Virginia Argus (Richmond, Va.), 1809-03-14 00:00:00

VIRGINIA ARGUS.
[XVII YEAR.]
A FREE PRESS MAINTAINS THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE.
[No. 2033.]
RICHMOND:—PRINTED (ON TUESDAYS AND FRIDAYS,) BY SAMUEL PLEASANTS, JUNIOR, PRINTER TO THE COMMONWEALTH.
Four Dollars Per Annum—Paid in Advance.]
TUESDAY, MARCH 14, 1809.
[12 1-2 Cents Single.]
Richmond Price Current.
[CORRECTED WEEKLY.]
   CASH. D. C.     Tobacco, - - - - - 4 50   Wheat, - - - - - 1 08   Flour, super-fine, - - - 6 75   Flour, fine, - - - - - 6 25   Corn, - - - - - 2 50   Hemp, per ton, - - - 240 00   Iron, - - - - - 110 00   Bacon, - - - - - 00 10   Whiskey, - - - - - 00 44  
NO. I.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
I am aware of the inequality of the contest in which I am forced to embark: I am supported in it only, by the firm reliance which I have on your candor and justice, and by the consciousness of my own purity, which I appeal to Heaven, in the most solemn manner to attest. I call upon you to do unto me as you would that others should do unto you: read my defence; and if I do not convince you of my innocence, and of the barbarous and tyrannical injustice with which I have been treated, then, abandon me forever. I do not mean to impute to the House of Delegates, generally, any deliberate intention of barbarity and tyranny: many of them knew not what they were doing. I have been informed of conversations held by several of the Delegates since their return to their respective counties, which afford the most conclusive proof that they did not even understand the report of their own committee. These misapprehensions will be noticed and exposed as I proceed with the examination of the report. They will not fail to have a proper effect upon your minds, because they will convince you that an act which ought to have been done on full knowledge and calm deliberation only, has been done, by many, in total darkness and ignorance of the facts and even of the statements for which they were voting. There were in the House of Delegates other gentlemen of very honorable principles and minds generally correct, who voted for the adoption of this report: but they took the facts on the statement of their committee; they felt indignant at the supposition of guilt, which it was their duty to have seen proven before they condemned: they took that upon credit, which they ought to have taken, only, upon evidence; and so highly were they excited by the idea that the state had been swindled and defrauded by my agency, that some of them were even unwilling to have a memorial read to the house, in which I prayed to be heard before I was condemned; although that memorial was couched in terms the most respectful and unexceptionable, and although those, who were thus stopping their ears against it, had not seen one atom of the proof on which their prejudices were founded. There were others in the House, who voted for the report under an impression, incredible as it may appear, that the report imputed nothing dishonorable to me; that it arraigned, merely, my supposed inattention in the purchase of iron, and looseness and inaccuracy in the mode of keeping the accounts: men who were, therefore, willing to have appointed me, again, as the superintendent under the checks and restrictions of their new law. To these three classes of men the deliberate intention of injustice, cruelty and despotism cannot be fairly imputed; yet the effect upon my character and interests is the same, as if they had been impelled by the worst of motives. There was in the House, a small corps not so innocent as those of whom I have been speaking; men who have been hostile to the manufacture of arms from its first foundation, and who have sought every opportunity of reviling and seeking to destroy it. The hostility of these men began before the armory commenced its operations; and therefore, cannot be reasonably ascribed to anything amiss in the operations themselves; unless the effect be supposed to exist before its cause. I am asked to what the hostility of these men is to be ascribed? I answer, that it might have proceeded from an honest conviction that the building of the armory was an impolitic measure: or it might have proceeded from that temper for mischief which is sometimes found to inhabit the breasts of men who feel that nature has denied them the talents to do good: that species of spiteful and envious depravity, which sickens at the sight of a work of lustre, rising by other hands; which sometimes supplies the place of intellect and enables even dullness and stupidity themselves, to do mischief with success. There was, I believe, another principle of action employed in this case; and one the more dangerous and alarming, because more darkly and profoundly concealed, and, because it aimed at objects no less than the overthrow of the present form of our state government, and the separation of the state itself. This demands a development somewhat more full. A fact of public notoriety, here, may be unknown to many of you; to wit: that during the session of Assembly, in the winter 1801-2, a caucus was, one night publicly held in the capitol, in this city, on the suggestion, of some one or more, of the back members, the object of which was, to deliberate on the division of the state of Virginia, and the erection of a separate government beyond the Ridge. Of this caucus, Daniel Sheffey, the self-created chairman of this committee, and author of the report against me, was a conspicuous member, and advocated the division of the state. At that time, there was, as I am advised, and still is, an act of Assembly in force, which declared every person guilty of a high crime and misdemeanor, who shall attempt to establish any government within the commonwealth, separate from, or independent of the government of Virginia, unless by act of the legislature, and subjects the person, convicted of such offence, to any pains and penalties, not extending to life or member, at the discretion of the court. This nocturnal caucus, however, was, nevertheless, held: but the project of disunion was defeated by the virtue and firmness of some of the back country members themselves, who contended zealously and successfully for the unity and integrity of the commonwealth. But although defeated at that time, it has never been abandoned. On the contrary, it has shown itself repeatedly in various shapes; in loud & incessant complaints, that the back country is unequally represented, that the local interests of the western part of the state are crushed and overwhelmed by the great preponderance of the eastern delegation; in important demands that a convention should be called to reform the Constitution, and when all these stratagems have failed, in perpetual and artful attempts to render the present form of government disgusting to the people, by heavy complaints, and strong charges against the various branches of the government, but chiefly against the Executive. These attacks upon the Executive, and attempts to render them odious to the people, are nearly as old as Mr Sheffey's representative character. One of the most distinguished political acts by which that gentleman first brought himself into notice, was an assault upon the Executive, at the close of gov. Monroe's administration. The history of that memorable attack is too voluminous to be here inserted, and having so recently occurred, the insertion of it, even if it might be confined within a narrow compass, is perhaps unnecessary: But those who are unacquainted with the particulars of that effort, fortunately, as unavailing as it was odious, may obtain full information upon the subject, by referring to the journals of the House of Delegates, Session 1802-3.  I refer to this circumstance, to show that the attack which has been recently made upon the Executive, through my sides, is a part only of a settled system of policy to undermine the constitution of the state. My ruin was merely incidental and subordinate to this grand scheme. It was known to the prime movers of this persecution, that I had never drawn, and had no power to draw one cent of the public money, but under the sanction of the Executive, and on the warrant of the Auditor: hence to convict me of drawing more money than I was entitled to, was to throw odium upon the Executive, and promote the great object of disgusting you with your government and disposing you to con-
sent to call a convention. In that call of a convention, a few individuals, in the House, (for I impute this design, only to a few,) saw the consummation of all their hopes and wishes: the foundations of the present government loosened and torn up; the balance of legislative power preponderating to the west; or, in the clashing and convulsion of local interests, the state ript asunder, and a separate government formed beyond the Ridge.  Such is a general view of that House, to which at the eve of their adjournment, and after they had manifested the most marked impatience to rise, the long expected report of the armory committee, was at length brought down, and such was the state of mind in which that report was adopted—a great part of the members either incapable of comprehending its calculations and statements, or unwilling to take the time and trouble to do it—another part, believing that the report contained nothing of criminal accusation, but merely charged me with neglect—another part, prepared by the intrigues and false statements of incendiaries, out of doors, to believe every thing that was infamous of me—another, relying on the statements of the committee, and fired and blinded with honest indignation, at the imaginary wrongs done to their country—& the few, the more dangerous few, who contrived & worked the whole machinery, laughing in their sleeves at the storm which they had raised, felicitating themselves on the adroitness with which they had masked their favorite stratagem, behind a patriotic face, and enjoying, by anticipation, the downfall of the executive, and of the government. In this state of exasperation & feverish impatience, I had but little hope of a calm hearing. I owed it, however, to myself and to my children, not to fall without a struggle. I prepared a memorial, in very great haste, but clothed in language of respect, which I addressed to the Speaker, & in which I endeavored to awaken the house to the recollection, that I was a Virginian, their fellow citizen, and according to the Bill of Rights and Constitution of my country, entitled to a hearing before I should be condemned. I complained that so far from being heard, I did not even know the charges which had been made against me, by the committee, having never so much as heard their report read. I stated, however, that I had collected from the information of those who had heard it, the principal charges which it contained, & I combated those charges in my memorial—I understood that they had charged me principally—1st. With neglect, in failing to procure the best iron: And 2ndly. With having drawn from the public treasury, under the sanction of the executive more money than I was entitled to receive. I complained that I had, before the committee, offered evidence upon those points, which they had refused to hear. This evidence I again tendered to the house as conclusively repelling the charges against me—by shewing—1. That I had made every effort, in the power of man, in Philadelphia, in Baltimore, & at various manufactories of iron, in this state, to procure the best that could be obtained; I offered to shew that the number of gun-barrels, which had bursted here, upon the proof, & which was supposed to demonstrate the bad quality of the iron, was not so great as the number which bursted at the manufactory of Springfield, in Massachusetts, which is deemed the best institution on the continent, the Virginia manufactory excepted; On the 2nd point, I offered witnesses, (and among others, a magistrate of the county of Henrico, a man who has been since honored with a most decisive testimonial of the confidence of the legislature) to prove that every atom of the work for which I had drawn a cent of money, had been really and truly done, and was richly worth the price which had been drawn for it. Had the evidence been heard, the whole fabric of the charges against me would have dissolved and vanished. Those, therefore, who were anxious to push the report through the House, opposed most vehemently, the reading of the evidence, and in their van, stood Daniel Sheffey, the chairman of the committee and father of the report.  A warm and animated debate ensued. The reading of the evidence was
insisted on as a constitutional right, it was contended that to refuse to hear it was to disfranchise a free man of his birthright—to reduce him below the level of the vassal of a monarch—that it would be to practise against one of their own constituents, a degree of outrage, of tyranny & despotism, which ought not to be endured in a land of liberty, & which would be disgraceful to the legislature. But argument was lost, where prejudice had already decided; the question on hearing the evidence was put and determined in the negative by a majority of three; seventy-three voting against the hearing and seventy for it. On the next day the proposition was renewed in a different form: it was proposed that the House should appoint a committee of three to take the depositions of my witnesses and examine the authenticity of the documents which I had tendered to the House. On this motion the debate became still more ardent and anxious; and although in the course of it Mr. Sheffey who headed the opposition to me, admitted that my evidence, on the second point, was such as a court of justice should not refuse to hear, yet this motion was also lost by a majority of two, seventy-two voting in favor of the motion & seventy-four against it. For the accuracy of these statements as to the motions and the results, I appeal to the journals of the House, a copy of which every member carries home with him, and on the 121—22 and 23 pages of which these proceedings will be found, together with the names of those who voted upon these questions. In consequence of this exclusion of my evidence, when the question came to be put on adopting the report of the committee, Mr. James Robertson, a member from Amelia, rose in his place & said "that the question which was about to be put, called upon him to pronounce upon the guilt or innocence of a fellow citizen, of whose guilt or innocence he knew nothing; that on the one hand, the accusing evidence on which the committee had founded their report had never been seen by the House; & on the other the defensive evidence had been unconstitutionally excluded not only from the view of the House but of the committee which had made the report. How he asked was it possible for him to pronounce a man guilty upon evidence which he had never seen, and in the absence too, of other evidence, of an exculpatory nature, which although entitled to see, he had not been permitted to see. Under these circumstances, he said the course which alone appeared to him to be proper, was to leave the house and give no vote at all"—He accordingly turned around immediately and left the House, and was followed by several other members. Another gentleman, Mr Forbes, of Fluvanna, stated that "he had voted for the introduction of the evidence, he thought it ought to have been heard; but since the House had determined to exclude it, he presumed that he was bound by the report of the committee." Twenty one members voted against the report; on the ground that every man is to be presumed innocent until the contrary appears; and that guilt can never appear, legally and constitutionally, except on a full and fair examination of all the proof. Such are the circumstances under which the sanction of the House of Delegates has been obtained to this report; the Senate never acted upon it.  I appeal to you now, fellow-citizens, whether I ought to be considered as having the weight of the House of Delegates against me. Seventy-two members of the House of Delegates think that I have not been fairly and justly treated; that I have been robbed of a constitutional right by the exclusion of that evidence which went to prove my innocence: Seventy-four, of whom none but a very few ever heard one title of the evidence on which the report is founded, tho' it was right to vote me guilty without a hearing. Are you prepared to join this majority of two and cry down the character of a man whom you have not heard? Will you call these two the House of Delegates? You will find, if you will read my defence throughout, with patience and candor, how little reason and justice have had to do with my condemnation, and how much precipitation, prejudice, ignorance and faction have had to do with it. These are strong terms; but if you had stood in the lobby of the House of Delegates during the discussions upon this subject, you would not have thought them too strong. You would have heard Mr. Sheffey, with the authority of a Danton and Robespierre, at the head of jacobinic faction, and as if he were already in the very heat and frenzy of a revolution, de-
nouncing members of the House under the name of "disorganizers," on no other provocation than their exercising their right of moving an adjournment, when the house had continued their session until candle-light. It is true that for so doing he had to submit to the humiliation of rehearsing a personal apology before the house, on the next day. But the incident serves to shew the high state of heat and irritation with which this fatal report was hurried through the house and the increased necessity which exists for a calm review of the case on the part of the people if it be their wish, as I hope it is, to do justice to an injured man.  JOHN CLARKE.
No. II.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
In my last letter, I examined and opened to you the manner in which the House of Delegates acted upon and adopted the Report of the armory Committee. I deemed it proper to pursue this course, in order to enable you to judge of the materials of which that House was composed; the various motives and springs of action by which the measure, in question was carried, and the present mode of doing business in that body. There was a time, when the legislature of Virginia was compared to a Roman Senate: it was, when a Jefferson, a Madison, a Pendleton, a Wythe, a Henry, and other patriots of the revolution, gave weight and dignity to the Assembly, not more by their wisdom, than their manner of doing the public business; their calmness, their patience, their candor, their mildness; their sacred regard of the constitution and their tender and scrupulous attention to the rights, the character and feelings of individuals. Those men were truly great; and, therefore, did not seek to give themselves a fictitious importance, by affecting to make great discoveries of public wrongs, when none existed. They derived their solid and lasting renown, from advocating the rights of man, erecting a republican constitution to guard those rights, and founding and patronizing useful institutions. They were the builders up of public works; and therefore, were never reduced to the miserable and despicable expedient of flitching a momentary eclat by pulling them down. Had such men as those, composed the last assembly of Virginia, the name of John Clarke, humble as I acknowledge it to be in every other respect, would never have been seen coupled with a charge of dishonor. Fellow-Citizens, it is for you to reflect, that what was my fate at the last session, may be the fate of any one of you at the next or some future session. Like you I am a native of Virginia, a freeholder, and entitled to all the rights of a citizen. But if the constitution is not sufficiently respected to guard my rights, why should you suppose that it will be so much respected as to guard yours? It is for you to weigh these things and to act accordingly. But it may be supposed that although the House of Delegates did not see one single title of the evidence on which they have condemned me, and although they refused to hear the evidence in my defence, yet the committee who prepared that report did hear and examine it all, and that before them, therefore, I had a fair hearing. Indeed, when it was urged in the house, that they were about to condemn me unheard; a member rose in his place and asked, "now that was possible? He asked if the committee had not been hearing me for eight weeks?"—No; they were not hearing me nor my evidence; they were very differently employed. And to enable you to judge fairly between my accusers and myself, you ought to understand how this committee originated, how it was constituted, and how they really were employed; until just at the eve of the session, when they brought their report down.
It may be known to some of you, that during the last spring and summer, and perhaps a part of the fall, there was, in the city of Richmond, a newspaper called The Virginian . The principal, apparent object of the editors, and indeed the only means on which they seemed to calculate, to keep their paper alive, was the abuse of the manufactory of arms and its officers. These men came originally from the county of Culpeper, and one of them had been raised by John Strode, now in that county, who will be hereafter noticed in the course of my defence. The chief of these editors, not the nominal one, was so perfectly known in and about the city of Richmond, and his strictures on the armory, signed with his own name, were so entirely in character, that I treated them in the mode to which, alone, he had been accustomed; silens contemp. I knew, too, the sources of information from which he drew his charges; a set of men, whom I had discarded from the manufactory, on account of drunkenness, incapacity and misconduct, and who were still sauntering and lounging about the city of Richmond, ripe for mischief of all kind. I had no apprehension that a man of common sense or common integrity could be misled by charges made by such a man and drawn from such a source: more especially as I knew, then, and still know that the management of the armory had been such, as to bid defiance to a fair and candid scrutiny. But I ought to have reflected that there were in the House of Delegates men who had worked and pushed themselves forward into the most conspicuous employments in that house, and who had been decrying the institution and hooting evil omens against it, from its first foundation; that to the enmity of these men, the charges of the Virginian would furnish food; would act upon them as a stimulus and set them to work—I ought to have reflected that between these busy members in the House, and the

it, cackled by his myrmidons, the discarded workmen, and the whole acting upon the unsuspecting minds of the new members as soon as they came to town, a combination might be formed, against which no innocence or merit could defend us. The plot took effect accordingly. The members had no sooner engaged their lodgings, than their quarters were beaten up, by the Editor & his worthy coadjutors; printed papers were pushed into their hands, setting forth accusations of the most alarming nature against the management of the manufactory of arms and backed by a kind of letter of credit from the before mentioned John Spode, to his "Dear Friend," as he calls him, and upon the Editor. Not content with besetting them in their lodgings, this man had the effrontery to take his stand in the lobby of the House; to have such members, as he selected, called out; to harangue them on the heads of his accusations; while some one of the discarded workmen, whose person and credibility were, of course, entirely unknown to the members, was ever ready at his post prepared, at the back of the accuser, to step forward and support his statements. It is not to be wondered at, that members thus besieged and acted upon, and hearing nothing in contradiction to these charges, should begin to conceive the most inauspicious prejudices. I saw the whole machinery at work and understood it perfectly; but how was it to be counteracted by a man who felt his own innocence, honesty, and I will add merit? Was it for me to descend to countervail the machinations of my enemy, by adopting his infamous arts? Was it for me to speak, like a culprit, from boarding house to boarding house, and ask for mercy, where I knew that I was entitled to gratitude? In any other situation than that to which I have been reduced, this language would, I know be indelicate; but outraged, oppressed and robbed, as I have been, of my rights, I will dare to speak out and claim what I know to be justly my own.
(To be Continued.) An introduction to a reply to the pieces under the signature "John Clarke"
As soon as I can devote sufficient time to the purpose, I shall take proper notice of the fictitious calumnies and recommendations under the signature "John Clarke;" and of this, the public plunderers, the adherents, and dupes may be well assured.
I was, indeed, in hopes, after the lengthy and laborious investigation into the operations of the armory, and the decisive conduct of the legislature, that my work was indeed really done. Mr. Clarke's power to do further mischief then ceased, and with it, my necessity—indeed, I could not but feel commiseration, for one who had not only forfeited the confidence of his country, had sacrificed the fairest opportunity of being useful, which had been ever enjoyed by an individual, but had entailed upon himself and name, as well as on his adherents, the indignation of an injured people.
John Clarke greatly deceives himself, if he supposes that the people will be satisfied, for their losses and injuries, by immolating the feelings and characters of a few men to gratify his own malignity and vengeance. If, as he admits, I have been the author of his overthrow, and when too, his power and popularity were at their zenith, when he was supported by the public treasury, the reserves and recommendations of the executive council, several ex-governors, many councillors and ex-councillors, several judges, members of Congress, and the state legislature, generals, colonels and majors, and other conspicuous men, of all descriptions and parties—what can he hope for when the popular voice against him is not only every where loud, but vindictive?
I am sure from the present state of my own feelings, that my mind could not so debase itself, as to make me the foe of John Clarke. No! I pity, and fain would I, if I could, forgive and forget him. Let him, then, rail, and rave and fret, even until his proud heart shall break, and to such extent as the printers may incline to indulge him; I shall regard him no more than I would the hissing of a toothless serpent. It is true that he will excite me to publish other facts, which may probably consign some of his adherents to that state of wretchedness with which he is compelled to affiliate.
The people will be no longer deceived by eulogiums and popular recommendations. They will hereafter expect from their representatives, accurate examinations and perspicuous reports; and the temper as well as example, of the last session will teach public servants, that there can be no permanent popularity, which is not based on public service, on honor, truth, virtue and merit, and that although, year after year, fraud and folly may be masked, and rendered impervious to slight examinations, yet, at last, "truth will out," and then, woe to those who have imposed on the honest credulity of a generous and unsuspicious people!
The attention which I have paid to the affairs of the armory, have cost me several months of my time and a considerable sum of money—it was no light affair, which would induce me to devote so much of either to objects, in which I neither had, nor hoped to have the smallest personal bene-
fit. John Clarke is entirely mistaken in supposing that I derived my information from discarded workmen; it is a fact that when my discussions commenced, I knew but 3 or 4 of the workmen, two of them were not even summoned as witnesses; the other, tho' examined, said very little to the purpose. Some of those who are called discarded workmen, are now employed by the executive to examine the armory and arsenal; this is sufficient to defeat that malignant calumny.
Though it is not a matter of much consequence, yet truth authorises me to declare, that I neither ever had interest or control over the Virginian, except as to a few of the last numbers, which were published at my own expense. My own opinions, upon many general subjects were published, without disguise, and were often commented by some of the same persons, who now endeavor to consign them to odium—I knew that they were unpopular, and that my motives were misrepresented. Let those which related to general politics and to the affairs
of Europe, be compared with the present state of things both there and here, and it will be found that tho' my views were unpopular, the events have demonstrated that they were correct.
But suppose it were possible to convict me of the most egregious folly as well as falsehood, would it exculpate John Clarke from the foul deeds with which he stands charged; would it bring back into the public treasury almost half a million of dollars which have been squandered; would it render worthless arms fit for war; would it restore life to those who have been killed by the bursting of armory muskets; or would it reinstate the authors and abettors of these mischiefs in public favor and confidence?
HENRY BANKS. March 8th, 1809.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 8. APPOINTMENTS. The following gentlemen have been appointed to the offices respectively affixed to their names; having been nominated by the President of the U. S. and approved by the Senate.
Robert Smith, of Maryland, Secretary of State. William Eustis, of Massachusetts Secretary of War. Paul Hamilton, of South Carolina, Secretary of the Navy. Thomas Sumter, jun. of South Carolina, Minister Plenipotentiary to Rio Janeiro. Henry Hall, Consul at St. Salvador in Brazil. David Holmes, of Virginia Governor of the Mississippi Territory. John Boyle, of Kentucky, Governor of the Illinois Territory. Nathaniel Pope, Secretary of the Illinois Territory.
Among the nominations, made by the President, was, we understand, that of John Quincy Adams, as Minister Plenipotentiary to St. Petersburg, on which no vote was taken in the Senate, they having resolved—Ayes 17—Nots 15—that such a mission was in their opinion unnecessary.
The Senate yesterday adjourned sine die. CHARLESTON, February 28.
Important News. By the British Brig Nelson, arrived last evening from Liverpool, the Editors of the Times have been favored with London papers to the evening of the 17th of December. Interesting extracts follow.
THIRTEENTH BULLETIN. St. Martin's, near Madrid, Dec. 2.
On the 20th ult. the head quarters of the emperor were removed to the village of Bouzas; on the 20th, at the break of day the Duke of Bailuno presented himself at the foot of the Somo Sierra; a division of 13,000 men of the Spanish army of reserve, defended the passage of the mountains. The enemy thought themselves unattackable in that position. They had entrenched the narrow passage, called Puerto, with sixteen pieces of cannon. The ninth light infantry marched upon the right; the 26th upon the causeway; and the 24th followed by the side of the heights on the left. Gen. Semamont, with 6 pieces of artillery, advanced by the causeway. The action commenced by the firing of musketry and cannon.
A charge made by Gen. Montbrun, at the head of the Polish light horse, decided the affair; it was a most brilliant one, and the regiment covered itself with glory, and proved it was worthy to form part of the Imperial guards; cannons, flags, muskets, sappers, all were taken or cut to pieces, Eight Polish light horse were killed upon the cannon, and 16 were wounded. Among the rest is capt. Danvanoski, who was severely wounded, and his horse almost without hopes of recovery. Major Segur, marshal of the emperor's household, charged among the Polish troops, and received many wounds, one of which is very severe.
Sixteen pieces of cannon, 10 flags, 20 covered chests, 200 waggons laden with all kind of baggage, and the military chest of the regiments, are the fruits of this brilliant affair. Among the prisoners, which are very numerous, are all the colonels & lieutenants at colonels of the corps of the Spanish division. All the soldiers would have been taken, if they had not thrown away their arms, and dispersed in the mountains.
On the 1st Dec. the head quarters of the emperor were at St. Augustine, and on the 2nd the duke of Istria, with the cavalry, commanded the heights of Madrid. The infantry could not arrive before the 3rd. The intelligence which we have hitherto received, leads us to think that this town is suffering under all kinds of disorders, and that the doors are barricaded. The weather is very fine.
Camp at Madrid, Dec. 4. The town of Madrid has capitulated — Our troops entered it this day at noon — [This intelligence is contained in Moniteurs of the 15th and 14th instant.]
LONDON, December 16. Admiral Sir Samuel Hood is under orders for the coast of Spain. The precise point is not known, as he is going upon a secret service. He will hoist his flag on board the Zealous, of 74 guns, his former favorite ship. The Zealous, which was on her way to the Downs to relieve the Christian VII. has returned to Portsmouth, and the latter is to remain on the Flushing station.
We have received this morning the Hampshire Correspondent to the 30th ult. — It appears that great commercial failures had occurred in Austria. These she unfortunately owes to the restricted state of her trade, through the part she is compelled by France to take. This is the price at which she purchases a nominal peace, and what Bonaparte calls entering into the Continental System. We are sorry to hear that the revolutionary Daendels has arrived safely at Batavia as Governor. The Prussian king defers from time to time his return to his capital. Alas! his entry will be no cause of joy or triumph to him, whatever marks of affection may be shewn him by some of its loyal citizens! He brings
back with him no court splendor or expensive establishments, to revive the gayety and activity of his metropolis. Potsdam, Sans Souci, and Charlottenburg, will present only to him the famed abodes of his ancestors, polluted by the recent infection of his most cruel enemies.
December 17. Capitulation of Madrid — entry of the French army into that city.
By the flag of truce, which returned last evening to Dover, with Mr. Shaw, the messenger, on board, we have received Paris papers to the 15th instant. Their contents are of great importance. The city of Madrid has capitulated, and the French troops entered on the 4th instant, at noon. This intelligence is dated from the French camp at Madrid, and is officially announced in the Moniteurs of the 13th and 14th. So far back as Thursday the 8th inst. we announced the advance of the French corps of 8000 men to Somo Sierra, a town about forty miles north of Madrid. For this information we had official intelligence. It was announced in a proclamation, addressed by the Supreme Junta to the people of Spain, and particularly those of Madrid, recommending the conduct which they ought to observe under these circumstances. This proclamation was dated from the Royal Palace of Aranjuez, on the 21st ult. and consequently we may presume that the first appearance of the enemy at Somo Sierra took place about the 18th or 19th. What became of this corps is not mentioned. — It was probably pushed rapidly forward, for the purpose of alarming the country — a manoeuvre often practiced by the French with success. If such were the case, it probably retreated as rapidly as it had advanced. That a large portion of the enemy had not advanced so far at that date, we may presume, as the defeat of the force under Castanos, upon the Ebro, did not take place until the 23rd. The details of the approach of the French to Madrid, are contained in the thirteenth bulletin, dated St. Martin, the 2d inst. It states that, on the 30th ult. the Duke of Belluno (Marshal Victor) arrived at Somo Sierra, with a corps of 13,000 men, when he found the Spaniards in a strong post, defended by 16 pieces of cannon. Here, however, as in the battle of Tudela, the French derived great advantage from their cavalry. A charge made by the Polish light horse decided the day, and the Spaniards sustained a total defeat. Bonaparte, on the following day, the 31st December, removed his head quarters to St. Augustine, and on the next to St. Martin, on which day the Duke of Istria, with his cavalry, took possession of the heights which command Madrid, and the infantry were expected to arrive on the 3d. Here the 13th bulletin ends; but as we have already stated, the Moniteurs add, that the town capitulated, and was entered by the French on the 4th. The proclamation of the supreme Junta, to which we have alluded, farther stated, that the ports of Guadarrama and Escorial, between Somo Sierra and Madrid, were strongly fortified, and would make a formidable resistance. As the 13th bulletin, however, does not notice any action subsequent to that of Somo Sierra, it is probable that the French did not advance on that line, but proceeded S. E. in a circuitous route by Buñego. Of the Spanish force at Guadarrama and Escorial, there is no notice, nor are the English a mile once mentioned.
We have also extracted from the Moniteurs, an article from Copenhagen, which states that Mr. Adair has failed in his mission to the Sublime Porte.
GLOBE OFFICE, TWO O'CLOCK. Mr. Shaw arrived in town this morning from France. The two ladies, nieces of Talleyrand, who sailed from Dover with the foreign messengers, arrived in Paris on Monday last. It was then known in that city, that the French army was at Madrid, but it caused no sensation, being considered a matter of course.
Mr. Shaw reached Paris on Tuesday and delivered his dispatches to M. Champagny, the French minister for foreign affairs, who received him with great politeness, and gave orders that every possible attention should be paid to him. He was entertained in the minister's house until Wednesday, when he left Paris with the answer to his dispatches.
An English officer arrived this morning with dispatches from Mr. Frere, our minister at Madrid, and our armies. The dispatches from our armies are dated the 7th. They were then in the high sierra — They had no heard of the arrival of the French at Madrid. I was under the contrary, that Bona part had not followed up the victory of Tudela with his usual energy. He represents the Spaniards as greatly in want of cavalry.
Price of Stocks. London, Dec. 17. Reduced 55 7/8; — Four per cents, 82; — Long Annuities 18 1/16.
The Earl of Liverpool, the father of Lord Hawkesbury, died at his house in London on the 17th December. Lord Hawkesbury being his eldest son, is now Earl of Liverpool.
A Bank Note OF ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS, taken from a black boy, who called himself James Smith, and says he found it in the street — not thinking it proper to let the boy keep it, I detained it for the proper owner, who may have it, on giving satisfactory evidence of his or their right to it and paying the expense of this advertisement.
JOHN McDONALD. Richmond, March 10th, 1809.
Virginia Argus. RICHMOND. TUESDAY, MARCH 14. 1809.
To the Editor of the Argus.
SIR, I have viewed with great surprise and regret the course taken by some republicans and professed friends of the present administration. They lavish great and indiscriminate abuse on the republican members of the late congress for the adoption of the non-intercourse bill, which is styled an act of submission to the belligerents, and degradation as it respects our own country. Persons who adopt this language act a part equally impolitic and unjust. They espouse the cause of the enemies of the government, and so far co-operate in their government, to the republican party. The leading republican members in Congress were decidedly of opinion that the embargo ought not to have been exchanged but for war. An effort was made to obtain that course, but a majority decided against it, and a strong sentiment seemed to pervade even a portion of the republicans in Congress for an unconditional repeal of the embargo, and substituting for it a permission to merchantmen to arm. This would have wrested from the deliberate wisdom of the government the question of war and peace, and have enabled interested and unprincipled individuals to have involved us with which ever nation their passions or prejudices should dictate. The failure of the embargo was owing to the intrigues of foreign nations and the wicked efforts of some of our citizens who co-operated to elude its provision. In considering the policy of Congress, we ought not then merely to consider what in the abstract would have been the best measure to adopt. We ought to decide this question; whether it was not better to adopt the non-intercourse than submit to an unconditional repeal of the embargo, with a permission to merchant vessels to arm? Great injustice is done to the majority of the republican members from Virginia, by accusing them of an abandonment of principle because after as on every effort to obtain a measure which their judgments dictated, they were constrained to adopt another, which, though not so efficient as they desired, was the means of avoiding a course really disgraceful and calamitous to the country. The non-intercourse has been erroneously stigmatised as an act of submission. By preventing the introduction of British and French vessels into our ports, and by the exclusion of their productions or manufactures and those of their dependencies, those nations will be subjected to considerable inconveniences and distress. Besides, should their hostile policy to this country continue, Congress, who will meet in May, will resort, most probably, to war; the necessity of which will then be impressed on every man who feels for the honor and interest of the nation. The enemies of the embargo will pretend to the people, that the partial repeal of it by Congress, is a proof that the measure was originally wrong. No position can be more delusive. It is owing in a great measure to the bitter and unjustifiable opposition made to that measure, to the hopes which it excited in foreign and hostile nations, to the encouragement which was given to faction and disaffection at home, that we are to trace the partial failure of its success. Let not the people then be deluded by such suggestions. Let them not permit these enemies to our virtuous administration, to derive benefit from what is in the opponents of the government really a proper subject of inuendo. The times are alarming, and it behoves every man attached to the principles of our government to come forward and support the majority in the public councils, who have adopted measures the most salutary to the country which they could obtain. The administration of Mr. Madison will consummate the policy and principles by which Mr. Jefferson has been actuated. But to enable him and the Congress to do so, it is necessary that every citizen really attached to republican principles, should cling to their government and support it against foreign intrigue and the arts of designing men, who wish to obtain power which they would only possess to abuse. Let the people then, consider as insidious, or at any rate, misguided, the policy which at a time when harmony and unanimity amongst the republicans are all important, should endeavor to diminish their confidence in men whose patriotism have stood the test of the severest trials—and who have used their best efforts to promote the public happiness. Let them not be condemned for not doing every thing, when they have accomplished all that was in their power. And above all, let us not forget that many of those who pretend to censure the measures adopted, as weak or degrading, were for the unconditional repeal of the embargo, or for its repeal with permission to arm, which would have placed the power of peace or war, and with whom, in the hands of the most profligate of our own citizens, and even of foreigners who might have assumed our flag, to prostitute it to the views of a foreign government. Measures such as these, would, indeed, have dishonored and disgraced the nation, and soon made us humble vassals fighting under the banners of England or France. No dispassionate man, then, will hesitate to say, that of the systems which were attainable in the temper manifested in Congress the best was selected. It only remains for the people to support this measure with zeal and unanimity, and should it fail of the desired effect, we must resort to the means of resistance, which providence has placed in our hands to repel injustice, and to maintain our dearest rights.
A REPUBLICAN.
The letters between Mr. Madison and Mr. Armstrong, published in this day's Argus, are taken from the Boston Centinel. — This paper has for a long time been the known medium thro' which British corruption has copiously flowed upon us. Every species of Toryism and domestic disaffection always receive the most prompt and gracious reception. But as to the manner in which these letters are brought into the light we cannot possibly conjecture. It is suggested by some of the papers, that bribery had found its way into the office of the department of State. We cannot for a moment believe that the gentlemen engaged in that office, have the best assurances to believe possess the most fair and spotless characters. And indeed in every point of view they could have no possible inducement to make this base and infamous disclosure. We trust, however, that this subject will meet with the most active investigation, and that the authors of this atrocious deed will be exposed to the burning indignation of the American people. The only criterion by which we are enabled to judge, whether they are genuine or not, is the style of their composition. From this we are inclined to believe that they are genuine, and that they have been basely purloined from the department to which they belong. The real cause why they were withheld from the public eye are too evident to require illustration. The poignant insinuations which they contain in regard to the emperor and his ministry, together with the indignant state of Mr. Armstrong's feeling at French depredations ought to have kept them in profound secrecy. The safety of our minister, if no other cause existed, demanded a confidential communication of these papers. They could have afforded no important information to the people, of which they will be convinced when they read them. Yet these are the mighty documents about which John Randolph was so extremely clamorous. He must have known, that it was perfectly unnecessary and improper to publish them, and he must have known very well that such would be the decision of congress. The opportunity however was too inviting to declaim against the executive, and to endeavor to excite distrust and suspicion among the people. For this purpose the doors of congress were frequently closed and a great deal of time most uselessly consumed.
17 We are authorised to state that Andrew Stevenson, Esq. has been solicited to offer as a candidate for the city of Richmond, and that he has consented to serve if his fellow citizens should be inclined to favor him with their suffrage.
In order to give place to the intelligence received from the Union, we are compelled to defer our remarks upon the proceedings of congress, & the course which the opponents to the administration will probably pursue, in order to prevent a Republican delegation at the next session in May.
FROM THE MONITOR. In the Boston Centinel of the 1st instant the following articles were inserted under the title of "further suppressed documents." This, to every man whose mind is not jaundiced by the bile of party, would rather seem a contradiction; for, it is very manifest that if the articles be genuine and were "suppressed," the editor of a Boston newspaper would not have been enabled to obtain them for publication; or, that, if genuine and "suppressed," and yet he did obtain them for insertion in his gazette, they must have been purloined for him by some mischievous hand directed by some foul heart, which "no honorable motives of policy or prudence, no rules of diplomatic delicacy required."
The Boston printer does not inform his readers when or from whom he procured the articles; but almost insinuates that they were clandestinely obtained from the department of state. If Mr. Russell will reflect one moment, he will perceive how very cruel it is, how very disingenuous, to subject the gentlemen of that office to so vile an imputation. I have the pleasure of a very slight acquaintance with most of the clerks in the department of state; I know them all by reputation; and I have no hesitation in saying that there is not one base enough to betray his trust, or who would even countenance or connive at a breach of oath and duty.
If, then, they are incapable of it, and such documents do really exist, whence could they have been taken but from confidential communications made by the president to congress? Were they, indeed, a confidence communicated? Were they communicated at all? Suppose them to have been made known to congress, what kind of charge is it against the executive to say he has "suppressed" them? Is it a suppression of documents to communicate them to the representatives of the people — to one hundred and seventy-six men, who are specially chosen to manage the concerns of the nation?
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. PARIS, Dec. 17, 1807.
"I forward to Mr. McElhony a copy of a second and very extraordinary decree, [Milan decree of Dec. 17] of this government with regard to neutral commerce. Whether it be meant to stimulate Great Britain to the commission of new outrages or to quicken us in repelling those she has already committed — the policy is equally unwise, and so decidedly so, that I know not a man of consideration who approves it — It is however not less true, that it is difficult to find one who will hazar an objection to it. Told, who in this way is permitted to go further than any other person, dare not avow his opinion of it, nor (bad as he thinks it) do more than state that the present moment would appear to dictate some modifications. To this point he stands engaged to go, and I wait the result with much anxiety. The emperor is expected here on the last day of the month."
Extract of a letter from Mr. Armstrong to Mr. Madison. February 8, 1808.
[To follow the Paragraph ending with the words, "pari passu with his enemy"] "Whether these insinuations have any relevance to the distinction between such parts of the French decree as operate municipally on shore, and such as operate on the high seas, violate the rights of neutrals, or to a distinction between the former restriction, and the later extension of the decree with respect to the United States, Mr. Erskine did not seem authorized to say. The probability is, that neither

of these distinctions entered into the views of the British cabinet. But it is certain, by neither less the duty nor the true policy of the emperor of the French, so to vary his decree, as to make it consistent with the rights of neutrals and the freedom of the seas, and particularly with his positive stipulations with the United States. This may be the more reasonably expected, as nothing can be more clear, as has been already observed, than the effect of the decree, as far as it can be carried into effect, would not be sensibly diminished by abolishing its operation beyond the limits of territorial sovereignty."
Extract of a letter from Mr Armstrong to Mr Madison.
February 22, 1808.
Mr Patterson offering so good a conveyance that I cannot but employ it. Nothing has occurred since the date of my public dispatches (the 17th) to give to our business an aspect more favorable than it then had; but on the other hand I have come to the knowledge of two facts, which I think sufficiently shew the decided character of the emperor's policy towards us. These are, first, that in a council of administration held a few days past, when it was proposed to modify the operation of the decrees of November 1806, and December 1807. (though the proposition was supported by the whole weight of the council) he became highly indignant, and declared that these decrees should suffer no change, and that the Americans should be compelled to take the positive character of either allies or enemies. Second, that on the 27th of January last, twelve days after Mr Champagny's written assurances, that these decrees should work no change in the property sequestered until our discussions with England were brought to a close, and seven days before he reported to me verbally these very assurances, the emperor had by a special decision confiscated two of our ships and their cargoes. (the Julius Henry and Junia) for want of a document not required by any law or usage of the commerce in which they had been engaged. This act was taken as I am informed, on a general report of sequestered cases, amounting to one hundred and sixty, and which, at present prices will yield upwards of one hundred million of francs, a sum, whose magnitude alone, renders hopeless all attempts of saving it. Danes, Portuguese and Americans will be the principal sufferers. If I am right in supposing that the emperor has definitely taken his ground, I cannot be wrong in concluding that you will immediately take yours."
Extract of a letter from Mr Armstrong to Mr Madison.
March 9, 1808.
"The conversation alluded to in the copy of the letter did not take place till the 8th instant, when the emperor declared, that if means could be found to make an exception of the November decree, that such exception should have his consent."
Extract from the same to the same.
March 15, 1808.
"I stated in my last letter the substance of a declaration made by the emperor, viz. that if means could be found to except American property from the operation of the decree of Nov. 1806, without infringing the principles of the decree, he would immediately make the exception. No time was lost in communicating this declaration to me, and I was invited to point out the means it required, and assured that they should be immediately submitted to his majesty. Little as I liked the proposition, and much as I doubted the sincerity of the declaration out of which it grew, I could not refuse any agency of mine in rescuing so much of the American property sequestered in the ports of France as should come within this new rule. I accordingly wrote the note, (a copy of which is submitted to this letter) pointing out in a few words the property to which that rule would apply. This note was put into the emperor's hand by the prince of Benevento who, though six days have now elapsed, has not yet received an answer."
From the Baltimore Federal Gazette.
From the Mercantile Coffee House Books. Arrived, French sch. L'Etoile, 16 days from Guadalupe, bound to Bourdeaux in distress, having sprung both masts in a chase. The news brought by this vessel is of the most important nature, the particulars that have reached us are, that the British were repulsed in two attacks at Martinique with the loss of 2000 men, & 74 (the Captain) which grounded in the attack. They have possession of the town of St. Pierres. Guadalupe was expected to be attacked. The two islands are blockaded by about 60 vessels of war. An express boat had arrived there from L'Orient, which she left 4th Jan. with dispatches. Bonaparte and his brother entered Madrid on the 4th Dec. The Junta had surrendered. The French were on their march to Portugal with Junot at their head. The British troops were retreating to the coast.
It was said the Spanish ports were shut against their embarkation.
From the Whig. By the arrival here yesterday of the sch. L'Etoile, from Guadalupe, we learn, that capt. R—— of the sch. Policy from Baltimore, had arrived there from L'Orient, bringing the important news, that the French flag was every where flying on the
ramparts of Spain. The news is brought down to the 4th of January. Bonaparte had entered Madrid on the 4th of December. Bilbao had been taken and the "noble English" it is supposed would be escorted to France as Bonaparte had issued a proclamation to prohibit the Spaniards from aiding their escape. The Supreme Junta had stipulated for their own salvation, by agreeing to sacrifice the English armies, whom they had consented to give up as hostages for the completion of their contract. It is therefore probable that no part of Moore's army can get on board the English shipping. English goods to a great amount had been seized and confiscated. Junot was marching to Lisbon, at the head of a great army.
The L'Etoile was chased in here by two English frigates. The English had attacked Martinique with 13,000 men; but were twice repulsed. In one battle they lost 2,000 troops. They were nevertheless in hopes of reducing the island; as they have effected a landing; and were greatly assisted by their ships which blockaded it very closely. They had lost a 74 and a brig, which were driven on shore under the French batteries. If Martinique falls, Guadalupe it is thought, will be immediately attacked.
From the Washington Federalist.
March 11.
Mr. Gibbon, the messenger from England and France, arrived at the department of State yesterday forenoon, after travelling all night. We hear he was taken from on board the Union some distance off the coast, and landed at Newcastle.
Since writing the above we have received a bandbill from Baltimore containing the news of the Union, which follows.
BALTIMORE, March 9.
Our concerns are said to have undergone no change with respect to France. England has, however, repealed her export duty on neutral productions, carried thither through the operation of her orders in council.
We learn that owing to a renewed indisposition in the king of England, a regency was contemplated, to consist of the prince of Wales, the queen, and the duke of Portland. This circumstance was not publicly known at London.
At Plymouth, whence the Union sailed, information was received from London, after the 29th Dec. that a great action was fought in Spain, in which the French were defeated with immense loss.
The greatest exertions were making according to verbal accounts from Paris for pouring in bodies of troops, to sweep the devoted country of Spain, and by terror, desolation and murder, to overawe & reduce it.
From papers brought by the Union, arrived in the Delaware.
LONDON, Dec. 28.
At length intelligence has arrived from Spain, and we rejoice to say, that it is of a favorable nature. The Oreses is arrived at Falmouth in eleven days from Coruna.
The dispatches received by government from Coruna are to the 14th December—and from sir John Moore of the 8th. It was known at Coruna, that the French were in possession of the Escurial, but it was believed in Galicia and Asturias, that they had been repulsed from Madrid with great slaughter.
Sir John Moore has pushed a corps to Zamora, and sir David Baird was on his march to join him. The united force of the British army would then be 40,000 men—The marquis de Romana's army at Leon, exceed 20,000, and is daily increasing. The Spaniards, so far from being distressed, are full of spirits, and as determined as ever to persevere in their just and glorious cause.
The dispatches from sir John Moore stated that the latest intelligence he had received was that Madrid held out.—What the date of that intelligence is, we have not heard.
Sir David Baird, he adds, was advancing towards a junction with him. We know not how to reconcile the above intelligence with the statement in the last Paris papers received of the 14th inst.
Sir John Moore's account that the city still held out, would shew that the French were besieging it—Yet according to the French papers it made no resistance—and capitulated as the enemy appeared before it. Salamanca is not more than 100 miles from Madrid and later intelligence than the 4th might have reached Salamanca on the 8th.
The account does not mention that Madrid was in a state of siege—but that the enemy had been repulsed from it, and had marched to the Escurial, in order to place themselves between Madrid and our army, which might be advancing by that road to the assistance of the capitol.
PRETENDED TRIBUTE REPEALED. ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
The Gazette of last night contains the following order of council relative to two acts connected with the orders of November, 1807.
"His majesty, in virtue of the powers reserved to him by two certain acts, passed in the 48th year of his majesty's reign, the one entitled "an act for granting to his majesty until the end of the next session of parliament, duties of customs on the goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated,
in furtherance of the provisions of certain orders in council;" and the other entitled "an act for granting to his majesty, until the end of the next session of parliament, certain duties on the exportation from Ireland, of goods, wares and merchandise therein enumerated;" is pleased, by and with the advice of the privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that until further order shall be made herein, the operation of the aforesaid acts be suspended as to any duties on exportation granted by the said act, so far as relates to articles being the growth, produce or manufacture of any country for the time being, in amity with his majesty, and from the ports of which the British flag is not excluded, which articles have been or shall be imported direct from such country into any port or place of the United kingdom, either in British ship or ships of the country of which such articles are the growth, produce or manufacture."
"And his majesty is further pleased, with the advice aforesaid, to order, and is hereby ordered, that the operation of the aforesaid act be in like manner suspended as to any duties on the exportation of goods, wares, or merchandise, which have been or may be condemned as prize."
From the Aurora.
THE CASE OF OLMSTEAD.
It seems as if infatuation and folly had become epidemic at Boston, and had spread to congress, and communicated its infection to Lancaster.
The following message, it is said, has been communicated to the state legislature. The governor, no doubt, is sworn to obey and support the laws of this commonwealth, and there is a law on this special subject, which authorizes the executive to call out the militia and protect the parties.
But then there is this infelicity in the case, that the laws of the United States are also part of the laws of this commonwealth; and the decisions of the supreme court of the U. States are, and must be a paramount authority to any such law.
The law of this commonwealth is in reality an ex post facto law, produced by intrigue to cover injustice, and to violate the first principles of human rights in human society.
It is further aggravated by the facts, that the money, which is the hard earned and sole property of Gideon Olmstead, is now in the state treasury of Pennsylvania; and that the state has neither in law nor in equity, any lien, nor is there any presence of claim on the part of the state, to the money of this injured man.
Gideon Olmstead, commanded an American armed vessel during the revolution, he was captured and carried into Jamaica, and brutally incarcerated in a dungeon for several months; with one or two others he was put on board a vessel to be sent to N. York, and on the passage, by an enterprize, the spirit, intrepidity, humanity and effect of which ought to have obtained for him a statue, and in Greece or Rome he would have obtained one; he, with two other persons and a boy, seized the vessel, with twelve or fourteen men on board, & brought her into the Delaware. The vessel was condemned, and the property has been hung up now 30 years in law suits; the man has grown into years and into want; he has had decisions of the old Congress and of the state courts, and ultimately of the supreme court in his favor, and now rather than render this veteran of the revolution justice, or pay the man his money which is his own—the militaris to be called forth! Lamentable indeed is the state of morals and justice in society, when such transactions as have been exhibited in Massachusetts, in Connecticut, and now in the case of Olmstead, can occur.
From the Democratic Press. MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNOR. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN, I have received information that the Supreme Court of the U. States hath ordered a peremptory mandamus to be issued in the suit of Gideon Olmstead and others, versus Elizabeth Sergeant and Esther Waters, Executrixes of the late Mr. Rittenhouse, and that immediate application will be made to Richard Peters, Judge of the District court of Pennsylvania, for an execution against the persons and effects of Mrs. Sergeant & Mr. Waters, or that rather as it is an admiralty proceeding, an attachment against their persons will be the compulsory process adopted on the occasion.
By the act of the 2d of April, 1803, Mrs. Sergeant and Mrs. Waters are directed to pay a sum of money arising out of the sale of the British sloop Active, captured during the late revolutionary war into the state treasury;
with the requisition of that law, the said executrixes have complied, it now becomes my duty, agreeably to the provisions of that act, to protect the property and persons of the said executrixes, against the said process. Painful as this duty is, I am compelled, and am now making arrangements to call out a portion of the militia for that service; that being the only means in the power of the executive. As the execution of this law may produce serious difficulties, as it respects the relation between the state government and that of the United States, I have thought proper to make this communication, on which the legislature can act as in their wisdom they shall think expedient.
SIMON SNYDER.
To the hon. James Engle, Esq. Speaker of the House of Representatives. Lancaster, February 27, 1809.
The preceding message from the governor is founded on a law of 1803, compelling this step to be taken, and leaving no alternative. In the first instance, therefore, the gov. could do nothing but what he has done. What the legislature will ultimately do, is another question, upon whose ultimate determination we have no doubt the modern anti-federalists will be completely disappointed in their hopes and expectations. We have no hesitation in saying that Pennsylvania, however jealous of her rights, will not be found in the present crisis ranked among the disorganizing states.
That our readers may form some notion of the general question now submitted to the legislature, we shall present the following brief statement of facts.
During the revolutionary war, the British sloop Active being captured by Gideon Olmstead and others, a part of the proceeds of the prize were claimed (under existing regulations) by the state of Pennsylvania. This right was contested by the captors, & several discussions were had upon the subject, on some of which the right of Pennsylvania was acknowledged, and in others negatived. Some time in 1802, the decree of the court of appeals underwent a revision in the district court, where Judge Peters presided, and the decree was in favor of the captors.
The suit was brought against the representatives of the late David Rittenhouse, to whom the money claimed by the states was paid, as treasurer of the state; and he considering himself as a mere stake-holder, gave bond, as treasurer of the state, to refund the money, if the final judgment of the law should be in favor of the captors.
By an amendment to the constitution of the U. States, the federal courts have no jurisdiction where a state is defendant. In the present case, the real defendant was the state of Pennsylvania, for if her officer was sued in his public capacity (and he was amenable in no other under his bond) the state was in fact sued. Rittenhouse did not claim the money: it was claimed by the captors on the one hand and by the state of Pennsylvania on the other. Mr. McKean, the then attorney general therefore properly declined appearing either by defence, suggestion or otherwise in a court which could have no jurisdiction in the cause. The proceedings of judge Peters therefore and of judge Marshall are perfectly exparte:—They have decided without argument either on the law or the merits. Indeed why and how it has happened that chief justice Marshall has been so very anxious to enter into an exparte investigation of the merits of a case, when the merits made no part of the question before him, is a circumstance that some years ago would have been deemed very singular in a chief justice of the union. The only question before the court was, whether judge Peters's return to the mandamus of the act of the Pennsylvania legislature of 1803, was a sufficient return.
That the State of Pennsylvania was the real and only defendant in the court of judge Peters, no reasonable man can doubt at least as it appears to us. Nor can there be a doubt of the propriety of declining all investigation before a court that had no right to entertain it. Still the paltry sum of 13,000 dollars, is not a consideration sufficient to induce the state of Pennsylvania, which stands now the great bond of union in this nation, to throw her weight into the scale of revolt; and to give irresistible force and effect to British machinations. She may retain and maintain her right: there need be no relinquishment of principle, or improper admission of precedent; and yet the wishes of Tories be defeated.
DIED—On Friday evening last, after a long and painful indisposition, which he sustained with uncommon fortitude, MR. JOHN STROBL, in the 67th year of his age, and for 28 a useful and respectable inhabitant of this city. In his latest moments he appeared perfectly willing to meet his almighty maker, and departed this transitory life without a single struggle.
Powhatan Warehouse
IS now well enclosed, and a sufficient room covered in to receive one thousand hogsheads of Tobacco. The subscribers have engaged good coopers, and promise quick dispatch to those who may favor them with their custom.
FRAYSER & WHITIS. Inspectors.
March 7th, 1809.
NEW-YORK STATE LOTTERY, COMMENCES DRAWING IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK IN APRIL NEXT. THE HIGHEST PRIZES ARE: 1 prize of 30,000 Dollars. 1 prize of 20,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 10,000 Dollars. 2 prizes of 5,000 Dollars, &c. &c. &c. TICKETS & SHARES for sale at night and a half dollars each at G. & R. WAITE's, truly fortunate Offices in New York, where was sold in the last New York Lottery the three highest prizes.—Distant adventurers by including the cash, may have tickets and shares forwarded with punctuality and dispatch. During the drawing G. & R. Waite will send their weekly prize list to the printer of this paper.
Buckingham County, January Court, 1809.
Moncrieffe Hill, Adm'r of Robert Hill, dec. Plaintiff. AGAINST, Richard Hudnall & Peter Guer-rant, Defendants.
ON the motion of the plaintiff by his attorney, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the defendant Hudnall is not an inhabitant of this state, It is ordered and decreed that unless the said Hudnall shall appear here on or before March term next and answer the plaintiff's bill, the court will then proceed to take the same for confessed as to him, and decree the matter thereof accordingly, and that a copy of this order be forthwith published in some public newspaper of the city of Richmond for two months successively, and another copy be posted up at the front door of the courthouse of this county.
A Copy—Teste, R. ELDRIDGE, jr. D. C.
THE sub-critic takes this means of informing the public, that he has obtained a commission of Notary Public for the district of Abingdon, composed of the counties of Grayson, Wythe and Montgomery, in which he also notices, in a few weeks, to commence the practice of the law. Persons having business in that circuit, and choosing to confide it to him, may rely on his punctuality and assiduity in the execution. Those wishing to employ him in the duties of his profession, will please make application at the twenty-fourth inst. as he expects at that time to leave the neighborhood. Letters addressed to him at Abingdon shall be duly attended to.
PETER MAYO. Richmond, March 15th, 1809.
Sales at Auction.
WILL be sold, at public auction, on Tuesday the 28th inst. if fair, if not, the next fair day, the House and Lot opposite Doe. Mr. Clurg's, lately occupied by William DuVal—all the Household and Kitchen furniture, belonging to Alexander Stuart, esq. and six very likely negroes, among them an excellent maid servant, and a good gardener. Terms of sale—for all sums under fifty dollars cash, over fifty dollars and not exceeding two hundred, sixty days, for a sum over two hundred dollars, sixty and a hundred and twenty days credit will be given. Notes with approved indorsers, negotiable and payable in the Bank of Virginia, will be required.
THOS. TAYLOR, Auctioneer. Wanted to purchase in families, about 15 or likely neg. es. 15th March, 1809 T. T. title.
To Hire
A YOUNG NEGRO WOMAN, accustomed to do house business—enquire at the office of the Argus. March 13th, 1809. tf.
30 Dollars Reward.
RAN AWAY from Benjamin Moore's in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, about the 14th of August, 1807, a NEGRO MAN, named TOM: he is about twenty-nine or thirty years old, five feet seven or eight inches high, rather of a yellowish complexion, has a scar on his right cheek, occasioned by the tooth ache; he has rather a down countenance when spoken to; and was purchased from Edward G. Hill of Spottsylvania County, by Benj. Moore, who gave him to his son William Moore, of whom I purchased him. It is very probable he has obtained a free pass, and is at this time in Spottsylvania, where I expect his relations and acquaintances are, or lurking about Richmond. He ran away about twelve months before his last departure, and crossed the Blue Ridge, and was apprehended in Berkeley County, & put in Martinsburg Jail. He may have aimed for this course again, but I think it most probable from some circumstances that he has gone below where he was raised. Any person that will deliver the said negro to the subscriber living in Warminster, Nelson County, or Capt. Benjamin Moore, living in Buckingham County, near the Court-house, shall receive the above reward, or I will give twenty Dollars to any person who will apprehend and secure him in any jail, and give me such information so that I get him again. All masters of vessels are forewarned from carrying him out of the state at their peril.
Robert Moore. Nelson County, January 12th, 1809. wtf
For Sale at this Office, A FEW DOORS BELOW THE BELL TAVERN, [PRICE TWO DOLLARS.]
A SYSTEM OF Military Tactics, CONTAINING THE PRINCIPLES OF Discipline & Movements, CHIEFLY ADAPTED TO INFANTRY; WITH THE RULES AND REGULATIONS, DESIGNED FOR THE FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES, TO WHICH IS ADDED THE VARIOUS FORMS OF REPORTS.
ILLUSTRATED BY 16 COPPER-PLATES, SHOWING UPWARDS OF ONE HUNDRED MOVEMENTS.
By DAN. L. FISH R.
Fifa & Casa Execution, For sale at this office.

One Thousand Pounds WANTED,
FOR the interest of which, a plantation of 500 acres of valuable land will be given, until the money is refunded. Nearly 100 acres are rich low grounds, now in cultivation, lying on navigable water, the improvements new and very good, in a healthy and desirable country. Enquire of the Printer.
September 8, 1809.
IN COUNCIL,
January 20, 1809.
PROPOSALS will be received by the Executive for manufacturing three hundred and ninety Rifles during the present year, being the number directed by law to be provided annually, including the deficiency of last year. Extract from the minutes.
DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Council.
ANY person having in their possession, any Book or Books belonging to the late Pleasant Younghusband, dec. will be very obliging if they will return them or give information to the editor of this paper or the subscriber.
SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. 2d Month 3d, 1809.
TO Mr. Joseph Reynolds, who resides out of the commonwealth of Virginia.
Take notice, that we shall on the second day of the circuit court to be held for Henrico county, at the capitol in the city of Richmond, which will commence the 2d Monday in April next, move said court for a commission to take the deposition of Isaac Davis, who resides in the state of Tennessee. Your ob't. Serv't.
Robert Davis. Waddy Turner.
March 9th, 1809.
Penitentiary Store.
SHOES at the Manufacture of the Penitentiary have been lately REDUCED, considering below their former prices.
D. J. BURR, Agent. 10th May, 1808.
MATTRESSES OF ALL SIZES AND KINDS,
MADE and repaired, agreeably to order, in the large wooden house opposite the Old City Tavern, two squares below the market bridge, Richmond.
J. S. Pleasants. May 31, 1808.
To Rent,
TWO TENEMENTS,
One formerly occupied by Mrs. M'Lane, with a good garden, smoke house and stable—possession may be had the 7th March. The other is a small house with a garden—possession may be had immediately.—Both houses are on Shockoe hill.
THOMAS ELLIOTT. February 16, 1809.
A Young Man
WHO can come well recommended for industry, honesty, and sobriety, that understands the management of Negroes, may hear of employment on application at this office. (tf)
14,870 Acres of Land FOR SALE, ON SENECA CREEK, IN THE COUNTY OF PENDLETON. BY virtue of a deed in trust executed by Robert Barkley to Richard Gaines to secure the payment of the sum therein mentioned, I shall, on the seventeenth day of March next, before the door of the Eagle Tavern, in the city of Richmond, sell to the highest bidder, for cash, the aforesaid land, being in one entire tract. An unquestionable title will be made to the purchaser.
HARRY GAINES, Trustee. January 22d, 1809.
Clover Seed.
THE subscriber is in daily expectation of a large quantity of Fresh Clover Seed, which will be disposed of at the lowest market price. Application to be made near the Bason, or at the store of Thomas White. JOHN J. JOHNSON, Flour Inspector. Richmond, Feb. 23d, 1809.
NOTICE.
By virtue of the last will and testament of Pleasant Younghusband, dec. WILL BE SOLD, To the highest bidder, on Tuesday the 13th of June next, at the courthouse of Botetourt county, being court day,
One Tract of Land,
Containing 254 acres, more or less, it being the same tract of land devised to Pleasant Younghusband by Thomas M'George and Judith his wife, as by indenture bearing date the 2d day of July, 1800, on the following terms, to wit: one third cash, one third in twelve months, and the remaining third in two years. Bonds with security, to carry interest from the date if not paid in three months after they become due, and a deed of trust on the land to secure the two last payments, will be required.
ELIZA T. YOUNGHUSBAND, Administratrix. SAMUEL P. PARSONS, Adm'r. With the will annexed. 2d mo. 17th, 1809.
THE IMPORTED HORSE PAUL,
Formerly St. Paul, is a beautiful sorrel, 15 hands 3 inches high, remarkable for his elegance, beauty, strength and fine bone. WILL STAND the ensuing season at my plantation, in Powhatan county, on James river, 3 miles above the Manakin Town ferry, and about the same distance below Judc's ferry, to cover mares at twenty-five dollars the season, but may be discharged by the payment of fifteen dollars, or the price of eighteen bushels of wheat at Dover mill in Goochland county, if paid by the first day of December next, with half a dollar to the groom. As good and extensive pasture as any in Virginia, gratis, and mares fed with corn at the market price, if the money is sent with them, and the greatest attention paid to the mares, but no liability for escapes or other accidents. The season will commence the first day of March, and end the first day of August. This beautiful horse Paul, was raised by the Prince of Wales, and got by his horse Saltram, who was got by O'Kelly's Eclipse, his dam Virago, by Snap; Paul's dam Purity, was got by Matchem; her dam the Old Squire mare, of as great fame as any mare in the kingdom. Paul's colts are equal to any in Virginia, and he is a sure footed getter. Several of his colts may be seen at his stand.
Who's Harris, Jr. Millwood. Powhatan county, Feb. 28 1809. ep2mwt1jn
IN COUNCIL, Feb. 21, 1809.
THE Lieutenant Governor laid before the board a letter from Samuel Coleman, assistant clerk to the council, stating that the requisition of the advice of council of the 1st of January, 1808, and of the 19th of February of the same year, have not been sufficiently attended to and have failed to produce the contemplated effects and proposing that the subject of the said advice be reconsidered, and that the result of such reconsideration be published in the Virginia Argus for the information of all concerned. Whereupon, it is advised, that extracts of the said advice, to wit:
"In Council, January 1, 1808. That no commission shall be hereafter issued for the organization of any troop of cavalry or infantry or men of the respective battalions of the several regiments until a muster roll of such troop or company, as the case may be, shall be certified by the commanding officer of the regiment or of the battalion to which such troop or company may be attached or belonging." And, "In Council, February 19, 1808. That no commission shall be hereafter issued to fill any vacancy in any troop of cavalry or in any volunteer company whatsoever, until a certified roll of the said troop or company shall have been received from the commandant of the regiment to which the same may be attached, or of which it may form a part, showing that the said troop or company contains, at the time when it is proposed to fill such vacancy, at least the smallest number which by law it is directed to contain," be published in the Virginia Argus for two months.
It is further advised, That to enable the Executive completely to carry into effect the fourth section of the act, "respecting the militia of this commonwealth," passed the 20th of January, 1807, the Lieutenant Governor be requested to direct the Adjutant General to change the form of the regimental and brigade returns, as that the strength and equipments of any troop of cavalry or company of artillery, light infantry, grenadiers or riflemen attached to, or forming a part of, any regiment of the militia of this commonwealth, appear in such regimental and brigade returns; and that the commandants of such troops and companies be required to make duplicates of the returns required of them by law, to the commandants of the regiments to which they are respectively attached or belonging, as the case may be.
Extract from the Minutes, DANL. L. HYLTON, Clerk of the Executive
For sale or Rent,
AN eligible situation for a Tavern and Store, situated 17 miles above Manchester on the Buckingham road—known by the name of Hall's Borough: the survey contains 114 acres, with a good dwelling house, store house and out houses. For terms apply to Jacob Fackler. Richmond, 12 Jan. 1809.
WANTED TO PURCHASE,
10 or 15 Young Negroes.
Enquire of the Printer. November 30, 1808.
TO BE RENTED,
A LARGE AND COMMODIOUS TENEMENT,
On Shockoe Hill, adjoining the house at present occupied by Mr. Thomas Wilson. For terms apply to Wm. Munford. Richmond, Feb. 22, 1809.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that I forewarn any persons or persons from trespassing on the shore from the upper lock gates belonging to the Columbian Mills, and from thence below, to where the water from the basin comes into the river. Any person offending herein will be dealt with according to law. SAMUEL LEECH, Acting for John Granbery. Columbian Mills, Jan. 27, 1809.
EARLY FRAME AND MARROWFEAT
PEAS,
Of the last year's growth, for sale at this office. March 1, 1809.
The Virginian
WHICH I have heretofore Edited, will shortly be viewed.—The principles which governed me formerly are those by which I shall be in future regulated. PUBLIC OFFICERS will as heretofore remain subject to exposure, if their deeds be EVIL. The paper to be issued weekly at Three Dollars per annum, to be paid in advance. Gerard Banks. Richmond, March 4th, 1809.
Bills of Lading
For Sale at this Office. Richmond, 17th Jan. 1809.
The high bred imported Horse, Sir Peter Teazle
The property of Col. John Tayloe of Mount Airy, and the subscribers, WILL STAND the ensuing season at our stable, in Albemarle county, ten miles above Charlottesville, and will cover mares on the following terms—ten dollars the season, to be paid in hand, twenty dollars the season, payable the first of November next, thirty dollars to ensure a mare with foal, and in either case, one dollar with each mare to the groom. The following articles of produce will be received in payment; tobacco, inspected at Warminster, Warren, Milton or any other inspection below on James river, at 5 dols. per C—flour, delivered at Milton or Warren at 5 dols. per bbl—whiskey, delivered at our house or in Charlottesville, at 50 cents per gallon, provided those articles are delivered by the first of November; or approved notes of hand (to be assigned) on any person living in any adjacent county to the amount of 20 dols. to be taken for the season, if offered before the expiration of the season. A deduction of 20 per cent. will be made for cash, if sent with the mares. The season will commence the first of March and expire the first of August. We are provided to furnish [gratis] extensive and excellent pasture, consisting of red and white clover, blue grass, &c well enclosed in separate fields, besides lots for mares and colts, or mares sent before they have foaled. Grain will be furnished at 25 6d per bushel, for which the money must be sent, and servants boarded at 9s per week. We assure gentlemen that the greatest attention will be paid to mares in every particular, left in our care, but cannot be liable for any accidents or escapes which may happen. Sir Peter Teazle is a brown bay horse, now in high health and vigor, full sixteen hands high, of the most favorite blood, for action in all his gaits, substance, bone, constitution, shape, gentleness and color, no horse can excel him. He never started, paid or received forfeit, being never in training. We only think it necessary further to observe for the information of those gentlemen who may not have an opportunity of seeing this fine horse, but have seen Knowsley, that there is a very striking likeness in their form and general appearance, Sir Peter Teazle surpassing him in the eye, ear and sprightly carriage. The well known superiority and high estimation of his stock, both in England and this country, will, it is presumed, entitle him to a liberal share of the public patronage. It will be seen from his pedigree annexed, that in him is united from his famous sire and dam, the most approved crosses in England. In short, we believe that this horse is as well calculated to produce as valuable a stock for any service whatever, as any other horse that has yet stood in this country. His superior size, elegance and blood, justify the assertion. He covered last season in Frederick county, and proved himself a remarkable sure footed getter, as we have certificates in our hands to establish.
William Woods. Geo. M. Woods. Albemarle, Feb. 20, 1809. oaf8t
PEDIGREE.
Sir Peter Teazle was got by lord Darby's Old Sir Peter Teazle, unquestionably the best stallion in England, his dam Lucy, by Conduitor, S. B. pa. 178, his granddam by Spector, his great granddam by Blank, his g g granddam by Dehonshire or Flying Childers, acknowledged to be the fleest horse ever trained, his g g g granddam by True Blue, his g g g g granddam by Cyprus Arabian, out of the Duke of Rutland's Bonny Black. Sir Peter Teazle, his sire, was got by Highflyer, his dam Rapiator, by Snap, English S. B. pa. 227. Highflyer, his granddam, was got by Herod, his dam Rachel, see S. B. 261. Conduitor was got by Matchem, out of a Snap mare, S. B. pa. 291. Spector was got by Crab, out of a Partner mare, S. B. pa. 242. Matchem was got by Cade, Cade by the Godolphin Arabian.
Mr. John Warren
Administrator of John Fuqua, deceased. AS you are not an inhabitant of this commonwealth, I take this method of informing you that a Chancery court house, on Monday the 24 day of April next, being Charlottesville court day, between the hours of nine in the morning and sunset of that day, I shall take the affidavit of Joseph Scott, a witness in support of a bill of Injunction which I have filed in support of you in the Superior court of Chancery for the Richmond District, when and where you may attend if you think proper. I am yours, &c. WILLIAM PRICE, Executor of William Price, dec'd. Amelia County, February 9, 1809 (w4)
WILL BE SOLD,
By virtue of a decree of the high court of chancery for the Richmond district, on the premises, to the highest bidder, on Friday the 24th of March next, and if not sold on that day from badness of the weather, the next day, that well known STAND in Goochland county on the three chert road, called
Payne's Old Ordinary,
In order to satisfy John Michie the sum of £437 17, with interest on £256 5 at 5 per cent per annum, from the 9th day of December, 1807, till paid, and costs of suit, also any costs and expenses that may attend the sale and further order and decree of said court. This sale will fall under the operation of the late execution law, and will be made by the commissioners appointed under said decree, to wit. C. Anthony. T. Drake. B. Bradshaw. S. Rutherford. M. Levy, Jun. John N. Heder. Or any three of them. February 16, 1809. w3t
LANDING
From the Schooner Richmond, Isaac Seaman Master. 50 Boxes Raisins, 10 Bales Soft Shelled Almonds, 3 Casks Green Coffee, 19 Barrels Prime Pork, and 1 Pipe London Particular Madeira Wine. IN STORE, 17 Pnds. Brown Sugar, 25 Do. Molasses, 5 Tiesces Green Coffee, 75 Boxes Havana Segars, 3 Bales Welch Pianis, Family Flour in Barrels and Half Barrels, Young Hyson, Hyson skin, and Sonchong. 10 Boxes Mould Candles FOR SALE BY Geo. Watt. Richmond, 17th Jan. 1809.
The noted & much admired English Horse, KNOWSLEY,
The handsomest, and one of the best sons of Sir Peter Teazle, now unquestionably the best stallion in England—imported in 1801 by William Lighthorse, Esq and now the property of Messrs. Woods of Albemarle.
WILL STAND the ensuing season at our stable in the upper end of Charlottes county, within half a mile of the main road leading from Prince Edward and Charlotte courthouses to Campbell courthouse and the Western country, 17 miles above Charlotte courthouse and 18 below Campbell courthouse, 15 miles north from Coles and Booker's ferries and 25 miles south of Bent Creek, to cover mares at Twenty Five Dollars the season, which may be discharged by the payment of twenty dollars, if paid by the first day of October next. Mares will be ensured to be in foal for thirty-five dollars—one dollar to the groom will be required with each mare, at the time of service. The season will commence on the first of March and expire the first of August. Richmond inspected tobacco will be taken in payment at 5 dollars per C and Petersburg and Lynchburg tobacco at 4 1/2 dollars per C delivered on or before the first of Oct. When any gentleman will become paymaster for three or more mares, a deduction of 15 per cent. will be made for cash, if sent with the mares. Notes of hand will be expected in every instance where the money is not sent. It is owing to the peculiar circumstances of the times that the proprietors are induced to cover this extraordinary horse on the above reduced terms. This is the last season Knowsley will stand in this part of the country—gentlemen ought therefore to avail themselves of the present opportunity in procuring his valuable stock; being now generally, and we think, justly esteemed the first horse in the state. Any mares that were put to Knowsley last season, and did not prove with foal, shall be ensured this year for the season money. Excellent and extensive pasture will be furnished gratis. Servants will be boarded at 9s per week, and mares fed with grain as desired, at the lowest market price. The utmost attention will be paid to mares in every particular, and all possible precaution taken to prevent accidents or escapes, but will not be liable for any which may happen. Those gentlemen who may find it most convenient to send their mares to the care of William Gaines, will be regularly sent to the horse and furnished with excellent pasture, and grain if required, and the greatest attention paid to them in every instance. Knowsley's pedigree and performances have so often been published that it is deemed unnecessary to insert them at full length. Suffice it to say no horse ever imported into Virginia has ever produced so many colts from the number tried as Knowsley. The following is a statement of the performances of Knowsley's colts in 1806, 1807 and 1808. In 1806 nine of his colts started, 7 of which proved successful in winning eleven prizes. In 1807 we have only heard from five, two of which were winners, the other three run with great credit, and were always second best, beating several fine horses. In 1808 we have heard of but four of his colts starting, all of which proved successful. It is probable several others have been winners, yet unknown to us.
Martin Hancock. William Gaines. Charlotte county, Feb 2, 1809. caf tHM
Negroes for Sale.
I SHALL sell, at Public Auction, upon a credit of one and two years, at Bedford courthouse, the 20th March next,
40 Likely Negroes,
Consisting of men women, and children; bond with unexceptionable security, will be required on the day of sale. JAS. C. ANTHONY. Richmond, February 6th, 1809 wtds
NICHOLAS HALLAM,
(NEAR THE SWAN TAVERN,) Is in hourly expectation of a further supply of the Best Philadelphia Leather, Which will be continued, and for sale, on equal good terms as heretofore.
Wax and fair Calf Skins First quality Cossack boot legs do. do. Long, three quarter and half, draft, calf skin and Cordovan, do. Calf and Cordovan roundings and binding skins Bridle and seat leather, &c. &c Boots and Shoes. Nails of all kinds. A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF WELL CHOSEN GROCERIES. Boots and Shoes made to measures at short notice, and rips mended gratis. A few thousand wt. of Hams and Middling
BACON.
The above articles may be had low for cash, produce, or approved paper at short credit.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
And may be had at Jacob Johnson's bookstore, adjoining the Market Bridge, PART 3, OF VOL. 1, OF
HENING AND MUNFORD'S
REPORTS,
CONTAINING The Decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, at the October Term, 1807, and completing the first volume. At the same place may be had the said volume (of 656 pages) elegantly bound, in calf.
Price to subscribers $5—to non-subscribers $6.
The size of the volume having far exceeded the limits at first contemplated, (which were 500 pages only) the authors have been induced to furnish it to subscribers at the above price, which is considerably less, in proportion, than that mentioned in the prospectus.
Gentlemen who take these Reports in numbers, will be permitted to return them at any time within six months, and receive a volume, for which numbers they will be allowed the original cost in part payment for the volume. Richmond, Oct. 29, 1808. wtf
Fifa & Casa Executions,
For sale at this office.
The celebrated, high and thorough bred imported horse, Sir Harry,
The handsomest and one of the best sons of Sir Peter Teazle, (and unquestionably the best stallion in England, and although 25 years old, still continues there to cover by subscription only,) will stand this season, at my stable in Brunswick county—and as the times are hard, he will cover at the low price of ten pounds the season, which may be discharged on or before Christmas day, with Petersburg crop tobacco at 20 shillings per hundred, provided such determination is made known to me by letter during the season, which will commence this day, and end on the 15th July.
Pasturage (400 acres) as good, and under a good fence, as any in Virginia, with separate lots for mares and colts, and board for all service gratis—My usual great attention shall be paid to mares and foals, but I will not be answerable for escapes, or any kind of accidents. Mares, cash sent with them, or by insurance at fifteen dollars dollars, (which must certainly be paid if the property in the mare is changed)—I recommend before foaling, as safe lots are provided for the accommodation of such.
SIR HARRY's pedigree and performances on the turf, are too well known to need particular detail—Suffice it to say, that he was one of the best Racers in England; that his Stock, (some of which will be 3 years old next spring) are as promising and likely to make racers, as any in the world—his form is unexceptionable, with extraordinary great powers—He is out of Matron by Alfred, and partakes of all the favorite and best blood of England, viz:—Godolphin Arabian—Cullen Arabian—Places Arabian—Turk—Bartlets Childers—Devonshire Childers—Regulus—Mark—Machem—Old Fox—Tartar—Herod—and Highflyer—and with truth it may be said that he is equal, if not superior to any horse that ever was imported, and cost more money.
Wm: Edward Brodnax. February 15, 1809. wtf
Twenty Dollars Reward.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber living on Stinking River in Pittsylvania county, about the first of September last, a NEGRO FELT, named GEORGE, who formerly belonged to Randolph's estate. George is about 35 years old, five feet eight or nine inches high, stout made and of a black complexion, full face and bold countenance, and is noted on account of his having no toes on his right foot, as well as I can recollect, and only two or three on the other, which are remarkable small, which makes his feet smaller than common and upon examination it may be discovered that his right leg is smaller than the left—it may be also observed that he walks rather on the side of his right foot.
VACHEL CLEMENTS. Jan. 4 1809 v4t
AT a quarterly court, held for King and Queen county, on the 16th day of November 1808 Giliatt and M'Kinde, merchants of Norfolk, against William Halvard and William Fleet, defendants, in chancery Pursuant to an order made this day, in this cause, will be sold, to the highest bidder, on the premises on the 12th day March next, the TRACT OF LAND, whereon the said Halvard lately lived, on the burn-mill creek, in the lower end of the said county, containing two hundred and sixty acres, of as good quality as the land generally in the neighbourhood, and very convenient to fish, oysters and wild fowl. This land will be sold, first to satisfy the said Fleet the sum of Three hundred and twenty four pounds fourteen and four pence half pence, with interest thereon from the 5th day of June 1804, till paid, and the costs of suit, and the surplus (if any) to be applied to the discharge of the plaintiff's claim against said Halvard.
Thos: G. Smith, } Comm'r's. Wm. Robinson. Feb. 20, 1809. w2t
TAKEN up by the subscriber on his own land, a mare of a sorrel colour, about four feet ten inches high with a small star in her forehead, small snip on her nose, left hind foot with half way to the knee, docked and about six or eight years old, appraised to fifty dollars. William Mosley, L. Po whatan, Dec. 17, 1808. w3t
WE the subscribers have this day viewed an estray mare shown to us by Isaac Winston of this county, and do find the same to be a bright Bay Mare, four feet nine or ten inches high, with her two hind feet white a little above the hoof, also a snip on her nose about eight inches long, five or six years old next spring, and we do appraise the same to forty dollars, Given under our hands this 21 day of December 1808. John Sheppard, Lyddall Bowles, Benjamin Shephard senr. 3tw! Test, J. B. Whitlocke clk.
Assize of Bread
FOR the city of Richmond, from and after the 8th day of March, 1809, 'till further ordered. Superfine flour being $7 50 per barrel. The loaf of superfine flour to weigh 22 1-2 Ozs. at 4 1-2. The loaf of fine flour to weigh 26 Ozs. at 4 1-2. Double the above weights 9 pence. DAVID BULLOCK, Mayor. March 7th, 1809. (2)
TO the Freeholders & house keepers of the City of Richmond, authorised to vote for Common Councilmen: Take notice, that the election will take place on Wednesday the 5th day of April next. The poll will be opened at 10 o'clock at the following places; in Jefferson Ward at the Court House; in Madison Ward at the Eagle Tavern; in Monroe Ward at Mr Thomas White's new brick house. JOHN F. PRICE, Sergeant of the City of Richmond. March 9, 1809.
LATELY PUBLISHED,
And for sale by Samuel Pleasants, Jr. THE
VIRGINIAN ORATOR,
BEING A VARIETY OF ORIGINAL AND SELECTED POEMS, ORATIONS AND DRAMATIC SCENES;
To improve the American Youth in the ornamental and useful art of Eloquence at a Gesture. BY THOMAS E. BIRCH.