The enquirer (Richmond, Va.), 1808-02-09 00:00:00

PUBLISHED BY THOMAS RITCHIE OFFICE
TO PRINTERS—FOR SALE, on very reasonable terms: About 500 wt. of BURCEIS, and 300 of BREVIER.
PROPOSALS for carrying the MAILS of the United States on the following post-roads, will be received at the General Post-Office until the 14th day of February next.
1. From Fredericksburg by Orange c. h. Milton and Charlottesville to New-York once a week.
2. From New-York by Wanesboro' to Staunton once a week.
3. From Richmond by Goochland c. h. Columbia, Rising-Sun and Milton to Charlottesville once a week.
4. From Lancaster by Elizabethtown, Middle-town, Kearsley, Carlisle and Shippenburg to Chambersburg 3 times a week.
5. From Chambersburg by McConnells town, Bedford, Somerset and Greensburg to Pittsburgh 3 times a week.
NOTES. 1. The contracts for the three first mentioned routes are to be in operation on the 1st day of April next...
CIDEON GRANGER, Post-Master General.
ADVERTISEMENTS. Will be sold, to the highest bidder, upon 12 months credit, on the 10th day of February...
NOTICE.—SIMPSON MORRIS, opposite the Eagle Tavern, respectfully informs the public, that he is selling off the following GOODS...
LANDS FOR SALE.—The subscriber offers for sale, the following Tracts of LAND, in which, to persons making early application, he will give great bargains...
FOR RENT.—The House and Lot at present occupied by Mr. Hezekiah Mosby, pleasantly situated on Shockoe Hill...
FOR RENT.—The STORE at present occupied by Messrs. Dodge & Cobb...
PHILADELPHIA GRAND LOTTERY— Highest Prize 10,000 dollars.
CASH PRIZES table with 3 columns: Prize number, Amount, and Number of prizes.
Subject to a deduction of fifteen per cent. The most valuable Cash Prizes from 200 dollars and upwards, to be determined as follows:
VALUABLE LANDS.—The subscriber will sell, on a credit, or exchange for property in Richmond, or its neighborhood, the following LANDS...
BROKERAGE AND COMMISSION BUSINESS.—The subscriber respectfully offers his services to his friends and the public...
NOTICE.—To Mr. WILLIAM ROSE, late of the city of Richmond—Sir—Your present residence being unknown to me...
PATENT MACHINES FOR SHELLING CORN.—The above valuable Machine invented by Paul Pillsbury of Massachusetts...
CONGRESS.
As the Debate on Gen. Wilkinson's transactions is likely to run out to an extraordinary length...
MONDAY, Jan. 11. Mr. Randolph having moved the consideration of his resolution.
Mr. Clark laid upon the table his affidavit accompanying his communication of information touching the conduct of general Wilkinson.
Mr. Rowan proposed the following resolution, Mr. Randolph having withdrawn his resolution to make way for it.
Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to enquire into the conduct of Brigadier general Wilkinson...
Mr. Randolph said, if the gentleman just down, (Mr. Bacon,) had not given his hasty impressions...
Mr. Swartwout, the brother of colonel S. of New-York, being on his way down the Mississippi...
Mr. Randolph said he should certainly have abstained from noticing the circumstance he was about to mention...
Mr. R. therefore presumed that any enquiry which this House might choose to make into the conduct of any officer...
Did they take possession of the body of this officer by an enquiry into his conduct? Did they interfere with the court of enquiry...
In the course of the present year, Mr. R. said, it had been his lot to receive, from no dubious or suspicious source, information touching not to be sure the immediate subject...
ease; and that, so far from the army of the U. S. having the credit of suppressing that project...
Before he sat down he should have it in his power to give to the House something certainly very much resembling evidence...
Mr. James Wilkinson, Brigadier General and Commander in Chief of the army of the United States...
Mr. Swartwout, the brother of colonel S. of New-York, being on his way down the Mississippi...
Mr. Randolph said he should certainly have abstained from noticing the circumstance he was about to mention...
Mr. R. therefore presumed that any enquiry which this House might choose to make into the conduct of any officer...
Did they take possession of the body of this officer by an enquiry into his conduct? Did they interfere with the court of enquiry...
In the course of the present year, Mr. R. said, it had been his lot to receive, from no dubious or suspicious source, information touching not to be sure the immediate subject...
the U. S. and that it was eventually their sole hope and support, and that at the moment they found they were to be deprived of it...
Mr. Smilie wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia whether there was not a motion before the grand jury...
Mr. Randolph said he had introduced this subject in order to suggest to the gentleman from Kentucky the propriety of modifying or amending his resolution.
Mr. Love said, that although the form of the question had been varied, by the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky...
Mr. Randolph said he should certainly have abstained from noticing the circumstance he was about to mention...
Mr. R. therefore presumed that any enquiry which this House might choose to make into the conduct of any officer...
Did they take possession of the body of this officer by an enquiry into his conduct? Did they interfere with the court of enquiry...
In the course of the present year, Mr. R. said, it had been his lot to receive, from no dubious or suspicious source, information touching not to be sure the immediate subject...

DOMESTIC.
From Colvin's Weekly Register.
SKETCH OF THE PUBLIC CHARACTER OF JAMES MADISON.
Mr. James Madison is a native of the county of Orange, in the state of Virginia. His family, in all its branches, are respectable, opulent and independent.
Mr. Madison completed his education at Princeton College; where he was so much distinguished for his genius, application, acquirements and amiable qualities, that he possessed the esteem and respect of the president, professors and students of that seminary, in as high a degree as any young man ever did.
Mr. Madison's first appearance in public life, was in the year 1776. He was elected in the spring of that year a member of the convention of Virginia for its native county.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
Mr. Madison continued in Congress until the latter part of the year 1783; when he became ineligible under the confederation, which limited the service of a member of the Virginia Assembly.
an indictment to be preferred against any individual in civil society, or to the performance of any judicial duty whatever.
Resolved therefore, That the papers and information laid on the Clerk's table of this House, relative to Gen. James Wilkinson, be referred to the Secretary of the War Department of the U. S.
FRIDAY, Jan. 29.
A message from the Senate informing the House that they would at 12 o'clock, attend the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq.
A bill was received from the Senate, to revive and continue in force the 19th section of an act entitled "An act to ascertain and fix the military establishment of the United States, and to extend the provisions thereof."
The Senate also informed the House that they passed the bill making appropriations for the support of the government during the year 1808.
The House then adjourned in order to attend the funeral of Mr. Ezra Darby, late a Representative from the state of New-Jersey.
MONDAY, Feb. 1.
Several private petitions were presented and referred.
Mr. George Clinton, a member from the state of New-York, appeared and took his seat.
Mr. Boyle, from the committee on public lands, reported a bill extending the time for issuing and locating military land warrants. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Southard presented the petition of a number of the inhabitants of Bergen county, New-Jersey, praying for the erection of a port of entry at the town of Jersey. Referred to the committee of Commerce and Manufactures.
Mr. Rhea (T.) from the committee on the subject, reported a bill authorizing the establishment of certain post roads. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Holmes reported a bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Thomas Barclay, deceased. Read twice and referred to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Nelson obtained leave of absence for ten days.
The engrossed bill for the support of the navy of the U. States, for the year 1808, was read the third time and passed.
An engrossed bill to erect a light-house on Point Judith, in the state of Rhode-Island, was read the third time and passed.
On motion of Mr. Basset, the House took up for consideration the report of the committee of the whole on the standing rules & orders of the House.
An amendment made to the rules in committee of the whole, for admitting heads of departments and foreign ministers as well as members of the other branch of the legislature being under consideration, a long and desultory debate ensued, in which some gentlemen contended for the admission of ladies, and in the course of which much pleasantry was displayed. It was contended by the advocates of the amendment that in "this magnificently inconvenient apartment" it was next to impossible to hear in the galleries; and that foreign ministers should be admitted to a hearing from courtesy, and because it had been a rule heretofore, and should not at this time particularly be varied.
Mr. Nicholas called for a division of the question, taking it first on admitting heads of departments; and the question having been so taken, there were for admitting them, 51 to 40.
A motion having been made by Mr. Eppes to take the question on admitting foreign ministers by Yeas and Nays, and some difficulty arising on the point of order whether a question could be taken by Yeas and Nays on a motion thus divided; and some discussion arising.
Mr. Rowan moved to postpone the consideration on the subject.
And after discussion, a motion to adjourn was carried before a question was taken.
TUESDAY, Feb. 2.
Mr. Durell moved the following resolution, which was agreed to, Ayes 62:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the manner in which the Representative Hall is heated by the furnaces beneath the flooring of the same—what probable influence such subadjacent fires have upon the health of the members exposed to their exhalations—and how, or by what means the injurious effects of the same may in future be avoided—and that they report to this House the result of such enquiries.
A communication was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing an account of the imports into the U. S. during the year ending 30th September, 1806; which was referred to the committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. Newton from the committee of Commerce and manufactures reported a bill authorizing the issuing debentures in certain cases. Twice read and referred to a committee of the whole.
[This bill contemplates the placing a discretionary power in the hands of the Comptroller of the Treasury, to issue debentures in those cases in which the yellow fever prevailing in the port, omission or negligence of custom-house officers, or sickness in the parties, have caused an omission of the formalities necessary by law to be observed for obtaining drawbacks.]
Mr. Sloan, after a few preliminary observations, offered the following resolution, which was agreed to be considered—Yeas 68, Nays 47.
Resolved, That it is expedient and that the public good requires, that the seat of government be removed to the city of Philadelphia for five years, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose.
Mr. Lewis moved an indefinite postponement of the resolution, and on this motion a debate ensued which occupied the remainder of the sitting, in which Messrs. Sloan, Gardener, and Milnor supported the postponement, and Messrs. Love, Lyon, Macon, Lewis and Key opposed the resolution and advocated the indefinite postponement; and the House adjourned without a question.
not a single act for which he has been impeached as a man or as a citizen. It is a singular instance of a person who has been so much the object of envy to some, and so much in the way of the views and interests of others, escaping the imputation of having done an improper act from an improper motive.
It is believed, Mr. Madison has not at this time, and that he never had a personal enemy, for a cause that could be avowed.
WASHINGTON, February 3.
The Military Court of inquiry in the case of General Wilkinson met on Monday, and adjourned to that day week, without transacting any business, no evidence whatever having been yet adduced.
We stated in our last the arrival of Burr and Blennerhassett at Chillicothe on the authority of a marginal note on a print of that place of the 12th ult. We have since perused several letters of subsequent date, whose entire silence on this point renders their arrival at best doubtful.
On the first day of the term, on its being moved to have the recognizances of Burr and Blennerhassett called, the application was resisted by their counsel, who particularly suggested that the recognizance of Blennerhassett was defective, inasmuch as he was not recognized to appear on any particular day, or at any particular term.
Whispers were circulating at Chillicothe, that the conspirators were assembling in force at Orleans, and were more sanguine than even in their expectations of success.
NORFOLK, February 4.
PORTUGAL.—Captain King of the Ship Intrepid of this port, arrived here yesterday from Waterford. Capt. K. was originally bound to St. Ubes, but on the 24th of December, off Lisbon, was boarded from his Britannic majesty's ship Conqueror, of 74 guns, one of a fleet under the command of admiral Sir Sidney Smith, then within hail in the Hibernia of 120 guns.
This officer further informed Captain King, that the Prince Regent, with the Royal Family, left the Tagus on the 30th of November, as stated in our last. The approach of the French army, was so rapid, that the fleet came out very short of provisions, with which they were furnished from the British fleet.
Yesterday the Court Martial for the trial of Commodore Barron, closed as to the evidence, when the defence was delivered.
We do not consider ourselves at liberty to comment on this defence, but we surely may be permitted to say that it was eloquent, ingenious, and logical.
THE ENQUIRER.
RICHMOND, FEBRUARY 9, 1808.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
The object of my first address to you on the 19th Jan. last, was to place Mr. Monroe, on the ground which he occupied, before the publication in this Gazette, of any letters from Washington. The second was principally intended to explain to you, the dilemma to which his friends were reduced, by the unexpected call on the 21st of that month, of a meeting at the Bell-Tavern, of the friends of Mr. Madison only.
In reply to this second address, two publications have already appeared—but in neither of them does the writer take the smallest notice of this dilemma, nor does he offer any vindication of the conduct of Mr. Madison's friends, in the measures which produced it.
The line of demarcation between the friends of Mr. Monroe and those of Mr. Madison was publicly, and formally drawn by them. The first instance that this country has ever witnessed, of a refusal on the part of republicans to consult with men not only personally
* Shall we ever know the reason? Was this change suggested by a letter from Washington?
but politically their friends was exhibited to them. In fine, the first attempt, that has been made, by men belonging to the legislature of Virginia, to carry any point whatever, without facing the expected opposition and answering the expected argument, proceeded from the friends of Mr. Madison.
Contrast this conduct, my fellow citizens with that here observed by the friends of Mr. Monroe. They called no caucus until after the invitation to the Bell. They were brethren in a general assembly; but deserted by them, they held their meeting at the Capitol, they nominated Mr. Monroe, and cheerfully submit to your consideration the validity of his pretensions, as well as the propriety of their conduct.
For these measures, to which they felt themselves compelled to resort, the friends of Mr. Monroe are denounced, and almost threatened with proscription. They are reproached for having dared to call the caucus, altho' to that caucus all were invited, and the call itself was produced by the previous summons to the Bell.
For my own part, my fellow citizens, I declare to you, that I see no reason why all these excitements should be produced, and why all these reproaches should be cast upon the friends of Mr. Monroe.
My countrymen! it is idle for any man to make professions about the purity of his motives, or the sincerity of his zeal for the public welfare. In the political world, acts are the only evidence of motives, and by the criterion which they constitute, my friends, and I are willing to be judged.
On what principle the nomination of Mr. Monroe, viewed in reference to this state, or to the nation at large, can be rationally condemned, it is difficult to discern.
But it is said that there is a majority here in favor of Mr. Madison, and it is assumed as an indisputable truth, that this majority will continue to adhere to him.
It is true, that the election of a president does not depend on the people of our state, but of all the states; and it is equally true that a case may be conceived, in which this surrender ought to be made.
A caucus is a voluntary assemblage of men
to decide; to determine the merits of crimes of great enormity, without examination of testimony, without a possibility of defence, hostile to every principle of justice, and common humanity even, that he had permitted his mind to enter into any investigation of fact or his feelings to enlist in the prosecution; much detail of circumstance had been used, which ought to put the House extremely on its guard against the influence of feeling in deciding the present question.
Whereas, It is a primary duty, enjoined on the House of Representatives of the United States, cautiously to avoid any encroachment on the constitutional rights and authorities of the other departments of the government: And according to the letter of the federal compact and the acknowledged spirit, and meaning of that instrument, the several departments thereof should forever be kept separate and distinct, so that neither interfere with the powers and duties of the other: And this House being aware, that it is only by the practical observance of fundamental principles, that it can secure to itself and to the people of the United States the beneficial effects resulting from a written and well defined form of government; that to fail in such observance, would be to yield all the blessings, and advantages, which such written and well ascertained form of political institution is calculated to ensure.
And whereas, The constitution of the United States, has in no instance vested in this House, the power of instituting or requesting the institution of an enquiry into the conduct of any military officer; but while it has invested those powers in another tribunal, has confined the inquiries of this body to the conduct of civil officers holding authority under the United States, and has restricted the mode of such enquiry to the process by impeachment; and as the power of a military tribunal, over a military officer, are as competent to all the purposes, which ought to be the objects of prosecution under martial law, as the powers of a court of impeachment are to the purposes which ought to be the objects of such court, and either the civil or military officer is alike amenable for the commission of crimes, to the regular process of law, before the judicial civil tribunals of the country, where all offences of every nature are punishable: And inasmuch as it is the opinion of this body, that regularity by the proper sphere of their duty they have as little right or power to request of the President of the United States, the institution of an enquiry into the conduct of a person supposed to have committed an offence in the army, as they would have to request the aid of the judiciary department, to cause

of the same political sect or character.— Its object is, to concentrate all their force in order to effect what they conceive the will of the nation is or ought to be. If it is held for any other purpose, it is difficult to see in such a procedure, anything which reason, justice, or patriotism can approve.
Two cases, suggested by our experience, will afford, at once illustration and proof, of the propriety of this remark.
During the last year at least of Mr. A- dam's administration, the republicans consti- tuted a majority of the nation. Their first great object was to elect a republican presi- dent: the second, to elect Mr. Jefferson.— The object of the Federalists was to continue Mr. Adams, in whose favor they could as- semble great but not equal forces. The par- ties were separated from each other, wide- ly separated, on the most important princi- ples of domestic economy, constitutional law, and national policy in our intercourse with Europe. The object therefore of the repub- licans was to ascertain the real sentiment of the nation, and to give effect to that senti- ment, if in their favor, by the election of a republican chief magistrate. Under these circumstances, a division of the repub- lican party would have been fatal. The nomination of two REPUBLICAN CAN- DIDATES, to be supported by their respective friends, might have defeated the wishes of a majority on a question, at that time of the highest national importance. Such a nomi- nation therefore ought not to have been made, and if made, it would have been the duty of the minority, to abandon the man whom they preferred, in order to effect, as is stated a- bove, what they conceived the will of the na- tion to be.
But let us suppose that the federalists con- scious of the inferiority of their numbers, had declared that they would make no nomina- tion, and that they would vote with the mi- nority of the republican party in support- ing the man of their choice. Let it be imagi- ned, no matter how improbable the supposition may be, that this declaration had been sin- cerely made, and seriously believed; and let it also be admitted, that the minority of the republicans and the great body of the fed- eralists constituted a fair majority of the na- tion: I ask whether under such circumstan- ces, the minority of the republicans ought to have yielded to a majority of their party? If they had, the power of making a president would have been given to a minority of the nation. If this be republicanism, I know it not. The first great principle of a repub- lican government is that the will of a major- ity of the nation shall prevail. It is a prin- ciple which it is presumed no man will venture openly and explicitly to deny. Yet those who say that a minority ought under all circumstances, to yield to a majority of their party, do in effect deny it, and proclaim, in its place, this doctrine, that a majority, not of the nation, but of a majority of the nation, shall decide the ve- ry important question, who shall be the ruler over us. The absurdity of this idea is demonstrable. Ten millions of people we will say, are in the United States, of which seven are republican, three fed- eral. The republicans are divided between two presidential candidates of their own party in the following proportions: A. has three millions 600 thousand: B. three millions 400 thousand: They are both admitted to be men of integrity and talents. In this state of things it is manifest that the federalists can- not elect a president of their party. The least numerous division of the republican party is superior to their whole force. They know this fact; they acknowledge it, and they say to the friends of B. we will vote with you. Thus B. is supported by 6 millions 400 thousand: yet A. must be elected president, because a minority must yield to a majority of their party! Is this the republicanism, which is inculcated in the sacred precepts of our constitution?
This statement is believed to be directly applicable to the U. States at this moment. Survey them, and you will find that a repub- lican candidate must be elected either by the people or by the states in Congress assembled. This is a point which I trust is placed beyond the reach of doubt. If however, it can be shown, as has been intimated, that the support afforded to Mr. Monroe, will have a tendency to hazard the election of a republican president, he requires, if I know any thing of his character, no admission to withdraw, nor will his friends be in the rear of the best republicans in America in support- ing those principles for which he and they have uniformly contended.
I will go yet farther. If the probable re- sult of the nomination of Mr. Monroe, is the transfer of the presidential election to Con- gress, I am not sure, that his friends ought to be disposed to persevere. I have seen one congressional election of a chief magistrate, and when I recollect the difficulty with which the known, the acknowledged will of the na- tion triumphed over party spirit and intrigue, I have no wish to see another.—But believ- ing that before the day for appointing elect- ors throughout the U. States shall arrive, there may be some more decisive indication of the public sentiment than has yet appear- ed, or of a sentiment different from that sup- posed to be proved by the caucuses at Wash- ington and here, I see no necessity for an im- mediate decision on a case which may never oc- cur.
In declaring my unwillingness to see a pre- sidential election by the states in Congress, I believe that I avow a sentiment generally felt. What is the sentiment, which pro- duces this unwillingness? The answer is obvious. We are afraid of corruption and intrigue. If then we look with fear and trembling to an election to be conducted by the representatives of the people in the face of day, and with the eyes of the whole nation turned directly upon them, is a partial ca- ucus held by the same persons, almost in the immediate presence of the person to whom the greatest vote is given to be regarded as an infallible indication of the public sentiment? I mean not to charge Mr. Madison with hav- ing resorted to any means whatever to ob- tain or secure an undue influence over the members who composed it. God forbid. But when I recollect the zeal, the activity and the policy of some of his friends, the ef- fects of which have been seen and felt here, and when I recollect that notwithstanding the circumstances favorable to him under which the caucus was held, a majority of the elec- toral number did not vote in his favor, I do not and cannot regard the opinions of his supporters in that caucus, as conclusive evi- dence that the opinions of the majority of the nation are the same.
I am wearied already, and I fear that you are with these preliminary discussions. In my next address, which will continue my re- marks on the caucuses at Washington and here, and present a few more on other top- ics for your consideration, they will be con- cluded.
HORTENSIUS.
Virg. Legislature.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
FRIDAY, Feb. 5.
A SKETCH
Of the Debate on the resolution published in our last, respecting Gen. WILKINSON.
Mr. A. S. Hooe (of K. George) observed, that he had not intended to revive this resolu- tion (in his hand) but for a false, scandalous, and malicious publication which he had seen in a newspaper. That publication had stated, that none but Federalists and Randolphites were in favor of that resolution. For his own part he was neither a Federalist nor a Randolphite. He should offer this resolution under a hope that the House would adopt it; but he trusted at the same time, that they would take a silent vote on this question.
Mr. Walker (of Mecklenburg) moved that the further consideration of the resolution be postponed till the 31st March.
Mr. Strother (of Culpepper) observed, that if the motion of the last gentleman should not prevail, he would then move the follow- ing resolution.
Resolved, That at this time it is inexpedi- ent to act on the resolution, relative to Gen. James Wilkinson.
He thought that the sense of the House could be better obtained on this resolution, than on the one originally submitted by the gentleman from K. George. He believed that it was the duty of the House to express their sentiments on every subject, and not to turn aside from any resolution which was sub- mitted to them. But because a court-martial was appointed to investigate Gen. Wilkin- son's conduct, was it not unnecessary to re- quest the President to dismiss him? Was not the affair in that very course, which the gentleman himself must wish to place it?— Before it would be proper to dismiss General Wilkinson, would it not be absolutely neces- sary to institute an enquiry into his conduct?
And was not an enquiry already commen- ced, which may serve to develop whether his high character had ever been tarnished by improper and dishonorable conduct? But would it not also be improper to postpone this resolution till the 31st of March; be- cause by so doing, this house would convey an impression to the world that they con- ceive him to be innocent of those accusa- tions?
Would it not express an idea that the assembly of Virginia was impressed with an opinion that Gen. W. had been an injur- ed man and was entitled to the confidence of his country? Was this House prepared to assist and give force to the opinion, that he was this illustrious man, and entitled to this distinguished confidence?—Mr. S. had no doubt that the gentleman who brought forward this resolution has the best reason for his suspicions, from the facts and doc- uments which had been already pub- lished to the world. But the postponement of such a resolution would be at least ex- hibiting the opinion of that House in a very equivocal point of view; and might justify the conclusion, that they conceived Gen. W. to have been slandered and unjustly per- secuted by his enemies. He himself was not willing to go that length; but he was willing to declare, that whatever was the turpitude of Gen. W. however guilty he had been of a dereliction of his duties, that steps had already been pursued to develop the guilt or innocence of his transactions, which suspended the necessity of their acting on this resolution at this time. Certainly this resolution was not necessary to prompt the administration to pursue the enquiry which they had already commenced; but because the House were unwilling to express such a sentiment, was it therefore proper to sur- round Gen. W. with the Aegis of the appro- bation of the Virginia Legislature which might be calculated to shield him from the attacks of honest patriots? If we looked to the public prints, we shall find that this man is already marshalled against the attacks of the most enlightened men.—Let this House leave him to the engines of Truth alone; to the investigation of a court of enquiry.— Let us leave it to them, if the evidence will bear out the conclusion, to wash away every suspicion from this man's character, which should be as pure as a seraph's robe.
Mr. Pope (of Powhatan) had hoped never to have heard any thing more of the proposition before the House, but that it would have slept for- ever, and never rise up in judgment again.—He sincerely hoped that this resolution would be post- poned till the 31st of March; and why? Is it right, when Gen. Wilkinson has surrendered up his sword, and solicited an enquiry into his con- duct before an honorable court, does it comport with the generosity and gallantry of this honor- able House to strike at a disarmed man? Will it not be supererogation in the extreme in this House to be impeaching Gen. Wilkinson here to- day, when he is at this moment under trial at Washington? Ought not this honorable House to exercise some degree of charity and forbearance, when he has been so cruelly and unrelentingly persecuted?—When he saw Gen. Wilkinson on a late occasion arresting treason, rebellion, and in- surrection, and bringing traitors and conspirators on this floor for trial, he could not help feeling the deepest gratitude for such patriotism and love of country.—And he wished to God that every man in Virginia had discharged their duty as well as general Wilkinson on that occasion; if they had, we should not at this moment have traitors and conspirators stalking abroad in the face of day, and hatchling treason in every part of the coun- try, and the people of the United States in dan- ger of another insurrection. Why should two courts be held over general Wilkinson at the same time? Gen. Wilkinson was tried on this floor when even your President was attacked; it was present in court, and when I looked at the proceedings and cast my mind over all former circumstances, I could not help involuntarily ex- claiming, God send the President and Gen. Wil- kinson a safe deliverance.—And thank God they were honorably acquitted by the jury; although they were charged with high crimes and misde- meanors, & also the charges were brought forward with great spuriousness and acrimony by that drunk- en sot L. M. The gentleman who has brought forward this resolution, no doubt has his suspi- cions; I also have had mine; a great many hon- orable men have had their suspicions, but they are mere suspicions; but my mistrusts are removed, and I conscientiously believe that Gen. W. has acted as a good patriot to his country on this oc- casion, and I trust in God that he will come out of the investigation like pure gold through the fire. I say I have had my suspicions, and the reason was, that most serious charges were brought against him, but from the time that the interview happened between him and that shy Swartwout, I have viewed the General's conduct in a very favorable point of view. I do not know which to admire most his patriotism or fine talents and ad- dress, in losing no time but moving with the greatest expedition thousands of miles down the Mississippi river, surprising the conspirators, and sending them round for trial from New-Orleans. And I hope the time will come when we shall all think him the best of patriots; for he certain- ly has saved his country from treason, rebellion and insurrection, and there is no proof of any
harm that G. Wilkinson has ever done his country —but only suspicions that he once meditated a plot with Burr; at even admitting, said Mr. Pope, that General Wilkinson once entertained vies inimical to his country, and may have been misled by intrigues. Still if he repented himself and turned back to God and his country, I hope his country will have the goodness and benevo- lence to forgive him.
Mr. Walker did not intend by the motion, which he had made, to express any opinion on the resolution before the House. He had not yet sufficient documents before him, to him, to express a conclusive opinion on this subject; but if he had supposed that his motion had expressed any approbation of general W's conduct, he should not have made it. As it might however have that effect, he would withdraw it, and acquiesce in the resolution of the gentleman from Culpepper.
Mr. Moore (of Orange) renewed the mo- tion for postponement.
Mr. Mordaugh (County of Norfolk) ob- served, that when this resolution had been o- riginally before the House, he had taken the liberty of expressing his opinions upon it. It had been said, perhaps by some grace- less minion of authority, that none but Fed- eralists and Randolphites had been in favor of it on that occasion. But as far as it respect- ed himself, he disclaimed the idea. Precedents had already been set with regard to the right of this House to investigate such general subjects as were now before them. He held it to be their sacred duty to ex- press their opinions on this great question. If any investigation was to ensue on this sub- ject, he thought he could produce some proof in support of his opinions. He had seen something like treason, battering on the spoils of a magnanimous nation! He had seen the cloak of friendship assumed by a traitor, the better to strike a dagger at the bosom of a brother traitor. Feeling these impressions, he should vote against a post- ponement of this resolution. For his own part, he considered the court of enquiry to whom this affair is said to have been submit- ted, as one of the pettiest and most con- temptible farces which had ever been played in the face of a dignified nation. Who com- posed that court? Men who were officers under the grand culprit himself; bound to him by friendship and interested in his suc- cess.
Mr. Smith (King & Queen) had hoped that this resolution would have died a nat- ural death, but he was astonished to find, that it still retained some sparks of life. He should content himself with briefly stating the rea- sons, which would influence his vote on this occasion. In the first place, he conceived that this was a question in which this House had nothing to do; not that he thought that the state legislatures had no right to interfere with the affairs of the General Govern- ment. But general Wilkinson is a confidential officer of the executive department, and it was not becoming the dignity of the state sovereignties to diminish their influence by so frequent and unnecessary an exercise of it. On this occasion, what was the speaker of this House? He was degraded from the char- acter of the speaker of the Legislature of Virginia, to the humble President of a petty court of enquiry.—Again; This resolu- tion charges Gen. W. with treason at home and treachery abroad. It this meant anything, it charged him with being guilty of treason at home and treason abroad. But why sup- pose that he had been guilty of treason at home? Where was the proof of it? Was not the conduct of this officer investigated be- fore the grand jury; and yet so far were they from indicting him for treason, that they did not think it necessary to indict him for mis- prision of treason.—What evidence has ever been exhibited of his treason abroad? Was it in the pension which he is said to have re- ceived? But what foundation is there for this suspicion? Is it from the evidence of Power who utters different stories on different days? who tells any story to effect any object? Is it on such testimony that they must condemn Gen. W.?—And besides is it not improper for this house to act on the resolution at this time? Gentlemen may, if they please, call the court of enquiry a burlesque & a farce. For his own part, he had thought it was some- thing more substantial. Do gentlemen know what is the punishment which their investiga- tion may ultimately bring upon Gen. W.? Do they know, that he may be cashiered, or that he may be shot? For his own part, Mr. S. believed it improper to cast the weight of the Virginia Legislature into the scale a- gainst him. Believing therefore that there was no evidence before the house to convict Gen. W. of the charges conveyed by this res- olution; believing that it was improper for the Virginia Legislature to interfere on such an occasion; and believing that this resolu- tion expresses an unwarrantable mistrust of the President of the U. S. he should vote a- gainst it. That illustrious man had all the documents on this subject before him. We can only judge from Newspaper reports and from the documents furnished by his enemies. And yet the President has still retained this officer in his command.
Dr. Fowle (Henrico) had hoped, that this paper, which had accidentally out of the power of the House, would not have been revived. The worthy member has said, that he had been in- finitated by a newspaper publication; but if such was a sufficient ground for this interference, the House might be eternally engaged in discuss- ions.—It has been well asked, why should this House interfere with this business? This res- olution goes to fix a stigma upon a man, whose name Dr. F. feared would descend with honor to posterity.—It fixes even a stigma on the illus- trious Washington himself. Were not the charg- es made to Washington, and yet were they not disregarded by him?—He has been retained in his command by the present administration; and the President has stated, that the deposition of D. Clark was the first direct charge which had been ever laid before him against Gen. W. Even the immortal Washington himself therefore dis- regarded these insinuations. And who is the man against whom this resolution is directed? Has he not rendered essential services to his coun- try? Has he not brought lurking traitors out to punishment? And this resolution is offered too at a moment when Gen. W. is under an ordeal. If this Court of Enquiry should decide that there is sufficient matter for which to try him, what li- mit is there to his punishment before a court mar- tial? Dr. F. trusted that the House would pause one moment ere they passed so severe a censure upon an officer, who had retained the confidence of three administrations.
Mr. Gholson (Brunswick) stated, that when he had addressed the house on the original res- olution, he had then and it still was his explicit opinion, that it did not comport either with the character or the constitutional rights of that house, to pass any resolution directory to the Ex- ecutive of the U. S. It was not their privilege to dictate to any other branch of this Government or of the Federal Government. But he could not then, and he cannot now refrain from expressing his opinion that this high officer was unworthy of their confidence. Gen. W. had not his confi- dence. The court of Enquiry had not his confi- dence. He believed however that the truth would be obtained through that channel and why?
Because it belonged not to the court itself, but to the Judge Advocate to record the testimony offer- ed and his character had never yet been impeached.
If the letter which has been alluded to in this debate, was intended to apply to himself, he de- sired the insinuation which it contained. It ex- cited his contempt alone; and he could not per- mit this opportunity to escape him without ex- pressing his indignation at such an attempt. Mr. G. concluded with saying that he had perfect con- fidence in the administration, but none in general W.
Mr. Strother observed that he had only a few remarks to offer. It was impossible for that House to blow hot and cold with the same breath. There were certain great principles which they must consult, and not the varying effusions of caprice. When this House so lately addressed the President of the U. S. respecting the embargo, were they not acting within their constitutional sphere, and could they be said to depart from it on the present occasion? He contended that the legislature had a right to revise the conduct of the general government; for if they once abandoned that doctrine, they would but reflect a censure on the legisla- tures who had gone before them.
Was it come to this that we must either fall down before the Golden Calf and wor- ship it, or we must be denounced as a decre- pit from the old creed? Are we bound to say that because the preceding administra- tions have retained Gen. W. in command, he is free from impurities? One of those Presidents, who has been called by one gen- tlemen sacred and immortal and whose bright character was not to be sullied, has however been stamped with disgrace by a majority of this nation. To say that John Adams was entitled to so much veneration, would not raise the eulogist said Mr. S. much in his estimation.
He cared not whether he were called a federalist or a Randolphite. He did not ex- pect that his character would be taken from his own mouth. But if so humble an indi- vidual was worthy of notice, let him be judged by his deeds alone. He could be a Randolphite and he could be a patriot. Is any man pre- pared to say, that Mr. Randolph is not the most blazing patriot, the most independent statesman in this country? Amidst his vir- tues, he felt disposed to forget his errors.— No matter, said Mr. S. how I may act, I be- lieve my friends to be ardent patriots, devoted to the interests of their country; they are men whom I am proud to call my friends.— I shall not denounce John Randolph, in order that I may escape the denunciations of the day. I again repeat that I most ardently ad- mire the administration. But shall I there- fore say, that they never commit any errors? For my own part, I think I have seen errors frequently, & I take this opportunity of avow- ing my opinion, that they have in some cases departed from the true policy of his country, and compromised its dearest interests. But these are like spots on the surface of the Sun.
Mr. Semple (from Williamsburg) said, that he had seen nothing to remove the impres- sions from his mind, which he had express- ed on a former occasion. If any man would take the trouble to write to a member of Congress or to the National Intelligencer & to inform him that he was either a Randolph- ite or a Federalist, he was indifferent about the aspersion. He would refer to the journal- s of that House for his justification, and certainly they would present nothing to support such unfounded suspicions. Mr. S. said he was not disposed to retract the opinion which he had expressed, that Gen. W. had not his confidence. He could not say he had lost it, because in fact he had never possessed it.
Mr. Smyth (of Wythe) moved to strike out the words "at this time" from the res- olution; because he thought it was at all times improper to interfere in this affair.
Dr. Fowle called for the previous question. and that they might get clear of so many Ayes and Noes which had been called for. But after a short time, this motion was with- drawn.
Mr. Brockenbrough (Hanover) was op- posed to Mr. Smyth's amendment, because tho' it might be inexpedient at this time to act on the resolution, yet it might at some time or other be necessary to examine the conduct of so high an officer as a Brigadier General.
After some additional observations from Messrs. Mordaugh and Gholson, and some desultory debate on the resolutions, Mr. Smyth's amendment was carried, Ayes 71, Nays 65.—Other motions were then made, as stated in our last paper, and the debate was finally terminated by Mr. Wooding's motion to lay the resolution on the table; which was carried.
COMMUNICATION
"FROM A FRIEND OF JAMES MONROE'S ELECTION."
The Communication of "Virginian" can- not fail to attract very serious attention.
Some of the friends of Mr. Monroe, have good reason to know, that his political char- acter has been greatly affected by the rejection of the treaty, concluded at London between the American Ministers and the British commissioners in the latter part of the year 1806, and still more by the use which has been made of that rejection.—They be- lieve from the zeal, ability and patriotism which he has invariably displayed, that what was done, was the best, that in the then state of things could be done, and they consider it his duty, in justice to himself, to exhibit the whole transaction in a clear point of view before the public.
What course he will pursue to effect this object, or at what time he will pursue it; this writer knows not: but he has no doubt, that proper measures will be taken at the proper time, to do justice to himself and to the public.
CURIUS
We are authorised to state, that Thomas D. Downing and Peter C. Rice decline serving on the "committee of correspondence, in the coun- ty of Northumberland, for the purpose of promot- ing the Election of Col. MONROE."
We are authorised to state, that Maj. Charles Yancey of Buckingham declines serving on the el- ectoral ticket framed by the friends of Col. J. Monroe.
ERRATUM.—The following should have been the caption to Col. A. Smyth's Circular, pub- lished in our last:
To the Electors of the Senatorial District, com- posed of the counties of Botetourt, Greenbrier, Mason, Kanawha, Montgomery, Monroe, Giles, Wythe, Grayson, Tazewell, Washington, Rus- sell and Lee.
BOOKS.—The sale of BOOKS by AUCTION, will conclude this evening, Tuesday Febru- ary 9th, 1808. JAMES BROWN, V. N. Feb 9. [It]
Last Evening's Mail.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, Feb. 3.
The following message from the President of the U. S. was yesterday received:
To the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the U. States.
Having received an official communication of certain orders of the British govern- ment against the maritime rights of neutrals, bearing date the 11th of November, 1807.— I transmit them to Congress as a further proof of the increasing dangers to our nav- igation and commerce which led to the pro- vident measure of the act of the present session laying an embargo on our own ves- sels.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 2, 1808.
Referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the Union.
THURSDAY, February 4.
The following message was received from the President, and with the documents en- closed, ordered to be printed:
To the House of Representatives of the U- nited States.
In my message of January 20, I stated that some papers forwarded by Mr. Daniel Clark of New-Orleans, to the Secretary of State in 1803, had not then been found in the of- fice of State; and that a letter had been ad- dressed to the former chief clerk, in the hope that he might advise where they should be sought for. By indications from him they are now found. Among them are two letters from the Baron de Carondelet to an officer serving under him at a separate post; in which his views of a dismemberment of our union are expressed. Extracts of so much of these letters as are within the scope of the resolution of the House, are now communicated. With these were found the letters written by Mr. Clark to the Se- cretary of State in 1803. A part of one only of these relates to this subject, and is ex- tracted and enclosed for the information of the House. In no part of the papers com- municated by Mr. Clark, which are volu- minous, and in different languages, nor in his letters, have we found any information of the court receipt of money by any officer of the U. States from any foreign agents for dismembering the union; these papers or letters offer nothing which was not probably known to my predecessors, or which would call anew for enquiries, which they had not thought necessary to institute, when the facts were recent, and could be better proved. They probably believed it best to let pass in- to oblivion transactions which, however cul- pable, had commenced before this govern- ment existed, and had been finally extin- guished by the treaty of 1795.
TH: JEFFERSON.
Feb. 4, 1808.
[Documents accompanying the message will be given hereafter.]
Mr. Sloan's resolution for removing the Seat of Government to Philadelphia was ta- ken up, when a motion was made to refer it to a committee of the whole, with a view to make it the order of the day for Monday two weeks.—Lost 65 to 61.
VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—
I wish to sell the following very valuable Property: A MANUFACTURING MILL, now in complete order and finished upon the newest plans, running two pair Burr and one pair Co- logne Stones.—The situation is equal to any in Virginia, being immediately on navigable water, where vessels may load at the mill door, and in the heart of a wealthy country, where large crops of wheat are made—the stream was never known to fail till the summer (long to be remembered) 1806. At the Mill, which is on Hoskins's creek, and within two miles of the Port of Tappahan- nock, I have built a bridge over the creek, which affords great convenience to the different neigh- borhoods, consequently considerable advantages to the Mill. I am confident, with good manage- ment, a man well acquainted with the milling business, with the use of little money, may make from 5 to 8000 dollars per annum, clear of every expense. For country custom, it is equal to any in the state, and it is an excellent stand for a Gro- cery Store.
My HOUSE and LOTS, in this place, which I now occupy, forming a complete square, in the most pleasant part of the town—the improve- ments are, a comfortable Brick House, with two rooms and a passage below and two rooms and a closet above, a Kitchen, Dairy, Smoke-House, Stable and a Well of good water—all in good or- der.
My STORE HOUSE and LOTS, on the river bank—one is of brick, two stories high, well fin- ished, with good cellars; there are six fire places in this house, of course at little expense, it may be well fitted for a merchant with a family. The other House is of wood, now used as a gro- cery store; both from situation have advantages

EXPATRIATION.
My correspondent, S. V. whose letter upon the expatriation of British subjects, I answered in the Register of the 10th instant, has made a reply...
O! were my love you Jasmine fair, Hiding its bell the leaves among! And I the little Linnet there, Warbling wild its evening song!
VIRGINIA TO WIT.—At a Chancery District court held in the city of Williamsburg, the 22d day of November, 1807.
TRAINING STABLE.—The subscriber takes this method of informing those gentlemen who have COLTS or other NAGS, which they wish TRAINED...
NOTICE.—If JAMES MOYLAN, who came to this Country from Ireland, in the year 1770, and who taught a School in the Counties of Albemarle and Prince George...
NOTICE to Theodrick Carter, late guardian for Anderson Stone, dec'd.—That on Saturday the 5th day of March next, the administrators of said Anderson Stone, will proceed to take the deposition of Richard Allen at the house of John Woodson...
VIRGINIA.—At a Superior Court of Chancery held at the Capitol, in Richmond, May 1st, 1807. Samuel Booker, administrator, with the will annexed of Wm. Brown, deceased, Plaintiff—Against J. John Scott and William Weir, Defendants.
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg in Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order...
FOR SALE, that large, valuable and well built Brick Lumber-House, lately the property of Messrs. Wm. McKenzie & Co. 36 feet front, 50 feet deep...
TO THE PUBLIC.—The subscribers beg leave to announce to the public that the whole line of Stages from Petersburg in Virginia, to Charleston in South Carolina, is now in complete order...
FOR SALE.—THE LINE OF STAGES from Richmond to Charlottesville, now in good order. A great bargain may be had by the purchaser...
VALUABLE LAND FOR SALE.—On Wednesday the 10th day of February next, will be exposed to sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at Goodland court-house...
JOHNSON and REAT, Jewellers & Silver-smiths, Richmond: a few doors above the Bell-Tavern, and just opposite Col. Mayo's new building...
THE subscribers having formed a connection in the Grocery line, under the firm of BRIDGES & ROBERTSON, they now offer for sale at their Store on the corner of the street leading to Byrd's ware-house...
FOR SALE, 121,000 acres of LAND in Kenawha county, in the forks of Great Sandy river: 24,000 do. in Tazewell county, on the waters of Clinch river...
SALES of Valuable Property.—On Monday the 15th day of February ensuing, will be exposed to public sale, at the late dwelling house of Alexander Banks, deceased...
TEAS.—The subscriber has still on hand a few chests and boxes fresh Imperial and Young Hyson Teas: Also, a few pieces best Company Nankeen, with an assortment of Satins, silks, Gauzes and sewing Silks.
ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD.—Runaway about the 1st instant from the service of Mr. William Rawleigh (to whom he was hired) a black man named JACKSON, a house carpenter by profession...
FOR SALE.—The subscriber is desirous of selling his PROPERTY in this City. The purchaser will be accommodated with time if required, on giving satisfactory security.
TO RENT.—Four Commodious TENEMENTS, near the Armoury. For Hire, Two SAWYERS. E. J. HARVEY.
KIRBY, DRAKE & Co. have just received by the late arrival from London & Liverpool, in addition to their former Assortment, 1 bale London superfine Cloths, 2 do. Cassimeres, 20 do. Kendal Cottons, 2 do. Carpets and Carpeting, 4 boxes 4-4 Irish Linen, 1 do. Diapers, Lawns and Sheetings.
JUST RECEIVED, a general assortment of DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS, of superior quality. For sale by J. DARMSDITT.
FOR SALE.—and may be seen at the Eagle-Tavern one of the most elegant pair of Hill-bred Bay Horses, that have ever been exhibited in the City of Richmond...
ADVERTISEMENTS.—Will be sold to the highest bidder, at twelve months credit, on the 9th day of February next, at the late dwelling house of Doctor John Smith, dec'd.
NOTICE.—VALUABLE PROPERTY FOR SALE.—By virtue of a deed of trust from Abraham Shepherd to the subscribers, dated the 24th day of May, 1806, and recorded in the general court in the month of June of the same year...
NO. 1. A tract of 404 acres, more or less, being the same tract of land whereon the said Shepherd now lives, commonly called by him his dwelling house tract.
DISSOLUTION OF COPARTNERSHIP.—The Co-partnership of Taylor & Brown was by mutual consent, dissolved the 31st December last. All persons having claims against the concern will apply for settlement to James Brown, Jun., who is authorised to receive all monies due thereto.
THE ACTION & COMMISSION BUSINESS will in future be carried on by the Subscriber in the tenement heretofore occupied by Taylor & Brown, which is well calculated for the reception of a large quantity of goods.
WILLIAM TEMPLE, has received by the ship Herschell from Liverpool, and Calpe from London, an extensive supply of MERCHANDIZE, suitable to the present and approaching season, which he will sell low.
EDUCATION.—The Trustees of the Warrenton ACADEMY respectfully inform the public that this institution was opened on the 18th instant for the reception of students...
NOCH SULLIVAN respectfully informs his customers and the public in general, that he has just received a handsome addition to his former Stock, consisting of:—Silver Ware and Jewellery, plated gilt, morocco & wood Castors, plated and brass Candlesticks, plated and steel Snuff-boxes, plated and Britannia Spoons and Lades, Britannia and Pewter Tea Pots and Muggins, Waiters, Tea Trays, Caddies, Snuff Trays and Bread Baskets, Knives and Forks, &c. Desk Knives, Letter Racks, Marking Types, Paper Folders, Ink-stands, wafers, &c. Razors, Hones, Strops, Boxes, Brushes, Hair-powder, Bags, Windsor Soap, Wart Plaster, &c. Guns, horsemen's and pocket Pistols, plated and steel Spurs, Powder Horns, Flasks, Shot Bags, Bird Nets, Horn Tumblers, sportsman's Knives, patent Cork Screws, Horse Pileus, Dog Collars, switch & chair Whips, Canes with and without spears, gilt and wood case Pocket Compasses, Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dressing Cases and Pocket Books, Ivory, tortoiseshell and horn Combs, head, tooth, nail, comb, clothes, hearth, floor and shoe Brushes, ball, globe and hand Lamps, plated and gilt bottle Slides, &c. Ivory and bone Chessmen & Boards, Battle Doors, Shuttle Cocks, Elastic Glove Ties, Garters, Suspenders, &c. Pebble and Glass, silver, gilt, plated, tortoiseshell and steel Spectacles, reading and ophthalmic Glasses, Goggles, &c. steel, hair and leather Cases, gold, silver, conch shell and pearl Buttons, silver and plated fountain Pens, Pencil Cases, Tooth Picks, Tweezers, &c. Thimbles, Bodkins, sewing, tumbling, netting and knitting Needles, Reavers, Colours, &c. gold, gilt and steel Chains, Seals and Keys, with an assortment of Watch Materials, sign, tobacco and snuff Boxes, &c. Swords, Belts, Nots, Epaulettes, Plumes, Sashes, Stocks, Horns and Drums, Clarinets, Trumpets, French Horns and Drums.
CASH SALES.—In pursuance of a deed of trust, executed by David Ross, esquire, bearing date the 19th day of December, 1805, to secure the payment of fourteen thousand five hundred dollars and some arrears of interest due to Wm. B. Giles, esq.
ADVERTISEMENTS.—Will be sold on Saturday the 27th day of February, for ready money, on the premises, a valuable Tract of LAND, lying in the county of Halifax, on Staunton river, containing seven hundred and twenty-five acres, more or less.
AUCTION OF BOOKS.—A valuable collection of Modern Books in various branches of arts and sciences—History, Law, Medical, Theology, Voyages and Travels, &c. chiefly London editions, will be sold on Saturday evening, February 6th, 1808. Catalogues of them will be delivered previous to the sale at the store of JAMES BROWN, JR. V. M.
TO BE RENTED. On the Main Street, the rooms above the store in which the Subscriber resides, with or without a commodious Dry Cellar and a Kitchen. JOHN PUMFREY.
TO WISH to purchase twelve likely MOLES BATHURST RANDOLPH. Amos, Jan. 14.
THE COMMISSIONERS. Richmond, Feb. 4, 1808. (39)
MISCELLANY.
Mr. Bettancourt, chief engineer to the king of Spain, has communicated to the French Institute a new invention, which will render the construction of Canals considerably more easy in future, in so far as it provides against all useless expenditure of water.