on this spot, you gladly sacrificed your lives, to erect the bright temple of liberty, and to ensure to your posterity their political independence; but your splendid fabric remained incomplete, while your sons depended, for the essentials of life, on the very nation, from which you fondly believed you had fully emancipated them—You laid the Corner Stone of that temple, which was to perpetuate our civil rights; your sons, emulating your virtuous deeds, have this day laid the Corner Stone of that, which is to perpetuate our commercial rights—your great and glorious work is now con-
summated—now may your children shout and rejoice, for This Day their independence is complete. "
* The spot chosen on the banks of Ashley River for the Factory, was formerly the site of one of the forts erected to defend this city, the ruins of which are still conspicuous.— Editors.
ST. VICENT, August 20.
The petty navy of France have lately had an extraordinary success in the colonies—About a fortnight ago, Martinico was literally in a state of famine, now it enjoys all the abundance of uninterrupted commerce, not only the supplies imported in their own vessels, but from the spoiland havoc made by the capture of ours. On the 6th instant, the Palastre and Plate, of 16 guns each, 28 days from Bayonne, with four, arrived at the blockaded port of Martinico, as did on the 10th an English brig from New-Brunswick, taken by the Be Cune privateer, and the ship Eliza, from Quebec, taken by the Poleteneus brig, both with valuable cargoes of provisions and lumber; during these arrivals, the York of 74 guns, was lying very snug at Marigalant; this ship, one of the finest in the British navy, got ashore at that place, on coming away, and is so much damaged that we understand she proceeds immediately to Halifax to be repaired. We are happy to find that government has at length thought proper to increase the wages and privileges of our hardy tars, by giving to them the eighth share of all the prize money formerly given to the commanders; this new regulation will, we trust, put a stop to those predatory enterprise, and turn the thoughts of our naval commanders to the more honorable, though less lucrative employment of watching the motions of the enemy in his blockaded port. For the information of some of our mercantile friends, we beg to furnish a list of the cargoes above alluded to, now on sale at Martinico: 5040 barrels flour, 500 barrels beef, pork, and pickled fish, 500 hogsheads salt, &c., besides lumber, staves, hoops and shingles.
Market at Kingston, Jam. Sept. 2d—Flour 40 dollars, rice 10 corn meal 20, pilot bread 15, beef 20, and pork 22.
NEW-YORK ELECTORS.
The Legislature of New-York, meets this day—and as we prefer offering such information as we possess on this subject, when it can have no influence, we now give the following particulars, as derived from the best sources.
The present opposition in New-York, is bottomed upon a real hostility to the policy of the government; for the last election turned upon the very questions which now agitate the nation, and it can scarcely be believed, that there can be so much personal influence and so much apostasy, as to induce 20 members to desert to the federalists.
The state of the representation in regard to party, stands as follows:
Table with 2 columns: Party, Members. Republican, 24; Quids, 7; Federal, 1; Total, 32.
In the Assembly—112 Members.
Table with 4 columns: Classed as follows: Whig, Quid, Tory. Southern district, 15, 0, 7; Middle district, 9, 2, 12; Eastern district, 11, 0, 10; Western district, 28, 0, 18; Total, 87, 9, 48.
In joint ballot.
Table with 2 columns: Party, Votes. Republicans, 87, 0; Federalists, 0, 48; Quids, 5, 4; Total, 92, 52; Majority for the Washington regular nomination, 40.
This, with little variation, would be the relative state of party strength in New-York, if it depended upon that consideration alone, without intrigue.
There are only two members of assembly in the Southern district, inclined adversely towards the nomination—but their principles as sound Whigs, are too well known to apprehend that they will unite with the Tories. The two quid members in assembly, are from Dutchess county. Some suppose that they will vote for Mr. Madison, others on account of a local question respecting the division of the county, that they will unite with the Tories—but we know at least one of them better than to believe this.
It is safe to calculate on five quid members out of the nine. But let them act as they please—they will never be counted. The co-operation of men that can desert their banners of independence, and unite with its enemies now, are not to be thought of.
The legislature assembles this day, and a respectable citizen from the eastward, observed to the editor on Saturday, that there were a great many men travelling to Albany, with large sums of money.
Delicacy and a sincere affection to Governor Clinton, restrained the Whigs until they perceived the hostility of those who professed to be his advocates, to the administration, and to the principles upon which the republican party was erected.— Aurora.
Yesterday se'might the Legislature of New-Jersey convened in the city of Trenton. A quorum of both houses appeared. The Council made choice of Ebenezer Seely, Esq. for vice-president, and the Assembly of Lewis Conditt, Esq. Speaker, without opposition. The parties in the Legislature stand as stated in our last—a democratic majority of 6 in the Assembly and 1 in Council. All the members returned by the different counties appeared and took their seats except Mr. Willis of Cape-May.
On the first day of the sitting, a committee was appointed by the House of Assembly, consisting of Messrs. Parker, Kerr and Garrison, to enquire into the validity of the law passed at the last session of the Legislature for the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States and Members of Congress. This committee, we are informed, agreed to report a bill to suspend the election for a few days, in order that the appointment of Electors might come within the time prescribed by the act of congress regulating the election of Electors; but on the following morning, the democratic members of the committee refused to report the bill agreed upon, and nothing was brought before the House upon that subject till the afternoon, when Mr. Parker moved that the committee might be discharged. This motion was opposed by the majority and negatived. A motion was then made by one of
the Sussex delegation to add three more members to the committee. A debate ensued, and after some discussion, this motion was superseded by another to add four members, which was carried.
This committee, which may justly be styled, as it was undoubtedly intended, the committee of oblivion, has made no report, and on Friday, on motion of Mr. Kennedy, the house adjourned till Monday, so that all chance of taking any measure relative to the election was thereby done away.
The same day (Wednesday) Mr. Freelinghuyzen moved for leave in Council, to present a bill to amend the law passed at the last session for the choice of electors, the object of which was, to direct the judges of election in the respective election districts in the state, to continue the polls open three days instead of two, so that the time of choosing Electors might be brought within that specified by the act of Congress. This was refused by the democratic majority in Council and the bill not allowed to be read. He then reduced his motion to writing, explanatory of his views, and the entry of this motion on the journals was opposed. The chair, however decided, as a point of order, that the motion must be entered on the journals. Trenton Federalist.
Extracts from the Remarks addressed to the Legislature of New-York, respecting the Presidential Election.
Two parties exist in this country. One that is attached to its liberties; another that has endeavored to enslave it. The former after an arduous struggle at length prevailed. We succeeded in obtaining a republican administration. The government of our own choice has remained faithful. While it diminished the public burthens, it curtailed our debt, it cherished our resources and preserved peace. Two tyrannical nations have endeavored to involve us in their struggles. The Berlin and Milan decrees, and the British, imposed restrictions upon commerce amounting to an annihilation. Our government after mature deliberation and with the utmost good faith, determined to collect our property from abroad, and while preserving it from the rapacious piracy practised upon the seas, endeavored to obtain a recognition of our rights by the influence of firm but pacific remonstrances. At this juncture of affairs a presidential election was approaching. Foreigners, were led to expect a change of measures from a change of a President—Their agents here have been encouraged to advise them to persevere in those extreme sufferings now endured by them, and which can no longer be disguised, in hopes that our patriotic administration would be rendered unpopular, and a new one arise that would surrender our national rights. Vain hope! Even our commercial cities, N. York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston, have discovered the virtue and fortitude of the revolution. Pennsylvania, recovering from her late dissensions, has arisen to her former greatness. New Jersey has preserved her character—Notwithstanding an unexampled opposition—Notwithstanding the defection of a once leading print, from which fidelity to republican principles was expected, political virtue throughout the union has proved triumphant. It would be insulting then to imagine that the republican members of our legislature could desert the cause of their country, or unite with federalists in the formation of an electoral ticket.— Pub. Adv.
WASHINGTON, Nov. 4.
The VICE-PRESIDENT of the U. States has arrived in this city.
Extract of a letter from Wm. Murdoch, Esq. of London, to George Magruder, Esq. of George Town.
"I am astonished that the people of the U. States should be disposed tamely to submit to the orders of council without regarding the pernicious consequences they evidently involve. By these orders all your produce must come here, and one very important article (I mean cotton) is to be subject to a direct tax of 9d per lb. to be paid into the British treasury. If the principle is in one instance admitted, it may by the same rule and with the same propriety be extended to every other. If then America consents to pay to G. Britain a duty on her exports, I see no difference between the collection of it here or in America, for in substance it is exactly the same thing, and if assented to on the part of the U. States, the best way will be to have officers from this country, to be stationed at all your different custom-houses, for the purpose of collecting the duties for account of the British government."
"If a more favorable construction can be put on the orders of council, as they respect the interest and independence of the United States, I confess I cannot see it, and should be happy to be enlightened on the subject by any citizen of America."
"I repeat, that if the present European system should be submitted to by the American government, it will be tacitly acknowledging the right of G. Britain to lay any tax she pleases on the produce of the U. States, and I challenge any one, let either party in your country to deny it."
"If your embargo should be taken off and the French decrees and orders in council suffered to remain in force, the U. S. will lose annually four millions sterling by those instruments of destruction as below, and what is worse than all, your independence will be lost with your property. If the tax on cotton is submitted to, then tobacco, rice and flour will be made subjects of taxation, and it matters not whether the tribute is paid here or in America; it is to come out of the pockets of the people of the U. S."
"Your tobacco exports amount annually to 90,000 hds. and is worth equal to 2 millions sterling, but under the decrees and orders will be literally worth nothing."
"Your rice is equal to one million per annum, and by the above restrictions will be worth nothing."
"Your cotton will be greatly reduced in value by these restrictions, and will lose at least one million."
Table with 2 columns: Item, Amount. Tobacco, 2,000,000; Rice, 1,000,000; Cotton, 1,000,000; Total, £ 4,000,000.
"Your flour and other exports amount to about two or three millions sterling, and will not be so much affected by the orders and decrees, provided Spain and Portugal remain open, which by the bye is doubtful, notwithstanding their present situation."— Nat. Int.
A sample of superfine blue broad cloth, pronounced by the best judges to be equal to European of seven dollars per yard, is exhibited in Pittsfield Ma.—This cloth was made of Mr. Watson's unmined Spanish Wool, and manufactured in the vicinity, under the direction of Mr. Eli Manaford, clothier—It is a complete demonstration of the
importance of introducing the Spanish Sheep into general use, as well as of our ability to manufacture broad cloth equal to those of the English, in quality and price, and therefore fail to remove all doubts on the point—It is hoped our farmers will immediately introduce the Merino Sheep, and thus secure to themselves and the country great profit.
EUROPE.
NORFOLK, Nov. 2.
To Captain Sibson of the ship Union Island, in 32 days from Liverpool, and some of his passengers, we are indebted for London papers to the 25th of September.
In England the public attention appears wholly engrossed by the late convention in Portugal; the sense of the nation upon that subject will be found in the extracts which we have made, and it is somewhat remarkable, that there is no difference of sentiment on this subject between the ministerial and opposition papers. The removal, if not punishment of the British Commander in Chief is certain. From many letters received from the army in Portugal, the indignation of the nation, it appears, is reciprocated to the fullest extent.
From Spain or Portugal, nothing important had been received since the date of our former advices—The papers are filled with the marches of French armies to the Rhine and the Pyrenees. Bonaparte appears resolved on the reduction of Spain, while he menaces Austria at the same time. The tyrant is aware of the discontent in Germany; as an evidence of which, is an intercepted letter from one of the Prussian ministers to a German prince.
The latest papers we have received assert, that information had been received that day that a general insurrection had taken place in the kingdom of Naples, and that all the French there had been massacred or driven out; although this intelligence wants confirmation, it is by no means improbable. (Ledger.)
The following information is written upon a London paper (the Times) of the 24 September:
"LONDON, Saturday, 2 o'clock, afternoon, 24th September, 1808."
"'Tis believed that the Portuguese have refused to permit the Convention to be carried into effect—Accounts from the Baltic just received by the Gottenburgh mail—Sir James Saumarez was bombarding the Russian fortifications, and the Russian fleet had offered to capitulate on certain terms, which were refused—The bombardment was expected to re-commence."
EXTRACTS from London papers received at Norfolk, one day later than per THE HOPE.
LONDON, Sept. 25.
The intelligence of the week, as far as it relates to Spain and Portugal, the principal subjects of curiosity at the present moment, is almost wholly devoid of interest—From Portugal no fresh intelligence has been received. The convention has, in all probability been carried into execution before this period, and the details of its disgrace have been spread throughout Europe.
Sir William Scott, during the last week, has taken his passage for Lisbon, and report has connected his voyage with the pending convention in Portugal—The character of Sir William Scott is so deservedly eminent for his profound skill in the law of nations, that his presence might have been beneficial during the discussion; but it must be unavailing after the compact has been closed—Before Sir William Scott can reach Lisbon, Junot and his army will be embarked; perhaps landed in France and on their way towards Spain.
Sir Arthur Wellesley has been vindicated with considerable success from having any responsible share in the late convention. His friends do not hesitate to affirm, that he was compelled by the absoluteness of military discipline, to set his pen to the treaty; that he was the victim of stern necessity, which the principles of a soldier's obedience would not suffer him to dispute; that he was made a machine, from motives of cunning and meanness, in the hands of his commanding officer, who considered his business as incomplete, till his disgrace was emblazoned by the victorious name of Sir Arthur Wellesley.
Sir Arthur complains likewise, or his friends complain for him, that he was superseded by a superior officer in the moment of following up his victory to the utter annihilation of the French army; that upon his resigning the command, a negotiator was admitted into the camp, and discussion was substituted for fighting; that his whole authority after the battle of the 21st being merged in a superior officer, he could not be considered as responsible for measures which he had not in his power to direct or mitigate; that he knew the duty of an officer as well as the duty of a commander; and that in a service where no point of discipline is so estimable as submission to a superior command, he had been too well educated to mutiny himself, or teach it to others.
Such is a slight sketch of the vindication of Sir Arthur Wellesley by his friends; and if all that is stated be true, and we have no reason to deem it otherwise, none of the disgrace can fall upon him.
Sir New Dalmyn, is understood to have been recalled, preparatory to an investigation of his conduct, and Sir Arthur Wellesley is to have the chief command of our troops destined to act in Spain. (Bell's Weekly Messenger.)
It is understood that a war between Austria and France, if not actually commenced, is on the eve of breaking out.—Bonaparte has left Paris for Hamburg.
PARIS, Sept. 2.
Yesterday there was a cabinet council of the ministers, at which his majesty presided. It is positively stated that Marshal Lannes is to have the command in Spain.
The Monitor of this day contains the following article under the head of Berlin, the 26th ult:
"A Prussian assessor, named Koppe, was informed against an intriguer. Marshal Soult has had the good fortune of getting him arrested and conveyed to Spandau; and having also got possession of his papers, he found among them the original of the following letter. We think it ought to be made public, as an instance of the causes of the rise and fall of states. This letter clearly displays the dispositions of the Prussian ministers, and particularly those of the Minister Stein, who has long held that office, and who still seems to be exclusively charged with the conduct of public affairs. We cannot but pity the king of Prussia for having in his service such awkward, but mischievously inclined ministers."

By the official dispatch which Mr. Koppé will deliver to your illustrious highness, you will be informed of all that relates to the affairs of the French. I shall merely venture to make a few remarks respecting our situation in general.
According to the advice of Count G. D. W. repeated orders have been given to Prince G. to conclude a treaty of alliance, including a stipulation for a corps of auxiliaries, and to make application for a diminution of the contribution, or a delay in the period of payment. It is desirable that the Prince maintain a prudent degree of reserve & distance, should the Emperor set off to execute any new enterprises. His majesty, at the present crisis, when we may be useful to him, does not listen to our propositions, he will thereby demonstrate, that he designs our total destruction, and we must then be prepared for the worst.
The public discontent increases daily in Germany. It must be kept up, and we must endeavor to work upon the minds of the people. I wish much that some correspondence could be established in Westphalia and Russia, and that provision could be made for settling, in certain cases, a correspondence with some well disposed persons, who might subsequently enter into reciprocal engagements with each other. If your illustrious highness can give me any information respecting this point, you may in that case, send back to me Mr. Koppé, or transmit it by some other confidential person.
The affairs of Spain make a strong impression, and clearly demonstrate what we must have long foreseen. It won't be very useful to circulate this intelligence in the most prudent manner.
A war with Austria is looked upon as unavoidable. This contest will decide the fate of Europe, and ours of course. What does your highness think will be the result of it? Some such plans as were in agitation in the Spring of 1807, should now be revived.
Count Non Nino*** will speedily pay you a visit and remain with you some time. The elector runs a great risk, under the present circumstances, both his person and his possessions being in their power. He ought, however, to place the one or the other in a state of security; but I am much afraid that he will fall a victim to his irresolution and credulity.
Mr. Jacobi is not yet arrived, but he is daily expected. His voyage has been tedious and difficult.
It has been at length determined, that Ansbach shall be tutor to the hereditary Prince. The execution of this purpose will, however, require some further time; but one step has been taken, and that is a great deal in our present state of indecision.
I am glad that your spouse has renounced her first intention. The prince must have derived great advantage from the conversation of a lady so accomplished, and who has learnt so much in the school of experience and misfortune.
The finances of the house must be in a very bad condition, for I am not yet paid the 13,000 guilders which it owed me, for an estate that I sold some years ago. I should be very glad to have this sum paid to me, for in these times my possessions do not increase, and I must regulate myself according to my income.
I understand that some of your friends have left Holstein. General Blücher falls off sadly; it has been necessary to send Colonel Bulow to Colber to support him.
I am, &c. (Signed) STEIN. The address was To his illustrious highness the Prince of Sarju Wittgenstein, at Dobberan.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, NOVEMBER 3, 1808.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE ENQUIRER.
Within a few days, Sir, it will be known to the people of the U. States whom they have selected as the Chief Magistrate of the nation for the next four years. This great election which has so long interested the country and torn the republican party itself into divisions, will soon be concluded. An important question will then occur to the republicans, who have differed on this great measure. This question will soon come home to the "business and bosom" of every friend of the administration in the community. Permit me, Sir, to anticipate the discussion of this great topic by offering a few remarks upon it at this early stage of the business. These remarks may not be without their immediate benefit in Virginia; for when they shall be put to press, the election in this state will be virtually concluded.
The great question before me is, what is the duty of those republicans who have linked their interests to those of the unsuccess-ful candidates?
Of the result of this election, I cannot suffer myself to entertain a single doubt. The public prints, the meetings of the people, the sense of the Legislatures, of the other republican states, are so many conclusive pledges of the popularity and success of Mr. Madison. I have none of that secret information which some gentlemen pretend to possess. I have no idea of any mysterious arrangements which may possibly have been made at any time or place, to aid the election of Mr. Monroe. His enthusiastic friends affect to be sanguine in their expectations; and shake their heads with as much arrogant presumption as if they "seemed to shake the spheres." But I am really apprehensive, Sir, that these gentlemen have been the mere dupes of themselves or of each other; and that the period is not far distant when they are to discover, that it would have been far better for them to have drawn their calculations from the open, broad-day light of facts, as I have done, than from the twinkling taper of their own delusive imaginations. These facts do not permit me to doubt of the result. Even though New-York should support the pretensions of Clinton, it is next to a certainty Mr. Madison will possess a triumphant majority of the votes of the Electors.
The question then is simply this: What is the duty of those republicans—those politicians, that are the friends of the measures of the present administration—who have supported the pretensions of Clinton and Monroe?
I do not address myself to the federal party, which certainly contains many honest, many able, but deluded politicians—for they are not included in the terms of my proposition.
I address myself as little to the Friends of the Minority within Virginia, who have been dazzled by the splendour and deluded by the eccentricity of a political Jack-in-the-
lantern; for these politicians are as little embraced within the terms of the proposition. They are scarcely less inveterate, but more secret in their opposition to the measures of the present administration, than the Federal party itself. All that can now be asked of these gentlemen, is to declare a more open and generous war, than the one which they have been waging. By this course, they would more certainly consult their own credit, as well as the interest of their country. Give me at any time an open, rather than an insidious foe; the displayed banners of civilized war, rather than the sly perils of an Indian ambush.—But if it were not unavailing to address some of these gentlemen on the measures of Mr. Jefferson, it would be perfectly ridiculous to appeal to their feelings and sentiments, to support the measures of Mr. Madison. Their leader is too much embittered against him, to entertain the least disposition to bury the hatchet. He has seized every opportunity to avow his want of confidence in that gentleman. The followers of Mr. Randolph must never expect forgiveness of their chieftain, if they ever consent to extend the slightest degree of forbearance or liberality towards this distinguished enemy. No politician can ever expect to be the political friend of Mr. Randolph and Mr. Madison at the same time. The latter may excuse; but the former would extend his most unrelenting resentment to such an ambiguous ally. He who is not in every respect for him, must be against him.
But I address myself to those Republicans, "in heart and in sentiment," who have supported the measures of the present administration, but who have, in this great question, deserted the course of the great majority of the Republican party.—I address myself to those Gentlemen, who have felt a personal or political preference for the competitors of Mr. Madison, without entertaining any preference for the principles or the measures of the federal party. To these Gentlemen, the question is earnestly and solemnly propounded—"What is the course which you are now to pursue? Will you calmly and patriotically submit to the announced and acknowledged will of the majority of your country—or will you permit your own disappointed enthusiasm, or the artifices of men who dislike the present administration and who hate Madison, to drive you into a silent and sure opposition to his administration?"—These are serious questions, Gentlemen, which it is now incumbent upon you to consider. You must now take a bold and resolute stand in the support of your old principles and the interests of the Republican party. You should decide with energy, if your determination is not made already; for your decision is important to your country, but still more important to yourselves.
I will be honest enough to confess to these Gentlemen, that their previous conduct has infused some slight portion of alarm and apprehension into my bosom. It has appeared to me to be the duty of all Republicans to discard all personal predilections in favor of Clinton or Monroe, and unite their suffrages in support of the acknowledged favorite of the Republican party. No peculiar benefits were likely to result from the election of either of those gentlemen, which could equal the risk of dividing the republican party. The election was not concluded; the votes of the people had not been expressed; the colleges of Electors had not yet assembled;—but it seemed sufficiently obvious, that Mr. Madison was the favorite of the nation, and that pressing the pretensions of any other candidate would not only be unavailing to himself, but productive of danger and schism, to the Republican party. The exterior relations of the country were like also at this time peculiarly turbid and portentous. The unexampled insults and encroachments of the powers of Europe imperiously invited our undivided attention. The firm countervailing measures of our administration demanded the utmost harmony and concert of every friend of its measures. All these considerations seemed to require a magnanimous relinquishment of personal friendship or local attachments, on the common altar of our country. It was scarcely to be apprehended, that any real Republican would be more solicitous to shew himself the friend of Clinton, or Monroe, than the friend of the Republican party or the friend of the administration. Principle therefore, seemed to call for an undivided, unanimous support of James Madison.—Many of the friends of Messrs. Clinton and Monroe, felt these considerations and obeyed this requisition. There were others, however, who still adhered to their favorite, not because they had deserted the Republican standard, but because, they had felt the influence of other considerations, which had countervailed the force of these great principles. Some were duped into a conscientious belief, that Mr. Clinton and Monroe, had yet a chance of success. Others, because they thought it proper to consult their own individual sentiments, rather than the harmony and concert of the party. A few, more weak, though perhaps equally conscientious—because they had thoughtlessly, in the commencement of the strife, pledged and committed themselves to vote for a particular candidate.
I will also be honest enough to confess, Sir, that these considerations which may have justified some of these gentlemen to their own consciences, had also tended to justify them to my own mind, and in some measure to relieve it from the apprehension and suspicions, which their course was calculated to excite. I knew at the same time, that some of these gentlemen had only affected these conscientious considerations to cover their real and more sinister views.—But wherever these considerations have honestly prevailed, and they have prevailed, I have charitably enough to trust, in the greater variety of cases, I could not permit myself to entertain any decided apprehensions about the final result. When the delusions of the imagination had passed away, when private predilections had ceased to act, when the voice of the people had once been announced in favor of Mr. Madison, it was a pleasing anticipation, that those among them who were the friends of the administration of Mr. Jefferson, would display the same zeal in supporting the congenial administration of his successor.
I wish to say but very little, Sir, as to the ambiguous and alarming tenets propagated by the Monroe Corresponding Committee.—They shall at present receive "the charity of my silence." But I have reasons to believe, that these heterodox doctrines, so peculiarly pleasing to the Federal party, are not the prevalent sentiments of the republican friends of Mr. Monroe—and that they were so obnoxious to many of them, as to drive them from his standard.—I have even so much confidence in the energy of truth as to entertain a hope, that when the tempest of the moment shall have completely subsided, some of the very gentlemen, who com-
posed that committee will themselves discern the fallacy of their opinions, and repent the evil of their ways.
It is to such men, as have been the disinterested supporters of Clinton and Monroe, & the conscientious friends of the measures of the administration, that I will peculiarly address myself. I would now call on them to repress all private feelings, all the subordinate considerations of a contested election, and to consult only the great interests of their country and their party. What is their great duty on the present occasion?—If they are guided by the great interests of their country or of their party or by the great principle of republicanism, it is impossible for them to mistake it.
If they will pursue the great interests of their country, their secession from the great body of the republicans will terminate with this election. At this trying time of national emergency, they will rally around the measures of Mr. Madison's administration, which will be congenial with that of Mr. Jefferson.
If they pursue the great interests of the republican party, the same measure is their duty. Next to the union of these states, the union of the true old republican party is the most essential to our prosperity and rights. These men will surely do nothing to produce a dissolution of the one or the other. They will watch over the Unity and Solidity of the republican party, with the same holy vigilance, which distinguished the Virgins of Vesta in watching the fires of Heaven.
If they consult the principles of republicanism, they will find it written in the very first commandment: "There is no other voice, than the voice of the people."—When this voice has been expressed, its votaries will implicitly obey. If the friends of Mr. Clinton or Mr. Monroe are real republicans, they will submit; they will cheerfully acquiesce in the announced will of the majority. They will not only submit, but they will support it. They will rally around the administration of Mr. Madison, and support it with as much ardor, as it they had been the first to create it.—There are cunning politicians on the alert, who will attempt to entrap them into an opposition. These men will essay to enlist all their prejudices, all their disappointments and all their hopes in the ranks of the opposition. They have resentments to avenge, and therefore they want instruments. They feel themselves sinking into the abyss of political perdition, and therefore they employ every means of resuscitation. In the depths of their desperation they will attempt to involve every man in their catastrophe.—Let the republican supporters of Mr. Monroe or Mr. Clinton be upon their guard lest the kindling sympathies of an election may entangle them in the ruin of these desperate allies.
As to the candidates themselves, it is to be hoped, that they will have magnanimity and patriotism enough to discern their true interests.—Of Mr. Clinton's conduct during the election, we have known but little; because he has not only moved in a distant state, but has kept himself shrouded in obscurity.—Of Mr. Monroe something is known, because he has been under our eyes. I shall not make his course the subject of my criticism. But if I may be permitted to express my sentiments respecting him from what we have seen, I would say that the sin which most easily besets him, is the suffering "his friends to become his bitterest enemies." Let this gentleman consult his own understanding, and his country will have nothing to fear from his subsequent course. Let him now come forth to take a deep share in our public concerns. Let him beware of the Minority.—He has ingeniously avowed, that his friendship for Mr. Madison "is sincere and strong." He has declared in the face of this nation, that if "he should be elected, he will have his best wishes for the success of his administration, as well on account of the real interest which he takes in what concerns his welfare as in that of his country."
But should it be conceded that either Clinton or Monroe will consent to cast themselves into an opposition to the republican party, their prospect of future preferment is departed from them forever.—The republicans will abandon them to the Federalists and the minority. There even admitting, that a majority of the nation will ultimately be made to come into opposition to Madison's administration, what has either of them to expect? The federalists will still constitute the majority of the opposition, and will dictate the next President.—Pinckney or King will then be their min—and not Clinton or Monroe.
But, Sir, I have no apprehensions of such a fatal catastrophe. I have too decided a confidence in the virtues and abilities of James Monroe, to permit such a phantom to give me a moment's disturbance.
ARISTIDES.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
On the Death of JOHN PAGE, Esquire.
To consecrate the memory of illustrious men, to record their actions and to celebrate their praises, has ever been the laudable custom of every age, and the grateful duty of every people.
TO THE CITIZENS OF VIRGINIA.
THERE is little necessity of enforcing this sentiment by any observations or by any argument.—Their own example testifies its truth. Those Friends and Sages, the pride and glory of Virginia, whose services have been so eminently great and extensively useful, and who, with justice, may be considered as the fathers of our liberty, are now revered and honored. Their example, the admiration of an envious world, will ever enlighten and animate the mind of man. Their memories will be dear and sacred in Virginia, while freedom has an advocate, or virtue has a friend; and as the peculiar privilege and reward of distinguished merit, they have left to their posterity the legacy of their virtues. Their children's children, now surrounded by all talents or virtues, that would confer them to public respect or individual admiration, have been all considered as possessing a "sacred and equal claim to respect."
To celebrate the memory of the illustrious dead, is then, one of the most sacred duties that devolves on every Virginia; and with mingled emotions of pity, admiration and regret, we are called to deposit the remains of our departed PAGE, with the consoling ashes of our Messrs. Mason, or Henry upon the Pindarapetes. At the recess of his pure and patriotic principles, his personal integrity and unblemished honor; where is the Virginian, whose heart does not dilate with pleasure; whose bosom does not swell with conscious pride to exclaim—"And he too was my Countryman!" Oh, venerable shade of the departed PAGE, as honorable as was thy life, so honored be the recollection of it, as respectable as were thy pure and republican principles, so respected be the remembrance of thee! Beloved and honored in life, lamented in death, he is descended to the Tomb, full of years and full of honor; amid the applause of an admiring world, and the sweet smiles of an approving conscience.
"So sinks the man, whose conduct Heaven approves." "When Angels venerate and Virtue loves." "When Lamenting Honor weeps upon her hearse." "And when in Gold, the monumental verse;" "While Glory beams on Death's retiring gloom," "And with refulgent splendor crowns his Tomb."
The life of JOHN PAGE has been eminently useful to his country, and honorable to himself. At that awful crisis, when we had no national existence—when the demagogues of party shrunk with dismay from the gathering gloom of "the times that tried men's souls," he nobly dared to brave the fury and the terrors of royal vengeance. The storm was awful, but our beloved PAGE, stood secure and collected on the basis of conscious virtue. Elected by the suffrages of his Fellow-Citizens to the most exalted stations in the gift of a free people, never did he shrink from his awful responsibility. A persecuted patriot, he willingly suffered the frowns of fortune and the calumnies of a powerful party, whose malice and envy his own illustrious merit excited and inflamed. Surveying the most glorious revolution, that ever adorned the annals of the world; while the tear of pity trembles in our eye for the sufferings of our Patriots & the blood of our Heroes; while we consider our independence, as the best blessing heaven can bestow, or that man can enjoy; never let us forget those excellent men, whose sufferings consecrated, and whose blood cemented the holy temple of our liberty. If a life devoted to the service of his country can entitle him to public respect and individual admiration, few are more eminently distinguished than JOHN PAGE. The magnitude of these sacrifices to which he was so constantly exposed; the painful privations he endured, will ever be remembered with admiration and delight. Few men entered the bloody scenes of our revolution richer; at its close many "like leeches that suck the life blood of society," filled with unmerited, mercenary apprehensions, assuming no decision of character, had fattened by mean and dishonorable speculations; yet, to his eternal honor, he it said, that splendid as was his original fortune, he wanted it poor; poor in every possession but the sweet smiles of an approving conscience and the lustre of a virtuous reputation.
The history of his life will be found in the history of his country. Strange indeed would it be, if his memory is not perpetuated to posterity by some memorial of the country's love. Partial and ungrateful would be that country, where the remains of Alexander Hamilton rot in state, inclosed in a splendid mausoleum, consecrated to the memory of "the Soldier of approved valor—the Statesman of consummate wisdom—the Patriot of exalted virtue and incorruptible integrity;" while JOHN PAGE, unknown and unknown, moulders in an humble grave. If respect be due to man, it is to him; eminently, who devotes his life to the service of his country from pure disinterested motives. The needy adulation for fame or fortune, who fights to acquire the applause of his commander and the admiration of the world; careless for whom or what he fights—no matter what his bravery or his merit, cannot be compared to the honest and enlightened patriot, who had no selfish interests at stake, was bound by no ties, urged by no principles but the love of liberty and man.
Twere superfluous to follow him from his active and useful services in Congress, to the honored shades of his retirement and his subsequent administration of the government of Virginia; his whole life indeed has been but a shining series of almost unexampled virtue and the most unblemished honor. It shows a man of exalted talents—a statesman of consummate wisdom—a patriot of incorruptible virtue—a veteran of 76, whose energy of mind, and firm decision of character in times of trial, and difficulty & dangers, entitled him to the love and thanks of after ages. In Richmond, where he resided during his term of office as our governor, all men of every party and of all descriptions, bear cheerful testimony to the purity of his principles and the excellence of his heart; and although he had narrowed the habitual exertion of his faculties; although the smallness of his revenue had contracted the sphere of his utility; still his name was venerated and respected to a degree of sincere and grateful affection, that the most exalted talents seldom, and which wealth never receives. His life was always correspondingly amiable. Never in old age has he deviated from those exalted principles which in youth he gloried in avowing. His manners were conciliating and highly polished; distinguished for the unaffected simplicity of a Virginian, alike removed from the obsequious servility of vulgar familiarity and the stiff formality of ceremonious pride.
Yet virtue cannot save her children from the grave, and PAGE now moulders in the silence of the tomb. Over that spot of earth, which his ashes consecrate, let no man pass regardless; let him behold with reverence and awe the ashes of that man who was once so useful to liberty and honorable to man; before whose awful frown the minions of despotism & the parasites of power once sunk in horror and dismay. The vivid flashes of that eye, and the thunders of that voice, which could once animate a nation and instruct the world, are now buried in the stillness of the tomb. But reason and revelation impart the consolation, that he has fled to another and a better world, where he still bends forward to behold the country for whose liberty and happiness he toiled and bled, and triumphed.
Shall not principles so pure, and talents and virtues so unquestionably eminent, entitle him to public affection, gratitude and respect? Unquestionably the people of Virginia will always venerate his example and cherish the memory of his services. The creation of a monument might flatter the vanity of private affection. But in my humble estimation, although monuments may be evidences of an idolizing party, they are no testimony of a grateful country. The paucity of country splendor is but little suited to the humble simplicity of republican institutions. No monument could be his proper and sufficient eulogium, whose generous and noble soul was so far superior to the flattery of praise. Had he been a bad man (as many bad ones obtain the testimony of monumental marbles to their praise), he would then have been unworthy of this ostentatious display of his country's affection; but if he was what my admiring soul conceives him to have been, he was above it.
The stranger that arrives in Florence, from the brilliant testimonies history records of the genius, patriotism and virtue of De Medici, asks for Lorenzo's Tomb. Not a stone is erected to his memory. ALL FLORENCE IS HIS MONUMENT. Such should be the monument of JOHN PAGE. EUERGETES.
We understand, that the Executive Council have been engaged two days in making arrangements under a letter of the Secretary of War, requiring the state of Virginia to hold in readiness a body of 10,000 troops, under the act of Congress authorising the President of the U. S. to call out a detachment of 100,000 troops.—The contents of the letter and the terms of requisition are nearly the same, as those which were received during the last year. It is not true, as has been reported, that this letter requires the Executive immediately to embody the quota of the militia of this state.
The Speech of Wm. L. SMITH of Charleston, on the establishment of Domestic Manufactures, is eminently worthy of perusal. It breathes the sentiments of patriotism and the dictates of truth, in the glowing strains of Eloquence.—It is particularly addressed to the bosoms of Federalists.—Mr. Smith was one of the most enthusiastic ad-
vocates of their party; but touched with the spirit of truth, he has done justice to the virtues of the administration, in the warmest language of the passions.—Mr. S. has long been one of the ablest sons of S. Carolina. The names of J. Q. Adams, Gray, and W. Smith, will eminently acquire the applause of their country, from the fearless intrepidity with which they have shaken off the shackles of prejudice.
Why have not the people of Richmond displayed the same honorable perseverance in the establishment of Domestic Manufactures, as the citizens of Charleston?
ELECTION OF ELECTORS.
Yesterday, the General Election of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, took place throughout this state. We have not heard of the result, except in this city, this county and our neighbor, Chesterfield. The reader will see that Mr. Madison has a decided majority. We have not the smallest doubt, that the results will be similar throughout the Commonwealth.
Madison Monroe Pinckney Ticket. Ticket. Ticket.
  Richmond City, 119 70 1   Henrico, 238 29 0   Chesterfield, 324 21 2 
We have to announce the death, (on the 13th Oct. at Abingdon, in the county of Washington, Va.) of WILLIAM KING, Esq. the man who had so eminently distinguished himself by the Salt-Works, which he has established and conducted in that county. About sixteen years since, he commenced his mercantile pursuits, on a capital of less than $500; but by his perseverance, enterprise and talents, he ascended to such a pitch of opulence, that he has left behind him an estate of much more than half a million.—Mr. K. was a native of Ireland. At an early age he visited the United States, & spent several years in the company of a merchant in Philadelphia. Removing to the western parts of Virginia, he visited the Salt-Works in the county of Washington, where he laid the foundation of his future fortunes. Gen. Russell was at that time employed in clearing a new business of salt from that part of the works, which had been allotted for the do-er of Mrs. Russell. Mr. KING had soon discovered the defective mode in which these works were then conducted, and the extensive profits which might accrue from a proper management. He accordingly rented this part of them, and in a few years, his industry & skill made them nearly as productive as the other two-thirds. After a lapse of several years, he commenced the digging of a well on a small tract of land, which he had himself purchased in the neighborhood of the other works. This well was upwards of 200 feet, in a damp earth, which would have continually fallen in upon the workmen, if it had not been supported by logs introduced into the well, as they descended. His mercantile talents were equally commensurate with his spirit of adventure. He had extended his partnerships over the whole state of Tennessee, and a considerable part of the Western Counties of Virginia.—His views were like-wise bent towards every species of manufactures, to which he imparted the most liberal encouragement.—Wm. KING too, was the patron of the Arts and Sciences. To these he has given the last and most striking proof of his regard, by bequeathing Ten Thousand Dollars to the Abingdon Academy.
Such a man as this, deserves the gratitude and regret of every good man. It is but seldom that we see an individual rising from such small elements to such a pinnacle of wealth, and still smaller elements, rising only by the aid of an enterprising spirit of useful adventure, linking his own interest to those of a whole country, establishing so large a manufacturing of one of the greatest necessities of life, using his great opulence and carrying his influence so highly along as to acquire the love of the extensive community within which he came into contact, and finally giving back to society, in the way in which it could most usefully be vested, a respectable part of that honest wealth which was acquired by his talents, his perseverance, and his enterprise. Such a man was Mr. KING. It is a melancholy consideration, that there are so few of such men among us.—The vast majority of human beings in the United States, sink to the tomb, without leaving any other blank in society, than a small though affecting vacancy in the circle of their family and friends.—But when such men as Wm. KING repose in peace, the enlightened heart confesses, that the loss of their friends is the loss of their country.
To JOSEPH SMITH, of Alexandria, in the district of Columbia.—Take notice that I shall proceed to take the deposition of Benjamin Dawson, at the Washington Tavern, in the city of Richmond, and state of Virginia, on the 29th day of this present month, between the hours of nine o'clock in the morning, and five in the evening of the same day, to be read in evidence in a suit now depending in the district court of Hay Market—myself against you, where you may attend if you will. Wm. DAWSON. [U]
BY virtue of a deed of trust, executed to the subscriber, by Brett Randolph and David Rattray, which is recorded in the district court of Richmond, will be sold, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Powhatan Court House, on Monday the 19th day of December next, the following SLAVES, to wit: Solomon, Sukey and her child, Arthur and Scipio, or so many thereof, as will be sufficient to raise the sum of £308 with interest thereon, from the 2d day of April last, and the costs necessarily incurred, by carrying the said trust into execution, which sum is due to Messrs. Lyle, Scott and Sainders. RICHARD B. GOODE. [oaw4w]
FOR SALE, a likely young mulatto WOMAN, 19 years old, brought up as a nurse & house servant, in a private family, in the country; a mulatto MAN about 41 or 42, brought up as an ostler and driver in the same family: Also, 12 rable and well broke MULAS. Credit for 3-4ths of the value, and for 12 months, will be given on receiving proper security. Apply to Mr. Neil McCoull. nov. 8. [3w]
HOBDAY & SEATON, adjoining the City Hotel, on the Cross-Street from the Brick-Row to the Governor's house, respectfully inform their friends and the public, that they have commenced business in FANCY & WINDSOR CHAIR-MAKING, TURNING, SIGN-PAINTING, GILDING, &c. and solicit patronage, intending always to employ the best materials, and the best skill in the line of their profession, they hope to give universal satisfaction. nov. 8. [U]
MANCHESTER TURNPIKE COMPANY.—The annual meeting of Stockholders, will be held at Mr. Brooks's tavern, in Manchester, on the first Monday in December next:—Special matters of business, important to the interest of the company, require a full meeting; hence it is expected, that such members as cannot attend in person, will appoint deputies to act for them. JAMES BRANDER, CLK. nov. 8. [Edm]
ACCOMMODATIONS as usual, for five or twenty Members of the General Assembly, by ALEXANDER QUAMTER. nov. 8. [2]
WANTED to hire a man COOK from the 1st Dec.—Enquire at this Office. nov. 8. [3]

EXTERIOR.
French official account of the latest events in Spain.
PARIS, Sept. 9.
Of enlightened men, and enlarged ideas, anxious to see their country governed by a constitution calculated to secure the rights of the nation, there are a great number in Spain. That kingdom also boasts many men, whose views were attached to the success of many a scene in the revolution of France.
One part of the territorial property is in the possession of the secular Clergy. The monks, for the most part, illiterate and bigoted in the extreme, exercise a considerable influence over the minds of the lower orders, who are more ignorant than the people of any other country, and have consequently for the last century, only made progress in superstition and ignorance.
The events at the Escurial and Aranjuez which have made a deep impression on the respect due to the throne, the convocation of a Junta at Bayonne for the purpose of forming the grounds of a constitution, the unforeseen and extraordinary events of the 2d. of May at Madrid, all these things have set the passions afloat, and have wound up both hope and fear to the highest pitch.
The English faction could not overlook the opportunity to derive every advantage from this state of things: It has all along been very active and powerful in the ports, & its influence has been felt even in Madrid. It has by the public situation of the continent acquired strength, and more particularly so by the sacrifices imposed on the Spanish trade by the currency of circumstances. Thus seconded, their arts were not unsuccessful in establishing the notion of giving up the alliance with France, to form an union with England, and this secret wish had a considerable influence on the events of Aranjuez and those that followed.
The majority of the good and enlightened individuals of the nation, composing the nobility and dignitaries of the church, was animated with a commendable spirit, but the party of the inquisition of monks, instigated by numerous agents stipendiary by England in Spain, availed themselves of the blindness and stupidity of the lower orders of the people, misled them by false rumours, put arms into the hands of the needy class, and at the end of May the insurrection broke out, at the very time that all the arrangements respecting Spain, had been perfected, and that the Junta at Bayonne was meeting, and its operations commencing.
At Valladolid, Saragossa, Valencia, Seville, &c, miracles were solemnly proclaimed: these jugglery tricks, which with every other nation on the continent would only have met with contemptuous derision, have made upon the minds of the Spaniards their fullest impression. On the coasts a numerous party, known by its antipathy to France, and which was excited to make common cause with England, in order to recover the liberty of trade, spurred the people on, and feigned to give credence to the superstitious announcements. Moral disorders arose from such disposition, which communicated at the same time to the provinces of Navarre, Arragon, Estremadura, Castile, Leon, Asturias, and Galicia.
They began on the 17th of May in the southern provinces. The counsellor of state Don Miguel de Saavedra was captain general of the kingdom of Valencia, and attempted to oppose the views of the insurgents, his life was threatened and he fled to Requena; but the insurgents informed of his abode, crowded thither, seized his person, conducted him to Valencia, and there murdered him near the hotel of count Cerralvon, who seemed to have their confidence, but whose efforts, nevertheless, to rescue the unhappy proved fruitless. The head of Don Miguel de Saavedra was impaled, carried through all the streets, and subsequently placed at the top of a pyramid, whilst the Marquis of Ariza, on whom a similar fate was impending, narrowly escaped it.
On the first burst of the insurrection, the insurgents demanded that all the goods belonging to the French residing in the kingdom, should be declared forfeited, and their persons secured in the citadel. A few days after they dragged the crew of a French ship which had been pursued by an English frigate, and sought refuge on the Spanish coast, into prison. On the 14th of June, they in a fresh paroxysm of fury, massacred these captives; however on the 17th June the members of the Junta, who had been constrained, on forfeiture of life, to take part in the committee, arraigned by a solemn act the author of those atrocities, giving him up to constitutional authority, and naming as such, Balthazar Calbo, a minister of the altar, and the member of the chapter of St. Isidore, at Madrid.
At Cuenca, the corregidor and the intendant were thrown into chains, and carried off by the riotous boors, who, before they departed, pillaged the houses of these two respectable magistrates, and abused their families. At Carthagena the people murdered the governor, who had for a long time enjoyed the public esteem. At Granada, on the 30th of May, arrived general Truxillo, governor of Malaga; he was murdered by the people; his body dragged through the streets, cut in pieces, and afterwards burnt. At Algeciras, the 2d. of June, the French consul was cast into prison, and the rioters demanded his head; but the resolution of the well-disposed prevented the commission of this new excess. At St. Lucar de Barameda, they massacred the governor of that place, a man equally distinguished by his rank and merits. At Jaen, the peasants forced the citizens to quit their houses and property, murdered the corregidor, and plundered the town.
Seville having raised the standard of revolt, formed a factious junta, and part of the soldiery from the camp of St. Reqi and from Cadiz, invited by the high encouragements held out to them by the insurgents, joined the party, and the first evidence that they gave of their force was the murder of count Aguila, one of the most respectable characters of Seville, whilst a captain of smugglers was nominated chief of the insurgents, consisting of monks, deserters, and smugglers, drew out in arms to beset the passage thro' Cordova.
At Cadiz the people rose on the 29th of May, against the lieutenant-general Solano, marquis del Socorro, the captain-general of the province, and governor of the city, a man hitherto universally revered. The insurgents then drew arms from the barracks, and a camp from the bulwarks, fell upon the hotel of the governor, seized his person, & produced him in the most atrocious manner. At Carollina, they decapitated the governor, who had presumed to expose the disorders. No less horrible were the excesses committed in Navarre, Arragon and Catalonia. At Saragossa, the peasants shot the colonel of the king's regiment of dragoons; and 33
officers of the same party, against whom they revolted, were massacred in the most inhuman manner.
The same hatred to all authority, and to all men vested with office, produced similar scenes in Estremadura and the Castile. At Badajoz, the insurrection broke out on May 30, and was in an instant matured. The hotel of the governor, count de la Torre del Fresno, was assaulted. These insurgents demanded arms, and to be enrolled; when the governor, with the bishops, appeared at the balcony, exhorting the multitude to retire, but in vain; the infuriated would listen to no reason, they overpowered the guard of the palace, rushed into the chamber of the governor, forced him, and dragged him as far as the palm gate, where with knives and sticks they murdered him, exhibiting the naked and bleeding corpse to his wife, whilst they rifled the palace. At Valladolid, general Don Miguel Cevallos, commandant of engineers, was on the 3d. of June, in consequence of an order of general Cuesta, cast into the prison Carbonico, but the insurgents drew him out, and cut him in pieces in presence of his wife and children, carried his head around on a pike, and divided among themselves the limbs, which were dragged about the streets, in token of trophy. At Talavera, on the 5th of June, the governor was disposed to punish the rioters, whereupon they cried out for the head, and he owes his preservation merely to a narrow escape facilitated to him by a few brave men.
The Provinces of Leon and Asturias were at the same time scenes of the most tragic events. At Coruña, Gen. Filangieri endeavoured to mitigate by persuasion, the fury of the peasantry; he would have been shot, had not an Artillery Officer stopped before him and saved his life; the insurgents, nevertheless, on the day following, penetrated into and seized his Palace, which they demolished, he having sought an asylum in the convent of St. Domingo. At Ferrol, on the 22d of July, they plundered the house of the Lieutenant General of Marine, Obregon, and having discovered him in the Manufacturery of Iquenda, they incarcerated him at St. Antonio.
In the Kingdom of Leon, the peasants drew up in different towns, burghs and villages, having cut off the heads of many respectable citizens; and it was announced that the Governor of Coruña, the Corregidor of Leon, and Count Castro Fuente, colonel of the militia of Vallo, being placed in the hands of General Cuesta, should be delivered over to the executioner.
In every direction the men, who by their worth, virtue and fortune, had excited universal respect, paid with their lives the gallant resistance, and the love for their country which they opposed to dissolution and riot; whilst committees of insurrection made themselves masters of the public funds, organized themselves, and inspired all the good and honest with terror.
The ministers, the members of the junta of Madrid, and of the commission of government, used every exertion to pacify, but in vain; the multitude could not be reduced to obedience, ignorant and deluded men wanting to grasp at power and plunder.
This exasperation was the inevitable consequence of the state of insecurity, the suffering and misfortune into which this government had precipitated the Spanish nation. She was prepared and awakened by the artifices of England, and by the disorder of public Nationalities, sprung from those of parties and of the times. It became necessary to recur to arms to bridle the insane and to deter the malevolent.
Marshal Bessieres directed on the outset, different detachments upon Logronno, Saragossa, Segovia, Valladolid and St. Andero, which columns, though not numerous, had respectively all success, without suffering any material injury.
The town of Logronno had raised the standard of insurrection, and chosen for its chief a mason, one of the unworkstinted fellows of the district. General Verdier was ordered to march with two battalions, surrounded the city, and drove on the 6th of June, the insurgents to flight, taking from them six cannons, brought the most riotous to punishment, and replaced in the government of the town the principal citizens who had been cast into prison, returning subsequently to Vittoria.
General Frere had marched upon Segovia, where commotions had also taken place, and on the 7th of June, being arrived within a quarter of a mile of the city, he sent a parley to the magistracy in order to bring the insurgents to a sense of their duty—these, five thousand men strong with thirty cannons, would not permit the parley to approach, but fired on him with cannon, which induced the General to make the assault without delay, and the place was taken by force, a great number of the insurgents having been crippled, many taken prisoners, and all their cannon taken from them. The city having been freed of the insurgents and left to itself, submitted.
General Lasalle drew from Burgos to Torquemada, where six thousand insurgents had waited, which on the 7th he caused to be attacked by 600 chasseurs—they were dispersed, leaving twelve hundred dead on the spot—the village of Torquemada was reduced to ashes.
General Lasalle marched on the 8th to Palencia, which as he was approaching, a deputation with the Bishop at their head, met him, bringing him the submission of the town, which immediately returned to its duty accordingly. The 9th and the 10th days were consumed in disarming the town and province of Palencia.
On the 12th, he advanced to Duennas, where he formed a junction with General Merle, and from whence he continued his march to Valladolid. Here the mania had been strongly developed, and General Cuesta, captain general, had put himself, at the head of the malcontents, and taken post at Cabesón, with 7,000 insurgents, and six pieces of Artillery. After having reconnoitered the position of the insurgents, General Lasalle was ordered to force them in it, whilst General Merle was directed to cut off his retreat to Valladolid. The firing lasted but one half hour, and the insurgents were completely beaten, scattered in every direction on the field of battle, leaving their artillery, 4,000 muskets, and about 1,000 killed and 2,000 prisoners.
The bishops of Valladolid, with the principal Clergy of the city, came to meet General Lasalle, supplicating forgiveness for the city and its inhabitants. The French division drew into the city amidst a multitude, that had merited severe chastisement, and with admiration beheld the goodness and forbearance of the French. The city and the provinces were disarmed, whilst ten members of the council of Palencia, Segovia and Valladolid, were deputed to go to his catholic majesty at Bayonne, there to supplicate his
clemency, in the act tendering the fealty of their fellow citizens.
The bishop of St. Andero having instigated his Diocessans to revolt, and abandoned himself to all manner of frantic excess, General Merle proceeded to the mountains of St. Andero, where General Ducos had repaired. Upon the morning of the 21st, he fell upon the insurgents, drove them from all their positions, and took two 18 pounders from them, which they had barely been enabled to fire twice, with grape, without wounding any body—on their part the loss was considerable.
On the 20th, General Ducos arrived at Soncillo, attacked the insurgents and repulsed them to the distance of one mile. On the 21st he did the same on the road of La Venta de Pesado, which was defended by four guns and 4,000 men. On the 22d he was within four miles of Adero.
On the 22d General Merle and Ducos entered St. Andero, the one on the side of Torro de La Vega, and the other along the way of Pesado; and no sooner had they entered the city, than the peasants returned in all parts to their homes, and the inhabitants back to their city. The city of St. Andero having made submission, made solemn oath of fidelity to his Catholic Majesty, as Segovia, Palencia and Valladolid had done.
In such manner did the troops under Marshal Bessieres, in a few days, take 30 pieces of artillery, five thousand stand of arms, disarmed Palencia, Valladolid, &c. which ensured quietness in Navarre, Guipuscoa, Alava and Biscay.
During the first operations of Marshal Bessieres, troubles had also broke out in the southern extremities of Navarre and Arragon.
General Lefebvre des Vouetres set out from Pamplona, at the head of 3000 men, mostly composed of the 1st Pikenemen, and the first regiment of the Hussars; he drew up towards Rueda, where a squadron of from three to four thousand men had arrived from Saragossa; he attacked and dispersed them on the 9th of June, taking from them six pieces of artillery, and castigating the heads of the insurrection. He caused the bridge over the Ebro, which had been burnt down, to be re-established and marched at the head of the Polish Pikenemen, upon Mallen, where the insurgents, reinforced from Saragossa, had taken a fresh post. He arrived there on the 13th and immediately attacked them; one single charge of the Poles suffered to overthrow and put them to flight, leaving the five pieces of artillery which they had behind them. He proceeded on the 14th to Alagon, where the insurgents, from 3 to 4000 strong, were put to flight and lost their cannon; nor did they on the 16th offer any ulterior resistance in the olive fields of Saragossa. The actions of Epila en Monte, Mervero, on the 23d & 29th had the same results.
In all these different expeditions, the Insurgents had from 2 to 3000 men killed, and many wounded. A vast number of them have been made prisoners, and 30 pieces of artillery taken, whilst ours consists barely of from 20 to 30 killed, and from 60 to 80 wounded.
General Verdier joined, under Saragossa, gen. Lefebvre, and began to shut up the place. On the 2d July, having played off two howitzers, he took the Convent of St. Joseph, which covered part of the city. From the 2d to the 13th July, arrangements were made to compress the insurgents more and more, and to gather the materials for throwing a floating bridge over the Ebro. On the 11th, the project of the river was made by force, and some troops were posted on the left side to protect the formation of the bridge, which on the 12th at noon was complete. In the interjacent different corps had met in the plans to break the communication, but they were at Almunia, Catayud on the Tauste, defeated, losing in the various engagements many men and necessaries of war. The troops that beset the left bank of the Ebro before Saragossa, sustained also various attacks from detachments of the city, but the insurgents were repulsed in every encounter, losing altogether, but especially at Jonsival many men and many field pieces, all eight pounders.
(To be Continued.)
French and German Papers.
PARIS, Sept. 8.
It is positively stated that marshal Lannes is to have the command in Spain.
Yesterday a considerable detachment of the grenadiers of the imperial life guards set off for Strasburgh; 200 hackney coaches were pressed to convey them as far as Clare, which is four leagues from this city, where the necessary vehicles were in readiness to transport them farther. The troops on their march for Spain are forwarded on their route in waggons, each district they pass through being obliged to furnish a certain number of carriages and horses.
A journey which it is supposed his majesty will shortly undertake, is the subject of much conversation in this capital. It is rumored that his majesty intends to repair to Weimar, and that the Russian emperor is also expected there.
It is rumored that gen. St. Cyr goes to take the command of a corps of the army in Spain. Gen. Vandamme will succeed him in the command of the army stationed on the coasts of the channel.
MILAN, Sept. 4.
The 2d corps of the army, which was encamped at Friaul, is breaking up. The emperor by an order of the 28th ult. places this corps, as well as the whole of the army of Italy, on the footing of the peace establishment. Gen. Baraguay D'Hilliers, who commanded, succeeds gen. Lauriston as governor of Venice. The latter proceeds to resume his functions as one of his majesty's aids de camps. This intelligence which may be relied on, is more than sufficient to demonstrate the harmony which exists among all the continental powers, and to put an end to all the rumours circulated by stock jobbers.
COPARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED. —In pursuance of the authority given to each partner, by the articles of copartnership, entered into between Asa Dodge and the Subscriber, lately pursuing business in this city, under the firm of Dodge and Cobb, the aforesaid copartnership is hereby declared dissolved.
In consequence of the embarrassed situation of the business, the creditors of the said Dodge and Cobb are informed, that all their Goods and effects, including Book Debts, notes, Bills, &c. are conveyed and assigned to Wm. Marshall, Esq. and Benjamin Kimball, for the benefit of such creditors, as close to subscribe to the conditions of the Deed of conveyance in ten days from the date thereof. The Deed is in the hands of said Kimball, to whom all who are indebted to said firm, will please pay their balances immediately.
GERSHOM COBB.
Oct. 25.
THE partnership of PICKETT, POLLARD AND JOHNSTON, will be dissolved on the first day of January next; all those indebted to them are requested to make immediate payment. If payment is not made by the first of January, suits will be brought indiscriminately. They offer for sale the following valuable property:—
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATE OF KENTUCKY.
One tract of 1000 acres lying on Muddy river, a branch of Green river, on which there is a valuable salt lick.
One other tract of 1000 acres on the waters of Muddy river, on which there is also a salt lick.
One other tract of 1000 acres on the same waters.
One other tract of 1000 acres on the same waters.
One other tract of 1000 acres on Cypress creek, a branch of Muddy river, about 60 acres of which are cleared, and on it a Peach Orchard, producing the largest and perhaps the best fruit in that Country.
One other tract of 1000 acres, on Muddy river.
One other tract of 1000 acres on Cypress creek.
One other tract of 1000 acres on Highland Creek.
The above eight tracts of Land, lie adjoining to each other. The soil is excellent for farming, and a person whom we employed to examine the quality, pronounces it the finest body of Oak Land he ever saw.
One other tract of 665 2-3 acres lying in the big bend of Green river, one third thereof, choice low grounds, the rest hilly but rich.
One other tract of 1398 acres, near the Ohio, 16 about miles below the Red Banks, lying in a large bottom, called the Walnut bottom; every foot thereof, beautiful low grounds, and as rich as it is possible for Land to be.
One other tract of 102 acres, on the waters of Grave creek, a branch of Green river.
MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATE OF OHIO.
One tract of 1000 acres, surveyed and patented to Robert Gibbons, Hurl & Co. lying on the waters of Cassa's creek, adjoining to Nathaniel Pendleton's survey.
One tract of 1500 acres, surveyed for Thomas Gaskins, and patented to Charles Johnston, lying on the waters of the little Miami, adjoining the survey of Archibald Johnston, and others, No. 2386, and Anderson's and Carrington's survey, No. 550.
One other tract of 1000 acres, surveyed for Wm. Talbot and others, heirs at law of Wm. Worsham, and patented to us; lying on the waters of the west fork of Sciota, about 2 miles from the river, adjoining Samuel Seldons, Isaac Jefferies, and Peter Talbot's surveys.
One tract of 666 2-3 acres, surveyed and patented as above, lying on the same waters, adjoining John Phillips's survey.
One tract of 800 acres, surveyed for Doctor Wm. Carter, and patented to Joseph Jackson & Charles Spencer, lying on the upper side of Darby's creek.
PROPERTY IN THE CITY OF WASHINGTON.
Lott No. 5. in square No. 319; 59 feet front & 100 feet back.
Lotts No. 2, 3, 4 and 16, in square No. 345—same dimensions each.
Lotts 3, 4, 15 and 17, in square No. 378, about 61 feet front, and 137 feet back, each.
The whole of these Lotts lie in the neighborhood of the President's house, and some of them in a very thickly settled part of the city.
PROPERTY IN RICHMOND.
One Brick Dwelling-house on Shoddy-Hill, at present occupied by Mr. L. Taste, nearly opposite to Mrs. Page's.
All their Property at Rocketts (in which Richard Young is one-fourth interested,) consisting of four wharfs, one house calculated for a retail shop, one lumber-house 20 feet by 60, one comfortable dwelling-house, together with a number of valuable water lots, on which wharfs may conveniently be erected.
PROPERTY IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF RICHMOND.
One tract of Land about five miles from town, containing 145 acres, lying on both sides the new turnpike road, adjoining Mrs. Price.
One other tract, containing 89 acres, about 7 miles from town, lying adjoining the three chop roads, on the north side.
Any of the above property may be had on an extensive credit. They also wish to dispose of the lease of the house on the main street, at present occupied by them as a counting house, between 2 and 3 years of which is unexpired.
MERCHANDISE.
8 Casks fine fresh Hyson Tea,
1000 Pieces India Nankeens,
1000 Sacks Salt,
40 Crates well assorted Liverpool Ware,
8 Cases of fine Medock Claret amongst the best ever imported into this state for sale.
5 Cases common Claret, &c. &c.
GEORGE PICKETT,
ROBERT POLLARD,
CHARLES JOHNSTON.
September 6.
VIRGINIA. —At a Superior Court of Chancery, held at the Capitol, in Richmond, Sept. the 18th, 1807.
John Hopkins, Plaintiff—Against Corbin Griffin, Henry Lee, Saml. G. Adams, John Banks & John Harvie, Defendants.
This suit abates as to the defendant, Jno. Harvie, by his death, and on the motion of the Plaintiff, by counsel, a Subpoena Subponas, to revive against Edwin Harvie, his executor, is awarded returnable here, and the defendant Saml. G. Adams, upon whom an attachment for his contempt in not answering the bill of the plaintiff, had been returned executed, still failing to answer the same, the court, on motion of the Plaintiff, by counsel, doth take his bill for confessed as to that defendant, and the cause coming on to be heard, as to the defendant, John Banks, on the bill and his answer, and being argued by counsel, on consideration thereof, the court doth refer the accounts between the parties in this suit to one of its Commissioners to be by him examined, stated and settled, and to the court reported, with any matters specially stated, though pertinent by himself, or required by the practice to be stated, unless the defendants, Corbin Griffin, Saml. G. Adams and Edwin Harvie, on or before the 10th day of the term next, after they shall have been served, with a copy of this order, show cause to the contrary.
A Copy—Teste,
PETER TINSLEY, c. c.
COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE, Richmond, 7th October, 1808.
This parties concerned, Taverne in this city, on the 6th day of Dec. next, at which time I shall proceed to carry the above decree order into effect.
PATRICK HENDREN, M. Commissioner.
Oct. 11.
AT PRIVATE SALE, BY MYERS'S AUCTION
Store, just received—
4 Bales Kendal Cottons,
3 Bales blue and white mixed Kerseys,
3 Bales Half-Ticks, assorted—white, blue, green and mixed,
2 Bales Welsh Plains—white and blue,
3 Bales Coating—blue and red,
5 Cases London fashionable Beaver Hats,
And an additional supply of the best Dutch
BOLTING CLOTHS. Also, in Store, Prime
Muscovado Sugars, in hds. and bbs. Loaf Sugar, Molasses, old Madeira Wine, a quantity of Gin Cases and Demijohns. Oct. 11. [Tf]
NOTICE. —Cash given for Northern & Southern Bank NOTES at a moderate discount by
SIMPSON MORRIS.
Richmond, Sept 14.
In pursuance of a decree in Chancery, made by the Court of the U. States for the 5th circuit, in the district of Virginia at the November term, in the year 1803, we shall expose to Public Auction, at the time and place hereinafter mentioned: Two TRACTS in the county of Goochland, on the Beaver Dam Creek, containing nine hundred acres; and the other called Little-Island, containing 10 acres, at Goochland courthouse on the court day thereof, on Monday the 21st day of November, 1808. The dower of the widow of Wm. Ronald, will be first deducted, and the conditions on which the said land are directed under the said decree, will appear therein and will be communicated on the day of sale. The terms of payment will be as follows: one fourth of the purchase money to be paid in cash, and the remaining three fourths in three equal installments of six, twelve and eighteen months credit. In all other respects the aforesaid decree will be pursued.
WM. BERKELEY, JOSIAH ELLIS, } Commissioners. WM. MANN, }
September 13.
[Laww.] The sale of the above property has repeatedly been postponed but will positively take place on the day above mentioned.
WANTED as a TUTOR, in a private family, a single man qualified to teach the Latin and English language, grammar, mathematics, and arithmetic. Apply to Charles Woodson, Cambridge county, near Canterbury. Oct. 25.
NOTICE. —In the year 1793, a request was made by letter from a gentleman in Virginia, (through Mr. Joseph Johnson, Consul in London) to Mr. Thomas Digges, then in England, to make enquiry for the heirs or the family of a Mr. Abraham Milnes, who, when a youth, left Briggshouse near Huddersfield in Yorkshire, for America, and was a clerk to a merchant in Virginia, afterwards kept a store of his own, had a partner in trade, & died unmarried, about the year 1753, leaving landed and other property. Unfortunately, by the loss at sea, of the Ship Jane and Rachel, capt. Dade from London to Alexandria, in the year 1793, the letters of request and other papers and memorandums were lost, and even the writer's name, which is supposed to be Farly or Farley, as well as his place of residence has been forgotten, but is presumed to be near Petersburg in Virginia.
The subscribers, or either of them, will be much obliged to any one, informed of either of the parties above alluded to, or can give any trace as to their residence, or informed of any landed or other property of said deceased Abraham Milnes, by letter directed to the subscribers as below; and they will thankfully pay any costs for ascertaining the names, places of residence, or effects of said deceased, &c. &c.
GEO: MILNES, Merchant Boston, Maryland.
THOS. DIGGES, Port Warburton, Potomac, Maryland.
GEO: W. RIGGS, George-Town, October 14. [3m]
* His name