The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1807-11-03 00:00:00

The Enquirer.
PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE, OPPOSITE THE POST-OFFICE.....AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.....(PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.)
VOLUME 4.]
RICHMOND, TUESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 3, 1807.
[NUMBER 51.]
VIRGINIA BANK STOCK.....102.
Richmond Prices Current.
Table with 3 columns: Item, D., C. Rows include TOBACCO, WHEAT, NEW, FLOUR-SUPERFINE, NEW, PINE, CORN, PER BARREL, BACON PER 100, BEER IRON-PER TON, BEER-PER TON, WHISKEY-PER GALLON.
GERARD BANKS,
HAS IT IN VIEW TO ESTABLISH A NEW SPAPER, IN RICHMOND, TO BE PUBLISHED TWICE A WEEK; THE TITLE-
THE VIRGINIAN.
THE EDITOR has been always attached to Republican principles. The present Administration, in his view, is well calculated to secure the happiness of the people...
500 Subscribers at 5 Dols. per annum each, one half in advance, are necessary to the commencement of the Paper. GERARD BANKS. Richmond, October 30.
MAHOGANY & LOGWOOD.
For Sale, at public auction, on FRIDAY, the ninth day of November, at Portsmouth: THE CARGO of the Brig George, James Cox master, a cargo of superior quality MAHOGANY & LOGWOOD...
JOHN COX, v. M. St. October 30.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
LOST OR STOLEN, THE LAST EVENING, A SMALL RED MOROCCO OVAL POCKET-BOOK, containing about one hundred & eighty dollars in Bank-Notes...
JUST RECEIVED, A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, OF SUPERIOR QUALITY, FOR SALE BY J. BARMEDATT. October 28.
JOHN ALCOCK,
Inform his friends and the public at large, that he has just received, and is now opening, next door to Mr. Miller's Coffee and Merchandise's vendue, a large assortment of
MERCHANDIZE,
CONSISTING OF THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES: CARPENTERS and joiners Tools, iron and steel Locks and Hinges, for house work and cabinet Ware...
FOR SALE.
THE subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security. SAM'L. GREENHOW. Oct. 7.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT A PETITION will be presented to the next Virginia Assembly, to authorise the subscriber to build a BRIDGE over Pamunkey River, from New-Castle to the opposite side. JOHN M. SYME. Sept. 12.
WILLIAM MURPHY, Trustee.
By virtue of a deed of trust, executed on the fifth day of May last to the publisher, by Frederick Totten and Richard Carter, for the purpose of securing certain debts...
RICHMOND TURNPIKE COMPANY.
At a meeting of the Directors of the said Company, on Saturday the 10th of October, 1807—RESOLVED, That all Shareholders of delinquent stock-holders in the said company, be held at auction, before the front door of the Eagle Tavern, in the City of Richmond, on Monday the 23rd of next month. A Copy. Teste, N. SHEPPARD, Clerk. Oct. 14.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN.
THAT the said Common Hall will proceed, at the next monthly meeting, (which is the third Monday in next month) to elect one person to act as a Police Master for the said City, whose salary will be eight hundred dollars per annum; and one other person to act as Captain of the night watch for the said City. N. SHEPPARD, C. C. H. Oct. 22.
ELLIS & ALLEN,
ARE OPENING AN EXTENSIVE ASSORTMENT OF FALL & FASHIONABLE GOODS, (Selected by one of the partners), Received by the CARRIE from London and PROTECTRESS from Liverpool:
—ARMOURY WEAR &c.— BEST London superfine and extra superfine Cloths, and superfine double and single milled Kerseymeres, Parent Prince's Cord, Royal parent Satin Velvets, Neat Panalooms, Quiltings, Toilets, Spanish, Manilla, Cereffian, Stripes, and rich dress Silks, Silk Outings, Black Thoroughs and Melaines for veils, Gentlemen's Vandykes, Worsted, cotton, silk and Angora Hosiery, Plain and figured Cambric, from 3-2 to 9-8, Strong Black cotton and worsted ditto, Gentlemen's Fashionable Hats, and recent Hats, His Highness's Boots and top Boots, Elegant Cambric Handkerchiefs, Sarcenets, Crapes, and extra and imperial Nets, Italian Silks and Chasabrayas, Cambries and Mullins, Fawn, Crimson, Nigonia & India Mullies, 6-4 & 1-4, Maroons of different colors, Soldier Net Balcon, Bedoune, Lyle and Barrow's Nets and Tappes, Ladies' Best Kid Gloves, Lymerick and York Town Gloves, 4-4 with Laces, 3-4 Sheeting, Long Lawns, and many with Diaper and Damask table Cloths, Irish and French Cambricks, Swiss and Swiss Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls, Cambricks and Mulls...
DOCT. DANDRIDGE
HAVING taken the small settlement lately the property of Mr. Daniel Gordon of Manchester, purports practicing PHYSIC & SURGERY in this town and its vicinity. Manchester, Oct. 24.
DODGE & COBB,
HAVE just received a very general and elegant assortment of FALL & WINTER GOODS; Which are much lower than ever before sold in this City. October 22.
NOW LANDING AND FOR SALE,
30 hds. Loaf Sugar, 20 hds. Rye Whiskey, 17 hds. Average Rum, 10 Tieses Prime green Coffee, 30 hds. 1st quality brown Sugar, 25 boxes Cotton Cards, 10 calls Melangs Wine, 2 ton Rating Shot.
IN STORE
40 bags Green Coffee, 20 bags Pepper, 30 boxes 9 by 10 Glass, 20 trunks Shoes, 2 ton fine Lead, 50 hds. N. E. Rum, 15 pipes old proof Cognac, 100 Brandy, 20 Kegs Hamilton's Stout, TERMS liberal, and made known on application to HENRY HOVEY. October 30, 1807.
NOTICE.
THE Creditors of Mr. George Greenhow, are hereby notified, that a Dividend will be made at our Vendue Office, on Monday, the 9th of November next, where they are desired to attend with their accounts properly authenticated. TAYLOR & BROWN, Trustees. Oct. 20.
FOUND.
On Monday last, in the Street, A VIRGINIA BANK NOTE of 20 dollars Apply at the Office of the Enquirer. October 30.
DRUMS, Fife, Swords, Belts, Nuts, Epaulettes, Stocks and Cockades, to be had at Enoch Sullivan's Jew-ery Store. August 7.
ROYSTON & BOHANNAN.
Have just received a general assortment of GROCERIES, AMONGST WHICH ARE—
TWELVE Hundred Sacks Liverpool Salt, 10 hds W. India Rum, 10 do. England do, 10 casks Sherry, 10 do. Lisbon, 10 do. Malaga, 3 hds Teneriffa, 24 hds. Sugar, 14 do. Loaf do, 50 boxes N. Y. Candles, 50 do. best yellow Soap, 100 reams wrapping Paper, 12 pints, 1/2 Gill, 3 Gill, 6 pipes F. Brandy, 10 hds. Molasses, 20 Tieses Whiskey, 10 casks Y. Hylon Tea, 10 do. Imperial do, 20 bags Coffee, 1 case Cutlery Ware, well assorted, Powder, Shot, Window Glass assorted, Copperas, Lopper's Snuff, Bristle, 20 boxes Spanish Segars, Mustard by box, 12 boxes Glass Ware, 3 Nutmegs by quantity, ALSO—An assortment of Stone Ware; together with a number of other articles, which they will sell lower than Cash, country produce or good acceptances in town. October 30.
FOR SALE.
FIFTEEN SHARES in the James River Company. Twenty do. in the Manchester Turnpike. ALSO—Virginia Land Warrants. THOMAS NORVELL. October 30.
HOUSES FOR SALE OR RENT.
THE Subscriber is authorised to Rent or Lease several commodious TENEMENTS on Shockoe Hill, belonging to Maj. Wm. Du Val, and to the estate of the late Gen. C. Wythe, some of those Tenements are well calculated for stores, others for private dwellings. He wishes to sell or lease several valuable TENEMENTS in the neighbourhood of his late residence, the prices of which will be moderate and time given for the payment. For particulars enquire of Mr. Wm. Dawson, or to WM. PRICE. Richmond, October 30.
NEGROES FOR SALE.
By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to us by Edwin Lord, in order to secure the payment of a certain sum of money therein mentioned, to Grist Truly, will certainly be sold for cash, at America court-house, on Thursday the 28th of November next, (it being court day) TWO NEGROES. JNO. T. LEIGH, JOS. PERKINSON, Trustees. Amelia, Oct. 24.
The Enquirer.
RICHMOND, NOVEMBER 3.
TRIAL OF AARON BURR.
MOTION FOR COMMITMENT. TUESDAY, October 6.
Evidence of Major James Duff.
Mr. Martin. Had you any communications with Gen. Wilkinson about the time of his return to St. Louis? [Mr. Hay requested that the object for which the witness was introduced should be stated. Mr. Martin said, it was to prove the time as Timothy Kilby; that Gen. Wilkinson held out the same inducements to him to join in an expedition against the Spaniards. Mr. Hay objected to the introduction of the testimony, on the ground that no man could be presumed to come prepared to explain every particular act of his life; That the general reputation of a witness could alone be inquired into, in order to affect his character. This he held to be a sacred rule of law and of justice. Mr. Martin contended, that the evidence was pertinent. Gen. Wilkinson had declared that he had no knowledge of col. Burr's views till he received the cyphered letter. We will prove that he had. He did not mean to say that the views of col. Burr were criminal, on the contrary, they were perfectly innocent; nor would gen. Wilkinson have been guilty if he had joined in them. But now gen. Wilkinson, in order to obtain favor with the government, had turned traitor to col. Burr. Mr. Wickham argued that the testimony of Major Duff was admissible to show an inconsistency in that of gen. Wilkinson.
Gen. Wilkinson. May I be permitted to make one observation; I am not in the smallest degree surprised at the language which has upon this and several other occasions been used by the counsel of col. Burr; men who are hired to misrepresent. [Mr. Wickham. I will not submit to such language from any man in court. The Chief Justice declared the style of gen. W. to be improper, and that he had heard too much of such language in court. Gen. Wilkinson apologized. He said that it was impossible he could observe any intentional disrespect to the court, but he could not remain silent when he heard himself called a traitor.] Gen. W. proceeded. I am astonished at the explanation of the object for which this witness is called. Had I known the purpose for which he volunteered his services, (for he was not summoned) I should have been able to produce documents to show the long, the implacable hatred which he has borne towards me. [Mr. Wickham. I said that Major Duff was under the protection of the court.] Gen. Wilkinson. I pray that his testimony may be introduced. Mr. Hay observed, that he had no doubt of the law, as to the right to impeach the credibility of a witness, by showing an inconsistency in his testimony. He admitted that if Major Duff's evidence were introduced for that purpose, it was proper; but if for any other purpose, it was improper. They had no right to interrogate him for the purpose avowed by Mr. Martin; to show that Gen. Wilkinson entertained the same views as col. Burr. However, as gen. Wilkinson was content that Major Duff should proceed, he would not object.
The Chief Justice declared that he would not hear the witness as to any particular allegations against gen. Wilkinson; but with respect to any inconsistency in his testimony he might hear him.
Major Duff proceeded.
My testimony will arise from a number of conversations with gen. W.
In four of these conversations gen. W. took me aside in three of which he locked me up in his room. The first hint I had of a connection between gen. Wilkinson and col. Burr was drawn from two paragraphs in Kentucky newspapers, in the spring 1805, before gen. W. reached St. Louis; the first alluded to the old plan to form a separate government west of the Allegheny, and ascribed it to gen. Wilkinson and his associates, and doubting whether that scheme had yet been abandoned. The next was an extract of a letter from Fort Massac, published in the papers, which stated that col. Burr had been several days there with gen. Wilkinson, probably giving the general lessons on government, or digesting a new code or constitution for the government of Louisiana. These hints, with information received from capt. Stoddard immediately from Fort Massac, and who assured me that col. Burr was, or had been there closely engaged with gen. W. and that he had or was about to furnish him with a barge and crew, to descend the Mississippi into New-Orleans, [Mr. Wirt. You have not said when. A. In June, 1805.] These circumstances put me on my guard, and determined me to watch the motions of gen. Wilkinson and Burr.
As the general approached St. Louis, ascending the Mississippi from Fort Massac, he dispatched a light barge ahead with directions for me to meet him six or eight miles below. I obeyed. We met, landed and ascended the bank. The general took me into the woods. As we walked on, the general observed, that he had been informed the territory was divided by parties, (I mean upper Louisiana) which he attributed to the Americans, and said he would crush party, or perish in the attempt. I observed, that there had been some party business about the time of the convention and these memorials to Congress, but none since; except the aversion the French had to the expense, delay, and uncertainty of our laws, and the introduction of lawyers. He then asked me how I stood with the French inhabitants, for he had heard there was some misunderstanding or coolness between us occasioned by my observations about antedated concessions and fraudulent grants—I observed, that some unofficials had been excited by a report I had made to the secretary at war, respecting private surveys which took in public property, but I believed they were then satisfied I had merely done my duty. He observed that he had witnessed their many attempts in the lower country to dearrange the public; (the Orleans or Mississippi territories) that he knew them and mankind generally, and if I would place my dependence upon him he would manage them for me; [Mr. Hay. He would manage them for you? A. Yes. It alluded to the French.] About this time some Frenchmen from St. Louis had found us out, and were rushing through the bushes on us. He dammed them for their intrusion; [Mr. Hay. To their faces? A. No. To me.] said he had something of importance to communicate.
cate, hoped to have had an opportunity there; but that he would take the first opportunity after he had got settled.
A day or two after his arrival at St. Louis, his orderly came to me. I attended. I was taken into his parlour and he locked the door. [Mr. McKee. What time? A. About the last of June, or 1st or 2nd day of July. Mr. McKee. Can you name the day? A. I cannot. Gen. Wilkinson. Can you come within five days? A. No, I cannot.] We commenced walking.
The General appeared to be rumbling, and after two or three times he asked me what sort of government would suit Louisiana. Without hesitation, I replied, a representative republic would meet both the wishes and expectations of the people. He answered that he was surprised to hear me say so; for the French could not understand its principles or be brought to attend elections; that the American inhabitants were a turbulent set, the mere emptyings of jails or fugitives from justice, and did not deserve a free government; that a military government was best for these people, and no other was contemplated for them; [Here Mr. Hay, objecting that Major Duff retired to a table on which several papers were laid, asked him when he had made the statement of his testimony, which he was then giving. On being answered that it was recently done and since his arrival here; Mr. Hay requested that he would not again look at it. Major Duff said that his statement was drawn from a number of letters which he had written to his friends about the time of the transactions alluded to; and from an intended publication against the Gen.] that the politics of the United States had undergone a great change; that the honest and wise had failed to save the federal constitution, and prevent a division of property which the democrats aimed at; that the democratic party in Congress had split and dwindled; and that John Randolph, Nicholas and Leib, had lost their influence both in Congress and with the executive. I observed that he attributed principles and motives to the republicans which they abhorred. [Mr. Hay. To which party did you belong? A. To the democratic. Mr. Martin. Were you not then a democrat, and did not Gen. Wilkinson know you to belong to that party? A. Yes.] On this subject we had a good deal of conversation. I remarked on the folly to suppose John Randolph would consent to throw his property into the public stock, in order to have a forayable for a part of it. However, the general observed, that the object of the democrats was to produce a state of anarchy and confusion; to seize on the property of the federalists and divide it among themselves; and this too he told me with a very serious face. I will make one observation here: it is that the conversations which I had with the General, were at different times, and it is possible that I may not have classed them precisely in point of time; but I am certain that they did happen and nearly as I have stated; and if the General will be candid, he will acknowledge it. [Gen. Wilkinson. Indeed I will for so.] He said that Pennsylvania was convulsed by the democrats; yet they would not succeed in turning out McKean or introducing their arbitration system. I think that this ended the conversation. We got warm; and the General threw open the door, and I walked out.
After dinner his orderly came for me again. I attended; was taken into his room and the door fastened. He assumed a milder manner. And assured me that the politics not only of the United States but of the executive had changed; that the difference between the present and former administration was merely in name; that parties were kept alive by the cunning, in order to help them to office or to keep them in; that the people mistook the character of Mr. Jefferson; that a want of energy was no part of it, but rather obstinacy. Here he alluded to the French had not been enough attended to in the territorial appointments; that they were the natives, and the Americans were ungrateful intruders and now railed against a King and government which had raised them from ashes. [Mr. Wirt. To whom did he allude? A. I considered that he pointed his remarks to Mr. Austin particularly. It was the Spanish King and government to which I alluded.] He then observed that Governor Claiborne, a miserable thing or tool, had distributed the appointments in the lower country among his American followers and dependents, and had neglected the French, for which he was execrated, despised and forsaken by every person of talents and honor, except by a Dr. Watkins, who no doubt had some personal views. I observed that in the lower country the great body of the people were French; but that in the upper country there were more than two Americans for one Frenchman, and that the disproportion increased daily by emigration, and would soon entitle us to elections. He replied. God forbid that you should ever see an election in Louisiana; and then observed that it was the intention of the government to depopulate that country, except the villages of St. Louis, St. Geneve and St. Charles, and a small district of country around each, merely sufficient to support them; that land would be offered to the inhabitants on the East side of the Mississippi, which if they refused to move to, they would be pushed over at the point of the bayonet, and that I should be employed in that business. As I found that my replies only irritated the General, and kept back the important communications I therefore determined when I could not acquiesce in sentiment with the General, I would endeavour to be silent till I got the important secret. But I found, I had already gone too far. The General appeared to be vexed and disappointed; threw open the door and I walked out.
The next morning his orderly came for me again. I attended; and we had another parlor conversation with closed doors. He assumed a friendly manner, and begged me to recollect that it was sometime since I had left the Atlantic States; and assured me that public opinion had undergone a great change in favour of energetic governments and measures; that if I persisted in exploded notions, they would injure me with my government; that democratic notions produced licentiousness; and that the very existence of an army and democracy were incompatible; that republics were ungrateful; jealous of armies and military merit; and made no provision for the superannuated & worn-out officers, but who were left to starve. In these latter opinions I agreed with him. The general seemed pleased that I should assent to any of his opinions. He was now silent. While we walked the floor one or two turns, with his eyes down on the floor and seemed to be musing, he then observed that he was fertile
in schemes, had made fortunes for many who did not then thank him for it. I said, "perhaps you think I had better have made my own fortune. — True; But I have now a grand scheme in contemplation, that will not only make my fortune, but the fortune of all concerned;" he paused as if waiting for my answer; I was silent—and nothing to say; but waited him to explain and go into the detail; after which he appeared much agitated and vexed, he threw open the door and I walked out; with only this glimpse of the secret which he had so long been preparing me for.
As I attended daily for orders until the arrival of col. Cushing; the next morning I found the General rather distant and reserved. He observed that he had yet enemies in the army; and among them some from his own state; that he either hated or loved Marylanders more than others; presuming this intended for me, I replied, I suppose you take me for a Marylander; "why, are you not?" I answered. No. I was born in Jersey, but had the misfortune to be brought young to Maryland of which State my father, grand father and great grand father, were natives—born in Jersey (I replied the General) a second cousin a yankee, a damned cunning fellow I suspect." This was the first time he had said to me; for before this I was treated with respect and had received many friendly letters from him; I therefore attributed this to my declining to join him in his schemes to make fortunes; some time after the troops moved to Cold Water, an officer informed me, that they were encamped on a low damp bottom, subject to be overflowed. (Mr. May objected to the course of the testimony pursued by the witness. Col. Burr said that he did not know the whole extent of his testimony, but that he had been introduced to these palpable contradictions in the evidence of General Wilkinson.) The Missouri on the one side and a marsh or bog on the other, and the whole Cantonment commanded by a high mounded Bank or Hill in its rear; I observed the situation was not only unwholesome, but would probably become the grave of the troops if they were not removed. At that time I did not know the General had contracted for the ground as private property "a long future where he might hang up his sword." The morning after this conversation I was sent for by the General and severely and rudely reprimanded before two brigadiers who had to interfere with his plans and measures; I replied it was my duty and inclination to obey his military arrangements, but should disobey any plans or measures which put to hazard the peace and safety of the U. States. I would not keep silence, be the consequences what they might; he understood me. And from that moment I believe my ruin was determined.
Colonel Burr arrived a little time after this at St. Louis. (Mr. Wirt. At what time? A. I believe in August 1806.) A judge Eaton who appeared to think very highly of col. Burr and boasted of possessing a part of his confidence, informed me that col. Burr had inquired of him, whether there was any officer of experience & enterprise who could be trusted with the command of an expedition to Santa Fe, and gave me a very inquisitive look. I demanded by what authority col. Burr made the inquiry, or in what light I was to view it. He replied that col. Burr at that time held no public office, but that he had powerful friends and would probably be in a very excited situation before long; that I had been well spoken of to col. Burr, (I suppose by himself) and he advised me to make him my friend. I answered that the inquiry was a suspicious one; for if government chose to employ me in that or any other way; it had a right to command my services (for I was in service at that time) We dropped the subject. (Mr. Martin. Was Eaton at St. Louis? A. Yes. Mr. Martin. Was he in habits of great intimacy with gen. Wilkinson? A. Yes, there appeared to be a good understanding between the three.) But as general Wilkinson some time before had wrote me that "every information of the route to Santa Fe would be highly acceptable," and recently founded my inclination towards energetic governments and his grand scheme to make fortunes, I no longer doubted of their connection. (Mr. Martin. How long was col. Burr at St. Louis, how was he treated by general Wilkinson, and how was he first across the River? A. When he arrived I was not in town, but understood that the General had rode out with him to the Cantonment on the evening he returned. The Colonel entered the situation and laughed at the General's military notions. Mr. Wirt. At Cold Water? A. Yes at Cold Water and continued afterwards; Belle Fontaine. Mr. Wirt. How far from St. Louis? A. Twelve or fifteen miles. Mr. Martin. When col. Burr was there how was he treated? A. The General made a dinner, it was understood for col. Burr. I was invited the colonel did not attend; but was said to be sick. When col. Burr was leaving St. Louis I was about to cross the River to my plantation on the opposite side, his baggage was brought to the ferry boat, when I saw the General's barge getting ready with colour and a complete crew in uniform. I afterwards saw the Colonel pass my farm on his journey, in company with Doctor Brown only; Eaton was not with him.)
Some time after col. Burr left St. Louis, General Wilkinson and Mr. Eaton fell out. General Wilkinson complained the General persecuted him. And often talked in a dark mysterious manner about a Western empire. Capt. Stoddard also hinted to me after his return from Fort Massac, that some great scheme was in agitation between col. Burr and gen. Wilkinson, but did not say what. Eaton positively stated that there was a connection between General Wilkinson and Colonel Burr. He complained that the General persecuted him, I observed that it was very strange that he should be the common friend of col. Burr and gen. Wilkinson, and yet they should misunderstand one another about him; that I rather suspected the General finding him unpopular with the French, and that he would not answer their purpose, had persuaded col. Burr to shake him off. Eaton replied, that col. Burr was in his power and that he dared not treat him in a deceitful manner. I replied I represented him as an artful intriguer. Some time afterwards Mr. Eaton came to me and observed that he believed my conjectures about col. Burr were true—and that he was to be made a sacrifice of; that he should go on the seat of government and try what he could do for himself. Eaton was then a Judge appointed by the President, but not confirmed by

The Senate, and he was apprehensive it would not; that gen. Wilkinson was using his influence to prevent the confirmation. But observed, col. Burr was much in his power, for that he had made him proposals which made the bar rise upon his head, astonished and confounded him to that he was struck dumb. (General Wilkinson. Were these his very words? A. Yes.) That col. Burr observing this would have remarked but it was too late. I urged him to explain the nature of the proposals. He said he was under an obligation of secrecy; but no obligation should hold him if he found col. Burr false to him. I observed that he well knew that any obligation which lead him to conceal or commit a crime could not be binding. He observed he was going on to the test of government and should see col. Burr, and then he should take his measures. I saw Easton after his return. I urged him to explain the business which he had mentioned before; but he pretended he had forgotten that such a conversation had ever passed between us. Mr. Hay. Was his appointment confirmed? A. No. He lost his appointment and had been col. Burr. About this time a paper called the Western World made its appearance, one of which was I believe directed to the General weekly. [Mr. Hay. After the return of Easton? A. Yes.] It roundly accused General Wilkinson of the old plan, of being concerned with Miranda and connected with col. Burr. I observed to Easton that I believed I should get the whole story from the Western World without being under any obligations to him; that if he had done his duty he might have served himself and his country and perhaps prevented the effusion of blood. He observed that he had once attempted to make a disclosure to Government, but instead of being countenanced he got a reprimand. I demanded the instance, he said that he had wrote to a Senator in Congress either from Vermont or New-York, that he could prove General Wilkinson to be the projector of Miranda's expedition. The gentleman acknowledged the receipt of his letter, but informed him he had burnt it, and advised him to mind his own business and take care how he meddled with men high in power and office. Mr. Martin. Had General Wilkinson any conversation with you with respect to the appointment of a certain John Smith of Louisiana? A. I had a conversation with him about John Smith. I remember going into the General's office when he handed me two letters, one from Major Hunt, the civil and military commandant, and the other from Smith, who complained that the commandant had ordered him off the mineral lands. The General censured the order and asked me if I knew who John Smith was. I replied no, but had been informed he was one of Cox's captains—so Major Hunt indistinctly observes, replies the General—but that does not lessen him in my esteem. He added that Smith was brother-in-law to Mr. Early a member of Congress, who had brought forward a resolution to reduce the army and dispense with his services as General; that there were many of his friends in Congress; therefore they must be attended and kept in good humour, or we shall be turned to the right about. Mr. Martin. Did you appear before the Secretary at war in order to make a statement as to the conduct of General Wilkinson which you considered endangered the United States, and what was his reply? Mr. Hay objected to the question as it had no relation to the subject. Mr. Wickham said that General Wilkinson had been interrogated by them and required to say whether his conduct was approved or disapproved by the Government; that the Government had taken the most active part in this prosecution and it was right and proper that the sentiments of the Government should be known. The Chief Justice said the difference is this. The evidence of General Wilkinson arose from communications officially made directly from the government. This is a different case—The evidence here offered consists of conversations with the officers of the Government. Mr. Martin said that the Secretary at War was applied to in his official character; and in his official character he had said that General Wilkinson must and would be supported; that he had stood low in the estimation of Government before his energetic measures at New Orleans, but now he stood very high. Mr. Hay was about to make some observations in opposition to the introduction of such evidence, when General Wilkinson consented that the witness should go on. In March 1807, a few days before the rising of Congress, I was in the city of Washington, and waited on the Secretary of War, and the subject which gave rise to this visit and conversation between the Secretary at war, the Attorney General and myself, was an appeal from the sentence of a general Court Martial, whose proceedings I contended had been arbitrary and oppressive, and sentence illegal and unjust. (Mr. Wirt. Against whom? A. Myself, and that I was not arrested until after gen. W. had founded and found I would not answer his purpose; and I believed for fear I might penetrate his plans and be a spy on his actions he determined to put me a side. The Secretary at war replied that there had been a time when gen. W. did not stand well with the executive, but his energetic measures at New Orleans had regained him his confidence and he would support him. Mr. Wirt. Who? A. I mean the President. (I asked if an inquiry into the conduct of gen. Wilkinson, his oppositions and illegal acts and his connection with col. Burr might be expected. He answered there might be an inquiry after the present business was over; but at present he must and would be supported. I then observed that if an inquiry might be expected in a reasonable time I would ask a further and wait; but if not I should resign immediately. He observed that I must not estimate on a speedy inquiry, but if I was determined not to serve under gen. W. my only resort was to resign immediately. (Mr. Martin. Who said to gen. Dearborn? Yes gen. Dearborn.) He however recommended me to draw up a short statement of facts for the President respecting my trial and sentence. I replied that if I did I should certainly charge gen. W. with having been connected with col. Burr, and with having made attempts to bring me over to his grand scheme of making fortunes. He replied if there are your impressions you will be correct in stating them. This was the first conversation I had with the Secretary at war. I had a second conversation with the Secretary at war, in which I insisted that gen. W. was acquainted with Burr's plans; that I would produce proof that he had been concerned and did not recede till he found that col. Burr had commenced the enterprise with a handful of men, that the country was alarmed and the project was a desperate one. I then had a conversation with the Attorney General on the legacy of restoring my pay and emoluments, which had been suspended by the sentence of the court Martial. I informed him that a connection between gen. W. and col. Burr could certainly be proved. He observed that the general had been low with the President, but at that time stood high and would be supported. He observed however, that there was a great deal of mystery in the allusions of col. Burr's letter to gen. Wilkinson, as well as their making
use of a cypher. He advised me not to resign, but to wait events, for the Secretary at war had informed him that I was the only republican field officer in the service, and that public opinion was very fluctuating and whimsical. After this I had a conversation with the Secretary at War and the Attorney General together. I think that Capt. Clark, the companion of Lewis was also present. The Secretary at War shut the door. We had some previous conversation, as after the Attorney General came in, the Secretary at War introduced it again, by observing, that he had been informed col. Burr had accompanied gen. Wilkinson to the Western Country, spent several days with him at Massac, and then furnished the colonel with a barge and men to descend the Mississippi to New Orleans; I replied that this was one among many reasons to suspect a good understanding, connection and co-operation between the general and colonel. That I imagined both of them were well-informed of the old plan attributed to the general and his associates, to form a separate government West of the Alleghany under the auspices of Spain or England; of his famous memorial, which it is said procured him exclusive privileges from the Spanish government, and the extraordinary visit colonel Connelly from Canada paid him in Kentucky; but that there were recent events which were not without suspicion. Such as his having spent the last winter of col. Burr's vice-presidency at Washington; their great intimacy, the interest made to get gen. Wilkinson appointed and confirmed governor of Upper Louisiana, with Burr's brother-in-law, Secretary to the Territory, and many of his friends, to places of trust and influence. Gen. Wilkinson's drawing several hundred troops into a cantonment near the mouth of the Missouri; his connections with col. Burr, gen. Adair, John Brown of Kentucky, John Smith of Ohio, and several others, since implicated or suspected of being concerned with col. Burr, to procure a charter for cutting a Canal on the Indiana side of Ohio, on which charter a bank was incorporated, and would have produced those funds, the want of which seems first to have made the general to hesitate—advertising to a paragraph in the cyphered letter. I then stated colonel Burr's visit to New Orleans in a barge furnished by General Wilkinson; and that after visiting the lower country, he came to St. Louis. I then stated the conversation with judge Easton, as before mentioned, and the intimacy of those three persons, and that when col. Burr was about leaving St. Louis, the general had a barge got ready with much parade to put him over the Mississippi; that some time after col. Burr's return to the Atlantic States, Miranda's expedition got ready and failed, which a gentleman promised, if recalled on, to come forward and prove general Wilkinson to be the projector of; (that gentleman is Judge Easton.) I then observed that it was not easy to suppose, that Colonel Burr, who knew Wilkinson's character, his former attempts and desperate fortune, should spend so much time with him at Washington, where the scheme seems to have been first projected; pass through the country where col. Burr must commence his enterprise, where Wilkinson was well acquainted, and where Burr wanted agents (alluding to the Ohio), and partisans; yet never found him to make proposals, but wait till all was ready, and then make his first overtures by a letter; and before he knew the full force of that letter in converting a patriot general into a traitor, should throw himself & his best friends, his choice spirits, into the power of a general he had so much insulted; that the general's measures in Upper Louisiana certainly had a tendency to disgust the people with the change of government, and to prepare them for a revolt; that I did not know the general's attempts upon other officers, but he certainly had tried me; but if on the contrary col. Burr did communicate his plans to the gen. either at Washington, at Massac, or at St. Louis, and the general did not immediately inform his government, he has not only grossly imposed on them, and the public at large; but has been guilty of misprision of treason and perjury. The Attorney General, after I had gone through my statement and information, in substance and order nearly as related, asked me what would be the result if all this should be proven?—why just what the federalists and the enemies of the present administration with—it would turn the indignation of the people from Burr on Wilkinson; Burr would escape and Wilkinson take his place. I observed that it possibly might be the event, but justice and honor required that the whole truth should be known, let it operate as it might. (Major Bruff's Testimony, to be continued.)
exceeded his usual ingenuity in his endeavours to convince the House of the correctness of the vote he was about to give against a measure which he had once so strongly advocated. But he says we were then all old members, capable of exercising this important privilege. While he believed the powers heretofore vested in the Speaker had been well exercised, and he had no doubt, were continued, would be still so exercised; and whilst he wished to see the chair vested with all the powers incident to that high office, yet, as he had always been of opinion the best way of electing standing committees would be by ballot, and he had not been convinced to the contrary by the ingenuity of the gentleman from New Jersey, he should vote for the amendment. Mr. Sloan rose to explain; and said he meant to make no insinuations to the prejudice of any members of this House; he only meant to say, that being strangers, they would be at a loss how to make a choice of proper characters to fill these committees. The question on the amendment was then taken by yeas and nays—Yeas 24; Nays 27. The question on the amendment being lost, the original resolution which vests the appointment in the Speaker, was agreed to without a division; and the following standing committees thereupon appointed: Of Elections—Messrs. Findley, Williams, (S. C.) M c Clay, Lambert, Blake, Sturges, Eliot. Of Claims—Messrs. Holmes, Moore, (S. C.) Nelson, Picken, Seaver, Johnston, Humphreys. Of Commerce and Manufactures—Messrs. Newton, M c Creery, Cutts, Dana, Marion, Thomas, Porter. Of Ways and Means—Messrs. Campbell, (Tenn.) W. Aiton, Eppes, Smith, Talmadge, Fisk, Montgomery, (Md.) Of Public Lands—Messrs. Boyle, Morrow, (Ohio) Gwynn, Russell, Darby, Ely, Smith. Of Receipts and Unfinished Business—Messrs. Clopton, Van Rensselaer, Duncal. Of Accounts—Messrs. Moore, (of Md.) Sedman, Moore. The House then adjourned. THURSDAY, Oct. 29. An additional member appeared and was qualified. The credentials of the members were referred to the Committee of Elections. A communication was received from N. B. Vanzandt, who officiated as clerk during the recess, informing the House that he had made the usual contract with Messrs. Way for the printing, Mr. Patterson for the Stationery, &c. Referred to the committee of accounts. A communication was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing an account of the extra expenses incurred in the Navy Department, since the 22d day of June last, for the year 1807, which was ordered to be printed. The Secretary adds, that the general estimates will be ready in the course of the next week. The general heads of this report of extra expenditure are as follows: For ordinance and military fortifications, Dols. 310,554 60 For repairs of vessels, 151,896 73 Provisions, 84,468 15 Marine Corps, 29,302 82 Pay of 1100 extra seamen, boys, petty officers, &c. 74,754 29 Timber for 78 gun boats, 87,500 00 Dols. 689,076 59 After this subject was disposed of, a motion was made to adjourn, which was negatived, 24 only voting in favor of it. Mr. Newton said, that, last session a petition from A. J. Villard was referred to a select committee; and a report made on it by that committee was referred to a committee of the whole house, who did not act upon it. He moved that this petition, and documents should now be referred to a select committee.—Agreed. A communication was received from the Legislature of the state of New-York, praying for an appropriation for the fortification of the city of New-York, accompanied by several resolutions expressive of their opinion, that the commercial and agricultural interests of that state are equally affected by its unprotected situation. Ordered to be printed. Mr. Rhea (Tenn.) offered the following resolution, which was agreed to, and ordered to be printed: Resolved, That the Committee on Public Lands do enquire into the expediency of laying off and describing by certain metes and bounds, the tract of country to which the Indian title has been extinguished within the limits of Louisiana, and to include all the settlements within the said territory, and of having the said tract of country laid off into townships and sections, half and quarter sections, agreeably to the several laws heretofore made for surveying the public lands of the United States; and also to enquire into the expediency of granting one quarter of a section to every free male white person who now resides thereon, or who will within two years actually improve and reside thereon. Mr. Dawson moved that the House should go into a Committee of the whole on the state of the Union. Mr. Thomas wished this business might be laid over till to-morrow. Gentlemen had not yet had sufficient time to examine the President's communication. The House agreed to go into committee of the whole, there being 47 for it, and 42 against it. The Speaker called Mr. Dawson to the chair; but he declined, stating that he had prepared some resolutions, which he was about to offer. Mr. BASSETT was then requested to take the chair; and Mr. Dawson offered the following resolutions: 1. Resolved, That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to aggressions committed within our ports and waters by foreign armed vessels; to the violations of our jurisdiction; and the measures necessary for the protection of our ports and harbors, be referred to a select committee. 2. Resolved, That so much of said message as relates to violations of our maritime rights, to impositions on, or interdictions of, our neutral rights, be referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures. 3. Resolved, That so much of said message as relates to our intercourse with the Indian Tribes be referred to a select committee. 4. Resolved, That so much of said message as relates to our military and naval establishments, be referred to a select committee. 5. Resolved, That so much of said message as relates to our finances, be referred to the committee of Ways and Means. 6. Resolved, That so much of said message as relates to enterprises against the public peace, and the means of preventing the same, and of punishing their authors, be referred to a select committee. The first resolution being under consideration, Mr. Quincy thought this resolution embraced objects unconnected with each other, and objects of magnitude sufficient to warrant a separation of them. The first part of the resolution relates to aggressions committed in our ports and waters. The most material object contained in the President's message, said Mr. Q., has relation to an attack upon one of our vessels by an armed ship of a particular nation, and all the other circumstances mentioned are stated merely as aggravations of this attack. He therefore submitted with deference to the committee, the propriety of referring whatever relates to the attack on the Chesapeake to a select committee; and entering into a separate resolution for the appointment of a distinct committee to consider what may be necessary for the further defence of our ports and harbors. Upon this view of the subject, he would offer an amendment to the resolution in question. He wished to add after the word "resolves" "That so much of the message of the President of the United States as relates to the attack made on the frigate Chesapeake be referred to a select committee; and that the committee be instructed to enquire into the circumstances of that attack, the causes alleged for making it, and the manner in which it was repelled, and to report the result of such enquiries in detail to this House." Mr. Quincy stated his object for wishing to give the enquiry this direction was, in the first place to submit the most prominent subject in the message to a distinct committee—a subject which stood most prominent in the public mind; a subject which had occasioned a great degree of irritation, and concerning which it was expected the public would no longer remain ignorant of all the circumstances of the transaction. The message of the President, he said, properly led to this enquiry, and this House ought to pursue it. But he was not for a mere reference of the subject, leaving the committee to act as they might chuse upon it; he wished specific instructions to be given them. Indeed he considered the honor of the nation deeply concerned in the object of the last part of his proposed amendment. He hoped, therefore, the matter would not be bundled up, but that a proper enquiry would be entered into in the manner proposed. Mr. Elliott enquired of the Chairman, if an amendment offered to a resolution which embraces the same objects with the original motion, ought not to be considered as a complete substitute. It appeared to him that this was the case at present, and that the motion of the gentleman from Massachusetts could not therefore be in order. The Chairman did not consider the proposed amendment as a substitute for the original motion, and therefore in order. Mr. Alison could not conceive the object of the gentleman from Massachusetts in making this motion. He surely does not mean to justify the conduct of the British. It will be time enough to enter into an enquiry on this subject hereafter. The matter is proposed to be committed generally, and the committee will make such a report as they think proper. If this report should not be satisfactory to the gentleman from Massachusetts, he can propose any modification of it, which he may judge necessary. Does the gentleman mean to cramp the operations of the committee, by giving them his special instructions? He hoped no step would be taken which should be calculated to narrow the enquiries of this important committee. Mr. Dawson observed, that the gentleman from Massachusetts had mistaken his intention in offering the resolution under consideration. He did not mean the proposed committee to enquire particularly into the attack on the Chesapeake. Such enquiry would be at present premature. When the time arrived for taking up this subject, he should be as ready as the gentleman from Massachusetts, or any other gentleman to enter on it. Mr. Dawson read that part of the message of President which has reference to this affair, and asked the members of the committee if it would not be altogether premature to go into this subject before the House received the information which the President of the U. States has laid, he expects shortly to be able to lay before them? His object was to make the ground of reference as general as possible. Mr. Quincy said, that the gentleman from N. Carolina had asked what was his object in making this motion. He would answer that it was to have the whole detail of the affair respecting the Chesapeake laid upon our tables. It was asked if he meant to justify the British. He knew not why this question should be put. His motion was a plain one. It with it to have the facts which he called for before him, and he should not then be afraid to meet the gentleman from North Carolina, or any other. His principles and feelings were as purely American as those of any gentleman. He wished to gain facts, and obtain these he thought it best to fix on single objects, and not to extend our views over the whole horizon. In reference to what had fallen from the gentleman from Virginia, what he had proposed would have nothing to do with our negotiations abroad. No expression of the opinion of this House is required. All that is asked is, that the committee shall collect a detail of the facts. The committee will not make their report until they think proper; but the enquiry ought to be instituted. Suppose our dispute with Great Britain should be amicably settled, would not this enquiry be necessary? Would you not enquire into the causes which led to the attack? He considered the dispute as being not only between us and Britain, but between us and France. At any rate he wanted the facts, and when they were before the House, a correct judgment might be formed of the affair. The honor of the nation was concerned to know whether a proper degree of resistance had been made to repel the attack of the British, by our officers; if not, the opinion of this House ought to be expressed on the occasion. Mr. Elliott felt equally anxious with the gentleman from Massachusetts to receive the information required by his proposed amendment; but he could not consent to suppress the original resolution proposed by the gentleman from Virginia. He did not rise to appeal from the decision of the Chair, or to question the correctness of its opinion; but his own ideas of the spirit of the rules of this House would govern his vote on this occasion, were every other consideration out of view. This rule states that "no new motion or proposition shall be admitted under color of amendment, as a substitute for the motion or proposition under debate." Without appealing from the decision of the chair, he could not help considering the present motion to be a violation of this rule, as it was, in his opinion, under color, a complete substitute for the original motion. He thought one part of the information required by this amendment was altogether unnecessary. He alluded to that part which asks for the manner in which the attack was repelled. Every man, woman and child in the United States knew that no resistance was made. If he were to vote for the resolution, he should with the word received be used instead of the word repelled; but as he had already stated, he believed the motion was in conflict with the rule of the House, and therefore he could not vote for it. Mr. Smith said, there was one thing which the gentleman from Massachusetts himself, on reflection, must think improper—that was, that part of the motion which relates to the manner in which the attack was repelled. He understood the commander of the Chesapeake was now on trial, and he hoped his house would not do any act which might have an influence on that trial. Whether that officer acted properly or improperly will be determined
by the proper tribunal before which it will be tried. Indeed he saw no necessity for this amendment. The original resolution gives the committee full power on this subject, and it cannot be supposed that a committee of this house will not do their duty. He had no doubt but that before this business was brought through, there would be complete information before the house. We should know whether the seamen taken from the Chesapeake were really British subjects or American citizens. The enquiry will force itself upon us; and the resolution, as it stands will be sufficient for the purpose. Mr. Quincy rose to explain. The gentleman from Pennsylvania had said that he deemed it improper to pass this resolution at this time, because of the effect it might have on the trial now pending. If the object of this motion had been to obtain from the house a vote of censure on one side or the other, he should not now have proposed it: It was merely a direction to the committee in what manner they were to proceed, and to collect a statement of the facts attendant on this occurrence. If the principle were correct, that this house should be prevented from exercising its duties on any point because a trial was pending in some of its courts, what would be the consequence? Nothing further would be necessary to evade enquiry than to put an officer under arrest, bring him to trial, and postpone the decision from time to time, and thus prevent this house from performing its duty. He saw no weight in this argument. The amendment was rejected, without a division. The resolutions being gone through a motion was made for the committee to rise, which being agreed to; the Speaker resumed the chair, and the house immediately took up the resolutions, and agreed to them unanimously. A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they had chosen Dr. Gantt as Chaplain on their part. The motion was made to adjourn, and negatived, 52 voting in favor of it. Mr. Thomas submitted the following resolution, which was adopted: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any and what alterations are necessary in the bill establishing a post-office and post-roads within the United States, and that they report by bill or otherwise. Mr. Fisk moved, that the House should proceed to the appointment of a Chaplain. It being suggested that it had been usual that the time for balloting should be fixed on a previous day; Mr. Fisk withdrew his motion, and the following resolution was adopted, on motion of Mr. Southard: Resolved, That the House will, at 12 o'clock to-morrow, proceed to ballot for a Chaplain to Congress on their part. The House then adjourned.
FOR THE ENQUIRER. CYPHERS.—In compliance with a previous promise, we present our readers with the following account of the cyphers which have been exhibited to the court during the late trial. They may serve to gratify their curiosity, and afford some amusement to an idle hour. Gen. Wilkinson and Burr began their correspondence in cypher about the year 1800 or 1801, and near the period at which the latter assumed the chair of the Vice Presidency. For this purpose they adopted three different cyphers. The first of these is called the hieroglyphic cypher , and was invented by general Wilkinson and captain Campbell Smith, as long ago as the year 1794 '95, or '96, for the purpose of communicating confidentially with Gen. Washington in the western country. (Another cypher of a similar construction was devised by Capt. Smith in 1791; in which no hieroglyphics representing the President and Vice President were the same with those used in the cypher with col. Burr.) The second is terminated the arbitrary alphabet cypher , and was framed by Burr and Wilkinson in the year 1799 or 1800. The third is called the Dictionary cypher , and was adopted by them in the year 1800. The various letters from Burr to gen. Wilkinson of 22d July, 1806, delivered by Swartzout at Natchez, and its duplicate of 29th of the same month, conveyed by Bollman, were written partly in each of those cyphers and partly in English. The following is a specimen of the Hieroglyphic Cypher . President, Vice-President, Secretary of State, &c. These characters representing the opposite words, whenever they occur in a letter. The arbitrary Alphabet Cypher, was in fact, nothing more than a substitution of other characters in the place of the letters, which actually composed the alphabet, and instead of the figures from 1 to 10. Thus: A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z With these new signs words were composed, and numbers represented, at discretion. The Dictionary Cypher, was of the following description. The Wilmington edition of the year 1800, of Entick's Pocket Dictionary, served as the key, by which such parts of the letters as were written in figures, were to be interpreted. For example: If the figures 3, 4, were used; the figure 3 pointed to the page in the book; and the 4 to the number of the word intended, counting down from the top, in the first or second column on the page, which latter circumstance was also indicated by a slight mark, above or below the 4. Gen. Dayton's letters of 16th and 24th July, which were forwarded in company with Burr's by Swartzout and Bollman, were written partly in the hieroglyphic and arbitrary alphabet cyphers, above described, partly in English, but principally in Dayton's own cypher, called the cypher of which, the Key-word is France. It is composed in the following manner: The letters of the Alphabet are numbered thus: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 In order to decipher a letter or passages of a letter written in this cypher; take the first letter of the key-word F; fix on that letter in the series of the Alphabet; count forward from that letter, as many letters as are equal to the first figure in the cypher of letter, as 3 for example, which will give F; and I will be the first letter of the first word. Then take the second letter of the key-word, R, and in the same manner as in the first instance, count forward, as many letters, as are equal to the second figure as 2, which will give the second letter, T, which completes the first word, IT. Continue on in the same way, with the ensuing letters of the key word, till they are finished; and then begin again: thus going thro' the key-word again & again till the letter is completed. In the cypher letter, the figures, or aggregates of figures representing words, are separated by commas. There was another cypher in use among some of the accomplices in this enterprise, the key-word of which was CUBA. The use of this cypher may be understood from the following scheme and explanations: 1 C U B A 2 d v c b 3 e w d c 4 f x e d 5 g y f e 6 h z g f 7 i a h g 8 j b i h 9 k c j i 10 l d k j 11 m e l k 12 n f m l 13 o g n m
WASHINGTON, Oct. 27.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, October 28.
Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, October 28.

17 p a n 18 q l p 19 l k q 20 l l r 21 r 21 u m u 22 v n v 23 x p w 24 y q x 25 z r y 26 a s z
In order to compose a letter in this species of cypher, find in the column under the first letter in the key-word, the first letter of the word which you wish to write, & the figure opposite to this letter represents the first letter of that word. To find the figure expressive of the second letter, look for that letter in the second column, and the figure opposite to that letter represents the 2d letter in the word. Continue in the same way with respect to the two other columns, if it be a word of 3 or 4 letters: But if it contains more than 4 letters, you must return to the first column and proceed in the same manner; that is, the 5th letter of the word is to be found in the first column under C; the 6th letter in the second column, and so on. Thus if Hope was the first word in the cipher; look for the letter H in the 1st column under C, which is opposite to the figure 6; write then the figure 6 as the representative of the first letter: The letter O is to be sought for in the 2d column, and is represented by the number 21; and so on with the letters P and H.
In the cyphered letter, the figures representing letters are separated by commas; the words are separated by periods. The reader will immediately perceive that besides France and Cuba , any other words might be used as the key-words of these cyphers according to the discretion of the writer and his correspondent. The difficulty of discovering the key to one of these cyphered letters would be still further augmented by the writer's shifting his key-words for different cyphers according to some rule previously agreed upon. The difficulty is incalculably increased, if the writer not only continues to shift his key-word but the cypher itself.
There was another cypher in use, the key-word ALSTON ; of the principle of which we have not yet received an explanation.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in New-Orleans, to a gentleman in this City, dated Tuesday Morning, 15th Sept. 1807.
Sir, I have just time to inform you, that a mob under the direction of Col. Belches and McCarty, have last evening declared themselves independent, and are determined to resist our laws; it's rumored that the Governor will send some gun-boats to quiet this mob, which I much doubt, as he is a mere cypher; it's an unfortunate circumstance for this country, that he does not possess more energy and firmness; how he can remain in a perfect state of apathy, and see his fellow countrymen deprived of their property, and see our laws trampled under foot by a daring mob, without taking any measures to suppress it, is truly astonishing. This mob has not yet come to blows, we expect it this day, expect it this day, and may now be considered in a perfect state of rebellion.
Such is the letter, which has led to so much rumor and speculation in this city, for a few days past. The writer has indeed used expressions calculated to excite some excitement, but when correctly considered, this affair turns out to be little more than a bubble.
The first thing which strikes us, is the date of this letter. If New-Orleans was actually in a state of rebellion, is it to be presumed that we should not have received more satisfactory accounts of it, since the 15th of September? It is an old proverb, that ill news flies a-pace. But the following is, we understand, the true representation of this mighty rebellion:
The Mississippi, like other rivers, has formed by the gradual alluvion of earth a certain portion of land on its shores near the city of New-Orleans, which had been hitherto considered as the property of the King of Spain, and used as commons by the inhabitants of the city. This land was of almost indispensable use to the city, as even almost all the earth which had been employed to repair and raise the streets was drawn from this source. The noted Edward Livingston however, prevailed upon the proprietor of the land contiguous to this ground to institute a suit for these commons. The most learned council at the bar of Orleans is associated in the assertion of this claim; E. Livingston no doubt was to participate in the profits of the recovery. The court decided in favor of the claimant. The next day or a few days after, Mr. Livingston repairs to the spot to take possession or to exercise some of his newly-acquired rights of Sovereignty. The people not used to the laws of the United States, collect in a mob under the direction of two of the officers of militia, Belches and McCarty; and Mr. Livingston is forced to retire. The next day he returns; and the mob once more force him to fly. The report however is, that Governor Claiborne has since quelled the mob, by assuring them that he will respect the circumstances property to the government.
In confirmation of the above, we lay before our readers the following extract from a New-Orleans paper, of September 18; which is this moment put into our hands. This paper takes no other notice of the transactions:
BATTURE. The following address was delivered by the Governor on the 15th inst. to the people assembled on the Batture.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, Permit me to claim your attention, and as your Governor and your friend to submit to your consideration a few observations.
Whatever may be the redress desired, believe me the mode you have adopted is improper—it cannot possibly avail you, and if persisted in, will injure yourselves and your cause. It is the duty of us all to yield submission to the laws. The supreme court of the territory has pronounced this batture to be the property of Mr. John Graiev, and he and Mr. Livingston (who claims under Graiev) have been put peacefully in possession thereof, by the Sheriff. The supreme court derives its authority from the government of the United States, and its decree must therefore be obeyed.
It is no less my duty than sincere desire, to promote by all the means in my power, the interest of my fellow-citizens. To the President of the United States, who expects from me a faithful relation, of whatever concerns the welfare of this territory, I have already transmitted such information as I could obtain relative to the conflicting claims to the batture, nor will I omit laying before him, such further representations upon the subject as may be furnished me.
The decision of the superior court is for the present conclusive—it however does not preclude (in my opinion) all further enquiry as to the right of property to the batture; but such enquiry must be commenced and conducted in submission to the government and conformably to the laws.
I have come among you singly and with confidence; I look to yourselves for support; we must all aid in the preservation of good order; I am persuaded that no individual in this assembly would wish to raise his arm against the government. And when fellow citizens, your Chief Magistrate unites to a command, an earnest entreaty, that you should forthwith retire in peace to your respective homes, no one, I am certain, will be found in opposition.
Wm C. C. CLAIBORNE. New-Orleans, Sept. 16, 1807.
Mr. TAZEWELL's rapidity of utterance, which forced us to curtail his evidence, has led us into one mistake—in answer to a question whether he had observed any inconsistency or contradiction in the evidence delivered by gen. Wilkinson before the judge and that given to the Grand Jury, we have represented him as answering "none at all." We have omitted
to state, however, that he declared that he had not been in court or even in Richmond during several days while general W. was under examination before the court, and that therefore he had heard but little of his evidence, nor had he had an opportunity of seeing more than a few of his first sentences which were published in a newspaper.
CURSORY REFLECTIONS. PORTRAIT OF AARON BURR.
No. II. The MEANS of this man are not better calculated than his ENDS to purchase the character of greatness, and to soften the rigours of his fate. These means may be considered, for the sake of a convenient distribution of the subject, as to his pecuniary funds and the methods which he employed to obtain accomplices. As to the arms and ammunition that he procured, the reader has seen in the evidence all that is known. As to his expectation of assistance from general Wilkinson, this does not enter into the estimate of his actual means; but we shall say something of it hereafter.—Indeed our principal aim is to exhibit rather a transitory view of the qualities which he has displayed, than of his physical means. Of the latter, little is known.
Whence all his funds have been derived, does not appear in the evidence. But this is certain, that the greater part of his bills were drawn on Ogdens in New-York who had some funds in his hands; that he discharged the first bills that were offered and thus gave credit to the bill. It is equally uncertain, whether any of those funds came from a foreign power or whether any assistance was promised by them. We are inclined however to suspect the Marquis Trujillo; and more particularly the British minister from the strong resemblance which exists between Miramé's plan and one of Burr's. The only fact which came out on this subject was in the evidence of Mr. La Trobe before the grand jury, who stated the frequent and secret interviews which had subsisted between Burr and Merry. Mr. La Trobe also stated Burr's application to himself to engage 500 labourers to dig out a canal at the falls of the Ohio, & that he had engaged 500 Irishmen for that purpose.—Burr however failed to pay the stipulated money at the stipulated time and this part of the scheme was abandoned of course. Mr. La Trobe was no doubt ignorant at that time of the uses to which these men would have been applied.—We state these facts because Mr. La Trobe himself was not brought into court.
As to his means for enlisting adherents, they are already described in the pages of Sallust. No one can read the character of Cataline, as described by that great historian, without some impression, that Aaron Burr had been initiated in by him in the means and mysteries of corruption. The resemblance is so striking that no one can believe but that Burr had made him his model.
Burr tampered with every man of influence who seemed to be discontented with the present state of things. He lamented their injuries in not being placed in that situation to which they were entitled. He chimed in with their feelings, both as to their losses and their despair of expecting any redress from the government.
He eagerly seized upon their ruling passions and took care to exhibit his felicity in those attitudes, which were calculated to gratify them. If they felt resentment, he promised them revenge. If they were ambitious, he promised promotion, and in the line to which they were accustomed. He was to make Commodore Trenton an admiral, and Gen. Eaton a distinguished officer in the land service.
If his man was young, and had never been in political service, he knew how to catch and please the predominant passion of his mind. He could throw off the masque of gravity and talk to a voluptuary about women and wine. He could captivate his young fancy with the bright tale of military achievement; and lull his virtue to sleep by the honours of a commission and the lute of an epaulette.
Wherever he went, he attempted to scatter suspicion, discontent and disaffection towards the government. He ridiculed Mr. Jefferson. He said the administration was deficient in energy . As he wished to enlist the western people in his plans, he dwelt upon the certain disaffection of the union, and on their right to establish a government of their own. Wherever he goes and wherever he dares to show the secret propensities of his soul, he seems bent, like Satan, on withering every bud of virtue; of depreciating the beauties of the system he opposed; and making every other bolom as morose and turbid as his own.
But there is one trait in which Burr has improved upon his model. Burr's system was full of deception. He not only deceived the government and the people, but he lied even to his most sincere adherents. He perfounded the simple Blennerhassett, that Mr. John Graham was enlisted in his scheme. We shall not stop here to enquire who Blennerhassett was, and the great claims which he had to honourable treatment and fair dealing from Burr. But this was the man's constant system. He was continually magnifying the extent of his resources and the number of his friends. And indeed throughout the whole of this transaction Burr seems to have put off all that ingenious temper and love of truth which are indispensable to the name and honour of a gentleman.
There is another trait which shines conspicuous in this transaction. He scarce ever defended himself to seduction. He generally sported his pernicious opinions rather as abstract points than with any particular reference to his own plans. But having once enlisted his catpaws in his service, he screens himself behind the curtain and leaves the drudgery and the danger to them. Burr is a vain man. He is to a ridiculous excess, proud of his own talents, resources and captivating manners. It was this blind confidence in himself which contributed to persuade him into such plans.
Burr is said to be deeply versed in human nature, but surely no man ever betrayed more egregious ignorance than when he despised upon the apathy and vices of the American people. He was to take New-York with 500 men. He was to throw the President into the Potomac, and to usurp the reins of government without much opposition. He has perhaps found himself mistaken and he will henceforth learn not to judge of the virtues of a whole people by his own vices.
But there is one trait which marks his conduct through this transaction and through his trial; his deep intrigue and finesse. He never employs reason and an open manly candour when he can succeed by trial, stratagem and lapping. As one of his counsel observed, he was for doing every thing by a legal rule de guerre but no one will wonder at his anxiety to arrest the evidence. He succeeded at first in this attempt, but it was to save his life at the expense of his reputation. This finesse of itself sufficiently shows how "the galled jade winced" at the production of the evidence.
The fate of this man furnishes a most instructive lesson to the members of a free Republic. Burr had been a great man in this country. He was elected by the suffrages of a free people to the second office of the government, because
they believed him to be honest enough to exercise it to their advantage. But Burr willed to be the first and he fell for ever.
His ambition was of too eager and greedy an appetite to wait for its certain repast. He will'd to pluck his laurels ere they were blown; and they seemed to wither in the bud. Such will ever be the fate of premature ambition, in a free country, where the people have light enough to perceive what is right, and virtue enough to prefer it.
Has any man ever exhibited a more affecting contrast between what he might have been, and what he is, than this man? Twelve months since, he might have been the President of the United States; and now he stands forth as a marked traitor, insulted, despised, and sunk into irretrievable infamy. And it is not his misfortunes which have produced this revolution; but the want of that virtue , which is essential to greatness.
It is ridiculous to ask, what other opportunity had he of raising himself to greatness but by some enterprise of this sort? That he had lost all chance of political preferment under this government by the suspicions which the presidential election of 1800-1 had raised against him; that these suspicions were unjust; and that the country which could thus abandon him, deserved no better treatment at his hands.
If A. B. was unjustly charged with conspiring against the voice and liberties of the people, why did he not attempt to convince them of his innocence? Why did he not sit down to a life of benedictence? If he seeks reputation in the only way, in which it can be truly obtained, by the display of great and energetic talents, why did he not begin afresh; seat himself once more on the threshold of politics and law, as many great men have done before him; and rise by degrees into public confidence and honour? He could not have expected to have at once initiated himself into the offices of the highest trust. It was vain and ridiculous for him to aspire, as he did, to be the chief justice of the state of Pennsylvania or a foreign minister. When driven from New-York by the unfortunate issue of his duel with Hamilton, why did he not, retiring from the storm of prejudice, which raged against him, betake himself into some hospitable circle of the Western Country, where the opposition of his enemies had not penetrated? He was deeply versed in the lore of law. This even his warmest enemies admit. Why did he not then once more appear at the bar, and assert his pretensions to respect? Beginning at this point it would perhaps have been easy for him to have confirmed the confidence of his friends and increased their number, until at length he might have obtained some political appointment from the voice of the people. This was the career which patriotism and virtue might have preferred to him.
Or if he found himself halted even in this course; if the torrent of prejudice was too strong against him to permit him to rise again to the surface, he might then have imitated the example of much greater men and sat down in contented and self-approving obscurity. Surely; it would have been more agreeable even to Aaron Burr himself thus to have passed down "the cool sequoential vale of life," than to be dragged into open day, with the brand of traitor on his forehead.
Or if his soul was too aspiring for this lowly life, the theatre of Europe was open to him. If he loved war, Europe was full of it. If he burned for military glory, the camps of Russia and France would have been open to his ambition. Bonaparte would no doubt have been proud to have employed so great a hero in his service; and if Burr could have been contented with being at least the second man in France, the thing was at least within his grasp. We believe however he would have been disappointed in this great elevation, although his honorable friend Luther Martin has more than once repeated that Burr only wanted the opportunity to be as great a man as Bonaparte. Yet certainly with all his casualties, a trip to Europe would have been a resource much more worthy of his genius, than the parriecidal attempt of turning his arms against his native country.
And what then is to become of this man, when he escapes from his prosecution in the district of Ohio? Of his dispositions and desires few men can doubt. But where are his means for mischief?
We do not believe that he is altogether harmless. Perhaps many a man who was enlisted in his plans is not yet brought to light; and until all the ramifications of this conspiracy have been traced, we can never anticipate the danger which he meditates. Let us therefore keep a vigilant eye upon him. But the defeat of his plans has almost certainly paralyzed his power to hurt us. The government has shewn its strength; and Burr, his weakness. Many who joined him without understanding the full extent of his plans, will now perceive their delusion. Some who went all lengths, will perceive their impracticability and shrink back from the danger they have escaped. And as to new plans, where will Burr find new adherents? Who can henceforth trust a man that has uniformly deceived perhaps all his accomplices unless it be the virtuous Dr. Bollman?—Still let us keep an eye upon him.
Some of the best friends of the United States seem to apprehend, that this man having irretrievably forfeited the confidence of his own country, and lost all honourable chance of rising into power, would play the part of Coriolanus, and go over to the Volsci. We call the Spaniards the Volsci, not because they are as formidable to us as was this proud rival of Rome, but because they are contiguous to our borders, and are likely to be thrown in collision with us. But these fears seem rather to grow out of an idea, that Aaron Burr is fit for such a plan, than that the Spaniards are ready to receive him. For how can a suspicious nation like Spain, place any real confidence in such a man as Burr? A man, not like Coriolanus, who attacks them in the gallantry of open fight, and under the banners of his own country, but who first plots the dissolution of that country, and in case of a defeat reserves an attack of Mexico as a dernier resort ? A man who seems to have no conscientious scruples whether he shall prey upon any part of the Spanish dominions, and is only at a loss to know at what point he shall begin his depredations? A man, who even in his descent to New Orleans seems to hesitate whether he shall not take Baton Rouge? A man, who upon being told by Mr. Lemuel Henry of the resentment which the people of Washington county had felt for Spain, and the great chance which he might have had of enlisting them in his service, if he had but held forth the idea of his intentions to seize on Mobile, enters at once into the scheme, enquires eagerly into the situation of the people, and seems to regret that he did not begin his operations in that quarter? Can the Spaniards so easily forget the schemes, thus aimed at their repose, as to take the fly and perfidious author into their service? Can they so soon confide in a conspirator, who, there is every reason to believe, has flavishly duped even the Spanish minister himself, the crafty Trujillo; and had perhaps flitted from him those funds under the pretence of seizing New-Orleans, which would have been eventually turned against his master's dominions? The Spaniards must indeed have lost
the usual reserve and suspiciousness of their character, if the United States have now anything to fear from Aaron Burr, as an ally of Spain.
As to the consequences that may arise and the lessons of policy that we should derive from this enterprise, it is impossible for us to condense even a conjectural view within many columns. But we shall have one consequence and one lesson only:
The trial of Smith and Ogden at New-York and of Aaron Burr, will tend to this salutary impression on the minds of the people. They will prove, that our government is not such a friend to these secret enterprises as these adventurers pretended; and that such gentlemen are in the habit of cloaking their own designs under such false pretences. It will make men more suspicious and adventurers less daring. It will teach the necessary caution of asking for some pledge that the enterprise proposed is under the sanction of government.
We must fortify the mouth of the Mississippi. We must establish a still stronger garrison at N. Orleans. We must increase the fortifications of that city. We must attempt to assimilate the inhabitants of that country more closely to our own manners, feelings and laws. We must give greater efficacy to the executive arm, not by encroaching the sphere of its power, but by changing the governor who wields it. For however adapted the present governor may be to the mild and settled habits of the Mississippi Territory, he is clearly unable to pilot the barque of state over the tempestuous waves of Orleans.
With one more reflection, we shall finish this portrait of unnumbered greatness . Is this the man, whom so many of the Federalists delight to honor and to defend? Whose triumphs in the court they seem to have as poignantly enjoyed, as if they had been of their own party? It is. And why? Sure y not because they can consider him as a Martyr or a Saint. Why then? But because they seem to consider him as a thorn in the side of the administration. We shall not stop to examine into the morality of that party spirit, which is capable of such excesses; but we may ask one plain question; how can any republican henceforth pretend to talk of a union with men, who indulge such political animosities against the present administration?
Domestic. BOSTON, October 24.
From Halifax.—A gentleman who arrived in town last evening from Halifax, via Plymouth, and who left the latter place the 16th instant, informs, that the English Packet had arrived there from England, bringing London papers to the 7th September, and letters to the 9th. The letters mentioned that admiral Berkeley had been recalled; but that the order was countermanded soon after the dispatches received by the Revenge were made known; and that 6000 troops were ordered out to Nova Scotia. He also observes, that orders had been received from England for organizing the militia; that several companies had been mustered previous to his leaving Halifax; and that the people there were very averse to a war with the U. States. Two of the Jolon's mutineers had been hung at her yard arm, and the remainder reprieved. The Triumph and Leopard had arrived from the Capes of Virginia.
NEW-YORK, Oct. 25. Capt. Doan, who arrived here yesterday from Bilboa, informs that on the 1st of Sept. 40 000 French troops passed through the neighbourhood of Bilboa, on their way to Portugal.
EXTRACTS from the comments of the National Intelligencer on the President's Message.
There are, however, some points of information embraced by the message that must give peculiar satisfaction to the people, and afford some grounds for hope that the differences between the two nations may be amicably adjusted. Of these is the intimation of the circumstances under which the returned treaty was signed by our ministers and submitted to the government. From these it can only be viewed in the light of a project, which left all ulterior determination to the President. Two conclusions may be drawn from this fact; first, the full power of our government to adopt or reject it, without the slightest room for improper implication; and secondly, the doubt, to say no more, whether Mr. Munroe and Mr. Pinkney themselves actually approved it. On this last point we pretend to no special information, and it is possible that the qualified inference drawn may be unfounded. But it is of light import compared with that previously specified. Of even the absolute rejection of the project the British government could have had no reason to complain; for, in being told by our negotiators that it was framed against their instructions, they were advised of its probable fate. Instead, however, of an absolute negative, it has been submitted to negotiation, and the two nations now occupy the same ground in which they stood previously to its formation.
We shall here offer no remarks on the calumny cast on the President, on the alleged fact that the project had been signed by our ministers under the false circumstances in which treaties are ordinarily signed and on the charge of his having instructed them to conclude a treaty on principles, which after its formation he determined to reject, except to observe that on this, as on many other memorable occasions, falsehoods propagated against the same man have, after having had their day, been invariably dispelled by the light of truth. At such a crisis of affairs, when every arm may be required for defence, we shall not hesitate to avow, to the utmost of our power, not only criminality, but even recrimination. If our political adversaries will persist their discontent at this moment, we warn them that the fault will lie at their door.
Passing over the measures adopted for the better fortification of our ports and harbours, we reach what appears to us on first impressions, an excellent idea. We refer to that part of the Message which suggests the formation of the men of the U. States into a militia, to be called on for tours of duty in defence of the harbors where they may happen to be. Should a more mature examination of this point, develop no great evils likely to ensue from such an arrangement, the President will merit the thanks of his country for the intimation. To us it appears to be perfectly feasible and conformant to the principles which ought to prevail under every government, and particularly a republican government in the preservation of which every citizen, whether employed on land or water, is equally interested, and whose services it contingently has a right to demand, whenever the general interests require them, of which the government only can be the judge.
At a period, so interesting as the present, the flourishing state of the finances will be a topic of high fascination. The past year appears to have furnished a revenue of fifteen millions, which exceeds, we believe, the revenue of any antecedent year, even when excels and a direct tax were in existence; and which yields a sum of three millions beyond our annual expenditures. But, still higher will be the satisfaction at the official intimation that there are now in the treasury eight million and a half unappropriated. With such resources, should the injustice of a foreign government drive us into hostilities, the means of defence adually possessed will be abundant; and should the falling differences be amicably settled, as we trust they will be, the means of carrying forward internal improvements on a scale, that shall ensure a diffusion of incalculable benefit, will be still more ample, and thus remove every obstacle that can be apprehended to such a measure.
May this be the closing scene of an administration, not less rich at present in the affection of its country,
than it will be hereafter distinguished by the gratitude of posterity!
Mr. Erskine, minister of his Britannic majesty, has arrived in this city.
NORFOLK October 26. Yesterday about one o'clock the French Frigate Le Cybèle got under weigh from Craney Island, with a strong wind at W. S. W. and proceeded to sea—she was left by the pilot at 8 o'clock last night, about 6 leagues to the eastward of Cape Henry, going under a press of sail, at the rate of 11 knots. About an hour after leaving the Cybèle, spoke a pilot who informed that the British ships were all at anchor about 6 leagues to the southward and eastward of the Cape. The wind shifted to north about midnight, & has been blowing ever since, so that there is every reason to believe the Frigate has escaped.
FREDERICKSBURG. 20th October, 1807.
Gentlemen, IN pursuance of the resolutions, a copy of which is subjoined, we now cover to you publication papers for gathering relief to such of the inhabitants of this town as have been reduced to poverty and wretchedness by the late delinquent fire.
We do not owe the injustice to apologize for the burthen now put upon you. The benevolent feelings of your own hearts will furnish an ample retribution for the inconveniences to which you may be subjected. The result of your efforts you will be good enough to report as soon as may be convenient.
We are your obedient servants, BENJAMIN BOTTS, HUGH MERCER, WILLIAM SMOCK, GEORGE FEENCH, JOHN MINOR, JAMES SMOCK, CHARLES L. CARTER, BENJAMIN DAY, ROBERT PATTON.
To WM. C. WILLIAMS Esquire, AND EDMUND W. ROOTES, } Esquires. CITY OF RICHMOND.
IN pursuance of the above communication, the Committee for the City of Richmond have opened a subscription, which is lodged at the counting house of Edmund W. Rootes, where those gentlemen whose local situation rendered a personal application unnecessary or impracticable, can call and deposit such sums as may comport with their convenience on the present melancholy occasion.
The committee are happy to state that their exertions have been crowned with that success, which has heretofore never failed to attend exertions of a similar nature among the citizens of Richmond. WM. C. WILLIAMS, } Committee. EDMUND W. ROOTES, } ditto.
Last Evening's Mail. PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 20.
Yesterday arrived the ship Neptune capt. Jeffries 60 days from Peterstburgh.—On the 4th of Sept. she dropped at Elsinore, and failed from thence the 5th, this place she fell in with the hands of the Danes, who did duty at the Castle, though they supposed should Copenhagen fall, they should be obliged to submit also. Here he learned that Copenhagen still held out, and was determined to do to the last extremity. That the British had opened their batteries for 8 or 10 days previous to his being there. That they cannonaded but little, there was but little firing in the day; but through the night they kept up a continual bombardment, that they had several times set the town of Copenhagen on fire, which was as often extinguished, that the night before he sailed, (being that of the fourth) the British had an attempt on the town on fire, which seemed to burn furiously, as long as Capt. J. was in sight.—In the found he saw above 400 sail of vessels, viz. men of war, transports and vessels detained by the British. He did not understand that the British had made any attempt on Copenhagen by sea, but depended altogether on their troops. One British frigate approaching too near the Crown Batteries, was obliged to surrender to the Danes.
Capt. Jeffries left Peterstburgh the latter end of August—while there, he neither heard or saw anything like war about to commence with England, as has been reported; but the British vessels, of which there were a great number at Cronstadt, and the British merchants seemed to be carrying on their business in every respect as peaceably as formerly. The Russians blame the English for leading them into the war, and say they lost above 100,000 men in it for no purpose. True American.
Sales at Auction. WILL BE SOLD,
At Public Auction, without reserve, on WEDNESDAY, the 11th November next, at the residence of the late John McCrady—
A QUANTITY OF EXCELLENT Household FURNITURE, A collection of valuable Books, A pair of handsome carriage HORSES, A small invoice of Goods.
—BONNETS WHICH ARE— Two elegant Marcellas COUNTERPANES, And a variety of useful and elegant ARTICLES, numerous to be mentioned—being the property of John and George McCrady, deceased. On all sums above 150 dollars, there will be allowed a credit of nine months; under 150 dollars and over 50 dollars, three months credit—purchasers giving negotiable notes with approved endorsers, or bonds with approved security.
JAMES PENN, Esq., of George McCrady, and Administrator of John McCrady.
Nov. 3. tdf.
TO BE RENTED. MOUNT COMFORT.
IT is a mile and a half from Richmond—There are fifty-six acres of Land; ten acres of which are meadow. The whole Farm enclosed with a new post and rail fence—A Dwelling- House containing eight rooms, and all necessary offices.
TO HIRE—A good GARDENER, and two well qualified female house SERVANTS. They can be recommended as honest and sober—Immediate possession given of the whole. E. RANDOLPH. November 3. ep2w.
By virtue of a deed of trust executed to the subscribers, on the 10th day of July last, by Samuel Southwick, for the purpose therein mentioned. Will be sold at the front door of the Eagle-Tavern, on Saturday the 15th inst. between the hours of 12 and 3 o'clock:
That valuable TENEMENT, on the Hay Market Square, now occupied by said Southwick, Terms:—One thousand and fifty dollars payable in cash, and the residue on the 27th April, 1808; to be secured by an approved endorsed negotiable note, or a deed of trust on the property. THOS. TAYLOR & JAMES BROWN, Jr. Nov. 3. tdf.
GROCERY BUSINESS IS STAND.
Having determined to quit the Grocery Business—I will let my remaining term in the House occupy, opposite the State-House. An early possession may be had on taking some useful articles. WILLIAM HART. Opposite the State House. November 3. 4c.
THE STOCK is selling off at reduced prices for cash—many articles well worth the notice of Grocers.